Let me first congratulate
Mr. Kavan on his election as President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-seventh session and for the
excellent manner in which he has been presiding over
our deliberations since the beginning of the session.
With the calibre of leadership he has displayed, added
to his vast experience and wisdom, I have no doubt that
our deliberations will be easily guided to a successful
outcome.
Let me also express my delegation's thanks and
appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Han Seung-soo, for
his efficiency and effectiveness in conducting the
business of the fifty-sixth session of the General
Assembly.
I would be remiss if I did not pay homage to our
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for another year of
fine stewardship of our Organization and of humanity
at large. Thanks to his leadership, our Organization has
been able to cross a number of important frontiers in
the year since we last met.
Lastly, my delegation warmly congratulates East
Timor on its full transition to democracy, its successful
conduct of democratic elections, its recent accession to
independence and its subsequent admission into our
United Nations family. Our congratulations also go to
the Government and people of Switzerland on acceding
to full membership of the United Nations as the 190th
and newest Member State.
Our session is being convened at a time when the
anniversary of the dastardly 11 September attack on the
United States is being observed. We join the rest of the
world, including the families of the victims, in
remembering those who lost their lives and we pray
that almighty God grant them eternal rest. Gambians
were among the thousands from many nations of the
world who were victims of the attack. This only goes to
show that terrorism knows no national boundaries. In
commemorating 11 September, President Jammeh
declared a public holiday for people to stay home and
pray. We must therefore harness all our efforts and
cooperate effectively to address this wicked
phenomenon and its root causes.
Let me take this opportunity to commend the
Counter-Terrorism Committee established pursuant to
Security Council resolution 1373 (2001) for the good
work that it is doing in enhancing cooperation in the
field of counter-terrorism. In the course of this year,
the Gambia was able to accede to all the major treaties
relating to terrorism and we are currently in the process
of implementing resolution 1373 (2001).
The year 2002 has been a busy one for us all.
First, we came here for the special session on children.
Then, we went off to Monterrey for the International
Conference on Financing for Development, and we just
recently concluded our deliberations on sustainable
development in Johannesburg, South Africa. At each of
these important forums, we were offered the
opportunity of rededicating ourselves to the noble
objectives of our Organization, especially those that
were so strongly evinced at the Millennium Summit
and enshrined in the millennium development goals,
which we all espoused.
Through our deliberations at these meetings in
the course of this year, we have recommitted ourselves
to striving in a more purposeful and determined manner
to spread and deepen democracy throughout the world;
do better in protecting human rights, fundamental
human freedoms and the rule of law; strengthen our
17

cooperation in the fight against hunger, poverty and
disease; do more to protect the weak and vulnerable in
our respective societies, particularly children, the aged
and the handicapped; and redouble our efforts to
sanitize and preserve the physical and human ecology
and environment. These are some of the important
pillars on which world peace and security are built and
which we must consciously work to strengthen and
preserve from crumbling. That is the only sure way that
global security and development, which are at the core
of our Organization's mandate, can be assured.
We in the Gambia have been doing all we can to
stay the course in the uphill task of nation-building
under the inspired and dynamic leadership of President
Al Hadji Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh. In the area of good
governance, I am pleased to inform this body that, with
special reference to the democratization process,
following the much-acclaimed presidential elections
held last October, National Assembly elections were
held on 17 January and local Government elections on
25 April 2002. Mindful of the need to cultivate the
culture of democracy and good governance, the
Government of the Gambia has since developed and
adopted a national governance policy and programme.
The main components of the policy framework
are constitutional review and reform of electoral
processes; enhancing parliamentary structures and
processes; civic education; reform of legal and judicial
processes and constitutional review; public sector
management and administrative reform; and
decentralization and reform of local Government
systems. Clearly, governance constitutes an important
component of our poverty reduction strategy.
Halfway through the United Nations Decade for
the Eradication of Poverty, and in spite of all the
commitments we have made over the years to reduce
poverty and to accelerate the pace of social and
economic development throughout the world, the gap
between the rich and the poor is widening and the
absolute number of poor people, especially in the
developing world, is increasing. The scourge of
poverty is insidious. It contains within itself all the
elements that militate against its victim's ability to rise
above his or her condition.
Therefore, fighting poverty calls for conscious,
deliberate interventions that only the strong can
provide to help the weak. These interventions come,
for the most part, in the form of resource flows.
Unfortunately, these have been dwindling over the
years and, in spite of the recent commitments made by
the G8 countries in Kananaskis in support of the new
African initiative — the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD), for which we are grateful —
overall, the shortfalls in the fight against poverty are
still huge and growing.

The international community should not lead
African countries to disenchantment. The Heavily
Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative is, for the most
part, still good only on paper, largely speaking.
Protectionist policies and heavy subsidies continue to
frustrate our efforts to earn a decent living through
production and trade. And the promises of increased
official development assistance and other forms of
assistance over four United Nations Development
Decades have remained largely unfulfilled. In fact, this
session of the General Assembly will look into the
implementation of the United Nations New Agenda for
the Development of Africa in the 1990s, and the main
conclusion will be that, by and large, the commitments
made by Africa's development partners have not been
met. We missed another opportunity for the multilateral
system to work towards poverty eradication and social
and economic development.
With special reference to the plight of least
developed countries, I would like to add the Gambia's
voice to those of previous speakers in calling for a
renewed commitment to implementing the programme
of action for the least developed countries for the
decade 2001-2010. In that connection, we commend
the General Assembly for the decision taken to
establish the Office of the High Representative for the
Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing
Countries and Small Island Developing States. We look
forward to working closely with the High
Representative.
The recently held ministerial meeting of least
developed countries in Cotonou was indeed timely, and
we call on the rest of the international community to
lend its full support to the least developed countries so
that we implement fully the decisions taken. We
cannot, however, discuss the issue of poverty
alleviation without mentioning the problem of women
and children. With regard to our women folk, we need
to focus more on the 12 critical areas of concern laid
out in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action,
18

including gender inequalities. As for the issues
concerning children, we hope that the follow-up
summit held here in New York recently will strengthen
us in our resolve to achieve the noble goals that we
have set for ourselves to give our children a brighter
future.
For our part, in the Gambia we have evolved a
strong and focused policy on poverty, which we have
articulated in a programme of action for poverty
alleviation. The strategy is anchored on my
Government's commitment to eradicate poverty in the
long term, by increasing income through economic
growth and empowering the population with the
capacity for sustainable development. Our fight against
poverty stands on five pillars: the creation of an
enabling environment for economic growth and
development, enhancing the productive capacity and
social protection of the poor, improving coverage of
basic services, political empowerment of civil society,
and strengthened partnerships with development
stakeholders. My Government is committed to
relentlessly pursuing those objectives in line with the
objectives of the Millennium Development Goals. In
that, we shall be counting on the wholehearted support
of the international community.
At this juncture, I would like to express my
Government's most profound gratitude to our principal
partners in development and to the donor community at
large for their active participation at the sixth
Roundtable Donors Conference for the Gambia, held in
Geneva on 18 and 19 September 2002. We are
confident that all the pledges made will be honoured so
that together, in the true spirit of international
solidarity, we will implement smoothly and
successfully our national programme of action for
poverty alleviation.
That is all the more urgent considering the fact
that, during the rainy season this year, we experienced
a long dry spell initially, resulting in the poor
performance of both crops and livestock.
It is our hope that all nations of the world will
redouble their efforts to live up to the commitments
they made in Rio and, just recently, reaffirmed in
Johannesburg. Even as we search for ways of taking
our people out of poverty, we should also be mindful of
the need to conserve our natural environment.
Of particular concern to my delegation are the
destructive fishing practices in the South Atlantic.
Despite the adoption of numerous international
instruments to regulate fishing with a view to
conserving fish stocks, unsustainable and often illegal
fishing continues unabated in our coastal waters. The
unbridled pursuit of profit without due regard to
sustainability and long-term food security is the only
reason for that undesirable situation. My delegation
therefore calls on all Member States to cooperate with
us to address this serious state of affairs and to provide
us with technical and other forms of assistance to
enable all affected countries to better police their
waters in order to arrest those unsustainable and
harmful fishing practices.
The momentum generated in Johannesburg must
not be allowed to wither away. It must be recognized,
however, that there can be no meaningful development
without peace and stability. That is why we attach great
importance to the issue of peacekeeping.
In the field of peacekeeping, our Organization
continues to score remarkable successes. We appreciate
the efforts of the Security Council to put in place a
rapid response mechanism through which a
multinational force could quickly be deployed to any
part of the world. However, there is need to ensure that
adequate resources are made available so that no
peacekeeping operation is disrupted on account of lack
of funds, thereby plunging the countries concerned
back into a vortex of violence. Funding availability is
also important to bridge the gap between peacekeeping
and national reconstruction.
The determination with which we have dealt with
threats to peace has paid handsome dividends in the
period since we last met. That is why we welcome the
great efforts made to distinguish the existing conflicts
in Africa, especially in Sierra Leone, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Angola.
With regard to the Sudan, my Government
applauds the signing of the Machacos Protocol between
the Government and the Sudanese People's Liberation
Army (SPLA). We hope and pray that the process now
started will finally bring that protracted conflict to an
end.
While we may rightly commend ourselves on
those achievements, we must not rest on our oars.
There are still some significant areas of uncertainty and
volatility in our own West African subregion that we
need to address. That requires a relentless effort.
19

