In joining my colleagues
in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the high and
responsible office of President of the General Assembly, I
should like to point out that it is a great honour for a
politician and diplomat to guide the work of this universal
forum representing practically all the States of the world. I
hope that your activities in this important position will
promote substantive discussions at this session and the
adoption of constructive decisions, and that the work of the
forty-eighth session will become a memorable page in your
biography.
At the same time, I should like to thank Mr. Ganev,
President of the previous session of the General Assembly,
for his contribution to the Assembly’s work.
Soon we shall commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of
the Teheran Conference, whose decisions laid down the
foundations of the United Nations. It was 50 years ago that
the participants in that Conference, while discussing the
issue of creating an international organization, expressed
confidence that the accord among them would ensure lasting
peace, and declared the lofty responsibility of all the United
Nations in safeguarding peace for succeeding generations.
As long ago as 1918, an outstanding Ukrainian
politician and writer, Mikhail Hrushevskiy, stated that
"Properly creating history is more important than depicting
it positively".
We are proud of the fact that Ukraine took an active
part in laying down the foundation of the Organization and
that today, along with other members of the international
community, it is making a worthy contribution to attaining
the noble goals of the United Nations. To our mind, the
major result of nearly 50 years of the Organization’s
existence is the fact that world war has been averted. This
is to the credit of the United Nations, a universal forum of
States, a unique Organization without which it is impossible
to imagine present-day international relations.
Today, when the new dominant feature of international
relations is the transition from bipolarity to a qualitatively
different world order based on comprehensive security and
a balance of interests, the world is witnessing the second
birth of the United Nations. For Ukraine, it is of special
significance that the United Nations renaissance coincides
with the building of our independence, our regained
statehood and the revival of Ukraine as a sovereign
participant in European and world politics.
For Ukraine, which today is trying to find its place in
the world balance of power, its United Nations membership
is one of the most important international guarantees of its
national security and independence. After the disintegration
of the USSR and the disappearance of the Warsaw Treaty
Organization, our country is compelled to exist next to a
zone of decreased stability and of alienation and even
tension, irrespective of who is the initiator and what is the
subject of discord. Ukraine finds itself in the epicentre of
almost all European developments: every crisis emerging on
the continent may affect us in one way or another.
6 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
These factors led to the initiative by Mr. Leonid
Kravchuk, the President of Ukraine, concerning the creation
in the Central and East European region of a space of
stability and security which would include all countries in
the Baltic and Black Sea zone and that would become, in the
future, an integral part of the European system of security.
At the same time, this Central and East European space of
stability and security would be a reliable link for developing
a broad-based transatlantic system of security taking in the
area from Vancouver to Vladivostok, that is, the whole
region covered by the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Implementation of this idea
would be a worthy contribution to preventive diplomacy.
The basic prerequisite for the creation of such a space
might be the implementation of the principle of security for
oneself through security for all, the main goal of which
would be the development of a system of international
relations in the region that would rule out threats to peace
and stability such as those emanating from the present
conflicts on the territories of the former Yugoslavia and
USSR.
Ukraine is capable of playing a constructive role in the
formation of such a system. As a State which is situated in
the centre of the European continent and possesses vast
human resources and scientific potential and a strong
industrial and agricultural complex, Ukraine is ready to
contribute more to the formation of a new, prosperous
Europe. In accordance with the principles of a new Europe,
we aspire to build a democratic State of law that is
economically strong, politically active, peaceful and, in the
future, non-nuclear along with others, in which individual
rights are respected and guaranteed regardless of nationality
or other distinctions.
In this context, I should like to dwell on the problem of
nuclear weapons on the territory of Ukraine. As is well
known, we inherited from the former USSR a huge nuclear
arsenal, the third largest in the world in terms of its combat
potential. The declaration on the State sovereignty of
Ukraine proclaimed the intention of our State to become
non-nuclear in the future.
And this is not a mere declaration. Ukraine is doing as
much as it can towards its implementation. The dismantling
of the strategic missile complexes has started. An agreement
has been signed with Russia on the utilization of the
strategic missiles’ nuclear warheads. We do not exclude the
possibility of conducting negotiations on this subject with a
third party.
However, the full-scale implementation of the nuclear
disarmament programme is linked to the need to solve a
number of problems. Where do we get the money to
dismantle and eliminate the strategic nuclear weapons
located in Ukraine? According to our estimates,
approximately $2.8 billion are needed for these purposes.
How do we ensure reliable guarantees of national security
for our State?
There arises also the problem of returning to Ukraine -
or obtaining compensation for - nuclear components,
obtained from nuclear warheads, which, after reprocessing,
can be used as fuel for nuclear power stations. This also
applies to the nuclear materials extracted from the warheads
of tactical missiles removed from Ukraine in 1992.
And finally, what should the thousands of servicemen
dismissed from the missile forces do? We have no complete
answers to these and other questions; so far the promises of
help exist only in statements and on paper.
The Verkhovna Rada, the Ukrainian Parliament, is
deeply involved in these questions and is looking for
opportunities to adopt balanced decisions, in the shortest
possible time, taking into consideration the interests both of
Ukraine and of the international community as a whole.
At the same time, I should like to stress that while
considering this issue we should also take into account the
external situation. For today, instability and internal
struggles in neighbouring countries sometimes spill over
their frontiers and threaten Ukraine’s national security and
territorial integrity. This is most especially so in the case of
the well-known decision by the, now former, Supreme
Soviet of the Russian Federation concerning the status of
Sevastopol. There have also been attempts to question the
status of Crimea as a whole. In this connection, I should
like to state explicitly that the Republic of Crimea is an
inseparable part of Ukraine. Crimea, as a part of Ukraine,
could play an appropriate role in the region and make a
decisive contribution to consolidating the Black Sea region
as a zone of peace and stability. In this context, I should
like to express profound gratitude to all the countries,
especially to the members of the Security Council, that gave
their unambiguous assessment of the illegal encroachments
upon the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and
manifested their support for our State. Again, we are
convinced that the complicated issues of inter-State relations
can be solved only through firm and energetic action on the
part of the international community.
Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 7
In our opinion, the objective basis for cooperation
between Ukraine and other countries lies in the formation of
a stable and secure system of international relations. In the
present circumstances, the basis of this system is respect for
the principal postulates of international law, according to
which the inviolability of the frontiers and territorial integrity
of sovereign States is recognized as one of the prerequisites
for international peace and security. The former empires
have vanished, and like them imperialistic thinking, such as
unilateral interpretations by certain States of legal succession
issues and their other actions that are incompatible with the
norms and ethics of international relations should also
disappear.
We hope that an understanding of contemporary
realities will facilitate the further normalization and
development of Ukraine’s relations with other countries on
terms of mutual respect, a balanced search for compromises
and the renunciation of extreme rhetoric. Genuine
conditions for such developments are already in existence,
and it is a worthwhile task to use them to foster mutually
beneficial economic relations and to ensure wide-ranging
contacts between peoples.
Ukraine, as one of the founders of the Commonwealth
of Independent States, is actively developing cooperation
with the CIS countries. We regard the Commonwealth as an
international mechanism for multilateral consultations and
talks that is contributing to the process of forming
qualitatively new full-scale, bilateral relations between
participating States and is promoting solutions to the
problems that they face after the disintegration of the USSR.
Our relations with the Baltic States are developing in a
positive way.
Ukraine unswervingly supports the efforts of the world
community to find a formula for settling the conflict in the
former Yugoslavia. We consider that a real solution to this
problem is possible only through taking into account the
interests of all States in the region, and those of ethnic
communities, on the basis of the relevant decisions by the
United Nations Security Council and of the cornerstone
principles of international law.
We take it as given that all countries involved in the
attempt to settle this conflict, and the relevant international
structures, must approach the issue very carefully, especially
when the use of force is implied. It must be borne in mind
that the use of force might lead to extremely undesirable
consequences, frustrate the negotiating process and result in
an escalation in the conflict and its spread to other areas of
the former Yugoslavia.
Our position on the settlement of conflicts on the
territory of the former Soviet Union is similar. In this
connection, we should like to welcome the role played by
the United Nations and the CSCE in Transdnestria and the
joint efforts of the international community in searching for
ways to stop the bloodshed in Nagorny-Karabakh.
Tragic developments have taken place in Georgia.
Signed agreements have been violated, the bloodshed persists
and people continue to perish. As long ago as
21 September, Leonid Kravchuk, the President of Ukraine,
appealed to the President of the Russian Federation, which
is a guarantor of the tripartite truce agreement of
27 July 1993, and to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations to take all possible measures to stop the escalation
of the conflict and to activate the mechanism contained in
the agreement. Regrettably, the attempts to stop the
dangerous developments have been frustrated and the
situation is running out of control, threatening the stability
of the Caucasus region as a whole. The international
community should immediately call on the potential of the
United Nations Charter in order to bring the situation back
onto a course of settlement through political dialogue.
