First of all, Mr. President,
may I congratulate you on your election and wish you
well in the months ahead.
 Upon its formation earlier this year, the Irish
Government set itself the goal of becoming a model
Member State of the this great Organization. We have
set out an ambitious programme to be a world leader in
development assistance, rapid response to humanitarian
disasters and conflict resolution.
 This is because our own history shows that there
is a path from famine to plenty and from conflict to
peace. And from that history has grown a
determination, in ordinary Irish men and women, to
stand in the vanguard of the fight against conflict,
hunger and the denial of human rights, a fight best
fought by a strong and equally determined United
Nations   a fight we cannot afford to lose.
 It is also because after six decades, the core goal
of the United Nations   universal peace and
security   unfortunately still eludes us. Today, in spite
of all our efforts, violent conflict remains all too
common.
 The causes of conflict are many. But very often, it
is in the persistence of poverty and in the denial of
human rights that we find the causes of conflict, the
enduring results of conflict and the seeds of future
conflict. In making peace, we must be as creative and
as determined as those waging war.
 The range of instruments now available
strengthens our collective capacity to resolve conflict.
We must use that full array with determination now.
We must ensure that the United Nations Peacebuilding
Commission and Peacebuilding Fund are organized and
resourced to fulfil their important mandate. We must
maintain our support for United Nations-mandated
peacekeeping operations, which today are at an all-time
high in terms of their size, scope and complexity. We
must also support strengthened United Nations efforts
in the fields of conflict prevention and resolution. We
in Ireland will play our part.
 My Government has decided to significantly
increase its commitment to conflict resolution,
including through the establishment of a designated
unit in the Foreign Ministry, the creation of an
academic Centre for Conflict Resolution, a system of
roving ambassadors to affected regions and an annual
fund of €25 million to assist conflict resolution in the
developing world.
 In the years ahead, we will also work to
strengthen the capacity of the African Union and
subregional organizations to make and build peace for
themselves. We will focus our efforts on peacemaking
during conflict and peacebuilding after conflict. We
will also work on identifying, distilling and sharing the
lessons of conflict resolution. We will be particularly
active in Africa, including through working with our
partner Governments under our Irish Aid programme.
We will explore the links between climate change and
conflict, because climate change directly threatens not
only the most vulnerable but all of our shared goals of
progress, peace and development.
 The focus of our foreign policy on rights,
development and now conflict resolution underlines
once again Ireland’s commitment to the global agenda
of the United Nations. But this convergence is also
underscored by our own national experience of
peacemaking. Speaking here in New York in April
1969, before the appalling escalation of violence in
Northern Ireland, one of my distinguished
predecessors, Frank Aiken, said “I think there is
sufficient wisdom if it can only be energized in our
section of the world, in these islands off the North
West of Europe, to settle the problem.” For far too long
that sufficient wisdom eluded us.
 For almost 40 years it has been my duty and that
of my predecessors as Minister for Foreign Affairs to
brief this Assembly on the search for peace on the
island of Ireland. I am particularly delighted to report
that perhaps, save for general updates on progress, this
will no longer be necessary.
 The conflict in Northern Ireland lasted for more
than three decades and was made apparently insoluble
by issues of national, cultural and religious identity,
contested historical narratives and claims of
sovereignty, all hardened by the direct experiences of
division, inequality and violence.
 Since the ceasefires of the mid-1990s and the
negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998,
there has been much better news to report. But the final
steps to the full implementation of that Agreement
were not completed until earlier this year. With the
formation of the power-sharing Northern Ireland
Executive, bringing together historic opponents from
across the political divide, we have opened an
extraordinary new chapter in the history of the island
of Ireland.
 Legacies of separation and distrust remain, and
the inevitable challenges and difficulties of normal
politics will need wise and sensitive management. But
there is an overwhelming consensus that this new
beginning can be nurtured and sustained.
 The task is no longer to find peace, but to
maintain and build on the peace we have found. I do
not believe our success offers a universal, transferable
formula, but I do believe that our experience of failure
and then success over 40 years provides insights and
lessons worth sharing. One of the specific tasks of our
conflict resolution initiative is to codify those insights
and lessons. But today I will offer just a few.
 First, in the end, those who are part of the
problem must be part of the solution   not because we
approve of their actions or beliefs, but because without
them it is all too easy for an agreement among others to
be destroyed.
 Secondly, inclusive dialogue must, however, take
place on the basis of clear and guaranteed principles. In
Ireland, these were consent, non-violence and parity of
esteem.
 Thirdly, partnerships between Governments and
involving sympathetic third parties   in our case the
United States and the European Union   can develop
comprehensive frameworks within which enduring
settlements can be reached.
 Fourthly, it is often necessary to take risks for
peace   but those risks must be carefully calibrated.
Timing is of the essence and so is patience, and there
are times when contacts must be private and at arm’s
length.
 Fifthly, our experience demonstrates the need to
address all issues, all of the causes of conflict,
comprehensively, no matter how difficult and
intractable they may be, and even if they have to be
resolved in different time frames.
 Sixth, popular endorsement of an agreement
through the ballot box makes it immensely more
legitimate and durable.
 Finally, without effective and faithful
implementation, again often with external assistance,
an agreement’s viability and credibility can quickly ebb
away.
 On a more practical and operational level, we
have devised and implemented innovative
arrangements for dealing with many of the issues that
dominate peacemaking and peacebuilding in our case:
constitutional change, power sharing, cross-border
cooperation, transitional justice, policing and security
reform, equality and human rights, conflict over
symbols, arms decommissioning and prisoner release.
 In our own process, we have learned much from
others, particularly from the instance of South Africa.
Together, I hope we can, in Frank Aiken’s term,
develop both sufficient wisdom and sufficient will to
resolve enduring and complex conflicts.
 Working with a strengthened United Nations and
sharing lessons with one another, I passionately hope
we can advance the day when political leaders from
other regions of the world blighted by conflict can
announce in this forum that peace has come to them
too.
 Northern Ireland has been added to the list of
conflicts resolved. But the road to universal peace is
still blocked by conflicts old, new and threatened.
 Today, across the world we stand with the people
of Burma. The courage of the Buddhist monks and
nuns and their supporters has won universal
admiration. The efforts of its regime to conceal its
brutality behind a wall of silence have failed. It has
been rightly condemned for its violent response. I call
on its leaders at long last to respond constructively to
the wishes of the people, to stop their violence and to
release Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political
prisoners. The process of national reconciliation and
democratization must begin in earnest, and we hope
that the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy will be able
to report progress on his return here in a few days.
 We look to the Security Council to respond
effectively to the compelling calls of the international
community. It is neither acceptable nor true to argue, as
some of its members have, that the situation in Burma
is not a question of international peace and security.
The potential regional consequences of the crisis are
evident to all. This places a particular onus on the
Governments of China, India and of the countries of
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). I
welcome the encouraging recent signs of positive and
concerned engagement and urge them to redouble their
efforts.
 Within the European Union, Ireland has long
taken a strong and principled position on Burma. We
are looking urgently at how to increase the pressure on
the regime, including through further European Union
restrictive measures, without harming the ordinary
people, whose suffering is already so great.
 As it is for people across the world, Darfur is a
matter of grave concern in Ireland. We have made it a
priority for our diplomacy and our Irish Aid
programme. We must solve the humanitarian and
security crisis while simultaneously establishing the
foundations for longer-term peace and development.
We urge the full, effective and speedy deployment of
the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in
Darfur. Khartoum must actively cooperate and at last
desist from all obstruction. Rebel groups must also
play their part. The recent attack on peacekeepers in
Darfur was an outrage and was rightly condemned
here. I would like to express my sympathies and those
of the Irish Government to the families of those killed.
 In keeping with our proud tradition of
peacekeeping, Ireland expects to make a substantial
contribution to the United Nations-mandated mission
to Chad and the Central African Republic to help aid
refugees and address the regional dimension of the
Darfur crisis.
 All those who are party to the conflict must
commit to the political talks in Libya next month. I
welcome the Secretary-General’s establishment of a
trust fund to support these talks, and I pledge Ireland’s
support in that respect. If commitments are not fulfilled
and progress does not materialize, Ireland will support
further sanctions against non-cooperating parties.
 I am particularly and gravely concerned at the
increasingly serious humanitarian situation in
Zimbabwe. The current Southern African Development
Community initiative, led by President Mbeki, offers
the best hope for progress and I would encourage all
those involved to redouble their efforts to agree on a
new political dispensation offering real political reform
and economic recovery for all Zimbabweans.