In our capacity as coordinator of the Group of
friends of Guinea-Bissau, here at the United Nations,
we are calling on the rest of the international
community to provide more assistance to that sister
country. In that way, the democratization process will
be consolidated and the country's economic
performance enhanced.
We must bear in mind that ending hostilities is
one thing and getting the system on the right path to
social and economic development of the type that
would eliminate the causes of conflict is quite another.
In like manner, a successful transition into a
democratic dispensation does not necessarily, in and of
itself, usher in peace and security. In many of the
countries where conflicts have ended, political stability
remains fragile, and uncertainty and instability prevail.
In those countries, there is need to go beyond the
immediate political requirements for consolidating
peace, to address governance in its broadest sense,
including its economic and financial aspects, as well as
the capacities required for strengthening it. That is the
emerging challenge for the international community.
We must devise mechanisms for follow-through into
peace-building and be ready to provide the resources to
progressively restore confidence and strength among
those at the frontline.
President Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh, the Government
and people of the Gambia are fully committed to the
search for peace and the resolution of conflicts
everywhere, particularly in our immediate subregion.
That is why we not only open our doors to our
neighbours in distress, hosting many refugees, but we
also work actively with them as well as with other
members of the international community, including the
Secretary-General and his able team to remove
misunderstandings that could easily lead to a flare up
of conflict.
The situation in the Middle East remains a matter
of grave concern to my delegation. The Security
Council must show more leadership in the efforts of the
international community to contain and resolve the
serious tensions between Israel and Palestine, which
pose a grave threat to the stability of the nations in the
region and the peace of the whole world. It is
unacceptable for the world to stand back and watch as
helpless civilians are attacked in refugee camps or are
killed or maimed by suicide bombers. The suffering of
innocent people in the Middle East must be brought to
an end immediately.
My delegation strongly urges, therefore, that all
the relevant United Nations resolutions on Palestine
and the Middle East, notably Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), be complied
with without further delay. We also fully support those
who have called for the recognition of the State of
Israel by all nations, as well as the creation and the
recognition by all of a State of Palestine.
Elsewhere in the Middle East, there are still some
unresolved issues. The situation between Iraq and
Kuwait has still not been fully resolved, and we are
still seeking a satisfactory resolution of the question of
the Kuwaiti prisoners of war and missing persons, as
well as the return of the Kuwaiti national archives.
Within Iraq itself, we in the Gambia have always
called for the alleviation of the suffering of the
innocent Iraqi people. With regard to the other
unfinished business of weapons inspections, my
delegation applauds the decision of the Government of
Iraq to invite the United Nations weapons inspectors to
return to Iraq to resume their work. We have always
upheld the view that parties to any dispute should
allow the United Nations to assume its responsibility
unhindered in our common quest for amicable closure
to conflict situations. We therefore note with
satisfaction the important statement made by President
Bush recognizing the central role of the United Nations
and calling on the latter to assume its responsibility.
But let us also remember that we, all of us — nations
big and small, rich and poor — constitute the United
Nations. It can be only what we the Member States
want it to be. The choice is ours.
In South Asia, we cannot be indifferent to the
prevailing situation between India and Pakistan. Those
are two great countries with which the Gambia has
always enjoyed excellent relations. We are therefore
calling on them, out of that friendship, to exercise
restraint at all times and to withdraw their troops from
their respective borders.
After years of hard work and tough negotiations,
we finally succeeded in establishing the International
Criminal Court (ICC), with the entry into force of the
Rome Statute. We salute the tireless efforts of all those
who contributed in one way or another to that huge
success. It is our fervent hope that the Court, with the
active collaboration of all like-minded States, will act
as an effective instrument in the fight against
20

international crimes of all sorts and, by extension,
extinguish the culture of impunity.
Turning now to the issue of sanctions, my
delegation firmly believes that the time has now come
for us to review the procedure being used to impose
sanctions on countries and individuals. The permanent
members of the Security Council, who determine who
should be placed on a sanctions or travel ban list, do
not usually provide evidence, either to the individual
concerned or to his Government, to justify their
decision. We have come to see that in many cases, such
decisions are based on speculation and conjecture and
that the individuals in question really did not deserve to
be punished and humiliated. Thus far, most
Governments have been very cooperative and, while
repeatedly requesting to no avail that evidence of
wrong-doing be made known to them, have nonetheless
gone along with the rest of the international community
in respecting the decision taken by the Council. Some
of those Governments, mine included, are reaching the
point of exasperation and have resolved that, unless the
evidence being requested of the Security Council is
provided, they will refuse to comply with any ban or
sanctions imposed on their nationals. We sometimes
wonder whether someone out there does not have a
hidden agenda. As sovereign nations, we demand more
transparency before acquiescing to our nationals being
punished for wrongdoings that we have not been shown
they have committed. The United Nations Security
Council must not be a bully.
In like manner, the multifaceted sanctions
imposed on Cuba are still in place despite numerous
resolutions calling for their removal. A window of
opportunity now exists for them to be finally set aside.
It is in nobody's interest to continue to pursue policies
against Cuba that have lost their appeal.
Sabres are rattling on one side of the Taiwan
Strait in the face of 23 million souls, for their merely
having claimed their God-given right to be recognized
as a political, economic and social entity. The Republic
of China on Taiwan is today the only country on earth
that is not represented in the United Nations, contrary
to the main guiding principle of the United Nations: the
principle of universality. Article four of the Charter
invites “all ... peace-loving States” to become Members
of the Organization. The people of Taiwan have
demonstrated over the years not only that they are
peace-loving but also that they can contribute to all the
objectives of the United Nations in the fields of global
security, financial stability, culture, industrial and
technological growth and sustainable development.
Taiwan is not an insignificant player in the world
production and trade arena. It is the world's sixteenth
largest economy. It is equally highly developed in the
field of scientific and medical research.
In recognition of its importance as a trading
nation, it was recently admitted into the World Trade
Organization. Logic demands that, for the very same
reason, it should also be admitted into the World
Health Organization in recognition of its importance as
a country of highly sophisticated and developed health
services; into the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization because of its
exceptionally high standing in the fields of science and
culture; into the United Nations Industrial
Development Organization because of its most
advanced industrial and technological development;
into the United Nations Children's Fund because of its
highly developed child development policies and
programmes; into the Food and Agriculture
Organization, the International Fund for Agricultural
Development and the World Food Programme because
of its extremely well developed agriculture and its
importance as a food producer; and into the United
Nations Development Programme because of its huge
official development assistance to developing countries
for capacity-building and poverty alleviation. In short,
it should be admitted into all branches of the United
Nations family because of the tremendous
contributions it could make to the ideals and
programmes of the United Nations.
Taiwan is a vibrant democracy with high ratings
on human rights, press freedom and the observance of
the rights of the individual. It could contribute
immensely to global security and the fight against
terrorism. It is therefore baffling that this highly
developed, friendly and peace-loving nation has been
barred from membership in the United Nations for
purely political reasons. My Government will not rest
until this injustice is undone and the Republic of China
on Taiwan is granted its rightful place among the
comity of nations.
Still in the same region, with regard to the Korean
Peninsula, my delegation would like to reiterate once
again our unflinching support for all the efforts geared
towards peaceful unification.
21

Finally, my delegation believes that the General
Assembly needs to be strengthened so that it could play
an even greater role in our quest for a just and
equitable world order. We welcome the moves being
made to reform this important organ of the United
Nations in ways that would render it more effective in
discharging its mandate.
This is particularly true of the Security Council.
We in the Gambia will continue to add our voice to the
clamour for the Security Council to be reformed in
order to make it more democratic and more in tune
with the realities of and requirements for global
security in the twenty-first century. The credibility and
relevance of the Security Council now depend on the
reforms that we all have been calling for. The
developing countries must be allowed a much more
effective participation in this powerful organ of the
United Nations. Africa should have a minimum of two
permanent seats.
In conclusion, we urge all nations, great and
small, to work relentlessly towards preserving the
ideals for which the Organization was set up. We
should all eschew behaviours that undermine the
objectives of the United Nations and that frustrate its
efforts. Multilateralism is the only hope left to mankind
for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the
maintenance of international peace and security. Let us
cherish and nurture it. Multilateralism will thrive only
if there is trust and confidence among all the actors.
But a system that repeatedly frustrates and lets down
one portion of its membership will malfunction and
eventually become ineffective and irrelevant. We must
therefore all do more to ensure that such a fate does not
befall our Organization.


