At the outset, let me congratulate Ambassador de Piniés on his well-deserved election as President of this historic fortieth session of the united Nations General Assembly. His long and varied association with the United Nations and its system, as well as his reputation as one of Spain's most experienced diplomats, is well known. Sri Lanka has excellent relations with Spain and, on behalf of my delegation, I assure him of our fullest support and co-operation in the tasks ahead.
Our appreciation is due in large measure to Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia, who during the thirty-ninth session demonstrated rare diplomatic skills and capabilities in preparing the way for this fortieth session.
On behalf of the people and the Government of Sri Lanka, let me express our profound grief at the heavy toll in human and material terms claimed by the earthquakes which tragically struck Mexico last week. Our hearts reach out to the Government and the people of Mexico at this hour in their heroic endeavors towards rescue, recovery and rehabilitation.
The session on which we have embarked is important, not only because it marks 40 years in the life of the United Nations, but also because the current international situation holds prospects for a decisive breakthrough in questions which had seemed intractable in the past. It is our view that no situation is completely bereft of hope; no issue is so bleak to be incapable of solution. We can render this fortieth session more than symbolic if we seize the potential for peace and build on those areas where results appear possible. History, as Arnold Toynbee often saw it, is a succession of challenges and responses, and it is the solemn duty of the international community to respond to these challenges to enable the construction and maintenance of a fair and just society.
The promise of economic co-operation on a global scale has been turned down by those who have the economic muscle. Unilateralism and myopic economic competition seem to be the order of the day. The negotiating tables for the restructuring of international economic relations stand bare and unattended. The microphones of dialog have been abruptly stilled. The prospects of an international economic order based on equity, justice and co-operation seem to be far off.
As we gather at the united Nations for this annual collective survey of the world situation, tumultuous events are unfolding in South Africa. That country's turmoil has rarely been so intense and widespread as it has been in the last few months. The repressive acts of the white minority regime have been extended to affect even little children. But the resistance and determination of the people of Africa to be free has not been shaken by the severity of the measures that have been imposed,, Day by day international opinion is being awakened into a realization of the moral and physical atrocities of apartheid. More and more countries are moving to take measures and sanctions to express in practical terms their repugnance of the present regime and the system it maintains. The non-aligned States and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) have maintained a consistent opposition to apartheid. This growing international trend will continue to gather momentum until eventually the entire structure of apartheid is brought down. The dismantling of apartheid would be expedited if those possessing the powers of persuasion and pressure over the South African regime intervened without any further delay and halted the further hemorrhage of the African nation. Action under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter could bring an end to apartheid and the injustice and human suffering it causes in South Africa.

The same forces which animate and sustain the South African regime hold Namibia in captivity. Namibia is clearly a colonial issue. It is twisted and needlessly complicated and linked to extraneous issues. Independence for Namibia has nothing to do with East-West rivalry. It has nothing to do with the dispute between conflicting ideologies nor with the question of Cuban troops in Angola. Resolution 435 (1978) remains the charter for Namibia's independence. This is a comprehensive blueprint for Namibian independence. It has been accepted by all parties concerned, including the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). To prolong the agony of Namibia is to court more bloodshed and suffering and to devalue the credibility and standing of this very Organization.
Similarly the essential prerequisites for a settlement of the cluster of issues in the Middle East are not difficult to identify. The States of the region cannot expect to live in peace and security until the central factor of regional instability, the core of the Middle East problem, the question of Palestine, is faced squarely and solved justly. The inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people must be restored, including the right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland in safety, their right to self-determination and their right to establish an independent sovereign State without external interference or coercion. Sri Lanka expresses support for the Arab Peace Plan adopted at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference held in Fez in 1982. This Peace Plan has been reaffirmed at the Extraordinary Summit Meeting held in Casablanca in August this year. Sri Lanka has consistently taken the position that Israel must withdraw from all occupied Arab and Palestinian territories. Israel must dismantle the illegal settlements it has set up in the occupied territories. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, must be a party to any negotiation that would lead to a settlement of the Middle East question.
The agony of Lebanon is not an isolated phenomenon, but a pact of the Middle East question. Sri Lanka declares its solidarity with the Government and people of Lebanon, we call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon and reaffirm our full support for the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon.
Sri Lanka is gravely concerned over the tragic continuation of the conflict between Iran and Iraq, two fellow non-aligned States with whom we enjoy excellent relations. It is our fervent hope that bilateral and multilateral efforts at a settlement of this wasteful war will bear fruit and that a solution acceptable to both parties will be found soon.
In South-East Asia the presence of foreign troops in Kampuchea has hampered the development of mutual confidence and good relations among the States of the region. Sri Lanka supports all efforts aimed at a comprehensive political solution which would lead to the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea. This step is vital to the restoration of normalcy and the creation of a climate of confidence and understanding in South-East Asia.
Tension looms large in South-west Asia because of the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan. We have carefully watched the constructive efforts made by the Secretary-General to find a political solution. We hope that an early solution will be found that will enable the Afghan refugees to return to their homes in safety and honor. Sri Lanka has always expressed its support for a political settlement that would include the withdrawal of foreign troops and guarantee full respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Afghanistan and ensure scrupulous observance by all States of the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in its internal affairs.
Sri Lanka supports the desire of the Korean people to reunify their homeland peacefully, through direct dialog, without foreign inference and in conformity with the principles of the North-south statement of 4 July 1972. In the meantime, it may be prudent to examine whether the process of reunification would be expedited if the principle of the universality of membership of the United Nations were extended to the Korean people.
In Cyprus a communal issue has been tragically exploited to justify the invasion of the Republic by foreign forces and this has led to the de facto partition of that country. External intervention cannot be justified nor can it be condoned on any grounds, even cm the grounds of concern for kindred communities in other states. Sri Lanka have consistently called for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Cyprus, and pledged respect for the country's unity, independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned personality. The unilateral declaration of independence in 1983 by representatives of one of the two communities was illegal and should be rejected by the international community. Those unilateral measures have only rendered an eventual settlement in Cyprus more complicated and difficult. Sri Lanka calls on all parties to co-operate with the Secretary-General in his latest initiative so that a just and lasting settlement can be achieved in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions.
In Central America, too, independent States face external intervention and destabilization attempts which threaten their very survival as sovereign States. Sri Lanka fully supports the noble endeavors of the Contadora Group to restore peace and stability, as well as mutual confidence, among the States in the region, irrespective of their social or political systems.
Every year we deliberate and make pronouncements on the urgent need to achieve our common security through a well-charted process of disarmament. We are agreed that there is no alternative to disarmament. We earnestly hope that the forthcoming talks between the leaders of the two major Powers fill provide an impetus to building confidence between them and contribute to the over-all goals of disarmament and to the security of all nations.
The need to facilitate the complementarity of bilateral and multilateral efforts towards disarmament need not be over-emphasized. We have acknowledged that in this nuclear age security through disarmament cannot be the preserve of a few. It is our view that it is the concern of the many.
The report of the Conference on Disarmament to this session contains preliminary formulations of provisions o£ a future convention on chemical weapons signifying the fruits of multilateral efforts at Geneva. We are also happy to note that the Conference on Disarmament has for the first time set up an Ad Hoc Committee to commence work on the question of the prevention of an arms race in outer space, an initiative in which Sri Lanka took an active part both in this Assembly and at the Conference. We are encouraged by the agreements embodied in the Final Document of the Third Review Conference on the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which concluded last week. We hope for their early implementation, and in particular for a positive response to the call on the three depositary States and the other nuclear Powers to commence early negotiations for a comprehensive test ban.
We should therefore rededicate ourselves to multilateralism in disarmament negotiations. We support the non-aligned initiative for the convening at an appropriate time of the third special session on disarmament as the challenging means of reaching a consensus on concrete and practical measures on disarmament and of revitalizing the multilateral process.
