Mr. President, it is an honour for my delegation, and especially for me personally, to extend to you on this occasion the most sincere and cordial congratulations on your assumption of the duties of President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
3.	This Assembly will deal with many of the major problems of international society, as well as the options and procedures which may enable us to solve them, thus consolidating understanding, peace and security among nations. I should also like to express the gratitude of the people and Government of El Salvador for the constant and tireless work conducted by the Secretary-General in his indefatigable efforts to achieve that peace, security and co-operation among all the peoples.
4.	I came before the General Assembly in 1981, at its thirty-sixth session, as President of the Revolutionary Junta of El Salvador to explain to the world the crisis which was facing my country and to explain to you the process of democratization which we proposed to accomplish and which we have indeed fulfilled, in holding the first free elections in El Salvador to elect the National Constituent Assembly, which brought back a state of law and received, without any reluctance whatsoever, from the Revolutionary Junta, the full powers of a democratic and a republican nation.
5.	That message was received with satisfaction by representatives at the United Nations, although scepticism led them to doubt the possibility of free elections proposed by a de facto Government which had committed itself to ensuring that its people would come in large numbers to vote, even under fire, to demonstrate its desire for democracy and its rejection of violence.
6.	We fulfilled that commitment, but the Salvadorian people went further when it established the Provisional Government and held two rounds of presidential elections, which are an historic confirmation of the will of our people, who want to find the road to peace through the path of democracy.
7.	I am very happy to state here before all the peoples of the world that El Salvador, despite having gone through one of the most difficult periods in its history, has given specific examples of what a people can do and obtain when it truly believes in democracy as the best possible way to solve the differences which are inherent in all organized societies.
8.	That offering of my people to freedom entails great sacrifice. This process to democracy, peace and social justice culminated on 1 June 1984, a date which is indeed a milestone in the history of El Salvador because, for the first time in half a century, we have established a Government which is truly democratic and which has directly and freely emanated from the sovereign power of the Salvadorian people.
9.	I now come, bearing the banner of my country as a symbolic gesture of the legitimacy of my Government, to appear before the nations of the world and to speak with the authority vested in me because of the support of my people, to speak of the peace so ardently desired by all Salvadorians, to speak of the benefits of that peace to which we are entitled and for which we are striving, to speak of our irreversible desire for democracy. I should like to speak about the peace of Nicaragua, of the guerrillas and Contadora, and to make an appeal to reason and fraternity which we deserve in Central America. I want us to be reasonable and to reconcile our differences.
10.	For more than four years, El Salvador has suffered from the effects of a merciless war which has caused us bloodshed and impoverishment. More than 50,000 Salvadorians have been the innocent victims of a fratricidal confrontation. More than half a million persons have had to leave their homes and their property. Subversive forces have engaged in a campaign of terror and systematic destruction, and our people is tired of it. It must end.
11.	One after another, the speakers who have preceded me at this rostrum have referred to peace in the strongest of terms. Peace undoubtedly is the greatest yearning of all men, and its maintenance is the main function of the United Nations. I, too, come before the Assembly to speak of peace in the same strong terms.
12.	But I shall not refer to the dangers confronting the world as the consequence of the unbridled arms race, nor to the threat of total destruction represented by the senseless accumulation of nuclear weapons, although, of course, I share the concerns of all of you, as well as your frustration in the face of the seeming inability of the community of nations to fulfil not only the letter but also the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.
13.	I shall not speak of nuclear confrontation because others have done so here with great eloquence and profound knowledge of the problem.
14.	May I therefore be permitted to depart from the usual procedure and, in greeting all the nations of the world, I should like to take this opportunity to describe and define the position of my Government in the face of the problems and the crisis which beset us, because in this manner I shall also establish the principles of the foreign policy of my country, which is based on peace and harmony among all human beings.
15.	I am convinced that to provide this information is part of the responsibility which we have taken upon ourselves in the face of disinformation, stereotypes and commonplace statements. We must dispel uncertainties, clarify goals and purposes, state the course we intend to take and inform the world of the reality of life in El Salvador. This is a task which we must undertake so that the action of democratic countries may be carried out with confidence and in support of our struggle to achieve real democracy in our country; in support of our desire for the juridical equality of States, non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, and the self-determination of peoples; in support of our vigorous opposition to foreign interference and any kind of political, economic, juridical or ideological pressure exerted by one nation upon another.
16.	The crisis is worsening because of the grave situation in Central America: the imbalances in the international economic system, trade imbalances, excessive protectionism in the terms of trade, unemployment, external indebtedness and a series of other negative factors which have an increasing effect on our weak economic structures and are leading us to a historic crossroads. Thus, El Salvador will always support the efforts of the Group of 77, which has been striving tirelessly to bring about a new international economic order more in keeping with the principles of justice.
17.	Central America, which is involved in a political, social and economic crisis, is experiencing acute problems, but these are not irreversible. It is possible to find formulas for understanding and appropriate political and diplomatic solutions.
18.	Confronted by this complex picture, El Salvador has always acted rationally because of our strong desire for a peaceful, democratic solution in Central America which would strengthen the security of the region by means of understanding, economic and social integration, and consistent respect for the norms and principles of international law.
19.	El Salvador's conduct has always been based on its dedication to the principles and tenets which govern relations between States. We are convinced that adherence to those principles is an indispensable requirement for the harmonious coexistence of inter-national society. El Salvador thus fulfils its international commitments and regrets that some countries that speak half-truths and deliberately conceal their own violations appear before various bodies of the United Nations not in order to settle differences but rather to use those bodies as a mere platform for propaganda, regardless of the cost and the degree to which they undermine this body, whose protection they claim to seek.
20.	El Salvador believes that the Contadora process is the only course open to us. In this context, we support an honest regional dialogue, so that we Central Americans may determine our destiny on the basis of a consensus. We must not become the tools in a struggle of the interests and ideologies of foreign Powers and certainly not the mere instruments of those Powers, thus denying our own nationalism and characteristics and frustrating the aspirations of our peoples and their right to live in peace and freedom.
21.	Peace in Central America must be based on the establishment of a genuine democratic process in the political, economic and social fields, which will enable us to leave behind the contradictions, deprivation and backwardness which most of us have suffered in the past.
22.	The international situation continues, regrettably, to show all the signs of the East-West confrontation, which is tending to spread, thus producing a negative effect on rational thinking and coexistence in various regions. Unfortunately, Central America has also suffered from such confrontation. However, diplomatic efforts are now being made with regard to our area. In this context, the use of the good offices of the Contadora Group has our support.
23.	My Government is grateful for the constructive work done by the four countries that make up the Contadora Group: Venezuela, Colombia, Panama and Mexico. We appreciate the proposals and efforts undertaken by the Group, which have received the support of the General Assembly and offer the best way of achieving the peaceful solution of the conflict, which is so painful for all of Latin America. We have co-operated fully with those countries in trying to create understanding and unity among all the peoples of Central America.