I greet
you, Your Excellency Mr. Jan Kavan of the Czech
Republic, President of the General Assembly, which I
address for the first time.
A short distance from here, on the fateful day 11
September, 2,801 citizens of the world died. In
Colombia, violence claims the same number of victims
every month. Forty three million Colombians, peace-
loving people, are experiencing one of the world's
worst humanitarian crises. Every year Colombia buries
34,000 of its own, victims of violence. We have lost 10
per cent of our youth. Last year the country registered
the highest homicide rate in the world: 63 per 100,000
inhabitants.
During the past five years, we have experienced
8,000 acts of collective destruction, more than those
recorded for any other cases of violence in the world;
280 villages were the object of guerrilla and
8

paramilitary attacks with serious consequences for
local civilians and the armed forces. The terrorist
attack carried out during my inaugural ceremony killed
21 ordinary people. Two million people, 40 per cent of
them children, have been forcibly displaced under
pressure from violent groups. That is the equivalent of
the simultaneous displacement of the communities of
Washington and Manhattan. During the past five years,
16,500 people have been kidnap victims. Yesterday, six
children were kidnapped and one of them is still being
held.
Just as the 11 September terrorist attacks moved
the entire world and triggered justified and universal
condemnation, mankind should be shaken by attacks
such as the one carried out by guerrillas on 2 May
2002, in Bojay·, a village of 1,000 inhabitants. They
killed 117 civilians who had taken refuge in the church.
Such violence makes our people poorer every
day, discourages investments, hampers economic
growth, diverts valuable resources and prevents us
from overcoming our economic and social
backwardness. Violence absorbs four per cent of my
country's gross domestic product. Hijackings,
kidnappings and assaults are daily occurrences on our
main highways, including the one that joins our two
largest cities. Imagine a similar situation between
Brussels and Paris, or New York and Boston.
Today, Colombians are making a great effort to
address the problem with public order policies, State
reform aimed at defeating corruption and political
chicanery and greater economic growth and social
investment. The main objective of our democratic
security policy is to restore the rule of law. Security is
not for persecuting real or imagined ideological
enemies or maintaining a one-party regime. The aim of
democratic security is to protect all citizens in a
pluralist nation, open to fraternal and creative debate.
Democratic security is for all Colombians and is
intended to ensure that peasant farmers are not driven
from their land; that members of the business
community are not kidnapped; that journalists are not
threatened; and that the missions of bishops, priests,
nuns, preachers and educators are respected. It is also
intended to ensure that union leaders can freely
exercise their actions; political leaders can move about
without fear; and that human rights advocates can work
without threats.
As civilian commander-in-chief of the armed
forces, I am committed to rigorously observing and
respecting human rights. Failure in this regard may
lead to appeasement, but it would never bring
reconciliation. Our emergency measures do not restrict
human rights, but rather demand the observance of
rules, for example with regard to the mobilization of
citizens, in the name of freedom of movement, to
prevent explosives from continuing to be transported to
assassinate people.
We respect debate. The security policy that is
being implemented is not aimed at silencing criticism,
but rather at confronting violence. That policy is
irreversible.
The number of military and police personnel in
Colombia is low: 3.9 per 1,000 inhabitants. New York
has 42,000 police officers, while all of Colombia has
75,000. We must strengthen our armed forces. We have
decreed a wealth tax that will be paid by high-income
businesses and citizens. The additional tax revenue
should amount approximately to 1 per cent of the gross
domestic product.
As part of the implementation of the democratic
security policy, our Government has called on the
solidarity of a million citizens to cooperate voluntarily
with the armed forces and justice officials. An essential
element of a socially oriented constitutional State is
citizen support for its legitimate institutions. It
constitutes the individual's commitment to the
community, without which the State loses its social
nature. We must break citizen fear of the guerrillas and
paramilitaries, and we must create community-based
links with democratic institutions. To a large extent, the
efficacy and transparency of the armed forces depend
on citizen cooperation.
The Colombian problem jeopardizes the
democratic stability of the region. We need the world's
assistance to resolve it. I ask for the world's help
because my Government has made the decision to
defeat terror and to ensure that these four years do not
end in a renewed victory for crime or in new evidence
of State and societal vacillation before the arrogance of
the violent.
It is imperative that the sources of terror
financing be eliminated. That is why we must conquer
drugs and kidnapping.
9

There is concern about weapons of mass
destruction within the United Nations, and we share
that anguish. But we must understand that drugs have a
massive capacity for destruction, equivalent to that of
the most feared chemical weapons.
We are determined to eliminate them. We request
the same level of commitment from the world. We
cannot continue with timid half-actions and decisions.

While we delay action, more drugs are produced
and traded by terrorism. I call on fellow members: do
not send us your weapons. Eliminate your markets for
drugs and chemical precursors. Help us with aerial
interdiction and drug seizures in the Pacific and in the
Caribbean. We need resources to pay our farmers to
destroy drugs and work to restore our forests.
Last week, Carlos Enrique Arenas, a 29-year-old
pilot serving with the Colombian navy  father of a
2-year-old daughter and a second child on the way
and his co-pilot, Roberto Enrique Guardo  the father
of three young children  disappeared in the ocean.
The helicopter they were piloting crashed after
intercepting a speedboat carrying more than two tons
of cocaine. Sacrifices such as this demand the support
of all nations to defeat drugs, especially since until
now we have only managed to seize 20 per cent of the
drugs that are shipped from our country.
A United Nations resolution  Security Council
resolution 1373 (2001)  orders the seizure of bank
accounts, investments and other assets of individuals
who commit terrorist acts. That resolution has
remained a dead letter in those countries where the
resources that finance terrorist acts in Colombia
circulate.
My Administration's commitment to security is
not opposed to dialogue. Quite the contrary, we want
dialogue. This is why we have requested the good
offices of the United Nations through a special adviser
of the Secretary-General. That is the way to begin a
serious peace process, one that starts with the cessation
of violence.
The United Nations Charter tells us that dialogue
with those who commit acts of terror is possible only if
those acts are halted. The pain of thousands of
Colombians caused by the kidnapping of their loved
ones  the list includes former presidential candidate
Ingrid Betancourt; several members of Congress;
members of state assemblies; the Governor of my own
state, a former minister and tireless worker for peace;
members of the armed forces, and hundreds of ordinary
people  demonstrates that we need humanitarian
action that does not fuel violence but that leads us
along the path of reconciliation.
The world has plenty of analysts of Colombian
problems, and plenty of critics of our society and our
successive Governments. We need less rhetoric and
more action  that is, real contributions to solving the
problem. We call for effective cooperation, because the
violence is financed through the international drug
trade and is waged with weapons not made in
Colombia.
Like other nations, we suffer dire poverty,
injustice, low investor confidence, high debt and a
budget deficit. We have always honoured and will
continue always to honour our international financial
commitments. We are making unprecedented efforts to
freeze operating expenditures and to increase taxes.
But we need significant bilateral and multilateral
economic support to invest and to expand
employment  to begin to pay the social debt. A
victory over violence will trigger economic growth and
create resources for social development, which in turn
will consolidate peace.
One thought: the price of a pound of Colombian
coffee was once more than $3; it is now around 60
cents. International banks and cooperation agencies
should redouble their commitment and resources in
Colombia. The money will not to be used for wasteful
expenditures or to salvage bankruptcies, but will rather
be invested, in the interest of the poor, to ensure
governability.
The people of Colombia are proud, hard-working,
democratic and sensible; their spontaneity has not been
stifled by their suffering. The nation has the most solid
democratic tradition, widely recognized long-term
economic performance, a highly diversified industrial
base, a productive structure increasingly geared
towards international markets, and an enormous
potential for small democratic enterprises.
Representatives of the peoples of the world: with
your commitment and support, and with our own
determination, Colombia will be freed from the slavery
of violence and will be more prosperous, with greater
justice.


