Mr. President, your unanimous election to the office of President of the twenty-ninth session is a clear indication of the high esteem the international community has for your statesmanship and great qualities of leadership. Let me therefore join with other speakers before me in offering you my own sincere congratulations as well as the felicitations of the Tanzania delegation for the honor and confidence placed in you by the General Assembly. I should also wish to take this opportunity to extend to you and to the great people of Algeria fraternal greetings of good will and best wishes from the Government and people of Tanzania, not only because you come from Africa but also because your country's struggle for freedom has inspired many a gallant freedom fighter throughout the world.
141.	It is also with great pleasure that I extend on behalf of the Tanzania delegation and myself my deep appreciation to Mr. Benites for the great services he rendered to the Organization in the exemplary manner he presided over the twenty-eighth and sixth special sessions of the General Assembly.
142.	It is with a great sense of satisfaction that I join those who have preceded me in welcoming Guinea- Bissau, Grenada and Bangladesh as Members of the United Nations. To these new Members my delegation pledges its readiness to co-operate at all times in our common struggle to realize the noble objectives so eloquently enunciated in the Charter of the United Nations.
143.	The independence of Guinea-Bissau came after many years of bitter fighting and among those who lost their lives is the great son of the revolution, brother Amilcar Cabral. It is terrible that he should have been assassinated on the eve of victory. But as his martyrdom propelled his people to greater victories, so will his memory for ever remain as a guiding torch in the reconstruction of Guinea-Bissau and the consolidation and protection of its hard-won independence, for which he dedicated his entire life. We equally pay homage to the memory of that great Mozambican, Mr. Eduardo Mondlane, who lost his life in similar circumstances and for a similar noble cause.
144. In welcoming the new State of Guinea-Bissau to the United Nations, Tanzania, and indeed the entire international community, cannot but express its profound sense of relief that at long last the Portuguese colonial system that brought so much terror and suffering to the people in Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Angola and other colonies under Portuguese rule on the African continent is coming to an end.
145.	It is naturally gratifying that the new leadership in Portugal has accepted the right to independence of the former Portuguese colonies. In this connexion the Tanzania Government is highly encouraged by the agreement between Portugal and the Frente de Libertaao de Mozambique [FRE LI MO] which will provide for the establishment of a transitional Government in Mozambique leading to the independence of that country on 25 June 1975. It is the fervent hope of the Government of Tanzania that an agreement will soon be reached for the total decolonization of Angola, enabling the people of that country to realize their long-cherished and legitimate aspirations.
146.	Judging from the uncertainties that followed the change of government in Portugal on 25 April this year, it can be admitted that it was not an easy decision for the new Portuguese leadership to accept the principle of decolonization. But there could be no other alternative. For the inevitable collapse of the Caetano colonial tyranny was irreversibly guaranteed by the unflinching commitment of the gallant struggle of the oppressed masses in the colonial territories.
147.	Tanzania takes particular note of the. declaration by Portugal that there will be no room for neo-colonialist relationships with the new emerging States. This is as it should be. There is no reason why the people of Portugal should feel any sense of loss or humiliation. On the contrary, there is every reason to be satisfied. For the new relationship now emerging between Portugal and its former colonial territories will certainly contribute to a climate of mutual trust and better co-operation not only between Portugal and the new States, but also between Portugal and the rest of the world. At any rate, we in Africa have always stated that the struggle for freedom and human dignity on the continent has never been based on racist concepts; rather it has been a struggle against oppressive political systems, a struggle which draws its inspiration from an uncompromising commitment to the defense of the sacred dignity and worth of the human person.
148.	I wish to note with particular appreciation the important statement made by the Foreign Minister of Portugal, Mr. Mario Soares, in this Assembly at this session [2239th meeting]. That statement was a clear reaffirmation of the policies of the new Portugal in favor of decolonization. It is important that nothing be done to frustrate this commitment. For any nation or group of nations which endeavors in any manner to reverse the present trends in the colonies will stand for ever condemned in the eyes of the African peoples, and indeed of the entire world community, as a betrayer of the cause of freedom in Africa. I take this opportunity to wish the present Government of Portugal most sincerely every success in its efforts to eradicate the smoldering remnant forces of fascism, which have for over half a century oppressed the people of Portugal and for over 500 years caused untold human suffering on the African continent.
149.	The progress towards freedom achieved in Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau stands in sharp contrast to the tragedy of Namibia, Rhodesia and the non-white population in South Africa. In recent months developments in Namibia have burst upon the outside world as a harsh reminder of the nature of South African colonial rule. For in Namibia the African people have resolutely rejected continuing to live under terror and have taken up arms under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] to defend their dignity. Neither South Africa nor the apologists of apartheid can deny that, in spite of the overwhelming might of the South African armed police State, bitter fighting has been going on in Namibia against South African colonialism. Because of this struggle and its successes, the colonial authorities in Namibia have embarked on savage and brutal torture. Hundreds of thousands of people are being arrested, imprisoned, and sometimes shot on the spot. The brutal floggings of women, children and men in Namibia must shock every man and woman of conscience. The unfortunate faithful allies of South Africa -and we saw some of them yesterday -ought to hang their heads in shame, or else they must be completely devoid of compassion and human feelings.
150.	The situation in the British colony of Rhodesia is no less tragic than that obtaining in Namibia and South Africa. Nearly 10 years after the racist minority settlers rebelled against the United Kingdom there seems to be no hope of an end to this problem. And as the years go by the settlers in Rhodesia, actively assisted in all fields by the South African racist regime, intensify their oppression of the black majority in that colony. The people of Zimbabwe, however, have taken up arms to fight to regain their freedom and human dignity. And they are doing so in spite of the great odds against them. That they have scored great victories is no longer a matter of doubt, for the panic and the fear now handing the settlers in Rhodesia are a clear indication of the great victories of the freedom struggle. It is incumbent upon every Member of the United Nations to ensure that no action is taken by its nationals or its institutions to frustrate the struggle for freedom in Rhodesia. It is in this respect that my Government, and indeed the entire African continent, have become distressed and angered by the behavior of many countries, and the companies operating under their jurisdiction, in breaking the economic sanctions against Rhodesia, these violations by companies , and certain States Members of the United Nations, in particular the United States, constitute open support of the evil oppressors of the people of Zimbabwe.
151.	It must be pointed out again that the problem of Rhodesia is legally a matter within the competence of Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom. Since the rebellion in 1965 the United Kingdom has conducted numerous negotiations with the rebels to try to end the rebellion. The African majority have always regarded these negotiations with deep suspicion because for the most part they have been based on the assumption that the rebellion can be legalized by giving independence to the colony On the basis of a constitution which will leave the African majority at the mercy of the settlers. That is why the United Nations has insisted and must continue to insist that there should be no independence until majority rule has been achieved. The African people have rejected all other alternatives, as has been evident since the fate of the 1971 proposals for a settlement and the Pearce Commission. The African people in Zimbabwe will never participate in attempts to find solutions which in essence amount to asking them to legalize their state of subjugation. Therefore, any agreement that is not based on majority rule can only be regarded by the African people as a criminal betrayal. The responsibility of the United kingdom in this matter is therefore heavy. The United Kingdom must not commit a double betrayal. More specifically, there can be no meaningful negotiations without the full participation of the legitimate leaders of the African people in Zimbabwe, and in particular Joshua Nkomo and the Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole. It should be pointed out that, in a joint communique issued in 1973 in Ottawa at the last meeting of Commonwealth Heads of State and Government, the Government of the United Kingdom gave an undertaking to work to secure the release of those two leaders. The Government of Tanzania is anxiously waiting for Her Majesty's Government to fulfill that undertaking.
152.	In South Africa, the oppression and humiliation to which the African people have been subjected for decades become more intense. The millions of the non-while population in that country have suffered too long, and their agony must constitute an acute moral challenge of immense proportion to every member of this international community. For here is a situation in which millions of innocent victims remain perpetually condemned to a state of abject misery. They cry and weep, and their bitter tears are an indictment of the conspiracy of silence and neglect by those who have been largely responsible for encouraging South Africa in its unrelenting rule of terror. We in Tanzania have protested and will continue to protest against this criminal conspiracy.
153.	My Government has viewed with distress, and has unequivocally condemned, all attempts to have any relations with South Africa. We have, for example, called for the total isolation of South Africa from all sporting events. That is why Tanzania condemned the recent tour of South Africa and Rhodesia by the rugby team from the United Kingdom. My Government has equally vehemently condemned the military collaboration that exists between some Western countries, especially France, and South Africa. The recent joint naval maneuvers by the United Kingdom and South Africa are also a case in point.