At the same time, I should like to draw attention to a
truth that is as old as the hills but which is regrettably often
forgotten: preventing disease is much cheaper and more
effective than treating them. A similar idea was expressed
yesterday by Mr. Kinkel, my colleague from Germany. An
emphasis on active, preventive diplomacy that would
forestall conflicts should become the dominant feature of
contemporary international relations. The fact that the issue
of Sevastopol was addressed at a meeting of the United
Nations Security Council, the activities of the CSCE
missions in Kosovo, Sanjak and Vojvodina, and the
deployment of United Nations military contingents in The
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia are, to our mind,
good examples that illustrate this truth.
In fact, reviving the peacemaking activities of the
United Nations has become one of the more vivid examples
of the transformation in United Nations political thinking,
and is embodied in the conclusion that diplomatic language
should replace the language of the gun in inter-State
communication.
Ukraine is taking an active part in this process. More
than a year has elapsed since a Ukrainian battalion was sent
to the former Yugoslavia to participate in the United Nations
peace-keeping forces. From the point of view of Ukraine,
as a new and independent State, the multilateral peace-
keeping efforts of the United Nations remain the
8 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Organization’s most effective instruments in its performance
of its major function, the ensuring of international peace and
security. Ukraine is ready to continue active participation in
the peace-keeping activities carried out under the auspices of
the United Nations or the CSCE.
The prestige and authority that Ukraine has gained as
a result of its participation in United Nations peace-keeping
operations have not come easily. Lately, human losses
among peace-keepers from the United Nations Blue Helmets
have increased. The rise in the number of peace-keeping
operations and their expansion may result in further losses.
That is why it is our belief that it is urgently necessary to
work out a document to define the status of United Nations
peace-keeping personnel and to make provision for a
mechanism to protect them. This would be a logical
development of the provisions of resolution 47/72, adopted
by the General Assembly at the initiative of Ukraine, with
sponsorship by over 50 States, and of the relevant Security
Council resolution, resolution 868 (1993) of
29 September 1993.
Ukraine is interested in strengthening peace, security
and stability in the nearby Middle East region and welcomes
the decisions reached between Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization on mutual recognition and the
agreement on Palestinian self-rule in the Gaza strip and
Jericho signed on 13 September in Washington. The first,
important step has thus been taken on the road to a complete
settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Ukraine welcomes the developments in South Africa,
which make it possible to lift economic sanctions against
that country. We hope that wisdom and a balanced approach
by all the participants in the negotiating process in that
country, and active work on the part of the Transitional
Executive Council, will become a solid basis for the
successful holding of elections and the formation of a
democratic, non-racial and united South Africa.
Our State is paying great attention to the experience of
the countries of the Asia-Pacific region. The extraordinarily
fast pace of developments in some of the countries in this
region is evidence of the effectiveness of pragmatic
approaches to solving complex political, economic and social
issues.
The process of a practical development of relations with
the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN)
countries has been initiated. We see this grouping as
potentially one of the best trade and economic partners for
Ukraine, inasmuch as trade between the ASEAN States - and
the region as a whole - and the countries of Eastern and
Central Europe flows through Ukrainian ports.
We shall facilitate by all possible means the
development, and the maintenance on the proper level, of
relations with the States of Europe, North and South
America, the Middle East and Africa.
I should like to dwell briefly on the present-day
situation in Ukraine. Frankly, we are experiencing difficult
times now. In addition to the establishment of our own
State and the rebirth of our national culture and spirit, we
are undergoing a transformation to a new system with new
civic and economic parameters. Our scholars, specialists and
statesmen have not yet succeeded in proposing a programme
of economic reforms in keeping with Ukraine’s real
potential, its historical traditions and the mind-set of its
people. And now we have to make major adjustments to the
procedure and sequence of the reform process.
Our goal is a market, socially-oriented economic
system, directed at meeting the needs of our people. It
should take into account economic interrelations that were,
objectively, formed in the CIS, opportunities for foreign
investment in our economy, and a step-by-step integration of
the Ukrainian economy into that of the European Community
and the world.
Important steps have been taken in this regard. By
adopting a law on ownership, the Verkhovna Rada has
opened the road to privatization as the principal means for
the transition to market-based economic relations. Important
documents have been approved concerning the
denationalization and privatization of enterprises, land and
housing. Ukraine has declared its intention to become an
associate member of the CIS economic union, and is
engaged in active negotiations within the framework of the
Commission of the European Communities.
However, the situation in the State remains extremely
complicated.
In overcoming the crisis, the international community,
including our compatriots abroad - the representatives of the
Ukrainian diaspora - could play an important role. Our
legislation sets out favourable conditions for foreign
investment in the Ukrainian economy, and a number of
measures have been adopted concerning participation by our
State in the European and world communities and the
development of bilateral trade and economic relations.
Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 9
It is important to find areas that could appeal to our
partners and to proceed to develop and implement specific
cooperation programmes and projects. An example of this
kind of cooperation can be seen in the activities that we have
initiated with Commission of the European Communities and
in the framework of the Black Sea economic cooperation.
We are also ready to participate actively in carrying out
the economic programmes being implemented within the
framework of the United Nations.
In this context, we are heartened by the increasing
attention being paid by the United Nations and its bodies and
by the economically developed countries to the processes of
transition to the market economy being undertaken in the
Eastern and Central European States. Favourable conditions
for broadening cooperation between the United Nations and
States with economies in transition, including Ukraine, have
opened up as a result of the formation of integrated missions
by the United Nations and the United Nations Development
Programme in this field. We hope that these missions will
be given permanent status.
We place great hope in assistance by the international
community in mitigating the consequences of the Chernobyl
disaster. I must say that after the appointment of United
Nations Under-Secretary-General Mr. Eliasson as the United
Nations Coordinator of International Cooperation for
Chernobyl, activities in this area have acquired new impetus.
I hope his efforts will find support in the General Assembly
and will contribute to strengthening international cooperation
for this purpose.
In addition to the expenditures needed to mitigate the
after-effects of the Chernobyl disaster, which account for a
considerable part of the national income, the losses resulting
from the imposition of economic sanctions by the Security
Council against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia have
become another great negative factor for our economy.
Consequently, by the end of 1993, Ukraine will have
suffered direct losses of more than $4 billion in the State
sector alone.
Today we need real efforts on the part of the
international community to assist Ukraine in overcoming the
negative impact of the sanctions against the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia on Ukraine’s economy as well as on the
economies of a number of other countries. Our delegation
is ready to propose a draft resolution which would deal with
the implementation of the relevant recommendations of the
Security Council and the General Assembly.
Regretfully, the serious economic difficulties associated
with the factors that I have mentioned were not taken into
consideration when the international community last year
adopted the decision, contrary to the provisions of the United
Nations Charter, to increase Ukraine’s contribution to the
United Nations regular budget by 58 per cent. The
assessment imposed on Ukraine is not fully commensurate
with its capacity to pay, and is a great burden on its
economy. As a result of great efforts, this year we have
managed to contribute $6.5 million to the United Nations
regular budget, which otherwise could have been directed at
solving the problems caused by Chernobyl. However, we
cannot meet our financial obligations in full, for the reasons
I have mentioned.
In this context, the Government of Ukraine urges a
reconsideration of the scale of assessments for the United
Nations regular budget and an amendment of the existing
system of financing United Nations peace-keeping
operations. Our delegation is ready to offer grounds for this
position during discussion of the relevant items by the Fifth
Committee.
The world has experienced great changes since the
foundation of the United Nations. This is understandable,
for, as Heraclitus said, "Nothing endures but change". That
is why the issue of reforming the United Nations system is
a quite natural one. Current realities raise new problems for
the world community. Even though the danger of a global
nuclear conflict has been practically eliminated, the "local"
wars and regional conflicts breaking out all over the world
are causing serious concern.
Interethnic armed conflicts and economic instability
create favourable grounds for terrorism, the arms trade and
the production and trafficking of drugs, and directly affect
the security of United Nations Member States. The
Chernobyl nuclear power station disaster, the environmental
disorder in the Aral Sea area, the danger of an ecological
catastrophe as a result of destruction of tropical forests and
the depletion of the Earth’s ozone layer are but a very
incomplete list of the ecological problems facing mankind.
The need for change is also becoming especially urgent
and even inevitable as a result of the significant events of
the past few years that have radically redrawn the political
map of the world; more than two dozen new independent
States have emerged, thus considerably increasing the United
Nations family. Let me extend to them my sincere
congratulations.
10 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Ukraine shares the view that the present quantitative
composition of the Security Council, its functioning and its
working methods require appropriate adjustments, taking into
consideration the new regional realities and the appearance
of new participants in the international community.
