132.	Sir, on behalf of the Netherlands delegation I wish to congratulate you warmly on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. As a Latin American you will understand that my words are mingled with sadness: sadness about the death of a statesman from the continent you represent, Salvador Allende of Chile, who had earned the respect, and indeed admiration, of many peoples in all parts of the world; sadness because his death not only meant the end by violent means of this democratically elected President, but of a form of democracy which, once it had overcome its tremendous initial economic setbacks and the hostility it encountered, could have become exemplary for vast masses of peoples still longing for justice and for their share of prosperity, so long overdue.
133.	The world, which is the subject of the general debate, is undergoing rapid change. Not only in my country, stress today is laid on well-being rather than on prosperity only. Increased importance is attached to the control of the use of raw materials with a view to slowing down the otherwise rapid depletion of the world's resources.
134.	Also, greater importance is given to such control of the environment as will make the world a tolerably attractive place to live in. Emphasis is shifted from machine to man and-as everything we do is, after all, for man's benefit  —  ensuring him a firmer grip on the institutions which control the society he lives in.
135.	We realize that both on the national and on the international level all the changes that recently have taken place and all the new priorities being set are creating new problems and new difficulties. We are still in the process of building new relationships with former adversaries. This, of course, is not an easy process and it may have caused an increase, internationally, in uncertitudes.
136.	However, the ideological conflicts are becoming less obtrusive. What now is at issue is, rather, agreement on the balance of power. The decline of the preponderance of ideological conflicts creates an opportunity to establish new priorities. Those who have engineered this new development in the United States and China, in the Soviet Union and Japan  —  deserve our gratitude. They have unlocked new doors, and have opened up vistas of a new international order. In this context I wish to mention also Chancellor Brandt, who by his imaginative Ostpolitik opened a new era in East-West relations. His speech at this meeting provided impressive evidence that the Federal Republic, under his wise leadership, considers the promotion of peace, security and political detente as its primary aim.
137.	One of the most important changes that the country I here represent has undergone has been that the generation which actually went through the Second World War has been succeeded by a new generation, which lived for years with the Viet-Nam conflict. This new generation gives highest priority to the strengthening of peace in the world. The Netherlands Government has embraced that view. An active peace policy occupies a central position in my country's foreign policy. The Netherlands will seek to prevent conflicts from arising and to assist in resolving conflicts. In the broader context, therefore, my Government will seek to remove anything that gives rise to strained relations; to remedy the injustices in the world; to combat the unfair treatment of man by man; and to help bridge the intolerable gap between prosperity and poverty, both in the world at large and within individual States. Needless to say, those who pursue such an active peace policy cannot stand idly by as tensions caused by colonialism rise to ever more dangerous levels, simply because colonialism is so slow to die.
138.	From the focal point of our policy-the desire to place man squarely in the most peaceful setting possible — I propose to give the Assembly the views of my Government: on the position of the Netherlands as regards Atlantic co-operation; on the search for European security and a continued detente; on the progress of European economic and political integration; on co-operation with the third world; and, lastly, on the central role of the United Nations.
139.	A peace policy is by necessity also a policy of stabilization; consequently the Netherlands is an active member of the body of co-operating Atlantic nations which have joined hands in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. Perilous imbalances might develop were it not for NATO; the proliferation of nuclear weapons might, indeed, become an immediate danger. On the other hand, nothing should be rigid in a changing world. Accordingly, we are assisting in the search for ways in which to adapt and improve Atlantic co-operation. Relations between the United States and Europe have evidently been suffering from a certain erosion. We would not regard it in the interest of peaceful relations in cue world if the allies were to drift apart.
140.	My Government believes the time has come for the reformulation of the aims of Atlantic co-operation and has submitted the following proposals to its partners.
141.	We propose that it be stated categorically that the members of the alliance guarantee man's rights and freedoms.
142.	We propose that the fate of the poor nations of the world be made one of the Atlantic nations' major concerns.
143.	We propose that henceforth the furthering of detente be made paramount among the objectives of Atlantic endeavours.
144.	The detente which we shall strive for must take the interests of the third world fully into account.
145.	Indeed, any policy designed to strengthen peace is a policy of deliberate efforts to promote detente. It is for that reason that the Netherlands Government is endeavouring to be inventive as it plays its part in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. We are doing so with the firm desire to produce results, while remaining aware that the road will be long and difficult. Any adjustment takes its time.
146.	For many a partner in that Conference in particular but not exclusively the group of East European countries, it will not be easy to subscribe to our views on the free exchange of ideas and information. None the less, our views on this subject are so fundamental and inherent in our way of- life and the structure of our society that we are prepared to bring it up time and again, annually if so required, and to continue the search for elements on which we can agree as the dialogue between the nations of Europe proceeds.
147.	In the long run a European continent, divided by artificial barriers, behind which freedom of speech remains restricted, cannot be conceived. Every society is exposed to change.
148.	Those who are in the creative vanguard of the arts and sciences usually are most apt to register the need for change. Their thoughts, if phrased in freedom, tend to become the forces of renewal and survival. To restrict their freedom of speech is to condemn society to stagnation and regression. We call on our partners in the present European dialogue to see these remarks not as an intervention in their internal affairs but as a reflection of the firm conviction that the cause of detente will be promoted by respect for human freedoms in all parts of Europe.
149.	Pursuing a policy of peace also involves helping resolutely, and with initiative and confidence, to reinforce European co-operation. In my view, the European Community has for the time being reached its geographical configuration. The European union will be a reality. The question we are now faced with is what kind of European union we are going to build.
150.	The first option is some sort of super-Power. The Netherlands would not feel at home in such a Europe. The second option is a Europe that would withdraw from the world into isolation and outdated neutrality. The Netherlands would not feel at home in such a Europe either. The third option, however, is a Europe in which the consequent gain in prosperity would be invested in an outward-looking community, with new civic norms and a new social policy.
151.	Consequently, we hope to be part of a Europe that sets great store by mutual understanding, feelings of solidarity between the privileged and the less prosperous," tolerance based on the various social groups which have a sense of social and economic responsibility towards each other. Only that kind of Europe can become a truly stable element in the world and thus consolidate peaceful relationships. Europe is moving along the road to that objective, sometimes fairly rapidly, sometimes with a certain hesitation. My Government is prepared to transfer national prerogatives to the European institutions as we proceed along that road. We and our partners in European economic and monetary co-operation are now seeking ways to expedite the establishment of an economic and monetary union, ways in which to integrate and harness this gigantic economic and monetary potential. I
152.	The European Community has already embarked upon a policy of establishing new structural relationships with the outside world. My Government is ready to accept, together with its partners, considerable responsibilities for the promotion of the well-being of the third world, including the countries already linked to the Common Market by association as well as those not to be associated. All those countries must be enabled to overcome the curse of backwardness and economic discrimination if, as my Government desires, new foundations for lasting peace are to be built.
153.	I need hardly say that all those major, fundamental problems can be solved only if the institutional conditions for solutions are satisfied. We need alert institutions capable of taking decisions quickly and capable of rendering an account of their decisions to the European Parliament in a democratic fashion. My Government will also be prepared to transfer national prerogatives within the framework of European political co-operation-today still largely of a consultative nature-once the cohesion between the partners has progressed to the point at which the community of interests returns more to us than the amount of self- determination we surrender. If this process could gradually gain momentum, the countries of Europe would be making a major new move towards creating international peace and security.
154.	The situation in the third world has not improved. Economic growth and the achievement of prosperity are in stagnation. Today fewer people than 10 years ago are touched by the impact of the development process. Our development efforts have failed to change the structural relationship of inequality and dependence between the poor and the rich nations, as well as within developing countries. Development has failed to reach the lower strata of society.
155.	That state of affairs cannot continue. We cannot accept this injustice of persistent backwardness with its grave, hidden tensions and consequent threat to world peace.
156.	We shall have to review the situation. This Assembly must examine whether we should not radically modify our terms of reference, whether the priority of economic growth should not be supplemented by the priority of income distribution as an equal and concurrent objective instead of one consecutive to growth.
157.	Our objective should be reformulated as "growth plus structural change". Consequently, my Government intends to put greater emphasis on problems of income distribution and self-reliance and on the structural relationship between developed and developing countries. Self- reliance and distribution of income and economic power, in fact, loom just as large in the domestic policy of my country as in our foreign policy.
158.	Greater emphasis on these elements of development inevitably raises the question of national sovereignty of all countries, including the underprivileged. But in recent history, sovereign independence, important and indispensable as it is, has, in many cases and in many respects, remained an empty shell. I hope that the same will not be true of the problems of distribution and self-reliance.
159.	My Government wishes to take an active part in the discussion of these matters. We believe that the radical shift in the development process to which these discussions should be directed should take place in a multilateral context, preferably in the framework of global co-operation and of a joint review and appraisal of our common efforts. We shall accord to this a high priority, because we accord a high priority to the consolidation of peace.
