We are
living at a decisive moment in the history of
humankind. More than half a century after the creation
of the United Nations, on the threshold of a new
millennium that was supposed to herald an era of peace
among men, solidarity among nations and greater well-
being for the poorest people, we are confronted instead
by the most serious and complex economic, social,
political and environmental crisis in the history of the
human race.
The expectations of peace, stability and
cooperation that the end of the cold war triggered
throughout the world are far from becoming a reality.
The emergence of a unipolar world in which a single
super-Power is capable of militarily controlling the
international scene, far from meaning greater security
for our peoples, has ushered in a new stage in which
the hegemonism of that sole super-Power prevails —
direct or covert interventionism under the guise of
multilateral actions, insecurity for the small countries,
selfishness as a behavioural pattern in international
relations and the attempt to disregard the principles of
equality among States, national sovereignty, self-
determination, non-intervention, the non-threat or the
use of force and the settlement of disputes through
peaceful means — principles that have constituted the
cornerstone of the United Nations.
We are also living in a world characterized by the
exploitation and the horrendous destitution of over l.3
billion human beings, who, while suffering on a daily
basis and without giving up the hope of a better life for
their children, wonder if we will still have sufficient
reasons to reaffirm faith in the fundamental rights of
man and in the dignity and value of the human person,
as proclaimed more than five decades ago by the
founders of the United Nations.
The attempts at imposing by force and under
pressure the so-called right of humanitarian
intervention are at present the greatest threat to
international peace and security. We all know that the
small group of developed countries — led by the
United States and its allies with powerful forces — that
attempt to impose this perilous concept in the
discussions and decisions of our Organization, do not
have to fear the consequences of recognizing such a
right in international relations. They are not, as we are,
the Euro-Atlantic rim, defined by the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) as the probable scene for
their acts of aggression, and the new strategic doctrine
of this alliance is not aimed at them, but at us, the poor
countries.
Actions geared at fragmenting countries and
nations, at recolonizing territories and re-establishing
zones of influence must cease. The recent precedent of
unleashing deadly wars against defenceless
populations, without even consulting the Security
Council, is not only a flagrant violation of the Charter,
but it is also once again dragging the world into
situations like those that once took over 40 million
lives in a single war.
How many other wars against small, poor
countries must be waged before we understand the
need to respect the Charter and engage in a deep
democratization process in international relations?
Is it possible that those who now buttress with
threatening language their attempts at interfering in the
domestic affairs of other countries have fallen for the
idea that the serious problems of underdevelopment,
the after-effects of colonialism, hunger, disease and the
consequences of the constant pillaging of the third
world countries — the real cause of current conflicts —
can be resolved through use of smart bombs?
19

Is it not really paradoxical that Western
Powers — while developing new, ever more
sophisticated killing devices — intend to prevent poor
countries from using conventional light weaponry that
is essential to nations that, like Cuba, live under the
permanent threat of military aggression? Enough of
this hypocrisy and Pharisaic behaviour. The world will
be really safer if total, complete disarmament takes
place, including, especially, nuclear disarmament.
There has to come a day when light weaponry will be
eliminated, when other types of deadlier and more
dangerous conventional arms — the much more
dangerous and deadlier arms owned by a handful of
developed countries — must also be disposed of — the
sooner the better. Yes, mines must be eliminated, but
the threats of aggression against poor countries must be
eliminated long before that.
Will our planet, by any chance, be safer if the
United States finally deploys its hallucinating, costly
anti-missile defence system, through which that
country's rulers deceive their own people by promising
them protection against missiles when nobody knows
really from where they could be launched?
Why does not the United Nations, instead of
tamely following the hazardous death game with the
Western Powers, focus its attention on the so-much
trumpeted yet unfulfilled purpose of setting aside a
portion of the nearly US$ 800 billion, currently used on
military expenses, to promote development and try to
save the victims of the silent war that, year after year,
through disease and starvation, kills more than 11
million third-world children under 5 years of age?
In any case, peace will not be possible if there is
no development for the over one hundred third-world
countries that are presently observing, as stone guests,
the irresponsible squandering of the wealthy, selfish
consumer societies that insatiably eat up our children's
future. Setting out to halve in 15 years the number of
poor people that we now have is undoubtedly a
remarkable endeavour, but how will the other half
judge our goal if they are doomed to live as indigents
all their lives?
What has become of the right to development that
was once so solemnly proclaimed by this very General
Assembly? Don't you think, dear colleagues, that the
time has come for us to calmly and firmly set out to
rescue the issue of the right to development as a United
Nations priority? Isn't it precisely now — when nobody
argues anymore about the resounding failure of the
neo-liberal policies that the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank imposed on third-world
countries with a fundamentalist stubbornness to the
benefit of transnational companies — that our peoples,
united in a great alliance for the most basic rights, must
seize the opportunity to demand that a more
outstanding, decisive role in these affairs be played by
the United Nations Economic and Social Council and
this General Assembly?
Why should we continue to allow international
cooperation to virtually disappear, just now when it is
most needed? Are we entitled to continue discussing,
year after year, without any concrete outcome, the right
to development, which our people are demanding,
while we watch, scattered and disoriented, as the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank
continue to strip the Organization of the prerogatives
bestowed upon it by the Charter? Those who have
imposed such devastating decisions as those leading to
the unbridled privatization of the national resources of
third world countries and the indiscriminate
liberalization of the capital account — thereby
facilitating the outflow of the scarce foreign currencies
from poor countries that, because of expediency or
fear, have not been able to fight for the rights of their
peoples — will be held to account by their children and
by history.
The Millennium Summit, which ended with
positive results, demonstrated once again that the
devastating effects of imposing a neo-liberal model in a
globalized world are hitting third world countries
particularly hard. The socio-economic situation of such
countries — especially those in Africa — is virtually
untenable. Likewise, it made it clear that unilateralism
and duress have no place in a world in which solidarity
and cooperation are the only possible means to achieve
salvation for all.
In the wake of the Summit, no doubts remain:
now is the time to act, to adopt concrete measures in
order to fight the poverty and underdevelopment
currently afflicting the majority of the people of the
world. Cuba, a poor country that nonetheless has a
large store of human capital, has already started to take
action. Deeds, not words, are what we need today.
