Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session, and to wish you success in presiding over this session. The ties that exist between Iraq and Nigeria are those of friendship and mutual esteem, aid this is an added incentive for us to co-operate with you for the success of the session and the achievement of the noble aims and purposes of the United Nations.
I would also like to avail myself of this opportunity to express our appreciation for the efforts put forth by your predecessor, Mr. Caputo, for the success of the General Assembly's work last year.
Iraq firmly believes in the role of the United Nations as an indispensable international organization for the maintenance of international peace and security and the consolidation of friendly relations among nations on the basis of equality, mutual respect, the realization of international co-operation in all fields, and the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, particularly the right of peoples to self-determination.
A few weeks ago, the Ninth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries renewed the commitment of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to its role and responsibility in regard to the maintenance of peace and the consolidation of co-operation with a view to the development and prosperity in all countries. The Conference also emphasized the role of the tinted Nations in the establishment of peace and the settlement of international conflicts through dialogue and in conformity with the principles of justice.
The United Nations has been deeply concerned at the war that Iran launched against Iraq and persisted in waging for eight whole years. The General Assembly and the Security Council have adopted many resolutions calling for an end to the hostilities and for the settlement of the conflict on the basis of the United Nations Charter and international law - resolutions that were accepted by Iraq but rejected by Iran. The most recent of these was resolution 598 (1987), which was accepted by Iraq immediately after its adoption, but which Iran refused to comply with for a whole year, until it declared its acceptance of it in circumstances well known to the international community. It was under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations that the agreement of 8 August 1988 was reached, providing the basis for the cease-fire that came into effect on 20 August 1988. That agreement also established the mechanism for reaching a common understanding of the provisions of resolution 598 (1987) and of the procedures and timing for their implementation through direct talks to be conducted between the two parties under the auspices of the Secretary-General.
It is regrettable, however, that last year, during which several meetings were held between the two sides under the auspices of the Secretary-General, did not witness the holding of genuine direct talks that would achieve the objective envisaged in resolution 598 (1987) and the agreement of 8 August 1988 namely, the establishment of a comprehensive and lasting peace between Iraq and Iran and in the Arab Gulf region. The Iranian side resorted to turning the said meetings into an arena for polemics and propaganda and insisted upon its well-known selective approach, stressing the aspects in which it saw its own interests, while showing no real willingness to enter into a serious discussion of the other issues that would strike a balance and ensure the common interests of the two parties. We have every right to be suspicious of this approach, which is aimed at achieving Iranian gains, in the absence of a comprehensive lasting peace, while perpetuating a no-peace-no-war situation to which no end appears to be in sight.
Iraq cautions the international community against this dangerous approach, on which Iran has so far insisted. Iraq cannot accept any partial measures or plans that serve the Iranian scheme of perpetuating the state of no war and no peace. This stance is shared by all the countries of the region in view of the negative consequences of this situation for security and stability in the region. Throughout this past year we have taken care to give Iran ample opportunities, encouraging it to take the road to peace. We took the initiative in calling for the release of the sick and wounded prisoners of war and announcing our readiness to conduct an immediate and comprehensive exchange of such prisoners in accordance with the Geneva Conventions. We demobilized more than 200,000 men from the Iraqi armed forces between 18 October 1988 and 30 June 1989* we stopped enlistment in the People's Army as of 19 June 1989, disbanded a whole army corps of our land forces and, only a few days ago, decided to disband five divisions of our land forces.
As regards reconstruction and development, we have rebuilt and rehabilitated the two valiant cities of Basrah aid Fao, despite the fact that they remain within the range of Iranian guns and artillery.
	Iraq was, and remains, desirous of establishing in good faith a comprehensive and lasting peace with Iran on the basis of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). It reaffirms the respect which it has demonstrated without question throughout the years of the conflict, for the principles and norms upon which our international Organization was founded: peace, respect for the sovereignty and independence of peoples, rejection of the policies of hegemony aid interference in the internal affairs of others, and respect for the territorial integrity of States, together with their legitimate rights corroborated by the rules aid precedents of international law.
	The step required now, after more than a year of inaction for which Iran bears full responsibility, is to go back to the table of direct negotiations under the auspices of the Secretary-General aid in accordance with the agreement of 8 August 1988 and to work seriously and sincerely on the implementation of resolution 598 (1987) as a comprehensive peace plan ensuring security, stability and good neighbourliness between the two countries and in the region on a permanent basis, under the auspices of the United Nations and with United Nations guarantees.. Iran's selective attitudes, along with its resort to manoeuvring and extortionist tactics, have prolonged the suffering of more than 100,000 Iraqi and Iranian prisoners of war and have increased the pain of their families, who had found hope in the cease-fire.
Paragraph 3 of resolution 598 (1987), which cites article 118 of the Third Geneva Convention of 1949, obligates the two sides, in an unequivocal manner, to release the prisoners of war without delay after the cessation of active hostilities. Iran refuses to begin implementing this obligation, however, claiming that active hostilities have not ceased as yet. This constitutes a dangerous precedent. No similar case has ever occurred throughout the history of the United Nations or during the period preceding its founding. The Iranian stand, with the refusal to release the prisoners of war after the cease-fire, is contrary to the legal and realistic definition of the cessation of active hostilities confirmed by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in its note of 31 March 1989, addressed to both Iraq and Iran, and in particular, to paragraph 2 of that note.
This Iranian stand vis-à-vis the issue of prisoners of war is concrete evidence of bad intent, of disrespect for the rules of international law, and of disregard for the values prevailing in the international community. The United Nations must shoulder its legal and humanitarian responsibilities and address this tragedy by bringing Iran to respect humanitarian international law and renounce the policy of holding people hostage for political ends, a policy that Iran is well-known to have been practising systematically.
We welcome the attention recently given by the Security Council to this issue and hope that the Council's concern will bring lean to comply with the provisions of international law and respond to our appeal and that of the ICRC for an immediate release of all prisoners of war, so as to put an end to their bitter suffering.
The Israeli occupation of the land of Palestine continues to date, in contravention of the will of the international community. The Israeli forces of occupation continue to launch one military campaign after another, using violence and terrorism against the valiant popular Palestinian intifadah, which is about to enter its third year.
The resolutions adopted by the General Assembly during its Geneva meeting in January 1988 on the Palestine question reaffirm the fact that the majority of the countries of the world stand by the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
The Palestine Liberation Organization has taken a number of courageous initiatives to reaffirm its commitment to international legality and to the resolutions of the Security Council.
The continuation of the Israeli occupation, the refusal to accept the glaring aid certain fact that the Palestine Liberation Organization is the sole aid legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and the denial of the Palestinian people's inalienable right to self-determination and to establish its own independent State with Al-Quds as its capital, constitute a threat to security and peace in the region and in the world at large.
