I wish to join those who spoke before me in congratulating Ambassador von Wechmar on his election to the high office of President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. His country, the Federal Republic of Germany, and my own, Zambia, enjoy cordial bilateral relations and my delegation pledges to him our cooperation. We are convinced that he will use his diplomatic skill and acumen to steer the deliberations of this session to a successful conclusion.
251.	I should like also to pay a fitting tribute to his predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim of the sister republic of Tanzania. A man of great eminence and integrity, he presided over the work of the thirty-fourth regular session, the two emergency sessions and one special session in the most commendable manner which was a source of pride to Africa.
252.	I wish also to pay a similar tribute to our esteemed Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts for the furtherance of the objectives of the United Nations. In his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary General has provided a frank, succinct, thought-provoking and sobering analysis of the global situation. My delegation sincerely commends him for thoroughly and objectively articulating the challenges that we shall continue to face in this decade.
253.	Let me also express my delegation's congratulations to Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission last week as the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member of the United Nations. This signifies a triumph for the people of that country and we are pleased about its achievement. Its admission, like that of Zimbabwe last month, brings us closer to the fulfilment of the principle of universality of the membership of the United Nations.
254.	I wish on this occasion to reiterate the great pleasure and satisfaction of my delegation at the attainment of independence by Zimbabwe and its admission to the United Nations at the eleventh special session which discussed economic matters.
255.	A crisis of immense proportions hovers over the world economic situation. The issues at stake impinge on the welfare of mankind as a whole because we live in a world of interdependence. The underpinnings of interdependence in our contemporary era require little elaboration, as they have been amply demonstrated recently in various United Nations reports, the report of the Brandt Commission and the report of the Commonwealth Group of Experts.
256.	What the world needs is a new realism which is based on equity and justice for all. It must be recognized that it is justice, equity and interdependence which are at stake as we institute a new system of international economic relations. What is required is to change the old order. What is required is to introduce order where disorder now reigns. In the present situation of disorder in the world economy, no country is shielded and there can be no meaningful development or progress.
257.	In Zambia's view, the time has come for all countries to realize the benefits which can accrue from international cooperation in this age of interdependence.
258.	The battle to realize the goals of the New International Economic Order is one which the international community must not lose. Indeed, for many it is a matter of either ending poverty or facing extinction. The food shortage problem, for example, means that millions will perish if no relief is forthcoming.
259.	The issues on our world economic agenda are interlinked. As we approach the United Nations conference on global negotiations for international economic co-operation for development; it is imperative that a simultaneous, coherent and integrated approach to all issues under negotiation in this universal forum be ensured. If that principle was respected, there would be no need for a diversionary debate aimed at entrenching the old order by attempts to rely on institutions which should themselves be subject to change.
260.	The international community should look to the future and avoid placing unnecessary emphasis on obstacles. Lessons learned from the eleventh special session should provide bridges of hope where progress was made. It is time to consolidate, to negotiate further and to marshal all pragmatic tools which could lead to agreement. The agenda is for the survival of all mankind.
261.	The consensus reached on the new International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade during the eleventh special session represents the barest minimum for the majority of developing countries. The litmus test of commitment lies in the full and effective imp' mentation of the policy measures and the attainment of the aims and objectives enshrined in the Strategy. The past two decades provide us with examples of unfulfilled commitment and aspirations.
262.	Zambia's position with regard to the Third United Nations Conference; on the Law of the Sea has been made known at past sessions, including the meetings recently held at Geneva. It is our hope that all delegations will work in a cooperative and constructive spirit at the forthcoming session, with a view to reaching agreement on those vital issues which remain unresolved.
263.	Zambia continues to attach great importance to the policy of nonalignment. We consider that the principles and objectives of nonalignment are as relevant as ever in the present turbulent international situation and that they represent the aspirations of the vast majority of the peoples of the world. In our view, nonalignment is the best guarantee of the independence and sovereignty of small and weak States.
264.	It is against that background that Zambia views with serious concern the present situation around the Indian Ocean and in the Gulf area. We deeply deplore the increased big Power rivalry in that part of the world, which threatens the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of a number of countries.
265.	In the last year, for example, we have witnessed intensified great Power rivalry, which has virtually made the Indian Ocean a zone of conflict instead of a zone of peace. Seeds of discord have been sown and the peace and security of the countries and people in the area have been greatly impaired.
266.	My delegation calls upon all States, particularly the big Powers, to respect fully the aspirations of the people of the Indian Ocean region and to cooperate with the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean in its efforts to bring about the realization of the aims and objectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
267.	We call for an urgent resolution of the crisis in Afghanistan. In that regard, it is imperative that all foreign troops be withdrawn and that the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of States be scrupulously respected by all foreign Powers. Indeed, the situation in Afghanistan should not be used by one or the other great Power to increase its military presence on the pretext of a perceived threat to its so-called strategic interests in the area. No foreign interests can be more important than those of the people in the area directly concerned.
268.	On Korea, my delegation wishes to reiterate its view that peace and stability will continue to elude us if reunification is not achieved. Furthermore, it is my delegation's view that reunification efforts have been greatly hampered by the presence of foreign troops in South Korea. We therefore call for the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea in order that the chances for reunification may be enhanced.
269.	Similarly, with regard to the situation in Kampuchea, Zambia hopes that an amicable political solution can be found soon. Such a solution must, above all, reflect the true wishes and aspirations of the people concerned, who have suffered far too long.
270.	Regarding Cyprus, my delegation will continue to follow closely the intercommunal talks being held under the aegis of the United Nations Secretary General. We hope genuine progress will be registered during those talks, with a view to finding a just and durable solution which, above all, will guarantee the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and nonalignment of Cyprus.
271.	With regard to Western Sahara, we in Zambia hope that an early solution will be found. I wish therefore once again to call upon Morocco to respect fully the inalienable rights of the people of Western Sahara and to allow them freely to determine their own destiny. Zambia strongly supports the POLISARIO Front and we have also recognized the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic.
272.	Morocco's intransigence over Western Sahara is reminiscent of the intransigence of Guatemala over Belize. I wish similarly to express Zambia's full support for the Government and people of Belize in their efforts to secure their independence and to safeguard their sovereignty and territorial integrity. My delegation calls upon Guatemala to cooperate in the long drawn-out negotiations on the question of Belize, in the spirit of the relevant United Nations resolutions.
273.	One of the perennial citadels of conflict in our time is the Middle East. The seventh emergency special session, on Palestine, which was held from 22 to 29 July this year, reiterated the view that Israel's policies and practices constitute the major obstacle to durable peace and security in the Middle East. Israeli intransigence serves only to hinder progress towards the ideals of peace and security in the region. That behaviour is reflected in the relentless Israeli campaign of consolidating its colonization of the occupied Arab territories through the establishment of Jewish settlements.
274.	Israel has further defied the international community's counsel not to change the religious status of Jerusalem and it has chosen to declare the city of Jerusalem its capital, an act intended to compromise the traditional status of Jerusalem as the seat of world Christianity, Judaism and Islam. In that regard, my delegation condemns the Israeli authorities for their action to change the status of Jerusalem and calls upon the General Assembly at its current session to declare such action null and void.
275.	Zambia is also concerned about Israel's persistent military activities directed against Lebanon. Such military forays have been pursued to the extent of embroiling UNI FIL, the personnel of which have, in the process, been murdered in cold blood. We condemn that military adventurism of Israel and call upon Israel to heed the warning that such activities make the prospects for peace and security in the Middle East all the more remote.
276.	My delegation is gravely concerned about Israel's adamant opposition to the participation of the PLO in the Middle East negotiations. There can be no settlement of the question of Palestine without the participation of the PLO on a basis of equality.
277.	The Middle East problem in all its aspects can be resolved only if the question of Palestine is addressed realistically. Israel must reconcile itself to the imperative need to restore the inalienable rights of the Palestinians to self-determination, including the right to a national homeland. In addition, Israel must withdraw from all occupied Arab territories.
278.	I turn now to the situation in southern Africa. On 18 April 1980 the gallant people of Zimbabwe achieved their independence. That victory, like the independence of Mozambique and Angola, contributed to the extension of the frontiers of peace and security in the region.
