I would first like to
congratulate Mr. Jan Eliasson upon his election to the
10

presidency of the General Assembly at its sixtieth
session. He has an important and challenging task
ahead. In carrying out his duties, he can be assured of
my full support and of that of the Maltese delegation.
I take this opportunity to express our appreciation
to the outgoing President of the fifty-ninth session, His
Excellency Mr. Jean Ping. The last 12 months have
demanded exceptional leadership and commitment
from the presidency of the General Assembly. I wish to
join others in congratulating Mr. Ping on the firm and
successful way in which he has guided this Assembly
in the preparations leading to the summit which was
just concluded.
The summit has passed on to us significant tasks
in the continuing endeavour to sustain and reinforce
the processes of multilateral cooperation. It is right that
we should take as the central theme of our discussions
the follow-up and implementation of the summit
conclusions.
In the light of the discussions our leaders had last
week, we approach these responsibilities all the more
inspired by the imperative for collective action. Such
action is incumbent on the international community, as
much in dealing with the short-term challenges it has to
overcome as in defining the long-term objectives
which it seeks to achieve.
Among the most immediate and visible
challenges confronting us is the way in which we
respond to the natural disasters which at one time or
another engulf peoples and societies around the world.
The past 12 months have produced awesome evidence
of the way in which humanity remains subject to the
forces of nature.
The tsunami late last year and Hurricane Katrina
only a few weeks ago are only the most prominent
among recent major catastrophes which intensify both
our sense of vulnerability and our sense of solidarity.
In extending our expression of grief and sympathy to
the Governments and people afflicted by such
disasters, the Maltese people have also extended their
offers of succour and relief.
While times like these remind us that nature can
be unpredictable in its ferocity, they also teach us that
it must always be treated with respect. If managed
responsibly, nature’s resources can improve our lives
considerably. However, if those resources are
ruthlessly exploited, humanity will be the ultimate
loser.
It is unfortunate but true that the blind forces of
nature are not the only cause of extensive suffering
among fellow human beings. Political and economic
developments, over which Governments, individually
or collectively, have at least some element of control,
are also factors in play. Nowhere are the combination
of natural and man-made causes more dramatic than in
those instances of unregulated and often tragic
migration flows.
Over the last few years, Malta, like many
countries, has been caught in the worrisome increase of
unregulated human trafficking across the
Mediterranean. In our case, as a small island with a
very high population density, the problem quickly
assumed crisis proportions.
Malta has a strong and longstanding commitment
to help those who need humanitarian assistance. We
shall stand by that. We are deeply conscious that long-
term action in this area needs to be premised on
profound respect for human dignity and strict
adherence to the rule of law, including international
humanitarian law.
However, the international community must not
allow the rights of refugees and persons requiring
humanitarian status in accordance with international
law to be undermined and prejudiced by international
criminal organizations specialized in human trafficking
activity. In our case, our ability to respond to genuine
cases is fast becoming overwhelmed by the huge
increase in illegal immigrants, who are the object of an
international criminal network of human traffickers.
Illegal immigration constitutes a collapse of the
international legal order and must be addressed
unequivocally by the world community as such in
order to ensure that the rule of international law is
restored in that regard. Countries of origin and transit
need to assume their responsibility to uphold the rule
of law by vigorously clamping down on international
criminal activity in human trafficking. The United
Nations and its agencies, particularly the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, are
called on to address this issue, which, if it is not
addressed, could prejudice the rights of genuine
refugees and persons qualifying for humanitarian status
in accordance with international law.
11

At the same time, the spirit of solidarity inspiring
action in this area needs also to be put to use in
addressing the roots of illegal economic migration, a
phenomenon that is harmful not only to the individuals
themselves — who fall victim to callous criminal
organizations, often paying with their lives — but also
to the economic and social development of the
countries of origin.
For that reason, we welcome the summit
statement reaffirming the principle of solidarity and
burden-sharing with regard to assisting genuine
refugee populations and their host communities. In that
context, we look forward to the General Assembly’s
high-level dialogue on international migration and
development, to take place in 2006. It will give us an
important further opportunity to discuss the
multidimensional aspects of that problem and identify
appropriate ways of dealing with them. Malta will take
an active and constructive part in that dialogue.
Last week’s summit provided important new
guidelines in many critical areas requiring collective
action. In the area of development cooperation, there
has been a rededication to the objectives first defined
in the Millennium Development Goals. Malta joins its
partners in the European Union in strengthening its
commitment towards increased and more effective
development assistance in the coming years. We have
set ambitious goals for the successful completion by
next year of the World Trade Organization’s Doha
Round of multilateral trade negotiations.
Malta’s national contribution will be
commensurate with its possibilities and its level of
economic development. Nevertheless, it will take
inspiration from our constant endeavour to strengthen
and enlarge the areas of peace, prosperity and security
for all peoples of the world. We will have a renewed
opportunity to reaffirm those commitments in
November, when Malta hosts the next Commonwealth
Heads of Government Meeting and assumes the
chairmanship of the Commonwealth for the next two
years.
Peace and prosperity must be rooted in human
dignity. Our leaders devoted a significant part of their
discussions last week to the question of human rights.
The summit decisions on this subject may not have
gone as far as some of us would have wished.
Nevertheless, they were an important step towards the
objective of equipping the United Nations with a more
effective institutional structure to deal with the defence
and promotion of human rights worldwide. In the
current session of the General Assembly, we will aim
to bring to fruition the summit’s decisions in the area
of human rights, especially the establishment of the
Human Rights Council.
Another area where questions of human dignity
are of paramount importance relates to the principle of
the responsibility to protect. Our leaders have taken a
brave step by reconciling the different strands of that
principle, which seeks to encapsulate an important
moral duty in the development of the law of nations.
Respect for State sovereignty, the strict parameters on
the use of force and the overarching commitment to
respect and defend human dignity and the right to life
owed to all individual human beings are all vital
aspects of the decisions taken by the summit in this
regard. Further work in that area must continue to be
inspired by the sense of solidarity which is shared by
people around the world and the common, worldwide
ethical responsibility to act to defend the innocent.
Effective post-conflict peacebuilding is an
important dimension in which the international
community can give practical expression to the notion
of collective responsibility. We therefore strongly
welcome the agreement to establish the Peacebuilding
Commission, which underlines and reinforces the
United Nations capacity in the area of peacekeeping
and peacebuilding. That is an area of international
cooperation where the interface between action at the
regional and global levels is critical. The task entrusted
to us by the summit to finalize the modalities of the
Peacebuilding Commission by December this year is
among the most far-reaching responsibilities of the
current session of the General Assembly.
Another area where international cooperation is
especially important concerns the fight against
terrorism. Notwithstanding the differences that might
remain on the precise interpretation and scope of the
concept, there is a widespread commitment to resisting
and eliminating that outrageous and horrific attack on
the everyday order and serenity of life in our societies
and the right of ordinary people to a secure and
peaceful life. On the basis of that recognition, we urge
immediate steps to intensify and expand concrete
actions that respond to the immediate concerns of our
citizens. The elements of a counter-terrorism strategy
announced by the Secretary-General earlier this year
provide a useful pointer in the right direction.
12

We need to take our collective action against
terrorism further. Malta believes that no terrorist action
is ever excusable, and our action against terrorism must
be unequivocal, firm and decisive at all times and in all
instances. However, we must deeply analyse and
examine the roots of the problem. In particular, we
must not be passive when we see situations around the
world where States have been unable to provide a
social welfare net for their peoples and where, as a
consequence, the poor and the desperate conglomerate
around extremist organizations, which may also
practice terror while simultaneously providing welfare
assistance to strengthen their popular base. Social
responsibility for the provision of welfare should be in
the hands of the State, which represents society in all
its diversity. In my view, it is imperative that
international development programmes should also
have that particular focus. The ultimate objective of the
current session of the General Assembly should
continue to be progress towards the conclusion of a
comprehensive convention on international terrorism.
Aside from agreeing on a new set of tasks and
measures for reform, at last week’s summit our leaders
reaffirmed and further developed the concepts and
principles that lie at the heart of the United Nations.
Those concepts and principles will inspire the
deliberations of the Assembly’s current session as it
considers the many specific issues on its agenda.
Issues of peace and security are a major part of
that agenda. They are particularly poignant today, the
International Day of Peace.
Malta welcomes the recent evolution of the
situation in Palestine, marked by Israel’s
disengagement from the occupied territories in Gaza
and parts of the West Bank. We urge the parties
concerned to maintain the momentum for peace that
has been created. We acknowledge and salute the bold
and tough decisions taken by both the Israeli and the
Palestinian leadership, which are making this
development possible. We have a clear sense of the
complexities and sensitivities involved for both sides
in pursuing their respective actions.
Together with our partners in the European
Union, Malta wishes to encourage this latest
development as a path towards the full resumption of
the Middle East peace process. This calls for a
continuing determination by both sides not to allow
obstacles to stand in the way of their carrying out the
next set of actions called for under the Quartet road
map: Israel’s freezing of all settlement activity, and the
cessation of all violent attacks by Palestinians against
Israelis everywhere.
We are convinced that the ultimate objective —
the existence of two neighbouring, viable sovereign
States, living in peace and security, is within reach and
certainly worth the effort and sacrifice involved at this
stage.
In the Mediterranean, regional cooperation
continues to be strengthened through the Barcelona
process and other initiatives for subregional
consultation. Within the broader framework of the
European Neighbourhood Policy, countries to the north
and the south of the Mediterranean are working
together on a wide range of actions to further peace,
prosperity and progress in their region.
Those actions include areas of primary interest
for Malta and its immediate neighbours, such as the
management of migration flows, the promotion of
human rights, democratization, counter-proliferation
and counter-terrorism efforts, the acceleration of
increased market integration and the objective of
improving the social and economic living conditions of
all peoples in the region, especially the most
vulnerable among them. The further economic, social
and political integration of the Euro-Mediterranean
region is the primary challenge of the countries
belonging to it and would have beneficial
consequences for the international community as a
whole.
Malta is particularly interested in developments
relating to the future enlargement of the European
Union. Following the entry of Bulgaria and Romania in
2007, the next stages of that process could encompass
a number of countries in our region, such as Croatia
and Turkey. Malta believes that the further enlargement
of the Union would provide an impetus for positive
reform in European countries in general and for the
creation of a wider European area of peace, stability,
democracy and human rights dedicated to the
prosperity of its peoples in a spirit of solidarity.
Malta welcomes the fact that the European Union
is increasingly acting as a promoter of peace and
cooperation in regions beyond its immediate vicinity.
That is the case with regard to the framework for wider
cooperation provided by the Strategic Partnership with
the Mediterranean and the Middle East.
13

