I should like to extend to you,
Sir, my warmest felicitations on your well-deserved election
to the high office of the presidency of the General
Assembly. This is not only a mere recognition of your
long experience and your outstanding ability and diplomatic
skill but also a reflection of the esteem in which your
country, Côte d’Ivoire, is held in the United Nations.
I should also like to express our great appreciation and
admiration for the work of the Secretary-General and for
the determined and prudent leadership which he has
demonstrated on vital international issues.
Despite important positive developments on a great
number of issues occupying the attention and energy of
our Organization, a significant number of old problems
remain unresolved. Ethnic conflicts, nationalistic
chauvinism, ethnic cleansing, xenophobia, racial
discrimination, expansionist opportunism, social and
economic disparities, underdevelopment, the waste of
scarce resources on fraternal enmities, the lack of
necessary commitment for the protection of the
environment and gross and massive violations of human
rights are only some of the evils still afflicting humanity
today.
Among our priorities therefore should be the
unequivocal reversal of the results of aggression and
foreign occupation, support and defence of democracy,
the inversion of social and economic inequalities, the
protection of our environment and, finally, the protection
and enhancement of human rights for all.
In order to accomplish such goals on a universal
scale our Organization has to adapt, expeditiously and
effectively, to the changing conditions and to the new
challenges. Better coordination between the various
bodies that form the United Nations system is urgently
required. The Secretary-General’s recent decision to
boost the coordinating role of the United Nations
Development Programme on all developmental issues is
a commendable step in the right direction.

We are constantly witnessing world calamities.
Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia are dire and gory
examples. Our common goal should be to strengthen the
United Nations in order best to respond to today’s
challenges and the increased expectations of mankind for
security, economic viability and democracy. These
expectations can only be met by making the United Nations
more effective through the implementation of its own
resolutions and the mandatory provisions of the Charter.
The General Assembly, the most prominent global
democratic forum, represents the full membership of the
United Nations. It functions on the principle of sovereign
equality. As such, it has played a major role towards the
realization of the objectives of the world community and
must continue to do so in accordance with its mandate
under the Charter.
Given today’s political realities, however, the Security
Council has a substantially enlarged agenda and a more
dynamic role to perform. In accordance with the Charter,
that organ has the ability to decide and to act. Nowadays
it is able to act more effectively in the maintenance of
international peace and security. In today’s post-cold-war
era the Security Council is in a position to play a broader
and much more important role than ever before. In a world
where new challenges require urgent solutions, such a
development is welcome. Within the context of the
reinforced and expanded role, a successful outcome of the
deliberations on the review of the Council’s membership to
reflect the realities of today’s world is highly appreciated.
However, the effectiveness of the most powerful organ
of the United Nations is seriously compromised if it applies
double standards. It must act in every case with
determination and consistency. The record of its
performance indicates clearly that in those cases where the
international community has shown steadfastness to defend
the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and
fully to implement its provisions, peace and justice was
achieved. On the contrary, in those cases where unity of
purpose had not been exhibited or the interests of nations
or alliances had been placed above the universal principles
and the rule of law, the problems remain and peace is
elusive.
The financial difficulties confronting the Organization
pose severe constraints on its ever-increasing role in today’s
world affairs. Every effort should be made to provide the
Organization with the necessary means to perform its vital
mission effectively. In this regard I would recall that my
Government decided early this year, after an appeal by the
Secretary-General, to double on a voluntary basis its
assessed contribution to all peace-keeping operations.
Our commitment to the peaceful settlement of
disputes was thus manifested once again in a concrete and
practical way. We hope that our gesture will soon be
emulated by others. Our Organization desperately needs
generosity by its Member States if it is to continue
performing its herculean mission effectively.
It is widely acknowledged that economics plays an
important role in today’s world politics. Development,
the protection of the environment, poverty alleviation,
social progress, the improvement of health standards,
proper education and sound technology require financial
means for their attainment. In this exercise the United
Nations, through the Secretariat itself, the recently
enhanced United Nations Development Programme and
the various specialized agencies, performs one of the most
important missions, that of pursuing the betterment and
the economic well-being of peoples throughout the world.
These activities are also amply outlined in the Secretary-
General’s report, and therefore I do not intend to dwell on
them other than to declare that we are cognizant of their
importance and that they have our full support. We
commend the Secretary-General’s integrated approach to
development issues in "An Agenda for Development",
which complements his ground-breaking "An Agenda for
Peace". We fully subscribe to the Secretary-General’s
assertion that development is a fundamental human right
and that development is the most secure basis for peace.
In accordance with the deliberations on the subject,
a successful implementation of the agenda for
development depends on the priority to be given the
following elements: the alleviation of poverty and its
underlying causes, especially in Africa and other least-
developed regions; health and the status of women.
There is an urgent need for clear and effective population
policies.
In this regard, the recently concluded Cairo
Conference on Population and Development rightly placed
great emphasis on development and the environment.
The new characteristic of the Conference’s Programme of
Action is precisely this linkage with sustainable
development and protection of the environment. It
constitutes progress by integrating control of population,
environmental protection and economic growth into the
approach to population issues.
2

The Rio Conference was a historic turning point in
this direction. Yet the follow-up and implementation of the
decisions taken at the Earth Summit remain contingent on
the political will to save our living space’s web of life.
The Barbados Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States, as the first
test of the international community’s attachment to the Rio
commitments, focused on the acute problems that small
island developing States are confronted with. Cyprus, an
active member of this group, reiterates its commitment to
the early and prompt implementation of the Barbados
commitments, and expresses the hope that every member of
the international community will conscientiously fulfil its
relevant obligations.
We also welcome the recent broader agreement on
seabed issues of the Convention on the Law of the Sea
promoting universal application of the new legal order
governing the seas and thus opening a new chapter in
international relations.
In the light of our philosophy and experience, we
attach much importance to the effective functioning of the
principal judicial organ of the United Nations - the
International Court of Justice. The increase in its
jurisdiction in contentious cases is encouraging. We also
attach great significance to the possibility of clarifying legal
points in political disputes through advisory opinions. The
International Court of Justice is indeed an integral part of
the United Nations peacemaking efforts and we
wholeheartedly support the Secretary-General’s proposal
that he be authorized to seek advisory opinions from the
Court as an important component of the peaceful settlement
of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter.
The Secretariat’s role in an improved, rationalized and
more effective United Nations is irrefutable. We have
nothing but praise for the many men and women in the
international civil service whose competence and dedication
under harsh circumstances enable the Organization to
respond to the ever-increasing demands in today’s global
environment. The Secretary-General has already done
much in the direction of rationalizing and streamlining the
Secretariat. He certainly has our support in the additional
measures needed to carry out this task. We join in
recognizing the imperative need for adequate financial
resources for the Organization, and for assessed
contributions to be paid in full and promptly by Member
States.
It should be recognized that true respect for human
rights provides the foundation for the structure and
organization of any society. Past and recent experience
in every region of the world has demonstrated that the
protection and promotion of human rights is an
indispensable ingredient of a stable, just and democratic
world order. Over the years, the United Nations has
played a leading role in affirming human equality, which
in essence forms the core of all rights, and in eliminating
separations based on ethnicity, religion, culture, socio-
economic disparities and political philosophies.
If we recognize the value of the axiom that in States
governed by the rule of law the rights of citizens must be
protected unconditionally, then we should also accept the
analogy: that the same rights should be safeguarded for
every single citizen of a global State governed by the rule
of law.
All the efforts of today’s global community should
therefore be exerted towards the implementation of the
basic idea inherent in the international law of human
rights - namely, that all the social mechanisms should
exist to enhance the dignity of human beings, not to
exploit them. Human rights are a powerful means to this
end.
In order to achieve full respect for human rights and
to eliminate human suffering, the world community must
clearly oppose extreme nationalism, take unequivocal
stands against policies of "ethnic cleansing" and continue
exerting steadfast efforts until we achieve the concrete
dismantling of unjust and inhumane social systems that
are based on ethnic segregation.
The effective promotion of human rights is naturally
entwined with the global trend towards democratization.
Cyprus is in the vanguard of States that have become
party to international instruments for the protection of
human rights, both at the global level, within the United
Nations and at the regional level, primarily through the
Council of Europe.
We have had occasion in the past to express our
support for the Secretary-General’s constructive and
timely suggestions for improving the potential of United
Nations peace-keeping. We are encouraged that much
progress has been made in this field. In view, however,
of the ever-increasing demands and the worsening
financial problems associated with peace-keeping, we
should continue to do our best to assist in discharging, as
effectively as possible, this major responsibility of the
3

