71.	 Mr. President, by your leave, the delegation of Togo to the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations associates itself with all those who have preceded us at this rostrum to extend to you the warm congratulations of our Government on the occasion of your brilliant election to the presidency of our Assembly. Our work, under the guidance of a man of your competence, having such vast experience in international affairs, will, we are sure, be carried out in an atmosphere of serenity and effectiveness.
72.	We also wish to say to your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambro, how much the delegation of Togo appreciated the tact, authority and patience with which he guided the work of the twenty-fifth session.
73.	We would certainly be failing in our duty were we not to express to the Secretary-General, U Thant, our great admiration for his indefatigable devotion to the cause of all nations. We are not unaware of the many difficulties in his endeavors, but we know, too, that he gives the best of himself in facing them. We wish him much courage and excellent health so that he may, for some time still, be in charge of our Organization, because, more than ever, it needs his long experience and his great wisdom. We are convinced that with his acute awareness of his heavy responsibilities, he would not hesitate for a second to continue his lofty mission unless absolutely imperative reasons prevent him from doing so.
74.	Exactly a year ago our Organization celebrated its 25 years of existence. Speaking from this same rostrum [1849th meeting], I recalled the problems to which the Government of Togo devotes special attention: in particular, decolonization, apartheid, disarmament, China, Viet- Nam, the Middle East, the economic problems of the developing countries and so on.
75.	The same subjects remain the major concerns of our Organization at its present session, because on their solutions will largely depend peace and security in the world,,
76.	The international political situation, which until lately was not very promising, today has aroused some hopes, particularly as a result of the measures taken since the month of April 1971 by the Government of the United States to normalize Sino-American relations. Furthermore, the decision of President Nixon to go to Peking before May 1972 constitutes definite proof of a policy of detente. It is difficult for us to imagine how there could be peace of any kind in Asia without the" participation of the People's Republic of China, a nation of 750 million people. It is with relief that we welcome the realism of the United States policy towards Peking.
77.	The problem of the admission of the People's Republic of China to our Organization seems now to have been
taken up in a more realistic manner, and my delegation can not but rejoice at this. Indeed, for several years my Government has unceasingly advocated its admission, and, what is more, as a result of a clear and unequivocal position taken recently by the Central Committee of the Rassemblement du peuple togolais, it has pronounced itself in favor of the recognition of Peking. The realism which led my country to take account of the existence of 750 million people should also prompt us to be mindful of the fate of the other 14 million people who have so far been represented in our Organization.
78.	Accordingly, the delegation of Togo whole-heartedly hopes that the question of China will finally find a definite and equitable solution, because it is quite obvious that a certain number of problems among them those of disarmament and Viet-Nam cannot be solved if that great country is kept away from the talks where these questions are discussed.
79.	Indeed, the problem of disarmament is one of those which requires that China be closely associated with a solution. China's admission to the family of the United Nations would assuredly make it become more conscious of its legitimate responsibilities by giving it the feeling that the international community wishes to see it finally play the part conferred on it by its position in the world.
80.	The solution of the Viet-Nam tragedy also depends on the happy outcome of the Chinese problem. No one is unaware that peace in Viet-Nam presupposes an understanding with North Viet-Nam and co-operation with the People's Republic of China. It must be hoped that with this happy outcome the Paris talks will have some possibility of reaching a positive result.
81.	Mow, everybody knows that at the present time the monetary crisis in the Western world and in the countries which are tied to it by trade is caused largely by the ruinous expenditures incurred by the Viet-Nam war and which daily create a greater imbalance in the balance of payments of the United States. It is, therefore, time for that country to make a gesture, which would be rewarded. We must all sincerely hope that Washington, which so courageously has embarked on a new approach to the Chinese problem, will find in the international community the necessary encouragement and in itself the necessary resources to pursue the policy newly embarked on, which is so promising.
82.	The entire world continues to be concerned with the tragedy of the Middle East. Since the last session of the General Assembly no serious evolution has been observed. The cease-fire has expired, and war can, therefore, break out at any time, thus creating a grave danger to international peace and security. Today, like yesterday, we cannot but give our support to the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and to the United States peace proposal known as the Rogers plan, despite some shortcomings due to the fact that the Palestinian problem has not been expressly mentioned. Once again we call on the two parties concerned to overcome their divergences. We believe that, in this regard, the mission of the Organization of African Unity, with Presidents Senghor, Ahidjo, Mobutu and Gowon, which will shortly go to Israel and Egypt, may be of great usefulness in the quest for a
solution to this grave crisis, and it is to be hoped that the goodwill of the two parties concerned will contribute to the success of these meetings.
83.	Another threat to world peace is the problem of decolonization. Here too, since the last session of the General Assembly no progress has been recorded. On the contrary, Portugal unceasingly and inexorably pursues, but also with a certain risk of a burning failure, its anachronistic war of reconquest, sowing destruction and death everywhere, in Guinea (Bissau), Angola and Mozambique, and carrying criminal effrontery to the extent of attacking brotherly countries such as Senegal, Guinea and Zambia, encouraged because of the powerlessness of our Organization to apply the sanctions provided for under the Charter. My delegation wishes to reiterate from this same rostrum our position of the twenty-fifth session, in particular, that military aid and economic support of the countries friendly to Portugal must cease, and that international organizations, and the United Nations in particular, should resolutely decide to isolate Portugal as long as it scorns the elementary rules of human rights and the fundamental principle of the freedom of peoples to self-determination as provided for in the Charter.
84.	Another humiliation inflicted on Africa is the odious practice of apartheid, an abject racism erected by the authorities of Pretoria into a system of government and extended to Namibia in total defiance of resolutions of the international Organization. South Africa continues to occupy with impunity the Territory of Namibia, in spite of the relevant resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, and persists in refusing admission to that Territory to envoys of the United Nations.
85.	Another example of a racist regime that is equally dismal is that of Salisbury, which also continues to defy international opinion and seems to become more entrenched as time goes by. How could it be otherwise, since the countries which alone can give a minimum of effectiveness to the United Nations resolutions are.the very ones violating these rules, despite the lofty moral declarations of intent, although it is touch and go whether they : re Pharisees or cynics. It is high time for the international community to follow a minimum ethical standard; otherwise it will wither away.
86.	In this connexion the problem of South Africa remains one of the concerns of our Organization and its Member States, This is why we have for some time been witnesses to heated debates on the question of determining whether, in order to induce the apartheid country to revise its policy, force has to be used, particularly by giving assistance to the liberation movements, or "whether we should have a dialog with Pretoria. On this point the position of my Government is perfectly clear: a dialog with South Africa is only possible if the white minority previously agrees to a dialog with the black majority.
87.	One may indeed wonder what would be the use of a dialog with Pretoria if the latter continues to flaunt its utter contempt for the black population for which it does not recognize even the most elementary human dignity. But no one would have the temerity to claim that he possesses a
monopoly of truth in this area, and all opinions without exception, provided they are sincere, should be heard and respected. It is only in this way that an equitable solution can be found to this tragedy of inequity.
