272.	Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of my country, who is unable to be present, to convey to you, over and above the traditional congratulations, the satisfaction of the delegation of the Republic of Guinea on the occasion of your unanimous election to the presidency of the twenty-eighth session of our General Assembly. These congratulations are extended also to each of the members of the General Committee, who have made themselves worthy of the confidence of our august Assembly.
273.	I should like also to discharge a pleasant duty, namely, to pay a deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, Deputy-Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Polish People's Republic, and to tell him how greatly we appreciated the tact, courtesy and competence with which he conducted the work of the twenty-seventh session, of the General Assembly.
274.	Your election to the presidency of this twenty-eighth session appears to us like a definite guarantee of the lucid conduct of our work towards the adoption of decisions in favour of the liberation of peoples, towards justice and equality among all peoples, that are the necessary conditions for peace and security.
275.	You are a Latin American. It is, therefore, obvious that your love of the rights of peoples cannot be questioned. Child of the third world, you are inevitably sensitive, for more than one reason, to the many ills afflicting countries that are victims of the manoeuvres of the rich States. Thanks to the enormous experience you have acquired in the course of your diplomatic career, you are perfectly aware of the problems which paralyse our Organization, thus making peace and security precarious.

276.	The readiness of States to subscribe to the principles of mutual understanding is an important element if we are to ensure international security and durable peace on our planet. The task that devolves on us is therefore that of uniting our efforts so as to work for the advent of a world in which the negative forces of hatred and domination will yield to those of entente and fraternity among peoples.
277.	The fortunate changes that have taken place in the concept of relations between States indicate that we have reached a turning point, a concrete turning point, represented by a series of treaties and agreements one of whose most tangible results is the recent decision of the General Assembly to receive into our Organization the German Democratic Republic and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. We avail ourselves of this opportunity to extend a welcome to these friendly States which, we are convinced, will make an important and valuable contribution to the cause of peace.
278.	The problem of international peace and security, the defence of national sovereignties, decolonialization and the struggle against imperialism continue to be the focus of both bilateral and multilateral meetings. The dialogue between the great Powers appears to forecast the triumph of freedom, justice and equality among peoples, the essential basis for peace on our earth. The Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held recently in Algiers, has shown without the slightest doubt the resolute will affirmed by 2,000 million underprivileged men to upset the scale of accepted values and to give our universe greater social balance and its people greater hope and certainty.
279.	Unfortunately, international peace and security have but a partial meaning for some members of our universal community. In fact, the peace of which they speak is rather that of the hateful order that they impose on other peoples, and security to them is the security of the illegitimate privileges they enjoy at the expense of other nations.
280.	Is it possible for a single moment to bring an era of total peace and security throughout the world without first eradicating the causes of tension that beset Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America? It is no longer a secret to anyone that the number one enemy of the order that our Organization has undertaken to create is still imperialism and all its present manifestations, such as colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, Zionism, etc.
281.	As everyone is aware, the Republic of Guinea, my country, has suffered and still suffers from the effects of imperialism which, since 28 September 1958, has hounded us for the simple reason that we have chosen the path of full responsibility. Imperialism does everything to jeopardize the sovereignty of our country. To achieve its regrettable objectives, it has allied itself with Portuguese colonial fascism, the most abject colonialism. And we understand that the fascist Government of Caetano, despite his ringing defeat on 22 December 1970 by the brave and proud people of Guinea and his condemnation by the Security Council, does not cease to indulge in acts of provocation against the peaceful Guinean population.
282.	Portuguese military aircraft constantly violate our air space. Every time the Portuguese troops suffer severe setbacks at the hands of freedom fighters in Guinea-Bissau, they bomb our frontier villages on the fallacious pretext of reprisals or the right of hot pursuit. Mercenaries of all kinds, paid killers trained and released by Portugal, infiltrate regularly across our frontiers for purposes of aggression.

283.	In its implacable determination to destroy the revolutionary regime that the proud people of Guinea has chosen freely for itself, Portugal and its allies intensify the training of mercenaries in the occupied Territories of the new independent State of Guinea-Bissau and in some of the neighbouring Slates, thus preparing a new armed aggression against our people. But, regardless of the means used by international imperialism, the people of Guinea, more than ever determined and united behind its great President, Ahmed Sekou Toure, will triumph, as it did .on 22 November 1970, over the forces of domination and will continue to defend its gains and to give unreserved support to the liberation movements in order to speed up the emancipation of the African fatherland and thus to contribute to ensuring the reign of international peace and security.
284.	I should like, moreover, to emphasize that — like all the independent States of Africa and, generally speaking, all the countries in the world — the people of Guinea aspire profoundly to peace so that they can effectively devote themselves to the exalting task of building up their country. It is for this reason that they demand of international imperialism and its allies and, in particular, some of the neighbouring States of the Republic of Guinea that they recognize this sacred and inalienable right to peace and tranquillity — indispensable factors of peaceful coexistence.
285.	My delegation wishes to emphasize the ludicrousness of the claim of the Lisbon authorities that the African Territories of Angola and Mozambique are provinces and a prolongation of Portugal. In those African Territories, there still waves the flag of that country which is not linked to Africa either by geography or by culture, or less still by a common history.
286.	Throughout his intervention during the present session of the General Assembly the "worthy representative", "the accredited spokesman of Portugal", Mr. Patricio, was so bold, with the audacity of which he alone is capable, as to uphold theories of assimilation, such as "the legitimacy of Portugal as an African nation" [2138th meeting, para. 146) and many other absurdities as well.
287.	No living person can accept that grotesque assertion, and, if Bissau is called Conakry 2, Lisbon, built up thanks to the wealth of Bissau, will soon be called Conakry.
288.	In his confusion, Mr. Patricio attacks the socialist countries, the Scandinavian countries, OAU and how many
more? We must agree that the world shrinks dangerously under the paltry views of Portugal.
289.	Illustrating the full dimension of the imperialist- colonialist-fascist hysteria of Portugal, Mario Soares writes:
"... In fact, the only specific feature of Portuguese colonialism in comparison with other European colonialisms derives essentially from the financial and mental poverty of the settlers and the economic underdevelopment of the metropolitan country, which itself is a colony of the great Powers."
