Let me join the
representatives who have spoken before me in
congratulating you, Sir, on your unanimous election as
President of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth
session. You represent a country, Côte d’Ivoire, which
has played and continues to play an active role in the
framework of the Organization of African Unity (OAU)
and in the United Nations. You bring to the presidency
vast experience in the area of international relations as
well as diplomatic skill and acumen, which puts you in
13

good stead to steer the deliberations of the General
Assembly to a successful conclusion. You can count on
my delegation’s unqualified support and cooperation.
I also wish to express my delegation’s sincere
appreciation to your predecessor, His Excellency
Ambassador Samuel Insanally of Guyana, who presided
over the work of the forty-eighth session with great
distinction and rare personal attributes.

Our distinguished Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, has continued to provide outstanding
leadership in the discharge of his duties. Zambia is
particularly grateful to the Secretary-General for his
untiring efforts in pursuit of world peace and security,
development and international cooperation.
The past year has been one of mixed blessings on the
international scene, a year of notable achievements and
failures. In the view of Zambia, the most positive
development of the year was the achievement of majority
rule in the Republic of South Africa. My delegation is
really delighted to see in our midst the delegation of a
democratic and non-racial South Africa, led by President
Nelson Mandela. President Mandela was the symbol of the
liberation struggle in South Africa and it is therefore
befitting that he, an icon of the liberation struggle, should
become the first President of a new South Africa.
The return of South Africa to the family of the United
Nations is without a doubt due to the tenacity,
uncompromising commitment and dedication of our
brothers and sisters in South Africa who bore the brunt of
the evil system of apartheid. At the same time, it cannot be
denied that South Africa’s victory over apartheid and its
rejoining the United Nations is a concrete manifestation of
the seminal role played by this Organization.
In order to consolidate the democracy achieved in
South Africa and address the negative social and economic
legacy of apartheid, substantial international assistance is
imperative. In this regard, Zambia endorses the appeal
made by President Nelson Mandela for international support
to South Africa to enable the effective implementation of
its reconstruction and development programme.
A democratic, peaceful and prosperous South Africa
will no doubt have a positive impact on southern Africa and
the African continent as a whole. Indeed, South Africa’s
contribution as a member of the Southern African
Development Community has already begun to be felt and
appreciated. It has, together with Botswana and
Zimbabwe, also played a highly commendable role in the
peaceful resolution of the constitutional problem in
Lesotho. We have every confidence, therefore, that South
Africa will contribute positively to the work of the United
Nations.
Africa has had a few other bright spots. We are
delighted with the peaceful resolution of the territorial
dispute between Chad and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.
The positive developments in Burundi towards a peaceful
resolution of the long-standing conflict are commendable.
However, the situation remains volatile. There is
therefore a need to sustain international engagement.
With regard to Angola, it is indeed gratifying that
the talks between the Government of Angola and National
Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA),
which have been taking place in Lusaka, Zambia, for the
past eleven months under the chairmanship of the United
Nations Secretary-General’s Special Representative,
Mr. Alioune Blondin Beye, have made tremendous
progress. We therefore look forward to a successful
conclusion of the talks by the end of October, culminating
in the signing of a peace agreement, by the middle of
November 1994, on the basis of the Bicesse Accords, and
the pertinent resolutions of the Security Council.
In this regard, we take this opportunity to commend
both the Angolan Government and the UNITA delegation
for their seriousness and commitment to the task of
finding a peaceful solution to their country’s fratricidal
war. We also thank the observers to these talks, namely
the United States, the Russian Federation and Portugal.
Sustained international assistance to Angola will be
necessary in the post-agreement era and Zambia will
continue to assist the people of Angola during this period.
In Mozambique, we look forward to the holding of
the first multiparty elections, scheduled to take place on
27 and 28 October. We commend the Mozambican
Government and RENAMO for committing themselves to
the United Nations peace initiative and to the Rome
Agreement. We applaud the role that the United Nations
has played through its peace-keeping efforts and in
helping to prepare the people of Mozambique for the
forthcoming elections. As a gesture of solidarity with the
people of Mozambique, Zambia has made a modest
contribution to the United Nations peace-keeping
operation.
14

In Malawi, we welcome the recent peaceful and
democratic transition to a multiparty system of government.
We endorse the appeal made by President Bakili Muluzi for
international assistance to consolidate democracy and to
assist in the reconstruction of the country. My Government
also commends the technical and advisory services provided
by the Centre for Human Rights of the Secretariat of the
United Nations.
Zambia welcomes the positive trend towards
democratization on the African continent. Why should
Africa democratize? Africa should democratize because it
is our firm belief that democratic systems of government
promote good governance, transparency and accountability
in the administration of public affairs, independence of the
judiciary, and respect for human rights and the rule of law.
These qualities lay a firm basis for peace and stability and
are thus conducive to sustainable development. We would
therefore urge all of our development partners to take
account of all these positive developments in the
formulation of their development policies towards Africa.
They should also endeavour to explain to their taxpayers
the significance of these democratic changes and their
correlation to sustainable development. The electorates of
the North must be made to appreciate that it is in their
enlightened self-interest to support developing countries.
There is now much hope in Africa. Indeed, Africa, in the
long run, holds the promise of a positive and prosperous
future.
In the Middle East, we welcome the positive
developments in Palestine following the agreements and
declarations between the Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO) and Israel, as well as between Jordan and Israel. It
is our sincere hope that progress can also be achieved in
the negotiations with the Syrian Arab Republic and
Lebanon. International assistance is urgently required for
the reconstruction, rehabilitation and other essential needs
of the Palestinians.
We commend the efforts deployed by the leadership
of the PLO and of Israel, their tenacity and their
determination to work for peace. We also commend the
crucial catalytic roles played by the United States of
America and the Russian Federation as co-sponsors of the
talks. The Kingdom of Norway also deserves our gratitude
for its contribution to the peace talks. The sustained
support and commitment of the Arab League to the peace
process also merit special mention.
On the other hand, negative developments abound in
Africa and elsewhere on the international scene. These
conflict situations continue to defy durable solutions
through dialogue, reconciliation and negotiation, in stark
contrast with the exemplary cases I have just cited.
Thus, in our region, the civil wars in Liberia,
Rwanda, Somalia and the Sudan torment us all because of
our aversion to fratricidal and ethnic violence and the
serious humanitarian crises they have engendered. In this
connection, Zambia also strongly condemns ethnic
violence wherever it occurs, including in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
We deplore the further deterioration of the situation
in Liberia. We regret the lack of progress towards
disarmament, demobilization and general elections. We
appeal to all the parties to commit themselves to the
Cotonou and Akosombo Peace Agreements. We also
wish to stress the need to maintain the Military Observer
Group of the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOMOG) in Liberia and to provide it with the
requisite logistical support.
As for Rwanda, we and the entire world community
have been deeply shocked by the genocide and the most
dehumanizing spectre of violence in that country,
resulting in one of the worst humanitarian and refugee
crises in the history of mankind. Zambia has expressed
its strong condemnation of the genocide and mindless
violence in Rwanda. We strongly feel that those
responsible for the massacres must be brought to trial
through an international tribunal. Conditions of peace,
security, stability and confidence should be created in
Rwanda in order to facilitate the repatriation of refugees
from overburdened neighbouring countries. We hope that
the new Government will commit itself to carrying out its
declared intention to work for reconciliation, rehabilitation
and reconstruction in Rwanda. Substantial assistance for
humanitarian, rehabilitation and reconstruction purposes
is thus crucial. The neighbouring asylum countries also
need assistance.
The role and efforts of the United Nations
Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) in creating
conditions of stability and security in the country are
crucial. We therefore deeply regret the delay in the
deployment of UNAMIR troops to the level of 5,500 in
accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions.
In this regard, African countries have been ready and
willing to send sufficient troops. However, the major
constraint has been inadequate logistical support.
15

