123.	 Mr. President, on behalf of the Liberian delegation, I congratulate and salute you on your unanimous election to guide the work of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. With your own admirable personal qualities and the pioneering and pivotal role your great country of Yugoslavia has played and continues to play in promoting peace and security through non-alignment, I feel confident that our deliberations will be ably steered toward the realization of our common aspiration.
124.	To your distinguished predecessor Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, we express deep appreciation for the effective manner in which he conducted the affairs of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
125.	The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to whom we extend our sincere congratulations on his re-election to this important office, is most deserving of our special commendation, not only for the efficiency and dedication which he and his able staff continue to bring to the administration of our Organization, but for his comprehensive, incisive and realistic annual report to this Assembly. We can only hope that this year of growing anxiety for the international community can also become a year of unprecedented opportunity as we resolve-all of us-to undertake bold, courageous and decisive measures to further the objectives of these United Nations.
126.	Unfortunately, the note upon which we begin is not too encouraging for the failure of the resumed thirty-first session of the General Assembly to come to an agreement with respect to the assessment of the results of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation demonstrates that the international community continues to show a woeful lack of the political will and of that degree of mutual accommodation which is indispensable to the establishment of the new international economic order. What is more regrettable is that agreement could not even be reached on how best the United Nations system can carry forward the work of the Paris Conference.
127.	Let us therefore endeavour to transform our differences in respect of the assessment of this Conference into guide-posts for renewed efforts and continuing negotiations in the hope that we can generate greater understanding and contribute positively to international economic co-operation.
128.	Reduced to its bare essentials, what we are advocating in the establishment of a new international economic order is no more than asking the rich nations to do a little more to enable the poor nations to help themselves. This is the idea which inspires my President, Mr. William R. Tolbert, Jr. in his humanistic capitalism, a concept designed to build a world that is based on peace, security, equality, justice and human dignity for all men and nations.
129.	My delegation fully supports the declaration of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 of 29 September 1977 and hopes that the dialogue between the developed and developing countries, of which the Paris Conference was only a part, will continue to be pursued actively at the United Nations and at other international forums.
130.	The recent admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti to the United Nations, which my country hails and salutes, not only represents progress for the principle of universality of membership, but bears eloquent testimony, in each case, to the changing nature of our world. Viet Nam and Djibouti represent, each in its own way, the victory of human will over blind intransigence.
131.	And yet we can all agree that change in human affairs, as in international affairs, is inevitable. The question is whether we, as members of the international community, will seize the initiative and direct the course of change into peaceful channels for human enrichment and progress, or whether we will allow the forces of human and national selfish interest to stifle the process of change, and consequently plunge us all deeper into the abyss of interminable conflict and tension, thus increasing the threat to international peace and security.
132.	As perceived by my country, the challenge to the international community in 1977, a challenge reflected in the issues of moment on the agenda of the thirty-second session of the Assembly, is whether we will collectively diagnose adequately and in a timely manner the requirements for genuine peace and progress, and then collectively undertake adequate and timely measures to advance peace and accelerate progress. We face this challenge just as much with regard to the problems of international economic co-operation and its relations to disarmament and the issue of the law of the sea, as with regard to the critical political questions, especially of southern Africa and the Middle East. We face this challenge as well in the impasse in Cyprus and the growing crisis of human rights violations. In Cyprus, all we ask is the implementation of the resolution which we have adopted here and which has been duly endorsed by the Security Council.
133.	That economic problems are priorities in our concerns today we have fully recognized. As we therefore continue to deploy efforts to make sanity, reason and compassion prevail in our economic relations, let us heed as well the perceptive observation of the Secretary-General that:
"The question of disarmament lies at the heart of the problem of international order, for, in an environment dominated by the international arms race, military and strategic considerations tend to shape the over-all relations between States, affecting all other relations and transactions and disturbing the economy."
134.	Because my Government sees the issue of disarmament in the context of world order and progress, not only have we given full support to the convening in 1978 of a special session of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament, but we are of the firm belief that, whether we are talking about nuclear or conventional arms limitation, nuclear proliferation, or the relationship between development and disarmament, the issue is a concern of all, not simply of the more powerful of the international community or those who are members of the "nuclear club".
135.	My Government regrets exceedingly that there is a continuing absence of international agreement to regulate the affairs of the oceans of the world. At a time when the call is persistent for a new world-wide political and economic order, the vital area of the sea cannot be left unregulated, as that would favour power at the expense of justice. We fervently hope that next March in Geneva we will witness the beginning of the process of initiating in this area international regulation conducive to the interests of all States.
136.	A happy note in international relations is the recent signing of the United States-Panama Treaties on the Panama Canal. My Government renews its welcome of that development as a positive step towards furthering international understanding.
137.	The issue in southern Africa is continuingly one of fundamental human rights denied a preponderant majority of the people by a lunatic clique of petty-hearted racists; it is one of restoring justice and human dignity to an oppressed segment of humanity; of effectively curbing support and sustenance for apartheid; of following through with determination the process of decolonization, and removing the anachronism of racist minority rule and apartheid from the continent of Africa. The issue is moving away from catastrophic racial confrontation to racial harmony.
138.	While southern Africa is essentially an African problem, the principles which suffer flagrant violation in the subregion are universal principles. Moreover, for diverse reasons, associations have been nurtured over the years between the subregion and various elements particularly external to the continent. The international community, must be constructively involved in evolving an early but genuinely African solution. That imperative found echoes in the Maputo Declaration on Zimbabwe and Namibia, as well as the Lagos Declaration on South Africa-declarations which have the unreserved endorsement of my Government.
139.	Some of the developments of late have given cause for guarded optimism. I refer particularly to the Anglo- American proposals on Zimbabwe, proposals which my Government sees as constituting a good and important basis for initiating the process of negotiation. With an emerging united national patriotic leadership for the people of Zimbabwe and goodwill on the part of all the parties involved, we entertain the hope that the limited step already taken by the Security Council in implementation of an element of the proposals will gain momentum so that the anxiety we now feel for our brothers and sisters of Zimbabwe will be transformed into the satisfaction of our expectations. At any rate Liberia will persevere with free Africa and the OAU in the liberation struggle until majority rule and independence come to the people of Zimbabwe.
