It is a pleasure for me, on behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, to offer our congratulations to the President on his election to preside over the General Assembly during this fortieth session of our Organization. His long association with the United Nations as a representative of Spain, and his vast experience in international affairs will, I am confident, ensure that this commemorative session contributes substantially towards the attainment of the goals, enshrined in our Charter, of world peace, justice and economic and social progress. I gladly avail myself of this opportunity also to pay a deserved tribute to Mr. Paul Lusaka of Zambia, who presided so capably over the work of the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session.
On behalf of the Government and people of Trinidad and Tobago, I convey to the Government and people of Mexico our heartfelt sympathy over the extensive destruction and loss of life resulting from the recent earthquakes.
It is a sobering commentary on the status of many countries 40 years ago, and on the enormous changes that have since taken place, that of the 159 Members of our Organization more than half were not independent when the United Nations Charter was signed in San Francisco in 1945. Indeed, nearly a quarter of the Member States represented here today, my own included, gained their independence as late as the decade of the 1960s, which saw an acceleration of the process of the dissolution of the world-wide system of colonialism. Thus do the resolve of people and the passage of time bring about changes which reshape the course of history.
Every anniversary provides an opportunity, if not for rejoicing, at least for reflection, and as we reflect upon the events of the 40 years since the inauguration of our Assembly, it may be useful to examine that period in terms of what it has meant to us, Member states of the Organization.
In doing so we may consider the period from several standpoints: as having been one of 40 years of strengthening the Organization; of 40 years of trying to resolve conflicts; of 40 years of searching for agreement on disarmament; of 40 years of furthering economic, social and cultural development. But some may ask "Have they been 40 years of advancement or of retrogression or stalemate? Has it been a period of continuing confidence and hope in the future of the world, or one of despair over a world seemingly still torn apart by its contradictions?"
When he addressed the commemorative meeting in San Francisco earlier this year, our Secretary-General boldly faced that question, and listed a number of areas in which the multilateralism embodied in the United Nations provides the necessary structure within which nations can work together for progress that no nation acting alone can accomplish. He was not overstating the role of the United Nations when he declared that for 40 years the Organization had provided the catalyst, the framework and the machinery for the continued common engagement in the betterment of the human condition upon which the peace of the world has depended so much.
The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago recognizes and applauds the invaluable achievements of the United Nations, which have been articulated by the Secretary-General and several representatives who have addressed the Assembly. There is, in fact, clear evidence in many parts of the world that several of the objectives set out in the Charter have been, or are being, realized. We may take much satisfaction in those achievements. But this is not an occasion only, or even primarily, for self-congratulation. We must be equally candid in acknowledging that, despite our efforts, solutions to many contentious issues still seem to be elusive and that much more work remains to be done. Many of the objectives and purposes of the Charter have been only partially achieved, and the consequent disappointment has tended to engender frustration and disillusionment and to retard
progress. There is evident need for a renewal of our commitment to the objectives and purposes of our Charter.
In the area of economic and social development, the responsibilities of the United Nations must of necessity be more important and far-reaching today than in 1945. The United Nations now comprises 159 sovereign States, but some three quarters of the world's population dwell in States whose inherited social and economic structures still confine them to a peripheral position outside the mainstream of the international economic and financial system.
The Charter of the United Nations contains a pledge - that the people of the United Nations are determined to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic advancement of all peoples. Yet the quest, in which we in the developing world repose so much hope and faith, for the new international economic order that would establish a world economic system predicated on justice and equality, is still to be completed. Indeed, it is not even being seriously considered in some quarters. The developed States must surely have recognized by now that the proposed new international economic order does not constitute a threat to their economic well-being, but that it is a concept designed primarily to restructure economic interaction and promote the economic growth of all peoples.
Unhappily, indifference and inaction have confronted all the efforts to bring about global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development, the elaboration of a code of conduct on transnational corporations, the establishment of a long-term financing system for science and technology for development and the attainment of the targets and objectives mutually agreed in the International Development Strategy for the Third united Nations Development Decade.
It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the critical, ever-worsening economic situation throughout the world continues to be a cause of serious concern and that developing States, which once looked to multilateral financing institutions to assist them with their complex economic problems, are now, with good reason, losing faith in them. Their discouragement is aggravated by the fact that any demonstration of economic improvement by any of those countries tends to bring with it the application of concepts such as that of graduation, which alters their eligibility status and entails the loss of much-needed assistance from trading partners and international development organizations.
That is not all. One of the most serious problems facing developing States is that of massive and spiraling debt, and their inability not merely to repay the capital but even to meet the huge interest payments unilaterally prescribed. In fact, developing States have been forced to seek new loans to meet interest payments on previous loans. It is difficult to see where the spiral will end. A debt must always be honored. There is, however, the concomitant responsibility on the part of the developed world to ensure that the terms are such that they do not defeat the objective for which the loan was contracted and do not cause economic strangulation. The flexibility necessary to keep payments attuned to the socio-economic perspective must be retained.
Sources of long-term financing are crucial to the economic program of developing States, and it is clear that those States cannot afford, as they are now required, to borrow at commercial rather than at concessional rates. Yet, the cost of borrowing from the institutions engaged in international finance, which were supposedly designed as the machinery for the promotion of the economic development of all peoples, has become economically too high and politically too explosive for most developing countries. Why impose on today's developing countries conditions of financing so much more onerous than those experienced by the present developed countries in the early stages of their growth and development?
Another serious problem facing developing countries is the spread of trade protectionism. Those developing States which, by their sustained efforts towards development have managed to create manufacturing and industrial sectors that are able to compete with those of developed States, often find that methods are devised to bar the entry of their products into the markets of the developed economies. At the same time, forces beyond the control of developing countries, and unmindful of their particular circumstances, dictate the prices and the conditions of purchase of their traditional primary products. The terms of trade continue to move inexorably against those States, with inevitable adverse consequences for their balance-of-payment positions.
Since developing States are not being adequately remunerated for their primary products and are prevented from selling whatever else they produce and manufacture, they have been left in the invidious position of possessing insufficient funds to purchase the products of other States. As a result, the level of economic activity in the developing States has declined, unemployment is increasing and their capacity to maintain trade, even among themselves, is being considerably undermined.
Over the years, the United Nations has sought to address and resolve questions such as these through the establishment of a number of agencies and institutions. However, despite the activities of organizations such as the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the progress towards development in many countries of the world has generally been slow. These agencies have, none the less, played a positive role in seeking to give practical effect to the principles on which the United Nations system was founded. They have demonstrated a keen awareness of, and sensitivity to the problems and needs of developing States. But the financial difficulties which certain of these agencies have latterly encountered, in part because support from some Member States has tended to decline, have had the effect of impairing the ability of the United Nations system to function in accordance with the principles enunciated by its founders.
