The delegation of the People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada
wishes to join all those delegations which have extended their
congratulations and best wishes to Mr. Hollai on his election to the
presidency of this thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
The success of this session will be measured by the yardstick of the
Assembly's ability to steer us back to the paths of brotherhood,
international understanding and peace. The experience, wisdom and
diplomatic skills of the one who guides the deliberations of the
Assembly will constitute a critical factor in achieving any measure
of success. Mr. Hollai's unanimous election is not only a deserved
tribute to his widely acclaimed talents as a diplomat but also an
acknowledgement by the international community of the invaluable
contribution made by his country, the socialist Hungarian People's
Republic, in favour of peace, justice and social progress. We are
confident that his distinguished record makes him eminently qualified
for his challenging task. My delegation also wishes to express its
sincere appreciation of the manner in which Mr. Hollai's predecessor,
Mr. Kittani of Iraq, met the daily demands of his office, with
courage, even-handedness and an air of quiet and effective diplomacy.
88.	My delegation further takes this opportunity to say a special
word of greeting to the Secretary-General on the occasion of the
first regular session of the General Assembly since he assumed
office. The elevation of Mr. Perez de Cuellar to that important
position has been and always will be a source of great pride and
satisfaction to us, the peoples of that part of the third world that
the renowned statesman and freedom fighter, Jose Marti, called "our
America". After a mere few months in exercise of his functions it is
already appropriate to take note of his untiring efforts in
furthering the cause of peace and the objectives of the United
Nations. For this we express ;o the Secretary-General our deep
appreciation.
89.	This session is taking place at a critical moment in the
history of our planet and of mankind. It is a time when there are
dangers born of a deep-seated international economic malaise, with
threatening storm-clouds resulting from the dangerous arms race,
above all: from the cruelty and callousness which comes from man's
apparent inhumanity to his brother and his neighbour, which threaten
to engulf the world and annihilate us and our vaunted civilization.
Exactly one year ago, in my address to the Assembly at the 33rd
meeting of the thirty-sixth session, I expressed dismay, as did other
delegations, frightening state of international relations. Today, 12
months later, this session is being held with the global situation
not less but more alarming than ever.
90.	Today the United Nations has become, in more ways than one,
mankind's hope for survival and social advancement. The Organization
must not only channel and accelerate the search for peace but also
preside over the ushering in of a world economic ordering of
resources which will allow the poor and the weak to live, not merely
survive. But, in addition, the Organization, by the very ideals
enshrined in the Charter, by its noble concept of economic and social
development seen in the outreach of its specialized agencies and
bodies such as UNDP and UNESCO; provides guidance for each individual
.political authority represented in this Hall and appeals to aspects
of the internal policy of every Member State.
91.	We in Grenada are not only conscious of the relevance to our
experience of the declarations on the rights of man and of society,
for these, after all, are a product of the collective wisdom of the
representatives of mankind assembled here; we are not merely aware of
the evolution within the United Nations specialized agencies of a
preference for development geared towards the satisfaction of
people's needs and people's aspirations our entire revolutionary
political process, which triumphed in March 1979, focuses on such
pronouncements and our developmental model is constructed on the
foundations of people-oriented programmed and activities. The
internal achievements of three and a half years of the People's
Revolutionary Government bear ample testimony to this fact.
92.	We are engaged in an experiment in popular and participatory
democracy where the people gather in their localities, as do their
delegates at the zonal and national level, to discuss, debate and
make their own proposals on every aspect of government policy,
including the national budget. There is freedom of expression Car all
our people based on a low guaranteeing democratic ownership and
control of the news media. We have made rapid strides towards
guaranteeing in practice employment for every man and woman able and
willing to work Also, we are moving towards the point where Grenada
can provide free and modern health services for all its citizens,
ample food and nutrition for ail, adequate and decent housing for
all, and ensure the extension of the basic amenities of modem living
to everyone. There is free education up to the secondary school
level, and our national literacy campaign and adult education
programme are aimed at wiping out illiteracy and raising the
educational standard of every worker and peasant to sixth-grade level
by 1990, in accordance with the objectives and programmes set by
UNESCO.
93.	So the struggle goes on, the struggle to transform the
society, to improve the unacceptably poor quality of life, and to
achieve material and spiritual development and economic and social
justice for all our people.
94.	Our approach to the question of relations with the world
around us involves a thrust compatible and in consonance with our
political preference for genuinely democratic structures and
people-oriented attitudes towards development. While we aim
therefore, in the true spirit of the family of the United Nations, to
build normal state-to-state relations with all peoples, some of the
main pillars of the edifice of our foreign policy remains as follows:
those of non-alignment, anti-imperialism and good neighbourliness;
the struggle for world peace and security; the determination to
support the struggle of those who are denied their sovereign right
freely to choose their path to development; and full support for the
demand for more democratically structured international financial
institutions and a just and equitable ordering of the global economic
system.
93. Grenada is aware that the absence of those elements within
international relations inhibits its own growth. The rate of
advancement of our small island nation, like other third world
countries with special disadvantages, would be severely restricted if
there were no peace or atmosphere of tranquillity and detente. In
addition to strong moral and political considerations, our
development is adversely affected to some degree if the peoples of
Namibia and Palestine are denied the opportunity to release their
energies and the resources available to them into the common pool of
South-South co-operation. And development will remain a dream for
Grenada unless a way can be found to usher in a new order of
relations between our commodity prices and the prices of the goods we
import.
96.	The problems of Grenada reflect the present state of the
international economic situation. In the first place, the expanding
indebtedness of the developing countries cannot be over-emphasized.
The current levels of this debt, along with the recent trends in the
terms of trade and international interest rates, have become a
nightmare to many countries in the developing world. For instance,
the price now being fetched for cocoa, one of Grenada's basic
exports, is half of what it was two years ago.
97.	In many cases third world countries, especially small islands
and small land locked States, are attempting through even further
external borrowing to cover the deficits in their external accounts,
caused partly by imported inflation, high energy costs and the
openness of their economies.
98.	This problem of external over-indebtedness is made worse by
the rise of protectionism on the part of some developed countries.
These protectionist trends are becoming stronger each day-as was
evidenced in the struggle the third world was obliged to wage in
negotiating the third multi-fibre agreement in December 1981. In our
view, due to the interdependent nature of the world economy, it is
necessary for the developed world to open up markets to the exports
of the developing world. Prohibitive tariffs, subsidies which violate
the principle of the international division of labour and quota
restrictions on many commodities, including sugar, should be removed.
99.	Another major problem is the power and dominance of the
transnational corporations in the economies of developing countries.
It is part of the neo-colonial legacy left to developing countries
from years of colonial and imperialist domination.
100.	It is within the context of this unjust international
economic order that my Government sees the need for the reopening of
global negotiations. My Government is convinced that only through the
early adoption of proposals for a new international economic order
can there be a framework of principles to solve these complex and
vexing problems which now affect the international economic system.
101.	In our opinion, the failure of the global negotiations so far
stems from the intractable position taken by a few developed
countries, particularly that of a major country. These countries are
firmly opposed to any structural transformation of the present
inequitable international economic system, and are only prepared to
allow marginal reforms that gradually incorporate selected countries
chosen solely on the basis of political considerations.
l02. The continued resistance to negotiations by certain developed
countries is a strategy to perpetuate and increase the economic
dependence of the developing world. My delegation echoes the call of
the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs, held at New Delhi to
the Group of 77 to remain firm with regard to its agreement on the
basic objectives of the global negotiations. In this regard, my
Government welcomes and is greatly encouraged by the fact that a
number of countries have achieved or are approaching the level of
economic assistance to the developing world laid down as a target by
the United Nations. We are also heartened by the recent decision of
the Government of France to increase its volume of aid to the
developing world in spite of the global economic crisis and,
beginning in January 1983, to extend its development aid programme to
include Caribbean countries for the first time.
103. The demand for a new international economic order must also have
as one of its objectives the reform of the two most important
monetary institutions for the developing world-the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In order that these institutions
may provide greater and more effective flows of finance there is a
need for a change in the content of their programmes and the quantum
of fund resources made available under current quota policies
generally applied to small island and small land-locked economies.
There is an urgent need for a reappraisal and restructuring by the
Fund in three basic areas; liquidity and balance-of-payments support,
the indices of conditionally, and the nature and phasing of
adjustment over both the short and medium term.