As a token measure, Zambia has contributed a
peace-keeping contingent of civilian and military personnel
to the UNAMIR operation, thanks to the generous logistical
support, in materiel, from the Netherlands. Furthermore,
the Zambian Peace Corps, a non-governmental organization,
has organized activities to raise funds to purchase
medicines, food and other humanitarian requirements for
the displaced people in Rwanda.
We remain concerned by the continuing crisis in
Somalia and by the lack of progress. We note, however,
the genuine efforts being deployed to resolve the crisis.
Notwithstanding the difficulties, we strongly believe that
the continued presence of the United Nations in Somalia is
critical.
In Sudan, the continuing civil war and factional
fighting in the south and the deteriorating human rights
situation nationwide are a cause of serious concern to us in
Zambia. We urge the parties to reach a negotiated
settlement.
As to Haiti, Zambia reaffirms its support for the
efforts of the Organization of American States and the
United Nations to restore democracy and respect for human
rights there, in accordance with the relevant Security
Council resolutions.
With regard to Cuba, we reaffirm our belief that the
time has come for the economic, commercial and financial
embargo against Cuba to be lifted. We hope that our two
friends the United States and Cuba will resolve their
differences peacefully. In this regard, we are encouraged
by the recent dialogue between the two countries.
Zambia attaches great importance to the role of
regional organizations in addressing conflict situations. In
this respect we note with satisfaction the increasingly active
role played by the Organization of African Unity (OAU),
including at regional and subregional levels, to address the
root causes of conflicts and to prevent, manage and resolve
them.
In particular, in June of last year the OAU established
a mechanism for the prevention, management and resolution
of conflicts in order for Africa to deal effectively with
conflict situations on its own. For too long and too often,
Africa has relied on external assistance to resolve its
conflicts. The time has come for Africa to handle these
situations resolutely. Conflicts continue to sap Africa’s
energies, to waste its scarce resources and to retard its
development. They must be eliminated in order to create
an environment conducive to economic and social
development.
Zambia therefore appeals to the international
community to contribute generously to the OAU Fund
established to sustain the Mechanism for Conflict
Prevention, Management and Resolution. International
support is critical to the effective implementation of this
important initiative. It is warranted by the fact that the
United Nations, through the Security Council, exercises
primary responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security.
It is now evident that peace and development not
only are interrelated but are indivisible. This has been
brought into prominence by the comprehensive reports of
the Secretary-General entitled "Agenda for Peace" and
"Agenda for Development". Indeed, in a number of
conflict situations poverty and deprivation have been the
underlying causes. There is, therefore, a compelling case
to bring development and related issues to the centre
stage of the United Nations, in order to promote the cause
of peace in its most comprehensive perspective.
We therefore welcome the Secretary-General’s
preliminary report on the "Agenda for Development". My
delegation fully supports the views of the Group of 77 on
this subject, as reflected in its Ministerial Declaration of
30 September 1994. In particular, an Agenda for
Development must be action-oriented and focus on the
economic growth and development of the developing
countries, especially the least developed amongst them.
The Agenda for Development must strengthen the role of
the United Nations in the area of international economic
policy-making and coordination.
Africa is in economic crisis. It continues to face
grave economic difficulties. Africa therefore needs a
favourable international economic environment for the
promotion of investment flows, increased official
development assistance, technological transfer, improved
trade opportunities and better terms of trade. Africa
further needs a viable and comprehensive solution for its
huge debt burden. Such a debt strategy should include
debt cancellation. In this regard, we fully support the
positions of the Group of 77 and the Non-Aligned
Movement.
Zambia welcomes the conclusion of the Uruguay
Round and the Agreement to establish the World Trade
Organization (WTO) with effect from January of next
year. It is our expectation that the World Trade
16

Organization will promote a non-discriminatory and
predictable trading system and protect the rights and
interests of the developing countries.
In view of the increasing economic disparity between
the developed and the developing countries, the WTO will
not start on a level playing field. In this connection, it is
the strong view of my delegation that the implementation
of the Uruguay Round must be monitored constantly to
ensure that the interests of developing countries are
adequately protected. Compensation should be provided to
those developing countries that are facing difficulties,
particularly the least developed.
Let me now address Zambia’s economic and political
situation. On the economic front, we have followed,
resolutely, a credible macro-economic reform programme
whose main objective is to promote growth with stability
based on an equitable allocation of resources. The main
policy thrusts of the programme include strict control of the
money supply and credit, with the aim of keeping inflation
to minimal levels; liberalization of the economy with
greater reliance on market forces; and implementation of
the privatization programme, through which previously
State-owned enterprises are to be turned into private
concerns in order to reduce direct Government participation
in the economy.
Although these measures are expected to yield positive
results in the long run, they have had some short-term
negative effects, such as a drastic reduction in employment
levels in the formal sector, a decline in income level, and
a marked increase in both the level and the intensity of
poverty, especially in the rural areas and among the
vulnerable segments of the population. To cushion the poor
from these adverse effects of economic adjustment, a social
safety net has been created to assist those who lose their
jobs or who are unable to meet their basic needs or obtain
social services. It is going to be a long haul, but the
Zambian Government is determined to rise above these
challenges.
I should be remiss if I did not express gratitude to all
our development partners for the economic, financial and
technical support rendered to our country. The support
provided Zambia by our development partners will serve to
underpin our structural adjustment programme, to which our
Government remains committed. More importantly, such
assistance will help to consolidate our democratization
process, which we initiated in 1991 with the reintroduction
of plural politics. In this regard, my delegation is pleased
to assure the international community that Zambia’s
democratization process remains firmly on course.
There is a strong connection between the plan of
action adopted at the Cairo Conference on Population, the
World Summit for Social Development, to be held in
Copenhagen early next year, and the World Conference
on Women, to be held in Beijing, next September. The
World Summit on Social Development will be an
opportunity for the international community to renew its
commitment and political will to effectively address a
number of social and economic problems.
The contribution made by women to development
efforts is very clear, although it is often underestimated.
We therefore look forward to Beijing’s programme of
action, which we trust will ensure the full and equal
participation of women at all levels of human activity.
With regard to the environment, the international
community is faced with the major challenge of giving
practical effect to the concept of sustainable development
as reflected in Agenda 21. To do this, effective
international cooperation is vital. In particular, practical
steps must be taken to provide access to appropriate
technologies and to mobilize new and additional financial
resources for the countries in need: the developing
countries. My delegation therefore calls on the developed
countries to fulfil the solemn commitments undertaken at
the Rio Earth Summit. At the same time, the task at hand
is global and must thus be shared globally. It involves
individuals, community groups, non-governmental
organizations, Governments and financial institutions. In
the language of the Earth Summit, "common but
differentiated responsibilities" (A/CONF.151/26 (Vol. I)
Principle 7) is now imperative.
Zambia attaches high priority to environmental
issues. As a reflection of our commitment, we have
formulated a National Environmental Action Plan aimed
at integrating environmental concerns into our
socio-economic development plans. We have taken
deliberate measures to increase the level of public
awareness of environmental issues, particularly through
the active involvement of non-governmental organizations
and community groups.
My Government is firmly committed to the
promotion and protection of human rights and
fundamental freedoms. We believe that it is the duty and
responsibility of all Governments to do so, regardless of
their political, economic or cultural systems.
17

In the aftermath of the Vienna World Conference on
Human Rights, we should work to implement its important
recommendations. Accordingly, my delegation will support
genuine efforts in this direction during the current session.
My delegation welcomes the establishment of the Office of
the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the
appointment of Mr. José Ayala Lasso to this high office.
Mr. Lasso has already proven his suitability for the
appointment, and we commend his important initiatives
concerning human rights situations in Africa and elsewhere.
My delegation also supports the strengthening of the United
Nations Centre for Human Rights in Geneva.
My Government has also established a Human Rights
Commission, which is responsible for investigating alleged
human rights violations in Zambia, including those
committed prior to the reintroduction of plural politics in
1991. In the spirit of our policy of transparency, the
Government will publish the Commission’s findings in a
report to be made available to the general public. Zambia
is thus firmly committed to the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights and to other relevant international covenants
and instruments.
In the area of disarmament and arms control, my
delegation strongly supports efforts to accelerate the
elimination of nuclear weapons and to conclude a
comprehensive test-ban treaty. We also fully support the
review and extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT), which is scheduled to take place next year.
However, we share the view that any extension of the NPT
should be linked to progress on nuclear disarmament and to
the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
Zambia welcomes the significant progress achieved in
the Geneva negotiations on a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
We further support the case for a convention on
conventional weapons and welcome the introduction of the
United Nations Register of Conventional Arms with a view
to promoting transparency and confidence-building.
Zambia welcomes the successful conclusion during the
forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, of the
agreement relating to the implementation of part XI of the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which
opened the way for the universal acceptance of the
Convention and its provisions.
Let me now turn to the United Nations itself. As we
meet in this session on the threshold of the fiftieth
anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, we have
to recognize that the fundamental meaning of the United
Nations Charter has remained unchanged; that the United
Nations has undergone periods of both triumph and
disillusionment; that the United Nations is still an
international organization for the people as well as of the
people and it is therefore supposed to be a democratic
institution. It is now time to reflect on a United Nations
that will serve mankind for another 50 years after 1995.
It will have to be a new United Nations, one which will
suit the exigencies of the twenty-first century. It will be
necessary to sharpen the mechanisms that were
established to give effect to the declared principles and
purposes of the Charter. It is only by going through this
metamorphosis that our Organization will be able to adapt
to a changed and changing environment, to new demands,
new opportunities and new challenges.
In this connection, my delegation is of the
considered view that expansion of the membership of the
Security Council is extremely important. Regions of the
world, such as Africa, that are not represented at the level
of permanent membership should be so represented. It
will, therefore, be incumbent upon those regions to agree
on which country or countries should represent them as
permanent members.
Apart from dealing with the Security Council, we
must fashion the United Nations in such a way as to
accord a central role to issues of the development of the
developing countries. The Economic and Social Council
should therefore be attuned to meeting this challenge. We
would like to see a stronger Economic and Social Council
with a mandate adequate to coordinate the policies of all
development programmes and activities, as well as the
activities of the specialized agencies, including the
Bretton Woods institutions, for the promotion of sustained
economic growth and development.
We now live in a world in which there has been a
major recasting of international relations ranging from
political to economic, environmental to humanitarian
issues. In this new atmosphere, the United Nations is the
linchpin of our collective security, the repository of our
hope for progress and prosperity. In this atmosphere, the
United Nations has no greater contribution to make in the
service of its ideals than to help the world find its way
from the era of fear from which we are emerging into a
time of hope and progress for all mankind.
We wish this great creation more success for the
betterment of the entire world.