Two years ago, we put in place a comprehensive
health-care plan under which almost 2,000 Cuban
health workers are rendering services, free of charge, in
20

16 countries of Central America, the Caribbean and
sub-Saharan Africa. Now, given the urgent appeal of
the African countries, we would like to reiterate the
offer that President Fidel Castro made to the United
Nations, the World Health Organization and the
developed countries during the Millennium Summit to
cooperate with Africa in the fight against AIDS and
other terrible diseases currently threatening to wipe out
an entire continent. Cuba is ready to supply up to 3,000
additional Cuban doctors and paramedics for such an
undertaking in sub-Saharan Africa. They would also
contribute to the training of African health workers in
the field. But it is essential for the industrialized
countries to do their share and to supply the necessary
medicines and materials for the programme. Africa is
waiting for us. Cuba stands ready. It is now up to the
developed countries.
Democracy within countries is a goal that is being
sought. That is certainly commendable if the diversity
of cultures, identities, historical experiences, national
realities and political models, and the right of each
people to adopt, with complete independence, the
system that it deems most appropriate, are properly
respected. But is there truly any democracy in
international relations at present? Unfortunately there
is not.
In order to attain it, let us put an end to
hegemonism, foster development, replace selfishness
with cooperation and, finally, respect the purposes and
principles of the San Francisco Charter. We must put an
end, right now, to the arrogance of the few if we do not
want the hopes for a world of justice and peace for all
to crumble.
In order to attain it, let us ensure that the United
Nations truly contributes to building solidarity among
nations and not to the domination of a few over the
overwhelming majority. Let us face up to the attempt
of some to put pressure on the United Nations through
the non-payment of agreed contributions. Let us reject
the use of the United Nations to impose a new colonial
order. Let us demand that the Security Council act as
the representative of all, not as the servant of one. Let
us prevent it from arrogating to itself powers that it
does not have, thereby violating the United Nations
Charter and operating without due transparency while
it decides upon matters of life or death.
Democratizing the United Nations and its
Security Council requires, as indispensable measures,
the abolition of the vexing and anachronistic veto
privilege; an increase in the number of Council
members in proportion to the fourfold increase in the
number of States Members of the Organization; the
application of the principle of equitable geographical
representation to the composition of that body, as with
all others; and the fulfilment of its obligation, as
enshrined in the Charter but ignored in practice, of
reporting to the General Assembly.
Let us be realistic. Security Council reform is — I
will not mince words — as far away today as it ever
was. We should recognize that after seven years of
fruitless efforts we have managed to agree only that it
is necessary to increase the number of members of the
Council. At this point, therefore, we believe that we
should at least work to effect a proportional increase in
the total number of Council members, both permanent
and non-permanent, ensuring adequate representation
for third world countries, as strongly reiterated by the
Millennium Summit. How could the Security Council
be expanded without the inclusion of a reasonable
number of permanent members from the third world?
Forty years ago, on behalf of Cuba, the leader of
a triumphant revolution proclaimed from this very
rostrum the dreams of hope and social justice for which
the Cuban people had struggled for almost a century.
Most of the States now represented in this Assembly
were colonies at that time. There was no talk then — as
there is today — about saving Africa, while it was
being ruthlessly pillaged. The time had not yet arrived
when hundreds of thousands of Cubans would go to
African lands to struggle for the real rights of its
people, against apartheid, disease and illiteracy.
That was the moment when the United States
Government set out to overthrow the Cuban revolution,
which, committed to social justice and true
independence for its people, threatened, through its
ethics, its morality and its example, the secular
domination that the United States had exercised over
the entire western hemisphere. That was the moment
when the economic, trade and financial blockade was
implemented against Cuba — a blockade that, in the
course of a harsh 40-year-old economic war, has
engendered such shameful pieces of legislation as the
Torricelli and Helms-Burton Acts. It has to do with the
blockade that this very General Assembly has rejected
for eight consecutive years and which is still in force
despite worldwide rejection and the obvious
disapproval of the people of the United States.
21

In these four decades, our people have resisted
acts ranging from political pressures and attempts at
diplomatic isolation to the most insidious lying
campaigns, from subversion and terrorism to
assassination attempts on its main leaders, from
biological warfare to the most ruthless blockade and
economic war and from the promotion of armed bands
to military invasion and the threat of nuclear
extermination. Today, on behalf of that same generous
and courageous people, we can once again say to our
third world brothers and to all those who anywhere in
the world defend our right to life and development that
revolutionary socialist Cuba will never cease to
struggle for everyone's dreams.


At the outset, I wish to
extend my congratulations to Mr. Holkeri on his
unanimous election as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-fifth session. I am confident that,
under his able and wise guidance, this session will
successfully accomplish its tasks.
I would also like to express appreciation and
thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab,
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of
Namibia, for the effectiveness with which he directed
the work of the last session.
I also take this opportunity to extend
congratulations to the Republic of Tuvalu on becoming
the latest Member of the United Nations.
We shall not forget to express our thanks and
appreciation to our Secretary-General, not only for his
tireless efforts to ensure respect for the values,
purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter,
but also for his far-sighted and thought-provoking
millennium report.
The fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly is
meeting in the wake of the Millennium Summit, whose
Declaration embodies three fundamental messages.
First, it reaffirms that the ideals and goals of the United
Nations are still sacred to humanity and that the
purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter
are as valid today as they were in the past. Secondly, it
reminds us that the lofty principles enshrined in the
United Nations Charter require us to continuously
strengthen the United Nations and to make the
necessary adjustments and changes to enable it to meet
the challenges of justice, peace and security, poverty
and disease, socio-economic development, the
inequities of the global economy and the protection of
the environment. Thirdly, respect for the ideals and
observance of the purposes and principles of the United
Nations remain the essential keys to the creation of a
peaceful, prosperous and humane new world order. To
this end, the Declaration enjoins us to be loyal to these
common ideals, goals, values and principles. It reminds
us that each State has a responsibility to act not only by
itself, but also within a regional system, to give the
loyalty that is due to these values, goals, purposes and
principles.