290.	In fact, the decisive element of Portugal, its chemical property, is extra-Lusitanian. One need not be an expert in political affairs to realize that that unfortunate country, because of the mediocrity of its economic and military potential, stubbornly clings to its policy only because it knows it enjoys the complicity of NATO, whose member countries flout and disdain the resolutions adopted in favour of the African peoples.
291.	Convinced that the cause it pursues is irreparably doomed, the Government of criminal Caetano pursues a policy of systematic destruction, of Fascist genocide, against the peaceful civilian populations of Guinea-Bissau, the Cape Verde Islands, Angola and Mozambique. Is there any need to recall in this connexion the savage massacre of over 400 Africans in the village of Wiriyamu in the Mozambican province of Tete, which aroused profound indignation and the condemnation of world public opinion.
292.	Defeated everywhere in the field by the revolutionary forces, the regime in Lisbon resorts at present to the physical liquidation of the authentic representatives of the African peoples. As if to qualify itself in that hateful undertaking and believing it can put an end definitely to the heroic resistance of the nationalists in Guinea-Bissau, Portuguese imperialism, on 20 January 1973, in Conakry, had our comrade Amilcar Cabral, the great freedom fighter and founder and Secretary-General of PAIGC,  cowardly
,, assassinated by mercenaries who had infiltrated into the area.
293.	The courageous people of Guinea-Bissau gave to that insolent challenge the resounding and obvious reply by proclaiming victoriously on 24 September 1973 the People's Democratic Republic of Guinea-Bissau. Our delegation applauds that historic decision enthusiastically and rejoices at the fact that our Government was the first to recognize the young independent and sovereign State. The independence of Guinea-Bissau is the triumph of reason over brute force, the victory of freedom over colonialism, the prelude to a process that will infallibly lead to the liquidation of colonialism in Africa.
294.	In the liberated areas of Guinea-Bissau, the people, guided by PAIGC under the enlightened leadership of its founder and No. 1 militant, Amilcar Cabral, has, in the course of 17 years of political and armed struggle, constructed a new life and now possesses a constantly evolving administrative organization, social and cultural services, a
judicial system, a steadily developing economy and national armed forces.
295.	The visit of a United Nations Special Mission to the liberated areas of Guinea-Bissau from 2 to 8 April 1972 served to confirm to the international community what has been attested to by dozens of impartial, honest observers from every continent: the self-determination of our people and the de facto existence of an efficiently functioning State structure.
296.	In flagrant violation of modern international law, the Portuguese colonialists are still encroaching upon some portions of our national territory. The United Nations has repeatedly recognized the illegality of the Portuguese presence, the inalienable right of our people to freedom and sovereignty, and the legitimacy of its struggle against Portuguese colonialism.
297.	On the basis of the historic resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960 concerning the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council have reaffirmed the inalienable right of our people to self- determination and independence, particularly in General Assembly resolution 2918 (XXVII) of 14 November 1972 and Security Council resolution 322 (1972) of 22 November 1972. Furthermore, on the proposal of the Special Committee on decolonization, the Fourth Committee of the United Nations General Assembly at its twenty-seventh session recognized PAIGC, the liberation movement of Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde Islands, as the only and authentic representative of the people of that Territory.
298.	The People's National Assembly, which is the result of PAIGC's successes in the fight against Portuguese colonialism, was constituted on the basis of the principle that power derives from the people and should serve the people. The Assembly is composed of representatives elected by universal and direct suffrage by secret ballot, being the expression of the sovereign will of the people of Guinea-Bissau.
299.	At its meeting of 24 September 1973 in the Boe region, the People's National Assembly, expressing the sovereign will of the people, solemnly proclaimed the State of Guinea-Bissau. In that proclamation, the People's National Assembly declared, inter alia:
"The State of Guinea-Bissau is a sovereign, republican, democratic, anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist State whose primary objectives are the complete liberation of the people of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde and the forging of a union between those two territories for the purpose of building a strong African homeland dedicated to progress. The arrangements for this union will be determined, after these two territories are liberated, in accordance with the will of the people.
"The State of Guinea-Bissau assumes the sacred duty of taking action to expedite, by every means, the expulsion of the forces of aggression of Portuguese colonialism from that part of the territory of Guinea- Bissau which they still occupy and to intensify the struggle in the Cape Verde Islands, which form an
integral and inalienable part of the national territory of the people of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde.
"The State of Guinea-Bissau regards the strengthening of the links of solidarity and soldierly brotherhood between our people and all peoples of the Portuguese colonies as one of the fundamental principles of its foreign policy; it stands in solidarity with the peoples struggling for their freedom and independence in Africa, Asia and Latin America and with all Arab peoples fighting against zionism.
"The State of Guinea-Bissau is an integral part of Africa and strives for the unity of the African peoples, respecting the freedom of those peoples, their dignity and their right to political, economic, social and cultural progress.
"As regards international relations, the State of Guinea-Bissau wishes to maintain and develop ties of friendship, co-operation and solidarity with its neighbours — the Republic of Guinea and the Republic of Senegal — with all independent African States and with all States throughout the world which recognize its sovereignty and support the national liberation struggle of our people. These relations shall be based on the principles of peaceful coexistence, mutual respect for national sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference in internal affairs and mutual advantage.
"The State of Guinea-Bissau assumes responsibility for promoting the economic advancement of the country, thereby creating the material basis for the development of culture, science and technology, with a view to the continuing improvement of the social and economic living standards of our population and with the ultimate aim of achieving a life of peace, well-being and progress for all our country's children.
"Having as a foundation our heroic People's National Liberation Army, the State of Guinea-Bissau will provide our national armed forces with all necessary means to accomplish the task of bringing about the complete liberation of our country, and defending the achievements of our people and the integrity of our national territory.
"From the historic moment of the proclamation of the State of Guinea-Bissau, authorities and organs of the Portuguese colonial State which exercise any political, military or administrative authority in our territory are illegal, and their acts are null and void. Consequently, from that moment on, the Portuguese State has no right to assume any obligations or commitments in relation to our country. All treaties, conventions, agreements, alliances and concessions involving our country which were entered into in the past by the Portuguese colonialists will be submitted to the People's National Assembly, the supreme embodiment of State power, which will proceed to review them in accordance with the interests of our peoples.
"The State of Guinea-Bissau affirms the principle that it is fighting against Portuguese colonialism and not against the Portuguese people, with which our people wishes to maintain a friendly and co-operative relationship.
