I should like to begin by extending our most cordial greetings to Mr. Paul Lusaka, the representative of the Republic of Zambia, upon his election to the presidency of this thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, the largest of all world forums. I wish also to greet the Secretary-General, whose effective work merits our country's full understanding and support, and to welcome the admission of Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations.
281.	Paraguay has worked unceasingly to achieve the goals and objectives of the economic and social development it has set itself. The economic crisis besetting mankind today, undoubtedly one of the most intense in history, has not seriously affected our economy thanks to the timely measures that our Government adopted.
282.	We have applied the achievements of science and technology principally to agricultural and livestock research, and this has led to excellent results in those fields, with a considerable increase in production that has directly benefited the great majority of workers in our country, namely, those engaged in agricultural activities.
283.	With regard to social issues, there have also been considerable achievements and this has been reflected in the stability and peace that prevail in our country.
284.	I can state with legitimate pride that the Republic of Paraguay enjoys true democracy and that the rule of law prevails in our land, where our citizens are developing and improving our democratic institutions. In Paraguay there are no political prisoners, nor are there any terrorist attacks to disturb our peace and, through the division, balance and interdependence of State powers, a healthy and active political life is guaranteed.
285.	Within this framework, periodic elections are held in accordance with the provisions of our national Constitution, with the participation of all legally constituted parties within an active, genuine, democratic multi-party system that reflects the political maturity achieved by the Paraguayan people and brooks no interference of any kind.
286.	Within the context of regional integration, Paraguay and Brazil are jointly constructing the Itaipu hydroelectric facility, which will be the largest in the world. On 25 October 1984, there will be a meeting between the President of Paraguay, General Alfredo Stroessner, and the President of Brazil, General Joao Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo, at the construction site in order to mark formally the beginning of operations, and this will undoubtedly constitute a milestone of the greatest importance in Latin American relations.
287.	With respect to Argentina, another neighbouring country, we are continuing our work with it at a speedy pace, on the Yacyreta hydroelectric project. In August there was a meeting of the Foreign Ministers of Paraguay and Argentina at the construction site, marking the political will of both Governments to continue and accelerate the pace of construction of the project.
288.	This, then, shows that the development policy of the Government of President Stroessner has fostered initiative and participation on the part of all of our citizens, leading to the optimum utilization of natural resources and creating the proper conditions for continued co-operation with friendly countries, countries of the United Nations, whose support is always useful, for it helps to give shape to the plans established by the Government to ensure sustained development as planned for the future.
289.	The agenda of this session of the General Assembly contains many items and serious outstanding questions that are endangering international peace and security.
290.	We are struck by the fact that the great problem facing the world in the political arena is the arms build-up, which has entered upon a truly dangerous and alarming stage. While at the same time economic problems beset entire peoples, expenditures on armaments consume billions of dollars every year in an arms race which may well lead us to very serious and irreparable situations in the future.
291.	The characteristic fact that regional conflicts or conflicts between specific countries are not submitted to the United Nations or to competent regional bodies is still the sad reality of our day. The side-stepping of the United Nations with respect to matters of international peace and security leads us to believe that very often the parties involved do not have the political will to request assistance from the United Nations.
292.	The proliferation of nuclear weapons is another burning issue which is horrifying for the peoples of the world. It is absolutely essential for countries that do not have nuclear facilities to be protected against any danger that might stem from the use of such weapons. The fear of collective holocaust is a daily reality which surely deserves the attention of this Assembly.
293.	The Assembly's agenda once again includes items of the utmost importance for the security of today's world, such as the issues of Kampuchea and Afghanistan. In the latter country, a major Power, in flagrant violation of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, has been applying its full might. The time has come for the United Nations to succeed in putting an end, once and for all, to such interventions, which only bring about insecurity and instability and which are a clear mockery of justice and of respect for the sovereignty of entire peoples.
294.	The problem of the Middle East continues to be of great concern. There is only one option: that the United Nations will achieve in that part of the world the necessary atmosphere so that with its assistance, final solutions may be found for all the nations of the region, so as to satisfy their needs on the basis of international law and in keeping with their just aspirations.
295.	The conflict in the Persian Gulf is another manifestation of insecurity which endangers international peace. The countries involved must find by means of dialogue or through the United Nations a lasting solution to this problem which may, at any moment, lead to a serious world-wide conflict.
296.	We certainly cannot forget the problem of Central America. The undisguised intervention by a major Power from outside the continent, through one of the States in the region, results in imminent danger to peace, and insecurity and mutual suspicions have turned an entire area into one of serious conflict. We await with optimism the outcome of the efforts which are being made in the region to achieve lasting and stable peace and to avoid interference by interests from outside the continent which can gravely upset the stability of the American continent.
297.	In the economic field, North-South relations have not yet found the path of understanding and coexistence which we all desire. Any effort which nations may make regarding these questions not only will lead to an enhancement of the standard of living of millions of human beings but will also bring about international peace, for there can be no true peace when millions of children suffer for lack of food and other means.
298.	There has been almost no effective progress in the North-South dialogue despite the fact that various meetings have been held on the world economic situation. Developing countries feel the great weight of the external debt which cannot be paid and which keeps them from being eligible for new funds which they need to make social and economic progress.
299.	The payment of the external debt of the developing countries is one of the most urgent problems before the international community today. The United Nations cannot remain indifferent in the face of this real problem, which endangers dozens of countries and their respective economies. The raising of interest rates by the international banks compounds the situation and makes it difficult to find a solution to this problem, which is further complicated by world economic recession.
300.	Paraguay has administered the funds it has received and it is up to date in meeting its international commitments, and therefore this problem does not affect it directly. But we have feelings of solidarity for those Latin American countries which are making major efforts within the Cartagena group to solve this serious problem.
301.	The United Nations must strive to make use of all possible means in the search for a solution to this question, which endangers not only the economy, but the very existence and sovereignty of many countries with dependent economies. Various technical bodies have met, and their recommendations reflect agreement that this is a very dangerous question. The Organization should take direct practical measures and should obtain from creditor countries and banks, first of all, a containment of interest rates and, then, better conditions for the payment of the debts which affect so many peoples in the international community.
302.	The tragedy of countries which export raw materials persists in the face of the constantly increasing prices of manufactured goods. There has been so much talk on this subject that there is general scepticism on the question, but international solidarity and justice in relations among countries unquestionably demand that we strive to close the widening gap between the industrialized countries and the countries which produce raw materials.
303.	Along with concerns aroused all over the world by the global economic recession, which has resulted in unemployment, poverty and all sorts of other problems, there is another grave concern: the limitation or reduction of the contributions made by certain highly developed countries to international financial bodies and to specialized agencies of the United Nations to enable them to carry out their projects in the developing countries. A serious and humane re-examination of those contributions would result in an incalculable improvement in the progress and development of more than 100 countries which need funds and development programmes to raise their standard of living.
304.	The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea'6 is now a reality. AH developing countries hope that its provisions will come into force soon and that land-locked countries in particular will be able to benefit from their legitimate share of marine resources.
305.	The decolonization process being carried out by the United Nations is worthy of our consideration. The Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples deserves the support of all the world's free peoples, and from this rostrum we greet all the new countries which in recent years have joined the international community and the United Nations as a result of that process.
306.	We are pleased at the integration of East Timor into the Republic of Indonesia. To this question must be applied a basic principle of international law—the integrity of nations; no circumstances or outside interference can delay that decision.
307.	The international community continues to desire the peaceful reunification of the two Koreas; this must be achieved through direct dialogue between the authorities of South Korea and North Korea. The Republic of Korea continues to make tireless efforts to reunify a divided people, and it has taken important steps to reduce tension and promote reconciliation, steps which have been welcomed with satisfaction by world public opinion. Experience in earlier events shows us that it is important to have a prior understanding and a basic agreement between South and North Korea; thus, both parties should be encouraged to return to the negotiating table, and the United Nations should lend its support to such efforts.
