Mr. President, please accept my congratulations on your election to your office, which is both a high and responsible one. I wish you and Secretary General Kurt Waldheim success in your functions and I assure you of the assistance of the German Democratic Republic in all endeavours to strengthen international peace and cooperation.
67.	The outgoing President, Mr. Salim, also deserves credit for his work over the past year.
68.	My greetings and good wishes go likewise to the new Member of this world Organization, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
69.	In the 35 years of its existence the United Nations has helped to make peace more secure and international cooperation more fruitful thus meeting the wishes and hopes of peoples, after the bitter experiences of the war and the first post-war years.
70.	In these times of a strained international situation full of complications and tensions, the United Nations is once more rightly expected to oppose those who are again toying with war behind a veil of rhetoric about peaceful intentions, and to encourage all those who are defending peace as their most precious asset.
71.	Therein reside the obligation and the responsibility of this General Assembly.
72.	The ultimate purpose of peaceful coexistence is to preclude war as an instrument of politics. And that means more than merely the silence of weapons. Peace, as the first and most fundamental of human rights, is to be made dependable and enduring for all time, and conditions should be such as to permit peoples fully to develop their creative power for their own good. A peace of that kind can rest only on the reduction and elimination of the physical means of warfare, on strict mutual respect for the basic rights of peoples and on the readiness of all States to settle controversial issues dispassionately, with a sense of political reason and in a constructive manner, along the lines of the Charter of the United Nations. Those are the objectives underlying the foreign policy of the German Democratic Republic, which will at all times unswervingly steer that course both in its bilateral relations and in its activities within the United Nations.
73.	The European peoples and States have every reason to defend resolutely the promising beginnings of peaceful coexistence between States having different social systems. More than three decades of peace is something unprecedented in history. That achievement must not be jeopardized. Detente came to gain ground on our continent because good sense, the recognition of historically grown realities and a sober assessment of self-interest have increasingly determined the conduct of States. The Final Act of the Helsinki Conference symbolizes that.
74.	Readiness to seek both dialogue and political solutions has played a substantial part and all have benefited from that. In the face of the worsened international situation, constructive dialogue is now more urgent than ever. The socialist States are ready for it. There is no other way, except that of renewed dangerous confrontation.
75.	The German Democratic Republic has always been aware that global and regional measures to strengthen international security are closely interrelated. That interrelationship also explains the worldwide interest in the forthcoming meeting at Madrid of the States parties to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The German Democratic Republic is working jointly with the other socialist countries to ensure that the meeting will above all encourage concrete moves to add military detente to political detente.
76.	One move of this kind should be the convening of a European disarmament conference. With their declaration adopted on 15 May this year, the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty have submitted a realistic and forward-looking programme for continuing the dialogue and for new agreements to strengthen peace. Arms limitation and disarmament steps are of crucial importance for the peaceful evolution of Europe. Time and again, the socialist States have taken initiatives to that end at the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe. The unilateral withdrawal of Soviet contingents and combat equipment, which was agreed between the Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic and has since been concluded, shows how seriously the socialist countries pursue military detente in Europe. It is now urgently necessary to enter into negotiations on the problem of medium range nuclear missiles and of the forward based nuclear systems of the United States.
77.	The German Democratic Republic seeks good neighbourly and mutually advantageous relations with all Western countries too. It is aware of the great weight that a relationship of peaceful coexistence between itself and the Federal Republic of Germany represents for European security. This derives cogently both from the geographical situation of the two German States and from their historical and legal obligation to do everything so that never again will a war originate on German soil. This justified expectation of peoples establishes a responsibility with which the deployment of ultramodern American nuclear missiles cannot be reconciled. The interests of European peace require political realism. Attempts to call in question the post-Second World War order in Europe, which are again and again noted in this forum too, reflect an illusion that is dangerous, because it ignores the course of history. Such attempts spread insecurity and distrust and encourage those bent on confrontation.
78.	There can be no return to the past. The existence of the German Democratic Republic in the centre of Europe is in the interest of all peoples, because it impedes any design to push the peoples into the vortex of another world war. The existence of two German States and the normalization of their mutual relationship have a stabilizing effect on our continent.
79.	The German Democratic Republic has displayed and is displaying goodwill so as to continue expanding its relations with the Federal Republic of Germany on the basis of the treaties, agreements and accords, that is to say, of international law.
80.	To strengthen detente and to diminish the danger of war is the overriding concern of our time. It requires all our attention and maximum efforts. But it likewise requires clarity of vision as to the causes of the tense international situation, all the more so since there is indeed no lack of misrepresentations of them. The deterioration in international relations has not come overnight; it has a prior history. The preparation and the step by step implementation of the long-term programme of May 1978 of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] can be reconstructed point by point. A modified nuclear targeting strategy has been officially proclaimed which calculates the possibility of waging nuclear war.
81.	Time and again official Government statements have declared entire regions of the world to be zones of influence of certain Powers, and rapid deployment forces have been set up to guard so-called vital interests. The latest news confirms such plans for Europe too. Shows of military strength, particularly in the Indian Ocean and in the Caribbean, are becoming more and more frequent. The installation of new bases in foreign territories, chiefly in the Indian Ocean and Red Sea areas, is being hastily pursued.
82.	All this is being done in order to upset the existing sensitive balance of power and to regain military superiority—in short, to obtain the dominance of imperialist and hegemonist forces. The threat and use of force—a policy of strength—have, again, been conceived to replace endeavours for the peaceful accommodation of interests, and political diktat backed up by huge weapon arsenals is calculated to supersede the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Those policies are directed against the vast majority of States. They must be stopped for the sake of the peace and wellbeing of peoples.
83.	Socialist foreign policy is marked by consistency, dependability, prudence and action. This goes for times of peaceful relationships and much more so for times of tension and danger, such as we are experiencing at present. The socialist States have pointed out what needs to be done so that the international situation may rapidly change for the better.
84. Indispensable is a firm struggle against the arms race. Ongoing negotiations should be intensified and all useful proposals should be taken into account so that the spate of words about disarmament and arms control will at last be followed by deeds.
85.	Indispensable is the will of all States to settle political controversies or conflicts peacefully and with mutual recognition of legitimate interests, and to refrain from any action that could have an exacerbating effect.
86.	Indispensable is the definitive liberation of all peoples from colonialist and racist oppression.
87.	And indispensable, finally, is an equitable and non-discriminatory cooperation among States. It is the only way to ensure prosperity and security for all nations. It is the only way to alleviate the global problems of mankind and to resolve them in the end.
88.	The socialist countries will pursue their policy consistently in order to achieve arms limitation and disarmament. Efforts to resolve this vital question for humanity must not fail because of the drive for hegemony and profit. We share with the nonaligned countries an insistence on practical steps to check the arms race. We reject any policy aimed at enlarging the existing military blocs or creating new ones. We are confident of the growing strength of the public movement for peace and disarmament, as exemplified by the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women at Copenhagen,  the World Parliament of the Peoples for Peace, held last September at Sofia  and the Conference of the Inter-Parliamentary Union which has just come to an end in the capital of our country .
89.	Even though disarmament is not a human ideal for all of those in whom government authority is vested, the awareness of the unbearable and incalculable consequences of escalating armaments ought to promote readiness to lower the level of armaments, with due regard for the principle of equal security. Concrete steps against the arms race are an attainable objective in international politics. The agreements reached so far, no matter how limited they may be, are practical evidence thereof. Therefore, the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session should take decisions calling for the speedy conduct of negotiations directed towards tangible results. Here, one cannot calculate in terms of years; here, quick action is imperative.