As I
offer you my congratulations upon your assumption of
your high office, Mr. President, I must also praise your
6

predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Han Seung-soo, for a
truly exemplary term as President, which was marked
at the outset by the Nobel Peace Prize for the
Organization and which closed with the promise of the
recently concluded World Summit on Sustainable
Development. Together with the continuing leadership
of Secretary-General Kofi Annan and the support of the
Organization's Member States, I look forward to that
tradition of excellence and achievement continuing
under your presidency, Sir.
I add my voice to the chorus within this
Assembly warmly welcoming the Swiss Confederation
to our fold and congratulating East Timor on its
forthcoming accession to membership. Tonga very
much looks forward to working with both of them as
fully-fledged States Members of the Organization.
While 11 September 2001 will for all of us be
ever present, it is fitting that we pause to remember
those who fell in the line of duty and those other loved
ones who perished on that terrible day. Those horrific
events should serve to inspire us to rededicate
ourselves and galvanize our collective efforts to fight
the scourge of terrorism in all its forms and
manifestations.
My Government continues to formulate measures
in compliance with Security Council resolution 1373
(2001). These measures have both national and
regional dimensions, and a number of workshops have
been held in the Pacific region during the year to
ensure that Pacific island countries formulate viable
counter-terrorism measures and to assist them to do so.
A number of key Government agencies, including civil
aviation, immigration, police, finance and customs
agencies, have already adopted measures, including
financial and rapid reaction security measures, to
tighten the security aspect of the resolution. Obviously,
the sustained assistance of developed countries in our
region has been very useful in our endeavours. It is our
earnest hope that our required country report will be
before the Counter-Terrorism Committee by the year's
end. In this respect, I am grateful to the Committee and
to the Security Council for their patience.
Since I last addressed this Assembly, at the
Millennium Summit, there have been further signposts
to add to the developmental path. These are signposts
so readily identifiable as Doha, Monterrey and, now,
Johannesburg. These names epitomize the vision and
the as yet unfulfilled promise of our collective
development aspirations in this era of globalization. In
that regard, I commend President Fox and the people of
Mexico for their sterling efforts earlier this year. It was
pleasing that consensus prevailed on critical thematic
issues of particular import to developing countries, and
we look forward to the opportunities that Monterrey
will afford. I further commend President Mbeki and the
people of South Africa for their wonderful achievement
earlier this month. I am particularly pleased that the
Johannesburg Summit gave prominence and profile in
the Plan of Implementation to the sustainable
development of small island developing States. In that
regard, Tonga looks forward to the 10-year review of
the Barbados Programme of Action in 2004 as a further
signpost in the developmental path that will give
impetus to what was achieved in Johannesburg. In
preparing for that review, Tonga will continue its
national efforts to refine and identify areas for specific
priority capacity-building needs, as well as
opportunities to take increased advantage of financial
and technological support.
As a developing ocean State, we are encouraged
by the particular commitments in the Johannesburg
Plan of Implementation on fish stocks and fishing
practices. The implementation of those time-bound
commitments requires responsibility and good faith
from all parties so as to ensure that States like mine
obtain their fair share of their vastest and most
bountiful resource. We are pleased that the United
Nations fish stocks Agreement has entered into force
and welcome the informal meeting of States parties
that took place here in New York recently. In this
respect, we urge other Member States to become party
to that important Agreement. Within this context, we
also continue to welcome the preparations under way
for giving effect to the Convention on the Conservation
and Management of Highly Migratory Fish Stocks in
the Western and Central Pacific Ocean. The
Convention is a testament to our commitment to
conserving and sustainably managing a critically
important resource. As such, we continue to urge the
distant water fishing nations with a real fisheries
interest in our region to make every effort to become a
party to the Convention. Tonga continues to value the
work and decisions taken this year of the Meeting of
States Parties to the United Convention on the Law of
the Sea, the International Seabed Authority and the
third meeting of the United Nations Open-ended
Informal Consultative Process on Oceans and the Law
of the Sea. We look forward to an important milestone
7

later this year: the twentieth anniversary of the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. I hope that
Member States will consider the upcoming anniversary
as an opportune time to become a party to the
Convention.
Our region has further endorsed a first-ever
regional oceans policy that elaborates some guiding
principles that should serve as a template for countries
like Tonga to consider using to developing national
ocean policies that strengthen coordination and
complementarity in our ocean-related activities. One
activity that continues to give rise to deep concern is
the transshipment of radioactive material through the
waters of our region. In this regard, while we might
understand the needs and requirements of those States
that engage in this activity, it is just as important that
the necessary framework for prior notice, consent,
safety and compensation for countries like Tonga not
be ignored.
Tonga continues to support the development of an
appropriate environmental vulnerability index for small
island developing States and commends the continuing
work of the South Pacific Applied Geoscience
Commission in that regard. It is our belief that, with
the participation of States, such an index has the
potential to provide accurate indicators of vulnerability
to which small islands in particular are exposed, such
as natural disasters, climate change and sea level rise.
As such, Tonga welcomes the commitment by certain
Annex I countries under the Kyoto Protocol made
during the Johannesburg Summit to ratify the Protocol
and the further opportunities for progress that such
positive action presents.
On 30 and 31 December 2001, tropical cyclone
Waka traversed the northern group of Tonga with a
wind velocity in excess of 100 miles an hour and
resulted in substantial and horrific damage to those
islands. To be sure, the damage was estimated at over
140 million Tongan dollars, but thankfully there was no
loss of life. The inevitable and difficult task of relief,
recovery and reconstruction was compounded by the
geographic distance from the capital of the northern
group and the sheer scale of the damage sustained.
Luckily, action by traditional donor Governments and
our neighbours within the region, territorial
governments, regional and international organizations,
such as the Pacific Islands Forum and specific United
Nations agencies, was swift and generous and provided
much-needed assistance to my Government. I am
deeply grateful to those Governments, organizations
and agencies, as well as to non-governmental
organizations and churches, for their valued assistance
in our time of crisis. Two weeks after the cyclone,
nature, having wrought such devastating winds, caused
more favourable weather to prevail, which greatly
helped the replanting phases of recovery. We expect a
resurgence of the critical agricultural, tourism and
fisheries sectors by the end of the year.
While information and communications
technology (ICT) remains the way to go, we continue
with our own efforts to bridge the digital divide and
take maximum advantage of the digital revolution. To
do so will require joint efforts in tandem with the
international community and the United Nations,
particularly through the efforts of the United Nations
ICT Task Force as one avenue. Such efforts must be
characterized by partnership and inclusion in the ICT
process, so that all developing States in every region
can benefit. The United Nations role of bridging,
coordinating and integrating activities is therefore
crucial. In that respect, we urge continued support for
the Small Island Developing States Information
Network (SIDSNet) and for efforts to strengthen its
capacity to support and assist small island developing
States.
We welcome the fruitful outcome earlier this year
of the General Assembly special session on children.
While we recognize the promise it holds for the welfare
and well-being of all children, like the outcome of the
recent special session on HIV/AIDS, commitments
must progress beyond rhetoric into concrete action.
Tonga fully supports the work of the Security
Council and, like other speakers before me, calls for
the full implementation of all of its resolutions to
ensure an enduring peace in arenas of conflict and to
lift the veil of doubt where such doubt could lead to
conflict.
In one such arena, we join the call for an end to
violence, a return to the negotiating table and the
building of confidence so as to realize the coexistence
of two States, side by side in secure and recognized
borders.
Tonga also supports efforts to streamline the work
of the General Assembly so that it can play the pivotal
and focused role we desire. In like terms, we support
the call for reform of the Security Council, in which
the number of both permanent and non-permanent seats
8

would be increased to accord with and respond to
today's realities.
Finally, with respect to pertinent regional issues,
Tonga endorses the views expressed in both the Nadi
Declaration, contained in document A/56/1015, and the
Suva Communiqué, that will be contained in document
A/57/331. They are the respective outcomes of the
third Summit of the African, Caribbean and Pacific
Heads of State and Government, held in Nadi, Fiji, in
July 2002, and of the annual meeting of the Pacific
Islands Forum Leaders held in Suva, Fiji, in August
2002.