Organization. In this regard, may I recall that Cyprus, itself
a victim of foreign aggression, invasion and occupation, has
voluntarily undertaken the onus of paying on a yearly basis
one-third of the total cost of the United Nations Peace-
keeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP), which for the current
12-month period amounts to $18 million. Similarly, the
Greek Government generously offered a voluntary
contribution to UNFICYP of $6.5 million for the same
period.
Since the Republic of Cyprus has itself been one of
the longest beneficiaries of peace-keeping operations, I
would like to avail myself of this opportunity to express the
appreciation of my country and its people to the
Organization and its peace-keeping function. I also take
this opportunity to express to the troop-contributing
countries our gratitude for sustaining UNFICYP for so
many years until the anomaly in the financing of the Force
was finally overcome in June 1993. On this occasion, I
should like to express the hope that a sound and fair
solution to the question of reimbursement to troop-
contributing countries will be found during the deliberations
at this session. My country stands ready to offer every
possible assistance towards the attainment of this aim.
I shall refrain from addressing the long list of
international problems described in this year’s report by the
Secretary-General (A/49/1) with which the Organization is
actively dealing and which extend to all five continents.
Each issue presents its own complications and special
characteristics. Together, all the issues provide a measure
of the enormity of what is expected of the United Nations,
the awesome burden of responsibilities of the Secretary-
General and the respect and admiration he deserves in
carrying out these tasks. As he has rightly pointed out in
the past:
"The United Nations, by undertaking a range of
problems as wide as the globe itself, must be expected
to achieve successes but also to experience failures."
(A/48/1, para. 512)
Our world has witnessed in the last few years the
creation of new areas of tension and conflict through the
unleashing of the destructive and centrifugal forces of
chauvinism and ethnic strife. There have also been at the
same time some notable successes through the resolution of
several regional issues and the withdrawal of foreign forces
following the end of our bipolar antagonistic world. We
have witnessed in many parts of the world the triumph of
reason, the entrenchment of democracy and the emergence
of free market economies. The achievement of putting an
end to the odious practice of apartheid in South Africa
broadens the vistas of human wisdom; the historic
Agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) on the one hand, and between Israel
and other neighbouring Arab countries on the other mark
a new era in the Middle East. We express the hope that
the rest of the countries involved in this conflict will very
soon be able to join the others, thereby signifying one of
the major turning points in the history of the region.
Cyprus, an immediate neighbour, expresses the hope that
such a catalytic positive evolution in our region will not
leave our own problem unaffected.
Cyprus, almost a decade after the Cold War began
to subside, remains divided as a result of foreign
aggression and military occupation, and its people forcibly
separated. As a result of ethnic cleansing by the
aggressor, Cypriots are victims of gross violations of
human rights. A large component of the Cyprus question
in its present dimensions is the massive violation of the
human rights of the displaced persons who have been
evicted by force from their homes by the Turkish forces
of occupation and whose properties have been usurped by
illegal settlers imported from Turkey to Cyprus in a
systematic and well-planned policy made by the aggressor
to change the demographic composition of the occupied
parts of Cyprus. In the same vein, the humanitarian issue
of the enclave is another staggering dimension of the
Cyprus question. The missing persons still remain
unaccounted for 20 years after the Turkish invasion and
occupation of one third of the territory of the Republic of
Cyprus. This constitutes a severe violation of the human
rights both of the missing persons themselves and of the
tragic figures of their relatives.
I put it before the Assembly today that Cyprus is a
test case for the resolve of the international community
and of this Organization to demand and to enforce respect
for its will as expressed in a plethora of resolutions.
Twenty years after the Turkish invasion of 1974, the
problem remains unresolved. The number of Turkish
forces, despite resolutions of this Assembly calling for the
withdrawal of foreign forces from Cyprus, has in fact
increased, as is stated in the Secretary-General’s report of
30 May 1994. The presence of Turkish occupation troops
constitutes a serious threat to the people of Cyprus, and
has naturally given rise to a kind of arms race.
The General Assembly and the Security Council
have repeatedly reaffirmed the legal framework within
which a just and lasting solution should be sought. In its
4

most recent resolution, resolution 939 (1994) of 29 July
1994, this basis is reaffirmed to be
"... a State of Cyprus with a single sovereignty
and independence and international personality and a
single citizenship, with its independence and territorial
integrity safeguarded, and comprising two politically
equal communities as described in the relevant
Security Council resolutions, in a bi-communal and bi-
zonal federation, and that such a settlement must
exclude union in whole or in part with any other
country or any form of partition or secession"
(para. 2).
The Greek Cypriot side has for years accepted that a
bi-zonal bi-communal federation was the basis for the
settlement of the Cyprus problem. The Turkish Cypriot
leadership, fully supported by Turkey, has now made it
clear that they have abandoned federation as the basis of
the solution and are promoting a loose confederation with
separate sovereignty for its two component parts.
The Secretary-General rightly and clearly attributed the
failure to make progress as follows:
"For the present, the Security Council finds itself
faced with an already familiar scenario: the absence of
agreement due essentially to a lack of political will on
the Turkish Cypriot side." (S/1994/629, para. 53)
In the same report to the Security Council, the
Secretary-General states the following:
"... a good offices mission, which by its nature is
dependent on the consent and cooperation of the
parties, is not an adequate method to deal with a
situation in which, for the past several years, one side
has consistently flouted the wishes of the international
community, as represented in the Security Council."
(ibid., para. 58)
My view is that if this flouting and violation of
Security Council resolutions is allowed to continue, there
will be no solution of the Cyprus problem. It is therefore
necessary for coercive action to be taken against the side
that flouts the United Nations resolutions.
There is also a further issue that requires to be
urgently addressed. This is the problem of the military
build-up which is taking place in Cyprus. The anxieties
created by the presence of foreign troops on Cypriot
territory have given rise to a significant military build-up.
Security is an extremely significant area, and is an
issue of substance as well as a way to improve
confidence. I have therefore proposed the following.
Firstly, the leaders of the two communities during
the intercommunal talks should make a solemn
declaration to the Secretary-General on behalf of their
respective communities renouncing the use of force
against each other and undertaking to take all the
necessary measures to prevent attack by members of one
community against the other.
Secondly, the Government of the Republic should
take the following measures: repeal the National Guard
Law, disband the National Guard and hand over all its
arms and military equipment to the custody of the United
Nations peace-keeping force; undertake to maintain the
police force of the Republic at its present numerical
strength, armed only with light weapons; undertake the
total cost of a substantially numerically increased United
Nations peace-keeping force; agree that the United
Nations peace-keeping force will have the right of
inspection to ascertain compliance with the above; agree
that the National Guard armoured cars, armoured
personnel vehicles and tanks, which will be handed over
to the custody of the United Nations peace-keeping force,
can be used by the United Nations peace-keeping force to
patrol the buffer zone and to prevent intrusions in it; and
deposit in United Nations accounts all money saved from
disbanding the National Guard and from stopping the
purchase of arms after deducting the cost of the United
Nations peace-keeping force, to be used after the solution
of the problem for the benefit of both communities.
The Turkish Government, parallel to the above,
should withdraw the Turkish occupation forces from
Cyprus, as well as the illegal settlers, whose presence in
Cyprus, apart from violating United Nations resolutions
calling on both sides to respect the demographic
composition of Cyprus, constitutes a military threat.
The Turkish Cypriots under arms should disband and
hand over their weapons to the peace-keeping force.
The Turkish side complains that it has been isolated
internationally. The responsibility for this does not fall
on the Republic of Cyprus or on the international
community. It falls squarely on the shoulders of the
Turkish leadership, which, by an act of purported
secession, declared a separate State. The international
community and the Republic of Cyprus simply respected
Security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984),
5

which deplored the purported secession, asked all States
Members of the United Nations not to recognize it and
called upon the Turkish leadership to recall the act of
secession. All States respected these resolutions except
Turkey.
A small country has been violated by an aggressor, in
contravention of the Charter of this Organization, which
denounces the use of force. Twenty years have passed, and
the Security Council’s many resolutions remain
unimplemented. Unless the aggressor is faced with
progressively more severe consequences for its disregard of
international legal order, a very bad example and precedent
will be allowed to cast doubt on the international
community’s resolve and effectiveness.
With the advent of the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations, we are bound to review our past
performance and chart new avenues for the future. Did we
meet the goals set in 1945 by our founding fathers in the
aftermath of two devastating wars? Did we create the
prerequisite for a just and peaceful world? Did we save
succeeding generations from the scourge of war? As we
near the milestone of the Organization’s fiftieth anniversary,
let us do some soul-searching, let us not be complacent and
let us no longer be guilty of errors of omission and
commission. Above all, let us not remain inactive because
of inertia. People and nations all over the world have ever-
greater expectations of the Organization and the way in
which it responds to the new challenges of our times. The
Charter, by and large, has stood the test of time, but it is
our responsibility to make the United Nations a more
effective Organization. It is the world’s last chance for
peace.


