 On behalf of ray delegation, I join all those who have spoken before me in offering ray sincere congratulations to Mr. Choudhury, of Bangladesh, on his election as President of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. My delegation is aware of the outstanding diplomatic skills and vast experience which he brings with him to this high office. I am, therefore, confident that under his guidance the Assembly will be able to deal successfully with all matters that come before it. I should like to assure him of my delegation's fullest support and co-operation at all times.
I also take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Jaime de Pinies, of Spain, for the outstanding way in which he presided over the last session of the General Assembly. The fortieth session of the General Assembly was historic, marking as it did the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. Thus, apart from guiding the Assembly in deliberating over the important items on its agenda, Mr. de Pinies also presided over the celebrations marking the fortieth anniversary and the special session on the critical economic situation in Africa. He accomplished all these tasks most successfully. In congratulating him we also want to express to him our best wishes for his future endeavors.  My delegation is pleased to see Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our Secretary-General, back at work and in good health after his recent hospitalization. Allow me also to express my Government's appreciation for the personal efforts of the Secretary-General, as well as for the work undertaken by his office during the past 12 months in the cause of international peace. While it is true, of course, that areas of tension and conflict in the various regions of the world remain, I believe it is equally true that it is because of the Secretary-General* s initiatives, as well as his personal intervention, that many of these conflicts have been prevented from escalating to more dangerous levels; and, in some cases, inter-State tensions have also been prevented from developing into open conflicts. My Government has also noted with satisfaction the Secretary-General's continuing efforts in seeking to promote international co-operation not only in the political sphere but also in the fields of social and economic development., I should like to assure the Secretary-General and his staff of the continued support of the Malawi Government.
My Government was among those that welcomed the summit meeting last year between the leaders of the two super-Powers. We welcomed it because we hoped that it might lead to an easing of the atmosphere of tension and reduce the mistrust which had built up as a result of the absence of dialog between the two leaders. Reports that the discussions between them were cordial and constructive ware encouraging. It was also encouraging to learn that they would meet again in 1986. Thus it appeared that the year 1986, which the General Assembly had designated the International Year of Peace, would start off on a very positive note. Until last week, however, it seemed that our hopes had been misplaced, as confrontation appeared to replace dialog. We therefore welcome the news of the agreement to resume dialog and we look forward to the results of another summit meeting between the two leaders.
We welcomed the summit meeting last year because we hoped that it might not only lead to a resumption of suspended arms reduction negotiations between the two super-Powers themselves but also give momentum to arms reduction and general disarmament talks which had been going on in other forums.
We believe that there is a correlation between international tension and conflict and the relationship between the two super-Powers. That is why my delegation is convinced of the need for the two Powers to continue talking positively to each other. However, dialog between the super-Powers cannot by itself guarantee international peace and security. There ought to be a willingness and a determination on the part of all countries in the world - large and small, powerful and weak - also to cultivate habits and actions that are conducive to the maintenance of peace and security.
In this regard I am pleased to inform the Assembly that as part of its contribution towards achieving those ends the Government of Malawi recently acceded to the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty.
My delegation believes that a halt, or even just a significant slow-down, in the arms race would not only release vast financial resources but also enable the countries concerned to redirect the invaluable technical knowledge and capital now employed in manufacturing the vehicles of destruction. The resources so released could be better used in exploiting and developing the enormous natural and human resources that remain untapped in the world, particularly in the developing countries.
Just as Malawi believes that disarmament is important for the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security, so too it believes that adherence to the universal principles of respect by States for each other's sovereignty and non-interference in one another's internal affairs is vital.
In our view the use of coercion in any form is unacceptable, as is the use of military force-in solving inter-State differences, for we do not believe that the sovereignty of a country should depend on its military and economic power or on its size.
It is sad to note that there are still areas in the world where people continue to be denied the fundamental right to self-determination and the right to choose their own leaders and their preferred system of government. They continue to be denied those rights by external forces that have assumed for themselves the power to determine for others how, and by whom, they shall be governed.
My Government continues to support the principle of the right of self-determination for all peoples. We believe every people has a right to choose its own leader and system of government. We therefore continue to follow the Secretary-General's efforts in the search for a solution to the problem of Cyprus, whose Greek and Turkish communities remain divided as a result of foreign intervention. It is our hope that a solution will be found which satisfies the concerns and aspirations of both sides, so that both communities may once more direct all their energies and resources to developing their country, free from fear of external interference.
Similarly, we have followed moves to secure self-determination for other countries in other regions of the world still under foreign occupation. In this regard the Malawi Government has continued to follow with sadness developments in our own region. For example, the question of Namibia is a matter of great disappointment. Twenty years after the ruling by the International Court of Justice on the constitutional status of Namibia and eight yeara after the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the people of that Territory have not yet seen their aspirations to independence and self-determination fulfilled. We remain convinced that that resolution provides the most reasonable basis for a lasting and just solution of this problem. We note with satisfaction that the recent special session of the General Assembly on Namibia reaffirmed the validity of resolution 435 (1978) and we therefore call on all the parties concerned to implement the resolution without unnecessary delay.
We have witnessed the sad and futile determination by the authorities in South Africa to enforce, at the cost of great human suffering and loss of life, a principle which has been universally declared to be morally unacceptable. Malawi has repeatedly and publicly declared its abhorrence of apartheid. We can find neither religious nor moral justification for a system under which one section of a society, let alone a Government, denies another the right to equal social, economic and political opportunity solely on the basis of color and race.
Malawi believes that all South Africans - blade, white and brown - belong together and have a common destiny. Together, they can have, and build, a non-racial society and a corn try that is very successful economically. In spite of the developments in recent months, we believe that there is still an opportunity not only for the people of South Africa to have their nation from further suffering but also to find a solution that will bring peace, justice and a healing of wounds. Such a solution can still be achieved if all parties can sit together and work out a formula for equitable sharing of political power.
In the Middle Bast the situation continues to give cause for concern. Peace continues to be elusive. Various recent initiatives aimed at resuscitating dialog between the various parties have either been stillborn or have foundered on the rocks of the intractable positions of the parties concerned. Meanwhile, one has again begun to hear calls to arms.
The issues at the core of the Middle East question are well known to all Members of the Assembly, and there is no need for me to repeat them here. I merely want to say that, in our view, no solution to the problem can bring about a lasting peace that does not take account of the legitimate needs and aspirations of all the various peoples in the region. It is clear that no solution imposed on the parties concerned has any chance of success. Malawi continues to value the principle of contact and dialog which, in our view, is the best way towards finding lasting solutions. This necessarily requires that the parties to a dispute be prepared to listen to each other and to have a genuine spirit of give and take.
At a time when many developing countries, particularly in Africa, continue to grapple with problems created by natural calamities over which they have no control, such as drought, my Government has been encouraged by the international goodwill demonstrated by the relief aid provided by the world's countries both individually and collectively, to the affected areas. But more important has been the recent realization that ability to deal with such phenomena requires long-term strategies that aim not only at alleviating the results of immediate disasters but also at enhancing the economic development of the developing countries so that they are better able to meet such predicaments on their own. We welcome that development.
In this context I should like to refer to the General Assembly's special session on the critical economic situation in Africa held here in May 1986. When the idea of holding such a special session was first mooted, it seemed to have been viewed by some with much cynicism. Nothing such, apparently, was expected to come of it. Indeed, even as the session was in progress one heard much about how nothing was being achieved. However, by the end of the special session it was clear that success had bees* achieved.
The success of the special session certainly cannot be measured by hew many millions of dollars the international community undertook to give towards resolving Africa's economic crisis. Rather, it must be measured, in the first instance, by the commitment, which was so clearly expressed in the report of the special session, by the international community to give all assistance towards implementation of the African Priority Program for Economic Recovery (APPER).
APPER stands as a testimony to our leaders' recognition of past shortcomings and to their genuine desire to adopt mare pragmatic economic strategies for the future. We are convinced that Africa is ready to shoulder its responsibilities and to play its role fully in the implementation of APPER.
