Mr.
President, to you and your friendly country, I am pleased
to extend my warmest congratulations on your election to
the presidency of this session of the General Assembly.
Your expertise on United Nations and world issues will
undoubtedly assist you in wisely discharging the work of
the General Assembly.
At the same time, I wish to express our appreciation
to your predecessor for the efforts he exerted in connection
with the discussions relating to United Nations reform.
The world is currently passing through highly
interwoven and complicated circumstances, where progress
and its horizons mingle with backwardness and its dangers
while humanity takes pride in such achievements as
economic progress and the development of technology and
informatics, it is still suffering from the practices of
terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crime, the spread of
corruption, the overflow of refugees, the challenges posed
by war criminals, crimes of genocide and mass murder, and
the negative effects of racism and religious discrimination.
All this gives rise to a situation which requires the
international community to cooperate and become
interdependent in its endeavours in a manner that helps it
live in security and to progress confidently. This cannot
take place unless the United Nations become the focal point
and the centre of its concerted actions.
This prompts us to accord priority in Egypt's statement
to this session to the issue of United Nations reform. The
outcome of this session, and probably subsequent sessions
will constitute a true litmus test of the credibility of
determination and the objectivity of resolve regarding the
present and the future of the United Nations.
Evolution of the United Nations relies on a number of
facts and requisites. The principles of democratization and
multilateralism are widespread, market economy
mechanisms are growing, and scientific progress and
information technology are accelerating. This necessitates
reaching agreement on and drafting new rules for
international conduct.
It has been shown that the end of the cold war in no
way sufficiently guarantees the non-eruption of conflicts,
tragedies and wars. By the same token, the risks
emanating from the outbreak of rampant international
confrontations have not disappeared. The root causes of
national and international disputes still persist. On the
other hand, weapons of mass destruction are readily
available and are even on the rise. In addition to the
absence of any substantial progress in the field of nuclear
disarmament, there exist clandestine military nuclear
programmes not subject to any international supervision
in strategically sensitive areas such as the Middle East
region.
While globalization is a rapidly growing
phenomenon, and given its impact on the security and
prosperity of various societies, national legislation and
regulations are finding it difficult to cope with this
phenomenon and to regulate international relations
accordingly. Most of the developing countries do not
possess the same capacity as the developed ones to
speedily effect the necessary psychological, cultural and
legislative adjustments. Therefore, the United Nations
represents the proper mechanism for the formulation of an
international consensus on the rules governing all these
developments, and the provision of necessary assistance
to the developing countries to meet and regulate their
requirements.
While we agree on the need to change the United
Nations and increase its effectiveness, we might not be as
agreed on the means to achieve that objective. In this
context, I wish to state Egypt's view of the main
principles and points on which the United Nations reform
process should be based, in addition to a preliminary
comment on some of the Secretary-General's recent
proposals in this respect.
It is important that the United Nations reform take
place in conformity with the purposes and principles
enshrined in the Charter and the mandates accorded to
each of the United Nations principal organs. The General
Assembly, representing the general membership of the
United Nations, has to adopt clear decisions which reflect
the general consensus with regard to the proposals
13

contained in the Secretary-General's report. Such consensus
should be built through serious intergovernmental dialogue
characterized by maximum transparency and sense of
responsibility.
We concur with the Secretary-General's position that
reforming the United Nations administrative machinery is
not a substitute for the political will of the Member States
to enhance the role of the Organization. Thus, the first step
towards reform is the formation of a clear collective will to
strengthen the United Nations system through a
comprehensive approach in the interest of all.
While we would generally welcome merging
departments with similar activities as well as slashing a
number of posts if the General Assembly so decides, we
wish to stress that rationalizing expenditures must not be
done at the expense of efficient performance.
Administrative reform should not diminish the
Organization's capacity to fully implement the programmes
adopted by the Member States. Nor should it adversely
affect the equitable geographic distribution in the
composition of the Secretariat.
We are also in agreement with the Secretary-General's
diagnosis of the real threat facing the United Nations,
namely the non-payment by some major Powers of their
assessed contributions, be they to the regular budget or to
the budget of peacekeeping operations. Since these arrears
are part of the Member States' obligations under the
Charter, their payment should be made in full, immediately
and without conditions. Any attempt to make payment
conditional will only complicate the entire reform process.
The sharp and steady decline in the resources allocated
to development, coupled with the absence of enthusiasm on
the part of some for the fulfilment of their obligations, have
negatively affected the implementation of many
programmes adopted by Member States. This impels us to
review the funding modalities of the United Nations
operational activities for development so as to ensure their
effective performance.
We concur with the Secretary-General on the
importance of achieving the system-wide integration of
United Nations programmes that deal with development.
We still look forward to hearing concrete ideas on how to
achieve more comprehensive coordination throughout the
United Nations system as well as on how to decentralize
the working methods of the regional economic
commissions. These commissions play a cardinal role in
implementing the Organization's priorities, such as
poverty eradication.
Lastly, some of the other measures proposed by the
Secretary-General, particularly those relating to how to
address the financial crisis, should be studied further with
a view to reaching arrangements which would enjoy
general consensus and help overcome this crisis.
Therefore, we invite the General Assembly to study
the important proposals made by the Secretary-General.
The Assembly should then come up with
recommendations that clarify the Member States'
aspirations and the modalities of implementing their
specified priorities in the medium-term plan, together with
means of promoting the vital role of the Organization in
the coming decades.
In the course of reforming the United Nations, the
Secretary-General touched upon the elaboration of a new
concept and structure of the Trusteeship Council. This is
a matter that requires extensive discussion and study to
clarify the impact and dimensions of the proposed
concept, as it is totally different from the current mandate
of the Council. Besides, it is imperative to discuss the
significance of, and the need to put under collective
trusteeship, topics set forth by the world community in
well-established international agreements that express the
will of the international community as a whole. Under
those agreements, mechanisms and organs have already
been set up to oversee their implementation.
Also, within the context of changing the role of the
Organization, we note that the Secretary-General's
proposals entrust the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights with many additional responsibilities
and competencies at the expense of the functions
entrusted to the Centre for Human Rights. In our view,
this is not in line with what is important in the
management of the human rights field. Here we recall
some recent sagacious appeals for updating the approach
and legislation of the international community in the field
of human rights in order to better reflect the diverse
contributions of various cultures and civilizations in our
contemporary world to the promotion and enrichment of
these rights and the protection of the freedom of
individuals and societies. Although some political
considerations stood in the way of including the valuable
contributions of some of those cultures and civilizations
in the main human rights instruments — foremost among
which is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights —
these sagacious appeals reflect the desire to enhance the
14

contribution of various world cultures in the protection of
human rights. Such enhanced and diverse contributions, in
the framework of a world consensus, could spare the
international community any accusation of negligence,
double standards or bias towards a single cultural concept.
In the field of disarmament, I should point out that for
50 years, the United Nations has given due regard to
disarmament issues. It has given high priority to matters
relating to weapons of mass destruction in general and
nuclear weapons in particular. A consensus on this high
priority emerged in the first special session of the General
Assembly devoted to disarmament and has been reiterated
ever since. Egypt remains faithful to this high priority.
I now turn to the Security Council. Past Assembly
sessions, especially the fifty-first, witnessed protracted
debates on the reform and restructuring of the Security
Council. Undoubtedly, reaching agreement on this issue is
one of the main pillars on which reform of the United
Nations must be built.
In this regard, Egypt reiterates its emphasis on and
commitment to the key principles adopted at the ministerial
meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement in New Delhi, as
well as the elements adopted by the Organization of African
Unity (OAU) Summit in Harare in connection with the
Council's enlargement and the need for full conformity with
the relevant provisions of the Charter.
Therefore, first, there should be no partial or selective
expansion or enlargement of the membership of the
Security Council. Secondly, efforts at restructuring the
Council should not be subject to any imposed time-frame.
While recognizing the importance of treating this issue as
a matter of urgent attention, no effort should be made to
decide this issue before general agreement is reached.
Thirdly, efforts should be made to rationalize the exercise
of the veto. Fourthly, the improvement of the working
methods of the Council should be given equal importance.
Fifthly, any resolution with possible Charter-amendment
implications as to the size, the composition or the allocation
of the Council seats must be adopted in strict conformity
with the provisions of Article 108 of the Charter. Sixthly,
it is important to study the principle of rotation and to agree
upon the eligibility criteria for it in connection with the
proposed expansion in the permanent-membership category.
Such an agreement could help avoid the divisions and feuds
that have begun to surface. Lastly, if there is no agreement
on the expansion of permanent membership, expansion
should be limited to the non-permanent category.
As to eligibility of States for permanent membership
in the Security Council, and with a view to our
commitment to what will be agreed upon within the OAU
in connection with a system of rotation, we propose that
the criteria for eligibility should include the degree of
present and future economic development, historical
weight, geographic location and size of population. They
should also give due regard to the role played by a
country in the maintenance of global and regional peace
and security, including its ability to contribute to
peacekeeping operations. Further, similar regard should be
given to such a country's endeavours to preserve the
interests of the region to which it belongs.
Egypt's regional and international contributions
within the framework of Africa, the Arab and Islamic
worlds and the Middle East region, as well as among the
developing countries and emerging economies,
undoubtedly qualify it to shoulder the responsibilities of
permanent membership in a new, expanded Security
Council providing balanced and equitable representation.
However, Egypt will remain committed to the African
consensus in this regard. I listened carefully to the
statement made by the Foreign Minister of Singapore, and
I suggest that the points he raised should be studied and
given due attention by the General Assembly and the
committees working in the field of the reform and
expansion of the Security Council.
The non-aligned countries called for a
reconsideration of the veto power, which contradicts the
principles of democracy that must characterize
contemporary world order and prevail both among and
within States. As a first step towards that goal, we
suggest that the use and scope of the veto power should
be restricted to specific actions such as those which relate
to threats to international peace and security and which
are taken under Chapter VII of the Charter. We can also
agree on excluding specific matters from the use of veto
power, such as provision to the Council of the
information necessary for exercising its competence;
humanitarian issues, including respect for instruments of
international humanitarian law and ceasefire resolutions;
and the selection of the United Nations Secretary-General.
Security Council reform and the improvement of its
working methods require a re-evaluation of the sanctions
regimes imposed by the Council, including their routine
periodic review, their lifting and whether the regime in its
current form achieves the goals for which it was
instituted. If sanctions are intended to influence the
behaviour of certain States so that they abide by
15

