It gives me great
pleasure to convey on behalf of the Islamic State of
Afghanistan our warm felicitations to Mr. Amara Essy on
his unanimous election to the high office of President of
the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. The
Afghan delegation assures him of its full cooperation
during his term of office.
23

I cannot fail to express the gratitude of the Afghan
delegation for the effective leadership shown by
Ambassador Samuel Insanally, the President of the General
Assembly at its forty-eighth session, in guiding the
proceedings of that session.
His Excellency Professor Burhannudin Rabbani,
President of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, has instructed
me to convey to the Assembly a message he has addressed
to it. I am privileged to read out that message now:
"Your Excellencies, Heads of State and
Government participating in the forty-ninth session of
the General Assembly,
"His Excellency the Secretary-General,
"His Excellency the President of the General
Assembly,
"I convey my best wishes for the prosperity,
welfare and progress of your nations, and wish the
United Nations and the current General Assembly
session ever more success in furthering the cause of
peace and social justice.
"I had desired to personally attend the current
General Assembly session and avail myself of the
opportunity to meet and extend to you, and through
you to your Governments and peoples, the message of
the Islamic State and the Afghan nation. However,
important State engagements, particularly some
ongoing developments concerning the consolidation of
the political process in my country, prevented me
from doing so. Therefore, I have asked the Chairman
of the Afghan delegation to convey this brief message
to the General Assembly.
"This message raises the cry of a nation which,
with its unprecedented sacrifices, has played its
historic role for the cause of world peace and stability
and for the collapse of the hegemonistic and
expansionist system of the former Soviet Union, as
well as for the defence of freedom, social justice and
democratic values. A nation which suffered more
than 1.5 million sacrifices and immeasurable
destruction in all spheres of its life has contributed to
the ending of the cold war and to a considerable
diminution of the threat of nuclear confrontation. It
was the ending of global polarization that enabled East
and West to attain positive understandings that
produced assurances and trust leading to the
establishment of extensive cooperation and the
recognition of democracy as an accepted value and
concept, irrespective of any bloc interest.
"We are mindful of the fact that our friends are
equally grieved as a result of the prevailing
sufferings imposed upon our innocent nation. We
appreciate their readiness to endeavour to find an
end to those destructive events.
"I would like to make it known that as far as
the Islamic State is concerned, we have proved our
sincerity and our dedication to a peaceful settlement
of the present problems. To allow the political
process to consolidate, I have announced my
readiness to transfer power to a responsible and
legitimate authority. I have even declared that I
would not be a candidate during the transitional
period.
"It is the warmonger elements who have taken
advantage of our flexibility and conciliatory
gestures, including our unilateral cease-fire
declarations, to strengthen their political and military
positions and please their outside supporters with
moves towards the realization of their heinous
designs. These are elements whose merciless rocket
attacks on innocent civilian targets and the continued
violation of international humanitarian law are
matters of everyday life.
"The Afghan nation is astonished to continue to
see a lack of adequate enthusiasm on the part of the
world community to act effectively towards the
realization of the following legitimate aspirations:
"First, an extensive collective endeavour to provide
realistic and effective assistance to accelerate the
ongoing political process inside the country;
"Secondly, an immediate start of practical assistance
for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of war-torn
Afghanistan, as well as mine clearance, to facilitate
and speed up the repatriation of Afghan refugees;
"Thirdly, effective international measures to stop
foreign interference, particularly in the form of the
supply of weapons and ammunition to those who
continue to cause immeasurable loss of life and
destruction of property.
24

"Finding a solution to the existing problems of
Afghanistan necessitates the taking of realistic and
courageous action by the world community, the United
Nations and, in particular, the United Nations Security
Council.
"We are confident that clear and decisive action
in continuation of the support extended to us during
our 14 years of struggle would enable the Afghan
nation once again to live in peace, equality and
brotherhood, free from any form of racial, ethnic,
linguistic and religious prejudice. It is in such an
atmosphere of peace and tranquillity that Afghanistan
could play its positive and effective role in the
consolidation of regional peace and stability as a
positive element, defending democracy and social
justice.
"As history recounts, a disturbed Afghanistan has
always been a source of regional instability, just as its
stability has had a positive impact on the tranquillity
of the region.
"It is expected that those concerned with peace in
Afghanistan, especially our fraternal neighbouring
countries, will be supportive of the ongoing political
process in our homeland.
"The tenets of Islam guide us towards honesty,
justice and mutual respect among members of the
human community, irrespective of any form of
prejudice. Islam calls upon all Islamic nations to
serve the cause of the peace and security of mankind.
"The United Nations, as a source of hope for
many suffering nations around the world, can play a
decisive role in the return of peace to our shattered
and war-stricken country.
"We are appreciative of the personal efforts of
His Excellency the Secretary-General of the United
Nations and the special mission under the leadership
of His Excellency Mahmoud Mestiri. We also value
the efforts of His Excellency Mr. Hamid Algabid,
Secretary-General of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference, for his continuous search to put an end to
the conflict in Afghanistan. We wish them every
success in coordinating their efforts with our national
endeavours based upon realistic approaches.
"Let us hope that our future generations will
recall the efforts of our friends and those interested in
a stable and peaceful Afghanistan as the continuation
of our just struggle for the cause of peace.
"Wishing the current session of the General
Assembly every success,
"Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani,
"President of the Islamic State of
Afghanistan."
Let me begin my own statement by referring to the
miseries being inflicted upon our people and country and
by letting members of the Assembly know about some
recent political developments in Afghanistan.
Since the last session of the General Assembly three
main political developments have taken place in our
national efforts aimed at further consolidation of the
political process and in the international action in favour
of peace and stability in Afghanistan:
First, the completion of the first two rounds and the
beginning of a third round of peace efforts by the United
Nations special mission to Afghanistan;
Secondly, consideration of the situation in our
country by the Security Council;
Thirdly, major developments in the political process,
highlighted by the convening in August 1994 of a
Supreme Islamic Council in Herat and by its significant
resolutions.
Following the first round of its visit to Afghanistan
the special mission submitted its report (A/49/208) to the
Secretary-General. Before making some comments on
that report, I wish first to express the gratitude of the
Islamic State of Afghanistan to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his personal concern and
the attention he continues to pay to Afghanistan. We
assure him of our continued cooperation and support. I
should also like to reaffirm the commitment of the
Islamic State to support the special mission and to
cooperate with it to enable it to discharge its mandate
successfully.
Here, I should like to draw the attention of the
Assembly to some elements in the report that are of
particularly importance. Paragraph 13 states that the
mission found most of the country - at least two thirds of
it - to be at peace. I would also draw attention to the
25