140.	The efforts of the contact group of the five Western members of the Security Council in respect of Namibia also deserve our commendation, as long as they remain within the framework of Security Council resolution 385(1976). While it would seem that there is now a brief interlude in those talks, we remain hopeful that the talks will soon be resumed with no prejudice to the progress so far achieved. In the meanwhile, my Government will continue its full support of the efforts of the OAU and SWAPO until Namibia, in the entirety of its territory, attains independence.
141.	The Republic of Liberia, whose existence was the end-result of grinding oppression, will remain unrelenting in its opposition to the evil system of apartheid in South Africa. The recent death in police custody and under highly questionable circumstances of the South African nationalist Mr. Steven Biko and the callous insensitivity of the apartheid regime to that human tragedy are yet further demonstrations of the wanton brutality which apartheid rains daily upon the oppressed masses of that country. Liberia will continuingly concert its efforts with a view not only to the total destruction of apartheid but also to- bringing majority rule and self-determination to South Africa.
142.	We want here fully to associate ourselves with our brothers and sisters in South Africa today, 11 October—the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners-as they remember the plight of political prisoners and other victims of apartheid. We are with them in heart and spirit.
143.	As regards the problem of the Middle East, Liberia considers that the question of Palestinian rights is one of the principal elements. My Government believes that all States in the region have a right to independent existence within secure and recognized boundaries.
144.	We are of the view that it is imperative that the current situation in the region of "no war, no peace'" should be replaced by genuine mutual accommodation and mutual preparedness to act in good faith. That would entail, among other things, the return by Israel of all Arab territory occupied since the 1967 war"; an immediate end, in the interim, to the establishment by Israel of "settlements" in the occupied Arab territories; and the recognition by Israel of the political reality of the Palestinian people and their legitimate national rights. But that would also entail unequivocal Arab acceptance of the existence and permanence of the State of Israel.
•145. Liberia believes that the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East would serve as a most useful forum for initiating negotiation with a view to resolving Arab-Israeli differences. But that "Conference can be successful only if all the concerned parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, participate. That is why Liberia applauds the joint American-Soviet statement of 1 October in that regard, and fervently hopes that fears and suspicions on the part of Israelis and Arabs alike can give way to courageous action and accommodation-and even calculated risk—so that the Geneva Conference can in fact be convened before the end of 1977.
146. My delegation believes that the question of the violation of human rights is also implicit in the leading international issues on our agenda. We see that fundamental principle blatantly assailed in southern Africa, in the Middle East, in Cyprus and in other areas of world tension. The issue is also of consuming concern at the important review meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe which is now under way in Belgrade. And yet, as Members of the United Nations, we have all solemnly pledged, by the fact of our United Nations membership, to uphold, defend and promote fundamental human rights, especially as defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. My Government continues to take very seriously the responsibilities inherent in Liberia's adherence to that Declaration. And we wish here to indicate our support for the idea of upgrading the head of the United Nations Division of Human Rights to a commissioner, as a means of focusing greater attention on a vital area of the United Nations.
147.	With reference to the growing contemporary crisis of human rights violations, the President of Liberia, Mr. William R. Tolbert, Jr. said at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU in Gabon last July:
"There must be a common standard which the international community should recognize and apply equally for the protection of life and limb, liberty and property; and no one should be deprived of those sacred rights, contrary to universal laws or declarations."
Continuing, President Tolbert said:
"Mankind is the same everywhere, and its rights should be respected and safeguarded in every way at all times and in all places. It is therefore absolutely wrong in North, West, Central, East and South Africa or for that matter in any part of our one world for human dignity and human rights to be irreverently invaded and assailed."
And in a note of admonition to the OAU Assembly, President Tolbert indicated:
"The same standards of moral integrity and humane uprightness we apply to our foes must also be applied to our friends; we must consider ourselves obligated to practice the same among ourselves and accord to our own peoples."
148.	Thirty-two years have elapsed since the founding of the United Nations, which was' dedicated to the active promotion of peace by constructively and co-operatively responding to world human needs which still remain central to international relations. This great international Organization and the phenomenon of international organizations in general have been invaluable, almost indispensable, instruments in mankind quest for a stable, just and progressive world society. Whether young or old, regional or trans- regional, such international organizations as the Organization of American States, the OAU, the League of Arab States, the Association of South-East Asian Nations, the non-aligned countries movement, the Afro-Arab Conference, and perhaps even those that have grown out of the antagonism of the cold war, have each in their respective regions or areas of emphasis, complemented the efforts of the United Nations, advanced the idea of a global community, and thus promoted international understanding and co-operation. In recognition of this role of international organi7ations, perhaps the United Nations, the most universal of them all, should resolve to devote a year to international organizations.
149.	My delegation formally proposes that as a tribute to these great institutions for facilitating international relations, the year 1980 be designated international Organizations Year, a year when world-wide attention would be focused on the significant contributions of international organizations in containing or resolving world problems and thus serving even more effectively as instruments for the maintenance of global peace and security.
150.	At the outset, I spoke of the challenge of change in our contemporary world and suggested the need for us all genuinely to recognize it as imperative if international co-operation is to be maximized and conflict minimized. With regard to some of the major political and economic problems we face, we can entertain some hopes as of now. With regard to others, such as those, notably, of interference in the affairs of States and the issue of human rights, optimism as of now would be premature.
151.	And yet, in the nature of things we cannot despair. From every situation of conflict we must diligently seek possible elements of co-operation; from our differences we must extract the least likelihood of agreement upon which to build understanding. Our condition of interdependence on this planet leaves us no viable alternative. We must therefore nurture the forces for conciliation, co-operation, collaboration and accommodation in our international relationships. Above all, let us work at this thirty-second session of the General Assembly so that the growing anxiety we feel in 1977 about the burning issues on our agenda will be transformed into hopeful and wholesome break-through in 1978 and in the years ahead.


