We are loyal to the fundamental postulates of international law, one of which is the juridical equality of States, and thus we should like to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Amerasinghe on his well-deserved election to the office of President. His election is an acknowledgment of the tradition of culture and the devotion to peace of the country he represents. This election does honor to our world Organization and underlines the effectiveness of the principle of the equality of States, since it indicates that it is not necessary to possess great economic wealth to serve in a leadership role in the United Nations and its General Assembly.
193.	For nations such as ours, which do not have abundant economic means, it is encouraging to see that within this Assembly high moral values are respected, because only by recognizing the true and transcendental value of the human person is it possible to foresee a bright future for mankind, which, unfortunately, is hesitantly groping along at the present time.
194.	We should also like to express our appreciation to Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, for his discretion and his effectiveness in guiding the debates of the last session of the General Assembly.
195.	We also extend our praise to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, for the positive action he has taken during the period as is outlined in his report on the work of the Organization [A/31/1], which is before the Assembly.
196.	A new Member has come to swell the concert of nations gathered within the portals of this world Organization. We are extremely pleased to welcome the Republic of Seychelles, and at the same time we should like to express our admiration to the United Kingdom for its strict compliance with international law. By giving autonomy to the Seychelles, the United Kingdom has punctiliously applied the principle of the self-determination of peoples.
197.	With due attention we have taken note of the report of the Secretary-General with regard to the maintenance of peace and international security, which constitutes one of the most outstanding duties of the international body, and is one of the fundamental concerns of exponents of the law of nations, both ancient and modern. Any weaknesses or imperfections attributable to the international legal order arise out of the conscious will of States which regulate their relations according to its tenets, for they have not wished to be compelled to abide by its precepts or to make them binding. Even the jurisdiction of the legal arm of the Organization depends upon the free will of the parties involved in any legal dispute, and the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, which, because they refer to acts which constitute breaches of the peace, seem to be highly effective, in fact lack any threatening power. Despite this, hesitant steps have been taken, albeit with understandable caution, to make international law more effective, and the defects in the legal arm of the Organization can now be compensated for by the application of compulsory measures. This means that the factor of virtual coercion has made its appearance: its absence had been one of the many gaps inherent in international law. This more sophisticated thinking demonstrates the achievements which can be made when there exists a will to acknowledge that there are limitations to traditional concepts. Those concepts are not absolute, and it is to be hoped that States, the principal protagonists in the legal field, once they are convinced that coercion, even if only moral coercion, can be embodied in principles and resolutions, will co-operate so that international order may rise to even greater heights of perfection.
198.	This degree of development will be possible only when it is generally held that any dispute can be settled by means of instruments in which the will of the parties is taken as the decisive positive factor. In other words, the effectiveness of a means of solution does not depend upon the technical or legal tool itself; rather, it flows from the willingness and concurrence of States to contribute to the success of the regulatory system.
199.	But if, instead of contributing to the strengthening of the world body or of regional bodies, Powers are compelled to perfect the means of mass destruction, while law languishes from neglect and repudiation, we can see looming over the future the risk of a conflagration that would imperil the survival of civilization itself.
200.	For those reasons, we believe that the detonation of atomic devices in the atmosphere, underground or under water should be prohibited by a treaty or by conscientious self-limitation on the part of States which possess such weapons. Explosions in the atmosphere pollute with their harmful gases elements which are essential for life, while explosions under water will destroy or make unusable species which inhabit vast areas within the range of radioactive fallout. Indeed, there is no general belief to the contrary. Moreover, experiments of this type can alter ecological conditions, and hence any test which would, intentionally or otherwise, modify the environment should be prohibited.
201.	In this connexion, it would seem that the nations which have scarce resources and limited economic and war-making potential are the ones looking hopefully to juridical systems for the settlement of disputes. Honduras, through civilized channels, is in the process of solving its dispute with El Salvador, both countries having agreed to mediation, the recommendations of which would be respected by the parties. Such respect is necessary because, besides complying with the minimum requirements of ethics, it would open the way to a, bright future for two nations which, because of their identity of origin, should undertake joint enterprises.
202.	If mediation fails to settle all issues, Honduras would be ready to take its case, in all goodwill, to any other body able to eliminate once and for all any basis of disagreement or lack of understanding, and would comply fully with any ruling, in the case of an arbitration or judicial procedure, both because of the nature of those means and because of the fact that it is the inherent factor of good faith which must underlie such agreements.
203.	We are pleased to see proceeding the talks to end the existing dispute over Belize-a Central American region which, because of its historical and juridical links with the sister Republic of Guatemala, is foremost in the minds and spirit of justice of the peoples of the Isthmus. Because of everything Honduras and Guatemala have gone through together, Honduras trusts that this time the negotiations will lead to recognition of those rights which Guatemala is claiming.
204.	There is also a recommendation before this Organization that the parties continue in their talks aimed at settling the status, of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). Any time a dispute is settled, it can be said that no party loses because, in any case, what is feeing strengthened is the juridical order, and this in itself constitutes a guarantee for the preservation of peace and the harmonious coexistence of States. Hence we wish to take this occasion to express our optimism for the success of those direct negotiations which, with mutual understanding based on their long diplomatic tradition,, are to be undertaken by the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom, and we hope that those negotiations will culminate in a just settlement for Argentina.
205.	In the same spirit of equanimity which inspires our international relations, we sincerely hope that the negotiations being carried out by the United States and Panama within the framework of mutual respect will yield positive benefits for both States and the recognition of their mutual rights.
206.	But while some American countries are toying to solve their differences by peaceful means in other parts of the world burning passions unleashed by opposing factions are endangering international order, wasting hundreds of thousands of lives in a sterile holocaust, because on innumerable occasions the ideology of a prevailing regime has flouted basic rights and principles of human conscience, which are recognized by only one form of social interaction: the Western system of coexistence. It is to be hoped that these difficulties will cease so that civilization, which must face a future of limited physical potential, as indeed the world which surrounds us is limited, will be able to apply its energies and intelligence to meeting the needs' of the immediate future.
207.	During the course of this year, the fourth and fifth sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the law of the Sea have been held, presided over by the President of this Assembly. As is logical to suppose, it is not easy in a short time and on so controversial a subject to reach agreements that reconcile the interests and aspirations both of those States having vast economic potential and those which, for all their incipient development, still have the right to share in the benefits of wealth which belongs equally to all peoples of the world, as do the resources of the sea. Efforts are being made to establish a special tribunal for the settlement of disputes "which may arise in this connexion. This proposal should be considered in all its ramifications, because if jurisdiction is fragmented by the creation of other legislative bodies we run the risk of weakening the authority of the International Court of Justice, which is the highest judicial body, par excellence, of this Organization. And even if that should not occur, there would be a fragmentation of jurispurdence, which is one of the principal sources of the law of nations. It might be better to consider systems for the joint exploitation of marine resources through the setting of quotas proportionate to the capabilities of States, so that their peoples, who must regard the sea as being the safeguard of the future, may be able to share in the benefits of this resource which is the common heritage of mankind.
208.	A concern which must be shared by all nations of the world derives from the Malthusian theory that the relentless rate of population growth will outstrip the rate of food production. Few States have rationally conserved their natural resources; others-the poorest-have frittered them away improvidently. But whatever precautions may be taken, it is certain that there is a growing shortage of food-stuffs, and in a few decades the squalor of hunger will overshadow many horizons, just as the scourge already exists as a living fact in many regions. That is why we must take collective measures to forestall that evil. Any contribution made to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations will be small in relation to the dimensions of the problem, and the one relatively untapped reserve, the riches of the sea, must be protected so that it may feed the progeny of tomorrow.
