It is my great pleasure to extend to you, Sir, on behalf of the Thai delegation, our sincere congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your election to this high position is a manifestation of the esteem and respect in which the Member countries of the United Nations hold you. Moreover, we are confident that your renowned diplomatic skill and wide experience, as well as your intimate knowledge of the United Nations over so many years, will be of inestimable value to the General Assembly in its deliberations on many important issues. Your country, Spain, has been throughout history, and remains today, one of the greatest founts of Western civilization and culture. Spain and Thailand have witnessed a long-standing relationship between our two peoples dating back many centuries. Both our countries have similar institutions, the Monarchy and a parliamentary form of government, and enjoy close and cordial relations with each other. My delegation is, therefore, deeply gratified to see you presiding over this Assembly.
In the same manner, I wish on behalf of my delegation to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Lusaka, a distinguished son of Zambia and of Africa and President of the General Assembly at the thirty-ninth session. His qualities of leadership, dedication and wisdom have earned him our profound respect, admiration and gratitude.
My delegation also wishes to extend its warm congratulations to all the Vice-Presidents of the General Assembly, representing the different regions of the world. Their elections clearly reflect the diversity, as well as the universality, of our Organization.
On behalf of the Government and the people of Thailand, as well as on my own behalf, I wish to express to the Government and the people of Mexico our profound sympathy and sincere condolences over the natural disaster caused by recent earthquakes resulting in the loss of so many lives and much damage to property.
Forty years have passed since the United Nations came into existence. The past four decades have witnessed the expansion of the activities of the United Nations to all the far-flung corners of the globe and in nearly every field of human endeavor. While the focus of the world Organization remains constantly on the avoidance of another global conflagration, the areas where the greatest expansion has occurred are concerned with the alleviation of human suffering and the betterment of peoples on planet Earth.
Out of the ashes of the Second World War rose the United Nations, casting an aura of hope on war-ravaged nations for a resurgence of reason and a new era of peace. The kind of reason that should prevail was seen as a vindication of human aspirations over the raison d'etat. Powerful Governments had been blind to human yearnings and had led their peoples to war. From now on, succeeding generations must be saved from the scourge of war. For peace to endure there must be a collective will to enforce it. Such a will would be expressed through sanctions declared by the Organization where representatives are appointed by their Governments. In principle, it is the correct approach, since the Organization is composed of sovereign States. However, subsequent developments have demonstrated that the basis on which the United Nations was founded has been weakened by violations of the principles enshrined in the Charter. As long as Governments adhere strictly to their obligations under the Charter, the Organization will undoubtedly be able to respond, in full measure, to the requirements of our contemporary world.
Herein might lie one of the inherent imperfections of the Organization. The assumption that the genuine aspirations and yearnings of peoples are expressed through their Governments has not always been proved correct. Governments do not necessarily always follow human exigencies in their conduct of foreign policy. Often the vagaries of human experience cannot be brought to bear upon hard and urgent issues which require prompt and decisive actions.
Yet the United Nations can only be - in the words of the first Secretary-General of the United Nations, Trygve Lie - "what the Member Governments want it to be - neither better nor worse".
More recently, the present Secretary-General, in his current report on the work of the Organization, has written:
"It is mainly up to Governments to decide if they wish to co-operate in building ... a useful, coherent, effective institution, or whether they choose the alternative that may sometimes seem easier in the short run, each taking their own short-sighted and self-interested course." However, there is growing evidence that public debate in a forum where Government representatives must sooner or later be responsive to public reaction has brought about an emerging awareness of the human dimensions in international affairs. Not only has the individual been vested with greater rights and duties on the international scene, but many international problems are viewed more and more in human terms.
Technological advances in mass communications have also assisted in bringing the pathos and drama of human tragedies to wider audiences. Public opinion is influenced by what we read, hear or see - from the tragic conflicts in the Middle East and Central America and the plight of starving peoples in the Sahel to the displaced persons fleeing foreign aggression and occupation in Afghanistan and Kampuchea and the oppressed blacks of Namibia and South Africa yearning for liberty and human dignity.
There are also efforts to distort and misrepresent information for public consumption. However, such efforts are designed also to appeal to the heart and to the head. In the battle to win minds over such important issues as man's survival and development, human fears and needs are often cited. Thus, ordinary human beings and their concerns have come more and more to assume a central role on the international stage.
The United Nation? has also been instrumental in bringing this situation about. With its earlier preoccupation with decolonization, the majority of its Members today are States whose peoples had been subjected to colonial rule. The fact that they have been liberated from the yoke of colonialism imbues the process of decolonization with human significance and appeal. The* same process continues today with regard to the situation in Namibia and elsewhere.
The work of the United Nations and its specialized agencies and other bodies in the fields of economic and social development has gained and retained world-wide support because of its human dimensions. Indeed, it is not surprising that such programs as those concerning immunization of the world's children, a better habitat for the rural population, the role of women in development and food security for all command unanimous support.
By the same token, perception in human terms of such issues as the nuclear arms race, terrorism and indiscriminate violence has given rise to wide-ranging public debates and been given the increasing attention of Governments and international forums. The danger of nuclear war is rightly perceived as the ultimate threat against not just States or Governments but mankind itself. For this reason, Thailand welcomes the decision of President Reagan of the United States and General Secretary Gorbachev of the Soviet Union to hold a summit meeting in Geneva in November of this year.
% delegation therefore believes that the credibility and indeed the future viability of the United Nations depend on the perception of men and nations of how well the Organization continues to maintain not only international peace and security but also its capacity to improve the existence of and the prospects for the human individual.
On peace and security, my delegation agrees with the assessment of the Secretary-General in his annual report, particularly on the useful role of the Security Council. It is indeed an honor for Thailand to be elected to serve as a non-permanent member of that body, for the first time in our history, and we have tried to approach all issues with moderation and objectivity on the basis of principle and in the interest of peace and harmony among nations. The fact that Thailand does not belong to any ideological grouping in the Council should assist it in obtaining a balanced perception of many issues.
The important issues which come before the General Assembly tend also to involve international peace and security and, at the same time, relate to the human consequences which require international humanitarian action. The situations in southern Africa, the Middle East, Afghanistan and Kampuchea are cases in point. All these problems confront the international community with the task of coping with the massive influx of refugees and displaced persons into neighboring countries. While aggression, foreign occupation and alien domination continue unabated, the cries of the victims have not gone unnoticed by this Assembly.
On Kampuchea, for instance, the General Assembly has adopted by an increasing majority resolutions which condemn the foreign aggressor and its military occupation in its small, hapless neighbor, thus posing a threat to peace and security in the whole region and beyond. The same resolutions also address the enormous humanitarian problems arising from the tragic situation. The significant support rendered by the international community year after year is proof that the plight of the Kampuchean people speaks more loudly than any cunning maneuver or confusing tactic on the part of the aggressor. Ultimately, however, the root cause of the problem, namely, the illegal Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea, must be resolved so as to enable the Kampuchean people to exercise their basic human right to self-determination.
