I have the honour to present
my personal compliments to His Excellency
Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko and to wish him every success
during his presidency.
24

I have the honour also to deliver the address of His
Excellency Mr. Charles Ghankay Taylor, President of the
Republic of Liberia, who regrettably cannot be here today.
The text of his address reads as follows:
“At the outset, I wish to convey sincere
greetings, on behalf of the Government and people of
Liberia and in my own name. We are here today,
having endured and survived a severe civil crisis of
nearly a decade, through the acute consciousness of
our subregion, whose empathy with Liberia’s plight
created and orchestrated a mechanism to prevent us
from self-destruction. And we stand no less indebted
to a sea of humanitarian outreach through the
international community, most notably the European
Union (EU) and the United States; but absolutely, as
a living testimony to God Almighty, whose
compassionate will has removed the hand of evil from
the activities of our nation.
“Indeed, we are here because Liberia has stood
the test of time and the full assault of hardship.
Today, one added voice of a sovereign State of
Africa — and an original Charter Member of this
Organization — is being heard through its constituted
Head of Government, which we symbolize, and for
which we give all glory to God.
“It is my pleasure to congratulate His Excellency
Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko on his election to the
presidency of this fifty-second session of the General
Assembly. To this we add our best wishes for his
success in meeting the challenges of this awesome
assignment. Also, it is befitting that we extend our
thanks to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Razali
Ismail, whose tenure was characterized by a resolute
commitment to finding solutions to the many issues
which impacted the proceedings of the fifty-first
session.
“I wish also to seize this opportunity to
commend, on behalf of the Government and people of
Liberia, Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Already, he
has demonstrated that he understands the problems
which afflict Africa, his native continent, and that his
leadership is not confined to the accomplishments
which he earned as a son of Ghana. Day by day,
glimpses of his ability as an effective spokesman for
all mankind are being made clearly visible. Permit me
to also pay special honour to the former Secretary-
General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, whose sense of
purpose and invaluable efforts to strengthen the role of
the Organization in the pursuit of international peace
and security have brought benefits to mankind. We
stand convinced that the patience he exercised and
the many initiatives and the personal commitment he
injected into the search for peace and understanding
during his tenure deserve appropriate commendation
by this Organization.
“The establishment of the United Nations over
five decades ago marked the beginning of a new era
in international relations. The adoption of its
Charter, a document of pride and durability, which
Liberia helped to formulate, instituted a working
system of international cooperation. Thus, nations
are resolved to eradicate the scourge of war; to
strengthen peace through justice and international
law; to respect the equal rights of all nations —
large and small; to promote social progress and to
protect human rights throughout the world. We wish
to reaffirm our avowed faith in the United Nations,
and we retain the undiminished hope that this
Organization will continue to be a veritable
instrument for the good conduct of relations among
all nation States. In so asserting our firm
commitment to its ideals, we, therefore, rededicate
ourselves to its objectives. Indeed, from nearly every
perspective, this Organization continues to cater to
the common aspirations of the international
community. Today, with its increased image as a
centre for harmonization, the vision of its Charter
Members has expanded across its original spectrum
of engagement.
“Accordingly, as one of its visionaries who
actively participated in its creation, we felt it
propitious that — despite our recent civil conflict
and its heart-rending accounts — we be personally
represented at this fifty-second session, not only to
reaffirm our commitment to multilateralism, but also
to explore new ways of transforming our hopes for
solidarity into concrete actions for peace and
development; not only to make a ceremonial
representation, but also to add frankness to the scope
of discussions for the improvement of our
Organization.
“On 19 July, the eve of the sesquicentennial
anniversary of our independence, the people of
Liberia went to the polls and made a forthright
decision for a great new beginning for democracy,
for representative government within a constitutional
order, and for peace and prosperity in the forward
25

march towards the twenty-first century. In that
momentous exercise, the Liberian people demonstrated
once again, as they had done throughout 150 years of
survival, their resilience and unconquerable will to
overcome imponderable odds, to keep alive the flame
of national independence in Africa.
“Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister,
at the birth of his nation defined independence as the
moment ’when an age ends, and the soul of the
nation, long suppressed, finds utterance’.
“Thus, when the tragic events of our national
experience in the recent past are viewed within the
context of historical inevitability, we can safely say
that the elections of 19 July 1997 gave rise to a newly
liberated soul of the Liberian nation.
“It is in this light that we see the landslide
victory of 19 July 1997 as the final coming together
of all of our people in a national embrace of unity to
give vibrancy to the liberated national soul. The vote
took place during the week of the solemn celebration
of the 150-year anniversary of the founding of the
nation. It was a vote rooted in renewed hope, which
concurs with what one writer refers to as ’idealism
suffused with a sense of ending’. The people voted to
end civil war and national turbulence and to begin a
new era of peace, stability, democracy, responsible
government and prosperity.
“We have fully grasped the message of our
people’s verdict. Upon our inauguration on 2 August
1997, we set out to form a Government of inclusion.
We have also embarked on a process of national
reconciliation. We have invited all Liberians,
irrespective of political party affiliation, religious
orientation and ethnic origin, to come and join hands
with us in rebuilding our country. We have assured all
that our primary objective is to foster national unity as
the best hope for genuine peace and progress in our
country.
“We have also reaffirmed the 1986 Constitution
as the Organic Law of Liberia. That Constitution
guarantees and protects the fundamental rights and
freedoms of all alike. We are committed to making
that sacred document work. Our Administration will
guarantee and promote the functioning of a credible
and independent judiciary. We shall also protect
human rights and freedom of the press. Above all, we
shall endeavour to promote internal stability through
a Government of inclusion and national unity.
“Our experience as a nation convinces us that
the right to self-determination is a necessary
prerequisite for any people to ensure national
development and to play a meaningful role in the
community of nations. The right to self-
determination is not, in our view, limited to
liberation from external control, but also applies to
liberation from internal tyranny. It is being
demonstrated time and again that it is unhealthy for
external support to be tied to the survival of a
particular regime rather than to the growth and
development of the nation. There is no substitute for
legitimacy and good governance. Internal liberation
awakens a new consciousness about peace, security,
stability and conflict resolution within a society. The
institutions of the market economy are strengthened,
and the people develop greater hope for a decent and
better standard of living.
“In this connection, and based on our
experience, Liberia will continue to play the role of
promoting regional peace and security, fostering
national development through regional and
subregional integration and promoting democratic
values through institution-building.
“We are aware of the significant changes which
are taking place, including the increased tendency
towards political pluralism and democratization, the
rise in economic growth in a number of countries
and the upsurge towards market economies, as well
as progress towards the liberalization and
globalization of the world economy.
“The end of the cold war has resulted in a
relaxation of tension, particularly between world
Powers, and improved interactions among and
between States. My Government must nevertheless
register its grave concern that since the advent of the
historic fiftieth anniversary of this Organization,
some regional conflicts which appeared on the verge
of resolution have defied settlement. We are deeply
disturbed by ongoing conflicts in Africa, the Middle
East, Europe and Asia. Historical evidence has
shown that conflicts, whether in Africa or elsewhere,
will have negative consequences, not only for the
countries directly affected, but also for their
neighbours and the regions of which they are a part.
Liberians know only too well the consequences of a
26

protracted conflict and therefore urge all parties to the
various conflicts to seek a negotiated settlement of
their differences.
“In recent times, several unfavourable
developments have continued to threaten international
peace and security. At present, in the Middle East, the
conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Authority
is permeated with accusations, charges and counter-
charges, despite the signing of the Agreement of 28
September 1995. In spite of the fact that efforts to
pacify the situation are being undermined, we urge
States within the region which are taking concrete
steps, as well as the international community, to give
more attention to ensuring that the peace process
remains on course.
“Within our subregion, while we draw immense
satisfaction from the fact that the Liberian crisis has
finally ended and the Liberian people have achieved
durable peace and stability, we lament the reality of
the threatening situation which recently has developed
in neighbouring Sierra Leone. This matter truly leaves
much to be desired, and we cannot overemphasize the
fact that it is in the best interests of Liberia and its
neighbours that peace be soon established in Sierra
Leone and its people reconciled.
“Liberia, a member of the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS) Committee of Five
on Sierra Leone, is committed to a peaceful,
negotiated settlement of the Sierra Leonean crisis. We
are of the firm conviction that it is our responsibility
to ensure security and stability within our subregion.
“Notwithstanding the individual and collective
efforts of African States to achieve socio-political
transformation, acts of destabilization continue to pose
a serious threat to these countries. That is why African
countries have intensified cooperation at the regional
and subregional levels to stem this trend. We welcome
the growing cooperation between the United Nations
and regional organizations in the fulfilment of Chapter
VIII of the United Nations Charter, and the renewed
commitment to conflict resolution through preventive
diplomacy, peacekeeping and peace-building.
“In the economic sphere, recent conscientious
efforts have resulted in the registration of positive
signs in the revitalization of the global economy. This
progressive trend has been taking place against the
backdrop of explosive growth in world trade and
private investment flows. In the meantime,
developing countries have thus far contributed 70
per cent of the growth in global gross domestic
product and half of the growth in world trade.
Notwithstanding this, the gap between developed and
developing countries continues to grow, leaving
many countries behind amidst the general positive
economic progress occurring in the world. More
importantly, official development assistance required
to fill the gap in resource depletion has fallen to its
lowest point in real terms during the past 23 years,
thereby forcing many of the world’s poorest
countries deeply into debt, and making it virtually
impossible for them to undertake or sustain
economic reforms.
“This situation has affected most developing
countries, particularly those in Africa which continue
to experience the crippling impact of external debt,
deteriorating terms of trade and decline in
investment and financial flows. While we
acknowledge that the development of the African
continent is primarily the responsibility of its people,
we hope that Africa’s development will, of
necessity, remain an area of concern to the
international community. We commend the
Secretary-General for his continuing initiatives for
the development of Africa. The Government of
Japan also deserves Africa’s appreciation for helping
to sensitize the international community to the need
to assist African countries to overcome the negative
trends which are impacting on their economies.
“Closely related to the issues of development is
that of the environment. The human impact on the
environment has increased dramatically, with
unprecedented effects on mankind. Nevertheless, we
remain hopeful that the growing awareness of the
degradation of the environment and the need to
reverse this trend will remain a priority on the global
agenda. In this connection, my Government
commends the holding of the recent high-level
meeting convened by the United Nations to review
progress on the implementation of decisions reached
on Agenda 21 since the 1992 Rio Conference on
Environment and Development.
“The Government of Liberia is concerned about
the alarming incidence of drug trafficking and drug
abuse, which have already destroyed and continue to
ruin countless lives. While this unfortunate
development has undermined the integrity of many
27

