I would like to begin my statement by congratulating Mr. Peter Thomson on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session, thanking Mr. Mogens Lykketoft for his work at the previous session and commending Secretary-General Ban Ki- Moon for his leadership in ushering in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.
This year, Guatemala is celebrating two anniversaries that have characterized the political life of our country: 30 years of the Esquipulas peace process in Central America, and 20 years since the signature on 29 December 1996 of the Agreement on a firm and lasting peace. The Esquipulas agreements opened the door to political dialogue and negotiations and closed it to a geopolitical conflagration of unimaginable consequences in Central America.
The peace agreements in Guatemala marked not only the definitive ceasefire but also the creation of an agenda of far-reaching legal, institutional and cultural reforms. Guatemala has evolved since then, and the path to fulfilling those agreements has made a significant contribution to the country’s development and modernization.
Nonetheless, some commitments have been postponed or are lagging, and now is precisely the time to evaluate and revitalize them. I am referring to critical issues, such as the identity and rights of indigenous people, rural development and the participation of women in all spheres of our society.
We acknowledge and are grateful for the support received from the United Nations and the Office of the Secretary-General, from the peace negotiation process to the monitoring of the implementation of the agreements concluded by the parties, including valuable support for the strengthening of democratic institutions. We recognize that the United Nations devoted an entire decade of laudable and patient efforts to the building of peace in my country.
The year 2015 changed the course of history in Guatemala. The people of Guatemala demonstrated their profound malaise with the State authorities that were betraying the Constitution. They categorically rejected the perverse system of corruption that had been sabotaging our development potential. Their
malaise was expressed democraticall, and I can state firmly that, after five consecutive months of peaceful demonstrations in town squares, the rule of law operates more robustly now than it did a year ago, and the people, who week after week took to the streets to protest and make their just and ethical demands, are now more confident in their own transformative power and their ability to create a different kind of country.
The International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala played a catalysing and important role in changing the course of our country’s history. The Commission is a Guatemalan initiative that was duly welcomed by the General Assembly and the Secretariat. It has become one of the most efficient tools of multilateral cooperation in the fight against the networks of crime and corruption that have co-opted strategic parts of States that, like Guatemala, have been challenged by the geopolitics of transnational organized crime.
My Government, which took office in January, owes its existence to the citizens’ rejection of the old way of conducting politics. It represents the hope for a return to democratic governance that is ethically based on the common good and not on subordination to special interests. Such are the expectations that our honourable citizenry has placed in me. I must now strive to be the worthy son of such people by doing my bit in the moral and material reconstruction of the nation.
To meet the wishes of our citizens in their quest to transform the country, my Government has identified five strategic areas: transparency, health care, education, security and development.
With regard to transparency, we have committed to a policy of zero tolerance on corruption. To that end, open government has become a fundamental pillar of our Administration, based on transparency, collaboration and participation, and pursuant to the provisions of the inter-American and United Nations conventions against corruption. We know that corruption hampers development, weakens institutions and undermines the modernization of the State. That is why it is vital to combat that scourge.
With regard to public health, we are promoting the necessary reforms through strategic efforts focused on improving access for everyone and making primary care the core of the system. We are restoring the supply of medicines and the efficient funcioning of hospitals and strengthening our human resource capacity. My Government’s priorities include reducing chronic malnutrition in children under five and maternal mortality. Today, we must sadly acknowledge that 5 out of every 10 children suffer from chronic malnutrition in my country, which in turn leads to extreme poverty. They have the choice of working from a young age on farms, turning to crime or migrating to the United States. We have therefore designed a national strategy to prevent chronic malnutrition as part of our food and nutrition security policy.
As for education, our responsibility is to ensure that every child has access to free, high-quality education, with a view to benefiting children and young people in Guatemala through comprehensive education programmes.
In the area of public safety, we have focused our attention on lowering rates of violence, delinquency and crime, using prevention policies as part of a comprehensive approach. We have been able to coordinate considerable efforts to deliver greater security to the population and strengthen the investigation and prevention capabilities of our police force, which has allowed us, in various ways, to lower rates of violent death.
Guatemala reaffirms its commitment to the United Nations and reiterates its multilateral and peaceful mission, convinced that global challenges, such as security, development, respect for human rights and climate change, should be addressed through dialogue and collective negotiation, as part of the global system. For Guatemala, human rights are intrinsically linked to respect, democracy and the rule of law. For that reason, strengthening the international human rights system is one of my Government’s main priorities, and we are committed to promoting the highest international standards in that area through active participation in various forums. I would therefore like to take this opportunity to ask the international community for its support of my country’s declaration of candidacy to the Human Rights Council for the period 2017-2019.
My country recognizes that the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development encompasses a transformative vision and provides a road map with Goals, targets and indicators to tackle the challenges that face humankind. Guatemala endorses the 2030 Agenda; it is aligned with the national development plan K’atun, Our Guatemala 2032, which was developed with the participation of various sectors of society in a resumption of medium- and long-term planning. Being aware that it is impossible to achieve sustainable development if we do not ensure the preservation of our planet’s resources, my country did not hesitate in adopting the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, which I had the honour of signing on 22 April in this very Hall.
I wish to express my deep respect and admiration for every single Guatemalan migrant who, through sacrifice and hard work, helps to support his or her family and Guatemala’s development, as well as contributing to the development of the country in which he or she resides. These people really are unsung heroes, exemplary citizens. They live in every corner of the world, and they have rights and are entitled to be treated with greater dignity. It is for that reason that during my country’s statement at the high-level meeting to address large movements of refugees and migrants (see A/71/PV.6 B), we were emphatic in our commitment to the promotion, protection and defence of the human rights of migrants and their families, regardless of their migration status, in origin, transit and destination countries.
Guatemala contends that multilateralism and the promotion of international law are indispensable in solving the problems facing our community of nations, and we hope that peaceful solutions can be found to overcome the differences between States. Guatemala is promoting cooperation schemes and good-neighbourliness in its surrounding area. I wish to express my country’s deep commitment to resolving once and for all, at the International Court of Justice, its land, island and maritime dispute with Belize, a country with which we aspire to have a privileged relationship and to maintain permanent dialogue, as a way to solve our common problems.
In recent months, however, the Government of Belize has failed to reciprocate that attitude. Since 1999, the situation has claimed 10 Guatemalan civilian victims in the adjacency zone administered by Belize. On 20 April, a 14-year-old boy was the victim of a fatal attack by armed groups under the command of an army patrol from Belize. According to Belize’s forensic report, the child died from multiple wounds caused by bullets from a high-powered rifle. Guatemalan forensic services confirmed that the child had nine bullet wounds — six in his back, two in the back of his neck and one on the front of his torso.
Such grave acts directly harm our two countries’ bilateral relationship and hinder confidence-building. I wish to reaffirm the desire of the State of Guatemala to find a permanent solution to the dispute with Belize within the framework of international law, while also reminding the international community of the risks to international security that the continuous deadlock and disputed geographical demarcation pose. It is no secret that powerful transnational criminal organizations thrive on the differences between States and are capable of occupying pockets of undefined territories that lack effective control.
Today’s general debate comes at a time when we are facing serious threats to peace and stability in various countries — Iraq, Mali, the Syrian Arab Republic, the Central African Republic, the Sudan and South Sudan, to name but a few. The nuclear tests recently carried out on the Korean peninsula constitute a flagrant violation of Security Council resolutions and the nuclear non-proliferation regime, and we reiterate our strong condemnation of them.
I wish to stress that, for my country, peacekeeping operations and international security represent the ideal of serving under the flag of the United Nations, in an effort to support fellow countries. We are currently contributing to seven operations: in Haiti, Lebanon, Côte d’Ivoire, the Sudan, South Sudan, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
We are also honoured to be part of the special political mission in Colombia, one of Guatemala’s neighbouring countries, to support the agreement to end the current conflict through a bilateral and permanent ceasefire, the surrender of weapons, security guarantees and an endorsement mechanism for the peace agreements. I congratulate the people and the Government of Colombia on that important achievement. We recognize the part played by the leadership of President Santos in the process and the contribution of the Government of Cuba to it. I also commend the intention to soon hold a plebiscite for the people of Colombia to ratify the peace agreements.
I wish to conclude both by congratulating all those who contribute to peace and by stating that the General Assembly allows us, as leaders, to reflect and ask ourselves if we are fulfilling the founding promise of the Organization to save succeeding generations from
16-29559 21/28 the scourge of war, to promote social progress, to live in peace as good neighbours and, finally, to unite our strength to universally transform our world and succeed in not leaving anyone behind.