Implementing this proposal would increase the Council’s
degree of legitimacy as the body that is entrusted by the
United Nations Member States with the principal
responsibility for maintaining international peace and
security. At the same time, it is important to preserve the
Council’s ability to respond effectively to emergencies that
require prompt intervention.
In changing the structure of the United Nations Security
Council, it is very important to take into account the
existence, beyond its present membership, of participants in
the international community that are potentially capable of
playing an important role in the Organization’s activities at
the present time and that have substantial financial
obligations to the United Nations. It is also very important
to preserve in the Security Council the basic principle of
equitable geographic representation.
The working methods of the most representative United
Nations body - the General Assembly - also require
modification. It is in our interest to direct its activities, to
the maximum possible extent, towards further consolidating
the principles of justice, democracy and development. The
delegation of Ukraine supports the decisions of the forty-
seventh session aimed at increasing the effectiveness of the
General Assembly and at rationalizing the work of its Main
Committees.
We are ready for further dialogue on the issues
concerning structural changes in the sessional and subsidiary
bodies of the General Assembly. This means, in particular,
further decreasing the number of resolutions that are
repeated and duplicated from year to year and redistributing
the functions of subsidiary bodies.
In our view, the reform should also involve the
activities of the main economic and social forum of the
United Nations, the Economic and Social Council, and
should also be reflected in the structure and working
methods of the Organization’s Secretariat. Ukraine fully
supports the actions of Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the
Secretary-General, aimed at extending the reforms in the
Secretariat, and who is acting firmly in order to increase
the role and authority of the Organization, in keeping with
the requirements of the time. We are facing the task of
reorienting the United Nations social and economic activities
in order to implement specific projects in the interest of all
States, including those now on the way to the free market.
For the reforms to be successful, it is also important to
ensure, in practice, real zero growth in the Organization’s
budget, and the effective use of its financial assets by
reorientating them towards priority fields of activity.
The United Nations will soon mark its fiftieth
anniversary. This jubilee is a special date in the calendar of
international life, but, moreover, it will be celebrated at the
turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. It is well
known that all historic dates look towards the future.
Therefore, the best way to celebrate this anniversary is to
concentrate on outstanding issues, analyse the emerging
situation and determine what the prospects are for future
development. That is why, perhaps, it is time for the world
community to get together, as it did after the world wars,
and creatively reappraise the realities of the
post-confrontational period and, where necessary, amend
existing structures of security and cooperation and division
of labour in order to determine the world order for the
twenty-first century. These are the considerations that
impelled President Leonid Kravchuk of Ukraine to initiate
the idea of convening, within the framework of the United
Nations fiftieth anniversary celebrations in 1995, a global
international peace summit conference.
In advancing the idea of holding such an event under
the auspices of the United Nations, we take it as given that
this is the Organization that can convene global conferences
of Ministers and Heads of States or Governments in order to
weigh up complex issues and suggest comprehensive
solutions. Therefore, all our thoughts today are directed
towards tomorrow, to which we should come having
discarded the heavy burden of the confrontational era and
having drawn upon the best of the Organization’s past
activities, which have enriched us with invaluable
knowledge. From the collective wisdom manifested in the
activities of the United Nations, we can tap the optimism so
necessary for mankind today, and the faith in its positive
strength and in its future.
In conclusion, I should like to cite some words by
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General, which he
pronounced during his recent visit to Ukraine:
"Deep involvement in the great currents of history
gives Ukraine a special insight into the world today. It
Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 11
qualifies Ukraine to play a full role in the new United
Nations."
I wish to assure you that Ukraine will spare no effort in
continuing to prove the rightness of his words.


First of all, I would like on behalf of the
delegation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic to
congratulate you, Sir, most warmly on your unanimous
election to the presidency of the General Assembly of the
United Nations at its forty-eighth session. We are familiar
with your great diplomatic skills and your patience and
perseverance and therefore feel certain that you will guide
the work of this session towards a successful conclusion.
12 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
I would also like to convey our wholehearted
congratulations to the Secretary-General of our Organization,
His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for the tireless
and efficient efforts he has exerted in discharging his
important responsibilities over the past year. We wish him
every success in the accomplishment of his complex and
difficult tasks at the head of our Organization.
The Lao delegation also extends a welcome to the
States that have recently become Members of the United
Nations: the Principality of Andorra, Eritrea, The Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the Principality of
Monaco, the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic.
Their presence among us certainly enhances the universality
of the United Nations.
The present session of the General Assembly has begun
at a time when the international situation as a whole is
evolving in a positive direction, conducive both to dialogue
and to cooperation between States. None the less, the
genuine peace that peoples the world over have so long
awaited has not been attained. From East to West, from
North to South, sizeable and often tragic conflicts keep
breaking out. It is true that some of them have been
successfully resolved, but many others, of an ethnic, racial
and religious nature, are arising in various parts of the world
and are raging unabated, rendering the world situation fragile
and precarious.
In Europe, the situation in the Republic of Bosnia
remains tense and even explosive, and could threaten both
regional and global peace and security. In flagrant defiance
of international humanitarian law, crimes such as "ethnic
cleansing", mass rapes, torture and deliberate bombing of
civilian targets continue to be committed against the innocent
Bosnian people. Given the gravity of the problem, all the
parties to this painful conflict should show the courage and
the sense of realism necessary to reach a just and equitable
political settlement freely and as quickly as possible, and
thereby contribute to the restoration of peace, security and
normalcy in that country and in the entire region.
In South Africa, the conclusion of an agreement on the
date of the first multiracial elections and the establishment
of the Transitional Executive Council constitute an important
stage in the efforts of the people of that country to build a
united, democratic and non-racial South Africa.
Nevertheless, the overall situation in the country remains
fragile. Sadly, we still witness an upsurge of acts of
violence and of discord in many parts of the country.
Therefore, political, social and racial order must be restored
so that the reforms thus begun can continue, at an
accelerated pace.
In Somalia, the evolution of the situation is still
disquieting. It is vital that the international community find
just and lasting solutions to this problem in accordance with
the rights and aspirations of the Somali people.
In the Middle East, an important step has been taken in
the quest for a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of
the Israel-Arab conflict. The Lao delegation is pleased at
the mutual recognition between the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) and Israel, as well as the Gaza-Jericho
autonomy agreement which was signed in Washington on 13
September 1993. We hope that that agreement will help the
various parties to the conflict to establish a climate of
mutual trust and in this way to find a comprehensive
settlement that is just and honourable for all, in the
framework of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and
338 (1973) and other relevant United Nations resolutions.
In western Asia, despite the signing last March at
Islamabad of a peace agreement between the Afghan parties
in conflict, Afghanistan remains the theatre of civil war. In
the interests of national concord among Afghans, of the
reconstruction of their homeland and of the peace and
security of the entire region, we appeal to all the parties
concerned to put an end to their conflicts.
On the Korean peninsula, there is still an atmosphere of
mutual distrust in the military sphere. We welcome the
tireless efforts made by all the countries concerned,
including the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, to
ensure that the Korean peninsula is a nuclear-weapon-free
zone. It would be in the highest interest of the entire north-
east Asian region and of the world if peace, stability and
cooperation were to be achieved.
In South-East Asia, the countries of the region generally
enjoy good relations, and this is opening up a new era for
the broadening of their cooperation, day by day, in many
fields of shared interest. For the first time my own country,
the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, participated as an
observer in the Ministerial Meeting of the countries of the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), held
recently in Singapore. We are pleased at this important
meeting with the countries of ASEAN which has given new
impetus to our joint efforts to promote cooperation in
different fields among the peoples of the region.
Our delegation is also gratified by the historic events
that have taken place in Cambodia, our immediate
neighbour. The promulgation of the new constitution by His
Majesty King Samdech Norodom Sihanouk and the
establishment of a new Government in that country will open
the way to peace, stability and national harmony, thus
Forty-eighth session - 11 October l993 13
contributing to the strengthening of cooperation and
friendship in the region.
In the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, 1992 was a
year of many achievements. Our gross national product
increased by 7 per cent over 1991; our rate of inflation is 10
per cent, compared to 14 per cent in 1991; and the rate of
exchange in general has stabilized. In other words, the
multi-ethnic Lao people is seeing a gradual improvement in
its standard of living. From a political standpoint, our
country has experienced solid stability, and we intend
vigorously to continue our effort to promote democracy and
our people’s collective decision-making power, in
accordance with our country’s historical and cultural realities
and with its level of economic and social development.
At the beginning of 1993, the National Assembly
endorsed our national plan for socio-economic development
through the year 2000. Under this plan, the Lao
Government has set for itself two major objectives.
The first is aimed at meeting the most urgent daily
needs of our population, especially of the ethnic minorities
that live in the mountainous regions; bringing about a
gradual rise in their standard of living, both material and
cultural; and ensuring political and social stability in the
country.
