Permit me first of all, Mr. President, to convey to you the warm salutations of His Excellency Abdel Halim Khaddam, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Syrian Arab Republic, who, because of some important duties, is unable to attend today's meeting in person but who has entrusted me with the honorable task of delivering his statement before this august Assembly. It is my pleasurable duty to fulfill that task and to add to all that he has expressed in his statement regarding your election to the very high office of the Presidency of the General Assembly my personal expressions of high esteem and admiration.
47.	It pleases me to commence my statement by stating how proud we are, Sir, of your assuming the presidency of the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. We all know the role you have played since you assumed the representation of your esteemed country at the United Nations in upholding. the principles of the international organization and supporting the rights of the underprivileged peoples, as well as in the constant initiatives you have taken to uphold justice. In doing so, you have expressed the adherence of your country to the principles of right and its major contribution to the call for liberating humanity from slavery and backwardness. The last initiative taken by your country in this connexion was the recent Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries and the efforts Sri Lanka exerted for its success. Therefore, please accept our best wishes for your continued success. Hope is pinned on the present session for consolidating the bases of right, justice, peace and progress.
48.	On this occasion, I likewise praise Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg and President of the previous session, for the efficient way in which he conducted the proceedings of the thirtieth session and for his endeavors to translate its deeds into tangible results.
49.	We are meeting today after having taken another step towards the universality of the United Nations through the admission of Seychelles to our Organization. We congratulate that State on the sovereignty and independence that have crowned its struggle and we welcome it as an active Member in our midst. We hope to take more steps forward towards the universality of this Organization, so as to see in our midst the representatives of Angola and Viet Nam -those two heroic peoples who deserve the world's admiration and who, through the misuse of the veto in the Security Council, have so far been denied admission to the United Nations. We are certain of the victory of the cause of right and we are confident that the complete liberation of the peoples who are still divided and denied entity and independence by the proponents of aggression and racism will soon be consummated. We earnestly look forward to the day when all these peoples will become Members of this Organization and share in enhancing co-operation, security and peace.
50.	Last, but not least, I take this opportunity to praise the untiring efforts exerted by Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, in the service of justice, progress and peace. We would like to assure him of the continued support of the Syrian Arab Republic in the pursuit of these efforts.
51.	The present session of the General Assembly is meeting today, following an event that attracted the attention of the whole world. Two months ago, the Fifth Conference of the non-aligned countries met in Colombo, where the Heads of State or Government of 85 States met and issued declarations and resolutions that embodied the will of more than half the countries of the world to affirm the identity of the non-aligned movement, upholding it and affirming its principles. Events have proved that these humane and international principles are designed to achieve justice, equality and coexistence among States and peoples.
52.	The fundamental significance of the Colombo Conference lies in the determination of more than one half of the world population to rid themselves of the system of unequal relations; to establish democratic relations among nations in political, economic and scientific spheres; to eliminate all forms of colonialism, racism and apartheid; and to end domination, occupation, backwardness and deprivation. The Colombo Conference has proved that the non-aligned movement is moving with sure steps towards the realization of these goals. The clarity of concepts that characterized the work of the Conference enabled it to conform to international changes and to develop its positive aspects without deviating from the principles and bases of the non-aligned movement. We hope that the General Assembly will support the demands included in the declarations and resolutions of the Colombo Conference [see A/31 / 197], since all the stands and demands expressed therein are in full harmony with the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter.
53.	International peace cannot be established as long as the differences between rich and poor countries remain as big as they are at present, the technological gap between industrial and developing nations continues to increase, and trade dealings remain tarnished with aspects of exploitation, rising prices of manufactured goods and production equipment, and declining prices of raw materials. Is the deficit suffered by the thirds world countries not a direct outcome of such exploitation? Are not the constant disturbances witnessed by the world monetary system, for which responsibility lies with the capitalist countries, a source of imbalance in world trade and an addition to the huge burdens already borne by the economies of the developing countries in order to overcome backwardness, accelerate the rate of development, and achieve economic and social progress for their toiling people?
54.	Should the economic strategies of the major industrial countries continue to be guided by the quest for maximum profits without regard for the principle of equal cooperation, and should they continue* to maintain their dealings with the developing countries on a purely materialistic, closed and narrow basis, and should they not appreciate the major problems whether current, medium term, or long term-and the burdens of the third world, and, consequently, participate seriously in relieving its debts and supporting its development, then the present world situation foreshadows an explosion the victim of which will be the whole of humanity.
55.	Our earnest desire for peace and the realization of true equality and the shaping of a better future for the overwhelming majority of mankind prompts us to press for the implementation of the resolutions adopted during the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly [resolutions 3201 (S-VI), 3202 (S-VI) and 3362(S-Vn)], supported by the resolutions of the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTADJ*, and by the Economic Declaration of the non-aligned Colombo Conference [Al31ll97l annex II], as well as of the resolutions of the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held in Mexico in September.
56.	On this occasion, it should be pointed out that one of the foremost duties of our Organization is to implement the transfer of part of the funds spent by the super-Powers on the arms race to development purposes. The sincere appeals of the non-aligned and developing countries in this regard must not remain unheeded.
57.	We, in the Syrian Arab Republic, believe that no solution can be found to the suffocating world economic crisis that would produce an impact on over-all international relations -particularly that of international co-operation- unless we expedite the establishment of a new international economic order based on equality, equal sovereignty, co-operation and common interests among all the countries of the world.
58.	We hope the debates of the present session will yield the best positive results. Apart from the serious crises it has to deal with, this session has before it critical matters to tackle, since it is on the effective solutions for these issues that the future of humanity depends. Total disarmament, strategic arms limitation, the prevention of nuclear proliferation, and the convening of a world disarmament conference are problems that require a great deal of goodwill and constant effort, so that the resolutions shall not remain theoretical and without practical application in relieving tension and halting the arms race,
59.	The whole of the human race pins its hopes on the exploration and use of the wealth in the bottom of seas and oceans for the sake of the whole of humanity. Therefore, it would be worth while if we move ahead in shaping the exact executive international framework that would realize such hopes in order to secure new sources of food supplies and eliminate hunger and backwardness.
60.	Of no less importance is the possibility of enacting advanced rules for maritime law and materializing the keen desire to safeguard the environment through tangible comprehensive measures that would eliminate all kinds of pollution threatening all nations.
61.	Moreover, the numerous economic, cultural and social matters whereby the Organization is trying to disseminate the spirit of the Charter in theory and practice and to ensure justice, equality and progress in the international community, must be given the greatest attention, since they help in strengthening international friendship and under-standing among peoples,, especially since attention is focused at present on the fruits of the international detente which we hope might become general, embracing all regions and not limited to European or to East-West relations.
62.	Moving to other spheres in which the United Nations plays a leading role, we note that, though decolonization is making important progress, this process, however, falters sometimes because of the obstinacy and maneuvers of some colonial Powers confronting it. Therefore, numerous peoples and regions are still struggling for their freedom and right to self-determination.
63.	Racism, which is causing many people great suffering, notably in South Africa and Rhodesia, is a shameful blot on the history of mankind and an obstacle to the advance of civilization. The racist regimes in those African regions persist in slaughtering African patriots and committing aggression against independent States, such as Angola and Zambia, even going so far as to occupy Namibia.
64.	Those regimes which are the enemies of mankind could not have persisted in their crimes were it not for the political, military, and economic support and backing they are receiving from some Western Powers and were it not for the close collaboration between the said regimes and the Zionist racist entity in occupied Palestine.
65.	While those racist regimes have managed to impose their existence through injustice and aggression, the awareness of the indigenous population was able to create national liberation movements that are endeavoring by every possible means to eliminate racism and its regimes and to create the necessary conditions enabling the peoples of those regions to exercise their right to self- determination, sovereignty and independence. We hail the struggle of the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe under the leadership of their liberation movements. We also applaud the decision of the Government of
Mozambique taken in March 1976 to close its borders with Southern Rhodesia, in application of the relevant United Nations resolutions. We call upon the General Assembly and the Security Council to take all measures under the Charter to help those peoples gain their liberation and to deter the racist regimes from pursuing their obnoxious policies and practices, and to force them to implement the pertinent United Nations resolutions.