160.	In the search for peace, an efficient world organization is indispensable. If I sound a note of criticism about the activities and operations of the United Nations at this stage, I wish at the same time to reaffirm the continuing loyalty of my country to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
161.	At present, the stars of the Organization are not very propitious. The political will of the Organization's Members to help create, strengthen and consolidate the conditions for peace throughout the world should find expression within the Organization. But, on the contrary, in the last few years we have witnessed increasing confrontation; delays in taking decisions, for instance, on disarmament; and a distorted use by various Members of the United Nations family through ever more frequent appeals to the specialized agencies for political action, for which, in fact, the political organs of the Organization are intended. We are not suggesting that there should be new proposals for amendments to the Charter to make the United Nations a more effective instrument for the fostering of world peace. Many improvements needed can be effectuated within the existing Charter, provided that there is the will to do so.
162.	One improvement might consist in making the Organization still more universal; my Government is prepared to assist in achieving this. We further are of the opinion that improvement of the procedures and the implementation of international legislation are required. We hold the view that in international disputes Member States should more frequently have recourse to instiutionalized fact-finding. That would create a better basis for the rapid and effective settlement of those disputes. The International Court of Justice should be given a more authoritative part to play, all the more since the new rules of the Court may accelerate its procedures. The Court should not be made a forum in which to thrash out political differences, but it should provide additional opportunities for settling disputes by peaceful means.
163.	There are still many strained relations that are a threat to peace. In particular, our attention should be focused on the problems of southern Africa. If we remain idle spectators, the problems and strained relations besetting that part of the world will inevitably culminate in conflicts, the world-wide consequences of which would be incalculable. The remnants of a colonial era are just as much out of keeping with today's world as is the policy of apartheid. Therefore, the Netherlands Government will apply the sanctions against the illegal regime in Rhodesia with the utmost severity, in the fervent hope of promoting self-determination in that country. Therefore, the Netherlands will give humanitarian aid to the peoples in the colonial areas of southern Africa via the liberation movements - preferably through the intermediary of international organizations-and will support the claims for external self-determination of the peoples of Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mozambique. Recent reports emanating in particular from Mozambique have caused grave concern in my country.
164.	My Government once more urges Portugal to come to an understanding with those peoples and thus to build up a new relationship. We address a similar appeal to the Government of South Africa on the Territory of Namibia and, in addition, we urge South Africa to turn away from the policy of apartheid. We believe that it should be possible to continue the discussions on the subject within the United Nations and that they should not be cut short by expulsion or the severance of bonds.
165.	The other main threat to peace remains the explosive situation in the Middle East. At this moment I wish to touch only on one side of the problem which becomes increasingly important, the question of the refugees. The Netherlands is prepared to render active assistance with a view to relieving this source of tension, for example through an investigation of the extent to which the restructuring of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East or the creation of new organs, might help to alleviate the human suffering and economic disruption resulting from the Middle East's political quandary.
166.	It need hardly be said that substantial progress in disarmament and the control of arms is a sine qua non for a peaceful world order. My Government favours the imposition without delay of a ban on underground nuclear tests. Although there is probably no infallible detection system as yet, the Netherlands regards it as essential to check the arms race, since the nuclear danger continues by means of qualitative improvement of nuclear weaponry. Next to that, we shall continue to press for a ban on chemical weapons. Considerable priority will have to be accorded to restricting the use of indiscriminate weapons and inhuman methods of warfare causing excessive suffering.
167.	This General Assembly will be concerning itself more especially with institutional problems with regard to disarmament. We are prepared to approach every proposal with open minds in respect of both the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament and the United Nations Disarmament Commission. We should also welcome a World Disarmament Conference, provided all nuclear Powers were willing to take part. But what is more important than any institution is the political will to go forward.
168.	At this very moment in the context of a peace week, the combined churches of the Netherlands strongly call upon my countrymen to unite in the promotion of conditions for peace. As a consequence, the display of political will of those responsible for the furtherance of peace will be closely observed in my country.
169.	The Charter of the United Nations establishes a clear link between the maintenance of international peace and security, the creation of conditions of economic and social well-being and the promotion of universal respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without discrimination. If we clarify this link in terms of peace and justice, it would seem that there is no peace in the true 14
sense as long as there are situations of grave injustice in relations among the States and within the States. Peaceful co-operation between States will not mean very much if peoples and individuals remain the victims of grave injustices. After all, it is not the State as such, or an organization of States for that matter, but the well-being of human beings that is the ultimate object of our endeavours.
170. For that reason the Netherlands Government wishes to reaffirm at this very session of the General Assembly, when we are celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the pledge contained in the United Nations Charter: the pledge that Members will take joint and separate action in co-operation with the Organization to promote universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. The date 10 December 1973 will be not only the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration but also the beginning of a Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. The still rampant practice of racism and racial discrimination has a devastating effect on the minds, the hearts and the fate of people and on the very essence of peace and justice. The United Nations has undoubtedly made great efforts to combat racism, racial discrimination and apartheid, especially by making people conscious of the inherent dangers of these grave types of discrimination. They, however, still persist as an evil against which all the forces of goodwill must be mobilized. If we consider the standards set forth in the Universal Declaration and in subsequent international instruments in the field of human rights, we can see an unmistakable gap between the ideals proclaimed and the realities of life in the world.
171.	Lastly, I should like to call attention to a serious matter which is not often raised before this forum, namely, the disregard of article S of the Universal Declaration-and article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [see resolution 2200 A (XXI)]-that no one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Reports from various parts of the world provide evidence that this appalling practice has become rife and is often used against people suspected of having committed a political offence. The Netherlands people and Government are gravely perturbed at this practice and wonder whether the United Nations could not take appropriate action. A strong appeal that such practices be stopped forthwith might have considerable moral impact, but I also press for the adoption of an expedient such as impartial inquiry, in order to bring the facts to light. The Netherlands Government is prepared to co-operate in any initiative of that kind.
172.	The United Nations is to be, in the words of the Charter, a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations. Glancing back over the years, one cannot escape the impression that there is still much to be done in this respect. I do not hesitate to pledge once more my Government's dedication to the aims and purposes of the Charter and its willingness to make its contribution in this respect.


162.	Mr. President, at the outset, I should like to extend in the name of the delegation of Burma our warm congratulations to you on your election as President of the twenty-eighth regular session of the General Assembly. Your distinguished career and your wide knowledge of world affairs and of the practices of the United Nations are a guarantee to us that under your able guidance the proceedings of this session of the General Assembly will be conducted efficiently and effectively towards a successful outcome.
163.	Let me also pay tribute to our outgoing President, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski for his wise steering of the affairs of the twenty-seventh regular session of the General Assembly and the vision with which he fulfilled the functions of his high office.
164.	This year we have in our midst the delegations of the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. I should like to offer to them on behalf of the delegation of Burma our warm congratulations and friendly greetings on the occasion of their admission to the family of the United Nations. By their presence in the United Nations they will be able to make a fuller contribution towards the realization of the purposes of the United Nations.
165.	The over-all impression which emerges from the present course of world developments and changing power relationships is that we are passing through a critical period in the general relationships between nations and are now at a juncture, in international relations, of general relaxation of tension. On the other hand, this seemingly favourable trend in international relations is somewhat thwarted by the fact that the world political, economic and monetary scene is still essentially far from stable, and we should like to dwell briefly on some of the aspects which lead us to think along these lines.
166.	The prevailing trend towards detente in international relations has generated positive processes hopefully opening up prospects for a more peaceful world order. Against that background some former opposing great Powers, recognizing the need to coexist with one another, have sought to normalize their relations and other disputant Powers have begun to seek accommodation of their mutual problems. While those moves have resulted in a lessening of tensions in many parts of the world, the continued existence of tensions and armed conflicts in certain regions calls for renewed efforts for their elimination.

167.	With the growing readiness of States to improve their relations and mutual security in the spirit of detente, the quest for international peace and security is beginning to gain strength among the majority of nations inspired by the basic concern to work for the creation of conditions towards this end. The tendency is gradually emerging among nations today to seek new options other than great- Power protection to ensure a peaceful environment in the interests of their own security. Speaking of developments nearer home, in the form of initiatives coming from within the regions which have been prompted by these considerations, we notice the movements under way to secure the recognition of and respect for the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, and of the South-East Asian region as a whole as a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, free from any form or manner of intervention by the outside Powers.
168.	Since the conclusion of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly certain important developments have taken place in our part of the world. Of particular international significance is the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Viet-Nam, signed in Paris on 27 January 1973, and the Agreement on Restoring Peace and Achieving National Concord in Laos of 21 February 1973. The Paris Agreement reaffirms the inalienable right of the people of every Indo-Chinese State to determine their own future without any outside interference. It acknowledges the inadmissibility of outside intervention in the internal affairs of any of these Indo-Chinese States. It provides for the settlement of the problems existing in the countries of Indo-China by the Indo-Chinese parties themselves on the basis of respect for each other's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and non-interference in the other's internal affairs. These simple principles embodied in the Agreement, which are of universal application in relations between States, are by no means new principles. What is significant is that they are acknowledged and reaffirmed after years of bitter conflict in Indo-China, which has seen massive intervention by outside Powers and which has brought untold suffering to the valiant Indo-Chinese peoples and immeasurable damage and destruction to their countries.
