First, Sir, I should like to extend my congratulations to you on your unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your election is a deserved tribute to your admirable diplomatic qualities and also a vote of confidence in your country. My delegation intends to co-operate fully with you as you guide the work of this Assembly.  To your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, we extend our most sincere appreciation for the able manner in which he presided over the work of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr, Javier Perez de Cuellar, has steered the ship of this Organization during very stormy weather and has done so splendidly. We is deserving of our unreserved praise and support. We welcome his report on the work of the Organization. The Secretary-General has ably outlined the problems, opportunities and challenges that lie ahead as we begin the forty-second session of the General Assembly. We sincerely hope that his important ideas will receive the serious consideration they deserve in the days to follow, as the Assembly tackles the items on its agenda.
As we meet today, impulses for peace have quickened when compared to the position prevailing at the inauguration of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. Encouraging, if tentative and rather tantalizing, signs of a relaxation, of tension between super-Powers and on the international stage in general are discernible. Yet much too much is still unresolved for us to say peace is here at last. The international situation remains volatile and explosive and much can still go amiss. For that reason we should take very seriously the Secretary-General's words when he states that;
"Even if the favourable wind felt this year prevails, our global vessel will need skilful piloting and the assistance of dedicated oarsmen to navigate the many shoals and reach safe landfall in the next century." (A/42/1, p.2)
For us to profit from the present thaw, it is necessary that we take every advantage of the possibilities before us to create an environment conducive to the search for peace world-wide. This forty-second session of the General Assembly provides us with one such opportunity. Let us seize and exploit it to the fullest possible extent.
Our deliberations this session could not have started on a more auspicious note than that provided by the announcement two weeks ago by the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of an agreement in principle for the global elimination of land-based intermediate nuclear forces (INF). We welcome this positive development. It is the first time an agreement actually to reduce existing arsenals of nuclear forces has been made. It is therefore an important psychological breakthrough, not only because it will demonstrate, as we have always argued, that a reduction of armaments can actually create a sense of greater security among nations, but also because it will, we are convinced, expose the fallacy of trying to seek security in the arms race. We hope that, when signed and ratified, the INF agreement will give fresh impetus to continuing negotiations on other broader areas of disarmament aimed at the halting of the arms race, nuclear disarmament and ultimately general and complete disarmament. We urge the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union and, indeed, of all other nuclear-weapon States to seize these possibilities of our times, to proceed to agree on a moratorium on nuclear testing as a first step towards the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty and the reduction and eventual elimination of strategic nuclear missiles.

We urge the Conference on Disarmament to redouble its efforts to ensure the early conclusion of the convention banning the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. The use of chemical weapons is already proscribed by the 1925 Geneva Protocol. However, it is our conviction that the mere possession of such weapons inevitably leads to their use. It is for that reason that we seek their total elimination.
Outer space is the common heritage of mankind and must be used for practical purposes and for the benefit of all peoples. It should not become yet another frontier to be conquered in the armaments race, neither should it become another repository for implements of death and destruction. A weapon-free outer space is possible if all States forgo the so-called defensive option and commit themselves to the dialogue for general and complete disarmament. We call on the Conference on Disarmament to hasten negotiations aimed at the conclusion of agreements on the prevention of the extension of the arms race into outer space. Meanwhile, strict adherence by all parties to the already existing international legal instruments on space weapons, including the 1986 outer space Treaty and the 1972 anti-ballistic missile Treaty, would prevent the extension of the arms race Into outer space.
In spite of the gains that have been made in a number of areas of disarmament, our world is far from being safe; the future of mankind is far from ensured. The prevention of nuclear war remains the most urgent task of our times and a pre-condition for all our endeavours. It Is Imperative that disarmament negotiations in the various multilateral forums be facilitated for the sake of the survival of mankind. It is for that reason that the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries believes that the convening of a third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament could give the necessary political impetus to negotiations in various forums aimed at the elimination of the threat of nuclear weapons. We therefore urge the forty-second session of the General Assembly to decide on the specific dates for the convening of the special session.
The convening of the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development in August-September this year was an event of major significance. Viewed against the background of the seemingly unbridgeable differences and the dire prediction that the Conference was doomed to failure, the adoption of a consensus document after three weeks of serious negotiations was a victory for multilateralism. It was a testimony to the willingness of States to work peacefully together without intimidation or threats. This consensus may have fallen short of the expectations of many of us but we take comfort from the fact that a foundation-stone upon which we shall build has been laid. In a world in which global military expenditures now run at approximately $2 million a minute and threaten to burst the 31-tr ill ion-а-year barrier, the staggering opportunity-cost in terms of human needs not met, retarded and distorted economic growth or lost opportunities for constructive co-operation can no longer be ignored. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries looks forward to the consideration of this important item during this session of the General Assembly and the third special session devoted to disarmament.
The gradual revival of multilateralism was evident not only during the recent Conference on disarmament and development but also at Geneva during the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The convening of UNCTAD VII against a background of uncertainty in the international economic environment and the adoption by consensus of the Final Act represents yet another victory for multilateralism.
It has opened up new possibilities for progress in economic negotiations, particularly on the interrelated issues of money# finance, external debt and trade and development. The signature or ratification of the Commodity Fund Agreement by many more States during the UNCTAD meeting has brought the Common Fund for Commodities closer to fruition. The consensus reached in the areas of external debt and financial resource flows, though limited in scope, nevertheless opened new avenues that need further exploration during this session of the General Assembly. We in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, having participated actively in the evolution of the consensus at Geneva, stand ready to co-operate fully in exploring these new opportunities.
Similarly, we hope to build on the consensus resolution, 41/202, adopted at the forty-first session, which recognized that the external debt crisis had already reached dangerous proportions and that an integrated approach involving creditor and debtor nations, multilateral financial institutions and international private banks was necessary if durable solutions were to be found to the debt problem. We welcome the growing realization in some quarters in the industrialized creditor countries that the case-by-case approach cannot provide a viable solution to the debt crisis. We are concerned at suggestions that seem to indicate that the free play of blind market forces alone can correct the imbalances in the international system by a process of automatic adjustment.
The long-term solution to the debt problem lies in the adoption of a comprehensive set of measures recognizing, inter alia, the need for growth in the debtor countries, for stability of commodity prices, for the halting of reverse transfer of resources from developing to developed countries and for the reinitiating of financial resource flows to developing countries with a view to achieving the official development assistance target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product, as agreed in the International Development Strategy, and the official development assistance target of 1.5 per cent of gross national product for the least developed countries as agreed in the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s· We in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries believe that they are convening of an international conference on money and finance, with universal participation and aimed at meeting the development and financing requirements of the international economy, particularly those of the developing countries, is already long overdue. We therefore urge the forty-second session of the General Assembly to examine further the possibilities of setting in motion the preparatory process for the convening of such a conference without further delay.
A little over a year ago the United Nations General Assembly, in recognition of the critical economic situation on the African continent, convened a special session for the purpose of mobilizing international support for Africa's efforts towards recovery and development. The partnership for development that emerged then between the international community and Africa under the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 held out hope of a promising future for Africa. Regrettably, that hope has been largely unfulfilled. The debt crisis, the collapse of commodity prices and stagnating resource flows to Africa continue to place obstacles on Africa's path to recovery. As if that were not enough, many of the commitments made by the international community have not been translated into concrete action in terms of increasing resource flows to Africa. It is therefore imperative that this session of the General Assembly explore new avenues for making available additional financial resources for Africa's development, in accordance with the commitments made during the special session, so as to avoid further deterioration of the situation in that part of the world.
The non-aligned countries are determined to play their part through the enhancement of programmes for economic co-operation among developing countries. In June this year the members of the Movement had the opportunity to meet in Pyongyang, in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, in an Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting devoted solely to South-South co-operation. Action-oriented measures aimed at giving a new push to economic co-operation among developing countries were taken. We therefore call upon the United Nations to give all the necessary support, through its appropriate machinery, to these South-South programmes for co-operation.
The interrelated nature of the issues of the environment and development is no longer a question for debate. We therefore welcome the findings in the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, released earlier this year. We hope that the report will awaken the consciousness of the international community to the need for the mobilization of resources to enable developing countries to pursue long-term strategies harmonizing environmental considerations with developmental objectives.
