At the outset, let me convey to you, Sir, my warm and heartfelt congratulations on your election
as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. Your experience
and wisdom guarantee the success of our endeavours. I would also like to convey
our delegation's appreciation to General Garba  who so efficiently guided our
proceedings at the forty-fourth session.

We reiterate our welcome to the newly born Republic of Namibia as an
independent State, thus putting an end to one of the most conflict-laden and unfair
situations in recent history. We also welcome the Principality of Liechtenstein as
a new State member of our Organization, and we reassure its delegation that we are
willing to co-operate with it in the common purposes that guide our presence in the
United Nations.

During the past year we have witnessed fundamental transformations in
international relations. The far-reaching changes that have taken place in the
countries of Eastern Europe and the commendable improvement in East-West relations
have made it possible to join international Public opinion in forecasting the end
of the cold war.

The reunification of Yemen has taken place. In a few days we shall witness
the unification of Germanys, which will put an end to the painful period of division
of its people and will solve this most glaring of the remaining issues of the Second
World War in Europe. We hope that in a not-too-distant future the presence of
Korea will further strengthen the universality of our Organisation.

We are also witno8sing the realisation of the hope for an end to racism and
discrimination in South Africa, the achievement of progress towards solving many
complex situations in South-East Asia and an almost complete return to democratic
rule in Latin America. These are all signs of the strengthening of the United
Nations, beginning with detente and the end of the policy of opposing blocs. They
also imply a renewal in the practices of United Nations organs and a return to the
spirit of San Francisco, free of ideological content exemplified by an age of
confrontation that we have already left behind. Here, we can but pay a special tribute
to Secretary-General Peres de Guellar, whose untiring efforts have contributed in
large measure to those achievements.

History, however, is not linear. The enormous progress made by the international community during this past year in reconstituting the spirit of San
Francisco has met a violent challenge. The invasion of Kuwait by Iraq has darkened  the light of this new era.

The Argentine people, together with the international community, is deeply
concerned and afflicted by this episode born of aggression and of disregard for the
most fundamental rules of international coexistence. My Government condemns Iraq's
aggression and, in conformity with Security Council resolutions, demands the
immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait and the
restoration of the authority of the legitimate Government of that country.

Another source of concern is the situation in which the Kuwaiti people and the
hundreds of thousands of foreign refugees in the area find themselves. My
Government urges Iraq to apply the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1977 Additional
Protocols regarding the protection of civilian persons in time of war and to permit
immediately all foreigners who wish to do so to leave Kuwait and Iraq.

However, we believe that these expressions are not enough, because we face a
new fact: the first challenge to the order that has emerged since the ending of
the cold war. This is a challenge that takes us back to a Past we wish to leave
behind - a past based on confrontation and the use of force which severely hampered
the functioning of our Organisation.

This is why we are opposed to those who propose aggression and terrorism, and in so doing we  favour the implementation of the operative mechanisms envisaged in
the Charter as the sole safeguard for the less powerful countries and as the
guarantee of peace for the international community.

It is in that context that my Government has decided to send a force, which
will join the international undertaking aimed at securing the implementation of
United Nations resolutions imposing sanctions against Iraq for its invasion of
Kuwait.

This action in the part of my government confirms its resolves to assume fully its international commitments. In the building of the post-cold-war world, all members of the international community, without exception, are responsible for keeping international peace and security, in accordance with the spirit and the letter of the charter.

Our endorsement of the principle of the peaceful settlements of disputes applies to another issue, one whose importance for my country is well known. I refer to the question of Maldivas islands. As the General assembly is aware my country has restored diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, thus initiating the process of normalization that is already bearing fruit.
This new situation is possible thanks to the political decision of President Menem to come to an agreement with the British government on a formula that protects the sovereign rights of Argentina
over the Malvinas, South Georgia, and South Sandwich islands, which cannot be relinquished. Its implementation enables us to advance in the strengthening of our bilateral relations while we search for ways and means to solve existing differences. The Argentina government
believes that this new climate between the two countries must also facilitate, at the appropriate time, the resumption of negotiations on sovereignty repeatedly called for by the General Assembly.

Meanwhile, both countries need to work out special and creative arrangements which, while adequately taking into account the interests of the islanders, will permit cooperation between the Argentine continental territory and the islands. This would allow us to solve the existing lack of contact, which is anachronistic and inconsistent with the current atmosphere of good will in the relations between Argentina and the United Kingdom.

The Argentina government once again expresses its political will to put an end to this situation of isolation and to comply fully with the General Assembly resolutions on the Malvinas Islands.

The solution reached in political situations of conflict provides clear  evidence that organization is fulfilling its ideas of peace and co-operation. My government is convinced that the United Nations can help to bring about a peaceful settlement of the international conflicts that still exist.

The new international situation will allow the organization to plan a relevant
role in the conflicts in the western Sahara and Cambodia. Special mention should
be made on the positive efforts of the five permanent members of the Security Council
in preparing the peace plan for Cambodia.

However, we are concerned that, in spite of the countless efforts and the progress achieved
towards the peaceful settlement of many regional conflicts, the international community is still in doubt because it has not found a peaceful, just and lasting solution to the question of Palestine. My government, which has joined in the efforts of the international community to find a peaceful and comprehensive solution to this question, considers that the United Nations should not fail to take advantage of the unique opportunity offered by the present international situation, so as to enable the Palestinian people to achieve the recognition and exercise of its legitimate rights through a just and negotiated solution.

Co-operation and dialogue must prevail over any other objective, so that all states of the region may be able to live together in peace and harmony. In addition, we believe that in order for Israel to realize that the United nations promoting a just an unbiased solution, it would be advisable to forgo the offending references based on analogies between Zionism and racism that emerge in times of confrontation and contribute little to the search for a constructive dialogue.

The process of democratic reform in Latin America will determine the role of
that region in the new course of world events. The establishment of newly elected
governments in Chile and Nicaragua, and the negotiations between the Government of
El Salvador and the rebel forces since the agreements arrived at in Geneva in
April, confirms this tread towards democracy , tolerance and political pluralism. At the
same time, we observe more and more often the far-reaching process of
economic reform and renewed initiatives for integration on the part of the Latin
American countries and of America as a whole, which allow us to hope that the
nations of this continent will move in the direction of development, modernization
and international security.

Argentina gives special relevance to the challenge implied in the commitment assumed with Brazil  to structure a common market to be completed towards the end of 1994.
We are striving to ensure that this initiative  will involved other sister states of Latin America also.

In a world that is constantly shrinking  as a result of technological progress, generating an international system that is increasingly interdependent and complex,
there is a need for transparent foreign policy actions that will generate trust in
relations between states. These relations must adapt to the fundamental changes in the political and economic criteria that prevail in the world. Whereas at the
political level we see that there is a irreversible tendency to reaffirm human
rights and pluralism, as against dictatorship and authoritarianism, which are
irreparably on the decline, at the economic level we see the reopening of markets
as against State interventionism and protectionism.

The domestic policy decisions adopted by the Government of my country since
mid-1989 coincide with these profound international changes, pursuing as they do
the strengthening of freedom and democracy, on the one hand, and the economic reform and the opening up of our economy on the other, all in order to fit
politically and economically into the new international reality.

In this new context, at the international level there prevails a clear
tendency to reform paralysing State structures to allow the demonopolization and
deregulation of economic activities and to create a competitive, productive system
as an indispensable basis for development.

Our Government joins in these trends with the firm resolve to become an
integral part of the global economy, in order to put an end to marginality and the dead
end of increasing indebtedness without development. This calls for an
adjustment of our rules of the game in order to reverse stagnation, making the
country a recipient of capital that may act as a dynamic force for our human and
natural resources.

