In view of
time constraints, I shall share an abbreviated version of
my speech. The full text is being distributed in the
Hall. Please forgive me for skipping the usual formal
greetings to all the deserving dignitaries.
I first walked into this building in December
1975, in the midst of a North American winter, having
never seen snow in my life, to appear before the
Security Council. I learned then, and since, that not all
United Nations resolutions are implemented. But I also
learned that, in spite of its shortcomings and failings,
the United Nations offers us hope and that we must
cling to that hope, for it gives us the strength and the
courage to continue.
When the Secretary-General visited Timor-Leste
in May 2002 to preside over the formal transfer of
sovereignty to our elected President, I said to him:
“Mr. Secretary-General, you are going to lose your job
as President of Timor-Leste”. I can assure members
that Kofi Annan did not seem too upset to be
relinquishing that unpaid and difficult job. We thank
him for his wise stewardship of Timor-Leste’s
transition to independence.
We cannot fail to pay tribute to our beloved
friend, Sergio Vieira de Mello, who was brutally
murdered in Iraq just over a year ago. Our people wept
over his death, but Sergio will always live in us. His
passage through Timor-Leste, his charisma, energy and
smile will be with us forever. Our tribute goes also to
all the United Nations personnel who lost their lives in
our country and in many other difficult regions around
the world.
We offer our sincere condolences and solidarity
to Russia, Spain, Indonesia and Australia — the latest
victims in a seemingly endless catalogue of barbarity
committed by fanatics.
It was only a little over two years ago that
Secretary-General Kofi Annan handed over power to
our elected President. Since then, we have made real
progress in several sectors, such as public
administration, education and health. Yet, we are
failing in other areas.
The most fragile sector of the Administration in
Timor-Leste is the judiciary. We have very few trained
judges, prosecutors or lawyers. We are committed to
creating a strong and independent judiciary, but that
achievement is still many years off. We thank those
countries that have assisted us in improving our
judiciary and we implore them to continue their efforts
for many years to come.
Our economy is limping along, although it is
doing much better than anticipated. We are confident
that in two to three years we will experience strong
economic growth as a result of revenues from oil and
gas, as well as capital investment in public
infrastructure, including roads, bridges, ports and
airports, telecommunications, public housing, health,
agriculture, fisheries and tourism. We should then be
able to begin drastically reducing unemployment and
poverty.
Here we wish to congratulate the Indonesian
people and their leaders for their great experiment in
democracy. Few imagined in 1999 that within only a
few years the fourth largest nation in the world — and
the largest Muslim country — would emerge as a
vibrant democracy.
Talks are under way between Australia and
Timor-Leste to rectify our differing interpretations of
international law and State practice as regards maritime
boundaries between coastal States. Timor-Leste shares
the view of the majority of the international
community that, where there are overlapping claims
between two coastal States, the principle of
equidistance should apply.
Allow me now to address some issues that are of
concern to us. In the past 20 years or so, our world has
been the stage for several major conflicts, including the
invasion of Iran by Saddam Hussein in the 1980s,
which resulted in the death of over a million people.
Chemical and biological weapons were unleashed on
both civilians and combatants. Soon after the end of
the Iraq-Iran war, the same regime in Baghdad
launched another invasion, this time against the State
of Kuwait. Most of us have now relegated the
Cambodian tragedy of the 1970s to a footnote in our
intellectual memory, but let us not forget the almost
universal indifference of the international community
16

to the genocide unleashed by the Khmer Rouge in
Cambodia.
Like many of you, and millions of peace
marchers, we are opposed to violence and wars. But we
must ask ourselves some troubling questions. Should
we oppose the use of force even in the face of genocide
and ethnic cleansing? In the eternal dilemma of war
and peace there are pacifists and idealists who oppose
the use of force under any circumstances and there are
the realists who support the use of force under certain
circumstances, namely, if it has been sanctioned by the
Security Council. Those who are absolutely against the
use of force have been unable to articulate a better
strategy for dealing with the savagery of ethnic
cleansing and genocide. Patient diplomacy lasts as long
as it lasts; it might bear fruit, or it might not. Genocide,
however, continues as we can see in the Sudan where
thousands of our fellow human beings are dying right
now.
In the tragic case of Cambodia in the 1970s, the
world knew that an evil regime was deliberately
purging the nation and murdering hundreds of
thousands of innocent human beings. Yet, the Security
Council never even discussed the Khmer Rouge
genocide. Around the same time as the Cambodian
tragedy, genocide was taking place on the African
continent, in Uganda. The Security Council neither
debated nor took any action on the situation in Uganda
under Idi Amin. It required the moral courage of a
Julius Nyerere of the United Republic of Tanzania to
put an end to Idi Amin’s genocidal rule. We would ask,
if there had been a lone world leader with the moral
courage to order his country’s armed forces to
intervene in Rwanda in 1994, would he have been
hailed as a saviour or vilified as an aggressor?
In selectively recalling some of the most flagrant
cases of our collective failure to prevent wars and
genocide, our sole intention is to provoke reflection on
the failings and weaknesses of the United Nations with
a view to exploring ways of making our Organization a
more effective custodian of world peace.
Allow us to add some thoughts to the ongoing
debate as to how we can realize an improved United
Nations. We wish, however, to preface our views on
United Nations reform by stating that we do not
believe that a simple expansion of Security Council
membership will suffice to strengthen the United
Nations. It may make the Council more representative
by better reflecting current global demographics and
power-balances, but it will not necessarily make it
more effective.
That said, there is a clear need to expand
membership in the Security Council for non-permanent
and permanent members. Timor-Leste fully supports
the Franco-German initiative on United Nations
reforms. We also believe that the new expanded
Security Council should include countries like
Germany, India, Indonesia, Japan, Brazil and one or
two from the African continent. But, to reassure you, I
should add that Timor-Leste is not seeking a permanent
seat in the Security Council for itself — please do not
worry about that.
We particularly support permanent membership
status for Indonesia because we believe in the need for
balanced representation within the Security Council,
encompassing all the world’s major civilizations and
faiths. Non-inclusion of Indonesia — the largest
secular Muslim country in the world — as a new
permanent member would again leave the Security
Council with a predominantly Christian representation.
Incidentally, my Government has already
received requests for support for a seat in Council for
as far ahead as 2020 and 2024. Moreover, on the basis
of the two-year rotation arrangement, it seems that
Timor-Leste, and many other small nations, will only
be able to offer its services to the Security Council
somewhere in 2049. Incidentally, we are very touched
that many delegations have already expressed support
for Timor-Leste for 2049.
The world is faced with a growing AIDS
pandemic, the epicentre of which is now shifting to
Asia. Moreover, malaria and tuberculosis have been
with us for many generations, yet there is no real
commitment of resources that will enable our scientists
and societies to address those epidemics.
The combined official development assistance
(ODA) of the rich industrialized countries does not
exceed US$ 50 billion annually. Compare that with the
more than US$ 300 billion those countries provide in
subsidies to their farmers and industries.
Weapons-producing countries are flooding the
world with all types of arms that fuel conflicts. There
must be a strict code of conduct on weapons exports
aimed at reducing the flow of conventional weapons to
poor countries and regions in conflict.
17

We in Timor-Leste do not wish to sound
ungrateful, but we have reason to be sceptical about
ODA that ends up back in the donor metropolis with
only a fraction of that much-publicized aid benefiting
the recipient country. There has to be a thorough
reform of ODA with a view to ensuring that developing
countries actually receive what is pledged. We wonder
sometimes about the usefulness of the endless
meetings, study trips, evaluations, feasibility studies
and other activities, when, in reality, all the
information required can be downloaded from the
Internet by a 7-year-old child. Actually my 10-year-old
niece, Sarah, does most of the Internet searches for me
and instead of paying an international consultant
something like $1,000 a day in consulting fees, she is
happy with two scoops of chocolate ice cream.
We join with the leaders of Brazil, Chile, France,
Spain and others in urging the rich of the North to
allocate 0.7 per cent of their national wealth to ODA,
thus meeting the target set by the United Nations. It is
perplexing that only four small rich countries have met
and/or exceeded that modest target.
Europe and the United States should gradually
eliminate all agricultural subsidies to their farmers that
kill competition and market access of poor countries.
We understand the political difficulties faced by some
friends in Europe and the United States when dealing
with the issue of subsidies. Hence, we believe that
developing countries, the European Union and the
United States should be able to reach a reasonable
compromise on this issue.
We conclude our remarks with reference to some
international situations. Regarding the ongoing conflict
in Western Sahara, we endorse the comments made by
His Excellency President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of
Algeria, a country that has contributed enormously to
the liberation of the African continent. On this issue,
our Government is guided by Algeria and the African
Union.
We appeal to our senior Asian leaders, in
particular, China, India, Japan, Republic of Korea and
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to redouble
their efforts to find a peaceful resolution to the conflict
in Myanmar.
On the subject of sanctions, we wish to appeal to
our friends in the United States Congress to rise above
their parochial politics and lift all forms of sanctions
on Cuba.
There is deep-seated resentment and anger among
Muslims and many non-Muslims around the world over
Israel’s policies that thwart Palestinian right to a
dignified existence and homeland.
The two-State solution agreed upon by all sides
has to be rapidly resurrected and implemented as a first
step towards durable peace in the region. The
Palestinian intifada and suicide-bombing, as well as the
Israeli policy of annexation and retaliation, have
deepened the anger and hatred. There has to be a way
out.
We hope that the United States, which initiated
the war in Iraq and gallantly freed the Iraqi people
from a tyrant, will go half-way and meet those on the
other side of the debate. The United States and its
allies should not shoulder the burden of Iraq alone.
The Euro-Atlantic partnership is the single most
important pillar of the world’s security and economic
well-being. Americans and Europeans share the same
values of democracy and freedom. Surely, they are
wise enough to overcome their differences, however
deep, and give the Iraqi people a chance to finally be
free and at peace among themselves and with their
neighbours. May God Almighty Bless You All.