In this connection, I wish to join others before me
who have reminded us of the urgent need to reform the
United Nations, including in particular the Security
Council and the General Assembly, with a view to
enabling the Organization to reflect the realities of the
times and to empower it to meet effectively and
efficiently the challenges of the day and the future.
I wish to reaffirm the commitment of the people
and the Government of the State of Eritrea to the noble
ideals and values, as well as the purposes and
18

principles, of the United Nations. Having made
supreme sacrifices and paid dearly, during a 30-year
struggle for independence and membership in the
international community, Eritreans appreciate how
essential the United Nations and its Charter are to their
well-being and prosperity. Having fully experienced
the horrors of a long war and the benefits of a short
peace, they recognize the need for the peaceful and just
settlement of disputes and for cooperation for mutual
benefit in the long human struggle to create an
international order based on justice and equality.
To this end, Eritrean foreign policy has been
premised on the assumption that the threat or use of
force can never be an instrument of foreign policy, and
that even in a clear case self-defence it must be used
only after all available methods of peacefully resolving
disputes have been exhausted — and then only with
extreme caution.
It is for this reason — and because Eritrea has
suffered from the non-application by the United
Nations itself of the principles of its own Charter and
the decisions of the General Assembly — that, upon
independence, Eritrea decided to make the ideals,
values, purposes and principles of the United Nations
Charter the cornerstone of its foreign policy. By its
membership, it had also hoped to play an active role in
promoting the principle of the universality of
membership in the United Nations and in promoting
the achievement of fair and equitable regional and
international orders.
Eritrea is also fully aware of its responsibilities as
a littoral State of a strategic international thoroughfare
and has committed itself to contributing its share to the
stability and security of the region, as well as to the
creation of a zone of peace and cooperation in the
region. To this end, it has made every effort to foster an
atmosphere that will enhance cooperation among the
littoral States of both sides of the Red Sea and promote
development and mutual prosperity. It has also played a
major role in the transformation of the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)
from a simple natural disaster-control mechanism to a
vibrant regional organization which will promote peace
and cooperation among its member States, as well as
advance economic and social cooperation for
development. The recent meeting of the ever-
expanding Community of Sahelo-Saharan States, in
Asmara, our capital, is a testimony to Eritrea's
commitment to the consolidation of the unity of and the
broadening and deepening of cooperative relations
between African countries. This commitment will for
ever be firm.
In spite of its victimization, Eritrea had decided
to forget the past and to start with a clean slate as it
evolved a vision, and set its priorities, for the future. It
established good relations with all its neighbours on
the basis of the United Nations and Organization of
African Unity Charters and the principle of good-
neighbourliness. It assumed that there would not be any
territorial disputes with its neighbours, since its
colonial borders were clearly defined and recognized
and had been accepted at independence by all its
neighbours. It had no reason to assume that its
independence would be threatened by any State, near
or far, any more than it had any reason to assume that it
had the right to use force to expand at the expense of
its neighbours. Its sole ambition as a new member of
the international community was to make up for lost
time in development.
In spite of all its commitments and goodwill,
however, Eritrea has, during its brief seven years of
formal independence, been tested by and had to defend
itself against political pressures, threats and actual
attempts which endangered not only its sovereignty and
territorial integrity, but also its hard-won
independence. True, Eritrea may not be the only new
country in history that has been so tested. Yet it must
be the only Member of the United Nations whose
territorial integrity — indeed, its very existence as a
sovereign, independent State — has been threatened
and is still being threatened at the beginning of the
twenty-first century.
It goes without saying that this struggle to
preserve its independence has been detrimental to the
nation-building and development efforts of the new
State. Yet throughout this time, Eritrea has never
wavered in its commitment to the peaceful resolution
of the disputes. Indeed, it has solved two of its
problems peacefully on a bilateral basis and a third
through international arbitration.
It was perhaps during the last two years that
Eritrea's independence, sovereignty and territorial
integrity were most severely tested. What was labelled
a border dispute proved to be a serious attempt to
reverse history and to recolonize Eritrea — or, failing
that, to truncate it, to Finlandize it, and to turn it into a
satellite State. This attempt was thwarted by the united
19

effort of Eritreans at home and abroad. However, the
attempt exacted its cost: the systematic and wilful
destruction of much of the economic and social
infrastructure of the country and the deliberate, brutal
violation of the human rights of Eritreans, including
the terrorizing and brutalizing of the population in the
occupied territories.
Eritrea is convinced that there is no alternative to
the solution of conflicts by peaceful means and on the
basis of the Charters of the United Nations and the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the existing
principles of international law.
From the beginning of the conflict, Eritrea has
repeatedly declared that war can never be an option to
resolve conflicts, that neither of the parties can settle
the conflict by imposing its will and creating facts on
the ground and then hope to achieve durable and
meaningful peace. It is a clear manifestation of its
commitment to peace and the rule of law that Eritrea
still remains committed to a peaceful resolution of the
conflict, notwithstanding the occupation of large tracts
of its territory, the displacement of hundreds of
thousands of its people, the continued brutalization and
terrorization of the people in occupied territory and the
feverish war preparations for yet another attempt
against its territorial integrity. It has already taken bold
measures, shown flexibility and made important
concessions, however unpalatable they may have been,
in the hope of achieving a just peace and in spite of the
attempts that are being made to destroy the OAU peace
proposals. Again, Eritrea pledges that it will continue
to do its utmost to reach a comprehensive and
conclusive agreement peacefully.
Yet, the fate of peace hinges on three critical
factors. First, the search for peace is a shared
responsibility. It cannot be left to only one of the
parties. Secondly, peace can be made certain only when
it is anchored on the values, ideals and principles of the
Charter, which have been emphatically reconfirmed by
the Millennium Declaration. Among these is respect for
the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity
of States. Thirdly, peace can be achieved only with the
faithful implementation of agreements accepted by
parties to a conflict. We invite all concerned to join
Eritrea in extending full cooperation to the OAU
Facilitators, in making a genuine and unequivocal
commitment to the OAU peace process and in being
faithful to the letter and spirit of the provisions of the
OAU peace documents, in particular the Framework
Agreement and the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement.
