I would like to begin by
congratulating you, Sir, on your election as President
of the General Assembly. Your experience and wisdom
will doubtless guide us in carrying out the important
work ahead.
As we all know, that work is to immediately and
resolutely transform the high hopes of the Millennium
Summit into a better reality for the peoples for whom
the United Nations was founded.
(spoke in French)
This means assuming responsibility for our
actions and our inaction. It also means that
Governments must be ready to assume their
responsibility for their citizens.
Last week our leaders delivered here a message
of hope and determination. Their words clearly showed
that we all need the United Nations. The United
Nations is the only organization that embodies
universal values; that offers a global forum to address
common problems; and that is on the front line around
the world fighting for people.
(spoke in English)
There was another message from the Summit
about whether the United Nations is keeping up with
the times; about whether we, the Member States —
custodians of the Organization and guardians of the
Charter — have the political will to support renewal
and modernization.
When the lights turned off last Friday night here
in New York, did other lights go on around the
world — in our Chancery offices, Parliamentary
assemblies and Cabinet meeting rooms — to illuminate
the way forward? Are we all, each in our own way,
asking how we can change our ways to better help the
United Nations manage a new global agenda?
Clearly, globalization has brought unprecedented
benefits and possibilities. But it also clearly brings new
risks to people in all our countries. Many of those new
risks cross State lines, while most violent conflict now
occurs within States' borders. In both cases, the impact
is felt directly by ordinary people.
Yet the debate within the United Nations remains
driven — and too often circumscribed — by rigid
notions of sovereignty and narrow conceptions of
national interest. And action by the United Nations
remains hampered by inflexible institutional structures
that have become increasingly inward-looking, driven
by their own interests rather than by those they were
designed to serve.
The Secretary-General has, with a courage rarely
seen in public life, given us a vision of a way forward.
2

It is a vision that serves the world's people, and one
that resonates with them, even though it may aggravate
some of their Governments. He has challenged us to
follow his lead, to adopt a people-centred approach to
international relations, to move this Organization from
the sidelines to the forefront of change.
This is not a new agenda for Canada. Indeed, over
the past five years, promoting human security has been
the focus of our own approach to our changing world.
And it has been encouraging to see the shift in attitude
toward a more realistic sense of what it means to be
secure in the world as an individual.
Our leaders endorsed this new vision in their
Summit Declaration. But if we have truly come to the
understanding that security means more than protecting
borders, we must now act to turn last week's good
intentions into effective action. This means taking
responsibility to adapt our institutions, broaden
participation in their functioning, and increase
transparency and accountability to make a tangible
difference for the people we represent.
It also means responsible, accountable global
behaviour, sharing and protecting the common space
that sustains life.
Aggressive pursuit of the global arms control and
disarmament agenda is the ultimate responsible act.
Our generation built the nuclear arsenals that are
outmoded and rotting; we produced the chemical
weapons that poison people; and today we still make
and distribute the small arms that are found
everywhere: in the hands of children, the arsenals of
drug dealers and the garrisons of guerrilla fighters.
But we have also had a certain foresight to begin
building a system of international obligations and
principles to contain such behaviour. We now have to
validate and implement these instruments. Above all,
we must do nothing to damage them.
Certainly, Governments must prepare for the
defence of their people. Responsible defence is an
element of responsible government. But surely, our
responsibility to defend our citizens begins not with the
development of new weapons systems, but by
dismantling old ones: by ratifying the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT); by joining the 104
States parties to the Ottawa Treaty on landmines; by
implementing the international non-proliferation norms
and disarmament obligations embodied in the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT); by
developing comprehensive action plans to stop the
proliferation of small arms and missile technology.
The collective action of States working for the
long-term security of their people is clearly the
preferable path. But where States are unable, or
unwilling, to protect their citizens, the United Nations,
and in particular the Security Council, has a special
responsibility to act.
Today, most wars are fought within failed States.
In these wars, it is the victimization of civilians that is
the motive, the means and the manifestation of a
conflict.
If the Council is to acquit itself of its
responsibility to these people, their protection must be
at the core of its work, not at its periphery.
This is the agenda that Canada has brought to the
Security Council over the past two years. It has not
been an easy task, but I would like to acknowledge that
the Security Council is meeting the new challenges. In
recent months, the Council's work has increasingly
focused on the protection of civilians, with action in
the areas of AIDS, physical protection, war-affected
children and sanctions reform. The Council has
recognized that dealing with these issues is critical to
building effective peace-support operations, and has
embodied this recognition in recent resolutions. Today,
we are providing members a checklist, a checklist of
responsible action in the Security Council.
(spoke in French)
The Brahimi report also proposes a plan of
action. It is a comprehensive strategy for strengthening
the United Nations capacity to help people. Canada
supports the panel's findings. We will be its strongest
advocate and can be counted upon to work tirelessly to
build the political support required to implement both
the spirit and the letter of its recommendations.
(spoke in English)
By far the most difficult challenge in protecting
civilians in armed conflict is in situations where abuse
is most severe: genocide, war crimes, crimes against
humanity, massive and systematic violations of human
rights and humanitarian law which cause widespread
suffering, loss of life and abuse.
We need a new form of deterrence against such
forms of behaviour. The establishment of an
3

International Criminal Court (ICC), which makes
impunity illegal and which holds individuals directly
accountable for their actions, is that deterrent. And if
its power to deter the abuse of people fails, the Statute
provides both a basis and a structure to take concrete
legal action to redress injustice.
The Court's Statute provides us with a unique
opportunity to fix one of the worst failings in the
international system. Today I appeal to every
Government here that has not done so to sign the Rome
Statute by December and to ratify it on an urgent basis,
so that the world's people can finally have the justice
they deserve.
Canada seeks to systematically put in place the
building blocks for a new type of international system,
one that is inspired and guided by the United Nations
Charter, but that is also prepared to deal with the
underside and underworld of globalization.
Of course, prevention is the best form of
intervention. But when preventive measures fail; when
the quiet diplomatic efforts and the targeted sanctions
do not work; when the fact-finders find facts too
horrendous to imagine; then there must be recourse to
more robust action.
The question of intervention in these instances,
including, as a last resort, the use of military force, is
fraught with difficulty and controversy. Many would
sweep it under the rug as too divisive, too difficult, too
damaging to the status quo. But Rwanda, Cambodia,
Srebrenica and Kosovo remind us that it is important to
focus on this question. It would be easy to pretend that
the humanitarian tragedies associated with these places
are a thing of the past. It would be easy, but it would be
wrong. There is no certainty that similar atrocities will
not happen again. Indeed, the opposite is more likely.
The spiral into extremes of human suffering cannot
always be constrained.
Reading the editorial page of The New York Times
on Tuesday, 12 September, we realize that some would
have us believe that the United Nations Charter was
written only to protect States and State interests:
“intervening in civil conflicts takes the United
Nations a step too far”.
I disagree. I say that in the face of egregious human
suffering it is a step in the right direction.
Nothing so threatens the United Nations very future as
this apparent contradiction between principle and
power; between people's security and Governments'
interests; between, in short, humanitarian intervention
and State sovereignty.
Last fall I stood before this body and argued that
the United Nations Charter was written for people. Our
collective agenda here is not the nation States' agenda,
or the ministers' agenda, or the diplomats' agenda. It is
the people's agenda. Indeed, “We the peoples” are the
opening words of the Charter. Those who would seek
to hide behind that document to justify inaction need
only to read its preamble to reacquaint themselves with
its original intent.
Secretary-General Annan has challenged us to
rethink what it means to be responsible, sovereign
States. Canada has responded by creating an
independent international commission on intervention
and State sovereignty. Its purpose is to contribute to
building a broader understanding of the issue, and to
foster a global political consensus on how to move
forward. The commission will be led by two co-
chairpersons — one from the developing and one from
the developed world — with the participation of a wide
range of representatives of Governments and non-
governmental organizations from all regions and under
the overall guidance of an advisory board composed of
ministers, former ministers and distinguished
practitioners from the academic, humanitarian and
legal fields.
The commission will undertake its work during
this Millennium Assembly year, and will present its
recommendations in 12 months' time. I ask those
present here in the Assembly Hall to join in this
enterprise, difficult as it may be, so that we can seek to
reconcile these concepts to find the space that we can
all share.
It is difficult, but it is not impossible. We have
done it before. Thirteen years ago, the Brundtland
Commission's report, “Our Common Future”, took two
seemingly contradictory ideas — economic
development and the protection of the environment —
and out of that contradiction forged a synthesis called
sustainable development. That new concept
fundamentally changed the way in which the world
thinks about those issues, and its work informs our
thinking to this very day. It is Canada's hope that this
new commission can diffuse the anxiety that surrounds
4

