I am deeply honoured to
have this opportunity to address the General Assembly
on behalf of the people of Zambia.
I would like to begin by congratulating Mr. Ping
on his assumption of the presidency of the General
Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. As one of the 21
Vice-Presidents for the current session, Zambia pledges
him its support and cooperation. I would also like to
pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Julian Robert Hunte
of Saint Lucia, for the efficient manner with which he
presided over the proceedings of the fifty-eighth
session. I wish to extend our sincere appreciation to
Secretary-General Annan for his relentless dedication
to the cause of international peace, security and
economic development.
This session of the General Assembly convenes
at a time when vexing problems plague the world
community. Zambia believes that the key to addressing
a host of such difficult global issues as terrorism,
HIV/AIDS and the humanitarian tragedy in Darfur is to
find multilateral solutions, often within the context of
an effective United Nations. Indeed, that is what I
would call a multilateral imperative. With that in mind,
Zambia welcomes the report of the Secretary-General
on the work of the Organization.
It is also Zambiaís hope that this session will
build on past achievements to advance the global
agenda. Accordingly, Zambia supports the convening
of the high-level plenary meeting next year in New
York on the Millennium Development Goals, to which
20

we committed ourselves in 2000. We firmly believe
that all Member States have a collective responsibility
to implement the commitments set forth in the
Declaration.
My delegation supports the ongoing reforms of
the United Nations. Zambia shares the concerns of
other countries that this important process has not yet
been completed. Zambia believes that the reforms
should address the concerns of developing countries. In
that regard, we look forward to the progress reports on
the reforms. Zambia appreciates the recent initiatives
of the President of the General Assembly at its fifty-
eighth session on the revitalization, reform and
enhancement of the working methods of the General
Assembly. My delegation stands ready to continue
actively participating in the reform process during this
session. We commend the President and his
predecessor for the revitalization of the General
Assembly as the highest deliberative and decision-
making organ of the United Nations.
Regarding the reform of the Security Council,
Zambia remains concerned about the lack of progress. I
therefore appeal to this Assembly to support the efforts
of the Security Council to enhance its decision-making
and liaison methods during this session.
As I stated at the outset, Zambia believes in
multilateralism, which continues to be an indispensable
instrument for achieving global consensus on
important, life-saving issues. As a global community,
we face challenges that are transnational and
interconnected in nature. It is essential that we take
advantage of the immense problem-solving potential of
multilateralism. Unilateralism should have no place in
this global era. Zambia reaffirms its support for the
United Nations initiatives in the fight against global
terrorism and the proliferation of small arms and any
form of weapon of mass destruction. We call upon the
international community to take all necessary steps
within the purview of the United Nations to combat the
scourge of terrorism in all its manifestations. That
scourge needs to be fought relentlessly, with total
commitment and vigour. Zambia also pledges to
continue supporting the Counter-Terrorism Committee
of the Security Council.
My delegation would like the United Nations and
the world community at large to assist Member States
in building their capacity to fight international
terrorism. And we want to express our heartfelt
sympathy for the innocent victims of terrorism in
Russia, here in New York and elsewhere.
Zambia expresses its profound dismay at the
continued unrest in the Middle East and the impasse in
the Palestinian-Israeli peace process. We call on the
parties to that longstanding conflict to allow for full
implementation of the Quartetís road map. Zambia
reiterates that the road map offers a viable solution to
the Middle East question. We endorse and support the
initiatives for a peaceful settlement of the Middle East
crisis. In the same vein, Zambia welcomes the adoption
of Security Council Resolution 1546 (2004) on Iraq.
We fully realize that economic, social and
political development is the primary responsibility of
each individual country. We are pleased that the Group
of Eight countries continue to support the New
Partnership for Africaís Development (NEPAD), the
primary objective of which is eradicating the
increasing poverty on our continent and putting
African countries on the path of sustainable economic
growth. We recognize that the new initiative is by
Africans and for Africans, but we cannot ignore the
vital importance of assistance from the international
community through increased official development
assistance.
External debt has continued to consume a large
proportion of the national incomes of developing
countries, especially the least developed countries
(LDCs). The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC)
Debt Initiative was established to assist highly
indebted poor countries to reduce external debt to
sustainable levels. Admittedly, the HIPC Initiative does
help reduce the effects of indebtedness. However, it
has some inherent problems which inhibit the full
realization of its benefits. The international community
must, therefore, continue exploring innovative
approaches toward debt elimination. In that
connection, we applaud the efforts of President Lula of
Brazil in his search for the appropriate financing
paradigm for the eradication of poverty and hunger.
As we endeavour to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals, we are very concerned with the
plight of the LDCs, which constitute 70 per cent of the
worldís population. These countries are likely to miss
the target we set of reducing by half the number of
people living in extreme poverty and hunger by 2015.
21

Let me briefly change direction and say a few
words about certain positive developments in my
country, a place where freedom truly is on the march.
As you know the Programme of Action for the
Least Developed Countries for the Decade 2001-2010
was adopted in Brussels in 2001. Since then, Zambia
has committed herself to serious economic reform,
including privatization, trade liberalization, the
adoption of poverty reduction strategies and the
creation of an environment conducive to both local and
foreign investment. While we are doing our part, we
expect corresponding action from the international
community, as agreed upon in the Programme of
Action. Without assistance, all of our efforts will be
rendered futile. Our aim is to graduate one day soon
from an LDC to a developing country.
In addition, I am proud to say that my
administration is based on the rule of law. For example,
we have embarked on an ambitious review of our
constitution in order to provide ourselves with a
document that will stand the test of time. We call on
our cooperating partners and well-wishers to support us
in this important endeavour.
This year and next - 2004 and 2005 - are
important years in the lives of our people. I call your
attention to four important events that are taking place
in our country during this period.
First, on 24 October 2004, we shall celebrate the
fortieth anniversary of our national independence.
Then, in February 2005, Zambia will be hosting the
Third African Conference on Peace Through Tourism,
the high point of which will be a ceremony honouring
the hundredth anniversary of the birth of former United
Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjild, who
died tragically in a plane crash in Ndola, Zambia.
Also next year, my country will celebrate the
hundredth anniversary of the founding of the town of
Livingstone, the tourist capital of Zambia and home of
Victoria Falls, also popularly known as the adventure
centre of Africa.
In addition, next year we will commemorate the
one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Dr. David
Livingstoneís first glimpse of Victoria Falls, the
worldís largest curtain of falling water, which we call
Mosi-O-Tunya, or the smoke that thunders.
It is my honour to invite your Excellencies, and
through you all, all your citizens to come to Zambia
and participate in these events.
Zambia also welcomes peace initiatives at
regional, continental and global levels aimed at ending
conflicts and wars in various parts of the world. It is
for this reason that Zambia has continued its active
participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions.
With peace prevailing in Angola, that country is
now faced with the challenge of post-conflict
reconstruction. Zambia calls on the international
community to double its assistance to Angola to help
tackle the humanitarian situations such as the removal
of landmines and the settlement and reintegration of
former combatants and refugees. I am pleased to report
that on 15 June 2004, Zambia and Angola witnessed
the repatriation of some 363 Angolan refugees in
north-western Zambia, under the auspices of the Office
of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugeesí voluntary repatriation programme. This was
a good start to the programme, but more international
support is needed.
In conclusion, I want to reiterate the imperative
of finding multilateral solutions to the problems that
confront us. In our interdependent world, all of the
problems and challenges that we face can only be
addressed through the concerted multilateral efforts of
the international community.


I should like at the outset to express my sincere
gratitude for the honour to speak from this rostrum and
to convey, on behalf of the President of Turkmenistan,
Mr. Saparmurat Niyazov, best wishes for peace and
prosperity to the peoples of all nations. I should also
like to congratulate the President of the General
Assembly on his election to that lofty and responsible
post and to wish him every success in fruitfully guiding
the work of the fifty-ninth session.
The events taking place in the world today, which
are influencing the development of every region and
every country, attest to the dramatic changes that have
occurred in the meaning of the historical process under
new conditions. Our ability to elaborate and implement
qualitatively new approaches to interaction within the
community of nations will largely determine the degree
to which security and stability are maintained
throughout the world. In that context, an immutable
principle and basic direction for Turkmenistan’s
foreign policy remains the strengthening and
development of close cooperation with the United
5