In our own region of the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka, with other non-aligned countries, has striven for a vital measure of disarmament - the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of Peace. The Indian Ocean States have already, in 1979, accepted seven principles of agreement for the implementation of the Declaration. The United Nations Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean has worked towards the convening of a conference on the Indian Ocean to take place in Colombo, Sri Lanka, next year. It is our hope that all preparatory work for the Conference can be completed to enable the convening of the Conference with the participation of all permanent members of the Security Council, the major maritime users and the regional States.
We convened the First Conference on Co-operation in Marine Affairs in Colombo in July of this year. That Conference was born of the conviction that regional co-operation was the best means of realizing the potential of the rich resources of the Indian Ocean for the development of the region. It is expected that a policy-level conference will take place in Colombo next year further to develop the achievements of the meetings held this year.
The General Assembly will this year continue its consideration of the Antarctic Treaty System. Sri Lanka's own position on that exercise has been conveyed to the Secretary-General. We strongly favor the establishment of an ad hoc committee at the United Nations to help clarify the issues involved without dismantling the present Treaty System.
Permit me in conclusion to volunteer a few remarks on developments in Sri Lanka, about which so much has been written. Sri Lanka is an integrated multi-communal, multi-linguistic and multi-religious nation with a unitary Constitution. Certain strains have developed between one ethnic minority and other communities. As a practicing democracy, the Government of Sri Lanka is totally dedicated to a negotiated political settlement. But a small group of terrorists have launched a gruesome campaign of death and destruction and have rejected the democratic process.
That group carries out its operations through the concealed land-mine, the sudden bomb and the hidden assassin's gun. With the assistance and co-operation of friendly countries, the President of Sri Lanka, His Excellency J.R. Jayewardene, is continuing his efforts to achieve a political settlement. It is our earnest hope that these initiatives will lead to the resolution of the problem.
Terrorism is not confined to Sri Lanka alone. International terrorism presents a challenge to all civilized life and values. International terrorism has established an unholy alliance with the illicit international trade in narcotics and with other criminal activities. This year the General Assembly will have before it for consideration and action the report of the Secretary-General on measures to prevent international terrorism. Sri Lanka's own views have been conveyed to the Secretary-General, including our views on the need for increased regional co-operation in dealing with this menace. Only a concerted international effort could control, let alone eliminate, international terrorism. Unless the international community takes urgent practical action, the very values that this Organization holds dear will be in grave peril.
During the 40 years of the United Nations existence, the world has witnessed 140-odd conflicts, with an estimated human toll of 20 million lives. It is nevertheless a tribute to our political leaders that a major global confrontation has been avoided. Scientific and technological developments have advanced far beyond what was considered possible 40 years ago. Man has delved into the depths of the ocean and stretched human horizons to the far reaches of outer space. Man has walked on the moon. Distance and space have been conquered. The concept of the global village is practically a reality. But if science and communications have shrunk distances and provided the physical means of bringing people to one another at speeds unthinkable four decades ago, it is a sad commentary on our times that nations and peoples must nevertheless feel so apart from each other in political and economic terms. Nations and peoples seem to get further from one another, even as science has brought them closer in physical terms.
The United Nations is no world government: we are all independent States. But the United Nations remains mankind's best hope as we seek to bridge the distance in understanding between the nations and peoples of the world.


Mr. President, I wish to extend to you. Sir, my congratulations on your election to the presidency of the historic fortieth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that your now legendary wide diplomatic experience and wisdom will guide this important fortieth session of the General Assembly to a fruitful conclusion of its work. I should like to assure you, Sir, of my delegation's co-operation in your effort to carry out your arduous duties and to fulfill your heavy responsibilities.
At the same time we would like to express our appreciation to the President of the thirty-ninth session of this Assembly, our brother Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia, for the efficient and businesslike manner in which he conducted the affairs of the last session.
Finally, I wish to thank the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts in search of peace and for the excellent practical interpretation of the meaning of the United Nations which he demonstrated in the past year to millions of the hungry and homeless of the world. Such a successful concrete manifestation of guided collective efforts in solving international humanitarian problems as we witnessed in the past year augurs well for the future and is ample justification for the continued existence of this Organization.
Allow me at this juncture to express the profound grief of the people and Government of Zimbabwe over the tragedy that befell the brother people of Mexico during the past month, we offer our most heartfelt condolences and convey our feelings of solidarity to the people and Government of Mexico during these sad times.
This year's report of the Secretary-General (A/40/1), like those of previous years, provides us with ideas and facts, both disturbing and encouraging; pinpoints and analyses the flaws and strengths of our Organization from its corporate body to its separate organs; warns against deviations from the original purposes and principles of our organization, in particular against the drift towards unilateralism, isolationism and protectionism to the exclusion and at the expense of collectivism, internationalism and multilateralism; and advises on some courses of action to repair damages to and restore confidence and hope in the Organizations' capabilities and potentialities. It is our fervent hope that this report and the declaration to be adopted during this fortieth anniversary celebration will be seriously studied and a mechanism will be set up to explore modalities for implementing some of the suggestions that could strengthen our Organization.
At the end of the Second World War 40 years ago, the world was faced with cities in ruins and economies in shambles, millions of refugees and displaced people, millions of orphans and disabled men and women, and with millions of people under colonial domination and oppression. Out of these ashes of despair, the United Nations was born as a symbol of faith and hope in a future where all nations, large and small, would be free to take collective responsibility for the maintenance of peace; a future in which free nations would "... develop friendly relations ... based an respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples ..." and a future where there would be "... international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character ...".
I advisedly recall the above purposes of this Organization. Similarly,
I advisedly recall the following principles of this Organization: the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members; the principle that all Members should fulfill in good faith the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the Charter; the principle that States, in settling their international disputes, shall not endanger international peace and security and justice; and the principle that States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State.
These were considered the sine qua non basic purposes and principles necessary for the creation and maintenance of peace and for conducting civilized, legal international relations. Forty years after the war, the relatively long and unprecedented period of peace, during and because of which the world has witnessed a significant economic recovery and expansion, great scientific and political developments, and an increase in the awareness and enjoyment of human rights, the world is facing yet another danger, the danger resulting from man's cynicism about the capability of the United Nations to live up to the expectations that are set out in the purposes and principles of the Charter. The cynics point to the conflicts in Korea, Viet Nam, and more recently, in Central America and the Middle East, to the Iran-Iraq war, to the conflicts in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, and to the problems of Namibia, South Africa's abhorrent apartheid system, and so forth.
The list of failures includes the continuing arms race and spread of nuclear weapons development capability outside the so-called nuclear club, the withdrawal and threats of withdrawal from some international organizations like the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the International Labor Organization (ILO), non-accession to or non-ratification by some States of a majority of the human rights Conventions; countless violations of the united Nations Charter and decisions; the repeated use of the veto deliberately to frustrate the majority in the Security Council itself or recommendations from the overwhelming majority in the General Assembly - a travesty of the democratic process which we all cherish - and the contempt with which some States defiantly refuse to answer charges brought against them in the International Court of Justice.
Despite the obvious failures and weaknesses of the United Nations because of the lack of a political will on the part of some States that are reluctant to offer more support for the Organization, the United Nations system has more than demonstrated its validity, practicality, potentiality and indeed its necessity.
When the United Nations fails, it is in fact the Member States collectively that have failed and when the United Nations succeeds, it is the collective success of Member States. The United Nations is a vehicle or facilitator at the disposal of Member States. Its ability successfully to carry us all to our destination depends on our collective efforts concertedly and vigorously to push the correct buttons on the machine.
The United Nations has developed into a reliable center for harmonizing actions of nations in the attainment of the common objectives. We should all unite, and reaffirm our determination to improve the Organization for a better world, avoiding the dangerous retreat into the chaotic chauvinistic cocoon of isolationism. We believe in the ability of the multilateral system to resolve
international problems, but for this to become reality we must fulfill our obligations to the Charter and act in accordance with its principles.