Those who persist in occupation and deny the Palestine Liberation Organization its role in representing its people are simply expressing an attitude that is aggressive, reactionary, and contrary to the course of history and to the values upon which this Organization as well as our contemporary international life are based. These are the people who are primarily responsible for the pain suffered by the people of our region and for the state of instability, tension and terror that persists there. The whole world is aware of the aggressive nature of the Zionist regime and of its policies of invasion and occupation of the land of Palestine, and other contiguous countries, including Lebanon, as was demonstrated by its impertinent aggression against Iraq in June 1981. The Zionist regime has tried and continues to try to be the biggest military Power in the region. It possesses and stores nuclear and chemical weapons in order to perpetuate its occupation of the land of Palestine and imposes its domination over all the countries of the region.
The whole world is also well aware of the grave violations, by the Zionist regime, of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, violations that are now documented in sound and picture in the daily news reports as well as in the official reports of the United Nations and many other international and regional organizations. Responsibility dictates that the Members of the United Nations, in particular the members of the Security Council, implement the provisions of the Charter applicable to such situations to deter the forces of occupation from perpetrating these crimes and that they bring to an end the Israeli occupation and aggress ion.
The United States of America is responsible in great measure for the continuation of the policy of occupation, arrogance and terrorism pursued by the Zionist regime, for it is the United States that continues to provide this regime with arms and political cover.
The United States is called upon to change this policy, which it has followed for several decades now, and deal with the free will of the Palestinian people and the Palestine Liberation Organization, its sole and legitimate representatives to recognize without reservation or prevarication the rights of the Arab Palestinian people to the establishment of their independent State, and to shoulder its responsibilities by exercising pressure on the occupiers in order to bring them to comply with the international will to end the occupation and to ensure the just and legitimate rights of the Arab Palestinian people.
The tragedy suffered by the Lebanese people is now entering its fourteenth year amidst further destruction, killing and devastation resulting from the continuation of occupation and external interference in the internal affairs of Lebanon.
Iraq condemns the Israeli military occupation of south Lebanon. It condemns also the Syrian and Iranian occupation of Lebanon. Iraq sees that no solution can be found to the Lebanese crisis but by terminating this occupation, putting an end to external interference in Lebanese internal affairs, and creating a suitable climate of freedom for the Lebanese people to settle their internal problems and achieve national reconciliation through dialogue. We support the efforts made by the league of Arab States, represented by the Arab Tripartite Committee, to resolve the Lebanese crisis in accordance with the resolutions of the Casablanca summit, ensure the withdrawal of non-Lebanese forces and help the Lebanese reach national reconciliation, formulate a new system based on justice and fairness and enable the Lebanese State to exercise its full sovereignty over the whole Lebanon.
Iraq has always stood by the right of peoples to self-determination end extended material and moral support for the achievement of this objective. Today we are about to witness the declaration of Namibia's independence in accordance with the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia which was initiated on 1 April 1989 on the basis of Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 640 (1989).
We call upon the Secretary-General to take the measures stated in the Declaration on Namibia, issued by the ninth summit conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, with a view to ensuring the rights of the Namibian people to self-determination and national independence.
Our world is undergoing broad economic changes affecting the course of international economic relations. Scientific and technological developments have deepened the cultural and economic gap between the developing and the developed countries. We note with concern the increase in the disparities between the countries of the developing world and those of the developed world. The sharp decline in the prices of basic commodities and raw materials aid the fall in crude oil prices have, for years now, been causing huge losses in the revenues of the developing countries and thus causing a grave deterioration in their economic situation, a stagnation in their development programmes and a fall in the standard of living of their peoples.
We agree that there is a need to extend assistance to the developing countries in their efforts to resume the process of restructuring their economies aid diversifying their exports in order to ensure sufficient funds with which to continue their development operations.
Economic co-operation among the developing countries deserves the highest consideration and offers the only possibility before us. The establishment of the Arab Co-operation Council is a practical step towards the positive use of regional groupings for achievement of the objective of collective self-reliance among the countries of those groupings. We regard economic co-operation between those developing countries and the developed ones as an essential element in an interrelated and integrated world in which we would all strive for the good of mankind as a whole,
We look forward to engaging in a serious dialogue at the special session of the General Assembly to be held in 1990, which will be devoted to international economic co-operation and to the revitalization of economic growth and development in the developing countries.
The external debt problem of the developing countries and the servicing of debts are among the gravest problems facing all countries in the world, creditor and debtor alike. The sums involved amount to one half of the gross national products of the developing countries, thus representing a real obstacle to the continued implementation of their programmes of economic and social development. A reasonable aid equitable solution must, therefore, be found to this problem if we are to ensure better relations among States and a better life for their peoples.
The resolution adopted at the Ninth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries calling for the convening of a conference under the auspices of the United Nations to consider all aspects of the external debt problem, in a manner consistent with the requirements of development, will perhaps provide a suitable opportunity to reach acceptable solutions to this problem, which causes constant erosion of all economic gains and human efforts.
The other source of concern for mankind is the continued deterioration of the Environment and the climate on this planet, while we consider protection of the environment to be a integral part of the requirements for development, we emphasize that this problem must be addressed in a comprehensive multilateral manner that will take account of all the aspects aid adopt measures necessary for warding off the risks of an environmental disaster that our world might be exposed to. Consideration should be given to the development priorities of the developing countries and to respect for the principle of their sovereign control over their natural resources.
In conclusion, I wish to restate our willingness to co-operate with the President for the success of our work during this session.


Happily, the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization provided more than one occasion for a smile of contentment to relieve the more usual grin with clenched teeth induced by realistic surveys of world affairs. Two of these pleasing if small occasions were his congratulating us on a deflationary trend in our rhetoric and on a growth of civility in our exchanges. The proffering of our congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency, and of thanks to your predecessor, as well as to the Secretary-General himself, is part of due courtesy, not of vain rhetoric. Indeed it is possible, as in this case, to make ritual gestures with the greatest sincerity.
The Secretary-General's report allowed us to note, with very great satisfaction, that the performance of the United Nations has improved in substance as well as in form. I do not intend to rehearse either the range of successes achieved or the persistent doldrums afflicting us. I would merely echo the sentiments already expressed by others. In this regard I will echo a statement made here by my predecessor, Mr. George Borg-Olivier, the first Prime Minister of independent Malta - an independence which was achieved only 25 years ago, despite our existence as a nation for thousands of years.
The most critical role in the transformation of the international cacophony of the past into a joyous future symphony appertains to the super-Powers, but no orchestra generally functions satisfactorily if it is made up only of trombones and timpani. Some part is usually played by a flute or a piccolo. If the voice of a micro-State such as ours does have any special claim to be heard in this assembly, it is certainly not because we include ourselves that smallness of size or antiquity of national origin dowers us with some sort of superior Olympian wisdom. It is rather that our mini-stature does tend to make our self-interest more nearly coincide with the global interest. A diminutive physique does not go as a rule with an enormous appetite for self-aggrandizement but rather with a point of view that is singularly alert to the prospects and problems of the survival of all in a danger-filled environment. It is very precisely in that perspective that I speak here today.
Let me explain what has prompted me to begin with this reminder. Of the specific issues with which my country has mostly keenly involved itself - from the care of the elderly to the need to curtail the traffic in armaments - from the very first years of our presence here, there is probably none with which the name of Malta has come to be more intimately associated than that of the common management of extraterritorial spaces.