The expansion of political rights and political
participation is an essential dimension of the broader
strategy to combat extremism in its various
manifestations throughout the world. Malta welcomes
the intensifying transatlantic engagement in this regard
which, especially in the Middle East, seeks to foster
wider participation in support of home-grown
economic, political and educational reform efforts for
societies in the region.
The European Union is also cooperating
increasingly with the African Union in the
implementation of actions and decisions agreed within
the framework of the United Nations. We hope that that
encouraging development will further reinforce the
many peacekeeping, humanitarian relief and
reconciliation efforts under way in many parts of the
African continent.
The institutional set-up and functioning of the
United Nations have been the subject of intense
scrutiny in recent months. This has laid bare some of
the weaknesses of our Organization. At the same time,
it has highlighted the many areas in which our
Organization is playing a unique and indispensable role
in the process of multilateral cooperation. Regrettably,
instances of human and institutional failures have been
brought to light. At the same time, the much larger
number of instances where the institutions are working
well and where individuals are acting with admirable
commitment and dedication have also been given
prominence. In particular, developments in recent
months have placed in a sharper focus the commitment
and dedication of the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan,
in carrying out his exceptionally complex and
demanding task.
I would like to take this opportunity to express
our deepest admiration and support for the Secretary-
General for the major contribution that he has been
making towards effective multilateralism and respect
for the international rule of law.
Our challenges have never been as global as they
are today. Recent natural disasters have emphasized to
all of us our vulnerability as the human race.
Globalization in all its aspects, including global
communication, has not only brought home to us the
immediacy of events and information, but has also
further accelerated dynamic change in all aspects —
political, economic and social — in all societies on
Earth. The situation of constant flux and dynamic
change further increases the need for the United
Nations to be a reformed, effective focal point for the
international community, one that is ready to respond
to, and proactively work to meet, the challenges of
peace, security and development.
This year, which marks the sixtieth anniversary of
the United Nations, it is useful for us to approach the
exercise of reform keeping in mind the words of the
Secretary-General in his report, “In larger freedom”,
that
“the principles and purposes of the United
Nations, as set out in the Charter, remain as valid
and relevant today as they were in 1945, and that
the present moment is a precious opportunity to
put them into practice”. (A/59/2005, para. 153).


On behalf of the Republic of
Somalia I am very pleased to address this summit here
in New York marking the sixtieth anniversary of
United Nations and the fifth anniversary of the
Millennium Summit, which agreed on a number of
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to reduce
poverty by 50 per cent by the year 2015. We believe
that the eight MDGs are desirable and lofty ones, and
we fully endorse them. Unfortunately, given the
circumstances of conflict in Somalia, we are unlikely
to attain all of them. However, we are confident that
some progress will certainly be made.
With regard to the reform of the United Nations,
Somalia has committed itself to the position taken by
the African Union (AU) at Sirte, Libya.
I would like to take this opportunity to reaffirm
Somaliaís appreciation for, and approval of, the United
Nations 60 years of progressive work to maintain peace
while concurrently achieving incremental progress
towards a more equitable and liveable world. The
history of the United Nations involvement in Somalia
is a good example of its invaluable role in helping the
emerging nations of the world. Despite momentary
setbacks, the United Nations has taken a laudable role
at each juncture of Somaliaís history, from colonialism
to independence and throughout our nationhood.
Nothing better demonstrates the importance of
the United Nations than the nurturing role it played
during the sad days of our 15-year-long civil war.
While assisting the destitute and providing safe
sanctuary for an exodus of Somali refugees to
neighbouring countries and elsewhere, the United
Nations had the political will to invoke the morally
compelling doctrine of humanitarian intervention,
thereby successfully reversing a calamitous famine that
could potentially have wiped out millions of Somalis.
Moreover, during the two years that the Somalia
National Reconciliation Conference met at Nairobi,
Kenya, the United Nations played a helpful role in
successfully finding a lasting and comprehensive
settlement to Somalia's political crisis. The current
Transitional Federal Government of Somalia is the
outcome of that political settlement. Allow me to
restate here Somaliaís indebtedness and profound
appreciation to those who selflessly helped us during
the Somali National Reconciliation Conference, as well
as to those who continue to help us in our current
pursuit of a peaceful and well-governed Somalia.
Among others, special gratitude goes to the African
Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development, the League of Arab States and the
European Union, as well as to the Government of
Kenya, for patiently and generously hosting and paying
for our long peace process.
25

With regard to relocating to Somalia, the nascent
Transitional Federal Government could not just sit by
and wait until the international community acted. It
therefore took the daring unilateral initiative, on
13 June 2005, to relocate itself from Nairobi to
Somalia with minimal help. To the dismay of most
sceptics, the massive relocation scheme was completed
without any incident. The entire Government is now on
Somali soil. It is my judgement that we owe a status
report to those who earnestly wanted to witness the rise
of Somalia from the ashes. That report will also be
useful to those who may continue to doubt the
effectiveness of the Transitional Federal Government
in extricating Somalia from its current predicament of
chaos and lawlessness.
The Government has continued to tackle the
daunting tasks inside Somalia at a much faster pace
than the international community could have
anticipated. What is significant here is that the
Transitional Federal Government is being helped by a
hidden hand that most observers and political analysts
of Somalia have typically regarded as a wild card or a
totally incalculable factor. They have never clearly
understood the importance of correctly accounting for
the level of popular support that the new Somali
Government enjoyed upon relocating to Somalia. The
high popularity of the Transitional Federal Government
within Somalia turned out to be so strong that the
Government owes its very survival to the admiration
and active support it receives from the local
population. That factor alone has proven to be more
crucial to the survival of the Transitional Federal
Government than any other form of assistance.
With the support of its citizens, the new
Government has already proceeded to consolidate the
gains and the outcome of the reconciliation process,
with the aim of addressing the formidable expectations
of the Somali people. As a result, I can confidently
report to the Assembly today that our efforts at
reclaiming Somalia from its lawlessness are already
under way and have already produced concrete results
on the ground.
The Government has made phenomenal progress
in the little more than three months since its relocation.
Progress has been made in the recruitment and training
of a modest security force comprised of personnel from
all of Somaliaís regions; in the extension of State
authority over much of Somalia; in winning the
allegiance and support of regional leaders and the
Somali public at large; in earning and assuming the
moral leadership of the nation through responsible
governance and peaceful means; and in creating
overarching political momentum that powerfully
augurs for the sure attainment of durable peace and
continuity in Somalia.
Contrary to the fears some may have had,
therefore, the advent of the Transitional Federal
Government did not turn out to be some kind of cruel
hoax or yet another false start for Somalia. The
sensible actions undertaken by the new Government
inside Somalia have already established its legitimacy
and the kind of moral leadership it enjoys inside
Somalia. The Government is serious and committed to
the basic social contract it made with its citizens,
namely, to guarantee peace and security to its people in
return for the allegiance they have already conferred
upon their Government.
There is clearly a unique chance for the
Transitional Federal Government to restore normalcy,
legitimacy and lasting peace to Somalia. Regrettably,
however, the situation is not tenable in the long term.
The challenges that are hampering the Governmentís
efforts on the ground are all related to the indifference
of the international community. We believe that the
international community has a moral obligation to help
the new Somali Government in its quest for peace,
stability, territorial integrity and unity in the country in
a manner consistent with the United Nations Charter.
Now is the time when the international community
must assist Somalia in a strong and decisive manner by
addressing the following three challenges.
One of the challenges for the new Government is
that most of the international community has yet to
honour its obligations with regard to ensuring a
peaceful and well-governed Somalia. Even much of its
initial cheerful pledges to provide material and
financial support to the Government have yet to reach
us. Consequently, its actual role in our efforts on the
ground remain very confusing to us. We do not
understand the new ambivalence of the international
community, which seems to have moderated its initial
enthusiasm to offer Somalia a consolidated rapid
assistance programme.
In order to address that situation, the international
community must help Somalia by providing the
necessary financial and political support for the rapid
rehabilitation of infrastructures to house the new
26

