97.	 I join preceding speakers in congratulating Mr. Kittani most warmly on his election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. His accession to that high post obviously bears witness not only to his eminent qualities as a skilled statesman and diplomat but to his breadth of knowledge and wide experience of the Organization. We are convinced that under his guidance and thanks to his wisdom our work will be concluded successfully. In this respect, may I at once assure him of my delegation's complete cooperation.
98.	I also wish to reiterate our deep appreciation bf the devotion, intelligence and tact with which his predecessor; the representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, discharged his noble task.
99.	It is a pleasure for us to emphasize the appreciation of the Government of Chad for the efforts of the SecretaryGeneral to uphold the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations and, above all, for his concern about the situation in Chad.
100.	Finally, we congratulate Vanuatu and Belize on their accession to independence and welcome them to the great family of the United Nations.
101.	Once again we are gathered here to review the positions of our Governments, assess the behavior of some and point up the contradictions indeed, the humiliations suffered by others. The situation prevailing in Chad is proof of this. That is why we crave the indulgence of representatives as we undertake first a brief summary of that situation since the victory of the governmental forces over the enemy on 15 December 1980.
102.	The people of Chad, like all other peoples of the world, jealously guards its independence and national sovereignty and denies any one the right to impose a code of conduct on it. As is only proper, Chad respects the sacrosanct principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and that of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], such as respect for territorial integrity, the free choice of a socioeconomic regime, noninterference in the internal affairs of other States and the self-determination of peoples.
103.	It is fitting to recall that the painful war into which Chad was plunged stemmed from a situation created by foreign Powers. Our economic development, which was still only in its embryonic stage and largely jeopardized by drought, is at a standstill. All administrative, economic and social structures are dislocated, if they exist at all. The entire country has to be rebuilt.
104.	At the tragic moment when the very foundations of the nation and its unity were threatened, the international community did not remain indifferent; it responded promptly to the appeals made by our delegations at the thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth sessions of the General Assembly by adopting, respectively, resolutions 34/120 and 35/92.
105.	By its resolution 34/120 the General Assembly appealed urgently to all Member States, specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system and international economic and financial institutions to provide generous emergency aid to Chad through bilateral or multilateral channels, with a view to meeting its short term and longterm needs with respect to reconstruction, rehabilitation and development.
106.	In that connection, the SecretaryGeneral was requested to dispatch a mission to Chad to review with the Government the aid which it needs for its reconstruction and the question of organizing a meeting of donors and to coordinate his efforts with those of UNDP, ECA and the World Bank. But the abortive coup d'etat of 21 March 1980, which degenerated into a civil war, made it impossible for such a mission to be sent. Thus resolution 34/120 remained a dead letter.
107.	During the thirty-fifth session that is to say, during the height of the N'Djamena war the General Assembly in its resolution 35/92 A renewed its appeal for assistance in Chad's reconstruction. Since there could be no response to such an appeal in the absence of peace, the Assembly adopted a second text resolution 35/92 B aimed at extending emergency assistance to people affected by the war.
108.	The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, for its part, at its eighteenth session, at Nairobi, adopted resolution AHG/ Res. 102 (XVIII) Rev. 1 [see AI361534, annex //], in which it appealed to all members of the OAU, to the United Nations and to other international organizations to come to the aid of the Government and people of Chad. In that regard, it called upon the SecretaryGeneral of the OAU to organize as soon as possible, and in cooperation with the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations, a pledging conference to assist Chad to finance its reconstruction plan.
109.	The adoption of these various resolutions gave the people of Chad cause for great hope and was a source of satisfaction and relief.
110.	In implementation of the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly, the SecretaryGeneral dispatched two missions to Chad, in January and March of 1981, to estimate the emergency aid required by the people of Chad. furthermore, an agreement was signed between Chad and UNDP for the reconstruction of the N'Djamena airport by that agency.
111.	Similarly, such organizations as ICAO, WHO, UNICEF, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the European Development Fund made considerable means available to us.
112.	Thanks to those combined efforts famine and epidemics have been avoided; displaced persons and refugees have found shelter from the elements; and distribution systems of drinking water and electricity and N'Djamena airport and other means of communication are being rebuilt.
113.	Certain friendly countries did not wait for the appeals of the United Nations and the OAU to come to our aid. We refer particularly to the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, which granted us substantial material and financial aid for the national reconstruction of Chad. Similarly, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, the People's Republic of the Congo, the Gabonese Republic and the Federal Republic of Nigeria unswervingly have demonstrated their active solidarity with the people of Chad. We wish to express our profound gratitude to those brother countries.
114.	France, since the socialist Government came to power, has expressed its willingness to resume cooperation with Chad. Thus President Goukouni Weddeye made a friendly visit to Paris from 16 to 18 September 1981. We venture to hope that the missions which the Government of France has sent to Chad to evaluate our needs for reconstruction will soon lead to practical steps in our country.
115.	We also hope that the other members of the international community will not fail to contribute to the recovery of Chad by giving practical assistance in the political, diplomatic and financial fields.
116.	The Government of Chad tirelessly strives to maintain and strengthen national unity and stability. In this connection, the head of State has signed a decree granting a general amnesty to those persons who have been detained, condemned or exiled for political reasons. Within the framework of this general amnesty the citizens of Chad who left the areas of combat are returning by the thousands to their country, thanks to the dynamic action of UNHCR and the valuable assistance of neighboring countries, in particular Nigeria, the United Republic of Cameroon and the Central African Republic. We wish to reiterate our profound gratitude for their generous sacrifices on behalf of the people of Chad.
117.	Furthermore, in order to give a general orientation to the actions to be undertaken in regard to the situation prevailing in the country, the Government made public on 25 August 1981 a declaration of general policy. In this declaration the Transitional National Union Government committed itself to an international policy of nonalignment and support for the struggles of all peoples against imperialism, neocolonialism, apartheid, Zionism and all forms of domination and segregation.
118.	In its relations with neighboring and other countries Chad is committed to respect for the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the charter of the OAU and the principles of the nonaligned movement. Its territory will never be used as a base for subversive actions against neighboring countries, friends and brothers, and it will never permit the establishment of a foreign base on its territory.
119.	Chad will cooperate fully with them on the basis of respect for mutual interests and common understanding, national independence and territorial integrity, while taking into account historical, geographical and cultural factors.
120.	Since December 1980 a great deal has been said regarding the Libyan military presence in Chad. We should like the international community to know that this military presence is possible only because we asked for it, to help us in frustrating a plot aimed at the annihilation of Chad. The plot was organized and maintained by States members of our organization, and I shall return to this later. In this respect we wish to reiterate from this rostrum our gratitude to our brother people of Libya for this courageous act of solidarity.
121.	We are always ready to welcome the panAfrican force for the maintenance of peace. It was in this sense that the Transitional National Union Government, in its declaration of general policy, committed itself to the establishment, in cooperation with the authorities of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, of a timetable for the gradual withdrawal of the troops stationed in Chad. But this has not yet been completed because of the maneuvers and acts of destabilization of our neighboring and brother country, the Sudan, which gives shelter to Chad dissidents, although this is contrary to the relevant decisions of the OAU. It should also be said that the Libyan authorities have themselves indicated their desire to withdraw from Chad, but the Government of Chad asked them to stay because of the external threats.
122.	As the head of State declared at his press conference in Paris on 18 September 1981, "As long as the Sudan continues to threaten Chad by acts of destabilization, and until we establish our integrated national army, the Libyan troops will remain on our territory."
123.	The Sudan is fighting Chad on the false pretext that the Libyan troops on our territory represent a danger to its security. Why are not Chad and other neighbors of the Sudan concerned about the presence of more than 40,000 Egyptian soldiers on Sudanese territory? We feel that this is a matter that concerns the two countries, namely, Egypt and the Sudan. Therefore the Government of the Sudan has no reason to be unduly concerned about the presence of the Libyan military contingent in Chad. Why does the Government of the Sudan welcome Chad outlaws and finance, arm and train them, with the obvious assistance of certain Powers? Did not President Nimeiri declare at the end of the N'Djamena hostilities that the war had not come to an end in Chad?