308.	The solution of the problem of the two Koreas does not involve those countries alone. The breach of the peace and of the political-military balance in that area will affect that part of Asia, with serious consequences for many States Members of the United Nations. The international community knows that the Republic of Korea meets all the requirements set in the Charter of the United Nations for admission as a full Member of the Organization. Its admission would be a major step forward in the solution of the problem and would guarantee responsibility, and it could contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security. The logical conclusion of this question would be the inclusion of the two Koreas without threatening to perpetuate the division of that nation.
309.	The question of the Malvinas Islands continues to be a matter concerning which the international community is searching for a solution that would preserve universal peace. In this connection, we reaffirm the pacifist tradition of our country and its solidarity with friendly nations, which lead us to support all initiatives with a view to achieving a negotiated solution, based on international law, to the dispute concerning sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands. Paraguay would be glad to see a resumption of bilateral negotiations between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom, and to see the Secretary-General use his good offices for that purpose.
310.	At the beginning of the dispute, Paraguay was one of the sponsors of the draft resolution which the General Assembly adopted as resolution 37/9. At the thirty-seventh session, our representative stated the following:
"As a founding Member of the United Nations, and respectful as we are of the principles and purposes set forth in the Charter, we feel the responsibility and the duty to participate in the debate on this item in order to contribute to the search for a peaceful solution ..."
311.	We stress the need to make progress along that path of negotiations, and we reiterate that Paraguay has never recognized the use of force or military occupation as a way of acquiring territory.
312.	Our generation has the absurd distinction of having turned man into a beast whose prey is man and of being a generation in which the unbridled and fanatical forces of terrorism act mercilessly and heartlessly in all countries and in all spheres. We refer here to both international terrorism and terrorism within countries. The United Nations must consider practical measures for putting an end to terrorism in all its forms. We know that study of the underlying causes of terrorism is necessary for the understanding and repression of the phenomenon, but we do not consider it acceptable for the fight against terrorism to be subordinated to the solution of its causes.
313.	While it is true that this picture of the world is not an encouraging one, since problems proliferate and disagreements among nations continue, the Republic of Paraguay continues to hope that the United Nations will find the right path that will lead mankind to a happy future, and we renew our faith in man as the subject and protagonist of history, in the certainty that man will win in the struggle for a better world in which we can live and coexist in peace.


At the outset, Sir, I extend to you my sincere congratulations upon your election as President of this session of the General Assembly. I am fully confident that your long experience in the United Nations will enable us to achieve positive results during the session. It is even more gratifying that the office of President is assumed by a representative of an African country with which we have such close friendly relations as those maintained between the Presidents of our two countries, President Kenneth Kaunda and President Saddam Hussein. The delegation of my country wishes to assure you of its readiness to extend to you its full co-operation with a view to facilitating your tasks and bringing the work of the present session to a successful conclusion.
158.	I also extend our congratulations to Brunei Darussalam, a fellow member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, upon its accession to membership of the United Nations and wish it full success.
159.	Every year the representatives of the peoples of the world come to this important international forum to set forth their concerns. The most important matters emphasized by members of the international community are peace and the right of peoples to security, sovereignty and dignity. These principles and norms are at the very root of the United Nations: they form a foundation without which the world would be exposed to dangers, to chaos and to the absence of justice.
160.	I must speak at length of the dangers threatening my country and our region, namely, the Iranian aggression against Iraq, which has continued for more than four years. We meet here for the fifth time to discuss this aggression which Iran insists on continuing and which the United Nations and its various organs, as well as other organizations, have been unable to end.
161.	Iran bears the full responsibility for kindling the fires of war, just as it bears the full responsibility for continuing it for this long time. The regime that has come to power in Iran has arrogated to itself some bizarre privileges which have no basis in international law or in the rules governing relations among peoples. This regime persists in its aggressive acts and in its desire to impose itself as guardian not only on Iraq but also on the peoples of the region and, indeed, on all the world. It has used every available means to interfere in the internal affairs of Iraq and the countries of the region and, indeed, many other countries of the world. It seeks to export its blood-stained and backward system to others, ignoring the fact that that system is the purely internal concern of Iran and that no one in the world has the right to impose himself as guardian of others.
162.	In pursuing this unnatural course, the Iranian regime has resorted to all possible means of destruction, sowing anarchy and launching open aggression. Instead of renouncing the expansionist policies and imperial ambitions of the former regime, it has adopted them as its own. It has upheld the privileges of the former regime and has used the military power that it has inherited from that regime to achieve its own expansionist aims.
163.	For its part, Iraq has tried by every means at its disposal to convince Iran of the necessity of establishing good-neighbourly relations between the two countries and has avoided confrontation with Iran. The Iranian regime, however, has persisted in its aggressive and expansionist policies and has continued to fan the flames of dissension, conflict and war.
164.	From 1979 to the start of the armed conflict on 4 September 1980, the Iranian regime committed 249 violations of Iraqi airspace and 244 acts in which it opened fire on, attacked and shelled Iraqi border towns; it obstructed navigation in the Shatt Al-Arab, and committed three acts of aggression against civil aircraft and seven acts against economic facilities, including oil installations. AH those acts of aggression are documented in official memoranda the Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent at the time to the Iranian Embassy at Baghdad and to the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Teheran. In a total of 293 official memoranda, we drew the Iranian side's attention to the gravity of such practices and acts and pointed out that the Iranian authorities bore responsibility for their effects on the future of neighbourly relations between our two countries.
165.	On 4 September 1980, Iran started actual war against Iraq by opening heavy artillery fire on Iraqi border towns, causing losses in lives and severe damage to property and threatening the sovereignty and security of Iraq. In the following days, Iranian armed forces attacked Iraqi oil installations, and Iranian military aeroplanes launched an air raid against the border town of Mandali. On 12 September, Iranian armed forces opened fire on an Iraqi ship in Shatt Al-Arab and on Iraqi territory in the Basra area and in Khanaqin. On 17 September, the Iranian authorities announced the closure of Iranian airspace to civil aviation and the Straits of Hormuz to Iraqi navigation. Iran also announced general mobilization, deployed its armed forces in massive concentrations along the Iraqi border and openly used its regular military forces in aggression against Iraq. In the period from 18 to 22 September, Iran opened Ore 19 times on Iraqi military boats from Iraqi territory in the areas of Basra, Khanaqin, Qoratu and Mandali, as well as on the Coast Guard Command headquarters at Basra and the control towers of Iraqi ports along Shatt Al-Arab. The Iranian authorities also used their air force to attack the oilfields in Naft Khaneh. Between 4 and 22 September 1980, Iranian military leaders issued statements threatening to occupy Iraq and its capital, destroy the Iraqi armed forces and erase Iraq from the map of the region.
166.	Iraq was obliged to defend itself against this flagrant aggression and the blind insistence of the Iranian regime to threaten its security and stability and interfere in its internal affairs.
167.	The Iraqi people cannot accept guardianship by anyone and cannot submit to threats and aggression. It had no choice but to fight to defend its sovereignty and dignity and to protect the achievements it had realized by the free exercise of its will and creative endeavours in the political, economic and cultural fields.
168.	Iraq has undertaken most faithfully and sincerely to submit the dispute to the United Nations and to other organizations, such as the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries. On 28 September 1980, Iraq accepted Security Council resolution 479 (1980), which called for a cease-fire and settlement of the conflict by negotiations. Iraq expressed its full willingness to reach a just agreement that guarantees the rights and sovereignty of both parties and provides for non-interference in their internal affairs.
