Half
a century ago the representatives of some 50 nations met in
San Francisco, in the United States, to create a new world
order for the post-war period. The founding fathers sought
to define rules and conduct enabling the countries of the
whole world to live free and safe from the scourge of war.
They gave the United Nations certain purposes that were as
noble as they were ambitious, such as, to mention only a
few, the maintenance of international peace and security;
the promotion of progress and international development;
respect for human rights and the rights of peoples; and
international cooperation.
While we rightly rejoice at the results obtained in
some of these areas, we must note that in others, concern
persists regarding the many internal conflicts and economic
and social crises that confront some of our States.
It was in an atmosphere of hope, but also uncertainty,
that His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral was
elected to guide the work of this session which must
address the aspirations for peace and well-being of our
peoples. My delegation is happy at his election and warmly
congratulates him, convinced that his intellectual qualities
and diplomatic skills will ensure success in our
deliberations. We assure the President of our full
cooperation.
I wish also to pay a well-deserved tribute to his
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Foreign
Minister of Côte d’Ivoire, who skilfully guided the
proceedings of our previous session.
I should like to reiterate our deep gratitude to His
Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who since his
election as the head of our Organization has resolutely
sought to find solutions to our world’s many problems.
Our Organization has succeeded in sparing humanity
a third world war, but areas of concern remain. Before
addressing them, I should like to briefly describe the
situation in my country, and particularly the efforts that
my Government has made to solve both political and as
socio-economic problems.
At the last session the Chadian delegation described
to the Assembly the progress that we had made towards
the democratization of political life. Today I can report
that this has become a tangible reality. We have put
machinery and structures in place to enable the Chadian
people freely and openly to choose their institutions and
their leaders. I refer in particular to the Independent
National Electoral Commission, responsible for
supervising and monitoring the preparation of electoral
rolls and organizing the various elections; the Supreme
Council for Communications, charged with guaranteeing
equitable access to the media to political parties, civil
society and individual citizens; and the Constitutional
Court, which is to settle electoral disputes, among other
things. It is important to emphasize that all shades of
political and social opinion are represented in these
bodies.
The liberalization of political life can also be seen in
the existence of 53 recognized parties as well as a number
of civil associations and trade unions. Moreover, a draft
constitution agreed by all those involved in civil and
political life will soon be put to the vote in a referendum.
I can state from this rostrum that the democratic process
is under way and that Chad is merely awaiting the various
votes to conclude it.
The President of the Republic, General Idriss Déby,
stated at this year’s presentation of New Year’s greetings
from the Diplomatic Corps that he was determined to do
his utmost to ensure that the votes were transparent and
took place in the best possible conditions. Despite this
solemn commitment, some of those involved in political
life, manipulated from abroad, are trying desperately to
hoodwink national and international public opinion by
16

saying that the Government are responsible for delaying the
votes. We reiterate the commitment of the Head of State
and invite all those who wish to do so, to come to Chad
and observe the various election processes.
I should like to extend our thanks to the United
Nations, which has already given us technical assistance. I
also take this opportunity to appeal to countries and
international organizations to help us properly to organize
the elections.
Because of the tumultuous history of my country,
peace and stability are constant concerns of my
Government, which seeks only to make a reality of the
legitimate aspirations of the Chadian people to economic
and social well-being.
National reconciliation was rightly one of the main
recommendations of the Sovereign National Conference, for
trust and harmony among the people of Chad must be
rebuilt. The establishment of a national reconciliation
commission and the proclamation of a general amnesty and
a unilateral cease-fire throughout the country are
demonstrations of the avowed will of the Government to
reunite Chadians. Some people in Chadian political life
consider that the final step in achieving this objective is to
organize a round table. The Government is in favour, as
long as the other participants are not limited to the armed
opposition and as long as it does not threaten the
achievements of the Sovereign National Conference, the
democratic process, or the established timetable.
Political freedom is truly beneficial only when it is
based on an economic situation from which all the
population gain. My country faces an economic and
financial crisis due to external factors, aggravated by
desertification, an uncertain climate and the fact that it is
land-locked. My Government has taken a series of measures
to improve the financial situation, while strengthening its
control over debt servicing and trying to exert similar
control over the civil service and the army. These measures
have had satisfactory results and should be supported by
our partners.
While we are pleased that the cold war has ended,
there remain, as I said earlier, many matters causing great
concern. The international community is confronting some
problems that negatively impact on the evolution of our
countries and require collective thought.
With regard to peace, since the last session the picture
has continued to be one of contrasts.
In Angola, my Government is heartened by the
progress achieved since the Lusaka Accords, which have
opened up great prospects for the consolidation of peace
and the reconstruction of the country.
Similarly, we welcome the signing in Washington on
28 September of the agreement between the State of
Israel and the Palestinian Authority. This is an important
milestone on the path towards a just and lasting
settlement of the crisis, which has lasted far too long.
My country also welcomed the agreements reached
by the Liberian factions on 19 August. With the setting
up of the Council of State, we can hope that the six years
of nightmare are now coming to an end for the people of
Liberia.
Elsewhere, the situation is much less favourable.
Burundi, Rwanda, Somalia and Sierra Leone are still
powder kegs, experiencing loss of human life and massive
displacements of populations.
My country is also concerned about the situation in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the very heartland of Europe,
where the spiral of war seems to hold sway over the logic
of peace. We encourage the patient and tireless efforts of
the international community to settle this conflict, with
respect for the country’s sovereignty and territorial
integrity.
We would make an urgent appeal to the various
protagonists to demonstrate perspicacity and political
courage in order to put an end to these human tragedies.
Foreseeable causes of conflict in most States are
behaviour and attitudes revealing a desire for hegemony
that threatens territorial integrity and harms good-
neighbourly relations. We must appeal to leaders to show
wisdom and refrain from such conduct; rather, they
should work together in a spirit of solidarity and mutual
assistance to implement joint development programmes.
For its part, Chad fully supports the principle of the
peaceful settlement of all disputes. In this spirit, on the
basis of resolutions of the United Nations, the
Organization of African Unity and the Organization of the
Islamic Conference, we again appeal for the lifting of the
embargo on the Libyan people, which has a negative
impact on neighbouring countries.
My country supports the efforts under way in our
Organization in the field of peace-keeping operations,
17

particularly in the consolidation of peace in various parts of
the world. Thus, it is making its modest contribution to the
United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda.In the same
spirit, Chad supports Argentina’s “White Helmets”
initiative.
Africa, for its part, took a decisive step by
establishing, in 1993, a mechanism for the prevention,
management and settlement of conflicts; it is already
operational. We call for close cooperation between the
United Nations and this mechanism under Chapter VIII of
the Charter and for multifaceted support from the entire
international community.
As a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, my country welcomes its indefinite
extension. This is a major step, because, since the
establishment of the United Nations, the prevention of the
dissemination of nuclear weapons has been one of the
major goals of Member States. Chad fully supports the
negotiations currently under way in the Conference on
Disarmament for the conclusion of a comprehensive test-
ban treaty.
My country welcomed the Secretary-General’s
convening of an international meeting on mine clearance
from 5 to 7 July 1995 at Geneva. We greatly appreciate the
positive reaction of the international community, which, by
announcing a contribution of more than $20 million,
demonstrated its determination to struggle against this
invisible, pernicious and constant menace.
Chad, a large part — about one third — of whose
territory is infested with mines of all types, supports the
Secretary-General’s statement that, by damaging local
communities, by contributing to emptying vast territories of
their population and by preventing the return of refugees,
mines are obstacles to economic and social development.
Hence, we appeal to the international community to help
my country rid itself of these death machines.
The unbearable pictures of thousands of mutilated
men, women and children throughout the world cry out to
us. That is why my country stands ready to support any
measure that would lead to the total prohibition of the
production and sale of such weapons.
Peace and development are the major objectives of our
Organization. So far as economic and social development
is concerned, in recent years many summits and
conferences have been held with the goal of improving the
living standards of peoples. But the results have not met the
expectations. In fact, as the Human Development Report
1995 states,
“More than three-fourths of the world’s people live
in developing countries, but they enjoy only
16 per cent of the world’s income.” (Human
Development Report 1995, p. 14)
Africa, where the majority of the least developed
countries are located, is in a most precarious situation.
The continual decline in export income condemns Africa
to such an increase in the servicing of its debt that any
development activity is futile.
What can one say about structural adjustment and
economic liberalization measures, which frequently have
a negative impact on the most vulnerable segments of our
society? Most of the initiatives to promote the
development of Africa in the 1990s have not brought the
hoped-for results.
We venture to hope that the Agenda for
Development, as a prop for the Agenda for Peace, will
foster a genuine spirit of solidarity and partnership in the
international community.
We believe that, 50 years after its creation, and
despite the outstanding results it has achieved in some
areas, the United Nations must continue to change in
order to meet new and increasingly complex challenges.
In this connection, we reiterate our support for the
process of restructuring and revitalizing the United
Nations in the economic, social and related areas. We
emphasize, however, that this necessary action must not
lead to marginalization of the developing countries.
Chad has already expressed its position on the
expansion of the Security Council, the organ with primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace
and security. The principle of equitable geographical
representation must be observed.
In conclusion, I should like to express the hope that
our deliberations will be fully successful and that the
twenty-first century will witness the beginning of a
genuine rebirth of our international Organization, so that
it can work decisively towards the greatness of mankind.
The meeting rose at 5.25 p.m.
18


It is a pleasure for me to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly on
this, the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations. I also
wish to extend our recognition to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and to the outgoing President,
Mr. Amara Essy.
We are convinced that one of the most important
items of this session must be support for the effective and
substantive reform of the United Nations.