90.	Arms limitation and disarmament in the nuclear field are clearly of priority importance. We again call attention to the proposal of the socialist States forthwith to enter into consultations and negotiations on the prohibition of the manufacture of nuclear weapons and the reduction of their stockpiles. The conclusion of a treaty on the cessation of all nuclear weapon tests must no longer be delayed. We support the proposal made by the USSR on 23 September that the nuclear weapon States announce a one year moratorium on nuclear explosions.
91.	Given a constructive approach, it ought to be possible to draw up an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear weapon States. Those States, which include the German Democratic Republic, have a right to such security. We plead for the elimination of all other weapons of mass destruction. Of no small importance would be an agreement on the prohibition of radiological weapons. In our view, the project, which is well advanced, could rapidly be finalized.
92.	At this session the General Assembly will have to adopt the programme for the Second Disarmament Decade. The climax of the Decade could be a world disarmament conference.
93.	The 1970s are justly called the decade of political detente. Let us take that high appraisal as conferring a mandate for the 1980s. May they become the decade of arms limitation and disarmament.
94.	The most urgent measures for reducing the danger of war have been proposed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, Mr. A. A. Gromyko, from this rostrum. Their implementation would be the reliable guarantee of stable international detente and fruitful international cooperation. Only someone who has other interests can refuse that.
95.	If peaceful coexistence is to be consolidated it is necessary to eliminate international conflicts. Consequently, the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty called, at their recent meeting, for the settlement of all controversial issues peacefully, that is, politically.
96.	Gunboat diplomacy, so-called punitive actions or threats with mobile strike forces are outside the law, justice and morality; they are a relapse into an era when the right of the stronger was the only thing that counted.
97.	The history of international relations and the genesis of the United Nations, as well as current international developments, confirm that the use of force to suppress the sovereign rights of States and peoples has been and remains a major source of international tensions and conflicts. The German Democratic Republic therefore urges that the principles of the Charter of the United Nations that States shall not resort to force be strengthened and that a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations be concluded without delay.
98.	There has been no progress towards establishing lasting peace in the Middle East. On the contrary, with increasing armed attacks on southern Lebanon and its decision to annex all of Jerusalem, Israel has drastically and dangerously aggravated the situation. The Camp David agreements6 permit all this, and everything proves, once again, that lasting peace requires a comprehensive settlement and the participation of all sides, including specifically the PLO.
99.	The core of the Middle East conflict remains the attainment and exercise by the Palestinian people of the right to self-determination, including its right to establish its own sovereign State. This was confirmed by the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, devoted to Palestine. The United Nations has outlined a comprehensive settlement of the conflict on the basis of its Charter. Hence, there is no need for a new concept, particularly if it falls far short of what is necessary.
100.	Developments in the Middle East region call yet greater attention to the global problems of securing peace, because that hotbed of tension has expanded territorially. The military intentions of the United States of America leave no doubt about its design virtually to encircle the Middle and Near East in a pincer like operation, with the support of those in other reactionary and hegemonistic quarters.
101.	It is for this purpose that the system of military bases is being enlarged. The peoples will resist that because their sovereignty and independence and their right of control over their own natural resources are becoming endangered. Also, the conflict between the United States and Iran is, in the final analysis, the result of an attempt to reverse the Iranian revolution and to make that country again a tool of the United States. Here, too, a solution can only come about through negotiation and respect for the Iranian people's right to self-determination.
102.	The German Democratic Republic reiterates its position that the question of Cyprus should be resolved in accordance with the Charter and the relevant decisions of the United Nations in the interests of the people of Cyprus and of international security.
103.	Another region where a long simmering conflict imperils world peace is southern Africa. The people of Zimbabwe, which we congratulate from this high rostrum in a spirit of longstanding active solidarity, has won independence and is strengthening its position. Its victory has given new courage to the fighters in Namibia and South Africa. They can be sure of support from the people of the German Democratic Republic. The United Nations has recognized SWAPO as the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia. This decision must remain undisputed. There must be no Namibia which is a protectorate of the South African racist regime.
104.	The Namibia issue cannot be isolated from developments in South Africa. As long as it is in power, the racist regime threatens its neighbours and terrorizes the people of South Africa. Therefore we demand stringent sanctions against that regime. Above all, the nuclear collaboration of some States with the representatives of the policy of apartheid must be ended.
105.	History teaches that whenever people exercise their right to self-determination, destroy the old exploitative order and strive for national and social independence, that is, for social progress, they encounter the fierce resistance of reactionary quarters. This is also the case in Afghanistan. But the Afghan people has good and faithful friends. Its Government is working successfully for a peaceful life in the country and is defending the gains of democratic revolution. It is offering its neighbours friendly relations and the region its contribution to peaceful coexistence and stable security. When outside interference ceases and its termination is guaranteed, the Governments of Afghanistan and the USSR have declared, the Soviet troops are to be withdrawn. This announcement has already been confirmed by practical steps. Only in this way will it be possible to find a political settlement of the situation that has emerged around Afghanistan. The Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has made proposals to that effect, which we support wholeheartedly.
106.	The German Democratic Republic disapproves of attempts to misuse the United Nations for interference in Afghanistan. Similarly, it opposes all designs to obstruct the great efforts of the people of Kampuchea to overcome the aftermath of the criminal Pol Pot regime, and it insists that the legitimate Government of that country should occupy its rightful seat in this Organization. The German Democratic Republic supports the initiatives of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea for a solution of the problems in Southeast Asia. Their realization would be a step towards security in the region. We second the proposal to consider the question of peace, stability and cooperation in Southeast Asia as a separate agenda item at this General Assembly session. Likewise, we support the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the solution of the Korean question, including the withdrawal of the United States forces from South Korea.
107.	We speak up resolutely against the expansion of military presence and activities in the Indian Ocean, and we support the initiatives suggesting the conversion of the Indian Ocean area into a zone of peace.
108.	If it is to endure, peaceful coexistence needs a climate of mutual understanding and the cultivation and dissemination of the great humanist ideals of international understanding and peace. The United Nations has outlawed instigation to war and to national and racial hatred and all other forms of poisoning of the human mind and perversion of human thought. Yet those things have not been uprooted. On the contrary, manifestations of Fascist and neo-Fascist ideologies are increasing and partly growing into organized terrorism. For this reason, the German Democratic Republic believes that concrete action should be taken to check that danger to peace and human rights. In this case, too, there applies the dearly learnt historical lesson that if an evil is to be avoided it has to be nipped in the bud.
109.	Worldwide implementation of the principles of peaceful coexistence encompasses the democratic restructuring of international economic relations. The 1960s and 1970s have distinctly confirmed that international political crises tend to develop and become aggravated where and when States are denied their rights to conduct their economic relations on a basis of equality and to exercise full sovereignty over their natural resources.
110.	Extortion and the threat of force to secure raw material supplies constitute gross violations of international legal norms. They are sources of dangerous political tensions fraught with the risk of large scale military conflicts. The same goes for all attempts to abuse economic relations for political blackmail against socialist States. The time is ripe for eradicating discrimination and restrictions, ending exploitative relations, containing the disastrous influence of transnational corporations and thus laying the foundations for a democratic international economic order. That conforms to the legitimate interests and claims of the majority of States; that is what international peace and security require. The eleventh special session that has just ended has provided graphic evidence of this.
111.	This General Assembly session has before it a heavy work schedule indeed. Yet, regardless of how different the issues are, their consideration must ultimately help strengthen peace and peaceful coexistence. All forces of peace and democracy are called upon to cooperate in solving this difficult task. The problems of today's world demand a clear commitment to peace and detente and, above all, action by each individual State and the United Nations as a whole.


