I should like to extend to the President my delegation's sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. His experience in world affairs as a diplomat and representative of his great country, the Federal Republic of Germany, assures us that he will guide the deliberations of this session to a successful conclusion. We in Lesotho are particularly pleased at his being elected President because Lesotho enjoys happy relations with the great country that he represents. Our words of congratulation are equally extended to the other members of the General Committee. To them all I pledge the support and cooperation of my delegation.
301.	I would also pay a tribute to the outgoing President of the thirty-fourth session, Ambassador Salim A. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. It was a great honour for Lesotho to serve as one of his Vice-presidents, not only because he is an able and illustrious son of Africa but also because he served his term of office with great zeal, dedication and distinction. His presidency was characterized by his punctuality, impartiality, spirit of compromise and great sense of humour. We wish him the best of luck in his future endeavours.
302.	Thirty-five years ago, war weary nations—not more than one third of the present membership—founded the United Nations and made solemn commitments to uphold the principles of its Charter. To save succeeding generations from the scourge of war was one of the main goals of the United Nations. As we commemorate its thirty-fifth anniversary this year, we cannot but note with satisfaction and contentment that the world has for three and a half decades been continuously without a global war. In making this remark I also pay credit to our Organization for having prevented the outbreak of yet another global conflict whose consequences would be catastrophic in view of the weapons of destruction at the disposal of nations. We nevertheless continue to live in a period of relative peace, albeit in an era overshadowed by horrendous arsenals of destruction and annihilation.
303.	The United Nations has been seized of the question of disarmament for many years. At each session, this Assembly adopts numerous resolutions urging Member States to reduce their military budgets, to destroy chemical and bacteriological weapons in their possession, to respect various regions of the world as zones of peace or denuclearized zones and to prohibit the development and manufacture of new types of weapons with massive destructive potential. The number of resolutions has increased; more members have been admitted to the nuclear club; guarantees for nonnuclear power States have become meaningless while monies spent on armaments have trebled, to the neglect of millions who live in poverty, in disease, in hunger and without shelter.
304.	Ironically, we are told that the world is safe, and that its security depends on a system of mutual deterrence controlled by those who have the maximum military potential for destroying life.
305.	We have said before, and we repeat today, that it is those nations that have nuclear weapons that can effect disarmament. If we are not so vocal on this grave issue, it is not out of acquiescence. We have no nuclear weapons and desire to have none. As we move towards the close of 1980, with one Disarmament Decade having ended, we continue to look with great expectations to those who have nuclear arms to live up to their verbal commitment to the need for universal disarmament.
306.	Recently, the General Assembly concluded its eleventh special session, devoted to the establishment of the New International Economic Order. Seven years ago, on the initiative of the nonaligned movement and many third world nations represented in this Hall, this Assembly, under the chairmanship of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, adopted resolutions 3201 (SVI) and 3202 (SVI) of 1 May 1974. It is indeed with regret that we are forced to acknowledge that the ills that faced the world then remain with us today, despite a clear-cut plan and action programme to substitute a more equitable world economic order for the current unjust economic order.
307.	Towards that end, certain concrete decisions were taken in the special cases of commodities, the external debts of developing countries and the transfer of technology, to name but a few. Not all of these decisions have been implemented, to the dismay of millions in the developing world. The tragedy of the present imbalance in economic relations is clearly demonstrated by the fact that while much of the world's population is barely scratching out a living, a tiny minority is overfed and alienated by the luxury of choice.
308.	The establishment of the New International Economic Order demands a great amount of political goodwill throughout the world. It is regrettable to note that this General Assembly has not been able to solicit a general political goodwill, as is evident from the results of the eleventh special session. While we are grateful that a consensus on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade has been reached, we remain concerned by the failure to launch the global round of negotiations which is intended to be an instrument for implementing the agreed international development strategy. We are encouraged, nevertheless, to note that the door is still open to further negotiations, and it is hoped that if it pleases the Assembly to reopen the negotiations all the negotiating parties will adopt a spirit of compromise in order to facilitate the launching of the global round of negotiations.
309.	The unanimous adoption of the two most important resolutions in favour of the least developed countries and many other disadvantaged countries is a source of great satisfaction. This we regard as a demonstration of a genuine disposition on the part of the international community towards the plight of those extremely disadvantaged countries that lack the basic infrastructure for development.
310.	It is hoped that these resolutions will not merely swell the number of those which have been passed but which still remain largely unimplemented.
311.	This Assembly endorsed the need for financial institutions, both national and international, to accord special attention to the needs of these countries by extending adequate financial and technical assistance to projects and programmes designed for their economic viability and the improvement of their infrastructures. Not much, if anything, has been done. Fifteen years ago, this Assembly urged States to become parties to the Convention on Transit Trade of Landlocked States of 8 July 1965. This Convention laid down exhaustive guidelines and programmes designed to alleviate the disadvantaged geographic position of the landlocked developing States. All of these remain empty promises and documents as yet to be implemented.
312.	As the United Nations strives to achieve the effective implementation of Article 1 of its Charter, namely, the achievement of international cooperation in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion, it has also to guard jealously against external forces that are aimed at infringing these rights and freedoms on grounds of geography. Coastal as well as landlocked States, under articles 22 and 27 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, of 10 December 1948 owe their peoples the full enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights. We rely on this historic Declaration as well as on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Optional Protocol and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights—which entered into force in 1976—the solemn commitment of States in 1979 to the promotion of equality between men and women, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted in 1960 by this Assembly, and other decisions of this Assembly, in order to enjoy the freedom to move on the high seas, in air space and on earth, as common heritage of all mankind.
313.	Mankind has evidenced unprecedented excellence in scientific feats over the forces of nature in the field of technology. Since the first man was launched in a manmade spaceship, cooperation among nations in conquering outer space has been without comparison in other spheres of human endeavour. We thus call upon the Member States of this Organization to display similar goodwill and cooperation in facing the challenges confronting mankind. These challenges are clearly demonstrated by our heavy agenda. This agenda underscores the need for universal cooperation in order to make our one world a better place for posterity. The issues are intricate and contentious. Since my delegation will be discussing some of them in depth in the various relevant committees, I shall limit myself to only a few comments.
314.	Open clashes have broken out between neighbouring nonaligned States on the Persian Gulf. We appeal to the two States for a ceasefire and a return to talks and fraternal and amicable relations, and to solve the crisis through meaningful dialogue.
315.	The peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula still remains elusive. We firmly believe that unification can only be achieved through a direct dialogue between North and South. Such a dialogue should not be prejudiced by demands that may threaten the security of the parties concerned. We call on the parties to resume their dialogue based on the South North Joint Communique of 4 July 1972.