One of the major objectives of the United Nations whose theme runs like a binding thread through the Charter is "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", and to that end the Member States are called upon to unite by taking collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to peace. Forty years after the founding of this Organization, the Member States have still not succeeded in removing the biggest threat to peace - the bomb hanging over our heads. For whereas 40 years ago one country possessed the bomb, today there are five and probably nine countries with the resources and technical know-how to develop nuclear weapons, and the number is increasing. The total destructive capacity of bombs in the possession of the two super-Powers only - the United States and the Soviet Union - is enough to kill and wipe out everyone and every living organism, not once but many times over. Yet the stockpiling, the perfecting and deploying of these weapons of mass incineration is continuing, with some plans to base some of them in space. What space is there left for peaceful purposes? The chances of a nuclear holocaust increase with the inevitable proliferation of nuclear weapons. The proliferation of nuclear weapons is inevitable, because those possessing them have failed to abide by the terms and expectations of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. As the Secretary-General stated in his message to the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons:
"the Treaty is not a one-way street. In signing it, the nuclear-weapon States parties agreed to pursue in good faith negotiations on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament. In this respect, the implementation of the Treaty has been largely one-sided, to the understandable concern and profound dissatisfaction of its non-nuclear-weapon parties. There must be recognition of the fact that restraint on one side cannot reasonably be demanded in the face of unlimited expansion on the other."
This clear warning must be heeded. Peace is in the interest of all of us and we all need it. Let us all, as a first step, be involved in the reduction of the military budget - which is now, we understand, $900,000 billion - and use the savings to feed the hungry, shelter the homeless, cure the sick, and educate the ignorant and illiterate. Nuclear-weapon States must live up to the letter and spirit of the 1963 Non-Proliferation Treaty and begin arms reduction talks leading to the signing of a total nuclear disarmament treaty. The same nuclear-weapon-State parties must demonstrate their commitment by engaging in sincere and ongoing pursuit of the nuclear-arms control negotiations. We call on Member States to put an end to nuclear-weapon testing. We commend those States that have heeded the voices of their people and resisted the pressure to have nuclear missiles stationed on their territories or to have nuclear-weapon-carrying ships call at their harbours. Such principled actions will go a long way towards the removal of threats to peace. We call on the Soviet Union and the United States seriously to engage in negotiations to end the mad race for armament. We hope that at the forthcoming super-Power summit, both President Reagan and
General Secretary Gorbachev will avoid point-scoring and posturing and remember the heavy responsibility they carry on behalf of the whole of humanity; for never before in the history of man have the hopes and future of so many depended on the wisdom and good sense of so few, as is the case in the nuclear age.
One of the greatest challenges facing the world today is the task o£ achieving international co-operation to manage and sustain economic recovery from the recession of the early 1980s, a recession to be remembered as the worst ever during the post-war era. Many countries have gone or are going through a period of severe crisis and in Africa, a combination of the crisis and adverse climatic and man-made factors have generated catastrophic conditions with horrific consequences.
Opinions have been expressed during the course of this debate that the recession is now behind us and that the worst is over. But we all know that the worst is indeed not over as yet. We all know that we are still suffering; we all know there are some countries which are still in the grip of this terrible situation.
The combined effects of many of those policies, and indeed the combined effects of these problems, has brought about a situation which is in fact bringing many countries to near collapse.
Although this observation is supported by empirical evidence, it is alarming to concede that at present there are no negotiated policy instruments to counteract the emerging negative trends. Instead of active policy intervention we seem to have resigned our fate to certain magical forces that would diffuse economic recovery through some random process of osmosis.
The imperative before us is not to dream but to develop a coherent set of co-ordinated policies to counteract these trends. The first order of business would be to seek ways and means of injecting fresh liquidity in the world economy through the enlargement of the capital base of the World Bank, the easing of International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditions, debt cancellations, multi-year debt re-scheduling and a special issue of the special drawing rights (SDRs).
A necessary condition for the rehabilitation of productive capacity is the restoration of a dynamic, open and non-discriminatory international trading system. Hence if free trade is to resume its role as an engine of growth, it is important that we halt the state of decay that has beset the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) system. In this regard, we call upon the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries to honor the standstill and rollover commitments that were negotiated in UNCTAD IV and in the GATT Ministerial meeting of 1982.
If trade is to be beneficial to all countries, developing countries should be guaranteed just and equitable prices for their exports. Indeed, no durable economic recovery can take place unless urgent steps are taken to safeguard the incomes of primary commodity producers. The Integrated Program of Commodities has already demonstrated its potential for protecting the incomes of primary goods exporters, and it would be to be benefit of all if more and elaborate commodity agreements were concluded. The activation of the Common Fund for Commodities and the strengthening of both the stabex scheme and IMF compensatory facility for export earnings shortfalls would contribute significantly to the recovery of incomes in developing countries.
Durable economic recovery would be stabilized only by policies that would generate a sustained transfer of financial resources to developing countries. This conclusion is not rhetorical but is prompted by the consideration that at present developing countries are engaged in a costly adjustment process that requires massive capital inputs. In such circumstances the present trend of reverse capital flows to developed countries is not acceptable and should be stopped. Developing countries are now paying $72 billion annually in interest payments and in the coming five years about two-thirds of the third-world debt will have to be repaid or rolled over. As for Africa, the projections are that capital outflows will exceed combined official development assistance inflows.
It is unrealistic to expect that developing countries would in the medium- and long-term, generate trade surpluses sufficient to finance their currently structured debt obligations. It is equally scandalous to expect Africa, a continent that is fighting for its survival to shoulder a debt burden of 59 per cent of its export earnings. Essentially, our argument is that the recession of the early 1980s halted the capital formation process in the developing countries and an injection of new capital is a condition for the reactivation of the development process. As it is, high interest rates and the scarcity of new loans are forcing countries to make repayments at the expense of essential imports. It is unrealistic to expect that trade surpluses would diffuse the debt bomb particularly in a trade context characterized by rising protectionism, declining commodity prices and monetary instabilities.
An examination of the interrelationships among the issues of debt, trade, money and finance convinces us that the existing narrow approaches to the debt crisis are inadequate. The responsibility for resolving this crisis must be shared equitably between the debtor and the creditor countries. Such an approach suggests a condition for resolving the debt crisis, the condition being that the debtor country should remain solvent and viable in order for that party to discharge its contractual obligations, thus satisfying that conditions can safeguard the international credit system as we know it today. If it is a shared objective that the present credit system has to be preserved, which implies the solvency of the debtor country, then we need a forum where debt policies consistent with those shared objectives could be negotiated. At present such a forum does not exist.
The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has called for an international conference on debt. It is important that the present session of the General Assembly make advances towards that objective. We have already stated that it is not serious to expect Africa over the medium term to sustain the present hemorrhage of capital caused by debt servicing. The twenty-first session of the Organization of African Unity summit on economic matters has called for an international conference on African debt. This proposal should be viewed as part and parcel of the present initiatives for halting the economic crisis in Africa.
The African economic crisis is one of development, and unless the structural constraints are addressed it is likely to become a permanent feature. The OAU leaders have assumed responsibility for pulling Africa out of this tragedy. But to do this effectively they still need more support as well as the creation of external economic conditions conducive to the resumption of growth and economic
activity. Since there is a perceptible international consensus to resolve the African issue, as evidenced by the consensus declaration on the African economic crisis adopted by the General Assembly, it is time that this good will was translated into concrete action. The OAU Summit has already initiated consultations on the convening of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to Africa. We call upon the international community in a spirit of solidarity to lend its support to this legitimate African request.,
Today the spirit of multilateralism is at its lowest ebb, meaningful dialog no longer exists and confidence and support for multilateral institutions have been replaced by confrontation and bilateralism. This development stands in antithesis to the dreams of yesterday. Worse still, over the past 40 years we have forged a truly interdependent world and the present policies of some industrialized countries seem to be alien to our economic reality - perhaps they belong to a future era, a future of anarchy.
