Let me begin by expressing the deep condolences and solidarity of the Government and people of Guyana to the victims of yesterday’s earthquake in Mexico and those of Hurricane Maria, which virtually destroyed the Commonwealth of Dominica two days ago.
The Cooperative Republic of Guyana congratulates you, Mr. President, on your election to lead the General Assembly at its seventy-second session. We are confident that under your guidance progress will be made in advancing the international agenda and realizing the theme of this year’s Assembly, “Focusing on people: Striving for peace and a decent life for all on a sustainable planet”. Guyana also appreciates the sterling performance of your predecessor, Ambassador Peter Thomson of Fiji, in his stewardship of the Assembly during the past year. I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate Secretary-General António Guterres on his appointment last year and to wish him a successful tenure.
Today, I am speaking of people, peace and the planet. Nothing is more important in this general debate than ensuring that all representatives here respect its theme, “Focusing on people: Striving for peace and a decent life for all on a sustainable planet”. First, the theme enjoins us to focus on people — people of all countries and in all circumstances. It is about the human condition of people in States that are large and small, rich and poor, strong and weak. It is about humankind’s condition everywhere on Earth.
The world is facing several serious humanitarian crises. In too many parts of the world, children still die from preventable diseases or go to bed hungry. In some places, women are denied equal opportunities for enjoying a good life. The gap between the world’s rich and poor remains unacceptably wide. Conflicts within States have spawned international refugee crises, resulting in the displacement of millions from their homelands.
The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) represent our collective desire and determination to eradicate hunger and poverty from our planet while promoting equal opportunities in education, employment and social justice for both men and women. The adoption of the SDGs has catalysed our aspirations for a better world into concrete and forward-looking actions and objectives. The Goals seek to promote respect for people’s inherent dignity and their rights as human beings. However, their advancement is being obstructed by human rights violations, by people’s involuntary migration from their homelands and by terrorism and warfare. The challenge for the United Nations is resolving to reinforce respect for the rights of citizens within the governance structures of our Member States.
Secondly, I am speaking of planet Earth. A sustainable planet is humankind’s ultimate patrimony. Nothing is more vital to people’s survival. We have been indifferent too long to the need to protect the planet, and now its sustainability is threatened on many fronts. Climate change is not a fiction or the invention of a few extremists. This year, the small island States of the Caribbean and parts of North America have felt the devastating fury of a series of hurricanes — Harvey, Irma, José, Katia, Lee and Maria, to whose frequency and ferocity humankind has contributed through the reckless exploitation of Earth’s resources.
Hurricane Irma was a deadly, destructive portent of the extreme vulnerability and fragility of the small island developing States and low-lying coastal States of the Caribbean, and Guyana is playing its part, within the limits of its resources, to provide relief to the affected populations of our sister Caribbean States. Guyana signed and celebrated the Paris Agreement on Climate Change last year in this very Hall. We renew our commitment to its goals this year in a demonstration of Guyana’s pioneering role in global environmental stewardship. It must be remembered that in 1989 — three years before the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development was held in Rio in 1992 — Guyana had the foresight to enter into an environmental covenant with the international community by dedicating 360,000 hectares of its rainforests,
“to develop, demonstrate and make available to Guyana and the international community systems, methods and techniques for the sustainable utilization of the multiple resources of the tropical forest and the conservation of biological diversity”.
Twenty years after that international initiative, Guyana entered into an agreement with the Kingdom of Norway,
“to work together to provide the world with a relevant, replicable model of how Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, known as the REDD-plus programme, plus conservation and sustainable forest management, can align the development objectives of the forest countries with the need to combat climate change”.
Guyana is part of the Guiana Shield, one of the world’s last remaining blocks of pristine rainforest. The Guiana Shield is the source of 15 per cent of the world’s freshwater reserves. Its biodiversity provides ecosystem services, such as food, fresh water and medicinal products. It provides environmental services, such as the regulation of the water cycle, water quality and pollination. The Shield’s forests capture and store carbon, mitigating the greenhouse effect. In other words, the Shield is essential to life on Earth. Guyana calls on the United Nations to help protect and preserve the Guiana Shield as a global resource for the survival and sustainability of our planet.
I will now speak of peace. Striving for peace has been the principal purpose and preoccupation of this Organization throughout its existence. A good life for the world’s peoples and sustainable use of the planet’s resources are predicated on peace with justice, including justice within and between States. The world is weary of war. Striving for peace must be humankind’s ceaseless quest. The United Nations is the paramount global instrument of peace. It has a vital role to play in ensuring respect for international law through the International Court of Justice and the Security Council. In striving for peace, we must aim to resolve long-standing inter-State conflicts. In that regard, Guyana supports the call for reform of the Security Council, in order to give an even greater voice to developing countries.
We reiterate our support for a two-State solution to the Palestine-Israeli conflict. We affirm the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland and a dignified existence. We demand the withdrawal of the injurious economic embargo on the Caribbean island of Cuba, which frustrates its right to development.
Striving for peace and the right to development have been Guyana’s most serious concerns since national independence in 1966. When I addressed the Assembly last September (see A/71/PV.8), I explained the danger that we have been facing on our borders as a consequence of the territorial claims of our neighbour to the West, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. I outlined to the world’s nations the peril that Guyana was enduring on its borders at the hands of Venezuela. Venezuela’s claim to Guyana’s territory, however, has not diminished or been diverted. Guyana remains imperilled. Disturbing developments in Venezuela have attracted the world’s attention and roused the concerns of many of us about the privations of its people.
The Caribbean people want the Caribbean to be a zone of peace. Venezuela’s claim on Guyana’s territorial integrity, however, would be a threat to that zone and that peace. Venezuela is more than four times the size of Guyana, and yet it claims two-thirds of Guyana’s territory, including its maritime space. We depend on our territorial and maritime resources for our country’s development and for propelling our people out of poverty. After 51 years of Guyana’s independence, the Venezuelan claim persists. An eminent international tribunal provided a full, perfect and final settlement of the issue 118 years ago, in 1899. Venezuela repudiated that arbitral award in 1962 in the Special Committee on Decolonization, as British Guiana — as we were then — strove to achieve its independence.
This is a warning to the world, through the Assembly, that peace will be jeopardized in our region if justice does not prevail, not only within Venezuela, but also with regard to its border controversy with Guyana. Four Secretaries-General have been seized of the Venezuelans’ claim. The choice has become one between a just and peaceful settlement in accordance with international law, and a Venezuelan posture of attrition that is increasingly blustering and militaristic. In this matter, protraction is the enemy of resolution and the ally of sustained conflict.
Fortunately, as they indicated publicly, former Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and current Secretary- General António Guterres have both decided that if, based on the 1966 Geneva Agreement, significant progress has not been made by the end of 2017 towards arriving at a full agreement on a settlement of the controversy, the International Court of Justice will be the next means of peaceful settlement, unless Guyana and Venezuela jointly request otherwise. Guyana has been working assiduously with the Secretary-General’s personal representative and looks to the international community to ensure that Venezuela is not allowed to thwart the process of judicial settlement, which is the clear and agreed path to peace and justice.
The people of the world yearn to fulfil their potential in dignity and equality and in a healthy environment — an attainable objective of the Sustainable Development Goals endorsed by the United Nations. Peace for the world’s peoples is the mandate of the United Nations. Peace can be achieved by addressing the world’s humanitarian crises, promoting justice within and between nations and resolving long- standing conflicts between States.
Planet Earth can provide a good life for all. The planet can be protected from the ravages of climate change and reckless damage to its ecology and biodiversity. United, the nations gathered in this Hall can fulfil the promise of the Charter of the United Nations and the theme of the General Assembly to focus on people, strive for peace and protect the planet.


I had intended to begin today by speaking of the sincerity with which Japan is implementing the Sustainable Development Goals, and I hoped to introduce the innovative ways by which we have been fostering public awareness of those Goals within Japan. I wanted to explain why the Women Entrepreneurs Finance Initiative is important to me personally and to the Government of Japan. I have been saying we will make universal health coverage part of the Japan brand, and in December we will hold a major conference in Tokyo with that theme.
The list of points I would have liked to raise here is long indeed — our contributions towards the rule of law, our determination to be steadfast in undertaking the Paris Agreement and our policy of addressing global infrastructure demand through quality investments. Moreover, what Japan wants to safeguard in every respect is the free, liberal, open international order and multilateral frameworks.
The world certainly holds high expectations towards the United Nations as the flag-bearer upholding those values. That is exactly why the Security Council should be reformed without delay, in response to the demands of the times. Japan will strive, together with its friends, to achieve such reforms. I had intended to state that Japan’s abiding determination is to play an active role for world peace as a permanent member of the Security Council. However, I have no choice but to focus my remarks on a single issue, that of North Korea.