At this juncture, I wish to seize this opportunity
to renew our appreciation and gratitude to His
Excellency President Abdelaziz Bouteflika for his
unwavering commitment to the peaceful resolution of
the conflict, and to his personal envoy, His Excellency
Ahmed Ouyahia, for the wisdom and skill with which
he led the indirect talks. We also extend our
appreciation to the international community, including
the Government of the United States of America and
the European Union, as well as other African
governments, for their tireless efforts towards the
achievement of a peaceful resolution and for the
positive contribution they made to ensure the signing
of the Agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities in
Algiers on 18 June 2000. We request them to persist in
their noble endeavour until a genuine and just peace is
really achieved.
Finally, the Government of the State of Eritrea
notes with great appreciation the effort that has been
exerted, and the commitments made, by the United
Nations to ensure an early, comprehensive settlement
of the conflict. In this connection, I wish to draw the
attention of the Security Council to the urgent necessity
of deploying the peacekeeping force authorized by its
resolution 1320 (2000) as quickly as possible in order
to forestall any avoidable obstacles that may threaten,
or even destroy, the gains that have been achieved at
great cost and much effort by so many.


On behalf of the
delegation of the Kingdom of Cambodia, I am
particularly pleased to extend, through you, Mr. Acting
President, my warmest congratulations on the occasion
of the election of Mr. Harri Holkeri as President of the
fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the
United Nations. May I also convey my congratulations
to Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, President of the fifty-fourth
session, for his eminent leadership and successful
steering of the work of that session. Equal
congratulations go to Secretary-General Kofi Annan
for his admirable and untiring efforts made on behalf of
peace and development in the world. I would also like
to take this opportunity to welcome Tuvalu into the
Organization and to convey the sincere congratulations
of the Cambodian delegation. Tuvalu's presence among
us will add a new credit to our Organization.
The political platform for economic development,
launched by the Royal Government of Cambodia since
its formation in 1998, after many decades of civil war
and tragedy, and in spite of enormous difficulties and
obstacles, has scored good results with regular growth,
thus paving the way for a solid foundation for long-
term economic growth and sustainable development in
Cambodia.
The achievements of 1999, and of the first six
months of this year, are encouraging for the future of
Cambodia. The Kingdom of Cambodia, with its
profound belief that the value of democracy and human
rights should be in harmony with cultural peculiarities,
traditions, and level of development, considers human
rights to be one of the foundations of the system of
government. The Royal Government of Cambodia, at
present, is making great efforts towards the
reinforcement of democratic pluralism and the rule of
law.
The recently held Millennium Summit on the role
of the United Nations in the twenty-first century has,
through its Millennium Declaration, defined great
guidelines on this universal institution's policies and
reforms, designed to overcome problems facing our
planet in the third millennium. The shared reflection of
our leaders is testimony to the aspirations of all peoples
throughout the world for a more equitable international
environment in the face of rapid globalization and its
effects on the economic, social and cultural
development of all nations.
On the question of the Security Council, the
Royal Government of Cambodia believes, as do many
Member States, that it is very important for the
Security Council to reflect the reality of today's world.
This can be achieved by expanding the permanent and
non-permanent membership of the Council to the
developing countries and to those countries that have
concretely contributed to sharing the burden of United
Nations operations. Only through overall reform and
enlargement will the Security Council be able to
maintain its effectiveness and legitimacy in this new
millennium. In this regard, Cambodia strongly supports
Japan's and India's permanent membership in this core
body of the United Nations.
The Kingdom of Cambodia observes with great
interest the situation in the Middle East. We urge both
sides to make greater efforts in order to achieve lasting
peace in this suffering region. The Kingdom of
Cambodia reaffirms its total support for a fair,
equitable, durable, and global settlement based on the
relevant resolutions of the United Nations and on the
application of the agreed-upon peace accords, so that
the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people will be
recognized by all.
In spite of the consequences of the financial crisis
in 1997 and 1998, Asia is on the road to recovery and
Asia's economic growth has ever since been recorded.
The thirty-third Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN) Ministerial Meeting held this past
July in Bangkok bears witness once more to the
exemplary solidarity between member States to
integrate their economies and to further advance their
multiform cooperation.
The Kingdom of Cambodia is very pleased with
the inter-Korean summit meeting in Pyongyang last
June, which we consider as an important landmark in
the relationship between the two brotherly nations, and
which has enormously contributed to the maintenance
of peace and stability in its region as well as in the
whole world and to the peaceful reunification of Korea.
(spoke in French)
25

We are witnessing, today, the growing
phenomenon of globalization. There are no States that
can avoid its immense impact on our daily life.
However, the process of globalization is not a
sufficient answer to the quest of the developing
countries to reach progress and development for better
living conditions of their people. It is clear that the
impact of globalization benefits, primarily, States
having strong economies and advanced technology,
while leaving the least developed countries with little,
if any, means to cope with such reality.
The developing countries, especially the least
developed countries, that cannot catch up with
globalization's speed will be left behind. The rich
countries will get richer and more developed, and the
poor countries will get poorer and poorer.
Therefore, the Royal Government of Cambodia
calls all Member States of the United Nations to unite
their efforts and resources to make sure that the
benefits of globalization are expanded more equally
among the international community and to maximize
the positive impact of this phenomenon in order to
enable the least developed countries to follow the trend
of globalization.
Another aspect of finance for development is the
crushing burden of debt that weighs on the developing
countries. Debt places a heavy burden on the
development process of many developing countries.
Unfortunately, the debt strategies that have been
implemented so far have not proved capable of solving
this problem.
The Royal Government of Cambodia appreciates
the initiative taken by some nations in agreeing to
solve the intolerable debt burden of the least developed
countries. However, the results are currently far from
being sufficient. That is why we appeal for these
initiatives to be adopted by some other members of the
international community, enabling more poor countries
to benefit from these human and just actions.
