1.	Thank you for granting me the honor of speaking today, on this first day of the general debate at the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Once again I come before this body preoccupied with peace. Last year I stood in this chamber to address the special session on disarmament. I have come today to renew my nation's commitment to peace. I have come to discuss how we can keep faith with the dreams that created this Organization.
2.	The United Nations was founded in the aftermath of the Second World War to protect future generations from the scourge of war, to promote political self- determination and global prosperity, and to strengthen the bonds of civility among nations. The founders sought to replace a world at war with a world of civilized order. They hoped that a world of relentless conflict would give way to a new era, one where freedom from violence prevailed.
3.	Whatever challenges the world was bound to face, the founders intended this body to stand for certain values, even if they could not be enforced, and to condemn violence, even if it could not be stopped. This body was to speak with the voice of moral authority. That was to be its greatest power.
4.	But the awful truth is that the use of violence for political gain has become more, not less, widespread in the last decade. Events of recent weeks have presented new, unwelcome evidence of brutal disregard for life and truth. They have offered unwanted testimony on how divided and dangerous our world is, how quick the recourse to violence.
5.	What has happened to the dreams of the founders of the United Nations?
6.	What has happened to the spirit which created the United Nations?
7.	The answer is clear: Governments got in the way of the dreams of the people. Dreams became issues of East versus West. Hopes became political rhetoric. Progress became a search for power and domination. Somewhere the truth was lost that people do not make war, governments do.
8.	And today, in Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and the North Pacific, the weapons of war shatter the security of the peoples who live there, endanger the peace of neighbors, and create ever more arenas of confrontation between the great Powers. During the past year alone, violent conflicts have occurred in the hills around Beirut, the deserts of Chad and the Western Sahara, in the mountains of El Salvador, the streets of Suriname, the cities and countryside of Afghanistan, the borders of Kampuchea, and the battlefields of Iran and Iraq.
9.	We cannot count on the instinct for survival to protect us against war. Despite all the wasted lives and hopes that war produces, it has remained a regular, if horribly costly, means by which nations have sought to settle their disputes or advance their goals.
10.	And the progress in weapons technology has far outstripped the progress toward peace. In modern times, a new, more terrifying element has entered into the calculations—nuclear weapons. A nuclear war cannot be won and it must never be fought. I believe that if governments are determined to deter and prevent war, there will not be war. Nothing is more in keeping with the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations than arms control.
11.	When I spoke before the twelfth special session, devoted to disarmament. I affirmed the United States Government's commitment, and my personal commitment, to reduce nuclear arms, and to negotiate in good faith toward that end.
12.	Today, I reaffirm those commitments. The United States has already reduced the number of its nuclear weapons worldwide and, while replacement of older weapons is unavoidable, we wish to negotiate arms reduction; and to achieve significant, equitable, verifiable arms control agreements. And let me add, we must ensure that world security is not undermined by the further spread of nuclear weapons. Nuclear non-proliferation must not be the forgotten element of the world's arms control agenda
13.	At my last visit here, I expressed hope that a whole class of weapons systems—the longer-range intermediate nuclear forces—could be banned from the face of the earth. I believe that to relieve the deep concern of peoples in both Europe and Asia, the time was right, for the first time in history, to resolve a security threat exclusively through arms control. I still believe the elimination of these weapons—the zero option—is the best, fairest, most practical solution to the problem. Unfortunately, the Soviet Union declined to accept the total elimination of this class of weapons.
14.	When I was here last, I hoped that the critical Strategic Arms Reduction Talks would focus, and urgently so, on those systems that carry the greatest risk of nuclear war—the fast-flying, accurate, intercontinental ballistic missiles which pose a first strike potential. I also hoped the negotiations could reduce by one half the number of strategic missiles on each side and reduce their warheads by one third. Again, I was disappointed when the Soviets declined to consider such deep cuts, and refused as well to concentrate on these most dangerous destabilizing weapons.
15.	Despite the rebuffs, the United States has not abandoned and will not abandon the search for meaningful arms control agreements. Last June, I proposed a new approach toward the START negotiations. We did not alter our objective of substantial reductions, but we recognized that there are a variety of ways to achieve this end. During the last round of Geneva talks, we presented a draft treaty which responded to a number of concerns raised by the Soviet Union. We will continue to build upon this initiative.
16.	Similarly, in our negotiations on intermediate-range nuclear forces, when the Soviet leaders adamantly refused to consider the total elimination of these weapons, the United States made a new offer. We proposed, as an interim solution, some equal number on both sides between one and 572. We recommended the lowest possible level. Once again, the Soviets refused an equitable solution and proposed instead what might be called a "half zero option"—zero for us, and many hundreds of warheads for them. That is where things stand today, but I still have not given up hope that the Soviet Union will enter into serious negotiations.
17.	We are determined to spare no effort to achieve a sound, equitable and verifiable agreement. For this reason, I have given new instructions to Mr. Nitze at Geneva, telling him to put forward a package of steps designed to advance the negotiations as rapidly as possible. These initiatives build on the interim framework that the United States advanced last March and address concerns that the Soviets have raised at the bargaining table in the past.
18.	Specifically, first, the United States proposes a new initiative on global limits. If the Soviet Union agrees to reductions and limits on a global basis, the United States for its part will not offset the entire Soviet global missile deployment through United States deployments in Europe. We would, of course, retain the right to deploy missiles elsewhere.
19.	Second, the United States is prepared to be more flexible on the content of the current talks. The United States will consider mutually acceptable ways to address the Soviet desire that an agreement should limit aircraft as well as missiles,
20.	Third, the United States will address the mix of missiles that would result from reductions. In the context of reductions to equal levels, we are prepared to reduce the number of Pershing II ballistic missiles as well as ground-launched cruise missiles.
21.	I have decided to put forward these important initiatives after full and extensive consultations with our allies, including personal correspondence that I have had with the leaders of the Governments of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Japan and frequent meetings of the NATO Special Consultative Group. I have also stayed in close touch with other concerned friends and allies. The door to an agreement is open. It is time for the Soviet Union to walk through it.
22.	I want to make an unequivocal pledge to those gathered today in this world arena. The United States seeks and will accept any equitable, verifiable agreement that stabilizes forces at lower levels than currently exist. We are ready to be flexible in our approach—indeed, willing to compromise. We cannot, however, especially in light of recent events, compromise on the necessity of effective verification.
23.	Reactions to the Korean airliner tragedy are a timely reminder of just how different the Soviets' concept of truth and international co-operation is from that of the rest of the world. Evidence abounds that we cannot simply assume that agreements negotiated with the Soviet Union will be fulfilled. We negotiated the Helsinki Final Act,' but the promised freedoms have not been provided and those in the Soviet Union who sought to monitor their fulfillment languish in prison. We negotiated a biological weapons convention, but deadly yellow rain and other toxic agents fall on Hmong villages and Afghan encampments. We have negotiated arms agreements, but the high level of Soviet encoding hides the information needed for their verification. A newly discovered radar facility and a new inter-continental ballistic missile raise serious concerns about Soviet compliance with agreements already negotiated.