Governments, we commend cooperative efforts
between Governments that have taken bold action to
prevent and eradicate drug trafficking and drug abuse.
We welcome the Secretary-General’s proposal to
merge the Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice
Division and the United Nations International Drug
Control Programme.
“The Liberian Government is prepared to work
very closely with the international community in order
to bring success to the international campaign that
strives to undermine the production of and trafficking
in illicit drugs. We are assured in this connection that,
working in the framework of international cooperation
and given our commitment, we are bound to succeed
in our efforts to make our world a safer place for
ourselves and our children.
“Regarding the restructuring of the Security
Council, we must recall that with the founding of this
Organization we committed ourselves and succeeding
generations to continuously preserve peace and
security in our world. Let us remember that peace will
be elusive in the world where social, economic and
political rights are flouted. In this connection, and in
view of the Security Council’s primary role in the
maintenance of international peace and security, its
reform is of particular urgency. We note the
emergence during the fifty-first session of the growing
consensus to restructure the Council so as to ensure
that it becomes more representative and democratic.
This would encourage the advent of a greater balance
between the requirement of efficiency and that of
expansion, as well as transparency in its method of
work. Moreover, with optimum utilization of the
resources of those Member States that can contribute
significantly to peacekeeping operations, immense
successes will redound to the credit of this
Organization.
“Due to the far-reaching implications for global
peace of the Security Council’s decisions and actions,
there have been persistent demands to expand its
membership to reflect geographic balance and ensure
equitable representation. Besides, of the fifteen
members of the Council, five enjoy the veto power.
The right of veto, we believe, is against the principle
of universality and leaves the fate of our world to be
decided by only a few Members of the United
Nations.
“Accordingly, Liberia joins the call for
expanded membership of the Security Council. We
also request that, as the region with the single
largest number of Members, Africa be given two
permanent seats on the Council. We further call for
the elimination of the veto power.
“Liberia believes that no country or institution
can prosper if it is resistant to change — the United
Nations being no exception. In this connection, we
agree with the Secretary-General’s decision to
institute reforms in the administrative and
operational aspects of the Organization.
Notwithstanding this, we support a reform process
that does not diminish the capacity of the United
Nations to perform the Charter-mandated functions
in the area of development, more especially to meet
the needs of developing countries. We are, therefore,
heartened by the Secretary-General’s indication that
savings accrued from the exercise will be utilized to
establish an economic- and social-development
account for the sole purpose of financing
development programmes launched by the United
Nations. We note that $200 million will be saved for
development by the year 2002.
“The issue of sanctions has occupied much
time and energy here over the years, and Liberia,
like other African nations and nations around the
world, has watched sanctions succeed, and fail, as a
means of encouraging change. Sanctions’ greatest
triumph was perhaps in South Africa, where
international sanctions isolated the racist apartheid
regime and contributed to its eventual downfall.
“But unfortunately, as we know, sanctions are
not always so successful. Time and again, nations
singled out for punitive sanctions have been able to
circumvent the edicts of this world body and obtain
the goods or the weapons they seek. Still worse, the
leaders of these nations, who are the real targets of
the political and economic pressure that sanctions
are meant to deliver, often feel no pain. Sadly, it is
the innocent people — already the victims of these
regimes — who suffer the most. On balance, then,
our Government is sceptical about sanctions as a
tool for change. Unless they are universally adopted,
strictly enforced and carefully designed to achieve
specific political goals, we believe that sanctions can
too easily end up harming those they are designed to
help.
28

“The Liberian civil war was to a great extent, a
protest against the blatant disregard for and violation
of the rights of Liberians. At the end of seven years of
civil war, the need to consolidate peace is of the
highest priority to my Government. It is essential to
national survival and the sustenance of our newly
created democracy that the post-war reconciliation
policy be firmly grounded in developing a culture and
tradition consistent with international norms of respect
for basic human rights.
“In furtherance of this objective, my Government
has initiated a process to create by law a National
Commission on Human Rights that will operate
independently and that will investigate, document and
report cases of human rights violations. Additionally,
the post of Deputy Minister for Human Rights has
been created within the Ministry of Justice, with
specific responsibility to ensure the protection of basic
human rights.
“Since its inauguration on 2 August, our
Government has taken prompt and appropriate steps
that will protect the rights of all people, whether
citizens or aliens, residing in the country. As a
testimony to this commitment, some immigration
officers were dismissed when they were found guilty
of having brutalized some alleged aliens. Additionally,
a private lawyer successfully filed a writ of habeas
corpus against the Minister of Justice, the
Commissioner of Immigration and the Director of
Police for detaining a number of aliens for over forty-
eight hours without the formal charge required. The
lawyer won the case and the aliens were released.
“Without a doubt, we as a Government are aware
that we are being keenly observed, as if through a
microscope, both internally and externally.
Accordingly, we do not intend to water down our
promise that matters relating to human rights will be
kept clean and our record maintained unadulterated.
As a candidate for the presidency, we made it
abundantly clear that, when elected, there would be no
witch-hunting. On this account, we stand to be
challenged.
“We are witnesses to the rapid growth of the
global village through advances in technology,
communications and tolerance, which, too, have
encouraged world peace and stability. Indeed, when
the illustrious architects of this noble Organization
conceived the idea, from the Dumbarton Oaks
Conference to the Yalta Conference, before drawing
up the United Nations, the world was not as it is
today. From its original membership of 51 nations in
1945, the United Nations now has an impressive
membership of 185 nations. Out of this number, 28
have been admitted just since 1990, the latest being
Palau, in 1994.
“The parallel existence of the People’s
Republic of China and the Republic of China on
either side of the Taiwan Strait constitutes for my
country, a founding Member of the Organization,
one of the difficulties and the source of the prevalent
sense of frustration that continue to persist on the
international political scene since the end of the cold
war.
“It really begs the issue to review the decision
of the General Assembly on 25 October 1971, when
its Members voted to admit the People’s Republic of
China to membership while ignoring a compromise
proposal that the Republic of China retain a seat in
the General Assembly. My country, a life-long
supporter of the principle of including every nation
in the United Nations system, feels that there should
be a re-examination of the proposal to which I have
just referred, with a view to admitting the Republic
of China to the General Assembly. Quite clearly,
existing global realities make it necessary and
prudent for us to review the action taken in 1971.
We believe that the United Nations is the proper
instrument for the correction of many seemingly
intractable problems. We would add that this
Organization is the most significant international
forum for the resolution of complex crises and that
all nations that desire to participate in the United
Nations should have that right. Yet, in the highest
sense, we believe that until reunification is achieved
the parallel participation in the United Nations of the
People’s Republic of China and the Republic of
China would be conducive to regional security and
world peace.
“One of the principal challenges facing Liberia
today is the revitalization of its economy. The past
prosperity of the Liberian economy was built on the
successful development of the country’s abundant
natural resources and the active participation of the
private sector. We also enjoyed the benefits of a
lively transit trade with our neighbours. During the
years of economic mismanagement and civil strife,
29