Other problems which touch individuals and their livelihood are also being given higher priorities on the international agenda. While such problems as food shortages and drug abuse seriously impair the social and economic fabric of societies, their main impact is still perceived to be on the individual. This accounts for the outpouring of sympathy and support for the victims from all walks of life, transcending geographical and ideological boundaries. The food aid programs for Ethiopia and other African countries and the forthcoming consensus to convene an international conference on drugs evince the immediacy of public concern over these problems. Perhaps there is a need to emphasize in a similar manner the human dimensions of such other problems as North-South issues in order to obtain greater public support and wider international co-operation. In his annual report, the Secretary-General states:
"We are facing economic changes of such magnitude and complexity that no country can adjust to them in isolation. We see this, for example, in attempts to protect domestic jobs from import competition, which result in the exporting of unemployment. What is clearly required is a wider vision and more dynamic understanding of the global nature of the problems we are facing. Such a vision has to be based on the open recognition of interdependence and the practical necessity of a fair sharing of burdens and of the accommodation of others." (A/40/1, p. 10)
There are few problems deserving of urgent international attention than poverty, which affects the economic and social well-being of a billion people. While pundits and politicians tend to discuss such issues in the abstract or in keeping with the narrow interests of their constituencies, statesmen should be endowed with sufficient foresight to see the immense catastrophe into" which this situation, if prolonged or exacerbated, would lead all of us.
There are areas where a government, with the support of the people, must be primarily responsible for corrective measures or necessary adjustments. The Royal Thai Government is among those governments, in particular in the developing world, which can be proud of numerous achievements in the economic and social fields. However there are matters that go beyond the pale of domestic jurisdiction which can worsen prospects for all, especially the developing countries. Because of their backwardness and vulnerable position, the poorer countries, and the poorer people in those countries, would be the first to succumb to the fall-out from a trade war. Such problems as the international debt crisis and the rise of protectionism in the industrialized countries can spell only unmitigated disaster, first of all for the developing countries, followed by world-wide repercussions.
The better alternative is to work together to develop a freer economic climate and trading system where all parties would derive just and lasting benefits. Small developing countries can resort to regional co-operation in order to ensure for themselves and their own peoples a greater measure of self-reliance and confidence in dealing with others. This does not mean that such regional endeavors are designed to create a confrontation with other countries or groups. On the contrary, co-operation that is based on equality yields more lasting benefits in the long run.
What good would the Third United Nations Development Decade do if millions of poor families became destitute owing to a loss of their honest livelihoods in a world that has sought to heighten their consciousness, hopes and expectations?
How can human rights be relevant if over 20 million black people in South Africa and the entire Palestinian people are deprived of their basic rights and human dignity and millions of peoples of Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Namibia are forced either to live under foreign occupation or flee their homeland? To what extent can the quality of life be improved when man is living under the constant threat of annihilation and when ever larger amounts of resources are being expended on destructive weapons instead of being put to constructive use?
In the forthcoming decade the United Nations should therefore focus more of its attention on such questions, where the benefit would belong to the vast majority of the people of the world. Thus the results of the United Nations efforts would be felt, more and more, in their hearts and minds. In turn the Organization's relevance would be enhanced in their perception, thus gaining their loyal and active support for an organization then that would become a genuine "town meeting" of the world.
Let the next decade begin with a fanfare for the common man.
I should like to close by paying a warm tribute to our Secretary-General. It is fitting that he should be the one to oversee the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of this Organization. He has served with great distinction as the permanent representative of his country and has spent many years in the Secretariat in senior and responsible positions. He knows the United Nations inside and out, so to speak. His commitment is to the success of the world Organization and its noble aims and objectives. Thailand is host to many United Nations bodies, including the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) and the regional headquarters of several specialized agencies. While Thailand' has derived some benefit from this, the benefit is not one-sided but accrues also to the Organization, as well as to its Members.
As we enter a new decade, I should like to pledge Thailand's unstinted co-operation with the Secretary-General in fulfilling the commitment we share in common.


Mr. President, in the name of the Nigerian delegation, I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate the President warmly on his election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. His long and distinguished experience in the United Nations gives us confidence that he will most competently guide the deliberations of the Assembly. I wish him every success in the months ahead.
I would also like to pay tribute to his predecessor, Ambassador Paul Lusaka, for the excellent manner in which he presided over the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. In the same vein, permit me, Mr. President, to express my thanks and appreciation to our distinguished Secretary-General, for his untiring efforts in the service of the international community.
My Government has already expressed its deep condolence to the Government and people of Mexico on the recent earthquake. May I, however, take this opportunity to appeal to the international community to show solidarity with Mexico in the true spirit of human brotherhood.
Throughout the world the fortieth anniversary of the funding of the United Nations is being observed with mixed feelings. There is much to cheer and applaud in the record of the United Nations. Forty years after its founding, the world is much better off with, than without, the United Nations. The Organization has achieved a lot in the areas of decolonization, human rights, health, peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance. The specialized agencies in the system have improved the quality of life of millions of people throughout the world, within their areas of competence.
These accomplishments, however, are overshadowed by the threat to human existence arising from super-Power nuclear rivalry, the unsettled political situation in almost every part of the world, and the constant decline in the economic condition of the majority of the world's population. Yet, the effectiveness of the United Nations to cope with these global problems seems to be at an all-time low. The Organization is being gripped by a paralysis which is indicative of the determination of some powerful Members to avoid the constraints of multilateralism, the more easily to be able to impose unilateral solutions to international problems
The United Nations is at a cross-roads. Its Members are faced with two options. We can continue along the present path of rendering the Organization increasingly ineffective and irrelevant to the crucial issues of our time. That is a choice that can lead only to catastrophe. Alternatively,, we can choose to revitalize the Organization, to enhance its effectiveness and to make it live up to the hopes conceived by the founding fathers. The requirement of survival dictates that we choose this second option. The United Nations must be revitalized and strengthened. For this to happen we have to confront collectively the political as well as the structural crises afflicting it. Since the Organization is a structure of our own creation and a tool in our own hands, it can be effective only to the extent that Members allow it to be. This fortieth session should be an opportunity for us all to demonstrate the political will that is the basic ingredient of revitalization. The permanent members of the Security Council, who, under the Charter, have the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, will particularly have to demonstrate the will to find a new approach more consonant with the universal hope reposed in the United Nations.
The time is ripe for new initiatives to prevent this Organization from being paralyzed and to prevent cold-war suspicions and considerations from holding back the evolution of solutions to the pressing problems of mankind. Let us never despair of building bridges between protagonists. Let us never despair of thinking thoughts and dreaming dreams in an endeavor to bring sanity to the world. This responsibility does not rest with the big Powers alone; it rests with all of us.
The primary purpose of the United Nations is the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security. In its 40 years of existence no world war has broken out. That is something worth cheering. However, there have been and still are several localized wars in many parts of the globe. These wars have claimed more lives than the Second World War. Moreover, they have been and are being fought in the Third World, in areas least able to afford the accompanying destruction and devastation. Even when the signs of the outbreak of such wars are seen, the United Nations, in particular the Security Council, is rendered incapable of taking preventive action in accordance with the Charter. The Organization therefore often looks on helplessly while wars break out and are fought for as long as the antagonists want. Collective security, which was predicated on a degree of consensus among the major Powers, has given way to a polarization of the world into two rival alliances each of which has developed the concept of security based on the competitive accumulation of nuclear weapons. As a result of this arms race, the world is faced with the ultimate peril of total destruction.