Let me first
of all congratulate you, President Ping, on your
election and wish you every success in your
responsible post, and express my sincere thanks to the
outgoing President for his dedicated work.
I endorse the statement of the Netherlands
European Union presidency.
At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the world
is changing at dramatic speed. In just a few decades,
humanity will have reached the 8 billion mark. With
the networking of world trade and with global
communication technologies, we are growing ever closer.
We are going to become increasingly interdependent in
economic, technical and ecological terms.
At the same time, we all face a host of new
challenges and new dangers which threaten us all —
the South and the North, the developing and the
developed world alike.
On the one hand, there are threats to national and
global security such as the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction, the nuclear threat, the danger posed
by failed States or, as we all painfully remember in this
city, by terrorism, which does not respect humankind
or human dignity.
On the other hand, there are also so-called soft
threats, such as far-reaching environmental and
climatic changes, poverty, major shortfalls in education
and training and the negative aspects of globalization,
refugee flows, and diseases and epidemics such as
HIV/AIDS and malaria. They are a threat to security
and stability and take a heavy toll.
The two — hard and soft threats — are closely
connected. After all, we know that the causes of war
and violence, poverty, need and oppression are
multifaceted and deep-rooted. We also know that crises
are the fruit of poverty and a sense of hopelessness,
and vice-versa. We will have no peace without
development, nor indeed development without peace,
so we have comprehensively to secure peace and
stability — above all through economic and social
development.
The States of the world have to work together to
shape economic, technological and ecological
globalization and rise to the resulting challenges. They
will not be able to do so without close cooperation.
Indeed, that is now beyond the tools of traditional
diplomacy alone. Their ability to secure and stabilize
the international system on their own will in future
prove less and less adequate.
What we need is a far-reaching reform of the
international system and its institutions that takes due
account of these changes. That is a reform we need
urgently, because we have to create an effective
multilateral system which enables us to work together
to prevent crises and, where that does not work, find
long-term solutions.
There have already been promising developments
at the regional level. With their sometimes painful history
very much in mind, the States of Europe have joined
together in the European Union and thus have reached
a new level of multilateralism. This political and
economic community, now embracing 25 States, has
become an anchor of stability for Europe and beyond.
Since its foundation the African Union has been
impressively shouldering its shared responsibility for
preventing humanitarian disasters and resolving major
regional conflicts. This is a courageous and key step
forward. This breakthrough of multilateralism on the
African continent will develop an ever more
pronounced dynamism.
Given global interdependencies and connections,
we need a world organization that has close links to
these regional structures and can thus boost the
efficiency of joint action. The United Nations is the
most important forum for setting global rules. Its might
is the might of the right, as the Secretary-General
highlighted in his impressive speech at the opening of
this General Assembly session. With its legitimacy we
have a unique and universal competence for solving
problems together. Since the breaking of the internal
blockade caused by the cold war, the United Nations
has been playing an increasingly significant role. The
international community is making more and more use
of it as a forum for tackling the major challenges
facing humanity.
For millions of people today the Blue Flag means
quite tangible help, often on essential issues, and hope
for a better future. For this, we are all very much
indebted to the Organization and its staff. They are on
the ground in many crisis regions in Latin America,
Europe, Africa and Asia.
It is becoming ever clearer that different
approaches must be found to prevent or resolve each
17

individual crisis. The commitment of the United
Nations in all crisis areas is the proof. In Afghanistan
and in the Balkans, in Haiti and in the Great Lakes
region the United Nations is already making a
considerable contribution. But we must realize that
there will not be fewer conflicts in the future, and the
demands made of the Organization will grow.
Against this backdrop the question arises whether
the structures given to the United Nations at its
foundation almost sixty years ago are still suited to this
mandate, whether its work enjoys the international
acceptance it needs. In particular, the disputes
concerning the Iraq crisis highlighted this problem
once again.
We are convinced there is no alternative to a
world acting multilaterally. To make this multilateral
cooperation sustainable and capable, we need a
courageous and comprehensive reform of the United
Nations that faces up to the challenges we are facing.
It was the Secretary-General himself who took
the initiative, and for this we extend our thanks. To that
end, he appointed a panel of high-level international
experts who are to present him with reform proposals
at the end of the year. We look forward to that report
and the ensuing debate with great interest.
What is at stake is a new, shared understanding of
the Charter system. How can we shape prevention to
make it more effective, and peace-building to make it
more sustainable? How can we further implement the
proposals on the reform of peacekeeping? What exactly
do we understand by the right of self-defence? How do
we define terrorism? The answer to this question in
particular seems clear, yet real agreement would take us,
the international community of States, a step forward.
A number of very concrete proposals on the
reform of the United Nations institutions have already
been presented. Let me therefore outline some thoughts
on this matter.
I want to start with the General Assembly. It is
the central organ of the United Nations, the only one
with universal membership. For this very reason, the
Assembly has to be more than an annual forum where
we just go through the motions. What we need to do
first is focus our topics more carefully. We have to
discuss the truly crucial issues — otherwise, essential
questions will be dealt with in other forums. Secondly,
we need more efficient working methods.
The Economic and Social Council has to finally
become the central organ in the United Nations system
for consultation and decision-making on economic and
social issues. We believe that the Council has at two
levels vast potential that has yet to be fully tapped. On
the one hand, that body maintains a network of
expertise unequalled in the world. We have to make
better and more targeted use of it. On the other hand,
we see the Economic and Social Council as a partner
for the Security Council for peacekeeping, as laid
down in Article 65 of the Charter. When it comes to
fighting the causes of conflicts and to post-crisis
rehabilitation, the Economic and Social Council has an
important role to play that can support Security
Council efforts for conflict prevention and peace-
building. We should grant the Economic and Social
Council more competences in the operative sphere.
After all, the efforts we make in peace missions
will be successful only if the military commitment is
followed by a longer phase of stabilization, and very
often that phase turns out to be the most difficult one.
The Economic and Social Council advisory groups on
post-crisis rehabilitation in Africa are a step in the
right direction. That is what the decisive link between
conflict management and development cooperation
could indeed look like.
Such an all-embracing approach needs
appropriate financial resources. The instrument of
voluntary contributions has proven insufficient in
everyday life, and therefore I propose earmarking a
certain share of the United Nations peacekeeping budget
for post-crisis rehabilitation. This means we could
achieve what we have long been trying, a “prevention
share”, which — let us remember Haiti — could help
us save the costs of conflicts flaring up again.
Many criticize the proliferation of subsidiary and
subordinate organizations of the United Nations. Of
course, a reduction cannot be an end in itself. But we
ought to exercise enough self-criticism to ask ourselves
whether it would not be better to pool competences in
some cases.
However, there are also spheres that need to be
better equipped. I am thinking here, for example, of the
handling of environmental issues in the United Nations
system. We thus support the proposal made by French
President Jacques Chirac last year to upgrade the
United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) to a
specialized agency with universal membership. That
18