66.	I feel duty-bound to declare our support for the just struggle waged by the people of Korea for the reunification of their country. We believe it has become necessary to eliminate the causes of tension and explosion in that part of the world by withdrawing all destructive weapons and all foreign forces from South Korea, and to commence dialog between the two parts of Korea aimed at their reunification.
67.	The problem of Cyprus remains unsolved due to imperialist maneuvers and attempts to transform the island into a NATO base. We hereby declare the necessity of speeding up the implementation of the United Nations resolutions related to this problem. We call also for the respect of the sovereignty of the island, its independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment. We commend the efforts exerted by the United Nations Secretary-General for the resumption of negotiations between the two parties to the conflict.
68.	While we warmly welcome the Helsinki document and the constructive spirit enshrined in it, we still believe that any talk about international detente and European security remains inadequate if the causes of tension in the Middle East are not eliminated. This can be done only through the evacuation by the Zionist forces of all the occupied Arab territories, and the guaranteeing of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people as provided for by United Nations resolutions. The world community has realized this fact, as was manifested by the October war. It has also realized that the core of the problem is the Palestine question and the expulsion of the people of Palestine from their homeland, and Israel's occupation of this homeland in addition to its occupation of important Arab States in the region. Therefore, it was natural and logical to regard the policy of partial solutions and small steps as merely a policy of anesthetization and bluff, the failure of which has been proven by events. It has also been shown that the Sinai Agreement, signed over a year ago,  was nothing but a move that immobilized peace efforts and restored to the region the state of no war, no peace. Syria has therefore refused to fall into the trap of the agreement and has put an end to the step-by-step policy.
69.	The maneuvers of imperialism and the enemies of peace have not stopped there. While the Arabs were struggling to recover their occupied territories, the forces hostile to the Arab nation concerted their efforts to provoke a new crisis in the Middle East. Those forces generated the events in Lebanon, which led to bloodshed and destruction and thus dimmed the hopes for a just peace in the region and diverted the Arabs' attention from the Palestine question and the path of struggle to secondary issues. The aims of these forces are to hamper the search for a just peace, to leave the problem unsolved, and to create one crisis after another, all for the sake of perpetuating Israel's occupation of Arab territories and keeping the Palestinian people displaced, and without a homeland.
70.	In the face of this explosive situation, and considering the fraternal and national ties, as well as the special ties, which exist between Syria and Lebanon, and in response to the sentiments and to the appeals of the diverse parties to the correct in Lebanon, Syria had no alternative but to contribute to the efforts aimed at putting an end to the fratricidal fighting and to encourage the parties to find a common ground on which dialog would take place in a democratic manner. To do this, Syria has exerted all possible efforts. You are undoubtedly aware of all the steps that we have taken, the latest of which was our effective contribution to enabling the new President of Lebanon, Mr. Elias Sarkis, to assume his constitutional functions and to create the necessary positive conditions for him to be able to solve the crisis. We shall not fail or hesitate to provide him with all necessary assistance for the restoration of stability to our brothers in Lebanon and for the preservation of the country's territorial integrity and the national unity of its people.
71.	We have also exerted every possible effort to alleviate the sufferings and diminish the difficulties of our Lebanese and Palestinian brethren in Lebanon. Syria has had, at the same time, to shoulder the burden and meet the daily needs of nearly 1 million Arab citizens-Lebanese, Palestinians and others-who fled death and hunger. These sincere efforts have been successful in bringing security and tranquility to vast regions in Lebanon. Syria is pursuing its national and humane efforts until the conspiracy against Lebanon, the Palestine cause and the Arab nation is completely defeated.
72.	If the first task of our Organization is admittedly the consolidation of international peace and security, it follows that any talk about such peace and security cannot be separated from the Middle East situation, which is becoming increasingly explosive as a result of Israel's intransigence and its flouting of United Nations resolutions.
73.	The Palestine question and the problems arising therefrom, notably the June 1967 aggression, have occupied the various bodies of the United Nations, especially the General Assembly and the Security Council, for nearly 30 years. The General Assembly has examined the Palestine question year after year until the number of resolutions adopted by the United Nations and its specialized organs on the Palestine question and its ramifications exceeded 360, towards which Israel has adopted an attitude of rejection and defiance.
74.	This obstinacy and arrogance led to the October war, exposing the world to the menace of a new war. By pursuing this path, Israel is pushing the world once again to the verge of a general world conflict. Daily declarations and innumerable incidents confirm that the Zionist entity will not withdraw from the territories it occupied through aggression and that the Palestinian people will remain under occupation and in exile. Conflict will thus continue in the region, endangering international peace and security.
75.	Following the October war, the international community became aware of the dangers implicit in the troubled situation in this region. The United Nations was moved by the gravity of the tragedy of the Palestinian people. Engaged in settling the conflict with a measure of justice, and recognizing that the Palestine issue is the core of the Middle East problem, the United Nations has called upon Israel to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories and to recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. The world community has also recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the Palestinian people by receiving the Palestine Liberation Organization in the General Assembly and the Security Council as the representative of this people who voices their rights and aspirations.
76.	Israel has gone far in its continued rejection of all the United Nations resolutions related to the Palestine cause and the Middle East problem. By such conduct, Israel has never, since its admission to the United Nations, departed from the line it set for itself, namely that of violating the principles of the Charter, of international law, of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, and the United Nations resolutions. Such conduct on the part of Israel is not to be wondered at, since its structure is founded on aggression and usurpation. Israel has never hesitated to .resort to lies and deceit although it undertook before the United Nations and in the context of its membership to abide unreservedly by the Charter and its principles, and to implement General Assembly resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947, and resolution 194 (III) of 11 December 1948 relating to the return of the refugees. It is high time for the General Assembly to act firmly and decisively and to assume its responsibilities and exercise its powers under the Charter by reconsidering Israel's membership in the United Nations. It is high time for the General Assembly to take the necessary measures with regard to the present explosive situation by implementing its resolutions 3236 (XXIX), and 3376 (XXX) on the question of Palestine and its resolution 3414 (XXX) on the situation in the Middle East. The General Assembly must determine the steps and timing of the implementation of the said resolutions and take practical measures both to ensure their effective implementation and to deter the recalcitrant party.
77.	Having felt profoundly the grave injustice suffered by the Palestinian people, and desiring during its last session to implement the international will to do justice to this people and to restore their rights not only by reaffirming general principles but also by ensuring their practical application, the General Assembly adopted its historic resolution 3376 (XXX) relating to the establishment of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. The general functions of this Committee are based on the principles of the Charter and the United Nations resolutions. Its task is to draw up a procedural plan aimed at enabling the Palestinian people to exercise the rights recognized in resolution 3236 (XXIX).
78.	This Committee has completed its task in the best possible manner and deserves the appreciation of the overwhelming majority of the members of the international community. In its report/A/31/35J, it specified the phases necessary for putting an end to the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories occupied during the 1967 aggression.
79.	This constructive initiative manifesting the will of the international community and the valuable work that has been accomplished by the Committee, was reaffirmed by the majority of the members of the Security Council. Last June, however, the United States vetoed the draft resolution approving the report of the Committee [ibid., annexes III and IV]. Thus, the United States aborted a valuable effort which was bound to achieve the most concrete tangible move towards the establishment of peace and justice in this strategic region, so vital to international peace and security. The United States veto this year also aborted two other attempts when we resorted to the Security Council, which is the highest international organ, and won the support of the majority of the Council's members. Thus the United States has blocked other paths that could have led to a just and durable peace.
80.	The Zionist occupation of Arab territories following the June 1967 aggression has continued. Israel has persisted in carrying out its settler-colonialist plans and designs and in annexing the occupied territories, as well as in oppressing the Arab population in order to force it to submit permanently to occupation, or to depart. About 70 settlements have been established in the occupied territories.
81.	In the face of all these aggressive acts, the Palestinian people had no alternative but to organize their ranks inside and outside the occupied territories and to fight with every means at their disposal to recover their usurped rights. This was the cause of the widespread popular uprising that has been raging in the occupied territories since last spring despite all the Nazi-type measures used by the forces of occupation to suppress the rebelling population and to perpetuate occupation.