Cambodia sincerely hopes that the Millennium
Summit, which has just successfully concluded, will
bring about the imperative reform of the United
Nations. The reform of this important world body will
positively respond to the reality of the world today, and
would be able, I hope, to establish a new mechanism to
save the developing countries from becoming victims
of globalization, even as other countries derive greater
and greater benefit.
In this context, as the United Nations has been
called upon by the Millennium Summit to play a more
decisive role in ensuring that the development of
nations is more equitable, it is necessary that this world
institution possess the means to support its actions.
Also, it is an imperative requirement to establish a new
mechanism of relations between the United Nations
and the international financial institution.
 Moreover, it is necessary to have a new order of
international relations in view of the rapid phenomenon
of globalization, so as to reduce the ever-increasing
unjust gap between the rich and poor countries. I am
convinced that this is not a matter of generosity, but a
matter of human security, as well as the security of the
entire international community.


Let me begin by
congratulating the President on behalf of my delegation
on his unanimous election to lead the fifty-fifth regular
session of the General Assembly. I am confident that
his able leadership and vast diplomatic experience will
steer the business of this session of the General
Assembly to the desired outcome. I also wish to
express my delegation’s gratitude to his predecessor,
Minister Theo-Ben Gurirab of Namibia, for the able
manner in which he presided over the work of our
previous session. I commend the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, whose commitment in shaping the
United Nations to meet the challenges of the new
millennium has won the respect and admiration of
many. I particularly commend him for his selfless
dedication to duty and encourage him to continue
serving the international community with the same
zeal.
The proliferation of conflicts in Africa continues
to pose serious threats to peace, security and stability.
Conflicts have had a negative impact on the continent’s
development capacity and continue to undermine
efforts to improve the living standards of our peoples.
They have caused considerable destruction and loss of
lives, generated millions of refugees and displaced
persons and exacerbated famine conditions in areas
such as the southern Sudan and the Horn of Africa.
Africa recognizes the primary role of the United
Nations in the maintenance of international peace and
security. It also recognizes the need for cooperation
between the United Nations and regional organizations
in peacekeeping and peace-building. Such efforts have
yielded positive results in some countries. However,
there are others, such as the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, where the United Nations has been slow to
act.
Positive regional initiatives have been recorded in
the cessation of armed hostilities between Ethiopia and
Eritrea, under the auspices of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU). We commend the parties for the
maturity they have demonstrated. We urge both parties
to the conflict to uphold the ceasefire while working
towards a final negotiated settlement of that dispute.
The United Nations is urged to speedily discharge its
duty along that common border.
The establishment last month of a Transitional
National Assembly and the election of the President of
the Republic of Somalia was indeed a momentous
occasion. I pay tribute to President Ismail Omar
Guelleh of Djibouti for his mediation efforts and his
steadfast commitment to the cause of peace in Somalia.
I call upon the international community to continue
providing support and humanitarian assistance to the
Somali nation. I also hope that the recently concluded
accord on Burundi will bring to an end the seven-year-
old civil war and enable the people of that country to
redirect their efforts towards reconstruction and
development.
The recent unfortunate experience in Sierra
Leone calls for a review of peacekeeping operations,
particularly with regard to the safety, commissioning
and deployment of troops. Kenya supports the recent
initiative aimed at curbing the trade in illicit diamonds,
which fuels and sustains conflicts in Africa. Kenya
welcomes the decision by the Security Council
authorizing the establishment of an international
criminal court to try those responsible for atrocities
committed in the civil war in Sierra Leone. It should
signal to the rebels there and elsewhere that the
international community will not tolerate acts against
humanity.
Turning to disarmament and international
security, we are disappointed that the Conference on
Disarmament for the second year running has not
undertaken any substantive work. This situation is
particularly disturbing, since the Conference is the sole
multilateral disarmament negotiating forum.
The Conference has for a considerable period of
time been expected to conduct serious negotiations on
a fissile material cut-off treaty and a treaty on nuclear
disarmament. This Assembly has in various resolutions
urged the Conference on Disarmament to undertake
such negotiations. During its fifty-fourth session, for
instance, the General Assembly passed four resolutions
which, inter alia, called on the Conference to get down
to serious work.
The lack of progress at the Conference is due to
the reluctance of key nuclear-weapon States to submit
themselves to negotiate in good faith, despite their
obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
We still expect the nuclear-weapon States to honour
their commitment to undertake genuine nuclear
disarmament, which they renewed during the 2000
Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty. Failure
of the Conference on Disarmament will send the wrong
signal to non-nuclear-weapon States and might well
encourage those with nuclear ambitions to join that
club. After the end of the cold war, there is no longer
any justification for maintaining nuclear arsenals, if
there ever was one. Kenya calls on the nuclear
countries to preserve outer space as a nuclear-free
zone.
The serious security problem posed by the
proliferation of illicit small arms and light weapons is a
matter of grave concern to Kenya. We hosted in March
this year the Great Lakes Region and Horn of Africa
Conference on the proliferation of illicit small arms
and light weapons. The Conference, attended by 10
States of the region, adopted the Nairobi Declaration,
which calls for greater cooperation and information-
sharing between law enforcement and border control
officials of States in our region, as well as the
strengthening and/or adoption of national laws and
control mechanisms governing civilian possession of
arms, and urges source countries to regulate weapons
and arms transactions through strict licensing. The
Nairobi Conference was an important initiative. Kenya
is in the process of organizing a follow-up meeting
later this year.
In the same vein, I should like to express our full
support for the International Conference on the Illicit
Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its
Aspects, scheduled for 2001. We hope that that
Conference will adequately address our concerns.
A consequence of conflicts and the proliferation
of illicit small arms and light weapons has been the
massive movement of refugees across borders. Kenya
continues to host a large number of such refugees. This
has put a heavy strain on our own scarce national
resources.
I am happy to note that the Government of Kenya
is in the process of finalizing the Refugee Bill 2000 in
order to address the refugee phenomenon. The Bill is a
result of joint efforts between the Government of
Kenya, the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees and other stakeholders. It will provide
refugees with a better legal framework in which to live
and exercise their rights. Kenya would like to see an
end to the disparity in the treatment of refugees
globally. We have noted with concern the bewildering
inconsistency in the responses to the refugee problems
in other parts of the world compared with those in
Africa. We hope that in future the international
community will respond in a fair and consistent manner
to refugee crises in all parts of the world.
