255.	 Our world is falling apart! In the chaotic convulsion of repeated crises, in the sudden outbursts of latent rivalries, in the deadly degeneration of deep-rooted antagonisms, a world made precarious by our impotence which rejects our thirst for new designs-a world rent with stubborn contradictions and acute dissatisfactions, alternately atopical and atypical—is exploding into ruins. Never before has the cry uttered a few years ago by the Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe,  Our world is falling apart! , so relevant. A world is falling apart-a world which we must none the less rebuild based on the measures of new data and new principles.
256.	.Once again we are assembled here in this Areopagus, the destiny of peoples as our horizon, and with the spurring of our consciences as our guiding hope in the face of the tremendous task awaiting us-the hope of undertaking the great change, of surveying new truths and of attaining virtue.
257.	But may I first of all, before continuing my line of thought, discharge the agreeable duty of conveying to the President the warm congratulations of the Togolese delegation upon the unanimous confidence which has just been placed in him by his election to preside over the proceedings of this session of the General Assembly.
258.	He belongs to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, a country which we hold in the highest esteem for having achieved that subtle mixture of accelerated but authentic development and an ever outward-looking policy through the promotion of the principles of non-alignment, peace and solidarity among peoples.
259.	Steeped in these precepts which live in perfect symbiosis with the general principles of our Charter, and as an enlightened disciple of the school which has made a success of this kind of  marriage of character and worth , he has acquired well-tried competence which has inspired both respect and esteem. Hence we do not entertain even the slightest shadow of a doubt as to the way in which he will conduct our proceedings or as to their eventual success.
260.	I cannot fail to mention the outgoing President, Mr. Amerasinghe, to whom I wish to pay a well-deserved tribute for his constant readiness to serve the sacred causes of. our Organization, and for his equally constant concern about easing, by his exemplary determination, the tragedies and crises afflicting our upside-down world, thus giving our Organization a new lease of tranquillity, greater vigor and an extra element of spirit.
261.	My warm congratulations go also to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose renewed term of office permits him to preside once again over the destiny of the United Nations. The re-election of the Secretary-General, the apostle of peace, the ardent champion of oppressed peoples and just causes, amply demonstrates how judiciously we were inspired in voting for him. In offering him our best wishes for success, we hope that his second term of office will be an opportunity for him to give further vent to his creative imagination in the attainment of even more striking successes for the benefit of the international community as a whole.
262.	Welcoming to the United Nations new Members always gives rise to intense emotion, though often restrained. I should like to make ours manifest by greeting whole-heartedly the Republic of Djibouti, whose presence among us is the happy outcome of a long process of decolonization. We welcome also Viet Nam, whose valiant people, rejecting subjugation in all its forms, has earned its place among us at the cost of much suffering and hardship, struggle and victory, which in the end made it free and made it great. The admission as a full-fledged Member of the United Nations of this country which has known consummate success and exemplary misfortune is an act of reason which gives practical effect to one of the fundamental principles of our Charter, the principle of universality.
263.	There can be no doubt that these new States will bring to us the freshness of their generosity, the warmth of their feelings and the ardour of their convictions so as to galvanize a community which is in the grip of its spectres of disenchantment and disillusion.
264.	I have spoken of virtue, and this is indeed the issue-virtue for a world on the look-out for other certainties, a world concerned to reduce  barbarism with a human face , which today is an indelible feature of it, in order to succeed through the raging tide of various conflicts to overcome the recurrent bouts of fever, to attain finally the human being. It is perhaps what is described by a word that is singularly worn out, an idea which is gently evaporating and becoming ephemeral—the new international order.
265.	The world which is questioning itself and seeking itself, because it is leaking at all seams, this world of which a thinker recently said that it was  a disaster of which man is the culmination , is today going through currents that are contradictory because they are clearly antithetical.
266.	On the one hand, those who find in it their ends by any means available, forgetful of the fundamental precept which is that  the means are the incipient end and the ideal about to be brought about  are guided by iniquity and fulfil themselves by hatred. On the political level, they have forged blunt instruments of discrimination, domination and subjection. On the economic level, they trample upon the ideals of justice, solidarity and fraternity for the benefit of the pursuit of their uneven short-sighted interests. To the problems of our time they wish to apply their therapy: to apply a plaster cast to a wooden leg.
267.	On the other hand are those who have the task of resisting the new heights of unreason, of deciphering the secret language of. the future by lucid reflection on aims and objectives, a crystal-clear definition of a society for tomorrow and voluntary action to guide the course of events towards the great inversion.
268.	In the face of these positions in the form of challenges, there remains a clear responsibility of the international community. Endorsed by the basic principles of our Charter' strengthened by the growing outcry of men all over the world who have made themselves the apostles of elementary rights for human beings and call with all their strength for the triumph of a  society for all, the international community must step up its efforts to master the evolution and impose everywhere the advent of the sacred principles which enlighten and guide us.
269.	First of all it must do so in the field of human rights and decolonization. Here we are on the very threshold of the  kingdom of the shadows . Here, again, the spectacle is one of horror. The progress recorded, the effort made by the international community, should not make us forget that no bargaining is permitted here, no compromises are tolerated, no detour is permissible. We are dealing here with the liberty of peoples. Situations do have particular feat area, but the underlying reality is always the same everywhere: That is, overwhelming oppression on the part of a group that is invariably in the minority, a group which is entrenched in power through cunning complicities, loud of speech and quick to act, forgetful of all rules and scornful of all rights. The result is always a remarkable equipollence. Those who have worn out their vision because they have seen too much horror we now see on their feet, with weapons in their hands, rejecting their status, a status in which man becomes a creature obeying another creature who imposes his will. Now violence is gaining the upper hand and is becoming established. Violence is sharpening insatiably its cannibalistic teeth for the distant future. Thus it is in South Africa, in Namibia, in Zimbabwe and also in the Middle East.
270.	In southern Africa, we must above all greet the efforts made to seek acceptable solutions. We must encourage them. After all, the longest journey must begin with a first step.
271.	However, in duty to the truth, we must also say that nothing useful will be done in Zimbabwe if Ian Smith continues to prevaricate, cherishing stubborn illusions that he can use certain dissident elements in the liberation movements in order to bring about a so-called internal solution to the detriment of the militants of the Patriotic Front. Without doubt the Patriotic Front itself, overcoming its reluctance, should open itself up to all trends, to all the sons of Zimbabwe fighting and suffering, as suggested by the Conference of the Heads of State and Government of OAU in Libreville in July. But it remains nevertheless clear that the manoeuvres and masquerades of the Salisbury rebel mislead no one, and the time is at hand when we shall see him repent.
272.	Similarly, nothing useful will be accomplished in Namibia if resolution 385 (1976) of the Security  Council is not applied fully, if the impenitent Vorster does not cease to defy the whole international community with his acts of proven provocation like the appointment of a General Administrator in Namibia or the shameless claim to Walvis Bay. In any case, in regard to this last point, Walvis Bay is Namibian and Walvis Bay will remain Namibian.
273.	Now, in South Africa the supporters of apartheid continue cynically to flout the most elementary human rights. Let us beware here of any kind of Pontius Pilate attitude, which would be short-sighted, and let us by no means share the assertion that hell is other people. In the face of this regime of fact and of force which is on its way to becoming a nuclear Power, let us shed our garb of indifference to eradicate once and for all the horror of the African continent and collaborate in the advent of the majority regime, one of liberty and justice.
274.	In this regard, we cannot but be gratified at the unprecedented success of the United Nations International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo, and the Lagos World Conference for Action against Apartheid. We hope for the wholehearted implementation by the international community of the recommendations adopted there to alleviate the sufferings of those who live in the shadow of death, segregated in the kraals of misery.
275.	Contempt for fundamental human rights comes together with a classic type of colonial situation in the Middle East. The problem of Palestine and of the occupied Arab territories has taken a serious turn with the coming to power of a new administration in Israel. The intransigence of Israel, its obstinate refusal to free the occupied Arab territories in accordance with United Nations resolutions, its drive to power which prompts it to create settlements on the West Bank, continue to pose-a threat of imminent war in that region.
