Mr. President, allow me at the outset to express on my own behalf and on behalf of the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic most heartfelt congratulations on your election as President of the United Nations General Assembly at this historic session, which coincides with the fortieth anniversary of the foundation of our international Organization. We are confident that, thanks to your wide experience and skill, you will be able to fulfill the tasks of this session in such a competent manner as to guarantee the positive results to which we all aspire and to meet the challenges faced by the international community. I wish to aspire you that my delegation and I will spare no effort in co-operating with you and contributing to the success of the session and the achievement of its goals.
I wish, through you, to express great appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Paul Lusaka, President of the last session, for his well known ability, wisdom and expertise with which he conducted its proceedings.
I should also like to express our sincere appreciation of the continuing efforts made by Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, Secretary-General of the United Nations, to find just solutions to the international problems and crises faced by our world. We wish to convey to him our heartfelt gratitude for his report on the work of the Organization during the last year.
Three years ago our country experienced a terrible earthquake which had extremely destructive consequences, so it is natural that we should sympathize with the anguish of the friendly Republic of Mexico as a result of the recent earthquakes that it suffered. In view of the great tragedy which has befallen it, we wish, in the name of the leaders, the Government and the people of the Yemen Arab Republic, to convey our sincere sympathy and condolences to Mexico, its leaders and courageous people. We appeal to the international community to
spare no effort in assisting the friendly people of Mexico to overcome the consequences of the heart-rending ordeal which has befallen it.
We are all aware of developments in international relations. We live today in a world where anxiety and disturbances prevail, where relations among nations are characterized by tension and lack of trust. The international situation is replete with complexities and risks. As a result of the increasing number of instances of recourse to force as a method of resolving disputes and conflicts, to say nothing of the frantic escalation of the race to produce, possess and deploy nuclear weapons - even in outer space - we are also threatened by an extension of the threat posed by nuclear weapons.
We hope that the long awaited meeting between the two super-Powers, to be held next November, will pave the way for detente in international relations and curb the dangerous nuclear arms race. As a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Yemen Arab Republic, proceeding from its position of principle that calls for the achievement of peace and security in the world, maintains that the proliferation of these distressing phenomena and their implications for international relations are matters which constitute a comprehensive threat, not only to the States concerned, but also to international peace and security, and which are fraught with ominous and terrible consequences for the very existence of mankind.
As a result of this awareness, my country associates itself with other States which call for the cessation of the arms race and a limitation of the production of nuclear weapons, a halt to nuclear weapons tests and to programs for the militarization of outer space, as a prelude to the elimination of all nuclear weapons and their stockpiles once and for all. At the same time, it emphasizes the need to return to the negotiating table to discuss complete disarmament in a responsible and constructive manner with a view to preserving civilization. My country supports all efforts aimed at the prevention of the use of nuclear weapons as well as the commitment by States not to be the first to use such weapons, just as it supports a freeze on those weapons, whether unilateral, bilateral or multilateral.
The Yemen Arab Republic has always advocated that disputes and conflicts should be resolved in a peaceful manner, without recourse to the threat or use of force. As we are marking the fortieth anniversary of the foundation of our Organization, this may be an ideal opportunity to recall the tragedies brought about by the terrible and destructive Second world War, when the world did not possess these enormous arsenals of sophisticated nuclear weapons that it has now. We are therefore under a duty to consider in a serious and responsible manner the destiny of mankind and ways of promoting its well-being and happiness. We have to make greater efforts to avert the scourge of war and the complete destruction and annihilation it would cause. It is regrettable that the enormous financial resources are being used to achieve supremacy in the arms race rather than to free peoples from hunger, disease and backwardness through economic and social development.
For these reasons, my country supports all sincere action aimed at diverting military expenditure to economic and social development in the developing countries and to the realization of all sound and legitimate aspirations.
In this respect, and since the time is close at hand for the convening of a conference on the Indian Ocean, I wish to reaffirm that my country rejects the idea of any military presence in the Indian Ocean and the Arab Sea. I wish to support the call to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace and security, free from foreign fleets and nuclear weapons. I also wish to support all efforts aimed at maintaining nuclear-weapon-free zones.
We believe that the Middle Bast is one of the most sensitive areas which should be free of nuclear weapons, and that there should be international guarantees not to introduce such weapons into this area, their introduction would only increase existing tension in that area there end exacerbate the present situation which is the result of the policies and practices of Israel - aggressive policies, as you we know. For more than 30 years we have been repeating that the core of the Middle East conflict lies in the Palestinian cause.
Today, we wish to reiterate before the whole world that international peace and security is constantly threatened by Israel as a result of its unchanging intransigence and its insistence on continuing to occupy Palestine, its denial of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, and its expansionist, aggressive and racist policies at the expense of the rights of the Palestinian people and the neighboring Arab countries. It also persists in all types of repression and oppression, which constitutes a challenge to the whole international community, and a stark violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations, and of its resolutions, as well as of all the international conventions and instruments on human rights and the freedom of peoples and nations.
Our Arab nation has suffered a great deal from the implanting of the Zionist entity in the heart of the Arab nation, since the usurpation of Palestine, from the tine of the oppressive and aggressive wars against the Arab peoples up to the invasion of Lebanon in 1982. The world has constantly condemned the aggressive policy of Israel; it has constantly denounced that policy, as is evidenced by the numerous resolutions adopted by this body, representing the will of the international community.
Those resolutions attest to the continuous aggression of Israel, and the policy of occupation and annexation of territories by force which Israel has been pursuing. Those resolutions have called for its withdrawal from the territories of others that it has occupied, as well as for the recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people. However, Israel, despite those resolutions, has been acting with arrogance and conceit, and flouting the will of the international community. It has rejected all these resolutions. This conduct could not have continued without the unlimited moral, economic and military support, given it by one of the super-Powers, the united States of America, which is supposed to fulfill a major role in the maintenance of international peace and security. The strategic alliance between Israel and the United States today is the clearest evidence of this unlimited support.
It is high time for the international community to put an end to the arrogance and acts of aggression on the part of Israel, and to support the just rights of the Palestinian people, based on the justice of the Palestinian cause and the fact that it is the core of the Middle East conflict and that peace and security in the region will not be achieved except through a recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to return to its homeland, to determine its own future, and to establish an independent State on its national territory under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), its sole legitimate representative.
Hence, we reiterate the call to the countries that stand by Israel - first and foremost the United States of America, with its very special relations with Israel - to review their policy in the area, as well as their biased stand towards Israel, so that they can make a positive contribution to solving the Palestinian conflict and the problem of the Middle East, and so that they can co-operate with the international community in bringing pressure to bear on Israel to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations for the preservation of international peace and security.
In this respect, the proposal to hold an international peace conference on the Middle East still represents, in our view, the only practical and sound framework for a solution of the Palestinian issue, because it is based on the participation of all the parties concerned, including the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, with a view to reaching a peaceful and just solution in the area.
The Yemen Arab Republic, which has taken up a position of principle in supporting the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, maintains that any settlement that ignores those rights is unjust and is foredoomed to failure. Unilateral solutions and settlements have not solved the Palestinian problem, but have made it more complex and diverted attention from the road to a sound and just solution. All the Arab countries have affirmed their sincere resolve concerning a just peace in the Middle East through the initiative based on resolutions of the 12th Arab Summit, which was welcomed and appreciated by many countries and organizations. It is an initiative which was reaffirmed by the resolution of the emergency Arab summit held in Casablanca last August.
However, Israel, which is an entity primarily founded on aggression and terrorism, is not really desirous of a genuine and just peace. Each day brings more evidence that confirms this fact, which is a secret to no one.
Just last week, military Israeli aircraft shelled civilian quarters in the sister state of Tunisia. Although this raid, as an act of aggression against the sovereignty of a Member State of this Organization, violated international law and tile Charter of the United Nations, Israel had no shame in admitting its responsibility for this barbarous air raid, which caused great loss of life and destruction.
Since the United Nations is unable to punish Israel for its evil deeds, Israel will not give up its arrogance and its challenging attitude towards international public opinion, just like the racist regime in South Africa.
The world is even more convinced today that the aggressive practices of Israel against the States of the region will not cease, remembering what took place in Lebanon. Southern Lebanon is still suffering under the yoke of occupation, on various pretexts that have no basis in international law or the United Nations Charter, which Israel is violating with such arrogance and unprecedented brazenness.
