Mr. President, please accept our warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the fortieth anniversary session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and to wish you every success in this responsible work.
We wish also to pay due tribute to Ambassador Paul Lusaka for the skilful and qualified way in which he led the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR would like to express its deep condolences to the people and the Government of Mexico over the very heavy earthquakes that have caused much loss of life and much destruction in that country.
As we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, it is quite appropriate to look back at the path traversed by the Organization, to try to appraise its achievements and to consider what it has to do in the future and how its effectiveness can be enhanced.
Th<> United Nations was created during and immediately after the greatest battle of peoples to save civilization from Fascist barbarity. From the extremely trying times of the Second World War, in which the Ukrainian SSR alone suffered the loss of one-sixth of its population, emerged the idea of uniting peoples for peace. The States of the anti-Hitlerite coalition, which called themselves the United Nations, joined together in the pursuit of the most humane possible goal, namely, "to save a succeeding generations from the scourge of war". They have enshrined this goal in the Charter of their Organization.
We wish to pay tribute to the founders of the United Nations and its Charter, who devised the fundamental principles and mechanisms of international relations, which even today, after forty years, in this new nuclear and space age, have forfeited none of their importance. The United Nations Charter, which calls upon all countries "to live together in peace as good neighbors", reflects the concept of peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems. This document lays down the just and democratic principles of the non-use of force, sovereign equality, freedom and self-determination of peoples, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion. This is, in effect, a concise description of the better world which our Organization is striving to achieve.
We believe that mobilizing the efforts of all countries for the solution of the key problem of our time, that of preventing thermonuclear war and preserving life on Earth, would be a fitting tribute to the Organization's fortieth anniversary. The solution of all other urgent problems and the very survival of human civilization depend on whether the world can avoid a nuclear catastrophe.
The fortieth session of the General Assembly is taking place against the backdrop of a sharp deterioration in the international situation caused by the actions of imperialist forces. The United States, with the support of its closest North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies, is continuing to whip up the arms race, and is pursuing a course aimed at achieving military superiority and blatantly interfering in the internal affairs of sovereign States. The plans of the United States Administration and its military-industrial complex, designed to turn outer space into an arena of military rivalry, pose a special danger.
In the NATO camp, and above all in the Federal Republic of Germany, revanchist forces, trying to cast doubt on the results of the Second World War and the post-war structure, have become more active. They are openly and provocatively calling for a return to the frontiers of 1937 and for the creation of some kind of future Europe of the so-called "free peoples", in which there is to be no place left for the States of the socialist system. It is not difficult to see where this pernicious road is leading.
The key question today is how to halt the arms race, which has assumed global dimensions, how to prevent its spread into outer space and how to make a start on reducing the already existing means of mass annihilation of human beings. The Soviet Union has repeatedly emphasized that in reducing and limiting any type of arms it will go as far as its negotiating partners are prepared to go. The Soviet Union is ready for the most radical measures in order to prevent an arms race in outer space and to end it on Garth. Indeed, instead of inventing so-called "means of defending" oneself from nuclear warheads, would it not be better and safer to agree to reduce and then to eliminate altogether the very means of such attack?
The socialist countries want an end to be put to the arms race and are calling for a radical solution to the problem of nuclear weapons: their complete prohibition and elimination. I should like to emphasize that this is not a time-serving policy nor is it a propaganda ploy, of which some are often trying to accuse us, but the basic course pursued by the countries of the socialist community in their external policies. A very apt response to critics of this kind was given by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev, who said:
"We have ceased nuclear explosions. You Americans could take your revenge by doing likewise. You could deal us yet another propaganda blow, say, by suspending the development of one of your new strategic missiles. And we would respond with the same kind of 'propaganda*. And so on and so forth. Would anyone, I wonder, be harmed by competition in such 'propaganda'?"
It is by no means a propaganda effect that we, together with other peoples of the world, expect from the forthcoming meeting between the leaders of the Soviet Union and of the United States. The time has come to put Soviet-American relations on a normal track, because, after all, the destinies o£ the world and of world civilization depend on relations between these two countries. As has been demonstrated in the general debate at the current session of the General Assembly, all those who adopt an attitude of political realism are ready to contribute to the success of this meeting and are indeed pinning serious hopes on it.
In the present tense international situation the initiative of the Soviet Union, which led to the start of the Soviet-American negotiations on nuclear and space arms in Geneva, was, in our view, of particular importance.
The Soviet Union, in proposing a dialog to the United states, was guided by a deep sense of responsibility for the cause of world peace. Convincing proof of this is provided by its constructive proposals to declare a moratorium on the development, including research, testing and deployment, of space strike weapons * and a freeze on strategic nuclear weapons. To demonstrate its sincerity and good will the USSR has announced a unilateral cessation until next November of the further deployment of its medium-range weapons and suspension of other counter-measures in Europe. This constructive step has been commended by the world community.
If it sincerely wished to reach agreement, the other side would have surely made use of those proposals and actions; but all indications are that the United States does not want this. It is feverishly carrying out a gigantic program of accelerated development of further new types of weapons of mass destruction, it is proceeding with the deployment of first-strike nuclear missiles in Europe in the futile hope of achieving military superiority over the socialist countries and has already begun testing anti-satellite weapons.
Washington is, in fact, using the ongoing negotiations as a screen for its aggressive plans. How else can one explain that when the Geneva talks were already under way the United States took a decision to allocate $1.5 billion for the construction of 21 additional MX missiles which were blasphemously called the "peace-keeper"? It is difficult to trust the assurances given by the United States side that it intends to conduct the dialog in a constructive spirit, given its actions undermining the SALT II Treaty. Moreover, the United States Administration plans to amputate the fundamental provisions of the SALT II Treaty as soon as they become obstacles to its programs for the development and stockpiling of strategic weapons. It is the duty of the General Assembly to appraise such actions and resolutely speak out against any steps which would undermine the existing system of agreements in the field of arms limitation and disarmament.
The fact that the United States is seeking not the cessation of the nuclear-arms race but an arms build-up is clearly reflected in the approach of the United States Administration to the issue of the non-militarization of outer space. It is clear even to a layman that one cannot seriously expect progress in the field of nuclear disarmament if in parallel to that the "star wars" program is being implemented. Between 1983 and 1993 the United States is planning to spend $70 billion on preparations for "star wars". We are profoundly convinced that the realization of these sinister projects would sharply increase the danger of war and disrupt efforts to limit and reduce arms in all areas.
Just as the development of nuclear arms did not eliminate conventional weapons
but spurred on the race in both types of arms, the development of space weapons
will have the same effect: the arms race will further intensify, spread to new
fields and assume an uncontrolled and irreversible character. Talk about the
allegedly defensive nature of space strike weapons cannot and must not deceive
anyone. The truth is that the United States proposes, with the help of the
strategic defense initiative, to paralyze the Soviet Union's strategic weapons,
hoping in vain that it would acquire the possibility of making a first nuclear
strike while remaining immune to retaliation.
Those officials in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries who believe that Washington's military space plans are directed only against the Soviet Union and its friends and allies are deeply mistaken. Such a position is, to say the least, short-sighted. It ignores the fact that the extension of the arms race to  outer space creates a threat of a global nature, upsetting strategic stability in the world as a whole and affecting the vital interests of the peoples of all countries and continents.
A sensible alternative to that fatal course is the new Soviet proposal on international co-operation in the peaceful exploration of outer space in conditions of its non-militarization.
It should not be permitted that mankind, standing on the threshold of the space age, should be subjected to a mortal danger from outer space instead of making outer space serve peaceful and creative purposes and bring increasingly tangible benefits for the improvement of life of the inhabitants of that planet. I repeat that the only reasonable choice worthy of the space age can and must be made in favor of preventing the militarization of outer space and reserving it for peaceful activities.
