132.	I ask you, Sir, to be kind enough to convey to the President, Ambassador Lievano, our congratulations on his election and to assure him of the co-operation of my delegation. We express our best wishes for his success as he presides over this important session.
133.	I also wish to compliment his predecessor, Ambassador Mojsov of Yugoslavia, on his record-breaking performance.
134 The people of Malta welcome the admission of Solomon Islands and were glad to become a sponsor of the draft resolution by which another fellow developing-island country and member of the Commonwealth joined this world body.
135.	I respectfully pay homage to the many leading statesmen, spiritual and temporal, who were called away from the world's stage in the course of this year. Hundreds of millions mourn their memory, as also the memory of those who lost their lives in conflict or in natural disasters.
136.	In some of the statements made so far, new proposals have been advanced. My delegation will express its considered reaction to those proposals when they are discussed in Committee; but in principle we can say that we favour those which have prospects of beneficial practical application, as well as those designed to reach the hearts and minds of men in the eternal quest for peace.
137.	I should like to compliment our indefatigable Secretary-General for the thoughtful analysis contained in his latest annual report, which clearly calls for detailed study. My delegation agrees with his observations and enthusiastically supports his conclusion that:
"We can, and must, develop a sense of human solidarity, finding practical expression in a strong family of international institutions, if our major international problems are to be contained and ultimately solved." [See A/33/1, sect. I.]
There is much food for thought in that objective. It stands the test of time, since it was the dream that inspired our founding fathers when they drew up the Charter. But are we now any nearer to reaching that elusive goal, and are we using the institutions we have available, and our collective resources, to the utmost of their potential?
138.	In the view of my delegation, on the basis of the accumulated evidence of 33 years of experience, the answer to both these questions is negative. I must quite frankly say that, measured against what needs to be done, the performance rating of this Organization is poor. Its institutions are misused, at worst paralysed by inaction, at best dealing only marginally with the serious issues that face us.
139.	It is true that this forum provides the opportunity for an essential dialogue of immense value in itself. It constitutes a reflection of present international opinion, and provides a portent of future events. It has produced countless recommendations on every single issue and repeated them often enough. The strenuous effort and escalating expenditure that go into the making of these recommendations, however, cannot indefinitely satisfy the hunger for tangible progress. Stated objectives must at some point actually be achieved in practice, instead of remaining, as our experience shows, illusory, theoretical and only capable of giving rise to endless debate; otherwise frustration and cynicism will eventually and inevitably erode our confidence The rumblings of discontent are becoming more and more insistent with each passing year. Neither this Organization nor the imperatives of peace can afford to ignore these messages much longer.
140.	A number of factors have contributed to this evident lack of progress; without doubt, the primary cause has been the inability of the major Powers, backed by their respective allies, to settle their differences, to lessen then- mutual suspicion or to abandon their inflexible competition in the pursuit of their conflicting objectives. As a result our Organization, which was predicated at the end of the Second World War on the notion of a mutuality of interests among the victorious Powers, so far has not been able to function as was foreseen.
141.	That has been the visible pattern of the past. Why else would it have taken our Organization so long merely to acknowledge that the question of Palestine was one of the core issues in the Middle East problem, and why, as the Prime Minister of Jamaica reminded us so eloquently yesterday [30th meeting], should the shameful racialist policies in the southern part of Africa have existed for so long before the need for moral pressure and concerted political action was contemplated? Why should it have needed years of marathon discussion before the relatively simple question of a sufficiently representative platform to discuss disarmament issues was finally settled? And why has the accent of the past remained so much on division, when the trend towards unity has never been so manifest? These are only a few of the many questions that can be raised, questions to which our Organization, unfortunately, has not provided an adequate answer. On the contrary, the clouds of division and strife continue to hover menacingly over every single crisis area in which the interests of the major Powers are diametrically opposed-Cyprus, Lebanon, the Middle East, Korea and southern Africa in particular.
142.	On the basis of this accumulated evidence, to expect change to come from the super-Powers themselves is not merely unrealistic; change from that quarter is a demonstrated improbability. The impetus for change is more likely to succeed if it comes from outside those Power blocs. This role fits the non-alignment movement. Practical results will require much time and strenuous and sustained effort; but ingrained attitudes have to be changed, and new initiatives pursued, if we wish to move forward.
143.	It is now recognized that the problems we face in today's interdependent world have become of vital concern to the international community as a whole. They cannot remain perpetually unresolved, through a mere continuation of the negative attitudes of the past. These problems lend themselves much more readily to a solution when independent and objective recommendations are made which would not be detrimental to the interests of either one of the major Powers but would, on the contrary, at least attract their tacit acquiescence, preferably even their co-operation.
144.	However, the co-operation of the strong, when it is forthcoming, cannot be based on narrow, outdated conceptions of national interest or on the preservation of a status quo that denies fundamental rights and dignity to others. The strong must be prepared, in co-operation with the weak, at least to play a constructive role in the shaping of a new world order of peace, co-operation, social and economic progress, justice for the disadvantaged. This demands that collectively we also apply at vie international level the principles that professedly guide our internal policies. It requires that we strive, as an objective, to overcome, in broad terms, the political polarization between East and West, and to prevent the economic polarization between North and South.
145.	Admittedly, this is a difficult, long-term process, which demands as a corollary deliberate planning and adequate resource allocation. However, in the final analysis we have no rational alternative, because with today's weapon systems, unless we are masters of change, we run a serious risk of falling victims to chance.
146.	My own Government sees no future in a world recklessly squandering its scanty resources in a revolting race for lethal weapons, which could destroy civilization, when at the same time 40 per cent of the world's population leads a miserable existence with lower than acceptable levels of nutrition, sanitation and education. The prevalent, overriding concern in the world today is for peaceful social and economic progress; any contrary activities will not in the long run attract public support in democratic societies.
147.	If, gradually but surely, our present attitudes can be sublimated and oriented in a more positive direction, what then will be needed is a reordering of our priorities, a deliberate, planned reallocation of scarce intellectual and material resources. This can be done in the political sphere if we take pragmatic and parallel action by concentrating also on what unites us rather than constantly labouring and being paralysed by what divides us.
148.	The record of performance in connexion with the traditional problems of economic development is also indifferent. My delegation is concerned not only at the slow pace of progress but also at the direction that it seems to be taking. One common element stands out with remarkable clarity: the reluctance of the major developed countries to embark enthusiastically on a sincere appraisal of the imperatives for the new economic order. Whatever limited progress is achieved is constrained by the inhibitions of an obsolete and outdated order: partial and isolated arrangements, donor-recipient relationships and glaring institutional deficiencies. The failure to reach agreement even on the functions of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, usually referred to as the Committee of the Whole, is a fundamental indication of the absence of a political will in the developed countries to face up to the enormous dimensions of what is required.
149.	The Maltese delegation has actively involved itself in the dialogue. Our deep conviction of the primary role of the United Nations in international economic and social issues is of long standing. We have been foremost among those seeking to ensure that the system is adequately equipped, financially and institutionally, to undertake its responsibilities in these sectors. Our participation in the restructuring negotiations was motivated by this objective. There is still much that needs to be done even in this administrative approach, certainly on such matters as the streamlining of bodies and institutions, the avoidance of overlapping activities and the elimination of unnecessary expenditure, but also, which is of more importance, on such matters as the need for the various secretariats within the system - particularly here at Headquarters to be more attuned to the needs and objectives of the developing countries.
150.	In recent years we have also taken direct initiatives in chosen sectors of special concern to us. As a developing island country lacking in natural resources, Malta has piloted various resolutions, both in UNCTAD and in the General Assembly, calling attention "to  the particular problems of this category of developing country, and recommendations have emerged whose application we shall pursue. On social affairs, we have raised the question of the elderly and the aged in society, a phenomenon of increasing importance in modern population trends and one with regard to which we have developed new models of treatment at home.
151.	In all modesty, let me not only say but also prove to the Assembly that, parallel with our active participation in this forum to resolve enduring problems inherited from the past and as we became increasingly conscious of the difficulties of securing a sufficient rate of progress, Malta did not content itself with merely pointing out the need for changes in our attitude and joining in the passage of countless resolutions.
