The tragedy in East Timor
shows us again that when war and violence erupt the world
community turns to the United Nations for the resolution of
conflicts and the preservation of peace. We welcome the
Security Council’s action to endorse the multinational force
that is now moving in to bring security and aid to the
people of East Timor. Norway will contribute with
personnel and financing.
We look to the United Nations for hope and solutions,
and for the protection of human dignity and shared values
in a world of injustice and conflict. That is why the United
Nations is indispensable. And that is why we, the Member
States, must make use of the United Nations for peace and
development, whether it be in East Timor, in Kosovo or in
the Congo. In preparing for the Millennium Assembly, let
us together address global challenges in a new spirit, with
a new sense of purpose.
I would like to congratulate you, Sir, upon your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly.
Norway looks forward to working with you. I also warmly
welcome the three new Members of the United Nations, the
Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the
Kingdom of Tonga.
At the end of this century, globalization presents us
with political and moral dilemmas. There has been
remarkable progress in technological innovation and in
economic and democratic development. But at the same
time, while the rich are getting richer, the poor are getting
poorer. Poverty and pollution, violent conflict and violations
of human rights continue to haunt far too many people
around the world. Combatting poverty, preventing conflicts,
promoting human rights: these are the main challenges at
the top of our common global agenda for the next century.
We must ensure that globalization benefits all, not just the
few, and we must protect the environment.
To achieve this, we need to strengthen the multilateral
system. We must support the United Nations and its work
for global peace, security and sustainable development. We
must put the United Nations first.
Together we possess the knowledge and the resources
needed to eradicate poverty. But still, 1.3 billion people live
in extreme poverty. This is unacceptable, morally and
politically. It is an injustice and an obstacle to economic
and democratic progress. For all Member States, in the
North and in the South alike, changing this situation must
be our priority. And the United Nations must be the
primary instrument. There is no alternative. Let us build
a global partnership aimed at eradicating poverty. Let us
start by mobilizing the political will and the financial
resources needed to meet the target of cutting global
poverty in half by the year 2015. It is a matter of political
will; it can be done now.
National Governments have the primary
responsibility for sustainable development and for meeting
social needs. They must promote and protect the rule of
law, human rights and democracy. They must fight
corruption and pursue sound economic policies. There is
no doubt that development assistance is most effective in
countries where government is based on the principles of
good governance.
The international community must also do more to
create economic opportunities for the developing world.
The following steps would have a major impact.
First, we need to increase the transfer of official
development assistance from the North to the South.
Norway has been well above the United Nations target for
two decades. We intend to increase our development
assistance further, up to 1 per cent of gross domestic
product.
Secondly, we need partnerships that enable national
Governments to lead the way and determine their own
priorities. The private sector and business interests must
be brought into the development process, as the
Secretary-General has underlined.
Thirdly, development assistance and debt relief must
go hand in hand. Creditor nations must now give the
poorest members of the world community a new start.
Norway’s national debt-relief strategy is particularly
designed for this purpose. We also support the momentum
created by the Group of Seven States to give highly
indebted poor countries substantial debt relief.
Fourthly, the entry of developing countries into the
global market must be facilitated, not obstructed. This
must be focused on during the new round of multilateral
trade negotiations in the World Trade Organization.
In recent years, we have seen an increase in civil
wars, often with an additional element of foreign
involvement. The root causes can often be linked to
ethnic tension, as well as to inequity in the distribution of
17

resources - economic, social, natural and political. During
the 1990s, the activities of the United Nations have been
more extensive than ever before in the conduct of
preventive diplomacy, in the deployment of peacekeeping
forces and in the provision of humanitarian aid to the
victims of war.
But at the same time, there are critics who claim that
the United Nations has failed. Of course, many things could
have been done better, but we must not forget the many
successes and we must not forget that it is we, the Member
States, who are responsible for giving the United Nations
the mandates to act and the money and the means to
succeed. Let us not make the United Nations a scapegoat
for our own shortcomings. Instead, we must make sure that
the Security Council can fulfil its primary function in
international peace and security. We must act in accordance
with the United Nations Charter and international law. We
must put the United Nations first.
This means enhancing the capacity of the United
Nations for conflict prevention, crisis management and
long-term development. All Members must meet their
financial obligations to our world Organization and its
peace operations. Creating common security is not cost-
free. In particular, it is the duty of the most powerful
members of the United Nations to set an example for
others.
The United Nations must develop further its
cooperation with regional organizations. As Chairman-
in-Office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE), Norway has been working to build
closer relations with the United Nations system. We need
constructive interaction between all international,
governmental and non-governmental organizations involved
in peacekeeping and post-conflict work in Europe and
elsewhere.
Kosovo is a tragic example of the complex conflicts
that we have seen in recent years. Building lasting peace
there will require the concerted efforts of all actors
involved: the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO), the OSCE, the European Union and
others. Our immediate concern is to secure a safe
environment for all the people of Kosovo through a credible
international presence.
We must promote integration between all the peoples
and nations of south-eastern Europe. We must include
everyone and isolate no one. This summer, at the Sarajevo
Summit, we pledged to make the Stability Pact a key
element of our efforts to ensure that democracy, peace
and prosperity become firmly rooted all over south-
eastern Europe.
At the same time, our efforts to build peace in the
Balkans must not be made at the expense of the poorest
people elsewhere in the world. They should not pay the
bill.
The United Nations and its agencies play a central
role in providing emergency aid to victims of war
everywhere. Humanitarian assistance should be
complemented by efforts to promote reconciliation,
democratic development and respect for human rights.
Compliance with international instruments is needed
to protect civilians in armed conflicts. We welcome the
Secretary-General’s report and the Security Council
resolution adopted last week. At the forthcoming Red
Cross Conference in Geneva, we must generate the
momentum needed to secure the protection aspects of
international humanitarian law. The early entry into force
of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court
will be a vital contribution to the rule of law.
We must focus on human security, taking individuals
and their communities as our point of departure.
Combating poverty is crucial to human security.
The proliferation of anti-personnel mines and small
arms and the use of child soldiers pose a threat to human
security. They inflict deep wounds on society and
individuals. Recently, in Russia, we have seen how
terrorism strikes innocent people. We strongly condemn
such terrorist acts, for which there can be no excuse.
International efforts to deal with these serious issues must
be intensified.
We must vigorously pursue nuclear disarmament and
non-proliferation. The principles and objectives set out
under the process established by the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) must be
honoured. The early entry into force of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and ratification
of the Treaty on Further Reduction and Limitation of
Strategic Offensive Arms (START II) are crucial
priorities. So are START III negotiations to lower nuclear
arsenals, and so is a cut-off treaty. These are all crucial
elements in a global agenda for sustainable human
development.
18

When natural disasters strike, the poor are the most
vulnerable. The recent tragedies in Turkey and Greece
affected us deeply. Increasingly, man’s pressure on the
environment seems to be a contributing factor to natural
disasters, which often cause extensive destruction in
developing countries. We must step up our efforts to assist
developing nations so that they become less vulnerable. In
this regard, Norway attaches great importance to the special
session of the General Assembly, to be convened next
week, on the Barbados Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States.
Conflict prevention, humanitarian aid and development
efforts must go hand in hand. We must deal with the
underlying causes of poverty and need, not just the
symptoms. Political and economic reform should run in
parallel with humanitarian aid. We must close the gap
between relief and long-term development. This calls for
closer cooperation and the involvement of the whole United
Nations family as well as the Bretton Woods institutions.
The Secretary-General’s reports on Africa (A/52/871-
S/1998/318 and A/54/133-E/1999/79) clearly demonstrate
that poverty, underdevelopment and violent conflicts are
closely linked: we cannot address one without addressing
the others.
The Secretary-General has pointed to the need for a
comprehensive approach and better coordination of conflict
prevention and post-conflict peace-building in the United
Nations system. The Secretariat has already embarked on
the process of implementation and follow-up. Norway fully
supports the Secretary-General’s initiative and is ready to
provide practical and financial support for this important
endeavour. We will set aside $3 million for the Secretariat
to use for this purpose.
The situation in Africa gives rise to concern. Armed
conflicts are hampering development in many countries.
AIDS is also taking a heavy toll. There are positive signs
too: we are witnessing the growth of democracy, transfers
to civilian rule, free elections and economic and political
reforms in many African countries. But poverty remains a
major challenge.
Norway remains firmly committed to peace and
development in Africa. We will work with our African
partners for conflict management and development
cooperation. We will work with the United Nations, the
Organization of African Unity, subregional bodies such as
the Southern African Development Community, the
Economic Community of West African States, and others,
to achieve our common aims.
The Middle East peace process is at a critical
juncture. The vision that the parties had in 1993, when
the Oslo Accords were signed, is still valid. The fact that
Israel and the Palestinians have now embarked on final
status talks is a very positive sign. Strong support for the
peace process must remain a high priority for the
international community. We must work together with the
parties to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace
that will guarantee prosperity and security for all
involved.
The world needs an effective multilateral machinery
to cope with common challenges. For the next century,
we must, first, build a stronger United Nations in the
fields of global security and economic and social
progress; secondly, use the United Nations as the primary
instrument for peace and development, democracy and
human rights; and thirdly, tackle poverty and conflict
prevention as the main challenges at the top of our
agenda. It is up to us, the Member States, to make this
possible. Together, we must make it happen.


