Mr. President, may I offer you the first compliments in this general debate. I do so with sincere satisfaction and in the certainty that my words will be a part of a general expression of recognition of the qualifications which so well entitle you to provide the leadership in the work that we are about to begin. With you in the Chair, we have every certainty that the debates on the items to be dealt with at this session will be conducted in an efficient and equitable fashion.
3.	Before going any further, I should like to express my thanks to the President of the thirty-fourth session, Mr. Salim A. Salim, who was repeatedly called upon during the past year to give us the benefit of his guidance in diverse and complex situations. It is fitting here to recall once more his impressive performance at the head of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, a task that he performed with wisdom and prudence.
4.	I take this opportunity of welcoming two new Members of our community of nations, the Republic of Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and I congratulate you and the Assembly on this occasion. Both countries have our best wishes for a future of progress and peace.
5.	It is particularly auspicious to see among us the delegation of Zimbabwe, as that means the culmination of a long process of struggle. When I recently visited that country, brief as my stay was, I could appreciate the spirit with which its Government and people face the task of building a society both just and efficient.
6.	We again welcome the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, whose presence in this Organization is an effective contribution to the consolidation of the principles of self-determination and independence among the Caribbean nations. Its admission will enrich the group of Latin American States, where it will be fraternally received.
7.	In opening this general debate, I reaffirm my country's commitment to the general principles of international conduct which are prescribed in the Charter of the United Nations and which are the heart and soul of this Assembly. Brazil will dedicate its best efforts to the preservation of international peace and security, to cooperation for development and to the promotion of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, without any distinction as to race, language or religion, just as the Charter of our Organization provides.
8.	It is difficult, unfortunately, to find causes for optimism in the present world situation. Since last year, tensions that have already caused mankind so much anxiety have grown still stronger; risks of upsetting world peace have become far more grave; the world economic crisis has become more severe; and famine and poverty persist, with their accompaniment of deep imbalances among nations. There is little reason for us to be proud of or even to accept the present state of things in the community of nations.
9.	The process of international decision-making has itself too often proved short-sighted. That process, shaped in an era prior to decolonization and to the global spread of economic and political problems, and unchanged in its essence, has shown itself to be painfully defective. At the political level, it reflects and reinforces the imbalances which so much affect the lives of our peoples. It fails to include the participation of new political forces. Its centralizing character does not reflect the philosophy of our Charter, and as a result has become unworkable. On the one hand, an important and essentially positive development has taken place in recent history: no single country, no condominium of Powers, has the ability effectively to control events in the different regions of the world. On the other hand, the use that the main Powers make of their strength, which is still tolerated by the international order, is inadequate to the new realities and needs of the world. Those Powers continue to think and
act according to specific strategic interests; they continue to show perplexity and immobility regarding the crucial problems of peace and development; they continue to magnify regional tensions instead of contributing effectively to the resolution of the root causes of such tensions.
10.	Neither the ideal of justice nor the recent course of events allows us to suppose that the maintenance of the present international order may lead to peace and prosperity. We have become used to references to interdependence in the world of today. At times, however, we have the feeling that no attention is paid to the fact that that word obviously conveys the idea of reciprocity. Interdependence is a two way road. Its political dimension is mutual respect among nations. Its institutional foundations lie in universal obedience to the principles of the Charter, such as equal sovereignty among States, self-determination, non-intervention and the peaceful settlement of disputes. There is no need here for further definition and qualification. Equality means equality, sovereignty means sovereignty and non-intervention means non-intervention. It is necessary for those basic principles to be observed in their entirety by ail Members of our community, for quibbling about their implementation means adding new and serious threats to already tense international relations.
11.	That means that no country, however strong, can presume to legislate to the world, as if it were a kind of overlord. That means that matters which affect everyone must be decided by all, and those which relate to the life of only one country must be decided by that country alone. That means that the international system must not be vertical and centralizing, that the international decision-making process regarding issues of global interest needs to be opened to the wide and representative participation of the community of nations.
12.	There is no better channel for dealing with world problems than dialogue and the effort to defuse tensions as they arise. A mature attitude is needed. The so often illusory prospects and temptations of immediate gains which characterize confrontation strategies should be resisted. Beyond immediate concerns, self-discipline and courage are required if we are to talk and negotiate rationally and objectively. A mistake frequently made is to believe that public opinion in each country and at the international level is incapable of perceiving the long-term common interests. There is no serious reason to prevent the more powerful States from adhering to truly common goals, while they use their imagination and wisdom to move beyond routine approaches.
13.	In the context of the recent increase in tension, it is encouraging to note the political ability demonstrated by Western Europe and by the third world. The developing countries with their voice and their vote in the General Assembly have clearly shown the importance they attach to respect for the basic principles of international law and their determination not to be used as pawns on the chessboard of crisis. They have reaffirmed their faith in non-intervention in dialogue and in the relaxation of tension. They have demonstrated, and surely will continue to demonstrate, a will to play a constructive role, each acting in accordance with its particular situation.
14.	We are appealing to precisely that constructive approach and spirit of international cooperation. We do not restrict ourselves to the criticism of attitudes and the denunciation of injustice. We are ready to cooperate in the establishment of a more just and effective international order. My country, within the limits of its resources, has given repeated demonstrations to that effect. We are committed to fostering a climate of trust among nations; we are always alert to the possibilities of cooperation on an egalitarian basis; we repudiate the formation of Power blocs; we seek to give a forward thrust to existing opportunities for development. We have the right to expect the United Nations to work effectively for the creation of a better future, one of peace and prosperity, free of hegemonies, intervention or war.
15.	The wide-ranging work of our Organization requires the adoption of an equitable scale of priorities in the consideration of the problems we must face. But peace and development are inseparable goals. No distinction should be made between them. Peace—not a state of precarious balance among heavily armed nations, but indeed a just and reliable international order—will never be attained without development. Development—not just economic growth in some areas, but indeed the redressing of the grave imbalances among nations—can be a realistic undertaking only if peace prevails.
16.	The quantitative and qualitative increase in the nuclear arsenals of the great Powers continues to pose a paradoxical contrast with the unmistakable desire of the immense majority of nations to live in peace. It is embarrassing to see that the concentration of scientific and technological knowledge of those Powers is being wasted on research in and development of constantly improving deadly devices. New strategies are planned with a sinister logic, as if it were possible to survive a nuclear war.
17.	The new momentum in multilateral discussions on disarmament arising from the commitments entered into at the tenth special session of the General Assembly has met with reluctance on the part of countries with intercontinental offensive power. Nevertheless, the Committee on Disarmament, a body which has our fully participation and support, has kept on trying, only to be blocked by an inversion of priorities which postpones the consideration of nuclear disarmament in all its forms.
18.	The ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has adjourned at Geneva on 29 August last with significant results to its credit. However, there are still gaps in the informal text  of the draft articles which are to become the future convention, and additional efforts will be required in order to improve upon it. If the constructive spirit, serenity, and sense of collective responsibility which we have advocated throughout the Conference are allowed to prevail, we trust they will result in the adoption by consensus of a well-balanced charter of the seas that will guarantee the interests of coastal States and give substance to the principle of the common heritage of mankind in the international seabed area.
19.	Like the overwhelming majority of nations, Brazil deplores the haste of countries which, in the course of negotiations, have enacted unilateral legislation on the exploitation of resources of the seabed beyond national jurisdiction. Such acts bring undue pressure to bear on the negotiations and contravene resolutions of this Organization and should, therefore, be repudiated by the international community.
20.	In our own region of Latin America this is a period of disturbance, but the prevailing trends are essentially positive. Relations among Latin American nations are deepening and there is more room for them to cooperate with each other as equals on the basis of balanced and mutual advantage.