152.	We felt that much more was required, that the time and opportunity for change had arrived and that they should be seized before they were lost. We felt that it was within our individual and collective capability to envisage new horizons. We felt that the more formidable the obstacles the more strenuous and persistent were the efforts required at the global, regional and national levels. And so we looked into the future, to a new arena of human endeavour on our planet and to emerging perspectives in Malta's own region. We fitted our own national policy to and concentrated our energy and resources on the pursuit of those approaches, almost revolutionary in concept but entirely just and peaceful in application. We put forward concrete proposals which have been translated into specific action.
153.	In 1967 we felt that a start could at least be made, with better prospects of success, in deciding on a course of action over an area of activity that at that time was only a future possibility. Consequently, after months of quiet but intensive research, the Maltese delegation placed before this Assembly a detailed projection for a new concept of international co-operation in the area of this planet beyond national jurisdiction,  which up to that time had been protected from man's rapacity by the superjacent marine environment. We signalled in advance the potential—either for partnership or for conflict—that new technology would soon make possible, within our lifetime, in the militarization of the ocean floor and the exploitation of its mineral resources.
154.	The result of that initiative has not yet crystallized into a permanent convention and institution, despite a decade of intensive negotiations. Already, however, much has been accomplished, and the end is in sight. The concept of the demilitarization of the ocean floor is already embodied in a treaty [resolution 2660 (XXV)], subject to improvement though it may be. A certain amount of co-ordination among previously independent institutions and haphazard activities has been secured. A new legal concept of the common heritage of mankind has been accepted and its provisions elaborated. Contributions by dedicated scientists, such as Cousteau and Heyderdahl in their admirable peaceful research, have dramatically opened our eyes to the beauty and fragility of the marine ecology and environment, and their scientific expertise has been devoted to preservation rather than to destruction. Other resources and intellectual efforts have also been expended on this worth-while attempt to introduce order and equity in a new field of human endeavour, instead of possible anarchy and the continued injustice of the strong to the detriment of the weak. This constitutes a practical example of cumulative concerted effort and concentration of resources by this Organization for the common good. It will pay enormous dividends in the years to come and could provide a new spirit of partnership in the relations between developed and developing countries, which Malta has long advocated.
155.	With success within the grasp of the international community acting in concert it would be deplorable if economic interests in one or more industrially-advanced nations were to be given unilateral legal sanction to embark on exploitation activity before a convention was negotiated. This element of power-play would deal a psychological blow to the delicate negotiating process. My country has expended much energy on this initiative, and as a token of our faith in eventual success the Government of Malta continues to keep available valuable land and building sites for the proposed international sea-bed authority, which we hope will be established, with its headquarters in Malta in recognition of our historic and timely initiative.
156.	In our own region we have stressed the need for greater concentration on the potential for unity and have derived encouragement from the evident trends towards regional integration. Consequently no opportunity has been lost to point out the significance of new perspectives in Euro-Mediterranean co-operation. Despite psychological and historical obstacles, at times even derision, popular movements for understanding and co-operation are reaching out to each other among Mediterranean countries even as new clouds of confrontation are unfortunately looming in other parts of the world. We have nourished these popular peaceful movements, and many meetings have been held in Malta over the past few years in which wider co-operation has been discussed-and given new impetus.
157.	From our own contacts and from the strength of these popular movements we sense that Europe as a whole is slowly awakening to a fuller realization of the political, strategic and economic significance of the countries on the opposite shores of the Mediterranean Sea. Malta is strenuously engaged at the governmental level in promoting the advancement of the muted dialogue that has been initiated so as to transform it into a permanent platform of political consultation. We believe that such consultation, recognizing mutuality of interest and conducted in a constructive spirit of equality, could lead to the gradual disappearance of past division; it could forge the links of a new partnership capable of keeping peace in our own region, without outside interference, while restoring to the region a new spirit and an independent, respected role in the council of international relations.
158.	Even as I speak today, on my country's initiative representatives from all the Mediterranean countries are meeting in Malta to establish a regional centre for the practical utilization of renewable energy sources—wind, solar and biomass energy. This is future-oriented planning, on a regional basis, but we are not neglecting the global aspect. We therefore support the proposal for the holding of an international conference in 1981, and have in fact offered to act as host to that meeting. A few years ago, also on Malta's initiative, decisive action was finally taken through the co-operative action of all concerned to prevent and halt pollution in the Mediterranean, which was threatening to turn that beautiful sea into a lifeless sewer.
159.	At the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe we insisted that a declaration that did justice to the importance of the Mediterranean should form an integral part of the Final Act signed three years ago at Helsinki. Subsequently, at the first review session in Belgrade in 1977, while pointing out deficiencies in implementation, we secured agreement to a meeting of experts on the Mediterranean to discuss specific avenues of co-operation— the only new and practical outcome after the promise of progress raised by the Helsinki Agreement. That meeting will be held in Malta in February next year. It will, we hope, constitute a watershed in the history of our region. It is the first meeting of its kind, and we are dedicated to making it a success. Preparations are already under way, and consultations will soon be initiated, to smooth the way for the substantive discussions that should lead to several recommendations for specific areas of co-operation. Malta's objective is to turn the Mediterranean area into a hive of friendly co-operation, throbbing with peaceful activities so demanding in time and resources that none will be left for military confrontation, and the tensions of the past will eventually be relegated to our history books, so that we shall truly have transformed the Mediterranean into a zone of peace, through common endeavours.
160.	The February meeting will hardly have ended before we pass another important milestone in our chequered history. It will herald a new era for Malta, because we do not preach in the abstract; what we propose regionally and globally we apply rigorously at home. Accordingly, in March 1979 the existing military bases in Malta will be closed down for good. This will be a major turning-point for which we had deliberately planned a phased approach in advance. As a first step, my Government in 1971, on the basis of its popular mandate, told the people of Malta and the world at large that it had set itself a target date, by agreement with the United Kingdom, for the dismantling of the military bases on the island.
161.	The second phase was a search with our European and Arab friends for a formula for a political status that would permit Malta to give its fullest contribution to peace and security and continue to serve European interests in a peaceful way in future, in stark contrast to the tremendous sacrifices in blood and tears that Malta made in the past when it served Europe militarily. In historical perspective, that past period in our history covers several centuries, but particularly in living memory it is represented by the darkest days of the 1940s, when Malta, constitutionally not even authorized to take its own decisions, was inextricably caught in the European fratricide. The people of Malta at that time suffered the world's most concentrated bombing and came within a few days of outright starvation, and the island incurred enormous physical damage.
162.	Subsequently, when sanity was restored, despite Malta's valiant contribution to the cause of democracy and despite the strivings of its political leaders, we were denied contributions in financial aid compatible with our needs, even though our economic infrastructure had been damaged beyond repair. One pretext after another was advanced against our just claims, and the little effort made to diversify the economy had hardly any effect on the island's heavy dependence—almost 50 per cent-on income generated from the military bases. The real needs of the island's security were also subordinated to military considerations, as seen, not by Maltese leaders, but by outsiders.
163.	This was the formidable problem that Malta faced in 1971, at the time the momentous decision to do away with all military entanglements was taken. This decision implied a radical change in the structure of the entire economy within a relatively short period, necessitating the transformation of all activities and a transfer from war-related services to the new industries of peace. Ever since the decision was taken, therefore, the Government and people of Malta have been strenuously endeavouring to build the necessary political and economic infrastructure that would permit a truly independent Malta to pursue its natural yearning—to serve as a haven and catalyst for peace in our troubled region and to erase our old image as an island- fort IOSS for the dominant foreigner.
164.	In these endeavours we have felt it both necessary and legitimate to turn to our partners and neighbours for understanding, assistance and support. Many countries have responded tangibly and enthusiastically. To our regret we have found those sources that are the best equipped, and from which we had expected the greatest measure of assistance and co-operation, consistently failing to give us the necessity response, which could have created the basis for mutually satisfactory arrangements. European countries that we contacted in a search for political and economic support to guarantee our neutrality only gave responses that were, and continue to be, vague and vacillating.