279.	As we express our joy at the extension of the frontiers of peace in southern Africa as a result of Zimbabwe's achievement of genuine independence, Zambia is only too aware of the challenge that South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia poses to the United Nations system. The international community can ill afford to be oblivious to the underlying reasons why South Africa, through its delaying tactics, continues to defy the United Nations with impunity over the question of Namibia. My delegation is disturbed by South Africa's intransigence because it goes beyond South Africa's own capacity. South Africa gets its inspiration and resilience to do whatever it deems fit in Namibia precisely because of the sustained generous support it receives from certain Western Powers. These Powers, like South Africa, are now busy depleting the abundant natural resources of Namibia while the illegal occupation holds.
280.	There is in Namibia today a build-up of South African military forces, whose objective is further to suppress the people's will in their demands for their inalienable right to independence. As a result, there have been mass arrests, detention, torture, imprisonment and murder of innocent Namibians.
281.	It is regrettable that the situation in Namibia has taken a turn for the worse. The illegal South African regime has intensified its manoeuvres aimed at consolidating a puppet regime in Namibia. The so-called Legislative Assembly and Council of Ministers have been established at the same time as negotiations for the establishment of a popular government through universally recognized elections have been going on.
282.	The build-up of arms of destruction and the increased militarization of Namibia by the South African authorities with the support of certain Western countries has had very adverse consequences on peace and stability in the region of southern Africa. South Africa has stepped up its unprovoked acts of aggression against the independent African States of Angola and Zambia. Our people continue to be killed and maimed and their property continues to be wantonly destroyed by South Africa, all because of their support for the cause of liberating Namibia, to which the United Nations is committed. The international community should take seriously the persistent South African acts of aggression against Zambia and Angola.
283.	The South African acts of aggression are part of an overall South African strategy to undermine the support of the frontline States for SWAPO, which is fighting to free Namibia from the clutches of the Pretoria regime. This same strategy is being pursued by South Africa to remove international demands on the United Nations. The people of Namibia cannot be expected to surrender their birth right. The international community has a duty to support their legitimate struggle. Namibia is indeed a unique case in the decolonization process in that the United Nations has assumed direct responsibility for that Territory. South Africa's continued occupation is therefore a challenge to us all.
284.	It is a matter of public record that SWAPO has made all the necessary concessions in the protracted negotiations to give effect to Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). That UNTAG has not yet moved into Namibia and that the implementation process of the United Nations plan on Namibia has not yet begun is directly due to the negative attitude of South Africa. The South African regime continues to stall in this process. Time and again it has come up with flimsy pretexts to prevent the implementation of this plan. The tactics of South Africa have included unwarranted attacks on the United Nations itself.
285.	South Africa must be forced to stop engaging in deceitful manoeuvres and duplicity over Namibia. How can we, for example, reconcile the installations of the Turnhalle quislings with the attempts to implement the United Nations plan under Security Council resolution 435 (1978)?
286.	We in Zambia will continue to cooperate with the secretary General in his efforts to implement the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia within the framework of resolution 435 (1978). The secretary General, whose integrity and impartiality cannot be questioned, has done his utmost to carry out the mandate entrusted to him by the Security Council. For the plan to succeed and for the independence of Namibia to be achieved on this basis, it is quite evident that more pressure should be brought to bear on South Africa to ensure its cooperation.
287.	The five Western Powers which initiated the plan for the settlement of the Namibian question and which enjoy special relations with racist South Africa must acknowledge the challenge posed by South Africa's intransigence and demonstrate a willingness to use all their influence to put pressure on South Africa to cooperate. We are not convinced that they have used every available leverage on South Africa.
288.	Failure to implement the United Nations plan on Namibia will obviously leave the people of the Territory with no other choice but to intensify their armed struggle. In any event, such a failure will also make it inevitable for States Members of the United Nations to press ahead with their legitimate demand for enforcement action against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Thus the stage will have been set for confrontation and further loss of life in Namibia at a time when we should be emulating the happy solution to the problem of Zimbabwe.
289.	The situation in Namibia is but an extension of the apartheid system in South Africa itself. The Pretoria regime is constantly consolidating its military position in order to sustain its anachronistic domestic policy of apartheid. All calls by the international community on South Africa to desist from the policy of apartheid have continuously been scorned.
290.	It is in South Africa's interest to know that the winds of freedom will continue to gather force in South Africa itself until the complete eradication of the apartheid system. Events from Sharpeville in 1960 to Soweto in 1976 and beyond clearly demonstrate that the struggle in South Africa has become irreversible.
291.	The struggle continues to gain momentum. This intensification of the struggle has taken the form of public strikes by workers and school boycotts by students, and there have been other manifestations. The recent blowing up of the oil plants of the South African Oil, Coal and Gas Corporation, Ltd. (SASOL) serves to confirm the nature of the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa and the degree it has reached.
292.	The abolition of so-called petty apartheid is not the answer, nor can the attempts of the South African regime to win over the so-called Coloured community and isolate the blacks succeed. There is urgent need for meaningful change in South Africa. Change in South Africa must involve the complete eradication of apartheid. It is in the interest of all South African whites to create conditions conducive to racial harmony.
293.	The oppressed people of South Africa, like those of Namibia, are fighting against a system of Government which institutionalizes racism. They are fighting to bring about a system of Government which will work for the betterment of all people irrespective of their colour and enable all people to contribute to the development of their country in all spheres of human activity.
294.	Whereas the international community has been urging South Africa to abandon the policy of apartheid t h rough peaceful means, the Pretoria regime has always chosen to resort to war. This has been intensified in recent years by its acquisition of nuclear capability, which South Africa is using in the manufacture of nuclear weapons with the complicity of certain Western countries. Recent South African military attacks against the frontline States of Zambia and Angola attest to South Africa's insatiable appetite for war in the area. This state of affairs must be halted. The international community must put an end to it.
295.	It is against that background that Zambia appeals to Western Powers to withdraw the support which they give to the racist South African regime so that South Africa can come to grips with the realities and accept the need to allow the people of South Africa the right to participate on an equal footing in the making of decisions that affect their everyday life. We call upon the Security Council to move forward by closing all existing loopholes in the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa and making it more comprehensive. We appeal to all States strictly to abide by the embargo and thereby desist from contributing to South Africa's military arsenal.
296.	There are many other pressing international problems which, for the sake of brevity, I have not delved into. The arms race continues to escalate at an alarming rate and consumes more than $500 billion per annum. The plight of refugees has similarly reached alarming and disconcerting proportions, as millions of innocent men, women and children continue to flee their homes and countries only to languish in harsh economic and social conditions. Indeed, millions of the world's people still live in conditions of abject poverty, afflicted by hunger, ignorance and disease. The human rights situation in the world remains generally bleak.
297.	Ours is therefore still very much a miserable and perilous world. There are grave threats to international peace and security. The ideal world envisaged in the Charter of the United Nations remains far off. We have a long way to go, and the problems that confront us are monumental.
298.	This year we are marking the thirty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. This must necessarily be an occasion for renewed commitment by us all to the ideals of the United Nations. In Zambia's view, no other forum is better suited than the United Nations to tackle the many and complex problems that continue to trouble international relations. No other forum is better suited than the United Nations to fulfil the hopes and aspirations of the millions of the world's citizenry.
299.	I wish therefore in conclusion to reaffirm Zambia's abiding faith in the United Nations as an indispensable instrument for realizing the noble principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter. It is Zambia's hope that all States will in this decade of the 1980s generate the necessary political will to strengthen and support the United Nations in its commitment to freedom, justice, peace and economic and social development for all countries and peoples.


First of all I should like on behalf of the delegation of Zaire, and in my personal capacity, to extend to Mr. von Wechmar heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am particularly glad to see presiding over the General Assembly the representative of a friendly country with which the Republic of Zaire enjoys excellent relations of cooperation. Mr. von Wechmar's eminent qualities as a statesman, together with his great experience of international problems, are for us the earnest of success in our deliberations.
172.	I should like also to pay a special tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, who discharged his duties with such mastery in a very delicate international situation. Throughout his term of office, he embodied with remarkable distinction the truly African meaning of dynamic compromise and the will for peace of our continent.
