On behalf of the Guatemalan delegation, I am happy to congratulate Mr. Kittani on his election as President of the General Assembly for its thirty-sixth session.
58.	I also wish to express my satisfaction at the work done by his predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, who made a valuable contribution to the achievements of the preceding session.
59.	My delegation joins in the expressions of appreciation addressed to the Secretary-General who, with his wide experience of international affairs, has so efficiently carried out his tasks.
60.	My delegation considers it important to explain in this world forum the philosophy that inspires Guatemala in establishing its objectives and goals in all matters, and to report on its positive and negative experiences; its accomplishments and aspirations; the infrastructure that it has created; its attention to moral, cultural and spiritual matters; the principles and values which inspire its international policy; its thinking in reference to the new international order which the international community is trying to establish; and its position in regard to the problems of international trade. It wishes in this manner to show the world how a developing country is capable of making progress, when its people have the determination to advance it in all respects.
61.	The people and the Government of Guatemala, presided over by Mr. Fernando Romeo Lucas Garcia, are continuing to undertake a series of projects aimed at accelerating Guatemala's harmonious and integral development, with respect both to its infrastructure and to meeting its people's cultural and spiritual needs.
62.	Those projects are being carried out through the efforts of the Guatemalan people themselves; their conception, design and planning are based on the real needs of the country and the particular character of its people.
63. Among the public works undertaken, I should like to mention the start of the first stage of the national peripheral highway, a project intended to give our country an extensive network of first-class roads, and the construction of hydroelectric plants, provincial hospitals, schools, low-cost housing, health centers, sports facilities and a modern port on the Pacific Ocean.
64.	In agriculture, a program is under way based on a philosophy of its own. This consists of handing over to agricultural workers, under the system of agricultural collectives, the Government-owned farms and ranches, so that all Guatemalans may have their own land to cultivate, without breaking up the existing agricultural units; this allows for their rational management and exploitation with direct benefits, in particular for those who receive the land.
65.	The program does not stop simply at the distribution of the land. Basic services are provided for the settlers, there is access to loans on favorable conditions, and technical assistance is given to improve production capacity, all of which results in benefits for themselves, their families and the people of Guatemala as a whole.
66.	To date, the Government of Guatemala has already distributed 51,000 land deeds, which have directly benefited over t million Guatemalan citizens.
67.	The attention given to agriculture has had the result that Guatemala, in addition to being an exporter of traditional products, has become a prominent exporter of cotton, cardamom and handicrafts.
68.	The great success of Guatemala's agricultural program has led to those international organizations concerned with agriculture becoming interested in our experience, which they wish to make available ,to other developing nations.
69.	In education, the national literacy plan is successfully under way. This is directed to solving the national educational problem, mainly through eliminating, in the first place, the internal causes of illiteracy by giving increased opportunities for primary education to the population between 7 and 14 years of age, especially in rural areas and urban slums; improving primary schools, reducing the causes of dropping out and repeating grades, and increasing the number of schools teaching the full six grades; providing buildings, furniture, equipment and teaching aids; and training teachers and technical and administrative staff.
70.	Secondly, by decreasing illiteracy in the various age groups between 15 and 49 years, through an intensive campaign primarily aimed at the rural population, those working in the building sector and the female population working as domestic servants or as housewives; and by reducing the possibilities of regressive illiteracy through the development of follow-up activities with materials for recently taught readers, together with the development of a network of cultural centers and public libraries and strengthening post-literacy options, in the context of extramural education.
71.	The results of this significant effort may be summarized in the following data. In the semester from January to June 1981, more was accomplished than had been achieved in the previous 30 years.
72.	From 1945 to 1980, several literacy campaigns were carried out at the national level; of a total of 956,799 adults enrolled, 371,428 became literate that is, 38 per cent.
73.	During the first semester of the integral literacy campaign in 1981, an enrollment of 467,461 adults was achieved and 327,222 became literate that is, 70 per cent.
74. UNESCO has already taken note of this development in our literacy campaign.
75.	The follow-up plan in this intensive literacy notion is expected to continue until 1985, encompassing initial literacy, follow-up for new literates and strengthening of the post-literacy mechanisms and the extramural educational options.
76.	This far-reaching national literacy plan is being financed with national resources.
77.	The philosophy underlying the national literacy plan is based on the conviction that the elimination of illiteracy is the road by which every individual can gain access to the heritage of knowledge available to mankind, and by which each society can acquire a command of knowledge which it can put to use in the fulfillmentF of its basic aspirations.
78.	The process of eliminating illiteracy is possible only to the extent to which a coherent initiative is undertaken which integrates the achievement of adult literacy into the general schooling of our youth, within an overall framework of permanent education.
79.	An enterprise of such magnitude as the national literacy plan involves a vigorous mobilization of national energy. In this sense, the people of Guatemala are actively cooperating in its success, and their efforts are all the more praiseworthy in that, having overcome the problems inherent in a program of such wide scope, they have achieved notable results.
80.	This year, our national budget revenues and expenditures amount to 1,200 million quetzales, equivalent to $1,200 million, and 5f per cent of the budget: 664 million quetzales is allocated directly to public investment. In view of the great investment effort which such disbursement requires in an economy such as ours, we have had $211 million in external resources, which indicates that external financing accounts for 17.5 per cent of Guatemala's annual budget.
81.	The energy sector continues to be one of the most important areas of public investment, in an effort to meet the growing energy needs of the productive activities in the country and of projects which contribute to the country's economic and social development.
82.	With reference to hydrocarbons, support continues to be given to oil exploration and exploitation activities.
83.	Guatemala's oil production is approximately 6,650 barrels per day. Last year's production reached a volume of somewhat over 1.3 million barrels, of which 539,000 barrels were used for internal consumption and 781,000 were exported.
84.	Since Guatemalan oil production is modest, and lower than the requirements to meet its own needs, Guatemala continues to be an oil-importing country; hence it has also been affected economically by the frequent and immoderate rises in the price of that fuel. Therefore, we are preparing to reduce the negative impact of this phenomenon by construction of the Chulac, Chixoy and Aguacapa hydroelectric projects.
85.	The Chulac project will have an installed capacity of 440 megawatts which will enable us to reduce our dependence on oil, since it will add 1,742 million kilowatts of energy to the rational electricity system, replacing 4,100,000 barrels of oil annually. The total cost of this hydroelectric complex, which is to begin operations in January 1988, will be $900 million.
86.	The Aguacapa hydroelectric plant will have an installed capacity of 9C megawatts, with an annual production of 390 million kilowatts, which will replace 930,000 barrels oiXgjl^a year. The total cost of this hydroelectric plant is $170 million, and it will begin operations this month.
87.	The Chixoy hydroelectric plant will have an installed capacity of 300 megawatts, with a total annual production of 1,590 kilowatts, enabling us each year to save 3,780,000 barrels of oil. The cost of this project, which is scheduled to begin operations in June 1982, is $630 million.
88.	A hydroelectric study of the Usumacinta River was begun during the last third of 1980, in conjunction and co ordination with similar studies of that river being carried out by the Mexican Government, in order to determine the desirability of bilateral use of its waters to generate electric power.
89.	Also, for the same purpose of solving the problem of our dependence on foreign supplies of hydrocarbons, we are promoting the development of geothermal projects and special attention is being given to the search for alternatives to conventional energy sources that is, to new and renewable sources.
90.	Throughout the world there are large quantities of organic waste, both animal and vegetable. Since 1952, research work has been done in Guatemala on the anaerobic fermentation process to produce gas fuel -biogas-  and high-quality organic fertilizer.
91.	The Latin American Energy Organization [OLADE] has recognized that Guatemala is a pioneer in the development of biogas in America, and our progress has been favorably compared with and is perhaps superior to that achieved by countries with more experience.
92.	Guatemalan technicians are also participating in the development of an anaerobic system in the United States. In 198C, OLADE used the Guatemalan system, making it available to all the countries in the region. In 1981, the largest biogas plant in existence in Latin America started operations in Guatemala.