the issues of intervention and sovereignty by building a
similar bridge between our current notions of these
concepts, and in so doing help to define the way ahead
for Governments and the United Nations to tackle the
most challenging international dilemma of the twenty-
first century.
However, the responsibility no longer stops just
with Governments. The private sector must also take its
responsibility for the communities on which it depends
for its business. Ethical business is good business. The
many companies that have joined the Secretary-
General's Global Compact with Business recognize
that profit made on the backs of exploited and abused
children — by gun-running, drug dealing or conflict
diamonds — is no longer acceptable. In the globalized
economy, the world's people are the ultimate
shareholders. If they do not profit, no one will. We
must therefore work on all of these fronts and with all
of these new players to build a future where human
security is universally respected and protected. In the
meantime, there are steps that we can take to protect
the most vulnerable.
To build a world that values human security we
must start with concern and action for those who will
inherit it. It is fitting, therefore, that in this year of
fresh resolve the future of our children is a key element
of the agenda, particularly through the special session
on children that is to be held next year. Nowhere is the
safety and well-being of children more at risk than in
conflict situations. Children should have no part in war.
Yet today they are among its main victims, counting in
the millions.
(spoke in French)
Four years ago, Graça Machel brought attention
to the horrific plight of war-affected children. Since
then, action has been taken too reduce their suffering,
most notably with the appointment of Olara Otunnu as
the Secretary-General's Special Representative for
Children and Armed Conflict and, more recently, with
the historic agreement last January on the Optional
Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child
on the involvement of children in armed conflict.
This week, with Graça Machel as honorary
Chairperson, Canada is hosting in Winnipeg the
International Conference on War-Affected Children.
This meeting, the first of its kind, brings together more
than 130 Governments, 60 non-governmental
organizations and private sector groups, international
organizations and young people from every region of
the world.
(spoke in English)
I am pleased that so many ministers and senior
officials from the Organization will join us in
Winnipeg this weekend. I encourage those not already
represented to attend.
The aim of the conference is twofold: to
formulate a comprehensive, global action plan and to
forge the necessary political will to implement it.
Together, we hope it will help children traumatized by
war, and ultimately eliminate their involvement and
victimization in conflict.
Earlier this week in Winnipeg, as we opened the
conference, a young Ugandan girl named Grace spoke
to me, at a meeting of young people affected by war,
about her experience as a child soldier. Her story was
one of victimization and chilling brutality. Her belief
that the international community could help her and
others like her was touching and inspiring. Her plea for
us to do so is the essence of the Organization's
vocation. Indeed, it is one of our basic responsibilities.
For me, that young woman's simple appeal makes it
clear that we have no option but to be ready, to be
willing, and to be able to forge a United Nations for the
twenty-first century.
In view of the daunting challenges ahead, any
attempt to retreat, to shut out the world or to turn away
from international engagement would be to follow a
dangerous path that is neither practical nor desirable.
The truth is that we share a common humanity. The
reality is that we are linked by the forces of history into
a common destiny. The fact is that the answers to our
problems lie in strengthening, not diminishing, global
cooperation and global solutions.
In today's world, the security of States and the
security of people are indivisible. Providing for that
security is a necessary precondition for success in other
important endeavours, such as advancing economic aid
and trade development. In this new century, too many
people like Grace are still subject to the worst of the
past century: to the scourge of war, to human rights
abuses and to too few prospects for social progress and
a better standard of living. Yet the hopes contained in
the United Nations Charter still have meaning for them,
and indeed relevance for all of us. Fulfilling its
aspirations is our enduring goal and fundamental
5

responsibility. With human security as our guide, let us
make it our focus as we renew our commitment to the
purposes of the United Nations and to a better future
for Grace and for all the people that we represent.
This goal is a responsibility that I have been
honoured to share with many of those present here over
the past five years. It is a goal that we must all
continue to strive towards — whatever our position in
life, whatever our title — in order to ensure that this
system we have built does not surrender to the cynics
who offer no alternatives, or to the game players who
paralyse the transcendent purposes of the United
Nations for simple transitory diplomatic points.
Only in so doing will we truly live up to the
promise contained in the Charter: to serve the majesty
of the people and to make this Organization work for
them.


I would like first
of all to congratulate the President, on his assumption
of the office of President of the fifty-fifth session of the
United Nations General Assembly. I wish him every
success in this difficult and inspiring task. I would also
like to express my sincere appreciation to his
predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, for his exceptional
leadership during the fifty-fourth session.
Allow me to include in this tribute the SecretaryGeneral for his efforts and crucial role in maintaining
and promoting the role of this Organization, and for his
inspiration in strengthening its effectiveness and
credibility with respect to peace, security, justice and
development in the world.
I wish to add a few comments to the statement
made earlier by the representative of the Federated
States of Micronesia on behalf of the Pacific Islands
Forum countries.
Let us pause for a moment to recognize the
contribution of the founding fathers and framers of the
United Nations and its Charter. They produced a
document which, in large measure, has contributed to
an ever-increasing consciousness of the prerequisites
necessary for world peace. Today we should celebrate
the existence of the United Nations and its
accomplishments, both of which offer us the
opportunity to reflect on how collectively we can better
chart our path and articulate our goals more clearly for
the next millennium. President Kessai Note's address
to the Millennium Summit reaffirmed the adherence
and commitment of the Republic of the Marshall
Islands to the principles enshrined in the Charter for
the collective good of all people.
I take great pleasure in reiterating the Marshall
Islands' warm welcome to the Government and peoples
of Tuvalu, as the 189th Member of this Organization.
Indeed, the admission of new Member States adds to
the legitimacy of the United Nations.
On the other hand, the denial of membership in
this Organization to the 23 million people of the
Republic of China on Taiwan, who have made a
significant and meaningful contribution to international
development, is contrary not only to the true spirit of
the United Nations Charter, but also to its principle of
universality and to the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. We must strengthen the vital role of the
Organization in achieving the goals of conflict
prevention, maintenance of peace, regional stability,
promotion of fundamental human rights and
development of democracy and international progress,
and in fulfilling the aspirations of peoples to selfdetermination and engagement, because the United
Nations is the only Organization that can bring that
shining light to those 23 million people. Furthermore,
the United Nations is the only forum for Member
States to build mutual trust and to resolve issues
through peaceful dialogue. The guiding principles of
democracy, respect for human rights and the right of
peoples to self-determination must, in conformity with
the principles of justice and international law, continue
to underpin our collective aspirations. This will require
our concerted action in this new millennium.
The Republic of the Marshall Islands applauds
and commends the unprecedented efforts made by the
leaders of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea
and the Republic of Korea, who have engaged in a
dialogue that may help chart a course towards lasting
peace in that peninsula. I wish to state also that the
Government of the Republic of the Marshall Islands
encourages the leaders of Israel and Palestine to seize
the historic opportunity that is within reach to
peacefully conclude a framework agreement towards
lasting peace in the Middle East. I wish to commend
the efforts of the United States of America in this
regard.
The immutable law of change makes it necessary
for the United Nations to continue to critically examine
its performance and structures in search of practical
and timely solutions. This it must certainly do, because
38

the current political landscape is vastly different from
the one that prevailed 50 years ago. It is characterized
by a more than threefold increase in the number of
nations with membership in the United Nations, and by
a heightened spirit of generosity and desire on the part
of civil society and corporations to become more active
players in the process of change. It is imperative,
therefore, that those elements and structures which are
antiquated, those which have ceased to promote the
welfare of nations and those which no longer minister
to the needs of a continually changing humanity be
swept away and relegated to the pages of history.
A more comprehensive review and restructuring
of the Security Council, in line with the spirit of
achieving a broader base for decision-making through
consensus and confidence-building, is clearly long
overdue. Other critical issues in the reform process
deserve further examination, with a view to restoring
that body's dignity and legitimacy and strengthening
the confidence and trust of the international
community. Enlarging both the permanent and nonpermanent categories while ensuring an equitable
geographical distribution seems to be the way forward.
The Republic of the Marshall Islands remains
committed to supporting the efforts by the SecretaryGeneral and others to reform and streamline the
mandates and activities of the United Nations and its
other organizations and agencies. While the
peacekeeping and general fund scales seem to be
outdated, the process of reform must take seriously into
account the limited responsibility and capacity of small
island developing States such as the Marshall Islands to
sustain their obligation in both categories. Also, now
that this Organization stands at 189 Member States, 14
of them from the Pacific Region, the reconfiguration of
our electoral grouping should be an additional matter to
be placed on the table. It may be a complex one, but
through our collective inspiration it can be an
achievable goal, to be considered without further delay.
The Republic of the Marshall Islands is keen to
further develop its ongoing active role and cooperation
with the United Nations specialized agencies and
programmes. In the view of the Marshall Islands, those
bodies' efforts to make their operational activities more
effective and responsive to the special needs of small
island developing States will undoubtedly play a key
role in the new millennium. The expansion of the
Resident Coordinator programme — which brings it
closer to home, where it belongs — is a case in point.
While the human rights achievements recorded in
the 50 years since the proclamation of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights must be acknowledged,
there is a sense that much remains to be done before
the world can truly claim that the Declaration has
become a common standard of achievement. The
Millennium Summit is a significant acknowledgement
of the need for all States to work together, in a spirit of
unity and cooperation, to ensure that the fruits of
global development are shared and made more
equitable and just for the benefit of humanity at large.
Within the mandate of its Charter to promote
economic and social progress, peace and security, and
sustainable development and prosperity, the United
Nations is the only fully representative Organization
capable of harmonizing our collective aspirations for a
peaceful, stable and prosperous global village. The
Republic of the Marshall Islands endorses SecretaryGeneral Kofi Annan's report, “We the peoples: the role
of the United Nations in the twenty-first century”.
At the turn of the century, achievements have
been realized, and this trend should be encouraged. Yet
we are living under many threats. Acts of terrorism do
not recognize national boundaries, and infectious
diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis
are poised to spread quickly throughout the world. Our
decisive and collective response is therefore more than
ever required. In many developing countries, poverty
and the deprivation of basic human rights, especially as
concerns women and children, seem directly linked to,
and escalate, crime.
We must also strive to eliminate weapons of mass
destruction, especially nuclear weapons. The
universality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) is a major concern.
Trafficking in drugs and small arms represents a
considerable challenge and a major threat for small
islands such as the Republic of the Marshall Islands,
because of its geographic isolation and the fact that it
lacks the required resources and capability to combat
these phenomena. Our collective effort towards the
creation of an effective global response to address all
of these threats is urgently required.
We realize that global environmental degradation
is of our own creation. The issue of global warming is
a real threat to all, particularly to the Marshall Islands
and to all small island developing States. There is no
39