209.	With regard to the item on our agenda [item 80] which deals with freedom of information, I can announce with heartfelt satisfaction deriving from respect for a right of such magnitude, that the Government of my country is fully complying with a commitment which, besides being enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, corresponds to a guarantee rooted in the depths of the conscience. Therefore, this ethical imperative must be strictly observed so that no one, in this day and age, should be interfered with or persecuted for expressing his thoughts.
210.	Although it does not exist in our country, political terrorism is of great concern to the people of Honduras. The proliferation of such acts in recent years merits a thorough study of their causes, and drastic action on the part of States in which terrorists seek refuge, even though those who commit the transgression may be identified with the prevailing ideology of the particular country. The form of mass danger generally inherent in these acts of terrorism means that they must be considered as a flagrant crime against humanity.
211.	Although not of specific concern to our continent, apartheid does affect mankind as a whole. Hence we join our voice to the chorus of those calling for the elimination of the discriminatory practices of apartheid, An infraction of the most fundamental principles of social interrelations, apartheid cannot continue to exist in human society, where daily the essential moral values of man are being reaffirmed.
212.	The contribution of the United Nations to forging peace has been great, and its efforts at maintaining collective security have been effective. But an Organization bom of a conflagration must adjust its machinery to the experience acquired over 30 years of existence. This is why Honduras has supported the efforts designed to carry out a new study of its statute: and those of its subsidiary bodies. There can be no doubt that grave and frequent infractions of the code of coexistence among States do indicate gaps and imperfections which could be overcome. The slowness with which infringements of national sovereignty are sometimes dealt with; the possibilities and the subtle untilization of the veto; the fact that some provisions, recommendations and resolutions are not compulsory; the limitation and neutralization of the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice; and the fact that the Organization cannot take up facts or conflicts, however serious they may be, when they are being studied by other regional bodies, are all serious impediments to the effectiveness of the Charter and mean that the United Nations organs do not function as they should.
213.	All this deserves a revision that would really be a proof of goodwill, taking into account the experience gained over 20 years. It would make it possible to strengthen the United Nations once again while maintaining its present organic and legal structure.
214.	Once unswerving confidence has returned to the international sphere the new order will prevail in a collective life free of anguish and ensure a future free of catastrophe for man, who longs to follow a sunlit path brightened by the light of law, which, as Cicero said, frees us as we abide by its principles.
215.	The tasks before this General Assembly at its thirty-first session are of great importance, and great are the hopes of the peoples whose trust is placed in this highest forum. We should like to express our desire that decisions may always be taken in furtherance of justice and man's dignity and we shall contribute as far as we can to this-so that within this body the law of nations will reach levels of excellence such that here may be heard the clearest voice of the conscience of mankind.


): It is gratifying for us all to be able to applaud the unanimous election of Mr. Amerasinghe as President of the General Assembly. His wide experience, his well-known qualities as a diplomat and his dedication to the ideals of the United Nations make his election an act of justice. It is, moreover, an expression of gratitude to the Government and people of Sri Lanka, which, under the guidance of Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, play an active role in the forefront of the struggle of the non-aligned countries to build a new order in international relations based on independence and equality. It is especially gratifying to my delegation to congratulate him by virtue of the brotherly relations that exist between Cuba and Sri Lanka and the friendship that has characterized our relations with Mr. Amerasinghe in the course of a number of years' work in the United Nations.
2.	May we extend our congratulations to the Government of the Republic of Seychelles, which has recently obtained independence and has become a new Member of the United Nations. Those two events represent a tribute to the world struggle against colonialism and demonstrate once again the inevitable nature of the process of decolonization at the world level.
3.	In welcoming the admission of Seychelles we must voice our protest against the exclusion of the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. Those two States, which are members of the non-aligned movement and of its Co-ordinating Bureau, have become members of a number of international bodies and maintain normal relations with almost all the members of the international community. Their admission to the United Nations has the virtually unanimous support of countries of all regions and political and social systems. If Angola and Viet Nam are not among us today, this is due exclusively to the disgraceful, irresponsible and obstinate opposition of the Government of the United States of America, which appears to base its foreign policy on whim and arbitrariness.
4.	The year that has elapsed since the last session of the General Assembly has been characterized by advances and victories in.the struggles of peoples-against imperialism, colonialism and racism.
5.	During that stage, together with the achievements of the socialist countries and of the forces struggling for peace, we must note the historical victories of the people in Viet Nam, which was reunified under the banner of socialism; in Laos, where the Democratic People's Republic was established; and in Kampuchea. We also witnessed the success of the liberation movement in the former Portuguese colonies, especially the defeat of the South African racists in Angola, the positive consequences of which have given a decisive impetus to the struggle for liberation in southern Africa and the continuation of the process of detente in Europe.
6.	All those achievements show a predominant trend in international relations in favor of the cause of peace, independence and progress. However, together with those encouraging factors, we continue to witness trends that could lead to war and aggression and the activities of those favoring the use of force in international relations continue to threaten the process of detente, which has not yet become irreversible and universal. It is not difficult to see that the forces of imperialism and reaction are still stubbornly intent on changing the course of events and repressing peoples in order to halt or deflect the processes of liberation, while attacking progressive Governments. We are living in a situation in which the progressive forces and those which seek to hold back the march of history are engaged in a decisive struggle and bloody confrontation. That antagonism is the characteristic feature of the present international situation. In order to consolidate peace and to obtain an order of relations in keeping with the principles and purposes of the Charter it is essential to maintain the united efforts of the socialists, the non-aligned and all other countries interested in the promotion of true international co-operation. That effort must be channeled along three levels at the same time: we must consolidate, extend and make irreversible international detente; we must achieve effective agreements on the road towards general and complete disarmament; we must adopt measures for the speedy and total elimination of colonialism and racism in all its forms and manifestations and for ensuring the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and promote the establishment of a new international economic order. The Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo last August, represents an important contribution to that universal endeavor. It served to ratify the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist orientation of the non-aligned movement and its decision to strengthen co-operation with other progressive and peace-loving States and forces.
7.	The African scene, at the time of the opening of the current session of the General Assembly, has undergone radical changes. The heroic and consistent struggle of the liberation movements culminated in the downfall of Portuguese colonialism and the accession to independence of Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe and Angola. The racist regimes in the southern part of Africa were cornered by the impetuous advance of the liberating process. Faced with that different situation, the imperialists, colonialists and racists conceived a new strategy which was more brutal, more aggressive, more subtle and insidious. On the one hand, they organized the most shameless military aggression against independent Angola, invaded its territory and committed every kind of crime, misdeed and outrage against its noble people. On the other hand, the diplomats and theoreticians of imperialism, disconcerted by the image of an Africa that was standing on its feet and firmly repulsing its oppressors, showed an unaccustomed interest in that continent and attempted, through demagogy, deceit and the manipulation of docile collaborators, to confuse their peoples and disseminate deceitful formulas for the "solution" of their serious problems, the object of which was to sow division among the anti-colonialist forces and to perpetuate the supremacy of racism in that continent.