realistic conclusion of the mission in paragraph 31, which
states, inter alia, that the
"mission believes that reconstruction assistance should
not be seen as separate from but integral to a lasting
political solution." (A/49/208, para. 31)
Emphasizing the interrelationship between political and
economic activities to promote peace, the report says:
"Political and economic activity are interrelated and
interconnected forces, which must be linked in
Afghanistan in ways which encourage peace." (Ibid.)
We appreciate this positive assessment of the mission.
In the light of the above conclusions of the United
Nations mission as well as its recommendations, and based
upon the critical need of the Afghan people for outside
assistance, we believe the notion of peace first and
reconstruction assistance second is no longer justifiable or
plausible. The beginning of reconstruction assistance in
those parts of the country where peace prevails will
certainly encourage and persuade those who are illegally
carrying arms to abandon their weapons for shovels and
begin rebuilding their agriculture and farms.
Since the beginning of the abortive coup of 1 January
in Kabul, the United Nations Security Council has
considered the situation in Afghanistan on three separate
occasions. This consideration, which was in conformity
with the Afghan nation’s expectations of the Security
Council, was timely and appropriate.
In its Presidential Statement dated 23 March 1994,
"The Council stress[ed] the importance that it
attaches to full compliance with international
humanitarian law in all its aspects and recall[ed] that
those who violate international humanitarian law bear
individual responsibility." (S/PRST/1994/12)
That Statement was just, positive and realistic.
Recently, another Security Council Presidential
Statement, dated 11 August 1994, was issued in reference
to certain developments including the progress report of the
United Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan and the
recommendations therein. This Presidential Statement too
contains some positive, important and realistic elements, in
particular the fourth paragraph, wherein
"The Council calls on all States to take the
necessary steps to promote peace in Afghanistan, to
stop the flow of weapons to the parties, and to put
an end to this destructive conflict."
(S/PRST/1994/43)
The Statement also urges the international
community to assist Afghans in rebuilding their shattered
country.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan expressed its
appreciation to the Council for addressing an important
aspect which is the core of the problem. However, we
note with astonishment the reluctance on the part of the
Council to condemn the aggressors, who continue to
inflict inhuman atrocities on innocent civilian populations
and continue to violate international humanitarian law.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan once again states
that the present crisis in the country is not a civil war but
rather an imposed armed conflict fueled from abroad.
The Security Council’s good intentions for
Afghanistan can be realized only if the Council addresses
the actual cause of the fighting. It should not limit itself
to the mere issuance of statements, but should consider
taking some specific enforcement measures.
In this connection, it would be appropriate to refer
to resolution 48/75 H, adopted at the forty-eighth session
of the General Assembly on 16 December 1993, on
measures to curb the illicit transfer and use of
conventional weapons. The Assembly, considering the
availability of massive quantities of conventional weapons
as a contributing factor to armed conflicts around the
world and recognizing the excessive quantity of
conventional weapons in a number of countries as a
source of destabilization of their national and regional
security, invited Member States to take appropriate
enforcement measures directed at ending the illegal export
of these weapons from their territories.
The continued illegal flow of conventional weapons
to Afghanistan represents a violation of the provisions of
resolution 48/75 H by some of our neighbouring
countries. We hope that the report of the Secretary-
General to the General Assembly at the current session,
requested by that resolution, will suggest effective ways
and means of stopping the illegal flow of these weapons
and of collecting weapons illegally distributed in the
country.
26

Now I should like to turn to the recent major political
development which is a source of hope for bringing an end
to the crisis in our country:
At the beginning, it would not be inappropriate to
draw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that the
current situation in Afghanistan is a legacy of 14 years of
protracted war stemming from the invasion unleashed by
the former Soviet Union, as well as of a series of
interferences in our internal affairs over the last two years.
To eliminate the manifestations and effects of such a
protracted war, which aimed at erasing all spiritual,
historical and cultural values of Afghan society, is not
feasible in a short period of time.
Early last month on the initiative of the south and west
zone of the country and its leader and general commander,
General Mohammad Ismail Khan, a Supreme Islamic
Council convened in the ancient city of Herat, with the
participation of more than 700 delegates representing
different strata of Afghan society, including governors and
the main commanders of various provinces, religious
scholars, tribal leaders, technocrats, intellectuals and other
scholars, as well as 150 representatives of Afghans living
abroad. That important gathering was also attended by the
representative of the Office of the Secretary-General on
Afghanistan and Pakistan as well as by a number of
representatives of friendly countries. At the end, the
Supreme Islamic Council adopted an eleven-point
resolution. Due to the important contribution the realization
of the objectives of the said resolution would have in the
consolidation of peace and the political process in the
country, I should like to take the liberty of shedding light
on some of its most important points.
Given the fact that on the basis of Islamic law and
internationally accepted principles, the will of a nation is
the source of national sovereignty, the Supreme Islamic
Council decided:
- To convene a traditional Grand National
Assembly - Loya Jirgah - by the end of October 1994, in
the capital, Kabul, in order to determine the future political
leadership of the country; adopt and ratify the future
constitution; and settle other important national issues yet
pending;
- To reject and condemn any Government created
against the will of the nation and under the patronage of
outsiders;
- Strongly to condemn foreign interference in the
internal affairs of Afghanistan, calling upon the
Organization of the Islamic Conference and the United
Nations to act resolutely to put an end to that interference
on the basis of the provisions of their Charters;
- To reaffirm the fact that Afghanistan is a
distinct and indivisible political entity.
The participating members of the Supreme Islamic
Council in Herat committed themselves to standing firm
against any rejection of this national accord. The full text
of the Herat resolutions can be found in the official
document of the Security Council (S/1994/943).
It is gratifying to note that based upon those
resolutions, a preparatory commission for the Grand
Assembly convened on 30 August in Kabul and at its first
meeting unanimously elected Mawlawi Mohammad Nabi
Muhammadi, the leader of the Herakat-Inqalabi Islami
party, as its Chairman.
Given the fact that the resolutions adopted in Herat
marked a major new stage in the political evolution of our
country, with the emphasis on the broad participation of
Afghans, in that national gathering, and taking into
consideration the effective role that the special mission of
the United Nations could play in the acceleration of the
peace process, it would be relevant to say a few words
about the need to coordinate and merge these two series
of efforts into components of a unified political process.
Guided by its mandate, the United Nations Special
Mission should try to find common ground with a view
to ensuring a compromise approach that would lead to
national rapprochement among Afghans. We are fully
confident that Ambassador Mestiri will keep this in mind
as the core of his mandate. If the Afghans, in keeping
with their traditional way of solving problems, come
together in a national gathering and adopt resolutions
aimed at preserving the national sovereignty and territorial
integrity and at realizing the right of the people to decide
their own political future without foreign interference and
involvement, the United Nations will be left as a neutral
party with a complementary role.
As an additional measure, the United Nations Special
Mission could support an initiative that would avoid any
loopholes and would ensure fairness and impartiality in
the proceedings. Otherwise, attempts to create a parallel
initiative will only produce further complication and
aggravation of the situation and, consequently,
27