I
would like first of all to extend to you, Sir, my warmest
congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. I have no
doubt that your long diplomatic experience and your deep
knowledge of international relations will enable you to
guide the work of this session to a successful conclusion.
Your election is a token of appreciation from the
international community to you personally and to your
country, Namibia, which is noted for its prestige in Africa
and in the world. Tunisia, which stood by the fraternal
14

Namibian people in their successful struggle against
colonialism, is proud of its close ties with your country and
looks forward to strengthening and developing them further
in the interests of our two countries and peoples.
Allow me to take this opportunity to express our
sincere gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti,
for his valuable efforts during his presidency of the fifty-
third Assembly and for the wise manner in which he
conducted its work, which had a very positive impact on
the deliberations.
I take this opportunity also to express to the Secretary-
General our great appreciation for his relentless efforts in
promoting and strengthening the pacific, negotiated
settlement of disputes and crises in various parts of the
world. We commend him for his dedication to enhancing
the effectiveness and efficiency of the Secretariat and to
strengthening the Organization's role in meeting
humankind's desire for progress, security and peace.
I extend Tunisia's congratulations to the Republic of
Nauru, the Republic of Kiribati and the Kingdom of Tonga
on their admission to our Organization.
What characterizes this session is that it is being held
at the close of a decade that began with the prospect of an
end to the cold war, witnessed the emergence of new
concepts and future-oriented visions designed to avoid any
repeat of past errors and crises, and aimed to establish a
new world order based on security, peace, cooperation and
stability. Although optimism marked the early stages of this
new era, subsequent developments have compelled the
international community to conduct a comprehensive review
of the immediate past in order to solve the various
difficulties and problems of our world today.
As we meet during this session at the dawn of the
twenty-first century, we have a propitious opportunity to
discuss and exchange views about various possible methods
for amending the approach that we have taken over the last
few years and identifying its weaknesses and deficiencies.
We must then devise a renewed approach that will provide
future generations with the capacity to adapt, overcome
obstacles, preserve international peace and security and
ensure well-being and prosperity for all humanity.
For the framework of such a renewed approach to
maintaining international peace and security, we have in
mind three main themes. First, the change that has taken
place in the approach to armaments and to their role in the
world. Secondly, the growing need for increased attention
to settling regional disputes. Thirdly, the transformation
of economic and social development into one of the
cornerstones of peace and security globally. Despite the
great strides which the international community has made
in these three areas, much remains to be done before we
achieve the goal of a qualitative transition that would
allow us to guarantee security and tranquillity for all
people and for the generations to come.
Our world possesses huge arsenals of weapons,
especially weapons of mass destruction, nuclear weapons
foremost among them. It is extremely important, in our
view, for the nuclear Powers to take rapid steps to
eliminate these weapons, especially given the limits of the
current non-proliferation regime in the long term and the
impossibility of contemplating non-proliferation as a
substitute for completely dismantling and destroying all
nuclear weapons and banning them in the future.
We believe that as we move closer to the twenty-
first century, the international community has a historic
opportunity to achieve this noble goal or at least to
conclude an agreement on nuclear disarmament. In
working towards this goal, it is extremely important to
ensure that non-nuclear weapon States are not subject to
the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons in violation of
their security and territorial integrity. Consideration must
be given to the fact that non-nuclear-weapon States
constitute the overwhelming majority of Member States
and have freely chosen not to possess nuclear weapons.
We would like, in this regard, to address another
aspect of disarmament: small arms. We all know how
destructive small arms can be. Tunisia supports all
international efforts to curb small arms proliferation and
trafficking.
Tunisia, which has abided by all disarmament
treaties and conventions, reiterates its total commitment
to the disarmament objectives and its strong resolve to
continue contributing towards the achievement of these
goals in the various relevant fora, especially the
Conference on Disarmament in Geneva. Tunisia recently
had the honour of joining the Conference, following the
Conference's decision last August to expand its
membership by admitting five new countries.
In implementation of the Ottawa Convention on the
Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and
Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their
Destruction, Tunisia destroyed large quantities of mines
during an official ceremony on 29 June 1999 attended by
15

a representative of the United Nations in Tunis. We hope
that all States parties to the Convention will participate in
the Convention process without delay so that the
Convention's objectives are achieved and transparency is
promoted pursuant to the Convention's article 7.
The outbreak and persistence of conflicts in many
parts of the world compel our Organization to be constantly
ready to assume its responsibilities and to play the role it
has been assigned in this regard by the Charter. We believe
that the efforts aimed at consolidating preventive
diplomacy, collective security, the peaceful settlement of
disputes and adherence to international legality are
foundations of international peace and security and should
be further upheld.
However, despite the numerous successes of our
Organization in this field, there are still many hotbeds of
tension and war that require more coordination and
cooperation if they are to be curbed and prevented from
spreading. I should like in this regard to address the
question of so-called “humanitarian intervention”. This is a
sensitive and delicate issue. It requires, in our view, a
thorough and profound analysis taking into account all its
aspects, especially those related, first, to the sovereignty of
States and the need to preserve it as a natural right
enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations as a
fundamental element of international relations; and,
secondly, the necessity to save the lives of civilian
populations in times of conflict, in accordance with the
principle of international solidarity.
All States Members of the Organization are called
upon to consider all the implications of these principles in
order to reach consensus on this issue and to contribute in
a considered and balanced way to the debate on it. Such a
debate should not be confined to the Security Council, but
should also involve the General Assembly.
The issues related to the security problems confronting
the African continent should remain at the top of our
priorities. These issues need the strong material and
financial support of the international community if they are
to be resolved. Africa, in turn, has given top priority to the
question of the settlement of internal disputes. The
Organization of African Unity Mechanism for Conflict
Prevention, Management and Resolution has played an
important role in this regard. Since its inception, the
Mechanism has achieved encouraging results that reflect the
determination of African countries to rely, first and
foremost, on their own capacity to solve the problems that
threaten the security of the continent, in full coordination
with the United Nations. Given its importance, the
Mechanism needs stronger financial and technical support
from the international community, which would help to
enhance its capacities and to develop its effectiveness and
efficiency.
We must stress in this regard the extreme importance
of development, a basic guarantor of lasting security.
Indeed, there can be no stability without sustainable
development. Despite the relentless efforts of African
countries in the political, economic and social fields
aimed at improving the situation of their peoples, there
are still many difficulties that prevent many countries
from implementing their development programmes.
It has become a matter of urgency that the African
continent receive strong and continuous support on the
basis of its national priorities. We note in this regard that
the initiative of the Security Council and the General
Assembly to convene meetings to discuss and follow up
the situation in Africa bears testimony to a growing and
consolidated awareness of the need to address African
problems. While commending this approach, we must
emphasize the need to adopt practical plans which
Africa's partners can translate into concrete realities in an
effective manner.
We commend the various initiatives of the United
Nations, its specialized agencies and the Bretton Woods
institutions to promote sustainable development in Africa.
We believe, however, that it is important to ensure
coordination between United Nations initiatives and those
undertaken by donor countries if such initiatives are to
succeed. In this framework, we look forward to the
adoption of practical initiatives that respond to the
proposals spelt out in the report of the Secretary-General
on the causes of conflict and the promotion of sustainable
peace and development in Africa, particularly regarding
the debt problem.
In Tunisia, we are aware of the important role that
economic and geographical groupings play in today's
world in addressing the challenges posed by globalization
and in adapting to constant important changes. This
awareness prompts us to pursue our endeavours, along
with our brothers in the Maghreb countries, to complete
the establishment of the Arab Maghreb Union, which
remains a strategic and firm choice and which also
represents the aspirations of the people of our region to
16

