1.	 We are gathered together once again to examine, in the light of the events which have occurred since the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, the progress achieved and the problems raised in all fields which are of concern to the international community and which constitute the field of activity of the United Nations. The subject is a vast one and, of course, complex in many respects. But, Mr. President, having elected you unanimously as President of the General Assembly, we are sure that we shall fulfil the great hopes aroused by our work and our deliberations.
2.	Mr. President, aware as we are of the experience, the qualities of tact, flexibility and yet of firmness which you possess, and of the distinguished and positive role played by your country, Yugoslavia, in all areas, and the sense of responsibility that country possesses, we cannot but be gratified at the choice made by the thirty-second session of the General Assembly in electing you to conduct our proceedings. Mauritania, which maintains strong and many- faceted links with your country, particularly within the non-aligned movement, would like, through me, to convey to you its congratulations and assure you of its support in your difficult task.
3.	Your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka,1 deserves our gratitude and our appreciation also for the remarkably competent and objective way in which he conducted our proceedings at the last session. As for our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, there is no need for me to expatiate on the esteem in which we hold him for his efforts to make our Organization into a genuinely effective instrument for the service of peace, economic and social progress and stability in the world. He can be sure of the support of my country in his difficult but none the less noble and exalting task.

4.	I cannot come to the substance of my statement without expressing also to the fraternal people of Djibouti and the people of Viet Nam our congratulations on their admission to the United Nations.. The presence of the Republic of Djibouti among us today marks the end of an important chapter in Franco-African history. In putting an end to its presence in Djibouti, France accomplished an important task of decolonization which was without doubt difficult, but which in its conception and its manner of execution redounds to the credit of France and the French people. We are sure that relations between France and Africa, henceforth free of all notions of dependence, will greatly benefit from the work thus completed. Welcoming Viet Nam to our Organization is also a moral comfort and a definite encouragement to all peoples still groaning under the yoke of segregation and colonial domination.
5.	I have just said that the subjects we consider here are vast and complex in certain of their aspects. The agenda of 128 items which we adopted well reflects their scope and importance, from both the political and the economic standpoint. It is, of course, most useful and indeed important to review all these points. However, as time is limited I shall devote the bulk of my statement to the situation in southern Africa, to that in the Middle East and also to disarmament and international economic relations.
6.	As we form part of both the African and the Arab worlds, and because we belong to the non-aligned movement and the Group of 77, my country is perhaps more sensitive to the important problems I have just mentioned. We feel, none the less—and this is a matter of conviction to us in Mauritania—that the coming of a world of peace, equality and stability, as conceived in the Charter of our Organization, will remain a distant dream until a just and lasting solution is found for these different problems.
7.	The situation in southern Africa indeed remains one of the sources of tension  most dangerous for peace in Africa-all Africa-and, beyond Africa, for peace in the world. In this part of our continent we are facing not only classical colonialism but, what is more, a giant machine of repression known as apartheid, usurpation, racism and the pure and simple denial of the most elementary human rights.
8.	The black population of South Africa, which represents more than 80 per cent of the whole population of the country, has been entirely stripped of its social, economic and political rights by a handful of South African whites solely because of a difference in colour. Furthermore, is authentic people of South Africa have been corralled into a small proportion of its national territory with hardly 15 per cent of the wealth of its own country. A blind system of
repression and unfair legislation has been established by the racist regime in Pretoria to put down all opposition and do away with the slightest attempt at resistance. Sharpeville and Soweto, where workers and hundreds of students protest against the racism of which their people is the victim, are fresh in our memories to remind us of the truly disgusting nature of the South African regime. More recently, the murder of Steven Biko, this wise and respected leader of South Africa, fills us with indignation and bitterness and once again shows that arbitrary detention, persecution and torture are the daily practice of the South African regime. The body of Steven Biko was certainly destroyed by this repressive machinery, but his spirit remains more alive than ever. Permit me to commemorate here the memory of Steven Bike, in the conviction that his sacrifice for freedom and the dignity of his people will do even more to mobilize the whole of Africa and rally it around the ideals which he set himself.
9.	The racist and repressive policy of the Pretoria regime is not limited to South Africa; quite the contrary, it has been extended to the international Territory of Namibia and established as a system of government. In spite of the many relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council the Vorster regime has so far not changed its attitude of systematic refusal to free the Territory of Namibia in accordance with the aspirations of the Namibian people.
10.	In this regard my country has followed with close interest the actions undertaken by the five Western Powers members of the Security Council. We are certainly pleased at all peaceful efforts to free the Territory of Namibia and, in particular, at this initiative of the five countries. But we should like to reaffirm that any solution which fails to take account of the necessary unity of the country and its people, of the representativeness of the South West Africa People's Organization, will be a solution doomed to failure. Unfortunately, we cannot fail to see that the Vorster regime continues to wish to create an artificial State in Namibia while seeking to pillage part of Namibian territory. The appointment by Vorster of a General Administrator of the Territory, and his claims to Walvis Bay, illustrate the extent to which the champions of apartheid are determined to flout Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and to defy the international community.
11.	The Ian Smith regime, too, constitutes a unique case, where a handful of 300,000 white racists have unilaterally declared the independence of a country to which they do not belong, thus creating a situation flagrant not only in its illegitimacy but also in terms of the segregation and the domination of 6 million Africans, the authentic and rightful sons of Rhodesia. The people of Zimbabwe, on the strength of the support naturally accorded by Africa and conferred upon it by the international community, has risen, as indeed all those who wish to live in liberty or die in dignity rise. The stubbornness of the Rhodesian rebels is none the less such that 12 years afterwards the regime of Ian Smith, even though it certainly has its back more and more to the wall, is seeking to create the appearance of legitimacy by having recourse to all kinds of stratagems and, in particular, using certain dissidents of the liberation movements to the detriment of the Patriotic Front. Such a masquerade obviously can only mislead those who are not very well conversant with the true nature of the Rhodesian regime and who are unaware of the determination of the people of Zimbabwe and the active solidarity which it now enjoys among all Members of our Organization.
12.	Even those who have been and remain responsible and who for such a long time did not think it necessary to face up to this responsibility are today realizing the danger of the situation and seeking to end the Smith rebellion by trying to bring about majority Government.
13.	The Anglo-American plan, which will be put into concrete terms by the appointment of a representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, well illustrates this new tendency and constitutes in itself an undeniable victory of the Rhodesian national forces. Coming several years too late, of course, the Anglo-American plan, as accepted by the Patriotic Front and approved by the African front-line countries, nevertheless does constitute a praiseworthy initiative for which both British and Americans should get credit. We in Mauritania should like to express the hope that we shall see this plan applied in all its parts as soon as possible in order to relieve the suffering of the people of Zimbabwe and to avoid further bloodshed.
