Speaking for the first time from this rostrum as the representative of a country whose policy is profoundly attached to the noble principles of dialog and tolerance, a country devoted to universal peace, the self-determination of peoples and their right to development and prosperity in justice and dignity, I cannot refrain from paying a tribute to all those today, dead or living, who have given their best for the foundation and survival of the United Nations. It is therefore with a feeling of deep pride mingled with deep emotion that I speak today before this Assembly. I am moved, I say, because it is in this very same great American city which offers us its hospitality each year, in this same glass palace, the symbol of truth and human solidarity, that is the scene where the fate and destiny of the world in profound change is determined and will continue to b? determined, a world which certain sorcerers' apprentices may bring to final catastrophe.
39.	I am proud, too, because as the representative of a country that cherishes peace and justice, I should like to state this here on behalf of my country, and particularly on behalf of the Head of State, His Excellency, President of the Gabonese Republic El Hadj Omar Bongo, who from this very rostrum  himself proclaimed the firm conviction, indeed the profound faith of the Gabonese Republic in the strength of this international Organization to measure up to the world crisis and to do so in total conformity with the spirit of the Charter. Accordingly, after the minute of meditation and silent prayer which we all observed in this hall at the beginning of this session, I appeal-if there is any need to do so-to all delegations to tackle the problems which confront us with the responsibility, the faith and the determination which the gravity of these questions demands. All the questions with which we shall have to deal in the course of our work will always have as their focal point man himself. Hence our paramount concern must be to guarantee man's physical, moral and spiritual well-being and his total and complete fulfillment.
40.	Before turning to the substance of the subject, it is a particular pleasure for me, Mr. President, to convey to you the warm congratulations of my delegation on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-first session of our Assembly. We are convinced that your tried and tested abilities and your exceptional diplomatic qualities will permit you to measure up to the noble and highly delicate task which has been allotted to you. Furthermore, your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly is also a tribute to your great country, Sri Lanka, which recently so brilliantly played host to the important Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. The Gabonese delegation convinced, Mr. President, that our debates, which have always been distinguished in the past by moderation and restraint, will under your leadership preserve the same character of tranquility and judiciousness and will be carried on in a spirit of mutual respect, which is the sine qua non of the success of meetings as important as those of our Organization, meetings which for three months will be in the spotlight of the attention of the whole world, because they carry with them the hopes of a mankind which has been the victim of its own contradictions, a mankind torn by conflict and consumed by fear, but hungry for peace and thirsty for happiness. The experience which you have accumulated,' Mr. President, throughout a long and brilliant political and diplomatic career constitutes, in the view of my delegation, a guarantee of the final success of our work.
41.	There is no need,, of course, to stress that these congratulations are also extended to the Vice-Presidents and the other officers of the Assembly who play such an important role by your side in the conduct of our debates.
42.	I am happy to pay a particularly well deserved tribute to the President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly for the remarkable work that he did at that session. Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister for
- Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, a country which has very good relations with my own, caused us to marvel at the ceaseless mastery which he displayed throughout the last session, thanks to his perfect command of his role, his consummate skill and his remarkable dynamism. The results of the work of the last session were a striking success, which we attribute to the brilliant qualities of that statesman. I hope that he will find in this the profound expression of our congratulations and of our sincere gratitude.
43.	Before turning to the views of my Government on the important items on our agenda, I should like to welcome among us the fraternal State of Seychelles. On behalf of the Gabonese delegation and people, it is my agreeable duty to bid welcome to this new Member of our great United Nations family.
44.	We would have liked at the same time to welcome the fraternal State of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam among us. We venture to hope that the day is not too far off when these two States, which meet the conditions laid down by the Charter, will be among us. The admission of these two countries will genuinely give our Organization its proper universality,
45.	There has been much talk of a world crisis situation, of a universe on the brink of collective suicide and, indeed, crisis and the temptation to collective suicide do undeniably exist, because there is no doubt that whichever way we turn we find war, repression, poverty, hunger, disease, racism in all its forms and the growing disintegration of the world economic order, whose appointed victims are of course the countries which are constructing their economies.
46.	We are still living under hegemonism and selfishness of all kinds, phenomena which maintain inequality among men and different parts of the world. We are still living in the reign of hotbeds of tension and explosive situations, of which the most dangerous are, as everyone knows, southern Africa and the Middle East.
47.	The peace and security for which we so ardently wish and the justice and happiness for which we so deeply yearn are a common heritage which nature has bequeathed to be shared equally among all men and all peoples on earth. They are not the preserve of any special category of men; they belong to all human beings. To disregard this truth, to deny this obvious fact would lead to frightening consequences and the most bloody tragedies.
48.	A mere handful of men of disparate minorities are, on the pretext that they' belong to the white race, making life a nightmare for the indigenous majority on this part of our continent.
49.	These minorities belong to another age; they are deaf to the voice of all the other nations in the world; they refuse to restore their rights and their freedoms to the peoples which they keep under their domination; this is intolerable and unacceptable.
50.	The policy of apartheid imposed by these white minorities of South Africa and Rhodesia on the black
indigenous populations which they have stripped of their rights, their land and their resources is deeply repugnant to the human conscience. Such a reckless and short-sighted policy can only engender hatred, pit the various communities against each other and inexorably lead to violence and chaos. The events which occurred in Soweto and in other South African cities and which are still occurring there are a concrete illustration of this. This tragic situation would never have occurred if the South African authorities had taken the opportunity offered to them in 1969 by independent Africa through the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa.  Unfortunately, the Vorster racist regime and its white supporters have remained impervious to reason. They prefer to insist on carrying out their racial policy even at the risk of endangering international peace and security.
51.	Gabon firmly condemns the policy of apartheid because it is absurd that this policy of the Government of South Africa should continue at the very time when our Organization has affirmed its determination to safeguard human rights and the right of peoples to self-determination. It it absurd that South Africa should continue to belong to our Organization when it is defying the Charter, its principles and United Nations resolutions as well as the public opinion of the whole world. Just as we condemn apartheid, so we condemn those countries which for commercial reasons are giving active assistance to this regime in maintaining itself thanks to various kinds of agreements, which thus give the regime the appearance of invincibility.
52.	We know that the Vorster racist regime is still deaf to the appeals of the international community that it should see reason. Not only does this notorious regime refuse to change its policy inside South Africa but it has even extended it to Namibia, a Territory under United Nations administration.
53.	The situation in Namibia causes us great concern. The Security Council should again take up this problem, which was the subject of its resolution 385 (1976) of 30 January 1976. If South Africa persists in its refusal to withdraw from Namibia-assisted as it is by certain countries-the Security Council should in that case have recourse to the measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of our Organization.
54.	We know that a so-called constitutional conference is now going on in Windhoek. Gabon firmly opposes this masquerade, which excludes the South West Africa People's Organization, the authentic and sole representative of the Namibian people. Gabon will also oppose the results of this conference, the only purpose of which is the "bantustanization" of Namibia and the establishment of puppet regimes in the pay of Pretoria.