 The situation in the Middle East is always high
on our agenda. There has been a collective
international failure to establish a credible political
process leading to a two-State solution. But today there
are possibilities for change. The outlines of a viable
settlement are clear to everyone, even if it will require
difficult and painful compromises. Ireland strongly
supports the dialogue between Prime Minister Olmert
and President Abbas. We are also encouraged by the
determination of the Arab States to pursue the historic
Arab Peace Initiative. We share the hope that the
international meeting now in preparation under
Secretary Rice’s leadership will indeed be serious and
substantive and set in train a transformation of the
political landscape and the lives of its people.
 Ireland’s historic commitment to nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation continues. We are
also active in seeking a comprehensive response to the
curse of cluster munitions, the appalling effects of
which are all too evident in Lebanon and elsewhere. As
a contribution to the collaborative effort launched in
Oslo last February, Ireland will host a diplomatic
conference in May 2008, which we hope will finalize
the first-ever international agreement on cluster
munitions.
 The establishment of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) spurred our efforts to
tackle poverty and its consequences. I greatly welcome
the Secretary-General’s establishment of the MDG
Africa Steering Group to lead a determined push to
achieve our targets for 2015.
 Ireland is doing its part. We are currently
spending more than 0.5 per cent of our gross national
product on overseas development aid and will reach
0.7 per cent by 2012. We have substantially increased
our support to humanitarian relief operations and to
tackling HIV/AIDS.
But we know that more needs to be done. The
donor community is failing the test set by the MDGs.
Overseas aid has fallen by 5 per cent in real terms. It is
not acceptable in today’s world that there are still 980
million people living in abject poverty, that half of the
developing world has no access to basic sanitation or
that half a million women will die in pregnancy or
childbirth each year. Perhaps the most damning fact is
that one in seven people on this Earth today do not get
enough food to eat to have a healthy and productive
life. That figure jumps to one in four in sub-Saharan
Africa.
 To help meet that most basic of challenges,
Ireland has established a Hunger Task Force to
examine the root causes of that enduring source of
misery, disease and death. It will help us contribute to
the MDG goal of halving hunger and poverty. I am
delighted that the experts on the Hunger Task Force
include Jeffrey Sachs, the Special Adviser to the
Secretary-General on the MDGs.
 Ireland will maintain and increase its
commitment to the work of the United Nations in the
fields of peace and security, development and human
rights. There is no mystery to the challenges facing us,
even if they are formidable. Our generation is uniquely
equipped to know what it will take to deal with them.
We have the scientific knowledge, the experience, the
resources and, through this Organization, the
mechanism for cooperation to rise to these challenges.
We must summon sufficient wisdom and will to do so.


First of all, we would like to extend to Mr. Srgjan
Kerim our warmest congratulations on his unanimous
election as President of the General Assembly for the
current session and to say that the delegation that I
have the honour of leading is greatly pleased to see
him presiding over the work of the Assembly. We
would like also to pay a well-deserved tribute to the
outgoing President, who conducted the work of the last
session with great wisdom and distinction.
 We would also like to convey to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, the great appreciation and
encouragement of His Excellency Mr. Pierre
Nkurunziza, President of the Republic of Burundi, and
of our Government, for the tireless efforts that he has
been making since he took office to defend and
promote the noble ideals of our Organization.
 Building a viable world for humanity is a task
that is incumbent upon the international community
and every one of its members. Our position in Burundi
is that, in strengthening peace and justice within our
borders, we are also contributing to the harmonious
development of this world. It is in this context that the
Government of Burundi is sparing no effort both within
the country and at the regional level to establish an
environment conducive to the strengthening of peace
and security, the rule of law and development.
 We are pleased to state that the signing of the
Comprehensive Ceasefire Agreement, which took place
on 7 September 2006 between the Government and the
Forces nationales de libération (FNL) rebel movement
greatly contributed to a return to peace and stability in
our country. That paved the way for talks on specific
aspects concerning the implementation of the
Agreement in a calm setting. Some weeks ago, the FNL
movement unilaterally decided to suspend the talks
without offering any truly convincing reasons.
However, we are not discouraged because we believe
that this is simply a hitch that will not have a lasting
impact on the gains which everyone wants to preserve.
 Efforts are currently being made for a prompt
resumption of the talks. A regional summit on the issue
should take place shortly to encourage the FNL
movement to return to the negotiating table, which is
the only acceptable way to achieve a lasting peace. In
any case, the Government of Burundi remains open to
all proposals that would bring together the necessary
conditions for this effort.
 The return to peace has also favoured the
implementation of programmes that are priorities for
the Government in areas such as national
reconciliation, education and health for all,
reconstruction and economic recovery. Issues related to
good political and economic governance, once taboo
because of their sensitive nature, are now openly and
regularly discussed, and concrete action is being taken
to improve the situation.
 To achieve greater success in the delicate task of
national reconciliation, the people of Burundi have no
choice but to review together the history of their
country which, in several ways, is characterized by
some dark periods. Indeed, the Government has begun
negotiations with the Secretary-General in order to set
up a truth and reconciliation commission. We are soon
going to begin national consultations on this question;
the outcome should provide a solid basis for the
establishment and operation of such a Commission.
The civil war which ravaged our country greatly
impoverished the Burundian population. We are eager
to gradually resolve the problem of poverty and to
reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), we
have taken measures to offer free health care to
children under the age of five and to pregnant mothers
in public health clinics, and also to provide free
primary school education.
 The Government has also set up the Strategic
Framework for Accelerating Economic Growth and
Reducing Poverty, which was adopted at the national
and international levels and which was submitted to
our development partners at the Bujumbura round table
held in May 2007. Our country’s appeal to the
international community had a positive reception:
funding for our priority programmes for the period
2007-2010 has been pledged.
 We take this opportunity to reiterate the gratitude
of the Government and the people of Burundi to all of
our partners for their generous contributions at the
round table. We would be sincerely grateful if their
pledges could be redeemed so that we can satisfy the
most urgent needs of our population as soon as
possible.
 Working with the Peacebuilding Commission, my
Government has also set up a Strategic Framework for
Peacebuilding in Burundi. This is a framework that
involves all of the national and international socio-
political partners in contributing to strengthening the
return to peace and ensuring that the resurgence of
deadly crises will be a thing of the past.
 We would also like to take this opportunity to
express our gratitude to the Commission for the
positive results we have already achieved together, as
well as for the support of the Peacebuilding Fund, from
which my country has generously benefited.
 We are convinced that peace and security can be
affirmed only in one’s house and in one’s immediate
environment. Burundi is playing an active role within
the regional framework in the work of the Tripartite
Plus Joint Commission, including the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi.
This Commission is a suitable forum for us to discuss
our security issues in a straightforward fashion —
namely, the presence of many armed groups that are
circulating and dangerously jeopardizing the
democratic gains made in the development of our
member countries. Moreover, on 15 December 2006, at
the International Conference of the Great Lakes region,
heads of State and Government of 11 member
countries, including our own country, Burundi, signed
a Pact on Security, Stability and Development in the
Great Lakes Region, with the ultimate objective of
making this zone an area of peace, economic growth
and sustainable and shared growth. Burundi had the
honour of being elected by its peers to host the
headquarters of the Executive Secretariat of this
Conference.
 Furthermore, in re-launching the Economic
Community of the Great Lakes countries (CEPGL),
along with Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, and in joining the East African Community,
which includes the United Republic of Tanzania,
Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda, we are motivated by a
desire to build a peaceful, prosperous and united world.
 There are still tensions that mark the international
situation and new sources of instability and uncertainty
have emerged. It is undeniable that remarkable work
has been achieved in recent years within the framework
of our Organization, as well as in continental and
regional organizations. Pockets of tension have now
been eliminated, and others are on the verge of being
so. However, we are concerned by the continuation of
bloody conflicts in Somalia and Darfur, in Iraq, in the
Middle East, to mention but a few. Despite the efforts
that have been made and the means that have been
deployed, there is still a great deal to be done. Burundi
decided to lend its modest contribution to resolving
some of these crises by providing military observers
and police personnel for Darfur and military
peacekeeping contingents in Somalia within the
framework of operations set up by the African Union.
 We know full well that conflict prevention is an
ongoing concern of the international community.
Stabilization efforts and peacekeeping operations are
an eloquent testimony to this. We must accompany this
process by strengthening the prerogatives of the
Secretary-General in the area of preventive diplomacy
to prevent minor conflicts from becoming larger, open
conflicts. In this respect, conflict prevention can be
effective only if we take into account the nagging
question of the proliferation of small arms and light
weapons, which is a dangerous, destabilizing factor.
 We would like to launch a vibrant appeal to the
countries that produce small arms and light weapons to
adopt responsible export policies that would truly help
to curb illicit flows of these weapons. The same applies
to the question of disarmament, which our country
considers crucial if we want a rapid return to security,
peace and development. We say this from experience,
because in Burundi, the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons, as well as in other countries of the
Great Lakes region, continue to cause destruction in
terms of human lives and social and economic
infrastructure, and it always un-does any reconstruction
and development effort that we are trying to achieve.
