91.	 On behalf of the Government and people of Japan, Sir, I extend my heartfelt congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session. I am confident that, given your wealth of experience and wise views, this session will prove fruitful indeed. Please be assured that the delegation of Japan will spare no effort in co-operating with you as you carry out your important tasks.
92.	At the same time, I wish to express my deep appreciation to the President of the thirty-seventh session, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the very capable manner in which he discharged his awesome responsibilities.
93.	I also take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General. As we begin the second session under his leadership, I am most encouraged by his determined efforts and capable leadership, despite the tense international situation.
94.	It is a great pleasure to be able to extend a sincere welcome to Saint Christopher and Nevis as the 158th State to be admitted to the membership of the United Nations.
95.	It is most regrettable that I must begin my formal remarks at this meeting of an organization devoted to the pursuit of peace and international harmony by speaking of the recent downing of a Korean Air Lines jetliner by the Soviet Union. Allow me here, on behalf of the Government and people of Japan, to express my sadness at the passing of the 269 passengers and crew members who were the victims of one of the most tragic incidents in history and to convey my heartfelt sympathy to their families.
96.	The shooting down of an unarmed and defenceless civilian aircraft is an intolerable outrage against humanity and international law. Not only has the Soviet Union failed to provide a satisfactory explanation of events to Japan and the other countries concerned; it has desperately sought to shift the blame for this incident on to others.
97.	I strongly urge the Soviet Union to respond to the verdict of international condemnation of this grave illegal act and duly recognize its responsibility, as well as to deal with this situation promptly and with sincerity.
98.	Despite the fervent wishes and determined efforts for peace by the peoples of the world, there is not a day that goes by without anxiety and concern. The world situation continues to be plagued by tension between the United States and the Soviet Union and between East and West, conflict and disputes in some regions, global economic recession which invites protectionist movements, and more.
99.	Under its peace constitution, Japan has long made its basic foreign policy one of refusing to become a military Power and of contributing to world peace and prosperity, and in full recognition of the heightened international expectations that Japan play a more positive political role in the world community, we are resolved to continue to make every effort to contribute to world peace and stability commensurate with our national strengths and position.
100.	Of course, the various problems in the international community cannot be resolved by any one country acting alone. They demand concerted action by all the countries of the world, and it is precisely in the United Nations that these international problems should be studied and concrete policies for their solution debated.
101.	From this perspective, I should like to speak today on Japanese foreign policy efforts, with particular attention to the issues before the United Nations, and also to outline future directions.
102.	It goes without saying that disarmament is the issue of greatest concern to Japan, a country determined not to become a military Power and firmly maintaining its three non-nuclear principles. Our generation has a grave responsibility to save the world from the tragedy of war, especially from the scourge of nuclear weapons, and to pass it on intact to posterity.
103.	My Government therefore attaches primary importance to the negotiations on intermediate-range nuclear forces now under way between the United States and the Soviet Union. The success or failure of these negotiations not only will have a major impact on the strategic arms reduction talks and disarmament negotiations in general but will also have a crucial influence on the overall international situation, including the fate of East-West relations. The Soviet SS-20 missiles, the subject of these intermediate-range negotiations, greatly affect the East- West military balance by virtue of their range, mobility and destructiveness, and they cannot be ignored in the context of world peace and security. Although the Soviet Union has taken the position that the present negotiations only cover the SS-20s deployed in Europe, these negotiations must be conducted from a global perspective, including the Asian region.
104.	Japan has long emphasized that the intermediate- range nuclear forces negotiations should be conducted and a solution sought, not by sacrificing Asia, but from a global perspective by paying due consideration to the security interests of that region. I have accordingly taken every opportunity, including my trip to Europe in January and my attendance at the Summit of Industrialized Nations at Williamsburg in May 1983, to argue this position and to seek the understanding of the United States and other countries concerned. This Japanese position met with the agreement of the major industrialized countries and was incorporated into the political statement of the Williamsburg Summit.
105.	Given the gravity of the worldwide impact which the outcome of these negotiations will have, I sincerely hope that prepress toward a substantive solution will be made in the future. Japan appreciates and supports the serious efforts of the United States, as seen in its recent initiative, and at the same time I strongly urge the Soviet Union to respond in good faith and approach these negotiations realistically for the sake of world peace.
106.	With the risk of global nuclear proliferation growing as it is today, it is all the more important that we strengthen the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons regime. As one of the contracting parties to this Treaty, Japan would like once again to call upon all countries that have not yet adhered to this Treaty to do so as soon as possible, whether they possess nuclear weapons or not.
107.	At the same time, I should like to point out that it is especially important for the maintenance and strengthening of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty regime that the nuclear Powers faithfully fulfil their responsibilities for nuclear disarmament under this Treaty, and so I call again upon the United States and the Soviet Union to make substantive progress in their disarmament negotiations.
108.	Japan has long opposed nuclear testing of any kind conducted by any State ant: has worked to promote the establishment of a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty, including underground testing, in order to halt the further upgrading of nuclear weapons, and we must continue untiringly our international efforts in this field.
109.	The realization of credible disarmament in both nuclear and conventional weapons demands the establishment of verification systems for each disarmament measure. Recognizing this, Japan has consistently stressed the importance of verification in the disarmament Held.
110.	Japan suggested a number of concrete measures to this end at last year's second special session devoted to disarmament, including the establishment of an international verification unit within the United Nations framework/ and I hope these Japanese measures will be promptly implemented.
111.	If verification is to be effective, it is important to promote the disclosure of a broad range of information regarding military affairs and disarmament. It was in this spirit that the system of standardized reporting for military expenditures was established under resolution 35/142 3, adopted in 1980. Japan hopes as many countries as possible, regardless of their different social systems, will report on their own military spending in accordance with these standards and so lay the foundations for spending reductions.
112.	With these dements as our basic approach, Japan has made every effort to promote disarmament. I assure you that Japan is resolved to continue to play a positive role for disarmament to enhance global security and hence to create a brighter future for all mankind.
113.	In June I attended the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, at Belgrade. The North-South issue debated there is a theme about which both sides have been concerned and on which they have worked together for a solution. At root, world peace and prosperity cannot be achieved, at this time of increasingly interdependent relations, without efforts by both the North and the South and without cooperation based upon these efforts. The struggles of the developing countries for economic development can be rewarded with success only in a sound international economic environment and only with the support of the industrialized countries. Likewise, economic growth in developing countries will stimulate efforts for economic revitalization in industrialized countries.
114.	I am convinced that the vitality of the countries of the South in a variety of pursuits is indispensable for the world as it enters the twenty-first century, and I feel very strongly that fostering that vitality requires that we create an international climate in which the people who live in these countries can believe that their lives are better today than they were yesterday, and that they will be still better tomorrow.
115.	Although there have recently been signs of recovery in the world economy after a prolonged recession, there still remain numerous destabilizing factors such as unemployment and protectionism in industrialized countries and debt problems in developing countries. If we are to resolve these issues, both the industrialized and the developing countries must renew their commitment to work untiringly to solve the problems confronting them.
116.	It was for this reason that I stressed at Belgrade that each country must do its part, the industrialized countries working to revitalize their domestic economies, further open their markets and expand and improve their official development assistance, and the developing countries promoting courageous adjustment efforts responsive to their present economic difficulties.
117.	I should like to take this opportunity to express my admiration for the zeal with which Yugoslavia, as host of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, strove to achieve a North-South accord.
118.	As an industrialized country itself, Japan is taking the initiative in seeking to fulfil its responsibilities. In the management of its economy, Japan is striving to achieve sustained growth without inflation. It decided to raise the generalized system of preferences ceiling on industrial products by approximately 50 per cent, to about $5 billion, for next year in an effort to open its market. It has also been endeavouring to meet its new medium-term target, which is to double its official development assistance over a five-year period.
