At the outset my delegation joins, previous speakers in extending to the President our congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. With his vast experience and diplomatic skills he will ably lead us throughout his term. I should also like to extend our profound gratitude to his predecessor for the skillful and excellent manner in which he conducted the business of the last session.
157.	On 15 September the General Assembly witnessed a momentous occasion, which marked the admission of the Republic of Vanuatu to the United Nations. It was a historic ind joyous occasion, especially for those of us from the South Pacific. With great pride and pleasure, Papua New Guinea welcomes Vanuatu as the one hundred and fifty-fifth Member of the United Nations. Its joining this body is significant, because it adds to the small but growing community of South Pacific countries in the United Nations. We sincerely hope that Vanuatu will not be the last, and look forward to more of our neighbors in the South Pacific joining us.
158.	On behalf of my Government, I should also like to extend our warm congratulations' to Mr. Walter Lini, Prime Minister of Vanuatu, and his people on their achievement. It is to their credit that through their skill and dedication Vanuatu was able to withstand some trying times at independence and establish a strong and stable Government. Vanuatu has been independent for just over 12 months. During that period it has taken giant steps in nation-building and has become a strong voice in regional affairs. We wish Vanuatu all success and look forward to working closely with its Government on many global issues, both in this forum and elsewhere.
159.	The pursuit of international peace and security is the most fundamental task of the United Nations. When peace is threatened, all other development initiatives of this body temporarily cease tc be important. Peace and harmony among nations is the greatest catalyst for developing an equitable international community, where any nation, no matter how large or small, how impoverished or wealthy, can fruitfully seek to improve the lives of its people.
160.	Today we are witnessing a destabilization of international security brought about by territorial greed and ideological ambition. The haves are taking from the have nots. Whole countries are being swallowed up. Tension grows between the superPowers, bringing the world closer to the brink of nuclear confrontation. These tensions have affected and will continue to affect the majority of the world's population, the innocent bystanders, who have not contributed, and may not contribute, to these rivalries.
161.	Faced with this prospect, we think it timely and indeed necessary to appeal to the superPowers and those nations with a nuclear strike capability to weigh again the enormous responsibility that they carry for world peace.
162.	Disarmament, as a realistic avenue to peace, does not seem to have achieved any positive results. As of today there has been no meaningful reduction in the manufacture, stockpiling and strategic positioning of intercontinental nuclear weapons.
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163.	The arms race, rather than being reversed or slowed, is escalating to new peaks of sophistication and destructive force, in both its conventional and nucbar aspects. Added to this already alarming situation is the production and stockpiling of chemical and biological weapons. Recent press reports indicating the use of toxic chemical weapons in SouthEast Asia and Afghanistan are even more alarming. The use of such weapons is a flagrant violation of relevant international conventions prohibiting theg use.
164.	My delegation is dismayed by these developments and believes that there must be a point at which reason triumphs over suspicion where a common threat to mankind is honestly acknowledged and nations of influence resolve to redress this position with single-minded purpose.
165.	In this respect, we urge the United States and the Soviet Union to approach future Strategic Arms Limitation Talks with a greater determination to achieve tangible gains for mankind. As two of the most powerful nations, they have a correspondingly sizable obligation to ensure that peace and global stability are not compromised for purely strategic gains.
166.	My delegation wishes also to draw attention once again to the enormous annual global expenditures on arms and defense. As a third world country facing a difficult economic decade, Papua New Guinea sympathizes with the least developed countries which have yet to overcome the far more basic problems of feeding and providing adequate health care for their people.
167.	My delegation believes it is time that defense and the nuclear arms race were looked at in a proper humanitarian perspective. While nations arm in the name of providing a deterrent to conflict so that lives may be saved, malnutrition, disease, floods and famine are claiming millions of lives that could otherwise have been saved with a little more humanitarian concern by the wealthy nations.
168.	It is Papua New Guinea's intention to accede to the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons [General Assembly resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. We believe that efforts to curb the threat of nuclear warfare can be achieved by increasing collectively the desire of States Members of the United Nations which are concerned with the blatant misuse of nuclear technology.
169.	One aspect of this abuse of technology which is of great concern to Papua New Guinea and other Pacific States is the continued testing of nuclear weapons in our region and proposals by other States to conduct experimental dumping of nuclear waste in our waters. I specifically refer here to France's testing of nuclear weapons at Moruroa Atoll and the intention of the United States and Japan to dump nuclear waste.
170.	By their own admission these countries have said that these tests are experimental. The aftereffects are not known and nobody can say with certainty what the long term effects will be on our peaceful region. Papua New Guinea is distressed by these developments and wishes to make clear that the actions of France and the stated intentions of the United States and Japan are morally wrong and a breach of accepted international conduct,
171.	I repeat Papua New Guinea's position that, if these nations wish to conduct dangerous tests, they should do so within their own territorial areas. The Pacific Island States will not continue to tolerate abuses of this sort. Our peoples have a far greater affinity with the land and sea than peoples of the industrialized nations. To jeopardize these assets, which are the sources of our livelihood, can lead only to a straining of relations and rising antagonism.
172.	I should now like to turn to the issue of decolonization and to reiterate Papua New Guinea's strong support for the principles of free determination of all peoples. We believe that colonialism is a thing of the past and that the remaining NonSelfGoverning Territories should be granted their inalienable right to chart their own destiny, as stated in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). In this respect we wish to draw, the Assembly's attention to the position adopted by the Twelfth South Pacific Forum, meeting in Vanuatu last month, which reaffirmed our belief in the principles of self-determination and independence applying to non-self-governing Pacific island countries, including the French territories. Further, the South Pacific Forum decided to consult with the French President on the evolution of the new French Government's policy with respect to progress towards decolonization of the people of the French Pacific territories.
173.	Papua New Guinea is particularly worried by the possible ramifications should France decide not to create a climate that will ensure that the people of New Caledonia are given the right to choose their own destiny. We sense that a continuation of the status quo will exacerbate the growing frustration and tension of the ethnic Melane sian population which could lead to instability, not only in New Caledonia itself but throughout the South Pacific region.
174.	Papua New Guinea will also continue to support decolonization in other parts of the world.
175.	The situation in Namibia continues to cause grave concern to my country. Even though we are far from the shores of Africa, we wholeheartedly support the movement in Namibia to free that Territory from the yoke of colonization by the racist regime in Pretoria. The Government of South Africa has no legitimate or even moral right to be in Namibia. The International Court of Justice has said so, as has the world community, which continues to say so. The South African Government also continues to ignore the people of Namibia as they cry out for freedom. The Organization has proposed peaceful means to resolve this dilemma in the form of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Even though the South African regime was amenable to that resolution and seemed to have been prepared to accept it, it suddenly made an about face early this year. We question the true intentions and motives of the South African Government. Are they sincere or are they merely playing games? They fooled the United Nations and even the contact group. Despite the reversal of the South African position, some Members tell us to exercise moderation in order to entice South Africa back to its 1978 position.
176.	While we procrastinate, the people of Namibia continue to suffer. How long should such suffering be tolerated? We on the outside cannot, in reality, measure the pain that is being borne by the people of Namibia, a burden that should be removed quickly. There was hope early this year, but that has almost disappeared. In fact, South Africa's recent attitudes and actions seem to us to have jeopardized the last vestige of hope for an early peaceful settlement of the Namibia question. The world must act to assist the people of Namibia in achieving their independence. In fact, this Assembly has acted and continues to do so. The people of Namibia should not lose heart, since an overwhelming majority of the world continues to give them moral support. This is evidenced by the adoption of resolution ES8/2 on 14 September 1981 by the General Assembly. It was supported by 117 Members, including Papua New Guinea; while 25 abstained, no one voted against it. Even though there were some elements which may have caused us to make some reservations in our position, we deliberately refrained from doing so. The situation in Namibia, in our view, has gone beyond the necessity for adhering to our reservations as they apply specifically to Namibia. We now regard Namibia as a special and unique case because of the present unnecessary prolongation of a peaceful settlement.