I am using this term deliberately. I am doing so because unfortunately the concept which we introduced and which has been incorporated as a foundation-stone in the law of the sea Convention and used in many other United Nations-sponsored treaties, charters, declarations and other juridical and policy instruments - the common heritage of mankind - continues to be misunderstood. It is not however misunderstood by the Secretary-General, and its essence is very accurately captured in the phrase he uses in his report where he refers to "common management ... reflecting a community of interest among Member States".
Precisely this identification of "a community of interest* among all nations, developing and developed - for the benefit of all, rich as well as poor, whatever the nature of their ideology as well as their geography - was the motive force that moved us.
The areas of coincidence between the interests of all categories of States were our target. Ours was not a move in a rush or onset by the hungry to gobble down sundry goods spread out on somebody else's table. On the contrary our starting point was the existence of goods which had two characteristics: in the first place, they were not on anybody's table; they lay still unexplored and un-exploited beyond the limits of national jurisdiction? they were the resources of extraterritorial spaces; and, secondly, their nature and location implied that they could not be rationally managed on the basis of legal regimes conceived in terms of the conventional notions of "property" and of "sovereignty" with the absolutist connotations they have acquired in the modern age.
Our idea was that the common heritage of mankind should not be considered as the property of, or as subject to, the sovereignty of anybody - not of the United Nations any more than of any individual country, not of the human collectivity any more than of any smaller human entity, not at any rate in any sense in which the owner or the sovereign can do with it as it pleases him.
Quite different and novel rules of management had to be devised. The Law of the Sea constitutes of course a major, however imperfect, step in that direction. It contains recognition that the vastness of extraterritorial space is not so unlimited that human activity cannot cause irreparable damage to it. Even more serious dangers lurk in other extraterritorial spaces where the measures so far taken have been more fragmentary. Consequently I am urging the Assembly to take a fresh look at the whole matter not in the conceptual framework of the debates about property and sovereignty which were comprehensible in the world of the past but in the new situation produced by the development of man's scientific and technological activities. What is at stake is not at all competition between East and West, or even primarily between North and South, but the victory of order over chaos, of survival over planetary destruction.
My Government is convinced that there can be no true development without an environment which will permit mankind to live a life of dignity and well-being.
Furthermore, new technologies, population growth and the human urge to develop have brought about new, serious threats to the delicate ecological balance of our globe. Indeed we believe that certain of these threats risk causing irreparable damage, thereby endangering the very existence of life on Garth*
Urgent action is needed to save our planet. The new environmental problems call for innovative solutions to be devised. That is why we actively supported the initiative taken by Prance, the Netherlands and Norway, which led to the Hague Declaration on the atmosphere and climate change, signed last March.
Malta is raising its environmental concerns in every forum. It will be recalled that Malta's initiative to protect the global climate led to resolution 43/53, which was unanimously adopted, entitled "Protection of global climate for present and future generations of mankind", which characterized climate change as the common concern of mankind.
The resolution sets out what is essentially a plan of action to counter the growing problem of adverse climate change. We are satisfied with the progress which is being made in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, established by the world Meteorological Organization and the United Nations Environment Programme. We are convinced that if any proposed remedies are to be effected they have to take into account the economies of developing States.
Those States which have already developed and polluted cannot now expect other States to stultify their own growth. This has to be the basis of any international convention on climate, if it is to enjoy widespread and general acceptance.
Malta has also actively participated in the Commonwealth Group of Experts on Climate Change, and it looks forward to the outcome of the discussion of the subject at the October meeting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government, to be held in Malaysia.
A new proposal which we are putting forward for active consideration at this forty-fourth session, and which I am pleased to announce has been accepted by the Assembly's General Committee, as agenda item 82 (j), is the protection of the environment of extraterritorial spaces. In this respect we are suggesting that
as a first step a group of eminent parsons be invited to prepare a study, possibly in time for consideration at the 1992 United Nations conference on environment and development.
The group's first effort could be an attempt to identify and specify the extraterritorial spaces and to examine which human activities are causing unreasonable damage to the environmental integrity of such spaces. Clearly, its task will be formidable, for, while it is important not to regulate too late, it is not desirable to seek to regulate non-existent activities. Likewise, it may avoid unnecessary complexity by not seeking to tackle the common heritage as a whole, but restricting the immediate area of attention to extraterritorial spaces. Besides the high seas and the international sea-bed area, the super adjacent airspace, certain parts of the atmosphere and outer space, as well as such other more controversial areas as may be determined, will have to be evaluated from the point of view of their environmental state.
Recommendations could then be made regarding the rights and duties of States and of the international community and the revised or new legal instruments needed, at least for catastrophe avoidance. The group's report could serve at least as a preliminary basis on which our thinking could be realistically built in view of the new global requirements of present and future generations.
So far I have been seeking to take account of the fact that it is not only the problems of ocean space" that are closely interrelated and need to be considered as a whole", as the preamble to the Convention on the Law of the Sea says. It is all the parts of our small planet, which are closely bound together in a single web.
Nevertheless, the Convention and its sober consolidation open up the possibility of turning ocean space into a real laboratory in the service of true development, with respect for the environment, which could be exemplary for other areas and, indeed, a foundation for the whole. For that reason, I wish to develop further the two main suggestions which I made in this regard when I last had the privilege of addressing the General Assembly, and to clarify the essential thrust of both. Their common pivot is the need to associate, in the governance of the institutions suited for ocean affairs and their analogues in other multiple-use domains, representatives of the whole cast of very varied actors who operate in the sea, instead of merely the representatives of States.
Consequently, my first suggestion was the establishment of a global forum on ocean affairs, where the representatives of States could meet and interact with those of all the specialized agencies of the United Nations system and of other intergovernmental and non-governmental, scientific, commercial, environmental and other organizations with an active and participative stake in the management of ocean affairs in an integrated manner.
My second suggestion, also intended to facilitate the bringing into play of the potentialities of network building, was the systematic strengthening of regional institutions as an intermediate level, meshing the national and the global.
Several notable efforts have been made, and are still being made, in that direction by the United Nations and its agencies. But there is still a central void - that of means by which all the key actors in a sphere of activities can be brought together. Unfortunately, the all-too-often un-harmonized operations of the different parts of national Governments themselves in the marine sphere are at present
reflected at the international level, and, for instance, the establishment of large exclusive economic zones in terms of the law of the sea Convention requires integrated management systems, which it is difficult to set up by the unaided efforts of many an individual State.
The extension of national jurisdiction necessitates more, not less, international co-operation. Indeed, there are many articles in the Convention itself which prescribe co-operation with coastal States by the competent international authorities - meaning, in most cases, United Nations agencies.
My suggestion in this regard is, therefore, that regional commissions for ocean affairs be set up. They should have a very mixed membership. There should not be meetings of representatives only of ministries of foreign affairs, or only of environment or transport ministries, or only of international organizations, or other entities of one kind only. All of the following should be there: the national focal points or other co-ordinating centres of national marine activities, if they exist, as they should; the regional officers of the specialized United Nations agencies; and other bodies, both intergovernmental and governmental.