First of all, I would like to
express my thanks to Mr. Han Seung-soo, President of
the previous session of the General Assembly. We
appreciated his skilful guidance and leadership. We
wish you, Sir, as incoming President, a year of
constructive dialogue and fruitful cooperation.
I also would like to take this opportunity to
welcome Switzerland and East Timor, which are
joining the United Nations family. This expansion of
United Nations membership is very important. It is
taking place at a time when the need for global
solidarity and partnership is greater than ever before.
Terrorism threatens global stability and the very basis
of our lives. Our countries must stand united and act
together in order to avert threats to our existence and
secure the future of our children.
My country knows from experience how powerful
and instrumental solidarity can be. Some years ago,
Lithuania and eight other countries of Central and
Eastern Europe formed an informal Vilnius Group,
which has now grown to 10 members, to facilitate their
accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO). Solidarity and mutual support are helping us
to make these aspirations a reality that is within our
grasps. We hope that our countries will soon join the
European Union and NATO, thus reinforcing common
values in the region as well as our common positions
and actions in the face of future challenges and threats.
But political solidarity is not enough. Our
countries have also launched regional initiatives and
taken other concrete steps to increase contributions to
the global campaign against terrorism. In particular, I
would like to mention the conference against
terrorism — a Polish initiative — that was held in
Warsaw last November. Our countries are determined
to act and cooperate further, thus strengthening
European and global security.
In the face of common threats, solidarity must
emerge as a consolidating driving force in global
diplomacy. The tragedy of 11 September was an
experience that reinforced and strengthened our
common resolve to combat and counter terrorism. It
should give us the courage and determination to work
together as an international community in addressing
the roots of terrorism; in responding decisively to non-
compliance with Security Council resolutions and to
gross violations of internationally recognized norms
and behaviour; in fighting terror worldwide; and in
keeping weapons of mass destruction out of the hands
of terrorists.
It is regrettable, therefore, that a Member of this
great body, the United Nations, does not uphold its
commitments or the underlying principles of this
Organization. The Iraqi regime must allow unrestricted
access to United Nations inspectors so that they can
resume their work. We should exert all possible
pressure to ensure this. Indeed, this is a test case with
respect to the international community's solidarity and
unity.
22

Last but not least, I would like to underscore the
importance of international and regional cooperation in
non-proliferation and arms control. It has always been
Lithuania's firm policy to take part in all relevant,
effective and functional multilateral arms control and
confidence-building regimes that are open to us and
that correspond to our national security interests. This
year, Lithuania has applied for membership in the
Treaty on Open Skies. We will also seek to join the
adapted Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in
Europe after it comes into force and is open to all
European democracies.
Each and every State Member of the United
Nations should make a positive contribution to
international security and stability, first and foremost
by respecting the rule of law and the human rights of
its citizens. Good governance is a good starting point
for all of us, irrespective of our cultural diversity or
fundamental differences of history and geography.
President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who
devoted much time to the planning of this multilateral
institution known as the United Nations, once said,
“We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace;
that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being
of other nations far away.” Thus, the real strength of
our power as an international community continues to
lie in the power of our resolve to deal with the critical
issues.
Yesterday in this great city of New York, we paid
our respects to the victims of 11 September 2001. We
admire the way the American people have gone
through this tragedy, and we support the United States
of America in its efforts to eliminate threats to
international security and human freedom. Let us
debate, talk things out and make full use of diplomatic
measures. But we must be ready to act decisively when
strategic realities demand defence of freedom and
democracy.


I
congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to the
presidency of the fifty-seventh session of the General
Assembly of the United Nations. We are confident that
you will conduct the proceedings of this session with
great competence, thanks to your outstanding skills and
qualities.
I should like to pay tribute also to your
predecessor, Mr. Han Seung-soo, who presided ably
over the fifty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
Let me also express my deep appreciation for the
efforts of the Secretary-General to harmonize
international relations and to ensure respect for the
principles of the Charter with a view to strengthening
international peace and security.
I wish also to welcome Switzerland and Timor-
Leste to the United Nations.
31

We have agreed to the American political
initiative that was put forward in 1991. At the Madrid
Conference, several agreements were entered into by
the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO),
representing the Palestinian people, and Israel. The aim
of those agreements was the commencement of
negotiations between the two parties with a view to the
implementation of Security Council resolutions 242
(1967) and 338 (1973). They also called on Israel to
withdraw from the Arab territories occupied since
1967.
A deadline of five years was set for those
negotiations. The clock began to run after the signing
of the Oslo Accords in 1993 in Washington, under the
auspices of the previous United States President
President Clinton.
However, successive Israeli Governments have
refused to withdraw from the occupied Palestinian
territories and have continued to deploy Israeli forces
there. This intransigence on the part of Israel highlights
its goal: the continued occupation of Palestinian
territories.
During the course of those negotiations, new
settlements were built, 187 altogether, inhabited by
some 370,000 settlers, most of them armed. Recently,
Israel began building a wall along the line of the 1967
truce. Israel is continuing its cruel and barbaric acts
and carrying out its scorched-earth policy, with a view
to depriving the Palestinian people of their income and
means of subsistence. During the past two years of
conflict, agricultural production has dropped by 80 per
cent and industrial production by 60 per cent.
Unemployment has reached 65 per cent, and 63 per
cent of the population is living in poverty.
Israel has destroyed public institutions, police
stations, ports and airports. More than 1,350 houses
have been torn down, and more than 3,000 businesses
and industrial concerns in the occupied territories and
in Gaza have been demolished, an area of 5,800 square
kilometres.
The taxes that Israel collects, about $850 million,
which should have been paid to the Palestinian
Authority, have been kept by the Israelis. A total of
90,000 olive trees, out of 300,000, have been uprooted,
and the Palestinian infrastructure has been demolished.
The occupied territories were divided into 227 separate
cantons. Trade was halted, measures were taken to
curtail the freedom of movement of people and of
goods, and borders with Arab countries were closed. In
addition, the Israeli authorities have placed President
Arafat under house arrest.
These arbitrary measures have prompted the
Palestinian people to pursue their heroic resistance, in
the face of Israel's various lethal weapons, which are
used to enforce the separation between the cantons. In
Bethlehem, in Gaza and in other cities, residential areas
have been bombed. Moreover, many Palestinians have
been thrown into jail.
The fact-finding team set up by the Security
Council was prevented from going into the field to
witness firsthand the suffering of the Palestinian people
at the hands of the Nazi Israeli occupation.
The United States is a great Power and bears an
important responsibility vis-‡-vis the maintenance of
international peace and security and the prevention of
regional conflict. Moreover, the United States has
committed itself to working with the former Soviet
Union, through the United Nations, to resolve conflicts
by peaceful means and to eliminate their arsenals of
weapons of mass destruction.
This is a very important approach that enables the
United Nations to enhance fruitful international
cooperation among States. Should that approach be
abandoned, the United Nations will fail to develop
international cooperation and to maintain international
peace and security. The use of force in the context of
intra-State relations to resolve problems does not help
us in any way to uphold the purposes and principles of
the United Nations. On the contrary; it only gives rise
to fear and doubt among the States Members of the
United Nations, especially developing countries, which
have always turned to the Organization to protect them.
The peoples of the world are looking to the
United States in the hope that that major Power will
play a positive and neutral role in international
relations and in the hope that it will always be a source
of technological and economic assistance.
It goes without saying that the commitment of the
United States to the strict implementation of United
Nations resolutions  in particular those of the
Security Council  without the use of a double
standard strengthens our trust in the United Nations
and reinforces its credibility as a forum for the
resolution of international problems.
32

Thus we are justified in asking ourselves whether
these humanitarian and political responsibilities are
incumbent on the United States in this era of
globalization. We might ask ourselves why the United
States is threatening to use force against Iraq, when
sanctions have been imposed on that country for more
than 10 years.
Why does the United States not speak of the
elimination of the weapons of mass destruction
possessed by Israel, which threaten the Arab States, as
was noted previously? Israel could destroy the
Egyptian high dam, even though a peace agreement
was signed between Israel and Egypt more than 24
years ago. Mr. Hans Blix has stated that he had no
evidence that Iraq had any weapons of mass
destruction.
When the political negotiations began, the Arab
countries took a neutral position. Israeli Prime
Ministers Rabin and Peres visited certain Arab States
and an attempt was made to normalize Israeli-Arab
relations. When Yitzhak Rabin was killed in 1995 and
authority was handed over to Mr. Netanyahu, progress
towards peace was impeded. The Arab countries halted
the process of normalizing relations with Israel.
Nevertheless, at the 1996 Arab Summit they said that
peace was an Arab strategy that would not be
abandoned. Despite five years of negotiations between
Israelis and Palestinians, however, expectations were
not fulfilled.
Great sacrifices were made on our part. During
the Camp David summit, an aide to President Clinton
denied that Barak wanted to give the Palestinians a
large part of Palestinian territory. Israel was to keep 10
per cent of the territory along the Jordanian border,
with three early-warning systems in the West Bank and
the establishment of a mutilated Palestinian State with
no sovereignty.
The events of 11 September 2001 led to a
humanitarian catastrophe that shook the conscience of
the world. All countries of the world, including Arab
and Muslim countries, stood in solidarity with the
American people and expressed their intention to
combat terrorism in all its forms. We were surprised,
however, that the United States Administration refused
to acknowledge that the Sharon Government was
perpetrating acts of State terrorism. The Arabs put
forward a political initiative at the Arab Summit in
March, in the hope that they would be able to make an
effective contribution to ending the Arab-Israeli
conflict with a view to ratifying a peace agreement
with Israel. This Arab initiative, which provided for a
withdrawal by Israel from lands occupied since 1967
and the establishment of a Palestinian State with Al-
Quds as its capital, was endorsed and welcomed by the
United States and the European States. It is not enough,
however, to merely welcome the initiative. We believe
that implementing it would make a political settlement
possible. Expressions of compassion and sympathy are
welcome but they must be supported by concrete
actions if a settlement is to be achieved. The Arab
initiative includes all the essential principles necessary
for a settlement, in accordance with the provisions of
the Madrid Agreement and the principle of land for
peace.
Security Council resolution 1397 (2002) went
even further in supporting the establishment of a
Palestinian State that would be recognized by Israel.
This was accompanied by an American proposal. If
Israel rejects this comprehensive and fair proposal,
how much longer can it expect to continue in this
climate of animosity towards Arabs and constant
threats to their security? How long can Israel continue
to occupy Arab territory and prevent Palestinian
refugees from returning home? The question of
Palestine cannot be separated from the situation of the
Arab States, given all that the issue represents for them
and for their future.
Israel must end the acts of aggression that it
continues to perpetrate against Palestinians and their
towns. The Israeli army is continuing to assassinate
civilians and police and security officers. Sharon has
been described as a man of peace, and it has been said
that Israel has a right to self-defence, even as it
continues to occupy Arab territories and commit
massacres. The situation on the ground defies the
imagination; it is very difficult to find a way to justify
the American policy. If the threat of terrorism is
allowed to rule our lives, the world will become a
battlefield.
In conclusion, we and the other Arab countries
welcomed the American statement on the establishment
of a Palestinian State. We reaffirm, however, that the
borders of that State should be based on the
demarcation line of 4 June 1967, in accordance with
Council resolutions. Its sovereignty must be assured,
and Israeli forces must be withdrawn from all the
territory. We cannot agree to any temporary borders.
33