104. On the issue of the reform of the World Bank, the People's
Revolutionary Government has taken note of the several areas of the
Bank's operations where action has been taken or is under way to
implement reform. However, there is one important area of World Bank
reform where no action has yet been taken. That is the desire for
fairness in the criteria and mechanics for the allocation of
assistance by the World Bank and the International Development
Association to developing countries and efficiency in the
disbursement of such assistance. The Brandt Commission's
recommendations on this matter indicate that the present
concentration of staff -95 per cent of whom work in Washington at the
Bank's headquarters-tends to make the World Bank remote from the
problems and attitudes in borrowing countries. In addition, the
Bank's articles of agreement anticipated a decentralization of its
activities, but that has not yet happened. This decentralization
would, among other things, have enabled the Bank to attract and
retain a wider range of staff from developing countries.
103. The People's Revolutionary Government is firmly convinced that
only a reform of IMF and the World Bank along the lines just
mentioned can assist the developing countries, including small island
and small land-locked States, in their struggle to overcome external
indebtedness.
106.	In order to allow for stability and economic growth in most
developing countries and to ensure that transfers of appropriate
technology can be implemented successfully, it is necessary that the
level of development assistance be greatly increased. That can be
done through a reformed World Bank and IMF. Indeed, the economies of
some developing countries are threatened with total collapse unless
there are greater development assistance flows.
107.	In our opinion, the United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea can be a catalyst for peace, serving to eliminate potential
conflicts between neighbouring States. We view it also, of course, as
providing a welcome opportunity for economic development through the
exploitation of our marine resources. The Grenada delegation is
therefore happy that the Convention has been adopted and will be a
signatory to it in the near future.
108.	With respect to South-South co-operation the People's
Revolutionary Government of Grenada recognizes that despite the
potential, progress has been slow. This is not surprising, however,
given the dependent nature of the relationship between developed and
developing countries. There is an urgent need, for instance, to
address the problem of air and sea transport facilities necessary for
realizing the goals of greater South-South trade and cooperation.
109.	The High-Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among
Developing Countries, held at Caracas in 1981, did, however, begin
the process of defining more relevant concepts and operative
measures, including the creation of an institutional framework that
would permit developing countries to carry forward the programme for
economic co-operation among developing countries with greater
dynamism than in the past. With proper follow-up action this goal
could be realized.
110.	Even as much of the international community continues to
suffer from the debilitating economic crisis, it is being further
pauperized and deprived of the benefits of much of its economic and
other resources by the persistent squandering of massive sums on
sophisticated armaments which threaten the world and its peoples with
extinction. Over the past few years, mankind has been forced to
listen to gruesome accounts of the production of increasing
quantities of monstrous weapons, and has been constrained to
contemplate, in apparent helplessness, its own destruction. In this
frightening context, Grenada appeals to the nuclear Powers to reverse
the present trend of nuclear proliferation and to begin the process
of meaningful arms control and arms reduction.
111.	Grenada sees no logic in the concepts of nuclear first strike
or limited nuclear war. Such formulations are inherently
contradictory, if not reckless, and suggest a willingness on the part
of one nuclear Power to experiment with its nuclear toys. Therefore,
Grenada applauds the bold undertaking by the Soviet Union at the
second special session on disarmament not to be the first to use
nuclear weapons. We recognize the positive impact of that obligation
and call upon other nuclear States to respond in like manner, in the
interest of preserving world peace. Once again, Grenada calls for the
purposeful ratification of the SALT II agreement on the limitation of
strategic offensive arms. Grenada is resolutely committed to the
process of lessening international tension and the promotion of world
peace and disarmament. As a result, Grenada will support any serious
proposal from any quarter aimed at bringing an end to the arms race
and achieving world peace and social progress.
112.	The world has just witnessed the worst episode of damage and
genocide since the Nazi era. This shameless act of cruelty comes as a
direct result of the irresponsible arming of Zionist Israel. The
extent of United States economic and military support to Israel is
irrefutable. Since June of this year, the sovereign territory of
Lebanon has been the testing ground for all sorts of American and
Israeli arms, to the detriment of thousands of human lives and of
Lebanese cities and villages. As the world witnessed this despicable
act of genocide and plunder, and was enraged thereby, the United
States shrugged its international responsibility and failed to
restrain its Zionist ally. In short, the two had become one in the
exercise of the so-called strategic alliance.
113.	Of course, the massacre of hundreds of innocent, helpless
Palestinian refugees in their beds is an integral part of that
scenario and cannot be divorced from it. In this regard, Grenada
joins the international outcry against such butchery. We solemnly
condemn Israel for its invasion of Lebanon and the death and
suffering it has meted out to the Lebanese and Palestinian people.
114.	Grenada is staunch in the belief that the territorial
integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon must be respected and demands
the withdrawal of the Zionist occupation forces. We sincerely hope
that the Lebanese people will move towards national reconciliation
and address themselves to the honourable task of national
reconstruction. Accordingly, Grenada calls upon the international
community to render all possible assistance to the people of Lebanon
at this critical time.
115.	It is well known that the Middle East conflict derives from
the expulsion of the Palestinian people from their homeland.
Therefore, the conflict situation existing in that region can be
resolved only through the settlement of the Palestinian question.
Grenada urges an expeditious settlement of this matter in accordance
with relevant United Nations resolutions.
116.	We recognize the signal importance of the peace proposals put
forward by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference in September. These
proposals represent a reasonable basis for a resolution of the
Arab-Israeli conflict, and Grenada is proud to give them its total
support. At the same time, Grenada cannot accept in their entirety
the proposals submitted on 1 September by the United States
President, Ronald Reagan, on the issue, since they offer no solution
to the key issue of the creation of an independent Palestinian State.
This plan also seeks to marginalize if not negate the role and
importance of the PLO and is, therefore, untenable and manifestly
short-sighted.
117.	The United Nations has recognized the PLO as the sole
authentic representative of the Palestinian people. Unfortunately,
the State of Israel and its powerful patron do not respect this
decision. However, it must now be clear to such forces that the
expulsion of the PLO from Beirut and its dispersal throughout the
Arab world do not amount to its defeat. In reality, the blood of the
Palestinian martyrs and patriots serves as a fertilizer that
nourishes their just cause. Grenada wishes to reaffirm its resolute
solidarity with the PLO and the Arab people of Palestine and condemns
most vehemently the atrocities committed against these people. We
also reject the expansionist and oppressive policies pursued by the
Begin-Sharon regime in the occupied territories.
118.	War continues in the Gulf area much to the detriment of the
peoples of that part of the world and to the apparent delight of
imperialism. We call upon Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran to
cease hostilities, settle their disputes through peaceful means and
properly direct their resources to the task of national
reconstruction.
119.	It is well known that the inhabitants of the People's
Republic of Kampuchea are shaping a new society through various
democratic structures. We categorically dismiss the
imperialist-sponsored "Kampuchea Coalition Government in Exile" as an
unmasked attempt to hide the bloody hand of the Pol Pot clique and to
give legitimacy to their counterrevolutionary activities. Grenada
reiterates its support for the Government of the People's Republic of
Kampuchea.
120.	The situation in the Korean peninsula continues to be a
threat to world peace. Grenada urges the speedy reunification of
Korea. We also demand the withdrawal of all foreign military forces
from the peninsula.
121.	Grenada is hopeful that a meaningful political settlement
will be achieved in Cyprus without further delay and that the
country's sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity will be fully
restored and respected.
122.	Similarly, we support the call for self-determination for the
people of East Timor.
123.	It is clear that some members of the so-called contact group
on Namibia have lost all contact with reality and have resorted to
dilatory tactics in the negotiations for independence for Namibia.
The unique electoral device of one man-two votes as posited by the
contact group is clearly inimical to the interests of SWAPO and has
been rightly rejected by the frontline States. The improper
intervention into the negotiation process by the United States,
through its irrelevant demand for the withdrawal of Cuban troops from
Angola as a pre-condition for the granting of independence to
Namibia, is largely responsible for the present impasse. The United
States position is also inconsistent with Security Council resolution
435 (1978) and is an attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of
Angola.
124.	Besides, South Africa has been covertly preparing to alter
the internal Namibian constitution and administration, in an attempt
to erode SWAPO's support and delay the granting of independence to
Namibia by ignoring demands for elections supervised by the United
Nations. The treacherous incursions into Angola at critical points in
the negotiating process must be interpreted in this context.