My delegation would be remiss were it not to take this opportunity to express here our appreciation of the part played by the Secretary-General and the Secretariat, not only in ensuring the convening of the special session, but also in facilitating its success. Indeed, I should also like to express, on behalf of my delegation our appreciation of the role played by the United Nations, through its various organs, in the promotion of economic development among its developing Member states. It is for that reason that we were pleased to note the success of the meetings of the Governing Council of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in June and, soon after, of the Economic and Social Council.
The Malawi Government is most grateful for the assistance it has received and continues to receive from the United Nations. That assistance, together with the aid we have received from other multilateral and bilateral donors, has greatly contributed towards Malawi's development efforts. The Malawi Government is determined to eliminate the problems of hunger, disease, poverty and ignorance. I am pleased to be able to state that, with regard to hunger, Malawi has been able to achieve self-sufficiency in food. The people now grow not only sufficient food for domestic consumption but enough for strategic reserves and export.
During the fortieth anniversary celebrations it was most encouraging to hear statement after statement by Heads of States and Governments, ministers and other representatives, reaffirming their faith in the United Nations. We believe that, whatever its shortcomings in certain aspects, the United Nations has been and continues to be a major force for the maintenance of international peace and security and for the promotion of development in all fields.
In that context the universal declaration of faith in the United Nations had led us to expect increased support for and a strengthening of the Organization. It was therefore with much concern that we received the Secretary-General's report on the financial crisis the Organization is facing, one that threatens the ability of the Secretariat to function properly. However, delegation has noted the measures the Secretary-General has adopted to deal in the short term with the immediate effects of the financial crisis, We have also noted that a start has been made in the search for long-term solutions by the High Level Group of Intergovernmental parts appointed to review the administrative and financial functioning of the United Rations, which Group has now submitted its report.
Hy delegation is pleased to note that the report of the High-Level Group will be examined during this session. However, it is our view that if there are to be positive decisions on this natter, good will and sound judgment will be needed -otherwise, the Organization's very existence will be in doubt.
In this regard, Malawi, together with others, will always be ready to play its part in ensuring the survival of the United Nations, in order that it may continue its function of preserving international peace and security as well as promoting economic, social and political development in the world.
The United Nations has faced other, equally serious crises in the past but has overcome them through the determined efforts of all its Members. He are convinced, therefore, that the United Nations will not only overcome the present crisis, but will emerge from it even stronger.


On behalf of the Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, I should like to express our best wishes for the success of the work of the General Assembly at its forty-first session. We bring with us a message of confidence in the United Nations, and the conviction that, today as in 1945, the Organization is the most complete expression of the hope of all peoples for a better world.
"The United Nations for a better world" was indeed the apposite theme chosen by the Assembly to mark the fortieth anniversary commemoration. Like all other anniversaries, that commemoration was a special occasion. By the high level of the delegations present and by their reaffirmation of their adherence to the Charter, irrefutable endorsement was provided for a mission and measures for which there has been no viable substitute or logical alternative in the turbulent world of the community of nations, which we represent here.
Along with reaffirming its ideals, the General Assembly has also taken note of criticism by Member countries with regard to deficiencies in the modus operandi of the Organization. Although reaffirmation of adherence to the purposes and
principles of the Charter and criticism of the united Nations are equally important for the life of the Organization, they carry different weight with us.
Reaffirmation of the Organization's purposes and principles constitutes the fundamental, and most relevant, element of the equation, because renewed adherence to the ideals of the United Nations justifies and gives constructive meaning to the criticism. The criticism itself constitutes, and should be understood as, a commitment to the constant improvement of the Organization. In our view, the criticism should be understood and accepted as the right of each one of us, the Members of the Organization, as interested parties, because the United Nations expresses the will and collective action of its Member countries: any criticism is, after all, self-criticism.
The General Assembly's adoption of resolution 40/237, by which it created the Group of High-level Intergovernmental Experts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations, constituted, in our opinion, the right step towards confronting the serious problems which the present financial crisis represents.
We agree with those who urge us to face the fundamental causes of the crisis and draw attention to the absence of decisive political will as the essential problem. Nevertheless, recognition of such a need should not prevent us from facing the problem in its most>acute manifestations. The financial crisis is here,
and we need to deal with it now.
A careful reading of the report submitted by the high-level Group of Experts is an unquestionable confirmation of our assertion. Beyond interests and intentions whose motivations we question, beyond hard-to-conceal measures which seek to subvert the fundamental principles of the Charter, beyond proposals whose efficacy we question as a viable alternative to the present situation, is the unquestionable fact that adjustments, reforms in methods and institutions, elimination of some practices and.procedures are all required.
To maintain our status quo or limit the range and efficacy of the numerous recommendations included in the report in the name of questionable interests, would be, in our modest opinion, to fall short of our collective responsibility; it would be to put at risk our determination to reform the United Nations into an operative instrument for resolving the problems of our time.
The measure of our success cannot be determined merely by the majorities we attain in the adoption of various resolutions or declarations, but rather by the impact and the actions such resolutions may have on the events which occur beyond the conference rooms of the United Nations.
Thus, the necessary point of departure and the reference point for our deliberations should be the analysis of the effects that such decisions will have on those who will-sake their implementation possible - that is, the Member States and international public opinion,
We believe, for' example, that resolution 1514 (XV) exerted the historic influence that everyone is familiar with, not only because it corresponded to an aspiration shared by the great majority of world public opinion but also because there was a political will for action to put an end to colonialism.
This relationship between our decisions and objective reality is, in our view, indispensable.
The Assembly will recognize with us, however, that many of the resolutions we adopt here do not respect this relationship - hence they fail to be implemented.
The fortieth session adopted, for example, some 353 resolutions covering areas as diverse as outer space and the sea-bed. I wonder how many countries were able to analyze those resolutions and the reference documents, let alone to begin the incrementation process of such measures.
Talleyrand once said that everything that is excessive soon becomes meaningless. We need to ask ourselves the question whether such a great number of resolutions attains the goals to which we aspire. The responsibility for the increase in perennial questions in successive agendas of the United Nations is often attributed, implicitly if not explicitly, to the Member States which joined the Organization as a result of the decolonization process.
We will say on this point that such a situation results from the legitimate exercise of the rights of each country. Secondly, it is important to keep in mind that as participants in a system of international relations characterized until our independence by relationships of dominance and injustice, it is legitimate for us to use the machinery provided in the Charter for the realization of those objectives which the Charter itself calls for.
Our initiatives towards the process of decolonization, the establishment of a more just international economic order, and the progressive development of international law, to cite a few examples, all move in this direction.
If we often repeat ourselves, and if many resolutions are no more than declarations of intent, this does not arise from the deliberate intention to act in this way, but rather from the lack of political will on the part of our partners in assuming their responsibilities under the Charter.
We will refer to the question of Namibia as an example. After more than a decade of deliberations and decisions, it was to be expected that the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) would constitute the final stage in the solution to the Namibian question. To whom should we attribute the responsibility for the resolution, conferences and special sessions which took place after 1978? To the Member States which use every means to impose respect for the decisions of the United Nations or to those which are not in conformity with the duties and rights pledged in the Charter and the international community?
Recognized as it is today that the arms race, especially in the nuclear sphere, puts the very existence of humanity in danger, in addition to diverting important human and financial resources so necessary to resolving present world problems, to whom should we attribute the responsibility for the deluge of resolutions adopted every year in the Assembly?
On this subject, I should like to submit the following for the consideration of the majority that in the Assembly has made the adoption of such resolutions possible.
The tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, adopted by consensus a Final Document containing a Declaration and Program of Action which established the basis of international disarmament aimed at general and complete disarmament under effective international control. While recognizing the difficulties and complexities of the negotiations and the legitimate concerns of the principal actors in this process, in truth the arms race continues on its course. To express our frustration arising .from our continued concern, we need at most two resolutions^ one to express our frustration, and the second to renew our appeal to the super-Powers.
Not being participants in the arms race, let us not be participants in a "resolution race". Let us channel the limited resources of our Organization towards more productive aims, such as support for non-governmental organizations, which perform an active role in the mobilization of world public opinion, or support for research institutions in the disarmament area.
We deliberately direct the attention of representatives to the problems confronting our Organization. We have reached this point for two reasons.
