It is with pleasure that I convey to Your Excellency at the
outset of my statement, our sincerest congratulations on your
election to the Presidency of the forty-eighth session of the
18 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
General Assembly of the United Nations. Your election
reflects appreciation for you personally, as well as for the
positive role played by your country in the international
arena. I wish you every success in the pursuit of your
mission.
On this occasion, I also wish to congratulate your
predecessor for his effective guidance of the affairs of the
General Assembly at its previous session.
I also wish to acknowledge the sincere efforts
constantly exerted by the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, to enhance the
prospects for peace and reduce the elements of tension
which prevail in many parts of the world.
I am also pleased to welcome, on behalf of the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, all the States that have joined our
Organization to participate, along with all other Member
States, in realizing the noble objectives towards which we all
strive.
This session of the General Assembly takes place
amidst important developments in the international arena that
require us to strive to conclude our work with successful
resolutions on the problems and crises we face. These
resolutions must be within the context of our efforts to
benefit from the opportunities provided by the emergence of
what has come to be known as the new international order.
We have all contributed, through the United Nations to
establishing the new international order, the foundations of
which are based on the principles enshrined in the United
Nations Charter and inherent in international law. This new
order respects the sovereignty and independence of States
and guarantees the inviolability of their international borders.
It guarantees the territorial integrity of States and rejects
interference in their domestic affairs. It is based on equity
among nations, small and large, rich and poor, and its goal
is to replace war and destruction with cooperation between
nations and peoples. The new international order strives for
the peaceful resolution of conflict and rejects the use of
force or coercion. It operates to preserve the dignity of man
and to spread security, stability, prosperity and development
to all corners of our world.
The emergence of this new order has been a source of
hope and optimism for the international community,
particularly when serious and constructive international
cooperation succeeded in confronting the Iraqi aggression
against the State of Kuwait. Today, however, we are
saddened and pained by the inability of this order to confront
the aggression committed against the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, a State Member of our international
Organization. This crisis, if not resolved in a manner
compatible with the principles of the new world order, will
cause this new order to lose its credibility and effectiveness.
We therefore call for enhancing the role of the United
Nations from one of mere crisis management and
maintenance of peace to one of active and effective
peacemaking.
A general overview of the current international situation
reveals that there remain pockets of tension which threaten
security and stability in many regions of the world. With
the persistence of such challenges, the role of the United
Nations is becoming increasingly important, not only for the
maintenance of peace, but as an effective means for creating
conditions conducive to peace and stability throughout the
world. Without a doubt, the creation of such conditions will
be made much easier if the opportunities for cooperation
between nations are increased and support for the United
Nations is strengthened so that the Organization may
function in a manner that would guarantee that no country
commits aggression against another or threatens its security,
sovereignty or territorial integrity.
The honourable role played by the United Nations more
than three years ago when it stood firmly in the face of
Iraq’s aggression against its neighbour Kuwait, and the
resolutions it adopted led in the end to repelling aggression
and restoring legality to Kuwait the peace-loving nation.
This positive role portrays our expectations of this
international body in the present circumstances. We hope
that it will continue to be played and ask that it be enhanced
by efforts to ensure the complete implementation of all
Security Council resolutions regarding the Iraqi regime,
which continues to flout international legality. Two years
after the liberation of Kuwait, the Baghdad regime continues
to resort to threats and false allegations against Kuwait. It
continues to delay efforts to implement United Nations
resolutions and rejects all international obligations. We
point in particular to the Iraqi regime’s objections to the
recommendations of the United Nations Iraq-Kuwait
Boundary Demarcation Commission and its rejection of
Security Council resolution 833 (1993), as well as its
continued detention of Kuwaiti hostages and prisoners of
war. This regime has arrogated the right, on the basis of
sovereignty, to starve and abuse its people and subject Iraq
to dangers which threaten its unity and security. It falsely
blames the international community for the dangers and
tragedies to which Iraq and its people have become subject.
The surest way of facing up to the threats this regime poses
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 19
to the region as a whole, and to the Iraqi people is to fully
and completely implement Security Council resolutions.
The Declaration of Principles between the Palestine
Liberation Organization and the Israeli Government, signed
in Washington, D.C. on 13 September 1993, has raised
expectations and hopes that a just and permanent settlement
can be found to the Arab-Israeli conflict, which has persisted
for far too long. This development, though representing
only an agreement on autonomy in the occupied Palestinian
territories, beginning with Gaza and Jericho, nevertheless
represents a step towards the establishment of a just,
comprehensive and permanent peace between the Arab
States and Israel. A solution to the Palestinian question will
obviously contribute to a just and comprehensive settlement
of the Arab-Israeli conflict as it is the core issue of that
conflict.
The warm welcome with which the Palestinian-Israeli
agreement was received within Palestinian, Arab and
international circles genuinely and clearly reflects the desire
of the Arabs to establish a permanent, just and
comprehensive peace in the Middle East. It also indicates
the seriousness with which the Arab side has pursued the
current peace process, which was launched in Madrid in
October 1991 under the sponsorship of the United States of
America and the Russian Federation.
As we witness today the optimism generated by the
Palestinian-Israeli agreement, we cannot but feel that it is
incumbent upon the international community to lend support
to the progress that has been achieved in this area by
providing the necessary economic and developmental
assistance required to build the administrative structures
needed to make the agreement on self-rule succeed. At the
same time, it is also incumbent upon us to work diligently
to exploit the momentum generated by this agreement in
furthering the cause of peace.
The consolidation of this step requires the achievement
of tangible and positive results in the areas of negotiation
between Palestinians and Israelis; at the forefront of those
are the issue of Al-Quds, which is an integral part of the
occupied Arab territories, the issue of the return of
Palestinian refugees, and the settlements built by Israel in the
occupied Arab territories contrary to international law and
the Geneva Conventions. At the same time, genuine
progress along all the other bilateral negotiating tracks is
needed.
The issue of the occupied Arab Syrian Golan Heights
is clear: it is governed by the principle of respect for
international borders. The maintenance of security is not
feasible, as the realities of contemporary history teach us,
through the occupation of territory by force, but rather
through the establishment of peace. Thus, peace on this
front will be achieved only by a complete Israeli withdrawal
from the occupied Golan Heights.
Likewise, the Lebanese-Israeli negotiating track is
governed by United Nations Security Council resolution
425 (1978), which clearly calls for the immediate,
unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from all Lebanese
territory.
I wish to express the appreciation of the Government of
the Custodian of the two holy mosques to President Clinton
for his prudent initiative in calling for, and hosting, an
international donors’ conference to solicit political and
financial support for the Palestinians as they prepare to
assume the responsibilities of self-rule in the occupied
territories. I also wish to take this opportunity to express
our pleasure at the positive results achieved at that
conference.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has given, and continues
to give, its full support in all possible forms to the Middle
East peace process since it began in Madrid. It has
participated effectively in the multilateral talks, and
genuinely hopes that the process will lead to a just,
permanent and comprehensive solution to the Palestinian
question and the Arab conflict with Israel on the basis of
United Nations Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and
338 (1973).
Despite the financial burdens the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia bears in building an advanced economy in which the
expectations of its citizens for a better future are fulfilled,
and despite its current international obligations at a time of
difficulty in the international economic system, the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia participated in the international donors’
conference that recently concluded its meetings in
Washington.
The Custodian of the two holy mosques has bestowed
upon me the honour of announcing the Kingdom’s
commitment to providing substantial developmental
assistance to improve the infrastructures in the West Bank
and Gaza Strip in coordination and cooperation with the
World Bank’s special five-year programme for the occupied
territories. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia will participate,
through the Saudi development fund, to the tune of
$100 million for the year 1994. We believe that this
assistance will improve the living conditions of our
20 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Palestinian brethren in the occupied Arab territories and
contribute positively to the peace process.
The Lebanese Government has made great strides in its
efforts to implement the Taif Accords, and has taken the
necessary political and constitutional measures to achieve
this aim. We must continue our support for the efforts of
the legitimate Lebanese authorities and contribute to the
process of reconstruction in Lebanon.
In this regard, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia appeals to
the international community to help Lebanon by all available
means in order to enable its Government to continue moving
forward with the process of reconstruction and allow
Lebanon to regain its material and cultural position.
It is important to reiterate the need, if this goal is to be
achieved, for an Israeli commitment to implement, fully and
unconditionally, United Nations Security Council resolution
425 (1978), which requires Israel to withdraw from Lebanese
territory to enable the Lebanese Government to extend its
legal authority over all Lebanon.
We should like to emphasize our desire for the Middle
East region to obtain its legitimate share of security, peace
and stability so that it is able to direct all its energies
towards development and devote all its resources towards
prosperity for its people.
One of the most important tasks facing us in this
respect is to strive towards the elimination of weapons of
mass destruction in the Middle East. The Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia is a signatory to the Convention on the
non-proliferation of chemical weapons and the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We continue to
believe that the goal of making the Middle East a region free
of all kinds of weapons of mass destruction, whether
nuclear, chemical or biological, will be realized only when
all States in the region, including Israel, refrain from the
production, stockpiling, or possession of any kind of weapon
of mass destruction.