Nations. I should like to take this opportunity to thank
the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his
constant support for the peace-loving foreign policy of
Turkmenistan.
We should note that among the priority areas of
our country’s cooperation with the United Nations are
maintaining international peace and security and
preventing or resolving conflicts through political
means and processes. With regard to those issues,
Turkmenistan has often become a centre where, under
the aegis of the United Nations and with the
participation of its Special Representatives, effective
negotiations have been carried out to resolve complex
situations that have taken place in the countries of our
region.
During the present general debate, it has been
noted several times that one of today’s major threats to
international security and stability is terrorism.
Following the events of 11 September 2001,
Turkmenistan was one of the first countries to support
the United Nations initiative of establishing an
international coalition to fight terrorism, in which we
have taken an active part.
In that context, Turkmenistan not only firmly
condemns any act of terrorism in any part of the world,
but also is undertaking specific legislative and practical
measures aimed at fighting that evil and preventing it
from spreading. That is particularly relevant, given that
the security conditions of the world community are
determined by each country’s actual contribution to the
strengthening of its own internal stability, together with
cooperation at the collective level. This is why we
believe that there is a need today to draw up a
qualitatively new dimension, both between individual
States and within the framework of their joint activity
in international organizations.
Despite the fact that terrorism is multifaceted, its
nature is one and the same, and at its roots lie a
doctrinaire egoism which has been raised by its
followers to the highest level of evil, intolerance and
cruelty. Terrorism recognizes no State and no
nationality; it is not affiliated with any religion or
culture. This is why the war on terrorism and terrorists
must be conducted through joint efforts.
It is precisely through the close coordination of
actions of members of the international community, on
the basis of norms of international law, that the
establishment of a situation in the world can be
conducted in such a way that any manifestation of
terrorism will be punished and, as a result, it will be
possible to take effective measures to combat it. Here,
Turkmenistan favours effective implementation of a
broad-ranging system of measures to combat terrorism,
including active cooperation in finding and bringing to
justice the organizers and perpetrators of terrorist acts.
To counteract international terrorism, and to
protect the rights and freedoms of our citizens, we
must be able to forestall each of its manifestations and
counter it, not only through universal unanimous
condemnation, but also through a high degree of
professionalism of law enforcement agencies, and also
through the active use of the entire international legal
array of instruments drawn up within the framework of
the United Nations.
Further involvement of the role of the United
Nations is becoming clearer against the backdrop of
the present development of both global and regional
processes that require the concentration of collective
efforts and the adoption of decisions, taking into
account a multitude of interests. Here, the fundamental
principles of international cooperation enshrined in the
Charter and the criteria tested by time concerning
maintaining the balance of interests are a high priority
for us. By following such a policy, Turkmenistan
always attempts fully to utilize the potential of the
community of nations and institutions in proposing and
implementing foreign policy initiatives.
We see vast potential in the close partnership
with the United Nations and its specialized structures
in implementing joint programmes and projects. In this
context, we would like to express our gratitude for
cooperation extended to us by such United Nations
specialized agencies as the United Nations
Development Programme, UNICEF, the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the
United Nations Population Fund. Through interaction
with these agencies, the Government of Turkmenistan
is implementing a number of major projects that are
yielding specific results in the social sphere, health
care, education, the environment, combating illicit drug
trafficking and a number of other areas. Turkmenistan
will continue to maintain close ties with these United
Nations agencies in the quest for and implementation
of new possibilities for cooperation.
6

A clear example of the strategic partnership of
Turkmenistan with the United Nations was the signing
of our country’s Government in February of 2004 of
the United Nations Development Assistance
Framework to promote development for 2005-2009. A
significant feature of this document is the fact that it
fully coincides with the national priorities and interests
of Turkmenistan, as defined by the National
Development Strategy of our country for the period
until 2020. It aims at resolving global objectives within
the framework of the United Nations Millennium
Development Goals.
One of the important components of
Turkmenistan’s policy is the human dimension. Our
country is conducting joint work with international
organizations in this area. During the years of
independence, we have worked to create genuine
guarantees for the implementation of personal,
political, economic, social and other rights of citizens.
The personal rights of citizens have been specifically
reflected in Turkmenistan’s laws and law enforcement
practice concerning such matters as the abolition of the
death penalty, the banning of searches on citizens and
the banning of the adoption of ad hoc decisions in
pressing criminal charges. Through practical action,
Turkmenistan reaffirms the implementation of these
legal acts.
Every year in our country, by presidential decree,
there is a widespread amnesty, the next to take place in
just a month. As a result, more than 9,000 people will
be amnestied.
Today in Turkmenistan there are no restrictions
whatsoever on travel of its citizens abroad. There is
guaranteed freedom of registration and activity of
religious organizations and groups, in accordance with
universally recognized international law, regardless of
the number of adherents or of their faith. A number of
very important legislative acts were adopted regarding
these issues, in accordance with which, at the present
time in Turkmenistan, there are various religious faiths
registered and functioning.
As for the human dimension, Turkmenistan has
intensified its work with the Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
(OHCHR). On our invitation, in March 2004,
Turkmenistan was visited by a group of experts from
the OHCHR, who, together with the Turkmen side,
drew up specific areas for cooperation and rendered
assistance in work on the further development of this
human dimension, among which was methodological
and legal assistance in the preparation of national
reports on United Nations conventions in the field of
human rights. We intend to continue our efforts
regarding these issues and are ready to cooperate with
all of the United Nations agencies and other
international organizations.
Against the backdrop of such effective
interaction, we are concerned that in 2003 the General
Assembly’s Third Committee considered a draft
resolution regarding human rights in Turkmenistan.
The proposal was made by representatives of several
countries without having visited Turkmenistan, without
having studied the situation on the ground, without
taking into account the significant initiatives of the
Government of Turkmenistan in this sphere and
without having first acquainted the Turkmen side with
its contents. Such attempts at a one-sided consideration
of serious questions is, in our view, unacceptable, and
it is not in keeping with constructive cooperation in
this sphere. The adoption of hasty decisions does not
make a positive contribution to constructive dialogue.
This is extremely important, particularly in the light of
the principle of mutual respect for States, one of the
dominating principles in the system of values professed
by the United Nations.
At the crossroads of the twentieth and twenty-
first centuries, our region, Central Asia, has moved
into the forefront of the international community’s
attention. How multilateral dialogue will take place on
problems of this region to a great extent will determine
the prospects for peace and security on a global scale.
Aware of its full responsibility to the
international community, Turkmenistan attaches utmost
importance to the role of the United Nations in
stepping up regional and interregional dialogue in
seeking solutions to potential problems. In this regard,
I should like to draw the Assembly’s attention to the
initiative of the President of Turkmenistan regarding
the creation of a Central Asian regional consultative
council of heads of State.
The issue here is about the creation of an inter-
State body at the highest level for holding regular
consultations and working out joint decisions on
relevant issues that directly affect the fate of the
countries of the region and the real needs of the people
that inhabit those regions. These are, first of all, issues
7

of cooperation in trade and the economy, energy
supply, border trade, transportation and humanitarian
issues. In our view, this mechanism for multilateral
consultations at the head-of-State level would promote
the development and implementation of agreed actions
by parties on the basis of mutual interest and would
allow for creation of the most effective system of
rational interaction.
In October 2003, in Ashkhabad, the first round of
a forum on conflict prevention and sustainable
development for Central Asia took place under the
aegis of the United Nations and the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). In the
context of strengthening the effectiveness of
instruments of preventive diplomacy, we believe it to
be useful and advisable to create a United Nations
centre on preventive diplomacy in the Central Asian
region. Turkmenistan is ready to provide full assistance
towards locating it in our nation’s capital.
An important stage in intensifying regional
cooperation was the preparation of the trans-Afghan —
or Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan — gas pipeline
project. Turkmenistan welcomes the interest of large
companies and financial and industrial groups in that
major project. Here, I would like to note that the
United Nations, using its broad international authority,
could have worked out a system of political and legal
guarantees to ensure conditions favourable to the
project.
It is important to recall that in the past
Turkmenistan proposed, from this rostrum, an initiative
to formulate and adopt under the aegis of the United
Nations an international convention on a regime
governing the functioning of inter-State pipelines, and
associated guarantees. We believe that such a
document would make it possible to create a
dependable political and legal mechanism to ensure the
transportation of raw materials to world markets.
On the question of implementing a secure
development strategy and enhancing cooperation in the
region, I would like to underscore issues of
international cooperation regarding the Caspian Sea.
These relate first and foremost to the exploration of the
Caspian Sea’s richest fields of hydrocarbon resources
and are linked not only to the interests of the countries
of the region but to those of many other States and
transnational companies. Our policy is aimed at
merging those interests.
It is a well-known fact that the oil and natural gas
reserves of the Caspian Sea are the planet’s most
important energy resources for the twenty-first century.
Their reasonable and effective exploration and the
construction of pipeline infrastructure to transport them
to world markets would ensure significant economic
growth in many States and the well-being of their
peoples.
Effective economic activity on the Caspian Sea is
closely linked to ensuring stability in the Caspian
region. Turkmenistan favours making the Caspian Sea
a zone of peace, stability and sustainable international
cooperation.
We share the view that, in the twenty-first
century, the United Nations system needs rational
reform. We favour such United Nations reform, but
only in terms of strengthening and broadening the
Organization’s role in the world. In this context, an
important issue is ensuring maximum representation of
States in the United Nations, in the broader community
of nations, in the specialized agencies and in the
United Nations system in general. In addition, the
United Nations should make full use of the potential
and advantages of Member States. For example,
Turkmenistan is ready to provide United Nations
agencies with resources to expand their presence in the
region by opening headquarters and other major offices
of United Nations agencies in our capital.
The diversity and complexity of the tasks facing
the States Members of the United Nations is self-
evident. Carrying them out requires not only collective
efforts but also unambiguous awareness of the
individual role and responsibility of each country of
the international community. Turkmenistan adheres to
that logic of political behaviour, with the objective of
strengthening peace and promoting economic, social
and cultural development.