We should, perhaps, acknowledge that the median isms of collaboration and co-operation in the United Nations system are of value only to the extent that they assist in the attainment of the Organization's objectives. Over the years, we have elaborated and refined our perspective in this regard. But can the problem be that insufficient attention has been given to evaluating the mechanisms employed to attain these objectives? Perhaps this fortieth session might well give priority to addressing these issues.
The Charter sets out a number of objectives aimed at satisfying the unrelenting quest for justice, freedom, equality, peace and economic and social advancement. We have made much progress towards each of these goals, but none of us, after 40 years of effort, can feel fully satisfied with what we have accomplished. Our disappointment is, perhaps, most acute in respect of the Charter's requirement that we promote and encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religious belief. Our attention is directed daily to more and more cases of violation of human rights and denial of fundamental freedoms. In no area of the world are the violation of human rights and the denial of freedoms more offensive to the spirit and the principles of the Charter of our Organization than in South Africa.
We are surely not alone in this Assembly in holding fast to the belief that all men are created equal and that they are endowed by their Creator with the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Representing, as I do, a country whose National Anthem proudly proclaims "...Every creed and race find an equal place..." I cannot find words expressive enough of my country's repugnance at that odious system of apartheid that discriminates against people on the basis of their race and color.
Our Organization was founded 40 years ago in order that the world might never again be faced with the evils of nazism. But we meet today, conscious that an evil no less great continues to confront us. We are all aware of the similarities between nazism and apartheid, both founded on the spurious doctrine of racial superiority. Just as nazism was in the 1940s, apartheid is, equally today, a threat to international peace and security. Nazism was overcome by international effort, by a collective effort to which many of the then dependent countries contributed with their material and human resources. I need not elaborate on the number of young men and women, the flower of the populations of countries still under the yoke of colonialism, who volunteered and sacrificed their lives in the fight against Nazism. Is it too much to ask for a similar concerted international effort to overcome apartheid? Is it too much to ask today that all countries take those steps which will contribute effectively to the efforts to secure the total eradication from the face of the earth of this pernicious system? That is not too much to ask. We call upon all the Member States of the United Nations to implement fully the many resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council concerning South Africa and to apply immediately the measures provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter. We must move with dispatch and a sense of urgency. Unless we do, there will be no end to the spiraling violence which has claimed so many lives in South Africa.
A related source of disappointment to our Organization must be our continuing failure to secure compliance by South Africa with resolutions and decisions demanding that it end its illegal occupation of Namibia and allow the people of Namibia to exercise their right to self-determination. In addition. South Africa has paid no heed to the repeated condemnation by this Organization of its acts of armed aggression against neighboring States, in contemptuous defiance of world opinion and of the principles of the Charter to which it once purported to subscribe. No Member State should be allowed to arrogate unto itself the right to flout with impunity the just and legitimate decisions of this Organization. Yet, that is exactly what South Africa continues to do, daring the Organization to prevent it or to punish it. Against all reasoning, urging, and warning, it remains obdurate and unrepentant.
Trinidad and Tobago reiterates its concern over the number of areas of tension which remain volatile and of regional conflicts which continue to defy solution, thereby threatening international peace and security. The need to respect principles of territorial integrity and of non-interference, and to adhere to the principle of the peaceful resolution of conflicts, has never been greater. In this regard, we reaffirm our confidence that the situation in Central America can be resolved through regional negotiations, and we express our continuing support for the efforts of the Contadora group. We also welcome the recent creation of the support group, comprising Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay, to assist in the Contadora process. It is our earnest hope that those joint efforts, and the goodwill of the countries directly involved, will bring about an early end to the conflict in Central America.
Trinidad and Tobago notes with much satisfaction the resumption of dialog between the two Koreas which has led to the recent exchange of visits by families. We urge that the dialog be continued in a spirit of greater understanding and co-operation so as to ensure a peaceful solution to the Korean problem. We also note the situation in South-East Asia and propose that all the parties involved enter into or continue dialog to resolve conflict in that area.
Our Secretary-General has been untiring in his efforts to find solutions to the many problems before the United Nations. Not least among them is the situation in Cyprus. It is not too much to hope that as we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we shall see the resolution of this long-standing problem.
The conflicts in the Middle East continue to bring suffering, misery and deprivation to the peoples of that region. In the name of humanity, a way must be found to bring their anguish to an early end.
In our continuing efforts to defuse the arms race, it is significant to recall that the very first resolution of the General Assembly dealt with the question of disarmament. Yet, over the past 40 years, instead of a reduction we have witnessed a quantitative and qualitative increase in the arsenals of both nuclear and conventional weapons.
It is a reproach to the conscience of this Organization that while an increasing proportion of the world's population seems doomed to continue to live in conditions of penury, squalor, famine and ill health, some countries find it necessary to spend enormous sums of money each year on a never-ending quest for arms superiority. Since the acquisition of increasing quantities of arms implies a fear - or the fact - that the conditions for peace no longer exist, is our commitment to the peace provisions of our Charter to be considered no longer credible?
My delegation supports the call of the ministerial meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, held recently in Luanda, for the convening of a third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We believe that Member States acting in concert could make a meaningful contribution at such a session to efforts at halting and reversing the arms race.
Trinidad and Tobago also supports the call for an international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development. Such a conference could establish the mechanisms through which the vast resources now devoted to the production of armaments could be channeled into peaceful and productive activities.
We believe that security for nations is more likely to be achieved through political, social and economic co-operation than through investment in and deployment of newer and even more awesome means of mass destruction. This celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations must therefore have as one of its primary objectives the attainment of a substantial reduction in the production and proliferation of weapons of all types and the redirection of the resources now used for those purposes to secure a significant improvement in the quality of life of all peoples.
When moved to compassion by harrowing televised scenes of hunger, squalor and disease afflicting countless millions throughout the world, Member States of our Organization have demonstrated that at the national level they are not lacking either in sympathy or in the capacity quickly and effectively to transform that sympathy into adequate material assistance in an emergency situation. But we evidently find it difficult to take the necessary steps to ensure that our Organization and its relevant agencies are adequately provided with the necessary requirements for averting such emergency situations.
If, because of the lack of appropriate means, our Organization is rendered incapable of employing "international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples", as envisaged in our Charter, it will be unable to achieve the objective of promoting social progress and better standards of life.
The economic and social conditions of those Member States that would most benefit from the international assistance that our Organization was intended to provide have in recent years been aggravated by the deteriorating world economic climate. Although some of our Member States are clearly in a better position than others to contribute effectively to the solution of the world's economic problems, our Charter prescribes the need for co-operative action. Member States therefore have a solemn obligation to ensure the achievement of international co-operation so that these pressing problems may be resolved. My country fully accepts that obligation and will continue, in so far as is within its power, to play its part in the attainment of that objective.
As we mark this fortieth anniversary, let us remember with gratitude and sincere appreciation the invaluable contribution made by all those men and women who over the years have dedicated themselves to the growth, development and strengthening of our Organization. I particularly wish to pay tribute to our Secretary-General and to all those who preceded him in that office. Their untiring efforts have earned them an enduring place in the history of the United Nations.