223.	Mr. President, first of all, I feel honoured to convey to you, and, through you, to this distinguished gathering, the greetings and best wishes of my Sovereign His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev for the success of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. I should like to join with those who have preceded me in felicitating you on your election to the high office of the presidency of this session.
224.	I take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation for the most efficient and effective manner in which Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka presided over the last session of the General Assembly.
225.	My delegation welcomes in our midst the Republic of Djibouti as an independent and sovereign nation. We are pleased to note that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has gained its rightful place in this Organization, and on this happy occasion we extend our most sincere congratulations to the Government and people of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
226.	The admission of Viet Nam and Djibouti to membership in the United Nations is a positive step towards the universal membership of this Organization. We sincerely hope that the new Members will be able to make substantial contributions, through their active participation in various activities of the United Nations, to the promotion of peace and international understanding.
227.	The world community has suffered a great loss in the untimely death of Archbishop Makarios, the President of Cyprus. I wish to convey the heartfelt sympathy of my delegation to the delegation of Cyprus. I should also like to reiterate our full support to the Secretary-General of the United Nations in his efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement of the problem of Cyprus. A just and lasting settlement of the problem of Cyprus, in our opinion, should be based on the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country.
228.	In the Middle East the situation is as explosive as ever. Our views on the problem of the Middle East and its solution are clearly established. Israel's withdrawal from the territories occupied by it since 1967 and the creation of a homeland for the Palestinians are essential to a peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. At the same time, we recognize the right of all States in the area, including Israel, to exist within secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
229.	There is a growing realization that the early resumption of a Middle East peace conference has become urgent. However, no peace conference can be successful without the active involvement of the Palestine Liberation Organization as the representative of the Palestinian people. So long as mutual distrust, fear and suspicion persist among the parties concerned, peace in the Middle East will remain elusive. We share the increasing consciousness in the area that an opportunity now exists to resume negotiations in a meaningful way and that, if this opportunity is not seized, there are grave dangers that the situation will further deteriorate. At this critical time, statesmanship on the part of directly concerned parties consists in acts of moderation and respect for all relevant United Nations resolutions. We have therefore viewed with serious concern the recent measures taken by the Government of Israel to change the demographic composition of some of the areas in the occupied Arab territories.
230.	Another area where peace and security are in danger is southern Africa. The minority regimes of South Africa and Zimbabwe have been strongly denounced and isolated. The national liberation movements have received wide international support for their legitimate struggle. But the racist regimes have refused to see the writing on the wall and are pushing the world towards a racial conflagration, as demonstrated by the brutal massacres of the African peoples, the rightful owners of the land.
231.	The black people of South Africa have exhibited tremendous unity and courage in their heroic struggle against apartheid, the scourge of mankind. The United Nations has condemned in the strongest terms the measures taken by the racist regime of South Africa to exclude the black population from the political life of the country and to deprive the vast majority of the people of the benefits of their country's wealth. There can be no peace in South Africa unless the policies and practices of apartheid are brought to an end and the equality of rights and opportunities for all its citizens guaranteed.
232.	I am pleased to inform the Assembly that His Majesty's Government has recently acceded to the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. As one of the supporters of the comprehensive Programme of Action against Apartheid recommended by the General Assembly last year, we believe that the apartheid regime can be completely isolated through mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa and an effective arms embargo. We believe that the Declaration adopted by the World Conference for Action against Apartheid recently held in Lagos, Nigeria,2 s is a landmark in the concerted international campaign against apartheid.
233.	The illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa in defiance of repeated demands for its withdrawal by the Security Council and the General Assembly exemplifies the sinister design of the racist regime to perpetuate its occupation of this territory. We extend, as we have done in the past, our full support for the struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO to achieve self-determination, freedom and independence in a united Namibia.
234.	In Zimbabwe the acts of aggression recently perpetrated by the illegal regime against its neighbours- Mozambique, Botswana and Zambia-have endangered the security and stability of the region. We are deeply concerned at the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe brought
about by the continued existence of the illegal regime. The urgency of establishing majority rule in that country has been widely felt. My delegation reaffirms our support for the inalienable rights of the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination and independence in accordance with resolution 1514  of the General Assembly. We sincerely hope that the mediatory efforts aimed at a peaceful transition to majority rule in Zimbabwe will bear fruit. We have noted with satisfaction that the Declaration and Programme of Action adopted at the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held at Maputo in May of this yearns reinforced the solidarity of the world community with the freedom struggle of the oppressed peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and gave further impetus to the liberation struggle in those two countries.
235.	One of the most urgent problems confronting the international community today is disarmament. Yet it is disheartening to note that there is little evidence of any real progress in this field. The United Nations has been seized of this question ever since its inception. However, after more than three decades of negotiations, bilateral and multilateral agreements, the world today finds itself armed with the most lethal of weapons as never before. The current estimate of world military expenditures almost totals $US 350 billion. This colossal amount could have been diverted and utilized for humanitarian services. Even a fraction of this huge expenditure on armaments would mean a great deal in overcoming the problems of hunger, disease and illiteracy in many parts of the world.
236.	It is this factor that has motivated Nepal to support consistently the proposal to reduce military budgets and to divert some amounts available there from for assistance to developing countries. It is, however, unfortunate that the proposal for reduction of military budgets has been lost in the technical imbroglio of how to assess military expenditures.
237.	Nepal is totally committed to the cause of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament. We were among the first countries to sign the partial test-ban Treaty and the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty. We have always raised our voice in support of various resolutions and agreements relating to disarmament. A bold and sincere initiative in disarmament is needed if tangible progress is to be achieved. Such initiative, if it is to have any practical significance, should come from the nuclear Powers and, more specifically, from the major nuclear Powers.
238.	The resolution adopted by the General Assembly last year to hold a special session of the Assembly devoted to disarmament is a welcome development. This special session, which is a result of the initiative of the non-aligned countries, could contribute to genuine disarmament. In our opinion, this special session should concentrate on the most urgent of the problems of disarmament, such as the comprehensive test-ban treaty and nuclear non-proliferation. Reports based on latest studies indicating that some hitherto non-nuclear States could go nuclear are indeed most alarming.