"The State of Guinea-Bissau adheres to the principles of non-alignment. It supports the settlement of international disputes by negotiation and, to that effect and in accordance with the resolutions of the highest international organs, it declares its willingness to negotiate a solution which will put an end to the aggression of the Portuguese colonial Government that is illegally occupying part of our national territory and committing acts of genocide against our populations."
300.	We are happy to see the great sympathy with which most of the delegations attending this twenty-eighth session have welcomed the proclamation of independence by Guinea-Bissau, and we address a pressing appeal to all Governments to recognize the new State and to grant it effective and unreserved support, thus enabling it shortly to occupy its rightful place in the international community and in the specialized agencies of the United Nations.
301.	Despite the strong reaction of independent Africa, supported by its friends, against the appropriation by certain imperialist Powers of the enormous natural resources of the Territories under Portuguese domination, the Cabora Bassa and Cunene projects continue to receive Western capital which the criminal protagonists describe fallaciously as beneficial investments.
302.	My delegation believes that we must draw other conclusions from the recognition of the liberation movements by our Organization as the true representatives of their territories, conclusions that must be more in keeping with the will and aspirations of the peoples concerned, who are fighting so courageously for their freedom, independence and the sovereignty of their countries. In this context the presence of Portugal in these Territories is an unbearable aggression, a criminal aggression that must be punished as such. For this reason my delegation requests the inclusion of a new item on the agenda, to be entitled "Criminal aggression by Portugal against the sovereign State of Guinea-Bissau and the illegal occupation of certain parts of its national territory".
303.	For us, independence means the exercise of national sovereignty by the people. It is also, and above all, a protest against injustices and all the causes of injustice and insecurity that daily endanger peace and human lives. It is the inauguration of a world of peace and happiness that our people cry out for with all their strength.
304.	In southern Africa the illegal regime of Ian Smith is joining in a common cause with the racists of Pretoria and Portugal to exacerbate to the point of paroxism, racial hatred and methods of repression. Threats, brutalities, arbitrary imprisonments, murder in cold blood have become the lot of the freedom fighters in that part of the world. In the face of this tragedy, which is reminiscent of the age of primitive hordes, my delegation continues to maintain that so long as Great Britain, the administering Power, does not satisfy the just claims of the people of Zimbabwe, who ask for the convening of a constitutional conference based on the principle "one man, one vote", that country remains fully responsible.
305.	I should like on behalf of my delegation at this point to pay a solemn tribute to the heroism of the militant people of the sister Republic of Zambia in the face of the numerous provocations of the imperialist oligarchies that are interlinked in southern Africa. The colonialist and racist regimes of southern Africa, powerless to stem the flow of the struggle for liberation, are now compelled to resort to other means. It is within that context that we must place the aggression and economic blackmail of the rebel Ian Smith against Zambia, which so victoriously took up the challenge.
306.	Independent Africa, through its continental organization, OAU, has sufficiently highlighted and stigmatized the strengthening of the aggressiveness of the colonialists and racists by reason of the assistance they receive from their allies in the Western camp. Despite the determined sanctions of the international community, the economy of the partisans of segregation prospers still further and the armaments of the oppressors become more and more modern.
307.	The Government of South Africa, despite the general condemnation of conscious and responsible mankind, continues to maintain our brothers under the heinous system of apartheid. The policy of the creation of "Bantustans" and the various forms of segregation remain the daily practice in South Africa. For Vorster and his clique the black man —  unfortunately, we must say this — is no different from an animal, since according to that backward and insolent philosophy all those belonging to that race have no soul and no conscience and deserve none of the rights required for the happiness and dignity of our fellow men.
308.	The almost unanimous position taken by the members of the General Assembly against the right to speak of the delegation of the white minority of South Africa was an eloquent manifestation of the condemnation of Vorster's policy of apartheid. In our view, that manifestation is but one stage in the struggle embarked upon by Africa, whose
objective is the occupation of the seat of South Africa by the authentic representatives of that part of the world.
309.	On 4 February 1972, at its memorable meetings in Addis Ababa, the Security Council adopted its resolution 309 (1972), relating to Namibia. The events that have taken place since then have in no way changed the reactionary position of South Africa in Namibia. With obdurate cynicism they have opposed the efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General to find an equitable and peaceful solution. After the failure of the mission of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, after the unanimous rejection by the tenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, and in the light of the results of the recent referendum held in that Territory, my delegation believes that the United Nations should envisage the possibility of taking other concrete steps in order that the people of Namibia may as soon as possible accede to independence and national sovereignty.
310.	Although the explosive situation obtaining in southern Africa is of the highest concern to us, we cannot pass over in silence the existence of other equally important
. colonialist bastions in the continent: so-called French
Somaliland, the Comoro islands, so-called Spanish Sahara, the Seychelles islands, and so forth.
311.	The period of colonial domination is finished forever. All peoples without distinction must unconditionally enjoy their freedom.
312.	My delegation feels that, if our Organization is to live up to the commitments proclaimed and accepted since San Francisco, it must use all the means at its disposal to defeat the forces that oppose the realization of its noble ideals.
313.	I should like now to turn to another problem which remains one of the constant preoccupations of our Organization — the Zionist aggression in the Middle East.
314.	By creating out of nowhere the State of Israel, the United Nations has fanned the flames of a vast fire which it can no longer contain and which has acquired disquieting proportions.
315.	Israel arbitrarily occupies by mere virtue of military power the territory of the brave Palestinian people, and this situation has lasted for 25 years. For 25 years, the Palestinian people chased from their fatherland have lived the errant life imposed on them by the Zionists.
316.	Despite repeated condemnation from the forces of peace throughout the world and the many resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, Israel has since June 1967 been occupying the territory of the Arab republics of Egypt and Syria.
317.	Supported by a most powerful ally, it arrogantly defied the whole of the international community. To the peace efforts of Africa and the Arab States it has always responded with contempt and arrogance.
318.	Inevitably, that state of affairs led to the events of 6 October. Thus, with rarely equalled violence, there broke out the vast conflict latent since June 1967.
319.	Once again the Middle East is at war. On 9 October, with indignation and consternation, the world learned of the bombing of Damascus, which led to the deaths of many civilian victims, among them diplomats and United Nations officials.