We want a lasting settlement in keeping with the Arab
initiative put forward by Prince Abdullah of Saudi
Arabia  an initiative that is in keeping with relevant
Security Council resolutions and with the principles of
the peace process.
We appreciate the role that the Quartet is playing
in the peace process. No party should call upon the
Palestinians alone to meet their demands. The Israeli
forces must be called upon to revise their strategy and
the Israeli side must end its assassinations and attacks
against citizens and refrain from using collective
economic sanctions, occupation and terrorism as a tool.
Israel must halt its ongoing assault, lift the siege
that has been imposed upon the Palestinian people and
withdraw completely from the occupied territories so
that the Palestinian Authority can implement the
promised reforms and hold elections in the West Bank
and Gaza, as well as in Al-Quds, under international
auspices. There should be an international presence to
guarantee the protection of the Palestinian people. This
is a matter of urgency; the siege that is impeding the
daily life of our citizens must be lifted.


Allow me to extend to
Mr. Kavan, on behalf of my delegation, sincere
congratulations on his election as the President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-seventh regular session.
May I also thank his predecessor, Mr. Han Seung-
soo, whose tenure of office coincided with one of the
most trying periods in modern history following the 11
September terrorist attacks in the United States. We
appreciate the excellent manner in which he handled
the fifty-sixth session of the General Assembly. May I
also commend the efforts, courage and vision of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who has continued
to be a beacon of strength and hope. We salute him. In
addition, we also wish to welcome Switzerland to the
United Nations and look forward to the admission of
East Timor.
Coming from a continent plagued with many
obstacles, we believe that the fifty-seventh session of
the General Assembly affords us yet another
opportunity to critically revisit the promises
enumerated in the Millennium Declaration and to take
stock of progress made so far. Two years down the line,
we should give an account of our commitment to the
Declaration. In many instances, I am afraid, we shall be
found wanting. We have not lived up to our promises
and, as a result, many in the world are more desperate
today than they were two years ago. They had placed
their hope in our vision, our sincerity, our commitment
and our sense of urgency and purpose.
Various United Nations conferences and meetings
have been held since the 1990s to address the
challenges confronting developing countries. It is
therefore regrettable that there has been insufficient
political will to implement the decisions arising
therefrom. Meagre resources have been committed to
debt reduction, improving market access, human
resource development and tackling the HIV/AIDS
pandemic and other diseases.
The current global financial framework has
demonstrated its inadequacy in dealing with the
problems facing developing countries. The decline in
official development assistance flows and foreign
direct investment is an issue of concern. Despite efforts
made to achieve sustained economic growth and
sustainable development, conditions in the
international arena have not been adequately
supportive. For a start, my delegation calls for greater
emphasis to be placed on concessionary lending and
greater use of grants.
Moreover, global trade arrangements have tended
to benefit industrialized countries. Africa's present
share of global trade is less than 2 per cent. While
industrialized countries continue to provide substantial
subsidies for their agricultural sector, developing
countries have been forced to cease similar support.
This, combined with tariff and non-tariff barriers to
trade, has meant that our products stand no chance of
competing with the products from the North. We must
therefore build on the momentum achieved at Doha as
well as encourage initiatives, such as the African
Growth and Opportunity Act and the European Union/
African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States trade
arrangements, to enable our countries take advantage
of the opportunities in international trade.
Many developing countries, including Kenya, are
experiencing a net outflow of resources, mainly due to
debt service obligations. As a result, there are fewer
resources targeted towards basic social services, thus
compounding the poverty situation. We therefore call
26

for an overhaul of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries
Debt Initiative eligibility criteria so that countries
facing high levels of poverty and debt burden qualify
for debt relief.
The launching of the African Union and the New
Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) have
rekindled great hopes in the African continent. These
initiatives have made it clear that the primary
responsibility for the development of Africa lies in the
hands of the Africans themselves. The decision by the
United Nations General Assembly to hold a high-level
plenary meeting on NEPAD on 16 September 2002
recognizes the importance of that initiative, which
emphasizes the twin principles of ownership and
partnership.
Kenya calls for genuine partnership in the
implementation of resolutions, commitments and,
especially, the Millennium Development Goals, the
Monterrey Consensus and the Outcome of the just
concluded World Summit on Sustainable Development.
The special session of the General Assembly on
children, held in May 2002, provided the international
community with an opportunity to renew its
commitment to the rights-based approach to children's
programmes and activities. The Government of Kenya
has made continued efforts to improve the welfare of
children. Kenya has ratified the Convention on the
Rights of the Child and has signed the Optional
Protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution and
child pornography. Kenya has also ratified instruments
prohibiting the involvement of children in armed
conflict. A comprehensive Children's Statute was
enacted in parliament and became operational on 1
March 2002. Kenya also has in place an early
childhood development policy, safeguarding children
from birth until the age of six.
My delegation notes with concern that the
reduction in funding to the United Nations Population
Fund (UNFPA) by a major contributor will have a
negative impact on ongoing programmes in many
developing countries. The UNFPA continues to play
a critical role in assisting the most vulnerable in
society — namely, women and adolescents. It is our
hope that voluntary contributions to the organization
will be restored to their former level and further
increased as a matter of urgency.
With regard to the United Nations Centre in
Nairobi, my delegation welcomes the improvement in
the level of utilization of the conference facilities. We
encourage the Secretary-General to take the necessary
measures to ensure that all meetings and activities on
environment and matters related to human settlements
are held at the United Nations Office at Nairobi
(UNON) so as to utilize the excellent facilities there
and to further strengthen the role of the Organization in
all matters charged to it in conformity with the
headquarters rule.
My delegation would like to commend the fifty-
sixth session of the General Assembly for elevating the
Commission on Human Settlements to a fully fledged
programme now known as the Governing Council of
the United Nations Human Settlements Programme
(UN-Habitat), and the United Nations Centre for
Human Settlements (Habitat) to be its secretariat. We
have no doubt that the upgrading will facilitate the
implementation of the Habitat Agenda and the
Declaration on Cities and Other Human Settlements in
the New Millennium.
The Secretary-General's programme budget for
the biennium 2002-2003 shows that the activities
undertaken by the United Nations Environment
Programme (UNEP) and UN-Habitat continue to
depend heavily on extrabudgetary resources. This has
severely constrained the ability of both organizations to
play their roles effectively due to an unpredictable
financial resource base and under-provision. We urge
the Secretary-General to ensure stability and
predictability in funding UNEP and UN-Habitat
through the United Nations regular budget.
My delegation would like to congratulate the
newly appointed High Commissioner for Human
Rights, His Excellency Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello. We
would like to assure him of our full cooperation, and
we look forward to working very closely with him. At
the same time, we wish to pay tribute to the outgoing
High Commissioner, Her Excellency Mrs. Mary
Robinson, for her able leadership.
Kenya wishes to underscore the importance of
treating human rights issues in a balanced manner. This
very Assembly has consistently reaffirmed:
“that all human rights are universal, indivisible,
interdependent and interrelated and that the
international community must treat human rights
globally in a fair and equal manner, on the same
27