239.	The establishment of peace zones will contribute to the strengthening of international peace and security. Nepal has consistently supported the General Assembly resolution 2832  regarding the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. Similarly, we have supported the proposal of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality of the member States of the Association of South East Asian Nations.
240.	In this connexion, it may be recalled that my own country offered itself as a zone of peace, the proposal for which was first made by His Majesty King Birendra on the auspicious occasion of his coronation in February 1975. The support given to this proposal by many of our friends has been highly appreciated in my country. We take this opportunity to reaffirm clearly our position that our proposal in regard to a zone of peace is motivated by our sincere desire to promote national development in an atmosphere of uninterrupted peace. As such, it is directed against no one, and we reiterate our preparedness to carry out the necessary commitments arising from the implementation of the proposal. It is our firm conviction that this proposal, if accepted by the international community, will not only institutionalize peace in our country but will also contribute positively to the furtherance of peace in the region and the world at large. Peace is indeed the basic tenet of our foreign policy. In a recent address to the twenty-eighth session of the Rashtriya Panchayat (National Legislature) His Majesty King Birendra observed:
 Nepal has always contributed her efforts for peace in the world. It is a well known fact that we want to maintain friendly relations with all countries of the world. We are confident in our belief that cordial relations among neighbours contribute to strengthening the base of regional as well as world peace.
239. As a developing country, Nepal has every reason to be concerned about the unsatisfactory state of the world economy. Lack of substantial progress in the implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade and of the decisions and resolutions of the special sessions of the General Assembly has only helped to accentuate the disparities between the rich and the poor countries of the world. Most of the agreed targets of the International Development Strategy have remained unfulfilled. The rate of growth in the total output of many developing countries, including the least developed and most seriously affected' among them, has been less than 4 per cent per annum. Despite the vigorous efforts made by these countries to improve their economies and strengthen their economic infrastructure against tremendous odds and obstacles, their per capita income has remained stagnant. Inflation, the deteriorating terms of trade and the increasing indebtedness of many developing countries are most disconcerting.
240. It is also a matter of deep concern that the Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund, held in March 1977, could not yield positive results. Similarly, there has been little progress in the multilateral trade negotiations in
GATT on the reduction of trade barriers of developed countries, which restrict the exports of primary and processed commodities from developing countries. The failure of the developed countries to implement the measures set forth in the Strategy with regard to trade and the flow of technical and financial resources is largely responsible for the short-falls in many developing countries.
241.	While the attainment of $1 billion in pledges to the International Fund for Agricultural Development is a welcome development and we look forward to the early operation of this fund, the proposed target of not less than 500,000 tons for an emergency food reserve has not been attained. Similarly, no firm decision has been taken so far in the area of food security. If the agricultural production of the developing countries is to be increased to at least the level recommended in the International Development Strategy, international assistance should be enhanced and trade in agricultural products liberalized.
242.	The expansion since 1970 in external aid to the least developed countries has been offset by a decline in the purchasing power of their exports. A further substantial increase in the financial flows to these countries is, therefore, essential with emphasis on grants and concessional loans. In my previous statements to the General Assembly I made the proposal that the assistance for international development should be conceived of as  international taxation  of the rich developed countries. I reiterate my proposal, the relevance of which has by no means been lost in the present context.
243.	It is deeply regrettable that the United Nations Special Fund set up in 1974 to aid developing countries most seriously affected by economic crisis has not been able to get off the ground for lack of voluntary contributions from industrialized countries. The establishment of a Special Fund designed to compensate for high costs of transportation incurred by land-locked developing countries was approved by the General Assembly last year. We appeal to the rich developed countries and other potential donors to contribute generously to the Fund so that it may become operational without delay. We believe that the international community is fully aware of the grim predicament which the least developed as well as land-locked developing countries are facing today. Conditions in these countries will get worse unless urgent concrete measures are taken to boost their economies and improve the living standards of their peoples.
244.	My delegation attaches great importance to economic co-operation among developing countries as a means of strengthening the solidarity of the peoples of these countries. It should, however, be borne in mind that there are different levels of development even among the developing countries, and for effective economic co-operation it is essential that special attention should be paid to the problems, needs and aspirations of those countries which are less developed among them.
245.	The new international economic order symbolizes the aspirations of developing countries for economic justice. Within this framework, the goals and objectives of the International Development Strategy should be critically examined and reformulated, so as to build a new structure of international economic relations based on justice and equity. It is regrettable that the resumed thirty-first session of the General Assembly could not reach agreement on a unanimous assessment of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation. We believe in intensified negotiations and hope that renewed efforts will be made, by the developed countries in particular, during the present session to secure positive and concrete results on all issues relating to the establishment of the new international economic order. Energy being one of the critical factors affecting the economies of many countries, my delegation welcomes the recent proposal of the Secretary-General for an international institution, within the framework of the United Nations, to co-ordinate development of the world's energy resources .
246.	The sixth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea also ended on an inconclusive note. While the continuing deadlock in the informal negotiations tends to be disappointing, we have emphasized in the past, and we do so again, that the new international convention on the law of the sea cannot be considered in isolation from the global perspective of a new order based on equity and justice. The convention on the law of the sea, if it is to be commonly acceptable, must take into account the legitimate aspirations and interests of all the parties concerned. However, the refusal of the group of coastal States to respond to the fundamental demands of land-locked countries, such as their right to participate on an equitable basis in the exploitation of the living resources of the economic zone of adjoining coastal States and States of the same region or subregion, threatens to nullify the concept of the common heritage of mankind.
247.	As a land-locked developing country, Nepal is acutely aware of the hardships facing other countries in a similar geographically disadvantageous situation. We have all along been drawing the attention of the international community to the fact that the condition of our development is closely linked to our land-locked position. Therefore, the right of free access to and from the sea and the right of unrestricted transit in terms of the free flow of goods and people are of paramount concern to land-locked countries. We hope that these fundamental legitimate concerns of the land-locked countries will be incorporated in the new international convention on the law of the sea.