320. The Arab Republic of Egypt and Syria must recover their usurped territory. Peace in the Middle East must be achieved at that price.
321.	On behalf of the Government of the Republic of Guinea, I wish to reiterate to the peoples and Governments of the Arab States, and in particular to Egypt and Syria, the complete solidarity and unreserved support of the people and Government of my country for their just struggle against the Israeli invader.
322.	International imperialism has created other hotbeds of tension which it continues to maintain despite international disapproval.
323.	The peace efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the reunification of its country still encounter numerous obstacles and a climate of continued tension maintained by the presence in South Korea of foreign troops.
324.	Thus it is essential to hold as soon as possible a conference which would bring together representatives of all the population of the two Koreas to discuss problems concerning the future of the Korean fatherland. That is why my delegation opposes the premature admission of the two Koreas to the United Nations, which would sanction the definitive division of that country.
325.	By withdrawing its armed forces and by ensuring scrupulous respect for the sovereignty of those States, the United Nations must help Korea recover its national unity.
326.	The Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held from 5 to 9 September in Algiers, symbolized the resistance of oppressed peoples and was extremely well attended. The success of its work opened a new era in the history of the third world.
327.	But, although we carefully follow those positive changes in the international situation, especially in the relations between the great Powers, the struggle of all the peaceful forces for the implementation of the principles of peaceful coexistence and co-operation still meets with the active resistance of those that are in favour of war. Some of the great Powers, in order to create zones of influence for themselves, trample underfoot the elementary rights of peoples. The case of the Indo-Chinese peninsula is a typical example of this.
328.	My delegation expresses its sincere concern at the recrudescence of military action in that region and invites the international community to use its good offices so that a just peace may be established in that part of South-East Asia.
329.	The Republic of Guinea, which from the very first hours recognized the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia, headed by His Majesty Prince Norodom Sihanouk, sincerely hopes that the United Nations will understand the legitimate aspirations of the Khmer people to manage their own affairs.
330.	In Algiers the large majority of non-aligned countries gave their firm support to the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam in its struggle for true independence.
331.	The universality of the United Nations, which is one of the essential prerequisites for the achievement of the purposes and objectives of the San Francisco Charter, demands that all peoples make their contribution to the solution of the problems affecting mankind. Yet we note with regret the absence of the representatives of Viet-Nam, Korea, Palestine, the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia and of all the liberation movements which we recognized in 1972 as being the only legitimate representatives of their territories. The presence here of certain men who represent only themselves, of usurpers of power, of oppressors of peoples, is an affront and causes us indignation.
332.	Among the Powers that arrogate to themselves the right unilaterally to discuss serious questions affecting mankind, we find precisely those that are responsible for the problems besetting world security. This is a paradox! It is inconceivable because it is contrary to logic that one should be both the judge and the accused.
333.	If our Organization wishes to fulfil its historic and sacred mission, namely, to save present and succeeding- generations from the scourge of war, if our Organization wishes to establish international peace and security that are real and complete, it must eliminate the causes of war and tension, and eradicate from international relations the spirit of political domination and economic injustice. To do so we must break with Byzantine discussions and resolutely search for appropriate ways and means to ensure respect for the spirit of our Charter.
334.	We must proclaim as crimes against humanity any acts that run counter to the advent of a just and durable peace and we must all take a stand against acts that are contrary to morality, peace and security in the world. The struggle against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, apartheid, zionism and all forms of aggression fall within this context and must be collectively supported by the United Nations because these phenomena are contrary to the principles upheld by our Organization. The internationalization of that struggle would enable our Organization to mobilize all its material, financial and military resources on behalf of the liberation forces. Thus we would show the peoples of the world that the United Nations strives to achieve the realization of their most fundamental and sacred aspirations.
335.	We cannot, of course, achieve such results unless we revise the San Francisco Charter and adapt it to the new needs of our peoples. It goes without saying that the revision of the United Nations Charter and the strengthening of the structures of our international Organization demand greater democracy and equality among the Members, and that will be possible only if an end is put to the privileges given exclusively to some Powers. We must abolish the status of permanent member of the Security Council; we must abrogate the right of veto.
336.	The main weakness of our Organization is due to the fact that only five of its Members, through the right of veto, hold in their hands the key to the solution of world problems.
337.	This state of affairs is no longer in keeping with the realities of our century and constitutes a flagrant violation of the principle of democracy and a grave violation of the dignity of the large majority of the countries represented in this Assembly.
338.	Of all the international problems that polarize world public opinion, disarmament is unquestionably both the oldest and the most topical, because it is the one that has achieved the least possible progress. One speaks of it more as hobby than through real conviction. It goes without saying that there is still a game of hide and seek. The medium-sized and small States, when they bring up the question of disarmament, still have in mind the fact that infallibly they will come up against the resistance of the great Powers and thus will not succeed. As for the great Powers themselves, they have always subscribed to resolutions by which they have not felt themselves bound.
339.	This year will mark the convening of the first session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, whose second session the General Assembly has scheduled to take place in 1974 [resolution 3029 A (XXVII)]. We attach to that Conference the importance that it deserves. We hope that in its deliberations it will duly take into account the demands of the developing world and its security needs. The need to guarantee the security and territorial integrity of my country, which is one of the main targets of imperialism, has led us to extend the limits of our territorial waters to 200 nautical miles. The importance that we attach to the forthcoming Conference on the Law of the Sea is explained by our constant desire for the speedy codification of certain rules and conditions whose adaptation to present realities is indispensable.
340.	The Conference can and should be held as planned. However, by reason of the explosive situation at present prevailing in Chile, it would be desirable for the Conference to be held elsewhere. In that connexion, my delegation suggests that we reconsider paragraph 4 of General Assembly resolution 3029 A (XXVII), according to which it was decided to hold the second session of that Conference in Santiago.
341.	The people of Guinea has followed with deep emotion the painful events which last month brought sorrow to the friendly Republic of Chile. Our delegation expresses its deep sympathy to the valiant people of Chile, which has remained faithful to the revolutionary ideals of President Salvador Allende.
342.	In the world today, the contradictions that we find in Africa in its relations with the outside world result from the fact that the African economy is still exploited or dependent on outside countries. It is beset by increasing disparities between the prices of our primary commodities and those of the goods sold to us from outside Africa. The terms of trade bring new concern each day to our peoples, whose creative efforts are annihilated by a system that always tends to aggravate the living conditions of the producers in our continent. Therefore we must take a decision as early as possible to lay the foundation of an economic policy that reflects our determination to achieve the decolonization of our continent and ensure effective solidarity for our peoples in this area.
