90.	 Mr. President, on behalf of my Government I have the great pleasure of addressing to you my warm congratulations on the occasion of your election to preside over the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Your election is certainly a tribute to your country, which on many occasions has been able to demonstrate its devotion to the ideas of the United Nations Charter. My delegation is convinced that thanks to your able guidance and to the wisdom we know to be one of your qualities the General Assembly will acquit itself of its many tasks efficiently and successfully.
91.	.May I also be permitted to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, for the able manner in which he presided over the twenty-seventh session.
92.	I also wish to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, on the faith he has displayed in the discharge of his heavy duties in the service of peace.
93.	And I cannot fail to address a word of welcome to this Assembly of the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, States which I am convinced will make a positive contribution to our work.
94.	At the international level the year 1973 offers two features of great interest to all those who, like the Republic of Upper Volta, have faith in the United Nations. The first feature, which is certainly encouraging, falls under the heading of that detente achieved through bilateral contacts or multilateral meetings which, while they have not always resulted in tangible achievements, have none the less had the advantage of confirming the tendency which has been emerging since last year, namely, the achievement of detente through negotiation. The second feature of international life at the opening of this twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly is somewhat more disturbing. I refer to the persistence or emergence of local conflicts that at any moment could lead to wars on a world-wide scale, as has happened in the past. Our lofty mission in this Assembly is to act in such a way that detente will win out over confrontation, which is most often due to frustration, injustice, a desire for power by States, or disparities in economic and social development. To carry out this mission, it is necessary to turn interstate relations in the direction of the world order envisaged by the Charter. True, this course upon which the United Nations set out more than a quarter of a century ago is long and arduous, but we are convinced that, confronted with the dilemma of war or peace, this august Assembly could not evade its responsibility, which is to maintain international peace and security.
95.	I should like to state once again that my country is convinced more than ever that the United Nations Charter has defined and laid down fundamental purposes and principles which should regulate and strengthen good relations among all peoples. In particular we are in duty bound to work for and to place all the skill of mankind in the service of international peace and security, to respect the independence and sovereignty of States, large and small, to work for the elimination of all forms of oppression and colonial and racial domination, and to create in the developing countries conditions for harmonious economic and social development on a solid basis.
96.	The sad realities of life today show us, however, how far we have departed from these noble objectives. Regions and developments which commanded our attention at our last session are still matters for concern.
97.	Past experience has shown us that our common aspirations for peace and progress would be more easily achieved if the international community were not every day involved in dealing with tensions and confrontations which have overwhelmed certain regions. How much effort and how much money have been wasted in sterile struggles, the only results of which have been to sow insecurity, poverty and desolation in regions which in reality only aspire to peace.
98.	Before this Assembly it is my duty to repeat once again the fact that we should make every possible effort to put an end to the process of decolonization in accordance with the provisions of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), for there is no doubt, whatsoever, that one of the great dangers which at present threaten international peace and security is to be found in the persistence, at a time when all progress requires the freedom and the flourishing of the individual, of systems and regimes founded on colonial and racial domination. The ineffectiveness displayed so far by the United Nations in dealing with the burning colonial problems leads my delegation to think we should turn to new methods of approach that are more realistic and effective so as to accelerate the process of decolonization. That is all the more necessary, inasmuch as the United Nations has recognized both the legitimacy of the armed struggle of the liberation movements and their representative nature. For the time being, we can but restate our indignation and concern at the situation that has been created and maintained in Africa by the colonialist and racist Powers. Portugal still continues to flout with impunity the legitimate wishes of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, and to defy the United Nations. But the armed struggle unleashed in 1961 against Portuguese colonialism in Angola, and subsequently in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique, has entered upon a new phase, thanks to the great victories and the many sacrifices of the peoples of those regions. As a matter of fact, in the liberated areas, new structures have been set in place which are the incarnation of national sovereignty, making possible the work of reconstruction in all sectors of social life, education and production.
99.	Helpless to halt the progress of the national liberation struggle, Portugal does not hesitate to intensify its policy of terror by basely assassinating the leaders and political statesmen of the liberation movements. Thus it was that after Eduardo Mondlane it was Amilcar Cabral who, on 20 January 1973, fell under their blows; and we cannot forget the systematic slaughter of civilian populations in Mozambique, and witnesses have testified to the scope of those massacres. Amilcar Cabral, to whom we wish to pay a tribute from this rostrum, was a soldier aware of his role in the service of his country; a leader and a fighter in Guinea-Bissau, he made an important contribution to the liberation struggle of all of Africa, of which he was a worthy son. The most disturbing fact is that Portugal has succeeded in associating its Western allies of NATO in its colonial wars. As a matter of fact, it is difficult for us to draw a distinction between Portugal and those Powers that supply it with weapons in order to facilitate its colonial enterprises in Africa. Indeed, they are nothing less than accomplices. It goes without saying that this situation continues to constitute a serious threat to international peace and security; hence it is up to the United Nations, in these circumstances, to show that it is and remains a valuable tool of recourse for peoples that have fallen victim to injustice and oppression. This has proven to be all the more necessary, since in neighbouring regions the situation is deteriorating from day to day.
100.	In Rhodesia, while the United Kingdom continues to shirk its obligations by proving itself unable or unwilling to take effective measures to put an end to the illegal Ian Smith regime, the binding sanctions imposed by the Security Council are being violated by Members of the United Nations, and in particular-what is even sadder  —  by permanent States members of the Security Council. The United Nations should do everything in its power to enforce implementation of the sanctions it has adopted.
101.	With respect to Namibia, there is no doubt whatsoever that the repressive measures and the pursuit of the so-called "Bantustan" policy by the racist authorities of
South Africa constitute sources of serious concern. The United Nations here bears a special responsibility, to the extent that, legally speaking, that Territory should be administered by the United Nations pending its attainment of independence. The contacts between the racist South Africa regime and the Secretary-General of the United Nations have produced nothing worthwhile so far. It seems to us, therefore, inappropriate to continue those contacts, which, in the last analysis, do harm to the legitimate interests of the people of Namibia. On the other hand, my country will continue to support the efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia in the fulfilment of the task that has been entrusted to it by our Assembly.