international legality, it would be only logical to amend the
way these sanctions are currently implemented in order to
take into account the related humanitarian aspects and the
sufferings inflicted upon the peoples. And after compliance,
these sanctions must be lifted.
In all cases, it is important to consider setting specific
time-frames for sanctions so that they do not end up being,
in effect, a people's punishment. Discussions in this respect
under “An Agenda for Peace” and the initial agreement
reached thereon can be a viable basis for starting serious
deliberations with a view to effecting positive changes in
the current sanctions regime.
I turn now to the situation in the Middle East, where
the peace process faces a serious crisis. The most apparent
manifestation of this crisis is that the concept, principles
and bases of the peace process are being completely
shattered and squandered. The vision spawned in the
peoples' minds of the sort of peace, as agreed upon at the
United Nations and in Madrid, has started to dissipate.
Trust has been replaced by doubt, and hope by frustration
and despair in a tomorrow where justice will materialize
and peace will prevail.
The peace process is based on governing principles,
namely the implementation of Security Council resolutions
242 (1967) and 338 (1973). At the heart of these principles
are the land-for-peace formula and safeguarding the rights
of the parties according to the balance struck by the
Security Council and affirmed at the Madrid Peace
Conference. This certainly applies to the three tracks of
negotiations between Israel on the one hand and Syria,
Lebanon and the Palestinians on the other. The Oslo accord
did not deviate from the same principles, nor did it
challenge their terms of reference or binding nature. On the
contrary, it led to the recognition that the Palestinian people
are a people with legitimate national and political rights.
It also recognized that the only way to establish peace
and security in the region is through peaceful coexistence
between the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, based on
equality, justice, and, of course, Israel's withdrawal from
the occupied Arab territories and the establishment of
normal relations between the States in the Middle East.
These principles and concepts gave rise to a process
of building bases for peace and its possibilities. In spite of
the obstacles and the problems which confronted the
process of negotiations, the credibility of the search for a
peaceful solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict still existed.
This quest for peace had become a strategic choice
characterizing the policies and orientations of the region's
Governments, impelling the peoples of the region to
envision a future Middle East under a just and
comprehensive peace. Various methods and mechanisms
for cooperation which would enable the region to achieve
the requisite levels of development and progress were
discussed. Despite the frequent diversity of views and
their conflicting nature at certain times, that trend
represented a healthy phenomenon: it indicated that the
peoples of the region are already convinced of the peace
concept. The only thing that remained was how to
reinvigorate the method of achieving it.
Alas, confidence was lost, credibility was shaken and
the peace process lost much of its momentum. For this,
and for the present serious situation, the current Israeli
Government' policy is responsible. Settlement activities,
as well as Israel's reneging on agreements and
commitments reached; making a mockery of legal
accords; challenging the two sponsors of the peace
process; pushing for confrontation; and giving rise to an
overall feeling of despair could not but result in
frustration and destruction. This will lead to a catastrophe
whose responsibility, we hasten to underline here and
now, lies squarely with the current Israeli policies.
This serious crisis inflicted on the peace process by
the Israeli policies was recently considered by the Council
of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the States members of
the League of Arab States. The Council adopted the
following points, which constitute a unified Arab position
on the current situation.
The first point is a rejection of the Israeli
Government policies designed to undermine the peace
process, its denial of the principles and bases of this
process, its evasion of the implementation of the
commitments, undertakings and agreements reached
within the context of the peace process, and its unilateral
measures aimed at imposing a fait accompli in Jerusalem,
the West Bank and the Golan, along with its aggression
against southern Lebanon.
The second point is the upholding of a just and
comprehensive peace as a strategic choice and objective
on the basis of the principles of the peace process, and in
particular of the relevant Security Council resolutions, the
principle of land for peace and the attainment of the
legitimate political rights of the Palestinian people, and a
reaffirmation of complete Arab solidarity with this
position.
16

The third point reiterates that Israel's breach of the
principles and the bases of the peace process, its
backtracking on the commitments, undertakings and
agreements reached thereon and its procrastination in
implementing these commitments have resulted in the
current setback of the peace process. These Israeli policies
have also led to a reconsideration of the steps taken
towards Israel within the framework of the peace process.
Full responsibility for this lies with the Israeli Government
alone.
Fourth, negotiations on the three bilateral tracks should
be resumed. On the Syrian track, negotiations should be
resumed from wherever they ended. The two parties should
commit themselves to what has already been achieved. On
the Lebanese track, negotiations should centre upon the
implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978).
And on the Palestinian track, negotiations should be
resumed on the basis of implementing the contractual
agreements reached, including the commitments of the
interim period. Parallel to that, final status negotiations
should start in order to lead to the Palestinian people's
exercise of their right to self-determination and to the
establishment of their independent state.
Fifth, the Council welcomed the American position as
crystallized during the visit paid by the United States
Secretary of State to the region this month. There was
consensus regarding cooperation with United States policy
as expressed by Mrs. Albright in her statement of 6 August
1997 to the National Press Club in Washington. That
policy, which was reiterated during her recent visit to the
Middle East and contacts with the States of the region,
reaffirms the terms of reference of the Madrid Peace
Conference, in particular the principle of land for peace, the
implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions,
the realization of the legitimate political rights of the
Palestinian people, and the commitment to abstain from
taking unilateral measures that undermine the permanent
status negotiations. We stress the need to build on this
positive position on the part of the United States, and call
on Israel to respond positively to it. In this context, the
steps that the Israeli Government is required to take to
foster the peace process should be within the framework of
key issues, not that of issues of a secondary or formalistic
nature.
Sixth, the European role played in support of the
peace process is welcome and the importance of its
revitalization should be stressed.
Seventh, international legality in the context of the
United Nations Security Council resolutions should be
upheld and implemented.
A stable and just peace must be built on a strong
basis of comprehensive security arrangements that take
due account of the apprehensions, concerns and
viewpoints of all parties. This can materialize only when
Israel accedes to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT), as it is the only State in the
region that has not yet done so. We should proceed
forthwith with the implementation of President Hosni
Mubarak's initiative to free the Middle East from all
weapons of mass destruction and their delivering vehicles.
It is a source of regret for us that so far no practical steps
have been taken to rid our region of the threat of nuclear
weapons. This might lead to the proliferation of such
weapons. Consequently, I call upon the General Assembly
and the NPT depositories to take the necessary steps to
ensure Israel's accession to the NPT and for the prompt
undertaking of serious negotiations to establish a nuclear-
weapon-free zone in the Middle East, in implementation
of the resolution adopted by the Review and Extension
Conference of the Parties to the NPT held in New York
in April 1995. Such a nuclear-weapon-free zone could be
established as a first step towards ridding the Middle East
of all weapons of mass destruction.
Before concluding my remarks regarding the Middle
East, I would like to refer to the serious situation in Iraq.
I would like to highlight the importance of respecting
Iraq's sovereignty and of ending the suffering of its
people. Furthermore, the islands of the United Arab
Emirates should be returned, and the sovereignty of the
United Arab Emirates over these islands should be
respected. The Lockerbie issue should be brought to an
end in conformity with international legality. The
territorial integrity of the Sudan should be preserved and
respected. A settlement of the problems of Somalia
should be reached. A healthy climate for relations should
be created in the Middle East between States of the
region and neighbouring countries, based upon mutual and
balanced commitments along with a common interest in
maintaining positive relations for the benefit of everyone.
Turning to Africa, I wish to refer to the ministerial
meeting convened by the Security Council last week to
consider the sources and causes of African conflicts and
how to contain and resolve them. As I said in my
statement before the Council, Africa has come a long way
on the road of political and economic reform. What is
needed now is to revitalize existing international
17