Moreover, the commissions should directly involve at all stages of their work the major ocean users from all countries affected by regional decisions. Experience has shown that the contributions of the actual users of resources usually prove extremely valuable to prevent political obstacles from blocking the progress of regional planning, or to circumvent them. The characteristic input of actual users is to anticipate such problems before they become frustrating and to devise procedures for their avoidance. Their participation is vital to the commissions' fulfilment of their role. That role is essentially one of rationalization. Consequently, the cost should not be heavy, No new large bureaucracies are needed, because all of the elements of the system are already in existence. There is only a need for them to be catalysed.
I have dwelt on this point at some length not merely for its own sake hut also as an illustration of the new style of international governance that seems to be called for at the present juncture in world affairs. Similar organizational models can be envisaged in other spheres of activity, such as labour relations. The international Labour Organisation (ILO) is, of course, a very striking instance of an early structure involving State and non-state organizations as an essential aspect of the functioning of its system.
A fundamental point of thrust for the regional commissions for ocean affairs should be the development of technological capability. It is clearly in the fields of scientific research and technological capability that investment by funding agencies, national and international, is most inadequate and yet, over the years, most likely to yield the most enduring contribution to human betterment.
Two years ago I mentioned here that in fulfilment of articles 276 and 277 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea Malta had proposed the setting up of a Mediterranean regional centre for the development of marine technology. We envisaged that through it enterprises, both public and private, and organizations, both national and international, would be involved in the financing of projects judged to be of general benefit. We also expected that it would be a pilot undertaking to be followed in other regions, one reciprocally beneficial to both the developed and the developing countries of the region.
I am happy to report that with the direct support of the Secretary-General and his excellent collaborators the proposal has been pursued, especially through the
United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), and that it has found the support of several Mediterranean countries. I would like to stress again that, far from seeking to rival or compete with any other existing institutions, particularly European ones, the centre would complement and enhance their activities with advantages to all. I am therefore confident that the centre will emerge as a model of North-South - and particularly of Euro-African- Asian - co-operation in the one area of the world where the three continents meet around the "Middle Sea", at the very centre of which my country is placed.
I have, as I said I would at the beginning, concentrated on only a few topics so that they stand out in a sharper focus. To some extent this is more possible today because the atmosphere in international relations is improving so much that we have an opportunity co take a broader look and to identify other global dangers, in particular those that threaten the environment and the economic system.
That does not mean that we are insensitive to a number of disputes that linger on, defying solution and spreading misery to the peoples involved. Many speakers more directly involved in those questions have drawn our attention to their plight. The greatest service we can do for those people is to act, each of us as best we can, so as to encourage real dialogue and so as not to aid and abet those who feel that force or intransigence pay better dividends.
Casting a glance at our region, we feel disappointed that the hopes we had entertained about a solution to the Cyprus problem have received a setback. As an island State in the Mediterranean we cannot but be concerned about the situation in Cyprus, one which, despite the efforts of the Secretary-General and the goodwill the Government of Cyprus has shown, does not seem to be improving as we had all hoped a year ago. We make a strong appeal to all parties directly or indirectly concerned not to miss any opportunity to bring to an end a tragedy that has not brought any benefit to those who sought, rather mistakenly, to find a solution to their problems through division. If we all, without exception, send a cleat message that we do not countenance division in that island nation, the parties directly concerned will not fail to extend the hand of co-operation to the Secretary-General and to each other.
The tragedy of Lebanon is a blot on our civilization and on our times. I had occasion to speak in strong terms on this conflict earlier this month at the summit meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries at Belgrade. Since then a ray of hope has appeared with the acceptance of the Arab League initiative. Let us not be lulled into any false complacency. The peoples and Governments of the area have beat presented with an opportunity, but far more strenuous efforts are required to translate that opportunity into a genuine and lasting peace.
A genuine peace in the area can be lasting only when all the peoples living there can exercise their sovereignty in full freedom within accepted and secure borders - and the peoples of the area include the peoples of Israel and Palestine. We encourage the Secretary-General and all others who have taken positive initiatives to persevere in their efforts to bring the day of peace and justice in the area much nearer. The world has been impressed by the responsible and positive attitude taken by the representatives of the Palestinian people to realize their inalienable rights through a political solution, as repeatedly expressed in the United Nations. Their outstretched hand should not be ignored. The peace of the Israeli and Palestinian peoples, and peace in the entire region and perhaps even in the entire world, demands a reciprocal move from the other side. We commend and support all constructive efforts being made to assist the process, and we wish to express our appreciation for the leadership exercised by President Mubarak in this regard.
In the other almost traditional areas of conflict that are reflected in our deliberations we have seen over the past year significant, though perhaps hesitant, steps forward. The promise of a solution is there in Central America, in the Sahara, in Namibia, in the Gulf, in Afghanistan and in South-East Asia. Having come this far, why should we betray the hopes of our peoples? Dare we hope that even in South Africa apartheid will be seen by all for the evil that it is and that it will be replaced by a system that gives due dignity to man and woman irrespective of colour or race?
 The aspiration to realize the unity and solidarity of the human race is precisely what inspired the concrete proposals Malta put forward about the common heritage and common concerns of mankind in the oceans, the atmosphere and other extraterritorial spaces. That aspiration is to be pursued not only in political forums, such as the Assembly, but throughout the educational systems of all countries. We are pleased that the new International Maritime Law Institute in Malta, constituted and run by the International Maritime Organization (IMO), is to start receiving students from developing countries this October. It will undoubtedly increase the skills of those who are committed to the search for international solutions that go against the interest of no State but that serve to enhance the common good of all the members of the human race.


Allow me at the outset of my statement to express to you, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic and on my own behalf, our warmest congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. We are fully confident that your wide knowledge, expertise and ability will contribute greatly to the success of the work of the session.
I am also pleased to express through you our heartfelt thanks and warm appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, who displayed throughout his presidency over the forty-third session great ability in guiding the proceedings of that session.
The brilliant and efficacious efforts of Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar with regard to the issues facing the world last year and his good offices in finding suitable and just solutions impel me, on behalf of my country and on my own behalf to express to him our deepest gratitude and wish him further success in all endeavours entrusted to him.
I wish also to congratulate the Under-Secretary-General and all those who work in this international organization, including the peace-keeping forces all over the world, who have dedicated their lives to the service of peace and the preservation of international security. I thank them for their sincere and meritorious efforts on behalf of peace and prosperity of mankind.
The comprehensive and valuable report presented by Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar on the role of the Organization and the tasks it has carried out throughout last year is cause for optimism. We are confident that our Organization, especially within the framework of the positive changes in the international arena, will be able to carry out its responsibilities in the maintenance of international peace and security and that its ability will be enhanced in order fully to assume the role for which it was formed and prove to the international community that it is the best alternative and the only authority to solve all problems confronting our world today. Thanks in particular to the efforts of the Secretary-General and his associates, the United Nations has proved that the language of dialogue is the only means for achieving justice and consolidating peace. This was made evident in last year's detente on the path of peace concerning a number of international issues, such as Afghanistan, Namibia, Cambodia. Western Sahara and, last but not least, the relative tranquillity manifested on the border between Iraq and Iran by dint of the efforts of the Organization's Observers supervising the cease-fire there, notwithstanding the lack of concrete progress in the peace negotiations between the two countries to achieve a lasting, just and honourable peace in that region, a region that witnessed the longest and most ferocious war since the Second World War.
