232.	 Mr. President, I should like, first of all, to join the preceding speakers in extending to you, on behalf of the Government and people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, my warmest congratulations on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. You have assumed the presidency of this august Assembly at a particularly difficult time when the international situation is under considerable strain, with the eruption of conflicts and tensions in virtually all regions of the world and the apparent collapse of detente between the two super-Powers. Your outstanding diplomatic skills, patience and wisdom will be severely tested in the months ahead. But we are confident that under your able leadership  guidance, the General Assembly will make substantial progress towards the attainment of an enduring global peace and security.
233.	I should also like to avail myself of this opportunity to extend to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, our deep appreciation and gratitude for the able and effective manner in which he guided the General Assembly in its deliberations in the past year. We were deeply impressed by his exertions in promoting the cause of peace throughout the world. He proved extremely adroit in his handling of very delicate and sensitive issues. The failures of this Assembly, however, particularly in reaching agreement on several critical issues, such as the launching of the global economic negotiations, cannot be blamed on him. Collectively, we bear responsibility for those failures.
234.	I should also like, on behalf of my Government and the people of Nigeria, to welcome Saint Christopher and Nevis to membership in the United Nations and to express our conviction that it will make a positive contribution to the search for global peace and security.
235.	Since the last session of this body there has been a steady and disturbing deterioration of the international situation. It has reached such crisis proportions that there is now universal concern that the world is now tottering on the brink of war.
236.	The global eruption of crises, conflicts and tensions has been further aggravated by the massive build-up of arms, especially nuclear weapons, which now represent the gravest danger to international peace and security and to the very survival of mankind itself. Ignoring mankind's pleas and appeals for sanity, the super-Powers in particular have embarked not only upon a massive accumulation of weaponry, but also a qualitative improvement of such weapons. Negotiations on arms reduction and disarmament at the various forums have continued to founder on the rock of rivalry and deep mistrust between the two super-Powers. Instead of making a steady and progressive effort towards achieving nuclear disarmament, the two Powers are hell-bent on achieving nuclear deterrence through a further expansion of their already awesome arsenals.
237.	Doomsday may well be on our doorstep now. That is why it is absolutely essential for the two super-Powers to seek  peace through co-operation, instead of adopting confrontation as a substitute for negotiation. In a futile attempt to achieve global hegemony and world domination for themselves, they have resorted to proxy wars in all regions of the world where the clearly expressed will of the people for peace, prosperity and stability is being subverted and steadily undermined through the threat and use of force. The territorial integrity and sovereignty of States, all of which are entitled to the protection of the United Nations, are being daily undermined in Chad, Nicaragua, Lebanon, Kampuchea and Afghanistan under one pretext or another and in defence of highly questionable and dubious principles and values. The most sophisticated weapons are being rapidly deployed in what is clearly an unbridled and disconcerting arrogation of power. Direct and indirect interference by the super-Powers in the internal and external affairs of small and weak States are now in the ascendancy in every region of the world.
238.	Nigeria is deeply concerned about these trends, which are clearly detrimental to peaceful coexistence among all States. The situation calls urgently for concerted global action to ensure the security of weak and small States, as well as their freedom from external interference in their internal affairs. The relaxation of tensions has become the urgent priority of the international community, but this essential goal cannot be attained through such negative concepts as the balance of terror, spheres of influence, deterrence and alien domination. Small and weak States have as much right as the big Powers to develop along their own freely chosen paths without any external interference or pressure. Efforts should be intensified at the international level actively to promote the principles of peaceful coexistence and self- determination through the conclusion of the process of decolonization.
239.	Let me now refer particularly to the situation in southern Africa, which also continues to be a matter of utmost concern to my Government. For nearly four decades now, the racist policies of the South African white minority regime have been roundly condemned in this Hall as well as in the Security Council. Our concern is not merely that racial discrimination exists in South Africa, but that it has been institutionalized, enshrined in law and made all-pervasive. All attempts at a peaceful change through necessary reforms have failed. Frustration among the blacks has made them resort to armed struggle to eradicate the apartheid system. Unless there is a fundamental change in South Africa through recognition of the inherent right of the 20 million blacks to participate fully and equally with the whites in South Africa's political and economic processes, there is a grave danger of a catastrophic racial conflict that will have serious ramifications throughout the world.
240.	If South Africa continues to spurn all appeals for a change and fails to deal justly and effectively with its racial problem, that failure will impose heavy economic, military and political penalties on its allies in the Western countries. The response and attitude of most of the Western countries to the racial problem in South Africa is not only most disappointing, but also self-defeating. Publicly they routinely join in the world-wide condemnation of South Africa's racist doctrines, but privately they continue to pursue policies which only encourage the racist regime in its intransigence. They do not support the application of the necessary economic and political pressures on South Africa to compel it to embark on the necessary eradication of its obnoxious racist doctrines. When we call for sanctions, we are told by the Western allies of racist South Africa either that the imposition of sanctions will not work or that it is incompatible with their fundamental belief in the principle of global free trade. Yet these powerful countries are quick and eager to resort to economic sanctions in less compelling situations. There is no question but that the racist regime of

South Africa has enjoyed the encouragement, support and approval of these Western States in its arrogant rejection of am peaceful efforts to bring about the urgently desired changes in the country. Not only have the major Western Powers failed to take action against the apartheid regime in accordance with their commitments and obligations under the Charter of the United Nations, but they have directly, openly and covertly assured the racist regime of its survival and prosperity through vastly increased economic co-operation. At the recent Second World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, held at Geneva, the duplicity of the Western Powers was once again unmasked when they failed to join the consensus in the Programme of Action adopted by the Conference against the
apartheid regime and its Israeli collaborators.
241.	The so-called policy of constructive engagement with the apartheid regime is deeply offensive and repugnant to Africa and to decent men and women throughout the world. It is nothing but a cover for the sinister motives of the United States and others for continuing their policy of support for the	regime in southern Africa, and we reject it completely since it is open encouragement to the racist regime. Contrary to the claim of the present United States Administration, it is not a balanced policy. Within the framework of this policy we have seen increased diplomatic, political, economic and military cooperation between the racist regime of South Africa and its Western allies. At the United Nations the United States has assured the racist regime of South Africa of diplomatic cover by vetoing all efforts to impose punitive measures on that regime for its repeated acts of aggression against its neighbours as well as for its refusal to withdraw from Namibia. It would not even permit a condemnation of racist South Africa for its invasion and continued occupation of Angola. How can such a policy which supports the aggressor be regarded as balanced or constructive?