Our plea is for moderation, dialog, negotiations and compromises. The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations gives us an occasion to commit ourselves and our collective resources to the challenge of eradicating poverty, illiteracy, hunger, malnutrition and disease throughout the world.
There is no alternative to multilateralism. It is a fact of life dictated by the reality of inter-independence, a reality that can only be ignored at our own peril. A consensus for development is pXso a consensus for resuming dialog on the institutional obstacles to the launching of the global negotiations on the establishment of a new economic order. Indeed, the people of the world and their governments have the potential of rising to sued) a challenge, and this solemn occasion should generate the necessary political will that would sustain that renewed commitment to development.
Unity of purpose is particularly vital when dealing with hotbeds of tension and conflict in the present world. Regional conflicts, if incorrectly handled, have the capacity to engulf us all in a major catastrophe. And of the many regions of tension and conflict today, few challenge the United Nations system with such poignancy as the tragic situation prevailing in southern Africa. In that corner of the world many fundamental principles forming the bedrock of this Organization and the brotherhood of man are under severe threat from the arrogance and greed of a small group of frightened and narrow-minded men. The hallowed principles of "equal rights and self-determination of peoples", and the cardinal principles that "States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State" are all violated by the apartheid regime of South Africa. Aggression, intervention, interference, discrimination, destabilization, colonialism and racism are the hallmarks of the Pretoria regime. The Pretoria regime's continued existence poses a threat to international peace and security. Apartheid is in every sense and meaning a crime against humanity and a threat to international peace and security of the same genre and origin as nazism, its spiritual and philosophic ancestor.
The inability, nay the unwillingness, of those great Powers that wield such obvious influence over South Africa, to flex their muscles in order to force Pretoria to change its inhuman policies, is one of the greatest betrayals of the United Nations system and the concept of the brotherhood of man. We have all recently witnessed just how vulnerable South Africa is to economic pressure from the Western countries. This vulnerability was recently demonstrated by the nervousness that led to a heavy depreciation of South African financial assets in international markets. Yes, South Africa was nearly brought to its knees by nervousness alone. I therefore would ask this august body to reflect on what concerted international political action could achieve in South Africa if the mere nervousness of markets produced such a panic.
It is the appearance or the reality of the indifference and cynicism of these great nations that emboldens the racist regime. Time and again we have seen the United Nations frustrated by the abuse of the veto power by the United States and the United Kingdom in defense of South Africa. I appeal to the leaders of these two great nations to live up to some of the noble traditions of their countries by accepting their responsibility in the fight for justice and human dignity in South Africa and Namibia and to stop being the misguided protectors of this evil regime.
I speak these words, not in anger, for we already have too many angry young men and women in southern Africa today; it is more with sadness and sorrow that I mention the tragedy in South Africa. Despite the recent semantics of reform, the sad reality is that the regime remains obdurate. Racism is the order of the day.
the majority are still denied participation in the process of government, and the carnage and slaughter continues unabated. What we have seen is the gimmickry of the creation of the tripartite parliaments, a mere elaboration of the doctrine of separation; the setting up of innumerable commissions whose findings are known even before those commissions are set up.
It has all been talk, talk, talk, without any concrete positive action. What is really needed is a dismantlement of apartheid. The only action we have witnessed is the old brutal repression at home and naked aggression broad. Nearly a thousand people have been killed in the streets of South Africa in the last 12 months, and the carnage continues. There is the incarceration of thousands of schoolchildren, women and workers for daring to demand justice and equality, and the suppression of peaceful demonstrations with bullets, truncheons and the hippo-hide whips called sjamboks. The picture has been depressingly familiar.
Not content with inflicting such misery, destruction and bloodshed on its own citizenry, the racist regime has continued to export violence to neighbours. The recent barbaric and unprovoked acts of aggression unleashed against the innocent people of Angola is one in a litany of dastardly deeds that Pretoria has perpetrated against Angola. It should be recalled that earlier this year one of its commando units was caught red-handed trying to blow up the Cabinda oil installations in Angola in the hope of crippling the economy of that country.
After that disastrous mission, the racists then tried to recoup their bruised pride by sending a murder squad into Gaborone, the capital of Botswana. That gang of cutthroats murdered, in cold blood, 12 refugees and Botswana nationals, including a six-year-old boy, all in their sleep. The action of the regime
against the small kingdom of Lesotho, against Zambia, Mozambique and my own country, Zimbabwe, are a matter of public record. In the case of Zimbabwe the racists have a dual strategy. The first is to recruit, train, finance, equip and deploy dissidents and malcontents, whom they infiltrate back into Zimbabwe to spread destruction and fear. A social radio station has been installed in Northern Transvaal, for use by these bandits, which daily broadcasts hostile propaganda against my Government. She second is to use the bandits in Mozambique, known as Mozambique Nationals Resistance Movement, to cut all of Zimbabwe's outlets to the sea through Mozambique, whether by raiT. road or pipeline. South Africa's continued use of rebels in Mozambique is a flagrant violation of the solemn and binding undertaking it entered into at the time of the signing of the Nkomati agreement.
Besides trying to overthrow the Government of Mozambique, the second aim of these bandits as directed by Pretoria is to make Zimbabwe and other landlocked southern African States become totally dependent on South Africa. In this way, it is hoped, we would become hostages in any moves to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. The argument can then be made that the black people of South Africa and the majority-ruled independent States surrounding South Africa would be the first to suffer if sanctions were imposed against South Africa.
We do not want the international community to shirk its responsibility to the people of South Africa by hiding behind our vulnerability to South Africa's reprisals if mandatory sanctions are imposed against it. We accept that there is a price to be paid for the liberty of our brothers and sisters in South Africa and Namibia. For our part, we are prepared to play our full role; but equally we expect the international community to shoulder its responsibility to the region for the consequences of any decision and action it may take, including mandatory sanctions, in fulfillment of its duties and obligations to the people of South Africa.
The now over-delayed independence of the illegally occupied Territory of Namibia represents one of the most glaring failures of the United Nations since its inception. The legality of the issue is not in doubt, and an internationally negotiated and agreed plan to bring the Territory to independence has long been in place - ever since the adoption of resolutions 435 (1978). Yet extraneous issues of East-West rivalry, expediency and cynicism have been allowed to cloud and derail the process of bringing Namibia to independence. It is such callous calculations and selfishness on the part of the big Powers that cause frustration, despair and anger among the weaker nations.
Before the advent of the concept of what has now been renamed the policy of "active constructive engagement" - presumably as distinct from the previous and now discredited policy of "passive constructive engagement" - and its concepts of linkage and parallelism, the Pretoria regime had agreed to the implementation of resolution 435 (1978); but since then linkage has introduced an ideological content into Pretoria's resistance to granting Namibia its independence. Linkage has thereby given respectability to the racist intention. Therefore it is heavily responsible for delaying Namibia's independence. For this reason the Government of the United States bears a special responsibility in the delaying of Namibia's independence.
The presence of Cuban troops in Angola is a matter between the sovereign States of Cuba and Angola. It has nothing to do with independence for the struggling masses of Namibia. The struggling Namibians have no control over this matter, just as they have no control over the issue of foreign forces in Guantanamo and Diego Garcia and the hundreds of thousands of foreign troops, missiles and other military equipment stationed in other countries all over the world. They should not be penalized for matters which are totally irrelevant to their demand for freedom. It is not fair or just to use their independence as a pawn and to hold them as hostages for whom a ransom has to be paid. We condemn this cynicism and this unprincipled behavior perpetrated by Members of this Organization.
