It is an honour to extend on behalf of the delegation of Costa Rica our warm congratulations to Mr. von Wechmar on his election to the presidency of the thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly.
121.	As one who knows and greatly admires the important role played by his country in international affairs, I am not merely extending a courtesy in expressing our firm conviction that, under his leadership and guidance, the deliberations of this General Assembly will be particularly fruitful.
122.	Let me also take this opportunity to express our gratitude to Mr. Salim A. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania for his dedication and energy in serving the international cause. Our warm greetings go as well to the Secretary-General, whose efficiency in the discharge of the complex duties of his high office have earned him our deepest respect.
123.	I wish to reiterate my delegation's satisfaction at the recent accession to membership of this Organization by the Republic of Zimbabwe, which has resolved a problem that had occupied the attention of the United Nations for many years. Costa Rica also takes this opportunity to wish a warm welcome to our sister country, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, as a new Member of our Organization.
124.	The General Assembly is gathered at a time of hopes and apprehensions. On the heels of the old conflicts which the Organization has been endeavouring to solve, others have followed which are equally grave and which conjure up a picture of grave dangers—dangers about which the Secretary-General has spoken with particular clarity in his report on the work of the Organization.
125.	Although the political, economic and social problems of the third world continue to deteriorate daily, we have brought to this General Assembly the conviction that dialogue and perseverance in negotiations constitute the only way to reach the solutions we are seeking. Since the founding of the Organization, my country has faithfully upheld its principles and fulfilled its commitments. Today more than ever we believe in the fundamental importance of this forum for the dignified and peaceful existence of all peoples.
126.	My Government has examined with great concern the serious problems facing the international community, and Costa Rica wishes in this respect to set forth its position before this Assembly.
127.	We view with particular concern the developments which have taken place this year in the Latin American region, to which we belong for historical, geopolitical, cultural and economic reasons. Despite serious economic, political and social problems which have generated an unprecedented climate of violence in the region, we hold fast to the optimistic view that the peoples and Governments of the countries concerned will prove equal to finding viable solutions to these problems, which constitute the cause and the consequence of the developments I have referred to. We believe that the process of democratic renewal which is arduously but steadily gaining ground in the sister republic of El Salvador will, in the near future, yield positive results.
128.	The stabilization and democratic renewal which the people of Nicaragua have experienced during the year are encouraging. The literacy campaign has taken a decisive step towards stability and prosperity for the Nicaraguan people, who have endured the consequences of one of the most ruthless of Latin American dictatorships. We hope that our brothers in Nicaragua will press on along this path of progress and justice and that democracy, political pluralism and the economic and political stability which they enjoy will in turn contribute to the stability and security of the Central American region, for that is the essence of our own security and of that elusive peace for which our peoples yearn.
129.	We look forward with particular interest and optimism to the early conclusion of peace agreements between the kindred peoples of Honduras and El Salvador and we have offered our assistance in seeking a final and conclusive solution,
130.	I should like now to turn to those issues which are endangering world peace and security, such as the situation in the Middle East, which continues to be one of the most disquieting on the world scene. The Government and the people of Costa Rica observe with concern the excessive tensions which have been mounting in that part of the world. We are firmly convinced that we must begin to focus upon that problem from a universal vantage point, with a view to world peace and international justice as our primary aims. Any sincere initiative which seeks to reduce tension and to create zones of peace will accordingly receive our support. We believe that when international problems take on dangerous proportions, the community of nations should discard inflexible positions and adopt attitudes conducive to achieving stable and true peace.
131.	We have on repeated occasions presented our stand in defence of the rights of the Palestinian people to self- determination and sovereignty and to the establishment of their own sovereign State on the territory which was set aside for them by the United Nations. We recognize the right of the Palestinian people to participate in negotiations which affect their future through representatives chosen by them. At the same time, we recognize the right of the State of Israel to peaceful existence within stable and secure boundaries.
132.	We believe that the quest for peace should encompass every kind of activity directed towards relieving tensions and that it is necessary to take initiatives which are not initiatives of belligerence.
133.	In resolution 478 (1980) of 20 August, the Security Council called upon Member States with diplomatic missions at Jerusalem to withdraw them promptly from the Holy City in order not to give official character to a unilateral act lacking the approval of the General Assembly which could aggravate tensions in the area. My country, scrupulously complying with the recommendations of the Security Council and with a view to averting a worsening of the situation, responded to the Council's request.
134.	While recognizing that the Palestinian question is the heart of the Middle East problem, we feel that the problem as a whole may perhaps be more easily dealt with if, agreements attesting to the good faith of the parties could be progressively reached. Brotherhood and peaceful coexistence are the only alternatives; there are no others. But someone must take the initiative in demonstrating that it is possible to achieve dialogue between Arabs and Jews.
135.	Israel is the only State created by the General Assembly. It is probable, paradoxically, that the Palestinian State will be the second. The two States will be neighbours. Is it not possible then to begin conversations at once in order to prepare for that eventuality? Both States, with the human and material resources they possess, could be sources of progress and stability for the region.
136.	Costa Rica has also with great concern been following the conflict between Iran and Iraq, which constitutes a very dangerous aggravation of the situation in the Middle East. We, in unison with the Security Council and practically all the other Member States, also call for the immediate cessation of hostilities so that an honourable peace may be negotiated between those two States. We applaud the attitude taken by the United States and the Soviet Union of not intervening in this conflict, thus contributing to keeping it isolated and preventing it from further endangering world peace.
137.	This Assembly is aware that a lasting peace in the Korean peninsula is essential to the maintenance of stability in north-east Asia and that it has, in turn, implications for world peace. It is for this reason that the Government of Costa Rica takes the view that no effort must be spared to reduce tensions in the region.
138.	We believe that dialogue between the two parts of the Korean peninsula is the most positive way to relieve tensions and that it is the way to enable the two parties directly concerned to solve their problems, including the important question of peaceful unification, without outside interference. In present circumstances, my delegation firmly believes that the most constructive way in which the General Assembly could contribute to the solution of the question of Korea would be co-operation designed to create the proper atmosphere in which to encourage a dialogue between North and South. Consequently, we call for the continuation of the dialogue in the spirit set forth in the South-North Joint Communique of 4 July 1972. If substantial progress were to be achieved at the present level, this could lead to eventual contacts at the highest level to the benefit of all. The time has come to urge and promote an independent dialogue between the two parties concerned.
139.	My Government cannot shirk the moral obligation incumbent upon it to speak on the situation in Afghanistan. For nearly a year, the invading troops which occupy that country have continued to disregard the will of the majority of the international community which, by resolution ES-6/2 adopted by the General Assembly at its sixth emergency special session, called for the withdrawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan. Everyone knows that the troops occupying that country are still there, and, for the present, no political solution to the problem is in sight, To the contrary, the foreign forces grow stronger every day, thus denying the fundamental right of self-determination to a martyred people.
140.	The situation prevailing in Cyprus continues to be a source of concern to the members of the international community, and we shall support any effort which the Secretary- General may undertake to secure a just agreement that will restore the country's full sovereignty. We hope that, through compliance with repeated United Nations resolutions, the intercommunal talks which recently resumed can lead to a negotiated agreement on the crisis and that the foreign occupation of a part of that country's territory will be brought to an end.
141.	We condemn the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa, whose obstinate position of disregard for repeated resolutions of the General Assembly and other United Nations bodies constitutes a flagrant violation of its duties as a member of the international community. As we have stated on other occasions, it is time for the General Assembly to recommend, and the Security Council to adopt, stricter measures and even enforcement action to end the occupation that, aside from being illegal, constitutes an open challenge to the mandate of the United Nations in a Territory that was placed under the jurisdiction of the Organization to guarantee its firm and prompt accession to independence.