169.	However, the Iranian regime rejected that resolution, as it later rejected all resolutions on the matter, whether adopted by the Security Council or the General Assembly or by other international organizations such as the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and other bodies which made concrete efforts towards peace. Iran has set absurd conditions which are contrary to the rules of international law and the norms governing relations among States. Those conditions had no other meaning in reality than insistence on war, on aggression and on expansion.
170.	By insisting on taking such a position, the Iranian regime alone bears responsibility for this war, for its continuation and for all the losses suffered by both peoples in human lives and material damage. Similarly, that regime alone bears the responsibility for threatening security and stability in the region.
171.	Permit me to remind the Assembly of what happened a year ago. At the thirty-eighth session, in this forum, I addressed, in the name of the Iraqi Government, a call for serious action to ensure security and stability in the Arab Gulf area; for respect of the right of the Gulf States to use their ports and port facilities and of their right to free commerce; and for respect of the right of foreign States trading with the countries of the region. That call by Iraq was welcomed by the States of the Gulf Co-operation Council and by many other States concerned with security and stability in our region and in the world. Those views have been embodied in Security Council resolution 540 (1983) of 31 October 1983, which, in particular:
the right of free navigation and commerce in international waters, calls on all States to respect this right and also calls upon the belligerents to cease immediately all hostilities in the region of the Gulf, including all sea-lanes, navigable waterways, harbour works, terminals, offshore installations and all ports with direct or indirect access to the sea, and to respect the integrity of the other littoral States;
the Secretary-General to consult with the parties concerning ways to sustain and verify the cessation of hostilities, including the possible dispatch of United Nations observers, and to submit a report to the Security Council on the results of these consultations;".
172.	That wise and balanced resolution was welcomed by Iraq, by the States of the Gulf Co-operation Council and by all international quarters, but Iran rejected it and scorned the Security Council. When Iraq used its natural right of defence and threatened the vita! interests of a regime which insists on war and on depriving Iraq of its right to utilize its Gulf ports and obstructing free navigation, Iran threatened to use armed force against the interests of two States—namely, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait—which were not parties to the dispute by way of an aggressive and extortionist military demonstration which met with universal condemnation in the form of Security Council resolution 552 (1984).
173.	As a result, during the past months the Gulf area has known insecurity, uncertain navigation and escalation of the risks of foreign military intervention in the region's affairs.
174.	The events of the past year provide a clear illustration of the nature of that regime and its policies which are the cause of all the dangers which the region is now facing.
175.	Iraq has abided by the principles of peace and good-neighbourliness, as well as the principles of mutual co-operation and respect for common interests. If it were not for Iraq's resolute stand against the tide of evil, aggression and expansionism brought about by the Teheran regime, the whole area would have been reduced to ruin and the interests of the whole world would have been jeopardized. It is thanks to their courage and heroism that the Iraqis are not only protecting their country but are also safeguarding the security and stability of the area and helping it to continue its fruitful and constructive relations within the region and with the other countries of the world. Therefore, to support Iraq, to co-operate with it in all fields and to assist it in maintaining its firm stand must not be taken as alignment with it against the other side but rather as alignment with the principles of peace and respect for sovereignty and the free will of peoples and also as a contribution to safeguarding security and stability in the area and to protecting it from the dangers of chaos and destruction of which the slogans of the rulers of Teheran and their irrational policies warn.
176.	Iraq has proved that its strength is a force for peace, stability and constructive co-operation between the countries of the region: it is a force for justice and international law. By contrast, the force of our adversaries is a force for evil, for chaos and for ruin.
177.	Now that this insane war waged by the Khomeini regime against Iraq and the countries of the region is entering its fifth year, it is the duty of the United Nations, together with its Member States, and of the Security Council in particular, to take the necessary practical steps to keep that demented regime within bounds and to force it to accept peace and good-neighbourly relations with Iraq and its other neighbours and desist from its aggressive, destructive and expansionist course.
178.	Diplomatic methods have failed to produce the desired results. On the contrary, they have encouraged the rulers in Teheran to persist in their conceit, in their aggressive policies and in their contempt for international organizations and the rules of international law. The irresponsible actions of certain Governments, which have provided Iran with weapons and military equipment in order to realize petty commercial gains, have directly contributed to the continuation of this war with all the losses in lives and property it has entailed. Any call for peace cannot be sincere and serious unless combined with refusal to supply the Iranian regime, which insists on war and expansion, with the military and material means that enable it to continue to pursue those policies.
179.	The erroneous policy of being tactful with this anomalous regime and conniving with its crimes and constant violations of the rules governing relations among States has encouraged it, as it has encouraged other similar regimes in the region, to persist in its destructive activities, in exporting terrorism and in defying all the norms of international relations in a manner which has no precedent in modem times.
180.	A striking example of this fact is to be found in the joint statements issued by the head of the Iranian regime and the heads of the two other similar regimes in Syria and Libya when the former visited them this month. For the first time in the history of relations among States, a joint statement issued by heads of State provides for agreement on and concerted action towards changing the system of government in another State.
181.	I should like to express here, in the name of both the people and leadership of Iraq, our scorn for this abnormal action, which, among other things, rejects the disappointment and frustration bitterly by its authors, and to denounce it as a flagrant - violation of the rules of relations among States and a dangerous precedent which, if not met with the necessary firmness, will certainly lead to chaos and pose a threat to the sovereignty, security and stability of the region.
182.	It is high time now that a new approach was adopted in dealing with the Iranian regime. Otherwise, that regime will continue its pernicious policies, whose harmful effects will not be confined to my country alone—my country has, indeed, been able to repulse the aggressors, to teach them the lessons they deserve and to crush all their attacks on our territory one after the other—but will extend also to all the countries of the region and to the legitimate interests of the international community and the security and stability of the world.
183.	Our region suffers most severely from racist and expansionist policies as well as contempt for international organizations and the rules of international law. Such are the policies arrogantly applied by the rulers of Tel Aviv and Teheran. It is no wonder then that the rulers of Tel Aviv should supply their fellow rulers in Teheran with weapons and technical assistance in order to enable them to continue their aggressive war against Iraq and thus threaten the security and stability of the region.
184.	The Zionist aggression against the peaceful Iraqi nuclear installations in 1981 was only one more example of the common political objectives of the rulers of Tel Aviv and Teheran. In launching their aggression against Iraq, and consequently against the entire Arab nation, their purpose is to keep both in a state of backwardness and weakness, thus forcing them to submit to those who covet their lands and their natural resources. The Zionist leaders have most impudently threatened to repeat their aggression against Iraq or any other country as they please. The least that the United Nations, and specifically the Security Council, can do is to deter this particular aggressor from repeating such a flagrant aggression. It was the first aggression of its kind committed against a nuclear installation and one which would have had grave nuclear consequences had it not been for the scientific and other precautionary measures we had taken.
185.	Certain Western countries try to exonerate and rehabilitate the good name of the aggressor country on the grounds that statements issued by its representatives to the effect that it is not part of its policy to attack nuclear installations devoted to peaceful purposes are tantamount to a withdrawal of its previous threats. Nothing could be farther from the truth. As a matter of fact, those statements were made only to reaffirm the position taken by the Zionist entity in its attempt to justify its criminal aggression, namely, that it has the right to decide unilaterally the nature of nuclear installations in various countries and retains freedom of action with regard to such installations. We give warning that to accept those Zionist statements as an adequate response to the resolutions of the General Assembly and the IAEA will be considered by the Zionist leaders as an acceptance of their own justifications for launching the aggression and will give them a free hand to repeat the aggression as and when they please.
186.	The Zionist aggression against our sister country Lebanon was the first step in implementing the Zionist plan to fragment the Arab countries and annex more Arab territory to the State of "Greater Israel". That aggression was also directed against the PLO as the legitimate and sole representative of the Palestinian people.