doubt that the survival of populations and cultures is at
stake.
The Marshall Islands has already lost metres of
usable and habitable land due to climate change and
sea-level rise, and the rate of loss is increasing. This is
a matter of life and death. Implementing the legally
binding commitments agreed in the Kyoto Protocol is
the only significant step forward on the path of
ensuring effective global action to combat climate
change. There will be a terrible tragedy unless there is
international cooperation. How will displaced
populations — whatever the reasons for their being
displaced — be able to enjoy and sustain their basic
human rights for generations to come? Will their
cultures and livelihoods be able to survive for the
benefit of future generations?
Education and health are of paramount
importance to every country in the world. Education is
the key to the progress of any nation. We must
collectively strive to ensure that an educated
population makes up a healthy and prosperous society.
I am pleased to report that the Government of the
Republic of the Marshall Islands has taken some bold
steps, by allocating the greatest amount of its limited
resources towards the improvement of its education
and health systems. I take this opportunity to appeal for
the interest and support of the international community
in joining us in this endeavour. I am particularly
pleased to convey the deep appreciation of the
Government of the Republic of the Marshall Islands to
the Government of Italy for its generous support for
our efforts to implement the Barbados Programme of
Action. The first phase of the Marshall Islands solar
energy project would not have been implemented
without its support, through the United Nations Trust
Fund for New and Renewable Sources of Energy. The
interest in and support of the international community
for the implementation of the other phases of the
project would be highly appreciated.
The Marshall Islands National Nutrition and
Children's Council has been very active since its
inception. In addition to establishing task forces on
food and nutrition, suicide prevention, substance abuse,
neglect and disability, it made another significant
contribution with the agriculture, food and nutrition
policy, as the Marshall Islands strives to meet its
obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the
Child. Existing policies specifically aimed at the rights
of the child are under review as we consider making
the Convention a part of the Republic of the Marshall
Islands legal system. A representative Commission on
Sustainable Development has been established with the
mandate of ensuring that the Barbados Programme of
Action is implemented in all its aspects. Other
legislation to curb illegal financial transactions will
soon be introduced in the Parliament's current session.
These are some of the efforts being made by the
Republic of the Marshall Islands as it strives to meet its
treaty obligations and enhance the life of every citizen
of the country. We cannot do it alone, and we appeal
once again to the international community for support.
Let us have a United Nations that will meet the
challenges of the twenty-first century.


I would like to
start by congratulating you, Mr. President, on being
elected to preside over the fifty-fifth session of the
General Assembly, and wish you much success as you
carry out this important post. I would also like to take
this opportunity to thank your Namibian predecessor,
Minister Theo-Ben Gurirab, for the responsible work
and efforts he invested in United Nations activities
throughout the year and, in particular, for the role he
played in the preparation of the Millennium Summit.
Let me also take this opportunity to welcome the
admission of Tuvalu to the United Nations, another
expression of the openness and universal character of
this Organization.
The Millennium Summit brought interesting,
stimulating ideas embracing the huge potential posed
by the experience of the population of the whole
planet, formulated in the words of the highest
representatives of Member States. The Summit, the
most representative gathering ever, gave us a unique
opportunity to make a multifaceted review of
5

challenges the world is facing at the threshold of the
new millennium. The unexpectedly positive Summit
results are generally being appreciated and approved.
However, the implementation of those 32 United
Nations Millennium Declaration provisions, as well as
of an unprecedented Security Council resolution 1318
(2000), will not be easy, cheap or rapidly attainable.
The start of the 1990s was characterized by
buoyancy and great expectations in handling long-term
problems connected with the era of Communism in the
world, the onset of democracy and the stress on the
importance of observing universal human rights.
Bound up in this optimism were expectations that were
sometimes unrealistic.
Those expectations proved unfeasible in the
second half of the decade. The intricate nature of the
problems, difficulties in finding lasting solutions, and
internal and external crises quite clearly exposed the
bounds and the possibilities of the international
community, and the United Nations was no exception.
Disillusionment and disenchantment sometimes led to
the assertion and the defence of utilitarian and other
particular interests, which led to feelings of belonging
and solidarity being greatly undermined.
The inhabitants of the world, suffering from the
ravages of war, poverty, disasters and various forms of
oppression, expect actions of us today.
Can we match these expectations? I hope, and
firmly believe, that we can. There is no longer time for
further devaluation in the significance of the words
development, security, cooperation and solidarity. We
can no longer abuse the trust and patience of so many
people. If reaching a compromise and consensus
continues to be impossible for our diplomats, then it
will be all the more difficult to find it among States and
entities in individual countries.
The United Nations is expected to be able to
prove its ability to adapt quickly and carry out internal
reform, primarily of the Security Council. The Security
Council has to reflect the reality of today, not that of 50
years ago. Only a truly representative and effective
Security Council will be able to overcome its current
impotence, sometimes veiled in high-sounding but
empty phrases. If no remedy is found now, after the
Millennium Summit, the United Nations risks loss of
credibility, and it will greatly reduce its influence on
many processes which are now shaping the world. Here
I am thinking especially of those processes we include
under the term globalization.
Globalization does not stop at Forty-second
Street. It is rushing around the world with the force of
a typhoon, picking up speed as it is fed ever new
discoveries in information and communication
technology. But globalization is a much more
comprehensive phenomenon than the mere
standardization of traffic regulations, television
systems or bananas. Globalization entails development
and human security, as well as poverty and human fear.
But it also encompasses human thinking. If it does not
embrace solidarity and social justice, it will continue to
divide the world between winners and losers, as was
mentioned here from this rostrum recently by the
German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer. The United
Nations can help with this issue. If it fails, it will be
guilty of loosing this crucial opportunity of making the
United Nations again into a highly respected
Organization able to tackle the most important global
problems. We have to find the political will and the
means to do so.
I would like to dwell on the topic of
peacekeeping a little. What I have said about huge
optimism and subsequent disenchantment is just as
applicable to this area. I am convinced that lasting
solutions to conflicts can only be found by peaceful
means and by negotiations between all parties
involved. Peacekeeping remains a key instrument
wielded by the international community, as it
establishes peace and peaceful coexistence among the
nations.
We welcome the priority given to peacekeeping
last week. The Millennium Summit meetings, together
with Mr. Brahimi's report, present a unique opportunity
to strengthen the United Nations capacity for
peacekeeping operations. Our pledges to enhance the
effectiveness of the United Nations in addressing
conflicts at all stages, from prevention to settlement to
post-conflict peace-building, should bind the
international community from the very moment it
approved them last week.
Far-reaching but realistic intentions announced
from this rostrum by Minister Vedrine on behalf of the
European Union earlier this week thus meet our
expectations of how to bring into life the Millennium
Summit recommendations, anchored in a firm belief in
the United Nations potential.
6