The situation in the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina is being aggravated by the continuation of a
genocidal war waged by Serb forces, with the support of
Serbia and Montenegro, against that young Republic. The
continuing tragedy of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
which has resulted in the death of thousands of innocent
civilians and the displacement of a large portion of its
citizens, would not have occurred were it not for the
apparent indifference of the international community. This
attitude allowed the forces of aggression to benefit from
their aggression, and to continue their abhorrent policy of
"ethnic cleansing" without fear of retribution.
This feeble stand on the part the international
community, particularly the European countries, was
reflected in the inability to implement comprehensively the
resolutions of the London Conference, upon which we had
rested great hopes. It is also reflected in the failure of the
Vance-Owen plan and the collapse of the subsequent Geneva
talks on refugees.
The international community’s dereliction of its
responsibilities vis-á-vis the Serb aggression has emboldened
the Croats to embark upon a similar course of making gains
by means of force and coercion.
Against such a backdrop, it was strange indeed that
when Croatia was targeted by Serbian aggression, the
international community, and especially the European
nations, were quick to stand by Croatia and provide military
assistance that contributed to the success of international
efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement, whereas the
international community’s feeble stance in the case of
Bosnia and Herzegovina and its failure to implement the
international resolutions calling for the imposition of
economic sanctions on Serbia and Montenegro, have
deprived that young Republic of the means of exercising its
legitimate right to self-defence. Those resolutions and the
sanctions they call for remained dead letter and were not
seriously implemented until it was too late, after the Serbs
had rejected the Vance-Owen Plan, which the Bosnians and
Croats had accepted. What really shocks and amazes us is
that this war of aggression is being waged on the European
soil whereas history teaches us that such wars on that soil
have never been limited wars but have always overspilled
beyond the borders. However, no one seems to be paying
any attention to those object-lessons.
While we hope that the history of Europe’s wars will
not repeat itself, we hope that the solutions that are being
proposed do not turn out to be the seeds of future conflicts
and disputes. We hope that the international community will
give serious consideration to the demands of the Republic of
Bosnia and Herzegovina so that it may be saved from any
repetition of the policies of aggression and "ethnic
cleansing". The geographical demands of that young nation
should be satisfied by granting it access to the sea as well as
providing it with the means of legitimate self-defence, in
consonance with the principles of the United Nations
Charter.
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 21
The principled stand by the people and Government of
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in support of the Republic of
Bosnia and Herzegovina emanates from their strong and total
adherence to international legality and respect for
international law and not from any religious fanaticism or
ethnic affinity. It is the same principled stand that was taken
by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in support of Kuwait when
it fell victim to the Iraqi regime’s aggression.
Somalia continues to be in the grip of instability and
political chaos, with all the attendant acts of violence and
bloodshed, despite all the efforts deployed to help that nation
out of its plight. International efforts, during the Conference
for National Reconciliation held at Addis Ababa, focused on
the preservation of the Somali State and the maintenance of
its independence and territorial integrity. Unfortunately, the
required steps have not been taken for the serious
implementation of that Agreement. The role of the United
Nations has been limited to the distribution of humanitarian
assistance to those in need at a time when the role it is
expected to play within the new world order is to contribute
to peacemaking and to the stabilization of the Somali State.
Such measures should help to establish a Somali
Government that can extend its authority throughout
Somalia.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has made a number of
attempts to contain the conflict in Somalia and has tried to
bring about national reconciliation among the various
factions. It will continue to deploy efforts to stop the
bloodshed and to provide humanitarian assistance and relief.
We support the Secretary-General’s recommendations in his
report to the Security Council, on the means of helping re-
establish Somalia’s constitutional institutions and on the
efforts needed to reach national reconciliation and to rebuild
Somalia.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia stood by the fraternal
people of Afghanistan throughout their jihad and celebrated
with them their victory over the forces of brutal occupation
in the struggle for restoring their national identity. The
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia spared no effort in working for
reconciliation when the infighting started between the
various mujahidin factions. Those efforts were crowned
with the signing of the Mecca Agreement and the initiation
of steps towards its implementation. A National
Government that combined all factions of the Afghan
mujahidin was established. We take this opportunity to urge
our brethren in Afghanistan to comply with the terms of the
agreement so that Afghanistan may begin to move towards
reconstruction and development and regain its place and role
in the international community.
It must be noted that that part of the world continues to
suffer as a result of the problem of Jammu and Kashmir,
which continues to be an element of instability in the region.
The Government of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques
follows with great concern the ongoing violence there. We
are keen on finding a solution on the basis of United Nations
resolutions to this long-standing problem that has
overshadowed the relations of the two neighbours, India and
Pakistan.
Among the other conflicts in Asia I would refer to the
tragic developments resulting from the worsening conflict
between two United Nations Member States, the Republic of
Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia. That conflict has
recently resulted in the occupation by Armenia of parts of
Azerbaijan. We consider that occupation to be a breach of
the principle of the peaceful resolution of conflicts, and
emphasize the importance of withdrawal by Armenia’s
forces from Azerbaijan’s territory in order to transfer that
issue to the negotiating table with the aim of reaching a
peaceful and just settlement that would ensure the legitimate
rights of the people of Azerbaijan.
Our joint and serious efforts towards consolidating the
underpinnings of the new world order aim at making it
possible to address the issues of development and the
creation of an international economic environment in which
financial resources would be diverted from arms races to
economic and social development. Those efforts are in
keeping with our ambitions and the aspirations of our
peoples for a better world of peace, prosperity and security.
Such an enterprise requires the cooperation of the developed
industrial nations by opening their markets to the products
of the developing nations, the elimination of protectionist
measures, ensuring an early successful outcome to the
Uruguay Round of multilateral trade talks and finding an
urgent, rapid solution to the debt problem. On the other
hand, economic cooperation between the developing
countries themselves is a paramount issue and represents a
fundamental tool for consolidating international economic
growth.
My Government attaches great importance to issues
relating to the world economic system. The Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia represents a State open to the world,
interacting with all the trends and developments that affect
it. Thus, we are keen on preserving the health and strength
of the world economy, and we are concerned by the
disruptions and turmoil that affect its course and
development. It is on that basis that the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia is participating positively in the ongoing discussions
on energy and environment. We have shouldered our
22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
responsibilities in this regard and have played an active role
in international discussions to find a workable and balanced
solution to global warming based on proven scientific
evidence. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is convinced that
the future of this world, its prosperity, and the well-being of
its inhabitants, depend on a clear understanding of the
environmental problems that face us all and on fully
understanding the consequences of the policies adopted in
dealing with those problems.
This requires delicate balancing of the burdens and
commitments of each and every State in addressing problems
of the environment. Due consideration should be given also
to the situation of every energy producing or consumer
developing country and the effects of environmental policies
on the economic growth of those countries. Such an
approach will certainly contribute to the achievement of
comprehensive development and to the betterment of our
peoples’ standards of living so that they may all enjoy
prosperity, peace, security and stability. The current
international circumstances, resulting from the ending of the
cold war, together with the progress achieved in arms control
and reductions of conventional weapons afford us a rare
opportunity for channelling the financial windfall towards
solving the problems of development and economic
backwardness.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been at the forefront
of Islamic States that have adhered to the Cairo Declaration
on Human Rights in Islam, issued by the Organization of the
Islamic Conference on 5 August 1990. This Cairo
Declaration should be regarded as a tributary providing the
proper foundation for positive and practical international
cooperation and flowing into the main stream of universal
support for human rights and freedoms.
Most particularly, the Declaration expresses the will of
over 1 billion people, which by any measure grants it a
universal character. While the principles and objectives of
human rights are universal in nature, their application must
take into consideration the diversity of societies and their
historical, cultural, and religious backgrounds and legal
systems. We should not rush to the creation of mechanisms
that would only deepen differences and disregard the sort of
sensitivities that became noticeable during the World
Conference on Human Rights that was held recently in
Vienna.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a developing society
firmly based on the rules that constitute the pillars of Islamic
civilization. It is a society that has firmly set itself to face
up to the challenges of our times with determination and
confidence, and it is a society undergoing evolution and
significant reform. Its reforms are guided by the Custodian
of the Two Holy Mosques, King Fahd Bin Abdul-Aiz, and
embodied in the basic laws of governance, the Charter of the
Majlis al-Shura - the consultative council - and the laws of
the provinces. These laws place upon the State the primary
responsibility for the protection of human rights in
accordance with the Islamic Shariah and determine the
relationship between ruler and ruled on the basis of
brotherhood, consultation, loyalty and cooperation.
I am pleased to inform this body that the members of
the Majlis al-Shura and those of the provincial councils have
been named. These institutions are now making serious
preparations to embark upon their appointed tasks and to
serve their faith, their King, and their nation. This important
step in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s development paves
the way for participation by Saudi citizens in sharing the
responsibility for confidently building a promising and
hopeful future.