The promotion of human rights and fundamental
freedoms is firmly on the international agenda. In
Kenya the Government effort is geared towards
enhancing public awareness of existing rights and
freedoms. In this regard, the Government has prepared
a bill seeking to establish an independent human rights
commission to monitor and protect human rights. That
commission would also advise the Government on its
international obligations on the protection and
promotion of human rights.
During the last session of the Assembly I
commended the High Commissioner for Human Rights
for adopting a proactive approach to human rights
issues. We continue to stress that human rights should
be addressed in a global context through a dialogue-
based approach. In this way, we will realize wider
acceptance and observance of human rights.
The rise in transnational networks of crime,
narcotics, money laundering and terrorism is another
matter of grave concern to us. The effects of the
August 1998 terrorist bombing in Nairobi are still
evident in our economy and in the lives of Kenyans.
We have undertaken measures to contain this menace
by establishing special policing units and strict control
of movement on border areas and other national entry
points. We are also collaborating with international
security agencies, such as Interpol, and have signed
extradition treaties with a number of States. We call for
concerted efforts to adopt effective international
measures to eradicate the growing and dangerous links
between terrorist groups, drug traffickers and armed
criminal groups. The struggle against terrorism can
only succeed if there is cooperation between all
countries to track down and apprehend wanted
terrorists.
Kenya supports the initiative to restructure and
revitalize the United Nations in the economic, social
and related fields. We stress that the promotion of
development should remain a central priority of the
Organization.
The process of reforming the Economic and
Social Council should be expedited by organizing its
work throughout the year and reinforcing its role in
providing overall policy guidance for operational
development programmes and funds.
Kenya supports the implementation of policies
that foster economic growth in developing countries in
order to bridge the widening gap between rich and
poor. My delegation urges the United Nations and the
Bretton Woods institutions to ensure the facilitation of
stronger and more equitable international multilateral
development cooperation designed to address the
growing problems in economic development.
We are all aware of the challenging task of
eradicating poverty consistent with the overall
objectives and strategies agreed in the Copenhagen
Declaration and the Programme of Action adopted at
the World Summit for Social Development and with the
outcome of the Millennium Summit. Kenya supports
and continues to implement the Copenhagen
Declaration and the Programme of Action. This
commitment is manifested in our Government’s
determination to establish a firm policy and
institutional framework for mainstreaming the poverty
eradication agenda. The formulation of the National
Poverty Eradication Plan is a step towards focusing
national policies and operational priorities on the poor,
as well as providing an enabling environment for them
to participate in economic and social development.
Further, the Government of Kenya has developed
an interim poverty reduction strategy paper, which has
been prepared in consultation with all stakeholders.
The strategy paper outlines measures designed to
improve economic performance, while identifying key
actions to reduce the prevalence of poverty.
The above measures are part of the Kenya
Government’s strategy to restore economic growth
while maintaining economic stability. Economic
reforms are gaining momentum and are expected to
lead to a progressive increase in real per capita growth.
Currently, the country is facing a severe drought, the
worst in our country’s history. This is having a
debilitating effect on our economy. We appreciate the
assistance received so far from the international
community and seek continued support to deal with the
situation.
Globalization poses enormous challenges to
developing countries, and ours is no exception. Kenya
welcomes initiatives that protect the weaker States
from the adverse effects of globalization. The ability of
African countries to participate effectively, exercise
their rights and meet their obligations in the World
Trade Organization (WTO) is an important determinant
in their integration into the international trading
system. My delegation is concerned about the growing
protectionism manifested in attempts to support a new
round of multilateral trade negotiations within the
context of the WTO. Kenya is firmly opposed to the
introduction of new protectionist barriers to trade
camouflaged as labour, health and environmental
standards.
At the same time, we urge the implementation of
special and differential provisions in respect of
developing and least developed countries because of
their low levels of industrialization and the vulnerable
nature of their economies.
The increased globalization of financial markets
and capital flows poses new challenges for the
mobilization of adequate resources. Kenya shares the
concerns of developing countries over the general
decline in official development assistance and the free
flow of foreign direct investment to developing
countries. Portfolio investment, which tends to be
volatile and unpredictable, as experienced during the
1997 financial crisis, is a source of financial instability.
We support the creation of a new international financial
architecture for a more stable financial system. The
global market environment poses enormous challenges,
and there is an urgent need for supportive international
policies that will ensure the financial system’s efficient
functioning.
The slow progress in Africa’s attainment of
sustainable economic growth is linked to the failure to
mobilize resources. This has been aggravated by
internal conflicts and the prevalence of diseases such as
malaria and the HIV/AIDS pandemic, which in
themselves have a causal relationship with poverty and
deprivation. My country, in collaboration with
international agencies, is zealously pursuing scientific
research to find a cure for malaria and the HIV/AIDS
pandemic. We call upon the international community to
support our research efforts to find a cure for these
diseases, which continue to ravage millions. Kenya
wishes to stress the need to ensure the easy availability
of existing drugs to those already afflicted.
Given that information technologies are important
prerequisites for development, the developed countries
should direct resources to accelerate the development
of information technology in Africa. In this regard,
Kenya welcomes the Okinawa Charter initiative of the
G-8 countries and looks forward to the implementation
of its aims.
My delegation notes the commitment made by the
G-8 to speed up the pace of implementation of the
enhanced Highly Indebted Poor Countries Debt
Initiative, in line with the targets agreed at the Cologne
Summit. However, the initiative suffers from a lack of
commitment to implementation and should be reviewed
with a view to being speeded up. We share the
concerns, expressed by the leaders from developing
countries who attended the Okinawa G-8 Summit, on
the impact of the debt burden to poverty alleviation
efforts. Debt repayment in sub-Saharan Africa is to the
detriment of health, education and other essential
services. Kenya urges creditor countries to honour
pledges for debt relief and increase balance of payment
support to developing countries.