125.	Grenada emphasizes its resolute support for SWAPO and
stresses the inalienable right of the Namibian people to
self-determination and full independence. Grenada further calls upon
the United Nations to take expeditious action to bring about
independence for Namibia, since it is clear that the negotiations are
at a standstill.
126.	The situation in southern Africa is characterized by South
Africa's determination to destabilize regional States through
economic pressure and sabotage, direct military intervention and the
sponsoring of mercenaries. The experience of States like Mozambique,
Angola, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Botswana, Lesotho and Seychelles attests to
this truth. Grenada urges southern African States to strengthen the
structures of the Southern African Development Co-ordination
Conference. At the same time, we emphatically denounce South Africa's
repeated attacks on these States, its support for disruptive groups
and bandits and its policy of economic destabilization.
127.	In South Africa itself, the monstrous apartheid system has
been better armed and, no doubt, is more firmly entrenched-for the
time being. Our black brothers and sisters are held in veritable
concentration camps. Black workers are paid starvation wages for long
hours of hard labour. Their trade unions are outlawed and their
dedicated leaders are hounded like beasts. Yet, when we hear homilies
about the rights of trade unions and the importance of upholding
workers' democracy, the South African abuses are never highlighted.
Faced with this difficult situation, ANC continues to be the vanguard
for the liberation of the oppressed in South Africa. Grenada pledges
its continued support for ANC and our brothers and sisters of South
Africa in their struggle for human rights and majority rule.
128.	The issue of Western Sahara has led to unfortunate
developments within the GAU which directly threaten to compromise its
future. Grenada respectfully urges its African brothers and sisters
to resolve speedily the dispute over Western Sahara. We reaffirm our
support for the POLISARIO Front and the Government and the people of
the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic in their just struggle for
self-determination, national independence and sovereignty.
129.	The yearning of third world peoples for peace and stability
has given increasing popularity to the concept of regional zones of
peace. Parallel to our own struggle in the Caribbean and Central
American region, our brothers whose shores are washed by the Indian
Ocean have been calling for their region to be recognized as a zone
of peace.
13C. Conscious of the warmongering tactics of certain imperialist
elements in that part of the world, Grenada hails the determined
efforts of the Governments and the peoples of Mozambique, the United
Republic of Tanzania, India, Democratic Yemen, Mauritius, Madagascar
and Seychelles in this direction. We fully support their common
demand for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Indian Ocean;
the non-introduction and non-deployment of nuclear and other weapons
of mass destruction; the cessation of military manoeuvres by the
allies of South Africa and Israel; and the right of States to be free
from the threat of invasion by mercenaries.
131.	This vexing question of mercenary activity continues to
threaten the peace and stability of a number of poor, developing
countries, as evidenced by recent attempts by imperialist-backed
mercenaries to overthrow the Seychelles Government. Despite limited
attempts by some countries to deal with this problem at the national
level, the international community lacks effective and comprehensive
machinery for this purpose.
132.	Grenada and other countries of the hemisphere are
particularly conscious of this problem, since the likelihood of
mercenary invasion in our region, backed by certain imperialist State
entities, is quite real.
133.	We once more register our support for the Roc Committee on
the Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment,
Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries. However, we note the
inability of that Committee to complete its assignment thus far. Once
more we urge that the work be expedited so that effective measures
can be taken to outlaw the recruitment, training, assembly, transit,
financing and use of mercenaries. The situation is one of urgency.
134.	In the Latin American and Caribbean region, the militaristic
policy of the largest Power in the hemisphere seems aimed at
determining all issues on the basis of brute force and ruthless
economic might-hence the threats to Nicaragua, Cuba and Grenada. The
continued economic blockade and military threats against Cuba; the
ever-increasing threats against Nicaragua, including the training and
use of mercenaries from bases in neighbouring States; the attempts to
destabilize the revolutionary process in our own country, Grenada;
the illegal and provocative violation of our air space-all of these
militaristic postures display an amazing and unfortunate lack of
understanding on the part of the United States. We condemn and
deplore all efforts to pursue militaristic policies and policies of
confrontation in the Latin American and Caribbean region.
133. With respect to the so-called Caribbean Basin Initiative, it is
our view that this constitutes an attempt to sow the seeds of
divisiveness, and thus extend hegemony over countries in the region.
The "donor country" seeks by its so-called gifts to hold an entire
region to ransom by making a mockery of the concept of ideological
pluralism subscribed to by CARICOM member States and by the United
Nations system. This exposes the utter contempt with which it views
the sovereign and independent processes of the developing countries
of the region.
136.	Grenada is seeking its own path to development and exercising
its sovereign right to find its own solutions to the problems which
have for centuries confronted its people. We therefore reject the
arrogant condescension of those who seek to dictate rather than
discuss, to isolate those with whom they disagree and to attempt to
make pawns of sovereign, independent peoples.
137.	We insist on the inalienable right of every country,
irrespective of its size, to be master of its destiny. Recent events
in Western Europe have clearly shown that, in the interests of
development, countries will defend their sovereign right to conduct
business wherever they wish.
138.	Intent on seeking an improved quality of life for its people,
and concerned about the integral development of the Caribbean region,
Grenada repeats the call for the Caribbean to be declared a zone of
peace, independence and development. This proposal was first accepted
in 1979 at the La Paz meeting of the Organization of American States.
At the seventh meeting of the Standing Committee of Foreign Ministers
of Caricom in March this year, Grenada reiterated that call. The
Caribbean must not be a zone of militarism, tension and confrontation.
139.	Grenada issues a strong call for negotiations between
Argentina and the United Kingdom to resolve the issue of the Malvinas
Islands. Only through genuine negotiations held under the auspices of
the United Nations can there be a satisfactory solution to the
problem. The sad issue of the Malvinas provides one of these
inadvertent lessons of history which developing countries would do
well to note. In the final analysis our interests lie in recognizing
our own unity in diversity, in recognizing the need of the countries
of, Latin America and the Caribbean to create mechanisms for dealing
with problems peculiar to us.
140., Grenada wishes to reiterate that one of the firm principles on
which its foreign policy is based is anti-colonialism. Therefore we
declare once more our unswerving support for the people of Puerto
Rico in their just struggle to attain self-determination and
independence. We have another call for the elimination of this cancer
of colonialism from the Caribbean. We also express our very deep
concern over events in Central America, where scores of people have
lost their lives or have been forced to flee their homeland in search
of peace. In the light of Israel's present deplorable role in the
international arena, we further express our profound concern at the
presence of Israeli military advisers in Central America.
141.	We also wish to express our unshakeable solidarity with our
Chilean brothers and sisters who are heroically resisting a brutal
regime and many of whom have been driven from their homeland to
languish in exile.
142.	My Government wishes to express its total support for the
struggling people of El Salvador. It is our conviction that justice
and peace will ultimately triumph in that long-suffering country.
143.	Once more we wish to declare our unstinting support for the
independent Caribbean nations of Belize and Guyana in their
determination to preserve full territorial integrity. We call on all
parties concerned to resort to measures as outlined in the Charter of
the United Nations to find a peaceful solution to the disputes; any
other approach to solving these disputes will be counterproductive
and catastrophic.
144.	We reaffirm our full support for the just claim of Bolivia to
regain its access to the sea. We recognize that that country's
development is seriously impeded by a lack of such facilities.
145.	I now turn to an issue of increasing urgency on the
international scene, one that affects my country most intimately. It
is the question of the special problems of small Island and small
land-locked developing States. For three years, including twice
before in this forum, Grenada, supported by others within that
category, has called the attention of the international community,
and in particular the richer and technologically advanced nations, to
the peculiar circumstances and needs occasioned by the phenomenon of
smallness. Addressing the Assembly at the 27th meeting of the
thirty-fourth session, our Prime Minister, Maurice Bishop, called for
smallness to be recognized as a new dimension in economic relations
and urged a heightened awareness of the inherent handicaps.
146.	Last year, at the 33rd meeting of the thirty-sixth session,
we went further. My delegation, in an effort to sensitize the
international community to these issues, enumerated the economic and
social consequences of smallness in the present world economic system
and elaborated in addition a minimum programme for ongoing assistance
to those States.
147.	Last year also, at the meetings of the Commonwealth Heads of
Government in Australia and the General Assembly of the Organization
of American States in Saint Lucia, my country continued its appeal to
the international community for special consideration in the face of
these characteristic developmental problems of this group of
countries, namely, small States.
