Allow
me, Sir, to congratulate Mr. Ganev on his election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its forty-seventh session and to assure him that he will
have the full cooperation of my delegation in the discharge of his important
task.
I should like also to congratulate Mr. Samir Shihabi of Saudi Arabia on
the efficient manner in which he discharged his duties as President of the
General Assembly at its forty-sixth session.
I extend fraternal and cordial greetings to Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
who, as Secretary-General, has headed the Organization since the beginning of
the year. We realize that during this initial stage he has had a difficult
task. He has undertaken the job of restructuring and reforming the system to
adapt the Organization to the new international context.
In this joint effort, in which mankind has placed its highest hopes for a
better and more just future, it is positive and comforting to have new friends
in our midst. In that spirit, I extend the warmest welcome to the nations
that joined the Organization this year. Guatemala offers them its friendship,
respect, solidarity and cooperation.
The nations of the world are gathered in this forum with mixed feelings
of uncertainty and hope uncertainty because, following the dramatic changes
in the international order, we find ourselves on the eve of a new era, whose
fundamental features have yet to be defined; hope because, despite a history
of sterile confrontations, an opportunity is opening up for a just and
equitable international order in which cooperation between nations would be
geared to the solution of the fundamental problems of the international
community: extreme poverty, sustainable development, peace, security and the
environment.

We Guatemalans view these changes with great hope, and we fully
understand their historic implications, as our country too is involved in a
far-reaching and ambitious process of transformation, which we trust will
positively change the course of our history. Guatemala is making great
efforts to overcome the confrontation that, for years, has riven our society
and afflicted thousands of Guatemalan families.
Others took advantage of the problems of our political and economic
development to transplant their hostilities to our soil. Therefore, for more
than 30 years our country was involved in foreign and alien confrontation that
left only suffering in its wake and led to neglect of the central problems of
our society.
As a small country, Guatemala suffered from the ups and downs of an
international system based on ideological confrontation. As was the case on a
world-wide scale, economic resources necessary to give impetus to the process
of our people's socio-economic well-being were earmarked to finance a sterile
and cruel confrontation. The attention of the various sectors of our society
was distracted from genuine questions of development and obfuscated by an
ideological polemic whose outcome was violence and stagnation. Problems of
hunger, education, social well-being, health and poverty are among those that
were left unattended and unsolved throughout these irretrievably lost
decades.
The whole Central American region found itself in a similar situation
so much so that it became the focus of international attention as a result of
internal armed clashes and military tensions. As a region, however, we have
been able to take our historic destiny in hand and, by an approach that we
ourselves designed, often in the face of the scepticism of people who thought

us unable to solve our problems other than on the basis of external formulas,
have managed to overcome the spiral of violence and, at the same time,
initiate a process of democratization and pacification, which is now bearing
fruit and is transforming our nations with the promise of a better future for
our peoples.
As Central Americans, we Guatemalans are aware that the challenge of our
future is entirely in our own hands. The process of democratization, begun
some years ago, is the start of a much broader process one aimed at
transforming our social, economic and cultural structures and at securing the
well-being of all Guatemalans. The effort that is needed to generate a
process of overall improvement in the standards of living of our people
requires that the funds used for armed confrontation be reallocated for social
investment.
President Serrano Elias Lanzo, at the beginning of his administration in
1991, launched a peace plan for the whole nation, conscious of the fact that
progress towards democratization of the country is the only means of achieving
even higher goals. Under this plan, peace is conceived of as a source of the
basic conditions that will allow for the harmonious development of the
individual in society and for peaceful and respectful coexistence between
people, rather than simply as the absence of violence or the ending of
internal armed confrontation.
In this framework, the Government of the Republic has begun a dialogue
with the URNG with the air.i of securing an end to the internal conflict and of
involving the groups taking part in it so that, within the constitutional
framework of the State's laws, they will renounce the use of arms and
participate in the political life of the country in a constructive rather than
a destructive manner.

Unfortunately, the pace of the initial talks was slowed by unconstructive
attitudes on the part of the representatives of the insurgents, attitudes that
can be understood only as an attempt artificially to delay the peace process
and thus to gain special benefits not justified by the realities on the
ground. The Government's goodwill has been shown by its acceptance of an
agreement on human rights proposed by the conciliator who presides over the
National Commission for the Reconciliation of Guatemala. The insurgents have
not accepted this proposal.
The Government of Guatemala deplores and rejects this delaying approach
which results in unnecessary prolongation of the sufferings of Guatemalans and
limits the possibilities of action by the Government to deal with the real
problems of the people who elected it. We appeal to the international
community to condemn these delaying tactics, support the continuation of
negotiations and appeal to the insurgents to adopt a positive and realistic
attitude.
The Government of the Republic trusts that in the next meetings with the
mediation of the Conciliator and the participation of the Personal
Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, these obstacles
will be overcome and the talks will continue in order soon to reach the
complete peace for which all Guatemalans yearn.
The transformation of Guatemalan society, however, goes well beyond
putting an end to internal armed confrontation. For this reason my Government
has developed important initiatives aimed at substantively modifying some of
the structures of our society. Central to these efforts is the decision to
put on a solid footing a State where the rule of law is paramount,
guaranteeing the effective administration of justice for all citizens, without
discrimination.

A renewed and revitalized State under the rule of law, guaranteeing fully
effective human rights, is the central aim of the Administration of
President Serrano Elias. In that context, important achievements have been
made, perhaps the most important being the restoration, through a struggle
against impunity, of the individual's trust in democratic institutions.
The Government is aware that much remains to be done in order to ensure
fully effective human rights, but we believe that it must be recognized that
over the past two years important advances have been made in this respect.
At the same time, significant efforts are being made to create conditions
that will permit the return to their homeland of refugees who have gone to
other countries, fleeing the violence that affected their population groups in
the past. The National Peace Fund (FONAPAZ) and the National Land Fund
(FONATIERRA), both created by the present Government, are participating
jointly with the Special Commission for Refugees, Returnees and Displaced
Persons (CEAR) in creating conditions appropriate not only for the return of
refugees but also for the effective reintegration of returnees and displaced
persons into society, providing them with conditions to engage in productive
activity that will allow for their social and human development.
I have taken the liberty of drawing attention to some of the important
aspects of my country's internal politics in order to give the background to
the points that I shall now make concerning the international scene and our
foreign policy.
Guatemala has followed with close attention the important world
developments of recent years. We are certainly witnessing the formation of a
new international order, which springs from the ashes of a confrontational and
bipolar world. We should take advantage of the new international environment

to seek peaceful solutions to conflicts and confrontations that still persist,
and thus allow the Governments concerned to apply to development and peace
resources formerly earmarked for financing those confrontations.
At the same time the dividends of world peace should be channelled to
investment for the social well-being of peoples. Nuclear disarmament, a major
goal in itself, should also be used to generate a surplus with which to
finance programmes to resolve the most serious world problems hunger,
disease, illiteracy and poverty. The new climate of confidence among nations
and new patterns of global security should be based not only on an absence of
immediate military threats, but on real efforts to resolve the central
problems of mankind.
More than ever before, we have a historic opportunity today to make
significant advances towards the creation of a truly just world order, based
on cooperation, not domination. To achieve this, however, we need above all
to recognize the errors affecting the international system and to establish
new rules permitting truly harmonious coexistence.
It is necessary to carry out promptly an exhaustive, in-depth revision of
relations between the developed and the developing nations. There are
enormous imbalances which if present trends continue will lead to a deepening
gap between the two.
The industrialized countries and the developing countries must jointly
agree on an agenda of matters that should be given priority attention by the
international community and discuss and explore machinery and methods that
will allow us better to face the challenge of development in all its aspects.
The World Summit for Social Development gives us the opportunity to discuss
these problems at the highest level.