I wish to congratulate the President on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. I assure him of South Africa’s continued support in the implementation of his priorities and responsibilities throughout his term. We also commend Mr. Mogens Lykketoft of Denmark for his able stewardship of the General Assembly during its historic seventieth session.
The year 2016 is an important year in South Africa, as we mark two significant historic anniversaries in our country. We recently marked the sixtieth anniversary of the 1956 Women’s March against discriminatory and racist laws, and the fortieth anniversary of the youth uprising against apartheid of 16 June 1976. Those two events marked significant turning points in the history of our struggle against apartheid minority rule in our country. The Women’s March brought into sharp focus the gender dimension of the struggle and the equal role of women in the fight against white domination, oppression and injustice. Equally, the youth uprising 40 years ago highlighted and cemented the role of young people in fighting for liberation and a better society.
We are reminded of those two milestones as we address the theme of this debate: “The Sustainable Development Goals: a universal push to transform our world”. Last year, world leaders marked the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations by adopting the 2030 Agenda, that is, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). We committed ourselves to an ambitious and transformative global development programme that seeks to address the triple challenge of this century, which is poverty, unemployment and inequality. To a great extent, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) played a critical role in galvanizing Governments and communities all over the world to put in place programmes and policies aimed at poverty eradication and addressing socioeconomic development, particularly in Africa.
It is a well-known reality that our continent, particularly sub-Saharan Africa, did not achieve the targets that were set in the MDGs. It was for that reason that we insisted that the Sustainable Development Goals should continue the unfinished business of the MDGs. We therefore have an interest in ensuring the full implementation of the SDGs as we take forward the agenda of promoting Africa’s sustainable development.
We have made significant strides in the past couple of decades in reversing the impact of underdevelopment and the legacies of colonialism and apartheid in Africa. If the African continent is to develop faster, we need to address certain constraints. That includes inadequate infrastructure; high dependency on primary products; high exposure to commodity-price volatility; limited investment in research and development, science, innovation and technology; and low private-sector investment, as well as the need to continue improving skills. To respond to some of those constraints, the continent has embarked upon a number of initiatives, including the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, the Presidential Infrastructure Championing Initiative, the African Mining Vision and the Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa.
In South Africa, we have put in place a national development plan that is aligned with both Agenda 2063 of the African Union and the Sustainable Development Goals. At the core of our development plan is a focus on poverty eradication and raising the standard of living of our people. Our national development plan is also in line with the drive for the industrialization of Africa. That will contribute to eradicating poverty and reducing inequality and unemployment, and will also contribute to global growth and prosperity. It is therefore imperative that Africa and the least developed countries, which were left behind in previous industrialisation processes, not be excluded from the fourth, or new, industrial revolution.
The successful implementation of Africa’s development plans depends on the availability of resources. We are therefore seriously concerned about the loss of the continent’s resources through illicit financial flows. The joint African Union-United Nations Economic Commission for Africa High-level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows from Africa estimates that illicit flows from Africa could amount to as much as $50 billion per year. Illicit financial flows deprive developing countries of economic resources that are much needed to uplift their economies in order to provide infrastructure and basic services, such as education and health care. We urge the world at large to treat this problem with the seriousness and urgency that it deserves.
We also need to close the gap that has painfully divided people between rich and the poor and divided countries between big and small economies. Global inequality and economic exclusion have become a serious threat to global peace and stability. Inclusive growth is therefore a peace, security and prosperity imperative. However, inclusive growth will remain a distant dream if powerful nations continue to put their national interests ahead of the global collective interest.
The African continent remains committed, through the African Union and its Peace and Security Architecture, to resolving the remaining conflicts. We have committed ourselves to silencing the guns by 2020. We appeal to the Security Council in particular to support African peace operations so that we can achieve that noble goal. The situations in Libya, South Sudan and the Central African Republic remain a continental priority. We strongly urge the Security Council to better align and coordinate with the African Union in efforts to bring about peace in those sister countries and on the continent at large.
Beyond the continent, we remain concerned about threats of terrorism. Fifteen years after the 11 September terrorist attacks on the United States, international terrorism remains a challenge that no single country or region has been able to deal with successfully. We have witnessed the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant and are horrified by its brutal and senseless killings. The conflicts in both Libya and Syria have provided fertile ground for the terrorists to carry out their unjustified terrorist activities.
In less than five years, the conflict in Syria has led to chaos in that country, with a devastating effect on the stability of the region. The deadlock in the Security Council on the Syrian question exposes the inherent structural dysfunction of the 1945 post-Second World War consensus. We must therefore ask ourselves if the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council as currently configured, can fulfil its mandate in addressing the challenges of the twenty-first century.
The Security Council is supposed to act in our collective interests, without being bogged down by the narrow domestic interests of a few States. It is imperative and urgent that the United Nations be reformed, and in particular the Council. South Africa has been calling, and will continue to call, for fundamental reform of the Security Council in order to ensure the representation of Africa. One billion people cannot continue to be denied a voice in this manner.
The lack of progress in finding a durable solution to the Palestinian question and the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic’s struggle for self-determination remains of major concern for us. It is important that the United Nations carry out its historic mission to ensure that the two longest-standing decolonization and occupation issues are resolved once and for all, in fulfilment of the objectives set forth under the Charter of the United Nations.
The signing of the Paris Agreement last year marked a historic moment in humankind’s resolve to minimize the impact of climate change and address the human contribution to it. I would like to take this opportunity to commend Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for the extraordinary leadership that he provided since the fifteenth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, held in Copenhagen. He was unwavering in his commitment to seeing a legally binding agreement finally agreed to by all. The adoption of the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action, during the seventeenth Conference of the Parties, was a historic milestone and marked a turning point in the negotiation of a legally binding instrument. It provided a clear road map with targets and deadlines.
On behalf of the people and the Government of South Africa, I would to take this opportunity to salute the outgoing Secretary-General of the United Nations, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for the sterling and outstanding manner in which he steered the affairs of the Organization in the past decade. We wish him well in his future endeavours.
We are pleased that for the first time in the history of the United Nations the General Assembly has been at the centre of the process of finding a new Secretary- General. We believe in a balanced and equal role between the two principal organs of the United Nations on the question of the selection of the Secretary-General. The General Assembly, as the most representative organ, representing all the aspirations of the peoples of the world, should be central in determining the right man or woman to lead the United Nations into the future. The General Assembly cannot be expected just to rubber-stamp decisions of the Security Council. South Africa is particularly supportive of the proposal to limit the term of office of the Secretary-General to a seven- year non-renewable term in order to allow him or her to work without being concerned about reappointment.
South Africa looks forward to working with the President of the General Assembly and other Member States throughout this session.


As I address the General Assembly in this Hall as President for the final time, let me recount the progress that we have made these last eight years. From the depths of the greatest financial crisis of our time, we coordinated our response to avoid further catastrophe and return the global economy to growth. We have taken away terrorist safe havens, strengthened the non-proliferation regime and resolved the Iranian nuclear issue through diplomacy. We opened relations with Cuba, helped Colombia end Latin America’s longest war, and we welcome a democratically elected leader of Myanmar to this Assembly. Our assistance is helping people feed themselves, care for the sick, power communities across Africa and promote models of development rather than dependence. We have made international institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund more representative, while establishing a framework to protect our planet from the ravages of climate change.
This is important work. It has made a real difference in the lives of our people, and it could not have happened had we not worked together. Yet around the globe we are seeing the same forces of global integration that have made us interdependent also expose deep fault lines in the existing international order. We see it in the headlines every day. Around the world, refugees flow across borders in flight from brutal conflict. Financial disruptions continue to weigh upon our workers and entire communities. Across vast swaths of the Middle East, basic security and basic order have broken down. We see too many Governments muzzling journalists, quashing dissent and censoring the flow of information. Terrorist networks use social media to prey upon the minds of our youth, endangering open societies and spurring anger against innocent immigrants and Muslims. Powerful nations contest the constraints placed on them by international law.
This is the paradox that defines our world today. A quarter century after the end of the Cold War, the world is by many measures less violent and more prosperous than ever before, and yet our societies are filled with uncertainty, unease and strife. Despite enormous progress, as people lose trust in institutions, governing becomes more difficult and tensions between nations become more quick to surface.
I therefore believe that at this moment we all face a choice. We can choose to press forward with a better model of cooperation and integration, or we can retreat into a world sharply divided, and ultimately in conflict, along age-old lines of nation, tribe, race or religion. I want to suggest today that we must go forward and not backward. I believe that as imperfect as they are, the principles of open markets, accountable governance, democracy, human rights and international law that we have forged remain the firmest foundation for human progress in this century. I make this argument not based on theory or ideology, but on facts — facts that all too often we forget in the immediacy of current events.
