I should like to associate ,myself with the greetings and congratulations extended to Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina on his election to his high office. The Mongolian delegation wishes hi, great success in discharging his responsible duties.
we take this opportunity to express our gratitude to his predecessor, Comrade Peter Florin, for his skilful handling of the work of the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly and that of its third special session devoted to disarmament.
The present session of the United Nations General Assembly is taking place at a propitious time in history , a time when the growing trend in world political is the recognition of the common destiny of peoples, the interdependence of countries and the need to resolve urgent current problems in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations and on the basis of constructive co-operation and mutual respect for the legitimate interests of the parties concerned.
This is borne out by s generally positive development of from events in the world. The development in the political climate and the strengthening of mutual understanding and confidence between East and West are increasingly felt. As α result, the threat of a nuclear wet is diminishing. The first steps towards genuine disarmament have been taken. There are promising signs of an end to regional conflicts on the basis of a national reconciliation policy and a realistic approach.
The role of the United Nations in resolving international problems is increasing considerably. The tangible results of the peace-making activities of the United Nations and the purposeful efforts of its Secretary-General are evident. The award of the Nobel Peace Prise to the United Nations peacekeeping forces is further evidence of the support which the world community is now listening to the Organisation.
The Soviet-American dialogue is assuming new aspects; it is becoming more dynamic and stable. The exceptional importance of this dialogue arises from the role played by the· two Powers in world politics. It might be said that the Soviet-American interaction has generated many positive changes of global dimensions. In this context, the Moscow summit meeting deserves special commendation.
The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, as an independent and influential force in today's world, is playing a positive role in the solution of pressing international issues. This is evidenced by the outcome of the Havana and Nicosia meetings of foreign ministers of non-aligned countries.
Public demand is making an increasing contribution to the struggle for cassation of the arms race, the elimination of the threat of a nuclear war, and the strengthening of mutual understanding, trust and co-operation among peoples.
While duly acknowledging the positive changes that are taking place in the world, we cannot overlook the fact that the situation still remains complex and in many respects contradictory. The· changing plans for ‘compensation’ through the modernization of various types of weapons, both nuclear and conventional, are a sign of the reluctance to give up an obsolete concept of "nuclear deterrence". This means that the policy of acting "from a position of strength" still remains the main postulate of those who are preparing such plans.
One can hardly agree with those who claim that the policy of acting "from a position of strength" has brought about the present positive shifts in the world, when it is precisely that policy that at one time gave rise to an unbridled nuclear arms race, holding the world hostage to nuclear intimidation. It is not the policy of acting "from a position of strength" but the policy of reason, of realism and of a responsible attitude towards universal human values that is now needed to guide mankind onto the path towards a secure and non-violent future.
The inherent danger of continuing work ш the "Star Wars” programme is that it could thwart the Soviet-American negotiations on deep cuts in strategic offensive armaments and of frustrating the efforts to prevent the militarisation of space. The development of weapons in space would not only signify a qualitatively new stage in the arms race, but would in itself pose a grave threat and contradict the logic of disarmament that has already been set in motion by the realisation of the INF Treaty. Space weapons would hang like the sword of Damocles over every country, regardless of its location, since such weapons would be an omnipresent threat. Outer space should serve peaceful purposes only. Specific guarantees are needed to ensure that life on Earth is not threatened from space. In our view, the realization of the proposal to set up an international organisation on the peaceful uses of outer space would greatly help to promote the attainment of this objective.
Universal security should be fully guaranteed on Earth as well. As we see it, the notion of security is made up of a number of interrelated factors - above all, military, political, economic humanitarian and ecological. In other words, the problem calls for a comprehensive approach to collective security, as envisaged by the Charter of file United Nations. This is the main thrust of the proposal by the socialist countries regarding the establishment of a comprehensive system of international peace and security.
Disarmament is one of the main roads to a secure world. The most difficult but the most essential step on that road was made by the conclusion of the Soviet-American INF Treaty and the commencement of its implementation. This should be followed by other more significant steps in reducing strategic arms, steps that should not be episodic but that would result in an irreversible and continuous process. In tills regard we look forward to the early attainment of an agreement on the 50 per cent reduction on strategic offensive armaments.
It is pertinent in this regard to emphasise the Importance of preventing a situation in which disarmament in one field would lead to an arms race in another. This question is important from both the political and the military technological point of view.
The most Important task has been and continues to be a complete ban on nuclear tests, the further strengthening of the non-proliferation regime of nuclear weapons and the establishment of nuclear-free zones and zones of peace in various parts of the world,
The need for a ban on chemical weapons is of particular urgency at the present time. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic actively supports the early completion of the work on the elaboration of an international convention on the complete prohibition and elimination of these weapons of mass destruction. We shall continue to support measures such as the strict observance of the  Geneva· Protocol of 1925.
One of top priority tasks in the field of disarmament is the reduction of conventional armaments and armed forces. In this respect the ongoing active search for ways of reducing the military confrontation in Europe is а matter of satisfaction. The constructive proposal of the States Members of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation to this effect serve, in our view, as a sound basis for the achievement of mutually acceptable agreements.
The government of the Mongolian Peopled Republic shares the view that the sale and supply of conventional weapons mist be placed under international control.
Although the third special session of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament was unable to adopt a final document, it has nevertheless provided an impetus to the practical consideration of ways and means of attaining the goals of disarmament.
The political settlement of conflicts in the world constitutes one of the crucial prerequisites for the building of a solid foundation for universal peace and security.
Tangible progress has been made in resolving some of the conflicts. However, a long and difficult road still lies ahead.
The conclusion of the Geneva Agreements on the settlement of the problems relating to Afghanistan has become an extremely important issue. The implementation of these Agreements demonstrates how important it is for all the parties strictly to observe their obligations. My delegation supports the proposals to consider the implementation of the Geneva Agreements and the questions concerning the cessation of their violation. As in the past, the Mongolian People’s Republic is in favour of turning South-East Asia into a zone of peace, stability and co-operation. We welcome the intensification of dialogue between the countries of Indo-China and the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASSAM) with a view to finding a political solution to the Kampuchean problem. We welcome the outcome of the informal meeting held in Jakarta between the representatives of four Kampuchean parties and the countries of South-East Asia. In our view, the proposals put forward at the meeting by the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Lao People's Democratic Republic would serve as a good basis for the settlement of the problem of Kampuchea and for stabilization of the situation in the region.
Another positive event is the cessation of the Iran-Iraq war. My Government sincerely welcomes the beginning of talks between the two parties and expresses the hope that they will lead to a final settlement of this conflict.
A hotbed of tension persists on the Korean peninsula. The Mongolian People's Republic consistently supports the withdrawal of foreign troops and nuclear weapons from South Korea and the conversion of the peninsula into a zone of peace. We support the proposals by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with a view to laying the foundation for the peaceful reunification of Korea. The obstacles that prevent Korea from occupying its rightful place in the United Nations as a full-fledged Member should be eliminated. As in the past, the Mongolian People's Republic supports the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and its non-aligned status. We welcome the present dialogue between the representatives of the two communities of Cyprus under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
The situation in the Middle East has recently further deteriorated. Such a development emphatically underlines once more the urgent need for a comprehensive solution to the crisis. The road to such a solution lies through the convening of an international conference with the participation of the parties concerned7 including the Palestine Liberation Organization and the permanent members of the Security Council. The right of the Palestinian people to self-determination should be ensured. Israel must relinquish the occupied Arab territories.
The unresolved situation in Central America is a cause of grave concern. The open interference of the United States of America in the Internal affairs of the Republic of Nicaragua constitutes the main obstacle to the realisation of the Guatemala agreements and of the national reconciliation policy of the Sandinista Government, we express full support for, and solidarity with, the struggle of the Nicaraguan people for the realization of their inalienable right to follow the path they have decided. No one has a right to encroach upon the freedom of choice of any people.