Government, to provide for budgetary and other
administrative expenditures, and to tackle the security
issues such as recruiting a national police force,
pacification programmes and the implementation of
demobilization, disarmament and reintegration
programmes.
Another puzzling and more serious problem for
the new Government of Somalia is the United Nations
arms embargo on Somalia. The embargo directly
undermines the Governmentís genuine efforts to form a
national security force ó to which it has an inherent
right in order to protect the public and keep the peace
by enforcing law and order throughout Somalia. In
addition, it discourages friendly countries that are
willing to offer help to Somalia from doing so,
especially in the areas of security and the rule of law.
Moreover, the embargo has delayed the formal
deployment of the African peace support mission in
Somalia, whose mandate is to protect the Government
and its premises during its capacity-building stage as
well as to help the Government form and train national
security forces.
It does not make sense to help Somalis reach a
comprehensive political settlement of their long
conflict while at the same time denying them the
ability to build the institutions through which they can
overcome lawlessness in their country. With the
creation of the new Government and its relocation to
Somalia, the political conditions and realities that
prompted the United Nations to impose an arms
embargo no longer prevail. Whose interests and
purposes does the embargo continue to serve now that
there is a legitimate Government functioning in
Somalia? In the same vein, in reflecting on the absurd
position of a nation or Government whose capacity to
institute its own law enforcement bodies is neutralized,
one wonders what the political or moral relevance of
keeping Somalia handcuffed by the old embargo can
possibly be? To address that predicament we call on
the Security Council to assist the efforts of the
Transitional Federal Government to stabilize the
country by reviewing the merits of the arms embargo
on Somalia and promptly lifting it.
Finally, the disintegration of the State and the
absence of law and order have led to widespread
criminal activity by individuals and groups for
financial gain, including by war profiteers and
terrorists. Those individuals and groups believe that the
status quo in Somalia favours them, and they will
therefore do whatever they can to resist the return of
law and order to Somalia, including by renewing active
hostilities. To address that possible scenario the United
Nations must establish punitive and targeted sanctions
against those who try to spoil Somaliaís chance for
lasting peace by undermining the ongoing efforts to
pacify the country and by frustrating the effectiveness
of the Government in upholding the primacy of the rule
of law.
The cost of the prolonged Somali civil war is
enormous in terms of its direct social, economic,
political and environmental impacts. There is now
clearly a rare chance for my country to overcome those
negative impacts. The performance of the Transitional
Federal Government on the ground and the overall
political environment in Somalia are very promising.
Both Africa and the region have been very forthcoming
in helping Somalia. It is imperative that the rest of the
international community extend its help to Somalia by
adopting the three proposals just outlined, thereby
effectively ending the plight of Somalia once and for
all.
Allow me here to make my personal appeal to the
world summit not to leave Somalia out in the cold in
this crucial period of its pacification and nation-
building. While many of the countries of the world are
struggling to meet their Millennium Development
Goals, Somalia is struggling to stand on its feet. It
would be grave negligence on the part of the
international community if it fails to fulfil its
obligations towards Somalia in a timely and decisive
manner.


I would like to
congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the current session of the General
Assembly. May I also express our deep appreciation to
Mr. Jean Ping for so ably guiding the work of the
General Assembly during its fifty-ninth session.
I am honoured to address the General Assembly
today in my capacity as Chairman of the Group of 77
and China. Five years ago, I was among the leaders of
nations, rich and poor, who met here under the auspices
of the United Nations and made a compact to rid the
world of the most dehumanizing conditions afflicting a
24

large portion of humankind. That was a solemn pledge
made by us to the most disadvantaged peoples of our
world — the poor, the hungry, the illiterate, the
homeless, the sick — to infants, mothers and the
unborn, as well as to nature, which must sustain the
existence of the whole human race.
This year’s Human Development Report of the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
reveals that one fifth of humanity survives on less than
$1 per day, and that 2.5 billion people fail to earn $2
daily. The recently concluded High-level Plenary
Meeting has revealed that we have made slight
progress, more so in a few regions, to meet some of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). But we are
nowhere on track to achieving the promises of any of
the major development-oriented United Nations
conferences or summits held since the adoption of the
MDGs. Progress has been uneven. At the current pace,
some regions and countries will miss several of the
MDGs by decades. In certain areas, such as the
elimination of hunger, we could be centuries away.
We are likely to miss global targets in the areas of
infant and maternal mortality, HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis,
malaria and other infectious diseases and
environmental sustainability. Limited financial
resources, debt, restricted asymmetrical trade
opportunities and HIV/AIDS have been identified as
major inhibiting factors. Beyond those constraints,
during the past five years many developing countries
have suffered devastating natural disasters, which have
disrupted economic growth, damaged production,
destroyed infrastructure and dislocated populations,
causing economic losses that amount to years of gross
domestic product (GDP). Development goals and
targets cannot be met within the time frames without a
massive addition of resources, both financial and
technical. No one can remain safe and secure, or even
content, while living in an oasis of wealth surrounded
by a desert of poverty.
Not to be forgotten is the unfulfilled agenda of
gender equity. The empowerment of women must be a
vital ingredient in all our social and economic
programmes.
We agreed at Monterrey on a comprehensive
approach to mobilize the financing needed for real
global development that specified the contributions
required from developing and developed countries
alike. Our review has revealed that, as a group,
developing countries have delivered on their
commitments. Most have achieved a level of economic
growth and have increased domestic resources and
foreign-exchange reserves. There has been a
strengthened focus on South/South cooperation, which
has seen trade among developing countries growing
faster than their total export trade and an increasing
flow of investment.
At the second South-South Summit, held in Qatar
in June, we agreed on a major programme of
South/South cooperation that is already having results.
I shall cite just two examples. First, the Governments
of Qatar, China and India pledged donations at the
Summit to launch a South fund for development and
humanitarian assistance. Secondly, last week at
Montego Bay, Jamaica, the President of the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela signed, with several Caribbean
Governments, the Petrocaribe Energy Cooperation
Agreement to enhance energy security, facilitate socio-
economic development and advance regional economic
integration in the Caribbean. This is a most positive
initiative at a time of high and volatile energy prices
and insecure supplies.
From our partners in the developed world there
has been a gradual recovery of private foreign direct
investment and in the provision of official development
assistance (ODA). We welcome the increase in debt
relief, including debt cancellation, for many of the
most highly indebted poor countries, as well as the
renewed focus on Africa and on HIV/AIDS.
However, the review has also revealed some
trends that are cause for anxiety, and therefore worthy
of our attention. First, a significant part of the
resources mobilized by developing countries has been
used to finance debt-servicing payments to multilateral
development banks and to increase foreign-exchange
reserves held in developed countries. That has led to
net transfers to developed countries every year since
1998. Secondly, foreign direct investment has been
concentrated in, and is becoming almost confined to,
the larger, faster-growing developing countries.
Thirdly, the increase in ODA since 2000 has largely
been the result of resources targeted for emergency
assistance, debt relief and technical assistance.
Together they accounted for 50 cents of every aid
dollar in 2004. Fourthly, debt relief has been limited to
those highly indebted poor countries which have
satisfied International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditions
for disbursements. Fifthly, the terms of trade continue
25

