It is truly an honour
for me to address the Assembly at this global forum on
behalf of Montenegro and to reiterate our commitment
to the principles and purposes of the United Nations
and its Charter.
 I hereby wish to congratulate Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his election as President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session, and to
pledge the full support of the Montenegrin delegation
as he carries out his demanding task. I also wish to
thank Mr. Joseph Deiss for his valuable contribution
and for strengthening the central role of the United
Nations in the global system during his presidency of
the General Assembly.
 I would like to congratulate Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon on his reappointment, which I am certain
will result in the continuation of the reforms
undertaken to build a more efficient and coherent
United Nations system, and thus a safer and more
prosperous world.
 Two months ago, Montenegro was replaced by
South Sudan as the youngest Member of our
Organization. I wish to congratulate South Sudan on its
independence and its full-fledged membership in this
body. I truly believe that this milestone will contribute
to security and serve as a good starting point for the
development of good-neighbourly relations.
 We also support the democratization processes in
North Africa, as well as the actions taken by the United
Nations and the African Union in Côte d’Ivoire,
Somalia, the Congo and other parts of Africa to further
the overall progress of the entire continent.
 In the context of regional cooperation,
Montenegro has contributed to overall stability in
South-East Europe by chairing the most important
regional initiatives, which has been a unique and rather
challenging experience for our Administration.
Montenegro is committed to further developing mutual
understanding and to strengthening all forms of
cooperation in the future. Our success and that of the
countries of our region is the success of Europe, too.
 There is full consensus on the issue of European
Union integration in Montenegro. We are aware of the
fact that this process requires continuous contributions
from all stakeholders in our society. I am convinced
that we will have enough will, enthusiasm, capacity
and energy to tackle it during the forthcoming period.
 I hope and believe that persistent and committed
work on the implementation of overall internal
reforms, based on the seven key recommendations
underlined by the European Commission and
accompanied by a policy of good-neighbourly relations
and regional and international cooperation, represent a
solid foundation for the European Commission to
recommend, in its progress report to the European
Council, that European Union (EU) accession talks be
opened with Montenegro.
 We are taking firm steps forward on the
Euro-Atlantic path and are currently preparing our
second Annual National Programme as part of the
NATO membership process. The progress of the
Western Balkan countries towards European and Euro-
Atlantic integration is a key factor for regional stability
and lays the groundwork for long-term economic
prosperity.
 As a United Nations Member State and a reliable
international partner, Montenegro is committed to the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Consistent with its capacities, Montenegro actively
participates in United Nations peacekeeping missions
in Liberia and Cyprus, while also keeping in mind the
regional security aspects.
 Through our participation in the NATO-led
International Security Assistance Force, we directly
contribute to the efforts of the international community
to ensure lasting peace in Afghanistan, while at the
same time supporting global efforts in the fight against
terrorism. Through the EU ATALANTA mission, we
have joined the fight against piracy, the consequences

5 11-51360

of which have also been suffered by Montenegrin
sailors.
 Nevertheless, in order to prevent new conflicts
that have the potential to cause humanitarian disasters
and put additional pressure on the already-burdened
peacekeeping mission contingents, it is necessary to
strengthen preventive diplomacy and mediation
activities in cases of potential and initiated conflict.
The further development of United Nations capacities
in this domain will contribute to the timely and
peaceful resolution of conflicts before their
complexities lead to serious international
repercussions.
 In that regard, Montenegro strongly supports the
peaceful resolution of all existing conflicts, especially
those in the wider region of the Middle East and North
Africa. Priority should be given to the urgent signing
of a peace agreement between Israel and Palestine,
which is in their mutual interest. Only if both sides
refrain from violent actions will room be created for
confidence-building and a comprehensive solution to
the Middle East issue, making Israel a safe country, to
the benefit of both internationally recognized sides and
meeting the prerequisites for Palestine to establish a
stable State.
 Montenegro also supports all the Security
Council resolutions and actions taken by the
international community aimed at stopping human
rights violations and fulfilling the legitimate
aspirations of populations, especially in Libya and
Syria.
 Montenegro supports the principles of the
universality of human rights and the inadmissibility of
violating them or resolutions promoting their
protection and enhancement. We also support the
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
and the Human Rights Council, to which we have
announced our candidature for the period 2013-2015.
Experience that Montenegro gained in its turbulent
past, when it provided shelter to refugees, can serve as
a basis for achieving long-lasting political
compromises aimed at securing peace in the region. In
our view, the Universal Periodic Review is an
important instrument for assessing the status of human
rights in the world.
 I wish to emphasize our support of the work of
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia, and the importance of all of the
international tribunals, especially when it comes to
systematic violations of fundamental human rights and
freedoms. They not only serve as an example and guide
for national courts, but they also function as a clear
deterrent to and inescapable destination for individuals
who ignore the rules established by the Geneva
Conventions.
 Montenegro, as an ethnically, culturally and
religiously diverse society, is an active member of the
Group of Friends of the United Nations Alliance of
Civilizations and is committed to the fundamental
principles of integration, the strengthening of civil
society, tolerance and the fight against all forms of
discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. We
are determined and committed to preserving the
fundamental values that civil society is based upon, no
matter what the challenges are and no matter what the
challenges that we, as a society and a State, will have
to face in the future.
 Let me also briefly point out our current
economic developments. The fact that we are a small
and open economy, and therefore vulnerable to changes
in the global economic market, resulted in the global
economic and financial crisis stalling Montenegro’s
economic progress. Nevertheless, with the
implementation of our anti-crisis economic policy we
have lessened the impact of the global crisis and
stopped the downward trend in the Montenegrin
economy.
 That crisis confirmed the soundness of the basic
principles of our economic policy — focusing on
further stabilization of public finances, improving the
business environment and structural reforms, so as to
establish a stable, dynamic and competitive economy
in the long term and to improve the quality of life of all
citizens of Montenegro. Despite being fully aware that,
if we are to mount an adequate response to the crisis,
we will have to make some difficult and unpopular cuts
in order to create a new, sound basis for strengthening
the economy, we also know that actions taken by one
stakeholder alone, no matter how successful, are
insufficient. We all have to play a positive role in order
to strike the right balance among success,
sustainability, social responsibility and solidarity in
this complex process.
 Accordingly, we must not stop progress towards
achieving the Millennium Development Goals, the
realization of which creates the basis for the further

11-51360 6

development of human rights and fundamental
freedoms throughout the world. The fight against
poverty and diseases, gender equality, protection of
mothers and children, education, environmental
protection and sustainable development represent the
main prerequisites for progress and prosperity for our
societies and are high on our Government’s agenda.
 Montenegro supports pragmatic reform in the
United Nations. As a small country, it is especially
interested in strengthening the authority and role of the
General Assembly — and other main United Nations
bodies — and in improving its efficiency of operation.
Increasing representation in the Security Council —
including granting a seat to the Group of Eastern
European States in the category of non-permanent
member — would result in a functional strengthening
of that body, improving its efficiency, accountability
and credibility, in accordance with the United Nations
Charter. A modern reform process, open to Member
States individually or to groups of countries, must be
based on a broad consensus on all five key aspects of
Security Council reform. I am sure that there is a way
to make a bridge between those goals and other
entities, such as the Group of 20, for instance.
 In its further democratization, its improved
efficiency, its strengthened judiciary and administrative
system, its fight against corruption and organized
crime and its fostering of an inclusive society,
Montenegro and the resident and non-resident United
Nations agencies are working together to achieve the
strategic goals of our common policy. The United
Nations Development programme Resident
Representative and the One United Nations programme
have given an opportunity both to United Nations
agencies and State partners in the process to create and
monitor programme activities directly and on equal
footing, and to adapt programme activities to the
development needs of our country.
 At the same time, the One United Nations
programme is an opportunity for gradual reform in the
operations of the United Nations system, creating a
simultaneous and well-coordinated approach that will
result, among other things, in avoiding overlaps
between United Nations agencies and in achieving
more efficient results in the implementation of national
priorities.
 Montenegro supports nuclear non-proliferation
and objects to further expansion of the number of
countries that possess nuclear weapons. Moreover, we
support all agreements of the nuclear Powers on mutual
reduction of their nuclear capacities, creating a safer
world for existing and future generations. In that
context, I wish to thank the Secretary-General for the
appeal he sent late last month, requesting all countries
that have nuclear technology to adhere to the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. I wish to
emphasize that Montenegro ratified the Convention on
Cluster Munitions and that within less than a year it
destroyed all reserves of that type of weapons, thus
confirming again its commitment to the principles of
non-proliferation.
 Montenegro is an environmentally conscious
State. That is a bedrock principle of our Constitution.
Based on that commitment, we have an additional
incentive to find solutions that are compatible with our
sustainable development policy. Our strategy for
development in Montenegro is to achieve synergy
between growth and employment, on the one hand, and
social equality, the environment and natural resources,
on the other.
 The United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development, which will take place in Rio de Janeiro
in 2012, represents an important opportunity to
promote international cooperation in the area of
sustainable development and an opportunity to make a
comprehensive evaluation of the progress made in the
past two decades. Montenegro, as a member of the
United Nations Commission on Sustainable
Development from 2011 to 2014, is committed to
contributing to the success of that Conference with its
constructive actions.
 Montenegro is especially sensitive to climate
change issues. There are numerous potential negative
effects of climate change on Montenegro. A rise in sea
level and temperature would diminish biological
diversity. I therefore believe that the fight against
climate change requires a global, coordinated and
decisive international agreement, based on the
principles defined in the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol.
The Framework Convention represents a key
multilateral forum for global action in the area of
climate change, and the sixteenth Conference of the
Parties in Cancún confirms that a multilateral approach
to climate change management under United Nations
auspices can give concrete results.