124.	The threats of aggression against Chad have increased since March 1981. The Government of Chad has made those facts known to the President of the Security Council. These warlike actions have become so intemperate that the Government of Chad felt bound to report the fact once again to the President of the Security Council on 21 September.5 It was to improve this unfriendly attitude that the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity called on Chad's neighboring States not to give refuge to movements that oppose the Government of Chad. Furthermore, the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, President Daniel Arap Moi, has redoubled the efforts by sending messages and special emissaries to the Government of the Sudan to ask it to stop its interference in the internal affairs of Chad.
125.	However, all these measures have been in vain. Since 5 September 1981 acts of brigandage on the Chad Sudanese frontier have become open aggression by Sudanese regular soldiers against the Government forces of Chad.
126.	No country, however weakened, can tolerate such scorn for its sovereignty. From this rostrum we solemnly appeal to the Government of the Sudan to halt its aggression, which is contrary to the interests of both our peoples. But if it persists in such a course despite the defeat suffered by its forces on the eastern frontier of Chad, it will always and everywhere encounter the same determination of the people of Chad to defend itself by all possible means. We call on the Sudanese leaders to remember the cost of the many years of internal war that they have known, which never brought happiness to the people of Sudan.
127.	While apologizing for having described at such length the situation of our country, I wish to express our sincere desire to live in peace with all our neighbors, including the Sudan, provided it ceases its acts of aggression against our people, who aspire only to peace and social and economic well-being after so many years of tribulation.
128.	I should like to refer briefly to the main items on the agenda for this session which are of special interest to the delegation of Chad, namely, decolonization, maintenance of peace and security, and international economic cooperation.
129.	With regard to decolonization, the obstinate refusal of certain regimes to apply General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples clearly shows the contradiction between the glorification of human rights and their daily violation, particularly in southern Africa, Western Sahara and other parts of the world.
130.	The situation in Namibia is a matter of grave and constant concern for my Government. Thus, my delegation condemns the arrogant and anachronistic attitude of the South African regime which, in order to consolidate its illegal presence in Namibia, creates an atmosphere of intimidation and terror through the inhuman system of apartheid.
131.	Such an attitude leaves the South West Africa People's Organization [SMPO] no other choice than armed struggle the only one, in truth, capable of bringing the Pretoria regime to reason, in spite of its support from Western Powers, and to force it to capitulate, as did its emulators in Salisbury.
132.	Chad, for its part, will continue to denounce any fraudulent constitutional or political maneuvers whereby South Africa attempts to perpetuate its system of colonial aggression and exploitation of the population and resources of Namibia. We reaffirm our total opposition to the odious system of apartheid that exists in South Africa, which is a real challenge to all mankind.
133.	Chad energetically condemns the recent invasion of Angola by the racist hordes of Pretoria. With the same firmness, we condemn the cowardly acts of aggression of the South African air force against fraternal front-line States.
134.	We could not leave the subject of the African continent without recalling the situation in Western Sahara. That conflict is also of great concern to my Government. Faced with this tragedy, Chad has consistently called for a peaceful solution based on respect for the principle of self-determination in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the OAU and of the United Nations.
135.	In this connection, my country has fully subscribed to resolution AHG/Res.103 (XVIII) on Western Sahara, adopted at the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity at Nairobi [ibid.]. We thus entrust to the Implementation Committee created by this resolution the organization of a referendum on this question so that the Sahraoui people may finally enjoy their legitimate rights.
136.	Since it is unanimously recognized today that no solution to the Middle East can be found without a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian question, a refusal to negotiate with the Palestine Liberation Organization is tantamount to rejecting peace. Experience has shown that all attempts at partial settlements have not produced the desired results.
137.	As far as we are concerned, we have always affirmed in the OAU, in the nonaligned movement and in the United Nations that the Palestinian people, like any other people, have the right to their homeland and that their inalienable rights must be preserved. Consequently we once again condemn the decision of Israel to make Jerusalem its capital. For its part, my country will continue its efforts to ensure the restoration to the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights, by all means possible, and the return of the other Arab territories occupied by Israel.
138.	We likewise condemn the destruction of the nuclear installation at Tamuz in Iraq and the bombings of civilian targets in Lebanon by Israel.
139.	Other major problems now face the international community, and Chad trusts that peaceful solutions will rapidly be found in the higher interest of all concerned. The conflict that still threatens the stability of the sister republics of Iran and Iraq, despite the many attempts at mediation, remains a matter of constant concern to our delegation. We most ardently hope that in the near future a peaceful solution will be found to the tragedy that has befallen the peoples of both countries.
140.	The peoples of the third world face not only the odious practices of apartheid and racism, as is the case in southern Africa, but also new attacks on their independence and territorial integrity. All this is a threat to their right to freedom and dignity.
141.	General and complete disarmament is one of the objectives that has been proclaimed by the United Nations for nearly three decades. However, despite the many initiatives taken by the Organization in this field, the world is witnessing instead an unbridled race for supremacy in destructive power. This is why Chad welcomes the idea of a new special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. Such a session, we venture to hope, would enable all Member States to contribute to the establishment of a strategy for true general disarmament.
142.	We have talked of peace, and now we should like to touch briefly on problems of development, for as a voice of high moral authority, the late Pope Paul VI, stated development is the new name for peace. This means that one cannot speak of peace so long as hundreds of millions of human beings live in abject poverty while a handful of the rich live in opulence and engage in a reckless race to acquire the most destructive weapons that mankind has ever known.
143.	And yet, for 36 years the world Organization, whose Charter devotes some of its provisions to the problems of development, has been dealing with the fate of the poor countries. Unfortunately, as you will no doubt agree, the political will of the rich countries has not been in accord with the declarations of the United Nations. The failure of two successive decades devoted to development is due to this lack of political will.
144.	In such circumstances, will the United Nations continue to adopt resolutions that will never achieve even the semblance of implementation? My delegation believes that the time has come to leave the world of ideas and enter the world of action. This means that there must be unreserved readiness on the part of our partners and full acceptance of the solidarity that should prevail among members of the same family; such active solidarity was demonstrated by the United States with respect to Western Europe after the Second World War and took the form of the Marshall Plan. And yet, the problems we face today in the developing countries far exceed in scope those experienced by Europe, which, it should be remembered, despite the destruction it suffered had the technology.
145.	Why then is there one law for the rich and another for the poor? Development problems are familiar to everyone, and we believe that all the measures advocated by the third world over the past two decades for their solution are reasonable. But the NorthSouth dialog is held up because certain Powers take unilateral positions and give negative answers when it comes to reconciling differing views in order to achieve positive results. Our delegation hopes that the meeting of 22 heads of State and Government to be held at Cancun in a few days will provide an opportunity for those Powers to give proof of their good will to the third world by permitting, inter alia, the reopening of the global negotiations in the United Nations.
146.	Whether it is a question of commodities, the transfer of technology, monetary problems, financial aid, new and renewable sources of energy, the least developed countries or cooperation among developing countries, my country supports the efforts the United Nations has made for many years in these various sectors to bring about a new, just and equitable international economic order.
147.	Because of the situation prevailing in my country, we have taken up some of the Assembly's time to set forth the major concerns of our people. Our people have suffered so much from war that they now long for a lasting peace so that they can devote themselves to their development with the assistance of friendly countries and of the international community. We wish to state how much our delegation appreciates the words of sympathy for my country uttered by many of the previous speakers.
148.	If we have reluctantly been forced to bring up the matter of a neighboring and brother country, it has not been out of any desire for sterile polemics. We would simply draw the attention of the General Assembly to that situation, which is likely to disturb the peace and security of our subregion. We hope that our appeal will be heeded in the true interests of our respective peoples.
149.	Before concluding, we should like once again to appeal to the international community to come to our aid, to the greatest possible extent, in the true battle we intend to wage in future, the battle for the reconstruction and development of Chad.


I wish to join with the leaders of other delegations in paying a
tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Kittani, who distinguished
himself throughout last year in his efforts on behalf of the
Assembly. I am also honoured to be accorded the privilege on behalf
of my country to congratulate Mr. Hollai on his election to the
presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. I
offer him my delegation's fullest support in the tasks which lie
ahead of him.
Never in the history of its existence has the Assembly convened
against such a background of pervading universal gloom. Unemployment
figures I the industrialized countries are assuming proportions
traditionally associated with developing countries: 10.1 per cent in
the United States and a similar figure in the European Economic
Community. Every month that passes witnesses thousands more people
being cast on to the heap of the unemployed with no prospect of jobs,
no means of maintaining their standard of living and little means of
ensuring the well-being of their families. Many marvel every day that
there have not been widespread violent reactions in the streets;
others expect those reactions to erupt at any time if this
all-consuming recession continues unabated.