The first rests on the importance and nature we think the general debate should assume in the context of our yearly meetings. We understand the statements made here, not as aids in themselves, but rather as a process of intercommunication meant to find the comprehension and understanding necessary to search for consensus and oriented towards common action.
The second reason is based on the idea, accepted in diplomatic tradition, according to which countries have no permanent friends but rather permanent interests. It is the permanent interest of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe that the United Nations may effectively reach the objectives assigned to it by the Charter.
A small island country whose greatest ambition is the attainment of the well-being and social progress of its. population and whose only aspiration is to share in the common destiny of the human race, we do not want to be part of, much less an instrument of, the policies of confrontation between politico-military blocs. He will not compromise our sovereignty or our dignity in dealings of any kind. We do not take part in ideological crusades of any nature whatsoever.
We regard as the common heritage of the human race the scientific and social discoveries and advances under the various economic systems of our planet, and we claim the right freely and independently to adopt the various contributions of existing systems which are most in accordance with our reality and most conducive to the fulfillment of our aspirations.
Geographically isolated, conditioned by a deliberate cultural isolation, condemned by the colonial system to a regime of mono-culture, we seek, in our privileged and historic relationship with the African Portuguese-speaking countries and the countries of the subregion of central Africa, the contours of our identity and the complementarities necessary to our development. Like other countries of the world, we desire open and advantageous collaboration which will provide us with the contributions necessary for the optimization of our resources and our potential. In any event, we are guided in our relations by strict respect for the Charter and the norms of international law which it legitimizes and inspires. This is the contribution which we think we can make towards the attainment of the objectives of the Charter, beyond our modest participation in those actions and activities which the Charter makes possible.
We will not refer here to our serious concern over the conflicts in Western Sahara, East Timor, Afghanistan, Kampuchea, the Middle East, the Korean Peninsula, Cyprus and Central America. This is necessary because of constraints of time and
because the analysis of such situations has already been made and the possible solutions have already been formulated. The only thing lacking is the political will to implement them. Furthermore, our positions will be shown in the voting process that will take place during the session. Nevertheless, I hope I may be permitted to refer in particular and briefly to the situation in southern Africa.
An unprecedented consensus among the international community has been noted on this subject. After much hesitation, attempts at evasion aid dubious compromises on the part of certain members of the international community, today no one questions the need for mandatory sanctions against the racist South African regime or the fact that they are the last peaceful means available to compel the South African Government to dismantle the apartheid system, put an end to its illegal occupation of Namibia and terminate its direct or indirect attacks on the People's Republics of Angola and Mozambique, as well as on the other front-line States. We agree that the sanctions will, in some cases, have devastating effects on the region and on South Africa's own population. However, far from constituting a justification for the failure to apply sanctions, this should encourage the international community to take a more comprehensive, effective position. The responsibility does not end with the imposition of sanctions; quite the contrary. To ensure effectiveness, it is essential that measures of support for the neighboring countries be adopted simultaneously.
In the name of the international community, whose ideals have been attacked, the front-line States, in a demonstration of courage and true internationalism, will accept the burden of the consequences which the effects of the sanctions and the economic might of South Africa will for their economies, already weakened by the economic crisis affecting the African continent.
It is the duty of both developed and developing countries to transform our verbal solidarity into actions of concrete, co-ordinated and universal support.
The Marshall Plan represented for Europe a response to Nazi devastation, and the countries of southern Africa need similar determined commitment by the international community. Only in this way will sanctions be an effective response and not just a fortuitous and inevitable political expedient.
Civilized coexistence among nations presupposes that force will give way to agreements and negotiations and that relations among nations will be in accordance with the imperatives of the international legal order. If, historically, the use of force has been a means of resolving differences, controlling aggressive impulses or ensuring the victory of true ideals, the birth of the United Nations was intended to establish a new historic period characterized by rejection of the use of force as an instrument in carrying out certain policies. Even admission of the principle of the use of force in response to aggression was conditioned by and subordinated to the failure of all the peaceful measures outlined in the Charter.
The structure built on the objective principles and Articles of the Charter signed in 1945 and the resulting development of international law which it inspired and enhanced were intended to initiate and project human coexistence free of the stigmas of war, whose devastating effects were experienced during the last world conflict and are being felt even today in several regions of the world.
Do we forget nothing and learn nothing? Today let us affirm that indeed we forget nothing, but we learn what is essential. We shall not forget Woodrow Wilson's declaration. He said:
"No nation should try to extend its power over any other nation or people, but, rather, every people should be free to determine its own destiny, its own way of development, without restraints, free from threat or fear, the small nations as much as the great and powerful ones."
We shall always bear in mind the essential idea expressed by John F. Kennedy before this Assembly in 1961:
"Mankind must put an end to war, or war will put an end to mankind.* (A/PV.1013, para. 40)


May I begin by warmly congratulating you. Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-first session. It is indeed a great pleasure to greet in that high office the representative of Bangladesh, a country with which we are linked by bonds of traditional friendship and cooperation. I am sure that your well known qualities and long-standing experience of political and diplomatic activity will make a decisive contribution to the success of this session.
Being empowered by the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu, I have the honor to put forward his and Romania's position, assessments and considerations on the main problems of international life, which are to be discussed at this Assembly session.
The proceedings of the General Assembly are taking place at a time when the international situation continues to be particularly complex and serious owing to the escalation of the arms race, in particular the nuclear arms race, the aggravation of some military conflicts and the emergence of new hotbeds of tension, the use and threat of force and interference in the internal affairs of other States.
These are all increasing even further the danger of a new world war, which under present conditions would inevitably turn into a nuclear catastrophe, without victor or vanquished, leading to the destruction of the very conditions of life on our planet.
That is why, according to the outlook of President Nicolae Ceausescu, the fundamental problem of our time is that of changing the dangerous course of events, which is no* heading towards a nuclear catastrophe, in the direction of a new policy of detente, disarmament, collaboration and peace in the world.
Although one would have expected that, in the year proclaimed by the United Nations as the International Year of Peace, concrete measure would be taken in order to revert from a policy of confrontation to a policy of solving the major problems facing mankind through negotiations, unfortunately we are witnessing the intensification of tension in world relations.
Under the present international circumstances, Romania and its President consider it imperative to pass from mere pronouncements to deeds and to do everything to step up the efforts of the United Nations, in conjunction with those of all peoples and peace-loving forces, in order to ensure the adoption of tangible, real actions and agreements for the halting of the arms race and for disarmament on earth and in space.
Only such a policy is liable to ensure real security for all States, to guarantee that peoples enjoy the proper conditions for creating new material and spiritual values, so that they can continue making their contribution to the progress and civilization of all mankind. That is why we consider it the sacred right and duty of every State large, medium or small, to act in a constructive spirit of co-operation and to contribute effectively to the radical improvement of the international climate.
In this spirit, Romania and President Nieoiae Ceausescu are promoting an ample policy of dialog in international relations and taking part in world activity as a whole, toward finding solutions to the complex problems of our epoch, in the interest of co-operation and peace.
Romania has worked and continues to work consistently to base its relations with all States on the principles of full equality of rights, respect for national independence and sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, mutual advantage, complete renunciation of force and the threat of force, and to affirm widely these principles in the international arena.
Life itself, and the prevailing realities, have demonstrated the urgent need for these principles to be unanimously recognized and implemented as they represent the sole solid foundation for relations of collaboration and peace among all States.
It is an axiomatic truth that the strategy of peace cannot be separated from the strategy of the future. Mankind yearns for a future of progress and prosperity, safe from the danger of nuclear weapons, indeed of any weapons.
That is why Romania places the problems of peace and disarmament at the center of its external policy, starting from the conviction that its economic and social development plans - indeed, like the progress of all peoples - can be achieved successfully only under conditions of peace and collaboration with all States of the world.
Working firmly in concert with all peace-loving forces in order to help reach appropriate agreements at an early stage, on the halting of the arms race and the adoption of tangible disarmament measures, Romania declares itself in support of the implementation of a complex disarmament program, centered on nuclear disarmament, leading to the phased liquidation of all nuclear weapons by the end of
this century and, in parallel, for a 25 per cent reduction of conventional weapons in the next five years, as well as of troops and military expenditures, to be followed by further efforts in order to reach a reduction of at least 50 per cent by the year 2000.
