I should like to begin by
extending my congratulations to Mr. Amara Essy on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-
ninth session. It is a fitting acknowledgement of his
considerable experience, as well as a tribute to his country’s
high standing in the international community.
I should also like to offer greetings and special words
of gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, for the attention and careful consideration he
has accorded to my country’s problems and for his selfless
devotion to the cause of securing a safer and saner world
for future generations. The Georgian people are looking
forward with great anticipation to his forthcoming official
visit to Georgia.
First of all, I would like to convey to the Assembly
the greetings and best wishes for productive work from the
Head of State and Chairman of the Parliament of the
Republic of Georgia, Mr. Eduard Shevardnadze.
Just over two years have passed since the day I had
the privilege of ushering my country into the United
Nations as its one hundred seventy-ninth Member and
addressing the Assembly from this rostrum. It was a
moment of joy and celebration for my nation.
Many events have taken place in those two years, and
they certainly cannot serve as a basis for euphoria and
complacency.
My country has only recently set out on the arduous
journey of building a democratic society. It is encountering
numerous internal, as well as external, problems in its
efforts. Despite fair and democratic elections and the
forming of government structures, the country continues to
languish in a deep economic and political crisis.
The international community has extended a helping
hand to Georgia, and I should like to convey our
appreciation and gratitude to the Governments of the United
States of America, the Russian Federation, Germany, other
States members of the European Union and Turkey, to
name but a few, as well as to the United Nations and its
specialized agencies, for their invaluable assistance to my
country in times of hardship.
Granted, a large measure of the problems facing
Georgia and all those nations which have only recently
reverted to independence and normal development have
domestic roots and must be addressed, first and foremost,
by the countries themselves. But let us leave the internal
aspect aside for the moment and concentrate on the
international environment, of which these nations, as well
as all other nations, are a part.
With the demise of the cold war the world
underwent profound changes. The risk of an all-out
nuclear catastrophe receded, and the world thus became
a less dangerous place; but at the same time it became
less stable and less predictable. The relationship between
States and other actors on the international scene has
changed, too.
The system of post-war international relations was
tailored to the economic, political, ideological, geographic
and other realities of that era. One of these realities was
a deep realization of the fact that a totalitarian regime of
the fascist variety had been defeated. Therefore, despite
its major flaws, the post-war bipolar system generally
responded to the demands of the times and somehow
ensured security and stability on our planet.
Our generation witnessed the fall of another
totalitarian regime with the downfall of communist
ideology and of its followers. This resulted in deep
changes in the nature of international relations. Different
demands are being dictated by the times and different
challenges are now facing the community of nations.
This end of a whole era of human history, however, was
not followed by the creation of a new system of
international relations that would correspond to the
realities of the contemporary world, as happened some 50
years ago. International political institutions, as well as
political thought in general, found themselves unprepared
for the changes, and they continue to apply stop-gap
measures to this very day.
Today’s political leaders seem to have
underestimated both the essence and the importance of
these changes; hence the inability to cope with today’s
problems or with the challenges of the
post-confrontational world. The infrastructure, principles,
tools and mentality of international relations need to be
adapted to the changed circumstances.
Therein lies the external aspect of the problems that
the newly emerging independent States, including my own
country, are facing. They are taking their first unsure
steps on the road to a democratic society, a long and
difficult road in a world that is still reeling from the
nature of the changes and that realizes neither the extent
of the predicament these nations face nor the stake it has
in their existence and stable development.
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Many of these nations, including my own, can,
unfortunately, be described as "hot spots": they are the
unhealed wounds that cover the body of our planet. These
open wounds cry out for radical surgery, while the
peace-keeping activities of the international community,
despite its best efforts, tend in some cases to resemble
cautious treatment with prescribed medication.
Perhaps, as I am the Foreign Minister of Georgia, it is
not for me to complain about the deficiencies of the United
Nations in terms of its peace-keeping activities. The
Organization as a whole, its Security Council,
Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali and his Special
Envoy, Ambassador Brunner of Switzerland, have accorded
a great deal of attention to the problems of my tormented
country. On the issue of Georgia’s Abkhazia region alone,
nine Security Council resolutions have been adopted,
numerous missions have been dispatched and the mandate
of the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia
(UNOMIG) has been extended. Alas, this has not proved
to be sufficient. Clear decisions and bold, timely action are
what the peoples of the world expect of the United Nations
and of the Member States that make up the Organization.
In this regard, I would like to note how useful and
timely the Georgian Government found the recent visit to
Georgia of the United States Permanent Representative to
the United Nations, Ambassador Madeleine Albright. That
visit also demonstrates the attention President Clinton
attaches to events in Georgia.
While I would not want to belabour the issue of "hot
spots," the predicament of my own country does not allow
me to ignore this problem altogether. We would hate to
think that yet another experiment is perhaps being
conducted in Georgia, the result of which may well have a
direct bearing on the security and sovereignty of other
nations.
It is hard to describe the disappointment - and
sometimes apathy - which the Georgian nation is feeling
with regard to whether the international community will be
able to promote a peaceful settlement of the Abkhazian
conflict.
These feelings have created a dangerous and volatile
political situation domestically. A wave of indignation is
rising in Parliament and among the people at the inability
to resolve this conflict - and the efforts to do so have been
going on for more than a year now - and allow almost
300,000 displaced persons, who escaped physical
extermination, to return to their homes and continue their
lives.
At the heart of the Abkhazian conflict is an attempt
by forces of aggressive separatism, bolstered by external
support, to wrench a piece of territory away from a
sovereign State and to create, in that part of Georgia, a
provincial dictatorship based on ethnic hatred, intolerance
and discrimination.
We appealed to the United Nations in the hope that
it would be responsive to our desire to settle the conflict
by peaceful means through a United Nations
peace-keeping operation. But our hopes were only
partially fulfilled. Despite almost a dozen resolutions of
the Security Council, Member States could find neither
the financial resources, the military contingents nor the
political will to order a peace-keeping operation in
Georgia.
Convinced of the possibility of a fair solution under
the auspices of the United Nations, the Georgian
Government has been negotiating with the separatists in
good faith all this time under the auspices of the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General, with the Russian
Federation as facilitator and the Conference on Security
and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) as an observer. As a
result, a number of agreements have been signed, which
are designed to promote the return of the displaced
persons to their homes and a settlement of the conflict.
But the bitter memory of a string of broken promises
and unfulfilled obligations on the part of the separatists
confirms how naive it is to expect a forthcoming position
from a regime that conducts "ethnic cleansing" and
genocide against the Georgian population. Predictably,
the Abkhazian separatists are using far-fetched pretexts to
continue ignoring their commitments under the
agreements that have been signed.
Frustrated in its hopes for a United Nations
peace-keeping operation in Abkhazia, the Government of
the Republic of Georgia sent a similar appeal to the heads
of the States members of the Commonwealth of
Independent States (CIS). A decision was reached and a
CIS peace-keeping force was deployed in the zone of
conflict. While its presence is beneficial and provides
hope for a settlement, we feel that it could be more active
and proceed beyond the stage of disengaging the parties
in conflict.
25

