It is a pleasure to extend to you, Sir, at the outset of my speech, the sincere congratulations of the delegation of the State of Bahrain on your election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It is a source of delight and happiness to see a distinguished diplomat from our sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia assume this lofty post; it is evidence of the high esteem in which the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is held in the world and of the appreciation and respect you enjoy in the international community. I am pleased to express to you our best wishes for success in directing the proceedings of this session.
I should also like to express our sincere thanks to Mr. Guido de Marco for the competence with which ha guided the proceedings of the General Assembly during his presidency last session. I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to place on record my appreciation of the untiring efforts by Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, to strengthen the role of the Organisation in the maintenance of peace and security in the world, and of the sincere attention he paid to the Gulf crisis, which enabled the world Organisation to promote global solidarity and uphold international legality.
It is also my pleasure to offer congratulations to the delegations of the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania on their accession to membership of the United Nations. He are sure that their admission into our Organization will contribute to the achievement of the objectives of the Charter.
For a year now, world events have been unfolding in quick succession. It is rather difficult for the observer to plumb the depths of their significance at first glance due to the fact that those events are so interlaced that they resemble the intermingled light and darkness in the early hours of the dawn of a new day. Faced with such astounding developments, the idea of a new world order has become the topic of discussion in many international assemblies and political forums, particularly after the bastions of the cold war have crumbled and their memory has begun to fade in the pages of history.
There is no doubt that the cold war, with its various implications, left its imprint on the period front 1945 to 1990. With its and, international relations no longer follow a particular pattern; they are neither bipolar nor multipolar. It is to be hoped that the unfolding of events at this heightened tempo will make us pause, contemplate and ponder the movement of history and the paths it charts so that we may find our way to the future.
It is hardly surprising when one pauses and ponders such major changes in search of the batter future which alluded previous generations, that one aspires to carry out those projects of which mankind dreams and explores the common denominators which impel nations towards cooperation, rapprochement and harmony. It is at such critical moments in history that mankind needs a new vision with which to see the world in a true light, and from a multidimensional perspective based on the fact that international policy will yet again turn round the axis of a new pattern of relations that requires the development of a set of sophisticated plans to deal with the global issues of security, the environment, natural resources, population and other problems which will be influential factors in the twenty-first century.
We believe that the structure of the new world order should be based on the following essential foundations: security; development in all its aspects; and interaction between cultures and civilisations and exchanges between the States and peoples of the world. It is imperative that this new structure should include a competent international authority, which should oversee all the systems within the United Nations framework.
The new system of world security must revolve around two main axes, the international and the regional. However, the most important point on which to focus at the international level during the coming phase is the development in the United Rations of a concept of collective security that would rest on two cornerstones:
First, the prohibition of the use of force or the threat of the use of force in international relations for any reason whatsoever, as set out in the provisions of the Charter (Chapter I, Article II (4)).
Second, a collective response by the international community, represented by the Security Council, in cases involving threats to peace, breaches thereof or aggression, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter.
As we perceive it, the application of collective security requires us to meet several conditions, the most important of which are:
First, viewing peace as one indivisible whole. Given the intricacy and diversity of international relations, the outbreak of war between two States can affect the interests of other States. Under the system of collective security, all States would have a legal and moral obligation to participate in deterring aggression everywhere in the world and restoring peace.
Second, the neutrality and objectivity of the system of collective security, in the sense that measures would be taken against the aggressor State regardless of its identity or whether it was strong or weak, rich or poor.
Third, the global character of the membership of the system of collective security. All peace-loving States should participate in the system so as to ensure its universality and effectiveness.
Fourth, the machinery of the system for enforcing collective measures should be potent and effective enough to deter any country which may contemplate aggression and to inflict appropriate punishment on aggressors.
As regards the regional axis of security, it should be borne in mind that every State, irrespective of its size or economic means, has vital security concerns that are inherent to its history and geographical location. Each State also has a legitimate right to protect its national security. Thus, we view the question of security in the Gulf region from a multidimensional perspective designed to assimilate the lessons of the past, satisfy the needs of the present and avoid the dangers of the future.
The Iraqi occupation of the sisterly state of Kuwait uncovered a serious flaw in the concept of regional security in the Gulf, which compels us to search deliberately for means of deterrence to protect ourselves against the evils of the adventurous and the covetous in order to prevent them from undermining the stability and security of this sensitive part of the world. Here, I recall the words of George Santayana, who wrote, "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it". He are resolved never to relive that bitter experience, no matter what the reasons or the circumstances.
The war for the liberation of Kuwait drew a dividing line between the end of the cold war era and the start of the era of the new world order, which began with the repulsing of the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait, on the principles of collective security. This, however, does not mean that all possible threats of the use of force have been eliminated with the termination of the cold war. In this context, our recommendations for the future components of regional security in the Gulf are as follows:
First, security arrangements capable of deterring any aggressor should be used to avert any potential threats.
Second, earnest action to achieve comprehensive economic, social and cultural development. This is an essential prerequisite of the national security of all the States of the region.
Third, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and respect for the principle of the sovereignty of every state in the Gulf region over its natural and economic resources.
Fourth, adherence to the principle of settlement of disputes by peaceful means alone.
At the same time, our conception of security in the Gulf region takes into account the geographical and political dimensions of the Middle East, since it is impossible to effectively buttress security along the shores of the Gulf without us all having a clear picture of all dimensions of security issues in the neighbouring States of the region.
In the previous session, I reiterated our conviction that the Middle East should be proclaimed a zone free of weapons of mass destruction, specifically nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. Today, we are even more resolved to achieve this goal because of our belief that international security is intrinsically linked to its regional constituents and our conviction that strengthening the security of the Middle East region by making it completely free of weapons of mass destruction will be a positive contribution to the maintenance of world peace. On the other hand, proclaiming the Middle East a zone free of weapons of mass destruction would turn the attention of its States to the question of economic, scientific and technological development and lead them to cooperate in the field of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
The second foundation for the structure of the new world order is the fact that development and security are closely and inseparably linked. The founders of the United Nations ware aware of the dialectics of the linkage between development and peace and explained the extent of that association in the provisions of the Charter. When peace is threatened, the march of peoples towards a better tomorrow is obstructed, the individual is denied his daily needs, and the gap between the poor and rich widens, leading to increased tensions between States.
Emphasis on economic considerations and their relationship to the problems of peace and security in the world should gain the attention of the international community, and States should become more aware of the concept of collective economic security. The main objective of development is to satisfy human needs and aspirations and to eliminate reasons for denying the individual his right to economic well-being.
Unfortunately, the world suffered during the past year a marked reduction in economic growth. Horse still, the United Nations, in its world economic survey of 1991, expected the rate of world economic growth for this year to be zero. In the light of such trends, both the developed and developing States should cooperate within the framework of the United Nations to overcome the negative aspects of the world economy and stimulate equitable growth in the economies of the developing countries so as to reduce tensions in the world.
One of the most important issues related to development is that of the environment, which has lately come to the forefront of international concerns. Climatic changes, pollution of the air and the sea, desertification and the depletion of the ozone layer all have negative effects on mankind's present and future. The war in the Gulf added new dimensions to the problem of tampering with the environment when the Iraqi forces leaked oil into the waters of the Gulf and set fire in Kuwait to some 732 oil wells that blazed for several months, and in fact many of them continue to burn despite all efforts to extinguish them.