This is the most important fact: the integration of our global economy has made life better for billions of men, women and children. Over the last 25 years, the number of people living in extreme poverty has been cut from nearly 40 per cent of humanity to under 10 per cent. That is unprecedented, and it is not an abstraction. It means children have enough to eat; mothers do not die in childbirth.
Meanwhile, cracking the genetic code promises to cure diseases that have plagued us for centuries. The Internet can deliver the entirety of human knowledge to a young girl in a remote village on a single hand- held device. In medicine and manufacturing, in education and communications, we are experiencing a transformation of how human beings live on a scale that recalls the revolutions in agriculture and industry. As a result, a person born today is more likely to be healthy, live longer and have access to opportunity than at any time in human history. Moreover, the collapse of colonialism and communism has allowed more people than ever before to live with the freedom to choose their leaders. Despite the real and troubling areas where freedom appears to be in retreat, the fact remains that the number of democracies around the world has nearly doubled in the last 25 years.
In remote corners of the world, citizens are demanding respect for the dignity of all people no matter their gender, race, religion, disability or sexual orientation, and those who deny others dignity are subject to public reproach. An explosion of social media has given ordinary people more ways to express themselves and has raised people’s expectations for those of us in power. Indeed, our international order has been so successful that we take it as a given that great Powers no longer fight world wars, that the end of the Cold War lifted the shadow of nuclear Armageddon, that the battlefields of Europe have been replaced by peaceful union and that China and India remain on a path of remarkable growth.
I say all this not to whitewash the challenges we face or to suggest complacency. Rather, I believe that we need to acknowledge these achievements in order to summon the confidence to carry this progress forward and to make sure that we do not abandon those very things that have delivered this progress. In order to move forward, however, we do have to acknowledge that the existing path to global integration requires a course correction. All too often, those trumpeting the benefits of globalization have ignored inequality within and among nations, have ignored the enduring appeal of ethnic and sectarian identities, and have left international institutions ill-equipped, underfunded and underresourced for handling transnational challenges.
As these real problems have been neglected, alternative visions of the world have pressed forward both in the wealthiest countries and in the poorest: religious fundamentalism, the politics of ethnicity or tribe or sect, aggressive nationalism, a crude populism — sometimes from the far left, but more often from the far right — which seeks to restore what they believe was a better, simpler age free of outside contamination.
We cannot dismiss these visions. They are powerful. They reflect dissatisfaction among too many of our citizens. I do not believe those visions can deliver security or prosperity over the long term, but I do believe that these visions fail to recognize, at a very basic level, our common humanity. Moreover, I believe that the acceleration of travel, technology and telecommunications — together with a global economy that depends on a global supply chain — makes it ultimately self-defeating for those who seek to reverse this progress. Today, a nation ringed by walls would only imprison itself.
The answer cannot be a simple rejection of global integration. Instead, we must work together to make sure that the benefits of such integration are broadly shared and that the economic, political and cultural disruptions that are caused by integration are squarely addressed. This is not the place for a detailed policy blueprint, but let me offer in broad strokes those areas where I believe we must do better together.
It starts with making the global economy work better for all people and not just for those at the top. While open markets and capitalism have raised standards of living around the globe, globalization, combined with rapid progress in technology, has also weakened the position of workers and their ability to secure a decent wage. In advanced economies like my own, unions have been undermined and many manufacturing jobs have disappeared. Often, those who benefit most from globalization have used their political power to further undermine the position of workers.
In developing countries, labour organizations have often been suppressed, and the growth of the middle class has been held back by corruption and underinvestment. Mercantilist policies pursued by Governments with export-driven models threaten to undermine the consensus that underpins global trade. Meanwhile, global capital is too often unaccountable — nearly $8 trillion stashed away in tax havens, the shadow banking system that grows beyond the reach of effective oversight.
A world in which 1 per cent of humankind controls as much wealth as the other 99 per cent will never be stable. I understand that the gaps between rich and poor are not new, but just as the child in a slum today can see the skyscraper nearby, technology now allows any person with a smartphone to see how the most privileged among us live and the contrast between their own lives and others’. Expectations rise then — faster than Governments can deliver — and a pervasive sense of injustice undermines people’s faith in the system.
So how do we fix this imbalance? We cannot unwind immigration any more than we can stuff technology back into a box. Nor can we look to failed models of the past. If we start resorting to trade wars, market- distorting subsidies, beggar-thy-neighbour policies and overreliance on natural resources instead of innovation, these approaches will make us poor collectively, and they are more likely to lead to conflict. The stark contrast between, say, the success of the Republic of Korea and the wasteland of North Korea shows that the central planned control of the economy is a dead end.
But I do believe there is another path, one that fuels growth and innovation and offers the clearest route to individual opportunity and national success. It does not require succumbing to a soulless capitalism that benefits only the few, but rather recognizes that economies are more successful when we close the gap between rich and poor and growth is broadly based. That means respecting the rights of workers so that they can organize into independent unions and earn a living wage. It means investing in our people, their skills, their education, their capacity to take an idea and turn it into a business. It means strengthening the safety net that protects our people from hardship and allows them to take more risks to look for a new job or start a new venture.
These are the policies that I pursued here in the United States and with clear results. American businesses have now created 15 million new jobs. After the recession, the top 1 per cent of Americans were capturing more than 90 per cent of income growth, but today that is down to roughly half. Last year, poverty in this country fell at the fastest rate in nearly 50 years. With further investment in infrastructure and early childhood education and basic research, I am confident that such progress will continue.
So just as I pursued these measures here at home, so the United States has worked with many nations to curb the excesses of capitalism, not to punish wealth, but to prevent repeated crises that can destroy it. That is why we have worked with other nations to create higher and clearer standards for banking and taxation, because a society that asks less of oligarchs than of ordinary citizens will rot from within.
That is why we have pushed for transparency and cooperation in rooting out corruption and tracking illicit dollars, because markets create more jobs when they are fuelled by hard work and not the capacity to extort and bribe. That is why we have worked to reach trade agreements that raise labour standards and raise environmental standards, as we have done with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, so that the benefits are more broadly shared.
Just as we benefit by combating inequality within our countries, so I believe advanced economies still need to do more to close the gap between rich and poor nations around the globe. This is difficult politically. It is difficult to spend on foreign assistance, but I do not believe this is charity. For a small fraction of what we spent on the war in Iraq, we could support institutions so that fragile States do not collapse in the first place and invest in emerging economies that become markets for our goods. It is not just the right thing to do; it is the smart thing to do.
That is why we need to follow through on our efforts to combat climate change. If we do not act boldly, the bill that could come due will be mass migrations, cities submerged, nations displaced, food supplies decimated and conflicts borne of despair. The Paris Agreement on Climate Change gives us a framework to act, but only if we scale up our ambitions. There must be a sense of urgency about bringing the Agreement into force and helping poorer countries leapfrog destructive forms of energy.
For the wealthiest countries, therefore, a green climate fund should be just the beginning. We need to invest in research and provide market incentives to develop new technologies and then make those technologies accessible and affordable for poor countries. Only then can we continue lifting all people up from poverty without condemning our children to a planet beyond their capacity to repair it.
We therefore need new models for the global marketplace, models that are inclusive and sustainable. In the same way, we need models of governance that are inclusive and accountable to ordinary people. I recognize that not every country in this Hall is going to follow the same model of governance. I do not think that America can or should impose our system of government on other countries, but there appears to be a growing contest between authoritarianism and liberalism right now. I want everybody to understand, I am not neutral in that contest. I believe in a liberal political order, an order built not just through elections and representative government, but also through respect for human rights and civil society and independent judiciaries and the rule of law.
I know that some countries that now recognize the power of free markets still reject the model of free societies. Perhaps those of us who have been promoting democracy feel somewhat discouraged since the end of the cold war, because we have learned that liberal democracy will not just wash across the globe in a single wave. It turns out that building accountable institutions is hard work, the work of generations. The gains are often fragile. Sometimes we take one step forward and then two steps back. In countries held together by borders drawn by colonial Powers, with ethnic enclaves and tribal divisions, politics and elections can sometimes appear to be a zero-sum game.
So, given the difficulty in forging true democracy in the face of these pressures, it is no surprise that some argue that the future favours the strong man, a top-down model, rather than strong democratic institutions. But I believe this thinking is wrong. I believe that the road of true democracy remains the better path. I believe that, in the twenty-first century, economies can only grow to a certain point until they need to open up, because entrepreneurs need to access information in order to invent, young people need a global education in order to thrive, independent media needs to check the abuses of power. Without this evolution, the expectations of people will ultimately not be met. Suppression and stagnation will set in. And history shows that strong men are then left with two paths: permanent crackdown, which sparks strife at home, or scapegoating enemies abroad, which can lead to war.