In appending their signatures to the Charter on 26 June 1945, the founders of our Organization declared that they did so "in faith". Conceived in faith, our Organization has been nurtured in optimism. Let us, on this memorable occasion, reaffirm that faith and renew that optimism so that in the years that lie ahead we may fulfill the hopes and aspirations that inspired the founders and that must continue to inspire those of us to whom the torch has been passed.
Greater things than have thus far been accomplished are pressing upon us. Let us use this fortieth anniversary observance to rededicate ourselves to their achievement.


I am honored Sir, to extend to you our warm congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at this significant and historic session. Your election reflects the appreciation of the international community for your skilled leadership, and its esteem for your country, with which the Sudan has strong ties of friendship.
I should also like to express the deep appreciation of my delegation to your predecessor, Mr. Paul Lusaka, who brought honor to his country and to Africa as a whole through his skill in successfully conducting the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, a skill reflected in the numerous achievements of that session despite a number of difficulties and obstacles.
I should also like to express our appreciation and thanks to His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his invaluable work at the head of our Organization, and for his comprehensive report on the work of the Organization, which gives a sound evaluation of the achievements and duties of the Organization on its fortieth anniversary in the light of the provisions of the Charter.
I should also like to extend to the Head of the Mexican delegation the sincere sympathy of the Government and people of the Sudan to the Government and people of Mexico on the recent catastrophe which devastated Mexico and claimed the lives of thousands of its people.
The United Nations is currently playing host to world leaders commemorating its fortieth anniversary. We must pause on this occasion to examine the problems and challenges that face us and to evaluate the work of the Organization during the past four decades of its existence. Our belief in the mission and principles of the United Nations requires us to attach special importance to its fortieth anniversary. We believe this is a good opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the Charter and our support for the international Organization in the fulfillment of its noble mission, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security and the promotion of international co-operation in all vital fields.
The Assembly has naturally followed the recent political developments in my country which on 6 April last led to the victory of the popular revolution and to the elimination of an authoritarian rule which had lasted for 16 years. Through that great upheaval, our people in the Sudan affirmed its commitment to die democratic option, the safeguarding of human rights and the solution of our problems by peaceful means and through dialog. Our people also renewed their firm belief in the Charter of the United Nations and in the other regional organizations to which it belongs.
Since its inception, the Transitional Government has sought to establish relations of good neighborliness with all neighboring countries, to settle disputes peacefully, to promote regional and international co-operation and to consolidate the principles of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, of which Sudan is one of the founding members. We initiated all this immediately upon the victory of the popular will last April, and we opened our doors to friendship with all. We have affirmed the freedom and dignity of the citizen and his right to full political participation and we have restored the freedom of the press, the independence of the judiciary, the neutrality of the civil service and the sanctity of the universities and other educational institutions.
The Assembly is aware that the problems and difficult circumstances we are facing at present, especially those of the drought, starvation and influx of refugees, constitute a heavy burden which we are doing our utmost to shoulder. We have succeeded to a great extent in mobilizing the available resources to contain the catastrophe of starvation and drought which has devastated various parts of the country. We have established a Supreme Committee, under the direct supervision of the Provisional Military Council, to co-operate with the donor States and relief organizations. The assistance of friends has been combined with that of the international community to help us to overcome this devastating catastrophe which is afflicting our country. The General Assembly is perhaps familiar with the real magnitude and dimensions of the problem and of its implications, as reflected in various reports published by the United Nations and those of its agencies involved.
My country looks forward to continued aid by the international community and by friendly and fraternal States, commensurate with the gravity of the starvation, especially during this phase when the processes of relief are facing great difficulties because of the rains impeding the transport of relief to the more disadvantaged areas in the west of the country, which has led to an accumulation of relief supplies at the only port in the country.
While on the subject of the grave conditions prevailing in my country, I wish to avail myself of this opportunity to express our deep appreciation of the prompt response and the spirit of solidarity demonstrated by the United Nations and the international community in respect of the critical economic situation in my country and elsewhere in Africa. I would like to extend grateful thanks to all those who have come to the assistance of the Sudan, and in particular I commend the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the United Nations Disaster Relief Organization in Africa under Mr-. Bradford Morse, Mr. Maurice Strong and Mr. Winston Bradley, the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for relief operations in the Sudan, together with their colleagues and assistants in the field, the United Nations Development Program and other specialized agencies and their representatives in the Sudan. I should also like to thank the Governments of the United States, the member countries of the European Economic Community, the Government and people of Japan, the Arab States and other fraternal and friendly States, the non-governmental organizations, voluntary organizations and associations of artists in Europe and the United States.
Our experience of relief operations in Africa has proved that the United Nations is capable of carrying out its duties and commitments towards the international community, given the necessary support and confidence. The Disaster Relief Office has succeeded in acquainting the international community with the magnitude of the tragedy and the real needs and priorities of the various affected States. It has also succeeded in mobilizing international support and in co-ordinating the efforts of specialized agencies and voluntary organizations. As we celebrate this year the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, I should like to cite this experience as a living example of the effectiveness and success of the United Nations in the vital field of relief. While hoping that the Office will continue its relief efforts, we also hope that the success of this experience will be reflected in the contribution of the United Nations system to the support of the African States in moving from the relief phase to the phase of rehabilitation and development. That is the main challenge facing the African countries and the international community.
The current economic crisis is still adversely affecting the developing countries, and especially those in Africa. The critical economic situation currently prevailing in Africa, with its short-term and long-term effects, constitutes one of the negative aspects of international economic relations. The United Nations Declaration on the Critical Economic Situation in Africa, adopted by the General Assembly at its last session, is a candid acknowledgment of the deterioration of that situation and a conscious awareness on the part of the international community of the need to face that crisis which, in our view, is the result of several factors, the most important being the current stagnation of the world economy and the repercussions of an unjust international economic order which has driven most developing countries into increasing indebtedness, has devastated their economy and trapped them in a vicious circle of instability. The repercussions of this situation are most dangerous for the African countries concerned. What has probably contributed to the compounding of the problems of the African States in particular are the natural disasters which have devastated those countries, and also the problem of refugees. The twenty-first summit meeting of the-Organization of African Unity, convened last July, was devoted to a discussion of economic problems. That meeting was a landmark in the African endeavor to contain these grave economic effects. One of the most important characteristics of that meeting was the acknowledgment for the first time by the African Presidents of the shortcomings of local economic policies, and their readiness to adopt corrective measures and to formulate policies in conformity with reality and with local and international conditions.
They also affirmed that the primary responsibility for the development of Africa falls on the Governments and peoples of Africa. They reaffirmed the validity of the objectives of the Lagos Plan of Action: self-reliance, rehabilitation and revitalization in the food and agricultural sectors.
