It
gives me great pleasure to convey to you, Sir, and to
your friendly country, Saint Lucia, our sincere
congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. I am
confident that your great skills and abilities will
guarantee the success of our proceedings at this
session. I also would like to express to your
predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, deep appreciation for his
remarkable stewardship of the fifty-seventh session.
I would also like to take this opportunity to
extend to Mr. Kofi Annan, Secretary-General of the
United Nations, our thanks and appreciation for his
tireless efforts to strengthen the role of our
Organization in order to enable it to attain its
objectives of achieving peace, security and
development in the world.
Since the opening of the previous Assembly
session, the world has witnessed a series of
developments that have contributed to the further
deterioration of global security and stability. Crises and
conflicts are proliferating, while there has been an
increase in poverty and exclusion and in the spread of
disease in many parts of the world. Faced with this
array of challenges, the international community is
called upon to assume its responsibilities and take
resolute action. All Member States must renew their
commitment to the noble principles enshrined in the
Charter of the United Nations, work together in the
framework of an international consensus to strengthen
the role of our Organization in the maintenance of
peace and security and find solutions to current
international issues. We are convinced that that is the
best way to ensure that the world is governed by the
principles of dialogue, cooperation and consensus.
The new challenges facing the international
community and the necessity of establishing relations
based on justice, equity and harmony, demand that we
unite our efforts to ensure that the United Nations
remains the framework for our common endeavours to
preserve peace and security — the embodiment of
international law, to which all countries must be
committed and which they must implement in a non-
selective manner, without double standards.
These new challenges also require the United
Nations to enhance its efficiency and improve its
working methods, taking into account the noble
principles enshrined in the Charter, by strengthening its
main organs, particularly the Security Council, which
must regain its credibility with regard to the maintenance
of international peace and security, and by revitalizing
and enhancing the role of the General Assembly in the
interests of peace, security and development.
In this regard, we support the Secretary-General’s
call to accelerate the introduction of necessary reforms,
and we stress that Tunisia, which has participated in
the past in the debate on these reforms, stands ready to
continue to contribute effectively to international
efforts aimed at achieving this objective, which is now
more urgent than ever.
We are convinced that the deterioration of the
global situation requires the international community to
adopt a comprehensive and multidimensional approach,
based on the interdependence of peace and security on
the one hand, and development on the other. We
believe that peace and security cannot prevail
throughout the world unless the development needs of
all peoples are addressed. We also recognize that
development cannot be achieved in the absence of
security and peace for all.
Of course the pursuit of such an objective will
require all members of the international community to
pool their efforts and show greater solidarity so as to
eliminate the root causes of tension and to eradicate
poverty and deprivation, which are breeding grounds
for trouble and instability.
Since the change of 7 November 1987, Tunisia
has called for the adoption of such an approach and has
presented, at the regional and international levels,
numerous initiatives and proposals, whose objective is
to build the foundation for a world with a greater
capacity to attain the goal of peace, security and
development and to spread the values of dialogue,
tolerance and solidarity among all peoples.
20

In this context, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali
of Tunisia called in 1989, from this lofty rostrum, for
the conclusion of a pact for peace and progress in the
framework of the United Nations, drawing together the
countries of the North and the South and based on
peace and justice and the strengthening of cooperation
among all countries of the world.
All the initiatives and proposals put forward by
the President of Tunisia since that date have been
consistent with that call, as they stem from the
determination of Tunisia and its President to ensure the
effectiveness of our country’s contribution to
addressing issues of peace, security and development,
particularly in relation to the phenomenon of terrorism
and the means of combating it and to the
implementation of mechanisms for conflict resolution
in the Arab and African regions.
In line with the comprehensive character of the
Tunisian approach, the President of Tunisia has
consistently called on the international community to
help developing countries strengthen their economies
through a number of regional and international
initiatives such as those related to debt relief, in
particular debt recycling for middle-income countries;
the transfer of science and technology to developing
countries and a call for the convening of a world
summit on the information society.
President Ben Ali also called for the
dissemination of the values of solidarity and
compassion as a means of contributing to the
eradication of poverty, marginalization and exclusion
in all parts of the world — a call that led to the
establishment of the World Solidarity Fund.
Tunisia, which has succeeded in creating a
secure, stable and well-balanced society that is
integrated into the mainstream of the modern world,
believes that the well-being of humankind is the
ultimate objective and, on the basis of its own national
experience, that the fight against extremism and
terrorism, which constitute a serious threat to the entire
world, cannot succeed unless it is comprehensive and
multidimensional in nature and takes into account not
only the security dimension but also the need to
address the root causes of the phenomenon.
We therefore underscore the necessity of working
to develop a common international approach to fighting
the phenomenon of extremism and terrorism, taking
into account all relevant international conventions.
In this context, pending the achievement of the
necessary progress in the adoption of a comprehensive
international mechanism to fight terrorism, we would
like to reiterate Tunisia’s call for the conclusion of a
code of conduct to fight terrorism, to which all
countries adhere and which will include the principles
around which a consensus could be built. Such a code
of conduct could constitute a common denominator in
collectively confronting this phenomenon. An
international conference could be convened to lay the
groundwork for such a code of conduct.
The wide international support enjoyed by the
proposal to establish the World Solidarity Fund
testifies to the need for such a mechanism, which is
aimed at reducing the suffering, poverty, exclusion and
marginalization endured by a great number of peoples
throughout the world, particularly in Africa.
While we reiterate our sincere gratitude to
Member States for their support for this initiative, we
remain convinced that, as the Fund was set up in
February 2003 and has become one of the official
mechanisms of the United Nations system, Member
States will spare no effort in speeding up its
operationalization, thus allowing it to begin its
activities as soon as possible and thereby contribute to
the achievement of the Millennium Development
Goals. We therefore urge the international community
and all relevant actors, including State and private
organizations, to mobilize the necessary financial
resources for the Fund so as to allow it to fulfil its
noble humanitarian objectives. It is also imperative, in
this regard, to speed up the establishment of the
proposed high-level committee, whose task is to define
the strategy of the World Solidarity Fund and to
mobilize the resources needed for its activities.
The widening digital gap between industrialized
and developing countries requires us to take the
necessary practical measures to enable all countries of
the world to take advantage of the broad prospects
provided by the technological revolution in the field of
communications. In that context, Tunisia called for the
convening of a World Summit on the Information
Society. We are now intensifying our preparation for
the second phase of that Summit, which will be held in
Tunis in November 2005.
While expressing its determination to contribute
effectively to the first phase, which is due to be held in
Geneva in December this year, Tunisia will do its
21

utmost to ensure that the Tunis summit will constitute
an opportunity to elaborate a common approach, in
order to contribute to strengthening cooperation
between all members of the international community
and to consolidate the role of information and
communication technologies in development. We are
confident that the member States that chose Tunisia to
host the Summit will do their utmost to make the
summit a success.
Convinced of the role of sports in strengthening the
bonds of friendship, cooperation and rapprochement
between peoples, and taking into account the
importance of physical education as an instrument to
consolidate the foundations of peace and promote
development in the world, Tunisia decided to present to
this session of the General Assembly a draft resolution
proclaiming the year 2004 an international year of
sports and physical education in the service of peace
and development. We express the hope that this
proposal, which has already received the support of the
African Union and the Organization of the Islamic
Conference, will get wide support from the international
community and other international sports bodies.
The Middle East continues to suffer from a cycle
of violence and tension. The road map, which Tunisia
supported, revived hope for the resumption of the
peace process. However, that hope was soon faced with
Israel’s insistence on imposing the reality of occupation
and continuous military campaigns against the Palestinian
people, including the decision to expel President Yasser
Arafat, despite the Palestinian Authority’s readiness to
fulfil its commitments in the framework of the road
map. In the face of the deteriorating situation, we
believe that the international community, particularly
the members of the Quartet, should not allow the will
of peace to be defeated and should therefore spare no
effort to enhance the peace process.
While reiterating its attachment to the peace
process and its determination to contribute effectively
to its success, Tunisia stresses the need to respect the
legitimacy of the Palestinian Authority and its
leadership, chosen freely by the Palestinian people. We
also believe that, given the continuing tragic conditions
of the Palestinian people, it is high time to heed the call
made by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali during the
Extraordinary Arab Summit held in Cairo in October
2000 to provide the Palestinian people with
international protection, particularly as that call was
supported by many States.
The ongoing suffering of the Iraqi people is a
source of great concern and profound preoccupation for
the international community. While remaining attached
to the principle of the independence and territorial
integrity of Iraq, we wish to emphasize the need for the
international community to join hands and for the
United Nations to assume its central role to ensure that
peace and stability prevail in that fraternal country,
thus allowing for the start of reconstruction and the
return to normal life for the Iraqi people.
In that regard, Tunisia hopes that the adoption of
the first steps, which were welcomed by Security
Council resolution 1500 (2003), will lead as soon as
possible to restoration of the sovereignty of the Iraqi
people. Furthermore, while condemning in the
strongest possible terms the terrorist attack against the
United Nations headquarters in Baghdad, we pay a
tribute to the Secretary-General, who, despite the
gravity of that painful attack, decided to let the United
Nations continue to pursue its efforts of helping the
Iraqi people overcome their present predicament.
Tunisia attaches great importance to the various
forms of integration and partnership within the regional
groupings it belongs to. In that regard, we avail
ourselves of this opportunity to express our deep
satisfaction following the agreement reached between
sisterly Libya and the United States, Great Britain and
France on the issues relating to the Lockerbie and
Union de transports aériens incidents, following
Tripoli’s fulfilment of all its commitments under the
relevant Security Council resolutions. We have no
doubt that, now that the sanctions have been
completely lifted, Libya will fully resume its role in the
Maghreb and Mediterranean regions, thus contributing
to reinvigorating the Arab Maghreb Union, which will
help promote more complementarity and integration
between the countries of the region and will
consolidate the foundations of security, stability and
prosperity in the Maghreb, Arab, African and
Mediterranean areas.
The settlement of this dispute augurs well, as it
coincides with the preparations Tunisia is undertaking to
host the first summit of the 5+5 dialogue, to be held in
December 2003, among the countries of the Maghreb and
the European countries of the western Mediterranean.
We look forward to this event as a step towards
enhancing partnership between the countries of the
region and deepening the values of dialogue, tolerance
and moderation among the peoples of that region.
22