142.	The situation in South-East Asia remains one of the most tense for international peace and security. Serious developments in Kampuchea have had negative repercussions on several countries in the area, and the problem of refugees, as a consequence of the invasion of Kampuchea by foreign forces, remains unresolved, despite the best efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the economic co-operation of the many countries which have contributed generously to the effort to alleviate in part the hunger and suffering attendant upon the displacement of entire populations involved in the conflict. My delegation hopes that a speedy solution will be sought for the sake of thousands and thousands of innocent victims.
143.	On 27 September 1978, the President of the Republic of Costa Rica, Mr. Rodrigo Carazo Odio, set forth before the General Assembly for its consideration his proposal to establish a University for Peace.  It is a well-known fact that the General Assembly accepted by consensus, in 1978, the draft proposing the study of this question and that in 1979 it approved the idea of the establishment of the University for Peace and set up an international Commission to prepare the structure and organization of the institution and set it in motion. The Commission, under the co-ordination of Mr. Rafael Caldera, former President of Venezuela, met twice this year, once at Headquarters and the second time at San Jose, Costa Rica, and adopted a report  which has been submitted to the Secretary-General in which it recommends to the General Assembly that it adopt the proposal for the establishment of this academic centre, together with a draft charter for the University and a draft agreement laying down the procedures for its creation, which, in conformity with the provisions of resolution 34/111, are to be considered by this General Assembly.
144.	The Secretary-General endorsed the report of the Commission and the procedure recommended therein, expressing in addition his judgement that the conditions established by General Assembly resolution 34/111 had been fulfilled, as was very ably reported to the Second Committee by the Assistant Secretary-General of Secretariat Services for Economic and Social Matters, Mr. Diego Cordovez.
145.	At the threshold of the twenty-first century, mankind cannot neglect any prospect for peace. My country's initiative seeks to contribute in some measure to that end. We must resolve to forestall any hint of violence, any form of war, for the perils of a new world war could spell the last conflict in the history of mankind. We hope therefore that our initiative may prove an effective instrument in the pursuit of total peace which will allow mankind to live free from strife and ensure the stability of our world.
146.	The world is in a state of crisis—the crisis of development, the crises resulting from ideological clashes, the crises born of fanaticism. Today, more than ever before, mankind is caught in a dilemma: to survive with justice and liberty or to fall victim to the varieties of totalitarianism, to armed conflicts and to violence.
147.	War is a pressing danger. Mankind is living through crucial times and no country, region or area is more important than another, measured by the contribution that each can and should make to achieve peace. Nations, whatever their size, geographical location, language, history, race or religion, have an important role to play in maintaining universal harmony and in ensuring the survival of mankind. No one, therefore, can relegate States to a passive role in this undertaking. Large or small, they have a dynamic mission to fulfil in the quest for new avenues to peace.
148.	In this conviction, my Government urges the General Assembly to adopt the proposal for the establishment of the University for Peace. An initiative such as this enhances the fundamental principles of the San Francisco Charter as well as the dignity of the members of this Assembly that approved the idea by consensus at the last session.
149.	We are grateful for the interest shown by the Secretary-General, the efficiency of his staff, the dynamic spirit shown by the members of the international Commission, and the enthusiastic support of many Governments for this project.
150.	In the conviction that no hindrance can relieve us of the historic responsibility of furthering peace, the Government of Costa Rica will continue resolutely to pursue this undertaking, confident as we are that the University for Peace will provide a mainstay for the realization of the noble principles enshrined in the Charter.
151.	The President of Costa Rica, Mr. Rodrigo Carazo Odio, delivered the inaugural address on 9 June this year to the World Congress on Education for Disarmament, held at UNESCO headquarters, and it is worth-while to recall some of his words. Among many ideas of special interest to this Assembly, he said:
"War and peace in the coming years will depend upon the pursuit of the arms race or of disarmament, but above all upon our decision to transform education and the communications media into instruments of peace.
"Mankind has endeavoured to apply the most varied methods and formulas in an effort to check war, hatred and violence. There remain only two: education and information. If we do not turn these into instruments of peace, there will be no twenty-first century."
152.	At that Congress the President of Costa Rica proposed three initiatives, which I shall summarize as follows.
153.	First, UNESCO and other institutions devoted to education for peace throughout the world should pool their efforts to prepare an immediate, interdisciplinary plan of action encompassing all levels of education, informal patterns of education and the complex phenomena of communication. With that end in view, the University for Peace is being formed in order to take an active part in the process.
154.	Secondly, serious consideration should be given to the suggestion of the Secretary-General that one tenth of 1 per cent of the resources utilized in the military sector should be earmarked for purposes of education for peace.
155.	Thirdly, given the urgency of the situation, and in the conviction that education plays a central role in the attainment of peace, it is proposed that the years 1980 to 1990 be declared the decade of education for peace, and that in view of the close links between human rights, education for peace and disarmament, the right to peace should be recognized and proclaimed a fundamental human right.
156.	Recent negotiations on international economic issues have demonstrated the difficulty of modifying the existing international economic order. The tenuous results of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly held here recently clearly indicate the developed countries' aversion to sharing in any restructuring of this obsolete economic order.
157.	Although the struggle to transform the conditions prevailing in the world economy and to stem the crisis which it is undergoing is both difficult and time-consuming, we believe that, given perseverance and unity in action, new ideas can be brought to fruition. We are convinced of the need to establish a new international economic order. The present order, built upon injustice, is an indictment against us all. From conviction to a political decision there is a long road to travel. We, the countries of the third world, must make that journey in our struggles.
158.	Because we are certain of the effectiveness and necessity of joint action, we have been pursuing a policy of real and effective solidarity with the developing countries. Our efforts have been aimed not only at promoting a united front of developing countries but also at fostering, together with our Latin American and Caribbean brothers, practical means to bring our peoples closer together by strengthening plans for integration and specific programmes of assistance of many kinds with a view to fostering what is termed the "South-South dialogue".
159.	We shall firmly support any efforts exerted at the present session for the pursuance of global negotiations within the United Nations, in order to reach workable agreements on the time-table and agenda for those negotiations.
160.	We wish to place on record our thanks to the delegation of India for the effective manner in which it acted as chairman and spokesman of the Group of 77 during the year ending 30 September last, and for the dedication, skill and dynamic commitment with which it discharged its difficult task.
161.	At the same time, my delegation wishes to express its satisfaction at the election of our sister republic of Venezuela to the presidency of the Group of 77 during the year beginning 1 October 1980. We are sure that the Venezuelan delegation will discharge its commitment with equal distinction and dedication.
162.	Among oil-producing countries, Mexico and Venezuela have been the first to take the pioneering step of using petroleum as an instrument in negotiations designed to build a new international economic order and of proposing that petrodollars be recycled in such a way as to benefit the developing countries. These two countries have contributed in a spirit of solidarity, a significant percentage of their oil earnings to the development of other third-world countries, including my own.
163.	Convinced of the efficacy and necessity of concerted action, we have commended the policy of solidarity of the kindred nations of Mexico and Venezuela with the developing world—a policy embodied in the Joint Declaration signed at San Jose, Costa Rica, on 3 August this year by the two heads of State, benefiting Costa Rica and the other countries of Central America and the Caribbean by ensuring the supply of hydrocarbons to the region through new mechanisms of co-operation and financing.
164.	It was felt in Latin America that this agreement bridged the gap between words and deeds in international relations. The hope was expressed that actions such as this would be emulated throughout the world, as a sign of active solidarity among sister countries, and that this exemplary attitude might serve as a model to other petroleum- producing countries in their relations with non-petroleum- producing countries which are their clients.