The adoption by this session of the United Nations General Assembly of the decision to proceed effectively toward the preparation of the third special session on disarmament, designed to adopt a global disarmament program, would represent without any doubt an important step forward, in conformity with the interests of peace of the entire international community.
Romania considers that it would be of the utmost significance if a number of States were to unilaterally reduce their troops, weapons and military expenditures, in this respect. President Nicolae Ceausescu recently called on all States in Europe to reduce, by at least 5 per cent, their weapons, troops and military expenditures, even before an appropriate agreement is readied.
As far as Romania is concerned, it is ready to proceed to a 5 per cent reduction of its arms, troops and military expenditures by the end of this year. If an agreement with other States to proceed together to surfs a reduction is not reached, this proposal will be submitted, in a referendum, to the will of the people, to decide on this unilateral reduction. We express our hope that other countries will show their willingness to go along with us in implementing this measure.
It is Romania's steadfast conviction that the adoption by European States of measures toward the unilateral reduction of troops, weapons and military expenditures would pose no danger whatsoever to the security of any State. On the contrary, such measures will open the way to serious negotiations, as they will express the will of European States to act for disarmament and peace. This would be fully consonant with the demands of European and world public opinion.
According to our conception, the huge human, material, financial and scientific resources being wasted each year to produce deadly weapons must be used to accelerate economic and social progress. With this aim in view, Romania has initiated, within the United Nations framework, a process aimed at determining the principles called upon to govern the activities of States in negotiating measures to freeze and reduce military expenditures. Finalizing and adopting the principles in question in their entirety, as of this session, would give new impetus to international activities aimed at bringing about a freeze and reduction of military budgets.
In the light of these considerations, Romania believes that the bodies and conferences dealing with disarmament questions must, more than ever before, step up their activities; indeed, all negotiating forums must be used with maximum efficiency so that they may proceed without delay to the preparation and adoption of appropriate agreements and understandings, with the participation and in the interest of all States.
In this respect, Romania has made its contribution to the conclusion, following appropriate agreements of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe.
We appreciate the fact that at the Vienna negotiations on the reduction of armaments and armed forces in Central Europe, the two sides will be able to reach an agreement at an early date. At the same time, we declare ourselves in favor of the achievement of adequate agreements at the Geneva Conference on Disarmament. To this end, the successful conclusion of negotiations designed to bring about an international agreement on the prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons, would be of special importance. The urgency of this matter should once again be stressed by the General Assembly.
The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various regions of the con tin cm t would greatly contribute to military disengagement, to building up confidence and security in Europe. In that spirit, Romania has taken a position and acted consistently to promote the development of confidence and co-operation among all Balkan coin tries and to help turn that region into a zone free of nuclear and chemical weapons and foreign military bases. Similarly, we support the establishment of zones free of nuclear and chemical weapons in the northern and central parts of Europe, as well as em other continents.
The whole evolution of international life indicates once again that there can be no justification for continuing the arms race, especially the nuclear arms race, for increasing military expenditures, which have by now soared to the huge amount of 31,000 billion.
That is why our country welcomes and fully supports the program of nuclear disarmament advanced by the Soviet Union in three stages, to be carried out by the year 2000, and declares itself in favor of the immediate cessation of nuclear tests and for the prevention of the militarization of outer space.
Welcoming the USSR decision on the extension of the unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests, Romania and President Nicolae Ceausescu on this occasion too, renew, their appeal to the United States of America and to all other nuclear-weapon States to put an end to such tests as soon as possible.
At the same time, Romania considers that a series of proposals put forward by the United States of America and other States represent a real basis for reaching disarmament agreements. In our view, the time has come for the other nuclear-weapon States to participate in nuclear arms talks, even if they proceed to their own arms cuts only after the United States of America and the USSlt carry out a substantive reduction cf their nuclear weaponry. Similarly, we believe that the European States, as well as the other States of the world, are directly interested and should take an active part in achieving agreements on the cessation of nuclear tests, nuclear arms reductions and halting the militarization of outer space.
An especially dangerous situation has arisen in Europe, where new nuclear weapons have been and continue to be deployed, thus endangering the existence of every nation and international peace. In view of this, Romania declares its support for the early achievement of agreements on cessation of the deployment of new intermediate-range nuclear missiles on the European continent and the destruction of existing ones, and on the elimination of all chemical weapons.
My country firmly declares its opposition to measures designed to bring about the militarization of outer space and supports the use of outer space by all nations for peaceful purposes only. In this connection, we support the idea of convening a world conference on the question of the peaceful uses of outer space to work out a global program for the use of outer space and space technology to further the economic and social development of all countries, particularly the developing countries, to adopt a treaty in this field and to set up a special United Nations body dealing with outer space.
In order to improve the international political climate, strengthen confidence and security and revive the process of detente, everything possible must be done to stop all military conflicts and solve all outstanding issues solely by peaceful means, through direct negotiations between the countries concerned and by making use of international organizations. Experience and reality demonstrate that, however tedious it may be, the path of negotiation is the only one capable of leading to viable solutions in the interests of the peoples and of peace. It must be well understood that any other means - such as force or interference in the internal affairs of States - is incompatible with the interests of peoples and with their aspirations to freedom and independence. That is why we must firmly oppose any form of terrorism, which has always been contrary to the interests of the peoples.
We attach special importance to the implementation of provisions contained in the very timely solemn appeal for the cessation of all existing military conflicts, proposed by Romania and adopted by consensus at the fortieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
Romania is deeply concerned about the situation in the Middle East. In the spirit of the initiatives undertaken by the President of Romania as early as 1978, we resolutely declare our support for the convening of an international conference sponsored by the United Nations and with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israel, the Soviet Union and the United States of America, the other permanent members of the Security Council and any other States that could contribute constructively to the settlement of the situation in that region. We appreciate that a just and lasting peace in the region must be based on the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the territories occupied in the 1967 war, recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to establish a Palestinian State and guarantees of the independence and sovereignty of all States in the region.
We consider it necessary to do everything possible to put an early end to the war between Iran and Iraq, which is causing both peoples immense human and material
losses. All military hostilities should be renounced and negotiations initiated with the aim of settling all outstanding issues between the two countries, in a spirit of full equality and mutual respect for independence and sovereignty.
We strongly condemn the oouth African authorities' racist policy of apartheid and the repressive measures taken bv them against the majority population in that country, as well as the acts of aggression perpetrated by South Africa against neighboring independent, sovereign States. We demand the cessation of all such actions prompted by the policy of apartheid. Romania resolutely supports the struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), for the independence of Namibia. In general, Romania actively supports the struggle for complete elimination of any form of colonialism and consolidation of the freedom end independence of all the peoples and nations of the world.
We believe that issues of conflict in Central America must be solved through negotiation on the basis of the proposals put forward by the Contadora Group and with full respect for the right of every people in that region to free and independent development without outside interference of any kind.
I should also like to reaffirm Romania's solidarity with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and our active support for its position, initiatives, efforts and political and diplomatic actions aimed at the peaceful, democratic and independent unification of the country.
The elimination of underdevelopment, the bridging of the gaps between rich and poor countries and the establishment of a new international economic order are essential prerequisites for the peace and security of all peoples and the very future of mankind. It is well known that in past years the world economy has
continued to be marked by instability and a series of negative phenomena engendered by the world economic crisis, which have an impact, to a greater or lesser extent, on all countries.
The economic situation of the developing countries has been particularly affected. The overwhelming majority of those countries are being prevented from developing their economies and from advancing along the road of economic and social progress because of their external indebtedness and the high interest rates they are faced with, as well as tlr growing protectionism practiced in various forms by developed countries. There is an increasingly obvious tendency to block negotiations in all forums concerned with economic problems and to sidestep the framework provided by the United Nations for examining and solving those problems.
Romania, as the Assembly knows, has already presented a series of proposals in this respect. My country is in favor of an international conference, to be convened under United Nations auspices and to be attended by all developing and developed countries participating on an equal footing, with a view to bringing about a global solution to the problems of underdevelopment, the establishment of a new international economic order and the achievement of co-operative relations based on understanding and equality.