7 11-51360

 Allow me to reiterate once again how honoured I
am to participate in the general debate of this global
forum on behalf of Montenegro and, together with the
representatives of 192 countries, to contribute directly
to the promotion of our mutual understanding and
peaceful coexistence, to the benefit of all of our
nations.


I am grateful
to the Almighty Allah, who has granted me once more
an opportunity to appear before the General Assembly.
I have the pleasure to express my sincere thanks to His
Excellency Mr. Joseph Deiss, President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fifth session, for his tremendous
efforts during his tenure. I would also like to
congratulate His Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser on his election as the President of the
Assembly at its sixty-sixth session.
 Let me seize this opportunity to pay tribute to all
those who lost their lives in the past year as a result of
natural disasters, in particular the victims of the tragic
famine in Somalia and the devastating flood in
Pakistan. I urge everyone to intensify their assistance
to the affected populations in those countries.
 Over the past years, I have spoken about different
global issues and the need to introduce fundamental
changes in the current international order. Today,
considering international developments, I will try to
analyze the present situation from a different angle.
 As everyone knows, the superiority of human
beings and their dominance over other creatures lie in
the very nature and the truth of humankind, which is a
divine gift and a manifestation of the divine spirit
embodying faith in God, the everlasting Creator and
Planner of the entire universe who shows compassion,
generosity, justice and integrity in both words and
deeds; the quest for dignity to reach the pinnacles of
perfection, the aspirations to elevate one’s material and
spiritual status and the longing to realize liberty;
defying oppression, corruption and discrimination and
trying to support the oppressed; seeking happiness and
lasting prosperity and security for all.
 Those are some of the manifestations of common
divine and human attributes that can clearly be seen in
the historical aspirations of human beings to create a
heritage of art and literature, both in prose and poetry,
and in the socio-cultural and political movements of
human beings throughout the course of history. All
divine prophets and social reformers have invited
human beings to tread on this righteous path. God gave
dignity to humankind in order to elevate its status so
that it can assume the role of His successor on Earth.
 It is vividly clear that, despite all historical
achievements, including the creation of the United
Nations, which was the product of untiring struggles
and the efforts of free-minded and justice-seeking
individuals and of international cooperation, human
societies remain far from fulfilling their noble desires
and aspirations. Most nations of the world are unhappy
with the current international circumstances. Despite
the general longing and aspiration for peace, progress
and fraternity, wars, mass murder, widespread poverty
and socio-economic and political crises continue to
infringe upon the rights and sovereignty of nations,
leaving behind irreparable damage to all nations
worldwide.

11-50865 16

 Approximately, 3 billion of the world’s people
live on less than $2.50 a day, and over 200 million
people live without even having one proper meal per
day. Forty per cent of the world’s poorest populations
only share 5 per cent of global income, while 20 per
cent of the richest people share 75 per cent of
economic earnings worldwide. More than 20,000
innocent and destitute children around the world die
every day because of poverty. Eighty per cent of
financial resources in the United States of America are
controlled by 10 per cent of its people, while only
20 per cent of those resources belong to 90 per cent of
the population.
 What are the causes and reasons behind these
inequalities? How can one remedy such injustice?
Those who dominate and run the centres of global
economic power put the blame on peoples’ religious
aspirations and the pursuit of the path of divine
prophets, or on the weakness of nations and the poor
performance of a number of groups or individuals.
They claim that only their views, approaches and
prescriptions can save humankind and the world
economy. I ask everyone here whether they think that
the root cause of the problems can be solved in the
prevailing international order of the way the world is
governed.
 I want to draw attention to the following
questions. Who abducted by force tens of millions of
people from their homes in Africa and other regions of
the world during the dark period of slavery, making
Africans the victims of the materialistic greed of the
United States and Europe? Who imposed colonialism
on the world for over four centuries? Who occupied
lands and massively plundered other nations’
resources, destroyed talents and obliterated native
languages, cultures and national identities? Who
triggered the First and Second World Wars, which left
70 million dead and hundreds of millions injured or
homeless? Who created the wars in the Korean
peninsula and Viet Nam?
 Who imposed, through deceit and hypocrisy, the
Zionist agenda and almost 60 years of war,
homelessness, terror and mass murder on the
Palestinian people and the countries of the region?
Who imposed and supported for decades military
dictatorships and totalitarian regimes on Asian, African
and Latin American nations, and established friendly
relations with all of them? Who used atomic bombs
against defenceless people and then stockpiled
thousands of warheads in their arsenals? Whose
economies rely on waging wars and selling arms?
 Who provoked and encouraged Saddam Hussein
to invade and impose an eight-year war on Iran, and
who assisted and equipped him to deploy chemical
weapons against our cities and our people? Who used
the mysterious 11 September incident as a pretext to
attack Afghanistan and Iraq, killing, injuring and
displacing millions in those two countries, with the
ultimate goal of bringing the Middle East and its oil
resources under its domination?
 Who undermined the Bretton Woods system and
printed trillions of dollars without the backing of gold
reserves or an equivalent currency, a move that
triggered inflation worldwide and was intended to prey
on the economic gains of other nations? What
country’s annual military spending exceeds $1 trillion
annually — more than the military budgets of all
countries of the world combined? Which Governments
are the ones most indebted in the world, and which
Government threatens all nations and countries on any
pretext?
 Who dominates the policymaking establishments
of the world economy? Who are the ones who are
responsible for the world economic recession and are
imposing its consequences in the United States and
Europe on Asian, African, Latin American and all other
nations? Which Governments are ever ready to drop
thousands of bombs on other countries but ponder and
hesitate to send a bit of food aid to famine-stricken
people in Somalia or elsewhere? Who are the ones
dominating the Security Council, which is ostensibly
responsible for safeguarding international security?
 There exist dozens of other similar questions, and
of course the answers are clear. The majority of nations
and Governments of the world have had no role in the
creation of the current global crisis, and in fact are
themselves the victims of such policies. It is as clear as
daylight that the same slave-masters and colonial
Powers that once triggered the two World Wars have
caused widespread misery and disorder, with far-
reaching effects across the globe since then. They
continue to control the international political centres
and the Security Council.
 Do those arrogant Powers really have the
competence and ability to run or govern the world? Is
it acceptable that they call themselves the sole
defenders of freedom, democracy and human rights,