In view of this continuing occupation of pacts of southern Lebanon, the United Nations must work for the immediate withdrawal of Israel, without any delay or conditions, in implementation of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. At the same time we wish to affirm our unconditional support for the Lebanese people, which is steadfast in its legitimate struggle to liberate its territories, solve its problems without any outside interference or pressure, and exercise its sovereignty and freedom.
Unfortunately, the Iraq-Iran war has entered its sixth year without a ray of hope for an end. There is even a threat of its being extended to neighboring areas, with such terrible consequences and implications for the region and international peace and security. The Yemen Arab Republic highly values Iraq's positive position and its sincere response to all efforts and good offices, especially those of the Secretary-General, as well as those of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. It has accepted all the resolutions calling for a cessation of the war and sparing bloodshed, including Security Council resolution 540 (1983) and the resolutions of the Organization of the Islamic Conference issued after the Foreign Ministers' meeting in Sanaa last December.
In view of the foregoing, we appeal to Iran to respond positively to those resolutions, initiatives and mediation efforts. We also call on all the countries of the world, especially the major Powers and those which can be influential, to assume their responsibilities for a cessation of this war and work towards reaching a just solution in keeping with the dignity and the legitimate rights of the two warring countries and in accordance with the rules of international law, peacefully and through negotiations.
The continuation of the Afghan -problem, without a solution, represents in turn a continuous threat to stability in this crucial area. Therefore, we reiterate here once more the position of the Yemen Arab Republic that stands by all the efforts being made to solve this problem in a peaceful manner through negotiations between the parties concerned, in order that the Afghan people may be enabled to exercise its right to sovereignty and to choosing its own form and type of political, economic and social system, without any foreign pressure or interference.
We believe that a start to solving the problem can be achieved in the return of the refugees to their homeland as soon as possible and by putting an end to all kinds of external intervention in Afghanistan, whatever the source.
As for the question of Cyprus, the recent developments, including the problems confronted by the negotiators of the two communities, should not be the end of the road, because dialog, in our view, is the only way to reach an agreed upon solution guaranteeing for all freedom of religion and equality in rights and duties, in a unified and independent Cyprus.
Although the world is today marking the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we are still confronting the chronic problem of the occupation of the Territory of Namibia by the racist Pretoria regime. Hence we must renew our efforts in supporting the struggle of the heroic Namibian people, under the leadership of the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. We call on the international community to solve the Namibian problem and break the vicious cycle by putting an end to the occupation of the Territory of Namibia by racist South Africa and strongly condemning the current measures of the South African regime, that are completely in contravention of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the Security Council.
We believe that the implementation of the resolutions of this Organization, especially Security Council resolution 435 (1978), constitutes the practical and suitable solution to this problem, which is one of the most invidious with regard to oppression, suppression and aggression.
The international community has continuously condemned the racist policy of South Africa, which is a blot on the annals of modern history. It is regrettable that the racist Pretoria regime should still be unashamedly pursuing its racist
policy, thus flouting all relevant international resolutions and international public opinion.
Since birds of a feather flock together, this Fascist, racist regime has found no ally except Israel, with which it is linked in an unholy alliance; unfortunately, it is also supported by countries that pay unceasing lip-service to human rights and the defense of democratic freedoms. It is even more disturbing that such co-operation has not been confined to political co-ordination; it has been extended to something that is even more dangerous, the production of nuclear weapons.
My delegation notes with satisfaction the aspirations expressed by the Korean people, in the North and the South, for reunification. We believe that the achievement of these goals can take place only through peaceful means and on a democratic basis, free from all foreign influences.
My country, which is following with deep concern the disturbances and armed confrontations in Central America, is of the view that the best way to solve the problems and disputes lies in resort to dialog and other peaceful means, in addition to the need of providing the peoples of the States of the region an opportunity to decide on their own future and to choose their own forms of government without any foreign interference.
The Yemen Arab Republic views with concern the continuation of instability in the world and the proliferation of tensions in international relations. Aware of its responsibilities and wishing to play a responsible role, both regionally and internationally, it decided to host the Fifteenth Meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Organization of the Islamic Conference last December in Sanaa. We were pleased that that important meeting was held on our territory, especially since its work was successful. The agenda contained a number of contemporary issues of interest to the Islamic nation which were considered in a spirit of responsibility and understanding.
In keeping with my country's consistent position of principle, we have always adhered to the policy of non-alignment in all our practices and positions. We have always believed in promoting and supporting the activities of the Non-Aligned Movement, and in participating in forging its direction, as a safety valve for the developing and poor countries and as a shield against their being dragged into power rivalry. Non-alignment is the only way for third world countries to resist all forms of domination and hegemony on the part of the major Powers and support international peace and the promotion of detente and peaceful coexistence. Our concept of non-alignment is based on understanding and mutual, co-operation with other countries, whatever the political system and the philosophies and ideologies, within the framework of mutual respect and non-interference in internal affairs. This has been embodied in our foreign policy and has always been reflected in our international relations.
The worsening world economic situation and other crises are due above all to the widening gap between the developed countries and the developing countries which has the effect of weakening the basis of relations between them. As long as the rich countries regard the developing countries as mere sources of their commodity requirements and markets for their processed products and not as partners, the relations between the two parties will not produce the desired results for the world economy because they are lacking in equity.
There has been a proliferation of negative phenomena in the world economy, such as fluctuations of exchange rates and protectionist barriers that impede the progress of the developing countries. Action taken to restrict the transfer of technology to these countries has had the effect of aggravating economic crises. All this has negative and dangerous implications for the economies of the developing countries, which are experiencing a deterioration of the terms of their international trade and major deficits in their balance of trade, spiraling indebtedness, cutbacks in their development plans and a reduction of their economic growth. The continuation of this state of imbalance will lead to the collapse of their economies and make it impossible for them to meet their commitments, and will bring about the complete destruction of the world's monetary and commercial systems, which would be detrimental, to us all.
For this reason, we call on the industrialized countries to show more understanding of the new international economic order, based on equity and justice, which would require the restructuring of economies and the establishment of a new international monetary system that would take into account all new circumstances and a balance between commerce and the prices of commodities. Indeed, the only way out of the deteriorating world economic situation is, to create new economic relations based on equity. We must therefore make a concerted effort to implement the resolutions of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly concerning global negotiations as the most effective solution. In that way we could support and activate international economic co-operation multilaterally and implement the principles of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of states, as well as the plans of action relating to the establishment of the new international economic order. The developing countries have put forward a number of practical solutions to deal with the economic crisis; these include the Caracas Program of Action and the initiatives of Buenos Aires, as well as the economic declarations of the seventh summit meeting of the non-aligned countries, what our world needs today is greater interdependence and complementarity; we can achieve more prosperity and happiness for mankind through an objective and comprehensive approach.
My country, which is one of the least developed countries, has been afflicted in the past two years with earthquakes and repeated droughts, which led to changes in the programs that were to be implemented within the framework of the second five-year plan. However, we are still optimistic that, thanks to our rational leadership, with the help our brothers and friends, and through this Organization and other bodies, we shall be able to overcome the consequences of these unfavorable conditions.
Despite the suffering endured by my country, it is following with extreme concern that of the African countries, especially Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, Chad and others, brought about by the drought that has led to the deaths of thousands by starvation. It calls on the international community, and especially the industrialized countries, to assume their historical responsibility to help these countries to overcome these catastrophes. We believe that economic development assistance will enable these countries to overcome their crises on the basis of the substantial new program of action adopted by the international community in favor of the least developed countries.
As we celebrate at this session the fortieth anniversary of the founding of this Organization, we in the Yemen Arab Republic are aware more than ever before that we have achieved, through our participation in the work of the United Nations, something that is in keeping with the interests and links that bind us to the rest of the peoples and States of the world. The importance we attach to this Organization and its role is indicated by the fact that respect for the instruments of the United Nations and other international organizations was laid down as one of the six objectives of the revolution in our country, only a few days ago, on 26 September, my country celebrated the twenty-third anniversary of our glorious Septsrakar revolution. Its achievements indicate the devotion of our political leadership, under the presidency of Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh, to the aspirations of our people embodied in the six objectives of the glorious September revolution and its commitment to the approach clearly set forth in our Constitution. The progress made so proudly by our country along the path of economic development, especially in agricultural production, mining and oil prospecting, is regarded by our political leadership as a necessary step in consolidating the freedom of the individual, since man is both the means and the end of development.
