I would like to
congratulate the President on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh
session, and to thank him for the inspiring speech he
made at the opening of the general debate (see A/67/
PV.6). We are confident that the spirit exemplified in
that speech will guide him during his presidency. Let me
also take this opportunity to express my appreciation to
the outgoing President.
The reason I am here on this rostrum, making my
maiden speech to the General Assembly as Head of
Government of the new Ethiopia, is because we lost our
leader only a little more than a month ago. The passing
of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is a huge loss for
Ethiopia, and undoubtedly for Africa as well. He was a
man of prodigious intellect who was uncompromising
in his insistence that Ethiopians and Africans should
own and protect their development strategies and their
approaches to governance and democratization. The late
Ethiopian Prime Minister, and the party he led, have
facilitated the emergence of a new Ethiopia, rekindling
the hopes of Ethiopians for the future and strengthening
their confidence in their ability to overcome adversity.
Ethiopians proved their mettle, and what they are
made of, when they received the unexpected news of
the tragedy with which the nation was faced. It is an
honour and a blessing to be the leader of a people who
are generous in paying tribute to those, like Prime
Minister Meles, who served them self lessly; a people
who have the maturity and wisdom to see, and even
lucidly articulate, who has done what for the nation
and for the people of Ethiopia. That would naturally
make any human being who is given the opportunity to
lead a country ask himself what more he can do for his people — not in words but in deeds, as our late Prime
Minister often emphasized. As might be expected,
doomsday scenarios for Ethiopia’s future were bandied
about.
But the people of Ethiopia — from north to south,
from east to west, across the length and breadth of
the country — were categorical in stating in unison
how much they embrace the unity of the country,
unity that celebrates their diversity and is built on the
bedrock of their federal Constitution. Let me take this
opportunity to thank, on behalf of the Ethiopian people
and myself, all those leaders and heads of delegation
who came to Addis Ababa to be with us at our time of
grief. We cherish your friendship. I wish to reiterate my
condolences to the peoples and Governments of Ghana,
Malawi and Guinea-Bissau, who have also lost their
leaders recently.
We Ethiopians are confident that we have come
a long way. Never before in its modern history has
Ethiopia had the kind of rapid economic growth that
it has witnessed over the last decade or so. Indeed, for
the first time in its modern history, Ethiopia has begun
to see a bright light at the end of the tunnel in terms of
real prospects for economic transformation. We are, for
sure, on a hugely promising trajectory. Our Growth and
Transformation Plan, to which our late Prime Minister
was devoted, and which is now embraced by our people,
is designed to catapult our nation to a destination
thathas long eluded it but is now within reach.
We go forward with full recognition of our
responsibility, as the second most populous country
in Africa, to contribute to regional integration. We
foresee huge possibilities for bringing the countries of
the greater Horn of Africa together. We have already
gone some distance in playing a catalytic role in laying
the infrastructural basis for consolidating economic
ties with the countries of our region. The electric power
interconnections and the road and railway networks
that we have built and are in the process of building
with Djibouti, the Sudan, Kenya and South Sudan are
emblematic of our resolve to play our part in regional
integration. We are confident that Somalia and others,
without exception, will follow suit.
But our success hinges on a number of conditions
being met, none of which is amenable to our unilateral
initiative. First is the question of peace and stability
and the challenge of extremism. Here, also, we have
made much progress. Somalia is gradually coming out of the woods. We salute all those, most particularly the
contributors of troops to the African Union Mission in
Somalia, for the sacrifice they have made. The African
Union (AU) has made an enormous contribution to
laying the basis for the progress that Somalia has made.
We also acknowledge the very useful cooperation
between the AU and the United Nations, including
their two Councils responsible for security. We have to
recognize the role of partners as well. But much more
needs to be done in Somalia to ensure that the new
Government stands on its own feet. We would be naive,
however, if we believed that the enemies of peace of
Somalia and the region are completely defeated. That
is why it is so critical that the momentum is not lost
in Somalia and Somalia’s ownership of the process
of national reconciliation is strengthened. We will
continue to assist Somalia and the new President of the
country, Mr. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, and the people
of Somalia can count on that.
We are pleased that there is also major progress in
the peace process between the Sudan and South Sudan.
We are confident that the two parties will maintain the
momentum towards durable peace, which is the basis for
ensuring the viability of both. We are indeed indebted
to former President Thabo Mbeki and the African
Union High-level Implementation Panel for their
perseverance and commitment to peace between the
two sisterly countries. What has been achieved by the
two parties over the last few days, which culminated in
the signing of the much anticipated agreements on vital
matters, is a significant breakthrough, which needs to
be consolidated and used as a basis for resolving the
issues still remaining. We are confident that the two
parties appreciate how vital their joint effort for a
win-win outcome is, not only for their peoples, but also
for us all.
Peace between the Sudan and South Sudan and a
close partnership between the two, above and beyond
the benefit it has for us all, has for us Ethiopians an
additional emotional and sentimental value. That was
an issue that our late Prime Minister, even as he was
struggling for his life, was following with the same
intensity as before, and he continued to offer whatever
added value he could bring to bear on the peace
process. Let me thank both the Sudan and South Sudan
for placing their trust in us, as has been so manifest in
the deployment of the United Nations Interim Security
Force for Abyei. Indeed, we are proud of our troops in Abyei, as we are of all our people serving under the
United Nations f lag, including those in Darfur.
Before I move on to the second challenge we face, I
wish to say a few words on broader issues that help put
in perspective the challenge our region faces in securing
sustainable peace and stability. The major war we have
to win is undoubtedly the war on poverty. The most
difficult challenge we face here in developing the most
effective means to wage that war is that of ensuring that
the rule of law is observed, both in inter-State relations
and in the domestic sphere. At its most fundamental
level, the struggle against extremism is one aspect of
the struggle to ensure that the rule of law is respected
and the principles of tolerance are adhered to. Wherever
an act of intolerance or a violation of laws occurs,
sometimes in an egregious manner, as in Benghazi, it
needs to be condemned.
The second challenge we face in sustaining our
development agenda relates to a host of issues impinging
on our capacity to ensure sustainable development.
Let us be frank and admit that there is a huge deficit
in international cooperation for the development of
both low-income and least developed countries. At
the end of the day, regardless of other impediments to
development, the major bottleneck for countries such
as Ethiopia for ensuring sustainable development and
successfully achieving the Millennium Development
Goals is related to shortfalls in development finance.
We said as much in the Paris Declaration on Aid
Effectiveness and the Accra Agenda for Action,
and, recently, in the Busan Partnership for Effective
Development Cooperation, but the results have been
few and far between. In our view, the current global
economic situation should never be allowed to detract
attention from the critical need for development finance
of low-income countries.
The challenge in this area is compounded and
made even worse by climate change, which is a global
challenge calling for responsible and wise leadership
at the international level. The response should rely
on full commitment to the principle of common but
differentiated responsibilities. However boring it may
be, something that is universally acknowledged bears
repeating. Countries such as Ethiopia which did not
contribute to climate change are nonetheless those most
affected by it. But, still, we recognize our obligation.
That is why Ethiopia has already opted for a green
growth path, and our current five-year Growth and
Transformation Plan is based on developing a green economy, the strategy for which has already been
issued and is being implemented. We seek effective
cooperation in this endeavour.
We had hoped that the United Nations Conference
on Sustainable Development would achieve more than
it did. Nevertheless, we look forward to meaningful
and effective work by the working group on sustainable
development, to which we are ready to contribute as best
we can. We are also hopeful that the intergovernmental
process under the auspices of the General Assembly
in connection with financing for development will not
turn into a filibustering exercise without any impact on
this issue, which is so critical for the development of
low-income countries.
As I conclude, I wish to express my agreement
with previous speakers that the twenty-first century
is indeed an African century. As mentioned by my
brother, the President of Ghana, out of the 10 fastest
growing economies in the world last year, six were
African countries. I should also mention that Ethiopia
was among the six. Africa is indeed changing, and
changing for the better. There is no greater human
rights violation than attempts to put obstacles in the
way of the success of the ongoing transformations of
Africa, which will have enormous salutary implications
for hundreds of millions of Africans.
Africa is no longer the marginalized continent
of the 1980s or even of the period a little later than
that. Ethiopia will continue to play its part to ensure
the success of the transformation and the success
of multilateralism under the auspices of the United
Nations.


The advance of democracy has taken place in
successive waves since the United Nations was created.
That advance has experienced a new acceleration,
which we all can all welcome. Without underestimating
the difficulties and problems encountered elsewhere, I am thinking especially of the positive developments in
Myanmar and Somalia and of the young democracies
throughout the world, such as Timor-Leste.
But it is, of course, the transformations under way
in the Arab world that are foremost in my mind today.

When these historic changes swept through the
Arab world, they stirred a mixture of deep emotions
in those watching, both within the region and beyond.
There was fear of bloodshed, regional instability and
of a rise of extremism, and uncertainty about what
was yet to come. But, overwhelmingly, the world
looked on with solidarity, understanding and hope.
We in Europe — geographically so close and with our
societies so deeply involved with those in the countries
experiencing these upheavals — were also acutely
aware that the changes and the risks and opportunities
that lay ahead would directly affect us as neighbours.