In addition to the challenges of disarmament and economic development, the international scene is still characterized by a number of focal points of tension. These crises distract the parties concerned from their priorities of socio-economic development and aggravate international tension. It is therefore essential that they be resolved, if international peace and security is to be assured. In this regard the signing of the Guatemala agreement by the five Central American Presidents in August this year is a most welcome development, promising a future of . hope and peace not only in Central America but also in the whole Latin American and ļ Caribbean region, and indeed for all mankind.
In August this year I had the privilege of leading a nine-member delegation of the Standing Committee on Central America of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries; on a mission to Managua and Caracas. On that occasion we had the opportunity of meeting the Foreign Ministers of the countries of the Contadora and Support Groups, to deliver a message of support for the peace process in Central America from the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Wherever we went, whether Managua, Caracas or Panama, we were greeted by ordinary men and women whose only desire for their countries and their region was peace - peace to enable them to live with each other in harmony and friendship, peace to enable them to channel their energies into the socio-economic development of their countries, peace to give them a chance of hope for a brighter future for their little ones. Among those men and women in Nicaragua, Panama and Venezuela one could not fail to feel and sense an air of great expectation and hope and, above all, an overwhelming desire for peace. The people of Central America have dared to dream dreams which some of us are too cynical and too afraid even to think of.
Central America would like to give peace a chance. Let us give the countries of that region an opportunity to give peace a chance. We have already heard some of the leaders of the subregion presenting their case before this international body from this rostrum. We shall be hearing others in the days to come. But what can this body do by way of response? How shall we respond to those eloquent appeals for peace? I believe that the international community should, first, unreservedly, openly and forcefully declare its support for the Guatemala agreement; secondly, solemnly call on all nations not to do anything that might undermine this very important agreement; thirdly, urge member countries to give increased financial support to Central America so that the subregion may address the economic and social problems resulting from years of economic disruption and neglect; and finally, give full support to the efforts of the Secretary-General in this regard and urge him to continue to fulfil his mandate to assist in every possible way in the implementation of the Guatemala agreement. Surely the minimum that we can do to demonstrate our support for this unique and daring regional Initiative is adopt a resolution embodying these elements.
The deteriorating situation in the Middle East is a cause of great concern on the part of the international community. Earlier this year it seemed as though a consensus on the convening of an international conference on peace in the Middle East was at long last within our reach. Indeed, the Secretary-General's interim report (A/42/277, para. 6) noted encouraging signs of "increased interest on the part of the international community in the idea of a [Middle East] conference" and "indications of greater flexibility on this issue amongst the parties" directly concerned.
It was in an effort further to promote the early convening of the international conference on peace in the Middle East that the Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries called for a special ministerial meeting of the Non-Aligned Committee on Palestine, in Harare in April this year, to review international developments in the light Of General Assembly resolution 41/43 D of December 1986. A week later there was the historic Algiers meeting of the Palestinian National Council, which enhanced the unity of the Palestinian people, thus preparing them to be effective participants in the Middle East conference. Since that time the non-aligned countries have been engaged in consultations with the President of the Security Council, the Secretary-General and all the members of the Security Council in an effort to bring about the convening of the conference. We are still awaiting the Secretary-General's final report on the prospects for such a conference. In the meantime we appeal to the friends of the Tel Aviv regime to come out in the open in support of the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East. We urge them to make it clear to Israel that the international community cannot accept its continued veto of the convening of the Conference. We all know of course, that Israel does listen to its friends: for - as the French saying goes - c'est la vie and alas, the "Lavi" is no more. We urge the Security Council to meet as soon as the Secretary-General presents his final report so that it may take the necessary measures to bring about the convening of this important Conference.
The return of peace and stability to the troubled Gulf region must receive our undivided attention. In this connection, we welcome the Secretary-General’s efforts to restore peace in that part of the world. We urge Iran and Iraq to heed the call of the international community to put an immediate end to this fratricidal war, which should not have been. But, equally, we are opposed to the introduction of forces alien to the region, as these can only aggravate the tension there. We therefore call for the removal of such alien forces from the Gulf.
The situation in southern Africa continues to threaten international peace and security. The past year has proved, for all to see, that the Pretoria regime has no intention of dismantling the immoral system of apartheid. Quite to the contrary: the racist regime has intensified its campaign of terror against the oppressed masses of South Africa in defence of its heinous system. The situation has deteriorated badly, as can be seen from the re-imposition of a state of emergency; the muzzling of the press; the radical lurch to the right in white politics; and the systematic and unrelenting campaign of torture, assassination and detention and arrests of children, women, workers and opponents of apartheid. An age of darkness has descended upon that benighted country. It is clear that Pretoria has lost respect for or feat of a divided international community, it has taken comfort in the complicity of those countries which have used their vetoes in the Security Council to shield it from the wrath of the international community. It is necessary that Pretoria be left in no doubt that it is a pariah because of its obnoxious policies. But what can be done now to get our message across? it is my humble suggestion that we need to follow a two-track strategy. The first should be to examine the possibility of the setting up of an international mechanism to monitor and report on the implementation of the various packages of sanctions already agreed to by the international community. That will introduce an element of heightened accountability. Secondly, we should demand that the United States, the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany desist forthwith from shielding South Africa in the Security Council, and we should call upon the Security Council to impose immediate comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa.
The international community has a special responsibility to bring Namibia to independence. The time has long passed for it to discharge that duty. In August this year the apartheid regime unleashed a vicious campaign of terror in the Territory. It has flooded the Territory with over 100,000 armed troops to terrorize the tiny population of Namibia. Arrests, disappearances, detention without trial, murder and assassination have become the regime's methods to coerce the population into submission. Churches and schools have been demolished, often fire-bombed, at the slightest suspicion that their followers are sympathetic to the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). Trade unions and other popular movements are under siege. Namibia today is the definition of hell on earth for its inhabitants.
The international community has an obligation to respond, and to do so urgently and decisively. Namibia is not free because Pretoria continues to occupy it illegally in order to protect apartheid in South Africa. Namibia's independence is delayed because the United States has linked the achievement of independence by Namibia to the removal of Cuban troops from Angola. Namibia's independence is therefore now a hostage to the interests of the United States. The responsibility of all of us is to try to convince the United States that blackmail and hostage-taking are wrong, no matter the victim or the perpetrator. We should consider taking a series of direct steps to fulfil our obligations to the people of Namibia. First, we should expose and condemn the reign of terror in Namibia both through the media and by appropriate action in the General Assembly and the Security Council, as need be. Secondly, we should now trigger the process of implementing resolution 435 (1978) through the Security Council. And finally, should that fail, we should consider other, alternative approaches within the provisions of the Charter - and there are many - to bring Namibia to independence.
The front-line States and States neighbouring Pretoria have suffered much of late as a result of Pretoria's increased destabilization activities. We therefore call on the international community to render increased material assistance to those States, in order to help them to resist Pretoria's aggression. In this connection, we appeal for increased support for the AFRICA Fund (Action for Resisting Innovation, Colonialism and Apartheid Fund) , established by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries at Harare last year for the purpose of assisting those States’ Focal points of tension are, unfortunately, found in many other parts of the world. The independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-aligned status of Cyprus need our full support. That beautiful island and its warm and wonderful people can never know peace while foreign troops are on the island and continue to increase in number. The present stalemate is fraught with danger. It is important for the international community to examine, if need be in a more formal setting, what further actions it could take to bring peace to Cyprus.
We are likewise concerned that the aspirations of the Korean people for the peaceful reunification of their country remain unfulfilled. It is our belief that this objective can best be realized through dialogue and consultations between North and South, without any foreign interference, and in conformity with the three principles of independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity set forth in the North-South Joint Statement of 4 July 1972. For this purpose, it is essential that all foreign troops be withdrawn from the area.