24.	Peace cannot be served by pseudo-control of arms. We need reliable, reciprocal reductions. I call upon the Soviet Union today to reduce the tensions it has heaped on the world in the past few weeks and to show a firm commitment to peace by coming to the bargaining table with a new understanding of its obligations. I urge it to match our flexibility. If the Soviets sit down at the bargaining table seeking genuine arms reductions, there will be arms reductions. The Governments of the West and their peoples will not be diverted by misinformation and threats. The time has come for the Soviet Union to show proof that it wants arms control in reality, not just in rhetoric.
25.	Meaningful arms control agreements between the United States and the Soviet Union would make our world less dangerous; so would a number of confidence- building steps that we have already proposed to the Soviet Union.
26.	Arms control requires a spirit beyond narrow national interests. This spirit is a basic pillar on which the United Nations was founded. We seek a return to this spirit. A fundamental step would be a true non-alignment of the United Nations. This would signal a return to the true values of the Charter, including the principle of universality. The Members of the United Nations must be aligned on the side of justice, rather than injustice; peace, rather than aggression; human dignity, rather than subjugation. Any other alignment is beneath the purpose of this great body and destructive of the harmony that it seeks. What harms the Charter harms peace.
27.	The founders of the United Nations expected that Member nations would behave and vote as individuals, after they had weighed the merits of an issue—rather like a great, global town meeting. The emergence of blocs and the polarization of the United Nations undermine all that the Organization initially valued.
28.	We must remember that the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries was founded to counter the development of blocs and to promote cooperation between them. Its founders spoke of the right of smaller countries not to become involved in others' disagreements. Since then, membership in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has grown dramatically, but not all the new members have shared the founders' commitment of genuine non- alignment. Indeed, client Governments of the Soviet Union which have long since lost their independence have flocked into the Movement and once inside have worked against its true purpose. Pseudo non-alignment is no better than pseudo-control of arms.
29.	The United States rejects as false and misleading the view of the world as divided between the empires of the East and the West. We reject it on factual grounds. The United States does not head any bloc of subservient nations, nor do we desire to. What is called "the West" is a free alliance of Governments, most of which are democratic and all of which greatly value their independence. What is called "the East" is an empire directed from the center, which is Moscow.
30.	The United States today, as in the past, is a champion of freedom and self-determination for all peoples. We welcome diversity; we support the right of all nations to define and pursue their national goals. We respect their decisions and their sovereignty, asking only that they respect the decisions and sovereignty of others. Just look at the world over the last 30 years and then decide for yourselves whether the United States or the Soviet Union has pursued an expansionist policy.
31.	Today, the United States contributes to peace by supporting collective efforts by the international community. We give our unwavering support to the peacekeeping efforts of this body, as well as to other multilateral peace-keeping efforts around the world. The United Nations has a proud history of promoting conciliation and helping keep the peace. Today, United Nations peace-keeping forces or observers are present in Cyprus, Kashmir, on the Golan Heights and in Lebanon.
32.	In addition to our encouragement of international diplomacy, the United States recognizes its responsibilities to use its own influence for peace. From the days when Theodore Roosevelt mediated the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 we have a long and honorable tradition of mediating or dampening conflicts and promoting peaceful solutions. In Lebanon, we, along with France, Italy and the United Kingdom, have worked for a cease-fire, for the withdrawal of all external forces, and for restoration of Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity. In Chad, we have joined others in supporting the recognized Government, in the face of external aggression. In Central America, as in southern Africa, we are seeking to discourage reliance upon force and to construct a framework for peaceful negotiations. We support a policy to disengage the major Powers from third-world conflict.
33.	The Charter of the United Nations gives an important role to regional organizations in the search for peace. The United States efforts in the cause of peace are only one expression of a spirit that also animates others in the world community. The Organization of American States was a pioneer in regional security efforts. In Central America, the members of the Contadora Group are striving to lay a foundation for peaceful resolution of that region's problems. In East Asia, countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations have built a framework for peaceful political and economic co-operation that has greatly strengthened the prospects for lasting peace in their region. In Africa, organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States are being forged to provide practical structures in the struggle to realize Africa's potential.
34.	From the beginning, our hope for the United Nations has been that it would reflect the international community at its best. The United Nations at its best can help us transcend fear and violence and can act as an enormous force for peace and prosperity. Working together, we can combat international lawlessness and promote human dignity.
35.	If the Governments represented in this chamber want peace as genuinely as their peoples do, we shall find it. We can do so by reasserting the moral authority of the United Nations.
36.	In recent weeks, the moral outrage of the world seems to have reawakened. Out of the billions of people who inhabit this planet, why, some might ask, should the death of several hundred shake the world so profoundly? Why should the death of a mother flying toward a reunion with her family or the death of a scholar heading toward new pursuits of knowledge matter so deeply?
Why are nations which lost no citizens in the tragedy so angry?
37.	The reason rests on our assumptions about civilized life and the search for peace. The confidence that allows a mother or a scholar to travel to Asia or Africa or Europe or anywhere else on this planet may be only a small victory in humanity's struggle for peace. Yet what is peace if not the sum of such small victories?
38.	Each stride for peace and every small victory are important for the journey towards a larger and lasting peace. We have made progress. We have avoided another world war. We have seen an end to the traditional colonial era and the birth of 100 newly sovereign nations. Even though development remains a formidable challenge, we have witnessed remarkable economic growth among the industrialized and the developing nations. The United Nations and its affiliates have made important contributions to the quality of life on this planet, such as directly saving countless lives through its refugee and emergency relief programmes. These broad achievements, however, have been overshadowed by the problems that weigh so heavily upon us. The problems are old, but it is not too late to commit ourselves to a new beginning, a beginning fresh with the ideals of the Charter.
39.	Today, at the beginning of this thirty-eighth session, I solemnly pledge my nation to upholding the original ideals of the United Nations. Our goals are those that guide this very body. Our ends are the same as those of the founders of the United Nations, who sought to replace a world at war with one where the rule of law would prevail, where human rights were honored, where development would blossom, where conflict would give way to freedom from violence.
40.	In 1956 President Dwight Eisenhower made an observation on weapons and deterrence in a letter to a publisher. He wrote:
"When we get to the point, as we one day will, that both sides know that in any outbreak of general hostilities, regardless of the element of surprise, destruction will be both reciprocal and complete, possibly we will have sense enough to meet at the conference table with the understanding that the era of armaments has ended and the human race must conform its actions to this truth or die."
He went on to say,
". . .we have already come to the point where safety cannot be assumed by arms alone . . . their usefulness becomes concentrated more and more in their characteristics as deterrents than in instruments with which to obtain victory . . .".
41.	As we persevere in the search for a more secure world we must do everything we can to let diplomacy triumph. Diplomacy, the most honorable of professions, can bring the most blessed of gifts, the gift of peace. If we succeed, the world will find an excitement and accomplishment in peace beyond that which could ever be imagined through violence and war.
I want to leave you today with a message I have often spoken about to the citizens of my own country, especially in times when I have felt they were discouraged and unsure. I say it to you with as much hope and heart as I have said it to my own people. You have the right to dream great dreams. You have the right to seek a better world for your people. A11 of us have the responsibility to work for that better world and, as caring peaceful peoples, think what a powerful force for good we could be. Let us regain the dream the United Nations once dreamed.