24.	We attach great value to those efforts for the preservation of peace. Thus, we shall, as we have agreed, present before 15 October our comments on the revised Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America, which was submitted to us on 7 September last. We are trying to achieve peace by means of dialogue and on the basis of regional arrangements within the framework of the Contadora process.
25.	I should like, on behalf of the democratic Government of El Salvador, to sign an agreement that will be in keeping with the efforts of the Contadora Group. But such an agreement must be right and just for El Salvador. It must strictly guarantee the application of the 21 points which have already been accepted by all the parties in the Document of Objectives adopted on 9 September 1983. The agreement must ensure appropriate measures for the verification and control of everything that is agreed. We must make sure that the obligations that we undertake to put an end to the presence of foreign military advisers and eliminate military aid from abroad must provide for the strictest controls and, at the same time, entail for all the commitment not to support or continue to give assistance to terrorist activity against our legitimate democratic Government.
26.	The history of my country is similar to that of many of the underdeveloped countries in the world. If I describe it briefly, many representatives listening to me will find amazing similarities with the history of their own countries. It is the history of a common struggle, of anguish, of triumphs and of failures. It is a common history of ideals—it is our history.
27.	El Salvador emerged from colonialism to become an independent State on 15 September 1821, as a member of the Federal Republic of Central America. The struggles between the conservatives and the liberals culminated at the end of the century in the absolute triumph of the latter. From that time on, a coffee oligarchy controlled the economic and political life of our country. The larger and better ranches, banking, and trade in the principal export products were in their hands. Controlled elections led to a succession of Presidents of the Republic who were the representatives of that oligarchy until 1931. Then, for the first time, a progressive party came to power, but a few months later it was defeated. The world crisis, the fall in coffee prices and the losses suffered by the peasants led in 1932 to a popular uprising, which was put down by force. After that, an alliance emerged between the armed forces and the oligarchy, which used it to keep political control and economic privileges. Following a dictatorship that lasted for 13 years, and after 1944, various military Governments, Government juntas and provisional Presidents came to power. In 1984 the first civilian Government in 50 years was elected by the free vote of the people.
28.	That is the history of my country and my people. However, it is important to dwell briefly on the history of the last 20 years. In 1964 we began a more or less free electoral process, with elections for deputies and municipal councils. That led to a growth of opposition political parties. In 1968 they were on the verge of achieving power when their democratic aspirations were frustrated, and this led to fraud and the imposition of the party officially in power. In 1972 the opposition triumphed but the Government again frustrated the will of the people. From that time, all democratic leaders were persecuted and political parties opposed to the Government in power were eliminated. In 1977 a last effort was made to establish a democratic process and once again the people's aspirations were ferociously crushed.
29.	Thus, frustrated by the lack of freedom, the people lost faith in the democratic process, and the situation of economic and social injustice drove them to despair. Armed opposition as a way to attain power began in 1972, broke out again in 1977 and led to widespread violence in 1978.
30.	In the face of the blocking of the path to a democratic alternative and the impossibility of changing the economic structures, the thesis of violence gained strength as the sole means to free the Salvadorian people.
31.	By the end of the 1970s, polarization between a rightist military dictatorship and its possible violent overthrow by Marxist sectors seeking power had almost completely eliminated a democratic solution.
32.	In October 1979, a group of officers and officials acting on behalf of the armed forces overthrew the ruling authoritarian Government and issued a proclamation pointing out the corruption of the system of government and promising to open the path to democracy, as well as to undertake a series of structural reforms and, in particular, to lay the bases for thorough agrarian reform.
33.	The Revolutionary Junta that was set up that year included, along with the armed forces, the political parties and the social, economic and religious forces that still believed in a democratic solution and that had harshly criticized those who had taken up arms. The Communist Party, the National Revolutionary Movement—of social democratic orientation—and the Christian Democrats took part. The armed subversives stepped up their attacks against the new regime. Many thought that the triumph of the guerrillas was imminent and, in the face of that possibility, the Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party left the Government and its democratic position and joined the armed struggle.
34.	At the same time, the leaders of the mass movements also withdrew and joined the guerrillas. In other words, they all burned their bridges and opt for armed struggle and violence as the sole solution. I believe that this attitude was their first historical error: to abandon the democratic political struggle and the struggle of the masses and opt exclusively for armed struggle.
35.	In accordance with the historical analysis carried out by the subversives, in applying their ideological position to reality they never thought that the Salvadorian armed forces would break their traditional alliance with the oligarchy and that, therefore, the economic and social reforms could ever be achieved. They thought that the establishment of a pluralist democracy would continue to be a Utopian goal and out of the question.
36.	The only political sector that did not lose faith was the Christian Democratic Party—my Party— and by means of an agreement with the armed forces it rebuilt the 1980 Government. Despite the negative forecasts of the extreme left, with the active participation of the armed forces the most profound agrarian reform in Latin America was carried out, the banking and finance system was reformed and foreign trade was nationalized. These reforms brought in hundreds of thousands of peasants as a major social and political force, henceforth organized in cooperatives and in owning the best and biggest ranches of the country.
37.	Faced with the faulty analysis of the extreme left that structural changes were impossible, the subversive groups made a new and fatal mistake with the most serious consequences for their objectives: in acting in the same way as the extreme right they lent themselves to bringing about the failure of the reforms. Thousands of peasants were murdered, as were hundreds of Christian Democrats; crops were burnt, houses and machinery destroyed, and the publicity campaigns of both extremes denigrated, both nationally and internationally, the reforms that had been initiated. Their only success, however, was to distance the people from extreme positions and to begin to strengthen the democratic revolution.
38.	In January 1981, when the subversives launched the first so-called final offensive, the people rejected them and the subversive, terrorist action jailed. We all know that nowhere in the world can guerrillas triumph without the support of the people.
39.	The second step taken by the Revolutionary Junta was to call for truly free elections to draft a new constitution. On that occasion, I came before the General Assembly. The 1982 parliamentary elections, in which the rightist and other political parties participated, attest to the will of a people to accept the path to democracy to solve its problems and to repudiate the path of violence. Thousands of international observers verified the legitimacy of the electoral process and all were able to see how the Salvadorian people went out to vote in the midst of guerrilla attacks. This new mistake by the subversives with respect to the electoral process, in which more than 80 per cent of citizens of voting age took part, further distanced them from the people.
40.	In 1984 the Salvadorian people again exercised its right to vote and elected the President of the Republic. Hence, I pride myself on being the first freely elected President of El Salvador in the last 50 years.
41.	Many of those who took up arms did so out of rebellion and frustration: they wanted agrarian reform, they fought for a banking system that would serve the majority and they wanted respect for the will of the people through free elections. These justifications were valid in 1979; today they have lost all validity.
42.	At that time it could be argued that the objective and subjective conditions were in keeping with the historical dialectics of the class struggle and that, in response to rightist totalitarianism, the concept of revolutionary violence should gain validity and force.
