19.	The outstanding personal qualities which the representative of Iraq brings to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly assure its success. We sincerely congratulate him on his election. Our delegation pledges its full support and cooperation.
20.	A special tribute is owed to his predecessor, Mr.Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany. He earned the admiration of all for the keen wisdom and outstanding skill with which he conducted the deliberations of the thirty-fifth session, as well as those of the special session held this year.
21.	Our delegation is again grateful to the Secretary General for his unstinting efforts to promote peace and development throughout the world.
22.	The Government and people of Jamaica warmly welcome the recent advance of the people of Belize to independence. Bound as we have been by close and varied ties for many years, Jamaica joined with many in supporting the legitimate struggle of the people of Belize for unfettered sovereignty and territorial integrity. That struggle has been conducted with persistence and dignity. Much praise is also due to the nonaligned movement, in which Belize had a special place, for making the cause of Belize its own.
23.	On this happy occasion we extend our most cordial congratulations to the Government and people of Belize, and look forward to continued close and fruitful relations. We wish for them a prosperous and secure future. They can be assured of our unstilted efforts on their behalf as they seek to participate fully in the international community.
24.	We also extend a warm welcome to Vanuatu, which has recently joined our community of nations.
25.	Jamaica fully recognizes that the international community has become increasingly interdependent. Indeed,
within the context of nonalignment, much of our foreign policy is based upon that awareness and the reality of it.
26.	In working on and looking at the problems of the Caribbean and Latin America, Jamaica is convinced that the choices our region makes at this time and the options exercised, first and most importantly within our own region, but not inconsequentially by those outside the region, will have a decisive bearing on the scope and quality of the future which awaits our peoples. It is very important, therefore, that the priorities of our region be clearly stated at this time.
27.	In our view the most urgent task confronting the countries of Latin America is that of halting and reversing the impoverishment, stagnation and in some cases decline of already low standards of living for our people. It is equally important to do so within political and institutional parameters which do not circumscribe or threaten their fundamental rights and freedoms.
28.	In this respect, it is the unshakable conviction of the Government of Jamaica that the understandable aspirations of the people of the region to social and economic advancement cannot be met or fully realized in an environment in which democratic processes and fundamental freedoms are imperiled.
29.	Jamaica continues, therefore, to be deeply concerned at certain events elsewhere in the region. We also frankly acknowledge our skepticism and fundamental difference of opinion regarding the viability of some other political strategies and approaches to the region's social and economic problems. But Jamaica continues to maintain as a matter of fundamental principle and policy our recognition and acceptance of the right of States and peoples to choose freely their own path to social and economic development. This we believe to be not only an inherently sound and logical principle in a community of sovereign States, but one which, if practiced and adhered to by all States, will ensure that it is the people of our region themselves who determine their own future.
30.	It is necessary and timely to reiterate this because the geographic location of the Caribbean has imparted to the area an unhappy history as a prime theater of competition in the ideological, strategic and, in an earlier period, colonial conflicts of major Powers. That era and the policies it entails must fully and finally be put behind by all States, whether within or outside of this hemisphere.
31.	The people in many countries of the region are seeking to chart a new course for the future. We are convinced that the time is opportune for our region to become a theater of cooperation. Jamaica is gratified that there has been some response to its call for concerted efforts of economic assistance to the region as part of a renewed assault on social and economic deprivation in the Caribbean basin.
32.	The elusive goal of economic transformation, which we believe to be consonant both with the aspirations of our people and the best interests of the international community, will not be met in the foreseeable future without large-scale assistance and increased economic and functional cooperation within our region.
33.	In this latter regard, Jamaica is heartened that developments during last year and this year point to an increased willingness on the part of some Member States to commit themselves despite pressures on scarce resources to programs of intraregional economic assistance and cooperation. This can only augur well. My Government, for its part, is unwavering in its support for and commitment to the strengthening of economic and functional cooperation in Latin America and the Caribbean. Indeed, we are confirmed in the view that this process will be found to be one of the critical determinants of the destiny of our area.
34.	But at this point, and particularly in the context of the history of my own region, I would wish to express Jamaica's concern at the heightening level of international tension and polarization. This is for us, as it must be for the entire international community, a cause for grave unease. We can but be hopeful that events do not indeed portend the chill wind of the cold war.
35.	Jamaica is well aware that in our region, as elsewhere, peace and development are inextricably linked and are certain casualties of rising tension and exacerbated disputes. This is the spirit in which we repeat our call for the establishment of a zone of peace in the Caribbean and emphasize our Government's general support for and encouragement of such policies and measures as serve to lessen tension and promote peace in the region.
36.	Jamaica is aware that if the 1980s are to become, in economic terms, a watershed decade for Latin America and the Caribbean, as for other developing countries, certain adverse trends in the international environment must be reversed, and certain pressing issues of interest to the global community must be addressed soon.
37.	Recent trends towards confrontation and militarism are contributing to the weakening of the fabric of international security. There is now a new momentum in the escalation of the arms race and in the resurgence of the notion that force and military power are necessary elements for national existence. The arsenals of nuclear and conventional weapons that have been accumulated threaten Ae very survival of man on this planet and mock our alleged rationally. Hie nuclear-weapon Powers should lead the way and begin to curtail further nuclear weapon development. Now, more than ever, we need to strengthen the nonproliferation regime, to have universal application of effective safeguards and to put a stop to vertical proliferation.