Two systems were born in the post-war period, systems to which my country has adhered and
which should, in its opinion, be strengthened. I refer to the ones
born in san Francisco and Bretton Woods, which reinforce each other‘, since peace
and security are the basic requirements for stability and economic growth.

However, the confrontation between the two super-Powers prevented the two
orders from fully working. Today, the generalized accession of the socialist
economies to the main international financial institutions and the end of the cold
war are opening up a new chapter in the future of international co-operation,
making it possible to envision the configuration of one world, increasingly
integrated and co-operative.

In this context, we look toward an international trading system, free of distortions and barriers, one that may allow all members of the international community to become part of the global economy, according to their potential and possibilities. In this connection, the practice of subsidising the production and export of agricultural products - which is seriously affecting the efficient producer countries - must be avoided.

My country is taking part in the ongoing negotiations of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), in the belief that on them depends to a
great extent the multilateral solution to the expanding current trade conflicts and
the future of international economic co-operation. In the economic field also we
are facing a conflict between the law of the stronger, with a return to the trade
wars of the period between the wars, on the one hand, and, on the other,
multilateral agreements that reinforce the Bretton Woods system.

In the last few years the increasing need for co-operation between countries and their interdependence in respect of problems that transcend national boundaries
and demand broader and more co-ordinated responses -problems such as the
environment, human rights and drugs, have become characteristic of the
international system and offer a fertile context for international co-operation and
thy work of our Organization.

Environmental considerations make it necessary to identify models which can be
sustained without depleting the resources that feed them. We are fully aware of
the need to take, at the national level, every step that will ensure that future
generations enjoy the resources we have received. We also know that in many cases national efforts will not be enough in themselves, and we are trying to find,
especially at the regional level, a way to implement concerted and effective
conservation initiatives. Some serious problems, which have not, in general, been

caused by the developing countries , are of a global nature, and we are committed to
the common effort to halt deterioration and bring about environmental recovery.

The Conference on Environment and Development, whose preparatory work is under
way, will be a favourable arena in which to demonstrate the new spirit of
co-operation that is needed to solve shared problems.

Illicit trafficking in drugs can be affectively controlled only if all members
of the international community act in  a concerted fashion toward that end; in this
respect, my country has endorsed the political declaration and global plan of
action adopted during the seventeenth special session of the General Assembly
devoted to the question of narcotic drugs.

The individual and collective dimensions of human rights are complementary,
and come together for the benefit of human beings in such a way that civil and
political rights are as important as economic, social and cultural rights. we are
convinced that the former are no more  important than the latter - and indeed no
less important - and that the exercise of some cannot serve as a pretext for
denying the exercise of others.

The serious events that have taken place in recent weeks have created a
historical emergency, and we must therefore co-operate vigorously to make a world
which is safer in its search for peace. On this global scene, our Organisation has
a crucial role to play; we already possess the necessary structures for discussion,
and all we have to do is adapt the existing executive mechanisms. We must rely on
our collective imagination in order to find the fastest and safest way to that end.

we are witnessing renewed dynamism in the Security Council, which is
undoubtedly the result of a new philosophy of co-operation on the part of the
super-powers in respect of regional and international conflicts. It is imperative
for the work of the Council to be strengthened in an atmosphere free of mistrust and confrontation.

Once again, today the eyes of all the peoples of the world are on this forum,
aware and hopeful that the Organisation can contribute towards the creation of a  safer and more just world. This century has seen played out countless wars and
conflicts which made us doubt whether the principles of the Charter could be
enforced and whether it was possible to leave future generations a world free of
the scourge of war, a world in which the fundamental rights of man, the dignity and
value of the human person and the equality of rights between men and women and
nations great and small would be in force and observed. In the final years of this
century, the international community cannot fail to take up the challenge of
putting into practice the ideals of the founders of organisation.