8.	They are still today continuing this two-faced game which combines flattery with the stick, the cleverness of their professors with the bayonets of their mercenaries. While Mr. Kissinger hurries off to a region of the world which he has only lately discovered, his colleagues in the Central Intelligence Agency and in the Pentagon continue to forge aggressive plans against the People's Republic of .Angola and are unflagging in their promotion of con-spiracies against the progressive States of Africa. While the United States Secretary of State talks with Mr. Vorster and Mr. Smith of magic formulas to perpetuate apartheid and white oppression under the guise of new clothes designed at the eleventh hour, the racists in Pretroia are massacring children in Soweto and the Salisbury troops are bombing the territory of Mozambique and destroying refugee camps.
9.	Those who believe that they can deceive those who have been subjugated and impoverished for centuries are mistaken. They will be even more mistaken if, dominated by an arrogance that makes them believe in their capacity to repeat successfully the deceitful practices of the first European sailors and discoverers, they attempt to pass themselves off as liberators of those whom they are oppressing and as friends of their victims.
10.	There is no possibility, nor has there ever been or will be one, of reconciliation between the oppressor and the oppressed and between the victims and those who victimize them. We must not forget that, if today the former colonialists and racists are attempting maneuvers to enable them to negotiate with those against whom they fought for so many years in the most difficult circumstances, this is precisely due to the effectiveness of the struggle, to the successes achieved by the liberation movements in their difficult and selfless struggle. The international community must not condone any action which might affect the liberation movements or weaken them in their efforts. The correct and consistent thing to do in this decisive hour is to redouble the most resolute political, moral and material support to the African liberation movements in order to speed up the downfall of the colonialist and racist regimes, with which we cannot legitimately compromise until such time as the cause of freedom and independence has triumphed throughout the continent.
11.	Hie General Assembly must renew its commitment of solidarity with the struggle of the African peoples for independence, freedom and racial equality. In this connexion the Assembly should energetically condemn the maneuvers of the Pretoria regime designed to perpetuate its oppression over Namibia. The deceitful racist words spoken in the fraudulent "constitutional talks" in Windhoek must be categorically rejected. The only peaceful solution of this question consists in the transfer of all power to the Namibian people represented by its national liberation movement, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]. This organization has indicated its willingness to contribute to a peaceful solution if its proposals are accepted, namely the holding of direct talks only between SWAPO and South Africa. The sole purpose of these talks would be to put an end to colonial domination over Namibia; they must not be part of previous talks with tribal groups and must be preceded by the unconditional release of all political detainees, and, finally, a cease-fire must be decreed and the army of SWAPO must be recognized.
12.	The adoption of effective measures by the United Nations to expel South Africa from Namibia has now become obviously urgent, since Pretoria has systematically flouted all the relevant decisions and resolutions of the international community and has used and is continuing to use the Territory of Namibia as a base for aggression against African countries. Last year's invasion of the People's Republic of Angola, which ended in the most humiliating and decisive defeat ever suffered by the racists, their mercenaries and their imperialist tutors, served to draw the attention of the world to the threat to international peace posed by the continuation of South Africa's presence in that Territory. Now, while the General Assembly is in session, the South African regime is maintaining tens of thousands of soldiers concentrated close to the Angolan frontier, continuing to fortify the northern part of Namibia and carrying out constant attacks and provocations against the territory of Angola.
13.	The situation in Zimbabwe demands the most careful attention of all progressive countries and forces. Encouraged by the success of Angola and the advance of the revolution in Mozambique, the national liberation movement is giving proof of growing vitality and is carrying out ever more effectively and victoriously its struggle against the Ian Smith clique and its imperialist partners. It is in this context of imminent bankruptcy of the Salisbury regime that Mr. Kissinger decided to carry out his recent and suspicious safari. The purpose of his journey could not have been more obvious. Representing the great North American monopolies which are the main beneficiaries of the exploitation of the peoples of southern Africa and, therefore, those which are more keenly interested in perpetuating the status quo in the region-the head of United States diplomacy is today attempting to serve as a vehicle for a new maneuver designed to save the essence of the racist and colonialist regime imposed on the masses in Zimbabwe. Die main thrust of his proposals-which he reiterated before this Assembly a few days ago-seeks to gain time for the racist minority while promoting division among the nationalist sectors, attempt to suspend the sanctions against the illegal regime and organize the massive invasion of foreign capital, especially United States capital, which would strengthen white domination.
14.	Mr. Kissinger's proposals must be rejected. They show that there is a need to strengthen our solidarity with the true freedom fighters of Zimbabwe in their armed struggle which they are engaged in and which will soon lead them to total victory.
15.	We must not disregard the fact that a key interlocutor in Mr. Kissinger's recent travels was the head of the racist regime in Pretoria. This is not surprising if we realize that one of the strategic motivations of the present maneuvers of imperialism in Africa is the preservation of the system of oppression and discrimination imposed on millions of Africans by the Government headed by Mr. Vorster. Regardless of the successes of the African liberation move-ment, however numerous its achievements against traditional colonialism, nothing can ever make us forget the fact that Africa will not be entirely free, that no African country can ensure its independence and sovereignty, that no African people can live in peace and security while there continues to exist in South Africa the heinous system of apartheid because there, in the southern extreme of the continent, there is a cancer which attempts to devour all the African peoples; there persists there the most brutal forms of human exploitation; there we find still the crudest manifestation of all that is inhuman, repugnant and hateful that colonialism and racism have meant to the peoples of the third world.
16.	The struggle of the people of South Africa against apartheid has therefore acquired an importance going far beyond the boundaries of the continent. The whole world must pay a tribute to the South African workers, students and patriots who, in every corner of the racist territory, have heroically and resolutely raised their voices in protest, have unmasked the brutal and repressive essence of the Vorster regime, and have shown that the African masses are not willing to live with racial oppression. The General Assembly must adopt strong and effective measures against apartheid and in support of the struggle of the South African people, and must definitely reject the policy of "bantustanization" and repression practiced by the Vorster clique.
17.	The anti-colonial action must be consistent and must encompass all the regions of the world where peoples are denied the exercise of their national rights. We reiterate our support for the struggle of the people of so-called French Somaliland (Djibouti), of Western Sahara, of East Timor, of Belize and of Puerto Rico, as well as of any other territory till subjected to colonialism.
18.	It is necessary to solve the problems that have arisen because of colonial domination and that prejudice the sovereignty and territorial integrity of sovereign States. In that connexion we reaffirm our support of the people and Government of the Comoros, which have a just claim over the island of Mayotte, an integral and inseparable part of the territory of the Comoros; we support also the legitimate aspiration of the Argentine Republic to recover the Malvinas Islands.
19.	It is indispensable to eliminate the vestiges of the aggressive imperialist policy that still weighs heavily on many States and affects millions of human beings. We must crown the victory of Viet Nam by admitting it to the United Nations very soon. Furthermore, the United States Government must comply with the commitment it assumed, in subscribing to the Paris agreement,  to con-tribute towards healing the wounds of the war that it imposed on that noble people. The international community has a debt of honor to the peoples of IndoChina, which so bravely defended the right of all peoples to decide their own destiny freely by facing up to the most ferocious aggression. Therefore, we are duty bound to give them all the co-operation they may require in their national reconstruction.
20.	The so-called Korean question will never be solved without the complete withdrawal of United States troops from South Korea, the dissolution of the United Nations Command and the ending of foreign interference in the affairs of the Korean people. Only in that way will we achieve the peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean nation. My delegation reiterates its support for the efforts of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to achieve that, goal.