148.	More recently, at the meetings in London and Toronto of
Commonwealth Finance Ministers and the World Bank and IMF,
respectively, Grenada and other members of this specially
disadvantaged group raised again this pressing and critically
important issue. We have taken the initiative and are strongly
convinced, in the light of the current international economic
situation to which I earlier referred, that there is a need for a
special working conference in 1983, involving the United Nations and
its development agencies and the major international financial
institutions, like the World Bank, to examine the economic problems
of this group of countries and to make practical recommendations for
their solution. Out of that conference should come an international
action programme with a specific time-table for implementation. For
example, consider the matter of hurricanes and other natural
disasters which frequently devastate the economies of small States in
one blow. Often international relief, always so deeply appreciated,
takes months to arrive-hence the need for a rapidly deployable
rehabilitation scheme for such contingencies. Therefore, we appeal to
all our brothers and sisters in small island and small land-locked
developing States and also the international community for support on
this vital matter, since any improvement in our economic situation
must have a positive effect on the wider global community.
149.	In conclusion, my delegation wishes to reaffirm its
commitment to the noble principles enshrined in the Charter of the
United Nations. Even in the face of the crisis in international
relations, we are steadfast in the belief that the United Nations
system constitutes the ultimate guarantee for peace and international
security. For our part we wish once again to express our willingness
to engage in dialogue at any level whatever with a view to promoting
regional peace and co-operation, thereby contributing to the
construction of a more just and peaceful world.


64.	 Mr. President, I have the honor to convey to you and, through you, to the representatives greetings from my August Sovereign His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bucram Shah Dev and his best wishes for the success of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
65.	I have the great pleasure to extend to you, Sir, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, our sincere congratulations on your election as President Ot this session of the General Assembly. You represent a country with which Nepal has friendly relations. We are confident that, with your experience, skill and wisdom, you will guide the work of this session to a successful conclusion. I also wish to express our appreciation to Mr. Kittani of Iraq, who guided the business of the last session of the General Assembly with impartiality and efficiency. I avail myself of this opportunity to pay our compliments to the Secretary-General for his exemplary devotion to the ideals of the United Nations and for the admirable manner in which he has been carrying out the heavy responsibilities of his high office.
Mr. Lusaka (Zambia), Vice-President, took the Chair.
66.	The past year has been less than reassuring in many respects. Hie world political situation has not shown any sign of improvement. East-West relations and, in particular, relations between the two superpowers have further deteriorated, affecting a whole range of relationships in the international arena. Foreign military interventions in some parts of the world have not ended. Regional conflicts containing potential threats to international peace and security have assumed more dangerous proportions. The arms race, especially the competition in nuclear weapons, continues uncontrolled. Negotiations on vital economic issues remain deadlocked. These are ominous developments which cause us concern.
67.	The world economic situation continues to be grim. International economic co-operation and the system of multilateral co-operation continue to erode at an alarming rate. Although there has been a greater awareness of the need for development, continuing world economic stagnation has actually resulted in a decline in the per capita incomes of a large number of developing countries. As a result, there has been a sharp increase in the number of people living in absolute poverty. This situation of continuing and increasing poverty constitutes a grave threat to international stability and peace.
68.	The plight of the least developed countries remains particularly acute. This group of countries has been suffering serious setbacks in the form of slower growth and widening payment deficits as a result of the world economic crisis. The United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held last year, agreed on the need for special measures, including concessional assistance for such countries. The Substantial New program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries, adopted by that Conference, is an important link in the vitally needed interaction between the developed and the developing countries. We appeal for the urgent implementation of that program.

69.	The serious erosion in the effectiveness of multilateral economic co-operation has been a matter of deep concern to my delegation. Serious resource constraints are hampering the operation of the International Development Association, which provides critically needed resources to the low-income developing countries. The efforts of the developing countries to make policy adjustments to meet the desperate situation have to be supplemented by some form of long-term assistance to avoid the need for the poorer countries to slow down growth as the only way of balancing their international accounts.
70.	UNDP has been rendering invaluable assistance to the developing countries in their efforts to create the necessary infrastructure for development. In this effort it has been trying to take into particular account the needs of the poorest countries. Other bodies and specialized agencies of the United Nations are also engaged most constructively in the socioeconomic development of the developing countries. The shortfall in voluntary allocations of resources has seriously affected the programs of these bodies. Only firm and predictable support from the Member States, the developed countries in particular, can ensure their continuous and effective functioning. My delegation fears that if these bodies are forced to cut back on their programs, it will have serious consequences for the implementation of the Substantial New program of Action, to which the international community has committed itself.
71.	The problem of energy is a priority item within the overall structural readjustment that the United Nations is seeking to achieve. The United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, which was held at Nairobi in 1981, underlined that the interest of all countries would be served by an orderly transition to new and alternative sources of energy, in view of the finiteness of the traditional Source of energy. We 'tote with regret that no serious action has been taken to implement the Nairobi program of Action, especially in its institutional and financial aspects.
72.	The difficulties facing the United Nations Financing System for Science and Technology for Development are still far from overcome. My delegation regrets the negative attitude adopted by some developed countries towards contributing to the resources of the system, in spite of the great flexibility shown by the Group of 77.
73.	The growing trend towards protectionism and unilateral trade practices has aggravated the already difficult economic situation of the developing countries. My delegation hopes that the forthcoming meeting at the ministerial level of GATT will succeed in establishing a fair international trading practice responsive to the particular needs of the developing countries.
74.	Economic co-operation among developing countries has assumed even greater significance in the present context. The 1981 Caracas program of Action has charted the course for collective self-reliance to break the cycle of dependence, poverty and underdevelopment. In this context the meeting of the Intergovernmental Follow-up and Co-ordination Committee on economic co-operation among developing
countries, held in Manila in August, is of particular significance.
75.	In the light of these pressing economic and development issues, the sixth session of UNCTAD, scheduled to be held in June next year in Belgrade, assumes crucial importance. At that session UNCTAD will have to break new ground to redress the central problems and disruptions in world trade and development. Only a new beginning can ensure the revival of the world economy.
76.	Efforts in the past year have proved that it is becoming increasingly difficult to take timely decisions and necessary action to correct the international economic situation. There has been some progress in the drafting of a compromise which would permit the adoption of a resolution on the launching of the global negotiations. In the negotiations the Group of 77 has displayed great flexibility and accommodation in trying to meet the concerns of the developed countries. Regrettably, these serious efforts have not so far succeeded in breaking the deadlock over the substantive issues. Nepal fully supports the notion that the United Nations has to play a central role in any realistic program for global economic recovery. We call once again for the early launching of the global negotiations to face the challenges of the international economic difficulties. The stalling of the negotiations has withheld the impetus necessary for the effective implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56, annex].
77.	There can be no enduring security in the world so long as widespread poverty and economic injustice prevail. It is on the basis of these two aspects of security and development that my Government watches with increasing concern the continuing rise in military expenditures. World military spending in 1981 is estimated to have reached a staggering $600 billion to $650 billion. Thus, the resources desperately needed for development are being rapidly drained away.
78.	The second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament was the focus of great public attention and interest. Despite this popular concern and all the intensive work, the Assembly failed to reach any agreement on substantive items at that session. This failure is all the more regrettable because the great Powers went back on their solemn commitment to use the United Nations as a forum for disarmament negotiations. The failure of the special session was thus another example of the crisis of confidence in the United Nations system.
79.	The building of trust between the East and the West is a difficult task, but Nepal believes that continuing dialog between the United States and the Soviet Union is necessary to open the way to the reduction and eventual elimination of the nuclear arms race. We welcome the resumption of negotiations between these Powers on strategic arms and on medium-range nuclear weapons, and we hope that they will speedily agree on balanced and verifiable reductions of these weapons.
80.	The adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea has been a major achievement of the United Nations. After years of intense
negotiations, the international community has adopted a legal instrument designed to regulate the use of the seas and the exploitation of their resources. My delegation welcomes this development as being a positive one which could bring great benefits to all the countries of the world, coastal and land-locked, on the basis of equity and justice.
81.	Nepal has often repeated its firm conviction that the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, of peaceful coexistence and of respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of other countries are sacrosanct. We can never accept any justification for armed intervention.*, nor csin we recognize any situation created by such interventions.
82.	It is therefore with deep regret that we note that the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea has not yet come about, and that the efforts of the United Nations and the International Conference on Kampuchea to find a peaceful settlement have made no progress. Nepal welcomes the formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea under the leadership of His Royal Highness Samdech Norodom Sihanouk. Nepal once again urges all parties concerned to join in the efforts of the United Nations and the International Conference on Kampuchea to achieve a just political settlement of the problem.