As we express our appreciation of the way in which Major General Joseph Garba of Nigeria guided the work of the General Assembly as its President at the forty-fourth session, and as we pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and all his associates for their tireless work in the cause of international peace, allow me, an behalf of the delegation of Madagascar, to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session.
We welcome to the General Assembly the 160th Member of our Organization - the Principality of Liechtenstein - as well as the State of Yemen and the reunited Germany, each of which is represented by a single delegation.
In this year, which marks the 45th anniversary of the signing of the United Nations Charter, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar wishes to make a point of expressing once again its dedication to the purposes and principles of our Organization - notably, the sovereign equality of States, the primacy of international law, the peaceful settlement of disputes and avoidance of resort to the use of force or the threat of the use of force in international relations, and respect for the rights of individuals and of peoples.
Faithful to our position, we have always pleaded the sacred cause of the liberation of oppressed peoples the world over - something that must lead to the eradication of colonialism and of racial discrimination in all its forms. We have always fought for preservation of the identity of our people, refusing to become embroiled in bloc politics and zones of influence, notwithstanding the great sacrifices that that has entailed. But Madagascar's intangible principles, if they have strengthened its policies within the concert of nations, certainly have not facilitated its economic recovery, because its truly non-aligned, though committed, position did not further its co-operation with the wealthy countries.
In the same vein, we have been active in the cause of regional co-operation, South-South co-operation and more equitable international economic relations.
The increasing understanding between the two super-Powers continues to have positive effects so far as certain regional conflicts inherited from the cold war are concerned. After 45 years of division the two German States celebrated their unification on 3 October. On this road, rich in promises of peace and prosperity, they were preceded several months earlier by the two Yemens.
Elsewhere in the world, long-standing antagonists are rediscovering the virtues of negotiation. On the Korean peninsula, the meeting between the two Prime Ministers marks an important step in the process of bringing about a peaceful settlement of the question of Korea - a step that will contribute to the reinforcement of stability in that part of the world.
In Cambodia acceptance by the various parties of a comprehensive political settlement plan adopted by the Security Council, one which entrusts a central role to the United Nations, lends renewed impetus to the negotiation process. It can only be hoped that the Paris Conference on Cambodia will resume and will work out and conclude a comprehensive peace agreement.
Namibia's accession to independence, followed by its admission to the United Nations, has given considerable impetus to the quest for a negotiated settlement of conflicts ravaging southern Africa.
In South Africa we welcomed the freeing of Nelson Mandela, as well as the opening of negotiations between the South African Government and the African National Congress, which led to the issuance of a joint declaration envisaging significant measures likely to break the long-standing deadlock in the political situation. We express the hope that the process thus set in train will lead to the complete dismantling of the apartheid system, making possible at last the establishment of a democracy free from distinctions of race, within & united and non-racial South Africa endowed with a Constitution guaranteeing the legitimate rights of all the people living in the Republic of South Africa.
We have likewise been following with interest the talks between the various opposing parties in Angola and in Mozambique. We hope that these negotiations will succeed in bringing succour to the peoples of these two countries suffering from the ravages of civil war.
In Western Sahara the settlement plan embodied in Security Council resolution 658 (1990) should facilitate the holding of a referendum on self-determination for the Saharan people, a referendum organized under the aegis of the United Nations and in co-operation with the Organization of African Unity. Can one deduce from this quick overview of the international situation that the improvement in East-West relations is the panacea for all the difficulties? In other words, does the thaw in the relations between the two super-Powers mean that we have found an across-the-board political solution to the problems of the world? So far as we are concerned this is not obvious.
As a matter of fact, while the analysis we have just carried out is tempting and attractive, bringing with it a glimmer of hope, the destabilizing effect of certain regional crises and, above all, the gravity of the economic problems dictate that we tread warily and maintain some reservations. Hone of the processes under way has yet run its course or become totally irreversible. It is thus up to our Organisation to consolidate all these processes; otherwise, our efforts will have been in vain. All these problems must be resituated within a more general framework based on a comprehensive approach and a better understanding of international solidarity.
Within that context we have been following with disquiet developments in the tragic situation in the Gulf region since the inadmissible invasion of the State of Kuwait by Iraqi armed forces. President Didier Ratsiraka, in an official message dated 3 August addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, said the following on this subject:
"... we cannot but consider, in the name of the universal principles of international law, the invasion of Kuwait, like any infringement of the territorial integrity of a sovereign State, regardless of the reasons cited to justify such an offence.", (A/4S/379. p. a)
The immediate consequences of that act of aggression are stark indeed. The people of Kuwait are enduring the harsh conditions of an occupation or are in exile. The Iraqi people, having barely emerged from eight years of war, are liable for the proving ground for the most sophisticated weaponry and thus may be reposing themselves to annihilation. Hundreds of thousands of nationals of third countries have overnight become refugees and find themselves in dire straits. The hopes of the peoples of the third world, who had expected to benefit from the "peace dividends", are fading as they face the possibility of a world-wide economic recession.
The embargo and the drying up of oil supplies now needed for the sophisticated armada in the Gulf region, and the erratic increases in petroleum- and petroleum- product prices further exacerbates the difficulties facing third-world countries in their development efforts and deflects industrial countries' aid from its intended targets.
The concentration of military forces in that ultra-sensitive area increases the dangers of a conflagration with incalculable consequences.
Given the fact that the area of the Persian Gulf and that of the Gulf of Aden fall within the geographical definition of the northern part of the Indian Ocean, our analysis on the convening of an international conference under the aegis of the United Nations to designate the Indian Ocean a zone of peace remains as pertinent as ever. Some people, basing themselves on excessive optimism and the refusal to hold the Colombo Conference, have tried to make us believe that resolution 2832, on designating the Indian Ocean a zone of peace, has become obsolete and does not take into account the change in the climate of international relations.
In the light of developments, there are real risks of confrontation in that area. That is why we ask all the parties concerned to display maximum restraint in order to give diplomatic efforts a chance, and to see to it that wisdom prevails over the logic of war. Indeed, the current crisis must bring into play the responsibility of each State, whether it acts individually or as part of a community. This responsibility must first and foremost be base upon the logic of peace, particularly since provocations fro· a variety of sources in the region would become a formidable and even irreversible factor for confrontation.
Current events are further complicating an already extremely complex situation in the Middle East. In our view it is time for the international community to come to grips with all the ramifications of a settlement of the so-called Middle East question, a source of instability and of the denial of the fundamental rights of peoples who should be able to live there in peace and security.
The convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East under the aegis of the United Nations in which the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) must participate on an equal footing constitutes the appropriate framework for settling the Palestine question. The swift pace at which the Security Council responded to the Iraqi aggression demonstrated that the Council can, when it wishes, display unity and firmness. None the less, it must be acknowledged that there are many cases of flagrant violation of international law that have gone unpunished.
It is difficult to rid oneself of the impression that the United Nations in general and the Security Council in particular are used by their most influential Members when it suits their interests. The concept of the right of veto held by the permanent members of the Council is increasingly perceived as being antithetical to the concept of democracy within the world Organisation - a concept that is indispensable to the existence of support on the part of the majority of its Members now that the historic framework that gave rise to its institution has been superseded.
In the final analysis, it is appropriate for us to take a fresh look at the role of the United Nations and the Security Council within the framework of the sort of democracy everyone is espousing around the world and the sort of democratisation they are seeking to impose while ignoring the national identity of a particular State. It would be appropriate to define a framework within which international solidarity and genuine political co-operation night become manifest and thus we night envisage a system of consensus for settling all such problems.
The optimism that has been created by the improvement in the international political climate is being weakened by an absence of simultaneous progress in the economic sphere. It is not certain that the hopes for political peace can endure so long as the world economy remains fragile and subjected to fluctuations that we night qualify as  crisogenic - if you will pardon the neologism.
Indeed while promising prospects, seem to be opening up among the major Powers, it must be recognised that the overwhelming majority of people are still living in conditions of malnutrition, hunger and poverty.
Ever since the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly the members of the international community have been committed to promoting growth and development on the global level and to guaranteeing to poor countries the conditions and the means for their development. Furthermore, a promise has been made to resume dialogue from a political perspective.
We support the proposal to convene a meeting of the Economic and Social Council at the ministerial level. Indeed we still feel uneasy inasmuch as the structural changes under way in the countries of Eastern Europe will involve e major revision of the allocation of the resources earmarked for expenditure tied to aid for development budgets along with a modification of the structure of world economic activity.
The fact is that most third world countries have courageously undertaken reforms aimed at establishing the political and social conditions necessary for re-launching economic growth, notably in conjunction with structural adjustment programmes. These programmes must take into account, not only the economic and social realities of each State, but also those political choices that are rightly to be made by our peep?, in the exercise of their freedom.
The political transformations that have taken place in the countries of Eastern Europe have been too hastily attributed to political liberalisation. But is that sufficient reason to envisage the transfer of a phenomenon that is so narrowly limited in time and space to the States of the South with a view to prescribing new strings to be attached to aid, including what is called readiness for democracy? By all means let them call for the bringing about of a climate of confidence in third world countries; yes, but why refuse to trust the capacity for political creativity of States by prescribing an alien model for then? That in why we feel it in urgent to appeal to the international community for respect to be shown for our identity within the context of sound and healthy competition.
Our world in undergoing a complete change. A tempestuous era in dawning, because times of change are the most tumultuous. There in an awareness that one world has come to an end and there in an impatience to reap the fruits of that change immediately. We must therefore exercise care and prudence as we face the future, in order to avoid being overtaken or even overwhelmed by it.
All the events that have taken place over the last several years, in particular the rapid pace of change in the countries of the East, heighten the risk of having attention diverted from the South to the detriment of the South. It is all very well to proclaim that nothing has changed in terms of aid to third world countries, but in the light of the reactions we are witnessing today we cannot but voice doubts and fears. Thus in the face of panic in international relations we make an appeal for shared solidarity between the North and the South, and among those of us in the South, thus ensuring the future for mankind.