187.	While calling for increased support for the PLO and its legitimate leadership, Iraq also condemns all the plots concocted in an attempt to weaken the national Palestinian movement, place it under guardianship or divest it of its power to make independent decisions. In no circumstances can the existence of the Arab people of Palestine be ignored; nor is there a way to ignore its inalienable rights, including its right to return to its homeland and its right to self-determination. Similarly, there is no way to ignore the fact the PLO is the legitimate and sole representative that people. To ignore this fact can only mean in reality total alignment with the Zionist aggressors and the obstruction of the efforts aimed at the restoration of peace and justice in the Middle East.
188.	Although there are clear indications of economic recovery in certain developed countries, the world economy continues to experience an acute crisis. The terms of trade continue to be low and the rates of interest and inflation continue to be high. The difficulties of servicing external debts have increased because of diminishing access to capital markets. The developing countries continue to be severely affected by the current world recession, which has blocked development efforts.
189.	It is time for the United Nations to adopt, during the current session, urgent international measures to deal with this disastrous situation in the economies of the developing countries and to restore confidence in the concept of international economic co-operation, which has suffered a severe set-back in recent years because of the failure of the General Assembly to initiate global economic negotiations.
190.	As a developing country, Iraq will work with other developing countries to develop positive and realistic solutions that will serve the world economy as a whole. Iraq will also support all initiatives aimed at overcoming the present economic crisis.
191. In conclusion, I should like to state that the experience Iraq is undergoing in defending itself, its interests and its rights has served to enhance our faith in the necessity of upholding the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and the rules of international law. I assure the Assembly that we are committed to these principles and rules and that we shall work for their application with a view to reaching peaceful solutions to existing problems and ensuring security, peace and stability in the region and in the world.


I would like first of all to congratulate Mr. Lusaka on his election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly and to welcome to our midst a new Member of the United Nations, Brunei Darussalam.
181.	The essential task of the international community is to identify collective action leading to the peace and prosperity in which the citizens of each Member State can pursue their individual destinies. Each year in the General Assembly we take stock of our endeavours in this direction. For the region of the Mediterranean, this year has witnessed significant developments in the process aimed at transforming our region into a zone of peace, security and co-operation.
182.	At the beginning of the year, when the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe opened at Stockholm, all the non-aligned Mediterranean States were given an opportunity to address the participants in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe on confidence- and security-building measures in the Mediterranean as part and parcel of the process of confidence- and security-building measures in the whole of Europe. As I had the opportunity to state in my address to the opening meeting of the Stockholm Conference, "tension and confrontation in the Mediterranean are both a result, and in tum a cause, of tension and confrontation in other parts of Europe". For that reason, Mediterranean countries would examine all confidence- and security-building proposals at Stockholm in the light of their applicability to Mediterranean security issues, especially the seriously deteriorating naval military confrontational situation in our region.
183.	A second important development in our region concerned the first-ever ministerial meeting of the Mediterranean members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which took place at Valletta on 10 and 11 September 1984. The Foreign Ministers of Egypt, Libya, Malta, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia and Yugoslavia and Ministers from Algeria and Cyprus, together with the Head of the Political Department of the PLO, participated in that important meeting and agreed on a declaration which lays down the basis for transforming the Mediterranean into a zone of peace, security and co-operation.
184.	The non-aligned countries of the Mediterranean are conscious of the continuing need to intensify their efforts for peace in a world which, unfortunately, is progressively becoming a more dangerous and a much less kind place for our citizens to live in. The Secretary-General has once again focused attention on the two related elements of the dilemma—the headlong rush towards nuclear catastrophe and the callousness with which pressing development needs are denied the necessary resources.
185.	The reckless reliance upon increasing armaments, especially nuclear armaments, exacerbates tension, rather than increasing security. The accumulating and expanding grievances owing to poverty, malnutrition, disease and illiteracy are fast reaching explosive points at both national and international levels. The most outrageous fact of all is that so many resources continue to be poured into the armaments race instead of being devoted to redressing the needs and pressures of development.
186.	Underlying this dangerous reality is the phenomenon of two contending military alliances, each led by a massive super-Power which places its interests and objectives as inevitably superior to those of other nations. The majority of mankind today faces the supreme arrogance of a handful of industrially and technologically advanced nations which take it for granted that, nearly as a divine right, their citizens should increase their already well- established well-being and enhance their already well-protected security even at the cost of denying the most basic needs of livelihood and existence to the rest of their fellow beings.
187.	Those nations consider that the pursuit of their security is primordial, even to the extent of intruding upon the stability of other regions and countries. They assume automatically that because they possess might of armaments they also possess wisdom of action and that, consequently, whatever they decide as being good and useful for themselves must and should be good and useful for others.
188.	We have witnessed over recent months even more disconcerting manifestations of this phenomenon. In the Middle East, in Central Asia and in Central America, the two super-Powers have felt no inhibition in using force or manifestations of force to thwart local developments which they have unilaterally defined as inimical to their interests. They have felt no inhibitions in continuing to pour new and more lethal armaments into already tense areas like the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean, particularly near the Gulf region, and the Pacific, because their interests so dictated. In spite of their protestations in favour of freedom and democracy, they have failed to act effectively to redress the injustices of apartheid in South Africa and the oppression in Namibia. In spite of their claims to humanity, they have found it more useful to send costly satellites into orbit, to deploy new missiles and to develop, ever more expensive and lethal weaponry than to encourage and implement measures to relieve the hunger and the poverty of so many peoples or to soften the massive debt burden of so many nations.
189.	As has often been noted, the objective of the United Nations is to replace the arbitrary action of individual nations by collectively agreed action. The United Nations is a substitute for, not an extension of, the Yalta arrangements. Individual nations do not lose their identity or sovereignty but, rather, enhance their dignity and freedom of action by participating in the decision-making possible through the United Nations.
190.	It is perhaps logical that it has been the emergent nations of the world which have most appreciated the essential value of collective action. All of us pursued our individual struggle for liberation within the framework of the global revolt against colonialism. Today, as free and sovereign States we pursue the security and prosperity of our peoples in the full knowledge that unless our actions are mutually supportive we will fail to escape from the poverty and oppression which still engulf most of us.
191.	The movements and initiatives which the emergent nations have originated have therefore been intimately linked with the work of the United Nations. Malta's work in the Security Council comes to an end this year. It is perhaps appropriate to recall that on this very day, the members of the Council have unanimously agreed on a second report on the strengthening of the Council's work which Malta was entrusted to prepare. Our initiatives at the international level have found their fullest expression in the creation of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Group of 77, which this year is celebrating its twentieth anniversary. Both of those groups define their objectives and pursue their actions in strict conformity with the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
192.	Our more specific initiatives at the regional level have been conceived just as strictly in the context of our pursuit of collective action at the global level. The need for collective action at the regional level arises both from the disparate needs of different regions and the different manifestations of super-Power rivalry in various parts of the globe. In contrast with the initiatives of the industrialized nations, however, the regional initiatives of the developing and non-aligned nations, in both the economic and the security fields, remain integrally linked with their initiatives at the global level.
193.	Over recent years such initiatives have assumed concrete form and achieved a clear substance. In South-East Asia the countries of ASEAN have pioneered the new road towards regional initiatives. Moving away from the series of regional military arrangements imposed earlier within the framework of the armed alliances, the ASEAN initiative rests upon the foundation of enhancing security and cooperation throughout their region, without at any point jeopardizing security and co-operation at the wider level.