165.	This we find difficult to understand, because it is clear to us that a peaceful island in the centre of the Mediterranean will contribute to the stability of the region, which is in the best interests of Malta's immediate neighbours and even of distant Powers. Why, then, should there be hesitation, given these convergent interests, about taking effective action when the opportunity presents itself? Is it considered unnatural or eccentric these days for a small, defenceless country to seek to promote stability and security within its region?
166.	By contrast, Malta's objectives and aspirations were quickly understood and endorsed by the non-aligned countries, near and far. They have all decided to extend moral, economic and political support, for which we express great appreciation. It is only in Europe that difficulties persist, despite our affinities in all other respects. My Prime Minister recently took the occasion of a Council of Europe, meeting forthrightly- to explain our aspirations, and to ensure that they were well understood and evaluated.
167.	But time is running out. Even as we continue to search for this understanding, the transition-period we had allowed ourselves is nearing its end. Undeterred by obstacles, Malta plans to move ahead, serenely to meet its moment of destiny, to honour its undertaking. In good faith, with pride and dedication, Mr. President, we bring before you and this Assembly at least on? example in today's turbulent world of a country turning away from militaristic confrontation and -transferring all its energies and resources to peaceful endeavours, backed by the courage of its convictions, by the determination of its own people, and by the. sympathetic understanding and tangible support of many countries, starting with some of our most immediate neighbours-particularly Algeria and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. In this connexion I wish to thank the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya for publicly confirming here his country's unquestioning and timely support for Malta's peaceful strivings [28th meeting].
168.	We are convinced that one day the community of nations will have cause to appreciate the initiatives, the energy and the foresight of small countries in their disinterested pursuit of promoting change from policies of almost instinctive military confrontation to a more peaceful, just and co-operative society.
169.	In terms of all that is needed before universal peace is secured, Malta's contribution, coming as it does from a small island, cannot but be modest; set against what the island can contribute on its own, it represents our maximum potential. We appreciate that mankind's final objective can be attained only by all nations acting in concert, and that many have a far bigger contribution to make.
170.	This body is the receptacle of mankind's most cherished aspirations. The message from my country that I bring to you remains one of determination and hope. I want to let you know that before we next meet, in the spring of next year, the guns of Malta's famed fortifications will officially have fallen silent; the beacon that now illuminates the ramparts is the torch of labour, for peace and economic and social justice in the years ahead.
171.	It is against this background and in the spirit of this philosophy, in pursuit of our peaceful but activist role in international relations, that for the first time we are seeking to serve on the Security Council. In accordance with the democratic principles of this Organization, and on the basis of geographic rotation, we hope that our candidacy will obtain the support of the group to which we belong and of this Organization in which we are proud to serve. We will seek to bridge the psychological gap that at this critical period seems persistently to separate the Western European countries from the non-aligned. We confidently rely on your verdict, on the basis of our motives and our record in this Organization.


53.	Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you warmly on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-third regular session of the General Assembly. This is undoubtedly a tribute to your country, Colombia, and to Latin America.
54.	I should also like to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, who successfully guided the deliberations of the previous regular session as well as those of the three special sessions.
55.	May I also warmly welcome Solomon Islands, the newest Member of the United Nations.
56.	This month our people celebrate the fifteenth anniversary of the glorious revolution of 14 October. That armed revolution demolished the pillars of colonialism and Sultanate entities in the southern part of our homeland and achieved victory after victory in consolidating our national independence and sovereignty. In this context, our resources are utilized in the interest of the masses of the Yemeni people under a people's democratic system led by the United Political Organization, "the National Front".
57.	It also gives us great pleasure that this fifteenth anniversary of our revolution coincide with an important stage in the history of our Yemeni people. For this month the first conference to establish the Yemeni vanguard party—the party of the workers, peasants and all toiling Yemeni people—will be held. This party will convene under the slogan: "To defend the Yemeni revolution, implement the' five-year development plan and unite the Yemeni homeland". Yemeni unity has always been the goal nearest to the hearts of our people. Our people has always struggled to achieve Yemeni unity, undeterred by great sacrifices, both before and after the 26 September 1962 revolution in the north, as well as under the British colonial presence in the south. Today we pay a tribute to all the martyrs of the Yemeni revolution in Sana and Aden and on all Yemeni soil.
58.	However, with each victory our Yemeni people achieve the imperialist and reactionary forces rally against our people's legitimate wishes and aspirations to obstruct our march towards progress and unity. Those forces sometimes resort to internal sabotage and subversion, while on other occasions they launch foreign aggression, underestimating our people's moral and material capabilities and their heroic history of repulsion of foreign aggression and liquidation of conspiracies and conspirators wherever they exist.
59.	Our Yemeni people are a peace-loving people relentlessly working for stability and progress and endeavouring to avoid any resort to war, with its devastating effects. It has always been a firm principle of our national policy to strengthen love of peace and to encourage all efforts for peace not only in our own area but the world over. Our people are conscious of this purpose, but they are also on the alert and are capable of defending our country and its independence, national sovereignty and progressive achievements.
60.	My Government has repeatedly affirmed its desire to establish normal and cordial relations with 'he peoples and States of the area, based on mutual respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of others and reciprocal co-operation. We believe that the right way to settle all differences between the States of the area is by peaceful means and non-violence, by democratic dialogue and peaceful negotiations.
61.	We are fully aware that the struggle of our people for progress and unity is an integral part of the struggle of the Arab masses and their steadfast national Governments, which firmly resist all Zionist and reactionary designs in the region. In a wider context, it is also part of the national and international struggle against imperialism and its local allies. It is of great significance, in this regard, to witness the convergence of true revolutions extending from Cuba to Angola and from Viet Nam to Ethiopia, together with those of other progressive countries, which in their struggle stand united with the socialist countries, in particular the friendly Soviet Union.
62.	Although today the picture of the situation in the Arab homeland and other parts of the world looks gloomy, we are confident that the close alliance between the Arab and international revolutionary forces will change the balance of power in favour of freedom, socialism and peace in our area.
63.	Thirty years have elapsed since the usurpation of Palestine and the expulsion of its people. Moreover, the racist Zionist entity, directly supported by the United States of America, launched its aggression against the Arab people in 1967 and, consequently, occupied Arab territory. Today Zionism and international imperialism reap the fruit of their aggression in the Camp David capitulationist accords. Democratic Yemen, together with the other parties of the National Front for Steadfastness and Confrontation, reaffirmed in the conclusions of its third summit conference held in Damascus, Syria, from 20 to 23 September, their condemnation of those accords because they violate all resolutions of the General Assembly, of the non-aligned movement and of the OAU and they ignore the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishment of its independent State. They also attempt to obliterate the Palestinian identity and to isolate the Palestinian people internally and externally from the true leadership of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
64.	The Camp David accords were reached under the direction and supervision of the United States of America, which is a principal party to the conflict in the Middle East because of its material and military support to the Zionist entity. It is this continued support that encouraged and enabled the Zionist entity to commit aggression and continue its occupation. The Camp David accords represent a deviation from the resolutions of the Arab Summit Conferences of Algiers'2 and Rabat'3 and would only split Arab solidarity, which is based on anti-Zionist struggle and support of the Palestinian people. Moreover, they aim to form an alliance between Israel and the Sadat regime to serve the interests of international imperialism. In the final analysis, the accords amount to a final capitulation to the Zionist enemy and subservience to its expansionist and racist ambitions inside and outside of Palestine. Although they claim to form a framework for a comprehensive peaceful solution, they ignore the other parties to the conflict and impose upon them conditions and commitments that violate their right of national sovereignty and the liberation of their occupied territories. Consequently, these agreements can in no way achieve just peace in the area.
65.	After it had exhausted all means of direct aggression and the use of force, imperialism in Camp David resorted to a new device in an attempt to consolidate and continue its exploitation and control over the people and the resources of the region.
66.	The Israeli intervention in Lebanon poses a threat to peace and security in the region. Israeli troops yesterday shelled Beirut from the sea. This once again reaffirmed the aggressive expansionist Israeli policy which nowadays takes cover behind the Camp David agreements. We condemn that intervention and affirm the unity and Arabism of Lebanon. The internal disturbance in Lebanon is the responsibility of the rightist secessionist forces which work for the maintenance of continued fighting in Lebanon, instigated and encouraged by Israel and its allies. The Syrian forces in Lebanon are part of the Arab deterrent forces which are present there to end fighting and to achieve stability in Lebanon.