The Abkhazian conflict is not a problem for Georgia
alone. Believe me, I am not saying this in order to lay our
problems at somebody else’s doorstep. This conflict has
direct and dangerous implications for the entire world.
There are also compelling reasons why the world should be
concerned with finding a solution to this problem.
Above all, we believe that the international community
simply cannot act as an outside observer when a blatant
attempt is being made against the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of a Member State and when peace and stability
are threatened. Allowing separatism to attain its goals in
one country would set a precedent that could start a chain
reaction throughout the world. And how many of us
represented here today can safely say that their countries,
their peoples, are immune from this danger?
And, lastly, the Caucasus is one of those areas in the
world which have a geopolitical importance and bearing on
the stability of large regions of the planet. The Caucasus
is one of the world’s few crossroads where North, South,
East and West meet, and where continents, cultures,
interests and strategies encounter one another. If peace and
stability cannot be maintained in the Caucasus, they cannot
be maintained anywhere.
In this regard, it is tragic that our closest neighbours,
Armenia and Azerbaijan, have been unable to resolve their
differences for so many years now. This conflict, too, tears
at the fabric of the Caucasus and greatly increases the
instability of the region, as well as the misery of hundreds
of thousands of people.
It is my Government’s firm position that the
Abkhazian conflict can and should be resolved by peaceful
means. A great deal of effort, delicate statesmanship and
deep commitment are required from all sides.
The Georgian Government has to be very meticulous
in elaborating a modern, workable and fair structure for its
ethnically and culturally diverse population, a diversity
which throughout the centuries has been a source of
friendship, stability and pride, and never of tension or
hatred. Most important, it has to create a strong economic
base for its people, one that would prevent economic
hardships from taking on a political and ethnic character.
Georgia will never accept the loss of any part of its
territory. Not only because its territory is not large, but
also because what it has is incontestably its own - every
square inch of it. The leaders of the Abkhazian separatists
have to realize this. They too have to find the political
courage and will, the flexibility and the foresight, to
negotiate in good faith and come to a settlement that
would be fair and lasting, so that future generations of
Georgians and Abkhazians could forget this one dark
page in their fathers’ lives and pick up in friendship and
peace where their grandfathers left off.
The Russian Federation is an active participant in the
process designed to find a peaceful solution to the
Abkhazian conflict. It has taken on a great responsibility
with regard to this peace process. We firmly believe that,
despite the feelings of some political groups, the Russian
Federation, as a great Power - and President Yeltsin, as
the leader of that nation - does indeed want to see a
strong, stable, sovereign, united and friendly Georgia on
its southern border. Any other considerations would be
contrary to logic. We are gratified that in his address to
this Assembly a few days ago President Yeltsin alluded
to this when he said that Russia’s relations towards other
States members of the Commonwealth of Independent
States are based on good will and mutual benefit. In
short, it is a time to think not about the mistakes of the
past, but about the possibilities for the future.
Georgia has only recently joined the community of
nations as a full-fledged member. And yet this period has
been filled with events of great intensity and emotion for
us. We feel an obligation to share our experience and
thoughts in a number of areas which, we believe, will
contribute to the effectiveness of our collective efforts in
the future.
We live in troubled times and are witness to rapid,
unpredictable changes in the world. It is of paramount
importance that contemporary political thought bring
existing international institutions into conformity with the
international political realities of today. It would seem
that even such a representative body as the United
Nations, if it is to continue to be ahead of events and
fulfil its role as the parliament of man in a new situation,
may have to effect some changes in its structure.
The reforms - prompted by the times - which the
Organization is about to embark upon, the efforts of the
Secretary-General to implement them, and the consent of
the majority of the Member States are evidence that the
time has come for a new era in international relations.
The number of Member States has more than
doubled since the creation of the United Nations. We
fully support the proposal to reflect these changes by
increasing the numerical composition of the Security
26

Council to 21, and we believe that the candidacies of
Germany and Japan are appropriate for inclusion as new
permanent members of the enlarged Security Council.
Apart from reflecting the political and economic weight of
these nations, this would also enable us finally to bring to
a close the legacy of the Second World War and the cold
war.
In considering the possibilities for increasing the
number of permanent and non-permanent members of the
Council, one of the main criteria, in our view, should be the
involvement and role of member States in maintaining
universal peace and stability. Although we see this
consideration as a crucial one, other aspects, such as
equitable geographical representation, should not be
neglected either.
The task of creating a modern comprehensive system
of ensuring peace and security in the world requires an
increase in the effectiveness of the International Court of
Justice, the main judicial body of the United Nations. We
share the concern of the Secretary-General that the Court,
the most important instrument for the settlement of
disputes, is not being fully utilized for this purpose. More
efficient use of the International Court would, undoubtedly,
reinforce the ability of the United Nations to promote and
strengthen peace. In this regard, we fully support the
initiative of the Secretary-General to recognize the universal
jurisdiction of the International Court, in accordance with
Article 36 of its Statute, and on the basis of the
recommendations put forward in the report of the Secretary-
General entitled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277).
Efforts aimed at creating a comprehensive system of
international security can be effective today only if they are
applied at both the global and the regional level. In our
view, the ties between the global and regional security
systems are inadequate for today’s needs, and are
maintained in a haphazard way. In this regard we consider
it timely to raise the issue of achieving a higher level of
interaction between global and regional security systems by
concluding a series of special "form" treaties that will
ensure more effective use, in close coordination, of their
respective mechanisms.
Without prejudice to United Nations rules and
regulations and to the provisions of the Charter, or to the
statutes of the regional systems, these treaties should
provide, inter alia, for regional organizations to exercise
consultative and controlling functions on behalf, and on the
authorization, of the United Nations.
In various international forums we often discuss the
specific challenges of the post-confrontational world.
Separatism, especially in its aggressive, extremist form, is
one of the most dangerous of these challenges, and it is
spreading like a cancer all over the planet. We believe
that the creation of a legal basis for the containment of
aggressive separatism is imperative and long overdue so
that situations, such as the one in Georgia, will not flare
up in other parts of the world in future, or if they do, they
will be localized and defused in a timely manner.
We propose that clear provisions be inserted into
international legal documents, outlawing aggressive,
extremist separatism from its first stirrings. It is
becoming more and more clear that the mere reiteration
and confirmation of the principle of territorial integrity
and the inviolability of borders is insufficient, all the
more so since it is being flagrantly disregarded in many
instances.
These legal provisions should also envisage a strict
embargo on military deliveries and swift, surgical
economic measures against separatist movements that
have turned to armed struggle and violence, as well as a
mechanism to use, in exceptional cases, the most decisive
measure - military force.
The military forces for these operations could be set
up in one of two ways: either United Nations stand-by
forces, an option which would entail considerable
financial expense, or special well-trained units within the
armed forces of each Member State which, when needed,
could be put under the direct command of the United
Nations Military Staff Committee, which itself could
become more active and energetic.
While the second option seems more realistic at
present, I would still like to stress the virtues of early
preventive measures against such conflicts. Perhaps many
of them could be localized and defused at an early stage,
if the United Nations had relatively small, mobile forces
of rapid reaction and deployment at its disposal. These
forces could be made up on an international voluntary
basis, thereby emphasizing their impartial and unbiased
nature. They could be rapidly deployed in the conflict
zone and, acting within a limited mandate, could ensure
the disengagement of the conflicting parties in order to
create the conditions for the deployment of a United
Nations peace-keeping force.
In this regard, it would also seem indispensable to us
to set up a special department within the United Nations
27