316.	The Middle East remains an area of great tension and instability. At the centre of the problem is the Palestine question. The position of Lesotho with respect to this tragedy has not altered since it was clearly set out from this and many other rostra by various spokesmen of the Lesotho Government. We should like to reaffirm that for a lasting and peaceful solution to come about, all parties should be involved in the peace efforts. The inalienable right of the Palestinian people to its own State is not negotiable. The Palestinian territory alienated and expropriated by force of arms still belongs to the Palestinian people and should not be considered as permanently alienated. This land should be returned to the people of Palestine. All parties must accept each other and then negotiate meaningfully. The Israelization of the international city of Jerusalem is an affront to efforts to bring about a solution to the Middle East problem. We call upon all parties to the conflict seriously to map out a negotiating strategy to resolve the Middle East deadlock.
317.	Southern Africa continues to constitute another major area of tension in the world today. Not long ago the Security Council and the OAU had to consider atrocious bombings and ferocious attacks by South Africa on the people's Republic of Angola. A few weeks earlier, South Africa troops had committed acts of aggression in Zambia, thus displaying unrestrained contempt for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of its neighbours. The attacks on Angola are a ploy to disguise South Africa's intention to deny the people of Namibia their right to self-determination and independence despite the numerous resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council.
318.	In its resolution 2248 (SV) of 19 May 1967, the Assembly established the United Nations Council for Namibia as the legal Administering Authority of Namibia until that international Territory's independence. It is a matter of common knowledge that South Africa has frustrated the Council in the fulfilment of its mandate. What is even more unacceptable is that Namibian patriots continue to languish in South African gaols. Apartheid and bantustans have been introduced into Namibia and an internal settlement built on the Turnhalle groups is being pursued relentlessly, if not insidiously. Namibian resources continue to be illegally exploited. South Africa has thus far flouted all Security Council decisions on Namibia. One might mention Security Council resolutions 385 (1976), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) and clearly discern a constant pattern of refusal to comply with the Security Council's decisions and of the promotion of bogus arrangements aimed at creating a neo colonial puppet regime.
319.	We should like to register our support for the struggle of the Namibian people for freedom. By now, South Africa should have learned that no amount of distortion, intimidation or oppression can stifle a people's desire to achieve freedom, independence and human dignity. SWAPO is a force with which the South African Government has to reckon. Nobody can afford to brush it aside in any negotiations on Namibia and act as if it did not exist.
320.	The continent of Africa is plagued by three more critical spots: the Horn of Africa, Western Sahara in the north and Chad in the west. The OAU is seized at the moment of these serious issues and my delegation wishes to register its support for its endeavours. We urge great vigilance and honest counsel in approaching these issues. My delegation notes with appreciation the humanitarian assistance being extended to the displaced persons and refugees in these sub regions. We appreciate the efforts of the Secretary General of the OAU, as documented under item 23 of the agenda of the Assembly. May goodwill prevail on the part of all concerned in efforts to normal the situation in these areas.
321.	We should also like to express concern for the speedy resolution of the Cyprus problem and the situation in Southeast Asia. The world has seen enough human suffering. Our collective efforts should thus be directed at the final solution of such problems. How otherwise can we talk of progress and development in the midst of so much human suffering?
322.	Under agenda item 28, entitled "Policies of Apartheid of the Government of South Africa", sufficient time will be devoted to consideration of the very lucid report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, and I do not intend to take any more of the Assembly's limited time by going into that item.
323.	The simmering crisis inside South Africa itself is a matter of great concern to us. Because of our geographical and political situation, we cannot watch the escalation of disruption and violence in South Africa with equanimity. To the extent that we cannot escape unscathed from a conflagration in South Africa, we are an interested party. We should be caught in the crossfire if anything were to happen. Hence our concern over South Africa's apartheid policies, which are the root cause of the economic and political instability in southern Africa.
324.	Economic cooperation among States of any region is always a good thing. In Africa, both the OAU and the United Nations regional commissions have encouraged such cooperation. The independent African States of the southern sub region recently concluded a conference in Salisbury aimed at such cooperation and at reducing their economic dependence on South Africa. It is against this background that a distinction should be made between their efforts and South Africa's brand of cooperation, styled "Constellation of southern African States".
325.	South Africa's so-called constellation of States, consisting of itself and its Bantustans, which it wants to sell to the independent African States, is nothing but a political mirage. In our view, it is yet another attempt by South Africa to bring about the recognition of her Bantustan creations, which have so far been rejected by the international community. Through this strategy South Africa hopes to win support and respectability for her grand apartheid, which fragments southern Africa into weak black satellites dominated by a strong white State. We reject this constellation while it is operated within the framework of apartheid.
326.	I cannot leave this rostrum without conveying to the Assembly the Lesotho Government's gratitude for the support our people have received since 1976 following the Soweto upheavals and the closure of some of the border posts between Lesotho and South Africa. The assistance was aimed at expanding educational facilities in the country to create rem for displaced South African students who had fled to Lesotho and to improve Lesotho's economic viability, to enable it to withstand external coercion and lessen its dependence on South Africa. The latest review report by the Secretary General on the fourth review mission to Lesotho is before the Assembly. It will be noted that we have been the recipient of massive aid from a variety of sources, but mainly from some Governments represented here. We are indeed greatly indebted and we are glad to acknowledge such gracious assistance.
327.	Notwithstanding this, the pledges, grants, loans and technical assistance extended still fall short of targets set four years ago. South African and Namibian students are still with us and continue to arrive in Lesotho. The need to remedy our geographical isolation still exists. We thus earnestly reaffirm our commitment to the international airport project to which Lesotho attaches great importance. In this connection, I should like to express my delegation's gratitude to those countries which have made modest contributions to our current efforts towards the construction of our one and only international air bridge. This was one of the leading projects recommended to and subsequently approved by the Security Council in 1977. It is our wish that Governments will reconsider their position on this expensive but vital project and become involved in it. So far only a few Governments of the European Economic Community and the Arab world are involved in it, with the Lesotho Government shouldering the biggest share of the funding.
328.	I should like to observe, in conclusion, that we have reached a critical point in the struggle for the liberation of the rest of Africa. Heavy sacrifices have already been made and will continue to be made. To assist any of the frontline States or any of the independent African States neighbouring Namibia and South Africa is also to contribute to the final elimination of apartheid and alien occupation in southern Africa. This is a task to which we must direct our united force and energy. The lesson of Zimbabwe has proved, more than any other lesson in recent history, that racial bigotry and colonialism are myths which have no place in the community of free nations. Thus we also wish to associate ourselves with the congratulatory words already addressed to the new State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. We are confident that the world community will respond to any request that this new State may wish to make for assistance in its reconstruction and development.
329.	I wish this Assembly success in the consideration of the serious agenda items before us.


Mr. President, on behalf of the Government and people of Fiji, my delegation would like to join with other delegations that have already spoken in congratulating you very warmly and sincerely on your election as President of this body. Your election as President of the General Assembly during this its thirty-fifth session is a reflection of the very high regard in which representatives hold you personally and, equally important, of the deep commitment of your Government and your people to the continued observance of the high ideals of the United Nations. My delegation wishes to express its fully support to you in your task, which we know is not an easy one.