82.	The revolt of the Palestinian people and the Zionist- Nazi methods of annihilation and oppression, and the explosive situation in the Middle East have constituted a decisive answer to all those who imagined that Israel would withdraw from the occupied territories and would recognize the rights of the Palestinian people. A few months ago, the Israeli Cabinet faced an acute crisis because of a proposal to move a settlement that had been established in the vicinity of an Arab village. The Cabinet was about to collapse when some of the ministers considered that such a move contravened Israel's alleged right .to settle in the Arab territories. The Israeli Cabinet finally reached a compromise, namely to maintain the settlement until another location could be found in the occupied West Bank. If the relocation of a colony illegally established on Arab territories has caused a Cabinet crisis, is it at all possible to believe that Israel might withdraw from the occupied territories or recognize the rights of the Palestinian people?
83.	We are striving for peace. However, the desired peace we are eager to attain through your help and that of all peace and justice-loving peoples is the just and durable peace that would ensure for us the complete restoration of all our occupied territories and of the national right of the Palestinians.
84.	We have spared no effort and we have tried to seize every opportunity to achieve this aim. We have welcomed, and still welcome, every initiative conducive to the implementation of the United Nations resolutions in conformity with the principles we have repeatedly affirmed. The first principle is that any initiative that ignores and disregards the unity of the cause and does not aim at a comprehensive solution perpetuates stalemate and carries with it the germs of a flare-up. The second principle is that any initiative that is not based on the recognition of the complete and inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and on total withdrawal from all the territories occupied in 1967 is in contravention with the principles of the Charter and United Nations resolutions, and is doomed to failure. The third principle is that any international effort made to establish a just and lasting peace without the participation of the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people as a principal party equal to the other parties concerned is in contravention to the General Assembly resolutions, and deprives the desired peace of its basic factors of justice, continuity and comprehensiveness.
85.	In addition to this, we believe that any delay in seeking means to avoid the current stalemate or in implementing the United Nations resolutions would inevitably lead to a heightening of the tension in the region and would expose peace and security in the Middle East and in the entire world to grave dangers.
86.	We can sum up the three-year period that has elapsed since the October war of liberation-whose third anniversary we are celebrating today-by saying that all peace initiatives in the Middle East have been obstructed by Israel's aggression and colonialist tyranny. So long as serious and constructive efforts towards peace stand immobilized and paralyzed in the face of doors hermetically sealed by Zionism and imperialism, the only course left open to our people is to continue the struggle by all means until our aims, which in fact are the aims of the Charter, and the aims of the General Assembly resolutions, are achieved. The October war has proved that we possess the necessary and adequate potential and that we are capable of utilizing it, and that we have no alternative but to utilize it should peace efforts continue to fail. This makes it incumbent upon our Organization to stand firm against the aggressor and to deprive it of means of aggression and compel it to carry out the provisions of the United Nations Charter and resolutions.
87.	Achieving the desired peace depends on the earnest desire of the members of the General Assembly to implement the resolutions adopted by them, resolutions based on the principles of the Charter. Members of the Assembly, we are fully confident of your belief in the Charter and your eagerness to consolidate the role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security, as well as in establishing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. This can be achieved only if you determine the steps and time phases for the implementation of your resolutions, and if you adopt the practical steps that would ensure such implementation and would deter the aggressor and force it to heed the decisions of the international community.


It is a true honor for me to speak on behalf of Bolivia from this, the most lofty platform of the international community. The United Nations General Assembly is the universal parliament par excellence and in accordance with the principle of universality, there coexist in this Assembly nations which, like mine, advocate peace, proclaim brotherly cooperation, support integral and shared development and favor equality and solidarity in international relations. In this context, we must assume fully the inescapable commitment to work resolutely for a future of security and hope for all peoples.
103.	Many are the items to which we must devote our attention at the current session. Their number and importance is obviously in keeping with the most disquieting problems of contemporary life.
104.	Before giving the views of Bolivia on a number of these items, which concern not only my country but the international community as a whole, I should like, on behalf of the Government and people of Bolivia, to convey the most cordial greetings to the delegations present here and, in particular, to the President of this Assembly, the distinguished statesman from Sri Lanka, Mr. Hamilton Amerasinghe.
105.	Similarly, I should like to convey our appreciation to the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, for his able conduct of our deliberations during the last General Assembly.
106.	May I also, at the same time, pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his unswerving dedication to peace and understanding throughout the world.
107.	Bolivia is likewise happy to extend a warm welcome to the State of Seychelles, which has joined our Organization as a Member, thus strengthening the faith of all peoples in the United Nations.
108.	It is clear that since the adoption of the San Francisco Charter new realities have emerged. The principles it incorporated 31 years ago, however, still retain their full validity. For this reason, the Government of Bolivia wishes to reiterate its respect for the norms of civilized coexistence, which must be decisively strengthened as a foundation for the great edifice of peace, security and development.
109.	We wish to maintain our support of the postulate of universality in international relations. In rejecting foreign interference and intervention in all its forms, we recognize the legitimate right of peoples to choose their own means for the achievement of their national destiny.
110.	We belong to a society characterized by diversity; our desire for solidarity with all States is bounded only by respect for our sovereignty and for the loyal interdependence that characterizes our times.
111.	Plurality mast undoubtedly be interpreted as the result of the observance of the principles of non-intervention, self-determination and juridical equality among nations. Otherwise, we would fall into the historic error of seeking to achieve unity by following the course of divergency.
112.	It is my Government's view that, for the full exercise of these lofty principles, there must be absolute respect for human dignity and condemnation of any discriminatory practices. We therefore reaffirm our support of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination.
113.	The classical tension produced by the desire for predominance of the great Powers has relaxed as a result of the constant action of this august body, since such attitudes do not represent the constructive contribution that mankind expects for development untrammeled by the fear and uncertainty.
114.	World tension, however, still exists and today assumes different features that are equally dangerous for the maintenance of peace and that stem from the imbalances to be covered in the general picture of international economic relations.
115.	I firmly repeat that we shall not achieve the society of well-being to which we aspire if conditions prevail that allow the prosperity of the wealthier nations to become a threat of greater poverty and dependency to the developing countries. This is one of the major concerns I feel should be sincerely expressed at this time.
116.	Hie task of consolidating a democratic international order entails the need to effect the historic task of eliminating injustices from economic relations, a matter of paramount importance alluded to by His Excellency, the President of Bolivia, General Hugo Banzer Suarez, last year in this same Assembly.
117.	The developing countries advocate the establishment in this era of interdependence of political and juridical instruments enabling them to participate effectively in economic decision-making.
118.	Any refusal or attempt to limit the right and the responsibility of our countries to participate in the establishment of a new international economic order could give rise to new and prolonged tension which might endanger peace and security.
119.	The concept of that new order should unquestionably be based on the resolute political will of all countries-large and small, rich and poor- to achieve the goals set in the different spheres of co-operation, because nothing will have been gained if, despite the commitments assumed in different international forums, some industrialized nations continue to give piecemeal and reluctant co-operation to the detriment of the economy of the less favored nations where poverty is rampant.
120.	In the field of trade we are, it is true, endeavoring to remove a series of obstacles preventing access of products from the developing countries to the markets of the economically powerful nations on satisfactory conditions. Regrettably, it is equally true that, while we use our imagination and our acts to endeavor to overcome these difficulties, new restrictions are being created at the same time.
121.	In practice, this simply transmutes in different ways the negative effects that it was intended to eliminate. Thus equitable participation by the developing countries in the expansion of world trade is prevented.
122.	Such policies cause damage of unforeseeable con-sequences to those nations that are desperately trying to obtain the well-being to which their peoples are legitimately entitled.
123.	I must point out that such difficulties greatly weaken the will for world co-operation and destroy faith in the establishment of a future forged in solidarity and justice.
124.	One of the questions that has caused the greatest concern is that relating to the prices of raw materials and stability in the supply of such products.
125.	It is desirable, in respect of this very pertinent matter, to adopt equitable criteria in order to determine truly fair and just levels for the prices of primary commodities. A strongly subjective factor comes into play here. For the highly developed countries, just and fair prices tend to be those which improve their already abundant economies. For the developing countries, remunerative prices can be none other than those which guarantee effective margins of earnings from their exports. Only thus can they give the necessary impulse to their industrialization process.
