117.	  Mr. President, permit me, before I begin my statement, to offer you my sincere congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. The great responsibility thus entrusted to you unquestionably reflects the recognition by the international community of your statesmanlike qualities and your ceaseless efforts in the international cause. I particularly wish to congratulate you because of the solid ties of friendship that unite our two countries.
118.	I would also like to congratulate, once again, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, upon the competence with which he discharged his functions as President of the Assembly at the most recent regular and special sessions of our Organization. His devotion to the cause of Africa, of non-alignment and of the third world and his attachment to the ideals of the United Nations made it possible, at the twenty-ninth session, for our Organization to score noteworthy victories in such important fields as those relating to the independence of peoples, to economic justice, and to international peace and security. We have every hope that the same will be true at the present session.
119.	I wish, too, to repeat to the Secretary-General the assurance of our full confidence and the appreciation of my Government for his tireless work in seeking to bring about a world of peace and justice.
120.	My delegation is also particularly happy to give a warm welcome to our sister countries, the Republic of Cape Verde, the People's Republic of Mozambique and the Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, new Member States of our Organization, whose participation will make a valuable contribution to the realization of the principles and purposes of the Charter and
will also be a concrete manifestation of the universality of our Organization.
121.	May I be allowed to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to the memory of two great sons of Africa, Amilcar Cabral and Eduardo Mondlane, who were murdered by colonialism and whom we continue to mourn. The struggles they waged within Partido Africano da lndependencia da Guine e Cabo Verde [PAIGC] and FRELIMO, carried to a successful conclusion by their worthy successors, have now made it possible for these young States to become full members of the community of free and independent peoples.
122.	As you know, this thirtieth session has opened against a background of profound changes characterized, on the one hand, by the success of the national liberation movements and the progressive forces  although limited here and there by the persistence of a will to dominate on the part of the great Powers, which oppose the political awakening of the peoples of the third world and, on the other hand, by the deterioration of the world economic situation, a consequence of the old international order, which must be replaced by a new, more just and more humane order.
123.	Despite the detente that continues between the great Powers, as reflected in the positive results of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, violence and war are still plaguing the third world, which, in some of its parts, is witnessing tragic events that may have dangerous repercussions on international peace and security.
124.	Certain crisis situations affecting our countries have not yet been resolved; or they are indeed being deliberately encouraged in order to divert the attention of the international community from major world problems and to compel our countries to concern themselves primarily with those crises, which threaten their independence and security.
125.	In Africa, where we have without any doubt witnessed a genuine improvement in the situation with the victory by the national liberation movements over colonialism, we will still find racism and foreign domination persisting, particularly in the southern part of the continent. They, as is generally agreed, constitute the contemporary version of the notorious system of slavery, which in past centuries caused on that continent the most terrible genocide in history.
126.	In Angola, where it is really true that foreign Powers are maneuvering to cause a civil war, my Government believes that it is the duty of the international community to appeal to the Angolan liberation movements to put an end to their fratricidal struggle. The immediate withdrawal of South African troops and the cessation of the supply of foreign arms should be demanded. My Government hopes that the OAU will succeed in the noble task of reconciliation which it has undertaken, so that next 11 November that country can accede to independence with peace and unity among the three liberation movements restored.
127.	But if, by some misfortune, the effort of our continental organization were to fail, we would then have to have recourse to other means to put an end to this distressing situation which, since 25 April 1974, has caused more African deaths than have the 15 years of liberation struggle. My delegation believes that the
United Nations, whose duty it is to safeguard peace wherever it is threatened, should from now on concentrate more of its efforts on this problem and be ready, if necessary, to intervene in such a way as to put an end to the genocide now taking place there under the reprehensible influence of foreign Powers.
128.	My delegation takes this opportunity to proclaim that President Idi Amin spoke from this rostrum on behalf of the OAU and of all Africa. We very much regret the lack of courtesy shown him by representatives of the host country.
129.	With regard to the question of southern Africa, my Government feels that the international community should continue to help the national liberation movements of those countries. Senegal, which has always, by material and moral assistance, supported these movements, will continue to exhort them to fight by force of arms while remaining open to negotiations with the adversary.