50.	Fiji also wishes to put on record its gratitude for and warm appreciation of the excellent and constructive leader-ship shown by the immediate past President of this Assembly, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. His record is a credit to himself and his country.
51.	We wish to thank also the Secretary-General and his staff for their dedication and devotion to duty in their thankless job of translating the many resolutions of the United Nations into action.
52.	Just over three weeks ago this community of nations welcomed to its ranks Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as its one hundred and fifty-fourth Member. The Fiji delegation, representing another island State, extends a very special welcome to the island State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. My delegation is certain that, with the admission of this island State to the world Organization, the needs of island economies—some of which are very fragile indeed—and the aspirations of their peoples will be given the support they richly deserve and the attention from this world body that they have persistently sought. Fiji looks forward to working closely with Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and wishes it fruitful and beneficial interaction in this community of nations.
53.	We also wish to acknowledge the achievement of independence by Vanuatu, a sister nation in the Pacific, on 30 July this year. The Fiji delegation notes the positive roles played by the administering Powers of this former condominium and the encouragement given by the South Pacific Forum countries and the United Nations in regard to the attainment of self-determination and ultimate independence by this country. Vanuatu, soon after independence, became a member of the Commonwealth of Nations and, as another island State and a Pacific State, Fiji looks forward to the day when Vanuatu will take its rightful place in this world body.
54.	Ten years ago today Fiji became independent after peaceful and constructive discussions with its then administering Power, the United Kingdom. The peaceful process of dialogue which led to the attainment of independence in Fiji on 10 October 1970 has continued to be the corner-stone of our independence and national life and the foundation upon which our relations with other nations are based. The tenth anniversary celebrations which the people of Fiji are holding today bear testimony to the democratic and peaceful process that has been the chief characteristic of our social, economic and political developments to date. Our abiding faith in the value of peace and peaceful and constructive dialogue in resolving problems is also the major motivation for our membership in this international community.
55.	At the outset I should therefore like to reiterate Fiji's unequivocal commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and its hope for peace and security in the world.
56.	This session is significant in the history of the United Nations as it marks the beginning of yet another decade in the continuing efforts of this Organization to provide a global framework for the maintenance of peace and security, for promoting respect for human rights and freedom and for improving the social and economic well-being of peoples the world over.
57.	As we begin this new decade it will not be inappropriate, in the view of my delegation, for Member nations of this global body to remind themselves afresh of their obligations to maintain and uphold these aims and principles for which the United Nations was created 35 years ago. It is the view of the Fiji delegation that such a reminder cannot be over-emphasized and will not be misplaced in view of the threat to international, regional and local harmonious coexistence arising from ruthless expansionist policies which are insensitive and oblivious to the national pride, self-respect and feelings of peoples in small, weak and divided countries; the apparent relaxation of detente among super-Powers with its consequent adverse effects, implied and real, on global peace and stability; the current impasse in international and North-South economic relations—relations between the third world and the industrialized countries— because of the inability of both groups to arrive at a consensus; the lack of respect for international law, agreements and treaties that Member nations individually and/or collectively subscribe to as a basis for international relations; and the increasing proportion of the mass of humanity which is denied its birth right to life and its right to self-determination and independence because of political oppression, religious persecution, cultural subjugation and ideological intolerance.
58.	Fiji believes that those are some of the key issues which at the beginning of the decade of the 1980s are threatening the work and the very existence of the United Nations.
59.	Fiji is a small independent country in the South Pacific which is proud of its tradition of harmonious multiracial living, orderly socio-economic development, stable political evolution and peaceful coexistence with its neighbours. But as a part of an increasingly integrated and interdependent world community, Fiji views with the greatest concern the continuing escalation of unresolved conflicts in many parts of the world.
60.	The situation in the Middle East, for instance, remains one of our dominant concerns, primarily because of its implications for international peace and security and the economic future of the world. The search for a just and lasting peace in the area has continued for several years now. This year, there was the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the question of Palestine. Efforts have also been made to revive the stalled talks on the issue of Palestinian rights. A noteworthy initiative has been undertaken by the European Community, which sent an exploratory mission to all the parties this year, in an effort through dialogue to promote peace in the region. While the prospects for an immediate solution appear uncertain, there is no doubt that the question of Palestine is at the core of the Middle East conflict.
61.	A negotiated settlement, in the view of my delegation, could be based on the following principles: Israeli withdrawal from all territories occupied since 1967; recognition by the parties concerned of each other's legitimate concerns, including the right of the Palestinian people to self- determination and a homeland and acceptance of Israel's security needs; and the involvement of PLO in negotiations leading to the self-determination of the Palestinian people.
62.	We further believe that all actions that discourage the attainment of a just solution through a process of dialogue and consultation must be abandoned. In this regard, the deliberate policy of creating settlements in occupied Arab territories and the unilateral decision by Israel to change the character and status of Jerusalem create serious impediments to the peace process in the Middle East. However, we remain convinced that, given goodwill and understanding on all sides, an amicable solution can be found for the complex Middle East question.
63.	The course of events in the Middle East continues to affect the situation in Lebanon, a small country whose peaceful and secure existence has been seriously compromised. To our deep regret, the practice of pre-emptive strikes and armed activities has continued. For normalcy to return to the area, it is imperative that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon be scrupulously respected. It is because of Fiji's abiding commitment to the principles of the Charter concerning international peace and security that we have decided to participate in the United Nations peace-keeping operations in southern Lebanon. Our involvement also stems from our belief that, while peace-keeping is no substitute for peace-making, they are not mutually exclusive. Moreover, in the case of UNIFIL, there is wide agreement that it is performing an absolutely vital peace-keeping function. It is therefore crucial that there be co-operation from all sides, so as to permit UNIFIL fully to discharge its mandate.
64.	It is indeed regrettable that, despite the fact that peace-keeping operations like UNIFIL have proved their usefulness, their financial situation remains precarious. We fully concur with the following observations made by the Secretary-General in his report to the Assembly on the work of the Organization:
"This situation places a heavy burden on the troop- contributing countries which, if allowed to continue, may adversely affect the future of such operations."
The troop-contributing countries, and particularly developing countries such as mine, continue to suffer from the failure of some to share the financial burden of peacekeeping. Since the maintenance of international peace and security is a collective responsibility, we hope that all will fulfil their financial obligations in this regard.
65.	Moreover, my delegation recalls that the General Assembly, in its resolution 34/166, requested a United Nations study this year on "the existing standard rates of reimbursement, with a view to ensuring an equitable rate of reimbursement to the Governments of troop-contributing States". My delegation looks forward to that important report. We further hope that this Assembly will be able to take action that will provide for more regular and fairer rates of reimbursement to the troop contributors. Failure to act could mean continued absorption by the troop- contributing countries of escalating costs for the maintenance of their national contingents on United Nations peace-keeping assignments.