The second is to promote the development of
agriculture and forestry in concert with the development of
services and of industry, especially in the field of
hydropower, one of the areas of potential growth in our
country; to develop more forcefully our market economy,
create internal savings, stabilize State finances and work
steadily towards financial autonomy; and to strengthen our
efforts at development of human resources in order to create
conditions conducive to national development in the
immediate future and for the years to come.
In order to realize this plan, we will endeavour to
achieve an average growth rate of 8 per cent, to maintain
economic and financial balance, to preserve stability of
prices and of rates of exchange, and to keep the inflation
rate no higher than 10 per cent per year. The Government
will continue its policy of broadening cooperation with other
countries and in this regard hopes to have the support and
assistance in all respects of the international community.
According to the United Nations World Economic
Survey, production at the international level should increase
by only 1.5 per cent this year and 3 per cent in 1994,
compared with .6 per cent in 1992: a very weak recovery of
growth in general terms. This weak recovery, especially in
the industrialized countries, entails a continued decline in the
demand for export goods from the developing countries and
a more abrupt decline in the prices of their raw materials,
which are of vital importance to their economies. Bearing
in mind the interdependence of the components of the global
economy, it would be wiser for the developed countries to
attach greater importance to the developing countries and to
commit themselves truly to international cooperation founded
upon revitalization of the economy and development in the
interests of all.
The problem of the environment, because of its
importance in its relation to development, is still at the
forefront of global concerns. We are still witnessing the
pollution of our air, seas and oceans, abrupt climate changes,
a steady depletion of the ozone layer, and desertification in
many parts of the world. It is time for the developed
countries and the developing countries to strengthen their
international cooperation effectively and to take forceful
measures to protect the environment, in accordance with
their respective responsibilities and capacities and with the
well-known Agenda 21, adopted in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in
1992.
As for the drug problem, my delegation is pleased that
the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly will devote
special meetings to this subject. We intend to contribute to
its consideration in view of the importance of this problem
and its implications in the world at large and in our own
country.
The question of promoting human rights and
fundamental freedoms still occupies a central place on the
international agenda. Because it is so important and so
sensitive, this question requires serious consideration on the
basis of the principles of non-selectivity, objectivity and
impartiality. To this we should add that the historic,
cultural, political, social, economic and religious realities of
each country need to be taken into account. From this
standpoint, we are on the whole satisfied with the results
obtained at the recent World Conference on Human Rights,
held in Vienna, Austria, from 14 to 25 June 1993.
With the end of bipolarization, it is important that
States place their hopes in the United Nations, which is truly
intended to be universal and institutional, capable of
maintaining international peace and security, of promoting
development and of having law and justice prevail the world
over. So that it can live up to its new responsibilities, the
Organization must also build its new structure. A
revitalized, restructured United Nations made more
democratic in its decision-making process, particularly in the
14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Security Council, will certainly be able to play its rightful
central role in the management of international affairs.
States and peoples all over the world, large and small alike,
powerful or weak, rich or poor, could benefit greatly from
such a development.


I have the honour to convey
to the General Assembly greetings from the people and
Government of Nepal and the best wishes of His Majesty
King Birenda Bir Bikram Shah Dev for the success of its
forty-eighth session.
As I stand before members today, my thoughts go back
to 1960, when the first elected Prime Minister of Nepal, the
late B.P. Koirala, addressed the Assembly and declared that
the foreign policy of Nepal was inspired by the purposes and
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 11
principles of the United Nations. He said then that Nepal
looked upon the Organization as an instrument for promoting
peace and justice among nations.
The late Prime Minister’s visit to the United Nations
was an event of historic significance for Nepal. A
revolutionary transformation had then taken place in my
country. As a result, a conscious and coherent foreign
policy, with centrality given to the principles of the Charter
of the United Nations, had started to take shape.
Similar revolutionary changes again took place in my
country in 1990, after a gap of more than three decades. In
accordance with the wishes of our people, multiparty
democracy has been restored in Nepal. Now there is a
constitutional guarantee of human rights and fundamental
freedoms. As the second elected Prime Minister to address
this body, after 33 years, I must say that this moment has a
deep personal overtone for me.
Restoration of multiparty democracy and respect for
fundamental human rights does not necessarily mean that we
have solved all our problems. The expectations of the
people are naturally high, but the means at our disposal are
extremely limited.
Faced with such problems, my Government has been
making every effort to ensure a better standard of living for
our people in larger freedom. Our development plans are
based on the premise that it is the individual citizen and not
the State which has the right to development. Along with
economic liberalization, we are pursuing a people-oriented
development policy focused on poverty alleviation. To
achieve our goals we have increased investments in human-
priority areas. Given the enormous constraints upon us,
ranging from lack of resources to the high cost of
infrastructure, a shortage of skilled personnel and
institutional deficiencies, our problems are daunting. We
look forward to greater understanding from donor countries
and multilateral agencies in helping us to implement our
people-oriented development programmes, in upgrading local
skills and in building the capacity to accelerate human
development.
The foreign policy of Nepal is guided by the objective
of ensuring its sovereignty, political independence and
national security while promoting international peace and
cooperation. Inspired by the purposes and principles of the
United Nations, the policy of non-alignment, and respect for
human rights, we seek friendship and cooperation with all
countries of the world, and in particular with our neighbours.
We have reason to be satisfied with the excellent relations
we enjoy with the countries in our immediate
neighbourhood. We are partners with our friends in South
Asia in an effort to forge a mutually beneficial scheme of
cooperation for the welfare of our people under the aegis of
the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation.
With the sudden end of the cold war the world is at the
threshold of a new era of shared responsibility for global
peace and development. The post-cold-war world is very
much in need of order, but it is a world that cannot be
ordered by military and economic Powers alone. At this
time of historic transition, political leadership in all countries
must show a higher order of statesmanship. It is time to
shed old prejudices and parochialism. We should be able to
pool the best of every civilization and culture for the greater
good of mankind.
Changes in international relations have also created
opportunities to devise new partnership in global
responsibility. The world today is poised to consider new
approaches to international law based not on unilateralism
but on multilateralism. The United Nations is an
organization of the powerful and the weak, the large and the
small, the wealthy and the poor, each contributing its share
to the common interest. It is in the interest of all to make
the United Nations an effective and influential agent of
constructive change in a turbulent world.
If the United Nations is to fulfil its Charter obligations
it must deal with the root causes of conflicts and instability.
The mechanisms and processes at its disposal for achieving
that goal must be strengthened and refined. In this context,
there are four areas which demand immediate attention:
first, international cooperation to combat poverty; secondly,
strengthening of the role of the United Nations in the
maintenance of international peace and security; thirdly,
progressive reduction and finally elimination of weapons of
mass destruction and, fourthly, universalization of human
rights.
Democracy and human rights are easily eroded when
widespread poverty prevails. Poverty undermines human
dignity, contributes to environmental degradation and
undermines the cohesion of a society. It also poses a lasting
threat to peace and stability. The search for collective
security cannot, therefore, be separated from the sustained
efforts to improve the economic and social conditions of
peoples everywhere. Agenda 21, adopted at the Rio
Conference on Environment and Development, is a
comprehensive blueprint for sustainable development. To
turn that vision into reality there is an urgent need for
12 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
resumption of the North-South dialogue and for economic
cooperation between developing nations.
The President returned to the Chair.
In this context, I look forward to the
Secretary-General’s agenda for development. We sincerely
hope that an agenda for development will form the basis of
accelerating international cooperation to the mutual benefit
of developed and developing countries alike. The upcoming
International Conference on Population and Development,
the World Summit for Social Development and the Fourth
World Conference on Women should also be occasions to
focus on the human dimensions of socio-economic problems.
In speaking of social and economic issues, I recall the
initiative taken by countries of South Asia under the aegis of
the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation to
work together for the cause of children. That initiative
provided the major motivation for the holding of the World
Summit for Children. The mid-decade review in 1995 must
be an occasion to evaluate the implementation of the
promises the international community made to children at
the World Summit. Despite conflicting demands on our
limited resources, we in Nepal are allocating an increasing
portion of our national budget to child and maternal health
and welfare and on other basic human-services areas. We
are in favour of the proposal for matching resource
allocations by donor countries for such national initiatives.
The dramatic increase in the demands on and
heightened expectations of the United Nations is nowhere
more compelling than in the area of peace and security.
With experience spanning over 35 years in United Nations
missions, Nepal welcomes the expansion in the mandates of
peace-keeping operations. The recent successes of the
missions in El Salvador and Cambodia are testimony to the
potential of a United Nations operation with a clearly
defined and practicable mandate. The joint venture of the
United Nations and the Organization of American States in
Haiti is breaking newer ground in international cooperation
to restore a democratically elected Government and to
protect and promote human rights.