Convinced of the need to strengthen common
Arab action and to consolidate the role of the League
of Arab States to enable it to attain its noble objectives,
Tunisia shall endeavour, during its presidency of the
next Arab Summit in 2004, to further strengthen the
bonds of cooperation, solidarity and complementarity
among the Arab countries.
The most recent African Union Summit, held in
Maputo in July 2003, marked the beginning of the
launching process of the African Union. The African
Union is determined to achieve the objective of
revitalizing the African continent and to confront the
serious challenges it faces. The Union hopes to get the
necessary international support in order to achieve its
goals.
Undoubtedly, the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development (NEPAD), which is bringing a new vision
for a serious and constructive partnership with the
United Nations system, its specialized agencies, the
developed countries and other relevant institutions,
deserves the support of the international community.
Such support constitutes an incentive for the African
Union to attempt to meet legitimate African needs and
address all aspects of marginalization in our continent.
The difficult global economic environment has
had an adverse impact on the economies of the
developing countries in general and the African
economies in particular. Fierce trade competition and
protectionist measures, as well as currency fluctuations
and the exacerbation of the debt burden, constitute
major constraints that have impeded progress of the
developing countries.
In that regard, we emphasize the need for all
international partners to show the political will necessary
to implement the commitments of the Millennium
Development Goals, as well as the outcomes of major
United Nations conferences and summits, notably the
International Conference on Financing for
Development held in Monterrey and the World Summit
on Sustainable Development held in Johannesburg, if
we are to overcome this difficult situation and provide
fresh impetus to development efforts.
The difficult situation we face today should not
discourage us or weaken our determination to achieve
the objectives of peace, security and stability. We must
show patience, resolve and perseverance and
collectively pledge to strengthen the United Nations
and make this session a new starting point for our
Organization in order to enable it to effectively play its
role and respond to our collective aspirations for a
more secure and stable world.


Allow me to
congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of
the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. That is
a significant tribute to you and to Saint Lucia. Estonia,
like Saint Lucia, is a small State, and together we can
admit that the United Nations is an Organization that
allows small States to participate on equal footing with
large ones in influencing global processes. I also
commend your predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, for his
accomplishments in presiding over the fifty-seventh
session of the General Assembly. I am particularly
pleased to do so in the light of the similar histories of
Estonia and the Czech Republic and of our common
endeavours to join the family of democratic nations,
the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty
Alliance.
The fifty-eighth regular session is the first since
the outbreak of the war in Iraq. This year has been a
difficult one, both for the United Nations and for the
entire world. Long and emotional debates in the
Security Council preceded the Iraq crisis. Many think
that the war, rising tensions among States and the
country’s post-war reconstruction have tested the
Organization’s capabilities, its credibility and its role in
the world. I should like to believe, not that the past
year has undermined the Organization’s morale, but the
contrary. Those ordeals and the Iraq war have served as
a lesson and have deepened our conviction that the
United Nations should be even more decisive and
efficient in the future than it is today.
Unfortunately, the crisis in Iraq has affected more
than the morale of the United Nations. Although the
Organization has been the target of terrorist attacks
before — such an attack was planned against United
Nations Headquarters many years ago — the terrorist
bombings of the United Nations headquarters in Iraq a
couple of days ago and on 19 August — which claimed
more than 20 lives — were unprecedented. Terrorism
and violence never choose their victims and it is
significant that the United Nations, as an Organization
for global peace and stability uniting all States of the
world, was targeted.
I would like to emphasize that Estonia has
resolutely condemned the terrorist attack on the United
Nations mission in Baghdad. Together with all
representatives here, the people of Estonia and I are in
deep morning over the tragic murder of Sergio Vieira
de Mello, Special Representative of the Secretary-
General, and others. I deeply sympathize with their
relatives and colleagues.
A terrorist act against people who are committed
to assisting the people of Iraq is a painful blow to the
United Nations and a crime against the people of Iraq
and the international community. However, it cannot
serve as an impetus for the United Nations to withdraw
from hot spots. Estonia welcomes the statement made
by Secretary-General Kofi Annan that, despite the
attacks, the United Nations will continue its activity in
Iraq. Terrorists should not determine the future of Iraq
8

or make the people of that country and the international
community withdraw from the goal of building up a
sovereign, democratic and prosperous Iraq.
Recent events have even more clearly
demonstrated the need for the presence of stabilization
forces in Iraq. In order to enforce peace and stability in
the Persian Gulf region, enhanced cooperation between
coalition forces, the United Nations and the
international community is necessary. Despite its small
size and moderate resources, Estonia is also actively
involved. In May 2003, the Estonian Parliament
approved the deployment of a unit of the Estonian
Defence Forces to peace enforcement operations in
Iraq and Estonian servicemen joined the mission in the
Persian Gulf region in June. Estonia has acceded to all
12 United Nations anti-terrorist conventions and is
actively cooperating with many States and international
organizations.
Now I will proceed to a central topic of my
address — the environment and sustainable
development. I consider a sustainable approach to the
environment and sustainable development to be one of
the most significant commitments, both for the United
Nations and for States. In the long term, the welfare
and conditions of peoples will depend primarily on our
ability or will to use wisely and sparingly the limited
resources of our planet and to shape the environment
we live in. With respect to the ever-growing population
of the world, increased production and consumption, as
well as the resulting pollution, the pressure of human
activity on our living environment is continuously
building. In the circumstances, environmental
protection and ensuring the welfare of mankind and
wildlife are becoming an ever-more important and
difficult task. It is not by chance that the United
Nations proclaimed the year 2003 as the International
Year of Fresh Water and that the year 2002 focused on
eco-tourism and mountain regions.
Twenty years ago, the General Assembly adopted
a resolution establishing the World Commission on
Environment and Development to define global
problems and to find ways of solving them. Gro
Harlem Brundtland headed the Commission. The report
entitled Our Common Future, completed in 1987,
defined sustainable development. The main message of
the report was that economic growth and increased
welfare of the people should not compromise the
ability of future generations and the environment to
meet their own needs. Global economic development
should take into consideration the tolerance thresholds
of the environment and the need to preserve natural
resources.
Sustainable development, as a cohesive
development of the socio-economic field and the
environment, has become a priority of most
democracies throughout the world, especially after the
United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. As the head of
the Estonian delegation to the Conference, I signed
Agenda 21 and the Framework Conventions on Climate
Change and Biological Diversity.
Eleven years have passed since the Rio de Janeiro
Conference. Considering developments since then, we
see that some progress in global environmental
cooperation among States has taken place. New goals
were set and interim conclusions made at the special
session of the General Assembly in New York in 1997
and at the World Summit on Sustainable Development
in Johannesburg in 2002. The General Assembly
session in 2000 agreed on the Millennium Declaration,
with the main goal set as environmental sustainability.
However, we must note that the world’s
population has grown by 1 billion since the Rio de
Janeiro Conference in 1992. In the 1990s, the world
gross domestic product grew by an average of 2.6 per
cent a year. No doubt, sooner or later these processes
are going to influence the living environment of us all.
Although we cannot as yet define the actual
relationship between human activity and the climate of
our planet, a glimpse into the climate changes of the
last decade is worrying. Natural phenomena like El
Niño and La Niña have had a lasting impact on human
life. Floods, droughts, tornadoes and extreme
fluctuations of temperature have become nearly daily
realities on our planet. European States have not
remained untouched by the climate changes. In 1997,
floods devastated Eastern Europe; last summer,
Western and Central Europe were hit by a heat wave.
These facts should convince us that environmental
protection is a matter of common concern for all
mankind.
Cooperation readiness is extremely important and
Estonia has done its best to collaborate. We have
acceded to all essential environmental conventions and
wish all other States in the world to do the same.
Estonia ratified the Framework Convention on Climate
Change on 27 July 1994 and acceded to the Kyoto
9