242.	The recent approval by the Government of the United States of the request by seven United States corporations to provide technical and maintenance services to a nuclear power installation in racist South Africa is in violation of Security Council resolutions 418 (1977) and 473 (1980). This approval is being granted despite the well-known objections of Africa and the international community to any form of nuclear co-operation or collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa.
243.	It is particularly regrettable that this approval was granted despite the persistent refusal of apartheid South Africa to allow inspection and verification of its nuclear installation by IAEA. We hope that in view of the objections raised not only by the whole of Africa but also by the international community, the United States authorities will cancel this contract, which is clearly detrimental to the cause of peace and freedom in Africa.
244.	Recently, authoritative statements were made by Washington to the effect that peace and security in southern Africa could be restored only if the so-called security concerns of the apartheid regime were met. Let me make it abundantly clear that we are unable to accept the notion that the racist regime of South Africa has any legitimate security concerns which have to be met by African States. Equally, the proposition that the African States in the region should seek peaceful coexistence with the racist regime of South Africa is most objectionable, and we reject it completely. It is apartheid South Africa that has consistently sought to undermine the peace, security and stability of the region by its incessant and unprovoked aggression against its neighbours. Collectively and separately, African States in the region have never posed, and could not now pose, any threat to the security of racist South Africa. None of them has ever attacked South Africa. In contrast, troops from the racist regime of South Africa now occupy much of southern Angola. It is the security concerns of the front-line States and not those of the apartheid regime that should be met.
245.	The apartheid regime stands universally condemned for its persistent, unjustified and unprovoked aggression and acts of destabilization against the frontline States. Recently the racist regime closed its borders with Lesotho in order to force that country to deny political refuge to those fleeing from Pretoria's persecution. When Lesotho turned to the Western allies of the racist regime, it met with a stony silence from them. Lesotho's independence and sovereignty mean nothing to them. Yet these countries which continue to collaborate with the apartheid regime would have the world believe that they are the defenders of freedom throughout the world. Africa is not and cannot be deceived by the duplicity of these Powers.
246.	With regard to the situation in Namibia, my Government would like to express its deep appreciation and gratitude to the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts to bring about the independence of that Territory. As he discovered during his recent mission to South Africa, all outstanding constitutional issues within the framework of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) had in fact been resolved during proximity talks with the contact group last year. South Africa's insistence on the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola as a precondition for Namibia's independence is merely a red herring, a pretext for pursuing other sinister objectives in Angola. Neither Angola itself, nor the presence of Cuban forces there at the invitation of the Angolan Government can conceivably be represented as a threat to the security of South Africa, which now occupies one third of Angola's territory. Without the withdrawal of South Africa's forces from Angola, the cessation of support for the UNIT A? bandits and reasonable assurances and guarantees about Angola's security, Angola cannot reasonably be expected to terminate its security arrangements with Cuba.
247.	It is the view of my Government that nothing short of the application of economic and other sanctions will bring racist South Africa to its senses. For decades all international appeals to apartheid South Africa have fallen on deaf ears. There is no longer any valid excuse or explanation for South Africa's continued intransigence except that it hopes and, indeed, believes that those Western countries that profit from the apartheid system will continue to thwart all efforts to impose sanctions on that regime.
248.	Clearly, the situation in southern Africa, particularly the persistent refusal of the racist regime to withdraw from Namibia, now calls for the invoking of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Those provisions, including recourse to sanctions as a punitive measure, were intended to deal with precisely the kind of situation we now have in southern Africa. Those permanent members of the Security Council which continue to prevent the Council from discharging its full responsibility by protecting the racist regime from sanctions bear a very heavy moral and historical responsibility for their reprehensible policy. They have left the people of South Africa and Namibia with no choice other than to seek redress through armed struggle. The Government and people of Nigeria will continue to provide them with all necessary support to enable them to wage their war of liberation against the racists. We have a moral obligation to do so, for our own independence and freedom
will remain incomplete as long as these unhappy people continue to be held in bondage.
249.	My Government is equally concerned about the increasingly dangerous interventionist policy being pursued in Africa by some external Powers in Western Sahara, in the Horn of Africa and, more recently, in Chad. Localized disputes in these areas have been aggravated by foreign intervention, thus making it increasingly difficult for our continental organization, the OAU, to exercise fully its functions and responsibilities for resolving those disputes. We strongly condemn all external Powers that have intervened in Chad. Their intervention has added to the suffering and misery of the people of Chad. We therefore join in the call for the complete withdrawal of all foreign forces from Chad. The people of Chad must be allowed to resolve their differences without any external intervention. Africa must not be turned into an arena for proxy wars waged by the superpowers.
250.	The Middle East has continued to be a major centre of conflicts and tensions because of Israel's expansionist policy and aggression. My Government strongly deplores Israel's refusal to comply with Security Council resolution 497 (1981), which, we believe, provides the basis for a resolution of the Middle East problem. Israel's attempt to annex the Syrian Golan Heights, the invasion of Lebanon and the outrage of the massacres at Sabra and Shatila are an ample demonstration of Israel's complete disregard of international opinion and of the decisions of both the Security Council and the General Assembly. Nigeria is strongly opposed to those policies and will continue to support the people of Palestine in their just and legitimate demand for a homeland of their own. It is our firm conviction that a durable settlement of the problem of the Middle East can be achieved only with the active participation of all the interested parties, particularly the people of Palestine under the leadership of the PLO. Any unilateral effort towards a settlement can only be partial and is therefore doomed to failure. The recent eruption of fighting in Lebanon is sufficient evidence of the inadequacy of the settlement plan being pursued so vigorously by certain Powers. That plan will fail because it does not take fully into account the interests of the Palestinian people and their legitimate demand for a homeland of their own. In this regard, Nigeria fully supports the conclusions of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine held recently at Geneva. We deeply regret the failure of certain Western Powers to attend that Conference.
251.	My Government is also deeply concerned about the growing collaboration between Israel and South Africa, especially in the military and nuclear fields. This collaboration is inimical to the security of the whole of Africa and represents a threat to that security which Africa cannot ignore. As long as Israel persists in this policy it cannot hope for amity in its relations with Africa.