It is a special pleasure for me to speak at this session of the General Assembly, which also marks the forty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Likewise, it is an honour for me to congratulate you warmly, Sir, on your election to the lofty post of the presidency of the General Assembly and to wish you every success in fulfilling this noble task.
We have come to this important meeting with the desire to contribute, within our possibilities, to the strengthening of the spirit of international co-operation and the safeguarding of peace and security for all countries and peoples, big or small.
The year that has elapsed since the meeting of the previous session of the General Assembly was replete with events which at times inspired hope and at other times were threatening. However, in the final analysis, there is hope that at last - on the eve of the twenty-first century - mankind will achieve the solution to conflicts by reason instead of force, co-operation instead of confrontation and understanding instead of mistrust.
It is very encouraging to see that, despite many difficulties, the concept is gaining ground that the security of peoples and nations can be real and permanent only if general security is established for all, just as political detente can have a solid basis only if the gap of unequal economic development among various countries is narrowed and if the poorer countries are assisted in embarking upon the road to modern development and the utilization of the material and spiritual values of our time.
Certainly, the various political, ideological, economic and social conflicts have not abated, nor have the causes and factors which gave rise to them been eliminated. Nevertheless, what is important is that a general consensus is emerging to the effect that international problems cannot be solved, nor can threats and dangers to peace and general security be eliminated, through old concepts and methods.
We should like to consider the process of the easing of tension - if it is to be crystallized and further affirmed with the active participation of the entire international community - not only as a major achievement, but also as a fundamental positive change in the building of new international relations.
In our view, what is happening currently in Europe, and what has taken on the name of the process of security and co-operation in Europe, is proceeding in that direction. Europe, with the situation on that continent and the relations among its nations and peoples, has been, at least up to this day, the source of most of the positive or negative developments in the world.
The hotbeds of the major conflicts, which then set the whole world afire, had their source here, just as did the origins of major political, ideological and cultural currents which have predominated over the centuries. From the great European wars - with all their suffering and superhuman sacrifices - from the reflection of all European tragedies, illusions and disillusions, bold and noble initiatives have emerged to ensure that the peoples and nations of Europe may live together in peace and friendship.
Mine is a small country. The Albanian people, however, are among the most ancient inhabitants of the European continent. During the thousands of years of their existence, they have never attacked anybody, never provoked any aggressive war, never threatened or encroached upon the security of their neighbours. On the contrary, they have gone through flames and fire in order to preserve their existence and assist others. George Kastrioti-Skanderbeg, our national hero of the fifteenth century, has been and remains the symbol not only of the brilliant fighter for the defence of his own people, but also the first champion of European humanism and civilization.
History has not blessed the Albanian people, either in ancient or in modern times. But it has taught them that, for their freedom, independence, national sovereignty, originality and identity to be protected, they must boldly fight against and oppose any attempt to infringe these, just as it has taught them to support and back up all international actions and initiatives that contribute to the strengthening of peace and general security.
We based ourselves on this necessity, this reality, and this objective, when we opposed the policies of military blocs and divisions into spheres of influence, closed markets and neo-colonialist policies, the arms race and, in general, policies of interference, arbitrariness and diktat.
We have been, and continue to be, in favour of the democratization of international relations so that the voice of all countries is listened to and taken into account. It is true that the great Powers have special responsibilities for the maintenance and strengthening of peace. This, however, does not give them the right to dictate and impose a peace in accordance with their particular interests and political and ideological criteria. The norms of international relations, the position of States in their relations with one another and the maintenance of peace must be the fruit of the thought, experience and contribution of the entire international community and the consensus of all peoples.
In this context, we cannot fail to evaluate and consider as promising the changes that have taken place in the relations between the United States of America and the Soviet Union, the agreements they have concluded on disarmament and, in general, the way in which they view mutual and general security. If détente between the two super-Powers were to become global and extend to other fields - apart from that of armaments - this would be to the benefit of all.
Nevertheless, in the situation in which we find ourselves now we cannot say that the policies and practices produced by the bloc concepts have been overcome. Worse still, the arrogance inspired by the policy of strength, which is reflected in the continuation of attempts at imposing various models, standards and schemes of political or social development on others has not been relinquished either. Life has shown that pressure to make these standards and schemes compulsory for all countries has led to conflicts from which the world is suffering to this day.
Albania has followed with keen attention and hailed without hesitation the democratic processes now under way in Europe. We consider the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) - and our country has joined that Conference and has already taken part in a number of its activities - to be particularly important.
The Albanian people have at all times and in all ages shared the fate of the peoples of this continent. Precisely for that reason Albania regards itself as an active participant in the processes that are unfolding in Europe. It looks forward with interest to the Paris summit which, proceeding from the basic Helsinki Act and other CSCE documents, will decide on institutionalization of the CSCE.
Albania, which hopes to be a full participant in the Paris summit, will work in the spirit of the obligations deriving from it. All the efforts, initiatives or ideas aimed at liquidating the division of Europe into blocs and spheres of influence, or other forms inherited from the past, while respecting the freedom, independence and sovereignty of all peoples and countries, have the unreserved support of our country. Any proposal for and step towards the easing of tension, the strengthening of peace through dialogue and understanding, in complete equity and with mutual respect, and any decision or suggestion which might help defend human rights and national and democratic freedoms will also4have our full support.
The changes now taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, the complex and still-ill-defined situations that are being created in that large region, and the new and varied differences that are emerging - and one does not know the forms they will take nor their consequences - call for serious and wise reflection and action on the part of us all. The mere exaltation of democracy and human rights cannot be the magic key to the solution of the major, indeed we would say the dramatic, problems of those countries. It is obvious that in some countries this exaltation is leading to anarchy, decline and the degradation of political, social and economic life, and conflicts and clashes which could lead to civil war.
Like all countries of the world, the European countries too are at different levels of economic, social and other spheres of development, which are the result of their different historical roads of development and which, taken together, have also determined and conditioned their political way of life.
It would be desirable for all European countries to be at the same economic, political and cultural level. However, in our opinion, that cannot be attained, and contradictions and conflicts cannot be eliminated only by giving advice, no matter how wise it may be.
Life has shown that without the economic development of all countries, without fruitful co-operation that creates possibilities of advancement for others also, and without establishing among States sincere and equitable relations that exclude prejudice and interference in internal affairs of any kind, genuine security cannot be achieved, nor can democratic, progressive and permanent community among European peoples be created.
Changes in Europe have also led to the reunification of Germany, eliminating one of the most acute problems to have dominated European political affairs in the past 45 years. The right of the German nation to be reunited is a right that cannot be denied. The solution to such problems as that of the peaceful unification of Germany is also a good example for dealing with other problems of this kind which history has left for us to solve. Such solutions also contribute greatly to the democratization of international relations, the strengthening of peace and security and the creation of conditions for sincere and constructive co-operation among peoples.
Albania sincerely wishes that united Germany, which will be a great economic and political Power, will constitute a factor for peace and stability in Europe and elsewhere and help create a better future for our old continent.
In the context of the process of European co-operation and security, regional co-operation is also assuming particular importance. That is true of the process of Balkan co-operation, to which Albania attaches special importance; Albania is making every effort to make a maximum contribution to its advancement and success. We are fully convinced that this process not only assists in the strengthening of security and co-operation in that very sensitive region but also directly serves the cause of peace and stability in Europe and in the Mediterranean.