At the Conference the Heads of Government also reviewed the problem of Africa's external indebtedness, a problem which has worsened in the past few years because of the increasing international monetary and economic crisis. That crisis has had serious repercussions on the development processes because of the increasing burden of indebtedness and the decrease in the flow of new financial resources and concessionary terms for development efforts.
Although we fully respect our international commitment to repay these debts, we simply cannot, on the one hand, repay them and, on the other, continue to provide even the basic means of survival for our peoples. There must be further and intensified international efforts; all the necessary ingenuity must be brought to bear to find new methods that avoid the traditional formulas, which have provided only palliatives and not cures. The international action necessary to deal with the indebtedness problem must take into account the deteriorating situation in some countries, especially the most disadvantaged and least developed countries in Africa, which are in a deficit situation and are clearly unable to repay their debts. The debts must be rescheduled for a longer period and, in addition, the grace period must be extended and new concessionary terms must be worked out, taking into account the ability of the African countries to repay without damaging their importation possibilities.
At the Addis Ababa summit conference, the African Heads of State and Government took two initiatives in connection with their examination of the problems of Africa. First, they called for the convening of a special session of the United Nations General Assembly to deal with all aspects of the economic crisis in Africa and to examine medium-term and long-term methods for solving that crisis. Secondly, they called for the convening of an international conference on Africa's external indebtedness, which has completely paralyzed the economies of Africa. We hope that during this session the General Assembly will reach agreement on the convening of a special session and on the sound preparations to be made for it. We hope also that the current session will provide a good opportunity for consultations on the proposed international conference on Africa's indebtedness.
These are glorious days for southern Africa. Men? women and children are engaged in an all-out revolution in South Africa to sweep away the abominable policy of apartheid. The apartheid regime has been making cosmetic changes which in no way affect the essence of the policy of apartheid. The African States and the international community as a whole have for the past decade been drawing attention to the risks inherent in South Africa's continued policies and practices, and have been calling for the intensification of serious action to put an end to the racist regime. But the "Atinued military and economic co-oDeration between certain States and the Pretoria regime has helped to entrench that regime and to enable it to continue its racist oppressive policies against the Black majority and its aggression against the neighboring African States.
The terrorism practiced by the white minority Government will not succeed in extinguishing the heroic resistance of the courageous people of south Africa, which is engaged in an all-out revolution which will certainly result soon in victory. From this rostrum we salute the defenseless people of South Africa in their struggle and reaffirm our absolute support for that struggle, under the leadership of the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. We call for an increase in international support for the
In this regard, we must note that the policy of "constructive engagement" with the racist minority Government has proved that it cannot effect the desired change; rather, it has contributed to increasing the intransigence and arrogance of the Pretoria Government. Furthermore, the argument that the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa will lead only to mote misery for the Black people is fallacious. Continued economic co-operation with South Africa and the continued flow of investments to South Africa lead only to hampering the increasing attempts to isolate the Pretoria regime; they provide it with the resources it needs to continue its policy of apartheid and to deprive the Black majority of its legitimate rights. Only the tightening of the stranglehold on the Pretoria regime, the isolation of that Government and the imposition of a complete boycott and further sanctions against it can lead to the termination of the abominable apartheid regime and the exercise by the Black majority of its legitimate and just Eights, as well as the establishment of a sound, democratic society based on justice and equality and guaranteeing freedom for all.
We have followed with great interest the response by some Governments and parliamentary institutions, and their adoption of varying degrees of economic boycotts of the South African Government. We hope that even these limited actions will mark the beginning of a unified and intensified international effort to support the struggle the people of South Africa and that they will accelerate the desired radical change in that country.
The subject of the co-operation by some countries with the racist Pretoria regime, with a view to entrenching that regime in power, leads us to denounce the intense co-operation between the racist ideology in South Africa and the Zionist ideology in Israel, especially in the cultural, economic and military fields. The culmination of that co-operation has been its extension to the nuclear field, resulting in the development of nuclear capabilities threatening the Arab and African regions and frustrating the endeavors now under way for the declaration of the two regions as nuclear-free zones. We condemn this co-operation and call for an increase in the campaigns by the international community to expose the co-operation and ensure that an end is put to it once and for us.
The Pretoria Government is still defying the international community by occupying Namibia and imposing its domination on Namibia, despite the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. The international community has constantly condemned the Pretoria Government for its illegal occupation of that Territory and for plundering its natural resources. We state again that the only basis for a peaceful settlement of the problem of Namibia is the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). From this rostrum we repeat Sudan's categorical rejection of the linking of Namibia's independence with other issues. We also reject the installation by the South African Government of an interim government in Namibia. We reaffirm the legal responsibility of the United Nations for the independence of that Territory and the duty of the Security Council to ensure implementation of its resolutions.
We also support the struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization and we urge that it be given all possible support. In this regard, we hope that Security Council resolution 569 (1985) will constitute a serious step towards the imposition of mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter.
I do not think I need to stress the gravity of the situation in the Middle East and its real danger not only for security in that region but for international peace and security. The lack of a just and lasting solution to the question of Palestine, which constitutes the core of the conflict in the Middle East, has continuously aggravated the situation in that area, especially in view of Israel's persistence in its illegal occupation of Arab territories, in its confiscation of Arab lands and in depriving the Palestinian people of its legitimate and inalienable rights guaranteed by the United Nations Charter and reaffirmed in numerous resolutions of this Organization since its inception.
The acts of aggression still being committed by Israel against Lebanon and its continued brutal bombardment of the Palestinian camps is positive proof of its intentions and its disregard of international public opinion, international institutions and the security of the peoples and States of the region.
The Arab states, at the Fez Summit Conference and on other occasions, have affirmed their commitment to peace based on justice and right for all peoples and States in the region, thus providing a historic opportunity for the restoration of peace in one of the most important and sensitive areas of the world. But Israel has chosen to take the opposite course and to persist in its policy of aggression, disregarding all peace efforts.
The international community has affirmed in various forums its conviction that a lasting, just peace in the Middle East can be achieved only through the full and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Holy Jerusalem, and the exercise by the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), its sole, legitimate representative, of its inalienable rights, including its right to establish its independent State on its own soil, in accordance with its free will. These conditions remain a firm foundation for peace based on justice, not peace imposed by force of arms.
In this context, we reaffirm the importance of convening an international conference on peace in the Middle East, as specified in the Geneva Declaration of 1983, which was endorsed by the General Assembly, if the United Nations is to carry out its duties and responsibilities and contribute to the solution of this question on the basis of justice, right and international legitimacy. We declare from this rostrum our support for all sincere, serious efforts to settle the conflict in the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties concerned, on the international and regional levels and on a footing of equality at every stage.