252.	Recent developments in Central America are also a matter of concern to my Government. My Government strongly deplores direct intervention in the internal affairs of Nicaragua and other Central American States by a certain Power. Regardless of our views about the direction in which those States are moving, it is morally wrong and contrary to the provisions of the Charter for any external Power to force a change in their political and economic systems through the use or threat of force. We would urge this external Power to respect the inherent right Of Nicaragua and other Central American States to develop along their freely chosen path. We fully endorse and support the efforts of the Contadora Group to ease the tension in the region and to secure a negotiated settlement which will take full account of the right of all the people of the region to national self-determination, independence and sovereignty.
253.	With regard to the situations in Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Korea, my Government is firmly convinced that only a reaffirmation and recognition of the right of the peoples of those countries to determine their own destinies, free from foreign interference, subversion, coercion or occupation and through the process of negotiations, will lead to a durable settlement. We therefore join in the call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from those countries so as to provide a climate conducive to a negotiated settlement. The presence of foreign troops can only continue to impede the process of securing a durable peace.
254.	In addition to the profound anxieties raised by the prevailing global instability and tension, there is an equally widespread concern about the economic crisis which has confronted the world for some time now. Indifference to this crisis is a luxury which no country, no matter how strong economically, is able to afford in these circumstances, not only because of the scale of the crisis, but also because of its devastating impact on all groups of countries. It is indeed every country that suffers when world output and international trade contract in the manner already witnessed, particularly when the world economy drifts from bad to worse because of persisting maladjustments. To put it in a nutshell, international commodity markets are in a most sorry state, and the multilateral trading system is undergoing a serious erosion, while the international monetary and financial system is anything but orderly.
255.	My Government is equally concerned about the ever-widening economic gap between the developed and developing countries. This is an important point, not just because it underscores the inherent structural imbalance in the global economy, but also because the burden of adjustment in the current crisis has fallen disproportionately on the developing countries. The grim economic picture in most of the developing countries is all too familiar: high foreign debts, continued erosion of terms of trade, an unacceptably high level of inflation—most of it exported to them—sharp increases in the cost of capital and international credit, further restrictions on lending by the commercial banks and the continued decline in the flows of official development assistance. These formidable negative trends have led to a deep recession in the economies of the developing nations, resulting in a further decline in 1982 of the per capita gross domestic product of those countries. The development process has virtually come to a halt in most developing countries, as many of us have been forced by the deteriorating external environment in particular to curtail essential imports and national development programmes.
256.	The critical economic situation in the African continent should indeed be underlined at this juncture because our countries are much worse off than those of any other region of the world. At a time of global improvement in food supply, acute shortages persist in Africa and have serious consequences in terms not only of increasing famine and hunger but also of the constraining influence on development of mounting food import bills. Owing to over-dependence on the export of one or two primary commodities, the continuing decline and uncertainty in commodity prices have taken their heaviest toll on African economies. The calamitous fall of export earnings has been compounded by a contraction of the external flow of resources. Obviously, one of the major
prerequisites for economic recovery in Africa is to ensure a substantial flow of external finance to the region.
257.	Although the universal impact of the current economic crisis obviously calls for concerted efforts by the entire international community, regrettably the multilateral spirit is on the wane. We have in the past few years continued to witness a growing reliance by the developed countries on a bilateral rather than a multilateral approach to settling the crisis confronting the world economy, particularly the economic problems of the developing countries. But we know full well that the results have been most disappointing. It is indeed widely acknowledged that the acute resource problem currently facing such leading development organizations as, for example, UNDP is attributable principally to the stagnation in the overall flow of official development assistance and the decline in the proportion committed through multilateral channels. Aside from this we see little advantage in undue recourse to bilateralism, which has indeed heightened the tendency to determine and allocate assistance on the basis of strategic East-West considerations that are completely irrelevant to the dire needs of the developing nations. The half-hearted approach which now seems to characterize international economic negotiation is probably the worst feature of the present crisis of multilateralism.
258.	A word about the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade, is appropriate at this stage, since it was the most important negotiating conference held this year. We had hoped that the opportunity of the Belgrade meeting would be fully seized to deal decisively, effectively and in an integrated and global manner with the various problems of global trade and development, particularly the adverse situation facing the developing countries. Along with other members of the Group of 77, we went to Belgrade determined to be constructive and conciliatory, but we discovered to our utter dismay and disappointment that our partners in the North were in no mood for reciprocity. In the end what emerged from the Conference was a rehash of the results of previous sessions, with the addition of just a few half-measures, which did not amount to the serious package of urgent remedial and long-term measures that had been sought.
259.	It is clear that we have all missed yet another golden opportunity to take appropriate measures to revitalize the world economy and, in particular, the accelerated and sustained development of developing countries. The international community has delayed taking the necessary vital steps, however, and this has worsened the plight of both the strong and the weak. We therefore wonder how long our partners in the North, particularly the developed market economies, will continue to drag their feet with regard to the restructuring of international economic relations. Greater progress could undoubtedly be made in this regard through a better appreciation by the developed countries of the reality of interdependence and the fact that the developing countries as a group have become a significant partner in the international economy.
260.	The foregoing remarks are pertinent since they underscore the caution with which many have been inclined to receive reports about the economic upturn in certain developed countries. To us this is not a time for raising false expectations. Nor do we think that any trickle-down from the so-called recovery is the panacea for the grave economic problems facing the developing world. The deepening global crisis makes it ever more clear that We are dealing not with a mere cyclical phenomenon but with problems of structural maladjustments in various areas of international economic relations that require global and integrated solution.
261.	Unless the structural imbalance that lies at the heart of the current global economic crisis is redressed urgently through a major and concerted international effort, it not only will remain a source of friction in relations among nations but will also undermine the steady growth of the world economy. Four years ago it appeared that there was a recognition of the necessity for an international effort when the Assembly adopted by consensus resolution 34/138, on global negotiations relating to international economic co-operation for development. Unfortunately, nothing positive has happened since to permit the launching of the global negotiations. Rather, consultations on the matter have simply petered out, and the situation now is one of total impasse and deadlock.
262.	Responsibility for the failure to launch the global negotiations must rest with those countries which remain adamantly opposed to the idea. Now that this item is inscribed on the agenda of this session, all may not be lost yet. Together with other developing countries, we remain ready to engage in a constructive dialogue with the developed countries on this matter, in the belief that there is a mutuality of interests in seeking necessary reforms in the existing international economic order. We would therefore urge them to show the necessary political will in support of all efforts to facilitate progress towards the establishment of the new international economic order.