could considerably strengthen UNFP’s contribution to
sustainable development.
At the heart of the reform of the United Nations
is the organ shouldering the central responsibility for
international peace: the Security Council. Conflicts are
on the increase. They stretch across all continents, and
they are growing in complexity. In turn, the
responsibility and competences of the Council have
expanded constantly. Crisis prevention will play an
increasingly important role. And for peace-building,
ever more comprehensive strategies, closer cooperation
and additional resources will be needed. This will
mean more and more decisions that entail long-term
obligations, create new international law and make
major inroads into State sovereignty.
If we really want Security Council decisions to be
accepted as legitimate and implemented effectively, we
have to reform the Council. It has to more broadly
represent a world organization that today embraces
more than 191 countries. That is inconceivable without
increasing the number of seats — for permanent and
non-permanent members alike. The reasons behind
such a move speak for themselves.
A Council with more members would enjoy
greater acceptance internationally as a basis for greater
authority. The more balanced and comprehensive
representation of all continents — also among the
permanent members — would lead to a better sense of
ownership of the Security Council for all States.
Similarly, an enlargement would considerably bolster
the motivation of the new Council members to make a
long-term contribution to realizing the goals of the
United Nations.
The enlargement must adequately reflect sea
changes such as decolonization, the end of the cold war
and globalization. The composition of the Council
must ultimately mirror the current geopolitical reality.
That means that all major regions of the South must be
represented by permanent members in the Security
Council. At the same time, account has to be taken of
Members that can and want to make a particularly
meaningful and sustainable contribution to maintaining
world peace and international security and to realizing
the purposes of the Organization. That twofold
approach would increase the Council’s efficiency and
its ability to act and to assert itself.
For 40 years, the composition of the Security
Council has remained unchanged. I believe it is high
time to adapt it to the new global reality. Half-baked or
interim solutions are neither necessary nor helpful.
Like Brazil, India and Japan, Germany too is ready to
take on the responsibility associated with a permanent
seat in the security Council. But it is especially
important to us that the African continent be
represented among the new permanent members.
A second aspect also has to be taken into account
in Security Council reform. All in all, a greater number
of Member States that are engaging themselves in the
work of the United Nations should be able to get more
involved in the work of the Security Council. For that
to happen, additional non-permanent seats also have to
be created. That would mean that the balance between
permanent and non-permanent members could be
retained.
As I said before, United Nations reform will be
the central and defining theme of this General
Assembly session. I thus call upon Member States: let
us use the fifty-ninth session, right up until the next
session in 2005, to launch the overdue reforms and
achieve tangible results. We, the Member States, have
to muster the political insight, the will and the
creativity to adapt the Organization to the global
reality. Germany is ready to make a committed
contribution.


I congratulate
you, Sir, on your presidency and know well that we are
in excellent hands. I should also like to pay tribute to
Mr. Julian Hunte for his excellent stewardship of the
fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
We are enthusiastic at the forthcoming 10-year
review of the Barbados Programme of Action. We see
it as an extension and implementation of the
4

commitments agreed to in the Johannesburg Plan of
Implementation and, in particular, in its chapter VII.
Whilst the developmental path to Mauritius in January
2005 has been fraught with its own challenges, it is
critical to small island developing States that the
impetus for that important global review not be lost in
its own rhetoric. It is paramount that the outcomes
from Mauritius be refined and focused on translating
the oft-quoted special case of small island developing
States into firm and timely support and global
implementation. As such, participation by all member
States in the forthcoming preparatory process and in
the International Meeting in Mauritius is essential to
realizing our development aspirations.
The geographical makeup of small island States
puts some of our islands at a disadvantage. That is
because economic development has focused on larger
islands with large populations, which thereby enjoy a
higher per capita income than do other islands of the
country. That is true of Tonga, where the main focus of
development has been devoted to the larger islands of
the three main island groups, but within each of those
three groups other islands need further economic
development. Three remote islands to the north, known
as the Niuas, are disadvantaged by the tyranny of
distance and are in fact in closer proximity to Samoa
than they are to our own capital. The outlying islands
of the Vava’u and Ha’apai groups are less developed
than their main islands, while `Eua to the south-east of
Tongatapu has potential but needs targeted inputs.
Though we have designated core donors to those
islands, their further development will need additional
or new resources. So I hope that, in the review of the
Barbados Programme of Action, some thought is given
to the lot of those living on these disadvantaged
islands.
As a developing ocean State, we are vigilant
about progress in ocean affairs and law of the sea
issues. We consider the valuable contribution made by
the meeting of States parties to the Convention on the
Law of the Sea and its subsidiary bodies — in
particular, the achievements of the International
Seabed Authority, to whose mandate a research
function should be added, and the work of the
Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf —
worthy of mention. Together with the important role of
the United Nations Open-ended Informal Consultative
Process, this sets a firm and practical platform for our
work during this session.
I am happy to note that the third informal meeting
of States parties to the United Nations Fish Stocks
Agreement has seen firm commitments by certain
States Parties to enable the implementation and
concrete operation of elements of part VII of the
Agreement with special emphasis on and relevance to
small island developing States. We continue to
encourage other member States to become parties to
the Agreement.
We are particularly pleased that the Convention
for the Conservation and Management of Highly
Migratory Fish Stocks in the Western and Central
Pacific Ocean entered into force earlier this year. We
consider that special milestone worthy of note in the
Assembly’s work.
Wanton acts of terrorism continue to test our
fortitude as members of the international community.
We must remain collectively resolute in our resolve to
prevent and vigorously combat the proponents of that
evil, and we must be innovative and versatile in our
pursuit of meaningful countermeasures and lasting
solutions.
We continue to strongly support the work of the
Counter-Terrorism Committee and applaud the recent
revitalization of it and its work. Security Council
resolution 1373 (2001) remains the basis of domestic
measures implemented by my Government, including
the submission of country and, where appropriate,
regional reports. It is useful to identify areas where
financial and technical assistance is necessary to
enable stronger compliance by all States in meeting
their international obligations.
After eight years of negotiations, Tonga’s
accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) is in
the final stages. Bilateral market access agreements on
goods and services have been concluded with
Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, New
Zealand and Panama. Agreement with the United
States is outstanding, as it has requested that we accede
to the Chemical Harmonization Agreement and the
Information Technology Agreement. Although this is
an additional burden on us, we do understand that the
United States is requesting the same commitments
from every acceding country. The working group
report has been discussed at informal working parties
and so gives rise to cautious optimism that we could
conclude the process before the 2005 ministerial
meeting.
5

Tonga needs the understanding and the support of
all WTO members as we seek commitments
commensurate with the size of our economy and the
stage of our development. To be sure, Tonga is not
seeking greater market access, but desires security for
its trade under a rule-based, multilateral trading
system.
Tonga adheres strictly to the “one China” policy
and recognizes that Taiwan is an inalienable part of
China. We welcome the shared principle of non-
interference in each other’s internal affairs and, as
such, we consider that delicate and sensitive issues are
best dealt with in an across-the-Strait dialogue rather
than at international forums.
We welcome the expanding cooperation with
China and recognize that its huge market provides a
range of commercial, financial and trade possibilities
for us and, to that end, Tonga has adopted a “look east”
policy. To give effect to its interests in China, Tonga
will soon establish a diplomatic presence in Beijing to
explore those interests further.
For a decade now, we have exported our squash
produce to Japan and, more recently, we have been
exporting specially cultivated seaweed to its markets. It
is timely that we now explore further forms of
cooperation with Japan in the field of fisheries, trade in
other produce, financial and investment possibilities, as
well as education and training. To pursue those
interests, we are giving thought to a possible presence
in Tokyo, although such an undertaking will be
determined by available financial resources. The policy
does not supplant the long-existing warm ties of
friendship we enjoy with Australia, New Zealand,
France and the United States in the Pacific region, as
those friendly ties and a broad range of cooperation are
firmly rooted in our policy.
My Government has approved the fourth
deployment later in the year of police officers to the
Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands
(RAMSI). Also, approval has been given for the
deployment of the third contingent of defence
personnel for 2005, in concert with the agreed rotation
formula under RAMSI.
We all look forward to the report of the High-
Level Panel. Judging from the makeup of the Panel and
its formidable credentials, I should think the report and
recommendations will set the tone for the constructive
engagement of the General Assembly.
The membership of the Security Council ought to
be expanded in both the permanent and non-permanent
categories in accordance with the realities of the day
and perceptions of tomorrow. We believe that Japan
should be a permanent member and that there should
be a permanent seat for Africa and another for Latin
America.
Five years ago, Tonga was admitted to
membership of the United Nations and has since
actively participated in United Nations activities. It is
now giving favourable consideration to contributing to
the United Nations peacekeeping efforts. Consequently,
arrangements for our participation will be discussed
further with the United Nations. The scope of our
deployment will be fashioned by our available
manpower and financial capacity.
Although violence renders an enduring peace
elusive, we continue to harbour hopes that a lasting
peace can soon be concluded so that a Palestinian State
can be established, living side by side with the State of
Israel in internationally recognized borders and in
peace and security.
Our development has been made possible through
domestic resources and also through bilateral and
multilateral programmes of assistance, all of which
have been highly appreciated. Our major donor
partners have been Australia, China, the European
Union — with some members providing additional
assistance — Japan and New Zealand. The United
States provides assistance through its fisheries treaty
with the Pacific region and through other avenues. In
recent times, India, Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia
have provided technical assistance. The United Nations
Development Programme, the Global Environment
Facility, the United Nations Environment Programme,
the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, the
World Health Organization, the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the
Global Fund, the World Bank and other financial
institutions have provided various forms of assistance
and technical expertise. Much of the technical
assistance is channelled to combating diabetes and
tuberculosis and preventing the spread of the
HIV/AIDS. Other assistance has been directed at
meeting our Millennium Development Goals and to
small community programmes and projects.