I am delighted to
congratulate Mr. Ping, a distinguished son of Africa,
upon his election as President of the General Assembly
at its fifty-ninth session. Indeed, at a time when the
community of nations has committed itself to paying
due attention to issues that relate to development in
Africa through support for the New Partnership for
Africaís Development and other mechanisms, his
presidency gives us the hope and confidence that our
concerns and aspirations and those of others will
remain high on the agenda of this body. Let me also
express our sincere appreciation to his predecessor,
Mr. Julian Hunte, for the efficient and exemplary
manner in which he conducted the business of the fifty-
eighth session.
At the fifty-eighth session, I spoke alongside
others about the need to reform the United Nations and
its related bodies so as to make them more democratic.
I stressed the perils inherent in the status quo,
particularly with regard to the dominance of global
politics by one super-Power and its closest allies.
While we welcome the current debate on enhancing the
authority and role of the United Nations, we wish to
stress the need to address the core issue of the
democratization of international governance. Debate on
the reform of the Security Council has been too long
drawn out because of attempts calculated to protect
those whose interests are best served by the status quo.
Ironically, it is some of those same forces that,
since last year, have been raining bombs and hellfire on
innocent Iraqis purportedly in the name of democracy.
Iraq today has become a vast inferno created by blatant
and completely illegal and defiant acts of aggression
by the United States, Britain and their allies, in the full
trail of which the world has witnessed mass destruction
of both human lives and property, and with them our
human rights, values, morality and the norms of
international law as enshrined in our Charter. We are
now being coerced into accepting and believing that a
new political-cum-religious doctrine has arisen,
namely, that there is but one political god - George
W. Bush - and that Tony Blair is his prophet. It is the
Koran writ anew in Baghdad.
The United Nations Charter remains the only and
most sacred document and proponent of the relations of
our nations. Anything else is political heresy.
We note that the Secretary-General has placed
before the General Assembly the report of the Panel of
Eminent Persons on United Nations-Civil Society
Relations. While civil society makes a significant
contribution to the work of the United Nations, we
hope that any arrangements that will eventually be
agreed upon will recognize that the United Nations
remains an inter-State and intergovernmental body. It is
also our expectation that the conclusions of the debate
will recognize the different levels of development of
civil society in different parts of the world.
As we prepare for the mid-term review of the
implementation of the Millennium Declaration in
September 2005, it is apparent that many developing
countries, including my own country, Zimbabwe, may
be unable to meet the goals and targets set, as our
subregion of southern Africa has in recent years
experienced extended and successive periods of
inclement weather, principally droughts, that have
wreaked havoc upon our economies and accordingly
diminished our capacity to achieve the Millennium
Declaration targets. The situation, particularly with
regards to the health and education sectors, has also
been worsened by the brain drain and the devastating
effects of the HIV and AIDS pandemic.
In that regard, Zimbabwe welcomes the
continuing efforts of this community of nations to find
solutions to the scourge of HIV and AIDS that has
ravaged our peoples and economies. At the national
level, we have taken measures, within our limited
means, to combat the pandemic. We are also
coordinating our efforts at the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) level. Regrettably,
we continue to see an unfortunate and futile tendency
to use assistance in this area as a reward for political
26

compliance and malleability, making it unavailable to
countries whose Governments are deemed
ìinconvenientî. Let it be realized that the pandemic
does not respect boundaries and that these self-serving,
selective approaches will have little or no meaningful
results.
Zimbabwe has also had to withstand unprovoked
declared and undeclared sanctions, imposed by Britain
and its allies, which are bent on bringing down our
legitimately elected Government. Mr. Tony Blair, the
British Prime Minister, has arrogantly and
unashamedly announced in his Parliament that his
Government was working with Zimbabwe's opposition
party to bring about regime change. Once again, the
lawless nature of that man who, along with his
Washington master, believes he is God-ordained to rule
our world, has shown itself. Regime change is the
inalienable right of the Zimbabwean people, who,
through their sovereign vote, can make and unmake our
Governments.
In any case, we reject completely the assertions
of, and pretence to, democracy by our former colonial
masters, whose undemocratic regimes we taught the
lesson of one man ó or one woman ó one vote
through our armed liberation struggles.
As we in Africa look at the situation here in the
United States, we are aware of the plight of the black
people ó Afro-Americans ó of both yesterday and
today and of the semi-slave, half-citizen status that has
been their burden. Do the blacks in the United States
have the same political, social and economic rights and
status as their white counterparts? When we will we
ever have a black ó African-American ó President of
the United States? Never, ever. Why?
I wish to take this opportunity to express the
appreciation of my Government and that of the people
of Zimbabwe for the humanitarian assistance we
received from the international community during our
period of need. Without such support, we would not
have been able to avert a major catastrophe.
I am pleased to inform you, Sir, that we have, in
spite of the sanctions and evil wishes of Britain and its
allies, now emerged from that difficult phase. We had a
relatively good agricultural season this year, and our
land reform programme has begun to make a
significant contribution towards the turnaround of our
economy. Despite the partial drought at the beginning
of the season, we have managed this year to realize a
good harvest ó certainly one good enough to ensure
that we meet our food requirements until the next
season. We plead with the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) to stop its strange political mouthings, lies and
fabrications about our situation. Our own regional
organizations know the truth about Zimbabwe. We urge
the IMF to listen to them, and, for once, to be clean.
My Government is determined to eliminate
corruption and its corrosive effects on national
development efforts. After signing the International
Convention against Corruption in November last year,
we put in place legal and administrative measures that
have already arrested a growing and deliberate
tendency to circumvent normal business practices,
particularly in the financial-services sector. We have,
however, experienced some setbacks in our efforts, as
some countries, particularly in the developed West,
continue to provide safe havens for fugitive economic
saboteurs from our country.
In March next year, Zimbabwe will be holding its
sixth democratic parliamentary elections since
independence in 1980. Those elections, like others
before them, will be conducted in accordance with our
national laws and the SADC principles and guidelines
governing democratic elections, recently adopted by
our subregion. We do not need any lessons from the
Netherlands or its imperialist allies from the European
Union on this question. Zimbabwe will indeed
welcome to the elections those observers whose sole
and undivided purpose is to observe the process and
not to meddle in the politics of the country.
The fight against international terrorism has
exposed the duplicity and insincerity of erstwhile
leading democracies and human rights monitors with
regard to the question of the observance of human
rights. We have seen established international
conventions thrown to the dogs, and resolutions of the
General Assembly and other United Nations bodies on
this issue have come to naught.
We are seriously concerned at the fact that the
United Nations, the pre-eminent instrument for the
maintenance of international peace and security,
watched helplessly while Iraq was unlawfully attacked
and plundered by the United States and United
Kingdom-led so-called coalition of the willing. Such
belligerent, gunslinging diplomacy and the illegitimate
territorial occupation of the State of Iraq are blemishes
on the fair-play image of the United Nations.
27

While the sadistic scenes from Abu Ghraib
remain vivid in our minds, other places in Iraq, as well
as Guantanamo Bay, have provided useful samples of
the Western concept of respect for human rights. Let
me say once again that the West should spare us their
lessons on human rights. They do not have the moral
authority to speak about, let alone parade themselves as
torch-bearers of, human rights.
Zimbabwe remains deeply concerned about the
situation in the Middle East. We continue to be
revolted by a situation where the collective decisions
and authority of the United Nations are disregarded
with impunity on account of big-brother support. We
demand an immediate lifting of all restrictions illegally
imposed on the Palestinian people, which have seen
President Yasser Arafat remain a virtual prisoner of
foreign occupation. We welcome the recent opinion
given by the International Court of Justice that found
the construction of the Israeli wall to be in
contravention of international law, and the subsequent
General Assembly resolution that demanded an
immediate halt to that monstrosity.
As the Assembly is aware, the African Union
earlier this year established its own Peace and Security
Council to seek and promote African solutions to
African problems. Already, the Council is seized with
the matter of the crisis in western Sudan. Those efforts
need the support of the international community.
Let me conclude by assuring Mr. Ping of my
countryís support as he presides over the work of the
General Assembly at this session. I wish also to
reiterate my countryís commitment positively to
contribute to the fulfilment of the aims and purposes of
the United Nations.


The fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly coincides
with the twenty-fifth anniversary of the independence of
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. The last quarter of a
century has presented a mighty challenge for the
people of my country: to develop in a world
increasingly indifferent to the particular problems of
small, poor, developing States. But it is a challenge
that the citizens of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
have embraced with courage, fortitude and hope —
9