93.	Thus Guatemala is making great efforts to reduce its dependence on foreign fuels, not only through the construction of large hydroelectric complexes, but also by utilizing its own natural resources and applying technology suited to our environment to make use of the new and renewable energy sources with which we have been endowed by nature.
94.	My country places all of this experience at the service of mankind.
95.	Sports, which in Guatemala operate with complete autonomy, continues to receive all possible aid from the Government of the Republic, so that our Guatemalan youth may derive physical and spiritual benefits from sports activities, thus contributing to the growth of our country.
96.	During the 30year period from 1949 to 1979, sports received Government assistance to the tune of 5 million quetzales and it is estimated that during the period from 1979 to 2009 sports will receive 300 million quetzales in aid, which shows the importance that Guatemala attaches to the training of youth in sports in general.
97.	With respect to the housing sector; the national plan on the subject is being implemented. It contains goals as regards instruments and concrete objectives with an investment of approximately 56 million quetzales earmarked for the execution of programs of housing development and construction, in order to meet the needs of the population, especially the low-income sector.
98.	Government banking institutions dealing with housing have granted loans on favorable terms to a large number of. Guatemalans.
99.	The direction and execution of Guatemala's external policy rest on the postulates which are the greatest aspirations of mankind, such as peace, universal wellbeing, international social justice, freedom, respect for the dignity of nations and their territorial integrity and the promotion of cooperation among nations, as objectives for the purpose of providing present and future generation? with a better world that will make possible the full material, moral and spiritual fulfillment of all human beings.
100.	Within this context, Guatemala's international policy is totally in keeping with its national policy since internally we aspire to attain the same noble objectives. Consequently, Guatemala's international policy is profoundly nationalistic, essentially democratic, fraternally Central American, absolutely sovereign, firmly based on solidarity in the regional sphere, comprehensive and realistic in the face of the crucial problems confronting mankind and based on active participation in the search for the most adequate solutions to those problems. The characteristics of our international policy are honesty, sovereignty, consistency, respect, conciliation, dignity and pragmatism.
101.	It is by applying such principles and these characteristics of Guatemalan international policy that we support the position of the Republic of Korea. We believe that the Korean question should be left to the Koreans themselves, who should find an independent and peaceful solution thereto, and also that the United Nations could contribute to creating a propitious climate for the renewal of interKorean talks, that is direct negotiations between the two Korean parties.
102.	Guatemala believes that the new international order will not become a reality unless it is based on international social justice. The fundamentals of the new international order, of which the economic aspect is but a part, express a well-intentioned concept of the objectives to be achieved, but which so far have remained mere aspirations.
103.	In our opinion, the establishment of a new international order should take into account not only political and economic factors but also social and cultural problems, since the injustices of the present international system are not limited to economic relations, international trade or monetary problems but also involve living , conditions, health and education, as well as cultural and spiritual needs.
104.	The concept of the new order should be made deeper and broader. The order of which we are speaking should be much more than a type of organization of international relations or a juridical order based on the recognition of rights and obligations.
105.	In order that the foundations of a new international order may be established, agreement should first be reached with regard to a system of values and there should be acceptance of a joint examination of these, that is, of the scope of values such as justice, freedom, equality and solidarity.
106.	Those values should be approached on a twofold basis: on the one hand from the angle of recognition of the interdependence of the world in terms of the diversity of its peoples, races and cultures, and on the other from the angle of the affirmation of the will for peaceful coexistence, felt not only as a necessity but as a destiny to be forged for all and as a responsibility to the future of the human species.
107.	It is not possible, therefore, to uphold the idea that underdevelopment is a mere retardation that can be overcome by means of a linear recuperation process in the context of the world economy, since the establishment of a new international order consists precisely in the adoption of a set of measures that will permit the advent of effective international cooperation.
108.	Hence it is necessary for the countries themselves to choose ways and means of development according to their own creative capabilities and in conformity with the values that are inherent in them, reaffirming their own identity and thus contributing to the effective establishment of relations of equality among nations that are fully responsible for their own destiny.
109.	The new international order should lead to a new human order based on freedom, justice and equity, on the elimination of inequality among countries, on mutual understanding, on cooperation in the great tasks that are common to mankind and on the participation of all in wellbeing, education, knowledge and culture.
110.	The establishment of a new international order demands the creation of relationships based on the principle of the juridical equality of States. A country's consciousness of its own identity is one of the factors that strengthens most its position in international dialog. Ear from being an isolating factor, the affirmation of its idiosyncrasy is, on the contrary, the very basis for participation in exchanges in which each country's full rights are recognized.
111.	Guatemala believes that any reform in the structure of international trade must be based on the fundamental premise that the present trade mechanisms are defective and distorted. Such mechanisms make it impossible for the developing countries to obtain a fair price for their exports. Furthermore, they tend to maintain unchanged the difficulties of access to markets in industrialized countries. Then our basic products become subject to cyclic fluctuations, which jeopardize not only adequate remuneration for. agricultural activities but also the international liquidity of our economy.
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112.	Economic relations and the general standards that should govern world trade, especially in the field of raw materials, trade in manufactured goods, the transfer of technology and cooperation in the financial and monetary sectors, require a thorough revision in order to adapt them gradually to the realities of the present day world while bringing about the new international order.
113.	An important condition of the improvement of the prospects of developing countries is the restoration of a more stable and dynamic and less inflationary growth in developed countries with market economies. Consequently, anti-inflationary efforts should be combined with policies whose objective is to restore growth while increasing employment and productivity.
114.	That growth, reinforced by less protectionist policies, would broaden the markets for exports from developing countries, facilitate the process of international structural economic adjustment, and promote an increase in the transfer of capital in concessionary terms.
115.	What the underdeveloped countries claim in the international economic forum, in order to have a better balanced and just international trade, may be summarized in the following aspirations: remunerative prices for our exports; guarantee of access for our exports to the markets of the industrialized countries; removal of tariff and non tariff barriers, as well as protectionist measures; and prevention of the constant increase in prices of the products we import in order to halt deterioration of the terms of trade.
116.	Guatemala reiterates once again its protest before the international community of the action by the United Kingdom in unilaterally granting independence to Belize and its absolute rejection of that action, by which the United Kingdom is attempting to evade its obligations as a party in a controversy subject to the processes of peaceful solution proclaimed by the Charter of the United Nations.
117.	The origins of the dispute are well known. With the achievement of independence by Guatemala in 1821, the territories between the rivers Hondo, Nuevo, Belize and Sibun, that Spain had ceded to Great Britain in 1783 and 1786 for the sole purpose of exploiting their lumber resources, under prohibition not to erect any type of fortification or to create permanent facilities of any kind came under the sovereignty of Guatemala.
118.	The weakness of Guatemala as a new State was taken advantage of by Great Britain which consolidated its dominion over the region it had only in usufruct  limited to less than 6,000 square kilometers and extended it by force towards the south in Guatemalan territory between the Sibun and Sarstoon rivers an extension of more than 15,000 km2 expelling Guatemalan dwellers and preventing by force the exercise of sovereignty over the territory, to which Guatemala was entitled on the day of its independence from Spain on 15 September 1821. To validate this illegal possession, Great Britain coerced Guatemala into subscribing to a treaty in 1859, the so-called "limits Treaty", and disguised a territorial concession in exchange for benefits and compensations which never materialized. Ever since, Guatemala has been claiming the return of the usurped territory.
119.	It is worth while recalling the background to the dispute so that it will at no time be believed that Guatemala is abusing Belizean weakness in trying to recover a territory which is rightfully Guatemalan. The controversy with the United Kingdom has not been settled, but on this territory under dispute they have tried in vain to establish a new State; acceptance by the United Nations, in violation of its Charter, of a unilateral declaration of independence for Belize does not change the original situation relating to the territory and does not solve the dispute on the claimed territory, which belongs to Guatemala and never belonged to the United Kingdom.