The situations prevailing in Afghanistan and Kampuchea are sources of serious concern to the international community. With regard to these conflicts, we stress the importance of the principles of non-interference and non-intervention in the affairs of sovereign States and the inadmissibility of the use of force against sovereign States. The people of Afghanistan and Kampuchea have the right to determine their own destiny, free from foreign interference or coercion. There can be no justification, in any circumstances whatsoever, for foreign interference or intervention in the internal affairs of these or any other States. These are sacred principles on which the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries can never compromise. We commend the Secretary-General's efforts to find a peaceful settlement of these conflicts, and call upon all concerned to co-operate with biro in this regard.
The right of all peoples to self-determination and independence is a sacred tenet of our Organization, enshrined in resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. When we look at the 159 members of our body and recall that the overwhelming majority of them were formerly colonies, we can be justifiably proud of our record. This success should not, however, distract us from the imperative need to complete the task we set for ourselves through the resolution. The broad surge towards freedom and independence, which began before 1960 and carried on through the 1970s, seems to have ebbed, and we appear to be at a stage at which the forces of resurgent colonialism and imperialism are gathering strength and retrenching themselves to oppose humanity's impulse towards freedom. The cases of Namibia, Sahraoui, New Caledonia, Puerto Rico, Micronesia and other dependent Territories are a constant reminder that our battle for the self-determination and national independence of peoples is still unfinished. We demand the immediate implementation of resolution 1514 (XV) and other relevant United Nations resolutions in all these cases.
The importance of the United Nations can hardly be overemphasized. It is the one truly universal body representing the free association of States on the basis of sovereign equality and reflecting the hopes and aspirations of all peoples all over the world. We cannot therefore accept the undermining of its role. By circumventing it, by blocking its capacity to function and, recently, by trying to manipulate it through the withholding of funds, certain States have sought to erode the authority of the United Nations. If there is waste in the running of the Organization, we would be glad to see it corrected and the resultant savings put to better use. If the United Nations can be run more efficiently, all the better. But what we will not countenance are attempts to hijack the Organization and subvert its democratic character through the withholding of assessed contributions - itself a delinquent act and a violation of obligations under the Charter.
This is our Organization. As a universal Organization, it must hearken to a kaleidoscopic constituency. Misguided attempts to make it monochromatic and serve special Interests can only detract from its noble goals and eventually lead to its demise. For the United Nations addresses a complex reality, and that reality win not become simpler merely through pretence that it is so.
A very real tragedy that has befallen our Organization is the view of certain States that they can reduce it to a mere rubber-stamp for their individual policies through the buying of votes. Some have even pursued the strategy of keeping registers of those who vote "with them" or "against them" in this forum, with the object of using that information as a yardstick by which to judge to whom they shall give or refuse aid. We deprecate this debasement of the United Nations through attempts to turn it into an auction floor where votes go to the highest bidder. We are here, not to vote for or against any country, but to take decisions on issues - based on principles, for that matter. Therefore, if judge we must,: then let us judge each other by the degree of faithfulness to the principles of the Charter. If a register be kept, then by all means let it be kept right here at the United Nations, controlled by non-governmental people, comprising the best legal  political and social scientists of the day. Let them judge each one of us; according to how often the votes we cast are in accordance with, and seek to uphold, the principles of the Charter. Yes, let us get stars and incentives for our loyalty to the Charter, the instrument by which we have bound ourselves. This Organization can never be "our" United Nations as opposed to "theirs"; nor can it be "theirs" as opposed to "ours". Once we see it as "ours" f it will not serve "them", nor will it really serve "us". As "theirs", it will not serve "us" or "them". Only as the United Nations, meeting everybody's views in part and forcing compromise from all, will it serve anyone at all.


Permit me first to congratulate you,, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly, I am confident that your skills and ability, as exemplified by your illustrious career, will lead this session to significant results.
I wish to take this opportunity to express my delegations appreciation of your predecessor/ Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, for the effective manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the forty-first session of the General Assembly..
We wish also to express our support for the untiring efforts of our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, sometimes despite serious setbacks, to find solutions to the many conflicts in the world today. No lasting solutions can be achieved without a genuine effort of peaceful co-operation by all United Nations Member States.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is a small eastern Caribbean State. Like many other States represented in this Assembly, my country is a product of the post-war decolonization process. We gained our independence in 1979 and were admitted to the United Nations in 1980. Our view of the world and the relations we have with other States have been fashioned by our history, our present circumstances and our perceptions of the world around us.
If representatives can picture in their minds a small, tropical island 133 square miles in area and approximately 40 other smaller islands stretching for 100 miles along the outer rim of the Caribbean Basin, they may be able to get an idea of the country I represent. The narrow coastal plain and interior mountain valleys on Saint Vincent, together with six of the Grenadine Islands, support a population of 110,000 vincentians. They should consider also a country in which half the population is under the age of 21, where unemployment is currently at about 30 per cent of the labour force and which three times during the past two years has seen its major export crops destroyed by tropical storms; a country without an international airport to service its most important sector, tourism. Those are some basic facts about my country.
Yet, the records of this Organization will be found to contain hardly any pleas from Saint Vincent and the Grenadines for special attention. Forming part of the English-speaking Caribbean, a region characterized by long democratic traditions and the rule of law, we are a people which emerged just over two years ago from the institution of slavery and the plantation system, an even worse form of apartheid than that practised in South Africa today. Cut adrift from the metropolitan Power by the stormy winds of decolonization and without adequate preparation or economic safeguards, we have been forced to draw upon our own spiritual reserves and resourcefulness to survive.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is governed at the present time by the New Democratic Party, under the leadership of our Prime Minister, the Right Honourable James Pitz-Allen Mitchell. In presenting the annual budget in Parliament two months ago, the Prime Minister analysed the problems facing the country in the year ahead and concluded his address as follows;
"my Government is anticipating that the new year will be a better one for the people of this country. With it will come new challenges and major decisions, but we are a country of bright, energetic and ambitious people and I am confident that the right decisions will be taken at the right time." Notwithstanding the difficulties we face as a country, there are occasional rays of hope, such as, for example, the International Monetary Fund's June 1987 consultation report on Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, which states; "In the last few years Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has achieved a major improvement in public finances, which has facilitated a marked recovery in the financial position of the State-owned National Commercial Bank and a considerable strengthening in the country's external position."
"Peace and Justice" is the motto which Saint Vincent and the Grenadines adopted over a century ago. It is not surprising therefore that the United Nations, with the Charter as its centre-piece, holds special significance for my Government and people, for the ideals which the Charter seeks to promote are, indeed, peace and justice.
This Organization, is one born of bitter wartime experiences and human suffering. Coming into existence 43 years ago, it then represented, and still embodies today, man's highest aspirations and goals. In the Charter are crystallized mankind's highest ideals, such as the sanctity of life, the dignity and worth of the individual, peace, freedom and social and economic justice. The Charter of the United Nations is the outstanding achievement of our century, and my delegation believes that, now as we approach the twenty-first century, man's best hope of survival lies in his ability to transform the Charter from a mere legal instrument into a living and dynamic principle enshrined in our legal systems and in our hearts.
Peace is a basic condition necessary for achieving the fruits of civilization. To the degree that the arras race and geopolitical and regional conflicts and tensions exist, to that same degree we fail to achieve the goals of progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. There is a direct relationship between peace and development and, as a corollary, between disarmament and development. Not many deny this.
My delegation, like all other delegations represented in this Assembly, therefore welcomes the recent announcement by the United States of America and the Soviet Union of an agreement in principle for the global elimination of land-based Intermediate nuclear weapons. We hope that this historic agreement between the super-Powers represents the first sign on the horizon of a new day in which there will be complete elimination of all nuclear missiles, both intermediate and strategic, and that it will usher in an era of peace on this planet so satiated with war.
Notwithstanding this un-seasonal thaw in relations between the super-Powers, the international situation remains very volatile and explosive. It is imperative that the present momentum be maintained in order to bring about a more lasting easing of global tension.
In my own region  the signing of the Guatemala Agreement in August of this year by the five Presidents of Central America is a most welcome and encouraging development. The Costa Rican initiative based on the invaluable work of the Contadora and its Support Groups deserves our fullest support.
My country also welcomes the Cartagena Protocol signed last year in the Republic of Colombia, which opens the way for the Caribbean countries of Guyana and Belize to become members of the Organization of American States.