67.	It is no accident that these attempts coincide with the acceleration of armed peoples' resistance against the colonial and racist regimes in other parts of the world. National liberation is indivisible and liberation movements, whether in Palestine, Zimbabwe or southern Africa, are equally confronted by imperialism.
68.	Without the active material, military and moral support of the capitalist States, the racist regimes can never survive. They have both an intertwined mutual interest in the suppression of peoples and the exploitation of their resources. The only way to liquidate the colonial racist regimes in Africa is through the acceleration of the armed struggle until the peoples attain their desired sovereignty and independence. This poses a challenge to the international community which should firmly stand by the just struggle of the African peoples and extend to them all material and moral support. We strongly condemn the latest position of the racist regime in South Africa in respect of Namibia and call for an end to this regime's disregard of the United Nations and its resolutions.
69.	We also salute the struggle of the nationalists in Namibia and Zimbabwe and extend our full support to the legitimate representatives of their peoples, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front. Moreover, we welcome the latest decision adopted by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries to accept SWAPO as a full- fledged member within its ranks.
70.	As for Cyprus, we call for the total and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops and the liquidation of the military bases whose presence represents a violation of the island's non-aligned status. We call for full respect for its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence. Likewise, we call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Korea and support the just stand taken by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its endeavours to achieve unification of Korea through peaceful means.
71.	We have always called for the right to self-determination of the peoples of Western Sahara and Puerto Rico. We also salute the heroic struggle of the peoples of Nicaragua and Chile against the dictatorships there. And we support the struggle of the friendly Cuban people for its territorial integrity and call for the liquidation of the Guantanamo base of aggression.
72.	We fully subscribe to the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)J, and support the initiative for holding a conference to that end. We believe that the decision adopted by the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian
Ocean to hold a preparatory conference of the littoral and hinterland States in the second half of next year [see A/33/29, para. 28] will constitute, after its adoption by the General Assembly, a positive step towards the preparation for the world conference on the subject. As a littoral State, Democratic Yemen views the Red Sea as a natural extension to the Indian Ocean. We have always attached great importance to maintaining the Red Sea as a zone of peace and security, with particular emphasis on preserving the territorial sovereignty of its littoral States and the utilization of its resources to the benefit of their peoples.
73.	Being well aware of the great importance of the strait of Bab el Mandeb to all peoples and States of Wit- world as an international waterway which has long been used for international navigation, and of its important strategic location as a link between the international traffic lines, and believing 'in the importance of keeping international navigation through this vital strait free for the benefit of the peoples and States of the area in particular and the international community in general, Democratic Yemen affirms its respect for the freedom of maritime and air navigation of ships and aircraft of all States without prejudice to the sovereignty, integrity, security and independence of the Republic.
74.	However, the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace cannot be achieved without the liquidation of the foreign military bases in the territories of the littoral and hinterland States themselves, as well as in the islands such as Diego Garcia and Masira in Oman, whose people, under the leadership of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman, struggle to achieve national sovereignty and independence and rid themselves of all foreign military forces. Moreover, the security of the area is endangered not only by the expansionist ambitions of certain States and their military intervention in the affairs of smaller States but also by aggressive military pacts.
75.	The peoples of the world have a common goal, the maintenance and promotion of world peace and security. They will not be deterred by the attempts of imperialism from pursuing their cherished goals and aspirations. We support the call for a cessation of all nuclear tests and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and of weapons of mass destructive capability, as well as an end to the arms race, so that the enormous amounts wasted for this purpose may be diverted to developing and improving the peoples' standard of living.
76.	In this respect, we support the new Soviet proposal for the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States [A/33/241]. The outcome of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, has demonstrated the concern of the international community regarding the arms race. Moreover, in spite of the obstacles, it has also shown that concrete and positive results could be reached in this respect in the future.
77.	This year has witnessed an increasing number of activities on the international scene. A number of meetings and conferences have taken place in addition to the special session devoted to disarmament. These include two other special sessions, the seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference of the Law of the Sea, the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries and the Conference .of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries. Similar activities and international conferences are scheduled to take place next year, in particular the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries to be convened in Havana. We are confident that the success of all these activities will positively enhance the role and status of the United Nations and firmly consolidate international co-operation and world peace as a whole.
78.	The new international political order was established by the will of the people of the world yearning for freedom, progress and peace. However, not very long ago, it became amply clear that this system would have to be complemented and strengthened by a New International Economic Order that would eliminate all forms of dependence, domination and exploitation, and through which the developing countries would achieve their economic independence, without which political independence is devoid of social content and true essence.
79.	Yet, from the very inception of efforts for the establishment of the New International Economic Order, the developing countries, as a" result of their painful experience in the political sphere, have known that this will not be an easy task or one to be accomplished without sacrifice. For in restructuring world economic relations, developing their own national economies through individual and collective self-reliance, and attaining complete sovereignty over their natural resources they will be faced with hurdles and obstacles set up by the capitalist States that control the world economy, and their transnational corporations that have a vested interest in maximizing their profits at the expense of the millions of people in the developing countries.
80.	Today, after four years of consultations, negotiations and various important international conferences, the so- called North-South dialogue has reached a stalemate. We believe this is a result of the lack of political will on the part of most capitalist States, in particular the United States of America, to respond positively to the legitimate aspirations of the developing countries. A striking case in point is the latest session of the Committee Established under General Assembly resolution 32/174, otherwise known as the Committee of the Whole. This Committee is not an end in itself but merely an instrument for effecting the radical changes necessary for the process of real and over-all development. These changes cannot take place smoothly unless some States abandon their manoeuvres and overwhelming concern for their short-term narrow interests, and unless they shoulder their responsibilities in the establishment of the New International Economic Order. The economic situation in the developing countries, and particularly in the least developed and non-oil-producing developing countries, requires urgent and radical solutions, including the provision of material, technical and moral support without any kind of pressure or economic blackmail and without the imposition of conditions that might harm their sovereignty and independence.
81.	Unfortunately, many of the problems of the developing countries are a result of the negative aspects of the economic policies of the capitalist countries. The developing countries should consolidate their ties and co-operation and strengthen their relations with the socialist countries to bring about the New International Economic Order. However, we have to reaffirm that the United Nations system, since it is the most representative framework, is the only one in which all negotiations of a global nature relating to the establishment of the New International Economic Order should take place. Only in this context can we reach just solutions that may lead us to world peace and stability.
82.	In conclusion, 1 have pleasure in expressing our gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his untiring efforts to strengthen the United Nations so that it can play its full role in achieving the noble goals, objectives and principles enshrined in its Charter.


2.	Mr. President, I welcome this opportunity to congratulate you in person on your election to the responsible post which will mean your presiding in the weeks to come over the work of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. The honour thus accorded to you and, through you, to your country and to Latin America as a whole is fully justified, and I am convinced that under your enlightened leadership our Organization will make the progress we all desire.
3.	Having said that, I hasten to emphasize the important contribution made by your predecessor, Mr. Mojsov, to the achievement of the aims and ideals of our Organization. The skill with which he presided over the work of the thirty-second session and then three special sessions of the General Assembly merits not just our unreserved admiration but indeed our profound gratitude.
4.	Only those who have, like myself-as you have just indicated, Sir-presided over the work of this Assembly can fully appreciate the honour and the difficulties of the presidential responsibility.
5.	I wish also to address a few words to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, that tireless worker -for the noble cause of the defence of the Charter. It might seem
superfluous to renew our confidence in him every year at this rostrum, but I can assure him of the confidence that my Government has in him, and I confirm with conviction Luxembourg's support in this difficult but noble task.
6.	Lastly, I should like to say how very pleased we were to see Solomon Islands admitted as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of our Organization. I assure that young State of our sincere desire to co-operate with it in order that we may together achieve our common goals.