14.	Apartheid and its tentacles, which we can see in Rhodesia and Namibia, are an inadmissible challenge and insult to the international community at the very time when it is placing in the forefront of its preoccupations respect for human rights, at a time when it is more than ever aspiring to a world of concord, stability and justice. They also constitute a threat to peace in Africa and, beyond Africa, are liable to jeopardize international security. Several times now Zambia, Mozambique and Botswana have been attacked by the forces of Ian Smith and Vorster, thus constituting a threat to the stability of these countries and violating their sovereignty. Mauritania would like to express here its whole-hearted solidarity with fraternal African front-line peoples, whose support for just causes have exposed them at any moment to armed attack and sufferings of all kinds.
15.	In this respect we are encouraged by the fact that we in Africa are not the only ones to understand the imminent danger inherent in this explosive situation in southern Africa. The international community has indeed not only shown us that it understands but has also displayed its solidarity in Maputo at the International Conferences in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and in Lagos at the World Conference for Action against Apartheid. The success of those Conferences and the recommendations they adopted prove-if proof be needed-that we are facing an explosive situation in the southern part of our continent.
16.	It is not the few peripheral quarrels that, unfortunately, exist here and there between African countries and will, of course, be solved within the framework of the African family, which should be allowed to divert our attention from this central concern which is for us domination and the segregation of our brothers in southern Africa.
17.	I have spoken at some length about these problems of southern Africa to which my country is particularly sensitive and which it considers, quite rightly in our view, as being of fundamental interest for the peace of the world. Unfortunately, there exists another problem just as lingering and just as much a matter of concern to my country because it affects it directly. This problem is that of the Middle East.
18.	More than 30 years have elapsed since the United Nations, under various kinds of pressure, decided to create on Palestinian soil the Israeli entity, thus reducing the Arab people of Palestine to becoming wanderers and having to rely on international charity. Of course, the United Nations did recommend at that time the establishment of a Palestinian entity on another part of the same territory. That in itself reflects the injustice of such a decision. The Palestinian people was granted part of its own national territory, and another part of it was given to immigrants who for more than 2,000 years have had no ties with Palestine apart from religious ones, such as those of the adherents of any other religion. Gradually Israel, like a cancer, has come to occupy the whole of Palestine, has driven out the inhabitants, destroyed their homes, pillaged their goods and, finally, begun to encroach upon neighbouring Arab territories.
19.	Since that time we have seen four wars in the area, each one revealing the implacable nature of the Israeli occupation and the danger that it represents for the whole Arab nation and the peace of the world. At the same time, the Tel Aviv authorities, who owe their existence to the United Nations, have displayed unpardonable insolence with regard to the United Nations and have gone as far as to describe its decisions as  immoral .
20.	The various vicissitudes which have marked the development of the problem over the last 30 years are sufficiently familiar to this Organization, as are also, the considerable number of proposals made by Arab States with the aim of finding a just and lasting solution to the Middle East problem. But the sophisticated propaganda used by Israel, the complicity and support it has enjoyed in various Western countries, have for a long time camouflaged the facts, transforming the terrorist methods of Israel into actions taken for its salvation and making of the occupation of Arab States a necessity for its survival.
21.	Most fortunately, this simplistic plan could not stand up to the pressure of the actual facts which have become clearer every day. The facts are Israel's policy of occupation by force, the planting of colonies in Arab territories, exactions of all kinds and political assassinations. The recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) by the international community and even by the most faithful friends of Israel as an essential element in the problem of the Middle East and the fact that the need has now been accepted for the evacuation of Arab territories make absolutely clear the isolation of Israel and the disapproval of its policy. It is none the less surprising that countries which have long experience of international life and perhaps are better acquainted than anyone else with the true nature of the problem should continue to demand that the PLO recognize the existence of Israel as a preliminary to any negotiations. This approach indeed is tantamount to telling the Palestinians:  Accept your lot and come to negotiations with your hands tied; while
Israel rejects the participation of the PLO even after this recognition. In so doing they are asking the Palestinian people, which has been driven out of its land and robbed of its possessions, to abandon everything that it still holds as an element of negotiation. In a word, the Palestinian people are being asked to bend to the will of Israel while recognizing its legitimacy without any counterpart.
22.	If the PLO were to go beyond the recent extremely moderate and responsible statements of its leaders, it would run the risk of damaging its representativeness and render its presence in the negotiations and its possible commitments without significance. In fact, this is what Israel is aiming at in demanding of the Palestinian people, by proxy, something that would probably lead to the division of the PLO and its weakening, so as later to be able to attribute to it the failure of any attempt at peace in the Middle East.
23.	This, in our view, is the error of those—some of whom, of course, are acting in good faith—who are still subjecting the PLO to such demands. Those demands have in any case been rendered obsolete by recent events, particularly because all the Arab States of the area and the Palestinian people now consider peace in the Middle East not only as a duty but as an imperative necessity, with everything that involves by way of mutual recognition. My colleagues and brothers, the Foreign Ministers of Egypt and of Syria, proposed on 28 September and 29 September from this very rostrum a wise and realistic procedure which should lead to a just and lasting peace because it takes into account all the elements of the problem.
24.	There is a fresh opportunity for peace offered by the Arab nation, and here we have all the conditions created to allow the Middle East to undertake and embark upon the course of salvation and finally become once again the land of harmony, coexistence and fraternity which it has always been throughout its age-old history.
25.	The choice for Israel is clear; does it want to contribute to peace  and to alleviate the sufferings endured by all the peoples of the area? If so, it must grasp this new opportunity which may not recur, recognize the inalienable, rights of the Palestinian people, particularly its right to a country, evacuate all Arab territories occupied in June 1967, put an end to the establishment of new Jewish settlements, and call a halt to committing sacrileges in the Holy Places of Islam. Or, on the contrary, does it want to continue to have recourse to all kinds of subterfuge in pursuing its policy of aggression and intimidation which is threatening peace in the area and international security? If it does, it will certainly find itself up against an Arab nation which has rallied together and which is determined to use all the means available to it in the service of justice and right.
26.	We know that Israel is not animated by a genuine wish for peace, still less today with the accession to power of a new, more arrogant and, no doubt, more intransigent regime. The recent decisions to establish new settlements on the West Bank of the Jordan clearly demonstrate the scorn in which the new Israeli authorities hold the United Nations and the international community. The present invasion of the south of Lebanon also serves to demonstrate that peace is contrary to Israel's philosophy and its concepts of international relations.