66.	The conflicts in Indo-China and West Asia remain unresolved. Despite efforts to defuse the situations in Kampuchea and Afghanistan, no political solution acceptable to the parties directly concerned has emerged. Because of the serious implications of these conflicts for peace and security, and for humanitarian considerations regarding the plight of the refugees, urgent solutions are necessary. It is therefore our very earnest hope that General Assembly resolution 34/22, in respect of the situation in Kampuchea, will be expeditiously implemented, with the co-operation of the parties concerned.
67.	In the case of Afghanistan, we remain convinced that General Assembly resolution ES-6/2 provides the basis for a satisfactory solution. Even though various efforts to resolve the crisis have not yet yielded results, it is crucial that a search for a negotiated settlement should continue.
68.	My delegation supports the implementation of these resolutions essentially because they provide for the withdrawal of foreign forces, which in turn could facilitate the act of self-determination by the peoples concerned. We firmly believe that it is for the people themselves to decide their own future without any external interference in any form.
69.	A problem which faces the United Nations each year, and which is not dissimilar to the problems in South-East and West Asia that I have just alluded to, is the question of decolonization.
70.	Many members who have spoken from this rostrum have drawn our attention to the commemoration this year of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
71.	While we welcome the independence attained by many countries since 1960, we are nevertheless aware of the plight of the many that are still seeking to control their own destiny, including those in Africa, the Caribbean and, indeed, our part of the world.
72.	My delegation supports the inalienable right of all colonial peoples to exercise self-determination in accordance with the important principles that are enunciated in the Charter and in resolution 1514 (XV). Having attained our own independence in 1970, and following our accession to membership of this Organization and of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we have been guided by those principles in our approach to various cases of decolonization. Mindful of the fact that the Charter recognizes the well-being and interests of the colonial peoples as paramount, we fully subscribe to the view that it is for the people themselves freely to choose their own destiny. We would therefore monitor closely the positive assurances from those concerned that they will be guided by the wishes of the people as regards their future. For we remain convinced that no self-centred interests or narrow considerations, such as those based on race, creed or colour, should be allowed to impede the decolonization process.
73.	Concerning the international Territory of Namibia, we note that the prolonged search for an internationally accept-able solution has not yet resulted in Namibia's freedom. It is indeed regrettable that the carefully devised United Nations plan for the peaceful decolonization of Namibia remains unimplemented because of the continuing intransigence of South Africa. My delegation earnestly hopes that South Africa will speedily end its illegal occupation of the Territory and accept a solution based on the important principles outlined in Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) which, in brief, entail the acquisition of genuine majority rule by the Namibian people based on free and fair elections to be held under the auspices of the United Nations. Moreover, SWAPO should continue to participate fully in the processes leading to independence. Such steps should bring to fruition the attainment of the peaceful solution that the people of Namibia fully deserve and have long been denied.
74.	As for South Africa itself, the abhorrent practice of apartheid and racial discrimination remains the concern of the international community. Repression should give way to genuine changes aimed at majority rule and the full realization of the principles of human rights.
75.	Addressing the General Assembly in 1976, my Prime Minister said that the practice of "apartheid is anathema to us". We continue to subscribe fully to that position. We remain convinced that in multi-racial and multi-cultural societies all can share, without any distinctions, the fruits of progress, peace and prosperity. Our own experience in Fiji—as indeed experience elsewhere—has shown that that is possible.
76.	On the question of human rights, my country is fortified by our election to membership of the Commission on Human Rights, with effect from next year. It is our intention to honour the trust placed in us by the world community through a constructive contribution to the deliberations of the Commission.
77.	Although great progress has already been made in the field of human rights, the efforts of the international community are being continuously tarnished by human-rights violations in many parts of the globe. Political persecution, racial discrimination, torture and arbitrary sentences are still a painful reality today. It is extremely important to understand that in the final analysis individual human rights must rest on the foundation of collective human rights. National liberation and self-determination create the frame-work for the latter, and only after they have been achieved can one think of ensuring human rights for individuals.
78.	My delegation believes that concrete and effective measures should be urgently adopted by this Organization in order to meet and fulfil its obligations in the human-rights field by seeing to it that those who on various pretexts have pushed waves of refugees across their national borders or out to sea show more moderation and responsibility. Whether in Africa, Asia, the Middle East or elsewhere, these refugees suffer the most inhuman treatment. My delegation appeals to this Assembly to support the efforts of the United Nations and other organizations to relieve the misery of these fellow men. We sincerely hope that the inscription on this session's agenda of the item entitled "International co-operation to avert new flows of refugees" will bring us closer to a solution of the refugee question.
79.	We remind this Organization again that stability of newly gained freedom is essential for ensuring socio-economic development and for widening and deepening the ambit of human rights. That needs to be properly institutionalized, for only then will there be a safeguard against their possible abuse or suppression, or even total eclipse.
80.	We in Fiji are very concerned about our society because it is multiracial, multi-religious and multicultural, and in such a society great care and sensitivity are needed to ensure that no segment of the society is deprived in any way. The dignity of man expressed through the equality of all is what we believe in.
81.	The World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, held at Copenhagen last July, is only one of the many facets of our international efforts towards the achievement of equality for all in the field of human rights. Although the Programme of Action for the Second Half of the United Nations Decade for Women7 was not adopted by consensus, my delegation is of the opinion that the document contains frameworks which are acceptable to all and within which Governments and organizations can successfully pursue the aims and objectives of the Decade. This, together with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, adopted by the General Assembly last year, must now form the basis of our efforts towards the advancement of women, who after all constitute half of mankind.
82.	The progress we have made in Fiji on the general question of human rights and respect for others and its consequence in bringing about harmony and peace can perhaps be summed up in the following passage taken from my Prime Minister's address this morning to the people of Fiji on the occasion of our national independence day:
"We have been fortunate in Fiji. We have enjoyed peace. We have made progress, and there is stability in our country. Our endeavour for the future is to maintain this stability. Our aim is to establish in our country a truly multiracial society where the welfare of all is our collective concern.
"Given the tolerance and goodwill and the hard work and dedication through which we have been blessed with peace, progress and stability, I believe there is great promise for our country in the future. As we look to the next decade of our development, let us remember that our greatest contribution to our country and to the world at large is to maintain a united and harmonious multiracial society."
83.	Many speakers who have preceded me have spoken of the current trends in the world economy and the grave economic problems facing the international community today. The eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which ended recently, focused on the realization by the international community of the urgent need to establish the New International Economic Order. A significant part of that economic restructuring process envisages emphasis on the development of the small, less endowed, geographically handicapped and poor nations of the world. My delegation is pleased that a consensus has been reached on the question of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. We hope that the text will be adopted and the recommendations in it expedition implemented. We are, however, disappointed that the special session failed to reach a consensus on the global round of negotiations, but we hope that the preparation for the global round will be finalized during the current session.