7.	A year ago, when we had just begun the work of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly and as the world situation was under review, I found myself voicing feelings of I would even say profound pessimism. Throughout the world, the already existing hotbeds of tension had been joined by others, so that the picture presented by our world at that time was anything but reassuring. Today, at the beginning of this thirty-third session, I am happy to be able to discern, if only faintly, certain bright spots in that picture. The results of the Camp David meetings are certainly of fundamental importance for the settlement of the Middle East conflict. Last year, the courageous initiative of the President of Egypt, Mr. Anwar El-Sadat, breathed new prospects and new life into the peace efforts. Now what might be called the persistence and the diplomatic skill of the President of the United States, Mr. Jimmy Carter, have made it possible to enter a new stage, or so at least it is hoped. At this rostrum I wish to voice my admiration at the considerable task which President Carter has carried out with infinite courage and patience-admiration which I feel also for President El-Sadat and the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Menachem Begin, who have shown the breadth of mind required by the circumstances.
8.	That does not mean that everything has been settled-far from it. However, a framework has been, if not actually traced out, at least sketched. Now it must be given substance as soon as possible. I am nevertheless optimistic, despite critical, even hostile, reactions, and I express the fervent hope that all the States and parties directly involved in the conflict will eventually arrive at as objective a judgement as possible on the step that has been taken and will agree to proceed from that basis towards the over-all, just and lasting settlement of the conflict which the world has been awaiting for so long. Whatever the reservations concerning the long and certainly abstruse texts issued at Camp David,1 the cause of peace requires that we consider carefully and without undue haste all the potentialities they may contain.

9.	I wish to make one final comment on this matter. The member countries of the European Community have frequently stated their position on the situation in the Middle East, It is thus with some satisfaction that 1 note that the concessions made at Camp David by the parties, in comparison with their earlier positions, are very much along the lines of the ideas advocated by the European Community over the years. It is important to continue along that path. As my colleague and friend, the current President of the Community, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, said this morning, our Community is more willing than ever to contribute to all efforts to bring about a solution.
10.	There has also been a tenth special session of the General Assembly on the crucial problem of disarmament. With some hindsight one can now say that noteworthy results were attained on that occasion. Of course, those results fell far short of our hopes, but, all things considered, and taking into account the interests and the differences involved, we can confirm that the final result, and particularly the prospects for the future, exceeded our pessimistic expectations.
11.	There was also the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. This is a highly important problem. It seems to me that many people do not fully grasp its scope and 1 believe we shall often have to talk about this in the future.
12.	Those are three complex fields, if ever there were complex fields, in which decisive progress has proved possible. Happily, there are other questions which were resolved thanks to the untiring work of the committees and other bodies of this Organization and to' the unflagging and constant sense of commitment of the Secretary-General and his associates.
13.	The Middle East, disarmament and the law of the sea are three fields of primary importance for our peoples, because they involve peace, security and economic prosperity.
14.	What does one see in these three spheres to which I have just referred? Wisdom, moderation, co-operation and the desire to understand each other's problems—in a word, negotiation and fraternal dialogue—have prevailed during this year.
15.	Once the parties involved decided to leave aside vehement speech-making, sterile polemics and ideological speeches too often doomed in advance to failure, concrete results soon followed.
16.	Can we at last learn a lesson from these facts? Can we have the courage, the restraint and the far-sightedness to seize the opportunities which have now so clearly come to light and which have yet again provided evidence of their efficacy?
17.	I would hesitate to make myself an advocate of the Charter yet again here, because I feel I should be preaching to the converted, to those already convinced. Nevertheless, I feel it was a good idea to remind the Assembly of certain primary truths which, even though they are self-evident, gain validity from being repeated.
18.	With 150 independent countries, each having its own kite rests, aspirations and distinct political and even economic ideologies, one can hardly expect the whole Assembly suddenly to endorse all initiatives and to find each of them the best.
19.	Since perfection does not belong to this world, I think it is and will for a long time continue to be for us to seek perfection in its most human, most just and most equitable dimensions.
20.	If a new departure has been made in the field of disarmament I think we owe this to a small group of people, whom I would not hesitate to describe as fanatics, for such a complete commitment as that of the President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, of Mr. Ortiz de Rozas and of my colleague and friend Garcia Robles can only be understood and appreciated on its merits if one has become fully aware of the feeling of commitment of the non-aligned countries and of our Latin-American friends in this very complex and difficult sphere.
21.	Another Sisyphean task is that of the Conference on the Law of the Sea. Slowly but surely that Conference is now moving through negotiation to the establishment of rules and regulation for the oceans, the exploitation of their wealth, their peaceful utilization and the safeguarding of their environment.
22.	My friend and successor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka has devoted a great part of his career to this gigantic task. His dynamism, undoubtedly carried along by unshakeable conviction, has meant that that Conference has not sunk into oblivion and failure. He ought to be publicly thanked from this rostrum.
23.	Generally speaking, the picture presented by today's world is not a pretty one, as we all know. Whether it be the problems of southern Africa, with the policy of apartheid, or the stagnation of the Cyprus negotiations, we see that time does not heal the wounds. On the contrary, the lack of progress towards mutually acceptable solutions only poisons relations between the parties so that a new armed conflict could break out at any time.
24.	In southern Africa, Anglo-American efforts towards a solution of the problem of Rhodesia continue to be valid and Pretoria can no longer disregard international pressure. Rather than engage complacently in vehement speech-making. which has never ameliorated the condition of those suffering from the atrocity apartheid, let us give our support to those who have provided proof that patient, tenacious negotiation has not gone out of fashion as a way of achieving positive results. I would go even further and say that our full support would give to the mission of those who are devoted to the quest for solutions in South Africa all the weight needed, indeed indispensable, for rapid progress.
25.	Is there or is there not, the prospect of a settlement of the painful problem of Namibia? That is a question we are all asking ourselves. We had thought that such a settlement had been virtually achieved when South Africa and the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] both accepted this five-Power plan [S/12636]. Now, its acceptance appears to be called in question by South Africa on the vague pretext that United Nations soldiers and observers would be acting as an army of occupation. Trying to keep at bay the inevitable outcome, South Africa is at the same time incurring responsibility for future dangers. We hope that common sense will eventually prevail, and the Assembly must bring its full weight to bear so that reason will prevail.
26.	It is with consternation that I find myself unfortunately obliged each year to take up the case of Cyprus. If on both sides, instead of virtually rejecting a priori the proposals of the other side, some effort were made to take more account of the aspirations of the ordinary citizens of the two communities, that would lead us and the two parties more rapidly to make workable and therefore valid proposals. The Secretary-General has given adequate proof that he is fully prepared to help in such an effort.
27.	In a world in which focal points of discord are not in short supply, we have to note that it is taking a long time for the world economy to recover and that disorders in the monetary sphere only augment the disarray which is afflicting both industrialized and third world countries.
28.	Happily, the dialogue which has now been established is continuing to make progress that is sure but too slow towards a new world economic order, which can only come about through permanent co-operation. We must ensure that it is not the product of confrontation.
29.	The Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, also known as the Committee of the Whole, has done an extremely useful job. It suspended its work two weeks ago with the observation that, given the divergences of views concerning the mandate, it considered that the Assembly should continue the debate in order to get it out of what it calls a procedural rut. I wish to emphasize that despite certain flagrant shortcomings throughout the whole of these very hard and difficult negotiations the will to compromise has never been lacking. In the near future a new session of UMCTAD will perhaps make it possible to find, through negotiations, solutions to the remaining problems.
30.	Personally, I have always spoken in favour of interdependence and the need for closer co-operation among all countries, both the industrialized and the developing countries. Federal Vice-Chancellor Genscher, the current President of the European Communities, has described the efforts which the nine members of the Community have been making with a view to such co-operation. I can only emphasize what he said and invite all the developed countries to follow the example of the European Community.
31.	If some prefer to remain aloof from this major endeavour of solidarity and to limit their contribution to purely verbal assurances of support, they are assuming a very grave responsibility. If the few so-called rich nations were today to prove incapable of contributing to the development of the great number of poor countries, these industrialized countries would thereby be affirming their inability to ensure the lasting nature of their own well-being. That is what the law of interdependence means.