126.	We mention these facts because they are the premise of the ideal goal of raw material producers' associations. We believe that these associations pursue the objectives I have mentioned and not that of confrontation, as some would have us believe-an attitude not shared by my country, since we know that thus we would only increase tension and imbalances.
127.	Quite to the contrary, we hope that through frank, direct and equable dialog between producers and consumers it will be possible for large and small countries to reconcile their mutual interests.
128.	For Bolivia this question is of paramount importance because our export earnings depend on the stability of the prices of commodities and internationally guaranteed levels of remuneration. Consequently, we believe that the disruption produced in world trade by the dumping of strategic reserves practiced periodically by some States constitutes a policy alien to the spirit of co-operation underlying the objectives implicit in the achievement of collective eco¬nomic security.
129.	In this context Bolivia propounds the effective adoption of a bilateral or multilateral consultative system capable of preventing adverse and disrupting effects for the developing countries, whose economies depend on their exports of primary commodities and raw materials.
130.	In keeping with the statement made by the delegation of Bolivia from this same rostrum during the twenty-ninth General Assembly,  I wish to reiterate that my country is still convinced of the need to establish within the appropriate organs of the United Nations automatic mechanisms for linking and adjusting the prices of the commodities exported by the developing countries with the manufactures produced by the industrialized countries. Thus we would prevent the continued erosion of the true value of exports from the developing countries and would lay the bases for the replacement of confrontation between producers and consumers by dialog.
131.	While it is true that the fourth session of UNCTAD did not yield the expected positive results, partly because of the reticent attitude of some of the developed countries, it is desirable to recognize the significance of the resolution relating to an integrated program for primary commodities which was adopted by the Conference  and which has led to the establishment of a primary commodity stabilization fund of great interest to the economically disadvantaged countries. The implementation of the program will make it possible to introduce rational elements in this very sensitive aspect of international economic relations, such as the aforesaid primary commodity trade.
132.	It is also desirable to point out the adoption within the framework of the United Nations of a normative system for the establishment of appropriate bodies to ensure access by our countries to technology, which is a basic requirement if we are to overcome the obstacles of underdevelopment.
133.	May we also say that we adhere to the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)], which was strengthened by the adoption of the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3202 (S-VI)].
134.	We also hope that the set of principles and measures set forth in those instruments will make possible in a period of time meeting the expectations of the developing countries the reversal of the existing imbalances as a result of which the indebtedness in the balance of payments of the peripheral countries has grown enormously in the last biennium.
135.	We would have nothing to add to the statements already made in favor of the harmonious and integral development of peoples.
136.	The principles have been laid down; we have the appropriate mechanisms. All we need is resolute political decision to implement them, and this is the fundamental question on which we should focus all our attention.
137.	However not all the disruptive factors are to be found in the area of economic requirements. There are other situations to which we must also devote our special attention.
138.	We cannot remain impassive observers of the conflicts that are localized in different regions of the world and in respect of which there appears to be no solution in the offing.
139.	At a time in which awe-inspiring advances are made in the conquest of outer space, the formidable creative potential of human intelligence cannot resign itself to accept the idea that armed and fratricidal confrontation is the only alternative to the situations that divide us.
140.	There is an imperative need to strengthen the will for conciliation of conflicting interests. I therefore believe that it is our inescapable duty to address an appeal to those parties that have assumed attitudes of confrontation so that they may exercise tolerance and bend every effort to find rapid solutions through peaceful means.
141.	We also appeal to the spirit of co-operation of those States which, by reason of their size, bear the greatest responsibility in this area, so that they may try to prevent, by every possible means, the search for independence or political controversies becoming the arena of the most acute ideological antagonisms. Mankind would highly appreciate those noble demonstrations of concession for the sake of peace.
142.	Consistent with these views we honor those who, imbued with a spirit of understanding, have decided to tackle their problems jointly while sharing responsibilities.
143.	That is the clear-cut and categorical response that mankind needs if it is to go forward along the path of constant improvement.
144.	We sincerely hope that this attitude will prevail in contemporary international relations, and in particular in the inter-American community, thus strengthening the bonds of lasting friendship in the regional area to which Bolivia belongs.
145.	Consequently we view with pleasure the pursuance of negotiations in this direction under such enlightened leadership between the Republic of Panama and the United States of America on the Canal question and express our wishes for their happy conclusion.
146.	Bolivia wishes to reiterate its repudiation of violence whether it assumes the form of armed or covert aggression.
147.	Terrorism has caused many victims and its dark threat which knows no boundaries hangs over us all in an increasingly alarming manner.
148.	This escalation of irrational, systematized violence cannot be a valid means on which to base the legitimacy of any claim, be it political, economic or social.
149.	It is the pressing duty of the international com¬munity to agree on the most effective means of eradicating the proliferation of these practices, which offend the conscience of civilized man, which ought to be the guide of our times.
150.	In this connexion we give our firm support to the initiative on this question taken by the delegation of the Federal Republic of Germany [AI31I242J.
151.	I cannot but mention the serious concern of my country at the staggering upward trend of the arms race. We see with profound discouragement that, compared with the very modest progress of negotiations on the limitation of strategic weapons, we are now astounded by the announcement that military and' weaponry expenditures have exceeded in 1975 the figure of $300 billion.
152.	It is difficult to understand that while gigantic resources are earmarked for the manufacture of some weapons and the development of others which are capable of changing our earth's environment and even of exterminating our species, the execution of work which would lead to progress is stopped or limited because of insufficient financing.
153.	What is more, the arms escalation has extended.to developing countries, a fact which exposes certain areas, including the American continent, to the possibility of becoming hotbeds of tension, as a result of which the aspirations of their inhabitants, who seek to achieve minimum levels of well-being consonant with the dignity and worth of the human person, will be postponed.
154.	At the beginning of my statement, I said that it was the inalienable right of peoples to choose the means most in keeping with their historic traditions to achieve their aspirations.
155.	For this reason, the Nationalist Government of Bolivia, presided over by General Hugo Banzer Suarez, as the authentic interpreter of the feelings and desires of our people, proposed to Bolivia in 1971 an all-important historical option.
156.	Five years of fruitful government in my country have shown that only through order, unity, social peace, political stability and institutional continuity is it possible to lay the foundations for speedy and comprehensive national development.
157.	The President of Bolivia, at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, elaborated on the results and prospects of the work of his Government, which has the backing of a broad national consensus of all Bolivia's nationals.
158.	This great Assembly, which is concerned with all matters relating to the consolidation of peace and security and the removal of obstacles, to growing co-operation among peoples, is well aware of heritage need of my country to be once again linked to the sea by means of free and sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean.
159.	In order to attain the most fundamental objective of the Bolivian nation and in conformity with our conviction that major solutions can only be achieved through frank and constructive dialog, last year we opened diplomatic negotiations with the Republic of Chile-negotiations which have now assumed the greatest historical significance.
160.	The President of Bolivia, General Hugo Banzer Suarez, as a statesman who wishes to make a personal and direct contribution to the establishment of harmonious international coexistence based on real justice and solidarity and bearing in mind that Bolivia's maritime cause is closely connected with the prevalence of those ideals, informed the last session of the General Assembly of the scope of the present negotiations, based on the Bolivian proposal for peace, development and integration.
161.	We wish to go on record as stating that the raison d'etre of that formula is based on Bolivia's decision to regain access to the sea in full sovereignty, contributing to the harmonious coexistence of neighboring nations, and to this end it had chosen the instrument of dialog and the search for a shared development in order to achieve its aim of achieving access to the southern Pacific.
162.	Bolivia's land-locked position has detracted from the effectiveness of internal efforts to promote its economic, social and cultural development and limited its participation in Latin American integration processes.
163.	The negotiations designed to resolve the problem of my country's geographical encirclement are going forward under the auspices of America, as was decided at Atlanta and Ayacucho. They are at the same time supported by the conviction of world public opinion that the building of a sound future must be based on a common determination to achieve equanimity and justice.
164.	The perpetuation of situations that are not in keeping with these principles would mean abandoning the constant moral values of the international community.
165.	For all these reasons, and because the legitimacy of Bolivia's maritime cause is clear and a spirit of broad understanding must prevail among the parties involved, we shall continue steadfastly along the path that will lead to the total solution which we are advocating. In this way, the sovereign return of Bolivia to the Pacific Ocean will, through the completion of the dialog currently in progress, become a tangible reality.