119.	Great numbers of people in those least-developed countries which have been left behind in global economic development are suffering and on the verge of starvation, and it may be said that we have a humanitarian responsibility to the international community to extend special assistance to these countries. As well as working for the faithful implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries, Japan intends to make further efforts to expand its assistance to these countries and to extend it on a grant basis as far as possible.
120.	The Common Fund for Commodities is one concrete example of international co-operation in support of the self-help efforts of the developing countries. Japan has already taken the initiative and agreed to contribute over 8 per cent of the funding for this Fund, but I should like once again to urge that all countries which have not yet ratified this Agreement do so as soon as possible so that the Fund may become operational.
121.	In addition, it is imperative that the industrialized countries strive to fulfil the promise of Belgrade and work systematically to reduce and eliminate those protectionist measures which inhibit the expansion of the world economy. We must also see to it that the seventh replenishment of the International Development Association is achieved at a substantial level in order to secure the funding needed for development.
122.	It is necessary that we steadily implement the international co-operation which was pledged at the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. I believe that such international co-operation is a responsibility to be shared by all members of our increasingly interdependent international community, whatever their social or economic systems. The North- South dialogue will proceed one step at a time on the basis of such co-operative action. In this connection, it should be recognized that the launching of the long-pending global negotiations should be one step in the search for common ground.
123.	The basic aim of Japanese foreign policy is to contribute to world peace and prosperity by playing an active role in promoting constructive dialogue of this kind. Especially now, when there is so much concern about the tension on the international political scene, I believe that we should choose amity over animosity and co-operation over confrontation, that we should rally behind the elimination of poverty as the common goal of all mankind, and that we should come to grips with the historical imperative of North-South co-operation.
124.	I should like next to touch upon the international situation which forms the context of the important issues which I have just discussed.
125.	Today, the area where conflict and dispute between countries and peoples has intensified and where the situation is the most unsettled is the Middle East. This is especially true in the Gulf region, where the armed conflict between Iran and Iraq is dragging on and where there is concern that if the introduction of new offensive weapons results in a widening of the conflict, the peace and stability of the region may be irrevocably damaged, with immeasurable ramifications for the entire world. Profoundly concerned about this situation, I visited Iran and Iraq last August and strongly urged the leaders of both countries to refrain from any action which would result in an escalation of hostilities, and to strive for an early peace. Fortunately, Japan maintains very friendly and co-operative relations with Iran and Iraq and strongly hopes for the further development of its friendship with both countries as well as for their stability and prosperity. Having gained a full understanding of their respective positions through my talks with the leaders of these countries, I feel that for the settlement of the conflict it is necessary that the just and legitimate grievances of the countries concerned be remedied. In this connection, Japan attaches importance to the report on the United Nations mission dispatched to inspect the damage to civilian areas in the two countries.
126.	I would emphasize that no country can be indifferent to this conflict and that all countries should refrain from any action which might invite its escalation. Moreover, I strongly hope that the Security Council, which is responsible for maintaining international peace and security, will take effective measures to resolve it. Japan will continue to work on its own to create a climate conducive to peace, and at the same time it will spare no effort to co-operate with the constructive efforts of the United Nations for an early settlement of the conflict by peaceful means.
127.	Japan has been concerned over the oil spill from the Nayruz oil-field, and I sincerely welcome Iran's successful capping of one of the damaged wells and its halting the outflow in response to expressions of concern by the international community. Japan very much hopes that the other damaged wells also will be capped as soon as possible, and we are prepared to extend all possible co-operation to this end.
128.	Turning next to Lebanon, Japan sincerely welcomes the cease-fire recently agreed upon by the various forces there, and we should like to express our profound appreciation to Saudi Arabia and to the United States for their mediation efforts. I earnestly hope that this cease-fire will be the first step, in a spirit of national reconciliation, towards the restoration of Lebanese sovereignty, the re-establishment of domestic order and the withdrawal of all foreign military forces.
129.	It is truly regrettable that the unsettled situation in Lebanon and the Gulf area has lately absorbed our attention and that the need for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East has been neglected. I should like to urge all the parties concerned to redouble their efforts towards peace in the Middle East.
130.	It is already nearly four years since the Soviet Union launched its military intervention in Afghanistan. We cannot allow the situation to become a fait accompli. Japan has high regard for the efforts made by the Secretary-General's personal representative. However, it is regrettable that these efforts have not resulted in an immediate withdrawal of Soviet forces, the quick restoration of the Afghan people's right of self-determination and a safe and honourable return home by Afghan refugees.
131.	In recent years Japan has steadily expanded its assistance, purely on humanitarian grounds, to the refugees resulting from local conflicts, and we intend to continue such assistance in line with this basic policy.
132.	Asia continues to be calmer than other regions, but the problem of Kampuchea remains unresolved. In late June this year l visited refugee camps near the Thai- Kampuchean border and saw for myself the dire conditions in which these refugees live. We must put an end to this situation as soon as possible. I should like here to reiterate my appeal that Viet Nam enter into negotiations in response to the call for a comprehensive political settlement, including the withdrawal of all foreign troops and the exercise of self-determination by the people of Kampuchea.
133.	Continuing to support the efforts of the members of ASEAN towards a solution of the Kampuchean issue, Japan intends to deal positively with this situation.
134.	On the Korean peninsula tensions still persist, but the settlement of the Korean question must be achieved by peaceful means, and this requires the actual resumption of dialogue between North and South Korea. In this sense, Japan highly values the initiatives taken by the Republic of Korea to bring about dialogue. The Government of Japan will spare no effort in trying to create a climate conducive to the relaxation of tensions in the Korean peninsula. Believing that there is also considerable room for the Secretary-General to play a role here, I both look forward to and will support all his efforts.
135.	I strongly urge the Republic of South Africa to abolish its apartheid policies. I also hope that the question of Namibian independence will be resolved at the earliest possible time.
136.	As shown in this brief review, the global community is today beset by dangers that could easily lead to a world crisis with one wrong move, and equilibrium is just barely being maintained. Yet all the peoples of the world devoutly hope that the fragile foundation will be consolidated and lasting peace and prosperity secured throughout the international community. Is it not the duty of all leaders assembled here today to respond to these hopes?
137.	I should also like to take this opportunity to say a word about our relations with the Soviet Union, one of our most important neighbours. Japan has long hoped to work for the development of a stable relationship with that country based upon genuine mutual understanding. However, it has not been possible for our two countries to conclude a peace treaty because of the existence in Japanese-Soviet relations of the unsettled Northern Territories issue. Moreover, an extremely regrettable situation has arisen in recent years as the Soviet Union has deployed and strengthened its military forces in Japan's Northern Territories. Japan strongly calls upon the Soviet Union promptly to rectify this situation and come to the negotiating table to resolve the Northern Territories issue, to conclude a peace treaty with Japan and hence to begin work on building a bilateral relationship of trust.
138.	The United Nations was founded after the Second World War, which had caused immeasurable destruction and suffering to all mankind, in the determination to band together to maintain peace and security and save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. It is now incumbent upon us to renew that determination by returning to the ideals which inspired the establishment of the United Nations.
139.	In this context and as the Secretary-General has emphasized in this year's annual report, we must recognize that the capability of the United Nations to meet the world's hopes for peace and prosperity depends fundamentally upon the will and the efforts of individual Member countries. The United Nations cannot succeed in discharging its peace-keeping functions without the active support and co-operation of all Member States.