169.	The delegation of Burma is gratified at the prospect that the peoples of the countries of Indo-China will be able to determine, without external interference, their own political status and to pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. However difficult their tasks of national reconciliation, concord and national reconstruction, we have faith that they will be able to work out among themselves satisfactory solutions to their own problems and to rebuild their nations successfully. Belonging as they do to South-East Asia, the Indo-Chinese States, like other States in the region, will have to play their part in the region and will have to share in its future. The restoration of conditions of peace and stability in Indo-China will open up new prospects of consultation and co-operation among the countries of the region for building up the kind of Southeast Asia they want. It is therefore essential that the peoples of the Indo-Chinese States reach speedy settlement of their own problems and that no further outside interference take place on whatever pretext.
170.	Burma welcomes the Delhi agreement of 28 August 1973 which, we believe will pave the way to a peaceful settlement of the problems of the Indian subcontinent. Burma is also in full accord with the desirability of obtaining conditions of relaxed tension in the Indian Ocean, being of the view that this would be conducive to the peace and stability of the States bordering it. Admittedly, the legal, political, and military implications are many-sided, and we are inclined to take the view that reasonable time will be needed for steps to be worked out to improve the chances for creating an atmosphere favourable for countries within the region, as well as for outsiders active in the region, to acknowledge their mutuality of interests. We express the hope that the proposal for a peace zone in the Indian Ocean will eventually mature and receive the support and cooperation of all States concerned.
171.	It distresses us particularly that the situation in the Middle East has deteriorated. While the United Nations continues its quest for new initiatives to resolve the problem, we would urge the countries of the region most directly concerned with the problem to exercise restraint and to avoid further bloodshed and destruction and to try instead to arrive at a negotiated settlement. We express the hope that it will still be possible to reach a peaceful settlement of the problem on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
172.	And now I turn to the issue of colonialism, racism and racial discrimination as they relate to relations between the rest of Africa and the States of the south of the continent. I refer here to questions of colonialism in the Territories under Portuguese administration, racism in Southern Rhodesia and racial discrimination in the form of apartheid in South Africa. The General Assembly has been dealing with these issues over the past two decades and yet the prospects of a solution are no nearer. Over-all development in the past year has heightened fears that the mounting sense of tension in South Africa is moving ever faster to a critical point of explosive proportions. Colonialism in the Territories under Portuguese administration, racism in Southern Rhodesia and apartheid in South Africa continue to persist in flagrant violation of all accepted norms concerning the dignity and worth of the human person. At a time when the greater part of the international community is seeking more positive relations to build a better world than we have known, a fraternally linked Africa no doubt could contribute a great deal towards international peace and security.
173.	There can be no question that the ultimate goal for mankind as a whole in the field of disarmament must be the achievement of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control. Burma has always supported that goal, but has felt at the same time that the most realistic approach to that end is to direct our immediate efforts towards achieving agreements on what are referred to as collateral or partial measures, which hold far better prospects in present circumstances. Two such measures which are urgently needed are, in our view, the comprehensive prohibition of chemical weapons and the achievement of a comprehensive test ban.
174.	My delegation shares the general disappointment at the lack of any material progress towards agreement on the prohibition of chemical weapons. A large number of suggestions were made at the 1973 session of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament with a view to inducing movement towards agreement. However, positions on the fundamental issues involved have remained frozen and, in some cases, seem to have hardened.
175.	It is now 10 years since the signing of the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water. Having consistently opposed the testing of nuclear weapons in all environments, Burma became a party to the Treaty in the belief that it represented an important step forward towards the realization of a universal and comprehensive test ban in all elements. In the circumstances, my delegation considers that the General Assembly should urge the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament to redouble its efforts at its next session with a view to the early conclusion of a convention on the prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons and a comprehensive test ban.
176.	I now turn to a subject which constitutes a central issue of our times — the problem of the ever-widening gap between the developed and developing countries. The level of existence of countless millions of people in the developing part of the world is still pitifully low. Those people are often still undernourished, uneducated, unemployed and wanting in many other basic amenities of life. While a part of the world lives in comfort and even affluence, much the larger part suffers from abject poverty. In fact, the disparity is continuing to widen. The most acute problem in the present period of world economic relations is the instability of the world trade and monetary situation, the consequences of which bear heavily on the developing countries, thus placing the very question of their economic development in serious jeopardy. As we are all aware, two decades ago the developing countries set out to accelerate their pace of development. Despite national and international efforts at development the achievements have been meagre and present indications are that the gap will continue to widen.
177.	For developing countries the major source of foreign exchange to finance the process of economic development comes from foreign trade earnings. The central problem for the developing countries is the persistent deterioration in their terms of trade in their position as traditional exporters of primary products. The adverse trends in commodity trade for the developing countries are well known. The industrially developed countries lay down the prices 6f raw materials and semi-finished products, the prices of which continue to deteriorate steadily and are unable to keep pace with the rising prices of imported industrial products which developing countries must pay. As a result, the share of those countries in world trade continues to decline. A generalized system of preferences has been offered as the answer to the developing countries' demand for equity in world trade, but in practice the procedure has proved so lengthy and encumbered with exceptions that it has not had the desired maximum effect. For the effective functioning of the preferential system it must be complemented by related assistance and trade promotion. The trade question is linked to the cost of shipping, for shipping is largely owned by the developed countries and as a result the rising cost of freight charges for exports and imports is having increasingly adverse effects on the balance of payments of the developing countries, especially those in the least developed category.
178.	The lasting self-supporting growth of a country cannot be achieved by development aid alone, Even if considerably increased, such aid can only be marginal to a country's development. Moreover, development assistance has in the past two decades been a record of increasing indebtedness. From all this it is clear that, apart from development aid, there exists a necessity for the industrially developed countries to contribute to building up the earnings of the developing countries through improved access to their markets.
179.	The magnitude of the problems encountered by the developing countries has been further compounded by the international monetary crisis, which has adverse effects on the currency reserves, imports and terms of trade of the developing countries. In this era of trade and monetary politics, when political relations between States are increasingly determined by economic considerations, it has become more than ever necessary for the developed and developing countries to collaborate as equal partners; otherwise the fear that the two will soon be heading on a collision course may inevitably materialize.
180.	Lastly, may I be permitted to state our view that however big or small, powerful or weak a nation, there is a need now, far more than ever before, for Member States of this Organization to. redouble their efforts to make the United Nations an effective arena of action. The direction of United Nations persuasion lies in a two-fold challenge —  how can it be a force for peace, and how can it be a force for greater economic and social equality? The international political and economic relations to which we have been accustomed since the end of the Second World War are undergoing profound changes. Ours is an era of adjustment. It is therefore imperative for Member States to have deeper faith in the Charter and to place more reliance on the United Nations system in the solution of their problems, in order to follow faithfully the path of structuring their relations in conformity with the purposes and principles of the Charter. Notwithstanding its imperfections, the United Nations and its organs provide us with a unique field for initiatives in all areas of international co-operation.


141.	Standing here today addressing this great Assembly for the first time I am deeply conscious of the honour my President, His Excellency Dr. Siaka Stevens, has conferred on me by conveying through me his personal warm greetings and salutations, as well as those of his Government and the entire people of Sierra Leone. We congratulate you, Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of this twenty-eighth session of the United Nations General Assembly. We doubt not that you will guide our deliberations here admirably.
142.	We wish also to pay tribute to your predecessor, the Deputy Foreign Minister of Poland, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, under whose active, energetic and wise leadership the twenty-seventh session tackled seriously so many important African issues.
143.	We wish also to commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his heroic efforts in the Herculean task of being our Secretary-General. Under his aegis the influence of the United Nations has been brought to bear on the many areas of conflict, particularly in the Middle East, Asia and Africa. His efforts demand our admiration and, even more so, our support. His participation in the recent deliberations of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned States provides reassuring evidence of the co-operation between the United Nations and other organizations with similar objectives. Sierra Leone wishes him well and hopes that his efforts will be crowned with ever-increasing success.
44. It gives me, personally, particular pleasure to extend our warm welcome to the new Members of the United Nations: the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. The bonds between Sierra Leone and each of these countries are strong, but I can and do feel the joy of this great occasion more particularly for more personal reasons.
