It is an honour and a privilege for me to address
the Members of this Organization. In doing so, I convey
the greetings of the President of the Republic of Burundi,
His Excellency Mr. Sylvestre Ntibantunganya, and of the
Government and people of Burundi, as well as their good
wishes for every success at this session of the General
Assembly.
I should like also to greet and congratulate His
Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Minister for Foreign Affairs
of Côte d’Ivoire, on his unanimous election to preside
over the General Assembly’s work at this session.
Your statesmanlike qualities, developed in the course
of a long and rich career as a diplomat, augur well for
great success at this forty-ninth session of the General
Assembly. Through your impressive election, the General
Assembly has once again paid tribute to Africa and to
your country, so committed to peace and international
cooperation. I assure you that my delegation will give
you every support as you strive to fulfil your mandate.
My congratulations also go to the other members of
the Bureau, who, I feel sure, will spare no effort in their
practical support for you in the successful
accomplishment of your heavy responsibilities.
I should also like warmly to congratulate your
predecessor, Mr. Samuel Insanally of the Republic of
Guyana, who, as President at the forty-eighth session,
guided the work of the Assembly masterfully and with
exemplary commitment.
Lastly, we pay a warm tribute to Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, Secretary-General of the United Nations,
for all the activities he has initiated in order to cope with
the many challenges and enormous difficulties facing our
Organization today. We believe that these obstacles are
not insurmountable provided that there is honest
commitment and solidarity on the part of the international
community. Thanks to the resolve and perseverance of
this Organization, which mobilized the Member States
against apartheid, peace and democracy have now
triumphed in South Africa. The people and the
Government of Burundi have already welcomed this well-
deserved victory of the valiant South African people, who
have thus resumed their place in the concert of nations.
The current session of the General Assembly is
being held at a time of many serious and unexpected
events. There have been natural disasters throughout the
world: famine, civil war, terrorism and other scourges of
modern times, such as religious fundamentalism and the
re-emergence of exclusionary movements, associations or
14

political parties, all bearing within them the seeds of
division.
A year ago, from this very rostrum, the late President
Melchior Ndadaye conveyed to this Assembly a message of
peace, friendship, brotherhood and solidarity. This occurred
just after the pluralist elections of June 1993, which the
entire world had found to be free and transparent. Then, on
21 October 1993, President Ndadaye was assassinated in a
rash and senseless act that plunged Burundi into desolation,
division and political and ethnic massacres, and sorely
tested the hard-won democracy. Since that fateful day,
Burundi has suffered a serious political, institutional, social
and economic crisis, the repercussions of which are still
being felt today. We all recall the unbearable images
broadcast by the international media.
Let us further recall that the successor to President
Ndadaye, Mr. Cyprien Ntaryamira, died tragically in an
airplane accident in Kigali on 6 April 1994, which also
took the life of the Rwandese Head of State. Misfortunes
never come singly; Burundi had the terrible shock of losing
two Presidents in less than six months. This situation has
profoundly traumatized the people of Burundi. Some
wondered if Burundi would be able to avoid the human
cataclysm recently experienced by its neighbour Rwanda.
Indeed, the institutional crisis that resulted from the vacuum
of power, and the various manifestations of violence that
followed, crystallized latent antagonisms, exacerbated latent
ethnic divisions and created an atmosphere of suspicion and
intolerance that was prejudicial to peace.
Despite the dark picture I have just painted, the people
of Burundi has not succumbed to despair. Indeed, the
registered political parties and the representatives of civil
society have met in a negotiating forum and begun in-depth
discussions with a view to finding ways and means of
ensuring a swift return to peace, security, trust and socio-
economic and political stability in the country.
The lengthy discussions which began after the death
of President Cyprien Ntaryamira last April recently led to
the signing on 10 September 1994 of a government
convention. This document is a basis for the
reestablishment of State institutions and organs of State and
of various legal and political mechanisms which will restore
trust and cooperation between the political partners. The
successful outcome of these lengthy negotiations has
allowed the people of Burundi to heave a sigh of relief.
The people had begun to tire and above all to question the
good faith of politicians who, as far as the people could
see, were more concerned with their own selfish interests
than in peace and the development for one and all.
We take this opportunity to thank the international
community for the role it has played in encouraging the
people of Burundi to pursue national dialogue and
cooperation. We are particularly grateful to the United
Nations and the Organization of African Unity for the
decisive role they played in ensuring the successful
outcome of the negotiations. The Special Representatives
of the Secretaries-General of these organizations,
Ambassadors Ahmedou Ould Abdallah and Léandre
Bassole respectively, participated at every stage of the
negotiations we have just concluded. We welcome the
progress made together through this preventive diplomacy.
We believe that the choice of a consensus President,
Mr. Sylvestre Ntibantunganya, the consensus nomination
of a Prime Minister from the opposition, and the
formation of a coalition Government are all factors
conducive to restoring security and confidence among the
various elements of Burundi society and to promoting the
return of displaced persons and refugees to their homes in
the hills. They are also very important in encouraging
reconstruction and the economic recovery of the country.
The new national coalition government that arose
from the consensus reached in the negotiations between
the political partners has, as its main tasks, the
reconstruction of the economic and social infrastructures
that were partly or totally demolished, the campaign
against a general sense of impunity, and the establishment
of conditions guaranteeing the safety and peace of all in
Burundi. The tasks ahead are enormous and cannot be
carried out without the solidarity and assistance of the
international community on a bilateral and/or multilateral
basis.
We also take this opportunity to recall the request
made by the Government of Burundi for the organization
of a neutral international inquiry to establish responsibility
for the October 1993 putsch and the ensuing massacres.
The international community has always stood by us in
times of anguish and we feel sure that it will continue to
support our efforts by providing emergency special
assistance for economic recovery and reconstruction.
We also reiterate our appeal to the United Nations
and friendly countries to continue to support the
proponents of peace and progress in Burundi and to
discourage and condemn all those at home and abroad
who may be tempted to use violence to resolve the
15

problems we are experiencing. Today silence means
complicity and is criminal.
Lasting solutions to Burundi’s political problems can
be found only if they are dealt with in a subregional
context. For some years now we have been witnessing
forced movements of populations following violence
perpetrated in some countries of our subregion. These
movements, often out of control, are a threat to peace and
stability throughout the Great Lakes region.
No one can fail to see that the tragedy of Rwanda has
shocked human conscience at the subregional, regional and
international levels. It is shameful not only for those
behind genocide, or those who have committed it, but also
for mankind as a whole, which has not been able to rush to
the aid of a people in peril. My country hopes that those
guilty of this crime against humanity will be brought to
justice and receive the punishment they deserve. We
encourage the Government of Rwanda to continue its policy
of reconciliation and to do its utmost to ensure that all
Rwandese refugees can return to their homeland.
The crisis in Rwanda has had most regrettable
consequences for neighbouring States - above all for
Burundi, which has ethnic, linguistic and cultural
similarities to Rwanda. The Rwandese tragedy has had
political, security, economic, humanitarian and
environmental consequences. We need not go into details,
because the whole world saw on television the human tide
flee fighting to take refuge in neighbouring countries, such
as Burundi, Tanzania and Zaire. The refugee problem has
been acute in our subregion since the 1960s. As the
Assembly knows, it is both a humanitarian and a political
problem. It causes discord between neighbouring States
and has engendered mistrust between them. Some see
refugees as an economic and social burden, while others
consider them a threat to their security.
For these reasons, we propose that an international
conference on peace, stability and development in the
African Great Lakes subregion be organized as soon as
possible. In the short term, it is a matter of resolving the
refugee problem. In the medium term, inter-State
mechanisms should be established to safeguard peace,
bolster stability and promote socio-economic development.
Such a conference could pave the way for the creation of
a more viable economic community combining existing
organizations, such as the Economic Community of the
Great Lakes Countries and the Kagera River Basin
Organization and adapting them better to the realities of our
subregion. We believe such a conference would help
integrate our States, which share an almost identical
history, the same geographical space and, above all, an
ability to communicate through common languages. My
delegation is willing to make specific proposals on this
matter.
Next year the United Nations will celebrate half a
century of existence. In 50 years the Organization has
accomplished a great many tasks. It has overcome many
obstacles, survived the cold war and contributed to the
advent of international détente. Its specialized agencies
have assisted millions of people in distress. The
Organization has always committed itself to actions to
maintain international peace and security. It has been
able to foster friendly relations between nations based on
respect for the principle of equal rights of peoples and
their right to self-determination. The United Nations has
contributed to dialogue between the peoples and States of
the world by encouraging relations of cooperation and
solidarity.
None the less, the Organization, like any human
enterprise, is far from perfect. Despite efforts to settle
armed conflicts, we must note that the brinksmanship and
intransigence of certain belligerents diminish hopes for
peace.
In Africa, the conflicts in Somalia, Angola and
Liberia seem to go on for ever, notwithstanding the
efforts of the United Nations to resolve them.
With regard to the crisis in Somalia, we know it was
the massive intervention of the Blue Helmets that led the
parties involved to the negotiating table. The operation
inspired some hope that the people of Somalia would
achieve reconciliation. Unfortunately, the conflict
continues. Burundi believes the United Nations should
continue this operation, using all the means authorized by
the Charter. At the same time, we call on the parties
involved to settle their differences peacefully and to lend
every possible assistance to any mediation effort.
As to Angola, the political and military situation has
continued to deteriorate, with an escalation of the fighting
and greater mistrust between the belligerents. While
welcoming the resumption of the negotiating process
between the Government of Angola and UNITA, my
State wishes to repeat its appeal for a cessation of the
hostilities that have brought so much suffering to the
people of Angola.
16