263.	Stability and peaceful coexistence cannot be achieved in a world where the overwhelming majority of mankind lives in abject poverty and penury, nor can sustained global economic growth be attained without the active participation of the developing nations. Since, therefore, everyone stands to benefit from an enduring recovery of the world economy, and knowing the catastrophe to which inaction or feeble efforts can lead, the international community must take swift action in putting together a package of measures, short-term and long- term, which respond to the needs of developing nations in particular. Commodity markets must be significantly strengthened through accelerated implementation of the integrated programme for commodities, including the early coming into force of the Agreement Establishing the Common Fund for Commodities, which my Government ratified recently. The rising tide of protectionism in the developed countries must be brought under control in the interest of world trade. There is also the imperative need to inject substantial and additional liquidity which responds to the needs of the world economy, particularly the accelerated growth of developing countries.
264.	Before concluding my statement, I should like to declare the total support of my Government and the people of Nigeria for the peace movement, whose members are now clamouring throughout the world for an end to the arms race. The deployment of an ever-increasing number of nuclear warheads and the militarization of outer space make the spectre of a global holocaust a real possibility. This sword of Damocles has become an intolerable burden on mankind. The recent Korean jet incident shows how easily the world could be plunged into a nuclear holocaust through a sheer military blunder.
265.	We must never allow a nuclear holocaust to happen. Collectively, we all have a responsibility to ensure that it does not, for the greatest tragedies have occurred not so much because of what was finally done as because of what had earlier foolishly been left undone.


142.	We meet during a period of fearful uncertainty and acute apprehension. The past is no comfort, the present is grim and the future holds little promise. A major share of the responsibility for this ominous state of affairs is attributable to the continued instability and deterioration in the relations between the major Powers. The trend today is towards a hardening of positions, increasing suspicion, mutual distrust and open hostility. International security and cooperation are rendered increasingly precarious, while problems at the regional level assume more complicated dimensions.
143.	In this atmosphere, the General Assembly is honoured to have as its President one who brings to the office outstanding qualifications, including a wealth of experience in international affairs and proven competence which has carried him to high office in the service of his country. Your election, Mr. President, is also a tribute to the reputation and prestige of your country, Panama, in international affairs.
144.	The Jamaican delegation extends its appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Hollai, Deputy Foreign Minister of Hungary, who has carried out his responsibilities with admirable competence and effectiveness over the past year.
145.	The United Nations has in recent days accepted the membership of a sister Caribbean State, Saint Christopher and Nevis. We welcome that membership and extend our fraternal greetings to the Government and people of Saint Christopher and Nevis.
146.	More than ever today the world needs the kind of statesmanship which seeks understanding, promotes accommodation and encourages confidence among nations. More than ever today we need to strengthen the multilateral institutions which exist to serve that process. The United Nations and associated multilateral institutions are the product of a historical experience.
147.	Forty years ago good will and good sense prevailed as the world prepared itself for the painful reconstruction that would follow the Second World War. The world community, moved by the waste and destruction of the period, created in the United Nations an institution of reason and hope for the future. The Organization thus embodies both idealism and rationality as well as the instinct for survival. It is the comer-stone of our modem efforts to build an era of peace and prosperity. It is our attempt in good faith to shut the door of history on chaos and war.
148.	In recent times there has been a questioning of the value of our United Nations institutions and a marked tendency to avoid or disregard the available multilateral arrangements for handling specific matters. We have noted the novel attempts at peace-keeping in Lebanon, the efforts to undermine the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the failure to launch the global negotiations for international economic co-operation. There are those who would retreat from multilateralism to myopic bilateralism at the very time that problems have assumed such a character that they require solution or treatment through multilateral arrangements. Those signs, which Jamaica views with utmost concern, should not be ignored. They represent the beginnings of a drift that could lead to confusion and anarchy.
149.	Jamaica, a small non-aligned country whose security must necessarily be in upholding the principles of the Charter, reaffirms its faith in the United Nations as the best hope for mankind. In a world sharply divided by contending forces and conflicting national interests, the United Nations system provides the best available means for reaching enduring solutions to the critical problems through collective efforts.
150.	We recognize that a perfect institution was not created at San Francisco. But the fact is that the imperfections of the United Nations have very little to do with the value of the Charter or with the relevance of the principles and ideals which form it. This institution is based on the recognition that, despite differences in ideological systems, in size and power, in culture, in wealth and resources, common bonds of humanity and a wish for peace and economic progress bind us all. It must necessarily be weakened, therefore, by the naked,
uncompromising pursuit of national interest in the Security Council and elsewhere. It will be weakened by the sharpening of the East-West confrontation, by the barely disguised and unequal tug-of-war between North and South, and by the increasing triumph of histrionics and polemics over debate and discussion.
151.	Jamaica believes that the effective functioning of the Organization, particularly in periods of crisis, requires that Member States strive for common ground and not retreat to extreme and uncompromising positions.
152.	We are gravely concerned that the fragile post-war consensus on the fundamentally interdependent nature of the international community is in grievous danger of splintering. Given the lessons of the past and the technology of the present, the consequences are unthinkable. The Organization and its Members can have no task more important than that of recovering and strengthening that early consensus.
153.	Undoubtedly, the crisis we now face in the world economy and the continuing inability to devise effective solutions are in large measure the result of the retreat from the spirit of San Francisco and that early acknowledgement of our interdependence.
154.	This has been more difficult to recognize in the economic than in the political sphere. For one thing, devastating and powerful weapons capable of crossing continents in a few minutes have jointly carried the political message of interdependence in a way that economic forces, slowly working their way for good or ill through the global economy, have not been able to do.
155.	In addition, it has only been in the past 30 years that almost the entire continents of Asia and Africa and much of the Caribbean have joined the family of the United Nations as independent States. They have thus been drawn more fully into the international production and consumption.
156.	When we look at the present role of the developing countries in the international economy, the facts speak for themselves. Today, more than 40 per cent of the exports of the United States, the European Economic Community and Japan go to developing countries. An estimated 60 per cent of the world exports of major agricultural and mineral commodities, other than oil, originate in developing countries. These are some of the linkages Yet, regrettably, this obvious mutuality of interests has not sunk in as much as it might in the developed world. The mind-set of the past sometimes persists; policies lag behind events, and Governments of the North, as well as the multilateral economic institutions, need perhaps to demonstrate more that they recognize that we must now either sink or swim together.