17 11-50865

while they attack and occupy other countries
militarily? Can the flower of democracy blossom from
NATO’s missiles, bombs and guns?
 If some European countries still use the
Holocaust — after six decades — as an excuse to pay
ransom to the Zionists, should it not be an obligation of
the slave masters and colonial Powers to pay
reparations to the affected nations? If the damage and
losses of the period of slavery and colonialism were
indeed compensated for, what would happen to the
manipulators and behind-the-scenes political powers in
the United States and Europe? Would the gaps between
the North and the South remain? If only half of the
military expenditures of the United States and its allies
in NATO were cut to help solve the economic problems
in their own countries, would they be experiencing any
symptoms of the economic crisis? What would happen
if the same amount were allocated to poor nations?
 What is the justification for the presence of
hundreds of United States military and intelligence
bases in various parts of the world, including 268 bases
in Germany, 124 in Japan, 87 in the Republic of Korea,
83 in Italy, 45 in the United Kingdom, 21 in Portugal
and hundreds of other bases in other parts of the
world? Is that anything other than military occupation?
Do not the bombs deployed in the United States bases
undermine the security of other nations?
 The main question is the root causes of such
attitudes. The prime reason should be sought in the
beliefs and tendencies of the establishment, which is
made up of people in conflict with their inner human
instincts and disposition, who also have no faith in God
and in the path of the divine prophets to replace their
lust for power and materialistic ends with heavenly
values. To them, only power and wealth prevail. Every
attempt must be made to bring into focus those sinister
goals.
 Oppressed nations have no hope to safeguard or
protect their legitimate rights against those Powers.
Those Powers seek their progress, prosperity and
dignity through the poverty, humiliation and
annihilation of others. They consider themselves
superior to others, enjoying special privileges or
concessions. They have no respect for others and
casually violate the rights of all nations and
Governments. They proclaim themselves the
indisputable custodians of all Governments and nations
through intimidation, recourse to threats and force, and
the abuse of international mechanisms.
 They insist on imposing their lifestyle and beliefs
on others. They officially support racism. They weaken
countries through military intervention and destroy
their infrastructure in order to plunder their resources
by making them all the more dependent. They sow the
seeds of hate and hostility among nations and people of
different pursuits in order to prevent them from
fulfilling their goals of development and progress.
 All cultural identities, lives and values, as well as
the wealth of nations and human values, including of
women, children and youth, are sacrificed to their
hegemonistic tendencies and their inclination to
enslave and capture other nations.
 Hypocrisy and deceit are allowed in order to
secure their interests and imperialistic intentions. Drug
trafficking and the killing of innocent human beings
are also allowed in pursuit of such diabolical goals.
Despite NATO’s presence in occupied Afghanistan,
there has been a dramatic increase in the production of
illicit drugs in that country.
 They tolerate no question or criticism and,
instead of presenting a reason for their violations, they
always put themselves in the position of a claimant.
 By using their imperialistic media network,
which is under the influence of colonialism, they
threaten anyone who questions the Holocaust and the
event of 11 September with sanctions and military
action.
 Last year, when the need to form a fact-finding
team to undertake a thorough investigation concerning
the hidden elements involved in the 11 September
incident was brought up — an idea also endorsed by all
independent Governments and nations, as well as by
the majority of people in the United States — my
country and I were pressured and threatened by the
Government of the United States. Instead of assigning
a fact-finding team, they killed the main perpetrator
and threw his body into the sea.
 Would it not have been reasonable to bring to
justice and openly try the main perpetrator of the
incident in order to identify the elements and reasons
behind the safe space provided for the invading aircraft
to attack the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center?
Why should it not have been allowed to bring him to
trial so as to help efforts to recognize those who

11-50865 18

launched terrorist groups and brought wars and other
miseries into the region? Is there any classified
information that must be kept secret?
 They view Zionism as a sacred notion or
ideology. Any question concerning its foundation and
history is condemned by them as an unforgivable sin.
However, they endorse and allow sacrileges and insults
against the beliefs of other divine religions.
 Real freedom, justice, dignity and well-being and
lasting security are the rights of all nations. Those
values can be achieved neither by reliance on the
current inefficient system of world governance nor
through the intervention of the world’s arrogant Powers
or the gun barrels of NATO forces. Those values can be
realized only through independence, the recognition of
others’ rights, harmony and cooperation.
 Is there any way to address the problems and
challenges besetting the world by using the prevailing
international mechanisms and tools so as to help
humankind achieve its long-standing aspirations of
peace, security and equality?
 All those who tried to introduce reforms while
preserving the existing norms and tendencies have
failed. The valuable efforts made by the Non-Aligned
Movement, the Group of 77 and the Group of 15, as
well as by some prominent individuals, have failed to
bring about fundamental changes, although they did
have their respective impacts and effects.
 The governance and management of the world
require fundamental reforms, but what has to be done
now? Efforts must be made, with firm resolve and
through collective cooperation, to map out a new plan
on the basis of principles and the very foundation of
such universal human values as monotheism, justice,
freedom, love and the quest for happiness, on the basis
of happiness for all.
 The idea of creating the United Nations remains a
great and historic achievement of humankind. Its
importance must be appreciated and its capacities must
be used for our noble goals, to the extent possible. We
should not allow the Organization, which reflects the
collective will and shared aspirations of the community
of nations, to deviate from its main course and play
into the hands of the world Powers.
 The necessary groundwork must be laid to ensure
collective participation and the involvement of nations
in efforts to promote lasting peace and security. The
shared and collective management of the world must
be achieved in its true sense and be based on the
underlying principles enshrined in international law.
Justice must serve as the criterion and the basis for all
international decisions and actions.
 All of us should acknowledge the fact that there
is no way other than the shared and collective
management of the world to put an end to today’s
worldwide disorder, tyranny and discrimination. This is
indeed the only way to ensure the prosperity and
welfare of human society, which is an established and
vivid truth. While acknowledging that truth, one should
note that acknowledgement alone is not enough. We
must believe in it and spare no effort towards its
realization.
 The shared and collective management of the
world is the legitimate right of all nations. As their
representatives, we have an obligation to defend their
rights. Although some Powers continuously try to
frustrate all international efforts aimed at promoting
collective cooperation, we must nevertheless
strengthen our belief in achieving the desired goal of
establishing shared and collective cooperation to run
the world.
 The United Nations was created to enable the
effective participation of all nations in international
decision-making processes. We all know that this goal
has not yet been fulfilled, owing to the absence of
justice in the current management structures and
mechanisms of the United Nations.
 The composition of the Security Council is unjust
and inequitable. Therefore, changes that include the
restructuring of the United Nations are considered as
the basic demands of nations and must be addressed by
the General Assembly.
 During last year’s session, I emphasized the
importance of this issue and called for the designation
of the present decade as the decade of shared and
collective global management, and for all capacities
and resources to be mobilized in that direction. I would
now like to reiterate my proposal. I am sure that,
through international cooperation, the efforts of
committed world leaders and Governments, an
insistence on justice and the support of all other
nations, we can expedite the process of building a
bright common future. This movement is certainly on
the rightful path to its creation, and carries with it the
assurance of a promising future for humankind. That

19 11-50865

future will be built when humankind sets off on the
path of the divine prophets and the righteous, under the
leadership of Imam Al-Mahdi, the ultimate saviour of
humankind and the heir to all divine messengers and
leaders and to the pure generation of our great prophet.
 The creation of a supreme and ideal society with
the arrival of a perfect human being who is a true and
sincere lover of all humankind is the guaranteed
promise of Allah. He will come with Jesus Christ to
lead those who love freedom and justice to eradicate
tyranny and discrimination and promote knowledge,
peace, justice, freedom and love across the world. He
will present to every single individual all the beauty of
the world and all good things that bring happiness, the
promise of a better tomorrow and the sweet taste of life
to all humankind.
 Today nations have been awakened and, with the
increase in public awareness, they no longer submit to
oppression and discrimination. The world today is
witnessing more than ever a widespread awakening in
Islamic lands, in Asia, in Europe and in America.
Every day, those movements are expanding their scope
and influence to pursue the realization of justice,
freedom and the creation of a better tomorrow.
 Our great nation, with its millennial civilization
and history, stands ready to join hands with other
nations to march along that beautiful path, in harmony
and in line with the shared aspirations of humankind.
Let us salute love and freedom, let us salute justice and
knowledge and let us salute the bright future that
awaits humankind.


Senegal
welcomes the election of Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser as President of the General Assembly to lead
its work at this sixty-sixth session. Therefore, I address
to him and his country my warm congratulations. He
will have the support of the Senegalese delegation
throughout his mandate.
 I also extend to the President’s predecessor,
Mr. Joseph Deiss, our appreciation for all his efforts to
revitalize and strengthen the General Assembly so that
it may play its role under the Charter.
 In addition, I also reiterate to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-Moon, my warmest
congratulations on everything he has done for the
Organization.
 I should like to touch on the theme of the session,
the role of mediation in the settlement of disputes. The
Charter has a number of provisions for the prevention
of conflicts and for conflict-resolution. This goal,
which was set down in the Charter 66 years ago by the
founding fathers, remains, despite evident progress, a
long way off. This challenge concerns us, just as it
engages our collective and individual responsibility to
save current and future generations from the scourge of
war.