prosperity, security and integration. This choice is even
more pressing in the light of our country's endeavours to set
up a Euro-Mediterranean space as a framework for
cooperation between all Mediterranean countries, for
solidarity between its peoples and for a cultural and social
dialogue on the basis of the noble values and high
principles in which we all believe.
With respect to the Middle East, where the conflict
has lasted more than half a century, peace, which is
cherished by the peoples of that region and indeed by the
whole world, still faces difficulties despite the efforts that
have been made by the international community,
particularly since the early 1970s. There is no doubt that a
comprehensive, just and lasting peace is the only way to
consolidate the foundations of stability and security and to
enable all parties to devote their resources and energies to
the development efforts of their countries and to ensuring
the well-being of their peoples.
Tunisia has followed with satisfaction the new
developments brought about by the signing of the Sharm el-
Sheikh Memorandum, which has created a new encouraging
climate for the reactivation of the peace process and the
faithful and full implementation of all agreements and
commitments. We hope that the final status negotiations
will lead to the resolution of the most important issues,
particularly the recognition of the inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people, in particular its right to establish an
independent State on its land, with Jerusalem as its capital.
On the basis of this firm position of principle in
support of the peace process, and eager as it is to see the
peace process succeed on all tracks, Tunisia insists on the
importance of reactivating negotiations on the Syrian and
Lebanese tracks from the point at which they stopped, as
well as on the necessity of the complete and unconditional
withdrawal of Israel from South Lebanon and from the
Syrian Golan Heights, in compliance with the relevant
United Nations resolutions and on the basis of the principle
of land for peace. Occupation and peace cannot co-exist.
Regarding the Lockerbie issue, Tunisia expresses its
satisfaction at the recent positive developments, to which it
and other parties of good will contributed. It also reiterates
its call for a speedy and final lifting of the embargo
imposed on the brotherly Libyan people.
With respect to the question of Iraq, Tunisia reiterates
its call for a peaceful solution in the context of international
resolutions. It also calls upon the international community
to join efforts to put an end to the suffering of the Iraqi
people so that all the efforts of the peoples of that region
can be directed towards development and the promotion
of stability. Thus, Tunisia, which has called for respect
for international legality, expresses the hope that a
solution will soon be found to all the humanitarian issues
resulting from this tragedy, particularly the question of
Kuwaiti prisoners of war and missing persons, in
conformity with the relevant Security Council resolutions.
Regarding the question of the three islands of
Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa, Tunisia
reiterates its support for the resolution of this dispute
between the United Arab Emirates and Iran through
peaceful means, either through direct dialogue or, if that
should prove impossible, by referring the question to the
International Court of Justice.
In another region of the world, the international
community has focused its attention in recent months on
another important question, that of East Timor. In this
regard, we welcome the adoption of Security Council
resolution 1264 (1999) and hope that its implementation
will enable the people of East Timor to achieve self-
determination and will, at the same time, maintain
security in the region and preserve the sovereignty and
integrity of Indonesia. We commend Indonesia's courage
in responding to the wishes of the people of East Timor
and the international community. We believe that a final
settlement of this issue can be achieved only in an
atmosphere of conciliation that involves all parties
concerned, and with the support and blessing of the
international community.
One of the most important phenomena characterizing
the end of this century is the growing globalization that
now dominates various aspects of our social life.
Although it has created new opportunities in the field of
economic development, it is likely, if not brought under
control, to lead to further disruption in international
relations and development plans. The international
community must seriously and firmly address the
challenges posed by globalization. This entails the
demonstration of stronger political will from all parties
and the implementation of all the commitments made,
particularly at the important conferences of the United
Nations.
Follow-up and implementation of the
recommendations of international conferences is, in our
opinion, of great importance. In this regard, we would
like to express our satisfaction with the continuing work
of the preparatory Committees for the two special
17

sessions of the General Assembly to review and appraise
implementation of the Beijing Platform of Action dealing
with women's and family issues and of the Copenhagen
World Summit for Social Development, which will be held
in June, in New York and Geneva respectively. However,
we note with concern that, despite the efforts made at the
United Nations, which has placed the eradication of poverty
high on its agenda, the agreed target set at the Copenhagen
Summit for increasing the amount of official development
assistance to 0.7 per cent of the gross national product of
developed countries has not yet been met.
This situation requires action at the international level
aimed at achieving solidarity, which we consider an
essential link between peoples. In this context we place the
recent call by His Excellency Mr. Zine El Abidine Ben Ali,
President of the Republic of Tunisia, to all world leaders
and to various United Nations and other international
institutions for the creation of a world solidarity fund. The
objective of this fund would be to collect voluntary
donations and contributions to be used in the fight against
poverty and in the development of the poorest regions in
various parts of the world, particularly in the least
developed countries that undergo various tragedies and
crises. Our country will endeavour, through its contacts
with brotherly and friendly countries and at the United
Nations and other international organizations, to rally the
necessary support for this noble humanitarian project and
for the elaboration of modalities for its creation as soon as
possible. This will enable us to be more responsive to our
options and commitments, which have gained the
acceptance of the international community and which have
been set forth in the recommendations of various
international conferences.
We also rely on United Nations institutions, such as
the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the
World Health Organization (WHO), the United Nations
Children's Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Population
Fund (UNFPA), the Food and Agriculture Organization of
the United Nations (FAO) and other institutions in view of
their prestige and experience as well as their interest in the
fight against poverty, to contribute efficiently to the speedy
creation of this fund.
The year 1999 represents a new landmark in the
consolidation of the democratic process in Tunisia. It will
be marked by pluralistic presidential and parliamentary
elections based on full transparency and freedom of choice
for citizens within the context of freedom and respect for
law. Tunisia has undertaken a programme of substantial
reforms over the past 12 years in different areas, having
amended the Constitution, allowing political pluralism and
a multiparty system, eliminating special courts and
enacting legislation in conformity with our obligations to
international treaties in the field of human rights, which
Tunisia has been among the first countries to ratify.
In the same spirit, Tunisia has long undertaken to
promote women's freedom and gender equality. It
publishes a special journal on children's rights and a code
on the care and rights of the elderly, handicapped and
other vulnerable categories. All these reforms embody
Tunisia's global vision regarding all dimensions of human
rights and confirm our country's strong belief in the
universality of such principles.
The creation of many multilateral organizations,
particularly the United Nations, represents the most
important achievement of the international community in
this century. Thanks to the solid institutional edifice in
which our Organization holds a privileged place, rules
regulating relations between States have been codified,
and common objectives, programmes and strategies have
been elaborated in order to address the problems
confronting the world.
Despite the successes and achievements in this
regard, certain weaknesses still mark international
relations, and various new disruptions and dangers have
emerged. In the context of all the developments and
changes that have occurred, the United Nations remains
the ideal forum and haven for the elaboration of collective
strategies to overcome challenges.
We believe that the millennium summit, to be held
during the fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly,
constitutes an ideal opportunity, which the international
community should fully utilize, evaluate its
accomplishments and build a strategy based on them in
order to usher in the new millennium with diligence and
confidence. That summit will also be a historic occasion
for heads of State and Government to debate this matter.
In this regard, we believe that the Organization
needs to be provided with all the necessary means to play
an effective role in international relations and affairs.
Reforming the Organization and its various structures on
the basis of the developments and changes that have
occurred will certainly ensure its vitality. Among the
urgent tasks that the Member States need to address today
is to reform the Security Council in a way that would
reflect the profound changes the international community
has witnessed, ensure global representation in this vital
18

body and consolidate the principles of transparency and
democracy in its working methods.
We need to stress, in this context, that we expect the
reform of the Security Council to lead to the fulfilment of
the requests of developing countries, primarily African
countries, to have permanent representation on the Security
Council, which would allow them to contribute to the tasks
and responsibilities assigned to this body in the
maintenance of international peace and security.
In conclusion, I would like to reiterate the full
commitment of Tunisia to the purposes and principles of
the United Nations as enshrined in the Charter, the same
purposes and principles it has adopted and implemented in
its foreign policy. Tunisia is a peace-loving and justice-
loving nation. It has endeavoured relentlessly since its
admission to this body, and in all the forums to which it
belongs, to contribute with all the means at its disposal to
strengthen the foundations of international peace and
security. It makes every effort to encourage dialogue and
negotiations as the proper means for the settlement of
disputes and crises. It has participated in United Nations
peacekeeping operations since the early 1960s and presently
contributes to three of them. Last June Tunisia signed with
the United Nations an agreement that would place standby
forces at the disposal of the Organization.
Tunisia spares no effort in contributing to all
initiatives aimed at promoting cooperation, solidarity and
understanding between countries and peoples. That is the
direction we have freely chosen and that we intend to
pursue if and when my country is given the honour of
being elected to a non-permanent seat on the Security
Council for the period 2000-2001 by the Member States
and with the full support of the brotherly African Group,
other groups and friendly countries. We look forward to the
support of all Member States so that my country can
continue working with them towards fulfilling the task of
advancing the purposes and principles of the Charter.