120.	Guatemala has widely and undeniably demonstrated its vocation for peace and its respect for the institutions of international law. The dispute was subject to direct negotiations between the parties and, as a result, on 11 March this year in London we subscribed to the Heads of Agreement, the clear text of which, without ambiguities, as was unanimously agreed, would lead to the final solution of the controversy. We also agreed that such a final solution was desirable in order to stabilize relations of every kind in the northern region of Central America, and also permanently to protect international peace and security. However, when we tried to bring up to the level of a treaty what had been agreed to in the Heads of Agreement, we found distorted interpretations, changes of attitude and a wish to minimize and transform the clear text of the Heads of Agreement, arguing and this is something unbelievable in relations between States that the Heads of Agreement could not be met strictly, and that their literal application was not acceptable, but rather that it was necessary to renegotiate, reinterpret and, surprisingly, to make a radical modification in the treaties.
121.	This change of attitude, this disregard for the pledge given, was never explained or justified. It was barely hinted that, the local government of Belize having offered to submit any covenant to a referendum, this must be avoided because the Government would probably be rejected in their proposals and might lose power.
122.	The United Kingdom has also said at this General Assembly that, the present local government of Belize having been reelected through almost two decades, and one of the points in their platform being independence, it should be inferred that there had been a sufficient act of self-determination by the people of Belize. Undoubtedly, this has been a contrivance, as many others by the United Kingdom, cunning and with the appearance of truth, but it is a total fallacy. The people of Belize have not been summoned formally to determine freely, as would be proper* their own future, and the people of Belize, or most of them, have never been in agreement with this independence imposed upon them to satisfy the designs of the United Kingdom to avoid its responsibilities in this dispute.
123.	Thus, it is clear that it cannot be said, by any stretch of the imagination, that there has been in Belize an act of self-determination with due consultation of the people. What occurred is merely a skillful use of words by the United Kingdom, which gave the name of self-determination to local elections determining questions of immediate concern, and where there was no statement whatsoever about the independence of Belize.
124.	The United Nations, which was created, and in particular the Security Council, to maintain international peace and security and to promote the peaceful solution of disputes among States by means of the different mechanisms laid down in its own Charter, has failed in its mission, and has been used as an instrument by a powerful nation in order to commit an act of international injustice against a small country, which was one of the founders of the Organization and which has always abided by its principles and acted within the principles of international ethics and morality.
125.	Guatemala solemnly reiterates that the independence of Belize is unlawful, that it does not recognize such a State, which does not have as its borders the lines maintained by the British occupation forces. Nor does Guatemala recognize it as an integral part of Central America or as a member of the United Nations, nor will Guatemala recognize its sovereignty or territorial integrity, as long as the dispute between Guatemala and the United Kingdom in relation to the territory of Belize is not solved through the peaceful means established in the Charter of the United Nations.
126.	For Guatemala, the lines maintained at the present time by British military forces, or in the future by any unforeseeable combination of forces, are not borderlines. The territorial controversy continues unresolved. This unilateral independence is totally irrelevant to the usurpation and plundering suffered by Guatemala and therefore is despicable and fallacious. We will maintain peace, but our claims and our search for justice continue, now emphasized by this new British mockery.
127.	In view of the foregoing, we now state and categorically reiterate the broadest and most express reservation of all rights by the Republic of Guatemala over the territory of Belize. There has been no action whatsoever capable of changing the statement contained in our Constitution, since the only holder of sovereignty qver that territory is the people of Guatemala.
128.	Guatemala, as I have said, firmly maintains as a basis of its foreign policy an attitude of brotherliness with regard to Central America and everything affecting it. Historically, the five countries of the Isthmus have kept bonds and links that have been such as to make us all partners in the same destiny, so that whatever occurs in one of the sister nations has immediate repercussions on the other four.
129.	These singular relationships of affective interests do not rest solely upon memories of our common past; they answer to geographical realities and similarities of need in the light of the imperatives of development. The idea lives, then, not merely in words in some constitutional document, but it has been transformed into a field of action of our economic growth. Prosperity and development in one of the five Central American nations cannot be conceived of without some degree of development and prosperity in the others. Equally, there cannot be depression and suffering in one of the five countries that in some degree will not affect the other four.
130.	One of the highest expressions of a common ideal in Central America has always been our rejection of foreign interference. Central American life is full of the scars left on our peoples at the hands of strangers. In the seventeenth century, they were English, French and Dutch pirates and buccaneers. In the eighteenth century, they were British sailors and corsairs of different nationalities.
In the nineteenth century, they were North American freebooters. In the early years of this century, it was the shadow of the Monroe Doctrine that, in creating a monopoly in Central American intervention, was also given expression by the presence of Marines. Today, new wounds are being suggested for Central America as a result of the rivalry of forces alien to the Isthmus. Our historical experience is that there are no benign interventions, for they all pervert and, when trying to help, they strike and destroy. From that same experience we know that if transitory there are local forces that sympathize with an intervention, they soon show themselves for what they truly are: ephemeral and inconsequential in the national destiny of Central America.
131.	If it seems that the ideal of Central American fraternity has disappeared in some areas, we well know that in one way or another it will not be long in reappearing, and with new drive. The crucible of the struggle of our peoples to overcome their disadvantages and to improve their standards of living forges new men who will be the bearers of the Central American ideal.
132.	At the present time, the Central American ideal takes second place in the presence of the emergencies and needs that gave rise to the terrible and extended violence in Central America. Much of the struggle would cease if it were not encouraged, supported and equipped from outside. Mistaken feelings of solidarity and sympathy lead to meddling and threaten to turn our countries into testing grounds for weapons and ideologies. The cessation of all intervention in the five countries of Central America would not end that violence altogether but it would give the peoples of Central America an opportunity to defend their national values and bring them to fulfillment and to achieve a just peace in keeping with our spiritual, social, political and economic needs.
133.	Guatemala has faith in mankind, in the values that represent its greatest aspirations and in the international community as represented by this Organization, which in order to meet it goals and objectives should endeavor to ensure that all Member States act with the same sincerity and wholeheartedness as that with which my country acts my country which, as a founding Member of the United Nations, has always made its juridical and political contribution towards fulfillment of the principles and purposes of the Charter.
134.	The people of Guatemala is noble, dignified, honest and hardworking, mature in civic matters, determined to maintain its values untouched and its democratic way of life, a people proud of its MayaQuiche ancestry, a people which bases its life on freedom, justice and equality of opportunity for all, conscious of the difficulties it must overcome to advance in its development process and optimistic about its destiny and its future.


It gives me great pleasure to extend to Mr. Kittani of Iraq, on behalf of my delegation, our sincere congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the thirty- sixth session of the General Assembly. The Sudan, which enjoys close brotherly relations with his country, is confident that his wealth of experience, wisdom and competence in the political and diplomatic fields will enable him to guide the deliberations of this session towards success and towards the constructive goals to which we all aspire.
235.	My delegation would also like to express appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, for the competence and skill with which he discharged his responsibilities as President of the thirty-fifth session and the emergency special session on Namibia. We also appreciate his tireless efforts to create a favorable climate in which the Assembly can achieve progress towards launching global negotiations on the most important international economic questions.
236.	My delegation warmly welcomes the admission of Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu to the United Nations. We trust that they will make a useful and effective contribution to the work of the Organization.
237.	The General Assembly is convening at a time when the international situation is fraught with tension, conflict, deterioration of international relations and mutual mistrust between nations that seriously threaten international peace and security. This gloomy situation is a serious challenge to the principles and purposes of the United Nations. The policy of intervention in the internal affairs of others and the recurrent resort to the use of force in international relations, precipitating armed conflicts in various parts of the world, reflect a. disturbing contradiction between the commitments of Member States under the Charter and their actions and behavior which constitute blatant violations of the Charter and a challenge to the Organization in which the people of the world place all their hopes. There is a great divide between the commitment to the principles and provisions of the Charter and the actual conduct of States in their international relations. Therefore, to put an end to this dangerous situation, responsible and serious international action is imperative. Only through political will and objective cooperation on the part of the international community today and not tomorrow can we create a sound international community based on equality, justice and interdependence for the good of humanity as a whole.