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 23
The political and economic challenges we face which
abound on this session’s agenda, put a great burden of
responsibility on us all towards our peoples and nations.
Our common future will depend on the way we face up to
those challenges. In the light of the current international
situation and of the emergence of a new international
outlook which rejects fanaticism and ossification and
confirms a desire for openness and progress, we harbour
great hopes that we shall be able to surmount those
challenges. In so doing, we must take into consideration the
fact that the new international order will not be able to
provide us with the peace, justice and development we desire
unless we give it the opportunity to do just that.


It is a great pleasure for us to salute your
unanimous election, Sir, to preside over the General
Assembly’s work at its forty-eighth session, especially since
you are a worthy representative of a sister country of our
region of Latin America and the Caribbean. Your opening
address, in which you presented your vision of the world,
was rich in ideas and insights into international reality. You
urged that we commit ourselves to promoting the purposes
and principles of the Charter in order to achieve a better
world, and you encouraged us to reflect on our
responsibilities as we strive to meet the global challenges
facing our peoples. Your address demonstrated your
sensitivity and wisdom, which, added to your political and
diplomatic experience in multilateralism, will help us move
forward to change as we endeavour to achieve the objectives
of our Organization.
We should also like to express our appreciation to your
predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev, the former Foreign Minister
of Bulgaria, for the successful manner in which he guided
the work of the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly and in particular for his efforts to bring about the
restructuring and revitalization of the United Nations system.

We also wish to join in the expressions of appreciation
to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
dedication and hard work in leading our Organization. We
once again express our support for and confidence in him in
his difficult task of seeking international peace and security.
For the fifth year in a row we have come to this highest
international forum, from which it has been our privilege to
give annual testimony to the progress of a process that,
though it is unfolding in a small developing country,
represents one of the most complex and exemplary dynamic
forces for peace in modern history.
In 1989, when we first came to speak to the world’s
representatives from this rostrum, the case of El Salvador
was just one more knot in the tangled web of problems left
behind by the sadly notorious cold war as it began
unexpectedly to wind down. A few months earlier, we had
just taken the reins of government with a great purpose born
in the deepest part of our conscience: to do all that was
humanly possible to find a political solution to the
Salvadorean conflict. That is how we expressed ourselves,
with a solemn promise, to the Salvadorean people on the
first day of our Government. We reaffirmed it before the
United Nations in September of that crucial year of 1989,
only a few weeks before the world witnessed the almost
unbelievable dissolution of one of the greatest ideological-
military Powers on Earth. This led to a new era - difficult,
but also hopeful and promising, for all.
If we wish sincerely to interpret the history of our
country, we must say that the peace process in El Salvador
was a search along various avenues that had been present in
the lives of the people of El Salvador ever since our nation
was born. Our peace process is not a mere expression of the
need to find a sensible and reasonable end to an unjust and
painful war. In El Salvador, as in so many other countries
with a historical development similar to ours, peace is the
generic name for age-old needs and aspirations, such as
those for democracy, democratic institutions, the rule of law,
political freedoms and rights - in a word, the victory of
civilization over barbarism.
This helped us to understand, as our work for peace
began, that it must be solid and enduring. Otherwise, we
would be making just another effort - like so many in our
past - that would not rise above superficial means or lay the
true foundations of the country’s political, social and
economic modernization. For us - and this is the aspect that
has enabled our process to succeed - peace is synonymous
with democracy.
We in El Salvador have been delighted to learn that,
from varying perspectives of ideological and political
thought, our peace process is considered exemplary. In this
forum of nations, we should like to point to some of the
factors that, in our opinion, have allowed us to set that
example.
First of all, we believe that the solution achieved is
strictly in keeping with the nature of the conflict. Given that
it was a conflict with historical and social roots, its eruption
was eminently political, linked to the inadequacy and
dysfunctioning of the traditional Salvadorean political system
and the political-ideological confrontation of the super-
Powers. The solution had to be political, without winners or
losers, and to aim at the creation of a new scenario involving
a system of pluralistic participation. The peace agreement
is a plan of commitments to expanding, developing and
guaranteeing democracy in El Salvador. That was what we
needed. That is why it was implemented in an irreversible
manner, despite momentary problems that were merely
mishaps along the way.
Secondly, the conflict led to violent confrontation in the
country. The exhaustion from the war and the impetus
towards a process of democratization created the conditions
for the emergence in El Salvador of a culture of tolerance,
understanding and reconciliation - in a word, a culture of
peace. This concept has not emerged in El Salvador alone;
it is a growing concern throughout the world. With the
support of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization, we are striving to promote a culture
of peace, for which we appeal for the firm support of the
international community. Without a culture of peace, which
will help to remove the ever-active remnants of the culture
of violence, it will be impossible to establish the new world
order demanded by our times, a new moral order between
men and nations as the foundation for this new world order
of competitive but respectful and harmonious coexistence,
which we can glimpse as an achievable reality as we pass
into the new millennium.
Thirdly, we must recognize that the peace process in El
Salvador was continually and effectively followed by the
international community, represented by the Security Council
and the Secretary-General of this great world Organization,
by a group of countries that had close ties to the situation in
El Salvador in a variety of ways, and by a widespread
general interest in observing the ways and means used to
resolve a conflict such as the one that afflicted El Salvador
for such a long time. We have no doubt that without this
international attention a solution to the problem in El
Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 3
Salvador would have been much more difficult and
complicated.
El Salvador is a living example of how the transition
from a world dominated by a confrontational bipolarity to
one determined by the logic of specific situations is taking
place. We do not doubt for one instant that the engine of
the world process is changing: from abusive and heartless
ideology to pragmatic and ordered rationality. There have
always been many problems and conflicts in the world, but
for a long time the international drama seemed to be an
increasingly absorbing confrontation of ideologies. This
distortion, aggravated by the real problems that existed,
impeded their solution. It is true that since the cold war
painful and cruel situations have erupted, such as the one
now experienced in the former Yugoslavia. But ideological,
strategic and geopolitical bipolarity artificially created some
conflicts and stifled others, also artificially. Reality is, of
course, a better guide than all the fantasies of the ideologies.
We in El Salvador do not speak of these matters with
the tranquillity of analysts or the scientific patience of
academicians. We speak of war because we have physically
endured it. We speak of the worldwide ideological
confrontation because, during what we now know was its
last phase, El Salvador was one of its most intense
battlegrounds. And we also speak of peace because we are
building peace on the basis of an agreement of great
institutional significance, conceived and structured to
strengthen democracy in El Salvador and throughout Central
America.
We have already expressed what this peace means to
us. And now we would like to emphasize that we are well
aware that peace is a process. Being a process, it cannot be
static, but must evolve. In this as well, El Salvador sets an
example. Countries such as ours were for long caught up in
the struggle between authoritarian stagnation and
revolutionary radicalism. This is a pivotal moment in
history, because it is giving us all a lesson in the
pre-eminence of an ancient but under-valued concept:
evolution. "Everything changes," said the pre-Socratic
philosopher. But the natural rhythm of that change has
always been a kind of historical riddle. With many
certainties remaining, and in the healthy absence of the
magical formulas that have so tormented the world during
our century, we are perhaps on the way to understanding that
the natural rhythm of change can also be summed in another
classic phrase: "Without hurrying, but without pausing."
With evolution as our guide once again, we have no
reason to hurry. The rhythm of transformation occurs in a
way that cannot be resisted. We see this in the changing
international, political and economic relations of our time.
An almost spontaneous restructuring has followed the
removal of so many straitjackets. And this restructuring has
brought to light what has always been most important: the
real problems. As the East-West conflict has disappeared,
almost no one speaks about the North-South conflict or
alternative alignments, but the serious problems of
inequality, critical poverty and dependence have not been
resolved. They are still with us. And they are a challenge
for this new order which we are trying to create on a more
rational and reasonable foundation.
In this new scenario, the United Nations has a central
role which was until recently unimaginable. The great
dynamic of universal peace cannot be led by a single
country, nor even by a privileged group of countries. The
cooperation, understanding and support of all countries is
needed, as is an instrument which will make peace processes
viable and monitor and support them. That instrument is
this Organization, and this special dimension of its work has
expanded and been emphasized in recent years. El Salvador
has the honour to have been one of the first countries to
benefit from the new United Nations system of peace-
keeping efforts. All the work of active mediation and then
active monitoring - unprecedented in international law -
which the United Nations has been putting into practice in
El Salvador, is not some theoretical artifice, but an exercise
derived from the necessities of a real situation. The dynamic
of the Salvadorian process has shaped the role of the United
Nations in our country. We Salvadorians have learned much
from our close relation with the world Organization, and we
are sure that it too has learned very important lessons from
its continuing participation in the achievement, maintenance
and development of peace in El Salvador.
Our view of the United Nations has been enriched as
we have shared with the world Organization the
responsibility of carrying out the peace plan in El Salvador.