145. Sierra Leone is a small country but a nation totally committed to the ideals of this Organization. It is our belief that the strength and saving grace of this institution is that nations, irrespective of size, can, rightly motivated, contribute adequately and effectively to this world body. It is our view that in the United Nations lies the only reasonable hope for the peoples of this world. It is for that reason that I am happy and proud to pledge in all sincerity the fullest co-operation of my delegation towards the attainment of the ideals, purposes and principles of our Organization. It is our view that there is a duty incumbent on each and every Member State to work towards a truly harmonized community of nations. To do so we must folly appreciate that we belong to a community of nations. We must appreciate that irresponsible pursuit of what we misguidedly consider to be our nation's self-interest is short-sighted folly; that at best the result of such an endeavour is a balance of fear and at worst an unimaginable holocaust. It should not be difficult for thinking men to appreciate that, in a world as tiny as ours-and getting tinier every day-to ask, "Am I my brother's keeper? ", is to ask the obvious.
146.	We believe the time has come for every Member State to eschew propagandist slogans and to work diligently towards the goals of our Organization, for an ordered world dedicated to the pursuit of the goals of peace — the mounting of an effective assault upon the diseases that still ravage mankind, and an improvement of the poor standard and quality of life at present available to 90-odd per cent of the world's population.
147.	Is it not high time we stopped talking interminably about the gap between the haves and the have-nots? Is such talk an end in itself? Are we going to continue talking about it and doing nothing else? The reduction of the gap, I suggest, not only is worthy of the attention of the galaxy of talent available to this Organization but should be one of our association's priority action programmes. Therefore, Sierra Leone proposes that the following be included on the agenda of the twenty-eighth General Assembly session as an important and urgent item: Reduction of the increasing gap between the developed countries and the developing countries.
148.	It is for reasons such as those just mentioned that my Government welcomes the detente of recent years. This positive trend, we are confident, will manifest itself in a wider measure of agreement and co-operation, not only among the super-Powers, whose individual interest dictated this mutual accommodation, but also among all States, because the welfare and survival of humanity depend on continuing peace, continuing stability and continuing international understanding.
149.	We cannot hope in the brief span of one statement to this Assembly even to review, let alone pretend to solve, all the world's problems. We can, however, highlight some of the more disturbing, and this I intend to do during the next few minutes.
150.	The misery that has recently plagued 10 million people of the Sahelian region on the continent of Africa as a result of drought is still not a past event. While we must express our sincere appreciation and thanks to the various Governments and international institutions, not least the specialized agencies of our own Organization, for quickly rushing aid to the millions of starving victims, I would make an appeal to the Member States of this world body for this disaster to be given even greater publicity through the mass media so as to elicit greater short-term and long-term relief, as well as rehabilitation programmes, from the entire international community.
151.	On the African continent the problem of decolonization continues to manifest itself in its most atrocious forms.
152.	The Rhodesian problem has grown increasingly worse over the past eight years, and, in spite of the persistent efforts of OAU, this Organization and other progressive forces of liberation, the intransigence of Mr. Smith and his racist oligarchy are making it almost impossible to arrive at a peaceful solution of this explosive problem. By a systematic introduction of racist legislation and practices, by oppressive rule accompanied by the bullets of madmen, by blatant disregard of the voice of the masses, this illegal regime continues to entrench itself, contrary to the wishes of the vast majority of the international community. Recently this intolerable situation has been exacerbated further by the closing of the borders with Zambia, an act which can justly be described as economic aggression. It is now all too evident that the British Government cannot or will not by itself resolve this issue. It is thus only by the determined action of all members of this community, both individually and collectively, that we can hope to achieve any meaningful results by means other than conflict and bloodshed. Unhappily, the sanctions on which this Organization has decided are being imposed either partially or half-heartedly by those whose compliance is likely to make the greatest impact on the Rhodesian economy. Unless there is a change of heart in this direction, the only other possibility-a solution by force of arms — with all its attendant horrors and inevitable high cost in terms of human life, will be the personal responsibility of each and every one of us who failed to support faithfully this Organization's call for sanctions. Let not the blood of the Zimbabweans be on our hands and on the heads of our children.
153.	We recommend and continue to urge a widening of sanctions both in scope and in intensity, to include, in particular, travel, communications, sports and all other economic, political, social and cultural activities, because we are convinced that, in a world in which nations have become so increasingly interdependent, political, economic and cultural isolation are bound to make a corrective impression on even the most intransigent regimes.
154.	In Namibia, history appears to have stood still or to be moving backwards. It is deeply regretted that in spite of the decision and the subsequent actions of this body to assume the administration of that Territory and free its inhabitants from the clutches of the South African Government, we are witnessing instead the dismemberment of Namibia into homelands in preparation for the wholesale importation of apartheid.
155.	The Namibian issue is a test of the efficacy of the United Nations. No Member State therefore can treat it with indifference without betraying the principles that give this Organization its meaning. It is the sacred obligation of every Member of this Organization to co-operate fully in the search for a just solution of this problem. My delegation would therefore support whomever this Organization considers fit to appoint as its Commissioner for that hapless Territory.
156.	In order to ensure that the measures decided upon at this session will meet with a greater measure of success, we once again call upon the South African Government, as a Member of this world Organization, to recognize its obligation to co-operate with the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia so that we may bury once and for all one of the last surviving skeletons from the League of Nations. Failure to heed such a call must be taken as disrespect for and lack of interest in our Organization.
157.	In Angola and Mozambique, the Portuguese colonial war continues with unabated intensity, punctuated now and then by episodes of wanton massacres of women and children and acts of blatant aggression against neighbouring African Territories.
158.	The most recent example of this was the revelation of the massacre of 400 men, women and children in the village of Wiriyamu in the Tete Province of Mozambique. It will be recalled that the Special Committee stated that Portugal could not escape responsibility for its "barbarous acts" against the oppressed populations of the Territories under its domination and declared that the evidence gave further proof of the regime's total disregard for human life and basic human values.
159.	We would like to endorse fully the Committee's consensus that all individuals representing Portuguese military and civilian authorities involved in the reported atrocities must be placed at the disposal of United Nations representatives for systematic interrogation.
160.	We have seized every possible opportunity to point out that, although the military initiative is Portugal's, yet without the economic and military support of its NATO allies the Portuguese colonial dream would long ago have been abandoned. Consequently, those who give comfort and assistance to the perpetrators of the bestialities of this colonial war must, of necessity, share the blame for its horrible consequences. On this occasion we salute the brave freedom fighters who, against overwhelming odds, are holding high the banner of liberty, and we shall continue to give them every encouragement and support in their just struggle.
161.	Closely linked with these colonial problems is that of the policy of apartheid practised by the South African Government.
162.	In condemning apartheid we need only to look back to the recent repetition of Sharpeville to establish the fact that time has not improved the position. Unarmed miners were brutally killed in cold blood because they simply asked for better conditions of work. They were not even asking for their lands of which they have been unjustly deprived. How then can we hope for a peaceful solution to apartheid when its perpetrators are also wanton killers.
163.	With unrestrained ferocity the South African Government is systematically eradicating all enlightened opposition to its policy of racial segregation and racial oppression, completely insensitive to the feelings of the world community and the aspirations of the vast indigenous majority. It is common knowledge that we have repeatedly appealed to the South African Government, through the Special Committee against Apartheid, the Security Council, OAU and the non-aligned movement, to liberalize its policy of discrimination on the basis of colour. The Manifesto on Southern Africa in particular proposed, in unequivocal terms, an honourable basis for the solution of a most dishonourable problem. In spite of all these endeavours, however, we are again compelled, from this rostrum, painfully to review this unhappy story of man's extreme inhumanity to his fellow man.
164.	Given the history of the situation, it is obvious that we can no longer expect any positive voluntary response from the South Africans. Our only hope, therefore, is to appeal to the rest of humanity to redouble its effort to eradicate the stain of apartheid and racial discrimination from the face of the African continent. If we fail to do this, the ghosts of Sharpeville and the blood of the innocent miners will forever haunt the conscience of the world, and the South African situation itself will pose an increasing threat to the peace and security of southern Africa and the world at large. We appeal for a total boycott of South Africa, because again, as with Rhodesia, we feel that the effects of isolation — military, economic, diplomatic and cultural-can only be salutary. We also ask ourselves, however, despite the fact that we believe fervently that membership of our Organization must be as universal as practical, can South Africa, with its blatant disregard of the fundamental principles of our Organization, remain a Member?
165.	On the Middle East situation we express the deepest possible concern that the Government of Israel has not to date recognized the wisdom of complying with Security Council resolution 242(1967). Sierra Leone cannot support the acquisition of any territory by any country through force.
166.	Earlier in the year we welcomed with great relief the news that armed conflict in Viet-Nam, with its tragic toll of lives and property, was finally being brought to an end through the Paris peace Agreement. Conflicting reports suggest, however, that the embers are still glowing, and we would like to take this opportunity to appeal to all the parties in that conflict to exercise responsibility and restraint if lasting peace is to be restored to the people of that troubled and divided country.