the economy collapsed and the livelihood of ordinary
people was impaired.
“Bringing prosperity back to the country is an
enormous challenge. We are determined that the
benefits of such prosperity should reach all the people
of Liberia, and not merely the privileged few. I am
convinced that the private sector has a key role to
play. The management of the economy must be
transparent and cost effective. The burden of external
debt, which we inherited, needs to be addressed. A
positive relationship with the international financial
institutions is central to the success of our
reconstruction programme. We need an early infusion
of financial resources on favourable terms to launch
the post-war reconstruction programmes.
“Private-sector operations in rubber, timber and
mining will provide jobs and earn foreign exchange
for the country. We need to create a favourable
climate for new investment. This means that the fiscal
regime must be reformed and simplified and that taxes
be paid to the Government. My Government has
already implemented a programme to centralize all
revenue collection under the Ministry of Finance. Our
exchange rate and currency practices are being
reviewed in order to guide local and foreign investors
and inform them about the transaction costs of doing
business.
“In managing the economy we must make the
best use of scarce resources. There is no place in the
new Liberia for ineffective public corporations and a
bloated civil service that are a drain on the budget.
Revenue collection is being tightened up, expenditure
strictly controlled, and the budget used as the main
vehicle for prudent fiscal management and public
accountability. Given our very limited resources, this
will mean that many priority projects will have to
wait.
“Liberia’s external debt to international financial
institutions and other external creditors, inherited from
previous Governments, imposes a huge burden on my
Government. We believe that the size of that burden,
coupled with the cost of rebuilding a shattered society,
makes it essential that the international community
make special concessions.
“My Government intends to manage public
finances in accordance with the high standards
expected of any good government. But we cannot
consolidate the transition from war to peace unless
immediate funds are available to run the machinery
of government and to start up the reintegration
programmes designed by donors, in consultation
with our Government.
“I stand here in this great Hall and before
honoured representatives of independence as the
representative of a nation that only 75 days ago
underwent a free, fair and peaceful election —
perhaps one of the most transparent elections ever
held anywhere in the world. I hail from a national
heritage which, more than a century and half ago,
was born out of enslavement, servitude and racism
and which progressed from thence to freedom and
independence, and my proud homeland, in its
struggle to maintain its sovereignty and
independence, lost almost half of its territory to
external Powers. Indeed, I speak of a land of liberty
that has passed through more than its share of
political crucibles.
“We have come, but not in anger. Rather, we
have emerged from a stained past of self-inflicted
suffering, which is perhaps not the surest rationale
for qualifying. But our scars enable us to speak, with
some constraint, at nearly first hand about how we
have been able to survive and keep our dignity as a
sovereign State and people. We ask that the
Assembly accord us the requisite attention, while
retaining the hope that the experience of conflict
resolution in Liberia and the engagement of the
United Nations and the international community, in
collaboration with the Economic Community of
West African States (ECOWAS) through its
peacekeeping instrument, the Economic Community
of West African States Monitoring Group
(ECOMOG), which helped restore peace and
harmony to Liberia, will enlighten members on
future undertakings in the arena of civil conflict.
“In all candour, if there is anything of
substance that must be said, it is this: Let us never
again allow any form of human anguish to be left in
isolation, no matter how meaningless it may appear
in the eyes of controlling Powers. Should it not be
understood that one human tear is just as painful as
another and that the entire globe is united by the
same life-generating substance?
“We have come to the United Nations to
advocate international cooperation. Let us not close
30

our eyes to the countless failures in the achievement
of our common objectives as we enter the twenty-first
century. Let us take note of the dangers and work
together so that reason can prevail. The economic
problems and social dangers the world faces are
immense, and we have no right to postpone solutions
or open the door to conflict and instability. Strategic
confrontation dominated the best minds of this
century. Perhaps it is now time to turn our eyes upon
ourselves, upon our peoples and our societies, to
assess their condition, their moral needs and their
crises, and to attempt to find solutions.
“To conclude, I wish to make an appeal to the
heart, without distinction as to creed, dogma,
political colour or national faction. I should like
each of us to look the other in the eye and ask
ourselves sincerely and frankly: Is this the world our
children deserve? Will we be satisfied when, in the
near future, the voice of history and of our blood
summons us to judgement? The United Nations
system and the entire international community will
be judged on the basis of their response to those
important questions.”


First of all, on behalf of the
Government and people of Nepal and on my own behalf,
I should like to extend to you, Sir, our warmest
congratulations on your election as President of the fifty-
second session of the General Assembly. I am confident
that with your rich experience in international affairs you
will guide the work of the Assembly to a successful
conclusion. I wish also to assure you of the full
cooperation of my delegation in the discharge of your
responsibilities.
I would like to take this opportunity to offer our
deep appreciation and thanks to the President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-first session, Ambassador
Razali Ismail of the friendly country of Malaysia, for the
enthusiasm, dedication and zeal he brought to bear on the
work of the previous session.
To Secretary-General Kofi Annan, I bring greetings
and best wishes from Nepal. In every way, he is proving
himself worthy of the great trust the membership has
placed in him. Having shown his deep commitment to
United Nations reform from the day of his appointment as
Secretary-General, he has presented us with a set of very
serious and far-reaching proposals of impressive breadth
and scope, with a view to reshaping the United Nations
so that it can better serve humanity in the years ahead.
The Secretary-General has asked us to make this
session of the General Assembly one of reform. We agree
with him that United Nations reform is the shared concern
of all Member States and that the purpose of the reform
is to strengthen the role of the United Nations and
enhance its efficiency. In the aftermath of the end of the
cold war, the world situation is continuously undergoing
profound changes, evolving progressively towards a world
25

of multipolarity which reinforces the core of the United
Nations Charter: peace and development in larger freedom.
The universal cause, therefore, is to make the United
Nations a more vibrant world Organization that is more
properly equipped, institutionally and financially, to meet
the evolving challenges of the next century.
The proposals of the Secretary-General complement
the ongoing intergovernmental process regarding the
revitalization of the United Nations, particularly financial
reform and reform of the Security Council.
The United Nations, if it is to perform the mission set
out in its Charter, cannot limp from one year to another on
the verge of bankruptcy. No country should bear an
excessive burden, but the fundamental principle of any
scale of assessments should be the capacity to pay,
calculated on the basis of the country’s share of global
gross national product. It also does not make sense that half
the total membership is assessed the same amount in
contributions. A change in the scale of assessments is
overdue. Countries, rich and poor, must pay their assessed
share in full, on time and without conditions.
With regard to the reform of the Security Council, the
organ which bears the primary responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security, Nepal’s
position coincides basically with the position taken by the
Non-Aligned Movement, as reflected, in particular, in the
Cartagena summit Declaration and the subsequent
Declarations of the meetings of Foreign Ministers of the
Non-Aligned Movement. The Security Council should
better reflect changes in contemporary political and
economic realities. It should be more representative in
composition and more transparent in its functioning. It must
be more democratic in character. It must be more reflective
of balance between the North and South. It must, above all,
be capable of prompt action when peace is threatened. The
contribution of Member States to international peace and
security should be the guiding criterion for the selection of
Members of the expanded Security Council in both
permanent and non-permanent categories. Since the Security
Council is the principal instrument of the international
community in the area of collective security, I must
emphasize here that any reform must be the fruit of
ratifiable global consensus and must in no way diminish the
Council’s capacity for prompt and effective action to
maintain international peace and security.
In the view of my delegation, the reform proposals of
the Secretary-General, which deserve our appreciation and
support, are categorized in three broad areas: management
of conflicts and peacekeeping; strengthening and
integration at headquarters, and field levels of United
Nations development activities; and protection and
promotion of human rights.
Too often in the past, the United Nations has
suffered from a sore need for a capacity to act in the face
of conflicts. The Secretary-General must be encouraged
and supported financially to make use of his high office
for the resolution of emerging conflicts. When
peacekeeping operations are mandated by the Security
Council, the capacity of the Secretary-General to organize
and mount them in time should be strengthened.
Peacekeeping, to be effective, is dependent largely on the
maintenance of elements within the national armed forces
of Member States that can be made available promptly to
the United Nations. Sixty-six countries are now
participating in United Nations standby arrangements, and
I am happy to say that Nepal is one of the 10 countries to
sign the Memorandum of Understanding which commits
my country to contribute 2,000 troops, including doctors,
engineers, observers and headquarters staff and 200
civilian monitors for peacekeeping purposes, at short
notice. It is high time that the rapidly deployable mission
headquarters became operational.
Nepal is confident that the Secretary-General’s
proposals for a new United Nations Development Group
and a United Nations Development Assistance Framework
will provide clearer focus and direction to United Nations
development activities aimed at sustainable development
and the eradication of poverty. In Nepal, many of the
development activities carried out by the United Nations
are already practically integrated at the field level. Care
has to be taken, however, that in the name of integration
or merger, the demonstrated strength of individual
programmes, funds or agencies is not lost. We also find
the proposal for a Special Commission to look at the
division of labour among the various specialized agencies
across the United Nations system very interesting and
deserving of careful consideration. With a view to
achieving greater harmonization of international
development efforts, Nepal feels the need for a closer
relationship between the United Nations and international
financial institutions and the World Trade Organization.
Since peace, progress and humanity are the core
concern of the United Nations, Nepal, as a functioning
democracy with a deep commitment to human rights,
appreciates the intention of the Secretary-General to
strengthen and broaden the capacity of the United Nations
26