 At the outset, I wish to join
other Member States in congratulating you,
Mr. President, on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. Given your
extensive experience and wisdom, I am confident that
you will successfully steer the course of this session,
which is important for the challenging world that we
live in today.
I commend the efforts and the contribution to the
United Nations of Mr. Julian Hunte as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session, and I
express my appreciation to Secretary-General Kofi
Annan for his commitment, dedication and leadership
in working to further the realization of the objectives
and the mission of the United Nations in our
increasingly complex world.
Since 11 September 2001, the response to
terrorism at the global, regional and national levels has
been significant and massive. Nevertheless, despite the
progress we have made in our efforts, countries
throughout the world continue to suffer from terrorist
attacks that continue to kill innocent people. Therefore,
I believe that our response to this deadly threat to
humanity must be more comprehensive. However, I
also believe that, while we fight terrorism relentlessly,
we should do our best to understand its true root
causes. When we are able to do that, we can hope to
eliminate terrorism.
When the Millennium Development Goals were
launched in 2000, they held much hope for developing
countries, but so far there have been no meaningful
results. Poverty on many parts of the globe remains
one of the greatest challenges in the world today, with
more than 1.2 billion people surviving on less than $1
per day. Global poverty reduction is not the
responsibility of developing countries alone; it is also
the shared responsibility of the international
community, particularly the developed countries.
Perhaps it is time for more concrete actions rather than
mere declarations.
With regard to the Middle East conflict, I believe
that the international community should continue to
support the inalienable and sacred right of the
Palestinian people to an independent State. We should
also urge all parties involved to put an end to the
violence once and for all. All the parties must put aside
4

their hatred and their historical animosity. Both the
Palestinians and the Israelis must realize that they have
equal rights to coexist, living side by side in peace and
harmony for the sake of their own peoples and peace in
the region.
Concerning the situation in Iraq, I believe that the
current, unending violence there has not created an
environment conducive to national reconciliation and
peace. It is my view that the United Nations and the
international community must do everything possible
to restore peace, security and political stability to Iraq
so that the Iraqi people will have a chance to choose, in
a sovereign manner, their own leaders and their own
Government. I believe that democracy can never be
exported or imported; it is a state of mind and must be
learned.
With regard to the Taiwan issue, Cambodia is of
the view that it is a vital issue not only for China, but
also for the region as a whole. Cambodia, like other
members of the community of nations, has been
unequivocally supportive of a genuine “one-China”
policy, since we recognize the fact that Taiwan is an
integral part of China.
Every year in the General Assembly, most
members of this global institution have called for
reform of the United Nations, particularly of the
Security Council. Indeed, Cambodia is of the view that
reform of the Council is essential, not only for the
credibility of the Council itself, but for that of the
entire United Nations system as well. The reform of
the Security Council will undoubtedly reflect the
realities of the world today. In reforming the Council
by enlarging its membership, we will make it more
representative, more democratic and more efficient. In
that regard, Cambodia supports the candidacies of
Japan, Germany and India for permanent seats on the
Council. The number of non-permanent members
representing various parts of the world should also be
increased.
Cambodia wishes to appeal to all Member States
to support its candidacy for a non-permanent seat on
the Security Council for the period 2006-2007. Since
we joined the United Nations in 1955, Cambodia has
never held any position within it, although we have
always cooperated closely with the Organization.
With the formation of our new Government in
July this year, and with the adoption of our rectangular
strategy and our political programme, the Royal
Government of Cambodia has accorded top priority to
building good governance in order to carry out key
areas of reform and the four pillars of its rectangular
strategy for socio-economic development.
In conclusion, I believe that we need to ensure
that the Millennium Development Goals are followed
up and carried out in response to the hopes of the
billions of poor people who live in developing
countries. Moreover, I feel that poverty reduction
should remain a top priority to be addressed
collectively by the international community so that we
can close the gap between the haves and the have-nots.
In the light of the challenges that pose greater threats
to our world today than ever before — terrorism,
violence, conflict, poverty, epidemics of infectious
diseases, environmental degradation and many
others — I firmly believe that we need a stronger and
more efficient United Nations to address those
challenges in the most effective way possible. In that
regard, the Organization must be truly representative,
fully democratic and strongly committed to the cause
of humanity.


I am honoured to
address the General Assembly for the first time. On
behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I
convey to you, Mr. President, and to other members of
the Bureau our warm congratulations on your election
to steer the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session.
I am confident that, with your experience and
professionalism, you will lead us to the fruitful
conclusion of this session. I would also like to pay
tribute to His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte for his
outstanding performance as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-eighth session.
Kenya is convinced that a vibrant, responsive and
representative United Nations system is the desire of
all Member States. My delegation welcomes the
ongoing efforts to reorganize and revitalize the United
Nations to make it more effective and efficient. The
revitalization exercise must reaffirm the status of the
General Assembly as the pre-eminent policy-making
organ of the United Nations, as envisaged in the United
Nations Charter. With respect to the Security Council,
it should be enlarged, democratized and made more
representative to reflect the Organization’s membership
in the twenty-first century. We look forward to the
findings of the High-level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change, appointed by the Secretary-
General during last year’s session of the General
Assembly.
I pay tribute to the Secretary-General, His
Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, for his commitment and
his efforts to ensure the capacity of United Nations
offices, in particular the United Nations Office at
Nairobi, the only United Nations headquarters in a
developing country. We are encouraged to note that,
during the fifty-eighth session of the General
Assembly, budgetary provisions were made for
improving and modernizing conference facilities at the
Nairobi Office. Nonetheless, there is still a great deal
to be done. We urge the Secretary-General to
significantly increase the regular budget component of
funding the United Nations Office at Nairobi to bring it
in line with the administrative and financial
arrangements of similar United Nations Offices at
Geneva and Vienna.
The production, stockpiling, transfer and use of
anti-personnel mines are problems of major
proportions that have caused untold suffering to
populations throughout the world, with Africa the most
mine-affected continent. Kenya has been given the
honour to host the First Review Conference of the
Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling,
Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and
on Their Destruction — the Ottawa Convention.
The Conference — also known as the 2004
Nairobi Summit on a Mine-free World — will be held
from 29 November to 3 December 2004. Among the
events scheduled will be the pre-Conference
ceremonies on 28 November, presided over by the
President of the Republic of Kenya, the Honourable
Mwai Kibaki, who has extended invitations to world
leaders to attend the Conference. I take this
opportunity to invite each and every one of those
present here to participate at the highest possible level
at the Conference. I also encourage them to take
advantage of their presence in Nairobi to sample
Kenya’s hospitality and particularly its world-famous
safaris, as well as the sandy beaches along Kenya’s
coast.
27