43.	The Marxist strategy of a prolonged people's war against imperialism and the oligarchies, the oppressors of a people deprived of justice and freedom, was based on that concept, and thousands of young people joined a process that began with social confrontation and civil disobedience and went on to the use of arms in the various phases of the destruction of life and the destruction of services and firms, until it resulted in the greatest crisis in our country's history.
44.	I am convinced that the historic path of mankind is not one of violence but of democratic revolution.
45.	It is understandable that those compatriots who left El Salvador years ago cannot or refuse to understand that things have changed; however, I know that the great majority of Salvadorians, and even the guerrilla commanders and fighters roaming about in the mountains of our homeland, are aware of this new situation.
46.	I wish at this point to address some observations to the nations that have committed themselves, in one way or another, to undermining my country, as well as to the guerrilla leaders—not to those who are living comfortably in and are giving orders from Managua or Havana, or from other nations that claim to be democratic but in fact export violence and murder—but to the guerrilla leaders who are in the mountains of my country, those who withstand the elements, unsheltered, those who are aware of the real position of the Salvadorian people when they attack the villages and who are waiting—in vain—to be welcomed as liberators, when the truth is that their purpose is to oppress those people. I am addressing myself to the leaders who take their ideals for reality; to those who are mistaken about the people because they have a different view of truth; to the leaders who are now committing this historical error.
47.	The guerrilla leaders in the mountains are aware of this dilemma, but they are egged on by subversive leaders from abroad who try to conceal this truth and distort this reality in order to justify their anti-historical position before the whole world.
48.	The people of El Salvador now have no doubt that subversive violence has lost its mystique and its raison d'etre. Terrorist violence has become an end in itself, which proves that its objective is no longer liberation, and certainly not democracy.
49.	In El Salvador the terrorists have committed excesses but they have failed, because the people do not support them and because we have the political will to build a united, pluralistic and democratic society. By persisting in their anti-historical obstinacy, they have dedicated themselves to the oppression of the simple peasants who are the victims of their reign of terror; they are robbing and killing people; they are leaving citizens without any means of communication because they are blowing up bridges, roads and railroads; they are destroying electrical power lines and water systems; they are setting fire to plantations producing coffee, cotton and food crops. That leaves the poorest element of our population without work or hope.
50.	It is so easy to destroy what took years to be built for the people! Services which are needed by the people and which took so many years to build up, the infrastructure that is part of our national heritage and that was established by the efforts and sacrifice of our people, can be destroyed in an instant by the criminal hand of the terrorist, who uses dynamite and is financed by nations that have in mind only world domination and are perhaps labouring under a misunderstanding of history.
51.	Unfortunately, the Revolutionary Democratic Front does not understand that we are experiencing a new reality, and therefore it is still trying to change things that no longer exist: a medieval agrarian structure, a financial structure at the service of the interests of a minority, an army at the service of a political system dominated by economic elite. All those things no longer exist. In 1979 a profound process of change began, and it has been consolidated. Today we have a new agrarian structure which has placed our best lands at the service of the peasant. We have a new financial structure which supports and strengthens the new agrarian structure. We have a new trade structure for the products that we traditionally have exported, and this makes available to the country the hard currency thereby generated. We now have an armed force that works for the people. And we have a people that have demonstrated its unshakeable faith in democracy and have elected a Government by its own free will; we have a people that is working, suffering and dying to achieve peace and justice.
52.	From this rostrum I ask those who advocate the ideology of armed subversion in El Salvador to change their strategies because of the new reality in my country. The El Salvador that they left in 1978 and 1979 is not the El Salvador that exists in 1984. Today our country is breathing the air of freedom. Political parties are respected and encouraged. The people freely choose their leaders. Abuses of authority and violations of human rights have been reduced to the very minimum, and those who commit them are prosecuted and punished. Banks are lending large sums to peasants who are actively participating in the social and political struggles. There is a very different society in El Salvador today.
53.	This new reality is misunderstood by the members of the Revolutionary Democratic Front, because they live outside our country; it is being experienced today by all the Salvadorians who have not abandoned their homeland. But it has penetrated the guerrilla forces. We know this from the testimony of the guerrillas who have abandoned their weapons and violence and have set out on the path to peace. We know it because the guerrillas are not getting so many volunteers and are obliged to fill their ranks with young people. We know it because they are becoming weaker each day.
54.	For all those reasons, I address the Salvadorian guerrillas and ask them to accept the new reality, to stop killing our brothers, to stop destroying bridges, to stop destroying the infrastructure of the nation, the public transport services, the plantations and the railroads. In a word, I ask them to stop killing and destroying and, together with all the rest of our people, to engage in the building of a new country, a free and democratic country in which peace will be the basis for our development.
55.	Ever since I became President by the freely expressed decision of the citizens of my country, I have been aware that the main task of my mandate is to achieve social harmony and internal peace in El Salvador, which has been convulsed by a conflict with both internal and external causes. The time has come to put an end to that conflict. I am more convinced today than ever before that the existence of this conflict not only affects the life of my compatriots but is an element of friction that threatens the peace and security of other nations of the world, and particularly of our brother nations in Central America.
56.	Hence, there could be no more appropriate time than this, when I am at this rostrum, to make before the peoples of the world an offer of peace, which would ensure for all Salvadorians—without any distinctions flowing from political or ideological position—social harmony and security.
57.	This offer is made within the framework of the Salvadorian Constitution, which has established the system of democracy and political pluralism, under which the most varied ideologies can coexist.
58.	Of course, the acceptance of this proposal by all sectors—those that are in opposition to my Government, within the constitutional system, as well as those that are fighting by violent methods—will require a change of mental attitude, under which hatred will be replaced by understanding and tolerance. For, after all, the peace which is manifested by outward signs is but the result of an individual and social state of mind which rejects aggression and all forms of violence and promotes dialogue and the democratic political struggle whose results are seen at the ballot box.
59.	Quite naturally, it is hard to convince those who up to now have viewed weapons and violence as the only way to ensure their political space that there can be a climate in which they can express their own thoughts without thereby suffering reprisals from their adversaries.
60.	But I have come here to affirm that, as President of the Republic and Commander of the Armed Forces, I am in a position to maintain those measures which, within our constitutional process, make it possible for them to abandon an attitude that runs counter to the history of the political evolution of the people of El Salvador. Furthermore, in due course I shall propose to the Legislative Assembly general amnesty for political crimes. We are exercising control over abuse of authority and eliminating all the methods of repression that have existed in our country in the past and that have in part been at the root of a rebellion for which there is no longer a need.
61.	This means that I am offering the security of a political place within a pluralistic, constitutional, democratic system which my Government is defending.