At this forty-ninth session of the General
Assembly of the United Nations, the African continent has
every right to feel honoured in this great body. Through
the brilliant election of its President, our Assembly has paid
a tribute to the merits and the qualities of a great African
diplomat. I would add that above and beyond the
recognition so richly deserved by his country, Côte
d’Ivoire, for its contribution to peace, we also find in his
election a posthumous tribute to its founder, President
Houphouët Boigny, that unforgettable monument of
modern-day Africa. I would like to extend to our President
the warmest congratulations of the Congolese delegation
and to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a well-
deserved tribute to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr.
Samuel Insanally, Ambassador of Guyana, who served as
President at the forty-eighth session with such great
competence and skill.
My congratulations go also to our Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who since becoming the leader
of our Organization has endeavoured with such dedication
to bring our Member States closer to the purposes and
principles of the Charter. On behalf of the Congolese
people, I would like to reiterate to this humble servant of
mankind our most earnest encouragement as he discharges
his lofty responsibilities.
Many peace-keeping and goodwill missions of the
United Nations are currently to be found on African soil.
We welcome this necessary assistance, while we hope that
the peoples concerned will do even better in fostering
conditions for a return to peace.
Finally, how can one not feel overcome with joy at the
triumphant welcome given the return of the Republic of
South Africa to the commonwealth of free nations? This
return, which puts the finishing touches on the liberation of
the African continent from colonialism and racism, is surely
a source of legitimate satisfaction for the Members of the
United Nations who devoted so much energy and so many
resources in the battle of the South African people against
apartheid. To the delegation of that country that embodies
the hopes of an entire continent, I would like to extend a
warm, fraternal welcome.
At the beginning of this forty-ninth session the
Assembly faces a complicated situation that combines real
reasons for satisfaction with extremely worrisome issues.
A marked trend towards dialogue and cooperation in
search of solutions to the problems that confront our
world encourages our desire for a new system of
international relations that would be more humane and
more just. The United Nations has to its credit many
achievements in the restoration and creation of peace.
Conflicts that have been solved or are in the process of
being solved give, little by little, faith and confidence in
the future, indeed I would say to life, to those peoples
who have been subjugated by despair, if not by the
disturbing resurgence of civil wars, ethnic tensions and
religious crusades.
The abolition of apartheid in South Africa, which
seemed impossible yesterday, is a reality today, as if to
grant the wishes of the international community and to
reward the strictures of the United Nations, a peaceful
transition has given birth to a united, democratic and non-
racist South Africa.
A peaceful settlement to the question of the Aouzou
strip has rid Central Africa of a fratricidal conflict. I
hope the example of Libya and Chad will inspire other
States as well.
Firmly and resolutely, the dynamic of peace begun
in the Middle East is growing stronger and is opening
prospects for cooperation to peoples long ruined by war
and yet fated by geography and history to live together.
This is why, in hailing the significant progress achieved
in this process, the Republic of the Congo hopes that we
will see rapid progress in the Arab-Israeli negotiations
with a view to the establishment of a thorough, just and
lasting peace in the Middle East.
But the hope offered by the progress that has been
achieved remains frustrated by the persistence of local
wars that continue their bloodshed in various parts of the
world. Political differences and ethnic, racial or religious
diversity, far from enriching society, have elicited
intolerance, hatred, violence and, worst of all, the
destruction of what is most precious to us all: human
life. From Bosnia to Angola, the similarities are striking.
Of these crises that conceal several basic questions, we
see that a record number are in Africa: Angola, Somalia,
Liberia, Rwanda ...
The Republic of the Congo remains greatly
concerned about the situation in its sister republic and
neighbour Angola. We deplore the continuation of this
fratricidal, murderous war, sustained by the intransigence
and rigidity of UNITA. The Congolese Government
41

supports all peace efforts undertaken by the international
community in the attempt to settle the conflict peacefully,
especially as part of the Lusaka negotiations: negotiations
in which Angola has made very constructive proposals that
show the determination of President Dos Santos and his
Government to find a solution that might take into account
all the political sensibilities of that country. My country
would like to reiterate its wish to see Angolans finally
reach understanding and reconciliation, so that they can
devote their energies to the rebuilding of their country, torn
apart by a war that has lasted far too long.
With regard to Liberia, we hope that the recent signing
in Ghana of the cease-fire agreement by the various
protagonists will lead to better prospects for that country.
The genocide we have seen in Rwanda, another sad
chapter in the history of mankind, is only the most extreme
and inhuman manifestation of the problems facing Africa
today. Violence, poverty, famine, disease, refugees,
spiralling population growth - such is the widespread image
of contemporary Africa. This well-known, gloomy picture
no doubt stems from a habitual pessimism rather than from
a thorough study of reality.
The increase in the inequality between the richest and
the poorest countries has grown more complex with the
emergence of worldwide markets, trade, communications -
even, unfortunately, pollution. Africa, long relegated to the
background, seems to have combined all the social
pathologies that inexorably strike ever-growing and ever-
poorer populations. In our underdeveloped countries,
chronic indebtedness and the drop in the prices of our basic
commodities, compounded by the pernicious reduction in
public aid for development and investments that continue to
ignore our legislation, however attractive and liberal it may
be, are worsening the disappearance of sources of financing
and development.
Here growth is slow to appear, whereas early signs
already herald the beginnings of expansion in the world
economy. The unemployed population is increasing, and
workers are under a constant uncertainty. As if to complete
this picture, natural disasters - drought and desertification -
compete with epidemics such as AIDS and malaria.
Infections we thought to have eradicated are reappearing.
In this context of a disastrous economy, a population
explosion has eliminated any hope of redressing the
imbalance between an almost zero economic growth rate
and a population growth rate that is out of control. This
situation has destroyed all our efforts at recovery.
Congo, for its part, has not escaped this common
destiny. The socio-political crisis which has shaken my
country to its very foundations and brought great grief to
many Congolese families has to a large extent torn the
social fabric and has completely ruined our economy.
This crisis has at least had the merit of destroying many
illusions.
We had thought - or pretended to think - that it was
enough simply to copy the old Western democracies and
hold free elections under international supervision to
ensure that democracy prospered, that it was unnecessary
to take local realities into account.
Surely the European Parliament learned a bitter
lesson from its failure, because it said to the new
democracies that peoples and Governments should find
formulas which would enable them to create democratic,
lawful institutions based on their own history and cultural
identity.
How can we claim that in two years’ time we have
done away with the ills of 30 years of badly assimilated
Marxist-Leninist culture, a culture which was
fundamentally hostile to pluralistic democracy and
fundamentally opposed to individual growth. And what
should we say of the harmful effects of so many years of
Marxist management of an economy that is today doomed
because of that failure?
Congo’s economy today is suffering from the
disastrous consequences of ill-advised economic policies,
which has given my country the honour of being placed
among the most indebted countries in the world. In
addition to this economic bankruptcy we find the waste,
the ruin of our cultural and moral values, and a
breakdown of the innate genius of our people.
Insidious and pernicious, destitution and poverty
have crept into the private lives of men and women,
every day becoming more numerous, men and women
who to survive must hide behind the ultimate bulwark of
ethnicity, which has become a factor for segregation and
division.
Made idle and vulnerable, and subjected to chronic
unemployment, our youth are now indulging in the
illusion of drugs and the armed defence of dubious
causes.
42

Thus, we see the scope of the consequences of so
many harmful factors in a society where people have lost
all sense of perspective. Violence then becomes the outlet
for venting all sorts of political, economic and social
frustrations.
The outbreaks of violence in the Congo are the most
absurd manifestation of this. We must rely on our
traditional values to revive our dedication to dialogue and
peace and hence realize how vain such extreme behaviour
is - indeed, nothing more than human folly.
We have given new life to the democratic process; we
have started all over again. This is a process redirected
towards democratic transition, the first stage of power-
sharing; it is the result of a policy of administrative
decentralization, one of the foundations of the development
programme of President Pascal Lissouba. Today leaders of
the opposition are mayors of Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire -
the main cities in the country - and are thereby making
their contribution to the national recovery.
Congo’s experience highlights the challenges facing
the new democracies, in particular young African
democracies, which in order to build one nation must
emerge from the condition of multi-ethnic States and one-
party or feudal systems and pass on to full democracy with
its corollary, a market economy.
In order to meet these challenges, Congo has opted for
a programme of economic and social recovery that is
already under way. The programme involves the
relaunching of our country’s development.
Our bitter experience has led us to conclude that we
must give pride of place to the economy in order to
safeguard the young and fragile Congolese democracy and
give it a solid basis, especially taking into account the
crucial needs of our peoples, our own values and
geopolitical realities.
To fulfil this objective, the programme involves in its
initial phase a structural adjustment programme concluded
with the Bretton Woods institutions, a programme we are
determined to carry out successfully in spite of the
enormous sacrifices this will entail for our people. This
must be done because we are determined to stimulate
development and to revive hope among our people. We are
banking on relaunching progress, but Congo cannot succeed
alone. Africa is our salvation.
Indeed, it is in the integration and complementarity
of our economies that we should try to find solutions so
that we can emerge from the grave economic and social
crisis that has engulfed our countries, and especially
relaunch our growth and development. Let us hope that
the African States will be able to create the conditions for
this complementarity, especially through the use of
science and technology.
This initiative gives a good idea of the crucial
importance of the establishment of the African Economic
Community. But in order to succeed this endeavour
requires human as well as financial resources. In this
connection, the international community is called upon to
give resolute help to our countries in their efforts to find
competent men and women who can promote
development by their know-how, in the appropriate
institutions.
Development and the effective use of human
resources are a decisive factor for the socio-economic
development of our African continent. That is why,
guided by this requirement of development, the Congolese
Government has established the Panafrican Institute of
Management and Innovation to train people in the
management of resources, including human resources.
For the initiator of this project, His Excellency
President Pascal Lissouba, development cannot be defined
solely in terms of growth; it must also be defined in terms
of the ability to master the art of management.
The second requirement of this endeavour is to fund
it. In this connection, we are not relying only on
financial resources - that is, a massive influx of capital
into our poor economies. The economies would still have
to be able to digest such capital.
Above and beyond the generation of financial flows
to our countries, what Africa needs above all is the
establishment of a financial instrument, whose machinery
would be brought into harmony with the other, existing
instruments of international cooperation. This financial
instrument, with the support of all the African countries,
would obtain appropriate support from the international
community, especially the Bretton Woods institutions.
Thus, the African Development Bank is in our view
the best institution to deal with the financial aspect and,
furthermore, to study a system for funding science and
technology for development. Today more than ever
43

