Mr. President, the cordial relations which exist between El Salvador and the Federal Republic of Germany make your election to the presidency of the thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly an opportunity for us to reaffirm the links of co-operation between our peoples and our Governments. I am certain that your skill and experience will ensure that the work of the Assembly reaches a successful conclusion. I congratulate you and your Government on your election, which carries with it such honour.
2.	This is also an excellent opportunity for me to express to the outgoing President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, our appreciation of the brilliant way in which he fulfilled his mandate.
3.	I am pleased to reiterate our welcome to the Republic of Zimbabwe, which, after a glorious struggle, achieved its independence. It is also a pleasure for me to welcome the State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, which has recently become a Member of the Organization. We are linked with that country because we are both Latin American countries.
4.	This statement has as its starting point the fact that international relations are closely related to the dynamics of the internal social-political process. For this reason, my statement will stress this twofold approach.
5.	El Salvador is now going through crucial times, times of political, social and economic definition.
6.	My country belongs to the group of underdeveloped countries which export agricultural goods and have dependent economies. These characteristics prevail in many third world countries.
7.	The nature of this society constitutes an obstacle to development and to the establishment of democracy. Lack of control over land-holdings, the financial system and foreign trade have been the structural bases of this type of society.
8.	This generates levels of poverty that reach the limits of destitution and hunger and create a process of alienation of vast human sectors. This produces insufficiencies in domestic markets, obstructs agricultural, industrial, and service sector development and also creates a socio-cultural infrastructure that undermines the dignity of the human person.
9.	These structural circumstances in our case are worsened by demographic growth, compounded by emigration from the countryside to the city, producing a serious problem of urban social alienation.
10.	The effects of this situation have been, at the political level, overt or covert dictatorships, electoral fraud, corruption, the distortion of the institutions created to foster development, and a lack of ability to make effective use of international co-operation. At the social level there has been moral disintegration, illiteracy and the presence of a frustrated youth, youth without any prospects for the future.
11.	Starting in the decade of the 1960s, there was in our country a process of public awakening which gave the alienated masses and the population in general hopes for a different fate. Trade union movements rose as well as ideological political parties, organizations of the workers and the masses. These popular movements aspired to and struggled for economic and social reform and for the establishment of a democratic government.
12.	With these tools for social action, the people on three occasions engaged in democratic electoral processes, in 1966, 1972 and 1977. In all those campaigns an apparatus of fraud and repression was mobilized. On those three occasions the will of the people was betrayed and the possibility of introducing reforms through electoral means lost all credibility.
13.	This cut-off of democratic viability intensified the struggle of political and trade union organizations. The groups that held power turned a deaf ear to the outcry of the people, who were with good reason demanding a new, more just and more humane society. In this context, neither democracy nor development had any alternative.
14.	Because of this, on the basis of the right to insurrection, the Administration in power was overthrown on 15 October 1979 and the Revolutionary Government Junta was established.
15.	That insurrection began a revolutionary process which attempts to combine social and economic factors with political factors in order to create a democratic, pluralistic society in which all may play a part. There has been an attempt to accomplish a series of structural changes, making it possible for us to have a society and a style of life which would be more just, more humane and more united.
16.	We are aware that it is only through structural changes, only through providing an escape valve for social and political expression that we shall be able to eradicate the deep-rooted motives for violence which the system in force before 15 October had produced.
17.	At social and economic levels, my Government had been legislating and carrying out integral agrarian reform. We have completely eliminated the system of large land- holdings and have begun a system of agrarian reform, making it possible for 70 per cent of our masses in the countryside to own their own land. It will be the first programme of agrarian reform which in its first year will achieve a 25 per cent increase in agricultural production, especially in food grains. This demonstrates the absolute support that has been given to the agrarian reform system in our country. We have also carried on a nationalization of foreign trade and of our domestic financial system.
18.	At the political level, my Government has set a political time-table for itself which includes a series of measures and a full process of democratization which will lead to free and democratic elections in the near future so that the people may be the master of its own destiny.
19.	In this way we are creating a political organization which will be a tool used by the society as a whole and which will make it possible for us to bring genuine peace to the country.
20.	Violence, in fact, is a phenomenon caused by incompatibility between popular aspirations and economic, social and political structures; hence the eradication of violence, in the case of my country, is being made dependent upon the establishment of economic, social and political machinery to produce social flexibility, confidence and co-operation.
21.	We are endeavouring to build a system of democratic life, a legal system of full respect for human rights to make it possible for us to conduct a process of social and moral integration.
22.	My Government is taking positive steps towards the achievement of these goals. We require the co-operation of all Salvadorian citizens for this purpose without any discrimination or political or ideological differentiation. The important thing is to put an end to violent means and to seek to have reason prevail through calm, objective dialogue in order once and for all to put an end to irrational political action and to outbursts of emotion.
23.	Our struggle is a difficult one because emotions and interests have been aroused that at present would seem to be irreconcilable. None the less, we are optimistic because we have faith and trust that we shall manage to establish a democratic society in which the people will be able to express themselves freely and in which the vote will be respected in the election of officials. Given a disintegrated society, a society in a state of conflict as a result of years of pain and exploitation, we have taken as our objective harmony and justice. We are optimistic because we believe in Salvadorians, in their intelligence and hard-working nature which will make it possible for them through self- determination and self-development, to emerge successfully from this time of trial.
24.	As regards the international situation, we have seen that detente has lost ground in the face of confrontation between the super-Powers. We have seen this not only at the world level, in the problems in reduction, control and balance of nuclear weapons, but also in the proliferation of hotbeds of tension.
25.	In these circumstances, the world runs a greater risk of a wide-ranging conflagration. This is most significant when Powers that in the past had confined their interests to given areas now wish to extend them to other regions, regions that had been traditionally more or less left out of the game of political and international ambitions.
26.	In the face of the major Powers, in a world fought over by blocs and alliances of power, El Salvador has set for itself a clear foreign policy line based on its affirmation of its own sovereignty and independence in the face of any plans for expansionism, hegemonism or subjugation. Here we fully support the non-aligned countries.
27.	The third world countries have matured sufficiently to make their positions of nationalism and self-determination prevail. It is authentic nationalism that must prevail in response to the conditions existing in each country.
28.	We must reiterate that relations among sovereign States must be based on mutual respect for the principle of non-intervention. In relations among States, stable and precise rules and values must prevail, not temporary attitudes or expediency.
29.	The people prefer attitudes of principle to demagogic posturing. The people are aware that different problems must be given different treatments and different responses. Even though we may try to compare different social phenomena, it is impossible to distort the essence of the social and political forces at work in each individual situation. The Government of El Salvador wishes to emphasize that respect for such principles will be its guiding light in its foreign policy. We see international law as essentially dynamic in a world of constant change, where principles are basically stable and permanent. The principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations provide the best approach to important problems in the international field.
30.	With regard to South Africa, a country with which the Revolutionary Government of El Salvador broke, diplomatic relations less than a year ago, we see that it has continued to sponsor racial discrimination and the odious policy of apartheid and that it has done little to help the independence process of Namibia. This reluctance on the part of South Africa comes as no surprise to the Members of the United Nations.
31.	We must be aware of the justified impatience of the people of Namibia, which, following its lengthy struggle for national identity, wishes to see the realization of its dearest ideal: complete independence. We wish to express our recognition of and support for the people of Namibia and its African brothers.
32.	In connection with the process of decolonization in the north of Africa, El Salvador is in favour of the independence of Western Sahara.
33.	We should now like to comment on a few international problems that affect peace in the world. These problems are of such importance that they have an unfavourable impact on other areas of the world.
34.	The war that has been unleashed between Iran and Iraq is a matter of concern to my country. The conflict is particularly serious because of its potential for expansion and it unfavourable effects on the international economy. We urge the parties to the conflict to negotiate a cease-fire and to seek terms of understanding in order peacefully to resolve their disputes.
35.	With regard to the situations of conflict in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, the international community has stated its opposition to the presence of foreign forces in those countries. The peoples of those nations must have the opportunity to determine freely their political future.
36.	When a powerful State opposes the appeal made by the United Nations for it to correct its behaviour in the international field, the small countries have no alternative but to rely on the strength given them by the principles of the Charter and they must insist on the need for the application of the full force of international law and express their emphatic condemnation.
37.	The non-aligned countries played a relevant role in the convening of the seventh emergency special session in July of this year to deal with the question of Palestine. My Government already expressed its views to the General Assembly in that connection. These views may be summarized as follows.
38.	First, in the Middle East crisis the question of Palestine has a predominant place. In the Arab-Israeli problem the destiny of the people of Palestine is the nucleus.