 International terrorism is another major challenge
to global peace and security. This phenomenon can be
seen on all continents, thus proving very clearly that
terrorism knows no borders. The absence of a suitable
and effective strategy to eliminate this scourge places
us at its mercy. These situations should be one of the
top challenges for the United Nations family. Our
Organization, therefore, must be a tool at everyone’s
service in all countries, a tool capable of raising hopes,
of dispelling concerns and of restoring respect for the
rule of international law.
 In this context, we must all agree and decide to
make our Organization more operational, more
pragmatic, more democratic and capable of fulfilling
its mission, a mission that is to be accomplished in full
cooperation with the regional organizations whose
effectiveness in the area of conflict prevention and
intervention is well known, despite often insufficient
resources. Thus, we express the hope that Security
Council reform, which has long been advocated and
discussed, will finally become a reality, with a
composition that respects the representation of
continents that, until now, have been excluded from the
category of permanent members, such as Africa, our
continent.
 Although the cold war is over, we are forced to
acknowledge that social relations have crystallized into
two blocs with almost antagonistic and diverging
interests — that is to say, the rich on one side and the
poor on the other. It is high time to humanize relations
between the two blocs and to encourage specific
measures through respect for commitments that have
been taken. Otherwise, we will see the continuation of
new societal phenomena, such as the brain drain,
worsening crime, sex industry and international
migratory pressure, which stir up passions and spark
controversy.
 To conclude, Sir, the gathering of such a large
number of high-level officials makes it possible to take
the pulse of the political situation as well as of the
international social and economic situation. It makes it
possible for us to observe our weaknesses and our
potential. We believe that solutions to the different
problems that have been mentioned in the course of
this debate are always possible, as long as there is a
minimum of political will. It is that minimum, which is
required of every member of our Organization, that we
should all try to obtain together.


Each opportunity to
speak from this rostrum is a humbling experience,
because I know that all the countries of the world listen
to one another and try to discern and understand where
our common approaches and interests lie. Those of us
who represent small countries have a sense that this
forum is a place where large nations address the ills of
the world and that we smaller ones ought to stick to
issues and topics that are specific to us and to our
regions, as if addressing overarching, global issues
were pretentious and best left to those with the power
to do something about them.
 Today marks my tenth year here, and I risk
breaking the rule. This year, as financial calamities
have compounded political and natural disasters, it has
become very clear that, although our common
problems and challenges threaten us all equally, they
affect us unevenly. The small nations, which have less
of everything — diversity, resources, manoeuvrability,
means and options — are at greater peril and have
greater susceptibility than those with bigger territories,
larger populations and greater potential.
 At the same time, the issues on the agenda of the
General Assembly — such as peace and security,
economic growth, sustainable development, human
rights, disarmament, drugs, crime and international
terrorism — know no borders, and none of us can
address them individually if we want to see effective
solutions. Finding solutions to these problems is in our
common interest, for they are issues that affect all of
humanity. And because these problems cannot be
solved within our own borders, no one has either the
right to abdicate responsibility for the consequences or
the luxury of doing so.
 When the speculative market drives the price of
oil to $80, those who are too small to have significant
reserves are the ones who are affected most, and large
countries with large appetites for fuel sometimes make
deals on energy matters that are not consistent with
their policies. So do we, because energy security is not
only a matter of global arithmetic; it is also a matter of
life and death.
 When climate change causes serious changes in
the environment, it does not take much for a prolonged
drought or an excessive rain to harm our agriculture
and damage our economy or for rising sea levels to
reach our cities. But we do not have the space or the
diversity to cope and adapt.
 When it is news that there have been no
explosions in Iraq and when daily calamities are
commonplace, we in the small countries begin to sense
that we are vulnerable and susceptible to the will and
the capacity of other members of the international
community and, most important, to their tolerance of
distant acts of violence and humiliation.
 When development is dependent on the absence
of bad weather, disease and war, and when the capacity
to ward off at least two of those three ills lies in the
hands of those who have the ability to bring peace and
to heal, we in the small nations feel at risk and
helpless.
 When disarmament and arms control cease to be
instruments for peace and security and instead become
a means to reap political dividends, we in the small
countries turn to our own means for self-protection. In
other words, we become part of the problem, because
the solution is not straightforward or visible.
 Finally, when “Darfur” becomes shorthand for
“helplessness”, we in the small nations of the world
realize that power has replaced responsibility. The
ubiquitous language of human rights cannot and will
not compensate for a lack of political will to act.
Genocide must be prevented, not commemorated.
 Generation after generation, we find new places
for appalling human tolerance of inhuman
machinations and names for places of slaughter, mass
killings and massacres of those who belong to a
particular sector, ethnic group, race or religion. For
Armenia, it was, for 100 years, the desert of Der el
Zor; for the next generation, it was Auschwitz; later, it
was the killing fields of Cambodia; and, more recently,
it was Rwanda. If each one of those names, together
with the word “genocide”, evokes ignorance,
helplessness and the covering up of war crimes,
“Darfur” today is synonymous with expediency,
evasion and simple inconvenience. “Darfur” is
synonymous with shame.
 My appeal to the international community, on
behalf of the small countries, is that it address each of
these issues on its own merits and for its own sake, not
as a piece of the global power puzzle. When tension
rises between global Powers, it leads to polarization,
and that in turn leads to a decrease in the capacity of
small nations to carry out hard-earned policies of
complementarity and balance. Our ability to be part of
the process diminishes.
 Let me state the obvious: we count on the
willingness of the great Powers in the international
community to set aside their disputes and to try to
address these issues collectively. We also expect that
they clearly understand that their power and influence
do not make them immune from the consequences of
the processes and problems that afflict us.
 Last month, Armenia celebrated its sixteenth year
of independence. During this period, we have
weathered sea changes that have swept us up in
regional and global processes that affect us in our daily
lives. But we can only take pride in what we have
accomplished during the same period: an open and
diverse economy, high growth and strong financial
systems, as well as improved elections, stronger public
institutions and a population that is increasingly aware
of its rights. All of that gives us the confidence and
determination to address other ills facing our society —
uneven growth, a high poverty rate, low pay — and to
strengthen our human institutions and deepen our
experience with democracy.
 We have accomplished all of this under difficult
circumstances. We still have a conflict to resolve with a
neighbour; there are artificial limitations on Armenia’s
ability to act; and regional cooperation is lacking.
 The agenda of the General Assembly this year
includes an item on protracted conflicts. Lumping all
those conflicts together is an inherently flawed
approach. Our own conflict in Nagorny Karabakh does
not belong there. The United Nations is not the place to
address it, because that issue is being addressed within
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe. Additionally, Karabakh is not a frozen conflict.
We are negotiating with Azerbaijan and are inching
towards a resolution.
 Second, during this time, there has been an
evolution of the process. We have a balanced, solid
document in our hands that addresses not only the core
issues but also consequential issues, and the two
together add up to a reasonable solution.
 Third, at the core of our process lies the right of
peoples to self-determination. Indeed, the people of
Karabakh do not want anything more than that which is
theirs. They want to live in peace and security on their
own territory. In other words, they would like to
exercise the very right that every single nation in this
Hall has exercised at some time in their history.
 Speaking of conflict, we also follow very closely
the events in Kosovo. We hear the international
community loud and clear when it is said that Kosovo
will not be a precedent for other conflicts. We are not
attempting to make Kosovo a precedent for our
conflict, because that contradicts our own principle that
all conflicts are different. At the same time, however,
we will not accept or understand the reverse logic,
which holds that because Kosovo has been given
independence, other peoples cannot achieve
self-determination. No one should tell us that there is a
quota for liberty and freedom.
 At the end of the day, the willingness and
understanding of small nations and their involvement
in global processes cannot be a substitute for what
major Powers with greater capacities and political will
to act can do. In this age of openness and inclusion,
there is no room for the old instruments of coercion
and exclusion. Instead, we need new instruments of
compromise and consensus so that we can achieve
humanity’s enduring goal of living in peace and
prosperity.


Permit me first to
congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of
the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. The
Assembly is certainly the richer for the wealth of
diplomatic experience that you bring to the job.
 Yesterday there was a vibrant debate in this Hall
on the critical issue of climate change, which is a main
theme of this year’s session. The phenomenon of
consensus among contributors portends catastrophic
impact on the whole globe, but more especially on poor
countries, which are least equipped financially and
technologically to adapt in a sustained manner. Since it
is generally accepted that the threat is universal, it is
Ghana’s considered view that the United Nations
should be vested with the authority to fashion a full-
fledged agency equipped with the necessary scientific
and technological resources to study the problem
globally and to focus on where and when it is going to
occur so that, through the organization, such places can
be prepared, with due warning and relief, to adapt to
the impact.