194.	Malta has followed with interest and encouragement the calm and constructive manner in which the ASEAN nations have been pursuing the objective of securing the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea; the forms of economic co-operation among themselves which they are forging not in isolation but as a formative link in their economic relations with other countries; and the openness of their actions to the involvement of other nations in their region and beyond so that they may join in the collective endeavours towards regional and global security and co-operation.
195.	The initiative of the Gulf Co-operation Council, while dealing with different security issues and relating to different economic conditions, is, however, conceived in the same mould. The tragedy of the fratricidal struggle between Iran and Iraq is a matter of the gravest concern to all non-aligned and developing nations. Malta's objective is not to favour one side over the other or to foment differences but, rather, to impress upon both sides the need for an immediate cessation of hostilities leading to a peaceful, just and lasting resolution of the differences which divide them. Malta is encouraged to see that all the initiatives taken by the countries of the Gulf Co-operation Council are intended in that direction. We support their aims to avoid an enlargement of the conflict, to discourage super-Power meddling or involvement and to maintain sea and air lanes free for commercial traffic, while at the same time seeking to protect their security interests and to encourage the contending nations to resolve their conflict.
196.	In Central America the Contadora Group initiative provides yet another successful example of how developing and non-aligned countries can serve as a motivating force for a resolution of conflicts and tensions in their region. The struggle of the peoples of Central America to rid themselves of the oppression of foreign economic and military interference has been long and arduous. Those who through bitter and heroic struggle have achieved their objectives still face the hidden intrigues and open aggression of outside interference. The proposals which the Contadora Group has formulated for resolving the suspicions and hatreds, the pressures and intrigues and the outside military interference which harass the region are constructive and far-reaching. They deserve the full co-operation of all countries directly concerned and the support of peace-loving States worldwide.
197.	These and other regional initiatives by developing and non-aligned countries share common foundations in spite of the different circumstances in which they are unfolding. They all stress the need for regional States themselves to take the leading role in resolving problems of their region. They prove that approaches based on dialogue and co-operation are much more fruitful than reliance upon armed might in resolving problems. They emphasize the need for outside Powers, and in particular the super-Powers, to stop meddling in the destinies of different regions, either directly through military presence or indirectly through the use of proxies.
198.	It is a great satisfaction to report further on the meeting which—acting upon a mandate given to them by the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983—the Mediterranean members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries held at Valletta earlier this month to concert their views and devise initiatives for co-operation and for strengthening security in the Mediterranean.
199.	Since time immemorial, the Mediterranean has been considered by predominant military Powers as a special preserve for their global empire-building. Much of the fighting of the Second World War was undertaken in or around our region. A string of military bases then dotted our shores. The flow of commercial traffic has traditionally been punctuated by the flow of military hardware.
200.	The end of the Second World War spelt the demise of the colonial era. In the Mediterranean, however, the withdrawal of the colonial Powers was immediately replaced by the intrusion of super-Power presence. First, the United States Sixth Fleet and, soon after, the growing Soviet naval capability invaded and took over our waters. For Mediterranean peoples the struggle against colonialism therefore merged into the struggle to rid the region of the military presence of outside Powers. Even after the achievement of our independence, the pressures upon us to maintain and even increase the military facilities available in our region for use by the military alliances, very often even against our own interest, remained in force.
201.	Dedication to the policy of non-alignment has therefore meant an uphill struggle for those Mediterranean countries which chose to pursue it. Malta's experience exemplifies the difficulties we have had to surmount and the determination that was required to secure our objectives. We have had to struggle consistently to escape from the shackles of post- colonial tutelage and to eliminate all foreign military presence from our soil, in order finally to be able to adopt the status of neutrality, based on non-alignment, which we defined as the most appropriate manner in which we could pursue our national development and at the same time contribute towards security and co-operation in the Mediterranean region.
202.	The policy measures we applied to pursue our objectives have been the object of slander and attack, open and covert opposition, even outright aggression from reactionary forces both inside and outside our country. Our internal social and economic policies were deliberately misconstrued and our expanding relations with other countries maliciously misinterpreted in an attempt to distort our objectives and obstruct our endeavours. Even such measures as the introduction of free hospitals and medical services and free education for all our citizens have been and in some cases are still being accompanied by the rabid opposition of vested interests. That we have prevailed is due to our tenacity and to the strength we derived from cur friends in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and elsewhere.
203.	Together with the other Mediterranean countries which have accomplished their national struggle for freedom and dignity, we realize that the elimination of all foreign military presence from our territories is only the first step in ridding our region of the tension and confrontation that characterize it. As long as the Mediterranean remains a focal point of super-Power confrontation we cannot feel free and secure to pursue our national destinies and resolve our regional problems in the manner we consider most appropriate. We cannot feel free and secure as long as our sea remains the playground for the United States Sixth Fleet to flex its muscles whenever it desires, as long as the Soviet Navy uses our sea as its backyard, as long as two major navies and a number of smaller ones use our sea as the domain of their ever-enlarging war games, as long as our region is riddled with staging posts for rapid troop deployment, and as long as nuclear weapons beneath and above our waters, and even on the adjoining mainland, remain the frightening daily reality.
204.	The concern and dismay voiced by non- aligned Mediterranean countries at these developments do not spring from any sense of antagonism to either one or the other of the super-Powers. Neither is it our wish to stand in the way of the pursuit by any country, regional or not, of its legitimate commercial and security interests. Our sea has always been a point of contact and a means of transit for different cultures and peoples. Our aim is to enhance this traditional function by transforming it into a zone of peace, co-operation and security based on the principles of non-alignment.
205.	The Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the non- aligned Mediterranean countries, meeting at Valletta, were deeply conscious of the far-reaching significance of the action they were taking and the widespread support that accompanied their initiative. Their deliberations were followed directly by representatives of the Chairman of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries, India, and the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, who attended as observers. Messages of support from sympathetic foreign ministers came from many countries, including China, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. The Deputy Foreign Minister of Greece personally attended the formal opening session of the meeting. These expressions of support in themselves constitute an acknowledgement that the initiative of the non-aligned Mediterranean countries is not a self-enclosed one but rather opens itself up to the involvement of the aligned States of the region. In this context, it is to be hoped that future meetings of this nature will be followed even more closely and attentively by the southern European States of the Mediterranean.
206.	The Final Declaration adopted at the Valletta meeting has been distributed as a document of the General Assembly. I should like to underline some of the most significant elements that emerged from this first ministerial meeting of the non-aligned Mediterranean countries ever held.
207.	In the first instance, particular importance is to be attached to the fact that the Ministers of the non-aligned countries devoted their special attention to "the presence of foreign fleets, military bases and facilities to be used for aggression against non- aligned members", which they considered as having serious consequences for their security interests. In the light of this assessment, the non-aligned Mediterranean countries agreed upon what turns out to be the central point of their declaration, namely, their solemn reaffirmation of the three fundamental and interrelated aspects of their whole approach to questions of security and cooperation in the Mediterranean region: first, their commitment not to use force or the threat of force among themselves; secondly, their undertaking never to permit military bases or facilities for great Power presence in their region; and, thirdly, their invitation to other Mediterranean European States to adhere strictly to the principle of the non-use or threat of force, and in particular not to use their own armaments and forces, nor allow the use of bases and military facilities against non-aligned Mediterranean members. We have here the essential foundation upon which a peaceful and secure Mediterranean can be achieved.
208.	At the same time, the Valletta meeting conclusively demonstrated that whatever problems exist in our region they do not preclude the possibility of collective action for security and co-operation. Individual differences between any of the participants did not prevent them from asserting together that the Valletta meeting constituted a step of major political significance aimed at strengthening the efforts of the Mediterranean non- aligned countries to transform the Mediterranean into a region of peace, security and co-operation, in conformity with the decisions of the Non-Aligned Movement and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly, in particular resolution 38/189 ...