102.	In the field of decolonization we can be gratified at the co-operation existing between the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity. The fruitful conduct of the International Conference of Experts for the Support of Victims of Colonialism and Apartheid in Southern Africa, held at Oslo from 9 to 14 April 1973, is evidence of this. Upper Volta is ready to collaborate to ensure the implementation of the recommendations of that Conference-a Conference which has made an important contribution to the struggle for the liberation of Territories under colonial and racist domination in southern Africa.
103.	In South Africa we are witnessing the violation of human rights as part of a policy of terror in the service of a system universally condemned: apartheid. This doctrine of the supremacy of one race over another is an absurdity in this century, and we shall never cease to combat it. This Assembly has declared that the apartheid system is a crime against humanity, which means, therefore, that any complacency  —  not to mention complicity  —  vis-à-vis South Africa is a challenge flung at the United Nations and the peoples of Africa. Still, throughout this year, one economic and trade mission after another from Western Powers has visited Pretoria and Johannesburg. The economic, financial and military assistance given to the racist minority Government of Pretoria by the NATO Powers enables it to continue and reinforce its apartheid policy. Once again, therefore, we invite those Powers to cut off all assistance to the racist South African regime and to combat it with all the means at their disposal. They can do so if they so desire.
104.	The Middle East continues to be a serious source of apprehension for the international community. In spite of the numerous resolutions that have been adopted, the problem has not changed, and the situation of "no peace, no war" presages nothing good in a region where anything can happen from one moment to the next. The tensions and incidents on both sides of the frontiers between Israel and its neighbour States, the numerous complaints submitted to the Security Council throughout the year, followed by condemnations without any practical effect, are symptoms of the present impasse in the pursuit of an over-all solution to the Middle East problem.
105.	We wish to reaffirm that it is unrealistic to question the political independence and territorial integrity of any State in that region. Similarly, the occupation or acquisition of territories by force is inadmissible and must be condemned. It must also be pointed out that consideration of the fundamental rights of the Palestinians is an indispensable element for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in that region. We must therefore achieve peace, and the successive failures of the numerous efforts undertaken since 1967 must impel us to persevere in the search for that peace, which is so desired by the international community. To this end, we feel that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) constitutes a solid basis for the settlement of the conflict. For the implementation of that resolution it is necessary that there emerge a common will on the part of the parties. But the present impasse, need I recall, unfortunately arises as a result of Israel's refusal to evacuate the Arab territories it has occupied by force, and this is a defiance hurled at our Organization by a State which owes its very existence to the United Nations.
106.	The progressive colonization of those occupied territories as undertaken by Israel is a clear indication of the will of that country to annex, purely and simply, the territories in question. We believe that the international community should not permit that. In any event, as far as we are concerned, we condemn that policy.
107.	In South-East Asia, the Viet-Namese drama has seen a happy change in course ever since January 1973 with the signature in Paris of the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Viet-Nam. My Government can only be gratified at that Agreement, which had been awaited for more than 30 years and followed five years of difficult negotiations, indescribable sufferings and tremendous loss of human life in Viet-Nam.
108.	But today, while the war seems to be at an end, the peace is still to be won. And it is therefore up to the whole of the international community, including the United Nations, which was kept away from the drama, to participate in this fight for the peace.
109.	What peace, we may ask, when in Cambodia everything is still to be done? That country, which was formerly a peaceful one under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who practised a policy of non-alignment, is today engulfed in a fate which was and still is that of Viet-Nam. Upper Volta-and I declare this from this rostrum loud and clear-supports the United National Front of Kampuchea, which effectively controls the major part of the territory of Cambodia. That is why my Government decided on 12 July last to recognize Prince Sihanouk's Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia as the only legitimate authority in Cambodia and to establish .diplomatic relations with it.
110.	Upper Volta has always been anxious to spare no effort in promoting the greatest possible understanding between all States which share its own ideas of frank and friendly co-operation and respect, for the sovereignty of all the parties concerned. It is within that framework that we find the decision of the Upper Volta Government to recognize the Government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legal Government representing the Chinese people as a whole.
111.	At the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, Upper Volta supported the proposal to adjourn the debate on the question of Korea, in the firm hope that the contacts which had been started between the two parties might come to tangible results.
112.	The United Nations has a mission in Korea. That mission is to create by peaceful means a unified, independent and democratic Korea. The United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea, whose mandate was to set up such conditions as would promote that peaceful and independent unification, has so far been unable to carry out the role assigned to it by the General Assembly. For that reason, and in pursuit of conditions that would lead to the unification of Korea, my delegation is of the opinion that it is necessary to dissolve the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. Moreover, all foreign troops would have to be immediately withdrawn from the Republic of Korea as an additional measure in order to diminish tensions and thus promote unification. In the opinion of the delegation of Upper Volta, it is for the two parties themselves to find a negotiated solution to all disputes existing between them and to decide by common agreement upon their ultimate admission to the United Nations.
113.	In Europe, the way realities have developed has led the leaders of the countries of the region to die Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. We believe that the crystallization of those realities will constitute an element of detente in international relations, especially in Europe. Among those relations, we wish to single out the historic fact of the normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. A tragic page in the history of post-war Europe has thus been turned, and we are happy at this.
114.	My country, which maintains diplomatic relations
with the two countries, welcomes the conclusion of the
fundamental Treaty between the two Germanys as a contribution beneficial to detente in Europe. We are happy at the possibility now given to those two great States to play their role in the United Nations in the service of peace, international co-operation and harmony between peoples. Tangible proof was given us this morning in the magnificent speech of Chancellor Willy Brandt of the Federal Republic of Germany [2128th meeting].