The war in the Gulf region between Iran and Iraq cries out for a peaceful solution. We support the Secretary-General in his efforts to find such a solution and we call on Iran and Iraq to heed the call of the international community and abide by the terms of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) for a cease-fire and to put an end eventually to the senseless slaughter.
My delegation notes the increased interest on the part of the international community in the idea of a conference on the Middle East. The basis of a Middle East settlement already exists in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) . This must include the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to exist within secure boundaries; the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to establish a State of their own; and the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 1967.
Afghanistan and Kampuchea still remain under foreign occupation. My delegation supports the efforts of the Secretary-General to find a solution to the problem of Afghanistan. We are also encouraged by the increasing contacts and ongoing dialogue between the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations and Viet Nam and the various groups in Kampuchea. Afghanistan and Kampuchea, both of them small countries, still remain the victims of aggression and illegal occupation by larger, more powerful neighbours. This is unacceptable to the international community, and my delegation joins in the international consensus calling for withdrawal of all foreign troops from those countries. The Afghans and Kampucheans have the right to determine their destinies free from foreign interference or coercion.
My delegation sees the need for increasing dialogue between North and South Korea. Only dialogue and negotiation will lead to a reconciliation of the views of the two parties. It is imperative that the deeply rooted mistrust between the two Koreas be replaced with understanding and good will, which are surely not beyond the capacity of a people with different ideologies but whose culture is more than 5000 years old.
We support the efforts of the Secretary-General in helping the two Cypriot communities to find a just solution to the problem of Cyprus without foreign intervention.
We believe also that a negotiated settlement is the only acceptable solution to the question of the Malvinas Islands.
There can be no lasting peace in a world without development or a world in which economic inequalities exist. The current global recession has created a number of problems which are very destabilizing to developing countries, especially to small open economies like those of the island States of the eastern Caribbean. The international economy is going through a period of deep structural change, and solutions will have to be found for thorny problems such as the debt crisis, unbalanced terms of trade, international monetary instability, and unacceptably high levels of unemployment in developing countries.
There is need for an integrated approach to those problems. The solutions adopted must be such that all countries, large and small, might benefit from the new technologies and possibilities of our times. Encouraging signs in this direction are the recently concluded seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the Uruguay Round launched in Punta del Este in Uruguay in September 1986.
A strange anomaly of our time is the global waste of precious resources on armaments while millions everywhere suffer from illiteracy and poverty and die from malnutrition and starvation. The International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development held in New York in August and September of this year reminded us of these hard realities. This is a moral problem that strikes at the very roots of human survival. Instead of expenditures on arms, there is an urgent need to allocate these resources to the eradication of hunger and disease, including the deadly threat of AIDS (acquired immune-deficiency syndrome), and to finding solutions to pressing problems relating to the environment. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines will support all initiatives at the current session of the General Assembly aimed at putting these issues into perspective.
There is a new initiative among the eastern Caribbean States for political and economic integration, in an attempt to harness our very limited resources to provide a better standard of living for our peoples. Serious consideration is being given at the moment to unification as a strategy for development in the subregion. The advantages to be derived from such a union in terms of increasing returns within a widening scope of activities are obvious. The true goal of human endeavour is development and happiness. All our efforts at the national and international levels should have as their aim, as stated in the Charter of the United Nations, the reaffirmation of our faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.
No greater denial or abuse of these rights exists today than that inherent in the monstrous practice of apartheid by the racist regime in South Africa. This is an issue which continues to threaten international peace and security. South Africa has no intention of dismantling the immoral system of apartheid. It has intensified its campaign of terror and brutality against the oppressed masses within its own borders and in surrounding States. The situation is becoming more and more explosive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines joins with the international community in calling for comprehensive, mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter.
The Saint Vincent and the Grenadines delegation equally condemns the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa and calls for the immediate independence of Namibia through implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
My delegation condemns all assaults on the rights of man, whether social or political in nature, and condemns all forms of intolerance whether they are based on religion, colour or class.
Finally, my delegation congratulates you, Mr. President, on the success of this debate and pledges its fullest support to you for the remainder of the present session of the General Assembly. We should free ourselves from the notion that the United Nations has failed; it has registered considerable success in a variety of areas of international co-operation. While it cannot perhaps negotiate for the world, it can help the world to negotiate. History has saddled us with a heavy burden and responsibility, and as we look towards the twenty-first century, we should redouble our efforts to achieve the goals and ideals enshrined in the United Nations Charter of peace, development, happiness and love for all mankind. The task before us is far too great to waste any more time. We must act now.


Mr, President, at this forty-second session, reflecting as it does the maturity of our Organization, it is fitting that the General Assembly should have honoured one of its most deserving servants who has devoted much of his diplomatic career to the United Nations. Hence, I am particularly pleased to congratulate you warmly on this honour, which is indeed the highlight of all the work you have done for the international community. This election means that our Assembly will enjoy the invaluable assistance of one of its most faithful supporters, a prestigious witness to both its difficulties and its greatness. As representative of a divided country, you can better than anyone else comprehend the horrors and consequences of conflicts and wars that have torn mankind apart and remain the basic raison d'etre of the United Nations. I assure you. Sir, of the full co-operation of my delegation both within the General Committee of the forty-second session - of which Zaire is a member - and throughout your term of office as President of the General Assembly.
My delegation wishes to express its gratitude to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury whose well-known experience and diplomatic talents contributed so much to the successful conclusion of the General Assembly's work at a particularly difficult time. The delegation of Zaire is very pleased to pay tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whose ability, resolve and courage have earned him his reputation as a man who is committed to defending the cause of our Organization. From the excellent report he has presented to us and the various dangerous missions he has carried out on behalf of this Organization, it is evident that as he begins his second term of office he is endeavouring to give this Organization the renewed impetus and vigour necessary for a rational operation.
He is supported by another great diplomat, Mr. Joseph Verner Reed, virtuous great human and social qualities we all recognize and whom we all know as a most affable person, and whom I should like to congratulate on his appointment as Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs. My delegation is convinced that the new team will prove to be extremely effective. In the great undertaking of the reforms now under way, the Secretary-General can be assured of the support and contribution of Zaire.
As the forty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations opens, many conflicts and hotbeds of tension and imbalances of all kinds characterize the world scene. Some States Members of this Organization, far from being inspired by the ideals, objectives and lofty goals enshrined in its Charter ~ particularly those that concern the maintenance of international peace and security, the development of friendly relations between nations based on respect for the principle of the equal rights of peoples, the territorial integrity of States and the attainment of international co-operation - have persevered in making demands that create threats to international peace and security.
At the same time, the most acute crises afflict much of mankind in the form of drought, famine, wretchedness and poverty. According to statistics made public on 11 July 1987 by the United Nations, some 5 billion human beings face challenges that are world-wide rather than national in scope and that amply justify the concerns being expressed by all Member States in this forum, the General Assembly of the United Nations.
The United Nations, as catalyst for the contemporary values, is thus called upon to seek by all means possible the emergence of an atmosphere of trust, peace and co-operation among all the nations of the world.
Following the marking of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, that highest of objectives, the formation of a better world, must win the support of all Member states through a common resolve to apply Article 33 of the Charter, which calls on parties to any dispute likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security first of all to seek a solution through negotiation, mediation or other peaceful means of their own choice.
In this context commendable efforts have indeed been made by the General Assembly since the first special session on disarmament, held in 1978, whose ' conclusions, enshrined in its Final Document, should inspire all Member States of our Organization and be applied by them if we wish to save mankind from any danger of a nuclear holocaust.
Security, an essential element of peace, has always been one of the most deeply felt aspirations of mankind. States have sought to preserve their security through the possession of weapons, and some have survived because they have had them. But in our time the build-up of weapons, particularly nuclear weapons, presents an even greater threat to international peace and security.
