I convey to the President Mr. Schmidt's and the
Federal Government's congratulations on his
election. At the same time, I should like to
thank the President of the thirty-sixth session
of the General Assembly for his good work during
that session.
100. The Federal Government also conveys its best
wishes to the Secretary-General. He is faced with
great and difficult tasks. As we have seen, he
tackles those tasks with great skill and
resolution and with a sense of reality which also
embraces an awareness of the great influence that
an international organization like the United
Nations and the Secretary-General are able to
exercise on political events. During the first
year of his term of office, he has already
rendered great services through his exemplary
dedication to the cause of strengthening the
image of the United Nations and preserving peace
worldwide.
101. The conflicts throughout the world have not
become fewer but have increased. They have become
fiercer and more Moody and a greater threat to
world peace. Thousands of people have become the
victims of military and internal confrontation in
Lebanon, Afghanistan, the Persian Gulf, southern
Africa, South Asia, the South Atlantic and
Central America.
102.	Hunger and want are growing in a word in
which nation’s economies are feeling the impact
of a con-tinuing recession—to the limits of their
capacity and no small number of them—even more
seriously. Every day people lose their jobs;
people in North and south, in East and West
alike, are increasingly concerned at how things
are to continue. This, too, poses a great threat
to international co-operation, not only to
domestic harmony but also ultimately to
international peace.
103.	At the same time, armories are
overflowing with deadly weapons of an
inconceivable destructive power. The arms spiral
appears to be never ending, and many people fear
that it could turn faster and faster and finally
get completely out of control. In 1981 world-wide
spending on arms and other military equip¬ment
fbr the first time exceeded $600 billion. This
corresponds to 6 per cent of the world's total
gross national product. It amounts, per capita of
world population, to expenditure of over $100 per
annum, yet many people in the world do not even
possess $100.
104.	In 1980 expenditure on arms production
world¬wide was many times greater than the total
value of all official development aid provided by
the indus¬trialized nations, and, according to
estimates by the International Institute of
Strategic Studies in London and the Development
Assistance Committee of the Organization for
Economic Co operation and Develop¬ment, the
members of the latter spend about 10 times as
much on armaments as on development aid and the
Council for Mutual Economic Assistance countries
even 100 times as much. These facts prompt one to
question the sanity of the international
community. Through our conduct we are all
involved in this collective insanity; we must all
try to master it.
105.	The second special session of the General
As¬sembly devoted to disarmament became the
mouth¬piece of the fears of our nations. Its
voice was heard, but it has still not carried far
enough.
106.	Governments must indeed face up to the
question of whether they have until now lived up
to their responsibility for world peace. They
have to accept the urgent and very anxious
question of whether the weapons systems that are
accumulating can ultimately be controlled by man;
they must also face up to the question of how
they intend to justify annually increasing
investment in arms in view of the hunger and want
existing in the world, and in view of the growing
hardship caused 6y the economic crisis.
107.	As Chancellor Schmidt said at the 10th
meeting of the twelfth special session, the
second special session devoted to disarmament
the driving force that has become apparent in the
unrest of many of our fellow citizens must be
regarded as a motivation and a moral obligation
for us.
108. It is not sufficient to ascertain the causes
of the threat to peace, nor is it sufficient to
develop mere ideas on how to eliminate them. What
is also needed is a firm and resolute will and
ability to reach agree¬ment on better ways and
means of safeguarding peace.
109.	As Pope John Paul II said in his peace
message at the beginning of 1980:  Without the
readiness for a sincere and lasting dialogue
there can be no peace.  The safeguarding of peace
is a never-ending task. It is an illusion to
believe that peace is a condition that can be
arrived at once and for all and then preserved
and to believe that the causes of threats to
peace can be eliminated permanently everywhere.
These causes become more numerous every year. Our
constant and unflagging efforts are needed to
limit them, to try to defuse them, to establish
effective rules for co-operation and hence
prevent the interna¬tional community from
relapsing into self-destructive anarchy.
110.	People speak of crisis management. By
this they mean the attempts to detect as early as
possible individual major or minor crises, to
curb them resolutely and effectively and, if
possible, eliminate them completely. This is
indeed a necessary, sincere and undoubtedly
highly difficult task, serving the purpose of
safeguarding peace.
111. We must not content ourselves with this,
how¬ever. We do not need just crisis management;
what we need is a realistic peace strategy. For
this we require a return to the principles of the
Charter, to the norms of international relations
which the United Nations has established and to
which we have all committed ourselves.
112.	We must take seriously the precept of the
renunciation of force or the threat of force in
interna¬tional relations. This comprehensive
proscription of force, enshrined in the Charter,
outlaws any form of attack and applies to the use
of all types of weapons. Our aim must be to
prevent all conflicts and to renounce the use of
all weapons. In its declaration at the summit
meeting on 10 June 1982, the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization [M4 TO] reaffirmed that none
of its weapons world ever be used except in
response to an attack.
113.	We must create peace through respect for
the independence of all countries, respect for
genuine non-alignment and respect for the right
of all nations to self-determination.
114.	We must create peace by establishing
greater security for all countries. If we see
security policy as a policy for world-wide peace,
as indeed we must, we must also realize that
security cannot be established through rivalry,
by constantly satisfying exaggerated security
needs through further arms build-up, by aspiring
to supremacy, or by provocative and ulti¬mately
dangerous gestures to indicate one's strength. AH
this simply results in an expansion of the
armories on all sides.
115.	Greater security for all countries will
exist only if we, by collaborating across
alliance frontiers and ideological barriers,
strive for agreed security, for codified
equilibrium at the lowest possible level.
116.	An arms race cannot lead to equilibrium
and stability; only agreed arms control and
disarmament are conducive to that goal. They must
be supple¬mented by a policy of dialogue and
co-operation among States, both regionally and
worldwide. For precisely that reason, existing
links and contacts must not be disrupted but must
be maintained, particularly in difficult times. A
lack of communication leads to
mis¬interpretations of the other side's
intentions and hence to wrong action being taken.
117.	But peace can be lasting and dialogue and
co¬operation have substance only if our own
interests are defended with moderation and
restraint, if the other side's interests are
perceived and acknowledged as well and if
calculability and reliability prevail.
Further¬more, peace in the world can be
safeguarded in the long run only if the gap
between the rich and the poor does not become
even greater and we try to eliminate it through
genuine partnership between North and South. To
this end, one of our most important tasks is to
prevent the world economy from falling apart,
which would not only result in the poor becoming
even poorer but also constitutea threat to peace,
perhaps even as great as the accumulation of
weapons threatening human life.
118.	When the then Federal Chancellor, Mr.
Willy Brandt, addressed the General Assembly, at
the twenty-eighth session, as the first
representative of the Federal Republic of Germany
he said  we have come to assume our share in the
responsibility for world affairs on the basis of
our convictions and within the framework of our
possibilities . We have honored that commitment
over the years.
119.	Located in the heart of Europe, we have
many neighbors, in East and West, in southern
Europe and in Scandinavia, and we want to be a
good neighbor to all of them. As a member of the
European Community and as a partner in NATO we
are helping to preserve and strengthen peace and
stability, par¬ticularly in Europe.
120.	We declare our full support for what the
Danish representative, speaking as its President,
stated at the 8th meeting, on behalf of the
European Community. The European Community and
the way its member States live and work together
will always provide con¬vincing proof that a
lasting peaceful order based on the closest
co-operation and partnership is indeed feasible,
even in a region where for centuries there have
time and again been rivalry, confrontation and
war.
121.	The European Community and NATO are based
on firm, shared interests and on identical
concepts of democracy and freedom. A policy of
good-neighborliness, however, must be effective
also beyond ideo¬logical, military and strategic
frontiers.
122.	Germany is a divided country at the
interface between East and West. Confrontation
between East and West harms us Germans most of
all. Co-operation with the Soviet Union, Poland,
Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic
and the treaties concluded with them have been
beneficial to us and others. They have created a
modus Vivendi that has rendered the situation in
Europe stable and made peace there more secure.
This policy was made possible only by the
existence of NATO and its defense capability and
by the Federal Republic of Germany's contributing
fully to NATO.
123.	We intend to adhere to that policy of
co¬operation, but we have to admit that East-West
tension has increased. The reasons for this are
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the events in
Poland and in particular the Soviet arms
build-up. In particular, the Soviet build-up of
intermediate-range nuclear weapons poses a deadly
threat to us.