North Korea conducted a nuclear test on 3 September. Whether or not it was a hydrogen bomb test, its scale far exceeded that of previous tests. Before and after that, on 29 August and again on 15 September — before the ink was even dry on Security Council resolution 2375 (2017), adopted to impose sanctions on North Korea — North Korea launched missiles. They were launched to fly over Japan and make a display of their cruising range. The gravity of that threat is unprecedented, and it is indisputably a matter of urgency. North Korea is attempting to dismiss with a smirk the efforts towards disarmament we have assiduously undertaken over the years. The non-proliferation regime is about to suffer a serious blow from its most confident disrupter ever.
Qualitatively, that recent crisis is of an altogether different dimension than those we have eluded every time that some dictator has attempted to acquire weapons of mass destruction. North Korea’s nuclear weapons either already are, or are on the verge of becoming, hydrogen bombs. Their means of delivery will sooner or later be intercontinental ballistic missile. Over more than 20 years since the end of the Cold War, where and when else, and to what dictators, have we allowed such self-indulgence? As it turns out, it is only towards North Korea that it has been allowed. That is the reality we find before us, and it was absolutely not a lack of dialogue that gave rise to the situation.
Dialogue dissuaded North Korea from pursuing its nuclear ambitions. Dialogue has afforded many of us the relief that the world had been saved from a crisis. Believing thus, many of us were relieved — not just once, but twice. The first time was in the early 1990s. At the time, the threat that North Korea imposed amounted to little more than openly displaying its withdrawal from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and other inspection regimes. However, tensions were felt by those of us that surmised the intent of that.
After many twists and turns, in October 1994 what is known as the Agreed Framework was realized between the United States and North Korea. Under that framework, North Korea would be made to abandon its nuclear plans. In exchange, we would provide incentives to North Korea. To that end, Japan, the United States, and the Republic of Korea formed the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO) in March the following year.
Taking KEDO as the implementing agent, we pledged to build and hand over two light-water reactors to North Korea and to provide 500,000 tons of heavy fuel oil annually as a stopgap measure for its energy demand. Those steps were all carried out accordingly. However, as time went by, it came to be known that North Korea had been continuing steadily with its uranium enrichment.
From the start, North Korea had never intended to abandon its nuclear ambitions. That had become readily apparent to all. After 2002, seven years after it was founded, KEDO suspended its operations. During that period, it can be said that North Korea defrauded the United States, the Republic of Korea and Japan with regard to assistance. Countries that recognized value in the KEDO framwork of providing incentives to change North Korea’s actions gradually came to join KEDO: the European Union, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, Indonesia, Chile, Argentina, Poland, the Czech Republic and Uzbekistan. North Korea betrayed the good faith of all those KEDO members. As one of the organization’s founding members, Japan had pledged to give a non-interest loan to KEDO and had fulfilled roughly 40 per cent of that pledge — that is, about $400 million of a $1 billion pledge.
The second crisis occurred in 2002, when KEDO suspended its operations and North Korea, saying it would end the freeze on its nuclear-related facilities, expelled IAEA inspectors. The concern was again that North Korea was continuing its uranium enrichment — and again we chose the path of defusing the situation through dialogue.
North Korea, China, and Russia joined the three founding members of KEDO — Japan, the United States and the Republic of Korea — to launch the Six-Party Talks in August 2003. Subsequently, after two years of twists and turns through the summer of 2005 into autumn, the six parties finally reached an agreement resulting in the release of a joint statement. North Korea committed to abandoning all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programmes and to returning to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to IAEA safeguards. Moreover, two years later, in February 2007, an agreement was concluded regarding what each of the six parties should do towards implementing the joint statement. A group of IAEA inspectors that had entered North Korea verified the shutdown of the nuclear-related facilities in Yongbyon, and in return North Korea received heavy fuel oil.
The series of events made people think that, this time, tenaciously continuing dialogue had finally caused North Korea to change its actions. But what actually happened? In February 2005, while the Six- Party Talks were under way, North Korea declared unilaterally that it was already in possession of nuclear weapons. Moreover, in October 2006, it openly carried out its first nuclear test. Its second nuclear test was in 2009. Finally, that same year, North Korea announced its withdrawal from the Six-Party Talks, stating it would never again take part in such talks. It was around that time that it was firing ballistic missiles on a repeated basis.
Over the course of more than a decade, beginning in 1994, the international community continued its efforts for dialogue with North Korea with great perseverance, first through the Agreed Framework and later through the Six-Party Talks. However, what we had to learn is that during the time that dialogue continued, North Korea had no intention whatsoever of abandoning its nuclear or missile development. For North Korea, dialogue was instead the best means of deceiving us and buying time. More than anything else, the following fact demonstrates that. In 1994, North Korea had no nuclear weapons, and even its ballistic missile technology was far from mature. Yet it is now working to attain hydrogen bombs and intercontinental ballistic missiles. Again and again, attempts to resolve issues through dialogue have all come to nought.
With what hope of success are we repeating the very same failure a third time? We must make North Korea abandon all nuclear and ballistic missile programmess in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner. What is needed to do that is not dialogue, but pressure.
On 15 November, 40 years will have passed since a 13 year old girl named Megumi Yokota was abducted by North Korea. Megumi and many other abducted Japanese remain in North Korea even to this day. I will continue all possible efforts so they can set foot on Japan’s soil as soon as possible. I will continue until the day when they will finally be in the arms of their parents and their family members. Japan will face up to North Korea’s nuclear and missile threat through the Japan-United States alliance and through Japan, the United States and the Republic of Korea acting in unity. We consistently support the stance of the United States that all options are on the table.
Also, I appreciate the Security Council’s unanimous adoption, on 11 September, of resolution 2375 (2017), which imposes strict sanctions against North Korea. That clarified our intention to further intensify pressure on North Korea in order to force it to undertake a fundamental change in its path forward. But I must make an appeal to the General Assembly. North Korea has already demonstrated its disregard of the resolution by launching yet another missile.
The resolution is nothing more than the beginning. We must prevent the goods, funds, people, and technology necessary for nuclear and missile development from heading to North Korea. We must make North Korea comply fully with the repeated resolutions. We must ensure the strict and full implementation of the series of Security Council resolutions by all United Nations States Members. What is necessary is action. Whether or not we can put an end to the provocations by North Korea is dependent upon the solidarity of the international community. There is not much time left.
North Korea is in a truly fortunate location, adjoining the growth region of Asia and the Pacific. It has an industrious labour force as well as underground resources. If it were to make use of those, there could be a path for North Korea to dramatically grow its economy and improve public welfare. That is where North Korea’s bright future lies. By failing to resolve the abduction, nuclear weapon and missile issues and by becoming a threat to all humankind, there is absolutely no future that North Korea can open up for itself. In order to change North Korea’s policies, we must strengthen our unity.


Every year, the United Nations channels billions of dollars in humanitarian assistance. It also sets the global agenda on key policy issues from development to women’s rights, while providing a platform for major international agreements. Those are signs of an Organization that is both relevant and, in many cases, effective. And yet there is a sense that the United Nations is not meeting our needs and expectations. In that context, I would like to commend the Secretary-General, and to congratulate the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Miroslav Lajčák, on the two important initiatives that the Secretary-General championed this week — his initiative on United Nations reform and his response to sexual exploitation and abuse.
Those steps go to the heart of the matter, which is the deficit of trust and accountability in the international system. To be truly effective in delivering a decent life for all, the United Nations must treat all the people it serves with impartiality and respect, and it must be a good steward of the funds entrusted to it. Abuse and waste are therefore not a mere public-relations problem but an existential challenge that must be tackled head- on.
The Secretary-General deserves our full support in his efforts to make the United Nations not only effective but transformational. We have the tools and the mandates to address the global challenges of our day, from climate change to peacebuilding to human equality and development. Where we fall short is in getting things done.
Institutional reform is not a one-off event like applying a fresh coat of paint. The essence of reform is a mindset of constantly striving to improve performance and delivery and holding ourselves responsible for shortcomings and results. In that sense, the reform spirit that has started to take root in both the United Nations and the African Union is encouraging, and Rwanda is happy to be associated with both. This positive momentum is also positioning the United Nations and the African Union to work more closely together.
Concrete steps can be taken on both sides to improve the quality of coordination and consultation. The African Union and the United Nations are already good partners in peacekeeping, and Rwanda is happy and proud to have forces serving under both flags. But we can do much more and do it better.
We also share the common objective of meeting the Sustainable Development Goals and Africa’s Agenda 2063 targets, and of continuing to enhance women’s empowerment. Closer collaboration will help us bridge the growing digital divide through universal broadband access, which can connect our people to networks of knowledge and prosperity.
Canada and Rwanda, together with other stakeholders, are working to raise awareness of the tremendous impact we can have right away by ratifying and implementing the Kigali Amendment to the Montreal Protocol. This is among the most important actions that a country can take in directly tackling climate change and reaffirming its commitment to the Paris Agreement. Fewer than 15 additional ratifications are needed in order for the Kigali Amendment to come into force in 2019.