The second special session of the General Assembly on disarmament, held in 1982, had the merit of proposing a whole series of measures designed to speed up the process of general and complete disarmament through specific proposals in the form of a comprehensive programme of disarmament. The Conference on Disarmament, which meets in Geneva - my country is a member - has distinguished itself by preparing that programme under the leadership of an outstanding diplomat, a Nobel laureate. Ambassador Garcia Robles of Mexico,
Consideration of that comprehensive programme of disarmament under agenda item 66 - and this was the programme submitted by the Conference on Disarmament - will enable the General Assembly to gauge the importance of the initiatives taken by the 40 members of the Conference on Disarmament. Moreover, at its thirty-ninth session, in resolution 39/160 of 17 December 1984, adopted without a vote, the General Assembly noted that world-wide military spending had acquired a staggering magnitude and that the global trend continued to be towards a faster rate of annual increase in those expenditures.
Accordingly it decided to convene an International Conference with a view to establishing a close relationship between disarmament and development. That Conference, held recently in New York, from 24 August to 11 September, emphasized the international community's resolve to achieve disarmament and development as factors that strengthen international peace and security and promote prosperity.
However they are two distinct processes, and the Assembly recognized that one should not slow down the development or evolution of the other, for development activities cannot wait for resources to be made available through disarmament. Moreover, disarmament has imperatives that are at variance with the objective of releasing resources for development. But, above all there is a close correlation between disarmament and development, which are linked by a multidimensional relationship.
Should this close correlation between disarmament and development not encourage the nuclear Powers to ensure both the disarmament and development of underdeveloped countries and thus promote peace in the world? The special responsibilities incumbent on the nuclear Powers have been cited very often, particularly those of the two super-Powers to speed up the process of nuclear disarmament so that negotiations can be held with a view to the swift conclusion of the agreement limiting strategic weapons and the adoption of measures to prevent the unleashing of nuclear war and the use of force in international relations.
Against this background, my delegation would join others in saying how pleased we were at the agreement concluded on 18 September 1987 in Washington between the two super-Powers with regard to the elimination of medium-range nuclear missiles in Europe. This indeed indicates noteworthy progress in a historic process of general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
The summit meeting of the super-Powers is therefore awaited with great interest with a view to the conclusion of the agreement that has now been achieved by the foreign ministers.
In addition to that agreement, my delegation would like to see other effective measures taken to prohibit or prevent the development, manufacture or use of other weapons of mass destruction, with high priority given to the conclusion of an agreement on the elimination of all chemical weapons. My delegation is convinced that at their summit meeting, the two super-Powers will be able to achieve further and more tangible results in working towards true nuclear disarmament.
Thus we will enter a new era of detente and optimism in the relations of trust between those two super-Powers which will lead all States towards a lessening of tension at the international level and will provide guarantees to States that do not have nuclear weapons that such weapons will not be used.
While an atmosphere conducive to dialogue does prevail between the two super-Powers, this is unfortunately not the case in respect of the racial communities of South Africa, where that shameless system regarded by the United Nations as a crime against mankind - the policy of apartheid - still exists. That policy of racial discrimination denies the fundamental rights of the black majority population and thus runs counter to the most elementary principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. The heroic, harsh and difficult struggle to combat that hateful system means that the black people of South Africa are increasingly winning the sympathy of some white liberals who had an exchange of views with leaders of the African National Congress (ANC) on this problem at a meeting held recently at Dakar.
The mobilization of the working masses in the general strike that paralysed the economic structures of white power heightened the awareness of the black combatants that they were waging a legitimate and just cause.
Whether it be the twenty-third summit of Heads of State or Government of the OAU or the Quebec Francophone Summit or the international forums that have considered this situation, all unanimously condemned the minority racist regime of South Africa and called upon it to enter immediately into a dialogue with the authentic representatives of the black people once apartheid had been dismantled and an end had been put to the state of emergency; once all the political prisoners had been released, beginning with Nelson Mandela; once the ban had been lifted on the ANC and other political organizations in that country.
The same applies to Namibia, which should long since have acceded to independence but which continues to be illegally occupied by the minority racist regime of South Africa, which established its system of apartheid there.
The violence and endless suffering endured by the people of Namibia have in no way diminished the spirit of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) in its struggle to gain the freedom and independence to which Namibians are entitled.
My delegation would like to state again that implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the only valid basis for a settlement of the question of Namibia. It goes without saying that dismantling apartheid will not only enable Namibia to regain its independence, will not only enable the black majority of South Africa to belong to a democratic society not based on race, but it will also ensure that the independent front-line African States will not have to suffer from repeated acts of aggression, sabotage and destabilization carried out by the minority racist regime of South Africa.
In Central Africa, the people of Chad are still suffering aggression from a neighbouring African State which, since 1973, has been interfering in its internal affairs, occupying a large tract of its territory, and imposing on it an unjust war involving death and large-scale material destruction. Moreover, that African State is ignoring the principle of the inviolability of borders inherited from the time of independence and is using force contrary to the principles set forth in Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations. It is also refusing to participate in any negotiations that are being carried on by the Ad Hoc Committee of the OAU on this conflict. Accordingly, my delegation unreservedly supports the inclusion in the agenda of the Assembly of item 140 entitled "Aggression against and occupation of Chad by Libya".
Whatever the conclusions on the matter that will be arrived at by the Ad Hoc Committee of the OAU, the General Assembly, as the forum in which all conflicts are considered pursuant to Articles 33 and 35 of the Charter, will have to take up this question with a view to finding a peaceful settlement.
From discussion of item 140 there should emerge a resolution condemning the illegal occupation of Chadian territory by the aggressor and belligerent State and calling for withdrawal from that territory, together with compensation to the Chadian people for the losses incurred.
In the north-west of Africa, there is still a conflict with regard to Western Sahara. In his meetings with the leaders of the countries concerned, the Secretary-General of the United Nations spared no effort to try to ensure a peaceful settlement of that problem.
As regards the Middle East, 20 years ago the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 242 (1967) which, at the time, was regarded as an important step towards the settlement of all aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Although other resolutions have been adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly on the question of the Middle East, no progress has yet been made. The convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East is still the subject of consultations held by the Secretary-General with all the interested parties. My delegation wishes him every success and hopes that the parties in conflict will no longer be opposed to negotiations in accordance with Security Council resolution 338 (1973).
Such is the cost of peace in the Middle East, for it implies justice and equality among all peoples of the region. The Arab people of Palestine, like the people of Israel, are entitled to a homeland - to a State.
Consideration of the situation in Asia leads me to look at the situation in Afghanistan and Democratic Kampuchea. Those two countries have been victims of a violation of the principles of political independence and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and the territorial integrity of States. Resolution 41/33, of 5 November 1986, Is still valid, in our view, since paragraph 3 called for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan and called on all parties concerned to work for the urgent achievement at a political solution in accordance with the provisions of that resolution and with the need to create the conditions necessary to enable Afghan refugees to return voluntarily to their homes, in safety and honour. Since those provisions have not yet been implemented, my delegation will once again become a co-sponsor of a draft resolution repeating those demands at this session.
The same applies to Democratic Kampuchea, which continues to be occupied by foreign troops. In resolution 41/6, of 21 October 1986, the General Assembly once again expressed its conviction that the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea, the restoration and preservation of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, and the right of the Kampuchean people to determine their own destiny were the main factors in any just and lasting resolution of the Kampuchean problem.
There having been no satisfactory developments in this matter since then, the same provisions must be embodied in a resolution again at this session. My delegation will fully support such a draft resolution.
Still in Asia, the tension created by the division of Korea into two States persists and is symbolized by the demarcation line in Panmunjon. Appreciation of the contribution made by the peoples of North and South Korea to the work of the United Nations has often been expressed by all Member States, as it has of the contribution made by countries divided after the Second World War.
The profound aspirations and enterprising spirit of these peoples should lead the General Assembly and the Security Council to reconsider the question of their admission to membership of the Organization on the same footing as other divided States, without prejudice to the consultations that are taking place between the two parties with a view to unification.
The delegation of Zaire cannot pass over in silence the disturbing problem of the Persian Gulf, where a fratricidal war continues between two non-aligned countries, Iran and Iraq, and is extending ever further beyond the regional dimension. The conflict between the two countries is becoming an oil war and is increasingly involving States flying the flags of other States in international waters.