Such a conference should be conducive to an agreement and to understandings designed to facilitate faster progress for all countries, in particular those that are lagging behind. The objective here is to achieve the harmonious development of all States and of the world economy.
Romania considers also that the problem of foreign debt requires a comprehensive solution involving the following elements: cancellation of the entire debt of the poorest countries, those with a per capita national income of $500 to $600} reduction by a sizable percentage of the debt of developing countries with a per capita national income of up to $1,000 or $1,200; general reduction by between 50 and 70 per cent of the debt of other developing countries, grouped by level of national income and by potential; rescheduling for a 15 to 20 year period of the remainder of the debt at 3 to 4 per cent interest, or with no interest at all, and with a grace period of three to five years; establishment of a ceiling for annual payments of foreign debt, not to exceed 10 per cent of the annual export earnings of the developing country in question; establishment of a maximum interest rate on old credits, not to exceed 3 to 4 per cent, with amounts paid in excess of that limit to be deducted from the volume of foreign debt; and provision of new credits to developing countries on favorable terms and conditions and with reasonable interest rates of a maximum of 5 per cent. To achieve such a global solution to the problem of the foreign debt, the United Nations must play an active part. In this respect, Romania holds the view that concrete action and measures must be taken within the United Nations framework to bring about the proper solutions.
My country is in favor also of restructuring the international monetary and financial system, and of convening an international conference to that end. We consider that at this hour, when a major scientific and technological revolution is in full swing, more efforts should be made to ensure broad and unhampered access by developing countries to the achievements of modern science and technology and a substantial transfer of technology to those countries in keeping with their specific development needs. In this respect, Romania joins other countries in supporting the convening of a second United Nations conference on science and technology for development.
On the occasion of the commemorative session of the General Assembly to mark the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, an assessment was made of the world Organization's activities and its role. This once again brought to the fore the need for the Organization faithfully to reflect international realities, to serve as a genuine forum for the entire international community, to fulfill the mission entrusted to it by the Charter and to serve more efficiently the cause of peace and progress, thus responding to the legitimate aspirations of peoples.
Taking into account the complexity of the international situation, the persistence of old conflicts and the emergence of new ones, and the contribution the United Nations must make to the resolution of those conflicts, Romania has put forward during past sessions the proposal that a commission for good offices, mediation and conciliation be set up within the United Nations system. Such a commission is conceived as a mechanism permanently available to Member States for the peaceful settlement of their disputes. We consider that the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization should step up its examination and finalization of this proposal.
To strengthen peace and co-operation with a view to improving the international political climate, it would be highly important and timely to build
an all-round international security system, an item that has been included on the agenda for this session. That system would be based on firm respect for the fundamental principles of relations among States, on the absolute exclusion of the use or threat of use or force, on the peaceful settlement of disputes, on the growth of the role of the United Nations in dealing with problems of peace and security and the democratization of international life. As part of the process of strengthening peace, security and co-operation among nations, it is particularly important to develop and consolidate good-neighborliness among States, a subject figuring on the agenda of the present session as a result of a Romanian initiative. We consider it necessary to proceed within the present institutional framework to the identification and clarification of the components of good-neighborliness with a view to drafting an international United Nations document in that field.
Romania was a promoter of the United Nations International Youth Year: Participation, Development Peace, which was an event of deep significance for the present and future of the younger generation and which had a wide and profound response throughout the world. We consider that the problems of youth must be kept under the constant scrutiny of the United Nations, of all Member States and of other international organizations. We realize that the guidelines for future programs devoted to youth, which were adopted at the 1985 United Nations World Conference for the International Youth Year, must be implemented in order to unite young people the world over in an effort to protect and exercise their fundamental right to forge a free and worthy life for themselves in a world of peace and co-operation.
Romania holds the view that the United Nations can and must play a vital role in the settlement of the major problems facing mankind, through the effective use of its capabilities. The financial difficulties confronting the Organization at present can and must be resolved through the improvement and simplification of the Organization's activities, without negatively affecting its democratic priorities and structures, based on the participation of all Member States in conditions of equality, and on the powers of the General Assembly as the most representative United Nations body.
In the spirit of the foreign policy of Romania, my delegation will act firmly, by working together with the delegations of other States, to contribute to the constructive work of the present session of the General Assembly, so that the Assembly may adopt decisions which will open the prospect of real progress towards disarmament and the strengthening of confidence and security in the world.
Having entrusted me with the task of putting before this Assembly Romania's position and proposals on the main items on the agenda of the Assembly for its forty-first session, the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu, ardently appeals that we join our efforts and act in a high spirit of responsibility for the destiny of our peoples and for the destiny of our planet, so that we may ensure the triumph of reason and the building of a world of peace, free of weapons and of wars.


I should like to begin by warmly congratulating Mr. Choudhury on his well-deserved election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. My delegation considers this to be a tribute to his country and to him personally. His wisdom and diplomatic qualities assure us that our work will be crowned with success.
My delegation also wishes to express its satisfaction at the outstanding way in which his predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, discharged his heavy responsibilities during the previous session.
We wish to pay a tribute to the patience and devotion with which our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has worked to create conditions favorable to the strengthening of international peace and security and the promotion of international co-operation for development.
As we meet today once again in this prestigious Hall we cannot help but cast a backward glance at the achievements of the fortieth session, which was, as we all know, a commemorative session, and at those of the present year, which has been proclaimed the International Year of Peace. While there has been a trend towards a reduction of tension in certain parts of the world, the international community has witnessed a resurgence of acts of aggression, overt or covert intervention and other forms and practices of State terrorism carried out by the warmongering imperalists and their staunch allies against certain independent, sovereign States in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
The hopes of the people of the world that were raised last November by the Soviet-American summit meeting have come to naught. That meeting did not provide the expected momentum towards a reduction of tension in international relations or a slowing down of the arms race, particularly with respect to nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. There is no doubt that survival in the nuclear age is the most crucial, pressing problem for all mankind.
The Lao People's Democratic Republic welcomes and firmly supports the new initiatives and constructive and realistic proposals put forward by the Soviet Union for the gradual and total elimination of nuclear weapons by the year 2000. Furthermore, the Soviet Union, despite the negative attitude and opposition of the United States Administration, has extended its unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests three times. It is vitally necessary for the other side to reciprocate. Equally commendable was the proposal recently made by the countries members of the Warsaw Pact substantially to reduce armed forces and conventional weapons in Europe. Regarding the prevention of the militarization of outer space, the Soviet Government also recently put forward a comprehensive program for the exploration and international exploitation of outer space for peaceful purposes for the well-being of all mankind.
In order to free our planet Earth from the threat of a nuclear holocaust that would destroy all forms of life and human civilization itself, it is the most sacred duty of the peoples of the world to step up their stubborn struggle against the unbridled nuclear and conventional arms race here on Earth and the extension of the arms race to outer space. Accordingly/ the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic welcomes and firmly supports the Declarations of New Delhi and Mexico by six Heads of State or Government, as well as the activities to promote peace and disarmament carried out by mass organizations throughout the world. In this connection, it is very much to be hoped that the Soviet-American negotiations in Geneva on limiting nuclear and space weapons will have concrete results and that the Geneva Conference on Disarmament will make substantive progress in the negotiations on the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty and on a convention completely prohibiting chemical weapons.
We hope that the American side will show greater realism and abandon once and for all its plans to achieve some hypothetical military superiority by persuading its North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies and others to join in its so-called star Wars program and seeking unilaterally to revoke the SALT-II agreements of 1979. In this connection, we should note that the Heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries, at their eighth summit meeting in September in Harare, appealed urgently for an end to the unbridled nuclear arms race and all projects designed to extend the arms race to outer space. My delegation warmly welcomes the initiatives of the Socialist countries concerning the establishment of a general system of international peace and security encompassing the political, economic, military and humanitarian fields, an item which has been included in the agenda of the current session.
Tension and bloody conflicts, with their toll of death and suffering, have become almost the daily lot of the world today. Their causes are well known to all.
In the Middle East, the Zionist occupation forces continue with impunity to repress and oppress the defenseless populations of the Palestinian and Arab territories which have been occupied since 1967.
