It gives me pleasure, Sir, to express to you, on my own behalf and on behalf of the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic, our sincere congratulations on the clear confidence shown in you by the international community represented in this great Organization by electing you to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that you will direct the work of this session in a manner that will make useful and effective our efforts to find answers to the challenges we are currently facing and to shoulder our grave responsibilities. I can assure you that we will spare no effort to co-operate with you in order to bring this session to a successful conclusion and ensure that it achieves its aims, guided by the lofty principles and ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.
251.	It gives me pleasure also to express our admiration and appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, the President of the thirty-eighth session, for his wisdom and competence in conducting the work of that session, thus ensuring its success.
252.	I am pleased also to commend the persistent efforts of the Secretary-General to find just solutions to various international problems and crises. We also thank him for his valuable report on the work of the Organization and for his comments aimed at reinforcing the role of the Organization in the maintenance of international peace and security.
253.	We congratulate the people of Brunei Darussalam on their accession to independence and the admission of their State to membership of the United Nations. The people of Brunei Darussalam have age- old historic and religious ties with the people of Yemen, and we wish them prosperity and progress.
254.	We live today in a world of turmoil, an unstable world, where a climate of tension and anxiety exists in relations among nations. This is no doubt the result of the many occasions on which the threat or the use of force has been chosen over the peaceful settlement of disputes. There can be no doubt that the use of force in international relations in order to impose solutions safeguarding private interests is contrary to the principles and norms of international law and a violation of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. The use of force contributes to tension and turmoil in international relations, to the return to the cold-war climate and to the consequent frenzied arms race and production of all kinds of destructive weapons.
255.	Complicating things even more are the recession and stagnation besetting the world economy, which have had adverse effects on international relations. We are faced today with grave responsibilities and heavy burdens. It is our duty as members of an international community, in which we seek complementarity and interdependence, to join our efforts to alleviate tension and eliminate its causes and to prevent a third world war, in which nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction would be used. That can be achieved only by the deployment of efforts, based on genuine good will, for the establishment of an international community founded on justice, equality and co-operation among all its members and thereby guaranteeing that the common interests of all are protected.
256.	In addition to the exertion of such efforts, there must be a serious recommitment and adherence to the principles and norms of international law and of the Charter, and United Nations resolutions must be implemented, not violated. Unilateral solutions must not be imposed, leaving the Organization, which represents the collective will of the international community, on the sidelines.
257.	It has become clear that the question of Palestine is the core of the conflict in the Middle East. It is one of the most important issues of concern to the international community and one that has been before the Organization for more than 36 years.
258.	It cannot be a secret to anyone now that the root cause of this chronic problem is the intransigence of Israel and its insistence on continuing to occupy Palestine, its denial to the Palestinian people of the exercise of their legitimate national rights, its pursuit of expansionist, racist and aggressive policies against the Palestinian people and the other Arab States and its use of methods of oppression and terrorism. All this constitutes an affront to the international community and a flagrant violation of the principles of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
259.	A just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be achieved only if the question of Palestine, the core of the conflict in the region, is solved. Foremost among the elements of such a solution must be recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right of return and its right to self-determination and to the establishment of its independent State on its homeland, under the leadership of the PLO, its sole legitimate representative.
260.	Many efforts have been made to solve the question of Palestine and the Middle East problem and to ensure stability, peace and justice, but the obstinacy and arrogance of Israel, its contempt for United Nations resolutions and for the will of the international community, its constant pursuit—with impunity—of its policy of expansion, annexation and mass expulsion, its oppression of innocent people, its establishment of settlements in the occupied territories, its adoption of decisions designed to change the cultural, demographic, political and religious character of Al-Quds al-Sharif and other occupied Arab territories, are all obstacles to the achievement of a just and lasting solution to the Middle East problem.
261.	It is high time for the international community to put an end to Israeli aggression and arrogance and for the just rights of the Palestinians to be recognized. The States that support Israel—foremost among them the United States—by providing it with weapons, funds and diplomatic and political support, must reconsider their position towards Israel and its policy of aggression in the Middle East. We wonder how the United States can reconcile the strategic cooperation agreement it concluded with Israel—which today is the most dangerous regional military force, seeking expansion and hegemony in the Middle East—with its responsibilities for international peace and security.
262.	Israel has been a constant source of tension and threat to international peace and security since its founding. It is time that Israel and its friends and allies realized that peace and security in the region can be achieved only through the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right of return and its right to self- determination and to the establishment of an independent State on its homeland, under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, the PLO. Moreover, real security has nothing to do with the Israeli concept, which is based on inadmissible expansion and aggression.
263.	The United States must now reconsider its position of bias towards Israel if it wishes effectively to contribute to the search for a solution of the question of Palestine and of the crisis in the Middle East. It must co-operate with the international community in obliging Israel to comply with United Nations resolutions, in the interest of international peace and security.
264.	Those who truly support peace, justice and human rights also support the inalienable and historic rights of the Palestinian people. But those who support the expansionist policy of Israel stand side by side with aggression and usurpation. There can be peace in the Middle East only if all the efforts to achieve it are channelled to the adoption of practical measures to put an end to Israel's arrogance and its constant disregard for international resolutions, and to compel Israel to implement the United Nations resolutions on the question of Palestine and the Middle East, to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories and to recognize the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to self-determination and to establish an independent State on its homeland.
265.	The General Assembly has adopted a resolution calling for an international peace conference on the Middle East. That is the proper framework for any peaceful approach to solving that sensitive issue, since it is based on the participation of the Palestinian people, represented by the PLO, in the quest for a peaceful and just solution that will guarantee to the Palestinian people the exercise of their legitimate rights, in conformity with the relevant United Nations resolutions, as well as Israel's withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories.
266.	The Yemen Arab Republic, which has given genuine and effective support to the Palestinian people—and the blood of Yemeni martyrs attests to this—reaffirms that any settlement that disregards the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including its right of return and its right to self- determination and the establishment of an independent State on its national soil, can only be an unjust settlement and doomed to failure.
267.	It has become clear through the events of the past few years that the attempts at partial solutions and separate accords have made the solution to the question of Palestine more elusive. It is sufficient to remember that the Camp David accords encouraged Israel to intensify its policy of aggression and expansion.
268.	The Arab States have done their utmost in the search for peace in the Middle East and have proven their peaceful intentions through the decisions adopted on 9 September 1982 by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez," which were welcomed by all regional and international organizations which support right, justice and peace.
269.	While the denial of the rights of the Palestinian people constitutes a set-back for lofty objectives and for international law and reflects a tragic picture of the development of events owing to the failure of the international community to assume its full responsibility to deter the aggressors and to restore the usurped rights, another Arab country, Lebanon, has, since the Israeli invasion of 1982, been the target of the expansionist ambitions of Tel Aviv, and its southern part is still chafing under Zionist occupation, oppression and terrorism. We will not forget the destruction of Beirut of the massacres at the Sabra and Shatila camps with all their atrocity and barbarism.