21.	Thanks fundamentally to the operation of endogenous factors, a new and dynamic Latin American reality is being created. Political and economic stagnation is being replaced by a more complex situation, one richer in opportunities for change. Diplomacy is increasingly active and the strengthening of a network of bilateral dialogues certainly facilitates the launching of new Latin American regional efforts and the building of a more homogeneous, more creative stand for the region in its comprehensive debate with the rest of the world.
22.	Brazil's stance is that regional unity should be based on the purposeful exploitation of the countless affinities among our countries. It also depends on the mature and balanced recognition of the political, economic and cultural diversities existing among us. Latin American unity is a project for democratic, egalitarian and mutually trusting coexistence among our countries. Such unity rejects hegemonies, interventions, axes or blocs.
23.	President Joao Figueiredo has pledged himself to provide additional impetus for these positive trends and to increase his contacts with other heads of State in Latin America. During the last 12 months the President of Brazil has paid official visits to Caracas, Asuncion and Buenos Aires and in turn has been the host in Brazil of President Morales Bertnudez of Peru, President Lopez Portillo of Mexico and President Gorge Videla of Argentina. Brazil thus participates with its sister nations in the common effort for the construction of a truly operative and dynamic understanding among the Latin American nations.
24.	In the course of the present session we will be celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, a basic instrument for the affirmation of the right to self-determination, sovereignty and independence.
25.	We must now concentrate on the questions of Namibia and of the elimination of apartheid in South Africa, lest we face the continuing frustration of those peoples there and of all of us at the United Nations. Every effort must be made to ensure that prompt and fruitful results are gained from the work accumulated throughout these years at the United Nations towards a solution for the problem of Namibia, those people are represented by the South West Africa People's Organization. The risk we have been running since Security Council resolution 435 (1978) was adopted two years ago is that of having placed too much trust in negotiations that have not developed in accordance with legitimate expectations.
26.	The persistence of military aggressions conducted by the Government of South Africa against Angola and Zambia is unacceptable. Political contrivances such as the installation of the so-called national assembly of Windhoek are also unacceptable. The very latest exchange of messages with the Secretary General betrays the evasive and delaying attitude of South Africa. In this, as in other problems pending on our agenda, the position of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and, in particular, that of the frontline States, is fundamental inasmuch as, on 2 June last, they have reaffirmed at Lusaka the priority they accord to the question of Namibia on the basis of documents already adopted by the United Nations.
27.	The responsibly of this Organization for the preservation of international peace and security does not allow us to ignore the present escalation of intransigence, arbitrariness and violence which render the prospects for peace in the Middle East increasingly remote.
28.	Particularly serious are the implications of certain measures—recently adopted or announced—of consolidation of illegal occupation and of formal annexation of territories taken by force. The Security Council has already firmly expressed in its resolution 478 (1980), its universal rejection of the measures which purport unilaterally to modify the status of the City of Jerusalem.
29.	In connexion with the establishment of the basis for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, Brazil reaffirms that it is indispensable for the consensus to prevail so as to ensure the following: the complete withdrawal of occupying forces from all Arab territories; the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland, to self-determination, to independence and to sovereignty in Palestine in accordance with the Charter and the relevant United Nations resolutions; the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] in peace negotiations; and the recognition of the right of all States in the region to exist within recognized boundaries.
30.	We can also expect the Council to provide a more complete and appropriate framework for the Consideration of the question, in which the rights of the Palestinian people are duly recognized.
31.	I also wish to make a particular reference to the tragic situation in Lebanon, the country of origin of so many Brazilians who have greatly contributed to our national life. Lebanon deserves our full solidarity, and its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity must be preserved.
32.	When I addressed the General Assembly last war. I noted that the world economy entered the decade of the 1980s in a state of generalized uncertainty.' The aggravation of the global economic situation, throughout the last 12 months, only strengthens the evidence that we are all facing an entirely new situation in qualitative terms.
33.	We are going through much more than a simple transitory stage, that of a slackening of the rate of growth of world output and of a simultaneous increase of inflationary tensions, There is a profound and comprehensive system wide network crisis which affects industrialized economies and accentuates the distortions and imbalances of their relations with the developing world.
34.	The so-called "energy crisis", as central as it may be today in our concerns and as dramatic as may be its economic impact, should be recognized for what it really is: not as something accidental or exogenous, but as a component part of an underlying structural crisis of a broader and more lasting nature. The energy problem is felt essentially in the North South dimension. Therefore, in order to be effective, its solution can be sought only within the context of efforts aimed at a global revision of the relations between highly developed countries and the developing world as a whole.
35.	This finds eloquent proof in the fact—which no one would dare deny—that developing countries have recently assumed an increasing and even decisive role in the fabric of the international economy, either as providers of raw materials, as markets, as increasingly competitive industrial suppliers, as areas for new investments or as users of capital often lacking alternatives for application in developed economies which are either in a state of stagnation or reduced growth.
36.	This role of the third world has been attained not because the world markets have become more responsive to the aspirations and needs of the developing countries, but in fact it was achieved despite persistent and. in many cases, increasing obstacles such as the new and more effective forms of protectionism, the transferral of inflationary tensions and the generalized increase of interest rates in capital markets.
37.	In the last few years, the third world has been a weights factor in sustaining the level of economic activity of the developed world. Nevertheless, possibly under the pressure of its own difficulties, seen from the narrow viewpoint of the present state of affairs, the developed world has. in practice, adopted an increasingly distant attitude towards the problems of underdevelopment. It is obvious in the summit meetings of the so-called "Seven" and in several multilateral forums that less attention has been given to the structural problems of the North South relationship, and an attitude has become prevalent which practically limits itself to considering marginal measures and to assigning the responsibility for the evils that now afflict the world economy to increases in the price of oil.
38.	Another and more subtle expression of the aloofness of the North towards the South is the attempt to introduce restrictive categories for developing countries, grouping them according to level of income or industrialization or classifying them either as importers or exporters of oil. An entire conceptual arsenal is being put together to bolster this effort to produce divisive and diversionary effects. In fact, this categorization is just one more proof of the protectionist attitude of the developed world and of its lack of interest in grasping the problem of underdevelopment in its entirety, with all its economic, technological and social aspects.
39.	It is time to realize that the full, true integration of developing countries into the international economy cannot be brought about by imposing upon them an institutional framework which is unilaterally predetermined by the major economic Powers but, rather, can be achieved only by allowing them adequate access to decision-making processes for the problems affecting the international economic situation. It is an illusion to presume that in the new international scene which we face it is possible to maintain privileged structures and, at the same time, solve global problems. The attempt to preserve obsolete structures of domination over international flows in matters of trade, finance and technology can only prolong and even aggravate the present difficulties. In the world today, the exercise of power is contradictory with the objectives of prosperity. The time has come for us to interpret anew the ties between nations of the North and the South and to replace the rhetorical affirmation of interdependence with the practical construction of mutuality.
40.	In order to do so, the developed countries must recognize that solutions will not spring spontaneously from piecemeal deliberations in different multilateral agencies and forums if the present elitist decision-making structures are maintained and operational criteria remain unaltered. These might have been adequate in the past, but they no longer serve their purpose. The essential meaning of the so-called "global negotiations" is precisely that of offering to all of us what may be one last chance to seek an integrated and harmonious set of measures to reformulate the North South relationship. This opportunity can materialize only if we are able to undertake the urgent task of devising a political thrust which can generate from the universal forum—that of the General Assembly of the United Nations—significant modifications in multilateral economic institutions, so as to make them more open to the participation of the developing countries and more receptive to their specific needs.
