It is with genuine pleasure. Sir, that I extend my delegation's heartfelt congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. To see such an eminent representative of a brotherly Asian country preside over our session is a source of particular satisfaction to us. Your election to this high office is well-deserved recognition of your personal qualities and accomplishments, as well as a fitting tribute to the role and stature of Bangladesh in world affairs.
May I also extend a word of praise to your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, for the impeccable manner in which he chaired the fortieth session, as well as the thirteenth special session, on the critical economic situation in Africa. His firm and enlightened leadership gained him the admiration of the entire Assembly.
The highlight of the past year was, without question, the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on decolonization, which provided the international community with reason for some optimism and hope. The anniversary session appropriately focused the heightened attention of the world on our Organization, as representatives of Member States at the highest level converged to rededicate themselves to the purposes and principles of the Charter and to the strengthening of the United Nations for a better world.
Since that historic event, the special session of the General Assembly, convened to address the critical economic situation in Africa, has dramatically demonstrated what can be achieved through the multilateral approach. It sharpened world-wide awareness of the awesome dimensions of the prolonged crisis. It also
succeeded in injecting new urgency in addressing its underlying root causes and placed the firm support of the international community behind the African Priority program for Economic Recovery.
Efforts to eliminate the last remnants of colonialism on our globe were further intensified by the successes achieved at the various international conferences sponsored by the United Nations and the holding of the fourteenth special session, on the question of Namibia, thus paving the way for the final triumph of the historical forces of justice and liberation.
Efforts towards universal peace, peaceful coexistence and international co-operation were reinforced as representatives at the highest level from 101 non-aligned countries assembled early this month in Harare, Zimbabwe. They came away from the meeting with enhanced unity of purpose and strengthened resolve to continue to make their contributions to the central issues of disarmament, development and decolonization.
Similarly, the summit meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev last November and the resumed negotiations on various aspects of nuclear disarmament between the two most heavily armed nations in the world were a source of renewed hope that rationality and global responsibility may yet prevail and succeed in stemming the ever upward spiraling arms race.
Despite those major events and developments, however, the world community at all levels continues to experience a disquieting sense of uncertainty and generalized insecurity. The resolution of fundamental global issues remains bogged down by approaches that are tainted by mutual mistrust and narrow self-interest, which give rise to unilateralism and the politics of power and short-sighted expediency. The intractability of many problems has been compounded by a resurgence of great-Power contention and competition in the efforts to maintain or expand spheres of influence and domination. There has been no substantial progress in extinguishing the many regional hotbeds of conflict, which instead are being increasingly assigned East-West dimensions, thus widening the risk of enlarged conflagrations. Persistent resort to the threat or use of force in the settlement of disputes, aggression and racist oppression, intervention and economic coercion, have kept international tensions at undiminished levels, while posing a constant threat to the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States. And, overhanging all these disturbing trends is the dark cloud of the escalating arms race, especially in nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, spurred on by strategic doctrines that purport to justify their existence and even their use.
Crippling slow-downs in the development process and the steady erosion of multilaterialism and the multilateral framework of co-operation continue to be distinguishing features of the world economy and of international economic relations. In an increasingly integrated global economy, international development co-operation based on equity and genuine interdependence is eschewed in favor of a selective kind of bilateralism and sheer opportunism. As a direct consequence, the developing countries are plagued by economic stagnation and even regression. Their dire plight poses a real threat to the political stability and social cohesion of their societies, which in turn threatens the stability of the world at large.
Of acute concern to the Assembly is the propensity of some Members to question the Organization's functions and programs and to reduce or withhold their assessed financial commitments, thereby seriously undercutting its role. At a time when so many pressing issues demand reaffirmation and reinvigoration of the multilateral process, we are, paradoxically, being confronted by attempts to weaken and curtail the role of the United Nations as the most appropriate universal forum for negotiations on and the solution of those issues. Indeed, the Organization is at present being subjected to an unprecedented challenge, not only to its solvency, but to its very viability.
In brief, the world today is confronted by the incalculable risk of nuclear war and by continuing political turbulence and economic dislocation, especially in the developing regions of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. Our collective determination should therefore be directed towards the progressive establishment of a new world order based not on the competitive use of power but on the sovereign equality and genuine independence of all States. To act otherwise is to abdicate our collective responsibility and resolve to avert the irrational drift towards self-destruction through either self-inflicted nuclear annihilation or regression into international chaos and anarchy.
Nowhere is this more apparent than in the field of disarmament and security, which remains the central preoccupation of our times. The excessive accumulation and refinement of weapons of mass destruction, both nuclear and conventional, 01 land and sea have continued unabated and may now be extended to outer space as well. The threat of nuclear war is not simply one problem aMong the many the world is facing. The averting of nuclear catastrophe is the essential pre-condition of our endeavors to solve all other problems.
As the largest coalition for peace in history, the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, at their eighth summit meeting, held in Harare early this month, issued an urgent appeal to the major Powers reflecting the concern and anxiety of mankind about the possible outbreak of nuclear war and its attendant consequences. While the nuclear-weapon States must assume primary responsibility, every State has the right and duty to make its contribution to the adoption of effective measures to remove for all time the danger of nuclear war. Pending nuclear disarmament, the major Powers should heed the global demand that they forswear the use of nuclear weapons by international convention, ban all testing in all environments, halt and reverse the arms race and affirm the objective of common security through disarmament.
Of growing concern to Indonesia is the fact that progress in the multilateral disarmament forums continues to be painfully slow and that too often stalemate in bilateral efforts has become a major impediment to such progress. Although some incremental gains have been made in the Conference on Disarmament, it has yet to fulfill its role as the sole negotiating machinery on all disarmament issues. The Conference on Disarmament should be allowed to initiate substantive negotiations in order to address the priority issues in a meaningful way.
We have followed with close attention and measured hope the ongoing negotiations between the two major Powers. Despite faint indications of some movement, we have unfortunately seen little in the way of tangible progress so far. It is therefore necessary for the Assembly to call upon the United States and the Soviet Union to break the log-jam and translate their oft-repeated commitments into binding and durable agreements. The denial of justice, independence and human dignity continues to be a principal source of conflict and strife in many regions of the world. It is a matter of great urgency to ensure the speedy decolonization of Namibia and the eradication of apartheid. It is truly scandalous that, two decades after the United Nations assumed of direct responsibility over Namibia, racist South Africa continues its illegal occupation of the Territory. Despite concerted international efforts, prospects for the faithful implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence seem no better today than they did during last year's session. This is particularly deplorable in the light of the Secretary-General's conclusion that all issues relevant to the United Nations plan have been resolved and that, but for South Africa's insistence on injecting extraneous issues, it would have been possible to commence implementation.
After waiting eight long years for the realization of the United Nations plan, the time for deliberation and persuasion is over. The Security Council must now demonstrate the political courage to act and to move forward with the implementation of its resolution 435 (1976), without entertaining any modification or any further delaying tactics by South Africa. Namibia's decolonization cannot and should not any longer be held hostage to issues outside the terms of the United Nations plan, such as linkage with the presence of Cuban troops in Angola. We also reject all attempts to distort the question of Namibia by portraying it as an issue of East-West contention.
As a member of the Council for Namibia since its inception, my Government has always attached the utmost importance to the Council's unique responsibilities of protecting and promoting the inalienable rights of the Namibian people and of ensuring the emergence of an independent Namibia with its territorial integrity and national unity intact. Indonesia also remains unswervingly committed to support the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people, in the intensification of its just struggle, including armed struggle, for the liberation of Namibia.