Of course, expectations were high. It was tempting
to read the events in Tunis or Cairo as the opening pages
of a fairy tale. But this is the book of history. It contains
dark pages too, some of them tragically being written
at this very moment. We are bound by a simple truth:
achieving lasting change takes time. New democratic
institutions do not run smoothly as if by magic. Turning
economies around and creating jobs for millions of
young men and women are not things that happen at the
wave of a wand. Deep tensions do not suddenly dissolve
once a dictator has gone.
The long path of transition lies ahead. There will
undoubtedly be disappointments along the way. There
will be wrong turns, hurdles and setbacks. But I firmly
believe that despite the difficulties, the momentum is
heading in the right direction and there is no going
back. Whatever the future brings, the Arab Spring will
remain a turning point. The movement is irreversible.
Once the voices of the people have been set free — an
unforgettable experience for all those who had never
been heard before — those voices cannot be silenced.
It is the responsibility of each country to chart its
own course and to do justice to the aspirations of its
people. The European Union is committed to staying by
their side every step along the way. We are in it for the
long run. I want to reaffirm that we still believe in the
message of the Arab Spring.
Europeans are well placed to recognize that
political change is not painless and does not happen overnight. We know about long transitions. When
European integration first started, within my lifetime,
a majority of the countries that are now members
were not yet democracies. For us, a transition of such
magnitude should not be judged by its speed but by its
direction and by progress achieved through countless
steps forward.
The starting point is free and fair elections. We
therefore commend the achievements of Tunisia, Libya,
Egypt and other countries in successfully organizing
democratic elections, in which many citizens voted
freely for the very first time in their lives — elections
for which we were happy to lend expertise to national
and local authorities.
In order to ultimately bring jobs, social justice and
freedom of expression to all, this gigantic democratic
process will have to overcome, every single day,
the obstacles of corruption, red tape and economic
privileges and maintain the political determination to
ensure inclusiveness. It is an important effort, to which
many parties are contributing. For our part, across the
region we offer advice to entrepreneurs and officials,
help train judges and police and support journalists and
civil society groups.
In our experience, societies are stronger when
women are fully able to take part in the political and
economic lives of their countries, when their voices
are heard and their choices respected. There may be
temptations, once power is gained, to refuse to grant to
some the rights that until recently were withheld from
all. But a democracy can flourish only when it gives all
its people — whatever their gender, religion, language
or ethnic identity — an equal say and equal rights,
guaranteed in law and in practice.
Finally, neighbours can achieve more when they
work together. That is why we share experience from
our own European union on issues such as connecting
energy networks and removing regional obstacles to
trade.
Bringing together and reconciling former enemies
in a common desire for peace, democracy and
prosperity has been one of the European Union’s great
achievements. Respect, tolerance and non-violence
are the core values, without which living together
harmoniously is not possible. These are fragile values;
sustaining them requires constant attention, especially
in a global digital world in which messages of all kinds
can spread faster than ever and can easily be exploited. Tolerance is the ability to withstand criticism, to
offer dialogue, to refrain from violence. As such, it
shows self-confidence. At the same time, respect for
the faith and beliefs of others is a key value for living
together. Tolerance and respect acquire their full
meaning in an open society that protects freedom of
expression. Each and every one of us in this Hall has a
responsibility to defend and promote tolerance in and
between our countries, as well as respect. Violence
and killing, such as that of United States Ambassador
Christopher Stevens, can never be justified, regardless
of their motivations.
Today I join the voice of Europe to those who
have spoken to deplore the civil war raging in Syria.
Confronted with the massacre of tens of thousands of
people, the world has united in horror and condemnation,
but — we must be frank — we have not yet been able to
stop the brutal violence. Of course Europe and others
provide humanitarian support to refugees. Of course
we support individuals who risk their lives collecting
evidence of the massacres. Of course our diplomats
in Damascus do their utmost to support the United
Nations efforts for a peaceful solution. But we will
remain powerless unless the international community
unites in a common determination to end this senseless
violence, which threatens to wreak havoc in the whole
region.
I should like to commend the excellent work and
strong commitment of the Secretary-General, as well as
that of Special Representative Lakhdar Brahimi, to find
a solution to overcome this tragedy.
I also welcome the initiatives aimed at bringing
together the main regional players in a coherent
international approach. Earlier this year, European
leaders called upon all members of the Security Council
to work together in an effort to stop the violence. Today
that call is even more urgent.
The country needs to move quickly towards a
Syrian-led political transition that meets the democratic
aspirations of the Syrian people, while fully respecting
the civil and human rights of minorities. It is the only
way out. Those responsible for the repression have no
place in determining the future of Syria and must step
aside. The longer that the conflict continues, the more
radicalized people will become, the more blood will
needlessly be shed, and the longer it will take for the
wounds to heal.

The security situation remains complex and fragile
in many parts of the world. The events of the Arab Spring
should not distract us from the urgent task of achieving
peace in the Middle East — quite the contrary. There
are also other pressing issues, including addressing
instability and the humanitarian situation in the Sahel
region; bringing peace and stability to the Great Lakes
region; convincing the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons and missile
programmes; and finding a negotiated solution to the
Iranian nuclear issue, an issue to which the European
Union is directly committed.
We must address all of those concerns, with the
knowldege that lasting solutions require political will
from the countries involved. In the same spirit, it is
important that tensions in the East and South-East
Asian maritime areas subside and that disputes be
settled peacefully in a spirit of cooperation based on
respect for international law.
There are many global challenges that we must
tackle together. But without multilateral cooperation on
issues ranging from fighting climate change to reducing
poverty around the world, we will not succeed. That
is why the European Union fully supports a stronger,
more effective and more efficient United Nations.
Citizens in all our countries want jobs. In that regard
as well, global cooperation is indispensable and is the
best way to ensure the world’s economic recovery. Our
economies have become completely interdependent. No
country can solve its issues alone; no country can afford
to ignore the problems of others. Do we know that? Yes.
Do we act upon that knowledge? Not often enough.
In 2008, at the start of the global financial crisis,
there was a brief moment of global awareness, a sense
of urgency that led to new forums, joint pledges and
coordinated action. Today, although the crisis is still
with us, our resolve in the current period after the failure
of Lehman Brothers seems to have waned and must be
revived. All major economies need to play their part in
putting the world economy back on the path of growth.
Global growth depends on structural reforms in each
of our countries and on reducing the macroeconomic
imbalances among them.
In Europe we are doing our part of that work.
No effort has been spared to overcome the current
difficulties in the eurozone. We have been setting up
stronger firewalls to guarantee the stability of our
common currency, and we are reforming our economies
to become more competitive and create jobs for the
future. We have started building a banking union to
better manage and contain financial sector risk; and in
the coming months we will be defining the perspectives
on where we are headed and where we want our
economic and monetary union to be in 10 years’ time.
We have already come a long way, and today we see
the first results of that collective endeavour. Although
there is still some way to go, I am confident that those
efforts will meet with success and that Europe will
emerge from the experience stronger, economically and
politically.

That is what I have come before the Assembly to
say. In our view as Europeans, managing the financial
crisis not only concerns monetary operations and
balancing budgets. What is at stake is the very future
of our European project. The project was born in order
to overcome the wars and dictatorships that had long
haunted our continent. For 60 years, our union has
allowed us to end nationalist hatred between countries
and to establish a unified continent in peace that seeks
social justice and prosperity, which requires daily
efforts to maintain those values and establish them
more firmly. Gains can always be forfeited. At the
global level, it is the task of the General Assembly to
strive tirelessly to pursue the same goals that we all
share, and to clear the way forward towards greater
harmony and greater progress throughout the world.


At the outset, I would
like to congratulate my dear friend His Excellency
Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election as the President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I believe
that, with his able leadership, he will contribute greatly
to the work of the Assembly.
I want to be frank and speak the language of the
peoples we all represent. Every year, we all gather here
at the United Nations, the embodiment of the human
quest for peace, security and international order. We
exchange views on the daunting challenges that we all
face and express our strong commitment to resolving
them. On many matters, we speak as one, yet we often
fail to act in unity. We express our commitment to
the settlement of frozen conflicts, but there is still no
prospect for a solution to many such conflicts.
For instance, we have time and again declared
our support for a two-State solution to the question of
Palestine and adopted numerous resolutions to that end. However, we still hope that, one day soon, Palestine will
be represented as an equal member in the Assembly.
We also underline the need for a solution to the
Nagorno Karabakh issue in accordance with the
territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. Yet there has not
been a single step towards the resolution of that problem
for the past two decades.
In addition, the problem of Cyprus has remained
unresolved for almost half a century. Nearly a decade
has passed since the United Nations settlement plan
of 2004, which the entire international community
endorsed. However, Turkish Cypriots continue to face
isolation and an unlawful and unjust embargo as if it
were a token of appreciation for their support for the
United Nations-led settlement.
My point speaks for itself. We cannot resolve
current problems, and each year we find ourselves
besieged by ever-increasing new ones. Terrorists
continue to strike and take the lives of innocent people,
yet we still have no effective international response to,
or adequate solidarity against, the scourge of terrorism.