177.	The continuing conflict in the Middle East has had a profound effect on the international community, and although we are geographically remote from that region we acknowledge the principle of interdependence of nations and support all initiatives to bring about a lasting and equitable solution.
178.	We commend the United Nations for its efforts in attempting to resolve that conflict and urge that those efforts be redoubled as a matter of urgency. It is my delegation's view that the United Nations can play a constructive role and successfully mediate in bringing about a solution. However, we note with grave concern that efforts by the United Nations are threatened by the increasing sale of arms to Middle East States involved in the conflict. We believe that continued arms sales can only prolong the crisis and cause further division between the parties in conflict.
179.	Efforts such as the Camp David agreements which aim to provide a basis for comprehensive and lasting settlement receive Papua New Guinea's support. We are mindful of other efforts towards peace in the region, and they too receive our endorsement.
180.	I mentioned earlier Papua New Guinea's total and unqualified opposition to manipulation and interference in the affairs of small, underdeveloped States by nations possessing superior military and economic resources.
181: The most blatant examples of unprovoked aggression have occurred in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, where puppet Governments supported by foreign military forces have been installed. Papua New Guinea does riot recognize either Government. We believe that the situation in Afghanistan cannot be normalized while Soviet troops continue to occupy parts of that country.
182.	In this regard, Papua New Guinea supports the efforts of the European Council to convene an international conference aimed at bringing all parties to the conflict together for negotiations. We also support initiatives to arrange talks between Afghanistan and neighboring States.
183.	We note that the Soviet Union has not responded to a United Nations resolution calling for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. The Soviet Union's act of unprovoked aggression and its arrogant disregard of world opinion constitute a serious violation of international law and pose a marked threat to world peace and stability.
184.	Similarly, Papua New Guinea continues to deplore the intervention of foreign forces in Kampuchea and will maintain its position of not recognizing Heng Samrin regime installed by the Vietnamese.
185.	We commend the efforts of the SecretaryGeneral, under General Assembly resolution 35/6, in hosting the recent International Conference on Kampuchea in July this year and we support the Declaration of that Conference.13 My delegation believes that that Declaration embodies the prerequisites for a negotiated settlement in Kampuchea.
186.	I should also like to commend recent efforts by the members of the Association of SouthEast Asian Nations [ASEAN] to unite the Khmer factions in their struggle to liberate Kampuchea from Viet Nam. The recent meeting of the three main Khmer factions in Singapore was significant. The Joint Statement issued as a result of that meeting [see A/361498] demonstrates the continuing desire and willingness of the Kampucitean people jointly to work towards liberating their homeland from foreign aggression.
187.	Papua New Guinea also wishes to reiterate its view that a meaningful and lasting solution in Kampuchea can only be achieved through the total cooperation of Viet Nam, and we strongly urge Viet Nam to adhere to the wishes of the international community as contained in resolution 35/6 and the Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea.
188.	In the recent past the international community has realized that the economic welfare of each sovereign nation depends on a network of interdependence. At the same time it has noted that there is a widening gap between developed and developing countries on many economic issues. The new international economic order, when it was mooted in 1974 [see General Assembly resolutions 3201 (SVI) and 3202 (SVI)], was intended to find ways and means to rectify the imbalance in economic conditions. The Government of Papua New Guinea is concerned that the progress being made in achieving the objective of a new international economic order has so far been slow.
189.	The efforts that have been made at the Conference on International Economic Cooperation to bring about an equitable international economic order or changes in the existing world economic system have my delegation's support.
190.	Papua New Guinea is appreciative of the progress being made through UNCTAD in achieving the objectives of. an integrated Program for commodities, particularly the arrangements on. the Common Fund for Commodities and individual international commodities.
191.	My delegation supports efforts by the international community to bring about a new structure to regulate trade ii? primary commodities with a view to achieving price levels which are remunerative for producers and equitable for consumers.
192.	The Lome Convention has assisted Papua New Guinea greatly in areas such as access to funds and technical expertise from the European Community countries to help implement development projects. Although Papua New Guinea's major export commodities have duty-free access to the markets of the European Community, my delegation has '"noted that the original purpose of the Lome arrangement to secure more balanced and fairer trade has yet to be achieved.
193.	We note with interest the set of concrete recommendations for a Program of action in several key areas of restructuring the international economy contained in the Brandt Commission report.14 The report is complementary to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the Pearson report is sponsored by the World Bank. The significance of the Brandt report is based on the emphasis it places on mutuality of interest. The report is consistent with the decisions of the fourth session of UNCTAD and the new international economic order in that it calls for the restructuring of the international economic system so as to ensure a greater flow of benefits to developing countries. In addition, the report emphasizes the removal of tariff and nontariff barriers, which Papua New Guinea believes is a prerequisite for improving terms of trade for both developed and develop^ ing countries.
194.	As a developing country, Papua New Guinea supports the recommendations of the Brandt Commission report, in particular those covering trade and development finance.
195.	We note that most codes or agreements on non tariff measures that have been concluded are now in force, yet some developed countries have not applied them. Despite the marked^ achievements in multilateral trade negotiations, developing countries continue to face undue restrictions in developed market economies.
196.	My delegation notes with dismay that in international economic relations increasing protectionist tendencies are shown by developed countries. Most industrialized countries maintain comparatively low average tariff levels, yet some individual tariffs remain high, especially for products of export interest to developing countries. Papua New Guinea opposes protectionism and supports the efforts made in multilateral trade negotiations to achieve freer world trade.
197.	My delegation would like, to see the implementation of the various plans of action proposed by the United Nations and its agencies. The Lima Plan of Action on Industrial Development and Cooperation and related new international economic order proposals for a substantial acceleration in the industrialization of the developing countries clearly imply major structural shifts in the patterns of world production and trade in manufactured goods. In particular, a rapid increase in industrial capacity and in the availability of manufactured goods for export from developing countries would requite a restructuring of the industrial sector of developed countries to accommodate a large expansion in imports from developing countries.
198.	Although Papua New Guinea does not have a large manufacturing sector, we support the Lima Plan of Action and hope that in implementing that Plan the rural needs and aspirations of the developing countries will be given due consideration.
199.	Papua New Guinea also supports the principle of economic cooperation among developing countries. We have become a member of various regional groupings and of a selected number of United Nations specialized agencies in an attempt to achieve our aims.
200.	It should be remembered that the slow progress in achieving the aims of economic cooperation among developing countries has been the direct or indirect result of the negative attitude shown by industrialized nations. For example, during the 1970s and early 1960s the issue of decolonization was the major concern of the emerging States. Political currents at the time had induced third world countries to adopt positions of confrontation towards industrialized nations. As a result very little or no effort was directed towards meaningful cooperation in the fields of economic and social development. In this connection my delegation believes that a positive attitude by developed and developing countries in playing their part in development issues will pave the way to achievement of the aims of a new international economic order.
201.	I should now like to make a brief reference to the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has been meeting since 1974. The objective of the Conference is to produce a universally accepted convention that will govern the uses of the sea and its resources.
202.	However, we are disappointed that the Conference was not able to implement the Program of work which it adopted during the second half of the ninth session at Geneva in August last year and which called for the conclusion of the Conference and adoption of a convention during the tenth session in MarchApril 1981. The delay in the conclusion of the work of the Conference and the adoption of a convention has been caused by the United States Government's desire to review certain provisions of the draft convention. It is my delegation's hope that the United States Government's review will not call for renegotiations on provisions that have already been agreed upon by the Conference. To do so would jeopardize the results achieved so far through the painstaking negotiations over the past decade and prevent the early adoption of a convention on the law of the sea. My delegation therefore supports the early conclusion and adoption of a convention on the law of the sea by the end of the eleventh session, which is to be held in New York during MarchApril 1982., The convention should be open for signature in Caracas in the autumn of the same year.