before, science and technology are part and parcel of
development; they are requirements of development.
The favourable developments in the world political
situation have given rise to the hope that a new era of
peace will give the United Nations the role that its founders
intended it to play.
Everything - or almost everything - would seem to
augur well for a new world order: an outpouring of
freedom and democracy; a revival of the universal
awareness of human rights; and the pre-eminence of the
United Nations in resolving issues linked to international
peace, development and security.
Unfortunately, the psychosis of nuclear apocalypse
characteristic of the cold war has given way to a violent,
deadly expression of freedom and of local wars in a large
number of developing countries, especially in Africa. We
have already stated that economic frustration is at the root
of these events. Therefore, peace and security in our States
and throughout the world require a solution to our people’s
economic and social problems as well as the transformation
of the world economic system with a view to establishing
a more just order. It is only then that we can have a true
idea of the Agenda for Development and of its capability of
meeting the expectations and concerns of the developing
countries.
The vagaries of the Rwandan tragedy, especially at the
time when the critical decision was taken by the Security
Council to withdraw the United Nations Assistance Mission
for Rwanda (UNAMIR), should awaken the conscience of
people everywhere and make them pause and reflect. The
joint efforts of the United Nations and of the Organization
of African Unity (OAU) were crystal-clear. The continent-
wide organization, through its conflict-prevention,
-management and -resolution machinery, had committed
itself to continuing these efforts.
My country welcomes the return of United Nations
peace-keeping forces to Rwanda after a departure that had
left us with the bitter feeling that the decision was
inappropriate.
Congo, in spite of its internal difficulties, from the
very outset had felt concerned over the Rwandan tragedy.
In a manifestation of fraternal solidarity, my country has
taken part in all the humanitarian and peace-keeping
operations in Rwanda, ranging from the OAU observer
mission, UNAMIR I and operation "Turquoise" to today’s
UNAMIR II.
In drawing conclusions from these tragic events, the
11 States of Central Africa, brought together in the
United Nations Standing Advisory Committee on Security
Questions in Central Africa, have decided to create from
among their respective armed forces a single peace-
keeping unit. This unit, once set up, will take part in
OAU and United Nations peace-keeping operations.
Today more than ever, in that part of Africa so sorely
tried by instability and civil war, this advisory committee
would appear to be a valuable instrument for preventing
crises and conflicts and seems deserving of the attention
and support of the international community. The recent
signing of a non-aggression pact among the States of the
subregion is a most concrete example of this.
This framework body for joint efforts for subregional
peace and security, which my country will host in March
and August 1995, will help, we are convinced, to prevent
crises and conflicts and thereby lay the foundations for
genuine peace and cooperation in Central Africa.
In an international context where we still see certain
conflicts, we must acknowledge once again the pre-
eminent role of the Security Council, which safeguards
international peace and security. The spectacular increase
in the membership of the United Nations as well as the
emergence of new political and economic forces the
world over require an expansion of this body on the basis
of equitable geographic representation. In so doing, we
would only be abiding by the criterion of universality,
which has always guided our Organization and which
must be constantly adapted to newly emerging realities.
Our destinies are bound to become increasingly
intertwined, our horizons to broaden, and all this in a
spirit of diversity, complementarity and solidarity without
any will to power or domination. Increased developments
in science and technology will result in a globalization of
the challenges we must face.
44

May we be able to make the best possible use of the
vast potential open to us, so that our long-suffering peoples
will finally see the dawning of the era of peace and
prosperity they so legitimately desire.


Allow me to congratulate the President sincerely on his
election to preside over the forty-ninth session of the
General Assembly. I am particularly pleased to see a
representative of a French-speaking African country occupy
this important position. We trust that the forty-ninth
session will, under his enlightened leadership, pay special
attention to the political, economic and social problems
facing his continent, so sorely tried over these last few
years.
Next year the United Nations will celebrate its
fiftieth anniversary with a series of activities throughout
the world. The image of the United Nations in the eyes
of world public opinion will depend largely on its status,
on the extent to which it has remained faithful, 50 years
after its founding, to the principles of the San Francisco
Charter, which are still valid.
I believe it must be a priority to strengthen the world
Organization in the spirit of Article 1 of the Charter, so
that it can effectively carry out its mission of maintaining
international peace and security. Let us also recall here
the words of the great philosopher, Sir Karl Popper,
recently deceased, who wrote: "Our primary objective
must be peace. But we must not hesitate to wage war for
peace." We have given the United Nations the
responsibility of deciding when to use force to preserve
peace. This weighty responsibility has to be exercised
when necessary.
The Security Council is of paramount importance in
preserving peace in the world. In order to maintain and
strengthen the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Security
Council, Austria advocates a slight increase in its
membership. Every Member of the United Nations must
be able to see and understand how views develop within
that body. They must all be able to feel sure that
discussions in the Council take account of the views of
interested countries, for example, countries contributing
troops for peace-keeping operations.
The importance of the United Nations must be
preserved and developed, not only as a system for the
maintenance of international peace and security, but also
as a forum for discussion and an instrument for
coordination at the global level. On the first point, much
remains to be done. In the social and economic sphere
and in the field of development, important progress has
been made, notably with the reform of the Economic and
Social Council, which has permitted better guidance of
operational activities for development.
A solid financial basis is absolutely vital to the
effective discharge of the United Nations mission. Non-
payment or late payment of mandatory contributions by
Member States is a violation of the Charter and of the
duty of international solidarity. The burden thus created
falls, above all, on those Members that are called good
12

payers and those that provide troops, expenditures that are
reimbursed by the United Nations only after considerable
delay. This chronic problem, which is getting worse, can
be resolved only by timely and full payment of mandatory
contributions by all Member States. As one of the 20
countries that, in 1994, paid their full contribution in a
timely fashion to the regular budget of the United Nations,
and as a regular participant in peace-keeping operations,
Austria will, along with the Secretariat and other interested
delegations, seek a solution to this difficult problem.
On the eve of its fiftieth anniversary the United
Nations faces new challenges at the world level.
Sustainable development, the monitoring of world
population growth, the elimination of poverty, the creation
of opportunities for productive employment, social
integration, equality for women, better protection of human
rights, non-proliferation of nuclear weapons - all are major
themes of our era and have been or will be the subject of
international conferences. The task of the United Nations
is to draw the necessary conclusions from the results of
these conferences and to define the outlines of sustainable
human development at the world level. The Secretary-
General’s reports, "An Agenda for Peace" and "Agenda for
Development", are essential elements in a discussion that
has already led to a broader understanding of the idea of
security.
The protection and promotion of human rights is one
of the central tasks of the United Nations. The
accomplishment of this task has benefited from the vital
impetus provided by the Vienna Declaration and
Programme of Action. While we can be pleased with the
outcome of the World Conference on Human Rights, the
lasting impact of the final document of Vienna will none
the less be measured by the continuing will of the
community of nations to give effect to its provisions more
rapidly and to guarantee them more effectively than in the
past.
A crucial role is to be played in this connection by the
High Commissioner for Human Rights. Austria welcomes
the swift implementation of this central provision of the
Vienna document. In the few months that he has occupied
his post, Mr. José Ayala Lasso has fully lived up to the
expectations arising out of his difficult and important
mandate. His official visit to Vienna began a dialogue with
all Governments. It seems to us a matter of priority to
promote coordination of international protection of human
rights within the United Nations system, and in this the
High Commissioner will, of course, have a determining role
to play. We should also strengthen the various mechanisms
for protecting human rights, as well as the role of the
Special Rapporteurs. This should make it possible to
react more quickly to violations of human rights and to
prevent them more effectively. The resources needed for
the High Commissioner’s work should be provided as
soon as possible.
Effective protection of human rights is not only a
duty towards each individual; it is also an essential
contribution to ensuring stability, development and
security. History teaches us that we must resolutely
oppose all flagrant violations of human rights, such as
genocide in the Nazi concentration camps or by the
Khmer Rouge, as soon as they are brought to light. This
makes it all the more difficult to understand that the
resolution adopted by the United Nations Conference on
Human Rights relating to Bosnia and Herzegovina has
remained a dead letter, thereby jeopardizing the credibility
of our world Organization.
In this connection, I wish to pay a particular tribute
to Mr. Tadeusz Mazowiecki, former Prime Minister of
Poland and Special Rapporteur of the Commission on
Human Rights, for his excellent work, of which the world
community should be proud. I would also hail President
Izetbegovic´ of Bosnia and Herzegovina who, with great
self-discipline and in a very constructive spirit, has
accepted to speak with those who are committing a kind
of genocide against his people. This is remarkable
conduct from an extraordinary individual.
The effective protection of minorities involves great
difficulties in many countries. I am pleased to be able to
inform the Assembly that, in 1992, Austria and Italy were
able to resolve their dispute over the Southern Tyrol. The
dispute related to the implementation of the 1946 Treaty
of Paris on the situation of the German-speaking and
Ladino-speaking populations in Southern Tyrol. It was
also dealt with in General Assembly resolutions 1497
(XV) and 1661 (XVI), adopted at the fifteenth and
sixteenth sessions respectively.
The solution that was agreed to by both sides was to
establish relatively comprehensive autonomy in southern
Tyrol. This seemed on the whole to be an adequate basis
for ensuring the continued existence of the German-
speaking and Ladino minorities.
13