140.	In recent years there has been a conspicuous tendency for the United Nations and its associated organizations to engage in non-essential, non-urgent and sometimes duplicative activities. If the United Nations is to retain the confidence and support of Member States for its activities, given its limited financial resources, efforts must be made towards further rationalization. Serious efforts, particularly by the Secretariat, are needed more now than ever before, since many Member States are making great sacrifices in their own efforts to bring about administrative and fiscal reform.
141.	It is easy to bemoan the functional enervation of the United Nations and to draw up a list of its operational difficulties and the limitations of its capability.
142.	However, it is also true that the United Nations has compiled a proud record of achievement on behalf of world peace and prosperity in the 38 years since its founding. We have a grave responsibility to pass on to future generations not only the brilliant achievements of the United Nations but also an even more effective and more vital Organization.
143.	Japan would like to pledge, together with all other Member States, its rededication to the revitalization of the United Nations, reaffirming its own international responsibilities.
144.	The questions of war and peace have been considered eternal throughout human history. Since ancient times, people have lived either in intervals of peace between wars or in intervals of war between peace, and this fate seemed unavoidable.
145.	However, even though we cannot yet eradicate from this earth a certain level of hostilities, the international community has now entered a time when it is virtually inconceivable that the super-Powers, possessing destructive capabilities equivalent to more than I million Hiroshima-type atomic bombs, would mobilize ail their resources and engage in a war of annihilation. Nevertheless, there is still that one-in-a-million chance that such a war may be started, and we must employ every conceivable means to prevent it. At the same time it is imperative that we discover ways to establish and maintain lasting peace.
146.	This is an unprecedented concept for mankind, and its realization will not be easy. Yet if we fail to meet the challenge of our times we shall run the risk of falling into spiritual despair and the madness of nuclear war, thus putting an end to the history of mankind.
147.	There are well over a hundred nations in the world today. Moreover, there is great diversity among countries, and no two are dike. The maintenance and development of this international community in sound harmony is the ideal of Japan's Peace Constitution and the way to secure lasting peace.
148.	The fundamental goal of both the East-West dialogue and North-South co-operation should be the discovery of ways and means of ensuring such a lasting peace.
149.	In closing my remarks here today, I should like to express my confidence in the success of the diverse activities which are taking place throughout the world to this end and to affirm that Japan is resolved to make every effort to do its share in accordance with the principles and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.


190.	Mr. President, the Assembly convenes at a time when international relations are increasingly characterized by tensions and turmoil, fear of nuclear disaster and widespread concern about troubled economies. In view of this grave situation, it is not inappropriate for me to recall the circumstances which led to the creation of the United Nations and the expectations which this engendered.
191.	The outcome of the 1939-1945 war reinforced the convictions of peoples of the victor nations and others that military conquests, colonial exploitation and economic deprivation were irreversibly in retreat and would be ended for all time. People therefore looked upon this Organization as a repository of their hopes and their aspirations to live in peace as free peoples, able to determine their own political, economic and social goals, free from external interference and intervention. They also expected that, so that the Organization could be fully effective, those States which violated the purposes and principles of the Charter would be subject to the full force of its provisions.
192.	In fashioning that framework for harmonious relations among States, the States of our region, Latin America and the Caribbean, made a most significant contribution. Our States played a vanguard role in the elaboration of the Charter of the United Nations and in the promotion of peace based upon the rule of law and the principles of equity. That is why, Sir, it is matter of especial pride for Guyana that you, Jorge Illueca, an eminent son of our region, a distinguished scholar and diplomat of Panama, are presiding over the deliberations of this session. May I, with your permission, on a more personal note advert to the deep and abiding friendship which you and I have developed over the years as we have worked together, here and elsewhere, in the cause of freedom and independence. I pledge to you Guyana's full and unstinted co-operation, particularly in our capacity as one of your Vice-Presidents. You succeed Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, who guided the affairs of the thirty- seventh session with calm, skill and efficiency. We wish you every success.
193.	It is a fortunate circumstance that at this time the Secretary-General also hails from our region. Since his assumption of office Mr. P6rez de Cu6Har has demonstrated qualities of fair play and diplomatic finesse which I have already experienced. His commitment to peace and his rigorous employ of the patient ways of diplomacy are attributes which command universal admiration. Indeed, this commitment to peace has found expression in his profound concern for the effectiveness of the Organization.
194.	The perceptive analyses in the Secretary-General's reports last year and this year have highlighted the need for new operational arrangements and modalities which will free the institution from the constraints imposed by an earlier bipolar world and make it more responsive to today's realities. The Secretary-General's overriding concern is to make the Organization function properly as an instrument of peace and development.
195.	In the face of the deteriorating world situation, the Secretary-General has called for a recommitment of all States to the principles of the Charter and has sought to enhance the Organization's ability to discharge its responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security and for the strengthening of international co-operation. His expressions of concern are so timely and telling that support for them should require no prompting, for they deal in essence with the survival of humanity. Regrettably, however, the collective response to the Secretary-General's observations has not matched the gravity of the situation which his concern reflects. We owe it to him and to ourselves to give greater attention to his proposals during this session. The Secretary-General knows that he can rely on Guyana's support.
196.	There have been vast and fundamental changes in the international system since the creation of the Organization. The quantitative expansion of its membership has given rise to qualitative changes and has rendered more complex the harmonization of relations between States and between regions, complexities also manifested in the relations between competing social systems. Despite these changes—or perhaps because of them—after 38 years the dreams, hopes and aspirations of people have remained essentially unchanged.
197.	Yet crises in international relations proliferate; in fact, there is an air that can be described as crisis-mongering. While new flash-points erupt, old situations continue to defy solutions.
198.	Too often, countries which espouse non-intervention practice intervention in one form or another. Too often, countries which proclaim adherence to the principle of territorial integrity are themselves in breach of that very principle. Too often, countries which profess commitment to development are acting to the detriment of the poor. Too often, countries which portray themselves as advocates of disarmament are escalating the arms race, thereby raising the threshold of fear. Too often, countries while preaching peace are stoking the Ores of war, and the language of reasoned discourse becomes consumed in the process.
199.	In sum, there is a widening and alarming gap between rhetoric and action. The result is that the fabric of peace is imperilled.
200.	Nothing so dramatically symbolizes the fragile nature of peace as the parlous nature of the international economic situation. But this need not be so. A few years ago the prospects for international economic co-operation seemed brighter, and this was contemporaneous with the growing realization of the interdependence of economies —in trade, money and finance, and commodities. Today, unfortunately, there is a marked tendency for some major Powers to eschew the imperatives of multilateral cooperation. Instead, there are increasing attempts to place multilateral institutions at the service of narrower national interests and to frustrate their role. Some may ask if these attempts do not subvert the very objectives of those institutions.
201.	The developing countries, whether acting individually or in concert, have been staunch advocates of equitable and mutually beneficial economic relations.

We demonstrated both at the recent Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, at New Delhi, and in the Buenos Aires Platform adopted at the Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 3 our willingness to advance new strategies for enhancing international co-operation. Serious attention was given to the problems which beset the international economy, more particularly the burgeoning debt problems, the burning question of money and finance and the protectionist measures against the exports of developing countries. Regrettably, these reasonable positions did not stimulate appropriate responses on the part of the industrialized countries.
202.	The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which focused on some of these issues, was noteworthy for the lack of convergence of views. It therefore stands as a sad testimony to the constraints imposed upon international economic cooperation.
203.	The capacity of the developing countries to promote their development is thus considerably restricted. The continuation of this condition could accentuate social pressures. It could also give rise to upheavals to an extent that adversely affects domestic and regional peace and renders more difficult the recovery of the economies of the industrialized countries themselves.
204.	Those considerations apart, it is difficult to reconcile human need with human waste and foolhardiness. How do we justify expenditures in excess of 600 billion dollars cash year on instruments of death and destruction while there is incessant argument every year over the allocation of a few billion for multilateral financing for development? Is that not more than enough for legitimate defence needs?