173.	I could not pass over in silence the constant efforts extended by the Secretary General for the cause of peace and the achievement of the primary mission of the United Nations.
174.	The birth of a new State is always an occasion for rejoicing; its free accession to membership of the United Nations gives us reason to hope, because it brings us ever closer to the goal of universality that we pursue. Hence I should like today to welcome the arrival in the international arena of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, which in acceding to independence has swelled the ranks of free nations. May it find in this environment the peace and security necessary to consolidate its freedom and to implement its development programmes.
175.	The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly has opened in an international context marked by tension and conflicts which breed disquiet, insecurity, anguish and distrust in international relations.
176.	The results of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which has just ended, have not denied or invalidated that fact. The failure of that special session, in which we had placed great hopes, is ascribable only to the developed and industrialized countries, which did not demonstrate a real political will for change. That attitude is pregnant with threats to international peace and security.
177.	Indeed, peace and the survival of the world necessarily entail sharing world prosperity, compensating for the natural inequalities and redressing the structural inequalities, and the union of all in a new ethic of solidarity. If the eleventh special session now appears to some as an abortive rendezvous with history, it is because that truth was not understood by some of our major partners.
178.	My delegation considers that some institutions and international organizations should be more understanding and open-minded towards problems connected with third world development because it is to be feared that in the long run countries which produce raw materials other than oil will themselves also be prompted to take steps which can only worsen the present crisis that is afflicting us so sorely.
179.	The spirit of intransigence and intolerance which we note in international economic relations is also to be found in southern Africa.
180.	The accession to power of the black majority in Zimbabwe was heralded by the international community as a great victory for democracy and an inestimable contribution to international peace and security in that sorely tried region. Alas, deaf to the insistent clamour of reason and of history, the white minority racists of Pretoria continue to practise the criminal policy of apartheid to disregard the rights of the black majority in South Africa itself and in Namibia, in contempt for the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
181.	Apartheid has been condemned by the United Nations and the international community as a crime against humanity. The authority, the leaders and the public institutions which continue to practise or implement a policy which has been declared criminal according to international law are criminal themselves and deserve no support at all by any member of the international community. All the acts by the white racist minority regime of Pretoria within the framework of the policy of apartheid are tainted with illegality and criminality. This is something which all Members of the United Nations must understand in order further to emphasize the political, diplomatic, economic and military isolation of the citadel of racism and apartheid.
182.	The Republic of Zaire unequivocally condemns the policy of apartheid and the savage repression which is being visited upon the oppressed masses of South Africa which are in revolt, for nothing will stop the irreversible march of history. Our country, in solidarity with the independent African States of the region, which have accepted heavy sacrifices for the cause of the liberation of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia, condemn most vehemently acts of aggression perpetrated unceasingly by South Africa against Angola, Zambia and Mozambique and urgently appeals to all countries which have dealings with South Africa to halt all commercial, economic, financial, military and nuclear cooperation with that nation.
183.	With regard to Namibia, the Republic of Zaire notes the illegality of the occupation of that Territory by South Africa since the end of the mandate regime and considers that the basic question here is one not so much of negotiating Namibia's independence with South Africa as of implementing the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the plan for settling the Namibian question approved by the General Assembly and the Security Council and relating to South Africa's withdrawal from that Territory.
184.	The Republic of Zaire reaffirms its support for SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Namibia and supports the efforts made by the United Nations Council for Namibia as the sole legal authority, with a view, on the one hand, to ensuring the independence of that Territory while respecting its territorial integrity and, on the other hand, to stopping the shameless pillage of Namibia's resources which is being indulged in by certain transnational corporations.
185.	My country rejects South Africa's manoeuvres which would create through the so-called Turnhalle negotiations an illegal and arbitrary Governmental Council at Windhoek with the aim of imposing a puppet Government in Namibia and perpetuating its occupation in that Territory, in spite of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and in spite of universal condemnation.
186.	The tension which persists in North Africa with regard to Western Sahara is of concern to international and African opinion. My delegation welcomes the decision taken by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, which met at Freetown from 1 to 4 July 1980, requesting the OAU Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State on Western Sahara to continue to make the necessary efforts to reconcile the parties to the conflict and to find a peaceful, lasting solution to that thorny question, My delegation is especially pleased by the obvious readiness and will shown by all parties concerned to embark upon negotiations and to take a full part in the work of the Ad Hoc Committee.
187.	We voice the hope that the heads of State or Government of the OAU, when they have before them the report and the recommendations of the Ad Hoc Committee, which has just met in Freetown and which had an opportunity to hear all the parties concerned in the conflict, will be able to find a political, peaceful and lasting solution consistent with the legendary wisdom of Africa. We consider that international bodies should refrain from compromising the process initiated by the OAU in July of seeking a peaceful solution to this dispute. All nations of the world and all peace-loving forces should encourage and support the OAU in its efforts towards peace.
188.	No one denies today that the situation that obtains in the Middle East is a serious and abiding threat to international peace and security. The question of Palestine is at the very core of the Middle East conflict.
189.	 The seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly on the question of Palestine gave us an opportunity to see that the Arab States, which 32 years ago had not accepted the terms of resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947 on the partition of Palestine, and the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] now accept the creation of an independent Arab State of Palestine and the terms of this resolution as guaranteeing their interests and constituting the basis for a final solution.
190.	A universal consensus seems already to exist on the following points: first, the legitimacy of the struggle of the Palestinian people for the recovery of its rights, particularly the right to political and economic self-determination, the right to create an independent sovereign State and the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their lands; secondly, the central role of the Palestinian question in the Middle East dispute; thirdly, the representative character of the PLO and its right to participate in all efforts being made and in all deliberations and negotiations to determine the future of the Palestinian people on an equal footing with the other parties; fourthly, the need for respect for the international regime of the City of Jerusalem, the Holy Place of the these great monotheistic religions of the world, and the rejection of any unilateral actions and measures to annex it or alter its geographic, demographic and cultural characteristics; and fifthly, the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied by force.
191.	Strengthened by this general consensus, we should now seek the implementation of resolution 181 (II), of which the creation of Israel was a first step.
192.	The Republic of Zaire vehemently condemns the policy of annexation of territories by force, the implantation of Jewish settlements in the Arab lands of Palestine, the denial of the right of return of the Palestinians and the unilateral measures for the annexation of the Holy City of Jerusalem recently adopted by the Israeli Government in violation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
193.	The Zaire delegation considers that the new approach which places the question of Palestine at the centre of the Middle East conflict and which advocates recognition of the right to self-determination and independence of the Arab people of Palestine supplements Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, which remains an important basis of the quest for a just, lasting and comprehensive settlement of the Middle East conflict.
194.	The Republic of Zaire supports respect for the principles of the Charter and the rules of the law of the people. We have therefore said unequivocally to the authorities in Iran that the taking as hostages of persons whose inviolability is covered by diplomatic immunity, guaranteed and protected by the internationally recognized instruments which exist in this field, bears the seeds of serious threats with incalculable consequences for the future of relations of trust between nations and for the peace and security of all.
195.	We have reminded the Iranian authorities that we, the peoples of the third world, who are continuing to wage a tireless struggle for the democratization of international relations, for the establishment of a more just and more equitable international order, protected from fear, arbitrary action and the rule of force, must accord great importance to respect for the rights of others and for internationally recognized and established principles governing relations and cooperation between peoples and modern States, bearing in mind the modest means that we have at our disposal, because we believe that we would be the great losers in a world without principles and without law.
196.	That is why we have asked them and continue to ask them today to free the American hostages, safe and sound and without prior conditions. The Iranian revolution would emerge strengthened from such action. In saying this, the Republic of Zaire remains fully in favour of the independence of Iran, its sovereignty and the right of its people freely to determine its future.
197.	The deterioration of relations between Iran and Iraq is of extreme concern to us, not only because it involves two brother members of the nonaligned movement, but also and in particular because this conflict is taking place in one of the most sensitive regions of the world, where any conflict can degenerate into disaster because of the rival interests of the great Powers.
198.	No State in that Gulf region should assume direct or indirect responsibility for the destruction of the precarious balance that is being maintained with such difficulty.
