it is indeed a pleasure and an honour for me to convey to Mr. Dante Caputo, on behalf of the Government and people of Trinidad and Tobago, our sincere congratulations on his election as President of this forty-third session of the General Assembly. In the light of the political and diplomatic experience which he brings to this office, we are assured that the deliberations of the Assembly will be conducted in a manner that will redound to the credit of his own country, Argentina, as well as to our region of Latin America and the Caribbean.
It is also with considerable pleasure that I commend his predecessor,
Mr. Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic, for the efficient manner in which he per sided over the forty-second session of the General Assembly and the third special session of the Assembly devoted to disarmament.
Trinidad and Tobago fully shares the view which the President of the Assembly recently expressed on the role of the United Nations as an instrument of survival for the small and medium-sized countries of the world. For that reason, we attach a very special significance to our member ship in the United Nations. We remain firmly committed to the purposes and principles of the Charter. Indeed, we steadfastly believe in the sovereign equality of all States, in the peaceful settlement of international disputes, in respect for human rights, and in international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character. We acknowledge that the Organization has not always lived up to the expectations which we harboured when Trinidad and Tobago joined the United Nations 25 years ago. Its role, clearly identified by the founding fathers in 1945, as the guardian of international peace and security and as the conscience of mankind has not always been fulfilled.
However, there Is a mood of optimism which suggests that 1938 may well be recorded as the year in which the international community rediscovered the potential of the United Nations for solving seemingly intractable problems. The recent award of the 1988 Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces bears ample testimony to this resurgence of faith in the ability of the Organization to achieve its objectives.
Trinidad and Tobago salutes the Important contribution made by the super-Powers in lessening international tensions. It also highly commends the work of our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whose Indefatigable efforts in the cause of peace have contributed to, and continue to influence positively, the current international climate.
In this regard, I wish to allude to the signing of the Geneva Accords in April, which was achieved through the good offices of our Secretary-General and, in particular, the tireless efforts of Mr. Diego Cordovez, the former Under-Secretary-General for Special Political Affairs. We welcome most whole-heartedly the successful outcome of those negotiations between the United States, the Soviet Onion, Pakistan and Afghanistan, which has now set the stage for the resolution of the situation in Afghanistan. My Government wishes to place on record its appreciation of Mr. Diego Cordovez's services to the cause of international peace and security and to extend to him our congratulations and best wishes on his appointment as Foreign Minister of Ecuador. Lest his efforts be wasted, we urge the parties to the Accords to respect their terms and the spirit in which they have been agreed, so as to facilitate the work of the United Nations Good Offices Mission for Afghanistan.
Yet mother event which has given us cause for optimism is the recently concluded cease-fire agreement in the Iraq-Iran war. The Secretary-General is to be complimented on his success in achieving this first step in what is likely to be a long and difficult road to a final settlement. My delegation assures the Secretary-General of its complete support in his efforts to implement Security Council resolution 598 (1987), and takes the opportunity to urge both parties to do all that is possible to arrive at a permanent peace settlement.
Further, in Western Sahara the Secretary-General's mediation efforts, conducted jointly with the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, aimed at ending the war between the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARSO Front, appear to be bearing fruit. The recent agreement in principle between the disputants on a United Nations peace plan, which provides for a cease-fire, the deployment of United Nations peace-keeping forces and the conducting of a referendum on the future status of the Territory, is most encouraging. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago will continue to support this peace process, which should result in the just and permanent resolution of the Western Sahara conflict.
These successes represent signs of encouragement for the peaceful settlement of disputes and generate an element of hope and optimism about the willingness of nations to co-operate in the resolution of their problems. Small States in particular welcome these developments, since invariably such States stand to benefit greatly from an improved international climate.
But  while in these instances we have cause to rejoice, the situation elsewhere is far from  comforting. The disturbances in the Israeli-occupied territories have exposed the inevitability of change, as millions of Palestinians continue to be deprived of their basic human rights. We in Trinidad and Tobago strongly support the proposal for an international conference on peace in the Middle East, and feel that the terms of any settlement to emerge from such a conference should include a clear recognition of the right of all States to exist within secure and recognized boundaries, and the guarantee of a homeland for the Palestinian people.
The problems posed by the racist regime in Pretoria continue to plague the lives of millions of black people in southern Africa. There the white minority seeks to perpetuate its virtual enslavement of the black majority by banning and imprisoning its leaders, incarcerating children and denying fundamental human rights on the basis of race and colour of skin. For us in Trinidad and Tobago, 1 August 1988 brought poignant memories of the inhumanity of slavery, for we commemorated on that day the 150th anniversary of the emancipation of the slaves in the English-speaking Caribbean. As members of the Organization and of the world community, we cannot consider ourselves to have been truly emancipated so long as the black majority in South Africa is enslaved in the name of an absurd and discredited concept of ethnic superiority. For this reason, the delegation of Trinidad and Tobago once more calls upon the international community to bring about a speedy end to the system of apartheid by the imposition of a comprehensive regime of mandatory sanctions,
Trinidad and Tobago are encouraged by recent indications that implementation of Security Council Resolutions 43S (1978), on independence for Namibia, may be imminent. However, the international community has too often witnessed the machinations of the Pretoria regime. We therefore view this development with guarded optimism, for we are painfully aware that many details of the process of withdrawal of armed forces from Namibia and preparations for the holding of elections in that Territory are still be to worked out. Many opportunities exist, therefore, for the South Africans to derail the process of implementation at any time. Trinidad and Tobago attaches great importance to the question of Namibia and will be paying close attention to progress in implementing the Security Council decision on the matter. We would like to think that at the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly we shall have the opportunity to join others in supporting the admission of a free and independent Namibia to this world body.
Trinidad and Tobago recognizes the limited progress made in respect of the problems related to Kampuchea and Cyprus, and we hope that the new initiatives being taken at the present time by the parties concerned will lead to a peaceful resolution of these outstanding issues.
In like manner, ray delegation has noted with some satisfaction that positive efforts are being made by both parties to bring about a settlement of the Korean problem through dialogue and negotiation. It is our fervent wish that this process will result in the resolution of the problem in accordance with the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the Korean peninsula. Coming nearer to home, my delegation notes with regret that progress towards peace in Central America has slowed down somewhat during the past year. The delegation of Trinidad and Tobago is firmly of the view that the spirit of co-operation that resulted in the Contadora initiatives and, more recently, in the Arias plan and Esquipulas II is a demonstration of the ability of the peoples of Latin America to devise appropriate solutions to their problems. We believe that progress towards peace can be achieved only where mutual trust and understanding prevail. We would therefore urge the countries of the region to work assiduously to create those conditions in their continuing search for a negotiated and lasting solution.