165.	It is well known that the question of communications has come increasingly to the fore in international affairs. Costa Rica is of the view that the impact of communications upon modern man is growing daily and that it is of the greatest importance that the States Members of the United Nations give early consideration to the possibility of placing organizations such as the International Telecommunications Union on a sound footing upon which to face the demands of our times.
166.	As a technical-political factor, communications have their basis in the natural right of every human being to communication. Principles such as that of "first come, first served" in the allocation of frequencies are unacceptable at this stage in history. We also regret the disagreements which arise between United Nations bodies with regard to communications issues, which can be extremely harmful in this sphere.
167.	I wish to express our great satisfaction at the fact that the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has produced an informal text for a draft convention, After so many years of intense labour and negotiations, the nations of the world, are about to benefit from a universal law of the sea. The importance of such an instrument can surely escape no Government.
168.	Costa Rica, together with other delegations, gave its support to the inclusion of the principle of the utilization of the sea for peaceful purposes. This principle, we feel, will contribute to international peace and security. The Government of Costa Rica also welcomes the inclusion of the principle of good faith in the discharge of the rights and duties arising out of this convention, as well as a recognition of jus cogens with respect to the rules governing the common heritage of mankind. However, my Government is concerned by the fact that it proved impossible for the sponsors of the various proposals to arrive at a consensus text on the delimitation of maritime boundaries between adjacent States or those facing each other. The international community should give serious thought to this matter,
169.	After so many years of enormous efforts, we are finally able to consider in its entirety the structure of the code of the sea, which shall in truth constitute one of the most comprehensive and important legal instruments in history and a basis for peaceful and harmonious relations among nations. Costa Rica deplores the enactment of unilateral legislation in this sphere by certain developed countries, which have hampered delicate negotiations aimed at achieving a convention which will equitably regulate the exploitation of the resources of the sea. I hope that, at the next and final session, consensus can be reached on this and other outstanding issues so that we can proceed to the signing of the convention at Caracas, Venezuela,
170.	The international situation in the field of human rights is not overly encouraging, The persistent and flagrant violation of these rights—inherent in the human person—is in many cases the cause, and in others, the consequence of international conflicts. Respect for human rights is the corner-stone of peace and harmony among all the world's peoples. Costa Rica, which has made a credo of compliance with and promotion of human rights, is well aware that the best weapon against subversion and social unrest is respect for human dignity. Only to the extent that the individual's rights are respected and that justice is done him, will there be peace and harmony among peoples.
171.	Human rights cannot be confined to civil and political rights, but must also include economic, social and cultural rights. It is thus evident that human dignity will not be fully achieved with the mere enunciation or implementation of the traditional political and civil rights. The development of peoples must be intimately linked with human liberation. Only in this way can we achieve the aim of full respect for the dignity of the individual, which requires the simultaneous observance of civil, political, economic and cultural rights.
172.	Unfortunately, the elaboration of effective instruments for the promotion and defence of human rights has not attained a satisfactory level. Costa Rica considers that it is necessary to reassert the legal and moral commitment which accompanies membership in this Organization: respect for and promotion of fundamental human rights. In this connection, the Charter of Conduct of Riobamba" is an achievement of great importance in the development of legal principles on the observance and implementation of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
173.	Costa Rica has the honour of being represented by its President, Mr. Rodrigo Carazo Odio, who was invited to that historic meeting by the distinguished head of State of the sister republic of Ecuador. He took that opportunity to add the voice of our country in support of the ideals and principles which were reiterated and strengthened. Costa Rica continues to have faith in them and it maintains a sustained interest in the idea of the creation of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
174.	Having heard the many positive statements of speakers who have preceded me during this general debate, my delegation is encouraged to continue to advocate that idea.
175.	One of the issues which causes us the greatest concern is that of refugees, an historical phenomenon which has in recent times reached unprecedented proportions. It can be said that there is not a region in the world today which is not facing this problem and even Central America, which has in the past been a land of refuge for victims of persecution from every continent, has now become a land of refugees, thus converting a noble tradition into a sorrowful experience which affects the destiny and future of thousands of men, women and children, who are more often than not innocent. A few months ago, in order to resolve an unprecedented crisis in the Caribbean, my country provided a bridge for thousands of refugees to gain access to the freedom for which they longed. This undertaking, of which we kept the Secretary-General of this Organization constantly apprised, was a humanitarian gesture devoid of any political intent and aimed solely at mitigating the suffering of many human beings, We hope that members of the international community will hasten to the aid of refugees wherever they may be, but above all we hope that future problems of this kind will be avoided. This can be achieved only if all parties to a conflict accept and abide by the most elementary rules of international law, which afford protection to civilians even in time of war.
176.	We must once again reiterate our categorical rejection and firm condemnation of racism in all its forms, especially that which adds insult to crime by seeking to institutionalize itself as a system, as has happened with apartheid in South Africa.
177.	When we speak of apartheid we have nothing new to add, but we should consider the time that has been devoted in the United Nations to denouncing one of the most monstrous political ideologies mankind has known, and one of the political systems most incompatible with humanity that has ever been devised. I should like once again to express our solidarity with the views reiterated here by the representatives of African States. For their peoples, the struggle against apartheid is no political slogan, but a vindication of their humanity.
178.	During the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries more than 10 million Africans who crossed the Atlantic contributed to the formation of what are now our peoples and our cultures. This is why, when we speak of the problems of the African continent, we are not speaking of something foreign, but of something which is a part of us.
179.	The process of decolonization—a concrete result of the exercise of the right of self-determination of peoples, which is one of the foundations of the United Nations—is almost a completed task. The process will be effective only if freedom is accompanied by a decent standard of living. Hence, any effort by the international community to assist its new members in their economic and social development is not only advisable, but commendable.
180.	My Government supports and will continue to support all just struggles aimed at giving effect to the right of self-determination within the framework of General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV), which have guided and sustained the process of decolonization; it is now 20 years since they were adopted. We maintain as a matter of principle that it is up to the peoples themselves to exercise their right to self-determination, and that no State or group of States can or should assume the role of a champion of the liberation of peoples without the consent of those peoples. Accordingly, it is our view that the sole and legitimate repository of the right to self-determination is the people, and that no one should deny it, or impose on it, the exercise of this sacred right.
181.	Year after year all our delegations gather at this Assembly to discuss the increasingly dire perils to which the nuclear Powers have condemned mankind. At a time when the economic and social situation in the world is one of stagnation and decline, we observe in studies, in statistics, in the reports of the Secretary-General and in the statements of Foreign Ministries the world over a single trend that is for ever on the upswing: that of the military expenditure and budgets of the great Powers and the growth of nuclear arsenals.
182.	We have observed also that the technology which makes the most rapid strides is the technology of war, the technology of destruction. Countries such as my own, the countries of the third world, beset for so long by countless economic and social problems, look on with concern as the arms race becomes the only area of competition between the great Powers.
183.	There are few who rise up against this tendency and their voices are not listened to. What more can be said at this stage, except to re-emphasize the urgency of stifling that irrational urge to increase and refine instruments of destruction and taking stock of the extreme gravity of the situation we face?
184.	Costa Rica, in conformity with its pacifist convictions, believes that only reconciliation and peace can open the way to progress for our peoples. It is time that decision makers throughout the world took cognizance of the issues which year after year have been the object of the attention of this Organization, issues to which no one is indifferent and which are the concern of all peoples.
185.	It must be acknowledged that to date nothing has been achieved since the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, held at Helsinki in 1975, despite the hopes initially aroused by its results. A second review session of the Conference is to take place at the end of this year at Madrid. We earnestly hope that this new effort will be successful in every sense, for in view of the situation prevailing in international relations today it is imperative that the signatories to the instrument which may emerge at Madrid transcend purely rhetorical exercises and determine that deeds must conform to words.
