49.	 At the very outset I congratulate Mr. Jorge Illueca on his well deserved election as president of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly and wish him every success in the discharge of the onerous responsibilities entrusted to him. I also express our sincere appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the effective manner in which he guided the work of the thirty-seventh session.
50.	Our special appreciation also goes to the Secretary- General, who through his indefatigable efforts is endeavouring to enhance the effectiveness and increase the prestige of the United Nations.
51.	Last but not least, on behalf of the Ethiopian delegation I extend a warm welcome to the newly independent State of Saint Christopher and Nevis as it enters this family of sovereign nations.
52.	It has become a tradition for the Organization of African Unity through its current Chairman, to address the General Assembly on the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of Africa. Accordingly, I have been instructed by my head of State, Mr. Mengistu Haile- Mariam, the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, f deliver the following message to the thirty- eighth session of the General Assembly.
53.	Peace and progress are the pressing needs and the immutable objectives of all the peoples of the world. But that these objectives could not be fully and globally achieved remains the foremost preoccupation of the world today. We in Africa are convinced that, as the sole universal forum for international deliberation and action, the United Nations has a unique and leading role to play in the attainment of the lofty objectives of peace and progress for the whole of mankind.
54.	Throughout history, societies have continuously struggled for common identity, independence and peaceful development, as well as for equal and mutually beneficial relationships with one another. Whereas the universal validity of these goals is evident, the struggle to attain them was often frustrated by the forces of oppression and domination, thus causing humanity to alternate between hope and despair, and between war and peace.
55.	So long as these basic and universal yearnings of mankind are not respected, it is inevitable that peace and progress will remain mere hopes and aspirations. It is in this perspective that we in Africa view the diverse problems confronting us today.
56.	Ours is a demand that the universal character and validity of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations be recognized and scrupulously respected, so that the United Nations might be strengthened and world peace and security guaranteed. Ours is a demand that the identity and sovereignty of each nation be respected, in order to enrich existing civilizations and lay the foundations for a universal one. Ours is a demand that the peaceful and collective development of peoples be guaranteed, to ensure the eradication from the face of the earth of the age-old enemies of mankind and to build a more congenial environment for the full realization of human potentialities. Ours is a demand that international relations be restructured on the basis of equality and mutual respect, in order to remove tension and confrontation and replace them with detente, co-operation and mutual concern.
57.	Despite the fact that Africa is the cradle of rich civilizations, at one point in time it was designated by colonial Powers as the  dark continent , which paved the way for the merciless plunder of its natural resources, for the trampling underfoot of the rights and freedom of its peoples, for the defiling of its cultures and for the sale of its sons and daughters like chattels. But the rich legacies of Africa's identity and freedom, as well as its resilient civilizations could never be wiped out. As a result, and after a long and arduous struggle by the peoples of Africa for cultural and national identity, the preponderant majority of African countries have today attained their independence and sovereignty.
58.	However, due to the exploitative and oppressive colonial experience and the prevailing iniquitous international economic order which has its origin in the era of colonialism, Africa is currently facing numerous and varied problems.
59.	As is well known, throughout the long periods of cultural domination, economic activities in the parcelled African region were deliberately centered on the merciless exploitation of Africa's natural resources, which itself was a further sequel to the prior inhumane exploitation of Africa through the slave trade of the preceding centuries. Further, the subjugated African colonies were forced into an unhealthy integration of their social and economic life with that of the metropolitan countries. The African economy, as a result, is today characterized by the deep scars of colonialism and the inhuman ravages of imperialism. Indeed, the direction and content of our social and economic development were disoriented, while the momentum for growth and for an eventual take-off was retarded.
60.	With this background, added to which are the constant manoeuvres of imperialism, the African economy finds itself today with all the basic structural symptoms and crises of underdevelopment: over-specialization in the production of a few export commodities, over dependency on other growth centers of the world, chronic balance-of-payments deficits, increasing food shortages, institutional inadequacies and so forth. Indeed, such problems have become so common and serious in Africa that 26 African countries, representing more than half of all the African States, are classified among the 36 least developed countries of the world.
61.	Furthermore, the present economic crisis in the world has affected all sectors of African economic activity, both national and international. The collapse of the prices of our principal exports of agricultural and mineral raw materials in spite of the efforts of UNCTAD to implement the Integrated Programme for Commodities has drastically reduced our foreign exchange earnings from these exports, which constitute the most important element of the developing countries' import and debt- servicing capacity. Coupled with the severe liquidity squeeze, these developments have forced our countries to cut down on their national programmes of social and economic development, in full awareness of the social and political consequences of doing so.
62.	The average growth rate of the gross domestic product has plummeted from 4.4. per cent in 1980 to 2 per cent in 1981 and 1.1. per cent in 1982, which is considerably lower than the average population growth rate, implying that for the whole continent real per capita income has been on a continuous decline over the years and is below the level of the early 1960s. Indeed, some countries are experiencing a negative growth rate.
63.	The rising import bills for food, energy and other essentials, together with the high rate of imported inflation and dwindling export earnings, has contributed to the high level of current account deficits of $14 billion, and to a total external debt of $75 billion, compared with only $14.2 billion in 1973. It is now widely recognized that with the average debt-service ratio of 20 per cent projected for this year, many African countries will continue to encounter severe difficulties in servicing external debt, in financing current account deficits and, hence, in financing the projected flow of imports.

64.	In addition, many of our countries are affected by devastating natural disasters, such as severe drought, desertification and floods, with serious repercussions on Africa's ability to feed its teeming population. The response of the international community to the plight of developing countries has been negative, or at best ambivalent, as typified by the recently concluded sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade. The developed and industrialized countries, in spite of the recognized interdependence of the world economy, adopted the usual negative approach, so much so that even the very few resolutions that were adopted at Belgrade were subject to frustrating reservations.
65.	The developing countries themselves have taken various initiatives and made concrete proposals to advance international economic co-operation. Our efforts at the level of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Group of 77 bear testimony to this claim. Had these initiatives been acted upon and had the call for a new international economic order been fully supported by all, we would have laid a solid foundation for a better world.
66.	Africa has persistently advocated the restructuring of the present inequitable international economic order as well as its own domestic economic system. Africa continues to press for the establishment of a new international economic order and the immediate launching of global negotiations. It was in this spirit that Africa took the historic step of working out a regional development strategy adopted at Lagos in April 1980 by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its second extraordinary session. This strategy, now commonly known as the Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos, lays down the philosophy and strategy for change in Africa. Africa is indeed firmly convinced that there is no viable alternative to the implementation of the basic principles of the Lagos Plan of Action, namely, collective self-reliance and self-sustainment so that an African economic community may be realized by the year 2000.
67.	At this point, let me hasten to emphasize that Africa's adoption of a strategy of self-reliance and self-sustainment does not in any way imply the renunciation of international support. On the contrary, it anticipates full support from the international community, as was recently restated in the Addis Ababa Declaration on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee anniversary celebration of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, which inter alia, called upon the international community through the General Assembly of the United Nations
 to support [the] endeavour by providing the necessary moral, technical and financial support to the efforts of African countries in their faithful implementation of the goals and objectives of the Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos in accordance with the provisions of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade.
I sincerely hope that this humble call will be heard and that there will be a response to it.