Secretariat the sole purpose of which would be to work to
resolve conflict situations. Ten highly experienced and
respected political figures could form the nucleus of such
a department. To perform their functions they would be
vested with special rights and obligations.
Within such a department a special unit could be set
up to coordinate the actions of the rapid deployment force.
It would ensure the collection of information and
intelligence data, and generally function as operations
headquarters. The unit could also provide valuable
early-warning information on potential conflict situations
involving separatist tendencies.
To anticipate a natural question on the financing of
such forces, I should say that, yes, it will undoubtedly
entail additional financial, material means and human
resources. This, however, is a case of the end clearly
justifying the means. As we have paid a far greater price
for being late so often in the past, the international
community can no longer afford such a luxury.
A few days ago a proposal was made very forcefully
from this rostrum that, in order to safeguard and uphold the
rights of national minorities, the principles of the
Declaration on the rights of national minorities should be
embodied in the legislation of all member States. We
firmly support the principle of providing national minorities
with wide political, economic and cultural rights, and of
ensuring civil and human rights for everyone. We would
thus like to go a step further and propose to codify all
aspects of this issue.
Since every right presumes a responsibility, we believe
that it is imperative that international legal documents and
national legislations of Member States, along with the rights
of national minorities, also incorporate provisions on the
responsibilities of these minorities towards the country of
which they form a part.
In view of the rapidly growing role of individual
leaders and personalities in international relations today, it
would seem appropriate to us to consider also the issue of
responsibility for an individual’s role in the violation of
human rights and liberties of persons, or groups of persons.
Thus, we fully support the proposal to work out a
declaration on the rights and responsibilities of individuals,
groups and political bodies to ensure commonly accepted
freedoms and human rights. It is precisely in this context
that Georgia supported the creation of the post of United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
I have attempted to outline some of my
Government’s thoughts with regard to the changes that it
thinks should be made in the structure and work of the
Organization in view of the many profound changes in
the international landscape today. While these are just
some elements, a comprehensive and balanced vision of
the needed changes is laid out by the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali in "An Agenda for Peace" and
other documents. The implementation of the changes
would go a long way towards eliminating many of the
problems that we are discussing in this Hall and would
also represent, as Mr. Eduard Shevardnadze put it so
aptly, a very timely "blood transfusion" for the entire
international system.
An important period is approaching in the life of the
Organization. Next year we will be commemorating the
fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations.
We have reached a mature age which allows us to take
stock of the Organization’s many accomplishments, but
also one that obliges us to look ahead to what still needs
to be done.
A half century of existence and experience confers
even greater responsibility upon the Organization, as well
as upon individual Member States. It imposes grander
objectives, but also opens up wider horizons. Some of
these objectives can be attained in our lifetime, while
others will be left to succeeding generations. It is our
responsibility to provide a legacy which will serve as a
stepping-stone for mankind to make a leap into the
twenty-first century and land softly on solid ground.
Georgia is a small country, but it is a democratic
country, and its foreign-policy objective is to have
28

peaceful, friendly relations with all the nations of the world.
Georgia will not be a passive observer of international
events; it will carry its fair share of the responsibilities of
the international community and make its contribution to
achieving our common goals.


My delegation welcomes the
election of Ambassador Amara Essy as President of the
forty-ninth session of the General Assembly with a
genuine feeling of great pride and satisfaction; he is not
only our neighbour in the West African subregion, but a
seasoned diplomat. He is certainly no stranger here,
having served his great country, Côte d’Ivoire, as
Permanent Representative at the United Nations for many
years. We in the Gambia hold him in high esteem for his
constructive and positive contributions to problems of
common concern, both at the bilateral and multilateral
levels. I have no doubt that those qualities, for which he
is well known, will contribute immensely to the
successful conclusion of our deliberations. I should
13

therefore like to congratulate him warmly on his
assumption of office and to assure him of the full support
of my delegation in carrying out his important mandate.
Let me also take this opportunity to pay tribute to
Ambassador Insanally for the excellent manner in which he
performed his duties during his tenure of office last year.
In the same vein, I wish to commend the Secretary-
General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his untiring efforts
and effective leadership in ensuring the realization of the
ideals for which our Organization, the United Nations, was
founded.
My delegation joins many previous speakers in
wholeheartedly welcoming South Africa to the Assembly
after a 20- year absence. The advent of a non-racial,
democratic Government in South Africa symbolized a
significant turning point in the constitutional and colonial
history of South Africa, in particular, and of Africa in
general. The resilience and resourcefulness that have
guided and inspired the people of South Africa in the
crucial years of their march to a non-racial and democratic
Government will, I have no doubt, serve as important assets
in South Africa’s effective participation in the work of the
United Nations.
On 22 July this year there was a peaceful removal of
Government in the Gambia, when it was replaced by the
Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council under the
chairmanship of His Excellency Lieutenant Yahya A.J.J.
Jammeh. This change was caused by a series of events and
developments within the country that the previous
Government had neglected and in some cases had refused
to address. The continued abuse and misuse of political
power and of public office, coupled with serious corrupt
practices at various levels of Government departments,
necessitated this action.

The Gambia has since independence in 1965 enjoyed
a relatively long period as a democratic State and as a
politically stable country. We acknowledge this
achievement, but at the same time we also have good
reasons why the Government in power had to be removed.
In the evolution of nation States a stable political
system is essential in any country for peace, security,
stability and development. When that stability comes under
increasing strain, however, and is threatened from within by
certain important officials of Government and politicians
alike, the preservation of that stability and national
integrity becomes more important than anything else.
There is no political system that is perfect. We take
the view that when a democratic political system is under
attack by some unscrupulous individuals holding public
office through corrupt practices and other selfish acts, in
open violation of the moral tenets of honesty,
commitment, discipline and hard work, it becomes
necessary to institute corrective measures to stop and
prevent that system’s decay and instability.
The privilege of being the people’s representatives
does not confer any rights that entitle those
representatives to do anything other than the people’s
business. The restoration of public trust and confidence
in government in the older democracies is an
institutionalized process that has acquired value and
stability. The mechanisms that protect the State and
allow for a peaceful and acceptable mode of restoration
of public trust and confidence have been tested and
proved effective over time.
That action is reinforced by the fact that the strength
of democratic societies lies with the people, who freely
participate in the political process and select or elect their
representatives. The legitimacy of government derives,
therefore, from the expressed will of the people to have
a government that will promote and protect their rights as
well as the collective interest of society.
In the newer democracies, however, where there are
no mechanisms or institutions that can protect and
preserve the essence of the democratic process, there has
been a tendency, in response to a moral imperative, to
take radical measures that are intended to arrest the abuse
of political power and the misuse of executive authority
in the interest of society as a whole.
We wish to emphasize that the events that took place
in the Gambia in July this year must be understood as
politically necessary to allow for corrective measures to
be put in place and to usher in a new and equitable
democratic political system. In this connection, the
present provisional Government’s overriding objective is
to set up those institutions that would provide the
necessary checks and balances and thus enhance the
democratic process in the Gambia and the right of the
people to elect a government of their choice.
14

The essence of a democratic political system is, in
addition to its inclusive character, its ability to promote the
political, economic, civil, social and cultural rights of the
individual and of the community as a whole. Any
unbalanced approach to the promotion of those rights
renders the system less democratic, less responsive and thus
more suspect.
Any democratically elected Government that only
promotes the civil and political rights of its people and
neglects the promotion of their social, cultural and
economic rights, or that deliberately fails to provide equal
opportunities for all its people, forfeits, in our view, its
right to govern. The challenge that faces democratic
Governments - and any Government, for that matter - is
how to promote that cluster of human rights without giving
any undue attention to a few of them. In other words, the
promotion and protection of human rights requires a
balanced approach as opposed to an unbalanced one.
His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally - the President
of the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session - in his
address to those who participated in the Second
International Conference of New or Restored Democracies,
which was held in Managua, Nicaragua, in July, said:
"To survive and flourish, democracy must be
provided with an infrastructure of institutions which
are conducive to the culture of a free society. Each
citizen must be guaranteed, in addition to his or her
fundamental human rights, opportunity for economic
and social development. ... Basic rights such as
education, health and housing must be provided by the
State to guarantee a stable society in which democratic
norms and practices can prevail."
The Gambia subscribes fully to the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the
African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and other
human-rights instruments. We shall continue to respect our
obligations under these international covenants. In this
regard, we shall also continue to give full support to the
Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights of the
Organization of African Unity and the African Centre for
Democracy and Human Rights Studies, which are based in
Banjul.
To those who, in these times of new and emergent
democracies in Africa and elsewhere, may argue that the
Gambia had a genuine democratic system we wish to
restate that democracy as practised in our country had
certain fundamental weaknesses, which failed to allow
change to emerge from within the democratic process. We
affirm our commitment to returning the country to civilian
rule after addressing these inherent weaknesses.
The peaceful manner in which the people of the
Gambia responded to the change of Government
encourages the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council
to move towards a timetable that would return the country
to civilian rule before long.
A programme of transition and rectification will
shortly be announced. This will give details of the
activities to be undertaken within a time-bound
framework. As part of the programme, and in an effort to
institutionalize transparency and accountability in our
society, the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council is
setting up four commissions of inquiry designed to shed
light on the past practices of some public servants and
former politicians suspected of corruption and the
embezzlement of public funds.
The Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council has
made it abundantly clear that much as we are determined
to recover funds stolen from public coffers, there will be
no witch-hunt. In pursuit of these objectives, we are
mindful of the need for objectivity and impartiality. No
military tribunals will be set up. All the suspects will be
tried in civilian courts by civilian judges.
In this connection, the new regime has already
approached a number of friendly countries in our
subregion that have the same legal heritage as the Gambia
and asked them to assist by providing judges with the
requisite expertise in similar exercises. In this way the
objectivity, impartiality and independence of the judiciary
will be further guaranteed.
At the same time, a Constitutional Review
Commission is being established to look into certain
aspects of the Constitution with a view to making it more
functional in terms of advancing the cause of democracy.
As part of this process, an independent electoral
commission will also be put in place for the same purpose
- to strengthen democracy.
The military take-over was not, therefore, directed
against any country; its purpose was to redress certain
internal difficulties. As soon as that task has been
completed the country will be returned to civilian rule.
It is our intention to ensure that the democratic system
15