I should like to congratulate Ambassador von Wechmar on his election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. My country considers him eminently qualified for the post and we are confident his presidency will be carried out with distinction. My delegation pledges full co-operation with his presidency. His election is an added honour to his country, with which Malaysia has close and abiding relations.
267.	I also wish to pay a special tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who so ably guided the thirty-fourth session, two emergency special sessions and the recently concluded special session on economic matters.
268.	May I also take this opportunity to congratulate Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its membership in the United Nations. Malaysia wishes to assure that country of its full co-operation and of its friendship.
269.	Before I proceed further, I should like on behalf of Malaysia to join the international community in a common appeal for a cessation of hostilities between Iran and Iraq. We welcome the initiative of the Secretary-General and of the Security Council in urging an end to the fighting. We support the efforts of the Islamic Conference in sending a goodwill mission to Iran and Iraq. The conflict between Iran and Iraq can destabilize further the already serious situation in the Middle East with consequences that may threaten world peace. We sincerely hope that, whatever the issues between the two countries, urgent efforts will be made to negotiate a peaceful solution to the conflict.
270.	This is again the occasion for us to declare our enduring commitment to the principles of international peace, security and co-operation. But even as we do so, as we must, it is with disquiet and anxiety that we realize that all our combined protestations have not advanced our search for a better world. The signs are not propitious at all. We have not moved forward. We may well have taken a slide backwards instead.
271.	I am not being alarmist but the deterioration of the international situation due to increasing tension and rivalry between the major Powers, characterized by a tendency to use force in the pursuit of objectives, has taken on a very dangerous edge. The arms race which we are committed to reduce has been accelerated further, providing an inauspicious and grim start to the second Disarmament Decade. To exacerbate the situation, there is serious paralysis over the restructuring of the international economic order. The perspective of the South towards the North is becoming one of distrust. With zero growth and burgeoning poverty, the small and weak regard the established structures as far from friendly.
272.	The earlier hope that the spirit of genuine detente, which brought about relaxation of tension and increased co-operation in Europe, would spread to other parts of the world has been dissipated. In the pursuit of national and strategic advantages, the major Powers have not hesitated to intervene directly in the internal affairs of another State, as events in Afghanistan have demonstrated. And if a major Power decides its interests could be advanced by supporting the regional ambitions of a State, then such support is readily rendered.
273.	These are the aspects of major-Power rivalry that are holding the world to ransom now. The incredulous thing is that each action is carried out in the name of fostering and safeguarding peace and security when the contrary is the case. And the spiral grows. And action by a major Power invites corresponding action by another. Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan resulted in the United States withholding ratification of the SALT II agreement and increased military activity in the Indian Ocean and the Gulf area. Vietnamese intervention in Kampuchea resulted in Chinese troops moving across the Vietnamese border.
274.	Malaysia condemns these actions. The major Powers must show more responsibility. Malaysia rejects the thesis that the interests of major Powers transcend national boundaries and that the fate of independent countries must pivot on the derivatives of major-Power actions. Acceptance of, or even acquiescence in, that would put us all back to the cold war of a bipolar world and would rob us of our precious gains of independent action and the right to progress unthreatened and unimpeded. Together with the countries of the third world and within the non-aligned movement, countries like Malaysia have been able to determine perimeters of action, singly and collectively, that have won for us a climate of stability and co-operation that has in turn contributed to international stability and progress. We are determined that these areas of positive action that we have gained shall not be whittled away as casualties of the interaction of major-Power politics. Malaysia therefore calls for serious stock-taking on the part of the major Powers. We do not expect them to be the policemen of the world. What we demand is the consciousness of their responsibilities and the exercise of restraint and co-operation in international relations. The trend towards using force as an instrument of policy must be arrested. There is no credible rationale that any country can provide for direct or indirect military intervention in the affairs of independent and sovereign nations.
275.	In the present environment of such instability many problems remain unresolved. As we enter the second disarmament Decade, the prospects of a hopeful, if not a final solution to the problem of building a world free from any awesome threat of mass destruction appear remote and elusive.
276.	The qualitative and quantitative development of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction is escalating as the major Powers vie with one another for military supremacy. The vast sums of money and scarce resources spent in the process are as staggering as they are alarming. If only a fraction of the estimated $400 billion spent annually by countries on military forces and armaments were to be channelled towards badly needed development projects, the benefits to mankind could be considerable.
277.	Despite demands by the international community for a total and comprehensive test-ban treaty, nuclear testing continues unabated. In addition to that, more countries are developing or acquiring nuclear weapons. This dangerous trend goes against the spirit and objectives of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. My delegation cannot but view this with concern. It will only complicate the efforts of the United Nations to create a climate of confidence in which disarmament can proceed. The time for us to act is long overdue, but act we must if we are to avoid nuclear destruction.
278.	I wish to join other heads of delegations that have addressed this Assembly in calling on all the nuclear Powers to work in earnest towards the realization of a comprehensive test-ban agreement which would represent the first step towards nuclear disarmament and a halt in the trend towards nuclear proliferation.
279.	The Middle East conflict seethes in its intensity. Israel continues to defy the world, violating established principles and scorning United Nations resolutions at will. Jerusalem has been declared the capital of Israel, which is the most patent example of international irresponsibility in modern times, a direct challenge to the world, an action of extreme folly and an affront to Moslems all over the world. The people of Palestine are still being denied their inalienable rights to sovereignty and independence, which adds to the shameful catalogue of injustices being perpetrated in the Middle East. Malaysia calls on those countries which support and sustain Israel to desist from doing so and to join in the universal condemnation of Israeli actions. Together with other countries, especially those in the non-aligned movement and the Islamic Conference, Malaysia demands that Israel heed the injunctions of this world body. To continue with its irresponsible actions is to put at risk the future of Israel itself.
280.	I should like, on this occasion, once again to reiterate Malaysia's full support of the people of Palestine in its struggle to exercise its inalienable rights as recognized by the United Nations: the right to return to its homeland, the right to self-determination and the right to national independence. We assure the PLO, the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, of our unflinching support for their cause.
281.	In Asia, Afghanistan and Kampuchea stand out as examples of areas where, again, accepted international principles have been flouted, and the way opened to the exercise of military might and power imperatives. I must repeat here that no country, on any pretext whatever, can intervene in the affairs of another. In the case of Kampuchea, it has been argued that the Pol Pot regime had committed serious excesses. We are all agreed on this. Malaysia has condemned the killings and other atrocities of that regime, but this does not give any country the right to march into Kampuchea, remove a legitimate Government and install a puppet regime. A solution to the Kampuchean conflict must be found urgently, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 34/22 which was adopted overwhelmingly by the Assembly last year.
282.	Malaysia, in conjunction with its partners in ASEAN, is prepared to co-operate with all parties concerned to find a political settlement of the Kampuchean conflict and to restore to that country its sovereignty and territorial integrity within the framework of the General Assembly resolution. We urge the Secretary-General to convene an international conference open to participation by all parties concerned to negotiate a comprehensive settlement of the conflict. I wish to stress that the essential point is to put an end to the foreign military occupation of Kampuchea and to ensure that a sovereign and independent Kampuchea will not be a threat to any of its neighbours. It is only on this basis that the seeds of future intervention and interference in the internal affairs of that country, either by regional or extra-regional Powers, will be removed and that South-East Asian countries can together determine factors of peace and security as envisaged in the concept of that region as a zone of peace, advocated by the ASEAN countries.
283.	Afghanistan affords a parallel with Kampuchea. The common denominator of military intervention threatens to embroil both regions of Asia, affecting stability and order. Malaysia has deplored Soviet actions in Afghanistan and I reiterate the call here for an immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces in order to enable the people of Afghanistan to decide their own future, free from interference and coercion.
284.	Events in Kampuchea and Afghanistan pose a grave challenge to the United Nations. This challenge must be faced if we are to maintain the strength and credibility of the Organization as the guardian of international peace and security. To meet this challenge it is incumbent upon the General Assembly to agree on measures to secure full compliance with the provisions of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security. Such measures must leave no room for doubt as to what constitutes intervention and what constitutes co-operation. They must not allow countries to twist aggression into co-operation or intervention into assistance. My delegation pledges its full co-operation to ensure the implementation of such measures.
285.	South Africa, like Israel, continues with impunity to violate United Nations injunctions. Apartheid debases human dignity. It calls in question not only the legitimacy of the white minority Government of South Africa, but also the basic values and ethical mores sustaining that Government. The actions of South Africa in resisting United Nations action in Namibia are equally deplorable. Malaysia reiterates its full support for the struggle of the people of South Africa for equality and justice and condemns South African actions in Namibia. South Africa should learn from the developments in Zimbabwe, a country that has written a new and positive chapter in the struggle of colonial peoples for freedom and independence. In all its aspects, Zimbabwe's is a remarkable victory which enriches the human spirit and underscores the wisdom of collective negotiation.
286.	I have dwelt at some length on the political situation facing us today. We are no less confronted by the world economic situation, and it is in no better shape.
287.	Mass poverty, non-renewable natural resources, unpredictable food supplies, erratic monetary exchange regimes and world-wide inflation are some of the sorry aspects of the world economic scene. It was with the intention of collectively redressing some or all of these problems that we accepted the goal of working towards a New International Economic Order. The eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on international economic cooperation for development, was expressly intended to launch the global round of negotiations. Yet, sadly, what transpired falls far short of both our long-term goals and our immediate needs. Depending on one's position, either in the North or the South, one will take a stand in the continuing debate on what went wrong. But some truths are undeniable. The world cannot continue divided and organized into the rich and the poor, with no serious and continuing attempts to redress the situation. There can be no future, only chaos, in continuing to deny the imperative of negotiating and compromising with the aim of transforming and restructuring the international economy.
288.	What is required is removal of obstacles to the goal that we already agree to. Resistance to restructuring and adapting to change, as evidenced by protectionism and obstructionism, clearly reflects a lack of political will or an unwillingness to broaden that will. It will only be on this basis that we can, as a community, work out lasting solutions to all the interrelated problems of growth, inflation, unemployment and monetary stability. The successful conclusion of the negotiations on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities is a significant landmark manifesting the presence of political will and international co-operation in both developing and developed countries.
289.	Malaysia urges that the same spirit be maintained in the long and arduous tasks ahead. While these negotiations and issues are complex, and while there are no short cuts, those facts in themselves cannot be made reasons allowing for delays which clearly appear to arise from narrow national interests. Malaysia believes that national interests can best be served in a healthy environment of international interdependence. We therefore urge that determined and positive negotiations be resumed to bring about a convergence of the views held by the countries of the North and the South. We should all draw hope from the recent developments at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, when a multiplicity of views and interests were reconciled, which promises well for future co-operation.
290.	I should like now to turn to a subject of special concern to Malaysia and which warrants the urgent consideration of all countries. I am referring to the problem of illicit drugs and drug abuse. Malaysia brought this matter up at the sixth special session of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, held at Vienna from 11 to 20 February this year. The Prime Minister of Malaysia, in turn, further underlined the seriousness of the problem at the meeting of the heads of Government of the Asian and Pacific States members of the Commonwealth, held at New Delhi in early September.
291.	To date, international understanding has generally regarded drug abuse as a social problem and taken a humanitarian approach, as reflected in the deliberations of the Economic and Social Council and other related bodies. Permit me to say that such an approach is hardly adequate. There are no hopeful signs to indicate that we have been successful in containing, much less eliminating, this problem. On the contrary, illicit trafficking in drugs and drug abuse have mounted and spread. It is now timely for us to recognize illicit drugs and drug abuse as issues which must be confronted by us with utter seriousness and commitment, individually as Governments or collectively under the aegis of the United Nations.
292.	It has been recognized that illicit drugs ravage the social fabric, debilitate the mind and spirit of people and corrode the values of individuals. While that is undeniable, it must be further recognized that drug abuse on a pervasive scale threatens and undermines the stability, resilience and national integrity of countries. In the hands of international syndicates and vested groups, illicit drugs and trafficking in them are sinister weapons that can pose serious security problems in some countries. There is a clear link between drug trafficking and other types of organized crime on an international scale, such as the illegal trafficking in firearms. In this context it is no longer just a question of social foundations being undermined, but of nations themselves, already weakened by various other problems, buckling and going under Malaysia would like the international community to be clearly aware of this new dimension. Until the consequences of drug abuse are seen in this context, our actions will be neither corrective nor adequate: they can at best be only rehabilitative.
293.	Malaysia is prepared to contribute to initiatives in the international context to bring about effective actions towards reducing, if not eliminating the problems of drug abuse. We appeal to all countries not only to exercise vigilance but to co-operate closely to rid us of this problem in the same manner as we set limits to nuclear weapons and outlaw poison gas and germ warfare. We should like also to underline the international responsibilities of countries on this matter. We urge the United Nations to re-examine the magnitude of this problem, including that of drug abuse having a bearing on the security of nations, so that an effective framework of action, which can be endorsed by all countries as part of their international obligation, can be instituted urgently. We are calling here not only for common awareness but also for common strategy and purpose.
294.	We are, without exaggeration, being buffeted by problems and issues on all fronts. Each aspect borders on the other and they are mutually reinforcing. Every issue is fundamental. This is the time to come to terms with our pledges to secure a better world that will endure, that will not throw us back to the dark ages of conflict and mutual destruction.