disappointment for our nation in the peacemaking efforts of
the United Nations.
I should like to make it clear that at no stage in its
existence has Afghanistan constituted a source of threat to
its neighbours. Nor has it allowed any third country to use
it for the advancement of that country’s political differences
with Afghanistan’s neighbours. We shall continue to act in
this manner. Today, we yearn for peace more than for
anything else, for only in an atmosphere of peace can we
strive for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of our
war-shattered country and heal the wounds and relieve the
pain and suffering resulting from 14 years of war. We
sincerely and seriously expect our neighbours to be
supportive of our national efforts to these ends.
In principle, the legitimate interests of States should be
recognized and respected by their neighbours. However, if
the expectation of a State, under the pretext of preserving
its interests, violates the supreme interest of another State -
namely, its national sovereignty and territorial integrity and
the principle that the will of a nation should govern its
destiny - this expectation becomes illegitimate.
Not too long ago the world witnessed the former
Soviet Union, as it pursued its activities in Afghanistan,
crossing the boundary of legitimate interest. As a result,
the Afghan nation, without regard for the disparity between
the military means of the two sides, stood against one of
the world’s mightiest military machines. After 10 years of
imposed war and direct confrontation with the Red Army,
the Afghan nation, with the help of the Almighty and the
sacrifice of more than 1.5 million martyrs, proved once
again that it would never allow foreign interference or
accept dictates - in particular, that it would not permit
outsiders to impose their will on Afghans.
There is no longer a foreign army of occupation in
Afghanistan, but the legacy of such a presence is still
killing our people. Land-mines constitute the most toxic
pollution facing mankind. Referred to as the hidden killers,
these do not discriminate between adults and children. If
there are 100 million of these deadly devices in 60 war-
stricken countries throughout the world, at least one fifth of
them are in Afghanistan. This cruel threat is a dreadful
impediment to the return of the refugees.
We need a great deal of help from the international
community if we are to promote and finance land-mine
awareness and clearance programmes. We appreciate
highly President Clinton’s very important proposal, voiced
here, concerning the need for international action to clear
mines in the war-stricken countries of the world.
No international effort in the war against poverty
and in support of sustained growth and development will
be effective if account if not taken of the continuing
deterioration in the socio-economic situation of the least
developed countries, identified as such by the United
Nations system. Among these countries are those that
experience frequent natural disasters and those ravaged by
war.
Specific action to deal with the particular needs and
problems of land-locked developing countries - I refer in
particular to assistance for the land-locked States of
central Asia - is an important matter that requires
discussion during this session of the General Assembly.
Afghanistan, which is itself land-locked, is the country of
transit for many central Asian States. Roads and
highways in Afghanistan are damaged as a result of the
long years of foreign armed aggression. For this reason
we shall propose that the United Nations system assist our
region by carrying out a corridor study - a study of the
transit roads in Afghanistan, which is situated in the heart
of Asia.
Transit and transport agreements between the land-
locked States members of the Economic Cooperation
Organization, including Afghanistan, and Iran and
Pakistan need to be concluded or updated to take account
of the new circumstances and the legal and technical
advice of the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan stands firm in
support of human rights throughout the world but
particularly in Afghanistan. Much to our regret, armed
conflict between various groups has resulted in violations
of human rights - especially of the right to life, which is
humanity’s most fundamental right. To prevent such
occurrences and to ensure security, the State is
determined to collect the arms currently in the possession
of certain groups. There has already been noticeable
progress in this area. Most of the armed groups realize
the need to end conflicts and to relinquish heavy
armaments. The completion of this task can be ensured
through strengthening of the national armed forces and
the national police force. Significant steps will be taken
towards this goal.
As for civil, political, economic and cultural rights,
the Islamic State of Afghanistan, in observance of Islamic
28

teaching and international responsibilities, acknowledges its
duty to eliminate all discrimination and intolerance, whether
religious, linguistic or based on gender. Afghanistan
recognizes its Islamic responsibility to ensure the family,
legal, cultural, social, political and economic rights of
women. Apart from obligations of principle and morality,
a country that lost 15 per cent of its population during the
war cannot be completely successful in the enormous task
of reconstruction without the active participation of its
female population. Therefore, it is imperative that proper
measures be taken to secure extensive participation by
Afghan women in the process of rebuilding the nation’s
economy, culture and society.
In the midst of these conflicts, it is the children who
suffer most. In Afghanistan alone there are almost 1
million war orphans. The situation of this precious and
most vulnerable category of the population deserves
particular attention. To this end, the Islamic State of
Afghanistan will submit a proposal for consideration by the
Assembly at its current session to establish an international
fund within the framework of the United Nations Children’s
Fund (UNICEF) to assist the rehabilitation of orphans of
armed conflicts. It would be worth considering a
declaration of 1996 as the international year of orphans.
We welcome the appointment of Graça Machel by the
Secretary-General as an expert to carry out the mandate of
the General Assembly to conduct a study of the
consequences of armed conflicts on children.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan, inspired by Islamic
instructions, has no hesitation in taking a firm stand against
terrorism in any shape or form. As we battle violence in
our own land, we continue to add our voice to that of the
international community in condemning terrorism the world
over.
At its last session the General Assembly discussed in
some detail the plight of disabled people. However, the
practical achievements do not seem to be adequate. From
this rostrum I remind the world community again of the
state of the nearly 2 million disabled persons in
Afghanistan, victims of a war of aggression. We will
submit proposals for securing international assistance for
the world’s disabled population in order to alleviate their
social, economic and psychological problems.
One issue worth mentioning, with both regional and
international implications, is that of narcotic drugs. The
illicit cultivation, production, stocking, smuggling and
trafficking of narcotic drugs are undeniably critical
problems facing humanity today. Regrettably, one of the
legacies of the long war in Afghanistan is the
transformation of some parts of our country into staging
areas for illicit drug activities. This phenomenon, which
is partly the result of the unavailability of alternative
productive economic activities, is a source of great
concern to us. Afghanistan, despite its scarce resources,
has taken serious measures in the struggle against illicit
drugs. We will spare no effort to combat these illegal
activities. However, we must not overlook the reality that
Afghanistan, with its extremely limited means and
massive economic and financial needs, is not in a position
effectively to accomplish this task alone. Afghanistan
needs urgent support from the international community to
intensify the struggle against drug cultivation and
trafficking.
The ongoing internal conflict in Tajikistan, a
fraternal neighbour of Afghanistan, is a matter of
continued concern to us. We hope that the brotherly
Tajik people, who are opening a new chapter in their
history after the collapse of the former Soviet Union and
their emergence as a new and independent nation, will
soon succeed in overcoming their difficulties.
One dimension of this internal conflict is the
periodic disturbances occurring on the border between
Afghanistan and Tajikistan. As a result of the conflict
inside Tajikistan, more than 100,000 Tajik refugees have
taken refuge inside Afghanistan. The Islamic State of
Afghanistan, on the basis of deep feelings of Islamic
brotherhood, humanitarian considerations and traditional
Afghan hospitality, provided shelter to those refugees.
The influx of the Tajik refugees to Afghanistan is
due to the political circumstances in their own country.
Therefore, only a political solution to the problems with
which they are faced, with the Government of Tajikistan,
will guarantee their voluntary repatriation to their
homeland.
The dispatch of armed forces of the Russian
Federation to Tajikistan, especially on the border between
Afghanistan and Tajikistan, would in our view further
aggravate the problem rather than contribute to its
solution.
The Islamic State of Afghanistan has committed
itself to supporting the peaceful initiative of the Secretary-
General and his Special Envoy to Tajikistan, Ambassador
Piriz-Ballon. As far as possible we have encouraged the
29