270.	We salute the heroic resistance and determination of the Lebanese people against the Israeli occupation and condemn the occupation of Lebanese territories, and we call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all Lebanese territories, in pursuance of the relevant Security Council resolutions. At the same time, we declare our whole-hearted support for the Lebanese people in its determination to settle its problems by itself, free from external interference or intervention, in such a manner as to safeguard the territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty, stability and effective role of the Arabs in Lebanon.
271.	We express our grave concern at the continuation of the protracted Iran-Iraq war, whose dangers have escalated in such a manner as to threaten dire consequences for the region and for international peace and security. While commending the position of Iraq and its sincere response to the resolutions of the Security Council—especially resolution 540 (1983)—and to the appeals and endeavours of the Secretary-General, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of the Islamic Conference and other endeavours made to put an end to this futile, tragic blood-letting, we appeal to our brothers, the leadership in Iran, to respond positively to those endeavours and appeals to put an end to the war and to settle the conflict peacefully through negotiations with Iraq, its neighbour and sister, to achieve a just and honourable settlement which will safeguard the sovereignty and legitimate rights of both countries, in accordance with good-neighbourliness and all the other brotherly links between the two Muslim countries, and to safeguard the wealth and resources of both countries in the interests of their peoples, as well as for prosperity, progress and security. We commend every peaceful initiative and every positive response to the efforts at mediation and call upon all States, especially those with influence, to continue to make serious endeavours to put an end to this destructive war.
272.	My country, which firmly believes in regional co-operation among geographically neighbouring States, is interested also in the preservation of security and stability around its borders. It therefore feels grave concern at the recent threats to navigation in the Red Sea. It condemns those criminal acts, which are aimed at destabilizing the Red Sea region, and reaffirms its previous declaration that the preservation of security in the Red Sea is the exclusive responsibility of the States of the region and that the region must be a zone of peace, free from foreign rivalry and conflicts.
273.	My country also condemns any military presence or military bases in the Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea and once again stresses the need to declare those areas zones of peace, free from fleets, warships and military bases. We support the efforts of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean and confirm the necessity of convening the Conference on the Indian Ocean, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly resolution.
274.	My country, which believes in, and firmly and unreservedly supports, the liberation movements in the world, particularly the PLO and SWAPO, calls for an end to the impasse concerning Namibia and reaffirms that the solution to the Namibian problem and the ending of the illegitimate South African occupation of Namibia can be achieved only through persistent efforts by the United Nations. We believe that the implementation of the resolutions of the Organization, especially Security Council resolution 435 (1978), constitutes the proper and practical approach to the solution of this problem.
275.	The United Nations and the entire world have condemned South Africa for its racist policy, which is a blot on the modern history of mankind. While the racist regime of Pretoria still boasts of pursuing this shameful policy, thus defying world public opinion and international resolutions with an arrogance matched only by that of its Zionist ally in Tel Aviv, those two entities, with their racist policy of aggression, still enjoy the support and acceptance of a number of States Members of the United Nations. We caution against increasing co-operation between the two racist regimes in Pretoria and Tel Aviv in the production and manufacture of weapons, especially nuclear weapons, and call upon the States which provide those two regimes with the necessary resources and materials for the production of nuclear weapons to cease dealing with those two regimes.
276.	We note with satisfaction the aspirations of the people of North and South Korea for the reunification of their country. We believe that those aspirations can be realized only through peaceful and democratic means, free from any foreign influence.
277.	The turmoil and armed conflict prevailing in Central America make it imperative that greater efforts are made to eliminate the causes of that tense situation. What we should do foremost is to encourage the peoples and nations of the region to rely upon themselves in settling their dispute peacefully before it deteriorates into armed conflict. The peoples of Latin America must be enabled to choose their own future and to express their will free from any foreign interference. In this regard, we support the agreement reached by the Contadora Group. We feel that it constitutes a sound basis and a positive point of departure for solving the problems and removing their causes.
278.	The persisting and unresolved Afghanistan problem constitutes a hotbed of tension. The Yemen Arab Republic supports the efforts to settle the Afghanistan problem peacefully through negotiations between the parties concerned, so as to put an end to the terrible blood-letting and enable the Afghan people to choose the social, economic and political system which it deems appropriate, free from any pressure or interference in its affairs. We also feel that we must try to solve the problem of the refugees and of their repatriation as soon as possible.
279.	With respect to the problem of Cyprus, we feel optimistic concerning the negotiations between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities under the auspices of the Secretary-General. We feel that genuine efforts must continue to be made in order to achieve a solution that is satisfactory to both communities, safeguarding freedom of religion and equality of rights and duties for all in an independent, unified Cyprus.
280.	We are stating nothing new when we say that the intensification of international tension, and the relations between the super-Powers in particular, and the attendant hotbeds of tension and confrontation prove the credibility of the non-aligned policy and the importance of the role of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries.
281.	We in the Yemen Arab Republic are proud of our adherence to the policy of non-alignment and positive neutrality, our commitment to the objectives and principles of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and our rejection of the policy of blocs and axes. We are convinced that this is the only way that we can stand up to all kinds of domination and hegemony by major Powers and contribute to the support of world peace and the promotion of international relations along the path of detente and peaceful coexistence, while pursuing a policy that is open to co-operation with all, regardless of the economic or social philosophy of this or that regime, on the basis of mutual respect and equal treatment unprejudicial to the vital interests of our country.
282.	My country is committed to the policies, principles and objectives of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries and attaches special importance to disarmament issues and to efforts to put an end to the arms race. We share the increasing concern of the international community over the prospect of the outbreak of a third world war, which would involve the use of devastating nuclear weapons. That concern is heightened by talk of using outer space to launch future wars. Today it is more urgent than ever to make every effort to prevent a nuclear holocaust. The only means to avert this is to search for the appropriate means to make practical, effective arrangements to which the nuclear-weapon States, especially the super-Powers, would commit themselves. We call upon those States to seek agreement among themselves to put an end to the arms race and the production of weapons and to effect a balanced, gradual reduction of the stockpiles of weapons so as eventually to lead to their elimination and to general and complete disarmament. If this common aim is achieved by the co-operation of the peoples and nations of the world, it will be possible to channel the immense material and human resources now spent on armaments and arms production towards freeing the majority of peoples from the grip of starvation and disease and overcoming the grave shortages in their resources and potential for tackling the problems that face them in their efforts to build and develop their societies in the social and economic fields. We believe that the establishment of nuclear- weapon-free zones in the most strategic parts of the world would constitute a practical way of contributing to control of the nuclear-arms race.
283.	The world today is experiencing a situation of economic imbalance: the rich grow richer while the poor grow poorer. The result of this grave dichotomy is the widening of the gap between the developed and the developing countries, with its serious implications for international economic relations in general and for economic relations between the developing and the developed countries in particular. We believe that it is more urgent than ever to establish the new international economic order, based on justice and equality, as well as new international monetary and economic structures. This requires the mobilization of a strong political will capable of tackling this enormous imbalance and of redistributing wealth instead of its being monopolized by certain States. We must always take into account the interests of all parties.