238.	On several occasions we and others have drawn attention to an extremely dangerous phenomenon in international relations that is, interference in the internal affairs of other States, which has spread and become recurrent in the last few years. We reject and condemn interference in the internal affairs of other States, regardless of the cause or pretext, not only because it is a contravention of the principles governing international relations or because it threatens the peace, security and development of the States concerned, but also because it threatens the peace and security of whole regions, forcing many States and peoples, particularly the poorest ones, to use their limited resources for defense rather than for the economic and social development so necessary and urgent for their peoples. Therefore the Sudan will always firmly reject and condemn this dangerous trend in international relations and ask that it be ended before it is too late to avoid catastrophe.
239.	The States of the Organization in general and those of the third world in particular must realize that any compromise about or condoning of interference in the affairs of others is in fact the negation of all the victories that peoples have won during a long and arduous struggle against all forms of colonialism, oppression and repression.
240.	The principles of respect for the national independence, sovereignty and unity of all States and for the right of all peoples to freedom and self-determination become meaningless if any State, acting alone or abetted by others, is allowed to impose its own system or ideology on other weaker or poorer States and peoples. That is why the Sudan is firmly convinced that these fundamental principles constitute the very basis for present day international relations and should be respected by all States in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations, which safeguards the sovereignty and independence of all States, in particular the small and the weak,
241.	The Sudan believes strongly in the principles of settlement of disputes by peaceful means and of the inadmissibility of the use of force in international relations, in accordance with international law and international instruments, particularly the Charter of the United Nations. Our commitment to these principles is reflected in our attempts to assist in finding peaceful solutions to conflicts in both the African and the Arab regions through dialog and mediation, thus maintaining brotherly relations and good-neighborliness and consolidating cooperation in the efforts to achieve development and prosperity.
242.	The Sudan's initiatives and untiring efforts, led by our President himself, to settle by peaceful means the dispute in the Horn of Africa through negotiations and dialog stem from this firm conviction, because the political solution is the only lasting one. The economic and social situation, the historical background and the strategic importance of the region make concerted and sincere action by its countries and peoples essential, in order to allow brotherly coexistence and cooperation among them, so as to channel all their resources towards the solution of the urgent problems of economic and social development, of the refugees and of the damage resulting from the droughts which have affected the country for several years now. Wisdom, rationality and mutual interest make it necessary for the peoples and States of the region to settle their disputes and use their wealth and resources for the true benefit of the peoples and to avoid being drawn into superPower conflicts, which usually involve foreign intervention and undermine national independence and sovereignty.
243.	The Sudan is equally concerned by the situation in Chad and has actively contributed to the attempts to find an equitable, political and just settlement that would safeguard the national unity and territorial integrity of Chad and the peace, security and stability of- the whole region. We fervently hope that the resolutions of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Nairobi, will be fully implemented.
244.	The Sudan also feels considerable concern over the question of Western Sahara. That was why we participated actively in the African Committee of Wise Men set up by the OAU Assembly to find a peaceful solution to this problem. We note with satisfaction and pride that the Committee, with the assistance and cooperation of all the parties concerned, was able to agree on a practical and just base for settling the problem. We are proud of the fact that all parties to the dispute expressed their readiness to accept and apply the decisions and recommendations of the Committee. The Sudan considers that this African problem should be solved under the aegis of the OAU,
245.	In the international sphere, our commitment to the principles of the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means prompted our repeated appeals for just political settlements that would end the war that has been going on for more than a year now between two brother countries, Iraq and Iran; for a peaceful solution to the question of Afghanistan, ending the foreign intervention there and enabling the Afghan people to enjoy its right to freedom, independence, sovereignty and nonalignment; for the peaceful reunification of Korea in accordance with the legitimate aspirations of its people; and for the solution of the problem of Cyprus in such a way as to safeguard that country's independence, unity and territorial integrity,
246.	The Sudan's commitment to the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means is also reflected in our active participation in the International Conference on Kampuchea, which took place in July, and in our acceptance of membership of the Ad Hoc Committee of that Conference entrusted with the task of creating a climate favorable to the attainment of a comprehensive peaceful settlement of the Kampuchean question. We take this opportunity of expressing to the international community our gratitude for having been chosen as a member of the Committee, and we pledge ourselves to exert every effort to ensure that the Committee fulfills its responsibility for finding a peaceful solution to the Kampuchean problem.
247.	The Sudan's calls for the avoidance of conflict and the settlement of disputes through dialog in order to establish the peace and stability necessary for the achievement of progress and prosperity and the safeguarding of the human heritage cannot be dissociated from the disturbing phenomenon of the escalating arms race in the world. This frightening race is occurring not only between the great Powers but also between poor developing countries, which would do better to channel their limited human and natural resources into development and construction and the alleviation of the poverty, hunger, ignorance, disease and underdevelopment.
248.	It is sad, regrettable and, at the same time, frightening to note that the expenditure on weapons capable of destroying the world ten times over has reached an astronomical figure exceeding $500 billion, in a world plagued by serious economic crises that undermine its foundations and threaten its very survival. It is imperative that we seriously search for a practical, speedy solution to end the arms race,
249.	At this stage there is no need to stress here the fundamental importance the international community attaches to the situation in the Middle East. It is a situation that, in the absence of a just settlement to the problem of Palestine, continues to endanger international peace and security and to aggravate the conflict in the region. The recent developments we have witnessed this year have given a new and serious dimension to the Middle East crisis. The international community must pause and contemplate what might arise if no appropriate and timely measures are taken.
250.	This year has witnessed the unprecedented and wanton Israeli aggression against Iraq and the destruction of the Iraqi peaceful nuclear installations which were properly subjected to international inspection and control, in accordance with the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to which Israel has refused to accede. This Israeli criminal act, in addition to its violation of international norms and instruments calling for respect for the territorial integrity of States and of the principles upon which IAEA was founded, constitutes an obvious denial of the right of the peoples and States of the region to develop their resources and wealth in order to achieve progress and prosperity, The flagrant Israeli aggression against Iraq has confirmed what we have been reiterating for several years with regard to Israel's limitless ambitions for occupation, expansion and hegemony. Under the pretext of ensuring its security, Israel invented an imaginary Arab threat in order to obtain the aid and support necessary for achieving its illegitimate dreams and objectives.
251.	Israel did not stop with the bombing of the Iraqi nuclear research center, which it reached by violating the territorial integrity of Iraq and several neighboring countries. It also waged wanton aggression against Lebanon, destroying houses, schools, places of worship, roads and civilian refugee camps in an attempt to carry out its criminal plan to exterminate the Palestinian people wherever they are.
252.	Those serious developments and the inhuman practices of the Zionist regime in Jerusalem and all the occupied Arab territories are proof that no just and durable peace can be established in the area so long as Israel continues to plan for aggression and expansion and so long as the international community's response is confined to mere denunciations and condemnations.
253.	Let us ask and we have every right to ask how long will such an odd and bizarre situation prevail in the Middle East? For how much longer are the Palestinian people condemned to remain confined to refugee camps despite the resolutions of this Organization and others reaffirming their legitimate national and human rights, including their right to self-determination and to establish an independent sovereign State in Palestine? Do we still need to repeat every year from this same rostrum that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East is still dependent upon the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since June 1967, including Jerusalem? Do we need to dwell on the fact that a comprehensive and just peace in the area is still contingent upon Israel's full compliance with the United Nations resolutions that condemn the acquisition of territories by force and aggression? Do we need still more affirmations that a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the area cannot be achieved without the participation of the PLO?
254.	The deteriorating situation in the Middle East is the most serious challenge to the international community and to the ability of the United Nations to realize the lofty principles and objectives upon which it is based. Ranking high among those principles are respect for the inalienable rights of all peoples to life, freedom and self determination, as well as the inadmissibility of aggression, expansion and acquisition of territory by force. The Israeli contempt for those principles and its noncompliance with the resolutions and provisions adopted by the
Organization confront us all with a grave international responsibility. The deliberate Israeli violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law has left the international community with no choice but that of applying the measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter against Israel.
255.	The deteriorating situation in southern Africa also requires urgent consideration by the international community. In that region, barbaric policies and practices are carried out by another racist regime in violation of international law and instruments and United Nations resolutions. The white minority regime of South Africa is a mirror image and a natural ally of the Zionist Government of Israel, as is evidenced by the similarity of their aggressive, expansionist practices and by the close cooperation between these two abnormal regimes outlawed by the international community.