21.	The Middle East crisis is still of grave concern to our Organization. A solution to that problem can be found only on the basis of the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Arab territories occupied since June 1967 and full respect for the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. This appears to be an opportune moment to convene the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, in which the Palestine Liberation Organization should participate on an equal footing with all the other parties involved in the conflict. My delegation participated actively in the work of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian people and supports its recommendations [see A/31/35], which we believe could well trigger the process that will lead to the solution of this burning problem. The tragic events in Lebanon have shocked world public opinion. My delegation reiterates its support for the territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon and the right of its people to solve the country's problems by itself and without violence. It is urgent that an end be put to the fighting from various Arab trenches, since that is depriving the Palestinians of that center of resistance against the common enemy. The continuation of the struggle in Lebanon is helping to strengthen Zionist aggression and the designs of its imperialist allies in the region.
22.	Cyprus is still the object of intolerable aggression* which has taken specific form in the occupation of a large part of its territory by foreign troops. Once again we call for their complete and unconditional withdrawal and demand respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial, integrity of the Republic of Cyprus, a loyal Member of this Organization, and a founding member of the non-aligned movement. The problems that exist between the Cypriot communities will be solved satisfactorily only . on the basis of strict respect for the principles of non-intervention and the sovereign equality of States, principles that have as much validity with regard to Cyprus at they have with regard to any other member of the community of nations. In reiterating our solidarity with the Government of Archbishop Makarios, the sole legitimate authority on the island, my delegation urges the Assembly to adopt effective decisions to put an end to the aggression, to alleviate the tragic conditions of the thousands of refugees in that country, and to restore peace. and justice.
23.	The peoples of the world have applauded the process of detente, which promotes the strengthening of world peace, the greatest aspiration of mankind. This process of detente, we repeat, must be strengthened in order that it may become irreversible and universal in character. To that end it is necessary to adopt effective measures for the speedy elimination of colonialism and to ensure respect for the rights of all States, large and small. An important contribution to the cause of peace would be the achievement of concrete progress in disarmament. In that connexion we reiterate our support for the convening of a world disarmament conference. Similarly, we reaffirm* our support for negotiations to achieve effective and strict measures for the total prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons. Among disarmament measures, we attach priority importance to the elimination of the foreign bases which the imperialists and colonialists have disseminated throughout the world against the will of the peoples. In this connexion we reiterate our demand that the Government of the United States return to Cuba that part of our national territory it usurps in the region of Guantanamo. Equally necessary for the security and peace of the peoples of the Caribbean is the dismantling of United States bases on Puerto Rico and Panamanian territory.
24.	The proposal submitted to the Assembly by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Comrade Andrei Gromyko, relating to the conclusion of a treaty banning the use of force in international relations [A!311243] is further proof of the constructive attitude of the Soviet Govern¬ment and its desire to improve the international climate. The exclusion of the use of force from international relations is the aspiration and desire of all the peoples of the world, and we therefore trust that that proposal will receive the enthusiastic support of the General Assembly.
25.	This year, as we commemorate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama, the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean are engaged in a decisive struggle to preserve the independence for which they fought so boldly. History Has brought them to a cross-roads where the cause of freedom today demands of Latin Americans the same readiness to fight, the same lucidity in working out the appropriate strategy and the same solidarity that was inculcated in them by Simon Bolivar.
26.	The measures for the defense of national sovereignty adopted by some Latin American countries, the growing struggle of our peoples to recover their national wealth, Panama's firm defense of its sovereign rights over the Canal and the. neighboring zone and. the. active international policy of the Government of Mexico have made possible Latin America's participation in the world struggle being waged by the peoples of the third world to establish a new international order based on equity and respect for the rights of all peoples.
27.	In these past few years the countries of Latin America have created some instruments which may help to defend their national interests and strengthen their ties of co-operation. The establishment of the Latin American Economic System, the Caribbean Multinational Maritime Transportation Enterprise, the Group of Latin American and Caribbean Sugar-Exporting Countries is the most successful example of this.
28.	The peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean are, however, confronted by the attacks of North American imperialism, which is seeking to halt recent advances and to reinstate its domination over the region.
29.	North American imperialism is attempting to extend over the map of the continent authoritarian and servile regimes such as that established in Chile on 11 September 1973. Today Latin America is faced with the threat of a fascism dependent on the dictates of Washington, which co-ordinates its repressive practices beyond its national frontiers and commits crimes and engages in torture and persecution that know no geographical or humanitarian limits. The danger this phenomenon represents for the interests of all our peoples is clearly shown by the recent ties established between Pretoria and the regimes in Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay and other South American countries with which the apartheid authorities are seeking to establish a strategic alliance.
30.	The international community must resolutely support the Latin American freedom fighters who are resisting the repression of these dictatorial regimes. It will have an occasion to do so in the General Assembly when the report of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Situation of Human Rights in Chile [A/31/253, annex], which was established by the Commission on Human Rights to study the Chilean situation is considered. The information amassed by the Ad Hoc Working Group shows that there are strong grounds for the accusation of those who, having been established in power as a result of imperialist intervention, have unleashed against the Chilean people the most brutal and unbridled repression and terror. Vast sectors of Chilean society are calling for effective international action to put an end to the crimes and excesses of the Pinochet junta. Such action is especially urgent when it is remembered that the agents of the Chilean regime, obsessed by their complete internal isolation and their vigorous repudiation by the international community, are now committing crimes beyond their frontiers. The assassination in Washington barely two weeks ago of the former Foreign Minister of Chile, Orlando Letelier, confirms this fact. His death, like the deaths of thousands of Chilean victims of Fascist terrorism, will be justly dealt with in the not-too-distant future, when the Chilean people recovers its freedom through heroic struggle.
But now the international community must take strong measures against those who have made terror and crime into standard official policy.
31.	The struggle of the Latin American people is not easy, nor will it be easy to stop their relentless march towards freedom.
32.	Guyana and Jamaica bravely continue a policy of recovering their national sovereignty and they are making important economic and social changes which open up to their working masses prospects of a future of justice and well-being. Against both processes imperialism and international reaction are launching conspiracy, economic sabotage and hostile propaganda, and, in the case of Guyana, they are also threatening its territorial integrity. Prompted by sincere feelings of brotherhood born of a colonial experience shared for many centuries, Cuba reaffirms its full solidarity with the peoples and Governments of Guyana and Jamaica in their endeavor to consolidate and protect their national independence and to make the social changes that will liberate their peoples for ever from their past of servitude and oppression.
33.	Both countries are protagonists in the profound process of renewal that is stirring up the whole Caribbean region.
34.	International public opinion must be mobilized in support of full respect for the rights of the Caribbean peoples. After many centuries of colonialist and imperialist outrages, the time has come for those peoples to determine their own destinies freely, without foreign interference. That demand is expressed today particularly in their call for unrestricted respect for the independence, sovereignty, self-determination and territorial integrity of Guyana, Jamaica and other States of the region. It is also necessary to take effective international action once and for all to put an end to manifestations of colonialism in the Caribbean and, especially, to contribute to the struggle of the peoples of Puerto Rico and Belize for their national independence and for full respect for their territorial integrity and their enjoyment of their natural resources.
35.	The cause of Panama is considered their own by all the peoples of the region. I am therefore happy to reiterate the support of my Government for its just demand for the full exercise of sovereignty over the Canal and the neighboring zone and our solidarity with the Government of General Omar Torrijos in his strong defense of Panamanian national sovereignty.
