1.	"O praise the Lord, all ye nations: praise him, all ye people. For his merciful kindness is great toward us: and the truth of the Lord endured for ever"
2.	I bring with me from the Government and people of a small but vibrant and aspiring nation, Grenada, the land of spice, a land of warm and genuine friendship, a land of sunshine and a land and people irrevocably dedicated to the philosophy of the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man-it is from this land and people that I bring you warmest and sincerest greetings and felicitations, as they have mandated me as their humble chief servant to make a contribution to the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of this veritable and august body, the United Nations. This mandate I have accepted with a mixture of feelings and emotions in that, first, I harbour some measure of apprehension as to my ability to attain the standard already established by previous speakers. Secondly, I am under an aroused emotion of excitement in the matters I intend to raise at this session. Thirdly and fortunately, I have a degree of faith and satisfaction in being motivated by divine inspiration to present by my humble address some contribution towards the lessening of world tension and the establishment and maintenance of total human freedom and a meaningful and lasting world peace.
3.	May I, on behalf of the Government and people of Grenada, offer you, Mr. President, our sincere congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. Indeed, your ascendancy to that enviable and exalted office is the culmination of a distinguished record of public service both inside and outside the United Nations and more particularly in the areas of international relations and diplomacy, as well as your excellence in the fields of law and journalism. The standard set by your predecessor certainly offers you a great challenge which you have accepted by virtue of your assumption of this office. I have absolutely no doubt that you, Mr. President, will face the challenge with optimum success and distinction and perhaps establish new records for your successors.
4.	At this juncture may I be permitted to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, for his invaluable, excellent and dedicated leadership as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. His dedicated service to the United Nations during his presidency and even before will be indelibly recorded in the annals of the United Nations.
5.	May I crave the Assembly's indulgence to focus the spotlight of congratulations on a very modest but extremely able and distinguished personality, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our beloved Secretary-General, a man who undoubtedly appreciates the needs, requirements and the growing problems especially of the under-developed and developing countries. Mr. Waldheim's extreme dedication and the diligence with which he has been dealing with some of those problems must unquestionably place him on the pinnacle of love and admiration for all those who have had the privilege of coming into direct contact with him.
6.	Please permit- me also to take this opportunity to congratulate the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on their admission to full membership in the United Nations. It is quite significant to note that, since Grenada's admission to membership in the United Nations, 12 other countries have been similarly admitted—a salient fact that indicates a trend .towards the fulfilment, de facto, of the United Nations' entrenched obligation to work towards universality within the Charter.
7.	We have always expressed the view, more particularly so since we became an independent country, that, in spite of our size with respect to landmass and population, we will not allow ourselves to be inhibited in any way, least of all in our obligation to make a meaningful contribution within the framework of this Organization. In this context, we have been quite clear and loud in our submissions during previous debates of the General Assembly and in committees dealing with specific issues. Admittedly, some of the matters that we have raised here and shall continue to raise here may be considered by some to be strange and somewhat extraneous, but at least some of those matters have triggered speculation and ignited the hearts and minds of at least some people involved in various areas of human endeavour and development.
8.	Permit me here to mention just a few of those matters to which we have given expression over the last three years: Grenada's firm commitment to the rule of law and order; its acceptance of its international obligations; the fatherhood, supremacy and universality of God, and man's duties to his fellow man; Grenada's dedication to world peace; human rights; women's rights; Grenada's concern and provision for its youth; the mystery of the Bermuda Triangle; our support of territorial integrity; decolonization and the liberation of all peoples; economic cruelty and exploitation as meted out by imperialist masters; man's fear of unlocking the door to himself and evolving; the release of information and data on unidentified flying objects and related phenomena; the new international economic order; pollution; the human environment, and psychic research.
9.	Today I should like to address my first contribution to the concept of the new international economic order as it relates to third-world countries.
10.	Unfortunately, we are not satisfied that there is among many of the world's richer nations a full understanding of and a sympathy for some of the real problems facing small island nations like Grenada, where the deep imprint of exploitation remains indelible and the disabilities of geography continue to be an obstruction to development.
11.	Grenada is concerned and feels a sense of frustration over the seemingly endless dialogue that has been proceeding in international forums on the establishment of a new international economic order, though there are certain hopeful signs which indicate that the discussions concluded so far cannot be regarded as a "dialogue of the deaf. However, many countries have not yet succeeded in providing to the developing countries anything near what they should give in the form of economic and technical co-operation, thus allowing the gap between the developed and the developing countries to grow even wider.
12.	May I reiterate an important observation that Grenada has been making at other international forums to the effect that it is somewhat significant that international lending agencies sometimes operate against the interest of developing countries. In this connexion Grenada is fully convinced that the international lending agencies require a fundamental reorganization of their traditional and outdated criteria in evaluating a country's qualifications for borrowing, as well as a reorganization of their policies and their operations. We urge them to take greater cognisance of the political and social realities prevailing in small developing countries and to modify their approach in appraising the needs of such countries. For example, we are often advised to cut expenditure and/or increase revenue in order to achieve a specific objective. In any economy like Grenada's, the scope for increasing revenue is very limited, but when we painfully impose measures for raising the necessary revenue we hear talk of multiple currency practices contravening the philosophy of the agency. This is all confusion and represents an imperfect appreciation of the realities of life in small developing countries.
13.	Grenada shares with the emerging peoples of the less developed island nations the plight of small size, openness, lack of mineral resources, scarcity of investment capital for production and an inadequacy of job opportunities. Countries like ours can do little to insulate their economies from the ill effects of world inflation because of the weaknesses of their external sectors and their extreme dependence on the metropolitan countries for both guaranteed prices and financing. Thus, .when the economies of the metropolitan countries become sick and precarious, the economic backlash must essentially manifest itself in budgetary deficits in the small island economies. The mechanisms available to our countries for counteracting those adverse circumstances are severely limited.
14.	Invariably the first and foremost suggestion, in most cases a directive, is that expenditure be reduced forthwith.
15.	But we know that it is almost suicidal for our people if we cut expenditure to an irreducible minimum. We are riding on the horns of a dilemma because the very aid that we need to help us to undertake programmes which could ensure self-sustaining economic growth is denied us on the basis of per capita income, a criterion which imposes tremendous hardships on developing countries, a criterion which has been ill-conceived and one which is obsolete and inequitable in terms of a realistic view of all the relative circumstances.
16.	Grenada is heartened by the commitment given during this General Assembly by many nations to increase their levels of developmental assistance to the developing countries. We discern also in the new policy of the United States a strong desire to take a more lively and meaningful interest in the problems of developing countries, and we might as well take the opportunity now to suggest that in providing technical and economic co-operation,, not only the United States of America but any other country should give more consideration than at present to bilateral arrangements, especially among the smaller countries which traditionally get crushed, trampled upon and left in the mire of events while the struggle for the survival of the fittest continues to our great disadvantage. Indeed, it was a straggle, with tremendous odds against us, for Grenada to have acted as host to the seventh regular session of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States. However, we did, and it was acclaimed by all concerned that by any standard it was an overwhelming success. I thank God.
17.	I wish to take note also of the welcome approach taken by the Secretary-General in inviting richer nations in the international community to act in concert to provide assistance to individual countries with special problems—a form of bilateralism. In a way, such assistance recognizes that a chain is as strong as its weakest link, and that, as we are fully aware; each one of us is his brother's keeper. And in this regard we welcome with distinct pleasure and satisfaction the initiative of the United States Government within our region.