68.	Africa's effort and determination will require a considerable amount of external support of all kinds, and it is with this in mind that we urge the General Assembly and other United Nations organs to play the principal role in global economic negotiations, in order that all issues be addressed in an interrelated manner, in full recognition of their interdependence as well as the interdependence of all economies of the world, and also in order to ensure a comprehensive solution and results that are beneficial to developing countries. The General Assembly and all other United Nations organs must give full attention to all issues in the domain of North-South economic cooperation, with priority consideration to the liquidity problems facing developing countries, the chronic balance- of-payments problems, the collapse of commodity prices and the acute food situation facing developing countries, as well as the special problem of the least developed countries, among others.
69.	In all these areas, the concrete proposals of developing countries are on the table. These include, in particular, the convening of an international conference on money and finance for development to address seriously the issues of transfer of resources to developing countries, the reform of the international monetary system and an effective framework for co-operation in the areas of money and finance for development.
70.	Further, the problem of trade in raw materials should be accorded high priority with a view to securing improvement in prices, ensuring easy access to markets and allowing developing countries to maximize their benefits from all activities relating to marketing, transportation and distribution of their raw materials.
71.	Unless this is done, what is being described currently as recovery in some countries will be meaningless to us in the third world, because the so-called trickle-down effect has never worked in the past and is most unlikely to work now, given the pervasive nature and the depth of the current economic crisis and the structural rigidity of the majority of our countries.
72.	Negative attitudes must give way to reason and to a common resolve to save humanity from destitution, despair and an uncertain future.
73.	Coupled with these severe economic problems, the challenge of the complete eradication of colonialism and racism from the face of the continent still faces Africa.
74.	In their long struggle for independence, equality and justice, the peoples of Africa have always opted, wherever possible, for the peaceful attainment of their objectives. In this respect, the Lusaka Manifesto stands as a living testimony. But Africa has been compelled to resort to armed struggle because the response of the colonialists and racists to Africa's legitimate quest for freedom has been only mindless violence.
75.	Faced with this situation, the United Nations also recognizes the right of all peoples to resort to armed struggle against racists and colonialists.
76.	The just struggle of peoples, which has vanquished the forces of racism and colonialism and ensured the accession to independence of countries such as Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and others in our continent, is at once a cause for pride to the peace-loving international community and a significant contribution to the further strengthening of the principles of the United Nations. Nevertheless, a serious challenge awaits us, since the odious system which continues to defy flagrantly the will of the international community and reject with utter impunity the principles of the Charter of the United Nations is still entrenched in Namibia and South Africa.
77.	Today, Namibia is still languishing under the illegal and colonial occupation of South Africa, despite the many decisions of the Security Council and the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly as well as the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice The United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, approved in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), is yet to be implemented, owing to the deception and intransigence of the South African regime. We are fully aware that the responsibility for the delay in implementation must be shared by the members of the so-called Western
contact group, which are at once the initiators of the plan and the sole obstacle to the adoption of enforcement measures for its implementation.
78.	Indeed, Africa cannot but express its extreme indignation at the attempts being made to hold Namibia's independence hostage to the realization of the strategic objectives of some of the members of the contact group. In this regard, we reaffirm our common position that the presence of Cuban forces in Angola is totally unrelated to the question of Namibia's independence. We reject any linkage or parallelism.
79.	Inasmuch as the racist regime has so far refused to comply with the numerous resolutions of the United Nations, one wonders for how long the Organization can continue adopting resolutions which will invariably remain unimplemented. This, we believe, is a question of crucial importance. We are convinced, in this regard, that the United Nations has no alternative but to prove once again its commitment to human freedom, dignity and equality by shouldering its historic responsibility to the Namibian people and adopting a programme of comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against South Africa.
80.	Even though the people of Namibia will gain their freedom and independence through their own struggle and under their sole and legitimate, representative, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], Africa believes that economic sanctions will help pressure the South African regime to opt for the peaceful and speedy renunciation of its illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia.
81.	In the mean time, however, Africa is resolved to render all possible political, diplomatic and material assistance to SWAPO and the struggling people of Namibia. In this connection, I deem it my duty to call upon the international community to do likewise, inasmuch as the armed struggle being waged by the people of Namibia is part and parcel of the world-wide struggle for freedom and dignity, deserving the total support of all peoples that love freedom and justice.
82.	Another just struggle that equally deserves our total support is that of the oppressed masses of South Africa, whose political freedom and human dignity have been trampled upon by the racist regime in Pretoria far too long. The inhuman and repugnant system of apartheid is not only a challenge to the international community, but an insult to the conscience of mankind as well. We therefore call upon the United Nations in particular and the international community in general to help put an end to this crime against humanity by isolating the racist regime in every sphere of international life and by extending at the same time to the liberation movements of South Africa all the necessary moral and material assistance. Moreover, we call upon those Western countries whose transnational corporations are engaged in the plunder of the natural resources of both South Africa and Namibia and whose Governments identify their interests with those of the racist regime, to practice in South Africa what they globally preach about human rights and fundamental freedoms.
83.	Not content with this brutal oppression of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia, the racist Pretoria regime has now embarked on a grand strategy of destabilization and naked aggression against the front-line African countries. Subversive and terrorist groups, organized, armed and financed by the racist regime, are currently operating in Angola, Mozambique, Lesotho and Zimbabwe, depriving the peoples of those countries of peace and stability and thereby forcing them to divert their attention and resources from the urgent task of economic and social reconstruction.
84.	Apart from committing repeated acts of aggression against the People's Republic of Angola, the apartheid regime is now in illegal occupation of parts of southern Angola. Furthermore, it is attempting to strangulate the land-locked Kingdom of Lesotho.
85.	It is Africa's view that these acts of aggression and destabilization are designed not only to cripple the armed struggle of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa, but also to overthrow the Governments of the front-line States because of their steadfast and selfless support of the struggle of the oppressed peoples of southern Africa. I submit that this evil design should not be glossed over with more condemnatory and ineffective resolutions. Instead, the international community must assist the front-line States in every way possible in order to enable them to defend better their sovereignty and territorial integrity.
86.	In addition to the problems in southern Africa, Africa is also preoccupied with other predicaments, one of which is the situation in Chad. This problem, which is almost 20 years old, has caused immense loss of life and destruction of property in that troubled land. It will be recalled that this question was one of the most pressing issues before the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth session. While the objective of our organization is to find a lasting and peaceful solution to this problem, its complexity and the volatile nature of the situation, as well as the divergent views of internal and external forces, have made it difficult to arrive at a lasting solution more expeditiously.
87.	Everybody, of course, believes in the need for peace; the difference arises on how to achieve it. For our part, we are trying to listen to all sides and to find a just solution to the problem. In this connection, we have called upon the external forces to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of Chad so as not to exacerbate the situation. We convened the bureau of the nineteenth session of the Assembly and conducted a useful exchange of views with African leaders, thus benefiting from their advice and suggestions as to the possible future course of action. We are still doing everything possible to find a formula acceptable to all and to this end we are in constant touch with the parties directly concerned and with other African leaders. We remain confident that the United Nations and the international community will give the support necessary for the success of our efforts.
88.	The other problem to which our organization is seeking a solution is the question of Western Sahara. Apart from the adverse consequences it has had on the parties concerned, this problem, as we all know, challenged and threatened the very existence of our organization. However, African leaders, inspired by their devotion to the ideals and purposes of the organization and guided by the ideals and spirit of African brotherhood, have, through serious discussions and consultations, succeeded in preserving and strengthening their indispensable continental organization.