27.	Maybe Israel has been encouraged by, inter alia, certain unfortunate tensions created artificially here and there in the Arab world and which have divided fraternal States. It is true that to maintain those tensions is to harm the legitimate interests of the Arab nation and to strengthen the position of its enemies. But it is our conviction in Mauritania that the minor and pointless differences which damage our common cause will be rapidly resolved, and our natural solidarity will re-emerge with its full vigour and scope for the good of our peoples. Israel should therefore not count on these differences, which, I am absolutely convinced, are transient.
28.	This is the view of my country with regard to the Middle East. Our solidarity with the Palestinian people represented by the PLO, with Egypt, with Syria and with Jordan has been total in the past. It is now and will remain so in the future.
29.	Southern Africa and the Middle East have since the end of the Viet Nam war been, in our view, the most stubborn and at the same time the most explosive sources of tension. At any moment, violence may break out and assume vast proportions difficult to deal with and threatening the world with a general conflagration. With the proliferation of weapons of all kinds, the consequences are - unforeseeable. Awareness of this situation was no doubt what underlay the initiative of the non-aligned movement when it met last year at Colombo and recommended a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament.1
30.	No initiative could be more judicious, politically as well as economically. Indeed, ever since the problem of disarmament first appeared on our agenda and since the international Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was signed, we have seen nothing but a headlong race to increase military arsenals. In a few years, according to expert estimates, some 30 or so countries will possess nuclear weapons. When one realizes that among them are South Africa and Israel, which are likely to secure the atomic weapon, we can truly understand the dimensions of this deadly danger to our universe. The super-Powers for their part, far from reducing their potential in this field, continue to manufacture new, ever-more sophisticated and infinitely deadlier weapons, each year swallowing up considerable sums of money which could have been used to alleviate suffering.
31.	The cause of this arms race is, we think, to be sought not merely in a wish to achieve power and to dominate, but essentially in the absence of a global approach directed towards total and complete disarmament. The arms limitation agreements signed in connexion with the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, although representing a praiseworthy effort, and the partial prohibition of nuclear tests recommended by our General Assembly are mere palliatives, not a solution. Some Powers might legitimately have the impression, indeed, that the various attempts at

limitation are directed towards preserving the nuclear monopoly of the super-Powers, which are thus granting themselves a dominant status in world affairs.
32.	This impression, no doubt justified, of military imbalance and insecurity has led to a generalized nuclear and conventional arms race. The General Assembly's forthcoming special session on disarmament should therefore, in our view, attempt to break new ground by proposing general and complete disarmament.' On that occasion a programme of action could be worked out made up of three elements, namely, the strengthening of the denuclearized zones; a precise policy of disarmament at the regional and world levels; and utilization of the resources thus released to assist development.
33.	This last problem incidentally, and quite rightly, constitutes a major concern of the day, because hunger, disease and ignorance also make up a dangerous bomb that we must defuse as soon as possible. They are factors leading to instability and revolution, which always produce war and conflict. The international community is aware of this situation, and we are glad of it. In this regard, the United Nations has recommended in various documents a series of measures that would undoubtedly, if accepted, introduce a greater degree of justice and stability into international economic relations.
34.	Outside our Organization, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, whose report has just been considered by the General Assembly at the 108th and 109th meetings of its thirty-first session, was one of the most appropriate bodies for debating such complex and controversial problems as those of energy, commodities and finance-just to mention a few. These problems are central concerns of the international community. Although that Conference gave the delegations taking part an opportunity to diagnose the most urgent problems facing the developing countries and to seek their solution on the basis of concrete proposals, we cannot but recognize that the results achieved fell well below the hopes that it had aroused.
35.	The limited agreements, reached at the Conference were disappointing in terms both of their number and their nature, especially in the light of all the work and time required.
36.	It would therefore be unrealistic, in our view, to speak of true progress towards the restructuring of international economic relations, still less of a substantial contribution to the development of the developing countries, which was the very purpose of the Conference. However, if there is anything to be said for the North-South dialogue, it is that it has proved that the United Nations system remains the most appropriate and most representative framework for world negotiations.
37.	In the months and years to come, there can be no doubt that those negotiations will multiply and that they will extend to the whole of the economic and social sector. Indeed, it is public knowledge that today, on the threshold of the third development decade, the objectives of the Second United Nations Development Decade are still far from having been achieved. The results that were achieved, although they may vary from one sector to another, on the whole, fall far short of what was hoped for.
38.	One of the areas where progress has certainly been slowest is international trade, and particularly trade in primary commodities.
39.	The slow rate of progress recorded in that field is particularly alarming because this is a question of vital importance not only for the economy of the developing countries but also for the world economy as a whole.
40.	Nevertheless, decisions taken in this regard at the fourth session of UNCTAD, as well as the agreement in principle on the establishment of a common fund achieved at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, provide a good basis for future action. These first steps are timid enough, and the implementation of the various decisions should be pursued with a greater degree of political will on the part of the developed countries. If this condition is met, there might be grounds for hoping that the plenipotentiaries meeting in the Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities, which has been scheduled for next month, would reach an agreement on practical ways and means to set up a common fund.
41.	The question of international trade is indissolubly linked with the questions of international monetary reform and the financing of development. Here again the application of the decisions of our Assembly leaves a great deal to be desired.
42.	At the very time when a growing number of countries are encountering serious balance-of-payments difficulties, the trend that had been emerging towards a total reform of the international monetary system seems to have faltered as if the problems giving rise to that trend had all, as by magic, been completely and successfully solved. What is more, the agreement achieved at the seventh special session of the General Assembly on the need to establish a link between the creation of special drawing rights and the provision of supplementary development financing still remains to be followed up, while total public aid to development amounts to only half of the target figure laid down in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade.
43.	All these elements have, of course, been examined by the various bodies, and particularly by the fourth session of UNCTAD at Nairobi. But thus far it has not been possible to take concrete measures to promote the solution of urgent problems such as the indebtedness of developing countries, the financing of development, compensatory financing and so on. These are all problems that have quite rightly been considered sufficiently important to be the subject this year of a ministerial session of the Trade and Development Board.
44.	With regard to agriculture, which is of particular concern to agricultural countries like mine, the assistance of the international community would be improved if it were increased and dispensed in such a way as to permit the developing countries to bring their agricultural output at least to the level recommended in the International Development Strategy.
45.	Such an increase is particularly necessary because for the period 1971-1976 the growth rate of agricultural production in the developing countries was little over 2.5 per cent a year, a figure not only lower than the target laid down by the Strategy but also-and this is what worries us most—lower than the rate of 2.9 per cent achieved in the First Development Decade.
46.	National and international food reserves for food security and emergency situations should also be set up as recommended by the World Food Conference.5
47.	The implementation of another recommendation of that Conference, namely, the establishment of an International Fund for Agricultural Development, will without a doubt constitute appreciable progress towards the improvement of the food situation in developing countries.