The only way to approach the construction of a new
international order is by renewing our faith in
multilateralism and giving the United Nations its central,
indispensable role in the search for lasting solutions to the
complex problems that all our societies are experiencing.
Half a century has passed since the founding of the
United Nations. With its successes and setbacks, its
accomplishments and its problems, the United Nations has
shown that only organized international cooperation will
make it possible to prevent new conflicts. It is impossible
18

to imagine today’s world without this universal institution.
The profound changes that have taken place since that era
and the demands of the future make it necessary for the
United Nations to be renewed, revitalized, reformed and
strengthened.
It is valid, then, for us to ask ourselves what the new
vision of our United Nations is in a changing, global and
interdependent world. The transformation of the United
Nations cannot be separated from the profound
transformations that democracy itself is undergoing
throughout the world. Our Organization must be reformed
on the basis of the new conception of democracy.
The concept of democracy in the world has changed.
Democracy is no longer a static concept, nor is it limited
only to the internal affairs of States. Democracy is a
patrimony of values that are common to all humankind.
Today’s democracy is dynamic, and in order for it to take
on a profound character, it should be understood as an
unfinished work that is always in transition.
Today I should like to emphasize various aspects of
this international democratic transition, which is closely
related to the transition that our Organization must undergo.
First, we are moving away from the political agenda
and moving towards the social agenda. The World Summit
for Social Development, held in Denmark, reminded us that
the ultimate objective of all our efforts is to improve the
living conditions and quality of life of our peoples. Our
Organization was born in the geopolitical era, marked by
East-West confrontation and bipolar division. Today we are
passing towards a world divided into economic blocs where
social policies are demanding their rightful place at centre
stage.
Our Organization has the duty to facilitate this
transition from a world divided between military Powers to
a world where democracy, economic efficiency and social
justice crown a new world order.
Secondly, democracy is passing from centralized
decision-making to broad participation by citizens in
society. In this way we are moving from formal democracy
to participative democracy, where power and choice are
somehow returned to communities. This transition means
more opportunity for dialogue and internal consensus within
our societies. As has been said on other occasions, the
concept of international peace gives way to the concept of
internal peace within our States. Last year the Secretary-
General himself said, at the luncheon he gave for Heads of
State, that wars are no longer waged between States but,
rather, within our nations. That is why it is so important
to promote reconciliation and negotiation in divided
societies.
Thirdly, we are moving from bureaucracy to good
government. This transition requires that special attention
be given to the reform and modernization of the State.
Efficiency and effectiveness should now be the new terms
for public administration.
Fourthly, we are passing from the unilateral
perspective that has characterized the world to a focus on
gender that opens the doors for the full, active
participation of women in the great tasks of our times.
Equality and equity between men and women is a basic
principle for achieving the true development of
international society. In this regard, the recent Conference
in Beijing opened up a new chapter for us, leading
towards this new goal.
Our Organization also has to assimilate the transition
from a partial concept of development to an integrated
concept of sustainable development. This new concept
requires us to combine the political dimension with the
social, cultural, economic, ecological and even ethnic
dimensions of development processes.
Central America, a region that emerged into
democracy from out of the ashes of war and conflict —
a region, as the President of El Salvador, Mr. Armando
Calderón Sol, said this afternoon, is going through a new
stage in its history — has also adopted a new model of
sustainable development that makes ours the first region
in the world to try, through the concrete fulfilment of
commitments in all areas, to make a reality of the
agreements of the Rio Conference on Environment and
Development.
We Central Americans are moving from the model
of military security centred on the cold-war poles of
power to the new model of democratic security. The
United Nations should therefore lead the way in this new
concept of security, which is not limited to the military
aspect. Rather, human security should be the new axis of
this new model of world security.
Today we Central Americans are discussing a treaty
on democratic security, developed by Nicaragua, that
enshrines this new concept of security, which is no longer
based on number and quality of weapons, but, rather, on
the quality of human life, the efficiency of democratic
19

institutions, civil security, the fight against drug trafficking,
terrorism and arms trafficking and cooperation in all areas.
We Central Americans have concluded that democracy and
its improvement are the best way to strengthen regional
security.
We must be aware that we are also going through a
transition to what we call preventive democracy. By this we
mean that we should strive to anticipate conflicts and their
causes in order not to have to resolve them later with the
peace-keeping forces of this Organization. That is why we
have always said that the best peace-keeping operation is
the one that we can avoid, that we never have to carry out.
This also means rechannelling efforts into the area of
promoting human rights — no longer treating this subject
as a mere list of violations of fundamental rights and
freedoms devoting great efforts to the promotion of respect
for those rights and human freedoms.
In its reform process, our Organization should also
take into account that commerce and investment are ceasing
to be merely economic factors; they are becoming a
genuine element of support for those democratic processes
that demand to form part of economic development. The
battles waged before on the battlefield are now waged in
international markets. What we must understand is that
there, too, a battle for the sustainability, progress and
development of democracy is taking place.
We are also making the transition from a world
divided between opulence and poverty to one with a new
focus on establishing a real alliance for development
between the countries of the north and the countries of the
south. The era of confrontation should give way to a new
era of cooperation directed at reducing the inequalities
between a rich and prosperous north and a dispossessed and
poor south.
We need to make the transition from an era of
inequality of opportunities to an era of democratization of
development. By this I mean, at the internal level,
broadening the base of the benefits of progress for a
steadily growing number of small and medium-sized
businessmen. At the international level democratization of
development implies sharing the benefits of progress in a
more equitable manner between countries.
It is not possible to make a deep revision of the
structure of our Organization without looking at the
profound changes that have taken place in the world and
which are enriching and broadening many of our values,
concepts and goals while presenting new challenges.
For this reason it is very important to see that the
reform of the United Nations rests on this global renewal
of democracy, whose consolidation constitutes the
fundamental political priority for the new world order we
are all building.
I would like to emphasize here that the new and
restored democracies, which met in Managua in 1994,
have much to do with and much to say about the future
and the values of our Organization. The consolidation of
democracy in the societies that lived through the
totalitarian doctrines of this century is fundamental to
sustaining this new vision of the United Nations.
My country has always counted on the invaluable
cooperation of the United Nations to complete a transition
process characterized by its complexity. The United
Nations has accompanied us on our road from a
Nicaragua at war to a Nicaragua at peace; from a
Nicaragua divided and without democratic institutions to
a new Nicaragua that today enjoys complete freedom. The
same United Nations is accompanying us in the process
of strengthening the advances made, with the benefits of
economic development.
I would like to recall with special gratitude the
various resolutions of this General Assembly, requesting
Member States and international financial institutions to
continue to lend their support to Nicaragua in a wider and
more flexible manner, taking into consideration the
exceptional circumstances of our country.
Nicaragua now faces the challenge of successfully
ending the first stage of its transition process, giving
special attention to overcoming dire poverty, to the
modernization of its institutions and to the improvement
of its productive capacity. Nicaragua is preparing to hold
its next elections in 1996, thus taking a new step in the
consolidation of its democratic institutions. It is worth
recalling that six years ago this Organization, for the first
time in its history, participated in observing elections, and
that happened in Nicaragua. Today I want to invite the
United Nations to participate as an observer again, in
these new elections which will mark a transcendental
stage in our democratic process.
These challenges make indispensable our continuing
collaboration with the United Nations system and with
friendly countries in establishing once and for all strong
foundations for economic and social development and for
a lasting peace. The United Nations still has much to do
in Nicaragua.
20