Our world is facing difficult challenges, but no more than in the past. Working together in a constructive spirit, we can ensure for our children the future they deserve.


It has been 60 years since my country, Ghana, became a Member of the Organization. We joined when we became independent, some 12 years after the first meeting of the Organization in San Francisco, and Ghana has been an active participant in the United Nations ever since.
I want to thank the United Nations for the honour done Ghana by my appointment by the Secretary- General as co-Chair of the advocacy group of eminent persons for the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), to continue in the position that was held by my predecessor as President, His Excellency Mr. John Dramani Mahama. That mark of trust in Ghana’s leaders is a matter of justifiable pride for the Ghanian people, a trust I pledge to uphold.
On 25 September 2015, when the SDGs were adopted, there were sceptics who feared that the Goals were too many and too complex to be successfully tackled, even with concerted effort. The lesson that we have learned from the experience of the Organization, however, is that once the world puts its collective mind to something, the chances are that we will get it right. Every day, something happens to bring home to us, the inhabitants of the planet, that we are in it together.
There is no better or more dramatic indication of that truth than the images that have recently dominated our television screens of devastation caused by floods in Houston, Texas; Dhaka, Bangladesh; Mumbai, India; Palpa, Nepal; Dominica, Puerto Rico, Antigua and Barbuda and Saint Martin, all in the Caribbean, and Niamey, in the Niger. One of the most modern cities in the richest, most powerful nation on our Earth suffered the same fate as did Niamey in the Sahel region of Africa, one of the poorest parts of the world. At the height of the raging storms, one thing became clear. It did not matter if you were in the richest or poorest part of the world, the awesome power of nature was on display and we humans came across as the same sad creatures at the mercy of nature.
As I watched and listened along with the rest of the world, it occurred to me that taken altogether, the SDGs are indeed a worthy set of Goals for the world. They bear repeating — no poverty, zero hunger, good health and well-being, quality education, clean water and sanitation, decent work and economic growth, industry, innovation and infrastructure, reduced inequality, sustainable cities and communities, responsible consumption and production, life below water, life on land, peace, justice and strong institutions, to be achieved through partnerships for the Goals. We should work hard to achieve the Goals; the world will be a much better place.
Ghana was the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to gain its freedom from colonial rule. This year marks the sixtieth anniversary of its independence, and it is auspicious that I am addressing the Assembly for the first time on the birthday of our historic first President Kwame Nkrumah — the day we have set aside to commemorate him.
We believe that it is time Africa came of age and held its rightful place on the world stage. Africa will be neither a pawn nor a victim. This Africa will be honest with itself and with the world. It will shed its cloak of poverty and become prosperous. We are under no illusions about the hard work it will take to achieve our stated goals, but we are not afraid of hard work. We know that the critical ingredient in making sustainable economic progress is to ensure a stable, democratic system of Government.
I believe that we are making that progress in Ghana. After years of political turmoil and accompanying economic chaos, a consensus has emerged in our Fourth Republic. We have had political stability for the past 25 years and a multiparty democracy in which regular elections are now an accepted feature of our governance. I am here today because of elections last December, in which the people of Ghana voted out an incumbent Government and gave me and my party the mandate and honour to govern our nation for the next four years. We continue to be a beacon of democracy and stability on the continent. Our institutions of State are growing stronger and we have made more progress with our economy than at any time since independence.
We are nowhere near where we want to be, but we are determined to realize our potential and make Ghana a prosperous nation. There will always be the adventurous among us Ghanaians who would want to seek challenges in different parts of the world. We wish them well, and expect that wherever they go they will be welcomed and treated with dignity. But we are working to grow our economy and open up opportunities for all our citizens. No longer should Ghanaians feel that they have to subject themselves to the intolerable and inhumane conditions of crossing the Sahara and drowning in the Mediterranean in hopes of making a living in Europe.
We have just started the free senior high school programme that aims to guarantee secondary education for all of Ghana’s children. It will ensure that all our children will be educated at least to the secondary level, and that money, or the lack of it, will no longer mean being denied an education. That has already led to an increase of more than 90,000 children entering secondary school in the current academic year who would otherwise have dropped out at by now. Sustainable Development Goal 4, which aims to ensure inclusive, equitable, quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all, will be within our reach by the target date. We do not want to be a scar on anybody’s conscience. We want to build an economy that is not dependent on charity and handouts. Long and bitter experience has taught us that no matter how generous the charity, we would remain poor.
We want to build a Ghana that looks to the use of its own resources and their proper management as the way to engineer social and economic growth in the country. We want to build an economy that looks past commodities in order to position our country in the global marketplace. We are not rejecting aid, but we do want to discard a mindset of dependency and living on handouts. We want to build a Ghana beyond aid. It is an easier platform on which to build sustainable relationships.
In talking about sustainable relations, Africa and, indeed, Ghana are committed to ensuring that we remain a continent free of nuclear weapons. Three weeks ago, highly enriched uranium was flown out of Ghana back to China, signalling the end of the removal of all such material from the country. Our nuclear reactor has since been converted to using low-enriched fuel for power generation. A world free of nuclear weapons is in our collective interest.
I wish to reaffirm my country’s commitment to maintaining friendly and cordial relations with all the countries and peoples of the world. Ghana’s full engagement, through the Economic Community of West African States, in the process of West African integration, and through the African Union, in the process of African integration, remains a goal of my Government. Regional and continental integration are in Ghana’s interest, as they represent one of the surest ways of establishing the conditions for prosperity on the continent in the decades ahead. They will also help to ensure security and combat the scourges of terrorism, extremism and intolerance.
The conflicts that continue to plague our continent in Libya, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mali would be more effectively resolved if the international community were to support and not undermine the efforts of our regional and continental organizations to deal with them. Ghana will also continue to be active in the multilateral organizations to which we belong, such as La Francophonie, the Commonwealth of Nations and the United Nations, because we believe multilateral action and international cooperation are in our common interest.
We want to build a Ghana that will enable our people to deal with the rest of the world on an equal playing field. I am saying nothing new when I draw attention to the urgent need to reform the Organization. While it has been talked about and scheduled for a long time, we have somehow never found the courage or the will to reform the United Nations. Ghana supports the process of United Nations reform, especially of the Security Council, as set out in the African Common Position on United Nations reform, based on the Ezulwini Consensus. The time is long overdue to correct the long-standing injustice that the current structure and composition of the Security Council represents for the nations of Africa.
We cannot continue to preach democracy and fairness and insist on peace and justice around the world when our global Organization is not seen by the majority of its Member States as having a structure that is just and fair. Indeed, many see it as helping to perpetuate an unfair world order. The Organization provides the best vehicle for the world to manage its many and varied problems, and we would undermine its credibility and fail in our duty if we did not reform the United Nations. Let us not dare to let ourselves and future generations down. The time for reform has come.


Samoa warmly welcomes the assumption of Mr. Miroslav Lajčák to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session, at a time when our Organization is going through unprecedentedly volatile and difficult times. We look forward to his leadership so that together we can chart a safer, more predictable and more humane pathway in our journey through life’s uncharted waters. He can count on Samoa’s support as we work in partnership to translate into tangible and measurable achievements the overarching theme of his tenure, “Focusing on people: Striving for peace and a decent life for all on a sustainable planet”.
The President’s predecessor, Ambassador Peter Thomson of Fiji, demonstrated strong leadership during his successful presidency. We wish him well in his new calling.
Secretary-General Guterres is passionate about, and committed to, turning the United Nations into an efficient and effective Organization that is fit for purpose and readily responsive to the needs of the very peoples it was established to serve in the first place. In working to make the focus of the United Nations more people-centred than process-centred, Samoa assures the Secretary-General of its full support.
This week’s annual general debate is the twentieth successive general debate of the General Assembly that I have attended and addressed. My continuous participation is a measure of my conviction and my Government’s unqualified faith in the value of the United Nations and the endless potential that it holds to deal successfully with any issue of diversity and gravity that it confronts. The United Nations remains our choice of last resort and hope to provide the political will and the necessary commitment to address our challenges. That is why we want it to remain relevant and adaptable to changing circumstances. It must be able to respond effectively to the current and emerging challenges that our world faces.
We meet against the backdrop of a world plagued by uncertainty and a sense of ebbing hope. We are losing the fight to free our world from poverty and instability. Conflicts abound, and we are no longer distanced or disconnected from deadly acts of terrorism and the devastation of natural and human-induced disasters. We are living in an environment of risk. Climate change is an existential threat. Allow me to pause and offer our sincere condolences to the Governments and the peoples of all the countries that have suffered from the recent devastation of hurricanes and earthquakes.
We cannot help but watch with trepidation and uneasiness the global dynamics that are nudging our world perilously close to a potential catastrophe of unimaginable proportions. As small island Pacific countries, we are no longer protected by our isolation. We are bystanders, but we have the most to lose in the unfolding power drama being played out on the Korean peninsula. We pray for visionary leadership with sound moral judgment on both sides in order to ensure that we give peace a chance.