88.	I would not wish to close this chapter without expressing the feeling of my delegation with regard to the German problem, which is of the greatest concern to my country because of the ancient bonds of affection woven by history. These bonds mean that the legitimate concerns of the German people are also ours. This is why we most sincerely hope that the relations of trust which are beginning to be established between the Federal Republic of Germany and the countries of Eastern Europe particularly because of the recent Germ l-Soviet treaty and the German-Polish treaty will create the best psychological conditions for a rapprochement between all Germans.
89.	To go on now to the crucial problem of underdevelopment, I cannot forget that the delegation of Togo last year stressed that we were disappointed with the insignificant results obtained in the First United Nations Development Decade and this despite all the resolutions and recommendations adopted by our Assembly since 1960.
90.	On the eve of the Second Development Decade, allow me to express once again the concern of my Government at the increasingly pronounced deterioration of the economic situation in the world: deterioration in terms of trade, an international monetary crisis, a substantial reduction in the aid of the "have" countries to the developing countries, etc.
91.	The present economic situation creates enormous problems for the developing countries.
92.	The international monetary crisis, for example, by introducing the most total confusion in the exchange market., gravely jeopardizes the already meager chances of the developing countries, which are struggling to narrow the ever widening gap between their economies and those of the rich countries.
93.	The decisions taken in the last months by the rich countries floating currencies, protectionist measures of all kinds-were taken without much regard for the economies of the developing countries; purely national interests have guided the promoters of these policies. But the developing countries are aware that they will be the first victims of such measures. They fear that the world has once again entered the era of protectionism, of trade and monetary war, of restrictive practices which characterized the 1930s and led to a considerable contraction in international trade.
94.	Who would stand to suffer most from a decline in international trade, if not our countries which by nature are destined to export their primary goods on the world market?
95.	Thus we are faced with new and serious difficulties at a time when international public aid, instead of rising to attain the targets set by the highest international authorities, is constantly reduced. Faced with this situation, characterized essentially by a toning down in international solidarity, our countries cannot remain indifferent for long.
96.	The reestablishment of an international monetary order based on the principles of justice and equity must be sought as a matter of extreme urgency and with the full and complete participation of the poor countries. The quest for. a solution in this field cannot be the exclusive domain of the great Powers because the international monetary order concerns us all.
97.	Furthermore, the problem regarding the stabilization of prices for raw materials must cease resembling a sea serpent to become a meticulously studied reality, one likely to lead to a speedy solution acceptable to the developing countries.
98.	Finally, international assistance must no longer be considered by the rich countries as a privilege which may lightly be renounced in case of need; it must become a pressing obligation for all, in the name of human solidarity and dignity.
99.	Despite our faith in real international co-operation, all of that does not allow us to augur a better future for us, the poor countries, at least for tire 1970s.
100.	And yet, the new International Development Strategy, adopted last year [resolution 2626 (XXV)J, should make it possible for the poor countries, through economic and social development and progress, to ensure for their populations a minimum standard of living compatible with human dignity.
101.	In fact, this Strategy provides inter alia that these countries will, energetically mobilize their resources and financial means with a view to their development during the 1970s; that the developed countries will endeavor to carry out by 1972 a net annual transfer of resources of at least 1 per cent of their gross national product, so as to enable the underdeveloped countries to attain an average annual growth rate o*' their gross national product of 6 per cent; and that international agreements on the most important commodities will be concluded.
102.	Unfortunately, tills Strategy, like those which are to come, will remain a dead letter; it will at most constitute a declaration of intent whereby the industrialized countries will continue to widen a little more the gap which divides them from the young non-industrialized States.
103.	Hie caution and reservations contained in resolution 2626 (XXV) on the new Strategy, as well as the evolution of the world economic situation in 1971, are in themselves sufficient to allow us to see clearly that die third world has once again been taken in.
104.	Furthermore, the concerted action advocated in the new Strategy has political implications; it would accordingly be difficult to determine the attitude of each Government taken separately.
105.	Some will think that we want to see the first results of the Second Development Decade in no time at all. To them we would reply that we really are in a hurry to lead our countries out of their economic slump.

106.	Now we bitterly note that the assistance of the wealthy countries to Africa remained stagnant from. 1960 to 1967, and then declined from 1968 to the present.
107.	Parallel to this, we are anguished at the decline in the prices of our basic commodities while the prices of manufactured products from the rich countries continue to rise, and we agree with the view that the deterioration in the terms of trade is the greatest economic scandal of the century. Nevertheless, our disenchantment with all these accumulated injustices and the persistence of the systematic exploitation of the poor by the rich fail to plunge us into despair. On the contrary, we are more than ever resolved to continue the struggle against under-development so as to create the basis for our genuine economic independence.
108.	Since 1967, the year in which political stability was restored in Togo, some remarkable achievements have placed our country genuinely on the road to progress, thanks to the tireless efforts of our young and dynamic Head of State, General Etienne Eyadema, and to the valuable assistance of friendly countries.
109.	From 1966 to 1971, the total budget of Togo rose by almost 70 per cent. Our balance of payments in 1968 showed a surplus of 795 million CFA francs; that of 1969, a surplus of 3,700 million CFA francs. During the same period, the rate of coverage of our imports by our exports rose from 60 per cent in 1965 to 85 per cent in 1970.
110.	Tied in with this, Togolese national production, in the course of our first five-year plan, achieved remarkable growth, thanks to State intervention which, by itself and through public organizations, invested close to 10,000 million CFA francs. Agricultural production, the basic strength of our economy since it represents 44.5 per cent of our gross national product, is constantly on the rise. This key sector has an aw rage annual growth rate of 9 per cent.
111.	As will be observed, the Togolese economy has succeeded in crossing the difficult shoals of balances: we are at present at the cross-roads and in search of the indispensable ways and means for our economic take-off. But that take-off cannot be achieved under favorable conditions unless the wealthy countries give up their arbitrary fixing of prices for our raw materials and for their manufactured products; unless they stop their unbridled competition with our commodities by means of reprehensible trade practices; unless they realize that international peace must of necessity proceed from a fair distribution of goods and an equitable remuneration for our efforts. For after all, as Secretary-General U Thant emphasized during the United Nations Day celebration in 1969, "we all belong to the same human race".
112.	It would be unfair to end my statement on an unduly pessimistic note. My Government therefore wishes to pay a tribute to the countries of the European Economic Community, particularly to France and the Federal Republic of Germany, as well as the United Nations Development Program and the specialized agencies of the United Nations, especially the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the World Health Organization, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and others, all of which have been unsparing in their
efforts to assist us in overcoming hunger, poverty and ignorance.
113.	We sincerely hope that many other countries will follow suit and help us to become real "developing" countries not, as an eminent economist rightly but humorously remarked, "under-developing" countries. This cannot be achieved unless, in our so-called consumer society of intemperate selfishness, development is regarded as an instrument in the service of man and of all men. Man is ever at the center of the systems of philosophy prevailing in all parts of the world. It would be reassuring if, in their daily activities, in the day-to-day exercise of their heavy responsibilities, statesmen were to keep in mind what Albert Camus rightly and most aptly observed, namely that "unless men can refer to a common set of values, recognized by all anJ every one, then man will become incomprehensible to man". Let us meditate on that thought.