18.	As my second contribution today I should now like to touch on the subject of human rights and, because I consider my contribution on this subject at the thirty-first session is of such importance aid of current relevance, I must crave your indulgence, Mr. President, before advancing additional and supportive material, to repeat some of what I said then:
"I am submitting, with respect, that it is most urgent and vitally important for the world to take a new look at the concept of human rights"-and specifically to include the equality of women. "It is my strong feeling that those who propounded the principles of the rights of humanity that culminated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 must necessarily have had completely different ideas from those that seem to prevail in some quarters when one speaks of human rights today. Let me say here and now that human rights must not-I repeat, not—be interpreted as a one-way street for evil individuals and small subversive groups whose aims and objectives are mainly and simply to disrupt the peace and harmony of society in their attempt to overthrow governments and establishments. In regard to their acts of violence, terrorism, vandalism, kidnapping and arson and other criminal acts and threats to the security of society there is always a conspicuously loud silence among individuals and organizations that spontaneously present themselves as advocates and representatives of all such terrorists, criminals, vandals and kidnappers when they come face to face with the law. These individuals and organizations, perhaps too many to mention, seem always to offer themselves as a counsel of solace, thereby abetting the activities of such offenders and giving them and others of their kind encouragement to commit similar crimes. When a Government or Governments take the necessary action to secure and ensure for the majority of their people the human right to enjoy peace of mind, I often wonder whether the organizations, groups and individuals that keep on shouting out for human rights and trying to defame and vilify the character of good Governments ever thought of issuing warnings to those wicked individuals and groups before they actually commit mischief. Human rights must work both ways. When a child is kidnapped, perhaps more than 99 per cent of the population are deprived of its human right to sleep in peace, not knowing whose child will be next. So it is that, when a building is burned or bombed or a man is shot or an aircraft is hijacked or some other acts of violence or vandalism are committed, automatically the human right to peace is infringed or violated. It is in these cases that -.e shouters for human rights should shout, and not the criminals come face to face with the law. Governments are not only stifled in taking preventive measures for the safety and security of life, property and the welfare of all of the people; they are obliged to do so."'
20. But certainly my entire concept of human rights must essentially go beyond these boundaries. Human rights must identify, tackle and solve the problems affecting the basic needs of humanity. It is conceptually fallacious to speak of the right to use a public address system at a time considered not to be in the best interest of a Government or nation and at the same time to overlook man's needs in the areas of shelter—proper housing for himself and his family- clothing, food, education, recreational facilities, religious obligations and freedom of worship, medical and health facilities, the right to work, to earn and to own, and many other areas which rightfully come within the compass of human rights. There is a tendency among many people to confine human rights to civil and political activities.
21.	Furthermore, there are many people who have been appointed to serve on human rights commissions and committees who, for fear of reprisals, have never exercised their duties in terms of investigation, evaluation and recommendation with any measure of objectivity. Yes, indeed, there are many people who have formed their own commissions and committees on human rights who are themselves dissidents, delinquents and recalcitrant of the highest order and whose main purpose is to satisfy their own selfish political aspirations. There are others, however, of admittedly high integrity and calibre who have been appointed to committees and commissions but who because of the frailties of man and the fear of reprisals-the fear of being attacked physically or otherwise by dissidents and activist groups—have never been able to give a fair and unbiased picture of the confrontations, the strife and confusion from which have emanated the cries for human rights. Should we here, Members of this Organization, pause for a moment and gather diligently and objectively all the relevant information surrounding the issue of human rights as reported by commissions, committees and the communication media with regard to certain countries of the world today, we would certainly be shocked when government's side of the picture is honestly and comprehensively presented.
22.	For some peculiar Governments have always been placed on the defensive, and in this context l am not including the regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia, where there are blatant, gruesome and intolerable violations of human rights. It is very easy for individuals, committees, commissions, groups and even certain institutions to be emotionally intoxicated and to allow the emotions to supersede sound reason and a sense of justice.
23.	Brothers and sisters, let us consider ourselves as one big family on " this planet earth, and let us desist from parsing arbitrary judgement on countries like Chile and others until we are satisfied that we have ourselves properly and objectively investigated without fear or favour all the relevant circumstances from all parties concerned. It is my fervent prayer that Governments, commissions, committees, certain religions, other groups and individuals may refrain from passing judgement on some Governments while they are under the influence of emotional intoxication.
24.	My third contribution would be on the subject of wars and conflicts. Grenada, like other nations, recognizes that continued strife among super-Powers, as exemplified by the continued arms race, constitutes a major obstacle to world peace. While we recognize that there has been some softening of the hard line hitherto. taken by the great Powers in respect of disarmament, regrettably we also observe a spreading of the mass race in areas and among countries which hitherto remained outside of this area of friction. This leads to a great waste of resources and significantly obstructs the social and economic well-being of those nations whose main concern, within the international community, is social and economic development and peaceful coexistence. It is a real concern to us in
Grenada that billions of dollars are spent every year to promote a dangerous build-up of arms which, in our view, can be more effectively utilized in providing conditions which would narrow the yawning gap between the rich and the poor.
25.	In this regard Grenada strongly supports any and all efforts dedicated to disarmament and likewise strongly endorses all statements and efforts in favour of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. We were extremely pleased to hear President Carter give the assurance that the United States would exercise the highest degree of caution in the use of nuclear weapons. That promise and his determination to ensure a reversal in the build-up of armaments and the trade in armaments constitute a solemn pledge to this Assembly and the global community generally. It is with extreme joy and profound satisfaction that we have welcomed that solemn pledge to the General I Assembly by President Carter, and I am sure that I am | reflecting the sentiments of all the peace-loving nations of the world in stating that his words will stand as a living [symbol of America's determination to end world tension and provide a sound basis for lasting peace.
 May God bless the United States of America for this new thrust and trust our initiative.
26. Grenada bemoans the continued struggle of black and disadvantaged races throughout the world for an equal place in society. We cannot tolerate the racial policy of apartheid in South Africa, and we totally abhor the existing situation in Namibia and Zimbabwe and offer full support to the peoples within those countries who are struggling desperately for liberation, as well as to those countries in Africa and elsewhere that are also aiding in the struggle. In this connexion we strongly support the new British initiative for a just settlement, and we are likewise convinced that the United Nations has a legitimate role to play in dealing with this problem.
27.	The world has witnessed a continuous striving of peoples for self-determination and territorial integrity. Panama and Belize are two other examples of interest to Grenada. We are happy at the progress made thus far with regard to Panama and the recent signing of an accord, which represents a very historic step in hemispheric relations. It is our hope that all obstacles will be quickly overcome so as to ensure that Belize can assume full sovereignty and take its rightful place in the community of nations.
28.	I touch now on my fourth area of concern, a matter which I have been raising in this very chamber since 1975. In 1975 I made mention of the various inexplicable phenomena which continue to baffle even the most advanced branches of science, citing the Bermuda Triangle as one example, and calling upon the United Nations to set up an agency or department for psychic research. In 1976, broadened the scope of my concern to include unidentified flying objects, and called upon the nations of the world to make available to mankind information and other data on this unique phenomenon which lay hidden in national archives. I repeated the call for a United Nations agency or department to be established to study of these phenomena.
29.	On those two occasions the members of the General Assembly politely took note of my concerns but, in fact, no United Nations action flowed from my presentations. Meanwhile, I have been literally inundated with letters and communications from individuals, groups and organizations from all over the world, some too modest to come into the open, expressing tremendous interest in the matters I had raised in the United Nations and urging me to continue the initiative in seeking involvement by the United Nations in the way I had suggested.
30.	I have myself seen an unidentified flying object, and have been overwhelmed by what I have seen, but my main interest in this matter is not. scientific but essentially political, since I am of the firm belief that this world body should take a legitimate interest in a matter which has aroused general world-wide concern, including that of the leaders of several countries. That concern in unidentified flying objects and related phenomena was more than amply demonstrated and expressed at the First International Congress on the Unidentified Flying Object Phenomenon, held in Acapulco, Mexico, earlier this year, which was attended by over 400 persons, including some of the leading scientists, researchers and authors in the field of the study of unidentified flying objects, and at which I had the pleasure and the privilege of delivering the key address- That group strongly supported my efforts to bring this important subject within the official knowledge of the United Nations, and unanimously endorsed a resolution to that effect. Right now the communications media are agog with interest in the progress we have made in having included on the agenda for this thirty-second session an item calling for establishment of an agency or department devoted specifically to research into unidentified flying objects and related phenomena, which will be discussed in greater detail later in this session by the Special Political Committee. The media are also, understandably, full of excitement and curiosity about the discussion I might have had on this subject with President Jimmy Carter when I had the honour and the pleasure of a 45-minute visit with him on the occasion of the ceremony marking the signature of the Panama Canal treaties.