36.	Cuba confirms its full solidarity with the struggle of the Puerto Rican people for independence. Despite the obstinate opposition of the administering Power, the international community is expressing ever more vigorously its demand that Puerto Rico be allowed to exercise its sacred national rights. Recently, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted by consensus a decision reaffirming the inalienable right of that people to self- determination and independence, reiterating earlier decisions of the Committee; taking note of decisions on that question adopted by the non-aligned countries at their Colombo and Lima Conferences; and deciding to continue examination of that question next year in order to consider appropriate measures.  My delegation believes that that was a positive decision which will enable the Committee next year to move forward in the adoption of just decisions that will contribute to the liberation of the Puerto Rican people. For our part, we reiterate that we shall continue to give them our support in their just struggle for independence.
37.	As we have repeatedly stated, this attitude of Cuba's is in keeping with our policy based on principle and therefore cannot be modified.
38.	Economic problems have aroused much attention during the current general debate as a reflection of the growing concern of the developing countries over a situation which calls for strong and effective measures if we truly wish to establish an order of relations that will promote peace and be based on co-operation. The present economic crisis is placing an increasing burden on the peoples of the third world. The Declaration and Program of Action for the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VT)J have remained a dead letter, and the majority of the developed capitalist countries have shown no true will to make changes in the structure of the world economy and trade, which is an inescapable need and a demand that is firmly supported by all the countries of the so-called Group of 77. Meanwhile, the inflationary process continues, and the capitalist world burdens with its consequences the under-developed countries, which in turn do not obtain remunerative prices for their exports or find favorable conditions for the development of their trade. It is imperative that the developing countries strengthen their unity to demand radical changes that will put an end to this unequal exchange and to the burdensome load imposed by external debt on many States, and that will help promote a true transfer of resources for development.
39.	An important contribution to this unity and to the development of the developing countries would be for the oil-producing countries to adopt a policy of true co-opera-tion with the other developing countries. •
40.	For the Cuban people the past year has been one of intense and fruitful work, it began shortly after the First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, which served as the framework for an in-depth study of the national situation, laid the basis for the restructuring and institu-tionalization of the socialist State, traced the guidelines for the first five-year plan, adopted a new system for manage-ment of the economy, and took all-important decisions on the future orientation of Cuban society. This year has as its main orientation the concept of applying, enthusiastically and with confidence in the future, the conclusions of the in-depth, careful analysis carried out by Cuban Commu-nists. Our entire people has undertaken this task with love, dedication and perserverance. In February, with the wide support of the people voiced in a plebiscite, it adopted the new socialist constitution, which enshrines the gains achieved by our working classes and by our people since the revolution of January 1959, and guarantees its definitive institutionalization.
41.	In the process of the establishment of genuinely and profoundly democratic machinery through which it will be the people itself which governs, takes decisions and permanently controls State affairs at every level, scarcely a few days ago, throughout my country, free elections were held, by secret and direct ballot, whereby the people elected their representatives. That process will culminate on 2 December with the formation of the National Assembly of the People's Power and the constitution of the main organs of the State and Government.
42.	This stage will coincide with the twentieth anniversary of one of the major events in Cuban history: the day on which Fidel Castro and a handful of heroes disembarked on the beaches of Cuba's Oriente Province to begin the final stages of the armed struggle which was to do away with the Batista tyranny and lead to the final liberation of our. homeland.
43.	Twenty years ago, Cuba exemplified the degree of domination, poverty, corruption and despotism to which North American imperialism had led our peoples. It was oppressed by a corrupt .and sanguinary military clique which, in the service of Yankee interests, instituted a brutal regime of terror. The struggle to do away with it cost my people 20,000 martyrs, who live today in the hearts and memory of all Cubans and serve as guidance for our revolutionary intransigent decision.
44.	Those were hard, agonizing, unforgettable years, which formed the vanguard that was victoriously to lead the Cuban people to the successes represented by the singular honor of making socialism, for the first time, a triumphant reality in the Western Hemisphere.
45.	Twenty years later, in the Cuban archipelago, trans-formed radically by the revolution, there emerges a reality which is a lasting tribute to the freedom fighters of Goma. In a space of time brief in historical terms, the revolution dH away fully with illiteracy, unemployment, poverty, racial discrimination, unhealthy conditions and all the social vices of the past. It rescued Cuba's dignity and sovereignty, and marches firmly along the path of economic development. For each of the revolutionary martyrs there are today hundreds of Cubans who, for the first time, have an opportunity to attend the universities of our country; there are scores , of new school centers which all Cuban children may attend; scores of hospitals which guarantee adequate medical attention to all citizens; hundreds of social buildings and housing developments, which ensure for the masses a well-being they had never known before. There are thousands of works of every kind which have completely changed the past backward and feudal image of our country of two decades ago. Each of our martyrs lives in the constant efforts of 9.5 million Cubans, who work feverishly to construct the new society. Those martyrs are reborn with each achievement, with the completion of each new work and with the culmination of each effort.
46.	However, we are faced with serious difficulties which will affect our economic development plans. External factors beyond our control will compel our people to make new sacrifices, but our people will be able to face them, thanks to its unyielding revolutionary conscience.
47.	Those external factors are the collapse of the price of sugar on the world market which has lowered the value of that product to levels that are no better than those that prevailed during the great crisis of 1931 and 1932; the persistent rise in the price of many items of equipment, machinery and primary commodities which we must import with the hard currency that we obtain from the depreciated value of our sugar; a severe drought which has seriously affected the eastern provinces of Cuba and substantially damaged important areas of our agricultural production; and the maintenance of the economic and trade blockade imposed on Cuba by North American imperialism which prevents our country from having access to international credit institutions and drastically limits our capacity for export. This last is reflected particularly in the closing of many markets to Cuban nickel, which could have been one of the few export products that might have compensated my country for the critical situation in which it now finds itself as a result of the decline in the price of sugar. The recent decision of the Government of the United States to triple the import duty on sugar in the American market is an aggression against sugar-exporting countries and will help to aggravate further the crisis in the sugar trade in world markets.
48.	Considering these problems last 28 September, Comrade Fidel Castro, the Prime Minister of the Revolutionary Government of Cuba, stated:
"Of course, the news of our difficulties may make our enemies happy, but they do not know us well. We know the times in which we live. We know how much the world still has to go through as a result of the unequal system of trade and the exploitation to which the third world is subjected by the developed capitalist countries. We know that the world is subjected by the developed capitalist countries. We know that the world has still to change a great deal. We know that the road of revolution is long, not only the road of the Cuban people's revolution but also that of world-wide revolution, and that the underdeveloped countries will have, for many years, to face these problems."
49.	Despite all these obstacles, the Cuban people will continue, firmly and perseveringly, along the road of revolution. Hie serious economic difficulties of the present will not affect the maintenance of basic social services which, in the fields of public health and education, have already reached levels of which we are legitimately proud. Neither will they affect the living conditions of the masses. It is precisely in these moments of trial and tribulation that we see clearly the superiority of socialism in facing up to difficulties without placing on the working masses the weight of the consequences of economic reverses.
50.	While I-am speaking before you, the peoples of Cuba and of Guyana are in mourning. Barely a week ago the Cuban people witnessed a further manifestation of the brutality of its enemies and of their miserable and cowardly actions. A DC-8 aircraft of the Cuban Airlines was a victim of criminal sabotage in the waters of Barbados, which cost the lives of all those aboard. In connexion with this serious incident, the Revolutionary Government of Cuba will, tomorrow, Friday, make an important statement which we will distribute in due course to delegations.