38.	The buildup of increasingly sophisticated conventional weapons and the dramatic increase in international trade in arms over the last decade are also cause for great anxiety. Sadly, developing countries, often a theater for war in recent times, have become an important market for weapons. This squandering of scarce resources on spiraling military budgets has to be halted and reversed.
39.	All States have accepted that the goal of general and complete disarmament is both desirable and attainable. It is time that this consensus on the principle be translated into a consensus for action. It is our expectation that the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly on disarmament in 1982 will produce new and more effective approaches to disarmament.
40.	Developments over the past year "in the Middle East have not been encouraging in the search for peace. Tension and hostility have increased, contributing to the hardening of attitudes. Understandably, feelings ran high when Israel attacked the nuclear facilities in Iraq an act which Was rightly condemned by the international community. The whole episode demonstrated the need for statesmanship? in the region. Peace cannot be impeded by military force. Rather, it must be built on mutual trust and confidence and mutual accommodation. Jamaica has for a long time urged such an accommodation as a means of achieving peace. The rights of all parties in the region should be recognized. The elements of comprehensive settlement have already been identified by a broad consensus in the international community. They involve, first, the withdrawal of Israel from territories occupied in the 1967 war; secondly, the implementation of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and national independence; and, thirdly, the establishment of appropriate arrangements to enable all States in the region, including Israel, to exist in peace and security within their recognized boundaries. These elements would require adjustments of position on the part of all the parties concerned and would, establish a basis for negotiating a just and lasting peace.
41.	At present Lebanon is being absorbed into the Middle East conflict and is being torn apart by forces from without and within. The tragedy of Lebanon is the tragedy of a small country caught helplessly in the crossfire of a larger conflict. But we cannot abandon Lebanon to this fate. What is necessary is stronger international support for the Government of Lebanon in its efforts to extend its authority throughout the entire country. The time has come for the United Nations to insist on the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Lebanon. In addition, we require an end to the attacks by Israel, an end to outside exploitation of internal divisions and an end to interference in the internal affairs of Lebanon.
42.	Elsewhere, there are conflicts and tensions of varying degrees and intensity. None of them appears as intractable as that of southern Africa. There, the racist regime of South Africa, with the support of its newly acknowledged ally, continues to maintain an illegal colonial domination of Namibia and to entrench further the inhuman policy of apartheid. We reiterate our total condemnation of the system of apartheid and our full support for the South West Africa People's Organization [SW4P0] and its
struggle to liberate Namibia.
43.	On the Korean peninsula stubborn problems await a peaceful negotiated solution, but we note the encouraging signs of practical proposals for the resumption of a dialog. In SouthEast Asia the withdrawal of one superPower has not brought the hoped for peace and tranquility. Intervention and pretensions of domination have aroused instability and fear, instead of the needed trust and cooperation.
44.	This year Jamaica had the honor of being chosen as the site of the International Seabed Authority. Once again we should like to thank the international community for this honor. The Government and people of Jamaica are gratified at the trust placed in them and give the assurance that everything is being done to live up to that trust. We look forward to acting as hosts to the preparatory commission as soon as it is established. Like the vast
majority of Member States, Jamaica expects that there will be no obstacles in the way of adoption of the convention by next year, to enable the signature to take place in Caracas in the autumn of 1982.
45.	The world economy today is beset by difficulties and uncertainties. The pace of world economic growth has fallen to its lowest level since the recession of 1975. This has been accompanied by a slowdown in the expansion of world trade, by worsened imbalances in current account, by increasing unemployment and by accelerated inflation rates reaching levels unknown for many years. No country or group of countries has been able to escape their effects.
46.	These difficulties are but a reflection of the underlying structural maladjustments and the persisting lack of equity in international economic relations.
47.	The economic circumstances of the North cannot be divorced from those of the South. Attempts by countries
to find individual solutions have not worked. In fact, the , restrictive policies pursued to combat inflation in the industrialized countries have not brought prices under control. Instead they have adversely affected world trade and have contributed to a further deterioration in the global economy. As the economic crisis persists we witness an intensification of protectionist tendencies in the industrialized countries. But resort to such measures merely serves to impede the structural adjustment process and leads to a contraction in world trade.
48.	At no other time in history has the reality of interdependence been more evident. At no other time has there been a greater shared need to find solutions and to formulate collective policies. The international community must commit itself to managing the process of change, which is so vital to us all, if we are to achieve peace, equity and growth.
49.	Jamaica is still convinced that one such opportunity lies in the launching of global negotiations which will allow us to treat vital issues such as money and finance, trade, energy, raw materials and food in a coherent and integrated manner. The launching of the negotiations is already one year behind schedule. Time is not on our side, and we cannot afford to wait much longer. We must take a decision at this session to launch the global negotiations.
50.	We have just seen a temporary slowdown in the movement of world oil prices. It is, however, no more than that a temporary halt in the rise of world oil prices. The international community should not delude itself with visions of a glut in oil supplies on the world market and a consequent fall in the price of crude oil. Not even a stabilization in the world price of oil is to be expected.
51.	The high cost of energy and high interest rates in the capital markets of the world are still the major obstacles which lie in the way of development for us, the energy-deficient oil-importing developing countries. These two major items render all current development programming an exercise in futility. The recurrent deficits continue to rise for the oil-importing developing countries; they were over $80 billion last year. This major aggregate of deficit must be financed at ruinous rates of interest.