The document entitled "Main Directions and Principles of International Co-operation in the Peaceful Exploration of Outer Space in Conditions of its Non-militarization", which has been submitted for consideration at this session, stresses that the militarization of outer space would create insurmountable barriers to the development of wide-ranging and equitable international co-operation in the peaceful exploration of outer space for the benefit of the economic and social progress of all peoples and permitting the solution of global problems facing mankind, including those of development, and the elimination of economic backwardness.
In order to set in motion the process of interaction among States in conditions of the non-militarization of outer space, it is being proposed that a world space organization should be established with the aim of harmonizing, co-ordinating and uniting the efforts of States in peaceful space activities,
including assistance in this field to the developing countries, as well as helping to verify compliance with the agreements which have already been concluded or which will be concluded with a view to preventing an arms race in space. After the necessary preparatory work, a representative international conference could be convened, by 1987 at the latest, to consider in its entirety the issue of international co-operation in the peaceful exploration of outer space in conditions of its non-militarization and to agree on the main directions and principles of such co-operation.
We also support the proposal of the Polish People's Republic on the desirability of preparing, under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General, a study of the harmful consequences of the militarization of outer space.
The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR also considers it necessary to address specifically the question of the cessation of all nuclear-weapon tests. The urgent need to solve this problem is evident. It is well known that tests serve to accelerate the nuclear-arms race, in the course of which new, increasingly dangerous kinds and types of weapons of mass destruction are developed and perfected. In 1982 a document was submitted for consideration at the United Nations General Assembly, entitled "Basic Provisions for a Treaty on the General and Complete Prohibition of Nuclear Weapon Tests". The overwhelming majority of States supported that proposal. The only dissenting voices were those of the United States and its closest allies - of those on whom its realization actually depends.
The United States Administration did not respond to the proposal for introducing, on a mutually agreed date, a moratorium on all nuclear explosions, saying that American nuclear tests would continue because they were necessary for the modernization of the existing nuclear weapons and the production of new ones.
In seeking to put an end to the dangerous competition in the build-up of nuclear arsenals, the Soviet Union decided unilaterally to cease all nuclear explosions as of 6 August of this year, the date which is known throughout the world as the day marking the tragedy of Hiroshima. There is no doubt that a mutual moratorium by' the USSR and the United States on all nuclear explosions would be a good example to all other States which possess nuclear weapons.
As you know, the Soviet moratorium is to be in effect until 1 January 1986, but it could continue even beyond that date if the United States refrained from setting off nuclear explosions.
In addition to other measures in the field of disarmament, it would be of major importance if all nuclear Powers followed the example of the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China and pledged not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. This step would amount to the elimination of the threat of nuclear war.
Following the tests of nuclear weapons and the test of the anti-satellite system ASAT, the United States is embarking on large-scale production of a qualitatively new kind of chemical weapon, the so-called binary weapon. The House-Senate Conference Committee of the united States Congress, under strong pressure from the Administration and the Pentagon, has recommended that $155 million should be earmarked for this purpose in 1936; overall $10 billion is to be spent on the program for producing binary chemical weapons. At Pine Bluff, Arkansas, the first factory, with a productive capacity of 70,000 units of binary munitions, consisting of artillery shells and air bombs, is now ready to go into operation, in accordance with the United States military strategy, binary chemical weapons are intended for offensive operations and are to be used in a first strike situation. Thus, these weapons take on a strategic significance. It is worthy of note that all this is happening while the Geneva Disarmament Conference is engaged in painstaking efforts to draft an international convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons. Here again, as in other areas of arms limitation, the practical steps taken by the United States Administration are very much at variance with its pronouncements.
The United States binary weapons program poses a major military danger, particularly to Europe, since binary weapons - and Washington does not conceal this fact - are to be deployed on the territories of West European countries - the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom and some others.
It is quite clear that, if those plans were to be implemented, Europe would be turned into a potential theater of chemical warfare in which, by the logic of things, the civilian population would become the main victim. Western experts estimate that, in chemical warfare, casualties among civilians are 20 to 30 times higher than military casualties. Western Europe would thus become the Pentagon's dual hostage for both nuclear and chemical warfare.
The socialist countries are strongly in favor of ridding Europe of chemical weapons. They put forward a proposal to this effect in 1983. The Ukrainian SSR supports the proposal of the Governments of the German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia, addressed to the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany, on establishing a chemical weapon-free-zone in Central Europe.
Implementing the socialist countries' proposals on the mutual freezing of military expenditures and their subsequent reduction, and on the mutual non-use of military force and the maintenance of peaceful relations between the countries parties to the Warsaw Treaty and the States members of NATO would be a substantial contribution to curbing the arms race and to achieving disarmaments
In this connection, we would like once again to emphasize most strongly that a world without wars and weapons, a world of good-neighborliness and co-operation, a world of friendship among nations is the ideal of socialism and the goal of our policy. Precisely for this reason the Ukrainian SSR is in favor of finding radical solutions to the key problems of our time on a fair and equitable basis and in a way which would help us all to move towards the cherished goal of completely eliminating the threat of nuclear war and consolidating the foundations of world peace. We want the forces and energies of people and the genius of mankind to be directed, not at developing new means of destruction, but at eliminating hunger, poverty and disease and at attaining the goals of peaceful development.
This year will mark the fifteenth anniversary of the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security. This date should be an occasion for joint efforts by Member States to find ways to implement the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and to adopt specific collective measures to eliminate conflicts and crisis situations, put an end to acts of aggression and eradicate the vestiges of colonialism. Unfortunately, there remain quite a few so-called hotbeds of tension on our planet.
A dangerous source of tension persists in the Middle East. Its causes are well known. It is the aggressive, expansionist policy of Israel. A few days ago Israel carried out yet another alarming act of aggression against Tunisia, grossly flouting all norms of international law. All this is being done with the aid, protection and connivance of the United States, whose aim is to place the Middle East region under its direct military and political control.
The interests of peace and international security urgently require that a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement in the Middle East be achieved without delay. Such a settlement can be achieved only through joint efforts with the participation of all the parties concerned. The harmful practice of separate partial deals infringing the legitimate rights of the Arabs, and of the Palestinians in particular, only tends to aggravate the situation in the region.
We believe that the best way of putting into effect the well-known principles of a Middle Cast settlement is to convene an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization.
As a result of Washington's aggressive policies the situation in Central America is becoming more and more grave. There is a growing threat of a direct armed intervention by the united States in Nicaragua, while military and other United States interference in the civil war in El Salvador is expanding and the threats and pressure against Cuba are continuing.
The policies of aggression and State-sponsored terrorism conducted by the United States against the countries and peoples of Central America, and in particular against sovereign Nicaragua, are in flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and of the elementary rule of relations among States.
The Ukrainian SSR stands solidly behind the just struggle of the Nicaraguan people in their defense of the independence of their country and the achievements of their revolution.
We are convinced that the existing problems must and can be settled through negotiations on a mutually acceptable basis, with due regard for the legitimate interests of all countries in the region and with full respect for their sovereignty. A real opportunity for this has been provided by the initiatives of the Government of Nicaragua and the negotiating mechanism for the settlement of the situation in Central America, that is, the Contadora group. Safeguarding the sovereign rights of Nicaragua is of fundamental importance for defending the freedom and independence of all small States.
The situation in southern Africa has become particularly grave. Relying on its alliance with the United States and enjoying the support of Israel and some other countries, the racist regime is stepping up its acts of aggression against neighboring African states, primarily against Angola, intensifying terror and repression against the civilian population and anti-apartheid fighters, and continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia, while blocking in every possible way a solution of the Namibian problem.
The Ukrainian SSR believes that a decision by the Security Council to impose comprehensive sanctions against South Africa in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter should be adopted forthwith. Only such a decisive step can compel the racists to stop their aggressive acts against Angola and other African States, comply with united Nations decisions on the granting of independence to Namibia, and put an end to the shameful system of apartheid.
The twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples this year should be marked by the adoption of effective measures aimed at the final eradication of the vestiges of colonialism and the elimination of racism and apartheid.