38.	  I should like, on behalf of Australia,, to extend my congratulations to Mr. Adam Malik, upon his election as President of the General Assembly, Indonesia and Australia are close, not only geographically, but also in our governmental and personal relationships. We are aware of the courageous and energetic role which the President has played both at the time of Indonesia's independence and since. We value his efforts in fostering the development of a sense of community and a pattern of co-operation in South-East Asia. He will recall our own active co-operation with his initiative in calling together the Djakarta Conference on the question of preserving peace in the Khmer Republic in May 1970.
39.	We welcome the Assembly's decision this year to draw its President from Indonesia. We believe that Mr. Malik especially merited this honor. We have no doubt that he, as President, will uphold the high standards established by his illustrious predecessors, and not least by his immediate predecessor, Ambassador Hambro of Norway, who graced the office of President with such notable distinction throughout the twenty-fifth anniversary year of the United Nations.
40.	We are conscious that this is the last session of the General Assembly that will be graced by the presence of our greatly respected and esteemed Secretary-General. I should like at this time to express my Government's warm regard for UThant and its high appreciation of the dedicated service that he has given to this Organization throughout his 10 years in office.
41.	I should also like to take this opportunity to welcome most warmly Bahirain, Bhutan and Qatar to membership in the United Nations.
42.	Our President assumes the presidency at a time when the problems which face us are especially complex and troublesome. These problems are not made here; and, sadly, acceptable solutions are not found here as often as we could wish. But we believe that, by exercising patience and tolerance and by seeking to find what is in the interests of all, this Assembly can continue to do much towards increasing international understanding.
43.	Because it is of special concern to my country, I should like first of all to speak about the Asian and Pacific region. There are many problems in this area that are new and pressing, and many which, with goodwill and understanding, we might well be able to bring nearer to solution.
44.	It is true that in some parts of South-East Asia today situations of misery and tragedy persist. Fortunately, it is also true that in other parts of the region there exist not only peace and stability but a good prospect that this peace and stability can be preserved, in spite of the threats and challenges which are present. This is so particularly in the case of our nearest neighbors-Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. All are well acquainted with dangers and threats. All have taken, and are taking, imaginative measures to construct political, economic and social defenses not only against those dangers they have known in the past, but also against those which perceptive leaders can foresee for the future.
45.	I referred a moment ago to the r ile of our President in the development of a sense of community in South-East Asia. The Charter itself recognizes the value that may flow from regional arrangements. There are several such arrangements that hold promise. The Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN], for example, has not sought to cut a figure on the world's stage. But it has sought to cut and is cutting a swath through old prejudices and problems in South-East Asia. There is developing in the region a sense of common .interest and a readiness to tackle the region's problems on the basis of that interest, The sense of community being established and the machinery that has been created to service it provide new promise of future stability and progress. Australia is not a member of that Association, but it is a sympathetic and interested observer.
46.	We are ourselves a member of the Asian and Pacific Council [ASPACJ, which is also making a valuable contribution towards neighborly understanding and co-operation. We firmly believe that regional developments of this kind, together with such other organizations and programs as the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, the Asian Development Bank, the Mekong Valley Scheme and the Colombo Plan for Co-operative Development in South and South-East Asia help to secure peace and to promote prosperity in the area and, indeed, help to strengthen the position of the United Nations. In saying this I have in mind that Asia and the Pacific are of increasing significance to the stability of the whole world order.
47.	It is the great wish of my country to see conditions created that will remove suffering and allow people to progress to better standards of living in greater security. In Asia, as elsewhere, we know how dependent, political and economic stability are upon one another. We are unlikely to achieve stable economic progress in the area while countries are subject to threats and political subversion from outside. We realize, of course, that we cannot effectively advance the welfare of the developing countries unless the world economy as a whole including especially that of the most advanced countries is healthy and dynamic, unless the frontiers of production and trade are constantly moving forward.
48.	In Indo-China the war that has torn the area for so long still continues. There has been some decrease in the scale of fighting, but the earnest desire of the Australian Government-and most other Governments-for a peaceful and just settlement has not yet been realized. The policy of my Government has been to support every initiative genuinely designed to end the destruction and hardship this conflict has caused,
49.	Unhappily, we do not yet have any indication that the leaders of North Viet-Nam are prepared to keep their troops within their own borders and to leave the other countries of Indo-China to determine their own future, and while North Viet-Nam maintains its present policies Australia will continue to give such help as it can to the Governments and peoples of the Republic of Viet-Nam, the Khmer Republic and the Kingdom of Laos in their struggle to survive and to exercise their own choice of their system of government and their way of life. The progress that has been achieved in the security situation of the Republic of Viet-Nam has now enabled the Australian Government to announce that its combat forces will be withdrawn by the end of this year. Our aid program will continue, and we shall continue to support genuine efforts to achieve a just and peaceful settlement.
50.	I want to stress my Government's hope that once a settlement is reached it will prove possible for many nations outside IndO-China to join in a program of reconstruction and development for the war-ravaged peoples of this area, including the people of North Viet-Nam. That is most important. The United Nations, although it has been unable to play any effective peace-keeping role in Indo-China, could then be a major channel for economic and social aid to the area.
51.	As other speakers have mentioned, millions of refugees have in the last few months moved from East Pakistan into India, creating a tragic human problem so vast that no one of us single-handed can deal with the situation. I do not try to canvass the events that have caused this exodus. Views may differ on that subject. We have ourselves regarded the events in East Pakistan as essentially an internal problem to be solved by the Pakistan Government. But the refugees must be cared for and as soon as possible returned to their homes.
52.	Along with many others, the Australian Government and people have already made a contribution to helping the refugees. We shall continue to watch the refugee situation with close concern and to help where we can. But we believe it calls for continuing action by the United Nations with the full backing of its Member States.
53.	May I turn now to the area of the South Pacific. On many islands scattered over d vast expanse of ocean live upwards of 4 million people. Great stretches of sea have divided them and have at the same time and for centuries been the Highroad between them. We perceive in this area a growing sense of community with the modern world and a desire on the part of the peoples of this region to join together to help one another.
54.	Members of the Assembly will be aware that there has been in existence for many years a South Pacific Commission comprising representatives of Governments within, and traditionally involved in, the area. This Commission meets annually to consider ways and means of promoting the economic and social welfare of the island peoples. But perhaps not all members are' ware that the Governments of the South Pacific islands this year took the initiative in meeting, together with Australia and New Zealand, in a new and separate forum to discuss a wider range of common problems, including political issues. It is called the South Pacific Forum. New Zealand acted as host to its first meeting last August. Australia will have the honor of playing host to the second meeting, which is expected to take place early next year.
55.	I mention this development because it furnishes another illustration of regional self-help. Also, I wish to remind Member States that special problems face these countries because of their small size and the vastness of their ocean setting.
56.	It will be difficult for them to cope with these problems alone. Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, France and the United States have long been engaged in providing assistance to them, and I believe that will continue. But there is a need for other Members and for the agencies of our Organization, which have indeed already become involved to some degree, to study what further help may be required in the future.
57.	Papua and New Guinea, which Australia continues to administer and in which this Organization has a special interest, as half of it is a Trust Territory, stands between South-East Asia and the South Pacific, The territory is already a member of the South Pacific Commission. When it achieves nationhood it is expected to join the South Pacific Forum.
58.	The Papua and New Guinea House of Assembly has now decided that internal self-government should be attained between 1972 and 1976, if it should be made clear during the elections to the House of Assembly early next year that that is what the people wish. My Government has endorsed that view and has made it clear that after full self-government it will be for the Government of Papua and New Guinea to determine when it wishes to have full independence.