166.	Bolivia is participating with great determination in making its utmost contribution to the efforts to achieve this goal, which will be an enduring example of what can be done in the Americas through a firm and brotherly will to reach understanding. It is also doing so because this undertaking is of such importance that it requires full support and because it will arouse the confidence of all Latin Americans in their common destiny.
167.	My country and my people have high hopes of the negotiations under way, which have aroused the expectations of the whole continent and the whole world.
168.	Our action is inspired by the ideals proclaimed by the world Organization and it is on this account that my Government has entrusted me with the pleasant task, which I now perform, of conveying a message of friendship and support to all the peoples represented in this forum of nations which aspire to live in a climate of peace, stability, international justice and close human solidarity.


Mr. President, it is a signal honor for our delegation to address through you on behalf of the Party-State of Guinea and its Secretary-General President Ahmed Sekou Toure our most sincere congratulations upon Mr. Amerashinghe's brilliant election as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. His outstanding qualities and his lengthy experience shall be for us a precious augury of true success.
252.	We should like similarly to address a tribute to the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, whose personal qualities made it possible for the thirtieth session of the General Assembly honorably to discharge its duties.
253.	We should also like warmly to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who, with the passage of time and events, has vigilantly ensured respect for the provisions of the Charter.
254.	Our delegation wishes to welcome here the admission of the Republic of Seychelles to our Organization. We are convinced that through its participation in our activities it will make a worthy contribution.
255.	The delegation of Guinea would also take this solemn opportunity to pay a well-earned tribute to the memory of Chairman Mao Tsetung, one of the great figures of the international proletariat, an outstanding leader whose authority, conferred upon him by his great ideological and practical contributions, has decisively marked the phase of world revolution dating from 1945 until today.
256.	The Guinean revolution considers the eminent role played by Chairman Mao has made a very positive contribution to the multifaceted enhancement of the theory of the popular revolution and of the struggle of peoples for self-determination.
257.	This session's agenda includes some interrelated questions of great importance not only to the developing countries but also to the world as a whole.
258.	In this connection, international economic relations are characterized by an intolerable injustice. Relations of dependence are now closer and firmer, giving our countries no opportunities whatsoever for independent development, which could imperil the position of economic subordination inherited from the colonial era.
259.	The development of industrial production propagated one of the disguised forms of dependence-that is, technology controlled by the monopolies of imperialistic companies.
260.	The deficit in the balance of trade has for many countries become a structural aspect of their economies.
261.	Despite two special sessions devoted to problems of development and raw materials, and the adoption at the twenty-ninth regular session of the General Assembly of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States; despite the several sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea; despite the so-called North-South Conference in Paris  and the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi, the international economic situation remains unchanged and is therefore still the overriding preoccupation of developing countries. Everything points to a total absence of political will on the part of the industrialized Powers establish a new international economic order. Thus, for developing countries, the final solution remains to struggle by effecting radical changes within each State, to remove key sectors of the economy from the corrosive action of transnational companies, subsequently to modify their relations of dependence vis-a-vis developed States, and finally to ensure full and complete economic emancipation.
262.	At the international level, our delegation fully subscribes to the Declarations and Action Program for Economic Co-operation recently adopted at Colombo [see A/311197], which emphasize, inter alia, the convening of a ministerial conference in 1977 to deal with the problem of the external debt of developing countries. The creation of new associations of producers of raw materials and the consolidation of existing associations can only hasten the arrival of the new international economic order we so deeply desire. In this effort to change international relations, the co-operation and cohesion of non-aligned and other developing States are necessary. It is appropriate here to express our pleasure at the recent meeting in Mexico, which constitutes a first step in this direction.
263.	Our delegation, like those of other States, has always considered that present negotiations on the law of the sea have a special role. Among the economic questions touched upon during the 30 years of the existence of the United Nations, there are none more important. We must be able realistically to define the continental shelf and the economic zone. In this connection, a 200-nautical-mile limit seems to be most reasonable, because of the immense possibilities offered by modern technology. International solidarity naturally implies that navigation and communications should be facilitated. Once and for all, a decision must be reached with regard to the financing of the authority called upon to manage the resources of the sea-bed beyond the continental shelf for the well-being of mankind. But that authority must be established immediately, and it must be provided with an effective administration. A small proportion of the resources of the sea, in the view of our delegation, should, at a suitable time, be utilized for the financing of the United Nations. Then, and only then, a new international brotherhood will be born, because unequal financing always goes hand in hand with unequal influence.
264.	Faced with the problem of disarmament, the Republic of Guinea believes that solutions should not be envisaged merely among ^Powers possessing nuclear weapons, because, as President Ahmed Sekou Toure says,
"Disarmament is a question of paramount importance and interest to all peoples. Thus its postulate must be respect for the will of peoples to escape from imperialist domination. This necessarily means that relations of subordination must disappear, and that colonialism, neo-colonialism and exploitation must be liquidated and an equitable economic order established."
265.	That is why our delegation supports the initiative taken by the non-aligned States to convene in 1978 a special session devoted to the consideration of this burning issue. We are convinced that the results of such action will facilitate progress in the negotiations already under way.
266.	Also, if the conclusions of the Helsinki Conference are to be meaningful in the context of detente, they must necessarily be applied to other areas where military bases for imperialist aggression are implanted-such as the Indian Ocean, the coastal States of which deeply desire total demilitarization and complete denuclearization -since it is true that international peace and security concern all States of the world, without exception, and absolutely equally.
267.	Moreover, analysis of the international situation reveals more than ever the fundamental contradiction pitting imperialism against peoples struggling for their political, economic, cultural and social independence. In-deed, hotbeds of tension are still numerous throughout the world in Asia, in Latin America, in Africa and the Middle East supplied and abetted by monopolistic capitalism, which refuses to yield to historical reason and' only considers its selfish interests, based exclusively on the exploitation of peoples and the systematic pillage of natural resources.
268.	As we know, the dominant Powers think they have several strings to their bow. When, under pressure from the liberation struggle, they are forced to let go, they find other ways and means to perpetuate their presence. Their final aim is the establishment of neo-colonial governments. To this end they sometimes go so far as to encourage secession. The case of the Comorian island of Mayotte constitutes the most flagrant example of this. That is why our delegation reaffirms its staunch support for the people and Government of the Comoros in their efforts to recover their province.
269.	With regard to French Somaliland, our delegation demands the immediate, unconditional independence of that Territory, in accordance with the legitimate aspirations of its people.
270.	The crisis in the Middle East is as yet unsolved. Just as yesterday in Viet Nam, imperialism at work today, pitting brother Arabs against one another, is seeking by all means possible to liquidate Palestinian resistance and its vanguard, the Palestine Liberation Organization. While voicing its deep concern over this situation, our delegation wishes to renew its active and resolute support for the courageous struggle of the martyred Palestinian people and demands that the Zionist State of Israel return all occupied Arab territory. The Party-State of Guinea gives it full support to the document drafted by the United Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People [A/3I/5].
271.	Despite decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations recommending a peaceful settlement of the Cyprus crisis, talks between the Greek and the Turkish communities remain deadlocked, and the island continues to be occupied by foreign troops; all the while, everything is being done to turn it into a NATO military base, thereby creating an area of tension prejudicial to the establishment of a climate of confidence and peace in the world. Therefore, our delegation voices its support for the unity of the Cypriot people and for the safeguard of its territorial integrity.
272.	In Asia, the liberation struggle victoriously waged by the heroic peoples of Viet Nam, Democratic Kampuchea and Laos compels the admiration of all, and constitutes an inestimable contribution to the triumph of the ideals of liberty and progress. The international community must contribute to the efforts of national reconstruction undertaken by those States.
273.	Our delegation wishes to take this opportunity to pay a particular tribute to the great people of the immortal Ho Chi Minh, which, after having defeated, one by one, all the imperialist armies, has just proclaimed to the world the birth of its reunified nation, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
274.	The American veto two years in succession, of the admission to the United Nations of this country, which has contributed so much to the liberation of peoples and to the strengthening of peace, is inadmissible and demonstrates the omnipotence of some countries in the conduct of world affairs within an Organization which seeks universality.