Any reform of the United Nations would not be
complete without reforming its crucial body: the
Security Council. Its role is irreplaceable. The
decision-making process should respond not only to a
change in the nature of today's crises, but also to the
necessary comprehensiveness of their solutions. An
increase in the effective capacity of the United Nations
Secretariat to act via the reorganization of its
Department of Peacekeeping Operations, closer
cooperation and coordination with regional structures
is an integral part of the process. We must look for
ways to react quickly, promptly and effectively.
The Czech Republic's approach to the reform of
the United Nations Security Council has been voiced
many times, and we prove it through our active
participation, notably in the open-ended working group
of the General Assembly and in the so-called Group of
10. Unfortunately, deliberations on Security Council
reform are still short of bringing fruit, being effectively
paralysed by the particular interests of several States.
The new millennium must soon see a new, enlarged and
more representative Security Council, preferably with
five additional permanent seats for both developed and
developing countries and a few more non-permanent
seats. We all have to take to heart the appeal of the
Millennium Declaration to further strengthen our
efforts in this regard.
Whether for programmes or for peacekeeping, in
the new millennium the United Nations needs a
sustainable and equitable system of financing. In this
regard, we are ready to cooperate actively in
discussions about making adjustments for the scale of
assessments for both the regular budget and the
peacekeeping budget. We express our appreciation to
the countries that have announced their preparedness to
assume additional financial responsibility by moving
voluntarily from group C to group B in the
peacekeeping operations scale.
The Czech Republic has voluntarily committed
itself to remain in group B, but that is not a solution to
the problem. A new scale is urgently needed. However,
negotiations about such a scale should not be trapped
in endless debates over past unpaid debts. All arrears
should be settled before the adoption of a new, and
hopefully fairer, scale of assessments.
The anniversary we mark this year of the tragic
massacre in Bosnian Srebrenica leads me to the issue
of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.
The international community's objective is to achieve
peace, but lasting peace requires justice. In this respect,
the International Criminal Tribunals set up by the
Security Council are of prime importance. Besides
punishing offenders, those International Tribunals have
another extremely important function: to prove
personal guilt in criminal cases and, thus, to reject the
notion of collective guilt. The Tribunals are also
important as deterrents for those who may be thinking
of easing their way to power over the bodies of the
innocent. The Czech Republic therefore highly
appreciates the work done by the International
Criminal Tribunals to investigate the crimes committed
in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and supports the
establishment of a similar body to punish crimes
committed in Cambodia and Sierra Leone.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia increased its activities during the
last year, bringing to The Hague war criminals who had
greater responsibility for crimes committed. War
criminals have been prosecuted there, but their political
and military leaders remain at large. Recent
developments, however, have shown that leaders
themselves are not immune from international
jurisdiction. That trend is best illustrated by the efforts
of the international community to establish an
International Criminal Court, which most Member
States of the United Nations voted for at Rome in 1998.
The creation of a functioning International
Criminal Court, an institution that can play an
important role in projecting the principle of justice into
international relations and in building an increasingly
efficient system for the protection of human rights, is
one of the priorities of Czech foreign policy in the field
of international law. The Czech Republic is taking all
the necessary steps to ratify the Rome Statute as
quickly as possible.
Developments in international law are directly
bound up with the issue of human rights. I believe that
the commitment of the United Nations to the right of
every human being to a dignified life in safety should
become the focus of attention of all Member States of
the United Nations. The long and frequently painful
process of making progress in international human
rights, at the outset of which stood the terrible
experience of the Holocaust, has resulted in the
concept of universal human rights. The United Nations
is playing a key role in implementing that concept.
7

However, I think it would be wrong to use our
contemporary understanding of human rights when we
look back at events long past. In the last decade, the
international community demonstrated both its
determination not to accept abuses of human rights and
its willingness to defend the principle of the personal
safety of human beings, even to the detriment of the
well-established concept of national sovereignty.
Accepting limits to absolute sovereignty for the sake of
human rights is a matter of political principle and
morality that forms the basis of the values of the
United Nations. As I said here last year, we would
prefer, if any actions do infringe on the sovereignty of
Member States, that those actions be made legitimate
by a proper United Nations mandate. Human rights is
not a process that has been completed; it is still
progressing. However, we should not judge history by
the standards of today.
The protection of human rights is one of the
fundamental principles of Czech foreign policy.
Compared with other international compacts, those on
human rights enjoy a privileged status in Czech law. I
am pleased that the Czech Republic subscribed during
the Millennium Summit to the Optional Protocol to the
Convention on the Rights of the Child on the
involvement of children in armed conflict. Due efforts
to complete a protocol to the Convention against
Torture should be made. The Czech Republic also
made an active contribution to the preparation of the
Declaration on human rights defenders. I believe that
the decision made this year by the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights on the appointment of a
special rapporteur of the Secretary-General for human
rights will help give rise to the mechanism we need for
the implementation of the Declaration.
The last of the more general issues I would like to
draw attention to is the issue of sanctions. By that I do
not mean weapons embargoes. The Czech Republic
views them as instruments capable of reducing the
intensity of a conflict, supports them and observes
them without reservation. A problem, though, lies in
the efficiency and impact of blanket economic
sanctions. The last 10 years have provided ample proof
that in Cuba, Iraq and Yugoslavia, to take just three
examples, blanket economic sanctions, whether
declared unilaterally or multilaterally, have been
unable to achieve their objective.
Poorly nourished, isolated and sick people are
hardly likely to rise up against a governing elite that
will never allow the consequences of sanctions to
affect it or its faithful supporters. The result is that
changes in the conduct of the rulers are even less
likely.
Growing globalization and the economic and
information interconnection of the whole world
influence and change the conditions affecting the
efficiency of sanctions. The Czech Republic would
therefore prefer the use of smart sanctions targeted
against leading representatives of a State that refuses to
observe international law. In my opinion, such
sanctions could include a ban on the issue of entry
visas and the freezing of assets abroad. I think it would
be particularly useful and expedient if the examination
of the issue of peacekeeping also included the issue of
sanctions. The Czech Republic believes that a similar
approach  namely, the appointment of a panel of
experts on this issue and subsequent discussion of a
report drawn up by that panel  would be of immense
benefit in improving our collective efforts to achieve
peace and security by punishing perpetrators and not
victims.
Allow me to mention how the Czech Republic
views some of the most topical questions of
international policy.
We believe that boosting defence capacities to
protect against potential attack is an absolutely
legitimate step by any government. In the case of
National Missile Defence, however, we are talking of a
concept about which there are many questions. In our
opinion, security, as it is conceived of today, is
comprehensive and integral  something that cannot
be built up to the detriment of other partners.
The Czech Republic believes that the way to a
safer world lies primarily in the continuation of the
disarmament process and the non-proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction, leading ultimately to a
world free of nuclear weapons. We support the view
that a more intense disarmament process will lead to
savings in the funds spent on arms. Employing such
savings for peaceful purposes would increase the
ability of the international community to tackle
pressing challenges such as the widening gap between
rich and poor countries, and to deal with ethnic and
religious conflicts, environmental preservation and so
on. I would like to assure the Assembly that efforts to
renew the momentum of the disarmament process will
8

continue to have the unequivocal support of the Czech
Republic.
The Czech Republic therefore welcomes
President Clinton's decision to leave the verdict on
National Missile Defence to the new President.
The Czech Republic is monitoring the situation in
the Middle East closely, as a traditional and active
supporter of the peace process established by Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the
principle of land for peace. The Czech Republic
resolutely opposes the exploitation of the developments
that took place after the Camp David summit to attack
the peace process as a whole as well as the positive
results achieved so far in negotiations between Israel
and the Palestine National Council (PNC). The Czech
Republic also emphatically rejects the misuse of this
situation to carry out acts of violence, which can only
result in unnecessary suffering and more victims. This
is not the way to achieve the much-desired peace and
stability in the Middle East. The Czech Republic
supports the establishment of an independent Palestine,
but it would prefer the emergence of such a state in an
atmosphere of general support enjoying the consensus
of all those involved. That is why we believe that the
PNC's postponement of this step by two months creates
a certain space for further deliberations. We wish them
to be fruitful and successful in their outcome, although
we are fully aware that even with good political will on
both sides, the issues are thorny and laden with
emotions and the burdens of history.
Last year from this rostrum I said that Kosovo
would be the benchmark for the success of
international institutions. I also said that Kosovo was
going through a period when peace must be
defended  that is, a period in which it is vital to
achieve political stability and democratization,
economic stabilization and the gradual development of
the region.
We can be proud of what the Kosovo Force
(KFOR) and United Nations Interim Administration in
Kosovo (UNMIK) have done to assist the return of
ethnic Albanians who were chased out of their homes
by Serbian forces.
Regardless of these tremendous efforts, however,
we cannot be quite satisfied with the developments in
Kosovo. In fact, some of the objectives of the relevant
resolution have not been achieved. The positive
developments we have seen so far in Kosovo concern
mostly one ethnic group; the other still lives under a
security threat. There is still a very long way to go
before a multi-ethnic, multicultural and democratic
way of life prevails in the area.
In keeping with Security Council resolution 1244
(1999), the possibility, on a permanent basis, of the
return of non-Albanian ethnic groups and the building
of a multi-ethnic, pluralistic and democratic society
must remain our objectives, no matter how unattainable
this aim may seem today. To give up on this objective
would be tantamount to an admission of defeat on the
part of the international community.
Certain negative features of the developments in
Kosovo also hinder the chances for the democratization
of Serbia. They play into the hands of those forces in
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Serbia which
build their election campaigns on xenophobia, on the
continuation of the political isolation of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and Serbia, and on the
continuation of sanctions.
In our view, the time has come seriously to
consider taking further steps in Kosovo, including at
the level of the Security Council. The Council has
already taken the first steps in this direction, but it is
imperative for it to return to the Kosovo issue soon.
Obviously, many things will depend on the results of
the forthcoming elections in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
The world beyond the doors of this Hall is
changing rapidly. Our children will live and work in an
environment that we can only guess at. It is our
collective responsibility to do all we can to ensure that
it is a world of peace, prosperity, solidarity and
tolerance.