We hope that both the world economy and the environment will soon improve through the ongoing constructive dialogue undertaken within the framework of the United Nations system. He trust that the eighth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, to be held in Colombia in February 1992, and the third United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, scheduled to be held in Brazil in June of that year, will lay the groundwork for international accord and cooperation to solve those problems.
The third foundation of any new world order is the necessary cultural interaction between the peoples of the world. Now that mankind has no other way of progressing and developing but to cooperate and achieve harmony between peoples, the time has come to give this issue the priority it deserves and to draw attention to its various human dimensions. Any person who knows his history must know that, over the centuries, States crumble and civilizations disappear after they had made great strides on the road to progress and advancement. Today, however, science and technology have brought together nations and peoples from various parts of the world and made isolation a non-starter in a world of interwoven interests that is closely knit by the modern means of communication and the activities of giant transnational corporations whose arms extend to every part of the globe.
Throughout history, disparity and differentiation among peoples have often led to conflict and war, making rivalry and hostility the predominant characteristics of relations between States motivated by narrow self-interest. Now that wars have become an even more heinous evil, we are duty bound to find a way to eliminate the conflict between cultures and to draw them closer together. Because wars begin in the minds of men, we should embark on establishing peace education, promoting the concept of the interrelationship between the cultures of the world and erasing the motives for war from people's minds.
At a time when the United Nations is seeking to create a more balanced and just world order, it is imperative that no particular culture should look down from a position of dominant strength upon the cultures of other nations. This requires a more profound dialogue between cultures in a new spirit inspired by the recognition of the co-equal cultural interrelatedness of all the peoples of the world. This pattern of relations between people is inspired by the teachings of the holy Koran, which exhorts humans to seek harmony and affinity among themselves, as in the words of the Almighty:

0 mankind! We created You from a single (pair) Of a male and a female. And made you into Nations and tribes, that Ye may know each other Not that ye may despise (Each other). Verily The most honoured of you In the sight of God Is he who is the most Righteous of you. (Sura XLIX. verse 13)
The events which have taken place in the international arena since the General Assembly's last session embody numerous indicators that point at a tendency to peaceful solutions to many international and regional issues and problems. Of particular interest is the matter of the Kuwaiti prisoners of war detained in Iraq, because it bespeaks defiance to Security Council resolutions and international conventions. We appeal to the international community to move towards a speedy solution to this humanitarian problem, freeing those prisoners forthwith and repatriating them safely to their homeland.
In the forefront of other international issues is the question of the Palestinian people and the various kinds of repression it continues to suffer at the hands of the Israeli occupation authorities. At the heart of the peace process in the Middle East is the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination. He therefore call upon the Security Council to impose international legality, elaborate the bases for peace between all parties concerned in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and take a firm and serious international stand that may force Israel to accept a comprehensive and just solution to the question of Palestine, in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions, and to recognize the right of the Palestinian people to establish its own independent State on its national soil. It should be emphasized that the Israeli occupation forces must withdraw from all occupied Arab territories, including Al-Quds, southern Lebanon and the Syrian Arab Golan.
We hope that the current United States initiative and other efforts exerted in the international arena will contribute to creating an atmosphere conducive to holding the peace conference and reaching a just and lasting solution to the Middle East issue.
As regards Lebanon, we call upon the international community to support the decisions and actions taken by that country's Government to firmly establish the rule of its legitimate authority. We also appeal to the Security Council to take action on implementing its resolution 425 (1978) by ensuring the withdrawal of the Israeli forces and the restoration of the authority of the Lebanese State and its sovereignty over southern Lebanon.
With regard to the situation in South Africa, this year has witnessed positive steps towards repealing the policies of apartheid. We trust that this will be followed by the complete elimination of all manifestations of social discrimination and the restoration of the political and constitutional rights of the black majority in South Africa.
Concerning the Cyprus question, we hope that progress in the talks between the two Cypriot communities, under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, will be achieved so that Cyprus can regain its unity.
We look forward to seeing the countries of the world cooperating with each other through the United Nations. May their cooperation in peaceful areas expand and surmount all obstacles and barriers so that international solidarity may be strengthened and harmony among the peoples of the world may prevail. Obstacles of all sorts have not been able to halt the spread of knowledge to all parts of the world, and history teaches us that learning and knowledge cannot be isolated or made the exclusive realm of one particular region or State. The technological revolution has enabled man to overcome those barriers, and technological innovations have had a far-reaching influence on bringing peoples together and making every people feel itself an integral part of one big interrelated society and that its interests are affected by what happens to other peoples.
On the level of international relations, the United Nations is truly the most important expression of this age and one of its salient features. As the world Organization follows the path charted for it, the bonds of interrelation between States grow stronger and people's perception of the fusion of their interests increases.
The survival of the United Nations as an edifice of world peace and its continued fulfilment of its mission are no longer subject to the will of one State or group of States. They now flow from the noble message the United Nations upholds and the great missions assigned to it, which are expanding daily to include various fields, such as the means to bring States closer together, the maintenance of peace, and the well-being of the peoples of the world.


It is a great honour for me to address this Assembly, both as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and as the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). In those capacities. Sir, may I congratulate you on your election as President of this forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your election is undoubtedly a great tribute to your talents and a recognition of the contributions of your country to furthering the ideals of the United Nations. I am confident that under your able guidance the deliberations of this session will be brought to a fruitful conclusion.
I wish also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta, for the able manner in which he conducted the affairs of the last session.
I would like to express my profound appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, who for the past 10 years has put his sterling qualities at the service of our Organisation. His outstanding contributions as an advocate of peace and his support for the cause of the underprivileged have endeared him to the international community. As his terra of office draws to a close, I wish him good luck in his future endeavours.
From a membership of 51 in 1945, the United Nations has grown to an Organization of 166 States with the admission at this session of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and the Republics of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania. I join in the welcome that has been extended to them.
In the four and a half decades of the existence of the United Nations, the prospects for building a safe and secure world for all mankind have never been brighter. The end of the cold war, the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe, the encouraging agreements concluded by the United States and the Soviet Union in the field of nuclear disarmament coupled with the latest unilateral measures announced by President George Bush, the progress achieved in the resolution of regional conflicts and the growing convergence of views on democratisation and its linkage with development have all combined to create a climate more conducive to genuine international cooperation.
The challenge to the international community, therefore, is to seize this opportunity to establish a new world order in which the United Nations will be the instrument for the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security, for the harmonization of the interests of all States and for the promotion of global prosperity. This new world order must be collectively defined, collectively designed and collectively defended.
Africa, like other parts of the world, is adjusting to recent dramatic global developments. Our peoples are taking a critical look at the conduct of politics and the changes necessary to bring about stability, security and development. For that reason, the issues of democratisation, of human rights and of popular participation in political and economic processes have assumed important dimensions in the deliberations of the OAU.
In June 1991, the OAU, at its summit meeting in Abuja, the new Nigerian capital, deliberated again on these issues. The summit resolved that African countries should fully embrace the democratic culture in order to enable our peoples to enjoy fundamental human rights and participate effectively in decisions that affect their lives and their well-being. Naturally, models of democratisation must vary and must take into account differing cultures and other environmental factors. Each country is therefore evolving its variant of democracy at a different pace of development.