106.
It gives me great pleasure to extend to you at the outset of my statement, Sir, my warmest congratulations on the well-deserved confidence shown in electing you President of the thirty-eighth session. You are most worthy of and qualified for tins important responsibility. I am sure that your long experience and your skill will be of immense help in your noble task of guiding the session towards the desired goals, for the attainment of which we shall all exert our sincere efforts.
107.	T  gives me pleasure also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the manner in which he led the work of the last session. In so doing he earned our appreciation and esteem.
108.	I should like also to express, with great respect, our thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-General for the honest and sincere efforts he steadily makes to attain the Organization's goals. Like the rest of us, his belief in those goals has a noble and human dimension, on the basis of which all the obstacles and problems blocking the road to their attainment can be overcome. Perhaps the best evidence of the Secretary-General's enthusiasm and determination is his report on the work of the Organization in which he realistically describes the problems besetting the international community—problems that have weakened and shaken it, indeed almost pushing it to the abyss—the effective and constructive role that the United Nations must necessarily play and the worthy remedies he proposes for those problems.
109.	I also extend the warmest welcome and congratulations to the State of Saint Christopher and Nevis on its admission to the United Nations as a new Member. We wish it all success in contributing to the achievement of the noble goals of the United Nations.
110.	Years pass and international problems remain unchanged—if they do not become worse and more complicated. The situation in the Middle East remains unchanged, as does the situation with regard to the Iran- Iraq war. The situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea continue to deteriorate and tensions in Central America increase, as does racial oppression in South Africa. And all that is in addition to the economic and social deterioration that has beset the world.
111.	It goes without saying that the super-Powers bear the greatest share of the responsibility for all these circumstances, for on every occasion they work for the advancement of their own special interests at the expense of the common international interest. The world has witnessed the super-Powers exploiting these situations, not in order to resolve them but, rather, as part of the strategic balance of those super-Powers.
112.	The impotence of the United Nations in regard to resolving these issues is a true reflection of the international situation; the international Organization is being increasingly pushed to the margin of events by the superpowers instead of being allowed to act as the basic and principal mechanism for solving them.
113.	The best example of this is the Palestinian question. The world is aware that everything that happens in the Middle East is a natural and expected result of that question, which is the core of what is known as the
Middle East problem. The best evidence of the international community's awareness of the importance of this issue is the convening of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, at Geneva, under the auspices of the United Nations, to prove to the world as a whole that the use of force to occupy the territory of others and usurp it from its people and to expel that people to various parts of the world does not mean that it will be silenced or that this is the end of the road for it.
114.	The State of Qatar fully supports the content of the Geneva Declaration on Palestine and the Programme of Action for the Achievement of Palestinian Rights adopted at that Conference, calling for the unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem; the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to return to their homeland and have their property restored, to self- determination and to establish an independent State; recognition of the PLO as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people; and stopping the creation of new Israeli settlements and removing those already built in occupied Arab territories.
115.	One of the biggest challenges facing the United Nations is Israel's continuing racist policy against the Palestinian people and its continued use of the policy of
apartheid through consistent aggression to reinforce its attempt to distract the world with new adventures to cover the old.
116.	American support for Israel in its continued disregard of United Nations resolutions, especially those of the Security Council, and its continuous military and financial support have made Israel a force for the implementation and application of American strategy in the Arab world at the expense of the legitimate interests of the States of the region. It goes without saying that only a just stand by the United States on this issue could restore balance and establish peace in the region.
117.	The Israeli aggression against brotherly Lebanon will be an everlasting disgrace to Zionism. Israel, by its inhuman action, has caused the splitting up and destabilization of an Arab country. The continued presence of its troops on Lebanese territory is evidence of its aggressive nature and its inhumanity.
118.	In the name of the State of Qatar, I call upon the international community to do all it can to condemn the Zionist entity for this heinous action and to force it to withdraw completely from all Lebanese territory, instead of supplying it with machinery for war and destruction and providing it with political cover for its disgraceful aggressive policies. We appeal for the implementation of Security Council resolutions calling for immediate and unconditional Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon and the cessation of its interference in the internal affairs of that country and incitement of civil strife among the Lebanese people.
119.	We stand with all firmness for Lebanon's independence, unity and territorial integrity, so that it may again know stability and prosperity.
120.	The worthy efforts of brotherly Saudi Arabia, the use of its good offices to secure the unity of Lebanon and the outstanding results it has achieved—namely, the agreement on a cease-fire between the conflicting parties and the movement from the dialogue of arms to the negotiating table—testify to the ability of the international community to overcome problems and remove obstacles when its intentions are forthright and sincere. While praising the sincere efforts of Saudi Arabia, we look forward to the support of the family of nations for
those efforts, so that stability may return to the whole of Lebanese territory and to all segments of the Lebanese population.
121.	The ongoing battles on the boundaries of our region are a source of continuing concern. Those battles have entered their fourth year, causing a great deal of destruction. Their escalation threatens not only the warring countries but also the region as a whole, a region of vital importance to the world at large.
122.	Through the Gulf Co-operation Council we have made great and sincere efforts, through the repeated contacts undertaken by Sheikh Sabah AI-Ahmad Al- Jaber Al-Sabah, Deputy Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and Information Minister of the State of Kuwait, and Mr. Rashid Abdullah Al-Nuaimi, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Emirates, with the two warring countries. Similarly, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the United Nations have made great efforts in this respect. We still hope that those efforts will be successful in ending the state of war.
123.	While appreciating the positive attitude displayed by the Government of Iraq in order to reach a solution to this problem, we express from this rostrum the hope that our Muslim neighbour, the Islamic Republic of Iran, will respond to those efforts in order to achieve a solution that will end the shedding of Muslin blood and allow the two countries to devote their attention to the reconstruction of what the war has destroyed and to contribute to international peace and security.
124.	The State of Qatar categorically rejects the use of force to settle disputes. It believes in the right of all peoples to self-determination. Based on that stand, we hope for the success of the United Nations efforts to bring back normal life to Afghanistan and to ensure the withdrawal of all foreign forces from this friendly Muslim country, allowing its people to choose the political and social system that best suits it and to live in the manner it chooses and desires.
125.	Similarly, with regard to the situation in South Africa and Namibia, in keeping with our belief in the principles of the United Nations we condemn the policies of apartheid and racial segregation practiced by the ruling racist regime in South Africa against the national majority. We reaffirm our support for the people of South Africa and their right to national independence and for the just struggle of the Namibian people for independence and self-determination under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole legitimate representative. We also reaffirm our support for and solidarity with the frontline African States in their stand against repeated South African aggression.
126.	The current international economic conditions are a natural by-product of the economic policies pursued by the super-Powers and the industrialized countries. Those policies are based strictly on a narrow regional outlook and not on the interests of the international community. They do not take into account the inter-dependency and interaction necessary for the flourishing of the international economy as a whole.
127.	The continuance of these trends and the failure to take into account the common international good will result, as it has in the past, in a negative impact on the international community in a way that may be incurable in the future and may cause the collapse of international economic relations.