Indonesia views the deepening crisis in South Africa itself with utmost concern and anguish, all indications show that after two years of unprecedented brutality and repression against the oppressed black majority, the racist regime has neither the inclination nor the ability to reduce the ever more violent polarization and, instead, continues to rely on the,- indiscriminate application of brute force. Indeed, blinded by its frantic efforts to perpetuate the abhorrent system of apartheid, Pretoria is seemingly oblivious to the disastrous consequences of its self-destructive course which, has brought the situation in South Africa to the brink of an all-out civil war.
My Government is convinced that the opportunity to avert a racial conflagration and to arrive at a peaceful end to apartheid may soon be lost unless the Security Council decides to act and to act decisively. It has long been abundantly clear to my delegation that the enforcement of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter may yet be our last option towards non-violent change in South Africa.
While welcoming the recent decision of certain States to impose additional limited sanctions against South Africa, Indonesia views those piecemeal measures as still falling far short of coming to grips with the critical situation.therefore call on those States urgently to reassess their stand and acknowledge the dismal failure of the policy of "constructive engagement". Only through the complete isolation of apartheid South Africa can the principal objective of dismantling that inhuman system be assured and a non-racial, egalitarian and democratic society be built in its place.
Peace and stability cannot coexist with apartheid and colonialism, not only in South Africa and Namibia, but indeed in the entire region of southern Africa. For the repeated acts of aggression, destabilization, subversion and terrorism perpetrated by Pretoria against the front-line and other neighboring African States reveal the ultimate hegemonistic designs of the racist regime on the region as a whole. Those States deserve increased assistance to overcome their vulnerability and economic dependence on South Africa.
For the past three decades, Israel's aggressive and expansionist policies, its brutal record of repression of the Palestinian Arabs in the occupied territories and its desperate but vain attempts to destroy the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), both politically and physically, have been and continue to be the fundamental source of unabated violence and tensions in the Middle East. It is also most disturbing to observe that the major Powers continue to view the conflict primarily from the perspective of their own strategic designs on the region.
The Indonesian Government and people remain steadfast in their firm support and solidarity with the just struggle of the Arab nation to regain its usurped rights and territories occupied since 1967. The question of Palestine lies at the core of the Middle East problem. A comprehensive, just and lasting solution, therefore, can be achieved only through the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the rights to self-determination and to establish their own independent and sovereign State in Palestine. Moreover, no
solution can be regarded as either comprehensive or just unless the PLO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, fully participates in its elaboration and implementation. Last but not least, stable peace and security can be based only on Israel's total withdrawal from all occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, including Jerusalem.
We strongly believe that the most viable avenue towards resolving the various aspects of the conflict is through the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East. It is clear, however, that such a conference can be convened and succeed only with the support of the major Powers which must be prevailed upon to see its urgency and compelling logic. The alternative can only be further violence, bloodshed and suffering.
Israel also continues to occupy sovereign Lebanese territory. The illegal presence of Israeli occupation troops in southern Lebanon is the principal cause of the worsening circumstances surrounding the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and has prevented UNIFIL from discharging the task assigned to it by the Security Council. Indonesia fully supports Lebanon's demand for the total withdrawal of all Israeli forces from its territory and for respect of its national sovereignty and territorial integrity.
In the same region, we yearn for an end to the fratricidal conflict between Iran and Iraq and to the grievous human and material losses incurred by both sides. My delegation again appeals to our two brother nations to seek to resolve their differences in accordance with Charter principles so as to achieve a just and honorable settlement.
Let me now turn to our own region's political and security concerns. Eight years after the outbreak of the conflict in Kampuchea, the tragic situation in that country continues to be the singular source of tension and instability in our part of the world. It also constitutes a major obstacle to our larger objective of transforming South-East Asia into an area of peace, regional harmony and prosperity. Our Organization has been rightly concerned over a conflict involving the violation of the cardinal principles of non-use of force and non-intervention in the internal affairs and the political and economic system of an independent State. Consequently, it has repeatedly reaffirmed the right of the people of Kampuchea to determine their own destiny free from foreign interference, subversion and coercion and has sought to promote negotiations and mutual understanding whereby a climate conducive to the exercise of that right would be created.
For its part, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has engaged in painstaking efforts to contribute to a settlement that would restore to the people of Kampuchea their rights, in accordance with internationally recognized principles.
The Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea has also shown its readiness to consider any viable approach to a just and peaceful settlement. In this context, we welcome the eight-point proposal recently advanced by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea as it contains positive elements that can serve as a constructive framework for meaningful negotiations. The proposal is also consistent with ASEAN's .long-held view that essentially the Kampuchean problem has to be resolved by the Kampuchean people themselves.
In our view, a genuinely independent and non-aligned Kampuchea, friendly to its neighbors and posing no threat to them remains an essential prerequisite of peace, stability and co-operation in the region. Despite the continuing impasse, ASEAN will not cease to explore all possible avenues and modalities for the restoration of the fundamental rights and interests of the Kampuchean people, while at the same time ensuring the legitimate interests of all countries to live in peace with one another, free from extra-regional threats and pressures.
Yet another issue which calls for a political solution based on the withdrawal of foreign forces is the situation in Afghanistan. In the interest of restoring regional harmony and stability, Afghanistan should be allowed to resume its historic non-aligned role. In the South Pacific region, the Kanak people, under the leadership of the FLNKS, are engaged in a just struggle to attain independence for their country. Indonesia reiterates its support for self-determination and the early transition to an independent New Caledonia, in accordance with the rights and aspirations of the indigenous people and in a manner which guarantees the rights and the interests of all its inhabitants.
It is encouraging that the process initiated and sustained by the Contadora Group, with the backing of its Support Group, has made steady progress in efforts to resolve, comprehensively and peacefully, the tensions and strife that beset Central America. We welcome the substantive agreements already reached on the Final Version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation. It is our sincere hope that the resolution of the remaining procedural and operational aspects will achieve early results. However, we cannot but express our concern over the increasing militarization of the region, the continuing external pressures and the interjection of ideological overtones and East-West rivalries into the conflict. Indonesia has always opposed external interference, whether through political destabilization, economic coercion or outright military intervention, in the struggle of developing countries to consolidate their national independence and to establish their own political, economic and social systems. Hence we have consistently supported Nicaragua in the defense of its right to self-determination, sovereign independence and territorial integrity.
On the question of the Malvinas, my delegation appreciates the flexible and statesmanlike approach of Argentina in reaffirming its intention to comply with relevant General Assembly resolutions. We hope that negotiations will soon resume leading to a peaceful and definitive settlement of the sovereignty dispute.
It is undeniable that peace and stability cannot be ensured in isolation from the state of the world economy and global economic relations. Neither can sustained development or an equitable economic system be secured in the absence of a stable and peaceful environment. Both are inextricably linked. As succinctly pointed out by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization: "The common well-being of the world's population will depend heavily in the remaining years of this century on the success achieved in global development and in the reduction of the disparity in the conditions of life within the international community".  Yet, in reviewing the current conditions in the world economy and in international economic relations, we see little grounds for optimism. On the contrary, the gap between the rich and the poor countries continues to widen, the global development crisis persists and the erosion in multilateral co-operation for development has not abated. Thus, for millions in the developing countries, grinding poverty is still a daily reality and the dream of a better future has turned into a nightmare of mere survival. Nor can we discern Letter prospects for the near future. To seek to understand and collectively resolve those reversals is the challenge and the responsibility of this General Assembly.
The grim state of the world economy gives us no respite. The economic output of most developing countries has stagnated, trapping them in low levels of growth with little room for maneuver. The collapse of commodity prices and the disarray in commodity markets have delivered a damaging blow to their already depressed terms of trade. International trade, which has been a major instrument for development in the past and an effective channel for ensuring the mutual benefit of all nations has been blocked substantially by the rising tide of protectionism. These adverse factors, coupled with the severe contraction in both official and private financial flows, the alarming increase in debt-service burden and monetary instability, have resulted in the ironic phenomenon of a reverse transfer of resources, from developing to developed countries.