I would like to refer now to the subject of the reform
of this Organization. We need to move forward urgently in
the matter of the democratization of the United Nations and
all its main organs. In this endeavour Nicaragua fully
supports an increase in the number of members of the
Security Council, in order to ensure the equitable
representation of all regional groups, among the permanent
members as well as the non-permanent. In this context, we
support the entry of Germany and Japan, countries that we
are certain will make a significant contribution to the
effectiveness of the Security Council.
We must redouble our efforts to promote
administrative and budgetary reforms that will make our
Organization more efficient. We consider it necessary to
continue with the functional and organizational
strengthening of the Economic and Social Council, which
should maintain its role as the custodian of the economic,
social and cultural rights of Member States.
We cannot speak of reforms in the United Nations
without speaking of reforms in the General Assembly. The
Assembly must be revitalized, and it should coordinate its
activities more closely with the other United Nations
organs. The President of the Assembly should be given
more specific tasks, in accordance with the new
circumstances I have already mentioned.
There can be no reform of the United Nations without
a solution to the financial crisis through which the
Organization is passing. The continual budgetary problems
must be examined in an honest, pragmatic way, since the
credibility of the Organization is at stake.
We are convinced that the development programme
will be a strategy that is coherent, not only with the new
vision of world development, but also with the goals and
objectives of the new or restored democracies. It is
necessary to have a creative programme for development,
with universal validity, which will combine assistance for
development, trade, investments, the transfer of technology
and a reasonable solution to the problem of the debt and the
negative transfer of resources.
One of the fundamental pillars of Nicaragua’s foreign
policy is general and complete disarmament, nuclear as well
as conventional. Nicaragua is therefore concerned about the
recent nuclear tests in the Pacific.
Nicaragua is in solidarity with the 21 million
inhabitants of the Republic of China in Taiwan, and in this
context we call for resolution of the exceptional situation of
the Republic of China through peaceful means, in
accordance with the principles of the peaceful resolution
of disputes between States and within the framework of
the creation of an ad hoc committee of the General
Assembly.
Nicaragua takes the opportunity once more to salute
the courage and determination of the South African
people in the achievement of a new South Africa, united
and non-racist.
In Mozambique we hope that the process of
reconciliation will continue and that, finally, that patient
brother country will take the road to economic growth
and development.
Similarly, we hope that Angola will consolidate the
establishment of a strong and lasting peace, indispensable
for national reconciliation and reconstruction.
As regards the Palestinian question and the Middle
East, we are pleased with the positive and irreversible
evolution towards a just and lasting solution to the
conflict. We warmly welcome the recent agreements
between Israel and Palestine.
Our country continues to be alarmed by the situation
in Somalia, Liberia and Rwanda, and considers that
greater efforts are necessary on the part of the
international community, and principally of the United
Nations, to bring stability and peace to those countries.
In Europe, in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina,
we are worried about the continuation of hostilities and
hope for a peaceful solution to the conflict. The
Nicaraguan Government greets with approval the Joint
Statement and Agreed Basic Principles, signed recently by
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Yugoslavia.
To end, I wish to say that today more than ever, on
the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations, Nicaragua and the majority of the peoples of the
world put our confidence in our Organization, since we
consider that the time has come for the United Nations to
assume fully its responsibilities under the Charter.
Nicaragua is ready, in its current conditions of peace and
harmony, to support this new vision of the United
Nations, also based on a new vision of democracy.


It is a great honour
for me to speak on behalf of my delegation, since my
Foreign Minister is currently campaigning in the
impending presidential and parliamentary elections.
Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election
as President of the historic fiftieth session of the United
Nations General Assembly. You bring to this office a
wealth of experience and rich intellectual and diplomatic
skill which assure us of a fruitful conclusion of the work
before the session. And, above all, my delegation
applauds your sensitivity to development issues.
A well-deserved tribute is also due to your
distinguished predecessor, Mr. Amara Essy, the Foreign
Minister of Côte d’Ivoire, who successfully presided over
the forty-ninth session.
At this juncture, I would like to pay tribute to
Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, whose
indefatigable efforts in the search for peace and
development are very well appreciated by my
Government and the people of Tanzania. We also salute
the selfless efforts and commitment of the overwhelming
majority of the Secretariat staff in the service of the
international community.
My delegation wishes to reiterate Tanzania’s firm
conviction that the United Nations is all of us - its
Members. It does not exist apart from us, nor should it be
used by one Member or group of Members to the
detriment of the wishes and hopes of the international
community. It can do only what we, its Members, are
prepared to do, acting together.

This is not to say that our Organization is perfect
and sacrosanct, and therefore beyond criticism. On the
contrary, much as we derive satisfaction from the fact that
the United Nations has survived 50 difficult years, there
is plenty of scope to re-examine its role, especially now,
as we are on the threshold of the next millennium.
Work in this direction has already started, and it has
been covered in the comprehensive report of the
Secretary-General on the work of the Organization. The
11

report draws our attention to the work under way and what
needs to be done about problems which threaten
international peace and security. It is up to nation States
which are Members of the United Nations to reflect on, and
assess the role of, the only universal organization at the
disposal of all humankind.
Undoubtedly the United Nations has been doing the
best possible in the pursuit of the lofty ideals of the
Charter — in particular, in regard to maintaining
international peace; economic and social advancement for
all peoples, and enhancing human rights. While loudly
faulted on its peace-keeping role, the silent achievements of
the United Nations agencies, including the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the World Health Organization
(WHO), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the International
Labour Organization (ILO), the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations
Environment Programme (UNEP), the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the
United Nations Industrial Development Organization
(UNIDO), need not be simply taken for granted.
Even in terms of peace-keeping operations, we only
need to ask why it was possible to succeed in Namibia,
Cambodia, El Salvador, South Africa and Mozambique, and
why prospects are now brightening in Angola, under United
Nations leadership, while we have not quite succeeded in
Somalia, Rwanda or Bosnia and Herzegovina.
As I speak, conflicts are raging unabated in the world,
especially in parts of Africa, the Balkans and the Caucasus.
A lot of work is yet to be done in the area of
peace-keeping. Every effort must be made to enhance the
capacity of the United Nations along the lines described in
the 1992 “An Agenda for Peace” (A/47/277) and its
supplement (A/50/60), issued in January this year.
The real problem with the United Nations rests with
the new post-cold-war era. The promises of peace have
eluded us and as a result we are still “in the woods”
regarding the international community’s ability to manage
non-military transnational issues, including development,
environmental degradation and inequalities within and
between nations.
One point of grave concern to my delegation is that
the new world order — if there is order at all — has tended
to perpetuate the situation in which the wealthy and
powerful nation-States dominate and seek to exert undue
influence on the United Nations. Consequently, United
Nations reform is urgent and imperative. The thrust of
this reform must be to maintain and enhance the
democratic values of the Charter of the United Nations
and translate them into reality throughout the work of the
Organization. We must jealously guard the central role of
the General Assembly, in which all Member States,
regardless of size or wealth, have an equal say. Careful
attention should be given to the functioning of the
Security Council. We must ensure that the Council acts
within and in accordance with the Charter and that its
membership reflects the realities of our times, taking into
account the tremendous expansion from 51 Member
States in 1945 to 185 in 1995.
In welcoming the report of the General Assembly’s
Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable
Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the
Security Council, my delegation restates the need to have
developing countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America
and the Caribbean represented in the Council, in terms of
both permanent and non-permanent seats. Secondly, not
only is transparency in the functioning of the Council
necessary, but there must also be a regularized system of
reporting to, and consultation with, the General Assembly.
Thirdly, the veto power has outlived its usefulness. It
should be abolished, since it is a negation of democratic
principles to empower any one member, or group of
members, to decide on the vital issues of peace and
security without due regard to the sensitivity and wishes
of the majority.
The reform process under way should focus also on
restoring the Economic and Social Council to its intended
high status as the organ for bringing all international
economic and social affairs under the strategic control of
the United Nations, and here I refer to Article 63 of the
Charter. My delegation believes that the governance of
the Bretton Woods institutions should be democratized,
along with their internal decision-making mechanisms.
Let me conclude the question of reform by quoting
the very apt perception of the South Centre:
“The opposition to a strong and dynamic United
Nations is political and profoundly ideological, and
is largely concentrated in a few States whose
establishments prefer not to strengthen a forum in
which their domestic and global policies can be
challenged or trimmed. But the United Nations
exists for all humankind, not just a handful of
Member States representing a small minority of the
12

world’s population ... . This is not a time for despair
but for determined efforts to rekindle the United
Nations original inspirations and to inject a new sense
of purposeful direction ... to help fulfil the aspirations
of many millions of people throughout the world.”
The financing of the United Nations by Member States
is also badly in need of reform. As we meet here, our
Organization is on the brink of bankruptcy. As of early
August, unpaid assessed contributions stood at $3.9 billion.
My delegation is in agreement with the Secretary-General
when he laments that
“there is no use talking about reshaping the
responsibilities of the United Nations unless the
resources are there to carry out those responsibilities”.
It is urgent that action be taken to make good on late
payments of assessed contributions, for both the regular
budget and peace-keeping operations, without any
preconditions. Having said that, my delegation believes that,
on the one hand, the principle of financing the United
Nations should be on the basis of relative capacity to pay,
and secondly, that other options should be explored that
would lessen overdependence on the policy inclinations of
a few Members.
I should like now to turn to conflicts closest to the
heart of the Government and people of Tanzania: the
situations in neighbouring Rwanda and Burundi. It is
heartening to note that the situation in Rwanda is gradually
returning to normal following the end of genocide and the
fratricidal war of July 1994. Tanzania, in the true spirit of
good-neighbourliness, salutes the new government’s efforts
to consolidate peace, rebuild State institutions and make
national reconciliation a reality on the basis of the Arusha
Peace Agreement.
Tanzania, besides facilitating political mediation for
the two neighbouring countries, has always readily
welcomed Rwandese and Burundi peoples fleeing atrocities
in their homelands. The Government is anxious that the
now more than one million refugees concentrated in the
western part of the country should be assisted to return
home as soon as possible, but it should be sooner rather
than later. It is a huge burden of immense proportions. My
Government is appreciative of the international assistance
that is directed to the refugees and to Tanzania. However,
the ideal solution is to facilitate their speedy return to their
countries of origin so that they may become part of the
reconstruction and reconciliation efforts. To do otherwise is
to postpone the problem and sow the seeds of future
conflicts and mistrust.
Worse still, long-term damage to the environment is
now a reality. Urgent measures are required to prevent the
area of concentration from being stripped bare of trees.
Pressure on the already overstretched infrastructure and
social services remains overwhelming. This humanitarian
catastrophe must not be allowed to go on indefinitely. My
Government believes that the reconstruction efforts being
put in place must have a component for the return of
refugees.
No effort should be spared to help the two
neighbouring countries create an environment conducive
to the return of their peoples. In this connection, we take
note of the Secretary- General’s efforts to convene a
Great Lakes region conference on security, stability and
development, in line with the decisions of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) and Security
Council. But my Government is of the view that
commensurate efforts should first be made to implement
the Nairobi and Bujumbura declarations on stability and
the situation in the refugee camps. We also urge the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees and other organizations on the ground to extend
to the region the quick impact programmes that are
currently being undertaken in Mozambique and Somalia.
These programmes are aimed at meeting the reintegration
and rehabilitation needs of returnees on their arrival
home.
Mention should also be made of my Government’s
readiness to cooperate in establishing the seat of the
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda at Arusha in
northern Tanzania. The judges have since been appointed,
and the Registrar of the Tribunal is already in Tanzania
as part of the preparatory team. It is my delegation’s view
that an early start of the Tribunal’s proceedings should go
a long way towards helping the healing process in
Rwanda.
Concerning Burundi, we commend the work of the
peace mission of the Organization of African Unity and
appeal to the leaders of all parties to rise above parochial
interests and work in the larger interest of their country,
Africa and the world.
My delegation is especially encouraged by the
positive developments in Angola, which, as we heard
from its Foreign Minister when he addressed the current
session, is finally headed towards peaceful settlement
13