5 11-50847

 While the spectre of a major conflict has faded
since the end of the Cold War, millions of men and
women around the world continue to suffer the
disastrous consequences of conflicts old and new.
 Peace can be threatened in different ways. It can
be threatened when, on the fertile ground of political
antagonisms and social, economic and religious
conflicts, confrontation gains the upper hand over
tolerance, respect and acceptance of our differences.
 Peace is also threatened when the legitimate
aspirations of peoples to freedom and respect for
human rights find in response only indifference and
refusal of dialogue, if not systematic repression, as is
the case in a number of countries.
 Our theme, mediation, is addressed in the
Charter, but there are similar notions, such as good
offices and negotiations. I would like to contribute
something by defining mediation as a mechanism
whereby a person, a State or an institution comes
between two parties in real or potential conflict and
seeks to bring their points of view closer together, with
a view to bringing the parties to make concessions and
reach a consensus. That can apply to internal conflicts
as well as conflicts between States.
 I wish to refer to resolution 37/10, of 1982,
approving the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful
Settlement of International Disputes, and the 1988
Declaration on the Prevention and Removal of
Disputes and Situations which May Threaten
International Peace and Security and on the Role of the
United Nations in this Field (resolution 43/51). To
these may be added the Agenda for Peace (A/47/277),
drafted after the first Security Council summit meeting,
held in January 1992, establishing a doctrine of
so-called tension-prevention through early warning and
preventive diplomacy.
 The fact is that by no stretch of the imagination
can our Organization alone do everything. We must
consider mediation efforts at other levels, such as the
regional level. It is a pity that Africa has forgotten an
original mechanism often used following
independence: meetings between Heads of State at
their border to directly address their differences.
Unfortunately, this good practice is falling out of
fashion, with general international mechanisms being
favoured.
 In the two categories of mediation — within a
country or between countries — we have very rich
experiences in West Africa. I shall limit myself to only
mentioning them, because some are fairly well known.
 For example, with regard to internal conflict,
when I was head of an opposition party I personally
intervened at the request of Heads of State, who
appreciated that I had chosen a democratic internal
opposition instead of armed national liberation
movements. I often succeeded in bringing together
points of view and even in integrating opposition into
various Governments, which I did myself later by
agreeing to enter the Government of the person who
had been my adversary in a number of elections.
 I can give the example of Guinea-Bissau, a matter
resolved by a trio of Heads of State, of whom I was
one, which decided to travel to the country, which was
in conflict with the army. Order was successfully
re-established. The countries concerned were Nigeria,
Ghana and Senegal. More recently there was the
Ivorian crisis, which ended happily thanks to the
Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), supported by the United Nations and
France.
 I could add the normalization of the situation in
Niger and Guinea-Conakry through the mediation of
ECOWAS, which succeeded despite difficulties in
establishing an elected Government. I can also cite the
peaceful declaration of independence of the State of
South Sudan. I commend the representative of that
brother country here at the United Nations.
 There are of course other cases. The examples I
have given were just to show that at the regional level
many conflicts can be settled directly by States,
sometimes with the assistance of an outside country,
such as France, or with the assistance of the United
Nations.
 To conclude that list of countries, I want to say
that just a few days ago, as there is a threat of trouble
on the border between Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire, the
President of ECOWAS convened a small group of
neighbouring countries, and we were able, with the
help of the United Nations, to establish a mechanism to
prevent the intervention of mercenaries in Côte
d’Ivoire who were seeking to enter Liberia to
destabilize the country during election time.

11-50847 6

 Sadly, despite those successes, there are other
potential conflicts, such as that which is harming
relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and the
potential conflict in Darfur.
 I turn to mediation used in conflicts between
States. I shall take just one example: Palestine and the
State of Israel. I commend all the efforts made over
many years to bring the two parties closer together,
which unfortunately have not yet succeeded. So this
year we have an application by Palestine to the General
Assembly for recognition as a Member State of the
United Nations. There is no doubt about Senegal’s
support for the application; it is the consequence of
what has been our policy for a long time, particularly
as today Senegal is Chairman of the United Nations
Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of
the Palestinian People.
 Senegal supports an independent Palestinian State
within internationally recognized borders as well as the
existence of the State of Israel, each within its own
borders. It will not be easy to achieve that, but the
international community will do its very best.
 I take this opportunity to make a clarification,
because, despite my proximity to the Arab countries
and to the Palestinians, a few days ago a statement was
made about my playing the role of mediator in the
Israel-Palestine conflict. President Netanyahu’s
understanding was mistaken. I have never been a
mediator in the Palestine-Israel conflict and have never
sought to be a mediator. Moreover, we need to do much
more than to call one country or one person to mediate
in such a complicated situation.
 All goodwill is needed for a solution. Having
been awarded the Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize, I
must honour that distinction, so wherever I can
intervene to find solutions I do so, on my own
responsibility. I intervened personally for the release of
a young soldier, Gilad Shalit, a few years ago.
 Unfortunately, that was not successful, but on the
basis of a number of suggestions I took the initiative
once again some days ago. That seems to have had a
reaction, in the light of what President Netanyahu said.
He said that he did not want mediation by Senegal, and
that Senegal was an ally of Palestine. But he was
wrong. I do not do mediation; I provide good offices; I
take it on my own responsibility to help release one
young man when I believe that that young man should
be elsewhere other than a prison and when I think that I
can convince the parties — above all, the Palestinian
parties, the current Government of Palestine, Hamas —
of the need to release that young man for humanitarian
reasons.
 If I succeed, excellent; if I fail, it will not stop me
from starting over again. I will do that regardless of the
position of the two parties — in other words,
regardless of the position of Israel and of the position
of Hamas. That is consistent with my philosophy of
peace and the choice that I have made to contribute to
extending cooperation where I can.
 I believe that fear and mistrust, which persist
between Israel and Palestine, could be mitigated — this
is a simple suggestion that I make to our Secretary-
General — by establishing a committee of three States
chosen by the two parties. Those States would hold
discussions to discover what guarantees are demanded
by each party to commit to the path of negotiation for
the existence of two States, the State of Israel and the
State of Palestine, because at present, I believe, there is
no dialogue, indirect or direct. I believe that my
suggestion could facilitate understanding of the
positions on both sides and could help mitigate fears
and concerns that are major psychological barriers to
discussion and to any agreement.
 Maybe I am wrong. Maybe this will not end in
anything, but it costs nothing to try. I say to the
Secretary-General: “Before you reply ‘No’, I want you
to consider my proposal for 40 days. If after that time
you think that it cannot help solve the problem, you
can say so. But I beg you to try to understand the
proposal.” I am ready to go into further details, even in
a document. I have established this position, which
could ultimately be fine-tuned using other people’s
contributions.
 As I come to the end of my address I want to
touch on Security Council reform. The topic has kept
returning in a cyclical fashion for 18 years, and we
have made no progress, due to great confusion.
 The current Security Council system has certain
advantages. A Security Council, an international order,
must exist, but it must be improved. But in its current
functioning the Security Council has a fundamental
role, which is to ignore the African continent. Even on
recent issues, such as Libya, Africa has no permanent
seat with a right of veto.

7 11-50847

 I will not speak of general reform of the Security
Council. I know that it will not happen overnight. But I
also know that since its creation there has been a need
to increase the number of seats, and there needs to be a
better distribution.
 I call for the remedying of a historic injustice to
Africa. Seventy per cent of the issues on the Security
Council agenda are African questions, and Africa is
absent, even on the question of Libya. Libya is an
African country. Therefore, it would be good to have
an African country with a permanent seat on the
Security Council with a right to the veto. I am not
talking about a non-permanent seat; it must be
permanent.
 We have made progress, because when a few
years ago I had discussions with members of the
Council the majority thought that the idea was
reasonable, if it could be detached from more general
demands. But each time we bring it up it is a case of
one step forward, two steps back. But we should not be
discouraged.
 I come to my last point: the environment and the
agricultural crisis. These are also issues of peace,
because the environment is linked to climate change
affecting particularly the developing countries, and
above all Africa.
 A few years ago a French philosopher wrote a
famous work, “L’Afrique, terre qui meurt”, in which he
spoke of savannization and desertification, problems
that my own country suffers from. In the Sahel I find
that those words are particularly well based.
 Above all, coastal erosion is accelerating. From
Morocco to the Gulf of Guinea seawater is filtering
through layers of the continental shelf deep into the
continent — 480 kilometres — salinizating the water
table, with the result that the population is suffering an
increasing lack of drinking water.
 Marine erosion does not just mean that the coast
is being eroded by the sea. It is destroying land in the
interior, and making populations emigrate towards
areas where they can find potable water. It is
historically one of the main mechanisms of
desertification. Sometimes whole populations are
forced to go elsewhere.
 But we are not standing idly by. That is why we
have created the Great Green Wall, extending from
Dakar to Djibouti, 7,000 kilometres long and
15 kilometres wide. That is why we called on the EU to
finance a study with European and African experts to
find a solution to the infiltration of marine waters into
the continental shelf.
 We have built part of the Atlantic wall in Senegal,
but only two kilometres, because one kilometre costs a
great deal of money — $2 million. In depth it is to go
as far as the granite plateau, at which point it can go no
further. We do not want to take it too far, because in
environmental matters it is important before doing
anything to find out what the consequences elsewhere
will be.
 That is why we need to analyse the matter in an
entirely scientific way, since the forces of the sea that
are stopped have not been negated; they are diverted by
the sand and liquids. The experts can clarify the
situation and help us, with full knowledge of the facts,
use our resources to end this degradation, which, sadly,
is leading to the disappearance of a large part of our
continent. The tsunami is not just the effect of huge
waves on a coast. It is also destruction that happens
within our continent. I wanted to mention that
phenomenon to draw attention to the great dangers
threatening Africa.
 Finally, we recently held the second International
Dakar Agricultural Forum to consider the rise in
agriculture prices, from which even producing
countries are suffering, like us, because we are also big
consumers. The participants proposed the
establishment of an organization for global agricultural
governance. We urge that the headquarters of such an
important institution be in Africa, and not in a
developed country. There is no major organization of
its kind with its headquarters in Africa. The
organizations that are helping us need to be with us on
the ground.
 The role of the proposed organization would be to
regulate the prices of agricultural products and ensure a
minimum income for small farmers. I commend our
draft resolution on the matter. The policy of the
organization could be to play a role in reducing
productivity differentials. Why is productivity higher
in the United States and Europe than in Africa — for
example, in Zimbabwe? We need to ask the question
and find solutions.
 In Senegal, we have addressed the issue with a
plan that we call the Grand Agricultural Offensive for
Food and Abundance to deal with the productivity