Given the constant changes in the atmosphere -
particularly the economic and financial atmosphere - there
has to be a dynamic autonomy if its objective is to be
attained. This will require ongoing flexibility and
understanding on the part of the relevant authorities. A
solution to the minorities problem on the basis of territorial
autonomy must, over the long term, aim at ensuring that all
those who live together under the same roof view such
autonomy as a positive thing that protects their respective
interests.
The unanimous statements made by Prime Minister
Berlusconi, Foreign Minister Martino and Interior Minister
Maroni that they would not touch the autonomy of southern
Tyrol seem to us to be a guarantee that we shall continue
on the same road.
Austria is proud, as one of the headquarters countries
of the United Nations, to host a number of important
programmes that meet the immediate interests of the
individual and also have a decisive impact on international
relations. These include protection from drug abuse, the
struggle against crime, questions on the use and control of
nuclear power and on the preservation of the system for the
non-proliferation of nuclear weapons - all of these are
major activities of the United Nations at Vienna, as is
international cooperation on outer space and on the
promotion of international industrial development.
Following recent political changes, important new
areas for United Nations activities have emerged in Eastern
Europe and Central Asia. Vienna sees itself as an
important point for coordinating activities to support and
assist those States as they move towards democracy, a state
of law and a market economy.
On the eve of its fiftieth anniversary, the United
Nations currently has more than 70,000 people in 17
different peace-keeping operations. More than three times
the regular budget is being devoted to those operations.
Austria, which has been involved for decades in such
operations, is aware of the enormous challenge that this
poses to the United Nations and its Member States in terms
of funds, personnel and organization.
One of the most important events to take place within
the framework of the activities organized in Austria in
connection with the fiftieth anniversary will be the very
high-level conference set for early March 1995 in Vienna.
This conference will be devoted to the discussion, analysis
and preparation of recommendations on how best to take up
the challenge of measures to preserve peace on the eve of
the new millennium. I am particularly pleased and
grateful that the Secretary-General has been kind enough
to agree to deliver the opening address in Austria.
Austria is in favour of strengthening civilian peace-
keeping operations and of stepping up United Nations
activities in preventive diplomacy. Thus, the Austrian
Federal Government has established, in the city of
Schlaining, a centre for civilian peace-keeping operations.
This year, we held our second seminar on the re-
establishment of peace and on preventive diplomacy, a
seminar in which high officials of the United Nations
participated. Also in Schlaining, we have a regular
training programme, with international participation, for
civilian international operations relating to peace-keeping
and peace-building.
For a quarter of a century, the non-proliferation
Treaty has successfully prevented the proliferation of
nuclear weapons and has also successfully prevented the
abuse of nuclear power for military purposes. The 1995
Review Conference will take a decision on extending the
non-proliferation Treaty. Our common goal must be the
unconditional and unrestricted extension of the Treaty.
Austria also has good reason to hope that the substantive
negotiations currently under way in the Conference on
Disarmament with a view to the conclusion of a
comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty will lead to nuclear
disarmament.
As the host country of the International Atomic
Energy Agency, Austria is aware of the importance of
this control mechanism for the application of the Non-
Proliferation Treaty. The success of any future agreement
on a nuclear-test ban will, in the final analysis, depend on
the effectiveness of the work done by organizations
responsible for its implementation and verification.
A year ago, the Austrian Federal Government
decided to offer Vienna as headquarters for the future
organization to be established under the nuclear-test-ban
treaty, and I would wish to extend this invitation again
today before the General Assembly.
This year once again, our hopes of seeing an end to
the fighting in the territory of the former Yugoslavia have
been dashed. Despite international initiatives and peace
plans, the actual prospects for an equitable and lasting
solution are not very good. The reconciliation between
the Bosnian Croats and the Bosnians, which stemmed
from the Washington Agreements, should not make us
forget that the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina continues
14

to leave innumerable victims in its wake. The toll of dead
and displaced persons grows daily more terrible. The
aggressor has gone so far as to attack or lay siege to cities
that have been declared United Nations protected areas.
Despite repeated international condemnation, the
Serbian side has continued its practice of "ethnic
cleansing". Austria strongly condemns these crimes,
wherever and by whomever they may be perpetrated, and
we shall never stop calling for an end to such practices.
Basic principles of the international order continue to
be trampled underfoot and lose their credibility. Specific
resolutions such as those on military guarantees for
protected areas or return of refugees to their home, have not
yet been implemented. All international initiatives and
efforts for the repatriation of refugees have been made a
mockery by "ethnic cleansing", which continues to be
practised and, in the final analysis, continues to be tolerated
at the international level. The arms embargo imposed by
the Security Council in September 1991 has a unilateral
impact, to the detriment of those countries that have taken
over from the former Yugoslavia and that are threatened by
Serbian ambitions. And so we have arrived at a situation
where the legitimate Government of Bosnia and
Herzegovina is unable fully to exercise its right to
legitimate self-defence, while at the same time that State
cannot even benefit from adequate protection under the
system of collective security. On the other hand, we do not
see any attempt on the Serbian side to abandon the idea of
a Greater Serbia based on the illegal conquest of territories
by force. This can be seen from the fact that the peace
plans prepared by the European Union and the contact
group have still not been accepted by the Serbian side,
although on many points they do respond to their
aspirations.
In its resolution 943 (1994) of 23 September the
Security Council set forth the conditions for a suspension
of sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(Serbia and Montenegro). The Belgrade Government must
allow international observers to control the blockade against
the Bosnian Serbs. The observer Mission now being
established along the Serbo-Bosnian border is, as Austria
sees it, a step in the right direction but, and I stress the
point, it remains to be seen how effectively the Mission
will be able to carry out its task and whether credible
consequences will in fact be drawn from the conclusions
arrived at by the observers.
In Croatia also the situation remains largely
unchanged: contrary to the provisions of the 1992 Vance
plan which was approved by the Security Council, more
than one quarter of the country remains in the hands of
the rebel Serbs. So far there has been neither
demilitarization of these regions under the supervision of
the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) troops
nor has it yet been possible for the civilian population to
return. Recent protests show to what extent the situation
has become untenable for displaced persons within
Croatia.
Against the backdrop of the extremely harsh
judgements often pronounced on Croatia one must not
forget the very clear terms of the legal opinions of the
Badinter Commission in January 1992. From these texts
it is clear that, in principle, Croatia met all the conditions
set forth by the European Union for recognition of new
States in Eastern Europe. I realize that in some areas,
such as administration, practices vis-à-vis the minorities
and the media, improvements are still much to be desired.
But we should not measure Croatia by different and
harsher criteria than the criteria we use for other countries
in central and south-eastern Europe because we have
greater access to Croatia and because there are more
transparent structures there, and there is no other country
in Europe, apart from Bosnia and Herzegovina, that has
been subjected for years to a violent military attack with
which it has to cope under extremely difficult conditions.
The situation in Kosovo, which has been too
neglected because of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
is continuing to deteriorate. The Belgrade authorities
have pursued their systematic action against the Albanian
majority of the population. There is still a danger that
mass violence may erupt. Observer missions sent by the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe
(CSCE) which were expelled in 1993 have not been
authorized to return despite intensive international efforts
to that end. In that region, which is almost 90 per cent
inhabited by Albanians and has been fully autonomous
during the past couple of decades, we are witnessing the
exercise of a kind of power that is tantamount to that of
an occupying regime.
The situation in former Yugoslavia shows that what
the great French philosopher, Blaise Pascal, said in his
Pensées remains as true as ever. He said that justice
without force was powerless and that force without justice
was tyrannical. The collective security system of the
United Nations which is part of the post-war order, has
not really been applied by the international community in
the case of the conflict in former Yugoslavia. The hope
that the collective security system would be used as an
15

instrument of peace following its successful use after the
Iraqi invasion of Kuwait has proved disappointing.
Unfortunately, Bosnia and Herzegovina is not an
isolated case. It would be a serious mistake not to mention,
at least, some other tragedies - Rwanda, Angola,
Afghanistan, Haiti, Tajikistan, and so on. There is too long
a list of hotbeds of crisis and violence, where the law of the
strongest tramples underfoot the principles of the Charter of
San Francisco. At the same time we must draw strength
and optimism from some positive developments, historic in
their significance. I may mention, for example, free and
democratic elections in South Africa, an end to the policy
of apartheid, autonomy in Gaza and Jericho, and an end to
the state of war between Jordan and Israel. In South Africa
and in the Middle East age-old objectives of the United
Nations have finally been attained or are about to be
attained. Austria, in so far as it can, actively supports these
peaceful processes, not only in the interests of the peoples
concerned but also in the interests of greater hope of
resolving other similar problems.
The year 1994 is of historic significance to Austria.
A huge majority - 66.58 per cent - of the Austrian people
came out firmly in support of joining the European Union,
a community of States that holds the same values as, and
plays an increasingly important role in, the United Nations.
This was the largest support in a European State for the
idea of European integration.
With that democratic force we will continue to support
this goal, and - as of 1 January I hope - as a member of
this community we will contribute in a spirit of solidarity
and openness to the attainment of the objectives of the
United Nations as we have done in the past.