343.	It was because of a desire to defend these interests that the tenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and G6vernment of the OAU in Addis Ababa adopted the African declaration on economic co-operation, development and independence.
344.	The sincere co-operation that we wish to obtain from the developed countries must, come even more from the United Nations, in which we place our confidence. In fact we note that often the loans it grants through its bodies increase our debts rather than help us. Often over half the sum allocated to projects in our countries is used for endless studies and for the travel expenses of experts. Finally, when the projects have no more funds, they are merely abandoned.
345.	I should not wish to end this intervention without saying a few words about the drought that has recently afflicted six States in the Sudano-Sahelian region and which has ravaged in an unprecedented way the population and livestock of that region. My delegation will not dwell on the details of that situation, which has been sufficiently explained by many delegations that have spoken before me and which was the subject of an eloquent statement by General Lamizana, President of the sister Republic of the Upper Volta, under special mandate from the meeting at Ouagadougou of the six countries concerned. [2145th meeting].
346.	I shall confine myself to expressing my sincere thanks on behalf of my Government to all those who have responded to the appeal of our brothers in distress. I should like to emphasize, however, that, while the immediate needs of these countries have been met to some extent with the assistance received, much remains to be done to eliminate the sequels of this disaster and to restore normal life to that agro-pastoral region.
347.	It is for this reason that we call for the collaboration of the international Organization in order that it may take concrete measures to reconstruct the economy of the States of the Sudano-Sahelian area so that they can face up to these calamities and others of the same kind in the future.


86.	Mr. President, I am happy to extend to you my warm congratulations on your election to the Presidency of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We rejoice in the honour thus bestowed on you personally and on your country, Ecuador. We are fully confident that you will guide the affairs of this Assembly with impartiality, and we assure you of our full co-operation.
87.	In the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General presents a penetrating analysis of the situation, objectives and potentialities of the United Nations. We would be well advised to study closely his important observations and to consider carefully the entire range of problems raised by the Secretary-General.
88.	Over the years we have become accustomed to hearing much criticism of the work of the United Nations. Our Organization and the tangible results we achieve are often looked upon with impatience and disappointment. To mention but a few of the shortcomings pointed out to us: our results fall short of expectations; we speak too much and act too little; the provisions of the Charter are inadequate; our activities should be expanded or reduced, or new organs should be created.
89.	This impatience is understandable; it reflects the uneasiness or even insecurity, but also the hopes, prevalent in a time marked by new departures.
90.	The United Nations was founded 28 years ago. The world Organization was the fruit of the aspirations and resolve of a horrified mankind to create, by reason and humanity, a world of peaceful and ordered coexistence of States and nations. The purposes and principles of the Charter have proved to be of durable value. The international machinery which has since evolved will continue to be an indispensable framework and an essential precondition for genuine international solidarity. However, it is not enough to support the United Nations in words. And it is not beneficial to misuse the vast potentialities of the Organization for campaigns in pursuit of narrow and nationalistic aims. If we were to take stock of the situation, we should learn that the constant and considerate application of the United Nations machinery is the best way in which to enrich our heritage.
91.	At the same time, we must remain responsive to constructive criticism and steadily prove able to adapt our Organization to the ever changing challenges. Since the Charter was signed, many years ago, the world has changed more than in any other period of the same length. The relatively static social pattern has been replaced almost everywhere by mobility and new departures, often in the, face of considerable opposition from the established society. A new generation has grown up which questions our very objectives — a generation to which the machinery we have provided is a matter of course; a generation which measures our performance principally in the light of the capability of the United Nations to offer the individual equitable conditions, freedom, security and dignity; a generation which insists upon our Organization being able to add to international relations a human dimension consonant with the ideals which all human civilizations have evolved.
92.	We are facing a dual challenge: to safeguard and further develop a harmonious co-operation within the family of nations, while linking to our aspirations and our decisions the human dimension which alone can enhance the quality of life of the individual.
93.	If we attempted to evaluate the present situation we could perhaps say that it is characterized by a growing recognition of the need for well-balanced efforts-at the global, regional and bilateral levels-to tackle fundamental problems which in reality affect us all and whose solution is a key to safeguarding and humanizing our existence. We must also realize that at the same time the situation is characterized by the lack of resolve with which we transform our recognition into practical action.
94.	In the political field, positive features which previously were just traceable have become much more distinct. The favourable development in relations between the major Powers is continuing. And in my part of the world, in Europe, further efforts towards detente have led to the gratifying result that we were able a few days ago to welcome the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic as Members of the United Nations. The importance of the process which paved the way to the admission of the two German States cannot be overrated. The mainspring has been the initiatives taken and persistently pursued by the great statesman who has just addressed this Assembly, Chancellor Willy Brandt, and by the Federal Government.
95.	In Europe, a noteworthy event since our last General Assembly session has been the enlargement of the European Community by three new countries: Ireland, the United Kingdom and my own country. The developments manifested in this enlargement are of vital concern to the individual human being in a part of the world which twice in one generation has been embroiled in devastating wars. This dynamic evolution results from a recognition of our identity and oar responsibility towards ourselves and towards the world at large. In accentuating community coherence, the very foundation of which is our democratic institutions, we do not forget our relations with and responsibilities towards the outside world. We welcome this, as it has consistently been the policy of Denmark to promote and develop open-mindedness in our relations with the entire world.
96.	Particularly in relation to the United States, the European Community is engaged in a dialogue in which we have great hopes. I am confident that a positive outcome will prove of benefit to the world community at large. We welcome the fact that this dialogue was given added impetus at the meeting in Copenhagen on 10 and 11 September of the Foreign Ministers in the family of the nine members of the Community.
97.	After thorough and successfully completed preparations, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has entered its second phase. On the basis of recent trends towards detente the primary aim of the Conference must now be to create the conditions for a new forward thrust in the process of detente and co-operation. If we succeed, we shall have attained a result that again will be of importance not only to the countries directly involved. All the way through it remains important to aim not only at peaceful and correct relations among States, but to further the quality of life of the individual, which is the basis on which all efforts should be measured and judged. It is important that we arrive at a point where the implications of detente are translated into palpable reality for the peoples of the European countries in the form of concrete and well defined measures.