205.	The utilization of vast resources for the acquisition of massive amounts of armaments has direct and far- reaching consequences for the development of the developing countries. Continued global and regional tensions have led States to divert resources from urgent developmental activity to military expenditure. It is thus imperative that collectively we seek to reduce such tensions and, more specifically, to work resolutely for the achievement of disarmament.
206.	There are other situations in respect of which the Organization's efforts have not yet led to durable solutions. The Middle East situation festers dangerously. Instability and tension in the region have grown worse since Israel's invasion of Lebanon last year. The Palestinian people, led by the PLO, still suffer the nightmare of being a nation without a State, with the restoration of their national rights unfulfilled.
207.	The tragedy of some divided countries remains. In Cyprus foreign occupation continues despite initiatives by the Secretary-General undertaken on the basis of the decisions of the Organization. We should persevere with our efforts to restore the unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus. Likewise, the people of Korea remain divided notwithstanding the communiqué of 4 July 1972   and the constructive proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
208.	No one can deny the Organization's most helpful role in its support for peoples that have struggled against colonialism and apartheid. Our achievements have been remarkable; we should be proud of that record. We must now therefore intensify the struggle against the racists of South Africa. How much longer, I ask, must the people of Namibia, led by SWAPO, and those in the international community who support their valiant struggle be subjected to the prevarications and machinations of the Pretoria regime? How much longer can the oppressed people of Namibia and South Africa place their faith in words of support uttered by some Members of this Organization when their very deeds buttress their oppressors?
209.	Even as we bring to bear our collective strength to tackle those old problems, we are confronted by new situations of turbulence, situations the causes of which can lead, if not properly understood, to new tensions creating instability beyond the narrow focus of their origins. Central America is a most poignant case.
210.	When they met at Port of Spain in July this year, the heads of Government of the Caribbean Community expressed deep concern over the situation in Central America. They observed that  the crisis faced by the peoples of this region was rooted not in East-West ideological rivalry but in deep-seated social and economic ills . They  appealed to the contending parties to engage in direct dialogue and expressed support for the efforts of the Contadora Group to bring peace to the area . That position should, I suggest, be endorsed by this Organization.
211.	The independence and territorial integrity of Belize are still threatened by neighbouring Guatemala. Guyana reaffirms its solidarity with and total support for the people of Belize and for the preservation of their national patrimony and their right to build their society within existing frontiers.
212.	Elsewhere new regional conflicts, some internal in origin and others arising from rivalries between outside States, are proving intractable. Guyana adds its voice to the call for an early end to the costly war between Iraq and Iran, and we urge all States, large and small, never to abandon the methods of the peaceful settlement of disputes and controversies.
213.	In assessing the state of international relations today and the prospects for the future, a tribute must be paid to the contribution of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. From its inception the Movement has placed in the forefront of its activities the pursuit of policies which could mitigate conflicts, promote independence and facilitate the building of a lasting infrastructure for peace. The Movement has since attracted more States to its principles and policies. It has been an influential factor in international relations. The important role of the Movement is now so widely acknowledged that States which for one reason or another cannot be direct participants in its activities assiduously seek to influence the outcome of its deliberations, sometimes malevolently.
214.	Our Movement has always assigned a central role to the United Nations as a harmonizer of competing interests and has consistently maintained that there is a viable alternative to a system of international relations based on bloc politics, on hegemony and on spheres of influence. The political and economic programmes of action which the Movement articulated at its conference at New Delhi provide a coherent and internally consistent strategy for making the peaceful coexistence of States and social systems a real possibility.
215.	I suggest that, equally, in charting the way forward we should take cognisance of the role of regional and subregional organizations. Such organizations are to be found everywhere, and the dynamism which the people of their member States ascribe to them attests to the constructive role which multilateralism can play in international relations. That is why we can only regret the studied efforts of some major Powers to bypass these
organizations by advancing so-called theological positions. At the same time we need to recognize that regional efforts can be maximized when they are supportive of our Organization, for the Organization is based on the principle of universality, not of exclusivity. Let me therefore here and now whole-heartedly welcome Saint Christopher and Nevis as our newest Member State.
216.	Let me also express the hope that those regional organizations and arrangements which still maintain exclusionary provisions in their charters and in their operations will make the necessary accommodations. One example which springs to mind relates to the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America, the Treaty of Tlatelolco. The States parties to that Treaty gave an undertaking to the Assembly to remove impediments. Guyana still awaits definitive action in this regard.
217.	Another development for peace has been the movement among countries of the South to develop co-operation among themselves. This is a development which should be encouraged by the international community.
218.	Critical to our quest for peace is the overwhelming need for the removal of ideological concerns from the international economic agenda, for such concerns serve to spread the tensions of super-Power rivalry to the areas of development and international economic co-operation. We must all—all of us—respect chosen developmental paths and refrain from waging ideological warfare in economic terms. Pluralism of development strategies is and must be respected as a concomitant of ideological pluralism.
219.	The intrusion of ideological concerns into international economic co-operation is made more unpalatable by increasing resort to discriminatory measures. The incidence of vetoing funds from multilateral institutions must be discouraged and deplored.
220.	I have sought to construct my statement on what I perceive to be a universal search for truth, understanding and peace. I have eschewed detailed references to some situations of conflict, actual and potential. However, certain unfortunate distortions of substance and of interpretation concerning my country and the historical course of relations between Guyana and Venezuela made by the Foreign Minister of Venezuela in his statement at the 5th meeting oblige me to respond and to set the record straight.
221.	The struggle to preserve Guyana's territorial integrity never ceases to engage the energies and the attention of its Government and people because of the untenable claim to over two thirds of the country which Venezuela has been actively pursuing. We desire most ardently to free ourselves of this burden which we bore even before our independence and to remove this canker from relations between ourselves and our western neighbour. We wish to rid ourselves and our region of the potential for conflict which is inherent in this Venezuelan claim and the manner in which it has often been pursued.
222.	Contrary to what the Foreign Minister of Venezuela sought to imply in his address to the Assembly, Guyana, which has made no claims to Venezuelan territory, continues the search for a solution which would bring to an end the controversy that has arisen as a result of Venezuela's unilateral and inexplicable decision to declare null and void an internationally binding agreement. This agreement is the Arbitral Award of 1899, on the basis of which our boundary with Venezuela was settled.
223.	When the Prime Minister of my country addressed the Assembly during the thirty-sixth session and when I did so at the last session	the
facts of this issue were adequately presented. Those facts remain a matter of historical and public record, and they cannot be altered by wishful thinking. Realities are not created by whims and fancies.
224.	Last year I made certain proposals before the Assembly, proposals fully in accordance with the Geneva Agreement of 1966 for the involvement of the International Court of Justice, the Security Council or the Assembly in the search for a peaceful settlement of the controversy. The Foreign Minister of Venezuela rejected my proposals summarily. I am glad to say, however, that another stage of the Geneva Agreement has been reached. In accordance with article IV of that Agreement, the Secretary-General has been requested to choose a means of peaceful settlement from among the various procedures set out under Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations.
225.	To facilitate the more effective discharge of his duties and responsibilities under the Geneva Agreement, the Secretary-General has sought certain assurances from Venezuela and from Guyana. These were the subject of a communiqué which the Secretary-General issued following a visit of his emissary to the two countries in August last. The communiqué recorded inter alia the assurance that both parties would adopt all measures that might be necessary in order to foster and maintain the most favourable climate for the effective application of the Geneva Agreement. Significant also was the assurance that both parties would refrain from any action whatsoever which might make more difficult or impede the peaceful settlement of the controversy.