to work against commodity- and preference-dependent
developing countries. And sixthly, the sudden erosion
of trade preferences has created significant economic
hardships for many developing countries without the
resources or time to diversify their export base. The net
result is that there have been insufficient new resources
available to the vast majority of developing countries
to invest in meeting long-term development goals.
Policy space for developing countries to act
effectively and the timing and quality of the resource
flows are also very important. In this regard, the Group
of 77 and China calls for the elimination of aid
conditionalities which restrict the policy options for
developing countries and thereby the real effectiveness
of development cooperation.
Further, we stress the need to cease the use of
unilateral coercive measures against developing
countries. It is wrong to apply the weight of economic
power to pressure developing countries for political
purposes. This causes severe hardships and jeopardizes
development efforts, including the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals.
There are developing countries which face
peculiar, if not unique, development challenges. The
Group of 77 and China has consistently argued that
Africa, the least developed countries, the landlocked
developing countries and the small island developing
States face special and tremendous challenges. These
are magnified in a globalized, liberalized and
competitive international economic environment and
with the increasing incidence of more devastating
natural disasters.
The arguments are gaining acceptance. There are
now internationally agreed programmes for the last
three named groups and an emerging consensus for a
special programme for Africa under African
leadership. The special programmes for these groups of
countries were reaffirmed at our High-level Plenary
Meeting. We now need to implement them with
urgency.
We have long recognized that export trade is the
most sustainable source of resources for development
as well as the best stimulant to investment and
employment. The current international trading rules
and systems are heavily stacked against developing
countries. We must resolve to transform international
trade into an engine of growth. The policies, rules and
modalities of global trade must have development
focus. Why have we failed so miserably to fulfil the
Doha mandate for a development round? We sent only
the feeblest of messages from the High-level Plenary
Meeting to our trade ministers, but unless they are
given firm instructions to afford special and differential
treatment to developing countries, the December
Ministerial Conference of the World Trade
Organization (WTO) in Hong Kong will, like those
held in Seattle and Cancun, yield a dismal collapse.
We agreed in Monterrey that it was necessary to
reform the international economic system and make it
more coherent and supportive of the development
policies of Member States. We also agreed that it was
necessary to increase the voice and participation of
developing countries in the international financial and
trade institutions. Yet nothing has happened. We cannot
allow the Bretton Woods institutions to remain forever
impervious to our calls. To attain the agreed
development objectives, there must be a renunciation
of the ill-conceived policies imposed on a number of
developing countries under structural adjustment
programmes begun three decades ago.
We might dispute the causes and the sharing of
responsibility, but no longer do we dispute the
awesome reality of climate change. The evidence that
climate change poses a long-term challenge to every
part of the globe is irrefutable.
Developing countries have maintained that
climate change and other unsustainable pressures on
our environment demand urgent attention. Developed
countries must take the lead in changing production
and consumption patterns: in an approach to the
development and transfer of environmentally sound
technology to developing countries on a preferential
basis; in their level of commitment and support to fight
against desertification and land degradation; and in the
resources to be devoted to the management of waste
and in the change towards the promotion of a culture of
recycling. We must keep on pressing for the
development and adoption of strategies that mitigate,
and build resilience to, the impact of climate change.
I have spoken thus far on development issues.
But these are closely related to other critical areas of
the international agenda. One such area is disarmament
and arms control, which is in danger of becoming a
neglected and forgotten goal of the United Nations.
The link between disarmament and development is
even more relevant today. The figures are indeed
26

startling. Roughly $1 trillion is now spent annually on
weapons and military equipment of all kinds,
consuming a massive share of the world’s resources. If
such resources were channelled into development, the
world would not only be more prosperous, it would be
much safer and more secure.
Our concern is not just about nuclear weapons. It
is also about the proliferation of guns of every
description, which endangers the lives of ordinary
citizens, undermines the rule of law and threatens
social stability. Those who manufacture such weapons
must exercise greater control and support anti-
proliferation efforts.
The United Nations was established 60 years ago
to bring peace and security to the world, and also to
play a major role in promoting development. The
United Nations must not allow, as has appeared to be
the case in recent years, any part of its mandate to be
usurped.
The Bretton Woods institutions and the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, now the World Trade
Organization, have taken dominant positions on
policies in areas of their specialization. These policies,
however, have far-ranging implications across the
economic, social and environmental spectrum. There is
a glaring gap in overall international development
policymaking, and in the capacity to secure coherence
across the development, finance, trade and technology
areas.
With renewed priority to development and the
Millennium Development Goals, United Nations
reform should empower the Organization by providing
the resources and a clear mandate to do at least three
things. First, it should ensure system-wide coherence,
including with the Bretton Woods institutions and the
WTO, in respect to the policies and operational
activities which impact the achievement of the agreed
development goals. Secondly, it should bring the
resources of the development-oriented arms of the
United Nations system to focus on development
priorities that have been identified by Member States.
And, thirdly, it should promote dialogue and
partnership, review trends, particularly in resource
mobilization, and implement measures to ensure that
the Development Goals can be met within the agreed
time frames. These should be the responsibility of a
revitalized Economic and Social Council.
The future of generations to come rests not so
much on the vigour of our debate and the declarations
at the sixtieth session of the General Assembly, but on
the action we take, commencing right here in New
York, to make the United Nations stronger and more
effective.
All our citizens are demanding that collectively
we emerge with a clear vision, that we display the
courage and unrelenting commitment to build a world
of peace, justice and equity, which we can inhabit
together in true harmony. They are convinced that it is
within our power to rid the only planet where human
life prevails of hunger, ignorance, disease and strife.
They believe we can provide shelter to the homeless
and eradicate poverty everywhere; that once we have
the political will and determination, we can prevent
genocide and combat terrorism; that irrespective of
gender, race, colour or religious creed, we can ensure
for every person the inalienable right of human dignity.
Let us spare no effort to build a single world free
from want and fear, free from exploitation and
oppression: a mother Earth where justice, liberty,
prosperity and the wisdom of creative minds prevail in
abundance. Let us here resolve to build one world in
which every man, woman and child can realize the true
purpose of life and enjoy its fulfilment. Let us
determine that the time for action is now and sound the
trumpet of hope for all mankind.


Allow me, Sir,
to express the pleasure of the Republic of Croatia at
your election to the post of President of the General
Assembly. At this crucial moment in the history of the
United Nations, we are gratified that a friend of
multilateralism will be guiding the work of the
Assembly. May I also commend the work of your
predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, for his remarkable
leadership and tenacity in bringing the fifty-ninth
session to a successful conclusion.
I would like to extend the sincere condolences of
the people of Croatia to the people of the United States
of America on the loss of life and suffering occasioned
by Hurricane Katrina. We can take some small comfort
from the fact that at such times of need nations
instinctively reach out to help others. This provides
vivid illustration of the best of humanity and its
enormous potential to do good and build a better
world.
We believe that the United Nations continues to
be indispensable for building a better world. All States
benefit from a strong United Nations. Small and
medium-sized States, which form the great majority of
Members, can articulate their diverse interests at the
global level through this universal forum more
effectively than in any other. Croatia remembers that
the United Nations played a prominent role in its
re-emergence as a sovereign State.
Yet the difficulty with which agreement was
achieved on the outcome document reflects the present
state of the world in which we live. We should not look
at this imperfect document through rose-colored
eyeglasses. Rather, we should grasp the potential that it
holds for moving towards broader and deeper reforms.
While we may have broad agreement on the goal ó a
more efficient and effective United Nations working in
the service of mankind ó we have created only some
of the contours of reform. As the Secretary-General has
reminded us, we should not consider that the job has
been done. The details remain incomplete.
Let us move now to the details without delay. Let
us move forward in helping developing countries
achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
Let us operationalize the Peacebuilding Commission
and the Human Rights Council. Let us introduce the
processes required to strengthen Secretariat
management.
Diplomacy is often about compromise. That word
has been used frequently in describing the World
Summit Outcome document (resolution 60/1).
However, compromise should not be used as a
synonym for regression. Development is a pillar of the
United Nations mandate, and the MDGs are
international obligations.
Over the years, the development dialogue has
resulted in a number of key international documents,
which bear witness to the progress on poverty-related
issues and the ways in which we have agreed to
address those vital challenges. Johannesburg and
Monterrey are prominent among them.
While it is important to reaffirm the agreed
international development framework, it is equally
necessary to move forward. Comprehensive debt relief,
on which there was progress earlier this year at
Gleneagles, and better trade access to the markets of
developed countries, which must be an outcome of the
Doha round, chart the way forward.
The road to the achievement of the MDGs on
which we set out five years ago has been an uneven
one. There has been rapid growth in some parts of the
globe, resulting in the movement of millions out of
poverty. At the same time, sub-Saharan Africa has
15

