183.In connexion with the well-deserved election of Mr. Thorn to the Presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, I should like to extend to him the sincere congratulations of the President and founder of the Popular Revolutionary Movement, the President of the Republic of Zaire, Citizen Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga, and also of the entire Zairian people comprising the Popular Revolutionary Movement. As an experienced political leader of his country and an ardent advocate of peaceful coexistence among different States, he has always rendered signal services to the international community. Today, the latter in its turn pays him a heartfelt tribute by calling upon him to preside over the work of this session, which is being held immediately after the important and historic seventh special session devoted to development and international co-operation. The intellectual and human qualities which have made him a universally recognized statesman, will, I am sure, enable him to help our Assembly always seek an appropriate general consensus on the numerous and difficult problems which appear on our very heavy agenda.
184.	I should like to take this opportunity to associate myself with previous speakers and to extend my congratulations to his predecessor, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Algeria, who brilliantly directed the work of the twenty-ninth session as well as the seventh special session.
185.	I would be remiss were I not to pay a well- deserved tribute to the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the ceaseless efforts which he has made to defend the great humanitarian principles which we all endorse and which, reproduced in the Charter of the United Nations, form a platform for international co-operation and for human justice on a planet-wide and world-wide basis.
186.	May I recall before this Assembly and with a certain degree of emotion, that on 4 October 1973, from this self-same rostrum, the President and founder of the Popular Revolutionary Movement, the President of the Republic of Zaire, Citizen Mobutu Sese Seko, denounced the injustices committed by rich countries against the poor countries because the former have everything, and the latter have nothing, to say. After this courageous denunciation, he concluded his brilliant statement, which was a charter for international peace and co-operation, by expressing the hope that "thanks to it and through it [United Nations], we shall be able to do more to promote co-operation among the inhabitants of our planet in the economic, cultural, scientific and technical fields, for the building of a better, fairer and more just world, in absolute respect for the authenticity of everyone."6
187.	Today, the delegation of Zaire is gratified to see, after the sixth special session and particularly after the seventh special session, which has just concluded its work, that our Organization has unequivocally expressed its resolve ". . . to eliminate humanity and to accelerate the development of developing countries, . . ."7
188.	After debates which have often been difficult but which have always been imbued with a spirit of mutual understanding, all States Members of our Organization have finally endorsed the principle of creating a new international economic order whose foundations have been defined in the Declaration and the program of Action as well as in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.
189.	The work of the seventh special session witnessed the group of industrialized countries and the developing countries resorting to concerted action as a way to work together in order to put an end to the imbalance at present existing between these two groups. Thus, international solidarity henceforth will be embodied in more realistic forms than those of the past.
190.	Apart from this wish for a better future for all inhabitants of our planet a hope which has been kindled by the seventh special session it has also been clearly confirmed that a new reality in the world has been brought about by it. The world is at present divided into two groups: first, the "haves" or the industrialized countries and, on the other hand, the "have-nots" or the developing countries. Some even prefer to call them rich and poor countries.
191.	We shall not dwell on purely semantic problems, but, rather, deal with this brutal reality which, as has been stressed by the President and Founder of the Popular Revolutionary Movement, Citizen Mobutu Sese Seko, in his statement of 4 October 1973 in the United Nations, has meant that our world ". . . is no longer divided by ideology, nor even all that much by race or by political geography, but by economics . . ."8
192.	During the work of the seventh special session, we have seen this division strikingly illustrated in the discussions which took place between two quite distinct major groups: the Group of 77, or the developing countries, and the industrialized countries divided into two subgroups, the Western countries and the socialist countries.
193.	The new reality of the present world obviously will require a revision of the old cliches which were characteristic of the geopolitical definitions which the industrialized world, whether it belonged to the right or to the left, always sought to impose upon us.
194.	This revision is particularly essential for the developing countries, which must realize that their state of under-development and the poverty which is a characteristic of all of them, must also encourage them to co-operate first among themselves and to harmonize their relations with the industrialized countries.
195.	This revision is equally indispensable for the industrialized countries, which must henceforth understand that for us the developing countries both their level of development and their close co-operation, which is channeled through the various arrangements which are always arrived at by the two major blocs, make both blocs alike appear to us wealthy. Let us, above all, not forget that poverty can only be defined with reference to wealth and this is found among the industrialized countries.
1%. It is this fresh reality which has made the developing countries aware of their condition and it is in this light that efforts to diminish the gap between the rich and the poor have been carried out vis-a-vis not merely one section of the industrialized countries but all industrialized countries without exception.
197.	By enshrining the idea of concerted action between the rich and poor alike, the seventh special session has confirmed the correctness of the policy of positive neutralism, of belonging neither to the right nor to the left nor even to the centre, advocated by Zaire, which wishes to remain authentically itself in its relations with all countries. In fact, by entering into direct dealings with all the industrialized countries without distinction, and dealing with the problem of under-development, the poor have admitted that now they must have contacts with all rich countries without taking account of ideological differences. And the rich countries, by agreeing to negotiate with the poor countries as members of a single group, have also admitted thereby that the solution to the problem of under-development is part and parcel of international solidarity and not something which pertains to ideological confrontation.
198.	The spirit which marked the seventh special session is a major step forward for the cause of international co-operation and world peace. In all events, one thing is quite certain if the spirit of the seventh special session continues to animate all States Members of our Organization in their relations, one can say without fear of contradiction that the cold war has been outlawed once and for all, not only among the great Powers but also throughout the entire world. For the great Powers will no longer have to look for client-States; on the contrary, they will have to work together in order to assist the countries lacking in capital equipment in accordance with the proposals formulated by the rich and the poor together during the seventh special session.
199.	International solidarity having now been defined, it is now for the poor countries themselves to make serious efforts to resolve their development problems. In order to do this, they must remain authentically themselves in order to be able to produce the necessary political will to bring about national, continental and intercontinental development which would take into account above all the interests of their populations. The authenticity which is permanently reshaping our political plans will now make it possible for us really to control our natural resources. It will make it possible for us to foster solidarity among the developing countries and will strengthen our relationships with the industrialized countries, whether they belong to the left or to the right.
200.	The serious consequences of the world crisis, which are felt with unprecedented acuteness by under- equipped countries must serve as experience and as a stimulus to bring about more active solidarity among the countries termed the third-world countries. Zaire, for its part, believes firmly in this solidarity, which it ardently hopes will be established immediately at the continental level and then at the intercontinental level.
201.	So that this solidarity may be a reality in the
African continent, Zaire has decided, in the field of
trade with other African countries, to accept payment
in the local currencies of those countries. That step will undoubtedly give our people and the other peoples of Africa confidence in our national currencies. Thus we shall cease to think in terms of dollars, French francs, pounds sterling, deutschmarks, and so on. The development of inter-African trade, as well as the resulting development of African economies, will undoubtedly lead to the convertibility of African currencies.