I should like first of all to extend my sincerest congratulations to the President of the General Assembly on his election to this important post. The Permanent Representative to the United Nations of a great country, the Federal Republic of Germany, which with Mexico maintains very close relations of friendship and fruitful cooperation, Mr. von Wechmar has on the basis of his personal qualifications gained the admiration and the respect of all.
2.	I also wish to greet the President of the thirty-fourth session, Mr. Salim Salim, whom I congratulate on his brilliant performance not only at the preceding session of the Assembly but also during the special sessions that were convened during his term of office.
3.	On the occasion of its recent admission to membership of the Organization, we wish to welcome the young Republic of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with which we are linked geographically by bonds which are destined to become even stronger in the future.
4.	Several weeks ago, at the eleventh special session, we expressed our delight at the admission of Zimbabwe to membership of the Organization.
5.	We cannot at this time fail to refer to the conflict between Iraq and Iran, which is causing us the greatest anxiety. The United Nations, and the Security Council, must attempt forthwith to find a just solution. That is why Norway and Mexico have requested a formal meeting of the Security Council to allow it to exercise the authority vested in it under the Charter. In so doing, we believe that we have reflected the wish of the international community as a whole and, at the same time, fulfilled our responsibility as Members of the Organization.
6.	We are, of course, aware of the attempts at mediation being undertaken in other forums and we wish them every success; but that does not absolve the Security Council from discharging its primary duty of maintaining peace.
7.	The international situation has worsened considerably in the past year and a half. New dangerous international hotbeds of tension have appeared, threatening peace in the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, Central America and the Caribbean, the Middle East, Southeast Asia and even Europe, where the situation had been stable for several years. It has so far been possible to prevent internal crises from degenerating into international conflicts or the latter from becoming generalized, even though all these crises are fraught with serious dangers.
8.	The most serious aspect of this situation is that it has led to a new climate of tension and antagonism and of attitudes that can be termed hostile and even belligerent. This new climate has brought about not only a halt to, but also a clear reversal of the process of detente, which had steadily gained strength during the last two decades.
9.	Relations among European countries had become stable, especially since the normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany, on the one hand, and the German Democratic Republic and the other countries of Eastern Europe, on the other, so much so that active and fruitful cooperation in all areas had been initiated in that region, one which only a few years earlier had been the most dangerous centre of tension. It would seem that an objective basis for peace, reconciliation and security had been established, one which was specifically embodied in the Helsinki Final Act,' which led to prospects of broader cooperation and even a reversal in the stockpiling of weapons in Central Europe.
10. Relations between the superpowers, never friendly, had nevertheless reached a level which made it possible for them to agree either specifically or tacitly on a number of issues in different fields, including the political and military; that had a decisive stabilizing effect throughout the world. Mankind was very hopeful when the SALT II Treaty  was signed, an agreement which, in spite of its limitations, was perhaps for the first time in history a serious attempt to put an end to the senseless and continuous arms escalation. That agreement meant, above all, that Governments had finally come to realize what the people already knew, that is, that the increase and improvement of weapons by one party irrevocably led to an escalation by another and that that, far from strengthening the real security of anyone, actually weakened it. This new conviction was to be the basis for the SALT III negotiations, to be held for the purpose of finally undertaking a process of gradual and balanced arms reduction. Peace, fragile and precarious in the 1950s, seemed to become ever stronger.
11. Today, everything has changed. Suddenly, and without
any apparent motive, the difficult achievements of the
last 20 years seem to be fading away. The dialogue has
stopped or has assumed harder tones. The military balance
in Central Europe is being questioned, with the emplacement
of nuclear weapons in that region. The future of the
SALT 11 Treaty is undecided. Even worse. the clearly absurd
and dangerous thesis is advanced that there can be victors in
a nuclear conflict. I believe that if a nuclear war were to
occur, the survivors would envy the fate of the dead.