However, the Balkans also have their specific problems, which have caused them to lag behind in many respects and have prevented them from following current European trends and from being integrated into our continent.
The fundamental problem or, rather, the source of all conflicts, squabbles and hatred among the Balkan States during this century, has been that of national minorities. It is high time for the Balkan countries - and the democratic processes taking place in Europe and the whole world call for this - to tackle this problem with wisdom, realism and objectiveness. However complicated and difficult it may appear, if they set themselves the goal of transforming the minorities from a bone of contention into a bridge for communication and co-operation, ways and means of settling this problem can be found.
As far as Albania is concerned, it has the necessary good will and is prepared to make its contribution to the advancement of Balkan co-operation democratically so that it may serve the vital interests of the peoples of that peninsula.
One of the more acute and more disquieting problems in the Balkans today is that of the Albanians in Yugoslavia, with regard to whom the Government of Serbia is pursuing an open policy of genocide, which has been affirmed at many international forums and brought to the attention of world public opinion.
In Kosovo and other regions of Yugoslavia where Albanians live, crimes are being committed that would have been considered monstrous even in the dark days of the Middle Ages. The main point is not that Albanians are being denied their fundamental human rights, and, as is already known to all, are being violated most barbarically, but that Albanians are being denied their right to exist, their right to life. The illegal dissolution of the Assembly of Kosovo by Serbia, the occupation of the radio and television centre by the police, the banning of the Albanian press, the dismissal of thousands of Albanians and their replacement by Serbs are all clear expressions of the intentions of Serbian authorities to solve the problem of the Albanians through violence and terror, not dialogue.
The international community cannot and should not remain indifferent to this situation - particularly Europe, which, having drawn up the map of the Balkans at the outset of this century, has not only a moral but also a historical responsibility for the martyrdom of Albanians in Yugoslavia.
The Albanians in Yugoslavia, who represent the oldest indigenous population among all the peoples of that State, who are the third largest of the nations making up Yugoslavia, and who for centuries have lived on their soil in a compact territory, are demanding no more rights than are enjoyed by the Serbs, the Slovenians, the Croatians or the Macedonians. But they will accept nothing less. They want to be on an equal footing with all the other nations comprising Yugoslavia. The Albanians are demanding recognition of their right to self-determination. They want to live in a Yugoslav federation or confederation, if the other nations also favour those forms of government.
The right of nations to self-determination is one of the greatest rights mankind has gained, which is why it has been sanctioned in the Charter of the United Nations and has actually been transformed into one of the basic principles of the democratic processes taking place in Europe and the world in general.
As far as Albania is concerned, it is for relations of good-neighbourliness with Yugoslavia, for broader and all-around co-operation with it. We will strive for this now and in the future, and we wish reason and wisdom to prevail in the settlement of the Kosovo problem so that Serbia might not turn it into a conflict which could pose a threat to peace and security not only in Yugoslavia but also in the Balkans and beyond.
The Albanian people have always sincerely wished to live in friendship with all neighbouring peoples. Albania's good relations with Yugoslavia, Greece, Italy and other countries and its closest possible co-operation on the basis of mutual respect and benefit, constitute a fundamental strategic aspect of our foreign policy.
In this anniversary year of the founding of the United Nations, as we express our best wishes for its strengthening and advancement, Albania would like to reiterate its commitment to the United Nations and its Charter, and its support for the activities that the Organization carries out to the benefit of peace, security and international co-operation.
Our respect for and evaluation of the Charter of the United Nations is based on its expression of a democratic ideal on the regulation of international relations, an ideal that reflects the tragic experience of the devastating wars that have swept over Europe and the entire world in the course of this century and, in particular, the struggle of peoples, the Albanian people included, against fascism.
We believe the Charter of the United Nations and its proper implementation to be the best means of protecting and harmonizing the interests of sovereign States and peoples and the whole world community. If we abide by that Charter, various conflicts which flare up could be solved peacefully to the benefit of all concerned and general peace and security.
In our view, the significance of the United Nations is further enhanced now that many problems - such as disarmament, environmental protection, the war against drugs, great backwardness in the economic development of many countries, the protection of children and the development of education, science and technology - have become global issues that can hardly be settled through the individual efforts of one State or group of States. They can be settled only with the contribution of the entire international community. The United Nations can do a great deal on these issues. It is the most suitable place where ideas can and should be tackled, initiatives taken, and so forth.
The United Nations has rightly devoted particular attention to economic problems: assistance for reviving the economies of poor countries, for encouraging their progress and for easing their debt burden, which is a consequence of neo-colonialist expansion and the arms race. We hail the initiatives taken in those directions, such as the North-South dialogue, but maintain that the big industrialized countries, which have enriched themselves by the sweat and toil of the peoples of Africa, Latin America and Asia, have many obligations towards those peoples.
Steps already taken towards easing tension and solving many regional conflicts, and efforts under way to settle many international problems of concern to the world, have created an atmosphere that gives all mankind reason for hope.
But events such as Iraq's aggression against Kuwait spoil that atmosphere and raise obstacles to positive progress. Albania has condemned Iraq's aggression against and annexation of Kuwait. It has demanded, and continues to demand, the immediate withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait and respect for the freedom and national independence of that sovereign and peaceful State. Had it not been condemned, Iraq's aggression would have set a dangerous precedent.
Iraq must comply with United Nations resolutions and with the well-intentioned and constructive suggestions of the Arab States, and should put an end to its adventure. Withdrawal from Kuwait would benefit not only Iraq itself, but the Arab cause as a whole, which Iraq claims to defend and support.
The international community has adopted a correct stand towards the Iraqi aggression. But these events should not be used as an excuse for ignoring the Palestinian problem and the right of the Palestinians to their own homeland and their own State. The international community should not forget that right, the realization of which is the key to settling the Middle East conflict. Current events in the Middle East, negative as they may be, should serve as encouragement in that direction.
The Albanian people are working resolutely to build a better life for themselves. The path they have chosen of their own free will and in keeping with their own desires has brought them freedom and national independence and in the course of four decades has taken them from backwardness to modern life. The transformations that have taken place in Albania are in sharp day-and-night contrast with the past. That is no mere rhetoric, but a reality anyone can see.
This great advance required sacrifice and imposed upon us privations in many areas, all the more so considering that our development was carried out through a fierce struggle against the backwardness inherited from the past and against interference by external forces. Hardly any country suffered more than Albania from the cold war. Anger, pressure, threats and blockades, sometimes from the East and sometimes from the West, have almost constantly swept our tiny country on the shores of the Adriatic. We feel their consequences to this day, just as, not infrequently, we feel their revival. Now our country has embarked upon a new stage in its development. We must make more efficient use of the material resources in which our country is rich.
That requires up-to-date technology and highly-trained and emancipated people; it calls for promoting creative initiative and broader co-operation with other countries. Our people are working in all those directions.
What we call the deepening of democracy through the enhancement of the role of the masses represents a broad process of change embracing all sectors: the economy, politics, social relations within the country, foreign relations and so forth. We are not following that policy because it is in vogue or because it is being imposed upon us or for tactical motives. It is a necessity for our development and it meets the needs of our country. That is why our people understand and welcome it. It is a fundamental component of our socialist ideal of building a fair and democratic society in which every citizen will live by his own sweat and toil, free and respected, on the basis of his own contribution to the development and progress of his country.
I wish the General Assembly success in its work for peace, and assure you, Sir, that my country will spare no effort to help attain that lofty aim.