In this nuclear age, in which man possesses the capacity to obliterate life and civilization as we know it with his own weapons, the issue of nuclear disarmament will continue to be a major source of concern to all mankind, and rightly so. During the past year action in this critical area of international relations has produced decidedly mixed results.
In many respects arms reduction and arms control are a litmus test, not only of bilateral relations between the two major nuclear Powers, but also of the present state of multilateralism. The signing and subsequent ratification of the Treaty between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - were encouraging developments which, it was hoped, would have had beneficial effects on both bilateral and multilateral negotiations on disarmament.
Unfortunately, such has not been the case. The initial optimism brought about by the resumption of negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on the reduction of their strategic arsenals has waned. Problems concerning verification procedures and differences over "Star Wars" testing still exist.
In like manner, the high hopes invested in the success of the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament ran afoul of unresolved political differences. The States Members of the United Nations failed to agree on the content of a declaration outlining a new programme for global disarmament.
It is also a source of deep regret to my Government that, 25 years after the signing of the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water, the international community has not yet succeeded in reaching agreement on a comprehensive test-ban treaty. We continue to believe that such an agreement could be achieved if the requisite political will were to be displayed. In addition to curbing the qualitative spiral of the arms race, the delegation of Trinidad and Tobago believes that a test-ban treaty would have an incalculably advantageous effect on both bilateral and multilateral disarmament negotiations.
Halting and reversing the nuclear-arms race should not prevent us from focusing greater attention on the issue of conventional weapons. These have become more sophisticated, more devastating, and certainly more costly. Their use in the developing regions of the world since the end of the Second World War has brought untold misery, destruction and death. Their procurement has burdened, and continues to burden, too many economies in the developing world.
There is increasing awareness today that the accumulation of weapons, nuclear or conventional, does not guarantee security and that greater importance must be attached to social, economic, environmental and other factors that have hitherto been neglected. Is it not paradoxical that, despite this, we continue to squander stupendous amounts of financial, material and human resources on the development and acquisition of armaments?
This waste of resources is all the more deplorable when sickness, starvation, malnutrition and deprivation ,re still the daily lot of a large percentage of the world's population. It is the firm belief of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago that if only a fraction of the resources frittered away on armaments were to be devoted to developmental activities, it would result in a tangible improvement in the living standards of that vast proportion of humanity whose basic needs for food, shelter and health care remain unfulfilled.
Many speakers from this very rostrum have reminded the Assembly of the dismal economic performance of the developing countries. That issue is of particular importance to Trinidad and Tobago, which, like roost other developing countries, is now threatened by rising levels of unemployment, falling export revenues, low commodity prices, and spiralling external debt. It is clear that in this decade the momentum of development achieved in previous decades by the countries of the South has been reversed. A great deal of the regression - and certainly of the stagnation ~ we have endured can be attributed to an international economic system that has not supported our efforts and that, at times, has even been openly hostile.
In response, developing countries are now implementing structural-adjustment programmes with the objective of reviving their flagging economies through the rationalization of their economic structure. The individual and collective experiences of our countries have demonstrated that this process of structural adjustment is painful and, at best; difficult. It must be handled sensitively and sensibly so as not to sow the seeds of political and social instability and unnecessary discontent.
To be successful ultimately, structural adjustment must be bolstered by a favourable international economic environment. An indispensable component of such an international economic environment is a free and open trading system that offers competitive prices for our products and allows us to exploit whatever comparative advantage we may possess. Trinidad and Tobago therefore looks forward to positive results emanating from the ongoing multilateral trade negotiations under the auspices of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and, in particular, from the ministerial session in December 1988. We hope that the requisite flexibility will be displayed and will result in progress on issues of importance to the developing countries. We share the view that in the negotiations special attention should be given to completing the unfinished work of previous rounds before moving on to net; issues. The international community should take full advantage of this opportunity to restore discipline and equity to the international trading system.
It is imperative that there be an increased flow of financial resources to developing countries. Flows of concessional resources in particular, which have stagnated in recent years, need to be increased if developing countries are to obtain new money for investment. Such action would contribute to a reversal of a situation in which some developing regions have become net exporters of capital as a result of their obligations to service their external debt.
The Assembly must also address itself to the issue of debt, which is a major barrier to development and which, if neglected, will render futile all efforts at adjustment. Since the Assembly last met, there has not been any major breakthrough in the identification of a comprehensive strategy acceptable to debtors, creditors, commercial banks and multilateral financial institutions. In the interim, a series of new and innovative mechanisms, such as debt-equity swaps, exit bonds, secondary market trading, and conversion of debt into securities, have been introduced. Those new instruments, by themselves, will have little success in reducing the stock of debt and will merely reduce the exposure of some of the creditors.
Clearly, such an anomalous situation cannot be sustained. The community of nations, therefore, has no alternative but to elaborate a new and comprehensive strategy that takes into account the capacity of debtor countries to repay their debt to developed countries and financial institutions  and at the same time allows room for economic growth. I suggest that the search for such a strategy is not beyond the collective imagination, capability and wisdom of this Assembly.
The major multilateral financial institutions, particularly the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, must play a more constructive, supportive and progressive role in the global economy. They must critically examine their portfolios and disbursement practices. In keeping with their influence and prestige, they must respond to the demands of a constantly changing global economic environment.
There is no doubt that for many countries of the South there would be increased access to financial resources if the question of graduation were reviewed favourably by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Bretton Woods institutions, using the most recent information available. Trinidad and Tobago, which saw its per capita gross national product fall dramatically by 69 per cent from over $US 7 £,000 in 1983 to just over $US 2,000 in 1987, welcomes the decision of the World Bank to degraduate it. We call on the World Bank to review the graduation of other countries that we similarly experienced a fall in their gross national product. We call also on the UNDP to recognize the importance of using the most recent data available in its application of the concept of net-contributor status, and to follow the principle of the World Bank in identifying criteria which would ensure greater equity in the process of graduation.
The interdependence of the global economy requires the major industrial countries to recognize that the co-ordination of their macro-economic policies is a responsibility which devolves on them, owing to the substantial power and influence they exert on the international system. It is therefore incumbent on these States to reduce and eliminate the imbalances in and among their economies which have created distortions in the international economy. My delegation welcomes the corrective measures that have so far been taken and urges that they be continued and strengthened.
It is crucial for the community of nations to give form and substance to the reality of interdependence. It is necessary, therefore, to revive immediately the dialogue between North and South on the full range of issues encompassed in the concept of a new international economic order, To this end, the Trinidad and Tobago delegation supports the call for a special session of the United Nations General Assembly to address the interrelated problems of uneven growth rates, increasing protectionism, low commodity prices and the net transfer of resources from the South to the North.