48.	Co-operation among developing countries, whether it be technical or economic, is of particular importance in our view. Indeed, the feverish activity which has been under way in recent years at the international level will at least have taught us that the developing countries are themselves primarily responsible for their development.
49.	Hunger, disease and ignorance, which are still dangerously rife in so many parts of the world, are problems which are too concrete and too serious for their solution to depend solely on the uncertain outcome of international meetings and conferences, no matter how specialized and representative they may be.
50.	However, while the slow progress made so far in the adaptation of the world economic order—an adaptation that is now becoming urgent—justifies such pessimism, the international institutions concerned with finance and economic matters are performing work of capital importance in the furtherance of development and deserve close attention Despite the deficiencies of the present world system, the role played by IBRD, IMF or UNDP in development assistance remains an essential one for furthering the economic progress of our developing countries and for their social and cultural rehabilitation. Mauritania is aware of the importance of the role those institutions play and we wish to take this opportunity to express our gratitude and our willingness to continue to strengthen our co-operation with them.
51.	That is the point of view of Mauritania on the principal problems which we consider today to be the essential concern of our world. There are, of course, other questions which should also receive our attention. Among them is respect for human rights wherever they are being
violated. That is a goal which without doubt is important and is one which justifies any efforts that we may undertake to achieve it. My country is characterized by a policy of respect for human rights. We have no political prisoners, as shown by page 66 of the recent report of Amnesty International for the year 1976,6 and we have a clear conscience on this subject. We are ready to make our contribution to the efforts that will be decided upon in this respect by our Organization.
52.	The return of the Comorian Island of Mayotte to the motherland is also an imperative necessity, as it is an objective of the Organization of African Unity. What we must do here is preserve the national unity and territorial integrity of the State of the Comoros, that young African country which has just acceded to international sovereignty and which needs internal peace in order to devote itself to the most urgent problems of economic development and social advancement. As a friendly country we appeal to France precisely in the name of the relations which I have just mentioned to facilitate and preserve the national unity of the Comoros.
53.	In Mauritania we believe that if the international community succeeds in putting an end to the various sources of tension and in working out appropriate solutions for the establishment of a just and equitable international: economic order so as to give every country a sense of security, it will be the most far-reaching and finest task ever accomplished by man. Our generation will thus have rendered an immense service to future generations and will have saved humanity from an otherwise inevitable destruction. My country is ready to contribute with faith and determination to that task. The framework offered by the United Nations for its performance is both unique and perfectly suited to the task. The short-comings of our Organization, which some people deplore and which others decry, do not stem from any deficiency in the structure; they are the result of the absence of a genuine political will to make of the United Nations an instrument for economic advancement and for agreement among peoples. The Charter signed in San Francisco in 1945, in spite of some adjustments which have now become necessary, is still entirely up to date. I think that we all agree that the future effectiveness of our Organization will depend on our commitment and our sincere attachment to its ideals of peace and justice. For its part Mauritania will continue to give this Organization its whole-hearted support and will remain one of its most enthusiastic advocates.


141.	 Mr. President, my first words will be words of welcome and of farewell. Welcome to you, Mr. President, whom I am honoured to congratulate on your election to the presidency. Your long and brilliant leadership of the delegation of Yugoslavia in the United Nations justifies our hope that you will accomplish an outstanding and brilliant task in guiding the work of this General Assembly.
142.	May I also address words of farewell and cordial gratitude to Mr. Amerasinghe, the representative of Sri Lanka in this forum, under whose illustrious and skilful guidance the work of the last session of the General Assembly and of the Conference on the Law of the Sea progressed so satisfactorily.
143.	We have among us two new Members-Viet Nam and Djibouti. We warmly welcome and congratulate them, and express the desire of the Government of Spain to establish relations of friendship and co-operation in all spheres with them.
144.	It is for me a particularly pleasant duty to reiterate our tribute of admiration and gratitude to our Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who brilliantly executed his duties during his first term of office, and it is for Spain a certain guarantee of the accomplishment of the important tasks that this Organization must face that Mr. Waldheim was re-elected to a post of such lofty responsibility for a new term of office, during which we are sure that he will flourish and achieve much, as is guaranteed by his competence, prudence and impartiality.
145.	Since the general elections held in my country on 15 June for Spain a new era of international dimensions has opened up.
146.	The Government, in defining its foreign policy, has had very much in mind the purposes and principles of the
United Nations, this Organization which is dedicated to the maintenance of international peace and security and to promoting co-operation and friendly relations among all countries within a framework of justice and freedom.
147.	In this context, together with our active participation in the Western and European world, what is particularly important is the realistic and fruitful reaffirmation of the close links my country maintains with Iberia-American nations and those in the Mediterranean area. All of this is part of the pursuit of universal objectives defined in three kinds of action: the promotion of detente and disarmament, the defence of human rights and the establishment of a fair and equitable international economic order.
148.	The state of international relations is hardly a cause for optimism. But we would be making a serious mistake in our assessment of the potentialities of this Organization were we merely to adjust our words and deeds to a passive recognition that nothing can be done. It would be unfair to consider that the present situation does not already represent considerable progress compared with previous situations through which we lived and suffered.
149.	From this point of view, the action of the United Nations, which is still imperfect and still subject to the pressures of the great Powers, to the fears of the small Powers and the selfishness of all, is considerable. As far as Spain is concerned, and having mentioned the important inspiration of the Organization in our actions, I should like to refer particularly to the moments when, in the course of the past year, co-operation between my country and the United Nations was particularly clear.
150.	On 28 September 1976, I had the honour of signing, in the presence of the Secretary-General and on behalf of the Government of Spain, the United Nations Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. On 27 April of this year, on the occasion of his visit to the United Nations, the President of the Government of Spain delivered to the Secretary-General the instruments of ratification of these Covenants. This represented an important step in my country's relations with the United Nations, in a direction which Mr. Adolfo Suarez described when he expressed  the importance the Government of the Monarchy attaches to respect for and application of inalienable and irrevocable rights  and reaffirmed:
 . . my -country's determination to expand international action to the utmost so that these human rights, of which this Organization is so rightly the spokesman and catalyst, will increasingly become a fundamental principle in relations among nations.
In the same context, we must include Spain's accession to 1LO Conventions 87 and 98, which guarantee freedom of trade unions.
151.	Proper respect for and due protection of human rights constitute, and will continue to constitute, basic principles of my country's law and policy.
152.	Action undertaken by my Government, together with this Organization, to safeguard human rights must be viewed as the expression of a political will. From that standpoint, I should like to state that any initiative conducive to improving respect for human rights throughout the world will always find firm support in Spain.