Without minimizing the enormity of the problems the
United Nations has to take into account in Somalia, I feel
that the emphasis on military action will overshadow the
larger goal of the mission in that country. I urge the
redoubling of efforts to seek lasting political solutions to the
problems in Somalia.
I appeal to the parties concerned in Bosnia and
Herzegovina to respond immediately to the successive
resolutions of the Security Council and halt the senseless
carnage of innocent people. The continuing tragedy in the
territory of the former Yugoslavia presents a test-case for
viable cooperation between the United Nations and regional
organizations in the maintenance of peace and security.
Nepal will continue to support the further development
of preventive diplomacy by the Secretary-General and the
Security Council. In the maintenance of peace and security,
the implementation of enforcement measures under the
Charter should be the step of last resort. It should be the
exception to rather than the rule of the game. The real
strength of collective security lies in the ability to implement
the provisions of the Charter relating to peaceful settlement
of disputes.
The grounds for the intervention of the Security
Council have also raised questions of consistency. As the
principal organ entrusted with the maintenance of
international peace and security, the Council must act in an
even-handed and impartial manner and must be perceived as
doing so.
The recent comments of the Secretary-General on the
financial situation of the Organization should be a cause of
concern to all. Investments in peace-keeping, peacemaking
and preventive diplomacy are investments in collective
stability. It is not possible for the United Nations to play its
role without adequate resources.
Along with other non-aligned countries, Nepal has
always subscribed to the call for a more active United
Nations role in arms control and disarmament. Since mutual
fear is the source of any arms race, confidence-building
measures must be seriously pursued in order to achieve the
goals of disarmament. Nations should pursue a culture of
ensuring security at the lowest possible level of armaments.
Successes in bilateral negotiations on nuclear weapons,
conventional forces in Europe and chemical weapons prove
that it is a feasible goal.
Nepal deems it extremely significant that all five
nuclear-weapon States are now parties to the nuclear
non-proliferation Treaty. We have long advocated an early
conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. Meaningful
progress in this area will have important implications for the
review and extension Conference on the non-proliferation
Treaty.
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 13
Protection of human rights has emerged as an important
factor in the development of friendly relations among States.
The United Nations must spare no effort in establishing an
international norm of human rights. The World Conference
on Human Rights was a major step in this direction. Human
rights cannot be secure without a universal conscience on the
part of all peoples to uphold each other’s rights in full
understanding of the just demands of the individual, the
community, the State and the international order. Human
rights cannot be secured unless there is an absolute freedom
from fear from any source. There is a direct correlation
between the status of human rights, the democratic process
and an evolution of a culture of peaceful settlement of
disputes. The threat to peace is the greatest when human
rights are denied.
The world is at a vital turning-point. The old order has
come to an end while the new has yet to take shape. While
some old contradictions persist and new ones appear, some
unexpected bright areas have also dawned. Nepal welcomes
the agreement reached by the negotiating parties in South
Africa to hold an election in April 1994. We share the deep
concern of the international community over the continued
violence which threatens the peaceful transition of South
Africa to a non-racial democratic society.
Nepal has long enjoyed friendship with both the Israeli
and the Palestinian peoples. We welcome the Declaration of
Principles as well as the exchange of letters of mutual
recognition between Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO). The statesmanship shown by the
leaders of Israel and the PLO promises a new beginning for
the Middle East and, indeed, the world. We earnestly hope
that this historic breakthrough will facilitate the search for a
comprehensive and lasting solution of the Middle East
problem.
As I come towards the end of my statement, I wish to
extend to you, Sir, my hearty congratulations on your
election to the high office of President of the General
Assembly at a time when the United Nations is passing
through a very important phase in its history. I also take
this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to
Mr. Stoyan Ganev for his stewardship of the forty-seventh
session of the General Assembly.
I must also take this opportunity to pay our warmest
tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali.
His efforts to reform and strengthen the United Nations with
the courage of conviction have been universally appreciated.
We are impressed by his vision and dynamism, which are
necessary for the United Nations to cope with the new
realities and challenges of our time. Mr. Boutros-Ghali was
a well-known figure in my country even before he became
the Secretary-General of the United Nations. We consider
him to be a sincere friend of Nepal.
Although small in military and economic strength,
Nepal is fully alive to its responsibilities as a Member of
this world Organization. Nepal will not hesitate to take an
independent and objective stand in favour of larger good and
justice. For us, the Charter of the United Nations captures
the highest ideals of mankind. I take this opportunity to
rededicate the commitment of the people and the
Government of Nepal to the United Nations.


I wish to congratulate
you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the
forty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We are sure
that your vast experience, personal qualifications, and
intimate knowledge of the manifold problems confronting the
international community will serve you well in the
performance of your duties. Please be assured of the fullest
cooperation and support of the Liberian delegation.
We extend a deserving tribute to your predecessor,
Mr. Stoyan Ganev of Bulgaria, for the efficient and able
manner in which he handled the affairs of the Assembly
during the past year. His decisiveness and fairness paid off
greatly in producing the many results which are a positive
outgrowth of the debate of the previous session.
Our Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, also
deserves special commendation for his persistent and tireless
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 5
efforts in trying to secure a world that is both peaceful and
just and sustained by an equitable economic order. Indeed,
his devotion and singular commitment to the principles and
purposes of the Organization have brought renewed
confidence on the prospects of achieving mankind’s dream
of a stable international environment.
We seize this opportunity to welcome the
newly-admitted Members of the United Nations. It is our
fervent hope that they will make a meaningful contribution
to our common search for global peace and security.
Over the past three years Liberia’s external relations, in
response to domestic imperatives, have focused on the
achievement of four primary objectives: first, to ensure that
international opinion is sensitized to the serious effects of
the civil war in Liberia and the need for international
support to end the conflict; secondly, to effect the
mobilization of humanitarian and emergency relief assistance
for the war-ravaged population; thirdly, to help sustain the
consensus on the situation in Liberia within the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and to
secure broader international acceptance of the ECOWAS
peace plan as the best possible formula for resolving the
Liberian civil strife; and, fourthly, to enhance the peace
process itself by neutralizing attempts to resolve the Liberian
conflict through the military victory of a faction, while
encouraging a negotiated political settlement of this
seemingly intractable conflict.
In pursuit of these objectives, the Interim Government
of National Unity (IGNU) has participated in 25 peace talks
and a great number of other consultations with the Liberian
factions, the leaders of subregional, regional and
international organizations, and foreign Governments to
enhance the prospects for peace in Liberia.
It is now my pleasing duty to inform the Assembly that
the Interim Government of National Unity, the National
Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) and the United Liberation
Movement of Liberia for Democracy (ULIMO) signed a
peace accord in Cotonou, the Republic of Benin, on 25 July
1993. The Cotonou Agreement is a significant breakthrough
in the quest for durable peace in Liberia.
By agreeing on a process beginning with a cease-fire
and leading to disarmament, demobilization and then free
and fair elections, we Liberians have all finally decided on
how power will be acquired in our country. The Agreement
is therefore a great victory for the people of Liberia in their
efforts to secure a democratic future.
As my delegation stated on 10 August 1993 during the
Security Council’s consideration of the report (S/26200) of
the Secretary-General on Liberia, the Cotonou Agreement is
also a victory for the leaders and peoples of the member
States of the Economic Community of West African States,
who took a bold and courageous initiative to resolve a
security question in their subregion, with the active support
and cooperation of the Organization of African Unity
(OAU).
On that occasion, we went on to state, and we here
repeat, that the United Nations must also share in this
victory. In this vein we wish to register our appreciation to
Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali for his consuming
interest in the crisis in Liberia. We thank him immensely
for his thorough and incisive reports on Liberia, which
enhanced the decisiveness of the Security Council with
respect to resolutions 788 (1992), 813 (1993) and
866 (1993).
We also commend the Secretary-General’s Special
Representative for Liberia, Mr. Trevor Gordon-Somers; the
OAU Eminent Person for Liberia, former Zimbabwean
President the Rev. Dr. Canaan Banana; and the former
Executive Secretary of ECOWAS, Dr. Abbas Bundu; whose
relentless collaborative efforts helped to make the Cotonou
Agreement a reality.
The people of Liberia will for ever remain grateful to
the gallant men and women of the ECOWAS Cease-fire
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). Enduring thanks go to the
West African States which have made troop contributions to
the peace-keeping effort: Nigeria, Ghana, Guinea, Sierra
Leone, Gambia, Mali and Senegal.
During the process of negotiating the Cotonou
Agreement, the Interim Government, largely a coalition of
various political parties and interest groups representing the
vast majority of our citizenry who do not bear arms,
demanded the disarmament of all combatants as a sine qua
non for the restoration of peace. The armed factions
conceded to this demand on condition that a new,
transitional authority, to include the Interim Government, be
organized within a framework acceptable to them. This
concession, hardly an unreasonably high price to pay for
disarmament and peace, was made. The Cotonou
Agreement, then, divided into a military and a political
component, encompasses provisions attending a trade-off.