62.	As part of those efforts, I invite the heads of the guerrilla movement now in our mountains to come without weapons to the village of La Palma, in the Department of Chalatenango, at 10 a.m. on 15 October, the anniversary of the insurrection movement of 1979, and in the presence of the representatives of the Churches and the world press, to discuss with us the details and scope of this proposal for their incorporation into the democratic process and the establishment of an atmosphere of freedom for the next election. I am convinced that our people, tired of so much violence, will take this proposal as a sign of hope emanating from its lawful Government.


It gives me great pleasure to congratulate Mr. Lusaka on his election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I should also like to congratulate his friendly country on the prominent international role which it plays. I am confident that his excellent qualifications will facilitate his effective contribution to the success of our deliberations and to the achievement of positive results.
130.	On behalf of my Government, may I also take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the able and objective manner with which Mr. Jorge Illueca, the President of the Republic of Panama and President of the General Assembly at its thirty-eighth session, conducted the work of that session. I should also like to mention here that President Illueca, as the first Head of State to preside over a session of the General Assembly during his term of office, has helped to reinforce, through his prominent position and great competence, an enhanced public awareness of the increasing importance of the United Nations in relations between States and in the life of the peoples of the world.
131.	I should like also to express appreciation for the great efforts exerted by the Secretary-General in the various fields and activities of the United Nations. With commendable dedication and perseverance, he has guided the Organization in its endeavours through difficult circumstances in a manner which deserves our appreciation, good wishes, and full support.
132.	It gives me great satisfaction, furthermore, to express the happiness of the Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia upon the admission of a sister State, Brunei Darussalam, to the United Nations. We are confident that its wise leadership and ancient history will enable it to make an effective contribution to the work of the Organization.
133.	The capacity of the United Nations to continue to serve as a safety-valve, trusted and respected for the preservation of international peace and security on the one hand and for the establishment of a just basis for co-operation among States in the political, economic and social fields on the other hand depends to a great extent on its ability to perform its role, not only in confronting problems that endanger international peace and security, but also in finding effective solutions to those problems.
134.	However, if we review the events of the past 12 months it becomes evident that we have returned to the General Assembly after a year in which there has been no sign of a breakthrough in resolving international and regional conflicts which threaten peace and security in one region or another. Peoples who have been robbed of their rights and who have been oppressed still survive, but in conditions of deprivation and injustice and in the grip of aggression and expansionism. The world has witnessed no progress towards the resolution of the problems posed by the inequitable economic, financial and trade relations between States. Numerous countries are, moreover, now afflicted by critical social problems, such as the problem of drug addiction, which, in certain areas, has reached epidemic proportions. It could become difficult to contain such problems within the geographic confines of specific States. Thus, concerted action by the international community is called for to confront and overcome such problems and eradicate their roots, in order to ensure the protection, safety and vitality of societies.
135.	The lack of progress in the efforts to find solutions to the key problems threatening peace and stability and to tackle effectively their underlying causes, in their human dimensions, on a just and balanced basis, will hinder our ability to ease for present and future generations the increasing fear of a life filled with crises and disputes.
136.	Nevertheless, the discouraging spectacle of the past 12 months, which persists, makes it even more necessary for us to do everything possible to unravel the intricacies of these problems, whether economic, political or social, and to find solutions to them.
137.	The role of the United Nations should not be limited simply to stating the prevalence of international problems and crises. Rather it should be to articulate practical suggestions which will enable the international community to confront imminent dangers and find solutions based on justice and objectivity.
138.	The non-acceptance by certain States of the supremacy of law, the absence of moral inhibition in their actions and the lack of preventive measures are among the basic factors that cause such Stages to prefer aggression and expansion and to depend on force for resolving problems. Therefore, if we really want to establish peace and security in the world, we have no alternative but to adopt moral and legal principles to guide us through the intricacies and complexities of modem international relations.
139.	In this regard, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, by adhering to Islam as its creed and conviction and to the Koran as its constitution and guide, has established firm foundations for its dealings with other States. Because Islam is a creed that promotes freedom, stands in the way of aggression and exploitation, opposes injustice in all its forms and strives for equity and fairness, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia deals with others on a basis of equality, refrains from interfering in the internal affairs of others and respects the principles of national sovereignty. In the international arena of the United Nations, we comply with its Charter, support its efforts and oppose any action that attempts to weaken it or to replace the authority of international law with the instruments of force and the means of terror. The conduct of relations by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has reflected, and will continue to reflect, its sense of belonging to the whole international community as one family, as well as its belief in the principles of peace based upon right and justice.
140.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, like all the other members of the international community, formulates its position on international matters and crystallizes its foreign relations through its adherence and commitment to international bodies and organizations. In this context, the Kingdom is proud of its membership of the Gulf Co-operation Council, which was established in conformity with the charters and resolutions of the League of Arab States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, and with the principles of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Charter of the United Nations. The Kingdom's membership of that Council is not a mere political commitment or temporary attachment; it represents the reality of our destiny, reflecting our common aspirations for a future based upon stability, prosperity and progress. The Council has taken—as Sheikh Sabah Al- Ahmad Al-Jaber Al- Sabah, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and for Information of the State of Kuwait pointed out in his speech yesterday —effective and constructive steps towards the attainment of political, economic, social and cultural co-operation, as well as security, between its member States. It has thus demonstrated that it is a positive factor for stability in the region and a deterrent to foreign interference, especially in problems that are the prime concern of the Gulf States themselves.
141.	The prestige of the United Nations, which embodies the hopes and aspirations of nations and peoples for peace, the confidence placed in it by the international community and its capacity to carry out its responsibilities depend on its ability to find effective solutions to the problems that confront Member States on the one hand, and those that threaten international peace and security on the other.
142.	Some of the problems which the United Nations has faced for a considerable time but for which it has been unable to find solutions are becoming increasingly serious and threatening. This is simply the result of a fundamental disregard of the basic reasons underlying these problems. The questions of Palestine, Jerusalem and the Middle East, which confront us and are under consideration here, are clear examples of such an approach.
143.	The question of Palestine is the most serious example of international political injustice. It reflects the reality of Israel's reckless attitude towards human principles and established norms and its flagrant defiance of the resolutions adopted by the international community, as represented by the United Nations, as well as its determined pursuit of aggressive policies and racist practices.
144.	Israel is without doubt making every effort to create the impression that the question of Palestine has reached such heights of complexity that it is impossible to find a solution to it, and that the Middle East is a region prone to crises and conflicts, aiming by all such claims to perpetuate instability in the region and foment disputes and trouble, thus arousing fear and despair in people's hearts. It seeks thereby to frustrate efforts aimed at establishing a stable peace in the region so that it may carry out its aggressive, expansionist designs without restraint or control.
145.	The logic and reality of the situation refute these Israeli claims. The Zionist presence is the reason why this region suffers from crises and conflicts. The claim that the Palestinian question has become so complicated that it is incapable of solution is therefore baseless and should be rejected. The truth at the core of this problem is clear and completely unambiguous. The numerous United Nations resolutions condemning the aggressive acts of Israel and confirming the right of the Palestinian people to their homeland and the Arab character of Jerusalem need no further reiteration here.