157.	I use the metaphor deliberately, for the developing countries are now in sore need of a lifeline. The level of our indebtedness has continued to rise and now exceeds $600 billion. On the average, over 20 per cent of the export earnings of the developing countries must now be set aside for the purpose of meeting debt payments. For some countries, the critical debt-service ratio is much higher. To compound matters, private lending, which has assumed an increasingly important role in international financing, has virtually dried up in 1983. Indeed, we should not be in error as to the real role of that private lending in recent years. Many countries of the South have been desperately treading water—borrowing not to move ahead, but simply to keep from going under. The developing countries will be in debt for the foreseeable future. Debt is a condition of development and thus debt management, in the long term, is an aspect of development.
158.	Jamaica has no particular interest in presenting the Assembly with a catalogue of woes. We do not believe that given the hard economic reality of the day—over 32 million unemployed in the industrialized countries- there is any point in special pleading. Nor do we believe that we should expend too much of our energies in rattling skeletons—real or imagined—in the cupboard of our past. Jamaica is devoting its energies to trying to earn its way in the world. We are a small nation, our people are courageous and hardworking. However, we cannot ignore nor underestimate the obstacles which we find in our path. Neither can we escape the conclusion that bold measures of reform are required in the international economic system to assist the economic growth and development of countries such as my own.
159.	Let me illustrate. In Jamaica we have implemented a structural adjustment programme which is intended, among other things, to establish a more internationally competitive economy. Important aspects of that adjustment programme include the transformation of the manufacturing sector from import substitution to export orientation and the revitalization of our agricultural sector. We are indeed serious about carrying out structural adjustment in our economy and about maintaining financial stability through prudent management, but our economic growth requires a swift and sustained expansion of international trade and the revival of our foreign exchange earnings.
160.	We cannot help but be seriously concerned, therefore, that in 1982 world trade declined by two per cent, when a mere decade ago, in 1973, it grew by 12.5 per cent. We must be greatly concerned that the export prices of the commodities of developing countries fell by 25 per cent over the period 1980-1982. Indeed, in 1982, the unit value of some agricultural exports, such as sugar, declined by 35 per cent or more. While there is some evidence of a slowing down and possible reversal of this trend, the shock waves caused by declining commodity prices are still being felt throughout our economies.
161.	These are some of the cold and discomfiting facts of the international economy. When, in addition, we note that private lending has virtually dried up, that official development assistance continues to fall short of both targets and needs, that multilateral economic institutions are having great difficulty in increasing and replenishing their resources, and access to those resources by developing countries is being made more difficult, that no net increase in direct foreign investment took place in 1982, and when, finally, we contemplate the inevitable trade-off at some point between increased austerity and political and social stability, we are surprised and perplexed that some members of the international community do not appear to appreciate fully the dimensions and implications of a continuation of the present crisis for an interdependent world economy and for international peace and security.
162.	Jamaica is  aware that there is a growing sentiment that some form of recovery in the North is on the way. We welcome the first signs, however faint and however difficult they might be to read and interpret at present. However, what we genuinely fear is that the locomotive of recovery will stall in its tracks or will not be strong enough to pull the developing countries and the world out of the worst recession in 50 years. We must therefore ask: why gamble everything on the recovery? Why gamble with the standards of living of peoples and the political and economic stability of countries? Why not act immediately and purposefully to ensure a broad-based and sustained recovery through parallel and bold support for multilateral economic institutions, and through concrete
measures of reform which address vital and urgent needs of the developing countries.
163.	The Final Documents of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries and the Buenos Aires Platform  included well-founded and relevant proposals intended to address the dual problem of world economic recovery and world development. The limited progress at the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development should not deter the developing countries from continuing to pursue these important proposals.
164.	In this context, I should like to emphasize that Jamaica considers it vital that both IMF and the World Bank should play much larger roles both in providing credit and in offering guarantees by which private lenders can extend longer term credit to developing countries. This requires that the resources of these institutions be increased as a matter of priority. We hope, therefore, that the increase of quotas under the Eighth General Review of Quotas of IMF will come into force as quickly as possible and before the end of 1983. We also firmly believe that a substantial additional allocation of special drawing rights should be made as a quick means of stimulating growth in liquidity in the international system. This would allow an expansion in credit resources for the financing of trade and production. Jamaica certainly does not believe that, sensibly managed, this would be inflationary.
165.	Finally, we welcome the clearly growing interest within the international community in taking action on some of these matters that is shown in particular by the various recent proposals for the convening of an international conference in the area of money and finance.
166.	My delegation hopes that there will be progress on the question of launching global negotiations at this session of the General Assembly. The issues related to money and finance, to international trade, to commodities, to energy and to development financing that would be addressed in these discussions are long-term and structural ones, and they will not go away with economic recovery.
167.	As we appeal to the North to recognize the fact of economic interdependence, consistency and self-interest require that developing countries redouble their own efforts to strengthen economic ties among themselves. In this spirit we in the Latin American and Caribbean region have been meeting together to find ways to alleviate the burden of the recession on our economies. But action at the regional level or among developing countries as a whole can only be a complement to and not a substitute for international efforts. The facts of the recession confirm this important truth. We recall that during the 1970s trade among the developing countries increased more rapidly than their total trade. However, in the past two years, as the recession has deepened, trade among developing countries has begun to contract faster than total trade. I need only add that approximately one third of the membership of the Group of 77 now operates under some form of IMF programme.
168.	If there is such a thing as historical responsibility, then let it mean that the international community, particularly those members of it that wield political and economic influence, should take action now to ensure that international conditions become more hospitable and institutions more effective in dealing with the world's problems and inspire new confidence in multilateralism.
169.	One area in which such an effort is sorely needed is that of arms control and disarmament. The arms race is an immense burden on the world's economy. Reliable estimates indicate that annual expenditure on arms has now reached a staggering $800 billion. These billions are procuring new generations of nuclear-weapon systems with highly sophisticated electronic devices capable of destroying the world several times over. The urgent need today is to limit further technological development in nuclear weapons. A comprehensive test-ban treaty, which has been the primary goal of disarmament efforts for over two decades, becomes more necessary and urgent as a first step in the process of nuclear disarmament. Pending the conclusion of agreements in that area, Jamaica supports as an interim measure the adoption of a moratorium on nuclear testing and a freeze on further production of nuclear weapons.