84.	The international community is mindful of the interdependence of the economies of our nations. It has also shown through many resolutions adopted within the United Nations system that it is fully aware of the economic plight of island developing countries like my own. In our statement to the recently concluded special session on the New International Economic Order,  we emphasized the problems of high inflation, the increasing cost of energy fuel and protectionism. We shall not repeat that here. What is needed is not repeated declarations and resolutions on avowed intentions, but a genuine and honest political will to assist those nations in need.
85.	However, my delegation has always emphasized its views on trade as the vehicle for economic growth. Most island developing States like Fiji are faced with limited resources, small domestic markets, heavy dependence on imports and high transportation costs. Having made that point, I must say that we have, in the course of our decade of independence, assumed full responsibility in resolving that problem.
86.	We believe that equitable terms of trade with developed and developing countries constitute the best form of aid. We are convinced that the best form of assistance that countries can give us is the provision of assured markets for our exports.
87.	We have therefore been encouraged by the positive response demonstrated by the industrialized European Economic Community [EEC] countries in their improved economic relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and in their willingness to give guaranteed access for an assured quota of our sugar to their markets at guaranteed prices. We are grateful to the EEC for the substantial aid and technical assistance given to us under the Lome II Convention.  We are also appreciative of the positive steps taken towards regional trade agreements and economic co-operation among South Pacific countries providing for duty-free and unrestricted entry of a wide range of products on a non-reciprocal basis. My delegation is pleased at the noteworthy progress made in UNCTAD, where agreement has finally been reached on establishing a Common Fund for Commodities.
88.	The island States in the South Pacific have their own regional identity in the South Pacific Forum. The member States of the Forum have come a long way, since its inception in 1971, in their desire for increased mutual cooperation among themselves. At regular meetings, the South Pacific countries have come to grips with such problems as assisting member countries in providing for their needs in economic assistance, specialist skills, manpower, technical co-operation, regional shipping and fishing. Indeed, the South Pacific Forum is regarded as a respected international organization fully consistent with the Pacific tradition of mutual help and self-reliance and also in keeping with the United Nations concept of increased cooperation among developing countries.
89.	Earlier in this address I mentioned that a major cause for concern in the world today is the lessening of detente resulting from the lack of respect for international law, agreements and treaties, to which Member nations subscribe, some individually, some collectively, as a basis for peace and harmonious international relations. In that connection allow me to make some brief comments on the topic of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the South Pacific, in the context of general and complete disarmament.
90.	At its thirtieth session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 3477 (XXX) endorsing the idea of the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the South Pacific. In inviting the countries of the region to carry on consultations about ways and means of achieving this objective, the resolution also expressed the hope that all States, in particular the nuclear-weapon States, would co-operate fully in achieving the objective of a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific.
91.	Whilst the heads of Government of the independent or self-governing States of the South Pacific Forum have issued various communiques since the adoption of resolution 3477 (XXX), reiterating the importance of keeping the South Pacific region free from the risk of nuclear contamination and of involvement in a nuclear conflict, the co-operation they had hoped to receive from nuclear-weapon States of the region has not been forthcoming.
92.	Encouraging progress has been made in the declaration and the establishment of nuclear-free zones in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East and South Asia, as well as in the denuclearization of Africa and Latin America. Sadly, the largest and, from its name, supposedly the most peaceful of oceans remains the hub of nuclear testing and related nuclear activities. We therefore call on the States concerned to refrain from any action contrary to the objective of establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the South Pacific and urge them to enter into dialogue and negotiations with the States of the region for the achievement of these objectives. Everyone recognizes that the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Pacific would contribute not only to the security of our region but, more important, to the prevention of the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and would bring us a step closer to the goal of general and complete disarmament.
93.	The numerous appeals by the General Assembly in its equally numerous past resolutions for an end to all nuclear- weapon tests in all environments must be heeded and heeded by all. In the present international climate, in which nearly all our disarmament negotiation efforts have reached an impasse, the call for the cessation of all nuclear testing and of the nuclear arms race is even more imperative than ever before. The highest priority must be accorded to the adoption of effective measures towards nuclear disarmament and the conclusion of an agreement on general and complete disarmament.
94.	A necessary corollary to the Pacific island nations' call for the cessation of all nuclear testing in the region is our protest at the dumping of nuclear waste in our waters and on our islands. In July this year the heads of Government of the South Pacific Forum in their meeting in Kiribati unanimously adopted a resolution condemning any action that represents further exploitation of the Pacific for nuclear purposes to the disadvantage of the people of the Pacific. That was a follow-up to a similar resolution adopted at the previous year's meeting regarding the storage in the Pacific of spent nuclear fuel. While we note in that regard the assurances by the States concerned of the high safety standards laid down for those projects and the minimal threat they pose or will pose to our people, experiences elsewhere remind us that accidents have occurred and are bound to occur. In any case my delegation is not convinced that there exists at the present time any nuclear storage system that can provide an absolute guarantee against accidents as well as against future seepage.
95.	The question of global disarmament remains the most basic and is of immediate concern to this world body, whose very foundations appear threatened not only by the stalemate reached in both multilateral and bilateral negotiations towards agreement on general and complete disarmament but also and even more by the increase in the military budgets of all major Powers, which aggravates further the constantly spiralling arms race. Even previous calls for the freezing and reduction of military budgets, including the one issued last year by the General Assembly in resolution 34/83F, which was adopted without a vote, appear—in the light of the major Powers' military budgets for the coming year—to represent mere drafting exercises. Perhaps the General Assembly's decision in resolution 34/75 last December to declare the 1980s as the Second Disarmament Decade is indicative of the rate of progress we have achieved so far in this area.
96.	The World Disarmament Conference envisaged to take place after the second session on disarmament would, in my delegation's view, be the most appropriate forum, in which all the peoples and nations of the world should participate, for everyone to make an all-out concerted effort at reaching some consensus on ways and means of achieving our goals. For such a conference to be effective, it requires the political will and participation of all nuclear-weapon Powers. For such a conference to have any meaningful effect it must be convened at the earliest possible time.
97.	Why, it may well be asked, is the issue of the urgency of global negotiations on disarmament raised by one of the smallest Member nations? For a variety of reasons. In addressing the General Assembly 10 years ago on Fiji's admission into the United Nations, our Prime Minister said" that Fiji's remarks on world affairs and events were made with an appreciation of our isolated geographical location, which in turn gave us a perspective different from that of many nations closer to the pulse of international affairs. For that very reason alone, and given the endless search for alternative avenues and ways and means of achieving any progress in many of our international strivings, it may be worth our while to take some of the views expressed by small and medium-sized countries into consideration. Fiji sees the impasse reached in many of our disarmament negotiations as not only dangerous for our immediate future but equally undesirable, given the latest regional conflicts in South-East and South-West Asia as well as in the Middle East.