Among the countries of the South there has been a growing awareness that we need to reverse the roles that we have been assigned in the international economy and to become active participants in, and contributors to, our own development. Reinforced by a shared perception and a common desire for a just and equitable global community, we, the countries of the South, need to stand together to tap and explore our tremendous potential and strengths. Our aspirations have found expression in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, the Group of 77 and, recently, the South commission. Trinidad and Tobago has supported, and will continue to support, the efforts and initiatives of these groupings and to encourage other developing countries to make greater use of the South-South dimension and thus translate rhetorical allusions to co-operation into concrete action.
In addition to the economic vicissitudes that developing countries have been encountering, we are faced with other threats to our sovereignty, security and well-being, in the form of cross-border criminal activities, including the traffic in illicit drugs and the highly immoral and reprehensible dumping of toxic waste.
In recent times the dumping of toxic waste in developing countries, particularly those in the Caribbean and in Africa, has become a matter of great concern. It is unconscionable that industrial agencies from certain developed States, oblivious of the serious threat to the health and the environment of the peoples of the regions affected, seem prepared surreptitiously to use developing countries as a dumping-ground for highly toxic wastes which they find difficult and/or expensive to dispose of at home. Furthermore, these activities place an unreasonably severe burden on the slender technical and management expertise of developing countries in monitoring this illegal dumping. We therefore join with others in deploring in the strongest possible terms this irresponsible conduct on the part of those industrial enterprises which are engaged in this pernicious practice.
My delegation has noted with appreciation the several international and regional initiatives being undertaken to address the dangers of trans-boundary movement of hazardous wastes. We urge the Assembly to request the competent specialized agencies, acting jointly, to take appropriate measures to formulate as a matter of urgency a comprehensive global convention to regulate and/or prohibit the trans-boundary dumping of toxic and other hazardous wastes. Pending the decision of an international convention, my delegation proposes for the Assembly's consideration that a moratorium be declared on further trans-frontier movement of hazardous and toxic waste. The second concern that Trinidad and Tobago has voiced on other occasions and in other forums relates to the illicit production of, trafficking in and abuse of drugs and to the interrelated trafficking in destructive weapons. My Government continues to be committed to the eradication of this scourge. We believe, however, that, in the strategies adopted to combat the drug problem, greater emphasis must be placed on efforts to reduce demand  as well as to improve facilities for treatment and rehabilitation. It will be necessary to continue to intensify and co-ordinate efforts to tackle this problem at all levels.
It is with grave disquiet that my Government views the callous disregard with which international conventions prohibiting the use of certain types of weapons have been flouted. In this context the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago proposed, in June of this year during the third special session of the General Assembly on disarmament, that the United Nations commence discussion on the criminal responsibility of individuals who act in breach of relevant norms of international law. The Prime Minister also requested the Secretary-General to prepare, for submission to the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly, a report on the criminal responsibility of persons who use, or authorize the use of, prohibited weapons and weapons that cause unnecessary human suffering, or who engage in illegal drug trafficking across national frontiers. We are gratified that, at our request, an item dealing with this matter has been included on the agenda of this session. During the discussion of that item it will be necessary eventually to examine the existing international criminal codes and the possibilities of using international commissions of inquiry and of instituting, in the long term, an international criminal court. We are convinced that we can count on the support of other concerned delegations when the item is discussed.
Over the last three years the United Nations has been in the throes of a financial crisis that threatens the viability of the Organization. There is no need to labour the point. The solution to the problem lies in the full and timely payment of all assessed contributions and the full payment of all arrears.
More recently, the United Nations has been engaged in reform mandated by General Assembly resolution 41/213, and much of the focus has been on a tightening of expenditures. It would seem, however, that due attention should also be devoted to the income side of the balance sheet and, since United Nations income derives almost exclusively from the contributions of Member States, a re-examination of the present methodology for calculating the scale of assessments appears necessary. One of the major drawbacks of this scale is that it is based primarily on per capita income figures - data which were never intended as a measure of capacity to pay.
My delegation believes that each country's gross national income is the · corner-stone of that country's budgetary process, in that it in effect finances the country's expenditure. Naturally enough, each country's pattern of expenditure responds to its own needs, including its basic requirements of food, housing, health, education, public utilities and transport. These are some acceptable basic requirements - that combination generally defined as the infrastructure. It is my contention that the degree to which a country must concentrate its resources on the provision of this minimum standard is a significant factor in determining its capacity to meet its other financial commitments. Furthermore, measures such as the percentage of one or a few main export commodities to total exports, food imports as a percentage of domestic use, and external debt as a percentage of export earnings, among other things, determine each individual State's capacity to pay.
My delegation believes that the Committee on Contributions should focus on its consideration of the use of social and economic indicators with a view to devising a basket of minimum requirements which could be used to construct what I will loosely call a development index. This index, reflecting each country's developmental status along the continuum from least developed to developed countries, could then be used as a factor, a multiplier, convert caw per capita income into assessable income from which a United Nations rate of assessment could be calculated. The ultimate aim would be to adopt a simple, transparent formula for determining the scale of assessments, which it is hoped would be a straightforward process not requiring ad hoc adjustments or further resort to the mitigation process.
The issue of a programme of action for small Island developing countries is of utmost Importance to Trinidad and Tobago. As early as 1976 the General Assembly issued a call for attention to be paid to the special needs and problems of such countries, as reflected in resolution 31/156 and others, the most recent being resolution 39/212.
Among the catalogue of difficult problems faced by island developing countries the General Assembly identified their vulnerability to natural disasters - a vulnerability demonstrated very dramatically in the devastation wrought by hurricane Gilbert on our sister island of Jamaica. We therefore call on the United Nations to render all possible assistance to Jamaica and to accelerate the larger process by which the particular problems of these countries may be successfully addressed.
In conclusion, the Trinidad and Tobago delegation wishes to note that the improved climate of relations between the super-Powers, the recent successes of the United Nations in bringing to an end a number of long-standing conflicts and the  improved administrative capability of the Organization have confined to restore in some measure the credibility of the United Nations. However, notwithstanding these achievements, this body still has a long way to go to achieve the goals of the Charter and fulfil the expectations of the peoples of the world, to do this, it must be provided with adequate resources. More important, Member States must conduct their relations in accordance with their obligations under the Charter. Heedless to say, at this moment all the ingredients are present for bringing about a revitalization of the United Nations.
As we painstakingly pursue this formidable task, we must ensure that the basic principles that are the corner-stone of the Organization are strictly observed. We must seize the opportunity at this important juncture in the history of the United Nations, for it is only by continuous and universal adherence to the principles enshrined in the Charter that we shall truly embark upon a new and more positive phase in international political, social and economic relations and help to create a better civilization for all mankind.


On behalf of the Gabonese Government Sir, I offer you most cordial and heartfelt congratulations on your election to preside over the forty-third session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that your experience, your long and praiseworthy career in international affairs, and the fact that you are a man of culture whose depth is recognized by all, augur well for a successful outcome to the session.