International peace, security and stability are
prerequisites for sustainable development. Kenya
recognized early that peace and stability should be the
cornerstone of both its national and foreign policies.
Consequently, Kenya has taken an active part in the
search for peaceful solutions to conflicts in our
subregion, in Africa and in the rest of the world.
Within the framework of the Intergovernmental
Authority on Development (IGAD), Kenya is chairing
the southern Sudan peace process and the Somali
reconciliation process. I am pleased to report that, in
the Sudan peace process, milestones have been
achieved since the signing of the first protocols in
2002. The Nairobi Declaration on the final phase of the
Sudan peace process was signed on 5 June 2004.
Although the process has been long and tedious, a
final peace agreement is within reach for the two-
decade-long conflict. I would like to appeal to the
international community to redouble its support and
commitment in assisting the people of the Sudan to
achieve peace through constructive dialogue. It is also
my hope that events in the Darfur region will not
subsume the positive developments achieved by the
Naivasha process. However, post-conflict
reconstruction will require considerable resources. The
international community must rise to that challenge.
As regards the Somali peace process, I am
pleased to report encouraging developments in the past
few weeks that indicate a willingness on the part of the
people of Somalia to embrace peace after 14 years of
turmoil. In mid-August, 275 members of Parliament
were elected by representatives of the Somali people,
and the Transitional Federal Parliament of the Somali
Republic was inaugurated on 29 August in Nairobi.
Subsequently, the Parliament elected its Speaker on 15
September 2004. It is expected that the President will
be elected next month. The process has been long and
costly, but, as a result of our determination and
optimism, we hope to witness the installation of a
Federal Government of Somalia by the end of this year.
The presence of a Government in Mogadishu, however,
should be not an end in itself, but the beginning of a
long journey towards peace, stability and development.
I appeal to the international community, and
especially the United Nations, to move with speed and
to provide the support necessary for capacity-building,
infrastructure and security and other logistical support
for the new Government. I would like to express
Kenya’s gratitude for the assistance provided by IGAD
Partners Forum, the United Nations and the
international community as a whole in support of both
peace processes.
Long-standing conflicts in our subregion have led
to the proliferation of small arms and light weapons,
which constitute major security concerns to my country
and others. For example, Kenya has been at the
forefront of regional initiatives to combat this menace.
In March 2000, Kenya hosted the First Ministerial
Review Conference of the Nairobi Declaration on the
Problem of the Proliferation of Illicit Small Arms and
Light Weapons in the Great Lakes Region and the Horn
of Africa, which produced the Declaration. In April
this year, Kenya hosted the Second Ministerial Review
Conference of the Nairobi Declaration, which adopted
the Nairobi Protocol for the Prevention, Control and
Reduction of Small Arms and Light Weapons. Those
efforts are intended to consolidate a regional
framework within which to deal with the problem of
proliferation in order to improve security so that the
people of the region can redirect their energies and
resources towards meaningful economic activities.
Kenya therefore welcomes and fully supports the
convening of the international conference for the Great
Lakes region on conflict and development, scheduled
for 17-20 November 2004 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
My delegation applauds the United Nations and the
African Union for mobilizing support and resources for
the preparation of the conference.
The threat of international terrorism remains real.
We unreservedly condemn all acts of international
terrorism. On behalf of my delegation and the Kenyan
people, I extend our sympathy to the Government and
people of Russia on the recent barbaric terrorist attack
on innocent school children, parents and teachers in
Beslan. Kenya has been a victim of terrorist attacks in
the recent past. We are therefore more convinced than
ever of the need to address this issue collectively. No
single country, however resourceful, has the capacity to
successfully deal with it on its own. I would like to
assure the Assembly that Kenya fully supports
international efforts in dealing with this problem.
Collective efforts to address the issue must be through
international cooperation, information and intelligence
sharing, coordinated by the United Nations.
In line with the international efforts to ensure that
peace and security prevail, we welcome the decision by
the African Union to establish a standby African force.
28

Kenya has been honoured to host one of the regional
centres, the Eastern Africa Brigade. We are ready to
provide the requisite facilities and logistical support to
the centre. On the international arena, Kenya has long
been a major troop-contributing country in
peacekeeping operations and will continue to actively
participate with other nations under the aegis of the
United Nations. We call upon the international
community to assist the African Union in realizing the
establishment of the force, which will be one of the key
tools for ensuring peace and stability on the continent.
Poverty remains a major impediment to
sustainable development, particularly for developing
countries. Current trends indicate that countries in sub-
Saharan Africa will not meet the Millennium
Development Goals by the year 2015. We emphasize
the importance of the fulfilment of the eighth
Millennium Development Goal on a global partnership
for development, and especially the realization of the
target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product as
official development assistance from developed
countries. We therefore look forward to the outcome of
the 2005 high-level plenary of the General Assembly
on the review of the implementation of the outcomes of
the major United Nations conferences and summits in
the economic, social and related fields, including the
Millennium Declaration.
The attainment of the Millennium Development
Goals will depend on how effectively we deal with the
HIV/AIDS pandemic and other related communicable
diseases, among other problems. In sub-Saharan
Africa, it has resulted in a reversal of economic and
social gains made over the years. Governments need to
develop strategic plans that identify key priority
response areas, such as prevention and advocacy,
treatment, care and support. Also important are the
mitigation of the socio-economic impact and research.
We are grateful to our development partners and the
United Nations Global Fund for their support and
provision of resources in fighting these diseases. We
look forward to their continued assistance.
At the regional level, tremendous progress has
been made towards regional economic integration. The
East African Community Customs Union Protocol,
which was signed on 2 March 2004 by Kenya, Uganda
and Tanzania, is intended to create a single investment
and trade area. We hope that this positive development
will encourage local and foreign direct investment in
the subregion.
We welcome the support accorded to the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)
initiative by the United Nations and the G-8 countries.
However, we regret to note that the commitments made
to the NEPAD initiative have not been fully realized
and call upon our development partners to fulfil their
pledges.
This year, Kenya is facing a severe famine caused
by drought, which has affected a large section of the
population. Consequently, Kenya and the United
Nations have issued a joint appeal for assistance to
contain the famine. We are grateful for the prompt
support of the World Food Programme, the United
Nations Children’s Fund, the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, the United Nations
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
and bilateral donors. However, the need for more
assistance still exists.
To achieve long-term economic stability and
development, the Government of Kenya has embarked
on an economic recovery strategy for wealth and
employment creation, aimed at revitalizing the
economy and enhancing the welfare of our people.
Other measures have been taken to improve the well-
being of the Kenyan people. Those include the
improvement and promotion of the welfare of children
through free and compulsory primary education and the
recognition of the central role played by women in
development.
In conclusion, I would like to emphasize the
important role the United Nations plays in global
affairs. It could be greatly enhanced through adherence
to the provisions of the Charter and to the rule of law.
Member States should respect those instruments in the
conduct of their international relations.


I would like first
of all to extend my sincere congratulations to Mr. Jean
Ping on his assumption of the presidency of General
Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. I have every
confidence that he will meet with distinction the
challenges of his eminent office. I would also like to
take this opportunity to pay tribute to his predecessor,
Mr. Julian Robert Hunte, as well as to Secretary-
General Kofi Annan.
The past year has been marked by a series of
atrocious terrorist attacks. The stark reality is that no
people or nation is safe from the spectre of
international terrorism. Through their cowardly acts,
terrorists seek to generate chaos and fear, raining
violence upon the innocent — even children, as we so
27

painfully and clearly witnessed in the recent tragedy in
Beslan, Russia. I would like to take this opportunity to
extend my sincere sympathy to all those affected by
terrorist attacks around the world.
The Republic of Korea has been no exception in
its exposure to heinous terrorist attacks. In particular,
we experienced, with deep sorrow and pain, the loss of
a Korean — a victim of such savagery — in Iraq in
June this year. There can be no justification whatsoever
for such brutality and cruel disregard for human life.
That inhuman act has only bolstered our determination
to rid the world of the dark cloud of terrorism. The
Republic of Korea remains firm in its conviction that
the international community must never give in to the
demands of terrorists.
The fight against terrorism calls for unity in the
international community, with the United Nations in
the lead, as well as the enhanced ability of each
individual Member State to combat terrorism.
Iraq still remains a very pressing security concern
for the international community. The inauguration of
an interim Government and the transfer of sovereignty
set in motion the process of political transition towards
a new era of democracy for the Iraqi people. The
United Nations has a wealth of experience to offer Iraq
in the process of its political normalization and
national rehabilitation. The transition cannot proceed
smoothly, however, without the restoration of order. To
that end, the assistance of the international community
is vital.
The Republic of Korea has been actively
participating in international efforts to build a peaceful,
democratic and prosperous Iraq. We strongly believe
that stability in Iraq is vital for peace and security in
the Middle East and beyond. In implementation of
Security Council resolutions 1511 (2003) and 1546
(2004), we are in the process of dispatching 3,600
troops to the multinational forces in Iraq. The aim of
this is to assist the Iraqi people’s efforts aimed at
rehabilitation and reconstruction. We have also pledged
to contribute $260 million to that end, focusing on
areas such as health, education, capacity-building, job
creation and the provision of electricity.
Terrorism lends renewed urgency to our common
endeavour to halt the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and their means of delivery. In particular,
this year’s revelations about a nuclear black-market
network in Asia have alerted the international
community to the danger of nuclear weapons falling
into terrorist hands. Faced with this new kind of threat
to nuclear non-proliferation, the international
community must work to close the loopholes in the
existing non-proliferation regime. Against that
backdrop, my Government strongly supports Security
Council resolution 1540 (2004) on non-proliferation,
adopted by the Council in April this year.
The Republic of Korea has actively participated
in the efforts of the international community in the
non-proliferation field. In February this year, we
became the thirty-ninth country to ratify the Additional
Protocol to the Safeguards Agreement. In June, we
joined the Group of Eight (G8) Global Partnership
against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass
Destruction in order to support joint efforts to stem the
spread of deadly arsenals. We held the chairmanship of
the Nuclear Suppliers Group for the year 2003-2004,
and we will also host the plenary meeting of the
Missile Technology Control Regime in Seoul next
month. These are just a few facts that attest to my
Government’s unwavering commitment to the cause of
the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
Given such a solid commitment on our part, my
Government reported the recent discoveries about past
scientific experiments involving nuclear materials in
my country pursuant to the additional protocol to the
safeguards agreement with the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA). The experiments were
isolated, laboratory-scale research activities that a few
scientists conducted on their own for purely
experimental purposes. In good faith and with full
transparency, my Government has been providing full
cooperation to the IAEA in its activities to review and
verify our declarations on nuclear research activities.
Renewing and reaffirming our commitment to
nuclear non-proliferation and the peaceful use of nuclear
energy, the Government of the Republic of Korea
announced the following “Four Principles for the
Peaceful Use of Nuclear Energy” on 18 September 2004.
First, the Republic of Korea reaffirms that it has
no intention of developing or possessing nuclear
weapons. Secondly, the Republic of Korea will firmly
maintain nuclear transparency and will strengthen our
cooperation with the international community to this
end. Thirdly, the Republic of Korea will faithfully
abide by the norms set out in agreements on nuclear
non-proliferation, including the Treaty on the Non-
28

Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the Joint
Declaration on the Denuclearization of the Korean
Peninsula. Fourthly, on the basis of international trust
and with the highest level of transparency, the Republic
of Korea will continue to expand the peaceful use of
nuclear energy.
I would now like to turn to one of the most
important tasks that lie ahead: resolving the North
Korean nuclear issue. The Government of the Republic
of Korea has been actively engaged in the efforts to
bring about a peaceful resolution to this issue through
the six-party talks process. The Republic of Korea
firmly believes that the expeditious resolution of the
North Korean nuclear issue is in the best interests of all
the participants in the six-party talks, including the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The resolution
of this issue will certainly have a positive impact on
the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. It will also
have a profound effect on the relations between North
Korea and the other countries participating in the six-
party talks.
Upon the resolution of the nuclear issue, North
Korea would indeed be able to become a full-fledged
member of the international community, enabling it to
gain all the accompanying benefits. It is our fervent
wish that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
will make a strategic decision to forgo all its nuclear-
weapon programmes, including its uranium enrichment
programmes, in a thorough and transparent manner.
The Government of the Republic of Korea also
strongly hopes that the fourth round of talks will be
held as soon as possible, so that we can engage in
substantive discussions on concrete steps toward the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
While seeking a peaceful resolution to the North
Korean nuclear issue, the Korean Government is
working hard to ensure the steady improvement of
inter-Korean relations. Indeed, Government-level
meetings have been institutionalized and as many as 90
such meetings have been held over the past two years.
Impressive progress is also being made on major
projects for economic cooperation. In particular, the
start of operations at the Gaesong industrial complex,
scheduled for later this year, will be a significant
achievement in inter-Korean cooperation.
As a result of such efforts, we believe that inter-
Korean exchanges and cooperation have now advanced
to a point from which there is no turning back. The rise
of such inter-Korean interaction and interdependence
will certainly contribute to peace and prosperity on the
Korean peninsula and beyond.
There are no easy answers to the many problems
the world now faces, and poverty is at the top of that
list. The roots of poverty run deep, with no simple
solution in sight. A large part of the human population
still languishes in abject poverty, presenting a serious
stumbling block to the achievement of our shared goal
of lasting peace and prosperity for all.
Four years ago, the leaders of the world pledged
to reduce by half the proportion of people living in
poverty and hunger by the year 2015 as part of the
Millennium Development Goals. However, at this
point, the gap between the objectives and the tangible
progress we have made remains wide. It is our sincere
hope that the 2005 high-level meeting to review the
progress made in the implementation of the Goals will
serve to renew our commitment to the world’s poor.
Political will is the key.
Over the past year, the United Nations has
continued its efforts to realize our common aspirations
for the promotion of human rights, freedom and well-
being. While persevering in its quest to make human
rights universal, the United Nations has exerted special
efforts to enable the most vulnerable of our fellow human
beings to enjoy the rights and freedoms that should be
guaranteed to all. In particular, much progress has been
made in the endeavours to draft a convention to
promote the rights of persons with disabilities.
The Government of the Republic of Korea
strongly supports global action to strengthen the values
of human rights and democracy around the world. Just
last week in Seoul, we organized a seminar on good
governance practices for the promotion of human
rights, in conjunction with the Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the
United Nations Development Programme.
Next year in Seoul, my Government will also
host the Sixth Global Forum on Reinventing
Government, in cooperation with the United Nations.
We are convinced that this Forum will serve as a useful
venue for the exchange of experience in Government
innovations aimed at enhancing participation and
transparency in governance.
We also support the United Nations in reaching
out to people in distress in many corners of the world
29

and providing life-saving assistance to millions of
refugees and others displaced by conflicts and natural
disasters. We share the concern of the international
community over the humanitarian crisis unfolding in
Darfur, Sudan. Security Council resolution 1564 (2004)
should be implemented so as to bring back peace and
stability to this troubled area and its inhabitants.
Furthermore, all too often, the complexities of
major crises have been fuelled by the public health
emergency created by the HIV/AIDS pandemic. In
order to overcome the scourge of HIV/AIDS, it is vital
that we strengthen the global assistance mechanisms.
In this regard, the 3 by 5 Initiative of the World Health
Organization, aimed at providing antiretroviral
treatment to 3 million infected people by the year
2005, is a very timely and proactive initiative.
For almost six decades, the United Nations has
played a crucial role in merging the diverse interests of
our Member States for the global good. As the
international community becomes more interdependent
and areas of cooperation expand further in the twenty-
first century, the world body will have an even greater
role to play.
Meanwhile, doubts have been expressed as to
whether the current United Nations system is suitable
for confronting the challenges of the new century. As
the Secretary-General has pointed out, the United
Nations has come to a fork in the road. Choices must
be made if the United Nations is to be strengthened and
made more effective.
In that regard, the Republic of Korea hopes that the
High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change
established on the recommendation of the Secretary-
General will identify the challenges the international
community faces and recommend ways to deal with
them effectively. We look forward to the Panel’s report
and hope that its recommendations will shed light on
ways to make the United Nations more effective and
responsive to the needs of the twenty-first century.
No doubt, continued reform of the United Nations
will be an important part of our discussions. In
particular, the Security Council, as the primary organ
for maintaining peace and security, must be reformed
in such a way as to make it more representative and
democratic than it is today. In that regard, we share the
view that the Security Council should be expanded to
adequately reflect the increase in the membership of
the United Nations during the past decades. Expansion
of the Security Council should be designed to enable
more countries to participate in the Council more often,
and on the basis of a more equitable geographical
distribution. In that spirit, we support an increase in
non-permanent members so as to accord to those
Member States willing and able to contribute to
international peace and security greater opportunities
to serve in the Council.
As diverse as they are, there is a common thread
that holds together all the views expressed in this
honourable Hall. We are all united in the goal of seeking a
better and more peaceful world. Now more than ever,
countries are called to rise to challenges together, as
Members of our one global body. The Republic of
Korea stands firm in its hopes for and belief in the
United Nations as the steadfast anchor for our
collective endeavours and remains as committed as ever
to fully playing its part in all areas of its noble work.


Allow me to convey to you, Sir, on behalf of the head
of State, the Prime Minister and the Government and
people of Côte d’Ivoire, my sincere congratulations on
your unanimous election to preside over the General
Assembly at its fifty-ninth session.
Africa is proud to see, yet again, one of its sons
in that eminent role. The sign of confidence on the part
of all States Members of the United Nations reflects
the great appreciation of the role being played by your
country, Gabon, and by its President, His Excellency
El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba, in dealing with the
major issues characterizing development in the world,
particularly in Africa.
I am also gratified to have this opportunity to say
how grateful we are to your predecessor, Mr. Julian
Hunte, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saint Lucia,
who, with his many years of skill as a diplomat,
brilliantly discharged his mission. He also deserves our
gratitude and our plaudits.
Finally, I would like to express my warm
appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
for the active and decisive role he has continued to
play as head of the United Nations.
During the year 2004, the process of national
peace and reconciliation initiated, following the
signing of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement and of
Accra II, by the parties and political forces in Côte
d’Ivoire encountered a major deadlock with the events
in March and the suspension of the activities of the
Government of National Reconciliation.
A solution to that dangerous deadlock required
determined action from all parties involved. That
action, fortunately, was forthcoming from the
Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi
Annan, who took the initiative of organizing a high-
level meeting on Côte d’Ivoire on 6 July 2004 in Addis
Ababa at the time of the third summit of the African
Union. The major decision of that meeting was the
convening, in Accra, of a summit devoted to the crisis
in the Côte d’Ivoire. The summit, known as Accra III,
was preceded, on the recommendation of the high-level
meeting in Addis Ababa, by meetings of the major
joint Ivorian/Burkina Faso and Ivorian/Malian
commissions in July 2004, and by a mini-summit
which brought together the heads of State of Côte
d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso and Mali on 27 July 2004 in
Bamako.
During those meetings, Burkina Faso, Côte
d’Ivoire and Mali agreed, inter alia, on the need to
revitalize their cooperation in various areas, including
human rights; the strengthening of safe economic
corridors pending the reunification of Côte d’Ivoire;
the strengthening of cooperation in security and
defence matters, especially the surveillance of borders;
a commitment not to allow the territory of one State to
serve as a base for the destabilization of other States of
the subregion; and the commitment of the three
countries to work together to ensure the success of the
disarmament, demobilization and reintegration
programme undertaken in Côte d’Ivoire.
Those various meetings between the Côte
d’Ivoire and its neighbours created a climate of
confidence and in part contributed to the success of the
Accra III summit, held in the capital of Ghana on
29 July 2004 under the co-chairmanship of His
Excellency Mr. John Kufuor, President of Ghana and
Acting President of the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS), and the Secretary-General
of the United Nations, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan,
and in the presence of ten heads of State of Africa, the
Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union
and the Executive Secretary of ECOWAS.
24