Thus we understand more clearly that the United Nations is
also evolving. Its original form was a product of the end of
the Second World War; it must now open itself up to new
realities. Organs, such as the Security Council, and even the
Secretary-General now have roles and responsibilities which
demand changes. The composition of the Council and the
veto mechanism within it, which were a result of the deep
mutual distrust of the post-war period, must be
fundamentally revised to adopt them to times of cooperation
and exchange. The Secretary-General’s field of activity
should also be reconsidered, because there is far more
executive work to be done today than in the past. All these
are unavoidable challenges that now face the Organization,
to which we owe so much and which we wish to see ever
stronger and more efficient.
The United Nations has room for the whole world. In
successive addresses here, we have emphasized the
importance of the principle of universality. We understand
that this principle cannot in any way provide a means of
interfering in the internal affairs of States; at the same time
we believe that there are realities of today’s world that
cannot be disregarded. We have therefore supported
consideration of exceptional situations, in keeping with the
experience with parallel representation of divided countries
at the United Nations. It should be possible to resolve this
matter within the framework of understanding and openness
that now characterizes international relations.
El Salvador, for the first time in its history, is in the
vigorous mainstream of modernization, a dynamic that
concerns all countries during these times of change. Our
contribution cannot be material, because we lack resources
and wealth, but we have earned the capacity to speak with
the moral force of a people raising itself up from its own
rubble with the unexpected serenity that results from
prolonged suffering. If we in El Salvador can testify to
anything, we can testify that it is possible to move from
irrationality to the deliberate construction of historical
rationality. In proceeding along this long path we need the
international community’s political, moral and financial
support, in keeping with the resolution that the General
Assembly adopted last year for the reconstruction and
development of El Salvador.
We must reincorporate ex-combatants in institutional
and productive life through programmes such as the transfer
of land for farming. Also, there are many new institutions
emerging in our country, such as the civilian national police,
which is one of the most ambitious experiments in public
security in the world. We need timely technical and
economic support to build the structures of peace more
swiftly. We would like to be able to wipe from our minds
the discouraging evidence that it is easier to find the money
for war than for peace. The culture of peace - which is a
world-wide challenge - must also become evident in this
fundamental change in priorities.
We are here for the last time because our presidential
mandate comes to an end on 1 June 1994. It has been an
immense honour for us to come here every year to report on
the progress in a process that is of such great concern to the
people of El Salvador, and yet is also of such concern to
Central America and the international community because of
its positive effects on regional stability.
The country that we are talking about today is very
different from the one that we were discussing in 1989, and
the important thing is that what is surprising in the
difference is how positive and how full of hope it is. The
credit is not ours. We did our work and exercised our will.
The credit goes to a people that, from being a footnote to
history, has won, by dint of sacrifice, a place of honour in
this changing scene that we are seeing emerge at this close
of the century.
All the political and social forces in El Salvador have
worked together to bring about the emergence of the new
country. The friendly countries that are closest to us by
reason of history and geography can testify to this. We have
made a successful effort to bring order to our economy, and
we are laying the foundations for the continued constructive
advance of full democracy - political, economic, social and
cultural.
El Salvador expresses its concern over the continued
existence of conflicts that are devastating some parts of the
world. The tragic cases of Bosnia and Herzegovina and of
Somalia cause us great distress. However, we have
confidence in the force of reason, which always finds a way
to achieve even the most difficult goals.
And there is good news too, such as the extraordinarily
important agreement on mutual recognition between Israel
and the Palestine Liberation Organization, which has thrilled
the world. We have also seen an opening up in South
Africa for reason to prevail, and the situation in Haiti
becoming clear, albeit with difficulty. All that gives us
comfort, and reminds us that we are in a period of enormous
surprises. The world is ridding itself of many oppressive
spectres, and this gives us the strength to believe in the great
potential of the international system.
If we had to prepare a list of all those to whom we
would give thanks for their contribution to peace in El
Salvador, we would always leave out a few, but we cannot
fail to mention the extraordinary work carried out both by
the previous Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar,
and the present Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, and also their body of collaborators and
advisers, without whose participation and support it is
unlikely that we would have achieved the goal of putting
El Salvador on the road towards genuine peace. The
Security Council has always been very mindful of the peace
process in our country, and the Council’s active even-
handedness also deserves our highest praise.
Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 5
On behalf of El Salvador, I give thanks to everyone.
El Salvador is a living example. We hope that we will
continue to be an example of stability, respect for human
rights, national concord and progress. We therefore call on
the world to give us its attention and support, and, most of
all, we ask God to shed his light on El Salvador, on the
United Nations and on all men and women of good faith on
this Earth of ours, which is a common inheritance that must
be shared by all mankind.


I am particularly pleased to congratulate
Ambassador Insanally on his election to the presidency of

the General Assembly, which does honour to the Group of
Latin American and Caribbean States. We know that he has
long-standing close personal ties to Chile.
It has been our lot to witness and to be a part of events
of far-reaching significance in the history of mankind. The
political, technological, economic and social changes that
have shaken the world over the past 10 years are beginning
to take root, and as they do so the enormous influence they
have had on the establishment of new forms of behaviour,
new values and new institutional schemes is becoming
apparent.
The maintenance of democracy as the single paradigm
has brought with it beneficial influences, although for some
the establishment of this system of coexistence has given
rise to upheavals which are not yet over. But we can afford
a measure of realistic optimism if we fix our attention on
other developments. The beginnings of an agreement
between Palestinians and Israelis are a tangible example of
this. Another is the awakening of South Africa to true
democracy. The spirit of consensus that is beginning to
spread throughout the world is a consequence of the
democratic paradigm. Against this new backdrop, the
United Nations has a vital role to play.
At this juncture, then, there are grounds for optimism,
and we have a duty to be optimistic. For only in being
optimistic will we be able to overcome the reluctance of
some and the temptation of others to take refuge in
fundamentalism. It is also imperative for us to take a firm
stand against a kind of rigidity of approach which is gaining
ground in the world. This is the tendency to treat systems
as if they were incontrovertible truths. It is the transfer of
dogma to sciences that are not at all exact. And this is
happening at a time when advances in human knowledge are
demonstrating precisely that what is vital today is to open
our minds to reason and to distance ourselves as far as
possible from dogmatism.
We are living in a world which has ceased to be
foreign. No human reality is alien to us. No suffering is
remote. No triumph of intelligence is a private matter. But
globalization does not mean uniformity. What is more,
without respect for differences, it would cease to have the
vigour it exhibits today. Its competitiveness would be lost,
and the concept of one world would inevitably find itself on
its deathbed.
This is the world in which we have to live and move,
a world plagued by disturbing yet, paradoxically, stimulating
contradictions. It is in such a world that we must strive to
seize the opportunity to take positive initiatives, without
prejudices, and come closer to the innermost reality of man.
This is why we are now striving to make progress in the
defence of universal humanitarian law. This concept is
inherent in the new vision of the world, and Chile comes
forward as its most resolute proponent. It is this concept
which has led the "Blue Helmets" in the past three years to
take on as many missions as they conducted between the end
of the Second World War and the beginning of the 1990s.
The United Nations troops serve the invaluable objective of
peacemaking and rebuilding coexistence, a task which we
must perform if we are to meet adequately the need to strike
the proper balance between local sensitivity and global
sensitivity.
The number of problems that are worldwide in scope
has greatly increased. Whether through rigidity in the
application of the system or through shortcomings in the
system itself, we are witnessing some tragic consequences.
Millions of human beings are suffering from poverty. Nor
is the tragedy confined to the poor nations. We are
witnessing a worldwide social crisis. It has left its mark on
the developed countries as well. Social marginalization is a
reality which has taken on truly disturbing dimensions
hitherto unknown in those latitudes.
Chile’s present Government has always viewed
economic development as inseparable from social
development. We see the economy not as an end in itself,
but as a means by which humanity can attain happiness.
This is our objective, and this is what has led President
Patricio Aylwin to assign the priority to dealing with what
we have termed the social debt. This term encompasses the
recognition that society as a whole must accord to the poor.
This idea has gained ground. As a result, the Chilean
initiative regarding the convening of a world summit for
social development has been positively received. The
meeting, to be held at Copenhagen in 1995, will be a
tangible demonstration of this concern on the part of the
United Nations.
My country is confident that we will make every effort
necessary to ensure that the Copenhagen meeting arrives at
appropriate and specific solutions. The environment is
favourable, which makes us feel that we shall be able to
conclude the summit with an "agenda or programme for
people", one essential element of which must be broader,
more effective and more united international cooperation.
Today’s world poses questions which must be answered
without delay. Poverty, hunger and other social scourges are
perceived as aberrations. Their eradication is the task of the
38 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
international community as a whole. In this task, the United
Nations will play a decisive role. It has the capacity to take
the leadership, which means channelling international
cooperation.
Furthermore, we recognize that the United Nations has
a fundamental role to play in dealing with the relevant
issues.
In the specific field of international peace and security,
my country has repeatedly stressed its support for the action
taken by the Secretary-General, and Chile advocates the
strengthening of his role, particularly with respect to
preventive diplomacy. We hail his report "An Agenda for
Peace" as a valuable and significant aid to Governments.