12. The major Powers demand respect for their spheres of
influence as if that were a right, and they even invade them,
forgetting that the inhabitants of those areas are the only
ones who have the right to self-determination and that
geographic proximity does not create any rights or confer on
others a mandate to defend the areas from real or imaginary
dangers. and particularly not the right to intervene in the
settlement of their domestic problems.

13. The revolutionary struggles of peoples to shed dictatorial
yokes and to choose an internal system suited to their
aspirations are viewed and appraised in the context of a
global ideological and political struggle which distorts the
natural expression of the rational forces at play, through the
assistance which the major Powers give to the faction which
comes the closest to their global political and strategic interests.
This has taken place in all continents but, of course,
Mexico is particularly concerned when it takes place in
Central America and the Caribbean.

14. The struggle of some peoples of Central America and
the Caribbean to free themselves from tyrannies or to
change obsolete economic and social structures has contributed
to bringing about a new political situation in that area,
to which not all countries interested in the area have been " able to adjust.

15. Mexico has followed these developments closely with
concern, but also with optimism: with concern because the
increase of internal tensions in that part of the world cannot
but affect us; with optimism because there are real prospects
which enable us to think that such tensions can be limited
and that there could be. a positive outcome if the major
Powers decided not to distort the natural historical process.

16. The policy of the Government of Mexico ill that area
has precisely been aimed at contributing to the reduction of
tension. As a guide to our action, we have taken the following
considerations into account: first, recognition that the
new situation obtaining in' the area is the result of the
legitimate struggle of peoples to change archaic and anachronistic
structures of power and domination; secondly,
defence of the right of peoples to choose the form of political, economic and social organization best suited to their aspirations; thirdly, full respect for the principle of non-interference:
and, fourthly, open dialogue with all countries
of the area. These struggles of peoples cannot be considered
as part of an ideological or political competition among the
superpowers. Further still, the military presence of those
Powers in the region, in whatever form, merely contributes
to increasing tension.

17. This approach has enabled Mexico to maintain and
develop close relations with all the peoples of Central America
and the Caribbean, in particular with those which have
been or could be subjected to a certain degree of isolation.
The constant dialogue with those countries, at the very
highest level, despite the obvious differences between the
political, economic and social systems of Mexico and some
of theirs, has led to a better understanding based on mutual
trust and respect. In brief, we understand the political process
under way, we respect it and we have therefore adjusted
to the new situation which obtains in the region.

18.  The Government of Mexico is hopeful about indications
that other countries also are seeking formulas along
those lines. We can only express our hope that those
formulas which reveal statesmanlike vision, as in the case
of the present assistance of the Government of the United
States to the Government of National Reconstruction of
Nicaragua or the wise decision not to intervene militarily at
the time Somoza was overthrown may extend to other
parts of the region. What happened in Nicaragua is the best
proof of the fact that if a people is allowed to decide its own
fate without outside interference from one side or another,
the solution it will find will be the best one not only for it but
for the international community as a whole.

19. In the economic field Mexico has tried to help in the
solution of the serious problems which are faced by countries
of the area. The agreement on oil supplies and financial
facilities recently signed by President Jose Lopez Portillo of
Mexico and President Luis Herrera Campins of Venezuela is
part of the broader effort at a worldwide rationalization of
energy which was proposed by the President of Mexico. We
believe that this type of concrete action, however limited and
modest, may provide real solutions and may reduce the
possibilities of confrontation and conflict which exist in that
region.

20. A new geopolitical concept has emerged which,
although inadmissible and spurious, is being put forward as
the most natural thing in the world: not only are there zones
of influence near the great Powers that are subjected to their
protection, but there is beginning to be talk now of "zones
of vital interest", perhaps thousands of kilometres away, but
over which there is also a claim to exercise the right of
protection.

21. All these forms of domination and subjugation which
have appeared recently not only are contrary to the international
order established by the Charter but are obsolete, and
that is their worst defect. Contemporary international
society must find standards and formulas that may govern
relations among all States, whether small, medium sized or
large, wealthy or poor, belonging to the West or to the East,
and these must be in keeping with the conditions and aspirations
of present international society; no attempt should be made to revive solutions which were valid in the nineteenth century and at the turn of the century. History does not
repeat itself.

22. The causes of this strange and sudden deterioration of
the international situation are not well understood, nor can
its effects be foreseen. Perhaps we still lack the necessary
historical perspective; but there is no doubt that a new
climate of cold war now exists, with all the dangers it entails.

23. Positive events have also occurred in recent times. The
trend towards peace and detente, which was clearly manifest
in the 1960s and the 1970s, is too powerful and too deep; it
coincides with the interests of the peoples to such an extent
that it is impossible to destroy through errors of judgement
or circumstantial occurrences or even through resistance,
which we hope is transitory, to changes in the status quo in
international economic relations.