That explains why I signed the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons yesterday on Samoa’s behalf. As a signatory to that historic Treaty, we wanted to demonstrate unequivocally our aspiration for a world without nuclear weapons. The conventional narrative that the possession of nuclear weapons will act as deterrent to make the world a safer place to live has not been borne out by the current realities. Otherwise, the developments on the Korean peninsula would not have happened at all. We firmly believe that possessing nuclear weapons and adding new nuclear Powers only make our world less safe, less secure and less peaceful, hence the need to rid our world completely of all nuclear weapons.
No matter how noble a goal lies behind having such arsenals, allowing them to fall into the wrong and unprincipled hands is a recipe for doom and mayhem, because people, after all, are human and mere mortals. But all is not yet lost. The adoption of the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants, which offers a united approach to addressing the plight of the world’s displaced peoples, the creation of the United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism, which is aimed at enhancing the Organization’s capability to assist Member States in implementing the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, and the historic, first-ever Treaty banning nuclear weapons are all positive developments moving forward.
Like other global challenges, climate change transcends borders without leaving a trace. It has no respect for sovereignty and does not discriminate between rich and poor countries. Its dire consequences are real, including for those who remain in denial. Climate change is a perpetual priority issue for my country and our Pacific region. In our small islands, as we witnessed recently, natural catastrophes can decimate an entire country, bringing with them great pain and upheaval to peoples’ lives, as well as set back the national economy for years. We know that from repeated past experience. Our islands’ limited resources and lack of adaptive capacity make the burden of rehabilitation a mammoth undertaking. While we applaud the resilience of our people to bounce back from major natural disasters, the scars of those natural phenomena take years to heal and recover from. If it is any consolation to our island States, even some of the well-resourced developed countries continue to try to recover from and overcome the impact of catastrophes that devastated their economies.
Samoa remains committed to ongoing efforts to pursue respect for human rights and the rule of law, and does its part to contribute to that global effort. For the first time ever, at Samoa’s invitation, a United Nations human rights expert group visited last month to carry out a fact-finding mission to assess the progress made towards eliminating discrimination against women and towards protecting and promoting women’s rights in the country. Samoa is the first Pacific country to open its doors to that independent mechanism.
We continue to place great faith in the rule of law and the vital protection it offers to all States, especially to weak and small countries like mine without any armed forces or affiliation to any military grouping. The International Criminal Court (ICC) is an important part of the architecture of world peace based on the rule of law. We call for the early activation of the Kampala Amendments. The ICC was represented at the Pacific Islands Forum Special Leaders’ Retreat held earlier this month in Samoa.
Terrorism is an offence to humankind and runs contrary to the core values of the United Nations. For Samoa, I reaffirm our strong support for the relevant Security Council resolutions against terrorism, which send a clear signal of our determination to suppress terrorist activities, including training, international recruiting and financing. Samoa continues to align its domestic policies and legislation to meeting its international obligations to help combat terrorism, as well as to participate actively in Pacific regional security initiatives.
In the context of peacekeeping, Samoa’s unwavering support for United Nations peacekeeping work is underscored by 17 years of uninterrupted police deployment serving in missions in Liberia, the Sudan, Timor-Leste and South Sudan. Although we are a small country, Samoan police officers continue to serve side by side with officers from other countries in places that require the intervention of the United Nations. Our commitment is rooted in our firm belief in the role that United Nations peacekeeping plays in helping eliminate the causes of conflict and in bringing about peace and stability. We fully endorse the condemnation of sexual exploitation and abuse in peacekeeping, which is why we signed the international compact initiative of the Secretary-General to committing countries to eliminating those heinous acts in peacekeeping.
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development provides our framework to put the world on a path towards a sustainable and resilient future for the people, the planet and prosperity. Although the 2030 Agenda remains a high priority on the global agenda and we see signs of momentum in terms of its implementation, much work remains to be done. The need to accelerate global action on, and awareness of, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) remains. The adoption of the Pacific regional road map for implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in Asia and the Pacific complements Samoa’s road map based on an integrated approach involving the implementation of the 2030 Agenda, the Small Island Developing States (SIDS) Accelerated Modalities of Action, known as the Samoa Pathway, the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Framework for Pacific Regionalism, which are aligned with our national development strategy.
For small island developing States, the Samoa Pathway is their sustainable development road map, which highlights their key tasks and priorities, and is closely linked to the 2030 Agenda. As we approach the five-year review of the Samoa Pathway in 2019, it is important to ensure that the comprehensive review of United Nations support for SIDS is properly addressed and implemented. We need to study closely lessons learned from the partnerships registered for SIDS and encourage proactive follow-up, as well as pursue new partnerships for the group’s sustainable development.
Since the last annual global multi-stakeholder small island developing States partnership dialogue, several partnerships and voluntary commitments specific to small island developing States were launched during the Ocean Conference. Prior to the mid-term review of the SIDS outcome document, it is important that we look at ways of improving implementation and addressing gaps and emerging issues. The success of the Ocean Conference was crucial to building momentum in the implementation of the SDGs, given that the ocean is the lifeblood of the planet. Addressing the targets of SDG 14 for SIDS is catalytic to implementing several, if not all, of the 17 Goals.
With the new Blue Pacific concept for the Pacific region, and the concrete outcomes from the Conference, emphasis will be placed on implementation. At the Ocean Conference, Samoa pledged 13 voluntary commitments that showcased national efforts aimed at the conservation, management and sustainable use of the ocean and its resources and the engagement of communities.
During the Ocean Conference in June, I was appointed the Special Ambassador of the International Year of Sustainable Tourism for Development by the United Nations World Tourism Organization. The year 2017 is a crucial one for sustainable tourism. Given the reliance of many of our small economies on tourism and the role it can play in SDG implementation, we will continue to promote the role of tourism in support of peaceful societies and sustainable development.
Let me now turn to the regional context and share with the Assembly some of the decisions taken by the leaders of our Pacific Islands Forum at their forty- eighth Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting, which my country was privileged to host at the beginning of the month. For our year-long chairmanship we chose the theme “The Blue Pacific: Our sea of islands — Our security through sustainable development, management and conservation”.
We in Samoa reaffirmed the Framework for Pacific Regionalism to drive our region’s policy agenda towards the realization of our vision, that of a region of peace, harmony, security, social inclusion and prosperity, so as to enable all Pacific people to lead free, healthy and productive lives.
We also endorsed the Blue Pacific identity as the core driver of collective action for advancing the leaders’ vision under the Framework for Pacific Regionalism. This new narrative calls for inspired leadership and a long-term Pacific Islands Forum foreign policy commitment to act as one for the good of all rather than a few. The Blue Pacific identity reinforces the potential of our shared stewardship of the Pacific Ocean, based on the explicit recognition of our shared ocean identity, ocean geography and ocean resources. It aims to strengthen collective action by putting the Blue Pacific at the centre of regional policymaking and united action for advancing the Pacific Islands Forum Leaders’ vision for the region.
We discussed the key priorities for our region with other Pacific leaders, a few of which I will highlight, as their implementation requires collective and urgent action from this gathering of the United Nations.
First, climate change remains a priority challenge for the Pacific region because of its existential nature and its security implications. Climate change is already happening; it cannot be washed away by the rising tides. It has significant security implications. Its impact threatens the continued existence and viability as sovereign States of some of our low-lying atolls. Even countries that have been in self-denial with regard to the phenomenon of climate change, must surely now accept the weight of scientific evidence.
The implementation of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change is of high priority and requires collective action to address this existential threat. We are confident that Fiji’s presidency of the twenty- third Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change will focus the spotlight on challenges and the need for genuine partnerships to help us deliver on our nationally determined contributions as part of the implementation of the Paris Agreement. The Pacific has also endorsed its Framework for Resilience Development in the Pacific: An Integrated Approach to Address Climate Change and Disaster Risk Management and its institutional arrangements to support the elaboration and implementation of the Paris Agreement.
Secondly, the ocean and its resources continue to be critical to the livelihoods of our people and the region. The impacts of climate change, illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing and overfishing are threatening the sustainability of this crucial resource of our region. The Pacific Forum members will continue to be actively engaged on all ocean-related issues at the General Assembly at its seventy-second session, including the biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction process.
Thirdly, we adopted the Pacific Road Map for Sustainable Development and its implementation strategy. That reflects the seriousness our region places on implementing the 17 SDGs and the importance of a regional approach to meeting those international commitments. We continue to count on the important role of the United Nations and our partners to support regional and national efforts for SDG implementation, particularly the building of our capabilities. We look forward to the Secretary-General’s reform and how the Forum can engage to ensure its priorities in terms of its SDG road map and the implementation of the Samoa Pathway, the Paris Agreement and other regional needs are considered in the reform.