89.	Subsequent to my consultations with the parties directly involved, as well as with other African leaders, with a view to creating an atmosphere conducive to the implementation of resolution the question of Western Sahara, adopted by the Assembly at its nineteenth session. I convened a meeting of the Implementation Committee at Addis Ababa from 21 to 23 September 1983. It is to be regretted, however, that the Committee had to adjourn indefinitely as a result of a procedural objection raised by Morocco.

90.	This temporary setback notwithstanding, we shall continue to search for a lasting solution to the problem of Western Sahara on the basis of that resolution. We shall not despair. Nonetheless, it must be made clear at this juncture that the quest for a solution requires the goodwill of both parties, for the co-operation of one party alone would not produce the desired results. In this regard, we are appreciative of the assistance and support given to the OAU by the United Nations and are also looking forward to greater co-operation between the two organizations in the final disposal of the problem.
91.	The OAU also seeks and hopes to receive the support and co-operation of the United Nations in the final settlement of the problems arising out of the claims of the sister African States of the Comoros over Mayotte, of Madagascar over the four Malagasy islands, as well as of Mauritius over the Chagos Archipelago.
92.	Another problem in which the OAU is involved in fruitful co-operation with the United Nations is that of refugees—a problem which is closely linked with the economic, social and political development of Africa and whose solution has to be sought in this context. Although the problem is complicated and many-faceted, Africa has a clear perception of its continental scope and, as a result, is collectively endeavouring to find solutions to it. We realize that actions taken by each individual country are decisive for the final outcome of this common effort.
93.	The OAU is taking various steps to co-ordinate this collective endeavour. In particular, it is engaged in coordinating the activities of donor agencies and in developing a strategy that would enable it to evaluate and fully appraise the problem of refugees. In this respect, I am happy to note that it has been decided to hold, in the very near future, the second international conference on assistance to refugees in Africa. I also wish to commend all Governments and organizations which have so far provided assistance to African refugees and, at the same time, would like to express the hope that these Governments and agencies would continue to assist us in dealing with this serious human problem.
94.	Apart from those I have already mentioned, there are numerous situations and problems which are a source of serious concern to Africa. High among these is the ever-escalating and threatening arms race. In the past, mankind had sought its security through the acquisition of armaments. But with the advent of nuclear weapons, the vast majority of the people of the world has realized that it is only through disarmament that the security and well-being of humanity can be enhanced.
95.	This realization notwithstanding, new weapons, both nuclear and chemical, with greater accuracy and massive destructive power, are  being produced and deployed. Furthermore, the rapid development of science and technology has created the awesome possibility of the militarization of outer space. As has already been repeatedly stated from this and other forums, the arms race is consuming human and material resources which could otherwise have been used to advance the material well-being of humanity at large.
96.	Africa believes that security can be achieved only through the peaceful resolution of international problems and the realization of the goal of general and complete disarmament. As a consequence, Africa cannot subscribe to the dangerous policy of nuclear deterrence and, indeed, expresses its utter indignation at the squandering on the arms race of much of the world's resources, when millions are still languishing under the yoke of poverty, disease and Ignorance. We, therefore, call for a halt to the arms race so that this dangerous process can be reversed and the security of nations sought at lower levels of armament. Africa also extends its solidarity to all those forces struggling for peace and disarmament in all parts of the world.
97.	In this connection, I have to mention Africa's support for the establishment of zones of peace and nuclear- weapon-free zones in the different regions of the world. In reaffirming our decision in favour of the denuclearization of Africa, I have to warn the international community of the dangers posed to international peace and security by the nuclear programme of the racist regime of South Africa, which is assisted by certain western States in this perilous venture.
98.	In the same vein, I have to state that the further militarization of the Indian Ocean, in contravention of the decisions and declarations by the OAU, the Non- Aligned Movement and, above all, the United Nations, is threatening not only the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the littoral and hinterland States of the Ocean, but also the peace and security of the world at large. The expansion of existing military bases and the search for new ones do not augur well for the security of the region. We, therefore, call for the early convening of the Conference on the Indian Ocean and the speedy implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
99.	Africa's concern for the strengthening of international peace and security, as well as the progress of mankind, forces it to take concrete positions on various regional problems facing the international community. One such problem on which the OAU has taken an unequivocal stance is the question of Palestine and the Middle East. In order for the States and peoples of that region to achieve a just and lasting peace, it is Africa's conviction that the suffering Palestinian people must attain its legitimate and inalienable rights to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent state in its territory. Furthermore, the PLO, as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, must participate on an equal footing in all negotiations affecting the fate of the people of Palestine. Israel must also withdraw from all Arab and Palestinian territories occupied by it since 1967. The right of every State in the region to live in peace within internationally recognized boundaries must also be respected by all.
100.	Furthermore, Africa believes that Lebanon must be left alone to regain its social peace and political stability through scrupulous respect for its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity as well as its national unity.
101.	The other problem of concern to Africa is the war that has been raging for the last three years between Iran and Iraq. Over and above the great loss of life, the immense destruction of property and the displacement of persons that it has entailed, the war between the two countries has become a source of instability and insecurity for the Gulf region. On behalf of Africa, I would like once again to call on both Governments, mindful of their responsibilities and in response to the appeals previously made by the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the OAU, to cease hostilities and to try to resolve the problem peacefully.
102.	As regards the tension and conflict that prevail in Central America, the South Atlantic, Cyprus, the various sub-regions of Asia, including South-East Asia, and the Korean peninsula, I wish to express the hope that peaceful solutions will be found to all these problems and that
all those concerned will make a determined effort towards that end.
103.	I would be remiss in my duty if, at this juncture, I were not to say a few words in the name of the people and Government of socialist Ethiopia regarding the Ethiopian revolution.
104.	Throughout its long history Ethiopia has successfully preserved its independence and territorial integrity against repeated attempts by foreign Powers. However, the archaic feudal system and the capitalist production relations which were, at a later stage, grafted on this system, had kept the country in a backward state, depriving it of any meaningful social and economic development. During those years of bitter existence, a handful of feudal lords, having appropriated to themselves almost all the resources of the country, had subjected the broad masses of Ethiopia to cruel and barbaric exploitation, forcing them to live in utter misery and wretchedness, denied of their human dignity and fundamental freedoms. It is to this inhuman system that the social revolution of the Ethiopian people has dealt a mortal blow, and it is today striving to build in its stead an order based on freedom, equality and social justice.
105.	This social revolution, and the subsequent fundamental changes it has brought about, is part and parcel of the global demand for peace and progress, and as such it is not directed against any country. If anything, it should have been taken as a contribution to the building of an international system based on peace, justice and equality. Regrettably, however, it is this revolution that remains a target of external threats and aggression. In this connection, particular reference must be made to the provocative military exercises repeatedly conducted in our region by the United States of America, creating a sense of danger and alarm in many countries of the area, including my own. The people and Government of socialist Ethiopia vehemently oppose such provocative acts aimed at undermining the peace and stability of Ethiopia and the region as a whole
106.	I have so far attempted to outline briefly the existing problems pertaining to peace and development in Africa as well as Africa's position on the issues of the day. It is quite evident that these problems in large measure emanate from the gap that exists between the objective reality obtaining in the world, on the one hand, and the lofty ideals of the United Nations, on the other.
