Allow me, first of all, to extend to you. Sir, my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. My delegation is confident that as a statesman of distinction with well-known qualities of leadership you will guide our deliberations during this session to a successful conclusion. We are confident that this session will continue the good work and even accelerate the momentum and progress generated by the forty-first session.
Kindly permit me also to extend a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, for the efficient and dignified manner in which he presided over the forty-first session - a session that will no doubt be remembered as one of the most crucial of this body.
I should like, finally, to pay tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his invaluable service to this Organization and his commitment to the peace and security of the world, and the laudable efforts he continues to exert in promoting good will and understanding among all nations.
We find ourselves in a momentous period in the history of mankind. The dangers and challenges facing nations, individually and collectively, have been unprecedented in the last quarter in this century. Many of our countries are facing an increasingly critical economic situation as the gap between developed and developing countries continues to widen. Similarly, conflicts, disputes and a general state of instability continue to persist in many parts of the globe. We in the Gambia view these negative trends and developments as seriously endangering international peace and security.
Only two years ago  amid the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, the President of the Republic of the Gambia, His Excellency Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, unequivocally reminded us from this very rostrum that, despite the significant achievements of the United Nations in numerous fields of human endeavours, the commemoration was taking place against a background of continuing tragedies in the vast majority of developing countries. Although important strides have been made over the past two years, poverty, hunger, all forms of social injustice and wars continue to threaten the survival of millions of people around the world.
It is against this background that I now wish to examine, briefly, some of the economic and political issues which ought to preoccupy the attention of every delegation in this Assembly. I am of course mindful of the fact that most of the speakers who preceded me have brilliantly made detailed analyses of these issues. I shall therefore confine myself to those which need to be constantly emphasized.
My delegation notes with regret that the economic situation facing developing countries continues to deteriorate. The difficulties in implementing our development policies, individually and collectively, have been compounded by the continuing bleak international economic climate. This unfavourable climate is brought about by the sharp decline in the terms of trade and high interest rates together with the shortening of maturities and an increasingly heavy debt-servicing burden exacerbated by the sharp decline in the price of primary commodities. The economies of developing countries in general have continued to show negative signs of growth and, in spite of painful sacrifices made in recent years, the per capita Incomes in these countries continue to decline.
Underlying these trends is the evidence of the severe strain imposed by the global recession at the turn of the decade. There has also been a significant slow-down of growth in the world economy, with far-reaching consequences on international trade. In the developing countries, incentives for investment and production have sharply eroded in the wake of declining commodity prices and increased protectionism. Faced with these overwhelming odds, developing countries have suffered a serious reversal in their development efforts due to substantial loss of export earnings and mounting indebtedness. My delegation therefore firmly believes that there is need for economic preventive medication and a reassessment of the world economic situation, as it is evident that the present economic crisis works manifest injustice on all developing nations.
It will be recalled that the threat of a universal economic catastrophe has compelled both developed and developing countries to focus more attention on the need for close co-operation. Notwithstanding this spontaneous awareness of concerted international action to resolve contemporary global economic problems, the necessary political will is regrettably still far from adequate. Yet the worsening economic crisis, which stems from the persistent denial of the developed countries to satisfy the basic needs of the majority of mankind, constitutes the greatest threat to world peace and security. While we recognize that mankind has the vision and capacity to guarantee the maintenance of world peace and the socio-economic development of all nations, we are more than convinced that narrow self-interest are the main stumbling-block to the realization of these global objectives.
It is gratifying to note, however, that at the level of the African continent we have with renewed commitment embarked upon a programme of action for the dual purpose of survival and development. I am referring to the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly at the special session on Africa in May of last year.
Mindful of the fact that the socio-economic progress of our continent is primarily our own responsibility, we in the Gambia, like other countries in the developing world, have been pursuing an economic recovery programme. In response to the deteriorating economic situation, in mid-1985 the Government of the Gambia adopted a comprehensive economic recovery programme aimed at laying the basis for sustained economic growth while restoring domestic and external financial equilibrium.
The programme aims specifically at achieving an annual growth rate of real domestic product of 3.3 per cent during the period 1986/87-1988/89, while reducing the inflation rate from 35 per cent, on an annual basis, in 1985/86 to below 10 per cent in 1988/89.
In the external sector, the programme's main objectives were to build up official foreign exchange reserves, reduce the large stock of external-payment arrears, normalize relations with creditors through rescheduling agreements and the timely servicing of non-schedulable obligations.
In pursuit of those objectives, the Government embarked on a strategy aimed both at reducing domestic absorption and promoting growth in output. To curtail inflationary pressures and restore external payments balance, the strategy emphasizes prudent demand management through appropriate fiscal, monetary, exchange-rate, pricing and external-debt policies. To develop the productive sectors, the economic recovery programme aims at promoting private initiative through the provision of appropriate price and other incentives, primarily in agriculture, manufacturing and fisheries. To achieve greater efficiency in public-sector operations, the programme calls for significant reductions in government employment, a reorganization of the civil service, rationalization and divestiture of major public enterprises, and more stringent project selection to improve the productivity of the public sector.
Significant progress has been made in implementing the programme, and the Gambia economic and financial performance to date has exceeded the programme's objective in many respects. Real growth in the gross domestic product in 1986/87 is estimated at 6 per cent, compared with the programme target of 3.3 per cent. At the same time, the rate of increase in the consumer price index is about 20 per cent, from 70 per cent in 1985/86. In 1986/87, the external current account, excluding official transfers, widened to about 40 million special drawing rights (SDR) - 34 per cent of the gross domestic product - or SDR 5 million above the programme target. The overall balance of payments, excluding exceptional financing, for which a deficit of SDR 20.4 million was forecast, was virtually in balance. The build-up in gross official foreign reserves plus the reduction in external payments arrears amounted to about SDR 35 million, compared with the initial programme objective of SDR 5.5 million.
I must confess that it has been a very painful process, in view of the magnitude of the sacrifices made by our people, but we are also consoled by the fact that the results obtained so far have been encouraging.
It is a matter of great concern that, despite the efforts being made by our countries, the international community has not been forthcoming in providing increased flow of official development assistance to the continent and has not adequately addressed the urgent need to solve the menacing problem of Africa's indebtedness.  Our efforts to stimulate economic growth and raise the living standards of our peoples are being suffocated by the weight of debt-service obligations. Unless the devastating debt burden and the continued fall in international commodity prices be given urgent attention by the international community, our efforts to revive nr fragile economies will be futile.