In Nigeria, for example, the Transition to Civil Rule Programme is a carefully phased process in which democratic government is expected to proceed with political learning, institutional adjustment and the reorientation of political culture. By the end of 1992, we will have held elections to all tiers of Government and completed the transition programme that was launched in 1986. Other approaches to democratisation, especially the National Conference variety, have entailed the rapid displacement of incumbent managers of State by transitional leaders who, in turn, will commence the process of transition.
Economic development nurtures democracy. However, underdevelopment is a threat and obstacle to democracy. We commend the peoples of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union for their decision to build democratic societies. We also note the significant financial and economic assistance that the Western industrialized countries and Japan have decided to offer them. This is in direct contrast to the virtual neglect of African efforts. If this neglect and this indifference continue, disillusionment may arise with democracy in the face of persistent and extreme economic hardship.
Aware of this inter-relationship between democracy and development, many countries in Africa are pursuing economic reform side by side with the restructuring of the political processes. Self-reliance is the cornerstone of our new thinking on economic reform. At the individual country level, we have embarked upon structural adjustment programmes designed to liberalize our economies. Through deregulation, we expect the private sector to play the leading role in revitalizing our economies. At the continental level, at our summit meeting, held in Abuja last June, we adopted the Treaty establishing the African Economic Community, with the objective of creating an integrated common market. Our goal is a fully developed Africa, able to feed itself, capable of being the engine of its own growth and able to participate actively in the world economic system. Structural adjustment in Africa, without a conducive international environment, seems incapable of turning our economy around and ensuring the stability of our polity. It must be said that Africa's efforts have not received the requisite international support.
May I recall that in June 1986 the United Nations adopted the Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, which covered the period from 1986 to 1990. A review of the Programme showed that its implementation was most unsatisfactory. Hence, the overall performance of the African economy since 1986 has been dismal. The reasons can be attributed mainly to the debt burden, the collapse of commodity prices, the low levels of resource flows from the developed countries, as well as natural calamities.
Disappointed by the poor performance of the Programme of Action, African countries decided to present a New Agenda of Action for the Development of Africa in the 1990s, rather than approach the international community for a second programme of action. The Agenda envisages that the African gross domestic product as a whole must grow by at least 6 per cent per annum in real terms in order to enable the continent to double per capita income by the year 2015. This level of growth will require $30 billion in resources during 1992.
We expect that the international community, in cooperation with Africa, will now strive to see that the New Agenda is implemented in accordance with Africa's needs and aspirations. The international community must accept the principle of shared responsibility and full partnership with Africa, and firmly commit itself to giving far more support than it did during the period from 1986 to date. Africa is not, and should not, be made an irrelevant, variable in the world development equation. The United Nations must play a decisive role in Africa's quest and determination to overcome its stalled deve1opment.
May I emphasise that Africa's indebtedness is the single major obstacle to development in the continent. The debt problem is a central element of Africa's critical economic situation. Africa's debt is crippling. The realities are as startling as they are depressing. Africa's total debt equals 102.3 per cent of its gross national product and more than 300 per cent of its total exports. On average, 30 per cent of the continent's export earnings is used to service debt. For the least developed countries, the percentage is more than double the average. He cannot continue in this way.
There is an urgent need for political dialogue between the creditor nations and the debtor nations on the debt crisis. Let us consider the idea of debt forgiveness for credible and sustained structural adjustment programmes. Let us consider the idea of debt forgiveness for credible environmental protection programmes. Let us consider the idea of debt forgiveness for credible democratisation processes.
Beyond the issue of debt, what Africa needs is a special financial package, a kind of Marshall Plan, which would demonstrate the sincerity of the developed world for the plight of Africa, right historical wrongs and set the world on the path of a new order that is just and equitable.
In recent times, the world has been concerned about such major environmental problems as the depletion of the ozone layer, global warming, acid rain and hazardous and toxic waste dumping. Africa's environmental problems of drought, deforestation, desertification and erosion are no less severe than the environmental problems of industrialized countries. We have, within our limited resources, made efforts to contain environmental degradation which, in the developing countries, is closely linked to poverty and underdevelopment. The promotion of economic and social development therefore, constitutes an essential factor in the protection of the environment.
As we look forward to the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, we urge the international community to commit itself fully to the pursuit of environmentally sound technology, which will available to all countries. In order to fulfil that commitment, the Conference should set up an international mechanism to implement a truly global programme of action. Such a programme should embrace all aspects of the threat to the environment, without prejudice to the development aspirations of Africa and other developing regions.
The positive and dramatic changes in the world have facilitated the resolution of some regional conflicts. He are however concerned that a number of other conflicts, the continuation of which threatens international peace and security, remain unresolved. We urge all countries concerned to avail themselves of the present international climate to seek peaceful solutions to their disputes under the aegis of the United Nations and of their regional organizations.
The Organization of African Unity (OAU) continues to seek ways to improve its machinery for resolving African conflicts and for bringing enduring peace to our continent. Currently we are seeking solutions to the conflicts in the Sudan, Somalia and Rwanda. As Chairman of the OAU I am personally engaged in these processes.
At the subregional level, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) continues to be actively involved, at great cost to its members, in helping the people of Liberia bring peace to their country. A special ECOWAS committee was established in July to take a fresh look at ways and means of advancing the peace process in Liberia. We are gratified that agreement was reached by all parties to the conflict to encamp and disarm the warring factions and to establish an electoral commission to conduct legislative and presidential elections.
I want to use the privilege of this occasion once again to appeal to our brothers in Africa to bury the hatchet and seek a peaceful settlement of the problems that have torn them and their countries apart.
This Assembly has, for over 30 years, supported the aspirations of the people of southern Africa for the establishment of a non-racial democratic society. In line with that position the Assembly declared apartheid a crime against humanity and proceeded to recommend the imposition of sanctions on the South African regime. These years of international pressure, and the struggle of the people of southern Africa, have had a great impact on the thinking and, consequently, the policies of the Government of South Africa.
At the last OAU Summit we took cognisance of the positive changes that had taken place in that country. We welcomed them. The United Nations must take great satisfaction and pride in its own significant contribution to bringing about the changes. Lovers of freedom and all those who suffered, all those who are still suffering, and those who paid the supreme sacrifice must be commended on the progress made towards the dawn of a new order in southern Africa.
South Africa has yet to arrive at the final destination. The international community must, therefore, remain vigilant until the goals of freedom, justice and a non-racial and democratic society are achieved in South Africa.
We note the effort to stamp out communal violence resulting in the meeting which took place in Johannesburg on 14 September 1991, during which a national peace accord was signed by the African National Congress, the Inkatha Freedom Party and the National Party. We commend all those responsible for this agreement.
We recognize that cooperation between a new South Africa and other African countries with the requisite potential can act as a catalyst for economic growth and development. Africa is prepared to welcome a new, non-racial and democratic South Africa as a respectable member of the comity of nations and to establish normal and fruitful relations with it. More than at any time in the past the Middle East is now on the threshold of a major peace effort. Recent developments, particularly the agreement to convene a peace conference, have indeed strengthened our conviction that the road to peace in the region is through negotiation and not war. We congratulate all those who are working tirelessly for the convening of the peace conference. It behoves all parties to the conflict to demonstrate their desire for peace. We therefore appeal to them to spare no effort in order to arrive at a just and durable solution that will guarantee peaceful coexistence in the region.