107.	We believe that the Organization, which serves as the rallying point for the peoples of the world, should be a forum where collective struggle can be waged to bridge that gap and bring about better understanding among peoples and countries wherein the human aspect of civilization shall characterize the relations between peoples and nations everywhere. Hence, in order to alter the course of events in the world and reorient them, change is imperative. However, this is not to advocate a change in the purposes and principles of the Organization, which we believe are noble and sound, but to propose a change in attitude and perception as well as a change in orientation and priorities in action. In essence this is but a call for international relations to be guided by the paramount goals of peace and progress for entire mankind and for their conduct to be based on the principles and norms of international law and the precepts of justice.
108.	The growing demand for such a change, echoed in the Organization, must be met with a positive response in order to reassure the peoples of the world which have reposed confidence in the United Nations and whose destiny, in large measure, depends on the nature of that response. Certainly, we are all aware that the issue is a complex and difficult one. Nevertheless, it is a challenge that must be met individually and collectively. There is no more gratifying task than that of facing this epochal challenge and meeting the obligations dictated by our time.
109.	Africa, for its part, stands for change and for the building of a better world. We cannot stand by as helpless observers. On behalf of Africa, I should like to reassure this august Assembly that we are resolved to make concrete and effective contributions in support of any move of the Organization that would help realize the noble purposes of the United Nations.
110.	We know that the Organization has so far made significant and historic contributions in preserving world peace and in advancing the peaceful search for new and just economic, political and social as well as information orders. In this regard, Africa is indebted to the Organization. Indeed, it is a well-known fact that Africa's long and arduous struggle for independence and development has been fully supported by the United Nations. We are certain that the Organization will continue to render us moral, political and material support in the remaining phases of our struggle. Long live African unity. Long live the United Nations.


144.	 Sir, I wish at the outset to congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. My delegation is satisfied at having you direct the proceedings, in view of your acknowledged wisdom, experience and ability, which justify your assumption of your responsibilities and also because you represent a country with which my country maintains the best of relations.
145.	I cannot fail at this moment to express my appreciation and congratulations to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, the head of the delegation of the friendly republic of Hungary, on the outstanding manner and the unmatched skill with which he guided the Assembly's work during the thirty-seventh session ,
146.	I should also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General for his efforts to promote the role of the United Nations and to enhance its efficiency.
147.	My delegation also has the pleasure of congratulating Saint Christopher and Nevis on attaining independence and welcomes its admission to membership of the United Nations.
148.	The thirty-eighth session is meeting against a background of critical international developments, characterized by a worsening atmosphere of confrontation, the exacerbation of several world political, economic and social crises and strenuous efforts by colonial and imperialist Powers to return to the old spheres of influence and to gain hegemony over new ones. Moreover, there has been an increasing sense of insecurity among nations of the world because of the policies adopted by the colonial Powers. These are based on gunboat diplomacy and the resulting creation of hotbeds of tension and international disputes. There is also the intensification of colonial military build-ups with a view to using them in the service of colonialist States, thus destabilizing many regions in the world, and in acts of aggression perpetrated against independent countries in order to intimidate their peoples and prevent them from utilizing their resources in development and progress.
149.	An assessment of events since the thirty-seventh session will undoubtedly explain why all international efforts and attempts to reach solutions for many of the current international issues have resulted in nothing but frustration. We have witnessed the persistence of old hotbeds of conflict and a steady rise in the level of tension, the proliferation of armed conflicts and the ascending influence of power concepts cherished by colonial forces. We have also witnessed a colonialist imperialist assault, led by the United States, against the sovereignty and independence of nations. The policy of muscle- flexing, fostered by American imperialism, particularly under the present Administration, has become more firmly established and its scope has been broadened to include the various regions of the globe. It is aimed at the security and sovereignty of States and peoples that
reject submission to pressure and intimidation as practised by American imperialism in order to achieve its ambitions centred on domination and hegemony in the world and on plundering its wealth. An example of the sufferings resulting from the terrorism of American policy is found in Central America, where the friendly people of Nicaragua and their revolutionary leadership are being exposed to threats and aggression from the United States.
150.	The Governments and peoples of Grenada and Cuba also face a similarly hostile policy from the United States. In addition, the United States Administration has set itself up as a guardian of the rights and the political, economic and social options of this region and, through armed force and immoral conspiracies, seeks to prevent the people of El Salvador from eradicating despotic and fascist rule and establishing a free democratic regime. It is also by means of terrorism and force that the United States Administration enables client regimes to seize power, irrespective of opposition from their peoples. The ruling regimes of Chile, El Salvador and Guatemala are clear instances of this.
151.	My country, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, has for its part suffered from American threats and intimidation in the form of direct aggression, economic pressure, acts of provocation and threats by the Sixth Fleet off the Libyan coast and near the Gulf of Sidra, repeated infringement of Libyan air space by military aircraft, spying by AWACS aircraft and military manoeuvres near our frontiers. Such acts are regarded not only as a violation of the territorial sovereignty of Libya and a threat to the security of the Libyan people, but also as a threat to the security of the States of the Mediterranean and Africa and a violation of the international principles and laws which prohibit the use of force in international relations. My country has declared it will prevent any foreign Power from violating its territorial air space and waters in the Gulf of Sidra, and explicit orders have been given to our naval and air forces to shoot down any target breaching the sanctity of our territorial waters and skies.
152.	This adventurist policy of the United States Administration against the Libyan people and other nations has been condemned by all countries in many international forums and has led to complications in the international situation and the exacerbation of tensions endangering international peace and security.
153.	The tactics of confrontation; the threats of aggression and the economic pressure applied by American imperialism and its colonialist and racist allies will not succeed in intimidating the peoples and will not stifle their legitimate aspirations to freedom, independence, the right to self-determination and a secure, peaceful existence.
154.	The international community and the United Nations in particular bear a direct responsibility for curbing the United States Administration and denouncing the power-hungry policies it follows in terrorizing nations. My country, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, calls upon all countries, particularly those under the yoke of the terrorism of the United States policies, such as Nicaragua and Iran, to take every possible practical step to expose the record of American terrorism and to suggest the appropriate means to counter it. To this end, we propose the following.
155.	First, public symposiums and trials should be held to shed light on the terrorism of American policies, which contradict its frequently proclaimed desire to protect the free world. Thus it is pursuing a similar course to that which led to its involvement in the Viet Nam war.
156.	Secondly, the American public should be addressed directly to reveal the reality of United States political terrorism and its hostile attitude to peoples and their choices.
157.	Thirdly, efforts should be made within the framework of the United Nations to take measures strong enough to counter the hostile policies fostered by the United States Administration and also to deal with the tension and instability that result from those policies in many countries of the world.
158.	My country, as a world centre for combating imperialism, Zionism and racism, is prepared to consult with the countries that suffer from American recklessness for the purpose of forming a common policy for countering the aggression and power politics.
159.	As a result of overt imperialistic interventions, the situation in the Arab world is explosive, endangering the region and threatening its international peace and security. Today we are witnessing flagrant intervention by American troops in Lebanon, while United States military manoeuvres abound in several Arab countries. This endangers the security and safety not only of those countries but of neighbouring countries as well. This intervention serves the goal of fostering American domination and hegemony and expanding its spheres of influence. Meanwhile, the Zionist entity in occupied Palestine persists in defying the international community and all international laws and norms. In addition to occupying Palestine, it continues to annex more territory in order to make a reality of the Zionist dream of establishing a Zionist State stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates.
