Let me first offer my sincere congratulations to Mr. Dante Caputo on his assumption of the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. His election to that high office is apt recognition of his eminent qualities as well as a reflection of the esteem in which Argentina is held among the community of nations. His impressive record in international diplomacy gives us confidence that he will guide this session with authority and efficiency.
I should also like to express our deep appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, for the exemplary manner in which he presided over our deliberations during a very busy year.
Before proceeding I should like to convey Indonesia's sincere sympathy and solidarity to the Governments and peoples of Bangladesh, Jamaica and Sudan in the wake of the massive human suffering and destruction recently visited upon them by natural disasters. It is our earnest hope that the international community will extend adequate and timely assistance to the process of rehabilitation and reconstruction in those countries.
A new climate of conciliation and mutual accommodation appears to be asserting itself throughout the world. Despite continuing uncertainties and ambivalence, some seminal trends in international developments are emerging as well as signs of a general relaxation of tensions, especially between the two super-Powers. In a number of regional conflicts, confrontation is giving way to dialogue and to efforts at finding negotiated solutions. Concurrently, basic movements are taking place on the economic landscape, propelling the world economy towards ever greater interdependence and integration.
We have all welcomed the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan as a significant contribution to both regional stability and international security. We likewise rejoiced at the cease-fire and the start of negotiations between Iran and Iraq in the conviction that the blessings of peace will not only accrue to the benefit of the peoples of Iran and Iraq themselves but also to the interest of stability and progress in the entire Gulf region and beyond.
Similarly, we are encouraged to note the enhanced prospects for a solution of the Western Sahara issue on the basis of the peace plan jointly submitted by the Secretary-General and the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity. On the question of Cyprus, a renewed dialogue is taking place between the President of Cyprus and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community which hopefully will yield an early settlement of all aspects of the problem.
In southern Africa, progress is being made in negotiations which could prepare the way for the long overdue implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and for the total independence of Namibia. And in South-East Asia, the Jakarta Informal Meeting on Kampuchea, held last July, has generated a new momentum in the process towards a just and comprehensive solution of the problem,
In laying the groundwork and in sustaining efforts towards finding solutions to those and other protracted conflict situations, much of the credit should go to the United Nations and to our Secretary-General. Indeed r at no time in recent history has the irreplaceable value and potential of the United Nations been so vividly manifested. Consequently, there has been an upsurge of support among Member States for this unique multilateral forum, including a renewed commitment to its strengthening and revitalization. This year’s award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces is indeed a timely confirmation and magnificent vindication of the role our world Organization has played and continues to play in maintaining and building the peace in a tense and troubled world.
While these developments augur well for our efforts to bring about greater peace and justice and equitable prosperity for all nations, we cannot deny that the international situation is still fraught with unresolved tensions and economic disorder and with a pervasive sense of insecurity and common vulnerability to the threat of nuclear holocaust. The politics of power, of political domination and economic coercion, of blatant intervention and aggression still feature all too prominently in present-day international relations. Vestiges of colonialism and institutionalized racism continue to obstruct the universal impulses for freedom, equality and the social and cultural advancement of peoples. Deeply rooted imbalances and unacceptable inequities still permeate international economic relations. And if, indeed, a hopeful brightening can be discerned in the global East-West relationship, the problems and predicaments in the North-South polarization are, on the contrary, being even further aggravated.
It is clear that in facing the new opportunities as well as the challenges inherent in the evolving international situation we can no longer rely on such out-dated approaches as unilateralism or selective bilateralism, or on such notions as spheres of influence or power-bloc politics. The complexities of dealing with the new developments and trends now asserting themselves as global phenomena call for a conscious commitment to multilateralism, based on the imperatives of interdependence, common interest and shared responsibility among all nations of the world.
Yet the major nuclear Powers still appear reluctant to accept that basic proposition, even on issues of such transcendental importance as disarmament and international security. While wholeheartedly welcoming the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - and the ongoing negotiations on strategic arms between the two major Powers, we cannot fail to observe that there has been no substantial easing of the arms race, especially in its qualitative or technological aspects. Furthermore, virtually all major issues on the disarmament agenda, be it the comprehensive test ban treaty, non-proliferation, the prevention of nuclear war or the militarization of outer space, continue to be subjected to such untenable arguments and considerations as strategic deterrence or the professed primacy of bilateral undertakings between the two major nuclear Powers. That is the undeniable reality faced by the Geneva Conference on Disarmament, which has yet to produce a single, substantive disarmament agreement since its reconstitution. That too was a major cause for the deeply disappointing outcome of the recently concluded General Assembly special session devoted to disarmament, which could not agree on even a Chairman's summing-up, let alone a final document of substance.
Preventing the non-nuclear States from contributing actively to the process of disarmament negotiations is entirely unacceptable to us. The non-aligned and neutral States, including Indonesia, are therefore determined to assert their legitimate role in this respect and to redouble their efforts to achieve security for all, through multilateral negotiations leading toward total nuclear disarmament, the abolition of all other weapons of mass destruction and balanced reductions in conventional armaments. In that context we should in particular like to see the Conference on Disarmament complete as soon as possible the negotiations on a chemical weapons convention. Any other proposed course of action would serve only to divert us from this paramount objective. The conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty should also continue to be accorded high priority, as such an agreement would singularly contribute to arresting the development of new weapons systems and the refining of those already deployed, together with the delegations of Mexico, Peru, Sri Lanka and Yugoslavia, my delegation has formally submitted a proposal to the depository Governments of the Partial Test-Ban Treaty with a view to convening a conference at the earliest possible date to consider an amendment to the Treaty that would convert it into a comprehensive test-ban treaty. We believe that, in the light of the continuing deadlock in the Conference on Disarmament on the efforts to achieve such a treaty, the proposed amendment would provide a positive impulse towards that goal.
Our collective capacity to rise to the challenges of a new era will be seriously impaired so long as millions of persons continue to languish under colonial domination and so long as the utter immorality of apartheid and racism continues to be condoned.
With regard to Namibia, Indonesia has followed with keen interest the ongoing negotiations between Angola, Cuba, South Africa and the United States to establish a basis for just and durable peace in the south-western region of Africa and to ensure Namibia's independence. While we sincerely hope that these discussions will achieve concrete results, we cannot forget that South Africa was also a party to the negotiations leading to the adoption of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence and had committed itself to abiding by the provisions of that plan. But, ever since, Pretoria has used every means to undermine and forestall all efforts to effect its implementation. We must remain vigilant, therefore, and prevent the process now under way from being turned into yet another ploy by which the racist regime will again seek to gain time further to entrench its illegal occupation of the territory.
It should be out common resolve that in this year of the tenth anniversary of the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) we shall finally secure the faithful implementation of the plan for Namibian independence. To that end, Indonesia supports the call for the early convening of the Security Council in order to adopt a resolution enabling the Secretary-General immediately to proceed with practical steps necessary for the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia. In the meantime, we should continue our strong support for the Namibian people's struggle, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), to achieve the establishment of a truly independent and united Namibia.
In South Africa itself, there has been no let-up in the brutal terror and repression by the Pretoria regime against all forms of opposition to apartheid. Consequently, the polarization and confrontation between the racist minority and the oppressed majority have taken on ever-more-violent dimensions. My Government remains convinced that the imposition of comprehensive, mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter will be the only effective means to bring a peaceful end to apartheid, so that in its place a non-racial and democratic society can be built. The international community should also intensify action to compel Pretoria to desist from its incessant acts of aggression and destabilisation against its neighbours. Concrete, material support to the African front-line States should also be stepped up in order to enable them to free themselves from this perpetual state of political blackmail and economic strangulation. The establishment of the Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid (AFRICA) Fund by the Non-Aligned Movement at the Harare summit conference in 1986 can be seen to be a concrete response to this challenge. Indonesia was pleased to be able to pledge a cash contribution of $2,250,000 to the Fund, to be disbursed over three years.