39.	Secondly, the Palestinian people has an inalienable right to self-determination and the establishment of its national homeland, that is, the right to form an internationally recognized sovereign State.
40.	Thirdly, the acquisition of territories by force cannot be accepted, and therefore Israel must return such territories.
41.	Fourthly, the Palestinian people has the right to be represented by whatever organization it deems fitting. The Arab world without exception has recognized the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as the sole legitimate representative of that people. Therefore that organization must be accepted and included in peace negotiations.
42.	Fifthly, all States members of the international community must recognize the existence of the State of Israel and its right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.
43.	Jerusalem, because of its history and its religious importance, must be subject to a special regime in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
44.	We feel that the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to establish a State can be associated with the corresponding right of Israel to existence as a sovereign political entity. My delegation urges that efforts continue for a process of negotiation with the participation of all the parties concerned in the conflict.
45.	In the Middle East region also, in regard to the question of Lebanon, my country hopes that that nation will at last recover the peace that is so necessary for the harmonious coexistence of its people.
46.	El Salvador has given constant support to the work of the United Nations in the field of disarmament. That goal, which responds to the desire for world peace, has implications for development because of the vast resources that are diverted to the arms race. One step in that direction is represented by Protocol I of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America. We hope that other regions will adopt similar denuclearization schemes.
47.	With regard to the agreements between the major Powers, we feel it is a negative sign that the ratification of the SALT II Treaty is still pending and that no definite date has been set so far for the third round of negotiations on strategic arms limitations, known as SALT III. The escalation of the arms race in a search for advantage in the balance of weapons continues uninterrupted, with the assistance of vast technology which should be used for the development of peoples.
48.	The overwhelming majority of States are at the present time spectators of a drama which, if it were to lead to tragedy, would turn them into protagonists. The Disarmament Decade will have significance only if we promote negotiations towards general and complete disarmament.
49.	Allow me now to make a few comments on the world economic situation and on the aspirations of the developing countries. The economic problems facing our world are many and complex and are manifested in an economic crisis with a vast global impact, especially on the majority of the developing countries. We must find a solution to these problems within the framework of the United Nations.
50.	At the eleventh special session, which has just been concluded, a consensus was reached on the text of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. While the text is not completely satisfactory, at least there was progress on agreements in the framework of the North-South dialogue. However, the aforementioned special session also had as its objective the launching of a global round of negotiations to begin in January of next year, and here there was failure. In fact three industrialized countries did not give their consent to a consensus on a text concerning procedure for that new round of global negotiations.  El Salvador is confident that at the thirty-fifth session it will be possible to achieve that consensus.
51.	I wish to reiterate our full support for the positions of the Group of 77 and the group of countries that are members of the Latin American Economic System with regard to the new International Development Strategy and he global negotiations. My delegation considers that the items that should be given priority in the negotiations are those concerning raw materials, trade, development, energy and monetary and financial questions.
52.	Although they are all of singular importance, in the view of my country the issue of raw materials is vital.
53.	El Salvador, as a producer and exporter of coffee and a country whose economy depends to a great extent on that product, is affected by the unjust prices imposed by the international market while the prices of the goods that we need to import from developed countries increase day by day.
54.	Moreover, the establishment of customs and non- customs barriers, mainly export quotas, by the industrialized world continues to have a negative impact on the economies of our countries.
55.	Our country is awaiting with particular interest the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries that will be held next year. We are optimistic that positive results will be achieved for this category of countries, within the philosophy of international justice in distribution.
56.	I should now like to refer to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which completed its ninth session after making marked progress. My Government wishes to stress the importance it attaches to the early signing of a convention regulating the issues. El Salvador has a maritime vocation and bases its hopes on its potential for exploiting the resources of the sea as an aid to its economic and social development. I wish to reaffirm our position that we consider to be under national sovereignty the adjacent sea to a 200-nautical-mile limit, without prejudice to freedom of navigation in accordance with international law.
57.	I should now like to refer to a few relevant aspects of my country's foreign relations at the regional level.
58.	At the Latin American level, El Salvador joins those countries that are fighting for democratization, countries from which it has received considerable demonstrations of solidarity and understanding. We have carried out a very successful dynamic policy aimed at increasing our ties.
59.	As regards the Central American countries, in particular, we have given priority to the search for an agreement with the sister Republic of Honduras. A considerable part of our efforts have been geared to direct negotiations in a process of mediation effectively guided by the distinguished jurist, former President of the International Court of Justice, Mr. Jose Luis Bustamante y Rivero. The progress achieved is a source of well-founded optimism and we are confident that very soon we shall be signing a peace treaty, to which our peoples aspire.
60.	Fortunately our countries have been able to use peaceful means to resolve their disputes, following their principle of respect for the rules and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations and the charter of the Organization of American States, a body that has played a relevant role in our search for understanding and harmony between the two nations.
61.	In connection with the sister Republics of Guatemala, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama, we have endeavoured to maintain the best possible level of relations, and to this end, the visits, dialogue and constant communication of our views and concerns have been fundamental.
62.	We hope that in the framework of the principles contained in the San Jose Declaration, signed on 15 March, we shall be able to strengthen further our ties of regional co-existence, co-operation and integration.
63.	I should like to read the first three paragraphs of the San Jose Declaration, which include the fundamental rules which should prevail in present relations among Central American countries.
1.	"The peaceful and harmonious coexistence of the States of the Isthmus requires respect for the different social, economic and political systems, the right to self- determination and the right to resolve their internal matters in accordance with their own historic development.
2.	"The absolute and unrestricted observance of the principle of non-intervention in the affairs of other States is vital to the maintenance of peace and security of the countries of the area.
3.	"Respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence are vital conditions for guaranteeing the peaceful coexistence and economic and social development of States."
64.	It is fair to state that at this point, a crucial one for Central America, we have seen the generous will and readiness of Central American Governments to create renewed links of understanding and friendship.
65.	Once again, sister States have felt their calling for unity, peace and close relations. In Central America, the reconstruction of the greater fatherland is a mystical concept. For El Salvador it is the height of our international political aspiration and responds to our deepest wishes. Hence, our devotion to Central American integration, to the strengthening of its common market, the creation of the most favourable atmosphere for a rapprochement and so overcoming the differences and problems that arise.
66.	We see the safeguarding of human rights as an integral system that does not exclude continents, regions or countries because of different ideologies. Action should be undertaken without discrimination and without any political sectarianism. There should be a crusade to condemn violence, regardless of its source and of its motivation.
67.	We are confident that the maximum protection of human rights requires a just and non-discriminating international system. In this context, we welcome and shall support the proposal to be submitted under agenda item 114 by the Nordic countries concerning the protection of diplomatic representatives and other persons invested with similar functions, such as officials of international organizations. The status of immunity is not a mere privilege; it has been and will continue to be a requirement for the normal fulfilment of the functions of a diplomat. It is inconceivable to any civilized mind that a diplomat should be a natural target for acts of terrorism.
68.	In the context of human rights, we wish to refer to the deplorable fact of terrorism. Terrorist actions are in themselves violations of the most basic human rights. Of course, this phenomenon must be analysed in all its complexity in order to reveal its causes, to understand them and to eliminate them. Terrorism as such is an action that, because of the irrationality of the means used and its intrinsic brutality, violates the most sacred values and legal and moral concepts of society.
69.	The Government of El Salvador highly appreciates the support received from friendly countries for its revolutionary process and wishes to stress that, on the basis of principle, it rejects in advance any conditions that might be attempted to be imposed on the granting of any sort of assistance. Likewise, for the same reason we reject any attempt at interference in our internal affairs, which would be inadmissible.
70.	El Salvador demands, urges and asks countries that are interested in its internal affairs to respect the self- determination of its people, which will resolve its own problems. The internationalization of conflicts that are strictly domestic only worsens those conflicts. Intervention can endanger the peace and security of a region—in this case, Central America.
71.	The Revolutionary Junta of the Government of El Salvador places and reiterates its trust in the United Nations as a forum for unity within a plurality of interests and ideological and political trends, which confront each other with the force of their ideas and arguments in a constant search for reconciliation and consensus, on the understanding that the destiny of mankind will be shared and that we must all shoulder the serious responsibilities of avoiding its destruction and of promoting harmony, progress and well- being.


I should like first, Sir, to add my voice to the voices of those heads of delegations who preceded me in addressing this session, and to congratulate you on your assumption of the high position to which you have been elected as President of the General Assembly at its thirty- fifth session. This is an election which reflects the great esteem enjoyed by you and by your country. We hope, under you wise guidance, to achieve substantial progress towards the realization of the goals and objectives of the United Nations and towards dealing with the issues before us, as was the case during the presidency of your highly esteemed predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim.