We look forward with interest to the forthcoming publication
of an agenda for development, which we intend to consider
with the greatest enthusiasm.
In the same spirit of cooperation, we have conveyed to
the Secretary-General suggestions regarding the benefits that
might derive from an increase in the number of members of
the Security Council. Because of the great importance of
that body, any change that is proposed should reflect the
very clear political will of the majority. I want to put great
emphasis on this point. We view the changes in the Security
Council as part of a wide-ranging exercise aimed at
strengthening the United Nations. No reform can be viable
if its sole aim is to grant some degree of political
recognition to certain emerging Powers. The aim of our
proposal is that appropriate account be taken of the new
international reality. At the same time, it seeks to reflect the
increase in the membership of the Organization since the last
time the Council was enlarged.
In our suggestions to the Secretary-General, we indicate
the need for the reform to result in a limited membership.
This will enable us to ensure efficiency and to achieve our
objectives of democratization. In this context, we feel that
it is important that the various regions of the world be duly
represented. This will enable us to combine the idea of
democratization with the balance that is essential.
Regarding the right of veto, we agree with many
nations that this is not a democratic means of
decision-making. For this reason we wish to make it clear
that we are opposed to its being extended to new permanent
members of the Council. In line with these ideas, Chile has
raised the possibility of the Council’s comprising permanent
members, permanent members without the right of veto,
regional members with an extended term, and non-permanent
members.
Still in the context of the protection of democracy, we
cannot fail to mention that at the regional level too new
circumstances have led to changes in the instruments
available to the Organization of American States (OAS).
Clear evidence of this is the Santiago "Commitment to
democracy and the renewal of the inter-American system"
approved at the General Assembly of the OAS held in the
capital of Chile in 1991. This new approach has already
yielded results. The OAS has achieved successes that would
previously have been impossible in the region - particularly
in the field of the protection of democracy and human rights.
Of concern to us, together with steps in these two
sensitive areas, is decisive action for the protection of nature.
Currently, Chile holds the chairmanship of the environment
commission established within the organization.
In addition, my country has joined in the effort to
combat drug trafficking. Accordingly, we support various
initiatives aimed at drafting new legal instruments to combat
this scourge effectively.
Likewise - returning to the world scene - we attach
special importance to the process of restructuring in the
economic and social sector. This will raise the possibility of
saving millions of human beings who are currently
marginalized, living in minimal security conditions. In our
view, cooperation for development should become one of the
most solid pillars of the international agenda for the twenty-
first century. We shall continue to put forward ideas and to
support initiatives, in the Group of 77 and any other body,
that will serve to advance the negotiations.
President Aylwin’s Government has striven to make
international cooperation a reality. We have participated in
various activities within the programme of technical
cooperation between developing countries. Currently, we
have projects in 43 countries, and 70 institutions from the
public and private sectors are participating in them.
There is an active current of cooperation with our
neighbours in Central America, the Caribbean and South
America. Also under way are projects that link us with
Mexico. Similarly, we have programmes with the People’s
Republic of China, India, Indonesia and the Philippines.
Recently, contacts have been established with African
countries and with South Pacific island territories. All of
this forms part of a deliberate policy aimed at strengthening
links with the Latin American and Caribbean nations and at
establishing close ties with all developing countries.
Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 39
An outstanding feature of the major changes taking
place throughout the world is the important role being
assumed by the Pacific basin in political, economic and
strategic terms. Chile is a coastal State of that ocean, and
our identification with the basin is one of the most
innovative elements in the foreign policy being pursued by
President Aylwin. We have made a sustained effort to
associate ourselves with the main agreements on cooperation
in the Pacific region. Since 1990, Chilean business has been
participating actively in the Pacific Basin Economic Council,
and since 1991 Chile has been a full member of the Pacific
Economic Cooperation Council. We hope also to join the
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Council, as we view this
as an important means of promoting the liberalization of
regional and world-wide trade. In this effort we have
received valuable support from the States members of the
Association of South-East Asian Nations, and for this we are
grateful.
In another context, I cannot fail to take this opportunity
to mention an issue that is of special significance to the
developing world. I refer to the Uruguay Round of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The
renewal of these negotiations provides some grounds for
hope. The so-called Dunkel text is very far from meeting
our legitimate aspirations, although it does constitute a major
advance in the current situation. Unfortunately, nonetheless,
it embodies a number of limitations on genuine freedom of
trade.
The most difficult issue in the Uruguay Round has been
trade in agricultural products, which, for the nations of Latin
America -for developing countries in general - is of vital
importance. Hence our lively interest in what is happening
in GATT. Insistence on intransigent positions, which
objectively impede world trade, creates insurmountable
barriers to development - a situation to which we cannot
remain indifferent.
Chile has fully discharged its commitment to the
collective security system. We regard this United Nations
initiative as highly appropriate in the current international
situation. My country has participated in a number of
peace-keeping operations. It has sent military observers to
the Middle East and to the frontier between India and
Pakistan; police officers to El Salvador; air force personnel
to Kuwait; and army personnel to Cambodia.
In discussing this issue, we cannot overlook the
financing difficulties that peace-keeping operations are
facing. We support the steps being taken by the
Secretary-General of the United Nations to overcome these
problems.
Unquestionably, however, in our view, any discussion
of peace is incomplete if it does not refer to the progress
made in relation to disarmament. The Convention on
chemical weapons is a significant achievement. We trust
that the work initiated with a view to the signing of a
comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty will follow the same
course.
At this forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, I
wish briefly to evaluate the results Chile has achieved in
some of the areas to which it attaches priority in the
restoration of democracy.
Let me refer first to our reintegration into the
international community. In the multilateral sphere, we can
point to the generous support of our peers, which has
enabled us to become members of the Economic and Social
Council, the Commission on Human Rights, the International
Law Commission and the Executive Council of the Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), and
to the election of our Ambassador to the United Nations,
Juan Somavia, as President of the Economic and Social
Council and Chairman of the Preparatory Committee of the
World Summit for Social Development.
In keeping with its mandate, President Aylwin’s
Government sees human rights as another of the objectives
towards which its actions are directed, both domestically and
in foreign policy. The latter aspect reflects a traditional
position of our country: that of encouraging respect for
international law and promoting peace and justice. At the
same time, however, it is the least we can do by way of
reciprocating the enormous solidarity the international
community has extended to the Chilean people at the most
difficult moment in its history.
It will be the task of the General Assembly at this
session to begin the implementation of the agreements
contained in the Plan of Action adopted at the second World
Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna at the
beginning of this year.
Along with its re-emergence on the international scene
and its protection of human rights and democracy, Chile has
set itself the goal of working for effective regional
integration.
Here, too, we can point to major achievements. Our
relations with our Latin American and Caribbean brothers
40 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
could not be better. Agreements that have already been
signed and various others that are in the drafting stage -
some 220 agreements and treaties in four years - bear
witness to this fact.
To that same end, we have worked for the
strengthening of the Rio Group; we currently have the
honour to be coordinating its temporary secretariat. That
institution is the embodiment of a modern approach to
international relations. It embodies the will of the region in
its relations with individual countries or groups of countries
outside the region. This forum for political consensus
already has significant achievements to its credit on various
levels. Moreover, it is a clear demonstration of what we can
aspire to if we manifest imagination, political openness and
realism.
Special mention needs to be made of the understanding
we have reached with our neighbours. The understanding,
generosity and vision of the future exhibited by the Heads of
State of Argentina, Bolivia, Peru and Chile have allowed us
to settle issues which in some cases had been dragging on
for more than a century. While respecting our respective
traditions and abiding by the inviolable principles of
international law, including non-intervention and the sanctity
of treaties as the source of rights, we have nevertheless
understood that, as the twenty-first century approaches, it
will be useful to exchange ideas about our national
aspirations, inasmuch as they promote the maintenance of
peace.
It is a great honour for me to be addressing the
forty-eighth session of the General Assembly. The four
years I have represented Chile in this important forum,
whether accompanying President Aylwin or personally, have
been an enriching experience.
The period in which we have the good fortune to be
living demands increasingly dynamic and effective
responses. The world is moving towards a new structure
which will undoubtedly afford us the possibility of moving
ever closer to satisfying the needs of human beings. But
whether we can make this a reality will depend on the
intelligence with which we confront the future.
I have every confidence in the rich sap that nourishes
this spreading tree, which shelters us all. The United
Nations has before it a glorious future in working for the
cause of peace. But that future will be possible only if we
demonstrate the imagination to be bold, the knowledge to
move ahead, the love to understand that to strive for the
common good is always a viable option, the solidarity to be
more human and the wisdom not to repeat the mistakes of
the past.
Members of the Assembly, my good wishes go with
you.


 Please accept my warm
congratulations, Sir, on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I wish you
luck and success in your high office. At the same time, I
extend a cordial welcome to the new Members of our
Organization.