24.	The peoples' awareness has grown in recent years. Groups of countries, and even countries individually, are today convinced that the interests of their regional groups, and even their own national interests, do not always coincide with those of the major political and military blocs they belong to. This identification of autonomous and specific interests has largely led to a true multi polarity of world power. This was dearly seen this past year in Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia. The diversification of independent political attitudes is something that we consider to be a healthy and positive phenomenon. As President Lopez Portillo recently stated, Mexico wishes to have a worthy place in the world; it wishes to stand in the world and not to have a seat in a sphere of influence. It seems to me that this attitude, in addition to being intrinsically valid for every country, in the final analysis fosters regional and world peace.
25.	It is also fair to recognize that in this recent period, in spite of manifest hostility, statesmen of the two major Powers have shown restraint and prudence, in the face of the provocations and temptations that have arisen. While some serious problems dividing the two superpowers are still outstanding, we think that, precisely as a contribution to their possible solution, it would be useful and desirable for the two leaders to meet early next year. The United Nations should encourage and facilitate such a meeting, in keeping with its best traditions, in order to signify and symbolize the interest of all mankind in the reduction of international tension. Along the same lines, I would express best wishes for the outcome of the second review session of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, to be held at Madrid, for the purpose of reducing international tension.
26.	I believe that everyone recognizes the important role that some nonaligned countries have been playing since the end of the 1950s. They encouraged and facilitated the dialogue between the two blocs, in the middle of a cold war, and they truly built bridges between them. Later on, as detente gained ground between the West and the East and dialogue was restored, the main effort of the nonaligned countries focused on the process of decolonization and on trying to improve the economic situation of countries struggling for their full development.
27.	Today, faced with a re-emergence of the cold war, an effort is required similar to the initiatives those countries and their distinguished leaders took 20 years ago; but it will be necessary to adapt these efforts to the new circumstances of contemporary international society, particularly with regard to the relative degree of polycentrism which is its characteristic. Today some countries, irrespective of the political or regional groups they may belong to, irrespective of their ideologies and of whether they are rich and developed or developing, large or medium sized, could unite and pool their efforts at the international level. Their concerted action could be exercised in the political field in favour of detente, as well as in the economic field in favour of a more just international order. I believe that the essential requirement to enable their actions to be effective would be that they be countries that have shown an independent attitude, to the extent that that is possible today, and countries that because of their size, population, wealth, activities, prestige or other factors have a certain pre-eminence in international affairs. These would be some of the so-called medium sized Powers. Their number is changing. Obviously, no one is thinking of a recognized grouping, even less of an organization. We are merely speaking of the possibility of such countries acquiring greater awareness of the fact that their interests as members of the international community are relatively similar and that cooperation among them should be closer for the benefit of certain causes.
28.	The negotiations conducted this past year on cooperation for development have not yielded the expected results. While a consensus was reached on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, it was impossible to reach significant agreement on the items to be dealt with in the global negotiations or on the manner in which to negotiate them. One would say that some Governments of the industrialized world have no other view or objective than that of maintaining the existing order, without any changes or adjustments other than those necessary for a return to the golden times prior to 1973, when their economies were expanding thanks to cheap and assured sources of energy, and without much importance being attached to the developing economies, which continued to deteriorate.
29.	This attitude does not take into account the fact that a new objective situation has emerged in the world and that the developing countries have acquired a new awareness of the problem and its root causes. The firm solidarity, unexpected by some, which has been maintained since 1973 between the exporters of oil and the developing consumer countries, which are the ones that have suffered most from the price increases, should lead the industrialized Powers to reflect on the necessity to negotiate seriously with a view to establishing new and more just bases for international economic relations. There is a growing awareness, shared by Governments and independent personalities, that that is the only possible way in which to prevent the vast crisis which is approaching.
30.	It has also been suggested recently that in order to promote negotiations, it would be necessary to hold one or more meetings of a small group, which would none the less be sufficiently representative of heads of Government, to bring North South relations out of the present deadlock, to act as a catalyst to encourage more effective negotiations and to respond imaginatively to the crisis in the world economy. The purpose of those meetings would be to express a specific political will to establish certain minimum bases of agreement to support the series of global negotiations to be held within the United Nations. That is why in this context and together with other Governments Mexico has been exploring the possibility of holding a high level political meeting early next year. We believe that every possible formula should be explored and every opportunity taken for making progress. That is the only motive behind the efforts that have been made at present by the Government of my country.
31.	An important element of the complex economic situation in the world today is the question of energy, which obviously cannot be approached, much less negotiated, in isolation but only as an integral part of a broader group of questions.
32.	Rationalization of the international handling of energy sources cannot be delayed. Without that it would be impossible for developing countries to attain their objective of accelerated and sustained growth; and it would be impossible for advanced countries to restore their dynamics of growth.
33.	A year ago, in this same forum, President Lopez Portillo of Mexico invited the international community  to undertake, as part of the vast effort to change the prevailing international economic order, the preparation and adoption of a world plan for energy which would ensure an orderly, progressive, integrated and just transition from the present energy structure—based on the sometimes wasteful utilization of the most rapidly exhaustible fossil fuels, especially oil—to the future, sustained, rational, orderly and progressive utilization of new and renewable alternative sources of energy, which could be of benefit to all mankind, within a system of shared responsibility and a more just and equitable world economic order.
34.	In no way did the Mexican proposal concerning energy suggest that this question be dealt with in isolation, but rather as it related dynamically to other structural changes in the international economy. It did not suggest a limited discussion on prices and supplies between producers and consumers, but rather broad international negotiations, in which all would participate, dealing with long-term questions relating to the transition in the field of energy. Nor did it counsel dealing in particular with the main source of energy at present, that is, oil, but rather taking a global approach to all energy sources.
35.	One year after that energy proposal was submitted, we see that it has had an influence on the debates and decisions on the new International Development Strategy and on the as yet inconclusive decision on the programme and procedures for the global negotiations. My country remains convinced—and a growing number of nations share this conviction—that changing the present unjust system of international economic relations requires far-reaching global decisions in the field of energy of benefit to all and binding upon all.
36. Among the most encouraging events of recent times is the agreement reached, after ten years of hard efforts, at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Except for minor outstanding issues, an important draft convention has been completed governing all uses of the sea and its resources.  This ambitious undertaking, as stated in the preamble to the draft convention, represents an important contribution to the maintenance of peace, justice and progress for all peoples of the world, as well as to the attainment of an equitable international economic order.
37.	Despite the vast divergence of interests and political and legal views of the various groups of States, it was possible to attain those impressive results. The draft convention will not totally satisfy anyone, but it is acceptable to all or almost all. The alternative—that is, failure—would have been tantamount to anarchy and confrontation. This experience shows that the problems of the world, difficult though they may seem, can be solved when the participants give overriding importance to the overall long-term community interests instead of to immediate national interests.
38.	In conclusion, I wish to reiterate our view about what is at this time the main concern of peoples and Governments: the maintenance of a just peace permitting progress for all States. To this end we must dispel the threats that are hanging over mankind at the dawn of the 1980s. Intervention in defence of "vital interests" must disappear from the practice and even the language of today's international relations. Let us not forget that while those "interests" were identified with geographical areas yesterday, today they are being identified with energy sources, and tomorrow those same interests could be invoked in connection with food and other raw materials.
39.	The unilateral defence of vital interests—whoever might invoke them and whatever the euphemism used to cloak them—whenever they affected the fate of other peoples would be tantamount to accepting a new colonialism in which the weakest would be the exclusive preserve of the strongest. No "vital interest" can or could ever justify the domination of one people over another. The only vital interest everyone has is peace.