This session was convened in an atmosphere of satisfaction and optimism owing to positive developments in international relations and also to the detente achieved between the two super-Powers. Some of the most positive indications of this detente are the continuation of negotiations to reach an overall solution to halt the nuclear-arms race and for general and complete disarmament, together with a mutual understanding and fuller co-operation between the super-Powers in order to eliminate hotbeds of tension and extinguish the flames of war throughout the world. To that end, appropriate and just solutions must be found through peaceful negotiations and by other peaceful means. We believe that co-operation in achieving settlements of disputes by peaceful means, guaranteeing the just and legitimate interests of oppressed peoples, is the most ideal alternative to a policy of confrontation and escalation, which usually pushes the world to the brink of an abyss and therefore has serious implications for the peace, security and stability of the world. All the members of the international family fully realize that ending any conflict inevitably requires that representatives sit down at a negotiating table and remove themselves entirely from the policy of imposed solutions and hegemony.
In this respect, my country reiterates its full support for the total elimination of nuclear weapons by the nuclear-weapon States by the end of this century. We also support the repeated calls for banning nuclear-weapon tests and diverting the tremendous expenditures freed thereby to economic and social development in the interest of mankind as a whole, and particularly of the countries of the third world. No sooner had those countries freed themselves from the shackles of colonial domination than they fell victim to economic subservience as their resources became hostage to the debt problem. They are now subjected to the control of certain creditor States and creditor organizations by means of the prices that are set for their products.
Despite the optimism prevailing on the international scene as a result of the trend towards the peaceful settlement of regional and international problems, the situation in the Middle East is still fraught with danger and poses a threat to peace not only in the region but in the entire world. That situation is the result of the aggressive policy pursued by Israel against the Arab Palestinian people, whose courageous intifadah is about to enter its third year. That heroic people in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip has been confronting the brutal force and oppression of the Israeli occupation only because it is claiming its legitimate tights. The occupying forces respond to those just demands by murder, expulsion, torture, imprisonment and the demolition of houses. The ruthless oppression and suppression are carried out against that people in contravention of human rights and international law and norms. Despite all that, there are those who, while unceasingly proclaiming respect for human rights, at the same time ignore these barbaric practices. In addition, a super-Power abstains from voting on any resolution that condemns the Zionist entity, which the international community has unanimously denounced and condemned. Here I must pay a tribute to, and honour all, those steadfast heroes under the yoke of the Israeli occupation - all those men, women ¡I children and the elderly.
The Yemen Arab Republic wishes to reaffirm its support for the efforts exerted to achieve a just and honourable peace in the Middle East, and in particular for the positive resolutions adopted by the Palestine National Council last November in Algiers. We agree with what was stated by brother Yasser Arafat, the head of the State of Palestine, at the forty-third session of the General Assembly in Geneva, when it convened to consider the item on Palestine. That session was held by our Organization to prove to the entire world the importance of this question and our responsibility in regard to it.
Despite the fact that a whole year has passed since the General Assembly adopted resolutions at that session, and despite all the proposals made by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestine people, displaying a flexible position in response to the call for reason, justice and peace, Israel continues arrogantly to refuse to comply with the international community's resolutions by occupying the Arab territories in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Syrian Golan and southern Lebanon. Israel persists in its acts of aggression against the defenceless Palestinian people. It categorically rejects all the calls for peace based on United Nations resolutions and rides roughshod over such resolutions. This demonstrates once again that for more than 40 years it has been carrying out its colonial settler policy and has had recourse to all types of acts of ruthless oppression and arbitrary actions.
We call on the international community to shoulder its responsibility with regard to the deterioration of the situation in the occupied Arab territories and to compel the Zionist entity to respond to the call for peace by withdrawing immediately from the Arab territories that it has occupied since 1967 and to sit at the negotiating table with the parties concerned, foremost among which is the РLO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, at an international peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations, so that the Palestinian people may regain its tight to return to its homeland, to self-determination and to establish its independent State on its national soil.
Moreover, we repeat that the major responsibility for achievement of that task rests, in the first place, with the five permanent members of the Security Council, in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter.
Proceeding from that premise, my country also reaffirms that it is not sufficient for one country to state that the ball is in Israel's court, while the leaders of the usurper entity continue to play with fire. The responsibility of those who are able to extinguish that fire is no less than the responsibility of those who set the fire in flames.
With respect to the question of Lebanon, the good offices exerted by the tripartite Arab Committee established by the emergency Arab summit conference held in Casablanca give us a reason to be optimistic, because of the response made by all the parties concerned to the good offices of the Tripartite Committee and its endeavours. All the parties have demonstrated their sincere desire for a solution to the Lebanese crisis and their common conviction that it can be arrived at only through political dialogue and by peaceful means, and not by resorting to arms, which has proved futile for the past 13 years. We appeal to all peace-loving countries to exert every possible effort to ensure the success of the endeavours of the Tripartite Arab Committee to put an end to the Lebanese crisis, and to display solidarity with the Lebanese people so that it may preserve its national unity and sovereignty over its territory. An end must be put to the displacement of that people and the fear and suffering it has endured for many years. We also appeal to the international community to exert greater efforts and to bring real pressure to bear on the Zionist entity to induce it to withdraw from Lebanese territory, in accordance with Security Council resolution 425 (1978).
The Yemen Arab Republic appreciates the speedy acceptance by Iraq of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) the Islamic Republic of Iran did not accept it until one year after its adoption. Therefore, we wish to express our grave concern about the continuing state of no war no peace between Iran and Iraq. Intensification of the efforts of our Organization and all peace-loving countries is necessary to move from this situation, so fraught with danger, to direct and continuous negotiations between the two parties concerned in accordance with Security Council resolution 598 (1987). We consider that that resolution provides a comprehensive framework for the achievement of peace and for the removal of all obstacles and barriers to its implementation in letter and spirit, including persuading Iran to accelerate the process of the exchange of prisoners of war between the two parties. That is the ultimate test of good will and reaffirmation of the genuine desire to achieve durable peace and to solve all disputes by peaceful means in order to reach an agreement on a comprehensive and durable peace between the two countries and the return of normalcy to relations between them.
The achievement of peace and stability around the Horn of Africa, the consolidation of the principles of good-neighbourliness and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries figure prominently in our regional policy. We therefore welcome the positive developments unfolding in relations between the States of the Horn of Africa. We also welcome the policy of co-operation and understanding between fraternal Sudan and the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. My country also supports the new peace initiative announced by the Ethiopian Government on the basis of which negotiations were launched under the auspices of former United States President Mr. Carter. My country welcomes the decision of the two negotiating parties to select from among a number of other capitals as the venue for their negotiations, and reaffirms it will do its best towards the attainment of an honourable and just solution guaranteeing peace stability, co-operation a\d national unity for the prosperity and progress of the peoples of the littoral States of the Red Sea.