146.	However, the real impediment and basic obstacle is the reckless attitude of Israel to all the resolutions adopted by the United Nations, its obstruction of efforts by the United Nations to solve these problems, its total rejection of any genuine movement towards peace based on right and justice and its lack of seriousness with regard to all initiatives aimed at establishing peace in the region.
147.	While the Camp David agreements cannot serve as a framework for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, as has been proved, Israel claims that its signature on those agreements and its withdrawal from the Sinai prove its inclination towards peace. In reality, however, its ratification of the agreements was a pretext to enable it to annex the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem and the Golan, to expel the legitimate populations of those areas and to install Israeli colonies. It considers those agreements to be an alternative to any other peaceful solution to the problem of the Arab territories it still occupies and in which it practises the ugliest forms of oppression and terror, denying not only the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people but also their right to exist as an entity. Consequently, the Zionist aggression against the Arab States is continuing, despite the false claim that Israel will respond to just demands if it considers that the security it asks for has been realized.
148.	The reality of the situation indicates otherwise. Israel still demonstrates through both its conduct of affairs and its aggressive practices that it is seeking land and not peace. That is why we witness the full-scale Israeli effort to stockpile its arsenals with the most modern and destructive weaponry. The extended interpretation of its security claim beyond the Arab fold proves, furthermore, that it is the Arabs and not Israel who are in need of security. Israel has always been the aggressor and has devastating weapons not possessed by any Arab State, while its security is being assured by East and West alike.
149.	For their part, the Arabs have proved that they seek peace based on justice, not a peace imposed by force and oppression. The Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez in November 1981 and September 1982, demonstrated the definitive Arab momentum towards peace. The Arab States articulated their understanding of the peace process in the decisions contained in their Final Declaration/ decisions based on international legitimacy and conforming to the international will reflected in resolutions of the United Nations.
150.	This deep conviction of the Arabs of the necessity of establishing a just and lasting peace in the region should not lead to their paying a high price for believing in justice, right and peace. The Arab States have carried out their historic responsibility and have given all they can to establish peace and stability in the region, thereby affirming their genuine belief in peace as a policy. The Fez decisions once again demonstrate the Arab consensus for a peace based on justice. Those decisions have taken into account the reality of the situation in the region and contain the basic principles that can serve as an objective point of departure for the establishment of a just and durable peace. Among those principles is the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self- determination and to the establishment of their own independent State, on their land, under the leadership of the PLO, their sole legitimate representative.
151.	The land of Palestine lies in the midst of a large area inhabited by hundreds of millions of people, deep in the geographical heartland of a vast Arab and Muslim world, a fact Israel, by its aggression, continues to defy. Nobody has ventured so far
in imposing such a heavy burden upon the international community, in breaking international laws and conventions and in defying the international will as have the Israelis. As a matter of fact, Israel constitutes a political, economic and moral burden on the States which support it.
152.	We believe that what we need now is to make a determined effort towards taking the necessary effective actions and measures for applying and carrying out what has already been adopted in resolutions, as well as to take a definitive stand on the way in which the initiative for peace can be launched.
153.	Consequently, it is imperative to address the basic components of a just solution for the question of Palestine, foremost among which is the realization of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, a people tyrannized in their own country, displaced from their homeland and deprived of their natural rights—rights which peoples of all nations of the world enjoy—as well as the withdrawal by Israel from all occupied Arab territories, especially Jerusalem.
154.	In this connection, I should like to reiterate the warning given by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, by all Muslim countries and by all peace-loving States in the world with regard to the gravity of Israel's schemes to alter the physical character of Jerusalem and to violate the security and sanctity of the Al- Aqsa Mosque, as well as of other Muslim and Christian shrines in Palestine.
155.	A definitive momentum towards peace exists in the Arab and Muslim world. The great fear is that the inability of the United Nations to handle this persistent problem, as well as the stubbornness of Israeli extremism in violating the sanctity of the holy shrines in Palestine, will force the Arab and Islamic nations to mobilize all their capabilities to confront Israeli extremism, at great cost and with consequences which will not affect only the Middle East.
156.	The situation in Lebanon remains fully charged with dangers that risk an explosion at any time. The continuation of the Israeli military presence in Lebanon and the persistence of Israel in fomenting disputes and friction among different Lebanese factions, as well as its interference in internal Lebanese affairs, are further proof of its expansionist intentions and aggressive designs.
157.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its sister Arab States have exerted great efforts to co-operate with the Lebanese Government and to support its endeavours to return conditions to normal. We will continue to spare no effort in this direction, but such efforts will not be fruitful and will not bring about genuine peace in Lebanon unless the Israeli invasion and occupation is ended in all its forms and manifestations.
158.	Preventing Israel from interfering in the internal affairs of Lebanon and the total unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from all Lebanese territory are two prerequisites for the normalization of the situation in Lebanon and for the rededication of efforts aimed at the realization of a just and total peace in the Middle East.
159.	The war between Iraq and Iran has entered its fifth year and continues to rage. The toll it has exacted from both the Iraqi and the Iranian peoples has been heavy in all areas. It is a senseless and totally unjustifiable war. The Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations have all called for and worked towards putting an end to this tragedy between two neighbouring countries. Furthermore, the Gulf Co-operation Council, as stated yesterday by Sheikh Ahmed bin Saif Al-Thani,
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar, has exerted extensive efforts in this direction. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has supported and contributed to all these efforts. Iraq has announced its readiness to stop the war. Iran has not yet responded to that call. This war can have no victors, given the damage it has inflicted upon both countries. The positive attitude displayed by Iraq should be matched by Iran, and an end brought to this bloodshed between two neighbouring Islamic countries. As their immediate neighbour which perceives the gravity of events taking place, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is concerned for the security and stability of those two countries.
160.	I should like to recall here the complaint lodged by the States of the Gulf Co-operation Council, including the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, over the attacks upon shipping in our territorial waters and in adjacent water lanes two months ago. On behalf of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, I should like to thank the 13 States in the Security Council which understood the facts of the matter and appreciated the truth. Guided by their realization of the interest that all parties, especially those in the area, have in warding off aggression, they voted on 1 June 1984 in favour of the draft resolution before the Council. That important stand taken by the Security Council has strengthened our hope that the Council will pursue its efforts and that the Secretary-General will continue his good offices to bring about the cessation of the Iran-Iraq war, with its possible repercussions upon the region and the world at large.
161.	Among the major problems confronting the international community and requiring urgent and effective solutions is the situation in Afghanistan and the continuing Soviet military occupation of that country. The Soviet presence there has entered its fifth year. The Afghan mujahidin are waging a fierce war in defence of their religion, their fatherland and their rights. We reiterate our appeal to the Soviet Union, as a super-Power with a correspondingly great obligation with regard to peace and security in the world, to withdraw from Afghanistan and let the Afghan people determine their own destiny and choose the system that they desire for themselves.