Mr. President, it is with particular pleasure that I congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We greet you as the representative of a country which is a good neighbour and close friend of ours. Your great experience and deep knowledge, combined with your outstanding diplomatic skill and political acumen, augur well for the work of this session of the Assembly.
10.	We also wish to express our sincere gratitude and appreciation to your predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim, who guided the General Assembly through a particularly sensitive and demanding period in a steady, intelligent and prudent way.
11.	It is also a pleasure for me to welcome two new Members to the Organization. We should like today to offer our heartfelt congratulations to the delegations of Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and it is our hope that we shall enjoy close co-operation with them.
12.	In December, 25 years will have elapsed since Austria was admitted to the United Nations. Austria has successfully made use of that time to establish, in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, good relations with all countries of the world, irrespective of their economic, social or political systems. In particular, we are proud to have excellent relations with all our neighbours.
13.	During Austria's 25 years of membership, certain areas have emerged as focal points for our co-operation. These constant elements are the following: unconditional support for human rights, development, disarmament and strengthening of international law. In addition, Austria actively participates in United Nations peace-keeping operations.
14.	Austria continues to attach great importance to United Nations peace-keeping efforts and is willing also in the future to contribute to the further development of this most useful instrument. I should like sincerely to thank all the soldiers who today are serving the cause of peace under the United Nations flag.
15.	In pursuing its policy of establishing good relations with all our neighbouring countries, Austria, with respect to Italy, has received active assistance from the United Nations. Resolutions 1497 (XV) of 31 October 1960 and 1661 (XVI) of 28 November 1981 on the question of South Tyrol led to negotiations which in 1969 resulted in an autonomy agreement for South Tyrol. Thus the conditions for friendly relations between two neighbours have been established. In accordance with those resolutions, I should like to report that during the past year further positive steps have been taken to implement the so-called South Tyrol package. However, 20 years have elapsed since the first General Assembly resolution on this question and 11 years since the Austro-Italian agreement. Nevertheless, essential parts of the package are still unimplemented. We therefore fully understand the impatience of the population of South Tyrol. The Austrian Government is particularly concerned that full equality for the mother tongue of the minority, which is so important to it, has not yet been guaranteed. Prime Minister Cossiga and Foreign Minister Colombo have recently made promising statements on this question. We hope that those statements will be honoured by a new Italian Government, too. That would justify my expectations that the problems which have not yet been settled will be resolved as quickly as possible and in a satisfactory way.
16.	Four years ago I had the honour to speak before the General Assembly for the first time and to present Austria's position on the world situation.  There was little reason for optimism then and there is even less today. In addition to the crises which the Organization has been facing for years, we are now confronted with new and even more complex ones.
17.	I should like here to refer above all to the situation in the Middle East. The present military conflict between Iran and Iraq constitutes a new element in the crises of the region. Austria is following the development of relations between Iran and Iraq with deep concern. The hostilities which are taking place in clear violation of the obligations under the Charter have created a very serious situation which, combined with the other conflicts in the region, threatens to assume global proportions.
18.	It is Austria's position that, in view of these circumstances, an effective attempt must be made to settle the conflict by peaceful means and with due respect for international law and without resorting to any further use of force. Austria therefore welcomes and supports swift action by the Security Council. We, of course, recognize that regional organizations have assumed an increasing responsibility in the maintenance of international peace and security and in the mediation and peaceful settlement of regional conflicts. Austria appreciates this development. We deem it necessary, however, to recall that the primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace lies with the Security Council and that action on the regional level should never impede the Security Council from fulfilling its duties.
19.	We are deeply concerned, both for humanitarian reasons and for reasons of principle, about the fate of the American hostages, who are still being held in Iran despite the intensive efforts of the international community. Although we do not underestimate the difficulties and fundamental changes arising in the wake of a revolution, we must reiterate the unconditional position we stated last year in the Security Council.  We strongly deplore the taking of hostages as a flagrant violation of international law and of the rules of diplomacy, which constitute the very basis of relations between States in all civilizations and cultures.
20.	We are aware of the efforts to solve this problem and we hope that reason, understanding and moderation will prevail on all sides. We make an urgent appeal to the Iranian Parliament to free the hostages, in respect for international law, without any further delay, regardless of the rather intricate situation provoked by the military conflict with Iraq. In this context, I wish to thank the Secretary-General most sincerely for his tireless efforts in the interest of the hostages.
21.	The military invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, which was condemned by the overwhelming majority of Members of the United Nations, including Austria, at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly early this year, continues seriously to disrupt the stability of the region and to threaten the policy of detente.
22.	As regards the Arab-Israeli conflict, the situation has not improved in any way. Austria is deeply concerned about this development which, owing to its complexity and its relationship to other crises, could lead to a world-wide conflict. I assume that Austria's position on this problem is well known. It was presented in detail by both Chancellor Kreisky and myself during the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. In accordance with our position as a permanently neutral State, it is marked by an effort to be objective and impartial.
23.	We must note with great concern that all efforts to achieve a peaceful resolution of this conflict have thus far been unsuccessful. The most recent steps taken by Israel with respect to Jerusalem and its measures in the occupied territories have further aggravated the situation. We deplore and condemn Israel's attempt to annex Jerusalem because this is a flagrant violation of international law and the relevant United Nations resolutions. Consequently, it has to be considered as null and void. Jerusalem is a city where the beliefs and aspirations of great spiritual and religious traditions and powers meet, factors which increase the political complexity of the problem, adding emotional and even prophetic aspects. A high degree of political imagination will therefore be needed in order to work out specific formulas for solutions, and in this process all the considerations advanced by interested and objective observers will have to be taken into account.
24.	In this connection, the criteria proposed by the Holy See should be mentioned. In addition to the call for free, access to all holy sites, these criteria include the requirement that the duly acquired traditional rights of the various religious communities in the city be respected and assured.
25.	The problems involved are enormous. Therefore it is all the more vital that the greatest possible efforts be made to use all available opportunities to contribute to a just and peaceful solution. This problem cannot be solved by force. Israel, too, will have to accept this reality.
26.	We also condemn Israel's policy of establishing settlements in the occupied territories and, in particular, the deportation of the mayors of Hebron and Halhul, freely elected representatives of Palestinian communities.
27.	We call upon the General Assembly to take steps similar to those taken in adopting resolution 34/29 of 16 November 1979, concerning the Mayor of Nablus, to ensure that this action, which violates the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and the most basic human rights, is revoked as soon as possible.
28.	The present crises in the Middle East and Afghanistan have overshadowed the tragic events in South-East Asia. Nevertheless, the dimensions of that human tragedy remain staggering. Our position has not changed. We condemn Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea as well as the violations of human rights by the Pol Pot regime which preceded it. Our prime concern is for the Kampuchean people, with whom we are in full solidarity. This year, too, we will support all efforts to relieve the suffering of that people.
29.	The many political crises in our world must not cause us to forget that the greatest potential source of danger to world order is that economic and social gap which separates the North from the South, the industrialized from the developing countries. The greatest challenge facing mankind in the last two decades of this century is to overcome the asymmetry in economic development. A new international order based on an equitable balance of the interests of developing and industrialized countries must be built through dialogue and understanding.