199.	We voice the hope that the appeal by the President of the Security Council will be heeded by all parties and that the good offices of the secretary General, who is always ready to mediate in such cases, will be accepted.
200.	The situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea constitute a threat to international peace and security. The invasion of Afghanistan by foreign troops has created a new situation in that part of the world. This region is today in a period of effervescence. The fear of the danger of destabilization has caused an intensification of the arms race and has aggravated tension between States. It is understood, moreover, that the occupation forces are reluctant to evacuate that country for fear of creating an imbalance to their disadvantage.
201.	It is in this way that the vicious circle of violence begins, the consequences of which cannot be calculated, because although we know how to get into it, we do not know how to get out of it. It is precisely therein that the threat to international peace and security lies, particularly when the main protagonist is a great Power, a permanent member of the Security Council, with special responsibility under the Charter for maintaining international peace and security.
202.	We ask the Soviet Union to abide by the terms of General Assembly resolution ES6/2 of 14 January 1980 and to evacuate its troops from Afghanistan without prior conditions.
203.	In resolution 34/22 the Assembly calls for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea and implicitly supports the continued representation of Democratic Kampuchea at the United Nations.
204.	The only question that really arises here is whether the United Nations has a choice between endorsing the invasion of Kampuchea by foreign troops by seating the Government installed in Phnom Penh by the invading and occupying troops, and refusing to endorse that invasion and allowing the legitimate Government overthrown by the invading and occupying troops to retain its seat in the United Nations.
205.	The delegation of Zaire considers that the United Nations has no choice but to continue to recognize the Government of Democratic Kampuchea if it does not wish to weaken the very foundations of the Charter. Many States which defend this thesis have not necessarily supported the actions of the Pol Pot Government in Kampuchea, nor have they maintained special relations with it. Some Member States have attempted to approach this problem on the basis of the defence of human rights, accusing the Pol Pot regime of genocide.
206.	The position of Zaire is unequivocal with regard to human rights. The sacred principle of human rights must be defended by all available means. But certain States and organizations must stop turning this question into a political one, with the sole aim of interfering in the internal affairs of States for the purpose of destabilization.
207.	Legitimacy is a matter for the peoples. The United Nations cannot confer any legitimacy whatsoever upon a Government against the wish of the people concerned.
208.	According to some statistics, in 1980 $500 billion will be spent on weapons—in other words, 10 per cent more than in 1979. Precisely 10 years ago, in 1970, the figure was nearly $370 billion. Year by year, despite the declarations of intent to stop the arms race, military expenditures increase, thereby decreasing the sums made available for development and to improve living standards throughout the world, particularly the third world.
209.	At a time when there is talk of launching the Second Disarmament Decade, we must denounce the hypocrisy of the great Powers—particularly the nuclear Powers—whose acts are not always in keeping with their declarations of intent.
210.	The aims of resolution 2602 E (XXIV) of 16 December 1969, in which the Assembly proclaimed the First Disarmament Decade, are far from having been achieved. The arms race—particularly the nuclear arms race—is still being pursued; military expenditures, as can be seen, have grown at an alarming rate; hotbeds of tension have been increasing and flaring up, posing additional threats to international peace and security; the cold war is with us again and, unfortunately, the third world region has become its theatre of operations.
211.	The great Powers are eyeing one another like porcelain dogs, and their desire for a balance of power constantly prevents them from abiding by their obligations concerning disarmament. One may thus wonder whether they have truly decided to heed the appeal of the former Secretary General, U Thant, who declared in 1970 that any comprehensive disarmament programme must begin with a halt, immobilization or restriction of the nuclear arms race, followed by measures to reverse the process by reducing and ultimately eliminating nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction.
212.	Here as elsewhere, we expect the great Powers—and, above all, the nuclear Powers—fully to demonstrate their attachment to the common ideal of peace; because, although disarmament is of concern to all nations of the world, it is only the armed who can be disarmed; indeed, the very possession of weapons can pose a problem to the immediate area or threaten it directly.
213.	The Republic of Zaire pursues a policy of peace, good neighbourliness and cooperation, and will spare no effort to contribute, to the extent of its modest means, to promoting disarmament. It supports the establishment of denuclearized zones as an important step towards general and complete disarmament. Those are the tenets of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa.
214.	The international community and the United Nations should pay closer attention to the problem of African refugees. Today, Africa is sheltering on its soil more refugees than any other continent. Of the 4 million refugees in Africa, Zaire alone is sheltering almost 1 million. If the refugees of Africa, who are straining the meagre resources of our developing States, could benefit from the same concern as all other refugees throughout the world that would be an inestimable contribution to our development efforts. But whatever the situation, the Republic of Zaire will share its modest resources with the refugees it welcomes on its territory in the name of human solidarity.
215.	My country has sheltered thousands of people fleeing from neighbouring countries during their struggle for independence. Our action was in consonance with a noble cause—that of freeing long enslaved peoples from the colonial yoke. Unfortunately, a new category of refugees seems to have emerged: refugees guilty of common-law crimes but who, by fleeing from justice in their countries of origin, are enjoying protection and refugee status thanks to the un-avowed desire of the host countries to destabilize young States eager to consolidate their independence.
216.	Civilization is rooted in nature, and nature has moulded human culture and influenced all artistic and scientific works. Life in close contact with nature offers mankind the best chances of developing its creativity and of protecting and enjoying its moments of leisure.
217.	The destruction of natural systems which results both from excessive consumption and the abuse of resources will surely cause life on our planet to perish. The preservation and protection of the environment thus become an ethical obligation of all members of the international community for the sake of present and future generations.
218.	As the President of the Republic of Zaire, General Mobutu, declared at the twelfth session of the General Assembly of the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, at Kinshasa, in September 1975:
"We for our part are aware that we cannot do whatever we please with our forests, because they have an influence that goes beyond the limits of national territory. The seas, the oceans, the upper atmosphere are the property of the human community that cannot be considered as belonging to anyone or in which one can do as one pleases."
219.	With that in mind, Zaire has submitted to the General Assembly a draft World Charter for Nature. This document, which is essentially technical, has ecological objectives. We call on all Member States to study it carefully and lend it their support, for what is at stake is the survival of all mankind.
220.	I should like to refer to another subject, the law of the sea, a new law, the effectiveness of which depends upon its acceptance by the majority of the members of the international community. Despite the progress made as a result of the resumed ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the new version of the informal composite negotiating text has a number of shortcomings that impair drafting of the proposed convention. Among other things, the formula proposed for production policies and a compensation system in no way meets the concerns of producer countries, particularly producer and potential producer developing countries the economies of which are based essentially on the export of minerals. We continue to believe that those shortcomings will be remedied during the next stage of the negotiations.
221.	Moreover, it is inconceivable that at a time when all the nations of the world are studying global measures to ensure an equitable distribution of what is commonly called the "common heritage of mankind", some States are abusing their power and, by means of unilateral legislation, are starting to exploit the seabed for their exclusive benefit, thereby trampling underfoot the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly.
222.	In any case, the tendency to replace one unjust order with another is unacceptable to us, to say the very least. In this regard, we consider that every State must make an effort to safeguard the goals sought by the future convention— goals which can only complement those enshrined in the Charter.
223.	Daily, facts demonstrate that the Charter of the United Nations can be improved by being adapted to the new requirements of evolution. We particularly have in mind those provisions that are related to the maintenance of international peace and security, which concentrate all powers in the hands of a small number of States. The Charter should reflect the new situation that has resulted from an increased democratization of international relations, since it is a fact that the interdependence of States is inconceivable without a sharing of responsibilities.
224.	If the initial enthusiasm of the Organization has somewhat diminished because of serious and varied situations that have arisen, that should be no cause for surprise in an Organization that includes States having such diverse economic and social systems and that legitimately aspires to ensuring cooperation among all the States that compose it, great or small, rich or poor, in a world that is dominated by fear, mistrust and inequalities of all kinds.
225.	The United Nations constitutes the last bulwark in which peace-loving and justice loving States may place their trust—I am referring in particular to the States of the third world—and it should be able to accommodate the emergence of young States on the international scene and the consequences thereof.
226.	The Republic of Zaire wishes to avail itself of this opportunity once again to proclaim its faith in the principles of the Charter and its devotion to the aims and objectives of the United Nations.