154.	We call on the Security Council to examine, as a matter of urgency, the question of imposing economic sanctions against South Africa and of re- enforcing the arms embargo against that country. At the same time, a vigorous and more co-ordinated campaign should now be mounted by the United Nations and its specialized agencies to dissuade foreign companies from investing in the South African economy. Arguments that economic investments in South Africa by foreign companies bring anything other than increased misery to the majority of the African people are wholly fallacious. Such argumentation is definitely meant as a campaign to mislead the world. The fact is that, as the economy of South Africa has expanded, so has the misery of the non- white population in that country.
155.	To make matters worse, the development of South Africa by foreign companies has enabled that country to embark on the manufacture of deadly weapons to be used not only for internal repression but also for external aggression. My Government has been seriously concerned at persistent reports that certain Western countries have now started to purchase South African arms. An example of this type of armament is the Crotale or Cactus air defense missile system made in South Africa with the help of a French electronics firm. It is the earnest hope of the people and Government of Tanzania that those countries will find it possible to desist from such purchases, for to do so simply amounts to a criminal collaboration with South Africa in its efforts to increase and refine its oppressive armaments industry.
156.	The Government of Tanzania is now convinced that the time has come for the United Nations to reconsider seriously its relationship with South Africa because of the racist policies of that country. South Africa and its supporters have* often claimed that the outside world has been unfair in its condemnation of the apartheid regime. But what is the truth? There is no place in the world, except in South Africa, where racism forms the basis of the philosophy of the State and is entrenched in the constitution of the country. Secondly, in South Africa we have the equivalent of a State church, the Dutch Reformed Church, whose faith includes as one of its fundamental doctrines the teaching of racial hatred. Because of this situation, the African people in South Africa cannot go to the State for redress as they could do if racial discrimination did not form part of the constitution of that country. South Africa has deliberately refused to heed the call by the international community to change its racist policies,
157.	Those reasons alone sufficiently disqualify apartheid South Africa from being a Member of our Organization. For the principles of freedom, racial equality and human dignity enshrined in our Charter cannot and should not be allowed to coexist with the obnoxious policies of the perpetual humiliation and degradation of humanity so notoriously embodied in the doctrine of apartheid. But there are other factors equally powerful which make the continued presence of the apartheid delegation in our Organization both an anachronism and a serious liability to the United Nations. South Africa has chosen the path of consistent violation of the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations. It has shown nothing but utter and absolute contempt and disregard of this Organization.
158.	The record of such violations is well known to all and needs no further elaboration. What, then, is the basis of apartheid South Africa's continued presence in our Organization? What sort of values are the racist authorities attaching to the principles of the Organization? Is it not obvious that, by allowing the Vorster representatives to continue ridiculing our Organization, we are only strengthening those forces wishing to erode the credibility, effectiveness and the prestige of the Organization? We submit that every single day that apartheid South Africa continues to enjoy the rights and privileges of a Member of this Organization, while completely ignoring and violating the corresponding obligations of membership, makes a mockery of the United Nations.
159.	For those obvious reasons, Tanzania considers the continued participation in our Organization of the racists from Pretoria as a serious anomaly needing immediate rectification by the expulsion of apartheid South Africa from this Organization. We strongly believe that by such action the United Nations will be reaffirming the noble objectives and ideals of the Charter. There will be those who will ask us what cause will be served by that act. To them we say, What cause has been served, since the United Nations started, by South Africa's being a Member of this Organization for all those years?
160.	There is no doubt that the developments in the Portuguese colonies have ushered in a new era of hope in southern Africa. The struggle for freedom and human dignity in that area has acquired new momentum. Is it not time for the racist regime in Zimbabwe to see the writing on the wall? Is it not time for the South African colonialists to pay heed to the demands of the international community and immediately to end their illegal occupation of Namibia? Those are not idle questions. Either the South African racist and the Smith regimes draw the necessary conclusions and thus avoid further bloodshed or they continue to behave like ostriches and in the process prolong a confrontation in which they will inevitably be the losers.
161.	The economic and social conditions of the majority of the world's population have never been as grim and desperate as they are at the present moment. While a minority of the world's population seems to be faring better in material welfare and continues to enjoy incredible wealth furnished by unprecedented industrial development, the rest of mankind remains without the basic needs for survival. Admittedly, there are economic and social problems in those countries commonly referred to as the developed countries. But there is absolutely nothing comparable in the developed countries to the mass poverty and the utter destitution in the rest of the world.
162.	For decades, many developing countries have tried hard—I repeat, have tried hard -to escape from their appalling economic and social condition. There can be no question that they have tried very hard. They are still trying and they will continue to do so as long as it is humanly possible. The records of their efforts, whether at the international or the national level, speak for themselves.
163.	The international institutions, especially those working under the auspices of the United Nations, which have sprung up during the last decade or so bear testimony to the efforts by developing countries to try to obtain solutions to their economic ills. The setting up of UNDP, UN I DO and UNCTAD and the creation of development funds such as the United Nations Capital Development Fund are good cases in point. At the national level, our Governments and peoples have been trying desperately by various ways and means to break the chains of backwardness afflicting our nations; but, in spite of all these efforts, the economic and social conditions of developing countries have worsened
164.	The fundamental cause of the present lack of development on the part of the developing countries can be found in the unjust relationship that governs the economic and technical co-operation between the minority rich and the majority poor of the world. The developing countries have been toiling to produce more but they have been deprived of the full worth of their products. With few exceptions, the sweat and labor of our people are utterly disproportionate to the price imposed on what they produce. Com-pounding this problem is the problem of currency instability and galloping inflation which are causing great havoc and extreme hardship, especially to many small developing countries. Tanzania believes that the time has come to reject the assumption that all some countries have to do is to act as pawns in the intricate game of international monetary and fiscal policies which are determined by a select group of countries. We completely reject as unacceptable to our people that they should endure misery and deprivation on account of currency upheavals, which in some cases are deliberately set in motion by greedy speculators, ruthless tycoons and capitalists whose major concern is simply to amass a fortune for the sake of a fortune.
165.	This brings me to the problem which is one of the central issues in the present discussion of the current world economic situation. I refer to the question of oil. There can be no doubt that the power to set fair prices of raw materials produced in a country is part of the logical consequence of the acceptance of the principle of sovereignty of the producing country over the raw material in question. But, I repeat, for a developing country like Tanzania to recognize and accept this principle and to express concern at the soaring prices of oil are not incompatible. To many of the developing countries the current high oil prices amount to near economic strangulation.
166.	Tanzania appreciates some of the limited steps taken to try to alleviate this problem. We feel, however, that oil-producing countries have to consider very seriously how to co-operate much more effectively with many of the non-oil-producing countries to avoid grave economic instability and unnecessary hardship to millions of people throughout the third world. I may add that we hope the oil-producing countries will realize this as an item that could very well spell division in the third world.
167.	Having said that, we in Tanzania must emphatically reject any tendency to distort the real economic issues facing the world by resorting to implicit threats or covert blackmail. Any solution to the present world economic crisis in which many developing countries are the greatest victims must be predicated on a system based on just, fair and equitable arrangements that should guarantee to all nations a fair return for the labor and the product of their people. A precondition to the achievement of this objective is the necessity on the part of all countries to stand ready and to be willing to adopt measures which will bring justice and equity to all international economic relations. But first there must be the political desire to be fair. Without this, our hope for a new international economic order will be a hopeless illusion.
168.	The cease-fire in the Middle East of last October brought a sense of temporary relief and a hopeful expectation that at long last a way could be found to end years of bloodshed and confrontation which have inflicted untold sufferings on millions of inhabitants in that troubled area. The uneasy peace that now exists in the Middle East and the deceptive air of tranquility along the Suez Canal must not, however, lull all parties to the dispute and the entire international community into relaxing their efforts to find a just, durable and permanent peace in the Middle East. Indeed, the reports about war maneuvers and military preparedness now regularly coming from the area clearly demonstrate the urgent need to find a quick solution to this problem.
169.	But my Government believes and is convinced that no peace can come to the area unless it is based on certain fundamental principles. These include acceptance by Israel of the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of Arab lands by force and the need to find a just, fair and lasting solution to the Palestinian problem. To ignore these two elements will be to run away from reality, and any arrangements made without proper cognizance of these principles will produce just another shaky peace. In this connexion, a number of countries, including my own, Tanzania, have requested the inclusion in the agenda of the twenty-ninth session of an item entitled the "Question of Palestine".