Today, some States employ methods of State
violence and brutal oppression with impunity, which
costs the lives of innocent citizens whom they are
obliged to protect. We firmly believe that human life
is sacred and that life is the foremost blessing for any
human being, whoever and wherever they are.
However, millions of people live in poverty
and under oppression. They are deprived of their
fundamental rights and freedoms, suffering under
extreme conditions that no human being should ever
have to live under. To soothe our collective conscience,
we constantly reiterate our pledges to help alleviate
the misery of those people. However, we fall short of
matching our words with deeds.
We live in perpetual hope. After all, as human
beings, we are the children of hope. For us, every
dawn, every sunrise and every spring signifies a new
beginning of hope. We yearn for peace and idealize
peace. It is the essence of our nature.
Humankind expects from us, the leaders of nations,
to move humankind towards real peace. However,
we lag far behind in meeting the expectations of our
nations and of humankind. If it is not for us to provide
relief and give hope to a child living in a refugee camp
or in open prisons in certain parts of the world, then
what is the chance that we will cultivate real peace? When a child opens his eyes to a world of extreme
poverty and oppression in a refugee camp or in the
streets of his neighbourhood, or when a parent leaves
behind a destroyed house, orphans and widows, how
can we prevent them from succumbing to despair and
pessimism? If we cannot regard the rights of a person
in Syria, Palestine, Somalia, Afghanistan, the Rakhine
region or other places as equal to our own, how can we
talk about freedom and justice? If fundamental human
rights are sacrificed for the sake of power politics and
become negotiable in talks among a few nations in
the Security Council, how are we to achieve universal
human rights and security? If we remain incapable of
taking action to preserve the universal principles that
the forefathers of the United Nations set out when
forming this body, how can we demonstrate to people
that the f lag of the United Nations represents hope for,
and a safeguard of, their destiny? If the use of force
is accepted as unlimited; if indiscriminate attacks and
collective punishment become weapons in the hands
of cruel regimes against their own citizens, as we
are currently witnessing every day, day and night, in
Syria; if we fail to hear and rise to join the cry of the
innocent masses, wherever they are; and if we cannot
force such brutal regimes to submit to justice and the
rule of law, how are we to maintain international peace
and security?
A peaceful world, as the founders of the United
Nations envisioned, cannot be established if we remain
ineffective in our work against those challenges. Let
us not forget: our inability to act becomes a tool in the
hands of despots and destructive regimes to demolish
cities, towns and villages, massacre their own citizens
and make a mockery of the civilized world and the
United Nations.
The failure to address humanitarian crises shakes
our collective conscience. Worse, however, inaction
eventually emboldens oppressors and aggressive
regimes and creates evil alliances that perpetuate
and commit crimes against humanity. Let us make
no mistake: mercy shown to an oppressor is the most
merciless act towards people under oppression. If not
now, when are we supposed to act in unity? If not the
United Nations, who is to lead? If not us, then who
will shoulder the responsibility to protect innocent
civilians? Let us now imagine that we are in the shoes
of those people. How can we even dream about a real
future?

We need a strong, efficient and credible United
Nations. To that end, we must first tackle the long-
outstanding issue of reforming the United Nations to
make it fit for its purpose. The working methods and
structures of the United Nations are not commensurate
with the current realities of the world. The Security
Council, with its primary responsibility to maintain
international peace and security, should become
more representative, functional and effective. It has
to respond to the real needs of the world. That is the
only way that it will remain relevant to the enormous
challenges that we all face in the twenty-first century.
I can freely appeal to the Assembly’s conscience,
as Turkey has a solid record — be it in Afghanistan,
Somalia, Syria, Yemen, Libya or Bosnia and
Herzegovina or when it comes to cooperation with
least developed countries, the United Nations Alliance
of Civilizations and the Mediation for Peace initiative,
among other examples.
Allow me now to brief ly touch upon some specific
issues that continue to pose formidable challenges for
the international community.
Let me start by underlining that the recent attacks
against Islam and the Prophet Muhammad — peace be
upon him — and Islam are outright provocations. They
aim to pit nations and peoples against each other. We
deplore in the strongest terms the malicious attempts to
denigrate the most sacred values of Islam or any other
faith. We condemn any type of incitement to hatred and
religious discrimination against Muslims and people of
other faiths.
Unfortunately, Islamophobia has become a new
form of racism. It can no longer be tolerated under
the guise of freedom of expression. Freedom does not
mean anarchy. It means responsibility. The purpose of
Islamophobia is clear and simple. It aims to create an
abstract and imaginary enemy out of the millions of
peace-loving Muslims all over the world. Regretfully,
accepting generalities, stereotypes and prejudice as
truth, many people unknowingly become Islamophobic.
However, no agenda, no provocation, no attack and no
incitement to hatred can darken the bright face of Islam.
At the same time, we condemn all the provocations
and violence that have led to the loss of lives in many
countries, including the death of the United States
Ambassador in Libya. I express our sincere condolences
for all who have lost their lives. Violence against
innocent people cannot be justified under any pretext. Any such activity, no matter whom it is carried out by
or for what purpose, is a betrayal against the soul, spirit
and letter of Islam.
However, the recent events are testament to a more
serious problem that should concern not just Muslims,
but the adherents of all faiths and religions. The
alarming increase in the number of acts that defame
religions, and thereby people who adhere to them, now
have serious implications for international peace and
security. The time has therefore come to establish the
denigration of any religion and its followers as a hate
crime. We have to take swift measures. We cannot, and
we shall not, leave our future vulnerable to the reckless
provocations of all sorts of extremists.
We need to craft a universal policy and a legal
instrument that, while protecting free expression, also
ensure respect for religion and prevent intentional
insults against anyone’s faith. The solution should not
be arbitrary. It has to focus on those who defame a faith
with the intention of inciting discrimination, hostility or
violence. We have to find a balance between protecting
the rights of an individual or group to free expression
and protecting the right of another individual or group
not to become the target of hatred or of emotional,
incited or psychological violence.
Therefore, from this rostrum, I would like to make
a strong appeal to the members of the international
community to set up all the necessary instruments
to combat all hate crimes, including the denigration
of religions and defamation of their followers. The
United Nations must lead that effort and should provide
the international legal framework to that end. We are
resolved to actively pursue this objective and to work
diligently with like-minded nations and international
organizations to ensure that we take a united and
effective stance against Islamophobia and all forms of
hate.
Moreover, we are well aware of the need to ensure
the safety, security and protection of diplomats. In
the past four decade, the Turkish nation has lost 33
diplomats to terrorist acts by the Armenian Secret
Army for the Liberation of Armenia. We encourage
the United Nations to focus on a new understanding
of, and international instrument for, the protection of
diplomats.
As a mockery of the values we all share, the people
of Syria have continued to suffer under the brutality
and tyranny of the regime in Damascus for the past 18 months. The numbers speak volumes. More than 30,000
people have been killed so far, approximately 300,000
Syrian refugees have f led to neighboring countries,
including Turkey, and more than 1 million people are
internally displaced.
Unfortunately, this humanitarian tragedy has
become just a statistic for many. What has the
international community done to stop this carnage?
Literally nothing. We have yet to see a single effective
action to save innocent lives. It is a great disgrace
to witness that today, after 20 years, the ghosts of
Srebrenica and Halabja continue to haunt us, this time
in the cities of Syria.
One can argue about the reasons for the failure of
the Security Council to stop the violence of the Syrian
regime. However, there can be no legitimate explanation
for the failure of the Security Council to reflect the
collective conscience of the international community.
It has to uphold its primary responsibility to maintain
international peace and security. It is the inability of the
Council to act that continues to encourage the Syrian
regime to kill ever more people.
If the Security Council does not follow the
conscience of the international community, as reflected
by the resolutions adopted by a more than two-thirds
majority of the General Assembly, who will respond to
the cries of the Syrian people? For how long will we,
the international community, allow this humanitarian
tragedy to continue?
The responsibility to protect the people of Syria
is our fundamental duty. No political differences,
no balance of power politics and no geopolitical
considerations should prevail over our conscience and
our concern for the destiny of the Syrian people.
More important, the situation in Syria has evolved
into a real threat to regional peace and security. The
Syrian regime deploys every possible instrument to
turn the legitimate struggle of the Syrian people into
a sectarian war, which will engulf the entire region in
flames. Unfortunately, the longer the regime is allowed
to wage its campaign of violence, the harder it will be
to prevent such a dreadful eventuality.
It is high time that the Security Council take
action, as the Assembly called for. There has to be a
solution to ensure the immediate safety and security of
the Syrian people. There has to be a solution for a sound
transition process that paves the way for the creation of a new and democratic Syria. The regime in power
has to step down and allow an interim Government to
lead the country to free and fair elections. The Syrian
people need our united support and solidarity in their
struggle for their future and their right to a legitimate
and representative Government.
The Turkish nation stands by its brethren, the
Syrian people, in their legitimate struggle. We now care
for 90,000 displaced Syrian refugees in Turkish homes.
Let me underline once again that, since the beginning
of the conflict, we have never hesitated, nor will we
ever, hesitate to be at the side of our Syrian brothers and
sisters in their most difficult hour.