32.	Solidarity in the international community must also be expressed on behalf of all innocent persons who are victims of acts of terrorism, the taking of hostages or the hijacking of aircraft. Blind acts of violence are cowardly means of action which discredit those who carry them out, those who applaud them and the causes they are supposed to serve. We therefore energetically support all the efforts of this Assembly and of Member States to combat international terrorism. My Government holds the same views as the seven major States which, at the Bonn Economic Summit Conference in July, expressed their intention of energetically combating the hijacking of aircraft.
33.	I have been speaking before the Assembly for 10 years now, long enough, permit me to say, to yield occasionally to some impatience. But my experience in this field is too long not to view problems with moderation.
34.	Experience shows us that patience is worth more than passion, that negotiation always works better than bloody confrontation, and that those who have wanted to have everything right away have more often received very little, and that sometimes very late.
35.	My country maintains its faith in this Organization and will continue to support it without reservation until we all discover that what politicians 33 years ago only dared to dream of and to desire ardently is and remains within our grasp. Then we shall become, I hope, truly united nations.
36.	My country, at the crossroads of Europe, has often found out at first hand that the results of bloody confrontation are nothing but poverty, destruction and misery, which in turn engender new confrontations. The arrogant conquerors and those they humiliate by conquest are equally dangerous for harmony among peoples. Those who must today negotiate peace should remember that the greatest virtue of the conqueror is generosity. It will be as it always has been the best cement for lasting peace.


120.	My delegation is pleased to participate in this session of the General Assembly. To us,
this is an occasion for serious reflection on the numerous problems which confront our imperfect globe. It is for this reason, among others, that the United Nations as an international institution was born. My statement will concentrate unavoidably on some of these issues which continue to tax our foreign relations, in particular, the crisis in southern Africa.
121.	Before delving into the substance of my contribution, Mr. President, I wish on behalf of the Zambian delegation to congratulate you on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-third regular session. Your election is also a mark of honour to your country, Colombia, with which we are linked in the current struggle of the third world for justice and equity in the economic, political and social spheres. My delegation pledges co-operation' with you.
122.	Mr. President, this is the opportune moment for me to pay a particular tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, who ably presided over the thirty- second regular session as well as three important special sessions of this Assembly, held this year.
123.	I also wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts in the promotion of the objectives of the United Nations and for his lucid and comprehensive report to this session.
124.	Zambia welcomes the admission of Solomon Islands to the membership of this family of nations. The admission of a new Member is an occasion for rejoicing and reflection, in the knowledge of the difficulty of the process of decolonization.. Colonial masters never give up easily. Zambia also hopes and expects to welcome independent Zimbabwe and Namibia to membership in the United Nations in the very near future. We also congratulate Tuvalu on the attainment of independence and we look forward to its admission to the United Nations.
125.	Mr. President, in your important opening statement, you gave a vivid and impressive account of the pattern of pervasive poverty and increasing inequalities which continue to characterize existing international economic relations and to subvert international peace and security. My delegation fully shares the sense of disappointment with the continuing deterioration of the international economic situation. In particular, we associate ourselves with the numerous expressions of grave concern regarding the worsening condition and grim prospects of developing countries.
126.	The North-South dialogue, which was initiated some four years ago on the basis of a hard-won consensus, remains in serious jeopardy. The hopes which were aroused by the successful outcome of the seventh special session of the General Assembly in 1975 have yet to be fulfilled in any meaningful manner. The implementation of the Programme of Action on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order (resolution 3202 (S-VI)j depends on the undertaking of structural changes and the adoption of appropriate policy decisions in conformity with the reality of interdependence and the mutuality of interest among nations. It does not rest, nor should it be permitted to rest on the fulfilment of traditional concepts of aid, charity or philanthropy—lofty as these notions may be.
127.	On that premise, I wish to submit that the picture which has emerged from negotiations on major issues- notably those on the Integrated Programme for Commodities,' 2 the common fund, multilateral trade negotiations, the transfer of resources in real terms, the reform of the international monetary system, industrialization, the conversion of UNIDO into a specialized agency and the code of conduct for the transfer of technology to developing countries—is indeed a sombre one, and does not provide any consolation.
128.	It is the sincere hope of my delegation that Member States, in particular the developed countries, will exert maximum efforts in appropriate forums to transform the current stalemate into concrete success. We reaffirm our conviction that the ongoing dialogue can be sustained and rendered meaningful only through concrete discernible results which reflect the structural character of the mandate given. We cannot as yet confidently point to any such accomplishment. The outcome is decisively dependent on the measure of commitment to negotiate in good faith and of political will on the part of the industrialized countries.
129.	Zambia welcomes recent announcements by a few industrialized countries of their intention to increase financial assistance and to cancel official debts in respect of the poorest among the developing countries. In addition, we would urge donor countries to accord serious attention to those land-locked, island, developing and middle-income countries which have not so far benefited from meaningful special measures, in. spite of the formidable economic difficulties which continue to confront them.
130.	My delegation remains convinced that existing economic criteria which accord undue weight to per capita gross national product, useful as they are in determining eligibility for special attention, have increasingly tended to conceal more than they reveal. The criteria employed by the United Nations development system, including UNDP, and by such international institutions as IBRD do not reflect peculiar circumstances such as disadvantageous geographical location, lengthy and costly transportation lines, and specific geo-political situations, which impose major constraints on the development efforts of certain countries, such as my own. We trust that the question of criteria will receive serious and urgent consideration from the relevant United Nations bodies and specialized agencies, financial and technical assistance institutions and creditor and donor countries.
131.	In this connexion, Zambia continues to make immense sacrifices in its effective implementation of the United Nations policy of sanctions against the rebel British colony of Southern Rhodesia, particularly following Zambia's closure of its border with rebel Rhodesia. Today, the cost to Zambia of its application of United Nations sanctions exceeds SI billion. Our full and effective implementation of such United Nations decisions, especially with regard to the transportation of essential commodities, is consequently being gravely jeopardized by the absence of sustained commitment on the part of certain Member States, as well as by the lack of commensurate assistance to countries such as my own which continue to be adversely affected by the implementation of important United Nations decisions. In this regard, Zambia will soon have no alternative but to transport "by the southern route more than 100,000 tons of badly-needed fertilizer before the onset of the rains.
132.	The procedural stalemate currently facing the. Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, known as the Committee of the Whole, is a source of grave concern to my delegation. The problem of the procedural impasse must be resolved at this session in order that this important Committee may be able to proceed with its substantive work without further delay.
133.	Efforts to reform the international environment so that developing countries are given equal opportunity to participate equitably in the sustained progress of mankind are dialectically linked to efforts aimed at forging all forms of co-operation among the developing countries themselves. Those two sets of endeavours are not mutually exclusive. They reinforce and complement each other.
134.	In this connexion, it is Zambia's belief that the significance of the recent United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held at Buenos Aires, essentially resides in its potential contribution to enhancing endogenous development on the basis of self-reliance and the optimum utilization of resources within and among developing countries, thereby facilitating the establishment of the New International Economic Order.
135.	My delegation would like here again to stress the dialectical and complementary character of existing North- South forms of co-operation on the one hand and the new South-to-South forms of co-operation on the other hand. Zambia is confident that the Plan of Action adopted at the Conference  will be given serious consideration by the international community with a view to ensuring its successful implementation.
136.	For Zambia's part, our authorities will continue to accord high priority to implementing viable programmes and projects to realize self-reliant development and to forging co-operation with other developing countries in various fields of common interest, including the critical areas of trade, transport and communications.
137 I should also mention that my country was recently privileged to-act as host to a meeting of some 17 countries at the conclusion of which a declaration of intent was signed for the creation of a preferential free trade area for eastern, central and southern Africa. I need not state that this was a most significant step towards the establishment of an economic community, thus giving effect to our common desire to promote co-operation among developing countries.

138.	In brief, it has become imperative to preach the sermon according to the New International Economic Order in order to convert constituents of public opinion and sections of national interest to the cause of structural change and a new world order.
139.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea constitutes an essential element in the struggle to establish the New International Economic Order. An international legal regime of the seas, based on justice and equity, will be an important constituent of an equitable world order. In this regard, Zambia attaches much importance to the conclusion of an international convention on the law of the sea, which must of necessity cater for the legitimate interests of both the coastal and the land-locked States and of the developed and developing States. It is our fervent hope that in the interim nations will refrain from taking unilateral measures to grab the resources of the sea and the sea-bed.