in the field of human rights. We welcome the strengthening
of the Human Rights secretariat and the choice of Mrs.
Mary Robinson, former President of Ireland, as High
Commissioner for Human Rights. There could hardly be a
better choice. I wish to congratulate the new High
Commissioner and express the confidence of my delegation
that she will be an independent and credible defender of
human rights. We welcome her determination to narrow the
gap in the perception of human rights. She has rightly
observed that collective and individual rights are not
mutually exclusive and that the scope of human rights is
interlinked with social, cultural and economic issues
requiring a broad approach.
As a signatory of all basic international human rights
instruments and a participant in the World Conference on
Human Rights in Vienna, Nepal looks forward to the
fiftieth anniversary next year of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights. Together with freedom of speech and
belief, the Declaration characterizes freedom from fear and
freedom from want as the highest aspirations of human
beings. Along with concerns for peace and sustainable
development, it is right that concerns for human rights
should also be made an integral part of the work of the
United Nations.
Peace in many parts of the world continues to remain
fragile. Nepal is deeply concerned over the setbacks in the
peace process in the Middle East. The settlements policy
has retarded the process. Nor has the spate of violence in
the region helped restore the mutual confidence without
which no peace process can succeed.
Without a resolution to the Palestinian problem, no
comprehensive, just and lasting peace will be possible in
the Middle East. We urge the concerned parties not to
deviate from their professed commitment to resolving the
problem through peaceful means.
The extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons and the adoption of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty represent a fine
moment in the history of nuclear-arms control and
disarmament. The Convention on Chemical Weapons has
come into force, to our great satisfaction. With the creation
of nuclear-weapon-free zones in South-East Asia and Africa
last year, we hope that efforts to create such zones in other
regions, such as the Middle East and South Asia, will be
relentlessly pursued.
Disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, means
nothing if it does not provide security to nations and
peoples. Only a complete elimination of nuclear weapons
will provide such security. It is in this spirit that we have
supported the programme of action advanced by 28 NAM
and neutral countries, members of the Conference on
Disarmament, for the elimination of nuclear weapons
through phases over a period of time. We are
disappointed by the complete lack of progress in this
year’s session of the Conference on Disarmament.
Nepal is in favour of strengthening the role of the
Conference on Disarmament as the principal global
disarmament negotiating forum.
Nepal welcomes the agreement in Oslo this month
on the text of a convention for the total ban on anti-
personnel landmines and will seriously consider signing
the convention in Ottawa in December. Landmines should
not be allowed to be used indiscriminately and to maim
and take innocent lives, including those of women and
children.
While the importance of the issues of weapons of
mass destruction cannot be overemphasized, it is to be
noted that it is conventional weapons that have killed the
most people throughout history. Therein lies the
importance of the United Nations Register of
Conventional Arms. The work of the United Nations
Panel of Experts on Small Arms, one of whose sessions
was hosted in Kathmandu this year, has laid the
foundation for future United Nations action in this area.
Confidence-building measures and regular dialogues
in informal settings represent an indispensable element in
the long and arduous efforts undertaken on behalf of
disarmament and security. I am pleased to note that the
United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and
Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, located in
Kathmandu, has been found to be a useful forum for such
informal dialogues on disarmament and security issues.
Nepal’s consistent participation in United Nations
peacekeeping operations reflects our abiding faith in the
ideals of the United Nations. Over the past four decades,
Nepal’s peacekeepers have served with pride in all
regions of the world under the United Nations for the
cause of peace. Many of the Nepalese Blue Helmets have
lost their lives and limbs in the pursuit of peace. Nepalese
soldiers have served the United Nations with dedication
and professionalism. Nepal will continue to serve the
cause of peace by responding positively and promptly to
every call for assistance from the United Nations.
27

The adoption of An Agenda for Development this
year, following protracted and tortuous negotiations over a
period of three years, is a welcome sign for the renewal of
development cooperation between the North and South. The
Agenda identifies groups of countries in special need: least
developed countries, Africa, landlocked developing
countries, small island developing countries and countries
with transitional economies. The usefulness of the Agenda
will be measured only in terms of its faithful
implementation. The provision of additional resources on an
assured and predictable basis is a prerequisite to the
sustainable development of the least developed and
landlocked countries.
The decision of the General Assembly last year
establishing the First United Nations Decade for the
Eradication of Poverty represents the long-awaited
recognition by the international community of the pervasive
nature of poverty, which today is the greatest threat to
peace, sustainable development and human rights. The
eradication of poverty, therefore, should be a core activity
of the United Nations. We recognize that this is the
principal thrust of the reform measures and proposals of the
Secretary-General. I wish once again to pledge my
country’s full support and cooperation to the Secretary-
General in this regard. Poverty alleviation is the priority
area of sustainable development planning in Nepal. A
massive programme is needed to reduce poverty in a
meaningful way.
The rapid decline of living standards today in almost
all the least developed countries and developing landlocked
countries is an ironic testimony to the gross marginalization
of those countries, despite the new trade regime that is
supposed to usher in an era of prosperity throughout the
world. This anomaly is further compounded by the
accelerating reduction of official development assistance to
the least developed countries. For the least developed
countries, and the landlocked among them, which suffer
from additional physical handicaps, foreign direct
investment cannot be a substitute for official development
assistance for some time to come.
I would like to affirm Nepal’s unreserved
condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and our
determination to prevent terrorists from deriving benefit
from their acts. It is our firm position that terrorism is a
threat to both internal and international security and to
peaceful relations between States. It is, moreover, a threat
to the growth and functioning of democratic institutions and
to the enjoyment of human rights all over the world. Nepal
will never allow its territory to be used by terrorists
against other countries.
Nepal holds the view that States should create an
environment in which people do not have to be displaced
or flee their countries as refugees. The number of such
people is in millions and, in the words of the Secretary-
General, unquantifiable. Nepal is also bearing the burden
of refugees. Nepal being a least developed and landlocked
country struggling to cope with the rising aspirations of
its people in a parliamentary set-up with deep human-
rights commitments, the burden is painful for us. We have
received international humanitarian assistance, for which
we are grateful. The magnitude of the problem for us can
be judged by the fact that one in every 200 people in
Nepal today is a refugee. We uphold the right of the
refugees to return to their home in peace and honour. His
Majesty’s Government of Nepal is determined to solve
the problem peacefully by dialogue.
Nepal is a founding member of the South Asian
Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). Nepal is
actively pursuing a policy of promoting regional
cooperation and understanding under the umbrella of
SAARC, an Association which forms a critical part of our
broad policy of peace, friendship and cooperation with all
countries of the world in conformity with the Charter of
the United Nations and non-alignment.
The seven countries of the region are engaged in
various areas of cooperation, including the suppression of
terrorism and drug abuse, environmental preservation,
poverty alleviation and the promotion of regional trade.
We are endeavouring to harmonize the policies of the
seven member countries on important global issues. We
did so during the nineteenth special session of the General
Assembly devoted to environment and sustainable
development. Many ministerial meetings in the region are
now annual events. Foreign Ministers of the region will
be meeting in New York in an informal setting during the
annual session of the General Assembly. SAARC has
lagged behind other similar associations, but the countries
of the region are persevering in their efforts to develop
both the habit and concrete measures of cooperation.


I would like to extend my
sincere congratulations to the President on his assumption
of the office of the presidency of the fifty-second session
of the United Nations General Assembly. His election to
preside during this critical stage of change and reform in
the United Nations system is a reflection of the
confidence that the entire membership has in him and his
country, Ukraine. I wish him a successful term of office,
and assure him of Malawi’s full cooperation.
Allow me to pay tribute to last year’s President, His
Excellency Mr. Razali Ismail, for the excellent manner in
which he handled the recently concluded fifty-first session
of the General Assembly. President Razali Ismail brought
with him a refreshing sense of purpose in the work of the
General Assembly and the United Nations. His
punctuality and forthrightness are attributes which will
inspire us all as we move forward. My delegation wishes
him well in all his future endeavours.
Special tribute is due to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, who, within a short period of time, has
demonstrated that a revitalized United Nations can work
meaningfully towards the full realization of the principles
and purposes of the Charter. He can count on Malawi’s
support as he continues to discharge his responsibilities.
Malawi welcomes the reforms that are taking place
within the Organization. The Secretary-General’s
commendable efforts in this regard will surely
complement the work that has been, and continues to be,
undertaken through the various intergovernmental
processes. My delegation expresses its satisfaction with
the recent adoption of the report of the General
Assembly’s High-level Open-ended Working Group on
the Strengthening of the United Nations System. By
focusing attention on the institutional aspects and
23