31.	Grenada takes no categorical theoretical stand on the question of unidentified flying objects. Theories as to the nature, origin, and intent of unidentified flying objects are many and are- amply known to civilian and governmental research groups. Irrespective of theory, however, the major research groups are dedicated first and foremost to achieving the following main objectives in their endeavours: to study all significant reports on unidentified flying objects with a view to making a reasonable and acceptable determination of the nature, origin and intent of unidentified flying objects; to disseminate the substantive results of such study to the public and the news media; to work co-operatively with, or within the framework of, the . United Nations to help establish a communications system through which important data can be rapidly exchanged internationally.
32.	Research groups are aware of the risks of making a premature judgment at this juncture, knowing that the- constant input of new data on unidentified flying objects, or any single dramatic incident, may trigger a break-through to support any one theory or show evidence that two theories can be unified.
33.	Despite the wording of Grenada's item on the agenda, we are prepared to adopt a very flexible posture in this whole matter regarding the item, because we feel that what is important in this case is not so much to foist another agency upon Member nations, with all the ramifications of cost and the like that are involved, but rather to provide an opportunity for open discussion of this matter and the adoption of some resolution which will keep it alive in the General Assembly. Mindful of the experience in other situations-for example, in the preliminary study leading up to the establishment of a committee on the law of the sea, many nations, which now see an agency or department of the United Nations for the study of unidentified flying objects as being too far-reaching an objective to be introduced by little Grenada, may be more easily inclined to give support to a more modest objective: calling for a small ad hoc committee to study the problem and report back to the General Assembly.
34.	Many very important United Nations activities grew out of modest beginnings in small ad hoc committees, and somehow I am confident that all nations will lend support to the quest to discover more about unidentified flying objects and related phenomena, thus contributing to the unfolding of important scientific information which has so far continued to baffle man.
35.	It is significant to note that it has been reported that two of the super-Powers, those which earlier initiated a joint space programme, have now launched a new cooperative effort to look into the problems of the Bermuda Triangle as well as to discuss the possibilities of life in outer space, against the backdrop of the experience of the astronauts and cosmonauts. These are very significant developments, and, when coupled with the fact that other countries are now beginning to take official cognisance of unidentified flying objects and make public pronouncements about them, it seems quite clear that such objects might not be such a laughing matter after all.
36.	I wish now to focus some attention on man, the greatest thing that God has created on this planet earth. But, as I said before, man is afraid to unlock the door to him and so evolve beyond the material, beyond his immediate external environment, and make a thrust beyond earth's orbit. In that context man would more easily appreciate extra-terrestrial existence. And because man is the greatest thing that God has created man must make a search within himself-his inner self—with a view to awakening his inner consciousness and so bringing to light his fullest potentials as his divine heritage. Regrettably, in this regard man has been going through a steady process of degeneration. This could be attributed to various factors- invention, modern gadget-y, perhaps man's greed for material power, for dominion and domination over brother man; or, perhaps, man admits failure before he actually fails and consequently uses his mind as a conductor by which all the elements of failure are induced within his system and the natural sequel is actual failure. Conversely, 1 accepts the philosophy that "what is difficult is that which can be achieved with some effort; what is impossible is that which can be achieved with greater effort". When we remember that man is the greatest thing that God has created on this planet and, basically, he is everything that he himself has invented, we see that the power of creativity in man is certainly without boundary. But man has lost many of his natural endowments. For while he is greater than any other' creature on this planet, we observe that the cat can see through the dark and man cannot today; the dog, the horse and other creatures of the animal species not only can see but also can sense existences beyond those that man has the capacity to sense. Man is always at war with himself, which is an obstacle to his full in-depth understanding of some of the problems with which we are faced today. Man is inextricably obsessed with the love for power as against the power of love.
37.	Science has taken some tentative steps to help in bringing to light some of the secrets of man's inner life, but science itself is so clouded by traditional concepts that the hope for man lies in a redefinition of, and an entirely new thrust in, science such as would recognize the authenticity of psychic research and actively promote such research in the over-all interest of man and mankind.
38.	If the ultimate objective of the United Nations is to bring about peace and the happiness of mankind, then it follows quite naturally that the Organization should take a deep and keen interest in the condition of man as an individual person.
39.	I wish now to focus my attention on our planet earth. In the light of scientific discoveries it would be more than fallacious to conceive our planet as being the sole and only estate of God's domain. But, since the planet earth is man's natural habitat, it is incumbent upon man to have a full and comprehensive knowledge of our planet in relation to man and in relation to other planets. And speaking here of our planet in relation to man, we must admit that man has not reached out sufficiently to understand and to utilize to the fullest the resources and potential with which our planet is endowed. To a great extent man limits his activities to only a small portion of our planet, and to a great extent man misuses, man wantonly destroys, and in some cases man is guilty of under utilizing our land. And let us not forget that we are talking only of the earth mass, which is approximately only one quarter of our planet.
40.	In my opinion it is necessary for us to redirect our scientific, technical and technological skills from constructing destructive weapons and instruments to identifying and multiplying the natural resources and potential of our planet. Today we speak of family planning; today we speak of legalizing abortion; today, as before, we are faced with famine and deprivation. But man must reckon with himself to recognize that on this planet we are simply the guests of a benefactor—the Universal Divine, God, the Great, Supreme Architect. And this God of which I speak is too perfect in goodness, too perfect in love, and, simply, too perfect to cultivate this planet with human species, animals, mammals, birds, reptiles, insects, fish and plant life, among other things, and not provide us, human beings, His greatest creation, with the basic needs and requirements for our existence. In other words, the problem of population explosion is in reality no problem at all: the real problem lies in the improper distribution of our natural resources, the improper utilization of our arable lands and man's failure effectively to identify and harness the wealth of resources yet untapped on the land and in the air, but more particularly in the ocean. We recognize that marine biology and hydroponics and so forth, as they exist today, are but a simple scratch or dent on the surface of the study and utilization of the ocean's resources.
41.	In conclusion, I wish to tackle the subject of the universality of God—the concept, acknowledgement and acceptance of our Supreme Being. Last year, in referring to this subject, I said that there was no other subject of greater significance or importance or urgency. Today this is still my irrevocable conviction. I admit that some people are far removed in practice from this subject. Other people deal with God as a part-time enterprise. Some deal with God as a weekly exercise in which they visit with Him in church for an hour or two with a prayer book and then return home and, as it were, place God in a drawer or on a shelf or dressing table—"till next week", as they may say. It is my fervent prayer that the subject of the Supreme Universal Being, regardless of the name used, should be discussed not only in church and in religious symposia, but in homes, in meetings and conventions, in conferences, and in international organizations, institutions and forums. And in this context I feel that all ceremonies, be they signings of treaties, meetings of minds or others, should commence with the acknowledgement of God and the invocation of His blessings on the event. That is a thought I particularly wish to leave with leaders in various fields of endeavour.
42.	Finally, for and on behalf of all of us and in humility I now implore the universal head of the holy cosmic, as I did before: Lord, help us to know who we truly are; Lord, teach us to know ourselves and our potential, help us to use our potential to the fullest extent; Lord, help us to understand better the specific purpose or purposes for which we have been placed on this planet earth and help us to perform our duties and our obligations more promptly, more nobly, more diligently, more effectively, without fear or favour and to Your greater satisfaction and glory.


31.	 In addressing the President of this distinguished forum and in expressing to you my warmest congratulations, I am addressing the representative of a country-the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia—with which Romania has excellent relations of good-neighborliness, friendship and collaboration. I hope that your mission will be crowned with a success, which will, of course, reflect also upon your country.
32.	Now that Mr. Amerasinghe has concluded his term of office as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, it falls to us to acknowledge that he is leaving behind him the memory of an active President who unstintedly devoted his well-known qualities to the success of our work. For this, he has our gratitude.