The Middle East continues to cause great concern to all of us. Peace in that region remains elusive and will continue to be so as long as Israel is permitted to defy United Nations resolutions calling for its withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories, including the Golan Heights. We condemn in the strongest terms possible the recent gross Israeli violation of Tunisia's sovereignty and territorial integrity and the cold-blooded murder and maiming of defenseless Palestinian refugees. We warn that Israel's bellicose behavior and hegemonistic tendencies pose a serious threat to the stability of the region as well as to
international peace and security. We call upon Israel to end its expansionist policies and to start negotiations with the Palestine Liberation Organization, the legitimate and sole representative of the Palestinians. Israel is in the Middle East, and if peace is to come to that part of the world all the people of that area, including the Israelis, must observe, in good faith, the principles of good-neighborliness. We are aware that Israel has now acquired nuclear-weapon technology and that it may already have the deadly weapon. We are also informed that some such weapons may have been deployed in the Golan Heights. This brings a new and more dangerous dimension to the area, as it may not be long before other States in the region also acquire the same capability, and world peace will then be faced with a very grave threat. This body cannot wait until such a crisis arises. Therefore we strongly support the call for an urgent international conference on the Middle East at which all concerned and involved in the dispute would participate. We believe that such a conference without the full participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization would be like trying to stage Shakespeare's Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark.
My Government is seriously concerned at the continuing war between the two sister countries, Iran and Iraq. We urge them to resolve their dispute peacefully and to concentrate on rebuilding their war-ravaged economies.
We are appalled at the repeated interference in the domestic affairs of other states by some States Members of this Organization. In the case of Nicaragua, we have witnessed the open threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of that country. There is a military and economic siege of that country, all because it has decided to be free to choose a socio-economic political system most suited to its own peculiar situation. The United States Administration finances, trains, equips and deploys the contras in Nicaragua, where they are committing msrJar , rape and economic sabotage and making the lives of the people of that country a real nightmare. We condemn in no uncertain terms such barbaric actions perpetrated against a small nation that cam in no way pose any threat to the security and interests of the mighty United States. We call on the United States to observe the rule of international law in its relationship with Nicaragua and leave that country to pursue its awn course.
We call on all interested parties to participate in and fully support the efforts of the Contadora group. We are confident that the interests and concerns of the Central American States would be served in the context of a comprehensive agreement reached within and by that group. We salute the efforts of the Contadora a group of nations and urge them to persevere in their noble goal.
We reiterate our opposition to the invasion of, interference with or intervention in the internal affairs of one country by another, be it in Grenada, El Salvador, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Mayotte, East Timor, Chad or Western Sahara. We call on the interventionist States to withdraw their troops and let the peoples of those countries run their affairs free from any interference. We commend the Secretary-General for his efforts in seeking solutions to some of these problems and urge him to persevere until just and honorable solutions are found.
The situation in Cyprus continues to threaten peace in that country and in the Mediterranean region as a whole. We demand the Secretary-General and his envoy for their efforts in bringing the two Cypriot communities together to discuss their common destiny. We call upon all outside Powers to stop interfering in the internal affairs of Cyprus and to remove their troops from that island State.
There will be no peace or security on the Korean peninsula as long as foreign troops and missiles remain stationed in South Korea and Korea remains divided Foreign interference must stop, to facilitate and encourage South and North Korea to engage in meaningful discussions aimed at the peaceful reunification of that country. The reduction of tension and potential conflict is in the interest of us all. We therefore call for the start of negotiations involving all the parties concerned, including the United States.
I want to leave this body with one message, and it is this. As we spin into the unknown void behind the galaxies, let no one ever forget that we are on this spaceship, planet Earth, together. Let us therefore pool our resources, our enormous scientific and technical know-how and our collective wisdom and will to make this, our Earth, a home worthy of man, a shining star among the stars of the universe.


Luxembourg has assumed the presidency of the Council of the European Community during the second half of this year. It is thus on behalf of the Community and its 10 member States that I have the privilege to speak today. This will be the last statement in the general debate to be made by a president of the Council of Ministers on behalf of the Ten, Spain and Portugal having now signed and ratified the treaties that will in a few months make them full members of our great European family.
I should like to take this opportunity, Sir, to convey to you our heartiest congratulations on your election as President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. Your considerable experience of international life and your long and remarkable career assure that our work in this anniversary year will be guided with skill, impartiality and authority.
I also wish warmly to thank the President of the thirty-ninth session for his having very effectively guided our discussions during the past 12 months.
Finally, I should like to express my gratitude the Secretary-General, who has spared no effort in his tireless work in the cause of peace. Reaffirming our full confidence in him, I should like to urge him to continue in his numerous initiatives of mediation and conciliation.
Before dealing with the political and economic problems facing our Organization at this time, I should like to express to our Mexican colleagues our feelings of profound compassion in connection with the terrible catastrophe that has just created innumerable victims and caused widespread damage in the United Mexican States. Emergency assistance was immediately decided by the European Community and the Ten will do their utmost to bring relief to the Mexican people.
The United Nations and the European Community were created at an interval of a few years. They came into existence following a conflict that shook the entire world and, particularly, Europe. The lofty ambitions of our Organization - to establish and maintain a climate of peace by reducing and overcoming divisions and tensions, some of them century-old - inspired the European Community.
Ten different nations, often bearing the heavy burden of a legacy marked by antagonisms and bloody conflicts, finally succeeded not only in living in peace, but in building a future together. This path of lasting and fruitful reconciliation was possible primarily because of our confidence in the principles of the United Nations Charter and thanks to a concept of the value and dignity of the human person.
On the strength of their experience, the Ten are convinced that universal and effective respect for all human rights and fundamental freedoms as contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in other international instruments constitutes the best guarantee for justice and peace. They are convinced that civil and political rights, as well as economic, social and cultural rights, are indivisible and intertwined and form an integral part of a global system of protection for the human person. These ambitions and aspirations, which are the main driving force of our Community of Ten, soon to be twelve, make us ready to listen to all those who suffer and to show our willingness to help seek solutions wherever human rights are threatened. The Ten are determined to promote the economic and social development of peoples and to protect and promote human rights everywhere in the world.
In the light of these aspirations the picture of the world situation I shall be drawing is hardly encouraging.
Recent developments in East-West relations, and particularly the decision by the United States and the Soviet Union to resume and pursue negotiations in Geneva with a view to preparing agreements aimed at preventing an arms race in outer space and ending the arms race on earth, limiting and reducing nuclear weapons and strengthening strategic stability, are a source of satisfaction for the Ten. They welcome the resumption of a dialog between the United States and the Soviet Union, This renewed dialog gives ground for hopes of a more positive phase in East-West relations.
The Ten will continue to support these negotiations. They are aware that these will demand realism, flexibility and patience. Full respect for commitments entered into will certainly contribute to such a development.
The Ten hope that the new Soviet leaders will give concrete expression to a real desire to establish constructive relations between East and West.
The Ten regret the persistence of obstacles to genuine detente. The occupation of Afghanistan constitutes a particularly flagrant example of such obstacles. I shall return to this later.
They note with regret that human rights and fundamental freedoms continue to be the subject of grave and repeated violations in many Eastern European States despite the principles of the United Nations and the commitments solemnly undertaken in the Helsinki Final Act which were confirmed in Madrid. They remain preoccupied by the situation in Poland because of the resumption of political repression and particularly the increase in the number of detainees.
They deplore on the other hand the difficulties created elsewhere for minorities by attempts at forced political assimilation and the denial, purely and simply, of their existence.
They are, however, prepared to pursue their efforts to bring about a climate of mutual confidence and understanding between East and West. They hope to see an improvement in relations with the Warsaw Pact countries in so far as the policies pursued by those countries permits.
The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe presents an appropriate forum to tackle matters of common interest with these countries, as well as with all other participating countries. Two months ago, all the States participating in that Conference commemorated in Helsinki the tenth anniversary of the signing of the Final Act of the Conference. That was for us an opportunity to assess the results obtained so far and to look to the future to consider a number of still unresolved issues. The Ten emphasized the importance they attached to respect of all the principles of the Final Act and to the faithful implementation of its provisions. The recent meeting of human rights experts in Ottawa highlighted the gap that continues to exist between commitments freely entered into by participating States and concrete results at the individual level.