128.	The current international economic situation has had .a negative impact on the oil market, which in turn has affected the countries of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and made it impossible for them to accept any new financial obligations. Therefore the State of Qatar does not see the necessity for the creation of new financing mechanisms. We should instead concentrate on strengthening existing mechanisms and restructuring them in accordance with ongoing international economic changes. Despite this, the State of Qatar, together with its brothers in the Gulf Co-operation Council, makes every effort to aid the developing countries and endeavours to increase the channels of co-operation with them, considering this to be a noble and humanitarian goal.
129.	The problems facing developing countries, ranging from inflation to the increase in the prices of imported goods, in addition to the debt problem, do not escape our notice.
130.	All the problems and issues that I have surveyed may constitute human worries that could be cured with good will and the placing of the common interest above everything else. However, the most dangerous of all problems for mankind is the insane race towards the production and ownership of the tools of mass destruction, whether nuclear or hydrogen bombs.
131.	What harm would it do us if we utilized these great capabilities in the service of man, to improve his life, secure his future, reclaim the land, and narrow the gap between rich countries and those still developing? We are called upon to face up to a real challenge represented in the relationship between disarmament and development. Are we able and willing to accept this challenge?
132.	We attach great hopes to this Organization. We sincerely trust that we shall all be successful in realizing those hopes, so that we may create a society in which all will enjoy security, stability and peace.


1.	 On behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago I congratulate Mr. Jorge Illueca on his election to the office of President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. My delegation is confident that his vast experience and skill, particularly in the United Nations system, will contribute tremendously to the fruitful outcome of our work at this session. His election to the presidency is recognition of the high esteem in which his country and he himself are held by the international community.
2.	My delegation pays tribute also to the outgoing President, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, who so successfully presided over the work of the thirty-seventh session.
3.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago wishes to express its warmest congratulations to Saint Christopher and Nevis, a sister Caribbean State, upon its achievement of independence, on 19 September 1983, and its admission as the 158th Member of the United Nations. It says much for the continuing relevance and influence of the United Nations and its pivotal role in the maintenance of international peace and security that while newly independent States face the challenges posed by such factors as small size, economic and infrastructure underdevelopment and limited natural and manpower resources, their Governments attach high priority to membership in this Organization.
4.	We, the countries of the Caribbean Community and Common Market, have achieved our independence peacefully, but not without the dedication, hard work and sacrifice of several generations. We have thus sought to create societies founded on the values and aspirations of our peoples, enriched by the diversity of their racial, ethnic and cultural heritage. My delegation is confident that this respect for the human experience and the ability to forge a cohesive society will enable Saint Christopher and Nevis, like the rest of our Caribbean societies, to contribute invaluably to the future work of the United Nations.
5.	The current crisis in the world economy continues. Recent hopes of a slackening in the recession appear to have been premature. The projected upturns in the economic activity of the developed market economies have not materialized. Indeed, there are disturbing signs that these economies may decline this winter. World trade over the last two years has been stagnant for the first time in the post-war period. Inevitably the situation has had particularly severe repercussions for the developing countries, which, while being on the periphery of global economic decision-making, are the first to feel its negative effects. The consequences for their development and for the social and economic well-being of their peoples have been disastrous.
6.	Domestic policies being adopted by several countries to deal with the crisis continue to exacerbate it. High- interest-rate policies impact directly on the crushing debt burden of developing countries. High interest rates are the single most destructive element frustrating the efforts of developing countries to improve their economies. With these interest rates at 18 per cent, and with the need to renegotiate and extend repayment schedules, original debt doubles in less than four years, even without any new borrowing. The severe debt burden and debt servicing problems confronting most developing countries have worsened in 1983. Their debt burden is approximately $540 billion and requires over $100 billion annually in servicing. This has made it necessary for many developing countries to seek to defer repayment or to reschedule their loans, sometimes through further borrowing, simply for the payment of capital and interest due and not for new investment or additions to infrastructure. It is not surprising that under these circumstances there is widespread concern that the collapse of the economies of certain States could have disastrous consequences for the global monetary and financial structures.
7.	In conjunction with high interest rates, there has been an unprecedented depression of the world commodity markets. In nearly all developing countries, including the net oil producers, export earnings experienced a catastrophic decline. This decline has been due to the state of the global economy and partly to the imposition of protectionist trade barriers by some developed countries. This myopic panacea, adopted by several important trading nations, restricts the volume of world trade and intensifies the world economic crisis. Developing countries thus find themselves with insufficient foreign exchange earnings to meet their current requirements for imported goods and services and no foreign exchange reserves with which to meet their debt obligations.
8.	The energy-exporting countries, for a while "growth poles" within the developing world, have not escaped the ravages of the crisis, and some of these countries are now faced with massive external debts from both official and commercial sources. At this time there is also a substantial decline in concessional loans for development, increasing obstacles to access to international capital markets and in fact a general lack of concern for the poor, be they individuals or nations. Even though certain economic and social forces combine to create and maintain poverty and dependence, it is convenient to think and say that destitution among certain nations of the world is a result of improvidence. And so, the remedies prescribed involve drastic devaluation, internal financial stringency, massive unemployment and import restraint, even on essentials.
9.	Not too long ago, it was being said that the main cause of economic difficulties for developing as well as for developed countries was the high price of oil. It has now become clear, however, beyond any shadow of doubt, that the malaise and crisis within the international economic system has its genesis in other problems that are deep-set and of a structural nature.
10.	A telling defect of the present international system is its inability to proffer guidance and attainable solutions, both political and economic, to ensure that the interests of the world community as a whole are adequately addressed.
11.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago has been insistent that only through global perspectives and the adoption of a holistic approach to the present situation will the problems of the world economy and its future growth be satisfactorily resolved. The occasional small financial grants made to developing countries, further high-interest loans, selective and limited commercial concessions will not provide the answer. Such measures will merely contribute to continued economic and social privation, political disaffection, social upheaval and even revolution.
12.	The resources of developing countries must be fully optimized for the benefit of their own people, and any economic co-operation between developed and developing countries must be predicated upon mutual respect and absence of inhibiting conditions.
13.	The fabric of the international economic system is now so closely interwoven that it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to separate issues whether or not they relate to trade, aid, commodities or monetary and financial development. The Bretton Woods institutions, which are now nearly 40 years old, are not equipped to deal with a world that has changed dramatically since the Second World War and in which economic power centres are more diverse and greater in number. Trinidad and Tobago firmly believes that the international community should give immediate consideration to recommendations for the reform of the international monetary system adopted by the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March this year.
14.	At Buenos Aires the developing countries extended a hand of meaningful co-operation to the developed countries. That gesture was rejected at the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, at Belgrade. The developed countries failed to adopt any of the prescriptions offered by developing countries for collective solutions to the problems of the international economic system.
15.	The failure of that session is not to be attributed to the institution but to its members. The international community must accept the responsibility for the progressive deterioration of the machinery it has established for international economic co-operation.
16.	In this respect, we fully endorse the decision of the countries of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to have a fresh political impetus to global negotiations and support the proposal to hold at the United Nations in 1984 a conference to deal with the subject. Trinidad and Tobago recognizes this initiative as an attempt to strengthen international co-operation and to revive the North-South dialogue.