The international economic system is still characterized by structural maladjustments. In consequence, it is the economically weak that sustain the brunt of the world economic reversals and thus suffer the most. Downward adjustments are forced on their vulnerable economies critically disrupting their development process.
The ASEAN subregion, to which Indonesia belongs, represents a pertinent example. Despite strong economic resilience until recently, the pace of their development has now markedly declined. Nor has the Indonesian economy escaped the onslaughts of the adverse external environment. Its overall gross national product (GNP) growth has slowed severely in the last two years, while at the same time its debt-service ratio rose substantially. Indonesia was thus compelled to take a series of painful corrective measures, including the lowering of its development targets, drastic restraints in public investment, budgetary and import cut-backs, fiscal reforms and currency devaluation. Despite those measures the impact of the external environment has been such that economic growth remains tenuous. Caught in the vice of fiscal austerity and declining economic growth rates, Indonesia's ability to channel the internal pressures of almost 2 million annual entrants into its work-force and to absorb further external shocks has been greatly eroded.
In this era of increasing interdependence, economic reversals cannot remain the preoccupation of the developing countries alone. While the adverse effects of inadequate development clearly translate into a reduced capacity of the developing countries to tackle their domestic difficulties and to participate beneficially in international economic activities, these effects will not for long be limited to the poorer countries. Inevitably, they will have an impact on the developed economies as well. Consequently, it is in the interest of all that the
international community should work collectively and resolutely to transform the present and future challenges into successful opportunities.
It is in this spirit that Indonesia views the launching of the new round of multilateral trade negotiations at Punta del Este. As the beginning of a new concerted effort to halt and reverse the erosion of the international trading system, the new round should also provide us with an opportunity further to liberalize international trade. A mainstay of such liberalization should be the interests of the Developing countries, including the paramount principle of preferential treatment for them on a non-reciprocal basis. Likewise, we consider it most important that the present Assembly address the issue of external debt crisis and development. It is our hope that our discussions on this issue will be guided by the recognized principle of shared responsibility and the accepted policy of adjustment with growth and will effectively contribute to solving this problem. A timely opportunity is provided by the forthcoming seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VII) to address key international issues in the fields of money, finance, trade and development and their interrelatedness. More important, we trust that UNCTAD VII will purposefully address the alarming commodity situation. What is critically needed are measures for properly managing commodity markets, stabilizing commodity prices and ensuring remunerative commodity earnings.
As we move through the remaining years of this century there is no doubt that multiple economic challenges will continue to present a profound test of our collective will. There will be no ready answers nor easy solutions. Hence, there is no alternative for the international community but to marshal its collective determination and to work resolutely to reverse economic disparity and to ensure the success of global development.
The international community is today faced with an alarming rise in drug addiction and illicit narcotics trafficking, which poses a threat to the moral and ethical foundations of society and indeed the very security of many countries. Through the relentless efforts of this Organization, a consensus on the need for greater co-operation and co-ordination at the international and regional levels has been forged. The recent meeting of heads of national drug enforcement agencies in Vienna agreed on several important recommendations in this regard, thus providing valuable input for the International Conference in 1987. In preparation for that Conference, and within the context of regional co-operation, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is formulating a strategy to address substantive issues and achieve concrete results. Indonesia, as a transit country for illicit narcotics trafficking, is acutely aware of the social and political implications of this problem. Through our national efforts and our work within ASEAN, as well as our strict adherence to the international conventions on narcotics, we have clearly demonstrated our resolve in combating this scourge.
The proclamation of 1986 as the International Year of Peace, with its theme "to safeguard peace and the future of humanity", is clearly reflective of the most fundamental aspirations of men and women throughout the world, and the United Nations remains the principal multilateral framework devoted to its achievement. In this context Indonesia reaffirms its dedication and commitment to the primary objectives of the International Year of Peace, which are, inter alia, the promotion of universal peace, peaceful coexistence and co-operation and the prevention of war and conflict among nations. As we strive towards realization of those noble goals, let us also continue working towards improvement of the quality of life through the achievement of equality for women, increased respect for human rights and the right of peoples to development, and an end to racial discrimination and oppression.
As these principles and objectives are embodied in the Indonesian Constitution and fully conform with the Indonesian national philosophy, our adherence is not only a moral obligation but a constitutional mandate.
The United Nations is at present being confronted by a financial crisis of unprecedented proportions. Having temporarily averted the emergency aspects of the financial crisis at its resumed fortieth session, the General Assembly has now to address the longer-term problems by reviewing the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the United Nations. Indonesia recognizes that there is indeed room for improvements and greater economy in the workings of our Organization. We therefore welcome the report of the High-Level Group of 18 and stand ready to consider its valuable recommendations in a most positive spirit. At the same time, however, Indonesia believes that the crisis, which is essentially of a political nature, has reached a point where efficiency and rationalization measures alone will not suffice to provide a comprehensive and durable solution. This effort must be accompanied by a renewed commitment of explicit support to the United Nations by all Member States in accordance with their treaty obligations.
No one can any longer envisage a world without the United Nations. We must sustain its many achievements and build upon them rather than engage in action that will only undermine its credibility and efficacy. In this the Secretary-General has demonstrated his astute understanding of the difficulties now besetting the Organization and has brought to bear his keen insight, consummate skills and personal dedication in seeking to overcome them. He hope that he will be enabled to continue his laudable efforts to strengthen the United Nations for a better world.
On its part, Indonesia pledges its unstinting support and full co-operation in the realization of this paramount objective.


Mr. President, first and foremost allow me to convey fraternal greetings from His Majesty King Mswati III to you and to all the Members of the United Nations. Further allow me to convey my delegation's warmest congratulations to you on your well-deserved election to the presidency of this forty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. we are indeed delighted with your election to the helm of this august Assembly, for we feel deeply convinced that, with your wide experience and prudent leadership, this Assembly will be eminently equipped to tackle effectively the many pressing problems facing mankind in the present decade.
Swaziland's delegation brings special thanks for the remarkable role played by the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Perez de Cuellar, in having brought to the attention of the Security Council matters which in his opinion threaten international peace and security.
Today we live in an unstable world, a world threatened by all kinds of conflicts, be they inter-State or global. It is therefore incumbent on us as Member States of the United Nations to uphold our Charter aid interpret its provisions with the utmost care.
Peace and security seem to be elusive nowadays. Many nations tend to be indifferent to resolutions of the General Assembly aid the Security Council. Should such a trend persist, Armageddon will soon befall the world, and peaceful economic development and good-neighborliness will be things of the past.
The world is in dire need of complete disarmament. The accumulation of weapons of mass destruction by nations large and small threatens humanity's very existence. While many people worry more about a nuclear holocaust of some sort, let us remember that many of the wars fought in the past resulted, and those being fought today are resulting, in the loss of millions of lives through the use of conventional weapons.
We have over the years witnessed gross violations of the Charter. Such violations run counter to civilized conduct and are a direct cause of tensions around the world. My delegation hopes that those nations that have succumbed to the temptation to disregard the Charter will desist, for the sake of peace and security.
My delegation is concerned, further, about the prevailing State terrorism and related actions by Member States aimed at undermining the socio-political system in sovereign States. Such acts have been, and still are, a tremendous threat to international peace and security. Therefore, my delegation appeals to all Member States to refrain from, and to combat, international terrorism and similar actions aimed at destabilizing and overthrowing other Governments.