initiatives in support of development and stability in Africa.
Such international support is also required to solve the
problems of refugees, enhance democratization and
strengthen regional and subregional integration. This
requires the fulfilment of promises by the international
community to establish a true partnership between Africa,
on the one hand, and the United Nations system and the
international donor institutions on the other. This also
requires strengthening existing cooperation between the
United Nations and the Organization of African Unity in
conformity with the provisions of Chapter VIII of the
Charter.
Since the dawn of history, the Mediterranean
dimension has been an important framework for Egypt,
influencing and being influenced by the centres of
civilization and enlightenment in the region. Inasmuch as
Europe — Eastern and Western — has been the main
partner with Egypt in trade transactions, tourist flows and
cultural interactions, so has Egypt been and will continue
to be a major active party in ensuring stability and
regulating a veritable interaction between the European
dimension of Mediterranean security and the Mediterranean
dimension of European security, in the full meaning of the
comprehensive concept of contemporary security.
In this context, President Hosni Mubarak in November
1991 presented to the European Parliament his well-known
initiative of establishing a framework for consultation and
cooperation among the Mediterranean countries. By mid-
1994, this idea was crystallized when the Ministers for
Foreign Affairs of 11 Mediterranean countries held in
Alexandria their constituent session for the Mediterranean
Forum, which convened its fourth session last July in
Algiers, where the ministers unanimously agreed that the
Forum was a unique gathering for frank dialogue and a
mechanism for the formulation and testing of ideas and
coordination of positions.
Through its chairmanship of the cultural working
group of the Mediterranean Forum, Egypt looks forward to
contributing to strengthening cultural cooperation among the
member countries and stressing the common cultural
features of the Mediterranean personality, based upon the
integration and interaction of civilizations, rather than
conflict and confrontation between them.
A similar exercise is currently under way with regard
to Euro-Mediterranean interaction, in the framework of the
Barcelona process. The second ministerial conference,
convened in Malta last April, provided a good opportunity
for frankness and an exchange of views to activate and
correct the path of this historic process that brings
together countries of the European Union and those of the
south and the east of the Mediterranean. In so doing, this
process will truly lead to the creation of a balanced
partnership among all parties, as well as the establishment
of a common zone of peace and prosperity in the
Mediterranean basin.
In this context, Egypt follows with keen interest
current developments in the Balkans, a region closely
linked to the Mediterranean region, especially with regard
to developments relating to the situation in Bosnia. Egypt
believes that the only way out of tension in that region is
that of international legality, the full and speedy
implementation of the Dayton Agreements and the trying
of war criminals, which represents an essential step
towards establishing justice and stability in this region.
Egypt reaffirms its partnership with the international
community, the United Nations system and the donor
institutions in the development and reconstruction of
Bosnia in order to help heal the wounds of years of war
and destruction.
I should not fail to address the concerns of Egypt
and other developing countries regarding a number of
challenges accompanying the process of trade and
investment liberalization. These challenges are manifested
in the continued pursuit by some of unilateral and
arbitrary policies instead of abidance by the rules and
regulations of the international trading system that we all
worked so hard to adopt within the framework of the
World Trade Organization.
This is in addition to the growing trend we witness
today on the part of some of our trading partners who
resort to covert protectionist practices, which hide behind
noble considerations such as environmental protection,
respect for labour norms and human rights, in order to
serve some narrow self-interests, to justify the restriction
of access to markets and to impose trade sanctions.
On another plane, we should be well aware that the
liberalization of investment is not a panacea for every
malaise besetting our economies. Despite our interest in
attracting investments, and despite our efforts to create a
climate conducive to the flow of investments, the fact still
remains that investment agreements should strike a fair
balance between protecting the rights of the investor, on
the one hand and ensuring the rights and interests of the
receiving States, on the other.
18

A year ago, from this rostrum, I called for concerted
efforts against attempts to marginalize the role of the
United Nations.
If we are still awaiting the development of rules of
international conduct under a new world order that is still
evolving, we then urgently need to ensure the survival of a
strong and effective United Nations that can lead the way
for us in this nascent world order.


My delegation is pleased to greet you, Sir, as
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-second
session. I congratulate you warmly on your election; we
have full confidence in your notable qualities as a wise and
experienced diplomat.
I wish also to pay tribute to your predecessor,
Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the outstanding manner in
which he carried out his responsibilities. We all benefitted
from his exceptional ability and his dedication.
We were delighted at the election of the illustrious
African Mr. Kofi Annan to the post of Secretary-General at
a critical time in the history of the Organization. His
splendid performance in other high United Nations posts
and the creativity and dynamism that have marked the
beginning of his term justify the legitimate hopes we have
all placed in him.
The numerous and complex challenges before us at the
dawn of the third millennium can be faced only by the
combined will and efforts of all Member States. My
Government fully recognizes the prominent role of the
United Nations in the constant quest for relevant solutions.
In today’s world, in which sovereignty is less and less
respected, interdependence and globalization are becoming
increasingly real and tangible. As a result, we need the
creation of new tools capable of raising confidence to a
higher level and increasing cooperation between all
international actors in a collective effort that alone can
provide answers to the global questions confronting us.
For several years, our Organization has been
experiencing an intensified process of reform aimed at
giving it revitalized energy, renewed representativeness and
legitimacy, increased effectiveness and greater transparency.
The first consensus is emerging, and its benefits will
doubtless soon be felt. Recent examples of this include the
resolution adopted by the General Assembly following
discussions in the Open-ended High-level Working Group
on the Strengthening of the United Nations System, as well
as the adoption of an Agenda for Development, and the
gains achieved so far on the road towards an Agenda for
Peace.
It is very desirable that equally worthwhile progress
take place in parallel with regard to the financial situation
of the Organization. In this regard, my country shares the
very broad consensus on the need for Member States to
respect their obligation under the Charter to pay their
contributions on time, in full and without conditions.
Reform of the Security Council is one of the most
difficult elements among all the reforms being studied.
The broad agreement required for a formula has not yet
been found. Cape Verde recalls the joint position of the
non-aligned countries, which are demanding non-
discriminatory treatment for the developing countries, in
particular with regard to the prerogatives accorded to the
permanent members of the Council. For its part, Africa is
now working to refine practical means for rotation within
the continent of the seats that it expects to be at its
disposal to represent its Member States.
The Secretary-General has shown us how convinced
he is of the imperative for reform. He took certain
decisions and began to implement them. He then asked us
for advice and proposals. A fundamental objective of the
proposed reforms is to provide unity and consistency to
the global activity of the system, and thereby to have an
increased impact. Structural transformations and changes
in working methods are the favoured instruments for the
implementation of this objective.
We thank and warmly congratulate the Secretary-
General for his initiative, whose focus and broad scope
reveal a deep knowledge of the Organization’s situation
and an enlightened vision of the directions that should be
taken. We will give constructive support to these
proposals in the consultations that will soon be
intensifying at different levels: in the African Group, the
Group of 77 and the General Assembly.
The quality of the future to which humankind aspires
depends on what we can do today to give human beings
their dignity and guarantee that they can enjoy the
fundamental rights recognized in the international legal
instruments that reflect our collective conscience. We
must all commit ourselves to the resolute protection and
constant promotion of human rights. The United Nations
is dedicated to doing so at several levels and through
different instruments. The Commission on Human Rights
is one of the important ones, and Cape Verde is gratified
that it is able to contribute to its work. To accomplish this
task, which is limitless, we must ensure that we construct
human rights around the axes that complement and
5