170.	The gravest error that this Organization has made is to ignore the Palestinian people, as if they did not exist. Since 1948 we have discussed the question of the Middle East in a manner which ignored the original cause. It is our belief that it will be almost impossible, if not futile, to solve the Middle East problem without first settling the Palestinian problem. Unless the existence of the Palestinian people is recognized and their fundamental rights assured by this Organization, all the debates in the halls of the United Nations will be an exercise in futility. It is the hope of the Tanzanian delegation that the inclusion of this item will afford the General Assembly a greater opportunity to address itself to this question with a view to redressing the injustice done to the Palestinian people and, indeed, with a view to ending the Middle East crisis.
171.	It is a matter of deep concern to my delegation that, while the great Powers issue declarations about detente, fierce rivalry in various forms continues for hegemony in many areas of the world. Thus in areas such as the Indian Ocean, "which has been solemnly declared by the General Assembly as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], steps continue to be taken for the establishment of military bases with weapons of mass destruction.
172.	Furthermore, the much publicized spirit of detente has meant very little to millions who have to endure the consequences of wars of aggression and are perpetually subjected to imperialist intervention. In Viet Nam, even though a peace agreement was signed two years ago, the United States and the puppet Thieu regime continue to frustrate effective progress towards an end of the fighting which has brought so much suffering to the peopEe of Viet Nam. In Cambodia, where the people have rejected the corrupt Lon Nol clique, the United States has committed itself to ensuring the permanent survival of that decadent regime. In Korea the efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the total reunification of that country have been frustrated by the Park regime and foreign intervention.
173.	All this confirms our fears that detente may after all be used as a camouflage for continuing aggression, intimidation, sabotage, the subversion of foreign. Governments and even the callous assassination of leaders whose only crime is their desire to defend the freedom and independence of their countries.
174.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, preparations for which we taken a number of years, is in itself a recognition the necessity of changing the existing international maritime law in order to avoid the chaos which that law admittedly tends to promote. But change of law alone cannot guarantee peace, let alone justice. The emerging law must be equitable as well as precise. The so-called freedom of the sea must give way to precise rules of law which are designed to protect the interests of all nations, developed and developing, and to promote international co-operation for the benefit of all mankind in the exploitation and utilization of the resources and other benefits of ocean space.
175.	Although we have noted the seriousness with which all States are approaching the matter, we wish to express our regret that antiquated attitudes favoring the chaos-oriented traditional maritime law continue to guide the policies of some States, in total disregard of the interests of the vast majority of States and peoples, and in spite of the dangers to international peace which those attitudes are promoting.
176.	In this connexion, it is not enough to make repeated statements, in the name of negotiations, about a give-and-take spirit, as if all sides had something to give, when in fact it is only the few privileged nations that must pay a great debt to the rest of the world; for the transaction of the law of the sea is not between equally privileged States: it is largely a transaction between the "haves" and the "ambitious- to-continue-to-have", on one side, and the "have-nots", on the other. If peace rests on justice, as it should, and if all the parties share the goal of justice in their work, it cannot but be accepted that the bulk of responsibility for the success of the Conference lies with those who are enjoying privileged positions at the present moment, it is on them, rather than on the others, that the success of the Conference depends. It is they who have the choice between justice and injustice concerning the sea, and between peace and international conflicts. It is a question of good faith and political courage. The absence of these factors will inevitably spell a failure to .achieve a meaningful convention. Their acceptance is therefore a prerequisite for the success of the Conference and of a convention that will do justice to all mankind.
177.	I cannot conclude my statement without referring to the recent tragic events in Cyprus. We do not see the need at this stage for apportioning blame. My delegation certainly joins those who have earnestly called for an end to the present sad and intolerable situation in Cyprus. Common sense demands that humanity and compassion prevail, and that the parties responsible for the suffering of the Cypriot people should immediately address themselves not only to the burning refugee question but to the more intractable problem of finding a permanent solution to the Cyprus issue. It is the view of the Tanzania delegation that any solution to this problem must entail the withdrawal, as a matter of urgency, of all foreign troops and the restoration of the full independence of that country. We believe that as an independent and sovereign nation the people of Cyprus will be able to find the way to solve their own problems in complete freedom.
178.	The problems of colonialism and racism in southern Africa, the problems of the dispossessed people of Palestine, and the divided peoples of Korea and Viet Nam are all challenges that can easily break their geographic confines and engulf humanity in a hatred of unimaginable proportions. Thus if we are deaf to, or we evade, redressing the injustices visited upon the millions of people of those areas, the inevitable bloodshed and suffering will erode the very fabric of our civilization. If we fail to evolve just and equitable solutions to the grave economic situation facing the world, we shall be responsible for an economic disorder that will undoubtedly doom not only our present generation, but future generations as well. Our great and grave responsibility is firmly to ensure that human progress based on justice is achieved.


On behalf of my Government and my delegation I wish to join previous speakers in congratulating Mr. Bouteflika, a courageous and illustrious son of Africa, on his unanimous election to the presidency of the twenty-ninth session of this Assembly. His country, under the inspired leadership of President Houari Boumediene, has played no mean role in the affairs of our continent, and indeed in the affairs of the world. We assure him of our co-operation in the discharge of his onerous responsibilities.
129.	It gives us special pleasure, as a small country, to welcome the new Members of the Organization Grenada, Bangladesh and Guinea-Bissau each of which will, we are sure, contribute positively to our search for peace and social justice. Their different and varied social and political backgrounds will add to the sum total of our knowledge and understanding of the problems that beset our world. Their presence will not only increase the number but augment the voice of the world's small countries in their fight against all forms of neo-colonialism.
130.	Previous speakers have spoken succinctly and eloquently about the world's political and economic problems, to which we shall therefore allude only briefly. In Africa, we intend to underscore some of the problems of economic under achievement , and the implications, in terms of human relationships, of colonialism and racism. In this regard, we wish to support the informative and authoritative statement made this morning [2262nd meeting] by General Mohamed Siad Barre, President of the Somali Democratic Republic, whose voice is the voice of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and which we request this Assembly to heed.
131.	While we appreciate the steps taken by the super-Powers to reach understanding on various international issues, we do not—I repeat, we do not believe that only they are capable of bringing peace and security to the world. In fact, we are suspicious and fearful of discussions and agreements reached outside the ambit of the United Nations because the interests of the super-Powers are not necessarily the interests of mankind.
132.	In our opinion, only the United Nations can safeguard the interests of the many small countries that have no political, economic or military ambitions. It is only through the United Nations that the hopes and fears of the majority of the world's inhabitants can be expressed. In other words, detente between the super-Powers is meaningless because it guarantees neither peace nor security, as witness the failure of disarmament talks, the continuing wars in Indochina, and the tensions in the Middle East. To us, superPower detente looks like mutual accommodation rather than a search for permanent peace.
133.	The situation in the Middle East remains volatile because the super-Powers are using Israel and some Arab countries as pawns in the international power game. There can be no peace in the area until Israel abandons all occupied Arab lands and recognizes the legitimate rights of the Palestinians who should be involved in all discussions and negotiations. This, we believe, can be done without prejudice to Israel's existence as a State. Israel cannot claim to exist at the expense of the Palestinian people.
134.	The people of Indochina should be encouraged to work out their own destinies through dialog. Political interference or military intervention by outsiders can only aggravate the situation and prolong division and strife in Korea, Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia. Wherever and whenever possible, only the United Nations should be allowed to mediate or intervene, because, as we have indicated, those who intervene as individual nations do not necessarily have the interests of the whole area at heart, and we therefore feel that the United Nations is the only body that can represent the small Powers, which are often used as tools by the great Powers.
135.	The violation of the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus, a member of the non-aligned movement, can only be viewed with anxiety and fear for the existence of small countries that refuse to be drawn into existing power blocs. Interference in the domestic affairs of a sovereign, independent State, under whatever pretext, cannot be condoned or Excepted. All concerned are therefore requested, in the name of peace, to accept the decision of the Security Council on this matter and to restore the legitimate constitutional rights of Cyprus.
136.	The international economic situation can only be described as perilous. Inflation has gone out of control and threatens the economies of all countries industrialized and non-industrialized, capitalist and socialist. Coupled with inflation is the unstable international monetary system, and both factors have a deleterious effect on international trade. The Western economic system based on free enterprise has become a Frankenstein monster, consuming not only its creators but all who are associated with it. No remedy seems to be in sight. The economies of small countries are being threatened as a result of the actions of the world's major trading partners and the moguls of the international monetary system.