248.	In conclusion, we reiterate on this occasion our unflinching commitment to the ideals and objectives of the United Nations. The United Nations is decidedly the best instrument for promoting greater understanding, co-operation, peace and harmony among nations. The world Organization has proved in its lifetime to be an effective forum for nations with different social and political systems to reach agreement or consensus on major issues of political and economic significance through peaceful negotiations. The failures and drawbacks of the United Nations are outweighed by its positive achievements. Several conferences on wide-ranging issues like food, environment, population, water, science and technology, and technical co-operation among developing countries that have been held and are being held under the auspices of this Organization are a glowing testimony to the fact that all countries, big and small, rich or poor, developed and developing, are convinced of the continuing importance and relevance of the United Nations. We should, therefore, continue to emphasize the need for further strengthening the role of the United Nations in the fulfilment of its objectives and ideals. In doing so, we should always keep uppermost in our minds the vision of a new world order based on peace, progress and justice for all mankind.


260.	 Once again I am honoured to have this opportunity to address this distinguished international forum, and 1 wish briefly to put forward my Government's views on the extensive agenda before us.
250. In particular, I wish to bid welcome to the eminent diplomat presiding over this Assembly, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, whom I wish every success in his difficult tasks. We are confident that his well-known competence and skill will stand him in good stead.
260.	I wish also to extend our best wishes to Secretary- General Kurt Waldneim, to whom we are grateful for his tireless efforts in the service of the international community.
261.	At the beginning of my statement I should also like to bid welcome to the two new States that have just joined our Organization. We hope they will find here the broad and just path leading to their well-deserved prosperity.
262.	We have grown accustomed, from the news in the daily press, to hearing the word "detente", as if it could magically usher in a new era in international relations and in the balance of world power. However, our community is, at this very moment, gravely concerned over explosive situations liable at any moment to destroy the values of our civilization. We are not referring solely to those areas that show disturbing signs-whether real or potential-of disrupting peace and security, but also to a more indefinite, vague area where subversion, under the banner of certain ideals, has terrorized mankind in pursuit of evil designs to establish new, deceptive political systems that oppress the citizen, suppress freedom and subjugate nations.
263.	More than one eminent representative of the Latin American countries has in this universal forum brought out the fact that the world is faced with an unwarranted, painful choice: while the representatives of the major Powers who hold in their hands the responsibility of power and domination proclaim the end of the cold war and its replacement by the fragile reign of detente, entire peoples are confronted dramatically by subversion and terrorism encouraged from beyond their boundaries by omnipotent forces whose designs for impeccable domination know no bounds and even extend to our continent.
264.	Paraguay, which is experiencing an era of peace, security, tranquillity and order unprecedented in its turbulent political history, is concerned over this abdication of the universal conscience.
265.	Paraguay, one of the vast majority of countries that do not participate in final decisions of power or domination, firmly believes in the moral values that ennoble life within the framework of order and of civilized, harmonious international coexistence.
266.	My country has placed its hope in the work and historic mission of the United Nations, which is the only viable course in the search for a brighter pi object for a mankind yearning for peace and well-being.
267.	Hence we view with concern the emergence of certain threats to peace and security, wherever they may occur. Technology has performed prodigious feats, and has accustomed us to a leisurely existence; technology has also turned the entire world into a village filled with suspicion, where everyone warily eyes his neighbour. And our fear grows when those sources of friction are maintained, for reasons I need not mention here, beyond the framework of the United Nations and its bodies, with criminal disregard for the provisions of the Charter specifically designed to ensure the rule of reason and law.
268.	Nevertheless. Paraguay is confident that sound judgment and, above all, a spirit of justice will enable us to find proper solutions to the problems which are of concern to us all, such as the civil war in Lebanon, the situation in Cyprus, the perennial war in the Middle East, the burning issues that beset the length and breadth of Africa, and the other problems which thwart our legitimate desire to defend ideals worthy of our status as human beings.
269.	Paraguay will always be prepared to support whatever measures may be adopted by the international community to curb terrorism. Here I wish to recall that the protection of human rights should apply with the same earnestness and zeal to the innocent victims of the scourge of terror which has so pitilessly been unleashed.
270.	This noble concern for basic human rights, which my country shares and respects, has, however, been invoked in various United Nations bodies with narrow, biased "selectivity".
271.	It is paradoxical that, despite the chilling figures that have been adduced regarding the unspeakable acts of genocide that take place in certain countries, on the pretext of setting up new power structures an attempt has been made to deny other peoples their sacred right to defend their self-determination, freedom and traditional life style.
272.	Paraguay has taken, and will continue to take, whatever measures are needed, within a strict legal framework, to protect and defend its age-old traditions and its democratic, independent way of life. Ours is a democracy which knows no racial or other segregation, nor is there any distinction on the basis of class or wealth. Our independence is not limited by foreign or domestic forces.
273.	Paraguay does not wish to live in denial of those values, because, were that to happen, life itself would no longer have the meaning and dignity which is ours by virtue of our history, a source of pride that gives us strength in the daily struggle for existence.
274.	One of the more pressing items on your agenda is that of disarmament. The basis is now being laid for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on that subject in 1978. Meanwhile, the specialized agencies tell us of the enormous sums being invested in armaments— and not only by the great Powers—in a race which cannot lead the world to an era of peace and tolerance but only to a period of doubt and great danger. Conversely, economic conditions in the developing countries are deteriorating daily, in a world where the challenge of progress and well-being in most nations depends on the very triumph of failure of mankind and on a true peace.
275.	Another session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea concluded recently in this very city without the land-locked countries, such as Paraguay, being assured that their just claims will be reflected in the final text of a future international convention.
276.	Paraguay believes in the inalienable right of the land-locked countries to the riches of the sea, the common heritage of mankind. It is in that spirit that we wish to negotiate bilateral solutions to this exciting fundamental challenge which concerns the right of all nations to the riches of the sea.