41.	Therefore, the Brazilian Government cannot conceal its grave concern regarding the stalemate which occurred a few days ago during the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. In our opinion, the failure to launch global negotiations is not in any way compensated for by the existence of a consensus reached on the text of a new International Development Strategy.  Such a text, as my Government sees it, is not satisfactory, for it does not even take into account substantive progress related to previous agreements reached in other bodies, and it will still be subject to reservations and declarations of a restrictive or interpretative nature from the developed countries.
42.	A most meaningful fact is that the third world has been able to preserve its fundamental sense of unity, despite the legitimate differences in interest which might occasionally arise and regardless of external pressure, as I have mentioned.
43.	The present crisis necessarily leads to an increasing unity among the nations of Latin America, Africa and Asia in a common effort to revise the patterns of their relationship with the North. However, the crisis does not cease to present us with renewed challenges and obstacles. Our unity should be continuously reaffirmed and reinvigorated even more so when the effort—legitimate in itself—to increase the value of scarce and non-renewable resources causes effects of a dramatic nature in other developing countries.
44.	The time has come for us to deploy, within the South South relationship, an intensified effort to diversify and enlarge the bases of understanding and cooperation. Concrete, substantive and effective flows of trade and financing among developing countries must be added to the political ties and to the common platforms in the North South context.
45.	The industrial, technological and financial potential which now exists in the third world—added, of course, to its immense natural and human resources—opens to the nations of the three developing continents broad prospects of a fruitful direct relationship, avoiding the often politically or economically onerous procedure of going through the main centres. The challenge before us is, in short, to create for the third world a profile of its own, based on its internal reality and dynamism, and not merely on the expression of the differences between us and the developed nations.
46.	Success in this truly pioneer effort of establishing ties of effective partnership among developing countries rests on a clear political commitment. Only the common will to draw closer will allow us to reach concrete results. Such a decision must be as firm as the difficulties are great in establishing ties among nations like ours, which for a long time have remained far apart and which, even today, are predominantly oriented—in the economic and financial fields— towards the great industrial centres.
47.	Brazil, for its part, fully trusts that the nations of the South will be able to take advantage of the present difficulties in order to reaffirm their own personality, strengthen and enrich their unity and solidarity—an element indispensable for the success of their struggle to overcome underdevelopment—and revise the terms of their relationship with the industrialized North.
48.	These are in the main, the remarks that I want to make on behalf of the delegation of Brazil as the debate at the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly opens.
49.	If throughout all these years we have reiterated our concerns, it is because the march of international events proceeds at an inexorable and even accelerated pace, while solutions lag behind. Therefore, our work cannot but reflect the ever-growing problems and the shortcomings of the international decision-making process. It is fitting that my delegation stress that it awaits the day when contentious subjects in our annual agenda are replaced by matters of common cooperation and understanding.
50.	Throughout the three months of work before us the delegation of Brazil will spare no effort to help create better conditions for participation and international dialogue, in the certainty that the United Nations is still the most adequate instrument at the disposal of the international community for the achievement of the objectives of peace and development.


Mr. President, I bring you the fraternal greetings of my people and our congratulations on your elevation to your high office. Your country, Nigeria, and mine have deep historical and cultural links which underscore the need for mutual support and co-operation. However, on account of your personal qualities and the vision which you bring to the presidency, you are assured of the unfailing support of my delegation.
Permit me here to express my thanks to the former President, Mr. Dante Caputo, for the skilful manner in which he has directed our deliberations over the past year. His guidance was most encouraging and the results, I must add, most gratifying.
I wish to offer my country's sincerest thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and to the organs of the United Nations for the support extended to Antigua and Barbuda in the wake of one of the most devastating hurricanes ever to have unleashed its fury upon the eastern Caribbean. The damage to my country was severe but the response of the international community reaffirms my faith and my people's faith in the effectiveness of the United Nations organs and in the goodwill of mankind.
Fifty years ago the havoc, brutality and destructiveness of the Second World war was visited on mankind. The United Nations, be it remembered, was created at the end of the conflagration to promote peace, security, economic reconstruction and self-determination. Today the role of the United Nations is pivotal in the continued promotion of peace, in the stride towards economic development and in the reconstruction efforts of so many nations where the ability to function has beat impaired by disasters, man-made and natural.
This year, as the people of Antigua and Barbuda struggle to overcome the devastation of a hurricane, the r a is on d'etre of the United Nations is made manifest. The Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator and the United Nations Development Programme deserve high commendation for the support and pledges of continued assistance extended to my nation immediately following upon the consequential dangers of this natural disaster.
Two very disquieting and unrelenting man-made dangers which alarm my country and menace the most powerful countries in this hemisphere are terrorism and the trafficking in narcotics. Both are grave causes of concern to the decision makers in my twin-is land country.
It was less than one year ago that Mercenaries unsuccessfully attempted to invade the Republic of Maldives. That blatant act of terrorism is a threat to the sovereignty of all snail countries in every hemisphere and an unsuspecting drain on our limited resources. My country can ill afford to spend our scarce foreign currency earnings on acquisition of military hardware. The choice for us is whether to buy more tractors, or to bring telephones into a distant village, or to offer scholarships to deserving youth, or to repair secondary roads for our farmers to transport their goods to market, or to increase our promotional budget for attracting business and visitors to our shores. But this looming terrorist threat requires a diversion of those scarce resources to rifles and ammunition and military uniforms. It is a threat which causes us to look towards the United Nations for support. My country will join forces with a score of small countries to sponsor a draft resolution proposed by the Republic of Maldives requiring the creation of a type of United Nations peace-keeping force to come to the assistance of any small State when requested so to do by its legitimate authority in the face of a terrorist threat to its sovereignty.
In my immediate region, the eastern Caribbean, eight nations, including my own, have formed a regional security force which offers greater protection than any single member State can provide on its own. But Antigua and Barbuda none the less endorses a broader approach as proposed by Jamaica in a pending united Nations draft resolution. The creation of a multilateral unit established under the aegis of the United Nations is most appealing. Such a unit would possess the ability to provide assistance in situations requiring intelligence and interdiction capabilities; both are currently beyond the wherewithal of the extant Caribbean regional security system. The mere willingness of many small countries and many
island developing countries to lend their support to the concept evidences our increased faith in the United nations
Over the past two weeks every Head of State from the Americas who has addressed this body has expounded on the scourge of drug trafficking. The Presidents of the United States and of Colombia have noted that the threat to democracy posed by the drug cartels is real and present. The threat to my nation's sovereignty is not imagined. Wealthy and powerful drug barons, when driven from their castles in one nation, will look to less defensive States from which to continue their criminal activity. To forestall the prospect of elevation fro*5 transit points in the trafficking of drugs to distillation centres for the production of the substance our island countries intend to seek increased United Nations protection. For an industry which ranks second in economic activity only to the arms trade and whose profits exceed the global cost of debt-servicing, we are fighting a disaster more horrendous in its implications than an entire summer of hurricanes,
drug abuse eats away the very foundations of civilizations and cultures which generations passed have bequeathed to us. It turns its victims into unrecognisable creatures and destroys our youngsters as surely as no tempest can. The purveyors of this evil must be apprehended and punished. Small countries such as my own are conscious of the superior strength which the drug barons possess. Antigua and Barbuda will therefore be a co-sponsor of the draft resolution to be tabled by Trinidad and Tobago proposing the creation of an international criminal court of justice empowered with jurisdiction to bring to trial and to convict those dealers in death who have no nationality and for whom the sanctity of life has no meaning.
The traffic in drugs and the threat of terrorism have the potential to undermine our sovereignty. But the harm to the environment, resulting in global warming, threatens the coastline of every country with flooding and our low-lying island nations with complete submersion.