276.	The Government of General of the Army Gnassingbe Eyadema is convinced that any solution to the crisis must necessarily be brought about through recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and its right to a homeland. Therefore it is urgent for the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East to resume, with the effective participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization on the basis of acceptable arrangements, and that there should be an immediate implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council relating to this subject.
277.	We trust that the Israeli Government will associate itself with the efforts of goodwill undertaken by certain States and by our Organization itself to bring about a happy ending to the crisis and to establish just and lasting peace in that area which has been so sorely tried.
278.	But here and there, there remain other sources of tension where delicate situations of conflict are of concern to men of goodwill.
279.	In Cyprus, in the Comorian island of Mayotte, in Lebanon, there is still hope, however, that the international community will be able to control the causes of explosion and conflict, in the interests of peace, of a universal and profound peace.
280.	The same applies in Korea where the reunification of the country, which has had such a distressing past, must come about once all foreign troops have been withdrawn and a lasting peace agreement has been concluded.
281.	The fact remains that the international community, in its efforts to limit conflicts, has come up against the anguishing problem of the proliferation of arms of all kinds.
282.	In this regard, it is our profound conviction that peace, if it is to be lasting, must be based upon judiciously managed disarmament This disarmament should embrace the immediate cessation of all nuclear tests and the elimination of all weapons of mass destruction, while making it possible for all to have access to nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. We therefore unswervingly support the World Disarmament Conference, the primary task of which will be to adopt a coherent programme in the hope that all or part of the $350 billion at present devoted throughout the world to armaments will be devoted to the development effort.
283.	Thus, humanity is at the cross-roads. A profound undercurrent is being felt drawing us towards liberty, equality and fraternity, freedom for the peoples, and the safeguarding of their fundamental rights. The international community, while preventing the rearguard action of those who want to undermine this process, must define the lofty designs that it has in mind and contemplate broader horizons.
284.	It must struggle together with all those who believe that when political liberty is restored this must mean liberty for the humblest people and respect for their fundamental rights.
285.	But it must also guarantee to its members the satisfaction of a need that is just as important: the need for equality, so that we may fulfil the moral requirement of greater justice in the distribution not only of goods but also the power of decision.
286.	In this regard, freedom in the economic sense will only be the prelude to or the consequence of a fruitful cultural emancipation within the framework of the indispensable interchange of civilizations.
287.	But here, as elsewhere, there is resistance.
288.	To speak of the economic field: the new international economic order has become a subject of discussion. Those who advocate the kind of therapy of putting plaster casts on wooden legs are legion. Plans for stabilization and overcoming stagnation and governmental programmes aimed at ensuring a resumption of production and the establishment of essential balances simply aim at- reorganizing the old order.
289.	We reflect, we ponder, we try to reduce the ill effects and we come back to the attractions of subtle applications of budgetary policy and monetary policy. The ultimate aim is for each of the nations to safeguard the advantages it has to avoid social problems and domestic tragedies. Who could be surprised, therefore, at the recrudescence of the old protectionist demons? As they weather the crisis and prepare for the unforeseeable, governments feel a deep nostalgia for the old expansionism. Is not their desire to return to a golden age that is all the more attractive because it is over and done with?
290.	Thus, the North-South dialogue, instead of unifying diverse aspirations into an integrated whole, has curiously resulted only in empty words and unrelated monologues.
291.	That is why, in spite of certain positive signs emerging from the talks which have been held recently, the contradictions between the two groups of countries grow ceaselessly more acute, and the essential still remains to be done.
292.	The North refuses to endorse Aristotle's belief that wealth resided far more in use than in possession.
293.	It also disregards these wise words of Mahatma Gandhi:
 Civilization perhaps does not mean the multiplication of needs, but rather the conscious and voluntary restraint of those needs. To wish to create an unlimited number of needs in order to have, subsequently, to satisfy them is to pursue the wind.
294.	The fact is that the North wants to preserve, as long as possible, its acquired privileges. Unguibus et rostro, tooth and nail, it is defending its advantages and is shoring up its positions. The aim surely is to plaster over the old order, where those at the centre prosper to the detriment of those on the periphery. There is no question of re-forging the whole system in order to bring about a collective development which will be coherent and harmonious.
295.	It is easy, therefore, to understand the reasons why the North-South Conference was unable to overcome the difficulties, to transcend the contradictions and to fulfil the hopes which it had aroused at the beginning. The last session of our Assembly forthrightly admitted as much.
296.	Of course, there were results, we must admit, if not in the field of energy, at least in so far as concerns primary commodities, trade and development assistance.
297.	But we are left with the weighty handicap of the 21 points on which no agreement was reached; there remains the fundamental problem of the indebtedness of third- world countries. There also remain the endless debates on the common fund for the stabilization of primary commodities. On the strength of the experience of the Lome Convention, some people are tending towards a generalization of the system of the stabilization of export earnings; others are aiming higher, and are not only seeking guarantees of income stabilization but also optimistically contemplating even more far-reaching plans.
298.	In view of these steps, the third world is clearly defining its positions: it calls for effective growth for all within the framework of a new organization of the world economic system, with, as elements of this system, the effective stabilization of earnings; better management and dissemination of technology; and the settlement of the problem of indebtedness in a way which would take account of the interests of all-and I repeat,  all -of the countries of the Group of 77.
299.	Economic revival and policies of reinvigoration in the northern countries and their success would merely mean the immediate re-emergence of selfishness, the suave mari magno, while the payments deficits of the third world pose and will continue to pose ever more inextricable problems of balance and financing. In this regard the new  Witteveen facilities  of $10 billion, handled by IMF, are an important step forward.
300.	But the third world is getting organized. The Arab- African dialogue, which culminated in Cairo at the beginning of this year, is the most striking example of this. Thus in Africa and elsewhere we have witnessed the birth of regional economic unions, which are the touchstones of collective self-reliance and horizontal co-operation. The progress of the Economic Community of West African States is further proof of this.
301.	 Reach for your ideal a thousand times and if you fail a thousand times, try once again.  That is the thinking of a contemporary sage.
302.	In a world which has now been cast adrift, where confusion has overwhelmed our minds and hearts, this ideal may seem somewhat obscured. But it is needful for all because of its blinding simplicity. It can be summed up in these three words: justice, peace, solidarity.
303.	Beyond the abstruse debates and the rigid positions, there remains an absolute need to ensure justice by making the application of human rights general and by bringing about the general liberation of all those who were  born free but [are] everywhere in chains . This is the condition for peace. This peace must be accompanied by an active solidarity which will guarantee mankind collective advancement, with respect for different cultures and the indispensable interchange between them.
304.	The world which is breaking apart is a world of contempt for the culture of other people and for their intrinsic values. Now that reason has reached its limits and civilization is at bay, regeneration will come from the depths of the heart and the imagination.
305.	Let us liberate, therefore, men who are today despised, who are demeaned and who are trodden under foot, because tomorrow they will help us to live. We still have time to live.


161.	Comrade President, I have already taken the opportunity of congratulating you personally from this rostrum and of expressing our satisfaction at the fact that we are working under your experienced leadership. I have also had the opportunity to welcome the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti upon their admission to membership in the United Nations. I should like too to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, upon his re-election to his high post and to wish him further creative success in his responsible work at the head of our Organization. I wish also to associate myself with the gratitude expressed to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe for the work that he did at the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly.
162.	While expressing the views of the Czechoslovak Government, I should like, along with other speakers here, to express my satisfaction at the fact that in so far as concerns the development of international relations, we believe that the past year has been a period of a continued deepening of the trend towards detente, which is the paramount task of all those who cherish peace. We can all take pleasure in the fact that the idea of detente has been penetrating the consciousness of people ever more deeply and has become a phenomenon that promotes the solution of urgent international problems-a material force acting in the interests of peace and security, for the benefit of the economic, social and cultural development of mankind.