Another tragedy that has long been taking
place before our eyes in the Middle East is that of
Palestine. This is the fourth General Assembly session
where we continue to stress the unacceptability and
unsustainability of the situation in Gaza. However, to
date, there has been no progress. As a result, in the
fourth year of the unlawful blockade by Israel, the
people in Gaza, children in particular, continue to live
in despair, desolation and fear.
Many decisions and resolutions have been adopted
at the United Nations calling for the lifting of that
unlawful blockade. However, Israel persists in its illegal
policy to this day, thereby causing misery and anguish
in Gaza. In fact, we see the same attitude by Israel in all
of the occupied Palestinian territories. Despite insistent
calls by the international community, it carries on with
its illegal settlements in Palestine, and thus deliberately
undermines the prospects of a peaceful two-State
solution.
Indeed, when President Mahmoud Abbas spoke in
the Assembly last year (see A/66/PV. 19) and declared
the right of Palestine to be recognized as an independent
State, I remember seeing the whole Assembly in a
standing ovation. But as of this day we have yet to see
the State of Palestine as an equal member of the General
Assembly, with the f lag of the independent Palestine
f lying. How can we convince the Palestinian people
that the international community is serious about a
two-State solution when no United Nations resolutions
have helped their cause for an independent State of
Palestine? However, we will one day see the f lag of
Palestine in the Hall. Turkey will certainly support the
Palestinian people in their quest for statehood, dignity
and peace.

While the whole world’s attention is rightly focused
on the Middle East, we should not forget that there are
serious human tragedies taking place elsewhere as
well. We do not have the luxury to turn a blind eye to
any human suffering.
As I personally witnessed during my visit in June, the
people of the Rakhine region, especially the Rohingya
Muslims, are in desperate need of humanitarian
assistance. The democratization process under way in
Myanmar provides us with a window of opportunity, as
the Government has repeatedly stressed its readiness to
cooperate with the international community to ease the
suffering of those people.
Before concluding my remarks, I wish to touch
upon yet another long-standing conflict that also
requires immediate practical steps towards a fair
and lasting solution. I am referring to the problem of
Cyprus. Unfortunately, the new round of talks started
in 2008 are at a stalemate, with no end in sight, due
to Greek Cypriots’ intransigence and lack of political
will. Today, despite half a century’s experience and a
body of United Nations work, there is still not a clear
prospect for a solution.
The Turkish Cypriots have so far proven their firm
commitment to a negotiated solution, but remain subject
to an inhumane and unlawful embargo. That is simply
unfair. They should not be forced to play this game for
an indefinite period without a clear perspective and
timeline for a solution.
The international community must not remain
indifferent to what is happening in Cyprus, either. After all, the continuation of the problem creates additional
risks for the stability of the region. Moreover, the
unilateral exploration of oil and natural gas by the
Greek Cypriots around the island further intensifies
those risks.
Under those circumstances, the United Nations
must do more than what it is currently doing. The
Security Council in particular has to facilitate a solution
rather than merely sustaining the status quo. A change
of mentality is essential. There should be a distinction
between those who seek and aspire for a solution and
those who reject it. It is no longer enough to pay lip
service to a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. It is time
to act before it is too late.
In conclusion, I wish to go back to what I said at
the beginning of my remarks. We are at the end of the
opening of yet another session of the General Assembly.
We have all expressed our desire for and commitment
to a more peaceful and prosperous world. However,
positive change can only be realized if our actions
match our words and promises. Every attempt to
achieve our objective for real peace, every moment we
spend to uphold rightness and justice and every effort
we make for freedoms and human rights will provide
greater comfort for those who struggle to have a say in
their destiny. A while ago, I asked if not now, when?
This year, let us make a difference and let us hope that
we will not repeat the same question next September in
the Assembly.


Our world is changing rapidly.
The black-and-white photos that were taken when
this Organization was created back in 1945 are truly
testimonies from another era. That was a time when
computers had barely been invented. The Internet
was decades away. And it was not always easy for
the representatives at that founding conference in
San Francisco to establish contact with their faraway
capitals for instructions that might be needed.
These days, we have instant access to the global
information network. Tweets are being written as I
speak. There are more connected devices than there are
people in the world, and development is accelerating in
every respect. In 2012, we who are gathered here have
all become representatives of the connected nations of
the world. But, connectivity also carries risks, as we
saw recently in our interconnected financial system,
Recently, we also all followed with horror and
disbelief the fact that an odious film clip posted
somewhere on YouTube could lead to outrage and deadly
violence 10,000 miles away. But the opportunities
created by connectivity are vastly more important
than the risks. Globalization, marked by more open
societies in a more open world and facilitated by the
enormous advances of science and technology, has
been an incredible force for good. Mobile banking
brings financial services to East Africans. Skype
reinforces messages from the Arab street. Virtual
marketplaces unleash entrepreneurial talent. More
contact, more movement and more trade — a more
open world — have already lifted hundreds of millions
of people out of poverty and despair, and more is
certain to come.
In this world of connected nations, people around
the globe, including tens of thousands of Swedes of
Syrian origin, are following the tragedy unfolding in
Damascus, Aleppo and Homs with intense concern. We
have all been reminded of a simple truth — violence
is easy to start but very difficult to stop. What began
as a popular protest has now turned into a civil war,
which, if unchecked, brings the risk of sectarian
fragmentation across the wider region. We must do
everything possible to prevent that from happening.
We call on the divided Security Council to put global
responsibilities above narrow national interests. In the
strongest possible terms, we urge the Al-Assad regime
to stop killing its own people and start respecting its
obligations as a Member of the United Nations. And
we remind those responsible for deadly violence and
abuse that they should rest assured that they will be
held accountable one day.

There is no alternative to a political solution.
Together with our European partners, we offer our
full support to the Joint Special Representative,
Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi. Syria is a society that is rich
in culture, history and traditions. Damascus is one of
the oldest continually inhabited cities in our world. To
preserve and protect the mosaic that Syria represents
is vital to its future, and, I would argue, to all of our
futures.
But we must also help those now so tragically
affected by what is happening. A thousand people are
being killed every week, according to the latest reports
we are receiving. We are witnessing an enormous human
tragedy. More than 2.5 million people are in need of
humanitarian help. More than a million people have
been displaced inside Syria, and there are a quarter of
a million refugees in the region as a direct consequence
of the current crisis. The regime must give unhindered
access for assistance to the displaced and suffering, and
the countries that have generously opened their borders
should be commended and supported. Sweden, which
is one of the world’s largest humanitarian donors, has
contributed massively, and we stand ready to further
increase our support here and elsewhere around the
world where people in need are suffering.
In this world of connected nations, the human
rights of every child, woman and man are a matter of
concern for us all. Protecting and promoting human
rights is one of the central duties of the international
community. Not only is that a question of protecting
individual human beings — their life, their freedom,
their future — but it is also crucial to promoting peace,
stability and prosperity around the globe. And critical
to those efforts is working for gender equality and the
empowerment of women, because it is right, because it
is smart and because it is fundamental to realizing the
economic and political potential of society.
Sweden, the largest financial contributor to
the work of the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights today, is a candidate
for a seat on the Human Rights Council for the period
2013-2015. As a Council member, Sweden would be
an active and reliable partner. We would work with
everyone who shares our conviction, reach out to those
who disagree and support those who need it. But in that
area as well, we must adjust to the world of connectivity.
The human rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights must
apply in the modern world of today. Sweden will take
every opportunity to champion freedom of expression
online and the immense development potential that is
vested in the Internet and all of the new communication
technologies. Earlier this year, the Human Rights
Council decided that the rights that apply off line apply
online as well, and called on all States to promote
and facilitate access to the Internet. That landmark
resolution (Human Rights Council resolution 20/8) was
unanimously adopted in Geneva, and I hope that it has
been duly noted here in New York as well. The fight for
freedom on the Internet is the new front line in the fight
for freedom in the world.
In this world of connected nations, we share a planet
with common development challenges. The world’s
poor — indeed, all of us — need development that is
inclusive, equitable and sustainable. The international
community has met three of the Millennium
Development Goals well ahead of time, but we are
lagging significantly behind in others. And while we
accelerate efforts to reduce child mortality and improve
maternal health, we have started to look beyond the
immediate future. Sweden welcomes the high-level
panel on the post-2015 development agenda and looks
forward to contributing to its recommendations.
In Rio, world leaders recently launched a process
for working towards sustainable development goals.
It is up to all of us to take that agenda forward: to
involve scientists and business, to explore the potential
of information and communications technology and
innovation, to pursue all three dimensions of sustainable
development and to ensure that democracy and human
rights are part of the equation. And as an active partner
and a major donor, Sweden will certainly do its part.
In this world of connected nations, geography is
sometimes of little consequence. Distances might at
times seem enormous. But the melting Arctic ice cap
in the North can pose an existential threat to small
island States in the South. The Arctic today is warming
twice as fast as the global average. And right now as
we gather here, the Arctic Sea ice cover has receded
so much that it has reached a new historical minimum.
There is less ice this autumn in the Arctic than ever
before in recorded history.
The impact of climate change is global. The world
is not on track for keeping the increase in global
average temperatures to below two degrees Celsius.
We therefore urgently need progress in the negotiations
under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and effective implementation of the
globally agreed outcomes. Sweden calls on everyone in
this Hall to do their utmost to contribute to ensuring
that that occurs, and developed nations should take the
lead.