284.	The prevalence of negative phenomena in international economic life, such as high interest rates, fluctuating exchange rates, protectionist trends and tariff and non-tariff barriers obstructing the exports of developing countries, and the imposition of restrictions which create obstacles to the transfer of technology to the developing countries, have led to a heightening of the international economic crisis and its serious effects on the developing countries and their development plans. The deterioration of world terms of trade, the chronic balance-of-payments deficits of the developing countries, their increased indebtedness year after year and their low growth rates, both economically and socially, have meant that the developing countries are paying the price and are sacrificing their development in the interests of the industrialized, rich countries.
285.	The third-world countries must not continue to be a source of raw materials and a market for finished products. It is not in the interests of the international community to keep these States in a position of chronic economic deficit in which they are unable to honour their commitment to their peoples and to provide them with the basic necessities of life.
286.	Assistance to the developing countries in their development plans is not mere generosity but, rather, it directly benefits the industrialized States in our complex, interdependent world. The de-eloping countries have submitted a number of constructive, practical proposals in international forums to deal with the international economic crisis; these include the Economic Declaration adopted by the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 19 83, and the Buenos Aires Platform, adopted at the Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, held from 28 March to 9 April 1983.
287.	We can achieve welfare and prosperity for the whole of mankind if we work objectively and unselfishly, free from parochialism.
288.	As we see the world of today moving towards further interdependence and complementarity, we should all seek ways and means to implement General Assembly resolution 34/138, on global negotiations, since they represent the most important, positive initiative towards activating multilateral international co-operation and implementing the principles contained in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States and the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order.
289.	My country, one of the least developed countries, in addition to its limited resources, has fallen victim to natural disasters such as earthquakes and repeated drought. These have necessitated a modification of our development projects and plans, which were scheduled to be implemented within the context of our second five-year development plan. However, under the guidance of our political leadership and with the assistance of friends and brothers within and outside the United Nations, we are optimistic about our country's ability to overcome these obstacles.
290.	The needs of the age of technological revolution and the imperatives of comprehensive development call for reconsideration of the prevalent international information order, in accordance with the principles of the new information order, which should be given special priority in the joint action of the Organization.
291.	In reaffirming in deeds rather than words our adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, we are reflecting values and concepts ingrained in our people throughout its history, values and concepts set forth in our national Constitution, which is the intellectual and practical guide for our people's progress towards national construction, prosperity and unity.
292.	My country, which is now celebrating the twenty-second anniversary of the glorious revolution of 26 September 1962, is living through a great phase in its history and marching resolutely towards the freedom, democracy, development and unity of Yemen, under the leadership of Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh, President of the Republic, Supreme Commander of the armed forces and Secretary-General of the General People's Congress.
293.	The convening of the second session of the General People's Congress last August vas of great significance in our country's progress within the context of the national Constitution. Our people, leadership and Government are working together for the triumph of democracy and freedom in our country and the development of our cultural, social, economic and political life on the basis of our Islamic faith and in accordance with the principles of the immortal revolution of 26 September 1962. Our country has made great progress in establishing an infrastructure for development, and progress is also being made in the fields of education, health, expansion of internal trade and increased agricultural production. Exploration of our mineral and oil resources is under way, based on the principle of the people's sovereignty over its natural resources.
294.	The Yemen Supreme Council has made great advances in fulfilling the aspirations of the people of Yemen to re-establish the country's unity. Commissions on unity are nearing completion of their work on national reunification, bringing together our people in the south and in the north.
295.	Our foreign policy is based upon a deep belief in the unity of the Arab nation and on the necessity of improving the climate of relations among Arab States, whether at the level of the League of Arab States, through summit conferences or in bilateral meetings.
296.	My country, a founding member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, seeks to strengthen links in all areas with other Muslim countries. The Fifth Conference of Foreign Ministers of States members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, scheduled to meet at San'a in December of this year, will be an opportunity for a discussion of issues of vital interest to all the peoples of the Islamic nation and will contribute to the settlement of many issues on the agenda of the General Assembly.
297.	Our position on regional and international questions and our foreign relations reflect our firm convictions and our genuine desire for the establishment of relations based on mutual benefit and respect. We are proud of our constantly growing circle of friends, and we feel that dialogue, cooperation and understanding are the basic elements necessary for constructing a world in which peace, stability and prosperity will prevail.
298.	Lastly, I am honoured to express the sincere wish of the President, Government and people of the Yemen Arab Republic that the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly will be crowned with success and that understanding, peace and justice will prevail in the world.


Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to see you presiding over this, the thirty-ninth, session of the General Assembly with the skill, competence and assiduity we have come to associate with you. The deep pleasure it affords my delegation to see you seated there reminds me that the middle passage did not break the ties that join the peoples of the Caribbean to the peoples of Africa. Time has served to affirm and strengthen the links of ancestry and historical experience between the Caribbean and Africa. The Jamaican delegation is certain that your rich experience will serve us well as you carry out your important task.
3.	I take this opportunity to convey our appreciation to Mr. Jorge Illueca, of Panama, who deserves our praise for the competent manner in which he carried out his duties as President during the past year.
4.	It is also a pleasure to welcome Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member of the United Nations.
5.	The Caribbean, like Africa itself, has been much analysed but not well understood. If some of the contributing reasons in the case of Africa have been the sheer vastness of the continent, its long and rich history and the complexity of its indigenous social and cultural traditions, with us in the Caribbean the reasons are very different. We are mostly small islands, and in the main a transplanted people. Despite our size, we have often found ourselves at centre stage in the turbulent unfolding of events, not just during the past few years, but indeed over the past few centuries.
6.	We were at one time both the pawns and the prize in the struggle amongst the European Powers for economic and political hegemony in the New World. And still, today, we are close to centre stage. For while islands do not change hands any more, the struggle continues, this time for the political allegiance of the Caribbean. The axis and basis of competition have shifted. The protagonists are no longer to be found in rising European Powers, but in the super-Powers to the East and the West, locked in ideological struggle.
7.	Our historical role and importance in the turbulent events of several centuries, events which now continue in different forms, have been out of all proportion to our size. Small and at history's centre stage, we have been continually buffeted by cross-winds and swirling currents. But we have refused to be overwhelmed. The response of our people to the events which have shaped our sub region has been evolving slowly but with certainty, especially over the past two decades or so of our independence.
8.	During this period, we, in the English-speaking Caribbean, have seen the ingenuity and vitality of our people at work, weaving a democratic, political culture out of the varied skeins of our past; carrying out with confidence the important process of institution-building in our young societies; moulding economies which, despite their size, limited resource base and manifold problems, are among the more successful in the developing world; and, perhaps above all, cultivating in our sub region a deep appreciation of the civil and political liberties and a just respect or the human rights of all, which include the unfettered right of all citizens to change their Governments by ballot.
9.	In summary, during the two decades of our independence we have been defining for ourselves for the first time, as Caribbean people, the Caribbean reality, and determining for ourselves the ethos that infuses that reality. This is a difficult process. There have been and will necessarily be many impediments and disagreements—sometimes serious ones. But Jamaica believes that the record of the Caribbean countries which came to independence during the past two decades or so, countries which emerged from the longest period of modern, colonial history in either the New World or the Old, is commendable.