124.	Afghanistan, a small nation, has now been
holding out for three years against a highly
armed invading army. The continuing fighting has
exacted a high toll of lives. Over 20 per cent of
the Afghan population has now fled its home
country. The situa¬tion in Kampuchea is similar.
We demand an end to the use of force and an end
to the suffering; we demand peace and
self-determination tor the Afghan and Kampuchean
peoples.
125.	The Federal Government has been following
the developments in Poland with very deep
concern. We expect Poland to settle its internal
affairs on its own without external interference
and to return—as pledged by the Polish leaders
themselves—to a situation without martial law and
without internees and par¬ticularly to a dialogue
with the trade unions. There can be no
stabilization in Poland while the present
deadlock continues.
126.	I should like to add this. Germans and
Poles have both endured much suffering in the
past. They have not always treated each other
justly, and we Germans know that the Second World
War started on 1 September 1939 with the invasion
of Poland. Both sides have nevertheless—or
perhaps precisely for that reason—shown courage
and a readiness for under¬standing. The Warsaw
Treaty in particular and the agreements of 1975
are testimony to this. I am both pleased and
proud that this readiness for understanding is
quite clearly not confined to the Governments,
for millions of Germans has expressed in a
tangible manner and on a very large scales their
heartfelt readi¬ness to help. Although the
treaties were initially an important act between
Governments, I feel that now especially the
Polish people, in the oppression they are
suffering, have become conscious of our desire
for reconciliation.
127.	Precisely at this time when East-West
rela¬tions have become more difficult we want to
do every¬thing possible to ensure that there will
not be a policy of confrontation. For us Germans
in particular there can be no such confrontation.
Our purpose is, as the Bonn Declaration of NATO
of June 1982, states,  to develop substantial and
balanced East-West rela¬tions aimed at genuine
detente .
128.	Chancellor Helmut Schmidt and General
Secre¬tary Erich Honecker, at their meeting at
Lake Werbellin on 13 December 1981, reaffirmed
their conviction that war must never again
originate on German soil. But Germany also must
never again be devastated by war. All Germans
are, therefore, particularly aware of the
obligation to help preserve peace in Europe. At a
time when East-West relations have become
difficult, German-German relations must not give
rise to addi¬tional strains. We shall therefore
endeavor to keep these relations in as good a
condition as possible and to improve them
wherever feasible.
129.	The Federal Republic of Germany, which
urges respect for the right to self-determination
everywhere in the world, demands this right for
the German people as well. It therefore remains
our political aim to work for a state of peace in
Europe in which the German nation will regain its
unity through free self- determination. We
realize that this goal cannot be attained in the
short term. It is therefore all the more
important to seek improvements in our relations
through dialogue and negotiation.
130.	The policy of concluding agreements has
also proved valuable for Berlin. Detente and
conflict management have had a positive effect in
this context in particular. Strict observance and
full application of the Quadripartite Agreement
of 2 September 197 P remain the most reliable
guarantee for a continuance of its stabilizing
effects.
131.	The Federal Government continues to
regard economic co-operation with all countries
of the world as a major factor of international
stability, also and in particular in relations
with the East. A continuous trade war waged to
achieve political goals would be both unwise and
ineffective. It is of special concern to us in
this context to be and to remain a reliable party
to agreements. Existing agreements must be
honored also in difficult times for which they
are intended as well.
132.	In about a month's time the deliberations
of the follow-up meeting in Madrid to the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe
will be resumed. We attach particular importance
to that meeting. For us, the process of that
Conference remains an essential facto: for
shaping East-West relations and for pro¬moting
disarmament and security in Europe. The people in
Europe have derived tangible benefits from the
Helsinki Final Act/ although their hopes have by
no means been fully met. Setbacks can occur in a
long-term policy for safeguarding peace. They are
a bitter experience for those affected. But
precisely then it is essential to use the
instruments available and try to return to a
policy of reason. Implementation of all parts of
the Final Act, as we demand, can make a major
contribution towards improving East-West
relations and stabilizing peace in Europe. In
Madrid we are aiming at a precise mandate for a
conference on disarmament in Europe as part of a
balanced final document.
133.	A decisive step for safeguarding peace in
Europe was taken last November when the dialogue
between the two super-Powers was resumed and
talks on intermediate-range nuclear forces
commenced at Geneva. Let me add a remark in this
context. In the present difficult phase of
East-West relations, it would be good—of this
Chancellor Schmidt is con¬vinced—if the two
leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union
could have direct talks with each other.
134.	The Bonn Declaration of NATO reaffirmed
the central elements of our security policy,
namely, deterrence and defense capability, on the
one hand, and disarmament and arms control, on
the other. Disarmament and arms control are vital
issues and an integral part of our security
policy serving the cause of peace. It is
essential to give our peoples the con¬fidence
that our security policy can indeed safeguard
peace. It is not sufficient to talk about
disarmament. People in East and West alike want
to see tangible results at last.
135.	In his recent state of the nation
address, Chancellor Schmidt quoted General
Rogers, the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe,
who said:  I am convinced that the only pathway
to a future for the kind of world we want leads
to the negotiating table. We must negotiate on
disarmament and arms control, on all kinds of
forces and weapons. This is the only way to stop
the arms race on both sides.
136.	On the basis of the comprehensive
proposals on arms control and disarmament
negotiations made to the Soviet Union by the
United States of America at the NATO meeting in
Bonn, we support the idea of purposive,
persevering and intensive talks aimed at
achieving concrete results. First, we want a
genuine reduction in strategic nuclear weapons in
East and West. The American proposals for
substantial reductions in the Soviet and American
arsenals of strategic weapons by means of
strategic arms reduction talks have aroused new
expectations worldwide of a turning-point in
disarma¬ment policy. We welcome the fact that
those two coun¬tries are endeavoring at Geneva to
negotiate not only on limitations but also on
substantial reductions of their intercontinental
weapons.
137.	Secondly, we want land-based
intermediate- range nuclear missiles to be
eliminated. The proposal made to the Soviet Union
by the United States at the Geneva talks that
both sides completely renounce a category of
weapons regarded as a particular threat by them
holds out the prospect of a major first step
towards disarmament and hence of eliminating the
threat felt by us in Europe owing to the build-up
of Soviet intermediate-range missiles. These
negotiations which are being resumed in Geneva
today are especially important to us.
138.	By ratifying the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons resolution
2373, we Germans have undertaken never to possess
nuclear weapons. The Federal Government therefore
feels all the more justified in demanding time
and again that the nuclear Powers, too, honor
their commitments under the Treaty.
139.	Thirdly, we want a codified comprehensive
ban on all chemical weapons. My country, which
for years now has committed itself to this
question with particular dedication, recently
submitted realistic and acceptable proposals for
reaching agreement on reliable means of verifying
compliance with a treaty banning chemical
weapons. I appeal to all Members of the United
Nations to examine those proposals carefully.
140.	Fourthly, we want the force levels in
Central Europe to be reduced. Europe has the
world's largest concentration of mutually opposed
conventional armed forces. Progress at the Vienna
Talks on Mutual Reduc¬tion of Forces, Armaments
and Associated Measures in Central Europe is
therefore of particular impor¬tance to us, living
as we do at the centre of this region.
141.	Furthermore, a conference on disarmament
in Europe must agree on confidence-building
measures for the whole of Europe, from the
Atlantic to the Urals, which serve to make
military potentials and activities in Europe more
transparent and help to reduce in the long term
not only mutual fear but also the danger of
unintentional military escalation.
142.	Our special responsibility in Europe, in
the European Community and in NATO does not mean
that the Federal Republic of Germany can remain
indifferent to crises in other parts of the
world. On the contrary, we know that, just as
developments in Europe would quickly have effects
on other regions of the world, problems in other
parts of the world, how¬ever distant, can also
have direct repercussions for us. We not only
witness these repercussions but we also feel them
physically, especially in view of the fate of the
people directly affected.
143.	The Federal Government is following the
developments in the Middle East with particular
concern. The assassination of the Lebanese
President-¬elect, Bashir Gemayel, and the
horrifying massacre in the Palestinian refugee
camps have once again rendered the achievement of
peace in the Middle East more difficult. The
Federal Government, like its
European allies, strongly condemns these criminal
acts, ft demands effective measures to protect
the civilian population, as well as an
independent inquiry. It hopes that the renewed
deployment of a multina¬tional force will help to
put an end to the violence and murders. The
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the
country must be restored as quickly as possible,
along with its constitutional institutions. This
requires the swift withdrawal of all troops
stationed in the country against the will of the
Lebanese Government. The Federal Government also
hopes that all political forces in Lebanon will
unite to reconstruct the country and that, by
exercising restraint; further acts of violence
can be prevented.