17.	Trinidad and Tobago regrets that, after six years and the two-part four-week special session at United Nations Headquarters in New York this year, the Commission on Transnational Corporations was still unable to complete its work on the elaboration of a code of conduct for transnational corporations.
18.	Trinidad and Tobago shares the disappointment expressed by the Group of 77 that the flexibility and accommodation shown by the Group has not been reciprocated and calls upon those States concerned to display a more serious attitude and spirit of compromise in their approach to this exercise.
19.	Trinidad and Tobago is pleased that, after long and difficult consultations and negotiations, most of the obstacles in the path of the establishment of a viable long- term financing system for science and technology for development have been removed and that the system can now become operational.
20.	My country, like many other developing countries, is aware of the importance of the financing system in strengthening the scientific and technological capacities of developing countries, thereby accelerating their development. We therefore urge all potential donor countries to participate actively in the system in order to mobilize the identified core and non-core resources for the initial period 1983-1985.
21.	Trinidad and Tobago commends the efforts of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 to intensify economic co-operation among developing countries. We do not envisage these relations as a substitute for North- South dialogue and international co-operation but as a complementary attempt to maximize and promote the rational and efficient use of human, material, financial and technological resources available in the developing countries.
22.	In the present crisis of international co-operation, the need to accelerate economic co-operation among developing countries becomes more crucial. Over the last five years the Government of Trinidad and Tobago has demonstrated its commitment to integration and economic co-operation among developing countries by making available more than half a billion dollars to the members of the Caribbean Community. This assistance, to which we remain committed, has been channelled through the Caribbean Development Bank and other existing sub regional institutions, as well as through our own programmes for technical assistance and cooperation. Trinidad and Tobago will continue, within the limits of its resources and in spite of the hardships imposed by the present international economic crisis, to assist its partners in the sub region and would encourage other hemispheric actors to translate their words into actions that would assist positively in the development of the sub region.
23.	UNDP, the largest dispenser of technical assistance and co-operation within the United Nations system, has in the last few years experienced a serious shortfall in contributions to the extent that contributions in the third cycle, 1982-1986, could fall below the level of the first cycle in real terms.
24.	In addition, there appear to be attempts to alter the structure of UNDP, which could result in recipient countries having less jurisdiction in determining priority areas for their countries' programmes. Trinidad and Tobago will support any effort to improve the governance of UNDP and to optimize the use of available resources in so far as these measures do not alter its unique characteristics. It is our view that this is the time not for reducing but for at least maintaining financial inputs to UNDP so that its invaluable contributions to developing countries can be enhanced.
25.	Earlier this year the seventh session of the Caribbean Development and Co-operation Committee was held at Port of Spain. On that occasion, in my capacity as Chairman of the Committee, I stated that the high vision embodied in the creation of the Committee eight years ago had not been reflected in the experience of its members and in the functioning of that body. The Committee has met with many impediments to its full effectiveness both at the level of its secretariat in the Port of Spain office and in ECLA in terms of resources, staffing and procedure.
26.	On behalf of the members of the Committee, who are committed to playing their part to improve its functioning and effectiveness, let me express the hope that the United Nations system will do all in its power to complement our efforts in providing a truly efficient and effective operational programme for development in the Caribbean region.
27.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago considers that development can best be pursued in a climate of peace and security. History has shown that arms races inevitably culminate in war. The arms race continues unabated, with little sign of any substantial change of attitude on the part of the major Powers. Some estimates give the amount spent on armaments over the past year as $650 billion—resources that are sorely needed for social and economic development. Apart from the actual expenditure on armaments, there are also the resources, human and financial, which are channelled into the disarmament effort and are thus deflected from constructive developmental activities.
28.	There continues to be much talk, even by the military Powers themselves, about disarmament. In recent times this has tended to focus on the prevention of a nuclear war and the prevention of an arms race in outer space. But, while there is talk of peace, there continues to be a massive build-up of the store of arms at a rate that can be described only as preparations for war, preparations for war that are tempered only by discussions on the non-first-use of nuclear weapons.
29.	Trinidad and Tobago is concerned not solely with the prevention of a nuclear war, vital though that is, but also with the growth and spread of conventional weapons, which are a major factor contributing to present international tension and instability. We further deplore the development and use of chemical and bacteriological weapons.
30.	The recent upsurge of popular peace movements throughout the world indicates that, even if policy-makers have not recognized the grave danger of extinction facing us, public opinion has. Trinidad and Tobago's wish is for the world to be free of the persistent danger of total self-destruction which man continues to impose upon himself, and we are sure that we share the ultimate goal of all, or most, States: that of general and complete disarmament.
31.	But it is not only the East-West confrontation that poses major dangers. In every corner of the globe the names of war are being fanned; sometimes in the name of peace, at other times in the name of religion; sometimes in the name of political ideology or territorial sovereignty, at other times in the name of economic independence. Each instance of war, large or small, declared or undeclared, will contribute to the ever-escalating threat to international peace and security.
32.	Trinidad and Tobago views with great concern- indeed, alarm—the grave situation in Central America, a situation which almost daily assumes new and more dangerous proportions. The problems of the region originate in social and economic ills, ills which are exploited by others who are ever eager to promote strife and disharmony in pursuit of their own ambitions.
33.	The worthy efforts of the Contadora Group are to be welcomed and highly commended. We implore those States actively involved in the conflicts to continue to co-operate fully in the Contadora initiative. We further appeal to all States to desist from seeking to impose any settlement in the region by the use or threat of use of force, to exercise due respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all individual States, and to use their influence to promote economic and social justice in Central America. In this context, I recall that at the last session I urged the great Powers not to import their rivalries, conflicts and tensions into the Caribbean. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago reiterates that appeal and insists that the Caribbean area be a zone of peace in which peaceful and amicable solutions are found to the problems of the area.
34.	In July the world celebrated the bicentenary of the birth of Simon Bolivar, the Liberator, and paid a tribute to his great deeds in the interests of a new and better way of life for mankind. The freedoms which he won and inspired must not be lost or subjugated to the interests of bloc politics. Our freedom, our independence, our sovereignty, must be preserved, and our disputes must be settled in a just and peaceful manner.
35.	Trinidad and Tobago is pleased to have played a role in the evolution of a peaceful settlement of the Guyana-Venezuela controversy. We therefore welcome the fact that the two countries have now referred the choice of a means of settlement to the Secretary-General in accordance with the provisions of article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement.' Trinidad mid Tobago hopes that this controversy will be quickly and peacefully resolved, thus restoring international confidence in the process of the peaceful settlement of disputes.
36.	Trinidad and Tobago reiterates the sentiments of the heads of Government conference of the Caribbean Community and Common Market, held in July 1983 at Port of Spain, in respect of the position maintained by the Government of Guatemala on the status of Belize— a full Member of the United Nations family and an independent State. Trinidad and Tobago endorses the principle of territorial integrity and fully supports the position of the Government of Belize that this matter should be settled by peaceful means, without prejudice to its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
37.	The Middle East continues to engage the attention of the international community, as tension, confrontation and armed conflicts spread. As in the past, the central issue and the key to a just and lasting peace in the region remains the question of Palestine. Trinidad and Tobago reiterates its support for the full sovereign rights of the Palestinian people to a permanent homeland and to self- determination in their own State.