They hope that two meetings scheduled to take place soon - the Budapest Forum on cultural exchanges and the Bern meeting on contacts between individuals and the reuniting of families - will make possible progress in the implementation of the commitments made at Helsinki and Madrid.
At the Stockholm Conference, an integral part of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Ten will continue their efforts to achieve concrete security - and confidence-building measures, in keeping with the mandate. The Ten appeal again for the dialog begun within the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be strengthened and followed up by concrete and tangible results benefiting the peoples of all the participating countries.
The situation in Cyprus remains an important source of international concern. The Ten again expressed their support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus, in conformity with the relevant United Nations resolutions. They remind the Assembly that they rejected the statement of 15 November 1983 aimed at the establishment of a separate State in Cyprus. They reaffirm their statement of 10 June last reflecting their refusal to recognize the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" and all so-called constitutional developments in that part of the island. The Ten attach particular importance to the good-offices mission entrusted to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and call on all interested parties to support his efforts to bring about a just and lasting solution to the Cyprus problem, and to avoid any action that could undermine the dialog.
The Ten stress the importance of dialog and co-operation because we believe that without them misunderstandings are created, tension is increased and the international political climate deteriorates. Indeed, it is that very conviction that is at the basis of the United Nations.
Some degree of openness and transparency is indispensable to the achievement of verifiable agreements on the limitation and reduction of armaments. The Ten believe that if greater attention were paid to that essential point a major condition would be met for the achievement of progress in the framework of various bilateral and multilateral discussions on disarmament, now under way.
Of course, there are still difficult problems to be solved before effective agreements on the limitation and reduction of armaments can be achieved. The Ten stress that negotiations are needed for the achievement of concrete results, in the form of substantial, balanced and verifiable agreements and that these agreements must be implemented, in the opinion of the Ten, such agreements are and will continue to be a major, indeed indispensable, instrument for international peace and security.
Africa is confronting the world with a fundamental challenge: the right to exist and to exist in dignity are at stake there. In several parts of Africa, crises and tensions have led to violence and infringements of human dignity. To that must be added the extreme poverty created by food shortages, and particularly the famine in several regions of the continent. Quite obviously, such serious problems cannot be solved merely by economic measures; political solutions are also required.
In South Africa, the vast majority of South Africans are still denied the right to a dignified existence and to the exercise of the roost elementary human rights. The continued tragic adherence of a part of the white population to the immoral system of apartheid causes a continued deterioration of the situation, which each day leads to more violence and injustice and takes an increasing toll of victims. The Pretoria Government must without delay engage in a policy that will lead rapidly to the abolition of the system of apartheid.
The Ten would remind the Assembly that their objective is the elimination of apartheid, pure and simple, and not just the elimination of some of its elements. They condemn the use of violence from whatever quarter. They reject the policy of bantustanization. It is inoperative that all the citizens of South Africa enjoy equal rights; the minorities must be protected. The most recent expressions of intention by the Pretoria Government must now take form in concrete measures. Such measures must, above all, be convincing to the black population. The Ten regard as indispensable a greater determination to bring about reform and stronger indications of a desire for conciliation. The opening of a dialog with the representatives of the black population is necessary. In order to improve the dances for such dialog, measures should be taken to establish a climate of confidence; among such measures are those formulated by the Ten - that is, inter alia, the end of the state of emergency, the release of detainees and political prisoners, including Mr. Mandela, and the elimination of discriminatory legislation.
This sunnier, and particularly on 22 and 31 July, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Ten, as well as Spain and Portugal, spelled out their position within the present context. They decided to send a European ministerial mission to South Africa. That mission was in South Africa between 30 August and 1 September. In addition to contacts with the governmental authorities, other contacts took place, especially with representatives of the official and unofficial opposition. On that basis, the Ten decided on 10 September to keep up their pressure, and they harmonized their positions on a number of measures to be taken with regard to South Africa. The question of unofficial measures, including sanctions, remains on the agenda. The Ten reserve their tight to reconsider their position if there is not significant progress within a reasonable period.
The Government of South Africa cannot avoid the imperative need to abolish apartheid without delay. Some white inhabitants quite wrongly believe that they can refuse to face the facts. But they cannot escape them. Their responsibility is enormous, and nothing authorizes them to allow their country and its people to be engulfed in chaos.
The Ten are rightly concerned over the persistence of conflict situations and of serious threats to the sovereignty and development of the other States of southern Africa. In Namibia, it remains necessary to implement, without pre-conditions and without delay, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) - still the only acceptable basis for a final settlement. South Africa's illegal occupation mast cease, and the Namibian people must be allowed to exercise their eight to self-determination as soon as possible. The Ten regard the interim Government established by South Africa as null and void. They reaffirm their support for the front-line States and the Namibian people in the political and economic spheres.
The Ten express their full support for Security Council resolution 571 (1985), which demands that South Africa immediately withdraw from Angola and abstain from all acts of aggression against the neighboring countries.
Finally, the situation in the Horn of Africa is characterized by persistent tensions, for which negotiated political solutions must be urgently sought, on the basis of the principles of the United Nations Charter and decisions by the Organization of African Unity.
Drought and desertification, particularly in the Sudano-Sahelian region and in the Horn of Africa, have caused death, epidemic, exodus, destruction of traditional structures and delay in the development of all too many States. The assistance to be rendered by the Community, particularly in the framework of the Lome III
Convention, and its member States to Africans will remain em important priority. I shall revert to this problem in the part of this statement dealing with economic matters. Over and above a rescue policy, the prevention and warning systems must be strengthened urgently, in order to confront food crises more effectively and to alleviate the phenomenal of refugees, affecting 5 million persons in Africa.
The Organization of African Unity is aware of the urgency of this approach, and the Ten support the efforts of that organization and its members to bring peace and prosperity to Africans despite the difficulties faced by the States of the continent, difficulties often caused or accentuated by natural disasters.
In the Middle East, a region seriously affected by mistrust and violence, there is still no peace or security. The sacrifices imposed there for so long now have led to despair, bitterness and hatred. An extraordinary effort is required to accept the enemy as a neighbor. None the less, the enemies of today must cease regarding each other as such.
Within the context of the Israel-Arab conflict, there is a ray of hope. Without haste or hesitation, the hearts and a sense of reason can bring about peace. The Ten consider that the peace efforts embarked upon, particularly with the agreement between Jordan and Palestine concluded on 11 February last, which contains a commitment to start negotiations in keeping with United Nations resolutions including those of the Security Council, are a positive development. The Ten believe that any movement in favor of a peaceful settlement of the conflict should be encouraged. It is necessary to encourage the movement which has begun and to facilitate a dialog between all the parties to the conflict.
While a lasting solution should attract the participation of all the parties concerned, a real willingness to expand and support the movement toward peace should be expected from the region as a whole.
If the proposed peace initiatives do not find fertile ground, the problems in the area will only worsen. The parties directly concerned must recognize this fact and recognize each other. Denial of the opponent's existence is an act of blindness and is an admission of a lack of strong desire for peace. Recognition by the parties of their mutual existence and rights is a matter of priority.
The Ten wish to make a contribution to an overall settlement. We believe that an overall settlement should be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), including the right to existence and to security of all the States in the area, including Israel, and justice for all the peoples in the area and the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people, with all its implications.
Association of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) with the negotiation process is necessary. The principle of the non-use of force and the non-acquisition of territory by the use of force must be respected, and the territorial occupation by Israel since 1967 must come to an end. The Ten would remind the Assembly that measures taken by Israel in the territories that it has occupied since 1967, which are aimed at altering the legal, geographical and demographic structure of the territory, are contrary to international law.
The commitment of the United Nations has often taken the form of a useful contribution to the problems of the Middle East. The united Nations must be encouraged to persist in its work. This is true of the search for peace in the Israel-Arab conflict.and in Lebanon, and in the Gulf crisis.