144.	Peace and stability in the Middle East
can be ensured only through a comprehensive, just
and lasting peace settlement. Such a settlement
requires the participation of all parties in the
region, including the PLO. It must be based on
the principle of security for all States in the
region, including Israel. It must be based on
justice for all peoples, including the
Pal¬estinians, who are entitled to
self-determination. Finally, it must be based on
mutual recognition of all the parties concerned.
145.	The Federal Government therefore welcomes
the new initiative by President Reagan as an
important step to reconcile the rights of the
parties concerned. The Federal Government has
also noted with satisfac¬tion that at the Twelfth
Arab Summit Conference, at Fez, almost all Arab
countries for the first time agreed on a policy
founded on peace between all countries in the
region. The Federal Government appeals to
every¬one concerned to seize the opportunity for
a new start and make every effort for a
comprehensive peace settlement.
146.	The policy of suppressing the black
population in South Africa and of racial
discrimination is not only a grave violation of
human rights. It could also lead to internal
confrontation with destructive effects for the
country and the entire region.
147.	Namibia must at last acquire its
independence in 1983 through free elections on
the basis of Security Council resolution 435
(1978). Lasting peace in Africa can only be
expected if the countries of this continent are
able to determine their lot on their own and free
from pressure by alien Powers. The presence of
foreign troops impairs any efforts to resolve
conflicts by peace¬ful means.
148.	The Federal Government welcomes the
pro¬posals by the President of the Republic of
Korea to reduce the tension h his divided country
through dialogue and negotiation and to bring
about the peaceful reunification of North and
South Korea.
149.	The Federal Government urged a peaceful
settlement of the conflict in the South Atlantic
from the very outset. We welcome the first
constructive steps aimed at normalizing relations
between the United Kingdom and Argentina. A
permanent solution to this dispute can be found
only through political dialogue and political
negotiations.
150.	One of the prime goals of the Federal
Govern¬ment continues to be to maintain its
long-standing, close and good relations with
Latin American coun¬tries. The Federal Government
feels that the forth¬coming admission to the
European Community of Portugal and Spain can help
strengthen the Com¬munity's relations with Latin
America even further.
151.	We strongly support efforts to ensure
that all countries respect the principle of
non-alignment. We seek to promote and safeguard
non-alignment through our development policy
based on partnership. The Federal Republic of
Germany encourages regional co-operation in the
third world which serves to strengthen stability,
independence and peace.
152.	The Federal Government also fully supports efforts designed to secure
world-wide implementation of the principle of the
renunciation of force and of curbing the arms
race, as well as agreements on
confidence-building measures. It also directly
backs up such efforts with initiatives of its
own. We hope that the United Nations will take up
and develop further our proposals for a code of
conduct on confidence-building measures, which we
submitted at the second special session devoted
to disarmaments We expect the international
symposium on confidence- building measures
scheduled to be held in the Federal Republic of
Germany next year to provide further impulses for
the development of such measures, which
constitute an instrument of peace policy of
world¬wide importance.
153.	Since the beginning of the last session
of the General Assembly many thousands of people
have had to flee their home countries or have
been expelled from them. We must not permit a
situation in which millions have to leave their
countries temporarily or even permanently to seek
refuge elsewhere. The basic consensus on the need
for suitable preventive meas¬ures achieved at the
last session represents i first step towards
improving co-operation between coun¬tries and
international institutions to avert new flows of
refugees. We should preserve this consensus. The
Group of Governmental Experts on International
Co¬operation to Avert New Flows of Refugees
should take up its work as soon ac possible.
154.	In view of the numerous violations of
human rights throughout the world, it is not
sufficient to profess good intentions. We must
continue to work seriously and with perseverance
to improve the international protection of human
rights. The Govern¬ment of the Federal Republic
of Germany deems it necessary to establish an
international court of human rights for this
purpose, and we attach particular importance to
our initiative on the world-wide abolition of
capital punishment. We know that, owing to
dif¬ferent legal traditions and religious
convictions, many countries may view this
question different^. We advocate, however, that
countries which desire the abolition of capital
Punishment should say so, also internationally,
and they should say it clearly and in a way that
binds them.
155.	The world economy is in poor health. This
poses a grave threat to stability and peace. At
the same time, the prospects of eliminating
hunger and want are more unfavorable than ever.
Against the background of high interest rates
there is a continuing recession in industrial
countries. Unemployment rates are rising as a
result. We are also witnessing a decline in
interna¬tional trade and growing protectionist
pressure. These developments are detrimental to
us all, particularly the countries of the third
world.
156.	As a result of lower commodity prices, a
con¬tinually high burden caused by the cost of
oil imports and high, fluctuating interest rates,
developing coun¬tries' opportunities for
borrowing are limited. High debt-servicing
charges are a strain on their economies,
stretching them to the limits of their capacity,
or even beyond in some cases. Industrial and
developing coun¬tries must co-operate in a spirit
of partnership in order to restore stable growth
and development in the world economy. The
existing international organizations, such as the
International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the Word
Bank must be kept effective.
157.	Another major task will be to preserve
free trade and capital flows. No country should
ignore the commitments it has assumed under GATT.
Anyone who jeopardizes GATT aggravates the
world's eco¬nomic depression.
158.	Furthermore, in view of falling commodity
prices we need a world-wide system to stabilize
export earnings.
159.	We shall of course seek to increase our
official aid further within the limits of
available funds. Despite the difficult economic
situation, considerable bud¬getary problems, a
decline of 0.3 per cent in its gross national
product and a high deficit on current account,
the Federal Republic of Germany provided official
aid worth 7.2 billion deutsche marks in 1981, or
0.46 per cent of our gross national product—its
biggest amount yet.
160.	However, in this situation the developing
coun¬tries will themselves have to make even
greater efforts. Economy, a prudent use of
available capital and a cautious debt policy are
called for. Develop¬ment policy will have to be
focused on particular fields, above all the
promotion of agriculture in the third world,
since this is the sector that determines the
economic growth and the food supply of many third
world countries.
161.	Emphasis must also be placed on the
energy sector. For many developing countries the
costs of energy supplies have become an almost
intolerable burden. Consequently, this is a
priority area of develop¬ment aid afforded by the
Federal Republic of Germany. It is in our view
also a contribution to the Nairobi Programme of
Action for the Development and uti¬lization of
New and Renewable Sources of Energy, adopted by
the United Nations Conference on New and
Renewable Sources of Energy.
162.	Environmental protection must also be
seen as an important area of co-operation and we
must prevent man from destroying the basis of his
own existence by recklessly polluting the
environment and exhausting valuable resources.
Much important work has to be done in this
respect.
163.	Finally, we must not forget that the
growth of the world population can overtake and
nullify all our efforts to ensure greater
international economic stability.
164.	The Third United Nations Conference on
the Law of the Sea has made an historic attempt
to develop an international regime for the use of
the world's oceans. The Federal Government played
an active and constructive part in this.
Admittedly, the results have not lived up to our
expectations in every respect. In addition to
certain satisfactory provisions, there are
arrangements on future deep-sea mining which make
it hard Mr us to decide in favor of signing the
Con¬vention. We find it most regrettable that the
Con¬ference was not able to produce results
capable of commanding a consensus. The Federal
Government will take a decision on whether to
sign the Convention after careful consideration
and close consultation with other participants in
the Conference.
166. It is of decisive importance for
co-operation in good faith between industrial and
developing countries that the dialogue between
North and South should not be disrupted. We have
unanimously decided to conduct global
negotiations on the subjects of raw materials,
energy, trade, development, monetary matters and
finance. Together with its partners in the
European Community, the Federal Republic of
Germany urges that these negotiations be started
now. At the economic summit in Versailles a
constructive position on a resolution on the
commencement of global negotiations was
formulated and has since been endorsed by all the
member countries of the Organ¬ization for
Economic Co-operation and Development. Agreement
must now be reached on the early com¬mencement of
global negotiations
167. All too often in past decades the hopes
placed in the United Nations have not been
fulfilled. But we must not overlook the fact that
the United Nations can be no stronger than the
political will of all its Members to work
together responsibly in the spirit of the
Charter. Those that prefer voting on short-term
goals and one-sided resolutions instead of
endeavoring to achieve compromise and consensus
are blocking the way to genuine negotiations in
this forum
168.	I welcome the spirit of bold candor and
realism with which the Secretary-General
described the state of the Organization in his
report. I also welcome his constructive proposals
for improving the work of the United Nations and
the part played by the Security Council. My
Government will actively support efforts to that
end.