never doubting our ability to survive, thrive and
ultimately prosper as we contribute to the uplifting of
our unique, independent, distinctive and noble
Caribbean civilization. Our country has made progress
thus far, but much more remains to be done. We look
forward to succeeding in our quest for self-mastery.
I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President,
on your assumption of the presidency of the fifty-ninth
session of the General Assembly. We are confident that
you will perform your duties with dignity and skill. Let
me just say that you have a hard act to follow. Your
predecessor, our Mr. Julian Hunte, is a distinguished
son of the Caribbean who hails from our sister island,
Saint Lucia. He made us proud in his role as President
of the General Assembly.
The peoples of the Caribbean and the southern
United States are still traumatized by the devastation
caused by hurricanes this season. Jamaica, the
Bahamas, the Cayman Islands, Haiti, Cuba and other
Caribbean countries, including my own, have been
severely affected. But our nearest neighbour, Grenada,
has suffered cataclysmic destruction and is now in a
state of national crisis. We offer our profound
condolences to the families and loved ones of those
who have died in the hurricanes. Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines and other Caribbean nations have reached
out a helping hand to Grenada, but the magnitude of
the devastation in that country on 7 September is
beyond the capacity of the Caribbean to address
satisfactorily by itself. Indeed, Grenada has become an
international responsibility.
I therefore reiterate the call of the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM) for the urgent convening of
an international donors’ conference to address the
matter of Grenada’s utter devastation and its
reconstruction. Simply put, Grenada has moved from
the status of a middle-income developing country with
a modern, sophisticated society and well run,
democratic State machinery to a devastated land in a
matter of three hours of pounding from hurricane Ivan.
Today in Grenada there is no functioning economy and
a highly traumatized civil society.
Arising from all that is a strategic issue in our
quest to turn Grenada’s setback into a regional advance
for a more profound and meaningful Caribbean
integration. Hurricane Ivan has spoken eloquently to
the fact that nature has made our region one. History
has further moulded us as one people who were drawn
originally from diverse lands and cultures. Yet we in
the Caribbean continue to buck, rather than accommodate
ourselves appropriately to, both nature and history. That
is a sort of vanity that we can ill-afford.
It is tragic that it takes a catastrophe of this
nature to hammer home the point that the small island
developing States have been making for some time,
namely, that there is a need for special and differential
treatment because of, among other things, our
vulnerability to natural disasters.
I repeat, without exaggeration, that Hurricane
Ivan, in a few short hours, reduced Grenada to rubble
and, at a stroke, undid the hard work and achievements
of its people since independence in 1974. We in Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines feel their pain and know
that, but for the grace of God and the vagaries of
nature, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines would have
suffered the same fate.
Accordingly, the crisis in Grenada, occasioned by
nature, prompts Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to
give the highest priority to the international conference
to be held in Mauritius in January of next year, when
the specific and distinct problems of small island
developing States will be highlighted. We will be
stressing the need for the international community to
take urgent action on the problem of global warming and
climate change, which, if left unchecked, could lead to a
global human and economic calamity in this century.
The international community must become focused on
the avoidance of that threatened apocalypse.
Since we met here last year, the Caribbean
Community has faced another crisis in our region — this
time, a political one — as one of our member States,
Haiti, descended into chaos, violence and anarchy. We
saw an elected head of State removed in circumstances
that bring no credit to our hemisphere. We remain
deeply troubled by the controversial interruption of the
democratic process that took place in the early hours of
the morning of 28 February this year in Port-au-Prince.
It is worth remembering that CARICOM States were
instrumental in preparing a plan of Action for Haiti to
ensure that the Constitution of that country was
respected and to create the basis for a mobilization of
resources to avert a humanitarian disaster.
On 25 February 2004, CARICOM was successful
in having the matter raised at a meeting of the Security
Council. On that occasion, we went to the Council
armed with a draft resolution. We pleaded for the
10

international community to respond to the rapidly
deteriorating situation in Haiti. The draft resolution
presented by CARICOM to the Security Council was
noted but politely ignored. The rest is history. The
Government and people of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines are anxious to help the Haitian people in
the sorry plight in which they currently find
themselves. But before engaging politically with the
so-called interim Government of Haiti, we must see,
among other things, unequivocal evidence on the
ground of advances in democracy and freedom and
credible guarantees of free and fair elections within a
reasonable time. A regime that tries an indicted
murderer at midnight, one who was hailed by the very
regime as a liberator, and then frees him before the first
cock crows, has failed the most elemental tests of
justice, freedom and democracy.
The death and destruction occasioned by Hurricane
Jean in Haiti demand our humanitarian assistance, not
our political engagement with the Haitian regime.
The dire situation in the Darfur region of Sudan
has caused great distress to the Government and people
of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. My own personal
grief prompted me to write letters in May of this year
to several world leaders, including Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, offering the slender resources of my
country to assist in whatever small way we could to
alleviate the suffering of the afflicted Sudanese people.
Most of those I addressed responded positively. It is
true that — thanks in large measure to the diligence of
various journalists and the news media — this tragedy
has now been brought forcefully to international
attention. But the question we must nevertheless ask
ourselves is this: has the international community
reacted in an appropriate way to this calamity, or have
we merely engaged in the usual perfunctory and
routine denunciations? The images and reports coming
out of Darfur are a chilling reminder of man’s
inhumanity to man and a haunting condemnation of
those who can truly help but who stand by idly or
downplay this humanitarian disaster callously. In that
regard, the Government of Sudan must shoulder its
responsibility to its citizens and to humanity.
Three months have gone by since I wrote to the
Secretary-General, and this massive human tragedy
continues to unfold before our appalled eyes. I suggest
that we cannot allow the bloodbath to continue. We
must save those who can still be saved in what have
become the killing fields of Africa. The genocide of
yesterday in Rwanda stands as a monument of shame
to the international community. As an international
community we must today take the shame out of our
eyes in Darfur with urgent practical measures.
A similar effort is required to address the harsh
conditions of life of other peoples, including the heroic
nation of Palestine, whose humanity is being daily
assailed by outside forces.
I would like to express, on behalf of the people of
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, our deepest
sympathy to the Government and people of the Russian
Federation on the tragic and inexplicable events in
Beslan on 3 September. A tragedy of that magnitude,
and especially the slaughter of so many innocent
children, cannot fail to cause heartfelt sorrow.
Since 11 September 2001, the fight against
international terrorism has intensified on all fronts. It is
right and proper that rich and poor countries be engaged
in the ongoing war on the barbarism of terror. Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines is a reliable partner in the
global struggle against the evil of terrorism. Still, it is
necessary for me to point out that the cost of being a
reliable participant in that war is a heavy burden on the
meagre resources of developing countries like Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines. Our international
obligations and circumstances necessarily pull us into
that war, which we did not occasion or initiate. Yet we
bear that imposed burden with equanimity and pain.
 This body, however, must be reminded yet again
that there is another terrorism that we must fight
relentlessly. It is the terrorism of war, poverty,
illiteracy and disease, including HIV/AIDS. We must
never forget, either, that daily hunger for 1 billion
persons worldwide is truly a weapon of mass
destruction. Together we must fight that terrorism too.
Developed countries cannot allow trade regimes and
market conditions to further impoverish the poor, as has
been the case with banana farmers in the Caribbean, and
still trumpet that they are helping the poor.
The case for a judicious and balanced reform of
the United Nations to better reflect the reality of the
twenty-first century is unanswerably strong. We must
redouble our collective efforts to persuade those who fear,
unreasonably, the consequences of a just reform. We must
not permit entrenched power to defeat right reason.
Since Saint Vincent and the Grenadines became
an independent State, it has had unbroken diplomatic
11

relations with the Republic of China on Taiwan. We see
that country of liberty and democracy as a most
important component of the magnificent Chinese
civilization. Taiwan has the world’s seventeenth largest
economy and the fifteenth largest trading volume
internationally, and is third in the global ranking of the
extent of foreign exchange reserves held. Taiwan’s 23
million people ought properly to be represented in this
universal body by the Government of their choice. It is
a mistake to continue to deny Taiwan international
membership of organizations. The relations between
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Taiwan have
been exemplary. Our friendship demands that we plead
their just cause.
I conclude with these observations. Some States
boast ownership of boundless territory, vast natural
resources and potent firepower; but none of those
factors by themselves, or a combination of all three,
guarantee peace or prosperity. In some other States
poverty, hunger conflict and disease are the norm. If,
instead of investing in war — knowing its certain side
effect of the waste of young, innocent lives — nations
cooperated with each other, striving for ways to solve
problems common to all, it is just possible that the
world we bequeath to our children will be more
peaceful and richer in the ways that matter and
boasting cleaner air and a healthier environment.
Internationally, and in our own countries, let us
emphasize the power of love rather than the love of
power. Let us extol not the rightness of power but the
righteousness contained in our human condition.


I
wish to extend to you, Sir, my delegation’s warmest
congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. I am
confident that, under your stewardship, this session
will successfully accomplish its mission.
The outgoing year has been a challenging time as
the international community has grappled with a host
of formidable challenges, including terrorist attacks,
the threat of proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, violent internal conflicts, the surge of
infectious diseases and natural disasters, in addition to
persisting poverty and hunger and humanitarian
emergencies.
Moreover, the war in Iraq and its aftermath have
had a lasting impact on the fabric of international
affairs in the Middle East and the world over. The
bitter divisions that it engendered over how to ensure
our collective security against terror and the threat of
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction have
posed a challenge and a test for the United Nations. It
is gratifying to see that, in these difficult times, the
world Organization has been able to regain its validity
as the indispensable common house of the entire
human family.
To make the United Nations a more effective
instrument for pursuing all the priorities identified in
the Millennium Declaration, world leaders pledged
their resolve to undertake a set of bold measures to
reform the world Organization so as to enable it to
adequately address the manifold challenges ahead. The
task of reforming the United Nations will undoubtedly
require truly innovative approaches and the unfaltering
commitment of Member States. In that respect, my
delegation eagerly awaits the report of the High-level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, and ensuing
recommendations by the Secretary-General to be
submitted to the General Assembly later this year.
31