 Leaving the problem to individual nations,
especially in the developing world, cannot be the way
forward. There should be shared responsibility, even if
various solutions are sought. In any case, this menace
must be tackled on an emergency basis by the
Organization and all its Member nations, individually
and collectively, for humanity’s survival.
 On 6 March 2007, Ghana celebrated the fiftieth
anniversary of its independence as a sovereign nation.
Ghanaians were overwhelmed by the incredible level
of goodwill from well-wishers around the world.
Permit me to use this occasion to convey Ghana’s
heartfelt thanks and appreciation to the members of the
Assembly and, indeed, to the rest of the world for the
singular solidarity displayed to us on that occasion.
May all the peoples of the world become one and be at
peace with each other.
 In line with its independence ideal of freedom of
justice and a jubilant spirit of renewal, Ghana has
rededicated itself to respect for human rights,
democracy, good governance and sound economy to
enable its people to develop their full potential for
sustained national development.
 Again, recalling its role in Africa’s liberation
struggle against colonialism and apartheid, Ghana has
once more committed itself to working in harmony and
union with sister African nations and also in
partnership with the global community, as far as it is
feasible, to end years of impunity, exploitation and bad
governance, which have undermined the economic
growth and development of the continent. Henceforth,
all energies should be directed at empowering the
continent through accountable and transparent
governance, economic growth and sustainable
development to enable it to tackle the myriad problems
that afflict it and to facilitate its launching into
mainstream globalization.
 In July this year, Ghana had the honour of hosting
the ninth Ordinary Session of the Summit of the
African Union in Accra. The sole agenda of the
Summit was to stage a grand debate in search of a
continental union government to accelerate the growth
and development of Africa and its peoples in a
sustained manner. After very frank and fruitful
deliberations, the Summit firmly resolved to launch
certain necessary steps towards achieving that laudable
objective.
 To pave the way, the Summit continues to place
high priority on the resolution and prevention of
conflicts within and among member nations. The
African Union Peace and Security Council is tasked to
develop a robust and dependable security architecture
on the continent, including the setting up of an African
standby force as soon as possible. Those initiatives,
which are supported by the international community,
have already helped to reduce significantly the high
incidence of armed conflicts, which have been common
on the continent over the past four decades.
 In line with our concerted efforts to restore peace
and stability in Africa, the prevailing crises in the
Darfur region of the Sudan and in Somalia and the
Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict must be resolved. Similarly,
measures to consolidate peace in countries that are
emerging from conflict, such as Burundi, Guinea-
Bissau, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia, Sierra Leone and the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, must be
substantially supported by the Organization and the
international community to avoid a relapse.
 To that end, we commend the efforts of the
Peacebuilding Commission, whose first annual report
(A/62/137) highlights the challenges associated with
post-conflict reconstruction and development of
countries such as Sierra Leone and Burundi. As a
member and a Vice-Chair, Ghana will work diligently
with other members to achieve the goals of the
Commission.
 We also welcome Security Council resolution
1769 (2007), authorizing the deployment of a hybrid
operation in Darfur, with the consent of the
Government of the Sudan, and call for its speedy
implementation within the agreed time frame. Here, we
acknowledge the tireless joint efforts of the African
Union and the Security Council, which finally got the
Government of the Sudan and the Darfur warring
factions to resume dialogue.
 We also recognize the special initiative being
taken by Secretary-General Ban and the Libyan leader,
Brother Muammar Al-Qadhafi, to get the remaining
warring factions to join the dialogue in order to
achieve full-scale and rounded negotiations.
 Meanwhile, the ongoing peace initiative in
Somalia is proving extremely challenging and well
beyond the capacity of the African Union alone. We are
therefore calling for the concerted and timely support
of the United Nations. In that respect, we urge the
Organization to consider the African Union’s request
for financial, logistical and technical support towards
the full and effective deployment of the African Union
Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). That will be within
the letter and spirit of Security Council resolution 1772
(2007), adopted in August 2007. It will enable Member
States, such as Ghana, which have pledged to
contribute troops to do so. A contingency plan for the
possible deployment of a United Nations force to
replace AMISOM by next February must also be
developed.
 Decidedly, Africa is making progress, with
improvement in the macromanagement of many
African economies. Average gross domestic product
growth has increased steadily, from 5.2 per cent in
2005 to 5.7 per cent in 2006 to the current 6 per cent,
which is expected to be sustained or even exceeded in
coming years. Africa is therefore more than ready for
good business. This is evidenced by the increasing
interest shown by both local and foreign investors. In
the mean time, the African Union’s agency, New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), is
seriously engaged in studying viable projects that
should prove strategic to opening up the entire
continent and its economy for accelerated
developments. Energy, communications and
infrastructure development rank highly in this.
 The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is
also a NEPAD creation. The Mechanism has already
proven helpful in deepening respect for human rights
and democracy, as well as transparent and accountable
governance. Indeed, as more countries voluntarily
subscribe to it, the Mechanism’s real value as a
creative and ingenious process for addressing many of
the root causes of conflict is becoming evident. The
General Assembly’s decision to endorse NEPAD as a
framework for cooperation with the African Union is,
therefore, timely and appreciated.
 There has been a general improvement in the
relationships between Africa and the various developed
parts of the world and regional blocs. This is reflected
in various initiatives including the Millennium
Challenge Account and the African Growth and
Opportunity Act of the United States of America; the
African, Caribbean and Pacific agreements with the
European Union; the Tokyo International Conference
on African Development with Japan; the Forum on
China-Africa Cooperation; the Indo-Africa Forum for
Cooperation and the Africa-Brazil forum, among many
others.
 Despite this trend, however, there is still a serious
gap in official development assistance. This must be
bridged quickly to enable struggling African nations to
attain the Millennium Development Goals. The
developed partners are, therefore, urged to fulfil their
pledges.
 On the world trade talks, we urge them to commit
seriously to the aid-for-trade appeal as a critical
principle in the Doha Round. Similarly, on the
proposed economic partnership agreement, the
European Union should agree to relax the timeline for
conclusion. They should also agree to review timelines
for trade barriers and procurement, given that the
rather weak economies of many African, Caribbean and
Pacific nations might not be able to withstand the
shocks of implementation in the short to medium term
without some adjustment.
 The Secretary-General’s proposal to establish the
Office for Disarmament Affairs within the Secretariat
to be part of the decision-making process is timely,
owing to the proliferation of small arms and light
weapons and the menace of terrorism. In many places
in the world, these dangers together constitute the real
weapons of mass destruction. Ghana welcomes
initiatives like the restructuring of the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations and the establishment of the
Department of Field Support. The latter initiative will
not only reduce the work of the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations but will also help to promote
its efficiency, accountability and transparency.
 The General Assembly's approval of the overhaul
of the system of administration of justice at the United
Nations, for the first time in 60 years is also long
overdue and commendable. However, Ghana urges the
Organization to reflect also on mechanisms for the
enforcement of the judgments of the International
Court of Justice.
 Conflicts, particularly those in the developing
world, have consistently undermined policies to
improve the circumstances of our peoples. Sustainable
development can be achieved only in an international
environment of peace and security. The United Nations
remains the main and the best multilateral instrument
available for guaranteeing such an environment and for
promoting fruitful international cooperation, especially
in this era of globalization. All its Member States
should, therefore, be committed unequivocally to its
ideals and purposes.
 To conclude, permit me once again to wish the
Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Godspeed during
his tenure and to assure him of Ghana’s continued
cooperation and support.


Samoa would like to  congratulate the President on his election as President
of the General Assembly. We fully support the agenda
that will guide our work during his tenure. In the same
spirit, Samoa would like to extend its best wishes to
the new Secretary-General as he leads our Organization
through new and uncharted waters during these
difficult times.
 The High-level Event on Climate Change held
earlier this week underscored two fundamental truths,
namely, that climate change is solvable   with the
solution firmly in our hands   and that the United
Nations continues to be an indispensable institution in
our search for answers to the global challenges
confronting humankind. From all accounts, the
High-level Event was a considerable success; but
success is measured not in the number of statements
delivered, nor in the level of participation, but in the
political will to translate undertakings into concrete
results on the ground to usher in an effective and
comprehensive post-Kyoto agreement. The time for
rhetoric is over. We need to convert our good words
into deeds.
 Climate change, like many other global
challenges, crosses borders uninvited. It has no respect
for national sovereignty and does not discriminate
between countries   whether rich or poor, large or
small, resilient or vulnerable. Its dire consequences are
real and everywhere for all to see, including those who
would prefer to remain unconvinced. Climate change
cannot be wished away. Even those countries that have
been in denial to date must surely now accept the
weight of scientific evidence and concede that climate
change, facilitated largely through human-induced
activities, poses one of the gravest threats to
humankind and to the continuation of life in our world
as we know it today.