256.	In Namibia, where the situation poses a serious threat to world peace and security and where the international community has recognized the necessity of peacefully settling the question in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), South Africa is still trying to undermine the international efforts in order to maintain its domination and exploitation of the wealth of Namibia.
257.	South Africa participated in the arduous and protracted negotiations that led to resolution 435 (1978) and has pledged to implement it. It is also aware of the tolerance and wisdom demonstrated by SWAPO and all the African countries in accepting this compromise and pledging to implement it fully in order to arrive at a peaceful settlement of the Namibian question.
258.	It is evident that South Africa will change neither its position nor its policies in Namibia unless the international community particularly the Western countries  takes a firm stand with regard to South Africa along the lines prescribed in resolution ES8/2, adopted at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, on Namibia, held early last month. All States are called upon to implement the sanctions against South Africa in order to force it to respect the international will and to abide by United Nations resolutions.
259.	We appeal to all Member States, regardless of their social systems, to show the utmost cooperation in observing and enforcing these comprehensive sanctions in order completely to isolate the racist regime in South Africa. The five Western countries that played a significant role in bringing about the plan contained in resolution 435 (1978) are under a greater obligation than others to exert pressure on South Africa to force it to implement that Security Council resolution, thus peacefully settling the Namibian question before the situation explodes and threatens everyone's interests in that vital area. We appreciate the efforts of the five Western countries to find a peaceful and just settlement to the Namibian question, and we trust that they will continue those efforts whatever the obstacles and the difficulties involved.
260.	The people and the Government of the Sudan have followed with great concern and attention the deteriorating situation in South Africa, which is caused by the intensified repressive measures of the racist regime against the indigenous majority of the people and by that regime's persistence in implementing the policies and practices of apartheid, which have been rejected and condemned by the international community. The Sudan and all of Africa have repeatedly warned here and in other international forums of the dangers inherent in South Africa's racist policies, particularly what the South African Government calls the policy of "separate development of the races" and what the rest of the world calls "apartheid". There is also the policy of "gradual change", a term by which the racist minority regime in Pretoria is trying to trick the international community into thinking that gradual improvement of their inhuman regime is in progress in South Africa.
^ol. Our rejection of that whole policy emanates from our awareness of the real intentions of the racist minority in South Africa and our conviction that its racist policies and measures are nothing more than mere tinkering that does not affect the basic structure of the hideous apartheid regime, which on the one hand guarantees the perpetuation of the domination and exploitation by the white minority and on the other ensures that the majority of the indigenous black majority will continue to live as poor oppressed foreigners in their own homeland.
262.	We warn of the dangerous consequences of applauding and Relieving the present and future tricks that Pretoria pulls out in order to placate world opinion and suppress the struggle of our brothers in South Africa for liberty and equality. What Pretoria should do is not effect limited and superficial changes, but uproot and completely destroy the apartheid system and establish a healthy democratic society in which the majority will exercise its natural and legitimate right to liberty and sovereignty in its own homeland.
263.	We believe that this is inevitable, because the heroic struggle and resistance of the black majority is being intensified despite the repressive policies and the new oppressive practices which the racist regime continually invents. However, it is sad and frustrating to note the silence of many countries as they witness the policy of deportation and dispersion practiced by the racist authorities which consists of removing people to the areas known as Bantustans. Such policy has been rejected and declared null and void by the international community.
264.	These serious developments in southern Africa and the threat they pose to peace and security not only in Africa but also in the whole world make more clear than ever the necessity for the international community represented in the Assembly not only to condemn and declare invalid and illegal all those measures of the racist authorities but also to start applying against South Africa the comprehensive sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter.
265.	The international economic situation is, unfortunately, in no better shape than the political situation. In the last few years, and particularly this year, we have witnessed an intensified aggravation of the world economic situation, the serious repercussions of which on the developing countries threaten to undermine not only the development efforts of these countries but also their ability to provide their peoples with the barest necessities.
266.	The adoption of the new International Development Strategy for the 1980s by the Assembly at its thirty-fifth session [resolution 35/56] has revived hopes for improved international economic cooperation that would accelerate the development of the developing countries within the context of the establishment of the new international economic order. However, the setbacks affecting international economic cooperation in the course of this year as reflected in the failures and disappointments in the preparations for the global negotiations, the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the system for financing scientific and technical cooperation for development and other areas have proved that no meaningful change has occurred since last year and that the rigid and intransigent positions of some developed countries, which led to the failure of the eleventh special session last year, have only hardened this year.
267.	The reluctance of a few developed countries to participate positively in the search for solutions to the present economic crisis and especially the chronic problems of the developing countries is a serious element threatening not only to stall the dialog on more rational and fruitful international economic cooperation, but also to destroy the still fragile basis which the international community has managed to establish, within the United Nations framework, as a starting-point in its endeavors to achieve an economically interdependent world based on cooperation for the benefit of all rather than on confrontation and narrow national interests, the bitter results of which the world experienced in the 1930s. The situation is further worsened by the world economic crisis and its impact on the economies of developing countries, as the developed countries have resorted to shortsighted national policies, protectionist measures, inflationary policies, high interest rates, cuts in official development assistance to developing countries, the creation of tariff and non-tariff barriers against goods from developing countries and the restriction of the transfer of technology of those countries.
268.	One of the most important recent events in the economic field was the convening of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which took place in Paris during the first half of September. We believe that the convening of the Conference was in itself international recognition of the serious economic situation in some 30 developing countries that are faced with special structural problems threatening their very survival in the present international economic situation. It was also an expression of the desire of the international community to find quickly fruitful solutions to these problems, a desire manifested in the development and adoption by the Conference of the Substantial New program of Action for the 1980s for the least developed countries.6 Although the outcome of the Conference fell short of the demands and expectations of the developing countries, and the least developed in particular, the adoption of the program of Action and the commitment to implement it constitute a serious step towards the radical solution of the problems of the least developed countries in a manner that will enable them to achieve self-sustained economic and social development. The commitment of most of the developed countries to designate 0.7 per cent of their revenue for official development assistance, and the commitment of many of them to allocate 0.15 per cent of their revenue to the least developed countries in order to double that pub lie assistance by 1985, are serious and encouraging indications of the prospects of implementing the Substantial New program of Action adopted in Paris.
269.	The least developed countries, and indeed the other developing countries, are confronted not only with the serious problems posed by the international economic crisis, particularly food and energy problems, but also with other serious problems, such as national disasters and the influx of refugees that strain their already weak economies, drain their meagre resources and divert the efforts that are supposed to be directed towards economic and social development.
270.	The Sudan, one of the African least developed countries which is host to large numbers of refugees, accords a special importance to the problems of refugees in the world in general and in Africa in particular. We are concerned not only because of the humanitarian aspects of the refugee problem but also, because of their serious impact on the economic and social development plans of the host countries and countries of origin. That is why we welcomed the convening of the International Convention on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, which was held at Geneva in April on an African initiative and with international support.
271.	We are gratified that the Conference succeeded in highlighting the plight of refugees in Africa and in indicating the nature and magnitude of the assistance urgently needed by the refugees and the host countries. The active participation in that Conference was a clear indication of the international community's concern and support for African refugees. Although the pledged contributions fell short of the need of refugees in Africa, we believe that the Conference was a step in the right direction which ought to be followed by international measures and pledges commensurate with the magnitude of the problems at a time when new waves of refugees further strain the economies of the host countries.
272.	We appeal to all States, institutions, organizations and individuals that pledged contributions at or outside the Geneva Conference to make their contributions available without delay, because the refugee situation is critical and the needs are pressing. The refugee settlement projects which were presented to the Conference by several African countries, in particular the Sudan, are well prepared and, as such, should be financed by the resources pledged at the Conference. Most of those projects, including that of the Sudan, aim at providing regular settlements for the refugees, making them self-reliant and integrating them in national and economic and social development programs,
273.	In conclusion, I should like to reiterate that, in spite of the tensions in international relations today and the gap between international behavior as prescribed by the Charter and as practised by States, we still hope that wisdom will prevail and that all States will uphold the purposes and principles of the Charter as providing the best framework for regulating relations among States and establishing cooperation on civilized and rational bases. The political, military and economic crises besetting the world today should not be a cause for undue pessimism, but should spur us to exert more efforts to create an international community based on peace and justice.