130.	With particular regard to Namibia, my country, which recognized SWAPO which has a permanent office at Dakar as the authentic and sole representative of the Namibian people, has always taken an unequivocal stand. This attitude is justified by the fact that Namibia is not a part of South Africa, whose Mandate over this Territory was withdrawn by the United Nations.
131.	We have always vigorously contended, and we have never been proved wrong, that South Africa has no rights over Namibia, not even that of conquest. South Africa should therefore comply with the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations and with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 1971,4 and recognize the territorial integrity and unity of that country as a nation, and put an end to its policy of bantustanization.
132.	Within this context, my delegation is most happy to be able to announce to this Assembly that a major conference will be organized at Dakar in January 1976 on Namibia and human rights. We are aware that such a meeting will particularly help international opinion better to understand the painful problem of Namibia and will also better enable it to work towards a speedy and final solution of this problem.
133.	With regard to Southern Rhodesia, Senegal condemns all delaying tactics engaged in by the existing racist minority regime in an attempt to postpone indefinitely the achievement of a solution in keeping with the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. I should like to take this opportunity to repeat here on behalf of the Government of my country our determination to continue to support unreservedly the lawful struggle of the African National Council, which can always count on our solidarity.
134.	As for South Africa, its proclaimed policy of detente with regard to independent Africa will be unacceptable until at home it has conceded equality of rights for all human beings and has consequently declared itself ready to grant the rights of the majority, and until it has begun negotiations with the liberation movements which undeniably represent the aspirations of the majority of the people.
135.	With regard to the last colonial territories still existing on our area, such as Djibouti and Seychelles,
my country has always felt that it was the duty of our Organization to do everything in its power to see to it that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples contained in resolution 1514 (XV), was strictly implemented, particularly at a time when we are joyfully looking forward to welcoming within the community of free nations the new State of Papua New Guinea, whose independence was proclaimed on 16 September 1975.
136.	The case of Spanish Sahara, as it is called, should, however, be the subject of a particular examination. As we are aware, with regard to the decolonization of that Territory, our Organization has asked the International Court of Justice to pronounce on the legal status of the country prior to Spanish occupation. At this moment, we cannot prejudge the verdict of the Court, but if this verdict were to confirm the rights of Morocco and of Mauritania it seems to my delegation only justice to recognize the rights of those who possess them.
137.	In this regard some people state that even were the International Court of Justice to recognize the rights of Morocco and of Mauritania, nevertheless the principle of self-determination should be blindly applied. But apart from the fact that self-determination in that Territory of 50,000 indigenous persons under, we are told, more than 70,000 foreign occupiers would have little chance of being genuine, this attitude would be contradictory to recent decisions taken on the subject of decolonization in the area of northwest Africa.
138.	First, in that case, what would have been the point of consulting the International Court of Justice if we did not intend to take account of its verdict?
139.	Also, why was a referendum not organized when Ifni was restored to Morocco in 1969 or, before that, in the case of Tarfaya in 1958, or of Tangiers in 1956?
140.	Finally, with regard to Namibia, was not the verdict of the Court simply adopted by our Organization?
141.	I should also like to add that, to my knowledge, the number of referendums on self-determination organized throughout the world by the United Nations can be counted on half the fingers of one hand.
142.	On the basis of all this, my delegation will support the verdict that the Court, in which my delegation has every confidence, will give to our Organization.
143.	My delegation feels that Spain, in turn, would be making a gesture of goodwill to Africa if it were to abide scrupulously by future decisions of the Internationa] Court of Justice, and it hopes that, however that may be, the settlement of the problem of the Sahara will be in keeping with the best interests of the peoples directly concerned.
144.	As to the Comoro archipelago, which my delegation would like to congratulate warmly on its progress in its national liberation struggle, our Organization should do its best to ensure the national unity and territorial integrity of that country.
145.	As can be seen, the situation in Africa is still marked by injustice and tension imposed by foreign forces greedy for domination.
453
146.	The Asian continent is on the threshold of an era of peace and justice since the triumph of the liberation struggles in Cambodia and Viet Nam.