226.	While the Secretary-General pursues his initiatives, Guyana believes that these assurances, if fully honoured, can themselves also contribute to the creation of a regime of peaceful relations between Guyana and Venezuela.
227.	In the past, Guyana has always been unswerving in its commitment to achieving the goal of a peaceful settlement of the controversy and has honoured every agreement relating to our border with Venezuela. I wish to assure the Assembly that Guyana intends to continue so doing. Regrettably, we have had cause, time and again, to draw the attention of the Assembly and the Security Council to violations by Venezuela of the letter and spirit of agreements solemnly subscribed to by both our countries. We sincerely hope that Venezuela will respect the undertaking it gave to the Secretary-General last August.
228.	It is my hope that in this year, when the bicentenary of the birth of Simon Bolivar is being celebrated, we will all be guided by Bolivar's essential political credo on international relations and act in the belief that international problems must find their solution in a  league of free peoples which will resist aggression with armed might and settle controversies between its members through a court of equity .
229.	As I said at the outset, the desire for peace has not altered over the years. In retrospect, the peace which the Organization was created to safeguard and maintain was narrow in scope. Today, the constituent elements, which together can secure peace, are generally recognized as being more manifold. They embrace much more than the avoidance of armed conflict. But we cannot widen the basis for lasting peace unless we free ourselves of the constraints. We must not merely pay lip service to peaceful coexistence; we must demonstrate our belief in it. Nor should we allow ourselves—no one of us—to be entrapped within a perimeter in which ideas and thoughts remain untouched by the developments which have taken place since the creation of the Organization. What is needed, if today's requirements are to be fulfilled, is a

new design for peace, one which is pervasive and which encompasses the interests of all mankind.
230.	This Organization is well placed to facilitate the realization of that peace. It remains for us Member States to utilize it accordingly.


2.	 Mr. President, my delegation extends its congratulations to you on your election to your high office. We feel sure that under your guidance the burdens of this session will seem lighter.
3.	We would like to pay a tribute to Mr. Imre Hollai for the patience and skill with which he conducted the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
4.	We are also grateful to the Secretary-General for his untiring devotion to his duties and his dedication to the aims and principles of the United Nations. His vision and his unflagging determination to set the Organization on the right course are an inspiration to us. Indeed, we feel that Ms warnings, which are pertinent and entirely appropriate, must be heeded.
5.	We are very pleased to welcome our newest United Nations neighbour, Saint Christopher and Nevis, into this forum. We are always delighted to have other small island developing countries like ourselves join us here, and we look forward to working with its delegation both here and in other forums, including those of the Commonwealth.
6.	We hope that it may not be too much longer before we are also able to welcome a new regional neighbour, should this be its wish; I speak of New Caledonia. We are encouraged by the French Government's intention to move the Territory to an act of self-determination and we, along with the other members of the South Pacific Forum, are anxious to see progress achieved in accordance with the wishes of the people of New Caledonia. We feel that the peaceful movement of New Caledonia towards the achievement of her people's aspirations will help maintain the peace and stability we enjoy in our region.
7.	Not that far from our shores, however, in the South and South-East Asian regions, two serious threats to the stability of the entire region continue to endanger peace. In Kampuchea the Vietnamese occupation is in its fifth year, and armed conflict within that country and along its borders continues. We are deeply concerned for the people of Kampuchea, both those within the borders, who have suffered so long from various forms of persecution and domination, and those who have fled the horrors and are now refugees. We support the efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations to achieve an international solution to this problem with the removal
of all foreign forces and the coming together of all parties at the negotiating table so that the wishes of the people themselves may finally be taken into account.
8.	In Afghanistan, the withdrawal of foreign forces is also an essential first step on the road to a solution. Here too our chief concern is for the people of Afghanistan, many of whom have been uprooted or made homeless, adding to the world's refugee population and placing a great burden on the countries to which these poor souls have fled. We applaud the Secretary-General's continuing efforts towards a negotiated settlement and are pleased that he feels encouraged in his efforts and hopeful that progress is possible.
9.	We are pleased that there are some glimmers of hope on the world's horizons at a time when there is a tendency to pessimism regarding international relations and the role of the United Nations in them. We must not give in or let our efforts waver, but embrace hope and determine to make greater efforts. This Organization, in its uniqueness, has a great responsibility to the peoples of the world. It is entrusted by them to deal with problems, however difficult they may be, in the most calm and rational manner possible. We must not therefore engage in empty rhetoric, sidestep vital issues, play games of strategy and carry out other unproductive activities which only waste our time, or perhaps that of the world itself. We have so many urgent problems facing us that practical problem- solving is the only course left to us.
10.	The Secretary-General's recent trip to southern Africa has encouraged us to hope that the long-sought independence of Namibia may not be too far off. Substantial practice progress has been made regarding the independence process, and virtually all outstanding issues regarding the machinery to implement the United Nations plan have been resolved. What is now required is the political will on the part of South Africa, and this entails dropping the linkage of Cuban troop withdrawal from Angola with Namibian independence. We are anxious to see the people of Namibia have their day at the United Nations, have supervised elections and finally achieve their aspirations. We feel that efforts cannot be relaxed but must in fact be doubled until a date is set for this.
11.	South Africa continues to defy the world with its
policies. These gross injustices and this denial of human rights and dignity cannot be allowed. South Africa must be made to see that it cannot continue to deny the basic principles of human decency.
12.	The Middle East tragically still demands our attention; indeed, its problems consume a good deal of the Organization's time and have done so since its inception. Here it is imperative that rationality should prevail and that all parties to this dispute should eschew bitterness and retaliation and take positive and practical steps to a comprehensive solution. United Nations guidelines are clear: Israel has a right to exist, but so do the Palestinians have rights, and a homeland must be considered one of them. The Jewish people suffered hard and long in their quest for a homeland. So who should understand better than they the longing and desperation of another people for theirs and not begrudge it to them? Equally, however,
the Palestinians must understand Israel’s wish for security and accept its existence within secure borders. Both sides must compromise and not reject out of hand the plans put to them. Surely, if only with very small incremental steps, progress can be made. Israel, to show its good faith, must cease its settlements policy in the occupied territories. On the other hand, the Palestinians and their allies must guarantee Israel its existence free from threat.
13.	Lebanon's tragedy still seems a long way from solution. This sadly shattered land must be enabled to get its house in order—a house that has been so terribly divided against itself that much patience and practical assistance are required from the world community to assist it in these efforts. Perhaps more importantly, the mischievous meddling that has too long fuelled the factional friction must cease. This is essential so Lebanon can make unhindered efforts at recovery and rehabilitation and at the reconciliation of its bitterly divided citizens.
14.	The war between Iran and Iraq not only is adversely affecting the welfare of these two previously prosperous and productive countries but, with the massive oil pollution spilling into the sea from the untended oil wells in the battlefields, is disrupting and possibly destroying the ecology of a large part of the Gulf region. Thus this war is literally spilling over into areas which have no direct part in the conflict, and its effects are being felt not only in Iran and Iraq but by innocent countries, people and wildlife. This points up the futility of any suggestions that the effects of war can be contained. In today's world, neighbours who quarrel must realize that their resort to violence to settle their disputes causes suffering not only to their own peoples but often to others in the vicinity. None of us are alone—even the most isolated of us— and we must accept the fact that the welfare of the entire world, in all its ecological fragility and with the vulnerability of its peoples, is the responsibility of every Government.
15.	In the light of that, our concern continues over the effects of nuclear testing in the Pacific. The South Pacific Forum, at its recent regional meeting, reiterated its strong opposition to nuclear testing and proposals for storing and dumping nuclear waste materials in the Pacific. Though we welcome the French Government's decision to invite scientists from the region to visit and assess the situation at the testing sites at Mururoa Atoll, we are afraid that much irreversible damage may have already been done to the environment to which we turn for most of our needs and that future generations may suffer effects of which we are not as yet even aware. The comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty therefore seems to us an essential tool for the survival of our species. We note that there have been over 1300 test detonations since 1945, and we ask the question: why should we and others with no interest in nuclear-weapon superiority suffer for this exercise in futility?