As we
prepare to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the founding
of the United Nations, the memory of the cold war is
fading rapidly from our minds. We recall the nostalgia
with which we heralded the end of the era and the
concomitant universal aspirations to a world of peace and
prosperity.
The world has witnessed the triumph of democracy in
several areas and the resolution of conflicts that had
originated in a war maintained by the earlier East-West
confrontation. However, the images of violence, famine
and destruction that flicker daily on our television screens
suggest some urgency for the world community to attempt
to put an end to the violence and the senseless destruction
of human lives.
It is against this backdrop, Sir, that we welcome
someone with your wide diplomatic experience and wisdom
as President of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth
session. I am confident that you will make an important
contribution to the further success of our deliberations on
the vital and major issues of our time.
Your predecessor, our Caribbean Community
(CARICOM) and West Indian brother Ambassador
Samuel R. Insanally, has established a superb record of
achievements, on which I would like to congratulate him
warmly.
At this juncture in the history of the United Nations,
our Organization is fortunate to have a Secretary-General
like Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, a person eminently suited
by training and disposition to guide the membership of
this body towards a new era of peace and prosperity that
we hope will emerge from the debris of the cold war.
My delegation takes this opportunity to welcome the
new South Africa into our midst as an equal Member of
the Organization, ready to participate in all its activities
in accordance with the purposes and the principles of the
United Nations Charter. We now join the courageous
people of South Africa as they celebrate with happiness
and pride their victory over the struggle of the century:
the fight against apartheid. At long last they have rid
themselves of the shackles of that abominable crime and
have finally removed the greatest blemish from the
continent of Africa. We congratulate Mr. Nelson
Mandela and salute his determined march from prison to
President. He symbolizes the aspirations of the South
African people and the values of non-racialism,
democracy and peace. Indeed, this is a lesson in
perseverance and faith in the human spirit.

The voice of the international community was clearly
heard as it worked to mobilize public opinion against the
injustice of apartheid, and we are now greatly relieved that
the question of its elimination will finally be removed from
the agenda of succeeding session of the General Assembly.
My delegation hailed the historic Agreement on
mutual recognition between Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization, which was signed on
13 September 1993 in Washington, D.C. We also
welcomed the historic breakthrough that gave impetus to an
overall Arab-lsraeli settlement when Prime Minister Yitzak
Rabin and Jordan’s King Hussein met in Washington last
July and laid the foundation for the establishment of a
peace treaty between the two countries. The international
community must also be heartened by the establishment of
diplomatic relations between Israel and Morocco and by an
apparent thaw in relations between Israel and Syria. We
are all looking forward with great anticipation to the
commencement of negotiations between the two
Governments. It is our hope that these initiatives signal the
beginning of the end of one of the longest standing and
most intractable conflicts of our time and that they herald
an era of peace, security and political stability in the
Middle East.
The recent peace overtures in the Middle East are yet
another demonstration of the dramatic changes in
international relations that have taken place since the
collapse of communism and the end of the cold war. In
this context my Government is optimistic that the still-
unresolved major international political issues will be
similarly settled. I refer in particular to the problem of
North and South Korea and that of the People’s Republic
of China and the Republic of China in Taiwan.
It is the view of the delegation of Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines that the time has come when serious
consideration should be given the eligibility of the Republic
of China in Taiwan to become a Member of the United
Nations. That is why my Government, in association with
other like-minded countries, requested the Secretary-General
to include an item on the agenda of the forty-ninth session
of the General Assembly entitled “Consideration of the
exceptional situation of the Republic of China in Taiwan in
the international context, based on the principle of
universality and in accordance with the established model
of parallel representation of divided countries at the United
Nations.” We trust that this item will soon secure a place
on the agenda of the General Assembly and that when it
does every Member State of this noble institution will give
its full support to this initiative. We cannot preach about
the universality of the United Nations while at the same
time we ignore the aspirations of over 20 million people
in the Republic of China on Taiwan.
Certain present-day international political trends, as
I mentioned earlier, give us renewed encouragement and
hope of relations being conducted between and within
States in accordance with the purposes and principles of
the United Nations Charter. This, however, does not
mean that the world is now free from tension and
international disputes.
The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a
persistent crisis which continues to shock us all. Efforts
made to date by the international community to halt the
aggression by Serbia and Montenegro and to settle the
crisis by peaceful means have been in vain. The
Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines regrets
that the recent proposals for a political settlement of the
conflict have been rejected by the Bosnian Serbs. That
rejection carries with it the danger of the continuation and
even grave escalation of the conflict. We urge the
Bosnian Serbs to accept the proposals of the Contact
Group and to resolve their remaining differences in the
spirit of peaceful negotiation and reconciliation, thus
taking irreversible steps towards a just and durable peace
in Bosnia.
As a country blessed with freedom and the absence
of racial and religious bigotry, we will always raise our
voice against any form of “ethnic cleansing”. We also
look forward to the reunification of Cyprus and to the
departure of foreign occupation troops from all countries.
The vicious cycle of starvation, violence, the
breakdown of central authority, and endless conflicts
continues to bedevil in varying ways the situation in
Somalia, Zaire, Angola, Liberia, Mozambique, Burundi
and Rwanda. We call upon the United Nations to
continue its struggle to establish peace in these areas.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines places a high
value on its relations with the Americas since we are part
of the same hemisphere. We share the same burning
desire for meaningful economic, political and social
development. Over the past decade there has been a
noticeable and commendable trend towards democratic
rule.
The Convention establishing the Association of
Caribbean States, which was signed at Cartagena on
24 July 1994, represents an achievement in the areas of
2

economic cooperation and regional integration, with the
ultimate objective of launching new opportunities for the
pursuit of collective initiatives by 40 Latin American and
Caribbean States, comprising some 200 million people and
united by the waters of the Caribbean. The further
strengthening of the inter-American system remains a major
objective of the Government of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines.
My delegation is very pleased that the use of force
was averted in Haiti and that, at long last, democracy and
constitutional legitimacy will be returned to that land. We
are equally delighted to learn that General Cedras has
decided to relinquish power, thus paving the way for the
return of exiled President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
My delegation wishes to commend President Clinton
for the leadership and determination he has shown in
support of the international community’s effort to restore
democracy to Haiti and hope and dignity to the Haitian
people. The Government of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines will continue to be an active participant in all
arrangements aimed at ensuring the safe return of President
Aristide and in the eventual rebuilding process.
Among the goals that the founding fathers of the
United Nations set for the Organization were promoting
“social progress and better standards of life in larger
freedom”
and recognizing development as an inalienable right of
mankind. Regrettably, third-world countries like Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines feel very strongly that this goal
has so far been very elusive. With the end of the cold war
and the relative success of the United Nations in its peace-
keeping, peacemaking and peace-enforcement roles, the
international community must now attempt to grapple more
seriously with the developmental problems faced by third-
world countries.
If countries like Saint Vincent and the Grenadines are
to survive in this harsh world environment, careful and
urgent consideration must be given by the international
community to the following measures: first, revitalizing
growth in developed countries; secondly, liberalizing trade,
especially to give market access to the products of
developing countries; thirdly, reducing debt and the debt-
service burden; fourthly, reversing the deteriorating
marketing situation for the primary products of developing
countries; fifthly, increasing official development assistance
and humanitarian aid; and sixthly, creating a sensitivity to
the reduction in net capital flows from bilateral and
multilateral sources, as well as to the negative
consequences of the graduation of some countries, such
as ours, from concessionary funding arrangements of a
number of multilateral institutions.
The changing world environment dictates the need
for the revitalization and restructuring of the various
organs of the United Nations. At the last session of the
General Assembly Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
called for enlargement of the membership of the Security
Council to reflect the current global reality. Today we
repeat that call.
My Government attaches very high priority to
revitalizing and strengthening the role of the United
Nations in the promotion of international cooperation for
economic and social development. We share the view
that the United Nations should be encouraged to develop
its full potential in the area of international economic
cooperation and should be endowed with the necessary
resources to enable it to contribute to solving the serious
economic and social problems facing developing countries
in their efforts to achieve sustained economic growth and
development.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines hopes that the
Secretary-General’s Agenda for Development, together
with the conclusions of, and the follow-up to, the Rio
Conference and the Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States, which
was held in Barbados, as well as summits and
conferences such as the International Conference on
Population and Development, the World Summit for
Social Development, the Fourth World Conference on
Women and the Second United Nations Conference on
Human Settlements, will all contribute to better
understanding of the problems faced by developing
countries and assist the evolution of a global consensus
and the mobilization of adequate resources to address
these problems effectively.
We do not, however, support the creation of new
bureaucracies. There are already enough institutions.
What we need are better terms and a speedier reaction to
established needs.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines continues to be
plagued by the modern-day problem of the illicit
production, trafficking and consumption of drugs and
psychotropic substances. This scourge poses a serious
3