The recent mission of the Secretary-General in the Persian Gulf pursuant to Security Council resolution 598 (1987), although it brought some hope of a peaceful settlement of the conflict, leaves the Assembly perplexed and must encourage all delegations to make use of their good offices with the countries concerned to bring to an end this war which has already lasted seven years.
In Central America, the efforts of the Contadora Group and the Support Group to bring peace and co-operation to the region deserve to be encouraged by all States. Having reviewed the political situation and the problems of the day, we turn to economic problems. In recent years the world economic situation has been marked by a slowdown in the world economy. World production increased by only 3 per cent in 1986, as compared with 3.4 per cent in 1985 and 4.5 per cent in 1984. World production per capita increased by about 1 per cent, which is half the average increase in the 197oa.
The world economic situation was characterized in 1986 by sharp fluctuations in terms of trade caused by unprecedented fluctuations in the prices of the principal commodities produced by Zaire and in the exchange rates of currencies.
The total foreign debt of developing countries is now almost 41,000 billion, and the ratio of debt-servicing payments and export earnings of the group of developing countries as a whole reached a record level in 1986. Interest payments by developing countries to service their foreign debt# which amounted to more than Ì65 billion in 1986, have continued to restrict their ability to import and to develop, while the net transfer of resources from developing to developed countries has risen to some $24 billion for the second year running. This sombre picture reveals to the international community the outrageous disparities between developing and industrialized countries. The latter have continued to enjoy a generally satisfactory rate of economic growth.
My delegation feels that implementation of the programmes of the United Nations Development Decades, the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development and the resolutions adopted at the seventh United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) call for a substantial transfer of resources from both the private and the public sector to the developing countries to finance their development and a satisfactory settlement of the problem of the foreign debt of those countries.
My delegation thanks all the creditor countries, and especially Canada, which has agreed either to cancel our public debts or to reschedule some of them. Zaire will work with all those of good will for the establishment of a genuine policy of good-neighbourliness and co-operation, not only with the States of central Africa to create viable economic opportunities for the peoples of the region, but also with all States that cherish peace and justice, to ensure the victory of international co-operation.
Zaire shares the preoccupation of the United Nations with the maintenance of peace and is firmly devoted to the ideals and work of the Organization, from which it has greatly benefited in the matter of its unity and the strengthening of its independence. The best demonstration of this devotion is provided by our conduct, which conforms to the principles of mutual respect between States, the sovereign equality of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and respect for territorial Integrity.	1
The unanimity of those who have spoken in this Hall in support of peace is proof of the incontestable determination of all Member States to live together in harmony, tranquillity and security. My delegation appeals to States Members of the United Nations to commit themselves to ensuring world peace.
I wish the forty-second session of the General Assembly every success in its
work.


Mr. President, on behalf of the people and Government of Venezuela, I am pleased to convey to you my sincere congratulations on your election as President of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. Your well-known personal Qualities and your wide experience as a diplomat are guarantees that in this new stage of General Assembly activities we shall achieve fruitful results.
May I also express Venezuela's appreciation of the outstanding work accomplished by Mr. Choudhury of Bangladesh, the outgoing President of the Assembly. His valuable contribution was felt in many fields and his actions bear witness to his support of the principles which guide the United Nations.
It is with particular pleasure that I also greet most respectfully the Secretary-General, Javier Perez de Cuellar, an eminent Latin American. His persistent efforts on behalf of international peace and harmony and the intellect and tenacity of which he has given proof in the discharge of his lofty functions have won him broad and open recognition.
Once again I come to this forum of universal dialogue to reaffirm the commitment of Venezuela to the fundamental causes of peace and understanding among peoples, which are the raison d'etre of this Organization. I come to this Assembly in the conviction that in times of great economic crisis, extreme political dilemmas and threats to peace the United Nations is strengthened as the undeniable contemporary chosen place for negotiating solutions to the major problems which affect the international community. Our message is therefore one of unequivocal support for its endeavours and labours.
This assures me that I am interpreting the unanimous conviction of Venezuelans in reaffirming unambiguously that Venezuela has faith In the United Nations, in the motives that brought it into being and in the effectiveness of its ideals. We are firmly on the side of those who strive to strengthen It. The satisfaction of many basic expectations depends on Its vigour. We cannot allow the prospects for collective well-being to suffer for the sake of subordinate Interests. The time has come for concrete Initiatives and results, with a clear sense of the responsibilities at stake. The United Nations can do It. We are certain of that.
I should like to put before this General Assembly some views which seem to me to be basic to the present International situation, together with a broad outline of the foreign policy of my Government, which is the Government of the Venezuelan people.
At the outset I must refer to the challenge of peace at the global and the regional level. The dangers which beset the human race in this nuclear era are well known. We are also familiar with the serious obstacles that lie in the path of a just and lasting peace. Confronted with these barriers, it is natural that pessimism often prevails in prognostications on the subject of peace and its future.
We cannot, of course, deceive ourselves. While it is true that since what is called the Second World War no new general conflagration has broken out, it is also true that the current "nuclear peace" is less a voluntary arrangement - which, of course, is not reassuring either - than the result of implacable rivalry for power and dominance, spurred by fear, mistrust and the quest for hegemony.
These facts cannot be concealed, but it would also be wrong not to point out some positive signs which show that our wills are not yet governed by irrationality. We realize that arms control and disarmament are not in themselves guarantees of peace, but there is no doubt that they make it clear that there is a desire for peace. In this respect, we welcome the important steps which the two great nuclear Powers have been taking to eliminate medium- and short-range missiles in Europe.
Venezuela wishes its voice to be heard in categorical support for this and other initiatives designed to lessen in some measure the crushing burden of the nuclear-arms race, I think it is necessary, and also fair, to recognize the positive intentions which serve to motivate the leaders of the great Powers in the negotiations under way. Let us hope that this spirit of compromise will be the prelude to speedier and more far-reaching advances on the road to arms control and nuclear disarmament. In these times, when the danger of self-destruction is looming with threatening clarity, we cannot rely on the balance of nuclear terror as an element for peace. We must go beyond that and support peace on the basis of the values of international tolerance and understanding.
A few days ago the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development took place. It confirmed once again the obvious fact that in the midst of the economic-financial crisis which the developing countries face it has now become Imperative that measures be taken which will make possible a re-channelling of substantial financial resources, which would undoubtedly facilitate the solution of some of the grave problems confronting our countries.
Any progress in the field of disarmament will be a welcome step towards a goal which we defend and will continue to defend resolutely. We therefore once again urge the super-Powers to accelerate and broaden negotiations in the field of nuclear disarmament. Similarly, as we reiterated at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, another objective which we shall not renounce is the conclusion of a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons. We are pleased to see the progress that is being made on this subject in the ongoing negotiations.
In accordance with the principles of this Organization, we have exercised our responsibility as a member of the Security Council during three terms in the course of our 30 years of democratic life. Our current mandate as a non-permanent member of the Council, the primary organ of the United Nations, where we have at all times endeavoured to play a conciliatory and constructive role in the promotion of world peace, ends in December.
My country will continue to pursue its recognized peaceful calling and course in all relevant parts of the world. We firmly and loyally support the settlement of disputes between States by peaceful means, including direct negotiations, without pressure or unacceptable deadlines. We advocate the use of reasonable. It Is In this spirit that we have taken part as a member of the Contadora Group in the resolute quest for peace in the Central American region. After four years of arduous work aimed at achieving a peaceful, negotiated solution to the Central American crisis, we are beginning to see some results which allow us to be reasonably optimistic.
The agreements reached in Guatemala by the Presidents of the five Central American Republics were a substantial advance and justify our referring to the obstacles that have been overcome. This is an effort made by the Central American countries themselves, which should make the agreed procedure genuine and trustworthy.
I wish to emphasize that the International Verification and Follow-up Commission provided for in the Guatemala agreement was established in Caracas a few weeks ago. The members of the Commission are the Foreign Ministers of the Contadora Group, of the Support Group and of Central America, and the Secretaries-General of the Organization of American States and of the United Nations.