Finally, in the context of security, the Pacific Islands Forum remains committed to collective arrangements and mechanisms to assist regional Governments recover from national conflicts and crises. The success of thse arrangements, together with the support of the United Nations, is already evident in the positive results of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI). I am honoured to acknowledge the successful conclusion of the Mission, which brought together peacekeepers from all member countries of the Pacific Islands Forum.
Leaders acknowledged the successful conclusion of RAMSI and recognized it as a success story of regionalism and a workable example of regional cooperation and diplomacy, embodying more than a decade of partnership and cooperation among the Forum member countries. They agreed to build on the Biketawa Declaration and other Forum security-related declarations to expand the concept of security, including human security, humanitarian assistance, prioritizing environmental security and regional cooperation in building resilience to disasters and climate change.
Over the years, the Pacific has continued to call for advancing the cause of nuclear non-proliferation. Issues such as radioactive contaminants in the Republic of the Marshall Islands are of great concern to both that country and the region. We count on the promised support of the relevant United Nations entities to respond accordingly to requests for assistance, including working closely with the regional technical agencies. The United States of America is also encouraged to take urgent action to address the issue.


I congratulate Mr. Miroslav Lajcák on his election and wish him success in his duties as the President of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session. I also take this opportunity once again to congratulate Mr. António Guterres upon his appointment as Secretary-General. We wish him success in carrying out his important duties. Armenia supports the priorities that Secretary- General Guterres has declared.
In 2017, we mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of Armenia’s accession to the United Nations. On 2 March 1992, the Armenian tricolour started flying at United Nations Headquarters, the logical and desired outcome of the Armenian people’s quest to exercise their fundamental right to self-determination. Over the years, Armenia became a full-fledged, responsible member of the international community. We faced numerous challenges, but we withstood them with dignity. The Nagorno Karabakh conflict was the most important and daunting one. This is the fifth time that I speak from this rostrum, and again I need to address the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. I would have preferred to talk of peace, progress and cooperation but, unfortunately, we are still far from that stage. Hence, it is my duty to explain why we are so far from that desirable point.
The new phase of the Artsakh people’s struggle for self-determination began almost 30 years ago. The Armenians of Artsakh used peaceful calls to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. Azerbaijan has always responded to such calls with the use of force. The policy of the Baku Government culminated in the massacre, ethnic cleansing and mass deportation of the Armenian population of Azerbaijan. Districts with
17-29275 17/27 once-flourishing Armenian populations are now devoid of Armenians, and the Government of Azerbaijan continues with its policy of systematically destroying the vast Armenian cultural and spiritual heritage on the territories under its control. It is obvious that in those circumstances the people of Artsakh have had no other choice than to resort to self-defence. Azerbaijan did not learn any lessons from the perilous war of 1992- 1994, its aftermath and negotiations. Last year in April, Azerbaijan unleashed a four-day war, which proved that Azerbaijan’s objective is to exterminate the people of Artsakh.
In the course of the military hostilities, the Azerbaijan armed forces committed a number of war crimes against the civilian population and prisoners of war. I find it worth mentioning that one serviceman who committed such atrocities received a high State award, and the President of Azerbaijan personally decorated him in front of the cameras.
For years hate speech against Armenians was made part and parcel of the Azerbaijan State policy. It is firmly part of its school curriculums and poisons the upbringing and thinking of its younger generation. For years a number of intergovernmental and other specialized organizations dealing with racism and xenophobia have raised the alarm.
All of this leads us to the conclusion that the Artsakh people’s exercise of the right to self-determination is of vital importance. In that regard, I express the views of Armenia, the Artsakh and of all Armenians all over the globe. I bring this message from Yerevan, where the sixth Armenia diaspora conference is currently taking place.
Everyone should be aware that for the Artsakh people, who are building democracy, Azerbaijan simply symbolizes medieval backwardness. Azerbaijan has no legal or moral grounds whatsoever to present any claims on Artsakh. Artsakh has never been part of independent Azerbaijan, and it is not fair to attempt to annex Artsakh to that State order. Today free Artsakh is an established democratic society. Our shared motto and commitment of leaving no one behind should be the hallmark guiding the work of the United Nations family. For that very reason, I believe that the people of Artsakh should never be excluded from the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.
I strongly believe that the unresolved status of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict should have no impact on the people of Artsakh as they exercise their rights. It is, first and foremost, about the inalienable rights of any human being, the right to life, to organize public life, to freely form one’s own Government, to communicate unimpededly with the outer world, and about many other rights. Armenia consistently contributes and will contribute to the improvement of the living conditions of the Artsakh people and to its sustainable and democratic development. No one has a right to create hindrances to the implementation of initiatives and projects to that effect. The legal status of Artsakh, or, to be more precise, the lack of international legal recognition, is not an impediment to the exercise of the rights of the men and women living there.
We strongly believe that there is no alternative to a peaceful resolution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. Right now, from this rostrum, I reiterate our commitment to that effect. Meanwhile, everyone should be aware that the Nagorno Karabakh issue is a human rights issue, one that can be resolved exclusively through one of the fundamental and inalienable human rights — the people’s right to self-determination. At the end of the day, whatever option for resolving the conflict we arrive at, the Republic of Artsakh should not enjoy a status and liberty inferior to the one it enjoys today. Azerbaijan will recognize and respect the right of the people of Artsakh to decide their own future through the free expression of their will. All available international and domestic mechanisms should guarantee the security of the Armenian population of Artsakh. All remaining issues are collateral in nature and will be resolved in a logical and fair manner in conjunction with the general resolution process.
When I last spoke from this rostrum and addressed the process of international recognition of the Armenian genocide (see A/71/PV.17), I considered it my duty to express our gratitude to all those nations, one by one, that had recognized the horrendous crime that was committed against my people by the Ottoman Empire. It is my duty to express gratitude here to all those countries that displayed honour and responsibility by recognizing, or reiterating their position on, the Armenian genocide. I thank them for that initiative, regardless of the format and language adopted. I thank the numerous countries and individuals, State bodies, regional entities and organizations that called things by their proper names. That is indeed important, since denial paves the way for new crimes of genocide. In that context, we recall that next year the United Nations
18/27 17-29275 family will mark the seventieth anniversary of the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Armenia will propose a new initiative on that occasion, and we invite everyone to join us and support it.
Nevertheless, we have never made recognition of the Armenian genocide a precondition for the normalization of bilateral relations between Armenia and Turkey. Moreover, it was at the initiative of Armenia that a normalization process was launched, resulting in the conclusion of the Zurich protocols in October 2009. Those documents have not been ratified thus far; instead they have been left in some dark drawer in Ankara. The Government of Turkey came up with preposterous preconditions for their ratification that run counter to the letter and spirit of the protocols. I expressed the clear-cut views of the Armenian people on that issue three years ago (see A/69/PV.6), when I spoke from this rostrum. Now the time is ripe for additional explanations.
The leadership of Turkey is mistaken if it thinks that it can keep those documents hostage forever and ratify them only at the most opportune occasion from its point of view. The protocols were negotiated in the existing circumstances at the time in order to find solutions to the then existing issues. Armenia will declare those two protocols null and void, since there has been no progress towards their implementation. We will enter the spring of 2018 without those, as our experience has demonstrated, futile Protocols.
Armenia nevertheless continues to believe that any two neighbouring States need to establish and enjoy normal relations in order to address any possible disagreement between them and find solutions. That is the credo we are guided by in our engagement with various integration processes. Armenia today is an active member of the Eurasian Economic Union and spares no effort in contributing to the unimpeded movement of goods and services in that large economic area. In that way, we promote welfare for all. We have already registered certain achievements in that regard, and that makes us feel hopeful for the future. We also plan to conclude an Armenia-European Union comprehensive and enhanced partnership agreement in November, which, in our view, will help give new impetus to the institutional reforms being implemented in Armenia.
The current instability in the Middle East regretfully remains as a serious challenge. It is with great pain that we have been following the crisis in Syria and the humanitarian situation there, which has brought about the suffering of the civilian population, including the country’s Armenian community. Armenia is doing what it can to mitigate the suffering of the Syrian people by providing humanitarian assistance. We also express our willingness to engage in possible discussions on the peacemaking efforts in Syria under the United Nations auspices and with an appropriate mandate.
I have no doubt that the United Nations family can ensure the needed cooperation to address modern global and regional challenges. It is with that objective in mind that Armenia participates in a number of the United Nations peacekeeping operations. Moreover, we stand ready to increase our contribution in Lebanon and Mali — respectively, to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon and the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali.
As a landlocked country with scarce natural resources located in a complex region, Armenia has continuously emphasized that it considers human beings to be its most valuable resource. That is indeed the case both for Armenia and for the whole United Nations family — we should focus on people and we should strive for peace and a decent life for all on a sustainable planet.