33.	I wish to pay a warm tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and hope that the new mandate entrusted to him by the General Assembly at its last session will give a new impetus to the noble task he carries out with so much dedication and skill.
34.	At the beginning of each autumn, representatives of Governments of the States Members of the United Nations return to this hall to make a clear analysis of the international situation and also to seek together ways and means which can bring about for our world a reign of peace, understanding and co-operation among peoples.
35.	At the risk of repeating some well-known truths-in the words of the old saying, repetitio mater studiorum—l will say once again that a new spirit is emerging in the world in inter-State relations.
36.	This phenomenon is due to the great changes which have occurred in the world arena, the characteristic feature of which is the clear determination of the peoples to develop as the true masters of their destinies and to co-operate in climate of peace and real understanding.
37.	The attainment in these last years of the twentieth century of national independence and sovereignty by all peoples is proving to be an unalterable law of social development, a necessity of human society's advancement, a categorical imperative of history. This has been proved by experience everywhere, including the experience of the Romanian people, which this year celebrated the centennial of Romania's independence as a State-an achievement which inaugurated a new era in its thousand years of history and strongly asserting its will and determination to live free and independent.
38.	Aware of the realities of the surrounding world and of the events and phenomena which characterize the evolution of the human community, the Romanian people are mobilizing their resources and capacities in an intensive effort to achieve the objectives of economic and social development which they have set themselves.
39.	One of their main preoccupations this year is the effort to overcome the consequences of yet another severe trial, the third to be inflicted on it in this decade through the unleashing of the forces of nature. During the tragic moments of the catastrophic earthquake of 4 March 1977, more than 1,500 lives were lost; more than 11,000 people were injured; and more than 35,000 families were left homeless—to say nothing of the tens of thousands of houses damaged. There was extensive damage to schools, hospitals and business premises. Almost 800 units in the basic fields of industry, construction and transport were affected by the catastrophe, and valuable installations and equipment were put out of order, with a consequent substantial loss of production. There was also heavy damage to agriculture.
40.	Demonstrating a high spirit of self-denial and energy, of high moral virtues and strong cohesion, the Romanian people closed ranks in a spirit of unity to overcome the difficulties, ensuring an early normalization of the economic and social life of the country in order to eliminate fully the consequences of the catastrophe and to continue their advance on the road to progress.
41.	Efforts to develop and modernize the whole economy are accompanied by a lasting concern to ensure, thanks to the results achieved in the development of the national economy, an increase in the level of culture and well-being of all the people, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, continuously to strengthen the democracy of our national life through the intensification of effective participation by working people in the management of economic and social institutions and in the shaping and implementation of the State's entire policy.
42.	At the same time Romania is engaged in extensive international activities, developing wide economic, political, cultural and scientific relations with all States of the world. We are endeavouring to place Romania's relations with other States on a still firmer footing, being convinced that this is in the interests of the progress of our peoples and also constitutes a contribution to the promotion of the new principles of inter-State relations and to the strengthening of detente, peace and co-operation throughout the world.
43.	The two new admissions to the United Nations, which were warmly endorsed by the Romanian delegation, also have a symbolic value. The presence in this Organization of a reunified Viet Nam reminds us once again that no force on earth can overcome a people determined to secure and defend its right to a free and independent life. Romania views with sympathy, and lends its full support, to the attempt made by the friendly Vietnamese people to rebuild their country and recover from the adverse consequences of the war. Romania hopes that the moral duty of contributing to the healing of the wounds caused by the war in Viet Nam will be fulfilled.
44.	The admission of the young African State, the Republic of Djibouti, recalls in turn the intensification of peoples' national liberation movements, which prefigures the near and inevitable end of the colonial system which has left a deep imprint on, and thorny problems in, contemporary international relations.
45.	In Latin America, too, the struggle of the Panamanian people to recover sovereignty over their whole national territory has been marked by important success with the signing of the new Panama Canal treaty.
46.	All these events rank among the revolutionary processes which are occurring in the world. Ideas about a new world of justice and equity at the national and international level have become a living reality in a number of countries that are building up with remarkable results, a new social order in Europe, Asia and Latin America. Today socialist ideas are inspiring an even great number of peoples who are showing their desire and will to embark, in one form or another, upon the socialist path of development. The small and medium-size countries and the developing and non- aligned countries reject, with increased vigour, the tendency to have them play a secondary role in international life, and they are asserting themselves ever more actively on the world scene. The movement of peoples aimed at setting up a new policy based on respect for national independence and sovereignty is growing ever stronger.
47.	These profound changes which I have described create favourable conditions for the achievement of a new international order built upon the solid foundation of the principles of international law, in order to solve, in a democratic spirit and to the benefit of all nations, the great issues confronting mankind.
48.	The eradication of the state of under-development which afflicts large numbers of countries is an essential imperative of the contemporary world. Undoubtedly, the decisive role in the eradication of economic backwardness devolves upon the under-developed countries themselves, through their own efforts. However, at the same time, it is essential that their efforts be supported by broad international co-operation based upon the principles of equality and justice within the framework of the new international economic order. Such an order, favouring the more rapid advancement of the developing countries, is, as was emphasized by President Ceausescu,
 . .. not only an essential prerequisite for the flourishing of the under-developed countries, but also a basic element for the progress of all States and for world economic stability. That is why all States and the whole human community must work in concert for the establishment of the new economic order.
49.	As a result of the initiative shown by the developing countries, in particular within the United Nations and its bodies, resolutions and programmes have been adopted which outline a number of norms and principles, as well as actions, aimed at the establishment of a new economic order and international economic co-operation. Their effectiveness depends, of course, upon the extent to which they are observed and applied by Member States. As a matter of fact, we have to admit that very little has been done in this respect. At present it is necessary to show greater determination to continue and conclude successfully the actions already started.
50.	Since the setting up of a new framework for international economic relations is a problem of such vital importance to every State, it is necessary, in our view, to create conditions conducive to the participation of all States on an equal footing in all stages of the negotiations.
51.	We view as a positive step the abandonment of the restricted framework of negotiations at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, the so- called  North-South dialogue , as well as the general conclusion to concentrate the debates and negotiations on the new economic order in the United Nations with the participation of all States on a democratic basis.
52.	It now becomes imperative that the General Assembly plays its central role in these negotiations, ensuring a unified approach to them. In this spirit, we welcome the idea of convening a special session of the General Assembly devoted »o development and the new economic order. In our opinion, the results of all these negotiations must be translated into specific commitments by all States in the form of a code of international economic relations that should include the principles and norms governing economic relations among States, their rights and obligations in various fields of international co-operation—in trade, raw materials, energy, transport, technology, industry, agriculture, financial and credit relations-as well as establishing the machinery for giving practical effect to the commitments undertaken.
53.	The new economic order implies broad and unhindered access by the developing countries to advanced technologies and to all the achievements of modern science and technology. It implies also giving those countries the required technical assistance and effective help in the training of personnel. The practice of recruiting skilled workers and specialists from the developing countries prevents the peoples concerned from solving the acute problems of their development. It is high time we put an end to such practices, and further, in the spirit of the new international economic order, arrange for the specialists who have been attracted by various means to the advanced countries to return home.
54.	In our view, one suitable means organizing negotiations on all those problems could be the united Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, to take place in 1979. That Conference should develop measures for ensuring the access of the developing countries to the achievements of science and technology, for ensuring technical assistance and personnel training in all fields and for promoting and stimulating scientific research in the under-developed countries.
55.	The developing countries have an important—indeed primary-role in the efforts to ensure the triumph of the new international economic order. The essential goal of that new order is to make it possible for every nation to earn its own living and exchange on a fair basis of the products of its work in its trade relations. This is a perfectly legitimate objective. The developing countries' capacity to take efficient action to this end is based on their unity and solidarity. We all know that great pressures are exerted upon those countries for the very purpose of breaking their unity and solidarity. We are confident that they will find the resources and the means to overcome those pressures.
56.	Mankind's advancement requires that the establishment of a new international economic order be organically linked to the process of disarmament .