stagnated. Small island developing States have special
vulnerabilities which threaten their very existence. The
achievement of the MDG targets by 2015 requires
national and international implementation strategies.
We know that the current level of aid is not
enough to achieve the MDGs. It is necessary to look at
ways to increase the effectiveness of existing aid,
introduce innovative sources of financing and adhere to
the agreed timetable for progressively increasing flows.
In this regard, Croatia supports the Declaration on
Innovative Sources of Financing for Development.
As a country with an economy in transition and
as a European Union (EU) candidate, Croatia is
undergoing significant internal structural change and
external policy scrutiny. We seek to balance those often
competing demands by including our MDG obligations
within the context of other policy implementation in
the transition and EU accession processes. We have
developed national development targets based on the
MDGs, taking into account our progress to date.
From its coastline, with its over 1,200 islands, to
its Karst hinterland and the mountains and plains
beyond, Croatia's environment offers rare diversity in a
relatively small geographic area. We are vitally
interested in the preservation of our national
environmental heritage, as well as of the whole of the
common environment of mankind. For that reason, we
welcome the extensive treatment of environmental
issues in the outcome document and reiterate our
support for the key concept of sustainable
development.
An effective multilateral system must rely upon
the interaction of States which are responsible
domestic and international actors. In recent years,
threats to peace and security have become very
common topics of discussion in global affairs. With
good reason, much effort has been invested in rallying
the required international cooperation for the creation
of strategies to confront old and new threats to States.
Croatia believes that the United Nations should
continue to be in the frontline of that process.
The fight against terrorism and transnational
organized crime is among the greatest challenges we
face. Last week, the Croatian President signed the
Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear
Terrorism. That Convention, which took several years
to negotiate, is a step forward towards concluding a
comprehensive international convention on terrorism.
States must make greater efforts to ensure that it comes
to fruition during the sixtieth session of the General
Assembly.
Croatia regrets that there has been no meaningful
progress on disarmament and non-proliferation. The
ongoing stalemate, coming, as it does, in the aftermath
of the unsuccessful Review Conference of the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in
May, is a disappointment. We support the recent efforts
by a number of States in relation to the NPT-based
upon the three pillars of non-proliferation,
disarmament and peaceful nuclear cooperation - as
well as the universal adoption of the comprehensive
safeguards agreements and additional protocols.
Countries which have experienced conflict and
subsequently rebuilt their national capacities and
institutions understand well the link between security
and development. Both security and development are
individual pillars of the work of the United Nations.
However, we know that together they are vital for
sustainable development. Security and development are
mutually reinforcing, providing the foundations for the
well-being of individuals and of the States in which
they live.
Croatia took an active interest in the negotiations
on the Peacebuilding Commission. It is clear that such
an intergovernmental body is needed to fill a void in
the United Nations system. While the expertise of the
United Nations in peacekeeping is not in doubt, the
challenges of building and entrenching peace are
different. We have argued for the inclusion in the
membership of the Commission of countries with
national experience in peacebuilding. We are pleased
that that position was reflected in the outcome
document. The inclusion of small States whose own
experience has spanned the transition from conflict to
relief and, subsequently, development, will add an
important dimension which would be absent if the
Commission were constituted solely by large, wealthy
or powerful States.
The Peacebuilding Commission should assist
States to develop and strengthen their key governance
institutions and assist local authorities in creating the
conditions for sustainable development, including
economic growth. It should always ensure that the
process is one which is driven by the State concerned
and by the key stakeholders within it. If internal
16

conflicts can be quelled and prevented from recurring,
then we are creating the conditions for a safer world.
We believe that the reform of the Security
Council is necessary with regard to both its
membership and its working methods. We look forward
to further progress being made during the current
session of the General Assembly on this matter.
Clearly, any solution will require the support of as
large a group of Member States as possible.
Croatia has been a factor of stability in a
neighbourhood where past instability has taken a heavy
toll, not only on the countries in the region but also on
the broader international community. Our enhanced
cooperation with our neighbours is a sure basis for
entrenching stability and ensuring preconditions for the
expansion of economic opportunities for South-East
Europe as a whole. We shall continue to play that
regional role.
Having successfully evolved through the
peacebuilding spectrum, Croatia is now playing its part
as a contributor to more than half of the United Nations
peacekeeping operations throughout the world, and
training peacekeepers from emerging troop-
contributing countries. We are using our national
experience to help others in need.
We are now ready to take the next step in our
responsibilities as a Member of the United Nations and
as a global citizen. For that reason, the Republic of
Croatia has presented its candidature for a
non-permanent seat on the Security Council in the
elections to be held in 2007.
The postulates within the United Nations Charter
on human rights serve as a universal measure for all
nations and peoples. They are at the core of the work
of the United Nations. That is why we have supported
the efforts to reform and strengthen the United Nations
human rights machinery. Croatia supports the decision
to strengthen the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and to increase the
resources allocated to it. Existing machinery in the area
of human rights - one of the fundamental pillars of
the United Nations system - requires such reforms.
Croatia welcomes the decision to establish a
Human Rights Council as a new organ with the
responsibility for promoting universal respect for the
protection of human rights and addressing their
violation, wherever they may occur. We are
disappointed that the necessary political will was not
found to conclude an agreement on the Council in the
lead-up to the world summit. However, we will work
constructively with other Member States in seeking
consensus so that as yet undecided elements relating to
that Council can be settled during the sixtieth session.
Croatia is pleased to see the inclusion of an
agreement on the ìresponsibility to protectî in the
outcome document. The frustration and suffering that
can be caused by inaction on the part of the
international community, inert in the face of
aggression, has been witnessed all too frequently. We
welcome this positive development as a step towards a
new normative framework.
Democracy brings freedom for the individual and
contributes to the legitimacy of States. As a signatory
of the Warsaw Declaration: Towards a Community of
Democracies, Croatia fully recognizes the importance
of strengthening democracy and advancing its global
acceptance as a universal value. Capacity-building can
strengthen States by reinforcing the institutions that
ensure the rule of law, equity, access and stable
government.
Croatia supports the enhancement of the capacity
of the United Nations to promote and reinforce
democratic institutions and practices around the world.
We welcome the decision to establish a Democracy
Fund and have, as a concrete measure of our support,
made a financial contribution towards its
establishment.
Only an efficiently functioning United Nations
system can respond to contemporary challenges. This
requires effective mandates for the principal organs.
Yet, there are distinctly different conceptions among
Member States of the principle of State sovereignty.
These differences, as we have seen in the recent
negotiations, impact directly upon the prospects of
adjusting the mandates and interrelationships of the
principal organs of the United Nations to the realities
of the twenty-first century. We all have more work
ahead of us on this account.
Croatia supports the efforts to introduce
significant human resource management reforms in the
Secretariat. The United Nations cannot afford to have a
Secretariat that is not managed in accordance with
contemporary standards and practices. For the same
reason, we support system-wide coherence, both in
management and policy.
17

There have been many high-minded words
uttered on behalf of the United Nations in this Hall
during the past week. When we leave this place, let us
not forget the principles that we have invoked and the
pledges that we have made. Only this can ensure that
we accelerate progress towards achievement of both
the MDGs and United Nations reform. For its part, you
can be assured that the Republic of Croatia shall
continue to be a constructive participant in these
efforts.


Mr. President, your election to the presidency of this
session of the General Assembly is indisputably an
historic moment, which Gabon appreciates fully, since
your country has succeeded Gabon in this post. Thus, I
should like to congratulate you most warmly on behalf
of my delegation and assure you of Gabon’s support
throughout your term. I should also like to express my
gratitude to the Secretary-General for his immense,
bold and tireless actions in favour of the reinvigoration
and the restoration of the prestige of the United
Nations system. Allow me also to pay well-deserved
tribute to the President of the fifty-ninth session of the
General Assembly, His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping,
Minister of State and Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Cooperation and Francophonie of the Republic of
Gabon, for his outstanding contribution to the reform
of our Organization.
The important document adopted last Friday by
the High-level Meeting testifies to this reform effort. I
therefore welcome the fact that you have invited us to
focus our debate on the follow-up to the measures
adopted by the world leaders last week.
Today, 60 years after its creation, the United
Nations has stood the test of time. The dysfunctions
noted recently highlight the need to press ahead with
essential institutional reform. In that connection, a
comment by Montesquieu comes to mind and I quote,
“When a good thing has disadvantages, it is better to
do away with the disadvantages than with the thing
itself.” The author of The Spirit of Laws was
suggesting that we need to make a distinction between
ideals and human endeavour.
More than an end in itself, the reform process
must, whenever necessary, make it possible to adapt
the United Nations to the demands of the times and to
the many complex mandates entrusted to it. In this
context, we should pay particular attention to the
General Assembly. It is the most representative forum
of the international community, a site par excellence
for cooperation, for negotiation and for sharing
responsibilities.
The United Nations is the seat of legitimacy and
moral authority at the international level and it
participates in the ideal of shared destinies of nations
and the peoples of the world. This is why Gabon
reiterates yet again its support for initiatives aimed at a
consensus-based reform of the Security Council, as the
Council’s expansion should derive from the dual need
for representativity and effectiveness.
Once reformed, the United Nations can deal
better with the many challenges facing humankind
today, such as HIV/AIDS, environmental degradation,
terrorism, armed conflicts and poverty. The HIV/AIDS
pandemic, which affects rich and poor nations alike
without distinction, is a serious threat to sparsely-
populated countries such as Gabon. More than ever,
developing countries call upon the international
community to display effective and active solidarity in
order to limit the worst effects of this pandemic.
Since vaccine experiments have not yet been
conclusive, and the therapeutic trials are still
insufficient, efforts must be focused on prevention and
on access to antiretroviral drugs in accordance with the
agreement concluded within the context of the World
Trade Organization. Gabon itself has taken solid
initiatives, ranging from awareness campaigns to the
implementation of action plans such as the
multisectoral strategic plan to combat AIDS, in which
the First Lady of Gabon, Madame Edith Lucie Bongo
Ondimba, is personally involved. We welcome the fact
that the final document of the High-level Meeting
reaffirmed the commitment of the international
community to fight HIV-AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis
and other infectious diseases.
It is undeniable that the global challenges are
numerous and interdependent. Environmental
degradation has become one of the main threats to life
on earth. The consequences of climate change caused
by human activity are at the root of natural disasters
that are unprecedented in scale. The future of
generations to come is thus compromised. It is in this
context that the concept of sustainable development,
which means in fact intergenerational solidarity, must
be made systematic, so as to underlie both public and
private policies.
27