Multilateralism has taken on a renewed and vigorous impetus in the task
of building a new world order. The importance of multilateral forums as
centres of discussion, analysis and the adoption of generalized policies for
the international system is a significant opportunity for developing nations
to participate actively in the process of constituting the new rules of the
international system.
The experience gained in organizing approaches that allowed us to
formulate proposals and present our interests to the industrialized nations,
at a time when ideological confrontation relegated our countries' fundamental
problems to the background, should be used to advantage today to ensure that
the international agenda suitably reflects our interests and needs.
However, those interests and perspectives will be reflected in
international forums only to the degree that we fight for it. To that end,
South-South cooperation is a fundamental vehicle and the efforts to achieve
coordination between developing nations should be stepped up.
In Guatemala's view, the world order that emerges from the
transformations under way should be built upon deep respect for the norms and
principles of international law. The possibility of harmonious, stable
coexistence between the nations of the world depends on unconditional respect
for States' sovereignty, independence and equality before the law. Therefore,
the international community must reject any State's attempt to extend the
application of its own law5 beyond its own borders.
Within the context of the emerging world order, encouraging efforts are
now under way to reach a peaceful settlement of the Middle East conflict.
Those encouraging deeds are in contrast to the tragic events taking place in
the former Yugoslavia and the equally tragic situation prevailing in Somalia.

The international community must renew its efforts to find peaceful,
negotiated solutions in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
My country has viewed with great interest the measures taken by the
Secretary-General to adapt the United Nations for the better fulfilment of its
functions, and we support all efforts that enable the Organization to attain
the objectives of the Charter.
In particular, I wish to emphasize the active role the Organization has
taken in peace-keeping in various regions of the world. In the resolution of
conflicts that originated before the end of the cold war and in cases of new
tensions emerging from the geopolitical processes resulting from that historic
development, the peace-keeping forces under the flag of the United Nations
carry out a fundamental role by opening the way to truce, dialogue and
negotiation, thus preventing the prolongation of confrontations that can be
satisfactorily resolved by peaceful means.
We should, however, re-examine the criteria used in financing those
forces. The cost of peace-keeping operations could prove overwhelming for
both the Organization and its Member States, especially those, like Guatemala,
that have limited resources. In this regard, we welcome the
Secretary-General's report "An Agenda for Peace" as a contribution to those
efforts.
Along the same lines, there is no doubt about the need to reform
structures that emerged and functioned within the framework of a
confrontational order. Such reform should not be limited, however, to the
mere streamlining of the bureaucracy, but should aspire to the creation of a
system that ensures satisfactory representation for all its members. As part
of those efforts, we should deal without delay with the composition of the

Security Council of the Organization. The current structure and procedures of
the Council are the result of a political order that we have left far behind,
and we need to revise them, adapt them to the current situation and prevent
the creation of patterns of political tutelage that go against the principles
of equitable participation and juridical equality among States.
In fact, a new problem is beginning to take shape within the structure of
the Organization, and it is nothing more or less than the reflection of a
global issue: the privileged position enjoyed by some nations encourages
monopolistic structures in various multilateral forums.
The United Nations will be an effective and efficient forum to the extent
that each and every one of its Members can feel that its interests are
adequately represented in the policies and programmes of the various
departments of the Organization. Attitudes of political and economic tutelage
will be very unlikely to strengthen it; nor will they facilitate the
establishment of international patterns of cooperation.
We believe that in the protection and promotion of human rights we have a
clear example of such a situation. At this time Guatemala has the advisory
services of an expert adviser from the United Nations, who has received a
broad mandate from the Commission on Human Rights to assist my country in its
efforts to achieve the full realization of human rights. The mandate has been
accepted by my Government in the spirit of openness and cooperation that it
has maintained in dealing with the Commission.
In addition, my country also unreservedly supports the United Nations
objective of promoting those rights internationally and will continue to
cooperate with all its organs in that task.

At the same time, we feel we must express our concern at what we see as
the application of apparently selective criteria by some members of the
Commission on Human Rights in its work.

Nevertheless, disturbing phenomena such as xenophobia, racism,
discrimination against migrant workers and ethnic and religious
discrimination, which have become more acute in recent years in certain
nations as a result of the changing international system, have not been given
sufficient attention by the Committee during its recent deliberations.
From the work of the Commission on Human Rights and the Subcommission on
Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, it would appear
that it is only in some developing countries that one finds obstacles to the
full application of human rights, disregarding the serious problems that exist
in other nations. In both of these forums, it would appear that the
credibility of democratic, freely elected Governments is being questioned,
giving greater validity to the arguments presented by politically compromised
organizations that favor sectarian movements which seek, through the use of
force and by causing suffering to peoples, to alter lawful democratic
institutions.
It is urgent and necessary that the Committee dealing with
Non-Governmental Organizations engage in a review of the non-governmental
organizations that cooperate in the work of the Economic and Social Council
(ECOSOC) and that participate in particular in the work of the Commission on
Human Rights, in order to ensure that their participation is positive and does
not answer to sectarian political interests that might tend to discredit them.
At the same time, it is necessary to review the working procedures of
both forums so that organizations that participate as observers will not
receive preferential treatment over that of members of the Organization who
are not on the Committee.

The Government of Guatemala will continue to cooperate with the United
Nations in the field of human rights, and we hope in this respect to continue
to receive the advisory services that enable the Government to fulfil the
commitment of President Serrano Elias to promote the full enjoyment of human
rights in our country. However, I appeal to the relevant organizations to
guard against abuse of this spirit of openness and cooperation by groups
seeking the destabilization of the State, an unjust and selective situation
that would ultimately oblige the Government to review, analyse and reformulate
its position on these matters.
The World Conference on Human Rights, to be held next year, should
provide an opportunity to examine the present situation and to plan the
Organization's future policies in a matter that is of pivotal importance to
the well-being of humankind.
We are in the process of analysing, proposing and establishing a new
world order based on cooperation and coexistence. The new role that falls to
the United Nations implies growing functions of coordination and discussion
between nations. To that end, the principle of universality should prevail
over other interests.
In this context, the Republic of China (Taiwan), one of the largest
economies in the world, is in a position to contribute significantly to
seeking solutions to problems that nations of the world must face. Its
presence in the United Nations would strengthen our Organization and permit
more appropriate treatment of topics with global implications, such as that of
the environment. Consequently, Guatemala appeals for consideration of the
need for participation by the Republic of China (Taiwan) as a Member of our
Organization, in addition to the People's Republic of China. We believe,