And while unemployment in industrialized countries reaches the level
normally linked with developing countries, the ranks of the
unemployed in poor States are swelling to record volumes. Only an
immunity to suffering born of generations of deprivation keeps some
developing States from explosion.
A blanket of misery has been cast upon the world: it has spared no
country and it has brought many to the brink of disaster. This misery
can only be measured in human terms-for it knows nor colour, nor
religion, nor nationality. It grips many millions in developed
countries who must struggle to survive on State support and many more
millions in poor countries who must suffer with no support at all.
In the 1930s, when mankind experienced a global economic recession
such as the one we now face, the economists called it "the Great
Depression". It was the forerunner of a terrible war which brought
even greater human suffering than had obtained before it. As
conditions currently exist in the world, it would not be too
far-fetched for some to contemplate wars, however limited, as a
solution to the current economic crisis. Indeed some are already
advocating the Keynesian theory that military spending will create
jobs, increase public demand and stimulate economic growth.
In these troubled times, the global community should be able to spam
the irrationality of the warmongers and turn instead to the United
Nations for a sane and sensible direction. The words spoken in the
Assembly by the world's leading personalities should invoke in
mankind a spirit of hope and a sense of optimism for the future. But
we are yet to hear those words. We are yet to hear an attempt at
dialogue between the two super-Powers; we are yet to hear an attempt
at peace between warring neighbours in the Middle East; we are yet to
hear nations climb down from their nationalistic pedestals to the
table of peaceful discussion for the benefit of all mankind. What we
have heard is a discourse of the deaf; a mouthing of prearranged
statements with no interest in response or reply. Statements have not
been made for the benefit of other nations, let alone the world; they
have been made for political mileage in national capitals.
In that context the report of the Secretary- General on the work of
the Organization is both important and timely, for its summons us to
recall the principles of the Charter and to review the Mechanisms of
the Organization in order to make this body strong, not sterile;
decisive, not dilatory; functional, not ornamental. It warns us that
in a world fraught with tension and peril the United Nations is
indispensable. The Secretary-General's report has identified a number
of important ways in which the effectiveness of the United Nations
could be improved and enhanced, particularly in regard to collective
international security. Therecommendations, especially the call for a
meeting of the Security Council at the highest possible level to
discuss the problems of the United Nations, should be given the
support of all Member States. In my view, part of the agenda of that
meeting should be consideration of how much more effective the United
Nations might be if we ended the veto system provided for the
permanent membership of the Security Council. The concept of a veto
was developed at the end of the Second World War when a few nations
held dominion over many. But surely the results of a war, in whose
creation the majority of the world's people played no part, should
not continue to advise the procedures of the Security Council on an
everlasting basis.
In his report the Secretary-General has himself said that
"allegations of partisanship" have been used by some Member States to
justify side-tracking the Security Council. He has called on us to
"take such matters with the utmost seriousness and ask ourselves what
justifications, if any, there are for them and what can be done to
restore the Council to the position of influence it was given in the
Charter".
There is no doubt that there exists among Member States a genuine
fear that in certain circumstances members of the Security Council
could act in a partisan manner. In fact recent history has shown that
the veto has been used to safeguard narrow national interests in
defiance of world opinion and the decisions of the Assembly. The use
of the veto in such a manner does not inspire confidence in the
Security Council.
In this context my delegation contends that the most effective action
that can be taken to restore the Council to the position of influence
which the Charter intended for it is to end the veto system and to
democratize the process of decision-making.
Even as I state my delegation's position I am sadly aware that it has
little chance of becoming a reality, for those that hold power seldom
relinquish it willingly. None the less that is precisely why I state
it, for the attention of the Organization and other international
organizations must be focused on their collective impotence to
meaningfully address the problems of the world while the will of s
few dominates the aspirations of the many.
As we consider the issues about which the many in the Organization
have been concerned, we are struck by the dismal record of failure
which confronts us. Let us first examine efforts in the Assembly to
bring about change in the global economic arrangements. Although 1981
was the date set for the completion of global negotiations on trade,
energy, raw materials, development finance and monetary issues, the
few have ensured that this body has failed to produce agreement even
on the procedures for such negotiations. Discussion on the global
negotiations has been shunted from the thirty-sixth to the
thirty-seventh session of the Assembly. While this delaying game has
been played in the United Nations the prospects for growth and
development in poor countries have been diminished by similar actions
in other international organizations. At the recent joint meeting of
the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank group in Toronto
the few ensured that an urgent call by the Group of 24 for an
increase in the Fund's quotas of not less than 100 per cent would be
ignored. Equally, efforts to persuade donors to the International
Development Association to improve their contributions in view of the
Association's vital importance to poor countries met with only
partial success.
Developing countries have not only been denied the opportunity to
discuss a framework for an international economic system based on the
fundamentals of social justice and equality; they have also
experienced a reduction in the quantum of badly needed assistance.
Official development assistance from the Western industrialized
nations decreased by 4 per cent in real terms in 1981. Official
development assistance from the Eastern European countries, including
the Soviet Union, is of course selective, and these countries have
yet to show any interest in the international dialogue on aid, though
they are active participants, to their own benefit, in the process of
trade.
Only a few nations provided more than 0.7 per cent of their gross
domestic product, which this body established as a desirable minimum,
in the form of assistance. Those countries have the gratitude of the
developing world; they deserve the respect of the international
community as a whole. They are Denmark, France, the Netherlands,
Norway and Sweden, from Europe, and Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the
United Arab Emirates, three major donor countries that are members of
the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, which gave 3.02
per cent of their gross national product in 1980.
It is true that by providing aid in the volume that they have those
donors have greatly assisted poor third-world States which are the
worst victims of the current recession. But those donors have also
rendered a service to the global community, especially the rich, for
the third world countries are now the biggest market for the goods of
the industrialized nations. For instance, one in every 18 jobs in the
United States is in manufacturing for the third world. In such
circumstances it is in the interests of all, including the
industrialized nations, for third world States to survive. For if we
are unable to purchase goods produced by the developed States they
will lose many more millions of jobs, and that may be the trigger for
those violent reactions which have not yet erupted in the streets.
I have already mentioned our failure to advance the global
negotiations and the reduction of aid to developing countries as
setbacks to a prosperous global economy. Let me now add
protectionism. The protectionism practiced by some developed States
is the short-term answer to the problems of adjustment raised by the
current recession. It is believed in some capitals that by shutting
out the goods of developing countries local production will be
stimulated to the benefit of the national economy.
The evidence against that argument is now well known. Indeed recent
studies have shown that between
and 1977 protectionist measures imposed by the United States on goods
imported from Latin America and the Caribbean resulted in a loss to
consumers of $1,250 million for carbon steel, $1,200 million for
footwear, $660 million for sugar, $400 million to $800 million for
meat, and $500 million for television sets-a total of $4 billion for
these five items. The cost to the consumer for every job protected
was more than $50,000 per year. I submit that the national economy
did not benefit in the long run.
In this time of disarray in the world economy it is crucially
important to establish an international trading system in which the
developing countries are accorded a fair and equitable place.
Therefore we call on Governments represented in the Assembly to
approach the GATT Ministerial Meeting in November with the will to
return to a set of agreed principles and rules applying to all
international trade and providing a recognizable and ordered
framework within which it can grow. Therein, we believe, lies the
basis for promoting a sound world economy.
Failure to achieve change in global economic arrangements is not the
only example of the -Assembly's resolve to right wrongs being
thwarted. South Africa is yet another burning example.
South Africa continues to be a running sore upon the face of this
earth. The inhuman system of apartheid has gone beyond excess in its
brutality against the black majority. The iniquities of its regime
continue to mock the authority of this body. And what is
reprehensible about the success of the South African regime is that
Pretoria has received tacit support from many large transnational and
some of the very Governments which sit in this Hall.
Many will plead that, although they have a connection with South
Africa, they decry and bemoan the system is simply an excuse, for
they are as aware as we are, though perhaps not as painfully, that
any support given to Pretoria serves only to strengthen the regime
and intensify its atrocities.