I will admit that my belief that Governments should serve the individual and not the other way around is shaped by America’s story. Our nation began with the promise of freedom that applied only to the few, but because of our democratic Constitution, because of our Bill of Rights, because of our ideals, ordinary people were able to organize and march and protest. And ultimately those ideals won out and opened doors for women, minorities and workers in ways that made our economy more productive and turned our diversity into a strength. It gave innovators the chance to transform every area of human endeavour. It made it possible for someone like me to be elected President of the United States.
So, yes, my views are shaped by the specific experiences of America, but I do not think this story is unique to America. Look at the transformation that has taken place in countries as different as Japan, Chile, Indonesia and Botswana. The countries that have succeeded are ones in which people feel they have a stake. In Europe, the progress of those countries in the former Soviet bloc that embraced democracy stand in clear contrast to those that did not. After all, the people of Ukraine did not take to the streets because of some plot imposed from abroad. They took to the streets because their leadership was for sale and they had no recourse. They demanded change because they saw life get better for the people in the Baltics and in Poland, societies that were more liberal and democratic and open than their own.
So those of us who believe in democracy need to speak out forcefully because both the facts and history, I believe, are on our side. That does not mean that democracies are not without flaws. It does mean that the cure for what ails our democracies is greater engagement by our citizens, not less. Yes, in America, there is too much money in politics, too much entrenched partisanship, too little participation by citizens, in part because of a patchwork of laws that makes it harder to vote.
In Europe, a well-intentioned Brussels often became too isolated from the normal push-and-pull of national politics. Too often in capitals decision-makers have forgotten that democracy needs to be driven by civic engagement from the bottom up, not governance by experts from the top down. So these are real problems. As leaders of democratic Governments make the case for democracy abroad, we had better strive harder to set a better example at home.
Moreover, every country will organize its Government informed by centuries of history, the circumstances of geography and the deeply held beliefs of its people. So I recognize that a traditional society may value unity and cohesion more than a diverse country like my own, which was founded upon what at the time was a radical idea, the idea of the liberty of individual human beings endowed with certain God-given rights. But that does not mean that ordinary people in Asia or Africa or the Middle East somehow prefer arbitrary rule that denies them a voice in the decisions that can shape their lives. I believe that spirit is universal. If anyone doubts the universality of that desire, listen to the voices of young people everywhere who call out for freedom and dignity and the opportunity to control their own lives.
This leads me to the third thing we need to do. We must reject any forms of fundamentalism or racism or belief in ethnic superiority that makes our traditional identities irreconcilable with modernity. Instead, we need to embrace the tolerance that results from respect for all human beings. It is a truism that global integration has led to a collision of cultures. Trade, migration, the Internet — all these things can challenge and unsettle our most cherished identities. We see liberal societies express opposition when women choose to cover themselves. We see protests responding to Western newspaper cartoons that caricature the Prophet Mohammed.
In a world that left the age of empire behind, we see Russia attempting to recover lost glory through force. Asian powers debate competing claims of history. And in Europe and the United States, we see people wrestle with concerns about immigration and changing demographics, suggesting that somehow people who look different are corrupting the character of our countries. There is no easy answer for resolving all these social forces, and we must respect the meaning that people draw from their own traditions, from their religion, from their ethnicity, from their sense of nationhood. But I do not believe progress is possible if our desire to preserve our identities gives way to an impulse to dehumanize or dominate another group.
If our religion leads us to persecute those of another faith, if we jail or beat people who are gay, if our traditions lead us to prevent girls from going to school, if we discriminate on the basis of race, tribe or ethnicity, then the fragile bonds of civilization will fray. The world is too small. We are too packed together for us to be able to resort to those old ways of thinking.
We see this mindset in too many parts of the Middle East. So much of the collapse in order there has been fuelled because leaders sought legitimacy, not because of policies or programmes, but by resorting to persecuting political opposition, or demonizing other religious sects, by narrowing the public space to the mosque, where in too many places perversions of a great faith were tolerated. And these forces built up for years. They are now at work helping to fuel both Syria’s tragic civil war and the mindless medieval menace of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). The mindset of sectarianism, extremism, blood-letting and retribution that has been taking place will not be quickly reversed. If we are honest, we will understand that no external power is going to be able to force different religious communities or ethnic communities to coexist for long. But I do believe we have to be honest about the nature of these conflicts. Our international community must continue to work with those who seek to build rather than to destroy. And there is a military component to that, which means being united and relentless in destroying networks like ISIL, which show no respect for human life. But it also means that in a place like Syria, where there is no ultimate military victory to be won, we are going to have to pursue the hard work of diplomacy that aims to stop the violence, deliver aid to those in need, and support those who pursue a political settlement and can see those who are not like themselves as worthy of dignity and respect.
Across the region’s conflicts, we have to insist that all parties recognize a common humanity and that nations end proxy wars that fuel disorder, because until basic questions are answered about how communities coexist, the embers of extremism will continue to burn, countless human beings will suffer — most of all in that region — and extremism will continue to be exported overseas. And the world is too small for us to simply be able to build a wall and prevent it from affecting our own societies.
And what is true in the Middle East is true for all of us. Surely religious traditions can be honoured and upheld while teaching young people science and math, rather than intolerance. Surely we can sustain our unique traditions while giving women their full and rightful role in the politics and economics of a nation. Surely we can rally our nations to solidarity while recognizing equal treatment for all communities — whether it is a religious minority in Myanmar or an ethnic minority in Burundi or a racial minority right here in the United States. And surely, Israelis and Palestinians will be better off if Palestinians reject incitement and recognize the legitimacy of Israel, and Israel recognizes that it cannot permanently occupy and settle Palestinian land. We all have to do better as leaders in tamping down, rather than encouraging, a notion of identity that leads us to diminish others.
And this leads me to the fourth and final thing we need to do, and that is sustain our commitment to international cooperation rooted in the rights and responsibilities of nations. As President of the United States, I know that for most of human history, power has not been unipolar. The end of the Cold War may have led too many to forget this truth. I have noticed as President that, at times, both America’s adversaries and some of our allies believe that all problems were either caused by Washington or could be solved by Washington, and perhaps too many in Washington believed that as well.
But I believe that America has been a rare super- Power in human history insofar as it has been willing to think beyond narrow self-interest, that while we have made our share of mistakes over these last 25 years – and I have acknowledged some – we have strived, sometimes at great sacrifice, to align better our actions with our ideals. And as a consequence, I believe we have been a force for good.
We have secured allies. We have acted to protect the vulnerable. We have supported human rights and welcomed scrutiny of our own actions. We have bound our power to international laws and institutions. When we have made mistakes, we have tried to acknowledge them. We have worked to roll back poverty, hunger and disease beyond our borders, not just within our borders.
I am proud of that. But I also know that we cannot do this alone. And I believe that if we are to meet the challenges of this century, we are all going to have to do more to build up international capacity. We cannot escape the prospect of nuclear war unless we all commit to stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and pursuing a world without them. When Iran agrees to accept constraints on its nuclear programme, that enhances global security and enhances Iran’s ability to work with other nations. On the other hand, when North Korea tests a bomb that endangers all of us. And any country that breaks this basic bargain must face consequences. And those nations with these weapons, like the United States, have a unique responsibility to pursue the path of reducing our stockpiles and reaffirming basic norms, like the commitment to never test them again.
We cannot combat a disease like zika that recognizes no borders – mosquitos do not respect walls – unless we make permanent the same urgency that we brought to bear against Ebola – by strengthening our own systems of public health, by investing in cures, rolling back the root causes of disease and helping poorer countries develop their public health infrastructures.
We can only eliminate extreme poverty if the Sustainable Development Goals that we have set are more than words on paper. Human ingenuity now gives us the capacity to feed the hungry and give all of our children – including our girls – the education that is the foundation for opportunity in our world. But we have to put our money where our mouths are. And we can only realize the promise of this institution’s founding – to replace the ravages of war with cooperation – if powerful nations like my own accept constraints. Sometimes I am criticized in my own country for professing a belief in international norms and multilateral institutions. But I am convinced that in the long run, giving up some freedom of action – not giving up our ability to protect ourselves or pursue our core interests, but binding ourselves to international rules over the long term – enhances our security. And I think that is not true just for us.
If Russia continues to interfere in the affairs of its neighbours, it may be popular at home and it may fuel nationalist fervour for a time, but over time it is also going to diminish its stature and make its borders less secure. In the South China Sea, a peaceful resolution of disputes offered by law will mean far greater stability than the militarization of a few rocks and reefs.