moreover, that this attitude would make a suitable contribution to the spirit
of cooperation and conciliation that should characterize the new world order.
The structural reform undertaken by my Government includes a strategy for
economic openness designed to bring our economy into the flow of international
commerce.
In addition to the effort at integration in the Central American region,
which we support with deep conviction and whose aim is to shape a community of
nations in the Central American isthmus, Guatemala at this time is also
negotiating its participation in various regional economic-integration
programmes.
This strategy is in line with our conviction that more active and open
participation in the international market is a central element in achieving
economic growth and development for our population. We have signed the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in the belief that eliminating barriers
to international trade creates better opportunities for our economies.
However, we are concerned by the fact that the liberalizing theories
originating in the industrialized nations are giving way to clearly
protectionist attitudes precisely at a time when our products are becoming
competitive in their markets. Rules and regulations are emerging as an excuse
to prevent the inflow of commodities and manufactured products, upon which our
countries' economies largely depend.
These attitudes can hardly provide a stimulus to trust and understanding,
and they also give rise to questions about the sincerity of principles that
are publicly proclaimed but only partially practised. However, we should not
be thought of as ingenuous. We are aware of the fact that every country will
promote its particular interests to the extent allowed by other nations. We

are convinced, however, that for the sake of higher and more long-term
interests, nations must set aside some of their more immediate and narrow
interests. That concession should be general and reciprocal, however;
otherwise dialogue becomes but a theoretical and sterile exercise.
The activity of our Organization and the contribution that Member States
make to its work are aimed at improving the quality of life and promoting the
overall development of human beings. That makes it imperative that we
strengthen the mechanisms of cooperation among nations.

This session of the General Assembly is being held on the eve of a new
era in international relations, whose principal features are yet to be
defined. I express the hope that we, the participants in the Assembly, will
prove equal to the challenge posed by the future peaceful coexistence and
well-being for all mankind.


Allow me, at the
outset, to congratulate Mr. Ganev, on behalf of my delegation, on his election
to the presidency of this important session of the General Assembly, and to
extend to his predecessor, through him, our thanks and appreciation for the
skilful manner in which he conducted the work of the previous session. From
this rostrum, I also extend our sincere congratulations to the States that
have joined the membership of this Organization since the previous session.
We welcome them as a new driving force that contributes to the various efforts
deployed in the international arena with a view to bringing about prosperity,
development, and stability for the peoples and communities of the world.
This session, we have before us an important agenda at all political,
economic, social, humanitarian, and security levels. All of us must be aware
that, today, the world faces a new set of international phenomena that were
not active before the Gulf war and its consequences whose impact is being
increasingly felt on the international arena from one day to the next.
For our part, we recognize that new and different international
circumstances emerge with the dawn of every day. The barrier of the
ideologies which, in the past, immersed the world in conflict, confrontation
and competition for the sake of narrow interests, has collapsed. The
improvement in East-West relations has opened up new vistas. However, the
period of transition we are living through has spawned new contradictory
tendencies, the most conspicuous of which is an intense acerbity in the
relations of the wealthy North and the poor South under the circumstances of
the so-called new world order. On the other hand, unipolarity has led the
world into a new security system controlled by a handful of major Powers in
the complete absence of active participation on the part of the rest of the
international community.

The era of international detente we hear so much about nowadays, is no
more, in our view, than detente between those major Powers with their economic
and military muscle. That detente has yet to address the closing of the wide
gap between North and South, it has yet to reform international economic and
commercial relations and it has yet to address the issues of overriding
concern to the South, such as the debt burden, poverty, illiteracy and
disease. On top of all that, the States of the developing world are being
subjected now to the practices of the so-called new international legality
which means, inter alia, interference and intervention in the internal affairs
of those States and pursuance of the policies of diktat which deprive them of
the right of making their own decisions.
In the tenth summit of the Non-Aligned Movement, which concluded its
meetings in Jakarta a few weeks ago, the Presidents and Heads of Government of
the Movement deliberated over the current international situation and the role
of the Movement therein. They have voiced their conviction that the
Non-Aligned Movement, being the representative of the largest grouping of
States and peoples in the world, has a role to play in the context of the
unipolarity that reigns in the world today and, therefore, should be included
in a flexible mechanism that would aim at a new world balance in which the
developing countries of the world should have an effective role in the
formulation and setting up of a new world order that must replace the rampant
international chaos of today, and put an end to the present marginalization of
international covenants and agreements which must be binding to us all. The
Presidents and Heads of Government of the Non-Aligned Movement have set for
themselves anew the target of ensuring a full presence for the Movement in
addressing all the international issues on the world's agenda. They also have

set the target of becoming genuine partners in all decisions to be taken
particularly within the framework of the United Nations and its Security
Council.
The international mechanism governing relations between States should, in
our opinion, continue to be the United Nations and its agencies. However, in
order for this important Organization fully to discharge its duties, the
following must be achieved.
Full commitment and adherence to the United Nations Charter, which must
be developed in a manner that would be compatible with the changes that have
taken place in the world since it was signed.
The General Assembly must be enabled to play a full role in the
maintenance of peace and security. The General Assembly's role should be as
important as that of the Security Council's.
Selectivity and double standards must be abandoned with respect to the
implementation of the Charter's provisions.
The Security Council'", activities should be characterized by
transparency. The Council should adopt a democratic approach in the area of
decision-making.
The United Nations Secretary-General should be able to play his role
fully,. without diktat from certain States, and should deal with all States on
an equal footing. While appreciating the responsibilities of the
Secretary-General, we are if the opinion that he should have the time to meet
the delegates and representatives of Member States and listen to what they
have to say on issues of importance to their countries and their regions.

The permanent membership of the Security Council and the right of veto
which is the prerogative of the few should be reviewed. It is worth mentioning
in this respect that the veto has been cast 279 times since the inception of
the Security Council, in relation to issues most of which were of special
importance to countries of the developing world.
The new world order being heralded nowadays should not violate the
sovereignty, territorial integrity, or independence of States nor deprive them
of their right to make their own decisions. Preventive diplomacy relating to
the making and maintenance of peace should proceed from a basic principle
aimed, first and foremost, at the complete eradication of regional and
international tension, and at seeking out and uprooting the root causes of
political, social and economic conflicts so that the countries involved may
live in peace and enjoy stability and prosperity.
The type of preventive diplomacy that is accompanied by the use of
military force must not be used against the smaller States alone. It is worth
wondering here how military force can be used against countries which possess
large or medium military capabilities. This is a legitimate question and we,
the smaller States, should look for an answer to it that would meet our urgent
concerns. If preventive diplomacy is to proceed initially from the principle
of fact-finding, such fact-finding should be based on information-gathering
from original sources and should avoid selectivity and hasty conclusions that
could become the justification for specific actions which may well be military
in nature. We in the developing world have suffered a great deal from the
unfair communication of facts on issues concerning our countries, either

through mass media networks or governmental and non-governmental organizations
which may be active in our countries. We hope that the United Nations and its
various agencies, in all cases, will act impartially and not fall prey to
narrow political opportunism.