10.	For small countries such as Jamaica, economic interdependence can be no mere slogan; it is the key to our survival. Let me illustrate. In the three years between 1980 and 1983, bauxite exports, upon which Jamaica depends for 70 per cent of its foreign exchange earnings, fell from 12 million to 7.3 million tons—a decline of approximately 40 per cent. This dramatic reduction was directly attributable to the international recession, and the contraction of markets in the industrialized world. Debates will continue among academics and politicians as to whether the recession could have been avoided. There will be arguments about whether its depth and severity were caused by the particular mix of policies adopted by industrialized countries, and even whether the recovery which we now discern will be self-sustaining. But one question Jamaica need not debate is the severity of the impact of the recession on our economy, particularly on our major exports, and the consequent adverse impact on indices and targets which relate directly to my Government's determined effort to improve the social and economic welfare of our people.
11. Against a background such as this, developing countries such as my own have no choice but to take seriously the mandate of the Charter of the United Nations regarding international co-operation as a means of solving international problems. There is no escape from multilateralism. We are thus disturbed not only by the impasse that has been reached, but by the confusion and obfuscation, some deliberate, that now seem to bedevil discussions of international economic co-operation.
12.	It would be quite obvious to any onlooker who descended to this planet that different development strategies in the developing world have met with varying degrees of success. This is hardly an earth- shaking conclusion. It is true of strategies adopted by any group of countries. It is also clear that some countries in the developing world have chosen the strategies which they regard as optimal and the domestic conditions which they regard as most conducive to growth and development. This is their right and, indeed, it is as much the right of the smallest developing country as it is that of the major Powers in the international economy. Against considerable odds, Jamaica has chosen to pursue an outward-looking export-oriented strategy and to do so in consonance with domestic policies sensitive and responsive to the social and economic interests of the Jamaican people. But the choice of development strategy is not and should not be the main issue in matters of international economic co-operation or a weapon used to blunt efforts at institutional and structural reform of the international monetary, trade and payments system.
13.	Despite varying growth records amongst developing countries, the evidence over the years indicates clearly that the development process will be greatly assisted by increased flows of aid, capital and technical assistance to the developing countries; by appropriate reforms of the monetary, trade and financial systems; and by buoyancy in the economies of the industrialized world. If we cannot agree on these concerns, which, in the light of the historical evidence, are almost axiomatic, then we fear that it is not only the international economy which is in crisis; equally disturbing, our thinking about the international economy is itself in crisis.
14.	This latter concern is not inconsequential. How else can we explain some of the paradoxes which bedevil our approaches to international co-operation and to the functioning of the international economy? To cite just a few: countries which show no growth are blamed for bad policies, and countries which do show growth are met with bad policies in the nature of protectionist barriers of various sorts. This catch- 22 belongs in the sphere of fiction from which it emerged, not in international economic relations. Increased South-South trade is regarded as a key element to offset secular trends in trade between North and South. Yet policies which entail simultaneous constriction of the imports of a large number of developing countries can have no other consequence but the throttling of trade amongst them.
Indeed, when in the 1960s the rallying cry of trade, not aid, was heard, very few of us could have envisaged that by the 1980s the implied choice might not exist. High real interest rates and significant differences in these rates amongst the industrialized countries induce trans-Atlantic capital flows among capital-rich industrialized countries, while the same phenomena serve only to add to the flow of resources out of the capital-poor and debt-ridden South.
15.	World inflation seems to be a problem when it comes to a new issue of special drawing rights; but the problem all but disappears when the question is budget deficits in the industrialized world or, indeed, massive armaments spending.
16.	This catalogue of paradoxes, only a few of which have been cited, does not augur well for the future. Much depends at this juncture on both sides—North and South—coming once again to see the problem of development in essentially the same perspective, and agreeing generally on the consequences of failing to address together some of the most pressing problems of international economic co-operation that confront us.
17.	In this context, we should be able to agree that there is ample evidence that the situation of the developing countries in general is worsening. The statistical data charting the decline are there to be seen. But, as is often the case, the figures do not fully reveal the facts. The situation which confronts developing countries is even more ominous than the statistical evidence might indicate. The sobering truth is that the industrialized countries have already begun to employ the technologies of the future in areas such as micro-processing and bio-technology while much of Asia, Africa and, indeed, Latin America and the Caribbean is still dependent on the technologies of the past.
18.	Differences in technological and scientific sophistication, productive capacity and levels of development are certain to grow, not diminish, in such circumstances.
19.	Were this bleak prognosis the inevitable outcome of existing differences among countries, Jamaica might accept them passively, but we are convinced that there are other more desirable and, indeed, attainable solutions. There are at least three key elements of an approach that will lead to mutually beneficial growth based on the synergistic potential of economic activity rather than the exacerbation of existing differences which, in the long run, will only seriously limit the overall potential for growth in the international economy. These elements are: first, a renewed will to co-operate on the part of the developed countries; secondly, a readiness on the part of the developing countries, many of which are already making extraordinary sacrifices, to intensify their efforts to achieve, with external assistance, the levels of living to which they aspire; and, finally, an understanding on the part of all members of the international community that existing economic structures and institutions are neither ends in themselves nor sacrosanct and therefore shielded from even beneficial change. These structures and institutions must be moulded to meet better the goals and objectives which the international community might set from time to time.
20.	There is a clear obligation on the part of the international community to ensure that vital institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank function as effectively as possible and that their modalities of operation are always in the interest of those members of the international community that need them most—the developing countries. The international recession will indeed be an ill wind that blows nobody good if it does not act as a catalyst for certain measures of reform. One clearly demonstrated shortcoming is the continuing inadequacy of the resources of both institutions, even taking into account the recent increases under the IMF Eighth General Review of Quotas and the selective capital increase in the case of the World Bank. Twenty years or so ago, quotas in the IMF represented about 12 per cent of world trade. At the end of 1983, the figure had declined to about 5 per cent of world trade. At the same time, we find that drawings by IMF members have attained record levels for the second straight year, indeed, with drawings in 1983 being over 69 per cent higher than in 1982. The inadequacy of the resources of the IMF is of concern to my delegation not only because of the upward trend in the demand made on those resources, caused by the recession and the debt and payments difficulties of developing countries, but, equally important, because the rigidity of IMF conditionally and the harshness and sharpness of the adjustment process which countries such as my own have had to endure require for amelioration the lengthening of the time available for adjustment, more flexibility with regard to special circumstances and increased resources to the IMF. One immediate measure which should be taken to ease the liquidity problem of developing countries and to promote the revitalization of our trade is a new issue of special drawing rights by the IMF.
21.	In addition to providing for adjustment on a longer-term basis, the role of the IMF itself should be adjusted, so as to place more emphasis on investment and growth. The need for this emphasis is almost self-evident when we consider that, at the end of 1983, 43 developing countries had either stand-by or extended arrangements in effect with the IMF, making excessive emphasis on demand management intrinsically self-defeating.
22.	Jamaica wishes to emphasize that the international community must ensure that the key role of the World Bank is not eroded now, at a time when private lending has fallen off dramatically and when many developing countries are pursuing painful adjustment. We are disturbed that current projections are for a decline in the net disbursements of the multilateral lending institutions over the next few years. Now may be an opportune time for a general increase in the capital resources of the World Bank so as to enhance its borrowing and lending capacity and, further, to re-examine its gearing ratio with the aim of augmenting the level of resources that will be available to developing countries in the next few critical years.