The current efforts with regard to the granting of independence to Namibia kindle hopes for a speedy solution to this problem. My Government welcomes the quadripartite negotiations of Angola, Cuba, the United States of America and South Africa designed to remove the seat of tension in the south of Africa.
We resolutely condemn the apartheid policy of the South African racist regime and advocate the imposition on it of comprehensive and Mandatory sanctions, as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations.
The general tendency towards improvement of the political climate did not fail to include the Asian commitment. At the same time, most of the above-mentioned regional conflicts exist there. Apart from that, the Asia-Pacific region is becoming the arena for the increasing military build-up of the United States of America and its allies. These and other factors testify to the complexity of the situation in the region.
It is therefore in the interests of the peace and security of the Asia-Pacific region actively to seek ways and means of combining the efforts of all the States situated here. As our leader, Comrade J. Batmunkh, has pointed out the Mongolian People’s Republic consistently advocates the strengthening of confidence and the development of co-operation between the Asian States and endeavours, within its means, to contribute to the achievement of the overall Asian security objectives. This desire has led to the proposal made by Mongolia for the establishment of a mechanism ruling out the use of force in the relations between the States of the Asia-Pacific region. The implementation of this proposal would foster the consolidation of the universal principle of peaceful co-existence in the relations between the States of the region.
The recant proposals made by Comrade M.S. Gorbachev in Krasnoyarsk reflect the spirit of the new political thinking. They have further developed the Vladivostok initiatives and are specifically desisted to reduce the military confrontation in the Asia-Pacific region, to broaden good-neighbourly relations among the countries and to consolidate peace and stability in this part of the world. We welcome the further intensification and improvement of relations between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China as a factor the importance of which cannot be overestimated in strengthening confidence and co-operation, peace, and security in Asia and throughout the world.
The Mongolian People's Republic stands for the restructuring of international economic relations on a democratic and equitable basis and for the establishment of a new international economic security.
The seriousness of problems such as the underdevelopment and external indebtedness of the developing countries and the upsetting of the ecological balance as well as other issues calls for urgent actions designed to solve these problems. In this context the implementation of effective measures in the field of disarmament and the transfer for development purposes of the resources thereby released would be of great significance. The specific ways and means of resolving the problems afflicting world economic relations should be reflected in the United Nations international development strategy for the 19908.
The Mongolian People's Republic submits that international problems, including humanitarian Issues, should be resolved In a spirit of cooperation on the basis of full respect for the principles of the national sovereignty of States and non-interference in their Internal affairs.
Though 40 years have elapsed mince the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we are still witnessing mass violations of these rights. The right of whole nations to self determination has not yet been realized. The conflict situations and the arms race impede the implementation of the right of peoples to peace and development. In this connection, the United Nations Declaration on the Right of Peoples to Peace remains topical. Consideration, at this session, of the implementation of the declaration on the Right of Peoples to Peace will once again draw the attention of whole world community to this important question.
Permit me, in conclusion, to express the hope that at the present session the General Assembly will make a specific contribution to the consolidation of positive changes and to the search for ways and means to eliminate negative phenomena from today's international life.


The delegation of Viet Nam would like to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election as President of the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are confident that under his guidance our session will leave an imprint commensurate with the watershed significance of the present period.
We also take this opportunity to express our great appreciation of the major contribution of Mr. Peter Florin, President of the forty-second session, to the success of that session.
The delegation of Viet Nam wishes to join previous speakers in expressing high appreciation of the indefatigable efforts made over the past year by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, in the service of peace and security in many parts of the world.
Since the forty-second session we have witnessed far-reaching developments in both the world and the regional situation which give rise to hopes for those who are striving for a world of peace, friendship and co-operation among nations.
The two summit meetings between the Soviet Union and the United States, the ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - and the progress, albeit modest, made in the negotiations on a 50 per cent reduction, in strategic weapons constitute important breakthroughs which open up a real opportunity of achieving still greater results in the long struggle to free mankind from the nightmare of a nuclear war of annihilation. The strengthening and broadening of international co-operation at the global and regional levels - an objective necessity of our time - and especially the signing for the first time of an agreement establishing official relations between the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the European Economic Community (EEC), gives a significant impetus to the process.
These encouraging events have contributed to the improvement of the international political atmosphere after ' years of tension and confrontation. They have not only enhanced more than ever before the possibility of safeguarding peace and averting the danger of a war of extermination but also ushered in a new era in international relations, an era of struggle and co-operation in peaceful coexistence among countries with different social and political systems. As a result, all the nations of the world are in a better position to meet together the challenges facing the whole of mankind, which today cannot be met by any one country alone, no matter how large or rich. I refer to such challenges as are posed by pollution of the environment, the demographic explosion, the world food problem and the problem of sources of raw materials.
Important though they may be, the positive developments in the world situation are but a beginning. Mankind is still faced with the danger of a frenzied arras race in outer space. It is still witnessing the wasteful channelling of huge natural resources to the arms race or to regional conflicts, while two thirds of mankind are living in poverty because of the heavy legacy of a long colonial past and the unfair international economic order.
Never before has mankind had such a strong common will to accept and overcome these serious challenges. From years of fierce struggle and untold sacrifices and losses, the peoples of the world are new all the more aware of tine indivisibility of world peace and detente and, furthermore, of the close link between peace and detente, on the one hand, and independence and development, on the other. There can be no peace and detente in the world unless the independence, security and development of nations in every region are guaranteed. Conversely, the independence, security and development of nations are a decisive factor in the preservation of a solid and lasting peace on earth. In that context, the initiative for a comprehensive system of international peace and security designed to encourage international dialogue based on respect for the independence and sovereignty of nations is certain to win the approval and support of a broad segment of world public opinion.
The initial successes having been scored, the international community is new stepping up its efforts in the struggle for peace and development. The Ministerial Meeting on disarmament held in Havana by the non-aligned countries, the third General Assembly special session on disarmament and the world-wide movement in response to the "Peace Wives" campaign in 1988 have given powerful expression to the earnest aspirations of nations to live in peace, free from the use of force in international relations, and to enjoy the benefits of the relaxation of world tension and genuine security in every region, so that they can concentrate all their efforts on the long-terra development of their respective countries The broad movement towards the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones is spreading across Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America and Oceania; it reflects the peoples' determination to continue their struggle to reverse the costly and dangerous arms race in outer space and to secure a complete ban on nuclear tests and a prohibition of the testing and production of other weapons of mass destruction.

The need to struggle for peace and disarmament cannot be dissociated from the nations’ struggle for independence and development. The serious economic difficulties now facing the developing countries require common efforts by the international community to bridge the ever-widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. External debt, the flow of capital resources from developing to developed countries, protectionism and unequal terms of trades these are serious problems requiring urgent and effective solutions that would contribute to the establishment of a just and equitable new international economic order. The expansion of bilateral and multilateral economic co-operation and, especially, the promotion of regional co-operation in order to tackle the major challenges more effectively, as well as the need for a readjustment of the economic development strategies of nations - which is required by the scientific and technological revolution - are the real imperatives of our times.
The new developments in regard to peaceful coexistence in the world and the persistent endeavours of nations in various regions to achieve peace, independence and development have revealed the real possibility that many regional problems can be solved peacefully through dialogue. Although, for various reasons, the results obtained vary in degree, peace talks have aroused high hopes about the search for a political settlement of regional conflicts. We are witnessing vivid and diverse manifestations of that trend in various parts of the world - from Afghanistan to southern Africa, from the Gulf region to the Korean peninsula, from Cyprus to Western Sahara.