115.	On the front of economic and social development, it will soon be 1975-half way through the Second United Nations Development Decade. An assessment of the results achieved so far shows that the objectives defined in the International Development Strategy might well continue to remain so many mirages which only move further away instead of at least giving the illusion of being fixed even if inaccessible.
116.	In reality, even if those goals are achieved, the mean annual per capita income in the developing countries will be only $265, whereas it will be of the order of $3,600 in the developed countries. It is also to be noted that those are averages and that in fact in the least developed developing countries the mean per capita annual income will be of the order of $150.
117.	In spite of the modesty of the goals assigned to the Second Development Decade, there is still much to be desired in the way of achievement.
7 Treaty on the Principles of Relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, done at Berlin on 21 December 1972.
118.	the most recent statistics show that the flow of financial resources, and specifically the real flow of public aid to development, fell in 1972 from 0.35 per cent to 0.34 per cent of the gross national product of member countries of the Development Assistance Committee of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. In percentages of the gross national product of members of that Committee, the total flow of resources fell from 0.82 per cent in 1971 to 0.77 per cent in 1972. If account is taken of the increase in prices and shifts in parities, the real value of public assistance for development will have decreased by 15 per cent between 1961 and 1971.
119.	All these elements merely serve to emphasize even more the need for the inclusion in any reform of the monetary systems of a link between special drawing rights and additional financing for development.
120.	As regards the untying of aid, my delegation has taken good note of the assurance given by the countries concerned to the Committee on Invisibles and Financing Related to Trade of the Trade and Development Board that negotiations will soon be resumed with a view to a total untying of financial aid to development. Until such time as agreement is brought about, my delegation expresses the hope that certain countries will singly or in groups adopt unilateral measures designed to attenuate the harmful effects of tying aid to the purchase of goods and services in the donor countries. In our opinion, all donor countries can and should commit themselves to untying by 1975 the sums provided by public aid and by contributions to international financial institutions.
121.	It is amply evident that the increase in the volume of financial contributions and the easing of the conditions and modalities for the provision of these contributions are of capital importance in view of the needs of the developing countries.
122.	Accordingly, all the developed countries should accept the target of 1 per cent and commit themselves to reaching it in 1975 at the latest. Similarly, in regard to public aid to development, as was stated by the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development at the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD]
"... in order to raise the Rows of official development assistance from the current 0.35 per cent to the 0.7 per cent target, the developed countries would need to devote only about 1.5 per cent of the amount by which they themselves would grow richer during the decade."
123.	The winding down of the development effort has taken the form of increasing difficulties within the multilateral financial institutions; thus the reconstitution of the resources of the International Development Association has not yet been brought about. The United Nations Development Programme has seen its global resources reach a level very much below the projections accepted by all its member States, in spite of the highly laudable efforts made by certain developed countries, especially the Scandinavian countries. As a consequence, the activities of certain organs and specialized agencies have been seriously compromised.
124.	These negative trends must be halted and reversed if the international community intends to achieve the goals1 set for the Second Development Decade.
125.	The developing countries have also had a serious reduction in their share of world trade. That share has fallen from 30 per cent in 1950 to 17 per cent in 1970. The various series of multilateral trade negotiations within the framework of GATT aimed at and had as a result only the solution of trade problems of industrialized countries, in defiance and to the detriment of the vital trading interests of the developing countries. My delegation is of the opinion that the whole of the international community should be mobilized in order to see to it that the Nixon Round does not content itself with seeking solutions to the trade problems of developed countries, as the Kennedy Round did. The negotiations should attempt in particular to provide a serious solution for the trade problems of developing countries and to give the developing countries net additional advantages, an increased share in world trade, a diversification of their exports and an expansion of the generalized system of preferences.
126.	As regards commodities, though we may be gratified at the clear improvement that was felt late in 1972 and the first six months of 1973 in world markets in those commodities, we are bound to recognize that the surge in prices has benefited only the transnational corporations  —   and, therefore, the developed countries-and not the producer countries. The rise occurred after several successive years of depressed rates and could have represented an important contribution to the economies of the exporting countries. My delegation hopes that in the light of those rates and of a more equitable level for producer countries, existing agreements will be reconsidered for the purpose of guaranteeing exporting countries fairer prices than those contained in the agreements.
127.	In spite of the temporary rise in prices of certain commodities, the prices of other commodities-including tea, bananas, lemons and manganese  —  have remained at their low levels.
128.	Negotiations in progress for the reform of the international monetary s-'stem and the Nixon Round under the auspices of GATT offer the international community an opportunity for decisive action concretely to promote the goals of the International Development Strategy.
129.	In accordance with the provisions of UNCTAD resolution 84(111),  it is vital for problems of trade, financing, development and the monetary system to be resolved in a co-ordinated fashion with the full and entire participation of developed and developing countries in all phases of the discussions and decisions. As we indicated at the meetings of the UNCTAD Trade and Development Board, my delegation is convinced that such co-ordination can be effectively guaranteed only at the intergovernmental level. We hope that consultations will take place on this matter in such a way that a solution acceptable to the developing countries can be formulated..
130.	As regards the least developed among the developing countries, the results of the first three years of the Second Development Decade show that in practically all cases there has been little or no over-all growth, while in certain countries there has actually been a sharp decline in per capita income.
131.	My delegation has taken due note of the pertinent recommendations made by the Development Assistance Committee with respect to the conditions for granting assistance to such countries. This is a highly modest effort which has still to be implemented by the great majority of the members of the Development Assistance Committee. It is to be hoped that the easing of conditions for providing capital will be accompanied by a substantial increase in the resources destined for those countries, both bilateral and multilateral. I am thinking of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Development Association, the International Monetary Fund, regional development banks, the International Finance Corporation, and so on. In spite of all the debates in all international forums, and the unreserved support of all member countries, the international financial institutions are still far from responding to the expectations of the least developed countries. My delegation hopes that this is a temporary maladjustment which will be corrected in accordance with the unanimous wish of the whole of the international community, as expressed at all international meetings since the third session of UNCTAD.