Protocol on 17 November 1998. In unison with the
European Union, Estonia expresses its clear
determination to enforce the Kyoto Protocol as soon as
possible.
Estonia is a small State with moderate resources,
playing a small role in the world economy and the
environment. Nevertheless, we adhere to the principle,
“act local, think global”. Environmental protection is
extremely important. Estonia has a long tradition of
nature conservation. As early as in 1297, King Erik
Menved of Denmark banned cutting forests on several
Estonian islands. In 1995, four years after regaining
independence, Estonia adopted its Sustainable
Development Act. In 2001, at the recommendation of
the Committee on Sustainable Development, the
Government of Estonia approved a strategy of
sustainable development — Sustainable Estonia 21.
More than in any other field, inter-State
cooperation is important in environmental protection,
and regional organizations play a substantial role in
this regard. The Baltic Sea States have displayed
remarkable initiative, which other regions of the world
would find worth following. The Baltic Sea regional
sustainable development process was launched in 1996.
It is unique in the world — an Agenda 21 for the Baltic
Sea States — Baltic 21. The parties to the process
include all Baltic Sea States and the European
Commission. The process targets the elaboration and
the implementation of sustainable development visions
and an action plan for the entire region and key sectors.
The Baltic Sea joins the members of the Council
of the Baltic Sea States (CBSS). It is especially
appropriate to speak about the protection of the Baltic
Sea in the International Year of Fresh Water. Currently,
Estonia holds the CBSS presidency, and the protection
of the environment, first and foremost of the Baltic
Sea, is among the top priorities of the presidency.
During our presidency, we would like to focus on new
hazards arising from the intensifying marine traffic on
the Baltic Sea. Estonia is targeting its efforts towards
achieving an agreement between member States to
reduce the oil-tanker-pollution hazard to a minimum.
Estonia supports the initiative of the European Union
to ban the traffic of single-hull tankers on the Baltic
Sea, and is committed to having the Baltic Sea
classified as a Particularly Sensitive Sea Area (PSSA).
I would like to conclude by stressing that,
although I have touched only upon terrorism and the
environment, Estonia fully shares all the priorities of
the European Union (EU) at the fifty-eighth session of
the General Assembly, particularly, the non-
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
peacekeeping, the protection of human rights and
combating the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
The future of the United Nations is also important
for Estonia. The United Nations needs to be improved
and restructured. Estonia has favoured the overall
strengthening of our common Organization and
welcomes the efforts of Secretary-General Kofi Annan
to revitalize the United Nations, primarily the General
Assembly. In our opinion, reform of the Security
Council should enable the United Nations to participate
more efficiently in problem-solving and crisis
resolution throughout the world.
The Secretary-General’s recent report on the
implementation of the Millennium Declaration is a
significant and important document that deserves
detailed analysis and serious consideration. Isn’t it time
for the United Nations family to support the Secretary-
General in his concern about the Organization now and
about its future? Let us agree — both the large and the
small Member States — upon what we would like to
accomplish and when, and let us move steadily ahead.
Only a strong United Nations, with efficient decision-
making mechanisms, can ensure global welfare and
balance. Let that be a goal for us.


The United Nations is at a crossroads. The fifty-eighth
session of the General Assembly is taking place at a
critical time in the history of the Organization.
However, that moment could also be decisive for the
future of the Organization. Recent developments on the
international scene represent a call to action that
compels us to review its organization and rules so that
it may serve all nations.
Your election, Mr. President, to the presidency of
the principal body of the United Nations will contribute
to the achievement of those objectives. I would also
like to pay tribute to Secretary-General Mr. Kofi Annan
for his dedication to the cause of international peace
and security and for his ongoing desire to achieve the
common good of mankind.
International peace and security continue to be
dangerously precarious as internal conflicts and
confrontations between States proliferate in many
regions of the world. We believe that the refusal to
6

implement obligations imposed upon States under
international law and the violation of the provisions of
the Charter are two areas of grave concern to us. Never
since its creation has the Organization been confronted
with so many situations and divergent views seriously
threatening the attainment of its goals. Unity and
cohesion among the members of the Security Council
are essential in order to strengthen the credibility of the
United Nations and the confidence of Member States
and to ensure that organ's effectiveness, as it is the
organ with primary responsibility for the maintenance
of international peace and security.

Let me mention the struggle against terrorism,
which no longer hesitates to attack our Organization.
On this issue, Madagascar is truly at one with the
international community in its struggle against that
scourge. Accordingly, we have ratified the 12 existing
international conventions to combat terrorism. We take
this opportunity to pay heartfelt tribute to the late
Sergio Vieira de Mello, our Representative in Iraq.
The creativity and courage of our Secretary-
General in shouldering his responsibilities and
commitments to peace and security, in a spirit of
solidarity, deserve the support of all. We endorse the
recommendations contained in his report aimed at
strengthening the United Nations. We hope to see
changes in our Organization that would place greater
emphasis on the importance of the General Assembly
as the principal deliberative and decision-making organ
and on rendering the Security Council more
representative and more transparent.
Such reforms are necessary in order to protect the
sovereignty of smaller nations. They are indispensable,
for the common interests of the peoples of the world
should have no platform other than the General
Assembly. We support the proposals made by Mr.
Couchepin, President of the Swiss Federation, to forge
a new vision of security by increasingly involving
individuals in the deliberative process.
A strong United Nations will be able to find
solutions for integrating economic and social questions
into the framework of the peace and security of peoples.
The economic and social situation in the world
remains a source of great concern. The beneficial
impact of global economic growth has circumvented
our island, as it has done with other countries in Africa.
In the course of this past decade, major United Nations
conferences have pinpointed strategies and established
objectives to achieve sustainable human development.
But we still need to mobilize the necessary resources to
implement, together, the declarations we all adopted
declarations which kindled so much hope in our
peoples, who are languishing in dire poverty.
The Millennium Declaration set deadlines for a
number of common objectives for all Member States.
Such goals are achievable, but they remain to be
attained. The new form of international cooperation
based on partnerships between the public and private
sectors offers us this opportunity, particularly since this
is a mutually advantageous relationship.
The Economic and Social Council, in the
Declaration it adopted on 2 July last, emphasizes the
importance of partnerships at the national and
international levels with a view to promoting
cooperation among various sectors. The Economic and
Social Council solemnly committed itself to facilitating
and supporting the creation of alliances between
Governments, donors, non-governmental organizations,
civil society, decentralized communities and the private
sector in order to promote integrated rural
development. Our country is very pleased at having
been elected to preside over the United Nations Public-
Private Alliance for Rural Development and at having
been chosen as the first pilot country.
Madagascar, like most African countries, has not
benefited from the world economic expansion. More
than 70 per cent of the population of Madagascar still
lives below the poverty line. Fifty per cent of the
population has no access to drinking water, and, as a
result, 50,000 children die annually. I am not going to
pass judgement here, but I an convinced that a
fundamental dilemma exists: the past does not loom as
large in other parts of the world as it does in Africa. In
Africa, the past is part and parcel of the structure of
society and of people's mindsets.
At the same time, we are confronted with the
challenges of the policies, values, economic trends and
technology of the twenty-first century. Africa is
suffering from major gaps in this respect, more than
other continents. To bridge such gaps is not an easy
process. Whatever the case may be, Africa must take
up the challenges of the future and undertake the
7