The latest elections held to enlarge the membership of the General People's Congress and civic Councils have reaffirmed, through the approach adopted and the purpose envisaged, the principle of popular participation in assuming responsibility for the course of development. At the same time they reflect the resolve of our political leadership to pursue the democratic option which ensures individual and collective freedoms in an equal manner; It is gratifying that our people in the south and in the north have made great progress towards
reunification, thanks to the success of the methods adopted by the political leadership in the two parts of Yemen in creating the basis for common institutions. Those two leaderships, through the higher Yemen Council, have decided to implement the recommendations of the unity committees in all fields -and that augurs well for unification.
The United Nations, which is now 40 years old, is called upon more than ever before to continue to promote the confidence of peoples in the organization. The best way of doing so would be to solve, at this historic session, some of the chronic problems it faces, as the Secretary-General has suggested in his annual report. Despite the number and complexity of those problems, certain issues, such as those relating to Palestine, the Middle East, Namibia and South Africa, should be given priority.
Those issues have remained unsolved for many years, even decades. If that were achieved we would make this session a historic one indeed.
Needless to say, the United Nations success in fulfilling its assigned role and implementing the aims of the Charter depends basically on the extent of the co-operation of the Member countries and their adherence to its resolutions -something for which all countries must strive to ensure the well-being, peace and tranquility of mankind.
A world without the United Nations would be more prone to anarchy - and perhaps even to all-out war. In spite of our Organization's shortcomings, it still remains the best framework for dialog to settle disputes among warring factions and reconcile different creeds and various interests - the best tool for resolving conflicts and disputes. Despite the criticisms directed against it, since its inception the United Nations has been able to play a tangible role in the maintenance of international peace and security, to contribute to the solution of many problems and crises in various parts of the world, and to lend its support in the struggle of many peoples that have now gained their independence and become Members of the Organization, thanks to the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted in 1960, the twenty-fifth anniversary of which, among others, .the United Nations is commemorating this year.
In conclusion, I am honored to convey to the Assembly greetings and best wishes from my country, its leadership, Government and people. I wish success for this historic session so that understanding, love, justice and peace may prevail in our world.


It gives me great pleasure to offer my most sincere congratulations to the President on his election to lead the General Assembly. I am confident that his competence and long experience in the United Nations will be an asset to us all in our endeavors to reach positive
results at this historic session. What we find even more gratifying is the fact that he represents a country with which the Arab nation has had a long history of mutual friendship and inter-cultural relations. The delegation of Iraq wishes to assure him of its readiness to extend its fullest co-operation in contributing to the successful execution of his responsibilities.
I wish also to take this opportunity to express to the Secretary-General once more our confidence in him and our appreciation of his painstaking efforts in the service of the principles of the United Nations.
The current session of the United Nations has a historic significance, in that it embodies a commemorative occasion upon which we ought to pause and consider the road that the Organization has traveled since its foundation. In the normal way we come to the rostrum of the United Nations to air our views about the major issues facing us, but in this particular year it is our duty in dealing with such issues to approach the facts candidly and realistically in the hope that we may better preserve the principles upon which the Organization was founded. Most important among those principles is the establishment of peace, which the peoples of the world see as essential to the exercise of their rights to sovereignty, security and dignity, and without which justice in the world will give way to chaos and destruction.
My country and the other countries of our region stand in greater danger of aggression than any other part of the world, and are therefore in greater need of peace and stability and of the implementation of the principles upon which the Organization was founded 40 years ago.
In our region, there are two regimes that seek their objectives through policies of aggression and expansion at the expense of neighboring States, policies they carry out with impunity. Unrestrained by conscience, the Zionist and Iranian regimes have demonstrated a total lack of responsibility in their persistent disregard for the United Nations and their continual violations of its Charter. Our Organization has yet to succeed in compelling those two regimes to respect its authority and abide by the principles agreed upon by the whole of civilized mankind.
The United Nations is not unaware of the facts of the Iranian aggression against my country. Iraqi representatives have submitted sufficient documents about the facts, together with detailed statements about my country's position, since the beginning of Iran's aggression more than five years ago, an aggression which has figured high on the United Nations agenda. The most flagrant fact about this aggression is Iran's undisguised objective - the toppling of the political and social systems in Iraq and other countries in the region, where the Iranians want to establish their own brand of backward and barbaric rule. That bizarre course of action, which the Iranian regime is determined to pursue against Iraq and other countries, is basically the main cause of Iran's continued aggression and of the dangers and turbulences threatening our region.
Iraq's increasing efforts, together with those of other countries in the region, to establish normal relations with Iran, based on the principles of good-neighborliness, mutual respect and non-interference in the internal affairs of States, have all been in vain. From the very beginning the Iranian regime insisted upon fomenting trouble and applying its expansionist policies in the area. It started its aggression against Iraq by shelling innocent civilian border towns with heavy artillery in preparation for its full-scale invasion of Iraq and occupation of its territories by force.
Faced with such imminent dangers, Iraq had no choice but to defend its sovereignty and security. The international Organization has been trying since that time to resolve the dispute on the basis of the Charter and within the means available to it. It passed Security Council resolution 479 (1980), its first on the dispute, on 28 September 1980, calling upon the warring parties to cease hostilities and to settle their differences by peaceful means. While Iran rejected that resolution, Iraq not only agreed to it, but also accepted in all sincerity the Organization's jurisdiction over the dispute, together with every resolution it was to pass calling for the dispute to be resolved peacefully and in accordance with the Charter. Iraq also accepted the jurisdiction of other international organizations, such as the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement. The Iranian regime has, on its part, rejected all resolutions adopted to date by this or any other international Organization. Iran has tried instead to impose preconditions for ending the war that were both ridiculous and contrary to the rules of international law and the principles of international relations. These preconditions not only reflect the anomalous nature of the Iranian regime, but also accurately reveal its evil, expansionist and aggressive intentions.
When, in an attempt to resolve certain issues related to the conflict, international efforts were begun with a view on mitigating the war's overall effect, Iraq co-operated in all sincerity with those efforts in the hope that peace could be established step by step. The reality of *he situation, however, has shown beyond any doubt that the Iranian regime's response to those efforts has been opportunistic and time serving, very much in line with its plans to prolong the war and to achieve its neurotic, sick dreams to dominate Iraq and other countries in the region.
We are all well aware of the unfounded claims that the barbaric Iranian regime has been making in its campaign of crocodile tears with regard to certain issues related to its own aggression and caused by its own insistence upon prolonging it.
On the question of shelling populated civilian areas, I need not go into a detailed account of the already documented and established facts about how, on 4 September 1980, the Iranian regime began shelling Iraqi cities and civilian centers and about how it has continued to do so ever since that date whenever its aircraft found an opportunity to penetrate Iraqi air space.
The important fact in this issue is that on 27 June 1983 President Saddam Hussein of the Iraqi Republic proposed that a special agreement be signed between the two countries, under the auspices of the United Nations, which would protect civilian targets from further attacks. But Iran rejected that proposal, and that rejection was noted in a special paragraph of Security Council resolution 540 (1983) adopted in 1983 and also rejected by Iran.
Only after Iraq had foiled and completely destroyed Iran's major offensive against its southern sector in February 1984 did the Iranian regime begin to show any interest in this matter and to call upon the international Organization to do something about it.
The Secretary-General's subsequent initiative brought about the 12 June 1984 agreement, according to which each side undertook to refrain from deliberate attacks on purely civilian centers. That obligation, however, did not deter the Iranian regime from bypassing the agreement.by turning its border towns and villages into areas of military concentrations. He warned against this in my letter of 27 June 1984 (document S/16649). In that letter I demanded that a sufficient number of observers be dispatched to the area to supervise implementation of the agreement. The Iranian regime rejected the idea from the outset but ultimately agreed to allow the team of observers to stay in Tehran without giving them the right to make inspection visits to the areas covered by the agreement in order to verify its implementation.
After this we began to receive false Iranian claims of Iraqi violations of the agreement, and Iran's President went so far as to issue a statement on 8 February 1985 in which he threatened to shell the city of Basrah and warned its inhabitants to leave town (document S/16948). The same warning was repeated on 4 March 1985, giving the people of Basrah only 12 hours to evacuate toe city.
Ostensibly in response to a raid carried out by Iraqi planes on a factory in the suburbs of Ahwaz, an area not covered by the agreement, a further violation of the agreement occurred at the same time as we were negotiating the matter of prisoners of war here in New York in the Security Council in the hope of finding a solution to their tragic predicament.