Respect for human rights is of crucial importance to the world. It is sad that we still hear of torture, disappearances and wan ton killing in some parts of the world. The international community has a duty to encourage respect for human rights. Racism, racial discrimination, apartheid, exploitation of child labor and the like are all violations of human rights and must be condemned and discouraged.
The elements of instability in the world economy can be resolved only by the maintenance of a rapid tempo of recovery by the developing countries, based on the flexibility of the developed countries.
The world-wide recession has had a serious impact on Swaziland's economy. Our economic and financial performance has deteriorated and inflation rates have aver aged around 15 per cent, while interest rates have declined significantly, unemployment is on the increase, as the production and manufacturing sector continues to stagnate. The 50 per cent drop in the value of our currency has doubled our debt-servicing burden.
I wish to reaffirm ray Government's policy, which is dictated by pragmatism rather than political and ideological realism. The Government of the Kingdom of Swaziland, however, remains committed to the principles enshrined in the Charter, particularly those principles concerning the self-determination and independence of peoples under colonial rule or any other form of oppression. The Kingdom of Swaziland reiterates its commitment to the settlement of disputes by peaceful negotiation and the non-use of force. It is my Government's objective to uplift the economic and social welfare of mankind in unity, freedom and love for one another. We are convinced that if such an atmosphere prevails future generations will enjoy the fruits of peace, unity and stability.
Swaziland, as a peace-loving country, is greatly perturbed by the current situation in world politics. The situation in the Middle East continues to plague the deliberations of the international community.
M/ delegation is very much aware of the situation in Lebanon. Therefore, we commend the Lebanese people for their untiring efforts to pursue their socio-economic and political development. My delegation remains firmly convinced that peace in Lebanon can be effected only by the complete withdrawal of all foreign troops from its territory. Only then will the Lebanese be in control of their destiny.
The ongoing war in the Persian Gulf is also a matter of great concern to the international community. My delegation humbly urges all the parties concerned to exercise moral restraint and resolve their differences by peaceful means.
On the question of world peace and security, it is important to refer to the sensitive political situation that continues to divide North and South Korea. The reunification of Korea is a matter to be decided by the Koreans themselves in direct inter-Korean negotiations. It remains for the United Nations to continue to encourage the resumption of those talks without pre-conditions or external interference.
In South-East Asia the protracted occupation of Kampuchea by foreign forces continues to deprive the people of Kampuchea of their right to self-determination. The present activities of the invasion force have compelled many thousands of people to flee their homeland into neighboring Thailand. That in itself has aggravated the refugee problem and is a big burden on Thailand's economy. The Kampuchea problem poses a grave threat to regional peace and security.
With regard to the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan, my delegation fully supports the decision of the General Assembly calling for their withdrawal. We hope that such a withdrawal will constitute the essential first step towards tine normalization of the situation. My delegation wishes to thank and congratulate the Secretary-General and all concerned for their relentless efforts in seeking a peaceful solution to the Namibian question. My delegation believes that the Namibian question should be settled on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
On the question of apartheid, my Government and the people of Swaziland abhor apartheid and believe that it must be dismantled. Swaziland is unswervingly committed to the principles of non-racial democracy, non-alignment and complete respect for human dignity, justice and peaceful coexistence with all.
My delegation is gravely concerned at the large number of refugees in Africa, and is also cognizant of the economic and social burden imposed on African countries of asylum, whose weak economies suffer the negative effects of the situation. Swaziland falls in that category. My delegation welcomed the holding in 1984 of the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, the objective of which was to find lasting solutions to this problems of refugees. My delegation urges the international community, the United Nations and its specialized agencies to provide the necessary co-operation in implementing projects approved by the Conference. Swaziland urges all countries and international organizations to assist in the relief and rehabilitation of refugees now in large numbers in this small Kingdom. My delegation also relies on the support measures adopted by the Assembly of Beads of State or Government of the Organization of African unity with a view to granting financial and material assistance to the southern African States. Therefore my delegation will appreciate prompt action by all States, international organizations, the United Nations and its agencies.
Finally, I wish to reaffirm Swaziland's trust and faith in the United Nations. The united Nations remains the only appropriate international forum for finding solutions to the major world problems of today. Therefore it is incumbent upon all of us as States Member s to renew our commitment to the purposes and principles of the united Nations.


Mr. President, I should first of all like to convey to you the warm congratulations of the AlLanian delegation upon your assumption of the important post of the presidency of this lofty Assembly.
Judging by recent events, we cannot but note that the current international situation is far from what the peoples desire and aspire to. While the United Nations proclaimed 1986 the International Year of Peace, at this very time international peace and security are under serious threat. The legitimate aspirations and efforts of the progressive peoples and forces throughout the world that cherish freedom and independence are being opposed by the super-Powers, with their designs of expansion and world domination.*
The current policy of the super-Powers is dominated by total military, economic and ideological mobilization; it relies more than ever before on the force of arms and nuclear blackmail so that they may achieve their unchanging hegemonist aims. The struggle for military superiority by the two super-Powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, has given an unprecedented impetus to their arms race. They have created enormous stockpiles of the most varied weapons, nuclear and conventional, chemical and bacteriological. With world supremacy as their constant objective, the super-Powers are making feverish efforts to develop, manufacture and deploy qualitatively new and ever more deadly weapons.
The militarization of outer space is becoming the hub of a new spiral in the arms race. The Star Wars space programs could turn outer space into a staging ground from which those aggressive Powers can prepare to strike at our planet and at mankind. This is a further escalation of their military rivalry and a new manifestation of their policy of force and of ever more intensive propagation of a war psychosis. They are trying to present war as inevitable in order to subjugate other peoples and countries and impose their will upon them.
Each of the super-Powers claims that that rivalry restrains its adversary and thwarts its plans to breach the peace. It is clear that every attempt on the part of either to gain strategic points or develop new weapons gives rise to problems and tension between them but never to any desire to safeguard true peace.
In last year's general debate in the Assembly there was much talk and some optimism about last November's Soviet-United States summit meeting. It may well be that at the Geneva meeting each of the parties made concessions and gained advantages, but we can say with certainty that nothing of benefit to peace resulted. On the contrary, immediately after that manifestation of what was called "the spirit of Geneva", the world was witness to the stepping up of American aggressiveness and provocation in the Gulf of Sirte, to the point where, on the pretext of fighting terrorism, the United States committed serious acts of aggression against Libya, a sovereign State Member of the United Nations, and peace in the Mediterranean and beyond was threatened.
Much is now being made of the coming American-Soviet summit and the propaganda machines of the two super-Powers have been doing their best to persuade people that the fate of the world lies in the hands of those Powers.
The Albanian delegation believes that the urgent regional and international problems of concern to peoples today cannot be left solely in the hands of the super-Powers, which are concerned with their own interests only and disregard those of other peoples and States. We cannot allow the role of the international community and the United Nations to be reduced to providing a backdrop for the scenarios the super-Powers are preparing or acting as an audience which will take note of the results of their secret diplomacy.
Disarmament plans have been presented one after the other. They contain so many proposals and counter-proposals that even specialists on the subject are liable to get them confused. Each super-Power is well aware of the fate reserved for its proposals before it even presents them, but they both believe that they must do something to placate public opinion. While they continue to build up their arsenals, each of them tries to prove, through its propaganda machine, that it sincerely wants disarmament but the other side does not, and is upsetting the "balance". Thus a vicious circle is created.
Moreover, the new theories and concepts advocated by Washington and Moscow -such as "neo-globalism" and a "global system of security" - really differ only in form from the old ones and are basically just a means of justifying local conflicts, blackmail, the nuclear threat and even direct armed intervention against sovereign peoples and countries.Like all other peace-loving States, Albania is against the arias race and increases in the war budgets of the imperialist Powers. It is in favor of genuine disarmament. Albania has always been and remains a staunch opponent of the expansionist, aggressive policies of imperialism and social-imperialism. We can never equate world peace with the so-called strategic balance. We can never consider the mere absence of nuclear conflict a situation of peace at a time when the world has faced and is still facing constant threats and continuing wars and local conflicts.