Addressing the Assembly 20 years ago, Willy Brandt
said that the Federal Republic of Germany’s purpose in
joining the United Nations was to help serve the cause of
world peace. That has always been, and will remain, the
fundamental aim of German foreign policy. At that time, in
a bipolar world, Germany was divided. In that year, 1973,
the October war broke out in the Middle East. In South
Africa the inhuman apartheid regime was dominant. Today
my country is united in peace and harmony with our
neighbours. Today we can congratulate Israel, the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) and neighbouring Arab
countries on a historic breakthrough. Today the policy of
apartheid has been overcome. Without the resolve to seek
peace, these developments would not have been possible.
World peace, which appears to have come closer as
bipolarity has receded, must not remain an unfulfilled vision.
The international community’s desire for peace led to the
founding of the United Nations after the Second World War.
It remains our moral and political obligation to fulfil that
legacy. There can be no more important task. In the quest
for peace we are faced with a new challenge and a new
danger, but we also have a historic opportunity.
We are faced with the great challenge of overcoming
hunger and poverty around the world, of preserving the
natural sources of life, and of creating the foundations for a
long-term global population policy. When people have to
leave their native lands, when human rights are violated,
there can be no peace. Peace is not merely the silence of
guns. Hence, economic and social challenges must be very
high on the global agenda. The world is deeply unjust. The
distribution of mankind’s opportunities is woefully unequal.
This we should not tolerate.
The danger confronting us is that peace in many parts
of the world is threatened by new conflicts, especially those
of an ethnic nature. The continuing proliferation of modern
weapons and weapon technology increases the destructive
potential of these conflicts.
Our opportunity, after the end of the East-West
confrontation, is to develop the United Nations into what its
founding fathers intended it to be: the principal guardian of
peace. In performing that role the United Nations must have
the support of the numerous other international organizations
that are functioning successfully today.
I truly believe that we can master the economic,
ecological and social challenges and overcome the danger of
a relapse into a confrontation of States, peoples, cultures and
religions only if we resolutely seize the historic opportunity
to strengthen the global multilateral system and the United
Nations.
Today no country alone can cope with global
challenges. Hence we must counteract nationalism with
multilateralism. German foreign policy is aimed at
strengthening the multilateral world order. It is committed
to the goal of European integration. Its purpose is to
harmonize and create a fair balance of interests. German
foreign policy is therefore a policy within, in support of, and
together with the United Nations.
I agree with the Secretary-General: Peace can only be
preserved if we strike at the roots of conflict. His proposed
agenda for development must go hand-in-hand with "An
Agenda for Peace". Misery, starvation and poverty are still
the overriding problem in many countries.
At the eighth session of the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development and at the Rio Conference, the
developing and industrial countries agreed on a
comprehensive partnership for promoting development and
protecting the environment. For that partnership to be
successful both sides, North and South, must contribute their
share. By carrying out economic and political reforms,
making more efficient use of their funds and cutting military
expenditure, and ensuring greater democratic control and
respect for the rule of law, many developing countries have
embarked on the right course. The World Summit for Social
Development, scheduled to take place in Copenhagen in
14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
1995, must be a forum for dialogue on the social issues
re-emerging all over the world.
The industrial countries have undertaken to support the
efforts of the developing countries by improving the general
conditions for world trade in a spirit of solidarity. Such
assistance can never be more than help towards self-help.
What is required is more entrepreneurial cooperation with
developing countries, more direct investment, improved
cooperation in the field of technology, the opening of
markets and the elimination of trade barriers. The Uruguay
Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) must at long last establish reliable rules for free
trade and be brought to a conclusion by December 15.
Germany, one of the leading trading nations, is committed
to these goals. If new trading blocs were to form, with the
attendant conflicting interests, new political confrontations
would soon follow. Protectionism would be the worst
outcome.
The global economy is in the throes of a fundamental
structural change. International competition is becoming
more intense. Many highly industrialized societies are
confronted with fresh challenges. Unemployment and
sluggish growth are unexpectedly severe burdens on their
productive capacity, both domestically and externally. On
the other hand, the trend towards a single world economy
opens up the first opportunity for billions of people to offer
their products in all markets.
All of us, industrial and developing countries alike,
must make peace with nature. The United Nations is called
upon to protect the natural foundations of life. I propose
that the United Nations develop an early-warning system for
environmental disasters. The momentum of the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development must
be maintained. My country is ready for comprehensive
cooperation. Germany can make a special contribution,
particularly as regards the transfer of environment-friendly
technologies.
The population explosion is a threat to the planet’s
equilibrium. Whereas in the eighteenth century the world
population increased by a quarter of a billion in 75 years, it
is now increasing by this number every three years. Most
of this increase is taking place in countries whose economic
and ecological resources are already strained to the limit.
Family planning must be enhanced, the poverty gap reduced,
and education and knowledge disseminated among women
and men alike. A successful International Conference on
Population and Development, to be held in Cairo next year,
is therefore mandatory.
Respect for human rights is a universal obligation. It
is a focal point of German foreign policy. Human rights and
the protection of minorities belong together. Racism,
cultural arrogance and the delusion of wanting to create
"ethnically clean" areas constitute a threat to peace.
Yugoslavia is a terrible example of this. Where civic,
economic, cultural and religious rights of minorities are
concerned, the majority may not rule by fiat.
The Declaration and Programme of Action of the
Vienna World Conference on Human Rights represent the
consensus opinion of the community of nations. They
reaffirm the universal validity of the human rights. Now it
is important to seek rapid implementation. I wish to
mention five specific points:
Firstly, my country has long advocated the appointment
of a high commissioner for human rights. He should be
authorized to take steps on his own initiative to protect
human rights and to give active support to those countries
seeking to improve the human rights situation.
Secondly, we need an international criminal court. The
International Law Commission has submitted a full draft
statute for such a court. The pressure on those who trample
human rights under foot must be increased now. Those who
torture on this Earth must live in fear of punishment.
Thirdly, in order to prosecute speedily those who are
responsible for the ghastly violations of human rights in the
former Yugoslavia, the Security Council has set up an ad
hoc Tribunal. The elected judges must now begin their work
right away. A chief prosecutor should be appointed without
delay.
Fourthly, the non-governmental organizations have
become part of the world’s conscience and therefore have an
increasingly important role to play in the defence of human
rights.
Finally, the instruments for ensuring respect for human
rights must be given a higher priority in the United Nations
budget.
The crisis in the former Yugoslavia, and especially the
war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is one of the most
depressing episodes of our time. A Member of the United
Nations has fallen victim to a war of conquest accompanied
by genocide and mass expulsions. For the first time since
the Second World War, frontiers in Europe are being
redrawn by force of arms. The principles of the United
Nations have been treated with contempt. The credibility of
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 15
our institutions - indeed the credibility of the United Nations
itself - is being put to the test.
If the fighting continues, the winter will prove to be an
awful disaster for the suffering people. It must therefore be
stopped as quickly as possible and steps taken to ensure that
humanitarian aid is provided. We therefore support the
Geneva efforts to settle the conflict, in spite of doubts about
the current plan, and we express special thanks to the
Co-Chairmen, Lord Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg, for the
difficult job they are doing.
A settlement now seems within reach, but it must be
accepted by all parties to the conflict. No party must impose
its will on another. The Bosnian Muslims must be given
viable territory. We need an assurance that the community
of nations will be resolutely and actively involved in the
implementation of a settlement.
We cannot tolerate a situation in which the Muslims,
who have lived in Europe for centuries, would have fewer
rights than their Christian neighbours. Through preventive
measures we must ensure that the tragedy of this war does
not spill over into neighbouring regions. What is now
required is proposals for controlled disarmament in the
region. This is a task for the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE).
After decades of war and bitter antagonism, the Middle
East is experiencing a historic breakthrough towards peace.
We all want the peace process to become irreversible.
Germany and its partners in the European Community have
undertaken to provide political, economic and particularly
financial support. They have earmarked about a billion
deutschemarks for this purpose.
I should like to express my respect for both sides for
their political courage and their will for peace. I call upon
those who still hesitate to help sustain the peace process. I
appeal to all to renounce the use of force.
The continuing proliferation of arms in many parts of
the world is still highly disturbing. President Clinton’s
proposals have our support. Encouraging progress has been
achieved in the form of the Convention placing a global ban
on chemical weapons and of the agreement reached on a
mandate for negotiations in the Geneva Conference on
Disarmament with a view to a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
The test moratorium must be extended. There must be no
further testing.
The nuclear and non-nuclear Powers alike are urged to
consolidate the non-proliferation regime. When the matter
comes up for decision in 1995, the Non-Proliferation Treaty
must be extended indefinitely. As the representative of a
country which many years ago unilaterally and bindingly
renounced the possession of nuclear weapons and other
means of mass destruction, I appeal to all Members: accede
to the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
The laying of mines in large regions in many countries
has become a scourge for the population. It prevents the
return of refugees and the resumption of farming.
Thousands have been killed or horribly mutilated. It must
be stopped. The European Community has, with our
support, seized the initiative. We need a fund to finance
mine detection and disposal operations.
My country’s European anchorage is indispensable on
both political and economic grounds. My Belgian colleague,
Willy Claes, has already explained the position of the 12
members of the European Community.