The Iranian threat was in fact carried out, and Basrah was subjected to severe shelling. Yet all this was only a prelude to what was to be Iran's largest and fiercest offensive against the southern sector of Iraq. That offensive, which began on 12 March 1985, was aimed at occupying southern Iraq and installing a puppet regime there. The offensive was carried out despite an appeal issued by the Secretary-General only three days before in which he had asked both parties to refrain from shelling cities. Our positive response to the Secretary-General's appeal was immediate. He expressed Iraq's complete readiness to participate in the negotiations conducted under his auspices with a view to drawing up effective measures whereby the 12 June agreement would no longer be open to exploitation for aggressive, militaristic purposes.
Does this leave any doubt as to Iran's real intentions in accepting the said agreement? The Iranian regime's acceptance of it was a diversionary tactic and an attempt to neutralize Iraqi strikes against Iranian military concentrations. Part of the diversion also consisted in Iran's deliberate violation of the agreement in an attempt to launch its offensive in an atmosphere of chaos.
Let us briefly consider the issue of the raids on ships. In 1983 Iraq called for serious measures to be taken to maintain security and stability in the Arab Gulf and to guarantee free navigation for all States, regardless of whether they are or are not part of the Gulf area. That proposal was welcomed by the States of the Gulf Co-operation Council and by all those eager to see security and stability prevail in our region and in the world at large.
The spirit of that proposal was also reflected in the legal and political principles embodied in Security Council resolution 540 (1983) of 31 October 1983,, a resolution that equitably safeguards the interests of all States in the Arab Gulf area as well as those of the international community and of international navigation and trade.
Although that resolution called for only a partial cessation of hostilities between the two countries, which may in fact have contributed to prolonging the war, Iraq welcomed it, as did the Golf Co operation Council and all international circles. The Iranian regime, however, rejected that resolution and spurned all international efforts that sought to justify the rejection as a gesture of courtesy to Iran in an attempt to lure it into accepting some kind of undeclared realistic commitment to the resolution.
The Iranians rejected all this because they were preparing a new major offensive against Basrah, one that was eventually carried out in February 1984. However, having seen their offensive foiled, their forces destroyed and their ports blockaded in response to the blockade they themselves had imposed on our ports since the outbreak of the war, the Iranians began to feel the bite of the situation.
Their regime began to cry wolf about threats posed by the blockade to international navigation in the Gulf. Tehran cried out for international law to be observed. But instead of approaching the situation with prudence by accepting resolution 540 (1983), which is both wise and balanced, the rulers of Iran resorted to attacking vessels belonging to the Arab Gulf States that were in no way involved in the armed conflict. Iran's objective in these attacks was to force the Gulf States to put pressure on Iraq and make it end its blockade of Iranian ports. This was embodied in Security Council resolution 552 (1984), which was also rejected by Iran, together with all other efforts aimed at easing the conflict and reaching a balanced solution in which nations!, regional and international navigational interests were to be safeguarded. Instead, Iran persisted in exercising its policy of piracy and terror against the countries of the region.
The reason behind this behavior of the Tehran rulers was the same as that which made them reject resolution 54Q (1983) in a previous year. It was that they were preparing for their major offensive of March 1985, aimed at occupying Basrah and installing a puppet government there. Again, as they saw their invasion destroyed by our defense forces, they began to talk of international law and freedom of navigation.
What is worth pointing out here is that the Iranian regime understands the rules of international law and free navigation only in so far as they serve its military objectives. That regime has never stopped its raids against neutral vessels or refrained from its other acts of piracy. Iran has launched 19 such raids since September 1984, in addition to 45 other acts of piracy carried out since the beginning of that year. They were directed not only against Arab targets; the list includes vessels from India, Spain, Greece, South Korea, Liberia, Panama, West Germany, Britain, Belgium and China, as well as Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.

Let us consider the tragedy of the prisoners of war. The Tehran authorities have always treated Iraqi prisoners of war on the basis of the political premise of Iranian expansionist territorial ambitions in Iraq. Not only have they premeditatedly killed those prisoners of war who had refused to succumb to their will; they have also planted among the rest of them Iranian elements who have previously resided in Iraq. The aim of this measure is to spread psychological terror and to impose political and physical oppression with a view to undermining the allegiance of the prisoners of war to their country. These practices were such that the head of the International Red Cross team that visited the area on a fact-finding mission confirmed, in a report dated 23 November 1984, that Iranian treatment of Iraqi prisoners of war left them with but two choices: treason or death. The team itself was treated extremely badly by the Iranian authorities - to such an extent that it was forced to abandon its work in Iran.
When the report of the Secretary-General's mission was published, we attended the Security Council meeting of 4 March 1985 to discuss the subject. As usual, Iran was conspicuous for its absence. The reason was, yet again, its preparation for the March 1985 offensive, which, having been foiled, left the Tehran regime with nothing to do but to feign concern about the conditions of the prisoners of war and to pretend to be interested in finding partial solutions to their problem, which, in reality is a horrific tragedy. Of course, this came at a time when, as one is bound to remind the Assembly, the Iranian rulers themselves had refused to consider an Iraqi proposal for a comprehensive solution to the prisoner-of-war dilemma, a proposal I submitted to the Secretariat in a letter dated 9 March 1985.
If those rulers actually possessed only some of the human attributes they claimed for themselves, they should not have rejected Iraq's reasoned, all-embracing solution to the prisoner-of-war problem, a solution widely appreciated in the international circles concerned. Nor should they have persisted in producing lies about their treatment of Iraqi prisoners of war.
As I explained to the Security Council on 4 March 1985, the Iranian rulers do not consider the question of the prisoners of war a humanitarian issue. They think of them rather as a political card they can use to promote their expansionist schemes against Iraq. From time to time Iran cries wolf about the principles of international law. Yet these cries remain only part of Iran's propaganda tactics.
What is true of Iranian behavior in relation to the shelling of civilian centers, the attacks on ships or the treatment of prisoners of war is also true in relation to other issues in the conflict, such as aviation and the use of chemical weapons, which are often brought up by the Iranian regime. The common denominator in these issues, as far as Iranian conduct is concerned, remains the fact that the Iranian regime usually takes a selective, self-interested stand towards the United Nations Charter and international law. Iran picks only those parts it finds suitable for its own ends and its plans to prolong the war and rejects those that call for peace and justice, for adherence to the principles of sovereignty, good-neighborliness and non-interference in the internal affairs of States, and for the abandonment of all forms of hegemony, domination, force, terror find aggression.
If the Iranian regime had really been interested in observing international law, it should not have raised the slogan "a clean war", nor should Iran have continued to launch its limited and major offensives against Iraqi territories regardless of the huge losses sustained by its forces in the process.
The number of Iranian military offensives launched against Iraq, for instance, from September 1984 to September 1985 readied 16. Four of these offensives were major ones, including two in the northern sector, one in the middle sector and another in the southern sector. The remaining 12 were launched against the southern sectors of Iraq. In none of these offensives has the Iranian regime been able to. achieve any of its objectives its forces have sustained huge losses in both men and equipment.
Iran's insistence upon continuing the war in the hope of achieving its expansionist dreams in Iraq and the region, combined with its eclectic and self-interested approach to international conventions and agreements, has been the main reason for the failure of the theory that peace can be achieved through partial settlements. From the very beginning, in the light of our close awareness of the real nature of the Iranian regime, we did not expect that theory to produce positive results. Yet we treated it in the spirit of hope and co-operation to show the world once again our sincere wish to reach a just and honorable peace based on the Charter, international law and the principles of sovereignty, independence, non-interference and the
For these reasons and in the light of our bitter experiences with the Iranian regime, which thrives cm ideas totally at odds with the spirit of the age and contrary to the rules and practices of modern international relations, it has become imperative that we view with extreme caution efforts aimed at finding partial solutions to issues related to the conflict. Such a method has succeeded only in enabling the Iranian regime to prolong the war over a period of more than five years. Peace is one, an indivisible whole, and if peace is to be realized, then all good efforts must be directed towards achieving it comprehensively according to a practicable program which has no room for exploitation.
This is the position which I conveyed to the Secretariat on 16 March 1985 in document S/17037 and which provided the basis for our talks with the Secretary-General in New York on 24 March, when he proposed his eight-point program to both countries, as well as on 8 and 9 April, when he visited our capital. It is also the position expressed by President Saddam Hussein in his letter to the Iranian peoples of 14 June 1985.