In the midst of international changes, we in the Sudan are striving to
spread the principles of Shura meaning consultation and participation in
decision-making - and democracy, and to find a peaceful and lasting political
solution to the problem of the southern Sudan. We have so far achieved
considerable progress, at the Abuja talks, which took place in May this year
under the auspices of President Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria.
We look forward with optimism and hope to the forthcoming second round of
the Abuja talks, which will soon take place. We expect to reach, with the
rebel movement, a final solution to the problem of the south, by the end of
this year. It is our sincere hope that the peace efforts by the Sudan
Government will attract the support and blessings of all friendly and
fraternal States and of the international community as a whole.
Allow me to mention here specifically, an important issue that weighs a
lot on many minds these days, namely the issue of human rights. The
protection and maintenance of human rights is a sacred obligation that all
religions and human laws call for. The causes of instability and problems of
security and peace are directly and organically linked to the maintenance of
these rights, for individuals and for peoples alike. Therefore, it is our
conviction that human rights are linked to the right of individuals and
peoples to dignity, physical and mental health, the freedom to make their own
decisions without diktat, the right to have access to the fruits of scientific
advancement, namely progress and technology, the right to be free from
poverty, disease and hunger and the right to education as well as to material
and psychological stability.

However, we notice that the principles of human rights, just like many
other ideals, are being exploited and misused as a pretext for interference
and intervention in the internal affairs of smaller States. Regardless of the
claims of interference and intervention for the protection of minorities, such
behaviour is, in essence, no more than using the issue of human rights as a
weapon against those countries which do not submit to foreign diktat, and as a
means of shrugging off moral obligations towards the developing countries.
We also notice that while the lofty ideal of human rights is being
wielded as weapon, its use is characterized by a double-standard. The crimes
and violations by allies are ignored, while accusations of human rights
violations are trumped up against those countries that do not surrender their
right to independent decision-making.
We notice too that certain countries have set themselves up as the
self-styled protectors of human rights even though they lack any moral grounds
that may qualify them for such a role. Such States give themselves the right
to dictate norms of human rights according to their own cultures, customs and
social conceptions, and pass judgement on others accordingly.
The promotion of human rights and basic freedoms will be properly
achieved, as envisaged by those who wrote the United Nations Charter, only
through international cooperation and not through confrontation or coercion.
The upholding and implementation of those rights within national frameworks
remain within the jurisdiction and responsibility of each Government
individually so long as that Government properly performs its duties towards
its citizens. It is the right of all peoples to freely establish their own
political and economic systems and institutions on the basis of respect for
the principles of national sovereignty, self-determination and
non-interference in the internal affairs of others.

In this context, reference should be made to the fact that the
fundamental principles of human rights as set out in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights embody two components that balance out each other: the first
relates to the rights and basic freedoms of the individual, while the second
stipulates duties of the individual towards society and State.
This balance between rights and duties is important, inasmuch as its
absence leads to the negation of the rights of society as a whole and to
instability, especially in developing countries. We agree also with the view
that the political, civil, economic, social and cultural dimensions of human
rights are indivisible, and cannot be selectively denied for contingent
political motives.
At the same time, we reject every attempt to use the human rights issue
as a precondition for the provision of economic and social assistance as this
leads to the marginalization of such rights on the economic, social and
cultural levels. We emphasize that development and human rights are
concomitant and interdependent. Hence the need for cooperation and
multilateral assistance in the implementation of social and economic
development programmes in the developing countries on the basis of the fact
that the right to development is a valid, legitimate right that constitutes an
indivisible part of fundamental human rights. We hope that the World
Conference on Human Rights that will be held next year will deal
comprehensively with the issue in all its aspects.
Another important issue that requires urgent attention is the situation
in Somalia. The people of this sister country are victims of a bitter civil

They have suffered its ravages. Since the convening of the minisummit of
the States of the Horn of Africa on humanitarian issues, those States have
performed and continue to perform their duty in searching for a peaceful
solution to the differences between the warring factions in the dispute in
Somalia.
We look forward to the support of the international community for that
role in order for it to achieve the goals spelled out at the Bahr Dar
meeting. We had expected the international community to recognize that role
and develop it, as stability in the region is important, especially to its
countries and for the welfare of its peoples which cannot be ensured without
this desired stability.
However, what happened instead was that a decision to send international
forces to Somalia was taken, and the numbers of those forces have started to
increase from one day to the next. It was our opinion that such forces should
have been composed of contingents from the countries of the region itself,
because we are worried that some countries from outside the region may pursue
their own interests there by supporting one faction or another against the
others and thereby enabling it to win the war. Stability in Somalia cannot be
achieved without comprehensive national reconciliation; one faction cannot
have sole power, and we hope that the faction of Mr. Ali Mahdi will come to
realize this fact.
Several tragic multifaceted situations continue to beset the world such
as the refugee problems and the plight of displaced and homeless persons.
These problems are clearly manifest in Africa and the Middle East.
The Palestinian people continue to struggle and strive for the
establishment of their own independent State on their own soil at a time when
bilateral and multilateral negotiations are being obstructed by procedural

hurdles that have held back those talks and prevented the negotiators from
addressing the substance of the conflict. The new Israeli Government has not
yet proved its serious intent or demonstrated the political will to restore
the rights of the Palestinian people and consequently restore peace and
security to this sensitive region of the world. We consider that the
convening of an international conference on the Palestinian question under
full United Nations supervision is the only viable alternative.
We further believe that the attempts being made with the aim of
fragmenting the territorial integrity of Iraq are negative acts and examples
of the unjust improper application of international norms. Moreover, those
attempts will eventually jeopardize the balance of power in the region, ensure
absolute Israeli hegemony and open wide the doors to Israel's belligerent and
expansionist intentions which aim at ingathering all the Jews of the world in
a greater Israel.
Another human tragedy that needs close attention is the question of the
Muslim people of Bosnia and Herzegovina who are being subjected to genocide
and liquidation under the very noses of those who call for the preservation of
human rights and the protection of minorities. This situation, in our view,
is the result of ancient and anachronistic ethnic and religious hatreds which
should have disappeared by now. All countries agree that the massacres,
genocide, detentions and summary executions that are taking place there have
no precedent other than what took place in the days of the Second World War.
While the changes that swept over the countries of Eastern Europe have
resulted in the emergence of new republics, we would have hoped that, in due
course, those republics were going to join the world community of independent
States and ensure the enjoyment to the full, by a'l their peoples, of
religious and cultural freedoms.