The
Republic of Haiti wishes to add its voice to all those
who have already congratulated Mr. Harri Holkeri of
Finland on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its fifty-fifth session. We take this
opportunity also to pay tribute to Mr. Theo-Ben
Gurirab for the success with which he guided the work
of the fifty-fourth session.
I convey warm regards to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, who has made a remarkable
contribution to enhancing the confidence placed in the
Organization.
The Republic of Haiti welcomes the admission of
Tuvalu to membership of the United Nations.
There is no question but that this session should
focus on how to implement the decisions taken by our
heads of State or Government during the Millennium
Summit with a view to forging a policy of effective
global cooperation for the twenty-first century. Despite
all the criticism one could legitimately level at the
Organization after 55 years, the United Nations system
remains the sole worldwide structure that can provide
collective solutions to the problems facing us in the
spheres of international security, the environment and
economic and social development.
The Organization is often found lacking in terms
of solutions to problems. But we know very well that
this lack of effectiveness is the result of several factors,
including a lack of resources and poor management of
those that are available, and overlap in the functions of
United Nations institutions and agencies. We think it is
important to continue to rationalize the functioning of
the Organization in order to secure the best results
from existing resources. We must remember that
entrusting the United Nations with a mandate without
providing it with the proper means for fulfilling it has
the inevitable and negative consequence of
undermining the Organization's credibility.
Last June in Geneva, we took stock of the
outcome of the Copenhagen World Summit for Social
Development. The assessment was very mixed, not to
say negative. The fact is that the Copenhagen
Declaration on Social Development and Programme of
Action were formulated in response to a world socio-
historical situation marked both by a widening gap
between North and South and by a distinct incongruity
between the positive economic aspects and the negative
social aspects of globalization. Social development
therefore gains in urgency as the process of
globalization accelerates.
In spite of all the political and economic
difficulties facing the Republic of Haiti, it has made
constant efforts to attain the goals of the Copenhagen
Summit, as witnessed by the seemingly minor but
actually important fact that between 1997 and 2000
Haiti's ranking in the United Nations Development
Programme human development index rose from 156
to 150. But we know that we are far from reaching
acceptable levels of social development. That is why
the Haitian Government continues to devote special
attention to implementing the Programme of Action for
the Least Developed Countries for the 1990s.
The Third United Nations Conference on the
Least Developed Countries will be held at Brussels in
May 2001. It will, inter alia, assess what has been done
to strengthen the human and institutional capacities of
the least developed countries. Unless these are
strengthened, it will be extremely difficult for least
developed countries fully to attain goals of the
Copenhagen Programme of Action.
Beyond its social aspects, the question of
development will be decisive for the peaceful future of
international relations. Statistics remind us daily that
the countries of the North and the countries of the
South are moving further apart as the changes brought
about by globalization continue swiftly. This situation
is politically, economically and ecologically dangerous
20

for the stability of the international system; this could
lead in the long term to the spread of areas bereft of
law, to sudden migratory flows and to the continued
use of armed conflicts and violence as a way of
conducting relations between and within nations.
Haiti therefore welcomes the fact that a central
theme of next year's second high-level dialogue on
strengthening international economic cooperation for
development through partnership will be the
identification of ways to integrate developing countries
into the world economy in the twenty-first century.
The economy of the twenty-first century will
increasingly be based on new information technologies
and this will be an enormous challenge for the
developing countries. Because of this, maximizing
cultural resources and local genetic resources for
development and for preserving traditional knowledge
will become essential for sustainable development,
since it offers an appropriate legal framework to enable
countries of the South to preserve their intellectual
property rights to their genetic resources.
Implementation of a global policy for economic
development will have no really significant effect on
real development of the human being if the question of
peace is neglected. Peace and development are
interdependent and mutually reinforcing. The United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization's constitution states explicitly that “since
wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of
men that the defences of peace must be constructed”. It
is therefore essential that the concept and the practice
of peace become a real culture so as to enable societies
and individuals to develop and enrich themselves
through their cultural diversity. We welcome the
proclamation of 2001 as the “Year of Dialogue among
Civilizations”.
Social development and the worldwide
dissemination of a culture of peace are definitely basic
elements here. However, we think that it is important to
welcome the idea of integrating them into a wider
conceptual and operational dimension — the dimension
of human security which places the human being at the
very heart of international priorities. Far from harming
the interests of the nation-State, human security fully
meets its concerns. In fact, human security goes
beyond, formally speaking, the natural sphere of action
of nation-States to deal with transnational phenomena
such as the degradation of the environment, natural
disasters and international crime in all of its many
aspects which pose serious threats to the control over,
and managing of, national affairs. The great challenge
today is to work out and implement a programme for
human security that establishes, as a yardstick for its
success, its ability to release men and women in our
world from the slavery of poverty.
In our search for solutions to current problems,
we need to envisage the reform of our Organization
and, in particular, the reform of the Security Council
and the Economic and Social Council.
Questions of development are linked to questions
of international security and therefore neither of these
reforms should be neglected. After years of negotiation
and debate, it is time now for the international
community to reach a consensus on the
democratization of the Security Council to make it
better adapted to the new international realities. It
would also be an ideal time to give thought to a
thorough reassessment of the veto, which is no longer
in keeping with the current state of international
relations.
The attainment of these goals will make it
possible for our Organization to discharge its twofold
mission: guaranteeing peace among nations and
assisting the peoples of the earth to develop their
potential.
Likewise, the reform of the Economic and Social
Council is essential if we want to give the United
Nations the tools it needs to confront the challenges of
the twenty-first century. This reform should seek to
avoid or eliminate the functional overlapping of
programmes of action of the agencies of the United
Nations system, while developing a policy of
partnership for development. Accordingly, it is
essential to strengthen the functions of the Economic
and Social Council that relate to the coordination of
funds and programmes. The strengthening of the role
of, and the functioning of, the Economic and Social
Council is particularly crucial in this era of
globalization. Only the definition and implementation
at the multilateral level of coordinated plans of action
will make it possible to help, in a meaningful way, the
efforts of States to eradicate poverty and to establish a
solid basis for comprehensive sustainable development.
Our Organization is rightly called a universal
Organization. This is why the Republic of Haiti
welcomed enthusiastically our unanimous decision to
21

admit Tuvalu as the 189th Member. It is only right that
the 9,000 inhabitants of that country be properly
represented in our world Organization.
Therefore the situation of the 23 million Chinese
of Taiwan is a matter of concern to us. We welcome the
fact that the dialogue-based approach continues to
prevail on both sides of the Straits of Taiwan. While we
wait for the dialogue to produce satisfactory results for
both sides, we think that the question of the
representation of these 23 million people deserves the
attention of the United Nations.
Allow me to conclude by referring to a few
figures. According to the latest report on development,
produced by the World Bank, one fifth of the world's
population, no less than 1.2 billion people, are living
on less than one dollar a day. One out of five children
die before reaching the age of five. The World Bank
tells us also that the 20 richest countries have an
average income which is 37 times higher than that of
the 20 poorest countries and this gap is twice what it
was 40 years ago.
And yet, these last 40 years were all decades
devoted to development by the international
community. There is, therefore, a problem here that I
would call the paradox of the twentieth century. Never
has humanity attained such a capacity to produce all
kinds of goods and riches, and yet never have there
been so many people unjustifiably going hungry.
The essential challenge today is for the twenty-
first century not to resemble the twentieth in this
respect. To make this happen, the mind-boggling
constant increase in scientific knowledge must be
properly harnessed to the fight against poverty in all of
its various manifestations.
The United Nations cannot spend another 55
years talking about development: it is time now, it is
high time to make development a reality. The entire
credibility of the Organization hinges on this issue
because, basically, development is another name for
peace.
Despite the many obstacles we face, Haiti hopes
that the community of States will manage to build in
this century and in this millennium a world where basic
needs will be met, where nature will be protected,
where the scourge of drugs and organized crime will be
controlled, with opportunities for all, with hopes for a
more promising future, in particular for young people
and for the disadvantaged.


I wish
sincerely to congratulate the President on his election
to preside over the work of the Millennium Assembly. I
would also like to express my appreciation for the work
of his predecessor, Foreign Minister Theo-Ben Gurirab,
which culminated in the recent Millennium Summit.
I also welcome Tuvalu as a new Member State of
the United Nations. I am sure that it will make a useful
and enriching contribution to the work of the
Organization.
What kind of United Nations do we want? Why,
and to what purpose, do we need the United Nations in
this new millennium? The Millennium Summit was
convened to answer those questions. The task of the
General Assembly is to devise and implement the
guidelines that the Summit proposed. Spain would like
to suggest some ideas for progress in three of the
Organization's basic spheres of action: managing
globalization, combating poverty and peace-making.
The United Nations that we want must be our
main instrument for meeting the many challenges of
globalization. Its universal nature places our
Organization in an ideal position for that purpose. It
would be unforgivable if it were not capable of rising
to that task, which has to be undertaken in very
different fields. One such area is human rights. The
process of the universalization of human rights
constitutes one of the United Nations most valuable
contributions to international relations since the
adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, in 1948. If the twentieth century has been one
of formulating and structuring human rights on the
international level, the next century must be that of
ensuring that their effective implementation is
universal.
The practices in most urgent need of elimination
are racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and
intolerance. The 2001 World Conference against
Racism must be an effective instrument to that end. We
must also strive to abolish the death penalty, which we
consider a punishment contrary to the dignity of the
human being. The adoption of moratoriums against
carrying it out could be a first step towards its total
ban.
Our Organization must also enable us to provide
solutions, in a spirit of solidarity, to humanitarian
problems that until recently have simply not been
addressed. The consequences have been borne by
defenceless civilian populations. I refer to the situation
of refugees and persons displaced within their own
countries, civilian victims of armed conflicts and
international aid workers who are subject to threats or
coercion. It is essential to broaden the scope of our
action in this area and to pay special attention to the
most vulnerable sectors of the population.
Last week, in this very city, the President of the
Spanish Government signed the two Optional Protocols
to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, relative
to children in armed conflict and on the sale of
children, child prostitution and child pornography. In
that same vein, the General Assembly this year adopted
a resolution (54/262) agreeing to the holding in Spain
in 2002 of the Second World Assembly on Ageing. We
shall do everything possible to ensure the success of
such an important event.
In this overall context, we must mention the issue
of so-called humanitarian intervention, aptly proposed
on more than one occasion by the Secretary-General.
The United Nations that we want cannot be an
Organization that remains paralysed in the face of
massive violations of human rights, wherever they may
take place. When that has occurred, its prestige has
been seriously affected, and it has been left out of basic
decision-making in times of crisis. The disgust
provoked by a passive stance in the face of those
atrocities and the need to strengthen the role of the
37