The external debt crisis has already reached alarming proportions and, as is recognized in General Assembly resolution 41/202, adopted by consensus at the forty-first session, an integrated approach involving creditor and debtor nations, multilateral financial institutions and international private banks is necessary if durable solutions to the debt problem are to be found. The need for an international conference to tackle this problem is becoming even more pressing. The hard fact is that, although debtor countries are willing to repay their debts, they are simply unable to do so in the present economic climate. We therefore urge the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly to take a decision to convene such a conference without any further delay.
At this juncture I should like to commend the gestures of some countries like Canada, Great Britain, the Scandinavian countries and the Federal Republic of Germany for having decided to write off the debts of some developing countries or convert loans to grants. I appeal to the entire international donor community to focus greater attention on Africa's indebtedness and help in alleviating this terrible scourge with a view to responding more favourably to our recovery efforts and the plight of our peoples, who are yearning for a better life.
Since my country falls within the Sahelian zone, which for more than a decade has been suffering from severe drought, I would be failing in my duty if I did not make even a passing but important observation on the need to address the issues of food security, drought control and desertification, as well as water-resources development and management. All those issues are crucial to our recovery efforts. My delegation strongly believes that if drought-stricken countries do not succeed in effectively addressing those problems - of coarse, with the full support of the international community - our objectives of increasing agricultural production and encouraging self-sufficiency in food for the total well-being of our people will elude us.
My delegation looks forward with great anticipation to the new round of multilateral trade negotiations agreed upon at Punta del Este, Uruguay, just a year ago. We hope the new round will bring about a significant reversal of present trends in international trade. My delegation is also gratified by the outcome of the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the adoption of a Final Act which represents a significant commitment by the international community to address the most critical areas of multilateral trade in the light of the special needs of the least developed countries in Africa.
We take note with a large measure of encouragement of the fact that the special needs of African countries have become a major focus of attention at the annual meetings of seven industrialized nations. The recent consensus reached at Venice on Africa's indebtedness and on the need for a substantial increase in the special facility for Africa is most reassuring. It is a source of great hope and encouragement also that the eighth replenishment of the International Development Association has been accorded overwhelming support.
We are extremely happy to note that in his statement during the recent annual meeting of the Board of Governors of the World Bank, held in Washington, the Right honourable Nigel Lawson, Chancellor of the Exchequer of the United Kingdom, stressed the point that special action was required to help the very poorest and most heavily indebted countries, particularly those of sub-Saharan Africa. We hope that this important and timely proposal will be pursued with vigour and a sense of urgency with a view to its adoption by the international donor community.
There is no doubt that sustained economic growth and social progress can be achieved in international relations only if everyone recognizes that our mutual interdependence makes it imperative that all nations large and small be able to participate fully in international trade and exchanges, with an underlying commitment to social justice and higher living standards.
While economic questions continue to attract the attention of the vast majority of nations, serious political problems in many parts of the globe still threaten world peace and security. Among these none is more explosive than the issue of apartheid South Africa.
Apartheid is a system we all condemn, with total agreement that it should disappear; yet some of us are not merely concerned, but disturbed, that there is still disagreement as regards the adoption of a common approach to the eradication of apartheid. While we continue to have endless debates, the black majority of South Africa remains trapped in the shadow of the most brutal repression and persecution carried out by the Pretoria regime in blatant disregard of the most fundamental values and ideals on which this Organization was founded. The international community has failed to reach consensus on the comprehensive and far-reaching measures necessary to bring apartheid to an end. But the heroic masses have remained resolute in their struggle to dismantle apartheid, under the dynamic leadership of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), even in the face of arbitrary arrests, imprisonment without trial and indiscriminate killing of victims including religious leaders, women and children.
My Government strongly and unequivocally condemns the senseless massacre and the continued denial of fundamental freedoms. My delegation will hasten to participate in any substantive discussions and concerted international action to bring apartheid to its inevitable end. In the meantime, we are of the view that the only sensible means left to deal with apartheid South Africa is the imposition of mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.
We are also of the opinion that in order to create an atmosphere conducive to peaceful dialogue. Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners languishing in South African gaols must be released immediately and unconditionally.
My delegation has read with measured care the speech recently delivered in New York by Mr. George Shultz, Secretary of State of the United States, to the Business Council for International understanding· We are of the view that that important statement on the situation in South Africa was positive in both approach and content and that it could therefore form the basis for negotiations among all interested parties in South Africa with the full participation of the ANC and the PAC. I hasten to add that if any proposed solution is to enjoy serious consideration it must have the support of the front-line States and the members of the Security Council.
My delegation is saddened too by the situation in neighbouring Namibia, where Pretoria remains intransigent in its defiance of the Security Council. South Africa is clearly on a collision course with disaster, having deliberately frustrated all efforts aimed at a peaceful transition to a multi-racial society. Despite our collective efforts within the framework of the Security Council to exercise authority over the Territory through the adoption of numerous resolutions. South Africa has refused with impunity to obey the Security Council on the question of self-determination and independence for Namibia in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). My delegation fully supports the imposition of mandatory sanctions within the framework of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. We are convinced that this is the most viable solution to the Namibian problem.
We find it disturbing that South Africa's neighbours, particularly the front-line States, have become hostages to brutal aggression and destabilization by the Pretoria regime. In that regard, my delegation strongly urges the international community to provide those nations the assistance that would guarantee their territorial integrity and independence. The unending saga of the Palestine tragedy touches the hearts of all those who believe in self-determination. My delegation believes that respect for the Palestinian quest for self-determination is a necessary pre-condition for the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. We consider the situation in the occupied Arab territories both appalling and unacceptable. It is therefore in this spirit that we consider that the convening of an international conference on the Middle East under United Nations auspices would be an important step in the search for a lasting settlement of this grave human tragedy. Such a conference can be successful only if the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) participates fully and on an equal footing with the other parties to the conflict.
The situation in Lebanon is another unfolding tragedy of immeasurable proportions, and one which violates all established international norms. We believe that the time has come for the people of Lebanon to live up to their national aspiration to sovereignty and territorial integrity. To this end, we call for the complete withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanese territory and demand respect for the territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon.
The Gulf war between Iran and Iraq continues to be a major concern of my Government - and indeed of my President, Alhaji Sir Oawda Jawara - as the state of hostilities between the two sides drags into its eighth year and assumes catastrophic new dimensions. As Chairman of the Peace Committee of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the President of the Gambia has, since 1984, been actively engaged in this formidable process of mediation. Recent developments in the region, however, have caused dismay and anxiety in the entire Islamic Ummah, while further seriously endangering world peace and security. We therefore welcome and applaud ongoing initiatives by the Secretary-General to bring that human tragedy to an early settlement.