137.	There is as yet no evidence that the sixth special session has produced any change in the attitudes and methods of the major trading countries of the world. In complete disregard of the signs of the times, die hard capitalists are clinging to the old economic order with its inequities and iniquities. The poor people of the world, ruthlessly exploited for generations, are asking for a fair share of the world's economic cake. If their appeal for justice and equity goes unheeded for long, then they should seek their salvation through their own devices and, if necessary, through new economic alliances. We do not understand why the 80 per cent of the world's population who control the major resources of the world keep on moaning about bad treatment by the few and, in the mean time, allow themselves to be oppressed. It is our view that the developing countries of the world should reject economic exploitation just as unequivocally as they have rejected political oppression and subjugation.
138.	We participated fully at the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Caracas, and are pleased that the international community has accepted the principle that the seas and the resources therein are the common heritage of mankind. We hope this will prevent the colonization of the seas by those who have the technology and the financial power to do this. It is our hope that the next session of the Conference on the Law of the Sea will reach agreement on draft articles of an international convention that not only will guarantee to land-locked States the right of free access to the sea but also will ensure that the seas and the oceans are protected and exploited for the benefit of all mankind.
139.	We have already indicated that the President of the Democratic Republic of Somalia has spoken authoritatively on the problems of Africa. We shall therefore allude to only a few.
140.	The social, economic and political problems of Africa are due to many causes. But first and foremost is the shortage of food, in both quality and quantity, due to ignorance and lack of funds, in that order. Time, effort and money should be spent on the education and training of African farmers in the basic principles and techniques of crop and livestock production.
141.	Those of us who know Africa know that large areas of that continent are ecologically suitable for the production of high-quality livestock and crop products. What we lack is the technical know-how. But the techniques required are profoundly simple. It is not the machinery that we need; it is simply the devotion and self-application of our people that will enable us to produce our own food and stop going cap in hand, complaining about the destruction of crops by those who use their own crops as methods and means of twisting the arms of those that we should control.
142.	In many parts of Africa agricultural production could be appreciably increased through the application of approved methods and techniques. The availability of funds for the purchase of such agricultural inputs as fertilizers, seeds and insecticides will not by itself result in increased production. What is necessary is knowledge and a new outlook based on hard work and self-reliance, which has been repeated time without number by African leaders who have tried to urge their people to go back to the land and produce the food they require. Rural development in the agricultural sector should aim first at self- sufficiency in basic foodstuffs, for only when people are happy and healthy can they become productive and receptive to new ideas.
143.	In accordance with the Declaration on Economic and Technical Co-operation, adopted by OAU last year at Addis Ababa at the tenth anniversary of
OAU, African States should strive to accumulate their own food reserves and encourage trade among themselves and this is possible. Only in this way could they reduce their dependence on uncertain supplies from foreign countries which are themselves experiencing serious shortages of grains and livestock products, or which are using their food surpluses as political weapons. We hope African delegations to the forthcoming World Food Conference at Rome will give serious consideration to these issues and stop com-plaining that Africa is not being given food by those who do not want to give it food.
144.	On the political front, Africa has registered some progress but much still remains to be done before the continent is finally rid of all vestiges of colonialism and racism.
145.	The successful struggle and independence of Guinea-Bissau under the leadership of the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [PAIGC] gave impetus to the events in Mozambique where there is now a transitional Government led by the Frente de Libertao de Mozambique [FRELIMO]. Just a week ago, we visited Lourenzo Marques for the purpose of expressing solidarity with and giving encouragement to the forces of liberation there. In the context of southern Africa, this was not a mere gesture but visible support for Prime Minister Chissano and his colleagues, who are living and working in an atmosphere poisoned by centuries of racial oppression and discrimination. For this is a disease of southern Africa racial oppression, racial discrimination, racial exploitation and those who live there know what it means to live in our own continent where we are oppressed by minority regimes. We were impressed by the happy working relationship between the FRELIMO Government and the Portuguese High Commissioner, but vigilance is necessary to thwart the nefarious activities of reactionaries within and outside Mozambique. In fact, in Rhodesia and South Africa, the talk is that the Portuguese have let the side down. This is the attitude that the racist minority regimes are adopting instead of facing facts as they are and changing their policies.
146.	As far as Namibia is concerned, we associate ourselves unreservedly with the decisions of the Organization. The people of the Territory must be allowed to determine their own destiny on the basis of one man, one vote, and not on the basis of "population groups", which is another name for apartheid. Let us not be fooled by the stratagem that has come from the Pretoria regime that the people of South-West Africa will be called together to decide their own destiny. The idea is that they should meet as populations rather than as individuals in a free country, and the basis of apartheid is population division.
147.	With the imminent independence of Mozambique and, we also hope, of Angola, the days of the rebel.racist regime in Salisbury are numbered. To continue to resist progressive change is to court disaster, for no degree of oppression and brutality will discourage or deter the people of Zimbabwe from their determination to become free men in their own country. With the moral and material support of the international community they are bound to win.
148.	I turn now to apartheid, which is one of the perennial problems facing the United Nations. Our opposition to apartheid derives from our belief in fundamental rights as enunciated and understood by the international community not from a hatred of white people. As the Chairman of OAU indicated this morning [2262nd meeting], Africans are not vindictive, and, after 300 years of white habitation in southern Africa, we do not believe anybody is thinking of forcing the white man out of southern Africa; he is being simply asked to allow other people to live their own lives without let or hindrance and not to arrogate to himself the political and economic power to decide the destinies of a majority of people. We have never believed in the superiority of one race over another and, as Christians, we believe in the worth of the human person. Apartheid is unacceptable because it is based on fear and is therefore unjust. It degrades and brutalizes both its protagonists and its victims. We live cheek by jowl with the system and cannot, therefore, be accused of speaking from ignorance or malice. It is a vicious system, and to cite just one little example when we tell you that it degrades even those who apply it: recently, three white men, whose ages range from 18 to 48, murdered an African woman by forcing methylated spirits down her throat. Now, these are the degradations of apartheid.
149.	Unless and until South Africa shifts from its rigid position on racial matters, there can be no constructive dialog between it and most independent African States. The longer it delays in making such a move, the greater is the danger of a racial conflagration in southern Africa and, as its closest neighbors, we cannot look at such a prospect with equanimity. We speak, not because we hate South Africa, but because we are surrounded by South Africa. We live next to South Africa, and if there is any confrontation of any kind military, economic or otherwise Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland cannot escape unscathed, and therefore we cannot keep quiet. In their relationship with the new progressive Portuguese Government, Africans have proved to the world that they are opposed not to white people as such but to injustice and oppression. Will South Africa learn from the Portuguese experience or will it continue to defy international opinion in the misguided belief that everybody is out of step except itself?


The delegation of Chad welcomes the election of Mr. Bouteflika as President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Chad, which has always had friendly and close relations with Algeria, is pleased at this happy event and expresses its sincere congratulations. Even though Mr. Bouteflika is young, he has for 12 years vigorously expressed in this Assembly and elsewhere his faith and ideal in the advent of a better world where peace, freedom and justice will triumph. His positions were just, even though they ruffled the feelings of some, and he has accumulated a store of experience which fully justifies his unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly. We trust, therefore, that with his experience as an Algerian and a diplomat he will bring the work of the twenty-ninth session to a successful outcome. In particular, we hope that, if by way of compromise we often manage to adopt grandiose resolutions here, we will now find the ways and means to implement them.
151. I also wish to pay a special tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, for the devotion and competence with which he guided the work of our last session, as well as the sixth special session on raw materials and development.
15.2. We also express our congratulations to the Secretary-General and to his assistants. Mr. Kurt Waldheim has been outstanding in the discharge of his functions as a genuine apostle of peace. His name is closely linked to the liberation of Guinea-Bissau, to the end of fighting in Cyprus, to the beginning of a solution to a very difficult problem in the Middle East, not to mention his firm determination to come to the assistance of suffering and deprived peoples.
153.	Finally, we joyfully welcome the admission of new States to our Organization: the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau. The admission of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau to the United Nations is a brilliant victory for PAIGC and for the brave fighters who waged the sacred battle for independence under the high political command of the late Amilcar Cabral. We also wish to pay tribute to the memory of Mr. Eduardo Mondlane and all those who gave their lives in the struggle for African liberation.