98.	A further reason why my small country has seen fit to comment on global disarmament is our over-all responsibility to the world community. The question of disarmament is, in my delegation's view, not a matter for the major Powers alone. It is a problem that affects each and every member of the international community, touching not only on their security interests, but also on their very survival. It would be irresponsible on our part, as it is on the part of other small countries, to remain silent or indifferent on the issue of disarmament. Super-Powers and the other major Powers cannot arrogate to themselves the role of custodian of the fate of mankind at a time when its future and its very survival are at stake.
99.	My delegation is mindful and appreciative of the untiring work of the Committee on Disarmament in this area. Its report, setting out the various stages the negotiations have reached concerning the elements of a comprehensive programme on disarmament, and its recommendations should form the basis of our future efforts. In this connection, the report of the Disarmament Commission to be placed before this session and incorporating the report of the Committee on Disarmament, should again emphasize the need for our efforts to be co-ordinated and concerted and to receive serious consideration by the General Assembly.
100.	The second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of N clear Weapons, held at Geneva from 11 August to 7 September this year, noted that "considerable progress" had been made in some key areas on peaceful uses of nuclear energy. But again we note with deep concern the inability of the Conference to reach an agreement on issues pertaining to nuclear non- proliferation, disarmament and international peace and security. This again underscores the urgency of the call my delegation and those that have preceded me make to the major Powers to co-operate fully with the negotiating processes aimed at establishing peace and security.
101.	If there is a ray of hope about what political will and co-operation between nations can do, a hope that so far has eluded the world community in our efforts to reach agreements in areas of global disarmament and in the last special session concerning the global round of negotiations to launch the New International Economic Order, it is to be seen in the success achieved at the recently concluded ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea at Geneva. The hard-core issues which had plagued the Conference over the years and which now have happily been resolved amply illustrate one fundamental fact, namely, that the international community can arrive at a consensus in any areas of international endeavour if there exists a genuine will and determination to do so.
102.	The draft convention that has emerged  and that is to establish a new order to govern the ocean space based on international social justice is of particular importance to the small island countries and territories of the Pacific which rely to a very great extent on the resources of the sea for their daily needs. For archipelagic States like Fiji, it is particularly gratifying to note that the concept of an archipelagic regime is firmly entrenched in the draft treaty and has now won universal acceptance.
I OS* Mention of this major achievement leads me to refer to our added apprehension about our vast ocean areas. We have already alluded to the danger that nuclear testing and the dumping of nuclear wastes in our ocean poses for our people. Coupled with this is the very real danger and the magnitude of damage that such nuclear spillage and seepage can cause for our environment, especially for our marine resources. Whilst nuclear testing and dumping are carried out outside our territorial waters and economic zones, that does not prevent the adverse consequences from flowing into our areas and affecting our marine life. It does not prevent highly migratory species of fish, like tuna, which are affected by nuclear activities, from moving from testing and dumping areas to ours where they are harvested. We highlight these points, if only to dramatize the over-all undesirability of nuclear testing and dumping of nuclear wastes that are carried out in our region.
104.	The main theme of what we have said is the peace and security of this world. Without it there is little hope for mankind, as indeed peace is necessary as a precondition for the fulfilment of our hopes for a better world.


Permit me, Sir, on my own personal behalf and on behalf of my delegation, to congratulate you most sincerely on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Tanzania is particularly pleased to see an eminent representative of your great country occupying this post, for the Federal Republic of Germany and the United Republic of Tanzania have long historical links. You are aware, of course, that present relations between our two countries in diplomacy and development cooperation are flourishing. Your country's interest in the progress of the continent of Africa is also widely acknowledged. Your own high qualities as a skilled diplomat and statesman make you a most worthy choice for this esteemed post. My delegation welcomes your leadership of the current session of the General Assembly and pledges its fullest cooperation.
106.	It gives me immense satisfaction now to pay a deserved tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim, on his achievements. The confidence of my Government in his service, dedication and resourcefulness in the course of his entire career as its envoy was more than vindicated by his assumption, for the honour of his country, of the responsibilities of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We are proud of the dedication that he demonstrated during the one year term of office.
107.	In addition, I take this opportunity, through you, Mr. President, first, once again to thank the General Assembly for electing him and then extending to him throughout his term of office all the cooperation and assistance that he needed. Secondly, I thank Ambassador Salim himself for the honour he has earned my country by his stewardship of the Assembly's affairs in the regular and special sessions. Thirdly, I thank the General Committee of the thirty-fourth session for its team spirit and cooperation with Ambassador Salim.
108.	I should like to extend a very warm welcome to the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, whose country has just been admitted to membership in the United Nations. The United Nations must feel very proud of and enriched by this latest success in decolonization. We look forward to working very closely with the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines in the United Nations for the benefit of the peoples we represent and in the promotion of international understanding and cooperation.
109.	Allow me also to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to the secretary General. The smooth operation of the Secretariat is often taken for granted, although the truth is that a lot of arduous work, dedication and perseverance must be put into it, and the onus of ensuring that all goes well is borne by the man at the helm. We are pleased to record our great satisfaction that the secretary General has shouldered this responsibility with dedication and resourcefulness.
110.	For the thirty-fifth time the Assembly has convened in regular session to assess the progress made by the United Nations in its noble mission to free mankind from the threat and yoke of insecurity, injustice and poverty. The yearly stocktaking exercise was intended to ensure, by taking appropriate action at each such session, that each succeeding year of the existence of the United Nations records progress that brings us closer than ever before to the aims of the Charter.
111.	Although there can be no doubt that the United Nations has achieved much since it was founded—for example, in the field of decolonization—the overall world situation remains very disturbing. There prevails in almost every area of endeavour by the United Nations a sense of under achievement, great disappointment and sometimes near despair. In its quest for peace and security, in the numerous areas of international tension, for example, goodwill efforts and negotiations are stalemated, while the problems assume even more dangerous proportions. In disarmament, rhetoric seems to a disturbing extent to have replaced meaningful negotiations, leaving the arms race to escalate almost beyond reversal. In the economic field, the world is witnessing a dramatic crumbling of the entire world economic structure, thanks mainly to the stubborn refusal of reform by some of the beneficiaries of the old established unequal economic relations. As confrontation and contest spread from one field to another, tension mounts and peace, naturally, is placed in even greater jeopardy.
112.	One of the developments which characterized the 1970s and will, I believe, dominate the 1980s is the fiercely critical re-examination of world economic relations following the proved ineffectiveness of traditional attempts at a solution, especially in the 1960s. This re-examination has resulted in the conclusion that nothing short of a complete overhaul of the world economic system will bring about an improvement in the economies of most of the developing countries, let alone international justice. That is why the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order of 1 May 1974 Resolutions 3201 (SVl) and 3202 (SVl) remains the number one agenda item in the evolution of present-day international relations.