Sharing: this will be the theme of my statement
from this rostrum, because at the end of this millennium,
when globalization rhymes with poverty, insecurity, social
ills and natural disasters, the culture of sharing should,
more than ever, guide our actions.
I want to share, first of all, Mr. President, our
satisfaction at seeing you conduct the proceedings of this
fifty-fourth session. Along with everyone else, and on
behalf of the delegation of Madagascar, I would like to
share my profound conviction that your reputation on the
international scene is an asset that will guide our
discussions towards encouraging results. A talented
diplomat and a worthy representative of a people that has
become a symbol of heroism and patriotism, you enjoy
our confidence, our support and our admiration.
We would also like to pay tribute to your
predecessor, Minister Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for
having held and passed on the torch that he carried with
all the competence and determination one would expect
of him.
Furthermore, to the Secretary-General we offer
thanks and recognition for his devotion and wise
dynamism. He has known how to be the spokesman for
aspirations of harmony, justice and progress. Under his
enlightened guidance and leadership, our Organization is
today well prepared to order the twenty-first century.
I wish to join my voice to those of previous speakers
in greeting and welcoming the Republic of Kiribati, the
Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga, which
have just enlarged our United Nations community. Let
them share with us the noble ideals that brought us
together and keep us together: the equality of peoples
under the law, respect for the sovereignty of every State,
democracy and peace.
Sharing with everyone, our pride in belonging to the
great family of the United Nations, our forum for
meeting, discussion, decision-making and solidarity;
sharing the values that provide the foundations for our
international community; and sharing in the vital
programmes of cooperation carried out synergistically
among all the different actors and constituents of our
structure and system — these, specifically, are the sources
of our satisfaction.
Today, less than 100 days from the new century and
the new millennium, we are keenly aware of the
timeliness of our discussions. Our fifty-fourth session is
of particular significance in that it offers all of us the
opportunity not only to undertake a retrospective
examination of the major events of the century, but also
to seek ways and means to inject renewed dynamism into
future international relations.
The commitments we made at the fifty-third session
of the General Assembly must be implemented as rapidly
as possible. We can achieve this through concerted efforts
and our shared determination to succeed. However, to do
this, we must proceed urgently to apply the necessary
measures for the restructuring of our Organization.
5

We reiterate our support for the position of the
Organization of African Unity regarding the need to expand
the Security Council. The restructuring of that organ must
be based on the principles of democracy, transparency and
equitable geographic distribution. On the question of the
veto, in our view there is no room for equivocation: either
it must be extended to all permanent members or it must be
abolished.
Our presence and our interactive participation in the
concert of nations prompts us to share our thinking on
certain subjects that constitute challenges of the highest
priority at the end of the century, particularly the questions
of armed conflict, the maintenance of peace, disarmament,
international terrorism, democracy and human rights, and
human and socio-economic development.
While accelerating the integration of our global
society, the end of the era of ideological confrontation has
been conducive to the proliferation of conflicts of a
political, socio-economic, ethnic, cultural or religious
nature.
Is there any need to stress that in all these conflict
situations the most vulnerable sectors of society —
especially children, women and the elderly — are the first
victims. Madagascar therefore shares the general
satisfaction with the adoption by the Security Council of
resolutions 1261 (1999) and 1265 (1999), on the protection
of civilians in armed conflict.
There are some signs of satisfaction and hope: the
signing last 4 September of the Sharm el-Sheikh
Memorandum; the signing in Lomé on 7 July 1999 of a
Peace Agreement for the conflict in Sierra Leone; and the
10 July 1999 signing of the Ceasefire Agreement between
the principal parties to the conflict in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Nonetheless, we note that,
unfortunately, many hotbeds of tension remain or are being
created throughout the world. The tragic situations in
Angola, Somalia, Afghanistan and Kosovo are clear
examples of this.
As regards East Timor, Madagascar pays tribute to the
courageous efforts of the United Nations Mission in East
Timor during the electoral process. We particularly
welcome the recent adoption of Security Council resolution
1264 (1999), on decisive measures to put an end to the
crisis and to ensure strict respect for human rights.
As regards Western Sahara, Madagascar endorses the
initiative of the United Nations to organize a free, honest
and impartial referendum, as well as the extension of the
mandate of the United Nations Mission for the
Referendum in Western Sahara until 14 December 1999.
We in Madagascar have lived in peace, but we have
always been aware of the need to preserve the Indian
Ocean as a zone of peace, and thus we are concerned
about the situation in the Comoros, our close neighbour.
We therefore welcome the opportunity to have hosted, in
April this year at Antananarivo, the Comorian inter-island
conference, under the aegis of the Organization of African
Unity (OAU). We urge the international community to
maintain the efforts to implement the Antananarivo accord
so as to bring about a democratic and unified Comorian
state.
Last year marked the fiftieth anniversary of United
Nations peacekeeping operations. We salute the initiatives
for cooperation between the United Nations and the OAU
and between the European Union, the OAU and
subregional organizations such as the Southern African
Development Community and the Economic Community
of West African States. Nevertheless, in our view these
actions should be in keeping with the principles of the
Charter of the United Nations, such as respect for the
sovereignty of States, respect for territorial integrity and
non-intervention in internal affairs.
While we recognize the usefulness of peacekeeping
operations, Madagascar considers that disarmament is
inseparable from any effort to consolidate peace. Indeed,
the increasing deadliness of conflicts is connected with
the excessive accumulation of light weapons, of which
there are now an estimated 500 million. In our view the
problem must be resolved upstream, because practically
all the hotbeds of tension are maintained by the
production and sale of such weapons and illicit trafficking
in them. As a party to the international conventions on the
non-proliferation of weapons and illicit trafficking in
them, Madagascar supports the idea of an international
conference on the illicit arms trade, in all its aspects.
As we turn the page on a millennium tarnished by
wars and conflicts, general disarmament must be a
common and shared objective. In this regard, on 25
August of this year Madagascar associated itself with the
ratification of the Ottawa Convention on anti-personnel
landmines. Convinced that there can be no security in a
world teeming with nuclear, chemical and biological
weapons, Madagascar welcomes the holding next year of
the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
6

Another concern of our times is the struggle against
international terrorism, a struggle in which we should be
steadfastly united. This is why we wish to we wish to
support the development of a draft international convention
to block the financing of terrorism. Our active participation
at the last OAU summit, held in Algiers, in the adoption of
a convention for preventing and fighting terrorism,
demonstrates our determination to eradicate this scourge.
Furthermore, this very day we have signed the International
Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings.
At a time when all the inhabitants of the planet share
the desire to live free from the horrors of violence,
discrimination and exclusion, respect for democratic
principles is no longer just a precept; it has become an
absolute necessity. We therefore exhort the international
community to condemn firmly any taking of power by non-
democratic means. As the principal guarantor of universal
values, the United Nations is called upon to take the lead
in this area.
At the threshold of the twenty-first century, working
together to promote human development and human rights
is an obligation. This year, 1999 — the International Year
of Older Persons — is crucial for the implementation of the
International Plan of Action on Ageing, adopted at Vienna
in 1982. Madagascar therefore welcomes the initiative to
convene in 2002 a special session of the General Assembly
devoted to the updating of this Plan of Action.
The right to development is inseparable from the
effective exercise of human rights. It must enjoy
international support and solidarity so that development is
extended to all human beings, not just to a privileged
minority. For its part, Madagascar has spared no effort to
strengthen its institutional capacities. A National Human
Rights Commission and an observer office for human rights
have been established. We have also signed agreements
with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights to assist in promoting human rights.
Aware of the revival of transnational traffic in women
and children as well as of modern forms of slavery,
Madagascar adopted on 25 January 1999 a law designed to
combat paedophilia. Furthermore, we welcome the
conventions produced under the aegis of the International
Labour Organization on the employment of children and
young people. Personally, I am happy to have signed the
letter addressed to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
from all the female Ministers for Foreign Affairs, a letter
that reiterates our unwavering support for the fight against
trafficking in human beings, particularly women and
children.
From one year to the next we are beset by the same
concerns. We do not wish to call it routine, but our
agenda nevertheless reveals that we must experience the
same concerns time and again. The century is drawing to
an end without the resolution of two major problems:
poverty and the increase in social inequality. One billion
people live in extreme poverty, while another billion are
enjoying a life of increasing luxury. Furthermore, a recent
study has shown that at the beginning of the next century
we can expect the ratio of income differential between the
rich and the poor countries to be on the order of 150 to
one.
Our claims are therefore as legitimate as ever, while
our efforts at development remain hampered by the
continuing and ever-growing deterioration of the terms of
trade, by our strict dependence on external capital, and by
the disproportionate concentration of direct foreign
investment in economic sectors to which access is
restricted.
Without wishing to belittle the advantages of the
inescapable phenomenon of globalization, our fears
remain profound in the face of the emergence of a
unipolar order, which in certain cases promotes
marginalization, precariousness and insecurity; reduces
our Governments’ room to manoeuvre or capacity to act;
and sometimes even affects our countries’ exercise of
their own sovereignty.
We therefore say “no” to selective globalization
when it comes to liberalization, inasmuch as we are being
called on to liberalize our trade, investments and financial
flows at an accelerated pace, while this impulse to
liberalize has not been nearly so strong in the case of
products of interest to our countries or in the promotion
of access to know-how and technologies.
The lack of consistency within the new world system
also applies to the links between our economic adjustment
programmes and the various social and environmental
objectives: the struggle against poverty, the establishment
of basic social infrastructures, the security safety net and
the protection and development of our environmental
resources.
While in no way calling into question the
commitments undertaken to its development partners,
Madagascar expresses its solidarity with all the
7