The political demands are far-reaching, in that they
require more than a simple reconfiguration of the Interim
Government within the context of power-sharing. The
6 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Liberian National Transitional Government, being a new
creation, requires the divestiture of power from the current
interim authorities. On the other hand, the warring factions,
divested of their arms and demobilized, will equally cease to
exist as fighting forces.
To strengthen the Agreement, or otherwise reinforce the
confidence of the parties, it was agreed that the installing of
the Transitional Government, and the beginning of the
disarmament process, each being a precondition for the
other, would ensue simultaneously. However, this demand
for concurrent processes harbours the prospective danger that
an achievement lag in either component, military or political,
may tend to undermine confidence in the entire peace
process and thereby threaten the understanding.
What, then, does each phase require, and how much
and in what area has progress been made?
The implementation of the political phase of the
Accords has largely been completed, and on schedule. The
Interim Government has complied with all the concessions
required for disarmament so that Liberians may live free
from fear and have a chance of being at peace with each
other.
A five-member Council of State has been formed to
constitute the executive authority of the Transitional
Government. The legislature, the judiciary, and the
Elections Commission are being reorganized or otherwise
made to reflect the inclusive intent of the transitional period.
The Liberian National Transitional Government is waiting to
be installed once the disarmament process begins. Pacta
sunt servanda. What, then, is the requirement for the
disarmament process to begin? The following paragraph
from the report of the Secretary-General on Liberia, of 4
August 1993, correctly reflects the specific provisions of the
agreement and the factor motivating them. The
Secretary-General states:
"Given the level of mistrust existing between
ECOMOG and the NPFL, special measures were
devised to make ECOMOG acceptable to all parties in
overseeing encampment, disarmament and
demobilization. It was agreed that ECOMOG would be
expanded to include new troops from countries not
already participating in ECOMOG. These troops would
be drawn from other ECOWAS countries, as well as
from OAU countries outside of the West African
subregion. In addition, it was proposed that United
Nations military observers would monitor and verify
the cease-fire as well as the implementation of the
encampment, disarmament and demobilization
provisions of the Agreement." (S/26200, para. 7)
A month later, in September 1993, the
Secretary-General, recognizing that these preparations for
disarmament would not keep pace with the political
arrangements, advanced a most constructive proposal in his
report of 9 September 1993 as follows:
"... The Agreement forecasts that the
transitional government would be established
approximately one month after the signing of the
agreement, concomitant with the commencement of
the disarmament process. While this process is
already somewhat behind schedule, the establishment
of the transitional government is crucial to
reinforcing national reconciliation. I therefore urge
ECOMOG to move quickly in commencing the
disarmament process, with monitoring provided by
the advance team of UNOMIL, even before full
deployment of the expanded ECOMOG and
UNOMIL. In this regard, it is encouraging to note
that NPFL expressed to the planning mission its
readiness to accept troops from among the present
ECOMOG contingent to be deployed in NPFL areas.
With the expected full deployment of the advanced
team of United Nations military observers in the
coming days, the disarmament process could possibly
begin immediately thereafter." (S/26422, para. 40)
Last week in Monrovia, Dr. Amos Sawyer, the
President of the Interim Government of National Unity,
publicly assured the Liberian people that if the armed
factions accept the Secretary-General’s proposal and allow
the disarmament process to commence, he would
immediately transfer power to the transitional authorities.
However, the unwillingness of any of the armed factions to
avail itself of the proposal need not necessarily be viewed as
reflective of a lack of will or suggestive of bad faith.
Scrupulous adherence to the actual terms of the Agreement
may ultimately enhance the prospects for genuine peace,
however slow and exacting the process may prove to be.
Meanwhile, efforts continue to get the full complement of
additional ECOMOG forces and United Nations observers.
The Government of Liberia wishes to thank the United
States Government for its contribution to the Trust Fund of
the Economic Community of West African States to
facilitate the expansion of ECOMOG and assist the forces
currently in place. We renew our request to other friendly
Governments to respond to the Secretary-General’s appeal
for contributions to the Trust Fund as a means of advancing
the peace process in Liberia.
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 7
We are convinced that the enabling conditions for
disarmament will be expeditiously created and that the
Transitional Government will be installed shortly. The fact
that the cease-fire continues to hold and that the parties are
largely cooperating with each other is a basis for continuing
confidence in the commitment of the parties.
Our hearts are touched by the great outpouring of
empathy and good will from countries that have contributed
to the well-being of the people of Liberia since the
beginning of our conflict. Through the specialized agencies
of the United Nations system, as well as many private
volunteer and non-governmental organizations, they have
enabled many Liberians to find life worth living because of
the genuine concern that has been demonstrated. Our thanks
go to all those who continue to make a difference in the
lives of our people.
The Transitional Government, when installed with
authority spanning the entire country, will stand in need of
extensive relief assistance to respond effectively to the
monumental human suffering existing in some parts of
Liberia. Our delegation envisages an upsurge in the demand
for humanitarian assistance, with food and medical supplies
being the obvious priorities. We appeal to the international
community to stand ready to assist the people of Liberia for
a reasonable period, as it will take time before the
advantages of peace are translated into real improvements in
the lives of the people.
A successful disarmament exercise will be the
long-awaited signal for our people in refugee camps to
return home. Indeed, the Transitional Government will need
the cooperation and assistance of men of good will
everywhere in order to succeed in the awesome tasks of
repatriation, resettlement and rehabilitation. The gruesome
civil war devastated the economy of the country, paralysed
vital social services and destroyed basic infrastructure. It is
significant that the political division of the country has
prevented a coordinated needs survey to fully assess the
reconstruction demand.
It is important, also, that the Transitional Government
has the task of helping to prepare the country for free and
fair elections, to be held under international supervision and
monitoring within six to seven months. This is hardly ideal
timing, but it proved to be the best that a negotiated
settlement could produce. Clearly, the international
community has a moral obligation to help the people of
Liberia succeed in this endeavour, since the very thought of
failure attending these exercises is, in itself, a nightmare.
The Interim Government has striven, even in the
throes of a civil war, to maintain law and order and operate
with a Constitution which affirms civil liberties and respect
for fundamental human rights. We, as men of conscience,
condemn and stand in total opposition against those who, in
the midst of the war, trained their weapons on helpless
civilians. We therefore thank the Secretary-General for
responding with dispatch to the Interim Government’s
request for the establishment of a commission of inquiry to
investigate the atrocities committed since the commencement
of the civil war. We believe that the Wako Commission
Report has contributed to amassing the evidence required in
order for justice to be done to the perpetrators of the Harbel
area massacre and other massacres.
Liberia’s tragic circumstances, coupled with the
efforts to resolve the conflict, provide useful lessons that
could be most instructive for the international community.
The Liberian peace process has shown that, even in the face
of scarce resources, member States of the Economic
Community of West African States have contained a security
threat in their subregion by marshalling the requisite political
will to do so. The dispatch and maintenance of a peace-
keeping force in Liberia by the leaders of ECOWAS
represent the finest hour for Africa in its efforts to maintain
peace and security on the continent.
The Liberian experience has also demonstrated that
peace initiatives that are conceived and implemented within
a subregional context, while supported and assisted by
regional and international organizations, are a practical
approach which stands the best chance of success in conflict
resolution. The States closest to the conflict are likely to
have a deeper understanding of, and appreciation for, the
interplay of forces within the milieu. It is against this
background that the Government of Liberia gave its fullest
support for, and endorsement of, the establishment of a
mechanism for conflict prevention, management and
resolution within the Organization of African Unity.
We welcome the establishment of the Department of
Peace-keeping Operations in the Secretariat for the planning
and coordination of all United Nations peace-keeping
activities, confident that it will countenance greater regional
involvement in conflict management, buttressed by support
from the United Nations.
On the question of Somalia, the Government of
Liberia welcomes the bold and courageous efforts by the
United Nations to resolve the tragic situation there and bring
peace to that country. We deplore the killing of United
Nations peace-keepers in Mogadishu, and we support the
8 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
efforts by this world body to bring to justice those
responsible for such acts. The implementation of the Addis
Ababa Accords, signed on 27 March 1993, at the national
reconciliation conference, offers the best hope for a peaceful
transition to a pacified and democratic State of Somalia. We
therefore urge the Somali factions to respect and implement
that agreement.
Regarding South Africa, we welcome the current
multi-party negotiations in that country as the most inclusive
forum so far convened to end the apartheid system and
create a non-racial, democratic society. We are pleased that,
as a result of these negotiations, a democratic Government
is scheduled to be elected in April 1994.