170.	We cannot, however, ignore conventional weapons, which are an important component in the arms race and which account for all the death and destruction in contemporary conflicts. Their importance is equally reflected in the steady and considerable growth in the arms trade. It should be clear to all nations that the accumulation of weapons cannot bring true security and that the challenge of development and the welfare of our peoples should be given first priority in the use of the world's resources.
171.	In the Middle East international attention is directed to the unfolding drama in Lebanon. A deeply complex situation of internal divisions and foreign presence with intricate linkages contributes to continued fighting. There is a dangerous potential for a wider conflict. We welcome the recent cease-fire and sincerely hope that it will provide an opportunity for the interested parties to resolve their differences through constructive discussion. The Government of Lebanon must have the full support of the international community if it is to achieve genuine national reconciliation and restore the country's unity and territorial integrity. The immediate preconditions for the realization of these objectives are undeniably the cessation of all hostility in the country and the prompt and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces that are in Lebanon not at the explicit request of the Government of Lebanon.
172.	At the same time the deeper roots of the Middle East crises should not be disregarded and the search for a permanent and just solution should continue to be a matter of high priority on the international agenda. Jamaica continues to believe that the Palestinian question lies at the very heart of the problem of that region, and it is essential that a just solution be found if peace is to prevail. It is also essential to bring an end to the regime of foreign occupation and to require that Israel withdraw from the Arab territories occupied since the 1967 war. These elements were recently underscored at the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva last August, which highlighted the issue that must be faced, namely, the recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people.
173.	All States in the area, including Israel, are entitled to exist within their internationally recognized boundaries.
174.	The same principle of the right of a people to self- determination is central to the problems in southern Africa. Another year has passed without any progress made towards ending the illegal occupation of Namibia and fulfilling the hopes of the Namibian people for self- determination and independence. Neither the activities of the contact group nor the policy of constructive engagement has brought any worthwhile results. As the Secretary-General's report has made clear, the introduction of the concept of linkage, which Jamaica has always rejected, has caused incalculable damage to the prospects
for the implementation of the plan adopted as long ago as 1978J South Africa has been given a further opportunity to pose as a co-operative party while at the same time using every device to obstruct and delay. Further, the concept of linkage has caused disarray among the Western contact group and has certainly undermined its effectiveness and unity of purpose.
175.	Elsewhere in the region, the South African regime continues to be a menace to peace and a source of aggravation, destabilization and aggression aimed at neighbouring States. South Africa is using its military strength to terrorize its neighbours into submission to its will and subservience to its interests. Inside South Africa itself the oppressed majority continues to suffer under the bondage of the racist system of apartheid. The much-heralded new constitutional proposals are really only a further refinement of the system of white domination.
176.	In all of this the international community needs to bring greater pressure to bear on South Africa. Jamaica will continue to do its part until the hated system of apartheid is completely eliminated.
177.	On the Asian continent a number of problems remain unresolved. In South-East Asia foreign intervention and its consequences have led to persistent conflict and are the source of tension in relations among States in the region. In North-East Asia the question of the future relations between the two Koreas requires some attention. We feel that the need exists for dialogue between the two sides and a spirit of accommodation in settling outstanding issues between them. We sympathize with the bereaved families and Government of the Republic of Korea on the dastardly assassination of Government Ministers and others at Rangoon on 9 October.
178.	In Western Asia we observe with sadness the continuation of the war between Iran and Iraq, with its increasing toll of human lives and economic infrastructure. We see some scope for further diplomatic activity, especially through the Secretary-General, as part of an intensified effort to bring an end to the conflict.
179.	For a variety of reasons, the turmoil in Central America is a matter of the utmost concern not only for the States of the region but, equally, for the international community. In our view decades and even centuries of poverty, social inequalities, neglect and economic underdevelopment have in more recent times been further aggravated by foreign interference and intervention in that region. The intensive diplomatic activity of the Contadora Group of countries represents a genuine effort to bring an end to the fighting and to promote peaceful negotiations among the parties involved. The efforts of this Group continue to have Jamaica's full support. The Cancun Declaration on Peace in Central America [zl/3#/30.3] and the Document of Objectives s contain important and constructive measures which we are convinced could, if implemented, significantly overcome much discord and tension in the region. We note in particular that account has been taken of the need for a long-term programme of economic and social development of the countries of the region and of the necessity for some way to monitor the implementation of the commitments undertaken.
180.	When the United Nations adopted the Convention on the Law of the Sea a year ago, a new chapter was opened on the possibilities for international co-operation. This is a truly remarkable achievement which deserves the fullest support of the international community. The Preparatory Commission, which is charged with the responsibility of implementation of the Convention, met twice during this year. Although progress was slow to begin, Jamaica is satisfied that the procedural groundwork is now laid for advancing the substantive work of the Commission in the coming year. We urge that in the meantime all States give their support to this Convention through early signature and ratification and active participation in the important work of the Preparatory Commission.
181.	Jamaica has always given full support to the United Nations activities for the promotion of human rights around the world. The process of removing discrimination against traditionally disadvantaged groups has gone a far way, particularly in the areas of elimination of racial discrimination, discrimination against women and protection of the rights of the aged, children and the handicapped. We expect that, in working out arrangements for the protection of the rights of other groups such as migrant workers, the United Nations will be successful.
182.	On the broader front, we are well aware that the violation of human rights continues to take place with increasing frequency in many parts of the world. We are all too often confronted with reports of summary and arbitrary executions, torture, involuntary disappearances and denial of basic political and civil rights. This is a situation which cannot be tolerated by the international community. The realization of the intrinsic dignity and innate equality of all human beings is an indispensable precondition to the strengthening of international peace and security.
183.	The major responsibility for promoting and protecting human rights clearly rests within the national jurisdiction of sovereign States. But the international community cannot always accept the principle of non-interference in internal affairs as a justification for inaction and must act resolutely to oppose human rights violations wherever they occur.
184.	Against that background, my delegation continues to believe that some organ should be created within the United Nations system to investigate human rights abuses and deal promptly with serious cases of such violations. The establishment of a post of high commissioner for human rights, which my Government fully supports, could be an important instrument to combat future human rights abuses.
185.	Sober reflection and enlightened self-interest point to closer international co-operation and more imaginative collective effort. We who are ready to place our faith in prudent management and sound policies, in the courage and ingenuity of our peoples, need not be transfixed by history. The responsibility for human suffering, for poverty, for insecurity is now ours. We must act to eliminate them now.