23.	Jamaica fully understands that there are no ready-made solutions to the economic problems that confront the international community, the developing countries in particular. Neither North nor South, no country—-no matter how large or how powerful— is in possession of a set of prescriptions that can guarantee international prosperity. We fully recognize that entrenched attitudes, varying perceptions, goals and objectives, misplaced trade-offs between short- and long-term benefits and between short- and long-term solutions, can not only hinder the development process in the case of the developing countries but, in the case of the developed ones, create paralysis or lead to action inimical to the interest of the international community as a whole. Nevertheless, a renewed commitment to international economic co-operation is not misplaced idealism, for these are not arguments against, but arguments for international co-operation. It is also a recognition that buoyancy in the international economy, with the promotion of development, is a two-tiered process involving interdependent members of the international community in vigorous and appropriate action at both the national and international levels.
24.	Jamaica fully accepts the view that a substantial part of the solution must, indeed, be generated within our own economies in the South. And for our part, we intend to press ahead vigorously with our efforts to restructure the Jamaican economy so as to make it more broad-based, more productive, less protective and more competitive—elements we view as essential for the achievement of self-sustaining growth.
25.	Two world wars in this century forced the international community towards consensus on the need to try to manage rationally political relations among States. We should not await a second collapse of the international economy, as was the case in the 1930s, to recommit ourselves without further ado to a similar consensus in respect of international economic solutions.
26.	The United Nations is the foremost expression of our commitment to an enlightened approach to relations among States. For this reason, the stake that countries such as my own have in this institution and our commitment to its principles and ideals cannot be overstated. We view the retreat from those principles and ideals as clear signs of a regression towards more irrationality in international affairs and an increased search for spheres of influence and pursuit of militaristic policies and solutions. Jamaica is profoundly disturbed that these dangerous trends are once again gaining strength and momentum in the international community. They are reflected in the deadlock over arms control and disarmament, in regional conflicts and tensions and in the attacks on the Organization. We know from historical experience that the level of tension in the Caribbean sub region, while not explainable solely in those terms, is directly related to the state of relations between the major power blocs, and particularly between the super-Powers.
27.	Our view is that, if we wish to avoid the costly errors of the past, it is incumbent upon Member States to use fully and in good faith the multilateral institutions and arrangements at our disposal.
28.	Year after year, from rostrums such as this, appeals have been made on behalf of arms control and disarmament. Year after year they go unheeded. The frantic pursuit of "parity" or "superiority" or "balance" in the name of security goes r n. Perhaps at no time in the past were the prospects for some movement in this area more gloomy.
29.	The past year has seen the suspension of bilateral negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union, with very little indication of early resumption; and negotiations within the Conference on Disarmament continue to yield meagre results. There is no question that the arms race and the proliferation of weapons require our urgent attention, first, because of our concern for peace and survival in this nuclear age and, secondly, because of our conviction that the massive expenditures now being devoted to the procurement of arms should be diverted towards the economic and social benefit of mankind. It is essential that a start be made, particularly with regard to the control of nuclear weapons. To begin with, we need a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty as an essential first step in the process of nuclear disarmament. Since it now appears that the technical problems of verification can be resolved, there is no reason why any nuclear Power should fail to co-operate in achieving this objective.
30.	There is, as well, a clear need to advance the conclusion of a chemical weapons convention which would ban the manufacture, acquisition and use of such weapons. In addition, we cannot ignore the persistent increase in conventional weapons and particularly the expansion of the arms trade to developing countries. There has to be some restraint. It is Jamaica's view that regional initiatives could be usefully pursued to make progress in the restriction of conventional weapons. We recognize that such initiatives would themselves require political accommodation and a framework of regional co-operation would have to be worked out to facilitate the process.
31.	On 30 April 1982, when the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea was adopted, a new chapter was opened in multilateral co-operation for the management and exploitation of resources which are the common heritage of mankind. The implementation of the arrangements provided for in the Convention, which is now the task of the Preparatory Commission for the International Seabed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, is one of the most important tasks before the international community. The Preparatory Commission held a formal session and an informal session in the past year and we are satisfied that it has made good progress and should continue to be fully supported by Member States. We urge all States which have not yet done so to sign the Convention before the closing date for signature on 9 December this year, thereby becoming full participants in the work of the Preparatory Commission. We also urge signatories which have not yet done so to ratify the Convention as soon as possible. It is our belief that the most effective response to those who would wish to undermine the Convention is early ratification, thus allowing its provisions to come into effective force.
32.	It should be clear that there can be no viable or legal arrangements for sea-bed mining outside the Convention. We therefore warn against any attempt to conclude a mini-treaty or other arrangements which purport to confer legal rights for sea-bed mining. The position of the Government of Jamaica is that the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is the only legally acceptable international regime applicable to the sea-bed and its resources. We reiterate our opposition to documents based on national legislation and reciprocal agreements that purport to regulate activities in the deep sea-bed. Such agreements are contrary to the letter and spirit of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and have no legal validity. In this regard, the Jamaican delegation must express its concern at the conclusion of a so-called provisional understanding between eight Member States on 3 August this year. In our view, this goes beyond its avowed purpose of conflict resolution and contains terms which are incompatible with the provisions of the Convention. We urge all States to join together to resist any selective application of the Convention and any attempt to undermine the arrangements being made for the establishment of the International Sea-Bed Authority.
33.	Conflicts and turmoil in various regions of the world continue to hamper prospects for peace and should be a matter of great concern for all of us. In Central America, there has not yet been an end to the fighting. We are alarmed at what seem to be insidious attempts to whittle away the hopes of the Contadora process and to undermine the process itself. Jamaica continues to give its fullest support to the ongoing efforts of the countries of the Contadora Group to conclude a regional agreement for peace among the States in the region. They deserve the fullest support of the international community. It is therefore our hope that the revised Act will be signed by all concerned.
34.	In the Middle East, Jamaica continues to urge the parties to co-operate in reaching a comprehensive solution involving the implementation of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, the withdrawal of Israel from Arab territories occupied since the war of 1967 and the adoption of arrangements whereby all States in the region can live in peace and security within recognized boundaries.
35.	In other parts of Asia, there are continued problems caused by intervention and foreign occupation. In Afghanistan and Kampuchea, intensified diplomatic initiatives are needed to restore normalcy and peace. In the Korean peninsula, there is growing recognition that dialogue and accommodation involving the two sides is the only realistic means of achieving peace and the possibility of reunification.