We are all stakeholders in this international system, and it calls upon all of us to invest in the success of institutions to which we belong. And the good news is that many nations have shown what kind of progress is possible when we make those commitments. Consider what we have accomplished at the United Nations over the past few years. Together, we mobilized some 50,000 additional troops for United Nations peacekeeping, making them nimble, better equipped, better prepared to deal with emergencies. Together we established an Open Government Partnership so that, increasingly, transparency empowers more and more people around the globe. And together, now, we have to open our hearts and do more to help refugees who are desperate for a home.
We should all welcome the pledges of increased assistance that have been made at this General Assembly gathering. I will be discussing that more this afternoon, but we have to follow through, even when the politics are hard, because, in the eyes of innocent men and women and children who, through no fault of their own, have had to flee everything that they know, everything that they love, we have to have the empathy to see ourselves. We have to imagine what it would be like for our family, for our children, if the unspeakable happened to us. And we should all understand that, ultimately, our world will be more secure if we are prepared to help those in need and the nations that are carrying the largest burden with respect to accommodating these refugees.
There are a lot of nations right now that are doing the right thing, but many nations — particularly those blessed with wealth and the benefits of geography — that can do more to offer a hand, even if they also insist that refugees who come to our countries have to do more to adapt to the customs and conventions of the communities that are now providing them a home.
Let me conclude by saying that I recognize that history tells a different story than the one that I have talked about here today. There is a much darker and more cynical view of history that we can adopt. Human beings are too often motivated by greed and by power. Big countries for most of history have pushed smaller ones around. Tribes, ethnic groups and nation States have very often found it most convenient to define themselves by what they hate and not just those ideas that bind them together.
Time and again, human beings have believed that they finally arrived at a period of enlightenment only to then repeat cycles of conflict and suffering. Perhaps that is our fate. We have to remember that the choices of individual human beings led to repeated world war, but we also have to remember that the choices of individual human beings created the United Nations so that a war like that would never happen again. Each of us as leaders and each nation can choose to reject those who appeal to our worst impulses and embrace those who appeal to our best, for we have shown that we can choose a better history.
Sitting in a prison cell, a young Martin Luther King, Jr., wrote:
“Human progress never rolls on the wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co-workers with God.”
And during the course of these eight years, as I have travelled to many nations represented here, I have seen that spirit in our young people, who are more educated and more tolerant, more inclusive, more diverse and more creative than our generation; who are more empathetic and compassionate towards their fellow human beings than previous generations. And, yes, some of that comes with the idealism of youth, but it also comes with young people’s access to information about other peoples and places — an understanding unique in human history that their future is bound with the fates of other human beings on the other side of the world.
I think of the thousands of health-care workers from around the world who volunteered to fight Ebola. I remember the young entrepreneurs I met who are now starting new businesses in Cuba, or the parliamentarians who used to be just a few years ago political prisoners in Myanmar. I think of the girls who have braved taunts or violence just to go to school in Afghanistan, and the university students who started programmes online to reject the extremism of organizations like ISIL. I draw strength from the young Americans — entrepreneurs, activists, soldiers, new citizens — who are remaking our nation once again, and who are unconstrained by old habits and old conventions and unencumbered by what is, but are instead ready to seize what ought to be.
My own family is made up of the flesh and blood and traditions and cultures and faiths from a lot of different parts of the world — just as America has been built by immigrants from every shore. And in my own life in this country, and as President, I have learned that our identities do not have to be defined by putting someone else down, but can be enhanced by lifting somebody else up. They do not have to be defined in opposition to others, but rather by a belief in liberty and equality and justice and fairness.
And the embrace of these principles as universal does not weaken my particular pride in or my particular love for America — it strengthens it. My belief that these ideals apply everywhere does not lessen my commitment to helping those who look like me, or pray as I do, or pledge allegiance to my flag. But my faith in those principles does force me to expand my moral imagination and to recognize that I can best serve my own people and I can best look after my own daughters by making sure that my actions seek what is right for all people and all children, and other people’s daughters and sons.
This is what I believe — that all of us can be co-workers with God. And our leadership, and our Governments, and the United Nations should reflect this irreducible truth.


At the outset, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on assuming the duties of the President of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. I wish you every success in fulfilling your tasks. I also wish to express our appreciation to Mr. Mogens Lykketoft for his efforts during his presidency of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. I also wish to extend our profound thanks to His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon for the efforts he has undertaken to achieve United Nations goals during his tenure.
The international community is facing many challenges and unresolved regional and international crises that have become a hindrance to regional and international development and stability. Some countries continue to pursue an approach with actions that go beyond the framework of international legitimacy against the backdrop of international negligence in the implementation of Security Council resolutions. It is no longer possible to overlook the weakness of the United Nations legal and institutional system and its inability in many cases to apply standards of justice and fairness in the functioning of its mechanisms. There is a persistent recurring pattern that marks all these crises: the selectivity of the Security Council in addressing problems, especially when it comes to the use of force by countries in international relations.
After more than seven decades of Israeli occupation of Arab territories, the Palestinian cause is at standstill, waiting for a just solution. The Government of Israel has not only rejected the resolutions of international legitimacy and the comprehensive Arab Peace Initiative, but it also seeks to impose a fait accompli through long-term plans to build settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem. It has founded its occupation on discrimination and racial segregation. It has established two legal systems under its sovereignty — one for the occupiers and another for those languishing under occupation. Against the backdrop of the world’s silence and the Arab States’ involvement in their own current issues, Israel’s leaders may believe that they have succeeded in their endeavour. However, they have utterly failed to resolve the issue. The Palestinian people are now more devoted to their rights than ever. Furthermore, the Arab peoples cannot accept any kind of normalization of relations with Israel as long as Israel proceeds with the occupation and its related practices and before a just solution to the Palestinian cause is achieved.
Besides, what will Israel do with the millions of Palestinians who are living on their own land and are increasing in number and resourcefulness? The options are clearly narrowing. Israel has either to opt for the two-State solution or to establish a system of apartheid. Does Israel really think that it could maintain a system of apartheid in the twenty-first century? Eliminating the occupation has become an urgent political and security prerequisite and an international obligation towards a people whose land was occupied and homeland confiscated and whose suffering is exacerbating the situation.
The Security Council bears a special responsibility to impose international legitimacy and consensus with respect to the negotiations on the basis of a two-State solution, including the establishment of a Palestinian State, with East Jerusalem as its capital, within the pre-1967 borders. Meanwhile, it is necessary to cease settlement activities, respect the legal status of Al-Quds, lift the unjust siege on the Gaza Strip and end the Israeli occupation of all occupied Arab territories, including the Syrian Golan.
In the past, from this very rostrum, we have warned that inaction in addressing crises will only increase their intensity and complexity and consequently pose a threat to international security. Today, more than five years after the outbreak of the Syrian crisis and in the aftermath of the destruction of most of Syria’s cities by the Al-Assad regime, we are meeting again in this Hall. As a result of the crisis, the number of refugees has doubled and the quest for refuge has become transcontinental in scope. Syria is now importing terrorist and sectarian organizations and militias that pose a regional and international threat.
Everyone knows that the Syrian revolution started as a popular and peaceful uprising against a repressive dictatorial regime and that the great people of Syria face death or years of torture in prison if they attend peaceful demonstrations against the regime. During this period, the Syrian authorities have deliberately tried to turn the revolution into a violent one. It has also acted under the guise of political rhetoric to split the Syrian people into factions, but the people have responded with the chant, “the Syrian people are one”. In contrast, the regime’s declared slogan was “Al-Assad alone, or we will burn the country down”. Many people may not have realized that this slogan is the de facto project of the regime and remains its only programme.
Theoretically, the majority of the countries of the world have stood by the Syrian people, but in practical terms, Syria has been abandoned, supported only by some loyal friends. Red lines had been set for the regime, but it violated them, and those who set the red lines did nothing. The red lines continued to shift until the regime became aware that there were no limits on what it could do without accountability.
It is true that violent radical forces that have nothing to do with the objectives of the Syrian revolution have entered the Syrian arena, refuse to take up revolution’s banner and fight against the rebels more than against the regime. There have been many violations, but these phenomena, which have marred the revolution, cannot be understood without also considering the barbaric policy of repression applied by the Syrian regime and the inability of the international community to protect civilians against the use of chemical weapons, bomb barrels and torture.
The city of Daraa presented a model of peaceful revolution, exemplified at the beginning by the tossing of flowers at soldiers, but after massacres claiming the lives of hundreds of innocent people, mostly women and children, the city was forced, like other cities, to defend itself more forcefully. Since then, Daraa has been reeling under non-stop shelling and a starvation siege, despite the fact that it was never controlled by any radical or takfiri organization, and its revolutionaries have not committed any violations.