153.	Various circumstances have contributed to making the year that has elapsed since the last session of the General Assembly one that can be described as the year of human rights. This was not the result of organized action or of a joint international initiative. Various forces which play a decisive role in the world scene today have helped to bring human rights continuously, and often polemically, to the forefront of international relations during the past 12 months.
154.	These polemics are in turn included in the most general scope of what constitutes the essence of detente. For some,   detente would be meaningless outside the framework of a process for the progressive affirmation of human freedom. For others, the emphasis placed on it and the corresponding description of interference in internal affairs would seriously endanger other sectors of global negotiations involved in detente.
155.	For our part, I should like to state our deep conviction that human rights cannot be parcelled out. Full respect for them must emerge from the joint affirmation of the values of freedom and justice. We believe that justice will develop best in an atmosphere of freedom.
156.	The fact is that today, and in what we feel is a positive way, the idea is gaining ground that human rights must be a basic factor in international relations. Violation of human rights, as has been demonstrated in many cases, is a factor of instability and insecurity in international life and, consequently, the decision as to the desirability or otherwise of implementing those rights is not a matter for individual States alone.
157.	Consequently, Spain will tirelessly and continuously strive to ensure that the human person and his rights command primary attention and respect in every corner of the world, North and South, East and West. But Spain will also seek to ensure that this issue is understood in all its complexity. It is a matter of safeguarding freedom, but also of doing away with the dialectics of economic and political domination which, while preventing the normal development of men and nations, also make difficult the establishment and maintenance of material conditions in which freedom can be asserted and developed.
158.	Year after year, in the general debates of this Assembly, we observe with concern that the same focal- points of conflict exist and that the same tensions remain unresolved.
159.	In the first place, the situation in the Middle East continues to be a danger to the peace and security of the entire world, and particularly threatens the stability of a region, the Mediterranean, of which my country is a coastal State. For this reason and because Spain has always defended the just causes of the Arab Nation, my country had hoped that the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East could have met this year.
160.	Those hopes seem to have been shared by our Assembly which last year adopted resolution 31/62 calling for the early convening of that Conference. But the facts were otherwise, since the Conference cannot be held unless the parties concerned in the conflict are prepared to comply with the United Nations resolutions and particularly the resolutions adopted by the Security Council.
161.	We continue to consider as unalterable the premises for a just and lasting solution to the problem of the Middle East to be respect for the right of existence of all countries in the area, within secure and recognized borders; the withdrawal of Israel from the territories occupied since the war of 1967; and recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people in accordance with the provisions of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly.
162.	In this connection, the Government of Spain is concerned about the continuation of certain practices which affect the territories that have been occupied since 1967, and particularly the establishment of Israeli settlements in those Arab territories, all of which constitutes a serious barrier to a just and peaceful solution.
163.	The maintenance of normal and friendly relations with all countries of the world is a principle of our international relations. A start towards a solution to the Middle East would enable us to give effect to this desire and contemplate a future of normal relations with all the countries in the area.
164.	The situation in southern Africa also seriously endangers peace and security and constitutes an open defiance of the entire international community. The apartheid system, the persistence of the illegal minority regime in Southern Rhodesia and the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa are three aspects of the same reality of oppression and injustice which has prevailed for such a long time in that part of the world, and where the situation is progressively deteriorating.
165.	The Government of Spain joins the international community in condemning every aspect of the policy of apartheid, including the establishment of the so-called  bantustans .
166.	The Government of Spain is following with keen interest and supports efforts intended to attain the prompt and peaceful independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia with majority Governments.
167.	Another critical area of tension on the African continent is that in the Maghreb regarding the decolonization of Western Sahara. Under circumstances known to all, Spain put an end once and for all to its presence and to its responsibilities in the Territory on 26 February 1976, specifying its position in the communication addressed by the Permanent Representative of my country to the Secretary-General on that same date. Nevertheless, we are following with grave concern the development of events in that region.
168.	Spain trusts that formulas may be found which will facilitate the elimination of tension in the zone and will lead to stability and peaceful understanding in Maghreb within the framework of a just and lasting solution of the problem of Western Sahara. Spain considers that such a solution should be sought in agreement with the parties, by harmonizing their respective and legitimate interests and taking into account the expression of the will of the people of the Sahara.
169.	May I recall, that in its resolution 3458 B (XXX), which took note of the Declaration of Madrid of 14 November 1975,the General Assembly reaffirms
 ... the inalienable right to self-determination, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of all the Saharan populations originating in the Territory .
Likewise, General Assembly resolution 31/45 adopted on 1 December 1976, in reaffirming this principle, called on OAU to seek a solution to the problem.
170.	We are aware of the risks involved in the present situation in the region. Spain, motivated by the peaceful aims which are at the root of our foreign policy, and in a desire for friendship, good neighborliness and co-operation with all the countries of the area, makes an appeal for concord and dialogue between the parties which my country would be prepared to promote in so far as it is possible for us to do so.
171.	In the same spirit it is the intention of my Government to co-operate in any humanitarian efforts of an international character that may be undertaken and for our part we shall take every step possible that may contribute to detente in that particularly sensitive area.
172.	The question of Cyprus must be included also in the catalogue of situations of unresolved tensions. We do not wish to nor could we dictate solutions which must come from the freely expressed will of the population of the island. But the interests of the international community lie in promoting understanding and freedom without the participation of elements alien to that population and always for the sake of maintaining the sovereignty, integrity and independence of a State Member of this Organization.
173.	A fundamental concern of the international community must be to consider the conflicts and their basic causes and to direct our efforts at pacification precisely to eliminating the causes of conflicts. We view with the utmost concern the particularly grave effects which the arms race has on the maintenance, and the spread of centres of conflict. Political and economic interests intervene and nourish conflicts which, while no solution of their basic causes is found, grow progressively more serious as a result of the indiscriminate use of increasingly sophisticated and deadly weapons. Thus there is a vicious circle of actions and reactions, the final effects of which cannot be foreseen.
174.	Security and disarmament must be combined and must gradually replace the increasingly unrealistic notion that security to be such must be armed. This idea will always lead to a search for absolute levels of security which in turn will always mean absolute degrees of insecurity, thus creating an endless arms race seeking an unattainable parity. These observations are true for both nuclear and conventional weapons. Perhaps it is superfluous to insist, once again, on the gigantic deviation of productive resources required for the arms race. We need unarmed security because then the possibilities of war or confrontation are of necessity reduced, but we urgently need also to see to it that disarmament leads to fruitful and firm solutions. That would enable mankind to reach worthy levels of development in an acceptable framework of security.