threat to the well-being of our people and threatens to
destroy the social and moral fabric of our communities.
The archipelagic nature of our State, its many bays
and cays and the mountainous terrain and rich alluvial soil
of mainland Saint Vincent are characteristics that attract
many visitors to our shores and provide scarce foreign
exchange to assist us in the development of our country.
These very features, however, operate against us in our war
against the illicit production of drugs and their distribution
by drug barons and their associates. Due to our limited
resources, we are unable to police and control our borders
and coastlines effectively.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines supports every
single measure taken by the United Nations to cope with
this serious problem, and calls for continued efforts to
eliminate this global scourge.
At the local level, we have been taking forceful steps
to confront this evil — pursuing a dynamic drug-abuse-
prevention drive and at the same time launching major
administrative, legislative and judicial initiatives against the
marketing and trafficking of drugs.
My country has viewed with great interest the
measures taken by the Secretary-General to revitalize the
United Nations so that it is better prepared to attain the
objectives of the Charter. In particular, I wish to
emphasize the active peace-keeping role of the Organization
in the resolution of conflicts that originated before the end
of the cold war and of new tensions emerging in hot spots
around the world. The peace-keeping forces operating
under the United Nations flag perform a fundamental role
by paving the way to dialogue and negotiation, thus
preventing prolonged confrontations.
We wholeheartedly support this major peace-keeping,
peacemaking and peace-enforcing thrust of the United
Nations. However, we feel that the criteria used in
financing the forces involved must be re-examined. The
cost of such operations is beginning to prove quite
burdensome for both the Organization and its Member
States, especially those, like Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, with a limited resource base. We look forward
to efforts to alleviate the financial burden placed on small
developing States by the frequent deployment of such
operations.
Today, as we prepare to mark an important milestone
in the history of the United Nations, and as we approach
the beginning of the twenty-first century, we look forward
to a world where democracy, peace, sustainable
development and human welfare are be available to all.
Mankind has spent almost half a century in pursuit of
these goals. Let us continue the struggle and never tire
in its pursuit.


I
wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly. I feel sure that with
5

your experience you will guide this session to a successful
conclusion.
In my capacity as President of the Eastern Republic of
Uruguay, elected by the free vote of our citizens, I have the
great honour of addressing the General Assembly.
My country has been linked to the United Nations
since the very moment of its creation. It not only has kept
a legal and formal link with the Organization but has
become an active participant in its political and social
activities.
As the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the
United Nations approaches, this is an appropriate
opportunity to undertake a critical analysis of the
Organization itself and to analyse the world situation
following the crucial events of the last few years.
The consequences of the end of the bipolar are and the
cold war still affect the life of all nations. Although it has
been stated that there is now a new world order, this is
contradicted daily by events that occur in all parts of the
world. We can say that the old order no longer exists and
we can also say that the world is currently undergoing a
process of complete reordering.
We cannot yet see the end of that process, but there
are a number of different actors, of various origins. Super-
Powers and nations are no longer the only influences at
play in the international arena. Today, we can discern new
centres of power that have an unquestionable influence on
international life. I would refer - and the list is far from complete -
to the mass-communications media that standardize and
transmit opinions throughout the planet, thereby becoming
guidelines that form opinion and actions and exert an
undeniable influence.
Similarly, we could mention the re-emergence of
politically militant religious movements, both domestic and
international, which use philosophical currents to create
genuine political leverage. Although economic interests
have, since the beginning of mankind’s history, always been
factors in the power equation, market regionalization has
today strengthened the power of economic and financial
elements which, in America, Europe and Asia, are emerging
as the main protagonists of national life.
Of course, in this analysis we cannot fail to mention
the crucial and significant role played by international
organizations, particularly our own Organization, the United
Nations.
Painful experience has taught us how far mankind
still is from successfully expanding international law in
relations among countries. We are currently living in the
aftermath of the reordering process I have mentioned, and
the redistribution and relocation of the world’s centres of
power.
As part of this process, collective security
mechanisms must be thoroughly analysed. Several States
have called for review of United Nations institutions, but
we must approach that task very carefully, for our
progress will be meagre indeed if we confine ourselves to
agreeing that the new role of the United Nations should
be simply to reflect the new distribution of power that
results from the new world order. We believe, pursuant
to the Charter, that the main issue of international
peace-keeping and security is to be found in the extent to
which international society is able to guarantee full and
comprehensive observance of all of the Charter principles.
Here, emphasis should be placed on distinguishing
between reforms of the institutional mechanisms designed
to implement collective security and the integrity of the
principles of international conduct, observance of which
is the very foundation of this society.
It is indeed appropriate to enunciate these principles:
prohibition of the use of force against the territorial
integrity and the independence of States; equality of rights
and free self-determination; the duty of non-intervention
in internal affairs - a principle that is clearly of Latin
American origin; the sovereign equality of States; the
peaceful settlement of disputes and good-faith cooperation
among nations. This is not a set of abstract measures or
postulates that are overtaken by the present global
context. These principles form the essence of
international conduct for all States, the practical, direct
and unavoidable end product of international relations.
Full, comprehensive and continuing respect for these
principles will determine whether or not the international
security and stability the world so needs is achieved and
can be maintained, particularly in this era of such great
change. Speaking realistically, they could be rated as
possibilities that could, were they realized, lead to hoped-
for, feasible and compelling results. Thus, the creation,
establishment and maintenance of a climate and
atmosphere of international security are responsibilities
that are incumbent mainly on those States with the
greatest power and the greatest decision-making capacity
in the international order, although other States bear equal
responsibilities in this respect.
6

These principles are part of a whole, and they must
not yield to possible distortions, one of which calls for
change on the grounds that the world context has changed,
leading to the justification of intervention on humanitarian
grounds, and another of which is embodied in the
temptation to exaggerate some of these principles to the
detriment of others, for example invoking self-determination
as a pretext for violating the territorial integrity or national
borders of other States.
Speaking in the Security Council on 4 May 1965, my
compatriot, Ambassador Carlos Maria Velasquez, stated
with perfect clarity:
"As I said only a short time ago in this very
chamber on assuming the office of representative of
Uruguay on the Security Council, my country has long
realized from its own historical experience, which has
been no less unhappy than that of other Latin
American countries, that the world must be governed
by real respect for the rules of international law and
morality. Without this, harsh reasons of state will
continue to be the predominant factor in international
relations and the fate of small countries will remain
precarious and uncertain.
"Our attitude is not what some realistic minds
might describe as one of sanctimonious legality.
There are very real grounds - and the case we are now
considering is an example - for the small countries’
belief that strict and faithful application of juridical
provisions governing what is termed security under
law represents one of the corner-stones of our own
security."
"If I may say so, the great Powers can give such
interpretation to texts as they see fit because if, in
fact, political decisions are to be based on will rather
than on reason, it is they who have the power to
dictate them. We smaller nations need to adhere
unswervingly to the rule of law. In our own national
interest, we need to know how far we can go and,
perhaps more important still, the extent to which we
can be compelled." (Official Records of the Security
Council, Twentieth Year, 1198th meeting, paras. 33
and 34)
In this ever-changing world, diverse threats and
tensions are multiplying, even in those regions where peace
and security would seem to be firmly established.
It therefore seems urgent that the international
community effectively show that its commitment to the
purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter is
not a mere formal commitment or a passive expression of
hope.
It is indeed deplorable to see that from one session
of the Assembly to the next new confrontations continue
to occur in various parts of the world, leaving their tragic
aftermaths of death and grief. This sad reality means, as
noted in the document submitted by the Secretary-
General, "An Agenda for Peace", which clearly
emphasizes the unavoidable responsibility of each and
every one of us in this area, priority must be given to the
work of the United Nations.
Caught up as we are in a vicious circle of distrust,
civilized and fruitful coexistence will be possible only to
the extent that States carry out their actions in their
particular areas of interest in accordance with the
international legal order and in strict accordance with the
obligations incumbent upon them under the United
Nations Charter.
Accordingly, Uruguay, in a constructive spirit, has
participated actively in various peace-keeping operations
in response to the needs of the international community.
Our participation has been based on a number of
fundamental principles that govern our foreign policy,
namely, non-intervention in internal affairs, peaceful
settlement of disputes, self-determination of peoples, and
non-use of force to achieve peace.
Our assessment is that, in general, peace-keeping
operations have shown positive progress in the settlement
of conflicts, although several operational matters still have
to be improved and resolved.
First, we believe that peace-keeping operations must
be carried out in full compliance with the principles of
international law as enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. In this sense, and on the basis of our
experience, we believe that actions under Chapter VII of
the Charter or operations with a broad mandate should be
undertaken only as a last resort, after the political means
described in Chapter VI of the Charter have been
exhausted.
Furthermore, we believe that action of this type can
be undertaken only when there are, clearly, emergency
situations that pose a real threat to international peace and
security. In addition, we have to bear in mind the views
7