The Government and people of Sudan have been following with great sorrow the continuing war between Iraq and Iran, which has now entered its sixth year. We feel great sadness at the continuing conflict between those two countries to which we are bound by close historical and spiritual links. Like other friendly Moslem people, we feel the bitterness of this strife, which has had devastating effects on the resources and potentials of those two neighboring countries and shaken the stability and security of the entire Gulf area. The international community has on numerous occasions stressed the need to bring about a peaceful settlement of this conflict. The Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries have made efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement to put an end to this bloody war in a context of respect for the basic tenets of international law, the United Nations Charter and the principles of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Sudan will continue to support these endeavors until there is a positive response to the appeals of the international community and the fighting between the two neighboring States is ended.
Sudan has always believed in the peaceful settlement of disputes, through dialog and negotiations, without resort to the logic of force and aggression. Accordingly, wet have repeatedly stressed the need for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan in such manner as to preserve for the people of Afghanistan its sovereignly,, self-determination and freedom, without foreign interference in its internal affairs.
Similarly, we consistently assert the importance of achieving a lasting and just solution to the question of Kampuchea in accordance with international law and in the context of the Charter of the United Nations.
The continued tension in South-East Asia makes it imperative for the international community to seek a comprehensive political solution that guarantees the withdrawal of all foreign forces and full respect for the independence of all States of the region, including Kampuchea. We reiterate our support for the efforts exerted by the Association of South-Hast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to achieve an acceptable, peaceful solution to this problem.
We are deeply convinced that peaceful dialog is the only way to settle conflicts. This conviction makes us look continuously for a solution between the Cypriot communities through serious negotiation and constructive dialog. We welcome the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in this direction. We believe that they constitute the right approach to finding a just solution to the problem that takes into account the legitimate rights of the two communities while guaranteeing the independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus, in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions.
We are following with interest the efforts of the Korean people to arrive at peaceful reunification through dialog, consultation and continued meetings between the representatives of organizations and institutions in the two countries.

We should like to emphasize the meetings between parliamentarians and the Red Cross organizations in the two Koreas, as well as the reunions of families. We hope that these efforts will culminate in success that will enable the Korean people to make an effective contribution to the efforts of the international community towards peace and international co-operation.
As far as Central America is concerned, we still hope that the peace efforts, in particular those of the Contadora Group, will be successful and that a peaceful settlement will be found that will restore stability to this important region and enable its peoples to devote their energies to achieve progress and prosperity.
In the context of international peace and security, we must refer to a particularly complex and dangerous aspect, the nuclear terror, which threatens mankind with extinction through the increased rate of stockpiling of nuclear weapons and the increase in their destructive power. We hope that the fortieth anniversary of the Organization will prove a new point of departure for the negotiations on disarmament.
The experience of the Second World War must never be forgotten. That war, with its social and economic destruction, proved the imperative need for international co-operation to preserve the basis of liberty and peace. But as a result of the present lack of confidence between the two super-Powers the disarmament negotiations in Geneva are stalled and this urgent question is excluded day after day from the context of the international Organization.
Along with others, we stress the imperative need to control the production of conventional and nuclear weapons, quantitatively and qualitatively, to reduce military forces to the lowest possible level, to reduce military budgets and to establish a serious organic link between disarmament, and development in the interest of the developing countries.
We urge implementation of the special Declaration of the 1980s as a Disarmament Decade, to be followed by the conclusion of a comprehensive convention on prohibiting nuclear tests, and by another convention prohibiting the production and use of chemical weapons. We reaffirm the need to respect nuclear-weapon-free zones.
We feel that the continued building and development of military arsenals will only provide an ephemeral peace based on fear and terror. We feel that the alternative lies in rebuilding the bridges of confidence between the two super-Powers, reducing tension between them, and reactivating the disarmament negotiations in a climate of goodwill and mutual confidence in the interest of the future of mankind.
We hope that the scheduled meeting between General Secretary Gorbachev and President Reagan will create such a climate conducive to peace and pave the way towards serious and sincere co-operation among the various members of the international community in order to achieve the lofty human objectives of peace and well-being.


The People's Republic of Mozambique is deeply distressed by the loss of life, the number of afflicted persons and the enormous destruction wrought by the earthquakes which, on 19 and 20 September 1985 struck various regions of Mexico, especially its capital. At this time of sorrow and mourning, we would like to express our heartfelt solidarity and support to the Government and people of Mexico.
I am addressing this Assembly on a date of profound and joyous significance for the Mozambican people. Just 21 years ago, on 25 September 1964, the Mozambique Liberation Front proclaimed general armed insurrection against colonialism. On that day the weapons of the freedom fighters opened the road that was to lead to our independence 11 years later. We recall this historic date for our people so that we may also praise the role played by the United Nations in support of the just liberation struggle of oppressed peoples.
With the achievement of our hard-won independence the Mozambican nation could also realize another of its deepest aspirations - that of joining the community of sovereign nations of the world and participating in the search for understanding, co-operation and harmonious relations between peoples and States.
Ten years have passed since our independence. We are justifiably proud to say that during this period the People's Republic of Mozambique has been able to establish and consolidate relations with almost all countries and increase its active participation in the united Nations system. In greeting the delegations attending this fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly, we hail the spirit that guides the international community's most universal forum: the common effort to solve the problems that humanity still faces.
On behalf of the People's Republic of Mozambique, I congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly. To preside over the supreme body of our Organization in a period characterized by heightened tension and conflicts in various parts of the world is a heavy responsibility. We are confident that with your long diplomatic experience and guided by the principles of our Organization you will successfully preside over the deliberations of this historic session.
We salute your predecessor, Ambassador Paul Lusaka, for the role he played in wisely guiding the work of the thirty-ninth session. During his mandate he faithfully interpreted the peoples' aspirations to freedom, independence, peace and progress.
We should also like to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the united Nations Secretary-General, on his determination and dedication in the implementation of the principles and aims of our Charter.
Forty years ago mankind was emerging, deeply wounded, from the most widespread and brutal conflagration in its history.

The United Nations was born out of the realization shared by all mankind that it was operative to prevent war fever from dominating our planet, a fever that could claim millions of lives, destroy human achievements, and drown in blood the dreams of our children and the hopes of our youth. THis was and remains the central task of the United Nations. Peace, however, is not merely the absence of war. It is primarily the absence of the causes of war. In this respect our Organization has played a fundamental role throughout its 40 years of life.
Forty years ago, when the United Nations Charter was signed in San Francisco, the Organization comprised a mere 51 countries. Today the United Nations family has grown, admitting more Members and its functions becoming more varied and complex. Today the United Nations is of a universal character. This universality reflects the correctness of the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter, and the universal values it contains. Our Organization has thus been turned into a favorite instrument of all peoples for achieving their deepest aspirations to freedom, independence, peace and progress. It has been transformed into a basic weapon against oppression, humiliation and exploitation and for the establishment of more just and equitable relations among nations. The United Nations has spread the ideals of brotherhood, equality and solidarity among peoples and nations.