154.	The representatives who preceded me have eloquently spoken about all the problems before the international community, namely: decolonization, human rights, the emergence of the third world on the international economic scene, which so far has been dominated by a few privileged countries, the energy crisis, inflation, the law of the sea, population and food. The recalling of these problems by each of us simply confirms the need for all of us to find concrete solutions.
155.	The delegation of Chad takes satisfaction in the recent statement by the Government of Portugal that it recognizes the right to independence of all the Territories which are still under its domination. Our satisfaction would be greater if Portugal's intentions were to be reflected in a concrete act enabling the Territories concerned to recover their freedom and sovereignty without delay and without conditions.
156.	Spain, too, must liberate the Sahara in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and in consultation with the neighboring States which are directly concerned. We welcome the agreement between Mauritania and Morocco jointly to submit a request to the International Court of Justice to decide on their dispute with Spain.
157.	Decolonization cannot be limited to Territories under Portuguese or Spanish domination. In fact, the situation in other occupied Territories does not leave us indifferent. My country, consistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the charter of OAU, once again reaffirms that we shall firmly support every effort for the self-determination of peoples which are still under domination wherever they may be throughout the world.
158.	But how can we recall these problems without deploring the situation in southern Africa? We note with bitterness that in Rhodesia and Namibia nothing has improved, while in South Africa the racist regime is still trying to perpetrate the policy of apartheid. Those oppressive regimes and their acolytes must face the fact that the march of history is irreversible and that they must adjust to the new circumstances by exercising wisdom and reason.
159. The situation in the Middle East remains disquieting. The peace efforts that were made some time ago disintegrated rapidly because of Israel's persistence in its policy of aggression. Israel must withdraw its troops from all the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967 so that peace efforts can succeed. The distress of the Palestinian people is, naturally, of concern to us. This question cannot, in our opinion, be the subject of a just and lasting solution so long as the Palestinian people continue to live cut off from their brothers in the region, deprived of their national heritage.
160. We deplore the events in Cyprus which resulted in the death not only of countless Cypriots but also of messengers of peace who fell under the flag of the United Nations. This crisis, which developed because of foreign interference in the internal affairs of the island, threatens not only the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus but also international peace and security. We hope that the current negotiations between the representatives of the two communities will save the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the island where in the past Turks and Greeks lived together peacefully.
161.	In South-East Asia men continue to "die daily. In Viet Nam the continued violation of the Paris agreements keeps the situation tense. My delegation hopes that the integral application of those agreements will open up a way out of the deadlock.
162.	With respect to Cambodia, the delegation of Chad recognizes the Royal Government of National Union presided over by Prince Sihanouk as the only representative of the Cambodian people for the good reason that it has the support of the entire Cambodian people and of more than 60 Members of the United Nations. The key to the restoration of peace in Cambodia can only be found in putting an end to foreign interference.
163.	In the Far East, Korea cannot enjoy peace until the question of unification has been settled to the satisfaction of the two parties concerned. The decision of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly to dissolve the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea was a positive step in the search for a just and equitable solution of the question. The delegation of Chad, which associated itself with that decision, declares itself ready to support any initiative that can contribute to creating conditions favorable to the peaceful reunification of Korea.
164.	International security, which concerns us all, can be only an empty term until the disarmament of which we have spoken for years becomes effective. Every year resolutions adopted here recommend general and complete disarmament, yet the next year we are witnesses to underground or atmospheric nuclear tests, and mass deliveries of weapons of all kinds, with no assurance that any conflict that might arise in any part of the world would be prevented and still less that the danger of escalation, which would lead to a nuclear confrontation, would be averted. The delegation of Chad joins the delegations that preceded me to this rostrum in appealing to the conscience of the Powers producing nuclear and conventional weapons to take effective disarmament measures.
165.	The year which has passed since our last session has been a period of disturbance for the world economy. The war of October 1973 gave a glimpse of the manifestations of an economic process which until then had been camouflaged under the then prevailing international economic order. The builders and advocates of that system saw their economies flourishing to the detriment of the majority of the peoples of the globe. It was only when the producers of the "black gold" united that the world unanimously became disillusioned: there was widespread inflation, a notable decline in the economic growth rate, and disarray in international payments. In truth, the origins of these troubles are to be found in the unjust imbalances which have persisted in international economic relations since the Second World War, which led to an accelerated growth of the industrial countries through the transfer of raw materials at low prices.
166.	When pillage attained its peak, the poor countries insistently appealed for economic interdependence and co-operation so that the imbalances and injustices could be corrected. The stabilization of the prices of raw materials, the increased transfer of real resources to developing countries, the better organization of the international financial markets all these aspirations were unheeded by the rich countries, because it cost them nothing to ignore them, or to postpone them indefinitely. But now the time has come when the countries of the third world have become a reality. No nation can be proud of having a rich society in a world where poverty, famine and disease are rampant. The President of the World Bank has just declared at a meeting of the Bank that a thousand million human beings on our planet are condemned to death in the present economic circumstances.
167.	Any one of the features of the present economic crisis deterioration of the terms of trade, widespread, runaway inflation, increased oil prices, or decrease in the growth rate of certain countries would alone have had serious repercussions on the developing countries. In combination they have led certain countries to the brink of disaster. The countries with a per capita income below $200 have seen that income decline in real value. The amount of aid for development, which is already limited, is not increasing enough to ' ^set the effects of inflation.
168.	In this terrible situation my country, Chad, is feeling repercussions of the present crisis. Indeed, to imported inflation are added the various causes of higher domestic prices characteristic of developing economies, which are often linked to the structural shortcomings with regard to capital goods and technology. After the disturbing economic events of our time, we must jointly develop, a co-operation that will reflect a permanent and reinforced policy of solidarity. In this connexion, the equitable and realistic solution would be to bring order to the world economy through the practical application of the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order.
169.	The Government of Chad would like to express its appreciation and gratitude to friendly and brother countries and to governmental and non-governmental organizations whose moral and material support made it possible to limit the consequences and effects of the drought which struck our national territory. The Government of Chad appreciates in particular the efforts made by the United Nations to mobilize inter-national opinion for the benefit of the countries that were struck by this natural disaster. In the face of this catastrophe, Mr. Kurt Waldheim expressed his fears by stating that in less than 50 years, perhaps by the end of the century, the continued encroachment of the desert might well wipe three or four African countries off the map.
170.	Furthermore, an English scientist, Dr. Derek Winstanley, on the basis of past cycles of rain in the United Kingdom, concluded that the drought would inexorably continue its progression until the year 2030. Does this mean that in less than a generation no more will be heard of certain countries of the Sahel? That is a frightening prospect, and Mr. Boerma, Di-rector of FAO, in discussing a solution, said, "essential donations are only a short-term solution; what is needed is a permanent plan to supply the desert with water and allow the planting of forests".
171.	There is no lack of water in the Sahelian region. The problem is how rationally to exploit the rains and the rivers, as well as the underground sources of water. For the disinherited people of the Sahelian region, the solidarity and backing of Governments and international institutions with respect to adequate financial and technical aid are indispensable to conquer the desert. We cannot speak of these natural disasters without recalling the calamities that struck Honduras and Peru. We present our deep condolences to those delegations.
172.	As against the many problems which the poor countries face, we note that not only has public aid declined by one third in proportion to the gross national product, but it is now confined to financing quick short-term operations.
173.	The delegation of Chad believes that it is time to attack the structural problems of these countries, in particular the road, water and agricultural infra-structures. Going a little further, our President, our great compatriot N'Garta Tombalbaye, launched an urgent appeal from this rostrum at the commemorative session of the General Assembly on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations. He said:
"... If mankind is an ocean of poverty, it is because it suffers from a lack of brotherhood; it is because, to repeat, everything is not geared to man. The day when man is brother to man, the attitude of one group towards another, the attitude of one nation towards another will be fundamentally different. It will no longer be a matter of understanding a people in order to exploit it, but of satisfying global needs, of seeking to harness technology and to institute modes of relations and trade which will bring into being the brotherhood of man."
174.	I should not like to conclude my statement without speaking of the recent change in our national policy following the creation on 27 August 1973 of the National Movement for the Cultural and Social Revolution under the leadership of our great compatriot N'Garta Tombalbaye, the founding Secretary- General.