209.	The non-aligned Mediterranean countries have now clearly identified the measures which need to be pursued both for the resolution of the specific problems of their region and to reduce the overall level of tension and confrontation in the Mediterranean.
210.	On the Middle East they reiterated the fundamental position that
"a just and lasting peace in the Middle East and the solution of the Palestinian question cannot be achieved without the total and unconditional Israeli withdrawal from all Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 6 June 1967, and the full exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, their sole legitimate representative, including the right of return, self-determination without external interference and the right to national independence and sovereignty, including the right to establish an independent Palestinian State in its homeland, Palestine". To this end the Ministers of the non-aligned Mediterranean countries expressed their support for the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East in conformity with General Assembly resolution 38/58 C.
211.	On the question of Lebanon, the Ministers "decided to intensify efforts to bring about the withdrawal of Israeli forces, as the continued Israeli occupation is the main factor obstructing national reconciliation in Lebanon"
212.	On the question of Cyprus, the Ministers "called for the withdrawal of all foreign military forces" and "pledged their full support to the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General in the solution of the problem and urged him to continue and intensify his current efforts"
213.	Finally, the Mediterranean non-aligned countries made it clear that they envisage the process of Mediterranean security and co-operation as involving a dialogue of full equality between them and the aligned States of the Mediterranean. They identified two major areas in which this dialogue has to be conducted with the utmost urgency. One concerns the process of confidence and security-building. It was stressed that, "for the process begun at the Stockholm Conference on Confidence-and Security- building Measures and Disarmament in Europe to unfold effectively, adequate measures for the Mediterranean region must be agreed to, through a dialogue on the basis of equality" para. The other concerns the economic relations between non-aligned Mediterranean countries and the European Economic Community. It was stressed that co-operation must "take due account of the legitimate concern of the non-aligned Mediterranean members, especially in the sectors of human resources, trade and economic development".
214.	The results of the Valletta meeting therefore provide a sober and firm basis for action aimed at reversing the tension and confrontation which exist in the Mediterranean and which pose a threat to the peace and security not only of the region itself but also of the international community in general. We expect other countries in our region and the superpowers themselves to take up the challenge which has been set. They should recognize that the Valletta Declaration, far from being an isolated and soon forgotten expression of solidarity, reflects with precision and clarity the political realities of our region. Mediterranean countries, not only the non-aligned among them, are seriously concerned at the security situation in the region; they are worried and dismayed at the growing manifestations of super-Power confrontation around them; they are keen to see a peaceful, just and lasting resolution of the problems of the region, notably the question of Palestine and that of Cyprus.
215.	it has to be recognized that in the background of the Valletta Declaration lies the political will and action of the various protagonists in our region aimed at resolving the problems which exist It would be a great mistake on the part of either super-Power to ignore the positive implications of recent developments regarding problems in North Africa, to misjudge the common desire for national reconciliation and the return to full sovereignty over their territory of the people of Lebanon, or to bypass the process of healing of wounds taking place in Cyprus.
216.	The members of the EEC should accept the hand of co-operation which is being extended to them by the developing countries of the Mediterranean. They should respond to this call by transforming their present tight-fisted and protectionist attitude into policies which open their markets for the products of other Mediterranean countries on equitable terms and conditions and which utilize resources available in the region on the basis of mutual benefit. The forthcoming Venice seminar on economic, cultural and scientific co-operation in the Mediterranean of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which in its turn is a follow-up to the Valletta meeting of February 1979, offers an ideal opportunity for the EEC member countries to demonstrate a new and more positive attitude towards co-operation in the Mediterranean. We shall go to Venice expecting that the EEC will not miss this opportunity, albeit already belated, to reverse a trend which, if maintained, could not but contribute towards a further polarization of attitudes in the region.
217.	The nations participating in the Conference on Confidence-and Security-building Measures and Dis-armament in Europe, meeting at Stockholm, should now respond to the call for a full dialogue on Mediterranean security, in the light of their acknowledgement that there can be no security in Europe without security in the Mediterranean. The attempt to hide behind such technicalities as the assertion that the whole of Europe does not include the European waters of the Mediterranean, or that the massive naval deployment in the Mediterranean can somehow be considered a phenomenon independent of what happens on the European mainland, is certainly not the proper spirit in which to consider the question of Mediterranean and European security in a serious manner,
218.	Non-aligned Mediterranean countries want to ensure that their territorial waters are fully respected, that their enclosed high sea is used scrupulously and exclusively for the purpose of peace and that the question of whether or not nuclear weapons should be deployed barely 100 or so miles from their populations should be a matter on which they are fully consulted. Unless these questions are considered in detail both within the Conference on Confidence-and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe and in separate and equal dialogue between Conference participants and the non-aligned Mediterranean countries, security and confluence-building cannot be achieved either in the Mediterranean or in Europe itself.
219.	The non-aligned Mediterranean countries are determined steadfastly to pursue and reinforce the regional process which they launched at Valletta. For this purpose, they have agreed to meet again in the future and to utilize all available forums, especially the General Assembly and the Security Council and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries itself. Those of us who are participants in the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will also follow-up at Stockholm all the relevant questions raised at Valletta.
220.	What non-aligned countries of the Mediterranean are doing in their region forms an integral link with what other non-aligned countries are doing elsewhere. Reference has already been made to other regional initiatives. I should also like to mention here the initiatives concerning transforming the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, as well as the efforts by the front-line States of southern Africa to bring justice and stability to their region.
221.	The people of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, it must be remembered, are also still struggling to reunite their divided country. In this context, Malta wishes to reiterate its support for the proposals for tripartite discussion, and the eventual solution of setting up a confederal republic in Korea. We urge all the parties concerned to approach these constructive proposals in an open and co-operative spirit. Like many other countries, Malta fails to understand the justification for a continuing presence of foreign troops in South Korea after a number of recent developments have taken place which significantly alter the factors which contributed to the placing of those troops there in the first place.
222.	A few peoples, notably the Palestinian and Namibian peoples, are still engaged in the struggle to achieve freedom and sovereignty. To them we extend our fullest support, sympathy and encouragement.
223.	For the large number of other emergent peoples, the national liberation struggle is today almost a whole generation away. However, we can look back and recognize that our struggle for liberation did not end when our people became free to hoist their own flag and play their national anthem on their own territory. Liberation means much more than that. It means most significantly, the freedom to adopt those social and economic policies at the national level which we consider most just and applicable for our particular developmental and cultural conditions.
224.	It is becoming increasingly apparent that the economic and social policies we adopt at the national level inevitably interface with the realities beyond our own frontiers. The structures supporting international economic relations, the methods governing the flow of information and the strategic conditions encompassing our regions both affect and in turn are affected by the social and economic policies we adopt at the national level.
223. Given the inequitable structures of existing international economic relations and information flows and the predominant position of a few industrially advanced nations, the realities beyond our frontiers have hitherto been more of a constraint than a help to our development process, it is for this reason that the developing countries have raised the call for new international orders both in the economic and in the information fields. It is equally for this reason that they are increasingly seeking an active role in matters relating to the security as much as to the economic situation in their regions.
226.	It is in this spirit that Malta has been pursuing its national and regional policies under a socialist Government. Thanks to the far-reaching and comprehensive social and economic reforms we have introduced over the past 13 years, Maltese society today presents a much more humane and just picture than was the case while we were still under post- colonial tutelage. Our health and education policies, our pension systems, unemployment and sickness benefits, and a vast range of allowances for children, orphans and widows today ensure that no member of our society is downtrodden or forgotten. It has been our consistent endeavour to ensure that, while each individual in our society is given the fullest opportunity to enlarge and fulfil his or her own personality and pursue his personal aspirations, that person will not be permitted to do so at the expense of the legitimate rights and aspirations of other members of society.