55.	With regard to the problem of Rhodesia, Gabon is following with particular attention the current efforts of Mr. Henry Kissinger, the United States Secretary of State, to find an acceptable solution for this distressing problem. However, there is a sacred principle which is non-negotiable for the Gabon Government: majority government. So what is necessary is an urgent transfer of power to the representatives of the black majority. The position stated on 26 September by the five front-line African Heads of State should serve as a basis for any negotiation. Gabon for its part will continue to provide material assistance and moral support to the courageous freedom fighters of Zimbabwe until they achieve final victory.
56.	On the question of Comoros, we hope that the French Government, which has always shown such wisdom in decolonization matters, will grant this fraternal country it* legitimate claim in order to preserve the unity and integrity of its territory just as they were respected in the years of colonization.
57.	My delegation is gratified at the process of decolonization which has already been embarked upon in Djibouti with a view to the independence of this Territory in accordance with the aspirations which have so often been expressed by its people.
58.	The Middle East today is the most dangerous source of tension. Four frightful wars have caused a heavy loss of human life in that part of the world.
59.	The deep reason for that situation is the refusal by the State of Israel to recognize the Palestinian factor. We do not think that there will be peace or detente in that area as long as the Palestinian people remains stripped of its rights. As everyone knows, the Palestinian people, uprooted from its territory, stripped of all its rights to return to its homes and property, is languishing in refugee camps. That people must have a territory, a national territory; it must exercise its rights as a people and as a nation. Any solution that fails to recognize that reality and that fails to provide for direct, full and complete participation by the Palestinian people, represented by the Palestine liberation Organization, in all conferences will not be acceptable. Peace in the Middle East cannot be based on the fruits of aggression. Israel must unconditionally withdraw from all the Arab territories occupied by force in 1967.
60.	The Lebanese tragedy is of concern to my country, which has always had very good relations with Lebanon. Gabon very sincerely hopes that peace will return to that country. That peace can only be the result of mutual agreement among the Lebanese themselves, without any outside interference. Of course, the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon must be safeguarded.
61.	The Cyprus crisis has, unfortunately, not yet been settled. In spite of the unanimous decisions taken by our Organization, Cyprus is divided into two separate territories, each with its own administration. Gabon firmly supports the efforts of our Secretary-General to find a solution acceptable to all the Cypriot communities, a solution that will safeguard the independence and integrity of the island.
62.	Gabon is gratified at the fact that the Korean problem is no longer on our agenda. Gabon, which enjoys friendly relations with the two Korean States, believes that the settlement of the Korean question is to be sought in candid and sincere North-South dialog, and that that is the most realistic way of enabling the two parties to lay the groundwork for a peaceful solution without outside interference. The Korean question is a matter above all for the Koreans themselves. The role of our Organization is to help the two Korean States to meet again around a conference table in order to achieve the peaceful reunification of their country.
63.	With regard to Latin American, I should like to assure the peoples of that continent of the whole-hearted support of Gabon for the efforts they are making to strengthen their national security. For Gabon is convinced that that is one of the most positive contributions to the historic current of the liberation of enslaved peoples.
64.	I should like on behalf of my country to extend here our warmest congratulations to the Mexican authorities for having established the Centre for Third-World Economic and Social Studies.
65.	If, from a purely political point of view, the picture of the world we have just painted seems to us to be undeniably marked by disorder and disarray, that should surprise no one, because it is a consequence and a logical emanation of an anachronistic world economic system that is itself dominated by disorder.
66.	Indeed, that disorder is manifested in different forms, of which inflation, the worsening of the terms of trade, and the constant impoverishment of the third world are just a few examples.
67.	That problem is of such concern and so crucial to our countries that it has led to the convening of two special sessions of the United Nations General Assembly to debate the matter and lay the foundations for a new and more just international economic order. Our country, which is a major producer of primary commodities, cannot be indifferent to this situation. Accordingly, the President of the Republic of Gabon, His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo, took an active part in the laying down of the guidelines for this new economic order, which from now on should take the greatest account of the interests of the primary- commodity-producing countries. And, in order the better to defend those interests, our country and other partners, following the example of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, have just established the Organization of Timber Producing and Exporting Countries.
68.	Within the world structure of relations there is no sphere more manifestly saturated with inequalities, unilateral advantages and lop-sided contracts than the sphere of economic relations.
69.	Indeed, if we look at the world scene we see that about 80 per cent of world trade and about 95 per cent of private investment are controlled by a minority of States, while more than two thirds of the world's population continues to live in conditions of poverty.
70.	We believe that the time has gone by when the international economic system was directed by that minority. We believe that the time has gone by when the will of that minority was imposed upon the majority.
71.	We think that economic relations should be based upon new factors: interdependence, international solidarity, absolute sovereignty over primary commodities, the setting of prices for primary commodities at equitable and remunerative rates by producers, and active and respected participation by the developing countries in international economic negotiations.
72.	Willful disregard of those factors by the affluent countries is putting a brake on the actual establishment of the new international economic order, as defined and accepted by the international community during the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly of our Organization. That bad will on the part of the developed countries is also at the basis of the partial failure of the fourth session of UNCTAD, in which the developing countries had placed so much hope.
73.	The overcoming of the present economic crisis is a fundamental goal with a high priority. There can be no question of returning to a past which everyone acknowledges has been superseded.
74.	The problem of under-development will be genuinely solved only if the developed countries manage to overcome their selfishness, which is at the basis of the poverty of the third-world countries.
75.	The former relations of domination and dependence must give way to the legitimate interests of the vast majority of the international community. Any partial solutions or solutions that would take account of the interests only of the minority could not be supported. Solutions must be global and must be in keeping with the urgent needs of all the peoples of the world.
76.	If there is one subject which is of the greatest interest with regard to the economy, development and sovereignty of nations, it is the subject of the ocean.
77.	Although its importance is not matched by any great interest on the part of the public at large, it remains crucial for contemporary needs, as indeed it has been crucial throughout the history of mankind. The ocean occupies 71 per cent of the earth's surface and is an inexhaustible source of wealth. Its role in the life of mankind has become particularly great in the past 10 years. That is why Gabon is following with very close attention the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
78.	We recognize that the problem of the oceans is very important and very complex, and that any hasty solution in this area is unacceptable. The Conference must take account of the legitimate interests of coastal States as well as the aspirations of land-locked States.
79.	Gabon wishes to encourage the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea to continue its work until it produces an international treaty on the subject.
80.	The elimination of hotbeds of war and the settlement of all armed conflicts which are dividing nations constitute the first stage on the way to peace and security. The peoples of the world can live in peace only if they have a true sense of security untroubled by threats. When we realize that the military arsenals of the great Powers are each day being swollen by ever newer weapons, ever more sophisticated and improved weapons, ever more powerful and deadly weapons, when we realize that many developing countries are themselves embarking on an arms race-as an example, according to the Institute for Strategic Studies, the countries of Asia are devoting to the arms race about 1.9 per cent of their gross rational product and those of Africa about 5.3 per cent-our minds are clouded by doubt. Are the great Powers which play such a decisive role in the affairs of the world and are the only ones producing these arms and responsible for their dissemination really sincere and consistent when they speak of peace and call for disarmament?