Kenya attaches special importance to South-
South cooperation. It is in recognition of the important
role of economic cooperation among developing
countries that we continue actively to pursue economic
integration with countries in our own subregion. The
relationship between regional and subregional
economic groupings is seen within the framework of

the African Economic Community, which Kenya fully
supports.
The institutions established in 1945 are overdue
for an overhaul. The world political, economic and
security landscape has changed, and so must these
institutions. The United Nations must become a truly
universal Organization, democratic and representative
of the many diverse interests. Its organs should reflect
this rich diversity, with effective representation and
participation at all levels of decision-making. The
General Assembly has to reassert its role within the
Organization. The Security Council must also reflect
the principle of equitable geographical representation
and the realities of our times. Kenya seeks to have
permanent seats on the Security Council allotted for
Africa, to be filled by African countries on a rotational
basis and on the same footing as existing permanent
seats. The transformation of institutions dealing with
other issues is equally overdue if we are to re-energize
the efficacy and effectiveness of the United Nations, as
called for in the Millennium Declaration.
Kenya appreciates the increased utilization of the
United Nations Office at Nairobi. We are nevertheless
dissatisfied with the level of involvement with
environment and human settlement issues. There is a
huge, under-utilized capacity in the Nairobi offices. It
should be noted also that the Nairobi Declaration
adopted by Member States in February 1997 declared
the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP)
to be the principal body in the field of environment.
Kenya is therefore totally opposed to the creation of
new institutions with similar concerns and calls upon
the international community to strengthen the role of
UNEP and the United Nations Centre for Human
Settlements (Habitat) in Nairobi.
In conclusion, Kenya fully embraces the spirit of
the Millennium Declaration, with a pledge to make its
modest contribution in the general service of a happier
family of nations.


47.	 The thirtieth session of the General Assembly opens at a time when important events are occurring on the international scene. At the economic level, the ills from which the international system suffers have been the subject of a more careful diagnosis is being made to remedy them.  At the Political level level, war is ending in Indo-China, while considerable progress is taking place in  the field of decolonization. These transformations undoubtedly constitute an important stage on the road to establishing peace. However, a long road lies ahead before true justice prevails in international relations and before peoples who are still oppressed can enjoy fully their rights to dignity, freedom and independence. It is, therefore, within a new context where the peoples of the world are torn between despair and hope that this thirtieth session, whose work you are called upon to guide, is opening.
48 Mr. President, your responsibilities are difficult and complex, but we who know your qualities as a statesman and an eminent diplomat, your foresight and clear perception, we who know the well deserved respect that your country enjoys, rejoice at the unanimous choice of the General Assembly which has brought you to the presidency of this session. I therefore ask you to accept the warmest congratulations of the delegation of Mauritania on that mark of confidence and tribute of esteem addressed to you and, through you, to your country, Luxembourg.
49.	I should like also to pay a most earnest tribute to your predecessor, my friend and brother Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria. The delegation of Mauritania is all the more happy to express its gratitude to him because he is not only a worthy representative of Africa, but also the Minister for Foreign Affairs of a brother country with which Mauritania maintains the most fraternal and fruitful relations. The history of the United Nations will for ever bear the imprint of the courage, the personality and the qualities of the man who, despite resistance and criticism, was able to define the problems and was among the first to lead us to a fuller awareness of them. It is therefore appropriate for us to express our gratitude to him for his important work during the twenty-ninth regular session and the seventh special session of the General Assembly.
50.	The Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, also deserves our appreciation for the remarkable way in which he discharges his lofty and difficult mission. I wish once again to assure him of the support of Mauritania in his courageous and persevering efforts to win respect for the principles of the Charter and the ideals of equality and justice.
51.	I said earlier that the peoples were torn between despair and hope. If we examine the international Situation we note that it has been marked by events which are bringing us closer to peace. Among the super-Powers a network: of new relations, based on economic co-operation, is being established over and above any differences of political regime or ideological system. That new spirit of co-operation and understanding has grown out of the realization that within the context of the balance of nuclear power certain geographical or political boundaries cannot be altered by force. It is also fostered by the fact that it has been realized that two powerful industrial and trade blocs can both benefit from economic co-operation.
52 In Europe, where for a long time peace initiatives, attempts to settle by peaceful means problems inherited from the Second World 'War, died in the face of misunderstanding and suspicion, anew era of confidence mutual respect is gradually beginning.
53' the,Viet Nams and in Cambodia, whose peoples nave for a long time been dying from war and foreign intervention, peace is being restored. This is not a peace resulting from a compromise or from a partially observed commitment; it is a peace which has been dearly bought by those peoples. The Cambodian people imposed upon itself the sufferings and the painful sacrifices which we know of to recover its independence. Its victory is a victory for all the peoples who are still struggling for their freedom and dignity. Because of the victory of the Cambodian people, I can today greet their representatives in this Assembly, where they have been restored to their rightful and natural place. The victory of the Vietnamese peoples is no less significant. It was because of a lofty struggle that those peoples obtained their ultimate objective their independence and freedom.
54.	Having implacably devastated the two Vietnamese States, the United States ought to have undertaken to assist in their reconstruction. Not only has the United States not shown such generosity: it has even gone so far as to oppose the admission of the two Vietnamese States to the United Nations by the abusive exercise of its veto. My country cannot but deplore such an attitude, which nothing can justify.
55.	In the field of decolonization considerable progress has been achieved through the concerted action of liberation movements and the United Nations. The concrete result of that action is the accession of many countries to international sovereignty. I should like to express the warmest congratulations of Mauritania to the representatives of the brother countries which have acceded to independence and are with us today. I refer to Mozambique, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe.
56.	On the economic level, the seventh special session, devoted to development and international economic co-operation, was one of the rare gatherings where dialog prevailed over confrontation. That was all the more fortunate since international economic problems, and in the first place the fundamental problem of development, are today more acute than ever. The specific measures proposed by the special session constitute an important step towards the establishment of a new international economic order, because they are measures which were unanimously accepted by all the Members of our Organization. We know that the resolution adopted at the seventh special session [resolution 3362 (S-V1I)] suffers from definite gaps and shortcomings but it none the less reveals a sincere desire to embark upon a useful and constructive dialog.