In March of this year we witnessed the convening of a summit meeting on the protection of the global atmosphere. The leaders of 24 countries adopted a common declaration addressed to all nations. The Hague Declaration emphasized that the environmental problem is world-wide and requires solutions devised on a global scale. The nature of the dangers involved necessitates the seeking of remedies to preserve the ecosystem and to enable humanity to live in dignity in a viable global environment. All States have an obligation both to our populations and to future generations. There is therefore need for regulatory, supportive and adjustment measures to take into account the participation and potential contribution of States which are at varying levels of development.
Many developing countries contribute to the degradation as their burgeoning populations cut down forests to provide timber and to make land available for cattle ranching and agriculture, much as the developed countries have done for centuries. The grave nature of the resulting, looming crisis can be gleaned from computer projections which indicate that the accumulation of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere as a consequence of development could increase the earth's average temperature by 3 to 9 degrees Fahrenheit before the year 2050. Resulting weather patterns could make infertile large tracts of land now under food production, and oceans could rise by several feet to flood large areas of coastal land, thereby causing innocent, non-contributing island countries to disappear under the sea.
There is undoubtedly an increased recognition in all countries of the gravity of the environmental problem and collectively there are specific measures which can be taken by the nations of the world to safeguard our planet. There should be the imposition of special taxes on carbon-dioxide emissions, which would serve to encourage conservation. Environmental review should become am integral part of lending procedures within countries so that local banks could be prevented from providing funds for projects that destroy habitats. Funding should be increased for research on alternative energy sources, including that of solar power, and safer designs for nuclear reactors. Financial assistance should be given to developing countries to enable us to construct high-efficiency power plants. And, although a number of other costly measures could be implemented, the simple act of establishing an international tree-planting programme is highly recommended.
My country appreciates that the problem is most complex. Antigua and Barbuda accepts the view enunciated by the Commonwealth Secretary-General that "the current work on greenhouse gases and global warming requires the combined skills of physicists, meteorologists, biologists, geographers, economists, lawyers, engineers ... To deal with such problems satisfactorily is a challenge to both statesmen and thinkers."
It is widely accented that all solutions require multilateral co-operation, we insist that the principle of multilateralism be applied, conscious of the fact that the mechanism of the United Nations mu3t again be called upon to provide technical leadership and support.
Antigua and Barbuda also seeks the support of the United Nations community in promoting a new approach to measuring the economic well-being of island developing countries. We again reiterate that the use of conventional economic indicators to measure the economic standing of island developing countries is neither apt nor realistic.
Conventional indicators distort our economic soundness, ignore the fragility of our economic base, and fail to compensate for the disproportionately high costs attached to providing routine services to small populations. The gross national product per capita is the major culprit. It does not take into account that tourism, the economic lifeline of many developing countries including my own, requires massive expenditures for promotion. The export of manufactured goods does not. Promotional spending takes place in the developed countries from which the tourists come, resulting in a continuous transfer of our hard-earned hard currency to developed countries. But this spending must take place. Promotion is the sine qua non of a successful tourist-based economy) 60 per cent of the gross domestic product off my country is generated by tourism. The gross national product per capita measuring device does not take that major fact into account; nor does it give an adequate representation off our country's governability. Last month a single hurricane destroyed in 12 hours the 50 years' work it took my Government to provide a functioning electricity delivery system. The damage to our homes, our schools, our single hospital, agricultural crops and, most particularly, our fishing industry exceeds in dollars the aggregate export earnings off five years.
combined. The difficulties resulting from hurricane Hugo are compounded by economic constraints posed by our smallness, by an increasing disappearance of preferential markets, by a decline in official development assistance and by access restrictions to soft-loan financing. Island developing countries once again present our case for the use of more reliable economic indicators and for special assistance from the United Nations and its many organs.
Over the past six sessions Antigua and Barbuda has been in the forefront on the question of Antarctica. Again we seek to remind this body that Antarctica is mankind's last frontier. Man's intrusion there, if not carefully monitored and regulated, can dramatically alter the global ocean currents and weather patterns. Antarctica is a meet significant regulator of the earth's weather systems; any change in the Antarctic environment can have a dire impact on the climate and environment of other parts of the earth.
Last year we had much cause for regret when we learned of the decision of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties to disregard totally and completely General Assembly resolution 42/45, of 30 November 1987, which called for a moratorium on negotiations to establish a minerals regime until all members of the international community are able to participate fully in such negotiations. This year we are greeted with a glimmer of hope as three of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties have declared that they will not sign the minerals convention and are advocating instead the establishment off an Antarctic wilderness park. We welcome this development. Antigua and Barbuda continues to call for the direct involvement of the United Nations and the fullest co-operation of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties with the Secretary-General or his representative.
Many recent developments in technology have brought about major changes in the domestic well-being of several developing countries. As the pace of technology quickens, assail developing countries seeking to keep pace experience a strain on their resources. My country is nevertheless determined to use the products of science and technology to realize its development goals. Our long-standing efforts to build and strengthen our endogenous capacity in science and technology have taken on a sense of urgency as we seek to improve social and economic conditions through expanded production, increased export earnings and international competitiveness. If we are to enhance the infrastructure of our learning institutions in the fields of science and technology, if we are to improve the management of science and technology, then my country must press the international community to increase the flow of technology to small countries on conditions acceptable to us.
The islands of the Caribbean were once populated by an ancient, robust, sea-faring people: because of man's greed and viciousness, their populations were decimated to the point of near extinction. Relics of their civilization can be found throughout every Caribbean island. Antigua and Barbuda is thus compelled to raise its voice in calling for the protection of indigenous peoples in the modern world.
We make this appeal in the knowledge that in this century ft ere have been more ethnocides, genocides and extinctions of distinct ethnic and tribal groups than in any other period of history. In 1988 more than 200,000 indigenous people around the world were murdered and more than 2 million were forced to flee their homelands.
The violence manifested against indigenous peoples is in no sense random. The violence occurs, most frequently, when States or dominant groups attempt to exert complete control over ethnic or tribal minorities. Many indigenous people live in the more remote and least-explored areas of their countries. They have been pushed so far that they are making a final stand against aggression. But they fight, like the heroic Caribbean peoples of centuries past, against more formidable foes, to which they will most certainly succumb. Not many decades from now the fate of the world's remaining indigenous peoples could be decided once and for all. Antigua and Barbuda will readily give its support to the proposal by the Group for the Studies of Indigenous Populations - a part of the United Nations Sub-Committee for the Protection of Minorities - that 1992 be declared the international year of the indigenous peoples of the world.
Africa's struggle for total liberation will come only with the eradication of apartheid. We are convinced that the oppressed majority of South Africa - the black people of South Africa - will soon win its freedom, with the unfailing support of the United Nations. This year the General Assembly will again devote a special session to apartheid. But we are certain that the racist Pretoria regime will completely ignore the resolutions which are likely to emerge since it has, with impunity, ignored those which were adopted last year. South Africa must be compelled to lift all state-of-emergency regulations, end its ban on all political organisations, restore free speech and movement, and commence a dialogue with the representatives of the majority population. My country reiterates its call for the adoption of mandatory sanctions of a comprehensive nature against the racist regime as a means to compel it to comply. Antigua and Barbuda calls once again for the release of Nelson Mandela and all political prisoners and seeks the cessation of the harassment of Archbishop Desmond Tutu and the Reverend Alan Boesak.
Antigua and Barbuda condemns the racist South Africans for creating impediments to an independent Namibia. The States Members of the United Nations cannot become complacent; we must not allow South Africa to jettison the agreements readied through our efforts here. If we fail to deter South Africa we shall disappoint the world, which is watching us, eager to see Namibia take its rightful seat as the one hundred sixtieth State Member of the United Nations. The men and women of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG), international civil servants who are on site in Namibia, have placed their lives in jeopardy; several nationals of my small country are serving in Namibia under UNTAG. The Assembly must ensure that they do not labour in vain, that South Africa complies with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We cannot allow the effort to end in failure.