With regard to the situation in South-East Asia, my Government fully supports the efforts being made by the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), and we maintain the view that the military occupation of Kampuchea constitutes a violation of the fundamental principles of international law embodied in the Charter. The occupation also violates the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States and the rights of the Kampuchean peoples to self-determination. The youth of that country have lived the prime of their lives under the spectre of war and repression, and should be allowed the opportunity to determine their own destiny.
It is regrettable that after eight years of foreign domination, and in spite of the noble efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative, Mr. Cordovez, a political settlement in Afghanistan has still not been achieved. My delegation is of the view that the only sure way of achieving a quick and amicable solution of the Afghan problem is by the unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops, based on the decision of this Assembly. We therefore urge those responsible for the continuation of hostilities to recognize the rights of the Afghans to exercise self-determination. The problem of Afghanistan is one of foreign occupation, and once the withdrawal of foreign troops is achieved the Afghan people will quickly solve their internal problems, as history has proved time and time again.
My delegation would like to place on record our deep appreciation to the Government of Pakistan for its constructive participation in the Geneva proximity talks and the attention given to the millions of Afghan refugees in Pakistan.
The unification of Korea, and in the mean time the admission of both North and South Korea to the United Nations, is of particular interest to my delegation. We are convinced that dialogue between the two sides with an underlying commitment to the mutual interest of them both will help reduce tension and ultimately bring —to resolution of the problem.
Although it was as long ago as 1948 that the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, almost 40 years later the civil, political, economic and cultural rights of millions of people around the world continue to be denied them. We in the Gambia are of the view that the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Commission on Human and People's Rights, which was recently put in place by the summit of African Heads of State and Government, should be an adequate representation of the conscience of all nations. Our responsibilities in the field of human rights transcend the narrow limits of economic self-interest and political expediency. Our task is to uphold and promote the rights of peoples wherever they may be violated, threatened or otherwise compromised.
My delegation is of the strong opinion that the time has now come to put an end to the denials of life and liberty and to the inhuman suffering which is the lot of millions of innocent human beings all over the world. We in the Gambia, under the leadership of President Alhaji Sic Dawda Kairaba Jawara, are firmly committed to the protection of and respect for human rights. This is a commitment which is built upon the solid foundation of our domestic laws and which is a major determinant of our foreign policy.
Respect for fundamental human rights, the corner-stone of Gambian democracy, is also the catalyst of our socio-economic development, for we firmly believe that only in an atmosphere of freedom and security can the individual effectively contribute to the collective good of all. Indeed, the struggle against colonialism, oppression and racism is yet another attempt to raise the level of human dignity.
This is the backdrop against which the forty-second session of the General Assembly is being held. It is a period of unprecedented economic uncertainty, in which the gap between rich and poor continues to widen; it is a time of political crises in many parts of the world, when the peace  however fragile, that has prevailed since the founding of the United Nations is seriously threatened. But there is some degree of hope of overcoming these difficulties, since those who genuinely desire peace outnumber the forces of evil. And, because of our collective desire to seek peaceful solutions to the global problems we face, we still have the United Nations, whose machinery can be strengthened and better used, together with our regional organizations, inspired by the quest for development and peace, to translate ideas into action for the common good of humanity. However, I hasten to add that the United Nations can have little concrete impact so long as some members of the international community continue to view the abominable global problems in the narrow perspective of economic, political or strategic self-interest.


I begin by warmly congratulating you, Mr. President, on the well-earned honour done to you in electing you to this lofty post at the forefront of the work of the General Assembly, which is now holding its forty-second session in a climate of great worldwide expectations prompted by the scale of the problems that are of concern to mankind and by the historical dynamics that particularly affect certain parts of the world where ideological, political and military confrontations have attained extremely dangerous, even dramatic, levels.
Peace is the key to the concerns we all share. The most relevant example in that respect has been set by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whose tireless devotion to the search for peaceful means of resolving truly difficult conflicts deserves our appreciation and respect. These are sentiments we express with admiration and gratitude.
Peace is the key to our destiny as a species and as individual nations. Indeed, at this stage in history it is no longer possible to make clear-cut distinctions between mankind as a whole and each of its components, however geographically small they may be.
For a long time, although this was not an ideal state of affairs, individuals and peoples were able to live aloof from one another, particularly with respect to more local problems and disputes. Today that is not possible. We cannot talk realistically now even about the East-West conflict or the North-South conflict. The world is so intimately interconnected that it is truer than ever before that " to paraphrase John Donne - when the bell tolls, it tolls for all. However, when the bells, for some commendable reason, ring out in time, then we are entitled to share a legitimate feeling of pleasure.
In Central America, after years in which the bells have been tolling for death, fear, injustice and the lack of understanding, we now hear, another sound, one which gives us the firm hope that, if the necessary efforts are made in the appropriate spirit, we shall attain that peace which would mean our survival as free nations. That is what our peoples have been clamouring for. It is what our Governments are endeavouring to attain, on the basis of their faith in authentic participatory, pluralistic and United democracy.
On 7 August, the five Presidents of Central America, in an audacious, deliberate and Ear-sighted gesture, signed an agreement that, is historic not merely because of the extremely grave problems it tackles in a profound and effective fashion but also because it represents the first expression since independence was achieved in 1821 - when a similar feat was accomplished - of a United and indivisible commitment that undoubtedly constitutes the embryo of a new sense of Central Americanism. And it is not rhetorical but practical since it will, we hope, result in an indivisible consolidation of our economic, social, cultural and political future.
The document to which we refer bears a title that reflects the spirit in which it was conceived - "Procedures for establishing a firm and lasting peace in Central America". The document, known as Esquipulas II, represents a programme for peace - a firm and lasting peace, a real peace. President Duarte, who played a decisive role in shaping the spirit and scope of this document, therefore insists on talking of peace, working for peace and holding dialogues about peace. The greatness of this joint achievement of the peoples and Governments of Central America derives from the fact that we have overcome warlike mentalities - which external ideological forces imposed upon us - and have emerged with a clear concept of peace that incorporates respect, security and mutual trust.
We ate not, however, naive. We understand the enormous risks and snares that the eternal enemies of democracy are laying in our path, but we cannot wrap ourselves in obstructionist pessimism. We sincerely want peace, and we are struggling to achieve it, day by day, fulfilling the provisions of Esquipulas II and, within our country, adopting all those measures that would make possible the inclusion of irregular groups in democratic life. This would not breach the constitutional provisions the Salvadoran people have provided for themselves in full freedom and in a climate of sound political life that incorporates respect, guarantees and pluralism.
Peace is at hand.