During the Gulf War, the world was gripped with fear over the possible use of chemical weapons. We in Africa have always emphasized that nations should not only forswear the use of these weapons, as stipulated in the 1925 Geneva Protocol, but also support the complete prohibition of their development, production and stockpiling, as well as their elimination from the arsenals of those who possess them. We therefore call for the urgent conclusion of the chemical weapons convention.
We note with satisfaction the agreement reached so far between the United States and the Soviet Union in the field of nuclear disarmament. We congratulate President George Bush on the far-reaching initiatives he announced a few days ago and we equally welcome the prompt response by President Mikhail Gorbachev. Those acts of statesmanship represent a significant milestone in efforts to avert a nuclear catastrophe.
We in Africa have taken concrete steps in the pursuit of our long-standing Declaration to make our continent a nuclear-weapon-free zone. Africa is equally concerned about the increasing proliferation of conventional weapons. Given their destructive capacity, their threat to international peace and security and the enormous human and financial drain they constitute to all nations, especially the developing countries, the international community should begin in earnest to address the question of the arms race in conventional weapons in a constructive and non-discriminatory manner.
In a few years' time, the United Nations will mark its golden jubilee. In the four and a half decades of its existence it has provided the forum for defusing tensions through dialogue, even where it could not resolve the issues. It has been the catalyst for the ending of colonialism and for the realization of the fundamental rights of peoples to self-determination and independence.
The United Nations Charter embodies principles that are fundamental to the achievement of peace. It is our duty, therefore, to strengthen the Organization. In doing so we must strive to adapt its major organs to the realities of today and to the demands of tomorrow.
It is time to address in a very serious manner the composition of the Security Council. It is one major organ of the United Nations that needs to be democratized. Its membership of 15 has become inadequate in view of the expanded membership of the United Nations since 1965 when the Security Council was last enlarged. The limitation of the permanent membership to the present five has become both anachronistic and unrepresentative.
The logic of democracy cannot be confined within the borders of individual States, but must, of necessity, be applicable to the operation of international organizations. It is therefore our considered opinion that there is need to expand the membership of the Security Council and to admit additional permanent members representing all the regions of the world.
The deep commitment of African States to the United Nations has been demonstrated over the years. As a further mark of that commitment the Organisation of African Unity has presented a list of distinguished candidates for consideration to serve the Organisation in the capacity of Secretary-General. Africa's case for the office has been misinterpreted to mean special pleading. Our case is based on competence and justice. Africa is set to give the world its best in the pursuit of the lofty goals that informed the establishment of the United Nations. Africa therefore calls upon the rest of the world to apply a proper sense of justice in considering the appointment of a new United Nations Secretary-General. We strongly believe that the next Secretary-General should be an African.
For us in Africa, a new world order should give primacy to the United Nations, which should be revitalised to fulfil its mandate under the Charter as the principal Instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security. It should be a forum for harmonizing the interests of the strong and the weak. All countries must recognize the universal applicability of international law because the future of humanity ultimately depends on that recognition.
In addition, for the new world order to be truly equitable all Members of the United Nations should commit themselves to the principle that prosperity, like security, is indivisible. The persistent neglect of the economic circumstances of most countries in the third world puts at great risk lasting harmony in inter-State relations. The division of the world into a rich minority and a poor majority poses a threat to international peace and security. In the recent past the world has seen the end of certain rigidities in international political relations. This has given us all new hope. Let us also eliminate the rigidities in international economic and financial relations.
We urge nine years from the end of a momentous century, one that has witnessed wars, liberation and man's conquest of space. Let us create a new world order that would be beneficial to all. Let all nations resolve to make this last decade of the century a decade of peace, a decade of security and stability, a decade of racial harmony and a decade for development.


By electing Ambassador Shihabi of Saudi Arabia to the presidency of its forty-sixth session, the General Assembly paid a tribute to hit eminent professional and personal qualities as well as do honour to his country, whose commitment to international peace and security is well known to all. In extending sincerest congratulations to him we should also like to assure him that we are entirely at his disposal as he carries out his mission.
To his predecessor, Ambassador Guido de Marco, we wish to express our feelings of deep gratitude for the competent and committed manner in which he discharged his mandate in the course of a particularly busy year.
To our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, we renew our deep gratitude for his tireless efforts in the service of the noble ideals of our Organisation.
It is fortunate that our Organisation each day becomes more universal. Last year Namibia and Liechtenstein were admitted to the Organisation. This year the Republic of Korea, the People's Democratic Republic of Korea, the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have been admitted to membership in the great family of the United Nations. We welcome them to our midst with the conviction that they will help to consolidate the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
This year's session of the General Assembly is taking place in the midst of the upheavals which have been taking place since 1989, as a result of which a new political map of the world is being drawn before our very eyes. These upheavals, which have brought about a radical departure from the antagonisms of the cold-war era, have produced till now positive effects inspiring much hope.
Many peoples, which yesterday were subject to the oppressive yoke of the systems and structures that ran counter to their aspirations, are today slaking their thirst for freedom and attaining their desire for emancipation. On all the continents a new wind of freedom and democracy is blowing.
At the same time, the process of disarmament is being consolidated and the way is now open for the settlement of conflicts which have thus far eluded all attempts at solution.
In Angola, the civil war is coming to an end and national reconciliation, which has been so earnestly desired, is now on the agenda.
In Liberia, the process of peace initiated by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is proceeding apace and we hope that eventually it will make it possible for the Liberian people to achieve national reconciliation through free and democratic elections. Senegal, which has the honour of presiding over ECOWAS, wishes to take this opportunity to appeal for the international community's support for this regional effort to help Liberia out of a crisis which has lasted far too long.
In Mozambique, a process of negotiations has begun. However, we regret that this process has stalled, and we should like to encourage the parties to the conflict, and all men of good will who earnestly hope to help this country regain peace in national concord, to pursue efforts with a view to the final settlement of a conflict which has already cost this friendly country so much.
In South Africa, encouraging measures have been taken to bring about the eradication of a system that the entire world has condemned. Senegal supports the continuation of efforts that have already been made in that country, convinced as we are that men of the calibre of Nelson Mandela and of Frederick de Klerk will successfully conclude their just struggle for democracy and national reconciliation.
In Cambodia, significant progress has been made in the process of implementation of the settlement plan aimed at bringing about an overall solution in harmony and pence.
The new climate in international relations has made it possible for us to overcome a crisis which, by its very nature and because of its consequences, was a major challenge to the credibility of our Organisation.
Ever since the beginning of the conflict in the Gulf, my country has upheld the side of law in condemning the inadmissible aggression to which Kuwait had fallen victim, and once again commends the determination with which the international community was able to ensure respect for right and legality.
The unity and steadfastness of purpose with which the United Nations restored the inalienable rights of Kuwait are cause for much hope - hope that henceforth it will be possible for our Organization to achieve its primary purpose, which is:
"To be a centre for harmonising the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends."
This is related to the noble task which the international community has the overriding duty to carry out today: and that is to make sure, unequivocally, that these hopes are not dashed.