It is important to pause here and remind ourselves of the Secretary-General's report to the Security Council after his trip to Iran and Iraq, a report contained in document S/17097. In that report the Secretary-General indicated that, although his consultations with the two sides did not reduce the gap between them, there remained real grounds for efforts to continue being exerted in order to bring peace closer. He also expressed the conviction that the first necessary step on the road to peace should be a meeting of the Security Council attended by both parties to the conflict and at which all aspects of the conflict would be discussed and reviewed.
What has taken place? Members of the Security Council thought that the best way to bring the Iranian regime to the Council table would be through appeasement. Hence came the Council's statement of 25 April, which attempted to balance the Council's earlier call for a cessation of hostilities embodied in its statement of 15 March. What was the result? The Iranian rulers announced that the statement of 25 April was still insufficient and that any positive response on their part remained subject to the implementation of their ridiculous preconditions, which are contrary to the United Nations Charter and international law.
Thus, the logic of appeasement has led to a stalemate in the sound implementation of the principles of the Charter and international law. It has also alleviated international pressure on the aggressor and practically allowed him to continue his aggression. Appeasement and courtesy do not pay with expansionist, aggressive regimes nor do they promote the objectives of peace, security and stability, for such regimes may interpret appeasement as the willingness to overlook criminal practices and violations of the rules of international relations, and may thus be encouraged to persist in their policies of aggression, sabotage and terrorism.
The Palestinian question, including the rights of the Arab Palestinian people, has been one of the most important issues in the United Nations since its foundation, while the tragedy of this dispersed people remains a pressing matter, the Arabs of Palestine are repeatedly subjected to massacre and extermination. The objective has always been to eliminate this people's heritage, identity and very existence. The Palestinians continue to suffer the most inhuman treatment at the hands of their Zionist oppressors, whose racist measures have included not only expulsion, dispersion, confiscation of property, and so on, but also the establishment of Zionist settlements on Arab lands.
We strongly support the struggle of the Arab Palestinian people under the leadership of its sole, legitimate representative for the restoration of its inalienable national rights. He also strongly support the political and non-political struggle of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to attain the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
The flagrant violations and aggressive acts that the Arab nation has faced during the past 10 years have revealed the extent of convergence of the political aims of the racist regimes in the region. The Zionist raid against Iraq's peaceful nuclear installations in 1981, the first of its kind, was timed and carried out in full harmony with an aggressive war which the rulers of Iran persist in launching and intensifying against our country. This highlights the extent of the collaboration between the regimes of Tehran and Tel Aviv in executing their criminal schemes against Iraq and the Arab nation. The main objective of these schemes is to deprive the Arab nation of its opportunities for progress and prosperity and to prevent it from taking its rightful place among civilized nations. They also aim at the dismemberment of this nation into mini-States and warring factions. The ongoing destruction and fragmentation of Lebanon, while demonstrating the extent of the damage that the combined efforts of these two aggressive regimes can cause, call for immediate measures to protect this State from partition and total disintegration, and to restore to it the peace, stability and unity it once enjoyed.
On this historic occasion at the United Nations, it seems more important than ever before that we do not confine our efforts to making statements and issuing declarations, of which too many have already been produced. The future of this Organization and the credibility of its Members' resolve to defend, protect and improve it for the benefit of peace rests first and foremost upon our willingness to turn words into deeds. To achieve this, practical and effective measures are required.
We ought to remember as well the important issue taken up by the Secretary-General in his annual report, an issue which he describes as being "not so much  the future of the United Nations as the future of humanity and of our planet and the role of the United Nations in that future" (A/40/1, p. 2). In his report the Secretary-General recommends that the Security Council exert, in the near future, special concerted efforts to resolve one or two of the major problems before it, taking whatever measures and actions it deems necessary within the framework of the Charter.
We call upon the United Nations in general, and the Security Council and the Secretariat, in particular, to find a comprehensive settlement to the Iraq-Iran conflict; a settlement that will ensure peace and justice through the authority vested in the Council by the Charter. The Council shoulders a special responsibility to rise above partial and narrow interests and to view issues through common international interests. These common interests cannot be maintained without deterring the party that takes an aggressive stand by insisting on war and rejecting peace. This is, of course, a stand shared by the Iranian and Zionist regimes, which have both ignored and ridiculed the various resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council. Just as the Iranian regime insists upon continuing its aggression against Iraq and rejecting all proposals for a just and honorable peace, the Zionist regime maintains its policies of aggression, repression and racial discrimination against the Arab people of Palestine.
Without deterrent action and the measures required to make it effect, the United Nations will remain merely a rostrum for grievances, incapable of living up to its founders' intention of creating an international body through which peace and security in the world could be effectively maintained.
In the light of our categorical rejection of all forms of racial discrimination, we hereby reiterate our full support for, and solidarity with, the people of Namibia in its struggle for liberty and independence under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), its sole legitimate representative. We also condemn the racist policies practiced by the Pretoria regime against the struggling peoples of Namibia and South Africa. We affirm these peoples* right to liberty^ independence and a free life.
The fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly comes at a time when the international economic situation is beset by crucial problems. In spite of scattered signs of improvement in certain industrial countries, fears are still widespread that tho current recession may lead to further deterioration in the economic field, and may seriously damage the economies of developing countries.
The fact that the present economic situation has dragged on for so long demonstrates that the crisis is not just a temporary cyclical phenomenon, but the outcome of deep-rooted imbalances, of maladjustment in the economic structure and of the absence of justice in international economic relations.
The current economic crisis and its negative consequences have also brought about the collapse of traditional methods of co-operation in the field of development. Successive international conferences have either failed completely or produced only disappointing results. Plans to resume global negotiations remain at a standstill, and efforts to halt further deterioration in international trade have not made much progress. In addition to all this, there has emerged a growing tendency to break up the general international consensus on development.
Iraq reaffirms its total commitment to global negotiations in accordance with General Assembly resolution 34/138. Iraq also wishes to express its conviction that global negotiations still represents the most comprehensive method for the international community to restructure international economic relations, develop the economies of developing countries and strengthen multilateral economic co-operation.
We hope sincerely that as we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we will succeed in finding the opportunity to achieve real progress in this field.
With regard to the critical economic situation confronting developing countries, Iraq wishes to voice its deep concern about the gravity of the problem in Africa, where economic deterioration is caused both by difficulties in the international economic situation and by continual droughts, desertification and other natural disasters on that continent.
We welcome all practical and effective measures adopted and implemented by the international community in support of short-term and long-term efforts by the African countries to deal with their own crises.
We would also like to express our concern about the growing burden of foreign debts shouldered by the developing countries. These debts ought to be seen in the light of their detrimental effects on the economies of these countries.
Finally, Iraq supports all international proposals urging the developed creditor countries and international financial and monetary institutions to enter into direct negotiations with developing countries, with a view to reaching a fair and permanent solution to the foreign debt problem, and thus perhaps enabling the debtor States to resume their development programs.


At the outset, I should like to express the sense of shock felt in my country at the earthquake in Mexico, a disaster which has resulted in thousands of casualties among the friendly people of Mexico, as well as total destruction of houses, installations and facilities.
While we trust that the people of Mexico, well-known for its courage and patience, will be able to recover from this tragedy, we should like to declare from this rostrum that the people of Kuwait stands by the people of Mexico in its plight and that the Government and people of Kuwait will not hesitate to send every possible assistance in an effort to alleviate the burden of the Mexican people in its present affliction.
Mr. President, it is my pleasure to Congratulate you on behalf of Kuwait on your election as President of this significant session of the United Nations. You represent a venerable and friendly nation with whom Kuwait and the Arab world have historic ties, characterized over the ages by friendship, co-operation and understanding. With your renowned wisdom and remarkable abilities, we are confident that success will be yours in the conduct of the affairs of this session.
I should like also to pay tribute to the fruitful efforts of your predecessor, Mr. Paul Lusaka, during his presidency of the previous session of the General Assembly.
I also want to register our thanks to Mr. Javier Perez de Ouellar, Secretary-General of the United Nations, appreciation of his services to world peace and in upholding the role and effectiveness of the United Nations.
The Amir of Kuwait, His Highness Sheikh Jaher Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, would have liked to be here today to address this important body on this historic occasion, had it not been for compelling circumstances. His Highness has asked me to convey to the Assembly his best regards.
There is no doubt whatsoever that the period in the history of mankind in which we live is faced with a number of threats that jeopardize the future of man in an unprecedented manner. Our realization of the magnitude and nature of those threats makes the imperative that we pause for a lengthy review of the forces and factors which influence the direction of our collective march forward for generations to come. It makes it imperative that we undertake a sincere discussion of the best methods for preventing any diversion from the course of this march, which is guided by the United Nations Charter.