operations of the United Nations, the outcome of the
Working Group represents an indispensable input to the
overall programme of reform. The two-track programme of
reform submitted to us by the Secretary General adds, in
our view, a comprehensive and useful thrust in the reform
and transformation of this world body. My delegation looks
forward to participating in the consultations that are
necessary to carry through these proposals during this
session.
We welcome, too, the conclusion of negotiations on
An Agenda for Development. We need a strong United
Nations in development — a United Nations that is
efficient, effective, relevant, able and well-resourced, to
respond to the many needs of Member States. Such an
Organization, however, cannot exist without meaningful
progress in the other areas of reform. We therefore look for
some tangible progress in the work of the Working Groups
on An Agenda for Peace, on Security Council reform and
on the financial situation of the United Nations during the
current session.
Last year my delegation observed that Malawi did not
believe that the Working Groups that we had established
were open-ended in time. We continue to hold this view.
We need to seize the opportunity for change when the time
is ripe. While a time-frame may not be imposed, we believe
the time for change for the Organization is now, as we
approach the next millennium. Progress in the three
remaining Working Groups will make complete the changes
that we all seek for the Organization.
It is now over three years since the dawn of true
democracy in Malawi. The Government of Malawi
continues to work towards consolidation of good
governance and respect for human rights. We seek to build
a Malawi that is democratic and economically viable.
Malawi has made commendable efforts to improve the
promotion, protection and enforcement of human rights. A
number of independent institutions for the protection and
promotion of human rights are now in place.
Let me also note that Malawi has acceded to the major
international human rights instruments. With regard to the
Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights aiming at the Abolition of the
Death Penalty, the Government has decided to hold national
consultations on whether or not the death penalty should be
abolished. The initiative, whose modalities are being
worked out, has received wide publicity. In this regard, I
wish to register Malawi’s appreciation for the offer of
assistance by Amnesty International to facilitate these
consultations. In the meantime, our President, His
Excellency Dr. Bakili Muluzi, has announced a stay until
the outcome of the national consultations is known.
With respect to the combat of illicit trafficking in
narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, Malawi has
acceded to the 1988 Convention, and activities are under
way to put in place an effective administrative machinery
to coordinate the activities of government departments
and civil society. We expect to establish a national
commission on drug control as a focal point for internal
and international activities, including the promotion of
cooperation within the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) region in the fight against drug-
trafficking. Malawi would greatly appreciate any
assistance from the international community, including the
United Nations International Drug Control Programme, to
improve our own and the region’s ability to deal with the
drug problem.
We continue to make strides in socio-economic
development. Against the background of prudent
economic management, we have succeeded in arresting
rising inflation and the stagnation in industry and
construction as well as the total loss of confidence in the
business sector. Although the situation is currently
manageable, we are the first to realize that much more
needs to be done. Like many other small countries, our
economy continues to weather stormy turbulence caused
by many exogenous factors. Drought has wrought havoc
in the region in recent years. According to the current
forecast, this season the region will experience yet
another drought. Poverty continues to be the main source
of concern. There is no doubt that democracy in Malawi
has engendered massive expectations among the people,
especially after having lived in an atmosphere of
deprivation for decades. The level of expectation has
generated insurmountable pressure on the limited
resources which the Government has at its disposal.
As a developing country, and one of the least
developed among them, we are not yet able to mobilize
adequate resources to accomplish all our national
development programmes. Recurrent drought in the
southern Africa region this decade, the weak economic
base of the country, which is almost exclusively
agricultural, a rather unbalanced social infrastructure,
which is partly due to the low literacy rate inherited from
the previous regime, and the problem of disease,
including HIV/AIDS, pose a serious threat to our nascent
democracy. A combination of these domestic as well as
other factors of an international character bear the
24

frightening potential of reversing the noble gains we have
made over the past three years.
Despite these adverse forces, the Government is
determined to broaden the economic base of our country.
Political stability now obtaining in the country has created
a conducive atmosphere for foreign investment. Malawi has
abolished all retrogressive legislation which hindered both
domestic and foreign investment. The economy has been
liberalized, and a number of incentives have been
introduced for potential investors. Measures include a
comprehensive privatization programme.
In a further effort to tackle the root cause of poverty
in my country, our Government has instituted measures
which seek to empower the common person, including
youth, and women. Free primary education was introduced
in 1994 to develop our human resources. This is coupled
with the provision of free tuition at secondary school for
the girl child. The aim of the Malawi Government is to
double the average literacy rate by 1999.
The efforts and impact of globalization are well-known
to us all. Malawi cannot go it alone in the implementation
of its development programmes. International cooperation
among all nations in all sectors of human endeavour is no
longer an option, but necessary for the very existence and
survival of humankind. The truth of this proposition is very
apparent and clear today, particularly in the areas of
environment, development and international peace and
security.
We in Malawi recognize the importance of protecting
the environment for the sustainable livelihood of all the
people. The Government of Malawi participated in the
nineteenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted
to the overall review and appraisal of the implementation of
Agenda 21, held in this very Hall from 23 to 27 June 1997.
We trust that having candidly taken stock of the state of
implementation of Agenda 21, and taking into account the
shortfall at mid-decade, the international community will
now redouble its efforts to fulfil its commitments in the
next five years and beyond. The common and differentiated
responsibilities that were agreed upon at the Earth Summit
regarding the protection and preservation of the
environment in order to achieve sustainable development
were reaffirmed and accentuated, once again underscoring
the importance of international cooperation. We will play
our part in the protection of the environment for the benefit
of present and future generations.
The critical socio-economic situation of Africa
continues to be an area of priority concern to us. More
than one year after the United Nations System-wide
Special Initiative on Africa, the situation still leaves
something to be desired — though there are, of course,
some hopeful signs for improvement. We find
gratification in the fact that African ownership of African
development is becoming a reality. We look forward to
the consolidation of a global partnership for Africa.
Malawi appreciates the assistance that it receives from the
donor community. There is absolutely no doubt that
increased international assistance and initiatives for debt
relief or cancellation, increased official development
assistance to meet agreed targets, private capital flows,
increased foreign direct investment, and improved terms
of trade would play a catalytic role in Africa’s efforts to
achieve economic development. The remarkable progress
achieved in the areas of regional integration and South-
South cooperation gives us hope. Africa is indeed not a
hopeless case. A genuine partnership in development and
finance is, therefore, imperative.
The demise of the cold war rekindled all our
aspirations for lasting global peace and prosperity. The
highly symbolic tumbling down of the Berlin Wall
heightened expectations for a peace dividend.
Unfortunately, the situation has not improved. Today, the
United Nations continues to utilize most of its resources
in managing or containing conflicts of varying origins and
intensity. The role of the Organization in the maintenance
of international peace and security has become more
relevant than before. The situations in Angola, Burundi,
the Republic of the Congo, the Great Lakes Region,
Sierra Leone, Western Sahara, Afghanistan, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and the Middle East, among many others,
continue to occupy the work of this Organization.
It certainly should be possible to resolve many of
these problems that beset the world so that the United
Nations can rechannel its efforts towards promoting the
most refreshing aspects of the human experience. And
there are many examples where the human spirit has
triumphed over forces of doom and despair.
Developments in Liberia and in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo are among the most recent examples.
We congratulate the people of Liberia on choosing
the way of peace. The role played by the United Nations
Observer Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL), by the
Economic Community of West African States Monitoring
Group, and by other international observers in the
Liberian peace and electoral processes once again
25

demonstrates that a global partnership for the maintenance
of international peace and security can succeed and is
perhaps the only way forward.
Democracy, transparent and accountable governance
and the protection and promotion of human rights and
fundamental freedoms are necessary for successful people-
centred development to take place in our countries. It is
unfortunate, though, that there are some around us today
who believe that they can continue to deprive their own
people of their birth rights and freedoms. We deeply regret
that in Sierra Leone a military junta that usurped power
from a democratically elected Government is still holding
on, in spite of the international community’s opposition.
Malawi calls upon the junta to hand over power to the
democratically elected Government and President Kabbah
so that the people of Sierra Leone can experience the peace
that has eluded them for so long.
The situation in Burundi continues to be as depressing
as it was last year. We remain convinced that there is no
alternative to freedom and democracy. We strongly urge the
people of Burundi to set aside their differences and
negotiate so that they may put in place a Government that
would bring that country once again to normalcy.
My Government has followed closely developments in
the painstaking peace process for Angola. We have admired
the magnanimity of the Government of Angola in fulfilling
its obligations under the Lusaka Protocol and related
agreements. We on the other hand regret the continued
intransigence of Dr. Jonas Savimbi and his National Union
for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). While
supporting wholeheartedly the Security Council resolutions
on the situation in Angola, we make an earnest appeal to
the UNITA leadership to fulfil its obligations in the peace
process without further delay so that the people of Angola
and the entire southern African region may realize their
desire for a peaceful and prosperous future.
We similarly regret the recent developments in the
Republic of the Congo. We appeal to all the major players
in this senseless struggle to exercise restraint and amicably
resolve their differences. The Congolese people definitely
deserve much better.
We note with growing concern the apparent lack of
meaningful progress in the implementation of the settlement
plan for Western Sahara. Malawi applauds the indefatigable
efforts of the United Nations in its search for a lasting
solution to Western Sahara. It is our sincere hope that the
recent appointment by the Secretary-General of Mr. James
Baker as his Personal Envoy for Western Sahara will help
in the resolution of that problem. We call upon the main
actors to honour their obligations without further delay.
My delegation is gravely concerned about
developments in the Middle East. A few years back, we
hailed the Middle East peace process as having acquired
irreversible momentum. Malawi strongly believes that
there is no alternative to the peace process launched in
Madrid on 10 October 1991; there is no cogent alternative
to this process for genuine peace and stability in the
Middle East. However, recent developments have
obviously shown that any provocative moves by any of
the parties concerned will not help the process. We appeal
for the utmost restraint and the quick resumption of
negotiations.
My Government is similarly pleased to note that the
two Governments on the Korean peninsula are working
together, although in a limited sense. It is our hope that
this is a starting point from which a lasting solution to the
existing tensions on the peninsula will be realized.
In recent years the world has made major strides in
the field of disarmament. The adoption last year of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty was indeed a
major breakthrough for all peace-loving nations. For
Malawi, however, the recent adoption of the Convention
on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and
Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their
Destruction stands out as most significant. Our resolve to
root out an evil that has adversely affected the lives of
many in the world shall remain undeterred. The support
garnered for the Convention within a short period of time
is a clear sign of what human beings can achieve when
working together for a common goal. We welcome the
Convention and look forward to its universal acceptance.
The United Nations today stands at the threshold of
a new millennium. We pray that it continues to play its
rightful role in the many issues that occupy us all in our
everyday life. As we approach the twenty-first century,
the relevance of the United Nations in enhancing
international cooperation in all areas of human endeavour
is, to us, no longer a matter of doubt but reality. We
believe that the reforms we all desire will harness the
gains already made in the area of international
cooperation. We all seek a United Nations that responds
effectively and efficiently to the needs of all people.
Let me reaffirm the commitment of the Government
and the people of Malawi to the noble goals and ideals of
26

the United Nations, an institution that continues to make a
difference for humankind. We will continue to make our
modest contribution to this intergovernmental process, for
which we find no credible or viable alternative to its service
to “We the peoples of the United Nations”.