The continent of Europe continues to be one of the principal theater of confrontation between the imperialists. No other region of the world contains so great a concentration of conventional and nuclear military arsenals. What makes the situation in Europe even worse is that those arsenals are facing each other in an area containing the border between the two blocs - those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Warsaw Treaty. This cannot fail to have an effect on all the peoples of the continent, especially the peoples of the member countries of the two political and military blocs led by the super-Powers. It is anomalous and very unjust that more than 40 years after the end of the Second World War foreign troops are still stationed in many countries of the old continent.
Europeans are seriously concerned about the grave situation created by the policy that makes them victims of the super-Powers' nuclear blackmail. The peoples and States of Europe cannot consent to being a prey to the ambitions and rivalries of those Powers, or to their countries serving as the targets of nuclear weapons. Therefore, energetic measures must be taken to oppose all attempts to leave the solution of questions vital to Europe in the hands of the super-Powers, for any proposal they might make in that regard would first and foremost serve their own interests.
Comrade Raraiz Alia, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor and Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of Albania, has said:
"Albania is a European country and as such is vitally interested in all that takes place in the continent ... The divisions and splits and the frequent tension and confrontation between countries of the continent have their roots in participation in the military blocs of the super-Powers. It is our view that only determined opposition to American imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, the elimination of military blocs and the removal from Europe of atomic weapons and foreign troops can ensure peace in the continent." The situation in the Middle East remains grave and explosive. The brother Arab peoples are experiencing great difficulties and must daily face the conspiracies hatched by the enemies of their freedom and national independence.
That inveterate aggressor, Israel, which enjoys the support and protection of the United States of America, is continuing its expansionist, terrorist activities, its annexation by force of Arab territories and its acts of genocide against the suffering Palestinian people. The events of this year have given new proof of the intrigues against that people and demonstrated the desire of the imperialist Powers and other enemies of the Palestinian people to close the chapter on the Palestinian cause. The situation is grave in Lebanon also. Israel has turned that country into a permanent hotbed of conflict so as to keep the entire Middle East in a state of tension and fan the flames there.
Albania has always firmly supported the just struggle of the Palestinian people for the restoration of its legitimate rights, as well as the struggles of other Arab peoples, whose unity is essential in opposing imperialist-Zionist aggression and the plots of the super-Powers and in order to liberate the occupied Arab territories and make the Middle East a zone of peace and prosperity.
The United States and the Soviet Union have transformed the Mediterranean into a militarized sea. The continued presence of their war fleets there is fraught with grave consequences for the freedom and independence of the Mediterranean peoples and countries. A short time after the last session of the United Nations General Assembly there were some very dangerous developments in the region. A number of acts of aggression were committed and escalated into the bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi by the Americans. Those acts of aggression show that the United States is behaving in the Mediterranean in total disregard of the rights of sovereign States and the elementary norms of international law. They also prove that the presence of the war fleets of the super-Powers in the Mediterranean constitutes a constant threat to the peace, freedom, security and independence of the peoples of the region. Peace and security in the Mediterranean can only be safeguarded by stepping up the struggle of the Mediterranean peoples and countries for the withdrawal of super-Power fleets. The Mediterranean belongs to the Mediterranean peoples, whose sincere desire and will it is that the Mediterranean become a sea of peace. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has always been opposed to the presence of super-Power fleets in the Mediterranean. Albania does not accept, and never will accept, foreign military and naval bases and will never provide any facilities at its ports for the units of those fleets. This is a concrete contribution by Albania to the cause of peace in the Mediterranean.
The waves of tension in the Mediterranean and the Middle East are being felt also in the Balkan peninsula, where, apart from the consequences of the tense international situation, from time to time negative regional elements inherited from the past and encouraged by imperialism and reaction come to the surface. The bitter history of the past is remembered to this very day and teaches the peoples of the Balkans not to be taken in by the dangerous games of the imperialist Powers
 and to avoid and overcome the negative factors which create favorable ground for the increasing intervention by the super-Powers in the region. The interests of the peoples of the Balkans dictate the need for resolute opposition to such interference.
It is the sincere wish of the Government of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania that good-neighborly relations should prevail among all the countries of the region. For its part, it will continue to work for an extension of bilateral exchanges, particularly in the fields of trade, culture, science and technology, in the conviction that these exchanges are in the interest of genuine and fruitful co-operation, friendship between peoples and peace and security in the peninsula.
The Iran-Iraq war has been going on for several years now, with as yet no signs of an end to the bloodshed. Albania and the Albanian people, which feel sincere friendship for and maintain friendly relations with both Iran and Iraq, can only hope that those two neighbors will put an end to this destructive war, the continuance of which serves the interests of the imperialist Powers.
Afghanistan remains a serious hotbed of tension. The Soviet occupation troops must leave that country, and the freedom-loving Afghan people must be left to decide for themselves the destiny of their homeland.
Albania has frequently expressed its clear and firm support for the struggle and efforts of the Korean people for reunification of their homeland, in conformity with the aspirations and desires of the Korean people, free of outside interference.
In Central America the undeclared war waged by the United States against Nicaragua continues. American policy towards that country illustrates the attitude of the united States towards the States and peoples of Latin America that have chosen the course of free and independent development.
The situation in Africa has become a subject of universal concern. A number of international conferences have been organized under the auspices of the United Nations on the problems of concern to the peoples and countries of that suffering continent, such as the critical economic situation, sanctions against the racist regime of South Africa and the Namibian problem.
For centuries Africa has been exploited pitilessly by the colonial Powers and has served to enrich the metropolitan countries. Today troops and military expeditions have been replaced by imperialist monopolies and multinational corporations which continue savagely to plunder the colossal wealth of Africa. Thus Africa continues to suffer impoverishment, and whole regions of the continent are threatened with famine. In order to resolve this painful situation the African States must resolutely oppose neo-colonialist policy and take effective measures to exercise their full sovereignty over the national resources.
South Africa, that bastion of colonialism and racism in the continent, is not only fiercely pursuing its policy of apartheid but committing flagrant acts of aggression against neighboring countries such as Angola, Zimbabwe and Zambia.
In the course of recent events in South Africa the democratic peoples and States of the world have once again seen the unreserved support of imperialism for its offspring, racism. Diplomatic soundings and proposals by the emissaries of States which are keeping the Pretoria regime on its feet, with a view, allegedly, to the so-called reform of the racist regime, are but attempts to prolong its existence at a time when it is reeling under the blows of the just struggle of the African peoples for the freedom and independence and is being condemned by all international public opinion.
The Albanian Government and people, sincere friends of the African peoples, will continue to the very end their unreserved support for the just liberation
 struggles of the Namibian, Azanian and other African peoples to expunge the ugly blemish of racism and apartheid and to rid themselves of the neo-colonialist yoke and oppression.