In the context of the holding, in Côte d’Ivoire, of
open, free and transparent elections in 2005, important
decisions accompanied by a road map were made at the
Accra III summit. Thus, the President of the Republic,
owing to the serious and continuing threats to the
territorial integrity of Côte d’Ivoire resulting from the
continuing crisis, had to make use of the powers
conferred on him by the Constitution, with a view to
implementing the provisions of section III, concerning
eligibility, of the programme of the Government of
National Reconciliation annexed to the Linas-
Marcoussis Agreement, for the end of the month of
September 2004.
The National Assembly was due to be convened
in special session before the end of August 2004 in
order to consider and adopt all the legislative texts
provided for in the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The
political forces of Côte d’Ivoire committed themselves
to beginning the disarmament, demobilization and
reintegration programme by 15 October 2004 at the
latest. Moreover, they requested that the Prime
Minister and the Government set a timetable for the
restoration of State administration and public services
throughout national territory.
As of today, the results of the reforms are as
follows:
On the political level, we should note the
reintegration of the three ministers who were dismissed
from the Government of National Reconciliation and
the signing of a decree delegating powers to the Prime
Minister. Thanks to these developments, the
Government of National Reconciliation resumed its
activities, as shown by the meetings Council of
Ministers held since then, in which all members of the
Government participated.
On the legislative level, I am pleased to note the
convening of the deputies in a special session as of
11 August 2004 to consider the most recent texts
resulting from the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. I
would like to recall that the National Assembly has
already adopted laws on amnesty; the identification of
individuals and the stay of foreigners in Côte d’Ivoire;
the amendment of article 26 on rural land holdings; the
financing of political parties, factions and electoral
campaigns under public funding; the declaration of the
national heritage by the President of the Republic; the
ratification of the additional protocol that amends and
supplements the provisions of article 7 of the protocol
regarding the free movement of individuals and right
of residence and of settlement, signed in Ouagadougou
on 30 June 1989; and finally, the National Committee
on Human Rights in Côte d’Ivoire. Several texts are
currently being discussed in Parliament, and others are
not yet under the ambit of that institution. The latter
include draft laws dealing with a revision of article 35
of the constitution on criteria for eligibility for the
presidency of the Republic; the legal regime for audio-
visual communication; the status of the opposition; the
declaration of assets of elected individuals; and the
suppression of profiteering.
Regarding the military, the desire for peace is
clear. Thus, after a pause of several months, the so-
called quadripartite meetings, which bring together the
defence and security forces and the armed forces of the
Forces nouvelles under the aegis of impartial forces,
that is, the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire
(UNOCI) and Operation Licorne, have resumed.
Athletic events have been taking place recently
between the national armed forces and those of the
Forces nouvelles in an atmosphere of fraternity and
good cheer. It should be recalled that, since 4 July
2003, the Government forces and the armed forces of
the Forces nouvelles have signed an agreement
marking the end of the war, and this agreement has
been respected since then. I would also like to
emphasize that, according to the commander of the
UNOCI military force, more than 90 per cent of the
troops of the United Nations peacekeeping force are
already deployed in Côte d’Ivoire. All that is needed
now is military logistics support for this force to be
entirely operational.
Regarding the redeployment of the administration
in those areas which have been subjected to war, this
operation is gradually continuing, to the satisfaction of
local populations, particularly in the west of the
country.
As to alleged human rights violations following
the crisis, Côte d’Ivoire has, out of a concern to combat
impunity, above all, indicated its will to be open to all
visits or investigations — which, in fact, it has itself
requested — in order to appropriately asses the
situation. In this regard, I can state that Côte d’Ivoire
received a visit in January and February 2004 from the
special rapporteurs on freedom of opinion and
expression, the elimination of racial discrimination and
migrants and mercenaries. During their missions, they
had full and total cooperation from the authorities in
25

Côte d’Ivoire. The same is true for the international
commission of inquiry into allegations of violations of
human rights of 25 and 26 March 2004, and the
national commission of inquiry set up in June 2004 to
shed light on all alleged human rights violations
committed in Côte d’Ivoire since 19 September 2002.
That latter commission, which has just concluded its
work, should shed light on all allegations of human
rights violations in Côte d’Ivoire, including those
recently committed in Korhogo.
Moreover, the National Assembly of Côte
d’Ivoire, for its part, has established a parliamentary
commission of inquiry designed to investigate the
events of 19 December 2002 and subsequent events, in
order to achieve, we all hope, genuine peace and
reconciliation. National peace and reconciliation are
incompatible with impunity. The international
community should therefore assist Côte d’Ivoire in
identifying the perpetrators of human rights and
international humanitarian law violations in order to
bring them to justice before the competent authorities.
We are starting afresh; we can now lay down the
burden of our past concerns to embark on the path of
hope. All citizens of Côte d’Ivoire without exception
are determined to silence those rivalries that only
spawn hate and rancour and to pool our efforts in the
service of peace through dialogue. This is why we are
counting on the ongoing support of the international
community for our efforts at consolidating inter-
Ivorian dialogue, the principal means for a restoration
of confidence, peace and national reconciliation.
The Government of Côte d’Ivoire therefore takes
note of the statement to the press today by the
President of the Security Council on the situation in
Côte d’Ivoire, a statement that our Government
considers as a step forward to finding a rapid solution
to the crisis. Côte d’Ivoire is also counting on the
assistance of international financial institutions and of
developed countries for the implementation of the
national programme of reconstruction and, in
particular, of disarmament, demobilization and
reintegration.
Allow me to indicate here that the security index
of the United Nations at its present level is
unfortunately a factor that is not facilitating contacts
and therefore the start of negotiations with
international financial institutions. A review that would
lower this level would be most welcome.
I would like to take advantage of this opportunity
to reiterate yet once again the gratitude of the people
and the Government of Côte d’Ivoire to the
international community, in particular to France, the
United States, Canada, all other friendly countries, the
United Nations, the International Organization of la
Francophonie, the European Union, the African Union
and ECOWAS for their invaluable contributions, which
have made it possible to overcome so many obstacles
to date.
The situation in Côte d’Ivoire is not preventing us
from seeing what is taking place elsewhere, above all
on the African continent. The West African subregion
is facing crises in Liberia, Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone
and Côte d’Ivoire. Glimmers of hope for shortly
putting an end to these situations do exist, but that
optimism is clearly tempered by the continuation of
such scourges as trafficking in children, drug
trafficking, trafficking in small arms, mercenaries,
child soldiers and terrorism, to name only these few.
Thus, the strengthening of a coordinated battle against
these scourges, under the aegis of ECOWAS and with
the assistance of the international community, is
necessary.
Côte d’Ivoire is a party to all existing conflict
prevention and management mechanisms and intends
to be fully involved in all initiatives undertaken to
promote peace and stability on the global, continental
and regional level. In that framework, it is contributing
to the drawing up of a strategy for a pacification and
stabilization of the West African region. The situation
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi,
Darfur in Somalia, the Middle East, and Iraq cannot be
ignored and require sustained attention on the part of
the international community. They also undeniably
demonstrate the need for a strengthening of
multilateralism in the settlement of the conflicts
battering the world.
Regarding a reform of the United Nations, and
particularly reform of the Security Council, I should
like to reaffirm the support of Côte d’Ivoire for the
shared African position, voiced several times here from
this rostrum, in favour of an expanded Security
Council with two permanent seats and three other non-
permanent seats for Africa.
The countries of the Third World, which must
cope with numerous difficulties, clearly cannot achieve
the Millennium Development Goals while 2015 is
26

rapidly approaching. However, far from being
overcome by defeatism, Africa has acquired a new
instrument for development, the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development (NEPAD), and its
recommendations are integrated into national and
subregional development and anti-poverty strategies.
The African continent awaits the international
community’s implementation of commitments resulting
from the major international conferences, in particular
those undertaken by the Group of Eight for NEPAD.
I would like to conclude my remarks with an
appeal for solidarity to all, given the numerous dangers
threatening peace and international security. In that
context, Côte d’Ivoire urges respect for commitments
and peace agreements concluded together by all States.
In the view of my country, this active and relentless
commitment to preventing conflicts includes at least
three elements: preventive diplomacy, based on a
system of early warning; education for peace; and,
finally, the struggle against poverty in order to ensure
sustainable development. Therefore, once the
conditions for a peaceful existence have thus been
fulfilled, the entire world will be able to move forward
towards a world of shared well-being and happiness.