163.	That is why this reality finds a place in a particularly topical context, that of an event that is undoubtedly the most significant ii the history of mankind, namely, the Great October Socialist Revolution, the sixtieth anniversary of which we shall soon be commemorating. Its fundamental foreign policy orientation, embodied in Lenin's Decree on Peace, the very first document of the Revolution, the master-plan of the policy of peaceful coexistence between countries with different social systems, is in direct line of cause and effect with the principles which have today found their objective reflection in the policy of detente.
164.	It is undoubtedly remarkable that it is precisely those principles-of the solution of international problems by negotiations, and of the search for the most effective forms of mutually advantageous co-operation and means of safeguarding real human rights—which today constitute the principal objectives of the activities of the United Nations.
165.	Indeed, the October Revolution shattered the old social structures and gave birth to the first State in the world which from its very founding guaranteed fundamental human rights, a State in which the voice of the working people has been the decisive force and in which genuine equality and justice prevail. This fundamentally new historical experiment provided inspiration for the rest of the world, had a revolutionary effect on the development of mankind and led to the liberation of nations, to the collapse of the colonial system and to an unprecedented upsurge of democracy and social progress. The basic principles of that policy are fully reflected in the draft of the new Constitution of the Soviet Union and will be embodied therein as the supreme law of the Soviet State.
166.	That peaceful policy is of profound interest to Czechoslovakia, the founding of which was directly influenced by the great October Revolution.  We have always proceeded and will continue to proceed from the principle of the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems , said the Secretary-General of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and President of the Republic, Gustav Husak, at the Fifteenth Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. He went on to say.
 In our time, when the means of destruction have been accumulated in huge quantities in the world, that is the only acceptable alternative. This policy is not only in keeping with the vital interests of the peoples of the socialist countries, but also with the interests of the peoples of the whole world.
167.	In our view, this policy, which is based on and oriented towards mutually advantageous co-operation and the search for universally acceptable solutions to problems, as well as strict observance of the principles of equality, non-interference in internal affairs, the universal application of the most-favoured-nation clause in economic relations and the elimination of any discrimination for political or other reasons, encourages the further rapprochement of peoples and countries, enhances the democratization of international relations, strengthens the circulation of the blood in the world organism of peace and opens up entirely new possibilities not only in the political sphere but also in the sphere of the exchange of scientific and cultural values. It contributes to the solution of problems of the protection of the human environment, the rational utilization of energy and food resources and other vital questions of today's world. In other words, detente means renouncing threats and coercion and embarking on the road of co-operation.
168.	If the paramount task of the United Nations lies in the strengthening of world peace and international security, then it is we, the representatives of its Member States, who are to a considerable extent responsible for the performance of that task.
169.	It is therefore not so much our task in this important forum to prove to each other the need for peace, that is, to preach to the converted, but rather, on the basis of a profound analysis, to come to agreement as to what effective, active and constructive measures are necessary to achieve that goal.
170.	In considering these questions we should proceed with a sense of great responsibility, soberly and rationally, from the generally known and objective data, from the structure of the world today, from its political spectrum, relationship of forces, trends and perspectives.
171.	In that context we should definitely take into account the fact that on our planet a community exists without which it is impossible to resolve any world problem today. That is the community of the socialist countries, which people no longer try to describe as a kind of historical misunderstanding or historical anomaly. That attempt has been given up even by those who have been making it for so many years.
172.	Thanks to those countries, a correlation of forces has evolved in the world today which cannot be changed either by means of the intimidation characteristic of the times of the cold war nor by the use of tactics to obtain cheap advantages, nor even by means of new types of weapons. Therefore, all those who intend to act in that way or who are already doing so should remember that the countries of socialism today represent a powerful community, whose power and success are constantly growing, a community which enjoys tremendous influence and is sufficiently strong to ward off any threat or any blackmail. And those who think differently and fall back on the use of old methods must understand that such a policy is doomed to failure, because a completely different correlation of forces exists in the world today and an entirely different climate from that which existed, for example, 20 years ago. Those opponents of detente are harming not only the cause of peace but their own peoples, as they lead them deeper and deeper into the maelstrom of the devaluation of currencies, inflation, unemployment and the constantly increasing economic difficulties for which, of course, they themselves are responsible.
173.	It follows logically, therefore, from all this that only through joint efforts on the part of us all shall we be able, as we believe we can, in the future to eliminate potential sources of fatal military conflicts and to take preventive measures against the emergence of new ones.
174.	In this forum the great significance for peace of the Final Act of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation has been stressed many times. The two years which have elapsed since it was signed have shown that security in Europe has been strengthened, that an atmosphere is being created conducive to complementing political relaxation by relaxation in the military sphere and to the further development of equal and mutually advantageous co-operation. All this demonstrates the durability, viability and soundness of that policy.
175.	Czechoslovakia, a country in the heart of Europe, one of the few situated directly on the border between two worlds with different social systems, is particularly sensitive to the political situation in Europe. That is why we say this with a full sense of responsibility.
176.	However, the new quality of international relations emerging in the process of detente requires now not only general declarations but new, constructive action. We are therefore entitled to expect that the responsible leaders of Western countries will display the necessary statesmanship and foresight in the interest of increasing the results in this basic sphere of human rights-the right to life, the right to peace and the right to international security.
177.	Our Government pays constant attention to the serious and comprehensive implementation of the results of the Helsinki Conference. We have never viewed the Final Act of that Conference as something abstract; we welcomed it as the result of the positive changes in relations among European countries, as an exceptionally important international document creating a reliable and peaceful basis for a long-term, mutually advantageous development of relations among States, as an important bulwark of the present structure of international relations in the world in general and as an over-all programme of co-operation in the political, economic and humanitarian fields.
178.	We whole-heartedly support the proposals by the Soviet Union relating to the expansion of all-European co-operation in a number of important fields. A good start could be made in this by a conference on co-operation in such vital fields as energy, transport and the protection of the environment.
179.	We trust that this document will be approached in the same manner by all those who today are sitting around the negotiating table in Belgrade in order to discuss what further action should be taken and how to ensure that the spirit of Helsinki will continue to be the prevailing factor in the formation of relations among States on the European continent.
180.	My country - as a firm element in the socialist system, gives pride of place to the all-round development of fraternal relations and co-operation with the Soviet Union and all socialist countries. Our co-operation and closely co-ordinated joint action within the framework of the Warsaw Treaty and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance is expanding and deepening, and this contributes towards the further strengthening of security, economic prosperity, culture and living standards of our people. The constantly growing strength and power of the countries of the socialist community has become an important factor in the stabilization of relations throughout Europe.
181.	With regard to the bilateral relations of my country, I should like to point out with satisfaction that in the period that has elapsed since the last session of the United Nations General Assembly we have expanded and deepened fruitful and useful contacts with a large number of countries with different social systems. We have developed broad contacts, primarily in the political sphere, as reflected in the negotiations, visits and exchanges of view that have been held at all levels, including the highest level. Such positive developments took place in our relations with Finland, France, Turkey, Denmark, Belgium, the United Kingdom,
Greece, Cyprus, the Vatican, Portugal, Iceland, Spain and other countries.
182.	We have made some progress also in the development of our relations with the Federal Republic of Germany and we are ready to make further progress in that direction. In a word, we want to enjoy good neighbourly relations between our two countries. The same can be said also in relation to another of our neighbours, Austria. We are striving to develop good mutual relations with that country. We want to deepen those relations on the basis of equality, mutual respect and non-interference.
183.	There have been favourable developments in our relations with Canada, something which unfortunately we cannot say of our relations with the United States of America, because of issues which still remain unresolved through no fault of ours. However, if the United States of America demonstrates the appropriate willingness and makes the necessary efforts, we are fully prepared to develop equal and mutually advantageous relations with that country too.
184.	In the course of this active dialogue with the countries signatories of the Final Act we held dozens of specialized consultations. We made progress in our legal contractual relations on a bilateral basis with the majority of these countries and concluded with them some 50 agreements. Our cultural relations now exist on the basis of the agreements, protocols and programmes of exchange with 22 countries which signed the Final Act.