We hear a great deal today about international terrorism. The Albanian delegation wishes to stress that, ro matter who undertakes it or on what pretext, terrorism is an odious phenomenon. We resolutely condemn the terrorism that claims innocent victims. While condemning terrorism, we believe we should also condemn those who have elevated it to a State policy. Are not the American acts of aggression against Libya, Israel's massacre of women and children sleeping in Palestinian camps, the killing of defenseless people in attacks by Soviet aircraft in Afghanistan and the organizing and financing of the Somozist gangs terrorism, even organized terrorism elevated to a State policy? On the pretext of fighting against terrorism, violations of the sovereign rights of peoples and disregard of the norms of international law are justified. Using the same pretext, efforts are made to identify wars of national liberation with terrorism and thus to discredit them. There is no doubt that there could be no more savage terrorism than that practiced by the super-Powers with the aid of aircraft, tanks, warships and entire armies. And it is that kind of terrorism that incites and cultivates all other kinds of terrorism. Therefore, we believe that if we condemn terrorism, we must at the same time strongly condemn those who commit acts of aggression, who interfere in the internal affairs of other States and violate their sovereignty, and who have elevated terrorism to state policy.
The world economic crisis continues to have a negative effect on international economic relations and on the political situation as a whole. By means of monopolies, all kinds of machinations and speculative manipulations of the international economic and financial system, the imperialist Powers have stepped up their plundering, especially in the developing countries. One of the most widespread forms of neo-colonialist exploitation, which, in recent years, has assumed unprecedented proportions, is the granting of loans and credits on very onerous terms. Indeed this phenomenon represents a new imperialist strategy which is designed to establish hegemony not only through political and military aggression, but also through economic aggression.
The creation of more just international economic relations requires the establishment of a fair ratio between the prices of raw materials and «.hose of manufactured goods, the removal of protectionist measures and tariff and non-tariff barriers, and the free transfer of technology. The grave economic situation can be resolved only by opposing, and taking effective measures against, the system of neo-colonialist exploitation.
The Albanian people are looking forward to two important events: the 45th anniversary of the founding of the Party of Labor of Albania, which, under the leadership of Comrade Enver Hoxha, our great and unforgettable guide and teacher, ensured the freedom of the homeland and the construction of socialism, and the Ninth Congress of the Party. The policy of the Albanian State, domestically and internationally, during these four decades, has secured for the Albanian people genuine freedom and independence, progress and well-being, and true social equality, in which the worker has a place of honor. Socialist Albania is developing its economy uninterruptedly on the basis of self-reliance, with no debts or credits. The policy of the Albanian State rests on the interests of our people and of the peoples struggling for national freedom and independence, peace and security.
Permit me. Sir, to assure this Assembly that the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, at this session and in the future, together with other democratic States, will spare no effort to promote genuine peace.


Sir, I have the honor to convey the warm greetings and good wishes of His Majes y Jigme Singye Wang chuck, King of Bhutan, to you and all the representatives for the success of the forty-first session of the General Assembly.
May I also extend the warmest felicitations of my delegation to you, Sir, on your election as the President of this session of the General Assembly. Given your outstanding credentials, including long diplomatic service in various parts of the world and in the United Nations itself, there could have been no better choice for this high office. The close and friendly relations Bhutan has always maintained with your country, Bangladesh, is an additional reason that we are delighted to see you preside over the General Assembly.
I wish to. place on record our sincere appreciation to Mr. Jaime de Pinies for the manner in which he guided the historic fortieth anniversary session. His fine stewardship of the General Assembly earned for him, and for his country, Spain, the respect of the international community.
Our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, deserves our highest commendation for his inspired leadership, and for his zeal and dedication in upholding the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. My delegation should also like to express its admiration for his incisive annual reports.
The fortieth anniversary session held last year was a milestone in the history of the United Nations. A gathering of world leaders eloquently reaffirmed their
commitment to the Charter and testified to the vital importance of a multilateral approach to the world's problems. Constructive action was taken on such issues as terror ism, a par the id, and drug abuse. And there was much genuine cause for celebration - the world Organization, which after all is still very young, had weathered many crises in its history, had a long list of triumphs to its credit, and was again acknowledged as man's best hope for world peace and security.
The glow from that historic session still remains, but in this International Year of Peace, we cannot afford to be complacent, for we are confronted with grave dangers on several fronts.
The crisis in South Africa threatens to explode in a major cataclysm in which all of southern Africa could be plunged in a vast conflagration. The urgency of this situation was forcefully highlighted in the Harare Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement recently. The source of the problem, as all the world knows, is apartheid and the utterly intransigent position of the racist regime in refusing to negotiate with black leaders or accept United Nations mandates. The daily atrocities perpetrated in the name of this latest so-called state of emergency, by which the Pretoria regime shows its complete contempt for international public opinion, boggle the imagination: the arrest, torture, and intimidation of thousands of opponents of apartheid, mass deportations, tight censorship of the new.. Little children are being brutally murdered every day.
We denounce in the strongest possible terms South Africa's continued illegal occupation of Namibia. The rights of the people are trampled, their aspirations denied, their natural resources plundered, their leaders imprisoned, their young men conscripted into the South African military. We condemn the "Multi-Party Conference" and other fraudulent schemes for the continued domination of the Territory. Security Council resolution 435 (1978), containing the United Nations plan, remains the only acceptable basis for the independence of Namibia. We reaffirm our full support for the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people.
We call for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against south Africa. We deplore the economic blackmail practiced by South Africa against the front-line States, and call for financial assistance to these States which are now courageously attempting to free themselves from economic dependence on South Africa.
The situation in the Middle East continues to demand our urgent attention. The plight of the Palestinians remains the crux of the problem. The Palestinians must be granted the right to self-determination, including the right to national self-determination in their homeland.
We call upon Israel to comply with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations by withdrawing totally and unconditionally from all areas occupied since 1967. Only then will a just solution to the Middle East conflicts be possible. We support the security and right to exist in safety of all States in the area, including Israel.
Iran and Iraq remain deadlocked in a bitter war. Neither side has gained any advantage, both have suffered appalling losses in terms of countless human lives and destruction of property. The end result has been untold misery and death. One corollary to all this is that meaningful economic development on both sides has been virtually halted, so that the disastrous effects of this war will be felt not only by the present but also by future generations. We earnestly urge an immediate cease-fire, and call upon both sides to settle their differences by peaceful means.
We support the rights of the peoples of Kampuchea and Afghanistan to determine their own destiny free from foreign interference, subversion and coercion. We call for political settlements in these two countries based on the withdrawal of foreign troops and restoration of their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status.
The Korean question must be resolved by peaceful means through direct dialog and negotiation between south and North Korea. The deeply-rooted mutual suspicion and hostility must be replaced with mutual understanding, trust and national reconciliation in order to establish the proper conditions for a peaceful unification of the country.
In this regard, we support the admission of both South and North Korea into the United Nations, as this will increase the opportunities for dialog and co-operation between them, and enhance the prospects of establishing a durable peace on the peninsula.
Our greatest challenge remains the nuclear arms race. This has created a climate of fear and instability. Indeed, while the possibility of total annihilation hangs over all, there can be no real security for anyone. The concept of Star Wars, once confined to the realm of science fiction, now threatens to become a grim reality, with the arms race being extended to outer space. Far from strengthening international peace and security, the ever-escalating arms race only serves to aggravate existing tensions.
The lack of progress in the area of arms control is cause for serious concern. We urge the super-Powers to dedicate themselves to a constructive dialog; the momentum for this must be vigorously revived. While we are fully aware that the practical details of the bargaining require much arduous work, the ultimate goal must always be kept in mind - the goal of disarmament.
Nothing less than total disarmament can be acceptable to the international community, and as a first step we join in calling for a complete halt to the testing of new nuclear weapons systems, and a freeze in the production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons. We also call for a halt to the production and proliferation of conventional weapons and a ban on the testing, production, and proliferation of chemical weapons.
One example of an area still desperately in need of assistance is that of sub-Saharan Africa. The crisis there is far from over. Though increased rainfall has alleviated the drought somewhat, mass starvation and disease still threaten millions of lives. Even beyond the immediate crisis, however, the long-term rehabilitation needs of the region must be met. We hope that the program of action emanating from the special session on the Critical Economic Situation in Africa convened last spring will receive the generous financial support of the international community.