The struggle of the Palestinian people for justice and national independence has always been at the root of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Today the question is no longer whether the Palestinians will be victorious in their sacred cause but, rather, how long it will take and at what sacrifice. The intifada, the sustained popular uprising in the occupied territories, has fundamentally altered the strategic equation by effecting a qualitative transformation in the nature and level of the struggle against Israeli oppressor. It has at the same time shattered the status quo of the past 20 years and with it the false air of smug complacency of the Tel Aviv regime. Indeed, the daily atrocities and acts of wanton violence unleashed against unarmed Palestinian protestors in the West Bank, in Gaza and in the Holy City of Al-Quds fully expose the bankruptcy of Israel's attempts to impose an annexationist fait accompli in the occupied territories. Those developments have also galvanized the people of the Palestinian nation, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PŁO), their sole and legitimate representative, to prepare for a new phase in their political struggle.
Indonesia fully supports the call of the States members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries upon the Security Council to place Palestinian territories under temporary United Nations supervision in order to put an end to the acts of intimidation and oppression against the Palestinian people. At the same time, political and diplomatic pressures should be brought to bear on Israel to persuade it to cease its opposition to the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East envisaged in General Assembly resolution 38/58 C, for it offers the only viable framework for a comprehensive settlement based on the total withdrawal by Israel from all occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and the early realization of the Palestinians' inalienable right to self-determination and to a sovereign and independent State in Palestine.
As events of the past year show, Israel's obsessive determination to impose by force of arms its own aggressive and expansionist designs on the region is also reflected in its blatant occupation of sovereign Lebanese territory. The arduous taste undertaken by the people of Lebanon to restore their unity and to bring about normalcy are continuously being undermined by such illegal Israeli actions. Indonesia therefore fully supports Lebanon's demand for the immediate, unconditional and complete withdrawal of all Israeli occupation forces.
For the past nine years Indonesia, together with other members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), has been engaged in efforts to put an end to protracted strife and bloodshed in Kampuchea and to the immense suffering of the Kampuchean people. As ASEAN's interlocutor, Indonesia has explored practical modalities that could bring about genuine dialogue and negotiations among the parties to the conflict and that, in turn, could lead to a comprehensive, just and durable solution. In the Ho Chi Minh City Understanding reached between the Foreign Ministers of Indonesia and Viet Nam in July of last year and at the Jakarta Informal Meeting that was structured on the basis of that Understanding and convened in July this year we believe we have found a viable framework within which to realize that long-sought goal.
Through the Jakarta Informal Meeting a start has been made to replace armed conflict and confrontation with political dialogue and negotiations. It also represents the first time that all parties directly involved and the other concerned countries of the region were able to sit down together and to have a direct talk with one another to identify possible areas of common ground as well as the real obstacles to a solution.
After frank and constructive discussions the participants in the Jakarta Informal Meeting agreed on the need to solve the Kampuchean problem through political means and thus not through a military fait accompli. A common understanding was also reached on the ultimate form of such a solution, namely through the establishment of an independent, sovereign, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk and on the basis of self-determination and national reconciliation. The participants shared the view that the two key and interlinked issues of the Kampuchea problem are, first, the withdrawal of all Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea, to be carried out within the context of an over-all political solution, and, secondly, the prevention of a recurrence of the genocidal policies and practices of the past regime. They also concurred on the need to ensure the cessation of all foreign interference and external arms supplies to the opposing Kampuchean forces, to set definite timetables and to provide for an effective international presence to supervise those processes.
The Meeting further agreed to continue discussions through a Marking Group in order to examine specific aspects of a political solution. The Working Group is to complete its work by December 1988 and make recommendations on the convening of another Meeting. In that connection Indonesia is set to act as host for a meeting of the Working Group in the second half of this month.
We realize that the Jakarta Informal Meeting cannot and should not be the only valid approach to negotiations and the settlement of the problem. We are aware of, and are in full sympathy with, the initiatives and parallel efforts that are being undertaken by others. In that regard we do appreciate the unremitting efforts of the Secretary-General to find a political solution to the problem and to try to devise a feasible scenario towards that end. In the same vein Indonesia welcomes the initiative of the members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to complement and reinforce our regional efforts on Kampuchea, and, of course, Indonesia and ASEAN remain fully supportive of Prince Sihanouk who, because of his pre-eminent stature and prestige, continues to play an indispensable role through his unrelenting guest to bring the sufferings of his tormented people to an early end.
We all recognize the complexities of the Kampuchean problem in its many dimensions and aspects and in its regional as well as its international ramifications. In view of that, and considering that wide divergences of view still exist, especially on the modalities of a solution, we believe it to be pertinent and prudent to engage in a preliminary phase of informal discussions before proceeding to formal negotiations in the context of an international conference. That is and has always been the modest goal of the Jakarta Informal Meeting. Indonesia and ASEAN have from the outset worked on the assumption that a comprehensive solution to the Kampuchea question, especially in its extra-regional aspects, can be achieved only through an international conference with the participation of the parties directly concerned and the countries of the region, as well as the major Powers and other interested States. However, it is clear that adequate substantive preparations should precede the convening of such a conference if success is to be obtained. We therefore hope and trust that the international community will continue to lend its support to the regional peace process initiated by the Jakarta Informal Meeting.
We are encouraged by the interim agreements that have been reached on the future political status of New Caledonia. The modalities that will be set in motion bolster our hope that the decolonization of the Territory will be carried out in accordance with the aspirations of the indigenous population for self-determination and independence, while taking into account the rights and interests of all of its inhabitants.
The situation in the Korean peninsula remains a source of recurrent tensions in East Asia. It is regrettable, therefore, that the recent dialogue between the North and the South did not make much headway. At the same time we realize that after decades of mutual mistrust and suspicion the initiation of efforts towards national reconciliation is indeed a formidable task. It is our sincere hope that the resumption of their talks later this month will lead to tangible results, in conformity with their shared aspiration for peaceful reunification. In Central America, the signing of the Esquipulas agreement last year reflected the determination of its leaders to resolve peacefully and comprehensively the tension and strife that beset the region. It was our expectation that regional harmony and common economic progress could henceforth be fostered in accordance with the principles of sovereignty, common security, non-interference, democracy and development. We note to our dismay, however, that now, one year later, the momentum of the peace process has stalled. Indeed, the progress achieved so far may be in jeopardy unless there is renewed commitment by all the parties directly involved to the full and faithful compliance with the agreement.
On the question of the Malvinas, my delegation commends the flexible approach adopted by Argentina and hopes that a climate of trust will be created for the resumption of formal negotiations leading to a peaceful and definitive settlement of the sovereignty dispute.
As in the political sphere, the world economy is also going through changes that are fundamentally transforming the shape and substance of international economic relations. Over the past few decades, scientific and technological innovations have progressed at a phenomenal pace and in the process are drastically altering the patterns of production and consumption, of trade and financial exchanges and of comparative advantage. Obviously, these basic shifts in economic patterns will have significant implications for the policy premises and assumptions underpinning present development strategies.
Concurrently, other developments of far-reaching implications are emerging and gaining prominence throughout the international economic landscape. The 12 member countries of the European Communities are pursuing the integration of their national economies into a powerful, single market by 1992. The United States and Canada have recently signed an agreement that would eliminate all tariff barriers between them. The centrally planned economies have embarked on paths of economic restructuring that will integrate them further into the mainstream of the world economy. And, as widely predicted, the centre of gravity of world economic activity and development may soon sill ft from the Atlantic to the Pacific bas in. There can be no doubt that these changes will further propel the integration of the world economy, as well as the ever closer inter-linkage of the issues of money, finance, trade and development.
What is most regrettable, however, is that these dramatic changes are unfolding while, at the same time, the position and interests of many developing countries are being increasingly marginalized.