Southern Lebanon and its population continue to suffer from the exactions of and the atrocities committed by the Zionist troops, which refuse to withdraw from the area, in flagrant violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions of 1978 and 1982. Israel's arrogant and intransigent attitude can be explained by the fact that it receives comprehensive support from its "strategic ally" and those in other imperialist circles.
The Lao People's Democratic Republic reaffirms once again its consistent stand with respect to the settlement of the Middle East problem, at the heart of which lies the Palestinian question. The Lao Government will firmly support any comprehensive, just and lasting settlement that ensures the exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable national rights, including its right to create its own State in Palestine, and the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem. We firmly hope that, in order to achieve that goal, the
International Conference on Peace in the Middle East can be held as soon as possible, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of the Soviet Union and the United States, as well as all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. It is unfortunate that so far the United States Government and Tel Aviv have categorically rejected the convening of that Conference.
The world was deeply outraged by the acts of provocation and armed aggression committed last March and April by the United States Administration against Libya, an independent and sovereign country, a Member of the United Nations and of the Movement Non-Aligned Countries. Those acts have been universally condemned. The Lao Government and people wish to reaffirm their steadfast support for and solidarity with the Libyan people and other Arab peoples in the region who have thus become the victims of acts of provocation, intimidation and aggression at the hands of Zionist forces and their absolute protector.
We cannot, of course, allow ourselves to be unmoved by the grief and destruction which the Iran-Iraq conflict has inflicted upon the peoples of those two countries, members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and of the United Nations. We sincerely hope that a just, lasting and mutually acceptable solution can be found to that tragic conflict, which has gone on far too long.
A regime of unspeakable terror and oppression continues to hold sway in South Africa as a result of apartheid, a most savage and inhuman system of racial discrimination which the white minority in power there has institutionalized as a principle of government. The Lao Government and people have always been associated with the noble efforts of the international community to do away with this anachronistic endemic scourge once and for all. It was that same racist Pretoria regime that was responsible a century ago for the misfortunes of the Namibian people, whose territory it continues to occupy illegally. The position of my Government in this respect is well known. We consider that the accession of the Namibian people to true independence in a united Namibia can be achieved only through strict and unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). It is essential that the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its special session devoted to that question, which ended successfully barely 10 days ago, should now be scrupulously implemented.
Having themselves experienced colonial oppression in the past, the Lao Government and people wish to reaffirm their support for, and solidarity with, the heroic people of south Africa under the leadership of the African National Congress on the one hand and the valiant Namibian people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, its sole and legitimate representative, on the other. The same support also goes to the peoples and Governments of Zimbabwe, Angola, Mozambique, Zambia and the other front-line States that are struggling in the same noble cause as well as in the defense of their independence and sovereignty and of the territorial integrity of their respective countries.
The threats to peace and security in Central America have recently increased by a disturbing degree. In this connection the International Court of Justice recently declared illegal the acts of armed provocation and economic and commercial blockade which the United States Administration has committed against the heroic Government and people of Nicaragua. A just, lasting and mutually acceptable settlement to the crisis in Central America can, we feel, be achieved only through implementation of the peace initiatives drawn up within the framework of the Contadora Group and the Lima Support Group.
The Government and people of the Lao People's Democratic Republic wish to reaffirm here their support for and unswerving solidarity with the people of Nicaragua and the Sandinist government in their struggle to preserve their independence and sovereignty and the territorial integrity of their country.
We also reaffirm our sympathy with and firmest support for the Government and people of Cuba, our brothers, who are still waging a tireless struggle to preserve their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Our sympathy and solidarity go also to the people of Puerto Rico and the other peoples in that region who are struggling heroically for self-determination, independence and true democracy in their respective lands.
The region of South-West Asia has unfortunately not remained free of tension. I refer in particular to the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which has been the victim of an undeclared war waged by the aggressive circles of imperialism and regional and world reaction. The Lao Government and people energetically condemn this whole series of acts of state terrorism and reaffirm their unswerving support for and solidarity with the Government and people of Afghanistan in their tireless efforts to preserve the precious gains of the April Revolution and to find a just political solution to the situation with respect to that country.
In the region of the Indian Ocean, the intensification of the military presence of imperialism and the strengthening of the air and naval bases at Diego Garcia constitute a grave threat to the peace and security of the coastal and hinterland States. It is essential, therefore, that the International Conference on the Indian Ocean be convened without further delay in order to turn the region into a zone of peace.
The situation in Asia and the Pacific region as a whole, and more specifically on the Korean peninsula, is scarcely stable. The introduction by the United States of nuclear weapons into South Korea, not to mention the division of the peninsula and attempts to perpetuate the existence of two Koreas, constitute a grave threat to peace and security in the region and an obstacle to the peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean nation.

With respect to the strategic interests in the Pacific area, my delegation is firmly opposed to the resumption of nuclear tests and attempts to deploy imperialist nuclear weapons. These represent grave threats to the security of the peoples in that region.
With respect to the fate of the peoples in colonial territories and those under trusteeship, my country is opposed to any procedural manoeuvres by the colonial and administering Powers to bring about the annexation of Micronesia and New Caledonia. We support the courageous struggle being waged by those peoples to achieve true independence for their territories.
I should like now to refer to the problems of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, a region which includes my own country, the Lao People's Democratic Republic. The underlying causes of the instability and tension in the region are all too familiar for the simple reason that they have been referred to from this rostrum by a large number of delegations, including my own, over the last seven years.

In leading circles of imperialism, expansionism and great-Power hegemonism a dim view is taken of the success of the revolutionary process in the Lao People's Democratic Republic, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. They wish to reinstate in Pnom Penh the criminal gang of Pol Potists and their lackeys, against the sovereign wish of the suffering Kampuchean people.
The international community has a duty to protect the legitimate interests and inalienable fundamental rights of the Kampuchean people, whose endeavors to bring about the renaissance and miraculous national consolidation of the country deserve respect and admiration.
Success achieved over the past eight years by our three peoples - Lao, Vietnamese and Kampuchean - in the work of national defense and reconstruction and of strengthening solidarity and co-operation with socialist and other countries of the world committed to peace and justice constitutes a fundamental factor guaranteeing the peace and stability of the region. The three countries of Indo-China have already on several occasions reaffirmed their intentions, most specifically in the communique issued by the thirteenth conference of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Laos, Viet Nam and Kampuchea, held in Hanoi from 17 to 18 August last. On the one hand, it referred to the adoption of the measures necessary to make South-East Asia a zone of peace, friendship and co-operation, on the basis of the total withdrawal of foreign troops from the area and the cessation of all foreign interference. On the other hand, it proposed a solution to the Kampuchean problem. In this connection, it should be recalled that the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is ready to negotiate with Khmer opposition groups or individuals on the basis of the military and political elimination of the Pol Pot clique, together with the withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer forces from Kampuchea, in order to bring about national reconciliation.
We welcome the significant statement made last June in Manila by the Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs on the establishment of an international tribunal to try Pol Pot and other criminals responsible for the crime of genocide in Kampuchea. That realistic and honest proposal must evoke a favorable response from all members of the world public committed to peace and justice.
The relations between the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Kingdom of Thailand are not free from difficulties. A large number of problems have arisen between our two nations during recent years and have not yet been appropriately resolved. However, the constant demands of the Lao and Thai peoples for normal relations are becoming increasingly pressing. That is why the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic believes that it is time to talk and is prepared to do everything in its power, at both the governmental and the local level, to create conditions favorable to the strengthening of mutual understanding and trust between our two peoples, in order to bring about a resumption of negotiations and the speedy normalization of all areas of Lao-Thai relations, and to contribute to ensuring peace and stability in the area. Similar action by the Thai Government will always be welcomed.
Relations between my country and the People's Republic of China have not improved. However, the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic attaches great importance to its long-standing friendship with the Chinese people and accordingly calls for normal relations and good-neighborliness on the basis of respect by the People's Republic of China for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, non-aggression and non-interference in our internal affairs and peaceful coexistence.
Consequently, we hope that instead of persistently espousing an erroneous approach to the problems of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia and to the problem of Kampuchea, the international community, particularly the United Nations, may make a constructive contribution to promoting the irresistible process of dialog which has already begun, however cautiously, among the countries of Asia directly concerned.