implementation of good governance and of a rapid and
sustainable economic development.
Today's Madagascar is a different country. It is
aiming to establish a true democracy based on the rule
of law and on respect for international law. Good
governance, the rule of law, the combat against
corruption, decentralization, participation of the
population and the support of the private sector are its
pillars. Restoring the confidence of economic players,
establishing conducive and secure conditions for
business and sharing responsibilities are key, with the
State playing the role of facilitator. These are the main
underpinnings of our economic activities.
Let us not forget that the key to success is the
right approach. In order to encourage investments,
various laws have been enacted in order to reduce
import taxes and duties on capital goods. At present
foreign investors can own real estate.
Furthermore, agreements to protect investments
have been signed or are being prepared. We are
extremely grateful for the efforts undertaken by
national and international donors. Personally speaking,
I know that it is not easy to collect the necessary funds
for poor countries when the world economy itself is
showing signs of weakness.
I am convinced that the efforts of African
countries designed to improve their cooperation in the
context of the African Union, the New Partnership for
Africa's Development, the Common Market for Eastern
and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), the Indian Ocean
Rim and other organizations will lead to the expected
results.
But this is not enough. Madagascar is opening up,
and I dare to hope that other countries will also follow
suit. But the world itself is not opening up, as was seen
at Cancun. Why then can we not use as an example the
European expansion process? This may be difficult and
costly, but the outcome is promising and the procedures
are already known.
Will the international community and the African
countries find a common vision for the future of
Africa? Personally, I believe that it is high time that the
major Powers took steps towards a more equitable
partnership. We receive credits, grants, experts and
programmes, but what do we read in the international
press every day? That Africa is a forgotten continent.
Unfortunately, this is true. We are far away from the
strategic spheres of the think tanks, of the heads of
State of the major Powers, and of the chief executive
officers of large corporations. In other words, Africa
remains the victim of marginalization.
Does the international community have
confidence in the future of Africa? Is it not true that it
is urgent to develop a different outlook for our
continent?
We have this confidence. Our objectives are clear,
but our capacities are still low. We need assistance in
the area of capacity enhancement in order to attain the
objectives we have set for ourselves. We are ready to
work tirelessly; we are ready for change, ready for
openness. However, we would like to have more
support, greater openness and especially a different
outlook and a new vision for our own continent in this
concert of nations.


Let me
begin by expressing warm congratulations to Mr. Julian
Hunte on his election as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. I can assure him of
the full cooperation of the Jordanian delegation to
ensure the fulfilment of his mandate for the benefit of
all peoples and nations. I should also like to take this
opportunity to express our thanks and appreciation to
his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, for his remarkable
stewardship of the previous session.
A special tribute is due to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his efforts dedicated to upholding
the lofty goals of the Organization. Mr. Annan has been
quite dynamic in his work to enhance this world body’s
effectiveness and to revitalize its functions, especially
in the areas of international peace and security, human
26

rights and social and economic progress throughout the
world.
I wish to express our heartfelt condolences to the
Secretary-General as well as to the family of Mr.
Sergio Vieira de Mello and to those of all his
colleagues who lost their lives as a result of the
terrorist bombing of the United Nations headquarters in
Iraq, a barbaric act that we all condemn.
The sad collapse of the Oslo process
demonstrated that a revival of the Middle East peace
process under the previous terms was no longer a
viable option. Peace-making in the region requires a
new modus operandi, as all transitional arrangements
have failed to establish and build mutual confidence
between the two sides and to meet the envisioned
goals. Thus, the time has indeed come for a shift in
approach. Instead of managing the conflict in a way
that has led thus far to a perpetuation of the cycle of
violence, our focus should be redirected onto the final
objectives of the negotiations. Furthermore, it is no
longer useful to concentrate only on security aspects
without realizing that the problem is essentially
political in nature and not only a question of security.
It was against that backdrop that George W. Bush,
President of the United States, launched in June 2002
his vision for peace in the Middle East. On the basis of
that initiative, the road map was formulated and
announced. Jordan contributed to the development of
the road map, which generated a real turnaround in the
region’s political landscape. It established a framework
of mutual obligations, whose aim is to end the Israeli
occupation and to establish an independent Palestinian
state on the basis of relevant United Nations
resolutions and the Arab peace initiative. The road map
set forth a specific three-year time frame for the birth
of a Palestinian State. Furthermore, it provided for the
creation of a monitoring and assessment mechanism to
ensure viable implementation according to specific
timelines.
It was on the basis of that vision that the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan welcomed the road map
when it was formally announced by the Quartet. At the
time, we expressed the hope that that impetus would
help to restart the peace process on a solid foundation.
However, Jordan also made it clear that the declaration
in and of itself would be insufficient to create forward
movement towards our objectives. What was
additionally required was a genuine commitment on the
part of the United States and the international
community to implement that vision. True to our
expectations, we sensed such a genuine commitment at
the two recent Sharm al-Sheikh and Aqaba summits.
Jordan, in the meantime, fully recognizes that
recent developments on the ground — especially the
collapse of the ceasefire, or hudna, arrangement
between the Palestinian groups and Israel — create
severe and real risks and threats for the road map.
Nonetheless, we should stay the course with a view to
implementing the road map and putting an end to the
occupation and the tragic killing of civilians on both
the Palestinian and Israeli sides. The hard work that we
are investing in this exercise is worthwhile given the
potential risk of failure and the absence of political
opportunity again. Such failure would make for a more
dangerous and complex scenario than before and would
jeopardize the interests and security of all actors.
On behalf of Jordan, I wish to urge from this
world podium all stakeholders — especially the
members of the Quartet — to pursue their efforts to
ensure scrupulous implementation of the road map,
without any modifications and in a way that guarantees
by 2005 the establishment of a Palestinian State, with
Jerusalem as its capital, and the termination of the
Israeli occupation of all Arab territories occupied in
1967. All that would be in keeping with the relevant
United Nations resolutions and the Arab peace
initiative, which is a key component of the road map
and provides a framework for peace — a peace that is
acceptable to all peoples of the region and fulfils their
long-standing aspirations.
Along the same lines, we urge acceleration in the
creation of an effective political and security
monitoring mechanism to be operated by the Quartet.
That is essential to ensure strict implementation of, and
compliance with, without modifications, the respective
obligations of both parties as set forth in the road map.
To us, such a mechanism is an essential component on
which we must insist, because we consider it to be a
true point of departure that would enable us to take
advantage of the historic window of opportunity and
bring about comprehensive, just and lasting peace in
the entire Middle East.
Regarding suicide attacks, I wish to reiterate that
Jordan took a principled position repudiating and
condemning such acts on both moral and political
grounds. We maintain that those operations have done
27

harm to the Palestinian cause and have resulted in the
erosion of international sympathy for it. Furthermore,
they have shifted the global focus away from the core
question of the Israeli occupation of Palestinian
territories and the pressing need to end that occupation.
Along the same lines, we condemn Israel’s
extrajudicial killing of Palestinian citizens. Let me
stress once again that the prevailing atmosphere of
violence will only play into the hands of extremists on
both sides of the divide. Therefore, it is high time to
implement the road map as accepted by all parties and
to take bold and expeditious steps to place the entire
peace process back on an irreversible track.
We call upon Israel to change its current security
policy, which has failed to ensure security for the
Israelis. Rather, Israel should move towards restoration
of confidence with the Palestinian side partner side so
that both can focus on the political process by engaging
in a serious implementation of the road map. To this
end, Israel must ease the suffering of the Palestinian
people by lifting the closures on Palestinian
communities, removing the restrictions imposed on the
Palestinian leadership and by withdrawing its military
forces from the cities occupied since September 2000,
in compliance with Security Council resolution 1402
(2002).
In the same context, my Government condemns
the decision taken by the Government of Israel to
remove, in principle, from the occupied Palestinian
territories, the Palestinian President, Yasser Arafat,
who was legitimately elected by his people. In our
view, this decision seriously imperils the peace
process. We call on the Government of Israel to reverse
its decision, which otherwise will plunge the entire
region into a dangerous tunnel.
Jordan condemns the Israeli settlement activities
that take the form of unabated construction of
settlements on occupied Palestinian land. Israel must
end these activities, which breach the basic norms of
international law and, not least, impede ongoing efforts
to put the peace process back on track. We demand that
the Government of Israel start dismantling all
settlements erected since March 2001. This is, after all,
a binding obligation of Phase I of the road map.
We also condemn the separation wall, which
consolidates Israeli occupation of Palestinian
territories, devours further Palestinian land, aggravates
the suffering of the Palestinian population and
anticipates as a fait accompli, the future shape of the
Palestinian State. While we demand that Israel cease
forthwith the construction of the wall, we stress the
need to respect the status of the 4 June 1967 line.
Iraq has now entered a new phase during which
the brotherly people of that country are facing
enormous hardships and challenges. The eyes of all
Iraqis are now set on the international community in
the hope of receiving every possible assistance that
would enable them to lay a solid foundation for
building a promising future that would include
reconstructing their country and regaining its status as
an active member in the Organization and of the
international community.
While we emphasize the need to safeguard the
unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Iraq, to
ensure the withdrawal of the foreign occupation forces
as quickly as possible and to enable the people of Iraq
to determine their future by themselves, we welcome
the formation of the transitional Governing Council as
a first and important step towards a broad-based Iraqi
Government that represents the full spectrum of the
Iraqi population, to be elected by the people of Iraq as
expeditiously as possible on the basis of a constitution
accepted and endorsed by them. Against this backdrop,
we decided to deal positively with the Governing
Council and with all political groups in Iraq. Let me
elaborate that my Government has accepted the
assumption by the representatives of the transitional
Iraqi Government of the seat of Iraq in the League of
Arab States on a temporary basis, based on the
understanding that Iraq will subsequently move
towards drafting its constitution and holding elections
leading to the formation of a representative Iraqi
Government.
We must also emphasize our condemnation of the
violations of human rights and international law
committed by the previous regime in Iraq, especially
the crimes of assassination, mass killings and mass
burials, including the execution of Kuwaiti prisoners
and detainees.
At this juncture, I wish to underline the central
role the United Nations must continue to play in Iraq.
The United Nations should remain an active player in
the forthcoming political process; its role should not be
restricted to humanitarian issues only. Our
Organization must assume the leading role in
overseeing the political process in the forthcoming
28