81.	The attitude of those merchants of weapons makes us doubt it. In the face of the risks to international peace and security posed by the production, accumulation and reckless distribution of armaments, it is becoming necessary to combat the folly of some in order to guarantee the security of others.
82.	At a time when the threat of hunger is a reality to so many millions of people, vast amounts of money are being spent on the work of destruction. The gross indifference of the weapons merchants, the tranquil assurance of the buyers and sellers at a time when the business of supplying food to countries suffering from hunger poses such difficult problems, is something to cause us concern. The statistics of the World Bank show that in 1970 the world spent $183 billion on armaments-some 24 times the total amount allocated for aid programs. Military expenditure is rising by about 6 per cent a year, so that the growth of the forces of destruction is greater than that of the total production of all the goods and services in the world. We can therefore see that, in spite of speeches and conferences on disarmament, the international arms market has never been so prosperous.
83.	It is therefore the duty of our Organization to step up its efforts and its actions in this area in order to prevail upon Member States to reach an agreement which would lead to general and controlled disarmament.
84.	But the Government of Gabon is always wondering what can be the purpose of the bombs already stockpiled before She entry into force of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)].
85.	In order to assuage our fears and to give a satisfactory reply to all countries which dream only of peace, there is only one solution, and that is the solemn, formal banning of the production of new nuclear weapons and the immediate formation of international commissions under the aegis of the United Nations that will embark upon the systematic destruction of existing stockpiles. To us, failure to agree to that simply means the shirking of a sincere search for peace.
86.	In conclusion, I should like to reaffirm here our unswerving faith in the United Nations. In spite of the difficulties in which our Organization finds itself, we hope that the international Community will continue its efforts to make of the United Nations an indispensable instrument for the building of a just and peaceful world order. Gabon, for its part, is ready to make its own modest contribution to the realization of this noble ideal. Long live the United Nations!


254. Since my appointment as Foreign Minister of Paraguay this is my first opportunity to address the General Assembly of the United Nations to express the view of my Government with regard to the extensive agenda for the discussion of which we are here convened. As is customary, may I begin by greeting all the representatives seated in this international arena: President Amerasinghe, whose efficient work in this normal climate, so well suited to his innate qualities deserves our praise; Prime Minister Gaston Thorn, whose keen clear-sightedness has left a shining imprint in the roster of those who have brilliantly presided over the deliberations of our Assembly in the past; and our Secretary-General, Mr.Waldheim who has, through the fruitful years of his activity, which we hope will continue in the future, shown constant and unequivocal proof of this great oecumenical vocation. I should also like to welcome most cordially the Republic of Seychelles, which has become a Member of our Organization, and in so doing places in it high hopes for its future, with a promise on our part not to disappoint them in this joyous undertaking to preserve peace and to act together to promote the economic and social progress of all the peoples of the planet.
255.	The balance of power is governed by well-entrenched patterns which hardly ever change for the simple reason that history has been weaving an increasingly complex fabric of appetites for prestige and domination. Thus those who do not have power are at the mercy and whim of those who use this power as the dreadful tool of their conduct. However, this Organization seeks, through the proclamation of its principles and objectives, to establish the rule of reason^, and under its protection we welcome those peoples to whom fate has denied the opportunities given to others of being the only lords of war and peace. It is with eagerness and uncertainty that we struggle, and our agony is a reflection of our faith in the principles laid down in Chapter I of the Charter.
256.	For this reason, although not always with encouraging results, we come here year after year to profess our persistent faith in the imponderable forces which govern mankind and without whose existence and assistance our planet would more than once have turned into a pyre of atomic madness.
257.	And thus, for countries like mine, and we are a majority here in this Assembly, the issue of world peace is only the repeated expression of a hope which we voice with some trepidation, since the political decision to establish it on firm and lasting foundations is beyond our control. However, despite our handicap, we realize that our unity is a powerful tool with which to destroy the frontiers of scepticism and thus Paraguay, in its association with the United Nations, contributes its enormous spiritual strength to the cause of peace.
258.	As in the case of human beings where somatic make-up and physical traits are merely accidental, we do not recognize some countries as being greater than others because of the size of their territory or their population, or some as being more deserving than others merely on the basis of computer data. For us, the peoples of the United Nations, there is only one criterion of dignity, and that is purity of blood gained at the service of great ideals. Because of its heroic past and its promising present my country, Paraguay, occupies its rightful place in this Assembly of the peoples and believes it is its urgent duty to play an active role in this contest where, in the final analysis, the fate of the universe itself is being played out. My country occupies a seat of honour in this Assembly because it has forged its ultimate shape, its features, and its personality through hard work and virtues difficult to acquire; and let this just patriotic exaltation stand in support of the voice of a nation which feels genuinely self-confident.
259.	Clearly, out of the many items on the agenda before the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, all important, there are some on which we should like to dwell, be it ever so briefly, because of their special interest for our country.
260.	We have the highest regard for the extremely important functions of the Security Council and those of the Office of the Secretary-General, and when we recall the crucial role which they have played in dealing with numerous crises, we can expect from them nothing less than the strictest, even heroic accomplishment of their lofty mission. Often they hold the thread of life itself in their hands, and Paraguay, like the overwhelming majority of the countries represented here, has full confidence in the vital mechanism of this world body, and we hope that the elections that will take place for several vacant posts will justify cur confidence in their sound and serene judgement.
261.	As the protagonists of this problem in days gone by, and because of our own experience, we have a well-defined position on colonialism, although this word, like many others in modern international parlance, often lends itself to regrettable misinterpretations. Accession to independence is a right which cannot be denied if the necessary requirements exist to meet the challenges of independent life; but the rupture of administrative links is not always the right solution. Indeed, there are cases where the process of self-determination should avoid giving the stamp of approval to former ownership of territories which, by history and by law, belong to other political entities. Thus my delegation will support all efforts made to find the right solution for each individual case.
262.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea resulted in a number of valuable achievements. The 1958 Geneva Conventions did not fully meet the challenges offered by the sea at that stage in the history of technology. Countries that have from time immemorial derived profit from their seashores, as well as those which were deprived of them, turned to the ocean in search of wealth with great hopes and aspirations. For although trade is facilitated by the ownership of seaports, with modern means of communication and existing conventions on terrestrial transit, trade is no longer the only reason why nations want to have a coastline. Science and technology have discovered new wealth in the subsoil of the sea bed, a wealth which makes their possession especially desirable, and as the population explosion, which reduces our breathing space, creates new and urgent problems concerning food and the production of energy, the sea offers ever greater opportunities to overcome these crises through the efficient exploitation of fishing industries and the skilful utilization of petroleum as well as other mineral resources of the sea.
263.	However, the Third Conference does not seem to hold the promise of satisfactory solutions. The conquest of the sea will go the way of the conquest of the earth and although certain limits may be established now which seem to meet present needs, we seriously wonder whether in future the criteria and aspirations of this Conference will prevail.