Tajik refugee leaders, in a spirit of conciliation, to help
United Nations efforts to succeed by agreeing to a
negotiated settlement. A chief factor in resolving the
problem will be the Tajik Government’s heeding the just
and legitimate demands of the Tajik opposition leaders.
Afghanistan, in pursuit of its previous commitments,
is desirous that its border with Tajikistan should be a
border of peace, understanding and friendship. Once again
we would like to declare that periodic clashes on the border
between Afghanistan and Tajikistan are a manifestation of
the internal conflict in Tajikistan, and not a single member
of the Afghan armed forces is, or will be, involved in any
border clashes.
As everyone knows, in Bosnia and Herzegovina the
odious and barbaric "ethnic cleansing" practised by the
Serbs of Bosnia re-emerged a few weeks ago in Banja
Luka, Bijeljina and other areas. The Security Council has
just demanded - in resolution 941 (1994) of 23 September -
that the Bosnian Serb authorities immediately cease their
campaign of "ethnic cleansing". This demand of the
Security Council is bound to be disregarded and denied by
the Bosnian Serb criminals. It is therefore imperative that
the Security Council should decide to mandate a United
Nations presence and coercive measures for the protection
of the Bosnian communities threatened by further "ethnic
cleansing". Otherwise, the United Nations and the five-
Power Contact Group will lose all credibility.
Another dangerous area calls for the immediate
attention of the Organization if we want to save the whole
region from catastrophe. The grave situation in Kosovo,
aggravated by the daily massive repression committed by
the Serbian authorities against 2 million ethnic Albanians,
and referred to as a time-bomb, remains explosive. We
also remind the Assembly of human rights violations in
Sandjak.
It is our view that a special United Nations mission
should assess war damage resulting from the acts of armed
aggression committed by the Bosnian Serbs. The
aggressors must know that they will have to pay war
reparations to those who are their victims. This will remind
aggressors always to think twice before firing and
destroying.
On the basis of its common historical ties with the
people of Jammu and Kashmir, especially common
religious ties with its Muslim population, the Islamic State
of Afghanistan is deeply concerned at the exacerbation of
the situation in that territory. The sufferings of the Muslim
people of Kashmir add to our grief. We continue to
believe that the question of Kashmir, which has always
been one of the prime concerns of the Muslim Umma,
can find a lasting solution through peaceful means in an
atmosphere of trust, understanding and good-
neighbourliness between the Islamic Republic of Pakistan
and the Republic of India, a solution on the basis of the
relevant resolutions of the United Nations and
internationally accepted principles on the settlement of
disputes.
During these crucial moments of the history of the
Palestinian people, we reiterate the responsibility of the
international community to support the inalienable
national rights of the Palestinians, including their right to
return to their homeland, and the right to
self-determination, encompassing the right to their own
independent State on their national soil, with Al-Quds
al-Sharif as its capital. The peace process has to be
aimed at the full implementation of Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) guaranteeing the
full withdrawal of occupying forces from all the occupied
Palestinian territories.
The Afghan nation, like other Islamic nations,
considers the occupation of the site of one of the most
sacred shrines of Islam, in Al-Quds, by authorities lacking
awareness of its sacred Islamic character, as contempt for
the most basic spiritual rights of the Islamic community
all over the world.
In conclusion, I wish to draw the attention of this
world gathering to the fact that, as a result of heavy
rocket attacks on Kabul by the opposition, as well as their
blocking of the roads to Kabul, the capital has been
without running water, electricity or heating for most of
the time since last January. Also, a shortage of food
supplies seems to be threatening the city’s most
vulnerable inhabitants who are suffering. It has been
predicted that the coming winter will be a harsh one.
As the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) fears, a large-scale human disaster may be
impossible to avert. We request the donor community to
respond positively and urgently to the United Nations
appeal for winter emergency assistance to the city of
Kabul.


President Snegur (spoke in Moldovan; English text
furnished by the delegation): Allow me at the outset, Sir,
to extend to you my cordial and sincere congratulations on
the occasion of your election as President of the forty-ninth
session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that your
competence and active cooperation with Member States will
pave the way for a successful and fruitful session.
At the same time, I should like to express my deep
gratitude to His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally for the
outstanding work accomplished in his capacity as President
of the previous session.
I should also like to express sentiments of our
utmost consideration to His Excellency Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, whose activities in redefining the role of
this prestigious Organization in this changing world enjoy
the appreciation and support of the Republic of Moldova.
I am honoured to represent the Republic of Moldova
for the second time at this rostrum. Nearly three years
ago, in March 1992, I expressed gratitude to Member
States for their considerable support extended to my
country by recognizing it at the international level as an
independent State and by accepting it into the large
family of the United Nations.
Looking back over these years, I should like to note
that the Republic of Moldova gained its independence in
a complex political context in which the aspirations for
freedom and democracy of nations led to the collapse of
totalitarian regimes and the emergence of new States.
Unfortunately, those positive changes were followed
by negative tendencies, such as threats to subregional and
regional security. Moreover, we are witnessing the
reappearance and aggravation of some older problems
connected to national minorities, territorial disputes, the
presence of foreign military troops on the territory of new
independent States, the intensification of some separatist
tendencies, often inspired and directed from abroad, and
so on.
Under these circumstances, the state of affairs is
more complex than we could imagine. The euphoria that

followed the events in Eastern Europe and on the territory
of the former Soviet Union generated in some the opinion
that the two main objectives - democratization of society
and building a market-oriented economy, both compulsory
for the institutional reintegration of new States into the
democratic world - would not face serious obstacles. Now,
however, we find that there is a desynchronization and even
a time disparity between those two objectives. I would say
that that disparity is even more evident in the new
independent States that emerged as a result of the collapse
of the former Soviet Union. In this sense, the Republic of
Moldova is no exception.
The situation requires a larger conceptual and practical
effort to correct such desynchronizations. It is obvious that
the United Nations cannot remain indifferent to the
difficulties that confront the countries in transition. In this
connection, we consider that the Secretary-General’s
intention to draw up an agenda for development is
particularly opportune, and we welcome it. In our opinion
the assistance granted by the United Nations to young
States should be provided on the basis of the concrete
conditions prevailing in every specific country and the
programmes being elaborated in each.
Located at the intersection of the geopolitical interests
of some great Powers, Moldova was incorporated into a
State and political entity in which democratic values were
meaningless. The experience of Moldova is different from
that of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, where
the communist "freezer" functioned for only four decades
and something was preserved from the previous democratic
development. That is why we had to begin the process of
democratization and market transition almost from the very
beginning. The deepening of the economic crisis can be
explained to a large extent by the fact that we do not have
at our disposal sufficient financial and energy resources or
the raw materials necessary to support these reforms.
In addition, our country’s potential was affected this
year by a natural disaster of which the international
community has already been informed. We suffered human
losses and considerable material damage, and we had to
mobilize every effort and all resources to subdue the
elements and overcome their consequences. Our voice was
heard by the international community. I should like to
express my sincere gratitude to the international
organizations and countries that granted humanitarian
assistance to the Republic of Moldova and my sincere
gratitude to the Members of the United Nations for their
understanding and sympathy, which they manifested by
adopting the resolution (48/266) entitled "Emergency
assistance to the Republic of Moldova" during the forty-
eighth session of the General Assembly.
Over the three years that have elapsed since the
proclamation of the independence of the Republic of
Moldova, on 27 August 1991, our decision to develop
democracy and a State of law with a market economy has
remained firm, in spite of transitional difficulties. This
firm decision is being realized through our efforts to
create the necessary legislative premises for promoting
reforms, including privatization, for transforming the
economy to one based on market relations and for
ensuring respect for fundamental human rights and
freedoms.
The recent parliamentary elections held on a multi-
party basis were free and fair, and this was confirmed by
international observers. Another significant event was the
adoption of the Constitution, which paves the way for the
real independence and democracy chosen by the people of
the Republic of Moldova.
The Republic of Moldova has ratified a series of
important international Conventions on human rights. We
have consequently undertaken new commitments to
change the internal juridical framework in accordance
with international standards. Measures have been taken
to guarantee the rights of the national minorities, some of
which were on the edge of losing their identity during the
Soviet regime. Many provisions of Moldovan legislation
are aimed at protecting the right to retain, develop and
utilize the language spoken on the territory of the country.
Under the new Constitution, special forms of autonomy
may be granted to some human settlements in the east
and south of the Republic of Moldova in accordance with
special juridical statutes adopted under the constitutional
laws. For example, a draft for such a statute for the
southern region is being examined in the Parliament.
We consider that the good intentions of the
Government of the Republic of Moldova and its concrete
and positive actions represent essential premises for the
elimination of sources of tension. It is our strong belief
that they can be eliminated, and with less controversy, not
through the use of force but in a peaceful way through
negotiation and dialogue; as an old saying teaches us: "It
is better to have a year of negotiations than a day of
war". This is true, since any armed conflict provokes
human and material losses.
The Republic of Moldova is and will remain fully
committed to constructive negotiations, on the condition,
2