Stability in Europe cannot remain a privilege of the
Western nations. The peoples of the reformist countries
fought for their freedom and we encouraged them to do so.
We shall not abandon them now. We must gradually open
the road to the Euro-Atlantic institutions for the countries of
Central and Eastern Europe. Those institutions include the
European Community and the Council of Europe as well as
the Western European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO). I am expecting a clear message from
the NATO summit - which is to take place at the beginning
of 1994 - like the one that came from the European
Community summit meeting in Copenhagen. In this process,
no new ruptures must emerge. A lasting peaceful order in
Europe is not feasible without including Russia.
Over the last four years Germany has made a greater
financial effort than any other nation to help the reformist
countries on their road to democracy, the rule of law and a
free market economy. This assistance, too, is a major
contribution to conflict-prevention and the safeguarding of
peace. In the present critical phase, Russia’s friends and
partners - who include the Germans in particular - must
continue to provide political and economic support for
President Yeltsin’s reforms.
I am concerned about developments in Georgia. We
must achieve a cease-fire and work out a viable political
solution. This is a task for the United Nations in particular.
16 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
The desire for peace makes it imperative for all
countries to seek closer regional cooperation.We support
intra-Africa efforts to resolve conflicts and welcome the
stronger commitment on the part of the Organization of
African Unity.
We are gratified by the democratic changes to be
observed in Latin America in recent years. Nearly
everywhere democracy and free-market principles have
asserted themselves and sources of conflict have, thank God,
been eliminated.
The Association of South-East Asian Nations has
become an important instrument for cooperation in the
Asia-Pacific region. European-Asian cooperation must be
intensified.
"An Agenda for Peace" has become the lodestone for
the world Organization’s further development. I wish to
take this opportunity, Mr. Secretary-General, to express my
thanks for your commitment. The Security Council and the
General Assembly have constructively taken up the Agenda’s
proposals. However, conflict prevention must begin at an
early stage. Preventing fires is better than having to put
them out. We must focus our energy on the possibilities of
preventive diplomacy, confidence-building measures,
fact-finding and the early detection of conflicts.
The CSCE must back the United Nations within its
sphere of jurisdiction. The relations between the two
organizations have been intensified. The CSCE should be
given wider scope for conflict prevention and crisis
management.
In wars and crises, the Blue Helmets have helped to
protect the civilian population, to prevent the spread of
warfare and to initiate the transition to democracy. Some
80,000 troops from more than 70 countries are engaged in
17 peace-keeping missions around the world. They and the
United Nations Secretariat’s Department of Peace-keeping
Operations deserve our thanks.
One of the most successful operations was the one in
Namibia. In Cambodia the United Nations has sponsored
free elections and restored hopes of lasting peace after
decades of terror and oppression. Of course - and it is
important to stress this - not all the hopes placed in the
United Nations can be fulfilled, and it would be wrong to
deny that difficulties have been encountered. But what
would happen without the United Nations and the Blue
Helmets? To the critics I therefore say that we need not less
but more commitment to the United Nations.
In Somalia starvation has been overcome. The
reconciliation process has been overshadowed by incidents
in which troops and civilians have been killed. These are
tragedies, but without the United Nations Operation in
Somalia, hundreds of thousands would have had to die.
Germany has been providing humanitarian aid within the
scope of this major peace-keeping operation, our largest
commitment of personnel so far within the framework of the
United Nations.
Our involvement in such operations has the backing of
the German people. There is a consensus in our country in
favour of widening our scope for contributing to peace. We
are engaged in a passionate debate over proposed
constitutional amendments which would enable Germany to
participate in all United Nations operations without
restriction.
A policy for peace also means strengthening the rule of
law as opposed to the rule of the strong. If the United
Nations is prevented from carrying out its mandate, it will
have to be in a position to authorize the Security Council to
resort to force, as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter.
However, the use of military means should be
considered only if we have a clear political blueprint for
resolving the conflict. Force must always be the last resort.
Consequently, our contribution to the United Nations will
continue to be of a mainly political and economic nature.
Greater emphasis will have to be placed on United Nations
peace-keeping measures in view of the growing
responsibilities and demands.
First, the United Nations Secretariat’s Department of
Peace-keeping Operations must be improved logistically and
organizationally and in terms of staff. The German
Government is willing to make further experts available to
the Secretariat.
Secondly, effective crisis management presupposes the
ability to react swiftly. The Secretary-General’s initiative for
the establishment of stand-by forces has my support.
Stand-by forces should not be confined to military units but
should include civilian personnel and experts ranging from
police to election observers. But participation must always
be voluntary and be subject to the fulfilment of national
conditions.
Thirdly, enhancing the efficiency of the United Nations
presupposes a link-up of military forces. The North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) has declared its willingness to
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 17
make its capacities available. The same holds true for the
Western European Union (WEU).
Fourthly, in many countries military training is geared
solely to the traditional duties of the army. The specific
tasks of peace-keeping require a completely different kind of
training. The national preparation of "Blue-Helmet" forces
needs to be coordinated to a greater degree by the United
Nations. For this, common training guidelines are needed.
The United Nations should also create its own training
capacity; that is my view. Common training and exercises
are, at the same time, important steps in confidence-building.
Fifthly, peace-keeping operations require sound
financing. The responsibility for peace also includes the
prompt and complete payment of contributions by all
Members.
Humanitarian concerns have been of pivotal importance
for Germany’s involvement in United Nations activities from
the very start. In the Middle East, in Africa, in South-East
Asia, in the Gulf region, in Somalia and in former
Yugoslavia we are providing humanitarian assistance. We
have assumed responsibility for transport, medical care, the
monitoring of disarmament measures and the repatriation of
refugees. Together with our partners in the European
Community we have called for the creation of a post of
coordinator for humanitarian assistance.
Part of our humanitarian commitment is the readiness
to assist refugees from the civil war, whose situation is very
distressing. We have admitted more than 350,000 refugees
from former Yugoslavia. I urge the General Assembly to
use every opportunity to strengthen the Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Mrs.
Ogata deserves high praise for the job she is doing. More
international solidarity and burden-sharing is called for. We
must not abandon those countries which, as neighbouring or
target countries for the refugees, are particularly affected.
The aim must be to offer shelter to refugees from civil wars
or other disasters near their home countries in order to
facilitate their early return to those countries. For this we
need binding rules. I therefore propose the drafting of an
international convention to regulate large-scale refugee
movements.
Another focal point of our involvement in United
Nations activities has been what the Secretary-General refers
to in his "Agenda for Peace" as post-conflict peace-building.
Lasting peace depends on the establishment of democratic
and market-economy structures based on the rule of law.
Investment in the democratization process is an investment
in peace. My country, Germany, sees this as a priority of its
commitment to development. That is why Germany
participates in missions to observe elections, provides
economic experts, and assists in the creation of democratic
administrative, judicial and police institutions.
I should like to stress that a culture of peace is another
prerequisite for lasting peace. Not only governments but
also individual citizens must develop the will for peace if we
want to overcome racial hatred and religious conflict. A
culture of peace encompasses a dialogue between ethnic
groups as well as between religions and cultures. The
Europeans live next door to and in close contact with Islam.
We need bridges of mutual understanding, not new enemy
images. We need to promote education for peace. The
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO), with its mandate to foster relations
between nations, therefore deserves comprehensive support.
Germany advocates the strengthening of all United
Nations bodies. We do not want a never-ending discussion
on reform, but greater efficiency. We welcome the
Secretary-General’s efforts to reorganize the Secretariat.
The efforts to revitalize the General Assembly and the
Economic and Social Council also meet with our full
support. We would be happy if the United Nations were
better represented in Germany and have therefore made an
offer for the relocation of institutions of technical
cooperation to Bonn.
The most important decisions on security and peace are
today made in the Security Council. This is what the
Charter envisaged right from the start. Anyone who wants
peace must strengthen the Security Council.
In its response to the Secretary-General’s request, the
Federal Government has stated that efficiency and credibility
are of equal importance for the future composition of the
Security Council.
Germany is prepared to assume responsibility as a
permanent member of the Security Council also. I stated
this at the last session of the General Assembly. However,
we will be able to maintain and strengthen the credibility of
the Council only if, in deliberating on reforming it, we also
take into consideration the growing importance of the third
world.
Finally, let me state that Germany wants to be and will
be a driving force in efforts to strengthen the United
Nations. We need to achieve a basic consensus for the
important tasks ahead of us. In my view this consensus lies
18 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
in the rule of law. The law protects the weak and
legitimizes force where it is unavoidable. The law is an
expression of partnership and is opposed to tyranny and
hegemony. It is the acceptance of law that creates justice.
Only where justice reigns can peace flourish.


Allow me, Sir, to offer
you, and the Republic of Guyana, sincere congratulations on
your election as President of the General Assembly at its
forty-eighth session. This session is taking place at a
moment of world history which everyone agrees to be
exceptional, so it is particularly important that it be as
successful as possible. The fact that you are guiding its
work encourages me to hope that it will be so.