16.	This points up again our inescapable interdependence and the concern one must have for the welfare of all on this Earth if we are ultimately to survive. We may once have felt safe and secure in isolation but this is no longer the case, and disarmament, even for countries with no defence forces, must be an issue of vital concern.
17.	From our perspective the arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race, is quite pointless. We realize however, that for any practical progress to be made in disarmament we must begin with small steps which the major Powers will accept. While the climate has not been promising for progress, we are pleased to gee that some small headway has been made in the Geneva negotiations on reducing medium-range missiles in Europe. If there is any hope of breaking through major barriers we urge the Soviet Union and the United States to do so, bearing in mind the urgency of these negotiations. We applaud the concessions, however small, that might move these and the equally important strategic arms reduction talks forward. The recent meeting, at Madrid, of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe may have been overshadowed by tensions resulting from the dreadful destruction of the Korean civilian aircraft. This heinous act, whatever its full background might be, must not be allowed to stand in the way of world peace. We hope that confidence-building measures already adopted will not be jeopardized but will be further built on in the future.
18.	While the major onus for de-escalation of the arms race must be on the major Powers, we must not be blind to the acceleration in the arms build-up in so many other countries, including many third world countries which can ill afford it. We appeal to them to put the important priorities of the health and welfare of their populations before armaments. The spread of nuclear arms to many countries is a source of great concern to us, and we see the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as the main bulwark against this spread. We feel that setting up nuclear-free zones is also an important measure, and we strongly support setting up such a zone in the South Pacific.
19.	In our quest for peace we must not forget that peace and development are inseparable. A stable economic future is essential for political stability, and with the increasing economic interdependence of the world the reality is clear. The well-being of both developed and developing countries is inextricably linked. It is interesting to note that the developing countries receive 40 per cent of all United States exports. While the industrialized countries, in the communiqué issued after their summit meeting at Williamsburg in May 1983, acknowledged that the weight of the recession had fallen heavily on developing countries, they suggested no new solutions to the third world's problems. There were commitments to stop protectionism and to work toward a greater convergence of economic performance and affirmation of the obligation of the industrialized countries to fund the International Development Association. While these goals are all admirable in themselves, they are nevertheless piecemeal measures. The global economic crisis requires, as called for by the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, a programme of concerted measures for reactivating the global economy and for accelerated and substantial growth in the developing countries. There was a consensus of all countries present—with the exception of one—that this was essential.
20.	It is therefore almost universally recognized that the development process must not be allowed to grind to a complete halt, a prospect too real in recent times, and while it is apparent, too, that a higher level of growth is required in the industrialized countries, it is also clear that these two aims are complementary. It is once again essential that the world work together. Unilateral action, as the Secretary-General points out in his report on the work of the Organization, without regard for its effects on others, will inevitably lead to a further weakening of the world economic situation.
21.	It is a source of some sadness to us that though the developing countries have shown flexibility and a willingness to compromise in the interests of a constructive and practical approach to the global negotiations to try to meet the concerns of the developed countries, a corresponding response is not forthcoming. The two-phase
approach which would allow the most urgent matters and those more amenable to solution to be negotiated first seems a not unreasonable way to begin to bring about the changes the world economy requires.
22.	Although the economic situation of the world may still be rather grim, here too at least there is some light on the horizon. There does seem to be an upturn in some countries' economies, and for quite a few the picture is not as dark as it was some months ago. We hope this may presage a genuine turn upwards in the world's economic situation and that every effort will be made to maximize any benefits for all.
23.	We acknowledge, as did the Secretary-General and the President in their statements, that the true picture of the world at the moment is a very painful one, and if we review the broad human rights situation in any detail it becomes even more distressing. There is much in this area that we R3K? address. Indeed, it is an important duty of the organization to work towards the restoration of the basic human rights of the many who have been deprived of them. Despite our recognition of the harsh realities, we are confident that things can and will be improved. Hope, courage and patience are needed now perhaps more than at any time in the past, and with faith in the human spirit and in God, we can bring about the results that the world has every right to expect of us.


203. While I regret that the hour is late, I should like to discuss in depth a few questions which I believe should be a matter of particular concern for the General Assembly.
206.	The first among them, I think, is undoubtedly the question raised by the report submitted to the Assembly by the Secretary-General. Once again, he has had the courage to denounce, sincerely and straightforwardly, the weaknesses of the Organization and to suggest how they might be remedied.
207.	The proliferation of crises, the constant deterioration of the international situation, and the aggravation of tensions, particularly between the super-Powers, and their impact on regional conflicts—which are becoming ever more frequent and ever more serious—are all giving rise in every one of our countries to a growing malaise. Our populations are beginning to wonder with anxiety about what uncontrollable situation, what possibly irremediable catastrophe, we are leading them to. At the same time they cannot fail to notice that the machinery designed to restore peace and security is not working. Thus, public opinion in our countries is quite naturally asking, "Why is the United Nations not taking action? What purpose does it serve?"
208.	If we do not succeed in changing this situation, we shall have to be careful lest the growing disillusionment of our peoples turns from today's scepticism into indifference, or even hostility, towards international organizations in general and towards this Organization in the first place. The existence of the United Nations, founded as it is on the multilateral approach to international relations, is, however, becoming more and more indispensable.
209.	Yet it is that approach which is now being called into question. Multilateralism is in a state of crisis, and the Secretary-General, in last year's report as well as in the one just submitted, has made a perfect diagnosis of the reasons why this is so.
210.	This serious crisis, which could be fatal for international society, has manifested itself in many areas. In particular, it affects what is done—or rather what is not done—in one area to which we attach the highest priority: that of disarmament. In all branches of the Organization concerned with disarmament—whether the First Committee, the Disarmament Commission or, above all, the Committee on Disarmament at Geneva— debates are marked by sterile confrontation, as a result of which each party finds itself back at the starting-point with nothing—or at most very little—concrete having been accomplished.
211.	Certainly, there is no lack of proposals. But what is missing is a translation of those proposals into specific measures able to create that degree of mutual trust without which disarmament is really impossible. It is for this reason that Belgium attaches such importance to the possibility of verification of the conventions whose conclusion we are considering; the means of verification must become more stringent as the matter to be supervised becomes more important.
212.	Last year's appeal by the Secretary-General met with the widest possible response, and this led to the unanimous adoption of resolution 37/67, whereby the General Assembly gave him its total support and invited him to continue his efforts towards strengthening the authority which the United Nations should be able to exercise.
213.	At the thirty-seventh session, from this very rostrum, I referred to the importance which should be attached to the preventive role assigned by the Charter to the Security Council and to the Secretary- General.
214.	The considerable activities undertaken by the Secretary-General throughout the past year and his determination to be present, either personally or through his closest colleagues, at the centre of all potential and existing conflicts are a demonstration of his determination actively to play his vital role and are an exhortation to States in their turn to shoulder their own responsibilities.
215.	As for the Security Council, its President has summed up the present state of its work on this question. He has confirmed that the Charter provides the Organization with all the means necessary for carrying out its mandate. This, however, will be possible only to the extent that Member States, especially those to which the Charter entrusts a special share of those responsibilities— the members of the Security Council—are willing to make use of those means.