264.	The proposal for an "exclusive economic zone" of 200 miles has given rise to serious differences of opinion, as land-locked countries still wonder whether they will be given what they consider to be theirs by right, namely the possibility to share in the benefits of the exploitation of the resources of the sea. Faced with this uncertainty and for political, historical and geographical reasons, Paraguay will continue to seek solutions to this fascinating and fundamental question of the law of the sea through bilateral negotiations.
265.	This is an extremely important undertaking not unlike that which has transported man from his planet into outer space. Those who with optimism and courage embarked upon this great adventure are in a manner of speaking the new conquerors of modern times.
266.	May I take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Amerasinghe for his conduct of the Third Conference on the Law of the Sea, from which we continue to expect the positive results due to his great ability and enthusiasm.
267.	We are all concerned with the question of disarmament but we recognize with satisfaction the efforts made by the Ad Hoc Committees to ease the tensions caused by this old but persistent problem. We have crossed the half-way point in the Disarmament Decade and yet regrettably no effective progress has been made which could allay our fears. Many commendable efforts have been made to achieve denuclearization in various parts of the planet, designed to bring about general and complete disarmament, and yet we are concerned as we observe the beginnings of an arms race in the Americas. We hope that this existing war fever will soon pass, for it is the duty of our countries to seek integration rather than aggression.
268.	Paraguay is sensitive to the question of human rights and I mention this specifically because our country has been the target of a malevolent campaign designed to undermine its international prestige.
269.	Each nation has its own way of life and ours was shaped many centuries ago when the peaceful settlements of the Guarani Indians intermarried with Spanish soldiers. The result was the birth of a nation that has the highest regard for life, freedom and independence, which are rooted in our existence. My country has never had an ethnic, social, or religious problem which could jeopardize its unity or prosperity. There is no racial discrimination or other forms of discrimination in Paraguay. The Government of the Republic continues, as always, to make every effort to incorporate into society the few indigenous groupings in its territory which are still outside the mainstream of civilization.
270.	Certain modern philosophical and political trends, particularly certain Marxist philosophies, have tried to subjugate the will and the thoughts of the Paraguayan people to foreign interests. This ill-intentioned attempt to disrupt the harmonious development of our nation has been unanimously rejected by our people. However, this propaganda campaign has made allegations of violations of human rights, attempting to distort the meaning of the legitimate defence measures which our Government has taken and will continue to take in order to protect our nation against those who are plotting to subjugate us to Communist imperialism. Thanks to the political stability of the Government of President Stroessner, Paraguay can boast of a record of continued progress which has enabled it to maintain a stable currency, to exploit its natural resources, and to establish progressively the necessary infrastructure to bring about a speedy development of the country and the improvement of our democratic form of Government.
271.	For all these reasons, we, like others, are concerned with the question of human rights and our delegation will give its unswerving support to all initiatives designed to ensure their real protection.
272.	There is another item closely related to this one and that is international terrorism. This painful experience, together with the threat of nuclear war, is the inexplicable price of a better world. We strongly condemn all violence and, as the most brutal expression of a return to primitive animality, this infernal machine must be rooted out lest our so-called "civilization" be allowed to perish in misery. We are prepared to give our firm support to all drafts designed effectively to combat terrorism, this modern version of the Horsemen of the Apocalypse.
273.	The Organization has convened a United Nations Water Conference, to be held next year, a subject to which my country attaches special importance. The world's population growth, industrial activities, the expansion of farmlands, as well as other lesser problems make the existing sources of water supply inadequate. The large human settlements which have changed the landscape have also created an ecological imbalance which is reflected in inadequate rainfall and an alarming index of water pollution and erosion.
274.	There now exists an awareness of these problems among States and international organizations, and this is reflected in the holding of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, the International Hydrological Decade, the World Weather Watch programme, the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements and the studies prepared by various committees on natural resources and the environment. All these initiatives emphasize the importance of the forthcoming water Conference, to which we will give our special support and from which we expect encouraging results.
275.	These are the general guidelines which the delegation of Paraguay will follow in dealing with the questions to which I have specifically referred. I wish to express the hope that the deliberations of this session of the Assembly may contribute to strengthening our faith in a troubled world which, perhaps without quite realizing, continues to cling to certain irreplaceable values which will always serve to explain the wondrous daily miracle of life in this region of the universe, so dear to our hearts, which we call earth.


Mr. President, first of all I should like to convey to you and, through you, to the representatives gathered here the greetings and best wishes of my Sovereign His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev for the success of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
157.	Let me associate myself, Mr. Prudent, with the sentiments expressed by various speakers in extending to you our sincere congratulations on your election to the high office of the presidency of this session. The Assembly, in electing you as the President, has bestowed a fitting recognition and honor upon you as a distinguished diplomat and statesman of a great Asian country, SriLanka. The vast knowledge and experience you have gained in your distinguished career will undoubtedly contribute to the success of this session. May I extend, on behalf of my delegation, assurances of our full co-operation with you in the discharge of that heavy responsibility of which you and all of us are so well aware.
158.	Mr. President, just a month ago your beautiful island country had the honor of acting as host to the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries. We still vividly recall the success of the Conference and, also, the warm hospitality accorded to us by the Government and people of SriLanka, with whom we have close and cordial relations. We shall cherish for a long time to come the attitude of understanding and co-operation shown to us by your Government at the Conference.
159.	I also take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation for the services rendered by your distinguished predecessor, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, who discharged his functions as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly in a most exemplary manner.
160.	My delegation is happy to welcome the Republic of Seychelles in our midst as an independent and sovereign country. The admission of Seychelles to the United Nations is a positive step towards the attainment of the principle of universality of this Organization. This clearly manifests the decline of colonialism and also indicates the principle of the equality of nations.
161.	We welcome the reunification of Vietnam. My delegation is confident that the Socialist Republic of Vietnam will soon find its rightful place in this world Organization and play a dynamic role in the maintenance of international peace and security.
162.	Every year we gather in this Assembly to review and seek solutions to major world problems. Positive and satisfactory developments have taken place in certain parts of the world, but by and large we are still confronted by the same old issues and problems which have taken most of the time of our debate. The situation in the Middle East remains critical; apartheid and racial discrimination still endure in southern Africa; and the arms build-up seems to be the main preoccupation of the major Powers. Among other issues, the questions of Korea and of Cyprus remain to be solved. The problem of the ever-widening gap between the rich and the poor countries remains as acute as ever and more pressing than before.