Certainly, the Stockholm conference in 1972 that
led to the establishment of the United Nations
Environment Programme, the Rio Conference on
Environment and Development in 1992 and the
Johannesburg Conference in 2002 were important
stages in the growing awareness of the international
community. But, we can and must do better. The
French proposal aimed at creating a United Nations
organization for the environment, in addition to
existing mechanisms, seems to us in this respect very
timely. We should ensure follow-up to this idea, as
proposed by the final document of the High-level
Meeting. Likewise, following an integrated approach,
we support the actions taken by the International
Organization of la Francophonie to promote the
environment and sustainable development. The most
recent Summit of Heads of State of la Francophonie,
which was held in Ouagadougou from 26 to
27 November 2004, adopted a document along these
lines entitled “A strategic ten-year framework for
biodiversity and the protection of the environment
throughout the francophone area”.
The common heritage of the environment must be
the subject of more ambitious and more generous
international cooperation that seeks to reduce the gap
between two sets of partners that often have
contradictory expectations, that is, on the one hand, the
developed countries, and, on the other, the developing
countries.
What can we say about terrorism, that tentacled
creature, that inscrutable threat, whose ubiquity evades
vigilance and even punitive measures? Friendly
countries have recently endured tragic experiences, and
others, unfortunately, have them nearly every day. It
has to be said that on 11 September 2001 terrorism
sounded the death knell for any feeling of safety.
One of the notable points of the final documents
of the High-level Meeting of last week is the firm and
unambiguous condemnation of terrorism in all its
forms and manifestations. This is notable progress that
will, I am sure, facilitate the efforts of the international
community aimed at adopting a comprehensive
convention on international terrorism, a task on which
the sixtieth session of the General Assembly must
focus and to which it must devote itself.
Wishing to support the efforts of the international
community to stem this scourge, the Head of State of
Gabon has just signed the International Convention for
the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism. “Peace
within, peace with others and peace amongst others” is
a tradition on which Gabon prides itself, a tradition
that reflects the purposes and principles of the Charter
of the United Nations.
At the beginning of the third millennium, many
African countries were still in the grip of instability
and armed conflicts. To find a way out of that impasse
and steer towards a more stable and prosperous Africa,
African heads of State and Government set up
mechanisms within the African Union such as the
Peace and Security Council, which seeks to manage
political crises and intra-State conflicts. The objective
of the African States is to equip themselves with the
means to ensure their own security. It is clear that
regional mechanisms cannot manage indefinitely
without bilateral agreements, multilateral cooperation
and other relevant alliances. In this respect, allow me
to commend the active role taken by the United
Nations in maintaining peace in Africa, particularly in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Côte d’Ivoire
and the Sudan.
We also note with satisfaction NATO’s
willingness to accept the unprecedented invitation of
the African Union, made by the Chairman of the
Commission, Alpha Oumar Konaré.
Allow me also to stress here the role played by
Gabon in all of these peace processes, which have
resulted in a gradual improvement in the security
situation on the continent. The President of the
Republic of Gabon, El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba,
has been fully involved, along with his African peers,
in the resolution of African crises — consistently
offering his good offices and mediation services
whenever requested.
Given the current situation in the Sudan, with the
tragic death of the Vice-President, John Garang, the
international community as a whole must ensure that
the ceasefire agreement signed in January 2005
holds — a necessary condition for the consolidation of
peace and peacebuilding. I call on the parties
concerned to respect their commitments in order that
the peace process now under way may be concluded.
With respect to Central Africa, we welcome the
relative calm seen in countries that were recently in
crisis, particularly in the Central African Republic,
Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I
should like here to welcome the conclusion of the
28

electoral process in Burundi and to express thanks for
the contribution made by the United Nations, the
African Union and South Africa.
Gabon, which made its own modest contribution
to the process, humbly encourages all of the new
leaders to display political clear-sightedness and
tolerance, with a view to the achievement of lasting
peace. Their decision to create a Peacebuilding
Commission will no doubt help to enhance the United
Nations peacekeeping machinery.
As regards the economy, I need hardly recall that
debt represents a major handicap for our countries.
Indeed, nearly a third of our financial resources are
devoted to debt servicing. Thus once again we would
draw the attention of the international community to
the specific situation involving the indebtedness of
middle-income countries like Gabon.
Indeed, Gabon remains the only country in sub-
Saharan Africa classified as a high-level middle-
income country, thus making it ineligible for the
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Debt
Initiative, despite the political and economic reforms
under way for more than a decade. The current surge in
the price of oil — our State’s main budget resource —
further fuels the illusion of a monetary surplus and
does not really help us in the area of development
financing, since the oil bonus basically goes to service
external debt.
It is true that at the Gleneagles, United Kingdom,
summit last July, endorsing the London Declaration of
11 June 2005, the G-8 countries and other donors
undertook important commitments. Gabon, for its part,
would like to see those commitments translated into
action, so as to increase the likelihood of achieving the
Millennium Development Goals, to which my country
is particularly committed.
I also welcome the fact that the summit’s final
document recognized the urgent need to redouble
efforts to achieve development objectives agreed at the
international level, including the Millennium
Development Goals.
In conclusion, I should like to express the hope
that the work of the General Assembly at its sixtieth
session will be crowned with success, so that together
we can work to bring about a community of peoples
and nations living in peace, security and stability. May
God inspire our work.


At the beginning of the third millennium,
faster means of travel that began in the nineteenth
century with railroad technology are today hurtling us
around the globe at even faster speeds. Dramatic
changes are taking place at all levels and in all modes
of communication. From the train, to the automobile
and to the airplane, even in space travel, speed is
erasing spatial barriers. The telegraph, the telephone,
the Internet, cell phones, video conferencing: speed is
altering the way we communicate with one another.
In this new age, immensely significant
developments can take place as more quickly than the
mind can follow them. But as the philosopher Paul
Virillio warns us, with every new technology comes
the potential for a new accident and with increasing
speed comes the threat of ever more horrendous
catastrophes. Natural disasters have become magnified
not only by increases in population, but by the growing
dangers of environmental pollution.
Sixty years after the founding of the United
Nations, we live in a faster world, where we have to be
able to react to events almost immediately. We have to
ensure that even with the feeling of heightened risk
that we live with at the beginning of the twenty-first
century — whether this be due to natural phenomena,
advances in technology, the threat of terrorism or the
frittering away of resources — our will to act is not in
any way diminished. The bar is set very high, but our
capacity to act together as a whole can be just as great.
Another period of technological innovation also
affected dramatic changes in the speed and mode of
communication - the printing press. Let us reflect for
a moment about the effects of those changes and what
we might learn from them. The printing press fostered
a rapid exchange of information that was readily
available to large numbers of people and could not be
censored or controlled, although some institutions tried
very hard to enact such controls. Out of this explosion
of information came the glory of a scientific revolution
but also the sixteenth-century wars of religion and
Europe’s first world war, the Thirty Years War of the
first half of the seventeenth century. The promise of
eventual mastery over the natural world was coupled
with violent attempts to dominate the minds and souls
of man.
In many ways, our own information revolution
has had a similar effect on developments. On the one
hand, we have reason to hope that the problems facing
the world can be solved by technology; on the other
hand, technology has contributed to the rise of
extremism and provided the means to unleash violence
of hitherto unknown proportions.
The radical enlightenment, which first began in
the Netherlands, a small country but one known for its
tolerance and liberty of creative thought, offered new
solutions to the turmoil and sectarian violence of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It developed a
mode of critique that could be separated from religious
truth, and, for the first time in the history of the West, a
fully modern ethical system. What forms might a
radical twenty-first century enlightenment take? I
would rather hope that we will see a new sense of
22