There are severe challenges, but there are also great
opportunities. Technology brings new possibilities — to
reduce emissions, increase growth, and move towards
a truly sustainable future. As the current Chair of the
Arctic Council — comprising the eight nations whose
landmass extends beyond the Arctic Circle — Sweden
will make its contribution. Together, we will set an
example of positive cooperation in an area drawing
rapidly increasing global attention and where, not long
ago, many were predicting competition and conflict.
We live in a new era. What happens in the Levant,
the Arctic or elsewhere has immediate implications
for us all. In order to deal with the challenges of this
era, the connected nations of this world need a strong
United Nations — a United Nations to discuss the
issues of today and to truly seize the opportunities for
collective action in order to shape a better tomorrow; a
United Nations where we convene in these days to say
that, while ridiculing what by others is held sacred is
mean and offensive, it can never be used as an excuse
for violence, destruction and death.
But the United Nations — our United
Nations — needs to step up to the challenge. The
Security Council must assume its responsibilities, in
Syria and elsewhere. Member States must empower the
United Nations to become better at conflict prevention
and peacebuilding, and ensure that it can deliver
development results effectively and as one.
It is up to us, the Member States, to meet our
international human rights obligations, not just in order
to protect the individual human being, but because
respect for human rights is also, as we have bitterly
learned throughout history, critical to peace and
security.
In these times of accelerating global change, with its
great risks and even greater opportunities, Sweden will
remain a steadfast member of this global Organization
and, together with our partners in the European Union,
we will continue to promote an effective multilateral
system with the United Nations at its core.


It is an honour to join this
eminent gathering. Allow me to extend Jordan’s sincere
congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić. I
would like to assure him of Jordan’s full cooperation.
May I also express to the Secretary-General Jordan’s
appreciation for his untiring efforts. I welcome his voice
and the voices of world leaders of many religions who
stand with billions of Muslims worldwide in rejecting
provocations meant to divide those of different faiths.
Islam teaches us to honour all human beings,
promote tolerance and show mercy. As a Hashemite and
a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad — peace and
blessings upon him — I condemn all acts that vilify the
name of the Prophet or falsely use his name or the name
of Islam — or any other religion, for that matter — to
justify violence and evil acts such as we have recently witnessed. There are no sidelines on this issue. All
of us of every faith everywhere must be proactive in
promoting understanding and a much stronger global
dialogue.
“To unite our strength” — these four words in the
United Nations Charter are not just an old dream, they
are a modern urgency. The United Nations and the
General Assembly — empowered and strong — are
needed today as never before.
In my region, we have important tasks ahead.
We must provide new and better opportunities for
our people, especially our youth, to avert the dangers
of regional instability and conflict and to fulfil the
universal desire — the basic human right — to live in
freedom, dignity, justice and peace. The international
community has a crucial interest in supporting countries
that are taking risks for peace and reform.
In Jordan we have charted our course guided by our
heritage, by our mutual respect and by moderation. Our
Arab Spring journey is one of opportunity to accelerate
home-grown reforms and achieve national goals. Last
year I stood before the Assembly and spoke about the
reforms that were on the horizon (see A/66/PV.11).
Since then, new and comprehensive constitutional
amendments, as well as new laws, have created a
matrix of institutions and principles to support our path
of reform and democratization. And with the new year,
we will have our new Parliament, and our Jordanian
Summer will begin.
I would like to address the tragic situation in Syria.
Violence must end immediately, and a transition
must begin now. There is no alternative to a political
solution that will end the bloodshed, restore security
and stability and preserve the territorial integrity of
Syria and the dignity and unity of its people.
The United Nations has an important part to play
in helping people commit to a political solution. Jordan
will do all in its power to support the newly appointed
Joint Special Representative of the United Nations
and the League of Arab States for Syria, Mr. Lakhdar
Brahimi.
The peoples of Jordan and Syria have long and
deep ties. Since the current crisis erupted, over 200,000
Syrians have sought refuge in Jordan, putting heavy
pressure on our limited resources and our economy.
Yet we, as Jordanians, have opened our arms, as we
have many times in the past for others in need. As we continue to shoulder that responsibility, international
support is essential. We are very grateful for the
generous response of Governments, international
bodies and dedicated United Nations agencies. The
somber reality is, however, that more will be needed, as
the camps grow more crowded with vulnerable families
and the cold desert winter approaches. I call upon the
countries of the United Nations to work together to
prevent a humanitarian disaster.
While we deal with those challenges, we must never
lose our focus on the crisis at the heart of the region. For
almost 65 years, the Palestinian people have been the
exception to the United Nations promise. We pledge the
shelter of international law and human rights, except
not yet; the dignity of living in freedom and security,
except not yet; the right to self-determination, except
not yet. It is time to say, “Enough!”
As the Arab Spring demanded dignity for all, so it
demanded the end of exceptionalism. No single issue
causes greater anger than to tell an entire people that
when it comes to global justice they do not count.
The Arab Summer cannot bear its full fruit until the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict ends, and ends with a just
peace and a Palestinian State living side by side with a
secure Israel at peace with the entire region.
Earlier this year, in Amman, we succeeded in
getting both sides back to the table for exploratory talks.
Then positive traction stopped again. Illegal settlementbuilding
and unilateral actions have continued,
constituting direct threats to a negotiated peace. We
are extremely concerned by threats to Jerusalem and
the sanctity of its Muslim and Christian holy sites. The
Al-Aqsa Mosque compound of Al-Haram Al-Sharif
in East Jerusalem is under Hashemite custodianship,
a special role recognized by the 1994 Jordan-Israel
Treaty of Peace and protected as occupied territory by
international law. It is Islam’s third holiest site and its
importance to 1.7 billion Muslims, one quarter of the
world’s population, is similar to the importance of the
Ka’ba itself.
Let me be absolutely clear, any invasion or division
of the site of Al-Masjid Al-Aqsa would be viewed not
only as a breach of Israel’s obligations but as a profound
religious transgression. The international community
must send a clear message that such a transgression,
or any attempt to erase the Arab, Muslim or Christian
identity of Jerusalem, will not be tolerated. What is
needed now is the full weight of our nations, united. Neither the parties nor the world can afford continued
hostility and insecurity. There may be a rare window
of opportunity later this year, after the United States
elections, to achieve what both sides so urgently need,
namely, two States at peace, Palestine and Israel, both
secure, both free to look forward on the basis of a just,
comprehensive and final settlement. That has always
been and will remain a foremost priority for Jordan.
Let me say now, as I have said before, that the
Arab world seeks peace. We mean by that real peace:
diplomatic relations, economic relations, trade and
investment. We mean by that a new normality, in
peace, where people are safe in their homes, where
communities are able to build and where cooperation
helps the entire region prosper. All this has been on
offer for over 10 years, since 2002, under the Arab
Peace Initiative, through which 57 Arab and Muslim
countries reached out collectively to Israel. It is time for
Israel to turn around, look to the future we must share
and make a just and lasting peace with the Palestinians.
Almost 70 years ago, countries from every continent
chose to come together in hopes of a world united in
peace and respectful of all humankind. After a bitter,
destructive global war, the United Nations was the right
step, the brave step. Today, almost three generations
later, we have learned that it is not enough to make the
right choices. We must also pursue effective action. Not
only as nations but as nations united, we must take the
right steps, the brave steps, now.


It is indeed a great privilege
for me to be able to address the General Assembly.
Let me begin by congratulating Mr. Vuk Jeremić on
his election to the office of President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I assure him of
our constructive support in his work over the coming
year.
We are assembled in New York at a time when we
face multiple global challenges that transcend national
boundaries. Developing countries are still to recover
from the downturn in the global economy. Their quest
for poverty eradication and sustainable development
remains an uphill task. Food and energy security as well
as health and education for their populations remain
daunting challenges. The West Asia-North Africa
region is seeing unprecedented sociopolitical upheaval.
The question of Palestine remains unresolved. Threats
emanating from terrorism, maritime piracy, drug
trafficking and the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction continue to multiply. Those challenges
demand that we work for solutions in a concerted and
coordinated manner. That is the only path to success.
At the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20), the international community
renewed its commitment to sustainable development
and recognized poverty eradication as the greatest
global challenge. To act on that, it unequivocally
reaffirmed the sanctity of the Rio principles. India
remains committed to addressing climate change
through a comprehensive, equitable and balanced
outcome based on the principles of equity and common
but differentiated responsibilities. In less than two
weeks, in Hyderabad, we will host the eleventh meeting
of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on
Biological Diversity. We seek the support of parties to
fashion an outcome that harmonizes strong biodiversity
action with our basic development objectives.
The process to develop a set of sustainable
development goals has begun. The Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) must be integrated in the
new framework so that the unmet development priorities
continue to be the main focus. In the interim, with still
three years to go to the MDG target date of 2015, it
is imperative to ensure that all efforts to achieve the
MDGs are made. In the global discourse on the post-
2015 development agenda, the focus ought to be on the
word “development”. It ought to be firmly entrenched
in the understandings and principles of Rio+20 and be
anchored in the intergovernmental process at the United Nations. Priority must be given to the challenges of
poverty, unemployment, food and energy, water, health,
environmental sustainability, unsustainable lifestyles
and, above all, economic growth.