It does not detract from the positive aspects of the changes which are under way to emphasise that we still have a long way to go before achieving a world of peace, justice and progress. Along with the prospects for security, freedom and progress, chronic ills, such as underdevelopment and poverty, persist, and at the same time new challenges are emerging which take the form of ethnic or nationality conflicts, the risk of civil war and waves of xenophobia, as a result of emigration which is today the topic of discussion in many wealthy countries and a matter of daily concern in developing countries.
That is to say that we find ourselves at a crossroads, at a crucial time, when we must build a new order on the ruins of the old which is crumbling before our very eyes. Thus, we are faced with all the problems of building something new on what is old. This is a challenge that all nations mist meet together. If, heretofore, the stand-off between the military blocs and the power rivalries between them have ensured peace in one part of the world and have even shifted conflicts to other geographical areas, it is now no longer possible to make this confrontation an excuse for perpetuating intolerable situations.
As a free and democratic country, as a country that is devoted to peace through law, fully committed to the strengthening of peace and security and to the enhancement of international solidarity and cooperation, Senegal wishes to make its contribution to this consideration of this new international order which the whole world so ardently desires.
The first consideration must be to ensure respect for law in international relations. In our view, that is an indispensable condition for a new order with which all countries, all peoples and all nations of the world will identify because the new order will express their legitimate aspirations for freedom, peace and social progress. My country has always insisted that there can be no lasting peace, no security and no justice unless all nations comply with the rules of law which it is the responsibility of the United Nations to lay down.
And here we see the full meaning of the hopes that have been placed in the resolution of the crisis in the Gulf to which I have just referred. The unprecedented mobilization of efforts in support of international law during this crisis should inspire future efforts in every situation where law is in jeopardy. If justice is to prevail the law must be the same for everyone.
It is not one of the fundamental purposes of this Organization to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and the self-determination of peoples?
In saying that, I cannot but think of the tragedy of the Palestinian people, who are still waiting for the International community to restore their inalienable rights to their homeland and to a land where they can establish the political and social system of their choice.
Today, as laudable efforts are being made to organize a peace conference on the Middle East, we cherish the hope that this conference will be able to provide a framework for negotiations which, on the basis of the relevant decisions of the United Nations, may finally initiate a process leading towards peace, security and good neighbourliness with respect for the fundamental rights of the peoples and States of the entire region.
But in our opinion, the establishment of an order of peace and security requires more than the implementation of real preventive diplomacy to manage situations where there is a threat to peace.
The Security Council, which is entrusted with the task of maintaining international peace and security, would appear to be the ideal body for carrying out this mission. The new atmosphere which has prevailed in the Security Council should now enable it fully to discharge the authority which has been vested in it by the Charter of the United Nations. Would it not then be desirable to go a step farther and anticipate and prevent these conflicts?
If the Council were to hold periodic meetings at which it would review the international situation it might be able to identify potential areas of conflict, and then seek to contain the crises before they explode. In this connection, thought should be given to strengthening the role of the Secretary-General and his authority to send observer missions or missions of inquiry to inform the Council about the situation.
The United Nations has already scored striking success in its peace-keeping operations and deserves our congratulations. We reaffirm our willingness to continue to support those operations, which play such a useful part in maintaining international peace. Me believe that high priority should be given to strengthening and expanding such endeavours wherever there may be a risk of conflict.
Establishing and consolidating peace and security throughout the world also means encouraging the emergence of regimes of freedom and democracy. Freedom is a powerful influence for peace. Is it not significant, as we look at the history of International relations of our day, we see that out of the approximately 150 conflicts which have caused bloodshed throughout the world since the Second World War, none has pitted countries with a democratic system against each other?
Is it not significant that freedom has been the true catalyst in the present relaxation of the tension between the two blocs which were antagonists before? As the Constitution of UNESCO proclaims: "Wars begin in the minds of men and it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed."
Constructing these defences of peace implies enhancing the values of freedom, tolerance and respect for human rights. And it is because, today, there is a consensus concerning respect for these values that we are experiencing a new era in international relations. These dynamic forces working for freedom must be encouraged for, as the South Commission so rightly points out:
"In the final analysis, the South's plea for justice, equity, and democracy in the global society cannot be dissociated from its pursuit of these goals within its own societies ... all these cannot but ... increase the South's chances of securing a new world order" (The Challenge to the South; The Report of the South Commission, p. 287). Senegal and all 16 members of the Economic Community of West Africa understood this. At their last meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, on 6 July 1991, they adopted a "Declaration of Political Principles", which was aimed precisely at giving them a firm foundation along democratic lines.
In that Declaration, the member countries committed themselves to: "... promote and encourage the full enjoyment by all our peoples of their fundamental human rights, especially their political, economic, social, cultural, and other rights inherent in the dignity of the human person and essential to his free and progressing development".
By expressing in this way their profound attachment to the freedom of the individual and the inalienable right of the individual to participate in the building of the society in which they live, the countries of the Community have committed themselves to making a positive contribution to a more just and peaceful new world.
The primacy of international law, the prevention of conflicts and the promotion of freedom are the elements which will enable us to build a new international order capable of meeting continuing challenges.
To build a future that is different from the past means also and especially that we have to meet the chronic challenge of underdevelopment. It has been stated that development is another name for peace. Eleven years ago
the North-South Commission on the problems of international development, presided over by the former German Chancellor Hilly Brandt, strongly stressed in its report entitled North-South - a Programme for Survivals "Where hunger reigns peace cannot prevail. If we want to banish war we must also banish poverty." Yet today, despite this warning, poverty persists and is spreading. Constantly worsened by the continuous decrease of raw materials prices, foreign debt and the demands of structural adjustment programmes, this state of affairs shows that international cooperation for development is still not part of the renewal characterising recant international relations. It is an overwhelming fact: crushed under the weight of indebtedness and the worsening of the terms of trade, the countries of the South work and produce more in return for lass in order to pay interest that is itself subject to foreign currency fluctuations. The South continues thus to finance the North at the rate of tens of billions of dollars yearly. Hence, the gap between the rich and the poor is growing.
Admittedly, there is an increasing awareness of this unbearable state of affairs and of the interdependence of the economies of the North and the South. It is now recognised that without solving the problems of development, no solution will be found to global environment problems or to those of immigration and drug trafficking, to name but a few.
Indeed, constructive initiatives have been taken to help redress the endemic imbalance between the North and the South. I am thinking, in particular, of the Paris Conference of September 1990 devoted to the problems of the least developed countries, during which a Programme of Action for those countries was adopted. I am also thinking of numerous individual initiatives taken by some countries of the North to ease the burden of some countries of the South. Bight here in New York, the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly in April 199C identified the recovery of growth in the developing countries as the most serious challenge of the 1990s, while endeavouring to raise international cooperation to the level of that challenge.
However, we must, of course, go further. In the General Assembly last year President Francois Mitterrand Introduced the idea of an international plan of assistance to the developing world, financed by new resources, a plan designed to bring together for a substantive debate the actors in the "tragedy of modern times", that of underdevelopment. These resources could be made available, because with the coming cessation of the arms race, considerable means will be released as part of what is called 'the peace dividend". The long-expressed call for disarmament in favour of development thus becomes even more urgent today. In this regard, it should be noted that the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, held in New York in September 1987, recognized the moral and political link between disarmament and development and the fact that that link should be given practical effect through specific measures taken regionally and internationally.