In the meantime, my delegation highly commends
the hard work and tireless efforts of Mr. Julian Hunte,
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth
session. Resolutions 58/126 and 58/316, adopted under
his skilful leadership, have proved to be by far the
most far-reaching actions in recent years. Significant as
they are, we should nevertheless aim higher and work
with vigour to further reaffirm the central position of
the General Assembly as the chief deliberative, policy-
making and representative organ of the United Nations
and to enable it to play that role more effectively.
On Security Council reform, I wish to join
previous speakers in reiterating that its composition
has long ceased to reflect current geopolitical realities.
Mongolia reaffirms its support for a just and equitable
enlargement of the Security Council by increasing the
number of permanent and non-permanent seats, while
ensuring the representation of developing and
developed countries. In that regard, my Government
supports the legitimate aspirations of such countries as
Japan, Germany and India that are willing and able to
shoulder greater responsibility in pursuit of
international peace, security and development.
Permanent seats, in our view, should also be allocated
to Latin America and Africa. We do not, however, seek
enlargement for its own sake — the expanded Security
Council must be fully equipped to effectively react to
the crises and conflicts of the new millennium. It is
also our view that the veto power ought to be
thoroughly reviewed, and efforts should be exerted to
make the Council more democratic by enhancing its
accountability and the transparency of its work.
There appears to be a broad consensus emerging
that next year’s high-level meeting to review the
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals
and the celebrations for the sixtieth anniversary of the
United Nations will galvanize us into making bold
plans for the future — plans that will enable the family
of nations to attain the ambitious, but achievable, goals
set by the Millennium Declaration through a genuine
display of solidarity, shared responsibility and effective
partnership.
In his address to the Assembly last week the
Secretary-General eloquently underscored the need to
uphold the rule of law on both the international and
domestic levels. Mongolia firmly believes that the rule
of law and multilateralism are the fundamental
principles of international relations in the twenty-first
century. We must not falter or fail in pursuing them.
The value of international law — the only viable
framework of rules to govern the behaviour and
interaction among States — must never be rated on its
performance in the short term or for its ability to
achieve near-sighted goals, nor should the value of
dialogue and collective decision-making be called into
question. Violation of those principles, even with the
best of intentions, is dangerous. Let us remember that
the road to hell is paved with good intentions. Such
actions would only bring about unforeseen and
unintended effects that in the long term could be
extremely harmful to established international
mechanisms and processes and endanger the existing
world order. That simple truth applies to every aspect
of international life from the war on terror and the
maintenance of peace and security to the management
of international trade and environmental protection.
Indeed, any unlawful act, once committed, will
certainly have far greater repercussions than imagined
at the outset — repercussions that will ultimately
undermine its original objectives.
The persistent instability of some regions of the
world and the people who suffer from internal armed
conflicts represent the failure of world leaders to
enforce the commitment they undertook in the
Millennium Declaration to “spare no effort to free our
peoples from the scourge of war, whether within or
between States”. The violence and hatred that spread
across the Darfur region of Sudan is one such tragic
example.
In the Middle East, Mongolia notes with sadness
the lack of progress on the path towards the peaceful
resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We urge
both sides to exercise utmost restraint, and support the
efforts of the Quartet to ensure the implementation of
the road map.
Mongolia is also concerned with the security
situation in Iraq. The end of occupation and the formal
restoration of Iraqi sovereignty on 28 June 2004 were
laudable achievements, yet the persisting climate of
violence and insecurity threatens to undermine the
efforts of the international community to bring peace,
security and stability to that country. Mongolia
wholeheartedly supports the political process based on
Security Council resolutions 1483 (2003) and 1546
(2004), and the actions undertaken by the interim
Government to convene a national conference, create
an interim council and hold elections early next year.
32

In Afghanistan, the approaching presidential and
parliamentary elections are important milestones for a
new, democratic State. The registration of more than 10
million voters, a significant portion of whom are
women, clearly demonstrates the strong determination
of the Afghan people to rebuild their country.
Continued engagement of the international community
remains crucial in maintaining peace and stability in
Afghanistan and promoting the Bonn process.
The Korean nuclear crisis, and the resulting
tensions on the Korean peninsula, cast dark clouds over
all of North-East Asia. As a North-East Asian nation
that rejects nuclear arms, Mongolia stands for a
nuclear-weapon-free Korean peninsula and sees it as an
important condition for the reconciliation of both
Koreas and, therefore, for the peace and stability of the
region. The continuation of the six-party talks towards
a negotiated solution is of vital importance for the
maintenance of peace and stability both on the Korean
peninsula and in the region as a whole.
Indeed, strengthening international peace and
security by supporting practical disarmament measures
in every possible way has been one of the main
priorities of Mongolia’s foreign policy. The
International Campaign to Ban Landmines and efforts
to curb the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons
have an immediate bearing on human security and
social and economic development around the world.
As an ardent advocate of the disarmament of
weapons of mass destruction, and, in particular, nuclear
disarmament, Mongolia believes that the full and
effective implementation of the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons by both the
nuclear and the non-nuclear weapon States will play a
pivotal role in promoting international peace and
nuclear security. In that context, Mongolia welcomes
Security Council resolution 1540 (2004), adopted
unanimously under Chapter VII of the Charter of the
United Nations, as a meaningful step towards curbing
the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
However, we also believe that another significant step
needs to be made towards nuclear disarmament: the
early entry into force and universalization on a priority
basis of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.
The establishment of new and consolidation of
existing nuclear-weapon-free zones should remain high
on the international agenda. My Government will
continue its efforts towards institutionalizing its
nuclear-weapon-free status at the international level.
Mongolia’s internationally recognized and legally
binding nuclear-weapon-free status could further
contribute towards ensuring peace and stability in the
region of North-East Asia and beyond.
The global war on terror remains high on the
agenda of the international community. The
11 September attacks heralded the start of an
unprecedented global campaign that united countries,
large and small, in their resolve to stand together to
combat terrorism.
And yet, despite the efforts of the international
community, terrorism — like the Hydra of Lerna —
seems to grow a new head for each one it loses.
The current year has been no exception to that
sad pattern and civilians continue to be the target of
attacks: in Iraq, both Iraqi and foreign nationals have
been targeted; in Madrid, an attack was perpetrated
against a commuter train; and, in the Russian
Federation, there have been a string of attacks, the
latest being the school massacre in Beslan, where
children fell victim to an unprecedented atrocity.
Those events have highlighted once again the
need for an effective international anti-terrorist
campaign. The United Nations plays a central role in
the fight against terror, coordinating the actions of its
Member States and providing them with technical and
legislative support. Mongolia supports the efforts of
the Counter-Terrorism Committee aimed at its
revitalization, and is looking forward to seeing the
Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate in operation.
We also attach importance to the speedy finalization of
draft international conventions on terrorism and
nuclear terrorism currently in progress.
No matter how pressing the fight is against terror,
it should not overshadow other issues that impact the
daily lives of millions of people — from extreme
poverty and hunger, to environmental degradation and
HIV/AIDS, to health and education. The growing
development disparity between rich and poor countries;
increasing poverty and unemployment in the
developing world, particularly in the least developed
countries; the burden of debt and trade inequalities are
of growing concern to us. We feel that development
itself is an effective remedy for the root cause of those
social ills, and thus attach particular importance to the
implementation, at the national, regional and
international levels, of the goals agreed to at the
33

Millennium Summit and in Monterrey, Johannesburg
and Rome.
In this context, my delegation welcomes the New
York Declaration on the Action Against Hunger and
Poverty adopted on 20 September this year at the
highest political level, which is aimed at fostering our
common fight to overcome poverty and increase
financing for development.
Mongolia welcomes the adoption by the World
Trade Organization (WTO) members of the negotiating
framework for the Doha trade round last July. This is
of particular importance since the Doha Development
Agenda provides significant opportunities for
economic development and fair trade. We continue to
favour special and differentiated treatment for
developing countries, especially those with small and
vulnerable economies whose populations are largely
dependent for their livelihoods on being granted full
market access and low import tariffs by the major
trading partners.
One year from now, world leaders will meet here
at the summit level to review progress in the
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals.
In preparation for this important event, Mongolia has
produced its first national report on the implementation
of the Goals.
In recent years, the world has witnessed the
emergence of a new global commitment to democracy
and good governance. A little over a year ago,
Mongolia hosted the Fifth International Conference of
New or Restored Democracies, which had the principal
theme of democracy, good governance and civil
society. Mongolia is now actively engaged in ensuring
an effective follow-up to the conference both
nationally and internationally.
In this respect, my delegation wishes to commend
the proposal by the President of the United States
aimed at establishing a democracy fund at the United
Nations to help countries to lay the foundations of
democracy by instituting the rule of law, the
independence of the judiciary, a free press, a multiparty
system and trade unions. This fund would help support
our endeavours to strengthen democracy and good
governance and to develop an effective partnership
with civil society in the implementation of the
Millennium Development Goals.
This year, Mongolians have participated in their
fourth parliamentary election. During the election, the
two main political parties in our country, the
Motherland-Democracy Coalition and the Mongolian
People’s Revolutionary Party, won almost an equal
number of seats in the Parliament. The two political
parties have agreed to form a coalition Government on
the basis of consensus-building, thereby demonstrating
that democratic principles and values have firmly taken
root in Mongolian soil. I have no doubt that the new
coalition Government will wish to strengthen
democracy and good governance, ensure sustained
economic growth, reduce poverty and unemployment,
and pursue a foreign policy that is open, multifaceted
and proactive.