140.	For generations the Middle East has been characterized by incessant conflict and warfare. The situation in the area remains complex and continues to threaten international peace and security. Unless and until the underlying causes of the' conflict are removed, the durable solution to the question of the Middle East which we all desire will continue to elude us. In recognition of that fact, my Government has repeatedly called upon Israel to withdraw from all occupied Arab territories and to allow the Palestinian people to exercise freely their inalienable right to self-determination, including their right to the establishment of a sovereign and independent State. We shall continue to do so, as this position ,is consistent with numerous United Nations resolutions and constitutes the only realistic basis for a just and permanent solution to the problem of the Middle East.
141.	Within the context of the situation in the Middle East I cannot fail to refer to the tragedy in Lebanon. We cannot turn a blind eye to the strife that has taken a very high toll of human life and has almost torn that country asunder. It must be halted and a political solution should be found that will allow the Lebanese people to enjoy peace and tranquillity.
142.	The situation in Cyprus remains a matter of concern to Zambia. Once, again we must note the lack of progress in the negotiations aimed at resolving the critical questions that continue to threaten the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus. The negotiations under the auspices of the Secretary-General must go forward. We urge the two Cypriot communities to co-operate fully with the Secretary-General. We also reiterate our call for the withdrawal of all foreign military forces which are in Cyprus in defiance of the United Nations.
143.	With regard to Korea, Zambia continues to support the efforts for the reunification of that country on the basis of the North-South joint communiqué.  We hope that the aspirations of the Korean people for reunification will soon be realized.
144.	One of the major preoccupations of the . 'United Nations since its founding has been the promotion of the inalienable right of peoples under colonial and alien domination to self-determination and independence. Southern Africa remains a major blot on the otherwise good record of the United Nations in the field of decolonization. In that part of the world the black majority of more than 30 million continues to languish under brutal and exploitative white racist minority regimes. The General Assembly, the Security Council and other United Nations organs have adopted numerous resolutions in support of the right of the oppressed peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa to freedom and independence. Each and every one of those resolutions has met the same fate of contemptuous rejection by the intransigent racist minority regimes.
145.	As in all colonial cases, the preference of the oppressed people of southern Africa was to attain their freedom and- national independence by peaceful means. Before resorting to armed struggle and other violent means for their liberation, they exhausted, to no avail, all possible avenues. Even as they wage armed struggle, they remain ready and willing to negotiate the modalities for the transfer of power to them, if reason and sheer common- sense should at any time find entry into the minds of the die-hard white racists who oppose them.
146.	The problems of southern Africa continue to preoccupy us in Zambia. The white racist minority regimes which are oppressing the African people in the region happen to be our neighbours. They are our neighbours, not by choice, but by the designs of imperialism.
147.	President Kaunda of Zambia has for over a decade now consistently speculated about, and drawn the attention of the world community to, the potentially explosive nature of the situation there. The movement towards that potential holocaust is gaining greater momentum. A calamity of immense proportions is dawning in southern Africa. The United Nations and the international community have a duty not only to deliberate on the problem but also to prescribe solutions to it and thereby avert the imminent catastrophe. Crisis-management and brinkmanship are required of all those who are concerned with the situation. Rigidity, cynicism, duplicity, trickery, bigotry, dogmatism, intransigence and their correlates have no place in resolving the grave situation in southern Africa. The situation is no longer a tragicomedy, but a real human tragedy.
148.	More than enough blood has been shed in southern Africa since the advent of racist colonizers in that region over 300 years ago. Undoubtedly the attempts to exterminate the African people have increased in recent years as their resistance to occupation and exploitation has intensified. If the problem is not resolved quickly more innocent lives of both blacks and whites will be lost and we shall witness the beginning of an all-out war.
149.	What, then, is the root-cause of this problem in southern Africa? Unless we can diagnose an ailment it is almost impossible to prescribe the appropriate remedy. It is important to stress that the root-cause of the problem in southern Africa is the very existence of the decadent racist and Fascist minority regimes. Those Fascists are intent on clinging desperately to power as colonial masters under the pretext of racial superiority. Furthermore, those racist regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury have embarked on expansionist policies and aggressive actions against Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia, which support the right of peoples to self-determination and independence. Surely it would be folly to expect those of us who have fought for our own independence to remain apathetic in the face of the plight of the oppressed peoples.
150.	If all Member States represented here were agreed on these fundamental principles the task of resolving the problem of southern Africa would be much easier. But, while many profess to support the cause of self-determination verbally, their overt or covert actions in support of those racist regimes negate their purported good intentions. Is the time not opportune for the high councils of the United Nations to act as one on all matters pertaining to southern Africa?
151.	It is important for States Members of this Organization, especially those with leverage and vested interests in southern Africa, to desist from engaging in duplicity and deceitful manoeuvres.
152.	The situation in Southern Rhodesia, the Zimbabwe to be, is pregnant with ominous consequences. The actions of the Smith regime in Salisbury show all the signs of neurosis. Southern Rhodesia is on the brink of exploding. History will not pardon all those who failed to act decisively while there was time. My Government holds the view that time to avert a chaotic situation in the British colony of Southern Rhodesia is quickly slipping away from the international community.
153.	The so-called "internal settlement" which was concocted in Salisbury earlier this year has resolved nothing. Even its proponents now admit, albeit reluctantly, that the so-called agreement has failed lamentably to achieve a cease-fire or any resolution to end the conflict. Smith Is in fact not even prepared to hand over nominal power to his dear friends, the co-signatories of the so-called agreement. The issue in Zimbabwe is not—I repeat, not—whether the so-called internal settlement will succeed or fail. It has failed, and it is therefore no longer a bone of contention. The real, substantive issue is how to stop the bloodshed in order to bring about genuine independence in a country which is torn by civil strife as a result of the war situation.
154.	The present state of insecurity inside Zimbabwe is so serious that neither whites nor blacks can claim to be secure. The Smith regime is unable to guarantee the safety of the people it purports to rule. Civil order has crumbled.
155.	The fighting forces of the Patriotic Fund have extended the theatre of the war against the recalcitrant regime to embrace the entire country. The guerrillas from the .countryside have encircled the cities. Battles between the Rhodesian army and the Patriotic Front are common occurrences in the urban areas of Zimbabwe, including the capital, Salisbury. Surely no one can doubt the resolve of the fighting forces to liberate their motherland at any price.
156.	The chief protagonists, therefore, are the rebel forces and the armed forces of the Patriotic Front. While the Zimbabwe liberation forces are fighting a war of liberation against a system of oppression, there are bands of armed men who are killing and exterminating hundreds of persons in Zimbabwe every week. These include the Rhodesian army and deserters from that army, and its specialized murder squads such as the Selous Scouts, the Grey Scouts and thousands of mercenaries drawn from South Africa, some European countries and the Americas.
157.	The Smith regime has also helped to organize armed gangs for the three African cosignatories of the so-called Salisbury agreement. These groups are used against whomever they define as their enemy. As a result, one group is set against the other. Fighting between and within the internal parties has become a common occurrence.
158.	In a desperate, indeed frantic, effort to exacerbate the civil war in Zimbabwe, the regime announced recently that Africans will be conscripted into the rebel army and that so-called martial law will be extended in many parts of that country, as if Africans had not suffered enough already.
159.	What we have to contend with in Zimbabwe, therefore, is a situation in which a desperate settler regime is fomenting a civil war among Zimbabweans both inside and outside the country. In the process, Smith deludes himself with his hopes that he can benefit from the chaotic situation which he has masterminded.
160.	The other strategy which the Salisbury regime continues to pursue is that of seeking to externalize the conflict further to engulf front-line States, in particular, and other members of the, international community. By this strategy, Smith and his henchmen are hoping that should the front-line countries call upon their friends for assistance, the Western countries will come to their rescue. Smith is intent on provoking on East-West confrontation. We are already aware that the Fascist racist regime in Pretoria has resumed its massive support for the Smith regime.