 Obviously, we have failed badly as custodians of
the planet and its future. But apportioning blame for
the present state of our environment is itself yet
another human failing. It serves no useful purpose.
Being judgmental will not restore our environment.
Those who exploit the traditional divide between
developed and developing countries, and ideological
and political differences, do so conveniently to mask
their unwillingness to be part of the solution to an
impending catastrophe.
 Climate change is a societal problem that requires
a decisive response from the world community. It is a
global challenge that should unite us. In division there
is little we can do. But as a truly united world
community there is a great deal that could be achieved
to at least arrest, and even reverse, the threat of climate
change. A timely example of what can be achieved
when the political commitment to cooperate is present
is the Pacific Alliance for Sustainability, an innovative
approach by the Global Environment Facility (GEF)
for expedited access to GEF resources by Pacific island
countries to meet some of the adaptation and
mitigation needs associated with climate change.
 The United Nations remains our last best hope to
provide the political will and the necessary
commitment to turn the tide against climate change.
Samoa calls upon those Member States of the
Organization in a position of world leadership to lead
the charge in finding and implementing solutions to the
causes of climate change. As present custodians of our
world’s environment, we owe it to our children and to
future generations to do what needs to be done quickly
and decisively, before we run out of time. It is
therefore imperative to complete a post-2012 climate
change agreement that is effective, binding, capable of
being swiftly implemented and universally owned and
respected by the 192 Member States of the United
Nations.
 In the global work that needs to be done to
address climate change, and indeed in any of the other
weighty challenges facing our world, we of course look
to nations in positions of leadership to lead by good
example. In the all-important pillars of the United
Nations   concerning economic development, human
rights, peace and security   nations in leadership roles
must as a matter of principle protect the interests of the
weak and vulnerable. They should accord priority and
give their full attention to finding solutions to issues of
global concern.
 In the same way that nations in leadership roles
are called to account in doing the right thing for our
world, so must all the Member States of the United
Nations uphold their part of the bargain in the work
that needs to be done. Without that cooperation from
all Member States, reaching the objectives we all know
should be achieved will continue to elude us. Solutions
to liberate our world from the tyranny and futility of
war, the social and economic inequalities that we are
trapped in and the uncontrolled and wild spread of
epidemic diseases have all been mapped out. They
have been discussed, debated, negotiated and, in most
cases, agreed to over the life of the Organization.
 As with climate change, global long-term
challenges that continue to remain unsolved should be
approached collectively and positively within the
framework of the United Nations. An integrated
approach is desirable, given the interconnectedness and
the mutually reinforcing nature of the issues. That calls
for visionary and far-sighted leaders, statesmen and
stateswomen who are not deterred from making the
right decisions.
 That is much to ask for in a world of unequal
resource endowments, size, status and strength
where national interests take precedence over the
global good and where policies are selected, not
because they are the right and correct thing to do, but
because of their acceptability to the voting
constituents, how much they cost and who pays the bill
at the end of the day. But times are changing.
 The world is one global family, and no country
exists in isolation. Interdependence is the norm, and
none is immune from the reaches of the global
problems challenging our very existence. As history
has shown, no one country, however powerful and
willing, can remain aloof and be able to solve all those
problems on its own. The United Nations therefore
remains the best means to achieve multilateral
cooperation in so many important areas. With unity of
purpose and mind among the membership of the United
Nations, we would have every reason to be optimistic
about finding solutions to the problems that beset our
world.
 That is why Samoa supports the efforts to
strengthen and reform the United Nations and its
constituent parts to make them cost-effective and
efficient when responding to the needs of stakeholders.
Central to the reorganization is a revitalized General
Assembly as the primary policy- and
decision-making organ of the United Nations. It should
also include a functioning Security Council, whose
membership should be increased in both categories to
mirror present day realities, including those with the
capacity and the disposition to contribute to the
Council’s work and its legitimacy. Moreover, we
encourage the efforts under way to streamline the work
of the different United Nations agencies to eliminate
wastage of resources and unnecessary duplication of
time and effort.
 In the Pacific region, the long-promised United
Nations presence in island States where the
Organization is not represented has yet to materialize.
That is unfortunate, given the time that has passed and
the importance island leaders attach to the enhanced
visibility of the United Nations to assist in forging
partnerships and building capacity to help sustain the
development efforts of island nations.
 Samoa recently hosted the largest-ever South
Pacific Games in the event’s 43-year history. The fact
that Samoa was able to successfully stage that largest
of the Pacific regional events notwithstanding the
paucity of its resources demonstrated the importance to
small island developing States of working successfully
with their development partners. In the particular case
of the South Pacific Games, Samoa needed to
demonstrate the importance of sports to the
socio-economic development of our young people,
both at the national and at the wider Pacific regional
levels, in making submissions for assistance to its
development partners.
 The People’s Republic of China was able to
respond positively to the call to provide critical
infrastructure to meet the requirements of the Games.
Similarly, in other key sectors such as education and
health, Samoa’s other development partners have
accepted our requests and agreed to work with us in
our efforts to improve those vital areas.
 The decision by the Economic and Social Council
early this year to graduate Samoa from the status of
least developed country is a clear reflection of the
immense value to Samoa of the contribution of its
development partners   including Australia, China,
the European Union, Japan, New Zealand and a host of
multilateral institutions, such as the United Nations,
the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the
International Monetary Fund and the Commonwealth,
to name some.
 As is well known, we argued strongly at the
Economic and Social Council debate and at the
General Assembly the case of the continued
vulnerability of our small, isolated island economy,
with all its attendant disadvantages, its lack of natural
resources and its vulnerability to devastating natural
disasters. None of those conditions and risks will
disappear after Samoa graduates from the group of
least developed countries. We therefore ask our
development partners for their continued understanding
and support of Samoa’s development efforts in the
future.
 People trapped in the different troubled spots of
the world will not be able to experience true peace
unless they are consulted and have a voice in any
negotiated solution conducted in a spirit of genuine
goodwill to find outcomes that create conditions for
harmonious coexistence. Samoa therefore welcomes
the recent attempt to resume the Middle East peace
process and the new hope it rekindles that perhaps a
durable solution may finally be achieved, where
Palestinians live in a permanent and an independent
State of their own alongside a secure and safe Israeli
State.
 The Sudan’s agreement to the African Union-
United Nations Hybrid Operation is a courageous first
step towards solving the humanitarian situation in
Darfur and deserves full support. Hopefully, it will
signal the end to the long and horrific suffering of
innocent people caught in the midst of that tragic
conflict.
 Iraq’s early gains through its democratically
elected Government are being eroded daily by
disruptive elements bent on derailing the process to
return the country to normalcy. Ultimately, it is the
Iraqi leadership that should promote and manage any
national reconciliation process to guarantee its long-
term sustainability. However, it is also clear that, with
the wider international community now able to play a
more active role in Iraq, their understanding and
contributions will be critical in helping with the efforts
to bring peace to Iraq.
 I have on previous occasions from this rostrum
expressed Samoa’s unwavering support for the
peacekeeping work of the United Nations. I again
reaffirm that support, which is underpinned by my
country’s contribution and involvement in the United
Nations peacekeeping missions in Timor-Leste, Liberia
and the Sudan. Additionally, Samoa continues to be an
integral part of the Regional Assistance Mission to the
Solomon Islands under the umbrella of the Pacific
Forum.
 Terrorist acts committed the world over, under
whatever pretext or purpose, are deplorable and
morally unjustified. In its various forms and
manifestations, terrorism is responsible for the
permanent scars of horror and fear that have gripped
international attention in recent years. Terrorism should
therefore be condemned in the strongest way possible,
to send out the clear and unequivocal message that it is
neither accepted nor condoned and that perpetrators
should not expect any sympathy for their actions.
 Samoa strongly supports the anti-terrorism
resolutions of the United Nations. We have put in place
the relevant legislative framework and have
implemented measures in line with intergovernmental
efforts to combat international terrorism.
 In concluding my statement, I wish to again
emphasize the important role of nations in key
positions of leadership in the achievement of the
objectives of the Organization, whether in
peacekeeping, the environment, poverty alleviation, the
fight against terrorism or the many other challenges
that threaten our world. They must lead by good
example, make decisions and take action based on the
well-founded conviction that what they do is morally
and ethically correct for the ultimate benefit and
greater good of the world. When nations with
leadership roles and responsibilities are able to do that,
they will find ready support from the rest of the
Organization’s membership.


At the outset of my
statement, I wish to offer the President and our
newly appointed Secretary-General my warmest
congratulations and best wishes for the success of the
sixty-second session of the General Assembly, which
has as its main focus the impact of climate change on
global peace and development.
 As the recently concluded High-level Event
revealed, there is now a greater awareness of that issue
and of the need to address them with greater urgency.