Those atrocities are now legion: the permanent imprisonment of South
African blacks for the crime of believing that they have a right to
be free; the sentencing to death of young men because they fought to
wrest their country from minority control; the dumping of hundreds of
thousands of black South Africans in hastily created Bantustans in
order to deprive them of citizenship in the land of their birth.
We do not appear to have much chance of addressing the problem of
South Africa in the comprehensive manner which it demands if we are
unable to compel Member States to comply with our resolutions. We do
not appear to have much chance of isolating the virus of South
Africa, when a Committee established by the General Assembly in to
draft an international convention against in sports is unable to
present an agreed convention six years later.
But we must continue to try, for what is happening in South Africa is
a mark against all mankind, an assault on our decency, violence to
our world as human beings. It requires every Government represented
in the Assembly to support efforts to uphold creative ways in which
the wrongs in South Africa can be put right. Not least amongst our
efforts must be the full implementation of Security Council
resolution 435 (1978), which establishes the framework for the
independence of Namibia. The freedom of the people of Namibia must no
longer be blocked by the perpetrators in Pretoria of the wicked
system of apartheid must it be delayed by any attempt to link it with
the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. The independence of the
Namibian people is just, justified and justifiable; it should not be
used to serve the national interests of other countries. I wish I
could point to the Middle East as an area where the United Nations
has been effective, for if this were true thousands of lives would
have been spared, cities would have been saved from ruin, and
millions of dollars would have been channelled into improving rather
than destroying societies. Unfortunately, the principles of the
Charter have been flagrantly disregarded and resolutions of the
Security Council have been wilfully ignored. Consequently, the people
of the Middle East, who have suffered so agonizingly long, have found
no respite from the pain of war.
The recent massacre in the Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut was a
cold-blooded and brutal act of barbarism. It goes beyond merely
epitomizing the tragedy of the Middle East; it adds a new dimension
to the horrors of the confrontation. Lebanon has become the bleeding
heart of the world. Its anguish is shared in every man's conscience.
This country deserves the urgent support of the international
community to bind its wounds, restore its national pride and
reconstruct its economy. The Israeli forces could now be helpful to
that process if they were to withdraw immediately from Lebanese
territory.
The tragedy of Lebanon points once again to the manner in which some
nations are willing to bypass the United Nations and to disregard its
peacekeeping roles. The fact that a search for a solution to the
Middle East problems is going on and that a peace-keeping force is in
Lebanon without the involvement of the Security Council considerably
dilutes the worth of the Organization. It makes small countries like
mine wonder about the purpose of coming here at a cost we cannot
afford, when the United Nations is dismissed by those who are its
greatest power- brokers.
Central to the issue which has wrought such catastrophe in the Middle
East is the Fight of the Palestinian people to self-determination and
their further right to a land of their own in the West Bank and Gaza.
These legitimate rights of the Palestinian people must be satisfied,
and my Government will steadfastly support every initiative to secure
those rights for the Palestinian people, while recognizing that
Israel also has a right to exist securely within agreed and
recognized boundaries. In any event, as my country has opposed
acquisition of territory by force in our own Latin America and
recently in the South Atlantic, so we oppose similar acts of
aggression in the Middle East. The conflict between Iraq and the
Islamic Republic of Iran is another instance of the United Nations
being ignored. This two-year military engagement has also cost many
thousands of lives. It has been particularly savage, with
prisoners-of-war on one side being slaughtered in contravention of
their rights as prisoners. We appeal to both countries to renew their
commitment to the Charter and to end this bloody conflict, by
complying with Security Council resolutions 514 (1982) and 522
(1982). In doing so, they would ease the suffering of both their
peoples, who have been the greatest losers in the confrontation.
One cannot help but wonder how many thousands of lives would have
been saved, how much destruction averted and how much real
development achieved had the Assembly's work on disarmament positive
results rather than unmitigated failure. Much was expected from the
second special session devoted to disarmament held earlier this year,
particularly as tension heightened in so many parts of the world. Not
least among those who had high expectations of the disarmament
session were hundreds of thousands of young people all over the
world. This summer they openly demonstrated in major cities,
including here in New York, the seat of the United Nations. The
protests of this generation against the continuous, unrelenting
stockpiling of weapons have broken out like a rash. It is a rash of
resistance, an epidemic of health in an otherwise unhealthy world.
Many of those young people associate the failure to halt the arms
race with the ineffectiveness of the Assembly, for in the creation of
the United Nations did not Governments enshrine in the Charter a role
for collective security? Did they not promise mankind to make the
world a safe place in which to live? Did they not extend the hope of
an enduring respite from the horrors of war?
A generation has come to maturity with conventional wars and the
threat of nuclear war still menacing their lives. They are not
content that it should remain so. They want a broader, more
comprehensive response from Governments, and it is obvious that such
a response must be practical steps to arrest the arms race and to
devise a system of collective security which demands of each nation a
commitment to the protection of mankind as a whole.
The arms race competes with development objectives. It not only robs
the productive process of resources, it also deprives humanity of the
funds needed to improve the quality of life. It not only creates
international tension, it stagnates national economies.
There are shocking statistics available to all who would pay
attention. Funds allocated for technical assistance to all developing
countries for the next five years are less than will be spent on
weapons in the next five days. Developing countries received
approximately $20 billion in assistance from industrialized nations
last year; this year the United States alone will spend $18 billion
on exploring the military uses of outer space. Total military
spending' last year was $700 billion. That sum totals more than the
entire income of 1,500 million people living in the 50 poorest
countries.
We should all consider what those funds would mean to the quality of
life in developing countries if a portion were released for
development assistance. Moreover, the rich nations should consider
what effect the release of such funds would have on the productive
sectors of their own economies, on jobs for their own young people
and on health care for their old.
My delegation was pleased to see a report this week that the chairmen
of the biggest corporations in the United States, including many of
those that count on the Pentagon for their business, have called for
a cut in military spending. Although their objective may be confined
to narrow national concerns in the United States, it is at least an
acknowledgement by a powerful group that military spending is not
sacrosanct.
A halt to the arms race has become a matter for urgent global action in the cause
of mankind's survival. The Assembly would fail to satisfy the noble
ideals for which the United Nations was established if we turn a deaf
ear to the eloquent calls for peace and a halt to the arms race that
have echoed so profoundly across so many continents.
The depression of the 1930s and the Second World War were followed by
unprecedented international co-operative efforts to reconstruct the
world economy. The international economic order, which was
established as a result of those efforts, can no longer cope with the
realities of the 1980s, but the efforts which attended its creation
are worthy of emulation. For it is a similar kind of international
effort which our global community requires today, one which includes
countries of the North and South, the East and West.
Such an effort must have as its goal a vision of how the world could
be if there were a will by Governments to make it so. It should be a
vision which acknowledges the pluralistic nature of our societies,
accepts the inevitability of our economic interdependence and
resolves that our children should inherit a peaceful and prosperous
planet.
The Assembly is in a unique position to help mankind establish that
vision, for the conditions outside this building-in the cities and
rural dwellings of our many countries-demand urgent change. It is a
task which should be embraced with alacrity, for future generations
will judge us harshly if, despite our recognition of a need to act,
we sacrifice long- term global well-being for short-term national
gains. Antigua and Barbuda stands committed to help make such a
vision a reality.


I should like at
the outset to congratulate you warmly, Sir, on
your election to the high post of President of
the thirty- seventh session of the General
Assembly and to assure you of our full
co-operation and support. Having known you
personally for a long period of time and being in
a position to appreciate your outstanding
qualities, I am confident that under your most
able leadership the Assembly will conduct
fruitful deliberations and that it will
successfully pursue the many important issues
which are pending before it. In paying a
well-deserved tribute to you on this occasion, I
recall the excellent relations we maintain with
your country, Hungary.
2.	At the same time I should like to express
our sincere feelings of appreciation to your
predecessor, Mr. Kittani of Iraq, for the
exemplary way in which he presided over the
deliberations of the thirty-sixth session of the
General Assembly and the resumed and special
sessions.
3.	Almost four decades ago, following the
deliberations at Dumbarton Oaks, representatives
of 50 countries assembled in San Francisco to
draft the Charter of the United Nations, an
organization which was established with the
objective of saving future generations from the
scourge of war. As a culmination of man's
historic yearning for peace and justice and
having just witnessed the ravages of the Second
World War, the founding fathers manifested a new
spirit of unity and co-operation in their noble
pursuit of upholding mankind's lofty ideals of
peace, freedom and justice.