59.	In view of the importance of the 1972 elections, my Government is pleased that the Trusteeship Council has accepted an invitation to send a visiting mission to observe them.
60.	I turn now to the question of China. We believe that there has in recent times been evidence of a change of attitude on the part of the People's Republic of China, and, as the representative of a country whose future is closely associated with the peace and progress of the Asian and Pacific region, I want to reaffirm here that we will welcome the development of a more fruitful relationship between the People's Republic of China and the international community as a whole.
61.	We have ourselves been trying to increase contacts between Australia and the People's Republic of China for many years. For years we have had substantial two-way trade with it and we hope that contacts between our two countries will continue to grow to the enhancement of mutual understanding.
62.	We have welcomed the news of the forthcoming visit to Peking by the President of the United States. We hope that this visit will help to usher in a new era in international relations.
63.	We want the People's Republic of China to join us here in our efforts to realize the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. Our position on this has been made quite clear. We think the People's Republic of China should be represented in the United Nations. It is also our view that it should occupy a permanent seat in the Security Council. We have joined in co-sponsorship of a draft resolution [A/L.633J, now before the Assembly, which seeks to achieve these two objectives.
64.	In other words, we accept and advocate the acceptance by others of the realities of the China situation. But, of course, one of the realities is that the Republic of China is and has been since the beginning of the Organization a loyal and responsible Member. In our view there should be no question of expelling it.
65.	The claims of the People's Republic of China and of the Republic of China are at present irreconcilable: each claims to be the sole Government of China; each claims jurisdiction over territory that is in fact controlled by the other. So far as de facto control is concerned, the reality is that the People's Republic of China controls the mainland and the Republic of China controls Taiwan. We consider that this reality should be reflected in the decisions of this Organization by providing for the representation of both.
66.	We are conscious of the fact that the Republic of China governs 14.5 million people, more than the population of Australia-and, in terms of population, Australia is by no means one of the smallest Members of this Organization. We believe that any resolution which would result in depriving the Republic of China of representation in the United Nations is an important question under Article 18 of the Charter. We think that all Members, particularly small Members, need to reflect upon this point. In these circumstances, we have ourselves decided to co-sponsor a draft resolution before this Assembly to have such a question declared to be important [A/L.632].
67.	I have spoken earlier on our efforts to assist other countries of the Asian aiid Pacific region, which is one of special concern to us. I do not wish to convey the impression that our efforts are now, or will be in the future, limited to that region. Members will be aware that we have, either directly or in concert with others or working with specialized agencies, tried, according to our ability, to help developing countries in other areas. Indeed, our aid has recently passed the figure of 1 per cent of our gross national product.
68.	We subscribe to the objectives of the Second United Nations Development Decade, which contemplate a reinforcement of our efforts and the accelerated advancement of those who need advancement most. But all- of our accomplishment and our hopes will be placed in jeopardy if we cannot order the world economy so that it operates smoothly and dynamically. I say this because we are now confronted with an economic situation of more gravity than we have known for decades. I do not think that there is any reason to believe that we shall not meet and deal with this situation. But we must approach our problems with care, we need to safeguard those economic blessings we have won with such effort in the past; and we need to use whatever means are available to us, including those within the United Nations system, to bring us through to calmer economic waters.
69.	We all know that the developed countries have found it more difficult in recent years to maintain stability in their domestic economies at the upper level of economic activity. The struggle with inflation has been almost as troublesome as was, in an earlier period, the struggle against deflation. These domestic troubles have inevitably had their impact on international economic relationships. The international currency system has come under strain, and some adjustments may now be needed. The great movement towards liberalization of trade has slowed; some fear that it may be reversed. I believe we have learned too much to permit those fears to be realized, but they should not be ignored. Too much depends on this.
70.	Until we can achieve stability in the domestic economies of the developed countries, the risks of economic distress will be present for all of us. Until we can firmly establish a sound international currency system and a health} and dynamic international trade, both the developed and the developing countries could suffer serious distress. Markets could shrink; capital flows could be reduced; international economic aid, which in some cases has already tended to be reduced, could fall still further.
71.	Perhaps this twenty-sixth session of the Assembly might be an occasion for us to renew, however informally, our will to seek co-operative solutions to the world's economic problems. This does not mean that we should intrude into areas in which other international bodies are energetically engaged in seeking solutions, whether in the field of the currency system or the field of trade. But we should move forward in a practical way in those agencies which operate within the United Nations structure. The Australian delegation hopes that the proposals now before the Assembly to reinvigorate the Economic and Social Council will be accepted. We hope too that the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, when it meets in Santiago in April next year, will address itself to major matters that can be classified as ripe for settlement.
72.	I have referred to proposals to reinvigorate the Economic and Social Council. One of those proposals is to establish a new committee on science and technology. We welcome this decision.  At the twenty-fifth session of the Assembly we co-sponsored the draft resolution which became resolution 2658 (XXV), on the role of modern science and technology in development . However, I feel bound to say that we have had some reservations about the way in which many of the United Nations organizations have become separately involved in this field. In general, the machinery seems to have grown up ad hoc rather than in accordance with any considered plan. The result has been a proliferation of committees and organizations with consequential problems of co-ordination. Care will obviously be needed to ensure that any new committee does not become merely an additional element of confusion and complexity, through its own round of meetings, working groups and seminars and its own weight of documentation and increased demands on an already overburdened Secretariat.
73.	The General Assembly is in the midst of preparations for the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, to be held in Stockholm next year, which could have far-reaching effects on man's need to use, not to abuse, the natural endowments of this planet. Although Australia is not a member of the Preparatory Committee for the Conference, we have followed, and to the fullest extent possible participated in, the United Nations' work on this subject. We believe there is a need to create greater awareness of our objectives. Given this recognition, it may be possible to devote a greater share of the resources produced by economic policies of growth to our common advantage.
74.	We do not see attempts simply to reverse or slow down the process of economic growth as a particularly constructive or realistic approach. There is an essential need for balance in our approach. Preservation of a benign human environment in all its aspects must be a constant aim. At the same time it should be seen as an essential part of the developmental process, and not as an element inhibiting economic growth.
75.	In my remarks to this Assembly today, I have given some emphasis to matters affecting the region in which we ourselves live. At the same time I am very fully aware of the other great issues that many representatives have raised.
76.	None of us can ignore, for example, the grave situation in the Middle East, which continues to defy solution, or again, the serious problems of southern Africa. We are all too painfully conscious of the lack of progress towards agreement on improving the United Nations machinery for keeping the peace. I have not, in the course of this statement, referred to the complexities of disarmament or to the progress made on the question of the peaceful uses of outer space. The search for comprehensive agreements to define the law of the sea and the use of the resources of the sea-bed could command a whole chapter itself.
77.	Australia is deeply conscious of these other issues. We stand ready to play our part, where it seems there is any useful part for us to play. Finally, I take the opportunity to affirm this belief: that, with all the limitations which time and circumstances have revealed, the United Nations still remains the best repository so far devised of the finest
hopes and aspirations of mankind.