274.	The people and Government of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan would like to reaffirm here their commitment to the purposes and principles of the United Nations and pledge that they will work tirelessly in order to consolidate those principles in a way that will ensure the achievement of peace and prosperity for all nations.


Allow me at the outset, Mr. President, to extend my warm congratulations to you on your election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your election undoubtedly demonstrates great confidence in your abilities and wide experience, which qualify you to steer the work of the session to the success to which we all aspire.
33.	I also wish to express my appreciation of the positive contribution made by your predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, the representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, in guiding the proceedings of the preceding session. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General for his sincere, serious and unceasing efforts to enhance the role of the United Nations and its effectiveness in the maintenance of international peace and security and the attainment of justice for all peoples of the world.
34.	My delegation extends a warm welcome to the two new States, Belize and Vanuatu, on their admission to membership in the United Nations. Along with the rest of the Members of this international Organization, we hope
that they will contribute to the general good of the international community.
35.	The State of Qatar firmly believes in the rule of law and the active pursuit of the maintenance of world security. Therefore it calls for a renunciation of the policy of hegemony and force practiced by the big Powers. It .is against a resumption of the arms race, which entails confrontation, a return to the policy of cold was; a heightening of tension in international relations, the creation of blocs and alliances and ? threat to peace and security in many regions of our globe. We support the call for disarmament and look forward to the achievement of concrete progress in that field. We also hope that the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament will prove fruitful.
36.	The heightening of rivalry among the big Powers, particularly between the Soviet Union and the United States, and the presence of their military fleets in the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea endanger the stability of our region and the independence of its States. Claims of the disruption of security and of the need for some sort of foreign military presence in that region are stark falsehoods and but a pretext for that presence. That presence is not meant to protect the region and preserve its independence; rather, it is an attempt to draw closer to the locations of the adversary.
37.	Hence, we categorically reject these justifications. We are endeavoring to spare that region from becoming an arena for superPower rivalry and thus to guarantee genuine security for ourselves. The recent meeting of the Gulf Arab States and their agreement to set up the Gulf Cooperation Council proves to the whole world that our States know their common interests best and are keener than all other parties on the maintenance of our security and stability.
38.	My Government follows with deep sorrow the continuance of the hostilities between two neighbors, Iraq and Iran, which it considers to be a bleeding wound afflicting the whole region. We sincerely hope that the ongoing hostilities will end as soon as possible so as to stop bloodshed and spare energy and efforts that	be used for the reconstruction, development and welfare of the two States. We support a resumption of the peaceful efforts of the Organization of the Islamic Conflict, the United Nations.and the nonaligned movement aimed at securing a ceasefire between the two countries and resolving their conflict peacefully. We sincerely hope that those efforts will be crowned with success and will put an end to that war and thus ensure stability and peace in the area.
39.	Needless to say, security and stability in the Gulf area are organically linked to security in the Middle East, since the former is an integral part of the latter. Neither is it necessary to say that Palestine is at the core of the Middle East question and, as a corollary, peace cannot be preserved in that sensitive region of the world without a just solution of that question. Such a solution is based on the right of the Palestinian people to return to its homeland and to exercise self-determination , in its national territory under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization \BJjO]
40.	Israel's uprooting of the Arab people of Palestine from its homeland, which led to the dispersal of that people all over the world, its repeated acts of aggression against sovereign Arab States, as in the case of the recent bombing of Lebanon and of the Iraqi nuclear installations, and its occupation of territory by force provide ample material evidence that serves to disclose the true nature of Israel. That nature manifests itself in a colonial, military, settler and expansionist entity that seeks to become the Power with exclusive dominance over the area and is the cat's-paw of certain international policies. The signing of the so-called strategic cooperation agreement between the United States and Israel is irrefutable proof of Israel's modus vivendi of political dependence. The grave menace to all the Arab countries as a consequence of such a policy is very evident.

41.	We call on the United States of America, as a superPower, to view this matter from the perspective of international peace. In its foreign relations, it should take into account its interests which are linked with the Arab States in order to create parallel and balanced relations that will ultimately be conducive to the maintenance of peace and security in that sensitive area of the world. Our goal is the achievement of a just peace in the Middle East area, and the attainment of progress and prosperity so that its peoples will be able to contribute to the peace and welfare of the entire world. Inspired by that lofty goal, the State of Qatar subscribes to and unconditionally supports the initiative of Prince Eahd ibn Abdul Aziz, Crown Prince of the fraternal Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, aimed at resolving the Middle East question. It considers it to be a positive basis for reaching a settlement and hopes that the international community will wholeheartedly support it for the sake of the maintenance of peace and security and the pursuit of world stability.
42.	Proceeding from its belief in the right of peoples to self-determination and freedom, the State of Qatar reaffirms its call for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, for the exercise by the Afghan people of its right to self-determination, and for the free choice by that people of own system.
43.	We stand by the Namibian people in the struggle it is waging for independence. The international community, in this connection, is called upon to assume its full responsibility by applying pressure on the racist regime in South Africa to end its racist practices and by making it comply strictly with United Nations resolutions, especially Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We also stand by the majority of South Africa in its struggle. We denounce the racist practices and the policy of apartheid systematically pursued by the present racist regime, as well as that regime's continued acts of aggression against neighboring African States. Sanctions must be imposed on this repugnant racist regime.
44.	The situation in SouthEast Asia is still a cause for concern. That region is one of the volatile hotbeds of the international community. The situation in Kampuchea remains critical; it requires an acceptable solution which, we maintain, should be determined by the Kampuchean people itself, free from outside interference.
45.	Similarly, the Korean question should be resolved through dialog' between the parties, without any interference or intervention whatsoever.
46.	We welcome the portion of the Secretary-General's report [A/36/1, sect. IV] which deals with the developments in the ongoing negotiations in Cyprus. We sincerely hope that those efforts will be crowned with success, for the sake of the attainment of world peace and security.
47.	The international community has long looked forward to a comprehensive convention organizing relations between States on all issues relating to the seas. We are grateful that the Organization has adopted this idea and has made painstaking efforts to draft such a convention. After those long and painstaking efforts, it was envisaged that the convention would be concluded this year. However, the new United States administration changed its delegation to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The new delegation has expressed a desire to review and assess the articles of the convention, and consequently its signing has been delayed.

48.	My delegation is hopeful that the review process will not be a long one and that agreement on the convention will be reached at the next session of the Conference due to be held in New York in March 1982, for that convention would be conducive to the common good of all the peoples of the earth.
49.	The international community is confronted today with a major challenge, manifested in its efforts to grapple with present economic crises. Those efforts require, in the first place, agreed clearcut identification of the major international economic problems, to be followed by common and concerted efforts on the part of the international community to face those crises and to establish programs and formulate adequate proposals to resolve them.
50.	The State of Qatar wishes once again to draw attention in this forum to the negative economic implications for the developing countries of the present economic policies of the developed countries in the fields of international trade and finance. Foremost among those implications are the balance of payments deficits suffered by the majority of developing countries, internal financial imbalances, increasing grinding inflation and the deterioration of the unemployment problem and the food crisis.
51.	The international community must agree on the fact that the continuing deterioration of economic conditions in the developing countries will undoubtedly have negative implications for the economies of the developed countries themselves. *
52.	The .flow of assistance and loans from the developed to the developing countries generally falls short at present of the target set by the United Nations.
53.	While acceptance at the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris last month, of the principle of the doubling of the development assistance provided to the least developed countries by some developed countries is gratifying, the needs of the developing countries far exceed the assistance they receive.
54.	The State of Qatar views the loss of economic stability in the international arena as a real threat to peace and security in many regions of the globe. It is imperative to resume the NorthSouth dialog in order to establish a new international economic order based on justice and equity, on emergence from the present economic crisis, and on bridging the gap between rich States and poor States.