51.	Our people will continue, with unswerving determination, on its revolutionary course. It will continue to raise the banners of socialism; it will continue to hold high the internationalist principles of its foreign policy; it will persist in its decision to defend its small territory and maintain it as an impregnable bastion of revolution. Nothing and no one can divert it from its course, because it knows that it is accompanied in its march by the solidarity of all those who are fighting for freedom all over the world; because it is impelled and encouraged by the mandate of thousands of Cubans who fell along a road bathed with blood and marked with sacrifice and heroism over a central of struggle for freedom and independence; because it knows that however many the obstacles, however great the difficulties at present, however great the sacrifices imposed by a world that is still unjust and unequal, the future is in the hands of the peoples who struggle and the future belongs entirely to socialism.


The thirty-first session of the General Assembly, like all previous sessions, will be a reflection of the world of the present day. It is a world confronted by perplexing and complex problems-a world plagued by international conflicts and rivalries, by foreign domination and racism, by inequitable monetary and trade relations, bv economic crises, by pollution and ecological imbalances, by unregulated use of the ocean and its resources-to name but a few. When confronted by this wealth of problems, it gives my delegation a reassuring feeling to see you, Mr. President, presiding over the deliberations of our present session of the Assembly. Your personal qualities, your great experience in the affairs of the United Nations and the manifold contributions that you have brought to the work of our Organization reaffirm our confidence in the success of the work of this Assembly.
89.	Your election is also a fitting honor to your country, Sri Lanka, which has been in the forefront of the efforts of the non-aligned movement to bring about a new pattern of international relations based upon a greater democratization of decision-making and a more equitable and rational international order through consultation rather than self- destructive confrontation.
90.	As the representative of a fellow Asian State dedicated to the realization of those principles, and one which has enjoyed long and close relations with Sri Lanka, it gives me great satisfaction to see such a distinguished son of Asia chosen to preside over our deliberation.
91.	Our sincere appreciation also goes to the Prime Minister of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, for the proficient and dignified leadership with which he has guided the work of the thirtieth session.
92.	It is my pleasant duty, moreover, to welcome a sister archipelagic State, the Republic of Seychelles, as a Member of our Organization. My delegation looks forward to establishing a close and friendly relationship with the delegation of Seychelles and hopes to have a mutually fruitful co-operation with that delegation.
93.	It is the sincere hope of my delegation that soon we will be able to welcome also the, delegations of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and of Angola as full participants in the work of our Organization.
94.	In his usual eloquent and at the same time sober manner our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has reminded us in his introduction to the report of the work of our Organization that "we live in a transitional period when the undoubted fact of increasing interdependence has by no means decreased the power or the prevalence of the concept of national sovereignty [A/3111/Add.l, sect. //. It is not without hesitation that I touch on the problem of interdependence, for the main reason that this expression has through the years become rather well-worn. None the less, the interdependence of nations has become a fact of life which we cannot negate, either now nor in the future. Men and nations have always needed each other. No man is an island, and neither is any nation. The advent of the economic crisis in 1973, precipitated by the October war of the same year in the Middle East, was a catalyzing factor in the process of the reawakening of the developing world, which propelled the world towards making a new reappraisal of interdependence among nations. The world has now reached a stage in which nations, both developed and developing, not only need each other, but at the same time possess the capability to harm one another-a stage where interdependence contains seeds of confrontation that may result in the extinction of mankind. So, while we still stand a chance, let us not pass the opportunity to build such systems and institutions, which will ensure a more equitable and just political and economic order indispensable to the survival and progress of mankind.
95.	My delegation has on several occasions hailed detente as a process of special importance. When the Final Act of Helsinki was signed in 1975, we acclaimed it as a significant step towards easing the atmosphere of suspicion and enmity of the European continent, thereby greatly enhancing the prospect for more constructive relations between, all countries in this region. But, while noting the hopeful developments in East-West relations, the limited scope of this process, both in substance and in geographical extent, never escaped our notice. Detente should not be a mere preoccupation with East-West affairs, but should also address itself to finding solutions in respect to problems affecting North-South relations, giving more positive response to the legitimate demands of the developing countries for the establishment of an equitable world economic order.
96.	The establishment of a new international order is undoubtedly in the objective interest of the entire world community. The Conference of non-aligned countries in Colombo advanced this ideal by adopting a number of positions of great importance to the Members of the United Nations. The decisions taken by that Conference will certainly help to encourage the establishment of a new order in international relations, one based upon co-operation and the equality of all States.
97.	True to its firm adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, the non-aligned movement has always sought to commit itself to the cause of the strengthening of the role of this Organization. Non-alignment will, therefore, never lend itself to become the instrument of fragmentation of the United Nations. Let me quote in this regard a paragraph from the statement before this Assembly of the distinguished current Chairman of the Group of Non-Aligned Countries, the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, Mrs. Bandaranaike, and I quote:
"I have said this before, but it will bear repetition as there are still some nations which look upon non-alignment as a new alignment, a new bloc, even a new threat The world should not be victim to this fear and distrust of a movement which came into being as a creative alternative to mutual suspicion, recrimination and hate." [11th meeting, para. 85.]
98.	Indonesia will continue to support the historic policy of the non-aligned movement and to promote constructive co-operation when and wherever possible.
99.	The region of South-East Asia finds itself now in the wake of new realities and, therefore, new challenges. Indonesia, together with the other members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN], has given a positive, and at the same time a realistic, response to these changes and challenges.
100.	The strategic and economic importance of South¬East Asia has made the region the subject of rivalry and competition for influence and control among the big Powers. The leaders of ASEAN realized that the time had come for the States of the region to co-operate and to stand together in order to take their destiny in their own hands, free from outside interference. It is in conformity with this resolve that the ASEAN countries in 1971 called for the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia. The determination of ASEAN to materialize the aspirations of zonal peace and stability, free from external interference and big-Power rivalry was reaffirmed on 24 February of this year at Denpasar in Bali, where the Conference of Heads of State and Government of the ASEAN countries pledged to take active steps for its early establishment.
101.	I submit that it was in the same spirit and because of identical preoccupations that the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries expressed concern that, as a result of recent developments, the Indian Ocean is becoming the main focus of big-Power rivalry in Asia through growing competition among the big Powers for naval superiority. In this context of continuing rivalry and arms escalation, the establishment of zones of peace in areas such as the Indian Ocean, South-East Asia or any other area in the world had, therefore, assumed a new urgency. And it is in this context also that my Government strongly supports the proposal to convene as soon as possible a conference of littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean in order to coordinate efforts in seeking the accelerated implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)].
102.	We are all aware that since the end of the Second World War there have been nearly continuous rounds of negotiations to end the arms race. In addition, every year the General Assembly has before it an ever-growing number of items dealing with disarmament. Yet, the results so far achieved are far from satisfactory. The escalation of the arms race has now reached even more frightening proportions.
103.	While Indonesia remains committed to tKe idea of convening a world disarmament conference, my delegation reaffirms its support to the initiative taken by the non- aligned countries at the Fifth Conference in Colombo to convene not later than 1978 a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations to be devoted to the problems of disarmament. We strongly believe that such a special session might be able to generate a break-through in the stalemate that so far has characterized disarmament negotiations. It is therefore our hope that the present session will be able to decide to convene this special session in order that preparatory work can soon be started.