246.	In this connection, I must not fail to extend my thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Wald- heim, for his tireless efforts to achieve the goals of the United Nations, goals on which the hopes and aspirations of peace- loving nations are centred.
247.	It is my pleasure to join in welcoming the State of Zimbabwe as a new Member of the United Nations. I should like to take this opportunity to extend my country's congratulations to the people of Zimbabwe, whose determination and national struggle have been crowned with the attainment of freedom and independence.
248.	We also welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership of our Organization and look forward to its positive contribution to the activities of the United Nations.
249.	It is also my pleasure, while the world of Islam is on the threshold of its fifteenth century, to take note of the comprehensive and well-rounded speech delivered by Mr. Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq, President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. That statement constituted in itself a comprehensive framework and a true and genuine expression of the attitude of the Islamic States, and in particular of the Islamic Conference, towards the various regional and international issues and problems.
250.	In this world, where the interests of the various nations interlock and overlap, where various trends and ideologies compete for predominance and where a conflict rages between the desire to acquire influence and control and the hope to achieve a permanent peace which would allow all peoples of the earth to live in freedom, friendship and equality of rights and obligations—in this kind of world, the United Nations stands as the beacon guiding the steps of peoples on the road to the future to which they aspire.
251.	I am not going to cite in detail the achievements of the United Nations in the various fields of human endeavour; other heads of delegations have already done so. We all, in one way or another, bless those efforts and believe in their importance and in the need for them and contribute, to the extent of our ability and as far as possible, to them. However, I feel it is necessary to reiterate the basic goals for which our Organization was established—the goals on which its Charter was based and to the achievement of which the United Nations devotes tremendous efforts. I mean the goals of establishing and preserving world peace and laying the foundations of justice through co-operation among nations in the political, economic and social fields.
252.	If there is a hope of avoiding the woes and horrors of war and if there is a way for peoples to realize their aspirations in terms of welfare and prosperity, that hope or way lies in the capacity of this Organization to work to maintain, consolidate and serve those goals. This requires a sincere effort to prevent the use of the tools of mass genocide and destruction, which have become so powerful and so effective as to be capable of annihilating the population of the world within a very short period and of endangering world peace in every way.
253.	We know, of course, that this overwhelming threat and the horrible "balance of terror" among those Powers that possess such awful weapons—especially the United States and the Soviet Union—are among the main reasons preventing the recurring crises in the world from turning into full-scale destructive wars.
254.	It is natural to hold the super-Powers responsible, first and foremost. They have the capability to launch the forces of destruction. Since they bear such important responsibilities in this field, they are required to commit themselves, devotedly, genuinely and efficiently, to maintaining peace and realizing justice and equity, since those ideals represent the basic objectives with a view to which this Organization was created.
255.	It is taken for granted that international detente is an arrangement among those Powers, an arrangement imposing obligations and responsibilities on them rather than giving them rights and privileges. An arrangement among them does not mean that they have the right to impose their will and desires on nations or, on the pretext of that arrangement, to divide the world into zones of influence and dominance. Detente does not mean giving preference to certain areas of the world. We welcome initiatives and conferences aimed at maintaining the security of certain areas in the world, provided that such initiatives and meetings do not expose other areas to conflict and aggression. On the contrary, those Powers are bound by their obligations and responsibilities to uphold the interests of the small nations and support their independence. They are also obliged to create the bases for a balanced and just international cooperation. World peace will not be established and consolidated unless it is based on the principles of right, equity and justice. In their totality, those principles form an indivisible and integrated framework for peace.
256.	There is indeed no doubt that the destinies of the world should not be left in the hands of a number of Powers to steer as they wish, imposing their authority and dominance through their weapons of terror and destruction and the advanced technology they possess. If we allow those States to do this, we shall be consecrating a theory that history has proved to be extremely dangerous and extremely unjust. It is the theory of the strong dominating the weak and controlling their fate and destiny. Also, we are suspicious of and question the conduct of the super-Powers that proclaim themselves the protectors of world peace and security, while at the same time they do not hesitate to use sheer force, domination and military intervention to impose their will and achieve their greedy aims. Such conduct also reflects a logic that in effect says that the super-Powers, just because they are so powerful and so dominating, have the right to interfere in the affairs of any independent State they consider to be within their zone of influence in order to protect their so-called interests or, in fact, to impose the political system they want on that State. Unfortunately, when the interests of the super-Powers are incompatible while they seek to impose their influence and control, the net result is the development among them of conflicts creating concern and tension throughout the world and leading, ultimately, to the destruction and doom of mankind.
257.	The responsibility for establishing a just and equitable peace throughout the world should be shouldered by all of us, as Members of the United Nations, even when we also recognize the special responsibility assumed by the great Powers, which should be complementary to the responsibility of the United Nations and in no way contrary to it.
258.	As developing and third world countries, our role and duty in that respect should be based on our ability to avoid the evil of international polarization and, with growing determination, to give our homelands the chance of avoiding the climate and tension of international conflict, so that they may be far removed from any kind of "umbrella" of domination. At the same time, we should realize that it is necessary to correct the course of the non-aligned movement so as to restore its originality, efficiency and vitality and enable it to produce results compatible with the genuine aims and principles of non-alignment. To do this, it is imperative that we exert every possible effort to keep our homelands out of the conflicts of the super-Powers and in no way allow them to become the theatre for such conflicts. We should never become obedient tools in the hands of the great Powers—Eastern or Western—and we should not allow them to use our homelands as fuel in the furnace of their conflicts.
259.	By seeking relentlessly to consolidate those principles, we shall be securing many advantages; most importantly, we shall be achieving international security and stability, and thus we shall be able to rescue mankind from the threat of destruction as a result of international conflict. In that way, we can also uphold the ethics of dealings among nations—ethics ordained by our Islamic principles and traditions. At the same time, we should be keen to guarantee that our relations with the great Powers are based on mutual respect and in no way prejudice the legitimate interests of those Powers.
260.	If world peace cannot be established unless several prerequisites are met, including the achievement of political equity among the nations of the world, that equity nevertheless cannot be realized without economic equity. The set of realities, economic and other factors that swept away the foundations of the traditional economic structure of the world—especially when we view that structure in the light of the increasingly acute crises of food shortages, unbalanced growth and population explosion—created the necessity of reconsidering the structure and foundation of the international economic system in order to find appropriate solutions for those problems and to make the system more capable of establishing equity while respecting the rights of all the countries of the world, whether developed or developing.
261.	The aim of establishing a new international order is to prevent the pooling of the wealth of the world in certain States and instead to channel and direct this wealth, in real terms, to the developing countries. This aim, even if it requires short-term sacrifices, represents, in the long run, the opportunity for the advanced industrial States to maintain continued economic growth. The transfer of wealth to the developing countries enhances the potential of development and lessens the degree of rivalry in the commercial and industrial fields among the industrial States arising from keen competition and the curtailing of opportunities for marketing their products. Consequently, this will bring about a relaxation of world tensions in general.
262.	We wonder how we, as a developing nation, can accept the blame .or the current economic situation when, in the first instance, we are one of its principal victims. The advanced and industrial States, first and foremost, should be held responsible for this situation. Consequently, it is their responsibility to assist the developing countries in their efforts to industrialize while co-ordinating their new industries with their natural resources and the needs of local and international markets. They should also transfer technology to these developing countries. The Eastern industrial States should contribute to this effort as well. Their international responsibility in this respect is not less than that of the Western industrial States. Certainly, the developing countries should bear a considerable share of the responsibility. They should redouble their efforts to absorb the aid they receive. They should also work hard to create an organized and carefully considered co-ordination between their resources and potential and avoid committing harmful blunders in exploiting their resources and managing their industries.
263.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has spared no effort or opportunity to demonstrate its solidarity with the other developing countries seeking to establish this new economic order. It has expressed its readiness to contribute to any international effort aimed at the resumption of the dialogue in the relevant fields under a formula taking account of the aspirations of the developing States in particular and the Members of this international Organization in general. On the basis of this stand, the "Kingdom of Saudi Arabia supports the trend towards holding international economic negotiations to discuss those world economic issues that have been raised and establish the new international economic system.
264.	The object of holding the eleventh special session of the General Assembly was to assess the progress achieved in the establishment of the new economic order; and, on the basis of such an assessment, appropriate measures were to be taken to enhance the development of the developing nations and international economic co-operation. During that special session, the General Assembly achieved some success in relation to the main issues pertaining to the new international development strategy which, in turn, represents an important and vital part of the efforts exerted for the establishment of the new international economic order. But the session completely failed in its attempt to reach agreement on the round of global negotiations. That will not help to improve the prevailing atmosphere of mistrust among nations and will not strengthen international political stability.