202.	Solidarity among the developing countries must affect all areas of endeavor. This solidarity must obviously be the fruit of development efforts to be undertaken by each of our countries both nationally and regionally. To achieve this we must above all rely on our own strength to resolve the development problems which confront us. The hunger which is rife in many of our countries will finally disappear only when our populations are able to produce their own foodstuffs. We certainly cannot deny the benefits of external aid, but Zaire believes firmly in the efforts which a country must itself make in order to resolve its own problems. This is the policy of salongo which in Zaire takes the form of mobilizing the population in order to improve both agricultural and industrial production. Through the policy of salongo, agriculture, which is the main priority in Zaire, will develop to such an extent between now and 1980 that by then our country will become self-sufficient in food.
203.	It is obvious that an independent development policy necessarily implies for our countries sovereignty over their natural resources. Furthermore, this is perfectly in keeping with the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.
204.	Experience in Zaire in this field has clearly demonstrated that sovereignty over natural resources creates the best conditions for co-operation between foreign investors and ourselves. In effect, since Zairianization, it has been possible for the State of Zaire not only to offer advantageous conditions for foreign investors from the West or the East, but also to provide them with reasonable guarantees. And something of paramount importance since Zairianization, any foreigner who invests in Zaire under our investment code receives free the land on which he can set up his enterprise. In Zaire, where land belongs to the State, anybody who is capable of working it will receive free the necessary land for his commercial or industrial enterprise. That was not the case before Zairianization took place.
205.	Now that all the States Members of our Organization have made the United Nations the focal-point of genuine international solidarity, Zaire welcomes the determination which has been evinced by both rich and poor to reduce the major gap existing between them. The Paris Conference of producers and consumers of commodities which has just been convened by the French Government to take place on 15 October will undoubtedly constitute a concrete expression of the international solidarity which the seventh special session has just endorsed.
206.	Zaire wishes to make it quite clear that it is in favor of co-operation between industrialized and developing countries; it is therefore opposed to confrontation.
207.	On 4 October 1973, speaking at this rostrum, the President and Founder of the People's Revolutionary Movement, the President of the Republic of Zaire, Citizen Mobutu Sese Seko, in connexion with the colonized countries of Africa, said:
"Now that we have achieved political, economic and social stability, we cannot be happy while our brothers of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia are still languishing under the yoke of the Portuguese colonialists, the British settlers of Rhodesia and the racists of South Africa.
"... It is therefore an imperative political duty for Zaire to make its material and military contribution to all its neighbors that are still subjected to colonialism of any sort."9
208.	Today the fact that several of those countries have become independent and are now Members of the Organization is something which Zaire sincerely welcomes. We extend to our brothers and sisters, the representatives of Mozambique, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe, our sincere congratulations on the victory of their respective peoples over colonialism and racism, I associate myself with previous speakers in welcoming them to our midst.
209.	We also welcome the legitimate return to our ranks of the representatives of the Royal Government of Cambodia, whose valiant people has justly regained its national independence.
210.	Our Organization, which has already been in existence for 30 years, is now passing through a new historical phase which obviously makes necessary a revision of its structure. It would be difficult for changes not to take place within the United Nations when, during the seventh special session, this very Organization has already endorsed the need for a new international economic order as the only way to adapt our world to the requirements of our times.
211.	The majority of the Members of the United Nations recognize that the world situation is different from that which obtained when the United Nations was founded at San Francisco. Furthermore, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in one of his reports very clearly expressed this general view. He said:
"The evolution of the post-war world including the introduction of nuclear weapons, the establishment of regional military pacts, the accelerated pace of decolonization, the extraordinary advances of applied science and technology, dramatic increases in population and the emergence of a large group of independent developing nations has created a new geopolitical structure in the past 30 years. Thus the basis of power, both political and economic, in the world as a whole has changed radically in a way which could not be foreseen at San Francisco." [Al100011Add.I, sect. /.]
212.	We scarcely need to recall or to dwell on the fact that in 1945 there were only some 50 founder Members of the United Nations. Traumatized by the world cataclysm which they had just stayed by the defeat of Nazism, they virtually turned our Organization into the sort of holy alliance that had appeared in Europe at another time after a cataclysm very similar to the one we all deplore. Now that the United Nations has a  it not quite obvious and proper that we should turn our Organization into a genuine framework for international solidarity where there are neither large or small States but simply States.
213.	We recognize the merits of our Organization as far as the cause of peace is concerned. Zaire is well qualified to say this. My country will never forget the efforts made by the United Nations to restore peace to Zaire, at that time the Congo, which was then in the grip of serious internal problems. We are still grateful to the United Nations for this.
214.	However we believe that new historical conditions require that our Organization be adapted to this evolution. Hence in this connexion we would reiterate the position which our President expressed in this self-same Hall. Zaire therefore proposes
". . .a revision of the Charter of the United Nations to adapt it to the present situation in the world, taking into account particularly the representation of the African continent and also the fact that those that were defeated yesterday have, in their turn, become today great Powers, and the decisions of our Organization should be applied by all its Members without differentiation and should not remain a dead letter in this forum".10
215.	We are particularly insistent on adapting our Organization to the present conditions in the world because the confidence which we continue to place in it encourages us to attempt to make it operational and effective in the task of preserving world peace and bringing about international solidarity as defined at the sixth special session and particularly at the seventh special session.
216.	Events in Viet Nam and Cambodia as well as those in the Middle East are ample proof of the inability of the United Nations to play a positive and effective role in restoring peace to those areas.
217.	In Viet Nam as in Cambodia the determination of the people was necessary, as well as the indefatigable support of all peace-loving peoples, for those countries to be able to recover their national independence.
218.	Zaire would like to take this opportunity to hail the victory of the Vietnamese and Cambodian peoples over imperialism. For the people of Zaire this is also a victory of genuine individuality. The Vietnamese and the Cambodians wished to be themselves, and have proved that every people can live, can govern itself, can develop and flourish ^according to its own habits and customs, that is in accordance with its own authentic personality.
219.	Although national independence and peace have returned to Viet Nam and Cambodia the same is not true of Palestine, Zimbabwe, South Africa or Namibia. In those countries the racists and the Zionists refuse to grant their respective populations their right to self-determination and to a homeland.
220.	Zaire, therefore, unreservedly condemns the policy which is being pursued by Israel against the people of Palestine. The Palestinian people represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization, with which Zaire has excellent relationships, can always count on our support.
221.	The racist policies of the white settlers of Zimbabwe, as well as the apartheid practices by the white minority in South Africa and Namibia, are unreservedly opposed by Zaire, which gives its total support to the fraternal peoples in those countries who are struggling for their national independence.
222.	It is essential that our Organization continue to exert pressure on the minority regime of Pretoria to force it to recognize that the people of Namibia should enjoy their right to national independence and to the territorial integrity of their country.