Confrontations in Lebanon have still not come to an end. Acts of violence and terrorism from which the civilian population of Lebanon and innocent foreign nationals, including citizens of the Community have suffered have recently increased in number. The Ten are very seriously concerned by this state of affairs and we would call on all the parties concerned to endeavor to begin a dialog between the various Lebanese communities.
In this context, they welcomed the efforts by President Gemayel to promote a policy of national reconciliation in the interest of safeguarding the unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon, with the assistance of all the parties concerned. The Ten reiterate the need for the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, as well as of all the armed elements that are not there at the request of the Lebanese Government. The Ten urge that the observers be allowed to fully play their role, and we remind the Assembly of the importance that we ascribe to the full implementation of the mandate of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). We would call on all the parties to co-operate fully with these United Nations contingents.
The conflict between Iran and Iraq has now gone into its fifth year. The escalation of military actions against the populations and civilian targets, and the serious consequences of this for regional stability, as well as for the economy of both countries, have become intolerable.
The Ten would make a further appeal to Iran and Iraq for an immediate cease-fire and to enter without delay into negotiations in order to seek, in keeping with united Nations decisions, an honourable and acceptable settlement for both parties. He would support any mediation, including the efforts of the Secretary-General, and we would invite both countries to respect the commitment entered into in June 1984 to avoid the bombing of civilian targets. The Ten would draw the attention of both parties to the serious concern aroused on a humanitarian level, in particular by the treatment of prisoners of war. We condemn the use of chemical weapons anywhere and at any time, and we stress the need to respect the Geneva conventions and other rules of international law, including those regarding the security of civil aviation and shipping.
In Asia, the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan has now gone on for nearly six years. The Soviet Union seems to be insensitive to the constant appeals of the international community to withdraw its troops, and it continues its offensive policies in this traditionally neutral and non-aligned country, flouting thereby the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter.
The Ten would repeat once again their appeal to the Soviet Onion to put an end to its military presence in that country, in keeping with the principles of non-interference and to promote the self-determination of the Afghan people as set forth in the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. The intensification of fighting by the Soviet forces and persistent violations of human rights have merely increased the sufferings of the Afghan people.
Sorely tested by the growing influx of Afghan refugees, Pakistan has been the victim of numerous attacks from Afghanistan against its territory. The Ten condemn these violations of the Pakistani borders, which will not contribute to a political settlement. Such actions and the shifting of confrontations along the border zone of Pakistan seriously run the risk of extending the conflict.
Considering the gravity of the situation, the Ten would remind the Assembly that a negotiated political solution is necessary to resolve the Afghan conflict in a just and lasting manner. He therefore support the good offices of the Representative of the united Nations Secretary-General, from which we expect speedy and real progress. In particular we hope for an agreement on a timetable for the withdrawal of Soviet troops, which remains a key element in the solution.
On the Indochinese peninsula, Cambodia is still the target of attacks by Viet Nam, which continues to threaten peace and stability in South-East Asia. The persistent violations of its territorial integrity, of its national identity, are part of a policy of fait accompli, an intolerable principle. Repeated violations of the sovereignty of Thailand have also been strongly condemned by the international community. The unprecedented dimensions of humanitarian problems in that region today require, more than ever before, a peaceful, speedy, lasting and comprehensive settlement.
The Ten support any initiative aimed at beginning constructive negotiations among the parties concerned, on the basis of the principles agreed to by the international conference on Cambodia. In this connection we deplore the fact that Viet Nam continues to be intransigent and refuses to abide by the various resolutions adopted by the General Assembly by vast majorities.
Aside from these two focal points of crisis, the stability of the Asian continent is continually being threatened by the division of the Korean peninsula. In this connection, the Ten observed with satisfaction a few faint signs, which have emerged recently, regarding the resumed contacts between North and South, and in particular the exchange of family visits. A widespread inter-Korean dialog can alone eventually lead to a peaceful reunification of Korea, which the whole population desires in order to be represented in the united Nations.
From this rostrum a year ago the Ten expressed the hope that the process of democratization which had already begun in Latin America would continue and spread. Today, with a few exceptions, such as Chile, Paraguay and Suriname, the nations of South America have democratic, pluralistic regimes. The Ten are very satisfied at this development. We are aware of the difficult tasks new facing these countries in consolidating their democratic institutions and dealing with the serious economic and social problems that confront them. The Ten stress their willingness to assist those countries as much as they can in their efforts to bring about economic stability and social justice in the interest of maintaining peace and democracy in that region.
The Ten are pleased that a broad range of trends of opinion in Chile have converged in national agreement on the transition to democracy. We appeal again to the Chilean authorities to respect human rights and to cease to impede the re-establishment of democracy in keeping with the aspirations of the Chilean people.
The Ten remain convinced that the conflicts in Central America cannot be resolved by the use of force but only through a peaceful negotiated settlement originating in the region itself and based on the principles of independence, non-interference and the inviolability of borders. The initiative of the Contadora Group, which the Ten have supported from the outset, offers the best path towards such a settlement. We welcome the support now being given to the Contadora Group by four democratic countries of South America. We would the countries concerned to agree speedily, on the basis of the Contadora proposals, on a comprehensive, lasting settlement. To ensure mutual trust, the implementation of such a peace agreement must be accompanied by suitable verification and control measures.
The Ten believe that it is important for all the countries concerned to contribute actively to a reduction of tension in the area in order to facilitate the Contadora process. Similarly, we call on the countries of Central America to commit themselves to developing democratic systems and guaranteeing full respect for human rights in keeping with the Contadora document which they have signed.
The San Jose conference on 28 and 29 September 1984 brought to the capital of Costa Rica the Ten, Spain, Portugal and the Commission of the European Communities, as well as the countries of Central America and of the Contadora Group. Since that conference the Ten have continued their efforts to strengthen their relations with the countries of the region. We hope that the signing of the agreement on co-operation and the institutionalization of the political dialog between the countries of the European Community and those of Central America which is to take place at the ministerial meeting on 11 and 12 November in Luxembourg, will contribute to the economic and social development of those countries and to a peaceful settlement arising from the region itself.
During this anniversary year there will be further opportunities for us to reflect on the achievements of the past and, above all, the future objectives of our organization four decades after its creation. Of course, the United Nations system has not been able to fulfill all the immense initial hopes of its founders. But, in a world where hatred, contempt and intolerance continue to rage, the Charter, which should be our creed, remains a point of reference, a standard of measurement for all our actions. After so many years during which our membership has constantly increased, we must, of course, be flexible about how to ensure that the Organization works properly.
There is one particular area in which the Ten have always considered it very important that the United Nations play an active role: the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We wish to reaffirm once more that it is the duty of the United Nations to ensure full respect for the principles contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to react promptly and appropriately to violations of human rights wherever they may occur. In this connection, the Ten sincerely hope that a post of high commissioner for human rights will be established so that the actions of the incumbent can reinforce our Organization's procedures.
The work of the United Nations can be carried out properly only if the fundamental principle of universality as set out in Article 4 of the Charter is fully respected wherever in the United Nations system the question arises. Respect for the rights of all, in keeping with the provisions of the Charter, should be the guarantee that universality, which is the only principle can enable the Charter to serve the universal conscience.
World economic conditions are better today than they have been for many years, although the prospects for growth remain uncertain. Economic recovery, while still inadequate, can be seen seen in several industrialized countries which have succeeded in improving the prospects of growth, thanks in particular to their efforts at structural adjustment and improvement of their economies. Inflation has been substantially reduced, and investments have increased in many countries.
World trade has increased appreciably, although the results of the struggle against protectionism have thus far been inadequate and uneven. The recovery has begun to spread from the developed world to the developing world. The adjustment programs of the developing countries are beginning to bear fruit and so far it has been possible to solve the most pressing difficulties of the indebted developing countries. The most urgent problems arising from the famine in Africa are beginning to be solved.
Nevertheless, many problems remain. In Europe particularly unemployment continues to be high and is a subject of major concern. The recovery is still inadequate in many developed countries. The international financial and monetary situation remains uncertain. Protectionist tension persists. Many developing countries are still in the grip of grave internal and external problems. Finally, the specter of famine continues to stalk many countries of sub-Saharan Africa.