162.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is committed to the stand taken by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, which has called, in particular, for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and the granting to the Afghan people of their right to self-determination, this stand being in support of the Islamic people of Afghanistan, their holy war and their right to liberate their country. Furthermore, we support the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General in this regard and draw attention to the fact that any such efforts should take into consideration the rights and demands of the Afghan
163.	We also wish to express our gratitude once again to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan for its great humanitarian role in offering hospitality to more than 3.5 million Afghans. This represents a considerable economic and social burden, which Pakistan continues to bear generously and graciously. Such a noble staid by Pakistan should not expose it to aggression and violation of its territorial integrity by the puppet Government in Kabul.
164.	South Africa—that natural ally of Israel, by virtue of the similarity of their circumstances and interests—still practises the most repugnant form of discrimination, despite repeated world-wide condemnation and rejection and in spite of the international community's call on the South African Government to desist from such policies. We reiterate our denunciation and condemnation of this racist policy and support all the steps taken by the United Nations. South Africa has rejected all humanitarian considerations, as well as appeals made by numerous countries of the world, and has ignored historical realities, being induced by the lure of short-term gain which will lead it to the inevitable and tragic consequences that have befallen every society founded on profound structural contradictions.
165.	The persistence of South Africa in rejecting solutions to the problem of Namibia, thereby denying all Namibian rights, can scarcely help it to perceive the consequences of negating the rights of the Namibian people in their own territory. The moral of the lesson of Rhodesia has not yet been grasped by the forces of expansionism and conquest despite the short time that has elapsed since the fall of racist Rhodesia. Namibia must recover its rights in their entirety. All African citizens must live freely in their own land. We support the rights of the Namibian people and stand behind the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity in their efforts to eliminate racist practices and end the alien occupation in Namibia.
166.	Disarmament has become a vital issue today for the security and progress of the world. The arms race and the gigantic sums being spent to finance it have resulted in increasing tension in the world. This situation has forced many countries, especially developing countries, to earmark a substantial part of their limited n sources for defence, at the expense of their progress and social and economic development. In this context, I should like to express our appreciation of the initiatives and resolutions the United Nations has attempted to implement over the years. At the same time, we hope that the efforts by the Organization, which is respected by the whole world, will achieve some progress in protecting humanity from the imminent dangers and safeguard the developing countries from being drawn into the conflicts and the struggles for influence which threaten all humanity. Among the matters on which the United Nations can take decisive action is an embargo on armaments for Israel, South Africa and other States already possessing devastating weaponry, especially because these further complicate global disarmament.
167.	Today, as throughout history, economic problems are among the major causes of international tension, whereas they could be among the major factors for the generation of mutual understanding and co-operation. In spite of the increasing signs of economic recovery in some of the major industrialized States, the world still faces a decline, in international trade, especially in the trade of developing countries. The rate of unemployment is still high in the industrialized countries, while exchange rates for the major foreign currencies and interest rates are marked by sharp and frequent fluctuations. Moreover, the foreign trade balance and the balance of payments of many industrialized countries continue to suffer from serious inconsistencies, while the protectionist trend in the developed States is still on the rise.
168.	The great disparity among the States of the world with regard to the quantity and kind of natural and material resources they possess renders cooperation between the peoples of the developed and developing countries imperative. That disparity should promote understanding, encourage dialogue and strengthen solidarity among the States of the world, rather than be the pretext for consecrating the imbalance and widening the gap between rich and poor States.
169.	As a developing country, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia recognizes from its own realities what difficulties developing nations go through in order to attain the standard of living they desire. Our Kingdom, being aware of its responsibilities as a member of the world community, is anxious to strengthen the bonds of co-operation among States and is eager to participate actively in solving the development problems confronting the developing countries of the world. Accordingly, as soon as it had the financial means, it sought to invest a significant portion of those means in supporting efforts aimed at strengthening the development drive in developing countries. It has become our established and traditional policy to fulfil our commitments in that regard.
170.	In this context, the Kingdom reaffirms its belief in the necessity of positive action to achieve the objectives of total development and genuine progress and prosperity for all the peoples of the world. To realize this goal, it is necessary for development assistance both to continue and to increase, which in turn requires genuine co-operative efforts to strengthen existing development organizations and to increase their resources and their capacities to play a more effective and realistic role in meeting the demands of this critical phase. Total development is the basic prerequisite without which we cannot hope for a continuously developing world in which nations can exchange benefits and complement each other's needs.
171.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia believes that it will be possible to secure the requisite financial resources to effect the necessary economic changes, and to achieve during this decade a reasonable standard of development in the developing countries generally, when the industrialized countries of both the Eastern and the Western blocs shoulder their responsibilities fully and meet their financial obligations under the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade and the targets of official development assistance defined therein. It is no longer possible to accept the excuses given by industrialized States with regard to either the size or the terms of their assistance or their international responsibility in connection with the economic difficulties faced by developing countries.
172.	The increasing trade protectionism in the industrialized countries is a regrettable trend which has been proved both useless world-wide and destructive to the foundations of international trade. In the light of this, we repeat our appeal to the industrialized countries to recognize the need to abolish the protectionist measures they have adopted and confirm their commitment to the letter and spirit of the free international trading system. Further, we call upon them to address problems through existing international channels and in accordance with valid international agreements and covenants.
173.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has pledged its full support for the efforts being exerted to develop and strengthen economic co-operation among developing countries and for the strategy of collective self- reliance. I wish to reiterate and confirm our continued support for these efforts. We consider them to be an integral and complementary part of the efforts being exerted to promote wider international economic co-operation. We accordingly welcome efforts to strengthen trade co-operation among developing countries and to establish a comprehensive system of trade preferences among developing countries, and we wish such efforts success.
174.	The complete interdependence of the problems and interests of world trade—commodities, finance and development—means that they must be handled in a comprehensive and complementary manner. This is because focusing on one factor alone will lead to a temporary solution that favours that factor above the others and thus to the dead end to which all previous attempts led us. Consequently, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia supports the idea of global economic negotiations and finds no sound alternative for reaching a fair solution of international economic problems that will prove stable and durable.
175.	The consciousness of peoples is one of the strongest motive forces of the events of its history. We are living at present in an age in which the most detailed economic data reach the furthest corners of the globe to reveal the full picture of what is taking place. Consequently, the importance of interdependence has become obvious and undeniable. It has also become evident how important for the improvement of international economic conditions is serious collective effort, together with extensive economic co-operation in the solution of international economic problems. The developing countries have demonstrated their genuine desire for sincere co-operation to promote the welfare of the international community through their great flexibility and distinct inclination towards practicality and objectivity in making their demands in the field of international economic co-operation for development. They have long been awaiting a positive response from the industrialized countries. The world community is called upon today to reinforce confidence in the institutions and mechanisms of international economic co-operation and especially in the programmes of the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
176.	I take this opportunity to call upon the industrialized countries not to lose a golden opportunity for establishing the foundations of fruitful co-operation between themselves and the developing countries, and to be instrumental without further delay in reviving a serious dialogue and starting a new round of global economic negotiations, in a spirit of mutual confidence and sincere co-operation, for the good of the international community. At the same time, we call upon the developing countries to maintain the momentum in a realistic and flexible manner. I want to reiterate our firm belief that the difficulties which face our efforts to activate international economic co-operation and build a new international economic order based on justice should not in any circumstances become a reason for despair. On the contrary, they should motivate us to continue our efforts for the well-being of humanity.