160.	Continued Israeli aggression in Arab territories and the unceasing racist practices, ranging from mass slaughter, torture and unlawful seizure of property to disregarding the resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and regional and international organizations, make it imperative for the international community to reconsider its stance towards the Zionist entity and to embark upon effective measures to ensure the reimposition of legitimacy and the laws that have been ignored. Once again, we emphasize the necessity of adopting the following measures.
161.	First, the Zionist entity must be expelled from the General Assembly because of the Zionist defiance of its resolutions and pursuant to the resolution adopted during the Assembly's ninth emergency special session, and in view of the fact that it is not a peace-loving Member and has not fulfilled the obligations to which it is committed by the Charter.
162.	Secondly, an economic, military and political boycott must be imposed on this entity, which has surpassed all limits in flouting international resolutions and has never observed any of the norms of international conduct or respected any human rights.
163.	Thirdly, the military and financial assistance being extended to the Zionist entity, particularly by the United States, and which is being used in the invasion of other countries, in murdering the innocent and in carrying out massacres such as occurred in Lebanon must be stopped.
164.	Last year we cautioned the world that the so-called peace initiatives—which are in fact aimed at capitulation —would not succeed if they did not ensure recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Today, we reiterate that these rights are clear; they are acknowledged by the international community in every forum. They are unequivocally defined as the restoration to the Palestinian people of its homeland and the exercise of the right to self-determination and to establish an independent State on the soil of Palestine, where Moslems
and Christians can coexist under the leadership of the PLO.
164. The situation in Lebanon has deteriorated recently as a result of increased flagrant American intervention and the fact that the United States and French troops are siding with one of the warring factions. We find that the multinational force dispatched under the pretext of maintaining peace has itself threatened peace and security, having turned the Lebanese conflict from a sectarian and local conflict into an international one, wherein the multinational force, while posing as a defender, seeks to set one Lebanese group against another in an imperialist crusade.
163. Those observing the role of the multinational force, especially the role of the Americans, are wondering why the fire of United States warships and artillery has been directed only against the Druse and the Shiites. Is that pure coincidence or is it because they are Moslems? We are also wondering why, if it is the task of the United States troops to halt the fighting and silence the guns, they have not directed a single shot at the Phalangist troops. Is that pure coincidence or because they are Christians? Such acts of bigotry are reminiscent of scenes from the medieval Crusades and prompt us to warn that their continuation would throw the world into further conflicts and formations of blocs, thereby heightening the current tension and pushing the world closer toward confrontation.
166.	The objectives of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon were evident from the very beginning, and so also were the American assistance and support for this onslaught. This is because the United States has always sought to find in the Arab region solutions which suited itself, after the pattern of the Camp David agreements. Thus, when no other Arab country would participate in those agreements, the United States Administration induced Israel to invade Lebanon, considering that to be the weakest link in the Arab resistance chain.. The obvious goal of the Israeli invasion was to force Lebanon to sign a peace treaty and create a ruling regime willing to acquiesce, co-operate with Israel, expel Palestinians from Lebanon, strip the Lebanese national force of its arms and eventually besiege Syria to impose on it political solutions incompatible with its fundamental convictions.
167.	The opposition of Syria and the Lebanese national forces to the Israeli treaty has abrogated it in terms of applicability, and the United States therefore seeks to impose it by force through its troops, military aircraft and warships.
168.	Peace will not prevail in Lebanon through United States shelling and bombardment from the air and the sea, nor through threatening the Lebanese people by deploying the biggest war vessels off the Lebanese shores. We are requested to seek the withdrawal of United States troops and the other multinational contingents in Lebanon, in order to confine the conflict to its local and internal nature and enable the disputing Lebanese parties to embark on a dialogue and achieve national reconciliation.
169.	The situation in Africa presents another example of the politics of intimidation and threat of the United States Administration and some other colonialist Powers in suppressing the will of small nations.
170.	In Africa and along the southern borders of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, the fraternal people of Chad, under the leadership of the Transitional National Union Government formed pursuant to the Lagos Accord of 18 August 1979/ are still striving to quell the mutiny and restore the usurped authority to its legitimate Government comprising all Chadian factions. The people of
Chad almost realized their aims and the civil war would have ended during the last two months had it not been for the hysterical intervention of the colonialist powers which sent thousands of their soldiers and hundreds of mercenaries into Chad, supported by warplanes and a variety of weapons to protect the rebel, Hissein Habre, after he ran out of both troops and popular backing.
171.	The French and American intervention in Chad under the pretext of maintaining peace has only produced further deterioration in the situation there and the internationalization of the civil war. This was due to the fact that the American intervention was not meant for peace. That intervention in Chad corresponds with the United States' declared policy of creating new hotbeds of tension as well as gaining new spheres of influence, even at the expense of its allies, not to mention its disregard for the will of the Chadian people themselves.
172.	For the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Chad is a neighbouring country and the security of the two countries is interlinked. This African nation cannot be divided ethnically and geographically into north and south as some envisage.
173.	In ethnic, geographic and religious terms, Chad is a multiracial and multireligious country where "Al- Qor'aan" tribes dwell in the north, Arab tribes in the east and a variety of African and Arab tribes in the centre, in addition to Negro tribes in the south. The Islamic faith is embraced by the majority, and each area has its own inherited leadership. Mr. Hissein Habre never had any political or social standing among those groups, a fact that caused his rebellion against reconciliation agreements in Lagos and his recourse to outside powers to eradicate legitimacy in the country.
174.	No solution in Chad is feasible unless it is predicated on peace and corresponds to Chad's ethnic, tribal and religious map. In the light of this assessment of the Chadian reality, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is willing to contribute constructively to the peace efforts sponsored by the OAU and its current Chairman, President Mengistu Haile Mariam.
175.	In Namibia, the racist minority regime of South Africa continues to cling to its illegitimate administration of the Territory, to suppress the blacks and plunder the riches of the Territory in collaboration with the transnational corporations of the Western countries. All this happens in clear defiance of all relevant resolutions, particularly those adopted by the United Nations and several international bodies. The racist regime, with the assistance of Western countries, keeps on manoeuvring to block Namibia's independence and to undermine Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Linking Namibian independence to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola is simply another indication of the collusion of the United States and some Western countries with the racist regime to prevent the United Nations from achieving true independence for Namibia and reflects an attempt to grant the Territory a self-styled independence consistent with Western designs. Libya considers this an instance of interference in the internal affairs of Angola.
176.	The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya asserts its unconditional support for SWAPO as the only legitimate representative of the Namibian people in its struggle to attain independence and the right to self-determination. We urge the Security Council to take effective measures in order to enforce its resolutions and achieve Namibian independence, if necessary by imposing comprehensive economic sanctions on the racist regime to force the termination of its unlawful administration of Namibia and to make it possible for the Namibian people freely to decide on its future.

177.	In southern Africa, the minority racist regime of Pretoria continues to adhere to its apartheid policy which is considered by this Organization to be a crime against mankind. This regime has intensified its campaign of executions, crackdowns and arrests against national leaders and has adopted a new strategy of aggression against neighbouring African countries. In addition to its continued occupation of Namibia and part of Angolan territory, the racist regime lately has been involved in setting up gangs of saboteurs and equipping them with arms and various means to conduct subversive and destabilizing operations inside those countries, particularly Angola, Mozambique and Lesotho. It is obvious that all these acts of terrorism are being carried out with the political, economic and military backing of colonialist countries, especially the United States.