In keeping with its unswerving position, Viet Nam extends its constant solidarity and strong support to the heroic peoples of Cuba, Nicaragua and Panama in their staunch struggle against the imperialist forces that stubbornly continue to engage in interventionist and hostile policies, and for the defence of their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. We value highly the good will shown and the major efforts made by Afghanistan and the Soviet Union in implementing the Geneva agreements and strongly urge the other parties concerned to implement these agreements scrupulously in order to put an early end to the conflict and enable the Afghan people to live in peace and national harmony.
Like the rest of the international community, Viet Nam supports the correct position adopted and the good will shown by Angola and Cuba in order to ensure progress in ongoing quadripartite negotiations towards a solution that would guarantee Angola's sovereignty, security and territorial integrity as well as Namibia's genuine independence. The South African authorities must implement strictly the agreements reached and put an end to their warlike policy, so that peace and security can soon be restored to that region.
For the sake of peace in the Middle East and the legitimate rights of the heroic Palestinian people, Viet Nam fully supports the convening of an international conference - with the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization on an equal footing with the other parties concerned - for the purpose of finding a fair and realistic settlement.
We whole-heartedly welcome the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq and hope that their bilateral talks will soon bring about lasting peace for the peoples of those two countries. As for the Korean peninsula, we hope that in the not-too-distant future the United Nations will be able to welcome in its midst a peaceful, reunified Korea, free from the presence of foreign troops.
With regard to regional questions, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has a consistent position of supporting the trend towards the peaceful settlement among the countries of each region of the disputes and conflicts in that region on the basis of respect for the independence and sovereignty of each country as the legitimate interests and equal security of all the parties concerned, and of supporting all processes designed to achieve national reconciliation without outside interference. That Vietnamese position is in conformity with the view of the Non-Aligned Movement, as expressed most recently in the Final Document of its Ministerial Meeting in Nicosia, Cyprus.
South-East Asia has of late witnessed positive developments that are in keeping with universal trends and the earnest aspirations of the peoples of that region, particularly since Viet Nam, with the agreement of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, recently announced the withdrawal of 50,000 troops and the command of its volunteer forces from Kampuchea. For the first time in that part of the world, which has been a theatre of constant tension over the past 40 years, favourable factors have emerged for mutual understanding and trust and friendly co-operation among the countries of the region, which are so necessary for them to find together a fair and reasonable political solution to the Kampuchean question and to build South-East Asia into a zone of lasting peace and stability.
On the basis of the agreement readied in Ho Chi Minh City in July 1987 between Indonesia and Viet Nam, representing the two groups of countries in South-East Asia, the four parties of the two opposing sides in Kampuchea and the two groups of countries in South-East Asia have for the first time, after 10 years of intense confrontation, come to engage in dialogue at the Jakarta Informal Meeting in discussions on a political solution to the Kampuchean question, with the prospect of a peaceful and stable South-East Asia.
The Jakarta Informal Meeting took the Kampuchean question out of deadlock because that meeting did not follow the beaten track of the past 10 years, in which the will and interests of one side were imposed on the other. Its success constitutes a victory for regional co-operation, mutual understanding and respect for each other's interests, and first and foremost the legitimate interests of the Kampuchean people.
It was thus possible in Jakarta, for the first time, for a consensus to be reached among the parties directly concerned in the region on recognition of the two interlinked key issues of the Kampuchean problem, namely the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea and the prevention of the return to Kampuchea of the genocide Pol Pot regime. Besides this extremely important achievement of the Jakarta Informal Meeting, in Jakarta Prince Sihanouk and Chairman Hun Sen readied an agreement to resume their talks in Paris to discuss further the internal problems of Kampuchea in a spirit of national reconciliation.
The results of the Jakarta Informal Meeting and the agreement reached between Prince Sihanouk and Chairman Him Sen have not only broken the stalemate of the past 10 years but have also created a framework for a political settlement of the Kampuchean question in both its internal and its international aspects. They have thus opened up the prospect of solving the Kampuchean issue i"1 the not too distant future.	.
That is precisely why the consensus readied at the Jakarta Informal Meeting has been widely welcomed and supported by world public opinion from the East to the Hest, which regards it as movement in the correct direction, to be further encouraged and supported. The Non-Aligned Movement in particular, with its constructive initiatives, has extended valuable and timely support to the common endeavours of the South-East Asian countries to find an early solution to the Kampuchea  question, thus contributing to turning that region of confrontation and tension into a zone of lasting peace, stability, friendship and co-operation.
In this very forum, all the countries that are concerned about the Kampuchean question and peace and stability in South-East Asia, and sincerely desire to make a constructive contribution, have noted with satisfaction that, given the recent profound changes in South-East Asia, there now exists a real possibility of achieving a political settlement of the Kampuchean question.
Regrettably, however, despite this cannon trend, some in this forum are still trying to swift against the tide. After 10 years, they have tried by any means available to distract world opinion in an attempt to cover up the appalling crimes committed between 1975 and 1984 by an utterly inhuman regime against an entire nation, and to blur the all too real danger of the scourge of renewed genocide in the land of Angkor.
With their one-sided arguments and their distortions of the realities in Kampuchea, they attempt to represent the genocidal clique as pitiful victims whom foreign troops have unjustly deprived of their freedom to commit genocide. Is it by way of compensation that this genocidal clique has been allowed to retain the right to represent the Kampuchean people at the United Nations? As for those who, together with their fellow Kampuchean, have made every effort over the past 10 years to resurrect from the ruins and the killing fields left behind by the Pol Pot regime a new Kampuchean State full of vitality and having a political, economic and social life, they are denied that legitimate right.
Such is the shocking reality, despite the existence since 1948 of the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
Worse yet, in the face of world opinion's strong condemnation of the genocidal Pol Pot clique, the latter's sponsors have taken up an odd line of reasoning, putting on an equal footing the danger of the genocidal Pol Pot clique and the existence of the Administration of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which enjoys the full support of the Kampuchean people and Has done its utmost to overcome the terrible legacy of the genocidal Pol Pot regime.
These same people also claim that they pursue no self-interest in their approach to the Kampuchean question. If that is so, why do they make a series of demands that are tantamount to imposing their will on the Kampuchean people, including on matters pertaining to Kampuchea 's purely internal problems? They demand that the future Administration of Kampuchea be like this, and its army like that. Is that the way to respect the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination? Or are these demands only aimed at serving their purpose of preserving and legalizing the genocidal Pol Pot forces as part of a solution of the Kampuchean question?
I have been compelled to express the aforementioned views in order to reply to assertions that cannot remain unanswered. It is not my intention to engage in polemics in this forum. I only wish to engage in constructive exchanges of views here in an atmosphere of goodwill, with a view to contributing usefully to world peace as well as to peace and stability in our region.
Once again, Viet Nam reaffirms its full support foe and active contribution to all efforts to find an early political solution to the Kampuchean problem. We are of the view that a political settlement of the Kampuchean question should ensure the legitimate interests of the Kampuchean people first and foremost, their right to live free from the danger of another genocide, while duly taking into account the security interests of all parties concerned, including the People's Republic of China.
Like many other regional problems, the Kampuchean question has two aspects: the internal and the international. Viet Nam wishes to secure a comprehensive settlement that would solve both aspects. If that is not yet possible we think that the international aspect of the Kampuchean question could be solved first, as has been clearly indicated by the Jakarta Informal Meeting. As for the internal aspect of the question, it should be left to the Kampucheans themselves to settle this without outside interference. All other countries should respect the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination and the agreements reached by the Kampuchean parties.
For its part, Viet Nam, in a spirit of regional co-operation and together with other South-East Asian countries, will do its best to make the forthcoming session of the Jakarta Informal Meeting a success. In keeping with the spirit of regional co-operation, Viet Nam will strictly carry out its announced withdrawal of 50,000 of its troops from Kampuchea in 1988. The remaining Vietnamese forces will be completely withdrawn in 1990, as has been stated earlier. If a political solution, either comprehensive or partial, is reached, the total withdrawal will be affected sooner. The timetable for the troop withdrawal will be closely linked with the timetable for the cessation of all forms of outside interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea, in the spirit of consensus reached at the Jakarta Informal Meeting.