277.	My Government wishes to stress the useful and commendable efforts of our Organization as it holds plenary meetings on matters vital to man's environment throughout the world. I refer here to the United Nations Water Conference, which took place in Mar del Plata, and to the United Nations Conference on Desertification. The use of sophisticated and ambitious technology challenges nature, and it is well that the whole world should meet to deliberate these subjects which relate to the proper use of natural resources and to ensuring the healthy state of the earth's ecology; otherwise, all those who inhabit this little segment of the universe known as earth would run an even greater risk to their lives.
278.	As on other occasions, the Government of Paraguay wishes to voice its satisfaction at stressing the importance of the mission being carried out in our country by UNDP, and we would express our appreciation to those countries co-operating with it which have provided their technical and financial assistance and have performed truly worthy tasks closely linked to Paraguay's development.
279.	Countries like Paraguay are also concerned over the growing difficulties which, regardless of all the efforts being made inside and outside the Organization, make it particularly difficult to establish a more just international economic order wherein countries exporting raw materials and commodities can be encouraged in a way to promote their progress and the well-being of their peoples.
280.	The Government of my country is constantly devoting its efforts to the harmonious development of our entire country and to the steady increase of our exports in general, but there are certain factors beyond our country which disrupt our efforts. There is the well-known problem of the low prices of raw materials on international markets. Now there are also obstacles created by industrialized countries because of prices imposed on our exports. That is true of beef exported from Paraguay. For many years now we have not had access to certain traditional markets in the European Economic Community.
281.	Paraguay is also seriously concerned over another matter which has been raised at many international meetings and is a major problem within the United Nations system. There has been reference to a desire to reduce technical and financial co-operation extended to those countries that are economically "taking off', in favour of those that are in a less advantageous position economically. That would create automatically an intermediate level of countries which would be deprived of assistance they sorely need. In the light of views which have been put forward, one could expect that the countries involved would be practically all those of Latin America.
282.	Another fact which should be mentioned on this occasion and which is also of concern to the Government of my country is the meagre representation of our countries of the Latin American group in the higher bureaucratic positions within the United Nations system, including the specialized agencies. Reliable statistics show that among 26 high positions we have absolutely no representative. The least one can say is that this unjust situation adversely affects the foundation of the United Nations system, that foundation being proportionate geographical representation.
283.	Just three weeks ago in Washington the new Panama Canal treaties were signed. It was a momentous occasion in view of the presence of the Presidents or representatives of our countries, and it was evidence of our common faith and our identical hope. We welcome the fact that fruitful dialogue prevailed over sterile confrontation.
284.	In conclusion, I wish to express my most sincere hope that this General Assembly will make an effective contribution to the advent of a freer, more just and more humane world for our sons and the sons of our sons. There can be no substitute for that if mankind is to continue along the path of self-betterment.


143.	 Your election, Sir, as President of the thirty- second session of the General Assembly is proof of your personal qualifications, and an indication of the high standing of your country, Yugoslavia, in the international community as one of the founding countries of the non-aligned movement of which my country is a member. I have the pleasure, therefore, on behalf of the delegation of Bahrain, to congratulate you warmly and to wish you success in this respect.
144.	I should like to express my thanks and appreciation to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe for the work he did as President of the thirty-first session, with his well-known ability and skill, which helped to make a success of the work of that session.
145.	I should like, also, to express the appreciation of my Government for the ability shown by the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in carrying on the duties of his high post, at a time when the United Nations is expected to play an increasingly important role in international affairs. Mr. Waldheim has been able to serve faithfully the principles of our Organization and deploy unremitting efforts for their implementation.
146.	The international Organization, in spite of the reverses and challenges it has encountered, has been able in the last 32 years to accomplish much of the work and objectives for which it was established. The Organization has made commendable efforts to preserve world peace and security, and has been able, by its timely intervention, to contain some local disputes and prevent them from deteriorating into global destructive wars. It has laid down the foundations of an integrated world system for the exchange of aid and technical knowledge among States in various fields. It has become truly an international forum for the exchange of views and the co-ordination of efforts among States to build a world in which peace and prosperity prevail.
147.	No wonder that, after they attain independence, States hasten to join this international Organization, since they realize that no nation in this small world can live apart from other members of this family of nations. The membership of the Organization increases every year by the admission of States which have recently acceded to independence by the efforts of their own people, and through the efforts of the United Nations in resisting colonialism and increasing the momentum for the independence of nations.
148.	I have the pleasure of welcoming at this session the admission to this Organization of the Republics of Djibouti and Viet Nam. I hope it will not be long before we see all other nations in the world which are still struggling for independence taking their place among us as Members of the Organization.
149.	Since the thirty-first session of the General Assembly last year, the world has seen great political and economic events and developments. The annual report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization contains a deep and thorough analysis of the problems of the time, and shows clearly the possibilities open to the Organization, as well as the obstacles it faces. Our agenda for this session is replete with important matters which engage the attention of the international community. These are the grave problems facing us in southern Africa, the explosive situation in the Middle East, disarmament and the questions of dialogue between North and South.
150.	This period in the history of humanity is characterized by the dialogue taking place between the nations and peoples of the world. The world has thus been able to avoid confrontation in many areas.
151.	On this assumption, the Arab world has entered into a dialogue with Europe for the purpose of laying down the main foundations for mutual action by the two sides with a view to achieving economic, social and cultural development between the peoples of the Arab world and Europe. Such a dialogue, as well as the dialogue between the developing and industrialized countries, serves the causes of world peace and co-operation for the benefit of humanity at large.
152.	On the same assumption, the First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, which was held in Cairo in March of this year, succeeded in laying down solid foundations and bases for co-operation and solidarity between the African peoples and the Arab world in the political, economic, social and cultural fields. The joint declarations which were issued at the end of the Conference [see A/32/61] made clear the joint political will and firm determination to work for the strengthening of the historical, civilizational and cultural ties between the Arab and African peoples, so that they may carry out their human mission of spreading peace, progress and well-being in the world.