83.	In Afghanistan, likewise, the withdrawal of all foreign forces will constitute the essential first step towards the normalization of the situation. Only such normalization will enable the people of that country to exercise their inalienable right of self-determination. Nepal will continue to support the efforts of the United Nations to achieve a negotiated political settlement in Afghanistan.
84.	The Middle East situation continues to dominate the affairs of the international community. The past year has regrettably seen no sign of progress towards a comprehensive peace, which alone can ensure a just and peaceful future for all the peoples and nations of the region. Nepal remains convinced that a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East has to be based on three basic principles: recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self- determination, and their participation in the overall peace negotiations; withdrawal of Israeli forces from territories occupied since 1967; and recognition of the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, free from threats and acts of force. In this respect. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) have lost none of their validity with the passage of time. Given good will and accommodation, it is not impossible to achieve early and full implementation of these resolutions, together with a pledge by the international community to assure the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. Nepal hopes that the momentum generated by the recent important proposals for the settlement of the problem will not be allowed to dissipate.
85.	When we talk of the Middle East our attention naturally turns to Lebanon. The Israeli invasion of Lebanon came as a big shock to my delegation. Nepal has strongly denounced the Israeli military invasion
and demanded the unconditional and total withdrawal of Israeli forces.
86.	Nepal repeats its appeal to two non-aligned countries, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq, to seek a peaceful solution of their dispute.
87.	Nepal reiterates its call for a peaceful solution of the question of Cyprus, a solution which respects the territorial integrity, sovereignty and non-aligned character of that country.
88.	With regard to the Korean question, my Government continues to hold the view that the aspirations of the Korean people to national reunification should be fulfilled peacefully, without foreign interference or intervention.
89.	Despite occasional reports of progress, the stalemate over Namibia continues.
90.	The persistence of the policy of apartheid in South Africa causes us profound sorrow. In total defiance of world public opinion, the racist regime has continued its policy of denying the vast majority of the population elementary human rights, uprooting large numbers from their homeland, and compelling many others to live in so-called homelands against their wishes.
91.	The Secretary-General has presented a serious analysis of the state of the Organization in his first report on the work of the Organization. His honest description of the erosion of the authority of the United Nations and his suggestions for the restoration of its effectiveness are matters for serious study by all Member States.
92.	I cannot fail to express our great appreciation of the valuable support and assistance extended to us by the various bodies and specialized agencies of the United Nations in our development efforts. Nepal believes that despite its serious limitations there can be no alternative to the United Nations in achieving the goals of international peace and security and the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We have interwoven our faith in the United Nations and our respect for the lofty principles of the Charter with our policy of non-alignment. We have constantly endeavored to seek a coordinated approach to bilateral, regional and global issues. Guided by these ideas of mutual benefit and collective self-reliance, we have joined other nations to achieve a prudent exploitation of the vast human, material and natural resources for the collective benefit of the South Asian region. We are heartened by the unanimous support of all countries of our region for the concept of regional co-operation. Considerable progress ha; already been made in identifying the scope of co-operation in various agreed fields. Nepal believes that the promotion of mutual confidence and co-operation among neighbors can be a vehicle of peace, security and all-round economic development of the region. Our traditional national ideals, our unrelenting quest for peace and friendship, and our aspirations to development and co-operation are embodied in our proposal that Nepal be declared a zone of peace.
93.	The United Nations keeps alive mankind's faith in its better self, in the ideals and principles which are worthy of being lived and striven for. In the
dark hours of frustration and despair, these ideals renew man's determination to overcome problems that sometimes seem to overwhelm him. It is essential to renew dedication to these ideals. It is necessary to build, collectively and consciously, on the foundation that was laid 37 years ago, and to develop the vision to guarantee the future.


On behalf of the delegation of the Lao People's
Democratic Republic, I should like at the outset
to congratulate you, Comrade President, on your
unanimous election to your high office for this
session of the General Assembly. In choosing you,
the General Assembly pays a tribute both to your
country, the sister People's Republic of Hungary,
whose tireless efforts in the cause of peace and
socialism are well known and with which my
country enjoys excellent relations of friendship
and militant solidarity and to you and to your
outstanding qualities as a diplomat for whom the
workings of the United Nations hold no secrets. I
am therefore convinced that on the basis of your
vast experience and thorough knowledge of
international affairs you will lead the work of
this session towards fruitful results.
141. I would also like to pay a tribute to your
pre¬decessor, Mr. Ismat Kittani, who guided the
thirty- sixth session of the Assembly, as well as
the special sessions, with authority and skill.
142.	I also wish to salute the
Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, on his
election to his high office, involving great
responsibility, and for his courage and untiring
efforts in the cause of maintaining international
peace and security.
143.	Since the beginning of the thirty-sixth
session of the Assembly, the international
situation has con¬tinued to deteriorate and the
international community has found itself faced
with a number of crises. For the most aggressive
imperialist factions, per¬sisting with their
policy of adventurism, aggression and economic
blocs, have created or rekindled hot¬beds of
tension in various regions of the world.
Inter¬national peace and security have never been
so threatened.
144.	In the Middle East, the situation remains
explosive because of the policy of aggression and
extermination being carried out by those who hold
power ip Israel and those who support and arm
them against the Palestinian and Lebanese Arab
peoples. The bloody crimes committed by Israel
against the Arab Palestinian and Lebanese
peoples, the occupa¬tion of Lebanon and other
Arab territories and the monstrous genocide
committed in the Palestinian refugee camps have
been condemned by the world. We express our
unreserved solidarity with the Pales¬tinian Arab
people and with the PLO, their sole legitimate
representative, with the Lebanese people and with
all the victims of Israeli aggression and
barbarity.
145.	For the Lao People's Democratic Republic,
the just and lasting solution to the question of
Palestine and of the Middle East as a whole,
which should be worked out through negotiations
with the partici¬pation of all the parties
concerned, including the PLO, presupposes the
withdrawal by Israel from all the Arab
territories occupied since 1967 and recog¬nition
of the right of the Palestinian people to
estab¬lish an independent State the six-point
proposal of President Brezhnev, as well as the
proposals of the Fez Arab Summit Conference  fully support this position.
146.	The conflict between Iran and Iraq has
already been the cause of many losses, both
material and human, on both sides and has
benefited neither of the parties to it. Quite the
contrary, the longer it goes on, the more
conditions favorable to the intervention and
interference of imperialism in the region it will
create. The Lao People's Democratic Republic
hopes that the two parties, both members of the
non-aligned movement, with succeed in reaching a
peaceful solution to their differences.
147.	The undeclared war being waged by
imperialism and other reactionary forces against
the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan poses a
serious threat to its independence and
sovereignty and its revolutionary achievements.
The Lao People's Democratic Republic firmly
condemns such acts and supports the efforts of
the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to settle
with its neighbors by political means problems
pertaining to the maintenance of peace and
stability in the region.
148.	In the Korean peninsula, the situation
remains tense. The ever-growing presence of
American troops in the southern part of Korea
constitutes a major obstacle to the process of
the peaceful and democratic reunification of
Korea.
149.	In the area of the Indian Ocean, the
military presence of the United States has
jeopardized the convening of the United Nations
conference designed to establish the Indian Ocean
as a zone of peace. The Lao People's Democratic
Republic associates itself with the coastal
countries in the region in calling for the
dismantling of the Diego Garcia base and other
so-called logistical military facilities. In
reiterating our support for Madagascar's proposal
and our commitment to the Declaration of the
Indian Ocean as a Zone of, the Lao People's
Democratic Republic hopes that the envisaged
international conference will be able to take
place as soon as possible.
150.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic
gives its whole-hearted support to the just
struggle of the South African patriots against
the repugnant apartheid regime and for the
recovery of their fundamental national rights and
supports the valiant struggle of the Namibian
people, under the leadership of SWAPO, for the
independence and territorial integrity of
Nami¬bia. We condemn the repeated acts of
aggression committed by South Africa against
Angola, Mozam¬bique and other neighbouring
African countries, and we reaffirm our militant
solidarity with that peoples of those countries
in the struggle for the defense of their
independence and sovereignty.
151.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic
reaf¬firms its militant solidarity with the
Sahraaui people under the leadership of the
POLISARIO Front in their just struggle for
self-determination and inde¬pendence.