Organization in crisis situations are merely two sides of
the same coin. It is essential that we be capable of
building consensus on at least two fundamental issues.
The first is actions regarding which the
international community cannot remain idle, such as
war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide,
which are offences referred to in the Rome Statute of
the International Criminal Court. Consensus should
also be reached among the permanent members of the
Security Council over the cases in which they should
refrain from exercising their veto to block Council
resolutions aimed at putting an end to massive
violations of human rights. The principle of State
sovereignty continues to be essential in contemporary
international society, but it must not be used as a
protective shield to trample upon human rights with
impunity.
The establishment of the International Criminal
Court signals the direction in which the international
community is moving in that area. The creation of an
international system of criminal justice constitutes the
most important change in international law since the
adoption of the San Francisco Charter. I am pleased to
inform the Assembly that my country's process of
ratification of the Rome Statute concluded yesterday. I
hope that the International Criminal Court will become
a reality in the not-too-distant future. I trust therefore
that the Rome Statute will be signed and ratified by the
largest possible number of States, without directly or
indirectly affecting its integrity and effectiveness.
If there is one issue that makes us realize that
there are global interests demanding our collective
management it is that of environmental protection. It is
imperative that the Kyoto Protocol for combating the
greenhouse effect should come into force in 2002, at
the latest. Spain is a signatory of the Protocol, as well
as of the agreements on the ozone layer, bio-diversity,
bio-security and desertification — the latter problem
being one which especially affects my country.
Unfortunately, globalization has also generated
fresh opportunities for the development of universal
plagues such as terrorism and transnational organized
crime. However, globalization also provides us with
new instruments to combat them, provided we agree on
how to use them. Spain supports the drafting of a
general convention against international terrorism, and
is grateful to India for its initiative in that respect. The
work aimed at the adoption of a convention against
transnational organized crime must also be concluded.
One of the United Nations top priorities is the
fight against poverty. The Millennium Summit gave
special attention to measures aimed at eradicating
poverty. The specific implementation of those
measures must be a basic aspect of the work of the
General Assembly. The United Nations that we want
must make it possible for developed and developing
countries to conclude agreements regarding the role
they must play in that task.
The high-level meetings that will be held in 2001
on financing for development and on the least
developed countries must not be wasted. Spain will
certainly do everything within its power to contribute
to their success. My country follows the guidelines
produced by the World Summit for Social Development
suggesting that at least 20 per cent of cooperation
resources be devoted to basic social sectors such as
health, education, housing and employment, which
have the greatest impact on the most disadvantaged
sectors of the population and, as a result, on the
eradication of poverty. Spain has prepared an ambitious
microcredit programme aimed at meeting the needs of
the least favoured sectors of the population of
developing countries.
Likewise, Spain has begun debt relief
programmes in several countries, including
Mozambique and the Central American countries most
affected by hurricane Mitch. We resolutely support the
Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative. Medium-
income countries with serious external debt problems
should not be excluded from debt relief plans, as long
as they implement meaningful domestic programmes to
eradicate poverty.
In the health sector there have been severe
setbacks in recent years in the fight against infectious
diseases, especially in Africa. Spain actively backs the
Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
(UNAIDS) and the efforts under way to facilitate
access to drugs against AIDS for patients in developing
countries. It also supports the holding of a special
session of the General Assembly on that illness.
Moreover, Spain has a special interest in examining
possible action against other infectious and parasitic
diseases, particularly in Africa.
The first sentence of the Charter states the resolve
of the United Nations to save succeeding generations
38

from the scourge of war. We must not resign ourselves
to the indefinite prolongation of some regional
conflicts. In Africa a solution has not yet been found
for the situation in the Congo, which for years has
ravaged one of the richest and most influential
countries of the continent. Angola and Sierra Leone
continue to be the backdrop for civilian conflicts that
are often financed by the illegal sale of diamonds and
other precious resources.
Political and practical support for the United
Nations and the mission deployed on the ground has
been a constant feature of Spain's policy concerning
the dispute over Western Sahara. Therefore, my
country will maintain its commitment to a definitive
settlement of that dispute during this decisive time and
will support the efforts that the Secretary-General and
his Personal Envoy are making in compliance with
Security Council resolution 1309 (2000).
New prospects for peace have opened up in the
Middle East following the Camp David summit. It is
vital to consolidate the important progress made there
and take advantage of this historic opportunity to
conclude an agreement on all outstanding issues. Spain
considers that, pursuant to the Declaration of Berlin,
the Palestinian people are entitled to establish their
own state. The evolution of the peace process must be
reflected in the resolutions to be adopted this year by
the General Assembly, which must not be a mechanical
repetition of the wording used in previous years.
The situation in Iraq is nevertheless proving to be
frustrating. The interruption of weapons inspections,
the absence of any foreseeable date for the lifting of
the sanctions, the continuation of armed action and the
difficult humanitarian situation in the country all
combine to produce a situation that is far from
encouraging. It is imperative that consensus within the
Security Council on this matter be strengthened and
that Iraq collaborate with the United Nations with a
view to the full implementation of resolution 1284
(1999) and other relevant resolutions.
Turning to Latin America, it is vital that the
international community send a clear message of
support for the peace process in Colombia. The efforts
by President Pastrana to reach an agreement that will
put an end to decades of violence and lack of security
deserve the support of us all.
The difficulties faced by the United Nations
Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo in the
accomplishment of its tasks should not overshadow its
achievements to date in what is probably the
peacekeeping operation with the widest-ranging
objectives ever undertaken by the United Nations.
Those objectives are to pacify the territory, to reconcile
its population, to rebuild its economy, and to enable
Kosovo, as stated in resolution 1244 (1999), to enjoy
substantial autonomy and an administration that is truly
its own, while respecting the principle of territorial
sovereignty and integrity of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
Many of these conflicts could perhaps have been
avoided. Spain unreservedly supports the Secretary-
General's efforts to direct the Organization's conflict-
prevention. His report on Africa provides an innovative
approach, proposing a wide-ranging package of
measures to address the conflicts on the African
continent.
An important element in this arsenal of
preventive diplomatic measures is a sound sanctions
policy. Sanctions regimes must be carefully graduated
in order to fulfil their goal: to penalize a particular
government whose policies constitute a threat to peace,
without harming the civilian population of that country,
which in many cases is totally powerless to influence
the decisions of its Government, or third parties.
Sanctions must be applied in a flexible way and be
subject to periodic review, enabling them to be adapted
to changing circumstances.
Disarmament and non-proliferation are another
two essential elements of conflict prevention. It is vital
to overcome the setbacks suffered in recent months by
the nuclear non-proliferation process and to promote
the signing and ratification of the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test- Ban Treaty, with a view to its early entry
in force. It is likewise a matter of concern that it has
not yet been possible to start negotiations on a protocol
on fissile material; it is urgent to achieve the necessary
consensus to that end.
The conclusion of the negotiations on the
Verification Protocol to the Convention on Biological
Weapons represents an achievement in this field that is
as important as the entry into force of the Convention
on Chemical Weapons. In the same way, the 2001
United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small
Arms and Light Weapons in All its Aspects must
constitute a milestone comparable to the Ottawa
Convention banning anti-personnel mines.
39