interact with them, as is the case with democracy and
development.
Fully functioning democracy provides a vital impetus
for the establishment of a human and institutional
environment conducive to development and the
implementation of human rights. However, beyond the
formal political dimension, conditions must be created that
allow all of our citizens to live in dignity and achieve
improved standards of living. The right to development is
therefore reaffirmed as a cornerstone for concerted action
to ensure that such a right can be enjoyed by everyone
throughout the world.
It is time to establish a true international understanding
for development. Everything possible should be done to
ensure that the Agenda for Development, long the subject
of negotiation and recently adopted by the General
Assembly, is fully implemented in practice. In this context,
we regard as promising those concerted efforts recently
made by the global institutions, including the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the United
Nations Development Programme, the Bretton Woods
institutions and the World Trade Organization in areas
critical for development, such as financial flows, investment
and commerce. We encourage the intensification of this
concerted action, which has also been requested by the
Economic and Social Council and encouraged by the
Secretary-General. It can make a considerable contribution
to the establishment of international cooperation, leading to
development at both the global and country level.
We are presently engaged in a race against the clock.
Many developing countries urgently need, finally, to
experience the stirrings of an economic lift-off within the
international trend. Otherwise, we are afraid that the hard-
won reforms of the past and present will not be sustained,
and will still less be able to gain the social backing that
alone can ensure the eventual transition to the second
generation of reforms.
The progress that we envisage is not limited solely to
the economic arena. Solidarity will also be required. We
cannot accept the continued existence of certain barriers
that we have erected and that are now impeding us from
fully enjoying our fundamental rights. I am thinking of such
perversions as racism and exclusion areas based on
xenophobia, discrimination which is inflicted on so many
individuals, particularly immigrants.
Migratory movements have taken place throughout
history. We should treat them with understanding and
dialogue, which will enable us to find solutions to the
inevitable problems, rather than allow them to become
exacerbated. In this regard, international instruments can
be extremely useful. It is important that the International
Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant
Workers and Members of Their Families finally enter into
force. We also hope that the Assembly will follow up the
resolution of the Economic and Social Council on
convening a world conference against racism, racial and
ethnic discrimination, xenophobia and other related
contemporary forms of intolerance.
On this continuing and unequal march towards
development, in which all are involved, some of our
countries remain among the least advanced. At a time of
increased globalization, to warn against the risk of
consolidating and perpetuating the marginalization of
these countries is not mere rhetorical overstatement. On
the contrary, this danger is very real. The least-developed
countries’ share of world exports continues to languish at
very low levels, and their rate of growth even dropped in
1996.
External trade is vital for reversing the present
situation of the least developed countries. The decision
adopted in Marrakesh regarding measures to help them,
as well as the World Trade Organization Plan of Action
adopted last December in Singapore, recognize that the
least developed countries urgently need to achieve a
lasting increase in their exports. These countries must
therefore significantly improve their competitive
capability, and their exports of goods and services must
have free access to all global markets.
In this sense, we are expecting initiatives from the
high-level meeting on the least developed countries, to be
held next month in Geneva aided by increased
institutional synergy between those international bodies
with competence and responsibility in areas critical for
the development of the least developed countries.
The foreign debt of these countries continues to
grow. The problem continues to be inadequately handled,
as regards both the categories of countries covered by
initiatives and the actual level of the initiatives. All least
developed countries — not only the most critically
affected — need adequate and lasting relief.
Moreover, the financing of certain elements
indispensable for international integration of these
countries, such as infrastructure and education, to cite
only a few, requires a significantly increased flow of
6

public development aid. For the least developed countries,
this will become ever more necessary in the future.
In Cape Verde, a least developed country which has
suffered a prolonged drought, there is today national
consensus about the country’s future and the major paths to
be followed. The reforms which we are undertaking have
the support of the nation, which can legitimately aspire to
improving its living conditions today, and not in the distant
future.
The fact that the African continent contains the
majority of the world’s least developed countries speaks
eloquently of its limitations. For the international
community, Africa is a test of its will and its ability to
meet the challenge of global development. The world will
not be developed so long as Africa is not developed.
Solutions, as we know, begin at home. The present
and the recent past of our continent confirm that we
understand this, and are acting upon it more and more. I
take this opportunity to thank those in the international
community who are firmly supporting Africa’s development
and encourage them to have greater confidence in the future
of our continent and in the partnership between Africa and
its friends.
If the Africans continue to step up the changes under
way in the right direction, and if there is concrete progress
and cooperation in the international environment, it is likely
that the positive signs of the last few years will
progressively be consolidated in Africa.
However, there are constraints of another nature
impeding the general progress sought by our continent:
situations of conflict and potential conflict, which continue
to proliferate, some of them particularly bloody.
Experience — particularly recent experience — has shown
that these conflicts are often highly complex. They become
deeply rooted and thus thwart any diplomatic or other
attempts at solution. However, that is no reason for the
United Nations and its Member States to give up their
efforts to solve these problems.
Working together and in concert with the United
Nations, the Africans are becoming more active in their
efforts at the regional level to contribute to preventing and
managing the conflicts on the continent. Africa needs
international support in order to step up its capacities in this
area. Such support should not become a means of
discrimination, negative or positive, with regard to certain
conflicts as compared with others, based on the subjective
preferences of donors. The multilateral nature of the
United Nations and the Organization of African Unity
(OAU) implies avoidance of this risk and balanced
treatment of conflict situations.
The case of Angola has called for the greatest efforts
of the United Nations in Africa — lengthy and repeated
efforts. Unfortunately, a new deterioration in the situation,
with violent consequences, is not impossible at a time
when UNITA is persisting in failing to respect the terms
of the Lusaka Accords. Therefore, the most recent
Security Council resolution on Angola is fully justified,
and we hope that it will have the desired effect. Only a
few days from the expiration of its time limit, we urge
UNITA to take the decisive steps required for lasting
peace in Angola.
We would like to reaffirm here the support of Cape
Verde for the people of East Timor in its quest for
genuine self-determination, the preservation of its identity,
and recognition of and total respect for its rights. We
welcomed the award of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1996 to
two eminent individuals from East Timor, Don Ximenes
Belo and Ramos-Horta. That award brought even more
international attention to the situation of their people. It is
time for reason and justice to prevail, and we welcome
the appointment of a Special Representative for East
Timor by the Secretary-General within the framework of
his redoubled efforts to assist in finding an equitable
solution to the conflict in the territory.
Last June, a special session of the General Assembly
to assess the implementation of Agenda 21 achieved
meagre results. All sides — Governments, international
institutions and social groups — are again challenged to
honour the Rio commitments and show more
determination and responsibility on the environment.
Certainly, with regard to control of the causes of
environmental degradation and long-term management of
the planet’s non-renewable resources, different parties
have different responsibilities, but those responsibilities
are shared. Among the numerous constraining factors,
population and consumption remain major factors. While
demographic growth presents encouraging medium- and
long-term indicators, unbalanced rates of consumption
persist and even increase, putting unsustainable pressure
on resources.
My country, a country of the Sahel and an island
nation, is particularly sensitive to certain threats to the
environment, such as drought and desertification, which
7

were the subject of an international Convention giving
particular attention to the situation in Africa. The
Permanent International Committee for Drought Control in
the Sahel (CILSS), of which Cape Verde is a member, is
taking action with a visible impact, which merits continued
support by its external partners.
Another factor for environmental deterioration — this
time a social one — is the scourge of drugs and the human
degradation to which it leads. To combat illegal drug
trafficking and the laundering of the money it generates,
close international cooperation is required, particularly in
the exchange of information and logistical and material
support. This is a global phenomenon, and the means to
combat it must also be formulated globally, with national
and regional foundations. The West African subregion,
through the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), has begun concerted efforts. The Political
Declaration of Praia last July laid down the basis for
growing cooperation between the countries involved.
The last years of this millennium mark the end of an
extraordinary period. The era which began with the fall of
the Berlin Wall will go down in history as an era of an
explosion of the ideals of liberty and progress such as had
not been seen since the great wave of independence in the
1960s.
These gains, together with the dizzying advances of
science and technology, attest to mankind’s extraordinary
ability to come up with imaginative answers. However,
mankind has not yet freed itself from feelings of
indifference and exclusion, and often even of hate. This is
perhaps the major challenge as this century comes to a
close.
The complete achievement of the noble objectives of
the Charter would doubtless represent a decisive step
towards such emancipation.


Please
permit me, Sir, at the outset, to offer my sincere
congratulations to you on your election to the Presidency of
the fifty-second session of the General Assembly. In the
same vein, our congratulations are directed to the members
of the Bureau on their election. I wish to assure you of the
full cooperation of my delegation in the discharge of this
heavy responsibility entrusted to you.
I would also like to express my thanks to Ambassador
Razali Ismail of Malaysia for the able manner in which he
discharged his responsibilities during his Presidency of the
last session. At this juncture, I would like to pay a special
tribute to Mr. Kofi Annan for his deserved election as
Secretary-General of the United Nations and for the able
manner in which he is carrying out his responsibilities.
Looking at the agenda of this meeting, it is an historic
meeting of the General Assembly and you, Sir, will be
remembered for many years to come. Personally, I feel
proud and privileged to be associated with this meeting.
Last year, here in New York, members of the Group
of 77 and China elected my country, Tanzania, to the
chairmanship of the Group. The last nine months or so in
that post have been a very exciting and challenging
experience for me and my colleagues at our Mission to the
United Nations and for the entire Government of the United
Republic of Tanzania. We have been involved in several
meetings, debates and negotiations on behalf of the Group.
I am glad to say that, despite some setbacks, notable
success and progress have been made in all our
endeavours. All this was made possible through the
cooperation, support and, above all, teamwork of all
members of the Group. We thank all members for their
support.
Two years ago, world leaders met here to celebrate
50 years of the existence of the United Nations. Besides
taking stock of the progress made and the lessons learned,
the Heads of State or Government endeavoured to chart
the institutional framework and operational parameters
that could enhance the Organization's relevance and
effectiveness in a changed international environment. In
this context, apart from the Organization's traditional
roles of maintaining international peace and security and
providing humanitarian assistance, it was also found
essential to place development cooperation issues at the
centre of United Nations activities. The United Nations
itself needed to undertake appropriate reform measures so
that it would be better able to deal with the challenges of
the new global economy.
To facilitate the reform process in the socio-
economic field, developing countries participated actively
and effectively in work on the Agenda for Development
to ensure the successful conclusion of the negotiations of
this important process. These negotiations were completed
in June 1997, and I should like to commend the Ad Hoc
Open-ended Working Group of the General Assembly on
this issue for its good work.
Building on the outcome of recent United Nations
conferences and other relevant agreements, the Agenda
for Development underscores that sustained economic
growth is essential to the economic and social
development of all countries, in particular developing
countries. While acknowledging the importance of
national policies and measures in the development
process, the Agenda for Development calls for action
towards a dynamic and enabling international economic
environment, including such aspects as an open, rule-
based, equitable, secure, non-discriminatory, transparent
and predictable multilateral trading system and the
promotion of investment and the transfer of technology
and knowledge. Additionally, the Agenda calls for
enhanced international cooperation in the mobilization and
provision of financial resources for development. It also
underscores the need for an effective, equitable,
development-oriented and durable solution to the external
21