The appeasement of a belligerent majority is a clear case of bias in
favour of the creed and cultural affiliations of that majority as opposed to
the Islamic faith of a considerable number of the peoples of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The actual handling of this issue has been flawed by the
selectivity of the major Powers, especially the five permanent members of the
Security Council. It is definitely short-sighted to deal with the problem
only from a limited humanitarian perspective. What the people of Bosnia and
Herzegovina need above all is the preservation of their identity side by side
with freedom and protection from acts of displacement and extermination. We
therefore consider that the resolutions of the Security Council on this issue
are inadequate because they do not address the issue in its wider political
and ethical context. Proceeding from this view, the Islamic Group has
condemned Security Council resolution 770 (1992).
In our opinion, complete military intervention by the United Nations is
the only viable solution. If this does not take place, our nagging doubts
that there is a scheme to erase the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina from
the map of Europe will only grow. In addition, the policy of depriving the
people of Bosnia and Herzegovina of the means to defend their very existence
while the Serbian aggressors continue to receive arms without any interference
from the United Nations, will cast strong doubts on the integrity and
neutrality of the international Organization.
Recently, a minor crisis has flared up between the two sisterly States of
Iran and the United, Arab Emirates over certain disputed islands. We are
disturbed by the fact that that dispute has been transferred from the
bilateral context to regional and international forums. This will only
exacerbate the conflict. The parties that are now engaged in promoting the

escalation of that dispute especially in the mass media, are trying, in fact,
to aggravate tensions in the Gulf region, which has suffered the unfortunate
effects of the sad events that have swept over it during the past few years.
We urge most strongly the containment of this dispute which should be
addressed at the bilateral level in line with the operation of the old
mechanism that was agreed upon in 1971 between the two parties.
The Persian Gulf area has suffered a series of wars that have obstructed
its development. The present agonies of the people of Iraq under the
conditions of an unjust economic blockade and the unending attempts to
fragment their country's territorial integrity have resulted from disputes
which, in our view, should have been settled by peaceful means within the
regional framework, in order to prevent foreign interests from infiltrating
the region and capitalizing on differences and disputes to serve their own
strategic and economic designs.
The international economic situation remains static. Indeed, its
principal feature continues to be the unending deterioration of the economies
of the countries of the South and the widening gap between those countries and
the industrial countries. The major cause of that deterioration lies in the
negative and dangerous effects on international trade of the drop in exports
of the developing countries as a result of the deterioration of prices of
their primary commodity exports to the industrial countries.
The horrendous negative effects of the debt crisis have been aggravated
to the point where they not only threaten the prospects of economic and social
development of the developing countries but also the very existence of those
countries.
It is important at this point to mention the failure of the industrial
countries to honour their commitments, as embodied in international treaties

and strategies pertaining to the flow of development assistance to the
developing countries, and particularly in implementing the resolutions
embodied in the the international strategy for the decade of the 1980s, which
called for allocating 0.7% of their gross national income to official
assistance to the developing countries. Instead of implementing those
resolutions, the developed countries have blocked every attempt to adopt a new
strategy for the decade of the 1990s. Furthermore, the industrial countries
have failed to implement the programme for the 1990s, which was adopted in
favour of the least developed countries in the 1990 Paris Conference. This.
failure has caused a grave setback to the economic and social development of
the least developed countries.
Africa, with its feeble infrastructures, is the continent that has been
most affected by that imbalance in the world economic situation. It is the
continent that suffers most, because of the considerably diminished flow of
economic assistance and investment and the imposition on its countries of
unjust conditions that are not imposed upon the other groupings of the
developing world. Moreover, the attempts to destabilize some regions of the
continent aim, in our view.- at creating a geopolitical climate that would be
compatible with the strategies of certain major Powers. We all know the
potentials of Africa, a continent with a great wealth of untapped human and
natural resources.
The real challenge that now faces the international community is
narrowing of the ever-widening gap between the wealthy countries of the North
and the poor countries of the South. It is that gap which is the real threat
to world peace and security. The debt crisis is one of the products of the
present international economic order. It is a phenomenon that resulted.

essentially, from the structural imbalance of that order, and its failure to
generate an appropriate developmental climate.
We have an unshakable belief in the necessary collective interdependency
and the organic interrelatedness of the international economic order, if it is
to be an order whose aim is to mutually benefit all mankind. This cannot be
the case, however, unless comprehensive and integrated solutions are found to
the existing problems on the basis of equality, justice and interdependency.
The dialogue required for the achievement of that objective cannot take place
without the political will, courage, wisdom and far-sightedness of all
concerned.
In conclusion, we should like to express our absolute conviction
regarding the necessity of collective action in the current period of detente
in international relations. That means, in our view, developing the
activities of all the organs of the United Nations and giving those organs the
required importance. In order to reach that objective, we need to cooperate
and work together, hand in hand.
May Allah lead us to our noble objectives and grant us the vision to see
them clearly.


On behalf of my Government, I should like
to congratulate Mr. Ganev upon his unanimous election to preside over the
deliberations of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. I am
confident that his diplomatic skills and statesmanship will bring additional
impetus to our work and contribute to the success of our current deliberations.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation
for the manner in which his predecessor. His Excellency Ambassador Shihabi of
Saudi Arabia, stewarded the last session of the General Assembly.
My Government wishes to pay special tribute to the Secretary-General of
the United Nations, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
commitment and tireless dedication to the ideals of the Organization. Though
he has been in office less than one year, he has demonstrated great political
ability and diplomatic skills in dealing with a wide range of delicate tasks
around the globe. The Secretary-General's superior judgement and his ability
to understand better the fragile nature of the emerging problems of today's
world have won him high respect, confidence and admiration in the
international arena. We pledge to him our continued full support.
May I also avail myself of this opportunity to extend our most fraternal
felicitations to the newly admitted Members of the United Nations. Their
presence among us today reinforces our common objective to make the United
Nations a universal instrument of peace, understanding and cooperation among
nations.
The current session of the General Assembly takes place against a
backdrop of continued and ever-growing changes in international relations. We
are witnessing a new political reality where the super-Powers' confrontation

and rivalry, in their numerous manifestations, have ceased to threaten our
fragile world, a world in which an arms race between two competing blocs is no
longer the main concern in the daily life of nations. A new political reality
in which the problems resulting from the division of the world into spheres of
influence, which had characterized international relations since the birth of
this Organization, has now given rise to new hope in the search for conflict
resolution.
However, this new political reality brings new challenges. Although the
danger of nuclear war has diminished drastically, the gap between rich and
poor nations continues to widen. Uncertainty about the future continues to
worry many nations and peoples; the proliferation of regional conflicts
continues unabated and shows the fragility of the new political landscape.
Moreover, the international economic environment remains extremely
unfavourable to developing countries. We are still faced with the
incommensurable problems of debt burden, deterioration of commodity prices,
insufficient flow of financial resources and inadequate transfer of
technology. The Uruguay Round negotiations are deadlocked, thus further
exacerbating economic uncertainty worldwide.
As a result, today more and more nations see the United Nations as the
primary instrument for the promotion of international peace and security and
of development and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. This is
illustrated by the growing number of countries that have turned to the United
Nations and received assistance in their quest for democratization and their
desire to strengthen respect for human rights in their respective territories.
We strongly believe that the end of the cold war and of rivalry and
bipolarity should serve as a catalyst for the promotion of international
political, economic and social stability.

The tremendous resources, both human and material, that for over 40 years
have been devoted to the purposes of self-destruction can and must now be used
for peaceful purposes and economic development. History has proved that it is
much easier and less costly to work for peace than it is for war. The
problems ahead are still considerable, but they can be tackled and dealt with
provided that there is commitment to the purposes and principles of the United
Nations Charter at the highest political level.
In these endeavours, the United Nations should be entrusted with renewed
responsibilities in redirecting the use of available resources, in building
confidence and trust among nations and in allocating further resources for
peace-keeping, peacemaking and peace-building.
It is high time for the international community to redouble its joint
efforts in order to tackle with determination existing long-term problems and
make the world safer for all.