153.	The resources of the planet on which we live, although abundant, are nevertheless limited in view of the ever-increasing population of the world. The peace of the world depends on an equitable distribution of wealth, which requires the restructuring of present world economic relations and conditions. The wide gap between the standard of living of people in the third world and that of the people in the developed countries is a danger signal, which impedes security and progress in the world. Many of the inhabitants of the developing countries are still living in a state of poverty and malnutrition, threatening famine and the spread of disease. It is inconceivable that about three fourths of the population of the world in developing countries should be allocated less than one third of the total revenue of the world, while about one fourth of the population of the world in developed countries receives two thirds of the world's revenue. This situation cannot in the end benefit anyone, since the developing countries constitute the main market for the consumption of manufactured goods and export many basic commodities which are the life-blood of industry in developed countries and the source of their prosperity.
154.	We have shown, since the sixth and seventh special sessions, the importance and need to narrow the vast gap between the wealthy nations in the North and the millions of poor people who live in the South. This can never be achieved unless \ e put an end to the painful conditions arising from the existence of very wealthy countries and others which are poor to the degree of deprivation, and unless we establish a new world economic order based on justice and equity and the right of all States and peoples to enjoy full sovereignty over their natural resources.
155.	The results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, the North-South dialogue held in Paris last June, which attracted the attention of the whole world, fell short of expectations with regard to laying down a comprehensive and equitable programme for international economic co-operation as an effective contribution to the development of the third world. The Conference was a good opportunity for the industrialized and developing countries to prove their good intentions concerning the establishment of a new international economic order to replace the current unjust order of the concepts and rules governing commercial dealings between the industrialized and developing countries.
156.	The position of the developing countries participating in the Conference was characterized by flexibility and moderation. These countries have proved that their intention was not to transform the Conference into a confrontation with the industrialized countries. On the contrary, their stand was characterized by wisdom, logic, frankness and moderation. We hope that constructive discussions and good intentions will prevail during our discussions in this session on the results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, so that the Conference may reach the noble goal which we all work for: namely, the establishment of the new international economic order based on justice, equity and equality among the States of the world. It is our hope that the industrialized States will show more flexibility and understanding of the position of the developing countries, so that we may reach more constructive results in the field of international cooperation, and so that the industrialized countries may contribute effectively to the development of the third world, particularly through allowing the developing countries to participate effectively and freely in the utilization of technology and industrialization, as well as establishing an order which strikes a balance between the prices of basic commodities and raw materials exported by developing countries and those of manufactured goods and technology imported by such countries.
157.	Racism and racial discrimination has been one of the problems confronting the- United Nations since its establishment. It is completely inconsistent with the principles and Charter of the United Nations. How, one may ask, can the United Nations permit a Member State recklessly to violate, day in and day out, the resolutions and Charter of the United Nations in this respect? The policy of racial discrimination, based on the domination of one race over another, which is being practised openly and deliberately by the governing regime in South Africa and the illegal governing regime in Southern Rhodesia, is contrary to the main principles underlying the United Nations. It is a flagrant breach of its Charter, and an internationally outrageous violation of basic human rights, which cannot conceivably be committed by a Member State in the Organization.
158.	Therefore we participated in the issuance of a statement by the Foreign Ministers of non-aligned countries at their extraordinary meeting in New York on 30 September last  on the current situation in southern Africa and the ever increasing brutal repression of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa by the racist colonialist authorities. We appeal to all States to respond to the contents of that statement.
159.	Bahrain has consistently supported the rights of oppressed peoples and countries to self-determination and independence and the application of the principles of equality, equal opportunities and justice for all races of the world without exception, irrespective of colour, race, origin or faith. We have on more than one occasion and in more than one assembly condemned absolutely the policies of apartheid and racial discrimination wherever and however they are applied, particularly those of the racist regimes in South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and Palestine.
160.	I should like now to move on to the question of complete and comprehensive disarmament. It is one of the important questions taking a prime place in the discussions and work of the General Assembly at each and every session. There are about 20 items on this session's agenda on the question of disarmament, which clearly shows the importance Member States attach to it. This led the non-aligned countries at the last session to submit a proposal for the holding of a special session of the General Assembly to study this question in all its aspects.
161.	The arms race is one of the most important problems facing the world today, particularly the developing world. The huge arsenals of conventional, nuclear, chemical and biological weapons which some States build cause increasing concern because they threaten the existence of humanity on our small planet and stimulate the outbreak of wars among States. It is indeed regrettable that huge amounts of money should every year be dissipated on the development of destructive conventional and strategic weapons instead of being spent on development projects and on alleviating the burden of indebtedness of the poor countries. It is estimated that this year about $300 billion has been spent on armaments-at a time when the majority of people in our world are living in hunger, squalor and deprivation.
162.	In the Middle East we find Israel building a huge arsenal of weapons to consolidate its occupation of the land of States Members of this Organization, refusing to recognize the rights of the people of Palestine and acting as a fortress for continuous aggression and expansion at the expense of others.
163.	Obviously the reduction of arms of all kinds and the non-development of new weapons would provide huge financial resources that could be used for development projects, in particular to raise the standard of living of the people of the developing countries.
164.	The danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons increases every year. There are indications that both Israel and South Africa possess the ability to make a nuclear weapon. The ability of those two racist regimes in Palestine and South Africa to possess and to make nuclear weapons endangers international peace and security not only in the Middle East and on the African continent but all over the world. Therefore we consider it the duty of the international community represented in this hall to spare no effort to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and to ban all nuclear experiments, as well as to prevent the production and use of many destructive weapons, including biological and chemical weapons.
165.	Bahrain has on more than one occasion unreservedly supported the proposal for the Middle East to become a nuclear-weapon-free zone and for the Indian Ocean and all its natural extensions to be a zone of permanent peace and security. Therefore in our area, in the Gulf, we have started to engage in contacts and dialogues with all the States lying on the Gulf to establish the bases for mutual co-operation to keep the area far removed from the dangers involved in the rivalries of outside States. We therefore support the proposal for the holding of a conference to put into effect the Declaration on the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, provided thorough preparations are made for the conference.
166.	We hope that the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament to be held next spring will be able to deal with all matters of disarmament without exception and will strive to reach the goal of disarmament for development.