Another of the United Nations goals must be to
conclude the decolonization process worldwide by
doing away with the last vestiges of colonialism. One
of them persists, as a painful anachronism, in Spanish
territory. I am, of course, referring to Gibraltar, where,
nearly three centuries after its population was expelled
and the Rock occupied by British troops, a colonial
situation still lingers. This is an infringement of my
country's territorial integrity and contravenes the
provisions of General Assembly resolution 2353
(XXII). Regaining sovereignty over this part of our
territory is a longstanding goal for Spain, which is fully
in favour of a meaningful dialogue. It is regrettable that
the United Kingdom has not yet shown a genuine
political will to resolve this problem. Because of this,
15 years after the start of bilateral talks in the
framework of the Brussels process and despite the
decisions of the General Assembly, we have not
registered any progress at all on this matter, in spite of
several concrete proposals put forward by our side.
We want a United Nations that is capable of
carrying out the tasks that have been entrusted to it. To
achieve this, it must complete its process of reform.
For instance, the role of the General Assembly — the
only body in which all the Member States are
represented — must be enhanced, as it is the United
Nations driving force for debate and political impetus.
Civil society should be incorporated to a greater extent
into the Organization's work. This would contribute to
bringing people closer to the United Nations and to
securing a greater commitment from them with regard
to its work.
It is also vital to reform the Security Council in
order to enable it to fully perform its duties in the
maintenance of international peace and security. The
Spanish Government believes that this reform must
draw its inspiration from the following principles.
First, it must be conducted on the basis of a broad
and solid consensus, in order to avoid dangerous
divisions among Member States and to provide the
enlarged Council with the greater legitimacy it needs to
carry out its work effectively.
In the context of democratization, it must allow
for an increase in the number of non-permanent
members from all regional groups, and especially from
the developing world. Spain considers that an
enlargement of this category of non-permanent
members would best reflect the trend towards the
democratization of international society at the dawn of
the third millennium.
To enhance the Council's effectiveness, steps
must be taken to prevent exercise of the veto power
from blocking the Council in certain crisis situations.
Finally, there must be greater transparency. The
Council's working methods must be improved by
increasing the number and quality of the consultations
among its members and with other Member States, so
that the latter will not be left out of the decision-
making process.
The Organization that we need must also be able
to act firmly and effectively on the ground in order to
maintain the peace. The first step in this direction is to
reflect on past mistakes. Therein lies the importance of
the Brahimi report on United Nations peace operations,
which — in the same way as former reports on Rwanda
and Srebrenica — hit a nerve when it acknowledged
our faults and proposed solutions for overcoming them.
The Organization's shortcomings in this field
have at times been very serious, and have cost human
lives and brought great suffering to the peoples directly
affected. They have also seriously discredited the
United Nations in the eyes of our peoples.
Spain has a direct interest in ensuring that
peacekeeping operations are well organized and
managed, because at this time hundreds of Spaniards
are participating in them in such faraway places as East
Timor, Kosovo, Ethiopia and Guatemala. Moreover,
last year Spain signed an agreement with the
Secretariat on the Stand-by Forces — an agreement in
which some of the recommendations contained in the
Brahimi report already appear.
Spain steadfastly supports these recommendations
and hopes that they will be rapidly implemented. At the
same time, we must be aware that all of this will
require a much greater political and financial
commitment on the part of all with respect to
peacekeeping operations. It will require faster
deployment of the necessary military and civilian units
and larger-scale measures in order to consolidate peace
once conflicts come to an end. Above all, if United
Nations troops are compelled to take greater risks in
order to guarantee the implementation of Security
Council mandates, such mandates must be clear,
realistic and have the unequivocal backing of the
Council. All this will require a serious effort to find
40

common positions and to achieve consensus within the
Council in the elaboration of the resolutions containing
such mandates, eliminating any ambiguities that could
hamper their effective application. It means more
resolute and unwavering action against specific States
or groups which may attempt to disrupt such action,
including the possible application of sanctions. Only
then will we be able to send our troops to situations in
which they will have to risk their lives in order to
ensure that such mandates are upheld.
Improving peacekeeping operations will
undoubtedly be costly. Neither this nor any of the other
tasks facing the Organization will be possible if it does
not resolve its financial crisis. Spain is the eighth-
largest contributor to its regular budget and pays its
contributions on time, in full and without conditions.
Therefore we have a direct interest in seeing the
Organization's financial crisis resolved once and for
all, as soon as possible. The principle of capacity to
pay must continue to be the basic criterion for deciding
the assessed contributions. European Union countries
already are contributing much more than they should to
the United Nations budget in accordance with this
principle. Spain's stance will be a constructive one in
the negotiations to review the scale of assessments later
this fall.
In an increasingly interdependent world, there is
no alternative to multilateral cooperation. The United
Nations must rise to the occasion in order to fulfil the
expectations of the peoples who founded it. The
countries represented here must face up to that
responsibility by building an Organization capable of
meeting the challenges posed by globalization in the
new millennium. The United Nations that we want is
possible. It is within our reach to achieve it.


It is a singular honour
and privilege for me to be here today to address this
session of the General Assembly. On this auspicious
occasion, I would like to take this opportunity to
congratulate you, Mr. President, on your unanimous
election to this eminent position. Taking into account
your Excellency's wide experience in international
affairs, I am confident that you will successfully
contribute to the work and deliberations before this
Assembly.
Permit me also, Mr. President, to pay special
tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Theo-
Ben Gurirab, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the
Republic of Namibia, who conducted the affairs of the
Assembly in a most successful manner during his term
of office.
Our profound gratitude also goes to our able and
dynamic Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi
Annan, who has shown exemplary leadership and
demonstrated efficiency in managing the activities of
our Organization. Indeed, he has played a pivotal role
in the enhancement of the Organization's aims and
objectives, and in furthering peace, stability and
international cooperation the world over.
I am highly honoured to address this Assembly
today in the presence of my colleague and brother, His
Excellency Mr. Ismail Omar Guelleh, President of the
Republic of Djibouti. In this regard, I would like to pay
special tribute for the exceptional role played by His
Excellency, his Government and the people of Djibouti
in our recently concluded national reconciliation
conference, held in Arta, a resort town near Djibouti.
In contrast to the previous 12 Somali
reconciliation conferences, held in the past 10 years in
various capitals, the Arta reconciliation conference was
unique and more focused. While the previous
reconciliation conferences were based on attempts to
reconcile the personal differences and rivalries between
power-seeking faction leaders, the Arta conference, on
the other hand, concentrated essentially on the
constructive engagement and the interaction of the
various components of Somali society, such as
traditional clan elders and sultans, religious leaders,
intellectuals, politicians and representatives of the
various sectors of Somali civil society. More than
2,000 delegates from inside and outside the country
attended the conference, the deliberations of which
continued for more than five months.
It was in the context of this transparent process
that a consensus was reached on the agenda and criteria
for participation in the conference, based on the
balanced and equitable representation of the various
clans in the country. In pursuance of this innovative
approach, the conference conducted its business. This
led to the general agreement on the adoption of a
Transitional Charter. The Charter, inter alia, provided
for the establishment of the basic constitutional organs
of the Third Republic of the Somali State: the National
22

Assembly, the President, the Council of Ministers and
an independent judiciary. In accordance with these
transitional measures, the first organ the conference
established was the National Assembly. In turn, the
National Assembly elected the President in a fair and
free manner in the presence of observers and
representatives of the international community.
The outcome of the Arta reconciliation
conference received an overwhelming endorsement of
the Somali people within the country and in the
diaspora. Strong messages of support and pledges
poured into Arta from all regions of the country and
from Somali communities abroad.
In contrast to anarchy and civil war, which
prevailed in Somalia for the past 10 years, the creation
of the National Assembly and the election of a
President ushered in a new era for peace and stability
and constituted the first step of restoring order and
central authority to the country. This was indeed
translated into reality during my recent visit to
Mogadishu and Baidoa. The spontaneous reaction of
the hundreds of thousands of people who welcomed us
in both cities demonstrated vividly that they wanted to
leave years of civil war behind and open a new era of
peace, tranquillity, good governance, restoration of the
rule of law and national unity.
In this connection, let me emphasize the fact that
the majority of the Somali people in the regions that we
were not able to visit, including the regions in the
northwest and northeast of the country, uphold a shared
commitment and optimism for the unity and future
progress of the country.
With regard to the warlords and individuals who
still remain outside the reconciliation process, we
express our full preparedness to engage with them in
peaceful dialogue, and we call upon them to review
their positions, hear the voice of reason, and respect the
legitimate aspirations of the Somali people to achieve
national unity, social and economic development and
durable peace throughout the country.
The challenges that the Somali Republic faces
today are monumental. My Government is prepared to
meet those challenges with a realistic approach. We
understand that our country stands today in the midst
of a crisis of serious proportions. We shall exercise
care, compassion and objectivity to manage that crisis
and overcome it in the end.
There has been large-scale destruction of the
physical infrastructure and resources in both urban and
rural areas. Generations of children have not gone to
school for almost two decades. A good number of high-
level managerial staff and skilled technicians have left
the country. The role of the international community in
assisting us in peace-building, rehabilitation and
reconstruction is therefore of pivotal importance for us.
There should be no relaxation by the international
community in the overall effort to provide
humanitarian and developmental assistance to the
Somali Republic.
We will engage Somali professionals and
technical experts inside and outside the country to be
actively involved in all reconstruction programmes and
projects. We will also give indigenous and international
non-governmental organizations and relevant United
Nations agencies all the necessary assistance to be able
to contribute effectively to the rehabilitation and
reconstruction of the country.
I would like to emphasize that my Government
will place particular emphasis in the immediate future
on the following priority areas: first, restoration of
peace, stability and national unity, and the formation of
an effective security force to consolidate them;
secondly, disarmament of the militias and their
encampment, subsequent rehabilitation and training in
all the regions of the country; and, thirdly, maintenance
of law and order through the creation of effective law
enforcement agencies and professional courts of law.
Within the framework of that policy, my Government
will promote and consolidate peace, security and unity
in the country at large.
At the international level, we reaffirm our
unqualified support for the principles and objectives of
the United Nations and pledge to cooperate with
relevant regional and subregional organizations,
namely, the Organization of African Unity, the League
of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic
Conference and the Inter-Governmental Authority on
Development. We shall also maintain and strengthen
our relations with the European Union. We would like
to open up new vistas of cooperation and economic ties
with other organizations, such as the Gulf Cooperation
Council and the Association of South-East Asian
Nations.
My Government will promote strong links of
cooperation with the countries of the Horn of Africa
23