We live in a world full of diversity but also of similarity among
peoples. While in the North man has made significant progress in mastering
seemingly intractable natural phenomena and advanced sciences, such as genetic
engineering, biochemistry and physics, in the South man still remains the
victim of illiteracy and backwardness and depends on the will of mother
nature. There are further examples which reveal our common identity as human
beings - the inability to control our instincts and to manage and exercise
power in a responsible manner.
It is within this context that we are assembled here today as
representatives of our peoples and nations in order to reflect on how to
reverse the events that made it possible to devote more than $20 trillion
during the past 30 years to military expenditures, to the detriment of the
fundamental concerns of all mankind. In our view the root causes of the
enormous problems we face today lie essentially in the utilization of the
destructive capacity of man and not in the positive use of his extraordinary
creativity.
As has been well documented, we are currently living in a world where
more than 1 billion people, or nearly one fifth of the world's population, are
estimated to live in poverty. More than half of these people are believed to
live below internationally accepted minimum living standards. This state of
affairs has made the situation in developing countries, particularly in
Africa, even more dramatic.
We hope that the ending of the cold war and the confrontation between
conflicting political systems will allow the international community to work
together in the search for common solutions to the international problems
facing us today.

We come from southern Africa, a region struggling to build and reaffirm
its political, economic and social identity. For many years now the peoples
of the region have made tremendous sacrifices and gone through tremendous
hardships in order to address the difficult problems facing the region,
problems of self-determination, decolonization, destabilization and war. We
have made tangible progress in this regard. Nevertheless, much more remains
to be done and additional sacrifice will be required.
In this connection my delegation is particularly concerned about the
recurrence of violence in South Africa. The recent waves of violence in South
Africa, in particular the massacres of innocent civilians in Boipatong last
June and in Ciskei early this month, constitute a serious setback to the
ongoing efforts aimed at creating a climate conducive to a negotiated
settlement.
We trust that with the support of the international community the people
of South Africa can find common ground for a solution to the problems
originating from the policies of institutionalized racial segregation. My
Government welcomes the current efforts aimed at bringing about a resumption
of talks leading towards a political settlement of the conflict in that
country.
We pay special tribute to the manner in which the international community
as a whole, and the United Nations in particular, has promptly responded to
the issue of violence in South Africa. We welcome the recent adoption of
Security Council resolution 765 (1992). We wish to encourage the
Secretary-General to continue to work towards the implementation of that
resolution and to help avert the current deadlock in the negotiating process.

We also urge all peace-loving forces in South Africa to join ranks and
work together in order to find a political settlement to the problems that
have resulted from nearly 50 years of apartheid, so as to ensure a smooth
transition to a democratic, non-racial and united South Africa.
We congratulate the Angolan people on their success in maintaining the
cease-fire and in creating conditions for the holding of the first multiparty
elections. It is our hope that the international community will continue to
assist Angola and ensure that the elections on 29 and 30 September are held in
a climate of tranquillity so that the Angolan people can freely choose their
representatives.
The southern African region has been stricken by an unprecedented drought
with no parallel in living memory. This dramatic situation has already
resulted in the destruction of this year's crops and in the devastation of the
fauna and flora in large areas of the region. Important rivers have been
reduced to almost a trickle of water, or even to large areas of dry sand. As
a result about 20 million human lives are seriously affected; the entire
region is threatened with the spectre of famine and deprivation. Last June a
joint emergency appeal for relief and other emergency assistance was launched
by the United Nations and the Southern African Development Co-ordination
Conference (SADCC). We seize this occasion to thank the international
community for its prompt response to the appeal, without which the human
consequences of this natural calamity would have been dramatic today. We
reiterate our appeal for increased and urgent assistance in order fully to
meet the needs of the joint emergency appeal.
In spite of the number of difficulties facing our peoples in southern
Africa, joint efforts are under way with a view to revitalizing the economic

and social fabric of the region. It was within this framework and with the
aim of strengthening regional cooperation that we decided to establish the
Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). The newly born Community is a
result of 12 years of experience of fruitful cooperation within the Southern
African Development Co-ordination Conference. The new Community bears
testimony to the common willingness of the States of the region to have a
gradual and balanced economic integration, based on the utilization of
regional resources without, however, neglecting necessary external cooperation
as a complementary factor in the prosecution of our objectives. We therefore
call upon the international community to continue to extend its support in
order to help the peoples of the southern African region to address the
combined effects of man-made disasters and natural calamities, especially the
prolonged drought.
In this respect, the case of Mozambique is particularly grave as war has
been ravaging the country for 16 years. The economic cost of this horrendous
war, which has claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and resulted in the
destruction of property and the economic and social infrastructure, has been
estimated to be about $20 billion.
The Assembly will recall that in order to find a political settlement to
the conflict in Mozambique, and taking into consideration the highest
interests of the nation, direct negotiations between the Government and RENAMO
have been under way for two years now under the mediation of the Italian
Government, the Santo Egidio Community and the Catholic Church of Mozambique.
Since last June the United Nations, France, Portugal, the United Kingdom and
the United States of America have been participating as observers in the peace
process. We believe their contribution, together with that of other
Participants in the peace process, has brought new impetus to the process as

illustrated inter alia by the signing of the Declaration on the guiding
principles to facilitate the distribution of humanitarian aid in the country.
The ongoing peace process in Rome has been complemented by other
important high-level initiatives at the regional level. These initiatives
culminated in the convening of a high-level meeting on 7 August in Rome
between His Excellency President Chissano and the RENAMO leader. The
high-level meeting resulted in the signing of a Joint Declaration. The
document contains the solemn commitment by the Government of Mozambique and
RENAMO to work for the completion and approval by 1 October 1992 of all
outstanding issues in order to make possible the signing of the general peace
agreement and to bring about an immediate cessation of hostilities by that
date.
The Joint Declaration outlines general principles and specific guarantees
pertaining to the attainment of peace, democracy and national unity based on
the overall goal of national reconciliation. It binds both sides to
guaranteeing conditions allowing complete political freedom in accordance with
internationally recognized democratic principles, as well as personal security
for all citizens of Mozambique and all members of political parties.

The Joint Declaration further stresses the need to honour the principles
contained in Protocol No. I, calling upon the Government of Mozambique
"not to act in a way that is contrary to the terms of the Protocols that
are established, not to adopt laws or measures and not to apply current
laws that may eventually be contrary to these Protocols".
(S/24406. annex, p. 4. para, (iv))
The Declaration also requires that
"RENAMO undertakes not to combat by force of arms after the entry into
force of a cease-fire, but to conduct its political struggle observing
current laws, within the framework of the existing State institutions,
and respecting the conditions and the guarantees laid down in the General
Peace Agreement" (ibid.)
The Joint Declaration underlines the role of the international community,
in particular the United Nations, in monitoring the implementation of the
General Peace Agreement and the cease-fire and the conduct of the electoral
process.
My Government has solemnly declared its readiness to abide by the
provisions of the Joint Declaration and to work towards peace and tranquillity
in our country. Even as I address the General Assembly, the Assembly of the
Republic, the parliament of Mozambique, is in session in order to legislate on
all the issues pertaining to the implementation of the Declaration.
More recently, on 18 September, the Head of State of Mozambique and the
RENAMO leader met once again in Gaborone, Botswana, in order to address the
issues on the agenda of the Rome negotiations which caused a deadlock. The
meeting reaffirmed 1 October as the deadline for the signing of the General
Peace Agreement in Mozambique and an agreed solution was found to those issues.