The unlawful actions of the United States with respect to Micronesia are clearly contrary to the goals of the Declaration on decolonization. The intention of the United States to legitimize the dismemberment and annexation of that
Territory and turn it into its strategic military and nuclear staging area poses a threat not only to the people of Micronesia but also to other countries of the region and runs counter to the desire of the States of the Pacific to establish a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific. The Ukrainian SSR believes that the United Nations should take all necessary steps in order to prevent the colonial subjugation of Micronesia by the United States of America.
As a result of the separatist actions carried out in part of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus that is under foreign military occupation, the threat to the existence of Cyprus as an independent States and to its territorial integrity has substantially increased. We favor the withdrawal of foreign troops and the removal of military bases from the island and a just settlement of the Cyprus problem on the basis of the relevant United Nations resolutions, without outside interference and with due regard for the legitimate interests of both communities. The mission of the Secretary-General, authorized by the Security Council quite recently, aimed at promoting a lasting and just settlement is of major importance in this context.
Creating a healthier environment on the Asian continent would be facilitated by the realization of the initiatives calling for an overall comprehensive approach to the problems of security in Asia and a possible concentration of efforts of the Asian States in this direction. Implementation of the proposal of the Mongolian People's Republic on concluding a convention on mutual non-aggression and the non-use of force in relations among the States of Asia and the Pacific and the conversion of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace would all contribute to a relaxation of tensions in the region.
The Ukrainian SSR expresses its solidarity with the struggle of the Korean People's Democratic Republic for the peaceful reunification of Korea, the withdrawal of United States troops from South Korea, and the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone on the Korean Peninsula.
The Ukrainian SSR supports the constructive proposals of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan paving the way to a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan. We also give our full support to the well-known initiatives of Viet Nam, Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea regarding the normalization of the situation in South-East Asia.
The founding States Members of the United Nations which signed its Charter 40 years ago regarded the promotion of economic and social advancement of all nations as one of the primary goals of the Organization. It is indisputable that the United Nations has contributed to resolving this problem. We need only recall that it was within the United Nations that many progressive principles and recommendations have been drawn up contributing to economic decolonization and greater sovereignty of the developing countries over their natural resources and facilitating wide-ranging international co-operation in the trade and economic areas. These principles are reflected in their most concentrated and complete form in such documents as the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States and the Declaration and Program Action of Action on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order, which are of key importance for normalizing international relations in this area.
The fact that it has still not proved possible to implement those documents is entirely the fault of the developed capitalist countries, which are trying to preserve their dominant position in the system of international economic relations and are not averse to using crude methods of power pressure such as diktat, sanctions and blackmail. They are resorting to unilateral, narrowly self-serving actions that disorganize the entire system of international economic relations and have a particularly harmful impact on the developing countries. The Ukrainian SSR strongly condemns such a course.
The program of action proposed by the socialist countries could, in our view, usefully serve the purpose of improving international economic relations,
ensuring economic security and building confidence in this most important area of relations among States. Enhancing the role of the United Nations and its agencies is one of the organic elements of this program adopted at the summit conference of the countries members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), held in June 1984. Our delegation will be guided by that approach in the consideration of a broad range of economic issues included in the agenda of the present session.
Economic and social progress is possible only if individual rights and freedoms are guaranteed. Achievements of the Ukrainian SSR serve as striking proof of that fact. Formerly a backward appendage of tsarist Russia where foreign capital was predominant and 80 per cent of the population was illiterate, our Republic has achieved in a short historical span of time impressive successes in all spheres of human activity.
A guaranteed right to work and to fair remuneration, the society's concern for the individual from birth to old age, flourishing national culture, respect for the dignity and the rights of the individual and active participation of workers in government are all enduring values and organic features of the socialist way of life.
The Twenty-Seventh Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the
Twenty-Seventh Congress of the Ukrainian Communist Party will be an important stage in accomplishing the grandiose tasks of our further development. To implement our plans we need durable peace. Vladimir Shcherbitsky, Member of the Politbureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and First Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party, has emphasized that "the preservation of peace and, above all, the prevention of nuclear war has become a task of genuinely paramount importance to all mankind".
The Ukrainian SSR intends to work actively with other States Members of the United Nations in order to ensure universal peace and security and develop wide-ranging, mutually beneficial and equitable international co-operation.


The Government and the people of Liberia extend profound sympathy to the Government and the people of Mexico on the devastating earthquake which caused the loss of thousands of lives and the destruction of property. We pray that God will strengthen and comfort the bereaved families, provide shelter and assistance to the homeless and heal the injured.
I bring warm greetings from the Head of State of Liberia, His Excellency Samuel Kanyon Doe, and from the Government and the people of Liberia.
It gives me great pleasure to extend to you, Sir, the sincere congratulations of the Liberian delegation on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fortieth session. Your unanimous election, at the time of the observance of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, is a well-deserved tribute to you as a statesman and as an eminent diplomat and scholar who has contributed enormously to a better understanding of the United Nations.
It is an equal privilege for me to pay a tribute to your predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Paul J.F. Lusaka of Zambia, whose election as President of the Assembly at its thirty-ninth session was a credit to our Organization and an honor to the entire African continent. The success which attended our last session was attributable in no small measure to his able and astute leadership.
The energy of the Secretary-General in the service of the united Nations, as well as his constant dedication to the cause of international peace and co-operation, continue to command and merit our respect and admiration. He have listened to his views, comments and suggestions over the past months. We compliment him for his mature and balanced utterances and urge him to continue to discharge his duties with the courage and the conviction of his conscience.
It was the assignment of my Minister of Foreign Affairs to up-date at our thirty-ninth session the progress which had been made by my Government in its process of returning our country to civilian rule. Within the next week, Liberians will go to the polls in fulfillment of the solemn promise which the Head of State made to the Liberian people - a premise induced by no external influence - to return the country to civilian democratic rule. That transition is nearing completion with four political parties currently campaigning for the elections which will be held on 15 October 1985.
The Liberian people are excited by the prospect of participating in a free election for the first time in almost 100 years, and look forward to the institution of a civilian Government based on the principles of democracy and equal participation of all the Liberian people in peace, unity and progress.
Forty years have elapsed since the birth of our United Nations and throughout those years, it has gone through bitter trials and tribulations. This fortieth anniversary" is therefore a milestone which merits special recognition. That the Organization has come this far is a tribute to the vision of those who drew the founding plans, and a testimonial to the soundness of the guiding principles upon which it was built.
Equally important over the past four decades is the realization and recognition by all nations that, although our Organization has not lived up to our expectation, yet it represents the best hope for the survival of our world community.
The United Nations has proved to be an incomparable force and an indispensable factor in international relations over the past 40 years. The principles it embodies, the forum it provides for the expression and harmonization of conflicting views and the multiple services it renders humanity testify to its competence and the useful role it plays as a human and political Organization.
The United Nations is the ideal Organization to cope with the type of problems that face humanity. Its uniqueness lies in its special role in enabling us to obtain a defined image of the world, its resources and needs, its attitudes and problems, its opportunities and challenges and, at the same time, in helping us to develop new patterns of action while there is still time to do so. Whatever it may be - the atmosphere, or the sea, over-population or food shortages, the united Nations will bring to us a recognition of the problems and an awareness of what needs to be done.
In spite of the fact that the United Nations has become a permanent factor in international life, it has its troubles. From its very existence, it has been encumbered by great-Power rivalry and conflicts. Its efforts to promote social progress have often been hampered by discord and strife. It has been called upon to keep the peace where there was no peace in the hearts of men. It has been buffeted by nationalism as the new nations of former colonial Powers have moved to rule themselves in freedom and to assert their rights to speak and act as equals in the forums of nations. It has been confronted with the problems of racism, apartheid and other forms of degradation and suppression which are yet unresolved. It has been beset by financial and constitutional crises threatening to bring its operations to a standstill and ultimately to tear it apart.
Thus, the Organization is powerless even when its basic principles are violated, its authority challenged and its very survival threatened. The mounting agenda of unresolved issues is a clear reflection of this impotence.