4.	As we approach the fortieth anniversary
of the United Nations, the peoples of the world
would naturally expect us to renew our commitment
to the letter and spirit of the Charter, which
should guide our thoughts, our deliberations and
above all our actions. A total, unequivocal and
unconditional commitment by all States to the
principles enshrined in the Charter would
undoubtedly contribute to the strengthening of
the effectiveness of the United Nations which is
so much needed, particularly as regards the
paramount goal of promoting international peace
and security.
5.	It is in this spirit that the Republic of
Cyprus is participating in the deliberations of
the thirty- seventh session of the General
Assembly. We strongly believe in the United
Nations and, in spite of its present weaknesses,
we trust that the day will come when its
principles will prevail all over the globe. We
regard the principles of the Charter as the
cornerstone of our political credo and the main
shield of our security, for we hold that the only
assurance of peace and survival is freedom and
justice.
6.	Beyond the pledges of dedication,
however, each new session also gives an
opportunity to take stock of the world situation.
The attention of the world community is focused
on the major problems which are debated here,
especially in these days when international peace
and security are in serious jeopardy owing to the
confrontations and hostilities which we have
witnessed this year. The situation is grim and
the prospects ominous. Never before since the
coming into existence of the United Nations has
the world slid into such a predicament.
7.	We are in the midst of such a depressing
deterioration of the world political and
economic situation that the possibility of
general conflagration looms menacingly on the
horizon. Detente is not nowadays a feature in the
international situation. It is the opposite that
now prevails. We are living in a world
characterized by continuous insecurity and
crises, where the use of force is the order of
the day. And what is even worse is that
aggression, violation of human rights and
terrorism remain unpunished and unremedied
because of the failure of the Members of the
United Nations, and in particular those that are
members of the Security Council to give the
Council the necessary means for the enforcement
of its resolutions. The failure of the United
Nations to deal effectively with world problems
causes a serious crisis of confidence which
erodes the very usefulness of the organization.
8.	The remarks of the Secretary-General in
his report on the work of the Organization are
very pertinent, he said:
"Certainly we have strayed far from the Charter
in recent years. Governments that believe they
can win an international objective by force are
often quite ready to do so, and domestic opinion
not infrequently applauds such a course. The
Security Council, the primary organ of the United
Nations for the maintenance of international
peace and security, all too often finds itself
unable to take decisive action to resolve
international conflicts and its resolutions are
increasingly defied or ignored by those that feel
themselves strong enough to do so. Too frequently
the Council seems powerless to generate the
support and influence to ensure that its
decisions are respected, even when these are
taken unanimously. Thus the process of peaceful
settlement of disputes prescribed in the Charter
is often brushed aside. Sterner measures for
world peace were envisaged in Chapter VII of the
Charter, which was conceived as a key element of
the United Nations system of collective security,
but the prospect of realizing such measures is
now deemed almost impossible in our divided
international community. We are perilously near
to a new international anarchy."
9.	The dismal performance of the
international community in the execution of its
duty to respect and honour the Charter is
portrayed very aptly and clearly by that
statement of the Secretary-General. And although
the findings of all of us, as set out in speeches
before the Assembly, are identical with the
conclusions of the Secretary-General, those who
wield power do not appear to be willing to take
the necessary remedial action.
10.	That crisis of confidence was recently
further accentuated by the failure of the twelfth
special session, the second special session
devoted to disarmament, to call a halt to the
ever-escalating arms race, and to conform to the
directives of the Pinal Document of the Tenth
Special Session of the General Assembly for the
creation of an effective collective international
security system, concurrently with disarmament.
The Final Document is emphatic and clear in
asserting that "Genuine and lasting peace can
only be created through the effective
implementation of the security system provided
for in the Charter of the United Nations and the
speedy and substantial reduction of arms and
armed forces".
11.	It has all along been our position that
disarmament cannot be achieved in isolation,
without simultaneously setting into motion the
system of international security through the
United Nations. Only after collective security
establishes confidence and States are no more
victims of aggression, can disarmament be
effectively dealt with. Such confidence is at
present lacking and, as a result, the arms race
continues unabated. The world lives constantly
under the threat of a holocaust. Mankind is
confronted with new, more sophisticated and more
destructive weapons, posing an unprecedented
threat of annihilation and extinction.
12.	The colossal amounts laid out on
armaments is an additional important element of
strain and also a continuous drain on the
economies of nations. A considerable part of
mankind, living under conditions of deprivation
and starvation, is compelled to watch helplessly
while vast amounts and resources are diverted to
the accumulation of deadly nuclear weapons. Thus
we have the paradox of man adopting and fostering
the means of destruction in his effort to survive.
13.	The nuclear arms control talks between
the two super-Powers, which were resumed last
week in Geneva following their two-month summer
recess, justifiably attract the attention of all
peoples in all continents, for upon their outcome
lies to a considerable extent the greatly
desired return to detente and consequently to the
securing of conditions for the peaceful solution
of international problems. Their success would be
a major contribution to peace. That is why Cyprus
joins all peace-loving countries in urging that
the utmost effort be exerted for their success.
14.	The present bleak picture dictates that
the state of world affairs cannot and should not
remain unchecked. It has consistently been the
position of Cyprus that the Security Council
should be given the means for enforcement action
for the maintenance of peace and security through
the availability of a United Nations force, as
called for in Article 43 of the Charter. Such a
development would act as a catalyst to the arms
race and would make the decisions of the United
Nations binding in a real sense. We have
maintained all along that we should concentrate
not merely on the adoption of resolutions and
declarations, but also —which is certainly more
important—on their implementation. This is an
absolute necessity if the United Nations is to
perform the task entrusted to it by humanity. Let
us listen to the voice of our Secretary- General
and commence without further delay the process
towards remedying the situation. If we fail to do
so, we will not be doing our duty and the very
future of the United Nations will be at stake,
with the net result that anarchy and chaos will
continue increasingly to prevail in the world
instead of the rule of law and the principles of
the Charter.
15.	Recent debates on the question of
Palestine and Lebanon brought to the foreground
and demonstrated in a crude and tragic way the
inability of the Organization to fulfill its
paramount responsibility of maintaining
international peace and security. Ten Security
Council resolutions went unheeded whilst the
tragic siege of Beirut and the indiscriminate
bombing and shelling were going on. The
Organization stood literally helpless while the
Palestinians were targeted for extinction.
16.	In expressing my deep concern in this
respect, I made a proposal for the convening of a
special session of the General Assembly to deal
with the question of the implementation of United
Nations resolutions. Developments since then, as
boldly and clearly elaborated upon in the report
of the Secretary-General, have strengthened my
conviction that it is imperative that the General
Assembly should, as a matter of urgency, consider
this question in depth with the aim of producing
definite and positive results. While repeating my
proposal for a special session, for which
consultations may commence, I today propose
formally the inclusion in the agenda of this
current session of a separate item entitled
"Implementation of the resolutions of the United
Nations" and I have instructed the delegation of
Cyprus So enter immediately into appropriate
consultations in this respect. I urge the General
Assembly to accept the inclusion of this item and
to attach to it the importance it deserves. I am
confident that a full and constructive debate on
this item will result in setting in motion the
proper process for finding the right answer to
this extremely serious and outstandingly
significant issue.
17.	The contradictions between the
expectations of mankind and the performance of
the United Nations are also illustrated by the
absence of any meaningful progress in the
North-South dialogue for a more equitable
distribution of wealth. It would not be an
exaggeration to say that ours is a civilization
of opulence and abundance and at the same time of
famine and deprivation, a civilization of "haves"
and "have nots". While about a tenth of the
population of developing countries is exposed to
starvation, a quarter suffers from malnutrition
and the rest lives in deprivation and
destitution, others can spend lavishly and live
comfortably. The International Meeting on
Co-operation and Development, held at Cancun in
1981, unfortunately failed to remedy that
disparity and socio-economic injustice.
18.	The perpetuation of the North-South
dichotomy, of the highly unbalanced distribution
of wealth, not only is a stigma on our
civilization but also poses considerable
obstacles to any efforts to deal with related
political issues confronting the world.
19.	Interdependence, which is one of the main
traits of the political and economic
international life of today, reinforces the need
to define the content of the new international
economic order and of reaching an acceptable
agreement. Our commitment to international peace
and security and to the uniform progress of
mankind makes us even more determined to work
resolutely towards the establishment of the new
international economic order.