For the first time in the history of the human race man has within his power and capability the means by which he could annihilate many times over the whole of life on earth. Rather than enhancing security, the accumulation of nuclear weapons has become the greatest source of global danger. Yet the super-Powers that are responsible for this very grave situation are not disposed to show any serious commitment to reducing the levels of such weapons in the interest of the survival of humanity. Let it not be said that the United Nations has not constantly drawn attention to that danger. In two special sessions devoted to disarmament and in countless resolutions adopted at its regular sessions the General Assembly has not only characterized in vivid terms the danger posed by nuclear weapons but drawn up several programs of action for the attainment of general and complete disarmament.
The response and reaction of the super-Powers have been in stark contrast to the urgency of the situation. To be sure, they make a lot of notion about negotiations. However, the international community cannot be blamed if it now sees these negotiations as no more than exercises in public relations. In some cases these efforts are even designed to buy more time to design and manufacture more dreadful weapons of mass destruction.
Nuclear disarmament is a global issue in which all. states have a vital stake, It cannot and should not, therefore, be left exclusively the hands of the two super-Powers. The United Nations, representing the peoples of the world, should keep up the pressure to bring ^bout a halt to the nuclear arms race and to proceed to nuclear disarmament. The very survival of all our countries and all our peoples is at stake.
Another major threat to international peace and security that has defied United Nations efforts is apartheid, that iniquitous practice which has rightly been termed a crime against humanity. The danger inherent in the practice was first brought to the attention of the United Nations General Assembly at its third session. Since then apartheid has thrived on the support of certain powerful Members of this Organization whose concern for high returns on investments in South Africa outweighs their global responsibility. By a series of oppressive laws and the naked practice of State terrorism, successive regimes in apartheid South Africa have violated every conceivable law of human decency. In the process also the Pretoria clique has constituted itself into a veritable menace to the neighboring States, disturbing the peace and security of the entire southern African region. My Government has condemned in no uncertain terms the latest violation of the territorial integrity of Angola by South Africa. Nigeria pledges its unflinching support to those sister African States that are victims of the racist regime.
As if to emphasize their disgust at the failure of the United Nations to take effective action against apartheid, the people of South Africa have decided to make whatever sacrifice is required to liquidate apartheid. As a result of the spontaneous uprising of the past few months, it now appears that the count-down to the collapse of apartheid has at least started. Oppression by the white rulers has reached the point where it has forced all segments of the oppressed to rebel.
This is not the first time that blacks have reacted to their subjugation. What is different is the evident determination, even in the face of panic emergency measures, to press on. It is significant that the trigger-point to the current wave of mass action was the so-called constitutional reform whereby the apartheid regime thought it could perpetuate its oppression by granting some meaningless concessions to the Coloreds and the Asians. Characteristically, the apartheid regime thought it could, without reaction, continue to ignore the 21 million blacks. That was its crowning folly, for it totally misjudged the mood of the black people of South Africa.
The mass revolt which has involved workers, students, even school children, and the clergy, has caught the apartheid regime off guard. Its response, again true to character, was to introduce more draconian laws in the form of declaring a state of emergency. Two points should now be clear to the apologists for the apartheid regime: first, that the racist regime is in no mood to seek a peaceful accommodation with the majority blacks for a framework for the establishment of a democratic society in South Africa based on equality of all races. Mr. Botha's long awaited speech of 15 August 1985 gave not the slightest indication of a disposition towards meaningful change. Those States Members of the United Nations, which rather than support effective action against the apartheid regime delude themselves about possible persuasion of the regime, should by now see that they are mistaken. The ruling clique in Pretoria will not give up except as the result of concerted pressure of international action in support of the internal revolt of South Africans.
Secondly, the continuous mass actions of the black Africans, despite brutal police and military killings, should by now have convinced outsiders that no sacrifice is considered too great to make for their liberty and human dignity. It is especially important to emphasize this point since unwillingness to support effective economic sanctions against South Africa is often camouflaged by the spurious argument of its effects on black South Africans and on neighboring countries. The present economic system in South Africa is based on the deprivation of blacks and the exploitation of their labor. It is one of the pillars of the apartheid system. To dismantle apartheid, a change in the system is inevitable. Let those who oppose sanctions but protest their abhorrence of apartheid know that they are guilty of double-talk.
On this fortieth anniversary of the United Nations let us resolve to bring hope to the oppressed South Africans. Let the Security Council meet and impose mandatory economic sanctions on South Africa in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. Let all the permanent members of the Security Council support sanctions in discharging the onerous responsibility bestowed on them by the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security. Let all Members of the United Nations give total support for sanctions, bearing in mind that the alternative will be a bloodbath of unspeakable proportions. Today I call upon the principal trading partners of South Africa to co-operate and assist the process of genuine change in South Africa that may still be achieved without mass bloodshed.
Nineteen years ago on 27 October 1966 the General Assembly, under resolution 2145 (XI), terminated South Africa's mandate over Namibia and assumed direct responsibility over the Territory. Since then the United Nations, through the General Assembly and the Security Council, has adopted numerous resolutions and decisions all aimed at finding a peaceful, just and acceptable solution of the Namibian question. The landmark of these efforts was the adoption by the Security Council in 1978 of resolution 435 (1978) which embodied a plan for the independence of Namibia.
Despite all the efforts of the United Nations, the question of Namibia remains unresolved and the racist Pretoria regime continues to occupy Namibia illegally and to exploit its human and natural resources in contravention of Decree No. 1 enacted by the United Nations Council for Namibia. Unfortunately, South Africa has been able to count on the support of a powerful Member of this Organization in its continued defiance of the United Nations over Namibia. By linking Namibia's independence to the withdrawal of Cuban defensive forces in Angola, South Africa has been provided with a cover with which to perpetuate its atrocities in Namibia.
Insistence on extraneous and irrelevant issues as a precondition for the independence of Namibia is totally unacceptable to my Government. Namibia to us is a classic case of colonialism that must be resolved as such. It should not become a victim of the ideological rivalry of the super-Powers. The South African presence in Namibia must be seen for what it is. It is an illegal occupation by a latter-day imperialist Power that seeks every excuse to perpetuate its illegality and deny the Namibian people their right to self-determination. South Africa must be compelled to co-operate with the United Nations in implementing resolution 435 (1978).
Another area where the United Nations has failed to achieve a solution is the Middle East. It is a problem as old as the United Nations itself. Yet we appear to be no nearer to a solution today than we were in previous years just because some of those involved do not face the realities of the situation. Hew can the Palestinians be ignored if there is to be a viable solution? Just as the security of all States in the region is an indispensable element in a durable solution, so also should be the recognition of the inalienable rights of all people in the region. That includes the Palestinians. A solution that is just, fair and equitable will have to recognize, inter alia, the inalienable right of the Palestinians to self-determination. An international conference cm the Middle East is widely considered as the most appropriate forum for such a negotiated solution. Nigeria appeals to those countries which continue to oppose such a conference to reconsider their position. If the present stalemate is to be broken, all concerned should appreciate that unilateral measures are no substitute for the collective wisdom of the United Nations.
Other trouble spots abound to remind us of the danger posed to peace and security in various parts of the world in this fortieth year of the United Nations. Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Central America, for instance, are sad reminders of unacceptable big Power intervention and interference in the affairs of small neighbors. This is an appropriate juncture in the annals of the United Nations to call for strict adherence to the principle of sovereign equality of States and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of every State, big or small. Nigeria therefore reiterates its support for the efforts aimed at establishing in Afghanistan and Kampuchea a stable and durable peace based on the withdrawal of all foreign forces and strict respect for the right of the peoples of those two countries to choose through free elections their Governments and re-establish firmly their non-aligned status.