Like the legendary Rip Van Winkle, we appear to have
finally awakened from a long and deep slumber, only
to find that the world around us is in serious danger of
degradation. Our environment has become frightening.
As a result of the increased consumption of fossil fuels
in past decades, the amount of carbon dioxide in the
atmosphere has increased by more than 25 per cent,
which will, if unmitigated, eventually lead to a rise in
the Earth’s temperature of more than 5 degrees in the
years ahead. Such warming is likely to produce an
increase in sea levels of almost 2 metres. Since one
third of the world’s population lives close to coastlines,
such an elevation will have a disastrous impact on the
living conditions of many millions. At the same time,
the world’s forests are said to be vanishing at a rate of
15 million hectares a year, threatening the loss of
almost 50 per cent of the forest cover in developing
countries. Altogether, those climatic changes will take
a heavy toll on the economic and social growth of
many countries, through a higher incidence of drought,
desertification, flooding and other natural disasters.
 The primary responsibility for this environmental
degradation has been laid   quite rightly   at the
door of those developed countries whose
industrialization policies and programmes have shown
scant regard for preservation of the global ecosystem.
By piggybacking on the natural assets of developing
countries, those States have achieved astonishing
economic and social progress and have created
consumerist societies whose appetites for ever-greater
extravagance know no bounds and must be satisfied at
all costs.
 In the face of mounting evidence that climate
change does in fact imperil the Earth and its resources,
some developed States appear willing to accept
albeit reluctantly   that carbon emissions must be
significantly reduced to preserve the ozone layer as a
shield from the effects of greenhouse gases. Even so,
they do not seem prepared to accept primary
responsibility for protecting the environment. Instead
of “common but differentiated responsibility”, they
speak of “shared responsibility”, clearly demanding a
greater contribution by developing countries to the
campaign against climate change. This demand often
becomes a conditionality for any development
assistance they offer.
 For the many developing countries which suffer
from a chronic lack of resources, this imposition is
clearly unequal and unfair. These States, including
many in sub-Saharan Africa, small islands in the
Caribbean and the Pacific, and low-lying coastal States
like my own, are especially vulnerable to climatic
changes and, consequently, disaster prone. The
Barbados Programme of Action and the subsequent
Mauritius Strategy were both devised for the purpose
of alleviating the destructive impact of the many
natural disasters faced by these disadvantaged
countries. However, despite their initial promise, these
agreements have yet to yield the measure of assistance
needed by small States to overcome the consequences
of climate change. Invariably, these affected countries
must rely on their own limited resources to protect
their environment from harm.
 Guyana fully understood and responded to the
challenges of climate change when, more than a decade
ago, it made available to the international community
almost one million acres of its pristine forest for the
study of bio-diversity and the sustainable development
of forestry. However, the future of this project is now
threatened, since financial support from the
international community has become increasingly
scarce. At the same time, as our President stated at the
High-level Event, the Kyoto Protocol rewards   quite
perversely, I might add   those States which burn and
pillage their resources but punishes others like Guyana
which are committed to preserving their standing
forests. This inequity should no longer be tolerated.
 It is very important that any post-Kyoto
agreement be endowed with the resources necessary for
its full implementation. Development assistance
statistics have shown a marked diminution in levels
from past years, with little promise of the additional or
new financing needed for environment-related projects.
There, therefore, needs to be what has been called a
partnership for additionality which, in return for a
commitment by countries to the preservation of the
environment, will provide adequate and predictable
financing to allow them to pursue a path of accelerated
and sustainable development. It is high time to honour
the commitments made at the Monterrey International
Conference on Financing for Development.
 As a country which is below sea-level, Guyana
has been further sensitized to the threat of climate
change as a result of frequent floods that wreak
economic havoc on our coastal population. The last
major inundation was in 2005, when the economic loss
suffered was, according to the estimate of the
Economic Commission for Latin America and the
Caribbean, nearly 60 per cent of the country’s gross
domestic product. Unfortunately for us, the tragedy,
occurring as it did around the same time as the tsunami
disaster, did not feature prominently on the
international radar screen and, therefore, received little
notice in the wider community. However, thanks to the
assistance of a few friendly countries and the resilience
of our own people, we are on the road to recovery. That
experience, however, impels us to renew our call in
this Assembly for the strengthening of multilateral
facilities to provide all victims of such natural disasters
with prompt and adequate relief.
 As both the outcome of the High-level Event and
the statements heard so far in this Assembly make
clear, the battle against climate change cannot be won
unless a truly global effort is made to save the planet.
In the words of my country’s national poet, Martin
Carter, in his poem entitled “All are involved”:
 Like a jig
 shakes the loom;
 Like a web
 is spun the pattern;
 all are involved
 all are consumed (All are involved)
 Therefore, unless all of us, both Governments and
peoples, accept in a deep and meaningful way the
imperative of prudent environmental management, our
civilization, such as we know it, will disappear.
 In this new era of globalization, humankind has
been made acutely aware of the deep interdependence
of nations and the concomitant need for cooperation
with one another to ensure our common survival. This
awareness notwithstanding, many in the developed
world continue to practise their misguided “beggar-thy-
neighbour” policy, which effectively precludes
developing countries from satisfying the aspirations of
their people.
 Take, for example, the area of trade and economic
cooperation, the main pillar on which globalization has
been built. The developed countries continue to
propagate the thesis that free trade will guarantee
prosperity for all. The reality is that most countries,
including my own, simply cannot compete successfully
in fully liberalized markets unless they are assisted in
making a gradual transition. Instead of assistance,
however, some of the preferences that we enjoyed
hitherto in some markets are being summarily
withdrawn.
 Witness the unilateral denunciation last week by
the European Union of the Sugar Protocol, a legally
binding instrument of indefinite duration, which
governs the sugar exports of many African, Caribbean
and Pacific countries to Europe. This step comes in the
midst of negotiations on this issue and is clearly a sign
of bad faith. It has been taken without adequate
consultation and clarification and contradicts the
European Union’s own lectures to us on partnership
and good governance. As a result of this action,
thousands of our citizens, especially the rural poor,
whose lives depend upon the sugar industry, will likely
face great hardship. It is, therefore, imperative that in
the negotiation of future trade arrangements, including
the Doha Round, due regard be paid to the
development challenges of small States.
 Similarly, in the area of peace and security there
is continuing blatant disregard of the rule of law by
many States that, in pursuit of their own selfish
national interests, do not hesitate to fan the flames of
conflict in various parts of the world. As a
consequence, millions in Darfur, in Palestine, in the
Middle East and elsewhere are forced to endure
unspeakable pain and suffering   pain and suffering
which, in today’s world of instant communication, we
not only hear about but also actually see and feel in
real time. Our common humanity obliges us to call
once again for a return to the purposes and principles
of the United Nations Charter, and in particular the
peaceful settlement of disputes, wherever and
whenever they occur.
 In this context, I am pleased to announce that last
month on 20 September an arbitral tribunal of great
eminence under the presidency of Judge Dolliver
Nelson, distinguished former President of the
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, sitting
pursuant to Annex VII of the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea, handed down a
decision regarding the maritime boundary between
Guyana and neighbouring Suriname. The President of
Guyana described the decision as just and erudite; the
President of Suriname called it fair and equitable. It
was another feather in the crown of international law,
another blow struck against the resort to force and
another victory for lawful and peaceful processes in the
settlement of disputes.
 Guyana had initiated recourse to the dispute
settlement provisions of the Convention, which, I am
happy to recall, was brought into force by our
country’s ratification in 1993. Under the aegis of a
United Nations regime created by internationalism and
the rule of international law, our two small countries
can now pursue the development of their maritime
space without the encumbrance of a dispute. It is an
example of the peaceful settlement of a dispute that
others might emulate.
 In further demonstration of its commitment to the
Charter of the United Nations, my Government has
placed before the General Assembly an initiative
calling for a new global human order based on the
principles of equity and social justice. It is born out of
our conviction that, given the failure of our past
efforts, the world now needs to formulate a
qualitatively different and more holistic strategy,
leading to a stronger political consensus and broad-
based partnership before the General Assembly. The
draft resolution now enjoys the sponsorship of forty-
nine States and will in time, we hope, command the
support of the entire international community.
 As this new era of globalization unfolds, with its
many challenges and opportunities, I invite this
Assembly to support fully our appeal for the firm
establishment of a more enlightened and
compassionate model of multilateralism as the
cornerstone of future international relations.


May I start by expressing to
you, Mr. President, my Government’s congratulations
on your election as the President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-second session.
 Let me also use this occasion to thank the
outgoing President, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa,
for the excellent manner in which she presided over the
General Assembly at its sixty-first session.
 Every year the General Assembly provides the
world’s leaders with an excellent opportunity to focus
our attention on the challenges we commonly face.