186.	Costa Rica has submitted for the consideration of the group of Latin American States its candidature for the seat corresponding to the region in the Security Council which will become vacant at the conclusion of the two-year term served by Jamaica in 1979-1980.
187.	The group of Latin American States has not been able so far, by following its established practice, to reach a decision in this regard, as there are two candidates for a single seat. Consequently the problem may have to be resolved in the General Assembly by a vote taken according to the procedure laid down in the Charter of the United Nations.
188.	Costa Rica has vigorously argued that the non- permanent members of the Security Council should not only belong to the respective regions, as provided in Article 23 of the Charter, article 143 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly and resolution 1991 A (XVIII), but, precisely in order to give effect to the principle of equitable geographical distribution set forth in the first of those provisions, should also represent their respective regions objectively and subjectively and should consequently be chosen and proposed to the General Assembly by their regional groups.
189.	We have submitted our candidature to the Security Council in the first place because it is our conviction that at least under the circumstances now prevailing in Latin America and the Caribbean—the two being inseparably linked by common traditions, history, problems and aspirations— Costa Rica is objectively in the best possible position to represent, in the best and fullest sense, the interests and views of the region as a whole. My country not only is at the geographical centre of the Americas but also occupies the centre position among the diverse regimes which make up the vast political spectrum of our continent, It is at the centre also of the various ideological currents in the Americas and at the centre of the continent's different economic realities, standing as it does between the weakest and least developed countries and those which are gaining entry to the group of the rich and powerful. It is at the centre of America's social and cultural differences, it is in satisfactory harmony with all, and it does not represent, by its size, influence or endeavours, a possible threat or source of conflict to anyone.
190.	Secondly, we have put forward our candidature because we are also subjectively disposed to accept and discharge the duty of representing our regional group in the Security Council, It is not that we believe it is always possible to achieve within the group the consensus necessary in order to speak on behalf of Latin America or as its representative. On the contrary, we are aware of our differences and believe that they can and should be voiced with regard to the important issues discussed in the Security Council. Nor would we shirk our responsibility in decision-making in the Council for lack of a consensus.
191.	The point I wish to make is that within the group of Latin American States there is more that unites us than that divides us, and that our determination to represent the group as a whole would strengthen the proper role of the group itself as a melting-pot of differences and a source of common action.
192.	We have resolved, and we undertake, to convene the group to discuss problems which may arise for us as a member of the Security Council, to take into account the reasons advanced by all members, to convey, when it exists, their collective view and, when it does not, their individual views: in short, loyally and gratefully to live up to the honour of being allowed to represent the kindred peoples of Latin America by occupying their seat in the supreme organ of the United Nations system.
193.	But we have also been led to submit our candidature by considerations of a universal character related to our very concept of the United Nations in general and of the Security Council in particular.
194.	We believe that there is already sufficient cause for concern in the presence and extraordinary power of the permanent members of the Security Council, which represent their own conflicting interests. We must not fail, therefore, to strive to ensure that the non-permanent members refrain from aggravating that confrontation by lending themselves to a game of arithmetical skirmishing in which their role is merely to tip the balance; to ensure that they do not align themselves in any way with any of the various power groups but instead draw their inspiration solely from the principles of the Charter of the United Nations in the interests of the international community as a whole, taking a position not as partisans but as true judges prepared to vote for justice and the law even against their own immediate interests or those of the respective power groups.
195.	Obviously, it is not enough merely to say this, or to be subjectively prepared to live up to it without the objective conditions necessary for doing it. Costa Rica not only says it and declares its resolve to do it, but ventures to claim qualifications backed by the complete concordance of those views with our national interest. Costa Rica's credentials in advancing its candidature for the supreme organ of international peace and security include the fact that it is one of the very few countries in the world which has taken the decision to disarm without conditions and without waiting for others to do so first, abolishing its army by constitutional provision in terms such that not even the imminent danger of world war has compelled it to renounce its stand for peace.
196.	Costa Rica is proud to be the holder of several important records in international affairs. It is a country which has most speedily ratified the international conventions concluded by the United Nations, the Organization of American States, the ILO, UNESCO and other international organizations. It has accepted all international jurisdictions, such as that of the International Court of Justice, the Commission on Human Rights, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. It has complied with all the decisions and even with all the recommendations of those bodies. It is also one of the countries which has made the greatest headway in subordinating its internal law to international law and in incorporating the latter into the former, to the extent that international covenants, by express constitutional provision, are applicable immediately as national laws and take precedence over statutory legislation, while the general principles of international law, comprising fundamental human rights and freedoms, whether embodied in formal legislature or not, are recognized as taking precedence over our Constitution itself,
197.	It is for those reasons that we feel that Costa Rica can, as a balancing factor, bring to the Security Council its contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security, given its record of voting and actions that demonstrate its true non-alignment, its faithful compliance with the principles of the United Nations, its recognized respect for international law and human rights and also its exemplary stance as one of the few completely unarmed countries in the world.
198.	The wide recognition of those circumstances has already warranted extensive support for our candidature. That support has engaged our gratitude and strengthened our will to fulfil honourably our duties in the Security Council, provided that we are, as we trust, honoured with the necessary majority of votes for our election,
199.	I should like to conclude by reiterating Costa Rica's confidence in the fruitfulness of our debates and in the spirit of understanding which must guide our negotiations. Since the founding of the United Nations my country has placed its trust in the Organization and today more than ever we believe in the decisive role which the General Assembly can play in making the future of mankind one of peace, freedom and universal justice.


Mr. President, first of all allow me to extend warm congratulations to you on your being elected President of the thirty fifth session of the General Assembly. We believe that under your presidency the current session will achieve new successes in the noble cause of maintaining international peace and security.
81.	This year we are celebrating the thirty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations and the twentieth anniversary of the adoption by the General Assembly of resolution 1514 (XV) containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. On this occasion we note with pleasure that four more countries—Zimbabwe, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines,
Kiribati and Vanuatu—have joined the ranks of independent countries since last year. We warmly welcome the admission of Zimbabwe and of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations. It is our sincere hope that these newly independent countries will play an active role in international affairs and make their contributions to the cause of world peace and to the progress of mankind.
82.	The past year has witnessed encouraging progress in the struggle to win national liberation, defend state independence and safeguard world peace. The brilliant victory of the Zimbabwe people marks a significant turning point in the course of the African people's struggle to root out colonialist and racist domination in southern Africa. The just demand of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples for the recovery of their lost territories and the restoration to the Palestinian people of their national rights has won increasingly extensive support throughout the world. Irresistibly, the national democratic movement of the Latin American peoples continues to develop in depth. The peoples of Kampuchea and Afghanistan, holding high the sacred banner of safeguarding national independence and fighting heroically against brute force, have upset the smug calculations of foreign aggressors for a quick decision in the war and exacted an ever heavier price from them. In 1980 the United Nations, the Islamic Conference, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN], the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the European Community have made a series of very important decisions on the major international issues of today, giving expression to the urgent desire of all peoples for world peace, security and justice. The unprecedentedly strong reaction to the Afghan incident shows that the struggle of the people of the whole world against hegemonism and for world peace has reached a new level.
83.	However, we cannot ignore the fact that world peace and the independence and security of States are still facing serious threats. The international situation is more tense and turbulent than before. The danger of war is growing. Relying on its vastly increased military strength, the Soviet Union has stepped up its pace of expansion. It has launched a blitzkrieg against Afghanistan and occupied the country by armed force. With Soviet backing, the Vietnamese authorities have not only refused to withdraw their forces from Kampuchea but have invaded the border areas of Thailand, making threats of war against the Southeast Asian countries. Thus the resolutions of the United Nations on Afghanistan and Kampuchea have been grossly trampled underfoot.