Continuing on the subject of the African continent, we turn now to Western Sahara. Antigua and Barbuda actively supports the peace plan of the United Nations Secretary-Genera' and the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity. We lend our support to the people of Western Sahara in their struggle for self-determination and endorse all international efforts aimed at securing peace and stability in the Maghreb region.
Permit me to focus upon my own region briefly. Antigua and Barbuda applauds the developments in Central America, which are certain to bring peace. We endorse Security Council resolution 637 (1989), which relates to the Esquipulas II agreements. We adhere to our earlier statements that economic injustice is tine
root cause of many of the Local conflicts there; these conflicts were exacerbated by the cold war. The number of proxy wars, though, is fast diminishing, and we welcome the demobilization and repatriation of irregular forces. poor nations with bare material storehouses can ill afford the squandering of scarce resources brought on by wars. The strengthening of democracy in the region will continue if peace lasts; economic reform must also be instituted in order to guarantee peace. The people of Central America, and especially the people of Panama, are assured that our hearts are with them in this era of extreme difficulty; it is our sincere hope that their many crises will soon be resolved.
Further a field, we are discouraged by developments in Afghanistan. Despite the Agreement on the Settlement of the Situation relating to Afghanistan, and despite the unanimous adoption of resolution 43/20 of 3 November 1988, the suffering of the sturdy Afghan people continues. My country reiterates its support to that people's struggle to achieve self-determination and total autonomy.
In Lebanon, the people must be allowed to settle their differences without undue interference. My country stands ready to endorse any proposal that will lead to full Lebanese sovereignty over the entire country and guarantee the withdrawal of foreign troops from Lebanese soil.
The entire Middle East conflict continues to have the propensity for generating repercussions in a far wider sphere. The decisions taken by the Palestine National Council at Algiers in November 1988 and at Geneva the following month created a diplomatic momentum which has since been supplanted by mistrust and doubt. It is imperative that there be an international peace conference. The interests of all concerned are best served through dialogue and negotiations in an atmosphere propitious to peaceful resolution. The United Nations must continue its
quest to find a letting settlement, premised on the rights of all States and peoples in that region to exist within recognized and secure borders.
In South-East Asia, two Koreas seem permanent. The Republic of Korea has repeatedly expressed its desire to become a Member of the United Nations. Antigua and Barbuda can find no logical cause or explanation for denying it membership; further, we consider it unjust that it is barred from membership for reasons other than those stipulated in the United Nations Charter.
Last year at this time we were encouraged by developments relating to Cambodia. Unfortunately, the Conference convened in Paris at the initiative of the Government of France fell short of getting a direct commitment from the various factions. But it succeeded in working out significant elements of a comprehensive settlement and in identifying necessary aspects of a solution. It is hoped that there will be no slackening of efforts to bring about peace and justice in Kampuchea.
In Cyprus, the fact that the leaders of the two sides involved in that conflict have committed themselves to achieving an overall settlement augurs well for the future. We are heartened by our Secretary-General's announcement that a critical juncture has now been reached. Antigua and Barbuda consequently gives its full support to the effort and urges the two parties to reach an acceptable solution within the year.
Like snail countries Antigua and Barbuda looks increasingly to international law for protection, and we are keenly aware of the role of the United Nations in promoting respect for law. The lawless dumping of hazardous wastes in developing countries requires immediate United Nations action. It is unfair and unthinkable to burden with the by-products of affluent societies those that are endeavouring to keep their fragile ecosystems safe for this and future generations. It would be suicidal to accept the wastes of industrial societies in the Caribbean given the complete reliance of our peoples on every square mile of our land and sea. Antigua and Barbuda calls for a strict international regime to protect all developing countries from becoming dumping-grounds for hazardous wastes.
My delegation's request for United Nations assistance and support in our hurricane recovery efforts, in the establishment of a multilateral force, in the creation of an international court of criminal justice in the provision of leadership and support on environmental issues, and a few other natters catalogued earlier, might appear to suggest that my small island developing country and maybe other small countries are willing to surrender, or to trade in, elements of our sovereignty for greater security and improved conditions. My country guards its sovereignty jealously. Antigua and Barbuda will remain a free and fully independent country just as long as the nation-State system survives. My Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Doctor Vere Cornwall Bird, has for 50 years been in the forefront of the struggle to win our independence, to improve our standard of living and to foster in us pride in our heritage. He continues to pass on to us a legacy which we shall never abandon. Antigua and Barbuda will do all in its power to ensure our continued development, to ensure lasting peace, and to secure humanity's survival through, multilatra1 efforts. However, we are willing to part with no more of our sovereignty than is the most powerful country in any hemisphere.


Let me first congratulate Mr. Garba upon his election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. His elevation to that high office is a reflection not only of his competence but also of the esteem in which his country, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is held internationally. We are confident that under his able leadership our deliberations will reach a successful conclusion.
I should also like to commend his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, the former Foreign Minister of Argentina, for the excellent manner in which he guided the work of the last session. To our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, I wish to pay a special tribute for his untiring efforts, which have brought significant results in the further advancement of peace. We are grateful to him.
After being forced to remain in the wings for too long, we are heartened to note that with common sense prevailing the United Nations is at the forefront of international efforts to secure our collective desire for a better and peaceful world. The two super-Powers continue to sit together, talking peace. Even in places of seemingly intractable conflict the prospect of giving peace a chance is increasing. We are therefore witnessing a trend of world-wide rapprochement that has given greater meaning to the idea of peace, which we hope will be translated into a reality. Our presence here is intended to give encouragement to the extension and consolidation of those trends and efforts.
In the Gulf, thanks to the cease-fire arrangement between Iran and Iraq, monitored by Use United Nations, the cessation of hostilities has now been effective for more than a year. This, however, is only the beginning, for Security Council resolution 598 (1987), the basis for that peace, remain to a large extent un-implemented. We urge its full implementation and express our full support for the peace efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative.
On Namibia, the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on its independence is a major advance which must be maintained so that free and fair elections to the constituent assembly, under the supervision and control of the United Nations, can take place next month. If those elections are to succeed it is essential that all the parties concerned respect the letter and spirit of the United Nations plan and other related arrangements to ensure that nothing is done which could cause them to unravel.
No less significant are the winds of political change blowing across Western Sahara. We note that a breakthrough appears imminent in the 14-year-old dispute there and welcome the acceptance by the two parties to the conflict of the Secretary-General's proposal to work out the details of the implementation of the peace plan presented to them by the Secretary-General and the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). We encourage them both to continue their efforts to find a durable solution to the conflict.
Pursuant to the Geneva agreements on Afghanistan, all foreign troops left Afghanistan in February of this year. Regrettably, the fighting still continues and has in fact escalated, increasing the suffering of the people of Afghanistan. With the massive importation across its border of military hardware to nourish the fighting, the problem in Afghanistan requires a political solution, which must come from the countries concerned. We therefore support the efforts of the Secretary-General to secure a political consensus that will eventually put an end to the unnecessary loss of life and suffering in Afghanistan.
On the Cyprus question, we welcome the recent high-level contacts between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities and their commitment to achieving an overall settlement. The Secretary-General must be commended for his untiring search for a peaceful solution to the conflict. We therefore call on all parties to co-operate with the Secretary-General and his Special Representative wife a view to achieving an agreed settlement.
While we have seen major advances towards peace emerging in the Gulf, Namibia, Western Sahara, Afghanistan and Central America, and super-Power rapprochement, it is indeed sad feat this new wave of accommodation and reconciliation still eludes other areas of long-standing conflict.