Let me also take this opportunity to express my
gratitude for the contribution of the former Foreign Minister
of the Republic of Bulgaria, His Excellency Mr. Stoyan
Ganev, as President of the Assembly at its forty-seventh
session.
The very presence of Slovenia as an independent State
and a Member of the United Nations is adequate testimony
to the fact that the world has fundamentally changed.
Together with a series of other countries that are either
newly founded or have disengaged themselves from the
shackles of limited sovereignty - or both simultaneously -
Slovenia was not, of course, only an object of those changes,
but a protagonist in them. The motive force for these
changes was the democratic aspirations of nations, their
democratic movements and prominent individuals from all
spheres of social life. Many of the basic principles of the
United Nations Charter, especially the principle of respect
for human rights, motivated the democratic movements in
their struggle for political and economic change.
We should not forget that fact today as we watch the
processes under way in the part of the world formerly
known as the East. The tragic events which we perceive as
having resulted from those very changes should not blur the
memories of the movement for the freedom and dignity of
men and women as individuals and as members of
historically, culturally and linguistically defined entities. The
difficulties faced by the new democracies were expected.
Yet they are strengthening democratic institutions and the
effectiveness of democratic mechanisms. On the other hand,
in another - the smaller -part of the East, there is an orgy of
destructive violence caused by inconceivable hatred.
The old terminology, transferred to the notion of
"countries of the former East", obstructs a real understanding
of current events in the part of the world to which it refers.
Ideological notions should be replaced by terminology that
respects the cultural and historical characteristics of
individual regions, which in recent history all known politics
and ideologies have tried to obliterate.
The former socialist countries that earlier on had
developed democracy movements are now experiencing
secure democratic development. On the other hand, in those
countries with totalitarian regimes that were suddenly
confronted with the end of the bipolar world and where
democratic movements were barely incipient, the ensuing
ideological vacuum led to nationalism accompanied by
expansionism and grave violations of human rights and of
the rights of minorities. Former Yugoslavia, a typical multi-
ethnic State, a federation composed of six different
territorially defined members, experienced the consequences
of these distinctions within its former borders, and for that
reason could not survive.
Every region has its own particular characteristics.
Respecting them would to a great extent facilitate
stabilization and the prospects of peaceful development on
the basis of multilateral cooperation. It is not just for
Europe in the wider sense that this is valid, although it is
true that the processes of change are most pronounced in this
region, for better or for worse. The changes I am referring
to put seriously to the test most of the principles of
international cooperation and most of the mechanisms
created to enhance it. The right to self-determination is a
case in point. This right, on the one hand, was denied to
some nations while on the other hand the misuse of the same
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 11
principle for carrying out aggressive expansionism and
land-grabs has been tolerated.
The role of the United Nations has greatly increased
since the end of the cold war, and the Organization is
confronted with a number of issues that have to be tackled
in a new way commensurate to the new atmosphere. Now
it is more or less clear to everybody that we cannot do
without new concepts and new mechanisms within this
Organization to enable it to react in accordance with the
requirements of the time. It is of crucial importance to
strengthen human rights and democracy within countries and
to reflect this equally in their interrelations.
There are great expectations that the United Nations
will face these issues and will be able to adapt itself
efficiently. In order to do this the General Assembly should
make proposals in this regard. Let me mention some of the
fields that these proposals could embrace.
International law needs a further evolution of
substantive provisions and consensual mechanisms for their
implementation. The principle of non-interference in the
internal affairs of States should be reaffirmed, though it
should be sensibly qualified by adequate internationally
defined standards. International cooperation and the
interdependence of all States are continuously diminishing
the scope of matters which are essentially within the
domestic jurisdiction of States, while the scope of legitimate
international action is being expanded. In this context there
appears to be an opportunity for further protection of human
rights, the rights of ethnic minorities and the environment.
The Conference on Human Rights which took place in
Vienna last June confirmed global standards of respect for
and protection of human rights and recommended the
establishment of a high commissioner for human rights.
Slovenia intends to submit during this session proposals for
enhancing the activities of the United Nations in the field of
human rights, strengthening the Centre for Human Rights
and the establishment of a high commissioner for human
rights.
Economic cooperation is of particular importance.
Cooperation in the framework of a series of existing
international organizations and integrations must be seen in
the context of its extension to new members. Agreements
on economic cooperation between members and
non-members of trading blocs are already being concluded,
although sometimes too slowly. In any case, it is important
that these associations should not close the door to the new
democracies, since this could greatly impede the
development of market economies in the new democracies
at the very start. It is to be hoped that regional Economic
Commissions, specialized agencies of the United Nations and
international financial institutions will use their influence in
order to help remove obstacles.
At the Earth Summit in Rio last year we took part in
the efforts for closer international cooperation on the
environment. We will render all possible support to the
United Nations to achieve the aims of the Rio Conference,
including sustainable development, and to simultaneously
detect new problems in this field. Of course, success will
elude us if there is no adequate supervision or sanctions.
European security since the end of the cold war has
acquired different faces, and new countries have entered the
European scene. Some military arrangements with purported
defence aims have disbanded, and a number of countries are
looking for new arrangements to safeguard their security.
This represents an opportunity that should not be lost.
Europe should be able to fill the security vacuum with
democratic, forward-looking and adequate security
arrangements for all, the more so since it is the first time in
history that security is not bound to increased defence
spending. This is encouraging. On the other hand, we are
facing the danger of new outbreaks in different regions.
This situation, more than anything else, requires preventive
diplomacy, which should, by its very nature, be a matter of
coordination for the United Nations, whose views should be
formed in the General Assembly and the Security Council.
Existing security associations, such as the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and the Western European
Union (WEU) should be systematically extended, and care
should be taken to see that there is coordination between
them and decision-making institutions of the United Nations.
The agreement between the United Nations and the CSCE
signed in May this year is encouraging from this point of
view. It may be useful to seriously consider creating forces
for rapid action, wherever timely action firmly authorized by
the Security Council could prevent a crisis.
During the last two years Slovenia has radically and
unilaterally restricted its own military potential. More than
half of the military facilities of the former Yugoslav army on
Slovenian territory have been committed to civilian needs.
However, the Republic of Slovenia remains subject to the
arms embargo which the Security Council imposed on the
former Yugoslavia. Unfortunately, this measure did not
produce the desired effect in other parts of the former
Yugoslavia; on the contrary, it has prevented the victims of
aggression from effectively defending themselves. It is our
12 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
view that it is high time the Security Council reconsidered
this measure and adjusted it to realities.
I am sure that I am not alone in the view that all the
new dilemmas that the world is facing also require reform of
the structures and mechanisms of the United Nations. The
General Assembly should more fully utilize its own
competence in this sense for dealing with situations and take
steps to settle international relations matters. The Security
Council, in view of the new circumstances in the world and
the nature of current problems, would appear to need some
modification so as to be able to react more flexibly and
effectively. It would be wise to increase its membership
appropriately to make it more representative and to
strengthen its responsibility to United Nations Member States
through the General Assembly. Further, strengthening the
professional competence of the Secretariat could be
envisaged, thereby improving conditions for the effective
operation of the Secretary-General. The current state of the
world, in which we are simultaneously confronted with
possible dangerous consequences of otherwise welcome
changes and with the well-known mounting problems of
developing countries, of course demands increased efficiency
of existing and perhaps new mechanisms. This means that
it will also be impossible to avoid the question of settling the
regular financing of the United Nations.
In closing I must unfortunately also touch on a matter
that has already disturbed and concerned the international
community for far too long: the crisis in some parts of the
former Yugoslavia. Slovenia, despite being near the regions
of armed conflict in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
has not been directly involved in the problems that have
been the cause of armed conflict for the last two years. This
does not, of course, mean that people of Slovenia and the
Slovene Government are indifferent. The Republic of
Slovenia is respecting sanctions and is cooperating in all
efforts by the international community to bring peace to
these countries. We have submitted proposals in order to
alleviate the crisis, find a political solution and cut short the
war and suffering. Unfortunately, the war still rages on.
We are constantly reminded of this by the presence of
70,000 refugees living in Slovenia. Caring for them is no
small burden for the 2 million inhabitants of Slovenia, even
though we have the cooperation of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees. However, international aid for
refugees is decreasing.
In our view, it is crucial to abide by all the principles
on which the international order after the end of cold war
should be based. This would encourage the newly founded
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to follow these principles
and, like other States founded on the territory of the former
Yugoslavia, to seek membership in the United Nations in
accordance with the Charter. The political and economic
interests of all members of the former Yugoslavia can begin
to be met only through negotiations, on an equal legal
footing, on the succession of the former Yugoslavia.
Slovenia supports, and will continue to support, all
initiatives to create a better world that provides adequate
prospects for the coming generations - a world based on the
mutual interests of the entire international community,
without the horrors of war, poverty and social distress, a
world in which human rights and the dignity of every
individual are standards respected by all Governments.
I wish the General Assembly every success at the
current session in its work towards this goal.