175.	On the basis of these considerations, Spain always looks favourably on every effort made bilaterally or multilaterally, within the United Nations or outside, which are carried out to halt the arms race. My country will always pay particular attention to any negotiating forum which seeks this objective, whether with regard to the limitation of strategic forces, the reduction of forces in central Europe, the possible discussion of similar measures for other geographical areas or, particularly, the convening of a world disarmament conference. Our final objective is and continues to be gradually to bring about general and complete disarmament under effective international control. We should like every aspect of disarmament to be considered in a global framework which would exclude all propaganda but would at the same time be realistic and cover all the causes of possible conflicts in all their complexity and ultimately the fundamental elements of security.
176.	Spain considers that the initiative taken with regard to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is a constructive one, but we would prefer that the concept of horizontal proliferation should no longer be used in a discriminatory manner and at the same time should be matched with tangible results in regard to the concept of vertical non-proliferation.
177.	My Government awaits with confidence the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, in the Preparatory Committee for which Spain has been participating very actively. Along this same line of thinking I should like to express the interest we feel in establishing and maintaining denuclearized zones such as the one in the Indian Ocean. In this concept there is the chance of a gradual regional approach to general and complete disarmament and a real possibility of the concept's spreading through clearly defined regional zones.
178.	There are today examples of the regionalization of security, as it is encouraged by this Organization, that are worth taking into account and, if possible, imitating. I should like to refer particularly to the results of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which will resume its work in Belgrade during the first days of October this year. The Conference, whose sessions were held at Helsinki and Geneva and will now be held at Belgrade, gives us a good indication of the possibilities and limitations of regional agreements on security items. The Conference, because of its composition and mechanisms, is a forum for equal non-discriminatory participation by large, medium and small-sized countries and the results already obtained doubtless assume a reasonable basis of security for all the countries participating in it. This basis was clearly made possible by a balanced and realistic consideration of the factors which fundamentally constitute security. Spain, which has always expressed its profound belief in the virtues of the Conference, will continue to participate in it actively, with hope and with realism.
179.	In this context I should particularly like to refer to all of the aspects encompassed by the security of the Mediterranean. The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe in this respect represents a fir and very promising attempt which we trust will be continued and expanded in this and at future sessions of the Conference, as well as by means of the corresponding bilateral and multilateral contacts. We could not. conceive of a solidly cemented European security unless, at the same time, security in the Mediterranean were part of it.
180.	This Organization still has to consider colonial situations which have not been resolved and to which Spain attaches particular importance, I refer to the cases of the Malvinas Islands, Belize and Gibraltar.
181.	The negotiations now being conducted between Argentina and the United Kingdom on the Malvinas Islands may be described as moderately encouraging. In these negotiations a sincere will to consider all questions and interests at stake has been demonstrated, without the minimum requirements of each of the parties constituting a barrier to a promising spirit of conciliation and understanding. We hope that the dispute over Belize will similarly come to a successful conclusion through a justly negotiated and peaceful settlement.
182.	As for Gibraltar, the United Nations has repeatedly defined its doctrine, urging the opening of negotiations to put an end to the colonial status of the Rock. My country has made constant efforts to start these negotiations, and we continue to hope that the United Kingdom will demonstrate the will to negotiate which this Organization has so insistently called upon it to show. For my part, 1 should like once again to reaffirm Spain's inalienable claim to sovereignty over that territory. At the last plenary session of Spain's Congress of Deputies devoted to a debate on foreign policy, all the Spanish political factions expressed themselves in favour of the reintegration of Gibraltar with Spain.
183.	Let it be clear that we are prepared to co-operate with the United Kingdom on the question of Gibraltar in its entirety, taking, into account the interests of its inhabitants and facilitating the integration of the Rock with the surrounding area, as the progress of negotiations allows.
184.	Finally, within the framework of regional agreements, Spain is pleased that the treaties concluded between the United States and Panama have been signed, paving the way for a satisfactory solution of the question of the Panama Canal.
185.	The international configuration of the world today has been shaped on a bipolar pattern, which, imposing itself on other ideological confrontations, divides the world into two compartments: the industrially developed countries on the one hand and the less developed countries on the other. The world economic crisis which broke out at the end of 1973 contributed to the diversification of that bipolar situation into new and complex realities. Mankind's major challenge is its ability to provide a world-wide solution to the economic problems which afflict it. A strengthening of the framework of interdependence and solidarity among nations, going beyond any desire for domination, and acknowledging the difficulty of economic independence, is therefore a pressing question. That great adventure, perhaps the greatest of our time, is called co-operation which, as the Brazilian Minister for Foreign Affairs has said, deserves continuous, constant and creative effort.
186.	The international community, acting through various agencies and particularly through the United Nations is clearly aware of the urgency and gravity of the matter and of its pressing needs.
187.	International co-operation has been the subject of meetings in various occasions, particularly at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly. We shall soon take up the task of defining the objectives for the third United Nations development decade.
188.	Yet the data available to us, which have been compiled in the Secretary-General's reports, show that a disquieting situation remains, the essential feature of which is the fact that the difference in the income levels of the developed and the less-developed world has continued and has even grown. This picture is profoundly unsatisfactory and calls for continuous action by States, by international institutions and by this very General Assembly of the United Nations, in seeking a more rational conservation and distribution of available resources, thus facilitating the achievement of proper levels of subsistence and well being for the people of the whole world.
189.	We must at the same time work harder individually and collectively to change the world economic structure and move towards the establishment of a new international economic order. To do this, we must first ensure fluidity and flexibility in international trade and finance. Any measure likely to prevent the establishment of international barriers must be supported by the international agencies. Secondly, we must seek to stabilize the terms of trade in raw materials and finished products, and to ensure that adequate and safe markets will enable the developing countries to stabilize their balance of payments and thus be in a position to plan their economic development on a longer-term basis.
190.	As regards raw materials, in seeking adequate regulation of commodity markets, greater co-operation in the over-all use of energy resources-the very essence of development-must be secured. In this respect, my Government is convinced of the value of the proposal by the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, concerning the establishment of an international energy institute within the United Nations, and we shall duly support the study and the development of this concept when necessary.
191.	In fact, the problem of energy resources is one with which my country is particularly concerned, having suffered intensely from the effects of the crisis. It is well aware of the difficulties and efforts involved in raising and maintaining its national product and its standard of living. That does not prevent us from participating actively and with interest in the international action devoted to that great undertaking which is world co-operation.
192.	We have participated in the Conference on International Economic Co-operation among the industrialized countries, between which there are marked differences in economic potential. At that Conference, Spain supported further negotiations to establish a permanent fund for commodities and announced its contribution to the special fund to assist the countries most seriously affected by the economic crisis. I should like to emphasize that, although the results of the North-South Conference were limited, that Conference took a realistic approach to the world's economic problems and in any case it defined the dynamics of a dialogue  which we consider to be positive.