36.	The current wave of unrest in South Africa confirms the warnings that have been so often repeated to the South African regime. The system of apartheid is doomed because its fundamental precepts are evil and offensive to human decency. Its practitioners are perpetrating a crime against humanity. It cannot be maintained indefinitely by resorting to violent tactics of repression and intimidation. It cannot be saved by futile and superficial changes in a system that is fundamentally immoral. The Government and the people of Jamaica are unalterably opposed to that wicked system. The so-called new constitutional arrangement introduced by the racist regime is another pernicious attempt at strengthening and reinforcing apartheid. They have fooled no one. The response of the people of South Africa is a clear and unequivocal rejection, as shown by the recent disturbances. The reaction of the South African regime has been the familiar one of indiscriminate shooting, detention and banning orders intended to terrorize the people into submission. It is important for the international community to apply the greatest pressure on South Africa and not collaborate in any way in the current wave of brutality on which the regime has embarked. South Africa should be left in no doubt about international condemnation of its abhorrent policies. We can find no distinction between accommodation and constructive engagement. It should be clear to all that the record of the South African regime is one of deception, hypocrisy and treachery.
37.	Look at Namibia. There, we continue to be faced with South Africa's defiance which has for so long prevented progress towards self-determination and independence for the Territory. The international community has a plan which enjoys the support of all countries except one. We say to the Members of the United Nations—let us implement that plan, or take the necessary action under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, and end the long nightmare of oppression.
38.	There is no obligation so exalted, yet so humbling, and none to be taken more seriously than an obligation to posterity. We can choose the path of irresponsibility or we can work diligently through the Organization to bequeath to succeeding generations a world consonant with our vision of a community of nations free from strife, free from repression and free from want. Let us therefore use wisely the power we have now to shape the future so that the hopes of this generation will be realized in the next.


The General Assembly has by the unanimous decision of its members, Sir, elected you President of its thirty-ninth session. That outstanding election had been expected, since Africa's continental organization, the Organization of African Unity [OAU], adopted two resolutions recommending your candidacy for that office, at Nairobi in June 1981 and at Addis Ababa in June 1983. Your country's many friends throughout the world supported that recommendation, thus reaffirming their confidence in and friendship for Africa, Zambia and you, personally—confidence and friendship of which we are justly proud. We ask you, therefore, to accept our warm fraternal congratulations. As President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, you have shown discreetly and effectively your eminent qualities as diplomat, statesman and champion or the right of peoples to independence. I had the honour of presiding at your side over the International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence, held in Paris in April 1983, and I am therefore in a position to say how great was your positive contribution to the success of that gathering. There is no doubt that, with such qualifications, you will be able to guide the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly to a most successful conclusion.
41.	I wish also to thank your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, of Panama, who, as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-eighth session and at a particularly difficult time in world affairs, worked with courage and clear-mindedness to reaffirm the mission of the United Nations: to promote peace and harmony among nations.
42.	In this connection, I cannot fail to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, whose broadmindedness, analytical abilities, independence of judgement and fidelity to the ideals of the United Nations we were able to appreciate yet again when he visited Senegal in January 1984. His journey to the furthest corners of our continent was an act of faith which provided further proof that, with goodwill and using the right means, the plight and the hopes of a great part of mankind can be calmly identified, and that solutions can be sought and found if we are imbued with a spirit of international solidarity and praiseworthy generosity and brotherhood.
43.	I wish finally to welcome the sister country of Brunei Darussalam—like Senegal, a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference—to membership of the United Nations. Its devotion to the ideals of peace, justice and harmony as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations are the best guarantee that Brunei Darussalam will be able to contribute with determination and effectiveness to the promotion of the United Nations and to the achievement of its purposes.
44.	Once again we, the representatives of the world's peoples, States and Governments, have come together to consider the situation and future of mankind, and to do so despite the differences in our ideological choices, political systems, spheres of culture, traditions and customs, aware that the civilizations of which we are the products and the authors are complementary, aware also that 159 nations cannot in a meeting lasting only a few weeks together work out exactly what action must be taken to improve the lot of mankind without first being convinced that common interest must prevail over the obstacles to dialogue and solidarity.
45.	Rich countries and poor, wealthy peoples and those stricken with the despair and pessimism which result from the world crisis, are we not all assailed by the same anxieties and obliged, if we are not to be destroyed, to stand shoulder to shoulder in the face of the many dangers threatening man and his environment?
46.	It was in the spirit of the need for such reflection by the international community that the head of State of Senegal, President Abdou Diouf, called on me to come here to address the Assembly.
47.	I shall begin by referring to the political problems with which the United Nations is once again confronted, together with the economic issues with which the third world in general and Africa in particular are constantly concerned, in the ever-diminishing hope that peoples and individuals will Unite to prevent an apocalypse which, if it were to occur, would certainly spare no people and no country,
48.	Given that risk, are we capable of taking the leap forward which the nations of the world expect of us and which we must take if we are to put to good use the immense potential of the human mind and the wealth of imagination granted to us by nature?
49.	For nearly 40 years, a modus vivendi seems to have been established among the industrial nations, in particular those of the northern hemisphere. Those nations have thus achieved technological progress and economic stability, guaranteed and protected by a system of relations which safeguard the essential element: the continuance of that technological progress and the maintenance of the economic stability which, despite the ups and downs of our times, we see today.
50.	At the same time, we note in various parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East numerous hotbeds of tension and conflict which rend the peoples asunder and set against each other neighbour countries which reason dictates should cooperate in trust and friendship. Sometimes, even within a single population, civil war breaks out, costing the lives of children, the elderly and people in the prime of life, sowing death and destruction in the name of opposing ideologies, and heightened and exacerbated by a conflict of interests often alien to that country.
51.	In this tense situation, is it not time for the nations of the world, both rich and poor, industrialized and developing, to agree to overcome their rivalries and tensions, through joint efforts and constructive dialogue, in order to guarantee to all the free command of their common destiny?
52.	Today, South Africa continues to occupy Namibia illegally, despite the relevant United Nations resolutions designed to enable the brother people of Namibia to recover, without any hindrance, its full right to freedom, independence and dignity. In this regard, my country, Senegal, solemnly reaffirms its complete solidarity with SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the glorious people of Namibia, and we support Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The Namibian question is a decolonization problem, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which recognizes that those countries and peoples have the inalienable right to self-determination and national sovereignty.
53.	The countries members of the contact group should, to that end, bring direct pressure to bear on the Pretoria Government, in pursuance of the efforts that they are now undertaking and that, in all honesty and objectivity, we must emphasize. Since contact has been established, we feel it is appropriate to continue and even increase it so that South Africa will be brought to accept the United Nations settlement plan.
54.	I cannot conclude this section of my address without welcoming, on behalf of my Government, the praiseworthy initiatives repeatedly undertaken by the Secretary-General. Thanks to him, the technical aspects of this matter, involving the composition, status and deployment of the military element of UNTAG and the choice of the electoral system provided for in the settlement plan, have already wen agreed upon.
55.	Notwithstanding the slow pace of the talks and the acknowledged limits of the progress recently made at Lusaka, Zambia, and Sal, Cape Verde, on the way towards negotiations between the parties involved, Senegal encourages those efforts and advocates a cease-fire conducive to the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) as a whole.
56.	South Africa, because of the abhorrent practice of apartheid, which the Pretoria regime persists in further refining by successive reforms, such as the recent bogus constitutional reform, deserves to be once again unreservedly condemned by the international community. My country, Senegal, denounces this inhuman policy of racial segregation and expresses again its solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and its legitimate representatives, the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. We also energetically repudiate the infringements repeatedly committed against the territorial integrity, sovereignty and security of the front-line countries, and particularly the constant threats made by South Africa against Angola and Mozambique, whose Governments and brother peoples aspire only to peace and development.