under the terms of the Lusaka Protocol and the Bicesse
Accords. We are also hopeful that the deployment of the
United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM
III) will be speeded up, to ensure that the peace process
remains on course.
Regarding Liberia, we are encouraged by the recent
developments by which the OAU and the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in
particular have secured agreement among faction leaders
aimed at a peaceful resolution of the long-simmering civil
war. The United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia also
deserves our appreciation for its contribution. Consequently,
it is our hope that the positive developments in Liberia will
impact on the restive situation in neighbouring Sierra
Leone.
Regrettably, four years on, the international
community has yet to implement the United Nations peace
plan calling for a referendum in Western Sahara. The
parties concerned, Morocco and the Polisario Front, need to
summon their political will and, without undue
prevarication, cooperate fully with the United Nations in
speeding up the process.
Africa has received with anger reports of recent
mercenary interference in the Comoros. The perpetration of
such a dastardly act must not be countenanced by the
international community, in particular the United Nations.
My delegation supports the OAU call for the speedy and
unconditional restoration of the constitutional order in that
African country and would also wish to recall the General
Assembly’s resolution on the sovereignty of the Islamic
Federal Republic of the Comoros over the island of
Mayotte.
We welcome progress in the Middle East situation.
The signing in Washington of the latest agreement between
the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization represents an important step towards the
implementation of the Declaration of Principles. We hope
progress will also be made on the other fronts in
accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967)
and 338 (1973).
As for the Balkans, my delegation supports United
Nations peace-keeping and other international efforts aimed
at finding a lasting solution to the conflict in the former
Yugoslavia. We urge all parties to the conflict to invest in
a political settlement and to resist the temptation of a
military solution.
The continuing threat of hunger and poverty to
world peace and security cannot be overemphasized.
Their impact on the developing countries is made clear by
the stagnant or negative rates of economic growth and
declining real per capita incomes in most of the South,
especially in the least developed countries, including
Tanzania. As the Administrator of the United Nations
Development Programme said recently:
“Poverty is growing faster than population.
There are scores of countries where progress is
going backwards rather than forwards. Rich
countries are not going to be able to build a wall
around themselves and shut themselves off. These
problems don’t need passports.”
Internal and external factors alike have contributed
to the underdevelopment of the largest segment of the
world. The debt crisis, depressed prices of primary
commodities, protectionist measures, the inadequate flow
of direct foreign investment and financial and technical
assistance, and deteriorating terms of trade are but a few
of the factors adversely affecting socio-economic
performance in most of these countries.
It is with this frustrating situation in mind that we
intend to continue participating in the work of the Ad
Hoc Open-ended Working Group of this Assembly on An
Agenda for Development. It must become a true vehicle
for ending poverty the world over. Other supportive
United Nations agencies, especially UNCTAD, which will
be holding its ninth conference in South Africa next year,
and UNIDO should be accorded their due importance by
the international community as true instruments of
development.
During the High-level Intergovernmental Meeting on
the Mid-term Global Review of the Implementation of the
Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries
for the 1990s, there was some North-South meeting of
minds on what Governments ought to do individually and
together to reverse the trend of underdevelopment. My
Government reaffirmed its commitment to continue
implementing socio-economic reforms considered
beneficial to our people. Inevitable difficulties aside, the
focus is on sectors concerned with agriculture, industry,
finance, civil service, trade and privatization.
At the same time, we are undertaking political
reforms which are essential not only for good governance,
but also for the creation of the necessary environment for
economic management and sustainable growth. This
14

exercise culminates in the multi-party national elections that
will take place towards the end of this month. The
understanding and cooperation of our traditional donor
countries have been instrumental in supplementing our own
efforts. We also count on the international community’s
commitment to implement fully existing programmes such
as the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of
Africa in the 1990s and the conclusions of a series of
United Nations world conferences, including the Fourth
World Conference on Women, successfully concluded in
Beijing, China, last month.
In conclusion, let me refer to two other important
developments since the forty-ninth session. First, regarding
disarmament, we hope that the controversial indefinite
extension last May of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons will lead to total nuclear disarmament
and the immediate cessation and complete elimination of
nuclear testing. Secondly, we urge the international
community to iron out differences over how to constitute
the membership of the International Seabed Authority
Council, in order to formalize the work of this important
instrument, the United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea.
Finally, my delegation is privileged to be a part of this
historic fiftieth session of the General Assembly, whose
work should further reaffirm our commitment to
multilateralism. We look forward to celebrating the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations later this month, when
we will be called upon to reflect together on how best to
equip our Organization on the eve of the twenty-first
century. Nevertheless, it is important to bear constantly in
mind the fact that, for developing countries and especially
the least developed among them, it is not a time of
rejoicing. I can do no better than to quote the address of
my President, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, to the General Assembly
at its forty-ninth session, in which he said:
“A supportive international environment is crucial
if we are to attain sustained economic growth in
developing countries, especially in the least developed
ones. The United Nations must be able to play a much
greater role in this matter because, unlike the Bretton
Woods institutions, the United Nations is universal; its
programmes operate everywhere; and it does not
ignore countries.” (Official Records of the General
Assembly, Forty-ninth session, Plenary Meetings,
16th meeting, p. 5)


Let me first
congratulate you, Sir, and wish you success in your new,
most historically significant task.
The fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations can be
viewed as a time of retirement or as an opportunity for a
new beginning and rejuvenation. We all bear a
responsibility to maximize the possibility that the United
Nations will not only endure the next 50 years but will
thrive as the centrepiece of a new world order and
international peace and security.
Bosnia and Herzegovina is keenly aware of the pivotal
role into which our country has been thrust. It is not a role
we sought or one that we cherish. The successful settlement
of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, consistent with the
principles of sovereignty, democracy and respect for human
rights engraved in the United Nations Charter, can be a
catalyst for this new beginning for both Bosnia and
Herzegovina and the United Nations. However, a failure to
honour basic principles of the United Nations Charter and
international humanitarian law could be fatal to Bosnia and
Herzegovina and threaten the vitality and integrity of the
United Nations.
This coming Thursday, we all hope to see another firm
stride towards peace in the Middle East. Although much
more needs to be done to secure the rights of all in the
region and to bring about real stability and therefore true
peace, the peace process in the Middle East is anchored
by leaders who deserve our respect. They represent
peoples who have been long maligned during the recent
past. The substantial differences that still exist between
these peoples are born out of previous injustices and out
of conflicting claims to land.
The war waged upon our country does involve a
land grab and an aggression in violation of the United
Nations Charter. However, more directly, the war is about
ideology — ideology not of religion and ethnicity but of
politics and tolerance. We have been the victims of
genocide and our enemy is not defined by its ethnicity or
religion but by the ideology of intolerance, dictatorship
and fascism that it promotes.
I have just come out of the negotiations with the
members of the Contact Group on Bosnia and
Herzegovina and my two colleagues from Croatia and
Serbia and Montenegro. I wish that I could say that I was
as confident about the prospects of success with respect
to our negotiations as I am for the prospects of the
negotiations in the Middle East. While the Middle East
negotiations involve statesmen trying to resolve the
competing claims of maligned peoples hungry for peace,
we find among our negotiating partners at least two
individuals already indicted by the War Crimes Tribunal
in The Hague for genocide and other crimes against
humanity. While the international media show pictures of
the mass graves of civilians murdered in the campaign of
“ethnic cleansing” and genocide that gave the Republika
Srpska its very beginning, we are now negotiating with a
team that includes the very indicted war criminals
responsible for these murders and the mass graves.
We really do hope that this negotiating process will
bring about a step towards peace. We have come to the
firm understanding that victory can be defined in more
than one way. We are not seeking military victory over
our enemies, even though our legal and moral status is
consistent with absolute military triumph. We have
learned to define our victory in terms of the lives that we
can save and in the opportunity to rebuild and reinstate
throughout our country democracy and human rights. We
certainly do not seek revenge for the thousands of persons
expelled, tortured, raped and murdered. We only seek not
to allow war criminals responsible for these crimes to
dictate our future and to seek legitimacy through the
negotiating process. We do have confidence that the War
Crimes Tribunal in The Hague will bring about justice
18