175.	The National Movement for the Cultural and Social Revolution is a movement for liberation which unites all the living forces of the nation, all the people of Chad without distinction of social rank, tribe or religion, in a single body and mobilizes them to struggle against underdevelopment and against moral and intellectual slavery. This movement is centered on the man of Chad, and some of its objectives are: to reconcile the citizens of Chad with themselves, enhance the value of their natural culture and return to the source to discover their real and profound identity; to continue to consolidate national unity; and to guarantee democratic freedoms.
176.	The movement encourages co-operation with all friendly countries on the condition that this cooperation be based on the principle of equality, and that it respect the independence and sovereignty of the State of Chad. It proclaims that non-alignment and non-intervention in the internal affairs of States constitute two cardinal principles of our foreign policy.
177.	After all the eminent speakers who preceded me, I cannot speak further of the problems which concern us. To conclude, I believe that it is all a question of the conscience of each of us and, above all, of our faith in the future of the Organization.


We have learned with great sorrow of the passing of Mr. Paul Hoffman, the former Managing Director of the Special Fund and Administrator of UNDP. A man of international fame and stature, Mr. Hoffman rendered great services to the United Nations, and I wish, on behalf of the delegation of the United Arab Emirates, to extend our condolences to his family and to the delegation of the United States.
188.	Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that I extend to you, on behalf of the Government of the United Arab Emirates, our congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. Your unanimous election to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly reflects the confidence placed in you and the recognition by the international community of your proven abilities. We share the pride in your election, which we consider as an expression of appreciation of the important role played by Algeria in defense of the interests and rights of the third world.
189.	We wish also to convey our gratitude to Mr. Benites, who presided over the previous session with great ability and wisdom.
190.	We also thank the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts to strengthen the United Nations and to increase its efficacy for the preservation of international peace and security.
191.	It gives us the utmost pleasure to welcome the three States that joined the Organization at the current session, namely, Bangladesh, Guinea-Bissau and Grenada. We are confident that the admission of these new Members will strengthen and increase the effectiveness of the United Nations. We are ready to co-operate with them, both bilaterally and within the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
192.	We consider the inclusion of the question of Palestine as a separate item in the agenda of the current session as an event of great importance. The question of Palestine will now be considered in all its basic and immutable elements. Implicit in this inclusion of the item is a realization by the United Nations that its previous consideration of only certain aspects and consequences of that question were inconclusive and could not lead to a just and lasting solution which would preserve peace in the Middle East and save it from any further tragedies of war and destruction.
193.	The United Nations has in the past considered in different organs some of the aspects and consequences of the problem of Palestine and has adopted a number of resolutions and recommendations. This, however, did not prevent the aggravation of the problem by Israel's continued aggression against the people of Palestine and the denial of their rights in their ancestral homeland. It did not prevent Israel from attacking the Arab States adjacent to Palestine, prolonging the exile and dispersal of its people and preventing it from the free exercise of its inalienable rights, including the right to self-determination.
194.	Important developments and events have taken place in our area in recent years. One of the most significant of these has been the assumption of full responsibility by the people of Palestine for the liberation of its land and the restoration of its rights. It was incumbent, therefore, upon the United Nations to respond and adjust to these new developments and events by considering the question of Palestine in all its fundamental aspects. That was achieved by the decision of the General Assembly with one dissenting voice, that of Israel to include the item in the agenda and allocate it to the plenary Assembly.
195.	We view the allocation of the item to the plenary Assembly as another proof of the recognition by the United Nations of the importance of this question. We fully support the proposal of inviting the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to participate in the deliberation of the item in the plenary Assembly. No objective or realistic consideration of this item can take place without the participation of the principal party the people of Palestine through its sole and legitimate representative, the PLO. Accordingly, we shall fully support the invitation extended to the PLO to participate in the deliberation of the plenary Assembly on this item.
196.	We believe that any resolution that may be adopted at the end of the debate on this item should include the following principles: first, a reaffirmation of the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine; secondly, a reaffirmation of the right of the people of Palestine to self-determination, without external interference, and the guaranteeing of its national independence; thirdly, a reaffirmation of the right of the Palestinians who were expelled to return to their homes and lands; and fourthly, a reaffirmation of the right of the people of Palestine to use all means to attain its rights, including the right to self-determination..
197.	In calling for the reaffirmation of these rights, we are in fact reiterating a position of principle which we have always taken in supporting the people of Palestine, a position inspired by the fact that these rights are based upon the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations and are fully in conformity with the rules of international law.
198.	Our position on the question of Palestine is known to all. We have often stated our views regarding the aggressive nature of Zionism and denounced Israel's aggression and occupation of Arab territories. We shall, nevertheless, state in greater detail our views during the discussion of the question of Palestine and other relevant items. We should like, however, to reiterate now our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied territories. We shall continue to extend every possible assistance for the achievement of that goal .
199.	The United Arab Emirates supports the decision of Mauritania and Morocco to bring the case of AlSakya Al Hamra and Wadi Al Thahab or the so- called Spanish Sahara to the International Court of Justice. We appeal to Spain to act in a manner that will preserve ArabSpanish friendship, a friendship which we, for our part, endeavor to develop and strengthen.
200.	We were gravely concerned at the unfortunate events in Cyprus this year and were grieved at the tragic loss of innocent lives which further exacerbated the state of tension and instability prevailing in our area. We earnestly hope that all outstanding problems will be resolved in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and on the basis of justice and equity.
201.	I wish to add my voice to that of my colleagues who preceded me in welcoming the policy of the new Portuguese Government which is based on the recognition of the right to self-determination and the granting of independence to its former colonies. We appreciate the resolve of the Government of Portugal to pursue that policy and, to end, once and for all, the last vestiges of colonial rule. The way has now been opened for the establishment of friendly and cordial relations between the Arab world and Portugal.
202.	Since the founding of our State, the policies of the United Arab Emirates have been based on the principle of support for all peoples in their struggle to attain their freedom, to exercise their right of self- determination, and to preserve their territorial integrity. This is why we have supported, and will continue to support, without reservation, the African liberation movements, and will extend all possible financial and moral assistance to them.
203.	We are gravely concerned at the inhuman treatment, by the Government of South Africa, of the indigenous population of that country, and the continued denial by the racist regime in Salisbury of the rights of the African majority in Zimbabwe. The policies of apartheid and the oppressive rule of minority racist regimes are an intolerable affront to human dignity and a challenge to world opinion. All previous United Nations resolutions dealing with the problem have remained unimplemented. This failure is mainly due to th^ continued co-operation of certain States with South Africa and the racist regime in Rhodesia and their refusal to implement the United Nations resolutions calling for sanctions against them. We have imposed a total embargo on the shipment of oil and are strictly applying this policy. We renew our appeal to the States which still have extensive dealings with the two racist regimes to cease forthwith their co-operation with them and to participate in the efforts of the African States and the United Nations to deal effectively with this problem.
204.	We welcome the initiative taken by Egypt and Iran to include the item entitled "Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East" in the agenda of the current session. We earnestly hope that the discussion of this item will lead to the adoption of a positive resolution for the establishment of such a zone.
205.	As a major oil producer and exporter, my country is interested in the current debate on the world economic situation. To understand and appreciate the point of view of the petroleum-exporting countries, it is necessary to go back a little in history. Oil, a precious, exhaustible and irreplaceable mineral, has been exported in great quantities to meet the ever- increasing demands of the developed countries. The companies which controlled the international flow of this vital commodity have utilized wasteful methods of production, which resulted in the rapid depletion of the oil reserves of the producing countries. While keeping the price of crude oil artificially low, these companies made huge profits on the down-stream operations related to oil trade, that is, shipping, refining and distribution, from which the producing countries were totally excluded.
206.	Low prices of crude oil made it difficult for the producing countries adequately to meet the rising costs of their development requirements. This inevitably stultified their growth and seriously retarded their progress. In addition to providing huge profits for the foreign companies, cheap and plentiful energy gave substantial tax revenues to the governments of the consuming countries. It also enabled the industrialized nations to achieve a rate of economic growth which far outstripped that of the developing countries. As a result of all this, the developed countries entered into a period of mass consumption and unrestrained material indulgence, at a time when most of he countries of the third world were barely managing to stay above mere subsistence levels.