185.	In a word, the Final Act is an extremely important document and we have regarded it as a source of momentum and initiative which directs the signatory countries further to deepen and broaden their mutual co-operation, thus confirming the familiar truth that the fundamental cell of the complex process of international relations is to be found in bilateral relations, which are an irreplaceable supplement to multilateral relations.
186.	Czechoslovakia, which before winning its independence for so many centuries fought against foreign oppression, whole-heartedly shares the aspirations of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America. We provide consistent support to developing countries fighting for their political independence and striving for economic development and social progress. Our country has a sincere interest in the strengthening of mutual trust and co-operation with these countries in all spheres of common interest.
187.	We ascribe great significance to the role of the movement of non-aligned countries, which are striving actively for the freedom and independence of nations in their struggle against imperialism and neo-colonialism. We welcome the fact that these countries consider it useful and objectively necessary for the process of detente to become a universal and dominant factor in international relations in all continents. We believe that this idea will be fully supported at the forthcoming meeting of non-aligned countries in Havana.
188.	However, imperialist circles are not interested in the stability of international relations. By causing conflicts among young independent States they try to destroy the unity of the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist front. That is why we support and shall continue to support in the future efforts designed to strengthen further the cooperation and co-operative action of the developing countries. We are convinced that there is no question that cannot be resolved peacefully by means of negotiations.
189.	The Czechoslovak Government shares the view that the time is not far off when the last remnants of colonialism, racism and apartheid, those abhorrent blemishes on the face of mankind, will be liquidated once and for all and will disappear as a shameful political anachronism and an intolerable legacy of the past.
190.	Czechoslovakia has always supported and will continue to support resolutely the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia in their just struggle for freedom and independence. Attempts to put forward a settlement of the problem of southern Africa which would satisfy only the racist minority regimes contain potential dangers of conflicts and new sources of tension.
191.	We categorically condemn the policy of apartheid pursued by the Republic of South Africa and fully support the decisions adopted at the World Conference for Action Against Apartheid held recently in Lagos.
192.	Reports that preparations are under way in the Republic of South Africa for the production of nuclear weapons are alarming because this represents a potential threat not only to the peoples of Africa but to world peace in general. We are in favour of the adoption of resolute measures to prevent this kind of development.
193.	The Middle East continues to be a serious source of tension as a result of Israel's policies of annexation. The establishment of lasting peace in that region requires first of all the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967 and the granting of the legitimate rights, of the Arab Palestinian people, including its right to self-determination and the creation of its own State. A Middle East settlement must also ensure the right of all States in that area to independence and security. The path to the solution of this burning problem leads through the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of all the States directly concerned, and the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of its people.
194.	Similarly, we unequivocally advocate a solution of the problem of Cyprus, which would strictly respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. We support efforts to solve this problem in the hope that the United Nations and its Secretary-General will continue to play an important role in this respect.
195.	We are following with close attention the situation in the Korean peninsula. We support the policy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea designed to create conditions for the peaceful, democratic and independent reunification of Korea by means of the withdrawal of foreign troops.
196.	We are in full solidarity with the people of Chile in their just struggle for the restoration of their fundamental civil rights and freedoms.
197.	This general debate has shown that the most serious task facing our Organization is the safeguarding of the further development and consolidation of international detente in order to make it solid and irreversible and to spare mankind the impending threat of a thermonuclear cataclysm.
198.	That is why Czechoslovakia warmly welcomed and whole-heartedly supported the proposal submitted by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. A. A. Gromyko, to include in the agenda of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly as an important and urgent matter the item on the deepening and consolidation of international detente and prevention of the danger of nuclear war It is our belief that all peace-loving States will whole-heartedly support the draft declaration on the deepening and consolidation of international detente and the draft resolution on prevention of the danger of nuclear war. Czechoslovakia will do everything in its power to bring about their adoption and implementation.
199.	An important instrument for the systematic improvement of the general climate in the world could be an agreement on the non-use of force in international relations as proposed by the Soviet Union last year. In our view we should work intensively on that.
200.	In the post-war period the Soviet Union and other socialist States have submitted more than 70 initiatives, from the proposal on general and complete disarmament to a number of proposals for partial disarmament measures. This in itself is proof that we regard the problem of disarmament and of the relaxation of military tension as being of paramount importance and as something that requires an immediate, positive solution.
201.	This year those initiatives were supplemented by the Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques, which was signed in May in Geneva. I should like to take this opportunity to emphasize once again the usefulness of the work done in Geneva by the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament which prepared that Convention. Czechoslovakia, as a founding member of that body, which has been working for 15 years now, believes that its work is of long-term significance. An exceptionally important step towards peace and co-operation would be the general prohibition of the further-perfecting of nuclear weapons, including the so-called neutron bomb, the advantage of which is claimed to be that it does not destroy material objects but only human beings. How baldly ironical and cynical is the contradiction between the decision on the development of this bomb and the campaign launched at the same time for the so-called protection of human rights. We believe that the introduction of such appalling weapons must be stopped by the conclusion of an international agreement which would prohibit the development and manufacture of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction. Every effort should therefore be exerted to bring about the implementation of the proposal submitted by the Soviet Union.
202.	Of invaluable importance also would be the adoption of the proposal by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty addressed to all the signatories of the Helsinki Final Act to the effect that those States should conclude among themselves an agreement not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against each other.
203.	Highly important, too, are the talks on the mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in central Europe, in which Czechoslovakia is a participant. Those talks can be successful only if the Western participants in the negotiations stop trying to gain one-sided advantages by infringing the interests of the socialist countries. If the Western side takes a realistic approach, the attainment of this goal is fully possible.
204.	Speaking of disarmament, I have to say that the situation in the field of disarmament negotiations is far from satisfactory. It is therefore our duty to do everything possible to prepare properly for the special session of the- General Assembly which will deal with this situation in detail next year, and to make extensive use of the capacities of the Preparatory Committee set up for this purpose in which all regional groups should, however, be more fairly represented. The effectiveness of the special session in 1978 would be enhanced by the knowledge that it was to be followed by a World Conference on Disarmament, for which favourable conditions should be created with a view to obtaining the desired results.
205.	Thanks to joint efforts by the socialist and developing countries, the first favourable results have been reached in the restructuring of international economic relations in accordance with current political realities. This has been done despite the attempts by imperialist States to maintain an economic system   bearing the imprint of colonialism, neo-colonialism and a recurrence of the cold war. It will, however, be necessary to exert considerable efforts to eliminate the discrepancy between the present character of international economic relations formed in the past and the timely demands now being presented by the majority of countries.
206.	Czechoslovakia is waging a consistent struggle for the restructuring of international economic relations on a democratic and equitable basis. We therefore support the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, and all the progressive provisions of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Consistent implementation of the provisions of those documents in accordance with the generally recognized principles of relations among sovereign and equal partners will undoubtedly contribute to the elimination of the remnants of colonialism and neo-colonialism. The establishment of a new economic order would strengthen the economic and thereby also the political independence of young' developing countries.
207.	Czechoslovakia is prepared to intensify even more the development of all forms of economic, scientific and technological co-operation with the developing countries, both at the bilateral level and through the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance. Although we bear no responsibility for the economic under-development of those countries, we shall continue to assist them in an effort to contribute to the solution of their burning economic and social problems.
208.	Every year from this rostrum I have emphasized that we regard the United Nations as an important international forum. I am doing so today also, expressing our interest in this Organization's even more active contribution to the strengthening and deepening of the process of detente. In our view, the United Nations Charter is a document of universal validity. We are convinced that only its consistent implementation is a guarantee of future effective activities of the United Nations.
209.	The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, a founder Member of the United Nations, through its purposeful, active and realistic contribution to its work, assists in the deepening of the process of detente and the expansion of constructive international co-operation.
210.	We do so with the profound conviction that this policy, while expressing the genuinely humane essence of our socialist system, is in full accord with the vital interests of our people and of the peoples of the whole world.


1 Mr. President, I am delighted to have the opportunity to convey to you, and through you to all the delegations represented here, the warm greetings of His Excellency Alhaji Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada, President-for-Life of the Republic of Uganda, the Government and the entire people of Uganda and to wish you fruitful deliberations during this session.