57.	In our view, disarmament-above all, nuclear disarmament—is an essential problem of the contemporary era. We should all realize that the crucial moment when we must act is now, for there can be no doubt that the development of every nation, and the life and peaceful future of mankind, depend upon halting the arms race and achieving disarmament. These simple truths should be fully grasped by every inhabitant of our planet and by all nations. With the present destructive capacity of modern weapons, genuine security can only be sought through disarmament. Lasting peace is inconceivable as long as the arms race, which has now reached alarming proportions, continues. What is the basic reason for this arms race? The attainment of hypothetical balances in the level of armaments of various countries? We have no wish-I should like to make that crystal-clear—for any unilateral military advantages to be obtained by a State or group of States. But I wish to be equally clear in saying that we do' not see what hope there can be of achieving a balance based on the ever-ascending spiral of the arms race. We consider that until complete disarmament is reached, mutual security measures should be taken at ever-lower levels of armed forces and armaments. It is not by inventing new weapons-whatever the explanations put forward-that we can convince the world that we want peace, but only by putting an end to the arms race. only thus can the nations have material proof of States' good faith in their declared commitment to disarmament and the danger of war diminish.
58.	The extremely harmful effects of the arms race are eloquently and scientifically described in a report entitled Economic and social consequences of the arms race and of military expenditures, which was the outcome of a Romanian initiative and which has been brought up to date this year by a group of experts
59.	We feel that the General Assembly should ensure the widest dissemination of that report with a view to keeping Governments and international public opinion informed We are convinced that this will contribute to a better understanding of the imperative need for disarmament.
60.	The problems of disarmament are of course quite complex. However, it is their very complexity which, instead of being constantly invoked and regarded as an obstacle to a direct attack on those problems, should impel us to assert the political will to tackle them courageously and with the determination to reach specific disarmament measures.
61.	In our view, the United Nations can and should play a greater role in this domain, and as disarmament is of vital interest to all States they should have the right and opportunity to have a say in the discussions and negotiations on all disarmament measures. That is why Romania attaches great importance to the special session of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to the problems of disarmament, to be held in May and June 1978. As a member of the Preparatory Committee, my country will do its best to create the necessary conditions for that session to give strong impetus to the nations' efforts to achieve disarmament. The session should be used for the assertion by Governments of their political will to take real steps towards disarmament.
62.	Disarmament has become a basic component of European security. Unfortunately, we are compelled to state that a growing contradiction is developing in Europe between the positive steps taken so far towards detente- the expansion of political contacts and the development of economic, technical, scientific, cultural and artistic exchanges—and the continuation, or even intensification, of the arms race. There is a great concentration of weapons and troops in Europe. Four years after their inception, the Vienna negotiations have not passed the exchange-of- information  stage. The political will to achieve measures for disarmament and military disengagement in Europe has not yet emerged.
63.	The corner-stone of the European security system that was outlined by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is the strict observance of the principles of international law and the removal from international relations of the policy of force and threat of force. To achieve the final elimination of this policy the need is felt to conclude an all-European treaty that should include the commitment by all the States which participated in that Conference to renounce the use or threat of force, as well as the commitment by the States possessing nuclear weapons never to use those weapons in any form against other States or groups of States. The creation of peaceful, nuclear-free zones, including one in the Balkans, would also be a valuable contribution to the cause of European security. The duty of all States signatories of the Final Act is to take action for its implementation as a whole in the shortest possible space of time. We are hopeful—at any rate we shall do our best in this direction-that the conference which is to start in Belgrade before long will give a strong impetus to the efforts along this line and will open up prospects for the unhindered development of co-operation in economic questions, technology, science and culture, as well as in other fields of humanitarian interest among the European peoples, in this context, Romania supports the proposals put forward by the Soviet Union regarding the convening of a European conference on transport, energy and environmental protection, as well as in other areas of mutual interest.
64.	Out of a spirit of responsibility for the fate of international peace and security, Romania and President Ceausescu are firmly supporting the complete renunciation of force in relations among States and the settlement of all disputes among States by peaceful means, and they are thus making an active contribution to the attainment of those objectives. Such imperatives guided Romania's action, together with that of other States, in the Security Council during its term of office as a non-permanent member.
65.	Believing that force has never produced a lasting solution to any international issue but, on the contrary, has hampered the finding of a solution, Romania is doing its utmost to stimulate action in favour of a settlement of the Middle East conflict on the basis of the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Arab territories occupied as a result of the 1967 war, the recognition of the Palestinian people's right to self-determination, including the right to establish a Palestinian Arab State, and the guaranteeing of the independence and sovereignty of all States in the region. We are in favour of the convening, as soon as possible, of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all the countries concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization as the only representative of the Palestinian people. As I have already stressed on other occasions, the United Nations should play a more active role than it has played so far in the political settlement of the problems of that part of the world, and the Secretary-General of our Organization is called upon to be present in all the actions undertaken To achieve peace in the Middle East.
66.	The settlement of the Cyprus problem on the basis of the observance of the independence and sovereignty of Cyprus and the securing of the peaceful coexistence of the two Cypriot communities would do much to strengthen trust and develop peaceful co-operation in the Balkans, in Europe and throughout the world.
67.	In Korea, the constructive initiatives and proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at relaxing tensions, the elimination of the North-South confrontation and the resumption of contacts and the improvement of relations between the two parts of the country offer a solid foundation for the fulfillment of the Korean people's earnest hopes for their country's peaceful, independent and democratic reunification.
68.	In Africa, the tensions among certain States should be overcome at the negotiation table by action for the strengthening of the African countries' unity and collaboration, with a view to their independent economic and social advancement.
69.	Romania-faithful to the ideals that prompted the long struggle waged by the Romanian people for freedom and social progress—firmly supports the struggle of all peoples still under colonial and racial domination to combat that anarchism, which is incompatible with the ethics and principles proclaimed nowadays by all peoples of the world. My country is fighting for the abolition of all forms of foreign domination over other peoples.
70.	We are on the side of all oppressed peoples and we deem it our moral duty to give our full support—political, diplomatic and material-to the national liberation movements in Namibia and Zimbabwe and to the struggle of the peoples in South Africa against racial discrimination and the policy of apartheid, as well as to the independent African States that have suffered from the aggressive actions of the racist regimes.
71.	In our view, present international circumstances require more determined action within the United Nations and on the international level as a whole in order to secure the liberation of the peoples of southern Africa at the earliest opportunity and to put an end, once and for all, to any encroachment upon the freedom and national rights of the African peoples and an end to any forms of domination and foreign interference in the domestic affairs of other peoples.
72.	All these are extremely complex problems confronting the contemporary world. They can be solved through the active participation of all States on an equal footing within the framework of a new and democratic order. This reality is determining and strengthening the role of international organizations with a universal vocation and particularly that of the United Nations. Referring to this fact, President Ceausescu has stated:
 High responsibilities for the achievement of such democratic co-operation among States devolve upon the United Nations, which offers the most appropriate organizational framework for debating the issues with the effective participation of all States. Romania supports the United Nations and makes its contribution, in the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization, to the finding of solutions in order that its organization and statute should better correspond to the great changes that have been occurring in the world as well as to the aspirations and expectations of all peoples.
73.	We have a positive assessment of the activity carried out so far by the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization. The list of proposals annexed to the Committee's report this year  seems to us to be a useful basis for a continuation of the dialogue as well as for identifying measures and actions capable of leading to a greater role for the United Nations in international life. We are confident that, through the concerted endeavours of Member States, the Special Committee will be able at its forthcoming meetings to devise such measures and actions, and in this way discharge the mandate entrusted to it by the General Assembly. Thus, the United Nations will be able to become an instrument of co-operation available to States and show itself capable of playing an active part in the establishment of the new international economic order, in the achievement of disarmament, in the struggle against any infringements of the principles of international law, in the democratic settlement of all international issues, and in the furtherance of wide co-operation among States.
74.	At the beginning of every autumn, the attention of people's is focused on this forum where the most acute issues related to international peace and co-operation are debated.