216.	For its part, the Belgian Government supports all efforts and proposals aimed at strengthening the application of the principles laid down in the Charter which do not entail amendment or modification of that document. Specifically, we believe that the study of measures for the prevention of threats to the peace deserves priority attention. Preventive action should be taken essentially within the Security Council, for example through periodic meetings to review flash-points and tensions in the world, through regular reports by the Secretary-General on the situation, through fact-finding missions, and through strengthening the means by which the United Nations can act in cases of conflict. The Secretary-General himself has suggested this, in his speech at the Dag Hammarskjold Scholarship Fund luncheon on 15 September, in which he pleaded for a "re-evaluation of United Nations peacekeeping".
217.	The suggestions I have just made are far from being exhaustive or exclusive. They are meant first of all to show that the Charter has provided the means necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security and that it contains a multitude of means and procedures which make it possible to achieve that fundamental purpose. My remarks are also intended to stress that this whole arsenal of means at our disposal is of no use if Member States do not have the determination and the sincere desire to have them put into effect and if they are not ready to subordinate national selfishness to the needs of the common interest. In this respect, special responsibility obviously lies with the most influential Members, and particularly with the permanent members of the Security Council.
218.	The crisis of multilateralism has erupted on both the regional and the world levels. The former has become, to an increasing degree, an inevitable complement of the latter.
219.	In realizing its calling for universality, the Organization has brought together an ever-growing number of States which do not constitute a homogeneous cultural unit. Quite the contrary, the traditions and values to which they are devoted offer quite varied shades of opinion that are sometimes quite considerable. Hence, the difficulty for the Organization to define, in many respects, what a French scholar recently called "a universal law which each can recognize because each recognizes himself in it".
220.	It is in this perspective that Belgium has several times suggested from this rostrum—as it did last year— that the United Nations might adopt a regional approach in such areas as disarmament, the promotion of human rights or in the economic field, and that this be done, if necessary, in co-operation with the multilateral institutions of the regions concerned.
221.	We must restore the spirit of multilateralism to its full vigour at both the world and regional levels and; thereby ensure a close connection between them.
222.	With regard to the region to which my country belongs, I would favour the European Communities' taking this course. Having overcome the crisis with which they are confronted and which their member States are facing at this very moment, they could for the benefit of all play a larger part in solving the world crisis that weighs on all our economies and create conditions enabling the North-South dialogue to be pursued in a more determined manner than hitherto.
223.	In the same spirit I wish to stress the great importance Belgium attaches to the negotiations at Vienna on mutual and balanced reduction of armed forces in central Europe, as well as the Conference on Confidence- and
; Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe that will soon be convened, first at Helsinki and later at Stockholm.
224.	It goes without saying that the Geneva negotiations, whether on Euromissiles or on strategic arms, although held within a different context, are also the focus and concern of my Government, affecting as they do the very existence of our peoples.
225.	In the context of this regional concern I have just touched upon, my country attaches an equal importance to developments in the various regions of the world. The African continent nevertheless commands in Belgium a particular, if not exclusive, attention. That is why last February the Belgian Government approved a fairly lengthy document that attempted to define as systematically, coherently and exhaustively as possible the objectives, principles and means of implementing policies my country wishes to pursue with regard to Africa.
226.	Among the guiding principles of Belgium's proposed African policy, I should like to mention the following:
"Belgium genuinely wishes to forestall anything that could contribute to the division and weakening of the African continent. . . This means that it must try to promote inter-African co-operation and that it must conduct an active policy, not only towards Africa as a whole, but also towards inter-African organizations, whether they be continental or regional or whether they cover economic, political, cultural or other areas."
The same document goes on to state in particular, with regard to the OAU:
"We cannot . . .but acknowledge that it has played a positive and undoubtedly irreplaceable role for the African continent... If the Organization of African Unity were to disappear or become powerless because of the crisis affecting it today, that would represent a severe blow for each country belonging to it and for the whole of Africa."
227.	Thus, my country has followed with genuine anxiety the crises that have affected the activities of that organization to the extent that on two occasions they have actually prevented it from convening its summit meeting, thereby appearing to threaten its very existence. It was with genuine satisfaction that Belgium saw the heads of State and Government overcome the conflicts and differences of opinion among themselves and meet last June at Addis Ababa in an attempt to make negotiation prevail over confrontation.
228.	The tragedy Chad is experiencing today and the terrible problem that crisis is inflicting upon the OAU demonstrate how difficult it remains to achieve this goal.
229.	Belgium profoundly believes that the best way to solve disputes between African nations lies in their cooperation within the OAU, and we hope that that organization will be able to meet the challenge and to obtain the agreement of all its members to respect the legitimacy, that is to say, the African legitimacy, of its decisions.
230.	One of the principal dramas in the world today is that lived daily by thousands of refugees throughout the world. Together with other regions—such as South-East Asia—Africa, where ethnic groups often spill across borders, is especially affected by this plague. The flow of refugees and the displacement of populations are particularly acute problems in Africa. Such movement endangers the economic and social structures of many States. It also frequently disrupts good-neighbourly relations between countries.
231.	The first International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held in 1980, made it possible to undertake a preliminary study—obviously incomplete— of all aspects of this vast problem. The second conference, to be held next July at Geneva, should provide an opportunity to go beyond emergency planning and mere survival and to conceive lasting solutions.
232.	This is yet another area in which the regional and subregional approach is of particular value, because it makes it possible to take into account the specific nature of problems that do not occur in the same guise in all parts of the world. In Africa, for example, refugees do not as a rule wander beyond the territory neighbouring their home country.
233.	Hence, co-operation among neighbouring countries is the best way to create conditions for a satisfactory and long-term settlement of the problem, either through repatriation to the home country or through integration into the host country. In this respect, development projects designee to strengthen the infrastructure of host countries are of particular importance.
234.	We believe that the second conference could provide an opportunity for the African Governments, regional and subregional African organizations and international organizations involved, as well as for the countries granting aid, to revise their assistance programmes in order better to include the integration of refugees and their participation in the economies of host countries within the overall framework of development plans.
235.	Belgium, for its part, is willing to participate actively in the Conference and in the follow-up it entails, either directly or through the European Communities whose action in this respect may easily find a solid basis in the Lome Convention and within the specific guidelines for co-operation with third world countries not associated with the Communities.
236.	Finally, the situation in southern Africa remains a serious source of disorder in our already much trembled world.
237.	Whether the problem is Namibia, the questions raised by the policy of separate development—that is, apartheid —of South Africa, or the development of the situation in what are known as the front-line States, we find ourselves faced with various elements of the same problem, which must be settled as soon as possible.
238.	Belgium, whose active participation in the United Nations Council for Namibia demonstrates how seriously it takes this problem, nevertheless does not claim to be able to suggest from this rostrum even a partial solution. None the less, my country appeals to South Africa, that African country recognized as such in the continent, at last to respond to the appeal made to it in Lusaka more than 15 years ago and to have faith in the generosity which is one of the main characteristics of the African people and which prompted the great poet Leopold Sedar Senghor to say: "Those peoples of fire, when they have freed their hands, have inscribed fraternity on the first page of their history".
239.	At the same time, my country intends to increase its aid to the States of southern Africa, particularly through the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference, as a contribution to their harmonious development.
240.	Belgium—for its own part and with its nine partners in the European Communities—will contribute, if that is the desire of the countries and inter-State organizations of the continent, to the development of an African continent that is genuinely African, free and stable. That means an Africa that has found its own answers to its own problems and thus freed itself from extraneous ideological or political struggles for influence; an Africa which has overcome the aftermath of colonization of which the former colonizers retain no memory, so that their future relations may be free of all ambiguities; an Africa sufficiently stable, internally and regionally, to prevent or limit civil conflicts and conflicts between States.