169.	One of the central tasks of the United
Nations is, as before, to make an effective
contribution towards safeguarding world peace.
Its capacity to do so must be enhanced, and
better use must be made of the existing
instruments for this purpose.
170.	The foreign policy pursued by the Federal Republic of Germany is and will
always be a policy for peace. We follow this
policy in collaboration with our partners in the
European Community, which is an outward-looking
association alive to its responsi¬bility in the
world, as well as in the alliance with the United
States and Canada.
171.	Our peace policy is one of continuity,
based on the conclusions we have drawn from our
own history and conditioned by our situation as a
divided country at the interface between East and
West. This peace policy enjoys wide and broad
support in all sectors of our population. It
cannot be discarded at will. Our paramount task
is to preserve peace. It is not enough to dispel
fear. We must also counter the dangers
threatening us worldwide. As the German
philosopher Immanuel Kant said  Peace is not a
natural state; it has to be established and
worked on continuously.  To do so, we must make
full use of our powers of reason, of our
political and moral responsibility and of our
determination. We must not believe that what is
true is on one side of the mountain and what is
false is on the other, as Pascal put it. Since
the threats are global, global rules of conduct
must apply. This is the spirit that imbues the
Charter of the United Nations. Only by acting in
this spirit will we be able to pursue an
effective strategy for the safeguarding of peace.


I should like first to congratulate Mr. Hollai on his election to the
important post of President and at the same time to express the hope
that, under his able leadership, this session of the General Assembly
will achieve positive results. I should also like to express to his
eminent predecessor, Mr. Kittani, our gratitude for the effectiveness
with which he presided over the thirty-sixth session. I wish to
assure the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, a seasoned
diplomat of whom Latin America is proud, of our support in any action
that he takes in the interest of the international community. I take
this opportunity to commend the sincerity, the vigour and the vision
shown in his report to the General Assembly on the role of the
Organization in these times of crisis.
On behalf of our President, Belisario Betancur, and the people of
Colombia, I should like to greet the representatives of States
Members of the United Nations and to express our confidence that at
this thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly we shall be able
to work effectively in the search for solutions to the disputes that
disturb the peace and threaten the security of our peoples.
I represent a country with a population of 30 million-the fourth
largest in population in the western hemisphere-situated at the heart
of the Americas and sharing land and sea boundaries with 13 Latin
American and Caribbean nations. Our unique geographical position ties
us irrevocably to the fate of a large part of the continent and
obliges us to work in an open and constructive spirit.
Colombia is also a country of laws and an unsullied democratic
tradition, where political differences are resolved through elections
and authority emanates from the popular will. Our newly elected
Government has devoted its efforts to the country's economic and
social recovery and to a major peace initiative which will surely
enable those groups which had resorted to armed rebellion to be
reincorporated into civilian life. I have been so bold as to mention
these positive attributes of my country, but I shall not dwell
further on a point which hold little interest for the news agencies,
whose preferred subject-matter is scandals and disasters.
My country believes in the possibility and the desirability of
peaceful solutions. It defends the application of the principles and
norms of international law in the settlement of disputes and
advocates nonintervention, self-determination and strict observance
of treaties. It none the less believes that justice complements law
and it is therefore prepared to consider with an open mind all those
intrinsically just causes that, for this very reason, warrant the
attention of the international community.
The United Nations, created under the noblest of auspices to save the
world from the scourge of war, to promote more equitable conditions
and standards of living for the peoples and to ensure a stable
economic order and harmonious development, has all too often been
prevented from fulfilling its noble mission. In the view of many it
has even become ineffectual. To a large extent this view is correct:
purely political controversy has invaded all United Nations forums.
Agencies designed to promote social progress, economic recovery and
technological progress have become arenas of bitter polemics. The
spirit of co-operation is gradually disappearing; selfish interests
predominate and the policy of blocs is expanding. Against the
backdrop of this kind of Tower of Babel, the imminent danger of
universal cataclysm emerges as the only reality.
It is not surprising that, in this atmosphere, the arms race should
have intensified. What until recently was a phenomenon exclusive to
the great Powers has spread like a malignant growth to moderately
developed States and even to poor countries. Often it is the
industrialized nations themselves that encourage this trade in death.
Military and economic might create conditions of dependence. The
world's backward countries must sacrifice their dignity to necessity
and their conceptual independence in the face of threats. The will to
survive leads to a servile pragmatism which destroys ideals and
fosters resentment. This concentration of the factors of power
explains the formation of the major blocs and the humiliating
situation of those nations that have been forced to submit to one or
another sphere of influence.
It would be unfair to overlook the ideological motivation surrounding
some of the decisions of the great Powers. This ideological
confrontation is becoming increasingly rare, however. Above all, what
we have is a power struggle which threatens to engulf the entire
world community. As long as the system of major blocs persists, peace
will be impossible.
Colombia is profoundly concerned about this state of affairs. In the
past year, far from decreasing, the causes for concern have actually
increased. The number of situations which disrupt world peace is
growing, the economic crisis's becoming increasingly complex and the
imbalance among nations is becoming increasingly marked Colombia is
concerned by the constant violations of the principles and norms of
international law. We cannot countenance the illegal occupation and
annexation of territories by force or other forms of intervention
that perpetuate a state of permanent anxiety.
Like most countries, Colombia has condemned Israel's military action
in Lebanon. It advocates withdrawal from the Arab territories now
under military occupation and recognizes the right of the Palestinian
people to a sovereign State.
Colombia believes that the various formulas now under consideration
with regard to the Palestinian problem must be reconciled as soon as
possible. New negotiating machinery which is binding on the parties
to the conflict and on the third countries involved is probably
needed. We believe that this vital step does not conflict with
recognition of the State of Israel and the latter's right to live in
peace within its own borders.
We note with interest and satisfaction all efforts, such as those
undertaken by the Korean people, tending to re-establish national
unity.
We have voiced our opposition to the possible exclusion of any Member
State from the various organs of the United Nations. Despite all the
risks, we believe that the principle of universality, which is
fundamental to the survival and historical impact of the
Organization, must be maintained.
Unfortunately, the latest acts of aggression and violence in the
Middle East are not the only ones suffered and repudiated by the
international community. We have also condemned the military
occupation of Afghanistan and Kampuchea and the persecution of the
trade union movement in Poland. In all these cases clear-cut norms of
international law have been violated, resulting in the irreparable
loss of human life and considerable material damage.
We are deeply concerned at the situation in Central America and at
the risk that this region so near to us geographically and so dear to
our hearts might become a new arena of international confrontation.
The nations of Central America are struggling, each in its own way,
to strengthen democracy and promote social change. In that process,
which should occur peacefully as a result of self-determination,
there has in recent times been resort to the perilous course of
ideological extremism, arms buildup and foreign interference.
We cannot stand by and let the countries of Central America become a
prey to international ambitions and their weak political and economic
structures be suddenly threatened by violence and civil war. It is
essential to restore peace and, by means of a constructive dialogue,
to create the conditions for' peaceful coexistence and development.
In achieving these objectives, it would be most useful to eliminate
the pernicious influence of the military apparatus that in one way or
another has become involved in Central American politics.
At the beginning of October, Colombia participated in a meeting of
Foreign Ministers organized by the Government of Costa Rica with the
aim of finding common ground and discussing specific actions which
would permit a return to normalcy. As a result of that important
meeting, it was agreed to create a body which would work for peace
and democracy: a peace based on mutual respect and a democracy which
would guarantee free political expression in each country. At
Colombia's request, the Foreign Ministers meeting in San Jose
proposed the removal of all military and security advisers from the
area, in particular from El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua.
We hope that the goodwill mission entrusted to the Foreign Minister
of Costa Rica will help to broaden the regional dialogue and will be
well received in those countries which for various reasons did not
participate in the first round of talks. My country will co-operate
fully in achieving the objectives set.