of regional organizations and those of neighbouring
countries in the areas of conflict.
On the other hand, peace-keeping operations must
have a feasible and precise mandate, as well as a realistic
schedule. Security Council decisions to send a mission
should not take account of the strategic or political
importance of the different regions and, thereby, simply
highlight differences that should not affect this type of
decision.
Uruguay has participated, and will continue to
participate actively, in activities of this kind. We are
currently taking part in seven operations - in India/Pakistan,
Mozambique, Iraq/Kuwait, Western Sahara, Liberia,
Rwanda and Georgia. Overall, more than 950 persons are
involved. Given the relatively small number of people in
our armed forces, these figures represent a high degree of
commitment, hardly matched in the international
community.
Our country provides contingents for peace-keeping
operations in the belief that we are contributing in a spirit
of solidarity to the attainment of a collective goal that
transcends exclusively national interests. We believe that
we have a right to declare that such solidarity must also be
manifested by other members of the international
community in support of this effort.
Despite its effort and the degree of its commitment,
however, Uruguay does not see a similar return from the
international community. It has not received compensation
deriving from the depreciation of equipment and materials
and from the contribution of contingents, which often pay
with their lives for their commitment to the international
cause.
We support the various efforts with a view to
adjusting the Charter of the United Nations to the changes
in the international situation - in particular, those referred
to in General Assembly resolution 47/60.
Reform of the Charter must be effected within the
framework of the need to attain greater democratization and
transparency in decision-making, and to strike a balance
between the existing Powers of the different bodies.
Uruguay favours an increase in the number of
members of the Security Council to make it more
representative and to facilitate the fulfilment of its tasks.
Here, the main challenge is to prevent an increase in the
membership of the Security Council from compromising its
efficiency. Uruguay favours a minimum of 20 members
and a maximum of 25. Uruguay does not oppose the
inclusion of new categories of members -
semi-permanent, for example - under the principle of
equitable geographical distribution, so long as this would
provide for more appropriate representativeness and equal
operational opportunity. Nevertheless, we understand that
such an innovation must be based on the idea that "more
privileges entail more obligations", including financial
obligations.
New members should be elected for fixed terms to
represent the various regions, and they should have a
mandate encompassing regional interests. We would
accept their re-election provided that the members in
question had the support of the States in their own
regions.
There are certain legal matters affecting the
Organization that deserve our attention. In this
connection, I should like to refer first to the situation
provided for in Article 50 of the Charter, which affects us
directly. Reality has shown the need for a mechanism to
ensure reparation for third States that are economically
affected by the application of sanctions imposed under
Chapter VII of the Charter. In our opinion, such a
mechanism should be permanent and should operate
automatically.
Secondly, we must pay more attention to the
question of responsibility for attacks on United Nations
and associated personnel, given the ominous increase in
the number of such attacks. This is a situation with
which our country is very familiar.
The problems facing the international community
today include issues of a global nature affecting all
Members of the United Nations, as well as other
temporary issues which concern one or more individual
States but which may have implications for the rest of the
international community.
We shall refer to both, beginning with those of a
global nature: international terrorism, international
cooperation against crime, and human rights.
Acts of international terrorism are serious
common-law crimes, which violate the most elemental
principles of individual and collective security,
irrespective of the political excuses invoked for their
perpetration. They are a flagrant violation of human
8

rights and must be fought, domestically and internationally,
with efficient and energetic measures.
Uruguay is aware of the various efforts in different
international forums, but we are concerned about the lack
of practical, concrete and global action to deal effectively
with this serious and complex problem. Although the
maintenance of internal order and security is the
responsibility of each State, cooperation between countries
is essential to coordinated prevention and punishment of
crimes that have international implications.
These mechanisms could include full respect for the
norms of extradition in accordance with the law, which are
the tangible expression of the political will of States to
cooperate in the preservation of the legal rights protected by
international agreements and by domestic legislation.
Among the many rights for the protection of which we
are directly responsible are the human rights of the child.
In this very building, in 1990, we held what was described
as the World Summit for Children. On that occasion we
adopted an extensive document intended to set the
guidelines for highly ethical action, through which nations
undertook to protect the future of mankind - our children.
This document included pragmatic issues such as the
protection of children in situations of armed conflict and the
adoption of appropriate measures to protect them.
The conflict afflicting the Balkans has given rise to
episodes that disturb the conscience of mankind. The
consequences have been particularly atrocious for the
children in the region - innocent victims of an immoral
conflict. We have brought this case to the attention of the
relevant agencies. We considered that under the
Convention on the Rights of the Child there was a case for
seeking a truce to allow for the evacuation of children from
battlefront areas. Unfortunately, nobody got beyond written
words, and our Organization was not able to prevent even
this aspect of the barbarism prevailing in that area.
In the same spirit, it is necessary that our Organization
fully enforce this Assembly’s resolution establishing the
need for effective action against the sexual exploitation of
children in order to prevent and eliminate such abuse.
Uruguay is aware of the need to preserve the quality
of the physical and human environment and of the dangers
arising from the degradation of natural resources. This is
why it has adopted the programmes in Agenda 21 of the
United Nations. Our National Parliament enacted a law
granting priority to the protection of the environment
against any form of depredation, destruction or pollution
and making environmental impact assessments mandatory.
As a State located in the Southern Cone of the
American continent, our country has a particular interest
in all issues relating to climate changes that affect us. At
the tenth session of the Intergovernmental Committee, as
a contribution to the research on this topic, Uruguay
offered to host the permanent headquarters of the
secretariat of the Convention on Climate Change.
All these actions and initiatives have been taken in
the framework of the strategy - which my country
shares - to promote lasting economic and social
development without prejudice to the environment or to
non-renewable resources, thus achieving solid and
sustained growth for both the present and future
generations.
The work of the United Nations and the specialized
agencies in the social field has earned a well-deserved
recognition. The present times call for a more crucial
role by the United Nations system and for the broadening
of activities to meet the new challenges, for example, the
growing imbalance between the wealthy countries and the
two thirds of mankind who live in poverty.
It is urgent that we check deteriorating social
conditions in the developing world, so as to prevent these
situations from becoming threats to international peace
and security. Accordingly, Uruguay enthusiastically
supports the convening of the World Summit for Social
Development, to be held in Copenhagen in March 1995.
This event will provide an opportunity to discuss global
strategies for strengthening international cooperation for
both wealthy and developing countries.
Our country is deeply concerned about the
continuing deterioration of the world economy, which
seems to be accelerating day by day. The persistence of
recession and inflation, the rise in unemployment, the
instability in foreign exchange markets, the disorder in the
balances of payments in industrialized regions, the
recurring protectionist currents that continuously depart
from GATT rules - all this inevitably delays economic
progress in the developing countries, the majority of the
States gathered here.
Free trade is still one of the bases on which to
achieve and to strengthen development processes; it is
therefore important that we have been able to conclude
the so-called Uruguay Round of GATT - but this can only
9