Ensuring gender equality and women’s
empowerment is essential to the pursuit of building
inclusive societies. It is also an imperative for building
strong and resilient economies. We are happy to support
the efforts of the United Nations. We also need to pay
particular attention to upgrading the skills of young
people and to ensuring employment opportunities for
them. Children and youth are our future. We need to
invest in them to reap the demographic dividend to
secure our future.
India remains firmly committed to scaling up
our development partnership with Africa, including
through the framework of the India-Africa Forum
Summit. Similarly, we will continue to build on our
commitments for enhanced cooperation with least
developed countries, landlocked developing countries
and small island developing States within the framework
of South-South cooperation.
India is a multireligious, multi-ethnic and
multilingual society. Our civilizational ethos has been
underpinned by peaceful coexistence and tolerance,
values that the founder of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi,
placed at the core of India’s national life. Those
principles are enshrined in our Constitution, which
provides the foundation for our secular, democratic and
inclusive society.
Mutual respect for deeply held religious sentiments
is the bedrock of tolerance and coexistence. Unfortunate
recent events have highlighted the need for enhanced
dialogue among faiths and civilizations. Violence
cannot lead to greater understanding. It is necessary
to uphold norms of peaceful international discourse.
In particular, the safety and security of diplomatic
personnel should be fully respected.
Terrorism remains one of the most potent threats
to international peace and security. The international
community must adopt a zero-tolerance approach to
terrorism and must focus on efforts to dismantle the
infrastructure of terrorism, including its invidious
network of epicentres, training facilities and financing.
It is time we demonstrated the necessary political will to
agree on a comprehensive convention on international
terrorism so as to strengthen the normative framework against the increasingly sophisticated and globalized
terrorist challenge.
India continues to be gravely concerned by the
menace of piracy and armed robbery at sea. Apart from
the major economic and commercial consequences of
that scourge, it has serious humanitarian implications
for the large number of seafarers held hostage by
pirates. The need of the hour is once again concerted
international action under United Nations auspices,
with special attention to addressing the welfare of
seafarers and their families.
Peacekeeping and disarmament are among the
unique pursuits of the United Nations, because
they embody the promise and innate potential of the
Organization to make the world a better place. India
has a proud history of participation in United Nations
peacekeeping operations dating back to the 1950s,
having taken part in as many as 43 peacekeeping
operations. The challenge before the international
community today is to ensure that United Nations
peacekeeping is adequately resourced and enabled to
meet the realities of today, including in post-conflict
and peacebuilding contexts. In that regard, we are
hopeful that progress will be made on all outstanding
issues between the Sudan and South Sudan.
India is committed to achieving a nuclear-
weapon-free world. The principles of the Rajiv Gandhi
action plan of 1988 for achieving nuclear disarmament
in a time-bound, universal, non-discriminatory,
phased and verifiable manner remain relevant, even
after more than two decades. A renewed consensus
on non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament must
be forged. Meaningful dialogue among all States
possessing nuclear weapons is needed in order to build
trust and confidence and to reduce the salience of
nuclear weapons in international affairs and security
doctrines.
Measures must be taken to reduce nuclear
risks, including the grave risk of terrorists gaining
access to weapons of mass destruction, and thus
to strengthen nuclear security. The Conference on
Disarmament — the international community’s sole
multilateral disarmament negotiating forum — deserves
our support in discharging its mandate of negotiating
treaties on issues on the international disarmament
agenda.
The crisis in Syria continues unabated and is a matter
of serious concern for us. Any further militarization of the crisis can have catastrophic consequences for
the region. We urge all parties to commit themselves
to resolving the crisis without any further bloodshed
through an inclusive, Syrian-led political process
that can meet the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian
people. We support the efforts of the United Nations
and urge all sides to cooperate in good faith with the
Joint Special Representative of the United Nations and
the League of Arab States, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi.
Support for the Palestinian cause has been a
cornerstone of India’s foreign policy. We were privileged
to receive President Mahmoud Abbas in India earlier this
month. We support Palestine’s aspirations for enhanced
status at the United Nations. It is imperative that there be
an early realization of a sovereign, independent, viable
and united State of Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its
capital, living within secure and recognized borders,
side by side and at peace with Israel, as endorsed in
the Arab Peace Initiative, the Quartet road map and the
relevant United Nations resolutions.
India desires constructive and friendly relations
with all its neighbours. We have a vision of a peaceful,
stable and prosperous region with enhanced cooperation
and connectivity linking us with Central Asia, the
Gulf and South-East Asia. Within South Asia, we have
sought to enhance bilateral relations individually with
each of our neighbours and through the aegis of the
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation.
We have embarked on a resumed dialogue process
with Pakistan and advocate a step-by-step approach to
normalizing our bilateral relations.
An unwarranted reference has been made from
this rostrum to Jammu and Kashmir. Our principled
position on the issue has been consistent and is well
known. The people of Jammu and Kashmir have chosen
their destiny and reaffirmed it repeatedly through
India’s well-established democratic processes. We wish
to make it abundantly clear that Jammu and Kashmir is
an integral part of India.
India supports the Government and people of
Afghanistan in their endeavour to build a peaceful,
stable, democratic and prosperous country. We are
ready to partner with the Afghan people as they rebuild
their country in accordance with their own priorities
and national circumstances. The continuing existence
beyond Afghanistan’s borders of safe havens and
sanctuaries for terrorists is the major impediment to the
restoration of peace and security in Afghanistan. India is committed to creating an enabling environment in
which the Afghan people can live in peace and security
and decide their future for themselves, without outside
interference, coercion or intimidation.
The United Nations and the norms of international
relations that it has fostered remain the most
efficacious means for converting today’s challenges
into opportunities. However, we need to ensure that the
architecture of global governance reflects contemporary
realities. Sticking to structures designed at the end of
the Second World War only constrains multilateralism
from delivering on its promises.
The most important and decisive step towards
remedying that situation pertains to the Security
Council, which must be expanded in both the permanent
and non-permanent categories. A reformed Council
must include countries that are capable of bearing, and
willing to bear, the additional burdens relating to the
maintenance of international peace and security, as well
as willilng to sustain global campaigns against new and
emerging global threats. Let me also stress that we must
address, sooner rather than later, the incongruity of the
lack of permanent membership for Africa.
Equally, India will promote and lend its weight to
enhancing the voice and participation of developing
countries in decision-making in global economic and
financial institutions. The quota reform process of the
International Monetary Fund must be accelerated with
altered quotas that reflect contemporary economic
weight.
Speaking in the Assembly on 14 October 1968,
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi said,
“The United Nations is the trustee of the
world’s peace and represents the hopes of mankind.
Its very existence gives a feeling of assurance that
the justice of true causes can be brought fearlessly
before the world. This Assembly and the agencies
of the United Nations should, in all that they do,
sustain those hopes and promote the causes of
peace”.
Those words remain true to this day.
Let me conclude by assuring the President and the
members of the Assembly that India will continue to
abide by the purposes and principles of the Charter of
the United Nations and will strive to strengthen the
United Nations.


On behalf of my
delegation, I have the honour to congratulate His
Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić, President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, on his election.
I assure him of the full support and cooperation of
the delegation of Barbados during his presidency. Let
me also convey my appreciation to his predecessor,
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session, for his able
leadership during that session.
The theme of this year’s session, “Bringing about
adjustment or settlement of international disputes
or situations by peaceful means”, underscores a core
principle of the Charter of the United Nations. In
the current global environment, where challenges to
international peace and security are widespread, it is
important to reaffirm the validity of that principle as
one of the cornerstones on which the Organization is
founded.
As a small island developing State, Barbados
is severely challenged by the global financial and
economic crisis and the recession that has resulted from
it. Moreover, climate change and other environmental
challenges continue to pose significant threats to the
achievements of Barbados since its independence,
in November 1966. As a relatively young nation, our
independence was achieved by negotiation rather
than by war. We have enjoyed the benefits of stability
for more than 370 years of unbroken parliamentary
Government. We are a peace-loving, democratic nation,
extremely proud of our political and economic stability.
Our relatively peaceful situation does not mean that
we are insulated or isolated from the prevailing global
instability that is very evident today. Our political
and social stability have facilitated the achievement of a standard of living that has led Barbados to be
consistently ranked among the top 50 nations in the
United Nations Development Programme’s annual
Human Development Index.

Such a status has been achieved as a result of the
commitment of successive Governments to invest
heavily in our people, particularly in education, health
and other social safety nets. As a nation poor in natural
resources, we have placed priority on our greatest
resource, our people. A significant factor in our ability
to overcome our constraints at the national level has
been the tripartite social partnership comprising
Government, workers’ unions and employers. The
partnership grew out of an economic crisis during
the early 1990s and continues to function effectively
today. Those strategies have been reinforced by our
commitment to observing the rule of law. We are a
principled country that firmly adheres to the core
values enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations,
including respect for the rule of the law, respect for
human rights and the principle of sovereign equality.
We have been classified as a middle-income
developing country. In reality, we are a small island
developing State, characterized by high debt, high
vulnerability to external shocks, and susceptibility to
the impacts of climate change and natural disasters.