Allow me at the outset
to extend my congratulations to you, Mr. Jean Ping, on
your election as President of the fifty-ninth session of
the General Assembly, and to express my conviction
that this session will be concluded successfully under
your presidency. Moreover, I take this opportunity to
congratulate the President of the fifty-eighth session,
Mr. Julian Hunte, on his dedication and on the
successful fulfilment of his responsibilities.
Last year was extremely challenging, for both the
world community and the United Nations. In that
regard, I would like to commend Secretary-General
Kofi Annan for his efforts and contributions in
preserving peace in the world. In his recent address
(see ), he clearly demonstrated once again
his dedication to the cause of the Organization.
We certainly all agree that the United Nations
continues to be the most relevant global forum
addressing international peacekeeping and security
issues. We also agree on the need to renew and reform
its bodies and agendas in order to preserve the vital
role of the Organization. In that context, we look
forward to reading the report being drafted by the
High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change,
which was created by the Secretary-General.
With regard to the reform of the Security Council,
the Republic of Macedonia considers it extremely
important to increase the membership of the Council with
regard to both permanent and non-permanent seats.
The renewal and strengthening of the role of the
Economic and Social Council is equally relevant. The
Republic of Macedonia has presented its candidacy for
the election to the Economic and Social Council to be
held during this session. We are confident that, if
elected and with the support of the General Assembly,
my country will be able to make its full contribution to
improving the efficiency of the Council.
As far as the revitalization of the General
Assembly is concerned, we think that we must seize
the momentum, implement the provisions of the
revised agenda and pursue efforts to make the work of
the Main Committees more focused and rational.
Unfortunately, once again this year, inhuman acts
of terrorism have continued to take innocent lives and
to preoccupy world public opinion. We were all
horrified by the images of human suffering in Madrid,
Beslan and elsewhere. In order to enhance the capacity
of the international community in this respect, we need
to further consolidate the world anti-terrorist coalition
led by the United Nations and, additionally, strengthen
cooperation with regional organizations that have
specific mechanisms to fight this global evil.
The Republic of Macedonia will continue its active
cooperation with the Counter-Terrorism Committee of
the Security Council and make its own contribution to
the implementation of resolution 1373 (2001). In that
regard, I would like to inform the Assembly that, last
May, the Republic of Macedonia ratified the
International Convention for the Suppression of the
Financing of Terrorism and the International
Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings.
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
remains one of the major threats to international peace
and security, and it is closely related to terrorism. We
welcome the Security Council’s adoption of resolution
1540 (2004) on the non-proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction. The implementation of that
resolution will complement the existing set of
instruments and consolidate the role of the Security
Council in this area.
The suppression of the illicit trade in small arms
and light weapons and the total prohibition of anti-
personnel mines are also very important issues, given
the size of the problem and the number of victims
caused by mines. Doing so will contribute greatly to
conflict prevention and successful peacekeeping and
peace-building throughout the world, including our
region. At the end of last year, the Republic of
Macedonia conducted a successful effort to collect
small arms and light weapons. That effort had the
support of the United Nations Development
Programme. Efforts in this regard are ongoing.
We expect that the first review conference of
countries parties to the Ottawa Convention, which is to
be held in Nairobi, will produce a summary of the
results achieved through the implementation of that
extremely important instrument, which will pave the
way to the creation of a world free of landmines.
The Republic of Macedonia has destroyed its
mine stockpiles and is working on the demining of
affected regions. The United Nations Mine Action
Service, together with the International Trust Fund for
5

Demining and Mine Victims Assistance, have provided
a great deal of help in our demining activities.
Unfortunately, violent conflicts have continued
this year. The armed conflict in Darfur and the terrible
humanitarian tragedy it brought about require decisive
action. We support the Security Council resolution in
this regard, and we join the call for further and urgent
action on this matter.
The situation in the Middle East continues to
keep the world on edge. We support the efforts of the
Quartet to find a solution acceptable to all sides and we
share the conviction that the road map is the only way
to reach a solution for Palestine and Israel, two
neighbouring States that will one day live in peace.
Building peace and fostering democracy in
Afghanistan and Iraq, where the Republic of
Macedonia is part of the multinational force, remains a
challenge facing both the international community and
the peoples of those two countries. I would like to
emphasize the exceptional importance of the
implementation of resolution 1546 (2004), which
endorsed the restoration of Iraq’s sovereignty and
provided the core framework for the political
transformation and democratization of that State.
With regard to Iraq, I would like to appeal to the
authorities of that country to do their utmost to find the
three Macedonian citizens who have disappeared there.
The Millennium Development Goals remain the
key challenge for the Organization. In September 2005,
heads of State and Government from around the world
will meet to review what has been done in realizing the
Goals in the five years since the adoption of the
Millennium Summit Declaration. It is crystal clear that
we must take decisive steps if we want to mobilize
political will and resources and carry out reforms on the
national and global levels to meet the Goals by 2015.
However, it is already clear that some regions of
the world will find it very difficult to achieve the
projected Goals. Special attention should be dedicated
to Africa, where the situation is alarming and the issues
of poverty and hunger eradication and the problem of
AIDS are very serious. Achieving the Goals will not be
possible unless the international community is ready to
assume its share of responsibility in that respect.
The Republic of Macedonia places special
emphasis on the importance of effective respect for,
and promotion of, human rights as one of the pillars of
every democratic society. The rule of law and effective
respect for human rights are the best instrument in
preventing conflicts, as well as prerequisites for peace
and prosperity. Today, we are increasingly aware of the
need to nurture and respect multiculturalism as a
precondition to the development of a secure and
harmonious world. In that regard, every effort should
be made to create mutual confidence and understanding
and to promote respect for differences. The Republic of
Macedonia is deeply committed to those principles,
and we adhere to them strictly in our actions.
For half a century now, the United Nations has
had a key role in the development of international
human rights law. In that context, we welcome current
efforts to harmonize the draft international convention
to protect the rights of disabled persons.
Good-neighbourly relations are one of the foreign
policy priorities of the Republic of Macedonia, as one
of the promoters of regional cooperation in South-East
Europe. I would like to take this opportunity to inform
the Assembly that, as during previous sessions, the
delegation of the Republic of Macedonia will propose
the adoption by the General Assembly of a draft
resolution on good-neighbourly relations, stability and
development in South-Eastern Europe.
In recent years, the countries of the region have
made considerable progress at both the domestic level
and in developing mutual relations. We are actively
cooperating in numerous regional initiatives and in the
framework of the Euro-Atlantic integration process.
However, despite the considerable progress made at the
level of stabilization and improved security in the
region, not all sources of potential instability have been
eliminated. We strongly believe that the process of the
region’s accelerated integration into the European
Union and NATO will weaken existing threats at the
national and regional levels.
As an immediate neighbouring country, the
Republic of Macedonia is following with particular
attention the developments in Kosovo. We fully
support the United Nations policy of standards before
status, whose final goal is to establish a true multi-
ethnic community and to improve security,
democratization and the rule of law. At the same time,
the Republic of Macedonia is also lending its
continued support to the United Nations and other
international bodies as they carry out their responsible
missions.
6

We have developed contractual cooperation with
the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in
Kosovo in various areas, with a view to resolving
concrete issues that are relevant to the population. We
expect very soon to start the process of the demarcation
of our border with Kosovo. Also with regard to
Kosovo, I would like to emphasize the fact that any
decision on its future status must not result in the
destabilization of the region.
The Republic of Macedonia is going through a
critical stage in the process of carrying out
fundamental economic and social reforms and
transforming its society to prepare it for accelerated
integration into the European Union. The finalization
of the implementation of the framework agreement
concluded in 2001 is a priority in that process. Most of
the legal regulations resulting from the constitutional
changes flowing from the framework agreement have
already been adopted. Nevertheless, one of the main
issues pertaining to decentralization — namely,
territorial reorganization — could pose a challenge,
given the upcoming referendum. That referendum is a
democratic event of the highest order that provides
citizens with an opportunity to express their opinions
on the concept being put forth by the Government.
Finally, I would like to conclude by saying that
the world is facing a range of challenges and threats,
but that our experience so far has proven that there is
no alternative to the multilateral approach to
overcoming threats to international peace and security.
Our experience has also proven that dialogue remains
the most valuable and powerful instrument in our
endeavours to create a different and safer world.