11-50847 8

differentials between Senegal and certain Italian
regions. It has allowed us to move from being, in 2007,
dependent on others for food to the status of a country
that has achieved food self-sufficiency. This year we
may even be able to begin exporting, which is a
remarkable achievement.
 I must say that we have been helped by chance,
since fertilizer constitutes at least 30 per cent of costs,
and our fertilizer can be used directly, without any
preparation. Moreover, friendly countries helped us
acquire important equipment on very favourable
conditions over a long term.
 The scope and complexity of the Organization’s
tasks put in perspective its successes and its setbacks.
But what determines our commitment to the institution,
what gives hope to the peoples that we represent here,
what definitively gives them trust and faith in the
Organization, is the feeling that when it deliberates,
when it decides and when it acts, it observes without
discrimination the principles enshrined in the Charter:
universality, legality, justice and impartiality.
 Finally, the extent to which those values are
safeguarded is the measure of the legitimacy and
success of our Organization’s interventions.


On behalf of the
Government and people of Nigeria, I would like to
congratulate the President on his election as the
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-sixth
session. I have no doubt that under his able leadership
the work of the session will be brought to a successful
conclusion. I should also like to acknowledge the
excellent work done by his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Joseph Deiss, who guided the affairs of the sixty-
fifth session with consummate skill and commitment.
 I must also take this opportunity to extend my
warmest felicitations to Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon on his well-deserved re-election, a tribute to
his leadership and vision. He deserves our appreciation
for the good work he is doing on our behalf.
 I also welcome the newest member of the
Organization, the Republic of South Sudan. I am
confident that South Sudan will bring a unique
perspective to the work of the United Nations and
enrich our collective experience.
 Despite our initial optimism, the peace dividend
we had hoped would accrue following the end of the
Cold War is yet to materialize. On the contrary, the
world of the twenty-first century in which we live is
becoming ever more precarious, unpredictable and
certainly more dangerous — perhaps more than at any
other time in history. The increasing use of terror in
various regions of the world as a form of political
action poses a serious threat to international peace and
security. We must win the war against terror because it
infringes on the fundamental right of all peoples to life
and to live in safety from fear.
 Over the past few months, we in Nigeria have
faced an upsurge in terrorist attacks in parts of our
country. Only recently, the United Nations building in
Abuja housing several United Nations agencies was the
target of an atrocious terrorist attack that left several
dead. On behalf of the Government and people of
Nigeria, I would like to convey my sincere
condolences to the families of the victims and to the
entire United Nations family for this barbaric and
heinous attack on those who have dedicated their lives
to helping others. As the United States and the rest of
the world commemorate the tenth anniversary of the
attacks of 9/11, we are reminded of the international

11-50692 44

dimension of terrorism and the imperative of a
concerted global response to combat this scourge.
 For us in Nigeria, terrorist acts, rather than
intimidating us, will only help to strengthen our
resolve to develop appropriate national strategies and
to collaborate even more closely with the international
community in the fight against this menace. As part of
Nigeria’s efforts to fight terrorism, on 3 June, I signed
into law a terrorism bill and an anti-money-laundering
prohibition amendment act. The new laws not only
outline measures for preventing and combating acts of
terrorism, but also prohibit the financing of terrorism
and laundering of the proceeds of crime. Nigeria will
continue to work with the United Nations and other
partners in this global fight.
 To that end, Nigeria is working closely with the
Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force and the
Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate, as well as
with relevant international bodies and friendly
countries, in order to sharpen our response
mechanisms. In that connection, the Counter-Terrorism
Implementation Task Force will launch its first project
in Abuja in November, which will be aimed at
preventing conflict and countering the appeal of
terrorism to youth through education and dialogue. In
addition, Nigeria is a member of a new global body, the
Global Counterterrorism Forum, launched to galvanize
and help pull our efforts together to fight this scourge
in all its ramifications. We pledge to continue to work
with all stakeholders as we enlarge and intensify our
partnerships.
 When I stood before the Assembly last year, I
made a solemn pledge that Nigeria would conduct free
and credible elections in the second quarter of this
year. I am glad to report that last April we indeed
conducted what have been adjudged to be credible and
transparent general elections. Let me take this
opportunity to thank the United Nations and all the
other organizations, nations and individuals that helped
us to achieve that feat. The elections are now behind
us, and the Government that I head is well on course to
implement our programmes of transformation — a
strategic plan for the delivery of the dividends of
democracy to citizens and for preparing our country for
the challenges of the future. Indeed, all across my
country, there is a renewed sense of optimism and self-
belief in our ability to recreate a new Nigeria on the
principles of personal freedoms, democracy, good
governance and the rule of law.
 Permit me to identify with the theme of this
year’s debate of engaging the role of mediation in the
peaceful resolution of conflicts in the world. The
Assembly will recall that Nigeria was in the forefront
of the campaign to promote this theme when, as the
President of the Security Council in July 2010, my
country adopted the use of preventive diplomacy to
resolve armed conflicts across the world. This theme is
apt and could not have come at a better time, when
armed conflicts are increasingly taking a greater part of
the time and resources of the United Nations.
 For too long, the international community has
focused too little attention on mediation and preventive
diplomacy, and far too much effort and resources on
the military aspects of peace and security. Yet measures
to address the root cause of conflict, including dialogue
and mediation, can be far more effective as a means for
achieving sustainable peace and stability.
 I believe that cultivating peace and fulfilling the
aims of Chapter VI of the United Nations Charter
require early identification and appropriate
intervention in conflict situations in order to build
confidence and trust and to preclude the eruption of
violence between opposing parties. As I see it, our goal
should always be to present the peaceful alternative as
a less costly and effective way of achieving political
and social objectives. I also believe that, in addition to
other traditional tools of preventive diplomacy,
democracy and good governance can be particularly
important in building a just, equitable and inclusive
society. By focusing on mediation as a tool for conflict
prevention, we are able to address the real triggers of
conflict, without which we cannot achieve sustainable
solutions.
 However, for the world to move from a culture of
response after conflict to that of a culture of
prevention, the international community must muster
the political will to promote preventive diplomacy, in
particular through mediation. This will necessarily
entail rededicating greater human and financial
resources to institutions and mechanisms that already
exist, within and outside the United Nations system,
for conflict prevention and resolution.
 Going forward, I would like to propose the
establishment, under the Secretary-General’s Office, of
a conflict mediation commission, to be charged, among
other things, with collating information on conflict
situations across the world, identifying the dramatis