developing countries in calling for improved integration
within the world economic system, allowing the promotion
of regular and socially harmonious growth with a human
and ecological face.
The challenges are numerous and varied. The
elimination of poverty remains our priority. We continue to
believe that this problem will be resolved only if the pace
of economic growth is accelerated and maintained. The
international anti-poverty strategy must include concrete
measures to strengthen national efforts in such areas as job
creation, improved functioning of markets and social and
political institutions, and the active participation of
vulnerable groups in development.
The problem of external debt is a political question of
the highest importance in international economic relations
and remains a genuine obstacle to the growth of most
developing countries. Arrangements and accords to date
have provided only limited solutions because of conditions
of eligibility, new conditionalities, selectivity in loan-
making, the excessive length of negotiations and constraints
connected to mandatory circulation.
We welcome the debt-reduction plan approved recently
at the G-8 Summit in Cologne, but the slow pace at which
the reduction would seem to yield benefits tends to erode
our hopes. This plan should be interpreted flexibly by the
international financial institutions so that it may benefit all
debtors without exception. The African debt warrants
particular attention because of these countries’ very limited
capacity for repayment. Indicators show that the African
can never be repaid. We therefore call simply for its total
cancellation.
We are deeply concerned by the reduction of official
development assistance, which today represents less than
one third of the international target agreed more than 20
years ago. It is urgent that this trend be reversed. Given the
importance of this question, Madagascar is following with
particular interest the preparatory work for the international
meeting on all aspects of development financing. The
discussion on reforming the international financial
architecture is of the greatest interest to us, the objective
being to free additional and foreseeable resources for
development and to strengthen the systems that control,
monitor and regulate financial flows.
With regard to international trade, we support the
message of the Group of 77 addressed to the forthcoming
meeting of the World Trade Organization in Seattle, as well
as the Marrakesh Declaration with regard to the preparation
of the tenth session of the United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development (UNCTAD X), scheduled for
Bangkok early next year.
The question of commodities remains a subject of
major concern to our countries. We therefore support the
efforts of the relevant international institutions, UNCTAD
in particular, to find more effective machinery that would
allow us to increase our export earnings.
Recognized as a global nature sanctuary because of
the wealth of its biodiversity, Madagascar remains deeply
concerned by environmental problems. We follow with
interest all United Nations activities for sustainable
development and renew our appeal for increased support
from our partners in the implementation of our national
environmental programme, currently in phase 2.
To meet these challenges, we have two options.
First, we are convinced that the reform targets we are
contemplating can be achieved only within the framework
of revitalized international economic cooperation. This
would require a resumption of the North-South dialogue.
In this context, major international economic meetings
should be guided by a spirit of solidarity and a sense of
share responsibility between the various development
partners. We must therefore advocate a global and
integrated approach to replace sectoral schemes, which
are necessarily inadequate.
The second option, which we feel to be a
prerequisite, requires the strengthening of South-South
cooperation. In advance even of the process of integration
within the inevitable system of globalization, it is
natural — even imperative — for the southern countries
to organize themselves. Our progress in this area, being
dispersed and isolated, has proved slow. Of course, we
recognize that priorities, methods and schedules differ.
We must concede, however, that the implementation stage
of such cooperation now calls for the much greater unity
and genuine political involvement of member countries.
In this manner, we envisage a reorganization of the
South at all levels — subregional, regional, continental
and global — grouping together all developing countries.
Madagascar is firmly committed to this approach. That is
why, at the subregional and regional levels, we are
participating within the Indian Ocean Commission in the
implementation of a regional sustainable development
policy, to be endorsed by the forthcoming summit of
heads of State and Government on 3 December. As a full
member of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern
8

Africa, Madagascar was among the first to decide to apply,
on a reciprocal basis, a tariff reduction of 80 per cent for
the products of member States. This tariff preference is a
prelude to a free-trade zone.
At the continental level, we welcome the appeal
launched at the recent fourth Extraordinary Summit of the
Organization of African Unity at Sirte for greater economic
integration in Africa. Indeed, participants in this conference
clearly affirmed that greater unity is one way to resist the
threat of globalization looming over the continent. Together
with all African countries, Madagascar urges the
international community to lend its material and financial
support and to share with our continent its own experiences
in its achievement of unity.
According to United Nations resolutions, Africa in the
1990s has been a priority for action against poverty and
insecurity. In this regard, I welcome the financial
commitment of $150 million, announced three days ago on
28 September by Mr. James Wolfensohn, President of the
West Bank, to its Partnership for African Capacity.
The contribution of every Member State to forging a
new Africa is an obligation. With this in mind, over the
past three years Madagascar has built a structure that will
promote democracy, human rights and multifaceted
cooperation. An entire field of activity has opened up today,
making our big island a major actor in regional, continental
and international life.
The principle of sharing has been implicit in the
activities of our Organization since its Charter was written.
Whatever reforms it has undergone and will undergo, we
agree that it is important to preserve among us this noble
principle, a rallying cry for our actions. There is also
sharing to be done to reduce economic discrepancies which
have been growing over the last two decades; sharing to
remedy the asymmetry of trade, if not actually to redefine
such trade, and to ensure that such progress is immanent;
and sharing to put an end to the role of war so as to finally
initiate the role of peace.
We remain convinced that only the United Nations
will be a true instigator of the culture of peace, prosperity
and humanism in this world which must be interdependent.
We share the wish for success in the forthcoming great
meetings in the year 2000; at Bangkok for the tenth session
of the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development, at Havana for the South Summit, and here in
this very Hall for the Millennium Summit.


So it is
Africa, through two of its most devoted and eminent sons,
that has the particular honour of leading the United Nations
into the new millennium. I refer to you, Mr. President, a
worthy freedom fighter for our sister nation, Namibia; I
now salute your well-deserved election to the presidency of
the General Assembly. I refer also to Mr. Kofi Annan, our
Secretary-General, to whom the international community is
indebted for the great perseverance and fervour he has
shown in his promotion of the purposes and principles of
the Charter and in strengthening the role of the United
Nations.
I am very moved to address this Assembly, because,
by electing me 25 years ago to the presidency at its twenty-
ninth session, the General Assembly was even then showing
its esteem for and interest in Africa and its consideration
for all of those generations of freedom fighters who, like
those of my country, have assumed the historic
responsibility of making a decisive contribution to the
advent of a better world. Twenty-five years have passed
during which the inexorable movement towards freedom
has followed its course, toppling the last bastions of
colonialism and racial segregation, and enshrining the
right to sovereign equality of States and the right of
peoples to development, self-determination and
independence.
At the same time, a new situation has emerged
marked by greater interdependence between nations,
which, as they have gradually become more and more
aware of the unity of their destinies, can no longer afford
to live in isolation nor remain indifferent or insensitive
when something happens to one of their members.
I have therefore come to speak about this common
destiny, on behalf of Africa and Algeria, at a time when
our session has chosen the theme of the culture of peace
and non-violence. Throughout this century, the world has
constantly evolved, created, destroyed, reinvented itself
and moved forward. Despite ideological conflicts and
economic crises, political tensions and devastating wars,
humanity has made its way inexorably towards one and
the same history — one and the same destiny.
New challenges are today confronting the
international community in a context occasioned by the
easing of ideological struggles, the end of the cold war
and the creation of a unipolar world, with its inherent
paradoxes for development.
One of these challenges is what is today called
globalization: a global economy, a global political system,
even global values and aspirations — but also, global
problems and dangers. In any case, implementation of
globalization is encountering a variety of barriers and
obstacles. On the economic side, unequal development
between nations certainly does not facilitate the
establishment of a universally accepted new world order.
Worrying gaps are beginning to appear, especially in
Africa: a chronic deterioration in the terms of trade; a
crushing weight of debt; fratricidal conflicts;
environmental degradation; increasing unemployment;
persistent epidemics; falling numbers of children in
school; declining official development assistance and
meagre direct investment. Furthermore, two thirds of the
least developed countries and three quarters of the low-
income countries are in Africa. In addition, 50 per cent of
the continent’s population live in abject poverty.
The thirty-fifth Organization of African Unity
(OAU) Summit showed that Africans were ready to face
11