275.	Our delegation hopes that, during the upcoming discussion of this matter, reason will prevail over rancor.
276.	With regard to Korea, the Republic of Guinea will at any time welcome with satisfaction any peaceful solution which could permit the unification of this country according to the freely expressed will of the entire Korean people, without any foreign intervention.
277.	However, the Republic of Guinea, which has recognized the Democratic Republic of East Timor as an independent and sovereign State, denounces the invasion of this territory by foreign troops and supports the decisions contained in resolution 3485 (XXX) of 12 December 1975 and in Security Council resolution 389 (1976) of 22 April 1976, by which it called upon the Indonesian Government, inter alia, to withdraw without further delay all its forces from the Territory; requested respect for the territorial integrity of East Timor; and called upon neighboring States to co-operate with the United Nations in order to facilitate the decolonization of that country.
278.	Some regions of Latin America remain hotbeds of tension of no less concern to the international community.
279.	This is why we condemn the inhuman actions of the Fascist regime in Chile and express to the Chilean resistance our; militant solidarity.
280.	Our delegation would also like to express its support of the claim of the Panamanian people to exercise sovereignty over its Canal. The inalienable rights of the Panamanian people over the whole of its national territory should be recognized.
281.	Belize* a member of the non-aligned movement, legitimately aspires to self-determination and national independence. The Republic of Guinea supports these noble aspirations in accordance with resolution 3432 (XXX) of the General Assembly.
282.	In the Caribbean region, as a result of the legitimate measures of nationalization taken by Guyana and by Jamaica, and particularly because of their support of liberation movements, imperialism has launched in these countries a systematic action of subversion, economic sabotage and destabilization. Is there any need to emphasize once more with conviction the fact that, despite all of these imperialist plots, final victory belongs to the peoples of Guyana and Jamaica?
283.	The Republic of Guinea and its State Party, under the enlightened guidance of its prestigious leader, President Ahmed Sekou Toure, faithful to the principles of the Democratic Party of Guinea, which have always underpinned our great revolution, would like to assure all these countries of its countries of its militant support of and total sympathy with the full achievement of the ideals of the United Nations, whose work nonetheless leaves a great deal to be desired today.
284.	Indeed, after 31 years of existence, during which nearly 100 new independent and sovereign States were born, fundamental adjustments to the United Nations Charter appear increasingly indispensable if we wish to portray the scope and quality of the changes which have transpired, because, while it is proclaimed that all nations are equal within the United Nations, the truth is that the African nations are far from fully enjoying all these recognized rights, and as President Ahmed Sekou Toure recently emphasized:
"Africa alone is not included among the permanent members of the Security Council possessing the right of veto. For a long time, and, indeed, for too long, we have requested the elimination of the veto; this has not been achieved. Now it seems normal that an African State should also be a member of the Security Council, and should be a permanent member. This country would exercise, on behalf of the African continent, the right of the veto to preserve the higher interests of the African continent".
And President Ahmed Sekou Toure continued:
"We shall finally see the true face of imperialism, because each Power says that it- is not imperialist. Those who would oppose our proposal to give a permanent seat to an African State will reveal themselves before the world as being imperialists, racists, colonialists and anti-African Powers".
285.	Our delegation would like to echo OAU resolution CM/Res.486(XXVII) [see A/31/1961] inviting all members to work for the pure and simple elimination of the iniquitous veto in order to ensure respect for the principle of the equality of all States Members of the United Nations because, as the head of the Guinean State says, "the United Nations is practicing apartheid in the Security Council".
286.	In fact, the repulsive veto cast by the United States against the entry of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Angola constitutes a perfect illustration of this flagrant iniquity. Injustice in international relations cannot last forever. The achievement of the legitimate aspirations of our peoples will surely contribute to the building of a new world founded on solidarity, social justice and democratic progress.
287.	The Republic of Guinea, whose support has never been found wanting by the freedom fighters, has, by this consistent policy, drawn upon itself the hatred of international reaction and of the agents of neo-colonialism.
288.	In the African and international sphere, the effective participation of Guinea in all emancipation struggles of peoples has been constant and positive. Imperialism is continuing its struggle against all progressive African States, and particularly against us who are ceaselessly condemning it and struggling against it in all spheres where it acts contrary to the interests of the African peoples and those of other peoples in the world.
289.	Since the establishment of the popular and independent State of Guinea, the imperialist forces have remained hostile to the Guinean revolution, which they unabeatingly struggle against and attempt to bring down by all means, up to and including armed aggression, as was the case on 22 November 1970.
290.	The Democratic Party of Guinea remains convinced that the cause which it defends is assured of resounding victory. The revolution, which has become increasingly radical in Guinea and in Africa, will overcome all obstacles to impose true sovereignty and African unity unencumbered by any reactionary influence.
291.	After the numerous victories won over Portuguese colonialism, Africa notes with legitimate pride that prospects for the liberation of southern Africa in the relatively near future are today even more real.
292.	The racist regime of Ian Smith, maintained in place with the complicity of the imperialist Powers, can no longer confine the armed struggle of the Zimbabwe people. In the anguish of his inevitable downfall, his final weapon remains genocide and armed aggression against the neighboring States, in particular the People's Republic of Mozambique and Zambia.
293.	The Namibian people, whose immediate and total independence must be demanded and obtained by our Organization, continues to be illegally weakened by ferocious repression. The racist and Fascist regime of South Africa systematically flouts the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Even more, it was extending and consolidating apartheid, terrorizing the peoples and fragmenting them by utilizing this reprehensible "bantustanization", in a vain attempt to combat the armed struggle of SWAPO. These acts of repression are regularly camouflaged by so-called "constitutional conferences and dialogues" which are convened with great publicity, either in Windhoek or elsewhere, and which bring together white minorities, tribal chiefs and other puppets.
294.	In Soweto, in Alexandra and in other places, the supreme sacrifice of young martyrs will not be in vain, because no military arsenal can quell the fierce determination of Africans to eliminate apartheid. As President Ahmed Sekou Tour£ said: "Of what importance are atomic bombs? Africa will live for a long time, whereas apartheid, its allies and its weapons will be buried."
295.	Africa is not duped by those who with hollow statements are condemning apartheid but with concrete acts are firmly supporting it. Thus the imperialist Powers are verbally condemning apartheid and the regime of Ian Smith, they are proclaiming their support for the principle of self-determination and the integrity of Namibia and are denouncing the demands of the white minority regimes against Africans, whereas at the same time they are increasing their investments in these racist countries and are providing them with weapons of mass destruction.
296.	Before the general reprobation of the international community for the Pretoria regime, Vorster and his Western allies, in order to give an aura of respectability to their inhuman system and thereby perpetuate apartheid, are using subterfuge; but, despite all these political maneuvers by the Vorster regime and the subtle game of its allies, final victory for the people of southern Africa is ineluctable.
297.	My delegation would like to salute the memory of the martyrs of Angola. Few countries have paid such a high price for their national independence. However, despite the recommendations of OAU, the exercise of the iniquitous veto in the Security Council today prevents the admission of the sovereign State of Angola to our Organization-a State which is nevertheless recognized by more than 100 countries.
298.	This is the appropriate time to pay a warm tribute to those States in our Organization which, in conformity with resolution 3328 (XXIX) of the General Assembly, have given moral and material assistance to the People's Republic of Angola.
299.	The United Nations met and took away South Africa's trusteeship over Namibia. The Security Council has taken a stand in support of that brotherly people. OAU has also met and has supported its independence. All inter-national organizations have already expressed similar views. However, South Africa has refused to respect this will of the peoples. What remains for us to do? Are we to believe in the exorcist seances that are now being organized with great publicity to allay our vigilance? No; the five heads of State of the front-line States of southern Africa have expressed the unshakable will of our peoples, which proudly reject a compromise which would have merely dishonored Africa and its thousands of martyrs.
300.	Therefore it is perfectly normal to reject agreements which would have diminished the worth of the struggle of the fighters in southern Africa. Zimbabwe cannot wait another 18 months to attain independence. No! It is perfectly normal to demand immediately and totally the full and complete liberation of Zimbabwe.
301.	To judge negatively such an attitude of African dignity would be to be blasphemous towards the martyrs of Soweto and Alexandra, and Africa would be unable to pardon this.