Never before in the history of this conflict have peace and conciliation
amongst all Mozambicans been so close. We therefore believe that RENAMO must
share the historical responsibility in order to respond to the hopes of our
people and turn 1 October into a historic landmark in the annals of Mozambican
history.
The Government of Mozambique is fully prepared to open a new chapter in
our history, a chapter characterized by an atmosphere of tolerance,
reconciliation and understanding among all Mozambicans. My Government long
ago stated that there was no justification whatsoever for the continuation of
war in Mozambique. In this connection, it should be recalled that since the
coming into force of the new Constitution, in November 1990, more than 10
political parties have emerged and have been performing freely and peacefully
their political activities in Mozambique. We continue to believe that all
political forces inside the country should pursue their political objectives
through democratically accepted norms of conduct, without resorting to
violence.
From this rostrum, I wish to commend the Secretary-General's personal
commitment to peace in my country. We are particularly gratified to note that
the United Nations stands ready to assist my country in this time of need. We
also commend the Secretary-General for his recent initiative to dispatch a
technical team of civilian and military experts in order to assess the needs
of the country during the implementation of the General Peace Agreement, in
particular the monitoring of the cease-fire and electoral process. We look
forward to seeing the United Nations further involved in the peace efforts in
Mozambique in the days to come.
Following the signing of the General Peace Agreement, the people of
Mozambique will need massive international assistance in addressing vital

issues, such as the implementation and monitoring of the cease-fire, the
organization and supervision of the electoral process, demobilization of both
armies and the reintegration of former soldiers into civilian life, creation
of the new national army, the repatriation and resettlement of refugees from
neighbouring countries and assistance to displaced persons.
Most important, however, it will be crucial to assist Mozambique in its
national reconstruction efforts and ensure the non-recurrence of violence and
destruction in the country. Such assistance will call for the creation,
expansion and strengthening of democratic institutions and the maintenance of
law and order, so as to deal with the growing challenges facing the nation
under conditions of multi-party democracy.
In Rome the Government delegation and RENAMO agreed that in order
comprehensively to address the political, economic and social situation in
Mozambique the convening of a donor conference immediately after cease-fire
appeared to be the most viable way to complement our efforts in the important
task ahead of the Mozambican nation. The United Nations and the entire
international community are therefore once again called upon to extend their
solidarity to the people of Mozambique at this moment, the most critical of
its history since national independence.
As for elections, which will take place one year after the signature of
the General Peace Agreement, many efforts are being made, and there is a
national political will to turn the elections into a real success, as the
international community expects. However, because of the difficulties that
the electoral process will encounter, we shall appreciate and acknowledge
every possible material and financial assistance from the United Nations and
the international community, so that the process may be conducted without
major bottlenecks and be truly just, free and fair.

The end of the cold war has offered good new prospects for the
strengthening of North-South cooperation. The year 1992 already stands as an
important landmark for the United Nations and for the future of
multilateralism and international cooperation for development.
In Cartagena de Indias the eighth session of the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) brought about a new partnership
for development based on the recognition of sovereign equality, mutual
interest and shared responsibilities for the goals of sustained growth of the
world economy and the reactivation of development in the developing
countries. My delegation welcomes the Conference's decision to redirect
UNCTAD activities and to strengthen its mandate in accordance with the demands
of the post-cold-war period. We wish to reaffirm our support for the
Cartagena Commitment, and in this context we call for the intensification of
UNCTAD assistance to the least developed countries.
The Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro constituted a historic and universal
gathering which set in motion a long-term process of international cooperation
aimed at saving the planet and future generations from environmental
destruction. It led to important and unprecedented policy agreements, a broad
programme of action and two Conventions. The outcome of the Summit embodies
the highest level of political commitment to sustainable development policies
and practices calling for the integration of environment and development.
The critical question now is the implementation of the Rio commitments
and their effective follow-up and review, especially with regard to
Agenda 21. In this connection, my delegation stands ready to participate in

the forthcoming discussions on the establishment of the commission on
sustainable development. In our view, that commission should serve as an
effective mechanism at a global level for the follow-up of the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development and for promoting dialogue and
common approaches on environment and development matters, while giving
adequate attention to the diversity of situations and experiences of Member
States and regions of the world. In this regard, it is our firm conviction
that the composition of the commission should take into account the principle
of equitable geographical distribution and provide for close working links
with all agencies of the United Nations system, especially with the United
Nations regional commissions and other international development
institutions. Bearing in mind the follow-up of the Earth Summit, the
commission should give the utmost priority to the question of the means of
implementation of Agenda 21, namely, financial resources, capacity-building
and technology transfer.
During the past months the process of reform in the economic and social
sectors of the United Nations system has evolved to the present critical
stage. My delegation is encouraged by the growing consensus on, and renewed
efforts to revitalize, the Economic and Social Council as a central and
credible forum for dialogue and formulation of international strategies as
veil as for a more effective coordination and harmonization of actions of the
united Nations system. I should like to underline the great importance of the
current reform exercise, which should ultimately lead to enhancing the
effectiveness and efficient functioning of the United Nations system, in order
to be more responsive to the current needs of international economic
cooperation and to promote the development of developing countries.

Likewise, we attach great importance to the reform measures aimed at
improving the capacity of the United Nations to coordinate and deliver in a
timely manner humanitarian assistance to refugees and displaced persons, in
situations both of conflict and of natural disasters.
The evolving world situation has opened a new window of fresh
opportunities and challenges to the whole international community and to the
United Nations in particular. In this regard, my delegation has carefully
studied the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization
(A/47/1), as well as his report entitled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277).
We think that the Secretary-General's assessment is very timely and
pertinent in the current United Nations history. We have learned from our own
experience that both an agenda for peace and an agenda for development
constitute important and inseparable issues in today's world. We therefore
strongly believe in the role of the United Nations as the most appropriate
forum for the harmonization of the global interests of all nations and for the
promotion of an appropriate political atmosphere of understanding, consensus
and international cooperation among the peoples and nations of the world.
May I invite, from this floor, all Member States jointly to rededicate
and commit ourselves to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations,
giving it the necessary thrust, so as to enable it to fulfil with zeal and
confidence its tasks as the guardian of international peace and security, as
prescribed in the Charter.


At the outset, I
would like to express to you. Sir, my sincere congratulations as you assume
this high post. Your election is an expression of the confidence you enjoy.
It also emphasizes the role your country, Bulgaria, plays at the regional and
world levels and reflects the relations of friendship and cooperation it has
maintained with other countries of the world.
I would like, in this connection, to commend your predecessor in the
presidency of the General Assembly, Ambassador Samir Shihabi, who conducted
the work of the previous session of the Assembly with high efficiency.