up to this miserable situation by working for peace, stability
and cooperation and by entrenching political and economic
reform more firmly. But it also revealed how insubstantial
North-South cooperation is, showing that it is often limited
by policies based on vested interests or selective
intervention.
The Summit also pointed out the difficulties inherent
in the social, cultural and psychological structure of our
countries, with many misunderstandings resulting from the
mechanical application of criteria adopted in developed
countries not only in the economic but also in the political
and cultural areas.
The problems which have still to be solved are
therefore numerous, and the international community sees
them every day in Africa, Asia, the Balkans and the Middle
East. To these problems must be added the global
controversy between the champions of an optimistic
universality that easily tolerates the advent of and
adjustment to a unipolar world, and those who retain a
sense of their own identity and consider, rightly, that the
interests of mankind lie in constructing a multipolar world.
These problems do not, however, mean that all hopes
for harmonious globalization are purely utopian: they
merely represent obstacles to an evolution which we know
is unavoidable. What would be an illusion, however, would
be globalization of the impossible, globalization that ignores
the legitimate interests of humankind as a whole, because
sooner or later that would be doomed to failure. The
globalization of problems is a fact of life; that is why it is
imperative for us to find global solutions.
It cannot be overemphasized how discouraging it is to
see such a constantly widening gap between rich and poor
and between rich countries and Third World countries that
are stifled by debt. I certainly do not intend to complain to
the Assembly about the many upheavals of a “Third
Worldism” whose approach and methods are at least 20
years old and have become obsolete. The world is no
longer as it was in the 1970s; it has changed radically. It
seems to me, however, that this movement towards
pluralism and the market economy should be continued and
encouraged, and that it should be accompanied by a
movement towards solidarity. In fact, I believe that the
logic of power and confrontation that has marked the
twentieth century should give way to a logic of solidarity
that will make international relations more humane, based
on fair exchange and shared prosperity.
The progress of nations would be incomplete if we
restricted ourselves to seeking it solely through the
market. We must also continue to seek it simply by
promoting the most basic human rights. In sharing the
idea of human rights, it must be made clear that the
definition and observance of human rights must take into
account the context of each of our States, with their
differing traditions, social structures and priorities. For us,
human rights are balanced by the duties of the citizen and
governed by inescapable priorities. Apart from the
struggle against poverty, disease and illiteracy — ensuring
that every human being has the right to a decent and
dignified life — is it not true that human rights also mean
the protection of society from terrorism, drug traffickers
and purveyors of death of every kind? In this respect,
there are no discrepancies between our concerns and those
of the developed world on the issue of democracy and
human rights. Nevertheless, it remains true that these are
issues of utmost importance and highest priority.
This is why we believe that the idea of the progress
of the human race, and its emergence into the twenty-first
century through the adoption of the laws of the free
market, freedom of investment and other freedoms, cannot
be separated from its progress through development aid
and solidarity with Third World countries. In other words,
our interest should be focused on the renewal of
international action within the United Nations system so
as to adapt it to the new world contexts, to help it
respond to the legitimate expectations of the great
majority of nations and to bring about renewed progress
towards peace, stability, equity and shared prosperity.
I come from a continent where people need to have
faith in justice, because they believe that the countries
which exploited their resources to ensure their own
development have a heavy debt to repay. They need to
believe that, having given so much to building human
civilization in the modern era, they have the right to
demand that their dignity and their humanity should be
fully respected. I seek also to remind this Assembly that,
by letting poverty proliferate in a world which is
becoming increasingly interdependent, the rich countries
and the community of nations are paving the way for
disruptions in national life and for international relations
that will be increasingly susceptible to threats of violence,
conflict and discord, which are harmful to democracy and
to economic activity.
I also wish to recall that the failure of the Third
World, and of Africa in particular, to make itself heard —
a failure reflected in the results of the Uruguay Round —
12

does not augur well for solutions to all the problems that I
have mentioned. Does our degeneration mean that we are
irrevocably doomed to decline, and that the poverty of the
majority is irremediably bound to dominate the coming
century? I prefer not to believe that that is the case; I prefer
to believe rather that recovery is possible so long as
concerted and sustained action is taken in parallel with
action by the United Nations.
Such action must have two tiers. The first tier lies
with the industrialized countries because the solution to the
Third World’s problems is in their hands, as the Managing
Director of the International Monetary Fund rightly stated
over ten years ago: they have sufficient economic, financial
and legislative leverage to initiate reform and to restore an
environment conducive to growth for the developing
countries.
The second tier lies with the developing countries
themselves, which must take on the essential task of
becoming self-reliant by organizing their entry into the
world economy and by following through with economic
and political reforms. Unfortunately, they have no other
choice.
It is against this background that Africans met last
July in Algiers, where the thirty-fifth Organization of
African Unity (OAU) Summit was held. During this
meeting, which enjoyed a record number of participants,
Africans took stock of their achievements since
independence, weighed up current reforms in the light of
external forces and internal realities and laid down the
foundations of a new approach to and a new vision of the
future of the continent. Priority was given to concord and
peace in Africa. Africa is determined to speed up the
settlement of the conflicts between Eritrea and Ethiopia and
in the Great Lakes region, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and Sierra Leone. Activities within OAU and the
subregional organizations have been intensified towards
restoring peace and putting an end to the suffering of the
refugees.
Similarly, Africa has unequivocally stated that it
supports international legality, democracy and respect for
law, and accordingly it has set out the guidelines for the
OAU position on the situations in Angola and in Western
Sahara. It fully supports the United Nations initiatives there,
as it does the OAU good offices in the Comoros, where it
hopes that the Comoran people will proceed with
democratic elections for their institutions so as to preserve
the country’s unity and territorial integrity.
A concern for peace and concord also underlies
Africa’s assessment of the Middle East peace process,
which it hopes will come to a comprehensive, fair and
lasting solution based on withdrawal by Israel from the
territories unjustly occupied by it and on its recognition
of the Palestinian people’s legitimate and inalienable
rights.
OAU is similarly concerned about peace and security
in the Gulf, where economic sanctions that are disastrous
for the affected populations should be lifted, as should
those unjustly imposed against Libya and Sudan even
though their Governments have fully cooperated with the
relevant investigations.
The human race must enter the new millennium free
of the disputes born of the historical vicissitudes of the
tormented and tragic century now drawing to its close. In
this context, hotbeds of tension and crises must be
eliminated. The suffering of peoples who are still unable
to exercise their right to self-determination and
independence must end. The embargo imposed on the
Iraqi people must be resolved in a less harmful way, as
our Secretary-General of OAU would say, in keeping
with United Nations resolutions. Terrorism, organized
crime, drug and arms trafficking — which undermine
relations between States and weaken peaceful and fruitful
international cooperation — must be a top priority. New,
ethical international relations should also be prioritized in
order to usher in a new era of peace and common
prosperity.
The Algiers Summit, however, did not restrict itself
to expressing, clearly, Africa’s desire to bring to an end
the tragic phase of conflicts which are tearing it apart,
and to go along, step by step, with the efforts of the
international community to institute a just and long-lasting
peace everywhere in the world. The Summit also studied
economic and development issues within the framework
of the Abuja Treaty, consolidating macroeconomic
reforms through the revival of sustained growth and
through regional integration within the framework of
African unity, the principle of which has just been
enshrined by the Sirte special Summit.
The Sirte Summit reaffirmed OAU solidarity with
and support for fraternal Libya concerning the need for a
final lifting of the unfair embargo imposed upon it. It
decided also to establish new rules and norms to facilitate
the development of operational structures and modalities
for OAU with a view to achieving effective union
between the countries of Africa. Such a union will
13

guarantee Africa’s security and strengthen cooperation
between its peoples, which will gain Africa the respect and
status it deserves in the light of the heavy cost it has paid
throughout history in sacrifice, slavery, exploitation and
despoliation during the colonial era. Such a union will also
promote Africa’s material and human potential and all that
makes it so different from the rest of the world. In short,
the Sirte Summit has reaffirmed in full the right of Africa
to be an active part of the globalization process. As a
result, justice will be equal for all, and the new concepts
introduced by globalization will be immunized against any
form of injustice, abuse or exclusion.
The Summit also affirmed the necessity of advancing
new reforms in the context of cooperation and partnership
between the United Nations and OAU in all fields. Lastly,
the Summit proposed a new ethics for international
relations, where the requirements of production and
competition should obscure neither the higher interest of
humanity — whose very existence is under threat from all
kinds of environmental degradation and other scourges
affecting the natural world, humankind and human values
and institutions — nor the rights of nation States to their
integrity and sovereignty.
We do not deny the right of northern-hemisphere
public opinion to denounce the breaches of human rights
where they exist. Nor do we deny that the United Nations
has the right and the duty to help suffering humanity. But
we remain extremely sensitive to any undermining of our
sovereignty not only because sovereignty is our final
defence against the rules of an unjust world, but because
we have no active part in the decision-making process in
the Security Council nor in monitoring the implementation
of decisions.
Furthermore, inasmuch as the sovereign state remains
beyond dispute a place of social contract and the context
within which human rights should be organized — political
rights, as well as economic and social ones — the
international community should favour stability as well as
concord and the culture of democracy for our developing
countries. But all this will remain a dream so long as the
real issues at stake, those of economic and social
development, have not been clearly set out, because, for
Africa as for other continents, these issues are the crux of
the matter.
The debate on the concept of interference in internal
affairs consequently seems far from over, as at least three
questions require exact answers: first, where does aid stop
and interference begin? Second, where are the lines to be
drawn between the humanitarian, the political and the
economic? Third, is interference valid only in weak or
weakened States or for all States without distinction? In
any event, we firmly believe that interference in internal
affairs may take place only with the consent of the State
in question. We firmly believe that the countries of the
South are capable of overcoming their difficulties, so long
as solidarity, loyal assistance and the concern of the
developed countries and the international community do
not fail them.
Algeria has paid a very heavy price for democracy,
and like other African countries must shoulder the high
social cost of the reforms which it is undertaking. It has
embarked upon a vast project of national renewal. It is
working hard to ensure civil concord, enhance democracy,
establish the rule of law and renew and modernize its
judicial system and administration. In short, we are
working to create conditions for the best possible use of
the country’s economic potential and for individual and
collective well-being in a society where peace has been
restored and where free enterprise, justice and dignity are
guaranteed for all.
This is an enormous undertaking, but a necessary
one after a decade of ordeals in what was a war in
everything but name — a war that was inflicted on us,
and which allowed terrorism and extremism to do
violence against society, values, dignity and people’s
consciences. My country is re-emerging, slowly, from
these tragic events, which were foreign to Islam. Many
things have been said in various forums about this ordeal
which engulfed my country — most often, alas, by people
who are hostile to or who have only a superficial
knowledge of Algerian society and its problems. I will
refrain here from condemning anyone’s opinions, but I do
believe that when a people has been exposed to a tragedy
like the one in Algeria, for a whole decade, and has faced
up to it with the courage and tenacity which the Algerian
people have shown, then that people should at the least
have the right to use its own Republic’s institutions to
defend itself.
Yes, my country has been wounded — the very
flesh of its children has been wounded. Tens of thousands
of them are dead — some victims of fanaticism, some
victims of others’ madness. In general terms, people have
been victimized by the general confusion that nearly
brought the Republic to its knees, hence Algeria’s
overwhelming desire to defend its existence.
14