Preservation of Afghanistan's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and of its people's right to choose its economic and political system without outside interference or coercion, and strict observance of the Geneva Convention on this issue, represent for my country the keystone of the process of reaching a comprehensive and definitive settlement of the Afghan issue. Taking that as our premise, we wish to express our great satisfaction at the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghan territory. We appeal to this international Organization and its Secretary-General to intensify their efforts and make greater use of their good offices to assist in the reaching of a convergence of views between the Afghan parties in conflict so that security and national unity may be restored to the Afghan people and peace and stability nay prevail in the region.
In our opinion ongoing negotiations and dialogue between the two Cypriot communities is the only way to achieve concord and the restoration of unity in Cyprus. The Organization's efforts to achieve a convergence of views between the two communities leading to settlement of their disputes must have our support so that the sovereignty and unity of Cyprus and the security and stability of the region may be preserved.
The negotiations and meetings aimed at settlement of the Kampuchean crisis give us reason for optimism, especially after Viet Nam's declaration on the withdrawal of its troops from Kampuchea. This augurs well for settlement of the crisis in the near future so that the Kampuchean people may exercise its natural right of freedom and sovereignty on its territory in the absence of foreign intervention. As regards the situation on the Korean peninsula, we support efforts to achieve Korean reunification peacefully and democratically.
Apartheid and the racial discrimination practised by the Pretoria regime is the root cause of the conflict, the continuing state of war and the destabilization in southern Africa, end constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. The racist Pretoria regime still denies the most fundamental rights to the black majority in South Africa. It is pursuing a policy of aggression and interference in the affairs of the States of the area. This has led to destabilization in those States and is a hindrance to the efforts at economic development of the peoples of the region. The international community is duty-bound to provide moral and material support for the militant people of South Africa and to bring full pressure to bear on the racist South African regime to make it comply with the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council.
Positive steps have been made towards implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, credit for which goes to the efforts of our international Organization and its Secretary-General in the face of the challenges and barriers set up by the racist Pretoria Government to prevent the Namibian people from gaining its freedom and independence. On behalf of my country, I express gratification at the launching of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence, and at the same time I call on all the countries of the world, especially the major Powers, to stand by the efforts our Organization is making under the Namibian independence plan in accordance with Security Council resolution 43 5 (1978) to provide a favourable environment for free and fair elections to be held in all the provinces of Namibia.
The important and positive developments taking place in Latin America are characterized by democratic principles and political harmony, and the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. Moreover there is mutual respect for the right of the States of the continent to choose political and economic systems that suit their conditions and realities. There also exists a commitment not to interfere in the internal affairs of any State. All this requires that our Organization and the countries of the world support such efforts aimed at the achievement, once and for all, of peace and stability.
The halting and banning of nuclear tests is one of the priorities of nuclear disarmament. In this respect we welcome the efforts of more than 40 countries directed at the holding of an international conference to amend the Partial Test Ban Treaty and make it a comprehensive convention banning nuclear tests. We also support the call to prevent an armaments race in outer space. As it is the common heritage of mankind, it should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes. Proceeding from this premise, our international Organization has to play its rightful role in the field of disarmament and the non-militarization of outer space, together with the establishment of a stringent inspection system, to pave the way for further special sessions on disarmament.
We in the Arab Yemen Republic are keen on reaffirming each and every year from this rostrum our stance on the paramount importance of keeping the Indian Ocean and its natural extensions free of the military presence of any foreign State and to turn it into a zone of peace, security and international co-operation, free of the threat of nuclear and chemical weapons. We also support the proposal to hold an international conference on this subject in the city of Colombo, capital of Sri Lanka, next spring.
The progress achieved at the Paris Conference on Disarmament on the complete elimination of chemical weapons in which the signatories to the Geneva Protocol of 1925 and other interested States participated, has proved beyond any doubt that the States of the world are convinced of the necessity of signing a general and comprehensive convention on the banning of the production, development, use and stockpiling of all chemical weapons and on their final destruction.
In this respect my country wishes to express its deep concern over the international community's indifference to the Zionist entity's refusal to subject all its nuclear installations to international control which has encouraged this entity to continue in this course and to conduct tests on long-range missiles, increasing the anxiety and destabilization hanging over the Middle East and the eastern Mediterranean, the main cause of which was and still is Israel.
Significant events relating to international security have taken place and led to new directions in international relations. Serious negotiations have replaced direct conflicts. However for peace and security to prevail  the international community has to intensify its efforts. All countries of the world should participate and contribute equally.
I wish to reaffirm on behalf of my country that there is a close link between disarmament and international detente and respect for the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. If this is coupled with the strict observance of the principles of equality in sovereignty among States, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, non-recourse to the threat or use of force in international relations, respect for the right of all countries to self-determination and national independence, endeavours to achieve economic and social development, the elimination of colonialism, Zionism, racial discrimination, non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, and respect for human rights, peace and security can prevail.
International peace and security cannot be achieved without the economic development of all countries of the world. The exacerbation of the development problems of developing countries threatens the positive gains that have been made in the field of international relations.
The acute discrepancy between the astronomical military expenses on the one hand and the dire poverty in many developing countries on the other reaffirms the importance of stressing the concept of the link between disarmament and development in the third world·, but the bitter fact remains that the present international economic situation is still criticized and characterized by disequilibrium. The gap between the developed a\d developing countries is ever widening as a result of the disequilibrium in the terms of trade, the debt crisis, the higher interest rates and the collective trade barriers to which the developed countries have recourse.
In addition, the reverse flow of resources from the developing countries to the developed countries poses a danger to international peace and security and a concrete barrier to the growth and development of the developing countries. Therefore, as much as we are interested in the outstanding political problems of the world, we are equally interested in the world's economic problems. Hence, we wish to reaffirm that the present international economic system needs to be amended and a new international economic order established based on equality amongst all the countries of the world, a system which would narrow the gap between the industrialized rich world and the impoverished third world.
My country maintains that the suffering of the third-world countries through a stifling economic crisis and an economic situation characterized by disequilibrium and inequity requires that the international community intensify its efforts and strengthen co-operation in order to rebuild international economic relations on the basis of equity, justice and equal opportunity.
We also maintain that it is necessary to hold an appropriate international forum, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of the international financing institutions and the international banks, with the aim of defining concrete solutions to the crisis resulting from the foreign debt problem, in the framework of a favourable environment for continuous development and relief of the debt burden of developing countries which blocks their development and progress.
In conclusion, I wish to indicate that the democratic march on the path of development and the achievement of Yemeni unity is increasing and becoming more solid day after day due to the wisdom of its political leadership, as represented by President Ali Abdullah Saleh, President of the Yemen Arab Republic, Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and Secretary-General of the General Popular Conference. I also wish to commend the historical steps taken by my country, together with the brotherly countries of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Republic of Iraq and the Arab Republic of Egypt, in February of this year by establishing the Arab Co-operation Council, which aims at achieving the highest degree of co-operation, co-ordination and integration amongst its four members in the economic, cultural and social fields. The aim is to achieve comprehensive co-operation and integration amongst all the Arab countries, especially with the Gulf Co-operation Council and the Maghreb Union.