It gives me great pleasure, Sir, to extend to you my warm congratulations on your well-deserved election as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
In your career as a diplomat you have shown excellent qualities of wisdom and statesmanship, and you come from a country which has always given strong support to the principle of collective security. I am sure that under your presidency the affairs of this session will receive wise and efficient guidance. I assure you of the co-operation of my delegation in the tasks that lie ahead.
I thanks for this opportunity to express to Mr. Imre Hollai my delegation's appreciation of the competence and energy he displayed in directing the affairs of the thirty-seventh session.
The Secretary-General has undertaken a number of personal initiatives to promote the peaceful resolution of conflicts. I wish to express here my admiration for the patient and constructive diplomacy that attended the use of his good offices and for his energetic execution of the complex tasks assigned to him.
The deterioration in the world situation which has taken place since the last session of the General Assembly is, I am sure, a matter of grave concern to us all. The thirty-eighth session is taking place, regrettably, against a background of escalating regional conflicts and heightened world tension, and the outlook for the future is not promising. Indeed, looking ahead to the fifth decade of the existence of the United Nations, it is difficult to picture a world where international relations are based firmly on the principles of the Charter and on those equally important instruments that stem from the Charter.
Certainly, as we examine the many questions on our agenda which deal with threats to peace and security, we cannot fail to note the wide gap which separates these issues from the solutions devised for them by the international community.
I need hardly point out that United Nations efforts to end racism and colonialism in southern Africa continue to be thwarted; that the provisions of key resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council on Middle East questions are being deliberately pre-empted while turmoil and conflict remain chronic in the area; and that the call of the vast majority of Member States for the withdrawal of forces of occupation and military aggression in the Horn of Africa, western Asia, South-East Asia, southern Africa, the Middle East and other areas has gone unheeded.
In these and other areas of the world the brutal suppression of the right to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty has led inevitably to instability and conflict.
Pressing as these questions are, they pale into insignificance when we consider the threat of nuclear war which hangs over the world. It is a threat that will continue while the great Powers pursue the nuclear arms race and while the decisions of the special sessions on disarmament remain unimplemented.
The potential for nuclear confrontation to cause dangerous and tragic incidents was graphically illustrated by the recent shooting down of the commercial airliner KAL flight 007, which resulted in the tragic loss of 269 innocent lives. This incident has justifiably caused worldwide concern. We hope that the response of the world community will lead to the strengthening of international arrangements for the safety of air travel and will help to ensure that a tragedy of this kind will never occur again.
It is plain that we inhabit a dangerous world and this new and serious efforts must be made to make it a more safe and stable one. I believe that as a first step Member States must be prepared to put long-term global objectives before short-term interests.
I turn now to southern African issues which have serious implications for international as well as for regional peace and security.
South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia is not only defiance of the authority of the United Nations but a continuing cause of regional conflict. In our view, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the only valid basis for Namibian independence, and we believe the Council must take effective action to carry out its responsibilities towards the Namibian people.
The world community has long condemned apartheid in South Africa as a crime against humanity. Today, in defence of that crime, the Pretoria regime uses increasingly brutal measures to crush internal opposition to its racist minority rule.
My Government strongly supports the many General Assembly resolutions directed at the solution of the southern African problem, and we call on those States most closely involved to show the necessary political will to implement them.
The Middle East is of course another area where principle and practice are far apart. Israel continues to ignore the prescriptions for a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian problem, and the effects of Israel's unwarranted invasion of Lebanon last year are still evident in the human suffering, the devastation of large areas and the fuelling of political instability.
The General Assembly must call for the immediate withdrawal of all Israeli troops from Lebanon and must reaffirm Lebanon's internationally recognized borders. It must also demand withdrawal from occupied Arab lands, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and must continue its support for recognition of the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.
It is a matter of profound regret to us that Iran and Iraq, two non-aligned States, have not been able to resolve their differences by peaceful means and that grievous loss of life and destruction of property continue to be suffered by both sides in the conflict between them. We hope Iraq and Iran will respond to the universally expressed desire that the fighting stop and that they engage in negotiations to bring about an honourable, just and enduring peace.
The trend towards foreign military intervention in the affairs of States is of course one which runs counter to fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. These interventions inevitably lead to bitter civil wars, catastrophic refugee situations and regional instability and tension.
In this context the world community must continue to demand an end to the occupation of Afghanistan by
the Soviet Union. My Government supports the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring about a political solution to this problem. We hope that such a solution will include the resolution of the tragic refugee problem in an honourable and humanitarian way, with the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, to enable the Afghan people to decide on their future free from foreign interference.
We regret that in Democratic Kampuchea too the aspirations of the people to national independence continue to be obstructed by foreign intervention and that this situation has escalated regional tensions. We hope that all the States concerned will enter into dialogue in order to ensure that the people of Kampuchea are enabled freely to elect a Government of their choice.
Unfortunately, we must add the question of Chad to the list of cases of unwarranted and opportunist military interventions in the affairs of States. My Government hopes that Member States will call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of ail foreign troops from Chad and will demand that its territorial integrity be scrupulously respected.
The festering problems of the Horn of Africa are of serious and pressing concern to my country. I believe they also deserve the close attention of the international community, because they destabilize our strategically important region and contribute to global tensions.
There is of course a long history behind the endemic tension and conflict in the Horn of Africa, but I wish now to call particular attention to the latest manifestation of the region's deep-seated and dangerous problems.
In July 1982 the Ethiopian army, supported by surrogate forces, invaded the territory of the Somali Democratic Republic by land and by air and captured the Somali townships of Goldogob and Balamballe, the latter some 32 km into Somali territory. They continue to occupy these townships to this day, despite the fact that the Ethiopian regime has been widely condemned by the international community for its aggression. That regime is attempting to undermine the sovereignty, territorial integrity and national independence of my country. Undoubtedly it feels able to carry out these aggressions because of the presence in Ethiopia of the military bases of a super-Power and of its surrogate troops.
Ethiopia has continued its attempts to seize and occupy Somali territory. Only last July we were forced once again to defend our country in the face of a major onslaught on the settlements of Qabno and Mataban in the Hiran region of Somalia.
We therefore call on Member States to condemn the Ethiopian regime for its aggression and to demand that Ethiopia withdraw its forces from Somali territory and put an end to its unwarranted attacks.