2.	It is now 15 years since Uganda was admitted as a full Member of this Organization and it is my pleasure to reaffirm my country's belief in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
3.	Allow me, on behalf of my delegation, to convey to you, Mr. President, our heartiest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. It is, indeed, a fitting tribute to your eminent qualities as a diplomat and statesman. Your election is also a well-deserved honour for your gallant country, with which my country, Uganda, enjoys excellent relations and which has played a leading role in the non-aligned movement. There is no doubt that with your renowned abilities you will carry out your very heavy responsibilities to the satisfaction of this Assembly, which I am certain will record great successes under your wise guidance.
4.	Our congratulations go also to the officers of the General Assembly, who will be assisting you in the fulfilment of your noble duty.
5.	By the same token I should like to register my sincere appreciation of the creative efforts and considerable results achieved at the last session under the guidance of the outgoing President, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka.
6.	I wish also to pay a special tribute to our Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who since he began his second term of office has brought great dedication and a sense of personal commitment to his heavy task. My country has noted with appreciation the dynamism with which he has been performing his duties since the last session of the General Assembly. The role that Mr. Waldheim is playing in maintaining international peace and security and in bringing about justice and human equality among all peoples of the world has been hailed and commended by all peace-loving nations of the world.
7.	1 have no doubt that you will agree with me, Mr. President, that of all the changes which have occurred in the international community since the inception of this Organization none has more profoundly changed the face of the world than the achievement of independence by those countries and peoples formerly under colonial rule. Equally you will agree with me that the process of decolonization is not yet complete, especially on the African continent. However, we can look to a day in the near future when no people or country will be under the control of any imperialist Power.
8.	It is with great pleasure, therefore, that my delegation congratulates the people of Djibouti on their accession to independence. My country welcomes that new sister State from Africa to the ranks of this Assembly. Africa's determination to stamp out all vestiges of colonialism and imperialist manoeuvres has been demonstrated once again and it is now the duty of all States Members of the United Nations to give all possible assistance to this new sister State in order to preserve its political and economic independence.
9.	My delegation is also very happy to see the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam take its rightful place in this universal Organization. We all recall the heroic struggle which the people of Viet Nam waged to liberate itself from the fetters of imperialist forces in order to establish a free and peaceful society. The presence of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam among us today clearly demonstrates yet another crushing political defeat inflicted upon the forces of the imperialists and reactionaries who are resentful of the political and economic independence of countries of the third world, particularly members of the non-aligned movement. It also signifies that the people will always win, irrespective of whether the enemy is a super-Power.
10.	There have been many international changes since the Charter of the United Nations was drawn up in 1945. The number of Member States has increased and so have the activities of the Organization. Since the last session also there have been some changes on the international scene and new developments within this Organization which for millions of people throughout the world provides an indispensable forum in which to bring to the attention of the international community some of the problems that plague the world and for which all too often there is no apparent forum or solution. These factual changes in the life of this Organization necessitate changes in its structure. My delegation suggested during the last session that the negative vote system-more precisely, the veto—had become more distasteful to most members of this Assembly because it is incompatible with the principle of the sovereign equality of all States and gives to a few a-privileged status eclipsing the will of the majority. It is thus imperative that a more democratic and representative system be adopted so that the majority of the membership of the United Nations can play a more effective role in the Organization. I hope that at this session the General Assembly will give this question more serious consideration.
11.	Since the end of the Second World War this Assembly has been preoccupied with the task of finding ways and means of freezing the proliferation of armaments, particularly nuclear armaments. Last year my delegation expressed its concern at the lack of progress in disarmament and the increased tendency towards the production, stockpiling and proliferation of armaments, particularly nuclear armaments. The arms race undertaken by rival super-Powers is a threat to world peace and security, which are of cardinal concern to our Organization.
12.	It would be contrary to the aspirations of the people of the world if this Organization did not make positive moves in the field of disarmament for the maintenance of peace and security among the nations of the world. My delegation is of the strong view that the vast resources which some Members of this Organization are devoting to the production of arms should be utilized to meet the very serious problems of social and economic development of all countries, particularly the developing countries.
13.	It is in the light of this that my delegation welcomes the convening of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to the question of disarmament. It is our hope that the special session will adopt concrete proposals for the solution of the problems regarding disarmament.
14.	On the question of southern Africa we are happy that there has been increasing world concern, especially on the part of some of the big Powers which have made attempts to ensure that a negotiated settlement is found for the issues of the independence of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. But while Uganda appreciates the current moves for finding a negotiated solution to the problems of southern Africa on the part of some countries, we have time and again made it clear that nothing short of armed struggle will save the situation in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. This remains our view. We have taken and maintained this stand, mindful of several provocative events by the racist regime in southern Africa and their collaborators.
15.	'We have taken note of the Anglo-American proposals on Zimbabwe, but we still urge caution in the handling of the issue so that the victories caused by the liberation movement are not reversed through the sweet words of the imperialists. Likewise, we maintain that the primary responsibility for the independence of Zimbabwe rests with the colonial Power, namely the United Kingdom. And nothing will convince us that the United Kingdom cannot discipline the rebel Smith if they so desire, as it has indeed done in many other countries which were former colonies of Britain and which had a more complicated situation.
16.	On the other hand, the world community should not lose sight of the fact that the imperialists, after having been routed in other parts of the world, such as South-East Asia, have now turned their eyes to the African continent, especially its southern part, as the centre for their exploitation. So when we see the forces of the racist Vorster and the rebel Smith committing naked aggression against southern African States, such as Angola, Zimbabwe, Botswana and Mozambique, and when at that very time we see the imperialists uttering sweet words about a peaceful solution or a negotiated settlement for the problems of southern Africa, we become more convinced that the imperialists are just trying to buy time while they are arming the racists to the teeth with conventional as well as atomic weapons, so that they can crush the liberation movements and keep Africa safe for imperialism, or what they call Western civilization. Our appeal to Africa is this: "Africa, keep your eyes open and be more vigilant now than ever before." As for the liberation movements, we say: "Do not listen to the sweet words of the imperialists and do not lay down your arms until the last enemy soldier has surrendered." In other words, the armed struggle must continue and be intensified so that the fire Africa has started does not go out.
17.	Similarly with Namibia, the atrocities that are being committed by the racist regime of Vorster must be met with increased fire, and any proposals such as those which were presented by the five Powers for a constitutional settlement must be rejected in toto. We have once before been duped by the so-called talks of the Windhoek school, talks which were meant to hoodwink the gallant Namibian people under the able leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization into accepting the obnoxious policy of bantustanization. We in Uganda are none the less happy with the new victories scored by SWAPO on the war front and hope that they redouble these efforts for the total dislodgement of the racists and the eventual establishment of a government led by the Namibian people.
18.	Turning to the question of South Africa itself, my delegation would like to reaffirm our stand that Vorster has no right to deny over 18 million Africans their fundamental human rights. At the same time we appeal to the Western Powers, particularly the member States of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, to desist from the nuclear conspiracy that has for a long time characterized their relations with South Africa. In this spirit, we once again call upon the United Nations to consider yet again, and with greater seriousness, the question of isolating the racist regime in South Africa from the world body and its affiliated organs. Further, the United Nations must urgently impose a mandatory arms embargo on South Africa, together with economic sanctions, against the racist regime in that part of Africa. In this connexion, Uganda calls for the full implementation of the Lagos Declaration and the Programme of Action on South Africa adopted at the last session of the General Assembly.
19.	As we have said before, Africa is not fighting to annihilate the white man. What Africa is fighting is oppression, injustice and the degrading and dehumanizing apartheid system imposed forcibly on our black brothers and sisters by the racist regime in South Africa.
20.	Whether the racists and their collaborators like it or not the struggle for self-determination and human dignity in southern Africa will triumph in the long run. At this stage we would, however, wish to pay a tribute to all the gallant sons and daughters of Africa who have fallen in this struggle and to single out for mention the late Steven Biko, a very distinguished leader of the Azanian people, who was murdered in cold blood by the racists of South Africa. We appreciate the material and moral support that Africa has received from several friendly countries in this struggle send express the hope for increased assistance until the final victory is won.