167.	In Korea, the continued division of that once united country represents a most delicate situation. As we debate this question for the last time in the General Assembly, we wish to lay great emphasis on the need for the Korean people themselves to be allowed to work together for the reunification of their homeland.
168.	In the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent the news of reconciliation among the combatants provides the refreshing evidence of responsible statemanship. we trust this spirit of reconciliation will continue and that before long we shall witness the release and exchange of all remaining prisoners of war, as well as the admission of the new state of Bangladesh into this community of nations. Unhappily however, dark clouds continue to hover over Asia, as evidenced by the Cambodian conflict. With the Vietnamese experience so vivid in our minds, it seems hardly necessary to dwell on the unwisdom of pouring in arms and men in order to try to subdue the determined will of the Cambodian people.
169.	While we welcome the progress made so far in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, we cannot be complacent about the whole disarmament situation. Nuclear arms continue to pose a very real threat to peace, and the continuation of nuclear tests, particularly in the atmosphere, 10 years after the signing of the partial test-van Treaty gives cause for great concern. It should by now be clear to all that nuclear confrontation cannot guarantee universal peace, because the balance of terror can only provide a sense of insecurity. Moreover, the increasing cost of the arms race is such a constant drain on the limited and diminishing resources available for development that its continuation can only perpetuate and widen the development gap and provide evidence of misguided motivation. We have noted with satisfaction the efforts being made by the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space to involve the developing countries in the use of benefits of space application.
170.	The convening of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, scheduled for Chile in April and May 1974 is becoming more and more uncertain. My delegation supports the holding of this Conference not least because the existence of varying national stands particularly on the question of limits of territorial waters demands consultation and negotiation to harness and exploit man's common heritage for the benefit of all mankind.
171.	It is my country's view that the resources of the sea must be exploited like all the other resources of this earth for the benefit of all mankind and that the industrially developed nations must not seek to seize the opportunity of their technological advancement to monopolize the exploitation and utilization of the mineral and living resources of the sea and the sea-bed. Any such attempt would be hazardous in the extreme, for in this day and age it would be stoutly resisted even by the smallest and the poorest of the developing nations.
172.	In a rightly motivated world we would not need to be told that the strong must not trample the weak nor the rich exploit the poor. But, alas, this is what obtains today.
173.	In 1970, Member States unanimously adopted an International Development Strategy [resolution 2626 (XXV)], which aimed at diminishing the gross inequalities in economic growth and material welfare among the nations of this world, and attacking poverty in ways that would improve the conditions of the poorest groups within the poor countries.
174. Three years have now elapsed and the gap which that strategy sought to bridge seems on the conrary to be growing wider every day. Indeed, it is ironical that with the growing entente among the industrial nations, there has developed an attitude of nonchalance towards the poverty-stricken areas of the world. The developed nations have been able to meet neither the goal of a net transfer of 1 per cent of the their gross national product nor the 0.7 per cent target set for the United Nations development decade.
175. My country notes with satisfaction the recent discussions on a new international monetary order and the establishment of a committee of 20 under the auspices of the International Monetary Fund  whose aim is to enlarge the representation of the developing countries. we are convinced that such a step would be useful in remedying the present world monetary crisis and altering the direction of the flow of finance.
176.	We are, however, much concerned about the growing protectionism practised by the developed countries against the primary products of the developing nations.
177.	My country is quite satisfied with the outcome of the deliberations of the first session of the Governing Council of the United Nations Environment Programme, held this year in Geneva. It still maintains the position that the application of technology should be adapted to the realities of the developing countries especially in the field of agriculture and the solution of other environmental problems. During the discussions it became more than evident that whereas the developed countries have been concerned with pollution caused by affluence, the developing countries are groaning under pollution engendered by poverty.
178.	Moreover, whereas the developed nations have envisaged the problems of the human environment in terms of scientific and industrial progress, the poorer nations explain them in terms of economic and social inadequacies like unemployment, malnutrition, poor sanitation and shanty towns.
179.	Let me end as I began, by reaffirming Sierra Leone's faith in the United Nations. The past contribution of the United Nations to the peace and security of the world has been inestimable. Unique is its future role in evolving a true community of nations, in harmonizing the interests of all, in utilizing the world's limited resources for the benefit of all, and in settling disputes by peaceful means. Sierra Leone pledges to do all in its power to assist the United Nations to achieve its full potential. To do this we are convinced that the situation where one nation can by the exercise — arbitrary or otherwise — of a veto frustrate the wishes and often the collective wisdom of the rest of the entire international community is totally unacceptable. It is also our position that now is an appropriate time for a review of the entire question of the permanent membership of the Security Council.
180.	We shall, within and outside this forum, along with any and all other peace-loving nations dedicated to the betterment of the lot of all mankind — especially the underfed, the under-privileged and the oppressed — search for the solutions to our many problems, always conscious that we are our brother's keeper. Sierra Leone undertakes to heed the Secretary-General's reminder in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A/9001/Add.l] that Governments tend to pursue their strict national aims in the United Nations with regard to the Organization as such and we shall seek to take corrective action.
181.	The Secretary-General has also pointed out that this body will not develop through ritual public statements of approval and support not backed by inner conviction and he left us, in his closing words, to consider just what kind of world organization we need and are prepared in reality to accept. It is the view of the Sierra Leone Government that the kind of world organization we need is one growing rapidly and steadily from an ineffective world debating forum to an embryonic world parliament with all necessary ancillary legal and physical powers. To this end we stand ready and willing to surrender as much or as little of our national sovereignty to such a world body as is necessary to give the latter reality and meaning.
182.	Those are the views of my Government that I have been privileged to present. We state again that one of the fundamental tenets of Sierra Leone's foreign policy has always been support for this Organization. We will continue to follow that tenet, particularly in accordance with the above-mentioned principles.


140.  It is my pleasant duty to extend to Mr. Benites my warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. These congratulations are all the more warm since Lebanon maintains with Ecuador, as indeed it does with all Latin American countries in general, particularly cordial relations.
141.	I also take pleasure in paying a tribute to Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland, who assumed with competence the presidency of the last session of the General Assembly.
142.	It is also my pleasure to express the appreciation of my delegation for the devotion of the Secretary-General of our Organization. Mr. Waldheim's attachment to the purposes of the United Nations and his tireless efforts in the service of peace resulted most recently in his visit to the countries of the Middle East. I should like to state here that his visit to Lebanon was very highly appreciated and very useful. My Government is a convinced supporter of the action of the Secretary-General and would express the wish that his efforts be crowned with success.
143.	These wishes are not just a matter of form. Lebanon, a founding Member of the United Nations, has always had great confidence in our Organization and has always shown a sincere and constant attachment to it. It has participated in its activities and supported its actions in so far as it has been able. At a time when the United Nations is preparing to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, permit me to mention as an example the contribution made by Lebanon to that historic event. I should also like to remind you that in the Middle East, of which it is a part, Lebanon has always tried to promote United Nations action and to make available to our Organization and the specialized agencies all of the facilities it has been in a position to offer. Thus 10 organs of the United Nations are today represented in my country. The Lebanese Government has decided to establish, in co-operation with our Organization, a United Nations Centre in Beirut. The Economic Commission for Western Asia, the establishment of which in Lebanon has just been approved by the Economic and Social Council in its resolution 1818 (LV) and will undoubtedly also be approved by this session of the Assembly, strengthens even further the ties which exist between the United Nations and Lebanon.
144.	The United Nations, for its part, has always shown a great deal of understanding towards my country and has lavished upon it all the support it has been in a position to give. During the course of the suffering which has afflicted the Arab countries since 1967, it is worth while reminding you that Lebanon has had frequent recourse to the Security Council to denounce the acts of aggression directed against it by an irascible neighbour. Eight times the Security Council has condemned Israel and supported the Lebanese Government.
145.	Lebanon, therefore, a small country devoted to peace and a resolute partisan of international co-operation, would like to express its most fervent hope that the Organization will be strengthened, its prestige enhanced and its means of action increased. Unfortunately, however, when one takes a look at the agenda of this session and compares the results achieved by our Organization with the responsibilities which it would normally be expected to assume, one cannot help feeling some disillusion. How many major problems still remain unsettled. All our debates in the past, the many resolutions we have adopted, and all our efforts have not succeeded in settling them. The Middle East crisis remains in a state of deadlock; the question of Korea has not-yet been settled; colonialism in Africa is not slackening its grip, and racial discrimination continues to exist there. The disarmament discussions are still in their embryonic stage; the difficulties encountered by the developing countries are becoming ever more serious; and the gap between the poor and the rich countries is growing constantly wider.
146.	Nevertheless, the agenda does, of course, reflect positive aspects and the progress achieved in certain areas, Although we are far from final solutions, we note with satisfaction that the United Nations is approaching constructively the economic and social problems which arise in the international sphere, particularly those of the environment, population, trade, the sea-bed and so on. Considerable progress has been achieved, too, towards universality. We therefore are gratified at the admission of the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas to the great family of the United Nations. May we be permitted to express the hope that in the near future the United Nations will become synonymous with the international community as a whole?