75.	As at the beginning of every autumn, hopes are reviving. And our duty is to justify those hopes, to give them a positive answer, to prove, through our redoubled efforts, that mankind has entered a new era of its civilization, that men and peoples are capable of solving the most difficult problems, and that the dreadful spectre of war is moving away from us.
76.	The aims that we have set ourselves are attainable; they are in the realm of the possible. However, their attainment requires political will, energy, perseverance and a dynamic and far-reaching view of the future.
77.	The work of the present session of the General Assembly must go down in the history of the United Nations as a noteworthy contribution to the fulfilment of the historic mission of this forum.
78.	This is the desire and will of the Romanian delegation, and all our actions will be directed towards this goal.


47.	  On behalf of the
Lao People's Democratic Republic, I am pleased to extend my warmest greetings to all representatives present here.
48.	I should like to congratulate Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, on his unanimous election to the post of President of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am convinced that through our united efforts the work of this Assembly session will yield positive results.
49.	I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate also Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim, who was accorded a second term of office by the Assembly at its previous session. It will be my great pleasure to contribute our support and co-operation to the smooth running of our international Organization.
50.	I should particularly like to address our greetings and sincere congratulations to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, a country blessed with strong traditions of struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism in the pursuit of peace, national independence, friendship and international co-operation, which has just recovered its legitimate right to United Nations membership. The admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations is a victory for the Vietnamese people, for the peoples of the world and for the United Nations itself.
51.	I also wish to welcome the admission to our international Organization of the Republic of Djibouti.
52.	In one year, great changes have occurred in the international situation. Thanks to the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the sixtieth anniversary of which will soon be celebrated, the socialism which was born in a single country and which became a world-wide system after the Second World War, has spread and has been continuously consolidated in all fields. After the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held in Colombo in 1976, those countries strengthened their solidarity with the struggle against imperialism for the establishment of a new international economic order. The national liberation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America, greatly encouraged by the victories in the struggle for national salvation of the peoples of Viet Nam, Democratic Kampuchea and the Lao People's Democratic Republic against their imperialist aggressors, are swelling further, developing vigorously and winning new victories. In the capitalist countries the class struggle of the workers for democratic freedoms and a better life is daily increasing its scope. Faced with this situation, the imperialists have reacted in a variety of pernicious ways, resorting to fallacious propaganda, to division, to the policy of peaceful evolution and to tactics of intimidation, intervention and aggression aimed at checking the revolution and impeding progress. But they can in no way stem the tide of history. The balance of forces in the world is continuing to tip in favour of the forces of peace, national independence, democracy and social progress.
53.	I am pleased to note that during the past 12 months the Lao People's Democratic Republic, relying on its own strength and benefiting from the support of the United Nations and of friendly countries around the world, has worked tirelessly for national defence and construction.
54.	We are fully aware that constructing a new way of life is one of the most difficult, complex and time-consuming tasks. Moreover, we must constantly deal with attempts to undermine us on the part of enemies of the new regime. Nevertheless, while developing the sovereign rights of the Lao people and strengthening its attachment to the new regime, we have been able to achieve significant success in maintaining security and order throughout the country, binding the wounds of war and eliminating the harmful vestiges of the former regime, as well as in restoring the economy, developing our culture and improving the life of the people. We have thus made an active contribution to the defence of peace and the strengthening of friendship and international co-operation. Those are signs of our commitment to peace, independence, friendship, international co-operation and well-being.
55.	I wish to take this opportunity to voice my deep gratitude to the United Nations, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, Democratic Kampuchea, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the People's Republic of China and other socialist countries, the non-aligned nations, friendly countries and international organizations and peoples throughout the world which prize, peace and justice, including the progressive American people, and which, by their aid and support for the Lao People's Democratic Republic, contributed to the victory of the Laotian people.
56.	Since its foundation two years ago, the Lao People's Democratic Republic has actively pursued a policy of peace, independence, friendship and non-alignment. From this rostrum I wish once again to reaffirm our position. The Lao People's Democratic Republic is continuing to strengthen its special relations of good-neighbourliness with the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and with Democratic Kampuchea on the basis of long-standing traditions of friendship and of mutual respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, in a spirit of fraternal co-operation and for our reciprocal advantage.
57.	We are convinced that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will make an active contribution to the work of the United Nations for the achievement of its objectives.
58.	We are convinced also that the international community, too, will make its contribution, in aid and support of all kinds to the reconstruction of Viet Nam, which for decades has suffered so much from the devastating war. of aggression.
59.	In this regard, we believe that the United States will not fail in its commitment to help to bind up the wounds of war and to assist in Viet Nam's post-war reconstruction.
60.	We are committed to the further strengthening of solidarity and friendship with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, with the People's Republic of China and with other socialist countries, while stepping up reciprocal aid and mutually advantageous co-operation.
61.	We shall continue to strengthen our solidarity with the non-aligned countries in the defence of national independence and the sovereign right of every country over its natural wealth, and for a new international economic order.
62.	We stand for the strengthening of peace and the development of relations between countries having different political systems, on the basis of strict respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, of non-interference in others' domestic affairs, of equality and of mutual advantage, and for fruitful international cooperation.
63.	As a country of South-East. Asia we steadily pursue the policy of developing friendly relations and co-operation of various kinds with the countries of the region on the basis of mutual respect for independence and sovereignty, territorial integrity, equality and mutual advantage, and of not allowing any foreign country to use one's territory as a base for aggression and direct or indirect intervention directed against another country. We are opposed to the presence of the bases and troops of imperialist aggression in this part of the world. At the same time, we energetically support the struggle for the national independence, peace, democracy and true neutrality of the countries of the region.
64.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic has always desired good-neighbourly relations with the Kingdom of Thailand on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence. However, unfortunately those in power in Thailand follow a policy which is unfriendly to the Lao People's Democratic Republic. Despite that, the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic will spare no effort to improve Lao-Thai relations in the legitimate interests of the peoples of both countries and of peace in this region of the world.
65.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic wishes to establish good relations with the United States of America on the basis of mutual respect for independence and sovereignty, non-interference in domestic affairs, equality and mutual interest. The United States should cease all activities hostile to the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and should not shirk its contribution to healing the wounds of war and to the reconstruction of the national economy of post-war Laos.
66.	We are in favour of the complete and rapid withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea and we energetically support the position of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea directed towards the peaceful and independent reunification of Korea.
67.	We fully support the just struggle of the Arab and Palestinian people for the recovery of the Arab territories illegally occupied by Israel and for the fundamental national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to the creation of a Palestinian State. The Palestine Liberation Organization, which is the sole true representative of the Palestinian people, must participate on an equal footing and with full rights in all the negotiations for a settlement of the problems of peace in the Middle East.
68.	We support the peoples of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia in their struggle against racism and apartheid, against imperialist interference and aggression, for national independence, against oppression and exploitation, and for democracy and social progress; and we strongly condemn all the bloody and savage acts of the racist regimes of South
Africa and Rhodesia, and imperialist intervention and aggression.
69.	We support the peoples of Mozambique and Angola in their struggle to defend national independence against interference and aggression by imperialists and their reactionary lackeys.
70.	We support the struggle of the Cuban people against the pressure and economic blockade brought to bear against it by the United States.
71.	We denounce the Fascist junta of Pinochet, which is engaged in bloody repression of the Chilean people, and we energetically support the just struggle of the Chilean people for freedom and democratic rights.
72.	We support the peoples of Latin America in their struggle to eliminate the exactions of neo-colonialism, to defend their independence and their sovereignty over their natural resources, and to achieve equitable international relations.
73.	We note that the States Members of the United Nations already number 149. However, it is to be regretted that certain member countries still persist in their policy of intimidation, interference and aggression against other countries and that the Governments of certain other countries practice inhuman repression of their own peoples, who are fighting for the right to exist, for democratic freedoms and social progress, and against racism and racial discrimination. But at the same time, in order to camouflage their violation of human rights, the ruling circles in those countries loudly proclaim that they are defending human rights. All this, of course, deceives nobody; on the contrary, every day world opinion denounces those criminal acts more severely.