I am also happy to take this opportunity to greet in you, Sir, the representative of a great country, the Argentine Republic, with which the Gabonese Republic, my country, has commendably close relations.
I wish also to take this opportunity to pay tribute to Ambassador Peter Florin, your predecessor, for the outstanding way in which he guided the work of the forty-second session.
The Gabonese delegation includes in these congratulations and tributes to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. No praise is too high for his admirable initiatives and the action he has taken, aimed at calming tensions and securing the peaceful settlement of disputes, to give concrete form to the contribution of the United Nations, the strength of its principles and the soundness of its purpose of bringing about world peace and prosperity.
Gabon continues to be dedicated to those fundamental principles of international life as set forth in the Charter, just as we reaffirm that our foreign policy, based on the permanent quest for solutions conducive to peace and development, manifestly serves noble causes.
The work of this session is beginning at a turning-point in international relations, first with the commemoration this year of the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, an ideal common to all peoples and all nations, and, secondly, with the setting in motion of a process of ending regional conflicts and eventually securing their definitive settlement by peaceful means.
On a number of occasions Gabon has emphasized that the establishment of the United Nations constituted a decisive phase in the history of the world and has expressed the hope that everything will be done to attain the goals and principles enshrined in the Charter in San Francisco. The fact that the Organization is contributing to the settlement or adjustment of conflicts by peaceful means demonstrates its ability to promote peace and international security. It is a source of satisfaction for m/ country to see the United Nations carrying out one of its missions in this way, thus earning the Nobel Peace Prize, which has been awarded to the United Nations peace-keeping forces. This is a fitting occasion to point out that this event received special attention from the President of Gabon, Mr. Omar Bongo, who addressed a special message of congratulations to the Secretary-General in this connection.
How can we fail to express our satisfaction at the series of negotiations now going on in order to resolve the problems of the independence of Namibia; the frontier dispute between Chad and Libya, the Western Sahara and the Iran-Iraq conflict - to mention only those, we can only welcome the positive developments in each of those disputes, at the same time urging the concerned parties to show a spirit of open-mindedness and dialogue.
The commemoration of World Namibia Day on 26 August last provided us with an opportunity to note with great interest the development of the situation in that part of Africa, which we believe is destined to achieve independence in the near future.
Gabon welcomes the conclusion of the Geneva Accord providing for the withdrawal of South African troops from Angola and has been following with interest the modalities of its implementation, which, to be effective, require the consent of the parties concerned, particularly the front-line States. It was in that spirit that the President of the Republic of Gabon took the initiative of meeting, on 1 October this year, at Franceville in Gabon, with the Heads of State of Angola and Congo. There they discussed the question of the peace and security in Angola and the independence of Namibia, noted with satisfaction the positive development of the quadripartite talks which will shortly resume in Brazzaville and welcomed the efforts made by the People's Republic of Congo in order to secure the successful conduct of the negotiations. Further, they encouraged the parties to the negotiations to do their utmost to achieve a final agreement: as soon as possible, this being a prerequisite for lasting peace in the subregion. Without any doubt, such а meeting augurs well for the implementation of the provisions of the Geneva Accord, the purpose of which is to organize free elections, under United Nations supervision, in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
The entry into force of the cease-fire in southern Angola aid on the Namibian border, in accordance with the provisions recently accepted by the parties, confirms the positive role which they have played.
While we therefore welcome developments in southern Africa, we must remember that southern Africa consists of more than just Namibia. The problem of apartheid is more than a source of concern in that part of the continent and it remains as grave as ever. Apartheid is considered a crime against mankind, as it excludes from the exercise of power some 20 million blades, who are constantly the victims of aggression and torture and whose lives were always in danger. It is thus a factor of permanent insecurity in international relations. Far from being excessive, the description of apartheid as a crime against mankind is now clearly widely accepted by the international community. Recently, under the auspices of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), two meetings were held in Harare, in Zimbabwe - an international conference of children against apartheid and a symposium of persons involved in science, the arts and letters, to promote the survival and development of children in the front-line States. That double meeting was an opportunity to re-emphasise the indignation felt throughout the world at the atrocities and sufferings inflicted on the black majority in South Africa.
At the Conference of Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries just held, in September, in Nicosia, representatives of States from all continents once again agreed on the wisdom of the description of apartheid as a crime against mankind and emphasised that its regime constitutes an insult to the universal conscience. The United Nations must attach prime importance to that judgement by the Non-Aligned Movement and find within itself the resources to meet this historic challenge.
The frontier dispute between Chad and Libya has always been in the forefront of the concerns of Gabon, particularly since the Organization of African Unity conferred upon it in 1977 the mandate of chairmanship and entrusted it with the work of the Ad Hoc Committee of Mediation charged with finding ways and means of bringing about a settlement. The forty-second session of the General Assembly has already given roe the opportunity to report on the conclusions of the first summit meeting of that Ad Hoc Committee, held in Lusaka, Zambia, in September 1987. I now take pleasure in reporting that in fulfilment of the decisions taken at that time the second summit meeting of the Ad Hoc Committee met in Addis Ababa last May, during the twenty-fourth summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity. In accordance with a resolution adopted by that body, and on the invitation of the President of Gabon, the Foreign Ministers of Libya and Chad met at Libreville from 7 to 9 July last for the first time, it should be noted, since the outbreak of the conflict. The representatives of the two parties then broached, in a spirit of open-mindedness and candour, all questions which needed to be discussed in order to bring about an atmosphere of trust conducive to the normalization of their relations in spheres of common interest, particularly those of diplomacy and co-operation.
The recent release by the authorities in Tripoli of Chadian prisoners, the recognition of the Ndjamena Government by Libya, affirmed here again by my Libyan colleague, and the recent decision by the two countries to restore diplomatic relations are the logical sequence to the meetings that I have described. We can only welcome these events and express our keen hope that the two parties, in good faith, will make whatever effort's are necessary to resolve all the questions still pending in accordance with the charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations Charter, in a spirit of fraternity and responsibility and in co-operation with the Ad Hoc Committee.
With regard to Western Sahara, the Secretary-General's visit to Africa in February 1988 enabled him to focus attention on this issue. The decision taken at the forty-second session of the General Assembly by the Chairman of the OAU and the Secretary-General to send a technical mission to that region for fact-finding purposes and to secure acceptance by the two parties of the proposed United Nations peace plan, which provides for a cease-fire followed by a referendum on self-determination, is a source of satisfaction for my country. We follow this momentum for peace with particular attention, since it will lead to a climate of detente and co-operation in the inter-Maghreb zone.