human values, a recognition that we are united not only
by our presence in a shrinking world but as members of
the human race.
We are fully aware that even as this explosion in
technology seems to link all countries in the embrace
of a globalized media culture, it feeds old
parochialisms, nationalism and ethnic strife. The gap
between rich and poor, the have and have-not
countries, seems ever wider, even as our
interconnectedness grows in trade and in labour. But
with visions of first-world excess beamed into every
comer of the globe, can anyone be surprised that anger
towards the West increases? Poverty, discrimination,
war, hunger and disease — this is the daily lot for a
great part of humanity. We see the images every day.
We cannot ignore nor can we fear these realities. We
have to face them with real development policies
coupled with good governance and a just system for
trade and dialogue. The Millennium Development
Goals are our collective responsibility.
The legacy of the Renaissance nation State
remains a powerful concept. Our love for our
respective countries and all that this represents to us is
a defining aspect of our identities. So how is it possible
to overcome the fundamental paradox of this
Organization — to link the pride of our national
statehood, which is the source of our material, cultural
and ethnic differences, to the idea of unity, of being
“united”.
In part, the answer seems to lie in the potential
for rebalancing the global economy, but it also requires
a reawakening of those dulled sensibilities that
separate rich from poor, the advantaged from the
disadvantaged, the free from the oppressed. The
Millennium Declaration was a necessary step forward,
and the current tensions over reform should not distract
this body from its ultimate mission.
Whether we are speeding towards challenges that
will take the form of natural or man-made catastrophes,
we can be assured that their effects will no longer be
contained within national borders. We must prepare to
respond to them with a strength and resolve that also
knows no bounds.
Before, I spoke of a small country, the
Netherlands, and of its history. Andorra is also a small
country that believes in tolerance and respect for our
fellow man. Our stable relations with our neighbours,
Andorra’s tradition as a safe haven during European
wars and conflicts, our parliamentary tradition that
stretches back to 1419 and our geopolitical realities, all
make us believe in and defend the virtues and values of
dialogue, pacifism and development, which are at one
with those of the United Nations.
In twelve years of international life, my country
has adopted some 130 international conventions and
has stated its firm belief in international law, as in the
creation of the International Criminal Court. We will
continue in this task, reaffirming our commitment to
multilateralism, and by sending to Parliament for
ratification the conventions on terrorism and human
rights. We also give our support to the creation of a
Council of Human Rights, and we will follow closely
the progress made on a new convention in the struggle
against terrorism.
The United Nations represents a legacy from a
period of conflict which culminated in the Second
World War, the Cold War, and the nuclear stalemate
that followed. While we recognize its imperfections,
we must not forget to acknowledge the wisdom of its
guiding principles: peace between all nations, universal
human rights, and the development of states.
We live in a time when the power of a single
nation is fast becoming an historical illusion. Let us
work towards a new enlightenment, the unity of the
United Nations. It is time to work together for the
United Nations.


I
would like to add Romania’s voice to those who have
warmly congratulated His Excellency Mr. Jan Eliasson
on his election to the important position of President of
the General Assembly. We wish him every success and
assure him of our full support.
For Romania, the political debates at the sixtieth
session of the General Assembly have special
significance; during this session, we shall celebrate 50
years of presence and active participation in the
common efforts of the United Nations for peace,
security and sustainable development, to help
populations in distress and to promote human rights. It
is uncontestable that the present international situation
requires not only that we take a hard, critical look at
reality but also that we have the strength to take
responsible decisions and strong measures, both
politically and at the institutional level, to ensure that
the United Nations will be capable of meeting the
challenges of the twenty-first century and that it will
continue to play an important role in the service of the
greater good.
(spoke in English)
Romania aligns itself fully with the statement
delivered at the 9th plenary meeting by Foreign
Secretary Jack Straw of Great Britain on behalf of the
European Union. In my address I will, therefore, only
complement the key points already made there on the
challenges of reform. We can be proud of where the
Union stands today on the global scene and of its
United Nations record.
By no means is this just another general debate at
the start of a new session of the General Assembly. We
are called upon to rise to the responsibility enunciated
at the High-level Plenary Meeting of the General
32

Assembly, which preceded these debates. There, heads
of State or Government committed all of us, through
the 2005 World Summit Outcome (resolution 60/1), to
continue the efforts to reform our Organization. It is
now in our hands to implement our leaders’ decisions
and make the most of them.
Against this backdrop, I wish to commend
Mr. Jean Ping, President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-ninth session, for the outstanding work he has
done over the past few months, together with his
facilitators, and for the way he conducted the
negotiations. It was a difficult process, but I believe
that we have a document with which we can be
satisfied. Many aspects still need further elaboration,
but the General Assembly is ready to work on them
under the skilful guidance of the current President,
Mr. Jan Eliasson.
The United Nations should continue to
accomplish multilayered objectives and to function as a
complex, effective organization. That is the spirit of
the deliberations conducted by our heads of State or
Government and of the decisions they took.
Much thus remains to be done in relation to the
mandate and responsibilities of the First Committee.
Debates on international security are still dependent on
arrangements put in place during the cold war.
Unfortunately, almost all multilateral negotiating
forums seem complacent in their conservatism. Yet we
all agree that, given those premises, it is difficult to
advance the political dialogue and to set new priorities.
We need a new dynamic, anchored in a genuine
reform process. It has to be tailored to respond
effectively to the most ominous threats to international
peace and security: terrorism and the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. It has to be truly relevant
to our needs and has to produce equal dividends for all
in a system based on the concept of collective security.
Success in the area of development calls for
broad solidarity in international economic relations.
Romania has gradually increased its contribution
towards resolving global development issues. And
accession to the European Union will make Romania a
member of the world’s largest donor community. The
United Nations must develop and strengthen its
capacity to effectively protect and promote human
rights and fundamental freedoms, by upholding the
concept of a “responsibility to protect”, which calls for
an international response in cases where a State is
unable or unwilling to discharge its primary function of
protecting the life, property and fundamental rights of
its own citizens.
This imperative is convincingly illustrated by the
fact that, over the past 15 years, we have witnessed
how a number of internal conflicts, which frequently
had started as separatist movements, have evolved to
achieve “frozen conflict” status. These conflicts have
become breeding grounds for egregious violations of
human rights and abuses, targeting the most vulnerable
categories, such as women, children and persons
belonging to various minorities.
It serves no purpose to debate an ambitious
policy agenda unless we have an effective United
Nations system adapted to the new realities of a
changing world. Years after the end of the cold war, the
United Nations is still struggling to make the transition
from an organization characterized by ideological
differences to one actively responding to pressing
operational challenges. Institutional change is an
absolute prerequisite for successful policy results.
One of the main problems besetting the
Organization could, unfortunately, end up by being
perpetuated — that is, increasingly high expectations
and demands, without adequate resources and
appropriate managerial tools.
At a time when some are calling into question the
relevance of our Organization and when we have had
to cope recently with a succession of revelations about
mismanagement, we, the Secretariat and Member
States together, need to act resolutely to ensure the
efficiency and credibility of the United Nations by
improving administrative performance, establishing
viable mechanisms for the responsibility and
accountability of the Secretariat, strengthening audit
and oversight functions and endowing the Secretary-
General with the authority and flexibility needed to
manage effectively the mandates entrusted to him by
the membership.
For Romania, like other United Nations
Members, the Security Council has continued to be the
body that monitors international relations with regard
to critical issues that pose a threat to regional and
global peace. It is highly commendable that the
Security Council has assumed the leading role in
establishing early warning and resolve as the
cornerstones of the United Nations and the
33

international community’s approach to the full range of
new threats to international peace and security.
With over 2,000 peacekeepers on duty around the
world, Romania is a major contributor and a significant
investor in a wide range of United Nations-mandated
and United Nations-authorized operations; we
therefore have a very high stake in their successful
outcome.
Romania’s stance has consistently been that
protection against security threats means more than just
taking a stand at one’s own border; we have to go
where those challenges originate and approach them
with resolute action and sustained investment. This is
part of the rationale for Romania’s joint endeavours
with partners and allies in shouldering stabilization and
reconstruction in Iraq and Afghanistan. In both
countries, elections are happening, following the
tremendous dedication and painstaking efforts of,
above all, the people of those countries, and also
because of a steadily engaged international community.
Romania is carrying her share of this burden all the
way through the process.
Since 9/11, the international edifice, as well as
our common values of peace and security, have been
badly shaken by an unprecedented surge of terrorist
activity. Romania was among the first countries to
embark on efforts undertaken globally, as well as
regionally, to combat this scourge. From that day on,
we have constantly been at the forefront of the fight
against terrorism, on the ground and through our active
participation in the process of shaping successive
initiatives in different forums.
Furthermore, Romania has carried out her
specific contribution to international counter-terrorism
efforts as an elected member of the United Nations
Security Council by assuming, inter alia, the
chairmanship of the Committee established pursuant to
resolution 1540 (2004) on the non-proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction.
Romania has already advanced to the ratification
stage of the 12 relevant international conventions
adopted in this area and has transposed important parts
of their provisions into its national legislation. I am
proud to inform delegates that, on 14 September, my
President signed the International Convention for the
Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism, which was
adopted by the General Assembly on 13 April 2005.
Romania shares the European Union (EU) stand on the
urgency of adopting of a comprehensive convention on
international terrorism during the sixtieth session of the
General Assembly.
Our crucial aim is to see the day when the
international community is able to address each and
every security challenge, no matter where, by better
pooling existing resources and capabilities.
We were pleased to see recognition given in the
Summit Outcome (resolution 60/1) to the important
contribution that regional organizations have made to
peace and security.
The heads of State and Government expressed
their support for a stronger relationship between the
United Nations and regional organizations, under
Chapter VIII of the Charter. They resolved to expand
this dimension of the new architecture of international
peace and security through formalized agreements
between the respective secretariats and, as appropriate,
the involvement of regional organizations in the work
of the Security Council.
Romania’s particular experience in South-Eastern
Europe and the Black Sea area indicates that, in such
cases as conflict management and in handling
responses to transnational threats, regional action
reinforced by meaningful cooperation between the
United Nations and regional organizations is decisive.
In the Balkans, the way in which the Kosovo
issue will be addressed over the coming months is
going to be crucial for the overall prospects for lasting
stability, integration and prosperity for the whole
region. The United Nations-led policy of standards in
Kosovo has improved the situation in the region. The
probability of violence and conflict is lower now than
in the past, and we can start looking more confidently
towards the future. However, the job is not yet done.
Serbs and other ethnic communities in Kosovo still
fear for their security and cannot live normal lives.
There are also too many who are still waiting to return
to their homes. Therefore, the comprehensive
implementation of standards must continue, with
thorough consideration given to securing and
protecting normal relations between ethnic
communities, as well as to the rights and freedoms of
all people from Kosovo. No one will be able to refer
realistically to stability and a political settlement in the
region, as called for in United Nations Security
Council resolution 1244 (1999), until such a
foundation is achieved.
34