21.	The Middle East crisis remains one of the most serious threats to international peace and security. It is a crisis whose core has too often been overlooked. And this central issue is the rights of the Palestinian people. For this reason, the United Nations, as the custodian of peace, cannot afford to remain indifferent when the fate of a people is at stake.
22.	For over two decades now, the Middle East problem has been the subject of heated and increasingly intensive debates in this Assembly, to say nothing of other international forums, such as the Organization of African Unity 10AVI and the League of Arab States. But each time, the reality and indeed the crux of the problem have been obscured, as have the essential facts of the crisis, which have been falsified by .Western and Zionist propaganda. Needless to say, the problem is essentially neither one of border arguments between Israel and the Arab States, nor one of humanitarian care for the Palestinian refugees.
23.	The essence of the problem, as we see it, is that the Palestinian people have been deprived of their homeland by the Zionists and denied their right to self-determination by the expansionist regime in Israel. Against this background, the belief of my delegation is that no lasting peace can be achieved in the Middle East until the rights of the Palestinians are fully restored. Furthermore, the Zionist regime must withdraw from all Arab territories occupied since the 1967 war, and adhere to all the relevant resolutions of the United Nations on this matter. Time and again the United Nations has passed resolutions- calling upon Israel to withdraw unconditionally from all the Arab lands which it has occupied illegally since the 1967 war, but to no avail, because of Israel's obstinate and arrogant attitude. Indeed, Zionist Israel, supported by certain Western Powers, has virtually become a huge military arsenal threatening to wipe out the Arab peoples and threatening international peace and security. That is why the Arab peoples have taken up arms against Israel; they have no other choice. It is a choice that we in Uganda support unequivocally and we shall continue to give all our support to the struggling people of Palestine.
24.	It is in the light of this that my delegation hopes and believes that this current session of the General Assembly will attach the greatest importance and urgency to this issue and adopt firm proposals, especially with regard to the continued Zionist aggression and colonial expansionism.
25.	We support the declaration of the non-aligned countries, adopted at the extraordinary meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries, held in New York on 30 September 1977, pledging their help and support to the struggle to recover all Arab occupied territories since 1967 and to restore the natural rights of the people of Palestine, including their right to self-determination and the right to establish their own ate on Palestinian soil, as well as the right to compensation for their property, stolen by the Zionists. We believe that the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East should be held within the ambit of this declaration and that the Palestine Liberation Organization, which is the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, should participate in these negotiations, aimed at settling the Palestinian issue and the whole question of the Middle East.
26.	When the Charter of the United Nations was signed in 1945, it created a world with a background of two devastating world wars in half a century. Naturally, the Charter highlighted the United Nations' quest for peace and security. The authors of the Charter were not, however, oblivious of the important role to be played by economic stability and orderly development in the world. A world divided between those who live in lavish affluence on the one hand, and those who live in abject poverty and deprivation on the other, is hardly conducive to continued peace and security. In such conditions, a time might come when those who feel condemned to perpetual poverty and suffering might think that they have nothing to lose but their misery. Then those who enjoy the luxuries of affluence might have no guarantee of their continued prosperity in peace and security.
27.	The Charter of the United Nations turned the world community to the solution of economic, social and humanitarian problems, so that a better world could be evolved for the happiness of man, enabling him to live in peace, security and prosperity. However, the inclination of some Members of this Organization to maintain the world economic status quo has perpetuated the gap between the poor and the rich nations.
28.	Since the United Nations was founded, its impact has been exhibited in the increased number of developing countries that have achieved political independence and joined the world community. Those countries have rightly realized that political independence without economic independence and without a fair and just share of the fruits of the world's economic development is fragile. Their solidarity, moulded out of common aspirations, has had an impact on economic relations among nations. Their just claim to share in world economic development culminated in the Declaration and Programme of Action on the
Establishment of a New International Economic Order, which emanated from the sixth special session of the General Assembly. That document, together with the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States and the decisions of the seventh special session of the General Assembly and other relevant General Assembly resolutions, constitute an important corner-stone for the establishment among nations of new economic relations based on equality and justice.
29.	The new international economic order should be the basis for the eradication of poverty, hunger, malnutrition, disease and ignorance. This new order of relationships has been strongly advocated and supported by the developing countries, having in mind the way the old economic set-up in the world has functioned; but even if the developing countries had not advocated this approach, other groups of countries would probably have advocated a change and realignment of world economic relations. Since the world community set itself on the path of establishing a new international economic order, meetings and negotiations have taken place in order to give practical effect to our aspirations. However, due to a lack of political will, mainly on the part of developed industrialized countries, little progress has been achieved towards the establishment of a fair and just economic relationship among the nations of the world. Some developed countries still want to maintain the old status quo in world economic relations.
30.	The meagre results achieved so far in the establishment of the new international economic order underline the inflexibility of some developed countries in the face of fast changing world economic relations. The recent Conference on International Economic Co-operation, or North-South dialogue, in Paris points to the fact that, unless there is a reasonable accommodation to the aspirations of the majority of mankind in the world, we face a rough road ahead in our endeavours to establish fair and just economic relationships among rations.
31.	The United Nations, as a universal and fully representative body, is the most appropriate forum in which global issues concerning economic development should be negotiated. We said this at the inception of the Paris negotiations and in our later statements on this issue, and the meagre results of the Paris dialogue only serve to underline our scepticism. We hope that full negotiations of this nature will be carried out within the United Nations system, where all countries are represented.
32.	In this regard, my delegation would like to underline the declaration of the Foreign Ministers of the developing countries issued in New York on 29 September 1977. Unfortunately, there was no agreed assessment of the Paris dialogue at the resumed thirty-first session of the General Assembly. We should now bring all negotiations of a global nature under the auspices of the United Nations.
33.	We should also like to reaffirm emphatically the inalienable right of the developing countries to full and permanent sovereignty over their natural resources and all their economic activities, including the right of nationalization according to their national laws. This position is in line with the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Uganda's declaration of its economic war was a national expression of this right, and we have already made compensation settlements with some of the people affected. Uganda has now embarked on a three-year action programme to rehabilitate its economy.
34.	As a land-locked developing country, we welcome investments in our country as long as they are in line with our laws. We also welcome assistance from the United Nations, its agencies and the world community. In this regard, we should like to underline the declaration of the Foreign Ministers previously referred to in which, among other things, that declaration urges the developed countries to pay special and urgent attention to the particular and pressing needs and requirements of the least-developed, land-locked, most seriously affected and island developing countries, and calls for the implementation within specific time-frames of the special measures and decisions adopted in their favour by the organs, organizations and other bodies of the United Nations system. To this special pronouncement by the foreign ministers of the developing countries, I should like to add the question of transit for land-locked developing countries. We hope that the Third United Nations conference on the Law of the Sea will work out a satisfactory convention safeguarding the right of access of land-locked developing countries to and from the sea.
35.	As regards coercion in international trade, we welcome the declaration of the Foreign Ministers of developing countries and the iteration of their commitment to condemn, reject and resist all forms of threats or coercive and discriminatory economic policies and practices, including the imposition of restrictions on the direct or indirect transfer of advanced technology to individual or groups of developing countries by the developed countries. Any country contemplating the use of such measures, including sabotage, against my country would not only be violating the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States but would also be acting contrary to the spirit of co-operation of the developing countries as contained in the declaration of their Foreign Ministers which was adopted by acclamation in New-York on 29 September 1977.
36.	Uganda attaches great importance to human settlements in the totality of development. We have closely followed the evolution of the concept of human settlements within the United Nations system and have participated actively in discussions at different levels, both nationally and within the United Nations, and in preparatory committees, culminating in the Vancouver Conference at which my country was represented at a very high level.