Speaking from this high rostrum of the United Nations, I
would like first of all to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to the high office of the presidency of the General
Assembly. I am convinced that, having received such a
high honour, you will be successful in your conduct of this
forum that is so important in the life of the world
community.
Reflecting on the past, we can state with satisfaction
that the United Nations, by traversing the difficult road
of overcoming political and ideological confrontation, has
saved humanity from a new global catastrophe. Today
we can say with confidence that the United Nations is a
universally recognized instrument of peace and
construction.
We commend the United Nations peace-keeping and
humanitarian efforts in Tajikistan. I consider it my duty
to convey the sincere thanks of the Tajik people to the
United Nations, the donor countries, the international
organizations - in short, to everyone who is doing
everything possible to help our State in these hard times.
There is no need to describe in detail all the
hardship that has befallen our long-suffering motherland.
The wounds of the civil war, that serious illness of our
society, cannot be healed either by surgical intervention
or by compulsory treatment. They are healed only when
the victim himself becomes aware of his affliction and
makes the most effective use of all possible means
necessary for recovery.
To the credit of the people of my country, it should
be said that they were able to put an end to bloodshed,
lawlessness and terror and start a constructive life.
Experiencing a severe lack of time and an extremely
heavy burden of political, social and economic problems,
we were able to consolidate a tendency towards the
stabilization of the situation in our country. Today we can
state with confidence that the situation differs radically
from that prevailing at the beginning of last year.
1

Recognizing its responsibility for the destiny of the
country, the Government of Tajikistan firmly declared its
commitment to values common to all humanity and its
resolve to start building a democratic and secular State
based on the rule of law. In order to realize these
intentions we have launched the constitutional process in
our country.
In the course of drafting the Constitution we were
guided by the experience of countries with established
democratic traditions and advice given by highly qualified
experts of the United Nations and the Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). We sought to
take into consideration the high standards set up in the
basic documents of the Helsinki process so that the new
Constitution would ensure to the fullest extent possible the
protection of inalienable human rights.
We intend to conduct a referendum so the whole
population can decide on the adoption of the new
Constitution, the results of which will reinforce hope for
achieving further progress in the development of society
and the State. The proposed draft Constitution will provide
a legal basis for subsequent democratic transformations and
reforms. It will undoubtedly accelerate them and make
them irreversible. Furthermore, the President of the
Republic of Tajikistan, elected by the whole population,
will enforce the Constitution and guarantee the State’s unity
and integrity.
In our domestic policy the principal issues for our
country’s political leaders have become the questions of our
nation’s spiritual revival, of the halting of senseless
confrontation and of the creation of a social basis for
mutual understanding and forgiveness. The solution of
these problems will help achieve maximum progress
towards national reconciliation.
Let me describe briefly to the Assembly our view of
the problem. Addressing the General Assembly at its forty-
eighth session, I stated that political dialogue was the only
possible way of untying the internal Tajik knot and
achieving national reconciliation and that it was one of our
highest priorities. A careful study of the state of society,
and of public opinion in particular, gave us the idea of
entering into dialogue with those who have never concealed
their desire to seize power by force. In doing so we used
all possible means, including regional and international
mechanisms. Only the good will demonstrated by the
leaders of Tajikistan made it possible to start and to
develop the negotiating process.
The importance of the initiatives put forward by the
Secretary-General, the decisions of the Security Council
and the assistance of the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe in accelerating the national
reconciliation process should be particularly emphasized.
We deeply appreciate the unwavering attention of
the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali to all the problems of Tajikistan, and we
take this opportunity to express to him our sincere
gratitude.
We appreciate no less deeply the activities of the
Secretary-General’s Special Envoy to Tajikistan, Mr.
Ramiro Piriz-Ballon, of the United Nations Observers in
Tajikistan and of the CSCE mission. All of them have
made a valuable contribution to the elaboration of the
negotiating mechanisms.
I would like to note with satisfaction the hopeful
results of the political consultations between us and the
Tajik opposition, with the mediation of Mr. Ramiro
Piriz-Ballon, which took place in Tehran in the second
half of September 1994. The parties signed the
Agreement on a cease-fire and stopping hostile actions,
and we consider this to be an important step towards the
achievement of national reconciliation, peace and stability
in Tajikistan. The Security Council and the international
community noted with satisfaction the signing of that
document. From this rostrum I would like to express the
hope that the question of dispatching United Nations
military observers to Tajikistan will be resolved without
delay.
I express our gratitude to the Governments and the
peoples of the Russian Federation, the United States of
America, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, the Islamic
Republic of Iran, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and
other concerned parties and countries for their assistance
in the promotion of the inter-Tajik dialogue.
However, I must state with regret that there have
been recurrent outbreaks of violence, initiated by the
unmotivated escalation of the armed opposition and
manifested in acts of terror, taking of hostages and other
subversive actions. We consider these actions a deviation
from political methods of resolving contentious questions
and reconciling existing contradictions. We also see them
as showing disregard of the international community’s
appeal to the Tajik parties to show restraint and
countenance no action that might impede the process of
negotiations.
2

Despite those actions, the political leaders of
Tajikistan took a series of practical steps to strengthen
confidence-building measures. At its twentieth session the
Parliament of Tajikistan decided to postpone the
referendum and the elections. The aim of this initiative of
the members of Parliament was to involve the widest
possible spectrum of political forces in the constitutional
process, to give everyone wishing to return home an
opportunity to do so and to let all our compatriots who had
the bad fortune to be outside the country take part in the
elections. We are using this extra time to make proper
preparations for addressing organizational questions
concerning the invitation of observers from the United
Nations, the CSCE, other international organizations and
interested countries to the elections.
We reaffirm our principled position to solve existing
contentious questions by means of dialogue. We are
convinced that the opposition’s reliance on force and the
commensurate reaction to it may cause unpredictable
consequences leading to the undermining of the stabilization
process and of the positive decisions reached during
negotiations.
At the same time I consider it necessary to draw the
Assembly’s attention to another very important aspect of
this problem. It seems that the irreconcilable wing of the
opposition is cultivating plans of expanding the
geographical scope of the inter-Tajik conflict by instituting
the use of mercenaries in the armed confrontation. This
creates conditions for the internationalization of the conflict,
which may in turn threaten to spread the confrontation
throughout Central Asia. It is easy to imagine what serious
consequences this may have.
Speaking from this rostrum, I must draw the
Assembly’s attention to our anxiety over the current
situation in the neighbouring Islamic State of Afghanistan.
The world cannot remain indifferent to the situation in that
country, where internecine war came to dominate social
relations. The Afghan conflict has brought forth a
dangerous phenomenon: the emergence of anarchic
geographical units that can become a base for international
terrorism and unpunished trafficking in weapons and drugs.
The situation on the Tajik-Afghan border keeps a vast
region in tension. Central Asia’s fragile backbone of
political balance may not withstand the high pressure, and
the destructive processes taking place in Afghanistan right
now may lead to a regional cataclysm. We urge that the
Afghan problem be given the world Community’s most
serious consideration. Furthermore, we are convinced that
the alleviation of tension in Afghanistan will significantly
and positively influence the solution of the inter-Tajik
conflict. We have no doubt that the people of
Afghanistan will ultimately achieve reconciliation and
restore peace to their country. We sincerely wish the
people of Afghanistan success in achieving these goals as
soon as possible.
In current circumstances, with many hotbeds of
tension caused by the cold war still existing, the
peace-keeping efforts of the world community have a
particularly important role. It is evident that there are
certain rules limiting the use of United Nations
peace-keeping forces, which reduces the effectiveness of
measures taken by the Organization in this regard.
I would once again like to draw the attention of the
Security Council and the Assembly squarely to the
question of giving to the Commonwealth of Independent
States (CIS) joint peace-keeping forces in Tajikistan the
status of a United Nations operation. The CIS countries
are helping Tajikistan with the protection of its southern
borders, which are at the same time the borders of the
Commonwealth. In this regard we recognize the special
and leading role of Russia, which has been and remains
the guarantor of stability and security for all Central
Asian States. We do not believe the presence of the CIS
peace-keeping forces in our country contradicts the
decisions of the Security Council or the initiatives of the
Secretary-General aimed at achieving peace in Tajikistan.
Moreover, from our point of view, these forces are the
decisive factor in deterrence and in overcoming a state of
crisis on the Tajik-Afghan border. Taking a wider view
of this problem, one might even see the outlines of a new
concept of security for the whole of Central Asia. We
still hope the Security Council will find it opportune to
reconsider our initiative to call a special meeting of the
Council to consider the situation in and around Tajikistan,
as well as the question of giving the CIS joint
peace-keeping forces the status of a United Nations
peace-keeping force.
The tragedies of the peoples of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Rwanda, Somalia and the hot spots in the
CIS all give evidence of the fact that the danger of
nuclear catastrophe has been replaced by civil conflicts
caused by international, religious or ethnic differences and
that their recurrence is becoming the primary problem for
the world community.
I should like to say a few words on the question of
the proposed reform of the Organization. On the whole
3