footing and with the same emphasis”. (resolution
56/165, seventh preambular paragraph)
I am afraid that this has not always been so.
There is a genuine concern that too much
emphasis has been given to political rights at the
expense of economic and social rights, such as the right
to development. These are vital issues that the
international community can no longer afford to take
lightly as it endeavours to eliminate hunger and
poverty and ensure a just standard of living for all
people.
Kenya holds the view that the General Assembly
should play a leading role in spearheading development
initiatives, as envisaged in the Charter. We welcome
the progress already made in the reorganization and
revitalization of the General Assembly. This organ
should now reclaim its leadership role in focusing and
shaping debate on issues of global interest.
On issues of world security, Kenya has a long
record of participation in peacekeeping operations.
Today, Kenya is the sixth largest troop contributor to
United Nations peacekeeping operations in different
parts of the world. We are particularly happy to be
associated with the success of United Nations
peacekeeping operations in East Timor, Sierra Leone,
and on the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Greater emphasis should be put on the
deployment of adequate force levels to missions in
Africa. In particular, we would like to see greater
support in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Africa is a continent ravaged by conflicts and
instability. However, the recent progress in the
resolution of some of these conflicts is very
encouraging. In particular, the signing of a protocol
between the Government of the Sudan and the Sudan
People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in
Machakos, Kenya on 20 July 2002 was a very welcome
development. Other positive developments towards
lasting peace in Africa include the signing of an
agreement between the Democratic Republic of Congo
and the Rwandese Republic, the holding of peaceful
elections in Sierra Leone after years of bitter civil war,
and continuing efforts towards reconciliation of the
warring factions in Somalia. We also welcome the
recent positive developments in Angola. Kenya will
continue with its mediation efforts in the region and in
the continent as a whole.
On the important question of reform of the
Security Council, Kenya calls for the speedy
conclusion of negotiations aimed at equitable
representation and an increase in membership in the
Security Council. With the establishment of the Peace
and Security Council as an important organ of the new
African Union, Africa must now play its rightful role in
matters of international peace and security. It is time
Africa was accorded the elevated status it deserves in
the Security Council.
Kenya believes in the rule of law and will support
all genuine efforts to this end. We subscribe to peaceful
settlement of disputes through regional efforts, the
International Tribunals and the International Court of
Justice. Kenya fully supports the historic milestone of
the adoption of the Rome Statute in 1998 and its entry
into force on 1 July 2002. Impunity for serious war
crimes is indeed a denial of justice, which must be
brought to an end.
In 2001, we witnessed the most devastating form
of international terrorism in the multiple terrorist
attacks of 11 September. As a country that faced a
similar attack in 1998, Kenya strongly believes that
terrorism can never be justified under any
circumstances. We fully support the implementation of
Security Council resolution 1373 (2001) and have
already ratified the 12 anti-terrorism conventions. The
process of domesticating them is already under way.
In conclusion, Kenya looks forward to greater
commitment to build a secure and more prosperous
world for all. The destiny of mankind is inextricably
intertwined in spite of national boundaries. Events in
the global arena have clearly demonstrated that the
effects of ignorance, poverty, disease and insecurity in
one region or another country can impact negatively on
the well-being of the rest of the world. Let us get
together and build a world where all can live in peace
and prosperity.


I should like at the outset to join other
speakers in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to
the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-
seventh session. We are fully confident that, under your
able leadership, the work of the General Assembly will
further advance the cause of international cooperation
in the interests of humankind.
I would also like to take this opportunity to
welcome the Swiss Confederation, which has become
the one hundred and ninetieth Member of our world
Organization. I am also pleased to extend a warm
welcome to the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste,
which will soon be joining our global Organization.
I believe that we are living in a fragile and fast-
changing world, a world of uncertainties and
turbulence that has been seriously threatened by
terrorism, the negative aspects of globalization, the
rising effects of global warming and the impact of
climate change. The effects of these rising forces
underline our common vulnerability and recall the
urgent need for more effective sustainable development
in the world, without which the survival of humanity
may be jeopardized. I therefore believe that the
common challenge we face today is perhaps the lack of
collective wisdom and political will to make our world
a better place for all, including future generations.
The recent World Summit on Sustainable
Development in Johannesburg rightly discussed the
fundamental issues confronting humanity: climate
change, global sustainable development and poverty.
The dramatic appeal made by many leaders of the
world at that Summit must be taken very seriously as
an important message about the need to save the Earth
from destruction and to reverse the global trends of
widening development gaps, increasing poverty and
environmental destruction.
With respect to the environment, I believe that
humanity as a whole is now confronting severe global
warming, unprecedented flooding and the increasingly
disastrous effects of greenhouse gases. This is no
longer just a scientific theory, but a living reality. For
the first time this year, we have experienced mega-
floods and serious droughts across continents — from
Asia to Europe, from Africa to South America — that
have wrought immense destruction and cost billions of
dollars. We must seek to reverse these negative trends
for the survival of humanity. In this regard, I think that
we should all welcome and strongly support the bold
message of the World Summit on Sustainable
Development, the ultimate goal of which was to ensure
the survival of humanity and to fight poverty and
environmental destruction.
I also wish to recall the 2000 Millennium
Declaration, which centred on fighting poverty,
combating HIV/AIDS, ensuring sustainable
development and forging a common partnership for
development. In the same vein, the United Nations
International Conference on Financing for
Development, held in March in Monterrey, Mexico,
called on the developed countries to provide greater
assistance to the least developed. Without adequate
resources, it will be difficult for the least developed
countries to break out of the vicious cycle of poverty
and to catch up with the current process of
globalization. I believe that this is a question not of
generosity, but of human dignity and of sharing the
wealth of the world in which we all live in the most
equitable way.
(spoke in English)
As the world continues to be shaped by the forces
of globalization, we are witnessing growing disparities
and development gaps between the haves and have-
nots. As a double-edged sword, globalization could
either help to propel humanity as a whole to greater
prosperity or further marginalize the poor. I believe
that reducing poverty could contribute to some extent
to the fight against terrorism and effectively manage
the growth of transnational issues, such as human
trafficking and the prevalent HIV/AIDS epidemic.
In this context, the Cambodian Government,
under the leadership of Prime Minister Samdech Hun
Sen, has made the fight against poverty a top priority
of its strategy. In addition, human rights and
democracy in Cambodia have been further
strengthened. In February this year, Cambodia for the
first time organized free and fair local elections as part
of its decentralization policy and its efforts to
strengthen grass-roots democracy. Moreover,
Cambodia remains committed to contributing actively
towards the realization of integration of the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), so
13

that ASEAN may move forward in a collective spirit
and play its constructive role in deepening East Asian
cooperation as a whole. In this regard, the forthcoming
Greater Mekong subregion and ASEAN summits in
Phnom Penh in early November will be important
venues for ASEAN leaders to further promote ASEAN
integration and build closer cooperation in East Asia,
encompassing the 10 nations of South-East Asia,
China, Japan and the Republic of Korea.
On regional issues that concern the whole
international community, I wish to raise the Middle
East conflict first. I believe that the international
community has to help find a viable solution which
could bring lasting peace to the region. Cambodia
strongly believes that violence in any form is not a
solution. On the contrary, violence provokes more
violence. The Palestinian people have an inalienable
right to dispose of their own State, living in peace with
Israel. I think that both sides must have the wisdom to
understand that they are condemned to living side by
side forever. Therefore, it is better for both sides to
remain at peace with each other than to engage in
endless war.
Secondly, with regard to the Iraqi situation,
Cambodia believes that Iraq's acceptance of the return
of United Nations weapons inspectors is an important
step that will certainly contribute to defusing the
situation in the region.
Thirdly, on the Kashmir problem, I believe that
we need to avoid the escalation of that conflict. If not
properly managed, the Kashmir conflict could seriously
escalate and thus threaten regional peace and security
not only in South Asia, but also in South-East Asia. We
must do what we can to ensure that the terrorists cannot
seize the opportunity of that conflict to further
complicate the present situation.
On a more optimistic note, I believe that the
recent positive developments in the Korean
peninsula — especially the resumption of North-South
dialogue and the historic visit of Japanese Prime
Minister Koizumi to Pyongyang — are significant
milestones towards the normalization of the situation
there.
As far as the fight against terrorism is concerned,
Cambodia has signed and is in the process of acceding
to all 12 conventions related to the combat against
terrorism. ASEAN, for its part, has been forceful and
decisive in coming up with a number of initiatives and
measures. The ASEAN leaders, at their Seventh
Summit in Brunei in November 2001, adopted the
ASEAN Declaration on Joint Action to Counter
Terrorism. In addition, there have been a number of
agreements and specific action plans that ASEAN and
the ASEAN Regional Forum have put in place in order
to tackle the threats of terrorism in our region. In July
this year, ASEAN and the United States signed an anti-
terrorism declaration as a framework for more
cooperation to prevent and combat global terrorism.
Now, I wish to address the issue of reforming the
United Nations, particularly the Security Council,
which I believe we should not simply ignore or take a
status quo approach to. I believe that the United
Nations cannot continue to work in its current modus
operandi if we want to further improve this important
global institution and to have it truly reflect the needs
and political realities of the world in the twenty-first
century, to which it should be adapted as soon as
possible. Any attempt to further delay United Nations
reform, in my view, will only undermine the credibility
of this universal institution.
Accordingly, I wish to reiterate Cambodia's call for the
expansion of the Security Council to include other new
members. In that regard, Cambodia would support
Japan, the Federal Republic of Germany and India as
new permanent members of the Security Council,
taking into account the growing political and economic
roles of those countries in world affairs.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate that peace,
stability and poverty are all interrelated and affect all
peoples and nations of the planet. From that point of
view, it is essential that we continue to work together
to build a caring community of nations, where the
development gap between the developed and the
developing countries is reduced, the threat of terrorism
is totally eliminated, the menace of the HIV/AIDS
pandemic is curbed, poverty is alleviated and global
warming is kept in check. That will be possible only by
building better cooperation and closer partnership,
fostering mutual respect, cultivating greater tolerance
and enhancing the spirit of a real United Nations for
all. I strongly believe that we can do that through
collective will and strong determination, as well as
better ethics and moral responsibility, which will help
14