227.	In our economic and other relations with other countries we expect our partners in our region and elsewhere to co-operate with us in applying complementary and mutually beneficial measures to improve the well-being of our respective populations. Time and time again, the developing countries have emphasized that the existing structures of international trade and technology flows do not facilitate mutually beneficial relationships, but on the contrary favour the strong against the weak. Time and time again, we have complained how the terms and conditions of international payments are continually manipulated to work against our interests.
228.	As long as these calls remain unheeded we have to take our own independent remedial action to safeguard our interests and hard-won gains. Over the past 13 years under its socialist Government, Malta, lacking all forms of indigenous natural resources, has built up, through careful planning, the collective efforts of its people and the assistance of its friends, an external reserve which permits it today to possess at least one sure means of defence against adversity. An indication of the extent of our collective effort emerges from the fact that for the last two years the Maltese people have succeeded in freezing both prices and earnings.
229.	Obviously we are not prepared to see our years of effort and sacrifice undermined through the unjust and biased trading systems the industrialized market economy countries are seeking to perpetuate. To those countries that enjoy a continuous and substantial trading surplus with us we have made it clear that means of redress must be found on a mutually agreed basis. We are not prepared to keep on purchasing goods and services from those who are not ready to give us something in return—be it in terms of increasing their purchases from us, or in terms of a transfer of technology in our favour which would help us operate more effectively on their markets, or in terms of some other form of industrial and commercial co-operation which is acceptable to us.
230.	We are certainly far from proposing some form of passive co-operation in which a one-way flow of assistance or aid does more to undermine our sovereignty and harm our productive capacity than anything else. On the contrary, what we seek is a partnership on the basis of equality where the efforts and benefits are shared both ways. We can offer to our partners the skills and expertise of our workers which have grown and developed over the years, as our economy has itself grown and diversified. We offer them the benefits of our many political initiatives through which, on the basis of reciprocal trading and banking arrangements with countries ranging from the Mediterranean region to the Far East, we have obtained for our products and services access to new and expanding markets.
231.	The opportunities these achievements offer to the small number of industrialized countries that still need to reduce the huge trading surplus they enjoy with us are not limited simply to the possibility of increasing their purchases from us. There also exists the vast potential of joint investment with us, as our successful experience with some of our partners already demonstrates. For those countries who have yet to take up these opportunities, we continue to extend the offer of mutually beneficial co-operation. But we must make it equally clear that we will not tolerate any longer a biased and lopsided relationship where the benefits are only in their favour.
232.	The battle cry of the developing world has always been "trade not aid". The Maltese people expect their legitimate rights, not any form of charity. With distant Japan, negotiations on this basis can now start.
233.	AH the more did the Maltese people expect Italy to translate good-neighbourly relations into positive acts. Our commercial disequilibrium with Italy has reached alarming proportions. This is no longer tolerable. From now on, no Maltese will buy anything from a country which does not buy Maltese products in return. Malta's legitimate rights cannot be assured by Italy's empty promises but by concrete actions—actions alone speak louder than words.
234.	Together with other countries in our region, in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, here in the United Nations and elsewhere, we are determined to continue to work in pursuit of just and equitable relationships. The difficulties facing us are indeed daunting, but not unavoidably overwhelming. What many like us in Malta have achieved at the national level, what so many non-aligned and other developing countries are achieving at the regional level, are elements of hope and encouragement for ourselves and for others.
235.	We realize that without the full co-operation of the more fortunate and advanced members of the international community our difficult s will be unduly compounded. We trust that they will finally appreciate the desire for peace and justice which inspires all our endeavours and will join us in seeking to transform this planet from one of crisis which it currently is to a home of serenity and prosperity which it has such an immense potential of becoming.


On behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I should like first to extend our warm and sincere congratulations to Mr. Lusaka for his well-deserved election as President of the General Assembly at this thirty-ninth session. His predecessor, Mr. Illueca, of Panama, deserves high praise for the dedication and skill with which he directed the affairs of the thirty-eighth session and we also wish to express our appreciation to him for his achievements.
297.	I also wish to extend my congratulations to the delegation of Brunei Darussalam on its admission as the 159th State Member of the United Nations.
298.	The year that has passed has seen the Secretary-General once again employ his renowned diplomatic skills and his good offices to strengthen the role of the United Nations in international affairs. We pay a heartfelt tribute to him for his valuable efforts.
299.	On the other hand, there must be grave concern over the lack of progress towards the solution of certain other political problems, whether they are of long-standing or of more recent origin. The continued increase in, and escalation of, regional conflicts is particularly troubling. The world community can ill afford the consequences of tension and conflict in the Horn of Africa, in Afghanistan, in Kampuchea, the Arabian Gulf and elsewhere, while it is still far from achieving a just and lasting settlement in the Middle East, the elimination of apartheid and all forms of colonialism in Africa, the peaceful resolution of the Cyprus and other issues and, above all, the halting of the suicidal nuclear-arms race.
300. There should be wide recognition by all States and groups of States that new destabilizing political problems which increase human misery and threaten regional and international peace and security can be of benefit to no one in our interdependent world. Strong and renewed efforts should be made to resolve long-standing disputes and those of more recent origin before they, too, become fixtures on the international scene.
301. It is our earnest hope that efforts at mediation will soon bring to an end the tragic conflict between Iraq and Iran—two non-aligned neighbouring States. That fratricidal war continues to exact a terrible toll in human lives and wasted material resources. Neither State can hope to profit from a continuation of the fighting. We appeal to Iraq and Iran alike to respond positively to proposals and appeals for negotiations which can lead to lasting peace in the region.
302.	My Government also hopes that the world community will intensify its efforts to bring about the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Afghanistan and from Democratic Kampuchea. The military occupation of Afghanistan and of Democratic Kampuchea have had strikingly similar consequences. Large-scale armed interventions in the internal affairs of neighbouring States have inevitably given rise to protracted and bloody civil wars, to the disruption of development plans and national life, to disastrous refugee flows and to the heightening of regional and international tensions. Certainly, they have added greatly to the sum total of human misery in the modem world.
303.	In our own region, the Horn of Africa, tension, conflict and human suffering remain endemic as a result of foreign militant intervention, military aggression, the violation of basic human rights and the harsh denial of the right to self-determination and independence for colonized people—all with the gravest consequences for Somalia.
304.	The central destabilizing factor in our region's turmoil is the continued denial by the Ethiopian empire-State of the right to self-determination to colonized people still languishing under its rule. The territories in the Horn of Africa acquired by European colonizers during the nineteenth century have all long since gained their independence in accordance with the provisions of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). Ironically, the people of territories acquired by Ethiopia at the same time or later and with the collusion of the European Powers are still struggling for their inalienable rights.
305.	It was to suppress the liberation struggles waged by the peoples of Western Somalia, Eritrea, Tigre and other areas that the Ethiopian regime called in the forces of a super-Power and its surrogates, making the Horn of Africa once again a focus for super-Power rivalry. Policies of extreme repression, even genocide, are enforced, causing the mass exodus of refugees from the occupied territories into Somalia and other countries in the area.
306.	As the world community is already well aware, Somalia continues to be gravely affected by the overwhelming burden occasioned by so many refugees. Thousands are in camps and settlements, and perhaps an equal number eke out a living in the countryside and towns. It has been truly stated that every family supports its refugees; nor does there seem to be any end to this human tragedy; substantial new flows have been reported this very month.