In Liberia, peace has not yet been restored. There has
been delay in full implementation of the Cotonou
Agreement - signed on 25 July 1993 by the Interim
Government of National Unity, the National Patriotic Front
of Liberia (NPFL) and the United Liberation Movement of
Liberia for Democracy (ULIMO), under the auspices of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS),
the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity -
aimed at finding a peaceful settlement to the conflict. The
Republic of Burundi pays tribute to the efforts made by
ECOWAS and the United Nations to bring about a peaceful
settlement of that conflict, which continues to bring such
grief to the people of Liberia.
We also support the United Nations peace plan for
Western Sahara, which involves a referendum to allow the
Saharan people to choose their own destiny.
Africa is today the scene of the largest number of
armed conflicts in the world. This political instability
means we cannot tackle development in our countries,
despite the vast natural resources of our continent. We
believe it is high time Africans stopped blaming their
misfortunes on outside factors. We firmly believe that
Africa must shoulder its responsibilities and define the
main lines of its development in accordance with its
realities. We must respect our identity while accepting any
positive contribution from outside. Burundi has no doubt
the time will come when Africa will show its capacity for
self-improvement and that it will be able to contribute more
to the well-being of mankind. In other words, through the
democratic reforms now under way, our continent, which is
currently undergoing a period of upheaval, will attain the
freedom and development it so desires.
My country welcomes the new era opening up in the
Middle East. The peoples of that region are finally going
to be able to work together for peace, security and
development. We pay tribute to all the countries and
institutions that contributed to the mediation efforts and
encourage them to continue their diplomatic efforts with a
view to a final and irreversible settlement of that conflict,
which has lasted far too long.
The situation in the Balkans is also a matter of
concern. Work must continue to reconcile the positions of
the various parties. War does not resolve problems of
coexistence and good-neighborliness between peoples.
On the Korean peninsula, we wish for the voluntary
and peaceful reunification of Korea. We also encourage
continued negotiations between the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea and the United States of America, in
the hope that they will remove all uncertainties with
regard to the nuclear problem.
As the Secretary-General pointed out so aptly in "An
Agenda for Development", there can be no peace without
development. And the 1994 World Human Development
Report also states:
"The absence of peace can indeed hinder
development; but without development, peace is
threatened."
Development requires international cooperation and
assistance from other States. The Charter sets as one of
the purposes of the United Nations:
"to achieve international cooperation in solving
international problems of an economic, social,
cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting
and encouraging respect for human rights and for
fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as
to race, sex, language, or religion".
Problems arising from the maintenance of peace and
security and those of a humanitarian character,
particularly after the cold war, have led the Organization
to extend its operations to the four corners of the Earth.
Some observers even fear that development activities will
be neglected so long as urgent and immediate needs
monopolize the Organization. Some go so far as to say
that the discussion on development should be shifted from
the General Assembly to other, better equipped
institutions.
In Burundi, we consider that development, and the
related problems and needs, must also be one of the
priorities of the United Nations. There can be no better
place than the General Assembly to deal with problems as
global and interconnected as poverty, debt, the
environment, development assistance and other equally
thorny world-wide issues.
On the matter of combating poverty and other social
problems, Burundi places great hope in the upcoming
World Summit for Social Development, where it intends
to be represented at the appropriate level. Our delegation
will spare no effort to ensure that the declaration to be
adopted at the Copenhagen Summit will correctly reflect
the concerns of poor peoples.
17

The external debt problem of the developing countries
is also a crisis, and it must be dealt with more innovatively
than it has been in the past. Many strategies have been
adopted to resolve the problem. Specific actions have been
taken by creditors to restructure commercial debt and in
some cases to cancel bilateral debt. But as the Secretary-
General has pointed out, to date, the efforts made to lighten
the burden of multilateral debt have been far from
satisfactory.
The subject of multilateral debt should thus also be
carefully studied. My country hopes that the discussion to
be held on the agenda item on debt will result in
conclusions that can lighten the burden of multilateral debt,
particularly with regard to the fragile economies of the least
developed countries.
The current situation regarding trade relations is
extremely disturbing. The industrialized countries are
erecting major barriers to the importation of certain
products from developing countries. At the same time,
however, the latter countries, under the effect of
liberalization policies, are opening wide their doors to
foreign competition.
According to the most reliable sources, the damage
done to developing countries exceeds the amount of aid
allotted to them; however, should the rich countries
eliminate all obstacles to the importation of products from
the third world, the increase in exports from developing
countries would equal twice the aid granted to these
countries.
The conclusion of the Uruguay Round and the creation
of the World Trade Organization augur well for a more
orderly and equitable system of world trade. We maintain
the hope that accompanying measures will be taken to
avoid the marginalization of developing countries in the
multilateral trade system. We are thinking, in particular, of
the least developed countries which run the risk of being
poor relations within the new World Trade Organization.
For some years, the international community has been
aware of the non-sustainable nature of the development and
consumption patterns followed thus far, without concern for
the protection of the environment.
As the Secretary-General emphasizes in "An Agenda
for Development", the environment, like peace, the
economy, society and democracy, permeates all aspects of
development. In the last few years, the General Assembly
has seriously taken up the issues of environment and
development. The Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, in
June 1992, gave birth to international legal instruments
which, if implemented, will ensure a better environment
and more harmonious development for the Earth and its
inhabitants. My country, Burundi, has already signed
these instruments, and it will soon ratify them.
Burundi has been closely following the discussion
that has been under way for some time at the United
Nations with a view to reforming and improving the
working methods of the Security Council. The ideas put
forward are quite diverse. We earnestly hope that this
discussion will lead to a solution that will preserve the
effectiveness of the Security Council while allowing the
developing countries to have their voices heard within
that body.
If the democratic reforms desired by our peoples are
to be lasting and irreversible, there must be support from
the international community, for democracy against a
backdrop of social crisis, unemployment, or poverty,
could prove illusory. My country places great hope in the
United Nations, which alone can contribute to solving
mankind’s current problems, such as those of population,
the environment, economic and social development and
health, particularly at a time when certain countries of the
world are shaken by endemic illnesses. We cannot pass
over in silence the scourge of our time - AIDS. The
international community must pool its efforts to suppress
this scourge.
We express the hope that the United Nations will
continue to pursue the ideals and purposes contained in its
Charter. May international relations become more
democratic, and a new, more just and equitable, political
and economic order emerge.
We also hope that, as this century draws to a close,
our Organization will be able to achieve tangible results,
particularly in removing the spectres of hunger, poverty
and war.
We all aspire to peace, justice and freedom. In our
endeavours, we must succeed in achieving them, in order
to give future generations the opportunity to live in a
better world.