The past few decades have been marked by two contradictory trends — increasing political fragmentation and increasing economic globalization. The first of those is associated with the global political instability that has resulted from wars, conflicts, terrorism, xenophobia and other factors and that is giving rise to a feeling of mounting chaos and despair. Why are we in this predicament? Because we did not truly put an end to our last momentous conflict, the Cold War. It did not end with a peace treaty, as had always been the case with previous major wars. As a result, we were left without the generally accepted frameworks that could have guided our subsequent behaviour. The various Powers formed differing interpretations of this state of geopolitical uncertainty and acted accordingly. What seemed obvious and legitimate to some was incomprehensible and illegitimate for others. Basically, all the problems that have accumulated since the early 1990s are the legacy of our inability to bring an end the Cold War once and for all. But it is never too late to do the right thing.
Last year, the President of Belarus came up with the idea of launching a new negotiating process similar to the Helsinki process of the 1970s, while, needless to say, keeping in mind the problems and threats that are relevant to us today. We believe that the possibility of expanding and reconsidering that format is worth discussing. We propose that the key global players, particularly China, Russia, the United States of America and the States of the European Union, engage in a dialogue on a strategic vision for new and constructive relations. For its part, the Republic of Belarus is ready to provide the forum for such a dialogue. We are willing to carry out that task with the same responsibility that we have shown over the past few years in the efforts to settle the crisis in Ukraine. Minsk is prepared to be the bridge that can connect the issues of the past with those yet to come. We believe that the agreements that could result from such a dialogue would, in essence, put an end to that last major war. They could subsequently be implemented through the active engagement of the United Nations, and with that, stop the growing political fragmentation in the world in its tracks. Some may consider this unrealistic in today’s world, but three years ago the President of the Republic of Belarus’s proposal to send peacekeepers to Ukraine was greeted in exactly the same way, and yet now that idea has been revived and is being actively discussed in the United Nations.
Growing globalization, the second of the two trends under discussion, has undoubtedly contributed to progress and economic development worldwide, but it too has its downside. The fact is that the majority of the world’s population has not been able to enjoy its benefits, especially in the past few decades, and as a consequence, we have been unable to eliminate poverty and inequality has steadily risen. Much has been said in recent years, including from this rostrum, about the economic reasons for this situation, but to put it bluntly, the global economy has not been run according to a win-win formula. It is designed to suit the interests not of ordinary people but of corporate capital. As a result, economic globalization has not been that rising tide that lifts all boats.
Nevertheless, there are are some grounds for optimism. We base that on two factors — regional integration and new creative ideas in the global economy. Regional integration is a key feature of today’s world. Where it is successful, it leaves less room for political fragmentation. Belarus has been actively involved in a number of integration processes in its region. This year, for example, we hold the chairmanship of the Central European Initiative. In the past few years, Belarus has been vigorously advocating for cooperation and interconnectivity among regional processes, an approach we call “integrating integrations”. It is based on the assumption that, in terms of structural functionality, today’s world is made up of regions as well as countries. We firmly believe that cooperation among regional integration processes is as essential to their functioning as it is to that of States. And where creative new ideas are concerned, we would like to single out the One Belt, One Road initiative promoted by the People’s Republic of China, which represents a new type of economic multilateralism, one that seeks to bring benefits not only to its individual participants but to the global economy as a whole and is a true win-win approach. The Republic of Belarus both participates in and supports that initiative. In our view, “integrating integrations” and One Belt, One Road can help us shift the global economy from a path of divergence to one of convergence. Globalization must become more fair.
How can the United Nations help to address the challenges posed by political fragmentation and uneven economic globalization? One of its primary tasks in the previous century was to prevent the great Powers from waging wars among themselves. It succeeded in that task, providing a forum where opposing parties could work towards a positive end. The result was that a third World War did not happen.
Today the realities are different, and they require us to reconsider the Organization’s role and place in our world. In particular, the question is about how the United Nations fits into a world that is increasingly dominated by various closed clubs and informal entities. We believe that, as it has always done, the United Nations must work to strengthen the system of inter-State relations. It is at the United Nations that its Members can successfully resolve their differences, forge mutually acceptable solutions and tackle transboundary threats. For its part, the United Nations should serve as a unifying force for the international relations system as a whole. In other words, the entire complex network of new dimensions in those relations — closed clubs, informal entities, alliances and others — should be anchored in the United Nations. If that is done, the system we have can function in a coherent, concerted and effective manner.
The new Secretary-General has launched a comprehensive process for reform of the United Nations, and we welcome this undertaking on the whole. We would particularly like to highlight the relevance and importance of his initiatives where the maintenance of international peace and security and the fight against terrorism are concerned. We realize that the degree of success of this transformation will to a large extent determine the role and place of the Organization in the world for many years to come, and we believe that success will come if we all uphold three major principles.
First, reform must be transparent, logical and result-oriented.
Secondly, it should not lead to more red tape or a greater burden on Member States.
Thirdly, reform should be inclusive. Every Member State’s voice must be heard. However, the most important part of reform of the United Nations system is not about reviewing the interactions and alignment of its individual bodies or optimizing its personnel and funding. Its most serious, meaningful and far- reaching reform can and must occur in our relationship to the Organization.
Today the General Assembly constitutes a unique deliberative forum that is essential to our recognition of both the fragility and the diversity of our world. We, the Member States, need to regain our sense of ownership of our Organization, which has been somewhat lost. The United Nations is not made up just of its Secretariat and its field missions, programmes and funds. First and foremost, it is about its Member States and their will or lack of it, about dialogue and cooperation or alienation. No ideal composition of the Security Council or perfectly optimized General Assembly agenda will mean anything to the world beyond the East River unless Member States demonstrate a willingness to look for ways to better understand one another and agree more often.
Only in the most minimal way does our routine work in the General Assembly, agreeing on the texts of multiple lengthy resolutions, represent dialogue and an effort to understand our opponents. Our various thematic side events provide a platform for dozens of speakers to present their views, and yet they very rarely try to find an answer to the question of what we must do to better understand one another. How often, during our official meetings and informal consultations, do inconsistent arguments and unanswered questions hang in the air without a response, or simply without being heard? That is why we are absolutely certain that real reform of the United Nations will come only when together we decide to create the necessary conditions — both in terms of organization and setting goals — to use the United Nations as a practical tool for finding ways to resolve contradictions and disputes among Member States without violence or war.
We want both the Secretary-General and Member States to attend to this message. History has shown that every world order or system of international relations is always born out of the intolerable agony brought on by a major war or watershed event. Do we really need another major war or global calamity for our currently rudderless world to achieve some order? I am sure that none of us wants any such scenario.
Belarus has proposed ways to address our fundamental global problems. We fully realize how audacious and unrealistic the idea of forging a renewed architecture for Eurasian-Atlantic cooperation and security may appear to many at this stage. We are willing to admit that our initial ideas about the outlines and, perhaps, the content of this process may be far from perfect. And it is possible that not everyone is ready to embrace Belarus’s notion of the importance of closer cooperation among regional integration processes. However, what we do firmly believe is that it is high time that we all came together to act urgently for the sake of peace and prosperity.
I would like to conclude with a fitting quotation from Martin Luther King, Jr., who once said, “Over the bleached bones and jumbled residue of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words: ‘Too late’.” We can still act to make sure that it will not be too late.


At the outset, I would like to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Lajčák and his friendly country, the Slovak Republic, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session. We are confident that his vast experience and competence in the political realm will enable him to steer the work of this session to a successful conclusion. We are also pleased to express our appreciation for his predecessor, Mr. Peter Thomson of the Republic of Fiji, whose efforts during his presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session were commendable.
It is an equal pleasure to congratulate Mr. António Guterres on his appointment as Secretary-General, and we wish him every success in his noble tasks. We assure him of the Sultanate of Oman’s readiness to cooperate with him and all the States Members of the United Nations to achieve the Organization’s lofty goals and objectives, above all the maintenance of international peace and security.
Earlier civilizations flourished in parallel with humankind’s belief in divine books, which created a set of values and principles for cooperation, coexistence, knowledge and scientific exchange, inter alia. We believe that religious and cultural heritage, along with the values of civilizations, enrich and enhance our understanding of peace. We should therefore not overlook such a heritage since it is an important means for disseminating the culture of peace and coexistence throughout the world.
In our foreign policy and international relations, we have adopted an approach that supports peace, coexistence, tolerance, dialogue and close cooperation among all nations and peoples. The Sultanate of Oman is also committed to the principles of righteousness, justice, equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, and the peaceful settlement of disputes, based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the rules of international law. This perspective boosts confidence, enhances mutual respect for the sovereignty of States and promotes good- neighbourliness in a way that enables States to maintain security, stability and prosperity. Accordingly, we call upon all States to support peace efforts and to join hands to spread peace as a global culture at all levels.