98.	As I said a while ago, there seems to be a growing recognition of the need for common solutions to major problems facing us, but that recognition is not always translated into action. In the field of disarmament, the world Organization has made strenuous efforts for a long time without achieving much progress. Over a number of years we have witnessed certain advances through the adoption of some limited disarmament and arms-control measures. But realistically we must admit that deplorable stagnation-has occurred. We are still waiting for the progress that could reduce the risks inherent in continued armament and the resultant senseless waste of resources. To put it in more specific terms, I think the time is now ripe for a comprehensive test-ban treaty and a treaty prohibiting the development, production and stockpiling of all kinds of chemical weapons and providing for the destruction of existing stocks of such weapons.
99.	In the Middle East, energetic efforts have been made, not least by this Organization, its Secretary-General and his personal representative. And yet the situation remains deadlocked, and we are regularly witnessing tragic events. World opinion on this question is marked by growing and understandable impatience, which is also felt in my country. I call upon all parties to make a whole-hearted effort to find a solution in conformity with the guidelines which the Security Council established in its now almost six-year-old-I repeat, six-year-old-resolution 242(1967). My Government will welcome initiatives suitable to break the present deadlock and lead to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
100.	Once again we must note that in southern Africa there has been no progress in the cause of reason and humanity. On the contrary, we receive reports of acts of violence, encroachments and bloodshed in that distressed area. I appeal to those responsible to wake up to the reality of the situation before the sands run out. My Government is ready to take an active part in efforts under the provisions of the Charter to find a peaceful solution securing for the African peoples the right of self-determination. The Secretary-General has made commendable efforts. We hope he will be enabled to continue his endeavours.
101.	In the South Asian subcontinent, responsible statesmen are striving to overcome the controversies of the recent past, and expectations have been raised that a solution satisfactory to all may soon be worked out. I hope that the three Governments may succeed in this endeavour of reconciliation and so be allowed to turn their full attention to the future.
102.	The situation in Indo-China as a whole, although still marked by human suffering and instability, has improved over the last few months. But much restraint will be required of the parties to exploit the opportunities that have been opened for a final and peaceful solution to the protracted and bitter conflicts.
103.	The difficult bilateral talks aimed at normalizing relations between the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea have been continued. Decisive for our Organization? is the maintenance of peace and stability on the Korean peninsula in order that the conciliation of the two Korean States may take place in the best possible climate and in order that they may be enabled to play their proper role in the world community.
104.	The twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights will be commemorated during this session. For a quarter-century the Declaration has represented a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations in their efforts to ensure respect for the dignity of man.
105.	In spite of the progress made in this field we must deplore the fact that fundamental rights as set forth in the Declaration are still being disregarded and that freedom of thought and freedom of speech are far from always respected in the Member countries.
106.	We are alarmed by the many reports of torture or other cruel or degrading treatment of human beings, and thus we understand and respect the many endeavours aimed at condemnation and elimination of the use of torture.
107.	Disregard for the individual becomes particularly acute in armed conflicts, where in modern times the civilian population is exposed to severe risks. It is therefore imperative that as many States as possible participate in the work which the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross have started in order to develop the rules of humanitarian international law in armed conflicts. We must endeavour to attain universal adherence to those new rules.
108.	The Danish Government is gravely concerned about the frequent acts of international terrorism victimizing innocent persons. Concerted international efforts are required to break the vicious circle of terror and counter- terror. All nations must recognize their responsibilities by taking concrete steps in this direction.
109.	Denmark attaches great importance to the forthcoming Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. What is at stake is not only the law of the sea in the classical sense but the ability of our Organization to find suitable solutions for the distribution of the wealth of the seas and the sea-bed.
110.	Coastal States should be accorded more extensive rights to the living resources of the sea. In particular, there is a need to give such rights to coastal States among the developing countries and to States or regions whose populations are heavily dependent on fisheries for their livelihood and without alternative employment possibilities. The legitimate interests of other nations and of the international community as a whole must be taken into consideration.
111.	The work of the United Nations in the economic and social fields is this year marked by the first review and appraisal of the implementation of the International Development Strategy [resolution 2626 (XXV)].
112.	Although statistics may yet be incomplete, it is evident that the balance-sheet of the first two years of the
Second United Nations Development Decade does not give grounds for complacency. On the whole, the expectations of progress in the developing countries were not met. Nevertheless there are signs that may augur well for the future.
113.	The multilateral trade negotiations which have now been initiated under the auspices of the General Agreement on' Tariffs and Trade should, together with an early agreement on a durable and equitable reform of the international monetary system, help create optimum conditions for world trade and, in turn, for economic growth, to the benefit of developing as well as developed countries.
114.	However, economic growth is regarded no longer as an end in itself but rather as a means to improve the quality of life of the individual. It is therefore gratifying to note that within a wide range of areas this conception is gradually being translated into action on a global scale. In endeavours to ensure the quality of life of our own and future generations the questions of environment and population also loom large. We welcome the efforts now under way to follow up the consensus of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, and we are looking forward to seeing the World Population Conference next year lay the foundation of realistic and far-sighted population policies.
115.	The United Nations has a unique role to play in promoting international co-operation for economic and social progress in the less fortunate countries of the world. The growing sense of solidarity should inspire us-the better-off countries-steadily to improve our contribution to this global development effort. My country for one is resolved to follow such a course.
116.	I have tried to draw attention to a number of factors, problems and trends of prime importance. We must promote co-operation and detente. We must realize the need for genuine disarmament. Goodwill must be shown to settle the Middle East conflict. In southern Africa the law of justice and humanity must be obeyed. The promising progress towards an over-all solution to the conflict in the South Asian subcontinent must be continued. A satisfactory solution must be found to the Korean question. The existing possibilities of a final and peaceful solution to the conflict in Indo-China must be exploited. Economic co-operation must be expanded, not least for the benefit of the less fortunate nations. Human rights must be respected in the widest sense.
117.	The topics I have touched upon demonstrate the scope of our Organization's activities. They demonstrate also the challenges confronting the world community. I am convinced, however, that we who are responsible for the continued existence and success of the United Nations will be able, by persistence and dedication, to take a step forward on the path of detente and conciliation, peace and co-operation, towards the ultimate goal: an international society committed to the dignity and worth of the individual.