Apartheid has been, and continues to be, a perennial item on the agenda of the Assembly. In the early 1960s following the setting up of the Organization of African unity (QAU), passive national organizations emerged in South Africa. The peaceful Sharpeville protest, members may recall, was met by military police repression, violence and terror and the intensification of social oppression.
The OAU forced the question of apartheid upon the agenda of the international community. What was the response from South Africa? More repression, more violence, more terror. And today, we listen to Mr. Botha's pronouncement that there can be no official change in South Africa until those who over the years have sought violent change, give up violence. Who has been violent?
The insincerity of the regime is clear. The demonstration of anger is the outpouring of a people whose patience has reached the limits of its endurance.
Is South Africa interested in peace and freedom? No; its interest is solely in the perpetration of apartheid - and to do so it kills indiscriminately, it arrests almost everyone. It invades the territory of adjacent States and constantly proclaims its intention to repeat acts of aggression in utter contempt of the international community.
We strongly believe that the United Nations will understand Africa when it says that the struggle against apartheid is an African struggle and not just for the indigenous people of South Africa. It is a struggle for the dignity of the people of Africa, and the freedom of African States to which we committed ourselves when the OAU was created.
The foreign policy which certain nations friendly to the Verwoerd, Vorster and Botha regimes have evolved over the past three decades have seemingly been centered on the narrow national interests of those States. How any country could have fashioned a network of co-operation with a Government whose economic, cultural, political and social system is based on man's unkindness and cruelty to man, without a modicum of consideration of morality or ethics, baffles the imagination, and this is an international political affront. In the system of apartheid there has never been any attempt to hide its method of operation, camouflage its designs or blur its wickedness.
It is pathetic that a system that sets apart the races of mankind which constitute the family of man, totally ignoring humanity, love, justice, fairness and mercy, should still find acceptance by some States, as it has over the last decades. This is why Africans have always questioned, and will continue to question, the motives and true interest of those countries which give comfort to South Africa. On the one hand they pontificate about human rights and on the other they indulge South Africa in its crimes against the rights of the majority.
My Government believes that the world community is not easily taken in by this rush of activities. We will not confuse activity with action. The latest events in South Africa that we now behold, including Mr. Botha's proposed cosmetic changes, are not occurring purely because of recent international developments or international pronouncements.
We believe that the forces inducing those changes had their origin more than three decades ago. Today's reality goes back, far back, to the birth of the Organization of African Unity, on 25 May 1963. On that historic day, the last resolution that the Assembly of Heads of State or Government adopted empowered the Foreign Ministers of Liberia, Madagascar, Sierra Leone, and Tunisia to make
representation to the Security Council about the foul actions of the South African regime, led by Vorster, against the authentic African inhabitants of the country, as well as the status of Namibia, the Trust Territory of the League of Nations, which had been transferred to the United Nations. During that Security Council debate, we heard, as we should hear so often later, pious utterances about the repugnance of apartheid. When the Council proceeded to vote. South Africa escaped indictment because of the use of the veto by those whose policy today remain virtually unchanged.
Following that historic session, Liberia and Ethiopia brought contentious proceedings before the International Court of Justice against South Africa as regards its continued illegal occupation of Namibia. All but one of the Judges of the Court who supported South Africa in its illegal occupation were from the same States as continue to drag their feet 24 years later cm the South African policy of apartheid and the independence of Namibia.
Let me solemnly declare from this rostrum that the progress made over the past three decades on the matter of South Africa, apartheid and the independence of Namibia has been the result, on the one hand, of sustained and determined efforts by the OAU, the non-aligned States and a few other friendly Governments and, on the other, of the determined resolve of the leaders of the legitimate indigenous people of those two countries who, by the sacrifice of their lives, ensured that they would not cease their effort or abandon their resolve until they achieved freedom and independence.
The question of Namibia has been before this Assembly in one form or another for many years. Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which was unanimously adopted in 1978, set out the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia.
That document also identified all those involved in that process! the Government of South Africa, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the Western contact group and the front-line States. It is now seven years since the acceptance of that document, but Namibia continues to be subjugated instead of independent, and a bogus interim Government has been created possessing no international standing and commanding no internal support.
Except for a warning by the Security Council of future consideration of mandatory sanctions and a mild interest on the part of those countries which might be willing to impose limited unilateral sanctions- South Africa is permitted to remain confident in its defiance of international opinion on Namibian independence. Why must this be so?
The linkage between the independence of Namibia in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the withdrawal of troops from Angola, we should remember, was not put forward by South Africa until 1981, at a time, we should also remember, when all obstacles to implementing resolution 435 (1978) had been overcome by all participants, including South Africa. Why then this linkage? All that the United Nations has sought by its resolution 435 (1978) is the peaceful transfer of power to the indigenous Namibian people. Is this not one of the solemn purposes of the United Nations? How long can we, as members of this international community permit this obstruction?
We must remember also that the people of Namibia resorted to armed struggle many years ago only because there was no peaceful alternative. Are we to remain passive and thus force the implementation of that resolution by SWAPO's intensifying its armed struggle?
The Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East and its key issue, the Palestinian problem, have remained unresolved despite intensive efforts undertaken by the United Nations during the past 38 years. Each war fought in the region
has become more destructive because of the employment of new and more sophisticated weapons. The destruction of life and property has not resolved old issues but created new ones and widened the scope of resentment and mistrust among opposing parties.
The Government of Liberia believes that a comprehensive settlement in the Middle East will have to meet the following conditions: the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all occupied Arab territories; respect for and acknowledgment of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, free from threats or acts of force; and a just settlement of the Palestinian problem based on recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of self-determination.
The support of the major Powers, especially the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America, is essential for achieving any settlement in the Middle East under some form of United Nations auspices. In this connection, Liberia will continue to support the efforts of the Secretary-General to find the means by which we can move forward to a negotiated peace in the Middle East.
The preservation of Afghanistan's sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and non-aligned character is essential to a peaceful solution of the Afghanistan problem. Foreign troops should be withdrawn from the Territory and all the parties concerned should work together for the urgent achievement of a political solution and the creation of conditions to enable the Afghan refugees to return to their homes in safety and honor.
The Kampuchean situation has created a climate of instability and insecurity in South-East Asia. The withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea and non-interference in the internal affairs of the Kampuchean people constitute an indispensable starting point for peace, stability and co-operation among South-East Asian countries on the basis of Mutual trust, confidence and goodwill.
The question of Korea remains a dangerous threat to international peace and security. The unity of the two Koreas must be restored through dialog and negotiations between the two countries without outside interference. The good offices of the Secretary-General should be encouraged to help facilitate the settlement of the Korean question, especially in easing the sufferings of millions of separated families.
Admission of the two Koreas to membership of the United Nations could contribute greatly to the reduction of tension on the Korean peninsula and thus the promotion of international peace and security. Both Koreas are members of a number of specialized agencies and should be allowed to share in United Nations responsibilities and obligations through their membership.
The Falkland Islands (Malvinas) conflict between the United Kingdom and Argentina has not been resolved in spite of the commitment of both sides to peace and a negotiated settlement. We call on the United Kingdom and Argentina to resume negotiations in order to find a peaceful solution to the sovereignty dispute and their remaining differences relating to the question.
The Contadora process in Central America seeks to restore peace in the region through commitment to the suspension of the arms race and to the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. The Contadora initiative deserves support from the international community as it demonstrates the Latin American will to find solutions to the regional problems.
The cessation of the nuclear arras race is now imperative. It should not only be an end in itself but should be followed immediately by a substantial reduction in nuclear forces, leading to the complete elimination of nuclear weapons and the final goal of general and complete disarmament. In parallel with this process, it is urgently necessary to transfer the precious resources currently wasted on military expenditure to social and economic development.
The nuclear-weapon States have particular responsibility for the dangerous state of the arms race. We urge them to join in the search for a nest direction, and welcome the Geneva agreement reached earlier this year between the Soviet Union and the United States that led to the current negotiations dealing with complex questions concerning space and nuclear arms, both strategic and intermediate range. Liberia attaches great importance to the proclaimed objective of these negotiations, namely, to prevent an arms race in space and to terminate the arms race on earth. We expect the two major nuclear-weapon Powers to implement in good faith their undertaking to produce, at an early date, significant results from their negotiations.