241.	It is a fact that the necessity for Belgium to pursue an African policy worthy of the name cannot be and indeed is not independent of our relations with the countries of the so-called third world as a whole. Certainly Africa is closer to us in terms of geography, history and our knowledge of it. But Africa is only one part of the world, and Belgium must remain open to the entire world, and as far as development co-operation is concerned it must be able to respond also as far as possible to appeals from countries in other continents.
242.	Our policy must take account of all our relations with all the countries of the South. In spite of their different situations and their sometimes divergent interests, those countries are united in a vast movement of political solidarity, in a group that exerts economic pressure on the more developed countries and, finally, in diplomatic negotiating power. We cannot ignore this fact. What we rightly or wrongly call the North-South dialogue, regardless of its vicissitudes and implications, will remain for a long time to come one of the elements of international political and economic relations.
243.	In the meantime, a certain number of difficult problems which weigh heavily on national economies are of world-wide dimensions, such as the problems of a secure food supply, of energy, of prices of the most important raw materials for third world countries and of indebtedness, which has assumed such great proportions.
244.	Bilateral relations between Western and developing countries alone can provide but partial solutions to those problems. They must therefore be considered and negotiated at world level, which is where they arise.
245.	That is why Belgium, together with its European partners, responded positively to the idea launched at the United Nations of holding global negotiations: Various fields of international co-operation. That is why Belgium still hopes that a basis of agreement can be found for launching those negotiations, on condition—as foreseen by the United Nations—that this exercise takes place in a spirit of common interest, mutual advantage and responsibility on the part of all the parties.
246.	In this respect, the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade last June, was the major event in the North- South dialogue in the past year. Of course, it did not succeed in achieving all its ambitious objectives. Nevertheless, there was agreement on certain points. Limited though they were, those results should encourage us to continue the dialogue, especially at a time when signs of improvement in the world economic situation seem to be emerging. Belgium is convinced that the combined effort of all the competent international organizations and all participating States should make it possible to achieve at least a certain number of concrete results: the stabilization of markets and export earnings for primary products, the preservation of an open international trade system, the restoration of a stable monetary and financial system and, finally, the maintenance of and if possible an increase in official aid and bank loans.
247.	This is the only possible way for us to take common action to ensure balanced world economic development, which is an essential guarantee of peace and understanding among nations.
248.	The picture of the international situation which I have felt compelled to sketch is, unfortunately, not a cheerful one. Nevertheless, one positive event that gives rise to real hope has left its mark on the past year and deserves to be highlighted. I mean the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which took place at New Delhi last March. The basic principles of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which are fully in keeping with the ideals of peace of the United Nations, were given new life there. The non- aligned countries have spared no effort in attempting to resolve their disputes by peaceful means and to draw up common proposals to meet the unprecedented challenge of the global economic crisis. My country welcomes the response to this summit meeting throughout the world and wishes to convey to its president, the Prime Minister of India, the great interest and sympathy that not only the conclusions of the Conference but also the very important statements which she personally made on that occasion have aroused in Belgium. Faithful to its own ideals, which have existed since its creation and which were laid down by its founding fathers, Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Nehru, India and its Prime Minister have gone back to the sources of true non-alignment, thus enhancing the prestige of the Movement.
249.	Another event which could also have been a ray of sunshine through the clouds of the troubled international situation we are now witnessing was the closure at the beginning of this month of the Madrid meeting of the Conference on Co-operation and Security in Europe. The meeting was held in circumstances made extremely difficult by the continuance and even intensification of the Soviet armed intervention in Afghanistan, which we condemn, and by the course of events in Poland, where it has not yet been possible to bring about the national consensus which alone can enable all the spiritual and social forces of the country to participate in its rebuilding in an appropriate climate of freedom. Nevertheless, after three years of debate the participating States found it possible to agree on a concluding document which, although it contains serious flaws which my country deplores, particularly in the human rights Held, can be considered sufficiently substantial and balanced.
250 Other meetings are to follow with a view to restoring in East-West relations a climate propitious to understanding, moderation, willingness to respect regional and world equilibrium, and a desire to make serious progression controlling, reducing and stopping armaments, without which peace is under constant threat.
251.	The 35 countries concerned should, therefore, have every reason to celebrate with some satisfaction the end of their work at Madrid, had it not been darkened by an unspeakable act, that of the shooting down in cold blood, by a Soviet military aircraft, of a civilian airliner of the Korean Air Lines, carrying 269 passengers, men, women and children. Today there is very ready condemnation, at least in words, of the first use of force. If there is a case in which it would have been possible to live up to such a commitment, not only in words but also in deeds, it was precisely that of the 269 unarmed civilians brutally shot down by a blind force which knows that its weapons cannot be resisted. In another forum, efforts are being made to devise new measures to prevent such a tragedy from occurring again. It must be hoped that such measure will in fact be applied. I cannot confine myself to merely condemning from this rostrum an act which cost the lives of 269 innocent people. I also vigorously deplore the blow dealt by this act to international confidence, without which detente and peace are impossible. I wish to reiterate the sincerest condolences of the Belgian Government to the Government of the Republic of Korea, a friendly Government whose tireless efforts to bring about a peaceful and democratic reunification of the Korean peninsula, as well as the reuniting of families divided for more than 30 years now by the Korean tragedy, we very much appreciate.
252.	Never has the need for a stable and secure organization of international society been so keenly felt, and never has a more turbulent world made it more difficult to achieve this goal. If, like Paul Valery, we take a look at the world today, we can really only find grounds for frustration and anxiety. It is enough to pronounce names such as Middle East, Lebanon, Iran and Iraq, Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Horn of Africa, Chad, southern Africa, Central America, Chile, Cyprus—and others which I am not even mentioning—to appreciate the number of conflicts which today bedevil relations between States.
253.	Here and there, brave men and nations are trying to work out the elements of a peaceful solution. In this respect, I would like to salute the efforts of the Contadora Group and also to express the hope that national reconciliation will make it possible for Lebanon, through its legitimate Government, to bring about a national reconciliation, which would allow that country, finally freed from foreign occupation, to enjoy the peace which it so very much wants.
254.	I would also like to repeat Belgium's profound conviction that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without recognition of the existence and security of all States in the region, including Israel, and the legitimate aspirations of all its peoples, particularly the Palestinian people.
255.	I belong to that generation which witnessed the birth of the nuclear age, which is the anxious if not horrified witness of its proliferation and which has never really adjusted to the idea of living with the fear caused by its existence. I am among those who are struggling for
the control and reduction of these terrible arms of destruction. However, almost 40 years of experience have ' taught me a certain number of facts. Nuclear power and the weapons to which it gave birth are a product of the human genius. Those who, like me, have gone through the experience of what was once called the race for the first bomb between the Allies and the Nazis, will never forget it; what was at stake in that race was the very survival of our free world. One can aspire, as I myself do, together with so many other men of goodwill and peace, to the elimination of the atomic weapon, and indeed all other means of destruction. However, one must be aware, as I am, that such elimination is not possible. Indeed, history teaches us that all scientific and technological progress can be simultaneously detrimental and beneficial, but that it is always irreversible. What we must do and what we can do is to create conditions whereby only the beneficial aspects of progress can be developed.
256.	Humanity is constantly endangered by tensions born of egoism, jealousy, narrow nationalism, violations of fundamental human rights, and rejection of an international order based on the rule of law. The real problems lie in underdevelopment, hunger and inhuman conditions, for which a final solution must be found.
257.	Only the creation of an international legal order can provide the framework within which tensions will dissipate, conditions for control, limitation and reduction of armaments will be created, and creative forces will emerge which will help us overcome the crisis of our times. The achievement of such an order depends on us alone, and in particular on the Organization. Let us have the courage to denounce those forces which are opposed to this and let us undertake to contribute to the building of that order. This is a commitment which Belgium solemnly enters into here and now.