163.	As a peace-loving nation, Nepal is deeply concerned over the situation in the Middle East, which remains explosive. Nepal is of the firm belief that any problem or dispute, given goodwill and co-operation between the parties involved in the crisis, can be peacefully solved through constructive dialog and negotiations. But peace will not prevail in the Middle East so long as Israel continues to occupy forcibly and illegally Arab lands. We plead once again, as we have done in the past, for the withdrawal of Israel from the territories occupied since 1967. It is equally important that Israel cease all its activities which relate to demographic change in the occupied territory. In my delegation's view, any solution loading to a settlement of the Middle East problem must take into consideration the national rights of the Palestinian people, especially their right to create a homeland of their own. Furthermore, a just solution of the Middle East problem must ensure the right of every State in the region, including the State of Israel, to live within secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
164.	At present, the wont form of chaos, turmoil and war prevails in Lebanon, a small non-aligned country at one time peaceful and beautiful. For more than a year the people of Lebanon have been deprived of peace and tranquility. My delegation wishes to express our profound
sympathy to the people of Lebanon for the sufferings that have been their lot through no fault of their own. My delegation strongly feels that Lebanon should be left free to decide its own destiny.
165.	Phenomenal progress has been made in the field of decolonization, but the last remnants of colonialism, oppression and racial discrimination still subsist in southern Africa. The South African regime is making every effort to convince the international community that it is undertaking reforms in South Africa that it is keen for a settlement in Zimbabwe and that it is leading Namibia to independence soon. The so-called reforms in South Africa have so far proved to be more propaganda on the part of the racist regime to divert world opinion from the struggles of the majority black people for self-determination and independence. The racist regime is not only denying fundamental rights to the majority black people, in contravention of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, but is also trying to accelerate the fragmentation of the international Territory of Namibia into so-called "Bantu homelands" in defiance of the decision of the International Court of Justice.
166.	The decision of the General Assembly at its twenty- ninth session to bar the South African delegation from participating in the work of the Assembly was motivated by the desire that the Pretoria regime should come to understand and appreciate the basic values of human life, and thus terminate its heinous policy of apartheid. But the recent killings at Soweto and at other black townships in South Africa clearly indicate that the South African regime is not yet willing to abandon its inhuman policy of apartheid and racial discrimination. The decision of South Africa to grant so-called independence to Transkei is nothing but "eyewash" and only serves to perpetuate the political domination of the racist regime.
167.	In Zimbabwe, the racist minority regime continues, in spite of its promises for constitutional reforms, to resort to ruthless oppression, repression and exploitation of the indigenous people. My country has always supported and will continue to support the people of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe who are waging just and legitimate struggles for equality, freedom and national independence. Furthermore, we welcome any constructive effort that may help attain the legitimate aspirations of the majority people of southern Africa.
42
168.	The situation in Cyprus remains as grave as ever. Cyprus, a small non-aligned country, still endures the consequences of foreign intervention. The cessation of all foreign interference and the withdrawal of all foreign, armed forces from Cyprus are vital if constructive dialog is to take place between the two Cypriot communities. Nepal firmly supports and respects the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus. Thus, as in the past, we will continue to reject the notion of a State within a State. However, the continuing stalemate in Cyprus indicates that no genuine efforts are being made by the parties involved in the dispute to solve the Cyprus problem. We appeal to the two Cypriot communities to forget their minor differences and resume negotiations once again with a view to finding a just solution to this problem.
169.	Nepal supports the reunification of more than 50 million Korean people in a single nation. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea are the principal parties to this problem, and we believe that reunification should be peacefully achieved through the efforts and agreement of the parties concerned. The international community should encourage them to resume negotiations to that end.
170.	It is encouraging to note that some progress has been made in the field of disarmament, but, unfortunately, the arms build-up continues to proceed at an alarming rate. My country continues to express its deep concern over the stockpiling of nuclear weapons. As a peace-loving nation, we also oppose all proliferation of nuclear weapons and their testing in all environments. My country believes that a comprehensive test ban is the principal step towards nuclear disarmament. Hence, we appeal to the nuclear-weapon States to resume negotiations in good faith and without further delay on a comprehensive test-ban agreement.
171.	Billions and billions of dollars are spent annually on discovering new types of sophisticated nuclear weapons. We feel that, in view of the deteriorating condition of the world economy, the nuclear-weapon States should channel part of their armaments budget to assistance to developing countries. Such a step would not only improve the economy of the developing countries but also create a favorable atmosphere for international peace and security.
172.	We find that nuclear arms proliferation is no longer limited, to the major Powers. There are also emerging Powers which have the capability of developing nuclear arms and are keen to acquire sophisticated nuclear weapons. Hie arms build-up has been the major concern of all peace-loving countries, and therefore my delegation feels that a world disarmament conference should be held under the auspices of the United Nations as early as possible.
173.	Let me take this opportunity once again to reiterate my delegation's support for General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI)S regarding the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Our continued support for that declaration is based on our desire for peace and stability in that sensitive area. We hope that all possible efforts will be made to implement the declaration as early as possible.
174.	Similarly, my delegation considers that the proposal of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations for a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality is a constructive effort towards the strengthening of the peace, stability and development of the South-East Asian region. We fully and strongly support this effort. My own country has offered itself as a zone of peace, and this has been clearly reflected in several addresses and speeches by His Majesty the King of Nepal. Recently during the Fifth Conference in Colombo, His Majesty King Birendra made the following observations:

"In February last year, I made the proposition that Nepal be declared a zone of peace. This proposition
implies a desire, on our part, to look for a permanence in our country's destiny when, free from turmoil or turbulence, we can work out our future in peace and freedom. For a country placed in a geopolitical situation such as that of Nepal, there is nothing unnatural about harboring a desire for peace. Nepal wants no situation, either for the present or in perpetuity, that leaves room for tension, fear or the anxiety of instability. This is not to suggest that the Nepalese have misgivings about other countries. Far from it, we have relations of peace, friendship and co-operation with all countries of the world, particularly with our neighbors, and our efforts to develop these relations further on the basis of co-operation and understanding continue. For the moment, we are wholly committed to an orderly and uninterrupted economic development for our people. Being a small land-locked country, we hardly can afford to waste our resources on presumptions. On the contrary, exigencies demand that we continue to intensify our efforts at economic development. Hence the zone of peace proposition, which in our view gives substance to our faith in the principles of both the United Nations and non-alignment."
The proposal for a zone of peace is, therefore, an expression of our desire to carve out a permanent destiny for our nation in an atmosphere of absolute peace and tranquility. In this connexion, I want to make it very clear that Nepal is prepared to enter into all necessary commitments, such as a guarantee against the use of our soil for any hostile activity against another country. We believe that the institutionalization of peace alone can make for the speedy and uninterrupted development of my country.
175.	We are now in the middle of the Second United Nations Development Decade. The International Development Strategy for this Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] has been biennially reviewed, and the mid-term review was also made during the last session. During the last four years, we have seen two special sessions devoted exclusively to economic problems. The Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States was also adopted [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. In spite of such resolutions and programs of action, die question still remains, Has there been substantial progress on the economic front? The answer, to our regret, is in the negative. The world economic situation continues to present a depressing picture. Though the economy of the developed countries has somewhat recovered from recession, the deteriorating conditions of the developing countries have further worsened.