and will certainly know better how to address such war
criminals than the negotiators.
We are sincerely committed to, and do believe in, the
negotiating process. Negotiations are consistent with our
goal, which is to achieve peace, even if we have to make
difficult, painful compromises. Through peace we hope to
re-establish democracy and respect for human rights
throughout the entire country and in that fashion gradually
reintegrate our country. It is in many ways a risky and
unprecedented road. None the less, we do believe that, in
peace, the ideology of an open, free, democratic and
tolerant society is strongest, while a closed, totalitarian and
intolerant ideology is strengthened by conflict. We do
recognize also that there are some legitimate considerations
that have to be addressed in the negotiating process,
including internal territorial delineations and means to
rebuild the confidence of the population in the political
processes and mechanisms that are designed to secure
respect for human rights.
Our country has been too scarred and too polarized by
this war for us to expect that peace and reintegration will
not require a special effort and mechanisms that may seem
unnatural to many of us. None the less, there still remains
a basic contradiction in the existing negotiating process.
That is because it is theorized that dictators and despots as
negotiators on one side are truly prepared to negotiate to
bring about free and fair elections and democratic
institutions as the basis for a new Bosnia and Herzegovina.
That is because it is expected that hate mongers on
one side are prepared to negotiate the establishment of
institutions that in fact ensure respect for basic human
rights.
That is because war criminals on one side — the same
side — are called upon to negotiate the creation of
mechanisms that would facilitate the return of refugees and
displaced persons, the very victims that these criminals
actually subjected to “ethnic cleansing”.
I have just come from a set of lengthy and difficult
negotiations. The other side continues to refuse to accept
the requirement that the future Parliament and Presidency
of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be elected by direct
elections by popular vote.
We are being strongly encouraged — even pressured,
if you will — to agree to what may be a process other than
election by popular vote as the means by which the future
Parliament and Presidency of our country would be
selected.
We have already been lectured that the negotiating
process would collapse if we persisted in demanding that
the extradition of war criminals to The Hague must be
honoured by all authorities within the future Bosnia and
Herzegovina, as is consistent with international law and
the demands of the international community on our
country as a whole.
Let us be clear here once and for all on this. We
will not settle for sham elections or other selection
procedures in respect of our most basic governmental
institutions that dictators and despots want in order to
undermine real democracy and legitimize totalitarianism
under the cover of an international peace agreement.
The other side has been given the opportunity to
choose its own negotiating team. But the fact that they
have selected members who have already been formally
indicted by the War Crimes Tribunal and others who may
yet be indicted will not affect our demand that they be
extradited to the Tribunal.
The selection of these negotiators is their choice. But
let me emphasize once again: we will not allow a
negotiating process to shield war criminals from
international justice — not our justice, but international
justice. In fact, the success of the negotiating process will
be measured by whether or not war criminals are brought
to justice and by whether despots and dictators are swept
out of power, not by the agreements that such criminals
and dictators may sign.
Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot be
either free, fair or democratic until a basic respect for
human rights is established, until war criminals are sent
for trial to the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, until
refugees and displaced persons are guaranteed the right
and opportunity to return and to vote in these elections,
and until overall conditions are established consistent with
a free and open society.
Finally, neither can there be real peace unless an
environment consistent with democracy and respect for
human rights is promoted by all, including the
international community.
Well, what does all this have to do with the United
Nations? It certainly has a lot to do with Bosnia and
Herzegovina as a Member of the United Nations. Simply
19

put, the United Nations Charter and basic international
principles can be overlooked only temporarily. However,
the United Nations cannot be the envisioned authority in the
preservation of international peace and security if the
United Nations Charter is overwhelmingly ignored in
establishing the building blocks for peace. This is a
universal principle with global application.
As I mentioned, I have just come from the
negotiations. I will be going back. We are surprised, we are
angry that we have to negotiate over whether or not, in
establishing peace and a new beginning in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, the other side will be forced to accept direct,
free and democratic elections. We are being told that we
must accept compromise language that means less than this.
If they will not accept the words today, we must be truly
suspicious of their longer-term intentions ever to accept real
peace and democracy, or whether they in fact just intend to
perpetuate their hold on power and domination over an
innocent Serb population.
We have already made many painful compromises.
We are prepared to make more — many more — in the
search for a real peace. However, do not ask us — do not
ask yourselves — to settle for concessions to dictatorships,
to intolerance, to illegality, to criminality and hate. Do not
allow yourselves and us to set aside the most basic
principles of the United Nations Charter.
We are prepared to work with all Member States in
partnership for that real peace and the necessary
compromises that all of us can live with.


It gives me great pleasure, on behalf of the
delegation of Kuwait, to convey to Mr. Diego Freitas do
Amaral our sincere congratulations on his unanimous
election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the
General Assembly. We have no doubt that his election is
testimony to his expertise and skills, which will guarantee
the able stewardship of this historic session. I assure
Mr. Freitas do Amaral of the support and cooperation of
the delegation of the State of Kuwait.
I take this opportunity to commend the President of
the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session, His
Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Minister of Foreign Affairs
of Côte d’Ivoire, for his significant contribution to the
work of this world body as well as for the wisdom he
demonstrated as he presided over the deliberations of the
last session.
Let me also pay tribute to the Secretary-General, His
Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his immense
efforts to streamline the structure and operations of the
United Nations with an eye to the constantly changing
modern world. Also, I should like to put on record
Kuwait’s support for the proposals put forward by the
Secretary-General in his programme of action to deal with
potential crises, the use of preventive diplomacy and the
modalities of peacemaking and peace-building. In this
context, special mention should be made of the Secretary-
General’s annual report on the work of the Organization,
which demonstrates incisive vision combined with a
dispassionate and in-depth analysis of the challenges
facing the United Nations. The report outlines in a
responsible fashion the failures suffered in some of the
activities and operations undertaken by the Organization.
Next month, a great number of Heads of States or
Governments will come to New York City to celebrate
the fiftieth anniversary of the establishment of the United
Nations. This massive presence will reflect a genuine
belief in the role of the United Nations in building a
world founded on justice, equality, coexistence and
cooperation, free of tension and aggression. Their
12

statements in this Assembly Hall will no doubt define their
vision of the tasks the United Nations should undertake,
their hopes for the ideal way of life that should prevail in
the world and their determination to spare no effort in
working for a better world. We cherish the wisdom of the
founding fathers who established an Organization that
embodies mankind’s collective effort and hope in a better
world that would differ from the world of war and strife,
which wrought enormous destruction in terms of
geopolitical entities, property and human life. States were
destroyed and entire human populations were annihilated to
satisfy the capricious whims of individuals who were driven
by greed and hegemony. The scale of sacrifice and
devastation, and the toll in human life caused by the
development of atomic weapons was too immense to
ignore. In the wake of such destruction, the world’s leaders
were determined to make the Second World War the last
war the world should ever endure.
The signing ceremony of the United Nations Charter
in San Francisco was, in a sense, a universal pledge to
renounce the use of force, to embrace peaceful coexistence
and to shun the power politics of blackmail and hegemony.
Regardless, the world continued to live thereafter in an
environment that differed from the vision of the founding
fathers of the United Nations. The intense bipolar strife that
followed plunged the world in the maelstrom of a cold war
that lasted for some five decades and spawned numerous
regional conflicts with which the United Nations dealt
within the constraints imposed by big Power rivalries. The
inability to act was not due to impotence on the part of the
United Nations but was the direct result of that bipolar
rivalry. Notwithstanding, the Organization did manage to
demonstrate its effectiveness in many a peace-keeping
operation it undertook over the past decades and did
manage to pacify many a volatile area.
In point of fact, experience has shown, over the past
few decades, that the presence of the United Nations in the
areas of tension did prevent the eruption of conflict and war
in several flash points while its absence increased the
chances of war. In all this, the United Nations has been a
true reflection of the will of its Member States and, during
the cold war, it provided a war-prevention mechanism by
creating buffer zones between the belligerents. It was
effective in containing tensions and in creating a climate of
peaceful negotiation.
Over the years, the United Nations system has
developed an array of effective and credible mechanisms,
and gained wide-ranging experience and undoubted
credibility that are employed to the common benefit of
mankind. Over the past 50 years, since the adoption of its
Charter, the United Nations has worked consistently to
give real meaning to the dream of peoples all over the
world, that of saving
“succeeding generations from the scourge of war,
which ... has brought untold sorrow to mankind” —
as expressed in the opening paragraph of the Charter. In
large measure, the United Nations has lived up to its
initial commitment.
Once the cold-war chapter was closed, the world
started to edge towards rapprochement and meaningful
dialogue. Once the arms race ended, an intense
development-race started. The territorial-gains mentality
gave way to a new commitment to intensive human
development. Thus the new challenge facing our world
now is the fulfilment of the immediate concerns of the
human person and his or her right to live in dignity.
The world was an arena of rivalry between the
super-Powers; now it has become a vast battlefield in the
war against poverty and backwardness. The world was a
battleground for fighting between various blocs in
different regions; now many regions are closing ranks in
a common effort to combat illiteracy and want. While the
world was the theatre of many a battle, now the world
has but one battle, that of trying to break loose from the
grip of underdevelopment and backwardness.
We in Kuwait were in the forefront of donors for
development. The volume of assistance we offered was
the highest, in terms of gross national product, because
we wanted to live in a world dominated by justice, a
world whose hallmark is human compassion, a world in
which the privileged will reach out towards the
underprivileged without strings attached.
Along these lines, Kuwait welcomes the trend
towards the consolidation of relations between members
of the family of nations on the basis of equality. We are
part of a common effort to eliminate tensions. We rely on
the collective will of nations to suppress aggression, and
on global cooperation to confront underdevelopment.
Against this backdrop, we cannot overlook the need
for reform and restructuring inside the United Nations
itself with a view to bringing the system more into line
with these new objectives. In 1945, 50 founding Member
States signed the Charter. Ever since, 135 other States
13