With regard to Angola, the Government of Liberia
wishes to call on UNITA to abandon its military agenda and
seek to resolve the crisis through peaceful means in
conformity with the Bicesse Accords. In this light, we also
make a special appeal to UNITA to conform to the wishes
of the people of Angola by accepting the results of the
September 1992 elections. We call on it to sign the protocol
of agreement negotiated in Abidjan in a spirit of national
unity and reconciliation of all Angolans.
Last month the world welcomed the historic and
dramatic developments affecting peace in the Middle East,
when the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) recognized each other. The signing of
an agreement on Palestinian autonomy means that the first
real step has indeed been taken towards Palestinian self-rule.
It is our sincerest hope that this agreement will soon be
complemented by peace accords between Israel and all of its
Arab neighbours.
Perhaps no problem, apart from the spectre of a
nuclear holocaust, has elicited more global concern than that
of the environment, given its intrinsic linkage to man’s
survival and his economic well-being. In a world
characterized by issues of common concern and
ever-increasing interdependence of States, a collective
approach is indispensable in meeting the challenges posed by
environmental problems and the international economic
situation. The environmental crisis is now posing a serious
threat to the life-support system of our planet. This is why
my delegation believes it is most important that Member
States maintain the momentum gained at the historic 1992
Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio
de Janeiro, by effective follow-up at the national and
international levels. We welcome the establishment of the
Commission on Sustainable Development whose
responsibility it is to review and monitor implementation of
Agenda 21.
With respect to the world economic situation, it
remains our firm belief that, in order to achieve progress in
global economic recovery, issues of long-term significance,
such as the excruciating debt burden of developing countries,
low commodity prices, protectionism and dwindling resource
flow into developing countries, should all form the real
agenda for the setting of priorities to include a permanent
increase in global economic growth. The current gloomy
situation of the international economy, worse now than in
the previous decade, is further accentuated by new risks to
the world economy caused by conflicts, the problem of
refugees and the plight of the world’s children. These
problems pose a real threat to growth and development in
many regions of the world.
In view of what I have said, there is an urgent need,
as a part of the continuing effort to forge a new and fairer
international economic order, for the peace dividends derived
from the easing of bipolar tension to be deployed to meet
the development needs of the world’s most economically
disadvantaged regions. They should not be reserved for the
exclusive use of the already wealthy nations, and they should
not be directed only towards the political and economic
liberalization of a particular region of the world. All must
take into account the fact that economic opportunity and
social justice are essential preconditions for peace and
security in our global village.
The post-cold-war era has offered the United Nations
new opportunities and challenges, particularly in the
fulfilment of its unique responsibility as the conscience of
mankind. In recent years, the United Nations has taken bold
decisions in peacemaking, peace-keeping and peace-building,
humanitarian intervention and the protection of human rights.
These assertive approaches have made the United Nations
appear more relevant to the peoples of the world.
It is hoped that, in its honourable pursuits, the United
Nations will continue to be led by men of vision who can
ensure the realization of the noble ideals enshrined in its Charter -
fostering world peace and promoting development and
cooperation amongst all the peoples of our one world.


In extending to you, Sir, the warmest congratulations of the
delegation of Cameroon on your election to the presidency
of the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, I am
not merely obeying protocol. I do so as well out of my wish
to pay a tribute to your outstanding qualities and to welcome
the significant contribution your country, Guyana, has made
to the building of a more just and more united world.
Your predecessor, our colleague Mr. Ganev of Bulgaria,
carried out his mandate very well. We are grateful to him
and express all our appreciation to him.
For two years now our Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, has devoted unusual energy to the
management of the Organization, management that has been
made difficult by the increase in the number of United
Nations missions, the complexity of the challenges to be
met, and the acute financial crisis that is hindering the
successful carrying out of his activities. Cameroon wishes
to commend him for his wisdom and to assure him of its
support.
The Organization’s universality has been enhanced by
the admission of six new Member States. It is a pleasure for
me to welcome them among us and to assure them of
Cameroon’s readiness to maintain and develop relations of
cooperation and friendship with them.
The especially significant and unexpected changes that
have marked the end of this century confirm our feeling that
we must never despair of the human being and that,
whatever the circumstances may be, we must keep faith in
mankind’s future.
Indeed, the forty-eighth session of the General
Assembly is being held at a time when the image of that
historic handshake between Prime Minister Itzhak Rabin and
President Yasser Arafat is still bright in our minds, a
handshake that sealed the mutual recognition between Israel
and the Palestine Liberation Organization and consecrated
the agreement on autonomy for Gaza and Jericho. Never
before have conditions been as conducive to the building of
a lasting peace in the Middle East.
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 7
That historic event, a sign of the times, was followed
by the adoption by the Parliament of South Africa, which is
still composed exclusively of whites and coloureds, of the
agreement to establish a Transitional Executive Council,
conferring upon the black majority a right to participate in
the management of that country’s affairs with an eye to the
April 1994 elections, which should usher in a united,
democratic and non-racial South Africa.
Those are undeniably two major events of exceptional
significance, events that demonstrate the extent of the
upheaval in the world we are now witnessing.
Allow me, therefore, to salute the courage and great
vision demonstrated by the Israeli Government and the
leaders of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Certainly,
the peace in the Middle East that had seemed elusive is now
within reach. Cameroon had always hoped for this, and we
are therefore gratified at the progress made and wish to pay
a tribute to the various protagonists who contributed to it.
And with regard to this situation, has the time not come
to update the Organization’s documents dealing with the
situation in the Middle East? Cameroon intends to
contribute to the consideration of this question the
circumstances call for. The tone and provisions of
resolutions concerning South Africa also need to be brought
into line with the changes taking place in that country.
Cameroon supported the appeal made from this rostrum
by President Nelson Mandela for the lifting of the economic
sanctions against South Africa. We salute that outstanding
son of Africa, and we include in this commendation
President De Klerk, whose open-minded attitude has earned
our admiration.
The democratic transition in South Africa is at once
fragile and promising for the whole of the African continent.
It demands the support of the international community,
which must work to put an end to violence and the
destabilizing actions of the forces in the country that are
opposed to change.
Unfortunately, this remarkable improvement in the
situations in the Middle East and South Africa cannot mask
the threats to international peace and security caused by the
persistence of armed conflicts in various parts of the world
arising out of ethnic claims, the resurgence of nationalistic
feelings, religious intolerance, the desire for power, poverty
and underdevelopment.
At the very heart of Europe, a frightful war continues
in the Balkans, a war the more frightful because the ideology
underlying it is an affront to the conscience of mankind.
The indignation it has aroused throughout the world demands
that the weapons be silenced to enable the virtues of
dialogue to prevail over the logic of exclusion and conquest.
That war is also sorely testing the international community’s
ability to defend the principles and values of civilization in
our era.
It is equally untenable that in Angola innocent people,
caught up in an increasingly senseless war, continue to be
massacred. It must be obvious to everyone that a solution
to the Angolan problem cannot be imposed by force of arms.
It resides in concertation, dialogue and negotiation. We
therefore urge the parties concerned to seize this most recent
opportunity to achieve peace afforded them by strict
implementation of the Abidjan Agreements and the relevant
resolutions of the Security Council.
The imperatives of peace are also pressing upon our
Liberian, Somali and Mozambican brothers and sisters, who
have legitimate aspirations to the stability needed to
reconstruct their countries.
As regards Haiti, it is also important, if legality is to
triumph, that everything possible be done for the
implementation of the Governors Island Agreement.
In Western Sahara, we have not lost hope that,
following the negotiations now under way, the obstacles to
a referendum on the future status of the territory will be
removed.
In other parts of the world where hotbeds of tension
persist the spirit of confrontation must yield to the search for
negotiated solutions. In this context, Cameroon welcomes
the decisive contribution of the United Nations to the
restoration of peace in Cambodia. In paying tribute to the
memory of all those who have paid for peace in Cambodia
with their lives, I include Captain Ndi Ncho Abrahams of
the Cameroonian contingent of military observers of the
United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia
(UNTAC), who fell on the field of honour in Phnom Penh
on 7 September 1993.
I also wish to extend here our warm congratulations to
His Majesty King Norodom Sihanouk on his restoration to
the throne of Cambodia. We are convinced that his lofty
stature, eminent qualities and long experience will help his
country to set out again on the path to progress and the
reconciliation of its children.
8 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Meeting the challenge of peace, involves not only the
silencing of weapons, but also ensuring the reconstruction of
countries ravaged by war. We therefore appeal that, as
measures are taken to settle certain regional conflicts, the
necessary resources be mobilized to meet, as well as
humanitarian needs, the reconstruction needs of African
countries that have been torn by armed conflicts.