My Government reaffirms its belief in the commitment to multilateral economic co-operation, as well as its recognition of the important role that the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and other United Nations agencies play in this meaningful process. We appeal to the donor countries to increase substantially their contributions to UNDP above and beyond the agreed 8 per cent of gross national product so that UNDP may continue its development projects.
The economic situation in the African region continues to be dismal, owing to drought, desertification, famine and the heavy debt burden. We express profound appreciation to the Secretary-General for sensitizing the international community
to the plight of the affected countries and mobilizing international assistance to complement the national efforts of African Governments.
He welcome the recent United States proposal for a joint facility of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to ease the debt crisis and improve the economic performance of poor African and other developing countries. The proposal is timely and we trust that practical and positive steps will be taken on the third-world countries debt crisis and the economic recovery of our respective regions.
We believe that the convening in early 1986 of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to the critical economic situation in Africa, as proposed by the 21st Summit of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), is appropriate, important and necessary to address the critical economic situation of the region.
The United Nations remains the only global instrument for establishing international order and maintaining peace and security. It has saved us over the past decade from the "scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind". It has succeeded in many parts of the globe in obtaining equal rights for men and women of nations large and small. It has made significant headway in establishing conditions in which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be ensured and maintained. It has promoted social progress and a better standard of life in larger freedom.
None the less, there is need for a new concept of allegiance to the United Nations as the principal authority of the world community. That concept should begin with the application of the Charter principles as an irreplaceable instrument in the struggle for the independence and equality of States and peoples; for the realization of human rights and man's freedom; to rid the world of war, aggression and every form of oppression; to eradicate economic and social backwardness and to liquidate colonialism, racism, apartheid, and other forms of human servitude.
There is a basic need to preserve the Organization and turn it into an effective instrument for freedom, £>ace and justice, which can be realized only if its Members are prepared to rededicate themselves to implementing its decisions.
We should not forget that we have much in common, a great sharing of interests and much that we can- lose together, for ourselves and for succeeding generations. Let us therefore redouble our efforts to retain the simple human values which are our common heritage and build a firm foundation on which we can unite our strengths and live together in peace and with faith in the United Nations.


I have the honor to convey to you. Sir, and to the representatives present here the greetings of my Sovereign, His Majesty Ring BireneiEa Bir Bikram Shah Dev, and also his best wishes for the success of the current session of the General Assembly.
I wish to extend to you, Sir, the warm and sincere felicitations of my delegation on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. We are very happy to see a man of your eminence and skill guiding the work of this important session. My delegation feels confident that under your wise leadership the deliberations of this session, which coincides with the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, will be memorable.
My delegation also wishes to place on record its deep appreciation to Mr. Paul Lusaka, who guided the previous session of the General Assembly with great dedication and distinction.
It is with great pleasure that I pay a warm tribute to the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his efforts and objectivity in promoting the cause of peace, concord and co-operation in these challenging and fast-changing times.
May I also take this opportunity to express the profound sympathy and sincere condolences of His Majesty's Government and the people of Nepal to the friendly Government and people of Mexico over the heavy losses caused by the recent earthquakes.
As 1985 marks the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, this session offers us a timely opportunity to take stock of the United Nations achievements and also to reflect over its less than satisfactory record in a number of vital areas of international relations.
With its near universality of membership, the United Nations General Assembly has become the parliament of nations where the full and rich social, cultural and political panoply of the world is reflected. In this imperfect world where justice is often frustrated, a just cause can always find a voice in the United Nations, as is effectively underlined in the joyous celebration this year of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
It has been estimated that since the birth of the United Nations in 1945, there have been over 150 local and regional conflicts. Such conflicts have wrought consequences of truly tragic proportions, in terms both of loss of human life and material damage. In the same time-span, however, mediation efforts and peacekeeping operations initiated by the United Nations have been instrumental in resolving, or containing, many international disputes in a number of sensitive areas of the world. A study done a few years ago in fact listed more than 100 instances where the world body was successful in preventing a war or halting a potential conflict. While the United Nations thus has every reason to be proud of its record of peacekeeping operations, its main strength, as the Secretary-General has so rightly pointed out, lies in the will of the international community which it symbolizes. Clearly, without the co-operation of the parties concerned and the necessary political will of the entire membership, peacekeeping operations cannot really get off the ground.
The United Nations and its family of specialized agencies and affiliated bodies have achieved considerable success in a number of sectors, in particular those in the socio-economic and decolonization realms. Indeed, in the economic, social and humanitarian fields the achievements of the operational agencies of the United Nations have been particularly impressive. They have made valuable contributions towards the economic and social development of developing countries.
International conferences, programs and declarations on basic issues, such as new and renewable sources of energy, science and technology, population, environment and the role of women in peace and development, have awakened global consciousness on those key issues. These quiet achievements of the United Nations, which are but rarely highlighted, have indeed greatly contributed to the fulfillment of the purposes of the Charter at the basic level of human endeavor. Its achievements in encouraging the progressive development of international law and its codification have been substantial, and include authoritative definitions of fundamental human rights and freedom.
These are just a few of the important achievements of the United Nations in the last 40 years. Unfortunately these successes have been overshadowed by the lack of progress in three fundamental issues of our times. I refer, first/ to the inability to evolve an effective system for the maintenance of international peace and security; secondly, to the failure to curb the escalating arms race; and thirdly, to the continued deadlock in the efforts to establish a just international economic order.
The United Nations was established to save mankind from the scourge of war. The Organization arose out of the catastrophic destruction and upheaval of the Second World War. The traumas of war instilled an over-confidence in the capacity of the Organization to build a safe and durable world order. The vision then was to evolve a system for the maintenance of international peace and security based largely on an institution guaranteeing the peaceful settlement of disputes, the main source of insecurity among nations. Such a model regime of international law would institutionalize faith in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person, thereby promoting social progress and better standards of life for all in larger freedom.
The United Nations is an association of States which have decided, in free
exercise of their sovereign will, to abide by and uphold the principles and purposes incorporated in the Charter. Co-operation between Member States, and especially between the permanent members of the Security Council who have been assigned special responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, is the sine qua non for the success of the Organization. There are therefore obvious reasons why the development of a truly effective international order has been extremely difficult and so painfully slow to attain. At one end of the scale we have the great Powers, with their intricate and complex relationship, which are to a large extent prisoners of their mutual fears and suspicions. At the other, we have the majority of nations and peoples, afflicted by varying degrees of instability, economic weaknesses and social backwardness. While the dynamics of time has generated in these peoples aspirations for a better life, economic constraints, the inequities of the international economic order or their own infrastructural problems bind them to an economic system that is not conducive to the attainment of their aroused aspirations.*
The Charter has assigned primary responsibility to the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security. Article 99 of the Charter has entrusted to the Secretary-General the responsibility of bringing to the attention of the Security Council any matter which in his opinion may threaten international peace and security. It is a tribute to the statesmanlike qualities of the Secretaries-General of the United Nations that they have on a number of occasions invoked Article 99 in carrying out their heavy responsibilities. Unfortunately, however, in practice the Council swings into action only when the crisis is imminent or has already occurred. In the last 40 years, the actions of the Council have largely been in the nature of reaction rather than prevention. Very often the permanent members of the Council differ in their perception of threats. Even when there is an apparent consensus on the issue before it, extraneous matters all too often block consensus. Resolutions of the Council are side-stepped with impunity and often debates concentrate on the mechanical trading of accusations and counter-accusations. An enduring commitment to the Charter provision that a threat to international peace and security from whatever source and in whatever region must override ideological or other considerations is necessary if the Council is to function in the manner envisaged by the United Nations founding fathers. In other words, the efforts of the united Nations are likely to prove abortive unless Member States themselves evolve working elements of a global civilization and order. This will, of course, require a corresponding growth in mutual trust and respect among nations.