be seen as the end of one stage. Although in principle the
results can be described as encouraging, they will be
meaningless unless free trade is broadened in the future.
That is why the various agreements reached must be
complemented by further reducing support and subsidy
levels and by eliminating non-tariff obstacles to trade.
There is no doubt that the tasks to be undertaken by
the World Trade Organization will be of critical importance
in strengthening the process of free trade. Therefore,
prompt ratification of the Marrakech Agreements by all
countries is necessary in order to allow this new
organization to begin operations on 1 January next year.
In the context of reorganizing current international
trade relations, Uruguay firmly supports the Secretary-
General’s initiative in his report, "Agenda for
Development", which is a positive contribution in the
search for a revitalized approach to the concept of
development, as it includes the objectives of peace,
freedom, justice and progress.
Before I turn to items on particular situations, let me
take up one last global topic, that relating to progress in
international law, an area dear to my country, which is a
fervent advocate and a jealous guardian of its application.
We are convinced of the need to promote the
evolution of international law as the most effective tool to
govern relations among States. We wish to affirm our
support for the implementation of General Assembly
resolution 44/23, the objective of which is to promote the
peaceful settlement of disputes and to achieve compliance
with the decisions of the International Court of Justice,
while encouraging the codification of international law, a
goal our country has long desired.
In addition, we are pleased to see the entry into force
of the Convention of the Law of the Sea - which was
ratified by our country - and we are hopeful that some
States will be able to overcome their difficulties with
certain points and accede to the Convention, thus achieving
its full acceptance.
In conclusion, I would like to refer to three
international situations in which my country has a particular
interest, as their outcome may have consequences at the
international level and affect the credibility so necessary to
our Organization at this time of restructuring and
revitalization.
First of all, my country wishes expressly to mention
the situation in the Middle East, given our traditional
bonds with many of the States of the region. We have
always been concerned with the various approaches to
achieving peace in the Middle East. In this connection
we recall Uruguay’s co-sponsorship of the repeal of
resolution 3379 (XXX), which illogically and unjustly
determined that Zionism was a form of racism.
Uruguay has always supported all actions, in
accordance with international law and with the resolutions
of the Security Council, aimed at achieving peace through
the negotiation of agreements among the parties involved,
as the only valid alternative allowing the parties the
possibility of living within safe and recognized borders.
We have recently witnessed an acceleration of these
negotiations, with considerable progress in the
achievement of border agreements, the opening of air
communications and the recognition of the State of Israel.
At the same time, however, we note with concern the
recurrence of terrorist attacks aimed at crippling this
process - the final goal of which is desired by the
overwhelming majority of the international community:
the achievement of permanent peace in that region.
We understand that this session of the Assembly can
be instrumental in furthering progress in the peace
process, by the Organization’s adoption of a realistic and
up-to-date position on the current negotiations, modifying
the contents and style of General Assembly resolutions in
keeping with this new stage.
We in the American hemisphere believe that the
Cuban situation must be seen in the light of two
considerations: on the one hand, the view - shared by our
country - that pluralist and representative democracy and
the protection of human rights must be fully consolidated
in our continent without any exceptions; and, on the
other, the perspective of respect for the principles of the
United Nations Charter regarding non-intervention and the
self-determination of peoples.
Observance of these precepts and of general
international law implies the adoption of unambiguous
criteria regarding the economic, commercial and financial
blockade of Cuba. In this sense, our country, true to its
consistent policy, will support the resolution that
establishes the need to eliminate the unilateral application
for political purposes of economic and commercial
measures against another State - without, however, any
10

implications of recognition or acceptance of the type of
regime prevailing in that country.
Lastly, the position of Uruguay on the crisis in Haiti
is well known. Our country has invariably opposed any
kind of military intervention lacking the necessary legal
support. Under the Charter of the Organization, the use of
force is limited to cases in which the community is
confronted with a clear threat to international peace and
security.
Regardless of the dynamics of events, we still believe
that political instances and dialogue are the best instrument
for preserving the principles of international law and
settling situations of this nature.
International, and particularly hemispheric, relations
must take place against a backdrop of realism and legal
security: realism to adjust to ongoing change in the internal
and external aspects of each country; and legal security to
find in law the criteria of equity and justice that make the
principle of the sovereign equality of States feasible and
credible.
May the upcoming commemoration of the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations be an opportunity to
reflect on what has been achieved and - as was so well said
by the Secretary-General - to learn the lessons of the past
as a challenge for the achievement of future goals.


First of all allow me to say how pleased we are
at your election as President of the General Assembly at its
forty-ninth session. Since you are such an eminent
statesman, we are certain that this session will be a
resounding success. We hail the work accomplished by
Ambassador Samuel Insanally of Guyana, who presided
over the recently concluded session of the General
Assembly. We are grateful to Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
Secretary-General of the Organization, for the fine job he
is doing, reflecting his constant concern with helping to
build a more just and progressive world society on the basis
of the purposes and principles of the San Francisco Charter.
This past May, the Panamanian people completed an
irreproachable electoral process. The results now make it
possible for us to undertake the democratic reconstruction
of the State, with broad-based and cooperative participation
by all of Panama’s various social groupings.
This has made it possible for us to develop promising
new relations of understanding and cooperation with the
Government of the United States, grounded in a common
resolve to fulfil on schedule the timetable established by the
Torrijos-Carter Treaties on the Panama Canal and
associated territories. Furthermore, we are seeking to
extend our relations, as partners and friends of the United
States, into fields that will facilitate the solution of regional
and world problems affecting the stability of areas of
common interest to both nations. With maturity, and an
intense sense of dignity and patriotism, the Government of
Panama is embarking on a new era in our relations with the
United States.
Thus these Treaties today are becoming once more for
our two nations what we intended them to be when they
were signed 17 years ago: the feasibility of a great Power
and a small country working together, peacefully, to
achieve mutually beneficial results on matters that
previously gave rise to confrontation. Furthermore, this is
in keeping with the principles of international law and gives
us all new cause for hope concerning the new era the world
is now seeking to establish.

Pursuant to those Treaties, the Government headed by
Mr. Ernesto Pérez Balladares intends in a responsible
manner to put into effect the timetable of reversion to
Panama of all the lands, waters and installations that form
the Canal and its contiguous area. Similarly, we intend to
ensure full demilitarization of the waterway and,
consequently, we are planning as of now the prompt
conversion of the foreign military installations there into
industrial and trading posts of international interest, whose
operations will be carried out just a few scant yards from
the vessels that pass through day by day, heading towards
all points of the compass.
The decisions we have taken will ensure that this
strip of territory will become one of the most attractive
areas for investment in the Atlantic, the Americas, and the
Pacific Basin.
Despite Panama’s intense economic and cultural
energy, it is a small country. Hence developing this
project will require international cooperation. In the short
term, the new Panamanian Government intends to
coordinate this cooperation in order to take the best
possible advantage of a tremendous potential.
In this context, we shall convene in 1997 the World
Congress on the Panama Canal to commemorate the
twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Torrijos-Carter
Treaties. This event will bring together the users of the
Canal and the potential users of the associated facilities -
shipbuilders, industrialists, financiers, technical experts,
planners and leaders of higher education - to consider the
scope and orchestration of the entire development project
for the Panama Canal and the Panamanian nation.
This Congress will also be an arena for the display
of technology-, media- and communications-related
products, as well as for interoceanic and intercontinental
trade. It will therefore be of particular importance in
gauging the scope of the new world trend which we now
call "globalization". For this reason, we intend to plan
this Congress with the cooperation of the United Nations
as well as that of the two countries which, in their time,
were engaged in the construction of the Canal - France
and the United States.
There is another facet to this situation, however. We
Panamanians have convincingly proved our ability to
efficiently administer and operate the existing Canal; we
shall demonstrate this once again at the World Congress.
Yet we wish to make further use of these skills, and this
desire forms the basis for the projects tied in with the
current, final phase of implementation of the Torrijos-
Carter Treaties: by this, I mean the international
university conglomerate that we call the "Ciudad del
Saber", "the City of Knowledge". In this area, and with
the excellent infrastructure facilities that will soon revert
22

to Panama, we can bring together, in the best possible
physical environment, faculties and departments of the
major universities interested in studying subjects related to
the next century and its prospects - subjects such as
communications and telecommunications, naval and air
transport, computer technology, international trade, the
environment and sustainable development, as well as
economic and business relations between our Americas and
the Pacific basin.
Thus conceived, the City of Knowledge will replace
military bases and foreign soldiers with an international
conglomerate of universities and a great army of students
and teachers from all corners of the world. This will be the
best possible way to celebrate the end of the cold war and
the development of new world circumstances, while at the
same time making the new era accessible to many
thousands of our young people. We are certain that this
project will receive the necessary international cooperation
and the support of the United Nations system.
There is another issue of similar, worldwide interest
that deserves the attention of this forum. Although it is an
interoceanic passageway, the Panama Canal is fed
exclusively by fresh water. For this reason, its existence,
the quality of its services and the possibility of expanding
them depend on the renewal of its forests and the attention
to the environment that is indispensable to feeding its basin,
guaranteeing the water supply and making it possible for
the Canal to operate.
This basin has suffered disturbing deterioration, which,
should it continue, could jeopardize the services provided
to the world by the Canal. Conscious of its responsibilities,
our country has begun a series of national and international
consultations with a view to devising a campaign that
would secure the technical and financial resources needed
to ensure the environmental conditions required for the
improvement and optimal use of the Canal. This campaign
could perhaps serve as a symbol of international
cooperation in ensuring appropriate use of resources
necessary to mankind.
Our country has recently rejoined the Rio Group - of
which we were one of the initial promoters - as a full
member. With respect to foreign policy, we fully concur
with the purposes, declarations and agreements adopted by
this group.
We Panamanians are sincerely resolved to expand our
political dialogue and economic cooperation with
neighbouring countries. To this end, we are pursuing the
process of integration with the countries of Central
America in all ways that can be mutually beneficial.
Because of its history and traditions, as well as for
reasons of geographical proximity and economic affinity,
Panama will be promoting links and integration with its
South American neighbours, with which it shares the
ideals of Bolivar.
At the same time, the great trading opportunities
afforded us as a result of the reversion of the Panama
Canal and its adjacent areas make it incumbent on us to
strengthen our links with the countries of the Pacific
basin, and to work together on projects and activities of
mutual benefit.
For similar reasons, Panama, which already has a
special relationship with the United States - a relationship
that is taking on special significance today - intends to
seek membership in the North American Free Trade
Association, whose current members, Canada, the United
States and Mexico, are certain to play a significant role in
ensuring the best possible use of the Canal areas that will
revert to Panama.
In recent times, the international community has
noted symptoms of repeated crises in certain parts of the
Caribbean area. Indeed, on certain specific conditions,
Panama has offered parts of its national territory to help
provide a temporary solution to the problem of the
Haitian and Cuban raft and boat people. This gesture has
been motivated solely by humanitarian considerations,
without political or diplomatic implications. We shall
continue to act in this manner, especially when it is useful
in providing a grace period during which a peaceful, and
agreed solution to the underlying causes of these
problems may be found.
In the case of Haiti, my Government is particularly
gratified that an agreement was reached which allowed
for the landing of multinational forces in accordance with
the relevant Security Council resolution and without the
trauma of an invasion by force. We believe, none the
less, that Haiti’s problems will be solved only when all
aspects of the Security Council resolution are fully
implemented and, in terms of socio-economic issues,
provided the international community helps eradicate the
causes of the poverty and backwardness which persist
there.
With respect to the situation in the fraternal Republic
of Cuba, we believe that the causes underlying the
23