we support the idea of expanding the Security Council.
Such a step, on the one hand, would reflect the global
changes taking place in today’s world and, on the other
hand, would give an opportunity to achieve a more
balanced representation in the Council.
The emerging consensus on the need to enlarge the
number of seats in the Security Council will probably
improve the efficiency of this central body of the United
Nations. In other words, the Council will enhance its
potential, acquire more dynamism, increase the variety of
decisions it takes and generate a wider spectrum of ideas.
The world is diverse and is thus unique. Its diversity,
however, does not preclude the process of integration. A
praiseworthy example is Europe. A better future for
mankind is apparently based on these kinds of processes.
Tajikistan as a member of the world community sees
the future of its development in the integration processes on
various levels, in cooperation with neighbouring and distant
countries, regions and international organizations.
The activities of the CSCE have proved to us the
efficiency of such cooperation. Its informal approach to the
accelerated integration of Tajikistan into the international
community and the realization of the mandate of the CSCE
Mission to Tajikistan will undoubtedly be among the major
factors in the achievement of national reconciliation in our
country. To a considerable extent we rely upon CSCE
assistance to enhance democratic institutions and create a
society founded on the rule of law and on the basis of high
standards that will provide universal human rights and
freedoms for every citizen. While carrying out active
preparation for the upcoming Budapest summit meeting, we
hope to put forward at that important forum our view of the
problems and to define the areas of cooperation.
Undoubtedly for us the question of participation in the
Commonwealth of Independent States is vital.
Our present position is that independence and
sovereignty is not a sword but is rather the shield of a
nation that must be strong but not heavy. Independence
should not burden human lives but on the contrary should
make everybody’s life easier and give all people on Earth
the opportunity to be equal. Principles of independence and
sovereignty in the current period of history must be flexible
and diverse, for the main goal is to ensure that people who
used to have deeply rooted historical ties now have an
opportunity for a wider realization of their economic and
spiritual potential in the interests of future generations.
It is precisely in this light that we consider the
development of the Commonwealth of Independent States
that is trying to find a mutually acceptable form of
integration without harming national interests. Despite
well-known difficulties the Commonwealth of
Independent States pragmatically searches for ways to
rationalize all mechanisms of interaction among its
members.
I am convinced that the leadership and the people of
States members of the Commonwealth of Independent
States have by now recognized the truth that it is
unrealistic to expect that, alone, a country can expect to
solve the task of renewing society and of carrying out
reforms. We are facing the historical reality of building
our future by cooperative and coordinated efforts.
In the post-Soviet period, Russia - a permanent
member of the Security Council - has assumed a heavy
burden and responsibility for peace-keeping on a greater
part of the territory of the former Soviet Union. We note
with deep satisfaction that these supreme efforts of Russia
have started to bring results. The multinational nation of
Tajikistan highly appreciates and welcomes the
peace-keeping activities of Russia.
I should like to note in this context that the ideas of
concluding a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty, of
adopting the decision on the Non-Proliferation Treaty’s
open-ended and unconditional extension, of developing
regional programmes to strengthen peace and security,
and other proposals put forward by Mr. Boris Yeltsin,
President of the Russian Federation, in his address to the
forty-ninth session of the United Nations General
Assembly and aimed at strengthening international
security, all deserve the broadest support.
Tajikistan notes with gratitude the initiatives by
Uzbekistan to bring about a peaceful solution to the intra-
Tajik conflict and to ensure security and stability in the
region of Central Asia.
We highly appreciate our good-neighbourly relations
with the States of Central Asia. We hope that the sphere
of their integration efforts will expand in the interests of
all countries of the region of Central Asia. They deserve
careful study and support.
Nowadays it is universally recognized that alongside
political questions, problems of social and economic
development have assumed the same importance and
urgency. The correctness of this statement is confirmed
4

by the conclusions reached at the end of the high-level
Economic and Social Council segment, that we support and
approve. It is our firm conviction that the main aim of
restructuring the United Nations should be to preserve and
increase its potential to solve the whole range of
development issues.
For the Republic of Tajikistan which has found itself
in the hard grip of a transitional period aggravated by the
consequences of tragic events in recent years, the problem
of economic survival has become a critical test. According
to the "development indicators" data published by the
World Bank, Tajikistan has been included in the group of
countries with the lowest level of per capita income.
Today Tajikistan badly needs the help of the
international community, not only to restore its economy
but also to create the conditions for long-term development.
Our country, which is a land-locked State, is counting on
special attention from the international community in
matters of economic and social development, and hopes that
its appeal to include Tajikistan in the group of least
developed countries will be properly understood and
supported by the United Nations community.
I assure Members that the highest objective for the
leaders of the Republic of Tajikistan is the achievement of
values common to all humanity, calmness and peace in our
Republic, the creation of a unified, peaceful, developed
State of Tajikistan. And I hope that all countries of the
world will help us to achieve this noble objective.
Eighty years ago the fire of the First World War broke
out, and very soon - in a few months - humanity will mark
the fiftieth anniversary of the end of the Second World
War. These dates will forever be inscribed in the history
of the twentieth century, in the history of the world. Still,
the dates themselves are not as important as the lessons
which these events have taught us.
The bitter experience of the Second World War
persuaded the leading Powers of the necessity to create an
international organization the aim of which would be the
maintenance and enhancement of peace all over the world.
The main achievement of the United Nations during the
almost 50 years of its existence has been saving humankind
from the fire of a new world war, and its development has
taken place on the basis of enhancing mutual understanding
and cooperation, taking into account the interests of all
parties, and the equality of large and small nations in the
name of preserving our planet for future generations.
Now, at the end of the twentieth century, it gives us
great hope that the world community will not only
prevent the outbreak of a third world war but will do its
best to make sure that the twenty-first century will
become a period of creativity and calm on the whole
planet.


I wish, first of all,
to warmly congratulate Mr. Amara Essy on his election as
President of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session,
a responsibility he will discharge effectively with the
proven diplomatic skills with which he has served his
country and his region so well. I take this opportunity also
to applaud the good work and leadership of his predecessor,
His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally, who presided over
the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session.
It is appropriate that on the eve of the fiftieth
anniversary of this Organization we enter a new era in
international relations, an era untainted by the cold-war
politics that held peace and positive change hostage for too
long. Opportunities now abound for change and lasting
peace. This new era demands that all Member States take
a global view of how the Organization can best meet the
objectives set out in the Charter.
President Bill Clinton and President Boris Yeltsin
demonstrated this new hope for peace at the opening of the
general debate, when both addressed the General Assembly
on the same day instead of on consecutive days, as was the
old practice. In a spirit of cooperation, these two world
leaders described their intent to reduce their nation’s
stockpiles of nuclear and other weapons of mass
destruction. But disarmament must start from the heart.
And I hope that this is the case with the step these two
Presidents have taken towards the betterment of all
humankind.
Today, we would recall that peace and hatred come
from within people - the mirror of a nation, the image of a
region and the living treasure of the global community. In
order to build a peaceful and safe world for future
generations, our resolve to reduce nuclear and other
weapons of mass destruction must lie within the hearts of
our leaders and policy makers throughout the world. We
must therefore seize this opportunity and work together to
build a better world.
In this regard, Solomon Islands welcomes the
various peace initiatives that continue to bring hope to the
world community. The noble efforts of President
Mandela to chart a new direction for South Africa must
be commended. In his first address as the first President
of the new democratic South Africa, President Mandela
acknowledged the efforts of the international community
in this way:
"The universal struggle against apartheid and its
final dismantlement was not an act of charity arising
out of pity for the majority of South African people
but an affirmation of our common humanity."
Progress towards a lasting peace in the Middle East
has renewed the hope of the international community for
stability in that region. The parties involved in these
negotiations deserve our sincere acclaim and praise and
our continuing support. Replacing guns with meaningful
handshakes often takes leaders beyond their physical
nature and leads them to resort to their spiritual
mindsets - a dimension that is often ignored but which is
an essential ingredient in a recipe for conflict resolution.
The cease-fire in Northern Ireland has changed
people’s perception of the impossibility of the simple
reality of living without guns and bullets. These are
telling achievements for our times, and their roots are
embedded in the human spirit of love and kindness.
Despite United Nations interventions to restore
intra-State and international peace and security, the world
is still riddled with trouble spots and endangered by
human-induced threats such as the potential impact of
climate change and sea-level rise. We witness with
horror the human suffering in Rwanda, Somalia, Angola,
Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Haiti. Solomon Islands
calls on the parties concerned to lay down their arms and
resort to non-violent means of negotiating peace. True
and real peace has to spring from within the warring
parties, replacing animosity.
Close to home in the Solomon Islands is the five-
year-old crisis on Bougainville, a province of Papua New
Guinea. It spilled over into Solomon Islands and caused
15