45 11-50692

personae and developing appropriate strategies for
initiating the resolution of such conflicts. The
commission would also develop rules of engagement,
including sanctions that would apply to those who may
obstruct efforts to resolve conflicts peacefully.
 This naturally brings me to the issue of
trafficking in small arms and light weapons. If the idea
of resolving conflicts through mediation is to succeed,
then the problem of trafficking in small arms and light
weapons must be frontally tackled. The proliferation of
small arms and light weapons is particularly
worrisome, due to their easy accessibility and
availability to unauthorized persons and groups, who in
turn have used these arms to create instability and
insecurity in most of the countries of the developing
world. Even worse, the proliferation of these weapons
has proved handy in the hands of terrorists.
 This explains our commitment to, and
preoccupation with, the actualization of an arms trade
treaty that robustly addresses the illicit trade in small
arms and light weapons, which, as we all know, are
among the major causes of destabilization and conflict
in Africa. The danger of the proliferation of, and illicit
trade in, small arms and light weapons informed
Nigeria’s decision to sponsor resolution 61/89, of 2006,
the principal objective being to provide a legally
binding international instrument for the trade in
conventional arms. We will continue to support all
initiatives towards the realization of an arms trade
treaty in 2012. I call on all Member States to join in
this endeavour.
 The increasing rate of piracy and other maritime
crimes, with their attendant damaging effects on
security, trade and economic activities in the Gulf of
Guinea and other locations, calls for coordinated
regional and global approaches. In this respect, I would
like to express support for the proposal of the
Secretary-General to deploy a United Nations
assessment mission to study the situation in the Gulf of
Guinea and explore possible options for United
Nations support and action. Our expectation is that a
positive outcome from such a strategy will benefit not
only our subregion but the larger international
community as well. I am already consulting with other
leaders in our subregion to boost this initiative.
 The United Nations strategy for gender equality
and women’s empowerment, especially through the
creation of UN-Women, deserves commendation and
support. Nigeria’s support for UN-Women, to which
we have made substantial contributions, reflects our
desire to harness the potential of women in the task of
nation-building.
 Our national action plan on gender equality and
women’s empowerment places strong emphasis on
women’s effective participation in politics and
adequate representation in public office. I am indeed
proud to announce to the Assembly that more than
30 per cent of my Cabinet is made up of women. Let
me also commend the Executive Board of UN-Women
on the successful take-off of the entity. UN-Women can
be assured of Nigeria’s strong support.
 This year, the prevention of non-communicable
diseases was one of the issues slated for discussion at a
High-level Meeting. Only three months ago, I attended
the High-level Meeting on AIDS, where I pledged
Nigeria’s commitment to health care, as part of our
country’s human capital development agenda. My
Government is intensifying efforts to improve national
health-care delivery by allocating substantial resources
to primary health care. We look forward to a
productive outcome to the High-level Meeting on the
Prevention and Control of Non-communicable
Diseases at the end of that meeting.
 In the same vein, I welcome discussions at the
High-level Meeting on desertification and land
degradation, as these issues continue to pose
challenges to our development efforts. That is why
Nigeria strongly supports the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change and the
Convention on Biological Diversity, including
strategies and best practices to address this challenge.
 In order to demonstrate our commitment to
human rights, Nigeria recently ratified the Convention
on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and acceded
to four other international human rights instruments,
including the Optional Protocol to the Convention
against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment.
 In addition, this year, my Government passed into
law the National Human Rights Commission
Amendment Act, the Legal Aid Council Amendment
Act and the Freedom of Information Act. Nigeria will
continue to accord the highest priority to human rights
issues, as they speak directly to the dignity and
inalienable rights of humankind.

11-50692 46

 We in West Africa are passing through an exciting
season of democratic rebirth. Before the end of 2011,
elections will have been held in six countries in West
Africa. Those elections will set the respective countries
along the path of political stability, progress, good
governance and sustainable development — some of
the benefits of which we have begun to experience.
The progress we have made would not have been
possible without the support of the United Nations.
 The resolution of the conflict in Côte d’Ivoire is a
case in point. I consider the inauguration of President
Ouattara a success not just for Côte d’Ivoire but also
for the international community, which spoke with one
voice and acted in concert in support of the Ivorian
people. The end of that crisis must be seen by all as the
beginning of our journey towards the consolidation of
democratic culture and good governance in Africa.
Having put that crisis behind us, the international
community must now provide robust assistance to the
country as it embarks on the tasks of post-conflict
reconstruction and national reconciliation.
 The struggle for self-governance and majority
rule in Africa started in the 1940s; and by 1957 Ghana
had gained independence. Today, all African States
have achieved self-determination and majority rule.
Those are no small achievements. But we still have
much work to do. A great deal of the work that remains
is to build viable and capable States in Africa on the
principles of popular participation, the rule of law and
respect for human rights, as we pledged to do in the
Constitutive Act of the African Union. Nigeria believes
that those values must remain at the core of governance
in Africa if we are ever to achieve the goals of stability,
security and development.
 As Nigeria is approaching the end of its tenure on
the Security Council, I would like to express my
country’s deep appreciation for the opportunity to serve
in that important organ. In the course of our
stewardship, the Council had the courage to reach
many difficult decisions that resulted in positive
developments around the world. We are proud to be
associated with those decisions. I would like to urge
the Council to continue its important work in the
maintenance of international peace and security.
 In spite of the Council’s many successes, it is our
belief that that important organ would benefit from the
vigour and fresh perspectives that only a revamped
Council accommodating changing global political
realities can provide. I urge the President of the
General Assembly to set up clear criteria for the reform
of the Security Council in line with the demand of the
majority of the world. A reformed Security Council is
the only way to demonstrate that all nations have an
equal stake in the United Nations. Nigeria looks
forward to the prospect of membership in a reformed
Security Council.


Let me take this opportunity
to congratulate Mr. Al-Nasser on his election as
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-sixth
session. I would also like to congratulate the Secretary-
General on his appointment to a second term. We
Somalis would like to thank him for his leadership in
putting Somalia at the top of the agenda despite so
many competing priorities. We hope that Somalia will
become peaceful and stable during his tenure.
 It is my honour to address the General Assembly
for the first time as Prime Minister of Somalia. I come
here mindful of the enormous challenges at this
important moment in our history and determined to act

19 11-51372

boldly in the cause of peace, justice and stability — not
only in the Horn of Africa but on the African continent
at large and in the world as a whole.
 The United Nations was founded on the
conviction that the nations of the world could come
together in a spirit of cooperation to tackle their
common problems for the sake of the whole of
humankind. I wish to speak of the challenges facing
Somalia, whose effects have found ample expression in
the current dire situation in the country, and some of
which threaten every country represented here.
 Let me take this opportunity to thank the Prime
Minister of Turkey for his genuine leadership and for
highlighting the plight and suffering of those affected
by the famine in Somalia. The seemingly unending
humanitarian crisis in Somalia has many and varied
causes. Decades of conflict, the demise of the central
State, poor and kleptocratic leadership and struggles
between clans for limited resources, exacerbated by
cycles of devastating droughts, have created chronic
food shortages and an underdeveloped economy, and
driven the population to despair.
 In recent years, the global terrorist organization
Al-Qaida has sought to exploit these divisions and
weaknesses to plot and carry out attacks on the rest of
the world. Our people know only too well the
destruction that a few, blinded by an ideology of
extremism and terror, can wreak on a country. It is this
small minority, and primarily the Al-Qaida affiliated
group Al-Shabaab, that is responsible for the famine
currently spreading throughout the country, through
their policies of systematically looting grain stores,
forcibly recruiting and extorting farmers and their
families and preventing access by aid agencies to the
most affected regions in the south.
 However, the threat they pose is not limited to
our borders. Foreign fighters have sought to export
their noxious extremism to the rest of the Horn of
Africa, recruiting and sponsoring acts of terror in
neighbouring countries such as Uganda, where last
year they murdered 76 innocent people. The insecurity
they have created in southern Somalia has led to a
large influx of refugees into Kenya and Ethiopia,
straining resources and spreading instability across the
region.
 They are also actively planning to strike further
afield. Just this week, one of the leaders of Al-Shabaab
said that the group was committed to continuing its
battle against the Government of Somalia and was
seeking to destroy both the United States and the
United Nations. It is also well-known that Al-Shabaab
has been focusing its recruitment and radicalization
efforts on Somali diasporas in Australia, Europe,
Canada and the United States of America.
 Clearly, the battle against Al-Qaida is one in
which we all have a stake, and in which we all
therefore have responsibilities. In Somalia, we have
been doing what we can, within our limited resources,
to fulfil our obligations in this regard. Barely a month
after United States forces killed Osama bin Laden, one
of his most wanted deputies, Fazul Abdullah
Mohammed, was shot dead by Somali security forces
on the outskirts of Mogadishu. Shortly thereafter, with
the aid of African Union forces, the Somali National
Army succeeded in forcing the extremists to withdraw
the bulk of their forces from the capital. As a result, we
can now begin to provide needed humanitarian
assistance to the city’s ever-increasing population of
internally displaced persons, who are fleeing the areas
still held by the extremists where the famine has hit
hardest.
 Although the extremists’ retreat from Mogadishu
is a welcome development, it may herald a new and
more dangerous phase of the conflict, as they
increasingly turn to asymmetric tactics such as suicide
bombings and the use of improvised explosive devices
that target the civilian population. As we continue to
build up our own capacities, our security agencies are
alert to this threat and have already successfully
disrupted a number of planned attacks, including
several targeting the hungry at feeding centres.
 Terrorism preys on decaying States, exploiting
their poverty and ungoverned spaces to radicalize,
recruit and plan. That is why the extremists have
consistently fought against the Somali peace process
and sought to destroy the institutions it has generated.
Somalia’s leaders are redoubling their efforts to
achieve national reconciliation and entrench
democratic governance. Three weeks ago, with the help
of our international partners, we hosted the first
national consultative conference in Mogadishu, at
which the Transitional Institutions and representatives
of regional administrations came together to adopt a
road map for the re-establishment of permanent,
legitimate and representative Government in the
country.