First, allow me, on behalf of the
delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, to
congratulate you warmly, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth
session. I am confident that, under your guidance and
with the active contributions of member countries, this
session of the General Assembly will have a successful
outcome. I also wish to take this opportunity to express
our admiration for the efficient performance of your
predecessor, Mr. Samuel R. Insanally. We greatly
appreciate the great efforts made by Mr. Boutros-Ghali in
his high post as Secretary-General of the United Nations
in the cause of peace, national independence and
development.
5

The United Nations is approaching the final year of its
first half century of existence. The most appropriate way
for us to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
Organization is to help it act in a manner commensurate
with its global role and with the important, difficult and
complex tasks set out by the new world situation. Since
the last session of the General Assembly, we have
witnessed immense and profound changes in the world as
a whole and in each region. Mankind is confronted by both
opportunities and challenges. It is the task of each country
and of the international community as a whole to realize the
noble aspirations of mankind, to overcome the obstacles to
settling global and pressing issues and to promote peace,
cooperation and development.
The world panorama is full of contradictions. While
the threat of a destructive world war has been further
checked, ethnic, religious and territorial conflicts continue
to persist or even multiply in a number of regions. Against
this disturbing backdrop, there have been some rays of hope
that certain conflicts in the world will be settled. The
success of the struggle waged by the South African people
to abolish apartheid and establish a new united, democratic
and non-racist State in South Africa constitutes a historic
achievement for the South African people, the United
Nations and the world community. The Vietnamese
delegation warmly welcomes the delegation of the new
South Africa to the General Assembly.
In the Middle East, encouraging progress has been
made, particularly between Palestine and Israel and between
Jordan and Israel, in the negotiating process and the search
for peace. These developments foster hopes of reaching a
just and lasting peace in the region and of restoring the
Palestinian people’s rights to self-determination and an
independent State in their own land.
Over the past year there have been certain positive
developments in the world economy. In a number of
countries there have been signs of recovery. Globalism and
regionalism have accelerated. Economic competition is
acute and, in this context, the developing countries continue
to bear innumerable disadvantages. A considerable number
of these developing countries, however, are beset by
poverty and backwardness; with every passing day millions
of people are threatened by starvation. The developing
countries hope that, with the conclusion of the Uruguay
Round and the decision to establish the World Trade
Organization, trade and investment will be expanded, thus
strongly enhancing international economic cooperation on
the basis of equality and mutual benefit.
They cannot, however, help being worried about
attempts to use social and environmental issues as fuel for
protectionism. This will affect the common sentiments
amongst the world’s nations at a time when joint efforts
are needed to solve global issues in the interests of the
development and advancement of every nation and of the
entire international community.
In an increasingly interdependent world in which
globalism is being strengthened, there is continuous
pressure to facilitate increased cooperation on the basis of
equal and mutual benefit and to narrow the gap between
the level of development of the North and that of the
South with a view to securing sustainable and lasting
peace throughout the world.
We therefore welcome the Secretary-General’s
initiative in producing his "Agenda for Development".
We believe that through wide consultations between
Member States we shall arrive at an agenda that responds
to common demands and will ensure that the United
Nations plays an active role in facilitating economic and
social development and the eradication of poverty in
Member countries, thereby strengthening the
Organization’s important role in international economic
relations.
We share the view - expressed by many
delegations - that the maintenance of international peace
and security and the promotion of development are the
two paramount tasks of the United Nations. It is our
hope that the role of the United Nations in the field of
development will be strengthened in response to the
expectation of the countries of the world.
There is an increasingly irresistible trend towards
dialogue and international and regional cooperation. In
our view, international cooperation should be based on
observance of the principles of respect for independence
and national sovereignty, non-interference in the internal
affairs of other States, mutually beneficial cooperation on
the basis of equality, the settling of disputes through
negotiation and without recourse to force or the threat of
force. In today’s world of increasing awareness of
national independence, respect for the right of nations
freely to determine their own course of development and
to maintain their national identity is an essential condition
for the maintenance of peace and stability and for the
strengthening of international cooperation.
Blockades, embargoes, sanctions and the imposition
of conditions in international relations are relics of the
6

past. They run counter to the aspirations of peoples and to
the common trend and are contrary to international law.
In this connection, we wish to express our deep
sympathy with the Cuban people in respect of their current
difficulties. We demand an end to the economic,
commercial and financial embargo imposed on Cuba. We
demand also prompt and effective implementation of the
relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. We welcome
the joint communiqué recently signed by the United States
of America and Cuba on the question of Cuban emigrés.
We hope that the two countries will continue their dialogue
with a view to settling other outstanding differences
between them.
At a time of opportunities and challenges, of hope and
fear, the United Nations bears, more than ever, a heavy
responsibility in regard to the maintenance of international
peace and security. Never before has the United Nations
been directly engaged in dealing with so many hotbeds of
tension throughout the world. Despite the Organization’s
efforts, satisfactory solutions to the conflicts in Bosnia,
Somalia and Rwanda have yet to be found.
The tendency to resort more and more to measures of
enforcement and intervention to try to resolve intra-State
conflicts has prompted legitimate concern among many
countries. We share the view that United Nations
peace-keeping operations should strictly observe the
principles of respect for national sovereignty and territorial
integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of other
States. We believe that the best way to secure the peaceful
settlement of conflicts is to persevere with dialogue.
Lessons should be learnt from the successes and the failures
of peace-keeping operations in recent times. This would
help the United Nations the better to discharge the tasks
that the Member States as a whole have entrusted to it.
The complex world situation and the increasingly
important role of the United Nations urgently require
restructuring of the Organization. In view of the growing
democratization of international relations, we join those
delegations that are demanding reform to democratize the
United Nations system. This would include an increase in
the membership of the Security Council to make it more
representative, more in keeping with the changes that have
taken place in the world and more transparent in its
decision-making processes. Revitalization of the work of
the General Assembly as the body most representative of
the interests of Member States is also necessary.
Through the convening of international conferences,
such as the recent International Conference on Population
and Development, the coming World Conference on
Women and the World Summit for Social Development,
the United Nations has clearly demonstrated its
commitment to the promotion of international cooperation
in the resolution of global social issues of vital interest to
all nations.
I should like to mention in this important forum a
particularly significant coincidence of history. As the
United Nations prepares to celebrate its fiftieth
anniversary, the Vietnamese people are looking forward
enthusiastically to commemorating the fiftieth anniversary
of President Ho Chi Minh’s solemn declaration to the
entire world of the birth of an independent, free and
democratic Viet Nam. Only now, half a century after its
birth, is Viet Nam able to really concentrate its efforts on
socio-economic development.
Located in the most dynamic development zone in
the world, Viet Nam is fully aware of the danger
constituted by the widening gap between its level of
development and that of other countries of the region. It
has therefore set itself the urgent task of rapidly
overcoming its state of poverty and underdevelopment in
order to join the stream of progress and development in
the region and in the world. Viet Nam has embarked
upon the path of reform and renewal in every sphere of
its society’s life. The core of this reform and renewal is
the development of a multi-sector economy operating
through a market mechanism and employing State
regulation at the macro-economic level with a view to
maintaining the country’s socio-economic stability, along
with the step-by-step establishment of a state of law of
the people, by the people and for the people.
The reform and renewal process has achieved
important initial results. The average annual growth rate
of our gross national product for the three years from
1991 to 1993 was 7.3 per cent; for the first six months of
this year, the rate rose to 8 per cent. Our international
economic cooperation and trade relations and foreign
investment in our country have grown rapidly. Our
people’s living conditions have been improved. Further
progress has been made in the cultural, social, educational
and health-care areas, especially regarding the care of
children.
Along with economic reforms, Viet Nam has
gradually carried out the reform and renewal of its
political system in order to build a society in which the
7