While some of the challenges can be addressed
nationally, the most critical are often not confined to
national borders and therefore require a concerted
global effort. Hence the centrality of the United
Nations in providing the leadership and platform to
address global challenges.
 That is why it is vital that the United Nations
continues to undergo comprehensive reforms to render
it more versatile, effective and efficient. As the
Secretary-General correctly observed in his report on
this subject, the United Nations is “not optimally
configured.
 Some of the ongoing reforms such as the
implementation of “one programme, one budgetary
framework and one office” at the country level is a
good start for rendering this international body more
responsive. We are pleased that Rwanda was selected
as one of the eight first pilot countries for this reform.
 In the same context of the ongoing reforms, the
proposal to restructure the gender portfolio is most
welcome. We agree with the findings of the High-level
Panel that the United Nations contributions to gender
issues have been incoherent, under-resourced and
fragmented. The proposed reforms will assist in
overcoming those shortcomings.
 However, we still eagerly await the reform of the
Security Council to render it more representative of the
world community and more transparent in its
operations and decision-making processes. We believe
that this would equip the United Nations with greater
legitimacy and capacity to maintain world peace and
security.
 Let me briefly touch on a number of pressing
challenges the global community currently faces.
While our continent has been consolidating peace and
security, there are persistent problem areas that need
attention. Today in the Great Lakes region, those who
committed genocide in Rwanda in 1994 continue their
destructive activities. Almost 14 years after their deeds
in our country, they are still sowing mayhem in the
region. They rape, murder, terrorize and plunder with
impunity. Their leaders are active in Africa, Europe,
America and other places, where they continue to
promote the ideology of genocide. There can be no
doubt that those terror groups constitute a threat to
international peace and security. The presence of the
costly United Nations peacekeeping mission in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo has not diminished
their activities.
 I once again call upon the international
community, in collaboration with the Government of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to end the
threat posed by those negative forces once and for all.
Rwandans and the region as a whole need peace and
stability so that we can concentrate on the business of
economic growth and development.
 For our part, we pledge renewed commitment to
making our contribution to the restoration of peace and
stability in the Great Lakes region and in other parts of
our continent. In that respect, we express our solidarity
with the long-suffering people of Darfur and commit
ourselves to contributing to peace efforts in that part of
the world, in close cooperation with the Government of
the Sudan, the African Union (AU) and the United
Nations. Rwanda welcomes Security Council
resolution 1769 (2007) authorizing the creation of the
United Nations-AU hybrid peacekeeping force in
Darfur, and calls for its speedy deployment. In the
same spirit, we urge the international community to
support peacebuilding efforts in Somalia. It is critical
that resources be made available on an urgent basis to
enable the deployment of the pledged peacekeeping
forces by African countries.
 Through the United Nations, we express our
collective determination to promote socioeconomic
transformation for greater and more rapid wealth
creation, which in turn will permit improved lives. On
that note, we also join the many other countries that are
putting forward the suggestion of a moratorium on the
death penalty as a way of improving those lives and
valuing them. That challenge remains daunting in the
developing world, where extreme poverty still affects
millions of people.
 The solutions include increased productive
capacities on the part of the developing world, side by
side with the opening of global markets to the
developed world to permit greater trade and
investment. A fair global trading system is central to
wealth creation. Improving the quality of development
aid would supplement that effort, based on a shared
understanding that aid is most effective when it is
aligned with national development priorities.
 Our ultimate goal of improving lives globally
cannot be realized if the challenge of climate change
and the associated widespread environmental
degradation is not sufficiently tackled. Rwanda
appreciates the convening of the high-level meeting on
climate change by the Secretary-General earlier this
week. We also look forward to the United Nations
climate change conference scheduled to take place in
Bali, Indonesia, this December, which should provide a
clear road map of how we are to consolidate our gains
and gather pace in protecting our environment.
 The global challenges of poverty, ignorance,
terrorism, conflict and climate change require us to act
collectively in a manner that the founders of this
Organization captured eloquently in the words We the
peoples of the United Nations. As we begin this sixty-
second session of the General Assembly, let us
recommit to our common aspirations and
responsibilities for realizing peace, prosperity and
freedom above any narrow interests. Only then can we
hope to realize the ideals contained in the Charter of
the United Nations “to save succeeding generations
from the scourge of war” and to “promote social
progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.


First, let me
join other speakers in congratulating you, Sir, on your
assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly
at its sixty-second session. I should also like to pay
high tribute to Her Excellency Sheikha Haya Rashed
Al-Khalifa for her leadership during the previous
session. My great appreciation goes as well to
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his dedication and
initiative in addressing the many challenges
confronting the United Nations.
 In the face of new challenges, the United Nations
needs to transform itself from forum to actor. The
demands of the twenty-first century call for the
creation of a United Nations that is proactive. I
commend the Secretary-General’s determination to
bring about this change. It is no coincidence that, given
the current international environment, Japan also has
embarked on a proactive foreign policy. With our
approaches thus in harmony, Japan and the United
Nations can and must work together. In my remarks
this evening I will emphasize two areas in which the
cooperation between the two actors may be optimized:
climate change and African development. I will also
touch on the need for United Nations reform, notably
the reform of the Security Council, so that the United
Nations may address those missions effectively.
 In the era of globalization, the international
community has come to face new challenges that reach
across borders. In particular, climate change will be a
crisis for all humanity, not only the people of today but
also the generations of the future. Now is the time for
all of us to take action for future generations, giving
special consideration to vulnerable countries. Let us
leave behind discord and division among nations and
shift gears to combine our efforts in order to face this
common challenge. The Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) has indicated that the fact of
global warming is unequivocal, so world leaders have
the responsibility to make bold new political decisions
to address this growing challenge. With such
responsibility in mind, Japan presented a new proposal
on climate change in May and has proposed that we
collectively embrace a long-term vision for developing
innovative technologies and building a low-carbon
society. Japan has also called for a mid-term strategy
for a new framework that includes all major emitters of
greenhouse gases.
 We need to tackle climate change without pause
up to and beyond 2012. In this regard, I highly
commend the political commitment expressed by world
leaders at the high-level event held on 24 September
under the initiative of the Secretary-General. Japan for
its part will contribute to the negotiations for an
international agreement through the Group of Eight
(G-8) Hokkaido-Toyako Summit to be held next year,
and will feed the results back into the United Nations
process.
 Japan has gained in international competitiveness
by improving energy efficiency and decreasing oil
consumption during a period in which its gross
domestic product (GDP) doubled. We are ready to
share our technologies and experience, which hold the
key to achieving environmental preservation, energy
security and economic growth in tandem. At the same
time, each and every one of us needs to move forward
from mere ideas and reconfigure our own way of life.
Japan is promoting a new national campaign aimed at
reducing the carbon dioxide emissions of individual
households, in addition to the introduction of the Cool
Biz   casual dress code   initiative. The spirit of
mottainai   rejecting wastefulness   and the Three
Rs initiative to reduce, reuse and recycle waste also
contribute to this aim. It is my intention to globally
broaden the campaign to restructure our lifestyles. To
that end, my Government values exchanges with
corporations, academics, non-governmental
organizations and various other actors in public
forums, while at the same time cooperating with the
United Nations Global Compact.
 Another priority area for Japan is African
development. Africa as a whole is now undergoing
positive change. Peace is being consolidated in several
former conflict areas. Meanwhile, many countries, both
with and without natural resources, are growing
robustly.
 For Africa to become a more vibrant continent, a
continent of greater hope and opportunity, three things
are particularly important in addition to the prevention
and resolution of conflicts. First and foremost,
economic growth must be enhanced and sustained.
Secondly, human security needs to be ensured through
the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs), the consolidation of peace and the
establishment of democratic governance. Finally, the
issues of the environment and climate change must be
addressed.
 Japan will host the fourth Tokyo International
Conference on African Development (TICAD IV) in
Yokohama in May 2008. TICAD, whose first meeting
was held in 1993, is a process open to all. The TICAD
process places particular importance on African
ownership and true partnership with the international
community. The three areas that I have just mentioned
will be the focus of the discussion at TICAD IV, which
will be a fresh opportunity to mobilize the knowledge
and resources of the international community for
African development. South-South cooperation
between Asia and Africa will remain a key feature in
the TICAD process.
 Without peace in Africa, the world at large will
not enjoy peace and prosperity. Japan cannot ignore the
situation in Darfur. Faced with the world’s worst
humanitarian crisis, Japan has provided assistance
amounting to approximately $85 million. Japan also
welcomes the establishment of the African Union-
United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur and looks
forward to its early deployment as well as to steady
progress in the political process in Darfur. Japan
intends to further enhance its contribution for the
consolidation of peace and stability in Africa.
 Peace paves the way for development and human
security. However, achieving peace is not an easy task.