In this context of passions unleashed, disorder, the
instinct for murder, the marginalization of society,
devastating nihilism and blood and tears, men, women and
children have lived through untold suffering and the
country’s infrastructure has been flagrantly and blindly
destroyed, with extremely negative effects on our economy.
Today the Algerian people are licking their wounds.
The main thrust of our national recovery is civil concord;
this shows the innate magnanimity of our people and our
unshakeable commitment to the lofty values of tolerance
which characterize true Islam. Today, the Algerian people
are rejecting violence because it is not part of our tradition.
They are committed to pivotal human rights, as they were
during their struggle for independence and during the
building of their country. They proved this in the
referendum of 16 September by saying a resounding "yes"
to the law on civil concord adopted by the Parliament in
July. They proved this also by opening their hearts and
extending the hand of generosity to those who had defied
society and the laws of the Republic. They are proving it
through their reliance on the law, itself increasingly inspired
by the lofty ideals of the State of law and which, without
being repressive, may not be broken by anyone, including
the State. They have proved it because, true to their own
selves, they know that peace and solidarity alone are the
keys to economic and social progress.
The principles which we are recommending in
international relations we are also resolutely endeavouring
to implement at home, on a national level. With the
restoration of peace, we shall consolidate all freedoms. We
will irreversibly establish a culture of democracy and
pluralism. We are currently committed to eliminating all
bureaucratic obstacles to free economic activity throughout
the country, endeavouring in this way to establish the rules
of social liberalism and the market economy.
On a regional level, we are pursuing negotiations with
the European Union on an association agreement and on the
Barcelona process. We shall spare no effort in relaunching
the project to construct an Arab Maghreb Union on the
basis of renewed inspiration, rational action and realistic
aims established in such a way as to ensure a viable,
reliable and long-lasting institution. Like other countries,
Algeria will pursue its negotiations to become a member of
the World Trade Organization. On an African level, it will
work unceasingly towards the advancement of the economic
integration agreements reached within the framework of the
Organization of African Unity; to settle the conflicts that
are tearing the continent apart; and to promote long-lasting
peace, which is favourable to sustained development.
In short, Algeria believes that in order to contribute
in a useful manner to the future of the world, the peaceful
settlement of conflicts, international stability, solidarity
between nations and equity in international relations,
Algeria must adapt to the economic and political realities
of this world, modernize, reinforce and liberalize the
general framework within which its economy operates,
encourage private investment and ensure equal
opportunity for all its citizens while ensuring their human
development. This comprehensive and coherent action
will be taken by my country in order to adapt to the way
the world is now, so that it can succeed and so that it can
gain its rightful place among the nations of the world, a
place we first won thanks to our tradition of support for
the ideals of this Organization.
Algeria is slowly but surely beginning to get back on
its feet. It has entered a period of convalescence. It has
done so thanks to its people’s potential, vitality and
energy and, thanks also to the solidarity shown by many
sister nations and friends throughout the world. From this
rostrum let me express the Algerian people’s deep
gratitude for and recognition of that solidarity.
We are at the end of one century and on the
threshold of the next. We are at the end of one
millennium and on the threshold of another. I share to
some extent the belief that these milestones of our era do
have an impact on the life and evolution of the human
race.
The twentieth century has had its moments of glory,
notably in bringing colonialism to an end, in combating
racism and in eliminating apartheid. But it has also had
its setbacks and failures, manifested in persistent
underdevelopment, in the not always successful struggle
to eliminate poverty and in the never-ending quest for
better concord between peoples.
Will we draw enough inspiration from these
milestones to turn around mindsets that still rigidly abide
by outdated concepts of international life? Will we be
able to hold out a fraternal hand to each other so that
well-being can be better shared out in the world? Will we
be capable of preparing a world for future generations
that is better than the one in which we live? We can
answer all these questions with a “yes”, and it is with
these optimistic words of hope that I conclude my
statement.


At the outset, please allow me to express, on
behalf of the delegation of the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea, our pleasure on congratulating you,
Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. We believe that your
diplomatic skill and rich experience will greatly contribute
to our work at this session.
I avail myself of this opportunity to extend my
gratitude to Mr. Didier Opertti, Minister for Foreign
Affairs of the Republic of Uruguay, for his tangible
contribution to United Nations activities during his tenure
of his office as President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-third session. I also express appreciation for the
efforts of the Secretary-General towards strengthening the
functions and the role of the United Nations.
The current session, which is being held at the
historic turn of the century, has an important mission to
give new hope to humankind. The challenges and the
difficulties facing international society are growing ever
more complex and intricate. The cold war has ended but
domination and hegemony continue to exist. High-
handedness and arbitrariness continue to pose major
threats to international peace and security. Because of the
high-handedness and arbitrariness, so prevalent in
international relations, the principles of justice and
fairness are often disregarded and the principle of
sovereign equality — a lifeline to United Nations
activities — is shaken to its very foundation.
Moreover, we have recently seen grave situations
whereby the internal affairs of sovereign States are
interfered in by force. Today international society must
choose one of the two following options: whether the
twenty-first century will be a century of independence,
equality and peace, or whether it will be a century of
high-handedness and arbitrariness. If we choose the latter,
all countries with weak national defence capabilities will
be vulnerable to bombing, as was the case in Yugoslavia.
As we are all well aware, the Korean peninsula
stands at the centre of international peace and security.
Therefore, as a party directly concerned, I wish to take
this opportunity to present the details of views and
positions regarding the present situation there. This will,
6

we believe, be a most effective contribution to the work of
the current session.
At present, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
is being blatantly portrayed as a dangerous area of nuclear
weapons proliferation and a source of missile threats. For
example, an empty tunnel is suspected of being an
underground nuclear facility and a satellite is labelled a
ballistic missile. These are now being used as pretexts for
reviving a “star wars” plan, a phantom of the cold war, in
a variant named “the missile defence system”. Meanwhile,
the attempts of a defeated State to rearm and to re-emerge
as a military power are being accelerated at the fastest
possible speed and even a debate calling for nuclear
armaments has come to the fore.
Pursuant to operation plan 502798, aimed at
preemptive attacks against the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea, large-scale strike forces have been
surreptitiously amassed in and around South Korea. They
are entering into actual combat readiness through various
joint military exercises. It is becoming almost a reality, not
simply an assumption, that the Korean peninsula will
become a second Balkans. In the Balkan region, a
humanitarian crisis served as a pretext for war, whereas on
the Korean peninsula, the so-called missile issue is likely to
be used instead.
Our satellite launch is an exercise of equal rights in
the use of outer space that is recognized by the United
Nations. Strengthening our national defence capabilities is
an exercise of our sovereign right of legitimate defence: it
does not constitute a violation of any obligations the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea has under existing
international treaties. Nevertheless, the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea has become a target of United States
high-handedness and arbitrariness. The reason is very clear:
placing the entire Korean peninsula under its control is a
top priority of the Asia strategy of the United States. As
Yugoslavia becomes an impediment to United States
domination over the Balkan area, so the adherence of the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea to socialism is
considered an obstacle to its Asia strategy.
Much the same can be said about why Japan is so
hysterically resorting to a campaign against the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea. Japan has not liquidated its
past crimes against the Democratic People's Republic of
Korea, alone amongst countries. Japan is miscalculating
that, if the Democratic People's Republic of Korea were
stifled, the issue of liquidating its past crimes would fade
away by itself. Not only that, Japan is fabricating threats,
one after the other, as an excuse to become a military
Power.
Our people love peace and aspire to it even more
than others: they lived for the first half of this century
under the colonial rule of Japan and they have been living
for the second in a state of belligerence with the United
States. Nevertheless, we do not beg for peace: we want a
peace in which we can enjoy an independent life, not the
peace of slaves denied all freedom.
Sovereignty is the lifeline of the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea and socialism is the life of our people.
It is the unshakeable will of our people, and State policy
of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, to defend,
consolidate and develop to the utmost our own style of
socialism, chosen by the people themselves. This is an
exercise of the right to self-determination and freedom of
choice recognized by the United Nations. The present-day
confrontation on the Korean peninsula is in essence a
confrontation between those who are masters of their own
country trying to defend all that is theirs and the foreign
forces attempting to harm them. This is the main factor
underlying the continuing instability on the Korean
peninsula.
Herein also lies the answer to the question of who is
posing a threat to whom. It is not easy for our people,
whose territory and population are small and who still
lack almost everything, to defend their sovereignty single-
handedly in the face of the collective, hostile power
politics of the United States and its forces of
subordination. We have no alternative but to strengthen
our national defence capability ourselves, although this
means we must tighten our belts. Because of our lack of
capacity, Comrade Kim Jong Il, the great leader of our
people, is employing an “army first” policy. This policy
is our own unique way of uniting the whole people with
the army into a bulwark, thus enabling us both to defend
the country and develop its economy. Despite the
persistent political, military and economic moves of
hostile forces to suffocate us, up until now we have
succeeded in defending our sovereignty and preventing
another war on the Korean peninsula. This proves the
strength of the “army first” policy, for defending
socialism and ensuring peace with weapons.
The way to ensure lasting peace and security on the
Korean peninsula is to end the hostile relations between
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the
United States and reunify Korea. The Democratic People's
Republic of Korea and the United States are still in a
7