The global economic and environmental situation has
had a disproportionate effect on our successful, but
nevertheless vulnerable, economy. We bear the burden
of rising food and fuel prices and a decline in foreign
investment. Our efforts to address those threats have
been severely undermined by international financial
and cooperation mechanisms that fail to take account of
the vulnerability and capacity constraints that we face
Barbados and similar vulnerable countries have been
graduated from grant and concessionary financing by
multilateral institutions, such as the Inter-American
Development Bank and the World Bank, without regard
for our unique situation. There is a clear need for greater
equity, fairness and transparency in the process used to
determine classifications and resource allocation. The
persistent use of international classification and ratings
systems that are solely based on gross domestic product
per capita and other narrow criteria must be expanded
in scope to take into account meaningful variables such
as vulnerability.
In this context, we welcome the assertion by the
Secretary-General that the use of per capita income to classify countries as a means of guiding development
cooperation disregards the nature and multidimensional
nature of development. Barbados endorses the need
for the adoption of new indices and measures of
development and applauds the ongoing work of bodies
such as the Commonwealth and the United Nations
Statistical Commission to develop new indices.
There is no greater threat to the survival, viability
and indeed the security of my country and other small
island developing States (SIDS) than the threat posed
by climate change. Science continues to warn that we
are on the threshold of irreversible and potentially
catastrophic changes to the global climate system.
Global emissions, the main cause of human-induced
climate change, are rising at their fastest rate in history,
even as we bear witness to massive and accelerating ice
loss from the ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica
and a doubling of the rate of sea-level rise.
We are at a major turning point in the history
of mankind. Are we willing to sacrifice the most
vulnerable members of the international community?
That is the stark choice we face. But after the islands
disappear, who will be next? Inaction or inadequate
action is inexcusable and morally indefensible, given
the level of certainty of the scientific evidence before us
and the technological and financial tools at our disposal
to effect the necessary change.
While some useful progress was made at the
Durban Climate Change Conference in December
last year, we are not close to finding a solution to
the problem. Barbados welcomes the decision taken
in Durban to launch negotiations on a new legally
binding agreement that would take effect after 2020.
However, for us a post-2020 agreement is meaningless
if ambitious actions are not taken now to reduce
global emissions and provide finance and technology
to vulnerable developing countries. That is essential
if we are to adapt to the ever-worsening impacts of
climate change. The upcoming United Nations Climate
Change Conference in Doha must therefore prioritize
the pre-2020 actions necessary to ensure that the
world is on track in 2020 to meet the below 2 degree
or 1.5 degree globally agreed goals. Such actions will
require clarity from developed countries on the scale of
climate finance after the end of the fast-start finance
period this year and a greater sense of urgency and
ambition in reducing global emissions before 2020 to
minimize and avoid potentially catastrophic impacts of
climate change. Barbados and other small island developing States
have thrown their full support behind the Secretary-
General’s Sustainable Energy for All initiative. In May
this year, the Government of Barbados, in collaboration
with the United Nations Development Programme,
hosted a High-level Conference of the small island
developing States on achieving sustainable energy for
all in SIDS, focused on challenges, opportunities and
commitments. At that meeting the Barbados Declaration
was adopted, outlining an ambitious and action-oriented
agenda for achieving the goal of sustainable energy
for all in SIDS. As a concrete expression of our solid
determination, some 22 SIDS agreed to inscribe, in
an annex to the Declaration, a spectrum of ambitious
voluntary commitments to promote transformational
activities in the areas of renewable energy, energy
efficiency, energy access and low-carbon development.
I commend the Governments of Australia, Denmark,
New Zealand, Norway and the United Kingdom for
pledging, in the Barbados Declaration, to support SIDS
in the implementation of our ambitious commitments.
We urge other development partners to join us on
this journey to ensure our energy independence. For
us, sustainable development is not possible without
sustainable energy.
Barbados shares the view of the Secretary-General
that the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio +20) in Brazil this year reached a
number of important milestones. In the words of the
Prime Minister of Barbados,
“Rio +20 will be remembered as that unique moment
in time when we decided not to yield to our fears,
but rather to transform this present period of global
uncertainty and volatility into a major opportunity
to set new agendas, which can then be developed
more fully over the next few years”.
Barbados welcomes the agreement at Rio to
convene the third Global Conference on SIDS in 2014,
some two decades after the convening of the first SIDS
Conference in Barbados. The international community
can be assured that Barbados will do its part to ensure
the success of the Conference.
During this session, the Assembly will consider
a draft resolution on the sustainable development of
the Caribbean Sea. Within the Caribbean we have
recognized that an integrated management approach
that involves all stakeholders provides us with the
best option for protecting the Caribbean Sea, our most effort in the Association of Caribbean States to create
the Caribbean Sea Commission. The Commission
represents an oceans governance framework to promote
cooperation towards effective management of the
Caribbean Sea area. Barbados calls on the international
community to support this initiative, including
through the designation by the General Assembly of
the Caribbean Sea as a special area in the context of
sustainable development.
Citizen security remains a major concern for
Barbados. The Caribbean Community subregion
has become a major transit and destination point
for the trafficking of illicit drugs and firearms. As a
consequence, the incidence of crime and violence
continues to escalate in the region and threatens
to reverse many of our economic and social gains.
Developing countries like ours have been compelled
to divert financial and other resources earmarked for
social and economic development for use in combating
this transnational scourge.
The heavy toll that that takes on the populations of
our region brings into sharp focus the importance of
the United Nations Programme of Action to Prevent,
Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms
and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. It also emphasizes
the need for a strong, legally binding arms trade treaty,
which sets the highest possible international standards
for the transfer of conventional arms. We share the
profound disappointment of many Member States at
the failure of the Arms Trade Treaty Conference to
reach agreement on a treaty text before its conclusion.
Barbados cannot envisage an arms trade treaty that
does not include small arms and light weapons, their
components and ammunition. Barbados expects that,
despite the setback, negotiations on the arms trade
treaty will resume during this session.
At the national level, we are appreciative of
continuing cooperation with bilateral partners and
regional and international bodies like the United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). These include
programmes aimed at preventing and reducing levels
of violence and crime in our society. We look forward
to the imminent reopening of the UNODC Office for
the Caribbean subregion, which my Government has
offered once again to host.
It is well recognized that peace, security and
development are inextricably linked and mutually reinforcing. Barbados is therefore heartened that in
dealing with conflict prevention, the United Nations
has moved beyond traditional preventive diplomacy.
We support the pursuit of comprehensive strategies
that address deep-rooted structural causes of conflict,
poverty eradication and development, human rights and
the rule of law, elections and the building of democratic
institutions.
As a family of nations, we continue to strive for
the achievement of the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs). Success has been mixed, and made
more difficult by the current global financial crisis. The
target implementation date of 2015 looms large, and
we share international concerns that the MDGs may
become casualties of the current environment. As we
articulate the post-2015 development agenda, we must
not lose sight of the urgency of fulfilling these goals.
Let me reiterate my country’s commitment to
the rule of law and our unwavering commitment to
the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. I take this opportunity to speak out against
the continued unilateral imposition of the economic,
commercial and financial embargo against Cuba by
the United States. Barbados joins the overwhelming
majority of Member States in opposing this action,
which has persisted for too long. This situation merits
immediate resolution if the unnecessary hardship and
suffering it has wrought on the Cuban people is to
end. We therefore encourage constructive engagement
between the two sides.
Strong, functioning democracies are the foundation
on which international peace, security and prosperity
are built. As a democratic State with a longstanding and
firm commitment to effective multilateralism, Barbados
reiterates the crucial nexus between development,
peace, security and human rights. The United Nations
is the only global body with the unquestionable
legitimacy to lead a global response to the challenges
facing humanity. Recognizing this, Barbados remains
steadfast in its commitment to the United Nations and
all it stands for.


We gather here every year to
share our analysis, our views and comments on the
course of world events. We also take this opportunity to
share our concerns and to meet, interact and try to offer
our best commitment to finding appropriate solutions
to current and future challenges.
A year has passed since the last session, and the
world has continued to change. Development and
economic growth in many countries have raised
hundreds of millions of people above the poverty
line. Societies throughout the world are taking a stand
today, demanding more rights and asking for effective
political participation. Democracy, human rights and
increased participation by women in public and social life have all globally improved. Despite unprecedented
global awareness, climate change remains a major
source of concern. The continuing deterioration of the
global economic climate is also a permanent source
of anxiety everywhere. Threats to peace and security
in various parts of the world show how far we still
are from achieving the global security we want. It is
therefore only fair that we expect the United Nations,
the Organization we have placed at the centre of our
international architecture, to be more responsive,
efficient, effective and transparent.
This year Albania celebrates the one hundredth
anniversary of its independence. As we mark that
important date and survey our history for the past 10
decades, we note with satisfaction that for more than half
of that time the State of Albania has enjoyed successful
cooperation and active participation in the life of the
United Nations. Our commitment has grown over the
years and has embraced almost every aspect of United
Nations activity, including peacekeeping operations. In
recent years we have devoted particular attention to the
ongoing efforts to reform the Organization’s system.
As that system has developed and its activities have
become more complex, the need for greater coherence
and efficiency within the Organization as a whole has
grown pressing. That is particularly evident in the area
of United Nations development assistance.