The adoption of resolution 1514 (XV) on 14 December 1960, recognizing the right of peoples and countries under colonial domination to self-determination and independence, was a landmark in the life of our Organization. It was the culmination of the international community's awareness that as long as exploitation and domination of countries and peoples persisted, war would continue to devastate our planet. From then on United Nations activities in favor of decolonization and emancipation of peoples experienced an exponential growth.
Despite humankind's efforts, despite the fact that peace constitutes a fundamental aspiration for people the world over, the scourge of war has not yet disappeared. Its causes are still there. Colonialism has not yet been completely eradicated from the face of the earth. There are still situations where peoples are deprived of their country, sovereignty and freedom. Underdevelopment, wretchedness and hunger still ravage a great part of our planet. The economic domination of nations has not been eliminated. The gap separating developed and underdeveloped countries has continued to widen.
International peace and security, peaceful settlement of disputes, rejection of the use of force in international relations and good neighbourliness are fundamental principles, the very cornerstones of our Organization. Nevertheless we are today witnessing a serious worsening of international relations. Frequent violations of the principles and objectives of our Charter are today manifest. We are witnessing an increasing recourse to the threat or use of force and to intervention or interference in the internal affairs of'other States. Conflicts between States have worsened and are taking on increasingly dangerous dimensions. The human and material losses incurred since the Second World War are countless. Currently, not a day passes without war claiming more lives.
In direct contradiction of the requirements of our Charter, forces are emerging in opposition to the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination and independence, and thus blocking their emancipation. There are numerous glaring examples of violation of the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and the legitimate right to develop. Destabilization, direct aggression, economic blockade and the use of mercenaries, armed bandits and terrorism have become common occurrences. The spirit of understanding and co-operation among nations which a decade ago was the main trend in international relations, has been replaced by the language of confrontation and cold war.

As a result, international issues are not seen in the framework of the Chatter, in the spirit of San Francisco, but rather through the prism of East-West conflict, thus distorting their true nature. Fascist and dictatorial regimes, regimes which make discrimination and racism the foundation and philosophy of their
policy, survive on our planet, violating with impunity the rights of human beings and of peoples.
We cannot forget that the Nazi fascist and racist ideology was responsible for the conflagration of the Second World War. it committed massacres and cold bloodedly organized genocide. We cannot ignore the fact that there are heirs to the Nazi creed who pursue racist policies" and who do not hesitate to carry out massacres in their own countries and launch aggression and wage war against other countries.
To free the planet of regimes whose policies and practices are directly inspired by Nazi ideology is a basic necessity of the struggle for peace, and a task that should bring together all the efforts of our Organization,,
In the past 25 years the political face of southern Africa has changed radically. Our peoples have carried out a vast process of national liberation and social change that has eliminated foreign domination from roost parts of the region and brought down the rebel minority regime of Southern Rhodesia. In little more than two decades, our people, conscious of their role as the principal factor in the historical process of social transformation, and with the support of peace and freedom-loving forces, have wrenched the initiative from the colonial Powers and moved to a qualitatively new phase that has brought independence and regional co-operation.
It is tills process that is now reaching its logical conclusion in the struggle of the Namibian people against South African colonialism in Namibia, and in the struggle of the South African people against apartheid. It is the elimination of these two phenomena, causes of war and instability in our region, that will at last usher in throughout southern Africa an era of peace, tranquility and prosperity for all of its inhabitants.
Apartheid in South Africa and the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa constitute the main focus of regional tension. Apartheid is a serious threat to world peace and security. That is why we say that apartheid is not only a crime against the South African and Namibian people but also a crime against the peoples of the region and against humankind at large.
In South Africa, 24 million blacks, Coloreds and Indians suffer oppression, repression and discrimination under a system that allows political rights and privileges only to a white minority. The 24 million suffer the supreme humiliation of being treated as aliens in their own country, the humiliation of being denied citizenship.
Some 15 million blacks are confined to cheap labor reserves and compelled to till barren lands. In South Africa, the struggle for democracy, equality, peace and social justice is considered a crime.
*
The Pretoria regime, in order to defend and safeguard the privileges of the white minority, has launched unbridled repression against individuals, nationalists and religious bodies, trade unionists, students, teachers and even small children.
Police and army bullets are daily taking the lives of innocent and defenseless people who, throughout the country, are demonstrating peacefully against apartheid, against forced removals to the bantustans, against the pass laws, against arbitrary arrests. The people are not even allowed peacefully to bury their dead.
South Africa has turned into a land of massacre, a society of terror. Today's massacres, coming 25 years after Sharpeville, have demolished the theories of those who tried to see in apartheid a system susceptible of reform, a system with a self-correcting mechanism.
This is one facet of the current South African scenario. But there is another facet that brings a message of hope. He say hope, because the principal initiative for social change is already in the hands of the South African people, the African National Congress (ANC), and other democratic forces.
We say hope, because in the daily struggle against the apartheid system the South African people are already building the new South African nation. South Africans of all colors and races, of all ethnic origins and religious beliefs are engaged in this struggle.
Even within the white community, there are those who strongly believe that only an end to the system of apartheid can bring peace and progress. Today, thousands of young whites are rejecting the racist ideology of their parents.
It is an intensive struggle that takes on new dimensions day after day. It is a struggle in which an entire people show that they have no fear of the regime's repressive machinery. The heroic South African people are facing with their bare hands the army and the police armed with the deadliest of weapons. Over the past year the South African people have thus brought about a new situation: the apartheid regime has lost the little initiative that it may have had in the past and is resorting to increased repression of its opponents.
Ruthless repression is today the sole initiative of the South African Government. The so-called reforms by the regime are no more than a belated attempt to wrest from the people the initiative for political and social change in the country.
Each massacre strengthens the people's hatred of apartheid, each new pledge of relaxation of the racist laws which do not address the most fundamental issue - the dismantling of the apartheid system - is nothing but a ploy to gain time to divide its adversaries and maintain the structures of apartheid as they are.
The only solution to the serious situation in South Africa is therefore the beginning of a process of negotiations between the Government and the legitimate representatives of the South African people, taking as a starting point the release of Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners with a view to abolishing apartheid. Any attempt to stage a dialog with individuals who are not representative of the people will merely prolong South Africa's present agony.
It is therefore the duty of the entire international community to work with determination, on the basis of these conditions, in order to put an end to apartheid.
We appeal in particular to the Western countries to use all their influence and to bring pressure to bear on the South African Government to accept this process of negotiation without any delay or equivocation.
This year, when we are commemorating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we cannot fail to mention the plight of Namibia.
Namibia is the last vestige of colonialism in southern Africa. Namibia was a German colony at the beginning of this century. If we look at the map of Africa today, we find that all the other German colonies have won their political emancipation. The independent countries they gave birth to are represented in this hall.
The Namibian people, however, continue to be subject to colonial domination, illegal foreign occupation and ruthless exploitation of their wealth and natural resources.