265.	The establishment of the new economic order requires an approach covering all aspects of economic and social development and based on the concept of co-operation and sacrifice. It behoves the advanced industrial States to realize that their technological progress and industrial superiority will not bring them prosperity and security unless they share that technological progress with the developing nations. The countries of the world are no longer isolated; in fact, they have taken long strides on the path of increasing and consolidating their interdependence. It is useless to place all the blame for certain deteriorating economic situations in the world on a certain State or group of States. In varying degrees, all States should be held responsible. That being so, the advanced industrial States—Eastern or Western—are bound to bear their full share of responsibility towards the international economy in general and the economies of the developing countries in particular.
266.	At a time when we are stressing the need to achieve political and economic equity and social justice for all the peoples of the world, we in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are deeply grieved at the recent unfortunate developments in our region affecting Iraq and Iran. We pray God the Almighty to crown with success the efforts of both the Islamic Conference and the United Nations to remove the reasons behind this conflict, put an end to the bloodshed and restore peace to these two countries. We also appreciate the roles played by President Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan and the Secretary-General of the Islamic Conference, Mr. Habib Chatti. We are gratified by the good and hospitable reception extended to them by the two countries. We consider their initiative as the first step on what we hope will be the road to the settlement of the conflict between the two States.
267.	We welcome the Iraqi Government's positive response to the cease-fire resolution and its unilateral announcement that it will comply with it. We consider that move as representing a positive step and initiative helping to clarify and improve the climate. We hope that the Government of Iran will also respond positively to that resolution. However, what is important is to see the good offices continued in order to put an end to the conflict without any foreign intervention, whether from the super-Powers or any other quarter.
268.	Unfortunately, during the same year in which we are celebrating the independence of the State of Zimbabwe, we see another independent and sovereign State, Afghanistan, the victim of an invasion that deprived it of its independence. The dangerous situation created by the Soviet invasion and flagrant military occupation of Afghanistan has raised fears among the people of the region and posed a threat to its security and stability. It also threatens international peace and security. It is a matter of concern to all the peoples of the world. Accordingly, it is the duty of those peoples to assume their full responsibilities in opposing this aggression and regional expansion. It is an aggression and an intervention committed by a super-Power that constantly claimed to be pursuing a policy of international peace and friendship and proclaimed itself the protector of world peace against an independent and sovereign State, a full- fledged Member State of the United Nations, and a member of the Islamic Conference and the non-aligned movement. All attempts by the Soviet Union and the regime it imposed by force and coercion on the people of Afghanistan to find justification and fabricate pretexts for and allegations to cover and defend that intervention and aggression have failed. That is because intervention in the internal affairs of other States is totally rejected, since it is incompatible with the right of peoples to self-determination and deprives those peoples of the freedom to choose their own system of Government.
269.	What renders that intervention more objectionable and reprehensible is the fact that it came from a super-Power' in such magnitude and violence as to attain the dimensions of an attempt physically to obliterate the people of Afghanistan, with acts of aggression committed against the sanctity of mosques and peaceful villages, and their strafing with napalm bombs. It has gone even so far as using chemical means of warfare and attacking the most fundamental principles of human rights.
270.	Unfortunately, the world community has failed so far to adopt decisive measures to put an end to the Soviet military occupation of Afghanistan and to the inhuman actions committed by the Soviet army of occupation there. However, the States members of the Islamic Conference, with one voice, have shown the world the serious dimensions of that intervention, condemned the Soviet Union and stressed their demand for an unconditional and complete withdrawal of the Soviet military presence from Afghanistan and non-recognition of and non-co-operation with the regime established there.
271.	We call on the other States of the world to help and support the Islamic Conference in its stand against the action taken by the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. We call upon them to denounce such action, to support the struggle of the people of Afghanistan and to work for the elimination of injustice, oppression and occupation so as to enable the Afghan people to free itself, to secure its right to freedom and independence and to enjoy sovereignty over its territory. None of those objectives will be achieved unless and until the Soviet Union withdraws completely and unconditionally from Afghanistan.
272.	Thirty-two years ago—more specifically on 29 November 1947—forces from the East and West combined and collaborated to partition Palestine, in total disregard of international law and against the will and wishes of the majority of the population of Palestine. Under the partition scheme the now so-called State of Israel was given half the Palestinian homeland. The Palestinians were driven from their homes and their rights and lands were usurped. Later, Israel devoured the remainder of the Palestinian territory. Not satisfied with all that, it has gone further and occupied lands of neighbouring Arab States, Members of this Organization. In its arrogance, its challenging of and scorn for the international community, Israel has been encouraged by the unconditional support that it receives from the United States. The Security Council has been rendered powerless and unable to adopt a resolution to deter Israel; and every resolution adopted by the General Assembly denouncing and warning Israel—which owes its very existence to a resolution adopted by this Organization—is ignored and goes unheeded by Israel. Israel's stand and actions run counter to those resolutions. What is more, Israel has been attacking the United Nations and accusing it of bias and prejudice, and may ultimately accuse it of anti-Semitism.
273.	The General Assembly has adopted dozens of resolutions on the question of Palestine and the Middle East. The Security Council has also adopted several resolutions on the same matter. But as long as those resolutions fail to provide for sanctions, Israel will continue to ignore them and publicly announce its determination to challenge them.
274.	It is worth mentioning that this year the Security Council adopted three resolutions on the Holy City of Jerusalem—resolutions 465 (1980), 476 (1980) and 478 (1980). In the second and third resolutions, the Security Council firmly and decisively declared that Israel's proclamation of the City of Jerusalem as its capital is basically null and void. The Security Council called upon all States not to recognize that Israeli measure and called on those States which had established diplomatic missions in Jerusalem to withdraw them.
275.	Accordingly, and on the basis of those two resolutions, my Government objects to the participation of the Israeli delegation in the deliberations of this and future sessions of the General Assembly. Israel does not enjoy a privileged status that allows it to ignore and challenge United Nations resolutions.
276.	In the name of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, I should like to extend our thanks and profound gratitude and appreciation to all the States which have complied with the resolutions of the Security Council and withdrawn their missions from Jerusalem. The stand they took was based on principle.
277.	The Zionist aggression represents the greatest challenge and the most dangerous threat to the goals for which the United Nations was established. The continuation of that challenge and threat subverts the effectiveness of the Organization and shows disrespect for the aims and principles of its Charter. The tool of that aggression, that is Israel, has not been satisfied with its aggression against the Palestinian people, coupled with colonial and settlement practices, persistently carried out in those territories occupied by force with a view to emptying the land of its rightful population. Israel has gone further in its aggression: it has annexed other Arab areas, sown the seeds of subversion and destruction in the neighbouring countries and desecrated the Holy Places in Jerusalem—yes, the Holy Places revered in all revealed religions and by believers everywhere.
278.	Israel, having secured for itself continued human, military, economic and political support from the great Powers, led by the United States, and feeling assured of success for its schemes to sow dissension and division in the ranks of the Arab world, went further and challenged and showed disrespect for Arab and Islamic feelings and world public opinion. It decided to annex Jerusalem, proclaim it its capital and ignore, with unprecedented arrogance, the relevant resolutions of the international community whether adopted by the United Nations, the Islamic Conference, the League of Arab States, the non-aligned Movement or other international organizations.
279.	Those practices, coupled with other crimes against religions, international values, traditions and rules, are not new. But what is strange is to see Israel continuing its aggression and at the same time claiming that it is seeking peace. However, its conduct and intransigence belie its assertions of peace and show clearly the falsehood of its pretensions. Israel remains a racist and expansionist State.
280.	While Israel continues its aggressive practices, the Arab countries have tended towards settlement by peaceful means. That tendency does not stem from weakness or defeatism; it stems from the Arabs' keen interest in seeing the world avoid the horrors and woes of war and in maintaining international peace and security. The Arab States are seeking a just and permanent peace through the adoption of the principle of international legitimacy. They have spared no effort and have done everything possible to give momentum to the advancement of peace in the region. The courageous and heroic residents of the West Bank have stood up and struggled against the criminal actions of Israel in all occupied territories and they are still resisting and making sacrifices, regardless of their daily sufferings from the cruellest forms of oppression, torture, liquidation and deprivation. But Israel, by the aims of its racist and expansionist policies against the Palestinian people and international legitimacy; by its repeated barbaric acts of aggression against southern Lebanon, in violation of international rules of law and ethics. the ideals and values of mankind; and recently by its annexation of Jerusalem which it has declared its eternal capital, Israel, I repeat, is dissipating every Arab hope and all prospects for achieving a just and comprehensive peace, thereby obstructing stability in the Middle East and pushing the region towards a crossroads.