11-51372 20

 The conference, which was the culmination of
Somali-led reconciliation initiatives dating back to the
Arta Declaration of May 2000, represents the best hope
for Somalia to establish a firm political foundation
from which to rebuild. The road map is a significant
achievement for the Somali peace process. Its adoption
marks the first of many steps on the path to the
eventual conclusion of the transition process in a
responsible and productive manner. It has also shed
light on the remaining transitional tasks, including the
drafting and promulgation of a new Constitution. The
Transitional Federal Institutions have committed to
meeting the specific timelines and benchmarks for their
implementation as outlined in the road map, which will
allow the Somali people to monitor our performance in
this regard.
 The support of the international community is
also crucial to ensuring its success. Indeed, the
conference itself could not have taken place without
the continued engagement of the international
community. Let me also take this opportunity to
express gratitude, on behalf of my entire nation, to the
African Union, and especially Uganda and Burundi, for
the support they have given and the sacrifices they
have made to date in this worthy cause. The fact that
the conference was safely held in Mogadishu is
testimony to the achievements in security that their
forces have made possible in the city. I must also thank
all the countries represented here for the bilateral and
multilateral support given to both the Transitional
Institutions and the African Union Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM), without which none of what has been
achieved would have been possible.
 Going forward, as we embark on the final leg of
the transition process, we will continue to need the
help and support of the United Nations. The road map
has illuminated the path and, although dangers may lie
in the shadows, we will not deviate from it. We ask that
the Organization continue to accompany us on this
journey and to provide the needed resources as we
advance towards full sovereignty.
 Despite the remarkable progress we have made so
far, our gains remain fragile and consolidating them
will require resilience and unity from all. It is critical
that the Somali Army and AMISOM be reinforced as
soon as possible, so they can prevent a security
vacuum in the areas of Mogadishu recently vacated by
the fleeing extremists, and ensure that the city is safe
for both residents and aid workers. The immediate
deployment of the extra 3,000 AMISOM troops already
authorized by the Security Council will be a crucial
first step.
 In addition, we must also begin to show the
people the fruits of peace and democracy and to
reverse the harmful effects of radicalization. Somalia
needs the help of the outside world to rebuild its
economy and provide jobs for the millions of our
young people who have been deprived of opportunities
by the anarchy of the past two decades. We must show
them that there is a better alternative to the barrel of a
gun.
 The effort must begin at home. Let me be the first
to acknowledge that we Somalis have made mistakes in
the past, which eroded the international community’s
trust in our institutions. Somalia can and must do
better. In this time of national crisis, we the Somali
people must set aside our differences and come
together to confront our perils. Reconciliation must
become our mantra as we work to further the peace
process and create an environment conducive to the
delivery of aid. We in the political class must also
accept our responsibility for the errors of the past and
resolve to do better. The Somali people have had
enough of war, hunger, political wrangling and
corruption. They demand, and indeed deserve, a
Government that puts the national interest before
personal ambition — one that fosters unity, not
division.
 The Transitional Federal Government is making
efforts to reverse this and to instil a sense of patriotism
and responsibility. We are making good progress in
injecting professionalism and transparency into the
revenue collection and economic management system,
strengthening internal mechanisms governing the
distribution of Government money and creating a more
open and accountable fiscal and monetary system.
 The Central Bank of Somalia is up and running.
The economic reforms we have made have resulted in
the doubling of revenue from the Mogadishu seaport
and quadrupled those from the Aden International
Airport. The funds are being reinvested in the
provision of services to the people as our current
capability allows. For example, 15 per cent of the
revenue collected from the seaport has been set aside
for the rehabilitation of the city. As a result, for the
first time in 20 years, Mogadishu is being cleared of
rubble, roads are being repaired and streets lit, and

21 11-51372

markets, hospitals and schools are reopening. A register
containing the names and biometric data of all the
members of the security forces has been compiled, and
our soldiers are receiving their allowances regularly.
 As required by the road map, we have also
embarked on the process of identifying nominees for
the Interim Independent Anti-Corruption Commission.
We are also formulating a national fiscal budget for the
coming fiscal year.
 As with the gains in the security sector, in order
to entrench and safeguard these reforms and to deliver
on the expectations of the Somali people, we in the
Transitional Federal Government must improve on our
performance and create the necessary conditions for
the growth of the Somali economy. However, the scale
of the challenge is such that we will continue to rely on
the help of our international partners.
 It is understandable that, in the prevailing global
economic environment, many in the wealthier countries
will be tempted to look to their own problems, to the
detriment of providing aid and investment to their
poorer cousins in the developing world. I would
caution against this. The visionaries who founded this
body understood that it was impossible to secure
economic benefits for a section of the global
population as long as these remained a distant dream
for the rest, and sought to establish an interlinked
global political and economic infrastructure that
ensured that citizens in every country could participate
in, and partake of the fruits of, global prosperity. I
therefore urge the international community to continue
its generous support for the emerging economic
institutions, as we strive to rebuild destroyed
infrastructure and jump-start economic activity in the
areas our forces are securing.
 To the business community I would say that
Somalia is truly Africa’s sleeping giant, and a
relatively small investment there will go a long way.
With the longest coastline on the continent, bountiful
and unexploited natural wealth and an entrepreneurial
tradition that dates back to the Roman times, a peaceful
Somalia will be a force for moderation and an engine
of growth and prosperity for the region and for the
continent.
 Furthermore, the integration of Somalia into the
global economy will have a considerable and beneficial
impact on the phenomenon of piracy from our shores,
which imposes huge costs on global trade. As has been
noted by many observers, a lasting solution to this
menace is not to be found in policing the high seas.
The regeneration of a vibrant economy on land,
providing jobs and opportunity for all, is the sole
antidote.
 The humanitarian situation in Somalia remains
dire. The United Nations has declared famine in a sixth
region, which means that up to half the population is
now facing the prospect of starvation. Many of our
people continue to come to the capital seeking refuge,
with more than half a million others having already
arrived. To deal with this situation and to oversee the
delivery of humanitarian assistance, a high-level
committee has been created. As per its
recommendations, the Government has established
several camps to house and feed refugees. A disaster
management agency, comprised of members of civil
society, has also been established. We are working with
United Nations agencies such as the Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and
the World Food Programme to synchronize our efforts
to deal with the famine.
 On behalf of the entire Somali nation, I wish to
express my gratitude for the pledges of assistance that
we have received from Governments and humanitarian
agencies around the world. The greatest need, however,
continues to be felt within areas still under the
effective control of the extremists, where access by
international humanitarian agencies is severely
restricted. The insurgents are also hampering the
freedom of movement of millions who are trying to
reach help, either in Mogadishu or in neighbouring
countries.
 Mr. Mayr-Harting (Austria), Vice-President, took
the Chair.
 Without urgent interventions to change the
situation, it is estimated that up to three quarters of a
million people may perish in the next few months.
Although normal to above-normal rainfall is expected
to return in the next three months, that is unlikely to
result in a significant easing of the crisis in the short
term, since the harvest will not be expected until
February. In any case, the production from the short
rainy season only accounts for a third of the total
annual cereal production. The displacement of farmers
by the current famine will only further reduce the
expected yield. In fact, the United Nations has

11-51372 22

indicated that it expects the famine to spread to the rest
of the south by the end of the year.
 It is therefore critical that we accelerate efforts to
reach those in Al-Shabaab-controlled areas, while at
the same time ensuring that international humanitarian
workers are afforded a measure of security against
attacks and kidnappings by the insurgents. As I noted
earlier, the international community must urgently
reinforce our efforts to extend the zone of safety for aid
workers beyond Mogadishu and into these areas. In the
meantime, my Government will continue to work
closely with humanitarian agencies to collect and share
information on needs. We stand ready to cooperate
with all actors to ensure that aid gets to the most
critically affected populations, wherever they may be.
 As I stated before, the challenges I have outlined
have been aggravated by the increasing cycles of
devastating drought that we experience as a result of
changes in global climate patterns. We in the Horn of
Africa have been affected more than most. As I speak,
the region is experiencing its worst drought in a
generation. The scale of the suffering in my country is
a testament to price we are having to pay.
 There needs to be a concerted effort not just to
address the causes of climate change but also to
mitigate its adverse effects, especially in countries such
as Somalia that have contributed little to the problem
but are bearing the brunt of its consequences. In that
regard, let me reiterate the appeal issued during the
recent summit on the Horn of Africa crisis, held in the
Kenyan capital, Nairobi, for developed nations to
facilitate the transfer of technology and build up the
capacity of developing nations to adapt to these
challenges. Somalia will require assistance to improve
water resource management and reduce our reliance on
rain-fed agriculture even as we strive to implement the
targets agreed to at the Nairobi summit of 10 per cent
forest cover and irrigated land by the year 2017.
 Moreover, we fully support the right of Palestine
to become a full member of the community of nations.
We believe in the two-State solution for the
Palestinian-Israeli problem, where Palestinians should
be allowed to live in peace and dignity in their own
homeland. We have all seen the changes happening in
the Arab world. The international community must
support the peaceful and democratic aspirations of all
peoples.
 We must also support the National Transitional
Council of Libya in order to bring peace and stability
to that country.
 In conclusion, today, the future of Somalia hangs
in the balance, and with it the prospects for peace,
stability and prosperity in the Horn of Africa and
security for nations across the world. Resolute global
action in support of our efforts is now required if we
are to consolidate and build on the gains already made
and extend them to the rest of the country for the sake
of future generations.