The problems of sub-Saharan Africa, which stem in part from colonial legacies and in part from natural disasters, present a striking example of the fundamental injustice of current international economic relations. It is clear that a more equitable world economic infrastructure would have in large measure cushioned the region from such shocks. Trade restrictions, deteriorating commodity prices, reduced and restricted capital flows, and high interest rates, combine to hurt the economies of the developing countries. Indeed, it is often the developing countries, and especially the least developed among them, that suffer the most from fluctuations in the world economy, for they lack the means to adapt to changing conditions. The developed nations cannot flourish at the expense of the developing countries. This can only bring about further unrest, undermine social stability, and in the end adversely affect the developed countries as well. In our interdependent world, we have no choice but to co-operate, rich nations with poor, developed with developing.
To end this overall global economic malaise, we urge the resumption of the North-South dialog, and the establishment of a new international economic order. The creative partnership implied would insure equitable economic relations, impart a new dynamism to the global economy, and bring about many social and humanitarian improvements.
The various specialized agencies and affiliated bodies of the United Nations continue to play an impressive role in helping to bridge the widening gap between
developed and developing nations. My own country, Bhutan, has benefited enormously from these agencies and bodies of the United Nations, which have worked closely with our Government for the socio-economic development of our country. The co-operation of these organizations has affected all aspects of our national life. In particular, I would like to express our deep gratitude to the united Nations Development program (UNDP), United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), united Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF), the World Health Organization (WHD), the World Food program (WFP), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the united Nations Volunteers (UNV), the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFEft), and the united Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), for their invaluable assistance.
Our goal is self-reliance, and the work of these organizations has helped to put us on the road to the achievement of this end. We believe that the primary responsibility for a nation's development resides with that nation itself.
I would like to mention that progress on the implementation of the Substantial New program of Action for the least developed countries has been disappointing. The assistance provided is sadly inadequate to our needs. Bhutan is committed to taking national actions as called for in that Program. We have developed specific programs on the district level, initiated a process of decentralization of our development administration, involved our people directly through such organizations as the District Development Committees, instituted major fiscal reforms, and in general demonstrated an active willingness to do our part. Further, external assistance must be forthcoming, however, before we can hope to reach even the beginnings of economic self-reliance. Bhutan is an active supporter of the concept of regional co-operation in South Asia. While addressing the Harare summit of the Non-Aligned Movement recently. His Ma jest/ the Ring of Bhutan said:
"A most positive development in our own region of South Asia has been the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation which was formally launched last December by a summit meeting in Dhaka. The summit manifested the determination of the seven South Asian leaders to work together towards finding solutions to common problems in a spirit of friendship, trust and co-operation. Our Association will promote the objectives of individual and collective self-reliance, and further the cause of peace, progress and stability in South Asia. The second summit will take place shortly and we look forward to building on the progress already made."
Bhutan is wholeheartedly committed to the Uhifced Nations in the belief that a multilateral approach to the world's problems is the most effective one. Such problems as pollution or nuclear weapons or global economic malaise can only be resolved by the collective will and action of the international community. As we are all aware, the United Nations is facing today the worst financial crisis in its history. The Secretary-General has taken some initiatives to meet the immediate problems. The Group of High Level Intergovernmental Experts, which was entrusted with the task of reviewing the administrative and financial matters in the United Nation, has come up with a sound report recommending some much-needed reforms. The report, in our view, deserves our most serious consideration.


Sir, allow me first of all to congratulate you
upon your election to the high office of President of the forty-first session of
the General Assembly. I am convinced that its work will benefit from your
experience and knowledge.
At the beginning of this session of the General Assembly, the future of the East-West relations is a central concern in all corners of the globe.
The future of East-West relations encompasses the decisive questions of our
times: war or peace, disarmament or continued arms race, peaceful co-operation or
confrontation, mutual confidence or distrust. The East-West relationship largely
determines the international climate and indeed sets limits to what can be achieved
also in other areas which are in urgent need of attention, such as the North-South
relationship and the global challenges of development, environment, trade and
finance. These are questions of fundamental importance to the future of mankind,
which we cannot afford to go on neglecting. Also for this reason we need a new
beginning in East-West relations which can liberate energies and resources.
Achievements that have already been made must therefore be carefully protected
and preserved, such as the anti-ballistic missile Treaty, which indeed plays a
vital role.
The Geneva negotiations are of fundamental importance to the future of East-West relations. They must give us the answer to the key question of whether it will be possible to turn the tide of the arms race. Without real progress in the field of disarmament and arms control, our efforts at dialog and co-operation in other areas will be seriously limited.
So far, we have not seen tangible results in the form of any decisive progress in arms negotiations. Prom the Norwegian side we have wholeheartedly endorsed the broad aim of the Geneva negotiations, which should be conducted with a view to
"... preventing an arms race in space and terminating it on earth by limiting and reducing nuclear arms and strengthening strategic stability ..."
This very promising result of last year's summit meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev is an agreement on broad objectives that it is essential for us to retain.
The Helsinki process now sorely needs a vitamin injection and new impetus to become a positive, dynamic factor in East-West relations. The breakthrough at the Stockholm Conference announced today is not only an important achievement, but also has a potential for further progress. If we now experience an improved atmosphere in the vital area of arms control and disarmament, it could mark a historic moment.
In Stockholm, a new generation of confidence and security building measures have been adopted, and major concessions have been given - concessions that will lead to reduced risks, and to greater openness and predictability all over Europe.
But we need higher aspirations. Regularity in the political dialog at the highest level between the super-Powers is an imperative for stability and predictability in East-West relations. Pending questions that hamper a new summit now urgently need solutions to pave the way for new agreements in Geneva.
The work undertaken in multilateral disarmament forums is also of crucial importance, both as an expression of wide public concern and for negotiating global disarmament agreements. The nuclear test ban issue remains a vital question. Efforts here should be further intensified. It is our hope that this session of the General Assembly will contribute to expediting the work of the Conference on Disarmament in order to reach agreement cm a comprehensive test ban.
It still has not been possible to reach agreement on a treaty banning chemical weapons, although important progress has been made. Indecent use of these abhorrent weapons underlines the need to eradicate them once and for all. As we work towards an end to the arms race on earth, we must at the same time seek to prevent a spread of the arms race into outer space. It is our firm belief that outer space must be reserved for peaceful purposes exclusively. We fully support the efforts to that end in the United Nations and in the Conference on Disarmament. The irrationality of the arms race is most amply demonstrated by the global imbalance between the resources spent on armaments and what is devoted to development. This fundamental problem should indeed be a matter of concern for the entire world community. Norway, therefore, supports the idea of holding the United Nations conference on disarmament and development as soon as possible.
Last year the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations was solemnly commemorated in this Assembly Hall. Political leaders from all over the world came here to pay a tribute to the Organization. It was seen as an expression of support for multilateralism as a basic concept and working method in international affairs.
Past experience has shown us that there is no alternative to global co-operation in the striving for peace and security, for economic and social development and for the protection of human rights.
In spite of the many pledges made in this Hall last year, the political and economic problems on the agenda of the United Nations persist, and in the past year there has been hardly any progress on major issues before the Organization. In addition, the United Nations itself has for some time now experienced severe financial problems caused by significant withholdings of assessed contributions on the part of several Member states. These withholdings, together with the lack of budgetary discipline, in fact threaten seriously to undermine the viability of the United Nations.
The Norwegian Government is deeply committed to multilateralism and to a strong United Nations; and the objective need of the world community is greater today than it was when the Organization was created 41 years ago.