184. First of all, Sir, I should like to fulfil the pleasant duty of extending to you, on behalf of the delegation of Venezuela and on my own behalf, our sincere congratulations on your well-deserved election as President of this session of the General Assembly. Your outstanding performance as Permanent Representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, a country with which Venezuela has close links, your thorough knowledge of the United Nations and your great personal qualities are the best guarantee that this General Assembly will have wise and effective guidance.
185.	I also wish to congratulate and express our gratitude to Mr. Salim, who presided over the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly, the two special emergency sessions, on Afghanistan and Palestine, and the eleventh special session of the Assembly, with the deftness and skill which have characterized his outstanding career as Permanent Representative of the United Republic of Tanzania.
186.	The United Nations has played a decisive role in decolonization, a field in which, precisely, Mr. Salim has distinguished himself. The entry of two new States as Members of this world Organization once again highlights the role of the United Nations in this field. In this connexion, I am pleased to welcome the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and to reiterate our greetings to the delegation of Zimbabwe, which are joining us in the work of the General Assembly.
187.	The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time of acute international confrontations, of anguish and threats of war, together with major challenges and unswerving aspirations to peace.
188.	At the outset of the Third United Nations Development Decade, not only economic problems are besetting relations between nations but also, with increasing priority, political military problems have arisen in various parts of the world. Thus, since the last regular session, an atmosphere has been created such that often, and with a certain undertone of inevitability, one hears talk of the world witnessing the prologue of what will be the third world war. Such a situation compels us to stop and consider, first, the fundamental role of the United Nations itself and its ability to rise above the risks of an existence which internationally carries the sign of fear of war.
189.	Our Organization was born of the concerted political will which, after the Second World War, decided to embody in a supreme international forum the shared aspirations for peace, freedom and justice.
190.	The international community has found in the United Nations, despite the shortcomings of the Organization itself and of Member States, an instrument well suited to the continuous striving towards the high goals that were and continue to be the common aspiration of mankind.
191.	It would therefore be irrational to disregard the merits of the United Nations. We praise them and. in a positive spirit, maintain that what is needed today is that the collective political will that brought about the birth of the United Nations be attuned to the specific requirements of the hour.
192.	It is obvious that responsibility for present international tensions lies with the great Powers, which look upon the United Nations and the international scene with a self-centred attitude. Thus, for the great hegemonic Powers, peace becomes a mere balance of power.
193.	The traditional international order is one that has as its weak underpinnings the common fear of the great Powers of the consequences of a nuclear war and the added fear of the other countries, which, while not being or aspiring to be front-rank Powers, know that the tragic and incalculable results of a third world war would not only affect the nations that started it, but would be devastatingly reflected in all the countries in the world.
194.	The most negative forces of conservatism in the effort to preserve the present international status quo are the great Powers. This conservative attitude, which is projected in any review of the international situation in terms of their selfish hegemonic interests, is the backup position for the irrational wave of warring that is shaking the world.
195.	I he United Nations must have the capacity for self-transformation so as to deprive the great Powers of their archaic privileges, which are a threat to the common good of mankind. We are convinced that for this Organization and for the world the hour of truth has come.
196.	The crisis is structural and deep-rooted; it is felt worldwide. We have been brought to this by an intrinsically unjust international system: artificially induced consumption; waste of natural resources; irreversible environmental damage; monetary and financial chaos; economies in bondage; uncontrolled inflation; manipulation of human beings, not just in body but, what is worse, also in spirit: stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction that could in a flash transform this beautiful planet we were given as our dwelling place into cosmic dust; and while, on the one hand, needless luxuries and weapons are amassed at astronomical cost, on the other, two thirds of mankind suffer chronic hunger and subsist in subhuman conditions.
197.	The United Nations has developed basic principles for harmonious coexistence, which speaks highly of its willingness to face bravely the challenges of this tragic time. Those principles include non-intervention, collective security, the self-determination of peoples, respect for human rights and permanent sovereignty over natural resources— to mention only some.
198.	But unfortunately, we must point out that these have often been ignored by the great Powers with deliberate selfishness, and no way has been found to control this attitude. Some attempts have even been made to justify it by invoking the principle of the reserved dominion of the State, a principle that was brought forth in history to protect the weak and afflicted, not to provide an aggressor's action with a cloak of honesty.
199.	This hour of truth implies an appeal to reflexion: we are still able to sit down and discuss, rationally and without passion, the events that are inexorably bringing us to a collapse; we are in a position to measure the depth of the crisis and, through deliberate decisions, to correct the course of history. Crises are, in the last analysis, the consequence of human action, and human will can therefore bring about their positive solution.
200.	In order to achieve such results, an essential condition must be met, a condition that the Government of Venezuela has made .a permanent norm of its policy—a fervent belief in justice and in solidarity. Any principle is but an empty shell unless it is permanently powered by this vital concept.
201.	Our peoples believe in justice; they are aware that it can be achieved in this world; they know that a better mankind is possible if one fights for it. This vital aspiration will brook no opposition from principles interpreted at a whim, or from deadly weapons, which can do no more than contain the first onslaught by an endless multitude. Let us hope that this distressing reality of our era will be understood before it is too late.
202.	Therefore, as has been repeatedly stated by President Luis Herrera Campins, Venezuela's foreign policy is based on international social justice and on solidarity. That is why he has affirmed his belief in a more just and more humane international law based on the development of the human person and of all men. and rooted in peace, justice and integral and harmonious development—a peace which is not only absence of war, a justice imbued with social feelings between the peoples of the earth, and an integral harmonious development which makes man the centre and all of its concern. At the same time, that international law would have solidarity as part of its substance, which implies the conviction that relations must have their foundations in the law and in the obligation of those who have the most towards those who have the least —not as a gift or as a gracious concession, but as a rule of international legal norms inspired by social justice.
203.	Those are the terms of the hour of truth. This is the moment when one clearly perceives that the new international order is not going to be achieved by short-term adjustments, which would only prolong and intensify the agony of the present order, but by a change in the vital conception of the world in which we live.
204.	Latin America, Africa and Asia can and must act jointly in the United Nations with a clear policy aimed at achieving democratic management of the international community as an element of balance vis-à-vis the great Powers.
205.	Our peoples are the major creditors of history. And since we have had a wretched experience with imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. we are bound to act together so that we may achieve effective changes that will enable us to throw off the shackles of dependence which have often made our peoples mere pawns in the games played by the superpowers.
206.	In their already lengthy struggle, the third world countries have had positive experience in concerting their efforts in their own internal processes, as well as in their bilateral and multilateral relations.
207.	The achievements of the Group of 77 and the unity they have maintained in the North South dialogue, as well as the improvements they have gained in the specific terms of South South cooperation, constitute an encouraging example of what can be done in the immediate future.
208.	Given the dangers and risks of the present international situation, we the developing countries cannot maintain a mere attitude of complaint or accusation. The certain possibility of democratic management of the international community compels us to be constantly united in our efforts.
209.	In this context, the struggle against the international status quo will require of medium sized and small States clear objectives, creative capacity, political imagination, negotiating flexibility, realistic positions, bold constancy and a steadfastness of purpose.
210.	Democratic management of the international community, based on the principle of the legal equality of States, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, must be a main goal in the struggle of our countries to ensure predominance of this principle. It is a goal to be achieved through a succession of partial gains.
211.	The strategy of the major centres of hegemony will be directed at sowing the seeds of dejection, by presenting as illusory or as doomed to failure an effort which only an immature point of view could present as being susceptible of immediate achievement.
212.	Democratic management of the international community can and should be of concern to all countries that cannot agree to important decisions relating to their own destiny being taken without their participation. In this connexion, recent events in Poland provide significant evidence which should give much food for thought in view of the factors they have brought to light.
213.	The pre-war climate of uncertainty is rooted in the great Power rivalry for mastery of geopolitically important areas and for access to and control over strategic resources. The pre-war risk exists because of the senseless behaviour of the great blocs, which devise and carry out coven or overt forms of domination over peoples, blatantly seeking only to increase their actual power.
214.	Without democratic management of the international community, the new international order will not be achieved. In the present international status quo which the majority of the developed countries want to maintain, the new order will be a difficult goal, and the global negotiations to attain it will continue to be fraught with problems.