In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm our readiness to co-operate with you, Sir, in order to achieve the goals and purposes of this session of the General Assembly, through which we are seeking the prosperity, security and progress of humanity.


It is a great privilege for my delegation to participate in the deliberations of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I bring to you, Mr. President, and the delegations assembled here the warm greetings of the President, the Government and the people of the Somali Democratic Republic, and best wishes for the success of this important session of the General Assembly.
Permit me at the outset, Sir, to extend to you the sincere felicitations of my delegation on your unanimous election to the high office of President of this session. Somalia has close brotherly ties with your country, Nigeria, which continues to play a leading and constructive role in furthering the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and in promoting world peace, freedom and development. We assure you of our fullest support and co-operation as you discharge your onerous responsibilities. I take this opportunity also of extending our congratulations to the other members of the Bureau.
We express our deep appreciation also to Mr. Dante Caputo for the valuable contribution he made to the cause of international peace and co-operation during his term of office as President of the forty-third General Assembly session.
Similarly, we pay a tribute to the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his total dedication to upholding the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter and his untiring and relentless efforts to strengthen the Organization as an instrument for the promotion of world peace, security and development. His illuminating report on the issues before us constitutes in our view a significant input to the deliberations of the current session of the Assembly.
With the founding of the United Nations, mankind for the first time established a permanent institutional arrangement for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and co-operation among States. The Charter of the United Nations brought about fundamental changes in international relations, with far-reaching consequences. It expressed the determination "... to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person ... and of nations, large and small ...". It thus recognized that for world peace to be lasting, it must be underwritten by the attainment of human rights. The Charter also established a new concept of international morality based on peace and justice among nations. No longer can we accept that force alone should determine disputes between nations. Each dispute must be judged in terms of its relative content and merit, and measured in the context of international law.
The Charter of our Organization, in Article 1, upholds the right to self-determination of peoples under colonial rule, and enshrines it as a basic principle.
A watershed in the history of the Organization's involvement was marked by the adoption in 1960 of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). The Declaration left no doubt about the position of the world community on the question of decolonization. Subjection of people to alien domination and exploitation was proclaimed a denial of fundamental human rights, contrary to the Charter. It also recognized the right of all peoples to self-determination and therefore the right freely to determine their political status and pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Further, the Declaration made it clear that the process of liberation is irresistible and irreversible and that, in order to avoid serious crises, an end must be put to colonialism and all practices of segregation and discrimination associated with it.
The achievements of the United Nations in the fulfilment of the hopes and the aspirations of colonized peoples in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, the Pacific and other areas to gain the independence of their homelands have indeed been historic. The threefold increase in the membership of the Organization is eloquent testimony to its great success in the field of decolonization. However, the final goal of making this body universal is yet to be attained. In direct contravention of the provisions of the Charter and the Declaration, in various parts of the world forces are dominant that oppose the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination and are thus blocking their emancipation. There are numerous examples of the violation of human rights by the brutal forces of occupation and repression. Powers and regimes that make the forcible denial of the fundamental right of peoples to self-determination the foundation and philosophy of their policy continue to hide their positions behind the shield of certain "principles" which they conveniently use to prevent action by the world community against them.
The United Nations is under an obligation to oppose those forces and take concerted action in support of the legitimate aspirations of oppressed peoples. Somalia firmly believes that complete and full realization of the noble task of the total elimination of all forms of colonialism must continue to be a high priority of the United Nations in order to ensure justice and freedom to all peoples still languishing under the yoke of colonial domination and oppression. The Charter does not just stop at aiming at the creation of instruments of human rights, decolonization and peace. It also recognizes that the struggle against hunger, disease, deprivation and illiteracy would have to be waged on a global basis through the collective efforts of all nations. Peace would be fragile at best if the problem of economic and social injustice is not adequately addressed. The words "global interdependence" are no longer merely a fashionable term; they have become a key to the solution of many problems confronting our planet at the present time.
In this context, it is a matter of deep concern to us that most of the developing countries continue to remain outside the mainstream of progress achieved in the world economy in recent years. They are in the throes of severe crises, which tie down their economies and strangle their development process. In most of Africa, for example, per capita incomes have continued to fall. Many of the poorest countries, particularly the least developed countries, have become even poorer. Unemployment in the developing world as a whole has increased enormously. The recovery in the price structure of primary commodities continues to be insufficient to lead to a fundamental change in the overall trend in commodity markets. The debt crisis which erupted simultaneously in many developing countries in the early 1980s, continues unabated, thereby severely straining their development efforts. Real interest rates have remained exorbitant, seriously affecting the economies of developing countries. A resurgence of protectionism in the developed countries continues to impede exports from developing countries. Official development assistance has stagnated and the private flow of resources to developing countries has fallen sharply. A newer and even complex dimension of the development crisis has emerged with accelerated degradation of the global environment, often caused by acute poverty. Thus, developing countries continue to remain prisoners to a system which is outside their control and which has only contributed to deepening and complicating their development crisis.
Undeniably, the required acceleration of growth in the world economy and the integration of the developing countries in that process in an effective and long-term manner requires a supportive international environment. This should include an increased net flow of resources on concessionary terms to developing countries, to meaningfully supplement their own development efforts. This is necessary in order to facilitate the implementation of their structural adjustment programmes, modernize and diversify their economic bases, eradicate poverty, improve their environment and develop their human resources. The reactivation of growth in the developing countries will also depend on their ability to solve the serious debt burden. This acute problem must be addressed in an integrated and comprehensive manner without any further delay.
The development crisis is dramatized by the plight of the least developed countries, which have been facing formidable structural handicaps and experienced extreme deterioration in their overall socio-economic situation. During the 1980s, despite significant domestic policy measures undertaken by them pursuant to the Substantial New Programme of Action, the effects of their adverse external economic climate have been further exacerbated by the failure to implement the recommendations of the Programme and its mid-term review. In this context, we would like to underscore the significance of enhanced international efforts to reactivate the growth and development of the least developed countries. We would also emphasize the importance of the Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries to be held in 1990, which should adopt a substantial plan of action for the sustained development of the least developed countries for the 1990s.
The prevailing economic situation in Africa calls for more effective implementation of commitments by developed countries to permit full realization of the objectives of the United Nations Programme of Action for the Recovery and Development of Africa, 19 86-19 90.
The socio-economic crisis that engulfed many developing countries, and particularly the least developed among them, has been further exacerbated by certain developments that have strained the capacity of these countries to survive. Somalia, for example, has become a host to large numbers of refugees, whose number has been swelling in large proportions. The international community has always recognized the Somali people as being the biggest donors to these refugees, who have been provided asylum at a considerable cost to the national economy and social development.
Unfortunately, of late, refugees in Somalia have been experiencing drastic shortages of food, medicine and other relief aid which have created serious hardships and made their very survival almost impossible. While there is a need for a long-term refugee programme in Somalia, which my Government fully supports, we believe that the decision recently made by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the World food Programme to suspend food aid to refugees is unjustified and will have serious implications for their survival. Humanitarian assistance to refugees must not be linked with political considerations. The long-term durable solution of the refugee problem should be the goal that we seek to achieve. Pending the attainment of that goal, the international community is under a moral obligation to continue to provide the refugees with the humanitarian assistance and support they need.