38.	Trinidad and Tobago welcomes the peace initiatives that have been proposed and is of the firm conviction that success will hinge on the participation of all parties and interests concerned, including the Palestinian people through their legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO].
39.	Palestine was only last month the subject of an international conference held at Geneva. That conference adopted a programme of action  containing many positive elements which, if adhered to, could contribute towards a peaceful, just and lasting solution of the problems of the area. The delegation of Trinidad and Tobago notes with particular interest the proposal that an international peace conference on the Middle East should be held.
40.	Turning to the question of Lebanon, Trinidad and Tobago implores all States to respect General Assembly resolution 37/123 E, which calls for "strict respect of the territorial integrity, sovereignty, unity and political independence of Lebanon".
41.	We look forward to the early cessation of conflict and welcome therefore the present cease-fire which we hope will be a first step on the road to reconciliation and normalcy for that beleaguered country.
42.	Peace initiatives motivated by or directed towards selfish national interests breed conflict rather than peace. We States Members of the United Nations family must all rededicate ourselves to the fundamental principles that sustain this body.
43.	One of these is enshrined in Article 1 of the Charter: "To maintain international peace and security, and
to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, . . . and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace".
44.	This implies the existence of a political will, a spirit of co-operation and mutual respect and trust among Member States of the Organization, qualities which find expression in adherence to the principles of the United Nations and respect for the implementation of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. Those principles also demand an equal obligation to ensure that the resolutions introduced into the deliberations of the General Assembly and Security Council are based on veracity, respect for Charter principles and the search for peace. Otherwise, Member States, especially those glorying in their real or apparent military might and in their sense of national importance, may be tempted to ignore or veto them.
45.	My delegation thanks the Secretary-General for his thought-provoking report on the work of the Organization. We concur in his view that 1983 has, so far, been a frustrating year for the search for peace, stability and justice and for those who believe that the United Nations is the best available international mechanism to achieve these ends.
46.	The Secretary-General further emphasized that the time has come to move from words to action. My delegation wishes to commend this sentiment to all Members of the Organization and hopes that our common sense of purpose and direction will help us achieve the vital objective of the preservation of peace.
47.	One aspect of this common sense of purpose and direction can be manifested by the universal acceptance of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. This Convention is still to be ratified by certain States which participated actively in the long years of work which went into formulating this historic agreement. It will be of immense importance and a major contribution to the functioning of the International Sea-Bed Authority if this can be a truly universal body in which all members will co-operate in utilizing and preserving the resources of the sea-bed and its environs for the welfare and betterment of all mankind.
48.	I now turn to the question of human rights. Trinidad and Tobago is alarmed at the unabated incidence of human rights violations throughout the world. We abhor any acts or measures designed to deprive an individual of his basic fundamental rights and freedoms. We urge Member States to comply fully with the relevant United Nations conventions, and we express our support for the efforts made by United Nations bodies to monitor and report on human rights violations.
49.	In this context, I call attention once more to southern Africa, a region in which human rights, fundamental freedoms and the dignity of man are held in total contempt. The International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence, which was held in Paris in April 1983, and the Security Council, which met from 23 May to 1 June 1983 to consider the question of Namibia, have both recognized that the preliminaries necessary for the implementation of Namibian independence, in accordance with the plan contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), have been in the main completed. The linkage theory that makes Namibia's proceeding to independence conditional on the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola— espoused by certain members of the Western contact group—has rightly been rejected outright by an overwhelming majority of the international community. It is inconceivable that any of us, States Members of the United Nations, long advocates of the principles of democracy, human rights and self-determination, should insist on such a linkage. Namibia's independence cannot be an issue for barter.
50.	South Africa's appointment of a State Council for Namibia to draw up a constitution for that country is yet another indication of its inability to act in good faith on this question. Trinidad and Tobago reiterates its conviction that unless and until the international community unites in clear determination to deal with the independence of the Pretoria regime, as demonstrated by its policies on Namibia and its repressive and abhorrent internal policy of apartheid by imposing full mandatory sanctions against it in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, no change will come about in that troubled part of the world.
51.	The past year has seen an escalation of tension in the southern African region as the apartheid regime continues its flagrant attacks on neighbouring sovereign States. It is an undeniable fact that that regime poses an extremely grave threat to the stability and peace not only of the region but of the continent of Africa and, indeed, of the international community of nations.
52.	Trinidad and Tobago and other countries of the West Indian cricket community have recently been targeted by that regime, which, in its attempt to obfuscate international public opinion and break out of its isolation, has lured sporting personalities to its shores by offers of vast sums of money. Trinidad and Tobago clearly recognizes this ploy as another attempt by the regime in Pretoria to disguise its racist policies. We hasten to point out that the resources they offer are ill-gotten and derived from collaboration with those States which defy the will of the majority of the international community by offering support and succour to that regime.
53.	The vast sums of money being offered to our sports personalities must derive from South Africa's commercial sector, stimulated by its external trade with its partners, and we therefore appeal to all Member States, all United Nations and anti-apartheid organizations, to exercise greater vigilance with respect to economic sanctions against South Africa, since that country's economic base is the foundation on which its abhorrent system continues to thrive. The position of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago against sporting—and, indeed, all other— links with South Africa is already a matter of record in the Assembly.
54.	We believe that every encouragement must be given to our sportsmen and sportswomen to enhance both their earning capacity and their international reputations. The Assembly may wish to give serious consideration to the provision of the machinery and funds to stimulate further the development of programmes, particularly in developing countries, to help sportsmen, sportswomen and artistes achieve their goals and ensure that they are no longer vulnerable to the blandishments of the apartheid regime.
55.	In the meantime Trinidad and Tobago looks forward to the early completion of the drafting of an international convention against	in sports.
56.	In closing may I once again quote from the report of the Secretary-General. He states:
"We are at present in a period when the value of multilateral diplomacy is being questioned and international institutions are not functioning as they were intended to function. The machinery is running and the wheels are turning, but it is not moving forward as it should. ... We must find means to push the machinery into forward motion again."
57.	The danger of our times lies in our institutions' divorcing themselves from the international public interest. It is therefore necessary to rededicate ourselves to Charter principles in order to restore confidence in the Organization and to ensure implementation of its resolutions. Should we fail to do so, our efforts to find peaceful solutions and promote significant development will be met with frustration.


230.	The Secretary-General has once again awakened the international community to what he correctly characterizes as  the partial paralysis of the United Nations as the guardian of, international peace and security . Indeed, the world Organization has been restricted in its efforts to defuse wars in Africa, Asia and the Americas.