The recent Conference on Peace in Cambodia, held in Paris, was a step in fee right direction towards ending two decades of war, destruction and human suffering. Regrettably, the Conference could not arrive at a comprehensive political settlement. Be that as it may, we should not give up hope of a negotiated political settlement but should encouragement to any efforts aimed at reconvening fee Paris Conference, which we hope will pave the way for fee people of Kampuchea to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination through general and free elections under fee auspices of fee United Nations.
The lack of progress towards a solution to the conflict in fee Middle East continues to be a source of grave concern. We continue to regard an international peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations as fee best formula for bringing fee parties together in binding negotiations. The right of all to live within secure borders must be recognized and respected.
Elated though we are about fee very positive developments in Namibia, we note wife concern feat the same cannot be said about South Africa. The exclusion of the country's blade majority from fee parliamentary elections last month made those elections a farce. The new leadership that emerged from the recent elections represents a change only of guard, not of fee policies of apartheid. We reiterate the call for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa and hope that the special session of the General Assembly planned for December will provide the impetus to translate that call into action.
The situation in the Korean peninsula still requires constant vigilance. To assist in their efforts to arrive at a peaceful settlement of disputes in the Korean peninsula, we would welcome the admission of the two Koreas, whether simultaneously or separately, into the United Nations.
Solomon Islands attaches great importance to respect for human rights and we cannot, therefore, remain indifferent to the violations to which those rights are subjected. The events of Tiananmen Square were indeed shocking. We hope the People's Republic of China will eventually heed the appeals addressed to them by the international community. In less than two months from this time next year we shall be commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations historic 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. By then Namibia will, we hope, have been admitted as the 160th member state of our organization. But happy as, we are at the prospect of Namibia's admission to the United Nations, we cannot become complacent until the legitimate aspirations of all colonized peoples for a free and genuine act of self-determination is realized.
In New Caledonia, we note the positive measures taken by the Government of Prance which have restored peace and dialogue to that Non-Self-Governing Territory. We are encouraged by the agreements concluded in Paris last year and hope these will continue to form the basis of New Caledonia's peaceful progress to self-determination.
It is also our hope that the Government of Prance will, in the near future, co-operate with the United Nations in accordance with Article 73 (e) of the Charter.
It is our firm belief that, as in Namibia and other former Non-Self-Governing Territories, a free and genuine act of self-determination in New Caledonia must be in accordance with the principles and practices of the United Nations. This is also the collective belief of the 15 countries of the South Pacific Forum. At its recent summit meeting held at Tarawa, in the Republic of Kiribati in July of this year, the Forum's Final Communiqué was explicit on this question:
"The Forum restated its strong support for an act of self-determination consistent with toe established decolonisation practices and principles of the United Nations, in which all options, including independence, would be open, and which would lead to a settlement that safeguards toe rights of the indigenous Kanaks and all New Caledonians in a multiracial society." (A/44/463, para. 19)
That is also the belief shared by my Melanesian brothers and Kanak leaders, and by the late Jean-Marie Tjibaou and Yeiwene Yeiwene, whose tragic assassinations in May this year stunned us all. He shall continue to miss them. But it is up to is to keep their hopes and dreams alive and to ensure that they are translated into a reality. The commitment of the United States and the Soviet Union to cut their nuclear arsenals by 50 per cent, which we welcome, is a timely reminder that the possession of nuclear weapons is not a guarantee of genuine global security. We welcome also the proposals made at the beginning of this debate by President Bush, and the positive Soviet response, on the reduction of United States and Soviet stockpiles of chemical weapons. But big or small, developed or developing, all Member States have a commitment to global security and stability.
The Treaty of Rarotonga, in the South Pacific, which declares the South Pacific region a nuclear-free zone, constitutes an important disarmament measure. It embodies a major security commitment for the South Pacific region and represents a solemn step in contributing to both regional and global peace and security. Solomon Islands ratified this Treaty last year and to date it has received 11 instruments of ratification from 11 countries in the South Pacific region. The Treaty entered into force upon the deposit of the eighth instrument of ratification on 11 December 1986.
The People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union, as nuclear-weapon States, have already ratified Protocols 2 and 3 of the Treaty. We command them for their sensitivity in accepting our contribution to what we hope will eventually be a nuclear-free world. It is, however, much to our regret, that the United Kingdom, the United States and Prance have not, as yet, heeded our concerns, and we urge them to do so by acceding to the Protocols of the Treaty.
On the current economic situation, hard choices have to be made to narrow the widening economic gap between the developing and the developed countries. As an island heavily dependent on commodity exports. Solomon Islands places a premium on the final outcome of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, which we hope will take due consideration of the unique problem of island developing countries.
Of the major issues confronting us today there is probably none that has captured our imagination more than the deterioration of the natural environment. The greenhouse effect, global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer, acid rain, waste dumping, forest depletion, and drift-net fishing, threaten our existence.
The greenhouse effect and the resulting global warming and the rise in sea level constitute a direct threat, no longer dismissible, to our survival, we in the Pacific have more cause than many to be deeply concerned about it since if the rise in sea level is significant some of our islands and coastal areas may become Permanently inundated. The possibility that entire countries may also drown is almost beyond comprehension. we in the South Pacific, like other regions I believe, have our environmental problems. But the irony is that while these have contributed very little to the causes of global climate change it appears that we may be among the first of the innocent victims of its consequences - the first, but not the last. The sea, for many Pacific island countries, is our greatest resource. For some it may be the only resource drift-net fishing, or the "wall of death" as it is appropriately called, poses a problem, and undeniable danger to our marine resources. These "ghost" nets, 15 metres deep and extending to about 60 kilometres, whose primary target is the tuna, suffocates almost anything that comes its way. Whales, dolphins, seals lid sea birds, in pursuit of what appears to be easy prey, are entangled  hopelessly in these nets. We believe drift-nets will seriously deplete albacore tuna rocks in the region over the next two years. This practice must therefore stop.
We welcome the recent decision of Japan to cut by two thirds the number of its tuna fishing vessels using drift-nets in the South Pacific. We hope that this will be the first step towards ending drift-net fishing in the region.
We call on Taiwan, which remains the only holdout, to heed the concerns of the South Pacific Forum and abandon immediately its damaging drift-net operations in the South Pacific. The Pacific Ocean is certainly the largest ocean in the world, but it is certainly not large enough to endure indiscriminate exploitation.
Another danger which threatens our environment is nuclear testing. We therefore call on France to put an end to its nuclear-testing programme in the Pacific? It is not a reduction in the number of nuclear tests that we seek but a complete cessation of those tests. The bitter truth about the greenhouse effect, gill-net fishing, nuclear testing acid rain and the depletion of the ozone layer is that their effects transcend .d national boundaries. It therefore demands an international response. It is time for all nations to join together in a common effort to protect our environment. lent.

With conflicts reduced and dialogue resumed we are indeed witnessing a different political climate, a favourable climate that should now inspire the resolution of long-standing conflicts in other areas; an appropriate time also to inspire and consolidate international co-operation in economic development and the protection of our home and the environment.
Global co-operation in the management of global problems is essential to our search for global solutions. Now is the time, so let us all rise to this momentous occasion and proceed to expand the frontiers of peace and harmony.
This is the task, this is the labour, to which we must all bend our efforts. It is the earnest hope of my delegation that as we move into the last decade of this millennium, together, in unity, we can make further positive contributions towards achieving a better world.


I should like first of all to offer you. Sir, my warm congratulations on taking up the presidency of the General assembly and to express my deep thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Dante Caputo, for his work. I should like also to express our esteem and appreciation for the excellent work of the Secretary-General - whose thoughtful and informative report we have read with great interest - in conducting the affairs and promoting the goals of the United Nations.