88.	 Mr. President, having been in office as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands for a relatively short time, I cannot suppress a sense of awe and humility in addressing this august body for the first time. But any trepidation I might feel is dispelled by the pleasure and satisfaction of seeing you, Sir, in the Chair of this Assembly. Allow me to pay you the respects of my Government and my delegation upon your election to the highest office the General Assembly can bestow. I should like to associate myself with those previous speakers who have from this rostrum addressed warm congratulations to you and pledged their cooperation and support in your heavy task. In view of the friendly relationship so happily existing between our countries at the present time, as demonstrated by the recent successful State Visit by Her Majesty the Queen and His- Royal Highness the Prince of the Netherlands to your country, I venture to add a personal good wish for a fruitful and smooth session under your guidance: banjak rezeki [much luck].
89.	I should also like to express our appreciation for the splendid work done by your distinguished predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, who not only presided over the historic twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly with great dignity and competence, but has also, between the last session and the present one and in many parts of the world, espoused the cause of the United Nations,
90.	We are living in a world of increasing contradictions; that '-'as been said before. All nations are becoming ever more dependent on each other for the advancement of their well-being. This increasing interdependence inexorably results from old and modern developments.
91.	Economic changes within nations or groups of nations have world-wide consequences. The technological break-through does not halt at national frontiers. The threat of nuclear annihilation is of concern to the whole of mankind, as are the inroads on environmental well-being. The suppression of freedom of thought and political liberty is still with ib. The continuing imbalance between rich and poor, between "haves" and "have-nots" with respect to population pressure, is a cause of deep concern.
92.	All those factors necessitate action on a world-wide basis to achieve a peaceful and orderly adjustment and underline the interdependence of the world. Which world?
93.	While, for the well-being of its peoples, the world depends on the strengthening of our co-operation, the Netherlands Government-like many others-observes with growing concern a number of regrettable developments which indicate disintegration, Within many nations tensions are growing and from time to time erupting in bloodshed and sorrow. No one can be indifferent to such strife, misery and anguish, and the world has the right and the duty to ask what went wrong and why.
94.	We condemn all denials of human rights including apartheid. My Government's hope of eliminating the apartheid policies by means of a continuing dialog is in keeping with the spirit and the basic philosophy of the Charter. The Netherlands delegation will play its part in the deliberations of this Assembly on measures to combat apartheid and other forms of violation of human rights; indeed, we cannot remain silent in the face of them, wherever they may occur. The machinery available to the international community at present cannot essentially facilitate or promote the universal observance of human rights. Therefore, the Netherlands Government fervently hopes that this session of the Assembly will, as a step in the right direction, decide to create the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, as recommended by the Commission on Human Rights in its resolution 14 (XXIII).
95.	Tensions within nations-tensions also between nations. The world has little to be proud of as the record of violence and discord is examined. Tensions, between nations and between groups of nations persist and erupt violently from time to time, differing sometimes in character or scope, but remaining very much alive.
96.	In spite of these negative tendencies there are, in our view, also some significant improvements in the international situation. In this respect, the Netherlands Government particularly welcomes the impending enlargement of the European Economic Community not only as a development in the interest of the European peoples themselves but also as a positive step forward for the world as a whole. The Community's recent decision to introduce a general system of trade preferences for all developing countries illustrates its interest in and understanding of the needs of less developed countries, although I realize that that decision does not solve all their problems. The larger and the stronger the Community, we feel, the better will Western Europe be placed to promote world trade, economic development and, therefore, peace and stability in the world.
97.	Other aspects of recent political developments in Europe are equally worthy of note here, as they are bound to have world-wide repercussions. Matters of European security particularly are under active consideration. The Netherlands Government has been engaged in discussions on European security for some time and will continue these consultations. Aware that substantial progress on the future of the divided city of Berlin is one of the prerequisites for any multilateral conference on European security, my Government welcomes the results of the four-Power negotiations and expresses the hope that they will soon lead to a final and satisfactory agreement.
98.	But no European security, and therefore no stability in the world, is possible without peace in the Mediterranean and, to be more explicit, in the Middle East. Inversely, progress on peaceful settlement in the Middle East will undoubtedly facilitate progress on European security. The great Powers, as permanent members of the Security Council, and the parties directly concerned, bear a heavy responsibility for taking a constructive approach to the search for a solution to the divisions in that sensitive area of the world. Looking forward to such an approach, my Government feels that a degree of optimism on further favorable developments in Europe is not out of place, since the repeated attempts of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to arrive at consultations with the Eastern European countries on mutual and balanced force reductions now seem to find favor with the Soviet Union and its allies. We particularly welcome this ray of hope, because, in our view, any hint of possible progress in the fields of arms control and arms reduction will facilitate the work entrusted to the United Nations in this field under the Charter.
99.	All these are welcome signs. As the representative of a European Power, I have highlighted some European developments of note, but in other parts of the world we also discern encouraging signs of growing international co-operation.
100.	I could cite many examples: Latin America', a continent in which the Kingdom of the Netherlands, present through its components Surinam and the Netherlands Antilles, is so directly interested; Africa; and other parts of the world. I shall mention just one example: the Association of South-East Asian Nations, of which organization your country, Mr. President, is such an outstanding member.
101.	In general, however, the developments in international co-operation are too few in number, too weak in the face of the tremendous problems confronting us, too limited in scope for the interests of the world as a whole. Disintegration within nations, disintegration of the relationships between nations, unfortunately, outweighs the progress we have made.
102.	Interdependence on the one hand, and our inability to stem the tides of national and international strife on the other hand, face us with the question of how we should react.
103.	We should set ourselves an ultimate goal, a fixed policy which will be an expression of our interdependence and of our will to overrule our divergences. It is my firm opinion that we will have to find that ultimate answer in a world executive, controlled by a world legislative. I am not advocating abandoning national identities, but, indeed, in their own interest to adapt them to common rules applicable on a world-wide basis in those fields where national or regional arrangements are no longer adequate. Here in the United Nations we shall, by our common decisions and by the authority we give to our institutions, go forward step by step on this undoubtedly arduous and long path. We should, however, fail in our responsibilities towards humanity, and particularly towards future generations, if we would not plan our future actions on the basis of a firm belief that the United Nations must become, and indeed is on tV>e way to becoming, a world authority.
104.	In following this policy, our guiding principle should be modesty. By means of modest advances we should try to make the United Nations more workable and more constructive, Our deliberations should always have clear objectives and debates should be directed towards decisions which should be guidelines for national policies.
105.	In view of our ultimate goal, I should like to stress three prerequisites: first, the universality of the Organization; second, adequate procedural methods for our work; and third better selection of the fields of action for this Organization.
106.	Our first task is to achieve, as soon as practicable, the universality of the United Nations, as you, Mr. President, in your opening address to this Assembly [1934th meeting] so rightly stressed.
107.	In this respect I wish to emphasize that the Nether-lands, which has had diplomatic relations with the people's Republic of China for more than 20 years, looks forward to welcoming the People's Republic at this session of the Assembly, As was stated in the recent Speech from the Throne:
"For the lessening of political tension in the world, my Government deems it indispensable that the People's Republic of China participate in the deliberations of the United Nations."
108.	I take this opportunity also to welcome the three new Members who were admitted to the United Nations last week: Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar. Their presence in this hall will contribute towards the better attainment of the Charter's purposes.