132.	My delegation is also awaiting with interest the implementation of the specific commitments undertaken by the socialist countries of Eastern Europe.
133.	The world is at present going through a food crisis, which is aggravated by the feverish rise in prices for urgently needed commodities. It is necessary for the whole of the international community to seek a concerted solution to this problem, which is vital and urgent for two thirds of mankind. As the Director-General of the Food and Agricultural Organization [FAOJ emphasized in his speech before the fifty-fifth session of the Economic and Social Council, for 20 years the stocks of cereals have never been so low nor the prices so high. He said:
"The minimum anticipated needs for wheat in 1973-1974 cannot be covered through present production. There is also a shortage of rice, and cereals for animal feed may well be in short supply. ... In fact, are we to see in the next few months a world-wide shortage of cereals in the event of a bad harvest in one of the principal producing regions ...?
"It is no longer possible to tolerate that the world should be subjected to a system of international rationing through prices during periods of shortage  —  in other words, to a system which would permit the richest or those who have come first to be served first and walk away with the biggest piece."1o
10 For a summary of this statement, see Official Records of the Economic and Social Council, Fifty-fifth Session, 1861st meeting.
134.	Indeed, affluence has drawn food-stuffs to the countries which are able to pay-to the rich and developed countries of the north. The cereal crisis has not yet been sufficiently considered for an appropriate solution to be found. We are of the opinion that it would not be wise for the international community simply to leave it to the caprices of the monsoons, which may or may not come. It seems to us that the problem is far more serious and that is why Upper Volta supports the proposal of FAO to establish a cereal bank which would stock the surplus in times of over-production and make it available for consumption during lean periods.
135.	That is the only international measure which would ensure an appropriate solution to the problem. The developed countries, which are major producers of cereals, have here an opportunity to manifest their interest in the solution of this problem, which is hanging like a sword of Damocles over the heads of the poor developing countries, which are helpless before this problem, the solution of which goes far beyond their respective national capacities.
136.	Pending a concerted solution to the food crisis, any restrictive measures in regard to production and stockpiling should be postponed.
137.	In this respect my delegation gives its full support to the proposal of the United States to convene in 1974 a conference which would discuss the ways and means to maintain food-stuff production at an appropriate level and to mobilize the efforts of all countries to deal with famine and malnutrition resulting from natural calamities
138.	In Upper Volta and in the five other countries of the Sudano-Sahelian zone, drought has caused ravages among the 20 million inhabitants, their animals and their subsistence economies. Hundreds of persons have perished from thirst, hunger and diseases which have found easy prey among persons weakened by hunger. Millions of animals have perished, representing in practically all of these countries more than 80 per cent of' their livestock  —   and trade in livestock constitutes their principal source of export income. Indeed all the peasants of the Sudano- Sahelian zone supplemented their raising of livestock by a little crop-growing for local consumption. In fact food imports were already sapping the modest currency resources of these six countries. The foreign currency income depended in part upon the value of products which were constantly decreasing in price on the world market, such as peanuts and cotton. It is in that context that we have to consider the causes, the effects and the ways to remedy the situation in these countries. I should like solemnly to thank here all those that have responded to the appeal of the populations affected by the drought, be they countries, governmental or non-governmental organizations or private individuals. This spontaneous and generous reaction on the part of international solidarity has saved thousands of human lives and has strengthened the faith of these populations in what man can do for himself and for his neighbours.
139.	However, the consequences of this drought remain with us. Even if the food production this year was better than that of the previous four years, it will not be sufficient to cover the needs of the consumers. Moreover, the countries affected by the drought have defined the medium-term and long-term measures for initiating the rehabilitation and the accelerated development of the countries of the Sudano-Sahelian region through the reconstitution of production capital: the regeneration of soil and the reconstitution of the herds and of the productive forces of the working masses.
140.	1 shall not go into the specific details of the measures proposed by the Heads of State of the countries of the zone. Indeed, the Head of State of Upper Volta, President Sangoule Lamizana, designated by his peers, will have an opportunity of speaking here on 9 October for the purpose of presenting the measures agreed upon by the six countries.
141.	For all the countries afflicted, this drought is a brutal blow in the sense of a deterioration of the ecological conditions of the soil as well as the living conditions of the populations. If the emergency measures have made it possible to solve urgent supply problems temporarily, at present the assistance of the international community must be sought in order to make it possible to bring about the implementation of measures through which these countries will build solid economies enabling them in the future to deal with and overcome calamities of this kind. The international community had already firmly committed itself to helping practically all these countries within the context of measures oriented towards the least developed countries. Only urgent and comprehensive implementation of all these measures, especially commercial and financial, will make it possible for these countries to approach, however modestly, the goals defined in the International Development Strategy. The international community can only turn to the developed countries and ask them to show the political will that is necessary to enable the populations concerned to reach a threshold of development placing them beyond the calamities that would otherwise be uncontrollable, even though they are foreseeable.
142.	Thanks to the actions of certain peace-loving and freedom-loving countries, the United Nations has been able to prevent international disputes from deteriorating dangerously and sometimes has thus made it possible for conditions to be established for a final settlement.
143.	However, we have to work even harder in order to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations to influence events so that a spirit of detente and peace may prevail throughout the world.
144.	My delegation firmly hopes that the present session of the General Assembly will do everything in its power to give effect to measures which are genuinely applicable in regard to the maintenance of peace, co-operation, justice and the dignity of man.


 Mr. President, your election to preside over this important Assembly gives immense pleasure to the delegation of Costa Rica. This is a just tribute to your country, the sister Republic of Ecuador, and a well-earned recognition of your personal attributes as a distinguished internationalist and an experienced fighter for peace, and justice among nations both in and out of the United Nations.