37.	Since the Habitat Conference at Vancouver, encouraging developments on the follow-up to Habitat and the issues of institutional arrangements in the field of human settlements, have taken place. It will, however, be recalled that at its thirty-first session the General Assembly was unable to resolve sensitive issues of institutional arrangements in the field of human settlements. At that session, the General Assembly referred these issues to the sixty-third session of the Economic and Social Council, requesting the Council to take definitive decisions.
38.	Despite the time, patience and talent deployed, by all members of the delegations which participated in the consultations, the Economic and Social Council was not able to reach a consensus on some issues contained in Conference Room Paper No. 8, and therefore decided, without prejudging the final position that Member States may take on the matter, to transmit the draft resolution on institutional arrangements for international co-operation in the field of human settlement to the General Assembly at the current session as a text for further negotiations. My delegation hopes that the further negotiations envisaged by the Council will be completed on the issues outstanding at the present session of the General Assembly so that the central and regional secretariats can operate and play their important role in the development of towns and villages, especially in developing countries like Uganda.
39.	Before concluding, let me touch briefly on the question of refugees. Uganda has for a long time been playing host to refugees from many neighbouring countries, and we have been doing this in accordance with our traditional African hospitality. We have given the refugees land on which to settle and grow food. We have made available to them not only health care but also educational facilities for their children from the level of primary school up to that of university. In doing this, Uganda has never allowed those refugees to engage in any subversive activities against their countries of origin. Uganda has never supplied a single gun to any of them to go and attack his country of origin. In fact, their continued stay in our country is conditional on their undertaking that they will never engage in any subversive activities against their former countries. Now, while doing this, we have seen in contrast how certain countries have been shamelessly violating those elementary rules governing the stay and conduct of refugees in any country. These imperialist countries have gone even to the extent of signing agreements with the refugees according to which they would support an invasion of Uganda in return for recolonizing Uganda for at least 25 years. Knowing how hypocritical and malicious these imperialist countries are, it is not surprising to see that they are the same countries which, while engaging in subversive activities and joining hands with exiles in such criminal acts, have had the audacity of coming to this rostrum to talk about human rights. Their tears from this rostrum were nothing but crocodile tears. They were nothing but a deliberate cover- up for their diabolical plans against Uganda.
40.	The real reason behind this wild campaign against Uganda is not so much the concern for human rights; it is the resentment those hypocrites have against' Uganda and in particular against the conqueror of the British Empire, President-for-Life Idi Amin Dada, who put an end to their criminal exploitation of Uganda's economy when he declared the economic war in 1972. They were so furious that they even cut off their so-called technical assistance, with immediate effect. That meant that technicians such as engineers, teachers and lecturers had to leave Uganda immediately. What is more, even doctors and nurses were ordered to leave Uganda immediately. Their calculation at that time was that Uganda's economy would collapse within three months, after which they would come back and continue their exploitation.
41.	But, of course, that was nothing but day-dreaming. It is now over five years since Ugandans took full control of their economy, and today we have even more industries than we had before the declaration of economic war. Our economy is in a stronger position than ever before, our plan of action is in progress, and experts from over 50 friendly countries are working with us on various developments projects. These experts do not, of course, include the imperialist exploiters, who are preoccupied with subversive activities against Uganda.
42.	Uganda has no time to waste. It is fully engaged in implementing its action programme. But if the imperialists and Zionists and their puppets attempt to interfere with this process of nation-building, Uganda will not hesitate to hit back very hard at them.
43.	This leads me also to make a comment on certain unfortunate remarks voiced in this hall this morning by the representatives of certain puppet regimes. My delegation reserves the right to reply to these remarks at an appropriate time. But while reserving that right, let me say this: we in Uganda, a country which won its independence through hard struggle and which has paid, and is still paying, the price of having dared to kick out foreign exploiters through the declaration of economic war, will never allow any country or any puppet regime, for that matter, to interfere in our internal affairs in any guise.
44.	If those allegations had been made by the imperialists themselves, I would have given them the fire they deserve. But since they came from a puppet, then let me say this: in Uganda we have an African proverb that, if a girl comes to you weeping and then starts accusing the boy, you should not condemn that boy before you listen to his story because you may hurt the wrong person. The imperialists and Zionists, through their press media and through their puppets, have been making wild and malicious allegations against Uganda for the reasons I outlined earlier in my statement. Now -they want to drag others into their war against Uganda in order to divert this Organization from the real issues facing it, such as the problem of southern Africa where, even now when they come and hypocritically condemn apartheid, their governments continue to invest millions of dollars with the racist regime practising apartheid and which is oppressing millions of black people. As far as I know, Uganda and Papua New Guinea are two sister countries, and I think representatives of that country should have enough courage to listen to the boy's story before they give credit to the girl's story, especially when they know that that girl is an imperialist prostitute sent to confuse this world Organization.


1.	 Mr. President, may we, in turn, congratulate you warmly on your election to preside over the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of our Organization. Yugoslavia, your country, with which the Republic of Cape Verde has friendly relations since the time of our struggle for national liberation, earned the appreciation of all peoples, not only because of its constant defence of the developing countries, but also, and more particularly, because of its militant action within the framework of the movement of non-aligned countries, to which we have the honour to belong. We are convinced that your qualities as a diplomat and statesman, as well as your experience in international affairs, will assist you greatly in the fulfilment of the high duties which have been unanimously conferred upon you and that you will spare no effort in order to guide our activities towards the positive results that we expect.
2.	We should like also to pay a tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Amerasinghe, whose poise and competence do honour to his country, Sri Lanka. After having been a respected President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea he became an attentive President of the General Assembly.
3.	It is also a matter of satisfaction to us to be able to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his unflagging dedication to the service of our Organization and to the cause of mankind and particularly because of the constant concern he has shown in seeking solutions to the problems that confront the peoples still under foreign domination and the developing countries in their struggle for progress.
4.	At the present session we have had the pleasure of welcoming the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to our midst. Its bitter and determined struggle to achieve membership in the United Nations has done honour to that heroic people. Its stubborn struggle throughout its history against all forms of domination, its unflagging zeal for independence, and its determination to follow the line it has itself chosen, culminating last year in the unification of the country, have aroused the admiration of the international community and given an example of courage and dignity to the peoples of the world.
5.	We also wish to greet the people of Djibouti, who, with the support of Africa and of the forces that love peace and justice, have been able always to hold high the torch of freedom and independence and to fight effectively to overcome the obstacles that have been placed in their way.
6.	The presence of these two sovereign countries among us in the United Nations is a further proof of the march of history towards progress and the irreversible liberation of the peoples.
7.	A year ago, from this very same rostrum, we said that if we wanted to be quite fair we could not but note the enormous progress that had been achieved in the fulfilment of the objectives laid down in the Charter of the United Nations.
8.	We also said that we were undoubtedly witnessing a positive effort to establish understanding and co-operation among nations, and that this would encourage all initiatives for the achievement of international detente.
9.	In the meantime, we wish to voice our concern at flagrant violations of fundamental human rights, at efforts to perpetuate the anachronistic colonialist, racist regimes of apartheid, at acts of aggression, interference and violation of the territorial integrity of sovereign States and at subversive manoeuvres tending to destabilize lawful Governments, all of which constitute a threat to international peace and security.
10.	Today, while we note that a certain amount of evolution has taken place and that more realistic attitudes are being taken with respect to some questions, a development which we welcome with a sense of relief, the concerns to which we have alluded remain and the progress achieved seems insubstantial.
11.	In Africa we see that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of several countries can be violated, in defiance of international morality and law, by mercenaries in the pay of obscure forces that still try to perpetuate retrograde systems in our continent.
12.	We note that the process of decolonization still under way or recently completed may be jeopardized by real attempts at colonial reconquest, which create situations intolerable both to the persons concerned and to the credibility and honour of this Organization.
13.	In southern Africa important events are in preparation as the struggle of the peoples of the region gathers momentum and new prospects open up to the national liberation movements in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa.
14.	The grave situation that now prevails in that area of the world because of the intransigence of the racist regimes and the various manoeuvres they engage in with a view to arresting or diverting the process under way cannot be successfully or finally resolved unless the just demands and aspirations of the peoples fighting for a life of dignity, justice and peace are satisfied.