At the
outset, allow me to congratulate our brother Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his assumption of the
presidency of the General Assembly. I am fully
confident that, given his renowned experience and
wisdom, he will ably execute the functions of his
position. I wish him every success in his work. I would
like to express our thanks and appreciation to
Mr. Joseph Deiss for his constructive efforts in
presiding over the General Assembly at its sixty-fifth
session.

13 11-51670

 Our thanks also go to Mr. Ban Ki-moon on his
deserved re-election as Secretary-General of the United
Nations. We wish to express our thanks and
appreciation to him, as well as to the entire Secretariat
staff for their work over the past year, in particular for
their follow-up of the situation in my country.
 We wish to congratulate the people of the
Republic of South Sudan on that country’s
establishment and accession to the United Nations. We
also wish to congratulate the National Transitional
Council of Libya for its presence among us and for its
representation of the brotherly Libyan people.
 Since January, my country has been experiencing
an acute political crisis. The political opposition that
has been one of the main components of our system
since the unified State of Yemen was established in
May 1990 decided to relinquish all common
denominators and rejected the principle of consensus,
refusing to implement the agreement reached since
2006 following its defeat in the presidential elections.
It has created crises, raising its demands and rejecting
all compromises and solutions. Realizing that
democratic means would not enable it to seize power,
the opposition resorted to political manoeuvres,
including violence, threatening the outbreak of civil
war and complete devastation in Yemen. That could
undermine all the achievements of the Yemeni people
in the modern era, as well as their struggle to establish
a democratic political system and to protect their
national identity, social fabric, unique human harmony
and the system that we have managed to build.
 At the beginning of the 1990s, Yemen’s national
movement made great progress by establishing a
unified State of Yemen, founded on pluralistic
democratic principles and coupled with various civil
institutions that promoted and respected human rights.
However, those who wished narrow, individual and
partisan interests to prevail did not support that historic
achievement. Therefore, they tried to stir up trouble,
using the conflicts and mistakes made in Yemen in the
early days of our unified State, as well as the
challenges to development — the uncontrolled
population growth, the prevailing poverty, the lack of
national resources, increasing drought and
desertification, and the scarce water and oil resources,
which were the main source of income.
 All those factors have made it impossible for
thousands of university graduates to find employment,
which has led to social and political tensions and
frustration. But all the opposition forces used the tidal
wave of change witnessed by Arab countries to prevent
Yemen from achieving democratic change through
elections. However, we respected young people’s
demand for change and started a dialogue with them in
order to meet their demands for reform. We have
created tens of thousands of jobs in order to alleviate
unemployment.
 However, the opposition parties abused and
misused the protests of our young people in order to
seize power, and some of their elements have carried
out subversive acts to sabotage the youth movement
and its just demands. The opposition parties rejected
the results of the democratic elections that were
conducted under the international monitoring of the
European Union, the Democratic National Institute and
several international organizations, which verified that
the elections were fair, democratic and transparent.
 Our Government showed its readiness to meet the
requests of our young people and their legitimate
demands to build a better future for us and for
prosperity — a future that is hindered by my country’s
weak economy, limited national resources and the
prevalence of poverty and unemployment, as well as by
terrorism and the repercussions of the global financial
crisis. Our Government kept on calling on our
development partners and friends and international
organizations to provide financial and economic
support in order to achieve sustainable development in
Yemen, which would ensure security and stability in
our country.
 The main reason for, and primary cause of, the
current upheaval in Yemen is the dissatisfaction of the
opposition and its refusal to endorse the election that
took place in 2006. In that election our people showed
confidence in the President of the Republic and chose
him as our President. The opposition’s rejection of that
process has led to the crisis that we are witnessing
today at the economic, development, security and
political levels.
 Despite the intransigence of the opposition, the
President of the Republic offered compromise in order
to achieve reconciliation between the opposition and
the Government. That has led to the postponement of
parliamentary elections for two years. However, the
efforts of our President continue through his initiatives
before Parliament and the Consultative Council,

11-51670 14

whereby he affirmed that he had no intention of
running in the presidential elections and that he
accepted the amendments to the Constitution and the
electoral law, as well as an entire package of political
reforms.
 Our country has incurred heavy losses, estimated
at more than $2 billion, as a result of the chaos caused
by the opposition parties, which have tried to cut off
roads, blow up oil pipelines and cut power lines in
many of our cities, in particular in the capital, Ta’izz,
Aden and Abyan. However, the Government continued
to seek a peaceful solution to the political crisis,
calling on the opposition to come to the table and begin
dialogue. We in Yemen are confident that the recent
division will be overcome by returning to
constitutional legality and remedying certain
shortcomings.
 The Government offered a new opportunity for
dialogue by endorsing the initiative of the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) as the foundation for a
solution to the political crisis, especially given that His
Excellency President Ali Abdullah Saleh decided to
entrust his Vice-President with all constitutional
powers, to initiate dialogue with the signatories of the
Gulf initiative and to create a mechanism that would
guarantee a smooth and democratic transfer of power.
That would allow for reconciliation, reform, change
and reconstruction in Yemen without any violation of
security, the Constitution or democratic principles.
 We believe that Yemen, as a country that opted
for dialogue as a means of overcoming the political
crisis, will provide a model for change in which all
parties are winners and the status of women is
enhanced. The President, following his return to
Sana’a, declared in no uncertain terms that he
supported the GCC initiative and was committed to it.
He called on all parties to initiate dialogue and to reach
a compromise with a view to its implementation.
 My country is continuing to make every effort to
fight Al-Qaida and its terrorist acts in our country
despite our Government’s limited resources. We have
dealt some serious blows to Al-Qaida in Abyan
province in recent weeks. What we need at the
international level is an integrated global strategy that
would help us build our national capacities and thereby
enable us to fight extremism and terrorist ideology.
Such a strategy would not involve military force only
but would be of a social, educational and political
nature and would strive to eradicate poverty and
achieve universal justice.
 The Republic of Yemen attaches primary
importance to human rights, which is one of the main
pillars of the United Nations. Since the return of unity
to Yemen in 1990, my country has made great strides in
this area. We have established a Ministry for Human
Rights and have become a signatory and party to a
number of international human rights instruments and
conventions, on whose implementation we submit
periodic reports. We have also submitted our national
reports within the context of the universal periodic
review of the Human Rights Council, with which we
cooperate.
 In that connection, we welcome the outcome of
the review conducted by the Human Rights Council in
Geneva and New York, in which we participated
actively. There is no doubt that during the political
crisis many human rights violations have been
committed by all parties. The Government nonetheless
showed a readiness to conduct independent national
investigations and to bring the perpetrators to justice.
The Government also opened its doors to the fact-
finding mission sent by the Human Rights Council. In
response to an invitation by our Government, the
mission visited Yemen in July and submitted its report
to the Council on 19 September. However, my country
believes that resolving the political crisis is the key to
stopping all violations of human rights.
 The Government of Yemen, during its
chairmanship of the Group of 77 and China in 2010,
continued to actively and sincerely work to achieve
consensus and unity within the Group, which led to a
consensus on many issues of interest to the Group,
including, inter alia, climate change, the outcome
document of the High-level Plenary Meeting of the
General Assembly on the Millennium Development
Goals, and United Nations reform. In that connection,
we wish every success to the Republic of Argentina
during its chairmanship of the Group. We also wish
every success to the fraternal Republic of Algeria,
which will chair the Group in 2012.
 The Israeli-Arab conflict represents the main
threat to international peace and security. An objective
understanding of the conflict clearly shows Israel’s
intransigence and its Government’s policy of
establishing settlements, its rejection of the legitimate
and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, its

15 11-51670

refusal to abide by international legality, and its
rejection of the Arab Peace Initiative. We call upon the
international community and the peace sponsors,
including the United States of America, to continue
their efforts to achieve universal recognition of a
sovereign State of Palestine and to allow it to join the
United Nations as a fully fledged Member of the
Organization and other world organizations and organs.
 Allow me in closing to reiterate my thanks to the
Secretary-General for his efforts in following the crisis
in Yemen. I wish also to thank all the United Nations
agencies for their humanitarian efforts in my country
during this political crisis.