debt and debt-servicing problems of the developing
countries.
Many developing countries are not able to benefit
from the twin processes of the liberalization and the
globalization of the world economy. These processes
benefit some countries while causing instability and
marginalization in others, particularly in developing
countries. The least-developed countries face the greatest
risk of further marginalization. This is why they continue
to demand that such uneven trends be addressed, and that
the World Trade Organization and other related
international organizations adopt specific and concrete
measures to mitigate the adverse effects arising from the
implementation of the Uruguay Round agreements. These
measures must include long-term financial and technical
support, the transfer of technology, and the improvement of
the trade performance of the developing countries. It is also
necessary to ensure full and effective participation of the
developing countries in the international economic decision-
making processes.
Concerning financial flows, it is imperative to reverse
the overall decline in official development assistance and to
achieve the agreed target of 0.7 per cent by the turn of the
century. We appeal to developed countries to reaffirm their
commitments to meet this target. Other sources of
concessional external financial assistance should also be
strengthened to enable them without conditionalities to
increase resources for disbursement in support of the
developing countries.
In addition to official development assistance and
multilateral assistance, the growth in foreign direct
investment in developing countries is of particular
importance. However, foreign direct investment portfolio
flows are going to very few developing countries, those
which are already growing fast; very little, or none, is
going to the least-developed countries. For example, Africa
has received only a small proportion of the total net private
flows, despite extensive reforms that continue to be
undertaken. The challenge to the international community
in this respect is to ensure that adequate capital and
investment flows also reach the least-developed countries so
as to accelerate their pace of development. This could be
done through, inter alia, the improvement of economic and
social infrastructure in the least-developed countries.
External indebtedness is one of the major obstacles to
the development efforts of many developing countries. It is
acknowledged that even with sound economic policies and
with full appreciation of the debt-rescheduling arrangements
in place, developing countries continue to face an
unbearable debt-servicing burden. There is hence an
urgent need for adopting durable solutions to external
debt and debt-servicing problems, particularly those of the
heavily indebted poor countries. More also needs to be
done in terms of debt stock cancellation and forgiveness.
We appreciate recent initiatives to reduce debts, both
those within the Naples terms of the Paris Club, and those
within the multilateral framework, such as the heavily
indebted poor countries initiative of the World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund. However, the criteria for
eligibility should be more flexible to enable more
countries to benefit from these arrangements. As it is
now, it is almost a nightmare for a country to qualify in
terms of conditionalities involved and the time it takes
before reaping the first benefits after qualifying. It is like
being so near yet so far.
The debate on development is closely interlinked
with that on the environment. In June this year, a special
session of the Assembly was held to review and appraise
the implementation of Agenda 21 five years on. It is
regrettable that the special session came out with no
concrete agreement or commitments on the cross-cutting
issues of financial resources and technology transfer. For
while it was possible to agree on follow-up action on
some of the sectoral issues such as forests, energy,
climate change, desertification, fresh water and others,
lack of concrete agreement on issues related to financial
resources and technology transfer militates against
effective realization of the little that was agreed upon.
In his statement at the special session on behalf of
the Group of 77 and China, my President, His Excellency
Mr. Benjamin William Mkapa, emphasized that all
countries should rededicate themselves to the Rio
Declaration in order to achieve the goals of sustained
economic growth and sustainable development. He further
stressed the need for creating a more conducive
international economic environment, to enable developing
countries to gain access to new and additional resources
and technology on concessional and grant terms. I wish
to reiterate that call today.
Other major international conferences and world
summits held since 1990 will also come up for review in
the near future. It is our hope that a new spirit of
international partnership in resolving the various socio-
economic problems facing, particularly, developing
countries will emerge and that international support for
the implementation of the various programmes of these
22

conferences will continue to be provided by the
international community.
In recent years, South-South cooperation has evolved
into an important modality for addressing the development
needs of developing countries. We are convinced that
South-South cooperation provides a sound basis for
promoting economic growth and increasing technical
capacities for acceleration of development in the developing
countries. The Group of 77 and China pledge to intensify
existing cooperation and solidarity among its members with
a view to sharing development experiences and solving
some of the development problems facing them.
I agree with the Secretary-General that reform of the
United Nations is not an event but a process. General
Assembly resolution 50/227 and the Secretary-General's
proposals provide a basis for the discussion of United
Nations reforms. However, we strongly feel that emphasis
should be placed on the overall policy thrust and mission of
the Organization geared towards the strengthening of its
economic role.
Furthermore, institutions that deal with economic
issues, such as the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD), the United Nations Industrial
Development Organization (UNIDO) and the relevant
Economic and Social Council bodies and regional
commissions, should remain. They should also be
strengthened to ensure that the development concerns of
developing countries are taken fully into account.
As for the reform of the Security Council, my country
stands for more democratization and equity in this crucial
organ of the United Nations. We stand for the expansion of
its membership in both the permanent and non-permanent
categories, with the additional members in the permanent
category getting veto power. The expansion in both
categories should include not only Japan and Germany, but
also equitable representation of the developing countries of
Africa, Asia and Latin America.
All reforms must be conducive to realizing the broad
purposes and principles of the Charter and to improving the
efficiency of the United Nations in all areas. They must
also contribute to a more positive and effective United
Nations role in promoting world peace and development,
and meet the aspirations of developing countries. I am
confident that we will be able to achieve a broad consensus
as long as all of us engage in deliberations in good faith
and with a readiness to consider all legitimate concerns.
Tanzania appreciates the changes that have taken
place in the area of disarmament. The threat of nuclear
war may not at present manifest itself in the ideological
confrontation of the past, but it has not gone away or
receded. It is still with us, and we should guard against
any complacency that we are any safer today. Nations
still possess nuclear warheads, and new generations of
these weapons are being manufactured. The total
elimination of these weapons must continue to be the
central purpose of our disarmament agenda.
While nuclear weapons still pose a potentially grave
threat to international peace and security, conventional
ones have had a devastating effect, particularly in areas of
conflict. Among these are anti-personnel landmines,
which maim and kill the innocent, even long after war
has ended. The effects of these weapons are evident all
over the world, with their most violent manifestation in
countries such as Angola, Cambodia, Mozambique and
Bosnia. Tanzania has supported, and will continue to
support, a worldwide ban of these weapons through the
framework of the Ottawa process and looks forward to
becoming an effective party to the instrument just
concluded in Oslo, Norway. At the same time, we hope
that the elimination of anti-personnel landmines will not
be seen as an end in itself, but as part of the overall
objective of eliminating other weapons, especially
weapons of mass destruction.
As the United Nations grapples with the challenges
of peace and development, it is still faced with many
political problems which need urgent resolution if
humanity is to prosper. From Latin America and the
Caribbean to Europe, from Asia to the Middle East and
Africa, the United Nations is faced with the arduous task
of promoting peace, democracy and good governance as
the enduring pillars of development.
We congratulate the people of Liberia for having
conducted a successful democratic election, which, we
hope, has ushered in a new era of peace in that country.
Now, as they seek to regain their footing and begin the
arduous task of national reconciliation, healing and
economic reconstruction, they will need the support of the
international community.
At a time when Liberia is emerging from destruction
and suffering, we are deeply concerned that Sierra Leone
is sinking deeper into chaos at the expense of peace,
development and democracy for that country. The
Government of Tanzania has associated itself fully with
the efforts made within the framework of the
23

Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to restore
democracy and constitutional rule in Sierra Leone. Even at
this late hour, we continue to hope that the Sierra Leonean
military will realize the folly of their misadventure and
agree to return their country to constitutional rule. In the
meantime, the continuing efforts of the West African
region, and Africa in general, merit expanded support so as
to put an end to the destructive cycle of military coups in
Sierra Leone.
In Angola, we continue to be concerned by the
manoeuvres of UNITA to stall the process of
implementation of the Lusaka accords. Our concern is given
added urgency by the steady degeneration of the situation
in the country and the likelihood of a return to open
hostilities and war, with all the destruction and suffering
that portends for the people of that country. We urge
UNITA to abandon its obstructionist policies and abide by
the Lusaka peace accords. We hope the United Nations will
remain engaged in Angola.
The situation in the Great Lakes region remains
precarious. The consequences of decades of misrule in
some countries of the region have been horrendous in terms
of suffering, war, death and lost opportunities to harness its
great development potential. We regret that the situation in
Burundi shows no sign of improvement. The military
authorities have persisted in frustrating the efforts of the
region within the framework of the Arusha initiative, under
the chairmanship of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, to facilitate
the process of political dialogue.
Tanzania and the other countries of the region are
persisting in their efforts because we believe there is no
alternative to dialogue but war and more suffering for
innocent civilians. The region has no other interest in
Burundi but to help. At the regional level, meetings were
held in Arusha on 4 September, and the leaders reiterated
their commitment to the search for peace in Burundi and
called upon the military authorities there to abandon the
course of confrontation and seek dialogue and political
accommodation with all elements in Burundi.
The region has been categorical in restating that the
Burundi authorities should be under no illusion that they
can bury their heads in the sand or wish the problem away.
They simply have to face reality and dutifully rise to the
occasion. Certainly the region and the international
community cannot leave them alone and allow them to lead
the country into self-destruction and war, with all the
attendant problems that creates for Burundi and its
neighbours. I wish to appeal to the international
community to continue assisting the region so that our
goal of restarting the dialogue for peace in the country is
achieved.
In Rwanda, fortunately, the situation is steadily
stabilizing, particularly after the return of most of its
citizens, who had been coerced into a drifting life in exile
as refugees. Yet the difficulties which face that country
are enormous. The process of recovery from the immense
moral, physical and spiritual effects of the 1994 genocide
will be painful and slow. As Rwanda struggles to come
to terms with the genocide, reconcile with itself and
continue on the path of national healing and renewal, it
needs our solidarity and support.
With President Laurent Kabila's assumption of the
leadership of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the
process of returning to democratic rule has begun, albeit
slowly. We realize that it will not be an easy or swift
process, given the political rigidity and the policies of
political exclusion to which that country was subjected for
decades. We appreciate the enormity of the task of
putting the country back on its feet, restoring Government
institutions and setting out towards democratic recovery.
Given this background, what the Government and people
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo need most is
solidarity, understanding and material support from the
international community.
The political problems of the Great Lakes have
precipitated a grave humanitarian challenge as millions of
people have been forced into a life of exile as refugees.
This has placed an enormous burden on the countries of
the region, including my own, which has had to shoulder
it without commensurate resources. We appreciate the
great work done by United Nations agencies and many
humanitarian non-governmental organizations in terms of
providing the much-needed assistance to the refugees.
Indeed, without this support, the life of the refugees
would have been most unbearable. Yet even with this
much-appreciated assistance, the burden left to refugee-
receiving States has been enormous. The economic,
social, environmental and security consequences of
hosting the refugees will have long-lasting effects from
which these countries will continue to suffer even after
the repatriation of the refugees has been completed. This
raises the fundamental issue of assisting the asylum
countries, not only to cope with the immediate task of
meeting the needs of the refugees, but also with the long-
term effects of hosting them. This aspect needs
addressing.
24

Somalia may no longer be on our television screens or
worthy of the news headlines, but it is still a problem
which must not be forgotten. The country is still
fragmented, and fighting among the factions in conflict is
not yet over. There is a chance that through the Sodere
initiative there may be some positive developments. The
United Nations needs to continue associating itself closely
with the efforts being expended by the Intergovernmental
Authority for Drought and Development and the
Organization of African Unity aimed at bringing durable
peace to Somalia.
In Western Sahara, too, we are concerned by the
apparent freeze in the implementation of the settlement
plan. As we reiterate our solidarity with the Frente
POLISARIO, we express the hope that the initiatives of the
representative of the Secretary-General, in the person of the
former United States Secretary of State James Baker, will
bear fruit and remove the prevailing political difficulties in
the implementation of the settlement plan.
Tanzania continues to follow closely the developments
in the Middle East which now threaten peace in the area. In
this regard, Tanzania reiterates its solidarity with the
Palestinian people and calls upon the Palestinian and the
Israeli authorities to persist in their efforts to consolidate
dialogue and move forward in elaborating permanent
arrangements for peace. We still believe that, ultimately,
enduring peace in the region lies in the return of all the
occupied Arab land and in the full enjoyment by the
Palestinian people of its inalienable right to self-
determination and independence, including the
establishment of a homeland for themselves within
internationally recognized boundaries.
In conclusion, as we move into the new millennium,
the world is still a place largely besieged by poverty and
underdevelopment, conflict and war. The giant leaps of
science and technology which have enabled humankind to
explore outer space and to shrink the world into a global
village have so far not been adequately and evenly
channelled into meeting the compelling needs of the greater
part humanity. The world will transit into the next
millennium divided between those who are prosperous and
at peace and those living in abject poverty and at war.
Therefore, it must be the overriding objective of the United
Nations to ensure that this disparity is overcome. The
challenge that we must all face is to strengthen this
Organization by unconditionally supporting it fully,
politically and financially to enable it to serve humanity
better.


I
would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-second
session.
It is a principle of today’s world that political
legitimacy and democracy constitute the most civilized form
of government. The United Nations must reflect this
increasingly universal principle by supporting the efforts
being made by the Governments and peoples of the world
that are struggling to democratize their countries.
After a decade of totalitarianism and struggles of
resistance, the Nicaraguan people have chosen democracy
as our system of government. Proof of this is the elections
that were successfully conducted in 1990 and in 1996,
when I was elected President of Nicaragua and undertook
to build a state of law and to lead my country along the
path of democracy, reconciliation with justice and the
institutionalization of the State.
We know that this is a difficult challenge. The
Government over which I preside has made the
commitment to achieve economic and social development
that will make it possible to meet the basic needs of the
population and to guarantee sustainable growth in the
medium and long term.
We are aware of the need to promote a national
commitment to democracy. To that end we have initiated
an open, sincere national dialogue with different sectors
of society, including the political parties, civil society and
non-governmental organizations, so that together we can
find the key elements for building a democratic political
culture.
My Government is pleased to support the
hemisphere’s efforts, as coordinator of item 18 on the
agenda of the Summit of the Americas, “Strengthening of
the role of women in society”. The Summit meeting
wished to emphasize that the exclusion of women from
the tasks and benefits of development is a big obstacle to
the attainment of growth and democracy.
The entire world is in a process of change, and we
believe that the United Nations system cannot remain on
the sidelines. Nicaragua congratulates the Secretary-