that will be put in place in the Gambia will champion, in
word and in deed, the balanced promotion and protection of
all human rights and respect for those rights on the part of
all those who hold public office. We look forward to the
understanding and support of the international community
at this critical phase of the transition process.
It goes without saying that while we are engaged in
this national exercise we shall also honour all our inter-
national obligations, in addition to playing an active role in
the comity of nations. I therefore take this opportunity to
renew my country’s unswerving commitment to the ideals
and principles of the United Nations.
We have followed with interest the numerous events
that have taken place around the world since the last
session of the General Assembly.
The situation in Liberia has always been of major
concern to us, and the failure to implement the Cotonou
Accord fully has not dampened our enthusiasm. The
Akosombo Agreement constitutes another attempt, in a long
and tortuous peace process, to galvanize the principal
players in the Liberian conflict in an effort to achieve a
genuine peace leading to free and fair elections. It is the
fervent hope of my delegation that the continued efforts and
sacrifices being made by the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) and other African friends of
Liberia, and indeed by the United Nations in the shape of
the continued presence of the United Nations Observer
Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL), will encourage the warring
factions to agree to disarm without further delay.
The Gambia has followed with keen interest recent
positive political and military developments in Rwanda
leading to the cessation of hostilities and the establishment
of a Government of national reconciliation, which we hope
will be consolidated further. The assistance of the
international community will continue to be needed in
Rwanda, not only to restore peace and stability and law and
order but also to ensure the smooth, safe and speedy return
of all Rwandese refugees and displaced persons to their
respective homes.
We continue to observe with concern the failure of the
peace process in Somalia. The current inability of the
international community to broker a durable peace and
reconciliation between the parties to the conflict should not
deter us; rather, it should spur us to redouble our efforts
and our resolve to find a satisfactory solution to the
conflict.
We understand and appreciate the international
community’s frustration at the failure of the warring
factions to work towards reconciliation and reconstruction.
But peace is priceless and constitutes one of the principles
underlying the creation of this noble Organization, and
this is certainly not the time for the United Nations to
consider withdrawing the United Nations Operation in
Somalia (UNISOM).
It is with equal concern that my delegation views the
situation in other trouble spots around the globe - notably,
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
On the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is
saddening to note that, so far, all the efforts deployed by
the international community to find a negotiated settle-
ment have been persistently frustrated by the Bosnian
Serbs without the slightest compunction. Furthermore, the
Bosnian Serbs have persisted with their heinous policy of
"ethnic cleansing" and other war crimes, in total disregard
of the basic norms of international behaviour.
At the General Assembly’s last session my
delegation expressed the firm view that the defenceless
Muslim population should be given the opportunity to
defend itself in accordance with Article 51 of the United
Nations Charter, which makes provision for the exercise
of the right of self-defence. I believe that by lifting the
arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina the
international community would be sending strong and
clear signals to the intransigent Bosnian Serbs.
With regard to the dispute over Jammu and Kashmir,
my delegation upholds the view that the Simla Agreement
and the relevant Security Council resolutions provide a
sound basis for a just and lasting solution to the conflict.
With regard to the situation between Kuwait and
Iraq, my delegation would like to reiterate that the key to
a durable solution lies in compliance by Iraq with all the
United Nations resolutions on the issue - in particular,
those dealing with recognition of and respect for the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait. However,
recent Iraqi military action does not augur well for a
speedy lifting of United Nations sanctions and the
achievement of stability in the region.
In respect of the Arab-Israeli conflict, we are
encouraged by the events that have been unfolding since
the signing of the Peace Accord between Israel and the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). The balance
16

sheet has been generally positive, and we encourage both
sides to pursue the peace process.
At this juncture I should like to congratulate Jordan
and Israel on the courageous and constructive step they
took recently to end the state of war between them. Such a
positive development will give added credibility to the
entire Middle East peace process to secure a comprehensive
and durable solution in accordance with Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
Another important and worrying factor, which
threatens to undermine any political gains in our countries,
is the question of poverty and the lack of economic
development. Extensive external debt and debt-servicing
obligations continue to be important constraints on the
advancement of the developing countries. The situation is
most acute in Africa.
The external debt of Africa as a whole has been
growing by about 2.5 per cent yearly and for sub-Saharan
Africa the annual debt growth rate has been estimated to be
as high as 7.7 per cent. This is equivalent to $199 billion,
while debt-servicing arrears total some $45.8 billion, which
is equivalent to over 20 per cent of the total debt stock.
For sub-Saharan Africa, therefore, the ratios of debt to
gross national product and debt to export are almost three
times the registered average for all developing countries,
making it the most impoverished region in the world.
There is more than ever before an urgent need for the inter-
national community to find a lasting solution to this
problem.
Against the background of such difficulties, it is
regrettable to note that, in real terms, aid flows to Africa as
a whole have also been on the decline in spite of the
substantial increase by a few countries in their levels of aid
to Africa. Equally noteworthy is the failure of direct
foreign investments to increase appreciatively enough to
relieve Africa’s financial crisis and stimulate economic
growth.
Let me, en passant, recall that the Tokyo International
Conference on African Development served as a forum to
raise international public awareness and renew commitment
to Africa’s development. The successful implementation of
the Tokyo Declaration will depend largely on the common
political will of African Governments and their
development partners.
From a global perspective, it is predicted that the
conclusion of the Uruguay Round will link economies more
strongly through an increased flow of trade and finance
based on trade liberalization and a strengthening of the
multilateral trading system. While the liberalization of
trade as a result of the Uruguay Round may lead to a
substantial increase in world trade and income, the impact
on developing countries could be less noticeable. Many
African countries may find themselves among the least to
benefit, partly as a result of the removal of certain
preferential trade arrangements.
On a different but more positive note, it is gratifying
to note that the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee
for the elaboration of an international convention to
combat desertification in those countries experiencing
serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in
Africa, has completed its mandate and that a Convention
has been adopted. The three regional implementation
Annexes have also been concluded. The cumulative
effects of drought and desertification on our environment
as well as on the socio-economic development of our
countries have been amply demonstrated. But if this
Convention is to make a difference, it must be provided
with the necessary resources to ensure its effective
implementation.
The correlation between drought and desertification
and rapid population growth is well known. That is why
we welcomed the International Conference on Population
and Development that has just ended in Cairo. It
demonstrated the importance of population policy as an
essential ingredient of social and economic development.
We fully support the Programme of Action adopted by
the Conference and will continue to work closely with
international, regional and national agencies, including
non-governmental organizations, to implement it, taking
into account our national priority strategies on population
policy. Similarly, the Yokohama Strategy and Plan of
Action which issued from the World Conference on
Natural Disaster Reduction constitute a clear reflection of
our collective determination to develop and strengthen our
existing capacity for natural disaster prevention, reduction,
preparedness and mitigation.
We very much welcome the World Summit for
Social Development to be held in Copenhagen in March
1995. While the Conference will address three core
issues - enhancing social integration; alleviating and
reducing poverty; and expanding productive employment -
it will none the less attract a number of social and
developmental issues of relevance to world social
progress and global development. For those of us in the
developing world, the Conference will afford the
17