During this century, mankind has been afflicted by two world wars which came close to destroying the wealth of civilizations built by our forefathers in every part of the world. Evil tendencies coupled with overpowering force overshadowed 'truth and the supremacy of law iv. such a way that eyes everywhere were turned with hope towards the international efforts which were being made at that time to reorganize the world in which we live by putting forward an international formula which would, on the one hand, put an end to world wars and guarantee the security, peace and stability of the world and, on the other, lay down the outlines of a new world order in which the rule of law, justice, peace, harmony and prosperity would prevail. As a result of these sincere and enormous efforts, the world Organization came into being, and its birth was a source of hope that the world might be moving towards a brighter reality and a more promising future.
We cannot find a better time than this, when the United Nations is celebrating its fortieth anniversary, to pause and reflect on the future of the world Organization, a forum in which this gathering of world leaders is discussing its problems.
We should like to begin by saying that in reviewing the 40 years of the existence of the world Organization, we are bound to come across a great number of hopeful signs. Yet, at the same time, we confront a great number of signs which give cause for pessimism. We also find ourselves compelled by intellect and logic to state that our world today is very far removed from perfection or, to say the least, from the situation we hoped would prevail when our forefathers drafted the United Nations Charter 40 years ago.
For despite the fact that the darkness of colonialism has already receded and that the dawn of political liberation and economic advancement has emerged, the shining light of independence which has reached the remotest parts of the world has stopped short of reaching some nations, which continue to languish under the yoke of one form of colonialism or another. I speak particularly of the peoples of Palestine, Namibia and South Africa, which are all struggling against tyranny. Furthermore, the vestiges of times gone by are still with us and accentuate the wide gap between the advanced and developing nations.
In taking up the task of evaluating the assets of the United Nations and its role in the international community, we must ensure that we do so from the proper perspective - namely, through dealing with failures only against a clear background of successes - and that we evaluate whatever has been achieved of the goals of the United Nations only from that standpoint.
Heading the list of those goals which the United Nations was established to achieve is, naturally, the maintenance of international peace and security. In spite of the fact that world peace and security during this period have fallen short of our hopes, as the result of either limited local and regional wars, which frequently break out, or because world problems and dilemmas threatening world peace and security have persistently remained unsolved, it is clear that the world has not witnessed any world wars during this period despite the frequent recurrence of world crises during which limited wars threatened to spill over into other parts of the world or to bring the world increasingly closer to the brink of catastrophe as a result of the escalation of the cold war between East and West.
There is no doubt that the periods in which the policy of detente prevailed between the two super-Powers, short as these were, have been the only periods when relative tranquility prevailed and negative expectations about the future of mankind lessened.
The United Nations has repeatedly proved its effectiveness during those international crises, either through mediation efforts or through the use of its good offices represented by its Secretary-General, or by sending peace-keeping forces to areas of international tension.
One should not ignore the role played by the United Nations in defense of human rights, particularly the fact that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was completed only three years after the establishment of the world Organization. It therefore heads the list of great achievements of the United Nations, even if this does not mean that this Declaration has eliminated continuing violations of human rights in various parts of the world.
We should also pay tribute to the role of the United Nations in the field of self-determination and independence - a role that was embodied in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, whose twenty-fifth anniversary is also being celebrated this year. The fact that so many countries have joined the United Nations is by itself an indication of its success in this outstanding area of the Organization's work, as well as a source of hope that the nations that are still languishing under the yoke of imperialism and foreign domination will attain their full rights.
The success of those United Nations efforts is complemented by an even greater success in its attempts to achieve the other two principal goals for which the Organization was established, namely, the promotion of friendly relations among all States and the achievement of international co-operation solving economic, social and development problems. Current international efforts, led by the United Nations, aimed at ridding Africa of the problems of famine and drought are one of the landmarks of the Organization's endeavors in this respect. All those positive elements should constitute the appropriate background for any genuine evaluation of the effectiveness of the United Nations - particularly when some tend to criticize a number of negative elements which, up until now, have stood in the way of the effective implementation of the Charter - without giving any consideration to the forces which occasionally try to orient the Organization in a direction contrary to the causes of peace, security and prosperity in the world. It is our conviction that those negative elements fall into two categories:
One is endemic, stemming from a fault or deficiency in the functional structure of certain United Nations organs, particularly the Security Council, where the permanent members have the right of veto, which has paralyzed the Council on various occasions when world peace and security hinged on a strong unanimous resolution by the Security Council.
The other is extraneous to the framework of the United Nations and stems from the policies of certain States which insist on having their own interests outweigh those of the international community as a whole. This is evidenced by the eagerness on the part of certain major Powers to try to settle international problems through individual efforts that bypass the United Nations. The recurrence of such actions undermine the role and prestige of the United Nations in its efforts to solve international disputes.
When we review the list of international problems which continue to prevail because of negative attitudes surrounding the decision-making process and the implementation of United Nations resolutions, the question of Palestine, which has been on the United Nations agenda since its inception, leaps to the forefront.
While the Security Council is unable to deal with the developments of this problem, which flare up periodically, thus threatening world peace and security and requiring decisive action on the part of the Council, we find that the General Assembly, on the other hand, has adopted scores of resolutions which guarantee the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to self-determination, to return to its home and establish its own State on its national soil.
Furthermore, the General Assembly has repeatedly expressed its concern to find a solution to this problem, in the creation of which the United Nations itself took part when it decided to partition Arab Palestine, and when it then accepted the Zionist entity in its membership before any opportunity was given to the Palestinian people to establish its own State.
That concern has been reflected by the setting up of a special committee, namely the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and the convening of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine in Geneva in 1983.
The obvious discrepancy between the positions of the Security Council and the General Assembly is a consequence of the positions of certain major Powers designed to protect the aggressor, namely, Israel, by sparing it from any international pressure, either by paralyzing the Security Council, or blocking the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East. Such positions have increased Israel's arrogance, increased its continued arbitrary policy and its continued occupation of Arab territories, the very thing which has led to the increasing inability of the United Nations to perform its functions in accordance with the Charter.
The continued Israeli occupation of cherished Lebanese land reflects yet another chapter in the continued Israeli aggression on Arab territories. Consequently, Israel must expect the Lebanese national resistance to remain the Sword of Damocles until its genuine withdrawal from the land it occupies and until it ceases to interfere in the internal affairs of this Arab sister state.

The second problem of concern to the United Nations and which the world Organization should not spare any effort to solve, is the problem of southern Africa, the ugliest facet of which is the continued control by the white minority in South Africa over the destiny of the black majority, with its iron-fisted rule imposed without any regard for the will of the international community.
This deplorable picture is also reflected by its continued occupation of Namibia. The United Nations concern in this respect has found expression in the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia whose function is to administer this Territory until it gains independence.
This arrogance on the part of the apartheid regime in South Africa is supported by the positions of some Western States, which not only associate with the racist regime, despite its condemnation by the United Nations, which calls upon all nations to impose sanctions, but they actually support it, whether by refusing to impose and implement strong deterrent sanctions against it, or by introducing impossible conditions, the end result of which would be to keep the general situation in South Africa and Namibia exactly where it is today.
The insistence on the part of Western States to take such positions encourages the racist regime to persist in its aggressive policy against the black majority, on the one hand, and the neighboring African countries on the other, while hailing the current popular upsurge in South Africa, Kuwait hopes that this will motivate all the States which have relations with the racist regime to reconsider such relations and to give full support to this courageous upsurge.
Besides these questions, our world is not devoid of other areas of tension. There is the problem of Afghanistan, whose people continue to languish under the yoke of a regime supported by Soviet troops. There are also the problems of Cambodia and Central America, which are awaiting a solution from the international community, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, which guarantees the freedom, independence and sovereignty of all States of the world and which prohibits interference in the internal affairs of other States, as well as the use or threat of use of force.
The common denominator in all these problems, as we see it, is the intervention by major Powers in a way that will not help their solution. It is our conviction that involvement, if based on using the good offices of those major Powers, in an effort to solve those problems, and thus serve the cause of peace, would constitute a constructive effort. However, for that involvement to serve only v.he interests of those same Powers, or of the aggressors, would be something that is unacceptable to the international community.