us make a better world for all peoples in the twenty-
first century.


Mr. President, it gives
me great pleasure to join others in congratulating you
on your election to the presidency of this session of the
General Assembly. This is not only a recognition of
your wisdom and ability to successfully guide the work
of this important session, but also a demonstration of
the high regard the international community has for
your country, the Czech Republic.
I would also like to take this opportunity to pay
tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Han
Seung-soo of the Republic of Korea, for the exemplary
manner in which he guided the work of the fifty-sixth
session.
On behalf of my Government, I would like to
extend a very warm welcome to Switzerland on its
admission to the membership of this Organization. We
are eagerly looking forward to welcoming the
Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste into our midst
shortly.
Eight days ago, the friendly people of the United
States remembered, with profound sorrow, the death
and destruction inflicted upon them by murderous acts
of terrorism on 11 September 2001. Those brutal and
cowardly acts sent waves of deep shock and anger
throughout the world. My country was quick to
condemn the attacks and to express its solidarity with
the people of the United States. We shared their grief,
and we extended our sympathies to the American
people. Today, with our modest resources, we stand
with the international community in the global fight
against terrorism and in banishing the scourge of
terrorism from the face of the earth.
My country believes that the United Nations, the
primary global organization responsible for the
maintenance of international peace and security, must
play the central role in the fight against terrorism. We
were encouraged by the swift response of the Security
Council, taken under Chapter VII of the Charter, after
the horrifying attacks on the United States last year.
Total compliance with Security Council resolution
1373 (2001), which details the measures to be taken by
the international community in combating terrorism, is
of utmost importance. My country also believes that it
is essential to strengthen the existing national, regional
and international legal framework against terrorism if
we are to effectively fight this war. The proposed
comprehensive convention on international terrorism
and the international convention for the suppression of
acts of nuclear terrorism need to be finalized as soon as
possible.
The unprecedented economic ramifications of the
events of Nine-Eleven were enormous. Small island
developing States like my own have not recovered
from the adverse economic effects of the events yet,
thus demonstrating the vulnerability of our economies.
Our losses were immeasurable. Nonetheless, recent
developments in the area of international economic
cooperation appear encouraging. The Doha agenda and
the Monterrey consensus offer new hope for achieving
sustainable development. The transformation of those
commitments into concrete action, and achievement of
the Millennium Development Goals depends on forging
a new form of partnership with shared responsibility
between the developing countries and the rest of the
world. We expect the developed countries to fulfil their
part of the understandings, while the developing
countries endeavour to fulfil their obligations.
My country, the Maldives, has made considerable
economic strides in the past. With the continued
assistance of the international community, we have
demonstrated the effectiveness of official development
assistance (ODA). It is true that two decades of
political stability, and sound social and fiscal policies,
5

combined with hard work, have improved the standard
of living of our people. We are immensely proud of our
modest achievements and grateful to those who helped
us. Yet, our narrow economic base poses formidable
challenges to our desire for continued economic
growth.
Globalization and trade liberalization have added
new dimensions to our difficulties. The inherent
structural weaknesses of our economy convince us that
the preferential access to markets and concessional
capital we now enjoy as a least developed country have
no alternative form of compensation. Quite simply, we
cannot sustain our development without these special
treatments.
These considerations compel us to strongly resist
the call for the graduation of our country from the list
of least developed countries. We genuinely believe that
the international community should continue assisting
us in our quest to overcome the structural constraints
impeding our arrival at a level of sustainable growth
until we overcome the inherent vulnerabilities of our
economy.
The Committee for Development Policy will
present its recommendations on the question of
graduation of the Maldives from the list of least
developed countries to the substantive session of the
Economic and Social Council in the year 2003. We
urge the Committee to complete the necessary
groundwork, in accordance with all the relevant
Economic and Social Council and General Assembly
resolutions, before it gives its views on this very
important matter.
A fortnight ago, we met in Johannesburg at the
World Summit on Sustainable Development to take
stock of our achievements since the Earth Summit in
Rio 10 years ago. The facts are disappointing and
discouraging. What we have achieved over the past 10
years is far less than what we have not. And, while
apathy keeps progress curbed, environmental
degradation of the world is continuing unabated. If we
are to halt and reverse environmental degradation, we
must not only pledge urgent action but also take it. As
President Abdul Gayoom of the Republic of Maldives
emphasized in his address to the World Summit on
Sustainable Development, for sustainable development
to happen,
“Agenda 21 must be implemented. The Kyoto
Protocol must be universally honoured. The
Barbados Programme of Action must be carried
out. The Millennium Development Goals must be
reached”.
My country, the survival of which is threatened by
climate change, therefore remains concerned over
inaction and indifference with regard to the
implementation of the plans of action for
environmental protection and sustainable development.
Turning to another issue, we have been
witnessing an unprecedented deterioration of the
situation in Palestine and the Middle East. The Israeli
Government has killed the peace process and has
driven the region to the brink of war. Its acts of
aggression and the use of excessive force, coupled with
political assassinations, the destruction of vital
installations and infrastructure, blockades and
economic suffocation of the Palestinian people, are all
designed to frustrate the prospects for an independent
Palestinian State. We condemn these dastardly actions
and call on the international community to persuade
Israel to withdraw from all occupied Palestinian
territories and to respect all relevant Security Council
resolutions. The Maldives has consistently supported
the just struggle of the Palestinian people to regain
their inalienable rights and to establish an independent
Palestinian State with Al-Quds as its capital.
We believe that the United Nations has an
important role to play in bringing the two sides back to
the negotiating table. We recognize the efforts of the
Quartet, and encourage its members, especially the
United States, to remain actively engaged in the search
for a just, permanent and lasting peace in the region.
Disarmament and arms control measures should
remain a high priority on the international agenda. The
international community must unite and act
collectively to strengthen and enforce the non-
proliferation regimes. The Maldives is party to all
major multilateral instruments relating to arms control
and disarmament, including the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. We call on
those countries that are not party to those instruments
to accede to them as soon as possible. Furthermore, my
country believes that the establishment of nuclear-
weapon-free zones and zones of peace in various parts
of the world can contribute immensely to the efforts of
the international community in this regard.
6

As well, we should vigorously pursue our efforts
and enforce verifiable measures to rid the world of
biological and chemical weapons that can cause mass
destruction. My country, therefore, believes that
bilateral, regional and multilateral approaches must be
reinforced and that they must complement one another
if we are to free the world of those deadly weapons. We
believe also that, on global issues, there should be a
sincere commitment to multilateralism and trust in the
multilateral institutions. The United Nations must not
only be placed at the centre of multilateral processes,
but should remain the principal player responsible for
grappling with these important global issues, which
have such a great bearing on international peace and
security.
In conclusion, allow me to reiterate the firm
commitment of the Maldives to the principles and
purposes enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. We firmly believe that the United Nations
requires reform and restructuring. The aim of the
reform process should be the enhancement of the
credibility, legitimacy and universal character of the
O1rganization. This involves the reform of the Security
Council, a new working relationship, and a strong
enforcement regime within the United Nations and
among its Member States.
Together with other members of the international
community, the Maldives will work to uphold and
promote the objectives of the United Nations. We
remain convinced that the United Nations is the only
organization that is capable of creating a more peaceful
and prosperous world for humanity.