The financial crisis is the manifestation of a fundamental crisis of credibility which has been festering for some time. There has been a widespread and deepening loss of confidence in the United Nations on the part.of many Member States and their publics that believe that the Organization is not sufficiently effective in meeting its original objectives or in serving the interests of its Members.
Even the strongest champions of the United Nations - countries like Norway and many others - must now concede that these concerns have some validity. The political and economic issues on the agenda of the United Nations persist. Its budget is burdened by unnecessary duplication and overlapping of functions, and the budgetary process lacks the discipline required to evoke the full support of all Member States.
The task of renewing the effectiveness of the United Nations is basically political in nature. It requires that Member States manifest the political will to place the financing of the Organization on a viable basis and provide the Secretary-General with the mandate and the support he needs to carry out the major organization, staffing and budget changes which will reduce costs, improve effectiveness and restore confidence. At this forty-first session we have a unique opportunity to do exactly that. It is an opportunity we must not miss.
We have before us the report of the Group of High-Level intergovernmental Experts - the Group of 18 - established last year by unanimous decision of the General Assembly to examine and suggest improvements in the Organization's administration and finances. The Norwegian Government fully supports these recommendations and urges the Assembly to approve them in their entirety.
These recommendations are only the beginning of a reform process in the United Nations, a process which will be painful and which will necessarily take time. It is essential that this transformation be allowed to take place in an orderly and responsible manner, and that Member States indeed co-operate closely with the Secretary-General in the difficult task he faces in implementing these changes.
Earlier this year, for the first time in the history of the United Nations, attention was focused on the economic and social problems of one single continent. The special session on the critical situation in Africa was an important element in the United Nations efforts to assist African countries in surmounting their grave economic and ecological crisis.
Based on the thorough preparations made by the Organization of African Unity and its member States, the special session adopted unanimously a program of action for African economic recovery and development for 1986-1990.
We managed to set up a common point of reference, where the mutual commitments . of Africa and the international community are elaborated. The consensus that was reached on this document must be seen as a notable achievement. However, the final evaluation of that session can only be made in the future. The follow-up action must be pursued energetically on the national, regional and international levels.
We witness, with respect and admiration, the valiant efforts undertaken-by African countries to initiate new economic policies. However, interdependence is today a living reality. The African countries will succeed only if the international community agrees to complement these efforts with new and increased assistance.
Norway pledges its full and continued suppoit to the African development efforts.
One area where the United Nations has a special responsibility and where we hope that the Organization may play a decisive role is the question of South Africa and Namibia.
The situation in South Africa has reached an explosive stage. The black majority is no longer willing to tolerate the aggressive apartheid system and is demanding the obvious right to be treated as equal citizens with full political rights. Instead of addressing these legitimate demands, the South African Government has once again resorted to the desperate means of declaring a state of emergency and detaining hundreds of apartheid opponents. This policy will only lead to prolonged suffering and bloodshed in South Africa.
The dramatic events should not make us forget that South Africa continues its illegal occupation of Namibia, in violation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). This issue was dealt with extensively at last week's special session on Namibia, and I should like to repeat our demand to the South African Government
to agree to the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia without any further delay.
The policy of trying to abolish apartheid through a dialog with the South African Government has been tried repeatedly without success. In its recent report for the Commonwealth eminent persons group draws the depressing conclusion that the South African Government does not seen to be prepared for a genuine dialog with the opposition and that outside pressure is essential for any prospect of peaceful change. My Government strongly supports these conclusions. Some countries, even so, continue to argue against sanctions, on the ground that sanctions will create increased suffering for the blade population and cause economic difficulties for the neighboring countries of South Africa. We do not underestimate those difficulties. But, even though sanctions may cause hardships in the short run, representative black leaders argue that that is preferable to the prolonged suffering that apartheid implies. We think it is wise to listen to those leaders. In fact, we feel there is an obligation to do so. The Norwegian Government therefore urges the Security Council to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. We also propose that the United Nations prepare a contingency plan for assistance to South Africa's neighbors in the event of South African reprisals against those countries.
Norway has repeatedly advocated comprehensive, mandatory sanctions against South Africa. I take this opportunity to urge those countries that still oppose sanctions to reassess their attitude.
The absence of binding sanctions should not be used as a pretext for failing to act against apartheid. Measures by individual countries or groups of countries are also important, in order to signal disapproval of apartheid and express solidarity with those who work for changes in South Africa.
My Government believes that an effective oil embargo would be an important measure against South Africa. For that reason we were pleased to host a United Nations seminar on the oil embargo in Oslo in June this year, in preparation for the United Nations World Conference on Sanctions against Racist South Africa, held in Paris. The proposal to set up an international monitoring mechanism on the supply of oil to South Africa was included in the Final Declaration of the Paris Conference, and we hope that the Security Council will be able to support this idea, with a view to achieving an effective oil embargo against South Africa.
In addition to the measures contained in the Nordic program of Action, Norway has adopted a number of unilateral measures. My Government is now preparing a bill on an economic boycott of South Africa, a bill which is expected to be decided upon by the Norwegian Parliament this autumn. In this way we want to make our contribution to bringing about a South Africa with equal rights and opportunities for all. He also hope to inspire other countries to follow suit, to increase the total international pressure against apartheid.
Time is running out for peaceful solutions. If apartheid is not abolished soon, the whole region of southern Africa may explode in a bloody upheaval. I appeal to every nation to move forward in taking effective action against apartheid.
From this rostrum world leaders have rightly been warning of the threats to the survival of mankind caused by existing nuclear arsenals, regional conflicts and failures of the development process.
Interdependence is becoming the dominant characteristic of the whole range of issues relating to development. It encompasses broad security concerns, environmental and ecological issues, and economic and cultural relations. There is also the geographical dimension of interdependence, regionally and globally. The nuclear accident at Chernobyl highlighted the awesome problems we shall face across the borders in the event of a nuclear disaster occurring in any one country. The rapid population growth in many countries is creating migration patterns which strain both national and cross-national systems. In the trade aid financial area we see the mutual dependence of creditors and debtors, as well as the vital .link between a non-protectionist trade regime and the ability of debtor countries to meet their debt obligations and generate the necessary resources for their own development.
his is really the essence of the North-South dialog: how the growing inter-linkages between issues and interdependence between nations create an increasing number of problems that transcend national systems and require solutions of a global nature. The need for a global approach is clear, but it does not mean that all problems have to be negotiated and solved simultaneously. What it means is that global perspectives must permeate all the processes and the work we are engaged in, and that this is becoming more and more urgent. Protection of the environment and development are essential and mutually reinforcing goals. This requires that environmental considerations be built into development projects ~ t the earliest possible stage. Otherwise, they will not be economically sustainable.
In recent years the world has become increasingly aware that the negligence of interactions between the environment and development is already seriously threatening the ability of the planet to sustain life for present and future generations. The threats of war and regional conflicts are the concern of us all, but so also are critical life support systems that are now at stake. The world Commission on Environment and Development, which is to report to the General Assembly next year, is convinced that these new imperatives can be seriously addressed only by defining the goals of economic activity in terms of sustainable development.
Sustainable development will require a recovery from the economic stagnation of recent years and indeed a new era of growth in the world economy. But it cannot be a repetition of the non-sustainable development patterns of the past decades, which resulted in the development crisis of the 1980s. A new era of growth must be built on new patterns of the development and on a unification of ecology and economics.
The earth is one, but the world of man is not. Mankind shares a common origin and a common future. Short-sighted self-interest has misled the human race to over-exploitation of the troubled planet. We have been heavily overdrawing the account which nature opened for us. But the unsustainable trends can be rectified. We must formulate and adopt new strategies to secure a sustainable common future.
The opportunities are in fact there. Now it is time for us to act.