a rift between the two countries. Nevertheless, through a
process of mutual dialogue between the National
Government of Papua New Guinea and the Bougainville
Revolutionary Army, several important agreements have
been signed. These include the Honiara commitments to
peace, the cease-fire agreement and the historic
peace-keeping agreement on Bougainville. The role of the
Solomon Islands Government in this conflict has been
conciliatory, facilitating peace negotiations amongst the
parties concerned. Solomon Islands supports the
Bougainville Peace Conference, expected to be convened on
10 October. This reflects our commitment to restoring
peace and normalcy on Bougainville.
Solomon Islands pledges its support and commitment
to the ideals of the United Nations. We believe it to be the
only world body capable of maintaining world peace and
security. Solomon Islands shares the views of New
Zealand’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign
Affairs and Trade, the Right Honourable Don McKinnon,
whose statement at the general debate provided six
important management issues that should be addressed
while conducting United Nations peace-keeping operations.
There is no doubt in my mind that all of us want an
effective United Nations - an Organization that meets the
objectives it sets out to achieve, an Organization whose
Charter is valid because its actions are reliable.
Solomon Islands welcomes the current initiatives
undertaken by the Secretary-General in reforming the
Organization and supports proposals made by other
Member States for further reforms. These reforms, in our
view, must also reflect the needs of small island developing
States such as my own, particularly the need to remove "the
floor" to enable Member States to meet their financial
obligations. Some want to pay their assessed annual
contributions but do not have the capacity to do so; hence
a relative and fair formula should be worked out.
In his report (A/49/1) on the work of the Organization,
the Secretary-General has identified peace, the economy,
the environment, justice and democracy as the five
interlocking pillars of development. These will provide the
foundations for the kind of development that will ensure
human progress.
"An Agenda for Peace" paved the way forward from
the dark ages of the cold war; the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development was a
reawakening initiative to save planet Earth; the Second
World Conference on Human Rights sought to establish
universal rights for all peoples throughout the world
irrespective of race, creed, political affiliation or sex; the
International Conference on Population and Development
saw the need to control the soaring world population,
which now stands at 5.7 billion; and next year the World
Summit for Social Development and the World
Conference on Women will address poverty,
unemployment, social integration and the empowerment
of women to take their rightful place in society. These
are efforts of Member States committed to the noble
cause of securing a peaceful, safe and sustainable world
to live in. To achieve these noble goals, an effective
global partnership is of paramount importance.
Technology has made the world’s smaller economies
become more interdependent.
Agenda 21, the outcome of the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development, made a
special case for small island developing States because of
their peculiar vulnerabilities. The response to this call
was the convening of the Global Conference on the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States in Barbados in April this year. The passage from
Rio to Barbados, at least for small island developing
States, was a Programme of Action outlining national,
regional and international actions. Our collective support
is needed to implement this. If we agree that
development takes many forms and requires different
responses, then our task will be made easier if we act
together. Solomon Islands fully supports the Barbados
Programme of Action and calls on the members of the
international community to honour their commitments as
spelled out in Agenda 21. The successful implementation
of the Programme of Action will depend on these
commitments.
The Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
in his "Agenda for Peace" report to the Security Council,
stressed that cooperation with regional arrangements and
organizations could be of great benefit to Member States
if their activities were consistent with the purposes and
principles of the Charter and governed by the provisions
of Chapter VIII. Some of those bodies have already
gained observer status at the United Nations. This shows
the useful role these arrangements and organizations can
play in international affairs. Therefore, the strengthening
of regional arrangements and organizations that are
working closely with the United Nations is a critical
issue.
In this regard, Solomon Islands strongly supports the
decision by the South Pacific Forum to seek United
Nations observer status at the forty-ninth session of the
16

General Assembly. We acknowledge with gratitude the
role of Australia, the current Chairman of the South Pacific
Forum, in guiding this initiative through the United Nations
system on the Forum’s behalf. We thank Member States
that have expressed support for this call and invite others to
do likewise.
As a member of the South Pacific Forum and the
Melanesian Spearhead Group, Solomon Islands endorses the
Forum Communiqué issued following the meeting of the
twenty-fifth South Pacific Forum held in Brisbane,
Australia, this year. We are a party to the Joint Declaration
on Economic and Trade Cooperation signed in Solomon
Islands this year between Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu and
Solomon Islands. Solomon Islands calls upon the
international community to support our regional
arrangements and organizations from which our strength for
collective action is derived and which are responsible for
our flow of communication.
Forestry and fisheries resources remain my country’s
main income earners. The Solomon Islands Government is
gravely concerned about the unsustainable utilization and
management of these resources and has taken steps to
ensure sustainable harvesting and conservation measures
and to form a national policy. We are party to Agreements
reached in Brisbane at the meeting of the South Pacific
Forum to cooperate on a wider basis in order to ensure
sustainable development of fisheries and forestry resources
in our region. Because of the fragility of our ecological
system, our biodiversity resources, including forestry and
fisheries and other marine living resources, are threatened.
It is heartening to note that after 12 years of
negotiations the world will witness the coming into force of
the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in
November this year. However, we strongly feel that further
cooperation is still needed from the distant water fishing
nations regarding sustainable harvesting of straddling fish
stocks and highly migratory fish stocks, including
non-targeted species. We therefore urge distant-water
fishing nations to come to grips with the need to complete,
as soon as practicable, negotiations on a legally binding
agreement on proper conservation and management and
sustainable utilization of high seas fisheries resources.
Education is a priority sector in my country. It is a
key to the effective management of my country’s natural
resources as well as a means of achieving the advancement
of women to take their rightful place in society. There is
a direct link between the education of women and
population control. We welcome the outcome of the Cairo
International Conference on Population and Development
and look forward to the World Conference on Women, to
be held in Beijing in 1995.
The World Summit for Social Development also has
profound implications for capacity-building, institutional
strengthening and the transfer of technologies and their
appropriate use. Human-centred activities, including
tourism development and skills training, are important for
the development of human resources. We endorse the
1994 Human Development Report of the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) for its emphasis on
human-centred development, an approach that has positive
ripple effects in solving other social problems.
Drug trafficking and the criminal activities
associated with it worry us in the Pacific, and we are not
alone in this. We need international cooperation to stop
the movement of illegal drugs from one region to another.
Solomon Islands supports the South Pacific Forum
position that the non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) should be
extended indefinitely. However, we would like to see
firm commitments from the nuclear-weapon States to
show the world a leadership role in reducing their
stockpiles. We also wish to see a rigid review
mechanism set up to be a safeguard instrument as an
integral part of the indefinite extension agreement.
It is encouraging to hear the United States, the
Russian Federation and China speak in support of the
Non-Proliferation Treaty and the comprehensive test-ban
treaty. It is hoped that a level of harmony between the
NPT, the comprehensive test-ban treaty and the cut-off
convention may be maintained to enhance the elimination
of weapons of mass destruction in an integrated manner.
Solomon Islands urges the post-Forum dialogue
partners that have not yet done so to ratify the South
Pacific nuclear-free zone Treaty. Nuclear testing in the
Pacific is not part of our vocabulary.
Consistent with our belief in a nuclear-free world,
waste dumping in the Pacific Ocean is not to be
encouraged. We strongly oppose those who may violate
this natural rule. We also firmly oppose the
transshipment and transboundary movement of plutonium
in the South Pacific region.
We need to see some further movement towards a
speedy implementation of the Matignon Accords. In this
regard, we request the Government of France and the
17

territorial authorities to increase their efforts to achieve real
economic and social rebalancing.
Solomon Islands welcomes the move to formulate an
agenda and proposals to promote trade and investment
between the United States and the Pacific Islands, which
will be the subject of a meeting at the East-West Centre in
Hawaii later this year.
Apart from the other vulnerabilities that plague small
island developing States, the potential impact of climate
change and rising sea levels poses a great threat to Pacific
islands. There is overwhelming scientific evidence pointing
to the danger we now face.
In this regard, Solomon Islands supports the Alliance
of Small Island States, which has submitted to next year’s
Conference of the parties to the Convention on Climate
Change an additional protocol aimed at securing a reduction
of the emission of greenhouse gases to the 1990s level by
2005, a protocol to which the industrialized countries would
be obliged to be parties.
We in Solomon Islands firmly believe that the
Republic of China on Taiwan has much to contribute to the
work of the United Nations and its specialized agencies in
terms of international cooperation and development. This
Republic, with a population more than 58 times that of my
own country and highly technologically advanced, deserves
to be admitted as a Member of the United Nations. The
full participation of the Republic of China on Taiwan in the
important work of the United Nations would be an
affirmation of the Charter and of democracy and a
manifestation of the human spirit’s pursuit of a better
quality of life for humankind. In my Government’s view,
a move as noble as the admission of the Republic of China
on Taiwan would be not an obstacle to reunification, but a
catalyst in the process. In our view, the Secretary-General
should use his good offices to encourage the establishment
of a committee specifically to facilitate and/or work
progressively towards the re-entry of the Republic of China
to membership of the United Nations.
President Ernesto Samper Pizano of the Republic of
Colombia, speaking from this podium, described Colombia
as
"a country searching for peace because it so loves
life." (Official Records of the General Assembly,
forty-ninth session, Plenary Meetings, 5th meeting, p.
8)
We in Solomon Islands, too, love life very much, and our
search is for a better quality of life, which should flow
from the wise and sustainable development of our
resources.
Collectively, however, our search must be for world
peace so that we can live up to our dreams, visions and
God-given potential. I believe that the answer to the
problem of bringing about world peace lies in our own
hearts, not in the barrels of guns or military might. Here,
in this great world Assembly, let our hearts enkindle a
new torch to shine on the new path to world peace, from
the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations and beyond.