281.	Confronted with these challenges, the Arab countries have exercised self-restraint and sought peace. Their position stems from their Islamic principles, which call for peace, from their keen desire to avoid the horrors of war in the region and in the world and from their preoccupation with the development of their social and economic resources, while achieving internal security, peace and stability. But Israeli challenges and practices are forcing the Arab nation to react in self-defence and protect its inalienable and legitimate rights, which cannot be trifled with. We believe that nobody can fairly attribute blame to our nation, after all the good intentions it has shown and the desire it has demonstrated for peace based on righteousness and justice. Our nation has exhausted all possible ways and means of achieving that goal. Yet those efforts have met with hostility, scorn and further challenges. I do not think anyone will blame us if we mobilize our potentialities and devote our resources and capabilities to repelling Zionist aggression, based as it is on religious, racist and military arrogance and on greedy expansionist ambitions.
282.	The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, faced with dangerous Israeli practices which aggravate the conditions in the region and the Israeli challenges to the feelings of the peoples of the region has no recourse but to call for a jihad in order to establish the supremacy of right and justice and to eliminate falsehoods. In calling for this we aim at restoring usurped rights and defending the profaned Holy Places. The jihad we call for begins with self and involves dedication and pooling all our potentialities and spiritual, cultural, physical and military capabilities in one melting-pot. This call is as important to hundreds of millions of Christians as it is to hundreds of millions of Moslems. It requires the development of Islamic-Christian co-operation to rescue Jerusalem. This is the only way to free Jerusalem from the grip of racist Zionism.
283.	Genuine peace in the Middle East region will not be established without full recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishment of its own independent State and until the Israelis withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, including, first and foremost, Jerusalem.
284.	There can be no real peace in the Middle East as long as Israel continues to establish Jewish settlements in usurped Palestinian and Arab territories.
285.	True peace will not prevail in the Middle East while Israel continues to violate the most basic human rights of the Palestinians in the occupied territories and to subject them to various kinds of torture and terrorism.
286.	Genuine peace will not prevail in the Middle East until Israel desists from its repeated barbaric acts of aggression against the Lebanese people and its land, ignoring the presence of the United Nations forces. Peace will not be attained unless the United Nations resolutions are implemented and those States that support Israel take clear-cut positions regarding aggressive Israeli practices and practical steps to guarantee the restoration of their legitimate rights to those deprived from them.
287.	Last, but not least, genuine peace will not prevail in the Middle East as long as Israel continues its expansionist schemes and racist policies.
288.	What the United Nations and the peoples of the world aspire to, in terms of a just and comprehensive peace in all parts of the world, can be realized if intentions are genuine and sincere and if all peoples and Governments of the world mobilize all their resources and capabilities, sacrifice all that is precious to them and co-operate constructively and positively among themselves for the benefit of all and to give momentum to the march of mankind towards a better and brighter future.


117. Mr. President, I should like to express to you the sincere congratulations of the delegation of Peru on your election to preside over our work during the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your unanimous election represents a well-deserved tribute to you and to your qualities as an experienced international diplomatic; at the same time, it is a tribute to the people and Government of the Federal Republic of Germany, with which my country, Peru, maintains special bonds of friendship which I am very pleased to confirm today.
118.	I also wish to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who, in exercising his functions, again displayed his qualities as a diplomat and statesman which we all admire.
119.	The delegation of Peru is pleased to greet and welcome two new States on their entry into the United Nations: the Republic of Zimbabwe, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. Their admission as Members brings our Organization closer to its aim of universality.
120.	On 28 July last, the people of Peru elevated to the office of constitutional President of the Republic, with the highest number of votes ever recorded in the history of our country, the same Head of State whose term of office in government had been unlawfully interrupted 12 years earlier. The signal honour conferred on architect Fernando Beiaunde Terry acquires particular significance because it was the popular masses, both rural and urban, that a revolutionary process claimed to represent, which today contributed with renewed vigour to this overwhelming vote. Moreover, it was the armed forces that deposed President Beiaunde in 1968 and which now, on the basis of the sovereign mandate of the nation, handed over power in an act of unquestionable historical reparation to our Head of State.
121.	The experience which Peru lived through during that time became a subject of examination and expectation throughout the world and is a lesson which should not go unnoticed in this universal forum. It proves that the desire to move forward in search of social justice, in countries such as ours, does not come from the imposition of ideological conceptions which claim arbitrarily to interpret collective anxieties and satisfy collective needs. It shows that, however good intentions may be, the will of the people must be ascertained directly. This has proved once again that, without freedom, control and preservation of the national interest are relaxed and the wellbeing of the vast majority becomes a mere dream. The struggle for justice and the quest for egalitarian values must go hand in hand with an affirmation of freedom and must be reconciled with the full enjoyment of human rights.
122.	The far-reaching nature of the change of government in my country has been recognized by the international community, which was represented by important Heads of State and special missions. At this time, I should like again to express our appreciation to those countries which, by their presence, expressed their support and best wishes for the prosperity and progress of our people.
123.	The exemplary elections, in which my country showed singular maturity, meant not only the triumph of Accion Popular, a political party which represents a renewed state of the collective consciousness of the Peruvian people; they also meant the affirmation of a hope. Hence the solemn commitment of the members of the constitutional Government to preserve freedom, respect human rights and build a genuinely just society.
124.	We realize that in a country such as ours, divided socioeconomically into one sector belonging to the economic process and another very large sector outside that process, a sector deprived of access to the legitimate standards of wellbeing and whose income is below the subsistence level, the priority of the State must be directed, as we are now determined to ensure, towards laying down policies representing an equitable distribution of wealth. That means that we must devise an instrument for a development strategy that has profound social significance, one that will give the underprivileged peoples encouragement and support in effectively improving their standards of living.
125.	An ancestral Peruvian tradition gives us very important assistance in the achievement of these objectives: I refer to voluntary labour, which President Beiaunde has called popular cooperation.
126.	Much of the greatness of Peru is due to popular cooperation. Popular cooperation brought about Machu Picchu, and cathedrals were raised on the walls of Inca temples. Popular cooperation has meant that the peoples of the hillsides have built and continue to build schools, bridges and roads, thus offsetting by their efforts the forgetfulness of Governments. Therefore, and as proof of one of the ideological bases of the new regime, the hereditary civic force that naturally exists in the minds of our people is now being activated to offer communities a mechanism of their own for their development.
127.	Popular cooperation, having become an institutionalized priority programme, because of its multiplying effect, constitutes the best response in countries such as ours to the challenge presented by limited financial resources and the magnitude of the demand for an infrastructure to achieve the social and economic integral rehabilitation of our nation.
128.	While peoples such as that of Peru tenaciously affirm their democratic ideals, they also affirm their hope to live in a more just world. Peace and development are not and cannot be the privileges of minorities, but are rights—or, to use an expression dear to the United Nations, they should be the common heritage of mankind.
129.	I wished to bring these thoughts to the Assembly to emphasize the deep-rooted will of the new Government of Peru to build an integral democracy as an inspiration and as a way of life.
130.	With the initiation of the present administration, the new political Constitution of the Republic has entered into force. It guarantees to all Peruvians enjoyment of all their rights and fundamental freedoms without discrimination for reasons of politics, creed, race or sex.
131.	Along with the executive power emanating from the popular will, there has been established legislative power in which all national political tendencies are represented. Next November the country will freely elect local governments, thus fully consolidating the return to democracy in Peru.
132.	It is clear that, after a lengthy attempt at authoritarian politics that failed to achieve the targets set because it did not take popular feelings into account, we Peruvians have chosen political development without tutelage. We are regaining our trust that that alternative is essential to sustained and effective economic growth and true democracy.
133.	The foreign policy of the Government of President Belaunde Terry will be marked by respect for the legal norms that govern peaceful coexistence among nations. Full observance of the principle of non-intervention, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, self-determination and compliance with international treaties are the bases of all international legal order, to which Peru adheres.
134.	While our foreign policy will seek to broaden Peru's ties so that interchange at various levels will be more universal and will offer reciprocal benefits, our priority will be to strengthen our links with the countries of the region by actively participating in the raising of Latin America's self-confidence as the best means of achieving its continuous progress.
135.	The great importance we attach to the strengthening of our friendly relations with neighbouring countries will be reflected in our foreign policy, and here we are pleased to reiterate the permanent desire of Peru to have fraternal relations and to promote cooperation and joint respect for national sovereignty.