109.	Secondly, I wish to stress the necessity of purposeful methods, both institutional and procedural, in order to make optimal use of the talents and resources available to us. It may be considered of minor importance, but I should like to welcome the report of the Special Committee on the Rationalization of the Procedures and Organization of the General Assembly. The consensus which existed in that Committee seems a good omen for our future activities,
110.	Thirdly and in view of various reports of Governments and pJvate institutions, I am aware that such thoughts are shared by many-I am of the opinion that we, the Members of the United Nations, should concentrate our activities on those matters, even modest ones, which open possibilities for world-wide progress. In that respect there is plenty of room for improvement. The Members of the United Nations should always ask themselves, when they are planning to put items on the agenda of the General Assembly or of other United Nations organs, whether results may be expected in a reasonable time; whether they are not squandering time, talents and resources on questions which can only be tackled usefully in some stronger and more united international structure of the future. Even this modest approach would leave the United Nations, today, with plenty of important work to do. We need a selective choice of activities Which ones am I thinking of?
111.	Concrete progress can be made within the framework of the United Nations towards world-wide international co-operation for development. This is one of the most important forms of co-operation in which the United Nations is actively engaged. In your opening address, Mr. President recalled that, a year ago, we proclaimed the 1970s as the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] and that, at the same time, we adopted the International Development Strategy which should guide us to secure its objectives. Those of us who were present at that historic session will remember the general and unanimous sense of purpose and dedication expressed by all delegations which pledged their support for this grand design. However, the first year of the Decade has gone by and the time has now come to decide on action.
112.	On behalf of the Netherlands Government, I can assure you, Mr, President, that we shall continue and strengthen our efforts to attain the objectives of the Second Development Decade along the lines of the Strategy agreed upon last year.
113.	An important factor in maintaining the dynamic character of our co-operation for development will be the periodic review and appraisal of achievements and short-comings. Many organs of the United Nations family will be called upon to play their roles in this procedure, each in its own sphere of competence, with special emphasis on the essential part played by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in the fields of trade and aid. In the opinion of my delegation, the Economic and Social Council, under the provisions of the Charter, is specifically designated to co-ordinate all necessary reviews and to prepare a comprehensive report for the General Assembly. At present, the Council with its limited membership may not be regarded as sufficiently representative to play this role in a satisfactory fashion. The Netherlands delegation, therefore, welcomes and supports the recommendation adopted by the Council this summer in its resolution 1621 A (LI) that the General Assembly prepare the necessary measures in order to increase the Council's membership.
114.	While discussing these problems of economic co-operation, I also want to express our grave concern about the present monetary crisis in the world. We hope that wisdom will prevail and that all parties concerned will be willing to contribute to the solution of this baffling problem. Otherwise, it would be difficult to avoid serious impairment of world trade, with particularly grave consequences for the developing countries. Their continuous economic growth depends to a large extent on their ability to maintain and increase their export to the profitable markets of the developed countries. The interests of all concerned should, therefore, be taken into account, not only in the short-term decisions, but also in the long-term negotiations on any revision of the monetary system.
115.	Concrete progress can be made within the framework of the United Nations when this session will give human rights all the attention they deserve in the interests of the dignity and worth of the human person. In .this respect I wish to reiterate the Netherlands' strong support for the creation of the post of a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights by the Assembly at this session.
116.	Also, my Government is in favor of the progressive development of the humanitarian institution of territorial asylum, which my country has applied consistently during the course of the centuries. It is well known that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees considers ll highly important that the Declaration on Territorial Asylum [resolution 2312(XXII)] be strengthened by the adoption of a convention ruling this subject. My Government, too, would welcome such a step.
117.	Mankind has from its very beginning, been plagued by natural disasters, which have wrought immeasurable sufferings and hardship to millions. It is one of the most hope-giving expressions of solidarity among the peoples of the world that in recent times there has appeared an ever-growing awareness that the international community should give all the help it can afford to give whenever a natural disaster strikes.
118.	The United Nations, embodying the community of nations, can and should play a central part in mobilizing and co-ordinating relief activities, as well as in undertaking and promoting studies for the prevention, control and prediction of natural disasters. Concrete progress within the framework of the United Nations would be the adoption of the recommendation by the Economic and Social Council in its resolution 1612 (LI) that the Secretary-General should appoint a disaster relief co-ordinator. The Netherlands will give its full co-operation to ensure the smooth functioning of all such arrangements and will continue to make available, in the event of natural, and also man-made, disasters, its contributions through the appropriate channels of the United Nations system.
119.	We are witnessing a new disaster in South Asia. We hope that a United Nations presence in Pakistan will enhance the efficacy of the relief operation of the international community. Who hope as well that a substantial flow of resources, provided in response to the appeal by the Secretary-General, will be channeled to Pakistan and II Jia, as the prevailing situation is a very serious set-back in the development of those countries.
120.	In the future, when the function of the disaster relief coordinator has been established, I hope that, wherever feasible, his assistance will also be called upon in the case of man-made disasters.
121.	Concrete progress is urgently needed in formulating an action plan to protect our environment. In June 1972, the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment to be held at Stockholm will have to take important decisions which will have great impact for the world at large. Let us come to Stockholm well prepared.
122.	This session of the General Assembly will be faced with some important decisions in this respect, particularly on the preparation of a general declaration on the human environment. I promise the full co-operation of the Netherlands, convinced that world-wide action through the United Nations is essential in this field,
123.	Wars, even more horrifying than natural disasters, have been and are another scourge of mankind. General and complete disarmament under adequate international control should remain our firm goal; but here, too, I should like to counsel modesty in order to achieve concrete progress. It has not been huge international gatherings, but the quiet expert framework of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament at Geneva that has made it possible to break the back of many highly technical and complex disarmament problems. For this reason the Netherlands Government attaches great value to the continuation of the proceedings of this negotiating forum. I express the hope that in a not too distant future all nuclear Powers will participate in the work of this Committee.
124.	It is with pleasure and satisfaction that we have taken note of the most recent result of the Committee's deliberations, that is, a draft Convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons and on their destruction [A/8457-DC/234. annex A]. My country is co-sponsoring this draft convention and I hope that this General Assembly will endorse it unanimously. In this context it seems appropriate to me to emphasize that this draft convention-albeit important in itself-is only a first step that will have to be followed by similar measures in the field of chemical weapons.
125.	It is also my pleasure to announce that the constitutional procedure for ratification by the Netherlands of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] will start during the current session of the Netherlands Parliament.
126.	I emphatically recommend as a field for concrete progress the activities of the United Nations to end colonialism. The world must eradicate, as soon as possible, the last remnants of an era which definitely belongs to the past. The Netherlands will give its full co-operation to the search for peaceful solutions for the problems of southern Africa, whether they concern the Portuguese colonial territories, Namibia or Rhodesia.
127.	In the view of my delegation the key-word in our activities is "peaceful". In this respect, I should like to express the appreciation of the Netherlands Government for the decision of the Security Council in its resolution 284 (1970) to ask for an advisory opinion on Namibia from the International Court of Justice.