We are, of course, aware that in this whole process we need the co-operation of countries with links with and interests in the region. All our efforts could be impaired and peace in Central America made impossible without a positive contribution from these elements. We also recognize that this conflict, like many others we have witnessed and are witnessing, is to a large extent the result of underlying socio-economic injustices, which have to be addressed. These are fundamental aspects and the Contadora and Support Groups take them into account in their true dimensions. Thus it was decided at the Caracas meeting to take the necessary steps immediately to prepare a structure and an instrument for an emergency programme of international technical and economic co-operation for the benefit of the countries of the region. It was also agreed that work would be begun as soon as possible by the international community on measures to implement the programme. This is an important requirement.
The continuing negotiations and the political will constantly evinced in the joint action of the countries of the Contadora Group, enhanced by the addition of the countries of the Support Group, have led to the accumulation of a wealth of useful experience, prompting the eight countries to establish a permanent mechanism for consultations and concerted political actions. This was set up in Rio de Janeiro in December 1986.
This action is in line with our purpose of strengthening, organizing systematically and harmonizing political action by participating Governments, by means of regular consultations on matters which affect or interest our countries, in the context of increasing Latin American unity. We are also prompted by the determination to secure and strengthen democratic and pluralist processes on our continent. We have not entered into competition with organizations and forums in our regional area, nor do we intend to do so.
As a step forward in this process, the eight Presidents of the consultation mechanism have decided to meet in Mexico at the end of next November to decide on specific objectives which will contribute to a broader understanding among the Governments and peoples of the Latin American region.
The trend towards democracy in Latin America has fortunately received a great impetus in recent years. Nevertheless, we must reaffirm our conviction that there is a close connection between international security, democratic stability and the socio-economic development of our countries. The survival of democracy has much to do with the capacity of a system based on freedom to satisfy the legitimate aspirations of its people to well-being. We know full well that the primary obligation in meeting the challenges of development rests on our own shoulders. But this in no way diminishes the responsibility which the industrialized world shares and the contribution which it should make in the struggle against protectionism and in the sensible management of the debt problem in such a way as not to curtail our prospects of socio-economic progress and political stability.
If we are sincere - and history will not forgive us if we are not - we must recognize that the protectionist race in which some developed countries are engaged and the problem of the external debt and the rise in interest rates, which have recently been dangerously accentuated, are two scourges that also have sinister implications for world peace.
No viable solution has yet been found to the external debt problem, the solution of which has so far been approached without regard to any historical perspective. Instead it has been dealt with simply as a financial question, and the arrangements necessary to settle once and for all a crisis which affects both international banking and the development of peoples have simply been postponed. Even more alarming is the fact that increasing limitations are being placed on the debtor countries' capacity to meet the basic needs of their peoples. This one-sided and selfish approach undoubtedly creates deep divisions in international economic relations and jeopardizes social peace in the world.
We have been asked to be patient and make sacrifices, and we have demonstrated patience and made sacrifices so as to avert an international financial collapse and win time in seeking a concerted and shared solution to the Indebtedness problem. But our attitude has been ignored and misinterpreted. A political dialogue has become more difficult  the conditions set by the international financial community have become more severe, and our ability to honour our international commitments by sharing in international trade has been restricted, it is therefore imperative - this bears repetition - to hold a broad and sincere dialogue between creditors and debtors, on the basis of co-responsibility and the right to develop.
I am saying this with the authority which Venezuela has by having honoured its obligations and negotiated the restructuring of its debt in a framework of moderation and understanding, and as a warning in the face of a crisis which, because it was postponed without any effort to deal with the root of the problem, might assume an even more acute form.
The protectionism of the industrialized countries - due in large measure to a lack of discipline in the management of their domestic economies - represents a new, fundamental and unfair - indeed abusive - restriction on opportunities for the developing countries to maintain normal relations with the .international economic community. Through all kinds of mechanisms, crude and subtle, our products' access to international markets is being hampered, which in turn prevents us from adopting development strategies based on a large share in the world economy. While the rules of international trade are being side-stepped, new ones are being devised which ignore the needs of the developing countries, with no regard for the consequences to the stability and evolution of international relations.
As a result of this lack of perspective, the poor countries are now in the absurd situation of sending net transfers of resources to the rich countries, which, in practical terms, means, greater poverty, deeper inequalities and fewer possibilities of maintaining a dialogue and institutional stability.
From every point of view, it is necessary to support negotiating endeavours so as to find better solutions for the problems mentioned. But it is also necessary to avert the risk that the developing countries remain on the sidelines of the far-reaching changes that are now taking place - among other reasons because of innovations in technology, production and international trade.
Unless international co-operation fills this gap we all run the risk of projecting into the future an international economy compartmentalized into unrelated blocs or, what would be even worse, integrated on the basis of dependent relationships, the characteristics and effects of which would doubtless be contrary to the purpose and to the essence of this Organization. We must therefore remember that we have pending on the agenda the mandate for the start of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development, which should be revised and ratified in the light of present circumstances, including the results of the Seventh United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VII), which met in Geneva last July.
That Conference was able to hold a constructive dialogue among all regional groups on the subject of the reactivation of development, growth and international trade through multilateral co-operation. This is very important) it is one of the surest steps taken steps taken so far to solve the problems raised.
In its conclusions, we note that it went beyond a diagnosis of the international economic situation and, in the measures and policies recommended by consensus, the Conference made it possible for UNCTAD, as the principal institution in the United Nations system in matters of economic development, to resume, at least in part, its proper role in multilateral economic politics. We therefore trust that UNCTAD VII will mark the end of the process of debilitation and of the disagreements to which UNCTAD has been subjected. If UNCTAD has proved anything, it has been its relevance as a forum for the formulation and negotiation of policies and measures regarding the problems of international economic relations and economic development. Today we have a better perception of the problems, their scope and implications, of the positions and prospects for which they are managed, as well as of the directions that need to be taken for their solution.
In connection with the growing interdependence of all our countries, my Government wishes to make a very special mention of the report entitled "Our Common Future", prepared by the World Commission on the Environment and Development, an organization presided over by the Prime Minister of Norway, Mrs. Gro Harlem Bruntland, and whose final report has been submitted to this Assembly for consideration.
The diagnosis, conclusions and guidelines of that valuable work have been closely scrutinized in ray country. Venezuela's traditional position, both at the national level and in the international forums dealing with the study of environmental problems, has been to defend development in harmony with a balanced ecology, of which man is an integral part and without which his very existence could be threatened. We welcome the publication of this brilliant and useful work and urge that it be debated with a creative intent for the best interests of man and his future.
I should also like to refer to the phenomenon of international trade in toxic and dangerous wastes. It is scandalous that this should exist and that the disparities in technology, progress, in the legal infrastructure and control are so abused as to make many developing countries the dumping ground of the scum of industrial activity. This situation requires thorough study and regulation at the multilateral level. Venezuela will support every effort aimed at guaranteeing that by the beginning of 1989 the international community will be in a position to approve a world-wide convention on the control of cross-border movements of dangerous wastes. .
In the meantime, the Government of Venezuela has decided to adopt regulatory provisions to prevent its territory from becoming the recipient of toxic wastes.
I must also reaffirm, with utmost force and urgency, that at times when we are busy solving pressing problems, we neglect what is perhaps one of the greatest dangers for mankind: the gradual breakdown of the environmental eco-system which is nevertheless our main source of sustenance and life. We therefore maintain that at all levels of activity of the United Nations system, as well as of all other sub-regional, regional and international organs, a greater awareness should be fostered of the close link between economic development and environmental problems, as well as of their long-term effects. It is urgent to ensure the quality of life for generations to come. Accordingly, we support with keen interest the holding, this session, of a plenary meeting devoted exclusively to items pertaining to the environment and development.
Venezuela is attentively following the process of reviewing the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the United Nations, as called for in resolution 41/213, as well as an in-depth study of the intergovernmental structure of the United Nations and of its functions in the economic and social field, now underway in an ad hoc committee of the Economic and Social Council. This process, which is intended to improve the United Nations system, should not, however, affect the essential functions, mandates and programmes of the Organization.
As we see it, there is nothing whatever that can justify depriving the Organization of the budgetary resources which are mandatory under the Charter, nor for compelling it to dismantle its infrastructure and programmes because of delays and failures to comply with financial obligations. Such an attitude is inadmissible, the more so if it proceeds from contributors with a high level of responsibility towards the Organization.