When we gathered at the United Nations this time last year we all spoke with hope of the dawning of a new, more peaceful epoch in international affairs. Political developments of momentous significance in the intervening 12 months have confirmed our hopes of a new era. At the same time, we have become aware of the many challenges raised by this era, which must be met effectively before our positive expectations and aspirations can be fully realized.
Relations between the two major super-Powers - the bellwether for a general amelioration of the international political climate - have continued to improve at a quickening pace, surpassing our expectations. The momentous importance of the shift from confrontation to co-operation between the United States and the Soviet Union can hardly be overestimated. As a result of the opportunity for dialogue on an expanded agenda created by this new positive climate, there is today a marked overall improvement in East-West relations. A long list of disarmament accords, which a few years ago seemed unattainable, have been concluded, while the prospects for the ongoing East-West talks on conventional force reductions, chemical weapons and strategic offensive weapons have been greatly enhanced, particularly following this month's successful meeting in Wyoming between Mr. Eduard Shevardnadze and Mr . James Baker.
We are encouraged by the proposal made by President George Bush at the General Assembly for cuts of at least 80 per cent in the super-Power chemical-weapons arsenals, with the aim of a total ban on such weapons within 10 years of the signing of a multilateral chemical-weapons treaty, and by the very positive response of the Soviet Union.
Reflecting the shift from confrontation to co-operation in super-Power relations, a number of conflicts at diverse points on the globe are now on the path to peaceful resolution.
Namibia is now firmly launched on the road to independence. The personal involvement of the Secretary-General has contributed decisively to the Namibia independence process, which represents a key success for the United Nations.
We also welcome the continued progress towards the resolution of the dispute in Western Sahara, on the basis of the peace plan presented by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) just over one year ago.
In Central America, we applaud the stepping up of efforts by the Presidents of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua for the implementation of the Esquipulas II Agreement. We strongly support the help being provided by the United Nations towards the consolidation of democracy and an end to foreign interference in the region.
The optimism generated by these positive developments, however, is tempered by the conflicts and problems that continue to afflict other parts of the world.
In Afghanistan, despite the 1988 Geneva Accords, the civil war continues unabated, causing immense bloodshed and hardship among the people of that country. It is time that outside interference was converted into genuine interest in bringing peace and reconciliation to Afghanistan. The Afghan people need tools with which to reconstruct their country, not weapons with which to continue destroying it.
We also regret the stalemate in the Paris Conference on Cambodia. The unilateral withdrawal of the Vietnamese forces has opened the way to a peaceful settlement. We urge all the parties concerned not to use the impasse in the peace negotiations as an opportunity to launch a new round of fighting, which would inflict fresh bloodshed and suffering on the Cambodian people.
The implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987)  on the conflict between Iran and Iraq in large measure still eludes us, although the cease-fire agreed upon in 1988 remains in place and the loss of human lives has ended, lasting peace in the region depends on full agreement on the interpretation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) aid on its implementation.
In the Middle East, the interrelated problems of Palestine and the Lebanon are of particular concern to Cyprus, in that their resolution is vital to peace in the region. We support the launching of an Israeli-Palestinian dialogue, and regret strongly the deteriorating situation in the occupied territories, where the Israeli authorities continue to react to the intifadah with killings,  and detentions on an increasingly large scale. We stress the need for effective negotiations based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), taking fully into account the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to live in peace in their own homeland.
We congratulate President Arafat on the statesmanship displayed in the historic decisions for a just aid comprehensive settlement of the Palestinian problem which would both recognize the national rights of the Palestinian people and guarantee the security of all States in the region. The people of Israel — themselves victims of centuries of persecution - must recognize the futility of a policy that denies the aspiration of an entire people to live in their own homeland in peace and dignity.
We are appalled by the tragedy of Lebanon and the enormous suffering of its people. We welcome the return to peace and the halt of Lebanon's disintegration, as a result of the efforts of the Arab League and of the Tripartite Committee on Lebanon. Cyprus has provided all possible humanitarian assistance to the large numbers of Lebanese fleeing the country in recent months. We hope that all the parties in Lebanon will realize the futility of war and will join forces in reconstituting their country.
In South Africa, the racist system of apartheid has run its course - condemned by the international community not only as unjust but also as anachronistic. We cautiously welcome certain trends towards the dismantling of apartheid following the recent elections in South Africa, and hope for the speedy release of all political prisoners, the lifting of restrictions on political activity, and the restoration of freedom of speech aid movement. We should like to join the Secretary-General, however, in warning that a partial easing of the abhorrent system of apartheid will not solve the problem of South Africa, either in the eyes of the world or in the eyes of its people. Justice will be done fully only when apartheid is dismantled fully. The gravity of a problem must be measured not only in terms of the size of the territory or the number of people affected but also in terms of the principles involved. The Cyprus problem, viewed from the standpoint of principle, is an enormous moral problem, a clear case of breach of the accepted norms of international behaviour and of grave violations of the United Nations Charter, the Organization's resolutions on Cyprus and the rule of law.
Cyprus has been subjected to invasion and occupation, forced displacement of one third of its population and massive colonization by citizens of the invading country: Turkey. There are 1,619 people who are still missing and all efforts to trace them have met with Turkish uncooperativeness. In recalling these facts, I do not intend to exchange recriminations with our powerful neighbour, Turkey? it is simply a matter of putting the Cyprus problem in perspective.
Motivated by a sincere desire to put an end to the suffering of the people of Cyprus - Greek and Turkish - I expressed, soon after my election, my readiness to meet with Prime Minister Ozal of Turkey or with the President, General Evren, since certain aspects of the Cyprus problem, such as the presence of Turkish occupation troops and settlers, can be resolved only by Ankara, unfortunately Turkey has so far not accepted my proposal.
At the same time we were happy to begin substantive talks with the Turkish Cypriot leader, Mr. Rauf Denktash, on the basis of a procedure proposed by the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar. More than 80 hours of talks with Mr. Denktash in the presence of the Secretary-General's Representative and three joint meetings in New York with the Secretary-General himself culminated, last Jute, in a set of ideas that Mr. Perez de Cuellar presented to the two sides as food for thought in further negotiations. In presenting those ideas the Secretary-General was acting fully within the mandate conferred upon him by the Security Council.
Mr. Denktash's reaction was to reject the agreed negotiating procedure aid to challenge the mandated role of the Secretary-General. Mr. Denktash's position, also reflected in a resolution he secured from the so-called Turkish Cypriot Assembly, which was rejected by Turkish Cypriot opposition leaders, who we believe represent the majority opinion within their community, sets the withdrawal of the Secretary-General's ideas as a precondition for the resumption of talks.
It is characteristic that the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkey in his address yesterday referred to this resolution, but he failed to inform the Assembly that it demanded the withdrawal of the Secretary-General's ideas and that it laid down all sorts of pre-conditions.
Mr. Denktash, through this resolution, also in effect rejects the 1977 high-level agreements reached by him aid Presidents Makarios and Ryprianou, which have been accepted by both sides as the basis for the current negotiations. Whereas those agreements provide for a unified federated Cyprus, Mr. Denktash is now demanding a separate state as a pre-condition for further dialogue. Whereas the high-level agreements support the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all the citizens of the Republic, Mr. Denktash envisages an apartheid regime in Cyprus with the complete segregation of Greek and Turkish Cypriots in two separate enclaves.