223.	Zaire would like to take this opportunity to thank France, whose President, Mr. Valery Giscard d'Estaing, during his recent official visit to Zaire, announced the decision of his Government to decree an embargo on the sale of arms to South Africa. We would venture to hope that the example of France, which condemns the policy of apartheid, will be followed by other major Powers; thus the minority regime of Pretoria will be forced to respect the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
224.	Our unreserved condemnation of the racist policy of Ian Smith in Zimbabwe and the policy of apartheid in South Africa and Namibia should by no means be construed to mean that Zaire is in favor of driving the white minority into the sea. All that Zaire demands from the white racists in Zimbabwe and South Africa is that they respect the principle of majority rule, that will take account of the interests of all the people, whether black or white, in the area.
225.	Regarding the situation in the Middle East, Zaire's position, which was clearly spelt out from this rostrum on 4 October 1973 by the President and Founder of the Popular Revolutionary Movement, President of the Republic, Citizen Mobutu Sese Seko, remains unchanged. May I remind you of what my President stated at that time which was as follows:
"Zaire, which has now reached the moment when it must choose, must dispel all misunderstanding and remove a certain ambiguity resulting from its African vocation. Zaire has therefore to choose between a friendly country, Israel, and a brother nation, Egypt. But between a friend and a brother the choice is clear and our decisions are made in full independence and freedom from all pressures.
"Therefore, by virtue of the prerogatives conferred upon me by article 24 of the Constitution of the Republic of Zaire, I announce to all the world the breaking-off of diplomatic relations with Israel, such severing of relations to continue until Egypt and the other Arab countries involved shall have recovered their territories at present under occupation.""
226.	Since certain parts of the territories of Egypt and other Arab countries are still occupied by Israel, the position of Zaire concerning the breaking off of diplomatic relations with Israel therefore remains unchanged.
227.	The situation which at present prevails in Angola is undoubtedly disturbing for Africa and particularly for Zaire, which shares more than 2,600 kilometers of frontier with that country. Zaire, which has supported and is still supporting the people of Angola in their struggle for national independence, will continue to observe strict neutrality respecting the three liberation movements, as it has done since the Kinshasa
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Agreement of 1 June 1975 signed with the Portuguese Government.
228.	We are convinced that the stability of the political situation in Portugal which, until 11 November 1975, will remain responsible for the administration and security of Angola, will make it possible for that country to take the necessary steps to restore peace to its colony. Thus the three liberation movements will be able to agree together on the political platform which will make it possible for them to accede to national independence under peaceful conditions.
229.	Zaire has great respect for the principles of international law and justice, principles which we have all accepted and which are the very aim and object of the Charter of the United Nations. Thus the right to self-determination of peoples, which all Member States have endorsed and defended, should not be applied in a discriminatory fashion according to the avowed or avowed interests of certain international circles even if these are disguised as progresist.
230.	Thus in the case of Cabinda, which is a Territory under Portuguese administration and which is separated from Angola by Zaire, my country would make an appeal to the Portuguese Government requesting it to grant the people of Cabinda the right to self- determination. A positive attitude on the part of Portugal in this connexion will make an important contribution to safeguarding peace in an area which has already been shaken by conflicts whose outcome cannot be foreseen.
231.	Zaire would therefore reaffirm its position that Portugal should grant the people of Cabinda their right to self-determination. In this connexion, in order to make it possible for the people of Cabinda freely to decide their own future, Zaire is in favor of a referendum being organized in Cabinda under the aegis either of the United Nations or of the Organization of African Unity.
232.	In its relations with other countries, Zaire maintains diplomatic relations with all those countries which respect not only its authenticity but also the principles embodied in the Charter.
233.	During the Vietnamese war, Zaire maintained diplomatic relations with the four signatories to the Paris Agreement, namely, the United States, North Viet Nam, South Viet Nam and the Government of the National Liberation Front of South Viet Nam. Now that the war is terminated in Indo-China, we will continue to maintain good diplomatic relations with the United States, North Viet Nam and South Viet Nam. According to the internal logic of our authenticity, Zaire supports the admission to the United Nations of North Viet Nam and South Viet Nam.
234.	Turning to the Korean problem, Zaire, which has observed strict neutrality as regards the two entities, that is, the North and the South, considers that our Organization should take steps which will help to bring the views of the two parties closer together. Zaire, which maintains excellent diplomatic relations with both the North and the South, hopes that the two parties will work peacefully towards unity if this is the will of their populations. However, if the latter should decide otherwise, our Organization will have to admit to membership both Korean entities, as has been the case for both Germanys and as undoubtedly will shortly be so for the two Viet Nams.
235.	Regarding the situation on the island of Cyprus, where our Organization is involved in the difficult undertaking of maintaining peace, Zaire is in favor of national reconciliation. We appeal to the two Cypriot communities to seek through negotiation peaceful arrangements which will satisfy their respective interests.
236.	Since concerted action among States has become a principle accepted by all in seeking solution or settlement of the disputes which may arise among them, Zaire considers and ardently hopes that this principle will continue to prevail in the negotiations at present under way on the law of the sea.
237.	After the seventh special session it is only natural that our Organization should promote the re-adaptation of the law of the sea within the framework of solutions which will contribute to restoring the balance between the industrialized and the developing countries.
238.	We hope that the great Powers will not take advantage of their technical superiority and their almost exclusive possession of great financial power arbitrarily to exploit the minerals which exist in the sea-bed. We appeal to them to continue to respect the spirit of the seventh special session and to display, in the forthcoming negotiations on the law of the sea, the same liberal spirit of understanding which they showed throughout the work of that session.
239.	When we consider our poverty we note with some bitterness that over and above the economic exploitation we have been subject to there has also been the savage and systematic plundering of all our works of art by the colonialist Powers. Our invaluable artistic works have been purely and simply plundered. They are to be found in all the main cities of the industrialized countries. There is not a single museum enjoying a world reputation in industrialized countries of the East or the West in which African works of art are not to be found.
240.	May I draw the attention of our Assembly to the fact that these African works of art which are the pride of the ethnographical and archaeological museums and institutions of the industrialized countries of the East and the West were acquired practically free of charge. In other words, as citizen President Mobutu Sese Seko said on 4 October 1973 in the United Nations "Those works, which were acquired for nothing, have increased in value so much that none of our countries has the material means to recover them."12
241.	Therefore the delegation of Zaire reiterates its appeal to all the industrialized countries, whether of the West or of the East, to understand the need to restore to the developing countries all the works of art they are holding. If those same industrialized countries thought it" was quite normal that they were entitled to recover immediately after the Second World War their works of art which had been stolen by the Nazi regime, commonsense, justice and equity recommend that they restore to the developing countries their works of art. Thus the industrialized countries would be making an effective contribution to strengthening the cultural riches of the countries lacking in
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242.	Zaire would like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Government of the Kingdom of Belgium, which has accepted the principle of restoring our works of art which are to be found in a number of Belgian museums. The encouraging negotiations at present under way between the Kingdom of Belgium and our country for the return of our works of art to Zaire will undoubtedly lead to a positive outcome. It is our sincere hope that this example set by Belgium will be followed by other industrialized countries and that in the course of this thirtieth session our Organization will be able to draft a resolution which will lead to the establishment of clear procedures for restoring to the developing countries the works of art which are held by a number of industrialized countries of the West and the East.