As I
take the floor on behalf of the delegation of the Republic of
Benin, I would like first to associate myself with the words
of congratulations and deep appreciation expressed to Mr.
Hennadiy Udovenko by previous speakers. They spoke so
eloquently that I will confine myself to saying how hopeful
I am that this session will benefit from his proven
competence and his remarkable analytical mind in order to
draw from our debates constructive conclusions that
preserve a just balance between the different suggestions
and recommendations contained in the various statements.
The particular significance and nature of this session
do not reside only in the impressive gathering of leaders
from 185 Member States. That has long been customary,
and has even become ritual, during this period every year
since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945.
What confers on this fifty-second session a distinctive
character, and what promises it an excellent place in the
annals of the United Nations, is the central focus of its
agenda, which, as we all know, is devoted to structural
reform.
What is our assessment of the specific reform
provisions that are to be discussed and decided upon in the
course of these meetings? What are the ins and outs of
reform, the issues at stake and the real objectives? Are the
reforms capable of giving the Organization the means for
productive and effective action to meet the complex
problems and numerous challenges on the horizon of the
next millennium, whose effects are already strongly felt in
the everyday realities of today’s world?
These are a few of the major concerns of countries,
such as mine, that are today experiencing both hope and
doubt: hope based on the enormous potential of our Earth,
whose intelligent, rational and well-directed use should
make it possible to ensure the progress, prosperity and
development to which all peoples legitimately aspire; but
also doubt, a feeling of stubborn and profound uncertainty
constantly fuelled by misery and poverty, ignorance and
disease, technological lags, and the economic
backwardness that over 1.5 billion human beings suffer
from.
Since his election in January 1997 our Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, has resolutely tackled, with
commendable diligence, strength and motivation, the
preparation of a programme for reform, which he himself
rightly describes as
“the most extensive and far-reaching reforms in the
fifty-two year history of this Organization.”
(A/51/950, Letter of Transmittal, first paragraph)
It is reform aimed at giving the United Nations
“the ways in which the United Nations can more
effectively and efficiently meet the challenges that
lie ahead as we enter a new century, and a new
millennium”. (ibid.)
We regard as appropriate the global approach taken
by the Secretary-General, his view of general and sectoral
problems, the thrust of the measures and solutions he
advocates, in accordance with a methodology that
combines pragmatism and the need for democratic and
more effective functioning. Therefore, the delegation of
Benin is in favour of the bulk of the proposals in the
report.
Nonetheless, I must draw attention to the following
considerations to which my country attaches great
importance.
First, Benin believes that it would not be appropriate
to eliminate the Committee for Development Planning,
which is, inter alia, entrusted with developing the
performance criteria for the least developed countries. We
believe that rather than having it replaced by groups of
experts created by the Economic and Social Council we
should consider purely and simply retaining the
Committee.
Secondly, since the situation in Africa is one of the
priorities on which the Secretary-General would like to
focus in the next five years. My country would hope that
the Office of the Special Coordinator for Africa and Least
Developed Countries might be strengthened in terms of
human and financial resources in order to be better able
to play a full role within the United Nations system.
25

Thirdly, although on 20 June 1997, following over
three years of negotiations, the General Assembly adopted
the Agenda for Development, it is regrettable that the
Secretary-General’s reform programme made no mention or
explicit reference to mechanisms and means for
implementation and assessment of the Agenda. My
delegation hopes that this question will be taken into
account in the framework of measures envisaged in order
to bring about the renewal of the Organization.
Lastly, I would like to anticipate the results of our
session by saying that, both individually and collectively,
we must firmly commit ourselves to implement the
decisions and measures that will be taken in the framework
of this long-awaited reform.
Our consensus will be not a triumph for the ideas of
one State or group of States over another, but, rather, the
fruitful result of a shared political resolve to adapt our
universal Organization to the changes and developments of
this end of the century period.
Here, and with specific reference to reform of the
Security Council, Benin strongly recommends that the
following principles should be taken into account: an
increase in the membership of the Security Council truly
reflecting the political and economic configuration of
today’s world; equitable geographical representation of the
five regional groups, with the African group entitled to four
seats, two permanent and two non-permanent; and
protection of democratic and transparent functioning,
ultimately involving the elimination of the right of veto.
By formulating the 15 priority objectives of his reform
programme as a series of profound changes of major scope
which should enable the United Nations to embark
resolutely on a course of radical reform, the Secretary-
General produced a document of undeniably high quality,
whose title — “Renewing the United Nations” — is
significant in more than one respect.
Given the noble and legitimate aspirations of the entire
international community for the future of the planet, the
Organization certainly needs to be renewed in order to
confront effectively and successfully the exciting yet
disturbing challenges posed by globalization. Renewing the
United Nations requires a new vision of the world, new
conceptions and approaches to partnership among nations,
and new methods for the Organization and for handling
relations among States in a new world. That is the real
problem. Those are the real stakes at a time when we are
inexorably approaching a new millennium. Globalization is
both a phenomenon and a process; it has become the
recurrent and omnipresent theme of all debates and of all
concerns.
Like other members, I noted with particular interest
that President Clinton — first at the Waldorf Astoria hotel
on the evening of 21 September, then the following day
in this Hall — forcefully and germanely stressed the need
for the United Nations to ensure that the globalization of
the economy does not create deep disparities between rich
and poor and that it establishes innovative partnerships
between the private sector, non-governmental
organizations and international financial institutions.
As the representative of a least developed country,
Benin, I cannot but welcome this great and noble idea,
imbued with generosity, pragmatism and a spirit of
solidarity. But, looking the facts in the face, what do we
see?
When on 18 December 1991 the General Assembly
adopted the United Nations New Agenda for the
Development of Africa in the 1990s, it created a new
political covenant, one of whose vital features was the
principle of shared responsibility and the international
community’s full and complete involvement with Africa
with a view to achieving development objectives
including a real growth rate of at least 6 per cent per
annum in gross domestic product, and a minimum net
total of $30 billion in official development assistance for
1992, with an annual increase averaging 4 per cent
beginning in 1993.
Today, six years after the adoption of the New
Agenda, in spite of all the efforts of African countries to
make better use of official development assistance, and in
spite of the express intention of a number of developed
countries to support the development of Africa, the total
volume of official development assistance to Africa has
declined considerably: by about one third compared with
the forecast of $30 billion.
It was in this context of the decline in official
development assistance that the famous United Nations
System-wide Special Initiative for Africa was launched in
March 1996 in order to lend fresh momentum to the New
Agenda. But it is obvious that this great initiative can be
successful only with the support of the international
community, through a massive mobilization of financial
resources to carry out the programmes and projects that
have been set up. While, to be sure, it is first and
foremost up to the African countries to make the greater
26

part of the effort, the excessively restrictive procedures and
conditionalities for the granting of loans, and the lukewarm
reaction of certain creditors to the idea of simply cancelling
the foreign debt of poor countries, are obstacles to the
effective mobilization of the expected financial resources.
In a publication issued at Washington just a few
months ago, in May 1997, the International Monetary Fund
defined globalization as
“the growing economic interdependence of the entire
world caused by an increase in the volume and variety
of transborder transactions in goods and services, and
in international capital flows, along with the rapid and
broad dissemination of modern technology”.
Welcomed by some, feared by others, globalization
has become an unavoidable economic reality for all nations.
For most experts and other analysts, this process marks the
success of the global spread of an economic liberalization
that began in Europe half a century ago with the Marshall
Plan. In their view, it brings unprecedented possibilities to
billions of people all over the world.
For us in Africa, that optimistic vision needs to be
tempered, for possibilities are not realities. So that it can
become a reality, the harmonious pursuit of the
globalization process, in the context of real development for
all those billions of people throughout the world, especially
in Africa, necessarily presupposes a new international
programme of solidarity and cooperation for the poor
countries, without which globalization will very soon
transform their regions into a poor and marginalized
periphery of a hyper-rich and hyper-developed world.
In fact, the developed countries are already doing a
great deal for Africa, if we consider the sum total of the
loans made to the continent through bilateral and
multilateral assistance. And yet, contrary to what statistics,
curves, graphs and growth rates would have us believe,
African populations have not yet felt any tangible
improvement of their standard of living in their daily lives.
In spite of all this, for the immense majority of Africans
the will to survive is stronger than despair, and hope
prevails over resignation.
The ministerial meeting of the Security Council
devoted to Africa, held on the commendable initiative of
the United States last 25 September, led to a fruitful
exchange of views that showed us a real will on the part of
the international community to become more actively, more
significantly and more concretely involved in a new type of
partnership with Africa in order to contribute to its
development.
The signs of this real readiness on the part of the
developed countries have proliferated in recent years, as
we can see, inter alia, from the resolutions of the G-7
adopted in Lyon and in Denver, assistance programmes of
the eighth European Development Fund, President
Clinton’s initiative for a partnership for economic growth
and opportunity and the Tokyo International Conference
on African Development (TICAD I), and so on.
All in all, it can be said that the will exists to help
Africa emerge from poverty and underdevelopment, that
concrete actions are being undertaken in this direction and
that new commitments are being made. Nevertheless,
there still remain, unfortunately, enormous problems, and
Africa continues to present to the world the desolate
spectacle of endemic poverty, aggravated by crises and
fratricidal conflicts.
In order to put an end to this distressing situation,
Africa’s development partners should envisage a
comprehensive and integrated mechanism for flexible,
operational and effective financing, free of bureaucratic
impediments and red tape, with the aim of establishing a
centralized funding entity to receive resources from all
sources to be devoted to economic and social
development.
The end of the cold war, the process of economic
globalization and the progressive realization of the
concept of sustainable development offer the opportunity
for profound change, calling into question some of the
traditional solutions and conventional answers to
development problems.
In the dark centuries of the slave trade, Africa
contributed blood, sweat and the toil of its strongest arms
to the building of the bases of the economy of the New
World. The collective memory of humankind must not
forget this important historical fact. Today the developed
countries have the moral duty to be as concerned as
Africans themselves about the destiny of Africa, not to
abandon Africa along the roadside of globalization and to
make available to it part of their enormous material,
technological and financial strength, in order to support
Africa’s efforts in the struggle to emerge from
underdevelopment and to enter the modern age.
In order that the implementation of the United
Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in
27