On
behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I
extend my sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your
well-deserved election to the prestigious presidency of
the General Assembly at this session. I assure you of
my entire delegation’s unwavering support for you in
your noble work.
I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Julian
Robert Hunte, for his excellent guidance of the work of
the Assembly at the fifty-eighth session.
I also take this opportunity once again to
congratulate Secretary-General Kofi Annan on his
ongoing dedication and courage in discharging his
responsibilities. I thank him for his ever-growing and
resolute support for the cause of peace and security
throughout the world and in my country, Burundi, in
particular.
When the Security Council adopted resolution
1545 (2004) authorizing the deployment of the United
Nations Operation in Burundi, the United Nations
made a real contribution to the peace process in my
country, which two months later is now drawing
towards the final phase of that process.
The signing of the Arusha Peace and
Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi on 28 August
2000 was a decisive step forward in the peace process
in my country, which since 1993 had been devastated
by the longest crisis in its history, even jeopardizing
the very existence of the nation. The Agreement
ushered in a new era of calm and a gradual return to
peace with the conclusion of ceasefire agreements with
the armed political movements, especially since the
signing on 16 November 2003 of a comprehensive
ceasefire agreement with the main rebel movement
Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-
Forces nationales pour la défense de la démocratie.
Today, calm has descended throughout almost all
our national territory because we have acted on our
firm commitment to implement the agreements. Fully
inclusive institutions have gradually been established
and we are now preparing to enter the post-transition
era with elected institutions, to the satisfaction of our
people and that of the international community.
We wish to send the strong message that we are
resolved to break the logic of violence and to support
the restoration of peace, reconciliation, democracy and
development in our country. We also protect and
strengthen peace and security by integrating the
fighters from the armed movements into the security
and defence forces that we will need to establish our
national army and police force, to the comfort of all.
The process will be complemented by the disarmament,
demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants and
troops not included in the integration process.
The disarmament, demobilization and
professional or social reintegration programme is
coordinated at the uppermost level by the highest
authorities of our country, including the ministries
concerned and representatives of the World Bank, the
army and the armed movements. The programme is
currently in its first phase, bringing the combatants
together into agreed zones. Those combatants will very
shortly be transferred to the sites identified for their
cantonment, while the Government troops will remain
in their barracks. We already have in place a precedent
for the integration of the forces, having created a
special institutional protection brigade on 1 July.
Moreover, mixed military units have begun training in
a pilot centre with a view to establishing the national
defence force. This approach is intended to correct the
ethnic and regional imbalances that have often been
observed in our country and that have constituted the
source of the social and political conflict that has
brought us so much suffering.
The demobilization sites are ready, but we face a
terrible shortage of material and financial resources to
pay for the increase in the numbers of people we will
have to handle in the first few years before progressive
demobilization ends. We must recall that
demobilization and disarmament will make a real
contribution to creating a security environment
conducive to the organization of free, democratic,
transparent and honest elections.
The draft post-transition constitution, which will
serve as the basis for organizing the elections, and
other legal and administrative texts were discussed at
great length among the politicians in the President’s
circle and at the levels of mediation and heads of State
of the subregion. Some provisions on power-sharing
that did not enjoy unanimous support were upheld by
20 of 30 political parties and endorsed by the twenty-
second summit of heads of State of the subregion. They
were then included in the draft constitution, which was
adopted unanimously by our Parliament, with a 70-per
cent attendance rate, on 17 September. We have
7

scheduled a referendum on the draft constitution for 20
October.
Thus, despite the opposition of some political
parties, we believe that Burundi will soon have a post-
transition constitution and other legal texts that are
customary in democratic countries. We are placing our
faith in the Independent National Electoral
Commission established to organize the technical
aspects of the elections. We would stress that the
Commission will succeed only if we obtain the support
of our external bilateral and multilateral partners. We
sincerely thank those who have already pledged their
assistance, and we would urge others to follow suit.
The efforts to maintain peace are still being
resisted by the Palipehutu-Forces nationales de
liberation movement, which still refuses to come to the
negotiating table. Following the movement’s
involvement in the assassination of Papal Nuncio
Monsignor Courtney and in the massacre of Congolese
refugees in Gatumba and elsewhere, the summit of
heads of State of the regional initiative on Burundi,
meeting in Dar-es-Salaam, classified it as a terrorist
organization and recommended that the United Nations
and the African Union take the appropriate restrictive
measures. Here, I would like to urge the United
Nations to support the decisions taken at that regional
summit and thus to follow the lead of the African
Union, which has already responded favourably to that
appeal. I also take this opportunity to thank the heads
of State of the subregion and the mediators for the
support that they have constantly provided to the
Burundian peace process.
As everyone knows, security concerns are
unfortunately not limited to within my country’s
borders. The security of Burundi affects that of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and
Tanzania. In the light of that interdependence, an
international conference on peace, security, democracy,
economic development and regional integration in the
Great Lakes region is scheduled for November in
Dar es Salaam. That conference will undoubtedly have
a positive effect on the countries concerned. I have the
firm conviction that it will promote a new dynamic of
peace in the entire subregion so that we can bury the
hatchet of war and turn resolutely towards the integral
and integrated development of our peoples.
The efforts to contain and resolve the many
conflicts that continue to shake the African continent
are very instructive. First of all, the African countries
and the African Union have shown their political will
and their resolve to manage their own problems,
despite an obvious shortage of resources. Therefore, it
is time to call for the substantial strengthening of
international support provided to the African Union
and for much more active cooperation between the
African Union and the United Nations on conflict
prevention and the restoration of peace. Moreover, the
various approaches have shown us that the quest for
peace must be inclusive, not deliberately excluding
anyone. That is a sensible and productive approach.
Such joint action is something we hope the
Organization can do — particularly now, when
multilateralism seems to be recovering from recent
difficult ordeals. We must therefore remain united to
preserve the cherished ideals bequeathed to us by the
founders of the United Nations and enthusiastically
reaffirmed in the Millennium Declaration.
A much more cohesive and shared action under
the banner of the United Nations is thus essential at the
present time, marked by the complexity of the
challenges we are called to face, such as nebulous
international terrorism, which is more of a threat to
peace, stability and the safety of our borders than ever
before; the risk of the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons; and prostitution and the illicit trade in
human persons, whose effects are both cruel and
devastating to human rights, particularly children’s
rights.
Cohesion undoubtedly implies a carefully
planned effort. In that regard, we welcome the
Secretary-General’s initiative to establish a High-Level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. Its
conclusions will serve as beacons to us as we seek to
humanize international relations and to promote a
world of solidarity and development compatible with
the environment.
The complexity of the current challenges
justifies — now more than ever before — the urgent,
long-awaited reform of the Organization. We welcome
the steps already taken to streamline the working
methods of the General Assembly and the reforms
already initiated within the Secretariat with a view to
adapting the Organization’s internal structures and
culture to new expectations and challenges. We hope
that the same dynamic will be applied to Security
Council reform so that it will soon become a reality.
8

Attaining the Millennium Development Goals is a
challenge for us all. Experts suggest that the efforts
already undertaken are not equal to the task. Therefore,
we must sharpen our focus by mobilizing more of the
necessary resources.
Our moral and historic responsibility to future
generations is particularly great in the fight against
HIV/AIDS. Entire families have been decimated,
millions of children have been orphaned and elderly
persons are abandoned, alone and defenceless. It is the
family structure that is disintegrating, and that is
horrible to see. It is our common responsibility to unite
our forces to wipe out this pandemic, which knows no
borders and threatens the very survival of the human
race. We have no right to fail.
In the economic area, we know the unbearable
situation of the peoples in the least developed
countries, who are trapped in abject poverty. In that
regard, my delegation urges the international
community to work together in implementing the
Brussels Programme of Action. From that perspective,
debt relief, more flexible conditions for joining the
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative, an increase
in official development assistance and the opening up
of international markets deserve careful attention.
The international community cannot remain
indecisive on the issue of agricultural subsidies in
industrialized countries that distort the rules of the
game of free competition and considerably reduce the
opportunities for poor countries to develop.
Africa has enormous natural resources, yet
poverty, diseases and suffering of every kind ravage it
more than they do other continents. By forming the
New Partnership for Africa’s Development, Africans
have committed themselves to promoting good
political and economic governance — a prerequisite
for sustainable development. The priorities are already
identified, sector by sector, and the subregional
structures are being further strengthened. Yet the
success of the efforts currently under way will depend
not only on the resolve of Africans themselves, but
also on the level of solidarity offered by the
international community.
The twentieth century and the beginning of the
twenty-first century have witnessed important forums
in which the world’s leaders have made decisive
commitments in various areas affecting human
security, in the profound sense of the term. Those
commitments, which have given rise to much hope
throughout the world, have been implemented only
partially. It is our hope that the high-level plenary
meeting scheduled for 2005 will be able to breathe new
life into the implementation of the commitments made,
for the happiness and prosperity of present and future
generations.