of course, that all the parties involved demonstrate political
will and common sense.
At the same time we cannot ignore the fact that in
spite of reasonable compromises made by Chisinau,
tendencies of separatism still exist in eastern regions, and
human rights continue to be flagrantly violated. For
example, despite the fact that the Moldovan authorities and
several international organizations, including the United
Nations, have expressed their deep concern about the
situation of the "Ilascu Group", as of today the members of
the Group are still illegally detained. Another example is
this: the Moldovans from the left bank of the Dniester
river are prohibited from using the Latin alphabet in their
schooling. The separatist leaders from Tiraspol continue to
obstruct the signing of the already-endorsed agreement on
the legal status and the modalities and stages of the
complete withdrawal of the 14th Army.
I want to emphasize once again that a complete,
orderly and unconditional withdrawal of foreign military
troops from the territory of the Republic of Moldova is the
will of our people. This will is clearly reflected in our
Constitution, which forbids the deployment of foreign
troops on the territory of the Republic of Moldova. In this
context, it should be mentioned that the authorities of the
Russian Federation show a correct understanding of our
position. I would like to underline the important role of the
international community, the international organizations,
including the United Nations, and especially the Conference
on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in
facilitating the bilateral negotiations.
I avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate
Estonia and Latvia on the withdrawal of foreign military
troops from their territory and, at the same time, to express
our hope that the international community will support the
same kind of appropriate and orderly withdrawal of foreign
troops in the case of the Republic of Moldova.
I should like to touch upon the subject of separatism
and discuss it in a larger perspective. It is well known that
many regions of the world are currently affected by
separatist tendencies. Respecting the right of nations to
self-determination - a fundamental right outlined in
international documents - we cannot ignore the fact that this
right is often used as a tool serving the interests of certain
political groups and, in that context, this right has nothing
to do with the legitimate aspirations of people to liberty and
national sovereignty.
Today, in my opinion, at the end of the millennium
the separatist phenomenon is an extremely negative one,
and to ignore it can lead to tragic consequences for many
countries - indeed, for the entire world. In such
circumstances, can we afford to allow dozens of
artificially induced States to emerge as a result of the
pressure of certain interested political groups? Will this
further the strengthening of international stability and
security? We do not believe so. Given that the majority
of States have a multi-ethnic configuration, and could be
affected by such separatist tendencies, we cannot but
emphasize the dangers this might entail. That is why we
believe that this kind of separatism - today’s deadly world
virus - must be condemned by the international
community. We think that this issue should be more
closely examined, and we hope that the United Nations
will give due attention to this matter.
The Republic of Moldova has joined the United
Nations as a young European country. Our European
aspirations are determined by our geopolitical and cultural
affiliations to the European democratic space, and we are
linked to it by our Latin heritage also. For us, to be
isolated from the European space and its values means to
facilitate the re-emergence of some influences from which
we suffered painfully in the recent past. That is why our
vital and fundamental goal is the integration of our
country into Europe. In this context, we firmly look
forward to increasing cooperation and linkage with the
Council of Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO), the Western European Union (WEU), and the
CSCE, including expanding our relations with the
European Union, which represents the main guarantee of
democratic practices and values.
The implementation of our options depends crucially
on the willingness of the economic and political-strategic
Euro-Atlantic structures to support Moldova actively.
I think that establishing economic relations with the
independent States of the former Soviet Union and joining
the Commonwealth of Independent States - where we
participate only in the economic structures and are not
involved in collective security or political-military
cooperation - will not become an obstacle to our gradual
integration into the Euro-Atlantic structures. We believe
that in these times nobody wants new dividing lines in
Europe or in any other part of the world. On the
contrary, we need to eliminate those once generated by
the cold war. At the turn of the century, not only Europe
but the whole world finds itself in a complex process of
transformation. We want to establish new forms of
3

collaboration that would respond to the aspirations and the
needs of all States.
The day is approaching when the international
community will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
founding of the United Nations. In all these years the
United Nations has been - and it remains - the major
universal centre for maintaining peace and international
security and for mobilizing the efforts of States, in
cooperation with regional organizations, towards settling
global issues. The Republic of Moldova has the honour to
contribute, together with other States, to the implementation
of the noble ideals of the World Organization. I am
especially pleased to inform the Assembly that a committee
for coordinating the activities and manifestations dedicated
to the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations has been created in the Republic of Moldova.
In calling to mind the achievements and successes of
the United Nations system, we cannot but mention the fact
that so far it has operated under the guidance of a Charter
conceived 50 years ago. I think that the new international
realities might call for some essential modifications to adapt
the provisions of the Charter to these realities.
The Republic of Moldova supports the reforms
initiated by the United Nations aimed at improving the
efficiency of the Organization and its major bodies.
Our country shares the views expressed by the
delegations of many countries within the Open-ended
Working Group regarding the issue of fair representation on
the Security Council. The Council’s composition, its
functioning and methods of work should be modified
without affecting the efficiency of its activities in its main
field, which is ensuring international peace and security.
Taking into account the active role and contribution
performed in the United Nations by Germany and Japan
and their possibilities of assuming specific responsibilities
in keeping international peace and security, Moldova
supports the candidatures of these two countries as
permanent members of the Security Council. Our position
on fair representation on the Security Council is that it is
necessary to take into account all regional groups
recognized in the United Nations. In this sense, the
Republic of Moldova supports the proposal of the
Netherlands to grant an additional seat to each geographic
group, including countries from Eastern Europe.
Consultations and debates on such an important
subject should be supplemented with practical
organizational and procedural measures, such as setting
up some subsidiary bodies of the Security Council in
accordance with Article 29 of the Charter, and increasing
and expanding cooperation with the General Assembly
and the regional organizations.
At the same time, we consider that the working
methods of the most representative body of the United
Nations - the General Assembly - could also be modified.
We are all interested in directing those activities as much
as possible towards consolidating the principles of justice,
democracy and development. The delegation of Moldova
supports the decisions adopted at the forty-seventh session
aimed at increasing the efficiency of the General
Assembly and rationalizing the activities of its
Commissions.
There is a direct link between peace and security on
the one hand and economic and social development on
the other. In this new era, when the United Nations is
increasing its efforts to maintain international peace and
security, we should not forget about the persistence of
inequalities and of grave social and economic problems,
which affect all countries, particularly those in transition
and the developing ones. In this sense, reform of the
Organization should include economic and social
mechanisms, especially the Economic and Social Council.
This reform, already initiated, should be more effective in
implementation and be more rational in the utilization of
available resources.
In this context, I should like to stress the importance
of the two previous sessions of the Commission for
Sustainable Development, whose work we hope will
maintain and intensify the impulse generated by the Rio
de Janeiro Conference on Environment and Development
with respect to the rapid implementation of the
commitments made in the framework of Agenda 21.
Turning to another matter, I would like to note that
the Republic of Moldova is aware of the financial crisis
of the Organization. We are not indifferent to this
situation, and I would like to assure the Assembly that
my country will do its best to fulfil its commitments.
The recommendations of the last session of the
Committee on Contributions concerning the
re-examination and adjustment of the scale of assessments
of Member States reflect more justly States’ real capacity
to pay. We hope that the General Assembly will take
these recommendations into consideration in the spirit of
justice and solidarity which characterizes the United
Nations.
4