203.	I have touched upon only some of the issues that beset the world today. These problems, in my Government's view, are serious. They must be solved. It is our duty to solve them. No other people will do that for us. But to do so, we must be practical and realistic. We must cooperate with each other to the fullest extent. If we do not, these problems will increase to the point where it will be too late to find solutions to them.


3.	The death of the President of Egypt, Anwar El Sadat, is another tragic event that again brings to the forefront the urgent need to contribute to the quest for a real solution to the Middle East question which once and for all will put an end to the violence that besets the brother peoples of the Arab world.
4.	Mankind is living through a crucial moment in its history as a result of the great tensions that today more than ever threaten peace. Nicaragua has deemed it timely and necessary to bring to the Assembly, inter alia, a number of specific proposals which could contribute to the cause of peace in the world.
5.	We are today the bearers of a specific proposal in our search for a rational way out of the profound crisis affecting the Central American area, the most critical point of which is El Salvador. This is the main reason for our presence in the Assembly, where we are certain we shall meet with the favorable reception warranted by the serious circumstances of the moment.
6.	We are the bearers of a specific proposal which could assist Central America in its struggle for peace, at the very moment when that peace is disrupted by the escalation of the arms race in the world, with thousands of millions of dollars being invested in the production kid emplacement of medium-range missiles, rockets, neutron bombs, and so on; at the very moment when the progress achieved on strategic arms limitations agreements, SALT II, is being seriously jeopardized by the hegemonistic policy of the present United States Government.
7.	We are the bearers of a specific proposal which could assist Central America in its struggle for peace, at a time when the racist regime of South Africa is invading Angola, promoting destabilizing actions in Zambia, invading the southern part of Mozambique and training mercenaries to invade Zimbabwe, all with the support of the present United States Government; at a time when Libya is the victim of provocations arising from United States policy which have even led to two aircraft of the Libyan Air Force being shot down over its own territorial space in the Gulf of Sidra.
8.	We are the bearers of a specific proposal by which Central America could contribute to the cause of peace, at a time when the Government of Israel, with the full support of the United States, is carrying out acts of terrorism against the Palestinian people and against the Lebanese people, murdering hundreds, as well as bombing the Tamuz nuclear research center in Iraq.
9.	We are the bearers of a specific proposal which in Central America could contribute to the cause of peace, at a time when there is an increase in spying flights by United States aircraft in the airspace of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea and the economic blockade and political and military threats against Cuba, and the occupation of Guantanamo, continue; at a time when the people of Grenada is harassed and attacked, at a time when the implementation of the treaties concerning the Panama Canal Zone, for which General Omar Torrijos fought and died, is placed in jeopardy; at a time when resolutions of the United Nations concerning the independence of Namibia are flouted.
10.	We bring a specific proposal which could assist Central America in its struggle for peace, at a time when the enemies of peace brandish philosophical concepts to justify their warlike nature, while at the same time perpetrating acts of aggression.
11.	That is why today we also wish to contribute to the cause of peace by condemning the South African regime, expressing our solidarity with the peoples attacked by that regime, expressing our solidarity with the patriots of the South West Africa People's Organization [,SWAPO] as the sole legitimate representatives of Namibia; supporting the front-line States; expressing our support and solidarity with Libya and with the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole representative of the Palestinian people; with the people and Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea; with the people and Government of Grenada; with the courageous, united and strong people and Government of revolutionary Cuba; with the struggle of the POLISARIO Front, with the resolution adopted on 20 August 1981 by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, wherein the inalienable right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence is reaffirmed [A/36/23, chap. I, para. 87]; with the people and Government of Panama; with the people and Government of heroic Viet Nam, while repudiating the policy of punishment and the threat and use of force against that people; with the coastal States of the Indian Ocean which are continuing their struggle to have that area declared a zone of peace and to obtain the consequential withdrawal of the different military fleets moving in the area. We also appeal to the fraternal peoples and Governments of Iran and Iraq to seek a solution in the spirit of the nonaligned movement to the differences or claims that may exist between those two States.
12.	Finally, may we once again express our solidarity with the people and Government of Cyprus, with the people of Chile, with the people of Uruguay and with the heroic people of Guatemala.
13.	May we also hail as a victory for peace the independence of the people of Belize and its membership in the Organization.
14.	We bring a specific proposal which in Central America could strengthen the efforts for peace which we are today obliged to make throughout the world, at a time when that peace is also threatened by restrictive economic measures which make their full weight felt in the third world countries, historically exploited by the developed countries.
15.	Hie latest decisions on the subject made public by the Government of the United States are clear proof of what we have just stated. The Secretary of the Treasury of the present United States Administration said the Government intends to limit loans and credits to developing countries through IMF and the World Bank; and President Reagan himself, at the annual meeting of the Boards of Governors of the IMF and the World Bank, confirmed that decision, saying that for the poor countries the only magic formula is that of the free market, a "magic formula" which has served only to make our countries poorer.
16.	Despite the efforts made by the third world countries to restructure their foreign debt and, by means of great sacrifices, to pay the servicing costs, the economic horizon is now so bleak that it compels us to serious reflection. Unless formulas in keeping with the economic realities of our countries are devised, there will be no way out except to cancel the whole of the external debt and its servicing costs, or the time will come when by common agreement we, the poor countries of the world, will have to say that we are not going to pay because we cannot pay, because we have nothing to pay with. We cannot forget that in external debt servicing alone the developing countries must pay with blood and sweat more than $40 billion a year, without the least possibility of finding a solution to their economic problems. On the contrary, the position is becoming more and more serious.
17.	Who can overlook the fact that the price of products that we export declines all the time while the costs of production of those products increase because the spare parts, machinery, equipment and so on become dearer each day?
18.	In 1977 our countries had to produce 338 quintals of cotton, 1,394 quintals of sugar or 98 quintals of coffee to buy one tractor. Four years later, in 1981, we must produce 476 quintals of cotton an increase of 41 per cent to buy one tractor; or 2,143 quintals of sugar an increase of 54 per cent or more; or 248 quintals of coffee an increase of 145 per cent. That is because the wealthy countries lend us money on hard terms, sell more expensively each day, but buy each day at a lower price.
19.	As a result of these unfair international terms of trade and of the profound injustices engendered by exploitation, a dramatic social, economic and political crisis today shakes Central America. That crisis stems from the depths of the misery of 20 million Central American men and women.
20.	In 1979 one in two 15-year-old Central Americans was illiterate. One out of eight children died before the age of one. Three out of every 10 Central Americans looking for employment did not find it. Twelve million people lived without proper housing. For every dollar obtained by a poor Central American a rich man received $48. According to recent studies by ECLA, 8.5 million Central Americans live in conditions of extreme poverty.
21.	It is there, in the old reality of the exploitation of the Central American countries and in the injustice with which the developed world treats our peoples, that we must seek the causes of the political and social unrest that is today shaking Central America not in the Nicaraguan revolution, which is the first great historic attempt in Central America to eliminate the roots of the crisis.
22.	The "accusation" leveled at the Sandinist People's Revolution that it is the cause of rebellion in Central America lays bare the hypocrisy of those who are truly responsible for the dramatic Central American situation. The beginning of any solution to the crisis in the region lies in recognizing that that crisis is the product of the exploitation to which the Central American countries have been subjected and in developing a set of measures in keeping with that reality.
23.	Between 1973 and 1980 Central America's external debt quintupled, and by the end of 1981 it will reach the unprecedented figure of $7 billion. That debt today represents 140 per cent of our exports, when barely three years ago it amounted to 80 per cent. It is an increasing burden placed on the shoulders of Central American workers, because the payment of interest to creditors means that each year a larger proportion of the region's exports must be earmarked for it. The high rates of interest, which obey the fiscal and monetary policy of the United States, punish those who have less and reward those who have more. So long as this situation is not corrected, there can be no solution to the Central American crisis.