152.	The Lao People s Democratic Republic,
which recognizes the sovereignty of Argentina
over the Malvinas, believes that a final
settlement of this matter should be negotiated
within the framework of the United Nations,
bearing in mind its relevant reso¬lutions.
153.	The policy and actions of American
imperialism with regard to Cuba, Nicaragua and
Grenada should be vigorously condemned. The Lao
People's Democratic Republic reaffirms its
unswerving support for the just struggle of the
peoples of those countries to defend their
national independence and their revolutionary
achievements and demands the resto¬ration of
Guantanamo to the Republic of Cuba.
154.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic also
supports the struggle of the Puerto Rican people
for its right to self-determination and
independence, and that of the people of El
Salvador for its freedom and democratic rights.
155.	In their efforts to destroy the
approximate military and strategic balance in
Europe and in the world as a whole, the Unite
States and other countries of NATO have been
exerting undisguised pressure on Poland and have
been interfering in its internal affairs with a
view to perpetuating the crisis in that country.
The Lao People's Democratic Republic vigorously
condemns these acts and reaffirms its unswerving
solidarity with the Polish United Workers' Party
and the Polish State in their efforts to maintain
public order and to promote the normalization of
the situation in that country.
156.	Foreign interference in the internal
affairs of Cyprus has been preventing the
intercommunal talks from making progress. In the
interest of the Cypriot people as a whole, a halt
must be called to this inter¬ference and the
territorial integrity of the country must be
scrupulously respected.
157.	Peace and stability in South-East Asia
are in constant danger from the expansionist and
hegemonist policy pursued by the reactionaries in
the Chinese ruling circles who are striving to
maintain a state of tension on the Sino-Lao and
Sino-Viet-namese borders by massing troops there
which engage in armed incursions for die purpose
of provocation and sabotage, and also on the
Thai-Kampuchea border by helping the remnants of
the Pol Pot forces and a handful of Khmer
reactionaries to undermine the rebirth of the
Kampuchean people.
158.	But in spite of these hostile acts, Lao
People's Democratic Republic, Viet Nam and
Kampuchea, constantly motivated by the wish to
live in peace, friendship and co-operation with
their neighbors, and in particular with China,
have over the last few years made a number of
proposals, including the proposal to sign a
bilateral or multilateral treaty of peaceful
coexistence between them and China with a view to
normalizing their relations.
159.	The problems which now exist in
South-East Asia have been essentially brought
about by foreign interventions and interference.
It is therefore of fundamental importance to
proceed immediately to a comprehensive settlement
of those problems. Any delay in doing this would
serve only to inflame the situation which now
prevails.
160.	In accordance with that analysis and
desiring to make an active contribution to the
consolidation of peace and stability in
South-East Asia, and also to promote the
continuation of dialogue between the States in
the region, the Foreign Minister of the Lao
People's Democratic Republic, on behalf of the
three countries of Indo-China, sent a letter
dated 15 Sep-tember i982, to their counterparts
in the countries of ASEAN. Its essential Content
is as follows: ''
"The Thai side regards the presence of units of
the Vietnamese army near the Kampuchea-Thailand
border as a threat to Thailand's security.
Mean¬while, Kampuchea, Viet Nam and Laos consider
the use of Thai territory by China and the Pol
Pot clique together with other reactionary Khmer
forces against the revival of the Kampuchean
people a constant threat to the security of
Kampuchea and other Indo-Chinese countries.
"The realities of the past three years have shown
that the presence of Vietnamese troops in
Kam¬puchea does not threaten in any way
Thailand's security. Many a time the Thai side
has stated that there is no need to sign
non-aggression treaties between Thailand and the
three Indo- Chinese countries since there is no
danger of aggres¬sion by Viet Nam against
Thailand. On the contrary, the activities of the
Pol Pot clique and other Khmer reactionaries
based in Thailand have seriously threatened
Kampuchea's security, causing a continually
explosive situation on the Thailand- Kampuchea
border. The recent founding of a so-called
tripartite coalition Government is aimed at
helping the Pol Pot clique and other Khmer
reactionaries step up activities against the
People's Republic of Kampuchea, undermining the
revival of the Kampuchean people and aggravating
the tension on the Kampuchea-Thailand border. To
maintain and to give it their support, the ASEAN
countries cannot avoid running Airther counter to
their objective of 'founding a political
solution' as they have declared. This will create
a dangerous precedent for foreign intervention
against inde¬pendent and sovereign nations and
violate the principles of the Charter of the
United Nations and the non-aligned movement.
"We deem it necessary to heed the security
interests of Thailand, and at the same time to
heed the security interests of Kampuchea. To this
end, there should be effective measures to check
the use of the territory of one country against
the other. Proceeding from this basic stand, the
People's Republic of Kampuchea proposed in July
1980 to establish a demilitarized zone along the
Kampuchea- Thailand border, but the Thai side did
not agree, saying that it cannot withdraw its
troops from a part of its own territory.
"At the recent Conference of the Lao, Kampu¬chean
and Vietnamese Foreign Ministers, the three
Indo-Chinese countries took notice of Thailand's
stand on a demilitarized zone and put forward a
new proposal to set up a safety zone along the
Kampuchea-Thailand border. This proposal meets
Thailand's concern that troops of the Thai
King¬dom should not withdraw from a part of its
territory. The new proposal only asks for the
withdrawal of forces which do not belong to
Thailand or the People's Republic of Kampuchea
from the safety zone. The three Indo-Chinese
countries voice their readiness to discuss and
reach agreement with the Thai side on such
concrete matters as the width of the safety zone,
the scope of Vietnamese troops withdrawal from
the Kampuchea-Thailand border as well as the
agreement of the transfer, of the Pol-Potist and
other Khmer reactionaries and refugee camps far,
from this border, the three Indo-Chinese
countries deem it necessary to agree on a form of
international supervision of the safety.
"To show their good will, the People's Republic
of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet
Nam have of late made a first step by
unilaterally withdrawing some units of Vietnamese
troops from Kampuchea. If the Thai side gives a
positive response to this good will act, the
People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist
Republic of Viet Nam will withdraw more units of
Viet¬namese troops from Kampuchea.
"In case Thailand refuses to establish the safety
zone, the three Indo-Chinese countries are ready
to discuss and reach agreement with the Thai side
on any measure strictly to respect the Kampuchea-
Thailand border as well as any measure including
a form of international supervision to ensure
peace and stability there.
"Many a time the People's Republic of Kam¬puchea
has stated that the agreement on this question is
not related to the de jure recognition of each
other. The People's Republic of Kampuchea will
not let the question of mutual recognition hinder
the discussion and agreement on the safety zone.
The realities of the past 30 years have shown
that the United States and Thailand signed with
Viet Nam and China the 1961-1962 Geneva Agreement
on Laos, and the United States and Viet Nam
signed the Paris Agree¬ment on Viet Nam in 1973
without subsequent mutual recognition.
"The ASEAN countries have stood for the
con¬vening of an international conference within
the framework of the United Nations to settle the
Kam¬puchea problem. They have unilaterally
convened this conference in disregard of the
three Indo- Chinese countries' protest. This is
an imposition from one side. The three
Indo-Chinese countries have put forward a
proposal to convene a regional conference between
the two groups of ASEAN and Indo-Chinese
countries. This has not been agreed to by the
ASEAN countries and such regional con¬ference has
not been convened.
"The realities of the past three years have shown
that an international conference is fruitful only
when there is the agreement and participation of
the directly related parties. The international
conference convened by the United Nations in July
1981 only ended in an impasse. With the good will
to find an issue for this abnormal situation, and
taking into consideration the ASEAN countries'
proposal for an international conference and the
three Indo-Chinese countries' proposal for a
regional con¬ference, the recent conference of
Vietnamese, Lao and Kampuchean Foreign Ministers
put forward a proposal for an international
conference on Southeast Asia with the
participation of nine countries inside and six
others outside the area. (The nine former are the
three Indo-Chinese countries, the five ASEAN
countries and Burma; the six latter are the
Soviet Union, the United States, China, France,
the United Kingdom and India).
."This conference will be convened only when
agreement is reached between the, directly
related countries, i.e. the ASEAN-and the
Indo-Chinese counties,, on the composition; of
Participants, agenda, place and time of the
conference.