176.	The trend of growth of the least developed among the developing countries is even more alarming. If no special measures are urgently taken to mitigate their specific problems, not only will the gap of economic disparity between them and the developed countries continue to widen but also the very basic problems of food, clothing and shelter faced by the vast majority of people, who are virtually hungry and naked, will continue to grow more acute and complex. Urgent and increased inter-national assistance and co-operation should, therefore, be generously forthcoming for alleviating the plight of these less fortunate among the developing countries.
177.	It is a matter of regret that the record of present international assistance shows a discouraging downward trend. The contribution of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product by the developed countries set as the target in the Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade has not been realized; and the volume of international assistance is actually decreasing both in percentage and in real value. During my statement before this body last, year  I suggested that the assistance for international development should be conceived of as "international taxation" for the richer and developed countries, so that they might gradually accept it as their responsibility and obligation to contribute towards inter-national economic development. I still hold this view, because I strongly feel that, though the primary responsibilities for economic development lie with the countries concerned, the developed countries have a special responsibility for bettering the lot of developing countries through generous assistance in terms of both finance and technology.
178.	My delegation is convinced that the new inter-national economic order should be further pursued with a view to the more successful implementation of its action program, so that all countries of the world could justly and equally share the benefits of the world's prosperity.
179.	We are aware that the fundamental problem of the developing countries lies in the pattern of their economy itself. The economic pattern of the developing countries, which are mainly dependent on the production and distribution of primary goods and raw materials, is responsible to a great extent for their disadvantageous position in the world economy. The restructuring of the world economic order, by consolidating the positions of countries producing raw materials and primary goods, has been the main subject of discussion in various international forums for quite some time. New measures have been suggested and various initiatives taken with a view to their implementation by the Group of 77 in Manila, in Nairobi and, recently, in the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries.  Though at Nairobi final agreement could not be reached on the integrated pro-gramme for commodities, nor could the proposal for a common fund for financing the internationally owned buffer stocks be unanimously adopted, it is, however, a matter of satisfaction that a basis, or rather a framework, for future action has been laid down. We are of the conviction that, with political will on the part of the developed countries to co-operate with their less fortunate brethren, the future negotiations to be carried out by UNCTAD over the period of 18 months, in accordance with the mandate given to it at Nairobi, can yield fruitful and equally acceptable results in these fields.
180.	Apart from the question of commodities, trade, manufactures, finance and external debt, the transfer of technology, co-operation among developing countries and trade with countries having different economic and social systems are some of the areas of vital concern for the economic development of the less developed countries -that is, of the developing countries. We are aware of various painstaking negotiations being carried out in all these fields in various international forums, including the Paris' Conference on International Economic Co-operation. Though the outcome of the Paris negotiations-the north-south dialog, as it is called-has not been so encouraging, we very much hope that the current session of the General Assembly will review the progress of the Paris Conference and persuade the participating countries to continue the dialog to reach a commonly acceptable formula which might provide a valid basis for future international economic co-operation.
181.	The Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries, recently held in Colombo, has come up with many important decisions and an action program in various fields of economic co-operation among developing countries, on the one hand, and international economic co-operation, on the other. As economic co-operation among the developing countries forms one of the important agenda items of the present session, the decisions of the Fifth Conference might serve as a useful basis for discussion.on that subject. The United Nations forum might, we believe, greatly contribute to fostering and further developing the economic co-operation among the developing countries which has been accepted to be one of the most important and necessary factors for rapidly improving the economy of the third world.

182.	As a representative of a least developed and land-locked country, I would fail in my duty if I did not explain the additional hardship borne by my country. The geographically disadvantageous position arising out of the land-locked character of my country-which is the main obstacle to our economic development-coupled with many other serious problems is responsible for the least developed nature of our economy. Through you, Mr. President, we implore this body to give serious consideration to the specific and other related problems of countries in this category, because without the recovery of the low-income and poorest group of countries from prolonged economic hardship, the economic uplifting of the developing countries as a whole is not conceivable. The question of filling the gap of economic disparity between the developed and the developing countries will be a matter of frustration to the poorest and weakest if they are left behind without due attention being given.to their problems. We fully realize the importance of the proposal for reviewing the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade and very much hope that the revision will include special measures of priority for mitigating the problems of such countries.
183.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which just concluded its fifth round of negotiations without agreement, cannot be viewed in isolation from the efforts to establish a new international economic order which is the preoccupation of all countries today. In the context of a new international economic order, the Conference on the Law of the Sea must evolve an international convention which is just and equitable. Such a convention cannot be just and equitable if it fails to take into account the legitimate rights and interests of all countries, including the landlocked ones. However, it is regrettable that the coastal countries have remained adamant on certain issues that vitally concern the land-locked countries. It should not be forgotten that pressure tactics being used by the coastal countries do not yield fruitful results and cannot help to promote international co-operation and understanding. There have been several multilateral conventions in the past. The convention to be adopted by the Conference on the Law of the Sea should be one that is acceptable to all. My delegation hopes and trusts that the forthcoming session of the Conference on the Law of the Sea in May will be able to elaborate a convention to the satisfaction of all the parties concerned.
184.	My country being a land-locked one, the question of transit trade and access to the sea is of paramount importance for our survival as a sovereign, independent entity. We insist on the recognition of free access to the sea and unrestricted transit in terms of free flow of goods and people as the natural right of land-locked countries. We urge the coastal countries and the international community to recognize the difficulties of land-locked countries and take a positive attitude in this regard.
185.	Before I conclude, allow me to say a few words about this Organization, which has emerged as a community of nations. My delegation reiterates its faith in this august body which, despite its occasional reverses, has played a vital role in maintaining international peace, security and understanding. This world body has been seized of, and taken decisions on, major issues such as the establishment of a new international economic order, food, population, the environment, the law of the sea and so many others. The creation of a new world order is the responsibility of all, big or small, developed or developing. We strongly believe that no nation can live in peace and amity unless the entire family of nations represented by this world body is developed as an organic whole. This end can be achieved if all of us, particularly the countries which are in a more advantageous position, are willing to sacrifice a little of our interests for the common good of mankind.


In the name of the Government and people of Liberia, I am pleased to congratulate and salute you, Mr. President, and the people of the land from which you hail, and to extend felicitations on your unanimous election to the office of President. Your personal preeminence as Chairman of the various sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and your profound conversance with the endeavors of the United Nations; your skilful identification with the constructive and progressive forces for a new world order free from injustices and discrimination and free for equitable resource application, all confirm our belief that this session of the General Assembly, under your wise guidance, will fulfill its awesome responsibilities in these challenging times.
3.	The Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, who skilfully guided the work of the General Assembly of the United Nations during its thirtieth session, similarly deserves our high commendation, and we congratulate him on his successful handling of the affairs of that thirtieth session of the General Assembly.
4.	We must also express to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldlieim, our thanks and appreciation for his lucid annual report on the work of the Organization [A/31/l[Add.l], which clearly presents the current state of international relations and appeals for positive international statesmanship in order to prevent a deterioration in relationships among nations. To the Secretary-General, for his sincere and continuing efforts in the interest of advancing genuine international peace and security, we pay a special tribute.