Iraq, for example, is struggling to achieve security and
reconciliation, and the foundation for peace remains
weak. Japan has been assisting the reconstruction
efforts of the Iraqi people by measures such as
dispatching its Self-Defence Forces and providing
official development assistance of up to $5 billion.
 To help in the reconstruction of Afghanistan,
Japan has played a leading role in the field of
disarmament, demobilization and reintegration and the
disbandment of illegal armed groups, working in close
cooperation with the United Nations Assistance
Mission in Afghanistan. Japan hosted the Conference
on Disbandment of Illegal Armed Groups in Tokyo in
June this year to contribute to the rebuilding of
Afghanistan through joint efforts with the United
Nations.
 To build peace, it is essential for the international
community to ensure a seamless and comprehensive
effort to fulfil tasks ranging from resolving conflicts to
assisting reconstruction. As current Chair of the
Peacebuilding Commission, Japan is resolved to make
a significant contribution to such international efforts.
One concrete measure that has been taken is the launch
of the Hiroshima Peacebuilders Centre to train civilian
experts in Asia to better respond to various needs on
the ground.
 Free and fair elections and democracy are also
essential for the consolidation of peace. Japan spares
no effort to provide assistance in order to promote
democratization. Japan has dispatched election
observer missions to a number of countries, including
Timor-Leste and Sierra Leone. Japan has also provided
election-related support and dispatched arms monitors
to Nepal.
 It is extremely regrettable that the crackdown on
the demonstrations in Myanmar has caused casualties,
including the death of a Japanese citizen. Japan calls
on the Government of Myanmar to exercise utmost
restraint and to refrain from the use of oppressive
force. Japan demands that the Government of Myanmar
make every effort to resolve the situation through
dialogue.
 Along with democracy, the rule of law helps to
lay the groundwork for peace and prosperity. To
promote the rule of law in the international community,
Japan will accede to the Statute of the International
Criminal Court next month, and is helping to improve
legal systems in developing countries. In February, in
order to give proactive support to the norm-setting role
of the United Nations, Japan signed the International
Convention for the Protection of All Persons from
Enforced Disappearance and today I have signed the
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.
 Behind those endeavours lies the conviction that
the international community must cooperate in
addressing international challenges based on such
fundamental principles as freedom, human rights,
democracy and the rule of law. The primary pillar of
such fundamental values is respect for human dignity.
The issue of abductions by the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea poses a serious challenge to human
dignity. It is essential that the international community
send a strong message calling for the earliest resolution
of the abduction issue so that the victims and their
families may be reunited and have an opportunity to
recapture their former happiness. Japan will continue
to work towards the resolution of this issue as well as
the settlement of the issues of the unfortunate past
through dialogue in accordance with the Pyongyang
Declaration. With hope for an improvement of the
human rights situation, Japan will also pursue the
adoption of a draft resolution on the situation of human
rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea at
this session of the General Assembly.
 The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
and their means of delivery is another challenge that
requires the undivided attention of humankind. From
that point of view I welcome the Security Council’s
adoption by consensus of a series of resolutions on the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran. It is
now up to all of us to translate the will of the
international community into concrete action through
full implementation of the relevant resolutions. Japan
will continue its efforts to achieve the denuclearization
of the Korean peninsula through the Six-Party Talks.
Japan will also continue to urge Iran to heed the
unanimous voice of the international community and
suspend its enrichment-related activities.
 Nuclear disarmament should receive no less
attention. I reiterate here the determination of my
country to reinforce international efforts for nuclear
disarmament, as the only country in the world that has
suffered nuclear devastation. Japan will again submit a
draft resolution at this session of the General Assembly
to map out concrete measures towards the total
elimination of nuclear weapons.
 The issue of terrorism also requires sustained
efforts as it becomes increasingly complex. In that
regard, Japan welcomes the adoption of Security
Council resolution 1776 (2007). For our own part, we
will make efforts to continue our refuelling activities in
the Indian Ocean to fulfil our role as a responsible
member of the international community. Japan also
supports the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism
Strategy (resolution 60/288). Furthermore, to
strengthen the legal counter-terrorism framework I call
upon every State to exercise the utmost flexibility for
an early conclusion of the negotiations on a draft
comprehensive convention on international terrorism.
 In the face of a variety of threats to international
peace and security, the Security Council has come to
play a more relevant role than ever before. For the
Security Council to live up to its expected
responsibilities, we need to make it more
representative and effective. I therefore renew Japan’s
determination to pursue early reform of the Security
Council, with the expansion of both the permanent and
non-permanent membership. As has been reiterated
time and time again, no reform of the United Nations
will be complete without reform of the Security
Council. The momentum for such reform, renewed by
former Assembly President Al-Khalifa, must be
strengthened as we enter the sixty-second session. All
Member States must work together so that we can
achieve concrete results through intergovernmental
negotiations during this session.
 What is required today is not to wait for change,
but to bring it about. The question is not what to expect
of the United Nations, but how we may revitalize the
Organization. We need to enhance the capacity of the
United Nations to deal with new challenges.
 In addition to striving to implement Security
Council reform, Japan will actively engage in efforts to
strengthen the ability of the United Nations to maintain
international peace and security. Japan also supports
the ongoing endeavours to enable the United Nations
system to work more coherently and effectively in the
areas of development, humanitarian assistance, the
environment and human rights. At the same time, we
need to achieve concrete results in management
reform.
 In connection with reform, let me remind
Member States that world leaders took a major step
forward in 2005 by resolving to delete the long-
obsolete “enemy States” clauses from the United
Nations Charter at the earliest opportunity (see
resolution 60/1, para. 177). Next year, Japan will take
centre stage in international efforts. At TICAD IV in
Yokohama and the G-8 Summit at Tokyo, Japan will
set forth principles for dealing with imminent
international challenges. I hope to bring back solid
results to New York a year from now.
 Let me conclude my remarks by renewing Japan’s
unwavering commitment to work, in close cooperation
with the United Nations, to change the world for the
better.


Esteemed Ladies and Gentlemen,
Today marks a strange anniversary.
This year, for the first time in the history of the UN we have to hold our regular annual session in a virtual setting.
All this because of a virus that — although invisible to the naked eye - has upended our lives completely.
COVID-19 has changed the rules regulating our family, social relations and our work in an instant and has created a grave crisis.
Within a short period, the health crisis developed into an economic and later a social crisis.
Businesses in bankruptcy, jobs lost, drastic restrictive measures and increasing sovereign debt.
Who would have imagined this, say at the beginning of this year?
More and more people say that today’s situation is the prototype for the anthropocene era.
Because by the beginning of the 21st century we humans have become the factor that exercises the biggest impact on changes to the planet.
We have to brace ourselves — if we do not radically change our lifestyles — this crisis will be followed by other ones, which may be even more serious than COVID.
Therefore today the most important question is, can we learn from the crisis and are we finally ready to do something in the areas, where we have known for a long time that there is a danger looming, where we have known what should be done and that any procrastination would only increase the risks and the costs.
Today we are as yet unable to defend ourselves against COVID efficiently. There is no drug, no vaccine.
There are other areas of life as well, where we have known for years what should be done.
Take water for example.
We have already spoken several times here at the UN about the water crisis unfolding in front of our eyes.
About the drama of too much water and too little water, or contaminated water.
And we all know that the majority of the UN’s sustainability goals are unattainable in the absence of appropriate water policy.
Why?
-	Because until every seventh person on Earth is denied access to uncontaminated water, we have no hope for increased productivity in the impoverished regions of the world.
-	Until we are unable to prevent water contamination, we will still have half of all hospital beds occupied with patients suffering from diseases caused by contamination.
-	Until we are able to create the conditions for sustainable water management, we will not have safer food production and we will not be able to feed those already living on the planet, let alone the newly born.
-	Until we are able to transform our energy generation systems, the coal fuelled power plants will not only increase C02 emissions, but will also consume water that would be enough to supply one billion people.
But let’s see another example.
We have long been saying that the lifestyle we have created is unsustainable. Every year we are consuming more resources than what nature can replenish.
It is absurd to believe that we have unlimited supplies of natural resources — water, soil, diverse biological environment — available cheaply and until the end of time.
What is the solution? Circular economy.
Where waste — glass, plastic, metals etc. — are not garbage but recyclable raw materials.
How many times have we discussed this? Yet, we have achieved little progress. Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,
Hungary has never condoned fruitless debates, we have always stood up for action.
This is why we have organized the Budapest Water Summit three times already during the recent years.
The success of these events has motivated us to strive for more.
At the end of next year, we are organizing a sustainability EXPO, which — beside water management — will also deal with issues like food production, transportation, energy and waste management as well as education.
We look forward to welcoming you all.
As for the overcoming of the crisis, let me leave you with the words of Winston Churchill:
“The pessimist sees difficulty in every opportunity. The optimist sees the opportunity in every difficulty.”