215.	Attempts are being made to divide and weaken the Group of 77. But the political maturity and serious mindedness of the Group must lead it to seek tenaciously a meaningful dialogue aimed at practical agreement and effective action. The strengthening of such a dialogue would bring us closer to our goals.
216.	The Government of Venezuela is convinced of the need further to secure our horizontal relationships of economic and political solidarity among small and medium sized countries. Often, the policies and strategies followed by the developing countries were a reaction to the developed countries' attitudes and policies or, at least, the results of structurally asymmetrical relations between the centre and the periphery.
217.	We do not deny the usefulness and value of such positions or the imperative need for them to be upheld and strengthened in the future. At the same time, far more meaningful efforts should be made to expand the South South links. I would go further and even venture to say that if we have not made more progress in the North South dialogue. It is because practical solidarity among developing countries has not been sufficiently strong
218.	This is an underlying challenge which, so far, we have met with only piecemeal responses; yet. its vast possibilities are within our reach: ail we need is the will and the determination to arrive at an understanding among ourselves.
219.	In the context of the international political situation, we must sadly recognize that there are examples of those who expect to be able to ensure the, albeit uncertain, survival of their regimes through docility to the dictates of the great hegemonic centres.
220.	They are the ones who fall prey to the historical cynism of applauding the whittling down of the sovereignty of peoples, whenever it is carried out by the Power to which they have given a lien on their destiny, all the while pretending to be the prophets of a just and dignified future, whereas their own indignity and injustice, in a less hypocritical world, would strike them dumb with shame.
221.	The great capitalist and socialist Powers should know that the developing countries are not prepared to acquiesce in mute resignation to a so-called realpolitik by which they seek only the international hardening of their attitudes.
222.	We developing peoples are the great creditors of history and the best reserves for peace. Our effective responsibility and our serious international dynamism are more than ever needed today to lessen tensions, to ward off the risks of war and to instil new life into international organizations. The democratic management of the international community must become a reality and an effective guarantee for peace.
223.	Five years after the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, held at Helsinki, the real results, aside from occasional rhetoric and the demagoguery of bloc politics, could hardly have been more disappointing.
224.	The second review session of that Conference is to take place at Madrid in November. If Governments continue to view summits like these as opportunities to assess their strength and to win Pyrrhic diplomatic victories with no positive impact on the life of peoples, we fear that, even though the signatories of the Act to be adopted at the Madrid session be equal to or greater in number than those of the Helsinki Final Act, there is little for Europe in particular and the world in general to expect from the Conference.
225.	The international community wishes that Conference to meet without this balance of dread, a false balance of fear, as a backdrop for the talks. The international community knows that, since the Helsinki Act was signed, there has not been one moment without specific reports from all sides of a lack of compliance with what was agreed to there.
226.	Furthermore, in the time between the Helsinki and Madrid Conferences, deplorable events have occurred as evidence of the intention of the great Powers to resist any significant change in the international order in which they enjoy a privileged status.
227.	We, the genuinely peace-loving peoples, understand that part of the approach of the superpowers is their intention of creating docile sub Powers, which will acquire and maintain this essential trait because of their systems of political and military cooperation.
228.	The developing world is familiar with that kind of procedure. It knows full well that anyone who becomes a party to warlike adventure and irresponsible violence is jetting out on a fratricidal road and ends up with his own sovereignty and that of others tarnished.
229.	Since Helsinki such sorrowful and reprehensible events have occurred as the emergence of the tragic situation in Kampuchea and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Venezuela stated here, at the United Nations, on the occasion of the sixth emergency special session, its rejection of such aggression.  Today we ratify our condemnation. Afghanistan is still an occupied country and the repression unleashed by the invading army against the Afghan patriots, the type of weapons used and the inadmissible reasoning put forward to defend what is indefensible call for a consistent and unswerving denunciation by the entire third world. Our repudiation of such procedures, which are drawn from the most conventional imperialist geopolitics, is clear and trenchant.
230.	As a result of events in Afghanistan there is a not insignificant crisis within the nonaligned movement. We shall support every effort to achieve adherence by the movement to the principles which brought it into the world.
231.	Nonalignment is the guarantee for the complete self-determination of peoples and the sound foundation for absolute sovereignty, the self-respect of nations, mutual respect in relations among States, a balanced peace and the hope for an ever more just future, and not for the balance of fear of war and the growing degradation of the weakest peoples. Finally it is the guarantee that it is possible to achieve democratic management of the international community, a new world law and the new international economic order.
232.	Bloc politics—as we see—leads only to a balance of terror and to limited conflicts and hotbeds of local wars, which ultimately causes direct harm to developing countries.
233.	Venezuela pinpoints the position adopted by Zimbabwe as hopeful and positive in the context of the present African and international situation. The statement made by Prime Minister Mugabe when his country joined the United Nations  offers a clear definition of constructive and authentic nonalignment. The people of Zimbabwe proved that independence can be achieved and maintained without any alignment at all with the great hegemonic centres of world power; that internal and international leadership is enhanced when respect for one's own patriotic dignity is set as an effective containment wall against the interests of the superpowers, whose only wish is to acquire docile instruments; and that independence can be achieved and maintained without the doubtful help of foreign armies on one's own soil.
234.	In Zimbabwe the people were able to choose their own destiny by the civic and peaceful means of the vote. The leadership of Prime Minister Mugabe is strengthened by popular opinion, as expressed in free elections, which showed the world which choices the people of Zimbabwe really wanted, and which were simply the effect of orchestrated propaganda.
235.	On greeting the presence of Zimbabwe once again, we affirm in solidarity that African problems can be solved only by Africans. We say this because we want the problems of Latin America to be solved only by Latin Americans.
236.	We have not allowed, nor are we prepared to allow, any attempts to be made to play irresponsibly with the future of the peoples of Latin America by the use of whatever influence anyone may have over them to increase the impact of ominous bloc policies through organized violence.
237.	We support all genuinely Latin American proposals which, in this hour, which is crucial for our hemisphere, and especially for Central America and the Caribbean—seek to overcome problems by civic and peaceful means.
238.	This is an appropriate opportunity to reiterate most energetically our condemnation of terrorism as a form of struggle, whatever the political beliefs of those who engage in it and regardless of where it takes place. Criminal acts cannot be justified by any flag.
239.	Venezuela's basic principles of solidarity and cooperation have been evident for years, especially in Central America and the Caribbean.
240.	The recent Venezuelan Mexican programme for cooperation in energy and finance, signed by President Herrera Campins and President Lopez Portillo at San Jose, Costa Rica as part of the programme for the region implemented by Venezuela during the past five years—a programme which earned the praise of the international community—proves that effective terms for cooperation are to be found in genuine forms of civilized life and not in fostering organized violence. It is through them that we shall make true headway in building the Latin American future of our peoples.
241.	Venezuela believes that the Caribbean should be a zone of peace. The establishment of the Caribbean as a zone of peace would require the dismantling of the military operations bases and installations of those that are rivals for world supremacy, and would call for a stop to all interventionism, whether intraregional, extra regional, continental or insular. The establishment of the Caribbean as a zone of peace would also call for an immediate demonstration of cooperation aimed towards the solution of the grave economic, social and other problems of the area.
242.	Speaking of the Caribbean, we wish to reaffirm here that, for historical, geographic, social, cultural and sentimental reasons, we consider Puerto Rico to be an integral part of the Latin American community and not otherwise. Our support for the right of Puerto Ricans to self-determination is the result of a deep democratic conviction and an expression of Latin American solidarity which has stood the test of years in a variety of circumstances.
243.	At the recent Caracas meeting on the new international information order, a strategy harmful to the developing countries was in evidence. What is at stake is nothing other than the right to inform and to be informed. The two facets of this right to information have been manipulated, and attempts are still made to manipulate them.
244.	Venezuela advocated at the Paris and Caracas meetings, and will advocate at the General Conference of UNESCO, now opening its twenty-first session at Belgrade, the concept of a new independent information order, one that is sovereign and that will serve as a guarantee of effective defence by developing peoples against sophisticated forms of domination.