2.	Mr. President, to echo the words of your inaugural statement [2117th meeting], the delegation of Costa Rica also wishes to express its sorrow at the recent deaths of two Heads of State: the constitutional President of Chile, Mr. Salvador Allende, and His Majesty King Gustav VI Adolf of Sweden.
3.	My country enjoys cordial diplomatic relations with the Federal Republic of Germany, which it has done since its inception, and has had relations with the German Democratic Republic for the last year. We are happy now to offer a warm welcome to the representatives of those two recently admitted Members of our Organization. Their admission represents an important step towards making the United Nations truly universal. The fact that the necessary agreement was arrived a'/ between the two German States to permit their simultaneous admission is further proof of the relaxation of tension that kept the world divided into two antagonistic and apparently irreconcilable ideological blocs. The presence in this hall of the representatives of the two Germanys is a comforting symbol of the fact that the "cold war" has almost entirely given way to peaceful coexistence.
4.	The progressive liquidation of colonialism allows us also to tender our welcome to a new American State: the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. We wish that young nation the greatest success and we also hope that it will very soon be admitted to our own regional organization, the Organization of American States [OAS], where all free and
 independent States of this hemisphere have the right to be represented.
5.	My delegation voted enthusiastically in favour of resolution 2937 (XXVII). which expressed the desire of the General Assembly that the People's Republic of Bangladesh be admitted as a Member of the United Nations. We did so with the certainty that its Government would do everything possible to comply with Security Council resolution 307 (1971) on the just settlement of the problems flowing from the armed strife and on the repatriation of prisoners of war. We confidently hope that when the Security Council deals with the matter again, its members will unanimously recommend the admission to the United Nations of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.
6.	Costa Rica encourages the aspirations of the Korean people to a prompt reunification of their ancient country, today divided into two States: the Republic of Korea, in the south, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, in the north. We in Costa Rica, too, would like this reunification to be carried out through peaceful means, without foreign interference, and by the application of a formula which will permit the two Koreas — and all the Korean people — freely to decide what they prefer concerning the organization of a single State of Korea, and the form of government and the economic and social structure that will be best suited to the present historical reality and the just aspirations of that sorely beset nation.
7.	The dialogue between the organizations of the Red Cross of the North and of the South of Korea, which started in 1971, fortunately culminated in July 1972 with a joint communiqué and with the formation of a North and South Korean Co-ordinating Committee. We trust that the dialogue between them will continue to be governed by a spirit of co-operation in order to overcome the obstacles that for 27 years have kept the Korean people divided.
8.	This direct dialogue can advantageously replace the good offices of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. And in accordance with the hope that I expressed earlier that it will be the Koreans themselves who will solve their great problem, my Government is ready to vote for the dissolution of that Commission, as its own members have recommended.
9.	However, my delegation does not believe that the moment has now arrived also to dissolve the United Nations Command in Korea, created by Security Council resolution 84(1950) of 7 July 1950. Our view is based on the fact
that it was that joint Command-representing the United Nations as the only counterpart of the forces of North Korea and of the People's Republic of China-which signed the Armistice Agreement in 1953. For that reason we believe that the premature dissolution of the Command, before negotiation on agreements constituting a valid alternative to the Armistice Agreement, might endanger all the complicated arrangements that have kept the cease-fire in force for the last 20 years.
10.	The Costa Rican delegation, of course, which desires to have the Koreans settle their own affairs themselves, would be ready to vote in favour of the dissolution of the United Nations Command when the representatives of the two Korean States officially notify the Security Council that they consider the Command no longer necessary.
11.	Since the question of Korea appears on the agenda of the Assembly this year [item 41], we trust that, in the debate that will be held on the matter, representatives of the two Korean States will participate, enjoying the same rights and the same obligations.
12.	Costa Rica has repeatedly stated its adherence to the principle of universality for our Organization. We believe that for the peace of the world and for a more effective functioning of the United Nations it is indispensable that all independent States with duly recognized Governments of their own be admitted to membership. It is for those reasons that my delegation is ready to support warmly the admission to the United Nations of both the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. My Government believes that full participation in our work by the two Korean States, far from being an obstacle, would make it easier to hold new dialogues to bring about the peaceful reunification of the great Korean nation.
13.	In the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization, our efficient Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, reminds us that the original concept of the United Nations was that of "an organization of which the primary function was to maintain, and if necessary impose, international peace and security..."
14.	Now, although Mr. Waldheim recognizes that this concept has been expanded by the adoption of long- and medium-range targets, he contends that the first duty of the United Nations still is "the day-to-day effort to maintain peace and security [ibid.] —  and it could be no other, for without a truly peaceful atmosphere, other international activities cannot be adequately developed. It is for those reasons that it is appropriate that at each session of the General Assembly we think deeply about the meaning of peace and the ways of achieving it.
15.	It has been repeatedly stated that peace is more than a mere absence of war. It is, rather, the fruit of justice. In modern days, in accordance with the thinking of His Holiness the Pope, peace has become the new name for development As a fruit of justice and the leaven of development, peace has its own channels, the main one being dialogue, communication among men. Genuine dialogue is impossible without honesty and sincerity. When it is achieved no problem bessetting human relations, however difficult it might appear, is insoluble, and thus we see the great value of the word, the spoken word, the sign of the greatness of the individual and the indispensable bridge for the legitimate progress of mankind.
16.	War breaks out when words end, or, rather, when man decides to shatter his communications with other men. When we cease to hear words we begin to hear the rattling of machine-guns and the roar of cannon, and we see the realm of death take over and barbarism reign. In other words, barbarism begins when words die. Culture is words, culture is dialogue; barbarism is lack of communication.
17.	And herein lies the importance and fruitfulness of the United Nations at the world level, and of the OAS and other similar organizations at the regional level. Although they do not solve all international problems, their mere existence as forums for a dialogue among peoples is an extremely important element for peace. When there is the possibility of a dialogue, then there is hope for peace. Peace began to be seen in Viet-Nam when the North Americans and the North Viet-Namese declared themselves ready to talk. Peace has not yet been able to prevail in the Middle East because it has not been possible to establish a direct dialogue between Arabs and Israelis.