20.	The failure to get the global round of
negotiations off the ground so far is
disappointing. Despite the fact that certain
areas of agreement have been identified, it has
not proved possible to reach agreement on basic
pre-conditions. But I repeat: we all share a
responsibility towards mankind, towards future
generations. We cannot let them down. And the
responsibility of those who can afford to make
concessions to ensure the success of this
objective is even heavier. We must redouble our
efforts, brushing aside the disappointments and
bitter experiences of the past, and strive even
harder for success. It is neither simple nor easy
to reach solutions based on principles. On the
other hand, only such solutions will be lasting
and effective.
21.	Once again we reiterate our belief that
the principles of non-alignment are becoming
even more relevant today than when they were
first formulated and disseminated. In the light
of the realities of today's international
situation, the principles of non-alignment
provide small countries with the foundation upon
which they can build a structure of positive
relationships with all countries without being
drawn into bloc rivalries.
22.	Cyprus, one of the founding members of
the movement, is today, 21 years later, proud to
note that non-alignment has contributed
positively to the promotion of peace and to the
prevalence of the principles of justice and
freedom. The role of the non- aligned movement in
international affairs has been consolidated and
there can be no question as to its significance.
In fact, the purposes of non-alignment as regards
detente and the peaceful solution of
international problems and its goals of freedom,
justice and lasting peace in the world are the
purposes and goals of mankind. We Shall
consistently follow the policy of non-alignment
and shall continue actively to participate in the
efforts and the activities of the movement as we
have been doing since its inception.
23.	Equally, I wish to stress the
significance of the continuation of the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe
and the application of all the principles and
provisions of the Helsinki Final Act, to which
Cyprus reaffirms its commitment. Together with
the other neutral and non-aligned countries of
Europe, we are doing our utmost for the success
of the follow-up Conference to be reconvened in
Madrid in November, which will substantially
contribute to genuine detente in Europe and will
enhance the prospects of peace throughout the
world.
24.	The Middle East crisis continues,
confounded and bedeviled as never before, and it
will not be solved without the withdrawal of
Israel from all the territories it has occupied
since 1967 and without the solution of the
Palestinian question with the participation on
an equal footing of the Palestine Liberation
Organization [PLO], the sole, legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people. We
hold the view that the Middle East problem is one
of the most serious problems facing the world
today and threatening international peace, and at
its core is the Palestinian question. The
inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to
dignity and freedom must be recognized. And the
aspirations of the Palestinians to the creation
of an independent and sovereign Palestinian State
must be realized.
25.	That has been our consistent and
principled position on the Middle East and we
shall keep striving within the context of the
United Nations, along with the other members of
the non-aligned movement to contribute to a just
and lasting solution to that problem. It was in
line with this brotherly solidarity with the
people of Palestine, Lebanon and the Syrian Arab
Republic and the non-aligned movement that we
acted as host from 15 to 17 July in Nicosia tothe
Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the
coordinating Bureau of Non-Aligned Countries on
the question of Palestine. In the same spirit,
Cyprus participated in the Ministerial Committee
formed at that meeting which had a number of
constructive contacts aimed at the promotion of
the rights of the people of Palestine.
26.	We reaffirm our full support for the
sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity
and unity of much- tormented Lebanon. The
abhorrent massacre of Palestinian civilians,
women and children, has appalled and brought
unparalleled shock to our people and has
underlined the need for effective measures for
the protection of all the population in Lebanon.
27.	The war between Iraq and the Islamic
Republic of Iran continues unabated, causing much
loss of life and property to two countries in the
non-aligned movement. This is another tragic
example of the inability of the Organization to
meet its primary objectives of maintaining peace
and security and ensuring the peaceful settlement
of disputes between States.
28.	There is hardly any other issue in
international relations in regard to which the
world community has been able to arrive at a
higher level of understanding and agreement than
the imperative need for the elimination of all
forms of racial discrimination and in particular
of its worst manifestation, namely, the odious
doctrine of	Yet this abhorrent doctrine is
still alive, and so are other practices of racial
discrimination, emanating either from internal
oppression or from foreign aggressive designs.
South Africa, most notably, persists in its
defiant attitude towards the United Nations by
flouting and ignoring the decisions of the
Organization, by denying every single tenet
embodied in the Charter and by failing to respect
the basic principles of the equal rights of
individuals and the self-determination of peoples
without distinction as to race, religion or sex.
29.	I wish to reiterate once again our
solidarity with the people of South Africa, and
indeed all oppressed peoples under colonialist
regimes and foreign domination who continue to
struggle for freedom, equality and justice. We
also reiterate our whole-hearted support for the
people of Namibia and express our conviction that
their just struggle will succeed. To this end it
is necessary that Security Council resolution 435
(1978) be strictly and urgently implemented as a
whole, to enable the people of Namibia to take
its rightful place as an independent State. We
also voice again our solidarity with the
front-line States in southern Africa and condemn
South Africa's acts of aggression against those
countries, which are shouldering a major part of
the struggle for the eradication of the evil of
	Mf.
30.	Despite the formidable achievements and
the concerted efforts continuously exerted to
bring about decolonization, there are still
territories under colonial or neo-colonial rule.
I take this opportunity to declare once again
that Cyprus fully supports all the efforts of the
United Nations for the eradication of the last
vestiges of colonialism in various parts of the
world, as well as for the adoption of measures
aimed against the revival of colonialism.
31.	In that context I would mention the case
of Western Sahara, where the principle of
self-determination has not yet been applied.
Contrary to the numerous General Assembly
resolutions on this subject, the Sahraoui people
have not yet been allowed to exercise their
inalienable rights.
32.	I do not propose to refer specifically to
the many other cases of destabilization,
conflict, dispute and Confrontation which are
scattered all over the globe. The increase in
their number, extent and intensity simply points
to the fact that man's future is in the balance.
33.	Perhaps in no other United Nations
activity do we observe such a degree of
discrepancy between the resolutions we adopt and
the realities we witness as in the Held of human
rights. It is really frustrating and saddening to
note the ever-increasing gap between rhetoric and
real human attitudes and action. Even more
saddening is the helplessness or passivity with
which the international community watches mass,
flagrant and horrible violation of basic human
rights and fundamental freedoms, unable or
unwilling to do anything decisive and effective
about it. That is why we should concentrate on
ways and means to ensure effective and strict
respect for human rights. That is why we should
welcome and strongly support the trend which has
appeared in recent years towards conventions
which have a built-in machinery for the
implementation of their provisions. The
International Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the
International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights  are such cases, and they must be followed
by others.
34.	Cyprus has consistently supported the
need for all to collaborate in the establishment
of a new world information and communications
order based, inter alia, on the free circulation
and wider and better balanced dissemination of
information, guaranteeing the diversity of
sources and free access to information. We
maintain that it is imperative to change the
dependent status of the developing countries in
the field of information and communication, which
is an integral part of the development process.
35.	We salute the agreement reached on the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,'
despite some negative votes, after eight years of
intensive consultations and negotiations, to
which Cyprus made its modest contribution. The
importance of this achievement can hardly be
over-emphasized. It marks the advent of a new era
in which the nations of the world, old and new,
rich and poor, from the entire political
spectrum, have agreed to set the rules that
should govern the use and exploitation of the
resources of our common heritage in the seas and
oceans. The successful completion of the
Convention, which also regulates the many other
aspects of the law of the sea, enhances the
prospects for international co-operation and
makes a very necessary contribution to the
prestige of the United Nations.
36.	The problem of Cyprus continues to be one
of the most serious international problems,
threatening peace and security in the sensitive
area of the eastern Mediterranean. This situation
is yet another example of the inability of the
United Nations to act by implementing its own
resolutions. Eight years have elapsed since
Turkish troops invaded Cyprus and occupied more
than 36 per cent of its territory; eight years of
agony, after the devastation and pillage, in
which all human rights have been and continue to
be violated by Turkey; eight years of the crude
act of occupation.
37.	Cyprus has come through many tribulations
during its proud 7,000-year history but has never
before experienced such a sinister operation: an
operation whereby the occupation is coupled with
the systematic attempt to change the demographic
character of the occupied part; an operation
whereby the indigenous population of the occupied
territory was savagely ousted from its
birthplace. A birthplace does not belong to any
given generation of people. It is perennial in
character; it belongs to history. So the
aggression of Turkey against Cyprus is not only a
present-day violation of sovereignty and
territorial integrity: it is also a sacrilegious
trespass on one of the oldest recorded histories
of the world. The Turkish aggression and
occupation brought upon Cyprus many scars which
cannot be healed as long as the violation of our
sovereignty and territorial integrity persists,
as long as the Turkish army of occupation is on
our territory.