57.	In west Africa, the question of Western Sahara continues to be the subject of the international community's attention. My country, Senegal, wishes to see a peaceful settlement of that dispute, in accordance with resolution AHG/Res. 104 (XIX), adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa in June 1983, and endorsed by the General Assembly in its resolution 38/40.
58.	With regard to the question of Chad, we can only hope that the recent developments emanating from the Franco-Libyan disengagement agreement of September 1984 may lead to national reconciliation in Chad and to scrupulous respect for the integrity and sovereignty of that country, under the leadership of its legitimate Government—now recognized by the OAU and by the international community— without any outside interference. It is truly high time for that martyred country, rent by internal conflicts and assorted kinds of intervention for the past 20 years, to be able finally to enjoy the peace, national unity and stability so essential to the flourishing of its people and the development of its economy.
59.	Just as in Africa, the racist Pretoria Government continues to trample the Charter of the United Nations under foot by oppressing peoples aspiring to peace, so in the Middle East, Israel has been maintaining an atmosphere of tension through its aggressive and annexationist policy against the Arab peoples of the area in general, and the Palestinian people in particular. Israel's systematic recourse to force has inevitably blocked all the peace initiatives undertaken in recent years. The long list of resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly is, in this regard, highly indicative of the indifference and cavalier disregard shown by the Tel Aviv Government for the international community's decisions.
60.	Now, more than ever before, we must reaffirm the inalienable right of the brother people of Palestine, regrouped within the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], its sole and legitimate representative, to dignity, self-determination and independence, and to the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian State on the land of Palestine, in keeping with the relevant United Nations resolutions. We must, by all legal means, induce the international community to compel Israel to put an end to the settlements. We must actively support the Lebanese people, which is now gravely divided, to achieve its unity and territorial integrity and regain its stability, free from the acts of aggression perpetrated daily against its sovereignty. We must spare no effort to obtain total withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied by Israel by force since 1967. We must, finally, foster the conditions for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, with due respect for the right of all the peoples of the region to live within secure and recognized boundaries.
61.	My country, Senegal, had the great honour, thanks to the confidence placed in it by the international community, to preside over the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983. We know that since then the Secretary-General, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, as well as the Al- Quds Committee, presided over by King Hassan II, of Morocco, have made repeated efforts to ensure progress on this question. Those efforts should be encouraged and continued, because my country, which presides over the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, believes that an International Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the full participation of the PLO, should be able to bring about a definitive solution to the Middle East question.
62.	As is well known, for four years now there has been a fratricidal conflict between Iran and Iraq that has taken the lives of thousands of innocent persons; huge material losses have occurred and vast resources have been wrested from the development of the two countries in a deadlocked conflict, and all this has been to no avail. Given this sorry state of affairs, all the initiatives that have been undertaken have proved fruitless. Senegal, which is a member of the Islamic Peace Committee seeking peace between those two countries, takes this opportunity to repeat to the Security Council, the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries and the Organization of the Islamic Conference that it has always supported and will continue to support them in actions designed to obtain a rapid and definitive cease-fire between Teheran and Baghdad and peace negotiations on the basis of the fundamental principles of international law and the stability of the countries of the region.
63.	On the Asian continent, Afghanistan and Kampuchea continue, as is known, to be subjected to the laws and domination of foreign Powers. It is therefore only proper to hold that the people of Afghanistan and the people of Kampuchea are entitled to just recognition of their legitimate aspiration to the free choice of their political system and their leaders. In this connection, Senegal will continue to press actively for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from those two countries and for just respect for the Charter of the United Nations with regard to them, through the peaceful application of the good offices machinery of the Secretary-General and the quest for a negotiated solution between the parties concerned. So far as Senegal is concerned, in both cases the main objective is to enable the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples to exercise their right to decide, in all sovereignty, their own destiny.
64.	In Kampuchea, more particularly, after three years of praiseworthy and sustained diplomatic efforts, the implementation of the relevant resolutions on this question is still encountering certain obstacles, but they should not deter us from our goal, which is the restoration of peace to Kampuchea and the region. To that end, it should be emphasized that the work of the United Nations, through the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea, presided over by Senegal, far from being directed against this or that State is, rather, designed to secure conditions necessary for a constructive dialogue between all the parties concerned. In this connection, certain States should reconsider their attitude and join the international consensus on the question of Kampuchea, particularly as that consensus takes into account the concerns of all the interested parties. Experience has shown that the use of force is not the way to solve this dispute. It is through constructive and responsible dialogue that all the parties concerned can put an end to this conflict, which has lasted far too long. In the Korean peninsula, we keep coming back to the idea of the peaceful reunification of the two sides within the framework of a sincere and fraternal quest for common ground. Our country will therefore continue to support any idea designed to secure this objective and based on the free will of the entire Korean people.
66.	Finally, in Central America, if the principle of respect for the right of peoples to self-determination is observed by all, in the sub-continent and elsewhere, there is some hope of seeing the peoples of the region co-operate effectively in easing the many tensions and eliminating the hotbeds of conflict that prevail there. It is in this spirit, and this spirit only, that Senegal intends to continue to give active support to the efforts of the Contadora Group.
67.	The picture of the world situation is certainly not an encouraging one. However, like the weather, international political developments are always characterized by a predictable alternation of overcast periods and periods when the elements of nature come together to produce fine weather. Thus, there is no room for despair; rather, we should be optimistic and organize our efforts. Today more than ever those efforts must be applied to the constant search for the most appropriate solutions to the varied economic and financial problems affecting the world and, more particularly, the developing countries.
68.	The world is currently experiencing an unprecedented economic crisis, which must not be viewed as a short-term phenomenon, much less as a cyclical occurrence, because it is deeply rooted in the superimposed imbalances and accumulated inequalities which have dominated the international economic system during the 1980s.
69.	I shall not refer here to the elements of that crisis nor to its many manifestations, because other speakers have already done this and the United Nations itself, at various levels, has considered all the aspects of this crisis with admirable conviction and determination.
70.	In May 1974, at the urging of the countries of the third world, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, then in December that same year the Assembly adopted the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States . This new international economic order was and is still supposed to correct, inequalities, remedy injustices and close the immense gap that exists at all levels between the rich and the poor countries. It is in the light of these objectives that I wish, on behalf of Senegal, to emphasize, in this last half of my statement, two fundamental subjects of particular interest for almost all African countries: the indebtedness of the third world and the phenomenon of drought and desertification.
71.	Our countries in particular have felt the full force of the world crisis. To varying degrees in recent years, they have recorded large balance-of-payments deficits, aggravated by a sharp decline in their industrial and agricultural production, thus bringing about a steady fall in their per capita income. On top of this, the phenomenon of decreased rainfall has caused a marked foodstuffs deficit, Moreover, the prices of their raw materials and commodities nave consistently dropped while the costs of importing capital goods, manufactured articles and finished products have experienced an unprecedented exponential increase. This has led to a considerable fall in the export earnings of our countries.