opportunity to address once more our socio-economic
development needs while drawing attention to existing
social ills in our societies and finding solutions to these
problems.
In the same vein, the Fourth World Conference on
Women to be held in Beijing will give us the opportunity
to evaluate the advancement of women in light of the
objectives of the Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the
Advancement of Women to the year 2000. It will also
provide fresh guidelines to ensure that the targets set are
achieved. Indeed, the twenty-first century holds many
challenges for mankind, but the most important and
pressing will be the elimination of gender discrimination.
It is now clear that the resolve to employ international
machinery for the promotion of the economic and social
advancement of all peoples is gaining ground, and that, in
the process, the United Nations provides the most
appropriate forum. In order to fulfil this purpose
efficiently, the ongoing consultations for restructuring and
revitalizing the United Nations system, notably that of the
General Assembly, should be vigorously pursued. My
delegation will continue to lend its unwavering support to
these laudable efforts. The creation of the Office of
Internal Oversight Services confirms once more the
importance of the effective management of the
Organization’s limited resources. Urgent attention should
also be given to strengthening cooperation and coordination
between agencies of the United Nations system, the United
Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions.
Finally, I should like to reaffirm my Government’s
commitment to the work of the United Nations and the
preservation of international peace and security. Gambia
will continue to give full support to the international effort
to address the social, economic and environmental problems
facing mankind. The joy we share with other nations as
Members of the United Nations is matched only by our
respect for each Member of this commonwealth of nations.


On behalf of the Kazakhstan delegation, first
of all, I should like to congratulate Mr. Amara Essy on
his election to the office of President of the forty-ninth
session of the General Assembly and express our
confidence that his competence and experience will
contribute to the fruitful work of the session.
I should also like to thank his predecessor,
Ambassador Insanally, for the able stewardship, efficiency
and tact he demonstrated during the forty-eighth session.
May I also express our special gratitude to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
tireless efforts to consolidate peace and stability and to
strengthen the role of the United Nations in the life of the
international community.
19

Our world, multifaceted and contradictory, is rapidly
approaching the end of the second millennium. I hope that
the confrontation by force which existed throughout the
decades of the cold war and its underlying concept that
history is an evolving process of struggle between the
competing systems are now definitely a part of the past.
The end of the bipolar era triggered the release of
enormous political energy, which earlier had been directed
towards ideological competition. Today, the world is
searching for new institutional structures, non-
confrontational approaches to the solution of global
problems and a more efficient utilization of human, material
and technical resources.
Looking into the future, full of hope, we should not
rule out the possibility of meeting new challenges. Indeed,
a common set of global problems that existed before has
been replaced by numerous other problems no less complex
or immense.
In our opinion, the United Nations has never
experienced such an important period in its nearly half
century-old history. The beginning of the 1990s and the
fiftieth anniversary of the Organization can and should
become a truly historic milestone that will determine the
new tasks of the United Nations and considerably
strengthen its role in the life of the succeeding generations.
Each important turning-point in the history of this
century has manifested itself in social and political changes
in the life of States. Today the transition from one era of
international life to another is related to the disintegration
of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR),
the revolutionary transformations in the countries of Eastern
Europe and the entry into the family of nations of a number
of newly independent States, among them my native Kazakhstan.
For us, three years of freedom have been three years
of achieving real political and economic independence. The
Republic, having become a Member of the United Nations
and other international organizations, having signed the
Helsinki Final Act, the Charter of Paris and a number of
other international instruments, has de jure completed its
entry into the world community. From the very first day,
our country has striven to ensure the actual implementation
of its commitments to deal with common global issues,
such as respect for human rights, the strengthening of
democracy and the rule of law, economic freedom and
social justice, the development of a market economy and
the strengthening of international security.
Kazakhstan accords priority to the issue of the non-
proliferation of nuclear weapons. In December 1993, the
Parliament of our Republic ratified the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as a non-
nuclear State. At the coming 1995 NPT Review
Conference, we intend to join the position of those States
that favour an unconditional extension of the NPT for an
unlimited period of time. From this rostrum I declare that
the Republic of Kazakhstan, deeply committed to the
strengthening of its national sovereignty and security and
the process of political and economic reforms in society,
is genuinely interested in international stability and the
development of cooperation with all States. That is our
consistent policy, not subject to any changes dictated by
short-term experience. I should like to emphasize in
particular that we intend to achieve our objectives while
taking existing realities into account and effectively using
the geopolitical location of Kazakhstan as a kind of link
between Europe and Asia, between East and West.
In this context, we think that the initiative of the
President of Kazakhstan, Mr. N.A. Nazarbaev, to convene
a Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building
Measures in Asia, put forward for the first time from this
rostrum two years ago at the forty-seventh session of the
General Assembly, has a special significance. Its purpose
is to develop fundamental principles and areas of
cooperation in the context of strengthening peace and
stability and promoting the economic prosperity of Asian
States.
Today the idea of this Conference is being put into
practice. Thus, representatives of more than 20 countries
of the region, as well as representatives of the United
Nations, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE), the Organization of the Islamic
Conference (OIC) and the League of Arab States took
part in the two meetings of experts convened by
Kazakhstan in Almaty last year to discuss this initiative.
As a follow-up to the Almaty meetings on this
Conference, the Permanent Representatives of 25 United
Nations Member States, as well as the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General and
representatives of a number of international organizations,
met twice in New York. A third meeting at the level of
senior officials is to be held in Almaty at the end of
October.
Confidence in the possibility of the step-by-step
establishment of this new international structure is
confirmed by the fact that the creation in Asia of different
political and economic unions, associations and groups,
20