General on his dynamic vision, and we thank him for his
report entitled “Renewing the United Nations: A
Programme for Reform” (A/51/950).
Nicaragua has benefited from many programmes of
the system and its agencies, programmes which have had an
impact on its economy, health, social well-being, education
and employment, to name just a few areas, and ultimately
on democratic development.
My Government considers the time has come for
Member States to approve a greater leadership role for the
Secretary-General. We are glad that the Secretary-General
attaches special importance to peace processes and the need
to improve the system’s capacity to combat drug trafficking
and terrorism. We support programmes to reduce arms and
enhance human rights, as well as to strengthen the ability
to respond in the best possible way to emergency situations.
Likewise, my Government considers that development
programmes and programmes for strengthening democratic
systems must not be affected. Our democracies still have
enemies. A rapid response capacity is essential today.
The Security Council’s present structure and its
Members’ prerogatives belong to a bygone era. The days of
the cold war and a bipolar world are a thing of the past,
and the number of States making up the international
community has increased substantially since 1965, the date
of the last enlargement of the Council. It is therefore clear
that its present structure is neither equitable nor democratic.
The days of armed conflict in the Central American
region are over. In this very forum, all the nations of the
world have declared Central America to be a region of
peace, democracy and development. Fortunately, we Central
Americans are daily getting closer to real and effective
integration.
We are aware of the urgent need to bring about
profound change in our institutional system in such a way
as to respect our sovereignty, and laws, and the different
characteristics of each nation, while allowing us to face
effectively the challenges of the next century and to blend
successfully into global flows of trade and investment.
Deeply resolved, the Central American Presidents have
agreed to initiate a process of gradually establishing the
Central American union. To that effect, we announced in
Managua on 2 September the decision to designate a high-
level group to prepare the bases and the conditions for
constituting the union. We ask the international community
to support this process unreservedly, for we consider it
invaluable for the strengthening of our democracy and the
well-being of our peoples.
We Central Americans do not want the destructive
consequences of war experienced in the 1980s to continue
into the twenty-first century. We still face humanitarian
and economic problems because of the damage caused by
the presence of landmines and other explosive devices,
which have caused irreparable losses to the civilian
population and the national economy.
The United Nations has seen profound changes in
world events, including great transformations in Eastern
Europe and the former Soviet Union. We are pleased to
see how democracy, the ideas of civil society and respect
for fundamental human rights are becoming predominant
characteristics of today’s world.
I therefore note with great regret that the 21.5
million people who live in the Republic of China are not
represented in this great Assembly. What is going on,
Mr. President? Everyone knows that the Republic of
China signed the United Nations Charter in 1945.
Domestically, it maintains government structures
guaranteeing its people the exercise of their fundamental
rights and freedoms. In no international forum dealing
with this subject has the Government of the Republic of
China been described as a violator of inalienable rights.
The countries of South-East Asia have seen how the
economy and democratic development of the Republic of
China have been significant factors in the region’s
stability. The international community can attest to the
fact that the Republic of China bases its attitude on the
principles that govern the United Nations Charter,
particularly in its peace-loving nature and its capacity to
make a positive response to the needs of the international
community.
Bearing these facts in mind, I appeal to the
Assembly to amend resolution 2758 (XXVI), which
excludes the Republic of China from the United Nations.
We ought to maintain the principle of universality through
the equal participation of all the States of the world. The
Government of Nicaragua considers that the Republic of
China should enjoy equal opportunity to participate in the
United Nations and its specialized agencies. We cannot
forget the right of those who freely chose to live in and
to build the Republic of China and who want their
country to be recognized with full and effective
participation at the heart of this Organization.
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We have a broad programme of work, which will
contribute not only to overcoming the obstacles that peoples
and Governments face in achieving their goal of
maintaining and implementing fundamental values of
development, social well-being and justice, but also to
preparing for our entry into the twenty-first century with a
renewed and strengthened world Organization that can
assist Governments to attain the well-being of their peoples.
On behalf of the Nicaraguan people, I ask God to
bless the United Nations and all the peoples of the world.


On behalf of the
people and Government of Papua New Guinea, I wish to
join previous speakers in conveying our felicitations to you,
Sir, on your election to the presidency of the fifty-second
session of the General Assembly. The Papua New Guinea
delegation is confident that you will guide this session to a
successful conclusion.
May I also take this opportunity to express my sincere
gratitude to your predecessor, His Excellency Ambassador
Razali Ismail of Malaysia, for his energetic, visionary and
outstanding stewardship in facilitating the work of the fifty-
first session of the General Assembly.
At the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations,
world leaders reaffirmed their resolute commitment to
uphold the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter
of the United Nations. They pledged their support for the
pivotal role of the United Nations in building international
cooperation and partnership in development and in
engendering trust and confidence among nations and
peoples in order to foster world peace and security.
No human institution is perfect, and the United
Nations is no exception. It has nonetheless withstood the
test of time. The shortcomings of our collective
endeavours have necessitated efforts for constructive
reform and measures directed at strengthening and
reinvigorating the United Nations, our paramount
Organization.
Papua New Guinea has always believed, and
continues to believe, in the utility of the United Nations,
and in this context commends the Secretary-General, His
Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, for his bold initiative in
proposing for our consideration a comprehensive reform
package aimed at making the United Nations more
responsive to the changing international situation.
In his proposal, the Secretary-General emphasized
that the principal objective of the reform is not only to
make the United Nations efficient and effective but also
to improve its delivery system and operational coherency
through management innovations. Papua New Guinea
fully supports these principal objectives of the proposed
reform package. The overall direction of reform should
and must be tailored towards strengthening the United
Nations system in order to better serve the needs and
aspirations of its Members. It makes eminent sense for us
to move from merely debating issues to determining
practical steps and strategies that would make our
Organization more responsive and capable of meeting the
ever-changing challenges of globalization and
modernization as we enter the next century.

These changes are necessary to enhance public
confidence in the United Nations and to improve its
capacity to build partnership between Governments and
civil society. This will enable the Organization to meet the
daunting challenges of economic development faced by our
global community and those posed by the political and
ideological differences afflicting nations today.
The proposed reforms stem in part from the need to
ensure the operational viability and sustainability of the
activities of the United Nations. Papua New Guinea is fully
aware of the predicament of the United Nations — starved
of much needed financial resources for its operations to the
point of being insolvent. We cannot allow such a situation
to persist.
We agree with and applaud the role of the
Organization in development — in framing structures and
policies that will enhance the technological capacities of
developing countries and improve their effective
participation in international markets, including their access
to credit and their ability to acquire information
technologies.
Regarding priorities, Papua New Guinea is gravely
concerned at the lack of full implementation of a number of
initiatives and programmes undertaken by the United
Nations, in particular with respect to such critical areas as
the empowerment of women, child care, the protection of
our global environment, poverty eradication and sustainable
development.
It is critical to be aware that organizational reform
alone cannot guarantee the effective delivery of services.
The United Nations needs more than bureaucratic and
technocratic innovations. It needs our concerted action. It is
therefore imperative that we as Members commit ourselves
to encouraging the development of genuine partnerships and
seriously take urgent and practical measures to remove the
obstacles and barriers that exist between developed and
developing countries.
In addition to its traditional role in the maintenance of
peace and security, this paramount international body must
be equipped and strengthened to do more in framing
international treaties and standards and in encouraging
international norms and practices that will bring about
equitable economic development and social justice for all
peoples. Equity and justice in all spheres of development
should be our ultimate objective.
Consistent with the reform process, we see merit and
value in revising the regional groupings within the context
of the United Nations to reflect present geopolitical
realities. In this regard, we support the calls made by
New Zealand and others in the South Pacific region for
the consideration of their inclusion in the Asia-Pacific
grouping.
I now turn to the question of the reform of the
Security Council, which is an important decision-making
organ of the United Nations on global security concerns.
As a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, Papua New
Guinea fully supports the declaration adopted by the non-
aligned Ministers at the twelfth Ministerial Conference of
the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries — held in New
Delhi, India, in April 1997 — and reaffirmed more
recently in New York on 26 September last. The
composition and modus operandi of the Security Council
must reflect the changes that have taken place since its
formative years, and, more importantly, must mirror
current geopolitical and economic realities.
Papua New Guinea believes that the reform and
expansion of the Security Council should be guided by
the principle of the sovereign equality of States and
equitable geographical distribution. It should also take
into consideration the need for transparency,
accountability and democratization of the working
methods and procedures of the Security Council,
including its decision-making processes.
The reform of the Security Council should be
comprehensive and based on universal values in order to
enhance its legitimacy. More importantly, the reformed
Security Council should allow for equitable representation
by developing countries. On the question of permanent
membership, we reiterate our position on the inclusion of
Japan and Germany from the industrialized States and
also support the fair representation of developing
countries as additional permanent members, particularly
those that have the capacity and ability to contribute to
world affairs.
Papua New Guinea strongly supports the view that
there should be no distinction in terms of the privileges
accorded to permanent members, particularly in relation
to the exercise of the veto power. In other words, all
permanent members of a reformed Security Council
should enjoy the same privileges so as to maintain
geopolitical equity and balance.
2