A/31/PV.9
5. In regard to the recent home going of a great Chinese statesman and patriot of renown, Chairman Mao Tsetung, who has left an indelible mark on history, I renew the sentiments of profound regret of the Government and people of Liberia for the irreparable loss sustained by the Government and people of the People's Republic of China.
6.	On the occasions when I have been privileged and honored to speak from this rostrum I have endeavored to share with this august Assembly the concern of the Government and people of Liberia and have called for accelerated progress towards the realization of a new world order that would be responsive to the legitimate aspirations of all peoples in our one world. Since 1974 the world itself has made perceptible progress towards the evolution of that new order of international co-operation based on economic equity and social justice. On the other hand, the world has palpably failed to answer the cries for fundamental freedoms and human dignity. Nevertheless, as I review with you today the advancement in global reform and the regression in sacred human values, I remain convinced that political will and moral purpose and a fortified world conscience of dignity and development these alone can bring the collective strength of peace and prosperity to this, our one world. These alone can forge strengthened co-alliance among institutions and peoples and nations. These alone can banish the imminent rift of cleavages and confrontation and prevent disastrous conflagration.
7.	The Government of Liberia considers it extremely significant that newly independent States seek membership in the United Nations. We are convinced that through the United Nations in particular can be created the true international community so essential to global and inter-dependent aspirations. But, more than this, we are convinced that it is only through the United Nations that the legitimate interests of all nations alike can be safeguarded and upheld.
8.	Nothing, therefore, gives me greater joy and satisfaction at this time than to salute the Republic of Seychelles, a sister African State which has been admitted as the one hundred and forty-fifth Member of this Organization following its admission to the Organization of African Unity and the non-aligned movement. This is another milestone in our journey towards the goal of universality of membership, a universality which we earnestly hope will soon embrace all independent States, especially those recently liberated from the yoke of colonialism. We extend to the brotherly people of Seychelles our heartiest congratulations and very best wishes.
9.	While we welcome our sister 'African State to member-ship in this Organization, we note with deep regret that the People's Republic of Angola, a sister African State, has after a long and arduous struggle for freedom unfortunately experienced a denial which impedes the advancement of the principle of universality of membership.
10.	In this connexion the time seems at hand when the United Nations must undertake a progressive adjustment of the veto power so as to place it in conformity with the democratization of international relations. As a first step we should here and now most seriously consider building into the current veto arrangement the requirement that the admission of independent States to membership in the United Nations be determined outside the framework of the veto by a two-thirds majority vote of the membership of the Security Council.
11.	Meanwhile it remains our ardent hope that very soon Angola will rightfully take its appropriate seat as a full Member of this world body.
12.	The people of Africa, seized with a consciousness of affinity, are being drawn closer and closer together. Once divided by apparently insurmountable barriers of language, ustance, political intrigues and sectionalism, Africans are more aware of their indivisibility even against the forces of tension, of conflict and of social advantages and disadvantages. They recognize (hat their principle source of lasting peace and security lies in the mutual understanding of each other's problems and in collective efforts at eradicating their disabling effects.
13.	Imbued with a sense of mutual respect and an equitable sharing of the advantages of modern technological advances, Africans, I can firmly say, will march together with all the nations of the world in a collective effort towards achieving the victory of peace over war, the triumph of love over hatred, and the supremacy of solidarity over discrimination, towards the dominance of prosperity over poverty, towards the imposition of human rights over human wrongs, towards the ascendancy of multiracial aspiration over selfish nationalism.
14.	Indeed, if the 31 years of existence of this Organization have taught us anything, it is that the United Nations is a durable and highly viable Organization, that the vision of those who drew the founding plan was indeed far- sighted, and that the soundness of its guiding principles is unshakable.
IS. Yet, as new perspectives and new experience follow change, and as change is a fundamental characteristic of our world, the Organization must be strengthened and made more responsive to the requirements of our times. Indeed, the efforts initiated at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and advanced in a number of other international forums, with particular reference to the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations with the aim of redressing structural imbalances and creating a more equitable system for the benefit of the entire world community, must be pursued with greater vigor, with urgency and collective commitment, in order to hasten the dawn of a new world order.
16.	It must be the mission of the United Nations today to shape and give direction to this new order, for upon the speedy realization of this new order rest the very requirements for the maintenance of international peace and security, the continuing purposes of our great Organization.
17.	I speak of an order which would seek to introduce into contemporary international relationships the concept of the family of man, a family whose members are interdependent, interested in the welfare and respectability of the community of nations and of one another, a family of nations wherein territorial integrity is inviolable, where international piracy is not permissible.
18.	I speak of a new order that will actively battle to eradicate from human society the age-old enemies, ignorance, disease and poverty. I speak of a new order free from prejudices and complexes, from rancor and recoil. I speak of a world order where majority rule will freely embrace inviolable equal rights for all.
19.	By both the circumstances of its birth over 129 years ago and the hostile external environment in which it existed during its early years-conditions which have contributed to the shaping of its unalterable convictions-Liberia has been impelled always to give uncompromising and constructive support to oppressed peoples struggling for their freedom and their inalienable rights. We solemnly reaffirm that support and renew here our commitment to buttress the legitimate efforts of all peoples striving to attain self-determination and independence.
20.	As I stand here today, representing the people of Liberia, I assure you of our hearts' most fervent wish that abundant strength and courage be the possession of those who strive for a world of reason and understanding; that the good in all men be magnified; and that those issues which unite them, not those which divide them, will be distinctly perceived. It is our deepest wish that, as we move forward within our one world, we shall envisage the victory of man over his own evils and human frailties and that ultimately will prevail that peace within which to build and to grow, to live in harmony and in empathy with others, and within which to pursue our tomorrow in the fullness of confidence and crowning prosperity.
21.	Our present hope is seriously marred by urgent problems affecting the conscience and continuity of the human quest for peace and social justice everywhere. Those problems, as contained in the situation in southern Africa, have reached crisis proportion.
22.	Stubborn colonialism, racist minority rule, and the sinister policy of apartheid seem determined to stem the inevitable tide of total African emancipation. But that unjust and cruel effort must not be permitted to prevail over the dogged determination of the African peoples of the subregion to release themselves from the shackles of oppression and of justice denied.
23.	The well-known 1969 Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa  and the 1975 Dar-es-Salaam Declaration on Southern Africa  have served both as guides and as instruments of reference as we face the problems of the subregion.
24.	It was thus that as ill will characterized the attitude of the rebel Smith regime in the various negotiating efforts over the years, the struggle to end illegality and racist minority rule in Zimbabwe intensified. As delaying tactics and subterfuges were employed by the illegal and repressive regime in Namibia, the people of that Territory, led by the South West Africa People's Organization fSWAPOJ, continued to rise up in arms.
25.	We must not forget that while more than 16 years separated Sharpeville from Soweto, spontaneous revolts have occurred with telling regularity in a number of African townships in Johannesburg, Pretoria, Capetown and elsewhere. Not even the repressive, barbaric and violent reaction of the murder squads of the apartheid regime has sufficed to quell the surging spirit of an oppressed but determined people.