Colombia does not advocate and has never advocated the use of force
to resolve conflicts. It therefore deplores the fact that, in the
case of the Malvinas Islands, the protracted absence of a peaceful
solution and the persistence of colonialist practices let to the de
facto situations and that all efforts at conciliation to avoid an
armed conflict failed.
We are now faced with the consequences: the loss of 3,000 human lives
and damage estimated at over $1 billion. But this tragic outcome is
not the only cause for concern. The truth is that as a result of the
armed conflict the possibility of a stable solution for the islands
now appears more remote than ever.
The United Kingdom, having gained a military victory, refuses to
discuss the question of sovereignty over the islands. Although
explicable in the light of recent events, this position will prove
untenable in the long run. The anti-colonialist determination of the
vast majority of countries, Colombia among them, will finally prevail.
In order to obviate the risk of further conflict and avoid a
prolongation of the harmful consequences of this confrontation,
Colombia proposes that the Malvinas should immediately be made
neutral and their administration entrusted to a multinational
authority until a way is found of reconciling Argentina's rights with
the legitimate interests of the islands' inhabitants.
The conduct of the United States in this unfortunate incident
warrants special comment. That country's decision to abandon its
initial neutral position and to afford economic, political and
military support to the United Kingdom aroused justified indignation
in Latin America. That episode has given rise to the feeling
throughout the continent that the United States cares little of the
fate of its neighbours. The United States attitude none the less had
the salutary effect of uniting the peoples of Latin America for the
first time in their entire history. We must seize this opportunity to
create effective machinery which will make possible a joint response
in moments of crisis.
The impact of this conflict on the continent's political future
cannot be ignored. Europeans and North Americans will in the short
term be able to correct many of the decisions taken during the war,
but it will take a long time for the wounds to heal. Clearly, Latin
America is not a priority on the great Powers' list. At the centre of
the armed confrontation in the South Atlantic the question of
colonialism appears as a last remnant of a world which has faded into
history but the vestiges of which will continue to cause constant
irritation and potential conflicts for years* to come. Practical
problems arise in this decolonization process, including that of how
to ensure that newly independent territorial entities, many of them
small, avoid the dependence forced on them by their limited economic
resources. Faced with the danger of new forms of domination, these
young nations will have to seek, with the support of the
international community, systems of association that enable them to
defend their own independence successfully.
In analysing the factors which contribute to disturbances of the
peace we are also concerned at the discouraging results of the second
special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We
see the problem as one not only of nuclear weapons butalso of
conventional weapons. It is not enough for the great Powers to
declare their willingness to refrain from the use of nuclear weapons.
A decision must also be taken drastically to reduce conventional
weapons and to agree to absolutely trustworthy verification
procedures.
In Colombia's view peace is not and cannot be a precarious balance
between heavily armed nations but rather the result of a just
international order. Pope Paul VI made this abundantly clear when he
stated in his encyclical Populorium Progressio many years ago that
development was the new name for peace. The Pontiffs historic maxim
becomes dramatically relevant in a world where opportunities are
dangerously concentrated in the hands of a few and three quarters of
mankind continues to be excluded from a development which would make
justice feasible and freedom attainable.
It was this time bomb which prompted the international community a
decade ago to seek a new international economic order which would
make it possible to correct imbalances and bridge the gap between
rich and poor. Without wishing to belittle the initial efforts that
were made, we must agree that the situation is not encouraging and
the prospects of establishing such an order are increasingly remote,
above all in the midst of one of the worst economic crises to face
the international community in three generations.
This crisis, which is probably both the cause and the effect of the
chaotic situation in which mankind is living, is the result of
numerous factors, including theoretical dependence on rigid models
which for a long time now have failed to take into account the whole
purpose of economic management for the advancement of man and have
become worn-out concepts which, at the political level, point the way
to failure.
The peripheral countries that traditionally revolve around these
systems are often used as testing grounds. The all-out free
enterprise of the so-called Chicago school on the one hand and the
rigid self- management and planning, with total State intervention,
advocated by the current Marxist school, on the other, are the most
recent examples of how blind adherence to economic theories whose
origins are purely political is doomed to failure.
Another no less important, cause of this far- reaching crisis is the
rapidly growing indebtedness of the developing countries and of those
countries with a so-called centrally planned economy. Between them,
these countries are fast approaching a foreign debt amounting to the
extraordinary sum of $800 billion. Two circumstances aggravate this
phenomenon: on the one hand, the growing involvement of private
lenders-calculated at 50 per cent-to the detriment of financing
through international development agencies which are finding it
increasingly difficult to open the coffers of their rich members; on
the other hand, the all too frequent use of foreign loans for sectors
other than infrastructure or social welfare.
In practice, those resources have become volatile material and there
are difficulties in repaying loans because production has not
increased in proportion to indebtedness. There are, of course,
exceptions but in the end only those countries that have exchanged
foreign currency for progress will be successful and it will be
difficult to find a remedy for those which exchanged loans for
prestige or used them for ill-planned investments to find a way out
of their difficulties.
The external debt problem has reached such insane proportions that
what formerly generated dependence today engenders mutual fear
between debtors and creditors. The entire financial problem must be
approached in new terms before this fear degenerates into political
confrontation.
Colombia is not subject at present to the pressures of a
disproportionate foreign debt. Its foreign debt amounts to over $7
billion, but to a large extent this figure represents development
loans whose short- term impact is manageable. The annual debt service
takes up barely 15 per cent of our foreign trade earnings.
International reserves stand at over $5 billion. We are not,therefore,
pleading our own cause but rather speaking, out of an elementary
sense of solidarity, as advocates of those countries which need rapid
and effective support. To this end we support the preparation and
implementation of a short- term emergency plan as a first step in the
process of global negotiations.
The economic crisis also has its mots in the policies of the
industrialized countries. The restriction of demand in order to
control inflation has caused a drop in the growth of price indices
and more recently in that of interest rates, but at the high social
cost of slowing down growth and increasing unemployment.
This affects international trade, which is the basis for the growth
of most of the developing economies, and thus exports unemployment,
the social and political consequences of which are felt far more
acutely in the third world than in the industrialized world.
Protectionism has taken hold of the major markets, with obvious
consequences for trade but also with the distressing result that the
developing countries, seeing the deterioration in their trade
balances and balances of payments, try to save themselves and are in
turn accused of protectionism, of violating free trade agreements or
simply of being trade terrorists who, by stimulating exports, attack
the world economy.
Another aspect that we must mention here is the deterioration of the
situation with regard to commodities. Producer countries were used to
products enjoying good seasons bad seasons, and one usually cancelled
out the other. Now there are only bad periods because of the
recession affecting the main purchasers, and especially because of
the irresponsible, selfish and disastrous policies of groups of
developed countries which, as in the case of sugar, have brought
prices down to absolutely ludicrous levels.
The countries that uphold this sugar policy of subsidies, increased
production and the imposition of quotas cannot expect us to be
grateful, to cooperate and to let them participate in our development
plans. In my country the sugar sector generates considerable
employment and foreign currency, and it would be inconsistent of us
not to respond forcefully to seeing our international earnings
reduced as a result of unilateral policies.
Almost all the Powers could be accused of this kind of policy with
regard to other commodities. The sale of strategic reserves, the
stockpiling of others by mining multinationals, the unilateral fixing
of quotas for access to markets and the use of foodstuffs as a
political weapon are only some of the many aberrations against which
the international community as a whole will have to fight.
We should, however, also mention, within this bleak commodity
situation, the success just achieved in London in connection with the
International Coffee Agreement, of which my country has always been
and will continue to be an ardent supporter. This agreement to
protect the market reached between producers and consumers in the
same forum is an example which I should like to mention here and
which would not have been possible without solidarity between the two
interest groups.
This already long list also includes the affront constituted by
military spending. According to United Nations calculations, at 1978
prices the world spends $1.2 billion a day on armaments, $900 million
of which represents the combined military budgets of the United
States, the Soviet Union, China, France and the United Kingdom. This
daily arms expenditure is equal to the sum total of the annual
budgets of UNDP, the World Food Programme, UNICEF, UNRWA and UNFPA.