Therefore, we believe that the time has come to resume consideration of this question and to ensure that at least part of the huge resources heretofore devoted to the arms race is transferred to development tasks. However, the idea of an international plan of assistance to the developing world calls for establishing a North-South dialogue, which is indispensable for the renewing of international economic relations. Deeply aware of this need, Senegal, together with India, Venezuela and Egypt, took the initiative on the occasion of the bicentennial of the French Revolution in Paris in July 1989 of launching informal discussions on this topic with some countries of the North. This effort is continuing, and we hope that in the end the resumption of this dialogue will be fruitful.
This dialogue in favour of cooperation is more desirable than ever to establish mechanisms of cooperation for solidarity and peace between the two poles of the world. Just as indispensable as North-South dialogue is the promotion of 8outh-8outh cooperation, which is an important element of international economic relations. My country, which has made South-South cooperation an essential element of its foreign policy, has also been one of the initiators of the summit group on South-South consultation and exoneration, the Group of 15, which held its first summit meeting in Kuala Lumpur in June 1990. This would be the kind of forum that would give specific content and political drive to South-South cooperation.
It is in the same spirit that Senegal has worked, with faith and determination, to promote African economic integration, which has currently entered a new stage with the adoption, during the last summit meeting of the Organisation of African Unity, of a Treaty establishing the African Economic Community. The future community will develop on the basis of regional groups, such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), within whose framework the 16 States of West Africa will endeavour to organise genuine integration in the economic, social and cultural and even political fields.
We intend to continue these efforts and to intensify them, because we are aware, as President Abdou Diouf has stated, that
"the solution to our problems will be found first of all in the organisation of the economic solidarity of our States through the establishment of a truly integrated community".
This statement of the Head of State of Senegal, the President of ECOWAS, reflects as eloquently as can be our resolute commitment to achieve African integration, which we consider to be a major step in our permanent quest for increased well-being and progress.
This leads me to speak of the specific case of Africa, which the General Assembly considered once again a few days ago during a review meeting of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. May I remind members that President Abdou Diouf, the then President of OAU, was one of those responsible for the special session of the General Assembly devoted to the critical economic situation in Africa in May 1966, which led to the drafting of this Programme of Action.
It is well known today that Africa has met the commitments it undertook within the framework of this Programme, by implementing the desired reforms in conjunction with international agencies. We must stress that the other partners have not done so. Thus, five years after the adoption of the Programme, it is evident that there has been a net deterioration in economic and social conditions in Africa, which was clearly noted by the Secretary-General in his report to the review meeting a few days ago.
But, despite the laudable efforts of the African Group, to our great regret that meeting was unable to achieve consensus enabling it to adopt the draft of the new programme for the development of Africa in the 1990a that had been submitted to it. Hence we take this opportunity to appeal to the international community to take at our present session, which will once more take up this draft programme, the courageous measures needed owing to the unprecedented crisis buffeting our continent.
For our part, we shall spare no effort to bring this about.
For a country of the Sahel, like Senegal, which for years has been confronted with problems of drought and desertification, environment problems take on a special importance.
Aware of the fact that the struggle to halt the degradation of the environment must first be waged at the national level, in its development policy my country has given priority to the campaign against drought and desertification and for the preservation of natural resources.
The importance and scope of the problems linked to the preservation of the environment are such that it is possible to solve them only on a global, planetary scale. International solidarity in this area is thus particularly significant - all the more so given that interests here are so clearly interdependent.
Indeed, the ecological health of our planet is today seriously affected. The causes are well known: on the one hand, the enormous waste of resources in the consumer societies of the North and, on the other, the desperate struggle for survival in the poor countries of the South. Hence the problem can be solved only through an approach that takes into account the close relationship between environment and development.
Fortunately, the international community has swiftly realized the scope of the problem and its inherent dangerous on world-wide consequences.
The entry into force in 1989 of the Montreal Protocol on the Ozone, the adoption in Basle, also in 1989, the Convention on Trans-boundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes, the London Conference on Climate, held last year, the United Nations study on the rhythm, nature and impact of climatic changes - soon to be published - all constitute positive initiatives following upon this awareness.
But these initiatives will have to be strengthened and broadened. That is why we place great hope on the Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in 1992 in Brazil. It should give us an opportunity to study in depth problems linked to climatic changes, to establish principles that should guide our collective attitude towards environment and development problems and, above all, to work out a strategy for action likely not only to halt the degradation of the environment but especially to reverse it.
The economic crisis in our countries has led to social distortions affecting in particular the weakest or poorest segments of our populations: women, children and legions of jobless who are deprived of everything, even of a future. Problems such as the advancement of women, the survival and protection of children and illicit drug trafficking should receive our full attention.
In this connection, my country reaffirms its unshakable determination to continue supporting the implementation of the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children and the World Plan of Action, adopted here in September last year by Heads of State or Government, on the occasion of the first World Summit for Children.
It is also an opportunity for us to appeal to the international community, within the framework of the United Nations Decade against Drug Abuse (1991-2000), to strive to implement measures advocated by the Global Programme of Action adopted at the seventeenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to Drugs.
I should like once store to insist on the fact that juvenile delinquency, illicit drug trafficking, illegal immigration and so many other negative social phenomena remain linked to the state of underdevelopment endemic to the poor countries of the South.
The true solution must thus be found in the concerted implementation of balanced development strategies that take due account of the social dimension of economic progress.
Forty-six years ago, as the world emerged from the nightmare of the Second World Mar, a hope was born and a conviction took concrete form - the hope that men everywhere would henceforth know how to prevent the unleashing of new wars by working together to ensure respect for the right of each individual to freedom, dignity and justice, as well as the right of each nation to independence and sovereignty; the conviction that the intellectual and material resources available to mankind could now be devoted exclusively to the peaceful building of the future, and that they could serve to overcome, everywhere, the scourges of poverty, ignorance, epidemics and natural catastrophes.
For many nations in the world the evolution of the international situation did not bring about the fulfilment of aspirations to justice and peace. The seemingly irreducible antagonism of two super-Powers, each capable of destroying the planet many times over, ended up by making of international relations a question of simple arithmetic: the weakest peoples became mere pawns and each gain for one camp was a loss for the other.
Today, as this bipolar order is collapsing, we have an historic opportunity to build a new world based on peace, justice and progress. He can achieve it if we strive sufficiently, for we have the resources and the ability. Mankind has already overcome too many challenges in the course of its turbulent history for there to be any doubt that it can meet this challenge of the third millennium. That is our fondest hope, and it is in our common interest.
In welcoming this era of hope and freedom, my country fervently wishes that the emerging new world order will be the collective work of all nations of the world so that never again will any country, any nation, forget that the rule of law is a necessity for all States of the international community and that this rule applies equally to all.


I wish to extend to Ambassador Shihabi my congratulations on his election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. His election is a tribute not only to him personally for his long-standing and dedicated contribution to this Organisation, but also to the country he represents, Saudi Arabia, with which Malta has had long ties of friendship and diplomatic relations. I wish him all success in his task and assure him of the support of the delegation of Malta for his endeavours to bring the work of the General Assembly to a successful conclusion. During the past 12 months I have come to know him personally. His friendship and advice were an asset to me in my work as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session.