A single issue underlies Ethiopia's current military adventures on our borders and the many other conflicts which trouble the Horn of Africa. That issue is Ethiopia's persistent denial of the right of self-determination to its colonized peoples in areas such as western Somalia, Abo, Eritrea and Tigray. These peoples are waging the same anti-colonial struggle as was successfully waged in the past by the majority of Members of the United Nations and which is still being waged in southern Africa. It is a struggle validated by resolution 1514 (XV) and by the progress from colonial status to nationhood achieved by a large proportion of the membership of the Assembly.
The colonization of the Horn of Africa by the European Powers and by Ethiopia was carried out within the same period and as a result of collusion between the
European and the Ethiopian imperial States. It remains a curious anomaly that European colonialism is now a thing of the past in our region, but violence and bloodshed remain as the bitter fruit of Ethiopia's continuing colonial policies.
The problems of our region are not caused by territorial or boundary disputes between States, but by the oppression of peoples seeking their inalienable rights.
The denial of the right of self-determination to the captive nationalities in the prison State of Ethiopia by the Ethiopian regime and the policies of repression and genocide practiced by that regime against peoples struggling for their freedom and national independence have caused mass exoduses of refugees from Ethiopia into neighbouring countries.
Somalia alone has at one time hosted more than 1.5 million persons in refugee camps. Their presence in our country has placed an intolerable burden on our fragile economy, despite the generous response by the international community to the need for emergency assistance. To date there remain more than 700,000 persons in refugee camps m Somalia, and a similar number eke out a living among the population throughout the country. Naturally, the refugee problem cries out for solution, since the generosity of my Government and that of the donors of aid is not unlimited. However, such a solution is not in sight in view of the continuation of the relentless policy of repression within the empire State of Ethiopia.
On behalf of my Government I wish to reaffirm once again that Somalia has no territorial claims against any of its neighbours. We hope that the problems of the region will be settled by peaceful means in accordance with the Charter. We will, however, continue to exercise our right to defend ourselves against military aggression and we will continue to extend our determined support for the legitimate rights of those peoples that are suffering under alien domination in the Horn of Africa.
I have already called attention to the troubling distance between United Nations resolutions and the political realities of our times. This distance is nowhere more apparent and nowhere more dangerous than in questions of disarmament, particularly the question of nuclear disarmament.
The threat posed by nuclear arms to mankind's survival looms larger with every increase in nuclear arsenals and with every refinement of the capacity of the nuclear Powers to wreak destruction on each other and on the world. Scientists of international repute describe this situation as the triumph of irrationality. In the view of my Government, the General Assembly's continuing but so far unsuccessful call for a freeze m the production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons, for a comprehensive test-ban treaty and for the prohibition of chemical weapons represents the voice of sanity.
We believe that emphasis must now also be placed on preventing the spread of nuclear and other confrontations to outer space. The development of anti-satellite weapons would undoubtedly add a new destabilizing element to an already frightening nuclear balance of terror.
The negative consequences of the arms race in nuclear and highly sophisticated conventional weapons are clearly discernible in the world today. Inflation, recession and the widening of the gap between the haves and have-nots have been followed by the squandering of immeasurable human, material and technological resources on weapons of destruction. In the political sphere States have become more vulnerable to intervention and interference, and tension and conflicts are on the increase in every part of the world.
We appeal to the nuclear Powers to work with a new sense of urgency and a stronger political will to remove the threat of a nuclear holocaust from the globe and to promote the channelling of military resources towards the work of peace and progress.
The establishment of zones of peace and nuclear- weapon-free zones is an important goal set by the tenth special session of the General Assembly. In our view, it continues to deserve the strong support of Member States. We deeply regret that only in Latin America has it been possible for this concept to receive practical implementation.
My Government has always given strong support to the General Assembly's Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, and we fully endorse the provisions of the Final Document of the Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean.'" We hope that all States concerned will work for the success of the long-delayed Conference on the Indian Ocean scheduled to take place in Sri Lanka in 1984. The Conference, in our view, must emphasize the need for the dismantling of all foreign bases, the withdrawal of all foreign forces as well as surrogate troops, the settling of regional disputes by peaceful means and the granting of the right to self determination to peoples under alien domination. These questions are particularly important because a dangerous incentive to increased super-Power rivalry and confrontation has been provided by the involvement of large numbers of Soviet and Cuban forces in local conflicts in the Horn of Africa and by the establishment of large-scale Soviet military and naval bases in the region, a development made possible through the collaboration of certain regional States.
If we turn from the disarmament scene to that of the world economic situation, we find the same disappointing gap between principle and practice. In the current disarray of global economics and finance, it is hard to find evidence of the international consensus achieved in the General Assembly an the modalities for establishing a new and more just economic order. The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade recently, clearly showed the extent to which that consensus has been sidetracked.
My Government regrets that there has not been a more favourable response from the developed countries to the call of the third world for a prompt and vigorous programme of development assistance, for easing debt burdens, for measures to ensure more just and stable commodity prices and for a rollback of protectionist policies.
While my Government believes that the developing countries must indeed practice self-reliance and must strengthen technical co-operation among themselves, we also believe that the economic interdependence of the North and the South is an inescapable reality. In our view, both regions would benefit if the poorer countries were given the strong boost towards economic recovery which they desperately need.
The steady and impressive record of achievements by the United Nations in the economic, social, technological and humanitarian fields is one hi which Member States can all take note. However, we cannot be complacent over the failure of the world Organization to come to grips with crucial matters involving world peace and security.
I have expressed my concern over the Organization's chronic failure to carry out decisions which represent the collective wisdom of the international community. I believe this failure represents a crisis of authority for the United Nations. Undoubtedly, some of the bureaucratic proliferation and overlapping of resolutions needs to be trimmed, but this is a separate issue. It is secondary to the essential task of building an effective system of collective security for our interdependent world. In his current report on the work of the Organization [/4/3#/V], the Secretary-General has again called attention to the crisis in the multinational approach to world affairs. He has rightly emphasized that the machinery of. International diplomacy must be made to move forward if we are to avoid chaos and disaster on a scale hitherto unknown.
In this context, I heartily welcome the inclusion in the agenda of an item on the implementation of United Nations resolutions. It has the support of the non-aligned group, and I hope that constructive contributions will come from a wide variety of States. This item challenges us all to work with renewed dedication to make the world Organization a truly effective instrument for the maintenance of world peace and security.