52.	It is for that reason that Jamaica cannot avoid a feeling of despondency at the meager results which were shown by the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi. A useful Program of Action has indeed been worked out, but no means of implementing it have been found. Neither finance nor institutional arrangements have yet been worked out, and the interim proposals which emerged from the Conference will almost certainly show their inadequacy in due course.
53.	The inability of the international community to find measures for implementing the Nairobi Program has not removed the need for energy investment in developing countries. The energy deficient developing countries still need to diversify their sources of energy supply away from oil and gas.
54.	The Jamaican delegation regards it as a major misfortune that the World Bank has been unable to embark upon the expanded Program of energy investment which the proposed energy affiliate would have made possible. It has been unable to do so because important members of the Bank are opposed to its creation. The investment which is required cannot be financed by private enterprise. Jamaica therefore calls upon the industrialized countries and those developing countries which possess surplus resources of cash to expedite <their negotiations so as to bring the energy affiliate of the World Bank into existence as rapidly as possible.
55.	It is in the context of energy needs that my Prime Minister proposed at the Nairobi Conference the establishment of a center for research and development of new and renewable sources of energy, and a means of promoting equipment which will bring important energy supplies within the reach of the poorer rural people of the world. Jamaica has discovered that a long road will probably have to be traversed by the sponsors of our energy center before the center is established, but we shall reach the end of that road in due course. The Jamaican delegation expresses the hope that the decision to establish a center for research and development of new and renewable sources of energy will be made before the end of another regular session of the General Assembly.
56.	The interest of the world community in having balanced and sustained economic growth and development will not be met if the critical needs of any group of countries are ignored. The growth and dynamism of the international economic system as a whole can be assured only if we ensure the growth and development of its component parts. This is perhaps the single most important lesson to be learned when we look at the performance of the international economy over the years.
57.	It is a disturbing history of uneven growth, depressions and recessions. Indeed, even the crisis we now face is the result of insufficient regard for what on the face of it should be a truism: the whole can only be as buoyant as its parts. That is why Jamaica is increasingly concerned at the growing tendency in the international community to underestimate the needs of the so-called middle-income developing countries at this juncture of their development. This, we believe, carries with it a regrettable element of myopia and does not augur Well for the future dynamism of the world economy as a Whole.
5S. What is the reality with regard to this group of countries? The fact is that the overwhelming majority have found it impossible to make the transition to self sustaining economic growth. In the face of a prolonged world economic crisis and against a background of historical structural distortions, the sought after transition has proved elusive. Many middle-income countries have remained essentially primary mineral and agricultural producing economies with a measure of diversification.. For them minimal growth and stagnation have been the shared experience of the past decade.
59.	Jamaica believes that the international community, without prejudice to the real and pressing needs of others, must take seriously the need to assist middle-income countries in such areas as diversification and strengthening of export capacity, inducing high levels of investment flows into their development, improving the terms of their access to the international capital markets and removing tariff and non-tariff barriers to their exports. That is not an exhaustive list, but those are measures which we believe are suited to the needs of many middle-income countries and which therefore urgently recommend themselves if dynamic and sustained growth is to be generated within this group.
60.	Jamaica is pleased to find that the developing countries have at last decided to devote serious attention to economic cooperation among themselves. We are pleased with the Program of Action that was approved at the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries held at Caracas last May [see A/36/333 and Corr.l]. We thank those countries which have offered to host the series of expert groups which have been identified and trust that these groups will pursue their Program of activities with vigor and will discover how wide an area of cooperation is still open to developing countries without assistance from the developed world.
61.	The industrialized countries are sometimes heard expressing the view that agencies in the United Nations family should reserve their resources exclusively for activities which are universal in character and which concern all Members of the United Nations. It is said that to apply resources and facilities in order to deal with problems which are of direct concern only to one group of States Members of the United Nations is to misuse such resources. Economic cooperation among developing countries is sometimes singled out for that particular criticism.
62.	Jamaica most strongly dissents from that view. It cannot be said that economic cooperation among developing countries should not be a major concern of the United Nations because it is of interest to only 130 or 135 of the 156 Members of the United Nations. It is neither parochial nor a misuse of resources for UNCTAD or UNDP or IMF to devote resources and manpower to matters which are of interest primarily to the developing countries of this Organization.
63.	What greater anomaly is there than the devoting of our human and material resources to arms while in this very Assembly, year after year, we continue to hear that in many parts of our globe man is losing the struggle against hunger and malnutrition?
64.	At this time, when the seriousness of the food crisis has prompted FAO to call a global food alert, the international community might reflect on the solemn resolve made at the World Food Conference at Rome in 1974. There it was resolved that all Governments should accept the goal that "within a decade no child will go to bed hungry, that no family will fear for its next day's bread, and that no human being's future and capacities will be stunted by malnutrition."'
65.	The failure to eradicate hunger within the decade is a glaring reminder of the priorities of the international community.
66.	That pledge will not be kept, not because of any intrinsic impossibility of attainment but simply because the food problem has not been treated seriously enough by the international community, nor have efforts at the national level, an most cases, been anywhere near sufficient.
67.	Food production will continue to lag in the developing world, unless effective measures of agrarian reform, tax credit and investment policies, improvement of the rural infrastructure and appropriate education and extension Programs are carried out. Jamaica notes with concern that food production is further hampered by the increasing cost of inputs such as energy and fertilizers and by high interest rates.