Viet Nam's consistent wish is for a fair and reasonable settlement of the Kampuchean question. This, however, depends, not on the resolve of one side alone, but rather on the common goodwill of all the parties involved, and, in particular, on the determination of the countries of the region to continue to co-operate in the solution of the problem on the basis of the Jakarta consensus, especially at the meeting of the working group of the Jakarta Informal Meeting on 17 October. Desiring as we do an early, fair and reasonable political solution that guarantees the Kampuchean people a peaceful and happy life, with national reconciliation, in fulfilment of the common aspirations of all South-East Asian countries to peace and development, we fully support the seven-point proposal put forward at Jakarta by the People's Republic of Kampuchea. These points are the following. First, the aim is to build a peaceful, independent, democratic, sovereign, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea.
Second, by December 1989, or at the latest by the first quarter of 1990, all the remaining Vietnamese volunteer forces will be completely withdrawn from Kampuchea, along with the simultaneous ending of all foreign aid and sanctuaries provided to the genocidal Pol Potists and opposing Khmer forces and cessation of the use of Khmers in refugee camps against the Kampuchean people and of all foreign interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea.
Third, the internal problems of Kampuchea must be settled by the Kampuchean parties themselves on the basis of national reconciliation, the exclusion of the criminal leadership of Pol Pot's genocidal regime and the inadmissibility of the Khmer Rouge armed forces.
Fourth, the status quo in Kampuchea will be maintained until the completion of general elections to the National Assembly, which will then adopt a new constitution and form a coalition Government.	.
Fifth, a national reconciliation council will be established made up of the four Kampuchean parties and headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. This council will be entrusted with the following duties; to implement all the agreements readied between the various Kampuchean parties; to organize general elections to the National Assembly. Sixth, an international control commission will be set up to supervise the implementation of all the agreements concluded.
Seventh, a international conference will be convened, with the participation of Kampuchea, Laos, Viet Nam, the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Chairmen of the sixth, seventh and eighth summit Conferences of non-aligned countries, the Soviet Union, China, France, the United States of America, the United Kingdom and other countries that have contributed to the process of peace in South-East Asia, as well as the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The purpose of this conference will be to guarantee the independence, sovereignty, neutrality and non-alignment of Kampuchea, as well as peace and stability in South-East Asia.
We welcome the Secretary-General's continued efforts aimed at promoting the implementation of the agreements reached at the Jakarta Informal Meeting and supporting the 5 November meeting between Chairman Hun Sen and Prince Norodon Sihanouk so that it may be a success.
The period between now and 1990 offers us the best possible opportunity to bring the Kampuchean question to a close and to turn a new page in the history of relations among South-East Asian countries. Viet Nam sincerely wishes to build up mutual trust and relations of co-operation with all countries in the region in accordance with the spirit of the seven-point proposal on the principles governing the relations among South-East Asian countries, put forward by the Lao People's Democratic Republic at the Jakarta Informal Meeting. Relations of mutual trust and co-operation among South-East Asian countries are an essential factor in the creation of a favourable atmosphere for the settlement of the Kampuchean question. In the long run, this will provide a sound basis on which to assure the security and development interests of each country in South-East Asia. Only through regional co-operation can regional problems be solved.
The world is moving away from confrontation towards dialogue and co-operation. The positive changes in the world situation in this direction in the last few years of the twentieth century have engendered hope for a world in which nations can live on an equal footing in peace and friendship without the threat of a nuclear war of extermination, in which regional conflicts can be solved not by the use of forces but through dialogue, and in which ideological differences do not hinder co-operation for the well-being of mankind. It is hoped that, with the emergence of these premises, this lofty aspiration will become a reality in the not-too-distant future for all the regions in the world, including South-East Asia.


I should like first to offer Mr. Dante Caputo my sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. I should also like to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin who so ably and effectively conducted the affairs of the forty-second session and also those of the special session devoted to disarmament.
My friend and colleague the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Greece, Mr. Karolos Papoulias, has already addressed the Assembly in the name of the Twelve member States of the European Community and Ireland of course associates itself fully with his remarks.
As we meet for the forty-third session of the General Assembly and as we survey the world scene, it is pleasing to be able to note that prospects look somewhat brighter than they did at this time last year - indeed, better than they have done for many years now. A series of regional crises which have been the subject of debate in this Assembly for all too many years appear to have been moved from the point of inertia. In the case of others, admittedly, the first step still has to be taken. So our optimism needs to be tempered. Nevertheless we can be encouraged by what has already been achieved.
It is even more pleasing for this delegation to note the essential role played by the United Nations in the progress that has so far been made. We have always regarded this Organization as the central forum for the resolution of international conflict. We have not been blind to its weaknesses, which have received much emphasis in recent years. But looking behind weaknesses, we have been convinced that the Organization has retained the ability to achieve the noble aims set out in the Charter.
The emphasis placed in more recent years on the flaws of the Organization was not entirely negative. It is not surprising if, after more than 40 years of existence, critical appraisal makes it apparent that some measures of reform are necessary. We therefore welcomed and supported the efforts of the Secretary-General to increase the efficiency of the United Nations and to improve its day-to-day functioning. We salute the progress that has been made towards this end and we can assure the Secretary-General of our support for his continuing endeavour. We believe that a great deal is at stake here.
What is at stake is the continued existence of the Organization in the terms set out in the Charter. This established the Organization on the basis of the sovereign equality of all its Members. It went on to impose certain obligations on Members. This principle and these obligations have not of course always sat comfortably with all Members. In the course of the last 43 years first one and then another Member State has found itself irked to some extent. It is notable, however, that they have all come to acknowledge that the Organization plays an indispensable role.
A genuine commitment finding its expression in effective operation of the United Nations in accordance with the Charter clearly has a particular attraction for a country such as ray own, whose security depends, not on force of arms but on the establishment of an international order based on the observance of international law. We would like to think, however, that our interest in the United Nations is not selfish. In an era of weapons of mass destruction, whether nuclear, chemical or more conventional, and of ever greater interdependence throughout the world there can be no doubt that the framework provided by the United Nations is in the interest of all States.
But the existence of a framework will not of itself achieve that rule of law based on justice and tempered with generosity which is the only basis for permanent peace. There is a need for a clear commitment on the part of Member States, including actual or potential belligerents, to use to the full the mechanisms available under the Charter. Members of the Security Council have, of course, special responsibilities in this regard and we welcome the evidence of their increased willingness to discharge these responsibilities. We must all see what we can do to divert the skills and capabilities of mankind away from war, or the threat of war, and towards economic and social improvement. Such sacrifices as this may entail are small when compared with the horrific cost in human lives and suffering which any war inevitably inflicts.
When looking at the record of the past year it is intriguing to wonder why this progress was made over that period rather than, say, during the preceding 10 years. It would be inappropriate in my view to seek any single reason. However, it must be acknowledged that the relationship between the super-Powers is of major importance; this relationship is the prime determinant of the international climate and this climate affects international relations in general. All Members of the United Nations welcome the improvement in relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. This improvement has had a twofold effect. It has resulted in a commitment on the part of the super-Powers themselves not only to improve their bilateral relations, but to search for ways to reduce the possibilities of confrontation between them in regional conflicts. The improvement in the international climate which has thus been brought about has induced the participants in regional conflicts themselves to search for ways peacefully to resolve these conflicts.
While acknowledging the importance of the super-Power relationship, it is notable that in every case United Nations involvement has been an essential element in the progress made towards resolution of regional conflicts. I should like particularly to congratulate the Secretary-General on the success he has had so far in this respect. He must be able to rely on the full support and on the loyal co-operation of all Members of the Organization, including of course the super-Powers, in his efforts to secure international peace and stability.