161.	The response of the members of the world community to all these problems has varied. Those who assume primary legal responsibility for Southern Rhodesia are both equivocating and prevaricating. In this context it was amazing to hear the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom state in his address before this Assembly on 27 September 1978 that "The United Kingdom has never administered Rhodesia" [10th meeting, para. 140], and that the United Kingdom has never been a metropolitan Power. The truth of the matter is that Britain colonized Southern Rhodesia. It does not matter-indeed it is irrelevant—whether a colonial Power exercises its authority directly or through an agent. It amounts to one and the same thing. As far as the international community is concerned, there is no way in which Britain can evade its legal and colonial responsibility over Rhodesia. We therefore call upon the British Government to be decisive in dealing with the Rhodesian situation.
162.	Furthermore, I want to make it abundantly clear that in the aftermath of the publication of the Bingham report on British violations of the sanctions on the supply of oil to Rhodesia, Zambia will vigorously pursue, both in the
courts and here at the United Nations, its strong case against the British and other oil companies involved in this conspiracy since the unilateral declaration of independence.
163.	The view of the Zambian Government is that the Rhodesian problem bleeds and yearns for a solution. If any talks are to be held, let them be convened now. Time is fast running out. Very soon it will be too late to find anyone to talk to, because the situation will have been overtaken by events.
164.	It is within that context that we must view the impending visit of Ian Smith to the United States. It is with regret and great disappointment that we see that, at this crucial stage of the illegal Smith regime's apparent collapse, certain conservative members of the establishment have adopted strong-arm tactics of exerting pressure on the Administration to allow rebel leader Smith and his henchmen to enter the United States. In our view, the visit of Ian Smith to the United States not only compromises the position of the United States as a broker in the negotiations, but also seriously jeopardizes any renewed efforts at convening a genuine and meaningful all party conference.
165.	We are aware that Ian Smith is visiting the United States not in order to discuss the modalities of the transfer of power to the majority, but to win support for his crumbling so-called internal settlement and the breach of United Nations sanctions against Rhodesia. Smith will no doubt use his visit to undermine the position of the United States Administration on the Anglo-American proposals by misinforming American public opinion and playing up to the sentiments of conservative elements in Congress. By succumbing to pressure, the United States Administration may well have tied its hands in regard to the pursuance of the Anglo-American proposals.
166.	South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia continues to represent a major challenge to the authority and prestige of the United Nations. At its ninth special session this Assembly exhaustively analysed the question of Namibia and made important decisions imperative for the accession of Namibia to genuine independence [resolution S-9/2]. Only last week renewed efforts to seek South African withdrawal from" Namibia and the transfer of power to the people of Namibia were undertaken in the Security Council. Hence, the collective will and determination of the international community to put an end to the continued illegal South African occupation of Namibia has been reaffirmed by both the General Assembly and the Security Council.
167.	The action of the Security Council last week, particularly, offers. South Africa a sensible international framework for terminating its illegal occupation of Namibia in grace-if indeed there be any in the Pretoria racist regime. This is a unique and historic opportunity to solve the problem of Namibia peacefully. The South African regime must co-operate with the Security Council and, indeed, with the Secretary-General, whose unenviable task it is to superintend the United Nations Transition Assistance Group set up under the authority of the Security Council by its resolution 435 (1978).
168.	South Africa's characteristic intransigence, defiance and utter contempt of the United Nations must no longer be tolerated. Today we have a situation where South Africa is seeking to throw overboard and circumvent a proposal for the settlement of the question of Namibia which is the brainchild of its traditional supporters and allies. In our view, the five Western countries concerned have an obligation to ensure South African compliance with the proposal. Their inability to do so would raise serious questions about their sincerity in the exercise and would, indeed, have a bearing on their credibility with regard to the whole question of southern Africa.
169.	If South Africa persists in its defiance of the United Nations and proceeds to hold sham elections intended to install its puppets in power in Namibia, we do not see any option but for the Security Council to impose mandatory sanctions against it under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charier. Those who have shielded it in the past cannot, surely, find further pretexts for doing so. We hope and expect that they will gather sufficient political will to support action by the Security Council against	South Africa, and to join with the rest of the international community in totally ostracizing the Pretoria Fascists.
170.	The ninth special session of this Assembly served the useful purpose of clarifying the various aspects of the question of Namibia. Zambia remains totally committed to the Declaration and Programme of Action on Namibia adopted at the special session [resolution S-9/2J. Let me in particular emphasize that we support the territorial integrity of Namibia, of which Walvis Bay is an integral part. We are also resolutely committed to continued support for the South West Africa People's Organization, the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. Indeed, we commend that Organization for its heroic armed struggle, its statesmanship and diplomatic skill, which were the decisive factors in the successful conclusion of the negotiations on the proposal of the five Western members of the Security Council.
171.	South Africa, the citadel of institutionalized racist oppression and exploitation, continues to present a challenge to the United Nations and to all civilized mankind. More than ever before the world is confronted with a militarily strong, intransigent regime with expansionist aggressive designs in Africa. The Pretoria racist regime continues to perfect its already massive oppressive apparatus for use against the black people who are the majority in that country.
172.	The obnoxious and illogical policy of bantustanization is still in force. In addition to the so-called Transkei, bogus independence has been given to the so-called Bophuthatswana homeland, while plans are afoot to grant similar independence to the unfortunate inhabitants of the Venda area.
173.	The system of apartheid, which denies the humanity of people who are not white, subjects the Africans to mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention and to all other forms of inhuman treatment. Yet, the world this year is observing the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
174.	In addition, 1978 has been declared by the United Nations to be International Anti-Apartheid Year, for the purpose of focusing exclusively on strategies for combating the evil policies of South Africa. The United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid has done commendable work already in awakening the conscience of mankind to the plight of Africans in South Africa, including that of the political prisoners on Robben Island. But how much have the majority of States represented here done to focus on this important Year? In particular, how much have those who arm and trade with South Africa done even to ameliorate the conditions of the victims? Alas, most of these countries pay only lip service to our goals in this respect. They prefer to reap profits by all means at their disposal. Appeals by the General Assembly for disinvestment and a ban on arms trade with Pretoria continue to be ignored.
175.	It would be folly to be taken in by illusions concerning stability in Pretoria, because South Africa is a powder keg. The events in Soweto and other acts of African revolt should serve as timely warnings. The oppressed people of South Africa will undoubtedly change the system. Let the South African Fascists know that they are sitting on a time-bomb which is bound to explode at any moment. Rather than deterring them, the savage oppression and repression of which the black majority of South Africa are daily victims will only increase their resolve to overthrow the apartheid system and liberate themselves. South Africa's military might and policy of creating bantustan enclaves cannot and will not be the solution. The African people of South Africa will surely triumph over the modern Nazis who oppress them.
176.	We in Zambia are well aware that a change from Vorster to Botha is only cosmetic. After all, this confirms what we already know about the Afrikaner larger mentality of selecting the so-called leaders from the Verkrampte party clique. Moreover, Vorster has merely promoted himself to the post of President; yet this has not raised an uproar in the Western democracies We are watching the situation closely.
177.	I wish to reiterate here Zambia's total and unequivocal support for the liberation movement in the struggle for the emancipation of southern Africa from the racist and colonial yoke. I also take this opportunity to commend the liberation movements in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa for the heroic struggles they are waging against the racist, Fascist and exploitative white minority racist regimes which have usurped their land and humiliated their people. We pay a tribute to the non-aligned, socialist and Nordic countries, and the progressive international community, which continue to render material and diplomatic support to the oppressed masses and their liberation movements. We urge them to continue to do so until final victory is achieved.
178.	I have delved rather deeply into the situation in southern Africa because, in the view of my Government, it is vitally important that there should be no illusions in the international community as to its gravity and ominous consequences. That situation defies the very central purpose of the United Nations. When the explosion comes, there is no way that this Organization or any of its Member States can afford to remain aloof.
179. The Preamble to the Charter eloquently speaks about the determination of the peoples of the United Nations to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". Let it not be said that his aspiration was frustrated by some of the Governments that comprise the membership of the United Nations. Zambia has faith in the potential of the United Nations to fulfil the expectations of the peoples of the world and those of its founding fathers. We hope its Member States will not be guilty of having failed to demonstrate the necessary political will.