136.	We consider integration to be a means of raising the quality of life of our people and affirming our independence. Accordingly, we wish to contribute to the improvement of the Andean Group so that it may comply more effectively with the deadlines and targets set for the progressive integration of participating nations and promote the joint development of Latin America.
137.	At the recent meeting of the Heads of State of the Andean countries at Riobamba, Ecuador, it was possible to reaffirm the democratic will of the members of the Group and their firm intention to observe human rights, it being assumed that the principle of non-intervention cannot be separated from that of the self-determination of peoples.
138.	In the certainty that integration constitutes the main task of Latin American solidarity, the countries of the Andean Group actively participated in the negotiations to establish the Latin American Integration Associations task that reaffirms the ancient desire of our peoples to become integrated within a vast joint plan in order to achieve the establishment of a common market.
139.	We consider that the development of our continent must be focused from a global perspective, covering, in addition to this Andean effort, the basins of the Amazon and the Rio de la Plata and, in a parallel and progressive manner, the marginal jungle road, a continental colonizing plan that may become the backbone or linkage between those schemes.
140.	The coming into being of the Latin American Economic System complements the affirmation of our regional personality and opens up new perspectives for the development of our own potential. We are certain that the presence of the Latin American Economic System as an observer at this session of the General Assembly will contribute to the strengthening of the role that Latin America now plays in the concert of nations.
141.	Our efforts for the integration of Latin America must lead to the establishment of effective cooperation with all the other regions.
142.	We reaffirm our solidarity of interests and aspirations with the peoples of the third world, which are equally committed to the hard task of economic and social development.
143.	In his message to the nation on the inauguration of his Government, President Belaunde confirmed Peru's identity as a nonaligned country imbued with its original principles of independent choice in the power struggles of the great Powers. We believe that it is precisely now—when certain aspects of international life that seemed to have been superseded are rising to the surface once again—that it is the duty of nonalignment to contribute to the irrevocable aspirations to peace, justice and development.
144.	At this time my Government wishes to pay a well-deserved tribute to President Tito, who inspired the nonaligned movement, who visited Peru during the previous Government of President Belaunde and whose absence is felt not only by his own people but also by all the countries of the third world which admired his adroit leadership.
145.	Peru reiterates its intention to contribute to clarifying and solving international problems, the interrelationship and implications of which at the present time affect the universal community. The gravity of some of these problems arouses the concern of peoples. We realize that many international problems not only have not been solved but have in fact become more serious, while other equally critical ones have arisen. The international scene appears thus burdened with uncertainties and dangers.
146.	Pressure against medium sized and small States persists. Various forms of coercion continue to be used as instruments of foreign policy. There are still serious obstacles to the decolonization process because some peoples are not yet able to exercise their right to self-determination, and discriminatory practices against social, religious and ethnic minorities are current in various regions.
147.	Statements and promises notwithstanding, the arms race is accelerating in scope, speed and magnitude and is becoming increasingly difficult to endure and to understand. An excessive expenditure of billions of dollars, concentrated in a few countries, permits the continued expansion of the arms industry. This sum of money would be enough for an immediate solution of the most urgent problems of education, health and food which the developing world is suffering today.
148.	Weapons are daily becoming more sophisticated, lethal and difficult to control. The threat of a nuclear war has not been dispelled and the deadlines for taking decisions to control these dangers are coming dramatically closer. Along with this, conventional armaments continue to grow impressively, weighing ominously on the economies of the developing countries which, by a notable paradox, contribute to the high cost of the research and development of these weapons.
149.	In the Middle East, confrontation has not yet been overcome and concerted action for peace appears to have been postponed. In south-eastern Asia and central Asia, foreign troops continue to subjugate independent States. In Cyprus, in disregard of the decisions of this Assembly, foreign occupation continues. And in Namibia the colonizing Power resists accession by that Territory to independence.
150.	We are likewise discouraged by the results of efforts to establish a new economic order in the world consonant with the desire finally to achieve a minimum level of justice compatible with the quality of human life. My country cannot understand how in the third millennium of our era we can continue on the same bases which today characterize the spectre of severe international economic crisis, which appears to be a reflection of the desire to maintain or expand political power or the domination of the few over the many.
151.	The interdependence that is often referred to cannot be a type of relationship aimed at sustaining, on the one hand, the prosperity of the few and, on the other hand, the alienation and poverty of impressive majorities. Interdependence is a concept which requires a new type of economic relation, a more balanced one, which vigorously promotes development.
152.	We believe that the recent failure of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, devoted to economic questions, means that we are at a crossroads. Either we continue with this absence of communication and make a reality of the gloomy prospects which some have forecast for the year 2000 or we rid ourselves of prejudices and sterile dogmatism and face the joint task of building a new international economic structure.
153.	It must be very clear that when we the developing countries make claims before the industrialized world— whatever might be the economic or political affiliation of its members—it is not because we would threaten the stability of that world. We simply hope that they will realize the need for an equitable and concerted solution of the structural problems which afflict us.
154.	It is evident that in the last decades the development of science and technology has reached unexpected levels. But this development should have purely positive implications. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that in many areas, particularly in agriculture, education and health, scientific and technological achievements are at odds with the possibility of their universal application for the social good.
155.	The population explosion and the shortage of food, the undue use and the depletion of non-renewable sources of energy and the break in ecological balances are problems which affect the future of mankind, problems on whose solution depends the very survival of the species.
156.	If we bear in mind that we are now seeing a re-evaluation of ideologies which were previously considered to be rigid and inflexible and a review of political practices as part of an effort by all nations increasingly to adapt them to their own realities, we may well wonder whether the time has not conic to seek new and more imaginative premises for an effective solution to the questions put to us by the world of tomorrow.
157.	Given this scenario of questions and uncertainties, we cannot fail to recognize certain facts which prove that, despite all the difficulties, the perseverance of the universal concerted will has produced some significant achievements.
158.	The eradication of smallpox announced by WHO at the end of 1979 represents the first case in history in which a scourge of mankind, because of scientific and technological progress, has been eliminated from the face of the earth.
159.	We have great hopes that the positive results achieved so far by the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will come to fruition with the signing of a world convention which will establish a new legal order for the use and exploitation of seas and oceans. That convention, conceived as an instrument of justice, will promote cooperation and the development and welfare of all nations.
160.	For us Peruvians, it is particularly gratifying to note that the international community has finally accepted the validity of the argument in favour of the 200 mile limit, which has been defended for more than 30 years by Peru and the South Pacific system, with the support of other countries of Latin America and of the third world. Acceptance of this concept and recognition of the seabed as the common heritage of mankind have constituted a contribution by the developing world to an enrichment of international law.
161.	The search for new premises and solutions for the problems I have referred to will not be successful within a short time. Therefore we must continue to make use of the present forms of international coordination.
162.	The constitutional Government of Peru respects the principles of the United Nations Charter and the United Nations resolutions. Our major efforts are directed towards full compliance with the Charter, and we shall continue to support any initiative to make more democratic and effective the various bodies constituting that great world body.
163.	In this Assembly, the Disarmament Commission and the Committee on Disarmament, my country has contributed to dealing with the important subject of disarmament, and it participated in the Declaration of the 1980s as the Second Disarmament Decade.  We appeal to the great Powers to assist in bringing the negotiations to a satisfactory conclusion and thus to initiate within a short space of time an era of peace and cooperation on the basis of shared responsibility.
164.	Peru considers that it is necessary to accelerate the nuclear disarmament negotiations among the great Powers and will continue to promote the already advanced efforts to establish the status of Latin America as a zone effectively free of nuclear weapons.
165.	In accordance with the principles of international law and within the context of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, we support the opening of a dialogue on an integral and lasting solution of the problems of the Middle East. Peru supports all efforts undertaken by the international community and this Assembly to bring about a resolution of those conflicts, with respect for the sovereign equality of all the States of that region, a guarantee of a secure life in peace and the recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people.
166.	My country opposes policies of racial discrimination and the continuance of colonial and neo-colonial systems. As free men, we cannot accept the continued existence of shameful forms of social domination.
167.	The Government of Peru ardently hopes that in Cyprus, central Asia and south-eastern Asia, where there are armed conflicts, these will be resolved by peaceful means and in a spirit of solidarity and mutual respect.
168.	At this time, when my country is entering a stage in which the people determines its destiny, we reaffirm our conviction that the achievement of social justice is indissoluably linked to the exercise of political democracy and respect for human rights.
169.	Vast, complex and urgent, as in any developing country, are the problems and tasks that my Government must face. We cannot expect to resolve them in a short time, because we are aware of our limitations, but with the people of Peru we are committed to building a future of prosperity and equality, and we know full well that, as has been recognized by the United Nations, the primary responsibility for development lies with us.