Coupled with the further hardening of the Turkish attitude in the talks, there have been threats aid attempts to settle Muslims from Bulgaria in the occupied area of Cyprus. Those developments are aimed at creating new fait accompli that would seriously undermine the efforts to resolve the Cyprus problem. They also raise serious questions as to whether the objective of the Turkish side, rather than a just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem, may not in fact be the legitimisation of the present division and occupation of nearly 40 per cent of Cyprus. Yesterday the Foreign Minister of Turkey called this occupied territory "Turkish Cypriot". This is indicative of Turkey's thinking. This territory is Cypriot territory. It belongs to all Cypriots, especially those who had lived there in ancestral homes for generations before they were expelled by the brute force of Turkey's military might.
The Foreign Minister of Turkey also alluded to the Republic's purchases of arms. What does Turkey expect us to do? Should we sit idle while they amass 35,000 troops, 300 modern tanks and other sophisticated equipment? We acquired defensive equipment including 16 tanks, for 10,000 to 12,000 young conscripts. Time and again we offered, in fact demanded, the demilitarisation of Cyprus.
I challenge the Turkish Government; let is demilitarise Cyprus. Withdraw your 35,000 troops and we shall at the same time disband our forces and dispose of all our arms. Moreover, I reiterate the offer I made last year before the Assembly to use the funds released thereby for the development of Cyprus, especially for the Turkish-Cypriot community which has fallen behind.
We stress that we do not, cannot and will not accept the status quo as a solution to the Cyprus problem. A situation in which human rights are violated, communities are forcibly segregated on ethnic and religious lines, and territory occupied by a foreign Power is neither just nor a guarantee against future conflicts. Nor can the status quo be accepted as a solution to the Cyprus problem by the international community, for all nations are acutely conscious of the destabilizing potential of legitimising the invasion and occupation of the territory of one sovereign State by the armies of another. It is particularly regrettable that the Turkish side is taking such a negative position at a time of progress in resolving regional problems world-wide, after a year of hard work in the negotiations which, with the assistance of the Secretary-General and his representatives, demonstrated that a solution to the Cyprus problem is feasible.
The outlines of such a solution are clear. Cyprus would be federally organized and each community would have one region under its administration. The human rights of all citizens and the cultural identity aid economic well-being of both communities would be safeguarded. We have proposed that the Republic of Cyprus should be demilitarised and this, together with the federal provisions, leaves no room for anxiety on the part of the Turkish Cypriots regarding their security. The Republic as a whole, however, should also be secure. This means that there is no room in the Cyprus we are working to build for the presence of foreign troops or for unilateral rights of intervention by Turkey. A solution to the Cyprus problem is possible. Now more than ever we count on our friends in the international community not to allow impediments to be placed in its way.
lb sum up, we can say that the new climate of confidence between the two super-Powers has effectively reversed the post-war trend towards regional conflicts and proxy wars. It has imposed significant restraints on the outbreak of new hostilities and transferred many disputes from the battlefield to the negotiating table. We are, however, still looking forward to the day when confidence between the super—Powers will have become great enough to give the various peace efforts under way the last decisive push towards their successful completion.
The United Nations has an invaluable role to play in fulfilling the arduous task of settling problems and bringing peace to war-torn areas of the globe. We are gratified to note that as a result of the recent progress towards the resolution of conflicts four new peace-keeping operations have been launched in the last three years and an additional three are currently being actively considered. We strongly support the Secretary-General's recommendations for the strengthening of the role of the united Nations in order to boost compliance with the Organization's decisions and make the united Nations an effective agent for the prevention, and not just the termination, of conflicts. The States members of the Non-Aligned Movement, which include Cyprus and which form the backbone of the United Nations, can make a valuable contribution to the efforts to defuse conflicts aid strengthen the role of the Organization. Our public and private deliberations at last month's Ninth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade, stressed the need for a constructive dialogue between the developed and the developing countries and explored ways of resolving global political problems, as well as economic aid social problems. Hence we welcome the increasing concern and involvement of the United Nations in problems of economic development a d in a number of global social issues with important political and economic implications.
Our gains in the political field could be seriously undermined by existing economic inequalities and imbalances. Despite an improvement in world output and international trade during the past 12 months, the economic situation of the developing countries has continued to deteriorate. In many developing countries economic growth is stifled by the debt burden; the overall debt of the developing countries at the end of 1988 was estimated at 31,240 billion, and debt servicing at a massive $171 billion. The result is a net transfer of resources from the developing to the developed nations. According to last month's World Bank annual report, the transfer of resources from developing countries to all lenders in 1988 rose to about $50 billion, from $38 billion in the previous year.
While we welcome the fact that several debt-relief initiatives have been put forward recently, we would like to stress that the third-world debt problem is largely the result of low commodity prices and adverse movements in terms of trade, exacerbated by high interest rates. Thus the debt problem can never be definitively resolved unless these issues are addressed. We believe there is an urgent need for a political dialogue on economic problems„ The special session of the General assembly on economic issues next spring could provide an effective forum for such a dialogue. We also welcome efforts to revive the Economic and Social Council as a means of promoting the role of the United Nations in tackling economic and social issues. However, we would also like to emphasize the need for direct talks between the developed and the developing nations on these issues.
We face today a set of problems that fall outside the strictly political and economic spheres but nevertheless significantly impinge upon them. These problems are, in varying degrees, common to all nations. Their elimination therefore requires concerted international action. The United Nations has a key role to play in generating and co-ordinating such action.
One such problem is that of illicit drug abuse. Cyprus applauds efforts to combat illegal drug trafficking and is doing its best to contribute to the suppression of the drug trade. However, we stress the need to tackle the drug problem, which has grown to such proportions as to threaten the entire social fabric of some countries, not only by trying to stop the supply but also by trying to eliminate the demand.
Not only economic rules but also common sense tell us that demand generates supply, and that under such circumstances attempting to suppress the supply merely drives up profits from production and distribution. We must find ways of reducing - even eliminating - these profits, bearing in mind at all times that drug addiction is an illness and not a crime. Meanwhile, we must continue efforts to expose and thus short-circuit the mechanisms of laundering drug profits through banks and other channels.
The scourge of terrorism is sometimes a derivative of the drug trade. We stress the need for the sharing of information and the results of research for the detection of explosives or other tools of the terrorists' trade, and support Security Council resolution 638 (1989) condemning hostage-taking and calling for the release of all hostages.
All our other achievements in the political, economic or social spheres will have been in vain unless we succeed in tackling the smouldering ecological crisis faced by our planet. There is only one Earth, and it is humankind's one and only home. There is a vital need to link economic with ecological management, to link considerations of profit and production with environmental considerations.
We welcome the proposal made by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at the Non-Aligned Conference in Belgrade for the establishment of a "Planet Protection Fund" and we recommend that this proposal be taken up here in the Assembly for further consideration and action. As early as 1972, the United Nations noted emerging environmental problems at the Conference on the Human Environment. The Organization can contribute significantly towards the elaboration of an integrated environmental policy to tackle problems such as the disposal of toxic or hazardous wastes, the depletion of the ozone layer, or desertification. We commend the ongoing United Nations Environment Programme - World Meteorological Organization study of climate change and its environmental and economic repercussions and the special United Nations study on key environmental issues, including the link between environment and development.
We are witnessing today, just as we did at the time when the United Nations was created out of the ashes of the Second World War, a rebirth of hope. Hope in humankind's better nature, in the triumph of peace over war, co-operation over conflict, human rights over oppression, and reason over barbarism. The United Nations embodies these ideals and represents our best chance of working together as a world community, on the basis of common principles and interests, to achieve them.  In the year to come let us resolutely strive to end conflicts, let us reinforce our understanding of the common nature of many of our problems, and let us take action to extend respect for international law and consolidate a global ethical order. In concluding, I should like to leave members with the thought that the price of failing in these goals is one which none of us can afford to pay, while success cannot but benefit us all.