rights of each and every one will be increasingly ensured.
We continue to move forward in our efforts to establish a
state of law, perfect the legal system and undertake national
administrative reform. After the promulgation of the new
Constitution in 1992, our National Assembly adopted a
number of important laws, including the civil law, the
labour law, the land law, and the law on the promotion of
domestic investment.
With these achievements, Viet Nam is now shifting
towards a new stage in its development - that of the
industrialization and modernization of the country. This
long and arduous process has as its final objective a
prosperous people, a strong nation and an equitable and
civilized society.
To create a favourable international environment for
national construction and development, Viet Nam has been
pursuing a foreign policy of openness, diversification, and
multilateralization of its relations, while carrying out our
desire to become the friend of all countries in the interest
of peace, independence and development. We are pleased
to note that our policy is developing in complete harmony
with the general trend throughout the world, and especially
in South-East Asia - that is, the trend towards pursuing
peace and cooperation in the interest of development, after
decades of war and confrontation. In its implementation of
this foreign policy, Viet Nam gives first priority to
enhancing the relations of friendship and cooperation with
neighbouring countries in the region, and to creating peace,
stability, cooperation and development in South-East Asia.
Our bilateral relations with each of the members of the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and
with the Association itself, are experiencing rapid and
satisfactory growth, primarily in the economic and
commercial areas, particularly since Viet Nam became an
ASEAN observer in 1992. At the ministerial Conference
of ASEAN held in Bangkok last July, the ASEAN Foreign
Ministers unanimously supported Viet Nam’s full
membership in this Association. With the increased support
of the ASEAN countries, Viet Nam is actively preparing to
take all the necessary steps to join this Association as a full
member. Viet Nam’s accession to ASEAN is in conformity
with the general trend towards responding to the interests
of the countries of the region and reinforcing regional
cooperation, especially in the economic and commercial
areas, and at the same time facilitates the expansion of our
relations with other countries and international organizations.
In keeping with the new regional context, all 10
countries of South-East Asia recently participated, for the
first time, in the Conference of foreign ministers of
ASEAN; an ASEAN Regional Forum, at which regional
security was discussed, was also held for the first time on
25 July last in Bangkok. All this demonstrates the
growing cooperation in South-East Asia, as well as the
robust movement towards the attainment of the common
goals of the region: peace, stability and security.
In order to ensure the peace, stability and
development of each country and of the region as a
whole, Viet Nam is of the view that the countries of the
region should consolidate existing points of agreement,
narrow differences and settle disputes, including those
regarding the Eastern Sea, through bilateral and
multilateral negotiations among those parties directly
concerned, without resorting to the use or threat of force.
While waiting and working for a fundamental and durable
solution, all the parties concerned should restrain from
any act that might further complicate the situation, and at
the same time strictly respect each country’s right of
sovereignty on the continental shelf and in the exclusive
economic zones, in keeping with international law and
particularly with the 1982 United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea.
With regard to the Kingdom of Cambodia, Viet Nam
ardently wishes to see its neighbour become an
independent, peaceful, neutral, non-aligned country,
maintaining friendly relations with all countries. It is Viet
Nam’s policy to strengthen good-neighbourly relations
with the Kingdom of Cambodia and to respect the
Cambodian people’s right to self-determination. We
consider that all signatories to the Paris Agreement on
Cambodia are bound to scrupulously observe that
Agreement, to refrain from interfering in that country’s
internal affairs and to actively contribute to the process of
national reconciliation and the restoration of peace and
stability in Cambodia.
In the interest of maintaining and strengthening the
traditional friendly relations between Viet Nam and
Cambodia and of protecting the legitimate rights of the
Vietnamese residents who have been, for many
generations, living in Cambodia, we wish to draw
attention to the Immigration Law promulgated by the
National Assembly of Cambodia on 26 August 1994.
Certain articles of that Law have given rise to some
concern. His Royal Highness King Norodom Sihanouk
and the Royal Government of Cambodia share the
legitimate concern of the Government of Viet Nam and
have undertaken to avoid any regrettable consequences
and agreed to begin negotiations with Vietnam soon to
settle this problem.
8

The lifting by the United States of the embargo
imposed upon Viet Nam has opened up new prospects for
building and broadening multi-faceted cooperation between
our two countries in the interests of the two peoples and in
the service of peace, stability, cooperation and development
in the region and throughout the world.
We firmly believe that multilateral relations, especially
within the framework of the United Nations, are playing an
increasingly important role in international life. As we
move towards the commemoration of the fiftieth
anniversary of the founding of our Organization, we shall
be reviewing all the activities of the past 50 years, drawing
the necessary lessons to enhance the capacity and
effectiveness of the United Nations system and to pursue
tasks worthy of the confidence and expectations of the
peoples of the world. For its modest part, Viet Nam will
unceasingly strive to make positive contributions to the
common cause of the United Nations for peace,
development and social progress throughout the world.


I warmly congratulate you,
Sir, on your election to the presidency of the forty-ninth
session of the General Assembly. You take office at an
historic moment for the United Nations on the eve of its
fiftieth anniversary.
The past year has been one of progress and great
hope for many peoples and States represented in this
Assembly. In South Africa, the elections have given birth
to a democratic, non-racial society which offers a model
of tolerance and reconciliation for others on that tortured
continent. In the Middle East, the establishment of a
Palestinian administration in Gaza and Jericho paves the
way for a comprehensive settlement in a region that
several times in living memory has threatened global
confrontation. In Germany and in the Baltic States, the
withdrawal of foreign troops marks the end of the
division of our continent and heralds a Europe free and at
peace. And on my own island - the island of Ireland -
the declaration by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) of a
complete cessation of military operations has opened the
prospect of a peaceful resolution which has not existed
for a generation.
14

For many years it has been customary for Irish
Foreign Ministers to report to this Assembly on
developments in relation to the conflict in Northern Ireland.
Too often they have spoken of killing and destruction, the
failure of political initiatives and controversies on human
rights. It seemed that the Northern Ireland conflict
belonged to the category of truly intractable problems
destined to outlive all change of circumstance and to defy
all attempts at a solution.
I begin my address this year on this question, because
my message is now one of hope. The past 12 months have
significantly enhanced the prospects for lasting peace and
stability on the island of Ireland. It is true that the edifice
of a solution still remains to be constructed, but I believe
very solid foundations have now been laid.
At the origin of the Northern Ireland conflict lies a
difference of view as to whether the partition of Ireland
earlier this century was or was not a denial of the right of
the Irish people to self-determination. This difference was
passionately and violently acted out by two communities in
Northern Ireland, who were and remain deeply polarized by
their division on fundamental constitutional issues. This
conflict has been costly for all the people of Northern
Ireland and for the British and Irish peoples generally. To
deal with it is one of the most urgent and important tasks
facing both Governments. Experience has shown that the
ability of the two Governments to do so will be directly
proportionate to the degree of agreement between us.
It is in the inherited gaps between our positions that
terrorism on both sides has taken root. For that reason,
cooperation and agreement between the two Governments
is vital for any solution. Last December, the Irish and
British Governments published a Joint Declaration which
significantly consolidated the common ground between us
and offered all the parties to the conflict a compelling
political alternative to the endless cycle of bloodshed and
retribution.
In the Joint Declaration, the British Government
recognizes that it is for the people of Ireland alone, by
agreement between the two parts respectively and without
external impediment, to exercise their right of
self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and
concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a
united Ireland if that is their wish. The Irish Government
accepts that the right to self-determination of the people of
Ireland as a whole must be achieved and exercised with,
and subject to, the agreement and consent of a majority
of the people of Northern Ireland.
The Declaration seeks to deal with the issue of
self-determination in a way which banishes the spectre of
coercion. Instead, political consent is now clearly set as
the necessary goal and touchstone for any stable
arrangement in Ireland, whatever the framework. The
Declaration makes clear that the British Government is
not the enemy of the Irish nationalist tradition and that
the Irish Government is not the enemy of the unionist
tradition. A crucial aspect of the Declaration is the
acknowledgement that future arrangements in Ireland are
for decision and agreement between the Irish people
themselves, North and South, and its formal commitment
that the role of the British Government will be to promote
such agreement.
The Declaration thus marks a decisive break with
any notion which has had such dark resonances in Irish
history that arrangements in Ireland might be decided as
a function of British rights over Ireland. This opens the
way, in turn, for a new and more developed
acknowledgement by the nationalist tradition of the
unquestionable rights of the unionist community, derived
from its position as a distinct tradition in Ireland. A
considerable section of the Joint Declaration is devoted to
this issue.
At the end of August, following a protracted internal
debate, the IRA decided in favour of a complete cessation
of military operations. That decision has been confirmed
by other statements in the interval. Much more
important, it has been sustained on the ground. This is a
development of very great significance.
It is first and foremost welcome because it saves
lives. Secondly, it opens the prospect of comprehensive
negotiations, governed by democratic principles, taking
place against a background of peace and embracing the
entire spectrum of all those involved in the conflict. Such
negotiations have the greatest potential for success.
Moreover, their outcome is likely to be more authoritative
than a less general agreement, which would have had to
be enforced against a background of continuing violence
and repression.
We still await the end of the campaign of violence
carried out by loyalist paramilitaries. I remain hopeful
that they, in turn, will come to realize that their violence
is repugnant to their own community as well as to others,
and counterproductive to their cause. We hope that
15