245.	Venezuela supports all actions designed to eradicate from the face of the earth racism in all its forms, especially the form which claims to set itself up as a system, as is the case in South Africa with apartheid.
246.	Our support for the independence of Namibia, in accordance with United Nations decisions, is clear and unequivocal.
247.	We view with concern the existing situation in the Middle East. Peace in that region of the world will not be possible as long as efforts continue to be made to impose sectarian policies which are contrary to the best spirit of the international community and which refuse to recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
248.	Venezuela has supported United Nations resolutions which recognize both those rights and the right of the State of Israel to existence and security, resolutions which advocate comprehensive, peaceful, just and equitable solutions with the participation of all the parties to the conflict.
249.	We fervently hope that peace will return to Lebanon, the tormented nation with which we are united by many ties of friendship and affection.
250.	At the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, concluded in August this year, considerable progress was made. Basic questions were resolved through compromise formulas which had the support of the vast majority of the participants in the Conference. It is our hope that at the tenth session, to be held in April 1981, pending matters will be settled to the satisfaction of all States concerned. We are pleased that the lengthy process of laborious and complex negotiations may soon come to an end with the adoption of an international instrument to be called the Caracas Convention on the Law of the Sea.
251.	At the present time, the global negotiations on economic cooperation are a matter of importance. The fact that three countries—the United States, the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany—did not join in the general consensus arrived at after long and arduous discussions prevented the eleventh special session of the General Assembly from setting the opening date of the global negotiations for next year as had been anticipated. Like all the other Members of the United Nations, Venezuela hopes that those three countries will reconsider their position and will join in the consensus as quickly as possible.
252.	The General Assembly must complete, during the current session, the work which was not achieved with regard to procedures and the agenda. Venezuela and the other countries members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries affirmed, at their recent tri-ministerial meeting, their full support for the global negotiations. The international community must resolve to do everything in its power to achieve results that will be of benefit to all, and especially to the developing countries.
253.	In many areas, and following various initiatives, the United Nations is working ceaselessly towards a new international order. There are many obstacles. Great difficulties will arise. The guarantee of progressive achievement for the benefit of mankind must be found in the clear political will of the majority of Member States.
254.	Today, more than ever, peace is needed. The yearning for peace is sincerely shared by all peoples of the world. In this connexion, the President of Venezuela, Mr. Luis Herrera Campins, has stated that "the desire for an international life free from armed conflicts is a meeting ground for all people of goodwill".
255. Peace is consolidated by justice. Peace requires freedom. Peace is the result of truth. In a memorable message, His Holiness Pope John Paul II rightly affirmed that "truth is the strength of peace".
256. Let us be capable of responding to the challenges of the hour with truth, and with the effectiveness of practical goodness.


Permit me first of all, Sir, to extend to you the warmest congratulations on behalf of the Greek delegation on your unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly. This important post could not have been entrusted to a more experienced diplomat, a diplomat more committed to the ideals of the Charter and more aware of the serious responsibilities entailed in this task. Furthermore, you represent a country which is linked with mine by ties of close friendship and a longstanding common cultural heritage, and which belongs to the great European family, to which Greece will shortly be admitted.
67.	We should also like to congratulate the outgoing President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, a worthy son of Africa, who conducted the proceedings of the General Assembly throughout a particularly difficult period with a skill, flexibility and efficiency which were truly exemplary.
68.	It is also a pleasure for me to convey the congratulations of my delegation to the Secretary General, who has placed his great talents, authority and prestige in the service of peace in the world, as we can see once again in reading his report to the Assembly on the work of the Organization. The tireless efforts of Mr. Waldheim to curb the major international crises of our time and assist in bringing about a settlement of them have won for him the admiration and respect of all.
69.	I should also like to welcome the proclamation of the independence of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and bid the representatives of this new Member welcome among us, while expressing the conviction that they will play a constructive role in the United Nations.
70.	The development of the international situation over the 12 months which have elapsed since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly has, unfortunately, not been very encouraging. The major problems facing the world, with one or two exceptions, have become increasingly mired in stagnation, thus depriving whole peoples of any hope of a better future. Furthermore, new problems have emerged on the international scene creating an atmosphere of crisis that endangers the process of detente, which alone can enable mankind to apply itself to the major economic and social challenges confronting it, on the handling of which depends its very survival.
71.	Among the major problems of our time, that of the Middle East has the grim privilege of being the oldest and perhaps the most complicated. After three wars and numerous local conflicts, this region, with the countries of which Greece has long maintained very close links, continues to be a powder keg ready to explode at any time.
72.	The Greek Government considers that the solution to this problem should lie in the scrupulous application of the following principles: first, evacuation of all Arab territories occupied by Israel since the 1967 war, including East Jerusalem; secondly, recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, one of the options of which would be the creation of an independent State; and thirdly, recognition also of the right of all countries in the area, whether they be Arab States or Israel itself, to live in security within secure, recognized and guaranteed frontiers.
73.	Faithful to these principles, the Greek Government has always expressed disapproval, as indeed have the vast majority of Member States, of the Israeli policy of modifying the demographic nature of the occupied territories, either by the establishment of new settlements or by other means.
74.	Similarly, my Government wishes to associate itself fully with Security Council resolution 476 (1980), which opposes any change in the status of Jerusalem. I should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm our conviction that the right of free access to the city of Jerusalem must remain inviolable for the benefit of the faithful of the three monotheistic religions, for whom the Holy Places have a sacred character.
75.	Furthermore, we deplore armed incursions into Lebanese territory, and we appeal for an end to be put to all these acts of violence in Lebanon. The international community is in duty bound to ensure absolute respect for the territorial integrity of Lebanon and the restoration of the authority of the Lebanese Government over the entire territory of the country. It must also ensure that UNIFIL enjoys conditions which will enable it to continue unhindered the admirable work which it has been doing in southern Lebanon.
76.	The importance of the Middle East problem is such that all those who can contribute to its solution should spare no effort to do so. For this reason we take pleasure at the declaration of the heads of State and Government and Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the countries of the European Community issued at Venice on 13 June, the outlines of which converge with the policy of my own Government.
77.	We have also noted with satisfaction the mission entrusted to the current President of the Council of the European Community to contact the parties involved, with the aim of exploring the possibilities of a negotiated solution of the conflict. We believe that such negotiations should be open to all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO].
78.	We have seen in southern Africa a development that is both important and instructive: the long struggle of the people of Zimbabwe for its independence has finally been successful and has led to the election of a Parliament and a Government representing all the ethnic elements of the country. That outcome of the long drawn out Rhodesian crisis, an outcome made possible thanks to the political will of all the signatories of the Lancaster House Agreement, demonstrates the moral superiority of reason over force, of conciliation over hatred, and of good will over intransigence. The wisdom and political maturity displayed by the Government of Zimbabwe since it took power has won it the admiration of all. It is therefore with particular satisfaction that the Greek delegation again wishes the noble people of Zimbabwe success, happiness and prosperity.
79.	At the same time, we should like to congratulate the Government of the United Kingdom on its contribution to the settlement that was brought about.
80.	What happened in Zimbabwe should set an example for Namibia. The plan of the five Western countries endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978) is an excellent basis for the free expression of the will of the inhabitants of the Territory and its accession to independence. The South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and the frontline States have demonstrated their political will to see that plan implemented. Let us hope that South Africa, whose responsibilities towards the Namibian people are particularly heavy, will follow suit. That is something that world public opinion demands.
81.	With regard to the problem of apartheid, there has, unfortunately, been no sign that the Pretoria Government has any intention of departing from that odious policy, which is condemned by the universal conscience. This intolerable situation cannot continue much longer without provoking strong reactions both within the country and from the international community.
82.	When, at the outset, I said that new sources of tension had emerged over the last few months in addition to the already existing confrontations of the post-war era, which can virtually be called traditional, I was in particular referring to the crises whose impact on world peace and stability is difficult to estimate: the invasion of Afghanistan by Soviet troops and, for a week now, the conflict between Iraq and Iran.