In conclusion, I express the hope that the constructive
atmosphere that characterizes the United Nations will help
us to identify the problems faced by the international
community and to find the necessary solutions.
The delegation of the Republic of Moldova expresses
its readiness to cooperate most actively and efficiently with
the delegations of other States in order to achieve the high
goals of the United Nations.


Allow me to congratulate the
President on his election to his high office, and to thank the
outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally,
for his wise leadership during the forty-eighth session of
the General Assembly.
Many had hoped that the fall of the Berlin Wall would
put an end to the divisions of the world and usher in a new
era of peace and harmony among nations. This has not
happened. Today humanity faces a new division or
fragmentation far more dramatic in essence. The world is
torn between hope and despair. This is the new division
we are facing.
On the one hand, hope: the spirit of democracy is
kept alive. The global commitment to the universal
principles of respect for human rights, the rule of law and
fundamental freedoms has been maintained.
On the other hand, despair: the eruption of
long-suppressed evil forces, such as ethnic and xenophobic
nationalism, racism and tribalism, has caused new conflicts.
They have emerged as new threats to international peace
and security.
On the darkest side, there are new instances of
genocide. Slogans of racial hatred have resurfaced.
Hundreds of thousands of people have been killed or
wounded; hundreds of thousands of people have become
refugees or displaced persons. Human dignity has been
violated.
On the brightest side, historic breakthroughs have been
achieved in South Africa and the Middle East. The
courageous stand of some eminent statesmen has been
instrumental in translating the basic vision of the United
Nations into reality. In this respect, our praise goes to the
leaders of Palestine, Israel and South Africa for their
courage and far-sightedness. Their bold steps towards
peace fostered our optimism to counter the negative
trends.
In order to be able to plan a better future, we must
take account of the achievements and the failures of the
past and meet the challenges of the present. The time has
come to start to contemplate realistically how to create
new and workable mechanisms to respond effectively to
the challenges of our times. But we first have to accept
the fact that euphoria is almost always short-lived.
Today we observe two contradictory trends, one
towards fragmentation and conflict and the other towards
globalization and cooperation. This new dialectic defines
the framework within which we have to work together to
find a balance between optimism and pessimism, between
the integrity of the nation-State and the demands of an
ever more interdependent world.
This Organization was built on the ashes of the
Second World War. The war’s aftermath left its imprint
not only on the United Nations Charter, but also on the
rules that govern its work and its structure. Hence, the
crucial challenge before us today is to make the United
Nations the real centre of universal solidarity, by
improving its effectiveness and harmonizing its work with
these new imperatives. It is in line with this reasoning
that we attach the utmost importance to the process of
reform and restructuring of the United Nations.
In this exercise, the pivotal point should be the
Security Council. The widespread demands to make that
principal body more representative, more responsive,
more transparent and more accountable have imposed
upon us a historic task which we must fulfil. The
democratization of the Security Council is a challenge of
our times, one that requires an adequate response. The
moral authority of this body needs to be reinforced. We
have to enhance the representative weight of the Security
Council by enlarging it and by establishing a fairer and
more orderly system of rotation within the geographical
groups.
We must make sure that the Security Council is not
perceived as a tool of a small group of big States that
seek to impose their will and their national policy
objectives on others. Indeed, the moral and legal
authority of the Security Council’s decisions emanates
from the fact that the Council, in accordance with Article
24 of the Charter, acts on behalf of all States Members of
23

the United Nations. Consequently, it is essential that the
working methods of the Security Council be reviewed to
reflect the spirit of democratization.
With this understanding, my country, Turkey, has been
actively participating in the deliberations of the Open-ended
Working Group on the Question of Equitable
Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the
Security Council. We expect this Working Group to
become a genuine driving force for real reform of the
Security Council. Therefore, any "quick-fix" solution in
which the reform may be interpreted in a rather narrow
sense cannot be accepted. In the same vein, we also fully
support the efforts under way to revitalize and rationalize
the work of the General Assembly as the central and
universal deliberative forum.
The ongoing conflicts and tragedies all over the world
underscore the urgency of our task of strengthening the
United Nations, particularly in the field of collective
security. In the past five years, United Nations
peace-keeping operations have undergone considerable
expansion. The nature of peace-keeping is changing.
Preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-enforcement,
peace-building and global human security have emerged as
new concepts on which further reflection is needed.
As an active participant in the peace-keeping
operations of the United Nations, Turkey believes that their
success depends ultimately on the support and assistance
received from the community of nations. This, in turn,
requires the awareness of a sense of shared responsibility
in addressing our common concerns.
The United Nations stand-by forces, in which we have
decided to participate, would play an essential role in
promoting such awareness. Only when a potential
aggressor clearly perceives that the international community
will retaliate in a timely and effective manner might it
change its behaviour.
The challenges we are facing today go beyond the
means and resources of a single organization. Accordingly,
there is a need for a new collective security architecture of
mutually-reinforcing institutions in which all elements
would have a role to play. The interaction between global
security and regional security requires effective cooperation
and coordination among the United Nations and regional
organizations. One thing is clear: only the United Nations
can provide legitimacy to regional arrangements and
institutions in the fields of peace-keeping and peacemaking.
From Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Caucasus to
Rwanda, the peoples of the world, faced with threats of
racist hatred, are desperately demanding the helping hand
and protection of the United Nations.
Regrettably, the tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina
has continued to be at the top of the international agenda
during the past 12 months. Despite numerous Security
Council and General Assembly resolutions, the
international community has been able neither to put an
end to the ethnic cleansing, nor to roll back the brutal
aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. On the contrary, the lack of effective
enforcement measures has encouraged the aggressors to
proceed further with their genocidal campaign and their
blatant defiance of international law.
Decisive and firm action to stop the aggression is
long overdue. The Washington and Vienna Agreements
laid down the foundation for a just and viable peace in
Bosnia. These Agreements define the framework of a
federation which preserves the territorial integrity and
unity of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multicultural,
multireligious and multi-ethnic State. They are also open
to the participation of Bosnian Serbs.
The Bosnian Government accepted the latest
international peace plan proposed by the five-nation
Contact Group in the spirit of peace. However, the
extremist Serbs, longing for an ethnically homogeneous
Greater Serbia, have insisted on their defiance of the will
of the international community and have rejected the
peace plan. Their rejection has demonstrated, yet again,
that aggression cannot be halted on the shifting sands of
promises and declarations.
The five-nation Contact Group has committed itself,
in case of rejection, to the tightening of sanctions on
Serbia and Montenegro. We deeply regret that the
Security Council, by adopting resolution 943 (1994) on
23 September 1994, moved in the opposite direction
despite the efforts of the Contact Group of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference. Once again,
aggression has been rewarded. Genocide remains
unchecked. The Bosnian people are yet again completely
disappointed with the international system. Their
disappointment is shared more and more by the rest of the
world, especially in the Islamic countries.
We have arrived at a critical juncture. The
international community should stand by its commitments
and should begin to act resolutely. We have to admit
24