231.	The agenda before us tells a familiar story, the story of the institutional limitations of the United Nations, for it is replete with perennial political issues defying quick resolution. Yet once again these issues will be thoroughly debated. Many resolutions will be adopted, some, as the Secretary-General ruefully observes,  requesting reports which form the basis for new resolutions , others to be filed away, to be remembered and quoted at the next session. Whilst recurring resolutions, unimplemented and unimplementable, may provide sufficient justification for our annual pilgrimage to New York and for keeping the Secretariat in business, repeated failure to and solutions to international problems has only exacerbated our sense of insecurity and fear, hopelessness and desperation. We congratulate the Secretary-General for raising high the Charter of the United Nations as a beacon to guide our international relations, and for seeking from all Governments a recommitment to its purposes and principles. My country will not be found wanting in this regard. We thank the Secretary-General also for the practical interest he has displayed in his search for peace and security in our world.
232.	Coming as I do from southern Africa, a region that has suffered and continues to bleed for the liberation and freedom of its oppressed people, I delight in the knowledge that the Secretary-General's visit to the region has, in his own words, brought home to him vividly the human tragedy of the situation and the urgency required to resolve it. In his words,  we have never before been so close to finality on the modalities of implementing [Security Council] resolution 435 (1978) .s He reached this conclusion after SWAPO, often maligned as dissident and recalcitrant, had declared its support for the recommendations on the composition of UNTAG and pledged its readiness to accept without conditions either of the two electoral systems set out in the Western constitutional proposals. By contrast—and characteristic of South Africa's consistently obstructionist attitude throughout the history of Namibia's struggle for independence—no definitive reply concerning the accepted electoral system has been received from South Africa. The South African Administrator-General in Namibia will hold his cards close to his chest until after the date for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) has been agreed on.
233.	As if this dissonance were not blight enough on the hopes for the long-delayed implementation of resolution 435 (1978), the South African authorities are continuing to insist on the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola as a precondition for the peaceful solution of the Namibian problem. The international community has unequivocally pronounced its opposition to the introduction of the concept of linkage. Even the facade of unity displayed by the contact group in defence of that linkage has cracked under the heat of the political opprobrium it has generated. The linkage of the independence of Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola has been declared illogical and irrelevant to the issue of Namibian independence by virtually all parties concerned. Its originators, the United States of America and South Africa, should therefore be persuaded to abandon it and thus to allow the resumption of the process leading to the political independence of Namibia.
234.	On the economic front, the Thirion report, preparedly a South-African-appointed commission, reveals that Namibia has suffered serious decline in the past few
years and is in economic danger as the result of existing policies. The country's outstanding debt is equal to 130 per cent of its national income and is likely to rise even more. Although some of this can be blamed on the recession that has afflicted the world economy and some on the devastating drought engulfing southern Africa, more blame should fall on the South African apartheid constitution, which divides government in Namibia into three tiers, the second of which consists of 11 authorities set up to administer the affairs of the different ethnic groups. The report notes that the system has led to a remarkable multiplicity of Government departments for one of the most sparsely populated countries. There are 11 departments of education, 11 of health, 11 of pensions, and so on, for a population of just over 1 million—so that Namibians cynically refer to the system as  one man, one Government .
235.	The longer the delay in the granting of independence to Namibia, the greater will be the ruin of the Territory's human and material resources.
236.	We pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for the faithful observance of the terms of his mandate and his rejection of the contrived linkage. We urge him to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation in order to expedite the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). We urge the members of the contact group to help the United States and South Africa to extricate themselves from the impedimental and obstructionist position in which they have become embroiled.
237.	On 2 November the people of South Africa—or die volk, as they are commonly known in their native
Afrikaans—go to the polls to decide on a new constitution. The Constitution Bill, which has been the subject of discussion at political rallies, horse races and braaivleis parties for the better part of two years, was approved by the white minority Parliament in mid-September. The constitution provides for a tricameral parliament by giving Coloureds and Indians, some 5 million persons, a limited role in the white Government of the country, whilst it excludes the African majority in the so-called dispensation. One of the objectives of the proposed arrangement is to break the ever-growing solidarity of the oppressed black peoples in their struggle for the restoration of their human rights and dignity in their own country.
238.	The measure is seen and opposed by the Conservative Party of South Africa as an erosion of white
and domination; it is opposed by the Progressive Federal Party on the grounds that it continues to exclude black South Africans from power-sharing; and it is opposed by the black South Africans themselves because it denies them their basic rights and their role as citizens. The new arrangements will thus fan ethnic animosities, exacerbate tribal divisions and set back the peaceful evolution of concerted non-white opposition to racism.
239.	In the meantime, opposition to apartheid in South Africa continues to manifest itself in various acts of sabotage and bomb attacks against offices, court buildings, police stations and bridges. Recent events, such as the Pretoria bomb attack and pronouncements by the leadership of the liberation movements, indicate a progressively deteriorating situation. Theologians of different races openly risk their liberty and security by proclaiming Christian witness of the oneness of humanity—and here I refer to personalities such as Bishop Tutu, Dr. Boesak and Dr. Naude.
240.	Official reaction to these acts of sabotage has been the mobilization of the State apparatus for the confiscation of travel documents, house arrests, detentions which have often resulted in mysterious deaths in custody, and death sentences in defiance of international pleas for clemency. Neighbouring States Lave been accused of harbouring freedom fighters, providing sanctuary for what are referred to as criminal fugitives and permitting in their countries the establishment of bases from which attacks are mounted against South Africa.
241.	Assurances by neighbouring States that their territories will not be and are not being used for launching incursions into South Africa have been given. Notwithstanding such assurances, South Africa has chosen aggression as one of its foreign policy strategies in its relations with neighbouring States. We witness today various acts of aggression against the Kingdom of Lesotho, whether by direct commando raids or by way of aiding and abetting the activities of the insurgent Lesotho Liberation Army, the harassment of Lesotho nationals at border crossings, the impounding of goods consigned to Lesotho. Those are acts of economic and political sabotage. Lesotho is not alone in this, for the repeated military raids into Mozambique and Angola and, what is more, the permanent occupation of southern Angola by the South African Army, support by South Africa for dissidents in those countries and in Zimbabwe, the sabotaging of costly infrastructure, fuel tanks, aeroplanes, railways and locomotives, the curtailment of trade agreements, and so on, all confirm the fact of South Africa's policy of economic and political destabilization in the region. We look to the United Nations and particularly to the Western Powers to express the same indignation and the same moral outrage about the situation in southern Africa as they do about the situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea.
242.	The problems of the Republic of Chad in central Africa are not new. Chad has been the scene of political turmoil and civil strife spanning two decades. Solutions and resolutions to halt the conflict have had only a temporary effect, and interim arrangements pending the election of a Government have not held for very long. Towns have been razed and whatever infrastructure there might have been largely destroyed. N'Djamena, the capital, bears bullet scars as evidence of the battles that have raged there in the past and is a sad reminder of what may yet happen again, for it is clear that, with outside Powers ranged behind one or another of the different Chad parties, military victories will continue to be transient phenomena and peace will remain an elusive objective.
243.	Incentives should be offered to the various political groups to create a viable peace, not to carry on an unwinnable war. To assist Chad, the international community should call for a cease-fire and the withdrawal of foreign forces and should stop the shipment of arms to the warring parties. Simultaneously, the political groups in Chad should be given moral, political, and economic encouragement to negotiate a settlement and a Government that can develop the country in the interests of all.