68.	The establishment of IFAD and the recent citation of a food facility within IMF had proffered some hope, but, unfortunately, there has been a growing resistance to providing more funds for IFAD. Jamaica hopes that the major contributors to IFAD will be able to conclude negotiations with regard to the replenishment of that Fund's resources at ah early dafceV This is an urgent matter.
69.	We urge the international community to recognize fully the urgency and dimensions of the food crisis and to do all that is necessary to ensure that the call of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [General Assembly resolution 35/56] for the elimination of hunger and malnutrition at least by the end of the century does not begin to ring hollow.
70.	All of us as States Members of this noble Organization are custodians of the hopes and aspirations of mankind for peace and security and for a better way of life. We must translate these aspirations into realities. Therefore let us summon anew our energies; let us pledge ourselves anew to the principles and objectives of the Charter; let us act wisely, lest, as custodians of the future, we betray irrevocably that trust which has been placed in us.
71.	Allow me to close with a few words which are taken from a UNICEF calendar of some two decades ago but which I think are still relevant:
"There shall be peace on earth, But not until each child shall daily eat his fill, Go warmly clad against the winter wind, And learn his lessons with a tranquil mind And, thus released from hunger* fear and need, Regardless of his color, race or creed, Look upward smiling to the skies, His faith in man reflected in his eyes."


136.	 Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to see you elected as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The trust placed in you testifies to the great appreciation of your prominent role and experience. We take this opportunity to thank your predecessor who so ably presided over the deliberations of the last session of the General Assembly. We should like also to welcome the independence of Belize and Vanuatu and their admission to membership in the United Nations. We also commend the efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General for the strengthening of the international organization.
137.	Our peoples pin high hopes on the role of the United Nations in enhancing world peace and security. Those hopes encompass all aspects of cooperation aimed at the establishment of the principles of peaceful coexistence and the achievement of detente in international relations. However, since the convening of the last session of the General Assembly events have been moving in a direction which threatens those principles. Tension in international relations has increased. Many States and peoples have been subjected to the dangers of aggression and flagrant intervention in their internal affairs. Racist regimes in occupied Palestine and South Africa encouraged and supported by world imperialism have challenged the international will and rejected United Nations resolutions. They continue in their policies of occupation and aggression against the Arab and African peoples. The same period has witnessed the reinforcement by the United States of America of its military presence through the addition of new bases of aggression and the creation of new areas of conflict and instability in various regions of the world. Furthermore, it has decided to produce and deploy medium-range nuclear missiles in Europe and other new weapons of mass destruction as well as the neutron bomb. It also persists in its refusal to ratify the second treaty on the limitation of strategic offensive arms [SALT II].
138.	That aggressive conduct adopted by world imperialism, in undermining the principles of the policy of international detente with a return to the cold war, once again endangers world peace and security. It is the responsibility of the United Nations to endeavor forcefully and relentlessly to preempt those Powers by affirming its continued rejection of such policies, by warning of their dangers and by working towards their elimination. Democratic Yemen is of the view that the initiatives proposed by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries represent a realistic basis for the consolidation of detente and the preservation of world peace and security.
139.	A number of important political developments are taking place in our region. The United States is trying to impose its control over the area through the establishment of new military bases and through the rapid deployment force. It openly declares its intention to launch an aggressive policy and to occupy the oil sources in open defiance of the will of the governments and peoples in the area who have declared their total rejection of that move and consider it as blatant interference in their internal affairs. Those countries have expressed their readiness to protect their sovereignty and independence against such foreign interference. The United States resorts to the use of its local agents to facilitate its task aimed at total domination of the region, the plundering of its national resources, and picking quarrels with nationalist and progressive regimes in order to halt the achievement of their aspirations for stability and development. We take this opportunity to draw attention to the treacherous role played by the regimes of Oman, Egypt and Somalia, whose lands have been turned into military bases for United States imperialism, thus posing a threat to the security and independence of the area.
140.	Democratic Yemen, true to its foreign policy based on the principle of peaceful coexistence and mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, common interest and noninterference in the internal affairs of States, and true to its belief in the cause of peace and security in the region, as well as in the independence and sovereignty of its peoples, considers it very important to confront that policy of aggression pursued by the United States and other imperialist Powers.
141.	In this vein, the President of Democratic Yemen, Ali Nasser Mohamed, has called for the convening of a summit conference of the States of the Gulf, the Arabian Peninsula and the Horn of Africa, along with the presence of other interested parties, to discuss the total elimination of all foreign military bases. This call by Democratic Yemen is aimed at the consolidation of security and stability in the region and conforms to the special concern we have in making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace in accordance with the Declaration contained in General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI).
142.	Our Yemeni people look forward to permanent peace and stability in our region. They work to consolidate their independence and sovereignty over their own territory, to protect their achievements and to overcome all obstacles caused by imperialist and reactionary conspiracies whose aim is to frustrate the unity of both parts of their country through peaceful and democratic, means and by the joint efforts of their authorities. The reunification of the Yemeni homeland, in so far as it is a great goal of our people, will constitute an important factor in the achievement of security and stability in the region. Those principles and goals were emphasized once again at the last summit meeting between the Presidents of the two parts of Yemen, held in Taizz this month.