72.	The well-known inadequacy of financial re-source flows and the structural difficulties we have experienced have forced us, in order to ensure a minimum of development, to contract major debts for the purpose of breaking the deadlock. Thus, the foreign debt of the developing countries increased from $244 billion in 1977 to $625 billion in 1982 and at the end of 1983 stood at $785 billion.
73.	The result of such a situation could not fail to be a serious reduction in the gross national product of our countries and a drastic restriction of their capacity to absorb the effects of the world crisis.
74.	At the same time, and on the international level, we have the effects of the following factors: persistent monetary instability; fluctuations in ex-change rates, over which we have no control; the particularly high level of interest rates; new protectionist barriers imposed by the industrialized countries; the increase in shipping rates; interest payments on commercial credits: and the constant rise in energy prices and in the cost of oil products and derivatives.
75.	As the final blow to our development efforts, we then have, on the monetary side, the inadequacy of financial resources, particularly on concessional terms, the stagnation or even decline of the real value of official development assistance when considered in the light of the cumulative effects of inflation and the drop in the prices of raw materials and, to crown it all, the conditions imposed under the lending policies of official and private financial institutions.
76.	The developing countries are certainly not prey to despair, but how can they hope to see any light at the end of the tunnel tomorrow unless specific measures are taken today gradually to end a critical situation whose consequences could, like a shock wave, reach those tomorrow that believe today they are well out of its reach?
77.	A few months ago, the Secretary-General undertook the praiseworthy initiative or visiting several countries in the black continent with a view' to mobilizing additional resources to support the already fragile economies of the African countries. While we congratulate him on this move, we at the same time renew our appeal to the international community and the specialized financial institutions to organize a world conference on indebtedness to seek the best ways to study this contemporary phenomenon, analyse its evolution and define the most appropriate remedies, in order to give a new impetus to our countries' economies and free them of the bottle-necks and other obstacles trapping them in the maze of mechanisms which are now in place and which have led to the present state of affairs.
78.	Throughout this period, drought and desertification have inexorably dominated and invaded our continent. In 1983 no fewer than 35 African countries were afflicted by the phenomenon of drought, which is no longer limited to certain areas of west Africa but has spread to east Africa, central Africa and even southern Africa, where on both sides of the equator the existence of vast forest areas with dense vegetation stretching from the Atlantic to the Indian Oceans should guarantee regular rainfall; this, however, is now threatened.
79.	Some countries of Asia and the Americas are seriously worried by the prospect of the same calamity as is threatening the African countries.
80.	Drought is a phenomenon characterized each year by the virtually complete absence of precipitation in areas where irrigation is little known or unknown, thus ruling out any chance of normal agriculture and therefore of a harvest. Desertification occurs like a disease that wherever it goes destroys vegetation and watercourses, dries up rivers, streams, lakes and ponds and wipes out the food plants and aquatic and land animals on which man usually feeds.
81.	Every year the Sahara desert in the north of Africa, from Mauritania to the Sudan, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea, moves tens of kilometres southwards, making hundreds of thou-sands of hectares unfit for agriculture and causing the movement of thousands of people and their livestock, separating them from their traditions and way of life and causing problems for the people in their new grazing areas.
82.	The African countries concerned, thanks to the support and understanding of the international community, have organized themselves into sub regional and regional zones to tackle the problem of this dual phenomenon of drought and desertification. As has been indicated by the United Nations Sudano-Saheli- an Office [UNSO]:
"The purpose of the fight against the effects of drought and desertification is essentially to rehabilitate and protect the productive potential of the land, water and other natural resources and, at the same time, to develop and strengthen man's ability to exploit these resources ..." It was in this spirit that the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, composed of eight West African countries, was set up.
83.	In 1973 the Secretary-General created UNSO, which between 1973 and 1978 developed into the leading organ of the United Nations system directly mandated by the General Assembly to co-ordinate the activities of United Nations agencies designed to help the countries of the Sudano-Sahelian region in their struggle against the effects of drought. UNSO's mission has since developed to cover, in particular, in addition to the Sudano-Sahelian zone, that situated north of the Equator, and to deal with the implementation of the Plan of Action to Combat Desertification, adopted by the United Nations Conference on Desertification, held at Nairobi in 1977.
84.	Just a few weeks ago, in July, on the initiative of President Abdou Diouf, a ministerial conference on the two phenomena—drought and desertification— was held at Dakar, with the participation of the European Economic Community, the United Nations, FAO, UNDP and UNEP, as well as UNSO, which played a particularly active role in the preparation and conduct of the conference and in the achievement of results.
85.	Among the conclusions of that conference, which we have communicated to the competent organs of the agencies I have mentioned, the concept of countries stricken by desertification has been accepted, with all the practical consequences that logically follow the adoption of such a concept by the United Nations. My Government hopes that at this session the General Assembly will draw up and adopt a resolution defining precise measures and appealing to the international community to make available increased resources to give effect to the conclusions of the Dakar conference. We are glad that the question of countries stricken by desertification and drought has been included in the agenda of this session.
86.	The three fundamental ideas of UNSO—and here let me pay tribute to the officials of that agency for their hard work in seeking solutions to the thorny problem of countries stricken by desertification—are the following: first, aid to the various countries and their regional institutions in the field of planning and formulating projects and programmes designed to fight the effects of drought and desertification; secondly, aid in the mobilization of the necessary resources for the implementation of the various projects and programmes, either on a bilateral or a multilateral basis or through the United Nations Trust Fund for Sudano-Sahelian Activities, with a considerable increase in the resources made available to UNSO, which at present are insignificant compared with the magnitude of the problems; and, thirdly, the management of the Trust Fund and the implementation, through the resources of that Fund, of the projects and programmes to which UNSO contributes.
87.	It is obvious that the work of UNSO cannot exclude a range of decisive actions jointly conducted by the countries concerned to help them work out and implement a coherent policy for combating this phenomenon.
88.	In conclusion, let me say that our world is today burdened with difficulties of all sorts. Besides our political problems, we now have many questions to ask about the economic future of the peoples whom we represent. Should we not at last be emphasizing what unites us and casting a veil of reason over what divides us, in order to concentrate on what is essential: fostering our solidarity and giving each other reciprocal support. This means that we must act together to eradicate focal points of war, reduce tensions between peoples and turn a deaf ear to the appeals of the sirens of discord and over-armament. To support each other reciprocally means that we must pool the immense technological progress achieved by mankind for the service of mankind and against the policies of the mass destruction of the resources of our planet. To support each other reciprocally means to be responsible and show solidarity with the poor peoples, impoverished by nature or threatened by calamities, those living in the more arid areas of our world or in islands surrounded by the oceans but without rainfall. We must help them to confront this real everyday hardship.
89.	Only then need we not despair of ourselves, for we shall be men—men of peace, men of dialogue, men of generosity; men of a generation which will not have lived for nothing and which, having explored the moon, skirted the planets Mars and Saturn, circled Venus and admired Orion, will come back to Earth to control, with head held high, its own destiny, the destiny of mankind.