178.	The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya declares its solidarity with and support for Angola, Mozambique, Lesotho and all other front-line States in their steadfast resistance to the racist regime in South Africa. It also reaffirms its backing of liberation movements in South Africa struggling to bring about a majority rule and to eradicate the abhorrent apartheid regime.
179.	The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya played its role to the full in the Western Sahara until it was liberated from Spanish colonialism which had plagued it for hundreds of years. It endeavoured with the African countries within the framework of the OAU to address this issue with a view to enabling the Saharan people to exercise its right to self-determination in conformity with the resolutions of the eighteenth and nineteenth sessions of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held in 1981 and 1983. These efforts contributed to the creation of the positive atmosphere necessary for a durable and just settlement of this problem, for eliminating causes of tension in the region and keeping it free from international disputes.
180.	The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya devotes special attention to the question of security in the Mediterranean, which has become one of the most dangerous centres of tension threatening international peace and security. This situation is a result of the increasing presence of naval fleets and the expansion of the network of foreign military bases—especially the fleet and bases of the United States —and the signing of the strategic co-operation agreement between the Zionist entity and the United States. Those are the main factors of instability in the Mediterranean region posing a direct threat to the security and sovereignty of the countries of the region. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya wishes to see the Mediterranean a lake of peace and co-operation, free of foreign armadas, bases and hotbeds of tension.
181.	The failure to solve the question of Cyprus has had a negative impact on the security of the Mediterranean region and has compounded the already intricate problems afflicting the region.
182.	My country hopes the Turkish and Greek communities will find a just solution to this issue through direct negotiation between them, a solution that can ensure the independence, neutrality and territorial integrity of Cyprus.
183.	On the basis of its profound conviction that the question of international peace is an indivisible whole, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya supports the just demands of the countries of the Indian Ocean region that their region be made a zone of peace, free of foreign bases and fleets.
184.	My country also supports the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people to the peaceful reunification of their land and calls for the creation of the appropriate conditions to that end, such as non-intervention in internal affairs and the withdrawal of American troops from the southern part of Korean territory.
185.	Disarmament and the strengthening of international security are among the important questions facing the world today. Yet, despite long years of negotiations within the framework of the United Nations and other international forums, no perceptible progress has been achieved in the disarmament talks, and none of the disarmament measures set out in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly —the first special session devoted to disarmament—has been implemented. This failure is the result of the lack of political will among the big Powers, which continue their arms race, especially at the nuclear level, and substantially increase their military expenditure on the manufacturing of sophisticated and highly destructive weapons and on the deployment of new types of such weapons in various regions of the world. As a result, an explosive international situation has arisen, increasing dependence on power, military pressure and intervention against independent countries as well as the sense of insecurity among all nations, particularly the developing one;.
186.	The negative impact of the arms race goes beyond threats to international peace and security; it has economic and social effects. We find that while the world is spending more than $600 billion annually on armaments, hundreds of millions of human beings in the world are suffering from disease, illiteracy and unemployment. In this respect, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya notes with satisfaction the Soviet Union's initiatives in favour of denuclearization and the dismantling of the medium-range missiles in Europe, for those initiatives seek to save mankind from the scourge of war and to rescue the world from destruction.
187.	One of the causes of the deterioration in the international situation is the erosion of the effectiveness of the United Nations and its inability to discharge its responsibilities. We can even say that its will has been paralysed because of the domination of the veto power in the main organ responsible for the maintenance of peace and security, the Security Council. The abuse of this veto power by some of the permanent members has turned the Council into a forum serving the security of those States at the expense of the security of other nations. Moreover, the availability of the veto power is in contradiction with the simplest rules of democracy, since the will of the entire membership of the Security Council is totally subservient to that of the five permanent members of that body.
188.	Keenly interested in buttressing the role of the Organization and promoting its efficiency, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has for the past five years been proposing that the veto power be abrogated or amended or that the General Assembly be given greater power. Those proposals, however, have been rejected by most of the big Powers, which have applied pressure on small countries to prevent the adoption of any measures that could lead to achieving equal sovereignty for all Member States.
189.	The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya will continue to press this matter as long as the veto power continues to be used against the struggle of the peoples and as an instrument for consecrating despotism and monopoly and for overriding the opinion of the majority. Abrogating the veto power or amending it so as to enable all the States members of the Security Council to exercise it would strengthen the United Nations and restore the developing nations' confidence in it.

190.	While I am speaking of promoting the role of the United Nations, I cannot fail to point out that the Organization's very existence is threatened by the harassment that the delegations of its Member States are facing, in outright violation of the Agreement between the United Nations and the United States of America regarding the Headquarters of the United Nations These violations prevent some countries from participating effectively in the activities of the Organization. The host country must shoulder its responsibilities fully in this regard and must abide by the provisions of the Headquarters Agreement; otherwise, one day the Member States will be forced to request the transfer of the Headquarters of the United Nations to another place.
191.	Another question of direct concern to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is the problem of the mines and explosives planted on Libyan territory during the Second World War. We have been suffering ever since the deadly economic, social and environmental consequences of this. Hundreds of innocent people have become victims of these mines, not to speak of the thousands disabled by them. But, in addition, we face other problems in implementing development plans, such as delays in completing projects and a consequent rise in their costs.
192.	The question of mines and other remnants of war and the colonial Powers' liability and obligation to compensate the countries affected adds a new principle in international affairs, under which colonialism and the introduction of weapons of destruction must be regarded as an act of aggression and a crime subject to punishment. The liability must be borne by the country perpetrating the crime and the material price for the colonialism and the suppression of the will of the peoples must be paid.
193.	My country urges the United Nations to take effective measures to determine the damages we have sustained and to assess the compensation, in accordance with the relevant resolutions adopted by the General Assembly.
194.	The world economic situation has deteriorated further, and the efforts to give momentum to the North- South dialogue have failed because of the dominating influence that the spirit of egotism and self-interest has had on the attitudes of industrialized States, particularly the United States.
195.	Economic co-operation among developing countries has become more important in the economic conditions of the world in general and the developing countries in particular, and in the light of the negative attitudes of the developed countries towards their co-operation with the developing countries. This co-operation has become significant in both strategic and economic terms, and the developing countries have to seek to promote economic co-operation, especially now that a solid basis for it has been established at the High Level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held at Caracas from 13 to 19 May 1981, and at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Governments of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983.


1.	It is with great pleasure, Sir, that I congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. This choice does justice to the services you have rendered to the United Nations. I am certain that thanks to your professional and personal qualities our work will conducted in a most able and competent manner.
2.	At the same time, I wish to express my Government's recognition of the solid and productive work done by your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, in presiding over the thirty-seventh session.
3.	I greet you as a representative of a Latin American nation in the year in which we commemorate the bicentennial of Simon Bolivar. It is both just and gratifying for us to pay homage to the Liberator, whose ideals should be recalled at this moment when Latin America must give renewed proof of its historic commitment to peace and to the causes of concord, progress and dialogue. In this context, allow me to stress the important contributions made by your country, Panama, at the international level.
4.	I wish also to congratulate Saint Christopher and Nevis on its admission to membership in the United Nations. We extend our best wishes to the new Member State for a future of peace and prosperity.
5.	The general debate traditionally gives us the task of presenting an assessment of the international situation, and this makes it essential for us to reflect upon what is today an unprecedented state of crisis.