the 1990s (UN-NADAF), the United Nations System-wide
Special Initiative on Africa, Agenda 21 and other
programmes of action can be truly successful, it will be
necessary to establish a global system of operations and
financing for Africa, like the Marshall Plan, which
contributed greatly to the reconstruction and economic and
social recovery of Europe after the Second World War. The
establishment of this mechanism before the year 2000 will
make it possible for Africa to stride confidently, not slouch,
into the twenty-first century.
Shortly before the statement that was made on 5 June
1947 at Harvard University by General George Marshall to
define the foundations of his well-known European
Recovery Programme, President Harry Truman stated:
“Our duty is to help free peoples to fashion their own
destiny in their own way. I believe that our assistance
must be first of all economic and financial, because
this is essential to economic stability and political
order.”
Fifty years later, this magnificent and noble spirit of
solidarity, displayed voluntarily by the great American
people and its Government, still retains all its validity and
all its historical meaning.
There are cases in which, because of the requirements
of its own unfolding, history repeats itself. Here at the end
of a century, we are experiencing one such case: it is
necessary to meet the urgent need for a new Marshall Plan
for Africa. And the upcoming second Tokyo International
Conference on African Development (TICAD II) could
provide one of the best opportunities to do so.
If the international community works resolutely in this
direction, we will have laid the solid and indestructible
foundations for a road on which we will all be able to
march triumphantly into the third millennium.
For its part the Government of Benin, while awaiting
the fulfilment of that hope, has developed the concept of a
shared social minimum level in order methodically and
effectively to take actions and measures aimed at
eliminating poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy,
providing adequate housing, guaranteeing productive
employment, improving standards and conditions of living
and ensuring the sustainable use of natural resources. This
concept was the subject of an international symposium,
supported by the United Nations system, which was held in
Cotonou from 4 to 6 August 1997.
The consolidation of our process of democratic
renewal, which began after the historic National
Conference of the Active Forces of the Nation in
February 1990, necessitates immediate and short-term
social and economic successes. That is why we are
endeavouring, with our limited resources, to take
multifaceted actions to improve the living and working
conditions of our rural and urban populations. However,
we know that we can rely on international cooperation,
founded not only on solidarity, but on mutual interest and
partnership, to overcome the difficulties confronting us, to
support our efforts at economic and social recovery, to
build a State genuinely based on the rule of law and to
construct a free, democratic, modern and prosperous
nation.


My delegation welcomes
the experience and expertise which Mr. Hennadiy
Udovenko brings to the leadership of this session of the
General Assembly, and would like to applaud his
predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia, for his
outstanding contribution during the fifty-first session.
We feel a quiet sense of elation that the Secretary-
General has emerged as the personification of the new
possibilities of the United Nations. His recent succession to
the distinguished position of Secretary-General of this body
is symbolic of the new vision and the new order which
heralds our entry into the twenty-first century.
Our historical moment is a defining one. Change has
brought us to the stage at which we can either transform or
be transformed. All of us — large as well as small nations,
individuals as well as Governments — are challenged to
make a decisive break with the old ways of doing and
seeing things. The people of our planet continue to yearn
for justice, equality and fairness. The human spirit
continues to thirst for all that is good and beautiful. The
soul of humankind is still seeking to reinvent itself in ways
that are noble, kind, compassionate and caring. That is the
new wave that is beginning to swell on the cusp of the new
millennium, and we can discern its gathering momentum in
the emotive milestones of the past few months. The
expression of universal public grief infused with private
intensity over the deaths of Mother Teresa and Diana,
Princess of Wales and the donation of $1 billion by Ted
Turner to United Nations charitable causes — these are the
affirmations of the emergent humanist temperament of the
new age.
In these times, this body must welcome the inspiration
of those who, by their example, generosity, selflessness and
courage, seek to protect the defenceless in a bid to reshape
the horizons of our common humanity. It is a global wave
sweeping local shores as well as distant ones. In my own
tropical corner of our global village, Saint Lucia, on 23
May 1997 the people elected a new Government with a
decisive mandate predicated on a vision of hope, change
and possibility.
The wave of people’s aspirations at the national level
is faced with its own counter-turbulence in the conduct of
relations among States. Arrayed against this popular
impulse for humanism in affairs of state is the assertion of
all that has been selfish, greedy and exploitative. The
powerful continue to parade their might without any regard
for others. They exercise their influence without any
compassion, and accumulate their wealth without any
charity.
The icons of free trade, market liberalization and
economic liberalism represent the hardening of the
arteries of human conscience in the sphere of commerce.
The movement away from concerns of social and
economic justice to the preoccupation with market forces
and economic rationality is leading inexorably to a new
world order at odds with the impulse of the world’s
billions for a more caring and compassionate world.
At the level of the international system, we are
witnessing a rolling back of the structures of social
responsibility, the progressive erosion of the capacity to
respond and the annihilation of the will to act humanely.
We see the inability to care for the welfare of the people,
the apathy towards their growing material deprivation and,
most frighteningly, the calculated institutional insensitivity
to the plight of the disadvantaged who wish to continue
to earn with dignity and by the sweat of their brows.
There is no better example of this callous disregard
than the situation facing the African, Caribbean and
Pacific (ACP) countries, and in particular the banana
producers of the Caribbean. Only last month, the small
banana-producing countries of the Caribbean Community
received a particularly harsh and crushing blow, when the
appeals board of the World Trade Organization (WTO)
upheld an earlier finding that the preferential treatment
accorded in the European market to bananas of the
Member States of the ACP contravened World Trade
Organization rules on free trade.
The intent behind the current move towards
globalization as manifested in the World Trade
Organization is evidently most commendable. Indeed,
Saint Lucia was among the founding members of the
WTO. We were led to believe that the World Trade
Organization would help raise the living standards of our
peoples and, by emulating the ideals of the United
Nations, would promote fairness in world trade. It was
our hope that it would end, once and for all, the law of
the jungle as the dominant feature of international
commercial relations. In short, it was hoped that the WTO
would establish a standard of arbitration premised on
fairness, civilized negotiation of vital interests and the
inculcation of equity in international trade and commerce.
The WTO ruling on the European banana regime is
nothing short of a capitulation to the machinations of
those who are blinkered by free trade and sheer greed.
22