No visible progress was made during the past year in resolving some of the major issues that threaten the fragile structure of international peace and security. A "no war, no peace" situation continues to plague the Middle East. Nepal remains convinced that a just and lasting solution of the problem cannot be achieved unless the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination is recognized in conjunction with the rights of all States in the region, including Israel's, to live in peace within secure and defined boundaries, free from threats or acts of force. Such a reciprocal step would presuppose withdrawal of Israel from territories occupied since 1967. Nepal stands ready to extend its support to any measure designed to lessen tension in the region and to facilitate a just and comprehensive solution to the festering problem of the Middle East.
The tragic events in Lebanon are another source of serious concern. Nepal has been participating in the United Nations Intern Force in Lebanon (UN IF XL) and pledges its support to any move to restore legitimate Lebanese sovereignty over the whole of Lebanon and to honor its territorial integrity. However, unfortunate incidents involving UNIFIL personnel are jeopardizing the very concept and success of the United Nations peace-keeping operations there. Nepal appeals to all parties concerned to co-operate with UNIFIL in carrying out the mandate entrusted to it by the Security Council.
The situation in Afghanistan is still at a stand-still in spite of the repeated demand of the overwhelming majority of Member States for a withdrawal of foreign force^ and their appeal to respect the right of the Afghan people to self-determination. In this context, my delegation wishes to reiterate its full support for the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, to find a political settlement of the Afghan problem.
There has been no progress either in securing withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea, a condition which must be fulfilled to enable the Kampuchean people to decide their own destiny. Nepal supports the recent initiatives of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to find a peaceful and comprehensive solution to the Kampuchean question.
The tragic war between Iran and Iraq has caused massive casualties in human lives and enormous material damage. He reiterate our appeal to -both Iran and Iraq to cease hostilities and to seek a negotiated settlement of their dispute.
The policy of apartheid of the minority racist regime of South Africa constitutes a negation of all norms of human decency as evidenced in Pretoria's latest orgy of violence and repression against black South Africans including women and children. Its blatant aggression against and attempts at destabilizing
neighboring African countries deserve the strongest international censure. South Africa has persisted with the occupation of Namibia in total stubborn defiance of international public opinion and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. Recent South African maneuvers, including those aimed at perpetuating its illegal presence in Namibia, have made it amply clear that only effective steps under Chapter VII of the Charter can force the racist regime to comply with the will of the international community.
My delegation reiterates its strong support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned character of Cyprus. We also support the efforts being exerted by the Secretary-General to find a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem.
The situation in Central America continues to be tense, with the already heated atmosphere charged with violence, fear or threat of destabilization by outside forces. Nepal reiterates its support for Security Council resolution 530 (1983) and endorses the efforts of the Contadora Group to find a peaceful settlement of the problem of safeguarding the sovereignty, independence and dignity of all nations in that region.
We reiterate our conviction that the aspiration of the Korean people for national reunification must be fulfilled peacefully without outside interference.
The item on measures to prevent terrorism was inscribed on the agenda of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly on the initiative of the then Secretary-General. The Assembly set up an Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism and the subject was discussed at subsequent sessions of the General Assembly. Terrorism has of late taken a particularly vicious form. It destroys innocent lives, causes great damage and traumas, leaves scars of deep distrust and uncertainty creating an atmosphere of suspicion and fear. This has inexorably led to a sequence of events culminating in great human tragedies. As this scourge of contemporary life contemptuously tramples underfoot fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person, my delegation urges the Assembly to take urgent measures to mobilize international co-operation effectively to prevent and combat terrorism.
The Charter of the United Nations has set out the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples as one of its fundamental objectives. However, far from making any progress towards that lofty goal, it is presently faced with the challenge of a critical economic situation. The prolonged economic difficulties facing developing countries have seriously jeopardized the pace of their development for years to come. The sombre economic situation in Africa will be merely a symptom of the impending global catastrophe if present trends are allowed to continue unchecked. The adverse forces at work in the world economy call for strong, sustained and co-ordinated action by the international community to overcome the structural causes of the present difficulties. The continued deadlock in the North-South dialog has reinforced the imperative need for the political will to accept the full implications of the growing interdependence in the world economy and to take bold and imaginative steps to reverse the present trend. It is a matter of high urgency, because widespread poverty and restitution contain the seeds of a threat to international peace and security.
The United Nations has played a crucial role in the evolution of the concept of international co-operation for development and in the development of multilateral co-operation. The operational activities of the United Nations system have made valuable contributions towards the socio-economic development of developing countries. In recent years, unfortunately, there has been a steady erosion in multilateralism. States have been unwilling to develop a global strategy to combat the effects of the present economic malaise. The United Nations has the capacity to support global intergovernmental consultations and negotiations and there is broad scope for further extending Its operational activities if Member States are prepared to use it with determination to find solutions to the problems in the international economic order.
The Substantial New Program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries represents a firm commitment of the international community to help the least developed countries develop their infrastructure and to launch development programs on a sustained basis. However, the international effort to implement the Program in the first half of the 1980s has been disappointing, to put it mildly. He once again appeal to the international community to live up to its pledge to fulfill the objectives set out in the Program. Moreover, as a country facing additional handicaps in our developmental efforts due to our landlocked character, we also appeal for effective implementation of the special measures adopted by the United Nations in favor of landlocked developing countries.
Nepal believes that increased co-operation among developing countries is an essential ingredient of international co-operation and development. The prolonged crisis in the international economic order has had a serious impact on the efforts of the countries of the South Asian Region to accelerate the pace of their development. The present trend threatens us with the prospect of a rapid increase in the number of people living in absolute poverty. The complexity and scope of the problems facing South Asia have led us to envisage and gradually implement a program of South Asian regional co-operation. The progress achieved thus far has made us optimistic about the viability of regional co-operation not only as an exercise in the direction of collective self-reliance but also as a means of meaningfully promoting mutual understanding, friendship and goodwill among the seven participating countries of South Asia.
The ever-escalating arras race, especially the competition in nuclear weapons, has become one of the most disquieting challenges to the human race today. The resources consumed by the competition in accumulating weapons of destruction, whose potential for death and destruction is virtually limitless, stand out in stark contrast to the pressing socio-economic problems facing the nations of the world. Nepal welcomed the resumption earlier this year of negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America on nuclear arms control. Like other Members of this Organization, we look forward to an early and meaningful breakthrough in those negotiations.
The past few years have been particularly frustrating for disarmament efforts. Contrary to early expectations, a comprehensive nuclear test ban has yet to become a reality. In fact, the failure of the nuclear-weapon states to provide any concrete example of a serious effort to ease the nuclear arms race is gradually eroding the efficacy of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. There does not seem to be much hope for an early and concrete outcome of the negotiations on prohibiting chemical weapons. Contrary to all efforts, disarmament in conventional forces and weapons is a distant objective. On top of all these, we are now confronted with the threat of the arms race spreading into outer space.
There are issues which transcend narrow national interests for they are tied to the question of the very survival of the human race. While we welcome the United States-Soviet negotiations, we feel that it is imperative to utilize the maximum potential of both bilateral and multilateral negotiations in the context of arms control and disarmament. The Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament offers a multilateral forum for serious dialog and negotiations. It will indeed be unfortunate if this United Nations forum is not utilized except for public presentation of rigid positions and vocalization of tired rhetoric.
Nepal shares the fervent hope that the year 1985 - the year of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations - will mark an era where goodwill replaces antagonism and distrust in international relations. In that hope, we welcome the proposed summit meeting between the United States and the Soviet Union in November this year. Such meetings are of fundamental importance and are beneficial to the cause of peace, in view of the great responsibility these countries bear for the maintenance of international peace and security. When relations between these Powers develop on the basis of mutual accommodation and co-operation, they exert a favorable influence on the overall international situation.