I have the honour to convey to you. Sir, and through you to all representatives the warm greetings and good wishes of His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, King of Bhutan, for the success of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
I should like to take this opportunity to extend to you the warm congratulations of my delegation on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. Given your wisdom and experience, Ī am confident that you will guide our deliberations to successful conclusions. I should also like to put on record our appreciation for the skilful manner in which Mr. Joseph N. Garba conducted the proceedings of our last session.
The comprehensive and incisive annual report of our Secretary-General deserves our highest commendation. People all over the world have c witnessed with gratification the potential of the United Nations and the realisation of the high hopes they place in it. That renaissance of consciousness in the Organisation is in large measure due to the unrelenting efforts of the Secretary-General and his senior colleagues in the United Nations system.
We are indeed living in challenging times. The rolling tide of change has reached unprecedented heights. Physical walls that divided peoples and nations have been reduced to rubble. Ideological barriers have been dismantled. Mistrust and hatred have given way to understanding and co-operation. Years of hostility between the super-Powers and their allies have ended. A truly new epoch has begun in their bilateral relations. In a remarkably short span of time, the world has seen an irreversible trend towards reconciliation between nations that not very long ago were bitter foes. Ws must encourage that growing trend towards reconciliation to ensure enduring global peace and progress.
The recent changes of historic proportion have led to an unprecedented integration of Europe. The unification of Germany, which we heartily welcome, has become a reality. We are confident that a strong and united Germany will make valuable contributions to Europe and the world. All this has opened up new opportunities for growth and development in the world. The positive fallout of the improved super-Power relations is also evident in the narrowing of differences in many regional conflicts and, in some cases, in their resolution.
Namibia is one telling example. Its independence and accession to membership of the United Nations early this year were the logical culmination of the long-drawn-out struggle against colonialism. Even in South Africa,, a new beginning has been made. The release of Nelson Mandela has effectively set in motion the inevitable process towards freedom, equity and justice. We hope the commencement of negotiations for a new constitution embracing power-sharing will soon lead to the establishment of a united, non-racial South Africa. Until much time as apartheid is abolished and a representative government assumes office, my delegation supports the continuation of economic sanctions.
The spirit of growing co-operation in international relations is evident in the fact that the five permanent members of the Security Council are joining hands to end the Cambodian tragedy. We appreciate their initiative and the efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations in the search for a lasting solution to the Cambodian problem. The framework defining key elements for a comprehensive political settlement agreed to by the five permanent members and subsequently endorsed by the concerned parties as the basis for settling the problem during the Jakarta Meeting gives cause for optimism. We welcome the establishment of the Supreme national Council as a prelude to restoring the country's independence and territorial integrity under a truly representative government. The situation in Afghanistan is being viewed with realism. The internal in-fighting resulting from the interplay of outside interests and counter-interests had relegated the concerns and sensitivities of the people of Afghanistan to the periphery and undermined the Geneva Agreements. We welcome the recent initiative of the two super-Powers to end the stalemate and we support any effort that will usher in a broad-based Government and bring about an effective and lasting solution to the problem.,
As the cold war draws to an end and the United Nations is set to play its central role in promoting international peace and co-operation, the time has come for the United Nations to settle the last remaining legacy of the cold war - the issue of Korea's membership in the United Nations. In today's international community, the Republic of Korea is the only country that remains outside the United Nations in spite of its strong desire to become a Member. The Republic of Korea has become an important member of the world community, maintaining diplomatic relations with 143 countries and enjoying full membership in most of the international organizations, including 15 specialized agencies of the United Nations. In our view, the admission of the Republic of Korea to United Nations membership should be determined strictly on the merits of the case and in accordance with the membership criteria set forth in the Charter. The question of the Republic of Korea's membership should not be subjected to extraneous considerations such as the resolution of inter-Korean issues. My delegation therefore strongly supports the admission of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations as a Member.
Peace and diplomacy, however, have not prevailed in the Middle East. Just as the world was beginning to trust and appreciate the emerging international order based on the rule of law, the confidence of the international community was rudely shaken by recent events in the Middle East. The blatant use of force by Iraq to settle its dispute with Kuwait is a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and the basic principles of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and is contrary to all norms of international behaviour. Respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of States are the cardinal principles governing relations among nations. Unless Iraq is made to disgorge its ill-gotten gains through the economic embargo and whatever other means the United Nations considers appropriate, no small State in the world will be safe in the future. And let us not forget that the vast majority of United Nations Members are small States.
The manner in which the Gulf crisis is resolved will determine how the international political order will be maintained in the post-cold-war world. In that context, it was heartening to hear the United Nations speak with one voice when confronted with that great challenge. Squally significant was the first joint crisis-management exercise by the super-Powers. That is manifest in the various Security Council resolutions that have been adopted and which we fully support. At last we have seen the Security Council emerge from the shackles of the cold war to play its role as envisaged by the founding fathers.
My country has joined other peace-loving nations of the world in condemning Iraq's aggression and calling for its immediate and unconditional withdrawal from Kuwait. We do not recognize the Iraqi annexation of the State of Kuwait, We uphold the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait and its legitimate Government of His Highness Sheikh Jaber AI-Ahmad AI-Sahah, Amir of Kuwait. We call upon Iraq to abide by the Security Council resolutions and settle its differences with Kuwait by peaceful means through dialogue and negotiation.
The first crisis of the post-cold-war era is a sobering shock. Must the world order so assiduously built over the years disintegrate in one misadventure? This calls for some mechanisms designed not only to settle disputes but also to anticipate and prevent conflicts. In his 1939 report on the work of the Organization, our Secretary-General said: "Efforts to prevent possible conflicts, reduce the risk of war and achieve definitive settlements of disputes, whether long-standing or new, are part and parcel of a credible strategy for peace." (A,44,1, p. 10) Those wise words merit our unconditional support. We believe the United Nations should play a central role in creating this collective security structure. In this connection, we fully support the proposal by the Foreign Minister of the USSR, Mr. Shevardnadze, to reactivate the work of the Security Council's Military Staff Committee. Such a body would not only enable the United Nations to enforce its decisions but provide a mechanism for preparing and co-ordinating action.
To digress slightly, I wish to express our deep appreciation and admiration for the brilliant address by Mr. Shevardnadze at the current session of the General Assembly. His perceptive and visionary remarks do credit to him and his great leader, President Gorbachev, who through their great statesmanship have done more than anyone else to usher in a new and more humane political order in the world.
The saga of the Palestinian people's struggle for justice and freedom continues. For almost three years the intifadah has survived against all odds and become a symbol of the resurgence of Palestinian nationalism. The world cannot afford to ignore it, much less deny it. My country has always supported the right of all nations in the region to live in peace within secure borders. This applies equally to the Palestinian people, who have every right to an independent homeland. In our view, the present Gulf crisis once again underscores the urgent necessity for settling the Palestine question. Unless this is done, the Middle East, with its vast oil reserves, will remain a constant threat to world peace and stability. In this regard, we call for the early convening of an international conference for the settlement of the Palestine question.
The theory of containment and deterrence has lost much of its appeal and relevance. As the paranoia and misconceptions prevalent in the super-Power relations during the cold war have disappeared, the entire perception of their traditional security arrangements has undergone a dramatic change. They are now engaged in a highly constructive dialogue on disarmament, dispelling the threat of a nuclear holocaust. Sadly, however, while the super-Powers' dialogue has entered a productive phase, it is ironic that there should be a drive by many countries to increase their arsenals of war. Apart from the uncertainty over the extent of nuclear arms proliferation, definite evidence of the acquisition of chemical and bacteriological weapons by a large number of countries has emerged. Equally unfortunate is the massive diversion of resources by the developing countries for military expenditure at the cost of the basic needs of their peoples.
The thaw in the cold war and the expected peace dividend offer the opportunity to underscore once again the relationship between disarmament and development. The time is now opportune to reduce defence expenditure and divert the financial and other productive resources to the solution of urgent global problems. We hope the international community will give meaning and substance to the concept of development through disarmament and not use the present uncertainties to restore defence expenditure. In this spirit, we reiterate our call to convene a fourth special session on disarmament.
Many hold the view that the achievements in the political arena have not been matched in the field of economic co-operation. The world economy still dismays pervasive uncertainties. The wall that divides the developed and the developing countries is firmly in place. Their relations continue to be affected by severe disparities and inequities. We, however, believe that there is reason not to despair, developments over the past year have opened up new and exciting opportunities. The increasing co-operation between major Powers, the integration of Eastern European countries into the world economic system and the relatively peaceful international climate have generated a greater willingness to deal with the problems of the current world economic system.
The consensus to convene a World Conference on Environment and Development in Brazil in 1992 and the establishment of the Preparatory Committee indicate a convergence of views among Member States on the vital question of environment. The urgent need for collective action is supported by a great deal of scientific evidence on the diminishing capacity of the environment to sustain life. These environmental challenges are no longer confined to nations or regions but global in scope, threatening the very survival of humanity. Indeed it is only the strength of our resolve to transcend our narrow national interests and act in global unity and harmony that will determine the fate of future generations. We hope the 1992 Conference in Brazil will be a watershed in international collective efforts to repair the damage and redress the ecological imbalances that threaten our fragile planet.
The World Summit for Children was a highly significant ,vent, for it was a reaffirmation of our obligations under the United Nations Charter "to save succeeding generations". The Summit was a solemn occasion to rediscover this truth and realign our focus on the needs of the children. It was also a recognition that human resource is both a means and an end to development. The joint commitment reflected in the Declaration provides a concrete step in ensuring the survival and well-being of children as a measure of successful development efforts. May I take this opportunity to commend the dedicated executive Director of the United Nations Children's Fund, Mr. Grant, for his untiring crusade on behalf of the world's children.
My delegation is happy at the outcome of the Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris recently. Although the Programme of Action adopted for the 19908 has not fully met the expectations of the least developed countries, the international community has made a strong commitment to arrest the further deterioration in their socio-economic situation and to reactivate and accelerate growth and development in those countries and to set them firmly on the path of sustained growth. My delegation would like to take this opportunity to urge the donor community to translate its commitments in Paris into concrete action. We have every confidence that the national effort, of the least developed countries, supplemented by adequate financial and technical assistance from the donors, will accelerate economic growth and improve the quality of life of the copies in the least developed countries by the end of this decade.
The road to development has not been smooth and easy for the Kingdom of Bhutan. One of our main national development objectives is economic self-reliance. In its realisation we face not only all the constraints of a least developed country but also the geographical handicap of being landlocked. Our remoteness from the sea adds to the high cost of transportation of all our goods and services. The creation of an internal transport and communications network in our rugged terrain to maintain an effective national link constitutes a formidable challenge. Given our situation, external assistance will thus continua to play a major role in our modernisation process, although it is our intention to keep such assistance to the bare minimum.
Here I wish to acknowledge the useful contribution of our development partners, particularly India, Japan, Switzerland, Denmark, Austria, Norway, the United Kingdom, Australia and the Federal Republic of Germany, and various specialized agencies and bodies of the United Nations, particularly the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF), the World Health Organization (HĦ0), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the United Nations Volunteers (UNV), the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA), the United Nations Department of Technical Co-operation for Development (UNDICD) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), in the realization of our development goals. They have played an active part in all aspects of our national life and moved us closer to our objective of economic self-reliance.
The 1990s is the decade of the future. What is done and left undone now will determine the quality of life in the future and perhaps even the very survival of mankind. Most propitiously, the recent past has seen great forces of reform and rethinking at work in international life. The notion that the United Nations was a theatre of debate rather than consensus, rich in rhetoric and poor in action, has been proved wrong. Even in the most compelling circumstances the United Nations has continued to be the navigating light, however dim, shining in the darkness, guiding mankind's path away from destruction. Multilateralism has provided effective answers to the many ills of our times. The United Nations has now re-emerged as the conscience of the world. It is certainly our best hope for the future. We must do everything possible to preserve and strengthen it for the sake of global peace and security, and for the well-being of all our peoples.