At the outset,
allow me, on behalf of the Vietnamese delegation, to
warmly congratulate you, Sir, an eminent son of Gabon
and of Africa, with which Viet Nam has always
enjoyed warm sentiments and brotherly relations, on
your election as President of the General Assembly at
its fifty-ninth session. I am confident that, under your
able guidance, this session will be crowned with fine
success. I also take this opportunity to express our high
29

appreciation for the tremendous efforts and
contributions made by the previous President,
Mr. Julian Hunte, to the work of the fifty-eighth
session of the General Assembly.
As the fifth year of the twenty-first century
approaches, we all cannot help asking ourselves
whether the world is a safer, fairer or — in a more
comprehensive assessment — better place for our
peoples to live in. With all that has happened over the
last year, unfortunately, the answer cannot be
affirmative.
The recent barbaric and inhuman massacre of
hostages at the school in Beslan, Russia, its scale and
the manner in which it was committed show that
terrorism has become more brutal than ever and that it
is spreading to almost every corner of the world and
sparing no nation. At this forum, we wish to reaffirm
the position of the Vietnamese Government denouncing
every act of terrorism. We urge the international
community to further strengthen cooperation with a
view to eliminating terrorism from our civilized world.
We have more than once stated our fundamental
position that, if it is to enjoy broad support and
participation and therefore be effective, the fight
against terrorism must be pursued in conformity with
the provisions of the United Nations Charter and free
from selectivity and double standards.
A serious review would reveal that this is not a
situation we can claim to have today. For a second time
in two years, last April, in pursuit of their secessionist
aim of creating a so-called independent State of Degar,
Kok Ksor and the organization he created, the
Montagnard Foundation, staged a violent terrorist riot
in the central highlands of Viet Nam, seriously
threatening the security and territorial integrity of our
country. And still today, they continue to enjoy
unjustified protection by certain forces.
While encouraged by the trend of enhanced
cooperation and friendship among countries and
regions, we are equally concerned about conflicts and
other threats mounting in different areas, especially in
the Middle East and Africa. The Iraqi people are yet to
know genuine peace. Non-traditional security threats,
such as narcotics, the spread of diseases, transnational
organized crime and environmental degradation,
continue to affect adversely the life of peoples and the
development of nations.
The year 2005 is approaching. We are to review
the realization of the Millennium Development Goals.
An undeniable fact is that the window of opportunity
for the economic development and integration of
developing countries has become narrower, while the
gap between the rich countries and the poor countries
and that between the rich and the poor within countries
are increasingly wider. According to a recent report by
the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development, the gap between the world’s richest and
poorest countries at present is 74-fold. That being the
reality, what is discouraging is that the proportion of
resources being utilized for economic development is
negatively imbalanced. Last year, for example, military
expenditures by rich countries amounted to more than
$700 billion, which was 10 times higher than the total
amount of their official development assistance for
developing nations.
Instead of receiving a stronger commitment to
development assistance, developing countries have
fallen victim to unfair practices in international trade.
A case in point is the application of protectionist
measures under the form of anti-dumping duties
imposed on Viet Nam’s catfish and shrimp, as well as
similar products of other developing countries. The
unfair imposition of anti-dumping duties on Viet
Nam’s shrimp export by the United States has inflicted
losses on 3.5 million poor Vietnamese farmers who
earn their living directly or indirectly from the shrimp
industry. That not only runs counter to the principles of
the World Trade Organization (WTO), but also
undermines the poverty-reduction efforts of the
Vietnamese Government, as well as the results of
technical assistance provided by such international
bodies as the World Bank, the International Monetary
Fund, the Asian Development Bank and various United
Nations agencies.
In a world where injustice and uncertainties
remain, it is both a desire of all nations and a primary
task of the international community to build a more
peaceful and fairer environment conducive to
development and prosperity. Such an environment can
be created only if all nations strictly comply with the
fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter
and international law, of which respect for the national
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and
non-interference in the internal affairs of nations are
most important. As the world’s largest multilateral
30

Organization, the United Nation is the sole entity fully
capable of creating that new environment.
Viet Nam holds that, to fulfil that crucial role, the
United Nations should be reformed in a way that will
improve its effectiveness and democracy. We highly
appreciate the ongoing efforts of the High-Level Panel
on Threats, Challenges and Change and hope that the
Panel will be able to put forth recommendations that
can serve as a good basis for member States to hold in-
depth discussions with a view to arriving at concrete
measures to be implemented soon, thus meeting the
expectations of the world public at large of a new,
effective and more democratic United Nations.
In that connection, Viet Nam is of the view that,
if the Security Council’s democracy, effectiveness and
transparency are to be enhanced and if it is to truly act
on behalf of all United Nations Members, as stated in
the Charter, both the non-permanent and the permanent
membership of the Security Council should be enlarged
and developing countries more adequately represented
in that important body. We wish to reiterate our support
for Japan, Germany, India and other capable countries
from different continents becoming permanent
members of the Security Council once it is enlarged.
A more peaceful, fairer and more favourable
environment for development requires international
economic relations based on equality, mutual benefits,
shared responsibilities and the realization of
commitments. Developed countries should seriously
seek to fulfil their commitments to allocating 0.7 per
cent of their gross domestic product to official
development assistance; provide broader, faster and
deeper debt relief to poor nations; finance development
projects; and create fairer and more favourable
conditions for developing nations to access the world
market and to join the WTO.
Viet Nam holds that regional and interregional
cooperation and new partnerships between developed
and developing countries are effective measures for
putting into place fair and favourable conditions for
development and for making sure that all nations will
benefit from the current process of globalization. We
welcome the initiative on a new strategic partnership
between Asia and Africa that is being discussed among
countries of the two continents. The initiative, the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development, is highly
commendable. Viet Nam attaches great importance to
promoting South-South cooperation, especially with
African countries, as manifested in the “two plus one”
formula, in which Viet Nam and an African country,
with the participation of the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, cooperate in
agricultural development. With a view to increasing
cooperation with and assistance to developing nations,
we call for an end to unjust embargoes, especially the
unilateral embargo against Cuba, which has been in
place for years now and caused untold difficulties and
suffering for the Cuban people.
It is Viet Nam’s consistent policy to support the
just cause of the Palestinian people in the struggle for
their inalienable rights. We call on the parties
concerned to refrain from and cease acts of violence
and actively to participate in the implementation of the
road map for peace towards a just and lasting solution
that takes into account the interests of the parties
concerned for the sake of peace and stability in the
Middle East.
Restoring peace and security and reconstructing
Iraq are pressing needs of the people of that country at
present. Viet Nam is concerned about the escalating
violence against innocent civilians. We hope that the
situation in Iraq will soon be stabilized so that the Iraqi
people can focus on their national reconstruction and
development.
The United Nations should play a more active
role in Iraq, commensurate with its mandate. Viet Nam
attended the conference on the reconstruction of Iraq
and is willing to involve itself more actively in that
process.
In our national reform and development process
over the past 18 years, we have surmounted enormous
challenges to realize the goal of a rich people, a strong
country, a just, democratic and civilized society.
Encouraging results have been recorded. Over the past
10 years, the average annual growth of our gross
domestic product has been maintained at as high as 7.4
per cent, with the number of poor households reduced
by half. Special importance has been given to people-
centred development. We are resolved to sustain high
economic growth in combination with the development
of culture, the advancement of social progress and
equality, the improvement of living conditions for the
people and, most important, the achievement of the
goal of becoming an industrialized country by 2020.
Given our substantial initial achievements and the
appropriate path on which we have embarked, the
31

United Nations Development Programme, in its third
report on the implementation of the Millennium
Development Goals in Viet Nam in 2003, assessed that
Viet Nam is capable of overcoming its challenges to
reach the Goals set in the Millennium Declaration. We
wish to take this opportunity to express our deep
gratitude to the United Nations agencies for their
effective assistance. The United Nations agencies in
Viet Nam have taken important steps to further
enhance cooperation effectiveness, especially those
within the United Nations Development Assistance
Framework. We are committed to continuing to work
with them in striving for the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals.
In its reform process, Viet Nam pursues a foreign
policy of openness, independence, sovereignty and the
diversification and multilateralization of relations, and
is willing to be a friend to and reliable partner of all
countries striving for independence, peace,
development and cooperation. Increasing regional and
interregional cooperation is a consistent policy and an
inseparable component of the Vietnamese
Government’s policy towards greater international
integration. Viet Nam is actively participating in
economic cooperation activities within the frameworks
of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the
Asia-Pacific Conference on Electron Microscopy and
the Association of South-East Asian Nations
(ASEAN).
Within ASEAN, Viet Nam works closely with
other ASEAN countries to promote regional
cooperation through such initiatives as the creation of
the ASEAN security community, the ASEAN economic
community and the ASEAN socio-cultural community,
the Initiative for ASEAN Integration, the initiative on
sub-Mekong regional cooperation, and development
triangles. ASEAN attaches great importance to
promoting its relationship with dialogue partners.
Active steps are being taken to establish free-trade
areas between ASEAN and China, Japan and the
Republic of Korea, and to promote closer economic
partnership with the United States, the European
Union, Russia and India, including free-trade areas.
Viet Nam believes that multifaceted cooperation in
South-East Asia will make important contributions to
building a peaceful, fair and favourable environment
for regional countries.
As evidence of its determination to participate
more actively in international and interregional
cooperation frameworks, Viet Nam is going to host the
Fifth Asia-Europe Summit in Hanoi this October and
the APEC Summit in 2006. We are standing for
election to a non-permanent seat in the Security
Council for the term 2008-2009. In undertaking those
important efforts, we look forward to enjoying the
continued support and cooperation of the international
community.
Our global village longs for a more peaceful,
stable and favourable environment for development
and shared prosperity. Striving together, we will turn
that dream into reality.