For the greater part of the 1980s, aptly described as the "lost decade for development", developing countries have been caught in a web of cumulative constraints and setbacks. Consequently, their economies remain mired in sluggish growth, their development punctuated by stagnation, reversals and even regression. External indebtedness, often exacerbated by adverse exchange rate fluctuations in the major currencies, has now reached critical levels. Financial flows for development, both official and private, have contracted drastically. Their exports to the developed countries are encountering a plethora of protectionist barriers. Commodity earnings, the economic lifeblood of a majority of developing countries, continue to be in a prolonged slump. Meanwhile, the austere adjustment measures undertaken by most developing countries at the behest of international financial institutions have not only cut deeply into their productive capacities for growth but have also undermined their programmes and projects designed to alleviate the plight of the poorest and most vulnerable sectors of their societies. It is obvious that if no concerted action is taken to reverse their predicament, many developing countries will inevitably remain locked in underdevelopment and risk being side-lined permanently on the periphery of the world economy, thus adding the real and potent threat of social upheaval to national and international peace and stability.
In the light of these stark realities in the North-South polarization, there is a clear and urgent need for the United Nations to put the issues of development and international economic relations back on the priority list of the global agenda. It is also clear that in this era of growing interdependence and integration of the world economy the path forward can only be through dialogue and negotiation, based on the premise of mutuality of interests between the North and the South.
Indeed, a beginning in this direction has already been made. The seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VII), constructively addressed the interrelated issues of resources for development, commodities, international trade and the problems of the least developed countries. The Uruguay Round, if conducted in strict adherence to the Punta del Este understandings and commitments, offers new hope for a more rational and effective multilateral trading system. And the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development adopted in 1986, has joined the international community in a unique partnership of shared responsibility to arrest the continent’s threatened slide into further economic deterioration.
We should vigorously pursue and build upon these efforts. A comprehensive, durable and development-oriented solution to the debt crisis, anchored in the shared responsibility of both debtors and creditors, has become imperative. The general principles that should guide us towards such a solution have already been defined in General Assembly resolutions 41/202 and 42/198 and in the Final Act of UNCTAD VII. Urgent action to remedy the commodity situation is required, and we look forward to the Common Fund becoming operational soon. The painful paradox of net transfers of resources from the developing countries to the developed should be reversed and rational perspectives to international development financing should be restored. Central to this objective is the need to convene an international conference on money and finance for development. The recommendations of the recently held Mid-Term Review on the African Recovery and Development Programme should help to intensify international co-operation and mobilize the required financial resources for the Programme's implementation. Additionally, the proposed special session of the General Assembly on .the reactivation of economic growth and development in the developing countries, to be held not later than 1990, will afford us a timely opportunity to adopt a global consensus on concrete action in these interrelated issues. It should also be an occasion to forge greater unity and coherence in our collective responses to the historical opportunities facing us today and in the years ahead.
Recently, environmental issues have attracted the heightened attention of the international community. This has resulted from the introduction of two major reports to last year's General Assembly and the intensified concern for such issues as toxic waste, acid rain, climatic change and the "greenhouse effect", depletion of the ozone layer, desertification and escalating pollution. The danger of irreversible destruction to the environment is being increasingly recognized. Intense economic activity related to development; as well as conditions of mass poverty and deprivation, ace inextricably linked to the ecological balance of the environment. Essentially, the effective protection of the environment can only be secured through sustainable development and the adoption of stringent international legal instruments. Thus, last year's General Assembly resolutions and the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer, ace indeed steps in the right direction. What is new required on this crucial issue of our common survival and common future is that we foster solidarity and partnership among nations for ensuring continued economic growth and development without compromising the well-being of our future generations.
This year the world celebrates the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The principles enshrined in this Declaration have provided the basis for subsequent international and national human rights efforts and have served as a set of guiding principles for our political and social behaviour. In this anniversary year, let us renew our commitment to ensuring recognition of the dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family as the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world. In the same spirit, let us not slacken our efforts to eradicate the illicit trafficking in narcotics and to end the tragedy of drug abuse. Nor should we, in the face of the unprecedented numbers of refugees who, fleeing war, natural calamities and the threat of starvation, have sought shelter in neighbouring lands, allow their numbers or the extent of their needs to dissuade us from finding equitable and lasting solutions.
As we approach the beginning of a new millennium, there is a resurgent sense of hope that concrete progress is possible in resolving the most intractable global issues that have for so long defied solutions. In this regard, we should indeed pay a tribute to our esteemed Secretary-General, who through his patient and unflagging efforts has considerably brightened the prospects of bringing peace to conflict-ridden regions. But, as he himself pointedly observes in his report on the work of our Organization, the emerging world situation, with major conflicts on the way to solution, is bound to impose additional responsibilities on the Organisation - political, economic and humanitarian. If we are to meet this expectation, it is essential that the financial health of the United Nations be restored and that the process of reform and restructuring to improve its functioning, efficiency and effectiveness be matched by the consistent support, including financial support, of all the Members. Moreover, as we move into what we hope will be a more constructive phase in world developments, it will be incumbent on all Member States, large and small, to utilize the potentials of our Organization in much more rational and purposeful ways. Let us, therefore, seize this opportunity and marshal our collective resolve to strengthen out co-operation and to harmonize out actions in this multilateral forum that is so uniquely qualified to advance our shared aspirations for just peace, common security and equitable prosperity.


I wish first of all to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo, Minister for External Relations of the Argentine Republic, an illustrious exponent of Latin American diplomacy and intellectual traditions, on his well-deserved election to the presidency of the Assembly.
I take pleasure in expressing here my affection and respect for Ambassador Nita Barrow, whose attributes and diplomatic experience are a credit to our region.
I wish also to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his tireless and effective quest for peace and harmony among nations, and to assure him of my admiration and support. The Government and the people of Bolivia wish to express, through me, their solidarity and sympathy with the Governments and peoples of Bangladesh, Jamaica and Mexico in connection with the natural disasters of recent weeks, which caused such serious loss of life and material damage.
The forty-third session of the General Assembly is beginning its deliberations within an auspicious framework of profound changes in world politics. The East-West agreement on disarmament and understanding has opened up the prospect of lasting and beneficial peace by initiating a broad process of dialogue and negotiation which we hope will help put an end to the insanity of the nuclear arms race. Dialogue has begun to eliminate, we hope for ever, polarization based on the fragile theory of peaceful coexistence - polarization that has put at risk the system of international security. We are living in a new era of reason, of faithful and sincere relations among States, which give a fresh impetus to dialogue and strengthen the political will of States to consolidate peace and effective co-operation to overcome hegemony and irrational pressure and thus create a world order based on the dignity of the individual.
The changes that have taken place will be to the common benefit in the context of the objective of beginning a new era in North-South relations on the basis of symmetrical interdependence, so that well-being will no longer be an exotic flower that blooms only in industrialized countries, which are wealthy because they are industrialized, and which monopolize the magic of technology.
The understanding between the super-Powers on the establishment of this historic foundation of peace will test our will to co-operate in the service of those on the neglected fringes of the world who are tackling the obstacle course of development in the face of brutal frustration and at the cost of enormous social sacrifices.
In recognizing the blessings of nuclear disarmament we must acknowledge the peace efforts of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. These reflect the humanistic idealism of the San Francisco Charter, which advocates a just and harmonious international society, and are based on the philosophical foundations laid at Bandung and Belgrade.
The solidarity of the weak countries of the third world has undoubtedly helped to promote the cause of mankind, which has been strengthened by East-West co-operation, thanks to the theory and practice of active neutrality in a world which until recently lived in fear induced by nuclear terror and which still suffers from the devastating scourge of the absolute poverty affecting two thirds of the world's population. This last challenges the very survival of mankind.
The future of the developing countries will be at serious risk until stable conditions are established to foster their development and provide a political solution to the problem of external debt- Early in this century force was used to make a Latin American State discharge its public obligations, and it was then that the Drago doctrine emerged, which made recovery of such debts by coercion illegal. Today there are more subtle ways of putting pressure on States, particularly those of Latin America, the Caribbean and Africa. These create intolerable financial strangulation, cause developmental regression and impoverish the peoples concerned. In these times, it is quite incongruous to accept the principles of protectionism in the face of this heavy burden borne by the third world. And, of course, the threat or use of force in any form is unacceptable. This matter is in essence political, and involves the responsibility of both creditors and debtors. Despite its struggle to free itself from the worst hyper inflationary crisis that any country of Latin America and the Caribbean has ever suffered, Bolivia recognizes the existence of this financial obligation.