30.	During the 1980s one of the most important elements in the development process and in international economic relations will undoubtedly be the availability of adequate energy supplies. The manner in which this problem is solved will test the viability of the world economy. This question places an equally great responsibility on all countries.
31.	A long-term solution can be achieved only through a constructive dialogue between producers and consumers, which would best be undertaken within the framework of the United Nations global round of negotiations.
32.	The energy crisis presents the international community, and the world monetary system in particular, with a significant challenge: the international monetary institutions must increase their role as catalysts between surplus and deficit countries.
33.	I cannot imagine that mankind, which in its long history has solved tremendous problems with the help of human ingenuity, science and technology, must stand powerless before a situation which directly affects each and every one of us.
34.	Instead, we believe that a large-scale joint undertaking by industrial and oil-producing countries can mobilize sufficient intellectual, technical and financial resources to deal successfully with the North-South problem in all its dimensions. Austria's ideas for a massive transfer of resources were last put before the General Assembly at its eleventh special session.
35.	In view of the unsatisfactory outcome of that special session, I should like to return to a thought first voiced by Willy Brandt and then discussed intensively by President Lopez Portillo of Mexico and Chancellor Kreisky: a summit meeting of statesmen from industrialized and developing countries to mobilize the political will of Governments, thus promoting mutually acceptable solutions to the North- South problem. This could at the same time give a useful political impetus to the forthcoming round of global negotiations. The idea of convening such a meeting next year has won widespread support.
36.	A commission for disarmament and international security, consisting of representatives from the East, West and South and headed by Olof Palme, was recently established at Vienna. The independent Palme Commission will function similarly to the Brandt Commission7 and will also deal with the problems of releasing funds for development. The Palme Commission has set itself the long-term goal of preparing for comprehensive disarmament agreements and for practical disarmament measures, particularly for submission at the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament to be held in 1982. We should follow the work of the Palme Commission carefully. One of its primary goals is to mobilize public opinion for disarmament. That is particularly important today, when we are witnessing signs of a new arms race between the great Powers.
37. Our specific efforts to promote peace are based on a deep commitment to human rights. Without peace human rights are not secure; and peace cannot be guaranteed without respect for human rights. Therefore, our policy of unconditional commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights remains a corner-stone of our policy in the United Nations. We are convinced that respect for human rights is an indispensable prerequisite for peace, development, security and the reduction of tensions.
38.	The tragic problem of growing flows of refugees all over the world has also to be seen in the context of human rights. I am therefore grateful to my colleague, the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany, Mr. Genscher, for drawing the attention of the Assembly to the need to study the background of that problem. As a country with a tradition of accepting refugees and granting asylum, Austria supports the initiative of the Federal Republic of Germany and will participate actively in the work of the General Assembly relating to this new agenda item.
39.	As I stated at the Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, held at Geneva on 20 and 21 July 1979, it is not the people in distress who are responsible for their situation, but those who have caused it. The responsibility therefore lies with those who are still not prepared to respect human rights, despite the Charter, despite the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, despite the two International Covenants on Human Rights and despite the many resolutions and treaties on human rights. All the people who are forced to seek asylum and to live as refugees in this world are victims of violations of human rights. That holds true for the victims of racial discrimination as well, and for those who are persecuted on political and religious grounds. But it holds true also for the people who are forced to leave their homes because of hunger and distress. When we talk about human rights, we mean political and civil liberties as much as basic social, economic and cultural rights.
40.	The problems of the world are so numerous and our agenda is so comprehensive that it is impossible for me to address every point in this statement. My delegation will present the Austrian position on these questions in detail during this session. Let me just say in brief that we attach very great importance to, inter alia, the fate of Lebanon, the talks between the ethnic communities in Cyprus, urgent realization of the United Nations plan for Namibia, the Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the Chairmanship of Willy Brandt. elimination of the apartheid system in South Africa and of all other forms of racial discrimination, the elimination of capital punishment and torture and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, as well as to all questions relating to the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women. We sincerely hope that at this session the Assembly will bring us closer to a solution of all these problems.
41.	Although the present world situation does not leave much scope for optimism, I do not want to overlook the positive developments. We wish to mention Zimbabwe in particular. Its peaceful transition to independence and its course towards a multiracial society had raised our hopes that it would have an exemplary effect on our common endeavours to achieve the full independence of Namibia.
42.	Non-alignment has become a dynamic force in international relations and a catalyst in solving important international problems. It has contributed to the development of a feeling of responsibility for global issues among States, large and small. We consider non-alignment a stabilizing element in international politics and believe that the non- aligned States have a special role to play in a period of increasing tension. We feel that opportunities for cooperation do exist between non-aligned and neutral countries, both on the global level of the United Nations as well as regionally, as for instance within the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which was held at Helsinki in 1975.
43.	We expect the second review session of that Conference to be held at Madrid, to recall forcefully the obligations undertaken in the Final Act of Helsinki and to lend the process of detente the impetus it so urgently needs in this time of heightening tensions. The events of this year have demonstrated more clearly than ever before that detente has to be universal. It has become truly indivisible. Even if one wanted to limit it to certain regions, in today's age of interdependence that would be impossible.
44.	We are all aware that we are living in a time of transition—transition from one historic period to another. In such a time tensions will inevitably develop between ideas and reality, reason and power, morality and politics. Each and every one of us is acutely aware of those tensions and their repercussions on both our personal and international life.
45.	Everywhere in the world today we witness developments aimed at dismantling the established order in many sectors and calling into question recognized values without creating new orders to replace them. The resulting vacuum contributes to the rise of tensions, the solution to which situation is sought through the use of force. The spread of violence in many parts of the world is a consequence of that development, which fills us with growing concern. I am referring here to the increasing terrorism which claims innocent victims again and again, as for instance in the brutal and cowardly bombing attacks in Bologna and Munich.
46.	We have to be aware of the fact that our youth, in its search for new life-styles and new forms of expression, is also attracted by violence. It is not by defensive attitudes, with the ensuing risk of perpetuating conflicts, that we shall succeed in integrating new forms of social behaviour into existing societies and in developing in our youth a sense of commitment to international co-operation and the ideals of the United Nations. We shall succeed in such an endeavour only if we make much greater efforts to guide the idealism and energy of youth towards positive goals and to work together with the younger generation to build new orders and values wherever the existing ones appear obsolete.
47.	In this connection, I wish to say a word on the environment. The excessive exploitation of nature in this century has resulted in damage of still unknown consequences. Only over the past decade has it been recognized that measures must be taken to preserve the ecological balance. We must adopt a much more serious approach to our environmental problems. We must also try to integrate the concerns of environmentalists into our existing systems. We must see to it that these concerns are duly taken into consideration at the national and international levels. This is a responsibility which the Organization must not shirk.
48.	The challenge all of us must face, whether we be statesmen or diplomats, scientists or philosophers, is that of combining our forces in order to create, step by step, a more human and more peaceful world order. We have no other choice if we wish mankind to survive.
49.	On the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of Austria's membership of the United Nations, I would like to renew our commitment to the world Organization and our profession of loyalty to the Organization's goals and ideals with a quote from Karl Renner, the first President of our second Republic. He said:
"A world of organized peace is coming; a world of lasting co-operation; a community of nations rich in blessings—and the Republic of Austria will be the most loyal member of this community."