that only diplomacy backed by sufficient force can make
the extremist Serbs realize that war gives them more pain
than gain. There should be no further easing of the
sanctions until Serbia and Montenegro recognize all the
successor States within their international borders.
As winter approaches, the need to provide security,
shelter and humanitarian assistance to the civilian
population becomes ever more pressing. The safe areas
should be extended and effectively protected by the United
Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). The strangulation
of Sarajevo should be ended. The humanitarian corridors
should remain open.
As a matter of principle, the Bosnian Government
must be provided with all the means necessary for
self-defence, so that it may exercise its inherent right under
Article 51 of the Charter. This is a moral, legal and
political obligation on the part of the international
community - but primarily a moral one.
President Izetbegovic´, in his address at the 7th plenary
meeting, on 27 September 1994, from this rostrum,
announced a new formula in this respect. On the condition
that certain conditions be fulfilled, he limited his just
demand for the lifting of the arms embargo to the adoption
of a formal decision, deferring the implementation of the
decision for six months. This is a new sacrifice motivated
by the international community’s inability to provide
security for the victims or to recognize their basic right to
self-defence. We must praise this noble gesture and
support the new formula.
Realization of the commitments to a just and viable
peace in Bosnia - commitments that have so far remained
unfulfilled - is vital for the restoration of the credibility and
moral authority of the United Nations. If we fail the test of
history in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the so-called "new
world order" could turn into a permanent "new world
disorder".
We are witnessing further potential threats to the peace
and stability of the Balkans. With the increasing tension
between Greece and Albania there is, regrettably, a risk that
yet another crisis may be created in the region. In addition,
the Republic of Macedonia is suffering from an illegal
economic blockade imposed by Greece. Moreover,
Macedonia is still waiting to be represented at the United
Nations under the name and the flag it has chosen.
The Balkans can in no way stand the pressure of
additional tensions. Compliance with the basic international
norms - respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity,
non-intervention in internal affairs, and the need to
resolve disputes by peaceful means rather than by threat
or coercion - is today more than ever before a pressing
need in the Balkans.
My country lies at the very epicentre of the vast
geography and the new geopolitics of Eurasia. Most of
the conflicts which are high on the international agenda
are taking place around Turkey. Fully aware of our
responsibilities for the peace and stability of our region
and beyond, we are trying to contain conflicts.
We seek to reverse destabilizing currents. We strive
to promote the rule of law and democracy on our
periphery. We remain a factor for stability. We believe
that regional economic cooperation is a driving force for
shared prosperity and increased confidence among nations
as well as the most effective way to prevent the spread of
ethnic conflicts and potential hegemonic tendencies.
With this awareness, we have developed new
creative and cooperative regional initiatives to enhance
solidarity and to consolidate the new geopolitical
pluralism. We have established the Black Sea Economic
Cooperation with Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria,
Georgia, Greece, the Republic of Moldova, Romania, the
Russian Federation and Ukraine. The Economic
Cooperation Organization, originally founded by Turkey,
Iran and Pakistan, has been enlarged to include
Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
Another blatant example of defiance of international
law has been unfolding in the Caucasus, where Armenian
forces continue to occupy one-fifth of Azerbaijani
territory. More than a million Azerbaijanis have been
displaced. Constant calls by the international community
for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of
occupying forces, as stipulated in relevant Security
Council resolutions, have fallen on deaf ears. This
unlawful situation, created by Armenians, constitutes a
serious threat not only to the stability of the region
neighbouring Turkey, but also to international peace and
security.
As a member of the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) Minsk Group since its
inception, Turkey remains committed to the CSCE peace
process. We firmly believe that a solution should be
found through collective efforts under the authority of the
CSCE. In this respect, we fully support the endeavours
25

of the Chairman of the Minsk Group to organize a
multinational force to assist the parties to reach a just and
lasting solution. We stand ready to contribute to these
endeavours.
In this context, I should like to reiterate our consistent
and firm position, which we have expressed from this
rostrum on many occasions: Neither in the Balkans nor in
the Caucasus, nor, for that matter, anywhere else, will
Turkey ever accept the acquisition of territory by force.
Nor will Turkey ever allow misinformation and unashamed
official propaganda - even from this rostrum - to continue
to lead the international community to tolerate and
perpetuate the living conditions imposed upon the Turkish
people of Cyprus.
Turkish Cypriots remain totally isolated in their part
of the island because of innumerable restrictions that
Governments and international organizations have placed on
their trade, travel, cultural and sporting contacts with the
rest of the world. This arbitrary embargo is maintained as
a result of a relentless campaign to distort the facts relating
to the history of events on the island over the last 31 years.
Even a United Nations-sponsored confidence-building
package, which was aimed at partially alleviating the ill
effects of this embargo, was deliberately torpedoed by the
short-sighted policies of the other side, and, unfortunately,
prospects for a just and durable settlement have been
further eroded.
A realistic and viable negotiated settlement continues
to be the objective of the Turkish Cypriot side. We support
this, and we believe that the only way towards a
comprehensive solution of the question of Cyprus lies in
removing the obstacles to the confidence-building measures.
As a neighbouring country, Turkey follows very
closely developments in Georgia. We look forward to the
restoration of peaceful conditions in that friendly country
and stand prepared to participate in the concerted
international action within the framework of the United
Nations Observer Mission in Georgia.
Turkey has set out on a lasting path of solidarity with
the newly independent Central Asian republics, with which
it has historic, cultural and linguistic ties. Turkey fully
supports the efforts of those secular republics to build
pluralistic societies and will assist them in integrating into
the world community. I should like to underscore that
Turkey’s relationship between sovereign countries is one of
cooperation and solidarity; it is a relationship between
sovereign countries. It is neither in competition with, nor
exclusive of, other countries’ relations with them.
We attach great importance to the unity and
territorial integrity of Afghanistan. We had hoped that a
broad-based national reconciliation process including all
groups could have started. However, we have been
greatly dismayed by the resumption of armed conflict.
We once again call upon all the Afghan parties to put an
end to the fratricidal fighting and start working for the
establishment of internal peace so that the rehabilitation
and reconstruction of this devastated country can begin.
In the Middle East, the end of the cold war has
fundamentally altered the bleak picture and opened new
horizons for peace. The Israeli-Palestinian agreement and
the ensuing Israeli-Jordanian agreements have opened up
a new era in which enmity is giving way to reconciliation
and despair to hope.
The historic breakthrough in the peace process,
which promises concord and cooperation between the
Palestinians and Israel, and between Israel and its Arab
neighbours, will undoubtedly have positive ramifications
on a much wider regional and global scale. The
establishment of permanent peace in the Middle East will
also create the necessary conditions for harmony,
economic cooperation and shared prosperity.
As a country neighbouring the Middle East, Turkey
has a record of constructive involvement in the region’s
affairs and good traditional ties with all the parties. It is
actively participating in all tracks of multilateral
negotiations. It remains ready to contribute to the
economic restructuring efforts of the Palestinians in Gaza
and Jericho. It will take part in the temporary
international presence upon the request of the parties. I
should like to reaffirm our strong support for the process
towards a just and lasting peace in the region.
The rather optimistic prospects for the future of the
Middle East need to be tempered, however, with a degree
of realism, in the face of the hardship the Iraqi people
have been suffering. Four years after the outbreak of the
Gulf crisis they are still waiting to return to normality.
We are fully aware of the fact that, in order to take its
rightful place in the international community, Iraq has to
comply with all the relevant Security Council resolutions.
However, we cannot and should not turn a blind eye to
the fact that Iraq has almost completed its compliance
with the disarmament requirements under Security
26