84.	Prior to the Afghan incident, the Soviet Union had normally carried out its military invasion or subversion of third world countries through its agents. But this time, in Afghanistan, it dropped the mask and sent troops to fight the battle itself. Through its propaganda machine it openly declared that "under the new historical conditions, the internationalist missions of the Soviet armed forces have broadened". In other words, the Soviet Union may, under the pretext of fulfilling its "internationalist obligations", carry out armed intervention in other countries at will. It even advanced a theory to justify aggression by stating that, in the Soviet Union, "a hostile Afghanistan is unacceptable, because there is a common border 2,200 kilometres long". This "doctrine" of allowing no hostile neighbours means that all the neighbours of the Soviet Union must show complete obedience. It is even more peremptory and aggressive in nature than the notorious doctrine of "limited sovereignty". Based on such logic, would it not be all right for Israel to hold on to the Arab territories it has occupied by force and commit further aggressions against the neighbouring Arab countries that are opposed to its expansionism? Would it not be all right too for the racist regime in South Africa to continue its illegal occupation of Namibia and even send troops for aggression against southern African countries that are opposed to racism? Clearly, in spreading these fallacies, the Soviet Union is trying both to defend its present aggressions and to create theoretical justifications for similar acts in the future. Whether in theory or in practice, the Afghan incident marks a new stage of development in the external expansion of the hegemonists.
85.	In sending troops to Afghanistan and supporting the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea, the Soviet Union aims not only to enslave those two countries but also to turn them into springboards for further expansion. Both incidents are important steps taken by the hegemonists in their policy of a southward drive. With the dispatch of troops to Afghanistan, the Soviet armed forces have pushed more than 600 kilometres southward to press against the northern and western parts of the Pakistani border and the eastern part of the Iranian border. Another step forward will take them to the Indian Ocean and the shores of the Gulf. By supporting the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea, the Soviet Union has strengthened its control over Viet Nam and moved into Cam Ranh bay, thereby advancing its military base in the Far East southward by more than 4,000 kilometres and pressing towards the Straits of Malacca. In driving south towards the Indian Ocean and along the Pacific Ocean, in coordination with its activities of expansion in the Red Sea and in the Horn of Africa, the Soviet Union aims to seize strategic sites in the vast area of crucial importance—from the Red Sea and the Arabian Peninsula in the west, through the Straits of Malacca in the middle and to the South China Sea in the east—encircle the oil fields in the Gulf and control key international sea lanes. In other words, while further threatening the whole Asia Pacific region, it intends to outflank western Europe and to hasten the completion of its global strategic deployment for world domination.
86.	Therefore, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and its support for the Vietnamese aggression in Kampuchea are certainly not "accidental" events, but premeditated acts; not "defensive" measures, but offensive and aggressive moves; not "local" problems, but major issues affecting the overall situation of the world. The threat they pose to world peace and the security of all countries is not "temporary". The hegemonists will never stop where they are. They will see how the wind blows and wait for an opportune moment to start new adventures in order to attain their strategic goals. In these circumstances, while the third world countries located along the route of the hegemonists' southward drive will no doubt bear the brunt of the attack, other countries, including the Western European countries and Japan, will also be facing gravest threats. Should the Soviet Union succeed in every step of its expansion and in its global strategic plan, it will be difficult for the world to avoid another holocaust.
87.	It is not without reason that, faced with the realities of intensified arms expansion and war preparations by the Soviet Union over the years and considering the change that has taken place and is going to take place in the global balance of military strength, many people have pointed to the mid1980s as a period of danger. This point of view is not devoid of foundation. That the 1980s opened with the Afghan incident was indeed a bad omen. The incident has further revealed the ambitions of the hegemonists and brought into relief their adventurous nature. Thus an alarm was sounded for the people of the world, awakening them to the fact that the international situation has now reached a crucial point. Faced with the war provocations by the hegemonists, the people of the world must promptly and decisively choose between a resolute counterblow or a steady retreat.
88.	We believe that the strategic offensive by the hegemonists should be countered with overall measures so that wherever they seek expansion, they will be held in check. It is not enough just to condemn and call for sanctions against the aggressors. We must also adopt effective measures to help the people of countries subjected to aggression, because in fighting for their national independence and liberty they are in fact struggling for international peace and security. Provided that the countries of the world strengthen their solidarity, coordinate their actions and persist in struggle, it is entirely possible to check the aggressive drive by the hegemonists, upset their global strategic plan and prevent their launching a new world war.
89.	But if we yield our positions one after another in the face of hegemonist onslaught, the hegemonists will become even more insatiable and unscrupulous in their expansion and aggression. In the end, we shall be backed against the wall with nothing but the choice between being forced into complete submission or being caught totally unprepared for a major war. The course of the Second World War has demonstrated to the full what a heavy price one has to pay for the failure to make the right choice in time. History does not simply repeat itself, but the lessons of the past are worth taking seriously.
90.	At present, the Soviet Union is playing the trick of "detente" with great fanfare in order to divert world attention and divide the anti-aggression forces. For some time it has been advocating "a summit meeting of leaders of States of all the regions of the world", making appeals to the parliaments and members of parliaments of various countries "to strengthen peace and detente", and so on and so forth. As a matter of fact, it has long been the established practice of the hegemonists to pursue aggression and expansion while trumpeting the slogan of "detente". Especially after massive aggression and expansion, they always strike a pose of defending peace and launch a big "detente" offensive. Was it not the Soviet Union which proposed in 1969, not long after its invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, that the question of so-called "strengthening international security" be considered by the United Nations General Assembly? Shortly after the Afghan incident, it was predicted that the Soviet Union would come forward with another round of the "detente" offensive. As it turned out, that was exactly what happened. The new item entitled "Urgent measure for reducing the war danger" proposed by Mr. Gromyko; the plenary meeting yesterday for consideration at the current session is precisely that kind of thing. The facts show that the armed aggression against Afghanistan being carried out by the Soviet Union constitutes in itself a grave threat to world peace. If the Soviet Union is really sincere about "reducing the war danger", is there any action more "urgent" and practical than the scrupulous implementation of General Assembly resolution ES6/2, endorsed by 104 countries, and the immediate and total withdrawal of its aggressor forces from Afghanistan?
91.	In the face of the current pressing international situation, the Chinese people are determined to keep up the struggle against hegemonism together with the peace-loving and justice upholding peoples all over the world. The Chinese Government will maintain its consistent foreign policy of peace and wishes to establish and develop State relations with all countries on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence. But we are resolutely opposed to any act of hegemonism. We take this stand not merely for the sake of our own security but, more importantly, with a view to safeguarding the overall interests o world peace.
92.	The question of how to check the naked armed aggression in Afghanistan and Kampuchea must have priority over other issues on the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly.
93.	More than eight months have elapsed since the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly adopted a resolution by 104 votes, calling for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. However, the Afghan people continue to shed their blood because foreign aggressor troops are still engaged in the massacre, over 1 million Afghan refugees have been compelled to flee the country and the number continues to rise. While intensifying its repression of the Afghan patriots, the Soviet Union instructed the Kabul regime to put forward a so-called "seven point proposal" for the settlement of the Afghan question, advocating bilateral negotiations between the Kabul regime and Governments of neighbouring countries. The aim of the Soviet Union is to legitimize the Afghan regime it has installed through military intervention and to confuse the public so that the crux of the Afghan question would appear to be a matter of relations between Afghanistan and its neighbouring countries, and not one of Soviet armed aggression. Such a proposal has of course met with universal opposition.