243.	Thanks to the dynamic activities of General Mobutu Sese Seko, Zaire has recovered its territorial integrity and its stability. Its peoples are reunited in the People's Revolutionary Movement and have become responsible for their own future.
244.	Philosophically speaking, the Republic of Zaire is governed by what we call the concept of authenticity. This has been defined by citizen President Mobutu Sese Seko as:
"... being an awareness on behalf of the Zaire people of the fact that they should go back to their own sources, seek the values of their ancestors in order to judge which of them will contribute to their harmonious and natural development.
"It is the refusal of the Zaire people blindly to espouse imported ideologies. It is the affirmation of Zairian man or of man in general, wherever he may be, whatever he may be, with his own intellectual and social structures."
245.	The Zairian people, which considers authenticity, of which Mobutuism is the Zairian expression, as the only absolute weapon against imperialism and injustice, is therefore following its own process of structural development. It wishes to espouse neither the ideas of the left, nor the ideas of the right, because imperialism and exploitation are met with at every turn. Our people has chosen to be itself, in other words, to be authentic, because it is convinced that the problem of Zaire cannot be validly solved apart from the Zairian people themselves.
246.	However, the Zairian people recognizes that recourse to authenticity is not narrow nationalism, a blind return to the past, but, on the contrary, an instrument for peace among nations, a condition of existence among the peoples, a basis for co-operation among States, for authenticity is not only increased knowledge of one's culture, but also respect for the cultural heritage of others.
247.	We are therefore convinced that only respect for the authenticity of every people will make possible harmonious relations among States. Consequently, this will strengthen the universal nature of our Organization within which all States endowed with different social and political structures will be able to co-operate in the interest of restoring the balance between industrialized and developing countries, as well as serving the cause of world.peace.
248.	That is why the Republic of Zaire, which has great respect for the universality which is characteristic of the United Nations, is anxious to work for its maintenance. Even if some Member States for reasons with which we all disagree for the time being attach an ambiguous interpretation to the resolutions of our Organization, it is our duty to exert on them and those Powers which support them the sort of pressure that will compel them to respect the recommendations of the United Nations. This pressure must therefore be exerted inside the United Nations and not outside it. What we must do is strengthen the Organization, not weaken it.
249.	Thus, the Republic of Zaire has decided as a matter of principle categorically to reject the idea of the expulsion, exclusion or suspension of any State from any international organization. Zaire's position is therefore geared to States, not to the representativity of States.
250.	Since we are so keen on strengthening the United Nations, we in Zaire consider that it is in the context of a new spirit of consultation and mutual understanding which should henceforth underlie the work of our Organization that the problem of general disarmament and peace should be solved by all Member States.
251.	Zaire, which supports any initiative designed to bring about general disarmament and the prohibition of nuclear weapons, is in favor of a straightforward policy, not a demagogic one. We cannot approve the attitude of those who speak about disarmament and the prohibition of the manufacture of nuclear and bacteriological weapons but continue to step up the manufacture, refinement and testing of those weapons.
252.	All States Members of the United Nations must therefore be concerned about the problem of general and complete disarmament and the prohibition of the manufacture of nuclear and bacteriological weapons. Continuous pressure must be exerted on the major Powers to force them finally to decide to destroy those arms which permanently imperil all mankind.
253.	Our Organization must also work to protect nature. Zaire highly appreciates the efforts made by the United Nations in this field. My Government, on the initiative of its President, Citizen Mobutu Sese Seko, has drawn up a far-i caching program to safeguard our natural environment, which is of inestimable value to our people.
254.	This year, which is dedicated to women, has seen our country actively involved in the implementation of various programs suggested by the United Nations. Although women in Zaire enjoy the same rights and opportunities as men, our President felt that he should personally organize an international women's symposium in Kinshasa last May.
255.	During that international meeting female delegates from various African countries and countries outside Africa had an opportunity to learn of the experience gained by Zairian women in their authentic society. Zairian women also took advantage of that meeting to learn from their foreign sisters what was happening elsewhere.
256.	The World Conference of the International Women's Year, held in Mexico and organized by the United Nations, was a major occasion for representatives of women throughout the world to report
on their respective experiences. That Conference undoubtedly contributed to the development of under-standing among peoples and the strengthening of inter-national co-operation.
257.	Zaire is gratified that during the work of the seventh special session the industrialized countries displayed a certain degree of generosity towards the developing countries. We have resolved to follow that example of generosity in our relations with all countries.
258.	Thus, so far as Portugal is concerned, which is now suffering from a very difficult situation in respect of its colony of Angola, Zaire has decided that, apart from the Angolan refugees estimated at more than 1 million, it will welcome up to 400,000 Portuguese refugees who, for reasons of safety, may desire to leave Angola temporarily. All arrangements have been made to make it possible for those refugees to work and live normally until the situation in Angola becomes stable.
259.	In conclusion, I should like to express to the President, on behalf of the Zairian delegation, the hope that the work of the present session over which he is presiding with such dynamism and perspicacity will consolidate the spirit of concerted action among the industrialized and the developing countries the
spirit which was so characteristic of the seventh special session thus making our Organization an effective tool for achieving the harmonious development of all Member States, for strengthening international cooperation and for bringing about genuine world peace.


127.	 The election of Mr. Thorn as President of this Assembly pleases us and makes us confident in advance that under his presidency this session will bring about useful results.
128.	At the same time I should like to congratulate Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, for his important contribution to the previous session of the General Assembly and to the seventh special session. We congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the moral and intellectual courage he has displayed in his work and for his interest in the new problems of the world.
129.	The thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations invites us to think deeply, not only on the future of the Organization but also on the future of the world.
130.	The most serious mistake that could be made would be to underrate everything the United Nations has done, during these 30 years, for peace in the world. No less serious a mistake would be to ask more from the United Nations than it actually can give. The Organization now has before it important problems in regard to restructuring itself. There is no doubt that over the past 30 years the emphasis and intensity of many subjects has changed. The legitimacy of the United Nations is now more complex and more demanding. As we come closer to new social and economic processes we shall have to become more dynamic and act more speedily. We are beginning live in an era of negotiations and compromises as well as of choices of alternatives. Understandings and compromises are possible but not always easy to achieve. In the next quarter of a century, the United Nations must contribute to outlining perspectives and discovering new horizons. The essential aim in the years to come will be to achieve a just world for all mankind.