In El Salvador, we have had to fight off treacherous, systematic and implacable aggression. At first, practically alone, we fought heroically against the territorial onslaughts that threatened, and indeed continue to threaten, our institutional life and the heritage of our people built up over many decades of persistent national endeavour. The world gradually came to recognize the essentially democratic nature of our struggle. Since 1980, we have travelled a hard path strewn with obstacles, and in doing so our people and its legitimate Government have created and strengthened a series of political, economic and social structures, enabling us to ensure that democracy has taken root deep in our soil.
That is why subversion in El Salvador has lost its historical reason for being. On 1 June our Government completed an intensive exercise, and in his annual address President Duarte informed the nation of the final, definitive establishment of the institutional framework for consolidating the necessary climate of guarantees that makes possible the involvement of the insurgents in a social and legal framework that is just and truly democratic. That framework is made up of laws that strengthen the rule of law and due process and do not allow for excuses, rejection or challenge.
There is no longer a state of emergency. There is a renewed framework of justice which, supplemented by the amnesty law soon to be enacted, meets all aspirations for freedom. Agricultural reform has already been established. There is reliable and secure electoral registration. Elections are scheduled for 1988 to buttress the system and, above all, the people and Government are determined faithfully to attain its objectives. For these reasons, and because of the certainty that it only through internal reform that we can meet the requirements of peace and democracy, we undertook to respect all the commitments of Esquipulas II. And for that reason, and in that sense, the insurgents must irrevocably accept the Esquipulas plan as well and return to democracy and civilian life once and for all.
The people of El Salvador have been pioneers of freedom since 5 November 1811, when the first cry for emancipation was uttered in Central America in the city of San Salvador. At the same time, we have been pioneers of unity. In circumstances a thousand times more challenging, destiny has once again placed us in the vanguard of the defence of freedom. We accept that challenge with a sense of responsibility. We are meeting it at great cost but in the certainty that our endeavour will bear fruit not only for our own people but equally for other peoples of the area, to which we feel intimately linked.
My Government has had to fight on many fronts - national and international. The tenacity and historic endeavours of the Government, under President Jose Napoleon Duarte, have been reflected in a series of measures and achievements ranging from the struggle for respect for human rights to full freedom of political expression for all the forces included in the peaceful legal process) from a vast programme of economic and social development to benefit society's poorer majority to the promotion of a new sense of citizenship that is demanding and vigilant but at the same time altruistic and imbued with a sense of solidarity from the progressive development of our democratic institutions to the orderly elimination of all remnants of the authoritarianism that had infiltrated various levels of the state and social systems of the country.
Human rights and freedom of expression in their fullest sense have been of particular concern to President Duarte. The improvement and strengthening of all policies to safeguard human rights reflect a trend and a commitment in El Salvador, since we consider that enjoyment of and respect for human rights underpin democracy in El Salvador.
This enormous endeavour, involving the entice people, sets us face to face with the most serious and urgent challenge of all - that of building peace, and doing so on the only possible scaffolding, that of democracy, because democracy is the key to peace. This is so clear and incontrovertible that it cannot be negotiated, belittled or distorted.
Hence, that dialogue for peace called for by President Duarte for Sunday next, 4 October, in the Apostolic Nunciature of San Salvador, with the insurgent groups, is a dialogue in accordance with Esquipulas II, a dialogue fervently desired by the Salvador an people and supported by all the free peoples of the world. It is a dialogue within the framework of an active, serious, solid and energetic democracy, one that can accommodate all trends of thought, even those of an extreme nature, provided that they respect the rule of law and the universal rules underlying any authentic process of social coexistence.
The Government of El Salvador has put all its cards on the table. President Duarte, with the same conviction and with the same care with which, as one of its principal architects, he signed Esquipulas II, will talk with the insurgents, who have explicitly accepted the content and scope of that document. The present context of the dialogue with those groups is clear. They will talk about peace, not war. They will consolidate the democratic process, not destabilize it. That is the spirit and the letter of the document the Central American presidents signed with such hope and such realism. That is the purpose of President Duarte and his Government, and it is fully consistent with the wishes of all Salvador ans.
Peace is at hand. Within that over-all perspective, and in order to ensure that the commitments set out in Esquipulas II become a reality, my country has, from the outset, sought to ensure that the problems in our region shall be approached in an over-all, simultaneous, multilateral, verifiable and universally accepted fashion.
Such an approach must be comprehensive, because to achieve stable, effective agreements it is necessary to take into account not merely the complex roots of the conflict but also its present ramifications. What in the past might have been basically an internal matter has taken on international overtones, and it is impossible to continue to insist upon its original internal nature.
The agreements must be simultaneous, for if the comprehensive approach of the document is to be effective, in the light, of the indivisible, global nature of the issues, the agreements must be carried out according to the schedule set by the signatory Governments or, in view of the nature of the measures to be adopted, at a basic, uniform tempo if no specific deadlines are set.
The agreements must be multilateral because all the Central American Governments, without exception or pretext, are committed to finding solutions and to fostering commitments in a responsible and sincere spirit.
They must be verifiable, because Esquipulas II is a historic agreement of mutual trust, adopted in good faith, setting in motion a process for dismantling in a peaceful and harmonious fashion all the structures and machinery of distrust, suspicion and aggression which the sickly spirit of war has unfortunately nurtured in our region.
They must be universally acceptable because the Latin American spirit that inspired the document, enshrined in the Contadora process, and the clear and determined commitment of the five nations that are calling for autonomy and a shared destiny, imply that Esquipulas II must be respected and accepted as a unique and harmonious whole by the international community and, first and foremost, by Latin America. This implies, inter-alia, unqualified acceptance by all of the rejection of violence·, the discrediting and unacceptability of insurgent groups, which should rather have recourse to amnesty and disarmament' the acceptance of democracy as the sole path towards legitimate power in the region·, and other natural actions that must be adopted by some countries directly or indirectly involved in the peace plan.	.
I should like to express my Government's appreciation for the words of support received from all the Governments of Latin America and the world, which we consider to have been made in the aforementioned spirit. We were recently saddened, nevertheless, to heat one dissident voice that seemed to go counter to our endeavours. I am referring to statements made by Cuba, which, in a broad series of comments, made discordant remarks that seemed to contradict its expressions of support for Esquipulas II, in particular with regard to efforts made by my Government to halt an armed conflict that no longer has any justification. Does Cuba support the clear and unobjectionable joint endeavours of the people and Government of El Salvador, who are obviously struggling for freedom and dignity in that country, out of respect for the humanistic and sacred principles of Bolivar, Marti and Juarez? Or is Cuba continuing its unconditional support - counter to the spirit and Letter of Esquipulas II - for the inhuman terrorists and insurgents still operating in El Salvador, who have brought so much bloodshed and grief to our long-suffering people through their reprehensible acts, their criminal laying of mines and their irrational destruction?