South Africa is the cause of this situation. South Africa has been frustrating the efforts of the international community to bring about Namibia's independence, in the long process of negotiations to liberate this Territory under United Nations mandate, we have repeatedly been faced with South African intransigence. Pretoria persists in defying and flouting the purposes and principles of our Charter and the relevant resolutions and decisions of the Security Council and the United Nations General Assembly.
This challenge attained its maximum expression with the introduction of so-called linkage. This deplorable concept is as baseless as it is offensive to the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence. Long before Cuban troops arrived in Angola, the United Nations General Assembly had taken the decision, in October 1966, to end the South African mandate over the Territory.
Cuban forces are in Angola by the sovereign decision of that Member State of the United Nations, under Article 51 of the Charter, in contrast with the manifest illegality of the South African occupation of the international Territory of Namibia.
It should be recalled that when resolution 435 (1978) was adopted by the United Nations Security Council; Cuban troops were already in Angola. They did not constitute then - nor do they now - a threat to the security of any State in southern Africa. On the contrary, it is South Africa's troops that attack, invade and occupy countries of southern Africa. Cuban troops are in Angola because South Africa invaded Angola even before its independence.
For those reasons, it is both absurd and irrelevant to invoke "linkage" to delay the decolonization of Namibia. "Linkage" must be rejected. It is nothing but a thinly veiled disguise intended to protect the political, economic and strategic interests of South Africa and some Western countries, to the detriment of a sacred right we all prize and defend.
It is our duty to give firm support to the struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), their sole and legitimate representative. We must provide SWA20 with all the means necessary for it to emerge victorious in its struggle for a free, independent and united Namibia. This Assembly must categorically reject and condemn the delaying tactics aimed at perpetuating South Africa's illegal occupation and domination of Namibia. Our Organization must repudiate and condemn the so-called interim government set up in Namibia.
Apartheid, like nazism, is not limited to internal oppression and discrimination. It also seeks to export its conflicts abroad through destabilization and aggression. Every country in southern Africa suffers the effects of Pretoria's belligerency and hegemonic ambitions. All of them suffer the effects of interference, war and subversion, orchestrated by the Pretoria regime to impose its own interests. The Pretoria regime has used armed banditry as its operational weapon to massacre defenseless civilians, to destroy economic and social infrastructures in our countries and to stifle the process of national reconstruction and development. Our efforts for regional economic development and co-operation, as expressed in the Southern Africa Development Co-ordination Conference, have met an ineducable enemy in the Pretoria regime. Pretoria has resorted to systematic and constant sabotage of our regional organization with the aim of imposing its own designs, as reflected in the so-called theory of the constellation of States. The Pretoria regime is acting against our political and economic independence. The Pretoria regime wages constant war against the example of the free and just societies that we represent. That is the reason why even today we encounter war situations that are tearing the southern region of Africa apart.
In the case of Mozambique it is a war waged against us through armed bandits. The targets for the armed bandits are the people, their homes, their possessions, the fruit of their labor. Armed banditry indiscriminately tortures,, mutilates, kidnaps men and women, old and young. Armed banditry destroys schools, hospitals, health posts, nurseries, churches, community centers and shops. It attacks public and private transport and slaughters innocent passengers. It destroys economic and transport infrastructures with the aim of disorganizing and paralyzing our economy, preventing development and keeping our country in backwardness. Its actions have as their sole aim the sowing of terror, instability and insecurity. It is the most barbaric and inhuman kind of terrorism.
In Mozambique, despite the non-aggression accord signed in March 1984, irrefutable evidence of grave and systematic violations of the accord by South Africa and of its continued involvement in recruiting, training, organizing, financing and equipping, and in providing leadership and logistic support to, the armed bandits, has recently been brought to light, following the destruction of the terrorist camps by Mozambican armed forces. Confronted with such evidence, the South African Government has publicly admitted its continued involvement in the destabilization of our country. It has thus become more them clear that South Africa is not fulfilling the Nkomati Accord.
The behavior of South Africa with regard to Angola is not different from its behavior in other parts of southern Africa. Indeed, at the very moment when we are addressing this Assembly, the sister Republic of Angola is the victim of barbaric and criminal invasion. Occurring 18 months after the Lusaka Understanding, this invasion, as well as the failed sabotage attempt at the Malongo oil installations, unveil the criminal and aggressive policy of the apartheid regime.
The People's Republic of Mozambique salutes the people of Angola for the firm and solid manner with which it has been able to frustrate the South African attacks and defend its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.
The international community must condemn the acts of war that South Africa constantly commits against the States of southern Africa. In southern Africa, children, women and men of all ages are dying every day as a result of Pretoria's aggression, it is essential to end this state of affairs. That will be possible only if we all pool our strength for the total and definitive elimination of the apartheid system. Apartheid is the seed of instability and violence in our region. The regime has already shown itself to be an enemy of peace within and beyond its frontiers. All possible material and financial assistance should therefore be given to the countries of the region to strengthen their defensive capabilities and to carry out their economic development projects.
It is incumbent upon this Organization to reject the attempt by South Africa and its allies to portray the armed bandits as a political opposition in our countries. To accept these maneuvers means, in the final analysis, to connive with the destabilization policy of the racist regime and to give it moral support in its acts of aggression against our countries and peoples.
The role of the United Nations on behalf of the total liberation of peoples is not limited to the political sphere; it extends also to the economic sphere. We have been following with appreciation our Organization's positive role in the economic and social development of each of our countries, through the specialized agencies, bodies and institutions that make up the United Nations family. In this context we congratulate our Organization and its Secretary-General on their
commitment to the pursuit of solutions to the critical economic difficulties Africa is going through.
That commitment has been complemented by the individual and joint action of African countries, which are doing all they can to find the right and appropriate programs to resolve the difficulties affecting them.
The world is in a serious economic situation. The continent of Africa, however, is facing a particularly acute crisis, as the united Nations has rightly noted.
The serious economic situation faced by many countries of our continent has multiple causes, and we must deal primarily with then, over and above the emergency programs needed to save lives threatened by the scourge of famine. Our economies are weak, despite the fact that our continent has much potential. The colonial legacy, manifested in illiteracy, weak development of productive forces and lack of economic infrastructures, denying us the full benefit of existing resources, continues to be deeply felt.
In recent years the economic situation of our continent has become particularly critical as a result of persistent drought and other natural disasters, such as cyclones and floods. Famine has already taken the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and threatens millions of Africans.
External factors are the principal causes of that situation. Among them, one must stress the worsening of the terms of trade, and the consequent fall in export earnings. The unprecedented rise in real interest rates and the dramatic increase in external debt combine with other factors to drain the meager foreign exchange reserves of the African continent.
At the same time, we are affected by the profound international economic recession and are burdened with, the effects of an international economic system that is neither just nor equitable.
Our country, besides suffering the impact of the problems I have just mentioned, is further faced with the effects of the economic aggression, destabilization and undeclared war waged against us by the South African regime.