94.	Viet Nam has behaved exactly the same way in Kampuchea as the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. Disregarding General Assembly resolution 34/22, adopted by 91 votes, Viet Nam has not only persisted in its aggression against Kampuchea but also extended the flames of war to Kampuchea's neighbour, posing an increasingly serious threat to peace and stability in Southeast Asia.
95.	After the recent setback in its armed incursion into Thailand, Viet Nam, acting as the overlord in IndoChina, has dished up a so-called "four point proposal" for defusing the tension along the Thai Kampuchean border. While evading the question of the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea, the proposal calls for the establishment of a demilitarized zone along the Thai Kampuchean border and advocates negotiations between Thailand and the Heng Samrin regime. In essence, this is an attempt to force others to recognize the puppet regime in Kampuchea, installed and propped up by Viet Nam at bayonet point, and to divert attention from Vietnamese armed aggression, which is at the core of the Kampuchean issue.
96.	Thailand and other ASEAN countries have sternly rejected this unreasonable Vietnamese proposal. The Thai Government has sharply pointed out that the proposal represents "an attempt to legitimize the illegal presence of foreign forces in Kampuchea". Viet Nam has now sanctimoniously requested that the "Question of peace, stability and cooperation in Southeast Asia" be included in the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly. One cannot help asking: in Southeast Asia today, which country, in fact, has stationed its troops on foreign soil? Which country has tried to overthrow the Government of another country by means of armed aggression? Which country, after all, is sabotaging peace, stability and cooperation in the region?
97.	It is understandable that some countries hope to find a political settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean questions so as to ease international tension. China is in favour of a just and reasonable political settlement of the two questions. However, we are opposed to any political settlement based on the acceptance of the faits accomplis created by the aggressors. We should guard against their attempts to distract public attention in the name of seeking a political solution, and to turn negotiations for a political settlement into an endless debate so that they may buy time to step up their military actions and consolidate their gains from aggression. We should likewise guard against their attempt, in the course of a political solution, to exploit the desire of certain people in the world for momentary peace and security and to induce them to sacrifice the fundamental interests of the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples.
98.	The Afghan and Kampuchean incidents have the same characteristics. In the joint statement issued at Kuala Lumpur last March by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of ASEAN and the European Community, it was pointed out that the two incidents "have as a common denominator the imposition of will on small independent States by foreign Powers through the use of force in open violation of international law, thereby threatening international peace and security”. In the view of the Chinese delegation, a just and reasonable settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean questions requires that the following three basic principles be followed.
99.	First, the foreign aggressors must withdraw all their troops immediately and unconditionally from Afghanistan and Kampuchea in compliance with the relevant United Nations resolutions. This is a principle of key importance and the prerequisite of any settlement.
100.	Secondly, after the withdrawal of foreign troops, the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples should be free to decide their own destiny without any outside interference. In its resolution, the Eleventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Islamabad from 17 to 22 May of this year, emphasized respect for "the Afghan people's inalienable right to decide their own form of government and to choose their economic, political and social system". Recently, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea stated that after the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea "the Kampuchean people may choose their own national government through a general election by free, direct or secret ballot, and, if necessary, under the supervision of the United Nations Secretary General or his representative". The Chinese Government supports the above propositions.
101.	Thirdly, Afghanistan and Kampuchea should be restored to their independent and nonaligned status.
102.	After the Afghan and Kampuchean questions are settled in accordance with the above three principles, China, in the interest of safeguarding the independence of these two countries and peace in Asia and the world, will be ready to join the other countries concerned in an international guarantee that the territory of Afghanistan or Kampuchea shall not be occupied or used to encroach on the independence and sovereignty of other countries in either region, nor shall there be any form of interference in the internal affairs of these two countries.
103.	At the current session the Assembly will also consider some other major international political and economic issues. We should act promptly, wisely and with farsightedness in our effort to find a just, reasonable and effective solution of these issues, not only on the merits of each case but also in consideration of their impact on the world situation as a whole.
104.	The Middle East question has been dragging on for several decades, gravely threatening regional and world peace and stability. At the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly on the question of Palestine, held in July this year, speeches made by many representatives and the final resolution, adopted by 112 votes, expressed the demand of the people of the world for an early comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question. In this connexion, the declaration of the European Community issued at Venice on 13 June also has a positive significance in promoting a Middle East settlement. However, Israel has brazenly declared the above resolution "illegal", accelerated its plan of occupying Jerusalem and committed new aggression against Lebanon. This is an act of utter contempt for the international community and a direct challenge to the United Nations. Israel has been so intransigent and arrogant precisely because it feels secure in the knowledge that it has the backing of one superpower and that the other superpower, honey on lips and murder in heart, will not give genuine support to the Arab countries.
105.	The Chinese people strongly condemn Israel for its policy of aggression and expansion and for its dogged obstruction of a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question. We firmly support the just struggle of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples. We favour the position of many countries that Israel should withdraw from the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, that the Palestinian people should regain their national rights, including the rights to return to their homeland, exercise self-determination and establish their own State, and that all the Middle East countries should have the right to independence and existence. We have always held that the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], being the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, should participate as an interested party in a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question.
106.	The people of Zimbabwe has finally shaken off the yoke of colonialism and racism after protracted armed struggle. This has greatly changed the outlook of southern Africa and will undoubtedly expedite the great historical process of eradicating colonialism and racism from the entire African continent. After independence, the Zimbabwe Government has made creative efforts in handling racial relations at home. This will have a far-reaching impact on future developments in southern Africa. However, to this day the racist regime of South Africa still refuses to end its illegal rule over Namibia; what is more, it has further intensified its repression of the people of South Africa. This is intolerable. We firmly support the correct views of the frontline States on the question of southern Africa. Like Zimbabwe, Namibia should achieve genuine national independence in conformity with the aspirations of its people and on the basis of territorial integrity and national unification. Apartheid and the system of racial discrimination in South Africa should be completely abolished. The United Nations should make its due contribution to the termination of the colonial and racist rule in southern Africa.
107.	The developments on the Korean peninsula call for close attention. The military junta in South Korea is intensifying its Fascist dictatorship by every ruthless means. Recently, in defiance of world condemnation, this regime has brazenly pronounced a death sentence on the well-known democrat, Kim Dae Jung. All this has not only created new obstacles to the North South dialogue and the peaceful reunification of Korea, but has also added to the destabilizing factors in the Korean situation. A reasonable solution of the Korean question will be of major significance to the maintenance of peace in East Asia and the Pacific region. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has put forward a series of formulas and proposals for the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea and has worked tirelessly to this end. On its part, the international community should help to create favourable conditions for its realization. It is necessary to implement as soon as possible the relevant resolution of the General Assembly adopted five years ago by dissolving the "United Nations Command", withdrawing all the United States military forces and equipment from South Korea and converting the Korean armistice agreement into a peace agreement through negotiations between the parties concerned.
108.	We are deeply concerned over the recent military conflict between Iraq and Iran. We sincerely hope that the two parties will cease hostilities speedily and settle their disputes through peaceful negotiations so as not to be exploited by those harbouring ulterior motives.