If a political commitment is a necessary condition for effective action by the United Nations to maintain peace and security and to promote peaceful resolution of conflict, it is, alas, not sufficient in itself. Of no less importance is the assurance of the necessary financial means. Those who will the end must also will the means. If they fail to do so the potential benefits of political consensus in the United Nations will not be realized and the credibility of the Organization will be seriously compromised. It is imperative that United Nations finances be put on a firm and sound footing. All that is required is that all Member States discharge the legal commitment, freely undertaken, to pay their mandatory contribution to the general budget and to the various peace-keeping accounts. It is heartening to note the recent indications that Member States do indeed acknowledge the necessity of this commitment and have taken practical steps to implement it.
The peace-keeping function of the Organization has been highlighted only today by the well-deserved award to the United Nations peace-keeping forces of the Nobel Peace Prize. I congratulate the peace-keeping forces of the Organization on this award. It arises at a very appropriate time. An important factor in the Organization's involvement over the past year in the settlement of regional conflicts has been the role of United Nations peace-keeping and observer forces. They have been established most recently to monitor the implementation of the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan and the cease-fire in the war between Iran and Iraq. In a number of other areas where we all hope early progress towards a settlement can be made, United Nations peace-keeping or observer forces will be an essential element of the settlement.
I should like here to focus in particular on the financial difficulties of peace-keeping operations, including those of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL·). The burden of financing these forces must not fall disproportionately on a small number of troop-contributing countries. In each case the decision to establish such forces commits the Organization as a whole. It is crucial that there be a secure foundation for financing peace-keeping operations, in order that troop contributors can be reliably assured that the agreed financing provisions will be observed and that they will not face an unfair financial burden because of undertaking this task.
Let me say here that my concern is not related solely to money. Indeed, the sums of money involved pale into insignificance when compared to the supreme sacrifice many individual members of peace-keeping and observer forces have made while serving under the United Nations flag. The financial costs must surely be accepted as of small significance when one considers the prevention of death, destruction and human suffering that the operations of such forces usually secure, however, fragile the basis. But even in terms of financial costs United Nations peace-keeping forces are a very economical alternative to the maintenance of unilateral or multilateral forces, which impose massive costs and which, because usually they are seen to be partisan, are less likely to facilitate progress towards a permanent solution.
My concern is mainly with the political implications of the failure of all Member States to discharge their financial obligations under the Charter. I am not talking about the temporary difficulties of an economic or financial nature that any State may encounter from time to time. I am referring to decisions made by States to withhold their assessed mandatory contributions for political reasons. Such decisions may be interpreted by parties to a conflict as implying a lack of support for a particular peace-keeping operation. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive of a deliberate decision to withhold due financial contributions as other than an expression of withdrawal of support for an operation. When one considers that, ultimately, political solutions must L-s wound, that if: an unacceptable risk. If some Member States pick and choose those observer or peace-keeping missions concerning which they will make or withhold their mandatory financial contributions, individual operations may be undermined. Worse, the whole concept of United Nations peace-keeping, on which so many hopes are now hanging, would be emptied of any credibility.
We celebrate this year the fortieth anniversary of the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. One could say that the very existence of the United Nations arose from a recognition borne of the bitter experience of war that real and lasting peace and security between nations must be based on universal acknowledgement of the inherent dignity and worth of the individual human being. This is as valid today as when the Declaration was first proclaimed. At its last session the General Assembly unanimously resolved to use the occasion of this anniversary to promote and protect human rights throughout the world, to renew the Organization's commitment to this objective and to encourage Member States to ensure the promotion and protection of the rights enshrined in the Declaration. If we are to build on the tremendous progress that has been made over the last 40 years in the development of international instruments for the protection of human rights, we need a sustained and credible United Nations campaign to promote the universal observance and enjoyment of these rights. At a time when grave abuses continue to occur, and are widely known to occur, there is no room here for complacency.
Pride in the achievement of the United Nations in the area of human rights is justified. Paradoxically, perhaps, one important achievement is that awareness of the degree of abuse of these rights world-wide has dramatically increased. Today the world community recognizes the inherent dignity and worth of the individual and accepts that the protection and promotion of his human rights are international obligations. While the United Nations cannot itself enforce the standards it has been instrumental in developing, it must not underestimate the moral authority it can bring to bear for the correction of abuses in this area. An important instrument for bringing pressure to bear on behalf of the victims of oppression is informed public opinion imbued with the values enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Organization therefore has a very positive role to play in stimulating public awareness of the need for vigilance and in mobilizing the support of international public opinion for the correction of abuses wherever they occur.
Ireland recognizes and honours the tremendous contributions which, inspired by the ideals set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, individuals and national and international organizations have made by mobilizing effective public pressure in the defence of fundamental freedoms for victims of oppression. In many instances this has been accomplished at great personal risk to the individuals concerned. We attach great major importance to the human rights endeavour because we are convinced of the truth of the opening words of the Universal Declaration. Recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, peace and justice in the world.
I have already referred to the improvement in East-West relations which has taken place in the recent past. My Government believes that it is essential to maintain the impetus of the Washington and Moscow summits between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev and to halt and reverse the trend towards an accelerating arms race. The agreed-upon commitment to reduce nuclear forces by 50 per cent has yet to be realized, but at least there is a commitment there.
At such an encouraging time in United States-Soviet bilateral arms control and disarmament negotiations it is all the more important that a fresh commitment to the multilateral process emerge and that concrete achievements be recorded, thus reaffirming the interest of all countries in the goal of general and complete disarmament.
The first step, and one that we believe can and should be taken without further delay, is the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. At the technical level, this could minimize, although not eliminate, the ability to design new weapons. More important, perhaps, it would be a clear signal of intention to reduce reliance on such dangerous and, in the final analysis, irrational means of defence. My delegation is convinced that the technical problems that appear to be in the way of reaching a test-ban agreement can be surmounted, given the political will.
It is, or should be clear that possession of nuclear weapons inevitably leads to a similar response from others, thus greatly increasing the threat to a country's security and even to its prospect of survival. Nevertheless, there is still a number of countries which have not abandoned the nuclear weapons option and remain outside the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. It is my Government's belief that no one can secure advantage through a proliferation of nuclear weapons. We hope that in the years ahead the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons will be strengthened, that the number of signatories will be further expanded and that it will be an enduring element in an era of greater efforts to promote and achieve nuclear-arms control and disarmament.
The international community has been profoundly shocked by recent reports of the use of chemical weapons. We should all be very gravely concerned that what we have for 63 years regarded as progress in this area - the Protocol banning any use of chemical weapons, dating from 1925 - has been reversed. We have to ensure that this reverse will not be regarded as a headline and go further. The participants in the Conference on Disarmament must dedicate themselves to the task of negotiating a convention banning the production of chemical weapons, with a view to its early conclusion, so that this spectre can finally be banished from the Earth.
It is the hope of my Government that the improvement in East-West relations and recent developments in the Soviet Union will also be reflected at the Vienna meeting currently taking place of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. The mutual trust and confidence so necessary to ensuring lasting peace and security must encompass all dimensions of the relations between the countries of East and West. They cannot be confined to the military area. Hence, we look forward to agreement at Vienna in the very near future on a concluding document which will provide both for new negotiations on conventional forces and for a further advance in the human dimension of the Helsinki Final Act.
The need for a speedy and orderly settlement in the Middle East is clear to all who wish well to the people of Israel and to the population of the occupied territories. The present situation, in the words of the statement of the European Council on this matter, "cannot be sustained". It will be brought to an end only by means of a comprehensive, just and lasting political settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The twin pillars of principle on which Irish policy on this difficult issue rests are: the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to exist within secure frontiers, and the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, with all that that implies. We acknowledge that this right includes the right to an independent State, if the Palestinian people should so decide. The Irish delegation appeals for the setting aside of all obstacles which bar the way to negotiations based on these principles.