38.	Eight years have elapsed and we are still
trying to trace the fate of more than 1,600
persons, missing since the invading forces set
foot on Cyprus. In spite of unflagging efforts,
in spite of a number of resolutions adopted by
the Assembly, no progress has been made on this
purely humanitarian issue. We call upon the
international community to make its voice heard
more clearly and loudly in Ankara, so that a
workable arrangement may be achieved to trace in
a proper manner the fate of the missingpersons.
39.	I stand at this rostrum once again to
convey to the Assembly the protest of the people
of Cyprus at the continued Turkish occupation
and, in general, at the contemptuous way in which
Turkey has been treating the resolutions of the
United Nations on the question of Cyprus, and to
reiterate our demands for their strict and full
implementation. The words of the
Secretary-General in his report, which still
reverberate in this Hall, were really scathing
and severely censorious of those who failed to
comply with United Nations resolutions and of
those who try "to win an international objective
by force".
40.	The facts with regard to Cyprus are well
known to the Assembly. Although we are victims of
aggression and occupation, we have mustered all
good will in the quest for a lasting solution and
permanent peace. The intercommunal talks, which
have been going on in Cyprus for a long time,
have produced no results of any substance due to
the intransigent and negative attitude of Turkey.
It is incumbent upon the international community,
and particularly those who possess the necessary
influence, to make Turkey remove its forces of
occupation from, and abandon its sinister designs
against, Cyprus and comply fully with the
resolutions of the United Nations.
41.	Together with my assurances that we for
our part shall continue to strive hard for a
peaceful solution in conformity with the
resolutions of the United Nations, I must
categorically state once again that under no
circumstances shall we accept the results of the
crime committed against Cyprus or any solution
which directly or indirectly might lead to the
division and partition of Cyprus or amount to the
abandonment of the inherent rights of the people
of Cyprus, such as the right of the refugees to
return to their homes and properties. We envisage
a completely independent, sovereign,
territorially integral, federal, united,
demilitarized and non-aligned Republic of Cyprus,
in which all citizens, whether Greek Cypriots or
Turkish Cypriots or Maronites or Armenians or
Latins, will be able to enjoy fully their human
rights and fundamental freedoms and co-operate
for a happy and prosperous future in peace and
freedom for generations to come. Our aspiration
is to turn Cyprus Rom a place of conflict into a
place of peace, something which would be a
significant contribution to the cause of
international peace and security. We aspire to
turn Cyprus into a bridge of understanding and
co-operation between three continents.
42.	I have no doubt whatsoever that, if
foreign intervention and interference cease and
the unity of the country and the people is
restored, there would be no problem which could
not be overcome. In a genuine desire to ensure
lasting peace in our much tormented country, I
put forward some time ago the proposal for the
total demilitarization and disarmament of
Cyprus. I declared that we would be prepared to
agree to the stationing in the Republic of Cyprus
for as long as necessary, of an international
United Nations police force which would supervise
a united mixed Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot
police force composed in accordance with the
population ratio. I reiterate once again my
proposal. The Greek Prime Minister, Mr.
Papandreou, offered to withdraw
from Cyprus the small Greek contingent stationed
under the 1960 Treaties, provided, of course,
that all the Turkish troops are withdrawn, in
which case Greece would be prepared to pay for
the additional expenses for an increased
international force of the United Nations. We
support this generous proposal of the Greek Prime
Minister, which was set out before the Assembly
again in the statement of the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Greece [//f%
43.	The time has really come for the
international community to act resolutely in
order to give effect to its own verdict in regard
to Cyprus. This unacceptable situation cannot go
on indefinitely. It is because of the lack of any
progress towards a solution of the Cyprus problem
and because of Turkey's continuous disregard of
the relevant United Nations resolutions that we
have asked for a new debate on Cyprus by the
General Assembly in an effort to employ ways and
means and take any steps and measures necessary
to promote the implementation of the relevant
United Nations resolutions. I call upon the
Assembly to act effectively so that a potential
source of danger can be removed in the interests
of peace and international security and for the
sake of the most sacred principles for which the
United Nations stands.
44.	I fervently hope that mankind will come
to its senses before it is too late, before the
"international anarchy" to which the
Secretary-General referred in his report becomes
a way of life on this planet with all the grave
implications this would entail for the very
survival of humanity. We trust that, under the
guidance of the United Nations leadership, a new
mentality will prevail and that, with the full
support and co-operation of each and every Member
State, a new era will dawn, not of anarchy and
conflict, but of peace, justice and
international legal order in accordance with the
principles of the United Nations. To this noble
objective we for our part pledge our dedication
and full support.


118.	  Taking part in the general debate as it comes to an end may be a disadvantage, in that one may say things that have already been said and therefore be boring. However, what is important is not to try to be novel but, rather, to reaffirm our belief in principles that we hold dear and to state precisely our position with regard to the state of the world.
119.	The annual session of the General Assembly is a high point in the lives of people throughout the world. It concerns everyone, through their delegations, not simply the illusion but the reality of taking part in the management of the world, through dialog, conciliation and the sharing of the ideals of peace, justice, freedom and progress.
120.	It is in that spirit that the People's Republic of the Cong< peaks today, thus contributing to the ennobling and lofty work whose purposes and principles are clearly set out in the Charter.
121.	Before going any further, I should like to say how glad my country is that Mr. Hollai is presiding over the current session. His unanimous choice by the General Assembly was not only a well-deserved tribute to his country, the Hungarian People's Republic, a friend of the people's Republic of the Congo, but also proper appreciation of his qualities and merits, which are in keeping with his responsibilities in his own country and our happy memories of him when he so worthily represented Hungary at the United Nations. It is a pleasure for me to extend to him the sincere congratulations of the Congolese delegation. We also express our appreciation to Mr. Kittani, our friend and the President's predecessor, for the brilliant way in which he discharged his duties as President of the thirty-sixth session and the second special session devoted to disarmament. I also have particular pleasure in repeating my country's warmest congratulations to Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who has been Secretary-General for almost a year now, and who has devoted himself to his work with the conviction and dedication that we know him to possess.
122.	The human race is living through one of the most turbulent eras of its existence. We have all said this, and we are constantly concerned about it. We must see that matters do not get out of hand. We must stop the dangerous trend of the world's progressing in accordance with a logic that would crush the human race by plunging it into chaos, blindness, confrontation and war.
123.	Our international conscience must eliminate the use of force and must condemn those who wish to take advantage of their strength to trample on the law. Arbitrary action cannot be the basis of the law in this world unless the human race abandons its desire for progress and admits that it is retrogressing.
124.	When the Zionist State of Israel sweeps through a whole country to invade, attack and destroy a sovereign State and massacre its population; when racist South Africa elevates apartheid into a government doctrine, pillages neighboring independent States, oppresses and slaughters black people blithely and with impunity, then we feel we have been thrown back into the dark night of barbarism and savagery, totally divorced from our own age and from a conscience that only yesterday, with astonishing strength, fought the war against Nazism and other attacks on mankind.
125.	At a time when many attempts are being made to challenge the liberation and self-determination movements of the peoples, it is clear that the deprived world, the poor world, the world that is struggling for survival and freedom, needs more than ever before a more effective, more dynamic and stronger Organization. In Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America there is a trend now to challenge independence won at such cost and to deny freedom. The retrograde imperialist forces are competing with one another, with utter contempt for international law and
morality, to see who can best strengthen the last bastions of colonialism and racism, employing every method available to them to ensure their control of those regions and their natural resources.
126.	In Africa, the exploitation and enslavement imposed from outside the continent is a matter of increasing concern to us.
127.	Our first thought is of the gallant people of southern Africa who have been thus ravished; their sufferings are our sufferings; the Congolese people feel deeply all the frustrations and horrors imposed on them so unjustly.
128.	The odious regime of apartheid continues to push horror and barbarism beyond imaginable limits. No morality or law can stop it; in the name of a doctrine that dares not say what it really is, in the name of we know not what law, the racists of Pretoria are committing acts of aggression and invading the front-line States because they believe they can do so with impunity.