However, although most of the blame for the failure to settle most of the international problems rests squarely with certain major Powers, either because of their interventions outside the framework of the United Nations or their blocking of the Security Council through exploiting the use of the veto, there are some other international problems in which the parties to the dispute or some of them are to be blamed for the lack of a settlement. Heading the list of these problems, is the Iran-Iraq war, a war which broke out over five years ago, and which has brought death, devastation and destruction to thousands of people on both sides, all this despite the repeated appeals and ceaseless mediation efforts, both by the world Organization itself, which has played a great role in this field, and by certain States or organizations which are interested in seeing this destructive war come to an end. However, while we see one of the two parties to the dispute, Iraq, constantly expressing its readiness to put an end to the war, we find that the other party, Iran, fails to respond to the will of the international community, which wants this war to end without delay.
If there is one region eager to have this catastrophic war come to an end it is undoubtedly the Arabian Gulf area, which appreciates the gravity of the responsibilities of its States. Those States are represented by the Gulf Co-operation Council, which considers co-operation among its member States a basis for their constant pursuit of peace, harmony, stability and prosperity in this sensitive region of the world. Furthermore, the continuation of this raging war all these years has exposed, and indeed continues to expose, the States of the Gulf area to the danger of a widening of the war's scope so as to engulf other parts of the region. Kuwait itself has repeatedly been exposed to the fallout of war. In recent days, the problem of the interception of some Kuwaiti commercial vessels by Iranian authorities has recurred in a manner that constitutes a flagrant violation of all international norms and conventions and the principle of free navigation in international waters, as provided for in Security Council resolution 552 (1984), which described such acts as a threat to the security and stability of the area and which reaffirmed the need to respect the rights of all States to free navigation in accordance with international law.
For all these reasons, we reaffirm our absolute support for all the efforts aimed at putting an end to this destructive war between two Moslem neighbors, Iran and Iraq, and restoring peace and prosperity to this region.
The world situation, fraught as it is with apprehensions.about the implications of the failure to solve the international problems which jeopardize world peace and security is also overshadowed by a dark cloud which makes all those concerned about the security and tranquility of mankind feel extremely concerned. I am speaking of the wave of terrorism which the world has been witnessing for several years.
Kuwait has been subjected to a series cf such blind terrorist attacks, attacks which aimed at challenging the rule of law, international norms and ethics. Kuwait, therefore, calls upon the United Nations to make more serious and sincere efforts to define the dimensions of international terrorism and to lay down an effective international co-operative basis for the elimination of this dangerous international phenomenon as soon as possible. Combating international terrorism has become an international collective responsibility which we all have to assume sincerely and honestly.
The universality of the United Nations has made of this world Organization a true mirror reflecting the collective will of the international community, and that, in itself, involves tremendous burdens on Member States, both individually and collectively. Consequently we call upon all States, at this time when the
United Nations is celebrating this important anniversary, to seize this opportunity to renew their commitment to the	principles which govern international
conduct in accordance with the Charter. The destiny of the world depends upon the commitments of States.
In the course of discussing these general principles we should like to refer more particularly to some of the rules to which States should adhere, foremost among those rules derived from the spirit of the Charter are the following. First, is the need for all States, both large and small, to make all possible efforts to reinforce the role and effectiveness of the United Nations, through rendering every possible assistance to any action taken by the United Nations for world peace and the prosperity of mankind. Second, is the need for the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities under the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security. Third, is the need to support the various efforts of the Secretary-General in the use of his good offices, and to strengthen his role in the settlement of international problems. Fourth is the need to refrain as far as possible from settling international problems in isolation from the United Nations. The recently increasing tendency to concentrate on individual efforts in international relations will undoubtedly have a harmful effect on the concept of international co-operation and collective efforts.
While reviewing, at this time, the United Nations experience with all its elements of success and failure after 40 years of its existence, the eyes of the world are directed towards us to see whether we have learn from this experience, with all its favorable and unfavorable elements, and whether we have striven to ensure that the world Organization will be an effective instrument which will help us solve our problems through dialog and not confrontation.
In assuming our common historic responsibilities within the framework of the United Nations, we sincerely hope that our future will be better than our past, a future where truth is restored, a future where reason and justice, freedom, fairness and equality prevail. Let us work together for a tomorrow where the collective human experience will reach the stage of maturity with whatever that entails in terms of a common sense of the depth and worth of this experience for the present and future of mankind. May God grant us his help and support.


It gives me great pleasure to extend to Mr. Jaime de Pinies my sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly, we are confident that, thanks to his long diplomatic experience in this important international forum and to his outstanding qualities, he will no doubt contribute to the success of this session on which our peoples pin great hopes.
I should also like to extend our appreciation to Ambassador Lusaka, for his judicious conduct of the work of the last session.
Before going into the substance of my statement, I must refer to the earthquakes which have devastated the friendly country of Mexico and which have deeply touched us. We were shocked by the tragedy that ensued in their wake and by the magnitude of the human and material losses incurred by the Mexican people. We cannot but express sincere sympathy and solidarity with the Government and the people of Mexico, while at the same time calling for the provision of urgent international assistance to tackle the effects of this disaster.
The special significance of this session stems from the fact that it coincides with the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations and also with the passage of 40 years since the victory, after a devastating war, over the forces of fascism and Nazism. This occasion should inspire us to reflect on the objectives of the United Nations and on the noble principles included in its Charter, and to examine its successes and failures, to renew our commitment to its Charter and resolutions, and to give it the vitality and the effectiveness necessary to achieve its primary aim of the maintenance of international peace and security. It is in its vitality that our security lies and its effectiveness enhances our existence and preserves our integrity.
The United Nations has become an indispensable basic factor in international relations. Although it has not achieved its objectives in full, it has laid down great values and ideals which cannot be ignored. It has become the champion of oppressed peoples and of the sovereignty and independence of small countries. The United Nations is based on the principle of equal sovereignty among all States, large and small, rich and poor, and on the achievement of justice and peace for all peoples.
During its existence the United Nations has accomplished much, most notably the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the twenty-fifth anniversary of which we are celebrating this year, the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It has championed the interests of peoples in decolonization and in the establishment of a new international economic order.
Regrettably, there are obstacles impeding the work of the Organization and paralyzing its effectiveness. In his most recent report on the work of the Organization and on numerous other occasions the Secretary-General has touched upon this question. We support any action which would enhance the role of the United Nations and increase its effectiveness.
It has often been argued that the crisis of this Organization lies in the practices of those Member States that give precedence to their own narrow self-interests. Thus, might replaces right and the narrow approach becomes an alternative to wisdom and far-sightedness. Those Member States adopt positions that run counter to the interests of peoples and to their legitimate aspirations to peace, disarmament, stability and an independent choice in their path towards development.
The forces of imperialism - especially the United States of America, which abuses the right of veto in the Security Council - exercise all forms of oppression, terrorism and political, economic and military blackmail in order to tighten their grip on the peoples and States and their resources, exploiting the difficult situation of some countries to push through their colonialist schemes, to paralyze the effectiveness of international and regional organizations and even to attempt their elimination.
The enhancement of the role and effectiveness of the United Nations for the achievement of peace, security, justice and development calls for the adoption of effective measures to contribute to the improvement of international economic and political relations in the interest of enhancing international peace and the advancement of mankind. We Must fully realize the increased interdependence of States and the fact that there is no alternative to the policy of peaceful coexistence, detente and co-operation among States, on the basis of equality, regardless of their military and economic power, their social and political systems, their size and their geographical position. We must also affirm our categorical condemnation of State terrorism as a way of conducting policy and see to it that those States refrain from undertaking any action aimed at changing or undermining the social and political systems of other States by force or in order to destabilize their Governments and overthrow them.
Our world today is fraught with tension and instability. The question of disarmament has become a vital factor making it imperative for all of us to struggle for its realization in order to prevent the risk of a nuclear holocaust. The United States of America has demonstrated its intransigence and openly defied all international appeals and decisions aimed at bridling the arms race and at achieving general and complete disarmament and the easing of international tension. It has not responded positively to constructive initiatives and proposals made in this regard; rather, it persists in its policy of aggravating the situation and of militarization of outer space with the so-called Star Wars scenario, thus disregarding the initiatives aimed at freezing the deployment of missiles, the commitment to the non-use of nuclear weapons, the unilateral halting of all nuclear-weapons tests and other constructive initiatives made by the Soviet Onion.
We hope that these proposals will be met by similar practical steps by the United states of America and the other nuclear-weapon States, so that an end may be put to the dangerous escalation in the build-up of nuclear arsenals.
We are all looking forward to the forthcoming summit meeting between General-Secretary Gorbachev and President Reagan. We are hoping for positive results, in the interest of the alleviation of existing international tensions and the elimination of hotbeds of tension.