131.	The United Nations was not born to shape a Utopia but to strengthen a specific community of free nations and help to formulate, in political and universal terms, the broad outlines of human development.
132.	The continuity of this great forum of nations and great world assembly for over a quarter of a century is proof of its moral vigour, its growing influence, and its genuine possibilities of existence and improvement.
133.	This has been a period of ever more complex mutations and changes in historical development. From pre-cybernetic society, some countries are moving ever more rapidly towards a post-industrial society, and from a world characterized by purely continental relations we are entering a period of historic simultaneity. This era, deeply influenced by multi- continental relations, ties and bonds, confers a global meaning to all that we aspire to, undertake or plan.
134.	The process of identification of the cold war has ended. Traditional models have been eroded. The time of automatic alignments is past.
135.	The era of social changes we live in has incorporated into the world of political decisions countries which today belong to this Organization and which aspire to be protagonists and not merely witnesses of international political decisions.
136.	The new countries thus constitute an emerging political power that is essential to the political and economic balance of the world. The developing countries now form a community of fundamental peoples no longer to be ignored or brushed aside. Their aspirations, their desire to participate in decisions and to affirm their destinies are not incompatible with the well-being of developed nations. On the contrary, the stability of the developing countries of the third world, the forcefulness of their identity and their dedication to stable goals of internal growth give them not only confidence in the international political and economic order, but contribute to the stability of the industrial countries. In the nineteenth century and until the Second World War, the balance of the world depended exclusively on understanding among the great Powers. At the present juncture in the life of man, the balance of the planet depends on all countries, whether they be poor or developed, large or small.
137.	The developing countries have no reason to apply automatic thinking which might lead them to repeat mistakes or processes of the industrial society. An important task for the new nations will be to conceive and devise their own formulas which will in some ways be original. Regrettably, there is not as yet sufficient communication between the third world and the industrial nations. Our countries find difficulty in getting their opinions and views brought to inter-national public attention and, to a certain extent, there is lack of information on the social and economic problems caused by poverty.
138.	We shall have to find a way out of these mechanisms of world-wide lack of information or counter- information which at times affect the prestige and the image to which the developing countries are entitled as far as world public opinion is concerned. There must be a review of the procedures and institutions of world public information so that in some way we can improve the balance of information and thus meet the information needs of all countries and not just of certain isolated countries or groups of countries. The present crisis is essentially the collapse of the standards and patterns of behaviour of the industrial society. There is no need for us to be heirs to those standards and patterns.
139.	This inevitable political change constitutes a historic event which is called interdependence, which has recently been dramatically revealed by the energy crisis and inflation. Both phenomena are the consequences of an economic and social system and of an artificially constructed type of balance directed towards the preservation of the economic health of the industrial nations alone. It was an unjust arbitrary order and the source of permanent imbalances and disturbances, which went hand in hand with habits of waste, uncontrolled military expenditure and unforgivable ethical omissions and negligence.
140.	Unrestrained consumerism and placing value exclusively on material assets as the only references of human growth and the yardstick of universal progress are the most notorious aberrations of that world order.
141.	For a long time the consequences were suffered only by the developing countries and by all the countries which now constitute the third world. More recently the effects of the system have been felt also by the industrial countries, which are now discovering a fundamental fact: the interdependence of nations. We, the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, have so far been the traditional victims of dependence. Most of us in Latin America have enjoyed political independence since the beginning of the nineteenth century, but we remained involved within implacable mechanisms of economic subordination, from which we now wish to be free. Even now that interdependence is given a conceptual value, the dependence of the weaker countries still subsists. For interdependence to mean what it really should mean, concrete agreements are necessary which will alter the assessments and perspectives of the past.
142.	The United Nations and other international organizations allow us to evaluate the experiences gained from multilateral relations. Furthermore, bilateral relations are increasingly useful when they are frank, honest and to the point. But, in addition to this, it is necessary to point out the importance of concerted action whereby groups of nations agree on certain subjects. In that way, certain imbalances are being corrected and others can be rectified in the future.
143.	The decision to raise the price of oil was not a mere whim of irresponsible or adventurous Governments with the intention of committing aggression against the industrial nations or disturbing the world's economic balance. It was a decision of sovereign countries which did not want to continue to permit the devaluation of their resources. It is impossible to think that the traditionally poor countries are prospering at the expense of the rich countries. That would be tantamount to saying that a plutocracy of the poor was coming into being.
144.	The oil-producing countries are being accused of being the cause of the present economic imbalance, but the fact that the incidence of increased oil prices in the inflationary process is insignificant when compared to other inflationary prices which pre-dated the rise in the price of oil is overlooked.
145.	During the years when oil prices were kept artificially low, the inflationary process continued to intensify. Inflation had been in evidence in previous years, while it was in the last two years that the oil- producing countries decided to increase their prices.
146.	The changes which have occurred during the past two years pose unprecedented international problems, especially for the developing countries. It is assumed that the current account deficit of these countries might rise from $10,000 million in 1973 to over $30,000 million in 1975. Less than one third of that deficit can be attributed to oil prices. The remaining two thirds is the result of increased prices of manufactured goods and of food and the deterioration in the prices of products exported by the developing countries.
147.	The members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] are aware of their international responsibility. The Conference of Sovereigns and Heads of State of the Member Countries of OPEC, held at Algiers in March 1975, is proof of their maturity and of a highly developed sense of international co-operation. OPEC is not an aggressive group intent on taking decisions against the industrial nations; it is a serious, thoughtful organization which in no way wants to assume irresponsible attitudes. One of the absurdities of the present economic order is the dichotomy which has been created between producers and consumers. In the world today we are all producers and we are all consumers.
148.	Today every country, large or small, has an international responsibility. This is one of the most significant changes in the present political order of the world. The nation which I represent is fully conscious of this fact.
149.	The President of Venezuela has proposed to other member nations of OPEC the setting up of a fund of between $1,500 million and $2,000 million for the non-imbursable financing of the increase in the price of oil resulting from the adjustment of prices, for the benefit of third-world countries which are not oil producers.
150.	The basic problem of the current economic order is to provide stability for the development plans of the third-world countries, which have been hardest hit by inflation, deterioration in export prices and monetary upheavals. It is to be hoped that the forthcoming UNCTAD meeting will represent an important advance toward this objective, Poverty is an accusation against the entire present historical order.
151.	The problem would be simplified if we quickly took concrete steps to create certain systems which, like the Agriculture Development Fund, established balances.
152.	It would be, to say the least, arbitrary to imagine that responsibility lies exclusively with the oil-producing nations. That would mean absolving the great industrial nations from their international responsibilities and would also be contrary to the fundamental concept that in a world of increasing interdependence, responsibilities are also interdependent.