stage, including the finalization of the drafting of the
constitution and supervision of the elections to be held
in order to form a sovereign Iraqi Government.
Jordan condemns in the strongest possible terms
the cowardly terrorist attack against the United Nations
headquarters in Baghdad. Despite the immense tragedy
suffered by the United Nations, we do have trust in the
resolve and ability of the United Nations system to
maintain its operations and assistance to the Iraqi
people.
As you are all aware, the Jordanian Embassy
complex in Baghdad was also a target of a vicious
terrorist attack that claimed many innocent lives.
Nonetheless, that appalling act reinforced our resolve
to continue to reach out in every possible way to help
our brothers in Iraq, in order to enable them to
overcome the overwhelming odds they have been
enduring.
Terrorism has proved to be a global phenomenon
that cuts across national boundaries and is not
exclusive to a particular region, language, religion or
race. It is therefore imperative for all members and
institutions of the world community to combat it and
eradicate it. Let me assure the Assembly that the
Government and people of Jordan are determined to
confront this phenomenon which our citizens and
institutions have suffered from for several decades.
Once again, let me reiterate our firm commitment to
cooperate with all countries and international efforts in
the joint fight against terrorism.
We would like to express our full backing for the
efforts aimed at achieving meaningful progress in the
current negotiations in the General Assembly to adopt
a comprehensive convention on combating terrorism
and a convention on combating nuclear terrorism. We
hope that these endeavors will prove successful in the
formulation of a legal and specific definition of the
concept of terrorism which would set it apart from the
rights protected under international law and
international humanitarian law for States, peoples and
individuals.
For out part, Jordan repudiates all vicious
falsehoods and sinister campaigns to smear Arabs and
Muslims with the label of terrorism. This phenomenon
is in complete contradiction of the true nature and
meaning of the Islamic faith, which is anchored in the
values of justice, tolerance, peaceful coexistence and
reverence for humankind. Thus, we feel a pressing
need to pay due attention to the role that the dialogue
among civilization plays in consolidating
understanding and coexistence among peoples and
nations. It also helps in eliminating the causes of
extremism that emanate from a lack of genuine
knowledge and comprehension of the essence of
religions and cultures that are based on disseminating a
message of peace, understanding and acceptance of
others.
The political and economic developments
unfolding in this era of globalization and information
technology prompt us to accelerate the process of
political and economic openness in the developing
countries. That will help in the evolution of stronger
incentives for achieving further progress and stability.
Such an environment will be more amenable to
economic growth and will generate a stronger
momentum to eradicate poverty and human suffering as
we strive towards the fulfilment of the Millennium
Development Goals.
In that context, democracy assumes a special
relevance, especially since it is essentially an inherent
process that evolves from the cultures and specific
characteristics of societies. Therefore, it is virtually
untenable to impose this concept on others in
prescribed forms that might not be in concert with the
cultural structures of those communities.
In Jordan, however, we are committed to pursue
the path of democratic reforms and development of the
national political process in all its aspects. In fact, that
issue is quite high on our national agenda, and our
expectation is that further progress will be made in the
enhancement of our democratic institutions.
Bearing this in mind, Jordan will be guided by the
conclusions outlined in the extremely valuable United
Nations Development Programme report on Arab
Human Development. We are grateful to the UNDP and
its team of Arab experts for their analytical methods in
identifying and profiling some pressing challenges
currently facing the Arab world. Jordan views this
publication with great interest and perceives it from an
extremely positive perspective, given its merits in
terms of data, analytical approach and practical and
specific objectives as well as its valuable science-based
conclusions and recommendations.
Our primary purpose should be how to improve
the role and performance of the United Nations in all
spheres of its operations. More specifically, that should
29

include strengthening its role in the areas of preventive
diplomacy, the management of humanitarian crises,
conflicts and wars, human rights violations, and the
challenges associated with globalization and the
development of humankind.
In that regard, Jordan welcomes the fact that the
International Criminal Court is entering a new phase in
terms of the election of its Judges and Prosecutor,
which is a further step in the establishment of
international justice and in how violations of
international humanitarian law are treated. As the
General Assembly is well aware, Jordan had the
privilege of working hard to make significant
contributions in support of the Court’s creation and of
the entry into force of its Statute.
In the same vein, Jordan takes pride in the
election of Her Majesty Queen Rania Al-Abdullah to
the Board of Directors of the Victims’ Trust Fund
established for the victims of crimes falling under the
jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. The
Fund is expected to have a tangible impact in
alleviating the anguish of the victims of the most
horrifying crimes and of their families.
With regard to United Nations peacekeeping
operations, Jordan continues to attach great importance
to this area of activity by the United Nations system.
We are proud and privileged to participate with other
Member States in those global operations in areas that
have been afflicted by war, conflict and instability.
However, to ensure the effective and complete
fulfilment of the lofty objectives of the mandate of
each peacekeeping operation, adequate budgetary funds
must be ensured for the operations’ smooth
functioning, including on-time reimbursement of
payments due to troop-contributing countries.
In closing, allow me once again to thank the
President. I wish this session of the General Assembly
every success as I pray to Allah, our Lord, to enable us,
one and all, to live up to the responsibilities entrusted
to us.


In the early morning of
11 September 2003, our Foreign Minister Anna Lindh
died, murdered in a senseless crime. One of Sweden’s
most prominent and respected leaders is gone. We have
lost a part of our future. She spoke for the oppressed,
for the victims of human rights violations. She worked
for international peace and justice and for multilateral
cooperation. The voice of Anna Lindh has been
silenced, but her burning conviction echoes with us.
We meet at a time when the United Nations is
facing difficulties and doubts. The capability of the
United Nations has often been in question. Despite
crises and shortcomings, the United Nations has always
withstood these tests. The United Nations was
indispensable in 1945 and it still is.
Global security cannot be achieved by unilateral
action. Locking ourselves in will not bring peace,
development, democracy or respect for human rights.
We must work together to define and address emerging
challenges for multilateral solutions.
The Secretary-General recently said:
“We can no longer take it for granted that
our multilateral institutions are strong enough to
cope with all the challenges facing them”.
(A/58/323, para. 4)
I welcome Kofi Annan’s challenge to us. The Nordic
countries stand behind him. The United Nations and
we, the Member States, must adapt. Reform is
necessary to stay modern, responsive and efficient and
to retain the trust of global civil society. International
solidarity must be in focus when redefining our
common agenda. Attaining the goals of the Millennium
Declaration is a shared responsibility.
The legitimacy and authority of the Security
Council must be regained. Its composition must better
reflect the world of today. I believe that an agreement
on enlargement with a number of non-permanent
members could be reached fairly quickly, without
excluding the possibility of additional permanent
members at a later stage.
We welcome the Secretary-General’s intention of
establishing a high-level panel to consider threats to
our security and the institutional reforms required for
the United Nations to respond.
North Korea has withdrawn from the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and
remains unclear about its intentions. The nuclear
programme in Iran, the possession of nuclear weapons
by India and Pakistan, and Israel’s refusal to sign the
NPT continue to cause concern. In several countries,
nuclear weapons are accorded a growing importance in
military doctrines. Discussions in the United States
about the creation of a new generation of smaller
nuclear arms are worrying to us. Such weapons would
not contribute to a safer world, but risk lowering the
threshold for the use of nuclear weapons.
The threats from weapons of mass destruction can
only be met by multilateral efforts. The negative arms
spiral must be reversed. The non-proliferation Treaty
must be universally complied with. Sweden continues
to work for this goal, together with its partners in the
New Agenda Coalition.
We need new ideas on disarmament and non-
proliferation and on how to strengthen existing
regimes. To this aim, Sweden has initiated an
independent, international commission chaired by Mr.
Hans Blix. Last June, the General Assembly adopted a
forward-looking resolution on the prevention of armed
33