responsible political leaders in the unionist community will
make their voices strongly heard on this issue, as many
have done already, and that a complete cessation of
violence will ensue on the loyalist side also.
We have now an unparalleled opportunity to create the
basis for lasting agreement among our different political
traditions in Ireland. We can do so, no longer prisoners of
the past, but rather learning form our past mistakes on all
sides.
Perhaps the greatest such mistake, shared at one time
as an unquestioned assumption on both sides, was that this
conflict, concentrated in the narrow ground of Northern
Ireland, could only end in victory and defeat for one
tradition or the other. Compromise was seen as the first
step on the road to defeat. We have all learned, through a
costly process of trial and error, that in the Northern Ireland
situation notions of victory and defeat are an illusion. Each
community had the critical mass to thwart the other, but
neither can prevail alone. General political consent is
therefore a simple practical necessity, as well as an ideal.
The challenge now for the British and Irish
Governments is to seize on the momentum for peace.
Together with all the political parties in Northern Ireland,
we need to build new structures, reflecting the lessons of
our experience and building on the principles of the Joint
Declaration.
Experience has taught us that a majority "winner-
takes-all" system is profoundly unsuited to a society such
as Northern Ireland, where divisions are predominantly
communal and unchanging - rather than social or economic,
and therefore changeable. Let us apply that lesson, making
agreement and consensus the kernel of all new
arrangements.
Northern Ireland is characterized by a profound lack
of consensus on the constitutional issue of whether the
legitimate frame of reference is Northern Ireland or the
island as a whole. Let us anchor new arrangements in an
Agreement acknowledging and reconciling the validity of
both.
The political division of Ireland has inhibited many of
the constructive political, economic and social interactions
which can contribute to the welfare of both parts of the
island. Let us set that to rights in effective new structures
between North and South.
The choice of sovereignty has hitherto been a kind
of symbolic shorthand for the victory or defeat of one
community or the other. Let us divorce this notion as far
as possible from all partisan or tribal connotations, and
agree that the exercise of sovereignty, by whichever
Government, will at all times, now and in the future, be
qualified by scrupulously equal treatment of the two
Northern communities and of their rights, identities and
allegiances.
New arrangements on these lines would, I believe,
divest the conflict over sovereignty of much of its current
confrontation and passion. Under new arrangements on
these lines, buttressed and guaranteed by formal
agreement between the two Governments, conflict over
the choice of sovereignty might cease to become the
destabilizing issue it now is. Instead, it might be handled
under agreed political ground-rules, scrupulously even and
fair to both aspirations, as a question of mutual
persuasion and comparative benefit. Northern Ireland
could become a place specially dedicated to the protection
of the rights of both communities. Then, for the first
time, both communities there could be truly themselves,
and perhaps find common purpose in many areas where
at present there is only division.
The Irish Government will pursue progress towards
a lasting accommodation on a number of different levels.
We are establishing a Forum for Peace and
Reconciliation, to enable all democratic parties in Ireland
that are so minded to make recommendations on ways in
which agreement and trust between the two traditions in
Ireland can be promoted and established. This will not be
a negotiating forum, although we are hopeful that its work
will contribute positively to the climate in which
negotiations take place, and that many of its
recommendations can be translated into practice.
Simultaneously, the Irish and British Governments
are working on a joint framework document setting out
their own views on where a balanced accommodation of
the problem may be found. It is our hope that this
document, which we will commend to the other parties,
but cannot of course impose on them, will give fresh
impetus to the process of comprehensive negotiation.
The developments I have outlined have forged a
unique opportunity to achieve a comprehensive, just and
peaceful resolution of the Northern Ireland problem. It is
vital that their potential should be realized through early
negotiations and agreement on new political structures.
A new beginning for all our relationships in Ireland is
16

within our reach if we have the collective courage and
imagination to avail ourselves of the opportunity. The
desire for a lasting peace and a political accommodation
has never been stronger across the entire population of the
island.
If in many parts of the world the message is one of
hope, we know that in other places old enmities and ethnic
animosities have surfaced, with vicious and indeed deadly
consequences.
The conflicts in Somalia, in the former Yugoslavia, in
Rwanda; the gross abuses of human rights in Haiti and East
Timor; the suffering of millions who are denied their basic
rights to food, water or shelter; these remind us that we
cannot let up in the struggle to create a peaceful world and
to uphold human dignity.
A characteristic feature of many contemporary crises
is that they are essentially conflicts within States, rather
than between them.
And this, I believe, is the central question facing the
United Nations as it approaches its fiftieth anniversary: can
the United Nations, which was born out of the greatest
inter-State conflict the world has ever seen, and which is
designed specifically to prevent and resolve such conflicts -
can this Organization deal adequately with internal crises
and civil strife?
I know that there are some who argue that the United
Nations has no place in such matters, that many internal
conflicts are not amenable to outside intervention. I can
understand such arguments and the cautious desire not to
get involved in other people’s internal quarrels.
But can we let a crisis such as that in the former
Yugoslavia escalate to the point where it threatens a wider
Balkan conflict?
Can we stand aside while millions are slaughtered by
their compatriots in Rwanda?
By what calculus do we divine that death in civil strife
counts less than death in inter-State warfare, that those
threatened by their own countrymen are less deserving of
our efforts than those who are threatened by their
neighbours?
I can find no moral justification for such distinctions.
The appalling escalation of terror and violence in
Rwanda demonstrates the truth of this. To the names that
have come to be associated in recent years with human
suffering - Sarajevo, Gorazde, Mogadishu, Baidoa - we
can now add Goma, Bukavu and Ngara.
The tragedy of Rwanda has gripped the hearts and
minds of the Irish people. Today there are over 100 Irish
aid workers in the area. More than 70 Irish public
servants and military personnel are working with the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) and the aid agencies.
And our President, Mary Robinson, hopes shortly to
visit Rwanda to show solidarity with the people of that
troubled land and to emphasize the need for international
action.
In its response to the crises in Rwanda and Somalia,
the international community has shown a generous
willingness to help. Much human suffering has been
alleviated. But we have not come near to achieving
durable solutions. Nor are we any nearer to constructing
a system to prevent similar horrors in the future.
We must ask how the United Nations could have
played a more active mediating role in Rwanda.
Could it have prevented the outbreak of genocidal
warfare when political unrest rapidly deteriorated into
civil strife?
Could it have responded more coherently when
genocide was followed by a mass exodus?
How can it now assist in the resolution of the
conflict?
I believe that unless we equip the United Nations to
deal with these kinds of problems - the most characteristic
and pressing of our time - the credibility and relevance of
our Organization will increasingly be called into question.
The roots of civil disorder and internal strife are
often complex and deep - deeper and more complex,
indeed, than the causes of inter-State war. Recent
experience has shown that recourse to Chapter VII action
alone is inadequate and that outside involvement, unless
carefully prepared and sensitively executed, can add to,
rather than diminish, the crisis. We must learn the
lessons of this and realize that building a United Nations
17