And, one further comment, compared with the over $380 billion spent
each year on military budgets, the $21 billion in direct aid, the $80
million from the World Bank, the $24 million from the Inter-American
Development Bank and the $67 million from the International Monetary
Fund seem paltry amounts. The $825 million of United States financial
assistance to the Caribbean and the Soviet Union's $1,856 million to
Cuba, North Korea and Viet Nam are even more insignificant. These
figures speak for themselves.
The subject of the North-South dialogue is perhaps one of the few on
which we all agree: we have failed miserably. Since 1973, the year of
the oil embargo and the floating of the principal currencies, the
United Nations as an institution, its Members and the decade's most
eminent personalities have reiterated the need to restructure
fundamentally the economic relationship between those that are the
most prosperous and those that are still the poorest. Then came the
General Assembly resolutions on the new international economic order
and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. The latter
could figure in the book of world records as the instrument most
frequently violated.
The same happened with the 1974 Paris Conference, which throughout
its three long years brought nothing new to the solution of world
problems; with the various meetings of UNCTAD; the ministerial
meeting of GATT; the Conference of Science and Technology for
Development; the Tokyo Round; the annual rite of the International
Monetary Fund, the World Bank and FAO; the proposal of the
non-aligned countries on global negotiations; the Brandt report; the
Cancun summit and the New Delhi and Oslo meetings.
These comings and goings of officials, diplomats, economists and
politicians have achieved little. Generosity has run out; these are
difficult times; such are the phrases we read in foreign ministry
reports. We of the South say that the North lacks the necessary
political will; those of the North say that we of the South do not
know what we want. There is nothing new; every possibility, including
hope, has vanished.
The argument that we must wait for the world economy to return to
normal and regain its health is not convincing enough for us to
postpone indefinitely the initiatives with regard to the North-South
dialogue and the global negotiations. The illness has to be treated;
the solution is in the hands of those present here-developed or
underdeveloped, with or without a colonial past. It is a question of
political will and of clearly identifying our goals and procedures.
There is light in all this darkness: co-operation among developing
countries. This South-South relationship is one of the few
multilateral successes of recent years and must therefore maintain
its momentum and continue its identification of areas in which
co-operation is possible and fruitful.
It is true that the developing countries enjoy only 28 per cent of
the wealth of our planet, but it is no less true that they represent
80 per cent of the world's population. This tremendous sociological
reality will make itself felt in the end and the developed countries
realize this. Unfortunately, they neither act nor allow others to
act. Years ago there was a proposal, which was never put into
practice, that the rich countries should earmark a minimum percentage
of their gross national product for programmes of international
co-operation. The proposal never got off the ground.
The only alternative is to strengthen the South- South relationship.
It is a question of seeking and offering support, encouraging
exchanges, pooling experiences and developing new technologies. These
are some of the goals. Although Colombia is not an economic Power,
much less a military one, it understands and accepts its obligation
to contribute to those goals and has tried to do so in its own area.
One result of my country's decision is the Andean Pact or Cartagena
Agreement, an interesting experiment in sub-regional integration that
has managed to survive for over 10 years. Another example is the plan
for economic, trade and financial cooperation which Colombia is
promoting with the countries of Central America and the Caribbean.
These are specific examples which prove that a stable and fruitful
relationship is possible among developing countries.
If it is not possible, as we have seen, to institutionalize the
North-South dialogue and render it operational, then let the General
Assembly at least offer effective backing to the agencies that
promote South-South co-operation.
In the midst of so many disappointments, there is another very
important and positive element in the work of the United Nations
which shows that it is possible to find universally acceptable
solutions to problems affecting the international community when the
spirit of consensus prevails and multilateral negotiating machinery
is properly used. I am referring to the adoption on 30 April last of
the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the culmination
of nine years of difficult negotiations and six years of careful
preparation.
The new regime for the sea recognizes and develops for the sea-bed
beyond the limits of national jurisdiction a principle already
formulated 150 years ago by the great Latin American legal expert
Andres Bello, according to which there are assets which can remain
common property for the benefit of all and belong to the indivisible
heritage of mankind and cannot be marked with the seal of ownership.
With regard to maritime spaces under State jurisdiction, the
Convention represents not only a complete legal framework, but also
an instrument for the economic and social development of our peoples.
Colombia was one of the 130 countries to vote in favour of the
Convention and hopes that at this session the General Assembly will
provide the Secretary-General with the necessary means to take on the
responsibilities assigned to him.
The Second United Nations Conference on the Exploration and Peaceful
Uses of Outer Space, which was held at Vienna in August, enabled the
United Nations to review the conquest of space, and the developing
countries to call the attention of the technological Powers to the
need for more effective and systematic international co-operation.
For Colombia, an equatorial country, it was significant that several
of the recommendations of the Conference stressed the urgent need to
plan and regulate the use of the geostationary orbit, a limited
natural resource which can be over-exploited by its appropriation by
the technological monopolies. Since 1975, my country and nine other
equatorial States have been demanding a special regime for the
geostationary orbit. In Vienna, all the developing countries, within
the framework of the Group of 77, turned our demands into a dire
necessity. We reiterate to the Assembly today that technological
development must be regulated by international law and that
consequently the free consent of countries below the orbital arc must
be a prerequisite of any such regulation. We really believe that the
prior consent of receiving and monitored countries must be obtained
before direct television broadcasting by satellite or remote-sensing
activities are carried out.
I could go on at length on many other topics of concern to my
country, but I see no practical usefulness in doing so. Each country
must act within the limits of its possibilities and in relation to
the questions which concern it directly. I should like, however, to
share a number of closing observations with the members of the
Assembly. These refer to the search for a lasting peace which would
guarantee the survival of our species. If we are to achieve such a
peace, we must replace confrontation by balance. This balance does
not arise from the strategic parity of the super-Powers, however, but
is born of the tactical unity of medium-sized and small nations in
seeking to dismantle the whole threatening apparatus of war.
It has been proved time and again that the United States and the
Soviet Union are not in a position to offer mankind the good news of
effective disarmament and that they will probably pursue their
intensive political, economic and military rivalry. Colombia has
thought carefully about these and other facts in relation to its own
international position. For years, influenced by our dedication to a
set of principles and consistent with a tradition, we have on
occasion been regarded as a dependent country. We believe that the
time has come to clarify our position. Not so that we might disown an
honourable past, much less abjure principles that are deeply rooted
in our people, but simply so that we might better serve the cause of
mankind. We believe that the prospects for peace will be improved if
countries able to do so adopt more independent positions. This is
also valid in view of the aspirations to establish a new, more just
and equitable economic order.
These are the main reasons for Colombia's decision to apply for
admission to the non-aligned movement. We are well aware that this
movement was, at the outset, made up principally of countries from
other continents. We believe that the time has come for the countries
of Latin America also to join in a process which, if well directed,
can make a decisive contribution to the cause of peace. Some have
already done so and others, like Colombia, hope to do so in the near
future.


1.	I should like at the outset, Sir, to
convey to you the greetings and congratulations
of the delegation of Peru on your well-deserved
election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh
session of the General Assembly. This is
recognition of your personal qualities as well as
a tribute to Hungary, a country which has
participated so actively and so significantly in
the work of the United Nations.
2.	My delegation also wishes to express its
appreciation and to convey its congratulations
to Mr. Tsmat Kittani, who at a critical time for
the international community demonstrated his
exceptional abilities as an experienced and
skilful diplomat.
3.	You will understand, Sir, with what
satisfaction we greet Mr. Javier Perez de
Cuellar, the Secretary- General. Peru takes pride
in his election and in the contribution that he
is making t^ the cause of the international
community.
4.	Since it took office on 28 July 1980 the
constitutional Government of Peru has shouldered
the difficult task of putting into practice a
spirit of democracy in which the effectiveness
of a modem Consti-tution, the interplay of the
branches of government, respect for human rights
and the full enjoyment of freedoms should
constitute the best assurance that we shall
achieve our ideal of making man the supreme end
of our social efforts.
5.	Two years have elapsed under the present
Government and Peru takes satisfaction in the
fact that it is fulfilling its aims. Freedom of
expression for all the communications media is
now absolute in our country. The elections that
took place in 1980 were followed in November 1981
by complementary elections at the municipal
level. These indicated increased support for the
party led by President Fernando Belaunde Terry,
which gained 70 per cent of the votes cast at the
national level.
41
6.	The problems of the present-day world are
clearly causing serious frustrations in society
to which it is reacting in different ways. The
great majorities opt for political avenues which,
in various ways, seek to find within the legal
order appropriate replies to the requirements of
collective well-being. Unfortunately, there are
also those who react to adversity in irrational,
blind and irresponsible ways.