conflict. Sweden will continue to work for a
strengthening of the capacity of the United Nations
practical preventive work.
Our focus must be the security of the individual.
Violations of human rights can never be accepted. State
sovereignty also implies responsibility. If Governments
fail to protect their people, the international community
must be prepared to act. In its report The Responsibility
to Protect, the International Commission on
Intervention and State Sovereignty points out important
issues for the international community to take on. How
can we make sure that sovereignty and independence
never become a license to abuse people? How should
the international community live up to its responsibility
when States fail to protect their people?
We must make full use of instruments available to
avoid war. The Security Council must be ready to act
on early warning signals on threats of mass violations
of human rights. Mechanisms to prevent such situations
may be intrusive in character and need to be
strengthened based on accountability and international
law. As the Secretary-General said in his speech on
Tuesday, the Security Council needs seriously to
discuss the best way to respond to threats of genocide
or other comparable massive violations of human
rights. Prevention of genocide will be the topic for the
Stockholm International Forum to be held in my
country in January.
There must be an end to impunity. The
International Criminal Court is now operational. The
Court will act as a deterrent to perpetrators and a
universal and equal tool for justice.
Two years ago, Foreign Minister Anna Lindh was
accompanied to the General Assembly by her then 11-
year-old son David. When he entered the Hall, he
asked: “Mom, where are all the women?” He saw what
many of us seem blind to. There are too few women
here, as in very many decision-making bodies around
the world. Gender equality is about making use of all
human resources.
Women are strong, but they are made vulnerable
through legal, economic and social discrimination.
Women are made victims of violence in war, of abuse
at home, of trafficking, of sexual exploitation. For
these women, gender equality is a question of life and
death. Women’s equal rights to education, to a
professional career and to participate in politics are not
a threat to us men. The absence of these rights is a
threat to the progress of mankind.
Peace operations require joint efforts to be
successful. The cooperation between the United
Nations and regional organizations, such as the recent
experience in the Democratic Republic of Congo —
President Kabila’s discussion of which the other day
we listened to very carefully — the European Union-
led police mission in the Western Balkans and the
military operation in Macedonia, are all examples of
this. We will continue developing the cooperation
between the United Nations and the European Union
and welcome the political declaration on crisis
management.
Many painful lessons can be drawn from the
violent conflicts in West Africa. Sweden welcomes the
large and broadly based United Nations peacekeeping
Mission in Liberia. The international community must
support the United Nations and the Economic
Community of West African States in finding sustainable
solutions for the entire region. The European Union is
trying to strengthen such a partnership through the work
of Hans Dahlgren, its Special Representative to the
Mano River Union countries.
Women are crucial to peace and reconciliation. I
welcome the fact that gender perspectives are now
being incorporated into mandates and activities of all
peacekeeping missions. The number of women in peace
operations at all levels should increase. The
implementation of Security Council resolution 1325
(2000) and the strengthening of the United Nations
capacity in this field are vital.
The decision to cut poverty by half by 2015 is
imperative, but we are not doing well enough. The pace
at which the goal is being realized is far too slow. We
now need new financial mechanisms and partnerships.
In this spirit, we welcome the initiative presented a few
days ago by the President of Brazil.
Official development assistance needs to treble.
In Monterrey, the States members of the European
Union agreed to increase official development
assistance. Sweden is increasing its assistance to 0.86
per cent of its gross domestic product next year.
Pledges must be followed by real cash money. We need
to give the United Nations predictable, long-term
financing. I entirely agree with what President Chirac
said a few days ago: “Failing that, we will end up with
a pick-and-choose United Nations”. (A/58/PV.7)
34

The main responsibility for development is borne
by every country itself in promoting democracy, good
governance and respect of human rights. Official
development assistance will always only be
supplementary, as we all know. More important is the
promotion of open and fair trade rules, the dismantling
of tariffs and the reduction of subsidies. We expect the
developed countries to show the way and to bring
forward the Doha Development Agenda. Indeed, we
must all see to it that the setback in the trade
negotiations in Cancún is turned into a new start.
The Swedish Government presented a new bill in
May this year on a coherent policy for global
development. This is our way of translating the
Millennium Declaration into national policy. We will
put particular emphasis on the commitment to the
eighth Millennium Development Goal, which is
specifically about the obligations of the rich countries.
The consequences of climate change affect us all.
The deterioration of the Kyoto Protocol must be halted.
We need a global system for migration that
protects immigrant’s rights and provides security for
people who cross borders to study, research or work.
Sweden and Switzerland support the Secretary-General
in wishing to strengthen the role of migration on the
United Nations agenda, including the establishment of
a global commission on migration and development.
The General Assembly has rightly condemned the
Israeli decision to deport President Arafat. Both parties
must implement their obligations in accordance with
the road map. We urge the Palestinian Authority to take
action to cease the suicide bombings. Israel’s
extrajudicial killings are contradictory to international
law and must be stopped immediately.
The international community must do its utmost
to assist the parties in the peace process. The road map,
as Jack Straw pointed out only a few minutes ago,
should be implemented immediately with a view to the
establishment of a peaceful and democratic Palestinian
State in 2005. International monitors and observers
should be sent to the area and Sweden is willing to take
part in such a monitoring mechanism.
Sergio Vieira de Mello and many of his
colleagues lost their lives in the bombing of the United
Nations headquarters in Baghdad about a month ago, a
terrible loss for the international community. Sergio
Vieira de Mello personified, better than most, the
strength and commitment of the international
community at its best.
The situation in Iraq remains volatile and
dangerous. We are concerned about the security of the
Iraqi people and of those who are in Iraq to ease their
suffering. The bombing in Baghdad was aimed at the
purposes that the United Nations stands for — to
maintain international peace and security. It will not
make us waiver. The United Nations will stay in Iraq.
The international community needs the legitimacy of
the United Nations as the only authority to be derived
from in helping the Iraqi people recover self-
government and rebuild their country. The handling of
the conflict must remain an exception and not become
a rule.
The future of the United Nations now lies in the
hands of the Member States. If the United Nations
fails, we all fail. In the statements most referred to so
far in this year’s debate, the media have competed in
finding differences and disputes, but there is one thing
that we all agree on. That is the belief in our United
Nations. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has the world
behind him.