1.	 I wish to congratulate the President whole-heartedly on his election to preside over the General Assembly. The confidence shown by all States Members of the United Nations is a credit to him, to his country and the whole of Latin America. His lengthy experience in international affairs and in the United Nations has ?'ell prepared him for this great task, and I express the sincerest wishes that his tenure will be crowned with success and personal satisfaction.
2.	Our congratulations go also to Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, the retiring President of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, who conducted our debates last year with such vigour, faith, competence and dash.
3.	To Mr. Waldheim, our Secretary-General, we express our gratitude and our admiration for his untiring activities, for his understanding of world problems, for his availability at all times to Member countries and in particular the poor countries, and for his broad-mindedness and his outstanding qualities as a politician, a diplomat and a negotiator. He does not spare himself, and we thank him for his untiring efforts, his faith, his patience and the judicious use he makes of his many talents. We thank Austria for giving us this expert, this champion of detente at a time when the world is so much in need of one.
4.	Finally, may I be permitted to hail the presence in our midst of three new Member States: the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the Federal Republic of Germany and the
German Democratic Republic. The advent of these countries enables our Organization to take a major step towards universality. We sincerely rejoice and express our gratitude to all those who have contributed to this progress, towards peace, independence and the universality of our Organization.
5.	If one were to look at things from the general point of view, one could well say, without fear of error, that the world is going through an historic phase of the utmost importance, about which men rejoice everywhere; on earth. The outer signs of the new turn that international affairs have taken are crystal clear: there was the arrival two years ago in our Organization of the People's Republic of China; there were the treaties between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union and Poland; there were the direct meetings between the Heads of State of the great Powers and the conclusion of the first co-operation agreements among them; there was the reconciliation between Japan and China; there was the armistice in Viet-Nam, then the International Conference on Viet-Nam and the peace agreements of Paris; and this year there is the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and the arrival in the United Nations of the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas; there is the proclamation of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau that we hail joyfully and which my country, the Central African Republic, has recognized de jure. May all our wishes for success accompany it in its first steps. Other promising signs appear on the horizon; Japan is proposing a conference on peace and security in Asia; attempts are still being made to bring peace throughout Indo-China; in the Indian subcontinent we witness with pleasure the reconciliation of two great nations, India and Pakistan, two pillars of our Organization; and a concrete dialogue has been opened in Korea.
6.	All of this is good and worthy of praise and applause, and we must do everything in our power to consolidate and intensify this ray of hope, this springtime in international relations. The cold war, which sowed haired, divided peoples and brought about an unbridled arms race will soon be, we hope, no more than a bad memory. Mankind, entering its global era, endowed with a universal Organization marked by accommodation rather than the desire for domination of the great Powers, appears at last to have embarked upon the path of common sense and reason. The peoples of the world are not mistaken. They therefore applaud these developments, in the north and the south, in the east and the west, in the rich countries as well as in the poor countries, over and above ideologies and systems, over and above races and colours.
7.	Our twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly, like the two preceding sessions, forms part of this great

historical trend that has been called detente. It reflects that movement; it acts in favour of detente and carries its fruits far beyond it, towards a more noble and even more necessary objective: namely, entente and co-operation among all peoples.
8.	What can we actually do in the course of this session of the General Assembly to show ourselves worthy of our peoples and to promote the building of peace, justice and progress that is so impatiently expected of us? May I be permitted, despite the very modest place that my country, the Central African Republic, holds in the concert of nations, to make a few suggestions.
9.	First of all, our first duty in the present circumstances is to settle rapidly and definitively the conflicts and sources of friction that still poison international relations and which, by reason of their duration or by a sudden recrudescence' risk delaying progress towards detente and even destroying it. It is important that the question of the Middle East, a potential hotbed of serious explosions, with far-reaching ramifications, be settled once and for all.
10.	It is important that peace return to the whole of Indo-China. It is important that the problem of Cyprus be erased from our books. It is important that the question of Korea, too, be settled once and for all. Efforts are under way in regard to all these problems and it is to be hoped that they will soon be successful in order that those regions can be purified in the atmosphere .of the great movement of detente that we are witnessing.
11.	We must deplore the fact that in that movement which is the result essentially of the initiatives of the great Powers one burning question, a question which affects a whole continent and which overflows into international relations, has not been given its rightful priority. I am speaking of the problems of colonialism and racism in southern Africa. It is imperative that the vast move for detente embrace Africa also and that a concerted effort be undertaken with the assistance of the entire international community, and particularly that of the great Powers, in order to settle the situation in that vast region — a situation that is so dangerous for world peace and security.
12.	We live in an era in which priorities may vary from region to region and country to country. For the rich countries detente has become a matter of priority. For Africa —  for Africa, I say — independence and racial equality, objectives already attained elsewhere in the world, constitute that priority. It is therefore for the international community to help us in achieving our legitimate aims which are in keeping with international morality. There cannot be two yardsticks in international ethics. The rich world in the United Nations continues to appeal to Africa for co-operation in the fields of environment, population, terrorism, the law of the sea and so on. But what does the rest of the world do to help Africa achieve its objectives, its priorities? Hence, the questions of southern Africa must be included as a priority item on the agenda of international detente. To continue along the present course is not only morally unworthy of the international community but also dangerous, because violence will only increase and, in our time, violence knows no frontiers. At the present time we are witnessing a vast European effort to settle problems under the auspices of the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. The Prime Minister of Japan, Mr. Tanaka, for his part, has launched the idea of a conference on peace in Asia. Perhaps the time has come to think about a similar effort, at a conference on independence and peace in Africa, which would endeavour, with the assistance in particular of the great Powers, to achieve independence, racial equality and peace — all fundamental objectives of the Charter — in our torn continent.
13.	In this connexion, I should like to quote the very pertinent words spoken by our Secretary-General last year at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OA U] held at Rabat, Morocco, from 12 to 15 June 1972, that should dictate our approach and behaviour with respect to this crucial problem of contemporary history. He said:
"How great would be our joy and how relieved we would be if I were able to declare today that the whole of Africa was free and independent. The march of progress and independence has encountered many obstacles which today unduly delay, at the cost of much suffering, an ineluctable historical evolution. Sooner or later that process will be achieved by peaceful means or by force. There is no nation in our world which is so interdependent that it can resist forever the profound changes whose legitimacy the international community recognizes."