With regard to the Iran-Iraq conflict, my country wishes to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General and his Persons! Representative for their efforts to ensure the successful outcome of the Geneva negotiations aimed at finding a compromise satisfactory to the two parties in accordance with Security Council resolution 598 (1987). My delegation takes this opportunity to appeal most emphatically once again to those two brother countries to associate themselves fully and in good faith with the process for the settlement of this conflict that la new being pursued under United Nations auspices,
The situation in the Middle Beat, particularly recent developments in the occupied Arab territories, is a threat to international peace and security. That is why Gabon reaffirms and supports our organization’s Insistence that any settlement of the Middle East crisis must necessarily Involve the total and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories occupied since 19671 de jure recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people; and recognition of the Palestinian right to the free exercise of their right to self-determination and, especially their right to their own State with internationally recognized borders.
Gabon also endorses the holding of an international conference on peace in the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of all the parties concerned. Including the PLO.
The situation in Lebanon causes us great concern in particular because of the excellent relations between Lebanon and Gabon. That is why we call upon all the parties concerned to put an end to this fratricidal struggle, and for an end to all the foreign interference that has caused the threat of partition to hang over that country.
With regard to the situation in Afghanistan, Gabon endorses the principle of the right of the Afghan people to decide for itself the form of its own government and to choose its economic, political and social system without foreign Interference. My country welcomes all the efforts and initiatives that have resulted in the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghan territory, thus helping to bring about the political solution of the situation in that State.
We are also convinced that the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea is a prerequisite for a just and lasting settlement of the problems of that country, which must regain its inalienable right to choose freely its political, economic and social system.
The situation in the Korean peninsula is still deadlocked. Gabon, which is pleased to count both Koreas among its best friends, will support whole-heartedly any initiative aimed at the reunification of Korea. The agreement which the two Koreas have reached on the inclusion in the Assembly's agenda of an item entitled, "Promotion of peace, reconciliation and dialogue in the Korean peninsula" is an encouraging development and prompts us to urge them to persevere in their search for a negotiated solution, for a United Korea would be a guarantee of peace and stability in South-East Asia.
The mounting tension in Central America is also a source of great concern to my country. Gabon reiterates its support for the Contadora Group and welcomes the additional contribution made by the Lima group, since these provide the framework necessary for dialogue and better mutual understanding in the region.
In mentioning these various conflicts I intend only to highlight the commitment of the United Nations and various Member States, particularly the super-Powers, to reach a settlement with the increasing help of the Secretary-General.
The third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, which was held in New York from 31 May to 24 June last, was preceded by the American-Soviet agreement on the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - in December 1987, demonstrated that the protagonists on the international scene are acting in keeping with the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Particularly meaningful in this general movement are the agreements that have been reached and the events that have taken place in the field of disarmament in the course of this year between the two super-Powers which will contribute to reinforcing detente in international relations. That is why my country welcomes with interest not only the American-Soviet agreement, but also the inclusion in the agenda of the current session of item 72, "Review of the implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security".
Gabon considers, in particular, that resolution 42/92, adopted at the previous session of the General al Assembly and containing a provision calling upon members of the Security Council to take appropriate and effective measures to turn Africa into a nuclear-free zone, deserves practical follow-up. It is specifically in this context that Gabon, concerned about the future of Africa, notes with alarm and is watching the compelling manoeuvres, both treacherous and illegal, directed towards making our continent the depository, the rubbish-bin, for the toxic wastes of the industrialized countries. The agreements entered into for this purpose between some African countries and multinational enterprises have quickly been revealed as fool 's bargains.
Hence, at the roost recent summit meeting of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Addis Ababa last May, such an operation was viewed as constituting a criminal act against Africa and African populations and that meeting recommended that member States of the OAU should participate in a working group to prepare a world convention to monitor trans-border carriage of harmful wastes.
My country can all the more easily endorse that step because it has not responded to the various offers that have been extended to it to give all or any part of its territory to those new merchants of death for the purpose of storing their dangerous products. Similarly, it endorses any initiative that has been taken within the United Nations directed towards preparing an international convention on the transfer of waste. We are therefore pleased to see that this question has been included on the agenda of our work and we express the hope that the General Assembly will consider it with all due attention. For our part, we are convinced that the industrial development of Africa must not become counter-productive, in particular by destabilizing its ecological and human balances. Development must be achieved in security in order truly to be a bearer of peace.
Hence, security and development ate interconnected. Disarmament and development are as well. This is a concern which, upon the initiative of our Governments, is being discussed in various international bodies, both at the world level and at the regional level. In this connection, my country approves the work that has been carried out by the Regional Centre of the United Nations for Peace and Disarmament in Africa, which met in Lomé, Togo, last February.
It is easy to note that, beginning from our Organization and its own involvement, this wind of peace that is blowing throughout the world is dependent upon the will of the parties to conflicts themselves, and, generally speaking, upon the restored spirit of mutual trust in the conduct of current international relations.
The work of the United Nations is not solely restricted to the political sphere. All Member States will agree in noting that the United Nations recently has been concerned at the particularly critical economic situation on the African continent. A number of its initiatives have led to the establishment, in December 1986, of a Steering Committee composed of the directors of United Nations agencies, as well as the establishment of an Advisory Group on Financial Flows to Africa. Each of these mechanisms is to recommend to the United Nations solutions which can limit the serious financial problems which our countries are experiencing.
With regard to the Advisory Group on Financial Flows to Africa, the roost recent Conference of Ministers of the Non-Aligned Countries noted that it had estimated a yearly shortfall of approximately SS billion between the real needs of African countries and prospective contributions. On the basis of that estimate, the Conference felt that it should emphasize the urgent need to reduce that shortfall. It seems timely to me to point out that the economic situation in Gabon clearly deteriorated in 1986, just at a time when its fifth five-year plan, begun in 19θ4, had very nearly achieved its objectives. In the course of that difficult year, the average price of Gabonese oil, our main source of revenue, fell by more than one half, the slump of crude and the decline in the rate of the United States dollar being at the root of that movement. The outcome has been a drastic decline in our gross national product. This handicaps our development and prevents us from finding solutions to our ills. These include insufficient infrastructure in river transport and telecommunications·, the use of migrant labour, which is expensive for the country, and the weakness of the agricultural sector, sharpened by the rural exodus.
With regard to this last point, I should like to tell you that Gabon is able only to meet 20 per cent of its food needs itself. The remaining 80 per cent dangerously affects our balance of payments, resulting in insufficient savings and systematic recourse to loans in order to finance any projects, to such an extent that debt servicing is becoming ever more heavy.
Here and now 1 should like to thank the authorities of the United Nations Development Programme which, in the course of its work in the Governing Council in Geneva, from 6 June to 1 July last, annulled Gabon's obligation to become a net contributor to reimbursing pre-financing of some of our projects. This evidence of attention and pragmatism on the part of international organizations towards our country constitutes assistance which we appreciate at its proper value.