244.	The question of Western Sahara continues to occupy a sensitive place in the politics of Africa. In his message to the General Assembly, the current Chairman of the OAU, the head of State of Socialist Ethiopia, gave an account of his efforts in search of a solution to a problem which threatens the unity of the continental organization. Botswana supports those efforts without reservation and urges the parties concerned to implement without further delay the decision of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, taken at its eighteenth session, at Nairobi in 1981, to allow the people of Western Sahara to settle the conflict through a referendum.

245.	The situation in the Middle East continues to exercise our minds. An end to the homelessness, pain and suffering of the Palestinian people remains a pious objective. Israel has not complied with any General Assembly or Security Council resolution calling for its withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem. Yet, the same Israel often speaks of peace and security while its policies and practices in the occupied territories, particularly the establishment of settlements, are directly contributing to the absence of peace in the region. The General Assembly should continue to maintain undiluted the guidelines for the international effort to resolve the problem.
246.	The Iran-Iraq conflict has been going on for about three years now. Whatever they were, the reasons that prompted the war in the first instance seem now to have lost their relevance and validity, and to those far away from the scene the continued fighting appears to be the result of the force of habit acquired over the past three years and disagreement about the terms of the cease-fire and the level of reparations to be paid.
247.	The war, which has already taken a heavy toll of human lives and material resources, is likely to escalate with the rumoured recent acquisition of new sophisticated weaponry by Iraq, precipitating the threat of retaliatory action by Iran. Such action would adversely affect the national interests of other States and should therefore be avoided.
248.	The international community should urge the two countries to end this destructive war, engage in negotiations leading to the peaceful settlement of their differences and accept mediation by disinterested parties.
249.	Afghanistan and Kampuchea continue to suffer occupation by foreign forces. We urge their withdrawal so that the peoples of these two countries may exercise their right to self-determination. We continue to support the reconvening of the International Conference on Kampuchea.
250.	My country, like many others, has conveyed to the President, the Government and the people of the Republic of Korea Ks condolences on the double tragedy of the shooting down of the Korean commercial airliner and the more recent bomb attack in Rangoon, which again resulted in loss of life, including that of four cabinet ministers. It is all the more tragic in that in both cases the killing was intentional, not accidental, and was carried out against unsuspecting civilians in peace-time.
251.	The grievous experience of the Republic of Korea is a sad commentary on the ideological polarization of the people of Korea and the divided state of their country. Korean leaders from both the North and the South share the dream of a united fatherland. Their national political postures on the modalities of realizing that dream are poles apart and seemingly irreconcilable. The basic problem is that the Koreans at e caught up in the ideological rivalry of the super-Powers. The procedural problems encountered in the current Geneva talks resemble those experienced in the Korean North-South dialogue. Proposals by one side are spurned by the other without dialogue or negotiation. The consistent position of my country is that the solution of the Korean question is the direct concern of the Koreans themselves. We believe that for meaningful discussions to be held, preconditions likely to wreck the convening of the meeting must be avoided and proposals submitted by either side must be examined and discussed before they can be discarded.
252.	Korean leaders share the dream of a united fatherland. It should not be the United Nations itself or any of its Member States that should be seen to discourage the attainment of that objective by any means.
253.	Also of concern to us is the increasing number of centers of conflict in Central America. We join the people of the region in their call for an end to the bloody conflicts bedevilling El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua and for peaceful solutions to their problems. Here again external interference in their internal affairs for the sake of spreading or protecting spheres of influence can only serve to escalate their conflict and deny the people of those countries their right not only to self-determination but also to economic and political autonomy.
254.	The year 1983 seems to mark a turning-point in the world economy with the first signs of an economic recovery from the long-drawn-out recession, particularly in the United States. However, we must ask whether this upturn will be strong enough to pull the developing countries out of their deep economic slump.
255.	Many of the developing countries—particularly those whose well-being is predominantly dependent on their export earnings from primary commodities—have suffered seriously from the prolonged world recession. The precipitous decline in their primary export earnings has resulted in a sharp reduction in their capacity to import and has compounded the growing difficulties in their external debt repayments, as well as their access to additional international financial flows. In such circumstances, many of our countries have been compelled to take very painful adjustment measures, and in most cases the costs of such measures have been very heavy indeed.
256.	The magnitude of the external debt burden of developing countries has reached alarming proportions. The total medium-term and long-term external debt, excluding that of the oil-producing developing countries, has quadrupled in the last 10 years, rising from $125 billion in 1973 to nearly $500 billion in 1983.
257.	The presence of such a mammoth debt burden underlines the close and often fragile interdependence of all nations. It poses a serious threat to the lifeline of the developing nations. Moreover, the proportion of official development assistance in the net inflow of foreign capital to developing countries has been substantially curtailed in recent years, while the share of private commercial finance has risen sharply. This trend, combined with the extraordinarily high interest rates, has exacerbated the debt-service problems of the developing countries. I believe that we must address ourselves to this debt crisis with more than the short-term wisdom shown so far.
258.	The implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries  adopted at the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, must be speeded up, giving top priority to the question of debt relief to developing countries.
259.	I strongly urge concerted international action and co-operation on this grave issue. In this regard the role of multilateral institutions such as IMF and the World Bank is critical. These institutions should consider additional alternative proposals in reviewing the conditions that usually accompany credit packages to developing countries. Very often the deflationary conditionality conventionally imposed by these institutions have forced the developing countries to curtail productive programmes, while failing to engender greater use of their human resources to become self-sustaining.
260.	I also appeal to the world community at large to augment the How of official development assistance to
those low-income developing countries which have no access to world financial markets.
261.	I am convinced that, without this concerted action at the international level, no degree of recovery in the Western world will end the deepening economic crisis in the developing countries.
262.	It is now nearly seven years since the Integrated Programme for Commodities was adopted under the auspices of UNCTAD. It is disappointing to note the slow progress made on this important programme, in spite of innumerable meetings and conferences. The Integrated Programme should be put into effect rapidly, now that the Common Fund has been established.
263.	The need for such action is all the more pressing in light of the virtual collapse of the export earnings of many primary producing developing countries. We should also consider implementing an emergency programme to supplement the existing export earnings stabilization schemes available through IMF system.
264.	All our efforts towards greater trade, with commodity price stabilization, will be futile if the growing protectionist attitude of industrialized nations towards imports from developing countries continues. Unless the various tariff and non-tariff barriers are reduced, the prospects for the sustained development of most developing countries will remain highly unsatisfactory. In the process of developing more rapidly, these countries import each year capital goods, intermediate goods and even consumer goods from the industrialized countries, but these imports will be sustainable only if the developing countries can earn more foreign exchange than they can earn by exporting primary products alone. The expansion of world trade along lines of comparative advantage, which is essential to the continued development of both groups of nations, requires that developing countries be allowed to export manufactured products to the industrialized countries whenever they can produce such goods at lower real costs. If this is not allowed, neither aid nor lending to developing countries will be sufficient to achieve satisfactory growth, and both groups of nations will be worse off than they need be.
265.	We must all learn our lessons from the prolonged global recession and its aftermath. We must develop international economic relations on a new basis to prevent the world economy from repeating its past and to enable all its participants to create a different future.