It is interesting to recall that the Heads of State or Government of non-aligned countries, at their 1983 summit Conference in New Delhi and the Harare summit last September, spoke out clearly on this matter. In this connection, it seems to us that the item entitled "The question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia" has been on the agenda long enough. That is why, to spare this session of the General Assembly an atmosphere of tension, acrimony and useless polemics, it would be preferable not to discuss this item but to focus rather, on the underlying problem relating to the overall situation in Asia and the Pacific.
I should now like to say something about the close relationship between disarmament and development. People of good faith accept without reservation the fact that there is a cause-and-effect relationship between these two realities. Only those who refuse to put an end to both the conventional and the nuclear arms race challenge the existence of such an organic link.
There can be no doubt that if only a tiny fraction of the astronomical sums devoted annually to military expenditure throughout the world could be freed it would suffice to relief the suffering and poverty of a sizable number of children, women and old people in Africa, Asia and Latin America, or even the world as a whole.
In this connection, my delegation has learned with disappointment and regret that it was the negative, uncompromising attitude of certain Western Powers that prevented the convening this year in Paris of the United Nations Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development.
Similarly, my delegation is concerned at the financial crisis of the United Nations, which in our view results from the premeditated decision of certain imperialist Powers artificially to create that situation.
The peoples of the world have an urgent and legitimate need to live in peace and security, free from conflicts and tension, frustration and poverty. Unfortunately, the peoples of the developing countries, particularly the least developed nations, are today suffering as a result of both acts of aggression and destabilization, and measures of economic, commercial and financial pressure imposed by imperialist and neo-colonialist Powers.
More often than not it is the least developed and land-locked countries that suffer from the harmful effects of the hostile and reprehensible trade policy carried out against them by their neighbors, the transit countries. They continue to suffer from the harmful effects of the world economic crisis, compounded by the resurgence of protectionist measures resorted to by the great majority of the market-economy countries. The policy of high interest rates, the deterioration in the terms of trade, the crushing burden of external debt, the drying up of soft official development aid flows and, lastly, the reverse transfer of financial resources are all factors contributing fatally to the impoverishment of developing countries and particularly the least developed. Accordingly, it is not surprising that the gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots" continues to grow. It is high time the developed market-economy countries reconsidered their unreasonable and selfish position and agreed to become actively and sincerely involved in the efforts of the international community to initiate global negotiations leading to the implementation of a strategy for restructuring international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. Let them not lose sight of the fact that the establishment of the new international economic order on a just and equitable basis, would work to the benefit of all the peoples of the world.
In recent years there have been many disturbing events, which have resulted from imperialism's policy of interference, aggression, attacks and the plundering of natural resources. However, the peoples of the world, strengthened by their faith in the future and by the sustained efforts they are making in the quest for peace and social progress, have fought side by side to foil that policy. It is gratifying to note that this view of events was confirmed by the recent summit Conference of the non-aligned nations.
My delegation hopes that this session, which has begun in an atmosphere marked by the optimism of the International Year of Peace, will prove to be capable of successfully carrying out the noble task en trusted to it by mankind.


 I have the honor to bring to this Assembly warm greetings and best wishes from the President of Liberia, His Excellency Samuel Kanyon Doe, and the Government and people of Liberia whom I represent before this Assembly today.
The Liberian Government is pleased at the unanimous election of Mr. Choudhury to preside over the forty-first session of the General Assembly. We have no doubt that with his exceptional qualifications and vast experience as a diplomat and statesman he will provide effective leadership to the Assembly. I assure him of the fullest co-operation of the Liberian delegation, which extends to him its warmest congratulations and best wishes for success.
Similarly, we wish to express special thanks and appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, for the excellent manner in which he presided over the fortieth session of the General Assembly. The far-reaching decisions taken during his tenure of office, especially when this Organization commemorated its fortieth anniversary, will undoubtedly contribute to the furtherance of world peace and security.
Our esteemed Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, deserves special commendation for his tireless efforts to promote peace and economic prosperity in our world. We thank him for his very interesting report and assure him of the Liberian Government's continued support in this difficult and challenging task.
For the past five years, since the Liberian Revolution of 1930, my predecessors have regularly informed this Assembly of the political situation and the institutionalization of the democratic process in Liberia. We ask the Assembly's kind indulgence as we continue this worthy tradition.
Looking at the Liberian case in the perspective of other experiences, it is remarkable that just five years after the military takeover Liberia has succeeded in returning to civilian democratic rule. That is a credit to the military authorities, who have kept their promise to the Liberian people to restore democratic government after a period of five years. It was no surprise, therefore, that even though there was an abortive invasion of the country in November 1985, immediately following the October legislative and presidential elections, the transitional process was neither halted nor delayed. We are pleased to state that despite the difficult economic situation in the country the Government, -th its legislative, judiciary and executive branches, is functioning effectively in conformity with the new Constitution.
The return to civilian democratic rule was not, however, the only goal of the Government. Socio-economic development and the improvement of the quality of life of every Liberian are also the subject of priority programs. In order to mobilize and direct our limited resources to these important objectives. President Doe's Government pursues a national policy based on unity, peace and stability.
National reconciliation is a key aspect of this policy. That being so, the President has not only granted clemency to all those implicated in the abortive invasion of November 1985 but also ordered the return of confiscated properties to their rightful owners and he continues to call upon all Liberians in self-imposed exile to return home. Those and other measures are designed to lay the basis for the preservation of peace and the development of democratic institutions, so that our energies and resources may be devoted to the development of our nation.
We have no doubts that with our commitment and dedication we will surmount the genuine problems and challenges of nation-building by means of a spirit of national unity and reconciliation. It is our sincere hope that we may count on the assistance of all friendly Governments in achieving our goal of unity, peace, stability and prosperity.
Liberia will continue to pursue its foreign policy objectives, based on the promotion of peace, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States, non-interference in the internal affairs of States, respect for human rights, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the right of all oppressed peoples to self-determination and independence. In this connection my Government will emphasize sub-regional, regional and international co-operation and promote friendly ties with all nations and peoples.
Despite general recognition of the achievements of the United Nations, the Organization is experiencing a crisis of credibility, with criticism directed against its organizational structure and functions. Concern has been expressed about overloaded agendas, the slow pace of work and the proliferation of resolutions many of which are never implemented. Fingers are pointed at the many areas of tension around the world, the failure to achieve general and complete disarmament, the prevalence of human rights violations and the steady deterioration of economic relations between North and South. In short, the role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security is being questioned as many unresolved international conflicts take the form of armed hostilities.
We share the view that the credibility crisis which has troubled the united Nations has been due on the one hand to the insistence of the great Powers on vetoing Security Council resolutions which are unacceptable to them and on the other to the division, as it were, of the international system since 1945 into two rival ideological blocs, which continue to support opposite sides in most conflict situations. As a consequence, violence and anarchy have often characterized international relations. Some States, led astray by erroneous calculations or blinded by passion, resort to unlawful means in order to acquire or preserve economic benefits, gain political advantages or pursue selfish ambitions.
Decisions and choices of action tend to promote national interests rather than collective goals. We have observed that rhetoric and posturing take the place of serious negotiations and diplomacy, while parochial interest is given primacy over the collective effort. Instead of using the mechanisms and procedures of the United Nations, Member States prefer to resolve their differences through the threat or use of force.
In addition to the fundamental problems confronting it, the United Nations is faced with the current financial crisis, which threatens its very foundations and survival. We therefore welcome the report of the Group of High-Level Intergovernmental Experts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations. It is my Government's considered view that much could be achieved by streamlining the vast United Nations bureaucracy. However, to cut programs arbitrarily would, in my delegation's view, seriously hamper international economic and technical co-operation.
There are a number of major international issues before the Assembly which I should now like to address.
The essence of global responsibility is solidarity and a collective effort to meet the challenges of our times. This is the mandate given to us under the Charter.
We meet here in the Assembly, year after year, to express our common hopes for a better world beyond the narrow vision of national interest and to propose solutions to our common problems. Yet, Member States have not mustered the political will to make the accommodation and adjustment necessary to achieve these desired objectives. This has been conspicuously exemplified in international economic relations where our responses have not been commensurate with the seriousness of the problems confronting us.