55.	It is of paramount importance to find feasible and effective formulas for the development of present international economic relations and to seek adequate standards for organizing the efforts to face today's strained economic conditions. However, the heart of the matter here is seen by the developing countries as consisting in the various ways and means of technology transfer from the developed to the developing countries. To some extent, this would compensate the economies of the developing countries for the damage inflicted on them by the depletion of their raw materials and the ever-increasing cost of the manufactured goods they import from the developed countries.
56.	Before concluding, I wish to express the hope that when we next meet here many of the achievements to which we aspire will have been realized. We wish to see a world in which love, peace and stability prevail.


The United Nations, this parliament of man, offers us a unique opportunity to examine the human condition. We are each called upon to declare our national purposes. We are all obligated to address those problems that obstruct the vision of the Charter.
158.	Let us begin with the vision. The Charter of the United Nations reflects cherished dreams of a world distinguished by peaceful change and the resolution of international disputes without resort to force.
159.	The United States believes in these dreams. They offer the best chance of justice and progress for all mankind. They promise a world hospitable to the values of our own society, including a certain idea of man as a creative and responsible individual, democracy and the rule of law.
160.	The ideals of the United Nations are therefore also American ideals. The Charter embodies American principles. It will always be a major objective of our statecraft to make the United Nations an instrument of peace.
161.	We all know that the realization of our dreams cannot depend on hope alone. Obstacles to progress must be overcome through united efforts. The threats to peace are many; suspicions persist; and the price of inaction is great. Truly we face a most difficult agenda.
162.	As 1 make these comments I am reminded that an observer once said of this annual debate: "Every year ... a great and sacred orator . . . preaches before the assembly of nations a solemn sermon on the text of the Charter". Today, however, 1 would like to focus instead on an issue of compelling interest: international development.
163.	International development reflects the worldwide search for economic progress, social justice and human dignity. Short of war itself, no other issue before us will affect more people, for good or ill, than this search. And peace itself cannot be truly secured if the aspirations of mankind to a better life are frustrated.
164.	Development is therefore an enduring issue. It has preoccupied the United Nations from the beginning. It will survive the agenda of this Assembly and every Assembly far into the future. And although great progress has been made we face today a crucial choice of strategy that will dramatically affect the prospects for future success.
165.	Since the Second World War the progress of development has been uneven but none the less widespread. Enormous economic growth has been registered: for example, in the last three decades average incomes have actually doubled. There have also been great advances in health. Life expectancy has increased dramatically even in the poorest countries and infant mortality has been reduced.
166.	This experience, however, has not been fully shared by all countries and the prospect for the future is now clouded by recent trends.
167.	The pattern of increasing economic growth, critical for development, has been slowed by inflation, high energy prices, severe balance of payments problems, heavy debt and slower growth of markets. Political turmoil and instability have diverted precious resources into arms and conflict. The necessary synthesis of traditional values and modernization, never easy to achieve, has grown more difficult under the impact of accelerating change.
168.	Let us dispense with illusions. We must choose today between two futures: a future of sustainable growth, an expansion of world trade and a reduction of poverty; and a future of economic stagnation, rising protectionism and the spread of poverty. As the World Bank has put it, "By the end of the century, the difference between the two cases amounts to some 220 million more absolutely poor people" .
169.	Clearly, our task is to give a fresh Impetus to development by devising a new strategy for growth. Such a strategy begins by recognizing the highly Complex and difficult situation we face.	'
170.	The poorest developing countries require longterm and generous concessional aid from developed and other developing countries to raise productivity through broadly based education and training, improvements in health and nutrition and better infrastructure. They also need sound economic policies, particularly in the agricultural sector. Ultimately, the objective must be to involve them in the international economic system, thereby strengthening opportunities and incentives for self-sustaining growth.
171.	The middle tier developing countries have made significant progress. Nevertheless, they still suffer from widespread poverty. They are also acutely vulnerable to any economic downturn, especially in volatile commodity markets, because of their narrow range of exports. These countries need foreign capital and assistance in developing the experience and creditworthiness to borrow on international capital markets. Technical support and manpower training are important to ensure that their populations are both productive and competitive. They also need an open international trading system to encourage export development.
172.	The more advanced of the developing countries are able to maintain living standards and economic performance comparable to what some of today's industrialized countries achieved less than a generation ago. Their further development is sustained best by a strong international economy with an open capital and trading system. They must be able to pursue national policies that take advantage of the international opportunities and foster domestic adjustment. These countries also play a key role in helping poorer nations, both directly and as policy models.
173.	The capital surplus oil exporting countries need a stable and prosperous international market for their oil exports and a favorable environment in which to invest their financial assets and to develop their domestic economies. The international system must continue to evolve to reflect the growing importance of these countries as they assume increasing responsibility for the management of that system and for assisting poorer nations.
174.	Finally, the industrialized countries are today suffering from low rates of growth and high rates of inflation. They are trying to increase savings and investment in order to create employment, improve the environment, eliminate pockets of poverty and adjust to the changing competitiveness of their exports. They must sell more abroad to pay for the increased cost of imported energy.
175.	In a slowly growing world these complex and diverse requirements would become potent sources of conflict. But the struggle for the world product can be avoided. The international economy can help all countries to achieve their objectives through a strategy of growth which creates the resources and the employment needed for progress. This cannot be the task of a single nation. As die report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, chaired by Willy Brandt, has pointed out: "Above all, the achievement of economic growth in one country depends increasingly on the performance of others".4
176.	It is on this view of a differentiated and interdependent world that we must build a new strategy for growth; but our strategy must also be informed by the lessons of the past. Such lessons, extracted from hard experience, offer the basis for principles to guide us through these austere and difficult times.
177.	First, development is facilitated by an open international trading system. Developed and developing countries together face the challenge of strengthening GATT and the international trading system to create mutual export opportunities for all.
178.	Today the trading system is under enormous stress—rising protectionist pressures, new and subtle types of import barriers, restrictive bilateral arrangements, export subsidies and investment policies which distort trade. These are especially troublesome in a period of slow growth. Unless they are reduced or eliminated the international trading system will be seriously weakened. Such a setback to the world economy would inflict the most suffering on the developing countries.
179.	The industrialized countries have a special responsibility to work for a more open trading system with improved rules. We also look to the more successful developing countries to play a fuller role in strengthening the trading system. It will be difficult for each of our countries individually to open markets further unless we are committed to doing so collectively.
180.	For our part, the United States has long supported open markets. Despite current complications, America remains a strong advocate of free trade. Although our gross national product is only one third of the Western industrialized group's total, the United States imports roughly one half of all manufactured goods exported by developing countries. Earnings of developing countries not members of OPEC from exports to the United States amount to some $60 billion more than double the foreign aid coming from all Western developed countries.
181.	We call upon all members of the international community to join in resisting the growth of protectionism. Developing nations must have the greatest possible opportunity to sell their commodities and manufactured products. Let us also work together to achieve a successful conclusion of the multi-fibre agreement.
182.	A dynamic and successful trading system requires a smoothly functioning international financial system. We must therefore continue to work with other countries to encourage their support for IMF and their constructive participation in the Bind's programs to facilitate adjustment. We will continue to cooperate with our developing country colleagues to strengthen the Fund. We share the view that the responsibilities of the developing countries should be increased to keep pace with their growing economic importance.
183.	Secondly, foreign assistance coupled with sound domestic policy and self-help can facilitate the development process. The United States has long believed in assistance as an effective tool in helping to promote development. Over the last three decades the United States has given more than $130 billion in concessional assistance; over the last decade alone the total has exceeded $50 billion; In 1980 the American people provided $7.1 billion, almost twice as much as any other donor.
184.	The United States has also been a major force in the creation and support of the multilateral development banks. The banks represent an important and to many countries an essential feature in the international financial system. In the last five years the United States has authorized and appropriated an average of $1.5 billion per year for support of the multilateral banks. There is no question about their value as development institutions. As intermediaries they help to mobilize the resources of international capital markets to lend to developing countries. The banks' loans for key projects are important catalysts for productive domestic and foreign private investment.