This would bolster the willingness of the African Heads
of State to assume greater responsibility in the prevention,
management and settlement of conflicts in their region. The
mechanism created for that purpose at the twenty-ninth
Summit of the Organization of African Unity deserves the
support of the international community, as it is involved in
the implementation of the agenda for peace adopted by the
Security Council. Furthermore, the adoption in Libreville in
September 1993 of a non-aggression pact between the 11
States members of the Economic Community of Central
African States is part of this trend. Concluded in the
framework of the Standing Advisory Committee on Security
Questions in Central Africa, created last year by the
Secretary-General of the United Nations, this agreement is
an essential link in the chain of confidence-building
measures aimed at the progressive reduction of the armed
forces and military budgets of the States of the subregion.
Our States are thereby determined to create an area of peace,
security and solidarity. We are thus entitled to expect the
continued support of the international community for this
initiative, sponsored by the United Nations.
In a more general context, the progress achieved in the
field of disarmament and arms limitation should continue.
We call on the major Powers to redouble their efforts to
accelerate the disarmament process, especially in the field of
nuclear weapons. The conclusion of a treaty banning
nuclear tests would meet the expectations of the international
community, just as the indefinite extension of the Non-
Proliferation Treaty would help reassure the non-nuclear-
weapon States. In this respect, we praise the dialogue being
pursued by the parties concerned to find a negotiated
solution to the differences between North Korea, on the one
hand and the International Atomic Energy Agency and the
Government of the United States of America on the other.
Lastly, the progressive establishment of the structures
of the Organization’s executive secretariat for the control of
chemical weapons strengthens our conviction that general
and complete disarmament is not just a dream. It is a
fervent aspiration of mankind that could be achieved if
greater political will were focused on that goal.
At the recent World Conference on Human Rights, held
in Vienna, our common vision of the values underlying
mankind’s shared aspiration to the effective enjoyment of
human rights made the longstanding dispute about a possible
hierarchy as between civil and political rights and economic,
social and cultural rights outdated. Now enshrined as
indivisible and interdependent, all these rights have one
objective alone: the promotion and protection of human
dignity, regardless of considerations of race, colour, sex or
religion. Recognition of that objective has contributed to the
rebirth of the idea of the universality of human rights and
has given those rights the moral and legal force of a
categorical imperative with unassailable legitimacy.
This development encourages the Government of
Cameroon, with the impetus given by His Excellency
President Paul Biya, to continue updating the legal and
institutional frameworks to promote the effective enjoyment
of human rights by our citizens. Our resolute march towards
democracy can be gauged by the incomparable freedom of
expression burgeoning throughout our national media, the
flourishing of political parties, the vitality of popular
participation in public life and the establishment, in the wake
of the State’s gradual disengagement, of new and vast areas
for the development of private initiative.
The National Committee on Human Rights and
Freedoms, whose activities enhance its credibility, is helping
enormously to make public opinion aware of the importance
of human rights and to alert our authorities to any possible
violation. The recent organization in Yaoundé by the United
Nations Centre for Human Rights of a training seminar for
members of that Committee highlights the role of
international cooperation in the promotion of human rights,
particularly in developing countries.
This cooperation suggests a new approach, necessitating
a reversal of the tendency to turn human rights into political
tools. This tendency often leads to a selective awareness of
human rights violations and discrimination in the application
of sanctions. Cooperation also suggests a new type of
partnership, allowing the highly publicized activism on
human rights to be replaced by calm and constructive
dialogue between the various parties in charge of promoting
and protecting human rights - States, national institutions,
non-governmental organizations and multilateral institutions.
In this context, the proposal to establish a post of high
commissioner for human rights has its merits. None the
less, it gives rise to some questions, the importance of which
requires that it be considered attentively and in depth.
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 9
The universality of human rights, which everyone must
henceforth respect, requires the democratization of
international economic relations. It would be unrealistic to
circumscribe the exercise of democracy within national
boundaries, when there are also flagrant injustices in
international economic relations that constitute grave
violations of human dignity.
A victim of such injustices, Africa, more than any other
developing region, has the characteristics of a continent
adrift. It is toiling under an intolerable debt burden in a
situation exacerbated by an overall trend towards
disinvestment, a decline in official development assistance
and a steady deterioration in the terms of trade as a result of
the continuing fall in commodity prices.
In these circumstances, is it acceptable that net financial
flows should continue from the impoverished African
countries to the rich countries? As we have already pointed
out, this situation cannot be considered in economic terms
alone. It is an ethical problem involving the conscience of
our Northern partners and of international financial
institutions.
Need we recall that despite the seriousness of the
economic crisis they are facing the African States, like the
countries of the East, have undertaken courageous reforms
towards liberalizing their economies and democratizing their
political systems?
While we are pleased at the mobilization of resources
aimed at accompanying reform in the countries of the East,
we must deplore the fact that no similar effort has been
made for the benefit of the African countries that are also in
a state of transition. Structural adjustment plans are the only
alternative solution proposed to them. Because they are
becoming increasingly exorbitant and difficult to bear, their
social costs need to be given more attention by our partners
so that the already fragile foundations of our young States
will not crumble.
The very recent International Conference, on African
Development, held in Tokyo, will give us an opportunity to
draw the attention of the international community to the
distress of the African continent.
The failure of the United Nations Programme of Action
for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-
1990 and the disappointing progress of the United Nations
New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s
underscore, if need be, the urgent need to establish for that
continent a consistent set of measures to stimulate recovery
including, in particular, debt alleviation and the enhancement
of human resources, the transfer of technology, support for
the diversification of production and the improvement of
conditions for access of our products to international
markets.
We must set our sights on establishing a fund for
financing African development. The imperatives of
international solidarity are not consistent with
compartmentalization on the basis of racial or geographical
considerations. Hence, we cannot leave the African
countries at the mercy of market forces, which are devoid of
all legitimacy owing to speculation. The international
community must therefore undertake to construct a more
legitimate new world order that is in keeping with full
respect for law and justice.
The world partnership for sustainable development
enshrined in Rio de Janeiro responds to this aspiration.
While we are pleased at the establishment of the
Commission for Sustainable Development, the release of
resources required for the financing of Agenda 21 has not
yet been accomplished.
In the social sphere, activities conducted throughout the
United Nations system with a view to fighting against the
AIDS pandemic and to repressing the illicit traffic in
narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances deserve high
priority in the agenda of our Organization.
Similar importance should be attached to the integration
of women in the process of development and to the
protection of vulnerable groups of society.
The International Conference on Population and
Development planned for Cairo in 1994, the World Summit
for Social Development, to be held in 1995 in Copenhagen,
and the Fourth World Conference on Women, to be held
also in 1995, in Beijing, will offer opportunities to review all
of these issues at the highest level. These gatherings will
make it possible for us to refine our understanding of these
problems in order better to integrate them in our
development policies.
Guaranteeing international peace and security and
promoting the economic and social development of its
Members are the tasks that the United Nations has been
called upon to perform since its establishment. The changes
generated by the end of East-West rivalry have created
conditions more conducive to the attainment of these
objectives. Our Organization should therefore rethink its
structures and its working methods in order to increase their
10 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
effectiveness, the better to respond to the ever-growing
expectations of the international community.
The restructuring process under way is of course part
of this trend. We are pleased at the prevailing spirit of
consensus in the search for solutions to this problem - a
problem made complex and delicate because of the need to
reconcile the need for effectiveness and the imperative of
democratization which alone can safeguard the plurality of
approaches that underlies the universality of our
Organization.

In this context, the reform of the Security Council
should not be confined to a mere broadening of its
composition. It should above all make it possible to revive
the spirit behind the decision to confer upon the members of
the Council broad powers regarding the maintenance of
international peace and security. These powers should
therefore be exercised in the interest of all, and not on the
basis of other considerations.
The General Assembly should, along the same lines,
remain a global forum where the positions of States are
expressed and harmonized. We are therefore in favour of a
strong Secretariat endowed with adequate structures and with
a highly qualified staff that reflects the diversity and the
excellence of the peoples of the United Nations. This means
that throughout the system and within our Organization, the
ongoing process of restructuring should be consistent with
the spirit of the Charter.
Mankind has always cherished the utopian dream of a
world in which man would no longer be a danger to his
fellow man, and in which peace, justice and equity would
prevail. The sudden acceleration of history at the turn of
this century gives this utopian hope an impetus that enhances
our shared perception of the need to establish a new and
more united world order. This "promise of history" being
shaped will be an expression of the convergence of our will
to free mankind of the consequences of a past that we hope
is forever behind us. The universal conscience cannot put
up with the horrors of war and of flagrant violations of
human rights, nor should it at the dawning of the third
millennium tolerate the persistence of poverty and hardship
that trample underfoot the intrinsic values of our shared
humanity.
Thus the United Nations must meet the challenge of
renewal in order fully to play its central role in the building
of a world consistent with the ideals of its founding fathers.
In the final analysis, history condemns us to be hopeful - in
the midst of violence, does man not persevere in his utopian
dream of peace?