Peace and dialogue are of vital importance for humankind. They are a collective responsibility. The United Nations is vested with the responsibility to lead the effort to foster them. However, the support of the international community is also needed to pursue national and international interests, but this cannot be achieved without giving the United Nations a strong role in protecting the world from conflicts and war.
Political and economic conflicts represent a failure of the international community to lend support for the least developed countries, leading to many conflicts and problems, including transcontinental global migration, the spread of chaos, upheavals, troubles and instability in many parts of the world. The economic slowdown and the decrease in global trade have exacerbated these problems, especially in the developing countries, which have been negatively affected by World Trade Organization (WTO) agreements. The WTO has had limited ability in achieving its primary goal of building developing States’ international trade capacities. We believe that the drive of some parties to gain a larger share of global markets or to implement isolationist and protectionist policies aggravates problems and increase tensions throughout the world.
Accordingly, we deem it highly important that the international community adopt a new vision that would lead to greater justice and expand common interests, while helping developing nations attain higher levels of sustainable development. This could be achieved if Member States adhered to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and avoided unilateral decisions or policies. The United Nations must once again take the lead in the path towards peace. Its agencies should play a more active role in the development process in order to achieve sustainable development.
From this rostrum, we call on all States to exert greater efforts and cooperate to help the United Nations restore its pivotal role in international relations. We also look towards a more vital role for the Secretary- General in the fulfilment of the purposes and principles of the United Nations. We support the Secretary- General in his efforts to strengthen and reactivate the role of the Organization in bringing international peace and security to the world.
We also call upon the international community to, in a spirit of responsibility and credibility, spread the culture of dialogue and understanding in order to peacefully settle disputes and end tensions in the world. We consider it essential to discover the causes of weakness in international policies and adopt a more effective approach to settling regional and international problems, including climate change and other issues that affect the security and stability in the world. On this basis, we invite the United Nations and the international community to shoulder their responsibilities and strive to achieve peace, prevent conflicts and wars, and settle differences through dialogue and other peaceful means. Accordingly, my country renews its readiness to work with the United Nations to build a new world that is secure and stable.
The world is witnessing new transformations in the scientific and technological realms that are affecting people’s lives. There is also a steady growth in population. Therefore, we stress the need to adopt a new perspective to establish a global partnership that would benefit from such advanced technologies and scientific progress. The global breakthrough in technology achieved through the signing of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change is an important gain for humankind. Several natural disasters recently have struck the world, which should convince all States that it is in their interest to adhere to the Paris Agreement.
The Final Document of the 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons indicated that the resolution adopted at the 1995 Review and Extension Conference on a the establishment of a zone in the Middle East free of nuclear and all other weapons of mass destruction remains in force until it achieves all its objectives. In that regard, my country supports all international efforts to draft a binding instrument that would cover the loopholes emerging from the Non-Proliferation Treaty. This highly important document would help the international community to eliminate weapons of mass destruction.
My country denounces terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, regardless of its justifications. Based on our adherence to the Charter of the United Nations, which calls for the maintenance of international peace and security, we support all efforts aimed at confronting that scourge by taking the appropriate measures based on the relevant Arab, Islamic and international resolutions, treaties and agreements.
The world is facing real challenges that must be countered through a unified stance so as to respond to the aspirations of humankind. We therefore believe that working on the basis of the true meaning of partnership and common destiny among members of the international community is the most appropriate means to achieve such a goal. We wish the General Assembly every success at this session.


I have the pleasure of conveying to the Assembly the most fraternal greetings of Mr. Pierre Nkurunziza, President of the Republic of Burundi. He would have liked to be present here, but pressing commitments back home prevented him from making the journey to New York.
My delegation wishes to congratulate Mr. Miroslav Lajčák on his outstanding election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session. I take this opportunity to pay a vibrant tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Thomson, a worthy son of Fiji, for a job well done.
As this is his first session of the General Assembly as head of our Organization, may I also express Burundi’s appreciation to Secretary-General António Guterres for his commitment to the values of peace, security and development.
Patience is a virtue that climate change does not recognize. The devastating effects it has fuelled have permeated virtually all conversations in this venue and ushered in this very session. The names of Irma and Maria, in the meteorological field at least, will forever connote total destruction. I therefore extend our most sincere condolences to the countries and regions of the Caribbean that have been severely affected by these hurricanes. We also express Burundi’s solidarity with Mexico, stricken this week by an earthquake. We stand wholeheartedly with all these countries and their peoples.
The climatic disturbances of recent times are again sounding the alarm, urging all States to assume their collective duty to combat global warming and to implement without delay the commitments of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. We believe that no State may shirk its responsibility to that end, whatever its size, shape or place on the map of the world. We must work together, for we are all in the same boat. If we wish to attain the objective of containing the average temperature rise on the planet below 2°C compared to pre-industrial levels and pursue measures to limit temperature increases to 1.5°C vis-à-vis pre-industrial levels, we need to act today because tomorrow will be too late.
In implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, Burundi is continuing its path of social inclusion and shared economic growth. It cannot do otherwise, since these two aspects are key pillars of the development policy advocated through Vision 2025. To that end, our country counts on the cooperation of friendly States and other international partners. Unfortunately, the sanctions adopted by the European Union against Burundi are not contributing to the realization of these plans of great importance for the Burundian people, because they deprive the country of necessary resources. Thus, the attainment of the 2030 Agenda and the objectives of the African Union Agenda 2063 is compromised as a result of these sanctions.
We also believe that sanctions unilaterally imposed against developing States in general, and in Africa in particular, should be banned from the international system, since they perpetuate historical injustices and violate the sacrosanct principle of equal sovereignty. Like the African Union, Burundi therefore rejects and condemns the sanctions imposed on Burundi and other African countries.
In the field of migration, we must work together to find solutions to the root causes of population movements, made up mostly of young people, from countries of the South to the North. We need to ensure conditions of humane migration in order to protect migrants, who contribute to the well-being of the host communities through their multifaceted contributions to economic activity.
The apocalyptic scenes in the Mediterranean Sea strike at our consciences as human beings. The reasons for migration must be explained and we must all understand them if we are to find appropriate solutions. It is regrettable that migration is increasingly being met with a resurgence of racism, rejection of the other and, often, even acts of rare violence against migrants. Likewise, racist populism is becoming increasingly prominent and gradually undermining the paradigms on which certain so-called advanced societies have long rested.
Migration is sometimes the result of trafficking in human beings. The victims are doubly affected, since in addition to being wrenched from their countries of origin, they are mistreated in the host countries. That is unacceptable. Consequently, we advocate strengthened international cooperation in that area so as to build a more just world.
At the political level, our country reiterates, as it has done repeatedly, its position in consonance with the Charter of the United Nations. All States Members of the United Nations are sovereign Powers, and their sovereignty is equal. We call for reining in those States that continue in the twenty-first century to believe that they have the right to intervene in the internal affairs of other States, especially developing countries. We thank the Security Council, which, in the case of Burundi, has reaffirmed respect for its sovereignty in its various resolutions and presidential statements. We can never say it enough — Burundi believes that non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and respect for their territorial integrity and sovereignty constitute the pillars of a balanced international system under the Charter of the United Nations. Those principles are not negotiable. Today more than ever, Burundi stands ready to defend them at any price.
Recently, human rights have become another tool of domination. As a universal concept broadly elaborated upon in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other relevant international instruments, human rights have been increasingly exploited by several States that, if not mindful of their actions, will divert the Human Rights Council from the goals entrusted to it by the General Assembly. Some members have become accustomed to obtaining, through the Human Rights Council and other mechanisms established by the latter, resolutions aimed at undermining the peace and security of the States that they wish to harm. The recent report of the International Commission of Inquiry on Burundi (A/HRC/36/54) constitutes the ultimate proof of the Council’s manipulation by certain small groups. Burundi reiterates that it is ready to cooperate with the relevant United Nations bodies, but on the condition that such cooperation be based on clear, fair and predictable foundations that, above all, respect the choices made by the Burundians themselves in the areas of governance and development.
With regard to the inter-Burundian dialogue and the external component, only a short time ago the Government of the Republic of Burundi received a visit from the facilitation team to follow up on consultations and resume discussions. Burundi’s positions were made known to the facilitation team. We are waiting for the facilitation to call for the next meeting, at which the delegations will have their voices heard.
Burundi has asked its refugees to return. Our appeal, which we reiterate here and now, has also been made to neighbouring countries so as to facilitate their repatriation. Today, the repatriation movement continues apace, with the arrival of approximately 1,700 citizens who found refuge in Tanzania and 3,000 returning from Rwanda. They are joining tens of thousands of others who have returned over the past several months, as well as those who would like to return. We thank the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization for Migration for their cooperation in facilitating those return movements. We take this opportunity to ask that unscrupulous Human Rights Council officials end the unsavoury practice of encouraging refugees not to return.