113.	But it is also becoming increasingly clear that the old international economic system is no longer appropriate even for its architects in the North, whose economies are characterized by slow growth, high unemployment, inflation and fluctuations in exchange rates. Even the so-called free trade is increasingly being flouted by some of the developed countries by a proliferation of protectionist measures.
114.	The call for the establishment of a new international economic order is based on the genuine desire to establish a harmonious and mutually beneficial political and economic system in which all nations will be able to participate equitably, not only in the decision-making mechanisms on matters affecting all countries but also in the production and distribution of goods and services. And 1 should like to emphasize at this juncture that the developing countries are not asking for reparations for whatever pillage was committed in the past, though they are entitled to do so. We are asking for a new type of relationship among all nations based on genuine interdependence, in which mutuality of interests takes the place of conflict of interests in a world of shrinking resources. In the search for such an order with such a purpose, no country is uninvolved and no nation should be excluded. For the future belongs to all of us, developing or developed, capitalist or socialist.
115.	Several working conferences have been held since the sixth special session of the General Assembly, which laid down the foundation and goals of this new structure of relationships among nations. Regrettably, little progress has been made in the implementation of the structural changes called for in the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. Responsibility for the failure of the international community to reach agreement on structural changes in the international economic system falls squarely on certain major developed countries. In the report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, the Brandt Commission has given eloquent, succinct and authoritative testimony in these terms:
.. in UNCTAD and elsewhere the Group of 77 faced an uphill task. At successive meetings they put forward proposals for international economic reform, but the North either did not like them or was not ready for them. The North has also argued that the South often makes inflexible demands which allow little room for negotiation. On the other hand, while some countries have made positive proposals, the North as a group has tended to react passively to those put forward by the South, rather than present a constructive position of its own."
116.	These negative attitudes of some of the major industrialized countries of the North were again manifested at the recently concluded eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to issues related to development and international economic cooperation. Their lack of political will prevented the Assembly from launching, at that session, the new round of global negotiations on international economic cooperation for development.
117.	The selective approach to the issues to be dealt with during the global negotiations clearly demonstrates that some of the industrialized countries are interested in discussing in isolation only those issues which are of direct interest to them, in complete disregard of the interests of the international community as a whole. Their insistence that some of the issues concerned should be dealt with exclusively in certain international institutions, of which they have full command because of their weighted voting structures and the non-universality of those institutions, is a clear demonstration of their desire to maintain their privileged position. In all these cases some of the developed countries are rejecting the concept of an integrated approach to the problems facing the world economy in the fields of raw materials, energy, trade, development, money and finance, and they want to reduce the role of the central body in these negotiations to that of a helpless spectator.
118.	My delegation is convinced that the new round of global negotiations on international economic cooperation for development will be meaningful only if they are conducted in a simultaneous, coherent and integrated fashion. These negotiations should result in a package agreement to be negotiated by the central body, which should receive maximum support and cooperation from all the specialized agencies. All the participating parties must be committed to the implementation of that agreement. We therefore appeal to those developed countries which have often made pleas for "understanding and accommodation" to review their position on this matter to enable the global negotiations to be launched as early as possible.
119.	We accept that the primary responsibility for the development of our countries rests on our own shoulders. It is for this reason that the developing countries have initiated several projects and programmes for cooperation and mutual assistance among themselves in order to promote their individual and collective self-reliance. The developing countries are committed to the implementation of such policy measures as those elaborated in the Arusha Programme for Collective Self-Reliance and in other programmes adopted elsewhere. There have also been efforts to promote cooperation at regional levels. The Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for Economic Development of Africa, which was adopted at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in Lagos in April of this year, signifies the importance which African countries attach to cooperation among themselves in order to deal more effectively with their development problems.
120.	But we are equally conscious of the fact that all countries, and particularly the developing ones, need an international political and economic environment which will both respond to and support their development efforts. All countries must therefore demonstrate their political will and commitment to implement the Strategy for the 1980s. The developed countries in particular must take the necessary measures to give concrete substance to their pleas for accommodation and cooperation.
121.	In August this year an event took place at Geneva that is historic and must have a great influence in other areas of collective endeavour. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has taken over 10 years of difficult negotiations on a vast range of maritime issues, reached agreement on all the major problems before it. Like the negotiations on the new international economic order, that Conference involved numerous very sensitive interests of the participating States and, as in the former, a demand for departure from traditional patterns of world relations was made. The scepticism and sense of despair that preceded the breakthrough were as great as, if not greater than, those which prevail in negotiations elsewhere. The collapse of this Conference would inevitably have had demoralizing repercussions on all other negotiations apart from portending chaos at sea. Yet to all intents and purposes the law of the sea negotiations have succeeded, all the difficult problems involved notwithstanding.
122.	This should serve as considerable encouragement to and an example for all those engaged in similar negotiations in the context of a new international economic order. For what has been proved is that where there is political will, fruitful negotiations are possible.
123.	Expenditures on arms and armaments by most Powers no longer bear any relationship to their security requirements. What can we say of this kind of wasteful conduct when in this same world, across our borders, if not within our own countries, there are fellow human beings who live in conditions of misery and abject poverty?
124.	The arms race has now pushed the world to the very brink of suicide. Two years ago the tenth special session of the General Assembly had to be convened to draw world attention to this fact. In August of this year the parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons held their Second Review Conference at Geneva. At both meetings there was unanimity on one conclusion, namely, that what has so far been done in the field of disarmament is not commensurate with the urgent requirements in this field. We appeal to the great military Powers to summon up the resolve to begin to beat their swords into ploughshares.
125.	My country is seriously concerned at the military build-up in the Indian Ocean zone. We have all along noted with concern and realized that that zone has been of great interest to the major military Powers and therefore a zone of rivalry, fraught with the danger of military conflict. In 1971 the Assembly declared the Indian Ocean a zone of peace; therefore the area should be spared great Power military presence and rivalry. Of late, under the pretext of developments around the area, there has been an unprecedented escalation in great Power rivalry and more bases have been openly established, in total disregard of the appeal made here for those Powers to exercise restraint. That is a very disturbing trend, and my delegation calls upon all those concerned scrupulously to respect the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
126.	The Middle East situation is one of the most agonizing that the United Nations has had to deal with in its history. Peace has become exceedingly elusive, and as long as it is not accepted by all sides that the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to establish an independent State of its own, is the cornerstone of peace in that area, there can be no prospect of peace.
127.	The current Israeli activities in the area underscore that country's intransigence and have justly been condemned by the international community. The establishment of Israeli settlements in occupied Arab lands, the incarceration of Arab leaders, such as mayors, the recent illegal actions on the status of Jerusalem and the constant aggression against Lebanon, to mention only a few such activities, do not contribute to the quest for a just and enduring settlement of the conflict in the region.