207.	As far as the oil-exporting countries were concerned, any benefits which they may have derived from increased production were wiped out by the sharp rise in the prices of manufactured goods in the developed countries. Thus, the rapid growth in the industrialized countries had no corresponding beneficial results for the rest of the world. On the contrary, foreign aid lagged far behind the great increase in the gross national product of the developed countries. The gap between the developed and developing countries steadily widened. This widening gap, as we all know, had been the object of lengthy and futile discussions in the Organization and its specialized agencies for over two decades. The decision of the oil-exporting countries to extricate themselves from the vicious circle of over-production and low prices has ended an iniquitous situation and halted the exploitation and squandering of valuable resources that had been going on for decades. Now the oil-exporting Countries will be able to absorb the vast increase in the price of manufactured goods and to protect themselves against the consequences of the rampant inflation in the developed countries. We believe this new situation will be beneficial for the developing countries, and may have some indirect benefits, even for the developed countries.
208.	For the developing countries, it means that some economic power and wealth will be in the hands of small countries like themselves; countries that have neither the desire nor the ability to carve up spheres of influence, countries with no imperialist ambitions and no wish for political and economic domination over others. We are confident that this shift in the balance of economic power will contribute to narrowing the gap between the developed and developing countries. Evidence of this can already be seen in the very high percentage of the gross national product of the oil-exporting countries presently allocated to assist the developing countries. Let us take the example of my own country. We have during 1974 given to developing countries in grants and soft loans no less than $700 million, which represent more than 15 per cent of our gross national product. In addition, we have increased the capital of the AbuDhabi Development Fund to $500 million to finance projects in the developing countries all over the world.
209.	I am now happy to announce that my Government, in response to the appeal of the Secretary- General, has decided to contribute $10 million to the Special Program of the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. We have also asked the Secretary-General to allocate $500,000 of this amount to the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Coordinator to be spent on relief work in Honduras.
210.	Many of the exporting countries would have preferred to produce just enough to meet our development requirements and those of the other developing countries. Such a reduction of production would have helped us to conserve our precious and irreplaceable asset and would have eliminated the necessity of investing our surplus in uneconomic investments in the developed countries. But we realized that such a drastic and sudden reduction would have inflicted hardship on other countries, and might have caused a serious dislocation in the world economic order, which ultimately would have been detrimental to our interests. So we increased our production by nearly 20 per cent, in spite of the obvious economic disadvantages of such an increase.
211.	Although the Arab countries were not the ones which initiated the rise in oil prices, we, as OPEC members, are bound by the decisions of our organization. In any event, the way to deal with the problem is not by threats and counter-threats, not by hostility and confrontation, but through understanding. It is not logical to deal with the price of oil in isolation from the prices of manufactured goods and other commodities. In other words, the problem of oil prices should be considered within the general framework of the world economic situation. We have already taken steps in this direction by instituting co-operation, based on mutual friendship and respect, with Western Europe. This example is worthy of emulation, because the interdependence of the world economy leaves us no alternative but that of co-operation and mutual accommodation. This fully conforms to the attitude of the Arab nation, of which my country is an integral part.
212.	We are a small country and our people, who have lived for centuries in conditions of appalling poverty and privation, are at long last looking with some optimism to a future free from the scourges of poverty, ignorance and disease. Our people, long neglected and forgotten by the world, are now lending a hand to other developing countries to help them in their difficult task of providing a decent life for their people. We do this out of self-interest, as well as out of a sense of duty towards others. Most developing countries are potentially rich in human and material resources; we have great confidence in their future. Our modest capital investments in their development will yield rich rewards for us as well as for them and will help us to work together to create a new, world, free from poverty and want.


My first very pleasant duty is to convey to you all the personal greetings and salutations of Mr. Siaka Stevens, President of the Republic of Sierra Leone. To see you, Mr. President, a dear and distinguished colleague and friend, seated as you are, guiding our deliberations, leaves me completely reassured that the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly will conclude its work with speed and satisfaction. Your unanimous election is not only adequate testimony to your capabilities but also an acknowledgment of the role Algeria is playing in world affairs today.
180.	We also wish to thank most sincerely your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Benites of Ecuador, for the manner in which he presided over the twenty- eighth regular and the sixth special sessions of our Assembly.
181.	Congratulations must also go to the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. In the past year, as indeed in previous years, he has been indefatigable in his quest for peace notably in the Middle East, Cyprus and IndoChina. He has traveled far and wide in the due execution of his multitudinous duties journeys which have taken him to drought-stricken areas, and to many countries throughout the world. We in Sierra Leone will long remember his very successful visit to our country earlier this year. Sierra Leone wishes Mr. Waldheim and his colleagues ever- increasing success.
182.	Today sees three new Members of this world body: the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Grenada and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. The history of the struggles, sufferings and tribulations which preceded the emergence into nationhood of these nations is sufficient indication that they will contribute in a positive way towards achieving the great ideals of the United Nations. Sierra Leone is proud to have contributed in its own modest way towards Guinea- Bissau's assumption of its rightful place among the community of nations. To all the new Members we extend our warm welcome. We also look forward to greeting Mozambique as a Member State next year.
183.	Victory has crowned the dynamic struggles of the freedom fighters of Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Angola and the Cape Verde Islands. Guinea-Bissau is now an independent State recognized by the entire international community as a full Member of the United Nations. Agreement for the granting of independence to Mozambique has been reached. We can look forward to the prospect of independence talks on Angola. Portugal itself has been liberated from 50 years of Fascist dictatorship, thus making the total liberation of all former Portuguese colonial Territories a possibility.
184.	Whilst we welcome all these positive trends and support the progressive elements in Portugal, which alone are responsible for the warm welcome accorded Portugal in this Assembly this year, and rejoice at the prospect of genuine co-operation between former antagonists, we cannot but note that there are substantial racist elements in that country, still bent on pursuing outdated reactionary colonialist policies of plunder and exploitation for as long , as possible especially in Angola. We appeal to them to see that by such contumacy they are bequeathing to their children nothing but suffering, bitterness, hatred, even loss of life, which are all entirely avoidable today.
185.	The events in Portugal, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique and Angola clearly indicate that South Africa's policy of apartheid and minority oppression is doomed to failure. Yet that Fascist racist minority regime continues its odious policy. And for the first time, in a gesture insulting to the integrity of this august body and to the intelligence of representatives, it has included non-whites in its delegation. None but Mr. Vorster and his merry men are deluded by such subterfuge. In former years when Portuguese delegations employed the same trick, did this hide from this Assembly the nature of similar noxious policies then being pursued by that country? It is significant that it is on the occasion that the South African delegation is for the first time so composed that the United Nations has at long last reached the right decision and rejected the credentials of the alleged representatives of South Africa, representatives who with unrestrained ferocity continue the systematic eradication of all enlightened opposition to their heinous policy.
186.	Given the history of the situation, it is obvious that no positive voluntary response from the South Africans is forthcoming. Our only hope therefore is to repeat our appeal to the rest of humanity to redouble its efforts to eradicate this stain of apartheid and racial discrimination from the face of the African continent.
187.	Those States enjoying special economic and cultural relations with the South African regime have thereby a responsibility they have clearly not yet shouldered. We appeal for a total boycott of South Africa, because we are convinced that, in a world in which nations have become so increasingly interdependent, political, economic and cultural isolation is bound to make a corrective impression on even the most intransigent regimes.
188.	The Government of Sierra Leone on its part pledges unfailing support for action by the Organization of African Unity, by the liberation movements in South Africa and by governmental and non-governmental organizations, and for the entire program of work of the Special Committee on Apartheid, particularly the program for intensification and coordination of United Nations action against apartheid established by resolution 3151 D (XXVIII), which my Government sponsored at the twenty-eighth session together with 42 other Governments.
189.	It is unfortunate that Ian Smith and his illegal racist regime seem impervious to reason. We appeal to them to follow Portugal's example and alter their collision course before it is too late. It is no disgrace to discard outmoded policies. "Only God and fools don't change." The peoples of Zimbabwe will unquestionably be freed but at what cost and with what legacy?
190.	We urge Ian Smith and his racist oligarchy to release and hold immediate discussions , with the real African leaders such as Mr. Nkomo and Mr. Sithole with a view to arriving at an acceptable independence agreement with the British Government.
191.	Increased racist legislation and practices will not help. Nor will the widespread detentions, the creation of "protected areas", the shutting down of schools- or the introduction of a system of passes. These in fact will exacerbate the situation further, making it even more unlikely that a peaceful solution of this problem can be arrived at.