We call upon Cuba to respect the sovereign will expressed in the peace agreement, to accept it unconditionally and openly, honestly and comprehensively. We call upon Cuba to stop the exporting of revolutions and to refrain from providing logistic and material support to the insurgents in El Salvador.
Similarly, we consider that there must be an adequate international response to the call from the peoples of Central America to the international community to provide the resources that can truly safeguard a firm and lasting peace. Without such assistance and material support in overcoming the social crises that are undeniable components of our conflicts, it will not be possible to realize the ideal of a life of permanent freedom and democracy to which our societies aspire, We are realistic. We knew that the eradication of the underlying causes of the crisis can be achieved only through the elimination of marginalization and underdevelopment, for tomorrow, God willing, we may achieve peace; the following
day, however, a new and acute source of destabilization could arise – regional destabilization caused not by the lack of peace or freedom but rooted in the hunger and critical poverty currently afflicting our peoples.
We therefore make a fervent appeal to the international community to assist us so that Esquipulas II can become a reality. That document places upon the signatory Governments the following obligations; in the climate of freedom guaranteed by democracy, the Central American countries shall adopt such agreements as will help to speed up development, in order to make their societies more egalitarian and free from misery.
"The strengthening of democracy entails creating a system of economic and social well-being and justice. To achieve these goals, the Governments shall jointly seek special economic assistance from the international community." (A/42/521, pp. 7-8)
Peace is at hand.
It was not by happenstance that Central America found itself in the explosive situation that we are today defusing, with the understanding of all the nations of the world. A full-scale plan of international subversion was set in motion to take advantage of our weaknesses, shortcomings and past errors, but that plan failed to take into account two essential factors that made possible the current positive developments in the crisis: The first is the determination of our peoples - who are simple, but endowed with exemplary stoicism and age-old wisdom - to enjoy the benefits and opportunities of freedom, without sophistry or affectation. The second factor is the support of the international community in the attainment of solutions which, safeguarding democracy and the rule of law, will make possible equitable social development for all in our communities, who yearn so for progress and justice.
The lesson has been a cruel and painful one, but our hope has remained unshaken: the hope that we shall emerge from this time of trial, which has made us Central Americans fully aware that notwithstanding all the marginal disagreements we are United, not merely in our past, but also in our present and our future.
We are pacifists by calling, by loyalty and by experience. In that context of feelings and ideals, the foreign policy of El Salvador has contributed - and contributes increasingly - to the strengthening of regional and international peace and security in all spheres. That policy adheres to the principles and norms governing friendly relations among States.
As tangible proof of the principles that guide and define our foreign policy, I am pleased to note the considerable progress made with respect to the peaceful settlement of the border dispute with Honduras, both in terms of the proceedings before the International Court of Justice, to which both countries have turned in a spirit of harmony, and in terms of the technical work of demarcation in the border areas delimited by the 1980 peace treaty. With respect to the Court's proceedings, my Government reaffirms its unequivocal willingness to comply with the Court's decision. That shows the commitment to peace which is the most evident example of the way we wish to see relations among Central American countries develop.
El Salvador, like the majority of countries represented here, is sometimes frustrated and concerned to see that many international incidents, far from showing signs of a peaceful solution, seem to be getting worse and more deeply rooted. But I must say that we have faith and hope that the remaining international disputes can be resolved through sincere dialogue aimed at creating conditions conducive to the political understandings necessary for peace.
El Salvador knows that the solution to today's problems and conflicts must be approached and achieved in the light of the pre-eminence of political will, tolerance, wisdom and respect. Only in that way can we make secure progress towards true international justice, guaranteeing the well-being and survival of mankind.
In that respect we welcome the mediating efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whom we fully support in his arduous task of trying to help resolve the dispute between Iran and Iraq. We appeal to the parties to the dispute to respect the resolutions of the Security Council and, as we in Central America are now doing, to engage in dialogue in a climate of reason in which mutually beneficial agreements can be adopted.
Likewise, El Salvador, with respect for and in full observance of the norms of international law, considers that the question of Korea must be resolved by peaceful means, through resumed dialogue and negotiations between South Korea and North Korea.
Peace is at hand.
It will be appreciated that El Salvador is a country all of whose energies are devoted to the achievement and maintenance of world and regional peace. If the little word "peace" has been uttered often in this statement it is because, for us, it is not merely a lofty aspiration; it is a spiritual commitment that supports and encourages us even in the worst circumstances. Our country is small, poor and long-suffering, but today it stands at one of the focal points of modern history. We have thus emerged from anonymity to play a leading role in one of the great battles of our time. We know that is a role we must take on with bravery and dignity.
The coming 5 November is an important multiple anniversary for Central America: 90 days after the signing of the Esquipulas II agreement, the five basic peace commitments will enter into force simultaneously in the five countries. On 5 November 1811, in the church of La Merced at San Salvador, the first cry for Central American independence was heard.
The coincidence on that great day of events associated with independence, pacifism, freedom and nationhood prompts me to invite my fellow Foreign Ministers of the Executive Committee to meet on that date at San Salvador, in keeping with the schedule of meetings, so that we can be first-hand witnesses to the crucial moment and jointly declare to the world the entry into force of these long-awaited agreements, in an act of historic responsibility and political will befitting the occasion. If this takes place, we should thus be able on 7 November to report to our regional organization, the Organization of American States, on the success of this great regional endeavour.  I affirm that we never have evaded and never shall shirk this enormous challenge  in which freedom and democracy are at stake. I am sure that I speak for all Salvadorians when I say to this Assembly - from which we seek a resolution unequivocally supporting Esquipulas II - that El Salvador will continue to work for peace and harmony, with good faith and hope.
Mindful that we have made progress and that peace is at hand, we shall fully and unswervingly implement all the agreements undertaken in Esquipulas II, in the hope that the other countries will do the same, honouring their word and their dignity.
We hope our humble contribution will help the free, just and humane world we all want become an increasingly tangible reality for all the peoples of the earth.


Mr. President, I wish to offer you greetings from the people and Government of Peru and to express my pleasure at the fact that you have been elected to guide the deliberations of the highest forum of the international community. Your dedication to the process of international understanding is the best guarantee of the successful accomplishment of your task. I must also may how much we encourage, how much we appreciate, and how grateful we are to our Secretary-General, whose unanimous re-election is the best tribute the international community can offer to his selfless work for international peace and security.