147.	We note with equal satisfaction the progress achieved in the past year towards the relaxation of international tension. Although bilateral diplomacy has played a decisive role in achieving this progress, there is no doubt, that the United Nations has contributed, and continues to contribute, to an improvement of the international atmosphere by promoting better understanding and by creating broad possibilities for dialogue. The rapprochement between the great Powers, the agreements on South-East Asia, the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the talks between the two Koreas, the bilateral negotiations on the limitation of strategic weapons and the agreements on the problems of the Indian subcontinent are all positive results which reflect the new international spirit and encourage optimism.
148.	Of all the political questions which will be considered at this session, the one which causes the most concern to us is obviously that of the Middle East. I should like to express here and now the deep conviction of my delegation that this question, and indeed all those which involve the fate of human communities, whatever their size, can be settled satisfactorily and lastingly only if such a settlement is based first and foremost on a spirit of equity and justice. Political manoeuvres, considerations based on the balance of forces and interests should in no way be allowed to stifle the voice of right and justice.
149.	Let us take care not to stifle that voice any longer. History teaches us that every time the voice of right and justice has not been heeded, the result has inevitably been an explosion, leading to the collapse of structures which had been established to maintain the peace,
150.	The fundamental facts of the Middle East problem are very familiar to this Assembly. They have been so amply set forth, commented upon and debated that I have no intention of repeating what has so often been said in the past, nor do I intend to anticipate what other speakers may say at this session. I shall confine myself simply to recalling here certain basic truths and to setting forth succinctly the views of my Government.
151.	The first truth is that Israel, a Member of the United Nations, to which it owes its very existence, continues to occupy by force territories belonging to sovereign States which are also Members of this Organization. That occupation constitutes a flagrant violation of international-law and a defiance of the United Nations, which, by several resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council, has condemned the acquisition of territory by force. Israel no longer troubles to conceal its ambitions with regard to the fate of these territories. Through the words of its most authoritative leaders and by the military, economic and settlement policy which it has been pursuing for six years, it is systematically applying a policy of conquest and annexation. Of course, the Arab countries will do everything in their power to resist that colonial policy, and they will offer that resistance as long as is necessary. But the problem transcends the context of the Arab countries and involves the international community as a whole. The question is whether we live in a policed world or must resign ourselves indefinitely to the law of the jungle. Lebanon has appealed to the United Nations whenever the occasion has arisen and exhorted it to contemplate concrete and effective measures to ensure the rule of law and right. From this rostrum I firmly and solemnly repeat the same exhortation.
152.	The second truth is that Israel has driven a whole people from its motherland, gained possession of its property and trampled underfoot its most elementary and sacred rights. Israel has inflicted and continues to inflict upon it and upon all those who have granted it their hospitality most brutal violence: violations of air space, bombardments, abduction of soldiers and civilians, punitive expeditions, occupation of strategic points, hijacking and destruction of civilian aircraft. At the beginning, Israel pointed to the activities of the fedayeen in an attempt to justify its aggression. As we know, those activities were committed sporadically, I would say, by uncontrollable elements. But today Israel no longer takes the trouble to find justifications. It claims the right to take preventive measures against Palestinians whom it has driven from their homes or who have fled the ostracism of the invader.
153.	The fate of the Palestinian people constitutes the heart of the problem in the Middle East. Even if other aspects of this problem were settled to the satisfaction of all the States concerned, even if the territories were liberated, the Holy Places restored to their universal function and questions of shipping resolved, as long as the fate of the people of Palestine was not settled in accordance with equity in a way satisfactory to their legitimate aspirations to freedom and human dignity, nothing would really have been solved. That people must be consulted on its future. It is entitled to respect, understanding and consideration.
154.	Everyone knows that Lebanon took no part in the military operations of June 1967. It was not, therefore, directly involved in that conflict. But that conflict has had a profound effect upon it, not only because it is a member of the League of Arab States and considers itself bound by ties of solidarity with those States but also because Israel has certain designs on its territory and its waters, and because more than 300,000 Palestinians live on its territory.
155.	Lebanon will, in so far as it is able, participate in the search for a just and lasting solution. But Lebanon has no territorial problem to discuss with anyone, either directly or even indirectly. The only international document which defines its position on Israel is the Lebanese-Israel Armistice Agreement of 1949. That Agreement put an end to hostilities and established the supervision and control organs with the co-operation of the United Nations and under its chairmanship. Whatever allegations to the contrary may be put forward by Israel, that document is still in force. The Security Council itself has repeatedly decided so, most recently by its resolution 337 (1973), adopted unanimously on 15 August 1973.
156.	Lebanon considers that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) primarily concerns those countries which took part in the 1967 conflict. It does not, therefore, have either to accept it on its own account or to reject it. But it does support it, because it sees in it a basis upon which the over-all solution should be built. That resolution contains, among others, a provision calling for the withdrawal of all Israeli troops from occupied territories and stating the need to settle the Palestinian problem equitably.
157.	It is no longer possible in our day to apply the old adage, "Politics first". Economic matters have assumed such an importance that they are now inseparable from politics.
158.	For 25 years Lebanon, like other Arab States, has constantly suffered the disastrous economic consequences of an unresolved political conflict. Only the establishment of peace can permit the peoples of the region to devote their resources and energies to constructive purposes, And this peace cannot be beneficial only to the peoples of the region themselves. It will also serve the interests of the human community as a whole and will strengthen international stability and security.
159.	The subject of economic and social development, which has been given -prominence for many years now, has unfortunately not yet produced sufficient concrete results. The evaluation of the Second United Nations Development Decade, in the light of the discussions in the Economic and Social Council and the Food and Agriculture Organization particularly, is not very encouraging. The rich countries do not seem sufficiently aware that in the world of today, in which everything is interdependent, it is in their interests to increase substantially the effort asked of them. For their part, the developing countries seem to be confining themselves more and more to a demanding attitude unlikely to facilitate a dialogue.
160.	The problem of disarmament is no less distressing than that of poverty. Everything has already been said on this subject. I would simply like to suggest that, if a decision is taken to reduce armaments, the possibility be studied of creating within the framework of the United
Nations a special fund designed to give rapid assistance to countries afflicted by natural disasters, a fund financed by a portion of the financial resources at present devoted to the production of means of destruction.
161.	The United Nations quite rightly is displaying growing interest in the problems of the environment. Man, the marvellous creator, has suddenly discovered that he is also a ruthless destroyer. He knows that nature is threatened by death. That realization has already led to abundant research and study, which has not, however, yet been translated into action by a rescue programme. I should like to mention that my country has made a special effort in the area of the protection of nature. A Mediterranean conference was held in Beirut last May to study ways and means of fighting pollution in the Mediterranean basin. It adopted a programme which it called the Beirut Charter and established a standing conservation committee which will be staffed by the National Council for Scientific Research in Lebanon.
162.	Another problem which is worthy of our attention is that of the sea-bed. In its resolution 3029 (XVII), the Assembly entrusted the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction with the task of preparing a draft convention to be submitted to a plenipotentiary conference in Santiago next April. Unfortunately, the draft convention is not yet ready. In the course of the many meetings which have been held, Member States have not shown a sufficient degree of co-operation. The Assembly proclaimed, amidst general enthusiasm, that the resources of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction constituted the common heritage of mankind as a whole [see resolution 2749 (XXV)]. An international organization was to be set up to exploit these resources for the benefit of all nations. These fine promises seem to have been forgotten very quickly. The conflict of national interests has overshadowed respect for the interests of the international community, and almost diverted the Committee from its initial task, which was to work for the development of international law of the sea and not to try to stifle it.
153. The United Nations was created to promote the ideal of peace and justice in the world. In spite of all the setbacks and the difficulties which have been encountered, I should like to proclaim the faith of my country in our Organization and our attachment to it. Of course, as I have already pointed out, its possibilities of action are small compared with the considerable responsibilities it bears. Many of the extremely sc IUS and urgent problems unfortunately are still unresolved principal among which we find the distressing problem of the Middle East. But I am convinced that it is in the spirit of the Charter, and preferably within the framework of the United Nations, without excluding all other possibilities, that these problems should be examined and debated. It is upon the United Nations that all good will should converge in order to strengthen the possibilities of action and to lay down the principles of right and justice on solid foundations. We believe that it is not so much a matter of defining principles, outlining objectives and adopting new resolutions which are indistinguishable from each other, but rather a matter of tackling seriously the question of practical measures which should and must be taken in order to ensure the total and effective application of these resolutions. However that may be, Lebanon, for its part, however humble may be its contribution, will always work in this spirit and towards this objective.