However, these are not the only reasons why we are concerned when we know that, between 1985 and 1987, the countries of sub-Saharan Africa paid the International Monetary Fund a net amount exceeding $2.2 billion and, as was noted in 1966 by the Executive Secretary of the United 'Nations Economic Commission for Africa, Mr. Adebayo Adedeji, the decline in commodity prices and debt servicing caused an outflow of capital at an amount of 334 billion while, at the same time, Africa received no more than 318 billion.
The Final Declaration of the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in Geneva in July-August 1987 sheds a new light on our apprehensions in that, in view of the instability in export revenue from our commodities and the resultant vulnerability of the economies of our countries, UNCTAD is advocating a diversification of exports on the one hand and the preparation of studies of phenomena that impede such diversification. Despite a slight increase in commodity prices in 1983-1984, the unfavourable conditions that weighed on our markets since the beginning of the 1980s continued in 1985. The weakness of commodity prices in the course of recent years is due to the fact that despite increased supply of products, demand has hardly increased.
With regard to debt, in order to avoid its increase, our countries have had to reduce imports and sums reserved for investment. Despite this, the debt of Africa exceeds $200 billion. The debt and its servicing, between 1984 and 1986, averaged 310 billion a year. The figure will exceed 315.5 billion between 1987 and 1989.
In its 1988 report the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) emphasized that in sub-Saharan Africa the per capita gross national product had declined by 14 per cent in real terms between 19 80 and 1987, and said that this debt burden had destabilized internal economies by sharpening social conflicts and affecting expenditure on improving the human resources and material infrastructures essential for future development.
These data, which were reported to the Society for International Development by Mr. Stephen Lewis, the former Permanent Representative of Canada to the United Nations and now the Secretary-General's Special Adviser in connection with the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990, revealed the extraordinary situation that our countries are confronting. That is why the member countries of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) defined a common position regarding the urgent convening of an international conference on African debt, since it is the aim of our countries to embark resolutely on the path of economic growth and development. The recent proposal of the Head of State of Gabon for a discounting of African countries' debts has the same objective.
Taking all this into account, the Secretary-General has emphasized that the margin of manoeuvre available to Africa in the implementation of the Programme of Action has been reduced by an unfavourable financial climate. This justifies his conclusion that it is essential for the international community to act speedily to free additional financial resources and increase flexibility.

I cannot conclude without referring to some social and cultural aspects of man's development in his dual dimension, individual and collective, which has been one of the concerns of our country, and, first and foremost, human rights, which cannot be forgotten this year as we commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Careful thought and the expedience gained regionally, nationally and internationally have convinced us that there can be no development without a policy of promoting and protecting human rights, just as there can be no promotion and protection of human rights without a peace policy.
Gabon, a delegation which participated in the work of the meeting of the Governing Council of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) in New York from 18 to 29 April 1988, greatly appreciates the recommendations made by that institution for overcoming the present particularly difficult economic situation. Among the measures proposed, the promotion of "human adjustment", which is designed to protect vulnerable groups while struggling effectively against the economic crisis, and the Bamako initiative, designed to lead towards the establishment of a self-help system with regard to medical assistance, enjoy our country's support.
As UNICEF has indicated in its 1988 annual report, the mortality rate for children under 3 years of age remains very high, at approximately 174 per 1,000. My country is pursuing a social policy with the following objectives·, to contribute to protecting the family, children and youth; to participate in the fight against such major endemic social scourges as tuberculosis, leprosy, alcoholism, venereal diseases and diarrhoea, epidemics, mental illness and juvenile delinquency.
In the context of this policy, vaccination, thanks to the expanded vaccination programme, carried out in our country with the assistance of UNICEF, had covered more than 50 per cent in 1987. Paediatricians noted five times fewer cases of measles than in previous years. Our country is pleased to see that UNICEF’s activities have found their place within the broader context of the Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. This satisfaction extends also to the recommendation made by the Governing Council of UNICEF that the needs and priorities of women are taken into account in all projects that receive its assistance.
With regard to all these activities, Gabon would like to express its special gratitude to the United Nations for its pragmatism and effectiveness which certainly remains to be done. That is why I take this opportunity to assure the Assembly of my country's readiness to co-operate with the Organization so that together we may contribute to the progressive improvement of the social condition of mankind.
At this moment, as we reaffirm our dedication to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, we must declare faithfully that we will do nothing that might impede their achievement. Let us commit ourselves to do our utmost to ensure that these words become a reality, that the Organization truly becomes an effective tool in the service of peace, freedom, security and justice - values which mankind has perhaps lost, but which it hopes to regain in order to recover its self-esteem.
This is the message that I address to the representatives of other nations meeting in this Assembly, and the commitment that I reiterate on behalf of the President of the Republic, Mr. Hadj Omar Bongo, and the Government and people of Gabon as a whole.


Allow me at the outset, on behalf of the delegation of the State of Bahrain to extend to Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina our warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly and our best wishes for success in fulfilling his task. Confident of his able leader ship, we assure him of our readiness to co-operate with him in the successful accomplishment of the work of the session.
I should also like to avail myself of this opportunity to extend our thanks and appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the German Democratic Republic, for his dedicated efforts, wisdom and skill in guiding the proceedings of the last session.
Permit me also to express our deepest gratitude to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, for his persistent endeavours firmly to entrench the objectives and principles of our Organization and enhance its role in achieving peace and co-operation among nations, for the well-being of all peoples of the world. The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces is perhaps a most eloquent testimony and convincing proof of the importance of the role played by the United Nations and its Secretary-General in the maintenance of peace and security in the world.
The year 1988 is reminiscent of a time when the United Nations, through its effective contributions to the resolution of conflicts between States, the maintenance of international peace and security and interaction with the policies of the various Powers that influenced international relations, was able to play a vital role in world events as a principal party in the new world order that emerged as a result of the realities of the period following the Second World War. It seems the international community once again feels the pressing need for the United Nations as a median for finding just solutions to international issues within the framework of the principles enshrined in its Charter and believes it has revitalized the role of collective diplomacy in dealing with outstanding regional conflicts and solving the worsening economic and social problems of the world.
Thus the United Nations has proved that international co-operation has become an urgent necessity at this time in the history of our contemporary world. The fact that most parties to regional conflicts are today resorting to negotiations through the United Nations is in itself the best indication of the trust States place in the Organization and the role it can play to achieve harmony and understanding among the peoples of the world. It is from this perspective that we call for concerted efforts to promote the effectiveness of the world Organization and strengthen its capabilities in facing the challenges that threaten peace and security and hinder programmes of economic and social development.