153.	For Venezuela, the policy of defending natural resources is continuous and traditional, not only as a co-founder of OPEC, but also in carrying out important internal decisions. Recently, we have adopted two historic decisions: the nationalization of iron and the nationalization of oil.
154.	Both decisions are the result of a national consensus which was arrived at within the pluralistic democratic society which is the essence of the Venezuelan political system. By enactment of pre-existing laws and regulations resulting from the free debate of public opinion and political parties, as well as from previously known programs, we have nationalized iron and oil. Therefore, this is not an international conspiracy against any country, nor against any specific interests; it is the affirmation of a free and sovereign people, conscious of the importance of its resources and conscious, too, of its will to administer them without any dependence or subordination.
155.	This is part of an even broader policy to which the President of Venezuela is committed, namely that of developing ecological balance and all non-renewable natural resources. The Government of my country has fully identified itself with the goals of protecting the waters of rivers, lakes and oceans, the flora and the fauna from depredation and aggression. We are also aware that a policy of this type must be carried out on a world-wide level. That is why we believe in the increasingly important role which the United Nations can play in this respect over the coming 25 years.
156.	We must defend the planet for all mankind and we must do so in universal democratic terms, so that the resources of nature may benefit the vast majorities and not be for the exclusive benefit of a few.
157.	At this new session of the Assembly, we face the imperative necessity to remember that it is urgent to establish a climate of international trust. The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held recently at Helsinki, and other events, have given rise to optimism. In connexion with that Conference the attempt by industrial countries better to appreciate the development problems of the third world must not be overlooked. Understanding must be followed by action. We think that the future conference to be held in Paris will provide an opportunity for a useful dialog to define world international co-operation in specific terms. Most of what was said in the past serves no useful purpose today. We must find a new conceptual order to express the new political and economic system. dialog between industrialized countries and the developing countries is possible.
158.	There exist alternatives for understanding and compromise. It will be necessary to strengthen the credibility of agreements and the good faith of arrangements. It is not possible to continue to deal with oversimplifications. We must place problems within a rational context.
159.	Raw materials, development, oil prices, the cost of manufactured goods and food are not part of separate constellations. They are all integrated into a vital process of reciprocal inter-connexions and clear ties.
160.	In other words, in this Assembly new types of solidarity have been ushered in. My country had a concept of international solidarity from the time it emerged as an independent nation during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Oil was unknown to us then; we were simply a small agricultural society on the northern shores of South America. But even at that early stage Simon Bolivar convened a Congress in Panama to define the strategy for continental unity. Long before we became an oil-producing nation, we were a Latin American nation. Now we are fully convinced that to be identified with Latin America alone is not enough; we must, on the contrary, think and act within a broader framework: that of solidarity with the countries of the third world,
161.	Beyond these alliances, Venezuela believes in its role as a participant in any and all initiatives aimed at fostering the mechanisms of world co-operation, which means simply that we are identified with the fate and future of mankind. In this effort, we recognize no difference between great or small, capitalist or socialist, industrialized or non-industrialized nations, whether north, south, east or west.
162.	As an oil-producing country Venezuela has, with modesty but good will, defined several programs for international co-operation. With Central America, with nations of the Caribbean and other countries in the southern part of our continent, we have reached important agreements. Venezuela has pledged funds for international co-operation to a total of $2,724 million, which amounts to more than 8 per cent of our gross national product, thus largely exceeding the quota fixed by the United Nations for the developed countries. We realize, however, that isolated initiatives are not in themselves sufficient, and that is why, with other oil-producing and non-oil-producing nations, we are developing a broader plan to contribute to international development.
163.	In accord with the resolution unanimously adopted during the seventh special session of the General Assembly, which constitutes a substantive change in international economic relations, we must all act with the necessary loyalty to ensure that those principles will dispel doubts and suspicions and effectively contribute to the creation of an atmosphere favorable to the holding of concrete negotiations. We have agreed that we must not return to the past and therefore any manifestations of dissent from the agreements adopted here may cast serious doubts on the sincerity of the consensus and the flexibility demonstrated so far.
164.	The forthcoming Paris Conference will meet under the auspices of the agreements adopted here. In our opinion, it will be the first negotiation with a historical perspective between industrial countries and developing countries, whose points of view concerning a global approach to world economic problems were fortunately accepted. We attach paramount importance to that Conference. Interdependence in the future, the soundness and stability of the world economy and of the new international economic order will depend on the wisdom, lucidity and understanding of the negotiators, as well as on the political will which is demonstrated.
165.	Our active participation in the struggle against colonialism and racial discrimination is already well known and forms part of the history of these 30 years of our Organization.
166.	In welcoming today three new Member States, the Republics of Mozambique, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe, thus adding independent countries to the United Nations, we cannot but rejoice to see the inevitable end of the colonial era in the world.
167.	It is with equal pleasure that we greet the independence of Suriname, a Latin American country which is a brotherly neighbor of Venezuela and which we hope will join us in the United Nations during this session.
168.	It is not only at the economic level that we express solidarity, but also in terms of global and regional politics. We seek a peaceful and lasting settlement in the Middle East which will solve the problem of the Palestinian people. We look forward to an equitable solution in Cyprus, Rhodesia and Namibia, and we hope, with most of the peoples of the world, for the eradication of apartheid from South Africa. A similar sense of international solidarity leads us to hope for a prompt political solution in the Korean peninsula which may end for ever the unrest and disturbance in that area.
169.	In Latin America, Bolivia and Panama have our complete solidarity. We hope that the problem of landlocked Bolivia, which was explained at this meeting by President Banzer of Bolivia, will be solved harmoniously by the countries concerned, and we are pleased at the progress which he announced. We also hope that the matter of the Panama Canal will not become a source of growing irritation between Latin America and the United States. We look forward to practical solutions in those two cases and to rational and balanced formulas. The case of Panama affects the dignity for all the countries of Latin America.
170.	International solidarity is inconceivable without a world disarmament system and without the extension of denuclearized zones, concerning which Latin America sets a precedent. The peaceful use of nuclear energy is an opportunity not to be wasted, and my country is interested in increasing the possibilities of its development. But we do not forget that the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] must be made more comprehensive. Nuclear energy should be used under stable, assured conditions, and any prohibition tending to avoid abuse will be welcome. Means of mass destruction must be subject to controls to protect mankind from the risk they represent. The United Nations must tackle boldly one of the most dramatic problems that can affect the international rule of law: the nuclear threat. Dire warnings to that effect have been heard at this Assembly. The use of nuclear energy should be subject to reliable control so that its peaceful use may not unexpectedly be turned into an instrument of aggression. The strength of this Organization depends largely in the future on the means of inspection and control that may be developed to deal with the nuclear threat. In this matter no warnings or scruples could ever be exaggerated. Nuclear non-proliferation, like disarmament, must become an accomplished fact. It is also necessary, as a practical formula, to study the relationship that should exist between the gross national product of a country and its expenditure on weapons.