Our economy has been disrupted and in some areas paralyzed. The economic infrastructure, factories, bridges, roads, railways, power lines and vehicles carrying passengers, medicines, milk and other basic necessities have been destroyed, sabotaged and pillaged. The efforts that our state and the international community are making to save hundreds of thousands of Mozambicans affected by drought are criminally sabotaged.
The twenty-first summit meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), convened mainly to deal with economic matters, established a priority program for the next five years aimed at creating conditions for national and collective self-sufficiency and for the economic development of our continent. The African countries showed once again their determination to overcome hunger, poverty, illiteracy and disease - in short, backwardness and underdevelopment. Our countries need above all an immediate solution to the problems that the colonial past, external debt and natural disasters have imposed.
We believe that the international community needs to take urgent and effective measures in order to face the critical situation in Africa. The external debt of African countries has; been growing at an alarming rate. Exceptional measures are needed to reduce the enormous burden of debt and to promote the growth of the African economies.
Although we recognize our obligations in respect of the external debt, we think that creditor and debtor countries alike can only gain through the adoption of courageous measures 'co revive our economies. Taking into account the diversity of the financial capacities of debtor countries, ways and means should be found to reschedule, on more favorable terms, part of the debt and convert the rest into grants.
It was in that light that the twenty-first summit meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the OAU called on the international community to find an urgent solution to the problem of increasing African indebtedness. It also called on the industrialized countries to make a substantial increase in the transfer of financial resourced on favorable terns, particularly as donations.
In that context, high priority should be given to the launching of global negotiations on reforming the international monetary and financial system so as to ensure the establishment of a new international economic order to the benefit of all countries and peoples.
It is likewise essential for the international community to act firmly and with determination against the destabilization policy pursued by South Africa, to eradicate armed banditry and to provide support for the southern African countries that suffer the consequences of direct and indirect aggression carried out by the Pretoria regime.
We express our profound gratitude to the countries, the United Nations specialized agencies, and the solidarity organizations throughout the world that have contributed to the fight against hunger and disease in our country and cur continent. International solidarity unites men and women of all continents and strengthens our determination to overcome under-development and poverty.
We note with concern the increase in focal points of tension and war in various regions of the world, including the African continent, which is being troubled by conflicts and war. Apart from the tragedy of southern Africa, our continent is witnessing situations causing the death and suffering of thousands of human beings.
In Western Sahara there still rages the conflict that has been a cause of concern to the OAU and the world. We are in favor of negotiations between the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIO Front, in the framework of the relevant decisions of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations. It is our fervent hope that Morocco will take a constructive position so that the people of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic may find peace, and in peace build their future.
We support the struggle of the Palestinian people to achieve its legitimate and inalienable rights, including in particular the establishment of a free and sovereign State.
We demand the withdrawal of Israel from occupied Arab territories and from Lebanon, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the latter.
In the history of conflict between nations, of the domination of one people by another, the case of East Timor stands out as a dramatic and unhappy example. The voice of the Timorese people remains silenced by the weapons of Indonesian troops. In East Timor, the people's right to self-determination and independence is being sacrificed to political, economic and strategic interests. We believe that it is imperative for our voice to be raised on behalf of justice and the legitimate aspirations of the Timorese people.
We demand the total and complete withdrawal of Indonesian troops from East Timor so as to allow the Timorese people, under the leadership of FBETILIW, their legitimate representative, to achieve freedom, self-determination, independence, peace and progress. He appreciate the Secretary-General's role in seeking a negotiated settlement of the problem together with the other parties involved, including Portugal, the administering Power of the Territory of East Timor.
In Korea we support efforts for the peaceful reunification of that country.
In Latin America we view with apprehension the destabilization of Nicaragua. We appeal for strict respect for Nicaraguan sovereignty and territorial integrity and for an end to acts of aggression against that country. In the search for a negotiated settlement of the conflict we support the efforts of the Contador group.
The struggle for peace and the removal of the specter of nuclear confrontation is a high priority for all humankind. Peace is the basis for the economic and social development of our countries; it also offers hope for a prosperous and radiant future for peoples.
The transformation of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, free from nuclear weapons, through the dismantling of all military bases and the speedy implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, is an intrinsic part of this struggle. However, to the detriment of the littoral countries and the international community in general, the task of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean has been complicated owing to the stand of certain countries which consistently put obstacles in the way of holding a conference on this issue. In this context, we reaffirm our support for the holding of a United Nations conference on the Indian Ocean in order to take concrete steps towards implementing United Nations General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI).
The struggle for peace signifies serious and constructive commitment by all countries and peoples to the struggle for general and complete disarmament, an end to the arms race and a freeze as a step towards subsequent reduction and destruction of nuclear weapons, and a freeze in military spending.
The struggle for disarmament is a struggle for peace and development. Without disarmament there can be no peace, and without peace there can be no development.
We welcome the beginning of the Geneva talks between the two great Powers with the aim of reaching mutual understanding and finding solutions for ending the arms race, to the benefit of the interests of all countries.
We are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations in the year proclaimed by our Organization as International Youth Year. Youth is the sap of our nations and as such the sap of our Organization. Allowing young people to play an active part in shaping the destiny of our countries is to ensure a better morrow for our peoples. It is the young who have the dynamism to develop and change the world. It is the young who nurture the bright dream of a calm tomorrow - a tomorrow without wars, a tomorrow with peace and prosperity. We therefore support our Organization's decision to proclaim 1985 as International Youth Year.
In the People's Republic of Mozambique we continue to invest massively in our young people as the guarantee of our future. In the same context, we think that the individual and collective efforts of our countries are of vital importance in assuring the well-being of our children. The bulk of our human, financial and material resources should be channeled to this end.
Our Government gives full support to the current efforts of the united Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) to achieve universal immunization of children by the year 1990. We believe that that program will have positive results for our developing countries since it will reduce the child death-rate. In the People's Republic of Mozambique this program is being given high priority, as have past programs aimed at physical and mental health and the normal and balanced development of our children.
The celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations is an occasion to reflect deeply on the role of our Organization, on its universal significance, and on the need to improve its effectiveness. The United Nations has affirmed itself as an indispensable Organization in the pursuit of peace, disarmament, development, and harmony among nations.
Forty years after the founding of the United Nations and more than ever before, our primary efforts are aimed at saving our planet from the scourge of war. We are confident that, inspired by these 40 years and by the new decade that appears on the horizon, we shall be able to rededicate our energies and commitment to achieving the principles and purposes of the San Francisco Charter. In this respect the celebration of the International Year of Peace in 1986 will be a positive step in the overall process of humankind's struggle for a better world.
The People's Republic of Mozambique reaffirms its readiness to co-operate with all the peoples and countries of the world, irrespective of their political, economic and social systems, in the realization of world peace and the strengthening of international security.
A luta continual