170.	We are convinced that the objectives we pursue internally must be in harmony with external goals, because we are part of a diversified but interdependent world which requires genuine international cooperation.
171.	Accordingly, my Government hopes that at its thirty fifth session the General Assembly will bring about effective progress towards the achievement of the goal, so often proclaimed, of a universal community and a full life, in peace and justice.


First of all, I should like to extend my congratulations and those of my delegation to Mr. von Wechmar on his election to the presidency of this thirty-fifth session. I am sure that this Assembly will benefit from his experience and competence in the conduct of its proceedings and thus be able to continue to pursue its objectives of peace and development. I am happy to be able to assure him of my delegation's wholehearted cooperation in the performance of his delicate tasks.
175.	May I also express my Government's deepest gratitude to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim and convey to him our warmest congratulations on the way he presided over the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly. Fully versed in the workings of the United Nations, devoted to its objectives, receptive to the problems of the world and having particular insight into those of the third world, he lived up to our expectations, for which we thank him most warmly.
176.	I should like to take this opportunity also to assure the Secretary General, Mr. Waldheim, once again, of my Government's appreciation of his work. He has ably faced and dealt with many complex problems this year within the limits of the resources available to him.
177.	It is with great emotion that I welcome the delegation of Zimbabwe to this Assembly. The people of Zimbabwe has left its mark on history, not only the history of its own country and of the African continent but also that of the whole of mankind. That valiant and self-sacrificing people has shaken the very foundations of a system which extended well beyond the frontiers of what was formerly Southern Rhodesia and which believed itself to be powerful and invincible. Today not only the colonial and racist minority of South Africa, but all the agents of imperialism contemplate the future with somewhat less arrogance and assurance. What is more, they have been given a last chance to reconsider their position in the interest of all parties concerned.
178.	My delegation also would like to welcome the representatives of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, a State which recently became independent and was admitted to membership of this Organization at the beginning of this session.
179.	For a country like Seychelles, which does not have very powerful information media and does not always enjoy the friendship of those who do, it is not always easy to make its own voice heard. It is true that certain publications in the Western world mention us, but often only in the context of the ambitions and interests of some of those countries. We can thus understand why their articles project a negative image of our society and often express only unfavourable criticisms and recriminations: because their aims and ours are rarely compatible.
180.	We therefore value very highly the opportunity to speak at this international forum.
181.	Situated in the heart of the Indian Ocean, Seychelles is at the very centre of one of the most sensitive regions of the world. Oil tankers en route from the Middle East and the Far East ply the waters of that Ocean, the resources of which are much coveted.
182.	The people of Seychelles has struggled and continues to struggle to safeguard its independence, because it wants to be the sole master of its decisions and orientations, its form of development, its social relations and its philosophy in general; at the same time, it believes in ties of profound and active solidarity with other peoples fighting for the same causes.
183.	These three factors—that is, our geopolitical position, our choice of social structure and our solidarity with other fraternal peoples—essentially determine our position in international matters. It is a firm and honest position, dictated by the principles of justice and embodied in non-alignment, as was reaffirmed by our President, Comrade France Albert Ren6, during the Sixth Conference of Heads of State .or Government of Nonaligned Countries, held at Havana in 1979. It is a nonalignment which refuses to take refuge in neutrality and rejects indifference or abdication in the face of international problems. But, above all, it is that freedom to take any position .ye want whenever we wish, faithful to the history of the nonaligned movement, which has always been indissolubly linked with the authentic liberation of peoples and their emancipation from the imperialist yoke.
184.	It is imperative that we continue this policy because it involves the very authenticity of our independence, and indeed the possibility of real development. It is within this context that I should like to deal here with some of the problems of concern to the people and the Government of Seychelles.
185.	I turn first of all to the question of the Indian Ocean. The great Powers have been engaged in unbridled militarization of that region. The rate of growth of the number of warships—some of which carry nuclear devices—is intolerable. We are not in a position to assess this build-up in terms of striking power, but from June 1979 to June 1980 the number of warships present in the Indian Ocean more than doubled.
186.	Those foreign Powers, when they do not benefit from the complicity of certain Governments in the region in order to install themselves there, simply occupy territory which is subject to the sovereignty of coastal States. Thus, the Chagos Archipelago, including the island of Diego Garcia, which is an integral part of the territory of Mauritius, has been occupied by Great Britain and the United States; the island of Tromelin is administered by France; the island of Mayotte is still juridically separated from the rest of the Comoros. As for the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, it remains stripped of the Glorieuses islands, Juan da Nova, Europa and Bassas da India.
187.	The reasons for this militarization of our region are well known to all, even if more often than not they are unspoken. They are both economic and political in nature.
188.	A large proportion of the oil being sent to North America, Western Europe and Japan passes through the Indian Ocean. The resources of that Ocean, the raw materials and commercial potential of the coastal countries and the energy resources of the Middle East and the Far East are all greedily coveted.
189.	Of course, the great Powers prefer to speak of a protective mission, the defence of a so-called "free world", the restoration of a balance of power, the Afghanistan affair, the events in Iran and so forth.
190.	However, when we realize how easily the great Powers today are exporting their conflicts to the third world countries and setting up in them proving grounds for their weapons, silence on our part would be censurable. Furthermore, we need peace in order to concentrate all our efforts on the development of our country instead of having to devote some of our efforts to protecting ourselves against constant threats aimed particularly against progressive regimes which are characterized by some as being "refractory".
191.	Seychelles wishes once again to associate itself with those countries that have already done so, in appealing to the international conscience and calling for the demilitarization of the Indian Ocean. This entails the dismantling of military, air and naval bases and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the region.
192.	Of course, the process of demilitarization must be accompanied by the decolonization of the Indian Ocean, that is to say, by the return to the sovereignty of their respective countries of ail islands being used or liable to be used as bases for foreign Powers. So the Chagos archipelago, including the island of Diego Garcia and the island of Tromelin, must be returned to Mauritius; the island of Mayotte to the Comoros, and the Glorieuses, Juan da Nova, Europa and Bassas da India islands to Madagascar, in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations and OAU. The island of Reunion must be demilitarized and the right of the people of Reunion to self-determination must be respected.
193.	Coastal States should provide no foreign Power with any military base, and those who have already done so are urged to reconsider their decisions.
194.	For years, the people of Seychelles have been fighting for the demilitarization of the Indian Ocean and have adopted very specific and courageous measures to this end. Our President, Comrade France Albert Rene, recently made representations to the coastal States of the Indian Ocean in an attempt to win their support for the holding of the Colombo Conference convened by the United Nations, followed by that in Antananarivo proposed by President Didier Ratsiraka of Madagascar. In this regard, we wish to denounce the manoeuvres of certain Powers that are working for the failure of these Conferences.
195.	If it should prove indispensable to police the oil route, this should preferably be done by the coastal States themselves, if necessary under the control of the United Nations, and not by the great Powers from outside the region, whose interests are necessarily different from our own.
196.	Other matters of concern to us are also connected to decolonization, peace and development.
197.	We are compelled to note that 20 years after the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV) by the General Assembly on the decolonization of colonial peoples and territories, there are too many peoples who, despite their profound aspirations to liberty, peace and development, know only exploitation, foreign domination and repression.
198.	On the African continent, peoples are continuing to shed their blood to wrest themselves from the grasp of colonialism with all its implications.
199.	First of all, there is the people of Namibia. It is difficult for us today to understand how the League of Nations at the end of the First World War could have entrusted the administration of the Namibian territory to the South African regime, already well known for its repressive and archaic practices, so that the Namibian people are now confronting in their liberation struggle one of the most barbaric and archaic systems ever known to history.
200.	In this Assembly, all the countries represented here would appear to wish for the independence of Namibia. However, without wishing to be cynical or lacking in respect, I cannot refrain from pointing out that, despite the numerous reports, declarations and resolutions adopted and in spite of the United Nations plan for the decolonization of Namibia, the South African regime continues with impunity to defy the international conscience. The fact is that among those very people who call for the independence of that country there are some who remain accomplices of the South African regime militarily and economically. This is a disgrace. The South African regime can continue, unfortunately, to count on powerful allies who are actually sitting here among us.
201.	Today, the Namibian people, in order to emancipate itself from the illegal occupation of its territory, has no choice but to confront the South African regime in armed combat, under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole and legitimate representative.
202.	The people of the Seychelles will continue to provide unswerving support, politically, diplomatically and even materially, in so far as its resources allow, to SWAPO in its liberation struggle.