have joined the membership. Regardless, the Security
Council, which is a major organ of the system, has, for
example, retained its original structure — without change
to reflect the enormous expansion in the membership of the
United Nations. Nor has the Economic and Social Council
shown, as yet, significant improvement in programme
delivery, as dictated by the requirements of modern
development, in the broad sense of such requirements, at
the threshold of the twenty-first century.
We call for expanding the membership of the Security
Council in order to enable the larger membership of the
United Nations to participate in the process of decision-
making. The change, which would enhance fairness, should
be effected in such a way as to ensure balance between the
requirements of efficiency and of expansion. We also call
for more transparency in the Council’s methods of work,
for this, in our view, would reinforce our sense of
collective participation and responsibility. We are also in
favour of the trend towards better use of the resources of
those States that can contribute significantly to
peace-keeping operations and development activities.
The people of Kuwait participate in the celebrations of
the United Nations fiftieth anniversary with a deep sense of
gratitude to the Organization for its crucial role in liberating
Kuwait from occupation. The people of Kuwait recognize
the firm resolve of the world community in rejecting
aggression and its commitment to putting an end to
occupation. We cherish the determination displayed in the
series of successive resolutions adopted by the Security
Council from the second day of August 1990, when the
people of Kuwait, together with the rest of the world, were
taken by surprise by the sneak invasion of the State of
Kuwait by Iraq. That naked aggression was committed in
total violation of the principles of the Charter of the United
Nations and international treaties. Beyond Kuwait, the
invasion totally shattered the security and stability of the
entire Gulf region.
In facing up to that blatant aggression, the United
Nations did indeed live up to its principles and was true to
its mission. It did indeed stand firm in upholding justice
and in defending the victim.
Building on the Kuwait experience, it is our hope that
the critical role that the United Nations can play will be
fully utilized to further consolidate the underpinning of
peace and to safeguard security and stability. The United
Nations system can indeed provide deterrence in the face of
those regimes that harbour schemes of aggression. There is
a full range of measures and restrictions that the United
Nations can put in place to ensure the isolation and
curtailment of those aggressive regimes and, if need be,
to strip them of their stockpiles of weapons that can be
used in committing aggression.
The ultimate goal of the United Nations is to ensure
equality, mutual respect amongst Member States and
respect for the will of peoples. This would be conducive
to peaceful coexistence among nations and would create
a favourable atmosphere allowing freedom of choice in a
democratic climate, where the stronger cannot dominate
the weaker, nor can a big country exploit a small
neighbour, nor one party assume a privileged role to the
detriment of others.
Over a long period — since the end of the Gulf
war — the Iraqi regime has continued to claim that it has
fulfilled all its obligations under all Security Council
resolutions relating to the situation between Iraq and
Kuwait, especially resolutions 687 (1991) and 715 (1991),
and thus blamed the Security Council and the Special
Commission for the delay in lifting the sanctions imposed
on Iraq. The Chairman and staff of the Special
Commission, as well as the Security Council itself, have
been harshly and offensively criticized by senior Iraqi
officials and the regime-controlled media.
In view of the recent dramatic surprises that
unfolded in regard to the Iraqi armament programmes, a
thoroughly legitimate set of questions arises — namely:
Does the Iraqi regime have any more credibility? Who
amongst us would be willing to accept Iraq’s statements
at face value? Who would believe its claims, echoed at
every gathering or forum, that it had met its obligations?
What about Kuwaiti property and military hardware
looted from Kuwait? Who can go along with Iraq’s
assertions regarding Kuwaiti and third-country prisoners
and hostages?
The tragedy of Kuwaiti and other prisoners held by
Iraq remains unresolved four years after the liberation of
Kuwait. This is due to the intransigence and
procrastination of the Iraqi regime, which continues to
sidestep a straightforward and genuine resolution of this
human tragedy. This represents a failure on the part of
Iraq to fulfil its commitments under paragraph 30 of
Security Council resolution 687 (1991), which demands
that Iraq should cooperate fully with the International
Committee of the Red Cross.
Accordingly, Kuwait reiterates its appeal, to the
Security Council in particular and to the world
14

community in general, to continue to bring pressure to bear
on Iraq, in a bid to bring this painful episode to an end.
Iraq’s false claims and lies that it is sincere in its efforts to
close this case should be met with a firm stand. Indeed, this
was the only course of action that forced Iraq in the first
place to cooperate with the Special Commission.
Iraq must recognize that participation in the meetings
of the Tripartite Commission and its sub-committee is not
an end in itself. The purpose of these meetings is to secure
the freedom of prisoners and to account for the missing
persons. The litmus test of Iraq’s cooperation in this area is
the number of persons released or accounted for. Mere
attendance at those meetings is an exercise in subterfuge,
intended by Iraq to mislead world public opinion and to
circumvent its obligations.
The final objective of Kuwait’s overall policy is to
ensure security and stability in our region. This goal will
remain elusive unless and until Iraq implements fully and
unconditionally all relevant Security Council resolutions.
We are aware of the difficulties endured by the Iraqi
people. However, the responsibility for the suffering of the
Iraqis lies squarely on the regime itself which wasted
valuable time since April 1991 in pursuing a futile course
of prevarication, deception, suppression of data and
misinformation in regard to every area of its mandatory
obligations.
The most recent events came to confirm our
suspicions and fears, namely, the disclosure of the
possession by Iraq of an arsenal of prohibited weapons of
mass destruction, which were being prepared for use against
peoples of the region without heed for the potential massive
loss of human life.
In the meantime, let me take this occasion to set on
record that Kuwait affirms the need to maintain the unity
and territorial integrity of Iraq. In view of the hardships
faced by the Iraqi people, Kuwait has moved to send,
through the Kuwait Red Crescent Society, food and medical
supplies to the Iraqi civilian population in areas bordering
Iran and in Northern Iraq. We will continue to pursue this
policy on humanitarian grounds.
In the context of international endeavours to bring
about just, durable and comprehensive peace in the Middle
East, Kuwait follows closely the ongoing peace negotiations
between the immediate parties. We support the negotiations
process. In our view, this process should be anchored in the
set of principles agreed upon, namely, full withdrawal in
return for peace. Also, progress should be made on all
tracks of negotiations. And the final peace package should
be satisfactory to all sides because this would be the real
guarantee of a lasting peace.
Kuwait did participate in the multilateral negotiations
because we believed that our role within the multilaterals
would strengthen the position of the Arab parties engaged
in the bilateral talks and would eventually give
momentum to the process as a whole. We fully appreciate
the position of our sister State, Syria, which insists on full
Israeli withdrawal from occupied Syrian territory in return
for peace. Israel cannot attain full peace without complete
withdrawal.
In the same vein, international efforts should
intensify to ensure full implementation of Security
Council resolution 425 (1978) which requires
unconditional Israeli withdrawal from all Lebanese
territory and the exercise by the Lebanese Government of
its sovereignty over all Lebanese territory, including the
South. In the end, the territorial integrity and
independence of Lebanon must be preserved.
Furthermore, Kuwait supports the self-rule
negotiations between the Palestine National Authority and
Israel. In our view, the agreement signed yesterday in
Washington, D.C. regarding the expansion of the self-rule
arrangements represents an important step in the right
direction towards the exercise by the people of Palestine
of their right to self-determination and the establishment
of their independent State.
In this regard, let me recall that Kuwait has pledged
$25 million in aid to the development programmes
undertaken by international specialized agencies in the
self-rule areas. Indeed, Kuwait has started disbursement
of funds earmarked for those purposes.
Also, we would like to underline the status of
occupied Al-Quds, given its special significance to the
three heavenly-revealed religions. We emphasize that Al-
Quds is Palestinian territory under occupation and should
as such be subject to the withdrawal conditions under
Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
Kuwait welcomes the recent developments aiming at
achieving a fair settlement of the situation in the Republic
of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We expect such a settlement
should satisfy the behests of international legality and be
based on Security Council resolutions. In the wake of
large-scale suffering, destruction and displacement, the
15