The efforts of Somalia to promote socio-economic growth and development has been further impeded by the grave humanitarian situation that has developed in some of the northern districts of Somalia. Besides significant loss of human life caused by attacks against government installations and administrative centres by armed bandits, the situation has resulted in a massive displacement of the population and widespread destruction to public and private property. We are concerned about this grave situation.
My Government is indeed grateful to the Secretary-General for his prompt decision to dispatch a fact-finding mission to the area to assess the humanitarian needs of the affected population. We would like to thank the United Nations mission which was entrusted with that task for the diligence with which it carried out its work and for the report which it has prepared and which is new before this Assembly.
On its part, my Government has taken appropriate measures to deal with this grave disaster situation. Within the limits of its meagre resources, the Government extended all possible assistance to the affected population in terms of food, medical supplies and other basic needs. In view of the gravity and magnitude of this human problem a great deal of international assistance will be required. Unfortunately, the response of the international community so far has not been adequate. My Government appeals for the necessary support so that the programme for rehabilitation and reconstruction, as recommended by the United Nations mission, can be fully implemented.
A review of current international developments would reveal that the relaxation of East-West tension and ongoing moves to deal peacefully with regional conflicts have had a sobering impact on the overall international situation. However, while the constructive role played by the international community in promoting solutions to the major problems facing the contemporary world could be a cause for satisfaction, there still remain many intractable problems and areas of conflict that continue to threaten international and regional peace and security, Somalia believes that disarmament is a moral imperative in this nuclear age. It is a sine qua non for attaining the most important goal of the Charter, namely the maintenance of international peace and security. The unrestricted arms race has rendered international peace and security ever more vulnerable. The situation calls for dialogue and meaningful negotiations and it was in this context that we expressed our satisfaction at the new spirit of rapprochement between the two super-Powers, it is our earnest hope that the recent changes in East-West relations will have a favourable impact on global disarmament efforts and the lessening of world tension.
We are gravely concerned at the continuation of the conflict in the Middle East, which is a direct result of historic injustices and brutalities suffered by the Palestinian peoples who were forcibly expelled from their homeland. The question of Palestine is at the heart of the problem in the Middle East. The courageous uprising, intifadah, of the people of the West Bank and Gaza is an eloquent reminder that there will be no peace in the region unless the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are fully restored.
The position of Somalia on this question is firm and consistent. We have always extended unequivocal support to our Palestinian brothers in their struggle for the restoration of their inalienable rights to self-determination, freedom and independence, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PID) - their sole and legitimate representative. We welcomed the establishment of an independent State of Palestine by the Palestine National Council last year and were among the first States to recognize it. Somalia is one among the many countries which have consistently supported the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of Palestine on an equal footing with other parties. We believe that the Conference will provide a unique opportunity for negotiations on the basis of the constructive resolutions of the General Assembly on the Middle East. This session of the General Assembly should undertake a decisive course of action in support of the peace process in the Middle East.
Another area of major international conflict is southern Africa. It is imperative for all of us to do everything possible to wipe out the last vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid in southern Africa. Somalia, an active member of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid, is irrevocably committed to the cause of the oppressed people of Namibia and South Africa in their just and legitimate struggle for freedom, liberty and human dignity. Somalia welcomes the commencement of the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia. The Secretary-General deserves our deep appreciation for his historic contribution to the Namibian cause. However, in this context I should like to enter a caveat in respect of the backdrop of the rapidly unfolding events in Namibia arising from manipulations and manoeuvres by the racist South African regime, including widespread intimidation and harassment of the civilian population aimed at frustrating the process of Namibian independence. We call upon the international community immediately to ensure conditions in Namibia that would enable the Namibian people to participate freely in the electoral process under the supervision and control of the United Nations leading to the early independence of the territory. Somalia urges the Secretary-General to do everything in his power to ensure that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is implemented in its original and definitive form.
The responsibility of the international community to promote human rights and remove threats to peace is nowhere heavier than in the case of South Africa. The Somali Government welcomes the increasing application of measures which demonstrate the world community's abhorrence of the policies of apartheid pursued by the Pretoria regime. Regrettably, however, the apartheid system remains essentially in place and, as recent events show, institutionalized oppression against the majority of the population and against all those who oppose apartheid continues unabated. Member States must undertake concerted global action to ensure the complete eradication of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic society in a united, democratic South Africa.
In the event that the Pretoria regime should continue its policy of internal repression and external aggression the Security Council should take immediate action in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter and impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against the racist South African regime. On Afghanistan, Somalia has always looked forward to an early settlement of the conflict in that war-torn territory. We were heartened by the agreements reached by the concerned parties in Afghanistan last year. The phased withdrawal of foreign troops also heightened expectations for an early resolution of the conflict. However, we are deeply dismayed that the situation in Afghanistan is not yet resolved and the incessant suffering of the Afghan people continues seriously to affect peace and stability in the region. We urge all parties concerned to undertake every effort in the search for a peaceful settlement of their differences on the basis of full and consistent implementation of the Geneva Agreements.
On the question of Cyprus, we would like to emphasize the need for dialogue and inter-communal talks which are the only way to reach a just solution by peaceful means. We commend the Secretary-General, whose patient efforts to promote a negotiated settlement have been a major factor in the search for an end to the conflict. We are heartened by the recent meetings conducted at the highest level between the concerned parties, which we consider a positive step forward. We urge the Secretary-General to continue with his mission of good offices and appeal to all parties involved to co-operate fully with him in a constructive spirit to find a just and lasting solution, taking into account the fundamental rights of both communities.
Somalia firmly believes that the conflict in Cambodia should be settled by peaceful means on the basis of the withdrawal of all foreign forces there from, and by ensuring the right of the people of Cambodia freely to determine their destiny without outside interference. While the recently held Paris Conference on Cambodia did not fully translate the expectations of the world community into reality, we trust that all parties involved will continue to exert their influence towards an early resolution of the conflict.
On the question of Korea, my Government supports the peaceful reunification of the Korean people. We hope that the contacts that have taken place between the representatives of the parties concerned will bring about greater understanding and create the necessary conditions for a peaceful resolution of this long-standing problem. In conformity with the principle of universality, which is a fundamental feature of the United Nations, we support the aspiration of the Korean people for membership in the United Nations in order to contribute to the furtherance of international peace, security and co-operation.
As the world enters the third millennium, we, the family of nations, have no option but to face the challenges of the contemporary world. The need of the hour is for fresh and bold action. We must undertake concerted efforts towards a better and nobler life for all of our peoples. Collectively, the nations of the world have enough resources to underwrite our endeavours. The human genius and potentials, which are almost without limit, can provide us with newer and imaginative options at every stage of our journey towards a better world and a meaningful common future. Only if we choose to pursue the path of mutual understanding and co-operation can our collective efforts succeed. I most sincerely hope that we make the right choice at the right time, and the time is now.