We have been negotiating the buying-back of our commercial debt on terms acceptable both to us and to the creditor banks. We have met our payments to multilateral official financing agencies, and on the bilateral level we have been flexible in our approach to negotiations with the Paris Club. However, these efforts and this true demonstration of our good faith and of our recognition of what we owe should not lead anyone to take unilateral decisions of non-payment. But the sacrifice borne by our people is overwhelming because the servicing of this debt involves more than 25 per cent of the value of our exports, which imposes a stranglehold on my people's right to strive to achieve disarmament and to combat poverty. This situation is repeated mutatis mutandis in almost all the debtor countries. As a result, the entire world community - and particularly the creditor countries - must become aware of this grave matter, and undertake the realistic and practical measures needed to prevent this question of debt from becoming a political and financial disaster of unforeseeable consequences for the whole world. The negative burden of debt on the economy of my country is revealed in tragic terms in a document which I have annexed to my statement and which will be distributed with the official version of my address.
I have referred in some detail to the problem of external debt because this is the roost obvious link in the chain which binds the Third World to a cruel and unjust destiny that must be overcome. But, unfortunately for us, it is not the only link. We suffer from acute problems and shortages with respect to external financing for development, and in terms of trade, to mention only two aspects of a very gloomy and multi faceted picture.
It is not possible for the flow of capital to run from an impoverished South to a prosperous North. Latin America and the Caribbean alone contribute, through interest payments and other obligations, close to 32 billion per year more to the creditor countries than they receive. We must ask ourselves: Who is contributing to the greater development of whom?
Although Bolivia appreciates and is grateful for the technical and financial co-operation which it receives from bilateral and multilateral sources, and which goes towards its development, this is patently insufficient and not consonant with our determined resolve to escape from our current stage of underdevelopment. And in this forum it is appropriate to mention the co-operation of agencies of the United Nations system, such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control (UNFDAC) and others. But it is also necessary to state our hope that they will participate at a higher level of resources in my country's development endeavours.
There can be no doubt that the heterogeneous and pluralistic make-up of international society does not make it possible for there to be absolute agreement on assessments of world and regional problems. But we must recognize that in many cases this play of interests has a disruptive and decisive effect on the internal policies of States. However, we are borne up by the conviction that it is not on the basis of prejudiced attitudes and preconceptions that we shall be able to improve international relations. For we believe that if we come together each year in this forum, we do so in order to find appropriate solutions to the problems and conflicts facing it, and not to deepen our differences further. There are universal ethical values which are in keeping with the very essence of the dignity of a human being, whatever his or her culture, education, or national identity. These values encompass the will and resolve of all peoples of the planet to achieve peace, individual and social freedom, the right to development, and the full validity of international law.
The peace solution in Central America can no longer be deferred. This abode of humanity, this Continent of Hope, with which we have the warmest solidarity, has been suffering the consequences of fratricidal struggle for so many years, and to date it has not been possible to eliminate the violence.
Perhaps it might be appropriate for new diplomatic initiatives to be taken, designed to put into effect the very fruitful work carried out by the Contadora and the Support Group to ensure that the negotiating framework among the Central American Governments my really come into proper effect immediately. This is a matter of urgency, and there is a valid solution to a worthy and fair political formula which will bring about a cessation of hostilities and promote understanding on the basis of practical implementation of the principles underlying the thinking of this world Organization and its regional branch, the Organization of American States (OAS). It is not inappropriate to mention, in connection with this matter, the analogy which may be traced to the results achieved in promoting peace in other regions of the world, which are very fresh in our memories.
One of the principles of international law - perhaps the most important and fully valid one - rejected at a very early stage the colonialist policy which prevailed at that time, regarding as an execrable practice the extension of sovereignty over Territories and populations that were beginning to form their own socio-historical identity. For this reason, we reject any formula that springs from the colonialist mentality, which still persists and continues to trample underfoot the dignity of certain nations.
The General Assembly of the United Nations has on many occasions condemned the continuing imposition of the colonial power of the United Kingdom on the Malvinas Islands, and on this occasion my country renews its support of the historical rights of the Argentine Republic over this southern island Territory occupied by Great Britain, and our support for the resumption of negotiations designed to find a peaceful solution to this conflict.
With the same pan-American awareness, Bolivia's support of the Panamanian Republic over the canal continues to be constant, and it is imperative for the international community to guarantee the fulfilment of the 'Ttorrijos-Carter Treaty.
There are discrepancies in other latitudes that have been the subject of General Assembly resolutions, and we should be resolved to safeguarding the principle of independence which cannot be trampled underfoot by foreign interference. We are referring to the conflicts in Kampuchea, Cyprus, Lebanon, Namibia said the Western Sahara.
In the same spirit, we appeal to the parties concerned to achieve unification in Korea on the basis of dialogue.
Fortunately, and thanks to the endeavours of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the war in the Persian Gulf, which so greatly disturbed world peace, is approaching its end. This is a historic achievement by the United Nations, which has solidly established itself as the highest and most trustworthy world-wide machinery for managing, negotiating, and bringing about the achievement of peace wherever it may be interrupted or disrupted.
We should also welcome the beginning of the process of withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan, and the respect shown for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country. That, too, is an achievement of this world Organization.
The policy of apartheid of the South African Government is an abominable scar on the face of human society. It is repugnant to the legal and ethical conscience of the world that this racial segregation should continue to be practised with impunity by the Government of this country. And that Government should be the subject of the strongest possible sanctions for its conduct, which runs totally counter to all the codification of international law in the area of the validity and respect for human rights.
Recent months have been fruitful, in the sense that the conflicts have been controlled and fresh conflicts prevented. The United Nations' activities have shown it to be a great neutral and trustworthy participant, helping to create conditions that should lead to dialogue and the resolution of conflicts. There is a promising atmosphere for the "creation of peace", with love, reconciliation and good faith. A new spirit has emerged, a spirit that will lead to the creation of peace through the broad avenues of negotiation, which will, in turn, provide incentives to the economic and social, political and moral sectors of our society, doing away with the need for and the possibility of violence. These are mechanisms which are based on the principle of the maintenance of peace, and States have begun once again to believe in and trust the bodies of the United Nations system, whose impartiality and neutrality can be relied upon.
The item on development and strengthening of good-neighbourliness between States undoubtedly is the one that most strikingly demonstrates the need to foster and further friendly relations between States bound by geography and common borders. This period in man's history is a time of physical and economic integration. A happy example of reconciliation and the establishment of lasting peace for mutual benefit is that of Europe and the Economic Community. In Latin America and the Caribbean we are striving eagerly to achieve that goal of political reintegration and economic integration. That is the path of unity and the quest for a common destiny.
This item should be tackled with total intellectual honesty, defining the causes which at times make it impracticable to maintain friendly relations between neighbouring States when unnecessary conflicts await solution - conflicts which need to be overcome precisely because of the people's new objectives of peace and development, within the framework of imaginative diplomatic activities and with the creativity consonant with the changes now taking place in all parts of the world.
We must increase the ability of the United Nations to achieve its purposes. All initiatives designed to strengthen the system of international peace and security deserve our warmest support, because we are convinced that we have not yet succeeded in adopting an efficient system that will avert conflicts and provide for the solution of disputes. Solutions can be found if we continue to work faithfully within the framework of the competence of United Nations bodies and the principle that an appropriate solution should be found for any conflict within a reasonable period. It is in the interest of the international community to find machinery and procedures that facilitate the implementation of General Assembly resolutions on the peaceful settlement of disputes.