Why then are the inhabitants of Daraa being displaced while the international community does nothing? Why was no warning issued before the regime began its shelling and depopulation efforts, when warnings have been issued elsewhere, for example, prior to the recent bombing against forces in Al-Hasakah province? We consider the latter warning to have been an appropriate one, but no analogous action was taken with respect to Daraa, Muadamiyat Al-Sham, Madaya, Al-Zabadani or other towns also threatened with displacement. Many Syrian citizens are wondering the same thing.
We cannot fool ourselves or our people because it is unacceptable that the will of the international community is crippled when it comes to the perpetrators of crimes against humanity. It is simply not true that it was impossible to protect the Syrian people. The international community has allowed illegal military interventions to be undertaken to overthrow regimes in our region, which is still taking its toll on us. Unfortunately, while many of us share responsibility for that situation, the international community has not stepped in to protect a defenceless people, despite the fact that this people has proved time and again that it could change the regime on its own if they were protected by the international community from bombardment.
Putting an end to this humanitarian disaster has become a political and moral necessity. The Security Council has a historical and undeniable responsibility to stop the bloodshed of the Syrians by halting the barbaric bombings and blockades of cities, by repatriating the displaced and by taking measures to resume the political process within the framework of resolution 2254 (2015) and decisions based on the first Geneva Convention, which call for the formation of a transitional ruling body with full powers to meet the aspirations of the Syrian people and maintain the unity and sovereignty of Syria, on the basis of equal rights for all citizens of Syria, without discrimination on the basis of faith, creed, ethnicity or race.
The Gulf region has strategic importance at both regional and global levels. This region is undergoing several crises that vary widely in character but are similar at the core. Constructive dialogue must be undertaken if solutions to them are to be found. To achieve the desired result, dialogue between countries must be based on the principles of good-neighbourliness, mutual respect and non-interference in the affairs of others. The success of dialogue among parties within a State, as we have seen in Iraq, requires giving priority to political and social consensus and strengthening the concept of full and equal citizenship before the law, leaving aside all forms of sectarianism.
With respect to Yemen, the State of Qatar renews its support for the return of legitimacy as the only way to ensure its security, unity and stability. There is no doubt that the negligence of the international community in implementing resolutions of the Security Council, especially resolution 2216 (2015), has given some political forces in Yemen the opportunity to carry out coup-related actions that have hampered reaching the desired political solution that would satisfy the Yemeni people’s yearning for unity and stability.
I take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the efforts of my brother, His Highness Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, Amir of the State of Kuwait, who has sponsored the Yemeni negotiations hosted by his country. We will continue to support the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Yemen as well as the international efforts undertaken to resume political consultations among Yemeni parties in order to reach a political settlement, in accordance with the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference and resolution 2216 (2015).
Although the situation in Libya is still turbulent, we look forward to restoring stability through the efforts of the Presidential Council and the present Government backed by the international community. We also look forward to confronting terrorism and tackling its serious effects. The State of Qatar has contributed to the success of the international political solution. We reaffirm our support for all efforts aimed at strengthening the Libyan national accord and warn that instability could deal a glancing blow to what has been achieved heretofore and undermine United Nations efforts aimed at promoting national reconciliation and led by the Security Council.
We are surprised to note that some countries support forces in Libya that have rejected the international solution and are acting to thwart resolution 1970 (2011) by force, despite the fact that the resolution provides for imposing sanctions on such forces. Certain forces have placed themselves under the authority of the Presidential Council and are engaged in combating terrorism, but others have rejected the international solution and sought to exploit the volatile situation by occupying oil-export terminals while the world looks on, silent. Is this a proper way to encourage Libyans to fight terrorism?
The terrorism we are facing is a threat to our peoples, countries and economic and social achievements, thereby requiring that we intensify our efforts to combat it. All of us are mindful that success in countering this dangerous phenomenon is not easily reached, but it is not impossible either, especially when there is the political will to address the social roots of this abhorrent phenomenon. We need to understand the circumstances that, in an atmosphere of desperation and deadlocked perspectives, give rise to radical ideologies.
We need to protect the young people who are targeted by extremist groups. Fighting terrorism is not confined to the security dimension; rather, we need to go a step further and promote the values of tolerance, culture, plurality and dialogue, while taking into account the right of people to resist occupation, which is a right that has been enshrined in international laws, covenants and norms.
To restore our credibility, we must carefully define terrorism and diligently stand against it, if we are to educate our young people and mobilize our communities against this scourge. The definition we choose should not vary according to the identity of the perpetrator or the victim or because of a particular political interest. We have seen cases, for example, where a certain organization, misbranded as terrorist when it was simply a political adversary, was later embraced as a friend when it became a temporary ally.
Distinctions should not be made about the lives of civilians, whether they be from Istanbul, Gaza, New York or Aleppo. No life is more important or valuable than any other life. The double standards used to address this phenomenon, by linking terrorism to a certain faith or culture or by absolving Governments that engage in it from being described as terrorist, complicates efforts to uproot the phenomenon and reinforces pretexts being used by terrorists to justify their actions. In this context, and as a natural consequence of our policy of rejecting radicalism and terrorism based on our values and culture and the teachings of the true Islamic religion, we reiterate our support for the efforts to eradicate the phenomenon of terrorism that are undertaken within the framework of international legitimacy.
Respect for and the protection and promotion of human rights constitute one of the basic pillars of the United Nations Charter’s stated purposes and principles and are consistent with the Arab and Islamic principles and values that treasure humankind and honour it as a creation of almighty God. The State of Qatar is eager to implement its obligations at both the national and international levels to defend collective and individual rights of people and promote human rights around the world.
Accordingly, one of the most important challenges we must act upon today is that of protecting refugees. This challenge requires cooperation and joint action in order to uproot the causes of forced displacement. We must urgently provide aid and assistance as a humanitarian duty incumbent upon us all. Qatar’s development and relief contribution has reached more than 100 countries worldwide, and we continue to coordinate with Governmental and non-governmental agencies to provide even more development and relief aid.
Qatar supports over 10 million children around the world and promotes the potential of some 1.2 million Arab young people, so as to empower them to be active and productive in their communities. Over the past five years since 2011, the value of the economic assistance provided by the State of Qatar has increased threefold to reach 13 billion Qatari riyals.
The State of Qatar will continue to be a venue for dialogue and conflict resolution by peaceful means. It will also remain committed to international action, cooperation and partnership within the framework of the efforts of the international community to counter shared humanitarian challenges.


It is an honour to be present at the General Assembly today. It is wonderful to be here in the great city of New York. Once again this week, New Yorkers showed us how to be resilient and resolute in the face of violent extremism. On behalf of everyone in this Hall, let me directly say to the people of New York that they are a model to the rest of the world, and we thank them.
Exactly one year ago, Canada was in the middle of a long — 78 days on the road, and I can assure the Assembly that, in Canada, there are 78 days’ worth of roads — and closely fought election campaign. It is the responsibility of a leader to spend time with the people they are elected to serve. To get the real stories, it is important to go where people live: coffee shops and church basements, mosques and synagogues, farmers’ markets and public parks. It was in those places that I got the best sense of what Canadians were thinking and how they were doing and, through the politeness — because we Canadians are always polite even when we are complaining — I learned a few things.
I talked with people my age who were trying to be hopeful about their future but found it tough to make ends meet, even when they were working full-time. I heard from young Canadians who were frustrated, who told me that they could not get a job because they do not have work experience but they cannot get work experience because they do not have a job. I heard from women and girls who still face inequality in the workplace and violence just because they are women, even in a progressive country like Canada.
I met parents who were working hard to give their children every opportunity to succeed but who feared that their efforts would not be sufficient. I had the chance share a meal with elderly retirees who had toiled all their lives but who now have to go to food banks. Over the past few years, I have had far too many disturbing conversations with Canadians, but they made something clear to me. Canadians still believe in progress, or, at least, that progress is possible. But that optimism is mixed with great concern. It is clear that Canadians are not the only ones who feel that way; those feelings are present everywhere. That anxiety is a fact of life.
When leaders are faced with citizens’ anxiety, we have a choice to make. Do we exploit that anxiety or do we allay it? Exploiting it is easy, but in order to allay it we need to be prepared to answer some very direct questions. What will create the good, well-paying jobs that people want and need and deserve? What will strengthen and grow the middle class and help those working hard to join it? What will build an economy that works for everyone? What will help to make the world a safer, more peaceful place?