On our planet there are areas that are constant hotbeds of tension which threaten international peace and security. We are aware of the significance of the Middle East region and the magnitude of the tension prevailing there. Various United Nations resolutions have emphasized that the question of Palestine is the core of the problem in the region and that there can be no comprehensive and just solution without complete withdrawal by Israel from the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and without the exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable national rights, including its right to return to its homeland, to self-determination and to the establishment of its own independent State on its national soil. But Zionism and imperialism are scheming to circumvent these requirements and the relevant resolutions, with a view to imposing unilateral, partial and capitulatory solutions - solutions that have already proved that they can only fail.
The United States of America, which claims for itself the role of mediator in the conflict, is in fact the strategic ally of Israel, which it provides with all kinds of economic, military and political assistance to strengthen Israel's policy of aggression based on racism and expansionism and to consecrate its occupation of the Arab territories and pursue its inhuman policies of oppression against the Palestinian Arab people.
The Zionist regime has increased its intransigence, further displacing and uprooting Palestinians, establishing new settlements, seizing the territory of Palestinians by force, blowing up their houses, closing colleges and universities, and trying to eliminate the Palestinian identity. The policy of imperialism is aimed at the generalization of the Camp David approach and the imposition of the Reagan plan and other, similar capitulatory plans.
For all these reasons, the international community must continue its support for the struggle of the Palestinian people and to pursue its efforts for the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), on an equal footing, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly resolutions and the Arab Fez plan.
We hope that Lebanon will achieve peace, security, and stability, through agreement by the national parties, while reaffirming its sovereignty, independence, Arab character and territorial integrity. There must be withdrawal from the occupied Arab territory in conformity with Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 (1982).
It causes us great anguish to see the Iran-Iraq war still raging, contrary to the interests of the peoples of Iran and Iraq. The escalation of that war can only serve the forces of imperialism, which exploit these circumstances as a pretext for intervention. We hope that mediation efforts will succeed in finding a comprehensive and just solution, through peaceful means, so that the two peoples and the entire region may enjoy peace, security and stability.
Democratic Yemen, as a littoral State of the Indian Ocean, is gravely concerned at the increasing risks and grave developments being experienced by the Indian Ocean region, and at the escalation of tension there resulting from the increased united States military build-up in the region. This intensifies the arms race in the region and affects peace and stability there, as well as international peace and security. We state again our conviction that the adoption of concrete measures to achieve the objectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace will make a great contribution to the elimination of the risks besetting the region and will enhance the prospects for peace and stability there. We hope that the international conference on the Indian Ocean will be held during the first part of next year, 1986, especially since that is a practical and necessary step towards the early implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of Peace. We call for the renewal of constructive efforts towards the achievement of the objectives of the Declaration.
The grave, indeed volatile, situation in southern Africa emphasizes the need to double the efforts of the United Nations and the international community to eradicate the criminal policy of apartheid and to achieve genuine independence for Namibia, in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), as well as to enable the people of South Africa to exercise its legitimate right to freedom. We salute the people of South Africa for the heroic struggle they are waging and, at the same time, we express again our full support for the struggle of the African peoples in southern Africa and their national liberation movements, especially the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people in its just struggle against racial discrimination, oppression and occupation, we vehemently condemn all the forms of arbitrary aggression perpetrated by the racist South African regime against the peoples of southern Africa. We call for an end to the state of emergency and for the release of all political detainees and freedom-fighters from the prisons of South Africa; foremost among them is Nelson Mandela. We condemn all racist policies and internal settlements pursued by the racist regime, and we emphasize our support for Angola and the other African front-line States in their resistance to aggression and acts of sabotage and economic boycott. We call for the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the Pretoria regime, in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.
The policy of "constructive engagement" pursued by the United States of America can only encourage the racist regime to consecrate and intensify its policy of aggression and racism.
The alliance between the Pretoria regime and the Tel Aviv regime, with united States support and assistance, reveals the true nature of the two regimes as they pursue their policies of oppression and aggression against the Arab and African peoples. A further complication is the co-operation of the Pretoria-Tel Aviv alliance in the military field, and especially the nuclear field, in violation of the relevant United Nations resolution.
We believe in the right of peoples to self-determination, and we therefore emphasize the need to implement the resolutions of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations General Assembly in relation to the people of Western Sahara, through the initiation „ direct negotiations between the Government of Morocco and the POLISARIO Front.
The blatant imperialist intervention has spread to other independent countries. Thus, the United States Administration is pursuing its aggressive approach in its attempts to overthrow nationalist regimes in Latin America. It is resorting to all kinds of means, from economic and military blockades to the recruitment, training and financing of mercenaries against Cuba and Nicaragua, in particular.
It is hatching conspiracies and financing sabotage against democratic Afghanistan and people's Kampuchea, thus threatening their security and obstructing their right to choose tile course of independent development, We condemn these acts of aggression.
We stand by the people of Cyprus in their call for the elimination of military bases and the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Cyprus. We reject the policy of imposing faits accomplis through unilateral action, and we hope that the mediation between the Greek and Turkish communities will be successful.
We express our support for the proposals of democratic Korea on the withdrawal of American forces from South Korea, the peaceful reunification of Korea and the holding of negotiations in the interests of security and stability in the Korean peninsula.
The peoples of the united Nations decided 40 years ago to promote social development, to raise the standard of living in broader freedom and to use the international machinery in the promotion of all international and economic questions. Today the developing countries are suffering socio-economic crises which are causing great damage. These are mainly due to the adherence of the capitalist industrialized countries to colonialist methods in dealing with the developing countries, which has led to the deterioration of international commercial and economic relations.
The problem of foreign debt is in the forefront of the many economic problems plaguing the developing countries. The magnitude of the foreign debts and the debt-servicing burden has had extremely serious adverse effects by wiping out the totality of the development revenues of the developing countries. This foreign debt crisis has created a paradox by transforming the developing countries into net exporters of capital to financial institutions and private banks in the capitalist industrialized countries. In view of the worsening of the foreign debt crisis, we believe that it is essential for the financial institutions and international commercial banks to agree to just solutions to the problem of foreign debts by rescheduling in keeping with the financial and economic capabilities of the developing countries and in such a way as not to impede the implementation of their national development programs as called for at the Ministerial Meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries held recently in Luanda, Angola.
The developing countries have expressed in several economic and political forums their view that the international economic crisis is a comprehensive structural crisis which has affected all fields of the present international, commercial, financial and economic order. They have also defined the reasons for the crisis, which include, inter alia, the failure of the capitalist industrialized countries to pursue justice in international economic relations.
In this regard, the developing countries have indicated that the unilateral approach of those industrialized countries to dealing with the economic crisis is not in keeping with the reality of economic interdependence and is characterized by monopolistic greed in plundering the resources of the developing countries and thwarting their legitimate aspirations by impeding their national development programs designed to complete the building of their economic structures and independence. We refer the Assembly to the many protectionist policies pursued by certain capitalist countries, the imposition of obstacles to the exports of the developing countries and the reduction of official development assistance from the ratios agreed upon when the Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade was adopted. In short, my country feels that the only way to get out of the present economic crisis is to provide an impetus for the launching of global negotiations on the establishment of a new international economic order in accordance With the objective parameters defined by developing countries in numerous international forums.
Democratic Yemen, as one of the least developed countries, is pursuing its social and economic development amidst extremely difficult conditions. The main obstacle to national development is the paucity of both human and natural resources. Moreover, the small area under cultivation and the irregular supply of water inhibit our efforts to enlarge the agricultural sector, which is the most important development sector in our country. Despite these obstacles. Democratic Yemen is exerting increasing efforts to improve the standard of living of its citizens and to satisfy the need for social welfare and health care. We were gratified by the positive results we achieved last year in the comprehensive campaign to eradicate illiteracy. Moreover, we are at present trying to formulate studies and programs to implement the third five-year social and economic development plan, for the period 1986-1990, in continuance of the efforts to enhance comprehensive national development.
Our country is at present in the midst of preparing for the third general conference of the Yemen Socialist Party, which leads the process of social, economic and political change on the basis of our position of principle of building a new society and consolidating security and stability in our region through the strengthening of normal, peaceful relations with neighboring States, based on mutual respect, non-intervention in each other's internal affairs and mutual interest.
We hope that this significant session will open new, broad avenues towards strengthening the role and effectiveness of this international Organization, towards a world wherein confidence, co-operation, friendship among peoples, peace and welfare will prevail.