We are living through a dangerous period of deterioration in the international system, a fact which makes it imperative to establish a new rationality and strengthen the machinery available, so that the solutions to the world's great problems may be dealt with properly on the multilateral level. We are particularly concerned at the crisis of the United Nations system in which, above and beyond purely financial and substantive factors, we perceive attempts to weaken the Organization, to compromise its independence and to neutralize its role as a negotiating forum for major international issues.
Attempts are thus being made to erode multilateralism and thereby deprive the developing countries of the world's decision-making processes. Attempts are being made to do this in such a way that the relevant bodies will not be able to play their proper role, not merely as a group of operational bodies working in co-operation, but as factors of change in the very foundations of the system, and instruments for the attainment of a democratised international order.
Ours is an Organization with an imbalance, to the detriment of the developing countries. The imbalance is expressed through the veto in the Security Council as well as through financial domination, which has the effect of an additional veto, and through the concentration - an almost hereditary concentration - of the main posts in the Organization in a group of countries.
Therefore, any reform, far from increasing the inequalities in the United Nations, should, on the contrary, effectively democratise it, resolve its financial problems without political mortgages, and consolidate its functional independence, in order to enable it to achieve its great objectives of peace and development.

What is required is a new concept of the United Nations system, one that would enable it to respond to the challenge of structural change experienced by international relations in the post-industrial society; so that it may be able to give direction to the emerging trends and avoid the threat to the third world of the establishment of more serious dependence and the distortion of basic elements of the nation-State.
For this purpose it is imperative to bring about a collective process of reflection and diagnosis that will make it possible to determine a new approach to the institutional structure of the international system  to review and revise the now obsolete schemes of the post-war period; and to anticipate the requirements of a new international dynamism.
We are living in a period of what promises to be a new stage in the disarmament process. The recent agreements between the United States and the Soviet Union give us encouraging signs, for the first time, of the reversal of the fatal arms race. We are inspired by the hope that the universal conscience in favour of peace and disarmament - which motivated the Harare message of the Heads of State of the non-aligned countries - will in the end triumph over the egocentric visions of security, which still cause many to spend great resources to win an impossible war, instead of making a reality of a peace without victories, based on the full realization and understanding of international social justice.
Let us trust that this progress will also help to usher in substantial progress in the total banning of nuclear tests, the prevention of the militarization of space, the strengthening of multilateral negotiations with regard to other aspects of disarmament, and the releasing of resources for economic and social development. In the regional and sub regional area, we are persevering in the organization of convergent efforts to promote development through the social reorientation of the resources allocated to defence expenditures, an ongoing process now, which is conducive to the strengthening of regional security, based on a new dynamic of co-operation, Integration and solidarity. We believe that the zones of peace can serve to strengthen international security and help in regional development work. In this area my country is in favour of a zone of peace in the southern Pacific.

At the centre of this concern is the indissoluble relationship between disarmament and development and its connection with a democratic and fully integrated concept of security. Despite frustrations, the recent International Conference on the subject has offered us a valuable opportunity to clarify concepts and open a debate which, we hope, will soon be universal and sufficiently imaginative to establish appropriate ways and means to make this relationship effective and to promote genuine international co-operation towards renewed and fruitful multilateralism.
A significant contribution will be made by the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace, Disarmament and Development in Latin America, which will shortly be Inaugurated in Lima, in accordance with the Assembly's unanimous decision last year. We trust that the Regional Centre will make it possible to mobilize the collective efforts of countries in the region in the area of the interrelationship between disarmament and development and its impact on the conflict-peace relationship.
In hosting this new institution, which belongs to all countries of the region, Peru will be unflagging in its efforts to increase the Centre's vitality and effectiveness and urges Member States to give it genuine and unwavering co-operation. On the initiative of Peru and the Group of 77 the General Assembly has for two years now been considering the grave problem of the external debt of developing countries. These considerations have had the following positive results; the adoption of resolution 41/202 and the points agreed on recently in UNCTAD VII. Thus it would appear that everyone agrees on the seriousness of the problem.
Nevertheless, the debt problem is growing daily, owing to the lack of universal agreement on how to implement a valid strategy for its solution. Endeavouring to solve the external-debt crisis through the imposition of adjustments and continuous refinancing is wrong.
Indeed, the constant process of debt refinancing makes it possible for the creditors to convert devalued loans into new loans with additional interest, thus increasing the principal and servicing. In other words, this refinancing thus establishes a permanent transfer of financial resources to the creditors - that is, perpetual tribute to be paid by the debtor developing countries.
In this way the debt expresses an asymmetry that is the product of a power policy that still accepts neither co-responsibility for the debt problem, nor flexibility in recognizing the real value of the debt in order to accede to historical interest rates, nor the real ability to pay of the debtors based on the requirements of their social and economic development.
As a consequence, the developing countries are increasingly adopting unilateral measures to reclaim their sovereignty and their peoples' right to development, thus limiting the transfer of resources and rejecting perpetual tribute to international financial profiteers. Thus, in the face of the abuse of the laws of the creditors, the justness of the laws of the debtors is suddenly arising.
If the debt burden has succeeded In reversing the logic of international co-operation, stretching the financial system to the limits of its credibility and political viability, the phenomenon of the international drug traffic is now reaching a scope that not only undermine the very essence of states but also add to an already critical international scene a criminal structure of formidable proportions.
In this context, it is encouraging to point out the fundamental importance of the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, held in Vienna, which marks a new stage in the political treatment of a problem that has deep and complex social, economic and political connotations; the final declaration contains basic principles to which my country subscribes.
The decrease in prices of raw materials and the scarcity of resources generated by the debt crisis contrast scandalously with the geometric rise in financial resources destined for drug consumption. Peru considers that the time has come to mobilize the support of consumer countries to make possible a massive flow of financial resources to the producer countries that will enable a radical change to be made in the artificially created production structure created by drug traffic in specific regions of the world. What must be done is to substitute the Incentive of agricultural producers towards a harmful prosperity based on drugs with an effective, profitable type of agricultural activity with guaranteed export markets coming from a new agro-industrial production structure.
Two years ago when the General Assembly approved an important resolution on terrorism, the United Nations assumed a unanimous commitment. However, not enough has yet been done to establish international conditions obstructing a climate propitious to terrorist activities. I believe it is urgent to promote a widespread stabilization of open rejection of organizations which, under political or cultural pretexts, would create in developed societies attitudes of tolerance for the proselytising action of agents of groups that impose violence and death on our democracies and work against our peoples' aspirations for freedom and justice. The initiatives put forward to distinguish between terrorism and the legitimate Struggles of liberation movements against colonialism, apartheid and foreign occupation are positive steps which should make it possible for us to move forward 'to this direction with greater determination.