183.	 Mr. President, the delegation of the Khmer Republic is doubly gratified by your election to the presidency of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly of our Organization. Firstly, you are the representative of a friendly nation with which my country enjoys the most cordial diplomatic relations. Also, you combine in your person the distinguished qualities of a diplomat and valuable experience in United Nations affairs, experience acquired over the many years during which you have brilliantly represented your beautiful country. We have no doubt that under your leadership the discussions at this session will be conducted with the tranquillity and success which we all expect.
184.	My delegation associates itself with previous speakers in conveying to you, Mr. President, our warmest congratulations.
185.	It is also an agreeable duty for me to pay a tribute to Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, President of the twenty-seventh session, who directed the proceedings last year with remarkable mastery.
186.	I cannot let this occasion pass without repeating once again to Mr. Kurt Waldheim our warm admiration for his tireless efforts to see to it that justice and peace reign in this world, which unfortunately, is still troubled in spite of a clear-cut trend towards detente.
187.	Subscribing unreservedly as we do to the principles of the universality of the United Nations, we should like to extend our sincere congratulations, best wishes and welcome to the representatives of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, with which the Khmer Republic enjoys the best relations.
188.	For three years representatives of the Khmer Republic have had occasion to draw the attention of this Assembly from this rostrum to the crimes and the destruction being committed by foreign aggression. In their passion to destroy everything that is specifically Khmer, the North Viet-Namese and the Viet-Cong are victimizing our civilian population and everything which may be regarded as a resource of our country, whether it be humanitarian, cultural or economic.
189.	The temples of Angkor, which are one of the most important heritages of the civilization of the world, have been militarily occupied since June 1970, in spite of the efforts of our Government, with the support of our
Secretary-General and that of almost all the members of UNESCO, to place them under the special protection provided for by The Hague Convention of 1954.  It is very sad to note that these monuments of inestimable artistic and cultural value have, in this way, become the objects of vandalism and have been exposed to the elements because of a lack of proper maintenance.
190.	Indeed, since January 1972 these occupiers have prohibited access by the curators of Angkor, who work under the aegis of the French School of the Far East, an apolitical organization well known in the archaeological world.
191.	For our part we are refraining from recovering these temples by force for fear of damaging them irremediably, even though the enemy might use them for military purposes.
192.	Furthermore, our concern is the greater because art treasures which were stolen from Angkor have been placed on sale, according to press reports, in certain world tourist centres.
193.	Elementary school, high school and university buildings of the Khmer Republic are also subject to the destructive fury of the aggressors. It is the secondary schools particularly which are the most affected because they are scattered throughout the countryside, in large measure in the actual battlefields. Just to mention the primary school buildings: 3,154 of them have been destroyed. Hence, of a student body numbering 1.1 million in 1969-1970, only 720,000 of our school children were able to go to school this year.
194.	In the realm of the health infrastructure 12 hospitals, 24 health centres and 160 infirmaries have been either demolished or damaged. What is more, our doctors and nurses have been massacred, in defiance of all humanitarian rules.
195.	Many religious buildings have had the same fate meted out to them, while several hundred Buddhist monks have been murdered or captured. Many of them have been forcibly defrocked and enrolled in the ranks of the aggressors, something which the Khmer people, who are more than 90 per cent Buddhist, consider as the worst kind of sacrilege.
196.	The damage done to our roads, railways, dams,* factories, airports, and so on, amounts to hundreds of millions of dollars. Unable to win a military victory, the
, enemy devotes himself to the destruction of our economic infrastructure and does not even respect the work sponsored by the United Nations. The Prek Thnot dam, under construction, was twice attacked — in September 1971 and August 1973-and yet this international project, which, according to the very words of the Resident Representative of the United Nations in Phnom Penh, "has really peaceful and humanitarian objectives", is financed by the following countries: the Federal Republic of Germany, Australia,
Canada, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, India, Italy, Japan, Pakistan, the Philippines and the United Kingdom.
197.	But the saddest spectacle of all in this aggression is the sight of people fleeing their villages or fields to take refuge in security zones. They have lost everything: their families, their houses, their harvests and their cattle. To date there are more than 2 million refugees in the capital and in the provinces-2 million human beings to feed and shelter for a country having a population of only 7 million. That tells you something of the tragedy of my country.
198.	Instead of giving way to despair, our Government, with the scanty resources available to it, has taken measures to deal with the highest priorities. However, in spite of the humanitarian assistance of friendly countries and international charitable institutions, the problem is far from solved.
199.	Parallel to our national resistance efforts, and in accordance with the wishes of the majority of the Khmer people, a new Constitution was prepared and submitted to a national referendum. The First President of the Republic was elected by universal and direct suffrage on 4 June 1972. The legislative elections gave the country a Parliament, and this was followed by the establishment of other democratic institutions.
200.	We should particularly like to stress here the social achievements of the Khmer people since the founding of the Republic. For the first time, a labour code has been promulgated.
201.	As far as our outside obligations are concerned, we have not been neglecting the obligations incumbent upon us as a Member of the United Nations and other international organizations. Within the framework of our modest resources, we shall continue to take an active part in international co-operation.
202.	Steeped as they are in Buddhist teachings, the Khmer people reject all forms of racial discrimination between human beings, whatever the colour of their skin, their ethnic group or their religion.
203.	Since we, the Khmers, have known similar experiences in the past, we firmly support the authentic movements of fraternal peoples still under foreign domination. But with the same determination we resist expansionist aggression and intolerable interference in the internal affairs of other countries.
204.	In this connexion we should like to pay a tribute to distinguished previous speakers for having recognized the right of the Khmer people to settle as it wishes its own internal affairs without interference from outside.
205.	Since some representatives have been cynical enough to cast doubt on the legality of our Government from this very rostrum, I feel constrained to draw their attention to certain historical truths which may perhaps have escaped their notice.
206.	We are well aware that every State is free to recognize any given Government, including a government in exile as is the case with the so-called Government of Norodom Sihanouk, who has chosen to reside in Peking. But to manoeuvre to impose such a government on the Khmer people constitutes inadmissible intervention in the internal affairs of that people, and we vigorously protest against such an act. As I asked here last year,
"In what treatise or manual of international law ... can
one find such criteria whereby a government-in-exile can
be considered the legal government of a land? "
207.	Cambodia was a monarchy until 9 October 1970, the date on which the Republic was proclaimed. Prince Norodom Sihanouk was in power for 30 years — from 1941 to 1955 as King, from 1955 to 1960 as Prime Minister or head of the party and from 1960 to 1970 as constitutional Head of State. In 1955 he abdicated in favour of his father. In 1960, on the death of his father, he had the Constitution amended to enable him to become Head of State once again without being King. In 1960 then, the two Houses of Parliament met and appointed him Head of State pending the appointment of a King. But that temporary situation lasted 10 years.
208.	On 18 March 1970-that is, 10 years later-the same two Houses of die Khmer Parliament met and, after a long historic debate, withdrew from him their confidence and by a unanimous vote divested him of his functions as Head of State. Our Members of Parliament unanimously accused Prince Sihanouk of having authorized North Viet-Namese and Viet-Cong troops to occupy Khmer territory illegally during the second half of the 1960s and to install there veritable military bases in flagrant violation of Khmer neutrality enshrined in the Geneva Agreements of 1954. That was also a blow against our independence, our sovereignty and our territorial integrity.
209.	The vote in the Khmer Parliament was preceded by many popular demonstrations in the provinces and then in the capital against this foreign invasion.
210.	Dissatisfied with this unanimous decision of the representatives of the Khmer people, Sihanouk asked for the aid of the North Viet-Namese and the Viet-Cong so that he could be restored to power by force.
211.	On 29 May 1970, the date on which these foreign troops began their first open and deliberate attacks against our defence forces and our civilian population, we identified the following North Viet-Namese and Viet-Cong units, which were spread out here and there throughout our territory:
(a)	First North Viet-Namese Division, 101-D Regiment: 2,000 men stationed at Angkor Borey in Takeo;
(b)	Fifth North Viet-Namese Division, 174-05 and 275 Regiments: 5,000 men stationed at Snuol in Kratie;
(c)	Seventh North Viet-Namese Division, 141-165 and 209 Regiments: 6,200 men stationed at Memot in Kompong Cham;
(d)	Ninth North Viet-Namese Division, 95-C, 271 and 272 Regiments: 6,000 men stationed at Chup in Kompong Cham;
(e)	the B-3 Front, Regiments 24-28-66-95-0: 10,800 men stationed at Ratanakiri in Bokeo;
(f)	moreover, there were the command posts and the headquarters: 12,000 men;
(g)	and logistical services: 23,000 men. That makes a total of more than 65,000 men.
212.	Many North Viet-Namese and Viet-Cong prisoners whom we hold at present in Phnom Penh, and the many documents that we seized in those attacks, constitute proof which no one here or anywhere else can refute.
213.	It was in these circumstances that Sihanouk founded his Government in exile in Peking, as he put it, "to liberate" the country. But do we really need to stress that at that time, and even now, there were no American troops or military bases on Khmer territory? The only foreign troops that were to be found and that are to be found today in my country are exclusively those of North Viet-Nam and the Viet-Cong.