109.	The current session, moreover, cannot shut its eyes to the stark economic situation prevailing in the world today. Most developing countries, poor in the first place, are now finding their economic situation deteriorating further. The disparity in wealth between North and South is in fact widening. An important reason for this is that, though politically independent, the third world countries are hampered by the old international economic order. This inequitable international economic order must be reformed if the economic development of the developing countries is to be promoted. The recently concluded eleventh special session of the General Assembly reached consensus on the international Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, which, to a certain degree, reflects the desire of the developing countries. However, on the question of global economic negotiations, the session has failed to achieve the progress it should have achieved. In this connexion, we hope that the current session will take a bigger step forward to make a good start in the global economic negotiations and guide them in the direction of strengthening economic cooperation between nations on the basis of equality and mutual benefit. The key to this hinges on the renewed efforts on the part of the developed countries, which would hardly be able to expand their own economies without economic ties and cooperation with the third world countries. What is more, the present international situation requires them to look farther ahead from a vantage point and approach the North South relations from an overall strategic perspective. Improvement in the economic situation of the third world and better North South economic relations will contribute not only to world economic stability and growth, but also to the cause of world peace and security.
110.	Thirty-five years have elapsed since the founding of the United Nations. During this period, the international Organization itself has undergone great changes. A large number of newly independent countries have become Members of the United Nations. This has so changed the composition of the Organization that it is better able to reflect the aspirations of the people of all countries to the maintenance of international peace, security and justice as well as their desire to promote economic development and social progress. Today, it is no longer possible for any big Power to control and manipulate the United Nations. The United Nations traversed a tortuous road before it became what it is today. This has not come about easily, but through the joint efforts of all countries and peoples that love peace and uphold justice.
111.	However, we must not fail to see that the United Nations is facing a grave challenge. It is expressly provided in the Charter that the primary task of the United Nations is to suppress acts of aggression. But actually a good number of correct resolutions adopted by the General Assembly for this purpose have been brazenly violated and undermined by certain Member States. The Charter clearly stipulates that all Members shall refrain in their international relations from the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State; yet, certain Member States have deliberately violated these provisions. Again, the Charter stipulates in explicit terms that international disputes must be settled in conformity with the principles of justice and international law; yet, certain Member States attempt to replace these principles by the law of the jungle and "recognition of faits accomplis created by aggression". The overwhelming majority of the Member States demands that the United Nations effectively fulfil the noble obligations placed on it by the Charter; yet, a tiny minority attempts to lead it onto the tracks of the League of Nations. This is an intense struggle, which can be won by the overwhelming majority of the Member States only if they persevere in opposing and suppressing by deeds as well as words, both inside and outside the United Nations, any violation of the United Nations Charter.
112.	This is the first session of the General Assembly in the 1980s. The coming decade will be a complicated and volatile decade, fraught with crises. Therefore, people have every reason to expect the current session to make a new contribution to opposing aggression, preventing war, safeguarding peace and promoting progress, so that a good start may be made in the work of the United Nations in the 1980s. We must not disappoint the people of the world. China is ready to work together with other Member States for the success of the current session and for the implementation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations as laid down in the Charter


Mr. President, may I first congratulate you on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at this thirty-fifth session. You have taken on a task which demands many qualities, not least stamina, firmness and tact. It is a task for which your distinguished record at the United Nations has shown you to be well qualified. I offer you the best wishes of the British Government and of its representation at the United Nations in the weeks and months ahead.
2.	In so doing, I wish also to join those who have expressed their appreciation of the efficient and statesmanlike way in which your predecessor, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, conducted the business of the presidency over the past year.
3.	Since I last addressed this Assembly 12 months ago, many terrible things have happened in the world. There has been much cruel and cynical defiance of the principles on which our Charter is based. It would be difficult to say that the world is a safer, more prosperous or happier place today than it was a year ago. Indeed, within the last few days the emergence of a fresh conflict in the Middle Eastern region has given us further cause for anxiety. The tasks confronting all of us remain formidable.
4.	But what has happened during the last 12 months has not all been bad. The great majority of the States Members of this Organization have observed the Charter. And things have happened to inspire us and to persuade us, if persuasion were needed, that conflicts can be resolved; that peaceful negotiations can uncover compromises on which warring parties can settle their differences; that perseverance, goodwill and realism, here at the United Nations and elsewhere, can end wars and save human lives.
5.	When I last addressed the Assembly, war was still raging in that country which is now called Zimbabwe and which, last 25 August, was welcomed as the one hundred and fifty-third Member State of this Organization. That conflict had been going on for 14years— some, I suppose would say longer. But long, complex and, at times, painful negotiations succeeded in finding a basis on which it could be ended and on which the people of Zimbabwe could be given the opportunity to decide for themselves how and by whom they should be governed. I should like to suggest that, as we enter this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, the example of Zimbabwe should inspire us to search all the harder for peaceful, practical and realistic— and I cannot emphasize the last adjective too much— solutions to the major problems that confront the world today.
6.	Before briefly surveying those problems, I should like to say a word about the eleventh special session, devoted to development and to international economic cooperation that has just ended. The United Kingdom supported that collective attempt to set a framework for development over the next decade. It was a positive act that accorded well with the ideals of our Charter. Britain accepts, as we all do, that many developing countries face immense social and economic problems. A common effort is essential to ensure that the world economic system evolves to meet the needs of all. But, in making that effort, we must not weaken the foundation of the world's trading, monetary and financial system which has been built up gradually over the years and which has seen an increase in world prosperity unprecedented in human history.
7.	I am glad that the special session was able to agree on an International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade and on a resolution concerning the least developed countries . I am disappointed that it proved impossible to reach agreement on procedures for global negotiations. But discussions will continue during this General Assembly. We shall work for a successful launch of the global negotiations on a generally acceptable basis.
8.	Meanwhile, I should point out that, despite our own domestic economic problems, the aid programme of my own country is substantial. It is the fifth largest among the aid programmes of the industrialized countries and the seventh highest as a percentage of gross national product. But aid is only one factor in the development process. Private investment and private flows are also essential. In 1978, for example, net private flows from the United Kingdom to developing countries amounted to $8.7 billion, or 2.8 per cent of our gross national product. Trade too is vital. In 1979, 18 per cent of Britain's total imports came from developing countries. They were worth $19 billion, or 4.6 per cent of our gross national product. In addition, we continue to work with our partners in Europe to increase aid, trade and investment for the benefit of developing countries. For example, through the Second ACPEEC Convention of Lome signed at Lome on 31 October 1979, the European Community has given to 59 countries in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific guaranteed access to our markets for an assured quota of their products. That Convention has also provided and does provide aid and. technical cooperation on a very large scale.
9.	I should now like to refer to some of the major conflicts which are on the agenda of this session and to offer some ideas, which I promise will be brief, about how, in the view of the United Kingdom Government, progress can be made towards peaceful solutions.
10.	The Middle East conflict is, above all, one which, in our view, cries out for negotiations leading to a peaceful solution. The violence has gone on far too long. Negotiations are bound to be a lengthy and complex process, and they can hardly succeed unless a calmer atmosphere can be created than that which prevails today. Britain appeals again to all concerned to refrain from inflammatory acts and statements. Such restraint would be a major contribution to the attainment of the goal of peace.
11.	The British Government welcomes the news that the leaders of Egypt, Israel and the United States are to meet again before long. In the meantime Europe has not been inactive. Britain and its partners in the European Community committed themselves to search for common ground and to gain acceptance of the principles set out by their Heads of Government in the declaration which they issued at Venice on 13 June this year. We believe that these principles, and only these principles, can form the basis for a just and lasting settlement.
12.	I said earlier that the great majority of States Members of the Organization had been faithful to the Charter. I wish I could say "all". We are pledged to respect the sovereignty of others. We are pledged to refrain from the threat or use of force in international relations. Nine months ago both of those principles were violated by a country which is a permanent member of the Security Council. I refer, of course, to the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union. One hundred and four Member States voted in this Assembly to condemn it. Nine months later, no end to the conflict is in sight. One million Afghans have sought refuge outside their own country. Tens of thousands of Soviet troops remain there; but they have failed to subjugate the people of Afghanistan. Here, too, let there be a political solution—a solution which will remove Soviet forces from Afghanistan restore to the people of that country their sovereignty and their independence and enable them to choose for themselves how they shall be governed.