The Government of Venezuela, even in the face of a difficult situation as regards its exports earnings and of countless economic and social needs, has made it a point of honour to comply fully with its obligations towards this Organization, Almost all Member countries have had the same attitude. We can only trust that the so-called United Nations financial crisis, the origin of which is well known, will be overcome by full compliance with the obligations we all undertook on becoming Members of this Organization.
One of the basic items that has figured prominently in our debates is the battle we are waging to eradicate the grave scourge of the production, consumption, abuse and illicit traffic of drugs.
At the International Conference held in Vienna in June last, important steps were taken to draft measures for International co-operation' in this field, where the need for concerted action by all countries Is becoming Increasingly evident. The phenomenon of cross-border drug trafficking cannot be defeated by one country alone. It must be addressed on all fronts: domestic, bilateral and multilateral. The Vienna Conference succeeded in producing two important documents in this direction, that is, the Declaration and the broad and multidisciplinary Plan of Action, which are before us as instruments of undeniable value to guide and harmonize actions by States and by international organizations in the crusade against drugs.
On the other hand, as a measure to supplement the efforts of the international community in this direction, Venezuela, a resolute pioneer in this struggle, will steadfastly pursue its action within the United Nations, so that we may as soon as possible conclude the convention against the Illicit traffic in drugs and psychotropic substances, the initial draft of which the Venezuelan delegation submitted to this Assembly in 1984. The work done so far leads us to be optimistic, but it is obvious that in this field - the battle against what I have not hesitated to call the "Trojan Horse" of our civilization - much remains to be done, particularly in those countries that provide the biggest markets for this fiendish consumption. Not to face this aspect of the problem decisively would be suicidal. The war against drugs must be global, at every stage, lest we be defeated.
Once again we must refer to the grave conflicts prevailing in southern Africa. It is intolerable that, after long decades of debates and decisions taken both by the Security Council and by this Assembly, the colonialism and racism imposed by the ruling minority in South Africa should persist at all costs.
Once again we urge South Africa to comply fully with Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) , thus leading to the prompt independence of Namibia, as decided by the international community.
Venezuela attaches particular importance to its relations with African countries. With them we wish to pursue our efforts in the common struggle for the final eradication of apartheid and the defeat of colonialism reigning in Namibia, One of the issues the Organization has been dealing with for decades is the Middle East conflict, a constant concern of the entire international community. We express the hope that it may be possible to arrive at a meeting of minds which will enable progress to be made towards a negotiated, just and lasting solution in that important region of the world. In this respect we support the Secretary-General's efforts aimed at convening a peace conference on the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned.
In the same context, we are gravely concerned about the persistent tension and armed confrontations between Iran and Iraq - countries with which Venezuela maintains cordial and important relations. We hope that this long war, which has engendered such widespread destruction, will soon be ended thus averting the implicit danger of a widening of the conflict.
The existence of this Organization, the continuing validity of its noble principles and ideals and its broad and diverse action in many different aspects of international life - all bear eloquent witness to Its role and what it can accomplish.
There is no doubt that after this already lengthy road of 42 years of United Nations existence many expectations remain unrealised, but action on many others is on course and moving confidently into the future. In these times of supreme challenge our Organization urges us to strengthen it and give it our most resolute support.
We earnestly hope that the deliberations of this session of the General Assembly will be reflected in effective and fruitful results that will promote harmony and progress for all peoples, within a balanced world order where genuine and total peace prevails, free from any restrictions. That is what the yearning for justice of universal man still demands.


I congratulate you. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly and assure you of the support of the delegation of Iceland in carrying out the duties of that noble office.
Two years ago, at the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, I had the honour of addressing this great Assembly. On that occasion I also had the pleasure of listening to many world leaders express their hopes for a world without wars and misery, for a world of peace and good living for all. I do not doubt the sincerity of those who express such hopes, but I ask myself why, then, have we failed.
In those fine anniversary speeches several explanations are found. Certainly, much has been achieved through the United Nations, and not least through the efforts of the various specialized agencies dealing with specific world problems. On the other hand, it seems to be a rather widespread opinion that the General Assembly and the Security Council have too often failed, and certainly there is considerable evidence to support such an opinion.
The General Assembly has grown, it seems, into a forum of heated debates, with accusations and counter-accusations, between nations which too often seem to belong to power blocs with predetermined views on most issues of importance. To many the General Assembly does not look like a world forum of statesmen seeking in earnest answers to the many problems from which humanity is suffering. But why bring this up at this moment, somebody may wonder. Two years ago we went through the exercise of reviewing the work of the United Nations throughout 40 years and suggesting ways of improvement. We have new gathered here for yet another session of the General Assembly. This is therefore the proper time to do as we promised the world two years ago and show at this session that we meant what we said.
The Icelandic delegation to the General Assembly will act accordingly. We shall not take part in accusations and arguments between nations. We shall honour the sovereign right of every nation to govern its own affairs as long as that is within Internationally agreed rules and regulations and does not give others cause for grievance. We shall oppose those that do not honour the sovereignty of their neighbours and that start military conflicts and wars. We shall support reasonable measures to settle such differences.
We congratulate the Central American countries on the peace agreement which they have reached and urge all nations to support and assist in the implementation of that treaty. We assume, of course, that the parties involved will restore human rights in the area without delay and thus show their sincere intentions to live up to the agreement.
We also strongly support the Security Council's attempt to end the military conflict in the Middle East. I wish to suggest that, if this is not accepted by the countries in question it should be followed up by further international action, such as the imposition of a complete arms embargo. We shall support all realistic resolutions calling for the limitation and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons, a nuclear-test ban and the elimination of chemical weapons, with satisfactory means of verification.
We strongly oppose apartheid and any and all suppression of human rights. We shall take part in an honest effort to improve the general quality of life. We shall therefore support all reasonable measures to prevent pollution and destruction of the environment, especially when such practices affect more than one nation or the whole world. In this respect I refer, as examples, to such practices as making the oceans of the world dumps for the most hazardous waste and destroying the ozone layer. No nation or industrial complex should be allowed to continue such practices, often purely for financial gain.
The danger involved In the application of nuclear energy for power production can no longer be overlooked. With that fact in mind I suggest that the nuclear power industry should be required to accept mandatory safety standards and inspection as determined by an international body such as the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Iceland strongly supports the conclusions of and proposals made by the Nordic Commission on Environment and Development and we trust that these will become the basis for world action.
We shall honour the right of every nation to make proper use of resources within its boundaries without interference from others, but where much exploitation affects others we shall stress international consultation and scientific control. Furthermore, we believe that all living resources have the right to be conserved, although they can be utilized properly. We reject interference by a self-appointed police force, however powerful such a nation may be. People in glasshouses should not throw stones.
I trust that I have made the position of the Icelandic delegation clear. Furthermore, I want to stress that we look to the United Nations with high expectations and respect. In spite of its shortcomings, we see this important Organization as humanity's greatest hope for survival. We believe that the United Nations should be strengthened and we are willing to take part in such an effort.
Personally, I believe that a major source of our problems is to be found in the lack of confidence and trust. Therefore I suggest that we do everything in our power to ensure that people from all parts of the world are allowed to travel freely and get acquainted. I am certain that this would dispel many of the false ideas about others now so frequently held by so many. A year ago my country, Iceland was host to the leaders of the two most powerful nations in the world, who, we can assume, have the future of mankind in their hands. It was a pleasure to host that meeting and thus contribute a little to the crucial attempt now being made to reach agreement on the long overdue reduction of nuclear weapons.
I want to pay a special tribute to the super-Powers for the results now made evident by the agreement just announced on the elimination of medium-range missiles. We trust that this will be followed by further and larger steps in the elimination of nuclear weapons.
Iceland, which is one among a very few nations that does not have a military force, will always be available to assist in such an attempt to improve life on earth. I should like to see my country become a sanctuary for those who want to meet in peace and seek solutions to the many problems from which mankind is suffering. For that purpose I would welcome not only the leaders of the super-Powers but all members of the General Assembly to my country, Iceland.