East of Romania, in the wider Black Sea area,
development is hampered by a lack of overall security
and stability. I am referring particularly to the
situations of protracted conflict in the region, frozen in
a state of uncertainty and disregard for international
law and scrutiny. Besides their negative impact on
development and political normalcy, these conflict
areas also spread modern maladies in the
neighbourhood, such as organized crime, illegal arms
and drug trafficking, trafficking in human beings, and,
not least, terrorism. The States of the region have to
rise to meet these challenges together. They will not be
able to do so without close cooperation. They need
strong partners, strategic vision and a coherent, more
comprehensive approach. It is clear that we have to
find something better and more sustainable than trying
to put these conflicts in the freezer for decades or
years. In order to ensure the benefits of stability in the
wider Black Sea area for all involved, the best way is
to work towards making the logic of cooperation
prevail.
In November, Romania will take up the
chairmanship of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation
pact. In this capacity, Romania will try to encourage all
players in the region to think strategically in the
common interest and overcome the burden of these
protracted conflicts so as to maximize the region’s
economic and social potential. Also, given the world’s
interdependence, the States of the region need a United
Nations that has closer links to regional structures and
that can enhance, in turn, the effectiveness of joint
action.
However we characterize the 2005 World Summit
Outcome — as a blueprint or a road map — it is
beyond a doubt that United Nations reform is still a
work in progress. As far as Romania is concerned, we
stand ready to join the presidency and all Member
countries in endeavours to prepare the United Nations
to meet the heavy demands placed on multilateral
cooperation in the twenty-first century.


First, Sir, I
should like to extend my sincere congratulations to you
on the occasion of your election to the presidency of
the sixtieth session of the General Assembly and to
wish you the greatest success in conducting the work
of the Assembly. I am also pleased to take this
opportunity to offer my sincere thanks to your
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, Minister
for Foreign Affairs of the Gabonese Republic, for the
considerable results produced during his term as
President, especially towards the end of the session,
when we reviewed matters related to the
implementation of the Millennium Goals and the
reform of the United Nations.
 I should also like to take this opportunity to
express our appreciation to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his valuable efforts to bolster and
propel the role of the United Nations in international
peacekeeping, security and development. The report by
Mr. Kofi Annan (A/59/2005) and the recommendations
set out in it provide us with important elements capable
of leading to consensus on strategies that will help us
to achieve the Millennium Goals and to make progress
on reforming the United Nations.
 I cannot fail to take advantage of this opportunity,
on behalf of the people of Sao Tome and Principe, to
reiterate to the Government and the people of the
United States of America and to the bereaved families
our sincere condolences regarding the tragedy caused
by Hurricane Katrina. These difficult times, being
experienced by a large part of the American people,
cannot leave us indifferent, above all because we are
fully aware of the role that the American people and its
Government play in international solidarity and
cooperation, constantly seeking peace and prosperity
for peoples in difficulty, and of their support and
financing of this great Organization.
 From the early days of the signing of the Charter
in 1945 in San Francisco, the United Nations has
played a crucial role in undertaking many matters of a
political, economic, social and humanitarian nature
throughout the world. Nevertheless, it seems to us that
the world now needs a stronger and more dynamic
United Nations. The present session takes place in a
very complex international environment. Indeed, the
climate of permanent tension experienced in some
parts of the world, the unbridled arms race, human
trafficking, cross-border organized crime, terrorism,
systematic violations of human rights, economic
depression and environmental degradation constitute
important matters that are in need of the attention of
the United Nations now and in the years to come. In
the face of such challenges, Member States must
manifest a sense of wisdom and responsibility in order
for an international order based on peace, security and
cooperation to prevail.
 Small island States met this year in Mauritius to
evaluate the Barbados Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States. In Mauritius, States reaffirmed their

14 05-51226

commitment to support the efforts of small island
developing States that would lead to sustainable
development through a greater and more effective
implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action.
Decisions and recommendations were adopted on
climate change, natural and environmental disasters,
water resources, waste management, tourism, energy,
transportation, biodiversity and marine and coastal
resources. All the problems that affect small island
States, from global warming to ecosystem problems,
can be resolved only if the international community
makes an effort to effectively increase the resources
that will support the sustained development of small
island States. In this regard, we would like to take the
opportunity to express our thanks both to the
international community and to the Government of
Mauritius for the efforts made to organize the special
conference.
 International security is based on the protection
of the people and on education for capacity-building,
promoting a community’s development. Nations that
do not pay attention those factors could be in a state of
permanent tension, which is not conducive to progress.
For this reason HIV/AIDS, poverty, political crises,
ongoing violations of human rights, oppression and
occupation constitute threats to human security.
 Many of our countries continue to face challenges
in combating HIV/AIDS and other illnesses. In some
regions of Africa HIV/AIDS is devastating families,
cultures and economies — entire societies. The cost of
treatment continues to be extremely high and our
economies are beginning to buckle under the effects of
the illness. If significant resources and additional
scientific investment for research to seek a cure for
HIV/AIDS are not forthcoming the development
expectations of Africa will be far from being met.
 Very recently the Republic of Angola was
attacked by the worst outbreak ever of Marburg fever,
caused by a virus related to the Ebola virus. We are
concerned because Sao Tome and Principe, being an
integral part of the Central African States, cannot
remove itself from that situation. We appeal to the
World Health Organization (WHO) to strengthen the
capabilities of the countries of the subregion by
holding seminars and providing training. This initiative
will help us to deal prophylactically with similar
situations that might arise. Likewise, malaria continues
to be a serious public health problem for my country
despite its active involvement with existing
programmes supported by several countries and
organizations.
 The situation of insecurity primarily affects the
most vulnerable populations, especially refugees,
children, women and the elderly. Terrorism is
destabilizing Governments, destroying lives and
claiming innocent victims. We are faced with a
challenge that requires reformulating our strategies to
combat it. It seems entirely appropriate to start with an
understanding of the origins of the problem by
identifying its causes, and then to forge new
consensuses and improve the methods of combating the
problem and implementing Security Council resolution
1373 (2001). However, the United Nations must take
additional action to benefit States which, like my own,
are not in a position to fully comply with all the
provisions of that resolution. We need resources that
will contribute to the improvement, inter alia, of our
security, including control of our borders and territorial
waters. Here, strengthening our capability to fight the
phenomenon of terrorism is a priority.
 In my capacity as President of the Community of
Portuguese-Speaking Countries, I should like to refer
to Guinea-Bissau, which has just successfully
concluded a long and difficult political transition. First,
let me congratulate the people and the authorities of
that country on their success. I commend the
international community, and in particular the United
Nations and its Secretary-General, for its prompt
contribution, which bolstered the people’s action for
peace, stability and development. Now, Guinea-Bissau
faces the giant task of promoting development and
well-being for its population. The international
community must therefore continue to provide its
traditional help so that legitimate expectations may not
be frustrated.
 The universality of the Organization requires that
all nations must be represented. However, this
continues not to be so despite several calls for it. As we
reflect on reforming the United Nations, we must once
again take advantage of the opportunity from this
rostrum to invite the international community to review
the problem of the need for the Republic of China on
Taiwan to be represented in the Organization. In this
regard, my country signed the letter contained in
document A/60/192 requesting the inclusion of an item
in the agenda of the present session entitled “Question
of the representation of the 23 million people of

05-51226 15

Taiwan in the United Nations”. Once again, we have
lost an opportunity to correct this injustice.
 We are further concerned by the recent adoption
by the People’s Republic of China of the so-called anti-
secession law, which, by increasing tension in the
Strait of Taiwan, may compromise peace in the region.
Aware of the role of the United Nations, specifically
under the provisions of Articles 1 and 34 of the
Charter, Sao Tome and Principe also joined in
proposing the draft resolution annexed to document
A/60/193. That document contains a letter requesting
the inclusion of a supplementary item in the agenda of
the present session entitled, “A proactive role for the
United Nations in maintaining peace in the Taiwan
Strait”. Neither proposal received the expected support.
 We are faced with an excellent opportunity to
infuse our Organization with greater dynamism and
rationality, more action and less bureaucracy. Reform
of the system is urgent. It is a high priority. To that
end, we must all work without hesitation for the good
of the world to which we belong.