74.	Laos is a small country, of 3.5 million inhabitants, whose ago-old backwardness has been made very much worse by decades of devastating imperialist wars of aggression. For these reasons we ardently long to improve the life of our people and make Laos a rich and prosperous country.
75.	In the task of national reconstruction, while relying mainly on our own efforts, we hope that we shall receive support, aid and co-operation in various fields from the United Nations and from friendly countries. We are convinced, furthermore, that the General Assembly at its present session will find appropriate means to create an impetus of support and effective aid to the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
76.	We undertake to do everything possible to make our own active contribution to the work of the United Nations in defending peace, strengthening friendship and encouraging the co-operation and progress of the peoples of the world.
77.	In conclusion, I wish great success to the work of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.


64.	General debates at the sessions of the General Assembly always reflect both the positive processes in the world which are the result of concerted actions by States and contradictions and contrasts resulting from the international situation.
65.	The current session of the General Assembly is no exception. What is characteristic, however, is that despite contradictions in current developments, their comprehensive analysis indicates-and this is confirmed by the content of the ongoing debate—that elements of international detente do prevail in major areas of world politics.
66.	Of course, there are still several problems in the world, big and small, whose solution requires the joint efforts of States and peoples. There are also hotbeds of war which must be eliminated. But at the same time international co-operation conducive to the strengthening of the process of detente continues to develop in some major sectors.
67.	The arms race continues, threatening to take on a new dimension, even though the explosive power of the lethal nuclear weapons in the world is already equivalent to many millions of bombs of the type dropped on Hiroshima. Yet at the same time the treaties and agreements that have been concluded and are now in force prove that it is possible not only to limit the arms race and bring it under control, thereby insuring international security, but also to play a certain restraining role, in many cases preventing the escalation of conflict situations.
68.	The contradictions and contrasts of current developments result from the impact of various forces on world politics. The Soviet Union, the socialist community and the non-aligned movement advocate the reduction and subsequent complete removal of the danger of another war. Their objective is to eliminate existing hotbeds of war, to put an end to the arms race and to do away with the vestiges of colonialism and discrimination. It is important, too, that some influential quarters in the West, including those vested with government authority, also advocate elimination of the threat of war as a means of settling disputes between States. Differences in world outlook do not impede their joint actions with socialist countries, and that must certainly be welcomed.
69.	The strengthening of the foundations of peace could proceed even more confidently but for the opposition of imperialist and reactionary forces in the West which do not wish to reconcile themselves to the failure of their attempts to dictate their will to the peoples or to intimidate those who desire social changes. The Peking leaders have actually long since joined hands with these arch-reactionary forces of imperialism and are running in the same harness. They are opposed to the policy of peace, detente and disarmament, and they have assumed the shameful role of preaching the inevitability of another war. These gentlemen are not loath to use even the United Nations rostrum for their purposes, as was illustrated by the recent statement made at the 13th meeting by the head of the Chinese delegation. We strongly reject the filthy insinuations and slander of the speaker from Peking.
70.	No one will be able to shake our commitment to the peace-loving policy. The Land of Soviets, which this year celebrates the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, has for 60 years been loyal to a policy of peace. That policy, which expresses the political will of all Soviet peoples and is in the interests of the peoples of the entire world, has been steadily developed and enriched from the issuing of the Decree of Peace to the adoption of the Programme of Peace by the twenty-fourth and twenty- fifth Congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its current implementation. Socialism needs peace and creates and defends it, and therein lies its greatest humaneness. That is its greatest benefit. "The strengthening of peace is one of the most important guarantees of man's greatest right—the right to life", said the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Mr. L. I. Brezhnev, whose name is justly Jinked with successes achieved in the field of detente. A great deal has indeed been done in this field, and is duly appreciated by many statesmen and politicians and by world public opinion. As we all know, this has also been noted on more than one occasion in the United Nations.
71.	Of great importance to the cause of peace and international security is the joint declaration by the Soviet Union and France on international detente signed on 22 June last, a document specifically and fully dedicated to this most important international process. The viability of the policy of detente has also been confirmed by the successful preparations for the Belgrade meeting of representatives of the States which participated in the Helsinki Conference, which has just begun in the capital of Yugoslavia. However, the current situation in the world as a whole and in certain parts of it does not give grounds for belief that international detente is growing spontaneously without running into obstacles.
72.	Here we should like to draw attention to the fact that the opponents of detente in the West have recently engaged in everything from misinformation to slander and intimidation to "prove" that there allegedly exists a Soviet "military threat" and that the socialist countries "violate human rights" and the like, while under cover of this campaign new steps are being taken in the arms race, the solution of pressing international problems is being foiled and the policy of international detente is being undermined.
73.	All this confirms that it is necessary for States to make further joint efforts, backed by the authority of the United
Nations, to overcome the resistance to detente, to consolidate its principles and persistently to weave them into the fabric of international life. This need is fully and completely met by the proposal of the Soviet Union on the deepening and consolidation of international detente and the prevention of the danger of nuclear war, submitted by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, Mr. A. A. Gromyko, for consideration by the current session of the General Assembly
74.	The adoption of the Draft Declaration on the Deepening and Consolidation of International Detente and the draft resolution on the prevention of the danger of nuclear war, we are confident, be conducive to overcoming the barriers that have been put up or are being put up by those who oppose detente. Without a doubt that would strengthen the favourable climate in international relations, help to build an atmosphere of trust and develop all-round co-operation between countries and peoples, and have a positive effect on the activities of the United Nations. The adoption of the draft declaration would reaffirm the will and determination of States Members of the United Nations to promote further international detente and would politically isolate those forces which seek to revive the spirit-of the "cold war" and animosity in international affairs. The immediate implementation of steps leading to prevention of the danger of nuclear war-and this is highlighted in the draft resolution submitted by the Soviet Union-is becoming particularly important for the strengthening of peace.
75.	The adoption of the Soviet proposals could help achieve a break-through in limiting the arms race and in disarmament. As we all know, the problems of curbing the arms race and achieving disarmament have always been a central concern of the peoples and Governments of most countries, many international agencies and organizations, and, above all, the United Nations. And that is no accident, for the strengthening of peace and international security depends in many ways on the solution of these problems.
76.	At the current stage of international relations we can no longer speak of disarmament in general terms. The language in which we discuss this subject must be the language of constructive and business like proposals leading to practical action.
77.	The specific proposals of the Soviet Union intended to put a speedy end to the arms race and achieve disarmament are well known. They were announced to the whole world as the most important task of Soviet foreign policy from the rostrum of the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the report of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Comrade L. I. Brezhnev. Those proposals were set forth in great detail and substantiated in the memorandum of the Soviet Union on questions of the cessation of the arms race and on disarmament submitted to the General Assembly at its last session.5 The latest Soviet proposal submitted at this session demonstrates once again the desire of the Soviet State to break the deadlock in the solution of acute disarmament problems and to provide fresh momentum to this process.
78.	In conditions where nuclear weapons pose the greatest danger to mankind it is absolutely justified that the United Nations should concentrate its attention primarily on the problem of the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons and their destruction. A preliminary and essential step in this direction should be the prohibition of all nuclear weapons tests; this would impede the further improvement of weapons of mass destruction, make the atmosphere on earth healthier both literally and. figuratively and substantially facilitate the achievement of an agreement banning nuclear weapons. The Soviet draft treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapon tests could become a basis for working out an appropriate international agreement. The search for agreement on the question of control has now been made much easier. At the current session of the General Assembly an important statement was made regarding the Soviet Union's readiness for the treaty on the general and complete prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests to be signed initially by the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, the United States and the United Kingdom. Thus, one more step has been taken towards completing the preparation of the treaty and towards its entry into force. Members of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament and participants in the sessions of the General Assembly have, on more than one occasion, expressed themselves in favour of such a step. It is proposed that, having signed the treaty, the three nuclear Powers should refrain from carrying out underground tests of nuclear weapons during a certain period of time. Meanwhile, the remaining nuclear Powers should, in actual deeds and not just in words, prove the sincerity of their intention to start moving towards the prohibition of nuclear weapons. It is evident that nuclear weapons tests will be completely prohibited only when all the nuclear Powers become parties to the treaty. It goes without saying that the implementation of the Soviet Union's proposals will constitute one more barrier to the further proliferation of nuclear weapons and push back somewhat the threat of nuclear catastrophe hanging over mankind. We call on all States Members of the United Nations, and above all, all the nuclear Powers, to begin to implement the Soviet proposal for the conclusion of a treaty on the general and complete prohibition of nuclear-weapons tests.