closely interrelated and influencing one another, is
dependent on a common interest in the strengthening of
peace and stability, without which the economic prosperity
of Asian countries is impossible. The deep-rooted
processes of economic integration on the Asian continent
should logically and inevitably lead to the formation of an
Asian common market, on the one hand, and political
coordination and integration, on the other. Therefore, we
think that the political will of the States of the region
towards the purposeful and careful management of these
processes should speed up the creation of global economic
and political structures, similar to those in Europe.
This confidence has prompted the President of our
country to put forward a new proposal to establish the
Euro-Asian Union (EAU) as a catalyst of integration
processes and as an instrument for the prevention of
conflicts in the post-Soviet era. The opportunities to
overcome the economic and social crisis, and inter-ethnic
and inter-State conflicts, and to ensure external and internal
security and stability through the proposed mechanism of
unification have been received with understanding by
politicians and leaders of different States.
Since the creation of the Commonwealth of
Independent States (CIS), stability and security as the basis
of economic and social reforms have come to the forefront.
As for economic aspects, they are in fact a dominant part
of the EAU integration processes. The first step is the
creation of a common economic space by the Central Asian
States — Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan —
supported by the appropriate agreements. Appropriate
inter-State bodies, such as the Central Asian Bank, have
already begun to function. The proposed union is open to
all States.
During the transition period, the proposed EAU most
adequately reflects the interests of the States of the region,
regardless of their size, population, economic and other
indicators. It provides an opportunity to demonstrate their
willingness to cooperate on an equal basis, as well as their
commitment to reforms in the interests of all the nations of
the region.
In putting forward these initiatives, Kazakhstan
assumes that the problems they seek to resolve are pressing
for all countries of the world, and for such an authoritative
Organization as the United Nations. Our certainty is also
strengthened by the fact that the Kazakhstan initiatives are
harmonious with the principles of the United Nations
Charter and with key provisions of the broadly supported
report of the Secretary-General “An Agenda for Peace”, and
particularly with his idea of the need to strengthen
preventive diplomacy and the peacemaking activities of
the United Nations and deepening cooperation in these
areas between the United Nations and regional
organizations. The foreign-policy approaches of
Kazakhstan were the basis for our decision to join the
“Partnership for Peace” programme of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO).
Kazakhstan, as a member of the Commonwealth of
Independent States (CIS), strives to implement its foreign
policy initiatives in practical terms and, accordingly, takes
into account and respects the legal rights and interests of
other CIS States. The true interests of the multi-ethnic
population of Kazakhstan lie not only in the maintenance
but also in the expansion of common economic, political,
military and strategic partnership and interaction within
the CIS. Our Republic maintains special relations with
the Russian Federation, all the Republics of Central
Asia — Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan, and other CIS States. Certainly, the most
important direction for Central Asian interaction is our
common interest in strengthening peace, stability and
security, both in regional and global dimensions.
In a situation threatening peace in the region or on
the Euro-Asian continent, Kazakhstan, together with the
countries of Central Asia and Russia, is ready to put into
operation an established machinery of joint consultations
aimed at coordinating its positions and undertaking
measures for the elimination of the threat.
A vivid example of this is our joint endeavours to
settle the situation on the Tajik-Afghan border. Thus, at
the meeting of the Presidents, Prime Ministers and
Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan
and Uzbekistan held at Almaty last July the situation on
the Tajik-Afghan border was discussed and a joint
statement was adopted. Guided by the need to maintain
peace and ensure a favourable environment for successful
economic and political reforms and greater independence
of their countries, the Foreign Ministers of the three
States appealed to the conflicting parties to stop hostile
activities and settle existing problems by political means
through negotiations. The participants in the meeting
pointed to a close interrelation between the stabilization
of the situation on the Tajik-Afghan border and internal
political developments in Tajikistan, and they supported
efforts to deepen the inter-Tajik dialogue and the active
role of the United Nations and the Conference on Security
and Cooperation in Europe.
21

Kazakhstan’s efforts towards integration at the regional
and interregional level need the support of international
organizations and the leading countries of the world. The
prerequisites for such support exist and are being created.
They include commitments on a bilateral and multilateral
basis and the resolutions of the United Nations General
Assembly on assistance to countries with economies in
transition, as well as our participation in cooperation with
the CSCE based on one of the components of the concept
of global security, namely, the economic dimension.
Kazakhstan attaches great importance to the expansion
of United Nations activities in social and economic fields
and supports vital initiatives relating to reforms in this area
that are being undertaken within the United Nations and, in
particular, in the Economic and Social Council.
The report of the Secretary-General of the United
Nations “An Agenda for Development” is to play the key
role in these issues. We support the fundamental ideas of
the report, and we believe that the discussion of this
document at the current session of the General Assembly
should be marked by our common aspiration to increase the
efficiency of United Nations activities in the social and
economic fields to ensure proper coordination of efforts of
the related United Nations agencies and to set new priorities
in accordance with today’s global, political and socio-
economic realities. The main purpose of these endeavours,
we believe, should be to preserve and develop the spirit of
global partnership born at Rio two years ago and to ensure
the environmentally safe, sustainable development of the
whole world.
As a young State endeavouring to resolve difficult
tasks of socio-economic and democratic reform and to
ensure its efficient participation in the international division
of labour, Kazakhstan welcomes United Nations efforts
with regard to the integration of countries with economies
in transition into the world economy and promotion of their
access to world markets, particularly through assistance to
the newly independent land-locked States of Central Asia,
of which Kazakhstan is the largest. We view this as a
manifestation of the comprehensive approach by the United
Nations in the field of socio-economic policy and deem it
to be the most productive way to meet the challenges of
global sustainable social and economic development.
In this connection I should also like to indicate the
high value Kazakhstan places on its cooperation with the
International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the European
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the European
Union, the Organization of Economic Cooperation and
Development and other international organizations
through their programmes of technical assistance. At the
same time, we would like to see this cooperation acquire
more dynamism and practical efficiency, which would
create a favourable climate for market reforms in
Kazakhstan and other countries with economies in
transition and for their better access to world markets and
the flow of foreign investments to these countries.
In this context it is a matter of concern to us that,
according to some forecasts, the gap in the levels of
factual and required assistance will sharply increase when
unemployment in the States of the former Soviet Union
peaks. This is expected as a consequence of the closure
of unprofitable State enterprises. Against that
background, the current level of Western assistance to our
market reforms will not be enough to make progress
towards the implementation of a second “Marshall Plan”.
Another priority of socio-economic development in
our country is its activity in the field of environment. It
is no accident that Kazakhstan has singled out
environmental issues, since it is itself exposed to such
environmental disasters of a global and regional nature as
the Aral Sea crisis, the degradation of a vast area around
the Semipalatinsk nuclear-test grounds, the severe
deterioration of the Caspian Sea ecosystem and the
dangerous increase of its water level, which threaten the
life and economic activity in a large coastal area. All
these things seriously hamper the process of social and
economic reform in Kazakhstan. A great contribution to
the solution of the Aral problem is being made by the
International Fund for the Salvation of the Aral Sea,
headed by Mr. Nazarbaev, President of the Republic of
Kazakhstan. The Central Asian Inter-State Council on the
Aral Sea has been established, and a programme of action
for the coming three to five years has been elaborated to
improve the environmental conditions of the Aral Sea.
However, the States of the region have very limited
financial and technical resources. In this regard, I should
like to appeal again to the world community, the donor
countries and the specialized international agencies to join
their efforts to fight this truly global, environmental
disaster in the Aral Sea. In this connection, Kazakhstan
proposes to hold in Almaty or in the city of Aralsk a
special international conference on the Aral Sea problem
under the auspices of the United Nations, and to consider
the possibility of establishing a special structure within
the United Nations system to deal with this problem.
22