83.	The taking of hostages and the detention to this very day of diplomats and other American officials in Teheran should be considered a very serious violation of international law that may well jeopardize the very bases of international relations. The attitude of the Iranian authorities with regard to that incident was unanimously condemned by the Members of the Organization and by its supreme legal authority, the International Court of Justice. On the strength of the ties of friendship that have always existed between the Greek and the Iranian peoples, my Government once again urgently appeal to the Iranian Government to comply with the requirements of the law of nations, which it may in turn invoke in order to settle its differences with the United States.
84.	The Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, like that of the Vietnamese troops in Cambodia one year earlier, is an event fraught with serious consequences. Respect for the independence and territorial integrity of States, which constitutes one of the foundations of the Charter of the United Nations, is a rule not only of law but also, and above all, of morality, which should provide the foundation for all international order. If the great and the powerful do not pay all the necessary respect to those principles, there is the risk of intimidation and violence becoming the supreme laws of international life.
85.	As for the conflict between Iraq and Iran, which is liable at any moment to assume alarming proportions, I should like to associate myself with all my colleagues Who have from this rostrum appealed to the two countries, to have recourse to peaceful means to settle their disputes.
Through the Security Council and the Islamic Conference, the international community has declared itself ready to sponsor such an effort. Let us hope that the two adversaries will benefit from that offer before it is too late. At the same time, we duly appreciate the assurances given in various quarters that efforts will be made to avoid internationalization of the conflict.
86.	Lastly we should like to state our complete agreement with the statement of the Foreign Ministers of the European Community with regard to the need to ensure freedom of navigation in the Gulf. That need, which is obvious, is increased by the fact that a large number of countries, including Greece, depend, with regard to their energy needs, to a considerable extent on deliveries of oil from that region.
87.	The crises I have just mentioned, with all the dangers they entail for peace in the world,, make it absolutely clear that it is necessary and urgent for there to be effective disarmament. Furthermore, one of the indispensable conditions for any true effort at disarmament is the gradual elimination of sources of friction as well as suspicion among States. That can be brought about only if all the countries of the world, whatever their power or their resources, refrain from recourse to force or the threat of it and make use of the means available to them under the Charter and other documents of international law to eliminate causes of friction among themselves. Only thus can the current disarmament negotiations, or those contemplated for the future, have any chance of proving fruitful.
88.	Another aspect of disarmament, and by no means the least important, is the release of funds to be used in the fulfilment of the major economic and social aspirations of our time. But that requires the sincere cooperation of all countries, beginning with the nuclear Powers and that, in turn, presupposes effective international control over any arms limitations provided for in agreements already signed or to be signed.
89.	My country's willingness to contribute to understanding among all European peoples has been manifested in the constructive attitude it adopted in the very opening phases of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, held at Helsinki in 1975. It is in the same positive spirit that we approach the second review session of the Conference, to be held at Madrid, the major objective of which should be to maintain the momentum provided by the Helsinki Conference for the development of harmonious relations among countries belonging to different socioeconomic systems.
90.	But in the view of my Government it will be easier to attain that objective if at Madrid we undertake a frank and objective examination of what has been done so far and if we ensure the application of the provisions of the Final Act of the Conference as a whole.
91.	With regard to a field in which the prospects seem to be rather better—that is, the field of international economic cooperation, one of the most constant and encouraging characteristics of recent years has been the Organization's growing awareness of the major social and economic problems confronting our world. The elimination of poverty and hunger; the narrowing of the very wide gulf now separating the rich countries from the poor countries; the struggle against illiteracy; the limitation of unbridled demographic growth; the protection of the environment; the preservation of non-renewable energy resources, and their gradual replacement by other sources of energy—all are urgent and universal tasks that we cannot shirk without the risk of earning the reprobation of future generations. In the words of the poet, ask not for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for us all.
92.	That is why we greeted with great hope the initiation, a few years ago, of the long process that led to the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, one of the major goals of which, as we know, was the undertaking of preparations for negotiations covering the major problems of an economic nature to which I have just referred.
93.	That session did not, of course, yield all the results we had hoped for. If on one of its aspects—the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade—we have brought about a consensus which gives us the broad outlines for economic cooperation for the current decade, on the other hand in another aspect—global negotiations—we find ourselves at present in a deadlock. I hope that this deadlock is only temporary. We know that the developing countries consider global negotiations as the means of ensuring acceptance of their legitimate demands. To disappoint them would be a serious mistake, with incalculable consequences.
94.	We should not like to minimize the obstacles that remain to be overcome if these negotiations are to be started on time, but it would be wrong to dramatize them. It is our conviction that in the course of the present session it will be possible to eliminate differences in viewpoints, because we do not think that there are leaders in the world who fail to realize the magnitude of the problems and the imperative need to tackle them as soon as possible.
95.	If there were any need for proof that it is possible to resolve even the thorniest problems provided there is the necessary political will, one has only to consider the progress achieved by the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Greece, a pre-eminently maritime country, took an active part in that Conference and, we hope, made a positive contribution to it. The work, as was so well pointed out by the secretary General in his report on the work of the Organization, confounded the pessimists and proved that agreement is possible if negotiators act in a spirit of genuine compromise. We hope that the few points that still remain will be settled at the next session of the Conference and that we will succeed in signing and applying a convention that will make it possible for countries not only to settle their differences and to avoid disputes in the future, but also to devote themselves to the common exploitation of the resources of the oceans and seabed to the benefit of all the inhabitants of our planet.
96.	I should like now to deal with a subject that is a matter of particular importance to Greece: that of human rights.
97.	If the Organization had only one raison d'etre, it could well be that of ensuring for all the inhabitants of our planet the free exercise and enjoyment of their fundamental rights: that of the freedom of opinion but also the free development of the personality; the right to proper education, but also the right to a satisfactory standard of living; the free election of representatives of the people, but also the choice of the economic and social system best suited to each country. However, in quite a few cases these rights have been systematically disregarded, if not actually trampled underfoot, either by the State itself or by individuals with the complicity or tolerance of the established authority.
98.	What makes the role of the United Nations particularly delicate in this case is the need to prevent this sacred cause from serving as a pretext for purposes that are alien to it. This is, indeed, a difficult task, which warrants as much attention as possible from the competent organs and the countries therein represented.
99.	While on the subject of human rights, I should like to mention a specific case. About 2,000 people disappeared in the aftermath of the hostilities in Cyprus in 1974. We still know nothing about what became of these people, some of whom were of Greek nationality and this in spite of resolutions of the General Assembly and its organs which provided for an international inquiry on the spot. Such an inquiry has not yet been carried out because of the refusal of the Turkish Cypriot leaders, who had, however, agreed to this when Mr. Waldheim went to Nicosia in May 1979.
100.	The purely humanitarian aspect of this question should prompt the Turkish Cypriot side, as well as any other authority that is in a position to do so, to help the Organization to obtain information as to the fate of the people 1 have mentioned and thus do something to reduce the distress of their kith and kin.
101.	To conclude, I shall refer to the problem of Cyprus. The fact that I can do this briefly is in itself encouraging. It proves that the prospects for an agreed solution have become a reality once again, thanks to the resumption of the intercommunal talks. May all those who have contributed to this positive development find in this an expression of our gratitude to them.
102.	I should like to express the hope of my Government that this time the talks, even if they should prove to be difficult, may finally succeed in bringing about an agreement that will make it possible for the unfortunate island to find its peace, independence and prosperity once again and for the two communities to staunch the wounds of the past and resume their common life. As for my own Government, it will do everything in its power to contribute to a satisfactory outcome of the intercommunal talks. I say everything in our power aware as I am of the fact that the brunt of the responsibility lies with the island's inhabitants free of outside interference.
103.	Let me, however, express a conviction that We have always repeated to all interested parties, namely, that only a solution that provides for the State and economic unity of the Republic of Cyprus would be viable. Cyprus is too small a country to be divided in any way. If this fundamental truth is accepted by the two communities, there will be a good chance of seeing them joining forces in the pursuit of a goal that has hitherto eluded them—that of building together a common future.
104.	The review that I have just made of the situation in the world is, perhaps, not calculated to fill us with optimism. International problems, whether they be political, economic or other kinds, often seem to defy the powers of the United Nations to solve them and instead to vindicate those who claim that our world is doomed to catastrophe. It is up to us all to prove that this is not the case. We owe it to ourselves, but we owe it, above all, to future generations.