13.	The occupation of Afghanistan is not the only violation of the United Nations Charter that we have seen in Southwest Asia in the past 12 months. The detention of the American hostages in Iran is another. International law and common humanity require their immediate release. I take this occasion to remind the Iranian authorities of their obligation under international law to protect the rights of all foreigners residing in their country. I am, of course, especially concerned for those British subjects who are at present detained in Iran and to whom my country's representatives have been denied any access.
14.	Speaking of violations of the Charter, the United Nations surely cannot ignore the grave situation that has developed in the past 48 hours between two Member States. Judging by what they themselves have announced, Iran and Iraq are now in a state of undeclared war. I share the view and the fear expressed yesterday by the Secretary General that this conflict could have serious and unpredictable consequences and I echo his call for the utmost restraint, for an end to the fighting and for a negotiated settlement. This surely is no more than the United Nations has a right to expect from two of its Members. Therefore I welcome the fact that, on the Secretary General’s initiative, the Security Council will be meeting in informal consultations here this afternoon.
15.	Acts of terrorism against diplomatic and consular premises and staff have increased alarmingly in recent years. They threaten the basic fabric of international relations. It is our common duty and our common interest to condemn such acts and to ensure that international terrorism, whatever form it may take, is never allowed to achieve its objective. The British Government is glad that this session's agenda includes proposals to enhance the safety of diplomatic and consular representatives.
16.	An increasingly worrying phenomenon in recent years has been the mass exodus of refugees from their own countries. When the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees was set up as a "temporary" organization nearly 30 years ago, there were 1.2 million refugees in the world, mainly in Europe; there are now nearly 16 million refugees and displaced persons, principally in Africa and Asia—three decades of achievement by the international community. We cannot undo the tragedies that have occurred, but it is not too late to remedy their consequences.
17.	Let us take just one case, that of Cambodia. That country is a picture of the human misery that results if the Charter of the United Nations is not respected. The Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia have created tension and conflict in Southeast Asia. The stand taken by the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN] has my Government's full support. We believe that there must be a political solution but that there cannot be such a solution without the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Cambodia. That must be the first aim of any negotiations.
18.	Meanwhile, the United Nations is doing what it can to alleviate the plight of the people of Cambodia and of the refugees. I pay a tribute to the efforts of the United Nations agencies, the International Committee of the Red Cross [ICRC] and the many nongovernmental organizations which have mounted the relief programme in Cambodia, often in conditions of personal danger. By the end of this year, the joint UNICEF/ICRC operation alone will have spent some $500 million, or $100 for each Cambodian. But there are limits to what we can achieve by humanitarian means. So long as there is no political solution, so long will the suffering continue.
19.	Another area of tragic armed conflict is Namibia. Here too a political solution must be found by negotiation. But, unlike the position in the other area, here there already exists a plan approved by the Security Council and negotiations are already well advanced. The British Government remains firm in the belief that the United Nations plan provides the only sure route to a peaceful and democratic settlement with general international recognition. We shall continue to work with the Secretary General and the African States most closely involved to achieve the long overdue agreement on implementation of this plan.
20.	I have already referred to Zimbabwe's advance to independence and to membership in the United Nations. That has given my Government great satisfaction, which 1 know is shared by every Member of this Organization. But this new Member of our Organization needs more from us than congratulations. It needs substantial aid to rebuild its economy from the ravages of civil war. My own Government has pledged $180 million of aid to Zimbabwe over the next three years. We have cancelled $53 million of official debt and rescheduled the remainder on favourable terms.
21.	Although a number of other offers of assistance have been made, I do not believe that the international community as a whole has yet done enough to put Zimbabwe back on its feet. The damage resulting from years of isolation and of war is enormous. The expectations raised by the peace settlement are high. An international effort to underpin the political and economic stability of Zimbabwe during its first few years as an independent State could secure its future prosperity and enable it to play an influential part in Africa. I believe it to be of the highest importance that such an effort should be forthcoming in the months ahead.
22.	As regards South Africa, the British Government's view is clear. We consider apartheid to be morally indefensible and politically unworkable. But if change is to come peacefully in South Africa, it will have to be a step-by-step process. We shall not achieve change, peaceful change, by increasing South Africa's isolation, or by ostracism, or by threats. We cannot know how fast changes will come to South Africa, but there are voices inside the country calling for change and we should not ignore them. What the United Nations can and must do is to continue to remind South Africa that apartheid is a system repugnant to all Members of the Organization and incompatible with its ideals and those of the international community as a whole.
23.	I should like to turn now to the efforts which are being made to deal with the larger and more general threats to international security.
24.	Mr. President, a few days ago you made an eloquent appeal for new efforts to halt the arms race. As you reminded us, the hopes attached to the Disarmament Decade of the 1970s were cruelly disappointed: global military expenditure continued to grow and arsenals of weapons multiplied. This is a field in which there are no short cuts. In arms control, above all, realism is called for. A comprehensive and step-by-step programme of attainable measures covering both nuclear and conventional weapons is the only realistic approach. Declaratory measures are of very little value; what matters is concrete results. The British Government will continue to work for agreements based on balanced and verifiable agreements. As we do so, we shall remind those with whom we negotiate that in military matters the key to building confidence between nations often lies in a readiness to publish information on such matters as budgets and force levels. The more is known, the less is feared; the more is concealed, the more is suspect.
25.	Arms control agreements depend on the existence of a climate of trust; they cannot create it. That too is a matter of realism. Arms control must go hand in hand with security. This hard fact is reflected in the outcome of the Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.  I know that progress in negotiations on nuclear disarmament has been slow, and that is frustrating. But I see no reason why our common interest in preventing nuclear proliferation should be diminished in any way. The British Government remains fully committed to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and is playing a full part in the search for solutions to the outstanding problems and for a renewed consensus.
26.	We remain committed to the undertakings we gave in 1975 under the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.  We believe that the Conference process can and should play a valuable role in the management of international relations in Europe. But popular faith in this process has been shaken by the actions of the Soviet Union, not least its invasion of Afghanistan, which violated at a stroke all the principles of the Final Act. We approach the second review session of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, due to begin at Madrid in November, determined, first, to conduct a thoroughgoing review of the way in which the Final Act has been implemented and, secondly, to examine proposals for its future development.
27.	It should be clear from what I have said that the British Government continues to believe that the United Nations has an important role to play in the search for political solutions to the many problems that we all face. But if the Organization is to play that role, we must pay due regard to its structure and its management. We must be careful not to tamper with its institutions in such a way as to impair their ability to perform the functions assigned to them by the Charter.
28.	The Organization must set itself the highest standards of good management and economy. Here, obviously much depends on individuals. The United Nations is fortunate to have in its Secretary General someone who justly enjoys the respect of all Members and who in his tenure of office has set the highest standards. We must ensure that efficiency, competence and integrity remain the prime considerations in every appointment to the Secretariat. We must exercise restraint over the proliferation of meetings, which often only consume money and effort with no hope of practical results. We must make the best use of the institutions we have. And, at a time of worldwide economic difficulty, we must eliminate wasteful expenditure and curb the constant expansion of the Organization's budget. If new programmes are to be set up, we must find room for them by first identifying and then bringing to an end other programmes which are now obsolete or of little value.
29.	It is easy to expect too much of the United Nation, and it is too easy to decry its achievements. The United Nations provides the forum where ideals and realities come face to face. Our Charter embodies the ideals to which we should continue to aspire. The world supplies the yardstick by which to measure our progress. Our task is simple but gigantic: to seek year by year to bring the reality closer to the ideal.