18.	In Central America peace now appears promising since the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Honduras and El Salvador have begun a dialogue in Washington and in Mexico.
19.	And, as I said earlier, the talks initiated in Korea by the Red Cross organizations of the North and the South promise to be an effective instrument for the peaceful reunification of the peninsula.
20.	As a United Nations Member in good standing, Costa Rica struggles everywhere to ensure the consolidation of peace, and that is why we have started a dialogue with all those countries which wish to speak with us, without considering their political ideology or their form of government. We are convinced that it is not necessary to possess a nuclear arsenal or to be a world economic power in order to possess a voice that can be heard, supporting and encouraging peace. Even small nations like my own, with clear-cut historic vision and a tradition against war, can and should raise the standard of peace.
21.	For my Government peace will continue to be the ultimate objective of all our activities, both domestically and externally, and thus we daily feel more identified with the primary task of the United Nations.
22.	All the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations are the bases and beacons of our foreign policy. It is for that reason that this year Costa Rica, with the unanimous support of the Latin American group of States, has decided to put forward its candidacy for one of the elective seats in the Security Council. We are thus trying to show my country's readiness to accept its part of the general responsibilities of the United Nations. Were we to be elected we would make the greatest effort in that post to interpret the feelings and aspirations to peace, justice and development that imbue the peoples of Latin America,
whose representatives would be choosing us to represent the entire region.
23.	In the course of the general debate at the twenty- seventh session of the General Assembly, note was taken with satisfaction of the favourable way in which relations among the great Powers had evolved. We pointed out then that tensions between the East and the West were being reduced, tensions which for years had kept us plunged in the cold war and which at times seemed to be pushing the world towards nuclear holocaust.
24.	At this new session we can again state that the detente between the East and the West has continued to grow in even more favourable conditions. The end of the war in Viet-Nam, the treaties on the normalization of relations among European States, the agreements between the United States and the Soviet Union on the limitation of strategic weapons, and the holding of the first phase of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe are just so many more encouraging symptoms of an improved atmosphere for world peace. Never have we been so close to putting into effect President Nixon's idea that the era of negotiation must replace the era of confrontation.
25.	But the truth of the matter is that while tension between the East and West has been considerably reduced, the underlying tension between the North and the South is emerging and becoming more acute. While the great Powers seem to find a balance of coexistence in the administration of their own welfare, there is growing dissatisfaction on the
- part of the under-developed nations with the exploitation of which, consciously or unconsciously, the industrialized, capitalistic or socialistic nations have made them the victims.
26.	At the sessions of the United Nations Conferences on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] the paradox-albeit an understandable one — has become evident that there is an association among the governments in the north of the northern hemisphere, which have achieved a high degree of development, vis-à-vis the just claims of the nations in the south, which are beginning to be aware of the fact that their lack of union is a main cause of their backwardness.
27.	The northern nations, regardless of their political ideology, represent conservatism in the struggle for world development. But this should be no surprise. The wealthy States always tend to be conservative. They have too much personal well-being to safeguard. On the other hand, the countries of the south-where, geographically, all the countries of the third world are located-tend to be revolutionary. Since they are poor and backward they feel compelled to liquidate the national and international structures that hinder their development. Confronted by the inequity of world trade and the lack of true, multinational economic co-operation, the winds of revolution blow increasingly stronger from the south to the north.
28.	It is for those reasons that I repeat that this new process of the convergence of forces is rapidly changing the axis of international tensions. Until a short time ago, primarily for ideological and sometimes for dogmatic reasons, the axis ran from east to west. But because of the struggle against under-development, the axis of world tensions has switched and now goes from south to north.
29.	A short while ago I stated in Mexico that the greatest threat to peace was no longer nuclear weapons, which seem to have found in the balance of terror their own form of coexistence. The greatest threat to international peace and security — a threat which is far more explosive than even nuclear fusion itself — is the extreme poverty suffered by the great masses living in the southern hemisphere of the globe.
30.	The despair of more than 2,000 million inhabitants living miserably in the under-developed nations composing the third world constitutes the greatest challenge to the new system of peaceful coexistence advocated by the great Powers.
31.	But to maintain that peaceful coexistence — one we all desire — it. is imperative that we increase international co-operation for development, without ties, and establish a truly equitable foreign trade. Otherwise, the frustration of the peoples of the third world will become so acute that the tensions between the south and the north will grow, and very soon the world will find itself radically divided into two camps of a new "cold war" with much more fatal consequences than those suffered by mankind because of the already reduced tensions that existed in the previous "cold war" between east and west.
32.	We are confronted now by a new session of the General Assembly and yet, unfortunately, no progress has been made in the establishment of peace in the Middle East. Despite the efforts made by our Organization, Security Council resolution 242(1967) still has not been implemented.
33.	We must repeat to this Assembly our conviction that any solution sought to overcome the crisis of the Middle East must fit fully within the terms of reference of resolution 242(1967). That resolution combines in a balanced fashion three basic principles for peace in the Levant. Those are: (a) the principle of non-recognition of the acquisition of territory occupied by force; (b) the need to respect the sovereignty of all States of the region within recognized and secure boundaries; and (c) the just solution of the problem of the displaced Palestinians.
34.	We believe that until a final solution is found, efforts should be redoubled to open the Suez Canal. The closing of the Canal has caused great economic losses not only to the countries concerned in the controversy of the Middle East, but also to the entire international community.
35.	This year, as every year, we raise our voices in favour of general and complete disarmament under international control. By such an achievement not only would we safeguard mankind from the shadow of terror projected by war potential, but it would be possible for part of the $200 billion a year devoted to the purchase of weaponry to be devoted to international assistance, which — and this bears repetition — constitutes a duty and not philanthropy. It is a duty because, by such assistance, the industrialized nations, which are the ones that spend the most on weaponry, would be in a position to give back to the developing countries part of what they have extracted from them in order to help build their own development and power.