128.	The recent outbreak of hostilities between Iran and Iraq, which unfortunately still continues, is a source of great concern to my Government. The war between those two nonaligned and developing States has already caused tremendous devastation, both human and material. Its continuance is not only detrimental to the interests of the countries concerned but is also a source of serious danger to the security and stability of the region, with imponderable consequences for international peace and security. We solemnly appeal to both Iraq and Iran to put an immediate end to the fighting and to resolve their conflict by peaceful means.
129.	In the island State of Cyprus, the sovereignty, territorial integrity and nonalignment of a nation is threatened by internal strife and foreign occupation. The United Nations, through the efforts of the secretary General in particular, has endeavoured to bring the two communities together to seek a common solution. We urge the two communities to take advantage of those good offices in the interest of their country and of regional peace, bearing in mind that the longer it takes to reach a solution, the more intractable the problem becomes.
130.	Efforts for the reunification of Korea have not moved a step since 1972, when the two sides agreed on a common approach to the search for a settlement. The Korean people have a right to demand the reunification of their motherland peacefully and without foreign interference and to demand the withdrawal of all foreign troops, and they are correct in seeking to replace the armistice agreement with a peace treaty to be signed by the parties concerned.
131.	Developments concerning IndoChina and Afghanistan continue to exacerbate international tension. We are convinced that the only solution lies in full respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the countries concerned. The true desire of those countries is to be nonaligned. That is not only their right, which we fully support, but also the best guarantee of peace in their areas.
132.	As we enter the decade of the 1980s, Africa is living out the final chapter of decolonization. Zimbabwe is now free, and it is with a deep sense of pride that we welcome its presence among us here today.
133.	But Zimbabwe has taught all of us a lesson that is very relevant to the situation now prevailing in Namibia.
134.	South Africa, in the first place, continues to occupy that Territory illegally. Secondly, it has done everything possible to thwart the United Nations plan for settlement and to block the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Despite the many and very serious efforts of the secretary General to ensure implementation of the settlement plan, South Africa has continued to employ delaying tactics, using every kind of pretext and excuse to frustrate those moves. Thirdly, South Africa has continued to use Namibia as a springboard from which to launch repeated acts of aggression against Angola and Zambia. Recently, the attacks against Angola have been particularly vicious and almost constant. Those acts of aggression have maimed thousands, and rendered just as many defenceless refugees. We condemn those senseless acts in the strongest possible terms. At the same time, we pledge our solidarity not only with the oppressed peoples in Namibia but also with the gallant people of Angola and Zambia, who have defied South Africa's intimidation and aggression.
135.	If South Africa is genuinely interested in solving the Namibian problem peacefully, then the time is at hand. Zimbabwe seemed as intractable as Namibia now is. Yet with the cooperation of all parties, a solution has been achieved. Let South Africa commit itself to the implementation of the United Nations plan for genuine free and fair elections under United Nations supervision. My delegation does not accept South Africa's unwarranted charge that the secretary General has not acted impartially on the issue of Namibian decolonization. We challenge South Africa to give the secretary General the opportunity to demonstrate his impartiality further by enabling the implementation process to get under way immediately. In the meantime, I reiterate my country's continued support for the armed liberation struggle waged by SWAPO and the calls, in the face of South African intransigence, for comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against that regime.
136.	You, Mr. President, represent a great country, the Federal Republic of Germany. With a population of about 25,000 ethnic Germans in Namibia, and also as one of the five Western countries, I am sure this question is of great interest and challenge to your country, to you and to them, for it is at their initiative that negotiations took place. I am convinced, therefore, that in our deliberations on this matter, as in all others before the Assembly at this session, your wisdom and experience will not let this opportunity for a peaceful settlement elude us.
137.	Apart from Namibia, South Africa itself is at a crossroads. A revolution has already been ignited, and there is no way the apartheid regime there can stifle the fire of liberation and equality for all the peoples of South Africa. What is feared, however, is that in its desperation the racist minority regime will perpetrate more crimes in an attempt to prolong its existence. We believe that with the cooperation of the rest of the international community, by isolating the regime in all fields, the sons and daughters of that country will not take long to wrest their freedom and dignity. We appeal to all Members of the United Nations not to put obstacles in the way of these peoples' pursuit of this ideal, which the United Nations itself has always espoused.
138.	Still on the question of liberation in Africa, the attention of the Assembly must be drawn to a problem which has already been the subject of numerous decisions by the OAU, the United Nations and the nonaligned movement. I am referring to the problem of Western Sahara. The people of that Territory are entitled to exercise their right to self-determination and independence. But a Member of the United Nations and of the OAU, namely Morocco, insists that Western Sahara be part of Morocco's territory. There certainly is no basis for Morocco's claim.
139.	The majority of the African States have already accorded recognition to the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic. Talks have been allowed to go on with all concerned and interested parties in the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State of the OAU on Western Sahara. It has nevertheless to be made clear that the right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination and independence is as unaffected as it is sacrosanct. The Assembly cannot but continue to reaffirm this right.
140.	When the United Nations was established, it had relatively few Members, and the majority were the developed countries. The interests of the United Nations in world affairs then were almost identical with those of these Members. It was natural that the United Nations was accorded a very important role in the management of world affairs.
141.	Now, we hear of talk that the Assembly consists of too many members to be efficient in its work and that, therefore, serious negotiations can only usefully take place in smaller forums elsewhere. And when the forums are mentioned to us, we cannot avoid concluding that these members want to continue to enjoy a privileged position in the community of nations.
142.	This position of privilege is no longer acceptable. All of us have to learn to live with a democratized world system. So long as we continue to live in this same one world, we will have to learn to live with one another as equals and therefore obliged to share responsibility as well as rights. It is no longer possible for a small group of countries to take decisions on behalf of others without their consent and, at the same time, expect acceptance of those decisions by all. Neither the world nor the United Nations continues to be patterned to the purpose and interest of the few developed and industrialized nations.
143.	Affairs of common interest in all fields of international intercourse must be dealt with in the United Nations. We maintain that the United Nations is the only hope for the peace, prosperity and dignity of mankind. That is why we also maintain that important decisions on world affairs need the stamp of legitimacy of the United Nations if these decisions are to be of lasting effect.
144.	Since the launching of negotiations for the new international economic order, we have witnessed six years of dialogue aimed at averting confrontation. But the dialogue, necessary though it may have been, has fostered neglect and compounded the trend of accelerating economic adversity for the developing countries. Hunger, disease and deprivation have increased, not abated. There is yet the chance to come to grips with these problems and to strengthen the aspiration for the Realization of a peaceful world. It lies in the commencement of the global negotiations.
145.	Neither rivalry nor isolation can destroy the essential unity of our planet or the dynamic interdependence of nations. We hope that the 1980s will attest to this truth, and that, inspired by the principles and goals of the United Nations, countries will translate it into practical institutional measures. I can assure you that Tanzania will play its part towards this end.