In June, as one of the pilot countries for the
Delivering as One approach, we hosted the fifth High-
level Intergovernmental Conference on Delivering
as One. The Tirana Conference adopted an outcome
document with concrete and, we hope, valuable
recommendations in the light of the approaching
quadrennial comprehensive policy review. We know
now that what started as a test idea has come a long way
in a relatively short time. A growing number of countries
are looking more clearly and closely at the benefits
of seeing the United Nations operate and implement
its assistance programmes with more coherence and
efficiency. Delivering as One has convincingly shown
in practice how the operational activities of the United
Nations can be delivered with greater efficiency and
how the system can do more and better and more with
less in its efforts to help countries reach nationally and
internationally agreed development goals.
I am proud to represent a country and society
widely known for their broadmindedness, tolerance and
acceptance of others. Albanians are probably unique to
our region in that, despite having endured centuries of difficulties in our history, we have always preserved
and cherished the values of freedom and respect for
the other that are fundamental to the modern concept
of human rights. Albanians’ respect for one another’s
rights and individuality is expressed first and foremost
in an exemplary religious harmony. They have shown
an outstanding acceptance of, and respect for, other
cultures, ethnicities and civilizations, and have devoted
special care and attention to those who have come
seeking safe refuge from the horrors of war. Albanians
have risked their own lives and far outspent their
economic capacity in order to rescue and save those in
need who came knocking at their door.
It is against that backdrop that Albania remains
a strong believer in dialogue among civilizations and
continues to engage actively in bridging the differences
among the wider membership on issues pertaining to
the human rights agenda. That is why Albania, which
currently presides over the Council of Europe, has chosen
“United in diversity” as its theme. The dialogue among
different cultures and civilizations should be seen as
an ongoing process requiring dedication, goodwill and
care. We cannot allow the sporadic reckless actions of
disruptive groups to prevent us from making a genuine
effort to reach a better understanding of one another in
a world that is becoming more globalized every day.
Although we were saddened and embittered by the
worthless video that deliberately targets what Muslims
everywhere consider sacred, Albanians, Muslims and
Christians alike have expressed their indignation by
simply ignoring such nonsense. We regret that the
reaction to it in some parts of the world was different,
used instead to fuel blind violence by angry, hopeless
crowds, with fatal consequences. We must be clear:
any form of terrorism or extremist act on the part of
isolated, malevolent groups should never be confused
with the position or identified with the attitude of an
entire society or Government. No legitimate anger
can excuse illegitimate violent acts that Governments,
societies and political and religious leaders should
firmly oppose. We condemn with indignation the
terrorist act against American Consulate staff and
premises in Libya and demand that the perpetrators
be punished. We also condemn any act of violent
protest against the Western embassies, whose mission
it is to promote understanding and cooperation among
countries and nations.
With a foreign policy based on peace and good
relations with all nations, its modest but important
contribution to international missions aimed at
safeguarding peace and human rights through a policy
of good neighbourliness, as well as its efforts to play a
moderate and constructive role in the region, Albania
has become a direct contributor to stability and security
on the regional and global levels. We are determined to
maintain and further build on that record.
Today, Albania participates in peacekeeping
missions in several international operations within the
framework of the United Nations and other regional
security organizations, including in Afghanistan,
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Iraq and more. My country
acknowledges and supports every effort towards global
peace and security and will continue to support the
efforts of the United Nations, NATO and other actors to
promote peace, stability and security around the world.
Global peace and security continue to be challenged
by tyranny and oppression in various parts of the world.
We reiterate our strong condemnation of the ferocious
repression of the freedom-loving people of Syria, whose
blood is being shed through the primitive attacks on
the part of a regime that has irretrievably forfeited its
legitimate right to lead and represent the Syrian people.
Let me join all those calling on the Security Council to
step up and comply with its duty, as mandated in the
United Nations Charter, to preserve peace and security.
It is hard to believe that one can remain indifferent
to events such as the terrible ones that have been
unfolding every day in Syria for a year and a half, with
tens of thousands of human losses and the widespread,
deliberate destruction and suffering that have already
set the country back by decades.
Have we not already learned the hard lessons of
similar mistakes in the past tragedies in Rwanda and
Bosnia?
Albania fully supports the peace process between
Palestine and Israel. Albania reiterates its position
in support of the two-State solution: a secure State
of Israel and a viable State of Palestine, living side
by side with each other in accordance with United
Nations resolutions and the road map. The peoples of
both Palestine and Israel are exhausted by that never-
ending conflict, and their leaders should shoulder
the responsibility of undertaking a legitimate quest
for freedom and peace, with long-term vision and
goodwill, and against extremists. The world longs to
see the peace process in the Middle East shift from a pattern of stagnation and become an inspiring example
of difficult yet indispensable compromises.
Albania remains deeply worried by the Iranian
nuclear programme, which continues to raise serious
questions as to its nature instead of providing answers
and guarantees, as requested over the years. We must
prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear threat.
In November this year, my country will celebrate the
centenary of its independence. We will commemorate a
century that saw a diversity of events, which were not
always among the happiest ones.
Many have described the Albanian people as
survivors of harsh chapters of history. They are not
wrong: the Albanian people have suffered unwanted
wars, forced movement from their lands, assaults and
attempts to annihilate them, unjust partitions and,
during the second half of the twentieth century, bravely
resisted five decades of communism. All this has come
at a stiff price. Today we look to the future with hope,
in a spirit of deliverance, and with strong confidence
that the coming century will be marked by continuous
peace, economic progress, and cultural and intellectual
revitalization.
Our region, which was once a troubled hotspot
and a sick area of Europe, has been profoundly and
positively transformed. Six new States have been born
out of the former Yugoslavia in the course of the past
two decades.
We all know that it has not been easy, and we all
know why. But what matters most is that everywhere
in the region societies have evolved, the ghosts of the
past have ceded their place to new realities, and people,
in particular the young generation, are more than ever
turned towards the future.
Let me point out here that the establishment of the
independent State of Kosovo five years ago has become
an important factor of peace and stability in the South-
east European region. It has become stronger and
overcome all kinds of obstacles created by those who
still cannot accept reality and face the truth. As time
passes, independent Kosovo is being recognized and
accepted by an increasing number of States — close to
half of the States Members of the United Nations.
The advisory opinion of the International Court
of Justice on Kosovo (see A/64/881), rendered in 2010
upon specific request from Serbia, clearly ruled that
the independence of Kosovo was in conformity with the international law. Just a few days ago, the Republic
of Kosovo reached another level of State consolidation
with the end of the phase of independence supervised
by the international community.
I take this opportunity to congratulate the
authorities of Kosovo on their continued progress in
building and strengthening a democratic State and a
multi-ethnic society, and I call on all those countries
that have not yet recognized Kosovo to consider a
review and assessment of that irreversible reality in
the South-eastern European region. The recognition of
Kosovo is an act of justice for a people that has suffered
for too long, and represents a net contribution to peace
and stability in the Balkans.
We have already heard, and we are prepared to
listen once again to the same old redundant arguments
from Serbia regarding Kosovo. What war failed to do,
propaganda will not achieve either. While Serbia’s
leaders speak of partition and the redrawing of borders,
and while they make troubling statements denying
genocide in Srebrenica, one is right to ask whether the
past continues to loom over the present there, obscuring
reality and distorting their vision of the future.
Albania has maintained strong positive economic
growth despite the impact of the global financial
and economic crisis. The pursuit of macroprudential
policies and well-anchored structural reforms focusing
on privatization, fiscal probity, trade liberalization, the
business climate and the energy and financial sectors
have enabled Albania’s economy to become the most
resilient of the economies of South-east Europe. During
the period from 2007 to 2012, average economic growth
has been 5 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP),
peaking in 2008 at 8 per cent of GDP.
Since 2008, Albania has had a f lat tax of 10 per
cent; corporate tax has decreased from 25 per cent to
10 per cent; personal income tax has dropped from
23 per cent to 10 per cent; and dozens of fees have
simply been eliminated.
The Global Competitiveness Report 2011-2012,
published by the World Economic Forum, ranks
Albania seventy-eighth out of 142 countries/economies.
The World Bank report Doing Business 2012: Doing
Business in a More Transparent World ranks Albania
eighty-second out of 183 economies in terms of ease
of doing business. In the areas of getting credit and
of protecting investors, Albania ranks twenty-fourth and sixteenth, respectively, putting it among the top
reformer countries.
On our road towards sustained development,
progress and prosperity, we remain fully engaged and
committed to carrying out all reforms and taking all
of the measures required to continue successfully on
the path to European Union integration. This is not an
alternative but a long-term choice carefully pursued
over the years, and we are determined to make it happen.
In the weeks ahead, we expect a favourable
decision by the Council of Ministers of the European
Union on our bid for the status of candidate country
to the European Union. That merit-based decision will
constitute another milestone in Albania’s journey to
European integration and will place our commitments
and our responsibilities at a higher stage of the process.
In conclusion, let me assure the Assembly that
Albania remains committed to international cooperation
and is determined to continue to offer its contribution to
advancing peace, freedom and security, and respect for
human rights, fighting poverty, promoting sustainable
development and prosperity, and, last but not least,
protecting the environment.