7.	Despite the resolve and efforts of our
Government to promote justice, well-being and
progress within the framework of democratic
principles, some minority groups, seeking to use
violence to introduce an ill- defined political,
economic and social programme, have resorted to
acts which cause irreparable loss of human life
and very serious material damage for a developing
country. The Peruvian people rejects this
criminal activity as shocking to its conscience
and damaging to its interests, for what is
destroyed is lost to all. Our whole country has,
therefore, through its representative
institutions and the broad range of political
parties present in our national Parliament,
condemned terrorism and continues to do so. Our
Government has taken steps to prevent it, in
strict observance of human rights. To that end,
our Government will guarantee public peace with
the necessary firmness, but without overstepping
legal bounds in any respect. Persons involved in
criminal offences have been brought before the
judiciary the independence of which cannot be
questioned for it is the only authority empowered
to decide on the guilt of those involved and to
apply the necessary penalties.
8.	His Holiness Pope John Paul II, in his
pontifical message of 1980, reminded us that
building peace is the task of all men and all
nations and that violence is an evil unworthy of
man, unacceptable as a solution to our problems,
contrary to the truth of our humanity and,
indeed, destructive of what it seeks to defend:
the dignity, life and freedom of the human being.
But he told us also: "We cannot sincerely condemn
recourse to violence unless we engage in a
corresponding effort to replace it by courageous
political initiatives which aim at eliminating
threats to peace by attacking the roots of
injustice." That is precisely what the Government
of Peru is seeking to do at the domestic level.
9.	Hence, together with the legitimate
exercise of its constitutional responsibilities,
the Government is pursuing a set of activities
designed to bring about improvement in the
depressed economic and social conditions of the
poorest areas of our country, those areas in
which the largest number of acts of violence have
taken place. This poverty is the result of
complex geographical conditions, isolation and
the failure for over a century to address basic
needs. It is being faced through courageous
development programmes that will alleviate the
difficult situation of the people living in those
areas.
10.	Peru has signed all the international
agreements on human rights to which it could
accede and the principles of those agreements are
embodied in the new Constitution. Our Government
bases its efforts upon those principles in
bringing about the full realization of each
person and a regime of democracy and social
solidarity. The occasional stories reaching the
international community which attempt to
contradict the spirit of authentic respect for
human dignity in my country today must surely
come as a surprise to those who have had an
opportunity to visit Peru and to witness the
climate of freedom prevailing in my country.
11.	In the international arena, Peru has
sought further to achieve ever closer ties with
its neighbour countries, links to which it
attaches particular importance within its
traditional policy of respect for the rights of
others as well as zealous defence of its own
rights.
12.	Peru has continued to participate
actively in the processes of regional economic
co-operation and integration. My Government has
supported and resolutely contributed to the
reactivation of the Andean Croup and to promoting
the Latin American Integration Association, as
well as in regional consultations and
co-operation, within the framework of the Latin
American Economic System, which are institutions
to which Peru attaches the greatest importance in
the strengthening and unity of Latin America as
an effective response to the frustrations and
unusual economic measures that the region as a
whole and some countries in particular have
experienced during the recent crisis in the South
Atlantic.
13.	Moreover, in order to foster Latin
American integration and co-operation, the Latin
American region must be organized physically. In
this respect, the Bolivarian Highway along the
edge of the jungle, an initiative of President
Belaunde Terry, which has received broad support
from Latin American and Andean countries, is
today in an advanced stage of completion. In the
same spirit, President Belaunde has rescued the
ambitious project of interconnecting the three
major watersheds of the South American continent,
a project which would make it possible to move
large volumes of goods, services and passengers
in the heart of our region. My Government is
confident that, after the technical meeting on
watershed inter-connection which took place last
year in Lima, we will soon be able to undertake
that work.
14.	On the other hand, the project for the
creation of a trust fund for the promotion of
horizontal technical co-operation with the
countries of Central America and the Caribbean,
which I presented at the 6th meeting of the
thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, has
met with broad support from the countries of
that area and from the Administration of UNDP. We
hope that that fund, too, will be established in
the near future.
Similarly, my country is participating in the
necessary deliberations relating to the
inter-American system. It is our view that it has
become imperative to re-emphasize the capacity
for concerted action among the countries of the
region vis-a-vis the only country of the region
which has world-wide interest. This task should
not lead to exclusions of any kind, but rather to
a clearer identification of our interests and a
better representation and defence of those
interests in continental and world forums.
16. The number of critical situations in the
world has increased and, paradoxically, none of
those that have now become traditional has yet
been overcome. The worsening of the situation is
seriously infecting the United Nations, and the
constantly repeated appeals to States to act in
conformity with the principles of the Charter are
no longer sufficient. It has become absolutely
necessary to prevent the spread of a cynical
attitude.
17.	The basic elements of this situation are
an alarming tendency to disregard the obligations
of international law, in particular the
obligation to abstain from the resort to
aggression or the use or threat of force;
policies of strength and the maintenance of
spheres of influence or domination; interference
in the internal affairs of States; the
impossibility of getting the process of
disarmament under way, and the frustrations
encountered at the second special session of the
General Assembly devoted to disarmament; the
obstacles that are preventing the establishment
of a new international economic order; the
difficulties experienced in concluding the
process of decolonization; policies of apartheid
and racial dis-crimination; and the crisis in the
United Nations.
18.	The Secretary-General has submitted his
report on the work of the Organization, the
importance and scope of which will be recognized
by the world public. This report sums up the
genuine anxiety of our peoples and shows the need
to listen to the voice of reason and morality in
the present dramatic circumstances. The Assembly
will examine various aspects of the report,
debate the proposals it contains and draw from it
the new inspiration the Organization needs for
the preservation of peace and the betterment of
mankind and to ensure that it does not fail as
the depositary of ideals which are beyond its
ability and the will of our Governments to
achieve.
l9. The meagre results of the action of the
Security Council compel us to ask whether the
assumptions upon which the Organization was
founded have been overtaken by events. What is
required is concerted diplomatic action at the
highest level, as proposed by the
Secretary-General, or any other approach which
can ensure that the position of political
privilege conferred upon the permanent members of
the Security Council will be used for the
effective fulfilment of their responsibilities
with regard to international peace and
co-operation. Otherwise we shall have to consider
amendments to the Charter.
20.	We hope that the Secretary-General's
firmness in presenting matters to the Assembly as
he sees them and not as we would wish to see them
will serve to promote a debate that will review
the Orga-nization, because our peoples are beset
by a two-fold anxiety: daily survival in terrible
economic and social conditions, and survival as a
species in the face of the increasing probability
of a nuclear conflict.
21.	Our region has brought to the Assembly
the question of the Malvinas Islands. Everybody
is aware of our support for the principle of
decolonization of the Malvinas Islands and for
the claim of the sister Republic of Argentina to
sovereignty over that archipelago. This is also
called for in resolutions of the United Nations
and the Organization of American States and in
declarations by the movement of non- aligned
countries. Faithful to its dedication to peace,
Peru has made intense and repeated efforts to
ensure a negotiated solution of the conflict and
will continue to support negotiations between
Argentina and the United Kingdom through the
intermediary of the Secretary-Genera).
22.	In Central America there is a growing
tendency towards confrontation, and the
considerable difficulties faced by the peoples
of the area are compounded by forms of foreign
intervention, political polarization and internal
and external armed struggle. It is necessary for
States both within and outside this region,
instead of trying for ideological reasons to
decide how others should organize themselves to
try urgently to provide broad support for their
development.
23.	Peru deeply regrets the recent
deterioration of the situation in the Middle
East. We have made clear our rejection of
intervention in and military use of the territory
of Lebanon^ in violation of its indepen-dence and
sovereignty, the persistence of policies of force
and the commission of genocidal crimes against
the Palestinian people.
24.	In this world forum, in the name of the
Government and people of Peru, I reiterate our
most vigorous condemnation, as already expressed
by the Chief Executive of my country, of these
acts, which violate the most elementary
principles of human coexistence.
25.	Recent developments have clearly and
painfully shown that the question of Palestine
constitutes the central factor of the Middle East
crisis. It is our view that for reasons of
principle, of history and of justice, the
Palestinian people must exercise the inalienable
rights of all people, as recognized by the
Organization.