Our current session, the first to be held since our present
Secretary-General, Ambassador Boutros Boutros-Ghali, assumed his high office,
is convened at the threshold of a new era of profound change with which the
world Organization must come to grips in a manner that would enhance its
effectiveness and credibility, now that the old bipolarity has disappeared and
the burdens faced by the United Nations in every field have increased. There
is a great deal of hope set by the peoples of the world on our Organization.
In this context, I would like to pay tribute to the former
Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whose term ended with the
conclusion of our last session.
In this hall 179 delegations are meeting. Our Organization started with
51 Member States in 1945. This increase in membership reflects the success of
the United Nations in eliminating colonialism, and upholding the right of
peoples to self-determination and independence. By so doing, the United
Nations has achieved the aim of universal membership. This is an achievement
we should be proud of and we look forward to seeing it become a launching pad
from which the Organization would proceed to translate the noble principles
and objectives of the Charter from the realm of ideas to the world of
reality.
The State of Qatar shares with all Member States the desire of
reactivating and developing the United Nations in a manner that would be
compatible with the new world situation and which would strengthen the
Organization's role in maintaining peace and stability in the world.

We believe that that desired stability will be achieved only through the
creation of effective mechanisms for resolving disputes that arise between
States either by diplomatic means, such as direct dialogue and mediation, or
by recourse to international law as applied by the International Court of
Justice.
Despite the end of the cold war and the bipolarity which were among the
causes of the arms race, arms limitation continues to be one of the main
concerns of the United Nations. It was hoped that the end of the cold war
would mean a significant and speedy reduction in the magnitude of that arms
race. However, this has not been the case. In 1990, experts estimated that
15 per cent of the aggregate of all Government budgets in the world is still
being spent on armaments and military preparedness. This is a much higher
percentage than that of expenditure on education or on health care. The
burden of military expenditure weighs more heavily on developing countries
than on industrialized countries because of the discrepancy between the two
groups of countries in the area of disposable resources.
If we look carefully into the new developments in nuclear armaments we
find that the situation is much worse. For while we go on wasting the
valuable resources which should be used for development and the building of a
better future for man, we endanger that very future with nuclear armament.
Therefore, the problem of arms control will remain one of the central issues
which the Organization will continue to address in the near future just as it
used to do in the past.
We in the Gulf region, because of what we went through during the war of
liberation of our sister State of Kuwait, have a special interest in
prohibiting chemical and other weapons of mass destruction and we attach the
greatest of hopes on the success of the Conference on Disarmament in rapidly

concluding a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons and preventing
the spread of research and production techniques in this field in accordance
with General Assembly resolutions, particularly those adopted in the course of
its last session.
In this connection, I should like to point out the necessity of
compliance by Israel, and by all other States of the Middle East, with this
convention, both the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and
with the regime of international inspection. This should in adherence to the
principles of equality and justice and the need to ensure the security of all
States of the region without bias or discrimination. Failure by any State in
the region to comply with both agreements, or the accordance of special
treatment to any of those States would render the whole endeavour void of
seriousness and effectiveness. Therefore, we call upon the international
community to ensure compliance therewith by Israel.
The question of Palestine is one of the questions that have been with the
United Nations since its inception and still awaits a solution. My country
attaches great importance to this question and hopes for rapid progress
towards its solution in the framework of the ongoing peace process.
The question of the Palestinian people and the denial by Israel of the
inalienable rights of that people is the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict and
once the solution of the question of Palestine has been achieved in a manner
that would be acceptable to the Palestinians, we will also accept it. If
Israel wants to live in peace it should withdraw, not only from the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip, but also from all the occupied Arab territories, including
East Jerusalem, the Golan and southern Lebanon, in accordance with the United

Nations Charter and relevant resolutions which stipulate the inadmissibility
of the acquisition or annexation of territories by force, and that it is
illegal to occupy the territories of others by military force.
The State of Qatar welcomes the resumption of negotiation between the
concerned parties in Washington and reaffirms its commitment to support the
peace effort and expresses its hope that a lasting, equitable and
comprehensive solution will be reached to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the
question of Palestine on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967)
and 338 (1973).
The delegation of my country wishes to voice in this world forum its deep
concern over the continued suffering of the brotherly people of Somalia and we
appeal to all Somali factions to put an end to the bloodshed, set aside their
differences and put the national interest first. My country commends the
increasing efforts made by the United Nations at present to alleviate the
suffering of that people in a bid to move towards restoring stability to that
afflicted country.
As for the situation in the Gulf, my country reaffirms its commitment to
the joint political position of its sister countries, members of the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) with a view to preserving security and peace in the
region, which in turn would contribute to achieving the desired peace in the
world.
With regard to the island of Abu Mousa, it is regrettable indeed that at
this historic stage through which our region is passing such a dispute should
arise between the two neighbours, the State of the United Arab Emirates and
the Islamic Republic of Iran. Out of our deep concern for the safety and
stability of the region, we believe that this dispute should be resolved by
peaceful means, through dialogue or by recourse to the law.

The disintegration of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has led
to serious consequences that have shaken the conscience of humanity. My
country is especially concerned over the acts of aggression committed against
the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and characterized by extreme violence,
particularly against the Muslim population of that Republic, with the aim of
driving the Muslims out of their homes and country under the slogan of "ethnic
cleansing".
It is the duty of the international community to stand up to this
aggression so that the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is a Member
State of the United Nations, may preserve its right to freedom and
independence.
In his statement made in December 1991 after his election as
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali cited the indebtedness of
developing countries as one of the more complicated problems which face the
world economy and which all States must address effectively and decisively.
The former Secretary-General, also, had often drawn attention to this problem,
the existence and gravity of which is not hidden from experts and from the
States that suffer from its worsening burden which weighs heavily on the
developing countries and often makes them unable to meet their economic
obligations, with dire social consequences.
It is self-evident that meeting the burden of foreign debt in every
debtor country would be at the expense of its social programmes and its
efforts to raise the-standard of living of its people and thus those poor
countries become even poorer. The problem of foreign debt must be dealt with
decisively.
The United Nations has shown its great concern over the problems of the
environment by convening the Rio de Janeiro Conference in mid-1992. Even if

that Conference did not rise fully to the level of the hopes set on it, it
marked, nevertheless, a positive beginning that could serve as a point of
departure for more effective efforts to protect the environment without
unnecessary shackles that may impede economic development in developing
countries in the name of the protection of the environment which no one
disputes.
The peoples of the world look forward to the formulation of a new world
order which would ensure world peace and rest on the foundations of
international law, the principles of justice and equality and of cooperation
and brotherhood. That new world order should not inherit the negative
attributes of the old order that led to the creation of blocs, conflicts and
polarization with all the attendant evils of underdevelopment, poverty,
backwardness, hunger, ignorance and disease. The concept of the new world
order should be wide enough to embrace international cooperation and
unshackled trade and should address the problems of economic development, side
by side with the issues of disarmament, indebtedness, environmental protection
and social problems.
If the new world order is to govern the political, economic and social
international relations between States, all States must share, on an equal
footing, in its formulation so that it may become an equitable world order
that truly represents the joint will of the international community and thus
enable the human race to build a safe and happy world, for the present and
future generations.