79.	Further, while noting with satisfaction that a certain degree of progress has been achieved in the Soviet-American talks and in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament on banning chemical weapons, we express the hope that the elaboration of the draft of the relevant document will be accelerated.
80.	In the light of recent events the proposal of the Soviet Union, endorsed by the General Assembly, to ban the development and production of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons has become even more urgent than ever before. The reports on the development of new types of weapons of mass destruction, including the neutron bomb, make that Soviet initiative extremely important. They confirm that the danger of the emergence of new types of weapons of mass destruction, far from being hypothetical, as some try to
argue, is, on the contrary, a real danger, whereas contrived objections to this proposal create in fact an atmosphere propitious for research into new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction and for their development. The United Nations and the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament should speed up the preparation of the relevant agreement on this question so as to block this new channel of the arms race at its very source.
81.	As is well known, a special session of the United Nations General Assembly on disarmament will be convened in May and June of next year. We believe it should make a significant contribution to the search for approaches to solving the problem of containing the arms race and of disarmament, and determine the main areas of activity of States in this matter. It is our belief that that session can and must become an important milestone on the road leading to the convening of a World Disarmament Conference.
82.	We believe that despite the sheer complexity of disarmament problems man's intelligence will find a way to solve them.
83.	There are several items on the agenda of the General Assembly whose solution would help to strengthen international security in accordance with the Declaration adopted by the United Nations in 1970. We express the conviction that the current session will proceed with the preparation of a treaty on the non-use of force in international relations. This will be of invaluable importance for the strengthening of international security.
84.	A settlement of the protracted conflict in the Middle East, where the situation remains explosive as a result of the expansionist acts of Israel, has long been overdue. What is needed here is a speedy convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, which cannot be replaced by any "working groups" or by any similar separate steps. Of course, the Palestine Liberation Organization-the recognized representative of the Arab people of Palestine- must naturally take part in all phases of the negotiations at the Geneva Conference.
85.	We strongly support the just stand taken by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the matter of the independent, peaceful reunification of Korea and demand that the resolution of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly on the withdrawal of all foreign troops from South Korea be implemented. Fresh efforts are also needed to resolve the problem of Cyprus where tensions still persist.
86.	And, clearly enough, the interests of the further strengthening of international security call for the elimination of the vestiges of colonialism in all their manifestations.
87.	Colonialism is putting up stiff resistance, trying to weaken the ranks of those who are fighting against colonialist oppression and to sow discord and enmity among them. What is urgently required here is unity of action of all anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist forces for the speedy and complete elimination of the vestiges of colonialism.
88.	And here the statement made by the Soviet Union at this session to the effect that the complete elimination of the vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid is urgent is particularly important. That is the logical continuation of the initiative of the Soviet Union which led to the adoption in 1960 of the Declaration of the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
89.	Now that colonialism has been crushed, though not totally eliminated, its vestiges, while poisoning the international atmosphere, constitute a dangerous source of tensions and conflicts. This is evidenced by the situation in southern Africa. The moves by the racist and colonialist regimes of the Republic of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, which have elevated to the status of national policy flagrant mass violations of human rights and liberties, such as terror, violence and repression, against the indigenous African population of the Republic of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia, and which systematically carry out acts of aggression against independent African States, have brought about a situation in that part of the world which poses a direct threat to peace and international security. All these developments have become possible thanks to the support and actual encouragement of the colonialist and racist regimes in southern Africa by certain Western Powers which camouflage their policy by "initiatives" allegedly aimed at a peaceful solution of the problems existing in that area. In doing so, they are acting according to a very strange logic indeed. They started by arming the South African racists and continue to do so at present; yet now they are calling on the liberation movements to lay down their arms. Their aim is clear: to gain time in order to make the racist regimes look more benign, to preserve the domination of monopolies and to extinguish the flame of the liberation struggle of the peoples, which are laying siege to the criminal bastions of racism and colonialism on the African continent. Notwithstanding all this, objective conditions now exist for a real solution to the problem of southern Africa.
90.	Problems of economic development occupy an important place in the agenda of the current session.
91.	Despite some positive changes in a number of areas, the economies of most developing countries remain in dire straits. Within the world capitalist economic system, their exploitation is being intensified while existing trade barriers remain and new ones are being created within that system. Transnational corporations continue to export an increasingly greater share of their profits while trampling upon the right of developing countries to be masters of their natural resources; the latter are made to carry on their shoulders the burden of recessionary trends in the so-called market economies. What is more, illusions are being spread among the developing countries to the effect that they can strike a bargain with those who exploit them and that of order to overcome their backwardness, they have to follow the laws of a society based on exploitation.
92.	The system of international economic relations dating back to the colonial period has come into direct conflict with the vital interests of the overwhelming majority of countries and with the over-all international situation. The restructuring of those relations on a democratic basis and the elimination of discrimination, diktat and inequality are among the major demands of the modern day.
93.	There is no doubt that the process of resolving the most pressing social and economic problems of the developing countries and the less developed areas as a whole and meeting their social and cultural needs will gain in momentum as peaceful coexistence and international detente become the rule of international communication and acquire a general and irreversible character.
94.	The question of respect for human rights occupies an important place in our debate. The problem of ensuring human rights is the problem of creating conditions required for the free development of all peoples in an atmosphere of peace and the comprehensive, harmonious development of every individual. The achievement of this momentous task, inspired by the noble ideas of humanism, had of course nothing to do with political intrigues and sterile propagandists rhetoric.
95.	The anti-Soviet campaign unleashed in certain Western countries under the pretext of "protecting human rights" is in fact aimed at interfering in the internal affairs of our State and is aimed against the rights won by the Soviet peoples in their revolutionary struggle and consolidated in a society of advanced socialism. Paradoxically though, it would appear that this campaign is being waged by the apologists of a society where human rights are constantly being trampled upon—every day, every hour.
96.	Sixty years ago unemployment, social and national oppression, inequality, poverty, want and illiteracy were the lot of all peoples of tsarist Russia, including the Ukrainian people.
97.	The Great October Socialist Revolution for the first time in history did away with exploitation, national inequality and enmity and placed all spheres of social activity at the service of man, establishing in practice the great principle that the free development of every individual is a pre-condition for the free development of all. This principle has been expressed in the new Soviet Constitution. The new Constitution of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic is now in preparation and will reflect the achievements of the Ukrainian people which will mark the sixtieth anniversary of Soviet power in the Ukraine in December of this year.
98.	The enormous historical advantages of the socialist way of life, its outstanding features such as collectivism and comradeship, friendship among all nations and nationalities, sound morals and social optimism, stand out most vividly against the crisis in which the society advertised by Western ideologists finds itself. As stressed by a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukrainian SSR, Mr. Shcherbitsky:
"Our way of life is a model for new types of relations among people, nations and nationalities, based on lofty and noble principles. It is an example of everlasting international significance."
99.	The people's quest for peace is irresistible and this is one of the sure factors that guarantee further deepening of international detente. The United Nations can play an important role in this endeavour. And we hope that the current session of the United Nations General Assembly will make a worthy contribution to the solution of problems which, are of paramount importance for the future of all mankind. This is what the peoples of the world expect from it. First and foremost, they demand that the arms race be ended and all its concomitant evils done away with. Let the resources of the world be channelled not to death but to the attainment of happiness, well-being and social progress for all peoples.