24.	To solve its own crisis the United States is applying a policy consisting in raising to unbelievable heights the cost of financial resources obtained by our countries. This logically leads to the export of the United States crisis to the poor countries. This year alone $1.2 billion have drained out of Central America and found highly rewarded refuge in the developed countries.
25.	In the past three years alone the Central American countries have lost $1,235 million, transferred to the developed countries, the United States in particular, because of the deterioration in the purchasing power of their exports. As long as this situation is not reversed, how can our countries develop, how can that crisis be solved? That deterioration in the terms of trade is a veritable tax on our exports levied by the developed countries. Those countries must therefore provide finance to compensate for that deterioration.
26.	In two years 1979 and 1980 the Central American countries lost international reserves amounting to $1,181 million. Where, then, are our countries to And the necessary resources to finance investments to promote development? What is required is a massive flow of concessional resources to finance our strategic energy, transport, infrastructure and industrial and agricultural production projects.
27.	We claim justice as countries that have been impoverished by centuries of exploitation and by those unjust international economic relations, but the United States closes its ears. The forthcoming International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, to be held at Cancun, has already begun to be affected by the refusal of the United States to deal with items that would truly make it possible to deal with the explosive situation in the economic order of the world today, and by its denying Cuba which at present occupies the presidency of the nonaligned movement in a manner that we can only describe as infantile, the right to participate in that meeting.
28.	But Nicaragua is convinced that countries like Mexico, France, Austria, the United Republic of Tanzania, Algeria, India and others will be the standard-bearers and spokesmen in our demands for a new international economic order.
29.	We said that we were bringing from our region specific proposals which could contribute to the cause of peace. We have explained that the fundamental causes of the crisis affecting our area are economic and that they have been brought about by the unjust relations existing in the present economic order and by the overexploitation to which our peoples have been and are subjected by exploiting minorities which serve like eunuchs the interests of international exploitation. If we understand this, we shall also understand why there was a revolution, in Nicaragua and why there is a revolutionary war in El Salvador and another in Guatemala. If we want to find a serious answer to the situation in Central America, we shall have to stop invoking the specter of the EastWest conflict, which is used by those who try to reject any change in the region.
30.	We cannot forget or ignore the fact that all this picture of brutal economic exploitation has been defended throughout our history by aggressive United States policy.
31.	After the United States war of independence the model of a federal democracy based on ideals of freedom which inspired the struggles of Washington and Jefferson was also the model for the leaders of the independence struggles of Latin America; and in Central America the concept of a liberal federal State headed by General Francisco Morazati was the offspring of those principles of the American Revolution.
32.	But that dream was to die very soon. The emergence of the Monroe Doctrine, "America for the Americans", was to represent the aggressive will of Yankee expansionism on the continent, and from 1840 onwards our peoples were no longer to benefit from the influence of those ideals of democracy and freedom but rather to suffer interference, threats, the imposition of treaties contradictory to the sovereignty of our countries, provocation of war among neighboring States, blackmail with the presence of the United States fleet in our territorial waters, military interventions, the landing of Marines and the imposition of corrupt Governments and one-sided economic treaties. More than 784 acts hostile to the right of our countries to sovereignty have occurred on our continent since that time, and more than 100 of them since 1960.
33.	Why were our countries insulted, invaded and humiliated on more than 200 occasions from 1840 to 1917? Under what pretexts, since at the time there was not a single socialist State in the world and the Tsar ruled over all the Russias? Treaties and loans were imposed on us, we were invaded, we were given the status of protectorates under that same thesis of American national security, which was first called the Monroe Doctrine, then manifest destiny, later the big stick, later dollar diplomacy.
34.	The expansion of frontiers, secure maritime routes, military bases in the Caribbean, bought Governments and docile Governments these were manifestations of a liberal ideal which had become barefaced expansionism.
35.	How can we explain the numerous acts of aggression and interference and the landings that occurred between 1917 and 1954 in Latin America, when there was still no Cuban revolution and Cuba could not be accused of "interference" accusations that were to be reserved for the future?
36.	The United States did not take over Cuba and Puerto Rico in 1898 and impose the Piatt amendment to save Caribbean territories from the influence of the Soviet Union, since the latter was not yet in existence.
37.	The United States did not land Marines in Veracruz, Haiti and Nicaragua, nor did it from 1903 onwards arm the most formidable naval force ever seen in Caribbean waters in order to resolve the EastWest conflict to its own benefit. It was simply defending the interests of its territorial expansionism, the interests of its financiers and its bankers, of those business tycoons who were beginning to beset Latin America.
38.	Today, 7 October 1981, the United States is beginning near the sovereign territory of Nicaragua showy military maneuvers called "Halcon Vista", with the participation of its own naval, land and air transport forces together with military contingents from Honduras. At this time, as in 1855 when the freebooter William Walker landed on our shores at the head of a troop of southern mercenaries, our country is threatened by aggression on a scale higher than we have known so far. At this time, as in 1912 when our homeland was invaded by Marines and defended by the patriots led by General Benjamin Zeleddn, a national hero, dangers of further invasions of Nicaragua, whether direct or indirect are growing. At this time, as happened in 1927 when we were invaded by the Marines, against whom the army, headed by General Sandino, defended our national sovereignty for six long years of struggle, there are new threats from the present United States Administration. At this time it is necessary to remember the history of aggression against Central American countries throughout more than a century.
39.	1855: the William Walker freebooters landed in Nicaragua with the purpose of annexing the whole of Central America to the southern states of the United States. Walker proclaimed himself President and restored slavery in Nicaragua. That same year, the colonels in active service, Kinneys and Eabens, proclaimed the "independence" of San Juan del Norte, a sovereign territory of Nicaragua. 1856: Through the DallasClarendon Treaty, the United States "ceded" to England the Territory of Belize, which did not belong to it. 1860: The United States intervened for the first time in Panama, under the pretext of restoring order. 1867: The United States affirmed its "ownership" of Nicaragua through the Dickinson-Ayon Treaty, which gave it the right to build the inter-oceanic canal. 1896: United States military forces landed in Nicaragua, at the port Of Corinto. 1899: More United States military forces landed on our territory, in San Juan del Norte and Blue fields. 1900: The United States imposed on Nicaragua and Costa Rica the Hay-Corea and Hay-Calvo Treaties to acquire control over the canal route through the Central American isthmus. 1901: the Marines landed in the Panama isthmus. 1903: The Marines landed in Puerto Cortes, Honduras. 1904: The Marines landed in Ancon and other points in Panama. That was the year when Theodore Roosevelt elaborated the "Roosevelt corollary" or, rather, the big-stick policy. 1905: A further landing of Marines in Puerto Cortes, Honduras. 1909: The United States intervened in Nicaragua to overthrow the Government of General Jose Santos Zelaya through the infamous "Knox note". 1910: The Marines landed in Corinto, Nicaragua, and attacked our shores until they succeeded in imposing their own oligarchic Government. 1911: The United States again landed its Marines in Corinto, Nicaragua, imposed presidents in Honduras and Nicaragua and compelled Costa Rica and Nicaragua to accept onerous debt consolidations and new loans. 1912: The Marines landed yet again in Honduras, and the United States began its military occupation of Nicaragua which was to last until 1925. 1914: The United States imposed on Nicaragua the shameful ChamorroBryan Treaty, which reduced our sovereign homeland. 1918: The Marines landed in Colon and Chiriqui, Panama. 1919: The Marines occupied Honduran ports to intervene in the electoral process. 1920: The Marines landed in Guatemala on the pretext of safeguarding the life of North American citizens and protecting the legation. 1921: The Marines occupied the region of La Chorrera, Panama. 1924: The Marines landed in Honduras and occupied Tegucigalpa and other cities of the country. 1925: The Marines landed in Honduras and Panama, in both cases to break workers' strikes. 1926: After leaving the country for a very few months, the Marines returned to occupy Nicaragua. That military occupation was to last until 1933, when the Yankee troops were compelled to withdraw in the face of the heroic resistance of the army, the Defender of National Sovereignty, headed by Sandino. 1930: The North American fruit companies promoted frontier Wars and military uprisings, imposed presidents and undermined the national sovereignty of Guatemala, Honduras and Panama. 1954: The United States, through the Central Intelligence Agency [CM], overthrew the Government of General Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala. 1961: The United States military mission directed a coup against a civilian-military junta of a nationalistic character in El Salvador. 1964: United States troops in the Panama Canal Zone attacked a nationalist demonstration and murdered 30 Panamanians. 1972: The United States signed with Colombia the Saccio-Vazquez Carrizosa Treaty, which was harmful to the interests of Nicaragua's sovereignty. In that same year United States forces were taken from the Panama Canal Zone to Managua to safeguard the stability of the Somoza regime after the earthquake that destroyed the city. Early in the 1960s the United States also launched the abortive invasion of Cuba. 1978: The United States attempted to impose a mediation policy in Nicaragua to preserve the system and prevent the triumph of the people's Sandinist movement. 1979: The United States Secretary of State, at the Seventeenth Meeting of Consultation of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Organization of American States, requested military intervention in Nicaragua to frustrate the Sandinist people's success. American helicopters landed in Costa Rica, in accordance with a plan to interfere in our war of liberation. 1981: The United States sent military advisers, military helicopters and war material to El Salvador and Honduras. It cut loans to our country for development and for the purchase of food by $81.1 million. It allowed the training of former Somoza guards in military camps in the state of Florida. It ratified the Saccio-Vazquez Carrizosa Treaty as an act of provocation against Nicaragua. And it began with Honduras the "Halcon Vista" military maneuvers.