185.	We recognize that many of the poorer developing countries must continue to rely heavily on concessional assistance for some time to come. Moreover, certain kinds of vital development programs will not pay the quick and direct financial returns needed to attract private capital. For this reason a continuing bilateral assistance program and continuing support for the multilateral banks will be essential.
186.	Given today's economic conditions and the limitation on aid budgets in many countries, it is especially important that concessional assistance be utilized as effectively as possible; that it focus on countries which need it most and which use it best; and that it be a more effective catalyst for mobilizing other foreign and domestic resources. We must also recognize that a strategy for growth that depends on a massive increase in the transfer of resources from the developed to the developing countries is simply unrealistic. *
187.	Thirdly, regional cooperation and bilateral consultations can be effective in promoting development. The United States is working with other regional States to promote economic progress in the Caribbean area. We are convinced that the example of the recent multinational cooperation in the case of Jamaica and the broader Caribbean Basin initiative holds promise for other regions.
188.	We are already committed to a close working relationship with the Association of SouthEast Asian Nations [ASEAN]. We have benefited considerably from a better understanding of ASEAN's views on multilateral issues and on ways to strengthen our bilateral commercial ties. The United StatesASEAN Business Council is a model of how our private sectors can work together for mutual benefit.
189.	In Africa we look forward to a close working relationship with the Economic Community of West African States as it attempts to strengthen economic ties within the region. Constructive consultations on trade and investment issues have already occurred. We believe that mutually beneficial cooperation can be strengthened to our common benefit. Similar consultations with the developing countries of southern Africa are desirable. We have a strong interest in the economic health and stability of those nations. Commercial relationships, along with foreign assistance, will help us to attain that objective.
190.	The United States has also worked with the capital surplus members of OPEC on both a bilateral and a multilateral basis. We have been able to combine resources to attack development problems of common interest, such as food production. This cooperation should be continued and expanded.
191.	Finally, we plan to make bilateral consultative groups between our Government and those of developing countries more effective and to give full support to similar private sector arrangements. The United States Chamber of Commerce and its counterparts in many developing countries have developed particularly good relationships. We fully support these efforts and those of the private voluntary agencies. We are searching for means to work more closely with them.
192.	In all of these cases the United States recognizes the need to be sensitive to the diverse character of the societies involved and to the international circumstances in which development must occur.
193.	Fourthly, growth for development is best achieved through reliance on incentives for individual economic performance. The individual is the beginning, the key element and the ultimate beneficiary of the development process. The greatest potential for development lies in the hard work and ingenuity of the farmer, the worker and the entrepreneur. They need incentives to produce and the opportunity to benefit from their labors.
194.	Suppression of economic incentives ultimately suppresses enthusiasm and invention, and the denial of personal freedom can be as great an obstacle to productivity as the denial of reward for achievement.
195.	History cautions against regimes that regiment their people in the name of ideals, yet fail to achieve either economic or social progress. Those Governments that have been more solicitous of the liberties of their people have also been more successful in securing both freedom and prosperity.
196.	The United States can offer what it knows best from its own experience. We have seen that policies which encourage private initiatives will promote better resource allocation and more rapid economic growth. Within a framework basically hospitable to market incentives, foreign private investment can supplement indigenous investment and contribute significantly to development.
197.	But our goal is not to impose either our economic values or our judgments on anyone. In the final analysis, each country's path to development will be shaped by its own history, philosophy and interests.
198.	Fifthly, development requires a certain measure of security and political stability. Political insecurity is a major barrier to development. Fear and uncertainty stifle the productivity of the individual. Scarce resources are squandered in conflict.
199.	The close relationship between security and development cannot be ignored. We are therefore committed to maintain and, where possible, to increase programs essential to deter international aggression and to provide the domestic security necessary to carry out sound economic programs. We have no intention of providing foreign assistance, moral comfort or the prestige of international platforms to countries that foster international violence.
200.	The United Nations has a key role to play in resolving conflict and promoting international stability. We welcome the SecretaryGeneral's efforts to promote inter communal talks and a just settlement on Cyprus. We support a continuing role by the SecretaryGeneral's representative in the IranIraq conflict And South Korea's attempts to initiate a dialog with the North epitomize the search for a peaceful settlement that is at the heart of the Charter.
201.	One of the greatest dangers to the Charter today and to development itself is the willful violation of the national integrity of both Afghanistan and Cambodia by the Soviet Union and Viet Nam. Their behavior challenges the basic rights of all sovereign States. The world's hopes for peace, for security and for development will be jeopardized if "might makes right" becomes the law of nations.
202.	The United States will continue to support security and stability as essential to progress. This is the basis of our active and continuing efforts to strengthen and expand the ceasefire in southern Lebanon. We shall also assist the negotiations specified by Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) in order to bring a just and lasting peace to the Middle East. Our policy is to remain a credible and reliable party in the negotiations to bring independence to Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and in a fashion acceptable to both the nations concerned and the international community.
203.	The United States also believes that efforts to control arms either among regional States or between superPowers can make an important contribution to the security that facilitates development. But these efforts do not occur in a vacuum. The international community has tended over the years to overestimate the beneficial effects of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] in dampening regional conflict. We have also tended to underestimate the impact of such conflict on the negotiations themselves.
204.	The United States is strongly committed to balanced and verifiable arms control. We are equally committed to the peaceful resolution of regional disputes. Clearly the restraint implied by arms control must become a more widespread phenomenon if such agreements are to survive and to make their proper contribution to a more secure environment for development.
205.	The United States is confident that a strategy for growth guided by these principles can succeed. We believe that three areas of action deserve immediate international attention.
206.	The first is a global expansion of trade. Plans could be formulated for the 1982 GATT ministerial meeting with special concerns of growth in mind. A major priority should be to integrate more fully the developing countries into the international trading system on the basis
of shared responsibilities and shared benefits.
207.	The second area is an increase in investment. Our common objective should be to stimulate domestic and international private investment. We must encourage and support the individual investor.
208.	The third is stronger international cooperation in food and in energy. The recent United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy recommended that the developing countries be assisted in assessing their energy resources and determining the best way to exploit them.3 The United Nations Development program and the World Bank have important follow-up responsibilities. We must all work to engage more effectively private participation in exploration and production in oil importing developing nations.
209.	Domestic and international action must also go hand in hand to achieve food security. The United States continues to be the largest donor of food aid and places a paramount emphasis on its bilateral program to help developing countries increase food production. Greater attention should also be given to scientific and technological research that will yield more bountiful food supplies.
210.	I have outlined today the broad principles that guide America's approach to a new strategy for growth. In the immediate future, and prior to the Cancun meeting, we will announce specific proposals to deal with this and other issues of development.
211.	These broad principles reflect our view that the United States can and indeed will continue to make an essential contribution to the process of development. We do not claim to have all the answers, but we believe that our collective responsibilities for the future allow no more time to be lost in sterile debate and unrealistic demands. The time has come for a reasoned dialog with promise for the future,
212.	The search for economic progress, social justice and human dignity has been supported by the American people, themselves an example of successful development. Our initiatives and resources, through bilateral programs, the United Nations and other multilateral agencies, have made major contributions to the process of modernization throughout the world. For the United States, support of development constitutes a practical imperative.
213.	At the Ottawa meeting the United States reaffirmed its willingness to join its partners in exploring all avenues of consultation and cooperation with developing countries. In October President Reagan will go to the meeting in Cancun. He looks forward to a genuine and open exchange of views on questions of economic development and international cooperation. That meeting offers a novel opportunity to gain fresh understandings of the problems we face together. The United States will join in a constructive and cooperative spirit. Our objective is to bring about a new era of growth. But the purpose of both growth and development goes beyond simple materialism. As Winston Churchill said: "Human beings and human societies are not structures that are built, or machines that are forged. They are plants that grow and must be treated as such".
214.	Despite the difficulties of the moment, we should go forward in a spirit of optimism. We have the vision bequeathed to us by this Charter. We have the potential of all the peoples represented in this Hall. Let us go forward together to achieve a new era of growth for all mankind.