214.	At the time when Sihanouk was stripped of his powers Marshal Lon Nol was already Prime Minister and he continued to direct the same Government until 1972, before being elected President of the Republic. It is quite clear that our Republican regime and its institutions, founded upon democratic and popular bases, were legally established.
215.	On 30 April 1972 the Khmer people by means of a referendum organized throughout the country, in which more than 80 per cent of the electors participated, voted overwhelmingly for the Republican Constitution.
216.	On 4 June 1972, under the new Constitution, Marshal Lon Nol was elected by universal and direct suffrage the first President of the Khmer Republic for a term of five years.
217.	On 3 and 17 September 1972, the first National Assembly and the first Senate of the Khmer Republic were also elected by universal suffrage. The other institutions of the Republic — the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, the High Court of Justice, and so forth — were successively and subsequently established.
218.	It is infinitely regrettable that by means of flagrant lies our adversaries have succeeded in misleading part of public opinion with regard to the territory and population controlled by them.
219.	Indeed, to be honest we must make the following distinction: territory administered by us, about 20 provinces; the zones temporarily occupied by our adversaries, that is to say, the four Eastern provinces, whose density of population varies from three to five inhabitants per square kilometre, and the rest of the territory which constitutes combat zones.
220.	In the circumstances, it is less than honest of them to claim to control 90 per cent of the territory.
221.	With regard to the population, the lie is even more flagrant, because in Phnom Penh alone the population is already more than 2 million, and to this figure should be added the 4 million inhabitants residing in the provinces of Kandal, Battambang, Kompong Cham, Kampot, Kirirom, Kompong Chhnang, Kompong Som, Kompong Speu, Kompong Thom, Oudong Meanchey, Oudor Meanchey, Pailin Phnom Del, Prey Veng, Pursat, Siem Reap, Svay Rieng, Takeo and Vihear Suor.
222.	Members can see that in confirming that we control more than 6 million inhabitants of a population of 7 million we are not at all exaggerating.
223.	We are not seeking to discomfit our adversaries, but it is our duty to provide the necessary clarification so that international public opinion is not misled, and particularly so that the judgement of the representatives present here can be based not upon falsehood but upon realities which are, incidentally, easily verifiable.
224.	During his years of power Sihanouk made himself into the all-powerful master of the country and its inhabitants. From 1967 to 1968, in particular, he began his witch hunt, which took the lives of 1,500 Red Khmers, as he himself confessed at Kompong Thom on 19 August 1968 over the national broadcasting network. Is there any need to recall the few democratic principles so often affirmed and so often forgotten, namely, that in Cambodia, as in other countries, sovereign power belongs to the people and no foreign State can claim the right to usurp that sovereignty for the benefit of anyone else, still less when that beneficiary is outside national territory. The Khmer political solution can only be found within the Khmer community resident on Khmer territory.
225.	The Khmer Republic last year held its first presidential and legislative elections. However, my Government does not exclude the possibility of new elections once peace is restored and foreign troops have been withdrawn entirely from our territory.
226.	The so-called neutrality of Norodom Sihanouk was in fact nothing but acquiescence in the use of Khmer territory for the benefit of aggressors from a neighbouring country.
227.	As members are all aware, when foreign armed forces occupy and use a country to attack another country, the population inevitably suffers and the territory of the accomplice State inevitably becomes the scene of warfare.
228.	The Khmer Republic, whose third anniversary we shall soon be celebrating, ostracizes no one. All Khmer citizens, whoever they are, may participate in public affairs without any consideration other than that of their talents. The last presidential elections demonstrated this fact. Indeed, my country is perhaps the only one in the world where two candidates for the presidency of the Republic who campaigned against each other during the electoral campaign joined forces after the elections to set up a common executive. Furthermore, political detainees and even the supporters and relatives of the former Chief of State, Norodom Sihanouk, were all freed and if they wish, they may even leave Cambodia. It is rare for a country which has known a change of regime to adopt such a liberal attitude. Countries which have undergone revolutions normally deny political rights to the members of the ruling family for a period which may last several decades or even longer. The Khmer Republic, which is only three years old, did not think that it needed to engage in such discrimination. All its citizens, without any distinction, have the same rights and duties with respect to the Republic.
229.	If since 15 August-the date of the end of American air support — the Khmer Republic has remained on its feet, it is indeed because all Khmers preserve faith in the Republic. East is convinced that, whatever his origins and political allegiances, he will find in the Republic a social and political framework enabling him to realize his aspirations.
230.	I have no doubt that outside the Khmer Republic some people are attempting to destroy the structure born of an effort at national reconciliation, to replace it by a regime based upon the will of a single man, a regime with which we Khmers were only too familiar up to 18 March 1970. There have been efforts to refuse the Khmer Republic any possibility of existence in international life. Governments which do not have deep knowledge of the realities of Cambodia have been misled and have directed overt hostility towards the Khmer Republic. In some cases these efforts have been successful, but in most cases they have failed. If genuinely socialist States continue to maintain normal relations with the Khmer Republic, it is certainly because they consider that the republican regime is the only one open to all and likely to bring about reconciliation. On the other hand, the former regime, which was based upon the will of a single man, cannot serve as a basis for national reconciliation. The strength of the Khmer Republic, even when it can rely only on itself, lies precisely in its capacity to rally the people around its flag and not around a single man, a prey to all kinds of excess and to all moods. Union based on law and freedom of the people cannot give way to the will of a single man.
231.	Despite all their denials, the foreign forces of aggression continue to be stationed and to operate in our territory. In the 60 days which followed the signing of the Paris Agreement on Viet-Nam they introduced into our country fresh troops estimated at more than 10,000 fighting men, thus bringing their strength up to about 45,000. We have identified, among others, the First North Viet-Namese Division, the Viet Cong C-40 Division, the frontline B-3 Division, the 207th Regiment of the Fifth North Viet-Namese Division, the 277th Regiment of the Ninth North Viet-Namese Division, the Engineer Regiment No. 377 and the North Viet-Namese Heavy Division No. 69.
232.	In order to mislead international public opinion our aggressors are attempting in the present phase of the war to camouflage their presence behind the formations of Red Khmers christened "liberation forces" for the occasion. However, with the conclusion of the Paris Agreement on Viet-Nam, our profound desire to live in peace and understanding with all countries, in particular with our neighbours, whatever their political or ideological allegiance, is stronger than ever today.
233.	Indeed article 20 of that Agreement provides that all foreign troops operating in our territory should leave our country without delay: To demonstrate our goodwill, the President of the Khmer Republic has ordered the unilateral suspension of all offensive operations so as to facilitate the withdrawal of foreign troops. We were even ready to begin negotiations with the North Viet-Namese Government.
234.	In spite of the absence of a positive response from our opposite numbers, my Government, on 6 July 1973, made another concrete peace proposal containing the following points: first, strict and immediate application, by all parties, of article 20 of the Paris Agreement of 27 January 1973; second, immediate withdrawal from Khmer territory of all foreign troops, their arms and munitions, to enable the Khmer people to settle its own problems without foreign interference and free from any outside pressure; third, reactivation of the International Commission for Supervision and Control set up under the Geneva agreements of 1954 to supervise the strict application of article 20 of the Paris Agreement; fourth, an immediate cease-fire between the troops of all parties; fifth, talks among Khmers with a view to bringing about a cessation of hostilities and national reconciliation.
235.	We have notified the signatories of the Final Act of Paris12 of this proposal and have appealed to all countries which love peace and justice and to the Secretary-General of the United Nations to help make this proposal a reality and to obtain from all parties concerned the strict application of article 20 of the Paris Agreement of 27 January 1973.
236.	We are encouraged to see that this proposal has met with a favourable response from all countries which have a real knowledge of the actual situation in the Khmer Republic.
237.	It has, however, not been understood by those who hope to put an end to the war by a military solution and annexation.
238.	Recent developments in military operations show that peace in Cambodia can be brought about only under circumstances of national reconciliation, which, in turn, cannot be achieved without the total withdrawal of foreign troops.
239.	It is in order to spare our people further suffering and misery that my Government, four days ago, repeated its peace offer which it made on 6 July last
240.	Peace is something to which we aspire with all our hearts and we have done everything within our power to obtain it. We are very much encouraged by having heard speakers here support us in this aim by calling for detente and international co-operation.
241.	The world has welcomed with relief the conclusion of the cease-fire agreements in Viet-Nam and Laos. As an immediate neighbour, the Khmer Republic can only be gratified at such a development. However, we are firmly convinced that no true peace can be brought about in the region as a whole until a similar peace is established also in our country.
242.	In conclusion, I should like on behalf of the Khmer people to make an appeal to all Members of the international community to help us, in keeping with the spirit and the letter of the United Nations Charter, to restore peace, the peace which we have lost because of foreign aggression to satisfy the megalomania of one man.