To allay people’s anxiety, we need to create economic growth that is broadly shared, because a fair and successful world is a peaceful one. We need to focus on what brings us together, not on what divides us. For Canada, that means re-engaging in global affairs through institutions like the United Nations. It does not serve our interests — or the world’s — to pretend that we are not deeply affected by what happens beyond our borders.
Earlier this year, we helped negotiate the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. As part of our commitment to implementing that Agreement, we announced that Canada would invest $2.65 billion over five years to fund clean, low-carbon growth in developing countries. In order to help promote peace and security in areas affected by instability, we reaffirmed our support for NATO and committed ourselves to expanding Canada’s role in United Nations peacekeeping operations. We hosted the fifth Replenishment Conference of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, where we increased our contribution by 20 per cent by giving more than $800 million to the Global Fund. We also encouraged our partners to increase their contributions, making it possible to raise $13 billion in support of ending AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria by 2030.
We have done all this — and will do much more — because we believe we should confront anxiety with a clear plan to deal with its root causes. We believe we should bring people together around shared purposes such as the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. What is the alternative? Is it to exploit anxiety? Is it to turn it into fear and blame? Is it to reject others because they look or speak or pray differently than we do?
In Canada we got a very important thing right — not perfect, but right. In Canada, we see diversity as a source of strength, not weakness. Our country is strong not in spite of our differences, but because of them. We must make no mistake: we have had many failures, from the internment of Ukrainian, Japanese and Italian Canadians during the World Wars, to our turning away of boats of Jewish and Punjabi refugees, to the shamefully continuing marginalization of indigenous peoples. What matters is that we learn from our mistakes and recommit ourselves to doing better. To that end, in recent months, Canadians have opened their hearts and their arms to families fleeing the ongoing conflict in Syria, and from the moment they arrived, those 31,000 refugees were welcomed — not as burdens, but as neighbours and friends — as new Canadians.
That effort has brought Canadians together. In an almost unprecedented fashion, the Government has worked with the business community, engaged citizens and civil society to help the newcomers adapt to their new country. But our efforts will not truly be successful until those refugees have become established, full- fledged members of the Canadian middle class. I want the General Assembly to know that this objective is within our grasp — not because of what we have done, but because of what they are themselves.
Refugees are people with the same hopes and dreams as our own citizens. But while our people have felt anxiety, Syrians faced catastrophe. We all know where Syria’s middle class is: they are living in refugee camps in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan. They are moving across Europe, looking for a place to set down roots, to get their kids back into school, to find steady work and to become productive citizens. Refugee camps are teeming with Syria’s middle class: doctors and lawyers, teachers and entrepreneurs. They are well educated. They work hard. They care about their families. They want a better life — a safer and more secure future for their kids — as we all do. When I say, therefore, that I hope that the Syrian refugees we welcomed will soon be able to join our middle class, I am confident that we can make that happen, and we will do it by offering to them the same things we offer to all our citizens — a real and fair chance at success for everyone.
We are going to do all we can to build a strong middle class in Canada. We are going to invest in education, because it gives the next generation the tools they need to contribute to the world economy and to succeed. We are going to invest in infrastructure because it creates good, well-paying jobs for the middle class and helps to make our communities better places to live, work and invest. We are determined to build an economy that works for everyone — not just the wealthiest 1 per cent — so that every person benefits from economic growth. And we are going to refuse to give in to the pressure of trading our cherished values for easy votes. The world expects better from us, and we expect better from ourselves.
In the end, there is a choice to be made. Strong, diverse, resilient countries like Canada did not happen by accident, and they will not continue without effort. Every single day, we need to choose hope over fear and diversity over division. Fear has never created a single job or fed a single family, and those who exploit it will never solve the problems that have created such anxiety. Our citizens, the nearly 7.5 billion people we collectively serve, are better than the cynics and pessimists think they are. People want their problems solved, not exploited.
Canada is a modest country. We know we cannot solve these problems alone. We know we need to do this all together. We know it will be hard work. But we are Canadian, and we are here to help.


At the outset, it is my pleasure to express to the President and his friendly country our sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. I wish him every success in leading the work at this session and in bringing about tangible results with regard to all the issues on our agenda.
I also want to take this opportunity to express to his predecessor, Mr. Mogens Lykketoft, our sincere gratitude for the excellent manner in which he conducted the work of the previous session. I wish to express our deep appreciation to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for all his efforts to realize the objectives of the United Nations.
This session of the General Assembly coincides with the sixtieth anniversary of the Kingdom’s membership in the United Nations. Over the past 60 years, Morocco has worked tirelessly with the international Organization. It is committed to its objectives of strengthening international peace and security and to delivering the possibility of development to all peoples of the world, especially in developing countries.
Joining the Organization was one of the first sovereign decisions that Morocco took after it gained its independence. It is an expression of its commitment to multilateral action as the best way to confront complicated crises and the increasing challenges throughout the world, as well as its commitment to the values of solidarity, cooperation, freedom and peace. The Kingdom of Morocco believes in the role of the United Nations as a reflection of the world’s values and the principles of international legitimacy.
Ever since it joined the Organization, Morocco has worked diligently to contribute to the realization of its objectives. In that respect, Morocco sought to adopt a dynamic approach by realigning its national priorities with those of the United Nations.
Peacemaking is a cornerstone of the activities of the United Nations, as reflected in its history of peaceful settlement of international and regional conflicts and in its respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and territorial unity of States, in accordance with the principles of the Organization. As a committed partner in United Nations peacekeeping operations since the 1960s, the Kingdom of Morocco has sought to contribute substantially and continuously as a demonstration of its belief in collective security and the crucial role that the United Nations plays in that regard. Morocco has participated in peacekeeping operations in Africa, America and Asia and has contributed more than 100,000 peacekeepers. Today, it is contributing more than 1,600 Blue Helmets to peacekeeping operations in Africa.
It is incumbent on the international community to work for international peace and security, especially in Africa, given the connection between economic and social progress and political stability. There can be no development without peace and security and no stability without comprehensive, sustainable development. Under the wise leadership of his Majesty King Mohammed VI, the Kingdom of Morocco will spare no effort to strengthen United Nations initiatives to promote good governance and contain conflicts related to the territorial integrity of countries. To that end, since January 2014 Morocco has chaired the Central African Republic configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission.
Ever since it became a Member of the United Nations, the Kingdom of Morocco has sought to establish relations of solidarity among members of the international community both by encouraging the constructive North-South partnership and by strengthening South-South cooperation. These are strategic priorities designed to realize sustainable development for the benefit of all peoples of the world. To put the issue of sustainable development at the centre of the work of the international community, the Kingdom seeks to develop genuine partnerships in order to bring about sustainable human development through solidarity.
In that connection, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which was adopted by the General Assembly in September 2015 (resolution 70/1), is a political commitment through which we have agreed on common ground in our efforts to fulfil the aspirations of people in developing nations to live in dignity. The Kingdom of Morocco emphasizes the importance of providing financing for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. All should do their part to implement the Agenda in an effective and appropriate manner.
The United Nations must align its work with the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), while Member States must adopt the necessary measures and policies to implement the Goals, and various forms of financing should be provided to ensure that the Goals are achieved by 2030.
As part of the effort to strengthen development at the national level, the National Initiative for Human Development, which was launched by His Majesty King Mohammed VI in May 2005, is one of the basic pillars of Morocco’s programme. It is human-centred and takes a comprehensive approach to development in that it includes political, economic, social, cultural and environmental dimensions. It has been successful in reducing poverty, vulnerability and marginalization, in developing infrastructure, and in providing health- care services.
The Kingdom of Morocco has strengthened its solidarity with African countries as a centrepiece of its foreign policy. It has sought to defend the interests of the continent and to help it to promote development and combat poverty. It has shared with a number of African countries its experience in the field of social services, including in the areas of education, training, water, agriculture, food security, electricity and health care. In this respect, the Kingdom of Morocco renews its call on the United Nations and regional and international financial institutions to develop a plan for economic transformation in Africa and to provide resources to finance it.
Given the link between sustainable development and the environment, Morocco, which will host the twenty-second session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, in Marrakesh in November, aspires to make the session an opportunity for African voices and those of other parts of the world that are vulnerable to the negative impacts of climate change to be heard on an equal basis. It emphasizes its intention to make the Marrakesh session a turning point in the implementation of the Agenda and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change by facilitating solutions for sustainable development, as well as practical measures and structural programmes to implement the global commitments to address climate change.
Morocco wishes to emphasize that the success of the implementation of the Paris Agreement is organically and strongly linked to the provision of the necessary financial resources. We must promote access to financing. In that connection, the Kingdom of Morocco hopes that the Conference participants in Marrakesh will give special attention to the interests of the countries of the South, including African countries and small island developing States, that are threatened by climate change.