conflict must be addressed. For this reason, my
Government favours reforms which, through the exercise of
self-determination, would guarantee the establishment of a
multi-party democracy there. Furthermore, my Government
is in favour of lifting the economic embargo that is such a
burden on that country. Only by acting simultaneously on
both fronts will it be possible to overcome this crisis. We
are fully ready to assist the fraternal Caribbean nation of
Cuba.
With the conclusion of the cold war, the world is
focusing most of its attention on other problems, new and
old, which now make up the world agenda - problems such
as the current restructuring of systems of economic
relations and international politics.
It must be stressed that in the handling of the
phenomena known as "globalization", it is vital to establish
a new order which will take into account the realities,
interests, sovereign rights, and just aspirations of the small
countries and the developing nations in general. Any
development which, out of selfishness, indifference,
inattention, or the like, fails to meet this requirement, will
inevitably condemn us to a world riddled with yet further
imbalance, marginalization and instability.
Mankind’s hopes for the twenty-first century will be
realized only if together we are able to build a much fairer,
more equitable and more balanced future. This applies to
all countries, be they rich or poor, weak or strong.
Specifically, such a future requires that we embark
immediately on a vigorous programme of common and
coordinated actions to eradicate mankind’s greatest
problem: poverty. Panama declares again today, before the
Assembly, that it is willing to join the international
programmes to combat poverty and promote solidarity and
social equity, as well as those aimed at promoting a better
quality of life for the sectors that are most deprived and
least fairly treated. In particular, Panama will commit itself
to efforts to improve the social situation of the family and
of women and children.
In respect of this universal aspiration, women in
Panama have already attained positions of relative
importance in both political and professional arenas.
Today, for the first time in the history of our Republic, the
deserving President of our legislative organ is a woman
who is a popular leader, while in our last elections another
prominent female politician was a candidate for the
presidency of the Republic of Panama, and she now leads
the major opposition party. We are also proud to see
Panamanian professional women serving in the Cabinet of
Mr. Ernesto Pérez Balladares and as judges on our
Supreme Court of Justice. In short, women in Panama
play a leading and powerful role in all aspects of our
political and private life, and they are often at the
forefront of our technical, scientific and professional
development. For this reason we shall continue to
support actions that make it possible for women to
achieve full and effective equality of rights and
opportunities in an increasingly competitive world.
On another question, my country has decided to
tackle firmly and unequivocally the problems of drug-
trafficking, money-laundering and terrorism. We are
currently devising a strategy to combat these terrible evils
that imperil the very existence of our nations. We favour
the development of joint, coordinated action on the
international level. The community of nations faces a
great challenge in these grave problems, and we fervently
appeal to the Governments and the peoples of Latin
America to create a powerful organization to combat
them.
In another area, Panama is particularly attentive to
the discussions aimed at defining a new role for the
United Nations and the corresponding structural reforms
this world Organization requires. With regard specifically
to the structure of the United Nations, Panama believes it
is necessary to increase the representativity of its most
important decision-making bodies. In particular, my
country believes that the Security Council must be
enlarged. Panama wishes to reiterate that, whatever
approach is taken, Latin America’s participation in that
body should be increased and Latin American countries
should be given consideration as possible permanent
members.
I am pleased to state that the new democratic
Government of Panama fully accepts the commitment to
bolster and enhance its presence in international agencies,
where it is a Latin American and Caribbean voice that
remains faithful to the rightful aspirations of the
developing countries. This decision is reflected in the
speech delivered by Ernesto Pérez Balladares when he
was sworn in as my country’s President. He said:
"This is the new face that Panama is showing to its
friends abroad. We are no longer at the stage of
seeking solidarity on the Canal Treaty in order to
regain the benefits of our geographic position. Now
we want to begin our participation in the new world
that is challenging us all and to make known the
24

potentialities of our geographic position, our desire to
take advantage of all opportunities properly, fairly and
respectfully, in the pursuit of an aggressive foreign
policy free of complexes and capable of helping us
surmount the challenges of the next century. We are
friends to all. We are foes of none."
We look with optimism on the development of
mankind and, in particular, that of my country. We will
pass the baton to our young people on our country’s path
of progress, peace and justice.
Finally, on this occasion I also take pleasure in
wishing you, Mr. President, every success in your task of
leading the General Assembly.


Our world is moving into a
new era which has not yet taken a permanent shape. This
process of change entails profound transformations, some
of which promote development, the rule of law, respect for
human rights and care for the environment, while others
present a serious threat to life and to the world itself.
During this process cultural, social and political principles
which once seemed to be of eternal value are superseded by
new ones.
In many parts of the world instability reigns, causing
tragedy and chaos.
In these challenging times, Sir, your unanimous
election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-
ninth session merits compliments. Your election to this
high office is a demonstration of the Member States’
confidence in you. The Republic of Suriname is
convinced that under Your Excellency’s guidance our
deliberations during this important year will produce
tangible results.
We pay tribute to Ambassador Samuel Insanally of
Guyana for the excellent way in which he presided at the
forty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
The vital, extraordinary and excellent manner in
which Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali fulfils his mission as
Secretary-General of the United Nations in these critical
times of intensified disputes, war and violence earns our
gratitude, admiration and respect. We wish to thank him
most heartily and, at the same time, congratulate him on
his important role in shaping the future of the
international system.
Events during recent years have confronted the
international community with the reality that the demise
of the confrontational clash of ideologies did not
automatically usher in the stability and prosperity to
which we all aspire. Immense problems persist in the
political, social and economic spheres and at the national,
regional and international levels.
We are witnessing the eruption, the continuation and
the spreading of severe national and ethnic rivalries, as in
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda. These conflicts
and disputes have given rise to the emergence of a large
number of displaced persons, who are subjected to the
worst kind of harassment, starvation and deprivation.
These manifestations are compounded by practices
that once again leave a shameful blot on our civilization.
The international community cannot close its eyes to
these practices or fail to act in the face of such horrifying
and unacceptable situations. Such crises, regardless of the
various causes and motives from which they may ensue,
tend to have in common the fact that masses of innocent
women, children and elderly people pay the price and
bear the brunt of conflicts and wars.
The real concern is not only the number of victims
claimed or the scale of the destruction that may ensue but
also the possibility that the seeds of those conflicts will
spread, both in the developed and in the developing
countries, in the absence of the attention of a world order
capable of containing and addressing their causes.
5