26.	In the end, it is their will to be free which will determine the outcome of the current struggle. The nationalistic will of the African people far outweighs the strength of any ideology or any resistance whatsoever. This determination must bring the nations and people of the earth to realize that Africans evolve their independent destinies.
27.	It is clear that the armed struggle approach to liberation has not been Africa's first choice of method. In fact, such an approach has been forced on us, for there never has been, and there never will be, any compromising whatsoever on the sacred objective of total liberation from the remnants of colonialism, racist minority rule and apartheid.
28.	As we in Liberia have welcomed, and engaged our-selves in, peaceful initiatives in respect of the problems of southern Africa in the past, the Government of Liberia can now only welcome the encouraging initiatives currently underway, notably the commendable efforts of the United States of America.
29.	Now that tit rebel Rhodesian leader has apparently bowed to the inevitable, and accepted the fundamentals of the British-American proposals the convening of a constitutional conference and the creation of a transitional government leading to majority rule—Liberia fully associates itself with the view that the constitutional conference, under the auspices of the United Kingdom, should be immediately convened outside of Zimbabwe, and that clear modalities for effective transfer to majority rule be established and implemented without delay.
30.	The time is thus at hand for maximum international goodwill and leadership, caution and patience. Failure to maintain the momentum towards accommodation already acquired; failure to maximize the current prospect for negotiated settlements based exclusively on the objectives of decolonization, majority rule and inviolable human equality; failure to defuse with timeliness the dangerous,
2 Adopted by the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity at its ninth extraordinary session held from 7 to 10 April 1975.
violent hostility which has everywhere been building up in southern Africa-this could irrevocably invite deepening and widening external involvement which would imperil the peace of the world.
31.	Genuine and durable peace on the subcontinent demands steady progress on all of the fronts of oppression.
32.	It is our prayerful wish that the outlines of a clearer settlement on both Zimbabwe and Namibia will soon emerge, and that far beyond the token desegregation of sports and other half-hearted, insufficient measures, the South African regime will heed the warning signals and take timely and positive action to dismantle its pernicious apartheid system.
33.	In the region of the Middle East, where an abrasive and hostile stalemate prevails, I call on Israel to release to the Arab States the lands it obtained by conquest and has occupied since 1967.
34.	I also urge the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people in all the processes leading to a just and lasting solution of the problems in that area of our one world.
35.	I call also on the Arab States to recognize the legitimate rights of Israel to exist in the Middle East as a free and sovereign nation.
36.	I call on the great. Powers to desist from contributing to a military build-up in that area, which is already dangerously explosive and a threat to international peace and security.
37.	In Lebanon, where a complicated internal rift continues, I appeal to all parties to exert their maximum efforts and understanding to ease tension and accelerate the dawn of a just and lasting peace in that region.
38.	The question of Korea also lies heavy on the hearts of all peace-loving people, for we should like to see that peninsula devoid of violence and more vigorous for unification. In this regard, we remain deeply hopeful that, in the spirit of the North-South joint communique of 4 July 1972,  dialog will be intensified by the parties and encouraged by all nations.
39.	On the critical matters of development and trade, I note with regret that proposals made by the Group of 77 at the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTADJ, aimed at lessening the inequality in wealth between developed and developing countries, have been impeded by reservations on the part of some countries. Yet, I am pleased by the continuing positive posture of the United States and other major Powers, renewing the hope of dialog and negotiation which I believe will, in time, constitute one of history's greatest turning-points towards harmonious international relationships.
40.	The world situation as it exists today offers a challenge to the developed nations to effect the necessary 126
redress of an unbalanced international socio-economic order. The extent to which the developed nations are willing to meet the challenge is left to be seen.
41.	In a world where few are rich and many are poor, peace cannot flourish. Equally, in a world where the gap between countries continues to grow ever wider, a policy of genuine solidarity and collective self-reliance among developing countries, and between them and the developed countries, must be evolved as the best guarantee of true independence and freedom.
42.	To this end, support for regional and multilateral institutions that would foster such efforts is one of the major policies of the Liberian Government. His establishment of the Mano River Union between Liberia and Sierra Leone and our active support of the Economic Community of West African States are well-known efforts in the interest of international co-operation for development.
43.	Moreover, the linkage among the alliances in Europe, Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific in which Liberia cherishes its membership is another manifestation of our faith in forging co-alliances for international co-operation.
(
44.	The arms race is accelerating. In the Ad Hoc Committee on the Review of the Role of the United Nations in the Field of Disarmament, the pace of negotiation is rather discouraging.
45.	Despite the General Assembly's appeal to all States, in particular to the nuclear Powers, to exert concerted efforts in all the appropriate international forums with a view to the formulation of prompt effective measures for preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, I regret to note, and it is even very disheartening, that there remains a stalemate in the Organization's efforts. There are yet some countries which are not parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annexJ and the Treaty banning nuclear-weapons tests.
46.	We are appalled that the world's expenditure for armaments has reached a level of approximately $US 300 billion per year. This vast sum spent on arms of all types is an important factor in the failure of the developing nations to make greater progress in the advancement of the Second United Nations Development Decade. It is, indeed, regret-table that some of the developing countries themselves are increasingly participating in this destructive, rather than constructive, spending process.
47.	I believe that because the arms race, despite some progress made towards its containment, is a continuing threat to peace and human welfare, the General Assembly should focus on this problem in a special session. In this regard, the Government of Liberia fully endorses the recent resolution of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo in August, calling for such a meeting to convene not later than 1978 [see A/31/197, annex I, para. 139],
48.	The Colombo Conference also appealed for disarmament in the context of General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI), which declares the Indian Ocean a peace zone [ibid., annex IV, resolution 11]. Let us all veritably resolve to move expeditiously towards the implementation of the resolution, making of the Indian Ocean a zone of peace from which must be excluded all power rivalries and competition as well as bases conceived in such contexts. Indeed, let us move creatively ahead in the progressive establishment of zones of peace throughout the world and thus usher in an era of serenity and security for our one world.
49.	The vital importance of establishing a new inter-national regime for the world's oceans can never be overemphasized. We associate ourselves, therefore, with the continuing efforts to endeavor to build upon the successes achieved so far in negotiations and, in the interim, to work assiduously to ensure fuller understanding in this strategic area of international co-operation.
50.	In this thirty-first year of the existence of this noble world body, let us earnestly renew our commitment and dedication in the search for a permanent solution of the burning problems of our times, so that relations among nations can enter a higher plane of mutual accommodation and veritable peaceful coexistence. Let conciliation, and not conflict, co-operation, and not confrontation, be the order of the day.
51.	We have faith sublime in the spirit of the single family of man. We have faith in the capabilities of selfless zeal to produce international brotherhood. We have faith that the pathway of morality and human solidarity will lessen tensions, bring new dimensions to international relations and fulfill the aspirations of all peoples within a wholesome functioning world society.