At this time, Morocco, which has deposited its instrument of ratification of the Paris Agreement, calls on all other States to expedite their ratification of the Agreement so that it can enter into force as a strong expression of the commitment of the international community. Morocco seeks to include all stakeholders in the Marrakesh session so that it will reflect our solidarity and commitment to safeguarding the future of present and future generations.
The Kingdom of Morocco has placed the continent of Africa at the heart of its foreign policy and will continue to make every effort to promote Africa’s economic development. With a clear vision of the future based on an understanding of the continent’s problems, His Majesty King Mohammed VI is leading the process of peace and development on the continent and launching initiatives and visiting several African countries in order to strengthen the ties of fraternity, cooperation and solidarity among the African people. During his most recent speech, on 20 August, His Majesty stressed the strong link between Morocco and Africa.He said:,
“Africa, for us, is not a target. It is a commitment, because African people are Africans regardless of where they are and because the interests of Morocco are part of those of Africa. Our destinies will always be intertwined. In our view, we will either achieve progress and stability together or not at all. Africa is more than a geographical or historical connection. It is a commitment based on love and respect, human relations and a deep- seated interest.”
Morocco’s decision to return to its natural place within the African Union is a firm expression of its commitment to Africa and reflects its interests. On this occasion, I wish to express our deep gratitude to the majority of African countries for calling on Morocco to return to its African context. Aware of its leading role in Africa, Morocco has responded to their call and will continue defending African interests at all levels.
Sixty years after joining our strong Organization, I underscore our belief in the role of regional economic groups. Morocco has sought to strengthen good- neighbourly relations in the African, Maghreb and Mediterranean contexts. His Majesty continues to call for a new regime in the Maghreb with influence at the regional and international levels, a regime that will guarantee peace and stability in the region, based on respect for member States and their territorial integrity.
Morocco gave earnest and responsible thought to the Security Council’s calls for a lasting political solution through negotiation in the regional conflict over Western Sahara and responded by putting forward a self-rule initiative that reflected several Security Council resolutions as the basis for a solution. The Council’s most recent resolution on the issue, resolution 2285 (2016), emphasizes once again the basic aspects of a political solution to this conflict, calls on all parties to be realistic and seek consensus, and appeals to all parties and neighbouring States to seek a political solution through dialogue.
Morocco reaffirms its intention to continue working sincerely with the United Nations to find a political solution through negotiations that will maintain the unity of the Kingdom of Morocco, enable the people of its southern region to manage their affairs in the context of democracy, stability and comprehensive development, and protect the northern part of the continent from the dangers of separatism, Balkanization, terrorism and extremism.
The sixtieth anniversary of Morocco’s joining the United Nations is a good occasion to reaffirm Morocco’s unwavering commitment to protecting human rights and defending fundamental freedoms as part of its efforts to uphold human dignity within a united and democratic community. Morocco has initiated many reforms and has realized many achievements designed to strength human rights, especially in relation to women, children and young people. It has expanded individual freedoms through an approach that puts human rights at the centre of human development. Morocco is working assiduously to integrate its comprehensive vision in all international forums and is playing a leading role in developing the mechanisms of the Human Rights Council, including the universal periodic review, which Morocco was instrumental in developing.
The Kingdom has taken several initiatives with its partners in the Council to strengthen the United Nations human rights system. It also hosted the second World Human Rights Forum, in 2014, thereby adding an international dimension to the Kingdom’s achievements. Morocco will spare no effort to make the noble principles of human rights a means to create friendship among nations and respect for the international community’s diversity and to strengthen the essential values of human rights free from politicization.
The Kingdom of Morocco, as an active Member of the United Nations, has adopted a clear and firm position with regard to international efforts to combat international terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. The Kingdom has endeavoured earnestly, through bilateral and multilateral cooperation efforts at the regional and international levels, to combat the phenomenon of terrorism. It reaffirms its commitment to scrupulously respecting its obligation to ensure that no terrorist activity is launched from Moroccan territory.
Last April, Morocco was among the first countries to submit a national report on the implementation of the provisions of Security Council resolution 2253 (2015) with regard to combating terrorism and suppressing its sources of financing. The report was very comprehensive and addressed in detail all the measures that Morocco has taken to implement its obligations in accordance with the resolution’s provisions. At the national level, Morocco has adopted a sound and clear-cut policy to combat terrorism in all its forms and manifestations through a comprehensive and multidisciplinary strategy, which is closely aligned with that of the United Nations. It is based on a religious, social, legal and security approach.
In that connection, Morocco has launched a number of initiatives, including a joint initiative with the Netherlands in the Global Counter-Terrorism Forum, to combat foreign terrorist fighters. Morocco and the Netherlands, through their joint chairmanship, want to expand the Forum at the regional and international levels and to strengthen related efforts at the international level. Morocco has also established the Group of Friends Against Terrorism at the United Nations, the purpose of which is to coordinate and harmonize the various voluntary initiatives.
At the regional level, Morocco has drawn on its experience in undertaking religious efforts to combat terrorism at the service of fraternal and friendly countries that wish to provide religious training to their imams to promote respect for the principles of peaceful coexistence and tolerance. In a letter addressing the growing ignorance of many about religion, His Majesty said that all people — Muslims, Christians and Jews — should stand as one in facing all forms of terrorism, extremism and hatred. The history of humankind shows that progress cannot be achieved in a society that is suffering from xenophobia and extremism, because those factors lead to a lack of security and stability.
The Kingdom of Morocco firmly believes that the United Nations must be the lead Organization in the fight against terrorism. It emphasizes its readiness to share its experiences and good practices with its partners. Morocco is open to considering any initiative that seeks to combat this phenomenon, bearing in mind that suppressing terrorism is a joint responsibility shared by all Member States of the United Nations. A global commitment and the adoption of a cooperative approach based on bilateral and regional solidarity are needed to implement the provisions of counter- terrorism agreements.
With the same commitment, Morocco pursues its efforts in the field of mediation for the peaceful settlement of conflicts. Accordingly, the Kingdom hosted a meeting of the Libyan parties, convened under the auspices of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya, which culminated in the signing the Skhirat Political Agreement. The Kingdom, which supports the search for a political solution to the Libyan problem through negotiations, stresses that an end must be put to the bloodshed of innocents and that the unity of Libya must be maintained. We call here on all Libyan political stakeholders to pursue dialogue and to fully implement the Skhirat Agreement without excluding any party. That will enable the Libyan people to realize their aspirations to stability, national unity and sustainable development in an atmosphere of freedom, dignity and democracy, devoid of extremism and terrorism.
Morocco will spare no effort in its efforts to achieve peace and stability in the Sahel and Sahara regions. As a non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2012 and 2013, it played a role, through the Council, in developing the United Nations Integrated Strategy for the Sahel, which seeks to strengthen good governance, security and development in the region.
The Kingdom of Morocco considers the Palestinian issue to be a crucial problem in the Middle East and is convinced that this sensitive region cannot enjoy a just and lasting peace as long as the Palestinian people are not able to exercise their alienable right to establish an independent and viable State of Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Morocco expresses its concern over the fact that the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations are not advancing as they should. It calls on the international community to work more effectively and tenaciously to create the necessary conditions for a resumption of direct negotiations between Palestine and Israel within a specific time frame. The revival of the peace process must be based on solid ground, in accordance with the principles of international legitimacy and previous agreements, such as the road map and the Arab Peace Initiative, in order to ensure the right of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State with East Jerusalem as its capital.
The Kingdom of Morocco will remain committed to the peaceful settlement of the Palestinian question by supporting constructive initiatives that would ensure the necessary conditions to realize a two-State solution, including the French initiative, which involves comprehensive international and Egyptian efforts with a regional impact. Morocco calls on Palestine and Israel to resume negotiations.
The troubling developments affecting the Holy City of Jerusalem, including human rights violations, continued settlement and forced displacement in an effort to change the legal and demographic composition of the city, represent grave violations of international law and international agreements. There must be an immediate intervention to put an end to them. His Majesty the King, as Chair of the Al-Quds Committee of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, has called the attention of the international community to the dangers and threats of Israel’s pursuit of its plans to change the legal, demographic and religious character of Jerusalem. He urges the leading Powers to ensure that Jerusalem remains a symbol of peaceful coexistence among all monotheistic religions.
After 70 years of the existence of our international Organization, today more than ever we need a strong, renewed and effective United Nations. We must therefore reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the Organization and to mobilizing our capacities to reform and strengthen it. The Organization is the most effective multilateral forum for seeking solutions to contemporary problems and for bringing about a just international system that will ensure peace and stability for present and future generations.