One year after the last Summit Conference, in Harare, we observe in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries a new dynamic with respect to the challenge of our times. The non-aligned countries must respond to a fluid international situation with unity and effective actions, incorporating our own perspective and consolidating our Movement as a negotiating force capable of promoting effective solutions to the grave problems of the world.
In this context the non-aligned countries are concerned over the intensification of hotbeds of tension - wrongly dubbed "remaining" hotbeds - which should appropriately be considered by the General Assembly.
My country is deeply disturbed by the escalation and undue prolongation of t conflict between Iran and Iraq and supports the peace process initiated by the Security Council and the crucial role of the Secretary-General.
The problem of southern Africa remains unresolved because of the intransigent of those who oppose our struggle to replace the abhorrent apartheid regime and achieve independence for Namibia - heroic undertakings with which Peru wishes to state its unflagging solidarity.
We are encouraged by the progress made recently on the convening of an international conference on the Middle East for a peaceful solution to the problem in keeping with the security requirements of all the parties and with respect for the rights of the Palestinian people. Similarly, we support the Secretary-General's efforts for a negotiated political settlement of the situation in Afghanistan on the basis of the independence, non-alignment and self-determination of that nation.
Once more we voice our fraternal support for the just demand of Argentina for the recovery of its sovereign rights over the Malvinas Islands, and we stress the urgency of negotiations to eradicate that vestige of colonialism. With respect to the situation in Central America, Peru has always been convinced that It is possible to find a peaceful solution based on the right of the countries of the sub-region to decide on their own destiny free from any foreign Interference or intervention; and we express our solidarity with Nicaragua in the defence of its sovereignty, Independence, territorial integrity, stability and self-determination.
 The present session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time when this situation in Central America is such that there are new prospects for the long-sought peace process to be successful as a result of the initiatives of the Contadora and Support Groups. We are deeply pleased that on 7 August last the Central American Presidents signed a document on procedures for the establishment of a firm and lasting peace in Central America and thus formed an executive commission to make viable the implementation of peace agreements, within which new dynamic the International Verification and follow-up Commission was established.
We hail this great step of the Central American Governments which calls for the adoption of a resolution of great historical importance that confirms the broad and unrestricted support of the international community for the peace process agreed on in Guatemala and gives a clear mandate to the Secretary-General of the United Nations to support the implementation of that peace process, and in particular the work of the International Verification and Follow-up Commission.
Latin America has assumed the challenge of acting boldly in the world, using its rich experience and its own ideas and perceptions to become a factor for change in international relations.
In so doing, Latin America is aware of the need to change international economic structures; it identifies with the cause of the poor, deprived countries of the world and their desire to achieve development, which is a right and an international responsibility. In our region itself, we promote schemes for political co-operation and economic integration and further measures to make viable our development and strengthen our potential for working together.
Our first experience in dialogue, agreement and harmonization in the area of security has been the peace initiatives of the Contadora and Support Groups in the case of Central America. This exercise in solidarity has given rise to an experience in political co-operation known as the Group of Bight, which will find full expression in the meeting of Presidents to be held in Mexico next November.
This new framework for political harmonization, established on a solid basis of democracy, flexibility and non-exclusivity, is an attempt to establish the nucleus of a process of co-ordination in the Latin American region which will draw the region together and consolidate its presence in the international system through the innovative work of a new political organization, an economic identity of its own and re-conceptualisation of its collective security.
Similarly, of very great importance is the decision adopted in recent days by the member countries of SELA, the Latin American Economic System, to hold annual meetings of Foreign Ministers prior to the sessions of the General Assembly in order to examine, through direct and informal dialogue, the international situation and its repercussions in our region, as well as actions to strengthen the unity and joint actions of Latin America and the Caribbean. Those meetings, oriented around dialogue and political harmonization, give SELA a new dimension and held much promise for regional unity.
The crisis of the international system confronts the developing countries with critical situations and conditions in which national efforts to bring the great masses out of centuries of poverty are threatened by interests that want to maintain an unjust and unhealthy status quo.
Peru, in the midst of historical difficulties that have resulted from its being a third world country - difficulties aggravated by the aggression of terrorism and the extortion of debt - provides an acid test on how democratically to achieve structural transformations conducive to the consolidation of a popular nationalist programme. If the adjustment policies of a discredited financial system have overshadowed negotiations to achieve a new international order, it is today more necessary than ever that the developing countries create an alternative based on growth that includes the redistribution of wealth - that is, a new concept of development.
In this important world forum there has been advanced the thesis that the relationship between the role of the State and development is a contradictory one, and the growth experienced in the informal economic sector has been given as an example. The Government of Peru feels that such a contradiction does not exist, especially if the actions of States are oriented precisely towards avoiding the oligarchic and oligopolic concentration of property and production so as to give all citizens, especially the poorest and most marginal, access to the means necessary for fulfilment in the context of a more just, egalitarian and therefore authentically democratic society·
It has also been said that the right to development is simply the right of economic agents to act freely· If this assembly of nations has enshrined the right to development as one of the basic rights of the human person and of peoples, it is because as time passes an international structure of domination and exploitation is increasingly frustrating and destroying the capacity of our countries to achieve their national development objectives. Whatever economic or social model is used, the development indicators and the living standards of practically all third world countries have declined to the levels of 20 years ago, which proves the structural and global nature of a crisis that is the consequence of relationships of power and an international economic order that brings down the prices of our raw materials, obstructs the access of our products to markets, favours regressive adjustment measures aimed at ensuring the repayment of unpayable debts under the original terms, and makes international co-operation dependent on the submission and subjection of the developing countries to being tributaries of those who benefit from that unjust order.
On the other hand, if those adjustment policies are to be replaced with anti-crisis policies of growth and redistribution, which is what we have done in Peru, a bridge must be built between the needs of the immediate present and long-term requirements in order to achieve a new international economic order. The achievement of a consensus on this approach would sow the seed of new development for the coming century.
At this time Peru wishes to express once again its fraternal, militant solidarity with all peoples fighting for freedom, peace and justice and to reaffirm its desire for understanding and international co-operation and its commitment to the principles and purposes of this Organization and its responsibility to build a better, more secure and more just world.


Mr. President, on behalf of my country, Colombia, one of the oldest and most robust democracies on earth, I wish to congratulate you on the honour conferred on you, which is no more than the recognition due to your eminent personal and intellectual gifts.