Any solution will call for basic mutual acceptance and reciprocal recognition of the indomitable human spirit that ensures that a people will not yield, and cannot be put in a position of yielding, to brute force. We believe that the peoples of the region, in accordance with their own best traditions, would wish their leaders to practice the principles of tolerance and good-neighbourliness enshrined in the Charter. It is our hope that the evolution of events inside and outside the region will be such as to permit the peaceful aspirations of the peoples of the region finally to be realized. The way forward requires leadership endowed with courage, wisdom and vision. These are the qualities of statesmanship particularly required in this area.
The difficulties in the Lebanon cannot be dissociated from the wider conflict in the Middle East. There has regrettably been a heightening of tension there in recent days. We hope that the search for reconciliation and stability in the Lebanon will be pursued and that forces outside the country will exercise restraint and will respect the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of the Lebanon, which is essential if peace is to be restored to the country.
I should like to pay a tribute to UNIFIL, which continues to operate in difficult circumstances in southern Lebanon. UNIFIL has never been permitted to fulfil its mandate, despite its repeated renewal by the Security Council over the past 10 years. The Force must be afforded the full co-operation of all the parties to the conflict. My Government reiterates its call for an end to the harassment of UNIFIL and urges all patties to co-operate fully with the Force.
We have welcomed the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq and should like to compliment the Secretary-General warmly on his strenuous efforts towards this end. Without in any ay underestimating the difficulties which remain to be overcome, we have been heartened that the leadership in both countries has had the courage and wisdom to take the first steps along the honourable road to peace. We wish the Secretary-General and the parties concerned well in their continuing efforts. We hope that the blessings of peace will be enjoyed by all communities in both countries.
The Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan represent an important step towards a solution of the Afghan crisis. They impose obligations on all the parties.
Ireland calls upon all concerned to implement fully the peace process set out in these Agreements.
We welcome recent contacts between parliamentarians from the North and the South of the Korean peninsula and the efforts which have been made to bring about a resumption of the suspended direct dialogue aimed at reaching a solution by peaceful means. Indeed, on another note, we extend our best wishes for the success of the Olympic Games there as an example of practical international co-operation currently being observed by millions around the globe.
When we look at South Africa we can see no progress since last year. On the contrary, the apartheid system has been reinforced by further repression, harsher censorship and a ban on all those organizations which do not follow the Government line to the full. The effective silencing of the black political organizations and trade union movement and the ban on such organizations as the Soweto Civic Association and the National Education Crisis Committee are just unacceptable. They are further heavy blows on the suffering black population. Once again I must appeal to the South African Government to cease its defiance of international opinion and to take the necessary steps to dismantle apartheid, starting with the release of all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela, and the removal of the ban on the 18 organizations now debarred from carrying on their work of peaceful opposition to apartheid.
On Namibia, early action is imperative to enable implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) to go ahead smoothly. While South Africa's recently stated willingness to cease its obstruction of the implementation process is a welcome, if long overdue, development, it is the duty of the international community to ensure that other obstacles do not hamper the country's transition to independence.
Lasting peace and stability in Central America will come only through the persistent efforts of the Central American countries themselves, with the whole-hearted support of other members of the international community. We appeal to them to continue along the path which they themselves have marked out, in particular in the Guatemala agreement of August 1987, and to pursue national dialogue and the search for peaceful settlements.
In my address to the Assembly last year I referred to the threat to the well-being of millions of people posed by the insecure world economic environment. The interrelated problems of developing-country debt, low commodity prices, barriers in international trade, declining financial flows to developing areas are unfortunately still with us. Those and other problems, environmental as well as economic, still threaten the livelihood and even the lives of millions of our fellow human beings.
In recent weeks, for example, massive flooding has caused severe suffering and loss of life in Bangladesh and in Sudan. A major international effort to combat drought in Ethiopia continues. In some African countries development is also, regrettably, hindered by civil unrest, sometimes amounting to civil war. Elsewhere the unrest is wilfully provoked from outside. That is the case of Mozambique, the victim of destabilization efforts by its neighbour South Africa. As for Angola, there are now some encouraging signs that this destabilization process and the destruction of the lives of ordinary people may be coming to an end.
Africa's need for external help if it is to develop its potential and raise incomes above subsistence levels has long been recognized by the international community. Both individual donor countries and multilateral institutions have for more than two decades now been giving official development assistance on a large scale, although the results have been disappointing.
Let us hope that the outcome of the recent review meeting on Africa and the recent decisions, which I welcome, to increase the capital of the World Bank and to replenish for the eighth time the funds of the International Development Association will be significant steps in dealing with Africa's development problems.
The balance sheet I am bringing the Assembly today on the situation in Northern Ireland is, I am afraid, a rather mixed one. I am sure that I speak for the overwhelming majority of people in Ireland, North and South, when I say that we are all saddened beyond measure at the violence which has afflicted Northern Ireland for almost 20 years and which has brought nothing but death, destruction and suffering to the people of the area, both nationalist and unionist. Suffering and pain are, as we all know, non-discriminatory in their impact.
It is hardly necessary for me to state again that the Irish Government shares the commitment of all democratic Governments to the fight against terrorism. Indeed, our determination in that regard has been tellingly illustrated over the past year. But the achievement of peace and political progress is inevitably a larger and more complex task than merely combating campaigns of violence. The whole history and experience of the United Nations underline the absolute necessity of responding to the causes of divisions as well as trying to treat their symptoms.
In the specific context of Northern Ireland, it is imperative that the rights, identities and ethos of the two traditions be not alone recognize. But comprehensively accommodated and advanced. While the effective pursuit of that objective will impinge on all areas of government, it will have immediate implications for the system of administering justice - with the need to demonstrate absolute impartiality becoming ever more urgent for relations between the security forces and the community and for addressing the very real problems of economic and social discrimination and disadvantage.
The Anglo-Irish Agreement of November 1985 seeks to address many of those Problems. The British and Irish Governments remain firmly committed to the Agreement and are implementing it actively - indeed, this year the Intergovernmental Conference, established under the Agreement, has been meeting more frequently than at any period since the Agreement was signed. Much valuable progress has been achieved. I would be misleading the Assembly, however, if I did not state clearly that a large body of sensitive issues remains to be tackled effectively. The review of the working of the Intergovernmental Conference, which is scheduled for later this year, will give both Governments an important opportunity to review progress to date and, in particular, to see how in future we can best use the terms of reference and machinery of the Agreement to achieve real political progress.
A further lesson to be drawn from the history of this great Organization is the importance of dialogue in enhancing the understanding of problems and the parameters within which solutions must be found. All of us on the island of Ireland, no matter how our visions of the future may differ, have a common responsibility to work towards solutions in a spirit of mutual understanding and respect. Let us, as political leaders, begin to talk together in an open and generous way; we owe no less to our people, who so desperately yearn for a lasting peace.
I know I can count on the support of this Organization in our efforts to move imaginatively and effectively towards a resolution of the problems of Northern Ireland. The achievement of peace through political progress is the objective we have set ourselves - and this is an objective which is thoroughly consistent with the Charter of the United Nations.
When one reviews International relations and the prospects for progress in the period ahead, one must of necessity do so with a degree of caution. But this natural reluctance to raise unreal expectations of immediate solutions to problems which require the patient application of reason and compromise should not lead us to ignore one of the most encouraging developments of the past year - the renewed recognition on the part of Member States of the value of the United Nations as the central forum for the resolution of international conflict. It is the forum indeed in which the commitment of all members of the international community to regulate their affairs in accordance with international law should find its proper and appropriate expression. We rejoice at the recognition, even if it is a bit belated, of the unique and central role of our Organization in that respect.