143.	The results of the recent trilateral summit meeting held in Aden by Democratic Yemen, Ethiopia and Libya and, in particular, the treaty of friendship and cooperation among the three countries concluded in Aden on 19 August 1981, will make a vital contribution towards the strengthening of peace in the region and of solidarity between the Arab and African peoples and will help their joint efforts to face the dangers confronting the Arab and African region caused by imperialism, Zionism and racism.
144.	The situation in the Middle East will continue to constitute a real threat to international peace and security unless the international community puts an end to Israel's aggressive and expansionist policy against the Palestinian people and the Arab countries and to its continued refusal to implement the numerous resolutions of the United Nations and other international forums. Peace in the Middle East will never be achieved as long as the United States continues to endorse Israel's racist ana expansionist policies and to supply it with material and military assistance, thus helping it to continue its aggression against the Palestinian people and the other Arab peoples.
145.	We find it extremely difficult to accept the claim by some that the United States is seeking to establish peace in the Middle East through pressure on Israel. Such claims and illusions have been shattered by the recent agreement to strengthen and broaden the strategic alliance between the United States and Israel. That agreement opened the door wide for eventually bringing America to Israel's side and giving it unlimited support politically, militarily and economically in order to realize the racist Zionist dream of the creation of the socalled greater Israel.
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146.	The two Camp David accords and the Egyptian Israeli peace treaty have failed to produce a solution to the Middle East problem. Such a solution will be achieved only with full recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right of return, its right to self-determination and its right to establish its own independent State in Palestine; recognition of the PLO as its sole and legitimate representative; the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories; a commitment by Israel to implement United Nations resolutions and to terminate its policy of expansion and aggression against the Arab peoples.
147.	The Government of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen strongly condemns Israel's continued aggression against Lebanon and the role which it plays in conspiring against that country's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Likewise, we condemn Israel's attack on the Iraqi nuclear reactor and denounce the conspiracies of the imperialistZionist reactionary alliance against Syria and the United States aggression against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.
148.	We support the struggle of the Sahraoui people. We have repeatedly emphasized that this is a question of a people aspiring to its right to self-determination and independence, under the leadership of the POLISARIO Front.2 We hope that the efforts undertaken by the OAU and the United Nations will result in a speedy response to and the achievement of the aspirations of the Sahraoui people.
149.	Once again, we appeal to our brothers in Iraq and Iran to solve their dispute through peaceful means in the interests of their peoples and because of the importance of their role in the struggle against the imperialist and Zionist designs in the area. We also support the constructive proposals of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan for the settlement of its differences with its neighbors.
150.	It is regrettable that some countries are attempting to bring back to life the infamous Pol Pot gang, while at the same time denying recognition to the victorious Kampuchean people and its nationalist Government, which are struggling resolutely to build a new life in peace and freedom. We condemn all imperialist and reactionary schemes and maneuvers being hatched against the struggle of the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea.
151.	We also reaffirm the need to respect the neutrality and independence of the island of Cyprus, as well as its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We call for the withdrawal from the island of all foreign troops and the dismantling of all military bases. We commend the efforts of the Secretary-General to arrive at a just solution in accordance with these principles.
152.	My country, together with other countries of the world that cherish freedom and peace, supports the proposals of the Government of democratic Korea for the unification of Korea. We call once again for the withdrawal of American forces from South Korea.
153.	The peoples of the African continent also suffer from the numerous imperialist and racist schemes that are being hatched against them and which seek to frustrate their national liberation and discourage their efforts to maintain their independence and sovereignty and to work for the eradication of the apartheid policy pursued by the white minority regime in South Africa.
154.	We support the just struggle being waged by the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole and legitimate representative, to achieve its independence. We condemn the policy of South Africa, which has as its aim the continued occupation of Namibia, contrary to the resolutions of the international Organization. We condemn its latest act of aggression and its occupation of Angola's territory. We also condemn the attempts by certain Western Governments to prevent the Security Council from adopting the necessary sanctions against the racist regime in Pretoria. The continued pursuit of its apartheid policy by the white minority Government in South Africa means that the United Nations must take the necessary steps to isolate that regime and impose sanctions against it in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations.
155.	As regards Latin America, we have always condemned the policy of aggression pursued by the Government of the United States against the peoples of Latin America and its interference in the internal affairs of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada, as well as the external interference and oppression it carries out against the people of El Salvador. We condemn its blockade of Cuba and call for the elimination of the American military base at Guantanamo.
156.	We support the right of the people of Puerto Rico to independence and self-determination, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV).
157.	International economic relations are at present experiencing a crisis of serious dimensions which threatens international peace and security. Experience in international economic cooperation for development, especially in recent years, has proved that partial and shortsighted solutions are not adequate. The problems of developing countries are escalating and increasing in intensity, and the economic gap between those countries and the industrial countries is widening steadily. The developing countries do not bear the responsibility for this unfortunate and painful situation. Nor can they by their individual efforts break throujgh the blockade imposed on them by the system of international relations inherited from the period of the Second World War. Through this system, capitalist countries control the international economy and the world sources of finance and reap the benefits, while developing countries remain the victims of the manifestations of neocolonialism, which is reflected in their dependence, underdevelopment and exploitation. The real values of their incomes are decreasing, while their indebtedness, the prices of their imports and their development requirements are mounting. Their channels for the acquisition of technology and the modern means of development are narrowing and markets are being closed to their exports, or they face protectionist and restrictive measures.