When we speak about the balanced and sustainable
development of society we cannot leave out the issue of
human rights. If an individual is poor and deprived of the
elementary means of life, his political rights are
meaningless. A comprehensive approach to this problem
was demonstrated by the World Conference on Human
Rights at Vienna in 1993, which analysed and reviewed the
overall activities of the United Nations in the field of
human rights. Pursuant to the recommendations of the
World Conference on Human Rights, the United Nations
General Assembly at its forty-eighth session called for the
establishment of the post of United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights. On behalf of the
Government of Kazakhstan, let me congratulate Mr. J.
Ayala Lasso on his election to this high and responsible
post and assure the world community that my country will
fully abide by the recommendations of the World
Conference on Human Rights and support United Nations
activities in the field of the international protection of
human rights.
With regard to social and economic issues, I should
like to highlight the recently concluded Cairo International
Conference on Population and Development. Kazakhstan
took an active part in that Conference and believes that its
outcome will be yet another practical contribution to United
Nations efforts to ensure global sustainable development.
In this connection, we also expect significant results from
such major forthcoming international forums as the World
Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, the Fourth
World Conference on Women in Beijing and the United
Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II) in
Istanbul.
Kazakhstan supports the joint endeavours of Member
States to reform the principal organs of the United Nations,
especially the Security Council.
Guided by Article 24 of the United Nations Charter,
which states that the Security Council, in carrying out its
duties under its primary responsibility, acts on behalf of all
Member States, Kazakhstan favours the enlargement of the
Security Council to ensure equitable geographical
representation and the effective and efficient functioning
and transparency of the Security Council.
For many years now we have been witnessing a
significant deterioration of the financial situation of the
United Nations. Without going into the details of this
difficult issue, I should like to note that the current session
of the General Assembly is not an ordinary one, because it
will have to adopt a new scale of assessments for the
apportionment of United Nations expenses for the period
1995-1997.
As a cornerstone of the whole financial system of
the United Nations, the scale of assessments has always
been among the most important aspects of the functioning
of the Organization. The adoption of the new scale of
assessments this year is also important in that the new
arrangement will fully reflect the considerable increase in
the membership of the United Nations and solve to the
greatest possible extent problems related to the
contributions of a group of new Member States.
Since the creation of this problem Kazakhstan has
demonstrated realism and a balanced approach and has
tried to take into consideration the interests of other
Member States. We hope that the principle of the
capacity to pay and of the need to improve the
methodology of the scale by eliminating its most
distorting elements will be taken fully into account in the
determination of the new scale of assessments. This
would undoubtedly help to improve the Organization’s
overall financial situation.
With regard to the financial standing of the United
Nations, I should like to refer to the question of
improving administrative and financial management in the
system. Kazakhstan has welcomed concrete steps in this
field and supported the creation of the Office of Internal
Oversight Services, and we deem it appropriate that such
efforts be continued.
Ten years ago, in this Organization, the former
rector of the University for Peace, Mr. Robert Muller,
said the following very true words:
“A jubilee is an occasion for reflection and not for
celebration”.
I believe that today, on the eve of the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations, we are all adopting
this very approach in evaluating the Organization’s past,
present and future.
In this context, I should like to note with gratitude
the great efforts of the Preparatory Committee and the
Secretariat in respect of the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations. They are making a concrete contribution
to the commemoration of this forthcoming historic event.
Kazakhstan too is preparing to commemorate the
event in a fitting way. It has set up a national committee,
23

which is scheduled to arrange a variety of ceremonial
events, as well as to issue collectors’ stamps and coins
devoted to the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations.
The importance that Kazakhstan attaches to the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations is reflected also in our
initiative concerning the holding of a special session of the
General Assembly within the framework of the event. In
our view, this could be the occasion for a thorough, useful
and interesting exchange of views on the most significant
aspects of the activities of the United Nations and on it’s
role.
The forthcoming anniversary inevitably brings to mind
another historic international date — the fiftieth anniversary
of the end of the Second World War. Kazakhstan
wholeheartedly supports the initiative to declare 1995 the
international year of the commemoration of the victims of
that war.
In conclusion, I should like to express my firm belief
that the United Nations will come to its anniversary
revitalized and fully able to realize the rich potential
embodied in the aspiration to peace and humanism that was
enshrined in its Charter 50 years ago.


May I
congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth
session. I am convinced that your vast experience and
your leadership will contribute greatly to the success of
the session. At the same time, I wish to acknowledge the
excellent work of your predecessor, Ambassador Samuel
R. Insanally of Guyana, during the last session of the
General Assembly.
I should like also to pay tribute to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
dedication to the cause of the United Nations.
The evolution of the world scene since the last
session confirms that we live in an age of historic
transition. The encouraging developments in South Africa
and in the Middle East confirm that conventional
paradigms of the international system are changing.
Nations have become so interdependent that force can no
longer act as the final arbiter. In relations between
nations, rules, agreements and civilized norms have come
into play as much as traditional regulators.
Until the modern era we lived in what might be
called a Hobbesian world, where conflict, rather than
cooperation, was the defining characteristic of relations
between nations. Basically, international relations were
regulated through the mechanism of the balance of power.
Sometimes we had the hegemony of one Power, and
sometimes several Powers acting in concert, but these
were only variations of what was essentially a struggle for
power, a struggle for domination.
Then, in the early part of this century, came the
Wilsonian vision, which called for a global organization.
To this vision we owe the United Nations. After the
Second World War - even at the height of the cold war -
mankind envisaged a bolder world. The vision of a
global welfare was presented, for example, by the
Swedish scholar Gunnar Myrdal, who urged us to move
"beyond the welfare state".
Now, at the end of the twentieth century, the demise
of the cold war offers us yet another vision of a new
world. The old order based on force is losing its grip on
international relations. Gone are the days when defects in
the balance of power necessarily invited ambition or
20

adventure. The days of expansive and proselytizing
ideologies have passed. A new order based on peaceful
accord, cooperation and interdependence is emerging.

This can best be characterized as a non-zero-sum
global society. In today’s world no country can remain
unaffected by the havoc of another, whether caused by
hunger, tyranny, environmental pollution or the proliferation
of weapons. Similarly, every country can benefit from
world prosperity, world peace and a cleaner world
environment. This new world, if successful in addressing
thorny issues such as the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, will allow us to escape from the age-old
security dilemma.
What can we do to solve such critical impending
problems as poverty, pollution, population, national
conflicts, oppression and the arms race? Most of all, we
need shared values and common purposes. We first need
a sound understanding of the nature of these new problems.
We must recognize that these are problems that affect us all
and require our concerted efforts.
In this new era genuine world peace cannot be
achieved without our properly addressing the issues of
social and economic development.
My delegation welcomes the report of the Secretary-
General on an agenda for development as a timely and
appropriate initiative. His report has moved the United
Nations to the foreground of discussions on development.
Given the importance of the political will of nations in
this endeavour, the United Nations system as a whole
should play a leading role by serving as a forum for nations
to work out remedies for economic and social problems
which undermine peace and security in many parts of the
world. We hope that the current General Assembly session
will provide a much needed opportunity for more serious
discussion on these vital issues. Taking advantage of its
recent experience in development, the Republic of Korea
will make its full contribution to the effort for global
economic and social development.
In June this year a variety of issues on development
were discussed at the World Hearings on Development. At
these Hearings special emphasis was placed on human-
centred development, the interrelationship between peace
and development and the need for strengthening
international cooperation. I hope that a concrete action
programme will be worked out, based on the informative
views presented at the Hearings and at the high-level
segment of the 1994 substantive session of the Economic
and Social Council.
Our past experience has taught us that social
development and economic growth are inseparable.
Meaningful social progress necessarily includes
substantial economic growth. At the same time, the
substance of social development - the promotion of social
welfare, equitable redistribution and the protection of the
environment - is crucial for sustainable economic growth.
In this context, I am convinced that the World Summit
for Social Development, to be held in Copenhagen next
year, will set a new landmark in the field of social
development by producing effective and feasible action
plans.
Economic and social development is closely linked
with environmental issues. During the past four decades
the world population has doubled, while the global
economy has grown eightfold. For the first time the
Earth has begun to feel the heavy strains of human
activity. It has become evident that the planet can no
longer keep up with the pace of its exploitation. A
balance must be struck, and harmony sought, between the
environment and development.
Two years ago the United Nations took a most
important initiative by holding the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development. We
should uphold the goal set by this conference:
environmentally sound and sustainable development. To
achieve this goal, the advanced countries should play a
leading role in protecting the environment. Support
should be given to developing countries in the form of
financial contributions and the transfer of
environmentally-sound technology. Developing countries,
for their part, should make efforts commensurate with
their capabilities.
As a member of the Commission on Sustainable
Development, the Republic of Korea has actively
participated in formulating global regimes for the
environment. We have joined international environmental
agreements and contributed to the Global Environment
Facility (GEF). My Government will continue its efforts
and cooperation to attain both development and a better
environment.
21