As for Central America, it behooves us all to support the efforts of the countries of Latin America to find a solution to problems in the subregion. All acts of aggression, overt or covert, must cease. All forms of economic sabotage directed against any country must end. The Contadora Group must be encouraged to pursue its initiative, which represents an important step towards lasting peace. We therefore urge the Governments of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua to show the political will to conclude negotiations on the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America.
At a time when the increasing Interdependence of countries calls for greater co-operation between them in the spirit and framework of the Charter that was adopted 40 years ago at San Francisco, we are instead witnessing the painful abandonment of those noble and worthy goals of the United Nations. We are witnessing a steady erosion of confidence in the multilateral system created in the post-war period. Further, we are witnessing a relentless attack on the United Nations system, which is at the center of existing multilateral arrangements. Today the role of the United Nations in providing a universal forum for economic problems facing the international community is continuously disrupted, bypassed and even ignored. Indeed, it has become more apparent than ever before that the United Nations system is the focus of the current challenge to multilateralism. Violations, often flagrant, of- the principles and norms which underpin the multilateral system have helped to weaken its ability to provide a viable framework for international economic co-operation for development, as envisaged by the Charter.
A concomitant feature of the decline in multilateralism has been the marked resurgence of unilateral approaches to economic problems that have global ramifications. What is of the utmost concern to my delegation is the adverse impact on the developing countries of the unilateral decisions and acts of the powerful actors in the global economy. Such actions, by definition, are bound to be arbitrary and extremely self-serving. It is therefore not surprising in the least that they tend to violate basic economic agreements and concepts which they themselves have invested with the cloak of sacred economic doctrine and international law. Some of these unilateral actions include high interest rates, volatile exchange rates, protectionism, measures that result in deteriorating terms of trade for the developing countries, and refusal to vies with sympathy the external debts of developing countries which have resulted in the net export of capital to the developed countries.
All those factors are symptomatic of a dangerous movement towards a new de facto multilateral economic framework quite incapable of dealing with the great global economic problems of our time, both in their medium-term and long-term prospects, we reiterate that global problems, be they in the areas of trade, commodities, money and finance, or debt, demand global solutions. To achieve this goal we must effectively employ the mechanisms and instruments that are available to the international community, namely, the institutions of the United Nations system. We must go back to the true spirit of the Charter of the United Nations in ensuring and sustaining vibrant multilateral economic co-operation. Nigeria believes that the occasion of this fortieth anniversary of our Organization is an appropriate time for the renewal of and rededication to the multilateral spirit.
In reaffirming our commitment to the multilateral approach, Nigeria calls for the resumption of an honest and serious North-South dialog on issues of international economic co-operation for development. During the last decade we witnessed, with profound regret, many missed opportunities resulting in the lack of significant progress in all sectors. Clearly there is an urgent need to create, nurture and sustain a favorable climate of genuine dialog and consensus. There is a need to allay unfounded fears of each other's intentions. We believe that flexibility in our various positions, coupled with the necessary political will, is required to permit the restructuring of the world economy in a mutually advantageous manner, as called for in the new international economic order. Global negotiations, stalled as a result of one ruse after another for the past five years, in spite of the sincerity demonstrated by the Group of 77, must be launched immediately.
The world economic situation continues to be fragile even though we are in the third year of the recovery. It is new generally agreed that the recovery, which at best remains uneven and unbalanced, has failed to have any visible positive effects on world trade and the economies of the developing countries, thus proving beyond any doubt the ineptness of the trickle-down theory. There are uncertainties about the immediate prospects as protectionist pressures and attitudes in the major industrialized countries refuse to abate, giving rise to policies which can only further choke the feeble growth signals in the developing countries. We are therefore concerned about the adverse effects of the general macro-economic policies of the major industrialized countries on the economies of the developing countries. It is obvious to all that there is no effective surveillance over the major industrialized countries whose policies have the greatest impact on the international economy and whose unilateral actions and policies continue to destabilize the multilateral regime. We must realize that a world where the many are poor and the few are rich is a world of iniquity; it is a recipe for instability. So let us together examine seriously ways and means of bringing about prosperity, not for a few, but for all. Let us re-examine the international financial institutions with the purpose of making them purveyors of prosperity rather than economic and political ruin.
The burden of debt which has become unbearable in financial terms for many developing countries need not be further compounded by social and political upheavals. How can a developing country like mine spend about 45 per cent of its export earnings on debt servicing and still be expected to satisfy the basic needs of its teeming population as well as achieve sustained economic growth? Our creditors must realize that it is in their interest as well as ours that we survive.
Let me now turn to the special challenge which the critical economic situation in Africa poses for the conscience of mankind and the international community. By adopting a Declaration on the situation at its thirty-ninth session, this Assembly recognized the gravity of the terrible tragedy that was unfolding on the continent and the need for the whole world to stand up as one to combat the situation. One year has elapsed and we cannot pay enough tribute to the tremendous response by the international community to the relief aspect of the crisis. The overwhelmingly sympathetic and active public opinion in the donor countries not only attests to the brotherhood of man but has also helped to keep interest in the situation alive and to permit sustained, action by their home Governments. The generosity of which the human spirit is capable when aroused is a welcome testimony to the goodness that mankind is capable of. A great amount of food aid and allied requisites were provided and, without question, numerous lives were saved. We applaud the manifest international goodwill which this relief assistance has exemplified and hope that this will be intensified in the future as the situation in many African countries still remains critical and life-threatening under the specter of starvation and hunger. Indeed, at the present time, emergency requirements of over $1.5 billion for 1985 are still unmet for the 18 most seriously affected countries.
While on the whole the donor response to the emergency dimensions of the crisis has been commendable, it is much to be regretted that very little, if any, effort has been directed towards the longer-term and structural problems of the African economy, we view with enormous concern the reluctance of the international community to deal with the fundamental problems of economic development faced by African countries. As the Nigerian delegation pointed out at the second regular session of the Economic and Social Council, in July, when this item came before the Council for the second year in a row as its priority item, it is precisely in the vital area of long-term measures that the response of the international community and the United Nations system has been the weakest. No serious and co-ordinated .effort has been made to interface the current global response to the emergency situation with the longer-term development needs of the African continent.
We call for urgent action by the international community addressed specifically to such structural problems as food and agricultural production, drought and desertification, declining financial, particularly official development assistance, flows and, last but not least, the heavy external debts of the African region, we firmly believe that the rehabilitation and restoration of the process of growth and development is impossible in the absence of intensive and effective action on these major long-term problems faced by African countries. We call strongly for the adoption of a new development consensus by the international community on behalf of Africa to pave the way for this concerted global action. We believe that this is a call without equivocation and that it should be possible for donors to accept this challenge nobly and liberally in the same manner as they demonstrated in meeting the requirements of the emergency. We further believe that the capacity to do so exists. We therefore call for the necessary political will to make this possible. It should be clear, since there can bS.no mistake about this, that African countries accept that the primary responsibility for dealing with the critical economic situation and for relaunching the development process in the continent lies with them. The 21st session of the Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa in July and devoted mainly to the discussion of the critical economic situation of their region, demonstrated the commitment of Africa's leaders and peoples to the economic development and self-reliance of the continent. Accordingly, the summit meeting adopted both a Declaration and a far-reaching five-year priority program of action for the accelerated development of Africa. We commend this action program for the sustained support of the international community and in this light we welcome the positive tone of resolution 1985/80, on the critical economic situation in Africa, adopted by the Economic and Social Council at its second regular session. In addition, we wish to highlight the appeals made by the summit meeting for the convening of an international conference on Africa's debt and a special session of the General Assembly to discuss Africa's critical economic situation. We believe that these are extremely important calls from Africa which deserve the full support of the international community.