193.	But the Paris dialogue showed its limitations, confirmed by the fact that towards the end of its last session the General Assembly was unable to evaluate the results of the Conference. The dialogue must go on now in every forum and particularly in the United Nations.
194.	Spain has also joined the International Fund for Agricultural Development and will make a contribution to it.
195.	Spain has recently become a member of the Governing Council of UNDP, and we intend actively to participate in technical co-operation with the countries and areas which need it. We give priority to items requiring Mediterranean co-operation and in this context we have co-operated very, actively in UNEP. We note with satisfaction the efforts of the international community to promote new forms of co-operation, so adequately reflected in the series of conferences recently convened by the United Nations, on specific items such as population, food, industrialization and the conference held this year on water and on desertification. Above and beyond the major ideological systems or political divergences mankind faces profound problems which directly affect its survival. It is a question of a more equitable structure for the over-all distribution of resources and of the available wealth. It is a question of making our universe habitable, clean and orderly in terms of human needs and the free development of every human being. We must attack and prevent pollution and have air and water which will make human life less difficult. Ultimately we must collectively participate in designing a world in which human abilities can freely develop and where needs will be adequately met. This gigantic and urgent task requires a combination of political, economic, technical and legal efforts.
196.	The United Nations devotes a major part of its endeavours to these needs, and I should like to refer in particular to the progress attained at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
197.	The spirit of the Conference and its desire to attain a new and balanced maritime order taking into account the legitimate interests of all countries and of the international community as a whole must lead to satisfactory solutions. It is not for nothing that its aim is extremely ambitious and was conceived to be universal. The major question of the exploitation of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, conceived as being irrevocably the common heritage of mankind, constitutes a test for that ever more intense international co-operation we seek. In this the great industrialized countries, the lesser industrialized countries and the developing countries must find harmonious formulas which will contribute to a new world economic order.
198.	Among the most important questions under discussion, I should like to refer particularly to a problem that is vital to my country that of access to the living resources of the exclusive economic zone of other States for men accustomed to fish there in accordance with rights established by history or by custom. Spain has actively participated in the Conference seeking, as it will continue to do, to maintain a formula which will adequately safeguard the rights of all States and the interests of the international community as a whole.
199.	Lastly, I wish to mention the importance which my country attaches to the negotiating and peace-keeping role of the United Nations in the international community and the need for all States Members to work for the institutional improvement of the Organization by way of Charter reform.
200.	Among other measures, we consider of particular interest the strengthening of the Security Council, the establishment of a permanent system of peace observation and the possibility of establishing a permanent world economic commission within the framework of the Economic and Social Council.
201.	My country, has this year participated actively in the important tasks of the special committee to review the Charter of the United Nations. It attaches great importance to the work of that Committee and hopes that among its proposals will be found a course of action to make the work of this Organization more flexible and its effectiveness greater.
202.	Spain will always seek to serve the lofty purposes of this Organization and the Assembly can be sure that we shall never fail to co-operate with it to ensure that the international community, of which this Assembly is the most genuine representation, may make progress and achieve results along the path of peace, understanding and co-operation.
203.	We live under the aegis of solidarity. We live united. Let us act united.


1.	It gives me great pleasure and satisfaction to extend to you, Sir, on behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago and on my own behalf, congratulations and best wishes on your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. My delegation pledges to you its full co-operation and is assured that the deliberations of the Assembly could not have been placed in more experienced and capable hands.
2.	I should like at this point to express my appreciation and that of my delegation to Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka for the skill and tact which he, in his capacity as President, brought to bear on the conduct of affairs of the thirty-first session.
3.	One of the guiding principles of the United Nations has been its essential universality. It has been the view of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago that the acceptance of that principle is a sine qua non of international peace and security. It is a principle which contributes to the maintenance of the balance between sovereignty and national interest, cm the one hand, and international order and responsibility, on the other. The growth of this Organization is ample evidence, if that were needed, of the fact that there need not be conflict between the desire of States for freedom of action and the necessity for order and predictability in world affairs. It is in the context of that conviction that the Government of Trinidad and Tobago warmly welcomes the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti to membership in the United Nations.
4.	Our esteemed Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization has made reference to global problems facing the international community— among them the arms race, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, population pressures, shortages and the inequitable distribution of food, chronic poverty, the control of marine resources, the question of energy, unemployment, commodity prices and instability, in the world financial markets.. My delegation supports the Secretary-General's view regarding the need for early action on those and other problems which face the international community.
5.	Trinidad and Tobago notes the initiative of the Secretary-General in respect of his call for the establishment of a United Nations energy institute The Government of Trinidad and Tobago agrees that energy is one of the critical factors in the establishment of any new international economic order. My delegation interprets that call as one which it hopes will lead to the economic transformation of the economies of the developing countries-one that will change the position of third-world countries from that of perpetual dependence to self-reliance and partnership. For a small developing country like Trinidad and Tobago those are fundamental objectives.
6.	Within the last decade we have witnessed a heightened awareness on the part of the international community of the urgent need to create a more just and equitable system of international economic relations. The economic crisis of 1973 has served to highlight the element of interdependence in relations between States: The sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly, the fourth session of UNCTAD and the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation—misnamed the North-South dialogue—were all responses of the international community to that awareness. Unfortunately, those conferences have failed to live up to the reasonable expectations of mankind, particularly those of us in the developing world. They have produced little in the way of concrete action. What we are left with now are mere promises for the future.
7.	This unhappy situation cannot be allowed to persist. My delegation is, however, not entirely pessimistic. We look forward to positive results from the negotiations that lie ahead. Positive results can, in our view, be best achieved if all nations accept the need for a fundamental restructuring in existing economic relationships.
8.	The negotiations on the Integrated Programme for Commodities' and on a common fund are crucial for us. Trinidad and Tobago, like so many other developing countries, produces a number of primary products upon which the health of its economy depends, particularly in respect of employment and foreign exchange earnings. The prices of those commodities continue to be subject to violent fluctuations in the world market with consequent disastrous effects on our economies. It is this common experience which prompts the countries of the developing world to seek an Integrated Programme for Commodities. If such a Programme is to have any impact, it must be supported by adequate and effective financing mechanisms which would facilitate the downstream processing of raw materials in developing countries. To deny developing countries all the necessary facilities and assistance in this process is to perpetuate the traditional colonial pattern of economic relations. We can no longer acquiesce in a system whereby developing countries are restricted to primary production, with all secondary and tertiary activities reserved for metropolitan centres. In short, no longer can we in the Caribbean be expected merely to produce unrefined brown sugar for export. To put it in another way, not only must developing countries produce bauxite and iron ore; they must also manufacture aluminium and finished steel products.