203.	We also would express the hope that the international community will render assistance to the people and Government of Angola, which, because of their exemplary support for the Namibian revolution, have been the victims of aggression at the hands of the South African regime and consequently have suffered considerable loss of human life and material damage.
204.	The victory of the Namibian people is inevitable, as is, indeed, that of the people of South Africa. Both have already shown the Botha regime that they can strike hard. The Republic of Seychelles will continue to support the African National Congress in its struggle and will not hesitate to put into effect the resolutions of the United Nations and of the OAU regarding sanctions against South Africa.
205.	With regard to the question of Western Sahara, it is our pleasure to be able to stress that the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic is today recognized by more than 40 countries, including 26 African countries. The Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic thus meets the conditions laid down by the OAU charter for becoming a fully-fledged member of the pan African organization. Last year, from this rostrum" we condemned once again the expansionist and colonial designs of the Moroccan regime with regard to Western Sahara. We regret to have to do this again. At the same time, however, we wish that the authorities in Rabat would respond tangibly and positively to the appeal for a ceasefire and negotiation issued recently by the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government of the OAU on Western Sahara.
206.	In the Middle East, Israel continues in its turn, like its ally, the Botha regime in South Africa, to defy international public opinion with impunity by pursuing its expansionist and murderous colonial policy. The recent attempt at annexation of the eastern part of Jerusalem is just one example among so many others. Its ultimate objective is to extend its territory as far as possible and wipe the Palestinian people off the map. Therefore, Israel has no hesitation in violating the principles of the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of neighbouring countries by means of its military incursions and illegal occupation of Arab territories. Israel continues to torture, mutilate, murder or deport Palestinians so that it can establish settlements.
207.	The Palestinian question today constitutes a matter of "international conscience". Our Organization, furthermore, has taken up this matter on several occasions and has even devoted exclusively to this subject its seventh emergency special session, held in July this year, and we are very happy about that. However, when, within our Organization, the time comes to condemn Israeli aggression, certain great Powers refrain from doing so, and it is those very Powers which pose as champions of human rights, national sovereignty and territorial integrity. We have heard them, in this role, talking about Afghanistan, Iran, and Kampuchea. However, when it is a matter of Israeli aggression they remain silent.
208.	This lack of consistency in the practice of international politics, which is, incidentally, only a reflection of the double standard policy, depending on whose interests are at stake, is something which is necessarily going to undermine the authority, the credibility and the effectiveness of many international institutions, including our own. It is in part the reason why some of our resolutions have no effect.
209.	This is why my delegation believes that it is time for the international community to condemn unanimously and unequivocally the colonial and Zionist policy of Israel and to decide in favour of the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination under the leadership of the PLO, its sole and legitimate representative.
210.	Concrete measures must also be taken against Israel—indeed, even the imposition of economic sanctions, in accordance with the spirit of resolutions CM/Res.785 (XXXV), CM/Res.787 (XXXV) and CM/Res.791 (XXXV) of the OAU on the Palestinian question. The Palestinian people must recover their territorial and national rights as soon as possible.
211.	It is in application of these same principles relating to the right of a people to self-determination and the building of its future in peace and security that the Republic of Seychelles supports the people of East Timor in their struggle against the Indonesian occupation and for the independence of their country; that we call for the Afghan people, under the leadership of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, to be able to manage their own affairs and define their own future without being threatened either in terms of their sovereignty or on their frontiers and with the assistance of allies which they choose; that we hope that Iran, like all other States, will make arrangements to engender respect for international law with regard to the immunity of diplomatic personnel, although, at the same time, there should be an international convention protecting peoples and States against the activities of certain shady foreigners who contrive to obtain diplomatic status to carry out their often clandestine work, particularly in third world countries; that we demand that a halt be called to the repression against the peoples of Chile, Bolivia and El Salvador and that any and all threats of foreign military intervention in El Salvador should be eliminated. Still in application of these same principles, the Republic of the Seychelles has broken off all relations with the bloody Seoul regime and calls for the reunification of the north and south of Korea, in accordance with the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people.
212.	For more than a year my country has recognized the People's Republic of Kampuchea and its legitimate and authentic representative, the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, because it had no doubt that the Pol Pot regime had been among the most murderous in history, having taken the lives of about 3 million people. Today, the people of Kampuchea is able to breathe again now that that regime has been driven out of the country.
213.	However, within this Assembly the legitimate representatives of the people of Kampuchea are excluded. We believe that one cannot, as so many delegations have done from this rostrum, invoke the presence of Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea to justify the exclusion of the People's Republic of Kampuchea from our Organization without, on the one hand, interfering in the internal affairs of these two States and, on the other hand, reopening the frontiers of Kampuchea to Pol Pot and his army of butchers.
214.	That is why the Republic of Seychelles believes that the People's Republic of Kampuchea must be allowed to take the seat which belongs to it in this Organization, to the exclusion of the representatives of the Pol Pot regime who, in no circumstances, should benefit from the tolerance or complicity of our Organization.
215.	The people of the Republic of Kampuchea needs the sincere and effective solidarity of the international community to perform its task of national reconstruction in peace and security.
216.	It took our Organization more than 20 years to recognize the People's Republic of China. I mention this in passing.
217.	Anxious as always to promote peace throughout the world so that the peoples of the world can continue the building of their future, we support the initiative of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam which is designed to make of southeast Asia a zone of peace. The other countries of IndoChina have associated themselves with this initiative and we know that a dialogue on this subject is possible between the countries of the Association of southeast Asian Nations and the countries of IndoChina, but only on condition that outside influences are not allowed to play a part. We very much hope that our Organization will take a stand in favour of this initiative.
218.	I have mentioned here the struggles of peoples throughout the world to obtain or safeguard their political independence. But, as we all know, colonialism was a means of political domination essentially aimed at economic exploitation. Thus, if our political independence is to be genuine it must be allowed to put down deep roots in economic independence; otherwise neo-colonialism will rise to the surface and the same structures of exploitation will persist.
219.	But we also know how difficult it is to rid ourselves of the structures of economic dependence. Most of the countries of the developed world which were formerly directly or indirectly our colonizers continue to see their relations with our countries in terms of relations of exploitation. Recently they have transformed our countries into suppliers of raw materials and of cheap labour, as well as consumers of their manufactured products which are sold at prices out of all proportion to the prices they pay us for our raw materials. And this is continuing.
220.	There is a deliberate determination on the part of the exponents of imperialism to maintain this situation of economic dependence by keeping our countries in a state of technological and financial dependence. This is all the more true in that too often, the policies of aid and cooperation of certain rich countries—indeed, even the policy of certain specialized agencies of the United Nations—consist in helping countries only if they remain in a state of poverty.
221.	At the same time, everyone talks of the need for new international economic relations. In this regard, there have been recently two special meetings convened by OAU and the United Nations respectively: The second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, at Lagos, on 28 and 29 April, and the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, from 25 August to 15 September. There have been attempts at a North South dialogue. UNIDO and UNCTAD are supposed to have been working for years now to promote new economic relations in the world.
222.	But unfortunately we cannot but note that the results achieved so far are rather disappointing. Imperialism continues to dominate the structures of world economy, particularly at the expense of the economies of the third world countries. The great Powers are asserting themselves ever more arrogantly. Thus, we have recently noted with indignation that the United States has unilaterally adopted a law authorizing its transnational corporations to exploit the resources of the seabed, at a time when they claim to be negotiating with the rest of the international community the adoption of a convention on the exploitation of those very resources, which are the common heritage of the whole of mankind.
223.	If it happens that the capitalist system makes certain small adjustments, it is in an effort to control its growing internal contradictions, never in an attempt to change its basic method of operation.
224.	One thing seems to us to be clear: apart from appreciable support from the community of socialist countries, the third world countries had to fight alone for their political independence; today they are having to fight alone again for their economic independence.
225.	The North South dialogue, essential though it is, is bogged down; unfortunately it remains a dialogue of the deaf. It will only make progress under the pressure of South South cooperation, in accordance with the recent declaration of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77.
226.	Thus, the Republic of Seychelles, together with its neighbours and other third world countries, has undertaken to promote horizontal and regional cooperation. In this regard, we wish to express our appreciation to those third world countries that are at the most advanced stage of development and have demonstrated their solidarity with the others, sometimes at the cost of genuine sacrifice.
227.	To conclude, permit me to reaffirm the wholehearted support of the Republic of Seychelles for the objectives of the United Nations and its loyalty to the praiseworthy ideals which prevailed at the foundation of an Organization. However, representatives will understand why the Seychelles delegation is worried about the future. There must be an end to certain manoeuvres which have the effect of diverting the United Nations from its primary objective, namely, the promotion of peace and development, with respect for the equality of all nations.