capable of meeting the challenges of the new era will
require coordinated action in many areas.
I will mention seven points on which I believe there
should be priority action:
We must reform the Security Council to make it more
representative of the United Nations greatly expanded
membership and to reflect the great changes in
international relations of the past 50 years.
We must develop the Organization’s capacity for early
warning and mediation and for timely intervention in
disputes before they escalate out of control.
We must enhance the United Nations peace-keeping
capabilities to make them more flexible and
responsive when crises erupt.
We must develop the United Nations operational
capacity in the area of human rights. In particular, we
need a more developed system of human rights
monitors.
We must act to establish a permanent international
criminal court. We must intensify our efforts to
eliminate the root causes of many conflicts -
inequality, social injustice, and poverty - by acting on
the Secretary-General’s agenda for development.
We must restrict the international flow of the
instruments of war and oppression by adopting a code
of conduct for conventional arms transfers.
There is now widespread agreement on the need for
the Security Council to be more representative and more
responsive to the needs of the general membership of the
United Nations. I believe that early decisions to increase
the overall membership of the Council are needed, and that
an increase in the permanent membership should reflect the
changes in international life over the past 50 years.
Our discussions have shown that concrete decisions
will not be easy, but we must avoid getting bogged down
in narrow considerations of optimal numbers and the
competing claims of regional Powers. One way of handling
this would be to build into our decision a commitment to
review again the membership of the Security Council at a
specific date in the future. In this way we could work for
a result that reflects current geopolitical realities, that
acknowledges that these realities can change over time and
that recognizes that all Member States have the potential
to contribute to international peace and security.
Measures already taken to improve transparency are
welcome, but more must be done to facilitate interaction
between the Security Council and the general
membership. And surely the time has also come when
we can delete from the Charter references to enemies that
no longer exist.
The terrible crises in Rwanda and Somalia have
shown that we need to look urgently and more closely at
the role and capacity of the United Nations in preventing
and defusing conflicts. And we need to consider ways of
strengthening the capability of regional organizations to
engage in conflict resolution. We must be prepared to
avail ourselves in full of the functions bestowed by the
Charter on the General Assembly, the Secretary-General
and the Economic and Social Council, as well as on the
Security Council.
We must ensure that information on economic and
social conditions likely to result in a threat to security or
stability is brought quickly to the attention of the
Organization, and in particular to the Security Council.
We have the instrument for this in the Economic and
Social Council. We should now act on the
Secretary-General’s proposal that a reformed Economic
and Social Council provide reports to the Security
Council on those economic and social developments that
may threaten peace and security.
Beyond this, we must strengthen the United Nations
capacity for mediation. The Security Council and the
General Assembly, despite their undoubted authority
under the Charter, are not always the most suitable
instruments for the direct mediation of conflict. In
practice, the Secretary-General has on many occasions
appointed a representative to mediate in particular crises,
often with considerable success. I believe that the time
has come to put these arrangements on a more organized
basis. This could be done by constituting a mediation
body to which the Security Council or the Assembly
could refer difficult issues. Acting in consultation with
the Secretary-General, this body would be distinct from
the International Court of Justice, in that it would have
the role of political mediation rather than that of
pronouncing a verdict in terms of international law. I
believe that such a body, drawing on the pool of
personnel skilled in mediation, backed by effective staff
and properly resourced, could rapidly acquire an expertise
18

and authority that would significantly enhance the
peacemaking capabilities of the United Nations.
The United Nations is now conducting more peace-
keeping operations and has more personnel in the field than
at any time in its history. Ireland is participating in many
of these operations and devotes a significant proportion of
its defence forces, and of its defence expenditure, to United
Nations peace-keeping. That is one reason why my
Government is particularly concerned at the under-funding
of peace-keeping operations and at the failure of certain
Member States to pay their assessed contributions.
But there is a deeper and more important reason. The
Secretary-General has pointed to the difficulty in finding
personnel for the many new demands on United Nations
peace-keeping. Recent experience has shown that a
Security Council mandate no longer ensures that an
operation will soon take place. I can think of nothing more
serious or more damaging than the failure of the
Organization quickly to mount an operation at the outbreak
of a crisis. The crisis itself escalates out of control, the
credibility of the United Nations is called into question and
the authority of the Security Council is undermined.
We must act to ensure that operations are properly
resourced, that troop contributors can take decisions on
participation, secure in the knowledge that they will be
adequately funded, and that there is greater consultation
between the Council and troop contributions.
The cost of peacekeeping will always be less than the
cost of war. There could be no better way to mark the
fiftieth anniversary than to address once and for all this
most critical constraint on peacekeeping operations.
As our understanding of civil strife develops, we are
coming to see the vital role that action in the area of human
rights can play in helping to prevent and resolve conflict.
The value of integrating peace-keeping and human rights
has proved its worth in Cambodia, in El Salvador and
elsewhere, but our approach has been piecemeal and
tentative. Even in Rwanda we still await an adequate
deployment of human rights monitors. Resources will have
to be found for this activity. For its part, Ireland intends to
contribute to the voluntary fund for Rwanda established by
the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
There is a clear need to put in place an effective
system of monitoring and adjudicating human rights
violations. One important step would be to develop a
standing team of human rights monitors reporting to the
High Commissioner for Human Rights. This would make
it easier to integrate human rights action into peace-
keeping operations, and the mandate for peace-keeping
operations could include a human rights dimension with
clearly established reporting and verification procedures.
In addition, we should move now on the
establishment of a permanent international criminal court.
The United Nations must demonstrate that it has the will
to bring to justice those responsible for crimes against
humanity, summary executions, torture, rape and
mutilation. If we fail to do this, we will have failed to
learn the lessons of Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and we will,
of course, risk their repetition.
Our efforts to deal with war and civil strife cannot
ignore what the "Agenda for Peace" has described as the
root causes of conflict: economic despair, social injustice
and political oppression. Maintaining the peace is
impossible in an unequal world. Conversely,
development is the most secure basis for peace.
It can be no coincidence that Rwanda and Somalia
are among the least developed countries of the world.
Thus, when the Secretary-General himself tells us that
development is in crisis, we are compelled to listen, and
we are compelled to agree with him that an alternative to
the United Nations in development simply does not exist.
The truth is that the agenda for development and the
"Agenda for Peace" are complementary. They are
different sides of the same coin, and we must make
progress on both if we are to reach our common goals of
peace and prosperity.
What has been called a "culture of development"
must extend beyond the provision of financial assistance
to embrace economic progress, the environment, social
justice, democracy and good governance. At next year’s
World Social Summit and at the Conference on Women
we can build on the progress already made in the
Conferences on Environment and on Population.
The tragedy of war and civil strife underlines the
need to address more seriously the question of
disarmament. The easy availability of arms contributes,
not just to the scale of the carnage and suffering in
conflict, but to the outbreak of conflict itself.
At the global level, the volume of trade in major
conventional weapons has declined in recent years. But
19

in some regions large stockpiles have accumulated. In
others the arms trade continues to grow.
There is a need for States to exercise greater
responsibility and restraint in their arms transfers. Already
the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms has led
to greater transparency. But I believe that we should now
go further. That is why Ireland has proposed that the
United Nations elaborate a code of conduct for conventional
arms transfers which would set out common principles to
be observed in this area. It is my hope that the General
Assembly will now decide that work on such a code should
be put in hand.
The lives of millions of people have been put at risk
and large areas rendered unsafe as a result of the
indiscriminate use of land-mines. Since last year many
Governments have introduced moratoriums on the export of
anti-personnel mines. I welcome President Clinton’s call
for an agreement to reduce the number and availability of
these mines.
I welcome also the very considerable progress made
in the reduction of nuclear arsenals and towards a
comprehensive test-ban treaty. The threat of nuclear
conflict between the major Powers no longer overshadows
our daily lives. But there is disturbing evidence that some
States still want to acquire a nuclear-weapon capability.
Their ability to do so is helped by the growth in the world’s
stocks of fissile materials and in personnel with the
requisite technological skills.
Next year’s Conference to review and extend the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
provides an opportunity to address these issues. Ireland
wants to see an indefinite extension of the Treaty. We
want to see the principles on which the Treaty is founded
maintained; the non-proliferation regime strengthened; all
States becoming members; and progress made towards the
complete elimination of nuclear weapons, as envisaged in
the Treaty.
The agenda for United Nations reform is formidable -
for the Organization itself and for the States that make up
this Assembly. But whatever the difficulties, reform is a
vital and urgent necessity. I am convinced that unless we
act in a broad and imaginative way, bringing together the
political, peace-keeping, development and human-rights
instruments of the United Nations, we will prove inadequate
to the great contemporary challenges.
We now have an opportunity such as has not existed
for a generation. I urge all of us to grasp it.