Resort to the Security Council and the General Assembly as effective organs capable of finding acceptable formulas to solve international disputes, and create favourable conditions for ending them, is a matter that demands our support and backing. Another cause for optimism in this connection is the budding positive relations between the five permanent members of the Security Council, the effects of which have been noticeably reflected in the collective decision-making process with regard to certain issues affecting world peace. It is to be hoped that this spirit will continue to prevail and that the foundations of understanding and accord among those members of the Security Council will become firmer and encompass all chronic issues. We further trust that this development will mark the dawning of a new era in which the spirit o£ the Charter will guide the rebuilding of bridges of trust and co-operation between all Members of the Organization.
The events that have occurred on the international scene since the last session carry the seeds of a new era in international politics, and a growing trend towards finding peaceful solutions to many of the important international and regional issues and problems in various parts of the world, such as the Iran-Iraq war, the questions of Afghanistan, Cyprus, Namibia, Kampuchea and Western Sahara, and the problems of Central America. However, despite such detente, other problems and issues still remain outstanding on our agenda, foremost among them the question of Palestine and the situations in the Middle East and southern Africa, which all call for efforts by the international community to create the right climate for the attainment of just and lasting solutions to those important and decisive issues.
The recent Moscow summit meeting of the two super-Powers was a historic event, an event of great importance that added a new dimension to international relations and has had a positive effect on several complex regional issues and crises. Furthermore, the great Powers are now more convinced than ever before of the necessity of finding common ground for peaceful coexistence and co-operation among nations. The frequent meetings between the leaders of the two super-Powers, their agreement to solve the question of Afghanistan and their ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - are a clear indication of the vital change of course so conducive to reconciling conflicting interests, overcoming ideological differences and reducing the possibilities of the confrontation that was the salient feature of relations between the bigger Powers during the previous period. For our part, we welcome with great satisfaction this important change in relations between the two super-Powers. We hope that their rapprochement will be used in the interest of settling fundamental international issues, so as to move from a stage of tension and suspicion to one of tranquillity and openness.
Bahrain welcomed the start of direct negotiations between Iraq and Iran under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. It hopes that the two will be able to work out a comprehensive settlement of their armed conflict and establish comprehensive, lasting peace in the region, in strict accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolution 598 /"87 which provides the just and honourable formula for ending that bloody war, which has been haemorrhaging for eight years now.
It should be noted, in this connection, that the Co-operation Council of Arab Gulf States adopted from the earliest days following the outbreak of that war a clear policy that was reflected in the decisions of the consecutive summit meetings of its observer States and reaffirmed at their eighth summit meeting, in Riyadh, in December 1987. In this connection, the Council had expanded considerable efforts to contain that destructive war and to restore peace to the region.
Iran's decision to accept the Security Council resolution, which our brother Iraq had already accepted upon its adoption by the Council, and Iran's agreement to the cease-fire and the commencement of discussions at Geneva constitute an important step towards peace. It is our hope that Iraq and Iran will be able to overcome their difficulties, overcome the psychological effects of the war and re-establish normal relations, within the framework of the principles of good-neighbourliness, mutual respect and non-interference in each other's internal affairs, to be able to devote all their efforts to the reconstruction made necessary by the devastation of the war, provide for the safety and peace of mind of their two peoples and restore security and stability in the Gulf region.
The negotiations between Iraq and Iran are now in a delicate phase, which calls for the utmost prudence and self-restraint, and the avoidance of any action that might hinder the peace process. We therefore call upon all nations of the world to shoulder their responsibility to help both countries overcome this difficult phase, and to exert greater efforts aimed at securing the success of these negotiations and the full implementation of the provisions of the Security Council resolution, so that a new era can begin when guns fall silent and peace prevails.
In this respect, I cannot but note the strenuous efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, so deserving of all our praise and appreciation, aimed at securing the implementation of Security Council 598 (1987), whose objective is the end of one of the longest and fiercest wars of our times. The role of the United Nations and the Secretary-General will remain central to the process of restoring peace to this vital region of the world.
The question of Palestine, though marked by more than 40 years of the conspicuous failure of right in the face of might, represents a major historic tragedy of an exceptional kind, as the international conflict fraught with the most danger for the peace and security of the world.
International interest in this issue, ever since the adoption by the General Assembly in 1947 of resolution 181 (II) on the partition of Palestine, has been ebbing and flowing with the changing tide of international events and developments. It was not until December of last year that the question of Palestine began to experience a major change of course and to acquire a new measure of interest by the world public. This brought it once again to the forefront of the issues on the agenda of the United Nations. This was the result of the all-encompassing public uprising in the occupied territories, the intifada, which has become the major feature of the life-style of the Palestinian people in their steadfast resistance to the Israeli occupation, which has now continued for more than 21 years.
The intifada is a historic event replete with examples and lessons. It is the genuine human expression of man's rejection of occupation and oppression. The Zionist entity, falling victim to its own illusions, convinced itself that the Palestinian people had fully absorbed the meaning of Israeli supremacy in terms of physical power, and forgot, or chose to ignore, that sources of moral power have a massive momentum in the lives of peoples. Israel has tried to no avail, to contain the Palestinian uprising by resorting to the most brutal methods, such as burying people alive, breaking bones and limbs, shooting at unarmed women and children, burning crops and plantations, expulsions, and the assassination of Palestinian leaders, a recent victim of which was the well-known freedom-fighter Khalil al-Wazeer.
Despite the escalating brutality of the Israeli acts of suppression aimed at quelling the Palestinian uprising, a number of basic facts remain unchanged and un-obscured and Israel can no longer disregard or deny them.
First, the Palestinian struggle has acquired a new dimension since the inhabitants of the occupied territories developed their uprising from spontaneity to calculated confrontation and conscious initiative.
Secondly, the Palestinian people, through their steadfastness and persistence in their heroic uprising, decided definitively any question of coexistence in the conditions of occupation. It has become impossible, to continue to disregard their inherent right to self-determination.
Thirdly, the policies of settlement and annexation, resulting in permanent tensions and flagrant violations of the United Nations resolutions and international law, have met with complete failure.
Fourthly, the cause of the Palestinian people is gaining more support and greater solidarity day by day from peace-loving peoples and countries throughout the world, thus increasing Israel's international isolation.
In view of these basic and established facts, and in the light of recent events following the decision by our brother Jordan to sever its legal and administrative ties with the West Bank, it is now more than ever before incumbent upon the United Nations, to shoulder its historic responsibility regarding the Palestinian people and make the necessary arrangements to put into action the mechanism for a solution by convening the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, vested with full powers and backed by International guarantees. In that conference the Palestine Liberation Organization will participate on an equal footing with the other parties to the dispute and the five permanent members of the Security Council will also take part, with a view to guaranteeing a just and comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, securing Israel's complete withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, particularly Jerusalem, and enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights, including their right to return'-and their right to self-determination and to establish their own independent State on their national soil.