129.	The United Nations has condemned the complicity of the industrialized countries, without which Mr. Botha and his assistants would be powerless.
130.	Will mankind continue much longer to let itself be duped? Can we allow such a situation to continue? The international community surely has a duty to consider urgent measures to impose and apply the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination. The Congo believes that the peoples of southern Africa will inevitably triumph over oppression and enslavement, for the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination is an achievement of the human race, and this achievement remains irreversible. It is the sacred duty of the peoples of southern Africa to sacrifice everything, even their lives, to ensure the exercise of their right to freedom and independence. The international community must demonstrate full and effective solidarity with these peoples in their struggle.
131.	The fact that we are hoping for independence for Namibia in 1983 should not permit us to forget to place the Namibian problem in its proper context. The future of that country is a matter for the Namibian people and SWAPO, its sole and authentic representative. That has been sufficiently demonstrated by the heroic struggle waged so valiantly for so many years and by the great sacrifices made. The procrastinations of the countries in the contact group, the various deals delaying this long awaited outcome, are pure and simple violations of the right of peoples to self-determination. The terms of resolution 435 (1978) must be respected; there can be no bargaining away or amendment of its terms. The United Nations, as the international organization which has set itself among other objectives that of ensuring the inalienable rights of the peoples, must not tolerate such violations.
132.	The situation in northwest Africa, specifically in Western Sahara, must be viewed in the light of that same principle of self-determination. The question of Western Sahara is one of decolonization, and it must be seen as such; any distortion, any policy of annexation or of military occupation amounts to the crushing, the mutilation, the destruction of a people. I am glad
(hat the United Nations has avoided any such injustice by its recognition many years ago of the right of the Sahraoui people to self-determination. My country is pleased that it is one of the 60 or so States that have recognized the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, thus recognizing its sovereignty in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Therefore any discussion of this problem, any reference to some past happening is merely an attempt to camouflage other designs that the Organization could not countenance. The question of Western Sahara is clear, and there is no room for ambiguity. The occupying forces that are waging this destructive war against a peaceful people should listen to the voice of the heart and the mind instead of continuing with this dangerous and reprehensible adventurism.
133.	My country endorses the call for the reconstruction of Chad, a friendly sister country, tom by civil war. But that reconstruction requires the reconciliation of the people of the country, without distinction of race, religion or political view. It also means that there must be no foreign intervention.
134.	I cannot refer to the tragedy in Lebanon, and the massacre in Beirut, without feelings of deep emotion. Each one of us can visualize those savagely mutilated bodies piled up under the rubble of recently bombed buildings. It is horror institutionalized; the extreme of barbarism; terrible scenes, anathema to the modem age, but revealing in more ways than one the true nature of that regime that has been condemned and, because of its repeated evil deeds, has now been outlawed by the civilized nations of the world. Not content to pillage by annexation and occupation, the Israeli Zionists are diabolically pursuing the peaceful Palestinian people even into exile. For Israel it was a question of weakening at whatever cost the PLO and its leadership in order to master the situation and impose its will in the Middle East.
135.	The Congo pays a tribute to all the members of the Security Council for having spoken in frank and unmistakable terms, in the language of truth, without exception condemning Israel for its crimes in Lebanon. It is highly desirable that that condemnation lead to positive action, that is, the recognition of the Palestinian people and their national rights, in particular the right to return to their homeland.
136.	My country's position on the Palestinian issue is well known. The recent events in Lebanon are one stage in a vast plot against the Palestinian people, and they prove once again that our analysis of the situation is the correct one. Peace in the Middle East requires a just settlement of the Palestinian problem. No solution that does not involve the Palestinian people and its sole authentic representative, the PLO, can be effective or lasting. We reaffirm the right of the Palestinian people to national existence and the restoration of its inalienable and inviolable rights. Neither weapons nor mass destruction can ever force the Palestinian people to abandon their sacred right, their dignity as a people.
137.	I should like to say once again to those gallant people of Latin America, who are struggling for the free exercise of their right to self-determination, that the people of the Congo support them.
138.	I should also like to reaffirm the brotherly solidarity of my country with the peoples of Kampuchea and Viet Nam in their tireless efforts, under their respective Governments, to achieve national reconstruction after so many years of war and destruction.
139.	The Democratic People's Republic of Korea, in its legitimate struggle for the peaceful reunification of its great homeland of Korea, also merits our respect and esteem.
140.	I have so far been dealing with matters of decolonization, the free exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination, because my country believes that full and final decolonization is a prerequisite for the promotion of peace and relationships favorable to development and co-operation.
141.	The profound crisis in the world economy and the inability of the world to apply the necessary remedies give rise in our various States to reactions of self-preservation and protectionism as a result of which the gap between North and South is widening.
142.	We are going through a difficult time; everywhere our economies are finding it impossible to keep pace with events. All the reports submitted, whatever economic body they come from, including the World Bank and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, emphasize the danger into which the world is rushing.
143.	Such a danger should make us stand by and support each other, but how many hopes have been dimmed by the ambitions of some and the egoism of others? The United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris in 1981, aroused more hope, as did the meeting at Cancun, which offered some possibility of a resumption of the indispensable North-South dialog. But unfortunately this is the hour of disenchantment. Global negotiations within the United Nations on the definition of the new rules that should govern international economic relations have reached a serious impasse.
144.	The industrialized countries seem to be dealing with the crisis by means of a few palliatives, but the third world countries are weaker and they are increasingly exposed. They are bearing the burden of the economic in-adaptability and anachronisms in a way that is not really justified. The constant reduction in aid, the increase in the food deficit, the limits on access to technology, the deterioration in the terms of trade, and an accumulation of similar handicaps, constitute but one aspect of the ills that afflict us.
145.	All these factors urge us to move toward a worldwide dialog, because we believe in the interdependence of the countries of the world. But we seem to be bogged down in the negotiations for the establishment of a new framework for international economic relations. This should make us think about our current practice and devise more flexible and effective formulas. The establishment of regional subgroups such as those recommended for Africa in the Lagos Plan of Action and the search for ways of redefining all our regional economic policies could, we feel, constitute a first approach. However, such a
program can be carried out only in an international context of peace and security.
146.	The Congolese people are peaceful people. We jealously defend our freedom and concentrate on the tasks of development. Our people believe that everything possible must be done to ensure better understanding between peoples and individuals. The unbridled use of force can never be accepted, nor can threats or intimidation become the rules of international life, or selfishness, hatred or prejudice dominate relations between nations, for that would spell our doom.
147.	Against the background of the tension and international confrontation prevailing in the world today, the morality and the ethic of nations must be something other than simple complacency or acceptance, indifference to the violations of international law, attacks on the freedom of individuals and peoples, the destruction of innocent lives civilizations and the heritage of man. Rather, more than ever before, we must show extreme vigilance, constant mobilization, solidarity that knows no frontier and clear-sightedness.
148.	International peace and security, of course, depend on many factors. These include, in particular, specific measures which will lead to real disarmament. I made this point in my statement last June at the twelfth special session [9th meeting], the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. It is unfortunate that that session did not live up to our hopes and enable us to take important steps forward.
149.	But the debates did convince us of the need to continue our discussions with the vision of establishing among all members of the international community relations based on trust, mutual respect and the recognition by all Member States of the right of each people to choose its national institutions in freedom, to independence, to security and to peace.
150.	We have faith in the future, faith in man and his creative ability, his intelligence and his wisdom. But our faith cannot be a blind faith; it must be supported by constant efforts made by everybody to prevent a catastrophe.
151.	We believe that it is possible to avoid a third world war by signing strategic arms limitation agreements and establishing conventions and agreements that would link the nations of the world together through non-aggression pacts.
152.	We also believe that it is possible to find some area of agreement among nations to overcome the economic crisis, working for a new international economic order by replacing the present rules of competition by co-operation and co-development.
153.	Lastly, we believe it is possible to reduce distrust among nations and political systems and to prevent confrontations becoming inevitable by working towards peaceful coexistence.
54. The work of peace, detente and co-operation among nations is a great humanitarian effort, and individuals, nations and peoples that contribute to this deserve our admiration. International bodies such as the United Nations which devote all their energies to this deserve our full support. We should like to
pay a tribute once again to Mr. Hollai for his contribution to the work of this session.
Organization of work.