To this end, the intervention of the Secretary-General can be decisive, as has been demonstrated in practice, in promoting dialogue between the parties or in proposing alternative formulas, so that all conflicts are solved satisfactorily.
The item relating to the peaceful settlement of disputes among States Members is of particular interest to Bolivia and we have therefore sponsored draft resolutions urging all states to fulfil and comply in good faith with the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes.
Once again we reaffirm this juridical position, which is of enormous moral significance in terms of the prestige of the world Organization since the United Nations and the regional organizations  ere established precisely to maintain international peace and security. That objective is being achieved through good faith and frankness, in keeping with honest statesmanlike conduct, by means of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Within the framework of these universal principles and in the light of American regional policy, Bolivia has proposed, since 1979, a solution to the problem of the landlocked status imposed on it as the result of armed aggression in 1879. The world public knows that my country achieved independence in 1825 with a Pacific Ocean coast, the coastal province covering an area of approximately 160,000 square kilometres. The coastal mutilation was never accepted by my country and for more than a century we have been snaking persistent efforts to find a solution to this problem through direct negotiation and, from 1979 onwards, with the participation and diplomatic and political support of the Organization of American States (OAS).
Bolivia needs sovereign control over access to the Pacific Ocean that will restore its original status as a coastal country. To this end, we have carried on intense diplomatic activity, which has created a genuine awareness of this problem among the world public. During these multilateral diplomatic activities, and particularly in the regional framework of the OAS, a number of resolutions have been adopted in which the parties involved in the dispute have repeatedly been urged to begin negotiations designed to find a just solution to this problem. It will be understood how much political, economic and moral damage my country has suffered as a result of this despoiling of its marine patrimony at a time, fortunately long past, when might was the supreme law of nations.
This outstanding issue has a political and diplomatic basis on which we seek to redress a historic injustice. We are not seeking to deny the legal validity of longstanding bilateral agreements, but today they need to be supplemented and brought up to date in the light of the present realities of international life. It is no answer to offer mere free transit as a substitute for the return of usurped territory. That is why successive Bolivian Governments have sought a just solution based on Latin American brotherhood. This is not an issue that can be clouded by casuistic speechifying and claims based on historical situations that are fossilized and out of date.
In keeping with the resolutions of the Organization of American States, in 1987 Bolivia put a proposal for the solution of the conflict to the Government of Chile as the basis for negotiations, which took place in Montevideo in April of that year. Unfortunately, that basis for an understanding to our mutual benefit, which would have opened up the prospect and great possibilities of integration, peace and development, was arrogantly rejected, to the surprise even of the people of that country.
Despite the continuing aggressive and arrogant policy of the present Government of Chile, my country will continue its efforts until it exhausts the regional resources available to it in the OAS before transferring the problem to the United Nations.
Bolivia cherishes the hope that international solidarity and the practical viability of calm and up-to-date bilateral diplomatic negotiations will make it possible for our country to regain access to the Pacific Ocean by means of this policy of peace, integration and development.
We are certain that all Member States are carrying on a whole-hearted struggle against drug trafficking, which in the last two decades has assumed unprecedented proportions owing to the stubborn attitude of the criminals engaging in this very lucrative business, who challenge the capacity of State institutions, for action and control because they are able to draw on considerable economic power. This is a crime against mankind which we must eliminate. Its perverse and insensate nature goes beyond any reasonable considerations and our purpose must be to eliminate all aspects of this inhuman activity. The international community simply cannot live with drug trafficking and its consequences.
In the face of this inescapable fact, Latin America and the Caribbean, the Movement of Non-Aligned States and the international community have been the first - and this has been accepted by all States - to put forward the principle of collective, shared responsibility in the struggle to eradicate this scourge once and for all. The new definition of the crime does not separate the developing countries, which have been capriciously called producer or transit countries for narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, from the developed countries, which, in similes fashion, have been characterized as consuming countries. The problem of the criminal activity of drug trafficking affects everyone equally, with its attendant negative impact on economies and the scourge of drug addiction.
We should note the steps taken as a result of genuine international solidarity in the struggle to combat this evil through the activities of the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control and the United Nations Development Programme, as well as the United States of America and the countries of Europe, which have announced, and in many cases put into effect, programmes of economic assistance for those countries that are affected by production, so as to enable them to attack this problem effectively.
Despite good intentions, the degree of co-operation is still quite low and does not encompass the minimum needs of existing plans to deal with this problem.
Bolivia has just promulgated a strong law which it is applying in this unequal struggle against the power of drug traffickers: "Law governing coca and controlled substances". It is one of the most modern laws ever adopted in recent years in the area of positive anti-drug law. Its special characteristics combine harsh penalties with the replacement of coca crops by means of planned alternative development aimed at agricultural substitution and providing the necessary economic incentives to those farmers affected by the elimination of the traditional crops.
The positive aspects of that law have clearly achieved encouraging results: while the confiscation of cocaine paste has increased substantially, many of the most powerful drug traffickers have been arrested and hundreds of cocaine factories have been destroyed. In addition, thousands o£ hectares of coca cultivation have been eradicated in compliance with our international commitments But it is clear that these efforts could be undermined if the industrial countries, such as the United States of America,   not effectively contribute in a timely manner the financial resources they have pledged. In this connection, my country calls on the international community to make a decisive contribution to the eradication of improper use and illegal trafficking of drugs and to double its efforts, without applying pressure or setting conditions, because our decision to continue the fight to final victory is being demonstrated daily.
In conclusion, I wish once again to reaffirm our unswerving commitment to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and our conviction that mankind must, with the support of all, pursue the course that has been so auspiciously begun in recent times towards its glorious destiny of peace and justice.
May God bless world peace.


It gives me great pleasure to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. His country Argentina and mine, Syria, both of which are members of the Movement of the Non-Aligned Countries, have always maintained relations of friendship and co-operation. We are confident that his political skill in guiding the deliberations of the present session will ensure the success of our work.
It is also a pleasure to express my appreciation of the outstanding success achieved by his predecessor, Mr, Peter Florin, in guiding the work of the forty-second session. To him and to his friendly country, the German Democratic Republic, we offer our best wishes for unceasing progress and success.
The achievements of the Secretary-General and his assistants in reinforcing the role of the United Nations merit our deep appreciation and gratitude. We have especially high regard for the Secretary-General's personal initiatives and  participation in efforts to tackle a number of difficult regional problems. This year the United Nations has begun to take significant steps towards restoring its international stature, which was greatly affected during the cold-war years. A new and serious way of thinking has revitalized the role of the international Organization in finding solutions for pressing world problems, foremost among which are regional conflicts.
There is no doubt that the Soviet-American dialogue has created an atmosphere of détente in relations between East and West which has been reflected in one way or another in dealing with regional conflicts, which will make it easier to find just solutions for many of them. The climate of detente has been roost vividly manifested in the cease-fire in the Iraq-Iran war, the situations in Afghanistan, South West Africa and South-East Asia, and the important meetings conducted or supervised by the Secretary-General of the patties directly involved in the problems of Cyprus and Western Sahara.
However, we must reiterate in this important international forum that the Arab-Israeli conflict continues to escalate, unaffected by the atmosphere of international detente, despite all the international efforts made lately by both East and West to arrive at a just and comprehensive settlement. There is not even a sign on the horizon that would indicate that the success of such efforts hinges on the results of the forthcoming Israeli or American elections. The conditions for a solution set out in the platforms of the two main rival political parties in Israel would not bring about peace in the Middle East. As for the United States of America, peace in the Middle East is not even on the agenda of either of the two candidates competing for the Presidency. Furthermore, if it were to be included it would be simply a matter of a race to win Israel's favour and stress the special relationship} it would have nothing to do with the way to achieve just and comprehensive world peace according to a clear and independent American perspective.
It has now become more clear than ever before that the special Israeli-American relationship, as it stands, does not serve the cause of peace; instead, it has become an additional obstacle to the attainment of a comprehensive, just settlement in the Middle East. It is indeed regrettable that these special relations, with their dimension within the fabric of the American society, should be harnessed to increase tension in the area, destabilize it and deprive its peoples of the just peace that they aspire to achieve.