Your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its forty-ninth session, Sir, is a source of pride for the
whole diplomatic community, for Africa and for your
country, Côte d’Ivoire, and constitutes a just reward for
your dynamic guidance of your country’s diplomatic
activities. Those of us who already know your work at the
United Nations and at other international meetings can
already foresee the success of the work of the forty-ninth
session; we know your enormous talent, wisdom and
patience. Your election also reflects the international
community’s confidence in your country, Côte d’Ivoire, a
country with which Niger maintains diversified relations
solidly rooted in the history and geography of West Africa.
Finally, your election is a posthumous tribute by the
international community to the work carried out over half
a century by the late President Félix Houphouët-Boigny in
the service of human dignity, peace and social progress.
Permit me, therefore, to congratulate you, Sir, and through
you the people of Côte d’Ivoire and its President, Mr. Henri
Konan Bedié, on your election as President of the General
Assembly at its forty-ninth session.
I wish also to congratulate the other Assembly
officers; I am sure they will spare no effort to rendering
valuable assistance as you carry out your tasks.
Niger thanks your predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Samuel Insanally, for his tireless work; he fulfilled his
mandate methodically and ably during one of the
Organization’s busiest years.
I also convey my greetings to the Secretary-General,
His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and thank him
for the dynamism and far-sightedness with which he is
carrying out his mandate in this period of important change;
we hail him for his firm commitment to international peace
and security.
The annual convening of the General Assembly
gives Niger the opportunity to renew its faith in the
purposes and principles of the Charter of the United
Nations, signed at San Francisco nearly half a century
ago. On 28 September 1993, the President of the
Republic of the Niger, His Excellency Mr. Mahamane
Ousmane, here outlined the views of Niger and its people
on the problems of our time. In his statement he stressed
that the solution to some of those problems lies first and
foremost in the establishment of democracy. Indeed, it is
through democracy that mankind will find the path of
freedom, the path of the love of work and the path of the
shared happiness of citizens.
Niger is firmly committed to this path of democracy;
it has already found the path of freedom for its children.
Today in Niger, no one is molested because of his
philosophical or religious ideas; since the establishment of
the Third Republic, freedom of the press is complete and
is guaranteed by the Constitution. Freedom of association
too is complete and guaranteed by the Constitution, and
a number of political parties, associations and trade
unions now play to the full the role that is properly theirs
in every democratic society.
It is in that context that the people of Niger is
engaged in rediscovering the path of the love of work,
which alone can generate wealth. Many
non-governmental organizations have been founded and
are working in close cooperation with foreign
organizations.
The Government of Niger is aware of its
responsibilities in this area, and is doing everything it can
to ensure that every man and woman of Niger feels fully
involved in development issues and can make even a
modest contribution to building a society founded on
prosperity, justice and freedom.
Niger is a Sahelian country confronted with the
inexorable advance of the Sahara Desert; we welcome the
conclusion at Paris last June of the International
Convention to Combat Desertification in those Countries
Experiencing Serious Drought and/or Desertification,
particularly in Africa. Niger invites all Member States to
sign that important Convention so as to permit it to enter
into force as soon as possible. We hope that the
international community will finally be able to act on its
commitment to give countries suffering from this scourge
the ability to lay the foundation for genuine, sustainable
development.
25

Like other developing countries, Niger is facing
numerous difficulties, the most important and most
formidable core issue for us is rainfall, whose
capriciousness is feared by our authorities and our people
alike. Sometimes too meager, sometimes excessive, the
rainy season is an ongoing concern in Niger. Last year
there was not enough rain; this year, however, there were
rains such as Niger has not witnessed in more than two
decades. They caused considerable damage but did not
gratify our people or our Government with an adequate
harvest.
Niger wants to free itself from the vagaries of the
heavens in order at last to save its children from hunger
and thirst. That is why our Head of State, His Excellency
Mr. Mahamane Ousmane, has initiated a major campaign
in which the people are participating in building the first-
ever dam on the Niger river.
To this end he called on all the citizens of Niger to
mobilize the resources needed to build the Kandadji Dam.
From this rostrum, I should like to invite all
organizations and countries which wish to aid my country,
to give particular attention to this project. For Niger, this
is a question of ensuring the conditions necessary for the
survival of the present and future generations.
My country has accorded food self-sufficiency top
priority in its campaign for economic development. It
keenly hopes that with the assistance of the international
community it will achieve this objective before the end of
the present decade. Here, Niger hopes that the nations
which share the same ideal of prosperity and happiness will
extend it the same solidarity.
Since he took office in April 1993, President
Mahamane Ousmane has vowed to devote his full energy
to the return of peace in the troubled regions in the north of
our country. He has made that question a constant matter
of concern for the Government of Niger.
By the grace of God, and following the recent
negotiations held in Ouagadougou in Burkina Faso, the
Government of Niger signed a peace agreement with the
Coordination of Armed Resistance, thereby opening the
way for a cease-fire and the drawing up of legislative texts
designed to provide more harmonious management of the
regions.
On behalf of the Government of Niger, allow me here
to extend our warm gratitude to Algeria, Burkino Faso and
France, whose mediation made it possible to arrive at this
fortunate conclusion.
The Ouagadougou Agreement, which was signed
last Sunday, 9 October 1994, and which entered into force
today, 11 October 1994, will allow the people of Niger to
devote itself to the critical issues of development in a
calm atmosphere. It opens the way to national
reconciliation among the sons of the same geographical
region, united by history and inspired by the same will -
that of living together.
The Government of Niger will, for its part, engage
in implementing this Agreement by submitting a draft law
to the National Assembly as soon as possible.
It hopes that the international community will assist
by providing material and financial resources to ensure
the return and integration of the refugees.
Niger is also expecting consistent support from the
international community to ensure its economic recovery.
Thus, since the devaluation of the CFA franc, my
Government has been continuing negotiations with the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
It has concluded an agreement with the Bretton
Woods institutions on economic recovery, and
negotiations are now under way for the conclusion of an
agreement on the facility for strengthened structural
adjustment. The Government of Niger has taken the
necessary preliminary measures to ensure that the present
negotiations lead to the signing of this agreement at an
early date.
On the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding
of the United Nations, it is gratifying to be able to note
all that has been accomplished, in particular over the last
few years, in areas as complex as peace-keeping,
disarmament, security, the establishment of democracy,
and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
The development of the situation in the Middle East
which led to the establishment of the Palestinian authority
in Gaza, like the logic of peace and dialogue which now
prevails between Israel and the other Arab countries, is
part of this new dynamic.
We cannot fail to mention here, with legitimate
pride, the process which led to the establishment in South
Africa of a democratic regime which is being guided with
wisdom and determination by President Nelson Mandela
26

and which has allowed this founding Member of the
Organization to regain its rightful place in the community
of nations.
How can we fail to be gratified that President Jean-
Bertrand Aristide will soon arrive on Haitian soil after three
long years in forced exile?
These are indeed major events which encourage us to
hope that we will see a rapid return of peace wherever it
may have been shattered or wherever it is threatened.
The recent negotiations held in New York between
Cuba and the United States, the negotiations between the
American and North Korean authorities, as well as the
withdrawal of the last foreign troops from Germany and
some of the Baltic States, show how much we have
accomplished in the five years since the collapse of the
Berlin Wall.
Throughout the world - in Africa, in Asia and in
America and in Europe - the last vestiges of the cold war
are fading away to open the way for a fruitful partnership
among nations.
The United Nations has made its contribution to the
achievement of this new atmosphere but here and there
hotbeds of tension continue to exist which attest to the
fragility of the present balance.
Among these conflicts, some of which are ravaging
Africa, I would mention first of all the conflict in Rwanda,
where a fratricidal war has caused the deaths of hundreds
of thousands of men, women and children, left thousands
wounded and sent millions of refugees into exile.
How can we have allowed such a tragedy to take place
without having used all the means and resources available
to the international community in time to prevent, if not
limit, the unprecedented massacres which were perpetrated?
Because it is aware that nothing lasting can be
conceived and realized in Rwanda without peace and unity
among its sons Niger made its modest contribution to the
restoration of peace in Rwanda by participating in the
United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR).
In this country which has been torn apart, Niger hopes
to see the provisions of the Arusha Agreement enforced so
that the hardworking people of Rwanda may be able at last,
and once and for all, to turn its attention towards the tasks
of reconstruction and development.
Niger expresses the same hopes for peace and
stability in neighbouring Burundi and welcomes the
significant progress made recently, which has resulted in
its acquiring authorities who can pursue the work of
consolidating the peace.
Quite close to Rwanda, peace is making great strides
also in a country which has been engaged in war and
suffering since its independence, namely, Mozambique.
Niger keenly hopes that the changes which took place
recently in South Africa will have a very positive effect
on the elections to be held there on 27 and 28 October.
The situation in Angola is a matter of concern for
my delegation. Niger welcomes the fact that, thanks to
pressure from the international community and the efforts
made by President Frederick Chiluba of Zambia and
President Nelson Mandela of South Africa and thanks
also to the joint actions of the special representatives of
the Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the
Organization of African Unity, UNITA has finally agreed
to the signing of a peace agreement, a prelude to a
general cease-fire and the establishment of a lasting peace
in Angola.
Nor must the international community and, in
particular, the United Nations turn its attention away from
Somalia, that other fraternal country that has been
ravaged. Indeed, it must do all in its power to maintain
a significant United Nations presence, which alone can
guarantee lasting peace in Somalia.
The process of settling all these conflicts has
revealed the need for greater coordination between the
efforts of the United Nations and those of the regional
organizations within the framework of safeguarding peace
and international security.
Niger thanks all the countries which, on a bilateral
basis, made their valuable contribution to the resolution
of certain African conflicts and appeals to the
international community for continuing support for the
machinery of prevention - machinery established by the
Organization of African Unity for the management and
settlement of conflicts - to allow it to be more
operational.
My country is gratified that, after 46 years of
hostilities, Jordan and Israel agreed to sign a peace
agreement on 25 July 1994 - this less than a year after the
signing of the agreement between the Israelis and the
Palestinians.
27