The unprecedented crisis in the world economy is affecting trade, financial and monetary relations. In most countries, the crisis has taken the form of rising inflation, serious recession and a worsening of social tensions. For the developing countries, there is the additional burden of the worsening terms of trade, difficulties in obtaining access to the financial markets, increasing burdens of debt servicing, and a disruptive decline in the level of development assistance. For most of these countries, the outlook is desperate and hopeless.
We cannot build a better world or a secure world when the global economy continues to perpetuate such acute imbalances and gross inequalities. Unless wo can take bold and imaginative steps to reverse the present trend, our future prosperity and even our survival will remain uncertain.
We must be constantly reminded that the difficult and controversial issues that divide the rich and the poor countries of the world cannot be solved by confrontation. They can be redressed by our political will to overcome differences and by our determination to produce significant and useful results. This calls for understanding, commitment and co-operation. Let us call upon these principles, to the benefit of all.
The decline in commodity prices, the spread of protectionism, the decline in official development assistance and the increasing burden of indebtedness have had disastrous and alarming consequences for African economies. Added to these disturbances are the effects of prolonged drought and desertification.
Africa is also handicapped by several disadvantages, particularly the fact that it includes 26 of the world's least developed countries and harbors the greatest number of refugees. These and other factors, such as low productive capacity, the lack of economic infrastructures and the mismanagement of resources, have denied the continent of benefits it should enjoy, considering its enormous mineral and human resources.
We believe that the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly, on the critical economic situation in Africa, is a significant landmark in international co-operation and multilateralism,
Africa's Priority program for Economic Recovery (1986-1990) is a vivid expression of the collective resolve of African countries to meet their own economic and development challenges. However, the implementation of the United Nations program of action could give strength and vitality to Africa's efforts. This program deserves the full support of the international community and we applaud the significant contributions and concrete measures already taken by Canada and the Nordic countries in support of Africa's economic recovery.
My Government commends the Government of Italy for its recent initiative in convening a meeting last week with foreign ministers of African countries to reaffirm Italy's commitment to render assistance and to consider the action to be taken to follow up on the thirteenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly. We certainly hope that other countries will follow Italy's positive lead.
For a period of almost 40 years, the issue of apartheid has been discussed and debated by the Assembly. Apartheid is a negation of the ideals of the United Nations, inasmuch as the Organization itself emerged out of the ashes of a war fought against Nazism, which, like apartheid, rested on a spurious doctrine of racial superiority. Neither the condemnation nor the reformation of apartheid is enough and nothing short of its total elimination is acceptable. Only when apartheid is totally eradicated can we justify the existence of this Organization and the prime place given to the "dignity of the human person" in the Charter.
For those countries which have kept apartheid alive, they have clearly demonstrated that they choose economic considerations over adherence to the
principles of the Charter. In view of South Africa's intransigence, there is no doubt that any measure other than comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter and the intensification of the armed struggle can bring apartheid to an end.
My Government rejects as a dishonest excuse for inaction the argument that comprehensive mandatory sanctions will only worsen the plight of the already suffering black people of South Africa. The Government of Liberia will therefore not relent in its support for comprehensive mandatory sanctions and for the liberation struggle until apartheid is completely eradicated.
The Government of Liberia continues to view the question of Namibia with grave concern. The linkage of extraneous issues, particularly the withdrawal of Cuban troops, was calculated to deny the Namibian people enjoyment of their inalienable right to self-determination, freedom and independence. South Africa's illegal occupation of the Territory, though a defiance of the resolutions of the United Nations, and its establishment of an interim administration, have been supported by foreign economic interests in order to maintain access to the resources and wealth of the Territory.
My delegation categorically rejects the call for the withdrawal of Cuban troops as a condition for Namibia's independence. We support a negotiated settlement on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) with the full participation of the South West Africa People's Organization, the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people.
In the interest of peace a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement in the Middle East must be achieved without delay. The state of affairs in this region must therefore continue to receive our close attention. The basic elements of a settlement which we support involve the withdrawal of Israel from all territories occupied since the 1967 war, recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, and acknowledgment of the rights of all States in the area to live in peace and security within secure and internationally recognized borders.
The continuation of the war between Iran and Iraq - now in its seventh year  is a most tragic and unfortunate development. We therefore appeal to the leaders of the two countries to permit the Secretary-General to use his good offices in negotiating an end to the hostilities. The continued resort to force by the two sides has not only resulted in untold human sufferings for their two peoples but has also seriously affected international shipping in the Gulf region.
In this connection ray Government must register its deep concern about the continued indiscriminate bombings in the Gulf region of international shipping, including vessels flying the Liberian flag, in complete violation of international law and the right of innocent passage.
My Government rejects intervention, interference and armed occupation wherever they occur as an infringement of the Charter and the territorial integrity and sovereign rights of States. Those that pursue policies of armed intervention should be reminded that the will of a freedom-loving people cannot easily be bent or subdued by force. The gallant people of Afghanistan and Kampuchea must be assisted to resist foreign domination and repression. While a political settlement is being worked out in those regions, humanitarian assistance to the refugee population should continue on an increased basis.
The delegation of Liberia is concerned about developments in Central America. The Contadora initiative should not be allowed to lose its momentum, committed as it is to peace, democracy, social justice and economic freedom in Central America. We commend the Contadora spirit, which provides the most viable option for the peaceful resolution of the problems in Central America.
My delegation is equally concerned about the dispute over the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Argentina. We support a negotiated settlement of the dispute and urge the two parties not to allow their differences to prevent the development of a formula that would enable them to engage in meaningful dialog. We strongly believe that oily renewed confidence and the normalization of relations between the two countries can reduce tension in the South Atlantic.
In our pursuit of world peace and security it is important to refer to the sensitive political situation that continues to divide South and North Korea. The reunification of the Korean people is a matter to be decided by them through
the holding of direct talks, and they deserve the support and encouragement of the international community. My delegation believes that United Nations membership for the two Koreas could increase the opportunity for dialog and co-operation and enhance the prospects for peace on the peninsula and peaceful relations between them.
In no area is the distortion of human priorities as glaring as in the area of the arms race, and in no area is the need for commitment to the principles of the Charter more important and more closely tied to the survival of humanity than in the field of disarmament and arms limitation.
Indeed, the enormous expenditure on weapons of mass destruction has not made the wot Id any more secure. On the contrary, the arms race has increased fear and anxiety through a balance of terror with a killing power that could destroy our planet several times over. What is even more disquieting is that the enormous waste is not limited to the big Powers alone. Third-world nations too are diverting their meager resources away from the basic needs of their peoples into armaments.
We are often told that the justification for the arms race is security. But enduring peace and security cannot be built on the accumulation of weaponry and strategic superiority. Real security can be found only in common security - that is, security for all. Such security lies in a life that is free from fear and want, hinger and disease, ignorance and unemployment, poverty and despair. This kind of security can be realized only if the arms race is halted and the funds released are allocated to socio-economic development throughout the world.
The widespread resort to acts of terrorism by individuals, groups and even States has become a major development in international relations today. While we acknowledge that the root causes of terrorism must be addressed, there can be no justification for the maiming, torture and killing of innocent people. There is an urgent need for concerted international efforts to take decisive action to combat terrorism. My Government has recently enacted legislation that imposes the death penalty on anyone convicted of either engaging in or attempting to perpetrate acts of terrorism.
In conclusion, my delegation believes that the crucial factor in the effectiveness of the united Nations is the attitude of the Member States, and not specific provisions of the Charter. Although the Charter proclaims the sovereign equality of all Member states, we are aware that some countries have a greater capacity to influence international events. Therefore, those States, in my opinion, must set the pace in making the United Nations system relevant and effective.
Economic security is as indispensable to a just and equitable international order as political security. The aim of a new international economic order is to provide security and justice through the elimination of hunger, poverty and socio-economic disparities between the rich and the poor. It constitutes one of the principal guarantees of the creation of better conditions for all peoples to enjoy a life based on human dignity.
The United Nations was founded to translate such aspirations into reality. Let us recommit and rededicate ourselves to the lofty goals and objectives of the United Nations,