192.	The failure of the United Kingdom Government to shoulder its responsibilities in Southern Rhodesia one of the least creditable chapters in British history deeply saddens and embarrasses Britain's many African friends. Given this shirking of its responsibility by the British Government, it is thus only by the determined action of all members of this community, both individually and collectively, that we can hope to achieve any meaningful results by means other than conflict and bloodshed. Unhappily, the sanctions on which this Organization has decided are being imposed either partially, half-heartedly or not at all by those whose compliance is likely to make the greatest impact on the Rhodesian economy.
193.	Our viewpoint is that unless there is a change of heart in this direction the only other possibility —a solution by force of arms—with all its attendant horrors and inevitable high! jcost in terms of human life, will be the personal responsibility of each and every one of us who failed to support faithfully this Organization's call for sanctions.
194.	Not only do we recommend and continue to urge a strict adherence to the sanctions on which this Organization has decided but we will work for a widening of sanctions in both scope and intensity to include, in particular, travel, communications, sports and all other economic, political, social and cultural activities, because again, as with South Africa, we feel that the effects of isolation military, economic, diplomatic and cultural can only be salutary.
195.	The situation in Namibia gives as much if not more cause for concern. Here we have an unrepresentative gang of desperadoes from a neighboring territory, having no right to govern even their own territory, illegally occupying and terrorizing this neighboring land for whose administration the United Nations itself is responsible. Our view is that the Namibian. issue is a direct test of the efficacy of the United Nations. No Member State therefore can treat it with indifference without betraying the principles that give this Organization its meaning. It is the sacred obligation of every Member of this Organization to co-operate fully in the search for a just solution of this problem.
1%. Sierra Leone believes in non-interference in the internal affairs of others because it is perfectly conscious of the dangerous consequences of any contrary policy. The tragic events in Cyprus which caused untold suffering, loss of human life and property were precipitated by just such interference. We therefore not only condemned the coup which purposed to oust the elected Government of Cyprus but continue to recognize the legitimate Government of that island headed by Archbishop Makarios that distinguished head of State whose address this afternoon we eagerly await. It is our hope that the further talks between the Greek and Turkish communities in Cyprus will solve the many problems complicated by accent actions and lay the foundations for a lasting peace on the island.
197. The Middle East continues to be a sensitive region. The recent peace momentum appears to have decelerated. The principle that. Sierra Leone cannot support the acquisition of any territory by any country through force remains our guide-line here. We further believe that lasting peace will return only by compliance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), by the removal of legitimate Palestinian grievances, and by the recognition of the right of the State of Israel to exist.
198.	In our view the tenuous semi-peace in Viet Nam will within the next 12 months be crucially tested and it is still our view that the Korean people themselves should be allowed to work together for the reunification of their homeland.
199.	With regard to Cambodia, Sierra Leone supports the Government of Prince Sihanouk and recognizes his Government in exile as the legitimate Government of Cambodia, and we look forward to an early restoration of the lawful rights of the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia in the United Nations, rights that were usurped after the coup d'etat by foreign troops in March 1970.
200.	Last year from this rostrum [2133rd meeting] it fell to me to enunciate our concept of one of the duties incumbent on each and every Member State, namely, to work towards a truly harmonized community of nations. It was suggested that it is high time we stopped talking interminably about the gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots" and did something about it. The reduction of this gap, it was suggested, not only is worthy of the attention of the galaxy of talent available to this Organization but should be one of our association's priority action programs. We therefore proposed, as important and urgent, item 47 entitled "Reduction of the increasing gap between the developed and the developing countries" and had that item included in the agenda of the present session.
201.	Since then the oil-producing countries took certain practical steps within this context. And if the phraseology economic co-operation and not confrontation was not born then, it was at least revitalized. Since then President Boumediene's initiative, culminating in the sixth special session, enabled all of us to agree that the establishment of a new international economic order was necessary.
202.	The need to eradicate these disparities and establish this new economic order is not rooted in charity or philanthropy, otherwise throwing a few provisions into the abyss of hunger would suffice. There can be no peace where the few, by the exploitation of the many, utilize and waste the resources which the many need barely to survive, let alone have a decent standard of living. Fully to appreciate that this need is firmly rooted in respect for human dignity and welfare is indispensable to the safety of each and every one of us. Yet we are not all doing however much or however little we can to eradicate these disparities. To fail to do this, to miss establishing this new economic order as a matter of the utmost priority, is to jeopardize the future of mankind.
203.	We must never forget that today wars, however local, have a global significance, and economic confrontation has profound international repercussions. We live in a tiny, ever-shrinking and organically cohesive world, wherein no-one's destiny is isolated. A world where starvation is only avoided by economic confrontation is not a healthy one; when desperation generates terrorism, who is safe?
204.	And still we fail to appreciate the urgency. We really ought not to be surprised to find in President Ford's words that: "Today, the economy of the world is under unprecedented stress." [2234th meeting, para. 22.] It will remain so unless and until we tackle these problems resolutely.
205.	It is for these reasons that Sierra Leone supports the Program of Action decided upon at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, subscribes to the principles of the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, joins in any world-wide effort to increase food production, negotiate, establish and maintain an international system of food reserves, and looks forward to the forthcoming World Food Conference in Rome, an important initiative in the right direction.
206.	We advocate and support regional, continental and other international groupings calculated to improve the socio-economic conditions of the developing countries, and join in any serious effort to support the economic self-reliance of these countries.
207.	We are deeply concerned to avoid the path whereby no significant development of the third world is likely without confrontation. This is why at the outset of an era when the resources of the sea will play an ever-increasing part in feeding the world's population and in providing the necessary mineral and geological wealth, we are watching with the keenest of interest the developments at the Conferences on the Law of the Sea, the last of which was held in Caracas. We look forward to the emergence of an agreement encompassing a global strategy preserving the vast resources of the seas for the equitable use of all mankind.
208.	If I have dwelt at some length on the economic aspects of the problems facing the international community as a whole, but more particularly the developing countries, it is because I am of the opinion that it would be one of the major tragedies of the world if we did not, on the economic stage, avoid the fatal and costly mistakes our forebears and we ourselves made in the political arena. We can proceed to making the world's resources available to all mankind by the road of co-operation, if we are seriously prepared to take that path today; if not, we shall proceed tomorrow not even the day after to the same goal by the much thornier and more wasteful road of confrontation, terrorism and chaos.
209.	Of direct relevance to the social and economic well-being of each individual is the question of disarmament. While we welcome the process of detente and acknowledge that there are signs of continuing mutual accommodation, not only between the super-Powers but in the international community generally, it is still totally intolerable that the world spends hundreds of billions of dollars every year in the arms race. Stockpiles that could destroy humanity are being amassed by an ever-increasing number of nations, but particularly by the two super-Powers. Imagine what transformation could be wrought by the application of even a fraction of those sums to the development of agriculture, the improvement of the environment, the growth of food and the fight against disease.
210.	The vision of our destiny we must conjure up is that of a world geared to the availability of the fruits of the earth, to each and every individual. And the instrument for translating this vision into reality as speedily as possible is a reformed United Nations Organization.
211.	I reaffirm Sierra Leone's faith in the United Nations. Its past contribution to the peace and security of the world has been inestimable. Its future role in evolving a true community of nations, in harmonizing the interests of all, in utilizing the world's limited resources for the benefit of all, and in settling disputes by peaceful means is unique.
212.	On behalf of my country, I speak up for the most important form of co-operation, embracing all mankind, namely the United Nations. Sierra Leone again pledges to do ail in its power to assist this Organization in achieving its full potential. To do this, we are convinced that the situation where one nation can by the exercise, arbitrary or otherwise, of a veto frustrate the wishes, and often the collective wisdom, Of the rest of the entire international community is unacceptable. It is also our position that now is an appropriate time for a review of the entire question of the permanent membership of the Security Council.
213.	We shall, within and without this forum, search, along with any and all other peace-loving nations dedicated to the betterment of the lot of all mankind especially the underfed, the underprivileged and the oppressed we shall with those nations search for the solutions to our many problems, always conscious that we live in an increasingly interdependent world. But indeed in order to realize our vision we believe that it is necessary also to change even the nature of the Organization itself, and that the kind of world organization we need is one growing rapidly and steadily from a platform for propagandist slogans to an embryonic world parliament with all necessary
ancillary legal and physical powers. To this end we again pledge that we stand ready and willing to surrender as much or as little of our national sovereignty, dearly prized as this is, to such a world body as is necessary to give the latter reality and meaning.
214.	These are the views of my Government that I have been privileged to present. We restate that one of the fundamental tenets of Sierra Leone's foreign policy has always been support of this Organization. We will continue to give that support in accordance with the principles enunciated above.