6.	At the last session the unparalleled seriousness of the international situation brought, for the first time, a head of State of my country to the General Assembly. On that occasion, President Joao Figueiredo gave a much-needed warning about the risks and dangers that threaten the very existence of international society.
7.	In the face of a situation that evoked dark memories of the crisis of the 1930s, the head of the Brazilian Government made a vehement appeal that we once again combine our efforts in the task of building peace and making a fresh start on international co-operation ft development. I am certain that President Figueiredo expressed hopes and concerns shared by the vast majority of peoples and nations.
8.	In the past 12 months, however, our reserves of faith and confidence have been harshly tested. In his first report to the Assembly, the Secretary-General warned that we were "perilously near to a new international anarchy". Despite the seriousness of these words, little has been done to relieve the extraordinary tensions that affect us all at both the political and the economic level.
9.	The fact of the matter is that tensions are growing, trade and the economy languish in a cycle of depression, and the recovery of some coincides with worsening difficulties for others. Misery and disorder prevail; the nuclear arms race prospers; and the powerful seem reluctant to seek moderation and dialogue.
10.	The thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly is being held under the negative sign of an organic and lasting crisis that demands structural solutions. It should be recalled that the word "crisis" comes from a Sanskrit root that also means "to clean", "to untangle", "to purify". At its very roots, then, crisis is an invitation to purification and renewal. It behaves us all to reach decisions that will lead to evolution without rupture, to change within a context of order. International order is based upon an adequate understanding of the different needs of each nation, and the achievement of such an understanding is precisely the role of the United Nations as an institution dedicated to the democratic and egalitarian coexistence of States.
11.	While calling to mind the obvious imperfections of the international order, Brazil is not departing from its traditional policy of moderation and balance, inspired by the pluralistic background of its national society. Brazil is both a Western and a third-world country, with a foreign policy that reflects internationally the invaluable wealth of our historical experience. As inheritors of different cultures, we have a natural and deep-rooted respect for diversity—an indispensable condition for harmony.
12.	In the political sphere, many years have elapsed without a single truly significant multilateral success,, without a single solution to any important question: to 3 Middle East, Central America, southern Africa, South-east Asia, Afghanistan, the Malvinas, strategic and medium-range nuclear missies—the list is long.
13.	When positions of strength, such as that of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, seem to become consolidated instead of giving way to justice and reason, it is the international system as a whole that deteriorates. Likewise, the incident that led to the destruction of a South Korean commercial airliner by Soviet aircraft, with the unpardonable loss of innocent lives, is a cause of acute concern and condemnation. The principle of rejection of the use of force—one of the essential foundations of the Organization—admits of no devious application in any areas of tension.
14.	With respect to the problems affecting Central America, the Brazilian position is clear and known to all. The basic principles of self-determination and noninterference in the affairs of each country must be applied in this context. We favor a diplomatic and negotiated handling of the tensions so that a climate of understanding may be created, in lieu of confrontation and ideological polarization, and so that the process of transferring global tensions to that area may come to an end.
15.	We have confidence in the spirit of responsibility and independence of the Central American countries. We have confidence in democracy and pluralism, not only as a system of internal coexistence but also as a norm of coexistence of countries. We hope that in Central America no nation will become a satellite or an instrument of any other.
16.	However, we should not restrict ourselves to the current aspects of the Central American crisis. The real problems will not be solved until the basic structural deficiencies—decades or even centuries of unending frustration and blatant internal and external imbalances- have been overcome. We believe that a serious and concentrated effort of international co-operation must be undertaken, particularly in socio-economic terms, with the aim of effectively eradicating the chronic problems that beset Central America.
17.	In Latin America, practical actions towards peaceful solutions of controversies and respect for the basic principles of international law are deeply rooted. For that reason, Latin America—acting particularly through the nations belonging to the Contadora Group —is in the best position, through proximity and cultural affinity, to make a valuable contribution towards working out a peaceful solution to the problems of Central America. We should all give our support to the serious efforts made in this context, which give the greatest hope of a positive and diplomatic approach to this grave situation.
18.	The current difficulties cannot be isolated from the extended context of the international crisis we are undergoing. The Central American problem cannot be reduced to ideological confrontation. Nor is it possible to remove its evils by force. Further to initiatives taken to reduce tensions, the solution to the problems of the region clearly calls for efforts on the part of each nation to demonstrate that it is not a danger to the security of its neighbors. Experience has taught us that polarization does not favor lasting solutions. In the case of Central America, the small nations would be the major victims of an undesirable radicalization of the situation. There again, it is absolutely essential to re-establish a climate of confidence conducive to dialogue.
19.	The fundamental principles which orient Brazilian foreign policy are identical with those governing the best traditions of Latin American diplomatic action. Brazil reaffirms its immutable resolve to strengthen its relationship with all its neighbors, on the basis of solidarity and co-operation, equal to equal. Mutual respect, seeking for legitimate grounds of agreement, and strict adherence to the rules of law and good neighborliness, in practice as well as in theory, are the best patterns for international comportment. In this regard, the Brazilian Government reiterates its support for the full implementation of Security Council resolution 502 (1982), on the issue of the Malvinas. The role that the United Nations can and should play in seeking a peaceful and negotiated solution for this question, which closely affects the Latin American countries, is of fundamental importance. In this respect, Brazil reaffirms its support for Argentina's rights of sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands and expresses its growing concern over any militarization of that area. It is the position of Brazil that the South Atlantic must remain an area of peace and harmony.
20.	I cannot fail to express the anxiety that we feel before the picture of insecurity and violence in Lebanon, a nation so often victimized by aggression. It is urgent to stop this new escalation of violence. I reaffirm Brazil's determination in favor of preserving the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country, whose sons have contributed so much to the progress of Brazil.
21.	It is increasingly urgent to implement the United Nations resolutions which express an international consensus in favor of a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the successive crises in the Middle East. My Government firmly adheres to the terms of those resolutions and vehemently condemns the policy of apartheid that has hampered negotiations in that region. We must insist upon justice prevailing, upon the evacuation of territory held by force, upon the implementation of the rights of the Palestinian people, upon the creation of conditions that will make it possible for all States in that region to live in peace within their own frontiers.
22.	As a country dedicated to the ideals of social and racial harmony, Brazil reiterates its emphatic condemnation of the institutionalized practice of racism that characterizes the regime of South Africa. The policy adopted by Pretoria feeds the hotbeds of tension in southern Africa and is a disservice even to the ideals and interests of the West. The military incursions into Angola, Mozambique and Lesotho must end. The illegal occupation of Namibia, whose independence is being delayed by the intransigence of South Africa, must urgently cease. There is no pretext to justify evading the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
23.	On the other hand, my Government wishes to congratulate the Secretary-General on his efforts to fulfill the mandate received from the Security Council to carry on consultations with the aim of finding a solution to this grave problem.
24.	It is the task of our generation not only to reconstruct a world in crisis, but, above all else, to prevent its destruction. As President Figueiredo stated at the thirty- seventh session:
"There is no future—nor can there possibly be one—in that sad, unacceptable substitute for peace which is the balance of terror. We cannot persist in the illusion that world harmony can be founded on an excess capacity for destruction.”
25.	The desire for absolute security on the part of one State constitutes a threat of absolute insecurity for all others. Peace will not result from the multiplication of arsenals. It is urgent to seek objective understanding, to create a minimum of mutual confidence and information, and to recreate the mechanisms of the dialogue to reduce tensions, opportunities for misunderstandings and risks of incidents.