I should like to state again that, in spite of its shortcomings, the existence of the United Nations in the past 40 years has made the world a better place than it was in the pre-United Nations years. But a lot more needs to be done. Confidence in the Organization has eroded; the Organization has been ignored and heavily criticized. Its effectiveness has consequently been sapped. We need to revitalize the Organization by rededicating ourselves to the ideals enshrined in the Charter, in particular by collectively demonstrating in a practical way the political will to act. We must restore confidence in the United Nations as the main framework for multilateral co-operation in the world. We must collectively revitalize the Organization and create a political atmosphere that will be conducive to the pursuit and realization of global peace and security, as well as the promotion of economic growth and development.


On behalf of the delegation of Jamaica, I take the opportunity to extend warm congratulations to you. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. It is altogether fitting that in this important anniversary year of the United Nations the General Assembly should have presiding over its deliberations a veteran diplomat of your caliber who has over many years given such distinguished service at the United Nations.
I take the opportunity also to express our gratitude to your predecessor. Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia, for his outstanding presidency during the thirty-ninth session.
In the past year there has been a mix of events which have brought both despair and glimmers of hope. In the course of history, some years bear the stamp of some dominating event or series of events for which they remain memorable. I fear that the past year may be remembered as a notable year for the number and scale of disasters which have struck in different places and different forms. We recall with sadness the drought and famine in Africa, the Bhopal disaster, a number of airline and train crashes, and last month's tragic earthquakes in Mexico City, all of which meant suffering, death and devastation. They all demonstrate how fragile is the human condition and the extent to which we are all susceptible to shattering blows by natural calamity or malfunctioning technology. It should not be overlooked that it is adversity of this kind which often emphasizes the common bond of humanity that unites us and places in true perspective the barriers dividing us. we have seen this reflected in the generous outpouring of verbal and material expressions of sympathy, solidarity and support from the world at large to the people of each afflicted nation. Jamaica once again expresses its sympathy to the Governments and peoples affected. The United Nations has been involved in disaster relief through the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Coordinator (UNDRO), but recent experience has illustrated the great importance of readiness and efficient emergency services, as well as overall co-ordination, in relief efforts. We believe that this is an area in which international co-operation can be expanded, and we urge that consideration be given to the strengthening of United Nations capabilities in this field.
On the broader scene, the international situation is still charged with tension and uncertainty, although some developments during the past year have generated some optimism. We have been encouraged by the resumption of dialog between the United States and the Soviet Union, the resumption of bilateral arms control negotiations, and the agreement for a summit meeting between the leaders of
those two countries in Geneva next month. We consider it an important opportunity
for establishing greater understanding and more stable relations. There is much at stake in this meeting affecting the general atmosphere in international affairs and the outlook for the future. We hope for a constructive approach and a constructive spirit from both sides, so that the results may pave the way for a new era in East-West relations.
It could also give an impetus to progress in arms control and disarmament in which achievements have so far been meager. The continued proliferation of nuclear weapons increases the ever-present danger to our very existence. Jamaica reiterates its view that the process of nuclear disarmament should begin and that it should start with an agreement on a comprehensive ban on nuclear tests. In our view, this would not only open the way for progress to be made in relation to nuclear weapons but would also foster a climate for moving forward on arms control for other categories of weapons. In a world where suffering and death from want are brought so sharply to our attention, particularly in recent times, it is shameful that so much of the world's resources is being devoted to the manufacture and procurement of armaments* A recent estimate of world expenditure on arms puts it at an annual figure of $1,000 billion - an astounding indictment of the priorities in the world today. The lessons of the past have taught us the limits of military power, what is needed in our time are conditions of peace and economic well-being as the foundations for security. Our collective energies and resources should be channeled in that direction.
Time is marching on, and too little is achieved in meeting the challenges being faced and the problems being posed. We meet in this Assembly year after year and express our common hopes for a better and safer world beyond the narrow vision of national interests; yet the political accommodation and adjustments to make them a reality are not made. International co-operation must be seen to be working if it is to be maintained and extended.
There are disturbing trends which indicate that there are forces at work aimed at limiting the scope of international action and avoiding a multilateral approach in dealing with problems of the day. It is therefore important that results can be shown and progress made on the many problems facing the international community to reinforce continued faith in our multilateral institutions.
One area in which there is an emerging consensus for international action is in relation to the situation in South Africa. Events over the past year or so have brought the issue to a critical point. Over 700 persons are estimated to have lost their lives in the continuing unrest in that country, and it must be clear to the oppressors that the people will not abandon their struggle, even in the face of the regime's murderous tactics. The killings, mass arrests, banning and detentions have proved to be of no avail in stemming the tide of resistance. There is but one solution: the apartheid system must be dismantled and replaced by an order based on equal rights for all South Africans. Apartheid cannot be reformed; it must be destroyed. Superficial adjustments and token changes are not acceptable.
For years the regime has been stubbornly and arrogantly rejecting the demands for fundamental changes. Now the regime is beginning to feel the squeeze from the combined pressure of the uprising from within and sanctions imposed or threatened from without. Jamaica has long argued that economic sanctions by the world community was a necessary ingredient to bring about change in South Africa. We are encouraged to see that Governments which have hitherto been hesitant in adopting economic sanctions have begun to move in that direction. The measures that have been announced, though limited in scope, are a welcome beginning. But much more will be needed to convince the South African regime of the serious resolve of the international community on this question. We are therefore looking forward to the adoption of further measures to curtail investments and financial flows to South Africa and wider restrictions in economic relations.
Jamaica considers it important that there should be no faltering or hesitation in taking far-reaching measures. It is time for the world community to act, and to act decisively. In the meanwhile, we wish to reiterate our support for and solidarity with those who are struggling so valiantly internally.
For it is not just a question of oppression and injustice inside South Africa. Peace is at risk. South Africa continues to commit blatant acts of aggression against neighboring African States and to promote subversion and civil war in others. Over the past year it added further to its brutal and shameful record of aggression in a series of attacks against Angola and Botswana. No respect is shown for legality and the sovereign rights of African States in the region.
In Namibia, the pattern is repeated. South Africa's contempt for international law and for the rights of the inhabitants of the Territory is astounding. Through bad faith and duplicity the regime has frustrated every effort for a negotiated solution. The plan adopted on the initiative of the Western contact group and so elaborately worked out in 1978 has been scuttled by South African deception and treachery. It has apparently now embarked on implementing its own plan for the Territory by the appointment of a puppet administration.
There is clear need to take action against South Africa cm this question. We have a duty to the Namibian people, for whom the United Nations has direct responsibility as the legal administering authority for the Territory. The international community must, therefore, give urgent consideration as to what steps should now be taken. We consider it necessary for the Security Council to meet again in the near future to consider what collective action is to be taken to discharge its responsibilities and to secure the implementation of its resolutions.