state of temporary armistice. Easing tension on the Korean
peninsula and eliminating the danger of war will be
possible when the United States discards, among other
things, its hostile policy against the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea and concludes a peace agreement with
it. There is no convincing reason why the United States
must continue to antagonize the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea alone in north-east Asia, almost 10 years
after the end of the cold war. We do not want war, but we
do strive to achieve the peaceful reunification of our
country.
We have already made it clear that we would not
regard the United States as a permanent enemy. We have
also fully shown our good faith through our sincere
implementation over the last five years of the Agreed
Framework between the United States and the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea. We have also made it clear
that, while we will make continued efforts to catch up with
neighbouring countries in the field of peaceful space
activities, we are ready for discussions on the missile issue
at any time, if hostile nations are sincere in their intentions
to dispel our concern. Now it is the turn of the United
States to prove its good faith to us with deeds, if it does not
harbour ill intent towards the Democratic People's Republic
of Korea. It is fortunate that the United States has recently
decided on a partial lifting of economic sanctions against
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, but we look
forward to a comprehensive and genuine lifting of them all.
If the United States stops pursuing its hostile policy
towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and
moves towards improved relations, we also will respond
with good faith. For the present, we are to have high-level
talks towards a settlement of outstanding issues between the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the United
States. These are to be held in response to the request from
the United States, and missile launches will be suspended
while the talks are under way.
The United States should not attempt to test the
strength of our military capability or frighten and subdue
our people with military threats and provocations. Reckless
acts such as these will surely result in a strong self-defence
response with possibly catastrophic consequences.
The United Nations should fulfil its responsibility for
ensuring peace on the Korean peninsula by implementing,
as early as possible, General Assembly resolution 3390
(XXX) B, calling for dissolution of the United Nations
Command.
The early achievement of national reunification is
the long-cherished desire of our nation. At the same time,
it is a prerequisite for ensuring durable peace and security
on the Korean peninsula. As long as Korea remains
divided, the situation on the Korean peninsula and its
surrounding areas will never be stable. This is detrimental
to peace in Asia and also in the rest of the world.
We have already established national reunification
principles. The three principles of independence, peaceful
reunification and great national unity, which the North
and South of Korea confirmed and made public at home
and abroad, in the 4 July joint statement, constitute the
grand reunification programme. They form the
cornerstone of national reunification, which the United
Nations officially welcomed in the resolution adopted at
the twentieth session of the General Assembly.
The most above board and reasonable way to
achieve reunification is the confederal formula, by which
the North and South of Korea would be able to realize
national reunification fairly and smoothly on the basis of
preserving each other's ideas and systems as they are.
Any attempts by one side to change the other, to make
claims about the “sunshine policy” and engagement, while
ignoring the reality that two different ideas and systems
are existing in the North and South, will only mean
confrontations and conflict.
In order to eliminate confrontations between the
North and the South, and to promote national
reconciliation and unity, the South Korean authorities
should abolish, inter alia, the national security law, which
has identified fellow countrymen as the enemy. The fact
that delegates of patriotic organizations for reunification
in South Korea who visited Pyongyang last August were
imprisoned, because of their participation in the grand
reunification festival, shows a clear picture of anti-
reunification acts and human rights violations by South
Korean authorities wielding the national security law. The
South Korean authorities are now talking about
reconciliation and cooperation with the North. But behind
the scenes, they are criminalizing contacts and exchanges
among the people and other personages of the North and
South of Korea and are suppressing patriotic reunification
forces by invoking the national security law.
Therefore, as long as the national security law and
anti-national and anti-reunification law remains in place,
it is impossible to achieve national reconciliation and
unity and realize contacts and exchanges between the
North and South of Korea. Only when the South Korean
8

authorities take an attitude of national independence and
patriotism, instead of depending upon foreign forces and
collaborating with them, will North-South relations become
characterized by trust and reconciliation and will a decisive
breakthrough be opened for reunification.
On 18 April of last year, the respected General Kim
Jong Il put forward the five point policy of great national
unity to hasten the independent and peaceful reunification
of the country. That policy is, first, to base oneself on the
principle of national reunification; secondly, to unite the
whole nation under the banners of patriotism and national
reunification; thirdly, to improve North-South relations;
fourthly, to struggle against alien domination and anti-
reunification forces; and fifthly, to develop exchanges,
contacts and dialogues and to strengthen solidarity and
coalition throughout the entire nation.
Great unity of the whole nation would be national
reunification. Even though there are still numerous
difficulties and obstacles in the way of national
reunification, we are optimistic about its prospects. Our
nation is one, and so is our motherland. Under the banner
of national reunification, our nation will achieve great
national unity without fail.
The twenty-first century should be a century of
independence, in which “dominationism” and high-
handedness are eliminated and the sovereignty of all States
is equally respected. In order to bring about a new century
of independence and of durable peace, a just international
order that never tolerates high-handedness and arbitrariness
should be established.
To this end, the principle of respect for sovereignty
should be strictly adhered to as the supreme principle in
international relations. The assertion that disarmament,
human rights and humanitarian issues should be placed
above sovereignty should be firmly denounced as a
dangerous attempt to justify both high-handedness and
arbitrariness. Disputes cannot be properly settled by high-
handed and arbitrary measures, such as sanctions and the
use of force. They should be resolved through dialogue and
negotiation on all accounts.
Countries of Africa and the Middle East that are
insisting they should be responsible for resolving their
issues through dialogue and negotiations are enjoying the
support of the international community. What is important
in establishing a just international order is to ensure fairness
in the formulation and application of international treaties
relating to disarmament, human rights and so forth. In
particular, the double standard of abusing international
law as a pretext for interference in the internal affairs of
sovereign States and the use of force against sovereign
States should be strictly rejected.
In order for the United Nations to fulfil its
responsibilities and its role in accordance with the
Charter, democracy should be practised in United Nations
activities. Without enhancing the authority of the General
Assembly, and without an early restructuring of the
Security Council, the United Nations will be unable to
meet the demands of a rapidly changing situation and to
cope with new challenges. The authority of the General
Assembly, where all Member States are represented and
interact democratically on an equal footing, should be
enhanced.
If the General Assembly is empowered to deliberate
on crucial issues, such as ensuring international peace and
security, and finally examines important Security Council
resolutions concerning sanctions and the use of force, this
will be conducive to ensuring fairness in United Nations
activities and preventing arbitrariness by individual
countries. The Security Council should be reformed in
such a way as to have all regions equally represented in
its composition and to ensure full transparency in all of
its activities.
In this regard, we oppose under any circumstances
the permanent membership of a defeated nation that has
not liquidated its past crimes. We are of the view that the
proposal put forward by member countries of the Non-
Aligned Movement to first increase non-permanent seats,
which is relatively easy to agree upon at this stage,
deserves sincere consideration. Since the Security Council
is taking its actions on behalf of the general United
Nations membership, its working methods and,
particularly, decision-making processes should be made
more transparent for all of the Member States.
The Government of the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea will continue to maintain
independence, peace and friendship as the fundamental
ideals of its foreign policy.
We are convinced that attaching importance to
independence, peace and friendship in international
relations conforms with the purposes and principles of the
United Nations and makes a contribution to peace and
security on the Korean peninsula, in Asia and in the rest
of the world.
9

In conclusion, I assure the Assembly that the
delegation of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
will make sincere efforts for the success of the current
session and will extend its active cooperation to the work
of the presidency.