171.	Disarmament will not create Utopia, but it presupposes the development of a policy and of action.
172.	The maturity being shown by the international community is undeniable. That is why it is important for each country to be convinced that regional conflicts are factors not only of local disturbance, but of contagious, world-wide unrest. Fortunately, it is now possible to envisage world peace in practical terms. Peace is no longer merely an abstract ideal, an illusion or a hope, but a necessity originating largely in the forces of development which the world society has created in recent years. International confrontation increasingly becomes so costly a risk that it is possible and more realistic to explore and exploit the definite alternative of peaceful coexistence. Peace is no longer an ideal, it is a real political possibility.
173 In the years to come I think we should be engaged in accelerating in the world the processes of political democratization and of greater participation by citizens in the decisions of society. Similarly, efforts must be intensified to assert the value and dignity of human existence. In this respect the United Nations has achieved much undeniable progress, but a great deal remains to be done. Venezuela, as a democratic nation, is fully aware of the importance of these values.
174.	Similarly, we must think of the action necessary to control the phenomena of violence of any and all types, and all their manifestations. Some of these phenomena originate in economic imbalances or centuries-old injustices. But political solutions will be necessary, and the time is right to devise them and plan for them.
175.	All this, in short, leads us to affirm that the condition of mankind and of the ethical forces of individual and social conduct will prevail over the distortions and mutilations that industrialized civilization has developed. World order can be based on mankind, and mankind alone. The trust, hope and optimism we invest in the United Nations therefore raise these essential questions: Can we be optimistic about the future of mankind, or is it necessary to remain motionless? Can the present be changed? Is it possible to raise the idea of justice in political and ethical terms? And do we or do we not accept the fact that the condition of mankind is based on freedom and the free exercise of man's creative powers? To that end we must rescue the irreplaceable principle of international honesty from wreck.
176.	Venezuela is a country which believes in and identifies with the fundamental values of human life, democracy and freedom, and we wish to reaffirm that in international controversies or dissension we are willing to listen and to understand. As a nation of Latin America and of the third world, we hope that our motives will be understood; that our dignity will be valued, for it is not incompatible with the dignity of any other country; and that our word will be respected as an expression of good faith.
177.	There are two ways to conclude an address to the General Assembly: with pessimism or with optimism. I conclude my statement with optimism.


1.	  Mr. President, permit me first to join my colleagues in congratulating you on your election as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. This gives me great pleasure, as our two nations are linked by a very special and fruitful co-operation. Your election not only testifies to your excellent personal qualities but also reflects the important role which can be played in the United Nations by the smaller nations. I wish you all success in this high office, and you can feel certain of our confidence and support.
2.	Let me also at the outset place on record our appreciation for the tireless efforts made by Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, and his staff to implement the objectives of the Charter.
3.	We are very happy to welcome the three new Members, Cape Verde, Mozambique, and Sao Tome and Principe, and look forward to their co-operation and their contribution to the work of our Organization.
4.	As I did not have the opportunity to attend and address the seventh special session of the General Assembly held earlier this month, allow me to comment in a few words on the promising results of that session devoted to development and international economic co-operation. During the session all Members showed a willingness to co-operate and compromise in attempting to solve the big and far-reaching economic problems facing the world community. The recession in the world has affected both developed and developing countries. In the most severely affected countries the situation is so serious that a considerable part of the population is engaged in a daily struggle for survival against poverty and starvation.
5.	The fact that we were able to move from confrontation to co-operation at the seventh special session despite these enormous difficulties I consider to be an achievement of major political significance. Despite the economic difficulties, the political will to contribute, to co-operate and to assist the developing
countries was clearly displayed. Now we must implement the decisions of the special session. No substantial success can be expected without concentrated effort and without goodwill on the part of all. It is clear that both realism and generosity will be needed to bring about the necessary changes.
6.	This session marks the thirtieth anniversary of the Assembly. I will not take much of your time in evaluating the achievements and the short-comings of our Organization; this has been done thoroughly by previous speakers. Let me, however, express the hope that we have learned from past mistakes and that the achievements made will inspire us to redouble, in the future, our efforts to find solutions to the vast and challenging problems before us.
7.	I fully endorse the sentiment expressed by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [AIIOOOI/Add.l], that this Organization of ours has been able to adjust to a changing world and has met many unforeseen challenges. We should still further strengthen the United Nations as the global forum for the promotion of security, peace and solidarity.
8.	I shall now mention very briefly our views regarding some of the major international questions facing this Assembly.
9.	Thirty years ago the founders of the United Nations decided that the primary function of the Organization should be the maintenance of international peace and security. Despite determined efforts in the United Nations, the central question of disarmament and arms control has so far defied solution. The production and stockpiling of arms and the international trade in armaments have reached terrifying proportions, with no reduction in sight. Besides the tragic waste in human and material resources in a world where millions of people are living in appalling misery, the armaments race creates a highly dangerous threat to the survival of mankind.
10.	The United Nations was founded at the conclusion of the most terrifying and destructive war in history and at the beginning of the nuclear age. Since then, the world has lived in the shadow of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction.
11.	Through efforts made in the United Nations some important international agreements have been concluded in the field of nuclear energy and armaments. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], to which over 90 countries have become parties, has, however, proved only partially effective and we have to face the fact that the danger of nuclear proliferation is increasing. This should be a matter of grave concern to us all, and I hope that the Assembly at this session will give close attention to the general problems of , arms control and disarmament, and in particular to halting the increasing danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
12.	My delegation welcomes the continued process of decolonization in Africa, as evidenced by the admission at this session of the three new African States, to be followed shortly by Angola.
13.	The Icelandic delegation has always supported in the United Nations the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa to achieve self-determination and independence. Despite determined activity by this Organization over the years, racial inequality and apartheid persist in parts of southern Africa. We must continue to apply pressure until self-determination and the basic human rights of the populations in that area are guaranteed.
14.	The violation of human rights is not limited to any one part of the world and has to be condemned wherever it occurs. The question of human rights and dignity must therefore continue to receive the highest priority in the United Nations. In this connexion I wish to express satisfaction with the significance attributed to humanitarian questions and human contacts in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki by 35 heads of Government on 1 August 1975.
15.	The United Nations is, in this anniversary year, approaching full universality of membership. Member nations now number 141, representing over 95 per cent of the world population. We expect shortly to be able to welcome additional nations as Members.
16.	At this point I want to reaffirm the belief of my Government in the principle of universality as regards membership in the United Nations. And following that basic principle, the Icelandic delegation will oppose any moves to exclude or suspend any Member State by any means not in strict conformity with the Charter of the United Nations, or to restrict its rights as a Member of the Organization or of its organs or of associated organizations. We believe that any such efforts will be harmful and might destroy the effectiveness of the United Nations as an instrument for peace.