In our own region, the problems of Central America continue to be of great concern to us. Over the past year, fighting has continued, but we are encouraged by the patient and persevering diplomacy of the Contadora Group, which continues to enjoy the confidence and support of the international community in their search for a peaceful resolution of the conflicts among the States in the region. The regional commitment to finding a solution has been reinforced by the initiative to establish a four-member Support Group to assist in furthering the Contadora objectives. Jamaica fully supports these efforts. He particularly welcome the results of the meeting of Contadora and Central American Foreign Ministers held on 12 and 13 September in Panama City in which agreement was reached cm a time-table for negotiations on the Draft Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America which will enable the process to be completed before the end of November. We expect that by then all the parties will have signed the documents and will be ready to implement their provisions fully.
The state of affairs in the Middle East must continue to receive our close attention. The basic issues are well-known. Our view is that the elements of an overall settlement have long been identified and have found general international acceptance. They involve the withdrawal of Israel from Arab territory occupied since the 1967 war, recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians and the acknowledgment of the right of all States in the area to live in peace and security within recognized boundaries.
New initiatives, such as that proposed by King Hussein of Jordan, create new opportunities which should be explored as a basis for peace negotiations. We cannot ignore actions that add further obstacles to the search for peace and contribute to a climate of tension, instability and insecurity to the region, we do not accept the assertion of any new doctrine which implies that the sovereign
rights of a third party State can be nakedly violated in response to a perceived wrong elsewhere. Accordingly, we deplore the attack carried out by Israel in violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Tunisia.
In other areas of regional conflict, there has been regrettably little movement in the past year. The war between Iran and Iraq continues to rage without an immediate prospect of peace, but it is important that the situation be not abandoned as hopeless. We continue to urge the Secretary-General to use his good offices to mediate between the parties.
In Cyprus there is need to give every possible encouragement to the Secretary-General and to efforts to revive the inter-communal talks and avoid the imposition of a solution by fait accompli.
Regrettably, there has been little change in Kampuchea and Afghanistan, and we must renew the call for withdrawal of foreign forces from the respective countries. We strongly deplore the reported atrocities and violations of human rights that have occurred.
We note with interest that on the Korean peninsula bilateral contacts between the two Koreas have begun and we hope that these preliminary contacts will develop into a fruitful dialog contributing to the reduction of tension in the area and laying the basis for a future of peaceful relations.
I now turn to issues of international economic co-operation. The international community needs to examine closely the course of events in developing countries over the past few years. However one looks at the problems of the third world, the necessary requirements for their solution are clear. But there are no short-term panaceas. Developing countries require tine. We require resources, we need time to make and consolidate important structural changes, some brought on by the severe economic difficulties of the past few years, others by conscious policy action. we need resources to ease the difficulties associated with these changes and to put in place the productive inputs that the long-term development of our economies require.
I say that the international community needs to examine the course of events over the past few years for a good reason. The record shows that the developing countries have made considerable effort to deal with their problems. The fact that our economies are still in crisis is a measure of the intractability of the problems we face, not a reflection of the sacrifice and effort peoples and governments in the third world have made in the past few years.
These problems and the plight of our countries have been seriously exacerbated by the continuation of unfavorable international economic conditions. The economic recovery in the industrial countries, which is vital to the overall well-being of the world economy and, particularly, to export prospects of the developing countries, has been uneven, and now shows worrying signs of running out of steam. This is particularly disconcerting; for despite minor gains in output and more significant gains in trade in 1984, per capita product in the developing world remains below what it was at the beginning of the decade.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, which has been struggling to maintain levels of economic well-being achieved before the onset of the current turbulent decade, per capita product was almost 9 per cent lower in 1984 than in 1980 and similar to the level obtained by the region in 1977. There can be no argument with the view that the first half of the 1980s has been the most difficult period for the developing countries since the depression years of the 1930s.
We have seen in this period major adverse changes in the terms of trade for many primary commodities, the sharp rise in international interest rates, severe cutbacks in international lending, and all of this on the heels of the energy price increases at the end of the 1970s, to which so many developing countries were still adapting.
The result has been economic difficulties of unprecedented proportions in our countries. He should not forget that in an important sense it is not countries which feel pain, it is people. People living in the developing countries have seen their standards of living fall since 1980, they have seen social services curtailed as the international recession and other external shocks have led to internal economic imbalances and dislocations of growing magnitude of Jamaica does not make this point idly. One World Bank study which assesses the impact of external shocks on the balance-of-payments of selected developing countries has placed Jamaica at the top of the list in terms of the severity of the impact on our balance of payments in the period 1979-1982.
Yet in the face of all this we have seen, at all times, evidence of the resilience and the will of people in the third world to cope, adjust and press forward. For example, the share of manufacturing in the total exports of developing countries as a whole has grown from 15 to 50 per cent in the past two decades. Although this is still well short of the target of a 25 per cent share of world industrial production, it is indicative of the economic strategy that is being pursued. Even as they struggle to cope with external shocks a significant number of developing countries are trying to diversify their productive capacities and to make their economies more efficient. This is particularly reflected in the fact that the world Bank has already lent some $4.5 billion for structural adjustment programs.
At another level, evidence of the demonstrated will of developing countries to address the problems they face is found in the reduction of the cumulative current account deficit. Developing countries have reduced that deficit by almost two-thirds from a high of over $105 billion in 1981 to just $35 billion in 1984. Even this? bald statistic does not do justice to the firmness of fiscal and monetary policies that have had to be introduced. The maturity and stamina of Governments have been tested and the heroic fortitude of the peoples of the third world has been demonstrated. As one prominent public figure from an industrial country has said:
"The citizens of the developing world cannot be expected to tighten their belts indefinitely nor can debtor countries continue to be net exporters of capital '
We can clearly assert, therefore, that two key issues are protectionism and debt. The international community must ensure a trading environment which is free from tariff and non-tariff barriers against the products of developing countries.
The irony is that the more developing countries seek to broaden their economic base by moving into areas such as manufacturing and non-traditional products, the more intensive are the pressures for protectionism in the industrial countries. Fat for them the solution does not lie in protecting declining industries or sectors from more cost-effective producers in the third world. The interests of efficiency and equity are best served when costs and benefits associated with shifting comparative advantage are not nullified at the points of entry by tariff and non-tariff barriers which penalize emerging industries and sectors in the developing world.
This is not an abstract concern. The World Bank has estimated that an increase in protectionism large enough to produce a 10 per cent deterioration in the terms of trade of Latin America and the Caribbean exacts a cost from our region equivalent to the real interest cost of the region's entire debt. The situation, therefore, requires wise and firm leadership. Common sense tells us that if developing countries cannot export they will be able neither to pay their debts nor to continue to be a major market for the exports of the industrialized countries.
The shift from equity to debt financing that began in the 1970s now results in massive debt-service payments by developing countries. Last year those payments amounted to $100 billion. That outflow has contributed in significant measure to the overall net resource transfer that occurred from capital importing developing countries to developed countries in 1984. In Latin America and the Caribbean as a whole, 35 per cent of export earnings were needed to make interest payments on debt in 1984. In one country the figure was as high as 57 per cent. This cannot be sustained. The debt problem had its genesis in scarce resources: we borrow to supplement our resources and to achieve greater returns in the future. But the unprecedented economic events of the first half of the decade have created the need for a breathing space. In the immediate future difficult decisions must be made. Those decisions should be consistent with a tradition of fidelity to obligations as well as showing a full understanding of the difficult social and economic realities which now exist in many debtor countries. The debt issue urgently requires judicious and sympathetic handling within a framework which recognizes that it is not simply now a matter of meeting obligations, which Jamaica, for one, is pledged to do but has become part of the problem of development itself. Jamaica continues to support the proposal for an international conference on money and finance for development, where these and other related issues can receive the integrated treatment we believe is necessary.