177.	Reviewing present international conditions, we find that international problems have but increased in depth and gravity. This is confirmation to us that the role of the United Nations acquires greater importance whenever the possibilities and opportunities for interaction and co-operation among States increase.
178.	Peace based on justice and not peace based on the balance of terror is the objective of this international Organization. Indeed, it is the only path to security and stability. The consciousness of injustice among peoples deprived of self-determination is the most explosive time bomb threatening the world.
179.	All of us, I am sure, hope that this session of the Assembly will provide an excellent opportunity for the peoples of the world to find solutions to their regional and global problems, with wisdom and a sense of collective responsibility. Certainly it is in our common interest to strive for the superiority of law and justice over oppression, and for freedom over subjugation, so that peace may prevail and nations may realize their dreams in progress and prosperity.


I should like at the outset to congratulate Mr. Lusaka, on behalf of the Mauritanian delegation, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session. We are indeed proud that this lofty post is occupied by one of the sons of our struggling African continent. We are fully confident that, with his outstanding personal qualities, he will guide the work of the General Assembly with great experience and wisdom.
184.	To his predecessor, Mr. Illueca, the President of Panama, we also extend our congratulations for the excellent manner in which he guided the work of the Assembly at its thirty-eighth session.
185.	We should like to thank the Secretary-General, who discharges his enormous responsibilities with complete devotion to the Organization. It gives me pleasure, on behalf of the Mauritanian delegation, again to assure him of our renewed support for the great efforts he is exerting in order to realize the goals of the Organization and to surmount the difficulties of the current international situation.
186.	On behalf of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, I should like to congratulate the fraternal Muslim State of Brunei Darussalam on its admission to the United Nations. We are indeed confident that it will lend its support to the cause of right, justice and peace in the world.
187.	A glance at the international scene gives little cause for optimism concerning the future of mankind. The continuing deterioration of the world economy and especially the collapse of the economies of most of the developing countries, the escalating arms race and the continuing hotbeds of tension in various parts of the world, all portend the perils that jeopardize mankind's future and threaten the destruction of the very bases of human civilization.
188.	The international economic situation is deteriorating day by day, and therefore a true dialogue aimed at arriving at acceptable solutions is now more necessary than eve- before. The economic recovery that has begun in some industrialized countries has not had a positive effect on the economies of the developing countries. With great regret, we note the absence of any constructive dialogue between the developed and the developing countries with a view to arriving at solutions to international economic problems. We had hoped that global negotiations would begin and that there would be a positive response from the industrialized countries to the desire for dialogue expressed by the Group of 77. Regardless of our dismay at the obstacles some have placed in the way of global negotiations and the injustice of present international economic relations, we are happy at the increase in voluntary contributions to UNDP. It is our hope that the improvement that has occurred in the situation of UNDP will constitute the beginning of a new era of international co-operation and an incentive that will encourage the rich countries to increase their contributions to UNDP with a view to consolidating its funding activities in the developing countries.
189.	Mauritania believes that comprehensive and radical reform of the world economic system would lead to the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equality and that that is the only path that will lead to progress, stability and security for all.
190.	The Sahelian countries, in addition to suffering from the international crisis and the continuing deterioration of international economic relations, are experiencing a relentless and unprecedented drought, which has destroyed all vegetation. The situation is aggravated by a continuing decline in the prices of raw materials, a reduction in international development aid and highest interest rates on foreign loans, all of which has imposed an enormous burden on the economies of those countries, placing them in an intolerable situation.
191.	With regard to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, the advancing deserts, the decline in groundwater levels and the sparse and irregular precipitation have to a great extent reduced arable lands and destroyed vast pasturelands, wiping out more than 70 per cent of the livestock. All of this has adversely affected conditions of life in a country that used to be essentially pastoral and agricultural.
192.	We have mobilized all our limited resources to confront this natural disaster. The numerous appeals launched by the President of Mauritania, Mohamed Khouna Ould Haydalla, calling for self-reliance and support for the rural population have had a positive result in alleviating the sufferings of the victims of the devastating drought. All levels of our society, within the framework of mass guidance structures, have responded to these appeals, extending different forms of assistance and carrying out many social projects such as the drilling of wells and the building of earthen dams. Assistance in various forms from fraternal and friendly countries and international organizations, though still insufficient, has played an important and positive role in supporting our efforts in the face of this problem.
193.	Here I should like to thank all who have stood alongside us as we have confronted the lean years, years unprecedented in the history of our region. The past year has been no more fortunate than previous years. Rainfall was restricted to certain areas and came too late and was too scattered. The peasants have not been able to profit from the rainfall, and there have been serious human and material losses in the northern region of Adrar.
194.	In addition to the efforts deployed at the national level, Mauritania has in recent years, in cooperation with fraternal Sahelian countries, consolidated and developed the efforts of regional organizations working for the development and implementation of a comprehensive plan aimed at reducing the impact of drought and desertification on the population of the region.
195.	In this context, we have the activities of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, which is attempting to mobilize the financial resources needed to implement national and regional projects to combat drought in the region. I would like to pay a tribute to the important role played by the United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office in support of such efforts.
196.	We would also like to avail ourselves of this opportunity to commend the positive results achieved by the conference held recently at Dakar, organized by the fraternal Government of Senegal, which took the form of a comprehensive diagnosis of the phenomenon of desertification and the identification of ways and means of combating it in the short, medium and long term. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, which participated in that conference, expresses its satisfaction at the inclusion of this question on the agenda of the General Assembly. We hope that, in view of its importance, especially with regard to the future of the Sahelian region now afflicted by drought and desertification, the international community will make special efforts to implement the recommendations of that conference.
197.	There can be no doubt that efforts to confront the economic crisis now facing the African continent, and especially the fight against drought and desertification, require enormous resources that far exceed the region's potential. We should therefore like to praise the role played by the Secretary-General in mobilizing world public opinion to cope with the tragic situation now confronting most of the countries of Africa. We support the efforts of the ad hoc consultative working group established to monitor the situation in the countries afflicted and the appointment of a personal representative of the Secretary-General to co-ordinate financial and technical assistance.