26.	We renew our appeal to all the parties to
the conflict to co-operate in the search for a
comprehensive and definitive political
settlement, taking into account the rights of all
the peoples of the region, within the framework
of the relevant resolutions adopted by the
Security Council and the General Assembly.
27.	The stability and well-being of
South-East Asia are linked to the problem of
Kampuchea. Peru is a member of the /It/ Committee
of the International Conference on Kampuchea,
and we hope that the bases established by the
General Assembly, under the auspices of the
Secretary-General, will lead to a negotiated
settlement.
28.	We support the steps taken by the
Secretary- General with respect to Afghanistan
and Cyprus. Only with the political will of the
parties will it be possible to achieve just and
balanced agreements which, as in the case of
Kampuchea, presupposes the withdrawal of foreign
troops and self-determination for the peoples
involved.
29.	Peru hopes that the question of Korea can
be resolved by peaceful and negotiated means by
the parties.
30.	The struggle for independence in
Territories that have not yet overcome
colonialism continues. Namibia must be rescued
from the illegal occupation from which it is
suffering. Peru, an active member of the Special
Committee against apartheid; condemns and rejects
this practice, which is an infringement of human
dignity.
31.	The United Nations Convention on the Law
of the Sea' is the fruit of a long and arduous
effort to reconcile the rights and interests of
States in different circumstances by means of
universal rules ensuring the rational utilization
of the ocean areas not as an instrument of
hegemony but as an instrument of justice, peace,
security, co-operation, development and
well-being for all peoples. Each State must now
evaluate the advantages of a legal order, respect
for and implementation of which would protect
their most essential rights and interests both
within and outside zones of national
jurisdiction. My Government is making such an
assessment in the light of certain provisions of
our Constitution and the laws of our Republic. It
will be for the Congress of my country to express
its approval or disapproval of the Convention.
Meanwhile we shall follow with close attention
the statements made by other Governments, in the
hope that the will for justice and international
concord will prevail.
32.	Peru will continue to defend its rights
of sovereignty and jurisdiction over its
adjacent waters and the sea-bed and subsoil
thereof to the limit of 200 miles, for the
purposes that have been foreseen since 1947, as
part of its maritime territory and without
prejudice to freedom of international
communication. Furthermore, it will not renounce
the defence of the rules established by the
Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed
and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof,
beyond the Limits of National Juris-diction,
adopted in 1970 Those principles have been
incorporated in the Convention, according to
which the sea bed and its resources outside the
limits of national jurisdiction constitute the
common heritage of mankind and can be exploited
only for the benefit of all countries, under an
international regime and international machinery.
We shall regard as illegal any use of the
international sea-bed zone by States that have
adopted unilateral legislation or which have
subscribed to agreements of reciprocity contrary
to the principles of the Convention. We trust
that those States will refrain from following a
course whose implications would be very grave in
the area of international law and in the
development of friendly co-operation among
countries, as well as in relation to policies
applicable to other areas of ocean space.
33.	The results of the second special session
of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament
are discouraging. Not only was there no progress
with respect to what had been agreed at the first
special session on disarmament, but the consensus
of 1978 itself has apparently been challenged.
34.	It is indispensable that all countries of
the international community, particularly the
nuclear Powers, participate in a new effort to
move forward in the complex problem of
disarmament. For its part, Peru will continue to
exert efforts, both internationally and
regionally, to effect limitation of arms
expenditures and to protect Latin America and
other regions of the developing world from the
nuclear threat, in the conviction that the goal
of disarmament will be reached only by approaches
that take due account of the interests of all
parties.
35.	We are witnessing a day-by-day
deterioration of the opportunities for diplomatic
negotiation and political agreement. In view of
this, the movement of non-aligned countries
clearly has a role to play. Its objectives and
its reason for existence as an independent
factor in international relations have become all
the more significant and relevant in view of the
grim picture we are facing in all parts of the
world.
36.	The international economic situation
could not be more critical. Inflation and
recession continue to be the main features of a
crisis that has ceased to be a mere slump in the
business cycle. While it is true that the crisis
affects everyone, it is also true that we are not
all equally affected. Unemployment is the most
serious social consequence of the international
economic crisis, but the developing countries,
unlike the industrialized countries, find it
difficult to provide help for the unemployed.
Capital goods have continued to rise in price,
in inverse proportion to the prices of raw
materials. Financing for development projects is
becoming increasingly costly and difficult to
find. The industrialized countriesósome more than
othersóare beginning to introduce tariff and non-
tariff barriers which are contrary to the spirit
of free trade that they themselves champion. The
mounting external debt now constitutes for all
countries, industrialized and developing alike,
both a burden and a thread not only to their
economic progress but to the very stability of
the international financial system.
37.	Things cannot be allowed to remain as
they are much longer. The international economic
crisis is the result of grave difficulties of a
political and social order fisting the
international community. The sense of urgency
among peoples of the world today is accompanied
by a deep frustration at the lack of
understanding and inability Governments have
demonstrated in finding common approaches to
alleviating the tragic situation facing them.
38.	We must prevent despair from setting in,
and we must remove tension in order to facilitate
the solution of grave problems that directly
affect international peace; and security. A
supreme effort on the part of all members of the
international community is required to find a
minimum consensus that will enable them to
reactivate the world economy, at the same time
taking care to prevent the return of inflation.
39.	We therefore consider it to be
appropriate to agree on an emergency world
economic plan, in which all States and
international organizations would participate
without discrimination or self-exclusion. To that
effect, my Government will put forward at Session
of the General Assembly, a proposal for the
immediate adoption of such plan, in order to give
impetus to the recovery of the world economy.
40.	At the same time, we must continue our
efforts for the construction of a new
international economic order. We must emphasize
that the launching of global negotiations is an
imperative need for the international community
as a whole, in order to rebuild, from the ground
up, the imbalanced system of international
economic relations.
41.	My Government recognizes the position
assumed by the developed countries at the
Versailles Economic Summit in June, and is
prepared to co-operate closely W3th the rest of
the countries of the Group of 77, in the
definition of a consensus that would permit the
earliest possible beginning of global
negotiations. In view of the urgency of the
present circumstances, my Government expresses
the hope that at this session the General
Assembly will adopt a resolution stipulating the
beginning of global negotiations.
42.	Peru is also aware of the importance of
the sixth session of UNCTAD, to be held next year
in Belgrade. The serious problems faced by the
developing countries make it imperative that that
Conference achieves specific results, especially
in the important areas of primary commodities,
trade, currency and finance.
43.	Peru also reiterates its support for the
Integrated Programme for Commodities and the
Common Fund for Commodities, as a central
instrument for the organization of international
trade in such com-modities.
44.	My country, as a member of the
Consultative Group of 18, is participating in
preparations for the ministerial meeting of GATT
to be held later this year. We find it
indispensable that that meeting attach priority
to the interests of the developing countries in
view of the reduced benefits that they have
derived from multilateral trade negotiations,
bearing in mind that the process of global
negotiations must not be disturbed.
45.	Peru wishes to reaffirm the great
importance of South-South co-operation for the
developing countries and unreservedly supports
the implementation of the Programme of Action
adopted at the High-Level Conference on Economic
Co-operation among Developing Countries in May
1981 at Caracas.^ In this context, we support the
immediate convening of a meeting to establish a
generalized system of preferences among the
developing countries as a practical and effective
means of promoting our economic links.
46.	Next year the Republics of America will
celebrate the two hundredth anniversary of the
birth of the Liberator, Simon Bolivar, the
founder of nations, a man of his time and of our
time. We hope that his spirit of freedom and
justice will preside over the endeavours of
Governments today and we pay a well-deserved
tribute to his memory and to his work.
47.	This thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly is taking place in particularly
difficult circumstances. It has been many years
since we have seen an economic crisis such as
that of today, in which communication among
States is so charged with anxiety and
discouragement is so prevalent among our peoples.
48.	Our country has demonstrated its
dedication to peace, defence of the principles of
law and international conciliation, which we do
not wish to abandon. We believe that the only way
in which the urgent problems of mankind can be
faced and overcome is through negotiation, and we
reaffirm our faith in the United Nations as the
highest forum of the peoples. For all these
reasons, we declare that Peru will spare no
effort to ensure that this session will be
qualitatively different from others more
effective and more committed to the goals of
reconciliation and harmony, peace, freedom, law
and justice.