158.	Certain capitalist countries, particularly the United States, have no qualms about blocking international consensus on the restructuring of international economic relations by introducing ambiguous concepts of economic and trade relations in an attempt to strengthen and expand their exploitation of the developing countries and to perpetuate the latter's dependence upon them.
159.	The world of today has reached a degree of interdependence and complexity that makes necessary collective solutions reached in a spirit of true and fair cooperation, without conditions, discrimination or coercion. The result of the dialog gcing on between developing and developed countries is not very promising, nor will it hold out much hope for the future of the world economy as a whole unless the capitalist countries respond to the call of necessity and common interest and abandon all aspects of their rigid positions, which have as their aim the maintenance of their monopolistic interests and privileged positions. Without the political will embodied in radical and courageous resolutions and practical steps, the dialog will continue in an endless tunnel and the clouds of doubt and uncertainty will continue to fill the sky. The economic situation of developing countries, especially the least developed among them, will deteriorate because of their urgent and intensified need for real resources and assistance in order to build their infrastructures, utilize their wealth, train their technicians, provide for the basic needs of their populations and cope with natural disasters. It is a tragic irony that resources and more and more billions of dollars are being expended to perpetuate luxurious patterns of consumption and to produce weapons of war and destruction with which to carry out policies of aggression and cold war, while millions of people in poor and underdeveloped countries live at subsistence level, lacking the means for a decent life and daily facing the threat of death.
160. Developing countries collectively have become aware of the substance and core of the crisis and have established the principles of collective self-reliance in view of their similar circumstances and common experience. Within the framework of the nonaligned movement and the Group of 77, they have drawn up a strategy of action for their development and evolution in all fields. They are still at the beginning of the road, but with closer cooperation they will achieve many of their goals and aspirations. This, however; does not constitute an alternative to dialog and cooperation with developed countries, within the framework of the principles of integration, equality and justice, for the establishment of the new international economic order. We can only hope for an early start on the global negotiations.


 It gives me great pleasure to express to Mr. Kittani, on behalf of Kuwait, our warmest and most heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly. His election is a testimony to the high esteem in which he is held in international circles, as a man of vast experience and outstanding competence. The trust which the General Assembly has placed in him is not only a recognition of his personal attributes but also a symbolic acknowledgment by the international community of the role played by the sister State of Iraq in international bodies. It is a privilege to have presiding over our meetings a man of great and long experience of the activities of this world Organization, a man who has played a remarkable role in supporting the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. While wishing him the greatest success in presiding over this session, I would like to pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, the President of the
thirty-fifth session and the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, who displayed a high degree of competence and wisdom during his presidency.
170.	I should also like to pay a tribute, on behalf of Kuwait, to the SecretaryGeneral for the efforts he has made to promote world peace and security, and to express our appreciation of his quiet diplomacy and the remarkable way he uses his good offices to ease tensions in various parts of the world.
171.	Kuwait, which believes that the international Organization is a miniature image of the community of nations, wishes to congratulate the State of Vanuatu and the State of Belize on joining the United Nations, and would also like to express its belief that those new Members will fulfill their international commitments and play their part in shouldering international responsibilities with great competence.
172.	The current international situation is marked by signs of a deterioration in international relations. We detect in those signs a threat to the policies of detente, the existence of which previously constituted one of the most encouraging safeguards of world peace and security. Its absence could lead to a recurrence of the cold war, which once led us to the dangerous policies of brinkmanship.
173.	There are also unfortunate indications of the re emergence of the arms race, particularly in the nuclear sphere, and that coincides with a worsening of the world economic crisis and an increase in the spread of poverty and famine in the world.
174.	Furthermore, the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of various nations are being jeopardized by the conflict between the major Powers. It is regrettable that the lofty concept of the force of right as a source of peace is now being replaced by a new and dangerous concept which relies on military force as a source of legality and an effective instrument in international relations.
175.	The tendency to resort to the use of military force, or t* e threat of it, has increased substantially, to the extent that it has been coupled in some cases with military intervention and occupation. As a result, we feel we are drifting back to the law of the jungle and the gunboat diplomacy that permeated relations among nations in the dark ages, and drifting away from the Charter of the United Nations and the rules of international law.
176.	Kuwait, sensing the potential dangers in the present world situation, would like to appeal for rapid measures to improve international relations, eliminate the causes of tension and translate the principles of the Charter into action. Kuwait also endorses the idea of convening a world conference on disarmament, to be attended by all nations and to be preceded by adequate preparations in order to guarantee a considerable degree of success.
177.	The situation on our Asian continent is no better than anywhere else, thanks to the increasing competition between the big Powers, particularly the Soviet Union and the United States, for a military presence in the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea. Naval fleets are also being stationed closer and closer to our area on pretexts that are not acceptable to our people.
178.	Kuwait has supported from the outset the efforts being made to make the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. We appreciate the efforts made so far by the AD Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean in preparation for the convening, we hope at an early date, of a conference to discuss this matter.
179.	The nations of the Indian Ocean area have in the past suffered a lot from bigPower conflicts. This has led to the realization by those nations of the potential dangers of 'such bigPower activities. Therefore, the time has come to conclude an international agreement proclaiming the Indian Ocean a zone of peace.