Today we are witnessing a massive exodus of people
in many parts of the world, the consequence of armed
conflict and natural disasters.
We are pleased that the United Nations capacity to
provide humanitarian assistance has been strengthened
through close coordination between its relevant bodies.
However, appeals for urgently needed resources are usually
met with a fraction of the targeted figures, thereby seriously
hampering the effective implementation of humanitarian
programmes. Once again, we need generous assistance
from the entire international community.
I am happy to report that, thanks to the recent public
campaigns organized by the Government and various non-
governmental organizations in Korea, the Korean public has
been alerted to the importance of humanitarian assistance.
This is demonstrated by the fact that we have been sending
financial aid, medical personnel and supplies to such
troubled spots as Rwanda.
On human rights, more than a year has elapsed since
the Vienna World Conference on this important subject was
held in 1993. My Government is encouraged to see that
some of the provisions in its Programme of Action have
already been implemented.
Since last year the Korean Government has been
pursuing in earnest a policy that we call "new diplomacy",
which emphasizes the universal values of human rights,
welfare, liberty and democracy. Currently we are preparing
to become a party to the Convention against Torture, and
last July the Third United Nations Workshop for the
Asia-Pacific Region on Human Rights Issues was held in
Seoul. Among the outcomes of the Workshop was
acceptance of our proposal to hold the Workshop on a
regular basis. That agreement is an expression of the
collective will of all the Asia-Pacific countries, which has
helped us to move one step closer to the ultimate
establishment of a regional human rights institution.
Another critical task for global peace and security is
preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
both nuclear and biochemical. Most urgently, we must deal
with the problem of nuclear proliferation. The Republic of
Korea supports the indefinite extension of the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) at the Review
and Extension Conference in 1995. The Treaty has made
an enormous contribution to international security as the
mainstay of the non-proliferation regime. The legitimacy
of the NPT should be reinforced through renewed efforts on
the part of the nuclear Powers and through increased
international cooperation for the peaceful use of nuclear
energy. At the same time, the effectiveness of the NPT
regime should be enhanced by strengthening the
safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA).
The negotiations for a comprehensive test-ban Treaty
(CTBT) at the Conference on Disarmament are also very
important. A universal and verifiable CTBT will
undoubtedly serve as a major instrument in strengthening
the non-proliferation regime and advancing nuclear
disarmament. The recent changes in the world order
require a rationalization of disarmament agendas and new
working methods. The multilateral disarmament
frameworks must meet these requirements. In view of the
ever-increasing importance of the Conference on
Disarmament as a negotiating forum, its membership
should be expanded.
In keeping with the spirit of the United Nations
Charter, efforts for disarmament and security measures
should also be encouraged on the regional level. In this
regard, the Republic of Korea welcomes the productive
discussions on confidence-building measures at the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN)
Regional Forum last July in Bangkok. A security
dialogue for the North-East Asian subregion would
complement this region-wide framework.
A major challenge to the NPT regime is the North
Korean nuclear problem, which poses a serious threat not
only to the Korean peninsula, but also to the Asian--
Pacific region and the world as a whole. The suspicions
surrounding the North Korean nuclear programme should
be completely cleared by securing transparency of its
nuclear activities, past and future, as well as the present.
For this, North Korea should fully cooperate with the
IAEA in the implementation of the safeguards agreement
and implement the Joint Declaration on the
Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
If North Korea fulfils its obligations in good faith,
we will do all we can to assist the DPRK in the peaceful
use of nuclear energy. Depending on the resolution of
the nuclear issue, the Republic of Korea stands ready to
make its technological and capital resources available for
North Korea’s overall economic development in the spirit
of mutual prosperity.
The post-cold-war international situation presents us
with opportunities for a new world as well as multiple
challenges to our efforts for peace and development.
22

Therefore, it is all the more imperative that the role of the
United Nations be increased.
One of the most remarkable changes in the aftermath
of the cold war is the strengthened role of the United
Nations in peace-keeping. As regional conflicts have come
to replace the bipolar confrontation of the cold war, United
Nations peace-keeping operations have expanded
dramatically, both in number and mandate.
Given the limited resources for United Nations
peace-keeping activities, more effort should be made for the
effective use of preventive diplomacy. The decisions on
United Nations involvement in actual conflicts should be
made selectively and with proper priorities. Continued
efforts should also be made to address the modality of
intervention and the means of securing the necessary
resources.
The Republic of Korea remains firmly committed to
United Nations peace-keeping activities. As part of its
ongoing support, the Republic of Korea sent an engineering
unit to Somalia last year. Last month we dispatched a
medical unit to Western Sahara, and in a few days Korean
military observers will arrive in Georgia. Korea also plans
to join United Nations efforts to arrange stand-by forces.
The new diplomacy of my Government puts emphasis
on globalism. Through active engagement in global affairs,
Korea seeks to play its due role within the United Nations
framework. It is in this vein that the Republic of Korea has
presented its candidature for a seat on the Security Council
for the 1996-1997 term. We look forward to the
encouragement and support of other Member States for this
effort.
We support reform of the United Nations. Reforms
are needed in order better to cope with the new challenges
faced by the world body. As United Nations membership
has increased from 51 in 1945 to 184 in 1994, an
enlargement of the Council seems in order. The key
question is how to increase the number of seats without
compromising the Security Council’s effectiveness.
Creation of a third category of Council members, coupled
with the expansion of non-permanent membership, may be
an answer.
For the United Nations fully to assume its role in the
new international environment, its financial difficulties
should be duly addressed. It is also imperative that the
efficiency of the Organization and its management be
enhanced to guarantee the effective use of available
resources. In this regard, my delegation welcomes the
establishment of the Office of Internal Oversight Services,
and looks forward to the active role of the
newly-appointed Under-Secretary-General for Internal
Oversight Services.
The Republic of Korea feels a particular sense of
affinity with the United Nations. Both Korea and the
United Nations were born in the wake of the Second
World War. Upon creation, both entertained great
expectations: the United Nations hoped for global peace;
Korea hoped for national integrity and prosperity. They
both experienced disappointment, however, as their
expectations were crushed by conflict and division: the
cold war and East-West division for the United Nations;
the Korean War and South-North division for Korea.
Now, at last, the United Nations has risen from its
unhappy past with new hopes; the world body is no
longer held hostage to the paralysing cold war vetoes.
The Republic of Korea has also overcome socio-political
difficulties and economic underdevelopment. But the
division on the Korean peninsula still remains. It is the
ardent wish, and also a firm belief, of the Korean people
that the shackles of national division will soon be broken
as the South and the North work together in the spirit of
reconciliation and cooperation.
My country’s unique relationship with the United
Nations makes the upcoming fiftieth anniversary all the
more meaningful to us. The National Committee of the
Republic of Korea for the Fiftieth Anniversary of the
United Nations was established last April. This
Committee is preparing a number of programmes, with
special emphasis on enhancing the awareness of the role
of the United Nations among the new generation. We
also plan to actively participate in the programmes
sponsored by the United Nations. In this regard, I am
pleased to note that a leading Korean corporation is
participating as a global sponsor in the preparation for the
United Nations fiftieth anniversary.
Next year the United Nations will celebrate its
golden anniversary. It will be an occasion for us all to be
reminded once again of the goals set forth in the Charter
of the United Nations. The new world which was
envisaged by the founding fathers of this body is yet to
take shape. But we must be aware that we now stand at
a critical juncture in history, and that a rare opportunity
has been handed to us.
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We have to reach for a peaceful and prosperous world
based on interdependence and cooperation between nations.
Success will depend on our ability to understand the nature
of the new global environment, which is fundamentally
different from the old one, and on our determination to
meet the challenge.
We have to associate ourselves with the forces that
will shape the future. United, and only by being united,
can we build and thrive in this new world society.