and the Red Sea based on the principles of mutual
respect, sovereign equality of States and non-
interference in the internal affairs of other States, as
provided in the Charter of the United Nations. We will
promote economic partnership, open borders and
common port services among the countries of the Horn
of Africa.
In conclusion, my delegation requests the
Assembly to facilitate the adoption of a resolution
under the title “Assistance to the Somali Republic”
relating to the following areas of need: first, urgent
assistance from Member States for the rehabilitation
and reconstruction of Somalia; secondly, resumption of
sustained economic cooperation with the international
community in general and with Member States of the
United Nations in particular; and, thirdly, a call on
relevant United Nations agencies and organizations to
redouble their efforts in providing financial and
material assistance to the people of Somalia.
Finally, I extend my profound appreciation to the
United Nations for the commendable role it has played
in the efforts to alleviate the plight of the Somali
people during the last 10 years. We also wish to
express our appreciation for the efforts of the world
body in its continued search for a solution to our
political crisis throughout the decade, and for its
continued humanitarian support and assistance to the
Somali people. I am confident that the United Nations
will continue to provide support for the realization of
the aspirations of the Somali people to stability, peace
and development.


Permit
me, at the outset, to extend to you, Mr. President, my
congratulations on your election to the presidency of
the fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Let me
also pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben
Gurirab, who guided the work of the previous session
of the General Assembly most successfully.
This session acquires special importance, not
only because it is the first of the new millennium, but
also because it coincides with the convening of the
Millennium Summit, which gathered together, for the
first time, a majority of the world's leaders. Therefore,
the historic instruments that emerged from the Summit
were a culmination of that momentous occasion.
The Republic of Yemen, as President Ali
Abdullah Saleh emphasized in his statement at the
Millennium Summit, is committed to achieving those
ideals and objectives, supporting the leadership role of
the United Nations and promoting the purposes of its
Charter, with a view to upholding the principles of
freedom, equality and justice, so that every society can
assume its national responsibilities for comprehensive
and sustainable development, including poverty
eradication, the provision of food, shelter, health care
and education, ensuring fundamental freedoms, human
rights and democracy and enabling women to play their
role in society.
Accordingly, the Republic of Yemen supports
efforts by the Secretary-General to develop the role,
mechanisms and organs of the international
Organization to meet the challenges of twenty-first
century. It also supports moves towards the renewal
and development of inter-State relations and towards
bringing them into line with new global phenomena
that call for democracy, respect for human rights and
the transformation of globalization into a positive force
that will benefit all inhabitants of the world. In this
connection, the Republic of Yemen reaffirms its
invitation to host the Fifth International Conference of
New or Restored Democracies, to be held in 2003.
Our world has become a single village where
events interact globally with no room for isolationism.
The merging of States' economies is the most
prominent feature of mutual dependency and,
consequently, of shared responsibility aimed at creating
an environment at the national and global levels
conducive to development and poverty eradication.
Good governance, as stated in the United Nations
Millennium Declaration, must exist not only within
each country but at the international level and be based
on laws and transparency in financial, monetary and
trading systems.
2

In our view, this requires that the developed
industrialized countries fulfil their commitments to
provide official development assistance to developing
countries, address the special needs of the least
developed countries, provide debt relief to poor
countries and agree to cancel all official bilateral debts.
Within this context we would also include the removal
of all barriers against the exports of developing
countries seeking access to world markets.
This year our people celebrated the tenth
anniversary of the restoration of blessed Yemeni unity.
The Republic of Yemen has been able to achieve
successes in the democratic process, freedom, justice,
respect for human rights and the enablement of women
to play their role in society. While our people proceed
to incorporate new concepts, with the aim of adapting
to new world developments, they suffer from the
financial burdens and the assumption of tasks inherent
in comprehensive economic and social reform. In
addition, the processes relating to economic
liberalization — lifting subsidies on various foods and
fuel and reducing public services, as prescribed by
international financing institutions — have created
social tensions. We therefore call upon the advanced
industrialized countries to understand this underlying
reality of shared responsibility in the context of
comprehensive and sustainable development in the
developing countries as a guarantee for international
development, security and stability.
The Republic of Yemen has persevered in
advocating attainment of peace and stability at the
regional and the international levels by the surest ways,
namely by resolving all disputes peacefully and
through the use of mechanisms for the resolution of
disputes, which embodies faith in the purposes and
principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We in
the Republic of Yemen are proud to have placed
practical reliance on those principles in resolving
border issues with three neighbouring States: the
Sultanate of Oman, Eritrea and, recently, the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia.
A new era of brotherhood, cooperation and
mutual interests between the Republic of Yemen and
the fraternal Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was inaugurated
on 12 June 2000, following the signature of a treaty
between the two countries on international territorial
and maritime boundaries. We deem it an historic
achievement by all criteria, since it ends a long period
of tension and instability. The frontiers between the
countries have become bridges of love, brotherhood
and cooperation. This will, unquestionably, contribute
to general stability in the region.
Within this framework one may understand
Yemen's strong desire and long-term efforts to
contribute to a resolution of the problems that have
plagued Somalia. Now that the Arta conference has
been held, the Transitional National Assembly has been
constituted and the country's President has been
elected, we support the implementation of the
resolutions that emerged from the conference. We hope
that the consensus between the representatives of the
various Somali factions present at the conference will
lead to stability and prepare the way for the
commencement of a process of comprehensive and
sustainable development in an atmosphere of national
reconciliation. In this regard, we must commend the
great efforts made by President Ismail Omar Guelleh of
the Republic of Djibouti to ensure the success of the
Arta conference.
The return to normalcy in Somalia will
unquestionably promote security and stability in the
Horn of Africa, which has suffered the scourge of war
and its effects. That suffering can be seen in the cross-
border flows of refugees. In the case of Yemen,
hundreds of thousands of refugees from Somalia and
other States of the region have infiltrated the country
via our coasts. We appeal to the international
community to extend assistance to resolve the problem
of refugees and ensure their return to their homelands
for the sake of stability and reconstruction in the
region.
The Republic of Yemen believes that the peace
that people seek is a peace based on justice, equality
and respect for human rights. Accordingly, peace in the
Middle East should be based primarily on the
restoration of all the legitimate rights of the Palestinian
people. Foremost among those rights is the
establishment of an independent Palestinian State on
Palestinian soil with Jerusalem as its capital. Israel
must also withdraw from all occupied Arab territories
in the Syrian Golan.
We would also like to convey our esteem and
congratulations to fraternal Lebanon and its people on
the unconditional liberation of its southern part.
The world is still amassing large quantities of
weapons of mass destruction. Those weapons endanger
international security and stability and hinder any steps
3

towards finding solutions to development problems. In
accordance with relevant resolutions of the General
Assembly, we in the Republic of Yemen stress the
importance of making the Middle East region an area
free from nuclear weapons and all weapons of mass
destruction. We also endorse the international
community's call to exert pressure on Israel to adhere
to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and to place all its
nuclear installations under international supervision.
Iraq is experiencing a human tragedy as a result
of the embargo that has been imposed on it for 10
years. While calling for the implementation of United
Nations resolutions concerning Iraq, we stress from
this rostrum the need to end that tragic situation by
lifting the embargo. It has lasted too long and has
caused very extensive damage to the entire Iraqi
population, especially women, children and elderly
persons. In the same vein, we call for a complete lifting
of the embargoes imposed on the Sudan and Libya.
With regard to the dispute over the three Arabian
Gulf islands belonging to the United Arab Emirates,
Yemen hopes that an amicable and peaceful solution to
that issue will be decided along the lines followed by
the Republic of Yemen in the resolution of its border
disputes with its neighbours.
Lastly, we welcome all the resolutions calling for
the reform of the United Nations and its structure so as
to make it more transparent and democratic, including
resolutions concerning the expansion of the
membership of the Security Council and enhancing and
strengthening the role of the General Assembly in the
maintenance of international peace and security.
It is our hope that resolutions will be adopted at
this important session to contribute to the reform and
restructuring of the United Nations and its organs in
order that it may meet the requirements of the new
century, with its increasing problems and ever more
complex inter-State relations.
It is our responsibility to make this session an
occasion to review our work and to examine the
resolutions adopted by our leaders at the Millennium
Summit so that we can transform them into tangible
reality. Doing so will further our progress towards
achieving security, stability, development and
prosperity for our countries and peoples. I am
confident that our united stance and sincere endeavours
will guarantee the success of this session and the
achievement of the desired results.