Council resolution 687 (1991) and deserves encouragement
in this respect.
It should also be borne in mind that the sanctions have
caused great economic problems not only for the Iraqi
people but also for a number of countries, especially Iraq’s
neighbours. The great economic losses of the most
adversely affected countries, particularly mine - Turkey -
still have to be addressed.
Here, I must also underline once again our principled
stand that we will remain committed to the territorial
integrity and unity of Iraq, which are vital for peace and
stability in the Middle East.
The elimination of apartheid in South Africa closed a
long and dark chapter in the history of humanity. Apart
from South Africa, the picture is still gloomy in many parts
of Africa. The United Nations conducts half of its
peace-keeping operations in that continent and is actively
involved in maintaining and building peace in Somalia,
Mozambique, Angola, Liberia, Rwanda and Burundi.
The efforts of the United Nations in Africa should be
based on a twofold and consolidated strategy. They should
be directed not only to maintaining peace, but also to
accelerating sustained economic development, through
which the major causes of continued armed conflicts may
be defused.
Indeed, the root causes of conflict require new global
commitments. In full agreement with the
Secretary-General, my Government subscribes to the view
that it is time to balance the old commitment to territorial
security with a new commitment to human security; to shift
from providing security through arms to ensuring security
through development.
The end of the cold war has also ended the
compartmentalization of major components, such as
political security and social issues. It is now mostly
recognized that security cannot be viewed in political and
military terms alone, and that peace and prosperity are
indivisible.
At a time when disorder and disintegration, both at
national and international levels, seem fated to increase, the
concept of crisis prevention needs to be elaborated and
expanded.
We strongly endorse the view that peace, development
and democracy are interrelated and mutually reinforcing.
We all recognize the pressing need to promote a new
culture of development. The United Nations new agenda
for development must bring sustainable and
people-centred development to the forefront. For this, a
stronger role for the United Nations is needed.
Democracy is the underlying imperative for human
security, social integration and good governance. Indeed,
during the Vienna Conference last year, the international
community reiterated its commitment to the protection of
human rights and fundamental freedoms and to the
common struggle against racism, xenophobia and
intolerance. Today a pluralistic civil society, free and fair
elections, and the rule of law are defined as the common
goals of humanity. Dialogue between different cultures
can only be achieved within the context of democracy.
Violence and terrorism could not, and should not, be
justified under any circumstances. In this spirit, the
General Assembly in its resolution 48/122 reaffirmed the
Vienna Declaration and described terrorism as an activity
which aims at the destruction of human rights,
fundamental freedoms and democracy, as well as
threatening the territorial integrity and security of States,
destabilizing legitimately constituted Governments,
undermining pluralistic civil society and having adverse
consequences on the economic and social development of
States. We call upon the international community to
stand by its commitments and to take the necessary steps
to combat and eradicate terrorism.
Lack of tolerance is the underlying cause of various
conflicts which constitute the most important threat to
international peace and security. Therefore, promotion of
a culture of tolerance has a direct bearing on crisis
prevention. We should inject the spirit of tolerance into
the young generations.
It is a pleasure for me to recall here that on Turkey’s
initiative, the General Assembly last December
proclaimed 1995 as the United Nations Year for
Tolerance. By the terms of resolution 48/126, the entire
United Nations system has been asked to contribute to its
successful observance. Its celebration will contribute to
the acceleration of efforts to prevent all forms of racism,
discrimination, fanaticism and fundamentalism.
Disarmament should also be seen within the context
of preventive diplomacy. We must recognize the fact that
the end of the cold war has not removed the danger of
nuclear weapons. On the contrary, in some cases the
danger has actually increased. Hence, another field where
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progress is needed is the prevention of nuclear proliferation.
As we prepare for the Conference of the Parties to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which
will be convened next year, the creation of a climate of
confidence will be vital. Measures need to be taken now
to create that climate.
In the same vein, we hold the view that full
compliance with existing arms control and disarmament
instruments at regional and global levels is of primary
importance.
As the Secretary-General has rightly stated, the
children’s Summit in 1990, the Earth Summit in 1992, the
human rights Conference in 1993, the population
Conference in September 1994, the social development
Summit in March 1995 and the women’s Conference to be
held in September 1995 are all linked. By 1995, in time
for the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we should
reach a global consensus on the way forward to new
commitments towards building a better world.
To complete the agenda, we must also add to these
major events the Second United Nations Conference on
Human Settlements (Habitat II), which will be held in
June 1996 in Istanbul. In this context, we welcome the
Secretary-General’s call to declare the Habitat II
Conference as the "City Summit" to increase world
awareness on this subject and to commit the world’s
leaders to making our cities, towns and villages healthy,
safe, just and sustainable. High-level participation in this
Conference will ensure its success.
We will commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the
Organization next year. It is the most opportune time, on
the threshold of a new millennium, to take stock of what
we have achieved, and where we have failed, with a sense
of realism and vision. We are obliged to realize the
dreams of the founders of the United Nations. We hope
that our deliberations will help to generate a new impetus
for positive action to this end.
Member States have set their hopes on the United
Nations, which reflects diversity united in a common
cause. To the extent that it succeeds, we will have a
better world for all peoples, and peace, security,
democracy, development and prosperity will be enhanced.
This requires cooperative action, which all nations
should be engaged in. We have to give full scope to our
imagination to keep pace with the winds of change and
strive for the realization of the shared dreams of
humankind. If we fail, future generations will pay dearly
for our mistakes. I am convinced that after all the bitter
experiences of the past, humanity has the cumulative
wisdom not to make such mistakes.