On behalf of the people and the Government of Mauritius I am pleased to convey to you, Sir, my sincere congratulations on your election as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. Your outstanding personal qualities and your vast experience in the field of diplomacy will be a guarantee of success in the deliberations of the Assembly's session.
I also wish to express the appreciation of the Government of Mauritius for the outstanding work performed by Mr. Peter Florin, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the German Democratic Republic, the outgoing President of the Assembly.
His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar deserves special mention for his devotion in pursuit of the goals and objectives of the United Nations. Despite the many hurdles in his path, he has succeeded in bringing to the negotiating table yesterday's antagonists and adversaries, and they are now talking about finding solutions to intractable problems. May we assure him of our unstinting support in the exacting tasks that confront him.
Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that, on behalf of the people and the Government of Mauritius, I congratulate, through you, the United Nations peace-keeping force on being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. For decades, the blue helmets of the peace-keeping forces have been seen throughout the world, patrolling the most varied of conflicts. As the Nobel Prize citation states;
"The peace-keeping forces of the United Nations have, under extremely difficult conditions, contributed to reducing tension where an armistice has been negotiated but a peace treaty has yet to be established."
The Peace Prise is also a tribute to you, Mr. President, to the Secretary-General, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, and to the United Nations family as a whole.
Earlier this year, the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament tackled the problem facing mankind. Although it was not possible to adapt a document in its final form, yet we were unanimous in grasping the major implications of the problem. Everyone agreed that differences in political, military, social, economic and other fields should not stand in the way of closer international co-operation for peace and security. The entire disarmament process would be facilitated through a positive approach and greater openness and transparency in military matters.
Nuclear weapons today constitute the greatest menace to the existence of man. Therefore, our main concern is the avoidance of nuclear holocaust. At the special session there was a beginning of consensus on priority issues relating to chemical weapons, to verification and to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. We hope that further progress will be made in future discussions of those vital issues.
The special session welcomed the existing nuclear-weapon-free zones and debated the creation of new zones. The M Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean concluded its second and last session of 1988 on 22 July. At the conclusion of the ad Hoc Committee's work on the Indian Ocean the Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee, Ambassador Daya Perera of Sri Lanka, expressed the view that the members would have the political will to convene the conference at Colombo in 1990, at the latest. We wholeheartedly share that view. I am confident that the members of the Ad Hoc Committee will have meaningful discussions during the two preparatory meetings scheduled in 1989 so that the long-overdue conference is finally convened. My delegation will give its full support to the Ad Hoc Committee in its work, as we in Mauritius are deeply concerned with the demilitarization of the Indian Ocean.
We have on previous occasions spoken on the vast amount of resources being spent on armaments, especially on conventional arms and forces. We are strongly in favour of the action programme charted by the international Conference on the Relationship Between Disarmament and Development. A global process of disarmament leading to a substantial reduction in military expenditure is bound to release much-needed resources to promote the prosperity of all nations. Lasting peace is more likely to be established through economic development than through lavish expenditure on armaments.	-
I should also like to say that Mauritius supports the stand of His Excellency Shri Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of the Republic of India, enunciated in his address on 9 June 1988 to the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament.
In clear violation of the principles of the United Nations the island of Diego Garcia, along with the Chagos Archipelago, was detached from Mauritius by Britain prior to our independence in 1968. The island of Diego Garcia was ceded by Britain to the United States of America, which transformed it into a military base. The inhabitants of the island were summarily relocated to Mauritius. The key strategic role now assumed by Diego Garcia has brought the nuclear peril right into the heart of the Indian Ocean. We are determined never to give up our claim over Diego Garcia. With the support of other Indian Ocean States, we shall continue to mobilize international opinion for the restitution of the island to Mauritius. We are thankful to the States members of the Organization of African Unity and the Non-Align movement, as well as other friendly countries, for their continued support of our just claim.
It grieves me to refer again to the sad plight of our brothers and sisters in South Africa, who have been denied their fundamental rights and have lived far too long under a regime of murder and terror. Despite the efforts of the United Nations, over four decades, to bring to an end this abominable form of racism, apartheid remains in force. Repeated calls have been made on the South African Government to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations, but to no avail. The resolutions calling for the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners, the elimination of apartheid, and the establishment of a free, United and democratic society in South Africa based on universal suffrage, continue to be flouted by the racist regime. My Government has systematically condemned the policy of apartheid. We consider that there can be no peace and security in South Africa until apartheid has been dismantled. Let it also be said that the racist regime of South Africa continues, unabated, its policy of external aggression and the destabilization of neighbouring front-line States, in defiance of repeated condemnation and the enforcement of sanctions.
The policy of apartheid has affected not only the oppressed people of South Africa but also the Namibian people, who continue to suffer through the illegal occupation of their country. It is now more than 22 years since the General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate over Namibia and created the United Nations Council for Namibia to administer the Territory and prepare it for independence. The South African Government has used delaying tactics to block the implementation of the United Nations Plan for the Independence of Namibia, contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1973).
We have always supported the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) in its struggle for the liberation of its homeland. We shall continue to do so until the country is ultimately free. We sincerely hope that the positive talks between South Africa, Angola, Cuba and the United States of America will yield the desired results, so that the United Nations will be able, in the very near future, to welcome to its midst the independent and sovereign State of Namibia.
The lessening of tension in southern Africa will enable the international community to tackle another crucial problem of the region, which concerns some six million refugees. In this context we commend the initiative of the recent International Conference on the Plight of Refugees, Returnees and Displaced Persons in South Africa (SARRED) for its plan of action towards reconstruction and rehabilitation measures in a region despoiled by 13 years of war.
I wish now to set the record straight regarding the policy of Mauritius towards the racist regime of South Africa. It is indeed with sorrow and much anger that I have to denounce a systematic campaign of disinformation about Mauritius and its links with South Africa. This campaign has been orchestrated by international vested interests, which feel threatened by the economic success of Mauritius, and by jealous rivals unable to emulate the Mauritian miracle. The aim of the campaign has been to equate Mauritius's success to her links with South Africa, and to stick the label "sanctions buster" on Mauritius.
I would like to take this opportunity to set the picture straight. Under British colonial rule, administrative and economic links tied Mauritius with South  Africa. Geographically, South Africa is the closest mainland to our island. However, since my Government assumed office in 1983, links with South Africa, which in any case were limited, have been diminishing as we have actively been seeking alternative sources and markets.
In 1982 Mauritius's domestic exports and re-exports to South Africa amounted to 0.76 per cent of its total world exports, and by 1987 they had dropped to 0.41 per cent. Our imports from South Africa in 1961 represented 9.6 per cent of our total imports world-wide in 1987 they represented only 8.3 per cent. Investment from South Africa in 1987 was 1.27 per cent of total foreign investment. Only 0.7 per cent of total investment in our export processing zone is South African, 60 per cent being Mauritian. We have diversified cur sources of tourists so that, from 22.6 per cent in 1984, the South African element fell to 14.7 per cent of total tourist arrivals.
Mauritius has a very fragile economy - being a small island State with no mineral resources, and being distant from markets and min sea routes. Despite these constraints, my Government, supported by the people of Mauritius, is, I repeat, actively diversifying away from South Africa, in accordance with our commitment to the United Nations, the Commonwealth and the Organization of African Unity.
The question of Palestine has remained on the agenda of the General Assembly since the founding of the United Nations, and still defies a just and equitable solution. Such a solution can only be found within the framework of a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East situation, based on Israel's total withdrawal from all the territories occupied since 1967 and the restoration of all the rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to return to their homeland, the right to self-determination and the right to establish their own independent and sovereign State on their national territory. We therefore support the speedy convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
My Government rejoices that both Iraq and Iran have agreed to go to the negotiating table, thanks to the persevering efforts and diplomatic finesse displayed by the United Nations Secretary-General and his tireless staff. We pray that the efforts of the Secretary-General will pave the way for a peaceful settlement in that war-torn and ravaged area.