167.	Almost 30 years have now elapsed, and the people of Palestine are still outside their land and home. When, in November 1947, the Organization adopted the resolution on the partition of Palestine, international Zionism sheltered behind that resolution to attack the Arab people of Palestine within their own home and expel them, from the land of their fathers and forefathers. The Palestinian people were then unarmed and without Government administration. They were in fact still under the mandate of the international community as represented by this Organization. Therefore the international Organization bears a special responsibility towards Palestine and its people.
168.	Since those tragic events the Organization has adopted numerous resolutions calling for the return of the Palestinians to their homes, compensation for their losses and the guaranteeing of the exercise of their lawful and inalienable rights of sovereignty in their country. But Israel has flatly rejected all those resolutions; it has usurped the land of the people of Palestine, expelled them from Palestine by cruel force, and replaced them with foreign immigrants to establish a racist regime supported by imperialism.
169.	Israel has not stopped at that. In June 1967 it occupied the remaining parts of Palestine and other territories of neighbouring Arab lands in pursuit of the Zionist expansionist policy in the Middle East. Israel then requisitioned Arab lands in occupied Palestine, expelled their inhabitants and changed their nature so as to establish settlements for the new immigrants who are still pouring in. The number of such settlements established on occupied lands since June 1967 amounts to 85.
170.	The establishment of such settlements on occupied land is increasing day after day. The settlements are spread over the occupied land of Palestine and neighbouring Arab States. They stand as proof of the colonialist and racist intentions of Israel in the area. They have been established to serve as fortresses to consolidate the existence of Israel in the area, to implement its expansionist policies and to disperse Arab families in the occupied land. They have been built in strategic positions, proving the evil intentions of Israel and its determination to remain in the occupied territories forever. These intentions are no secret to anyone, particularly after the recent declarations of the rulers of Israel that any Israeli has the right to settle in the occupied land of Palestine, that being  part of the Israeli heritage .
171.	Israel has taken severe repress; measures against the Arab population in the occupied territories and has thrown many of its members into gaol, where they are subjected to the worst types of torture, contrary to all basic human rights. All such measures are contrary to the fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, and to the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council concerning solution of the pending crisis and the non-alteration of the legal status of the occupied territories, which consider all such measures null and void. The United Nations Commission on Human Rights has more than once condemned Israel for violating the said Geneva Convention in the occupied Arab territories and considers such violations to be war crimes and an affront to humanity.
172.	The expansionist policy of Israel in the area is the most dangerous threat to peace and security in the world. The situation is explosive and threatens the outbreak of a destructive war whose repercussions would extend to other areas of the world. The regrettable events in the Middle East are no more than a result of the tension prevailing in the area, which Israel exploits in order to pursue, openly or secretly, its aggressive policy and its intervention in the affairs of the neighbouring Arab countries. In this respect responsibility is borne by States which support Israel and supply it with military and material aid and condone its violation of the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly.
173.	The obstinacy of Israel in its rejection of the rights of the Palestinian people is no more than a manoeuvre to block the peaceful settlement of the question of the Middle East. The main problem is the case of Palestine and the Palestinian people and their right to exist as a people in their land and home. The occupation by Israel of parts of the neighbouring Arab countries is no more than the result of its expansionist policy in the area. The solution of this problem as a whole lies in the complete withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab lands occupied since 1967, the return of the Palestinian people to their homes, and the granting to them of the same right to self-determination as that of any other people, through their representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization.
174.	We therefore call for efforts to be intensified and world opinion to be marshalled to compel Israel to implement the resolutions of this Organization and to respond to the endeavours made to solve this problem by peaceful means, and for the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East with the presence of all parties concerned including - the Palestine Liberation Organization.
175.	We appeal to all the States of the world, with no exception, to halt all economic and military aid to Israel and to refrain from giving it any help which would inevitably lead to perpetuating the present situation and would encourage Israel to continue its aggression against the rights of the Palestinian people and the occupied Arab territories.
176.	It is indeed regrettable that the Security Council has not been able this year to consider the report and recommendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, which were adopted by the United Nations General Assembly at the last session by resolution 31/20.
177.	We call upon the Security Council to put an end to all the policies and practices of Israel in the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, which threaten world peace with the gravest of consequences, and to take the necessary steps to revoke all Israeli measures imposed in this respect, particularly those relating to annexation, colonization and Judaization.
178.	Israel has violated the United Nations Charter and its resolutions ever since it was first admitted to this Organization. It is well known that Israel's admission to the United Nations by resolution 273 (III) was subject to the following two conditions: first, that Israel undertake to respectfully the United Nations Charter as from the date of its admission to the United Nations; and, secondly, that it carry out the provisions of resolution 181 (II) on partition, and resolution 194(111) permitting the Palestinians to return to their homes. The Foreign Minister of Israel understood at the time to accept both conditions.
179.	It is clear that the undertaking of the Foreign Minister of Israel was not genuine from the start. Israel has not honoured either of those two conditions. It has occupied since that time territories more than four times the area allotted to it under resolution 181 (II) and has not implemented resolution 194(111) relating to the return of the Palestinians to their homes.
180.	As preliminary measures to stop Israel from continuing its dangerous policy in the Middle East, we have sponsored the draft resolution submitted by the Arab Republic of Egypt at this session on recent illegal Israeli measures in the occupied Arab territories. We have also adopted the two declarations issued by the Foreign Ministers of non-aligned countries
and the Foreign Ministers of  the Islamic countries in their extraordinary meetings held in New York on 30 September and 3 October of this year, respectively, on the situation in the Middle East and the question of Palestine In the light of recent developments. We appeal to all States in this Organization to support the aforementioned draft resolution and to respond to the call made in the above-mentioned Declarations of the Foreign Ministers of non-aligned countries and the Foreign Ministers of the Islamic countries. We also call upon States which have influence with Israel to take a decisive stand for the solution of the problem and not merely to confine their role to mediation in the dispute.
181.	Our stand with regard to all these matters is derived from our firm belief in the principles and human objectives of the United Nations and our desire to co-operate with all peace-loving States within the system of the United Nations to build a more progressive world in which justice, security and prosperity will prevail.