40. Two days ago Colonel Samuel Dickens, an American officer and a member of the Council of the Inter American Defense Board, stated on arrival in Tegucigalpa that the "Halcon Vista" military maneuvers were but a sample and that the Ignited States was ready to give its support to Honduras in a war against Nicaragua and to attack the people and the Revolutionary Government of Nicaragua. His lack of respect did not stop there. He also attacked the Government or Honduras because it proclaimed that it was neutral vis-a-vis neighbors like Nicaragua and a guerrilla war such as that in El Salvador, He also attacked the Governments of Mexico and France. All this accompanied the arrival in Puerto Cortes on the Atlantic coast of Honduras of the United States amphibian vessel U.S.S. Fort Snelling with 500 Marines, three patrol boats, a tugboat and military material. There also arrived at the same time at San Pedro de Sula, Honduras, two observation aircraft of the United States Air Force coming from the Panama Canal Zone.
41.	What can we call all this?
42.	The United States continues to try to use Central American territory as it did in the 1960s to attack Cuba now to attack Nicaragua.
43.	Acts of aggression, interference, pressure and blackmail have never ceased. Respect for the sovereignty of our countries has never been obtained from the United States. The expansionist thinking of the last century, the gunboat treaties, the big-stick policy, have emerged again.
44.	Is this the kind of history that will repeat itself in Central America?
45.	Our peoples are ready to respond as Sandino did to any attempt at direct or indirect aggression, either in Nicaragua or in El Salvador. We all know that the threat of invasion is directed first and foremost against those two peoples.
46.	Will that interventionist policy continue to be imposed on the will of the people of the United States?
47.	Will the policy of sustaining, arming and defending in Central America such criminal regimes as those of Carias, Ubico, Hernandez, Martinez and Somoza continue to be imposed? It would appear so, according to the nostalgic words of a representative of the United States who, when passing through Peru, affirmed that she would prefer Somoza in power in Nicaragua rather than the Sandinists.
48.	How far will economic aggression, hand in hand with military aggression, against Nicaragua go? Will the policy of interventionism in Central America again be imposed with impunity? Will the United States continue to promote a wrongheaded policy in Central America, leading to an explosive regional crisis that will make worse an already difficult international situation?
49.	We wish to state yet again our firm position on this question. We want peace, but not at the cost of freedom. We do not want war, but if war is waged against us we shall resist with a people's war. We believe that although the picture is sombre and the outlook threatening, there is still time to stop the warmongers.
50.	Central America demands changes. The revolutionaries and the Central American patriots are promoting those changes, and the Central American peoples are ready to bring them about. The just war being waged by the heroic people of El Salvador demands a true solution, one that cannot be obtained through election^ based on bloodshed, one that cannot be obtained through paramilitary groups, one that cannot be obtained through ever greater intervention by the United States, one that cannot be obtained through genocide.
51.	It is for those reasons that, in our quest above all for a stabilizing solution in the area, the Sandinist Government of Nicaragua applauds the declaration made by Mexico and France on 28 August concerning the search for a political solution in El Salvador through dialog between the belligerents.
52.	We also welcome the resolution on the situation regarding human rights in El Salvador and the possible ways and means of achieving a political solution, adopted at the 68th InterParliamentary Conference, which met at Havana from 15 to 23 September 1981 [see AJ36/584, annex]; the proposed resolution on Central America and the Caribbean put forward by the Socialist International, meeting at Paris in September; and the final declaration of the meeting of intellectuals for the sovereignty of the peoples of our America, held at Havana from 4 to 8 September, which also relates to the struggle of the Salvadorian people.
53.	We said that we were the bearers of a specific proposal to assist Central America in its struggle for peace in the world. That is why today we fulfill the duty demanded of us by historic circumstances and inform you, Mr. President, and the representatives in the Assembly of the nations of the earth of the proposals conveyed to us by the Salvadorian patriots.
54.	But first we should like to say that there is among us, accompanying the delegation of Nicaragua, the President of the Democratic Revolutionary Front of El Salvador and member of the Joint Political Commission of the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and of the Revolutionary Democratic Front, comrade Guillermo Manuel Ungo.
55.	The proposals are dated 4 October 1981 and addressed to Commander of the Revolution Daniel Ortega Saavedra, Coordinator of the Junta Government of National Reconstruction of Nicaragua. They are as follows:
"The Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front authorize you to convey to the thirty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly and to the peoples of the world our proposals concerned with possible peace talks aimed at solving the crisis at present afflicting our country.
"The following is the text of our proposals:
" 'The Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Democratic Revolutionary Front address the international community and peoples of the world because they consider the United Nations to be the expression of the principles of peace, justice and equality among States and peoples and therefore the appropriate forum in which to express the aspirations of the people of El Salvador and its representative organizations, the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front.
" 'May we first of all express our gratitude for the many expressions of solidarity with the struggle of
our people which we have received from Governments, as well as from organizations and political, social and religious personalities, throughout our struggle. We wish especially to express our gratitude to the Governments and peoples of Mexico and France for their solidarity, for they have recognized our organizations as representative political forces. May we also express our thanks for the comments and proposals of most of the countries of the international community in support of a political solution.
" 'If today our people, directed by the Farabundo Marti Front and the Revolutionary Democratic Front, are involved in armed struggle it is because regimes of oppression and repression have closed the peaceful channels for change, leaving to the people as the sole legitimate alternative in its quest for liberation the recourse armed struggle, die exercise of the universal and constitutional right to resort to rebellion against unlawful and bloodthirsty authority.
" 'Our way is therefore a just and necessary war to build peace and bring about equality among all Salvadorians.
" 'However, what we want is peace, and to achieve it we are proposing a political solution the objectives of which would be the end of the war and the establishment of a new economic and political order that will ensure for all Salvadorians the enjoyment of their rights as citizens and a life worthy of human beings.
" 'All this supports our express will to open a dialog with the civilian and military representatives to be designated by the Junta through a process of peace talks.
" 'We intend to base those peace talks, which reaffirm our commitment to seek and implement a political solution, on the following general principles:
" '1. They will be carried out between delegates appointed by the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front and representatives of the Government Junta of El Salvador.
to
" '2. They will be conducted in the presence of Governments which, as witnesses, will contribute to the solution of the dispute.
" '3. They will be comprehensive in nature, encompassing the fundamental aspects of the conflict on the basis of an agenda to be drawn up by both sides.