We also welcome the efforts of the countries members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in their quest for a comprehensive political settlement to the problem of Kampuchea. All foreign intervention and military occupation should be brought to an end without further delay. The incessant flow of refugees from that country has created tensions and security problems in neighbouring states. The recent Jakarta informal meeting, held in the city of Bogor from 25 to 28 July 1988, is no doubt a starting-point for a peace process that can lead to the restoration of the sovereign, independent, and neutral and non-aligned status of Kampuchea.
We welcome the recent Geneva Agreements as a major step towards the restoration of peace in Afghanistan, This is an achievement that must be credited to the United Nations and especially to its Secretary-General. I pay a tribute also to the understanding shown by the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
The Korean people are also eagerly awaiting the peaceful reunification of their country. We hope that through dialogue the people of Korea, both North and South, will soon join the rest of the international community in the United Nations,
On the subject of human rights, my Government views with great concern the instances of violation of human and democratic rights, the enactment of the coercive internal security decree, and above all the systemic harassment of an ethnic group in Fiji. We appeal for the immediate restoration of the process of national reconciliation. Let the Government of Fiji show that it is motivated by a sense of fair play and universal justice and by tolerance and harmony.
Similarly, we hope that reason will prevail and that tensions in such troubled areas as Cyprus, Lebanon and Central America will give way to peace and stability. For nearly ten years now the world economy has stagnated, causing the slowing down and reversal of development, high unemployment and gruesome poverty. World trade is dominated by sharp currency fluctuations, trade imbalances between the major market economies and the debt-burdened developing countries. The 1988 World Economic Survey prepared by the United Nations has forecast that growth is expected to fall in 1989, The Survey goes on to say that, while economic growth among developing countries varied greatly last year, affected by foreign debt, decreasing overseas earnings and difficulties in orienting policies towards economic stability, growth slowed down for the developing countries, mostly in Africa and Latin America, where per capita output is continuing to fall.
My Government supports the call by the Heads of State or Government of the seven major industrial nations and the President of the Commission, of the European Communities at the recent Toronto economic summit, for relief for developing countries whose economic growth is paralysed by external debt. In 1987, the amount transferred to foreign creditors abroad in interest and repayments outpaced new lending and absorbed resources needed for domestic investments. Several countries have accumulated significant arrears to official creditors. The International Monetary Fund (IMP) alone was owed 32 billion in 1987.
The performance of developing countries is important to the world economy. Central to the prospects of the developing countries are a healthy global environment and an open trading system, adequate financial flows and also their commitment to appropriate economic reforms. The problems of many heavily indebted developing countries are a cause of economic and political concern and can be a threat to political stability in the developing countries themselves. Many indebted countries have begun the difficult process of macro-economic adjustment and structural reform necessary for sustained progress. My Government urges an increase in concessional resource flows to help the poorest developing countries resume sustained growth, especially in cases where it is extremely difficult for them to service their debts. Protectionist measures, particularly in large developed countries, should be removed without delay so that a more favourable environment can be built for accelerated growth in international trade.
A large number of States of Africa, Latin America and Asia are still burdened with the problem of debt. The recent disorders in the stock exchange, which have resulted in sudden losses much more substantial that the total debt accumulated over the years by African countries, have revealed the vulnerability of even the most powerful economies. It is indeed paradoxical and anomalous that African States, which are endowed with a wealth of human, natural, spiritual and material resources, should, after two or three decades of independence, have turned into an exporter of capital and human technology, into importers of foreign expertise, of inappropriate technology or food they can produce, of goods that are meant to satisfy artificial needs created from abroad, in a word, that they should have turned into importers of catastrophes and frustration.
The international community has a great responsibility in contributing to the solution of our debt crisis. The debt-distressed countries that are most severely handicapped should receive special attention and should be the object of special measures of a concessional nature, of an increased flow of resources, and of reduced interest rates. It is also important that the praiseworthy example of donor countries which have written off public loans or converted them into grants should be more widely followed. At the same time, there is a need to ensure that solutions to the debt crisis do not reinforce the political, economic and technological dependence of the affected countries.
We support the recommendations in the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, which was so ably chaired by Gro Harlem Brundtland, Prime Minister of Norway. Threats to the environment recognize no boundaries. International co-operation among all countries is required if we are to return to a healthy environment. Urgent action is needed to save the world from a global climatic change, from air, sea and fresh-water pollution, from acid rain, hazardous substances, deforestation and toxic waste. Mauritius deplores the actions of several unscrupulous companies which have tried to obtain facilities for dumping toxic industrial wastes in various African States. The States involved are for the most part western African States whose Governments have no separate portfolio for environmental affairs.
It is a matter of great concern, and not only on humanitarian grounds, it is not a question of a trade-off between growth and development on the one hand and environmental issues on the other. It has to be seen in its true context, that is to say, as being as urgent as problems of chronic indebtedness and food scarcities, if not more so. The presence of radio-active and other toxic wastes on African soil is definitely detrimental to future development programmes and to the future use of natural resources.
We unreservedly support the resolution adopted by the Conference of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) held at Addis Ababa, which condemned the use of African States as dumping grounds by the more industrialized countries, under whatever financial terms proposed. We call upon the international community to take vigorous steps to exercise surveillance in order to prevent the recurrence of such reprehensible and irresponsible acts and to assist the affected States in the rehabilitation of their natural environment.
The rich developed countries should show greater concern for vulnerable small island States which are saddled with problems of development. In addition to our limited resources and capacity for autonomous development, we are far from international markets and heavily dependent upon them. There is therefore an urgent need to ensure stability in these markets, especially in respect of our commodities and manufactured goods. We therefore appeal to our trading partners in the North to remove all trade barriers and to do away with all protectionist measures which adversely affect the development of our economy.
Mauritius is actively beginning to develop regional co-operation with other countries of the Indian Ocean and member States of the Preferential Trade Area with a view to achieving greater collective self-reliance through the improvement of our trade exchanges and the setting up of intra-regional projects. In that context, we appreciate the generous assistance rapidly made available by friendly countries and international organizations so that regional co-operation nay become viable and meaningful.
The illegal use of and illicit trafficking in drugs threaten the well-being of mankind. There is an urgent need for improved international co-operation to counter all facets of the illicit drug problem, in particular production, trafficking and the financing of the drug trade. My Government has adopted tough laws to confiscate the proceeds of drug traffickers and to prevent money laundering.
Although the great eighteenth-century English philosopher Hobbes said in his Leviathan that man's life is short, nasty and brutish, we, after going through the catalogue of problems and misfortunes besetting the world, have every reason to see the light at the end of the tunnel. There is cause for satisfaction and contentment in the knowledge that recent events in northern Africa, in Afghanistan, in the Gulf region, in the field of disarmament, at the Berlin conference of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and elsewhere have taken the upward path of sanity. Above all, there is the sudden consciousness that man's destiny is the survival of the species.
Our people are peace-loving and are dedicated to the cause of peace at home and an enduring peace in the world. Our people uphold human rights and dignity. Our people uphold democratic values, principles and practices, and freedom of association, of conscience and of speech. Our people also believe in the sanctity of human life, in unity at home and in the world, and in the splendour and richness of diversity. Our people also believe in one world and in man, and believe that we should constantly search for truth and concentrate on all the common good that binds all of us on our planet Earth and that should bind all in our common endeavour to work for a better, safer and happier world. We also believe that we have come - and that all should come - to the United Nations not to save face but to save lives.
Armed with that conviction, let me conclude my address on this note of optimism and good cheer that tomorrow a better world will dawn.