At the same time, we call on the United Nations to continue to monitor the situation of Burundian refugees in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and neighbouring countries, in full compliance with the relevant provisions of the Geneva Conventions. We deplore the shooting that took place a week ago in Kamanyola, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, resulting in the deaths of 38 Burundian refugees, at least one officer of the Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo, and more than 120 wounded. Once again, we invite the refugees to return home.
Burundi has joined other States in combating terrorism, with 5,400 troops in Somalia within the framework of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Burundi has been the second-largest troop-contributing country in Somalia for the past 10 years. Burundi is concerned about the continued reduction in support for AMISOM, especially at a time when an important campaign has been planned. The successes of the past several years cannot be sacrificed to self-interest. That would run contrary to the oath taken by all partners, which have repeatedly stated that terrorism is a global threat.
In pursuing its contribution to world peace and security, Burundi participates in peacekeeping operations in the brotherly country of the Central African Republic, and its police units are deployed in Côte d’Ivoire and Haiti. Burundi believes that the efforts and sacrifices made by others must be rightly acknowledged in all cases.
If there is one recurring topic of debate in this Hall, it is that of the reform of the United Nations, and in particular the Security Council. Burundi supports all approaches aimed at fostering a constructive interaction, open to all, between the States Members of our Organization, on the one hand, and the Secretary- General on the other. Burundi supports the structural reform of the United Nations pursuant to the initiative taken at the high-level event on 18 September. It is necessary to consider the necessary reforms with the goal of improving the functioning of organs including the Security Council and the General Assembly. That will bring the bodies concerned in line with the realities of the twenty-first century.
It is clear that by dint of pouring new wine into old wineskins, we wind up bursting the latter. We must be firm in our conviction that, 72 years after its establishment, the United Nations is in need of a complete face-lift. Concerning reform of the Security Council in particular, Burundi supports the shared African stance known as the Ezulwini Consensus. It is high time that we correct the injustices of the past and allow the equitable participation of all continents in the governance of international peace and security.
With regard to international issues, Burundi welcomes the return of the Kingdom of Morocco to the fold of the African Union so that we can build a strong and prosperous continent together. With regard to Western Sahara, Burundi supports the decisions and resolutions adopted by the relevant United Nations bodies.
We call for the unconditional lifting of the economic blockade against Cuba without delay. The Cuban people have suffered under unjust measures that were adopted during the Cold War era for primarily ideological reasons and can no longer be justified today.
Similarly, in the case of Venezuela, we call on the international community to take measures that promote national cohesion and not social disruption.
Lastly, I wish the General Assembly every success at this session.


I extend my warmest congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Miroslav Lajčák on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session. My special thanks also go to the Secretary-General and the Secretariat. Only 10 months into his term of office, Mr. Guterres has already left his mark on the Organization’s work for peace, development and human rights.
On 20 September 1977, exactly 40 years ago, Viet Nam was admitted to the United Nations as its 149th Member. One day later, the then Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Viet Nam stood right here at this rostrum and addressed the General Assembly (see A/32/PV.1). Representing a nation devastated by decades of war, he affirmed a unified Viet Nam’s pledge to cooperate closely with other Member States in striving tirelessly to turn the lofty goals of the United Nations into reality. Those goals are peace, national independence, democracy and social progress.
Those 40 years have been an era of transformation for my country. Today, Viet Nam is a dynamic economy on a path to reform and sustainable development. We have transformed ourselves from being aid-dependent to a lower middle-income country. Our efforts to implement the Millennium Development Goals have helped to bring millions of Vietnamese out of poverty.
But one thing has not changed. Viet Nam today is as committed as ever to the United Nations. We are a staunch supporter and proponent of multilateralism with the United Nations at its core. We believe in the fundamental role of international law and the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of respect for sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity, non-interference, of refraining from the threat or use of force and of working for the peaceful settlement of disputes.
We are gathered here as the world is undergoing profound and fast transformations. The fourth industrial revolution, particularly the advance of digital technology, is creating unprecedented opportunities for development for all. Enormous efforts to realize the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development are under way, and yet our world is still fraught with turmoil, uncertainties and fragility. While peace and cooperation prevail, people around the world are facing unprecedented challenges to their security and development. Political instability and the risk of conflicts, disasters and climate change threaten the sustainable development of all nations.
Terrorism and weapons of mass destruction have gone global and are a threat to everyone.
Efforts to achieve disarmament, arms control and non-proliferation have not progressed as expected. The worst migration and humanitarian crisis since the Second World War continues to unfold. For many decades, the desire to be able to live in peace has remained a distant dream for millions of people. Together, with the slow and unsustainable growth of the global economy, globalization and economic integration are now facing a less certain future. Inequality within and between countries remains one of the biggest challenges of our time. The impact of climate change is ever more real and far beyond what has been predicted. This year, we have witnessed multiple natural disasters that have inflicted heavy losses in human life and property in Cuba, Mexico, the United States and other Caribbean countries.
Given those daunting challenges, the theme chosen for this session, “Focusing on people: Striving for peace and a decent life for all on a sustainable planet” could not have been more timely. With the adoption of the 2030 Agenda, the international community has clearly chosen sustainable development as the path towards a better destiny for current and future generations. It is now incumbent on us to make that ambitious plan a reality. Developing countries should be allowed more favourable conditions and resources to realize the Sustainable Development Goals. We call on developed nations to fulfil their commitments on providing financial assistance and technology transfer for developing countries.
On the path to sustainable development, we must place the interests of the people at the centre of all our policies and actions. If we do not, we will not be able to ensure a decent life for all. I do not believe that life can be decent when poverty, unemployment and epidemics are still not effectively addressed. It cannot be decent if it is still threatened by climate change and disasters. Above all, we will not succeed in our quest for sustainable development and a decent life for all if we cannot secure sustainable peace.
Having enjoyed peace and independence for the past four decades, we now know what peace can bring about. Sustaining peace must always be at the top of our agenda. That major undertaking will take strong commitment and cooperation. I believe we will need to come together to strengthen multilateralism to achieve those goals.
For today’s global challenges, multilateralism has been shown to provide the most effective solutions. Multilateral institutions are venues in which countries can align their various interests, manage disputes and differences, and promote cooperation. However, trust in multilateralism will falter if those institutions fail to prove their effectiveness or lack consensus on common goals and principles. Global and regional multilateral mechanisms should therefore function in a transparent, effective and responsive manner.
The United Nations must be at the centre of coordination and joint efforts to address global challenges, building an ever more comprehensive system of rules and norms with a mechanism for ensuring objectiveness, fairness and equality. To do that, the United Nations must undertake comprehensive reforms, from its organizational structure and working methodologies to the way that development resources are mobilized and allocated. Viet Nam supports efforts to reform the United Nations in that regard and will participate responsibly in the process.
International law is an essential foundation of order and stability in international relations. Wars, conflicts and tension occur today mainly because international law is not fully respected or observed in good faith. We believe that by upholding international law, peace can be secured. We should take concrete action, in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations, to prevent conflicts, build confidence and peacefully settle disputes, including in the Middle East and Africa, and we call for the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. In that regard, we also find that the unilateral embargo on Cuba is inappropriate and call for its immediate removal.
We welcome the recent adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a historic milestone on the road to a world free of nuclear weapons. I am signing the Treaty today, and call on others to sign and ratify it so as to enable its entry into force as soon as possible. Let us all be clear — the danger of nuclear weapons will loom over humankind as long as they continue to exist.
This year also marks the fiftieth anniversary of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Viet Nam is proud to be a member. ASEAN is striving to build a rules-based and people-oriented community to strengthen its centrality in the evolving regional architecture and actively contribute to peace, stability and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. Viet Nam is working closely with other ASEAN members to address common challenges.
With regard to the South China Sea dispute, Viet Nam and ASEAN call on all the parties concerned to exercise self-restraint and settle disputes by peaceful means, in accordance with international law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. They must fully respect diplomatic and legal processes, implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and expedite the completion of an effective and legally binding code of conduct.
Viet Nam also took pride in hosting the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum this year, as we seek to build an Asia-Pacific partnership for sustainable and inclusive development in the twenty-first century.
At the global level, Viet Nam has actively engaged in the work of the United Nations, serving on the Human Rights Council from 2014 to 2016 and as a member of the Economic and Social Council for the term 2016-2018. We have begun to implement our national plan of action for implementing the 2030 Agenda and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. We will present our voluntary national review on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in 2018. In March, Viet Nam hosted a high-level Euro-Asia regional meeting on improving cooperation on transit and trade facilitation.
Since 2014, Viet Nam has sent its officers to work in United Nations peacekeeping missions in Africa and is preparing for the deployment of level-two field hospitals. Before that, in 2009, Viet Nam presented its candidature for non-permanent membership of the Security Council for the term 2020-2021. We believe that those are the most practical ways we can contribute to the cause of sustainable peace and security.
I am confident that through our concerted effort and the strength of multilateralism, we will fulfil our mission to maintain peace and security and secure a decent life and a sustainable future for all.