17.	The recent interim agreement between Egypt and Israel is a most welcome development which we consider to be a significant step in the direction of a peaceful settlement in the Middle East. We compliment all those concerned with this agreement on their statesmanship, wisdom and courage. It is to be hoped that this momentum thus achieved towards negotiating the extremely complex and delicate problems in this area will not be lost but will lead to a lasting solution. This is no easy task, but we appeal to the peoples in the Middle East to show restraint and a genuine will to work together to achieve a just solution of the problems, as the alternative is likely to be open conflict which would pose a grave danger to world peace. An over-all settlement would have to respect the rights of the Palestinians and the rights of all States in the area to secure and recognized borders.
18.	The highly useful role of the United Nations peace-keeping forces in the Middle East deserves to be praised as, without their existence, the disengagement agreements would have been much more difficult to achieve.
19.	The problem of Cyprus is still with us. We hope that the talks being conducted under the auspices of the Secretary-General will continue, as we feel that negotiations between the two communities under his able and devoted guidance will prove to be the best available means of reaching a satisfactory and permanent solution of this vexing problem.
20.	The Assembly is once again faced with the question of Korea. Progress on this vital issue depends on the genuine efforts and goodwill of the two Korean States, without which there is little that the General Assembly can accomplish. As the peaceful reunification of Korea is the announced policy of the two Governments, we must hope that conditions will be created for them to resume negotiations towards this end.
21.	The Government of Iceland has followed the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea with great attention and continues to attach the greatest importance to its deliberations. Considerable progress has been made by the Conference in some fields and a wide range of agreement has emerged. However, in some other fields, like the regime for the international sea-bed area, considerable work still needs to be done. My Government has taken a keen interest in these deliberations and will continue to work for the successful conclusion of the Conference.
22.	At the end of the third session of the Conference, which took place at Geneva from 17 March to 9 May 1975, my Government had to take stock of the situation. We had then before us the single negotiating text prepared by the Chairmen of the three main committees which will become the basis of the work of the fourth session in New York in March-May 1976. Still another session, or even sessions, may be required before the Conference can conclude its work.
23.	In the meantime my Government was faced with the following situation.
24.	First, the fish stocks in the Iceland area continue to form the foundation of our economy a matter of life or death to our people.
25.	Secondly, almost one half of the total demersal catch in the area continues to be taken by foreign nationals from distant-water fishing States, particularly the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany. Because of the small size of the fish taken by vessels from the United Kingdom, actually more than half of the number of fish have been taken by foreign fishermen. The vessels engaged in this fishing are heavily subsidized in various ways by the Governments concerned.
26.	Thirdly, foreign nationals are continually increasing their capture of immature fish so that the replacement of stocks is increasingly endangered. This is shown, for instance, by the fact that the most important fish stock in Icelandic waters, namely, cod, has now been reduced to spawning only once in its lifetime. And the average age of the fish caught is now much lower than ever before. The total fishing effort is now 100 per cent greater than it was 20 years ago, but the catch is even less than it was then. The implications are evident.
rj Fourthly, the present Icelandic fishing fleet is fiillv capable of utilizing the total allowable catch in the area. A special committee of the International Council for Exploration of the Sea and the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Commission has estimated that a 50 per cent reduction of the fishing effort in the North Atlantic area would not reduce the total catch. Fishing mortality in the Iceland area will have to be drastically reduced in order to achieve optimum utilization.
28 In view of all these facts the Government of Iceland decided to take the necessary action consonant with the progressive development of international law as reflected in the consensus reached at the Conference. We decided not to establish an economic zone for the time being because some aspects of that concept still have to be worked out. We decided not to adopt rules with regard to the territorial sea, pollution, scientific research, or the delimitation of the continental shelf for the same reasons. Nor would we interfere with international navigation in any way.
29.	But with regard to the one vital issue the problem of foreign fishing we could not delay taking the necessary action any longer. Consequently, on 15 July 1975, regulations were issued extending the Icelandic fishery limits to 200 nautical miles. Where the distance between Iceland and other States is less than 400 nautical miles, the median line or equidistance principle is employed. The new regulations will take effect on 15 October 1975. At the same time a scientific management program is being established which will call for the exercise of great restraint on the utilization of the Icelandic fishing fleet even after foreign fishing is discontinued. The purpose of the program is to ensure the optimum sustainable yield under scientific management. It will constitute a thorough revision of previous management programs, which so far have always been hampered by the interference of foreign fishing. The management program will be based on scientific principles of conservation.
30.	The action which the Government of Iceland has taken is in conformity with the consensus which emerged at the Conference on the Law of the Sea that a coastal State can decide the total allowable fishing catch within a 200 mile zone and can also determine its own capacity to utilize that catch. When the coastal State does not have the capacity to harvest the entire allowable catch, it shall give other States access to the surplus of this allowable catch. These principles, which are also embodied in articles 50 and 51 of part II of the informal single negotiating text emanating from the Conference, undoubtedly have the support of the overwhelming majority of the States participating in the Conference.
31.	It is, of course, also quite clear that some States still fight this kind of solution since they would like to continue their past activities and send large trawler fleets to utilize the fishing grounds of other nations without their consent. But the time has come to face the fact that such practices are opposed by the overwhelming majority of the Members of the international community and that the system on which they are based is obsolete and quite unacceptable to the nations whose resources the distant-water fishing States want
to use. Instead of opposing the concept of the exclusive economic zone, they should be con tent that they do not have to compensate for the immense riches which they have taken out of those resources in the past. As far as my country is concerned, those obsolete policies have many times in the past jeopardized our economic survival and we cannot tolerate that situation any longer.
32.	However, my Government is willing to facilitate reasonable interim adjustments to mitigate economic hardship for foreign fishermen, but two major considerations must then be kept in mind. On the one hand, our policy in this field has been known for almost 30 years now and cannot come as a surprise to anyone least of all to the nations whose fishermen have frequented or worked our area. On the other hand and I emphasize this we will not submit to economic pressures such as those exercised by the Federal Republic of Germany, which has enacted a landing ban on our trawlers in German ports and exercised its veto to prevent the application of tariff concessions in the European Economic Community.
33.	It is our hope that our new regulations will be respected by all concerned and that we will be able to use our natural resources in conformity with the principles which were supported, as I said before, by an overwhelming majority at the Conference on the Law of the Sea. This is our intention and this is what we shall do.
34.	It has been maintained in some quarters that the Government of Iceland should have waited for the completion of the work of the Conference and that by acting now the further work of that Conference has been made more difficult. My Government does not share this view. On the contrary, by adhering strictly to the principles overwhelmingly supported by the Conference, my Government has emphasized its respect for the Conference and it is our conviction that our action, as well as any similar action taken by other States, will, rather than hinder the work of the Conference, promote its success,