Not content with carrying out its expansionist designs against the territory of Palestine, Israel has continued its assaults on and acts of aggression against other Arab States. Thus, it declared its annexation of the Syrian Golan in 1981, it attacked the Iraqi nuclear installation that same year, and it bombarded the headquarters of the Palestine Liberation Organization in Tunis in 1985. Furthermore, the misfortune that had beset fraternal Lebanon and left it with a legacy of disasters from which it continues to suffer would not have worsened had it not been for Israel's continuing aggression. Israel's recurrent attacks and violations of the territorial integrity and political independence of Arab States constitute flagrant breaches of the Charter and United Nations resolutions. That serious situation underlines the need for a just peace and for stability in the Middle East region, both of which can be achieved only if the international community, represented by the United Nations, moves to exert pressure on Israel to force it to comply with international principles and instruments.
Bahrain welcomes the responsible position taken by sisterly Morocco reflected in its wise and far-sighted decision regarding settlement of the dispute in Western Sahara by peaceful means, in accordance with Security Council resolution 621 (1988). It is our hope that the endeavours of the Secretary-General in that respect will meet with success.
The sorry state of the Afghan people, which has lasted for more than eight years, is now approaching its end as a result of the Geneva Agreements of 14 April 1988 relating to the political settlement of the various aspects of the question of Afghanistan. In our view, that development is a practical translation of the relevant United Nations resolutions calling for restoration of Afghanistan's sovereignty and territorial integrity and marks an important step towards enabling the Afghan people to exercise their right to choose their own political and social system without foreign interference and to create conditions favourable to the return of the Afghan refugees to their homeland in dignity and safety.
We are hopeful - indeed, we are optimistic ~ that the Geneva Agreements will create a positive precedent for solving other regional conflicts such as those in Kampuchea, Cyprus and elsewhere.
With regard to the Korean question, we trust that the consensus reached on inscribing it on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly will be another serious step towards the resumption of negotiations between the two sides, with a view to achieving the reunification of the Korean peninsula and realising the desire of the Korean people for restoration of their national unity.
The situation in southern Africa is continuing to deteriorate, and this in turn affects peace and security in that important part of the African continent. That deterioration is reflected in its ugliest forms in the violence, terrorism and oppression of every kind being perpetrated by the Pretoria racist regime against the black majority in contempt of the principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations.
The worsening conditions in South Africa confirm our deep conviction that attempting to reform the apartheid regime is futile: it must be dismantled - indeed, eradicated - and replaced by a democratic system based on justice, equality and respect for human rights, as called for by the United Nations in its numerous resolutions. In our view, that can be achieved only through concerted international efforts to Isolate that regime and impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against it in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter.
A harbinger of Namibian independence appears on the horizon this year thanks to the talks that have taken place between Angola, Cuba, South Africa and the United States of America. It is cause for optimism that the United Nations plan for the Independence of Namibia, which represents the common aspiration of the international community on this tenth anniversary of the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), will be implemented·
The crisis that continues to beset the international economic order is still having an adverse effect on the economies of the developing countries. Regrettably, the favourable climate in international relations that has prevailed this year has not been matched by any perceptible progress in economic co-operation at the international level. It is self-evident that the lack of economic stability in most developing countries was due to the imbalances in the world economy that resulted from increased protectionist measures, the lack of equilibrium in the balance of world trade, -the foreign-debt crisis, the fluctuations in the rates of exchange, unfair trade practices, the instability of the prices of commodities and raw materials, the plummeting oil prices, and deteriorating terms of trade.
The debt crisis of the developing countries is the major item on the agenda of many international conferences. The question how to resolve that crisis has become the subject of continued study and research in various international organs, agencies and forums. While we welcome the satisfactory results achieved at the Toronto summit meeting of the major industrial States with regard to settling the debts of the least-developed countries, we feel that the time has come for advancing from the phase of partial solutions to the adoption of an integrated global strategy for solving the crisis. In this context we emphasize the importance of financial-assistance flows from multilateral development institutions and developed countries to the developing countries on concessional terms and under reasonable conditions. This would enable them to implement their development plans and to achieve economic recovery and prosperity for their peoples.
In today's world of interrelated interests the United Nations has become an indispensable need, since it is the only international machinery capable of solving complex problems and settling international dispute. Despite the crises it has encountered since its inception and the shortcomings that have marred its experience during the past 43 years, the United Nations remains a unique and pioneering experience in international relations; it remains a permanent body for collective diplomacy through which the peace and security of the world can be maintained and solutions can be found for the political, economic and social international problems and issues that States, at various levels, capabilities and capacities, are no longer able to solve unilaterally.
Therefore we must work shoulder to shoulder. Governments and peoples together, in order to strengthen and uphold this important international institution as an imperative necessitated by the living conditions of the modern international community in order to enable the United Nations to be more capable of meeting the requirements of the future and of building a better world for coming generations, especially as we stand at the threshold of the twenty-first century, with its promise of immense scientific progress and advanced technologies in all fields.
Issues of disarmament and arms control occupy a prominent position on the list of the international community's concerns. One can only hope that concrete achievements at the international level will be an incentive for all to join in the efforts being exerted in that field.
Consistent with the principle of the maintenance of international peace and security enshrined in the Charter, and without conviction that it is imperative to create a less-heavily armed and more secure world, I take pleasure in announcing from this rostrum today that the Government of the State of Bahrain has decided to accede to the 1968 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the 1925 Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare and to the 1972 Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxic Weapons and their Destruction. Ever since it achieved its independence Bahrain has called upon all nations of the world to pursue balanced policies in their relations with one another, to resort to dialogue for settling disputes through the diplomacy of understanding and the renunciation of the use of force in order to promote the principles of peace based on justice.  Peace is the strategic front-line of Bahrain's foreign policy. It is also the true key to realizing national aspirations and objectives in conditions of stability and development. The peace in which Bahrain believes is equitable peace fostering relations of friendship and understanding among the world's States and peoples, based on good-neighbourliness, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, equal sovereignty and rights, and respect for the rules of international law. This has been enunciated clearly by His Highness Sheikh Isa Bin Salman Al-Khalifa, of the State of Bahrain.
The State of Bahrain bases its relations with other States in the world on equality and mutual respect. Proceeding from our firm belief that peace and security are the foundations on which mankind builds its progress, we shall always endeavour to strengthen them and respond sincerely to anyone who supports international legality and aims to strengthen the underpinnings of truth, justice and peace in the world."
In conformity with that firm, clear line for Bahrain's foreign policy, the State of Bahrain expresses once again its readiness to co-operate with the other countries of the world to achieve the lofty goals of the United Nations, and it stresses its commitment to the diplomacy of peace in line with the principles enshrined in the Charter of our Organisation.