"Regarding the composition of participants, there
may be disagreement on the countries taking part
J particularly on the representation of
Kampuchea. I think that this matter can be
discussed and a formula acceptable to all can be
found. It should not hinder the convening of the
conference. The three Indo- Chinese countries,
welcome the United Nations contribution to peace
and stability in South-East Asia. But the United
Nations maintenance of the Pol Pot genocidal
clique has inhibited its positive role.
"Concerning the agenda, there may also be
disagreement. I think that the conference can
discuss all the problems in the region raised by
each side on the principle of complete equality.
For us there are many ways: an agreed agenda, an
open agenda, or an agenda with agreed-upon
problems and open- ended problems.
"About the place, I think that the conference can
meet in a South-East Asian country, a neutral
country in Asia or Europe, perhaps at Rangoon,
New Delhi, Paris, Stockholm or Vienna, as agreed
by the two groups of countries.
"As for the time of the conference, I think that
the problems of peace and stability in Southeast
Asia are most urgent and need to be settled, the
sooner the better. Therefore I think that it
should be convened in the last three months of
this year or early next year."
161.	In Kampuchea, Pol Pot and his criminal
clique, before being overthrown in 1979, embarked
on the genocide of their own people and took the
country back to the stone-age, at the instigation
of foreigners. Blood, hunger and exodus were the
price of this process internally, while
externally bloody aggressions against
neighbouring countries left an indelible imprint.
Since that time the horror has ended for the
Kamrpuchean people, and under the leadership of
the Government of the People's Republic of
Kampuchea that people has witnessed a miraculous
revival in unity and national harmony and its
political, economic, cultural and social
situation has undergone a striking return to
normal. The conditions of life of the people are
unquestionably improving; National institutions
have been established at all levels throughout
the territory of the country after, the general
elections J in particular the Constitution and
the Parliament. This legitimate Government,
supported by all Kampucheans, is unremittingly
pursuing a foreign policy of peace, friendship,
co-operation and good-neighborliness.
162.	The international community is now in a
posi¬tion, knowing the facts, to draw impartially
and objec¬tively a comparison between the four
years of the reign of terror and genocide of the
Pol Pot regime and the three years of the
Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea
and conclude which has done more for Kampuchea
and its valiant people and which of the two
deserves the honor and the right to speak on
behalf of Kampuchea.
163.	For its part, the Lao People's Democratic
Republic believes that the United Nations must
restore to the Government of the People's
Republic of Kampuchea, the sole authentic and
legal representative of the Kampuehean people,
its proper place in the Organization and to expel
from it the representatives of the former
butchers of the Kampuchean people regardless of
what new guise they may appear in.
164.	In so doing, the Organization would
enhance its prestige and be doing simple justice
to the Kam¬puchean people and, above all, to the
memory of 3 million of them who were murdered.
165.	The year 1982 has also been marked by the
unbridled pursuit of the arms race by the
imperialists and military circles of NATO. This
has been brought about by the policy of
confrontation of the current United States
Administration and even more by its ambition to
attain a fallacious military and strategic
"superiority" over the Soviet Union, and certain
strategists of the Pentagon who have gone so far
as to advocate the first nuclear strike and even
the pos¬sibility of a so-called limited nuclear
war. In order to extract revenue from the
taxpayers and to win over public opinion to this
cause, there has been no end to the fables that
have been concocted about the so- called Soviet
threat.
166.	Negotiations on arms limitations and
disarm¬ament, in various United Nations bodies
and other forums, in particular the Soviet-United
States bilateral negotiations, have not led to
any results. They either run up against the
opposition of the United States and its allies or
are unilaterally abandoned by them. This is what
happened to consideration of the question on the
prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests in the
Committee on Disarmament, the question of halting
the nuclear-arms race and negotiations on the
prohibition of the development, manufacture and
stockpiling of chemical weapons and their
destruction, for example.
167.	Although the twelfth special session, the
second special session of the General Assembly
devoted to disarmament, held in June this year,
yielded no con¬crete results, it was nevertheless
of great significance because it showed the world
which countries are working for the cause of
peace and disarmament and which are striving to
impede attainment of that goal.
168.	President Leonid Brezhnev's message
delivered at the 12th meeting of that special
session announcing the unilateral undertaking by
the Soviet Union not to be the first to use
nuclear weapons is an illustration of the
Leninist peace policy pursued by the Soviet Union
and it won the warm and total support of the Lao
People's Democratic Republic as well as that of
all peace-loving peoples in the world.
169.	At the second special session on
disarmament, the Soviet Union reaffirmed and
developed its pro¬posals* for the consolidation
of peace, strengthening of detente and curbing of
the arms race—proposals which it had put forward
at the twenty-sixth Con¬gress of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union. Those proposals are
constructive and realistic, and members of the
Committee on Disarmament should examine them most
seriously.
170.	In the face of the ever-growing threat to
inter¬national peace and security represented by
the arms race, in particular the nuclear-arms
race and the race in other weapons of mass
destruction, the Lao People's Democratic Republic
welcomes any proposal aimed at eliminating that
threat. As a country that was the victim of
colonial and neo-colonial aggression and that
lived under the constant threat of imperialism,
expansionism and hegemonism, my country supports
the proposal of the People's Republic of Mongolia
for the conclusion of a convention on
non-aggression and non-use of force in relations
between Asian and Pacific States. The signing of
such a convention would undoubtedly contribute to
peace and co-oper¬ation in that part of the world.
171.	The deterioration in the world economic
situa¬tion, that has come about in the last few
years was even more marked in 1982. The developed
capitalist countries, whose responsibility it is
to take appropriate measures to remedy this
situation, were unwilling to depart from their
negative attitude. This international economic
crisis provoked by the devel¬oped capitalist
countries has had an even greater effect on the
developing countries, in particular the
least-advanced among them. This serves only to
stress the interdependence of the two groups of
coun¬tries. The continued decline in the economic
situation in the developing countries could well,
over the long term, entail adverse effects for
the developed countries themselves. It is
therefore in their own interests to demonstrate
greater political will and realism in order to
restructure the present system of international
economic relations which is founded on injustice
and exploitation.
172.	The picture I have just outlined would
appear at first sight a little gloomy.
Nevertheless it is encour¬aging to note that
crisis mongers and fomenters of war are becoming
more and more isolated and coming in for
increased international condemnation and that the
forces that are fighting for peace Justice and
social progress, on the other hand, are becoming
stronger with each passing day. This is proof
that the masses are no longer willing to live
with the specter of a nuclear conflagration
hanging over them, in poverty and exploitation.
They are calling for a halt to the unbridled arms
race, for improvement of their living conditions
and for a peaceful world for both their own
generation and that of their children. In a word,
they are calling for change in the existing
international order and its replacement by a
new—just, equitable and democratic—international
order where relations would be based on true
equality and mutually advan¬tageous co-operation.
173.	By combining our efforts to respond to
their call and to their needs, we would be
discharging our obligations under the Charter.


On behalf of the delegation of Paraguay I should like to congratulate
Mr. Hollai on his election to conduct the proceedings of the General
Assembly, an honor that has been conferred upon him because of his
personal integrity and his well recognized diplomatic experience.
We extend to the Secretary General our best wishes for success in the
important work before him. We do so not only because of the esteem in
which we hold him but also because as South Americans we feel
gratified at his election. We are pleased to see that every day he
gives clear proof of his skills and his unquestionable dedication to
his work, as evidenced by his report on the work of the Organization,
a report that concisely sets forth many creative suggestions at a
time when, though there has been hesitant progress, efforts are being
made to achieve survival in peace and dignity.
My delegation fully shares the deep anxiety of the Secretary General,
who has urgently appealed to us for common sense and effective
action. We note his hopes and offer him Paraguay's cooperation in his
noble efforts to implement the Organization's mandate under the
Charter to avoid the untold sorrow that results from war, to reaffirm
faith in fundamental human rights and to establish conditions
conducive to the general progress of all our peoples in a universal
atmosphere of coexistence based on mutual respect, justice and
freedom.
Perhaps more than any other year in the life of the Organization, the
past year has been characterized by continued violence in different
parts of the world. As the Secretary General has pointed out, we are
apt to forget with suicidal single mindedness the six years of global
agony and destruction that preceded the San Francisco Conference, and
it is true that thus far we have not learned to operate sensibly the
system of collective security that is the only instrument available
to us to preserve our generation and succeeding generations from
total disaster. We are haunted by far justified and healthy fear that
alerts us and prompts us to understand the dangers that stalk us.