302.	The right of peoples to national independence, sovereignty and full and complete freedom, the right of peoples to self-determination, the right of peoples to choose freely their own government-this is an inalienable right. It is a right free from all conditions. Nothing, no power, can limit it or allow its realization to be delayed. This is not a right which can merely be enunciated without action being taken to achieve it immediately. It is not an abstract right; still less is it a potential right. It is a concrete right, the achievement of which can in no way legitimately be delayed.
303.	Thus there is only one solution: that of struggle. Dignity is not conferred; it is conquered. Liberty is not negotiated; it is conquered. Victory belongs to the peoples that fight.


Mr. President, the Barbados delegation wishes to add its congratulations to those which have already been so eloquently expressed on your election to preside over the current session of this august Assembly. Your election clearly reflects the esteem in which the State which you represent is held in this Organization. Your country, like Barbados, is an island plagued-but, I am happy to say, not paralyzed by economic problems. In the face of serious difficulties, the commitment of your country to extending the frontiers of international justice and equality is particularly welcome. We wish to acknowledge also your personal contribution to the negotiations that have taken place to establish an international regime for the use of the resources of the sea and the sea-bed. The people of Barbados have followed with keen interest and a sense of optimism these deliberations and have observed with constant admiration the skill which you have been displaying as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
3.	My delegation wishes to place on record, too, its appreciation for the unstinted application and diligence of the Secretary-General of this Organization, who has quietly and seriously pursued the maintenance of international peace and security in the very troubled months of the last year.
4.	My delegation, which represents a small but proud and industrious people of the Caribbean, wishes to restate its commitment to two sacred principles, namely, the principle of the equality of States and the principle of the universality of this Organization. As far as the equality of States is concerned, countries like Barbados are aware of the ease with which the strong and mighty nations are often alternately bored and irritated by what are considered the empty pretensions and vain posturing of small States. Many large and wealthy States subscribe understandably to the maxim that he who pays the piper should call the tune, and they seek to call the tune for small States like Barbados. But the attitude of painful tolerance does not take account of the part which the sober interventions of small States can, and do, play in the heated debates and discussions which often preoccupy the attention of the world and impinge upon the deliberations and discussions of this body.
5.	Conscious of the possible contribution of the small States, Barbados happily anticipates the imminent participation of fellow States from the Caribbean, including Belize, in the activities of the United Nations. We island people from the Caribbean stand at the cross-roads where history meets and where alien civilizations converge. I use the word "at" advisedly. I hasten to point out that our role is not to stand in the crossroads, to be trampled by strong and conflicting forces-and there are many abroad in the Caribbean-but to use our experience to influence the course of international developments. We, the small island States of the Caribbean, are peace-loving, progressive and democratic States. Indeed, it is the tide of democracy that has brought me here to this forum after IS years of loyal opposition in Parliament. As members of the Assembly will note, we of Barbados and of the Caribbean are not only peace-loving, progressive and proud; we are also patient.
6.	May I again underline our commitment to the universality of this Organization. This delegation does not held the view that retaliation born of pique and false pride arising out of lost causes should frustrate the legitimate desires of nations to become members of the United Nations. In this regard, this delegation hopes that a way will be found to welcome to our numbers the unrepresented millions of formerly war-torn Angola, Korea and Viet Nam in the near future. Today, we are of course delighted to welcome to the United Nations the representatives of the Seychelles-like Barbados, a Commonwealth and an island people.
7.	It is fitting that I should indicate the commitment of the Government of Barbados to this Organization. We are convinced that continuing dialogue in this forum will eventually lead to solutions to the problems of this world. We are of the opinion that the major international problems have their birth in the denial of fundamental rights and freedoms to individuals and in a lack of real concern about the distribution of wealth among nations. Consequently, in our relations with other States, both within and outside this
forum, we shall support cases which are concerned with the protection of human rights, the rights of self-determination and the fundamental freedoms of any people. In economic matters, our sympathy will be for the under- endowed, underprivileged and underrepresented.
8.	Barbados is a very small State, limited in status and power by its size. But there are some things which operate strongly in Barbados' favor. We face no imminent threat of invasion by a more powerful neighbor. We live in a politically stable and socially homogeneous country. We have strong aid dynamic social institutions. Our educational system is as good as any. Our religious institutions are alive and outward-looking. Our trade unions are free and alert. In short, Barbados' strength is in the quality of its people.
9.	With the support of all Barbadians, the Government is dedicated to trying to find a way towards independence of mind and policy. The Government will embark on an active foreign policy, hoping to strengthen its economic base by strengthening its international links, especially with all Caribbean, Commonwealth and Latin American countries, and with the developing countries as a whole.
10.	Our hope of success lies in negotiation and collective action, and one of the main pillars of our hope is this Organization and the specialized agencies to which it has given birth. For this reason, the delegation of Barbados hopes that the work within the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization will contribute to a restructured United Nations system that reflects the configurations of power and the pattern of changes that have taken place since 1945.
11.	Matters of war and peace were as crucial in the framing of the Charier of this Organization as they have been in its operation over the past 30 years. The increasing emphasis being placed on matters of economic co-operation and development and on issues related to human rights and freedoms is an indication of the Organization's ability to adapt to the imperatives of the world situation in the last quarter of the twentieth century.
12.	Barbados will exert itself to achieve a higher standard of living and a better quality of life, not only for the disadvantaged within its own boundaries, but also for the world's deprived who may be assisted by international co-operation.
13.	In respect of the international situation my delegation notes with disquiet the continuing imbalance between the exports and imports of the developing countries, and the failure of these countries as a whole to approach the 7 per cent growth target set in the International Development Strategy for the -Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. On the other hand, the growing concern of Member countries of this Organization about problems of distribution indicates an awareness within the international community that productivity goals without the moral objective of greater equality are in-adequate for the resolution of current international social and economic problems. It is imperative that there be a more equitable distribution of consumption internationally.
14.	On the question of the transfer of resources to developing countries, Barbados has been disappointed. The failure of official development assistance to meet the levels targeted in the International Development Strategy has been a major deficiency in the structure of international co-operation for development. The international economic crisis of recent years, accompanied by an apparent disillusionment among donor countries with, the results of aid programs, has led to a widening gap between aid targets and disbursements. It is perhaps understandable that the perceived needs of the poorest of the developing countries have led the international community to give them priority in disbursement of development assistance. However, it seems that the international norms which have guided such decisions are partial and incomplete.
15.	The emergence of consultative mechanisms at the international level for determining the need for external assistance of a particular recipient country may ensure some measure of consistency in the treatment of that country. However, the recognition that multilateral and bilateral agencies are acting consistently provides no comfort to the small developing country that finds its requests for external support for its domestic efforts increasingly ignored. What is evident is that the current trend of dividing the developing countries into various groups based on allegedly common characteristics can lead to disturbing results. Indeed, there is a real danger that some donors may adopt the view that, because the needs of some groups of States for concessional assistance are particularly urgent, the needs of others have become less urgent. The dangers inherent in the use of crude classifications for determining relative need of external assistance can be obviated only by the establishment of measures and guidelines which apply uniformly to all developing countries and which take full cognizance of the social as well as structural features of their development prospects.
16.	Barbados is hopeful that the attempts to deal with the problems of unequal distribution will soon bear fruit. In this connexion the so-called North-South dialogue taking place in Paris, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, must attempt to find answers to the problems developing countries are facing in the four broad areas being dealt with by the commissions, that is, those on energy, raw materials, development and financial affairs. We are concerned that the developed countries appear to be set against accepting the principle of "indexation", which we believe to be an important aspect of any mechanism that may be devised to deal with decreases in export earnings from the commodities of our countries. My delegation is convinced that a relationship must be established between the prices we receive for our exports and those we pay for imports; for our economic development prospects are conditioned by the purchasing power of our export earnings. We trust that such arrangements as the compensatory finance facility of the International Monetary Fund and the integrated program for commodities approved by the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] at Nairobi will be utilized, after appropriate adaptation to meet the needs of developing countries. Moreover, we hope that some means will be found to redress the cash flow shortage in the United Nations Development program [UNDP] which has meant a virtual cut-back in aid to some countries certainty in such aid to Barbados, where we have had to reduce or close programs as a result of UNDP shortfalls.