" '4. The people of El Salvador must be informed of every development.
" '5. The talks will be opened without either of the two parties establishing prior conditions.
" 'In an effort to ensure a basis that will bring /about a political solution, the Farabundo Marti Front
and the Revolutionary Democratic Front express the will to discuss the following points:
" '(a) The definition of a new political, economic and juridical order which will make possible and encourage the full democratic participation of the various political, social and economic sectors, especially the marginal ones. Elections will be an important element of the mechanism of participation and representation of the population.
" (b) The restructuring of the armed forces on the base of the officers and men of the present army who are not responsible for crimes of genocide against the people and the integration of the officers and men of the Farabundo Marti Front.
" 'Our Fronts regard elections as a valid and necessary instrument for the expression of the will of the people, providing there are the necessary conditions and a climate that will enable our citizens freely to express their will. In El Salvador at present the electoral process does not fill those requirements, since the repressive apparatus of the regime which murders trade union and political leaders and activists, persecutes the progressive elements of the church and is daily responsible for the physical elimination of dozens of citizens remains intact. Similarly, martial law and press censorship are still in force, and there has been an increase in the war against the people with the aid of weapons and advisers sent by the Government of the United States.
" 'A political solution is necessary for our people, for the stability of the region, for peace and security among nations. This means that Governments must scrupulously respect the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of other peoples. That is why we are directly addressing the Government of the United States and asking it to cease its military intervention in El Salvador, since that intervention runs counter to the interests of the Salvadorian and American peoples and endangers peace and security in Central America.
" 'Our proposal meets the calls for justice in accordance with the purest principles of international law and the interests of the nations and peoples of the world in the quest for a peaceful settlement of the causes of hotbeds of tension. In their efforts the Salvadorian people express their confidence in the understanding, participation and support of the international community in the achievement of their right to peace, freedom and independence.' "
The document is signed by the Unified Revolutionary Direction of the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Executive Committee of the Revolutionary Democratic Front.
56. We are convinced that this appeal for justice, this appeal for peace, will be recognized by all those Governments that are truly concerned with the fundamental rights of mankind. In the name of the dead, in the name of the tortured, in the name of the illiterate, in the name of the hungry, in the name of the exploited, let this initiative not be in vain; let the forces of reason and love, the forces of peace, triumph once again over the irrational forces.


My delegation joins with others who have spoken before me in congratulating Mr. Kittani on his election to the post of President of the
thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. His task is not an easy one, but we are confident that his deep and extensive experience in international diplomacy acquits him well for the task before him. My delegation pledges its support to his leadership.
261.	I should also like to express my delegation's appreciation of the excellent leadership given to the
thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly by its President, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany. His record is one of which this Assembly can justifiably be proud and is a credit both to him and to his country.
262.	No amount of congratulations can ever be enough to express our. deep sense of gratitude for the thankless but important job that the SecretaryGeneral and his Secretariat staff are doing. Theirs is a difficult task more prone to criticism than appreciation. But that the United Nations has been able to make positive progress in many aspects of its work in the past decade despite repeated assaults on its principles is a credit to Mr. Waldheim's quiet but incisive leadership and the dedication of his staff.
263.	During this session this community of nations has had the very pleasant task of welcoming Vanuatu and Belize as the one hundred fifty-fifth and one hundred fifty-sixth Members, respectively, of the United Nations. Vanuatu is a sister State in the South Pacific. It and Belize, like many States Members of the Organization, including my own, are beautiful but small. Their membership in the United Nations is an investment in hope and peace. My delegation therefore most sincerely welcomes those two countries and looks forward to working closely with them in the years ahead.
264.	This session of the General Assembly, more than any other convened in the past, is taking place at a very critical juncture in the history of the United Nations. I say critical because the world Organization is increasingly challenged and its efforts are frustrated by the lack of alternatives to deal with the realities of an evolving global geopolitical system, a system which is complex and demands a high degree of skill in statesmanship, ingenuity and foresight to maintain it perhaps more than was the case when the United Nations was first founded 36 years ago.
265.	The increase in the membership, largely by the addition of former dependent territories, which in gaining sovereignty wish to control their own destiny, was bound to alter the basis of international relations.
266.	The need of newly independent countries to develop social and economic policies mo.e consistent with their socioeconomic aspirations was bound to lead to a demand for the alteration of the basis of international economic relations. The rapid rate at which the process of decolonization has freed people from colonial tutelage was bound to be contagious for the remaining colonies.
267.	Those developments, as events have shown, have their effect on the adjustments some more radical and revolutionary than others that countries have had to make in their social, economic, political and legal systems. That those changes have taken place in a very brief period of time is to be applauded, as along with them has come a greater degree of freedom and awareness.
268.	I need not restate the fact that the emergent geopolitical picture in the largely free world of today calls for a revision of the basis of traditional international relations, a modification cognizant of the roles of Member States, no matter what their size, in the resolution of challenges which confront the United Nations, a modification which recognizes the desire of Member States, however disadvantaged by traditional and current international economic arrangements, to participate effectively on a basis of equity in any new global economic system and a modification which respects the right of sovereign States, no matter how weak and small they may be, to determine their own future.
269.	Challenges which face the United Nations are translated into problems because the Members' conceptions of those challenges have remained linked to or have moved very little away from traditional ways of resolving them.
270.	Unemployment, poverty and hunger are still predominantly looked upon as the consequences of the individual's failure to "make it", despite the inflationary nature of economies, over which the individual has little or no control, and the annual expenditure of hundreds of billions of dollars on armaments while millions go hungry.
271.	Refugees continue to be pushed beyond national boundaries and on to rivers and seas, despite the United Nations commitments to human rights. Weak, small and politically divided countries are still invaded and militarily subjugated in the face of declarations by Member States that they will respect the principles of sovereignty, noninterference in internal affairs and the inadmissibility of the use
of force.
272.	Realization of the political aspirations of dependent Territories to be free is still delayed, and those aspirations continue to be discussed in the context of the security of others.
273.	Despite the significance and the almost indispensable role of third-world countries in the economies of industrialized nations, the former are still not recognized in an economic relationship that is equitable and fair.
274.	In spite of the antiquity of the concept of settling international disputes through wars and the very real likelihood of the annihilation of mankind if a world war were to occur, nations still continue to arm themselves to the teeth, and with weapons whose lethality is well known.
275.	In an age in which the world can more than at any time in its history rightly boast of innumerable important achievements in both the quantitative and qualitative sense, it seems inconsistent and incongruent that world political leadership continues in its traditional path, apparently lacking the incisive skills, sophistication and enlightenment which would bring mankind the benefits of those achievements.
276.	I should like to illustrate that fact by commenting very briefly on the progress, or more appropriately the lack of progress, in the field of disarmament.
277.	The major conclusions of the Disarmament Commission in its report to this session of the General Assembly contain very little that can engender hope for the future peace of the world. In its observations the Disarmament Commission has noted the deterioration in international relations as constituting a serious threat to world peace and stability. The Commission further observes:
"Among the greatest perils facing the world today is the threat of destruction as a result of nuclear war. The increase in weapons, especially nuclear weapons, far from helping to strengthen international security, on the contrary, weakens it.
"The Commission i? of the conviction that the arms race, in particular the nuclear arms race, runs counter to efforts to achieving further relaxation of international tensions." [See A/36/42, para. 19.]
278.	Noting also that the most recent agreements on strategic arms control between the two most heavily armed nuclear-weapon States remain un-ratified, the Commission deplored the fact that military expenditures are reaching even higher levels, and emphasized the necessity of releasing such resources to much-needed economic and social development.
279.	The message that appears to be patently clear from the report of the Disarmament Commission is that the present doctrines of balance and equilibrium as the basis for disarmament, and the traditional approach of formal negotiation and ratification of treaties and conventions, are ineffective and unnecessarily laborious. Clearly there is a need to consider alternative approaches.