I have outlined some of the preoccupations and perceptions of Nepal on issues facing the international community today. Our commitment to the principles of non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States and our high regard for international justice and human values have led us to base our policy of non-alignment on the purposes of the United Nations. He look upon the United Nations as the guardian of the freedom, integrity and sovereignty of small nations. It is the only universal organization committed to the maintenance of international peace and promotion of international co-operation for the betterment of the entire human race. The harmony between our national policy, perception and vision and the values upheld by this Organization have led us to incorporate the principles underlying the Charter in our Constitution as guiding beacons of our state policy.
Our faith in the United Nations and everything that it stands for flows from our national perception of the indivisibility of peace and development. As a least developed country, socio-economic development is naturally our highest priority. He are however fully aware that we can concentrate on tackling the developmental
challenges facing us only in an atmosphere of undisturbed peace. Our preoccupation with peace also reflects our earnest desire and continuous efforts to maintain the best relations with all countries of the world. While working for the progress and prosperity of our country, we wish for the stability, progress and prosperity of all friendly countries. Our national values, tradition and perception of international events have led His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev to propose that Nepal be declared a zone of peace. Z take this opportunity to express our appreciation to all friendly countries that have so far extended support to our proposal.
I warmly welcome the decision of thirteen South Pacific nations to declare the South Pacific as a nuclear-weapon-free zone.
To conclude, Nepal will continue to support unreservedly the efforts to strengthen the United Nations and work together with all peace-loving nations to enhance the sphere of its activities and the degree of its effectiveness. A stronger organization does not justify apprehensions in any quarter, for it is through this world body today that small States can ensure their security and respect for their independence and territorial integrity, as well as promote their economic and social progress. It is also in this Organization that the true and long term interests of the great Powers lie. Such a commitment alone will make the United Nations what mankind intended it to be: an effective instrument for securing peace and progress, and not merely a spectator of hopeful signs of easing of tensions, brought about by bilateral initiatives and agreements. Nepal hopes that this fortieth session of the Assembly will be the session of transition from antagonism to world co-operation and will herald the dawn of a new era of positive human endeavor.


I should like first of all to express on behalf of the Government of the Republic of Paraguay our most cordial best wishes to Ambassador Jaime de Pinies, representative of our motherland Spain, who is presiding over the fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly, we are confident that under his leadership, the General Assembly will have positive results at this fortieth anniversary of the founding of the most universal forum in the world.
We also wish to convey our greetings to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, whose fruitful work enjoys my country's complete support because of his dedication and fairness in dealing with delicate issues involving world peace and the future of mankind.
The adversity that has afflicted Mexico has aroused our complete sympathy and solidarity. In this difficult time, we are convinced that Mexico's traditional strength will prevail and enable it to erase the traces of this misfortune. As a member of the Latin American community, we offer our help, considering it to be a freely assumed obligation to stand by the side of our brother country, Mexico, in its time of distress.
Paraguay is attending this gathering of nations in the same spirit as ever. We hope that our Organization will grow in moral authority, that it will be able to play an effective role in the maintenance of international peace and security and that Governments will entrust the world's future to negotiation and dialog, eliminating for ever military conflicts, which constitute a blot on mankind.
We reaffirm our conviction that the negotiating power of the United Nations should be strengthened, because Paraguay hopes that the Organization will be the mandatory channel for settling the disputes within its jurisdiction. So far conflicts have threatened and erupted, and all the negotiations concerning them have taken place outside the framework of the United Nations, without regard for the Charter and the promises made here by Governments when they became Members of the United Nations.
This year we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Emerging as it did after the profound anguish of the Second world War, our Organization has played a guiding role in the international sphere.
Although there is need for improvement in its day-to-day work, a good opportunity is provided by this anniversary to point out the many achievements of the United Nations on the difficult path to peace and security.
Paraguay has always respected completely the individuality and independence of all States. On the basis of strict reciprocity in that steadfast course of conduct it has demanded of others the faithful observance of the same principles. For that reason, in no circumstances can it ever accept interference by other States in affairs that are exclusively the concern of Paraguay and that should be resolved by Paraguayans alone.
Paraguay maintains its constant position of principle. My country is a true democracy, based on a democratic multi-party and participative system with full enjoyment of civil liberties. Its Government has as its constant objective the development and progress of the country and the continuous improvement of the standard of living of its people. Whilst Paraguay experienced the pain and anguish of anarchy and of coups d'etat for decades, today it looks to the future with faith, because its Government's work is based on the peace of the nation and the stability of its institutions. The functioning and independence of the three state powers are a reality, and the work of progress of development carried out by the Government has been uninterrupted, nor does it have insoluble problems that could delay the progress of the country for the benefit of all Paraguayans and those foreigners that live among us.
In my country there is full enjoyment of the civil and political rights enshrined in the most demanding international legal instruments. Likewise, aware of the importance of these rights for the well-being of man, my country is endeavoring, in all the international forums in which it participates, to ensure full respect for them and it offers its sincere co-operation to that end.
Paraguayan women have a most important role in our society. They are the ones holding together the family and fostering its development, and they have dynamically extended their role beyond the family. Being equal with men under the law, they contribute to the further development of our nation. The presence of Paraguayan women in all the areas of human life is increasingly felt in our society, especially in the administration of justice and in the field of education, a key activity for the future of all peoples, where their presence is even most influential in some areas. We are aware that our country can play a useful role in the promotion of womens rights throughout the world, and therefore we are prepared to serve as an example and to support all legitimate aspirations that may be reflected in present or future international conventions on that subject.
My country has been the object of vast campaigns of vilification carried out abroad for unacceptable reasons. A short time ago one such campaign, which ran the gamut of international infamy, collapsed like a pack of cards, demonstrating that everything that had been said was merely the creation of distorted interests, designed to denigrate a country which is making constant progress and is living in peace and harmony with all others.
My country, with the solid support of foreign technical co-operation, as well as with the support of international and bilateral agencies, has in recent years benefited from the most modern technology in all fields, especially in agriculture. There is no area of human activity which is not being provided with the constant and unquestionable support of the latest technology, making the physical development of the country a most important reality and bringing constant economic and social progress to the nation. We maintain a spirit of friendship and fraternity with all our neighbors. Instead of a philosophy of doubt and suspicion among friendly neighboring nations, we have chosen harmonious coexistence and integration, desiring only the progress of our peoples. Thus it is possible for us to give the world the example of the Itaipu hydroelectric plant, the largest in the world, which represents the splendid result of co-operation and understanding between the Republic of Paraguay and the Federal Republic of Brazil.
This plant, which is producing energy for the development of our two countries and which will benefit the whole region, will this October set in operation the third great turbine, and on that occasion the President of the Republic of Paraguay, General Alfredo Stroessner, and the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil, Mr. Jose Sarney, will meet as a clear demonstration of the spirit of co-operation and friendship between our two peoples.
The shared use and development of the Parana River does not end with the ITAIHJ dam. In the same spirit of co-operation and friendship, we are building, together with the Republic of Argentina, the YACYRETA Plant which, like the first plant I mentioned, will provide energy for a number of regions, cities and peoples in an electrification process that signifies progress and a vast socio-economic revolution.
This governmental work has had a far-reaching effect on private initiative. There is a continuing increase in foreign investment in the establishment of major centers of agricultural production, and industry is becoming more flexible and seeking out the best technology. Meanwhile the State is making up for the lack of private initiative wherever the good of the country so dictates.
Many issues before us deserve the special attention of the representatives gathered here. To speak of disarmament at the present time may even seem superfluous. Everyone is aware that the priority problem confronting the United Nations and endangering international peace and security is the unending arms race. Billions of dollars are spent on weapons, while millions of human beings are dying or living a marginal and subhuman existence through lack of food. The most serious and pernicious aspect of this arms policy is that it involves not only the great Powers and the industrialized countries but also to the developing countries, to the detriment of other needs that are basic to the development of their peoples.
This crucial issue of the arms race is linked with another issue that endangers the very life of our planet. I am referring to the existence of nuclear weapons, to their increasing sophistication, and to the policy of many States which are trying in one way or another to join in a race which may lead us to a collective nuclear holocaust. It is essential that the nations which have no nuclear force and do not aspire to obtain it, but which undertake nuclear research solely for peaceful uses in development and in the health field, should have a guarantee of protection from the misuse of that scientific discovery that today threatens the very existence of the world in which we live.