We cannot now rule out the possible collapse of the convictions of those who have always pledged themselves to employ the special Israeli-American relationship to make peace, achieve Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories, and restore the national rights of the Palestinian people. Rather, it has become clear to them that such special relations provide Israel with sufficient influence on American policy to keep the Arab-Israeli conflict outside the atmosphere of international detente - an atmosphere that is not in tune with Israel's expansionist policy. On the other hand, the United Nations, which adopted a resolution establishing Israel, has so far failed to make Israel take one of the political options provided for in the Charter: either to implement United Nations resolutions relevant to the Palestinian question and the Arab-Israeli conflict, or to face comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter.
That reference to the lack of ability of the United Nations in this field is not meant to minimize the complications surrounding the adoption of Security Council resolutions, nor does it signify lack of awareness of the big hurdles which stand in the way of implementing those resolutions once they have been adopted. What we want to highlight here is that the non-implementation of the political options provided for in the Charter has made the Israelis feel that they have an international mandate, besides the biblical one which they claim for themselves, to resort to military means to carry out their expansionist plans wherever and whenever they can.
Since the early days of the Arab-Israeli conflict myths have been confused with truths and legends with facts. The rulers of Israel have been intent on magnifying their legends at the expense of the land and the tights of the Palestinian people. They have gone so far in their racist practices against Arab citizens as to be no longer willing to acknowledge the tights of the Palestinian people to their own land and home country, deluding themselves that Israel's military and technological superiority will go on forever, and that Israel will always be able to impose what it wants, anytime, anywhere,
Israel still occupies the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Syrian Golan and parts of Lebanon, but this occupation is no longer an easy task for Israel, nor should Israel take it for granted. In southern Lebanon the Lebanese resistance is still making sacrifices. Yet it is costing Israel considerable losses and it will continue its struggle until the liberation of the last inch of the Lebanese territory. In the Golan the Syrian Arab citizens are continuing their absolute rejection of Israeli identity cards and are clinging tenaciously to their Syrian identity. In the West Bank and Gaza Strip the Palestinian uprising is still bravely facing the Israeli occupying soldiers for the tenth consecutive month, despite all the barbaric practices perpetrated by those forces. The spirit of the uprising has pervaded Israel itself, where the Palestinians, who number about three quarters of a million, have started to revive their Arab identity, their attachment to their country, Palestine, and to express in one way or another their solidarity with their brothers in the other Arab occupied territories.
The picture is grim in Israel, and for the future of Israel. Israel, a technological and military superiority can do very little to change that picture.
The Syrian Arab Republic continues to call for the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, under the auspices of the United Nations, and with participation of all the parties involved in the conflict, including the Palestine Liberation Organization and the five permanent members of the Security Council. Such a conference should be given the full and effective capacity to achieve a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East, based on the principles of the Charter and United Nations resolutions relevant to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian question, and on complete Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and the safeguarding of the national rights of the Palestinian people, including their inalienable right to return, their right to self-determination and the right to establish their own independent State on their national territory.
Recent developments in Lebanon have taken that brother country once again into a dark tunnel, although hopes had been entertained for the emergence of a new era of national reconciliation, constitutional reforms and the election of a new president. Those who undermined the presidential elections during the prescribed constitutional period by blackmail, political manoeuvring, and threats and by preventing deputies from reaching the parliament building should be held responsible before the Lebanese people. Lebanon's unity, its Arab identity and its independence should never be the subject of blackmail or bargaining.
The historical ties between Lebanon and Syria, their common destiny, their mutual interests and their interdependent security are deeply rooted in the people of both countries and not just in their Governments, it is self-evident that those historical ties, and nothing else, dictated for Syria all the great sacrifices it was prepared to make and the heavy burden it shouldered in assisting all the Lebanese people. Had Syria been otherwise motivated, the map and the realities on the ground would have changed since the first days of the Syrian forces' entry into Lebanon.
We should like to emphasize, in this international body, that there is no alternative to national reconciliation in Lebanon. The attempts to partition Lebanon and all the other Israeli plans which Syria has been able to foil during recent years should not be allowed to succeed. All the sacrifices and efforts made by Syria for many years to help Lebanon should not be unavailing just because a small minority of the Lebanese decided to ignore the true interests of Lebanon and attempted to impose their will on the absolute majority of the Lebanese people.
The national conference held in Lebanon last Thursday, in which most Lebanese political personalities, Muslims and Christians, took part, reiterated its belief in the unity of Lebanon and its Arab identity and its total rejection of all attempts at partition, and called for an end to the Israeli occupation. The conference also stressed the duty of all Lebanese to work together to reconstruct their country on the basis of equality and justice and to open a new page in its history, a page of national reconciliation. The conference called upon the government of Dr. Salim Al Hoss to continue to ensure the functioning of the country's institutions, in the whole of Lebanon, and to take the necessary measures to enable the presidential election to take place as soon as possible. Because of its strong historical ties with Lebanon and its deep awareness of the grave dangers posed to the unity and role of Lebanon in particular and Arab interests in general, Syria has been and will always be committed to offering all possible help to that brother country in order to overcome its current crisis, to {,reserve the unity of its land and people and to maintain its security and independence.
After the eight years of wide-scale killing and destruction between two neighbouring countries that for hundreds of years enjoyed historical and cultural relations, the cease-fire between Iraq and Iran certainly is a positive step. Syria condemned this unjustified war from its very outset and immediately welcomed Iran's official acceptance of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). Syria is well aware that that acceptance will have a positive effect on the tense situation in the Gulf region in particular and the Middle East in general. We wish the Secretary-General success, and  e express appreciation to him for the patience he has shown in his efforts to achieve the goal, which are hampered by great difficulties that should not be underestimated if the desired results are to be attained.
International terrorism is a major source of tension in international relations. The Syrian Arab Republic participated actively in the drafting of General Assembly resolution 42/139, which is regarded as a significant and advanced step in the efforts to combat international terrorism and eradicate its evils and dangers and to distinguish between terrorism and the struggle of peoples for national liberation. The importance of that resolution is evident from its condemnation of international terrorism and, at the same time, its emphasis on the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples that are under racist or colonial domination or foreign occupation for liberation self-determination and independence. We stress once again that the convening of an international conference to define terrorism and distinguish it from the struggle of peoples for national liberation will significantly contribute to combating international terrorism. Such a conference would undermine the deliberate attempts being made to confuse terrorism, which we condemn, with the struggle of peoples, which we support.
General and complete disarmament should be given the first priority on the agenda of the international community because this question is intrinsically linked with the continued existence of the human race and life on earth.
The Syrian Arab Republic welcomed the conclusion by the Soviet Union and the United States of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles in Europe. We urge both those countries to move quickly towards the achievement of the goal of a 50 per cent reduction in strategic offensive missiles, as a giant step on the path to the total liquidation of nuclear arsenals in the world. Despite the set-back constituted by the inability of the General Assembly's third special session devoted to disarmament to achieve the hoped-for results, efforts should continue to be made to convince the nuclear-weapon States to make a solemn declaration not to use or threaten to use their nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States.
The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in the world is an essential prerequisite to effective implementation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The Syrian Arab Republic has fully supported the establishment of such zones and has urged the pursuit of efforts to turn the Middle East and other areas of the world into nuclear-weapon-free zones, as well as the taking of appropriate international measures for doing that. The nuclearization of Israel certainly undermines all the efforts to ensure the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. That objective cannot be attained unless Israel is compelled to submit to United Nations resolutions which demand that it adhere to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and place all its nuclear facilities under the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Still on the issue of nuclear armaments, Israel's release of a military satellite would stimulate a new arms race in the region, which would expose it and the world to further dangers.