104.	My delegation cannot but view with deep concern the increasing deterioration of the situation in the Middle East. Today we are still confronted by Israel's persistent policy of occupation by force, by the establishment of permanent settlements in the occupied territories and by the alteration of their geographical, demographic and economic features and the destruction of their cultural aspects. My delegation hopes that the present session of our Assembly will be able to intensify its efforts to secure a comprehensive, just and lasting solution in the Middle East. Indonesia's views on the basic requisites for such a solution and its unswerving and total support for the cause of our Arab brothers and for the fundamental rights of the Palestinian nation need no reiteration. I would like to affirm Indonesia's readiness to extend all possible support to the struggle of our Arab brothers to regain their moral, legal and historical rights.
105.	The tragedy that has befallen the people of Lebanon is a matter of deep distress and concern to the Government and people of Indonesia. The discouraging absence of a solution to Lebanon's deepening crisis has already caused incredible suffering to the people. On certain occasions there seemed to emerge a ray of hope that the contending armed factions would be reconciled. However, again and again these slender hopes have evaporated into oblivion, and fighting has been resumed in all ferocity. My delegation therefore expresses its sincerest hope that the forthcoming summit meeting of Arab leaders in Cairo will finally succeed in putting an end to further suffering of the unfortunate people of Lebanon.
106.	Indonesia views with deep regret the stalemate that has occurred in the talks under the aegis of the United Nations between the two communities in Cyprus. It is our hope that these talks could be resumed so that renewed efforts could be made towards the achievement of a peaceful settlement that would preserve the territorial integrity and independence of Cyprus, in which the two communities can live together in harmony as equal partners and on an equal footing.
107.	It must give the Assembly somehow a certain sense of relief that our present session is absolved from the consideration of the perennial problem of Korea. Indonesia believes that the solution of the problem of Korea should first and foremost come as a result of the efforts of the Korean people themselves. In this context, the creation of an atmosphere conducive to a continued and direct dialogue between North and South Korea is of the utmost importance. All efforts should proceed from a recognition of existing realities on the peninsula. Disregarding these realities can bring no other result than the further aggravation of the situation.
108.	A problem of crisis proportions has for some time engulfed southern Africa, caused by the persistent and stubborn pursuance of the policies of apartheid, colonialism and racist minority rule. The violence that has recently erupted in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe is, however, testimony to the indomitable determination of the peoples of the subregion to resist oppression and the degradation of human dignity.
109.	For years the minority regime in Southern Rhodesia had defied United Nations sanctions and arrogantly rejected any approaches made by African States, as set out in the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa,  to settle the problems of southern Africa by peaceful means. The heroic struggle of the Zimbabwe people has now, however, forced the illegal regime to bow to the inevitable and to open the door for majority rule long overdue.
110.	The white minority racist regime of Pretoria displays the same arrogance by intensifying its repressive measures against the Namibian people, causing untold misery and deprivation, which come only as the natural result of its hideously inhuman policy of apartheid. The international community cannot be deceived by the recent maneuvers of the Pretoria regime to perpetuate its rule by dividing the Namibian leaders and by excluding the representative of the South West Africa People's Organization fSWAPOJ from the so-called constitutional conferences. SWAPO, which is the only movement recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the United Nations as the sole representative of the legitimate aspirations of the Namibian people, should be accorded a decisive role in the determination of the future political status of Namibia. The tragic events in Soweto and other places, which have shocked the human conscience all over the world, showed the indomitable determination of the people of Azania to put an end to the policies of apartheid.
111.	In conformity with relevant resolutions adopted by the Colombo Conference, Indonesia reaffirms its solidarity and pledges all possible support to the gallant people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania in their struggle to regain freedom, justice and human dignity. While Indonesia commends all efforts that have been undertaken to achieve a negotiated settlement for the problems in the southern Africa subregion, we are, at the same time, of the view that utmost vigilance should still be exercised, as the regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury are doing their utmost to procrastinate in order to win time and attempt to strengthen their already tottering power. In this regard, Indonesia shares the view expressed by the Presidents of the "front-line" States in the subregion in their statement of 26 September that no solution would be acceptable if it were "tantamount to legalizing the colonialist and racialist structures of power".
112.	While in the sphere of international peace and security the world has been spared from armed conflicts of a global dimension, this situation is continuously being threatened by persistent inequalities and discrepancies in the international economic scene. Economic backwardness and stagnation, mass poverty and unemployment continue to be the condition of the vast majority of mankind. This situation has to be rapidly improved if our achievement is to be preserved and fostered.
113.	It is widely recognized that the basic cause of this deplorable condition has its roots in the structural imbalances in the international economic relationship. We are all committed to build a better world economy based on equality and justice, for which we had adopted at the sixth special session the Declaration and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order.
114.	The seventh special session, which followed and was hailed as a milestone in international negotiations, has set in motion the process of restructuring the world economic system through a series of negotiations. The results of the seventh special session indeed represent the first global consensus on the need to restructure the international economic system substantially in favor of the less fortunate countries. The progress in the implementation of this consensus has so far been extremely slow, and in certain areas there is indeed no forward movement at all. But as our outgoing President rightly stated at the opening meeting of this session, it is a source of encouragement that tills problem of sharing fairly the resources of the world continues to be the focal point of our debates. It was notably at the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi this year that an important stage was reached in the restructuring process as called for in the decision of the seventh special session. Although clearly falling short of the aspirations of the developing countries as contained in the Manila Declaration,  a number of decisions reached at Nairobi can be regarded as essential steps forward in the continuing progress towards the goals as envisaged in the Declaration and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order.
115.	In the area of world commodity trade, a field of vital interest to the economies of developing countries, general consensus was for the first time obtained for the integrated program for commodities, including a common set of objectives, interrelated measures and agreed procedures, as well as a specific time-table for the negotiation of a number of individual commodities and the common fund. As a result of these decisions on commodities, we are to embark upon a major negotiating process over the next two years. These negotiations will provide us with a real opportunity and challenge to bring about a significant break-through in our efforts to arrive at the new international economic order.'
116.	In the fields of manufactures and the transfer of technology, important advances were also made on the major issues involved. A significant decision was also taken on the institutional issue, which considerably strengthened the role and function of UNCTAD as a major forum for negotiations within the United Nations system.
117.	My delegation has however noted with dismay that no progress was made at the fourth session of UNCTAD with regard to money and finance. No measures could be agreed upon for an increase of financial flow to the developing countries. No satisfactory solution could be found to the critical debt problems of the developing countries. My delegation is aware of the urgency of the need to find a comprehensive solution to these problems, and of the serious political and economic implications of prolonged failure to do so. The performance of the International Development Strategy in the first half of the Second United Nations Development Decade is indeed disappointing in many important areas, including the area of money and finance. The net flow of official development assistance not only remained below the target set for the Decade, but its distribution was hardly related to the development needs. There has, however, been an encouraging increase of the share of the developing countries in world financing flows, in particular from the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, which has injected a dynamic element into the picture.
118.	The pressing need for development finance on a continuing and expanding basis has time and again been emphasized on successive occasions at various forums. We therefore earnestly hope that positive response be given to the appeal made by the Mexico Conference of the Group of 77,  which urged the donor countries to demonstrate their goodwill regarding the fifth replenishment of the International Development Association and at the same time also urged the member countries of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development to agree to significantly increase the Bank's capital.