It is indeed a pleasure to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to your high office at such an important period in the history of the Organization.
As we proceed into the last decade of the millennium the recognition of one fundamental fact will penetrate and influence all spheres of human life: distance, measured in kilometres or miles, has lost its importance. The world is one. The challenges of our time require concerted policies and common action.
The instruments with which to formulate such policies and to implement such action are emerging. But the expanding rift between rich and poor contradicts the growing interdependence of our global community. Modern technology is bringing us closer year by year, but in living conditions we are drifting apart. The concluding years of this century must be marked by decisive action to create the instruments we need and to reverse negative trends.
There is one fundamental pre-condition for progress: we must proceed on the basis of respect for human rights and international law. Therefore, we must condemn Iraq's brutal attack on and occupation of Kuwait. Iraq's aggression is unacceptable. And it is more: it is a threat to our civilization and to the stability of all of us.
The Iraqi leadership hears the sole and complete responsibility for the dramatic situation that has been created. We must insist that law, and not brute power, prevail in international relations. There is no alternative. Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait. The legitimate Government of Kuwait must be restored. All hostages and foreigners must be allowed to leave Kuwait and Iraq. We support the resolute words of Presidents Bush and Gorbachev:
"Nothing short of the complete implementation of the United Nations Security
Council resolutions is acceptable."
Norway is participating fully in the international effort to implement the United Nations sanctions effectively. We shall continue to do so until justice has been restored. That will require firmness and patience from all of us. It will require a sharing of responsibilities to ensure the efficient implementation of the embargo, to alleviate the enormous human suffering and to reduce the economic difficulties that - for many countries ~ have been added to already pressing problems.
At its forty-fifth session, the General Assembly must and will assume its responsibility for the achievement of a peaceful solution in accordance with the resolutions of the Security Council. The Norwegian Government gives its support to the efforts of the Security Council, as we supported its decision on Tuesday to ensure an effective air embargo. At this crucial hour the world must stand united. United we stand; divided we fall. So we must use every opportunity to press for a peaceful solution on the basis of the Security Council resolutions. We cannot negotiate about fundamental principles of international law on which a peaceful world order must be built. On the day we agree to negotiate about such principles we shall all have lost.
If we fail, we shall all be responsible for the consequences. We shall all have to face them, not only in this particular conflict but in terms of a more fragile world. With the cold war behind us we have an unprecedented chance to build a new and more co-operative world order. By whatever we now choose to do we shall send important signals that will shape our future. If we stand firm, other aggressors will hesitate. If we yield, the threshold for new acts of aggression will be lowered.
The decisiveness of the Security Council represents a turning point in the history of the United Nations, demonstrating the will of the world community to revive the principles of collective security. The United Nations has been brought closer to what was originally envisaged in the Charter. That is an encouraging development, but the progress we have made is fragile. If we stay the course in this present conflict, then we shall have taken a giant and decisive leap forward.
We must also look beyond the present crises. The United Nations needs a stronger capacity to intervene. We need a thorough discussion on how to refine and develop the ability of the United Nations to secure international peace and stability, λ number of issues will be addressed. We must further enhance the role of the Security Council; we must create more efficient United Nations mechanisms, and not only for solving but for preventing conflicts; we must make maximum use of the good offices of the Secretary-General.
Allow me in this connection to express the admiration of my Government for the tireless efforts the Secretary-General has undertaken in a number of conflict areas. Those efforts have contributed greatly to the strengthening of the role and prestige of the United Nations.
Norway is among the traditional contributors of troops to peace-keeping operations. The potential of these operations, combined with diplomatic peace-making efforts and preventive diplomacy, must be further developed. We must also look more closely at the possibility of deploying the blue helmets in support of humanitarian relief operations in war-torn areas. A group of experts of the Nordic countries will now meet to examine ways to strengthen the peace-making role of the United Nations. Furthermore, the Soviet proposal for a standing international military force under United Nations control to deter future acts of aggression is also a valuable contribution to this debate.
Maintaining a broadly based consensus within the Security Council is, of course, a fundamental prerequisite for success. In its deliberations on the Iraq-Kuwait conflict, the Security Council has succeeded eminently in forging the necessary consensus and solidarity. The new era of co-operation between the United States and the Soviet Union has given the Organization new strength. To build this new climate of trust has required boldness and political courage by the leaders of both countries. Their efforts have our strong support.
The possibilities of the United Nations to play a truly constructive role in world affairs have increased. But the necessary financial foundation is still lacking. In his annual report, the Secretary-General points to the glaring gap between the expectations now placed in the United Nations and the resources put at its disposal. I urge those countries which are in arrears to the United Nations and to the special accounts for peace-keeping operations to pay their debt in full as soon as possible.
The process which led to independence for Namibia is among the most outstanding successes of the United Nations. I am indeed pleased to see Namibia finally taking its rightful place in this Hall.
In the rest of southern Africa we have also witnessed historic developments during the past year. We welcome the political process that has been set in motion by the South African Government and by the African National Congress (ANC). The agreement of 6 August is a milestone on the road towards a new democratic and non-racial South Africa.
President De Klerk and Nelson Mandela are displaying remarkable courage and foresight. The road on which they have embarked is difficult. But they must persevere. They must succeed in their search for a peaceful transition from apartheid to democracy. As soon as such profound and irreversible changes have taken place, we will respond positively and quickly and remove the international pressure, including existing sanctions.
Recent developments in Cambodia also give reason for hope. We welcome the establishment of a Supreme National Council and the agreement on a transitional arrangement until free and fair elections can be held. The agreements reached envisage an unprecedented role for the United Nations In this transitional period. This is imperative. The Cambodian people needs concrete guarantees that the inhuman policies of the Khmer Rouge will not again engulf Cambodia in suffering and tragedy.
The Iraqi aggression against Kuwait has completely overshadowed and harmed the efforts to achieve a solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian question. It is now essential to bring about an Israeli-Palestinian dialogue and to arrive at a just comprehensive and lasting solution to this conflict.
The winds of revolutionary change have swept over Eastern Europe. At last these countries and their citizens are free to decide on their own future. The continent is moving from the post-war era of containment to an era of co-operation. What has been achieved in an amazingly short time by the emerging democracies of Central and Eastern Europe deserves our admiration and respect. So does the foresight of the Soviet leaders who decided to stand aside and enable the peoples of the region to realize their yearning for freedom and democracy.
The process of German unification has been carried out with tremendous political courage and in full respect for the legitimate interests of others. We congratulate the two Governments and the German people on this historic achievement. Chancellor Kohl - and Foreign Minister Genscher in his statement yesterday - have emphasized their determination to build a European Germany and not a German Europe. We wish them success in this endeavour.