Mr. President, we
congratulate you on your election to the presidency of
the fifty-eighth session of the United Nations General
Assembly. We wish you every success in our shared
endeavours. You will have our fullest cooperation in
your efforts.
As we gather here, in the wake of the many
momentous events over the past year, it is inevitable
that we should ponder some fundamental questions
about the role and relevance of the United Nations.
The United Nations was charged by its Charter
“to save succeeding generations from the scourge of
war.” The Charter also speaks of our collective
determination “to unite our strength to maintain
international peace and security.” There was an implicit
conviction that the United Nations would be stronger
than the sum of its constituent Member States. Its
unique legitimacy flows from a universal perception
that it pursues a larger purpose than the interests of one
country or a small group of countries.
This vision of an enlightened multilateralism has
not materialized. There have been difficulties and
deficiencies in ensuring a world free from strife, a world
without war. The United Nations has not always been
successful in preventing conflicts or in resolving them.
During the past year, the United Nations
encountered new challenges. We saw the extraordinary
inability of the five permanent members of the Security
Council to agree on action in respect of Iraq, in spite of
complete agreement on basic objectives. Most recently,
the brutal terrorist attack on the United Nations Office
in Baghdad struck a body blow at the United Nations’
humanitarian efforts there.
Looking back at events over recent years, we can
analyse the successes and failures of the United
Nations in this or that crisis. But it would be more
purposeful to reflect on our own commitment to
multilateralism, the extent of its applicability in the
real world of today, and the manner in which it can be
exercised through the United Nations. The reality is
that an international institution like the United Nations
can only be as effective as its Members allow it to be.
Our reflections on the United Nations should
focus on three key aspects:
First, we need to introspect on some of the
assumptions that have been made over the years
concerning the will and reach of the United Nations. In
the euphoria after the Cold War, there was a misplaced
notion that the United Nations could solve every
problem anywhere. Its enthusiasm and proactive stance
on many issues reflected laudable intentions. But we
soon realized that the United Nations does not possess
magical powers to solve every crisis in all parts of the
globe or to change overnight the motivation of leaders
and communities around the world. //We need to
clearly recognize, with a sense of realism, the limits to
what the United Nations can achieve, and the changes
of form and function required for it to play an optimal
role in today’s world. We need to clearly recognize,
with a sense of realism, the limits to what the United
Nations can achieve, and the changes that it needs to
make to its form and function to play an optimal role in
today’s world.
Secondly, the Iraq issue has inevitably generated
a debate on the functioning and the efficacy of the
Security Council and of the United Nations itself. Over
the decades, the United Nations membership has grown
enormously. The scope of its activities has expanded
greatly, with new specialized agencies and new
programmes. But in the political and security
dimensions of its activities, the United Nations has not
kept pace with the changes in the world. For the
Security Council to represent genuine multilateralism
in its decisions and actions, its membership must
reflect current world realities. Most United Nations
Members today recognize the need for an enlarged and
restructured Security Council, with more developing
countries as permanent and non-permanent members.
The permanent members guard their exclusivity. Some
States with weak claims want to ensure that others do
not enter the Council as permanent members. This
combination of complacency and negativism has to be
countered with a strong political will. The recent crises
should serve as a warning to us that until the Security
Council is reformed and restructured, its decisions
cannot truly reflect the collective will of the
community of nations.
Thirdly, even after such reform, the Security
Council would have to develop suitable decision-
making mechanisms that ensure better representation of
the collective will of the international community. How
can multilateralism be genuinely implemented? A
single veto is an anachronism in today’s world. On the
other hand, the requirement of unanimity can sabotage
imperative actions. A simple-majority vote may not be
15

sufficiently representative for major and serious issues.
Should we aim for the highest common factor, or
should we settle for the lowest common denominator?
Democratic countries could use their national
experience to provide feasible models for mechanisms
and determine the extent of support required based on
the impact of action to be taken.
The Secretary-General has rightly emphasized the
urgent need for reform of the institutions and processes
of the United Nations. We encourage his efforts in this
direction. We should seek to implement these reforms
within a specified time frame.
The Iraq issue continues to present a major
challenge to the United Nations. At this point in time,
it is not very productive to linger on the past. Our
thoughts and concerns should be about the suffering of
the people of Iraq. It is imperative that the people of
Iraq should be empowered to determine their own
future and to rebuild their nation.
The immediate priorities are ensuring security
and stability, restoration of basic facilities and
infrastructure and a road map of political processes for
a representative Iraqi Government. It is clear that the
United Nations has a crucial role to play in the process
of political and economic reconstruction of that
country. This has been acknowledged both by those
who had opposed military action and by those who did
not seek specific United Nations endorsement for it.
One issue on which the United Nations showed
remarkable unanimity after 11 September was global
terrorism. Security Council resolutions 1373 (2001)
and 1456 (2003) were unequivocal in condemning all
forms of terrorism and in calling for united action
against support, shelter, sponsorship, arming, training
and financing of terrorism or terrorists.
Unfortunately, the solidarity that was voiced has
not translated into coherent and effective action.
Terrorist acts continue to shatter our peace, from
Mombasa to Moscow and from Baghdad to Bali. India
has had more than its share of terrorism in various
parts of the country. The global coalition against
terrorism has registered successes in Afghanistan, but
has not been able to extend this elsewhere. Some of its
members are themselves part of the problem. We are
sometimes led to enter into semantic arguments over
the definition of terrorism. The search for root causes
or imaginary freedom struggles provides alibis for
killing innocent men, women and children.
There is much that the United Nations can do to
carry forward the war against international terrorism.
The Counter-Terrorism Committee should develop
measures to ensure compliance by Member States of
their obligations under Security Council resolutions
1373 (2001) and 1456 (2003). We should have credible
multilateral instruments to identify States that
contravene these resolutions. Multilateral mechanisms
must be created to detect and choke off international
financial flows to terrorists and terrorist organizations.
A much better international system of
information exchange and intelligence sharing needs to
be devised to prevent terrorists from evading capture
simply by crossing national borders. No State should
be allowed to profess partnership with the global
coalition against terror, while continuing to aid, abet
and sponsor terrorism. To condone such double
standards is to contribute to multiplying terrorism.
Yesterday, the President of Pakistan chose this
august Assembly to make a public admission for the
first time that Pakistan is sponsoring terrorism in
Jammu and Kashmir. After claiming that there is an
indigenous struggle in Kashmir, he has offered to
encourage a general cessation of violence within Kashmir,
in return for reciprocal obligations and restraints.
We totally refuse to let terrorism become a tool of
blackmail. Just as the world did not negotiate with al
Qaeda or the Taliban, we shall not negotiate with
terrorism. Were we to do so, we would be betraying the
people of Jammu and Kashmir, who defied a most
ferocious campaign of violence and intimidation
sponsored from across our borders and participated in
an election, which has been universally hailed as free
and fair. This was an unequivocal expression of both
determination and self-determination.
When the cross-border terrorism stops, or when
we eradicate it, we can have a dialogue with Pakistan
on the other issues between us.
While on this subject, I would also like to point
out to the President of Pakistan that he should not
confuse the legitimate aspiration for equality of nations
with outmoded concepts of military parity.
We should be particularly concerned at the
various recent revelations about clandestine transfers of
weapons of mass destruction and their technologies.
We face the frightening prospect of these weapons and
technologies falling into the hands of terrorists. Surely
16

something needs to be done about the helplessness of
international regimes in preventing such transactions,
which clearly threaten international security. The same
regimes expend considerable energy in imposing a
variety of discriminatory technology-denial restrictions
on responsible States.
Our preoccupation with terrorism should not
dilute our commitment to tackle the non-military
threats to human and international security. We have to
sustain the fight against trafficking in narcotic drugs,
human beings and small arms, the pandemic of
HIV/AIDS, diseases like malaria and tuberculosis that
beset developing countries and the degradation of our
common environment. Food security, energy security
and health security are important goals.
The countries of the North and of the South —
the developed, developing and transition economies —
must resume their dialogue to build a better world for
the present and future generations. For the agenda of
globalization, Cancún was a disappointment.
Significant progress was made at Johannesburg
towards the realization of sustainable development, but
the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol on climate
change remains stalled and the Convention on
Biological Diversity has not yielded any tangible
benefits to the world’s poor.
International economic relations continue to be
characterized by inequities and inequalities.
Globalization has helped sections of the international
economy, including some developing countries; however,
large communities have been left outside its pale. It has
engendered economic crises and instability in several
developing countries and sharply increased poverty.
Poverty is multidimensional. It extends beyond
money and income to education, health care, skills
enhancement, political participation at all levels from
the local to the global, access to natural resources,
clean water and air, and advancement of one’s own
culture and social organization.
Poverty alleviation requires resources on a far
greater scale than now available. Globalization itself
places constraints on Governments of developing
countries in raising public resources for poverty
alleviation. The promise of the climate change and
biodiversity treaties to raise significant resources for
investment and technology transfer is as yet unrealized.
The resources of multilateral and bilateral development
agencies are limited by the failure of industrialized
countries to enhance development budgets.
Therefore, if the current regimes of globalization
and sustainable development are to be expanded — or
even to survive — they must be directly harnessed to
provide the necessary resources for poverty alleviation.
In fact, all international agreements and initiatives
affecting developing countries have to be evaluated by
their impact on poverty.
Developing countries need to coordinate their
positions in international negotiations to promote the
adoption of regimes which would help alleviate
poverty. The India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue
Forum, which was established earlier this year, is an
effort in this direction.
We in the developing countries do not have the
luxury of time. Political compulsions force us to meet
the aspirations of our people quickly, even as we
subject ourselves to newer and more rigid international
standards and norms. We owe it to our future generations
to make strong efforts to meet the Millennium
Development Goals. There is a mutuality of interest in
this between the developed and the developing
countries. Global interdependence today means that
economic disasters in developing countries could
create a backlash in developed countries. We hope the
world will act in this spirit of enlightened self-interest.