Allow me at the outset to
express to you, Sir, our warm felicitations on your
election as President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-ninth session. We congratulate Mr. Julian Hunte
on his successful stewardship of the fifty-eighth
session of the Assembly. I also reaffirm our deep
appreciation for the wise leadership of the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and his services for the cause
of peace and progress in the world.
A profound transformation is under way in
international relations. The dangerous balances of the
cold war have been replaced by the complex and
equally dangerous realities of our world today. It is a
world marked by intensifying globalization of
economies, production, trade and information, on one
side; and by terrorist violence, poverty and disease, on
the other.
The growing asymmetries in power among States,
discrimination in the dispensing of international
justice, repression of peoplesí legitimate aspirations
and growing socio-economic disparities have
precipitated new threats to international peace and to
international security: the threats of terrorism,
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and
imploding States. The world today sees turmoil and
upheaval everywhere, especially in the third world, and
more specifically in the Muslim world. Too many
fronts have been opened and too many battle lines have
been drawn. The time for closing fronts has come. The
world today is crying for peace, reconciliation and
reform. Our objective today has to be harmony through
reconciliation and accommodation, globally and
regionally.
Terrorism poses the most urgent threat to many
countries, including the most powerful States. For
many of us, the terrorist threat is very close and may be
very personal. Terrorism threatens Pakistan's vital
national interests and objectives. We have thus
participated actively in the unprecedented global
campaign against it. Pakistan has led the way in that
campaign. Our counter-terrorist campaign is ongoing.
Global cooperation against terrorism has been
highly successful. Determined and collective action has
contained and disrupted the violent agendas of the
terrorists. We are winning the battle against terrorists.
However, what we are doing is insufficient to win the
ultimate war against them. The immediate anti-terrorist
response has to be accompanied by a clear long-term
strategy that strikes at the root of the problem if we are
to ensure final success against this scourge.
I have proposed a two-pronged strategy of
enlightened moderation to overcome terrorism and
prevent a clash of civilizations. The most recent
Islamic Summit, in Malaysia, endorsed that plan,
which involves, on the one hand, internal socio-
economic reform in the Muslim world and, on the
other, active support from the major Powers to ensure
political justice and socio-economic revival for all
Islamic peoples. While the Islamic world has taken its
first step in the form of nominating a Commission of
Eminent Persons to propose measures for a renaissance
in the Muslim world, the major Powers of the West
have yet to show movement in seriously trying to
resolve internationally recognized disputes affecting
the Muslim world.
The industrialized world must support the
endeavour to bring about an Islamic renaissance,
especially through adequate financial and technical
assistance and larger trade opportunities. More
important, justice must be offered to Islamic peoples in
the form of the resolution of all outstanding
international disputes which affect Muslims. There is
no time to lose. Action has to be taken before an iron
21

curtain finally descends between the West and the
Islamic world.
The tragedy of Palestine is an open wound
inflicted on the psyche of every Muslim. It generates
anger and resentment across the Islamic world.
Continued Israeli violence and the Israelis' erection of
the illegal separation wall, usurping more Palestinian
land, as well as suicide attacks by misguided
Palestinians, are frustrating the prospects of peace and
prolonging the agony of the Palestinian people. While
Pakistan stands for peace, recognizing the right of
Israel to exist as also the right of the Palestinians to
have their own homeland, we can never accept the
usurpation of additional Palestinian land. Israel has no
right to erect its separation wall beyond its 1967
boundaries. Pakistan calls on Israel to withdraw the
wall from all occupied Palestinian lands, taking it back
to the pre-1967 boundaries. We also call on Israel to
stop the daily atrocities against Palestinians. Pakistan
also appeals to President Yasser Arafat to use his
influence to reciprocally halt the intifada and give
peace a chance.
A major responsibility rests with the Quartet, and
in particular with the world's greatest Power, the
United States, to secure a fair and peaceful solution to
the problem, realizing the vision of two States, Israel
and Palestine, living side by side in peace, harmony
and security. The United States can and must play the
role of a just broker of peace. Peace must succeed in
the Middle East; failure is no longer an option.
It has always been my conviction that Pakistan
and India can resolve all their differences, including
over Jammu and Kashmir, through a sincere dialogue.
The dangerous confrontation of 2002 and the three
wars prior to that between our two countries have
demonstrated that there is no military solution to our
problems. The aspiration to peace enjoys popular
support in Pakistan and, I believe, in India as well.
Neither country can achieve its ambition for social and
economic progress in the absence of peace. We must
achieve peace for the sake of the impoverished people
of South Asia ó for their development and prosperity.
After several aborted attempts, Pakistan and India
have been able to initiate confidence-building
measures and a composite dialogue this year to address
all outstanding issues. Pakistan has pursued this
process with complete sincerity, giving bilateralism a
final chance. We feel that the dual channels of
confidence-building measures and the dialogue process
must proceed in tandem. We also are firmly committed
to resolving all disputes with India peacefully,
including the Kashmir dispute. That issue cannot be
ignored. Its resolution cannot be delayed inordinately.
We desire a resolution for Kashmir which is just and
acceptable to India, Pakistan and the people of
Kashmir.
We also seek strategic stability with India. I am
glad to say that up until now, the normalization process
has progressed well, in a cordial atmosphere. Now that
the negotiations are entering the difficult stage of
grappling with solutions to previously irreconcilable
disputes, Pakistan hopes that India will show the same
sincerity, flexibility and boldness that Pakistan will
demonstrate. I look forward to my meeting the day
after tomorrow with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
I would like to convey to him that this is the moment
for peace; we must not allow it to slip away.
Iraq has taken a serious turn, to the anguish of the
entire world community. It is imperative that together
with closing the Palestine and Kashmir fronts, we also
wind down the Iraq confrontation. Pakistan stands for
restoration of peace and stability in Iraq to ensure its
unity and territorial integrity. That can only be
achieved through handing over governance authority to
the people of Iraq and allowing them full control over
their natural resources. Internal law and order and
security can be best promoted by local Iraqi police and
militia, who need to be built up expeditiously.
At an opportune time, and at the request of the
people and Government of Iraq, the Muslim world
could play a role in bringing peace and harmony to this
conflict-torn nation.
The forthcoming elections in Afghanistan will be
an important landmark in the countryís progress
towards democracy and stability. Pakistan will do all it
can to prevent terrorists from using our territory to
disrupt the Afghan election process. The subsequent
parliamentary elections in April 2005 would also augur
well for self-governance in Afghanistan. While the
political channel is progressing well ó and we wish
President Karzai all success ó the process of building
the Afghan National Army and reconstruction efforts
need to be accelerated in order to install durable peace
in Afghanistan.
In our globalized world, peace and development
are interdependent, now more than ever before. Despite
22

dynamic growth in some parts of the developing world,
economic and social disparities are increasing. The rich
are richer; the poor are poorer. Over 2 billion people on
our planet ó a quarter of the worldís population ó
live in abject poverty, afflicted by hunger, disease and
conflict. Islands of peace and prosperity cannot coexist
for long within oceans of instability and poverty.
A bold and innovative global strategy is required
to redress the growing inequalities in the world. Good
governance is a precondition for development; but the
need to rectify the glaring inequities and imbalances in
the international financial and trade systems is equally
essential.
Official development assistance can and must be
doubled. Innovative ways can and must be adopted to
generate the financial resources required for
development. The billions transferred abroad by
corrupt leaders should be returned to the looted
countries to finance poverty alleviation, education and
health. International investment flows should be
consciously directed to the poorer developing
countries, where such funds could unleash the latent
power of the poor for consumption and production.
We also know by now that trade, and not just aid,
is the way to promote growth and to benefit from
globalization. However, it has to be made more
equitable. Unfair agricultural subsidies should be
eliminated and high and escalating tariffs that
discriminate against the products of the poor should be
removed. Special and differential treatment should be
offered to disadvantaged developing countries. In my
view, we need more than a level playing field; we need
a field tilted in favour of the developing countries.
Unless the worldís leaders generate the political
will required to agree and implement those measures
urgently, the Millennium Development Goals will
remain a mirage.
In Pakistan, we are well on the way to
transforming our country into a modern, progressive,
tolerant, democratic, Islamic state, reflecting the vision
of our founding father, Quaid-e-Azam. Democracy has
been restored in Pakistan. The people have been
empowered through a revolutionary local government
system. Our women have been empowered. However,
like other developing countries, Pakistan confronts
several challenges. But, we are confident of success.
Our governance is good. Our national priorities are
absolutely clear.
Today, there is welcome resurgence of support for
multilateralism. This must be a multilateralism based
on the principles of the United Nations Charter, a
cooperative and democratic multilateralism. It must
seek just, peaceful and durable solutions to conflicts
and disputes. It must promote a programme for nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation. It must foster
global development and global prosperity.
All our collective aspirations can best be pursued
within this world Organization. The United Nations
must be strengthened and revitalized to respond to the
challenges of twenty-first century.
The United Nations Security Council should
become more effective, democratic and representative.
There is no agreement on the aspiration of a few States
to acquire permanent membership in the Security
Council. The overwhelming majority of States are
against the creation of new centres of privilege. The
Council should be enlarged to ensure the representation
of the mostly small and medium States which have
joined the United Nations over the last three decades.
We have to consider new ideas to craft a consensus on
the enlargement of the Security Council.
Pakistan believes that a new consensus on peace,
security and development, can and should be achieved
on the occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the
United Nations next year. The summit meeting
suggested by the Secretary-General for next year must
lead to a negotiated final document adopted through
consensus. That historic summit will, I hope, and
Pakistan hopes, create a new paradigm to achieve
universal peace and prosperity.