26.	The United Nations cannot be kept out of the truly important negotiations on disarmament. It is understandable that any concessions in this field must be extremely complex. But whatever affects all must be considered by all. Realism should not lead us to forget that the balanced use of political intelligence is, in the end, more powerful than the unilateral use of force.
27.	It is alarming to note that, in 1983 alone, the resources spent on weapons came to $800 billion, which is more than the total of the foreign debt of the developing countries. That figure is enough to make us understand the magnitude of the challenge which we must face.
28.	On 16 May 1975, Brazil acceded to the Antarctic Treaty. Ever since then, Brazil has followed a programme which is compatible with its economic possibilities and entirely geared to the development of scientific research. Our decision to participate fully in the Antarctic Treaty is also based on the fact that this document is the only legal instrument applicable to the sixth continent. It can be said that this Treaty has brought about a new objective juridical situation.
29.	On 12 September of this year, the consultative parties to the Treaty, meeting at Canberra, recognized Brazil as a consultative party. In taking on this responsibility, Brazil reaffirms its adherence to the principles of peace, co-operation and freedom of scientific investigation enshrined in the Treaty and in the recommendations adopted over a period of more than 20 years by the consultative parties.
30.	The current recession is the longest and possibly the most serious contraction of economic activity in the past 50 years. It is no longer possible to cherish the illusion that this is a passing crisis. Its deep-rooted causes are to be found in the very structure of international relationships, as demonstrated by the global dimensions of the crisis.
31.	Despite the depth and extent of the crisis, precious opportunities have recently been lost to halt the process of deterioration, which is now accelerating. Ever since the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, held at Cancun in 1981, the North-South dialogue has been losing ground. The crisis has followed its painful path from the commercial to the financial, bearing living witness to the interaction among the many aspects of the world economic system and to the fragility of the mechanisms of multilateral co-operation.
32.	The total foreign debt of the developing countries is quickly approaching the trillion-dollar mark. The rates of growth of such debt, pushed upwards by absurdly high levels of interest, are far higher than the growth rates of any country in the world. They are even higher than the most outstanding rates of growth achieved during the most favorable periods by the countries which developed most rapidly. What is unbearable today will be considerably worse tomorrow.
33.	International trade, until recently the great lever of progress for North and South alike, has entered a period of stagnation and retrocession, asphyxiated by growing protectionist barriers—an inadequate response to the problems of recession and unemployment—and also by the burden of foreign debt—which together restrict to an unbearable extent the import capacity of the debtor countries, thus making it impossible for them to sustain the levels of economic activity needed to meet the requirements of their peoples and to generate the very resources necessary to meet their commitments.
34.	The international community needs innovative and effective proposals, but it is still operating with outdated conceptual and institutional instruments, which can only provide standardized and mechanically applied responses. That is the dominant intellectual response, but at the factual level there is just as much frustration: there is more and more protectionism at a time when increased foreign trade is more necessary than ever; financial burdens are increasing when it is absolutely necessary to reduce them; lending capacity is contracting when its growth is a basic requirement; recessive policies are proliferating at a time when development is more necessary than ever.
35.	Last June, the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was the most remarkable demonstration of the constant frustration that has marked multilateral economic negotiations. At the start of the meeting, which was held at Belgrade—for which the developing countries made careful preparations—I stated that the international community could not afford a further failure, and that a wide-ranging co-operative effort between the North and the South should be launched as matter of urgency. Unfortunately, the moderate and constructive attitude taken by the developing countries failed to induce the developed countries to adopt a more flexible position. From Cancun to Belgrade, both the North and the South lost precious opportunities for dialogue and understanding, and at this moment, all that is left to the international economy is an uncertain and risky gamble on the results of emergency measures that were adopted to solve problems which, by their very nature, are structural and lasting.
36.	In the face of such instability and uncertainty, would not this be the moment for the international community to think seriously about readjustments to be made in the Bretton Woods institutions and in GATT, to make them better adapted to the conditions and needs of today's international economy? These conditions and needs are profoundly different from those, which, for three decades after the Second World War, made it possible to keep high rates of growth in world trade and economic output.
37.	Brazil is one of the countries that has been most seriously affected by the current crisis, and this is, to a great extent, an ironic consequence of the fact that the development model adopted by the country was based on a vote of confidence in the international community's capacity to provide all countries with greater opportunities in international trade and on financial markets.
38.	My country has made and will assuredly continue to make heavy sacrifices in order to adjust to the new and more difficult financial circumstances and to fulfill its commitments as a capital borrower. However, the Brazilian people cannot be denied the prospect of development, particularly when the major causes of its hardships are to be found, not in intrinsic limitations to the nation's productive structure, but rather in an unusual combination of external factors related to the economic policies and negotiating positions of some of the great Powers.
39.	In these circumstances, the problems that afflict us are not exclusively ours but also concern those countries that have benefited so much from exports of capital, at costs which they are able unilaterally to define and alter. It makes no sense that such countries, often acting against their own interests in the repayment of their loans, deny their debtors, through the application of a most stringent protectionism, the export opportunities they need to pay their debts.
40.	This was the reason why President Figueiredo said, when he addressed the Assembly last year, "The solution of the present crisis lies not in aid for developing countries but in ensuring conditions that would enable them to meet their obligations through a fair return for their work".
41.	Before concluding my statement, I must refer to a specific problem of a critical nature that must not be seen from an emergency viewpoint only.
42.	For five years my country has been suffering from the tragic effects of drought. The semi-arid north-east of Brazil is going through a particularly difficult period which defies the courage and severely tests the endurance of the local population and creates enormous obstacles to the implementation of plans for Brazilian regional development. The effects of this protracted drought are a national responsibility of Brazil's and are the object of integrated action on the part of the Government, but they cannot fail to have an impact on the nation's activities abroad.
43.	Brazil has consistently supported the activities of the United Nations to combat desertification, especially with regard to the recovery and progress of the Sudan- Sahel region. We have also closely followed the debate on the measures designed to provide resources for the implementation of the Plan of Action to Combat Desertification approved in 1977/ We share the opinion that the question of climatic phenomena such as drought and desertification should be examined within the broader context )f international co-operation and from a long- term perspective.
44.	If the present crisis is to have a renovating and purifying effect, the international system must be revitalized in an authentically democratic sense. At the international level, democracy corresponds to respect for national individualities and recognition of the sovereign equality of States. This means, in essence, that international coexistence should be based on the strict observance of the principles of self-determination and nonintervention and should pursue peaceful, rational and balanced solutions.
45.	The fact that the United Nations is now approaching its 40th anniversary is one more reason for us to learn a lesson of renewal from the contemporary crisis. It is essential that we preserve the spirit of those who took part in the construction and consolidation of the United Nations. A critical review of the past will be truly meaningful only if it is useful as a practical guide to present and future action.
46.	The pace of history is accelerating, and the Organization cannot remain static. There is a wisdom inherent in the purposes and principles of the Charter of San Francisco. It is particularly urgent to apply these purposes and principles in keeping peace, preserving security and resuming development.
As President Figueiredo said in the statement he made last year, the main point is that "It is our common duty to fulfill the expectations of our predecessors, who, having themselves experienced the direct consequences of political disorder, economic depression and war, pledged their resolve, as well as ours, to promote peace and development."