280.	The disillusionment and discontent that the Disarmament Commission points to pervade all other areas of our disarmament efforts. My delegation, together with other nations of the Pacific, has stated continuously over the years, here in the United Nations and elsewhere, that the cessation of all nuclear weapons testing everywhere was and remains a matter of the highest priority as an effort towards total disarmament. That our efforts, especially in the South Pacific, have met with little success is perhaps only indicative of the rate of progress that has so far been achieved in our global efforts to halt the arms race. My Government is committed to the cessation of nuclear testing and of the dumping of nuclear wastes in the Pacific and other parts of the world, and will continue to work towards the realization of the Organization's ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament.
281.	In a situation where nuclear nations are unable to declare themselves publicly as accepting a reasonable level of disarmament, or to agree to alternative approaches to their escalating arms race, it is a very tempting proposition indeed to suggest that an alternative might lie in nonnuclear nations deciding to withdraw their support from international disarmament forums, where they have provided the respectability of internationalism to unimplementable treaties, agreements and conventions. Concurrently, those non nuclear nations which are capable of doing so might wish to develop their own programs of nuclear armament.
282.	While these propositions might result in jolting nuclear nations out of their complacency, and might enable them to see the extremely dangerous consequences of their nuclear arms race, these are clearly irresponsible alternatives not to be pursued seriously. It is, however, becoming increasingly clear that any disarmament breakthroughs are not going to come from conventional thinking and approaches. More likely, as suggested by the Stanley Foundation in its analysis of the programs of the second special session on disarmament, they are going to result from approaches such as moratoriums, independent initiatives, non binding norms, confidence building measures and regional activities.
283.	With regard to the international economic situation, events during the year and efforts at launching a new round of global negotiations relating to international economic cooperation for development have not led to progress, despite the tireless efforts of the President of the
thirty-fifth session of the^General Assembly. We cannot help but express our grave concern at not having arrived at a final consensus directed towards the goal of eventually replacing an obsolete economic system, which is at variance with conditions prevailing today, by one that is based on equity and is more responsive to the needs of both the developing and industrialized countries.
284.	However, my delegation remains optimistic that through dialog, flexibility on all sides, political will and unity in action, consensus will emerge in the coming months. We air hopeful that the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, to be held at Cancun, will give fresh impetus and facilitate the launching of global negotiation?. Sensible cooperation among all nations of the world, both rich and poor, is the only way to take up today's global economic challenge and establish a new international' economic order.
285.	The recently concluded tenth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is another example of the NorthSouth dialog that represents more than eight years of negotiations, but even at this concluding stage cooperation and the political will are still sadly lacking. Through the years, the Conference, in its ability to find acceptable compromises between East and West, between the superPowers, and between the developed and developing nations, came to be regarded as a successful example of NorthSouth dialog.
286.	In envisaging a new system for the exploitation of the enormous resources of the seabed outside national boundaries, the area which the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly proclaimed by consensus as the common heritage of mankind [resolution 2749 (XXV)], we thought the international community was at last at the threshold of a new era of cooperation in global negotiations. But efforts in recent months have been frustrated by a demand for a complete review of the draft convention, a move my delegation cannot but view with dismay. Perhaps, more than any other countries, it is the island nations such as Fiji, dependent to a considerable degree on the resources of the sea for their economic growth and development, that look to the early conclusion of all the negotiations on outstanding issues and the signing of the Final Act in Caracas in September next year. Like other Member States in the Group of 77, my country is resolved to conclude the long drawn out negotiations in 1982, and would appeal for a greater sense of accommodation than has been shown thus far, so that the Conference can complete the task of codifying the convention.
287.	The political will and mutual cooperation that my delegation speaks of was resolutely exercised last year when consensus was reached on the adoption of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [General Assembly resolution 35/56]. It was a milestone and an excellent example of positive achievement in the field of international development cooperation.
288.	My delegation, in welcoming the adoption of the International Development Strategy, wishes to stress that the significance of the strategy will depend on the commitment of Governments to act positively and with determination and by adequate policy measures to reach its goals and objectives. We attach great importance to the fulfillment of the provisions of the Strategy, for in cur view it would have a beneficial impact on the overall economic and social development of developing countries.
289.	An area of grave discontent for many developing countries has for some time been international trade. Trade is seen by developing countries like Fiji as an engine for growth. It is vital to our economies, and especially so for those countries whose economies are based on a limited number of primary commodities. Our Pacific economies are small, and we are too dependent on a small number of commodities. We are still developing reliable, viable alternatives.
290.	The openness of the Fiji economy necessitates close monitoring of the international situation. The present state of the world economy continues to constrain our own economy. Double-digit inflation, unemployment, the mounting burden of debt servicing, growing protectionism in international trade and the uncertainties brought about by the fluctuations in the international monetary system continue to plague our development efforts.
291.	Fiji has also suffered severely from the effects of the world recession. We, along with many other third world countries, are heavily dependent on the export of two main primary commodities, in our case sugar and copra. Any price fluctuations in world commodity markets have serious effects on our economies. The earning from tourism has of late also been hit by recession in the tourist generating countries. Being very mindful that the heavy dependence on our two primary commodities makes our economy very vulnerable to external factors, we have made determined efforts during the past .decade at diversification into areas that are employment-generating and foreign exchange creating or saving, such as the agricultural sector, fisheries and the forest industry. But our immediate prospects for 1981 do not appear bright.
292.	International trade is vital to our economy. In this context, the best form of aid which countries could give us would be to provide us with access to assured markets for the exports of not only our primary products but also our manufactured goods, at fair and remunerative prices. For some island developing countries exports have traditionally exceeded imports by wide margins. We wish the present imbalance in trade to be narrowed through some sort of reciprocity. The internal market for our products is small, and our overseas markets are vast distances from us. Moreover, our trading difficulties are compounded by the problems that arise from our geographical location and our insularity. Increased accessibility of our products to overseas markets at remunerative prices is therefore important to our economic growth. The fight against protectionism is of particular significance to developing countries that are seeking markets for their exports.
293.	The High Level Conference on Economic  Cooperation among Developing Countries, held at Caracas in May 1981, therefore represents an important achievement in the promotion of collective self-reliance and economic cooperation among developing countries.
294.	Regional trade and economic cooperation are of growing importance to us. The meetings of the Twelfth South Pacific Forum, held in Vanuatu in August 1981, have helped our South Pacific partners in solving many regional trade issues by working in cooperation with each other. We are encouraged to note that some genuine efforts have been made in the direction of regional trade among the South Pacific countries.
295.	The recently concluded South Pacific Regional Trade and Economic Cooperation Agreement is an important beginning for us in our trading relationships with New Zealand and Australia. The facility made available by this Agreement through the cooperation of those two countries is most welcomed and deeply appreciated.
296.	We also note with sincere appreciation that under the Lome Convention the countries of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group [ACP] have a wide range of goods which enjoy duty-free and unrestricted access into the markets of the European Community countries on a nonreciprocal basis. The Lome Convention also includes arrangements for assisting ACP countries in investment and trade promotion and also during natural disaster situations. Indeed, the Lome II Convention is a significant step forward towards closer links in the areas of trade and cooperation amongst island developing countries. An important aspect of the Lome Convention is the fact that there is constant dialog through negotiations between equal partners on the basis of mutual interest and advantage.
297.	All nations, large and small, have had to cope with the financial stresses caused by the energy crisis of the 1970s and the mounting trade deficits as the cost of oil has skyrocketed. These events have highlighted the need for conservation measures and the search for alternative and renewable sources of energy. My Government is pleased to note the consensus reached at the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi in August 1981, on the program of Action 10 designed to achieve and accelerate an orderly energy transition from the present international economy based primarily on hydrocarbons to one based on new and renewable sources of energy. My delegation is hopeful that the ideals embodied in the Nairobi program of Action will be translated into reality through genuine global support and collaboration.