With all the defects inherent in human endeavor, the Charter remains
the only valid instrument Car the finding of solutions which, though
provisional, can defuse the critical situation that confronts us. The
different conferences on disarmament that have taken place since the
days of the frustrated League of Nations have not thus far offered
the Rope of a promising course of action. The so called major Powers
and those that try to be major Powers bear the tremendous
responsibility of giving the world an example of wisdom and of real
and effective respect for life, the most important human right.
Statements on the principle of the sovereign equality of States are
meaningless if the destiny of mankind is linked to the interests of
those who wield atomic power, with all its horrors. Equally
meaningless are the intentions of promoting the overall well being of
peoples if vast sums are earmarked to annihilate them, in a vicious
circle of dissuasion which can last only so long. Moreover, the
terrorism which is exercised in the internal sphere and exported
equally criminally beyond their own borders by some Governments is an
eloquent expression of a state of madness which can be compared only
to the threat of an atomic holocaust. In spite of the inexplicable
difficulties involved in the consideration of this topic in the Sixth
Committee, my delegation would ask that the study of draft
international instruments aimed at removing the apocalyptic scourge
of terrorism, such as, for example, the draft Code of Offences
Against the Peace and Security of Mankind and a draft international
convention against the recruitment, use, financing and training of
mercenaries be accelerated. Those and other legal instruments with
binding force at the international level should, together with The
Hague, Montreal and Tokyo Conventions, which my country has already
signed, provide a body of provisions which can counteract that type
of crime.
A/37/PV.23
Paraguay has heroic experience of wars. My country has itself
suffered not only the incalculable loss of life of its sons and
daughters in devastating numbers but also the hardships of foreign
military occupation and the mutilation of its territorial heritage.
Thus we repudiate and forcefully condemn the Soviet Union's
subjugation of the sovereignty of Afghanistan, a country which is
steadfastly struggling to defend its independence; we repudiate with
equal force Viet Nam's intervention in Kampuchea; and we cannot fail
to condemn the brutal genocide carried out against defenseless
communities in Lebanon. All these and similar events of transitory
notoriety seem to have the incredible purpose of lulling our
consciences and anaesthetizing our sensitivities. Faced with this
negative picture, which causes pessimism, my country welcomes the
certain positive signs of understanding which have emerged in the
international political sphere. We express the fervent hope for
success in the efforts made by the Republic of Korea to bring about
the unification of the peninsula through direct negotiations with the
People's Democratic Republic of Korea, and we trust that, under the
competent guidance of the Secretary General, the efforts which began
in 1979 will continue. Paraguay has for more than a quarter of a
century now enjoyed a climate of political, social and economic
stability based on a system of sound democracy, administered with
constant dedication to the higher interests of the Republic. In spite
of the serious general deterioration which has dangerously affected
the economic and financial situation of the world, my country
maintains the conditions which make it possible for us to benefit
from one of the highest growth rates on the continent, a very sound
external public indebtedness record, a balanced administrative budget
and a very low level of unemployment which is not in any way a social
problem. None the less we are fully aware of the need and the
obligation of the developing counties to remedy, through common
action, the unacceptable shortcomings of an economic structure which
affects the prices of our commodities, stimulates disorder in the
monetary system and stultifies international trade. We have faith in
the creative capacity of our nation. As far as we Paraguayans are
concerned President Stroessner stated, at the beginning of his
outstanding work of leadership that the people is the source of the
spirit that has made Paraguay's Homeric record possible in the
history of the nations of the world. The people is the substance that
nourishes us, that gives us strength to react the summit without fail
and to raise our flag as a lofty, lasting symbol of our national
grandeur. My Government, together with those of other nations of the
Americas, signed a request for the inclusion in the agenda for debate
at the present session of the General Assembly of an item on the
question of the Malvinas Islands. In doing so, Paraguay was merely
endorsing the attitude it had already adopted at the two special
sessions of the Assembly of the Organization of American States in
May and June of this year in order to consider the armed conflict
which broke out in the South Atlantic. Aware of the extreme
seriousness of the military confrontation, which was then approaching
our continent, my country joined hi the united action of the nations
of the Americas to try to avoid the crisis, even though the situation
resulting from the events that had taken place and from the ongoing
negotiations aimed at reaching agreement, did not offer much hope of
a negotiated solution. Now, in the same spirit of friendship towards
the parties to the armed conflict over the Malvinas and with the same
sense of responsibility regarding our duties towards the
international community, the delegation of Paraguay is sponsoring,
together with other nations of the Americas, a draft resolution to be
submitted at this session of the General Assembly, with a view to
achieving a just and honorable solution to the conflict between
Argentina and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland. It is our fervent hope that the disputes over territorial
delimitations between Argentina and Chile, Ecuador and Peru and
Guyana and Venezuela will be resolved in a dignified and intelligent
way. Throughout the difficult process of institutional consolidation,
the nations of the Americas without exception found it difficult to
delimit their respective territories. These difficulties stemmed
mainly from the confusing administrative legacy received from the
Spanish Crown in the political sphere in which the colonial Power
exercised its authority. This is the reason for the armed conflicts
that have taken place among nations in our continent to resolve their
disputes. Paraguay, for example, has throughout its history as a
colonial political entity seen the shrinking of a territory which
originally included what is now the vast region of the Rio de la
Plata in addition to a strip of land 200 leagues in extent on the
Pacific Ocean. Hence, in the sixteenth century my homeland was called
the Vast Province of the Indies and the ocean adjacent to the present
coast of Uruguay and Argentina was in the seventeenth century called
the Paraguayan Sea. I mention this merely to recall that the process
of delimiting our American republics has in every case been the
result of an accumulation of circumstances, fortunate or otherwise,
which, in the final analysis, have been accepted as the rule of
history, In the light of this, it is difficult for us to imagine that
a breakdown in diplomatic negotiations aimed at resolving territorial
conflicts between our countries should give way to the theory of
Clausewitz and that there should be recourse to armed force. My
delegation expresses the very fervent hope that the aforementioned
territorial disputes will be resolved in a strong Americanist spirit,
which would do honor to the sincere and irreversible desire to build
together an effective system guaranteeing the future and the well
being of our peoples. Since I have just recalled the process of
delimiting the borders of our American countries, it is relevant to
point out that Paraguay has been reduced to a landlocked country and
in this respect has every right to lay a claim to the legitimate
means provided by the international community to countries that are
deprived of a coastline. There are agreements between my country and
neighboring countries aimed at facilitating river and road
transportation for access to the sea. At the present time, the
Government of Paraguay is considering, on the basis of an already
developed project, the construction of the facilities needed to join
its national railway to that of Brazil, making available to us
another important channel of access to the ocean.
Precisely because it is a land locked country, Paraguay has expressed
its great interest in overcoming the limitations that stem from that
condition. Thus, my country participated actively in the various
conferences on the law of the sea held since 1958 and in the drafting
of the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea, which will be
open to signature countries in Jamaica next December. I should like
to affirm my country's interest in obtaining through that Convention
all the facilities for land locked countries provided for therein. In
addition, situated as it is by geography in the Plata basin, my
country is conducting a policy of genuine regional integration in
order to exploit Ally the natural resources that we share with
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil and Uruguay. I am pleased to announce to
the Assembly that, because of this, on 5 November 1982, at the border
of our countries, the President of Paraguay, General Alfredo
Stroessner and the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil,
General Joao Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo, will meet for the
formal development of the Itaipu hydroelectric plant, the largest
hydroelectric complex in the world, which will have an installed
capacity of 12,600 megawatts and will produce approximately 75
billion kilowatt hours a year. I wished to conclude my statement with
an affirmation of what peoples can do when they are inspired by genuine
cooperation and understanding. President Stroessner has said: Peace
is the basis of all that makes it possible for us to progress with a
calm vision of the future; this is reason enough to defend it from
those who make of war an instrument of domination and of democracy a
pretext for extinguishing freedom. For the sister nations of America
and all the nations of our world we hope for days of constructive
peace. We hope that the pain that has affected the fraternal
countries of our continent will come to an end. We hope that the
Americas will be a powerful and respected force in the international
sphere, with a sense of life that does honor to the ideal of
independence and freedom, a flame kindled by Jose Gaspar Rodriguez de
Francia and Francisco Solano Lopez, Bolivar, Marti, Juarez, Jose
Bonifacio, San Martin and so many other eminent individuals who gave
our nations a lasting example of human dignity.