119.	Another point, which I wish to refer to with regard to the Mexico Conference, is its consensus which took note of the proposal of the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Zulikar Ali Bhutto, on a summit conference of the Developing Countries of the third world [see A/31/208]. Indonesia is giving this important proposal the serious consideration it deserves.
120.	The non-aligned Conference in Colombo undertook a comprehensive assessment and review of the results of the multilateral trade negotiations, the Kingston Conference, the fourth session of UNCTAD, the Paris Conference, and arrived at a number of important conclusions and decisions which will have an important bearing on our future negotiations. Failure to achieve significant results could then seriously jeopardize the spirit of dialogue which was hailed as the most important achievement of the seventh special session of the General Assembly.
121.	An essential element that is bound to make a significant contribution to the restructuring of the old economic order is the realization of the concept of collective self-reliance through strengthening economic cooperation among developing countries. My Government has long since been aware of the potential benefits which can be derived from such co-operation. For the past decade, the countries of ASEAN have been actively engaged in seeking joint solutions to problems of national development and regional co-operation with a view to strengthening their individual as well as collective resilience and self-reliant growth.
122.	Over the years, ASEAN has gradually evolved into an increasingly effective vehicle to co-ordinate policies both in regard to intra-ASEAN problems as well as in safeguarding ASEAN's economic interests vis-a-vis the developed countries. With the recent signing of the Declaration of ASEAN Concord at the Bali Conference another major step forward has been made in concretizing and accelerating mutual co-operation in several important fields, such as the establishment of joint ASEAN industrial plants.
123.	The complexities and injustices facing the world can be resolved only through joint and concerted action by the international community. The United Nations as the most universal instrument for collective action should be made more responsive to the requirements of the new economic order.
124.	At the seventh special session, the international community recognized the need to make the United Nations system a more effective machinery for economic co-operation. We welcome the positive work undertaken by the Ad Hoc Committee,  which provides a useful basis for pursuing the approach of the restructuring process in the United Nations system. We share the view that the effectiveness of the General Assembly should be enhanced. There should be more coherence in the decision-making process of the United Nations system, and better synchronization of the work at the different levels of organs dealing with economic and social problems. The role of the Economic and Social Council as the central co-ordinating body should be revitalized. UNCTAD, as a major organ within the United Nations system, in which major elements of the new international economic order are increasingly brought up for negotiations and decisions, should be strengthened and made more effective.
125.	Indonesia attaches the greatest importance to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, whose mandate is to draw up a new international legal order of the sea. The success or failure of the Conference will indeed have far-reaching effects on mankind. Indonesia, being an archipelagic State which is vulnerable due to its strategic location at the cross-roads of international communications, has a vital interest that the outcome of the Conference will safeguard its security, territorial integrity and national unity. The fifth session of the Conference has just ended a month ago. We have noted with caution that in certain areas some progress leading to a consensus or agreement has been made. Unfortunately, however, this did not prove sufficient to bring about general agreement on concrete texts, since progress in those areas has been thwarted by deadlock in others, such as the question of the regime for the international sea-bed and the problem of the rights of States in the exclusive economic zone. Moreover, acceptable balanced formulations on some other issues, like passage through straits used for international navigation, have yet to be found. It is our sincere hope that the coming sixth session will be the last substantive one and that comprehensive agreements can be reached on all issues, not only on the so-called "key issues" or "priority issues", but equally so on issues of vital interest to a certain number of countries, such as the regime of archipelagic States. I take this opportunity to express Indonesia's deep appreciation to those friendly countries who have given their support and sympathy to Indonesia's position on the principles relating to archipelagic States.
126.	With regard to the problem of the taking of hostages, Indonesia welcomes the initiative taken by the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany,, which will enable us to consider this issue in all its aspects [A/311242].
127.	I believe that an expression of appreciation is due to our .Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the efforts he has exerted in the interest of our Organization during his tenure. His dedication has contributed much to the strengthening of the effectiveness of the United Nations.
128.	The delegation of Indonesia has been gratified by the many positive accomplishments achieved by the United Nations, often in the face of great obstacles. The attainment of these accomplishments owes much to the near universality of membership in our Organization and to the growing awareness which it has demonstrated of the need to create a new system of political and economic relationships based on peace and the recognition of the equality of all States. My delegation is confident that in the coming years the United Nations will play an even more significant role in the application of these progressive principles to international relations.
129.	Before concluding, may I take this opportunity to present our views regarding East Timor. I shall confine my remarks to a brief review of our position and to an explanation of the latest developments in East Timor. From the outset Indonesia has made it clear that it has no territorial ambitions in East Timor. It has always insisted that the political future of East Timor should be decided through the exercise of the right to self-determination by the people of that Territory. These are the underlying principles of Indonesia's position as reflected in its record in the United Nations, where Indonesia supported the aspirations of all dependent peoples and their national liberation movements throughout the world. It is upon the basis of these principles that Indonesia responded to developments in East Timor.
130.	At the town of Balibo in East Timor on 30 November, 1975 four political parties (Uniao Democratica de Timor, Apodeti, Kota and Trabalhista) representing the majority of the people of that territory proclaimed their decision to become independent through integration with the Republic of Indonesia. While welcoming this decision, the Government of Indonesia expressed at the same time its considered view that such a decision should be based upon the result of the exercise of the right of self-determination by the people of East Timor. After normalcy had returned to the territory, the people of East Timor exercised on 31 May 1976 their right to self-determination through the People's Representative Assembly, whose members were elected in accordance with established customary practice in East Timor. Having taken this action, the people of East Timor declared that as of that date they had already exercised their right to self-determination and thereby had concluded the process of decolonization of their Territory. And now the people are concentrating their efforts on the task of reconstruction and development.
131.	The constitutional process of the integration was subsequently completed on 17 July 1976, when a statute of integration was formally promulgated by the President of the Republic of Indonesia. It was with great emotion that the people of East Timor listened to President Suharto, when he declared on 16 August 1976 before the House of Representatives:
"Now the people of East Timor have made the decision about their own future, namely integration with the people and State of the Republic of Indonesia. There is no other way, therefore, but to accept with full responsibility such an integration. And now, from this forum, on the eve of the commemoration of the thirty-first anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Indonesia, I hereby officially inform the people of Indonesia, the people of East Timor and the world that the people and the territory of East Timor have been integrated with the people of Indonesia, within, the unitary State of the Republic, in compliance with the freely expressed wishes of the people of East Timor themselves, and this integration was warmly accepted by the entire Indonesian people and nation."
132. In the history of decolonization no two cases have ever been implemented in the same way. Each case has to be viewed in its own particular situation and circumstances, taking into account the historical, social, cultural and political realities which prevail in the territory concerned. What is even more important is that the right to self-determination should be exercised on the basic precepts of the Charter which stipulate that "the interests of the inhabitants of the Territory are paramount".
133. These paramount interests were translated by th-j people of East Timor in their declaration to integrate with the Republic of Indonesia expressed in a manner of their own choosing and in conformity with their traditional institutions. Consequently, the people of East Timor have exercised their right to self-determination in accordance with the provisions of the .Charter and of resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV). In his statement before the House of Representatives on 16 August 1976 President Suharto stated:
"Time and again we have stated that the East Timor problem is a question of self-determination. It is a problem of abolishing colonialism. The fate of the people of East Timor can only be decided by themselves and right there on the soil of East Timor, neither in New York, nor in Lisbon, nor in Jakarta."
134.	The people of East Timor have made their decision. Indonesia respects it. And it is our hope that this decision will also be respected by all members of the international community.