I also wish to congratulate the new Member States that have joined the community of nations. Malta welcomes the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to membership of the United Nations. Their joining the Organisation as sovereign, independent countries is the vindication of the judgment of history on an aggression pact aimed at the annihilation of three independent Republics, members of the League of Nations. Their presence here is a lesson that the United Nations can never countenance a situation where aggression prevails, and where peoples and nations are bartered by those who have the brazen power to do so.
The fact that, having this time last year heard in this Assembly the dignified appeal of His Highness the Emir of Kuwait for the liberation of his country, we have heard him this morning as head of a liberated sovereign State Member of the United Nations is evidence of this resolve.
We welcome the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea. I avail myself of this opportunity to thank the respective Governments
of these two new Members for receiving me in their capitals as President of the General Assembly prior to the filing of their applications to join the Organisation. I am confident that the presence of their two delegations in the United Nations will help to foster dialogue and understanding that will, in the maturity of time, lead to the unification of Korea.
My country welcomes the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands, which, through the Trusteeship Council, have reached sovereignty and independence. Their presence here will certainly contribute to the Pacific dimension of our Organisation.
In sponsoring the applications of all seven countries, Malta wanted to register its support for the universality of the United Nations.
Malta's foreign policy is to project to other nations its true identity by strengthening confidence in and respect for the political norms of a pluralistic society and of a democratic environment where mutual respect and equal rights for all are encouraged and upheld. My country believes that in the further consolidation of these democratic values nations will identify themselves with freedom and social justice.
We believe that the human dimension, involving as it does the observance of human rights, the recognition of pluralism, and the promotion of social progress and better standards of life in larger freedoms, is basic for an interdependent world where peace is indivisible.
During the past 20 months we have contributed to the termination of a bipolar world. We at the United Nations have lived this bipolarism and were almost marginalized as a result. To those who think that a unipolar world is the outcome of the end of bipolarism, may I suggest that there is no indication that this state of affairs is emerging. The statement made to this
Assembly by President Bush, assuring the world that the United States has no Intention of striving for a pax Americana but is seeking a pax universalis building on shared responsibility and aspirations, reflects the reality of a situation that depends on us all in its observance. A multipolar approach is evolving in an international scenario where certain countries, or groups of countries, continue affirming themselves. The United States of America, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the European Community, the People's Republic of China and Japan are assuming new political and economic responsibilities. However, we reiterate that a multipolar approach in the new international world order cannot be based on this global pentagonal hut must involve the small and medium-sized countries, which can contribute towards the maintenance of peace and security. For the small and medium-sized countries are the majority of States in the United Nations, and they are not a silent majority. They are indeed the countries where many of the world's problems, both political and economic, exist.
In this new multipolar international world order that is evolving, the concept of the human dimension must be the golden thread that links it up.
The human-dimension concept involves aspects that are intrinsically correlated. The first covers the fundamental human rights and freedoms, which have been defined in international conventions. We believe in these human rights, not in the abstract but in their concrete reality, involving, as they should, not only rights of a juridical nature - important and invaluable in themselves - but also social rights: the right to live, the right to shelter, the right to work. The juridical and the social rights are interdependent.

The second aspect covers the principle of the rule of law, the principle that protects the individual from the arbitrary exercise of power and from discrimination.
The third covers the basic concept of pluralistic democracy, where freedom of assembly and freedom of association can manifest themselves in free and regular elections. Unfortunately, in some countries the principle of "on® man, one vote" has been amended to "one man, one vote, once".
The demise of an ideology based on the dictatorship of any particular sector of society has shown that in the new international world order which is evolving the concept of the human dimension has no frontier. It is now important for the United Nations to create the necessary machinery to ensure that this concept receives mandatory enforcement. May I refer in this context to the statement made by the Foreign Minister of the USSR, Boris Pankin, that "specific human rights issues and matters of compliance with international commitments in this area cannot any longer be dismissed under the artificial pretext of interference in internal affairs".
The new international world order is increasing the need for regional arrangements in the maintenance of peace and security. In my Government's view. Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter, dealing with regional arrangements, should be examined with a view to encouraging through such regional arrangements the development of the pacific settlement of disputes on the initiative of States themselves or by reference from the Security Council.
Within this concept of regional arrangements, Malta forms part of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Ever since the enactment of the Helsinki Final Act, and also as a result of Malta's
insistence at the Helsinki Conference, the linkage between security in Europe and security in the Mediterranean has been recognised. The Mediterranean, however, is far from being a lake of peace. The economic and social challenges facing North African countries, the situation In the Middle East and the Cyprus question are prejudicing the prospects for peace and security in the region. He believe and maintain that the international conference on peace in the Middle East, with the Involvement of the United Nations, is still the best formula to approach the problem comprehensively. However, we consider conferences, all conferences, not to be an end in themselves but a means to an end. The end in this case is the implementation of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Within those parameters we encourage all initiatives intended to bring together the parties involved. We therefore favour and encourage the initiative which United States Secretary of State Baker is undertaking, an initiative to which the Foreign Minister of the USSR, Boris Pankin, is also contributing. In our view, however, the prospects for peace in the region can start only with the cessation by Israel of its settlements in the occupied territories. These settlements are, and will be, creating further difficulties and indeed great human problems which could prejudice the prospects for a lasting and just solution.
The situation in Yugoslavia, a country which faces the Adriatic Sea, is itself a matter of grave concern for all, not only for us in the Mediterranean; the situation in that country is creating issues and problems which the Organization may eventually have to face. On the one hand there is the concept of the sovereignty of a State vis-à-vis the United Nations, on the other the human dimension involved as a result of the war activities taking

place. There is a distinction between national minorities and national entities. On the Issue of national minorities, many are the international bodies which have set out the parameters of protection within the State to which these belong. But national entities - peoples which have their own national identity and group themselves, sometimes voluntarily and sometimes as a result of historical circumstances, and who react to situations preferring to disengage themselves from larger entities - require a different approach.
We are looking at this subject in full awareness of the complexities resulting there from, but also with the realism that the situation deserves. The situation in Yugoslavia may herald similar situations in other countries In Europe and in Africa, where, through the course of wars, conquests and colonialism, peoples have been moved, bartered and battered. Great sensitivity to the past and realism today are fundamental in reaching solutions which are to be based on the unacceptability of the use of force and the need to take account of all legitimate concerns and aspirations.
The position of my Government on the situation in Yugoslavia is that we are participating fully in the efforts of the CSCE to restore order and stability in the country for the benefit of the people and to defuse a situation which could become a threat to security and stability in the region. Any attempt in such circumstances to impose solutions through the use of armed force may carry serious consequences for the future.
We hope that all political and military leaders in Yugoslavia and in its constituent republics will reassert the CSCE principles as a means to achieve a negotiated peace worthy of a new Europe and the new international order we are seeking to create. We believe that the European Community is making a
positive contribution and, through the services of Lord Carrington, us trying to bring the parties to a peaceful settlement. The United Nations may be called upon to shoulder responsibilities envisaged in the Charter, with particular reference to Chapter VIII, dealing with regional arrangements.