128.	Likewise, we welcome the wise and useful opinion of the Court, with which I am happy to say we in the Netherlands have the very best relations. My country accepts the conclusions of the Court as a guideline for its policies. We are hopeful that its opinion might stimulate all organs of the United Nations, in conformity with the provisions of Article 96 of the Charter, to engage the Court more often in questions which it might with profit review. In this way it will be possible to lift controversial issues out of the sphere of "emotional and political passion onto the plane of objective juridical deliberation and advice.
129.	Those are some of the questions which the Assembly might tackle here and now with profit, and to which my delegation will therefore address itself with energy and in concert with others.
130.	Some time ago our Secretary-General U Thant-to whom I want to pay a warm tribute at the concluding stage of his eminent career as the world's top international civil servant-said on the occasion of United Nations Day 1970:
"The world is bursting out of its narrow political vestments. The behavior of many nations is certainly inadequate to meet the new challenges of our small and rapidly changing planet. International co-operation is lagging considerably. The United Nations, this hesitant, almost reluctant instrument of nations for world peace and unity, can only succeed if its constituent Members support it, love it, give it their best and want it to succeed. It will fail if Governments scoff at it and continue to tread their isolated, divisive and selfish paths."
131.	Last year Member States rendered an account of what they had made of the United Nations. But they also looked ahead and rededicated themselves to the ideals of San Francisco and to the aims and purposes of the Charter.
132.	Today it cannot truthfully be said that the world presents a rosier picture than it did last year thanks to the activities of our Organization. The world is rightly shocked and angered by the abject misery of millions of people caught in cruel political strife they did not want but could not avert. The peoples of the United Nations are disheartened when they hear about renewed tensions in areas where United Nations activities had restored a measure of peace and quiet. They are indignant because the end of colonialism is not yet in sight and because racial discrimination is still the official government policy in a small area of our planet. They shake their heads in disbelief when they hear that some States, although rightly concerned about racial discrimination and apartheid, at the same time oppose the creation of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. To put it in a nutshell, the peoples of the United Nations fail to understand why their representatives in New York do not match their words with deeds.
133.	And yet gloom should not prevail in these halls. I see a lofty goal ahead: gradually the United Nations must be developed into a world authority. The attainment of this goal will take time-much time. Every concrete, common decision we take is a step in the direction of our ultimate aim.
134.	I have tried to outline some of the fields in which, in the opinion of the Netherlands, constructive steps can be taken. To those who would object that such steps would "depoliticize" the United Nations., that they are limited to a pedestrian, technical level, and that they do not deal with the burning political questions of our time, I should like to put the question: what responsibilities and tasks should Governments assume-on both the national and international levels-to make this world a better place for our citizens to live in? Surely it is the task of Governments to promote, nationally and internationally, conditions favorable to human well-being. Politics in themselves do not create a better world. It is the objective-or, if you want, the vocation-of politics to create conditions which would enable man in freedom and responsibility to make a greater contribution to the happiness and well-being of himself and his fellow men.
135.	If the Members of the United Nations dedicate themselves to the tasks they can do in the present world situation, if they are realistic in their aims while keeping ultimate goals in mind and if this Organization does not fail in vigor and perseverance, it can, and it will, make progress.
136.	The tasks facing us are great and all-embracing. We must therefore arm ourselves with patience, courage and determination.
137.	The Netherlands delegation faces the General Assembly in that spirit and will, with the Almighty's indispensable blessing, make its contribution to a successful twenty-sixth annual session.


116.	 Mr, President, it is with great pleasure that 1 associate myself with the speakers who have preceded me and address to you my warmest felicitations and those of the Lebanese delegation and express our deep satisfaction in seeing such an eminent representative of our continent presiding over the present session of the General Assembly , The valuable experience which you have acquired during your brilliant career and your great qualities as a statesman assure us that you will conduct our debates with competence and authority,
117.	It Is a pleasure for me also to pay a tribute to Mr. Hambro, who exercised the functions of President of the last session with such competence.
118.	I should like to pay a special tribute to Secretary- General U Thant, who brings to the fulfillment of his lofty functions his qualities of heart and spirit, his wisdom, his fairness, and whose untiring efforts to promote international peace and security fully deserve our deep gratitude and confidence.
119.	I join those speakers who have preceded me at this rostrum in expressing satisfaction at the admission to our Organization of Bahrain. Qatar and Bhutan, a satisfaction which Lebanon shares. My country will co-operate fully with these three new Member States, to which we are bound by traditional links of friendship.
120.	A year ago our Organization celebrated its twenty- fifth anniversary. That was a special occasion when illustrious representatives of Member States reviewed the balance sheet of a quarter century and, examining their conscience in a world-wide sense, and guided by the purposes-and principles of the Charter, congratulated themselves on the success and achievements, but also noted the lacunae and recalled the deficiencies. In the solemnity and fervour of that occasion, with renewed faith in the noble ideals of our Charter, new hopes arose, hopes for a better world corresponding to a greater degree to the aspirations of humanity thirsting for peace, progress, freedom and justice.
121.	But beyond this glimmer of hope, great tasks were darkening and still darken the horizon of our universe. Conflicts and injustices are being perpetuated and new centers of tension arise.
122.	In our region, the Middle East, we are at the very heart of a most poignant tragedy-which has continued since the very creation of the United Nations. It is the tragedy of the people of Palestine, robbed of their country and evicted from their homes by the use o* violence. This tragedy, which was born of a flagrant injustice more than 20 years ago, continues to shake our region and to inflict upon our population destruction and suffering. Since June 1957, territories belonging to three States Members of the United Nations have been occupied by Israeli forces, and since that date Israel has continued to sabotage all attempts at a political settlement, continuing its military occupation, multiplying its aggressions and subjecting the inhabitants of the occupied territories to a regime of coercion, violence and terror, defying law, equity and the most elementary humanitarian principles.
123.	The situation in Jerusalem is for us a subject of deep concern. The horizon of that city, so peaceful and holy, familiar to millions of human beings, is today disfigured. A systematic plan aimed at depriving Christendom and Islam of their inalienable rights to the Holy City is applied with obstinacy. Pressures of all kinds are exerted on the Christian and Moslem population to force them to expatriate themselves. By expropriation and confiscation, the occupier seizes property which does not belong to him and whose historic and spiritual value is often beyond estimation. He carries out massive destruction, construction of new habitations, in order to present the international community once again with an accomplished fact. But the same community has categorically condemned the acts which have been undertaken by Israel and has declared that they are illegal and invalid. Several resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council have been adopted in that regard.
124.	The Security Council's most recent resolution, resolution 298 (1971), adopted on 25 September 1971, is eloquent in that respect. That resolution expresses the firm will of the international community to oppose categorically the acquisition of territory by force and any modification of the sacred and universal character of the Holy City.
125.	Everywhere, in Gaza, in Sinai, in Golan, and on the banks of the Jordan, we find the same affecting spectacle of tortures, demolition, destruction of homes and of whole villages, deportations and expulsions of inhabitants, expropriations- and confiscations-all of them contrary to the international conventions and to resolutions of the United Nations.
126.	It is true that Lebanon and Israel are still bound by the General Armistice Agreement of 1949; yet Lebanon considers that it is directly concerned in the establishment of a just, equitable and lasting peace in the Middle East.