36.	We regret the fact that despite the progressive detente to which we have referred with great encouragement, it has not progressed to the point of making disarmament possible. Costa Rica has supported and will continue to support the idea of holding a world disarmament conference. We do not lose hope at the misgivings that are expressed by some of the great Powers concerning the convening of such a conference. But realistically speaking, we do not expect it to be held without the necessary preparation. It is lamentable that the Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference, appointed by the President of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, has not progressed in the task entrusted to it, particularly because of the refusal of four of the five nuclear Powers to participate in its deliberations, namely, the United States, China, France and the United Kingdom.
37.	As a Latin American nation, Costa Rica is proud to be an active party to the 1967 Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco), which has established in our region the only zone free of nuclear weapons. My delegation is gratified that in the course of the last year France and the People's Republic of China have joined the United States of America and the United Kingdom in signing Additional Protocol II: to the Treaty of Tlatelolco. We regret the fact that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has not as yet seen fit to do so.
38.	Since the end of the Second World War, more than 70 nations which had been under the colonial yoke have achieved their independence and are today Members of the United Nations. But that triumph of the principle of self-determination of peoples cannot fully satisfy us until the process of decolonization which was set in motion by the United Nations has been completed. My delegation will continue to give its whole-hearted support to the nations that struggle to achieve their complete independence.
39.	True to its tradition and being a determined partisan of the right of all peoples to choose their own future without outside pressure, Costa Rica repeats its support for the resolutions of the Security Council condemning all types of colonial policies. We also reaffirm our respect for the sanctions decreed against the illegal regime of Southern Rhodesia and also for the validity and purpose of the resolutions approved by this Assembly, which has repeatedly repudiated any form of racial discrimination and apartheid.
40.	I cannot pass over in silence the existence of the problem of Gibraltar, the last of the colonies on European soil. It is our duty to ask for the application to Gibraltar of the United Nations doctrine on decolonization in order to restore the territorial integrity of Spain. Thus, we hope that as promptly as possible the United Kingdom will declare itself ready to resume the negotiations with Spain called for in the resolutions of the General Assembly, in order to put and end to the colonial situation, a remnant of an anachronistic past, which continues to exist in Gibraltar.
41.	This year we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Surely this would be an appropriate moment to ponder the great principles contained in that valuable document as well as the way it has been either applied or set aside by some.
42.	History shows that ethical codes have always preceded ethical conduct, because societies need time to be educated and to assimilate more noble norms. And even after that, perfection is never achieved. Therefore, we should not be discouraged by the differences that we note in many nations, differences between the principles that were solemnly proclaimed a quarter of a century ago and the respect shown or not shown for those norms of conduct today.
43.	The shadow of the totalitarian oppression unleashed by nazism and fascism led to the unanimous adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. That document was intended to sum up the separation between freedom and slavery, peace and violence, justice and injustice, full development of the human personality and its mutilation.
44.	The Declaration, in admirably precise language, defined the minimum framework of rights within which human dignity can develop. The minimum includes the right to equality, freedom, economic well being and to receive fraternal treatment from other members of the human family.
45.	Article 1, paragraph 3 of the Charter of the United Nations sets out as one of the main goals of the United Nations the following principle:
"To achieve international co-operation... in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion".
46.	But since the Charter itself does not specify which are those human rights and fundamental freedoms which it is a basic responsibility of the Organization to promote and respect, Costa Rica believes that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights interprets the meaning of those terms, and thus it is incorporated in the Charter.
47.	Although the Declaration itself is not a binding series of rules for Members of the United Nations, as an interpretive document of the norms of the Charter that are binding it does share that binding character which calls for its observance.
48.	States Members cannot claim ignorance of human rights and fundamental freedoms which they themselves promised to encourage when they adopted the Charter. When agreeing to the Declaration, they approved the list of rights and freedoms included among the terms of Article 1, paragraph 3 of the Charter that I have mentioned, and they therefore accepted the obligation of ensuring their recognition and universal and effective application through progressive national and international measures. It is in this way that Costa Rica interprets the situation and, at least as far as we are concerned, the ethical norms included in the Declaration of Human Rights are juridical mandates that cannot be shirked.
49.	It is obvious that the dignity of man cannot be fully achieved merely by stating classic civil or political rights, or even by applying them. Human freedom is incomplete and may be spurned by others unless the individual enjoys a decent standard of living. We can also state that in the international field a country is not sufficiently respected, although it may be politically independent, unless, through its work and by its trade with other countries, it is able worthily to maintain the life of its citizens.
50.	Furthermore, it is also an obvious fact that to achieve a standard of living that is adequate for all members of society, a high degree of economic development is required. Thus we can echo the words of the late President Kennedy that development is another name for freedom. Human rights in their economic and social aspects can be achieved only if high production is combined with just distribution.
51.	President Figueres of Costa Rica has quite correctly stated:
"Before the industrial revolution it was inconceivable that there would be sufficient goods and services. Tacitly it was accepted by all except a few reformers that the work of the community could not produce more than was necessary for the welfare of a privileged minority. But today, for the first time in human history, some countries are producing enough for all their citizens. The poor nations, which still constitute the majority of mankind, wish to do the same. They, too, wish to develop.
"It is in the common interest of all peoples and for the harmony of the human family that these backward nations should be allowed to develop. Economic and social rights cannot be universally exercised until the co-ordinated work of mankind produces sufficient goods and services to meet the needs of all peoples."
52.	For these economic and social rights to be fully implemented by States, they must possess the enormous financial and technical resources that only development can provide. That is why the under-developed nations cannot make human rights fully effective and why the developing nations must be assisted internationally so that, by accelerating their economic and social growth, they will be in a position to comply with the covenants that they have signed.