Disarmament continues to be a priority objective for the international community. Despite the end of the cold war, annual military expenditure world-wide exceeds $900 billion. To add to the tragedy of the third world, developing countries, to procure foreign weapons, spend as a whole an equivalent of 23 per cent over and above the amount they receive In economic development aid.
Malta is in favour of the reduction of nuclear weapons with a view to their ultimate elimination, in favour of a balanced reduction of conventional weapons, and in favour of the complete prohibition of the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical and biological weapons. My Government is in favour of urgent action being taken to apply confidence- and security-building measures on the high seas.

As an island and Mediterranean State, Malta advocates that naval disarmament should feature prominently in international negotiations. The process which is unfolding in Europe in nuclear disarmament must be extended to cover sea-based as well as airborne sites. As much as we need open skies we need open seas.
The CSCE process has entered a new and important phase. A concept of security and cooperation is emerging from Vancouver to Vladivostok. A common vocabulary is being used. The Charter of Paris is a milestone in both the political and the social fields.
Malta's role in the new Europe has been appropriately addressed by its application to join the
European Community. We believe that the European Community, to live up to its responsibility as the motor force leading to European unity, has to be outward looking and ready for enlargement. He are amongst those who believe that a process of in-depth structuring does not hinder its enlargement.
The intergovernmental conferences leading to monetary union and political cooperation, coupled with the acquis communitaire process, should not constitute a barrier between the Twelve and the rest in Europe that have the qualifications and the political will to join.
It is, in our view, relevant to give due weight to the market aspect of the Community, but may we suggest that Ballstein's concept of the European Community - not being "in business, we are in politics" - should take precedence in the proper evaluation of the Community's role in Europe and the world.
Malta's role in Europe is linked to its role in the Mediterranean. Indeed, we believe that Malta's participation in the Community will further Strengthen the cooperation between the Community and the southern countries of

the Mediterranean. Within this concept also we advocate a conference on security and cooperation in the Mediterranean, and continue to give our support to the Western Mediterranean Forum.
In this general debate speakers have touched on problems of the developing world. The United Nations has to be the conscience of the world in realising that there exists a poverty curtain where billions of men and women are condemned at birth to lead a life of misery and hunger. It is the responsibility of our Organisation to create the necessary structures to ensure that this indictment against today's society, harbouring mountains of butter in one part while part of humanity is dying from hunger and want in other areas of the world, be removed.
We are witnessing 15 million refugees and more, victims of strife and drought. We have hunger-refugees for whom our conventions do not apply.
As President of the General Assembly I wrote to this effect to the Secretary-General, not only referring to the presence of the Albanian boat people, but also suggesting that initiatives be taken in the United Nations so that the concept of "refugees" be extended to cover "hunger-refugees", and that measures be considered to encourage further economic assistance, through both bilateral and multilateral sources in these unfortunate circumstances. On this matter I have received positive indications from both the Secretary-General and the High Commissioner for Refugees.
We believe that this Organization cannot relegate its role to that of a mere spectator in the field of economic development. Far from relegating itself, it has to make economic development the spearhead of its activities for a more just, secure and equitable global society.
The issue of the environment is of particular interest to my Government, which has already taken an initiative on the adverse consequences of climate
change. The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil in June 1992, will consider the adoption of a framework convention on climate change, a fitting conclusion to three years of intensive negotiations on an initiative taken by the Government of Malta at the forty-third session of the General Assembly.
Issues affecting the common heritage of mankind, in particular the seabed, issues affecting the common concern of mankind, in particular global warming and sea-level rise, problems affecting the rights of future generations - all are subjects which require our constant attention. For they concern matters that are kept by us in trust for future generations.
Within this context we have already proposed to the Assembly that the Trusteeship Council, in addition to its functions under the Charter, should not only be entrusted with Territories and men but should also be the Trusteeship Council of the world in matters affecting the common heritage and common concerns of an everlasting humanity.
For this Organization to be able to play its role to defend the peace, to live the freedoms and to promote social progress and better standards of life, it has to evolve into a second-generation United Nations. For this purpose there has to be a constitutional linkage between its principal organs - the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Secretariat. As the Secretary-General pointed out in his report,
"This ... is not merely an issue of the internal working of the Organization; it bears on the guardianship of peace exercised by the United Nations." (A/46/1, p. 20)
We think that the principle of frugality must be at the basis of our Organization. To meet the new challenges which the international situation

has opened up for the United Nations we need more resources and a stronger financial commitment. He have expressed the importance of the principle of frugality, not because less will be spent, but in order to ensure that the greater financial involvement will give optimal results.
For this second-generation United Nations to have the moral strength and to be at the service of the peoples of the world we think that the following considerations are important»
one, a revitalisation of the United Nations principal organs, with particular reference to the General Assembly and its links with the Security Council and the Secretariat;
two, the creation of conflict-warning systems;
three, enhancing the peace-keeping forces of the United Nations in order to reinforce peace where such a presence is useful and required;
four, a strong lead by the United Nations in the disarmament process, particularly in regulating the transfer and sale of arms;
five, the mobilization of all human resources to fight against poverty in the world as well as to provide solutions for the refugee tragedy;
six, a modern and adequate approach to the problems afflicting contemporary societies, in particular the fight against drugs, AIDS and terrorism;
seven, the creation of an emergency centre against natural and man-made disasters;
eight, the additional role of the Trusteeship Council as a body designed to safeguard the environment, the common heritage of mankind and common concerns for future generations;
nine, the setting up of an efficient system of international security giving Articles 43 and 45 of the Charter the relevance conceived by the founders of the United Nations;
ten, re-evaluating and re-assessing the purposes and aims of regional arrangements considered under Chapter VIII of the Charter;
eleven, the development of and respect for international law, not only in its classic spheres but also in economic and environmental development;
twelve, the accentuation of the role of the individual in the United Nations, giving the human dimension its rightful prominence in promoting social progress and better standards of life in larger freedoms.
He have tried in this statement to give the views and reactions of a country with limited dimensions, but with geostrategic relevance in the Mediterranean, to the problems of today and to the concept of the United Nations. Malta has tried to give its contribution with other nations towards the principles of the Charter within a context of the new international situation.
For it is to the United Nations that peoples throughout the world are entrusting their future. The United Nations has generated a sense of service and dedication to the cause of man living the concept of peace in freedom.
May I in this context express to the Secretary-General the sincere thanks of my country for his dedication to the cause of peace. Mr. Peres de Cuellar has given a decade of his life to this Organisation as Secretary-General. May I suggest that for the Secretary-General these past 12 months have perhaps
(Mr. de Marco. Malta)
Been the most difficult in that the occupation of Kuwait created in him a conflict natural in a man of peace gifted with great sensitivity for mankind. Having been close to the Secretary-General during these past 12 months, I want to express my deep admiration for his services in the cause of peace.
We are all facing the unknown, but it is an unknown for which we possess a compass. Although the present and latent difficulties and problems are many, this forty-sixth year of the United Nations can herald a greater commitment to the cause of peace and justice.
We have a unique opportunity in the present international situation to create a new international order. We cannot miss this opportunity. In the words of Henri Bergson, "Time is a path you do not pass over twice." That is today's challenge for building tomorrow's future.