At the
outset, allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to preside over the Assembly at this session. I
would also like to congratulate the outgoing President,
Mr. Jan Kavan, for his work at the head of this
Assembly at the previous session.
On behalf of my Government, we would also like
to reiterate our gratitude for the efforts of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, to promote peace
and multilateralism, and to express our solidarity in
wake of the criminal attack that claimed the lives of
several staff members of this Organization.
We have come from the world’s South to the
General Assembly with a firm belief that revitalizing
this global representative forum is essential for
international law to become once again a rational
instrument for resolving conflicts and facing threats.
Restoring the major political role that the Assembly
played in the early days of the United Nations is key to
strengthening security for all citizens of the world.
Indeed, multilateralism is the cornerstone of this
Organization. But the cold war and bipolarity that
characterized the world after the Yalta Conference until
the fall of the Berlin Wall undoubtedly shaped the
instruments and legislation that were adopted within
that framework.
Any objective look at the international situation
that that goes beyond the particular biases of individual
Members of the Organization will reveal another
hallmark of the world today: the technological, military
and economic supremacy of one country over all the
rest. We therefore consider it necessary to reaffirm our
determined support for the purposes and principles that
underpin the United Nations, so that it can actively
work to promote peace and the social and economic
development of humanity.
But, it bears repeating, we must not limit our
commitment to multilateralism to words alone.
Promoting multilateralism requires a dual strategy.
First, an open mind is needed to objectively grasp the
full extent of the new state of affairs. Secondly, we
need to reconsider the instruments and rules so to cope
with this new reality just as was done during the era of
bipolar politics in order to save the world from
destruction. Multilateralism and security are inseparable
but are not the only factors in this new equation.
The world is changing against the backdrop of a
globalization that is creating unprecedented
opportunities and risks. The greatest risk is the
widening gap between the rich and poor. To divide the
world into central and marginal countries is not merely
an academic exercise or a matter of ideology. Quite the
contrary, such definitions reflect a grim reality of
unprecedented poverty and social exclusion. Our
priority must be to ensure that globalization works for
all, and not just for the few. Promoting the
development of the marginalized countries is no longer
simply a matter of social conscience on the part of the
central countries. It has an impact on their situation and
security. Hunger, illiteracy, exclusion and ignorance are
some of the basic elements that fuel the spread of
international terrorism and cause violent and massive
national migration flows, which have cultural, social
and economic consequences. They also inevitably
threaten the security of the central countries.
Economic integration and political
multilateralism hold the key to safer future world. We
need to build global institutions and effective
partnerships within the framework of fair and open
trade and to bolster support for the development of
those most in need. If we are to promote collective
security intelligently, we must understand that security
is not just a military issue; it depends on political,
economic, social and cultural factors as well. These are
the key challenges on the current international agenda
that the main actors must meet.
In this framework, the relations between
countries like ours and others in the international
8

community are affected by a huge and crushing burden
of debt owed to multilateral financial institutions and
private creditors. We accept our share of responsibility
for having adopted policies that caused this
indebtedness. But we also call on the international
financial institutions — which contributed to,
encouraged and promoted the growth of that debt by
dictating their terms — to accept their own share of
responsibility. It goes without saying that when debt
grows to such an extent, not only the debtor but also
the creditor bears responsibility. It is therefore
necessary to acknowledge the tangible, verifiable and
rather obvious fact that repaying such a debt entails
great hardships.
Without specific international assistance to
enable indebted countries to restore economic solvency
and thereby their ability to repay debts and without
measures to foster their growth and their sustainable
development by taking concrete steps to promote their
market access and growth of exports, debt repayment
remains a pipedream. Promoting exports of finished
products based on the natural resources that most
indebted countries have can lay the foundations for
sustainable development, without which creditors will
have to face their losses without any other realistic
options.
No one is known to have succeeded in getting
their money back from the dead. To reach the objective
of making a country viable so it can pay its debts,
intensified multilateral negotiations are greatly needed
to eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers that hinder
access of our exports to the markets of the developed
countries, which have the largest purchasing capacity.
Indeed, there continue to be export and production
subsidies in the international trade in food products —
Argentina’s main export item — as well as tariffs,
unjustified sanitary measures and trade restrictions that
distort the terms of trade in commodities and seriously
hamper market access for finished products.
The failure of the World Trade Organization
negotiations in Cancún should serve as a wake-up call
to us in this regard and should be remedied by making
the greatly sought-after link between business
opportunities in international trade and the growth of
indebted countries and their debt-repayment capacity. It
is paradoxical and even ridiculous that we should be
called upon to repay our debt while we are being
prevented from trading and selling our products.
On the other hand, although it is true that the
objectives of the multilateral institutions, such as the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), include shortening
the duration and lessening the imbalance of payments
of member countries and instilling confidence by
giving them opportunities for readjustment, without
taking measures that undermine national or
international prosperity, it is also necessary to redesign
those multilateral institutions. Redesigning multilateral
lending agencies should include changing the models
so that the success or failure of economic policies is
measured in terms of success or failure in the fight for
development, equitable distribution, the fight against
poverty and maintaining adequate levels of employment.
This new millennium should banish adjustment
models in which the prosperity of some is based on the
poverty of others. The dawn of the twenty-first century
should mean the end of an age and the beginning of a
new collaboration among creditors and debtors.
In a nutshell, it is essential to take note of the
close connection that exists between security,
multilateralism and economics.
The defence of human rights occupies a central
place in the new agenda of the Argentine Republic. We
are the children of the mothers and grandmothers of the
Plaza de Mayo, and we therefore insist on permanently
supporting the strengthening of the system for the
protection of human rights and the trial and conviction
of those who violate them. All of this is based on the
overarching view that respect for persons and their
dignity arises out of principles preceding the
development of law, whose origins can be traced to the
beginnings of human history. Respecting diversity and
pluralism and relentlessly fighting impunity have been
unwavering principles of our country ever since the
tragedy of recent decades.
We strongly advocate a peaceful settlement of
international disputes, particularly in a matter as dear
to our feelings and interests as our sovereignty dispute
with regard to the Malvinas, South Georgia and the South
Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas.
The United Nations has recognized that this is a
colonial situation maintained by the United Kingdom
and that it must be settled through bilateral
negotiations between the Argentine Republic and the
9

United Kingdom. We value the role of the United
Nations Special Committee on Decolonization and
express our fullest willingness to negotiate in order to
conclusively settle this longstanding dispute, a steady
objective of the Argentina Republic. We urge the
United Kingdom to agree to resume bilateral
negotiations to resolve this major issue.
Also with reference to the Southern regions, we
undertake to protect the interests of the international
community in Antarctica, ensuring that the activities
carried out there are consistent with the Antarctic
Treaty and its 1991 Madrid Protocol on Environmental
Protection. We shall take steps at the relevant forums
for the installation of the authorities and the operation
of the Antarctic Treaty Secretariat at its designated
seat, Buenos Aires.
We express our support and wish for a stable and
lasting peace in the Middle East based on the
inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-
determination and an independent and viable State,
while at the same time recognizing the right of Israel to
live at peace with its neighbours within safe and
internationally recognized borders.
We have spoken of progress and collective
security as the global challenges of today. We have
highlighted the close link that exists between economic
problems and security. We firmly condemn all terrorist
actions. We know what we are talking about. In 1992
and 1994 we suffered, first hand, our own Twin
Towers. The attacks on the Israeli Embassy and the
AMIA Jewish Community Center took the lives of over
100 of our compatriots. We can bear witness to the
need to fight effectively against the new threats posed
by international terrorism.
The vulnerability of all countries in the
international community to this scourge can be reduced
only through intelligent, concerted and multilateral
action sustained over time. The fight against terrorism
requires a new rationality. We face an enemy whose
logic is to trigger reactions symmetrical to its actions.
The worse, the better, is the favoured scenario, and that
logic partly accounts for the increasingly spectacular
— almost cinematographic — nature of its operations.
Legitimate responses and the support of international
public opinion are both fundamental to confronting
those new forms of violence.
This view places the problem of international
terrorism in a dimension that goes beyond a unilateral
or military solution. On the contrary, merely
responding through the use of force, however
impressive such force may be or appear to be, in many
cases ends with the perpetrators being presented as
victims. This closes in a perfect circle the perverse
logic to which we have been referring.
As we see, in view of the complexity of the
situation, it is no longer useful to take shelter in old
alignments, anachronistic ways of thinking or outdated
structures. The new challenges call for different and
creative solutions so as not to be left behind by changes
in the world in the technological, economic, social and
undoubtedly even cultural fields.
Let us rise to the challenge of thinking anew for a
new world. To combine different ideas and create
practical means to put them into practice in the service
of the people we represent is our duty.