298.	In the world political arena, the international community has been occupied with a series of issues for a number of years. In the Middle East, a satisfactory solution continues to elude us. Because of that problem's serious implications for peace and stability and its continuing effect on the global economic situation, it is imperative that all efforts be directed towards the attainment of a just and comprehensive solution.
299.	As regards the fundamental principles that should guide the search for such a solution, the position of my delegation remains as follows. First, Israel must withdraw from all territories occupied since 1967 in accordance with the appropriate resolutions of the United Nations, including Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Secondly, there must be a satisfactory resolution of the Palestine question, which remains at the heart of the Middle East conflict. Thirdly, there must be recognition on a reciprocal basis by the parties directly concerned of each other's legitimate concerns, including the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and statehood and recognition of Israel's right to exist as a State and its security needs. Lastly, a political solution must be achieved through dialog and consultations between the parties concerned.
300.	Having stated our position briefly, we must also stress the need for an end to those policies that place obstacles in the search for a comprehensive solution that is just and durable. In this context, we would like to associate ourselves with the concern expressed in Security Council resolution 487 (1981) over the recent Israeli air raids on an Iraqi nuclear reactor. My delegation also views the Israeli policy of creating settlements in occupied territories and its unilateral actions to alter the status of the international City of Jerusalem as constituting serious impediments to the peace process. Moreover, we believe that, given goodwill on all sides, Israel's security apprehensions could be reconciled with the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people . My delegation sincerely hopes that no efforts will be spared in the search for a peaceful solution to this longstanding problem which has caused suffering to many.
301.	The situation in Lebanon remains a matter of concern because of its serious implications for peace and security. We are also aware that setbacks in the peace process in the Middle East tend to spill over into Lebanon, thus causing instability and tragic loss of life and property. Yet this need not be so, for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon should be fully respected.
302.	A peacekeeping force was dispatched to Lebanon in 1978 in the expectation that it would assist the return to normal in the area. Because of Fiji's abiding commitment to the principles of the Charter regarding peace and security, we chose to contribute to this important international peacekeeping effort. Yet we find that UNIFIL is often prevented from discharging its mandate fully because of provocative raids, which inevitably lead to instability and unjustifiable destruction of life and property. Following such an unfortunate sequence of events, a ceasefire in Lebanon was achieved recently. However, the volatility of the situation underlines the need for all to continue to exercise maximum restraint so as to permit the consolidation of the ceasefire arrangement.
303.	The view is also widely shared that UNIFIL has proved to be a practical means of conflict control which, if given the necessary support, could contribute further to the wider political and diplomatic objectives of our Organization. And yet our ability to maintain our services with UNIFIL often has to be assessed in terms of the financial burden that it imposes, particularly on a small developing country such as mine. What is therefore urgent is that the regularity of reimbursements be maintained and that the accumulated arrears of reimbursable amounts, which in the case of my country run into millions of dollars, be sharply reduced. Moreover, the existing rates of reimbursements should be regularly reviewed so as to ensure that they remain fair and equitable. As peacekeeping is a collective responsibility, it is important, in our view, for all to pay the assessed contributions.
304.	The situation in Afghanistan, which was first considered by the Assembly some two years ago, regrettably continues to engage our attention. Last year the Assembly adopted by a wide margin resolution 35/37, which, in brief, calls for the withdrawal of foreign troops and provides the key elements of a political solution. Moreover, it also addresses itself to the related matter of refugees. While the objectives of that resolution are yet to be realized, we are nevertheless aware of some efforts being made towards that end. In this regard, my delegation particularly welcomes the initiative of our SecretaryGeneral. We trust that circumstances will permit the continuation of such efforts as are designed to bring about a negotiated settlement of the Afghan question.
305.	In Kampuchea, too, attempts to deal with the political and humanitarian dimensions of the question continue. As late as July of this year, an International Conference on Kampuchea was convened at the United Nations in pursuance of General Assembly resolution 35/6, with a view to encouraging a comprehensive political settlement of the problem. The Declaration of the Conference, which was adopted by consensus, specifies the components of a just and lasting settlement on which the negotiating process could be based. We sincerely hope that that important decision will provide the necessary impetus for an early settlement of the problem. My delegation remains convinced that a negotiated settlement achieved through the participation of the parties to the conflict would enhance peace and stability in the region. It would also help alleviate the sad plight of the refugees.
306.	Also with regard to Asia, we continue to support any initiatives aimed at the peaceful reunification of the Koreas, and in this regard we take cognizance of the recent efforts made by South Korea.
307.	Similarly, in Cyprus, we urge the continuation of the inter-communal talks, under the auspices of the Secretary General, and we hope that positive results will soon emanate from those discussions.
308.	Perhaps the single most important accomplishment of the United Nations is in the area of decolonization. Since its inception, the United Nations has facilitated the independence of millions, resulting in the trebling of the membership of the Organization. However, the international community remains short of its_desired goal of universality of membership, since colonialism still exists.
309.	Because the process of decolonization is incomplete in our region, the matter was discussed at the recently convened meeting of the South Pacific Forum countries in the Republic of Vanuatu. At that meeting the Forum reaffirmed that the principle of self-determination and independence applied to all dependent territories in the Pacific Islands.
310.	My delegation remains fully committed to that important decision, since it is compatible with the principles of decolonization that are contained in the Charter and in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples contained in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. In the pursuance of our commonly shared objectives we shall continue to be guided by the Pacific way, an approach that aims to find solutions to difficult questions through a process of dialog and consultations. It remains our earnest hope that this approach will be fully respected, thus enabling us to contribute towards ending the sad chapter of colonialism, wherever it may occur.
311.	We view the remaining cases of colonialism in the same context. In the case of Namibia, for instance, our position remains as stated during the recently convened eighth emergency special session [5th meeting]. Briefly, therefore, my delegation reiterates its support for an internationally acceptable solution on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We are mindful of the continuing efforts being made in this regard, including those by the western contact group. However, in order to expedite the speedy and full implementation of resolution 435 (1978), it is imperative that South Africa abandon its ill-advised military policies within and beyond Namibia.
312.	Violations of human rights continue to be a destabilizing factor in the world today. Human rights situations have not only failed to improve, but continue to deteriorate in many parts of the world.
313.	The injustices created by the many forms of human rights violations, in particular the repression of the legitimate aspirations of peoples, pose a major threat to international peace and security. People of the same racial origin, religious faith or political belief are made victims ,of persecution, and even entire nations are  deprived of their inalienable right to self-determination and are forced to live under the yoke of colonialism, alien domination or foreign occupation.
314.	The question of apartheid in South Africa remains a matter of priority concern for the international community. Throughout its history the United Nations has rejected racism and racial discrimination in all its forms and manifestations. To our deep regret, however, we find that several excesses, including repressions, continue under the repugnant system of apartheid. Moreover, those that attempt to oppose the inhuman system are systematically denied their most fundamental human rights. My delegation firmly supports the persistent calls for the abandonment of the apartheid system in favor of genuine majority rule. It is to be hoped that South Africa will soon see" the wisdom of this course of action. Being a multiracial country, we firmly believe that all can participate in the national life of a country on the basis of full equality, freedom and human dignity.
315.	Despite the continuing progress being made in the United Nations system towards the formulation of appropriate international norms, and the efforts of the world body to ensure compliance with them, my delegation has noted with concern that United Nations debates on human rights issues have more often than not been motivated by international politics rather than by selfless humanitarian concerns. In our view, unless the United Nations succeeds in preventing human rights violations, there will be a continuous and persistent deterioration of the world situation.
316.	In conclusion, I wish to return to the point made at the beginning of this statement, that is that, in our efforts to resolve major international issues that confront this community of nations, a much better spirit of cooperation and accommodation and a greater degree of sensitivity to the needs and rights of others are more urgently needed now than ever before. For it is only through determined and sustained efforts towards this end by all nations that we shall be nearer to what the United Nations in 1945 charted for our future: the creation of a new world order based upon the rule of law, peace and justice and respect for fundamental human rights.