people of the region now yearn for an overall settlement
that satisfies the demands of all parties, especially the
people of Bosnia and Herzegovina who insist on
maintaining their independent State on their own territory
without any interference from outside. My Government
values the role played by the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) and the United Nations Protection
Forces (UNPROFOR) in opposing territorial expansion by
the Serbs at the expense of other parties, as well as the
actions taken to lift the siege on Sarajevo. It is our hope
that this joint NATO-UNPROFOR action will persist until
the declared objective is attained, that is, the conclusion of
a final accord that brings security and stability to the whole
region. It is our sincere hope now that the most recent
agreement reached several days ago will be honoured by
the parties to the conflict.
Experience has shown that regional groupings and
arrangements can play an effective role in addressing
contentious issues that create tension, impact adversely on
peace and security and poison the relations amongst the
people of a given area. These groups have also
demonstrated a great sense of commitment in defusing flash
points of tension that might undermine regional security.
A case in point is the experience of the Gulf
Cooperation Council whose member States are firmly
convinced that understanding among them is crucial in
steering away from frictions and tensions. To them,
dialogue is an essential channel of confidence-building
among neighbour States. Since our established policy
considers negotiations as the only viable means of resolving
disputes, we call upon the Islamic Republic of Iran to
respond favourably to the call by the United Arab Emirates
to resolve the problem of the islands occupied by Iran by
the means suggested by the International Court of Justice.
Such an approach would indeed reinforce the principle of
understanding and negotiations to which we adhere as a
primary component in relations among States.
Kuwait is convinced that world peace is indivisible
and that it has far-reaching multiple implications on all of
us. Accordingly, ethnic disputes, tribal wars and factional
conflicts should be addressed as phenomena that can lead
to massacres and genocides and to a total collapse of the
afflicted communities. Therefore, in this year which marks
the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we ring down
the curtain on the Rwanda tragedy before a solution is
found, nor can we walk away from the catastrophe in
Somalia, nor give up hope in the face of enormous odds in
Afghanistan. All these remain burning issues despite the
feeling by some Powers that they have moved outside the
circle of global strategic limelight.
We call for scaling up the efforts and showing more
determination in addressing these festering wounds within
the framework of collective world peace.
The burden of debt is a major constraint on the
budget resources of many nations, especially the
developing ones. It aggravates their social problems and
pushes up unemployment rates to a point where it
undermines domestic security and stability and endangers
the lives of millions of people.
Back in 1988, His Highness Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmad
Al-Jaber, Emir of the State of Kuwait, launched from this
rostrum an initiative to write off the foreign debt under
which many least developed countries were suffering.
Those countries have been victims of a complex host of
factors that denied them the privilege of a calm life and
indeed posed a real threat to their very existence. Kuwait,
for its part, cancelled all interest on loans to these
countries in a bid to alleviate their debt burdens. It is our
hope that this approach would be expanded and that the
developed nations would cancel the interest on their loans
to the developing countries.
The dreams of the Charter’s authors stood the test of
time and transcended the tensions and limitations of the
cold war. The era of the cold war was characterized by
the stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction to the
detriment of construction needs. It represented a hard
drive to acquire the means of annihilation at the expense
of the means of development. Prestige was put ahead of
real meaningful growth. Human ingenuity was put in the
service of human exploitation rather than in the service of
enhancing human freedoms. That chapter is now over.
And we have entered a new epoch in which we have to
heed the rational calls for civilized conduct in order to
build up an atmosphere of genuine brotherhood and
harmony. This can only be achieved by our collective
endeavour that emphasizes our universal identity. Only
through such a common effort can we pool together the
resources and energy of all peoples, big and small, to
achieve a strategic consensus that would translate into a
reality the dreams envisioned 50 years ago when the
Charter was signed.


Mr. President, Namibia joins
the preceding speakers in extending sincere congratulations
and best wishes to you upon your unanimous election. This
also goes for your esteemed General Committee, of which
Namibia is a proud member.
This historic session of the General Assembly —
marking the golden jubilee of our Organization — coincides
with the fifth anniversary of Namibia’s independence,
brought about through a long and bitter struggle and the
sacrifices of the Namibian people and, no less, in
partnership with the United Nations, which played a crucial
role in the process of our country’s decolonization. We are
filled with immense joy and satisfaction over this happy
coincidence.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Côte d’Ivoire, my
good brother and colleague, His Excellency Mr. Amara
Essy, presided over the forty-ninth session of the General
Assembly with great skill, wisdom and dedication. I
commend him for a job well done and, in particular, for
bringing excellence and industry to this important office,
all aimed at partnership and development. In this context,
Namibia will fully cooperate with the presidency of the
General Assembly and the Secretary-General in pursuit of
our common objectives that have been assigned to various
open-ended working groups aimed at restructuring and
strengthening the United Nations.
This special commemorative session of the General
Assembly will bring together a record number of world
leaders including, naturally, the Head of State of the
Republic of Namibia, Mr. Sam Nujoma, for a big
celebration, collective stock-taking, introspection and
reflection, and for renewed commitment to action on the
basis of a new vision for the future and rededication
towards peace, development, gender equality, tolerance
and brotherhood in this, our one global village.
The cardinal purposes and principles of the Charter
of the United Nations, since its adoption in 1945, have
been these: to save lives, to liberate all those everywhere
still in bondage, to promote democratic ideals and values,
to protect and defend human rights and civil liberties —
codified subsequently in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights — and, above all, to protect succeeding
generations from the scourge of war, which has wrought
so much devastation and human suffering in the world in
the course of this century.
In furtherance of these purposes and principles and
their early realization, our illustrious Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has applied his mind and
energy to the challenges of our times by formulating two
seminal documents — “An Agenda for Peace” and “An
Agenda for Development”. These timely and compelling
initiatives call for international cooperation, as well as for
the allocation of new and additional resources. Indeed,
they also place domestic obligations on Governments and
civil societies alike.
Specifically, in the context of the fiftieth anniversary
session of the General Assembly, the Secretary-General
has submitted a comprehensive annual report, complete
with focused recommendations for action on various
fronts. Namibia therefore pays a well-deserved tribute to
the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts in the service
of the United Nations and for fresh initiatives to further
advance peace and development in the world.
Reviewing history and past achievements, on this
occasion marking the fiftieth anniversary of the United
5

Nations, is necessarily in order. At the same time, however,
balancing present challenges and opportunities requires
leadership, vision, commitment and courage on the part of
world leaders. Let us hope that this commemorative session
will show the way forward and achieve the desired
objectives.
The most important of all the commitments that the
global community must fulfil is to use the collective
political will and resources of the States Members the
United Nations
“to promote social progress and better standards of life
in larger freedom”.
This is the soul of the Charter of the United Nations.
Today, the world is united behind the promotion of
democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Let me, however, hasten to add that the eradication of
poverty on a sustainable basis, through the provision of
adequate education, health care, employment and housing
and the empowerment of women, needs to be placed at the
top of the priority list of the United Nations and its
specialized agencies, which have been playing a vital role
in social and economic development.
With the hindsight of 50 years, we know that the
United Nations was at the start, and remains today, more
than a mere response to the horrors and circumstances of
the Second World War and its tormenting legacies. It is a
sacred trust of life itself and an indispensable vehicle for
the preservation of civilization, in the interests of all nations
and peoples.
One of those tormenting legacies was the cold war.
The hopes and expectations of millions the world over were
held hostage for decades by the politics of confrontation
and the division of the world into hostile military blocs and
rival ideological camps. This resulted in the derailing of the
purposes and objectives for which the United Nations
stands.
The arms race and espionage, as well as competing
alignments, seriously sapped the vital resources, time and
energies of nations, creating more and more hotbeds of
tension, thus militating against peaceful coexistence and
mutually beneficial inter-State relations.
Fortunately, a nuclear holocaust was averted. A third
world war did not happen. But violence, distrust and
military build-up characterized world affairs for a very long
time. During this dangerous period the planet Earth
teetered on the brink of a ghastly disaster. In the face of
all this, men and women of peace, wisdom and
compassion, from all corners of the Earth, kept raising
voices of reason and appealing for sanity, disarmament
and dialogue.
Decolonization is perhaps the most laudable
achievement of the United Nations. The world witnessed
an unprecedented and unstoppable wave of demands, by
millions the world over, for freedom and the exercise of
the right to self-determination. This, happily, led to the
achievement of independence by so many countries in
Asia, Latin America — especially the Caribbean — and
Africa, which swelled the membership of the United
Nations beyond 100. Today the number of Members, at
185, is more than three times the original number — the
51 founding nations of 1945.
In Namibia, the moment came for the United
Nations to put its resources where its convictions and
responsibilities were. It demonstrated its firm commitment
by providing necessary funds and technical capacity to the
United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG),
which facilitated Namibia’s smooth transition to
nationhood in 1990. This success story stands out today
as a model of successful United Nations peace-keeping
and decolonization.
Other major United Nations success stories
followed — in Cambodia, El Salvador, Mozambique and
Haiti. We hope for the same positive outcome in Angola
and other places. In all these cases, what ensured success
was a combination of political consensus, peace-keeping,
peace enforcement and humanitarian assistance.
It has been said many times in so many ways that if
the United Nations had not existed, collective yearning to
create it would have been irresistible. That is why
Namibia attaches great importance to its membership of
the United Nations. Since joining the United Nations,
Namibia has been playing an active role in all the
activities of the Organization. Namibia participated in the
peace-keeping operation in Cambodia and sent election
observers to Angola under United Nations auspices.
Namibia also sent a legal expert as a rapporteur to
represent the Human Rights Commission in Somalia. But
more than that, Namibia has been paying its assessed and
voluntary contributions on time and in full, for we believe
membership is not enough: without resources the
Organization cannot carry out its mandate.
6