It is precisely because of problems of these dimensions that there can be no shirking of the national responsibility to be resolute and creative in tackling the problems of development. Equally, and it is more important to say so in this forum, it is precisely because of the international nature of problems such as these that there can be no retreat from multilateral co-operation.
This year the activities of the United Nations have been marked by two important events: the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for women, held in Nairobi, Kenya, and the observance of International Youth Year.
Jamaica is pleased to have participated in the Conference, much of the success of which was due to the efforts of the Government of Kenya. The adoption of the Forward Looking Strategies was a notable achievement, and we place particular emphasis on the implementation of the programs to the year 2000 for advancing the status of women and for their full integration.
As part of the celebrations for International Youth Year, Jamaica played host to a Youth Festival and International Youth Conference which issued a significant
declaration.
In reflecting on the achievements of the United Nations over the past 40 years, one accomplishment which stands out, and one in which Jamaica takes special pride in being associated with, is the conclusion of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea signed at Monte go Bay on 10 December 1982. I am happy to report that, on the closing date for signature last December, the Convention had 159 signatories, a clear and unmistakable indication of the broad support it enjoys in the international community.
The Preparatory Commission, which has the responsibility for implementation of the Convention, held two meetings during the year, and we are satisfied that it is making progress in carrying out its mandate. But we must note with concern that, under national legislation, licenses are being issued which purport to grant exploitation rights to parts of the international sea-bed area. This amounts to a direct challenge to the mandate given to the Preparatory Commission and a defiance of the will of the international community and is totally unacceptable. At its Geneva meeting the Preparatory Commission adopted a declaration in which it reaffirmed that the only regime for the exploitation of the area and its resources is that established by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and rejected any claim, agreement or action incompatible with the Convention as a basis for creating legal rights to the international sea-bed area which is the common heritage of mankind. We once again urge Member States who have not yet done so to ratify the Convention as a tangible affirmation of their support for it.
For the United Nations, the future holds great challenges, and the price of inaction or failure is frighteningly high. In disarmament, in peace and security, in international economic co-operation, in the field of human rights, in the care of the environment, in all these areas and others, we have an uncompromising obligation to ourselves and to future inhabitants of this planet. Those who emphasize the shortcomings of the United Nations and who disregard its achievements should be made to recognize that there can be no turning back. The best hope for mankind is to persevere in the search for solutions through the institutions of multilateral co-operation, for the common bond of humanity transcends the divisions among States.


I wish first of all to extend to Ambassador de Pinies, on behalf of the Somali Democratic Republic and on my own behalf, our sincere congratulations on his election as President of the General Assembly at the fortieth session. It is certainly fitting that a diplomat with his great experience of united Nations affairs and one whose wisdom and learning are well known should guide the deliberations of this historic session.
I also take this opportunity to express our appreciation to his predecessor, Ambassador Lusaka, who discharged his responsibilities as President at the thirty-ninth session.
Before I go into the substance of my statement, permit me to express, on behalf of the people and Government of Somalia, our profound sympathy to the people and Government of Mexico on the tragic loss of life and destruction of property that has been suffered as a result of the earthquake.
I feel privileged to be taking part in this session of the General Assembly, at which we are observing the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. This occasion must be cause for celebration because the world body, despite its failures and shortcomings, has established itself as an indisputable element of our complex and interdependent world. Whether we wish it or not, we live in an age when the only hope for a sane and peaceful future lies in implementing those purposes and principles which were formulated with prophetic vision by the framers of the Charter. While it cannot be said that their vision has yet been translated into reality, it is certainly true that a firm foundation has been laid for international co-operation in every field of human endeavor.
In promoting the process of decolonization and the self-determination of peoples, the world Organization helped set in motion the creation of a community of sovereign States with universality as its goal. While this essential task is not fully completed, the far-reaching achievements of the United Nations in this area have strongly affirmed human dignity and the aspirations of millions of people throughout the world who have recovered their freedom and now enjoy the right to national identity and statehood.
It is also a towering accomplishment that the world Organization's global overview of political, economic, social, technological and scientific problems is being used each day in practical and effective ways for the benefit not only of small or underdeveloped States but of mankind as a whole. When we consider the wide range of United Nations concerns - a range which includes improving the status of women, halting refugee flows and establishing a law of the sea - it must be acknowledged that the existence and the work of our Organization represent a significant and historic development in human affairs.
If the United Nations often seems ineffective in resolving conflicts or bringing about just solutions to international problems, the fault lies in the failure of States to subordinate narrowly conceived national interests to the demands of world peace and security. The fault is not in the structure of the Organization. Regrettably, our celebration of the Organization's achievements must be accompanied by a realistic assessment of the world scene - a scene where the principle of collective security receives little attention; where colonial, imperialist and foreign domination are all too apparent; where the persistent denial of the right to self-determination ensures endemic tension and conflict; and where the violation of human rights takes a tragic toll in human misery. The world situation certainly holds out a challenge to all States to bring a renewed sense of responsibility to the discharge of their obligations as members of the world community of nations.
A particularly heavy responsibility for world peace and security lies with the nuclear Powers. The hopes and aspirations of all the people of our planet are
overshadowed by their dangerous global rivalry and by the steadily increasing capacity of their nuclear weapons for global disaster.
My Government joins in the universal call to the super-Powers to seize every opportunity to strengthen peaceful coexistence and to reach agreement on the mutual reduction of nuclear stockpiles and on ending the development, testing and deployment of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. The world community rightly calls for investment in the quantifiable benefits of development rather than in death-dealing weapons which cannot bring security to anyone.
A challenge of another order is presented to all Member States by the grave situation in South Africa. Over the years the United Nations has rightly kept before the conscience of the world the fact that apartheid is a crime against humanity. It has called on Member States to take action to end a system which is not only morally evil but also a serious threat to regional and international peace and security.
Today we are seeing the inevitable and dangerous confrontation between the black majority - whose frustration and just anger can no longer be contained - and the militarily powerful racist minority, desperate to preserve its unjust privileges.
The time has surely come for all States to respond to the voices of conscience that are being raised in every corner of the world and to co-operate in implementing the measures long promoted by the General Assembly for the establishment of a just society in South Africa. In the view of my Government, it is imperative, in this new and critical phase of the struggle inside and outside South Africa, that the cause of liberation be supported by intensified international pressure directed against the ruling white minority.
We know from experience the duplicity of the Pretoria regime and the emptiness of its promises of reform. The salient facts today are that black leaders such as Nelson Mandela remain imprisoned, children and adults alike are daily victims of the murderous suppression of legitimate protest, and the regime has clearly indicated that it will not negotiate with the leaders of all groups to ensure the dismantling of apartheid.
We believe that the only peaceful means of preventing the tragedy of a protracted and bloody racial conflict is the isolation of South Africa, particularly through the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions by the Security Council. We hope the Council will not shirk this grave responsibility, which involves regional and world peace and security.
The necessity for imposing economic sanctions on South Africa is heightened by its continued illegal occupation of Namibia in defiance of the resolutions of the Security Council. We welcome the Council's condemnation of the latest attempt to impose a puppet government on the people of Namibia and of the repeated acts of military aggression directed by South Africa against the people and sovereign territories of Angola and Botswana. However, South Africa's murderous terrorism and its gross violations of international law call for stronger action. Effective measures are needed to bring about for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which remains the only legal basis for Namibia's independence. We hope that the political will can be found to end a situation which seriously undermines the credibility of the United Nations.