There are agenda items that remain relevant because of their implications and the political philosophy behind them. I refer here to the questions of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. In the first case a super-Power, which feels free to use the most outright imperialism in any continent of the world, continues to subjugate by force the noble people of Afghanistan, in defiance of all the rules of international law and of the ethics that should govern relations among States. In the second case, a neighboring country with military and all other types of support from that same super-Power has been subjugating the people of Kampuchea, denying it the exercise of its free will and self-determination.
The conflict in the Middle East remains a matter of concern to all mankind. So many horrors have been committed and so much blood has been shed in that part of the world that it is essential for the United Nations, with the requisite support of the major Powers, to intervene and seek to establish peaceful coexistence among all the peoples in that part of the world, which deserves a better fate.
There is a principle which is fundamental in our Organization - universality. In this respect, Paraguay supports the just aspiration of the Republic of Korea to be admitted to the United Nations. The Republic of Korea is a peaceful and hard-working State which maintains cordial relations with all countries.
We should like to underscore the resolute efforts made by the Republic of Korea to seek unification of the two Koreas. In recent days these contacts have been fruitful and there seems every prospect that they will lead to a decrease in tension and promote a continuing dialog in good faith between the two sides. It is appropriate that the countries represented in this Assembly should support those steps towards reunification, which hold out the promise of being beneficial to peace in that part of the world.
Just as it is the fundamental duty of the United Nations to respect the free and sovereign application of the principle of the self-determination of peoples, the principle of the integrity of countries is also part of the structure of international law and of ethical behavior among countries.
Paraguay has always supported the process of decolonization. Our country, which was part of the Spanish Empire from which it obtained its independence on 14 and 15 May 1811, believes that at this stage in the life of mankind colonial possessions must disappear and yield to the self-determination of peoples and nations. However, sometimes, for political motives or for motives of world hegemony, decolonization is invoked in cases where the respective peoples, in free elections, have chosen a different course - as is the case of Puerto Rico, where the majority of its inhabitants have so decided.
The conflict in Central America is of concern to the Government of Paraguay. Our country takes an optimistic view as it follows the efforts of the Contadora Group to achieve a lasting and stable peace, as well as to eliminate the root of the problem, in that strategic region - that is, the intervention of a super-Power from outside the continent through a State in the region whose aims constitute a threat to the stability and freedom of the American continent.
We support a negotiated legal solution to the question of the Malvinas Islands, which remains a source of concern to the world public and a matter of considerable interest to the United Nations and the American continent. It is essential that a solution be found that preserves peace. The Republic of Paraguay with its pacific tradition and consistent solidarity supports any initiative designed to bring about a friendly negotiated solution, based on the principles of international law, to the sovereignty dispute a- connection with those islands.
In this context, our country would welcome the resumption of bilateral talks between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom and the use of the Secretary-General's good offices.
The war in the Persian Gulf is another source of concern to peoples and nations. How is it possible that no solution has been found to this conflict? The issue is a challenge because of the political and economic interests involved, but for that very reason our Organization should intervene firmly in the quest for peace.
The same can be said of an age-old problem that has given our Organization much work: the question of Cyprus and its links with Turkey and Greece. Although this issue is not constantly in the headlines, it is a question that concerns all the citizens of our world who see the future of mankind in a constructive spirit of peace.
Economic issues command our attention and today constitute truly serious threats not only to the development of peoples but also to the very existence of nations and the preservation of social peace.
The most striking issue of the day is the foreign debt of the developing countries, which weighs on them like an unredeemable mortgage, since the amount of interest grows day by day and there are no resources from which they can be pay it, much less the capital involved.
The problem of the foreign debt is no longer an purely economic question that can be resolved through normal banking channels or organizations linked to the development of our countries. It involves factors of a political and social nature that require the active participation of the United Nations in order that the rescheduling of the debt can be accomplished without infringing the rights of the developing countries or retarding their economic and social development process. We stress this, because the Government of Paraguay has taken steps to ensure that our foreign debt is controllable and does not become a burden on our national economy.
The tariff and non-tariff barriers set up by the industrialized countries to exports from countries producing raw materials remain an obstacle to the right of the less developed countries to grow economically and thus raise the standard of living of their peoples.
This applies to the Latin American countries which export agricultural products. Given the common interests of the highly industrialized and the developing countries in the face of world problems, greater understanding of this problem is needed to ensure normal, unimpeded trade based on a just distribution among nations and in the interest of the well-being of the peoples of the developing nations, which make up the immense majority of mankind.
I need not stress the dramatic deterioration in the terms of trade between the countries that produce raw materials and the industrialized countries, while the latter increase the prices of their finished goods which are essential to the developing countries, the value of raw materials decreases, creating a balance-of-payments deficit, which is a sign of injustice and poor economic distribution.
Experts on these issues have reaffirmed the justice of the cause of the countries that produce raw materials. Their conclusions are unassailable and irrefutable. Those countries have to send ever greater quantities of unprocessed goods to the major purchasing countries in order to acquire the products they need, and to do so at an, intolerable rate that affect the very existence of millions of human beings.
Paraguay expresses its appreciation to the United Nations Development program for its co-operation in the various development programs undertaken in our country under its auspices. None the less, we regret that in each cycle the indicative figures decrease and for that reason opportunities to carry out new development programs are blocked. The solution is for the industrialized countries to contribute more generously to the funds of the United Nations Development program.
Experts have estimated that horizontal co-operation among the developing countries is the best solution to the problem of technical assistance. This means that national experts or experts from relatively less developed countries can work in technical assistance programs. However, this system faces the same problem as we have just mentioned in connection with the United Nations Development program, namely, the lack of adequate financing to create fluidity. Logically, that financing should come from the highly industrialized countries. Financial support for that program would help achieve the figures required by the United Nations Development program in present circumstances.
The Government of Paraguay welcomes the Convention on the Law of the Sea as a victory for all mankind. We are pleased that that Convention is being supported by more States and we hope and trust that its provisions will always benefit the less-developed land-locked countries.
In order to resolve the problem of its unjust land-locked situation, Paraguay has from the outset of its independent existence waged a struggle for the free navigation of international rivers on the basis of accepted principles of international law and norms and the need of the land-locked countries to communicate and carry on their trade free from undue obstacles.
The Government of the Republic of Paraguay is most pleased with the efficient work being done by the International Law Commission in expanding codification of all the practices and uses of international law. In this field anything that can serve to promote the codification of international law is an effective contribution to the free play of international relations in an orderly, just and egalitarian world.
There is a scourge afflicting mankind in all parts of the world. It endangers daily life and leaves no one exempt from fear. I am referring to terrorism and violence, which have written the most painful pages of the history of our day. The boldness and daring of those who perpetrate this violence know no limits or moral constraints. Nations have not reacted firmly to this negation of coexistence. It is urgent that an international convention on terrorism should be concluded to put an end to this scourge, so that those responsible may find no sanctuary anywhere. The time has come to speak clearly and to say that terrorism exists in present circumstances because there are governments that tolerate it, that provide training for terrorists and serve, when necessary, as places of asylum for them.
Paraguay repudiates violence and terrorism as inimical to religious and human values and to human rights, even though Paraguay has experienced no outbreaks of this criminal and murderous philosophy and is living in a climate of peace and work for the growing well-being of all its people.
The right to social and economic well-being of a society can never justify the sacrifice of the fundamental freedoms and rights of the individual. This is why we condemn totalitarian doctrines of any kind that repress those rights on the pretext of thus achieving alleged collective well-being.
We must sincerely say that the world panorama today is not very comforting, nor do we foresee favorable solutions, at least in the near future, which would be to the satisfaction of the less powerful.
The Republic of Paraguay places its trust in the moral authority of the United Nations in finding early solutions so that we bequeath to our children a world that is more free, just, equitable, humane and peace.