127.	For the establishment of a peace, Lebanon is convinced that it would be vain .o seek an equitable and lasting solution without the total evacuation of Israeli forces from the territories occupied since June 1967, and without due respect for the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
128.	Lebanon also considers that until that solution has been achieved, the services, which are already insufficient, provided by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency to the Palestinian refugees, cannot be reduced without grave consequences, and therefore appeals to all Governments to make up the deficit of the Agency by voluntary contributions, Is it necessary to reaffirm once more the responsibility of the international community as a whole in the creation and perpetuation of this human drama, as well as its obligation to alleviate the situation and, in fact, to put an end to it?
129.	At a moment when I am speaking of the conflict in the Middle East, how can I fail to recall and to stress that my country has suffered and continues to suffer from Israeli aggressions under the most fallacious pretexts which entail loss of human life, the lives of innocent civilians, destruction of property and migration of populations? The Security Council has been repeatedly seized of these complaints by Lebanon.
130.	Since June 1967 efforts aimed at bringing about a political settlement have been exerted by the United Nations, by the four great Powers and by other countries. These efforts have been sabotaged by Israel.
131.	By its delays, its evasions, its refusals, Israel has in fact brought the mission of M?arring to a dead end, Has it not already created in the Middle East a state of tension which threatens international peace and security, a situation which is being aggravated day by day?
132.	It is not enough to speak of Israel's defiance of the United Nations and the international community. It is essential to put an end to it.
133.	The United Nations has on several occasions been seized of complaints aimed at putting an end to actions of Israel that violate international law and relevant resolutions adopted by the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Commission on Human Rights. Invariably the international community has condemned Israel. It has been condemned for its aggression against Lebanon and for its behavior in Jerusalem and in the other occupied territories. Its policies and actions have always received condemnation, and severe warnings have been addressed to Israel, On some occasions even very specific threats have been formulated to invoke and apply more effective procedures.
134.	Unfortunately, all those resolutions have remained dead letters. Israel has never complied with them. It continues to act as though the United Nations did not exist, or as though its resolutions had never been adopted. Our Organization is therefore confronted with a situation involving the risk of its losing all the credit it still retains-not only in the eyes of States but also in the eyes of world public opinion,
135.	The choice must be made: to be or not to be. For a country such as Lebanon, which is attached to peace and international order, and which places its hopes in the
United Nations, the alternative Involves no hesitation, The United Nations should not allow any of its Members to scorn and continue scorning its decisions. How can the United Nations allow a representative of a Member State to describe a Security Council debuted on Jerusalem as a scenario? And how can it allow a Minister to say that General Assembly resolutions are us predictable as they are insignificant'/ And how can it allow another Minister to declare that his country will refuse to apply the resolutions of the United Nations even If they are adopted unanimously'?
136, As recently as 26 September 1()71, the Israeli Government rejected resolution 298(1971) on Jerusalem, adopted on the previous day by the Security Council, and declined in the most categorical terms Its absolute refusal to implement it,
137.	The practice of the last 2$ years has unfortunately drawn our Organization away from certain principles of the Charter of the United Nations, The first signatories of the Chatter, the founders of the United Nations, certainly wanted to create a powerful Organization that would be effective and capable of ensuring a new international order, They certainly endowed the Security Council with powerful means of maintaining international peace and security,
138.	In case of a threat to the peace, the Charter, in Chapter VII„ contains provisions on the possible application of sanctions. That Chapter must now be invoked by us and be the center of our concern, because we have unfortunately arrived at a position where only the possibility of applying sanctions can produce salutary results, It is, in our view, high time for the United Nations to react vigorously to obtain respect for international order and also to safeguard its own prestige and authority. If the United Nations fails to do so, I am afraid that international law will become void of any meaning and content and will be entirely supplanted by the law of the jungle. And if force eventually wins in inter-State relations, what nation, no matter how strong it may be, can say it will always be sheltered from insecurity and aggression?
139.	Lebanon, certainly, is a small country. But far from being ashamed of that we claim, on the contrary, on behalf of small States, as a matter of pride and confidence, the privilege of having linked our destiny to law, of having identified our own cause and our own security with the cause of law.
1445. Hie acuteness of the drama in which we of the Middle East live cannot make us overlook the state of international relations in the rest of the world, nor the great political, economic and social problems still confronting our world on the threshold of the decade.
141. Hie representatives who spoke before me expressed from IMS rostrum their concern at the armed conflicts still persisting In various parts of the world. However, timid glimmers of hope appear on the horizon. Prospects of settlement appear in the light of recent contacts among Interested Powers. Lebanon can only rejoice* at all the efforts undertaken in that direction, and we hope and wish that these efforts may bring about a just peace that ensures the primacy of the principles of our Organization and its universality, and also takes into account the political realities and the legitimate rights of peoples,
142,	Last your the Assembly solemnly affirmed, in its Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [molution 2734 (XXV)J> the fundamental principles that must guide States In their conduct, It is important to see that those principles are applied and translated into deeds,
143,	Despite the undeniable achievements and efforts of the United Notions in the field of decolonization, peoples continue to struggle to achieve recognition of their national identity, to accede to freedom and independence. Some timid progress in the negotiations on disarmament, partial agreements and special arrangements recently made - evident signs of the will to attain a detente between antagonistic blocs are welcome, but cannot make us forget the arms race; In history, an arms race has always preceded great conflicts, We are still very far from general and complete disarmament.
144,	Today, the peace of the world rests mainly on reciprocal fear and a balance of terror,
145,	It would be Illusory to aspire to bringing about true international peace without radically confronting the poignant problems of underdevelopment, because it is inadmissible for hundreds of millions of people to continue to live under inhuman conditions, a prey to ignorance, sickness and hunger.
146,	One certainly cannot ignore or minimize the actions undertaken by the United Nations and its various agencies on behalf of economic and social development, but the road before us is still long and difficult because the gap between the standard of living of the developing countries and that of the developed countries is getting wider. Just as a great disparity in the standards of living of the nationals of a country is a source of domestic instability, a great disparity in the standards of living of States is a source of international instability. That is why Lebanon hopes that the next United Nations Conference on Trade and Development will erase the feelings of apprehension which the last such Conference has aroused.
147,	The participation of the People's Republic of China in the work of the United Nations will consolidate intentional co-operation, security and peace. It will no doubt contribute to the realization of the objectives and ideals of our Organization.
148,	Recent developments in relations between India and Pakistan are a matter of grave concern to us. Lebanon, which maintains traditional relations of friendship and co-operation with both India and Pakistan, is convinced that every effort must be exerted to normalize relations between those two great countries 2nd to find a solution to the humanitarian aspects of the situation.
149,	In our world-ever more dominated by the imperatives of power, military or economic, by the narrow demands of national selfishness, implacably caught in servitude to material progress-Lebanon, a small, peaceful
country, firmly believes in the primacy of law and of moral and spiritual values.
150. Situated in a region which was the cradle of the three monotheistic religions, a region at present suffering the ravages of violence resulting from a misguided mysticism of force and racist domination, Lebanon is the land of spontaneous democracy, a country in which several communities coexist in a climate of tolerance, freedom and close co-operation.
13
151. This is why we are firmly convinced that the full and complete implementation of the purposes and principles of our Charter depends upon the place that is to be accorded to these values. It is under these conditions only that we can achieve some day the golden age of humanity, that ancient dream of all mankind for a future of peace and progress in freedom and justice.