As we look towards the next millennium, I should like
to state the position of the Government of the Republic of
Namibia on the following issues: regional cooperation;
international economic cooperation; major United Nations
conferences; nuclear disarmament; and reform of the United
Nations.
Regional cooperation: in southern Africa, member
States of the Southern African Development Community
(SADC), which now includes Mauritius, have combined
their efforts to bring about genuine reconstruction and
development in our subregion. Peace is a prerequisite of
development. Without sustainable development, there can
be neither peace nor stability. While achievement of peace
has created favourable conditions for socio-economic
development in southern Africa, the scars of apartheid and
destabilization remain. For example, to realize these
objectives, States members of SADC have decided to pool
their resources in order to implement joint projects in the
fields of energy and water. With this in mind, several
protocols were signed at the recent SADC Summit in
Johannesburg.
Additional areas in which SADC member States are
coordinating their policies include de-mining, combating
crime, gun-running, drug-trafficking, money-laundering,
illicit cross-border trade, and other forms of criminal
activity. It is hoped that these efforts will lead to an ideal
situation allowing for free movement of people, capital,
goods and services, thereby transforming SADC into a
community of shared experiences and aspirations.
Moreover, mechanisms for conflict resolution, political
consultation and peace-keeping are enjoying high priority
among these regional concerns.
I felt reinforced after listening to the inspiring
statement delivered this morning by my brother and
colleague, His Excellency, Mr. Alfred Nzo, Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of South Africa. May I
reassure him here of Namibia’s firm commitment to
continue working closely with the Government and people
of South Africa for the achievement of genuine peace,
stability, development and prosperity throughout southern
Africa.
The completion of the Trans-Caprivi and Trans-
Kalahari highways connecting land-locked neighbouring
countries to the Namibian port of Walvis Bay will further
strengthen regional cooperation, trade and integration. We
do all this pursuant to the letter and spirit of the Abuja
Treaty establishing the African Economic Community.
There is no doubt that a successful SADC will strengthen
the African Economic Community.
On international economic cooperation, Namibia
subscribes to the view, emphasized by the Economic and
Social Council at its last meeting, that development
cannot flourish in the midst of conflict and instability. It
follows from this that mutually beneficial economic
cooperation is not possible as long as an unjust
international economic system exists. Until we all become
equal partners in the global economy, developing
countries, especially African countries, will for ever
remain underdeveloped. Contrary to the views being
expressed in some quarters, Namibia maintains that the
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
and the United Nations Industrial Development
Organization have played a vital and constructive role in
assisting developing countries.
The strengthening of South-South cooperation is
more than ever a vehicle that is needed for the
enhancement of the trade and economic development of
the countries of the South. Namibia therefore supports the
South Centre and appeals for financial and material
contributions to its programmes.
It is also Namibia’s firm belief that the recently
inaugurated African-Latin American Institute, with
regional headquarters in Namibia and Uruguay
respectively, will further strengthen South-South
cooperation. Namibia also welcomes the emerging
initiatives aimed at encouraging horizontal dialogue and
cooperation among SADC, the Association of South-East
Asian Nations, the Common Market of the South
(MERCOSUR) and other economic groupings of the
countries of the South.
As regards major United Nations conferences, we
may say that never before in the history of our
Organization have the social needs of humankind taken
centre stage. Humanity has recognized that conservation
of the environment is tantamount to preservation of
human life; respect for and protection of human rights is
the basis for democracy, good governance and
development; addressing population issues within the
framework of development is necessary in order to
identify the impact of socio-demographic trends on the
well-being of people; peace is not only the absence of
war but also a necessary condition for the attainment of
social and economic development; and gender equality is
central to development and peace.
7

The realization of the commitments made at all these
conferences should form the centrepiece of the agenda for
the twenty-first century.
For Namibia, protection of the environment is
enshrined in our Constitution. The promotion and defence
of democracy and human rights have become the vital
pillars of Namibia’s Government and society. In keeping
with the Programme of Action adopted at the International
Conference on Population and Development in Cairo,
Namibia has fully integrated population issues into its First
National Development Plan.
Similarly, the commitments we made at the World
Summit for Social Development continue to be a top
priority of the Government. The Law Reform Commission
is finalizing recommendations to the Namibian Parliament
for enactment of the necessary legislation.
Namibia is proud of its contribution to the preparation
for the Fourth World Conference on Women and the
honour bestowed upon its delegation to serve as
Rapporteur-General at that Conference, in Beijing. It
therefore goes without saying that Namibia will do
everything possible to ensure implementation of the
Platform for Action adopted at the Conference.
The scientific and technological achievements of
humankind should be used for peace and development. All
weapons of mass destruction must be destroyed. The time
has come for complete nuclear disarmament.
Furthermore, Namibia calls upon the nuclear-weapon
States to fulfil the commitment made at the last Conference
on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
and to move speedily towards the destruction of all nuclear
weapons. In this regard, Namibia deplores the new spate of
nuclear testing. Namibia will continue to participate actively
towards the early completion of the draft treaty of the
denuclearization of Africa.
With regard to United Nations reform, Namibia
believes that the decision-making machinery of the Security
Council, as it exists today, cannot effectively serve the
international community in the twentieth century. The
phenomenal numerical growth in the membership of the
United Nations must be reflected in representation on the
Security Council. The reform, restructuring and enlargement
of the Security Council should reflect the cardinal principles
of sovereign equality of all States, universality, democracy
and transparency. It is only in this way that the authority,
legitimacy, credibility and effectiveness of the Security
Council can be ensured.
Namibia sees no problem in the addition of Germany
and Japan as permanent members of the Security Council.
But at the same time, it is Namibia’s strong view that
Africa, Asia and Latin America are entitled to
representation as permanent members as well as through
the allocation of additional seats in the Security Council
for non-permanent members. What we seek is the
acceptance of the principle. The mechanism of how to
bring this about is the subject of ongoing consultations in
the relevant Open-ended Working Group. The new world
order has no place, in Namibia’s view, for the outmoded
veto power, and it must be abolished.
The new world order, which is thought of as
offering the best hope for economic cooperation and free
trade, should liberate itself from the remaining shackles
of the cold war and replace confrontation with dialogue
wherever differences still exist.
Namibia welcomes the latest agreement on
Palestinian self-rule, signed between the State of Israel
and the Palestinian Authority. We look forward to the
early achievement of a comprehensive, just and lasting
peace in the Middle East, leading to the establishment of
a Palestinian State.
The decolonization of Africa is not yet complete.
Namibia therefore supports the early exercise by the
Saharan people of their right to self-determination on the
basis of a free, fair and transparent referendum in
Western Sahara, under the joint supervision and control
of the United Nations and the Organization of African
Unity.
There can be no military solution to the conflict in
Bosnia and Herzegovina conflict. Therefore, Namibia
urges all parties involved to end the suffering of their
people and find a lasting and peaceful political solution to
that conflict.
As the year comes to an end, it is heartening to note
that the conflict in Liberia has been resolved with the
establishment of a broad-based, multi-party provisional
Government. We welcome this wholeheartedly. Let us
hope that this is a good omen for the resolution of the
conflicts in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi and Sierra Leone.
Since the signing of the Lusaka Protocol on Angola
last year, the peace process in that sisterly country is
8

making steady progress. The spirit of reconciliation and
dialogue is permeating the entire society, encouraged by the
regular face-to-face talks between President José Eduardo
dos Santos of Angola and Mr. Jonas Savimbi of UNITA. It
is Namibia’s sincere hope that the pledges made in Brussels
at the recent round-table conference on Angola will be
translated into actual resources for reconstruction and
development in that country, a neighbour of ours.
Africa is long overdue to root out, once and for all, all
the criminal activities of mercenaries, which, like acts of
terrorism, stand condemned in the resolutions of both the
United Nations and the Organization of African Unity. The
latest coup on one of the islands of the Comoros has made
this an extremely serious matter which now calls for urgent
action by the international community. Namibia therefore
welcomes the action taken to restore the Government and
law and order on the island.
The address His Holiness Pope John Paul II delivered
from this rostrum yesterday was a thoughtful message
conveying optimism, hope and good will as we stand on the
threshold of the next millennium. The Pope stressed
universal love and family, subjects which embrace the
entire human race.
Let me conclude by expressing my sincere wish that
this historic commemorative session of the General
Assembly will not fail to highlight public awareness of the
work of the United Nations and the continued relevance of
the Organization to the lives of individuals and
communities everywhere. The vision of the founders 50
years ago focused on the welfare and security of succeeding
generations. Nations and peoples, as represented by non-
governmental organizations, should move forward together
into the next millennium for a better world in which
children will feel safer.