The strong commitment of African countries to the struggle against apartheid and for Namibian independence demands that we give high priority also to measures to counteract South Africa's attempts to destabilize and undermine the economies of front-line and other African States. We call for the close co-operation of the international community in initiatives in this area.
Unfortunately, southern Africa is not the only part of the continent threatened by outdated colonial policies and policies of military aggression. My Govern went is obliged to call the attention of the international community to the continued threat to peace and deterioration in stability in the Horn of Africa as a result of the acts of Military aggression repeatedly launched by Ethiopia against the Somali Democratic Republic. These unprovoked attacks take the form of terrorist bombardments of villages and border settlements, large-scale incursions across our borders and military occupation of our territory.
The latest aggression of this kind took place only three weeks ago, when civilian centers in north-west and central Somalia were attacked by Ethiopian artillery and aircraft. This typically brutal and wanton assault caused numerous deaths and injuries and the destruction of the homes of innocent villagers.
My Government calls for the strongest condemnation from the international community of Ethiopia's persistent violations of international law.
Peace and stability in the Horn of Africa and in the strategically important Indian Ocean area are essential not only for the progress and welfare of the people of the region but also for world peace and security. However, as long as Ethiopia, the empire State of the region, continues to deny the right to self-determination to its colonized peoples in Western Somalia, Eritrea and Tigre, tension and conflict will remain endemic in the area. The presence in the Horn of Africa of a super-Power and its surrogate forces, which were called in to suppress legitimate liberation struggles, also raises the level of conflict and further destabilizes the region by drawing it into the arena of cold-war rivalry.
Unparalleled suffering has been visited on large sections of the population in the Horn of Africa, not only through drought and famine but also through the fear and terror generated by political repression carried out by Ethiopia through forced population transfers and the effects of the inevitable military confrontations between national aspirations and colonial domination.
These factors have all contributed to the massive and continuing flow of refugees into neighboring countries. In Somalia this flow has resulted in the largest political refugee population in Africa. For the past seven years the refugee presence has placed a crippling burden on my country's already fragile economy and constituted a heavy charge on the generosity of the international community, a permanent solution to the catastrophic refugee problem in the Horn of Africa depends to a large extent on the establishment of conditions which would encourage the refugees to return home without fear of political repression. Regrettably, a solution of this kind is still not in sight.
A just and lasting solution of this long-standing problem can be achieved only if it takes into account the legitimate aspirations and inalienable rights of the oppressed and colonized peoples of the Horn of Africa. Unfortunately, our efforts have not met with success. Somalia is prepared to respond to the challenge of peace. We hope that Ethiopia, too, can be persuaded to choose that path.
The Middle East question must still, unfortunately, be numbered among those which have remained unresolved in spite of 40 years of United Nations involvement and concern. Israel persists in its forceful occupation of Arab territory and its denial of the right of the Palestinian people to justice and self-determination, in total disregard of the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international law. An international consensus of long standing has established that the denial of Palestinian rights is at the heart of the Middle East conflict. The world community has witnessed with grave concern the escalation of violence in Lebanon, carried out with contempt for the accepted norms of international behavior and with savage ferocity, which has brought widespread death and destruction to Lebanese population centers. The recent attack by Israeli aircraft against civilian targets in Tunis and the headquarters of the Palestine Liberation Organization is again typical of the arrogance which characterizes Israeli policies, we wish to state in this forum that Somalia condemns such actions.
States which sow a harvest of injustice, aggression and contempt for the rights of others cannot expect to reap peace and tranquility. My Government is of the firm belief that there can be no peace in the Middle Bast without Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and without the fulfillment of the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people and the establishment of a State of their own. These realities of the Middle Bast situation must continue to be driven home in this Assembly and in the Security Council so that there may be a concerted international effort to bring about a just and comprehensive settlement of the conflict.
My Government shares the concern of many States that world tension and instability continue to be heightened by a number of political problems, which are becoming unwelcome fixtures on the agenda of the General Assembly.
In this context, my Government once again joins in the universal call for an end to the tragic conflict between Iraq and Iran, a conflict which serves no cause and can benefit neither country.
We also view with serious concern the continued foreign occupation of Afghanistan and the military operations directed with cruel force against the courageous Afghan people. We highly commend the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring about a political settlement, including the return home of the Afghan refugees in safety and with honor, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the country, and restoration of Afghanistan's independence and non-aligned status.
In the case of Kampuchea, where the long-suffering people have lost their freedom and have been denied the right to determine their own future, we hope that regional and international efforts will bring about conditions of liberty, justice and peace in Kampuchea and in the region of South-East Asia as a whole.
One of my Government's deepest concerns is of course the critical economic situation in Africa. This situation is certainly grave enough to give rise to the call for a special session of the General Assembly which would consider how the world community might best help the continent overcome its crippling economic, social and ecological problems. The lives of millions of African people and the hopes of millions of others for a tolerable existence in the future are clearly threatened by the combination of natural and man-made disasters which affect a great many African countries. In my own country, the problems of cyclical drought, desertification and a catastrophic refugee influx have been superimposed on the weak economy and fragile infrastructure of underdevelopment. Those problems would have been crippling enough without the additional constraints imposed by adverse terms of trade and intolerable debt burdens caused by high interest rates.
African States are fully committed to the Lagos Plan of Action, which calls on them to take primary responsibility for their development and to make the fullest use of regional co-operation in the solution of common problems. However, without a new and concerted resolve on the part of the international community to mobilize substantial medium-term and long-term, as well as emergency, assistance, our countries will continue to be like swimmers against the tide who cannot go forward in spite of exerting their strongest efforts.
My Government hopes that the necessary international assistance will be forthcoming and that it will be focused on the areas of high priority identified this year by the twenty-first session of the Assembly of Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Improving Africa's food situation, rehabilitating agricultural development across the continent and alleviating Africa's external debt burden are critical areas for immediate attention. It is also clear that support is needed at the same time for efforts to improve transport and communications.
We believe that particular note needs to be taken of the extent to which the African economic crisis is an offshoot of the wider problem of an unbalanced and inequitable world economic system. Unfortunately, the countries of the North have yet to show that they share the developing world's vision of a new and more just economic order to the mutual benefit of both developed and developing countries. We regret that the struggle being aged in international organizations for better terms of trade, effective commodity agreements, reduced protectionism, debt relief and increased development assistance has been for the most part unsuccessful. The trend away from multilateralism and international co-operation in both the economic and political spheres is a disappointing setback to hopes for a world order based on justice, progress and peace.
It can perhaps be hoped that the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations will encourage us to take a new and appreciative look at the experience of the past four decades and resolve to build with greater dedication and vigor on the foundations of international co-operation tLat have been so firmly laid.
In this connection, I wish to pay a tribute to the dedicated work and effective diplomacy of Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar in the search for solutions to the many complex problems of our times.
We must all pay the closest attention to the sober and constructive assessment of the world situation given in the Secretary-General's report to this Assembly. None of us can ignore the opening words of the report which point out that, while we face a world of almost infinite promise, it is also a world of potentially terminal danger. We need the opportunities provided by the United Nations to steer a course by which we can realize the hopes and aspirations enshrined in the Charter.