15.	The attempts by some Member States to find a peaceful way of transferring power from the minority to the majority, is yet another effort to find solutions to the problems created by the racist regimes. But it does not seem that either Salisbury or Pretoria is really prepared to listen to the language of peace and reason.
16.	The recent Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity reaffirmed the legitimacy of the armed struggle, still the only way for those under racist domination to achieve their aspirations. Thus there can be no doubt that the armed struggle is a determining factor in the liberation of the peoples of southern Africa and we have always supported the national liberation movements determined to achieve true independence for their peoples.
17.	The front-line Member States are constantly subjected to direct provocation and acts of aggression by the racist regimes. We wish to pay them a heartfelt tribute for the sacrifices they have made on behalf of Africa and in defence of the principles of the United Nations, for the dignified attitude they have taken, for their courage and their responsible behaviour, and for the example they are giving of African unity in the face of the dangers that threaten the continent.
18.	Praiseworthy efforts are now being made to secure by peaceful means the objectives of the peoples of Zimbabwe in their continuing struggle for national liberation.
19.	We must recognize that the progress achieved so far would not have been possible without the impetus given it by the Patriotic Front, without the important work done by the front-line States, without the solidarity consistently shown by independent Africa and without the pressure of international public opinion, which every day is increasing the isolation of the racist minorities in power.
20.	We welcome the efforts made thus far and the measures taken by the United Nations. We confidently hope that the parties directly concerned will continue to make a sincere contribution to the effective transfer of power from the minority to a majority capable of guaranteeing the realization of the basic aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe for peace, progress and social justice.
21.	In Namibia we know that a grave situation is being perpetuated mainly because of the maintenance of the illegal South African administration in the Territory. We must thwart the manoeuvres of the racist South African regime in the Territory and reaffirm that no negotiations can lead Namibia to independence unless they take into account the pre-conditions set out by the South West Africa People's Organization, the only legitimate representative of the Namibian people recognized by the United Nations and the OAU.
22.	The aggressive racist regime that afflicts South Africa tries desperately to disguise its misdeeds both within and outside its territory. However, the heroic resistance of the South African people, mobilized by the national liberation movements, continues to grow in the teeth of institutionalized terrorism, the legalized violation of human rights and the ceaseless massacre of defenceless civilians and thus brings closer the inevitable downfall of that bastion of racism and colonialism in our continent.
23.	The international community has noted the heinous nature of the apartheid system and the Bantustan policy, and has taken action to increase the isolation of that regime, which continues with impunity to flout the fundamental principles of our Organization. We believe that in the present circumstances we must help the victims of the system of apartheid to organize them better and to resist the multiple attacks on their lawful rights. Therefore we must help the liberation movements to create the conditions and acquire the material means needed for the development of their struggle for freedom. We consider these to be decisive measures which will enable them to achieve the sacred objectives which they have set themselves, objectives which are also shared by the United Nations.
24.	We are compelled to note that the same concern and the same tensions persist in other regions of Africa.
25.	In the Comoros efforts have been made and missions have been sent by the OAU to find a solution to the problem of the island of Mayotte, which is still occupied and still separated from the Comoros as a whole. A just solution which will preserve the territorial integrity and the sovereignty of a Member of the United Nations family must be found in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the OAU.
26.	In the Middle East the evolution of the situation and the most recent events lead us to reaffirm our conviction that no solution or arrangement which does not take due account of the aspirations and national rights of the martyred and heroic people of Palestine can be satisfactory or lasting but will on the contrary only exacerbate the present situation. In fact, the question of Palestine is the corner-stone of my just solution of the problem of the Middle East.
27.	The inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people to regain their homeland, decide their own future and build an independent State are sacred rights recognized by the international community. We reaffirm once more our whole-hearted support of the Palestinian people in their struggle, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and of the Arab countries which are striving to recover their occupied territories.
28.	The situation in East Timor continues to concern the Members of our Organization because of the existence in that Territory of a situation of fait accompli that is denying to an entire people its right to self-determination and independence. Everything must be done to ensure that foreign troops withdraw from East Timor, thus ending at last the sufferings of its people, who are struggling stubbornly and with determination to end the illegal occupation of their country.
29.	We cannot pass over in silence the injustice of the existing economic order. We note with great apprehension, on the basis of the analysis of the existing data that the gap which separates the industrialized countries from the developing countries is widening. Despite all the efforts to establish a more just international economic order-and in this connexion we pay a tribute to this Assembly for its efforts-real progress has been meagre. In drawing up a balance-sheet of these efforts we would recall in particular the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly, at which the problems were correctly set out and the relevant objectives defined, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris, and the bilateral meetings which took place between the representatives of the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of States and those of the members of the European Common Market.
30.	Unfortunately all those efforts, although well- intentioned, failed to achieve the desired practical results.
31.	In this same category of problems belongs the question of the ownership and use of marine resources. The technological ability of the developed countries can be played as a trump card against that of the developing countries. In so far as the development hopes of some countries are directed towards this possible new source of resources it is desirable that there be true understanding of the problems and a serious willingness to co-operate, instead of a commitment to competitive activity to the flagrant disadvantage of the underprivileged countries.
32.	The most unjust aspect of this inequality in the relations between the two groups of countries, the industrialized and the developing, is that the former enjoy substantial surpluses while the latter suffer grave shortages of all necessary goods. If we do not ensure a rational use of the goods produced by man, and if there is not a sincere desire to make concessions and to join together to assist development by measures that include the transfer of technology, the years ahead look anything but encouraging to the developing countries.
33.	In fact, both development and under-development have their laws, which combine in the present situation to increase a little more each day the wealth of the one and the poverty of the other. We are certain that the international community will be able to put the problem in its true economic and-above all-political perspective and, under the auspices of our Organization, to adopt the measures necessary for the establishment of economic relations more in conformity with universal morality and conscience.
34.	We also feel it our duty to say to this Assembly that the international community must give serious consideration to the disarmament problem. While it is true that considerable efforts and some progress have been made in preventing the unregulated proliferation of nuclear weapons, the appearance of ever more deadly and sophisticated weapons, which stimulate the arms race, is cause for concern.
35.	The international community must strive for the neutralization of weapons of mass destruction and range itself determinedly on the side of peaceful coexistence, harmony among nations, and the use of the conquests of science and technology to promote the well-being and progress of the peoples.
36.	Many other subjects will be dealt with in the course of this session, for there are many items on the agenda, and they deserve the attention of this Assembly. We shall speak on these subjects at the appropriate time. Nevertheless we felt we must reaffirm our total support for all just causes and, in particular, for all national liberation struggles aimed at liberating man from all forms of subjection.
37.	We take this opportunity to bring to the attention of the international community, through the representatives of the free and sovereign nations present here, the grave economic situation which the Republic of Cape Verde still faces and which was described in all its harsh and cruel reality to this Assembly a year ago.
38.	At a time when concerted efforts are being made to find ways of achieving a better use of the water resources of the world, and when there is a growing awareness of the serious consequences of desertification for such countries as ours, we cannot pass over in silence the real difficulties with which we are faced through the persistence of the scourge of drought in the Sahelian region, which affects us in particular.
39.	Still suffering in the ninth consecutive year of drought, the people of Cape Verde, who depend almost entirely on agriculture, are determined to continue sparing no effort in pursuit of the objectives of national reconstruction set out in our Government's programme and are preparing themselves courageously for another year of crisis. Tremendous problems beset the life of the young Republic of Cape Verde and the international community is making an undeniable contribution to their solution. But we are not weakened in our determination, stated to this Assembly at the last session of the General Assembly, to continue on the road, increasingly rocky of late, to independence of thought and action and the unwavering application of the principles that have guided our relations with other Members of this family of sovereign States.
40.	We are increasingly convinced that, by espousing the principles of non-alignment, non-aggression, non-interference in the domestic affairs of other States, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and peaceful coexistence and by supporting peoples struggling for national liberation against all forms of subjection, we are serving the noble ideals of the United Nations and are truly defending fundamental human rights.