198.	At a time when the world economic crisis is becoming ever more acute and hunger, disease and ignorance still prevail in most developing countries, vast sums are being squandered to develop and stockpile the means to destroy mankind. Is it not amazing that lethal weapons consume $1 trillion a year—that is, more than $2 billion a day? The arms race constitutes one of the major obstacles hindering the implementation of development programmes to serve human progress. That is why we call upon all countries, and especially the super-Powers, to enter into serious negotiations to reduce nuclear armaments with a view to achieving genuine disarmament.
199.	The international situation continues to be characterized by uncertainty and instability. Many countries and peoples continue to suffer from colonialism, expansionism and hegemony, while international peace and security continue to be hostage to super-Power rivalry and confrontation. In many parts of the world, countries and entities are engaging in aggressive activities against neighbouring States in violation of all international laws, rules and customs. Tension continues to mount and hotbeds of war continue to rage in more than one region, consuming enormous human and material resources in countries that are striving towards development and that see their efforts to build their countries hampered and thwarted.
200.	In the Middle East, international peace and security are constantly being threatened because of the intransigence of Israel and its defiance of world public opinion and of the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations and its organs, including the Security Council. Everyone is aware that for the past 37 years Israel has persisted in its aggression and expansion, occupying ever more Palestinian and other Arab territories and attempting to distort their demographic and historic structures with a view to final annexation, to such an extent that even the sacred Muslim and Christian sites in Al-Quds al- Sharif have not escaped desecration and destruction.
201.	The policy of intransigence and fait accompli jeopardizes respect for the United Nations and its credibility and thus represents a serious threat to international peace and stability. Any just and lasting solution to the Palestinian question and the problem of the Middle East must be based on recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination, national sovereignty and the establishment of their independent State on their land under the leadership of the PLO, their sole, legitimate representative, as well as the unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories, including Al-Quds al-Shar- if.
202.	In Lebanon, we are pleased at the efforts being made by the fraternal Lebanese people and its Government to achieve reconciliation and to preserve the country's territorial integrity despite the yoke of the Israeli occupation, which affects not only Lebanese territory but extends to the repression of Lebanese national resistance. Israel has this year intentionally carried out a scheme to take possession of the waters of southern Lebanon by diverting the courses of certain rivers in the area under Israeli control to serve that country's aggressive designs in occupied Palestine. The international community must resist such pressure and remain faithful to its noble position in the face of Israeli practices in southern Lebanon.
203.	In southern Africa, the racist Pretoria regime is continuing its odious policy and intransigence with a view to consolidating racial discrimination, on the one hand, and hindering Namibia's movement towards independence, on the other. The farce of the so-called constitutional reforms does not delude the people in southern Africa, who have heroically resisted them despite campaigns of intimidation and massacres in various parts of their homeland. The malevolent intent behind such manoeuvres has been clear to the international community, which has condemned them from the very beginning. We are convinced that the policy of racial discrimination, as an unjust philosophy of Government, is not capable of partial amelioration. Any measure purporting to achieve that will represent a new challenge to the dignity of man and the freedom of peoples. Mauritania is convinced that any just and lasting solution to the South African problem will depend on the complete elimination of the policy of racial discrimination and the establishment of a democratic system based on justice and equality.
204.	With regard to the question of Namibia, the international community and, first, the countries that bear special responsibilities under the Charter of the United Nations, should seriously strive to implement the resolutions of the international organizations and put an end to the violation of international law and legitimacy.
205.	We reaffirm our full support for the struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole legitimate representative, for independence, freedom and territorial integrity, in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
206.	With regard to Chad, my country continues to make earnest efforts in the interest of the restoration of peace in that brother country. We hope that the withdrawal of foreign forces will mark the dawning of a new era of national harmony, stability and security in all parts of that African land.
207.	As for the conflict in the Gulf, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, while deploring the continuing bloodshed and wastage of the human and material resources of the two brother peoples of Iraq and Iran, wishes to record its satisfaction at the agreement by one of the parties to the conflict to enter into peaceful negotiations. We repeat our appeal to our brothers to put an end to that destructive war, which only serves the interests of the enemies of our Islamic nation. We stress the need to prevent the conflict from spreading throughout the region and to respect the sovereignty and independence of neighbouring States.
208.	On the Afghanistan question, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania continues to urge respect for the sovereignty of that brother Islamic country and the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghan territory.
209.	With regard to Kampuchea, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania reiterates its support for the relevant General Assembly resolutions and for the Declaration on Kampuchea, adopted by the International Conference on Kampuchea, held in New York in 1981. We reaffirm the need for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Democratic Kampuchea, respect for its territorial integrity and the cessation of foreign intervention in its internal affairs.
210.	My country is concerned about the situation in Central America and hopes that the efforts being made there will lead to peace and security in that region.
211.	Directly across our borders, the Saharan war continues between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic. That fratricidal war drains enormous human resources, overburdens the Moroccan and Saharan peoples and jeopardizes security in the whole region. This year in particular has seen an alarming rise in tension, thus dampening the hopes that we all shared after the nineteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983. The historic resolution of that session not only determined the two parties to the conflict but also clearly defined the framework and measures for a just settlement of that dispute by peaceful means. As is well known, that resolution was endorsed by the Assembly at its last session.
212.	It is indeed regrettable that the efforts to give effect to that resolution have not yet borne fruit because they have come up against the refusal of one side to implement it. Those who put obstacles in the way of implementation of that resolution must bear the consequences historically of such acts, which harm the interests of the people of the region and the future peace and security of the African continent.
213.	Having contributed to the adoption of the Addis Ababa resolution, Mauritania remains convinced that direct, frank and constructive negotiations between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic are the only way to bring about a cease-fire and practical arrangements for a comprehensive referendum to enable the people to exercise the right of self-determination free from any administrative or military pressure.
214.	Our country, which pursues a policy of open co-operation, good-neighbourliness and understanding with all the countries of the region, is determined to continue its efforts to bring about the lasting, peaceful solution of this painful conflict, thus allowing our peoples to devote their efforts to building the great Arab Maghreb. Mauritania works for such a Maghreb by participating in the laying of sound, strong foundations, for which purpose we have joined our brothers in Algeria and Tunisia in a treaty of brotherhood and understanding. The conclusion of that treaty was not dictated by transient interests at the expense of the independence of peoples and the stability of States, as is the case with certain agreements in the region. On the contrary, it fully recognizes the objective facts and truly fulfils the hopes and aspirations of the peoples.
215.	The clouds that loom large over international economic and political horizons make it essential for us to fulfil our responsibilities so as to enhance the authority of the Organization and ensure compliance with all with its decisions.
216.	Salvation lies in establishing a system of economic relations that is more just, replacing selfishness with fruitful co-operation, sterile differences with constructive dialogue, hatred and fanaticism with concord and brotherhood, in accordance with the principles on which the United Nations is based and with its high ideals and human values, so that the human community may enjoy peace, security and justice.
217.	In our view, this is the only way to fulfil our duty to future generations. Let us never forget that the annals of history will record our acts and that sooner or later history will pronounce its verdict.