The economic crises and social and political tensions witnessed in the world during the past few years should lead the industrialized countries to acknowledge that it is no longer possible to maintain a one-way system of prosperity and growth at a time when the peoples of the world aspire to establish international economic relations based on equal co-operation, mutual trust and common interests. The problems of the staggering, indeed astronomical, debt burden from which most developing countries of the world are suffering, the increase in already high interest rates, the decrease in the prices of commodities and the growing tendency of the industrialized countries to practice protectionism cannot be solved without the establishment of a just economic world order. The interdependence of international economic relations, despite differences in social and economic systems, requires that all countries co-operate in attempting to solve these international economic problems. There is no doubt that a serious resumption of the North-South dialogue would greatly contribute to providing a better climate and conditions for accelerating the process of development, to the benefit of all parties concerned.
The important question of the protection of the environment must be addressed. The dumping of industrial and toxic wastes in developing countries poses the gravest dangers to their environment. The international concern over the problems of the environment requires that the General Assembly make joint effort to protect the environment and mankind from the dangerous consequences of these toxic wastes, and that it take the necessary measures to prevent the dumping of such wastes in developing countries.
The continued occupation of Namibia is an act of aggression against the Namibian people, who are deprived of their right to self-determination and independence and are subjected daily to barbaric and oppressive practices. We support the efforts made by the Security Council and the Secretary-General to achieve the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We lend our support also to the struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), for liberation and self -determination.
The racist regime in Pretoria is still relentlessly committing barbaric crimes against the black African majority and is continuing its policy of apartheid, which has been judged by the international community to be a crime against humanity. There is no doubt that the Pretoria regime could not have persisted in challenging the international will had it not been for the support it receives from some - Western countries and its co-operation with Israel in many spheres, in particular the military and the nuclear. We consider it the duty of the international community to intensify its efforts to bring about the total eradication of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic society on the basis of equality and justice in South Africa. The most effective means of eradicating apartheid would be through the imposition of comprehensive and mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter.
As for the situation in Afghanistan, we say again that we welcome the Geneva Agreements reached in April 1988 and we stress the importance of implementing the provisions of those Agreements and of refraining from interfering in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, of preserving its territorial integrity and non-aligned status, and of achieving national reconciliation among its people.
The problem of Cyprus, a neighbouring country with which Syria has always throughout history enjoyed friendly relations, still awaits a just solution. We hope that the ongoing contacts between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities will lead to a comprehensive settlement based on United Nations resolutions.
We once again renew our support for the efforts being made by the Democratic Republic of Korea to bring about the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula through negotiations and the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea. We also support its call to make the Korean peninsula a zone of peace, free, of nuclear weapons and foreign military bases.
In Central America, Nicaragua continues to be subjected to external pressures and interference in its internal affairs. We welcome the efforts made by the Central American states, the Contadora Group and the Support Group for the establishment of a true and lasting peace in Central America that would ensure the independence and sovereignty of all States in the area.
The optimism arising from the announcement of a new phase of detente and co-operation in international relations after a period of tension and confrontation is a natural expression of the aspirations of people to solve the intricate problems from which they suffer and of an inclination towards a world in which peace and justice would prevail while injustice, oppression and aggression would disappear. Fulfilment of those great aspirations is not easy to achieve, but they are legitimate aspirations which could be satisfied if good intention and political will were to prevail. We hope that action will be taken to translate them into a tangible reality.


The forty-third session of the General Assembly is beginning its work at a time when the international community is anxiously stating and claiming, more than ever before, its right to secure and lasting peace and tranquillity. This session, therefore, must not dash these urgent hopes of the human community, which, for countless valid reasons, calls It the hope of mankind.
Against the background of that yearning of mankind, the delegation of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, which I have the honour of heading at this time, congratulates the President of the Assembly on his well-deserved election to preside over our discussions. His country and the Republic of Equatorial Guinea have had close and excellent diplomatic relations for a long time. Moreover, the Argentine Republic Is one of the countries that responded sincerely and positively, with grants and loans, to the call for help by His Excellency Mr. Qbiang Nguema Mbasogo, when he first took power, for help in rebuilding the country, which had been ruined - indeed, devastated - by the previous regime. The people of Equatorial Guinea government and will always remember this. For the moment, all I have been asked to do is express wholehearted thanks to the people of Argentina.
The Argentine Republic's support for the ideals o£ the United Nations is also acknowledged and appreciated by the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
The President's personal dedication, together with his negotiating experience and his recognized diplomatic gifts and talents, guarantees that the resolutions that will be adopted at the end of the debates will be impartial, beneficial and profitable for everyone. To that end, my delegation is fully at his disposal. We assure him that we shall do nothing to hinder his work to achieve the desired consensus.
On behalf of the delegation of Equatorial Guinea, I extend our congratulations to the other officers of the Assembly, whose hard work in co-ordinating our activities is not always fully recognized and appreciated.
With great nostalgia we express our gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Peter Florin, for the diplomatic and political wisdom with which he guided the delicate work of the forty-second session of the Assembly. His conduct gave us encouragement to continue the struggle against the injustice confronting the human community, and to do so in accordance with the words of our national emblems unity, peace and justice.
The people and Government of Equatorial Guinea express to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, special gratitude for his great dedication and total devotion to the problems of the international community and his sincere aim of seeing concrete form given to the lofty and noble ideals of the San Francisco Charter. In paying this tribute to him, we should like to think that the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces was to a large extent the result of his efforts. If that is not the case, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea proposes to the bodies responsible for these awards the individual candidacy of the Secretary-General for the next Nobel Peace Prize.
The report submitted by the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization is a very significant and eloquent document, with regard both to the positive achievements it describes and to ones it is hoped will be achieved - given, of course, the political will of the Governments involved in each case. In our opinion, there have been many successes. That is demonstrated by the very fact that the general debate of this forty-third session has reflected great optimism and a sincere recognition of the validity of multilateralism as well as the strengthening of the role and credibility of the United Nations. The United Nations has relit the torch of confidence which can guide us on the path to the solution of difficult, delicate and complex problems. Thus, it is the ideal forum and the impartial arbiter for; dealing with questions of interest to the international community. And that was what the Organization's founding fathers had in mind. That is a source of pride to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. We reaffirm the confidence that we reposed in the United Nations when we became a Member. This confidence is not just a word; it is embodied in facts - facts that are applied within our country, where the recommendations of the United Nations are implemented in all sectors at the national level, and externally in all the international forums, where we pursue a strict policy of good-neighbourliness, co-operation, openness and dialogue with other States, in order to preserve the peace and tranquillity of our region, our continent and the world.
In that respect, within our country governmental adjustments are made and new political, social and financial institutions are established, as the circumstances require, in order to comply with constitutional mandates. Examples are the political democratization programme and the economic reconstruction programme to achieve the desired comprehensive development on a firm basis.
I should like to summarize by referring briefly to the political process in my country.
On the basis of the law adopted by our Parliament in relation to political parties, the Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea was recently established. Its first congress is being held now in the city of Bata. The democratization process has readied a stage where the participation of the people in the country's economic recovery and development can be more in keeping with their participation in the management of political affairs, thereby closing the gap which had continued to exist in our community's political and administrative organization. With the help of the United Nations Development Programme and other institutions of the United Nations system and bilateral donors, the Government of Equatorial Guinea has devised a global and sectoral strategy for the country's medium-term development and has convened a second round-table conference of donors in Geneva from 28 to 29 November. We ask the United Nations to make an appropriate assessment of the situation in Equatorial Guinea so that, in harmony with ongoing negotiations with international financial institutions, that conference might have truly successful results.
Similarly, externally, every day our country accedes to governmental, non-governmental, regional and subregional organizations, and international economic and financial institutions, and it has broad-ranging diplomatic relations with other States. For example, recently Equatorial Guinea has acceded to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which were adopted by the General Assembly on 16 December 1966. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has also recently acceded to the Vienna Convention on the Protection of the Ozone Layer, concluded in Vienna on 22 March 1985.