It is indeed ironic to note in this Assembly the
contradictory positions of some of our members, who
purport to be champions and defenders of human rights
issues and yet continue to maintain colonial situations that
directly deny genuine democratic representation and the
rights of people to govern themselves in a manner
consistent with their political aspirations.
Having achieved decolonization in many parts of the
globe — of which the United Nations can be proud — we
would be failing in our noble duty if we were to ignore the
concerns and aspirations of the peoples of the remaining 17
Non-Self-Governing Territories, some of them in the South
Pacific, which are still struggling to establish their own
political autonomy, and even to exercise their right of self-
determination. Given the importance we attach to this issue,
Papua New Guinea is gravely concerned that recent
initiatives in relation to the United Nations programme on
decolonization have seriously eroded the importance of the
political essence of that programme and have impacted
negatively on it. We hope that this anomaly can be resolved
quickly and amicably.
Papua New Guinea wishes to recall that many of us
represented here would not have taken our place in this
forum had we not been allowed the opportunity to exercise
that right. We therefore urge this body to adopt a more
serious and aggressive approach to the implementation of
the decolonization programme of the United Nations. At the
recent meeting of the South Pacific Forum in Rarotonga,
Cook Islands, the States members of the South Pacific
Forum reaffirmed their support for the decolonization
process.
The Non-Self-Governing Territory of New Caledonia
continues to be of great interest to the South Pacific Forum,
and we have over the years followed developments there in
relation to the Matignon Accords. Early this year we
mounted, with the help of the Government of France and
the authorities in New Caledonia, a Forum ministerial
mission to the Territory. We are pleased to note that all
parties to the Matignon Accords appear to be satisfied with
the progress made in implementing the Accords. Papua
New Guinea continues to recognize the right of the people
of New Caledonia to self-determination and urges all
parties in the Territory to maintain their commitment to
reaching a negotiated solution as a successor arrangement
to the 1988 Matignon Accords. This negotiated successor
solution must take into account the wishes of all
communities, including concerns on the changing
demographic composition of New Caledonia.
The economic prosperity and political developments
and changes in the Asia-Pacific region continue to be of
interest to Papua New Guinea. As a special observer of
the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN),
we were heartened by the initiatives taken by ASEAN
leaders to bring the belligerent parties in Cambodia to the
table for urgent negotiations for peace and security. It is
our hope that the people of that ancient civilization will
return to their daily lives in a peaceful and secure
environment once more.
The ongoing difficulties in the Korean peninsula and
the competing territorial claims in the South China Sea
continue to concern my Government, because they all
have a bearing on the overall maintenance of regional and
international security, as well as on other forms of
cooperation.
While we do not understate the importance and
value of our diplomatic relations with the People’s
Republic of China, we have, however, on a number of
occasions urged both Beijing and Taipei to resolve their
fundamental differences with the aim of maintaining an
amicable coexistence.
In view of the changing international climate
characterized by global interdependence, it is important
for all peace-loving States to make every effort to
minimize areas of hostility that could seriously undermine
international peace and security. The United Nations
therefore has an obligation to assist in maintaining a
secure global environment in which economic growth and
other forms of development can continue to thrive for the
benefit and common good of all peoples of the world.
In its efforts to attain economic prosperity, Papua
New Guinea has had to engage all economic entities in
our trade and commercial relations. Consistent with our
obligation to assure our people of a better future, we
intend to expand our economic ties with trading partners
that have demonstrated their willingness to assist without
our having to compromise various aspects of our existing
relations with our partners.
It is in this regard that we recognize Taiwan as a
dynamic economy and trading partner without
compromising our one-China policy. Since Taiwan
participates in such organizations as the Asian
Development Bank, the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation Council, the World Trade Organization and
the South Pacific Forum as a dialogue partner, I cannot
3

see any reason why we should not deal directly with
Taiwan on trade and economic matters.
The world has witnessed once again the derailment of
the peace process in the Middle East. We call on the
leaders of both Israel and Palestine to cooperate with
United Nations efforts to reach an amicable solution to
avert further violence, and to focus on the path to peace.
Papua New Guinea strongly believes that the rights of the
Palestinian people over their homeland and their freedom to
establish their own Government and identity are paramount
among the conditions that could lead to enduring peace.
We are encouraged to see positive signs of
appeasement in Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Nevertheless, given the tense
situation that exists in that region, we urge those in
positions of authority, including all leaders in that part of
the world, to resolve their differences peacefully to prevent
further bloodshed. In this context, we are heartened to see
the Organization of African Unity playing a critical role in
the endeavour to bring about peace and stability in the
Great Lakes region. The crisis in Sierra Leone needs urgent
attention, and we join the Secretary-General’s call to the
leaders of the military junta and support his continuing
efforts to encourage them to respect the rule of law and
make every effort to restore democracy in that country.
On the regional front, Papua New Guinea is taking a
major initiative in setting up the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation Council (APEC) regional centre in Port
Moresby. We would like to offer our gratitude for the
support given by the States members of the South Pacific
Forum in our efforts to set up this centre. The objective of
the APEC centre is to assist in the area of capacity-building
in the economies of 13 small island developing States in
our region as we prepare to meet the challenges of
globalization and liberalization. We are also grateful for the
support provided by the United Nations Development
Programme.
At the recent summit of the Heads of the South
Pacific Forum countries, the leaders reaffirmed our
commitment to maintaining a nuclear-free zone in the South
Pacific consistent with the overall objectives of the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We
welcomed the adoption of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty and reiterated our support for banning the
transboundary movement of radioactive and other hazardous
wastes in the region, and in particular for the Vienna
Convention on Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage and the
draft Convention on Supplementary Funding.
In this context, we welcome the ratification by the
United Kingdom of the protocols to the South Pacific
Nuclear-Free Zone Treaty, known as the Treaty of
Rarotonga. We are still hopeful that the United States of
America will do likewise, and call upon it to do so at the
earliest possible opportunity.
At the last session of the General Assembly, we
sought and forged new agreements, including our
relationship with the Organization for the Prohibition of
Chemical Weapons. We also expressed our support for an
international convention to ban all anti-personnel mines,
and have participated in the Ottawa process, most recently
at Oslo. Like other members of this body, Papua New
Guinea is making the necessary arrangements to become
a party to that historic Treaty when it opens for signature
later this year.
In a few months we will usher in the International
Year of the Ocean. Like other South Pacific Forum
countries, Papua New Guinea has an affinity for the sea
which cannot be overstated. It is, for the greater part, the
source of our livelihood.
We urge the United Nations to continue to play a
major role in ensuring global awareness of sustainable
use, conservation and management of marine resources.
In this regard, we call on the international community to
coordinate efforts to implement the priorities agreed upon
during the special session of the General Assembly on the
environment and sustainable development. We are gravely
concerned that much of the outcome of the special session
will remain the province of historians and academics, if
not given practical effect. We urge that greater attention
be given to the special needs and concerns of the small
island developing countries.
An environmental issue of great importance and
relevance to Papua New Guinea and other small island
States in the South Pacific region is the impact of
greenhouse gas emissions, which are causing rising sea
levels and changing weather patterns in many member
countries, especially low lying island nations.
This issue was given priority attention at the recent
South Pacific Forum meeting in Rarotonga, Cook Islands,
where the Forum countries expressed deep concerns about
the insufficient progress made by the countries which
contribute significantly to greenhouse gas emissions.
As a member of the South Pacific Forum, Papua
New Guinea strongly urges all countries concerned to
4

make additional efforts in meeting commitments under the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
(FCCC). We also urge all parties to the FCCC to consider
fully the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) draft
protocol during the ongoing negotiations, especially at the
forthcoming Kyoto conference, in order to pursue the
greatest possible level of net reduction in global greenhouse
gas emissions by means of a legally binding protocol or
other legal instrument.
On Bougainville, let me reassure this body that Papua
New Guinea, as I stated earlier this year in the United
Nations Commission on Human Rights, remains fully
committed to a peaceful and enduring resolution of the
crisis. It is absolutely clear that the people of Papua New
Guinea, including the majority of Bougainvillians, want
peace and will pursue a peaceful solution by every available
means. As in the past, we will continue to give the people
of Bougainville every opportunity to participate fully in the
reconciliation process.
My Government is mindful of the effects of the crisis
on our region, particularly of the spillover effects on our
close neighbours. We wish to take this opportunity to thank
the neighbouring countries in our region for their assistance
in the peace process. I would like to acknowledge the
contributions of Australia and, in particular, New Zealand,
in initiating and facilitating the peace conference of all
Bougainvillian leaders which resulted in the signing of the
Burnham Declaration last July. A follow-up meeting —
Burnham Talks II — between Bougainvillian leaders and
representatives of Papua New Guinea’s Government is
currently under way in New Zealand. We are optimistic and
confident that we can resolve the crisis within the
framework of the Papua New Guinea Constitution.
Let me also take this opportunity to thank, on behalf
of my Government and people, the previous and current
Governments of the Solomon Islands and their people for
their tolerance and understanding, particularly when they
have had to bear the full weight of the spillover effects. I
want to thank them also for agreeing with us to put in place
in the last 12 months two important bilateral treaties: the
comprehensive framework treaty guiding bilateral relations
and the basic border agreement. These treaties set the
parameters within which our bilateral relations are
conducted, including the legal mechanisms for consultation
and dialogue relating to a more effective management of
our common border, which is critical to the containment of
the Bougainville crisis, including its spillover effects.
My Government also offers its gratitude to the
leaders of the South Pacific Forum for recognizing
Bougainville as an integral part of Papua New Guinea,
and for their acknowledgment of the peace efforts
concerning Bougainville by all parties involved, including
Bougainvillians and their leaders, the Papua New Guinea
Government, and the Governments of the Solomon
Islands, Australia and New Zealand.
In conclusion, let me echo what other speakers have
said before me. As we prepare to meet the dawn of the
next millennium, let us commit ourselves to building
genuine partnerships in development that will ensure a
secure environment for our present and future generations.
We do not and should not expect guarantees, but we
shall look far and wide in our search for safeguards. We
do not want and shall not seek handouts; however, we
demand equity and greater participation to foster and
expand opportunities for our peoples.
It is only through the development of genuine
partnerships and the enhancement of equity and justice in
global trade and investments that we can improve the
socio-economic conditions of our people, ensure their
prosperity, and guarantee the safety of our global
environment, without which there is no hope for the
attainment of enduring peace in our societies today and in
future. Only when such peace has been attained can we
truly say that we have lived up to our obligations, for the
interests and common good of humanity.