57.	My country has already had an opportunity, at the beginning of last month, to state its basic position regarding the development problems faced by the countries of the third world. We emphasized particularly the need to stabilize prices of raw materials, the need for the adequate transfer of resources to finance development and a more equitable distribution of industry throughout the world. While our demands have not been fully met, we must nevertheless recognize that our legitimate claims in those various fields have been welcomed with sustained interest.
58.	These outstanding events constitute beyond any doubt a substantial success for the forces of peace throughout the world. They are therefore a legitimate source of hope. It must nevertheless be recognized that peace is far from assured everywhere and that more justice in international economic relations remains a distant target. Those negative factors constitute serious dangers for the world community.
59.	The first of those factors is the question of Palestine, which directly affects international peace and security. The people of Palestine, whose existence throughout the centuries was closely intertwined with geography, with the very land of Palestine, have been chased from their homes, dispossessed of their goods and reduced to wandering and living on inter-national charity. This injustice committed against the people of Palestine is at the root of the whole problem of the Middle East. It is therefore obvious that any solution to that problem must necessarily include the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the people of Palestine, including their right to return to their homes and their right to independence and to national and international sovereignty.
60.	In the other occupied Arab territories, Israel pursues its policy of intimidation and colonization by force. The establishment of a systematic policy of settlement, the implantation of settlers from everywhere except the region concerned, is in itself very revealing of the Tel Aviv authorities' view of a contribution to the establishment of peace in the Middle East. Quite obviously, what the Israeli authorities have in mind is the creation of an irreversible situation of violent change and faits accomplis.
61.	We have of course followed with great attention the praiseworthy efforts of the United States Secretary of State to unfreeze this explosive situation of "no war, no peace", a situation whose maintenance cannot but threaten the peace of the region and, therefore, international security. While the results he has obtained can be regarded as a first step towards a solution, it is none the less true that the price paid to Israel in armaments can definitely jeopardize any chance for peace in the Middle East. Moreover, those results will remain limited and without any real effect on the situation if similar and urgent efforts are not undertaken in the other sectors on the Syrian and, partic-ularly, the Jordanian fronts. In any case, it must be understood that any kind of peace in the Middle East will be an illusion so long as the Arab territories remain occupied and the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people have not been restored to them.
62.	Another negative factor is the tragic situation in southern Africa. Indeed, the peoples of South Africa and Zimbabwe remain under the yoke of a colonialism based on racial segregation and the domination of the majority by a handful of foreign settlers. The racist policy of the Pretoria regime, which denies to 13 million Africans the most elementary human rights, is an insult to the international community and to this Organization itself. The Organization cannot accept in its midst those who reject its principles and systematically trample under foot its relevant decisions. The South African regime has no place in this forum so long as it does not subscribe sincerely to the principles of equality and respect for the human person, principles that are the framework and the very essence of our Organization, With regard to the rebel Ian Smith regime, the Members of the United Nations have the imperative duty scrupulously to apply and strengthen the sanctions imposed on that regime by the Security Council.
63.	I should like here to assure the peoples of South Africa and Zimbabwe of the active solidarity and unwavering support of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania in their struggle for dignity, freedom and national independence.
64.	There is another problem that causes us concern  that of Angola. We hope that that country will once again find peace and stability so as to accede to independence in unity and brotherhood, without being torn apart. The people of Angola are living through a difficult period of their existence, but we are convinced that if they are left to themselves they will be able to meet the challenge and recover their national cohesion.
65.	While I am speaking of colonial problems, I cannot fail to mention the problem of Western Sahara, which is of the utmost importance to us since it involves our territorial integrity and the unity of our people. We shall, of course, have an opportunity in the Fourth Committee to take up the substance of this problem, when the report of the Visiting Mission to the Territory [A I 10023, chap. XUJ, annex] and the advisory opinion requested of the International Court of Justice have been communicated to the General Assembly. But I should like now to reiterate the mutual determination of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania and the Kingdom of Morocco to find for this problem, within the framework of the United Nations, the most appropriate political solution, a solution that will take the utmost account of the respective rights of the two countries. I willingly refrain from dwelling on this problem, since the General Assembly last year took the twofold action which I have just mentioned and the results of which are not yet known. Hence, I shall consider it my duty at a later stage of this session to set forth in detail my country's views on this problem, which affects our national unity and our very existence.
66.	While the problems of Africa are of particular concern to us, we cannot fail to mention other problems which, while they are far removed from us in distance, are nevertheless of great concern to us. One of them in particular is the problem of Korea. The Korean nation was divided by the accident of occupation. At the beginning, there was a temporary demarcation line, which later was changed into a definite boundary not because that was the desire of the people of Korea but because the prolonged presence of occupation forces tends to create an irreversible situation. That situation, which some are trying to make ever more final, is a permanent threat to peace in that region because it is contrary to the sacred principles of the territorial integrity of the country and to the interests of its people. The use made of the United Nations flag to give an appearance of legality to such an undertaking, to camouflage the occupation of the southern part of Korea, must be stopped by our Organization. The people of Korea must in fact have
the possibility of achieving their independent and peaceful reunification without any foreign interference.
67.	These hotbeds of tension or selective confrontation are not the only problems with which the international community is faced. There is another crucial problem of our times: the growing gap between the developed and the developing countries. So long as the measures decided upon by the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly for the establishment of a new international economic order have not been put into effect, this gap, which is already scandalous, will continue to grow. We hope that the developed countries will give us proof of their true political determination to implement these measures which, if they are respected, can contribute to the establishment of genuine international co-operation.
68.	The United Nations is an appropriate framework for such international co-operation. Reform of the economic system of the United Nations and the establishment of structures tailored to the new economic facts cannot but make our Organization more able to play its role of catalyst. It is by doing this that our Organization, an instrument of peace and understanding among peoples, can see its role as a factor for political, economic and social advancement restored to it.
69.	The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, for its part, is prepared to make its contribution to this task of renewal, which is of necessity a joint task.