The Assembly, as it convenes at its forty-second session, is an affirmation once again of the vital importance of coexistence as a binding force among sovereign nations. This league of States in voluntary association has demonstrated that there is a minimum set of common rules for the harmonious regulation of their relations, and that the foundation for such regulation is to be found in international law.
Among the concerns being debated by the international community there are three central elements which most urgently demand concerted action. I refer to peace, out overriding aspiration, and hand in hand with it, the concept of human dignity and the need for a just and equitable international order.
Colombia, which was well represented in the League of Nations and is a founding Member of the United Nations, has always endeavoured to model its international policy on these principles, and has striven for the necessary coherence between foreign affairs and domestic policy.
I wish today to reaffirm before the world Colombia's unwavering commitment to peace. Its armies have never crossed the borders of their homeland except to contribute with their blood to the great work of liberation undertaken by the heroes of the independence of the Americas or, in response to an appeal from this Organization or friendly countries, to help by their presence to preserve peace and democracy. This line of conduct will not change. We shall remain committed to the objective of striving together for prosperity, development and peace.
We strongly repudiate the arms race mentality, not only the kind that means rushing headlong towards world confrontation and nuclear annihilation, but also that of some States which, in spite of the enormous economic and social difficulties they face, employ force or coercion in an attempt to advance claims which, if valid, should be settled by means of peaceful solutions based on the rule of law.
It is for this reason that my country firmly supports the affirmation by the Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament, and Development of the need to check the unbridled expansion of the arms race, the heavy economic cost of which has to be met by diverting resources that could be used to eliminate the inequalities that undermine the stability of societies. The Assembly should continue to study measures directed towards effective disarmament and the elimination of nuclear weapons, which today jeopardize the very survival of mankind.
My country sees an encouraging sign for mankind as a whole in the coming together of the great nuclear Powers and the success that they are achieving in their negotiations, and hopes that the prospects of death and destruction through armed conflict may be averted once and for all.
We endorse most firmly and resolutely the solution of disputes by peaceful means, including recourse to conciliation, arbitration and judicial settlement, especially when extremely lengthy direct negotiations fail to result in agreement. The international community may rest assured that Colombia, adhering faithfully to the principles which have guided its international policy, will not resort to force to resolve any differences with other States.
Happily for the Americas and for world peace, recently there have been signs of hope for a solution to the Central American conflict, following the agreements arrived at in Guatemala by the five Central American Presidents and the establishment of the International Verification and Follow-up Commission, made up of the Foreign Ministers of the Contadora Group, the Support Group and Central America together with the Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the Organization of American States. Similarly encouraging are the first steps taken towards devising an emergency plan of technical and economic co-operation for Central America. It is clear that the regional conflict is caused to a large extent by economic and social problems which it is essential that we overcome. The time has come for all the parties concerned, with the vital co-operation of countries having ties or interests in the region, to establish lasting peace.
My country, together with the other States of the Contadora Group and the Support Group, will spare no effort to promote this goal, for peace in Central America is also our peace.
We welcome the effective work being done by Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar and his representatives in all those parts of the world where conflicts have arisen, in the diligent fulfilment of the responsibilities for the preservation of international peace and security laid down in the Charter. We hope to be able to continue to rely at all times on the Secretary-General's constant and effective co-operation.
Colombia is a whole-hearted believer in dialogue and wishes the dialogue in the Korean peninsula to be reopened as promptly as possible with a view to bringing about peaceful reunification. We also hope that dialogue will continue to be a useful implement in the negotiations on the question of the sovereignty of the Malvinas Islands, in keeping with the spirit of the resolution of which we were a sponsor at the last session of the Assembly.
The Government of Colombia is convinced that respect for and the promotion of human rights go beyond mere exercises in rhetoric in international forums. They are a moral obligation borne by all States that must be faithfully fulfilled in all its aspects, ranging from the treatment accorded to minorities settled within a country's own territory to truly authentic freedom of expression.
It should be kept in mind that the peoples of the developing world have yet to attain the minimum conditions for well-being; the benefits of health care, proper nutrition, housing, education and employment, as the necessary foundation for individual freedoms. Prevision for these needs, truly the bedrock of democracy, is bound up on the world level with the establishment of a mote just international economic order based on co-operation among States.
Although my country is not as hard-pressed as other sister nations in Latin America by the problem of the repayment of external debt, we should not lose sight of the fact that this is a problem which, if not adequately resolved, will bring social disorder and oppression in its wake.
Colombia has participated with interest in many international forums in discussion of the world financial problem. We particularly welcomed the consensus achieved at the last session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). We hope that the Assembly will make further progress on this matter. Today more than ever before the community of nations is duty-bound to take a joint approach to problems which cannot be tackled otherwise than in a global manner. I am thinking especially of the phenomenon of narcotic drug trafficking, which has exacted a heavy toll in pain and blood from my country. Colombia remains steadfast in its battle against that problem, as it reaffirmed in Vienna at the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking.
This crusade, affecting as it does the whole of mankind, cannot be an isolated one; nor can it be carried out successfully by a single country or group of countries. Concerted international action is necessary to tackle the problem in its entirety and in its various phases of production, consumption and control of the financial resources stemming from this destructive traffic.
In this regard, we recognize the importance of the efforts of the United Nations and, in particular, of the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control.
Addressing this Assembly a year ago the Colombian Head of State spoke of the urgent need for concerted action to combat the extreme poverty which afflicts vast sections of the earth's population. In response to that appeal, the United Nations Development Programme has been engaged in effective work in Latin America, with the initiation of the regional project designed to foster and provide advisory services for programmes to assist the marginalized sectors of our continent. Many countries of the region are now benefiting from this support. Colombia has resolved to take up as a national priority the challenge of eradicating poverty, while at the same time working for concerted action on the international level to combat this scourge. It has offered to host a regional conference on the question, with the support of the united Nations Development Programme and the participation and backing of the Latin American community, which shares Colombia's anguish over the plight of the marginalized populations.
Colombia looks forward with optimism to the results of the debate in the Assembly on the recommendations contained in the report, entitled "Our Common Future", of the Commission of eminent persons presided over by the Prime Minister of Norway, Dr. Gro Harlem Brundtland. It is evident that the future of this earth is closely tied to the success we achieve in confronting the challenges involved in managing the environment.
My country hopes that the ideals of harmonious coexistence, human dignity and international co-operation will be reinforced during these deliberations by the political will of the States represented in the Assembly and that the pact among nations may be translated into reality through the establishment of an order of equity and peace for all peoples, based on the full effectiveness of the principles of international law and the lofty values which are the underpinning of the Chatter of our world Organization.