We speak in these strong terms because the world
community must understand that the WTO, and the
complainants to the European banana regime, completely
and steadfastly ignored the fact that the import of its ruling
is the economic and social destruction of a number of small
Member States of this body that together enjoy a miniscule
2.5 per cent of the world trade in bananas and only 5 per
cent of the European market.
Consider for a moment the flaws in the process
through which the WTO’s dispute settlement body sought
to resolve this issue. The initial panel did not have a single
representative from a developing country, although the
matter was of utmost importance to developing countries.
To render fair play even more remote, the appellate board
was chaired by an American, despite the fact that the
principal complainant was the United States of America.
While that may have been permissible under the rules,
surely good sense and fairness should have dictated that it
was nothing but highly improper and undesirable. But then,
even the nature of the major complainant was improper: the
United States of America does not produce a single banana
for export. Yet, while it activated and participated in the
proceedings, we, the banana-producing countries, were
denied the right to full participation and were relegated to
the sidelines as spectators.
The WTO has dismally failed to match up to the
commendable goals which inspired its creation. The
implementation of the ruling will bring about a generalized
reduction in the living standards of our peoples and an
acceleration of poverty.
Far from providing reassurance of a civilized approach
to resolving world trade disputes, the ruling leaves a
lingering suspicion that “might” will always be “right” and
that the strong and powerful will always be able to use the
system to achieve their own ends, regardless of the human
dislocation and suffering that result.
If the World Trade Organization is to be of any value
to us small, developing countries, there must be a
fundamental reform of its system of dispute settlement. This
is essential, because the implications of the scope of the
ruling on bananas are not confined to bananas. The ruling
raises questions about other import arrangements for
agricultural goods as well as the future of trade and
development cooperation agreements between rich and poor
countries. The real challenge to the WTO is not how
effective its Dispute Settlement Body can be in rigidly
applying the letter of its regulations, but, rather, whether the
process by which decisions are arrived at is perceived as
being fair. The system must be reformed so that it takes
account of the consequences of the implementation of its
rulings. It must of necessity consider the impact of its
decisions, particularly when, as in the case of the ruling
on the banana regime, the affected countries have small,
vulnerable and fragile economies.
Trade and development must, in the final analysis,
be about the development of people. Therefore, the WTO
criteria for settling disputes must be redesigned to take
into account social, health, cultural and environmental
issues. If national security issues can be raised as a reason
why the law of one powerful country should not be
brought before WTO jurisdiction, then why should the
WTO not take into account the special social and
economic circumstances of small, vulnerable countries in
its dispute deliberations? What is the point of the WTO’s
Dispute Settlement Body rigidly applying rules, when in
so doing it takes decisions which are in direct contrast to
the very principles which justify its existence? In such a
situation the principles become worthless and the
organization becomes amenable to manipulation.
We do not seek international charity for our banana
farmers. We seek only fairness and opportunity. We are
not irrevocably opposed to free trade, but we need fair
trade. We are a proud people seeking to earn our living
in as honest a manner as the wealth of nations permits.
The nations of the European Union entered into a
partnership for development with us when, together, we
signed the Lomé Convention. We call upon them not to
cast aside their solemn commitments and obligations
under that Convention, as they respond to those who want
this most unfair ruling by the World Trade Organization
implemented immediately and in its entirety. We are
heartened by the statements made so far by the European
Commission expressing the European Union’s deep
concern about the negative political, economic and social
effects of the WTO ruling on a number of countries from
the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group of
States. We take comfort from the Commission’s
expression of its intention to take these factors into
account, and to stand by the European Union’s
international obligations and the principles of its
development policy. We also welcome the statements of
support for Caribbean banana producers from the
European Parliament and its call for the revision of the
criteria used by the WTO in the resolution of trade
disputes. We look forward to working with the European
Union to find a formula which will allow us continued
access to the banana market in a manner which will
23

permit our farmers to continue earning a decent and
dignified living. We urge the European Union to be
steadfast in protecting the spirit and substance of its
obligations under the Lomé Convention, to remain
committed to ensuring development and equity in
international economic relations, and to remain faithful to
its ACP friends.
Such are the challenges confronting those who are
small and weak, yet proud. It is within such a context of an
uncertain international system that my country has to shape
its foreign policy. The changing characteristics of the
international system have necessitated that we redefine the
boundaries of our alliances. We must look beyond the sea
of uncertainty to the mountains of possibility. The
contemporary confluence of forces challenges us to create
new relationships to assist in our social and economic
development. Having been forced out of our traditional
partnerships, we must find new friends and reconstruct
relationships. In this process, we must be guided by the
imperative of finding and mobilizing new sources of
investment that are predicated on creating new paths to
sustainable growth.
For us, foreign policy is about building bridges to
other people, other cultures and other markets. It is about
contributing to the emergence of a new climate of tolerance
and international understanding; it is about matching
domestic need with international possibility. Consistent with
these basic principles, Saint Lucia has proceeded in a
direction in which the majority of the States of the world
have already gone by establishing diplomatic links with the
People’s Republic of China.
Saint Lucia will always cherish the principles of
respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and the rule of
international law. All countries, regardless of size, must
have the comfort of these irrevocable principles and be
secure in the confidence that the conduct of nations will be
guided by them.
It is in the context of these basic principles that we
urge the United States of America to re-examine some of
its recent policies towards the States of the Caribbean. Its
lead role in the challenge to our banana marketing regime
has damaged our peoples’ confidence in its declarations of
friendship. Its new immigration laws are causing
apprehension and dislocation for thousands of persons who
originated from the Caribbean, and is eroding the bridges
between our peoples. The imminent deportation of persons
who have lived for decades in the United States will create
a humanitarian problem of mass proportions. This is no
longer a domestic matter. The consequences for the
human rights of those affected have transformed it into a
subject for international concern.
In addition, the deportation of persons who have
become hardened criminals to lands they do not know as
home is further rocking the social and economic fabric of
our democracies. If there is a law of unintended
consequences, the United States of America must accept
the negative repercussions of its policies. It must therefore
embark on corrective action to undo the damage which
these policies have unleashed on the peoples of the
Caribbean community.
It is our concern for fairness, equity and
democratization in the conduct of international relations
that has caused Saint Lucia to embrace and support the
process of reform of the United Nations itself. Saint Lucia
firmly believes that if the United Nations is to adequately
address the challenges of the coming century, then three
things must happen.
First, Member States must honour their financial
obligations to the body. Saint Lucia continues to believe
that the United Nations financial crisis can be alleviated
if all Member States, large and small, rich and poor, do
so in a timely manner, without conditions. A United
Nations that is financially weak, that lurches from one
budget crisis to another, is in no condition to confront and
overcome the challenges facing mankind. If there is to be
financial reform, then the precarious financial existence of
the United Nations must be consigned to the dustbin of
history.
Secondly, the United Nations itself must take steps
to become more efficient and effective. We need a United
Nations where waste is abhorred, where the churning out
of documents for documents’ sake, at a cost of millions
of dollars, is no longer a priority. We need a United
Nations that is leaner, but more capable of making the
maximum use of its resources.
Thirdly, the United Nations must become more
responsive to the needs of all its Member States. For the
majority of the United Nations Member States, the need
is for sustainable development, for the eradication of
poverty and of illiteracy. We need a United Nations that
will show an even greater sensitivity to those needs.
The United Nations must also answer the call for
wider representation of the world peoples on the Security
Council. Saint Lucia wishes to reiterate its support for an
24

increase in the membership of the Security Council to
reflect the universal membership of the General Assembly
and to ensure the balanced representation of the developing
world.
Saint Lucia applauds the initiatives of the Secretary-
General in his proposals to reform the United Nations to
inspire greater confidence in its potential. Saint Lucia is
particularly interested in the proposed “dividend for
development”, and welcomes the idea that a large portion
of United Nations resources should be allocated to
development, particularly to meet the needs of developing
countries. It is our hope, however, that this proposed
“dividend for development” will not become like the peace
dividend — a noble idea that is yet to materialize.
It is a moral responsibility of those who are strong to
protect the weak and vulnerable. The international
community, through the United Nations, must accept its
responsibility to establish and maintain mechanisms that
will protect the small, vulnerable economies of this world
as they seek to build sustainable economies for the twenty-
first century.
Saint Lucia has begun to do its part through the
diversification of its economic base, through action to
reduce unemployment, poverty, population growth and to
improve the educational standards of our peoples. We, too,
want to be better placed to exploit the new employment
opportunities provided by the revolution in information and
communications technology. But the United Nations must
also play its part by not forgetting that small island
developing States like Saint Lucia have peculiar needs that
it must be vigilant to protect.
We applaud the work being carried out by the
Commonwealth on updating its report on the vulnerability
of small States and in revising the Vulnerability Index of
Small States, and we welcome the new report, “A Future
for Small States Overcoming Vulnerability”.
Saint Lucia notes the preparation being made for the
special session of the General Assembly in 1999 to review
outstanding chapters and issues of the Barbados Programme
of Action. However, we must express our disappointment
over the lack of progress in implementing the Programme
of Action, and Saint Lucia urges the international
community to support the mobilization of external resources
to implement the plan.
In recent times, the vulnerability of small States to
natural disasters could not have been more clearly
demonstrated than in the case of the Caribbean island of
Montserrat, whose very existence is threatened by an
intermittently raging volcano. Since the fifty-first session
of the General Assembly, the situation in Montserrat has
deteriorated. Half of the island’s population has had to
flee. The plight of the people of Montserrat is a human
tragedy that the world ignores because, once again, its
setting is another small island State which seems to be in
a remote corner of the international community. The
people of Montserrat badly need sympathy, understanding
and support.
The establishment of a Caribbean family of nations
is a historical imperative for Saint Lucia. For this reason,
we shall continue to strengthen the integration process in
the Caribbean and the closer association of our peoples.
We have a vision of the entire Caribbean Basin merging
as one nation, becoming one family, irrespective of the
division of language, size, trade and political traditions
and relationships. We may be small, but we are making
our contribution to the enhancement of civilization.
The noble ideals and goals of the United Nations
and its Charter will be meaningless if the international
community fails to protect small, vulnerable developing
countries like Saint Lucia from the predatory actions of
those who seek to destroy the livelihood of our peoples in
the name of free trade. These lofty goals will be hollow
if, in the rush to espouse globalization and the
liberalization of trade, the special circumstances of the
smaller, poorer States of this world are scorned, and their
special needs are bulldozed and smashed by the injustice
of international tribunals and the myopia of richer States.
Saint Lucia does not wish to be trapped in a cycle of
dependence. It merely wishes to be given the opportunity
to be self-sustaining in this global order.
The noble aspirations of the United Nations will
rank among the greatest failures of the twentieth century
if, by failing to be involved in the control of the process
of globalization, it allows its smaller, poorer Members to
be marginalized. The goal of sustainable development
must not be allowed to become yet another myth of our
times.