14.	"	Secondly, problems accumulate so quickly and human sufferings are still so great in so many countries of the world that we must, as rapidly as possible, go beyond the stage of detente, which is no more than a period of transition, and embark deliberately on a period of active human solidarity and international co-operation. The application of the United Nations Charter has frequently been delayed and hindered over these past 25 years by the cold war. The cold war having disappeared from view, we must return to the spirit of San Francisco and give an unprecedented impetus to our Organization which has, in the meantime, become fully representative of the whole world and of all human aspirations. The provisions of the Charter, be they political or economic, must be revived in the spirit of the detente and the co-operation that have become such an imperative need.
15.	We feel that, in particular, meetings between heads of State must be increased, not only bilaterally but also within this Organization, which offers a universal framework at a time When so many universal problems and difficulties stand in the way of the happiness of mankind. It is here, from this rostrum, that the views of the various nations must be given by their authorized leaders. It is here, in these halls and corridors, that practical plans of fraternity and human co-operation must be conceived and adopted. It is here, at the clearing-house of the problems and aspirations of the whole world that we must build the peaceful, unarmed, just and prosperous world community, united in its cultural and human diversity.

16.	There remains so much-to be done. Poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy that are still rampant in the world
should make us ashamed, especially when we think of the enormous resources wasted on dangerous and useless weapons. Here, too, we must draw all the logical consequences of detente. Might it not be a good thing for the Economic and Social Council to include an item on its agenda entitled "Detente and economic development" and review new actions that might derive from that detente for developing countries? To a large degree, assistance to poor countries in these past years stemmed from the cold war and the competition between the great Powers. What will happen to that aid? Could we not conceive of the possibility that competition would give way to co-operation and that joint aid programmes between the great Powers would be offered to the poor countries? The alliance of the scientific, technical and economic might of the rich countries could work miracles for the poor countries if they so wished. We sincerely hope that there will be a great alliance against poverty, an alliance in which all the advanced countries would participate regardless of their political or social system. Would it not be natural, moreover, with this trend of detente to envisage at least a doubling of multilateral resources and, in particular, those of the United Nations Development Programme? We sincerely believe that the Second Committee of the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council should attempt to relaunch aid on a vaster scale both bilaterally and internationally in the light of that detente. In so doing, special attention should be paid to the poorer developing countries, and above all to the landlocked countries. A first effort has been made in that direction by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] in Santiago, Chile, and by the United Nations Development Programme, but we hope that a less strict definition will be adopted for that category of countries and that greater resources will be envisaged for them.
17.	Yes, there is still so much to be done on our earth that an entirely new spirit, an unprecedented solidarity and cooperation, much greater generosity and understanding and much greater foresight must inspire us in the future,
18.	We have barely scratched the surface of knowledge concerning our planet. Research on the potential of our seas and oceans, which cover three quarters of our globe, has intensified recently; and we must applaud the agreement on oceanographic research concluded this summer in Washington between the Soviet Union and the United States of America.
19.	Only 30 per cent of our lands are inhabited and exploited. It took a terrible drought in the countries of the Sudano-Sahelian region and a further encroachment of the Sahara to open our eyes and to show us how meagre were the resources devoted to a better knowledge of our deserts, to the struggle against their extension and, better still, to their conquest and exploitation.
20.	Would it not be a good thing, at a time when so much is said of over-population and the population explosion, to consider a little further the possibilities of occupation and production that our earth offers us? Would it not be wise for the international community at this stage, after the warning given by the Sahara, to launch a vast programme of cooperation between countries which have deserts in order better to know those areas and to find the means of limiting their expansion and perhaps of conquering them for the welfare of man? That again is a practical suggestion that my country wishes to put forward, having in mind our brothers in the Sudano-Sahelian region.
21.	Our knowledge of the tropical and equatorial regions is not much more brilliant. The scientific and technological efforts of mankind have concentrated mainly on the natural conditions and the resources of the Nordic and rich countries. The exploration of the great biological potential of the tropical and equatorial regions has barely been sketched. One realizes to what extent efforts in these fields could be profitable when we think of the successes of the experimental stations of the Ford Foundation in Mexico and the Philippines which are at the root of the "green revolution" in wheat and rice. Now that the cold war is dying and an era ^f friendship is being initiated between the great scientific and ' industrial Powers, has not the time come to think of a new scientific and technical strategy, a true impetus to be given to our knowledge of the resources of our planet, and especially of 'he African continent, for the greater benefit of man?
22.	Peace, justice and progress in the world are to a large extent the fruit of peace, of justice and of progress in our respective countries. Hence, it is a good thing that each year countries should come to this rostrum to tell the world what they have done to contribute to the peace and well-being of their peoples. So far as the Central African Republic is concerned, we believe that we have honestly fulfilled our obligations and duties.
23.	Not only have we lived in peace with our neighbours, but the head of our State, His Excellency General Jean-Bedel Bokassa, a pilgrim of peace, continues to do everything in his power to contribute to the maintenance of international peace.
24.	Our Government, moreover, thanks to the policy in force since January 1966, the "Bokassa Operation", has established an original strategy for development and has worked for the well-being of its citizens.
25.	We have co-operated with our African brothers in the political, economic, cultural, technical and scientific fields within the framework of the Organization of African Unity [OAU\.
26.	We have co-operated with all the countries in the world in political, economic and social organs of the United Nations as well as in all large international conferences and in the specialized agencies.
27.	May we be forgiven for not always having the necessary highly skilled personnel to participate successfully in all these endeavours. The poor countries also have a paucity of diplomatic and technical personnel and the effort demanded by the complexity of international affairs, very often in highly scientific and technical fields, often exceeds the means of a country such as my own. But we try to do our best to add our block to the common building.
28.	The world has fortunately survived, without a new world war, one of its most dangerous periods, the most awesomely armed, and the most all-encompassing that has ever existed. We are on the threshold of a new era, without precedent in history, full of challenge and promise, but weighed down by problems, complexities, impatience and claims. We, men of all nations, without distinction as to colour, creed or culture, have a noble role to play, that of tackling together almost super-human tasks, for the well- being of the humble, the suffering, the disinherited, in their quest for peace, justice and progress for the whole of mankind.