The Government of Equatorial Guinea has likewise taken due note of the recommendation contained in paragraph 1 of resolution 1988/54 of the Economic and Social Council, not only to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but also conscientiously to reply to certain pernicious insinuations and references ~ to show that the Government of Equatorial Guinea has nothing to hide but, on the contrary, carries out its public activities in conformity with established rules and with the consent of the people.
Our optimism and our confidence at this session are based on the report of the Secretary-General and also the course taken to solve the problems of Angola, whose negotiations with the Governments of Cuba and South Africa, with the positive mediation of the United States of America, have opened up a new era of hope.
Also, with regard to the sad case of Namibia, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is beginning to have positive effects in the achieving of full sovereignty and independence for Namibia years after it was declared.
Then there is the open dialogue with Pretoria to do away with the system of apartheid and racial discrimination and to ensure recognition of the fundamental political rights of the black population, and on the question of the imprisonment of Nelson Mandela and other compatriots, who should be returned to their loved ones.
There is also reason for optimism in the reopening of diplomatic relations between the sisterly and friendly countries of Morocco and Algeria.
We hail the achievements in the improvement of the climate of relations between Chad and Libya and the cessation of hostilities between them. Once again, we express hope concerning their resumption of diplomatic relations, which we trust can be achieved within the framework of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) so as to achieve a suitable peaceful settlement to their border dispute.
With regard to the referendum on self-determination proposed by the Secretary-General in co-operation with the OAU, accepted by His Majesty King Hassan II and shared by the POLISARIO Front, it must be carried out freely under international supervision and put an end to a conflict that is both painful and tragic. We welcome the new developments in this field.
Our delegation is pleased to see that a direct, sincere and peaceful dialogue is taking place between the two Cypriot communities, as suggested by the Secretary-General, in an attempt to settle the long-standing dispute and to guarantee the unity, sovereignty, and independence of the Republic of Cyprus. My Government is especially pleased at the news that the Governments of Iran and Iraq have agreed to accept compliance with Security Council resolution 598 (1987) as the basis for a just and lasting solution. We are sure that this will lead to peace and harmony between those two sisterly countries.
We are optimistic also with regard to the people of Afghanistan, given the accords signed in Geneva in April of this year, the positive effects of which are beginning to be felt with respect to self-determination and the independence of a people that has suffered for so long.
We cannot fail to mention Kampuchea, which after so much pain and suffering has an opportunity to speak of peace and stability and end its people's suffering. My Government supports the initiation of dialogue between all parties to the conflict, for we believe that to be the only way that might lead to the establishment of a broad-based Government and lead to national reconciliation, which implies the withdrawal of all foreign forces.
We wish warmly to congratulate the two Koreas on their expressed willingness to engage in a process of reunification. We also congratulate South Korea for the efforts it has made during the 40 years of its independence to activate this process of reunification free of foreign influence. The ideas of Korea's being among us as a Member of the Organization merits reflection by us all.
Those are a few of the cases that have gained well-deserved approval from the international community and led to some serenity. But there are others that remain sources of concern, and we wish to state our hope that they too will be solved.
There is, for instance, the doleful case of the Middle East, concerning which we say again that there is urgent need for the implementation of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and for the carrying out, with greater realism, of agreements that will result in the implementation of the Palestinian people's right to a sovereign State, which will guarantee the peace and security of the peoples of the region and their right, including the sovereign State of Israel, to live within safe and secure boundaries.
We are even more gravely concerned about the crisis in Lebanon, which erupted as long ago as in 1975. The deterioration of the situation there must be stemmed by means of a sincere and peaceful dialogue between the authorities of the two communities. We hope that thus Lebanon can achieve peaceful coexistence, sovereignty, independence and unity.
We are equally concerned about the situation in our sister countries of Latin America, where there are visible and chronic signs of outside interference that obstructs their self-determination and puts obstacles on their path to the stability and the development they desire. We regret the lack of compliance with the Esquipulas II peace accords signed in Guatemala by the Central American countries last year, which assumed the existence of the spirit of harmony necessary for the solving of the various problems among those nations. Regrettably, the situation concerning the Malvinas Islands is still one of stagnation. We therefore appeal to the Governments involved to begin genuine efforts to find a viable and internationally acceptable solution.
Although consideration of the question of East Timor has been postponed to the next session, we invite the Governments of Portugal and of Indonesia to continue their contacts and redouble their efforts to achieve an acceptable solution. We deeply appreciate and are interested in the intention of the administration of New Caledonia to lead that Territory to self-determination.
Some months ago the United Nations General Assembly held its third special session devoted to disarmament - a session which, to our great regret, concluded without formal agreement. Nevertheless, there was great optimism at the dialogue and bilateral agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union. On that occasion, at this very rostrum, the head of the delegation of Equatorial Guinea said·.
"The Republic of Equatorial Guinea, paradoxically, will not eliminate or diminish this monstrosity of weaponry simply because it neither possesses nor produces them nor does it consider attaining them. But we do hope to eliminate and lessen the widespread illness, hunger and poverty that are the scourges of my country. There are countries that are wasting millions of dollars every minute on weaponry while our country is talking about debts of thousands of dollars as a matter of survival." (A/S-15/PV. 21, p. 7) The delegation of Equatorial Guinea does not believe it necessary to go into great detail on the subject of armaments as the great threat to world peace, because, as we have seen, it is being dealt with by the giants who consider themselves the masters of the world. We prefer to speak about the economic imbalance between the nations of the world and, in particular, the countries of the third world, and the least developed countries, to whose number the Republic of Equatorial Guinea belongs. This, for us, is the real disarmament issue.
Little or no progress has been made on the question of the new international order since it was first mentioned here and in other international forums. Every day we see the gap widening between the intransigent and arrogant positions of the industrialized countries and the just claims of the developing countries. The thinking of the two sides differs so enormously that a solution satisfactory to both seems impossible. We do not believe that a serene and happy world can come about while a large part of mankind lives at subsistence level.
We also regret the fact that one of the cynical solutions invented and offered to the countries of the third world is the one of which the African continent has recently been a victim. I refer to the dumping of industrial, toxic, nuclear and radioactive waste, which is offered to African countries as the only way of achieving the degree of development of the industrialized countries. The fact that my country has not yet fallen victim to this Machiavellian machination is due to the great respect it has for the honour and dignity of a sovereign and proud country. The biased statements in this connection which are totally unfounded and are designed to distort the image of Equatorial Guinea, should be ignored by the international community, because they amount to pure imagination. Nor can the statements change our stand with respect to what is needed for the well-being of our people. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea knows what it really wants and knows how to achieve it. I take this opportunity to declare that my country has not received, and will not receive, any industrial, toxic, nuclear or radioactive waste.
The delegation of Equatorial Guinea would like once again to state in this Assembly that His Excellency Obiang Nguema Mjasogo took charge of our country in 1979 when, because of its complete self-isolation from the outside world, it was about to disintegrate as a sovereign /hate. All the steps which have been taken since then have been arduous and slow, but they have been safe and good steps. The Government is observing fully the rules of the Constitution, which was adopted in 1982 under the supervision of the United Nations. The programme of democratization and comprehensive development that we began is irreversible. In this connection, we would like to invite anyone wishing to visit our country to do so, provided that he is willing to assess the considerable changes without preconceptions and in an impartial manner.
Having said that, I should point out that we are convinced that the basic principles of international coexistence and the attributes of national sovereignty may be greatly harmed by continuing interference in the internal affairs of States. Thus we express once again our rejection of any interference in the internal affairs of Equatorial Guinea. This is a firm and indisputable principle of all States and also of the United Nations.
At the beginning of this statement I said that the forty-third session of the General Assembly was the hope of mankind and that we should not frustrate or disappoint it. Equatorial Guinea hopes that at this session the General Assembly will adopt resolutions that will help to bring about world peace and security and that it will give priority in its resolutions to the situation of the poorest States. It urges other nations to abandon their selfish nationalism and calls upon them to view the problems of mankind from a point of view that will allow us to preserve the individual, who deserves better conditions, conditions enabling him to achieve the ultimate goal for which he was created.