Therefore, despite the undeniable progress made so far, new joint efforts at the national and international levels are needed. The domestic policies adopted so far to improve the performance of our economies must be continued, but it will not be possible to restore healthy, lasting growth and ensure a return to the development process unless each of us remains aware of both the domestic and the external effects of our policies. Special stress was laid on this point at the recent economic summit in Bonn.
If the woe Id economy is to function more harmoniously international economic co-operation must be increased. North-South relations play a major role in this connection, and we believe that they must be improved.
For its part, the European Community remains committed to an approach to North-South problems that takes account of the interdependence of our economies and the interrelationship between the various problems under discussion in our several forums. It also recognizes the need for of a more concrete, specific approach and believes that we should explore every possibility of dialog and international co-operation in the regions or sectors with the most urgent problems. The dialog it is continuing in the framework of the Lome Convention is a concrete example of that approach.
The Community also stresses the need to strengthen multilateral financial development institutions, which play an irreplaceable role. Finally, it considers that the conditions of the North-South dialog can be improved, and it endorses what has been said on the subject, in particular within the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Among the most urgent and serious problems facing us, I would mention first of all the problem of hunger in Africa. This is a scourge which imperils the very survival of tens of millions of human beings and calls for the mobilization of the efforts of the whole international community.
A certain number of international initiatives have already been taken. Among them I would particularly stress the United Nations Conference on the Emergency Situation in Africa, which met last March in Geneva, following upon the Declaration on the Critical Economic Situation in Africa adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session. That Conference, the convening of which was particularly welcomed to us, has undoubtedly made it possible to make the world more aware of the plight of the victims of drought and famine and helped to facilitate the mobilization of resources to aid those people. Within this context stress was placed quite rightly on the essential role of the Office for Emergency Operations in Africa in regard to the co-ordination of bilateral and multilateral assistance.
The European Community and its member* states have for their part very rapidly taken a series of measures to deal with the problem of hunger in Africa. Thus, by providing food aid totaling approximately 2.3 million tons of cereals or the equivalent in 1984-1985, they have fully honored their commitments. It might be thought that, thanks to these various measures and the commitments undertaken by various countries, the essential food requirements of the 20 African countries hardest hit by famine would be covered in the next few months, provided we can overcome the vast problems of delivering the international aid to the people concerned. However, no matter how necessary it may be to meet the urgent needs, food aid, in our opinion, involves certain dangers and cannot constitute a lasting solution.

In addition to the emergency assistance, effective policies for long-term development must be put into effect. This point has been stressed by our Heads of State or Government, who only recently recalled the need to establish a global co-ordinated strategy against drought, to support the efforts of the African countries in regard to food security and to give priority to the struggle against desertification.
The European Community, in this context, is pleased with the decision to establish a special fund for Africa within the framework of the World Bank. It hopes that these operations will make it possible to undertake the necessary structural reforms for reviving the economies of the recipient countries. Furthermore, we very much hope that the current replenishment of the resources of the International Fund for Agricultural Development will continue.
The problem of the indebtedness of many developing countries also continues to be a matter of serious concern to us. The burden of debt-servicing often has attained overwhelming proportions and jeopardizes the prospects for development as well as the political and social stability of the countries concerned. This situation continues to pose a serious threat to the whole international monetary and financial system.
Significant progress has, however, been made in this field, and a start has been made in solving the most urgent problems, thanks to an improvement in the world economic situation and to the remarkable and courageous effects of adjustment undertaken by the debtor countries and the flexibility and rapidity of the interventions of the International Monetary Fund, the world Bank, the creditors' clubs and the banking system. Nevertheless, the underlying problems remain, and we must all make the necessary efforts to avoid a serious financial crisis.
The European Community believes that differential treatment of differing situations of indebtedness within the existing institutional framework is as useful as ever. However, we also feel it is necessary, in the search for lasting solutions, to consider the problem of indebtedness from a standpoint that goes beyond the short term and to examine the matter in all its aspects: the lowering of world interest rates, an adequate transfer of resources, the consolidation of the world economic recovery and sustained growth in international trade are all factors which could serve to ease the constraints on the debtor developing countries. It is equally essential for these countries to pursue policies that would make possible the long-term structural adjustment of their economies.
I have already several times stressed the importance that the European Community attaches to the growth of international trade as a contribution to world economic recovery and the giving of new momentum to the process of development. A multilateral system of open trade is essential for general prosperity. Therefore it is the business of all of us. It is important for all of us to continue the implementation of the work program of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and to honor the international commitments undertaken in the struggle against protectionism. The European Community supports the launching as soon as possible of a new series of multilateral trade negotiations within the framework of GATT which would deal with a balanced array of subjects and allow the interests of all the countries concerned, developed or developing, to be met.
However trade negotiations alone will not solve all the problems. We feel that solutions to the problem of imbalance deriving from monetary and financial fields cannot be found in trade negotiations, determined and concerted action is necessary to improve the functioning of the international monetary system. We also need an .Increase in the flow of resources to the developing countries. Results in the monetary and financial fields should be sought hand in hand with results in the trade field. In this regard we note with satisfaction the positive approach demonstrated by the participants in the Bonn summit meeting, both with regard to improvement of the functioning of the international monetary system and with regard to the necessity for an adequate .transfer of resources especially for the benefit of the poorest countries. We hope that the forthcoming discussions within the International Monetary Fund in particular will make it possible to embark on fruitful dialog.
I turn now to more specific problems of the least developed countries. In the next few days there will be held in Geneva a mid-term review of the implementation of the New Substantial program of Action for the least developed countries adopted at the Paris Conference in September 1981. we hope that this important meeting will undertake an objective stock-taking of the implementation of that new program of action and will come to agreement on measures to improve implementation.
The European Community and its member States have made definite efforts with regard to the implementation of the New Substantial program of Action. I would recall in particular what I have already said on the struggle against hunger afflicting some of the African least developed countries. With regard to official development assistance, I note that some of us have greatly exceeded the target of 0.15 per cent for the benefit of the least developed countries as contained in the New Substantial program of Action. Other member States have come very close to that. I would also recall that of the 36 least developed countries 27 are developing countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific which last December signed the Third Lome Convention. This new Convention, which testifies to the will to strengthen and broaden the links between the European Community and 66 developing countries, will make it possible for a large number of the poorest of the developing countries to benefit from provisions which, while keeping intact the previous Conventions, contain a certain number of innovations. In this regard I should like to stress that the new Convention establishes a new process based on genuine co-operation between the donor country and the recipient country. Constant dialog will make it possible to improve the effectiveness of community aid. Furthermore, I would recall that the new Convention provides for an increased volume of financial resources for the development of the African, Caribbean and Pacific States.
In conclusion, I wish to say a few words about the transformation of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UKZDO) into a specialized agency of the united Nations. This is an important event in the history of international economic co-operation, we expect a great deal from this new organization. We are sure that the new UNIDG will benefit from the experience of other specialized agencies and will produce a program and working methods which will enable it to carry out successfully its mission of technical assistance in the field of industrial co-operation, particularly for the benefit of the poorest countries. As I have already had occasion to state, the economic horizon is clearing, but there remains an immense amount to be done before we can ensure the healthy, lasting growth of our economies and to continue and give a new momentum to the process of development. This task is the responsibility of us all and we shall succeed in it only by dialog and co-operation. The European Community, which is shortly to be enriched by the addition of two new members, Spain and Portugal, will shoulder its share of that responsibility. He appeal to all our partners in the North and the South to join in these efforts.
The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, which we are celebrating this yeas, is not the end of a journey. This anniversary should, rather, serve as a point of departure. Together we must look towards the future and redouble our efforts to translate into reality the principles of the Charter and the sentiments expressed from this rostrum. Only in this way and by perseverance can we enable the United Nations to assure all mankind of a better future.