17.	Just as man cannot live by bread alone, so for nations growth targets achieved will not by themselves create a better quality of life for all mankind. A well-fed prisoner or a well-groomed slave is not the Barbadian picture of the happy man. For us human dignity and self-respect are paramount. Therefore this delegation is prepared to raise its voice in the support of international action against imperialism of all kinds, colonialism of all types, and racism of all shades.
18.	The festering wound of gross social injustice and political and economic inequality within southern Africa remains with us. Perhaps, however, at no previous session was it possible to state with as much confidence as we can today that that wound is beginning to heal. The patience of the black people of southern Africa has been sorely tried. Their fortitude, however, has not wavered, nor has their dignity diminished.
19.	Barbados wishes to pay a tribute to the courage of and sacrifice made by black men and women and by black youngsters of southern Africa who have been callously cut off in the bloom of their youth. Let all be assured that their contribution will not be forgotten. Equally, let all be cognizant that, even though brutal and heartless tyranny may postpone the day when this Organization will welcome to its ranks with rousing and endless acclaim and enthusiasm the representatives of a free Namibia and a free Zimbabwe, that day must surely come-sooner, rather than later. Let me parenthetically state that Barbados will not support the sham independence of a Transkei. The tide of freedom is flowing southwards across Africa relentlessly and irresistibly. This tide may be temporarily interrupted or momentarily deflected but it cannot be permanently checked or eternally halted. My delegation, speaking without rancor, without bitterness and without malice, calls upon all nations especially those whose assistance has in the past made possible the extension and retention of the iniquitous and inequitable empires of southern Africa, and whose economic strength underpins the racist regimes of southern Africa to exert all efforts to bring about in the near future the demise of racial oppression. Enlightened self-interest suggests it, and objective justice demands it.
20.	Barbados notes with pleasure the coming into force earlier this year of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and regards with even more signal pleasure the operation of the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. That only a handful of nations have found it possible to ratify the Covenants and Protocol is for Barbados a cause of regret and concern. Barbados, as a contracting party-and an early contracting party-to the Covenants, sees them as an opportunity to make a positive contribution to the advancement and development of international order and welfare.
21.	The Optional Protocol which offers individuals who are deprived rights and freedoms an opportunity to bring their grievances before an international commission is revolutionary. In this, Barbados is delighted to be numbered among the revolutionaries. It is our wish that other revolutionaries who often mark the soil more deeply with their footprints because their interests bring them more frequently down revolutionary paths will, in this matter, join us. It is submitted that by the coming into force of those important Covenants the identity of those mysterious inalienable rights adumbrated in the Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations is more likely to be revealed and realized.
22.	Barbados will oppose without fear or favor all social conditions which reduce men to the level of playthings of other men. All too frequently, just as stronger nations make playthings of weaker nations, so do men make playthings of women. The Government of Barbados will be stout in its defense of women, nationally and internationally, and will be in the vanguard with those who fight for the promotion and advancement of the rights of women. Nationally, the Government which I have the honor to lead is committed to a new deal and a charter of rights for women, and a national commission on the status of women will be established. In this way my Government will seek to ensure equal opportunity for employment and equal pay for equal work. My Government is pledged to equal access to education and equal scope for intellectual development; and my Government is solemnly resolved to remove all semblances of female second-class citizenship, with regard to property and personal rights.
23.	Legislation will fortify practice; equality before the law will enhance equality in the eyes of the people. Internationally, my delegation will set its face like flint against any discrimination on grounds of sex, will actively join in promoting the enjoyment and exercise of civil rights and will participate in any move to achieve the full integration of women in the total development effort. Perhaps a nation like mine, aware of the contribution and merit of mothers and grandmothers, and aware of the intrinsic strength in people traditionally considered weak, understands better than most the importance and potential of women's increasing contribution to the development of friendly relations among States and to the strengthening of world peace.
24.	I am sure that speaking to you, Mr. President, of the need to promote, defend and advance the rights of women is mere preaching to the converted. The achievements of the Heads of Government of the great Republics of Sri Lanka and India are well known in our part of the world and they have spurred on the efforts of women everywhere providing, as it were, encouragement and justification for those efforts.
25.	As in affairs pertaining to the advancement of women and to the promotion and defense of their rights, so in matters regarding the sea, to outline this delegation's progressive position to you, Mr. President, is like carrying coals to Newcastle. My Latin American colleagues tell me that the modern apt hemispheric expression is echar peces al mar-to throw fish into the sea.
26.	As far as the law of the sea is concerned, the Government of Barbados is pledged to the extension of its territorial waters from three to 12 miles, in this respect moving moderately with the tide in extending the saver-
eighty of the coastal State over adjacent waters. Barbados also supports the reasonable preservation of the resources of the sea and will continue to participate fully in the Conference on the Law of the Sea. Our aim will be tG link our efforts with those of other like-minded nations towards the achievement of a just and reasonable international regime for the sea.
27.	Barbados' concept of a just and reasonable arrangement includes access to the resources of the sea and the sea-bed for disadvantaged States, whether the disadvantages be natural-for example, those of being land-locked or shelf-locked-or technological. As in so much of our foreign policy which is a reflection of our domestic policy, the view which Barbados will defend is that the strong must share the burdens of the weak. We are all, as nations and peoples, our brothers' keepers.
28.	My delegation therefore subscribes to the view that the sea is jointly owned by the peoples of the world and its resources should be shared fairly and equitably, with a conscious effort to meet the needs of the needy, while utilizing and rewarding reasonably the abilities of the able.
29.	In attempting to reconcile the occasionally conflicting interests of the able and the needy, Barbados believes that the demands of the needy are paramount.
30.	That the discussions on the law of the sea have been so protracted mirrors the controversial and positive nature of the problem and the clash of conflicting self-interest. This delegation does not feel that its intervention in the debate will suddenly resolve the thorny issue. What the representatives of Barbados will bring to the debate, as in all other international issues, will be a measure of good sense, balance and integrity clothed in a willingness to understand contrary viewpoints-with, I admit, a pardonable bias towards the deprived and the disadvantaged.
31.	The threat to international law and order assumes many guises. In the Caribbean we have only recently been confronted by the acts of embittered and frustrated persons intent on waging, in the aim, a campaign of unbridled terror against innocent travelers. Bombings, hijacking of aircraft and other acts of international piracy are being perpetrated with criminal abandon. The new international assassins now injure the innocent in the same manner as those whom they perceive to be the guilty. The Government of Barbados wishes to register in the strongest possible terms its repugnance to this form of international terrorism and blackmail and calls on all countries to raise their voices against this type of conduct.
32.	Less than a week ago my country was indirectly dragged into a dastardly incident of this sort which resulted in a serious loss of human lives. We have already expressed, and do so publicly again, our deep regrets to the Republics of Cuba and Guyana and also the the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for that senseless and tragic act. In collaboration with another small sister country, the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, my Government has pursued and will continue to pursue a vigorous investigation of that act of terrorism which caused the total destruction of a Cubana Airlines plane shortly after it left our shores. Within 12 hours of the occurrence our investigations and pursuit had already borne some fruit.
33.	We believe that if all the other countries in the world would treat international terrorists with the same determination shown by Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados, then this evil would be wiped off the face of the earth. We issue a stern warning to the misguided who would think of involving Barbados in their wicked designs that we consider such acts as instances of gross unfriendliness and that we will leave no stone unturned in our efforts to ferret out and punish the perpetrators.
34.	We do not believe that the end justifies the means, and that is why we have endorsed the Tokyo, the Hague and the Montreal Conventions. We urge all countries to do likewise without further delay before such acts of air piracy trigger disruption on a universal scale.
35.	Barbados will aim through its work within inter-national organizations to soften extreme positions, to emphasize the need for a modicum of morality and justice in international affairs, and to utilize those organizations for the promotion of peaceful initiatives and for the alleviation of social and economic inequality and injustice. This type of undertaking is of course nothing new in this Organization, and perhaps the experienced and the cynical will say, "We have heard it all before; let's hear his tune in 1980". It is by the actions of Barbados and not by the words of its Prime Minister that Barbados will ultimately be judged. It will be a challenge for my island of Barbados to match its deeds over the next years with the words I have spoken on its behalf today. The international challenge is no more daunting than the national challenge.
36.	It is a challenge that, as the new Prime Minister of Barbados, I am happy to accept on behalf of the people of Barbados.