307.	My Government is, of course, particularly grateful that the international community, at the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held at Geneva from 9 to 11 July 1984, and bilaterally, has recognized the intolerable burden that massive refugee flows place on weak and fragile infrastructures in the least developed countries. The principle of burden-sharing is to be implemented to some extent through the support of specific projects, but periodic and often severe shortages of fuel and balanced foodstuffs still occur. The day-to-day sustenance of so vast a refugee population is an enormous problem. In truth, the whole situation has been allowed to go on far too long. As we concentrate, in line with our undoubted humanitarian duty, on the alleviation of the problems of today's refugees, we must never forget that those problems are but a symptom of the most  serious underlying issues: persistent colonialism, racism, genocide and drought. It is they that are the real problems: refugees flee from persecution and oppressive policies which a just world should declare unacceptable, and from deteriorating environmental conditions which are not invariably beyond the possibility of amelioration.
308.	It is the hope of the Somali Government that the necessary political climate will be created which will encourage voluntary repatriation. This hope remains unfulfilled, since repressive policies continue to be enforced in Ethiopia. The continued arrival of refugees in Somalia attests to this fact. Furthermore, the claim of the Ethiopian regime that there have been substantial numbers of refugees returning for whose rehabilitation it needs international assistance is without substance. International workers in the field have seen at first hand the unwillingness of the vast majority of refugees to return to their homelands until their safety and their basic human rights can be guaranteed.
309.	The refugee problem is not the only one suffered by Somalia as a result of Ethiopia's imperialist policies. Over the past two years, the Ethiopian Army, made bold by the support of surrogate forces, has repeatedly launched military aggression by land and air against our country. Somali territory has been invaded, townships captured and occupied and hundreds of innocent people killed—including recently 36 children whose school was destroyed in a wanton and barbarous air attack on the town of Borama and a nearby refugee camp on 30 January of this year.
310.	Even today, Ethiopian forces are still occupying two portions of Somalia's territory, and an insidious policy of destabilization is being actively pursued in a vain attempt to undermine the sovereignty, integrity and national independence of my country. We call once again on all Member States to condemn the Ethiopian regime for its acts of aggression and to demand that it withdraw its forces from Somalia's territory and end its unwarranted attacks. Moreover, let me state clearly that no peace can be achieved in the region unless the Ethiopian regime totally and unconditionally withdraws its forces from Somali territory and also guarantees to the colonized people of Western Somalia and Eritrea their inalienable right to justice and self-determination. For its part, Somalia will continue to deploy all possible efforts to bring about the peaceful resolution of the problems in the region.
311.	The persistence of southern African problems on the Assembly's agenda signifies one of the most serious failures of the United Nations. Although external details may change, the core of these problems continues to be South Africa's racist and colonial policies, which have given grave cause for concern since the earliest days of the United Nations.
312.	In our view, the United Nations must continue to insist on the isolation of the South African regime until it puts an end to the crime of apartheid and truly represents the people. It must recognize the legitimacy of liberation struggles against and against the illegal occupation of Namibia. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the only valid and legal basis for Namibia's independence, and its implementation should be vigorously pursued in the General Assembly and the Security Council.
313.	The most recent flare-up of conflict in the Middle East has subsided for the moment, but, as elsewhere, unless the root causes of such conflicts are removed, the area will continue to suffer from violence and bloodshed. Nor can there be any permanent and just peace in the region while Israel remains in illegal occupation of Lebanese, Palestinian and other Arab territories, while it persists in illegal settlement and annexationist policies and while the Palestinian people are denied their inalienable right to self-determination.
314.	We believe that the General Assembly must continue its support for recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people and must demand Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon and from all other occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. The time has surely come for concrete global actions aimed at bringing about a comprehensive settlement of Middle East problems.
315.	A new and balanced initiative is likewise urgently needed in the case of Cyprus, where differences of long standing are rapidly becoming irreconcilable.
316.	I turn now to the international economic situation, which is as significant for peace and progress as any political question on the Assembly's agenda. Regrettably, the deadlock in the dialogue between countries of the North and the South remains unbroken. This situation represents the blunting of an important purpose of the United Nations—namely, the solution through international co-operation of international problems of an economic, social, cultural and humanitarian nature.
317.	While deadlock continues, developing countries are reeling under the impact of closely related economic forces which are beyond their control. High interest rates, increasing debt burdens, rising protectionism, declining export earnings and low levels of development assistance severely affect even the more prosperous developing countries, but they can reduce least developed nations to most desperate straits.
318.	The adverse effects of the current international economic situation are most apparent in Africa—the continent with the greatest number of least developed countries. The widespread return in recent years of catastrophic drought conditions and other factors, including the presence of large refugee populations, have dealt additional cruel blows to economies already weakened by external forces.
319.	The Secretary-General has launched a most timely initiative in calling the attention of the world community to the critical economic situation in Africa. We congratulate him on this initiative and welcome the emphasis he has placed on Africa's special needs. Indeed, the extent and gravity of the crisis in Africa must not be underestimated. The problems of our continent, translated into human terms, could mean the disintegration of the social and economic fabric of many African societies. !t could spell hunger, malnutrition and untimely death for millions in the years ahead. Africa today stands in need of massive assistance to combat drought and desertification more widespread and devastating than in the two previous decades, when they took hundreds of thousands of lives and displaced mil-lions of people. Today, food aid for the starving is an immediate, primary need, but more fundamental approaches must also be set in motion. In many cases infrastructures must be strengthened before relief and development projects can be implemented.
320.	The Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa makes it clear that African States are quite prepared to accept primary responsibility for their own development. We understand well the need for integrated national policies and for closer economic and technical co-operation with each other. We know that agriculture must be high on our list of priorities so that food sufficiency can be attained.
321.	We appeal to the developed countries to recognize that the interdependence of North and South is an inescapable reality. The easing of debt burdens, the promotion of just and stable commodity prices and the roll-back of protectionism are fundamental remedies to restore the health of African and other third-world economies. Significant infusions of international economic assistance remain of vital importance for tiding African States over the present crisis and for giving us the boost we need to put us firmly on the road to economic recovery, stability and true independence.
322.	Without doubt, there is no issue on the agenda of the General Assembly that is as pressing and as important as disarmament, in particular nuclear disarmament.
323.	If the world survives the nuclear age, future generations studying our history may well ask how we were able to plan, to build and to organize our affairs at local, national and international levels while living under the threatening shadow of opposing systems of nuclear weapons. They may well ponder the priorities of an age when unimaginable sums were spent on the production and refinement of weapons capable of global destruction while millions of human beings suffered the deprivation and indignities of abject poverty. The consequences of the nuclear-arms race and of the arms race in sophisticated conventional weapons are evident in every aspect of world affairs. We see their effects in world inflation, in the widening gap between rich and poor countries and in regional tensions, which have increased under the pressures of super-Power confrontations.
324.	It is clear that a new resolve is needed on every front—political, humanitarian and technical—to work for the attainment of the goal of disarmament. Sanity and common sense call for a comprehensive test-ban treaty and, as a further step, a freeze in the production, testing and stockpiling of nuclear weapons. Nor should a supposedly advanced civilization have any place for chemical weapons; they should be totally prohibited without further delay.
325.	The difficulty of containing the quantity and destructive capacity of existing nuclear weapons points to the folly of extending the nuclear-arms race to space. We hope that negotiations for the banning of space weapons along with other weapons of mass destruction will soon be undertaken. My Government has always welcomed initiatives such as the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, which can make a valuable contribution to general and complete disarmament. As an Indian Ocean State, for example, we strongly support the principles that underlie the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
326.	We appeal once more to the nuclear Powers to work with urgency to remove the nuclear threat and to allow the world's people to plan and build a future of hope, security and peace.
327.	Finally, the annual session of the General Assembly provides both large and small Member States with an opportunity for renewed dedication to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Clearly we must all find the political will to work for the solution of the many problems that confront us all and endanger world peace and security. We must all contribute to the search for peace and progress.