9.	The multilateral trade negotiations within GATT and the negotiations within UNCTAD represent continuing efforts by the world community to come to grips with the chronic economic crises which have their most adverse effects in the developing countries. My delegation had hoped that the multilateral trade negotiations would have resulted in the granting of meaningful concessions in favour of the exports of the developing countries, on a non- reciprocal basis, as prescribed in the Tokyo Declaration. In the negotiations under way within UNCTAD on the Integrated Programme for Commodities, although there seems to be agreement in principle on the need for action of the type envisaged in the Integrated Programme, the actual negotiations on individual products and on the common fund have as yet failed to produce agreed programmes of action that would significantly improve prices and market conditions for commodities of export interest to developing countries. The Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 have spoken eloquently on this point and have expressed their deep concern with the renewed trend towards protectionism in the developed countries because of its negative impact on the export earnings of developing countries and their terms of trade, employment policies and development efforts.
10.	Serious -problems exist in respect of debt and the availability of adequate operating credit. At present, the volume of credit available through IMF is not adequate and it is offered on terms which do not necessarily assist development objectives. The modifications to the articles and procedures of IMF agreed to in Jamaica in 1976 have therefore failed so far to recognize the qualitative change in the balance-of-payments problems of developing countries. Those modifications failed further to address themselves to the restrictive conditionality criteria for access to the resources of IMF. The problems involved in ensuring the adequacy of credit, both short-term and long-term, are enormous. All this points to the urgent need to re-examine the structure, functioning and orientation of the existing institutional framework.
11.	I come now to the question of science and technology as it relates to development. We have followed closely the discussions and negotiations on the code of conduct for transnational corporations, the code of conduct for the transfer of technology and the preparatory work for the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development. These discussions and negotiations are not merely academic for us. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago is convinced that science and technology lie at the very heart of the development syndrome and at the heart of much of the progress in economic performance and social conditions in the third world. We in Trinidad and Tobago have given full recognition to the important role that science and technology can and should play in economic and social development. The application of science and technology to development will lead to the creation of employment opportunities, the improvement and deepening of the manufacturing sector, the modernization of agriculture, the maintenance of a healthy balance of payments, the improvement in the quality of life, and the preservation of the human environment.
12.	We in the third world can effectively benefit from the development in science and technology only through the meaningful transfer of existing and future technology and its adaptation to local needs. We see this transfer of technology as including also the establishment of advanced research facilities and training institutions within the developing countries themselves. We require at this time, also, access to finance, to expertise and machinery and, above all, to markets for our finished products.
13.	Conscious of the need to maximize the benefits to be derived from its hydrocarbon resources, Trinidad and Tobago has embarked on a long-term development programme which places paramount emphasis on energy-based industries such as iron and steel, aluminium and fertilizers.
14.	It is the intention of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago radically to transform the economy and to diversify the structure and content of production. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago expects that these efforts aimed at its industrial development and informed by a spirit of self-reliance will receive the support and co-operation of the developed countries. It is our reasonable hope that these efforts will not be deliberately thwarted.
15.	Trinidad and Tobago sees tremendous advantages to be obtained by developing countries from the application of science and technology to the development process. It is for this reason that we look forward with some optimism to the 1979 United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development. That Conference is seen by us as a major watershed in international relations, for it will provide the real test for partnership and co-operation between nations.
16.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago is committed to co-operation with all States, developed as well as developing, and to the pursuance of new forms and methods for such co-operation. It has over the years played a responsible role in the affairs of the Caribbean and has indicated its willingness to contribute to the economic stability and development of the region. We have undertaken new initiatives in the field of economic and financial co-operation and we have kept the Secretary-General of the United Nations informed of our efforts. It is our hope *hat States with interests in the development of the region will respond positively to those initiatives.
17.	Such a positive response will assist States in the region and will go some small way towards arresting what seems to be a trend towards greater polarization of nations. As recently as 24 September 1977, the first anniversary of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, the Prime Minister, the Honourable Eric Williams, in the course of his inaugural address to the first Islamic Conference of South America and the Caribbean which was held in Trinidad and Tobago, remarked on this trend:
.. Humanity now finds itself facing another world crisis. It is the crisis of a polarization between the affluent developed societies and the under-developed societies on the verge of famine; the one literate, with a virtual monopoly of industrial development and high energy consumption; the other illiterate, begging that 25 per cent of the world's industrial development be reserved for it, with low energy consumption; the one discriminating against, the other discriminated against...".
18.	I have tried to give expression to our aspirations in respect of the economic development process. I have sought to indicate some of the main policy objectives of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago as it attempts to make its leap forward. I have underlined the need for self- reliance, co-operation and partnership in that development process. We realize, however, that development can take place only in an ordered and peaceful world. We see grave threats to this peace and order in the situation in southern Africa. In Zimbabwe, Ian Smith refuses in rude and obstinate fashion to accept majority rule as the basis for constitutional government in that territory. In Namibia, South Africa refuses to cease its illegal occupation-and in South Africa itself the system of apartheid continues to be practised with all the repressive turn that racist regime can command. In the Middle East and Cyprus the situation continues to smoulder.
19.	The concern of Trinidad and Tobago with these developments has found expression in our continued condemnation of apartheid, our support for the struggle of the people of Zimbabwe to achieve majority rule and independence, and for the right of the people of Namibia to self-determination.
20.	Trinidad and Tobago has affirmed its support for the principles of the non-use of force in international relations, of the non-acquisition of territory by force, of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of all States, and of the right of all States to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. In this respect, my delegation supports the efforts under way to reconvene the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, but holds the view that the situation cannot be resolved without the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.
21.	Trinidad and Tobago, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), has always supported the right of all people still under colonial rule to self- determination, and here my delegation wishes to express once more its solidarity with the people of Belize, whose legitimate right to freedom, independence and territorial integrity have too long been frustrated. Those Members of the United Nations family that have the facilities should provide credible guarantees to the people of Belize for the enjoyment of that right.
22.	The Secretary-General of the United Nations in reviewing the work of the Organization over the past year, was optimistic about the ability of the United Nations to help to create the kind of environment in which international peace and security can be maintained, and in which economic and social development can keep pace with rising expectations. We are happy to share his optimism. We recognize however, that the serious problems which face the Organization must be resolved if it is to continue to maintain its contribution to world order.
23.	Trinidad and Tobago will continue to give its full support to the United Nations in the pursuit of its laudable objectives. We perceive those objectives to include the establishment of a world order which is just and equitable and the creation of peaceful and stable conditions in which mankind can achieve its economic, social and cultural well-being. We are of the firm conviction that those objectives can be achieved only if Member nations accept the basic imperatives of self-reliance, partnership and co-operation.