180.	Kuwait strongly believes in the idea of regional cooperation among States, since such cooperation among like-minded States of any region plays a role in easing any tensions which may arise in that region. It also increases the possibility of the most effective exploitation of the natural resources and the safeguarding of the economic development of the countries of the area in a more scientific and coordinated manner. The Arab Gulf States, in accordance with their strong belief in this principle, have therefore taken the constructive step of establishing the Gulf Cooperation Council, which, as the Council's charter provides, aims at "achieving a greater degree of coordination and integration in all fields and [at] forging closer relations between its members".
181.	We believe that that Council will make an effective contribution to stability in the area and will help to prevent foreign intervention in issues which are the concern of the Gulf States alone.
182.	Kuwait believes that responsibility for the security and protection of the Gulf rests with the Gulf States alone. We therefore oppose policies designed to make people believe that the area needs some kind of foreign military presence, whether in the form of the so-called rapid deployment force or in that of military facilities in certain areas. It is Kuwait's conviction that the propagation of such ideas is detrimental to the stability of this vital area of the world and creates an undesirable competition between the superPowers in our backyard.
183.	The world suffers today more than at any time in the past from an increasing number of international problems on which the fate of world peace and the future of mankind depend. The continued deterioration of the situation in Afghanistan constitutes a direct threat not only to the security and sovereignty of the surrounding countries, but to the international community in general. We therefore call for the acceleration of efforts to find a peaceful and just solution to the Afghanistan crisis, in accordance with the General Assembly resolutions calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan and supporting the right of the people of Afghanistan to self-determination and the establishment of the political system which it considers suitable, without foreign interference. We also support the right of the Afghan refugees to return to their country, as called for in the New Delhi Declaration of February 1981, at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of NonAligned Countries [see A/36/116 and Corr. 1, annex].
184.	We are also greatly concerned by the continuance of the IraqIran war and hope that the peaceful efforts to end the war in such a way as to guarantee peace, legality and justice will be continued.
185.	Only a few days ago the General Assembly wound up the eighth emergency special session convened to discuss the question of Namibia and adopted resolution ES8/2 condemning South Africa for its continued control and occupation of that Territory and reiterating the principles which we have always supported but which South Africa continues to ignore.
186.	We believe that the five Western countries, particularly the United States, should carry out the historic responsibilities they assigned themselves and exert effective pressure on South Africa to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
187.	We should also like to express our support for and solidarity with the black majority in South Africa in their bitter struggle against the odious policies of apartheid pursued by the South African regime, the continuance of which is a disgrace to all of mankind. The Government of Kuwait therefore continues to support the imposition of comprehensive sanctions against that racist regime in order to force it to comply with United Nations resolutions.
188.	There is no doubt that the present strained relations between the two superPowers and their gradual abandonment of the policy of detente will lead to a fierce competition, which will revitalize the efforts by those superPowers to polarize as many small nations as possible and entice them somehow into one of the two camps, East or West. That will in turn undoubtedly increase the responsibilities of the nonaligned nations, which should have at the top of their list of priorities opposition to alignments, polarization and the creation of military bases or spheres of influence.
189.	The nonaligned nations are celebrating the twentieth anniversary of their first summit conference, which marked the emergence of that group, which has played and continues to play a major role in organizing the troubled world of today.
190.	In spite of the fact that the path of nonalignment has always been fraught with difficulties, nonaligned policies have remained steadfast and have asserted themselves in the midst of the events of the last two decades. I would be remiss if I did not express appreciation of the efforts made by those nations to bring about fundamental changes in international institutions, such as the elimination of the remaining pockets of colonialism, the settlement of the differences between various nations of the group by peaceful means, the elimination of unjust economic and social conditions, the preservation of spiritual and human values and the reinforcement of the democratic spirit in international relations.
191 Any talk about the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations, human rights or the principles of justice will be meaningless as long as the Middle East crisis, particularly the core of that crisis the cause of the Palestinian people, who have suffered the bitterness of dispersion, oppression, dispossession and the denial of their national rights for more than three decades remains unresolved.
192.	It is indeed an appalling irony that a great Power, which should be fulfilling its special international responsibilities in its capacity as a permanent member of the Security Council, which was originally set up to preserve peace and security namely, the United States should instead play such a part in creating and fomenting the main problem threatening world peace and security in our time, one of the most important and most sensitive regions in the world, the Middle East.
193.	Had it not been for continued United States support and assistance and the reluctance of the United States Government to adopt a balanced policy which would take into consideration the interests of all parties, within the framework of the principles reflecting the wishes of the international community, international justice, the Charter of the United Nations and the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, Israel would not have been able to continue its occupation of Arab territories or its refusal to allow the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate national rights.
194.	The deteriorating situation in Lebanon drains the Arab joint effort to establish peace in the Middle East. Together with its sister Arab members of the Supreme Arab Follow-up Committee, Kuwait continues to exert every effort to establish peace and stability in Lebanon and to preserve its security, sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity under its legitimate authority. We are hopeful that those efforts will bear fruit. We shall pursue our efforts until a normal and peaceful situation is restored in the area. We believe, however, that the main guarantee of the restoration of peace in Lebanon is the cessation of Israel's aggressive practices and persistent attempts to interfere in Lebanese affairs, and the discontinuance of Israel's brutal attacks against the innocent Lebanese people and its violations of Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
195.	A new dimension in Israeli designs was revealed by its attack last June on Iraqi nuclear installations, which constituted an encroachment on the rights of all nations and the aspirations of all peoples to develop their economies so as to serve their development objectives and to utilize their resources so as to achieve progress and prosperity.