53.	Costa Rica regrets that the International Covenants on Human Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex J have not yet been ratified by a sufficient number of countries for them to enter into force. We take advantage of this opportunity respectfully to call on the States that have not yet ratified the Covenants to try to do so as soon as possible.
54.	Eloquently to commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Costa Rica — which sponsored the draft resolution proposing the creation of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights2 -urges this Assembly and its Third Committee not to continue to postpone the study of this matter and to decide once and for all to give final approval to an important instrument for ensuring co-operation in bringing about respect for human rights.
55.	Costa Rica hopes that the United Nations will soon make a reality of the charter on economic rights and duties
3.
of States. This initiative, taken by President Echeverrfa of Mexico at the third session of UNCTAD, has the wholehearted support of my delegation because, as the distinguished proponent stated, a just order and a stable world are not possible until obligations and duties are established to protect economically weak States.
56.	Such a charter must include the duty of the industrialized States to give more equitable treatment to the under-developed nations in their trade relations, because trade among the wealthy and the poor nations should be the best instrument for uniform world development. If economic and social rights were universally implemented, one hour of human work done in one country could be exchanged for one hour of human work done in another. This rule — which, we recognize, is a far-distant target- could nevertheless give many economically backward countries all the income necessary for development.
57.	But against that thesis it will be argued that, in the majority of activities, the yield of one hour of work largely depends on the capital invested in the worker and also on the amount of technology utilized. For example, a good operator with an automatic shovel moves a hundred times Imore earth than a poor worker with a hand shovel; and, therefore, the same payment cannot be given to the skilled worker as to the unskilled labourer.
58.	However, in the advanced societies salary levels rise without taking the individual yield specifically into account. There are activities in which the man-hour yield has multiplied, such as in the steel industry. But there are other activities in which there has been no increase in man-hour productivity, as in the case of barbers, teachers, or musicians. But the salaries of all have grown more or less uniformly. Obviously, salaries and fees have been related to the increase in the productivity of the economy as a whole. The barber who shaves the mechanic is indirectly producing steel. This is in keeping with the aspirations of States to economic and social rights.
59.	If mankind were integrated the same principle should apply internationally, and although it might appear to be a pipe-dream today, there is no moral reason why the Costa Rican peasant who produces coffee — on which the mechanic in Detroit breakfasts and then goes to build a truck to transport grain-should earn less — up to 20 times less — than his American colleague. The just role should be "equal pay for equal effort".
60.	President Figueres has pointed out repeatedly that the advanced societies hate even the least vestiges of slave labour, and the minimum wage laws prevent employers from buying cheap labour, even when foreign workers are in abundance. But they do not apply this idea to foreign trade. President Figueres has stated:
"The efforts of a vast number of workers receiving subsistence payment are purchased by the wealthy nations in the form of raw materials, and particularly
agricultural materials. Free trade is allowed between private importers who negotiate from a position of strength in a wealthy economy and private exporters who reflect the weakness of a poor nation. Private exporters in a poor country do not feel responsible for the welfare of their people. Their main interest is to maintain the highest possible margin between what they pay national producers or workers and the price they obtain from the foreign importers. As far as they are concerned, exporting is good business at any level of price or salary; and thus, unintentionally, they delay economic development and social improvement".
61.	As long as international trade accentuates the impoverishment of the under-developed nations, it is indispensable that we continue to compensate for the imbalance by means of so-called foreign aid. Even if the terms of trade were to improve, it would still be necessary to give financial assistance to the developing countries to compensate them for the drain on their wealth during centuries of commercial exploitation.
62.	In the First United Nations Development Decade this foreign aid was assessed at about 1 per cent of the gross national product of the industrialized nations; but that target was not reached. Now it has been assessed at 0.70 per cent; and yet not even 0.35 per cent has been reached. It should be much higher if we truly wish to bridge the increasing gap between the poor and the wealthy countries.
63.	What chances are there of increasing foreign aid? That depends on the way in which world peace is strengthened. In point of fact, the national product of a developed country is used to pay three types of expenditure: those required to maintain the rate of development of domestic life; military expenses; and those amounts needed to encourage international development.
64.	In order to increase the amount of any of those categories in any appreciable form, one or both of the others would have to be reduced. What has thus far been
sacrificed is international development, because, politically, it is the least important. For obvious domestic reasons it is very difficult to reduce expenditures intended to maintain the growth of the standard of living; and for international reasons it has been considered a risk to reduce military expenditures.
65.	Nevertheless, even though the expectation is not at all realistic, what will have to be reduced some day is, precisely, expenditure on warfare. Now that we -are enjoying the results of a great detente among the superpowers it should be less difficult to reduce military expenditure.
66.	As President Figueres has pointed out,
'The arithmetic of this affair is almost childish. If we could reduce by one-half the present expenditure on war, there would be a budget left over sufficient to maintain order and to continue the exploration of space, the atom, the sea-bed and the very heart of the earth.
"If we could cut expenditure on warfare by half, the most developed nations, without sacrificing their standard of living or their rate of growth, could devote the resources thus saved to development abroad. If all nations did likewise, as they should, perhaps in less than a half-century our planet could glory in the flowering of the Great Human Society."
67.	Although there remains a long road to travel, the greatness of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights sheds its light along the road to progress in this last quarter of the century.
68.	The enjoyment of human rights makes economic and social development an absolute necessity. Development forces us not only to correct the internal causes of poverty in nations, but also to review the entire gamut of economic relationships between the rich countries and the underdeveloped ones.
69.	Since it is difficult to change some of those relationships, it becomes necessary, as a substitute therefore, to offer some general compensation over a long period of time in the form of foreign aid. And as President Figueres of Costa Rica has said:
"Any great increase in foreign aid depends in large measure on the possibility of reducing expenditure for war. This is not at all surprising. Human rights and world peace dwell together in the hearts of men. Together they represent the great goal of the United Nations. Peace helps development. Development engenders peace. Each is a cause and each an effect. They reinforce each other. Their common destiny is the rule of human rights."