It is legitimate for the international community to
regard these problems as a shared burden and to strive for
their peaceful and prompt solution on the basis of practical
cooperation. We should in the short term resort to such
mechanisms as are deemed practical to come to the
immediate rescue of those who are suffering. Furthermore,
we should increase our efforts to eliminate the deeprooted
causes of the unresolved national conflicts, to ensure the
civil and human rights of ethnic minorities and to promote
peaceful coexistence through respect for each other’s race,
colour, ethnicity, religion and sex. If we fail to do so, the
suffering will be prolonged and will threaten regional and
international peace and security.
As we discuss the issues now confronting our world,
we cannot but refer to the importance of building a new
reality that aims at the full development of the people’s
potential through the establishment of peace, the building of
democracy and the shaping of sound economies.
We know that it is a difficult process to establish
democracy, dependable democratic institutions and a
democratic culture. Notwithstanding the commitment or
vigour with which our Governments strive to achieve this
objective, the process is bound to be slow and full of
complications. Suriname is convinced, however, that we
must endeavour to reach this goal, led by the perception
that the core of democracy, as we see it, is not merely
adherence to an ideal system but one of the most important
prerequisites for a stable, united and integrated society that
can swiftly settle its differences, realize its aspirations and
enjoy and preserve its cultural, political and socio-economic
achievements.
The commitment of Suriname to the cause of
democracy is strengthened by the distressing experience of
the rule of dictatorship under which its people had to live
some years ago. There are indeed tremendous efforts
involved in bringing a democratic system back on track.
Our involvement in the building of a new national
political reality establishes a link between us and the
regional process of political renewal, in which Governments
of the region are faced with the complex task of restoring
and safeguarding democracy.
Indeed, in Latin America and the Caribbean,
democracy has suffered some severe setbacks.
The problems of Haiti are of particular concern to us.
The violent and illegal interruption of the democratic
process in this country has led to continued violations of
human rights, to increased poverty and to suffering for
the Haitian people, as well as to the flight of thousands
from their home country. It is against this background
that my Government has granted a request to provide a
temporary safe haven for Haitian refugees and has
pledged its support to the multinational force.
Furthermore, my Government decided to make
members of the national army and the police force
available to the United Nations mission in Haiti, which,
within the framework of the implementation of Security
Council resolution 940 (1994), will become operational
simultaneously with the restoration of the democratic
Government under the leadership of President Jean-
Bertrand Aristide.
My Government’s decision to support and participate
in the United Nations mission in Haiti was inspired by its
conception of regional and international responsibility to
contribute to the safeguarding of constitutional democracy
in the region.
We believe that our hemisphere is in need of
permanent mechanisms to guarantee swift and direct
action when democracy is threatened - for example, by
the unconstitutional take-over of Governments.
The significant efforts made by the United Nations
and the Organization of American States, including the
various resolutions adopted, the missions sent to Haiti and
the threat of an immediate military intervention, have
finally convinced the military leadership to step down not
later than 15 October.
In a general sense, we are hopeful that current
developments in Haiti, which are the result of initiatives
taken within the framework of the United Nations, will
lead to a peaceful resolution of the crisis. Suriname
wishes to emphasize that all efforts to restore democracy
in Haiti will appear to have been in vain if the rich
countries do not forthwith pool financial resources in a
fund for the reconstruction and development of Haiti.
The developments in South Africa which led to the
demise of the abhorrent regime of apartheid and to the
establishment of a democratic and non-racist South Africa
have led to the conviction that in the end the rightful
struggle of people for justice, equality and majority rule
will meet with success. Indeed, the birth of the new
South Africa last April has demonstrated that structures
imposed by force cannot survive the determination of
those who seek justice.
6

The people and Government of the Republic of
Suriname wish to congratulate the people of South Africa
and their leaders, especially President Nelson Mandela, on
this success, which will have a positive impact on the world
community.
We are all greatly indebted to the Special Committee
against Apartheid, which for 32 years played a vital role in
global efforts to end apartheid. My country is confident
that the new Government in South Africa will cope well
with the new challenges it faces. We hope that the
international community will not wait to assist the new
Government in bringing about the necessary economic and
social changes to build a future of security, stability and
prosperity for the South African people.
The many positive political changes and international
breakthroughs resulting from the end of the cold-war era
have had a profound influence on the problem of the
Middle East, especially the Palestine issue. The conflict
has taken a positive turn in line with those changes. My
Government wishes to record its satisfaction over the
historic agreement signed between Israel and Jordan, which
followed the accord between Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization in September 1993. The historic
opportunity to achieve lasting peace has now materialized
and the international community must guarantee that this
important momentum is not lost.
The statistics of the United Nations Development
Programme, the World Bank and the United Nations give
rise to only one conclusion: that we live in a world beset
by inequality, gross disparity and imbalance in the
distribution of wealth and resources, and urgent solutions
for the economic situation of developing countries are
required.
The problem of economic imbalance is not limited to
a few countries or to one region. It is a global issue - just
as peace and democracy are global issues - and for that
reason this forum must deal with it as a matter of priority.
No longer is it the nuclear nightmare that frightens us most:
rather, it is the scourge of poverty, which continues to
erode the foundations of our civilization.
In Suriname, as elsewhere in Latin America, the
Caribbean and other regions, bold but necessary reforms
have been set in motion to eliminate obstacles to
development and economic competitiveness in order to
adapt to new international realities. In this context, my
country is endeavouring to rehabilitate and reconstruct the
beleaguered economy of our nation on a sound and solid
foundation.
Within the framework of these economic reforms we
consider the development of human resources to be a
priority issue. We consider it to be extremely important
to improve the living conditions and basic health and
nutrition of our people. We are committed to these goals
because we believe that every human being has the
ultimate right to development.
The austerity measures which were subscribed to by
my Government have not been easy to implement because
of the weakness of the economy and the hardships and
suffering they impose on our people. Notwithstanding the
progress made so far, it is obvious that such an
undertaking calls for the availability of vast resources,
which cannot be mobilized at the national level only. We
therefore have called on the international community to
provide assistance to complement our domestic efforts.
In particular, we have called on our historical partner to
fulfil the agreements reached in this context and to
support us in our attempts to create prosperity for our
people.
We must add to this that it is our obligation to see
to it that our need for aid does not lead to the
recolonization of our country.
My Government shares the international
community’s concern for the fragile ecosystem in our
world, which must be protected. Like other developing
countries, Suriname is confronted with the challenge to
meet its present development needs and simultaneously
safeguard the environment and natural resources for
generations to come. In trying to establish a sound
balance between development and environment my
Government has committed itself to taking all the
measures necessary to protect and preserve the
environment, in accordance with the guidelines adopted
by the Rio de Janeiro Conference, and has incorporated
the concept of sustainable development in its national
development programmes.
If the international community does not have the
political will to deal effectively with the crises occurring
in so many economies, the world will continue to lack
stability and will remain vulnerable to upheavals and
setbacks that could undermine the foundations of the
future.
7

In the context of the recently held International
Conference on Population and Development and the
forthcoming Fourth World Conference on Women, a World
Summit for Social Development is therefore a timely
initiative as it will provide an opportunity to embark on an
in-depth analysis of human development in all its aspects.
These international meetings should afford all of us the
opportunity to address in an integrated manner the issues of
poverty, unemployment and social integration.
In Latin America and the Caribbean various
encouraging initiatives have been taken to deal effectively
with the imperatives of economic and social development
and to enhance the capability of the countries of the region
to respond to the pressing challenges ahead. Joint efforts
aimed at the strengthening of regional integration and
cooperation have been made.
On 24 July 1994 in Cartagena, Colombia, we stood at
the cradle of the Association of Caribbean States, an
association which brings together member States of the
Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the countries of
Central America, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti,
Suriname, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela. This is
indeed proof of the growing awareness among the
leadership in the region that closer economic and political
relations are tools to enhance our capacity to bring
prosperity to our peoples. By joining the Association of
Caribbean States, Suriname has demonstrated that it is part
of the region and wants to participate in the shaping of its
future.
Suriname has also explored the possibility of joining
CARICOM as a full member since it believes that by
joining Suriname will both enhance its own capacity to
intensify regional cooperation and bring to the Caribbean
Community its cultural richness and its economic
opportunities.
Our hemisphere, which includes both developed and
developing countries, is being challenged to take the
opportunity provided by global changes to develop
initiatives for the cultivation of international relations
conducive to prosperity for all on the basis of sustainable
development, social reform and equity.
In the light of these aims, my country welcomes the
proposed Summit for the Americas, to be held in December
1994, at which representatives of countries of the Western
hemisphere will come together to address these issues and
to act as catalysts for the changes needed in the
development patterns of both the countries of the North and
those of the South in order for them to reach their
common goals.
The United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea has on many occasions been described as one of the
most important multilateral legal instruments of our
century. My Government participated actively in its
preparation, and I take great pleasure in congratulating the
world community on the coming into force of this
Convention on 16 November 1994.
On behalf of my Government, I also wish to express
my satisfaction with the agreement that has been reached
with regard to the mining of minerals in the deep sea-bed,
as contemplated in the aforementioned Convention.
All Members of the United Nations pledge their
support for the principles and initiatives of the United
Nations. At the same time, the Member States are
keeping an eye both on the kind of support and on the
level of assistance they can generate from this
Organization. Suriname does so.
For Suriname, many aid programmes from the
specialized agencies and other United Nations bodies have
been hampered by the implementation of one of the main
criteria for assistance. Suriname was counted among the
net contributors of the United Nations Development
Programme because our national per capita income was
calculated to be higher than $3,000. This figure is wrong
because of an unrealistic official exchange rate. Now that
the official exchange rate has moved to a realistic level,
which is more than 100 times the former rate, Suriname
is looking forward to a readjustment of its status and
subsequently to a reclassification, and also to the aid
programme that will follow this transformation.
We are involved in an evolutionary process, with
both the world and the United Nations adjusting to new
demands with regard to peace, security and sustainable
development. It is clear that a new international order
based on the democratic participation of all States calls
for a restructuring and strengthening of the United
Nations in response to its new responsibilities. Indeed,
the role of the United Nations has taken on more
relevance than ever before, and it is most urgent for the
international community to restructure this Organization
in order to enable it to play the important role for which
it was created.
The celebration in 1995 of the fiftieth anniversary of
the United Nations will be a good occasion on which to
8

reflect on the new role of the Organization and the
attainment of that objective, provided that the relations
between the General Assembly, the Security Council and
the Secretary-General are reorganized.
My Government is committed to contributing to the
successful outcome of this endeavour.