196.	The United States bears a special responsibility to put a stop to Israel's irresponsible actions, since by its total support it has turned Israel into the main source of danger to the security of the region.
197.	On the other hand, the question of Palestine remains pivotal for the Middle East, and unless that issue is resolved in a manner which will safeguard the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, particularly its right to self-determination and the creation of its own State, the general situation in the Middle East will not change; in fact, it will become more dangerous and more explosive, as proved by the events of the last few months.
198.	We have been proved right about what we have been saying since the signing of the Camp David accords that this process was anything but conducive to peace in the Middle East and that it was, in effect, a process which would only increasingly complicate the situation. The claim that was made and is still being repeated that there is no alternative to peace has also been proved to be a fallacy by the fact that peace has not been achieved and the expansionist designs and aggressive attitude of Israel have not diminished. It is our conviction that the following elements are essential for the achievement of genuine peace in the Middle East.
199.	The first is the participation of all the principal parties to the issue in the settlement process. The most important among those parties is the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The absolute loyalty to the PLO expressed by the Palestinian people, especially by those who live in the West Bank and Gaza who, despite the brutalities of a coercive occupation authority, have resisted" all efforts to weaken their loyalty to the PLO, should be clearcut proof to anyone who has any doubts on the matter. This fact has been recognized by most Member States. The facts of the situation also prove that the only solution is to recognize the fact that the...PLO exists and that it enjoys the absolute support of the people of Palestine.
200.	Secondly, Israel must withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem. The pretext of security requirements resorted to by Israel in an effort to disguise its expansionist designs is but a flimsy argument that does not deceive anyone.
201.	Thirdly, like  other peoples in the world, the Palestinian people should be guaranteed the right to self-determination and the right to have its own independent State. The right of the Palestinian refugees to repatriation, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly resolutions, should also be safeguarded.
202.	A new element has recently emerged in United StatesIsraeli relations and is being referred to as "strategic cooperation" between the two countries. This cooperation, we believe, will have negative effects and will place more obstacles in the way of any effort to achieve peace in the Middle East.
203.	Kuwait would like to state the following in this respect.
204.	First of all, such cooperation is in our view an ill conceived venture aimed at confronting a fictitious danger which the United States and Israel wish to impose on our area. It is our duty therefore to dispel this illusion, which has been blown up out of all proportion, for it only serves to cloud the facts and draw the entire area towards a new war, with grave consequences for world peace and security.
205.	Secondly, this cooperation will make the Middle East region once again a hotbed of alliances, spheres of influence and the cold war, the consequences of which will have their impact on the commitment of the Arab nations to the policy of nonalignment, which is indispensable to our peoples.
206.	Thirdly, this cooperation will upset the necessary balance in the policy of a Power that plays a major role in the efforts to resolve the Middle East crisis.
207.	We believe that the responsibility for rejecting and resisting this new strategic co operation should not lie with the Middle East States alone, but should be shared by ail peace-loving nations, since the responsibility for world peace and security is a collective one.
208.	In the last two decades the world has been liberated from political colonization and must now be liberated front economic imperialism. We support that course, in which Kuwait has played an important role. However, I should like to emphasize the unavoidable necessity of resolving the question of political justice inherent in the Palestine issue before we are able to assume the economic role we aspire to play. Political justice is the cornerstone of economic justice. Any negotiations on socioeconomic justice in the world as a whole will therefore be pointless if political justice is not achieved in our part of the world. The continuance of an unresolved Palestine question would undoubtedly affect that role, as this question is taking up much of our energies.
209.	The world economic situation is characterized by increasing rates of inflation in all the countries of the world, an increase in the national product at a lesser rate than the increase in population, an increase in the rate of unemployment, an increase in rates of interest and an increase in foreign debt.
210.	The advanced nations bear a responsibility to share in the solution of the economic problems of the developing nations, since they have been responsible for the present recession in the world economic situation.
211.	The convening by the developing nations of the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries, held at Caracas in May 1981, on the eve of the failure of the preparatory attempts to launch the global negotiations, has served as an incentive for these nations to look for ways and means of developing their economies on the basis of cooperation.
212.	We favor the efforts by the world community to conserve energy, but we should like to mention that the responsibility for meeting world energy needs does not rest with the oil-producing countries alone. The advanced nations should embark more seriously on efforts to develop alternative sources of energy and should cooperate with developing nations to explore those sources. The advanced nations undoubtedly have sufficient resources and technical and human capabilities to achieve this objective.
213.	Kuwait and other Arab and developing nations are exerting every possible effort to help the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea resolve its present dilemma, which will not be done unless the obstacles impeding the investment in and utilization of the resources of the sea in an Organized manner for the benefit of this generation as well as the future generations are eliminated.
214.	The State of Kuwait appreciates the importance of the serious participation of the Government of the United States of America in the current negotiations so that the Conference does not lose the momentum it gained in its past sessions. We hope that the new United States Administration will change its stand regarding future negotiations so that the Conference can consolidate the positive achievements resulting from 10 years of intensive efforts and be able to complete its deliberations in 1982.
215.	In conclusion, I should like to wish this important session all success in helping to translate the resolutions and recommendations of the previous sessions into action, thereby fulfilling the hopes underlying them.