Niger hopes that the logic of peace which has been
established in this region will lead to the signature of
similar agreements between Israel and Lebanon on the one
hand and between Syria and Israel on the other, so that
once and for all fraternity will prevail between the sons of
this part of the world, the cradle of centuries-old
civilizations.
Niger thus appeals to the Iraqi authorities to ensure
that the actions they undertake fit within the spirit and letter
of the Security Council resolutions, that they recognize the
international borders of Kuwait and refrain from any action
likely once again to inflame the Gulf region in a fratricidal
conflict with incalculable consequences.
Clearly, the world today has gone from a period of
confrontation to one of cooperation.
It is clear that our Organization over the years, with its
present membership of 184 States, is aspiring towards the
ideal of universalism enshrined in its Charter. However, it
is up to the United Nations to devote particular attention to
other regions and other peoples which, through their vitality
and economic dynamism, could also contribute to the
implementation of the ideals of the Charter.
It is moreover in this spirit that Niger regrets that the
General Assembly was not able to put on its agenda the
item entitled "Consideration of the exceptional situation of
the Republic of China in Taiwan in the international
context, based on the principle of universality and in
accordance with the established model of parallel
representation of divided countries at the United Nations".
Niger is keenly concerned at the continuation of the
conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina despite the efforts and
the patience of the member countries of the Contact Group
and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the
numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the
General Assembly, and the many actions undertaken by the
international community.
The most recent events in this conflict have
demonstrated to those who still had doubts that the war in
Bosnia and Herzegovina is deliberate and is supported by
the leaders of the Serbian community who have made force
the primary basis for their actions.
That is why, while welcoming the political courage
demonstrated throughout this crisis by President
Izetbegovic, Niger supports the proposals which he made
here on 27 September of lifting the arms embargo which is
preventing Bosnia and Herzegovina from exercising its
right to legitimate self-defence in accordance with the
Charter of the Organization.
At the risk of seeing many States lose their faith in
the system of collective security, the Security Council
should make the Serbs respect the relevant resolutions
which it has adopted. It is high time for the Security
Council to take the measures required by the situation
concerning the Serbian aggressors.
The end of the cold war and of the East-West
conflict has not yet fully liberated mankind from all its
anguish; nor has it allowed it to remove the heavy
burden posed by the build-up and improvement in arms.
While it is true that risks of armed confrontation between
the super-Powers have today disappeared allowing
unimaginable progress in the area of disarmament, this
has not led to that strengthening of security which we
were entitled to expect.
A producer of uranium, Niger has ratified the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and will
support, during the negotiations to take place next year,
its extension and the universal nature it must acquire.
The signing last year in Paris of the chemical
weapons Convention, as well as the unilateral
moratoriums proclaimed by the nuclear Powers are today
also important constructive steps.
Other efforts should also be made to control
conventional weapons and, in a general fashion, to
establish confidence-building measures among States.
It is indeed horrendous to see colossal sums
absorbed in the manufacture of ever-more sophisticated
weapons of destruction and in mortgaging the security of
outer space while in vast regions of the world millions of
men, women and children are languishing in the most
abject misery, engaging in a daily battle against hunger
and illness. How many savings could have been made
from the resources allotted to peace-keeping if the
minimum had been allotted to development?
I am tempted to say here: give economic and social
development that which is its due and there will be less
to worry about concerning peace.
Indeed, as you so eloquently pointed out on 20
September last after your election, Mr. President, the
economic and social situation at the international level is
28

experiencing alarming developments marked by the stamp
of uncertainty and adversity for the developing countries,
and for Africa in particular.
In the course of this century that is coming to an end,
mankind has experienced unprecedented turns that improved
the conditions of the lives of individuals. However, in
several regions of the world peace is threatened not by
armed men but by millions of hungry human beings in
distress who see no prospects for improvement of their
living conditions.
In this regard, Africa for two decades now has seemed
a desperate case, despite its abundant natural wealth. To be
sure, progress has been made economically and socially,
but in comparison with the rest of the world such progress
seems insignificant, and in certain respects entire areas have
become settled in a situation of non-development.
Thus, while certain countries in Asia are experiencing
expansion with trends of accelerated growth, Africa’s
economic prospects continue to remain mediocre. Today,
more than 350 million Africans are living in abject poverty,
more than half of them women and children.
Paradoxically, Africa also shows the signs of a vibrant
continent capable of the greatest economic prowess, as long
as the international community gives it the opportunity and
the means to achieve its potential.
Indeed, how can we speak of a continent on its way
to ruin when along with its natural resources Africa has a
young generation determined to meet the challenges of
history? How can one sideline Africa when its contribution
to the global economy throughout past centuries has
allowed for the industrialization of the other continents?
Here the industrialized countries bear a heavy
responsibility. I should like to recall Niger’s position on a
particular aspect of this responsibility, namely, the debt. As
long as the developing countries, and in particular those of
sub-Saharan Africa, continue to devote the greater part of
their income to paying off the foreign debt they will never
be able to lay down the basis for a genuine economic
recovery. Thus, Niger urges the developed countries to
cancel the debts of the developing countries and if
necessary to give priority to the least developed countries.
In so doing the industrialized countries will have answered
their own appeal as made by the Group of Seven most
highly industrialized countries at the Naples Summit in July
1994.
Along with the debt the continued deterioration of
the terms of trade is a subject of great concern for Niger.
The purchase price of the products these countries offer
on the international market is falling year by year while
the prices of manufactured products which the same
countries are buying are continuing to rise.
To be competitive, some of these countries have
devalued their currency by half, despite the difficult
economic, social and political consequences. Quite
recently in Morocco the developing countries renewed
their faith in the rules governing international trade
through their active participation in the agreement
establishing the World Trade Organization. We hope
that, in return, this organization will be able to fill the
gaps in the text of the agreement by taking courageous
decisions and adopting measures in favour of the
developing countries, in particular those of Africa.
For many of the developing countries international
trade is, first of all, trade in commodities. That is why
Niger attaches great importance to the establishment of
the commodifies Fund and, in so doing, appeals
diversification to those countries still reluctant to do so to
become involved in the dynamic process under way in
this area.
But what the developing countries, and especially the
least-developed countries, need most is the establishment
of a genuine fund for development assured of lasting
resources. It is recognized today that the Bretton Woods
institutions have reached their limits in development
matters. The conditions attached to World Bank and
International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans are often a
genuine impediment to attaining the developing countries’
purpose in negotiating the loan agreements.
In his report "An Agenda for Development", the
Secretary-General rightly notes that peace is the
development; the economy is the engine of progress; the
environment is a basis for sustainability; and social justice
is a pillar of society.
My delegation hopes that the consultations to be held
on this document will result in a fleshing-out of the initial
outline and that the final report will take into account the
vital concerns of the developing countries. We hope that
it will put forward concrete ways and means to ensure
implementation of the development programmes and
strategies adopted by the General Assembly over the last
few years.
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The forthcoming major international conferences - the
World Summit for Social Development, the Fourth World
Conference on Women and the Second United Nations
Conference on Human Settlements - provide opportunities
for us further to enrich this Agenda.
In conclusion, let me reaffirm Niger’s faith in the
ideals of the United Nations and in its ability to find,
thanks to the solidarity of all its Members, the right
answers to the new challenges we face.