Hence, Europe is becoming whole and free. Through the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and on the basis of institutions such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Community, the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) and the Council of Europe, the nations of the continent are creating new structures of co-operation. The CSCE is uniquely suited to play a leading role in that endeavour. It must be transformed from a political process to an institutional framework.
The new era in East-West relations has created historic opportunities for disarmament and arms control. Prospects of an early treaty arising from the strategic arms reduction talks (START) providing for deep reductions in United States and Soviet strategic nuclear arms are promising. In Vienna, an agreement on conventional forces in Europe is within reach.
The historic changes in Europe tell us to be ambitious also in attacking the global issues, such as the elimination of chemical weapons and the prevention of nuclear proliferation.
The Gulf conflict demonstrates the urgency of putting the achievement of a global chemical weapons ban at the very top of our agenda. The chemical weapons threat must be eradicated once and for all. Intensified efforts are required.
In the field of nuclear non-proliferation, progress has already been achieved in the domain of nuclear-arms control. Article VI of the Non-Proliferation Treaty is being implemented. This should now pave the way for renewed efforts to prevent the emergence of additional nuclear-weapon States. A comprehensive test-ban treaty will, in our opinion, be an essential element in this respect.
In Europe, we have overcome the division of the continent. Political, economic and human resources, which for decades were absorbed in an unproductive East-West stalemate, can now be released for new and creative efforts. There will still be numerous problems to solve. But Europe cannot and will not become more occupied with its own affairs and less with its global responsibilities. On the contrary, the new Europe which is now emerging will have an even greater responsibility for meeting the global challenges than a divided continent could ever assume.
The creation of democratic and pluralistic societies has always been an important objective in the development policy of my country. The world-wide discussion which has emerged on issues of democracy, freedom of opinion, participation in decision-making, political pluralism and free elections is remarkable. It reflects the growing recognition of one basic fact: that in the long run, no government will retain its legitimacy unless it is a government by the people and for the people.
In several developing countries one-party systems are being questioned. I urge those countries to take the step from reflection to action by implementing rapid political and legal reforms. Initiatives in this direction will be given moral, political and economic support.
Democracy, human rights and sustainable development are inseparable. This has become increasingly evident. Economic efficiency and equitable distribution cannot be achieved if the rights and the potential of the individual are neglected.
Norway will attach increasing importance to the dialogue with our development partners on issues of democratic development, respect for human rights and popular participation in the development process. Decisive steps towards democracy and respect for human rights are the best guarantee for continued and broad popular support in the industrialized countries for development co-operation. Lack of progress could, on the other hand, negatively affect the willingness of donors to provide resources and support.
We all gain from a more comprehensive dialogue on these crucial issues. Let us always keep in mind that the building of democracy is a never-ending process. The final stone is never put in place.
The changes in East-West relations have also been accompanied by a narrowing of ideological differences in the economic field. Market-oriented policies have conquered the world. But the market is no end in itself. It is merely a means - the best means found so far - to achieve the most efficient allocation of productive resources. Helmut Schmidt once said; "Markets are like parachutes - they only function when open." But markets must also be monitored to ensure that they function effectively. They must be adjusted to achieve social justice. The German expression Soziale Marktwirtschaft - a social market economy - embraces all these dimensions.
No international economic environment, however positive, will alone be sufficient to obtain satisfactory results. Sound and efficient policies and determined efforts by the Government and by the people of each country to carry out reforms is a prerequisite for growth. This is about to be recognized. It was clearly visible at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, in April. The work on the new international development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade offers an opportunity to go farther in this direction. The new strategy must emphasize the importance of the human factor in development. No longer-term economic development is possible without a healthy, well-educated population; without a population that enjoys full civil and political rights, and without an environment which can mobilize each individual's potential and creativity.
Earlier this month agreement was reached on a comprehensive Programme of Action for the least developed countries. It builds on the fundamental principles of shared responsibility and on a strengthened partnership for the development of these countries. The international community cannot allow a further marginalization of the least developed countries. It is of fundamental importance to the success of this programme that its many concrete measures be fully implemented. We would have wished to see more far-reaching commitments on the part of the international community - not least with regard to targets for concessional aid flows. Nevertheless, the new programme will give fresh impetus to the social and economic development in the least developed countries.
But the debt problem remains acute. New and vigorous efforts to improve the debt strategy are required. This means increased resource transfers, more comprehensive debt reductions and more ambitious reform policies. In particular, the plight of severely indebted low-income countries calls for urgent action. The Norwegian Government has submitted proposals to Parliament which will provide some low-income countries debt reductions considerably beyond the Toronto terms of the Paris Club.
An urgent task in the environmental field is the achievement of more efficient decision-making procedures. To achieve an acceptable level of ecological security we shall need strengthened supranational institutions with decision-making powers confined with effective means for supervision, monitoring and control. The United Nations must be the cornerstone of such a system.
In the European and North American context, Norway is advocating that the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) must be used to mobilise Governments in concerted action to combat environmental degradation. It will have to do so in close co-operation with the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (ЕСЕ) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).
In the Bergen Declaration of May this year, Ministers set a new green agenda for the 1990s for the ЕСЕ region. The decision to base national and international policies on the precautionary principle is an important achievement. So is the agreement that the industrialized countries should take the lead in solving global environmental problems. Developing countries must be assisted by the financial resources and technology transfer enabling them to join the struggle. New ways of providing such additional resources must be identified.
Solidarity with developing countries through financial assistance must be a major issue - and result - of the process leading up to the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held in Brazil in 1992. Our common strategies must aim at integrating environmental concerns into the economic and social development process in all countries.
I urge the General Assembly to decide at this session - as a matter of the highest priority - on launching the negotiations on a framework convention on climate change. Such a convention must be ready for adoption at the 1992 Conference. Climate change is a truly global problem. It concerns all of us.
The world is experiencing a welcome revival of multilateralism. As the idea of collective management of our present challenges takes hold, we are faced with the need to strengthen the capabilities of international organisations. That will be the crucial teat. Narrowly defined national interests will certainly emerge as stumbling blocks. We must learn to adopt a long-term view for the common good; learn to accept majority decisions of operational significance for the management of the global challenges; learn to express our national interests in terms of firm commitments to the advancement of a common purpose.
The United Nations will have to carry a major part of that burden - to build awareness, to increase our knowledge, to formulate our common policies and to implement our common action. The Norwegian Government will participate fully, provide its contribution and give its firmest support.