147.	My Government would like to take this opportunity to pay a warm tribute to the brave people of Cambodia and the Royal Government of National Union headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk upon this victory against foreign interference, which is not only a victory for Cambodia, but is also a victory for all peace and justice-loving peoples. The great people of Cambodia has taught the international community that the will for national independence always prevails in the end over injustice.
148.	My delegation is very happy to welcome to this Assembly the true representatives of Cambodia, the Royal Government of National Union in this case, whose seat was illegally usurped by people who now have been thrown out by their people and by history.
149.	With regard to the Republic of South Viet Nam which a war that had lasted more than a quarter of a century had prevented from recovering its independence, my delegation would ask all free and independent countries to co-operate sincerely by helping that country's economic recovery, as well as that of Cambodia. The Senegalese people has always supported the Vietnamese people in their national liberation struggle, and today, we are distressed at the fact that it has not been admitted to the United Nations this year. The attempt to link this admission, and also that of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam, to a problem of a different nature, is, in our view, an unacceptable maneuver aimed at postponing a historic fact which is, in any case, inevitable and one which could not but enhance the growing prestige of our Organization. My delegation hopes, however, that the spirit of justice and international co-operation will finally prevail and that the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam will soon be admitted to membership in the United Nations.
150.	The Korean people aspire to peaceful and independent reunification. My country calls for the withdrawal of the foreign troops stationed in South Korea under the United Nations flag, and would remind those who persist in attempting to perpetuate the artificial division of this nation, that their efforts to pursue this hopeless policy are doomed to failure because, like all great peoples, the Korean people will be reunified. Until this happy event occurs and it will not be long in coming because it is part of the process of history  my delegation requests that the existing military armistice agreement in Korea be replaced by a peace agreement in order to create favorable conditions for transforming the armistice into a lasting peace in Korea and to accelerate the independent, peaceful reunification of this country.
151.	Cyprus and the Middle East are such constant hotbeds of international tension that our Organization has to pay particular attention to them. Cyprus is occupied and divided, and it is the duty of our Organization to restore its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. My delegation believes that a settlement in Cyprus should be outlined by the two Cypriot communities themselves. In this regard, we hope for a successful conclusion in the best possible circumstances of the inter-communal talks going on under the auspices of the Secretary-General, and we
hope that they, very soon, will make it possible to restore to the brave people of Cyprus their independence and an opportunity to live in peace and freedom.
152.	The Middle East and Palestine, where a critical situation still prevails, remain a zone of conflict and will remain so until lasting peace has been established there. The "no war, no peace" situation, which is in fact just a situation of latent war, is something we should not allow ourselves to get used to. It prevents a peace worthy of the name from being restored in this region. Therefore, the existing state of affairs should be brought to an end. We note with satisfaction the recent military disengagement in Sinai which marks a small step forward towards the establishment of peace in that area. But in order to bring about a peace worthy of the name in the Middle East and in Palestine, my delegation believes that whatever action is taken must be within the framework of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). The fundamental aim of such action should be Israel's immediate and unconditional withdrawal from all territories occupied since 5 June 1967 and the recognition of the sovereign rights of the people of Palestine in Palestine.
153.	Unfortunately, Israel, instead of pursuing in the interests of peace, a policy which would eventually lead to its complete withdrawal from the occupied territories, and to its recognition of the Palestinian reality, continues in fact its policy of Judaization in the belief that might makes right. Thus, a few months ago at Hebron, in the latest in a series of similar acts, a confiscation was carried out in the holy places of the Al-Haram Al-Ibrahimi Mosque, which is entirely Arab because it was built under the Caliphate of Omar. It is time for the international community to find practical ways and means of having its resolutions respected by its members, particularly when peace is threatened by a failure to comply with those resolutions.
154.	As is clear, a settlement of the Cyprus and Middle East crises in a global context should be embarked upon as soon as possible. Such a settlement should be brought about with the help of the international community, which should participate even more actively in the efforts made to produce a solution to these crises as soon as possible. In this connexion, the non-aligned countries should also play a more active part in the search for ways and means of overcoming these crises in keeping with the principles laid down by the United Nations.
155.	The United Nations, in which my country has always had the greatest trust since it is a forum where the world situation is best understood, continues to be the pre-eminent place for a dialog among developing and developed countries. The seventh special session of the General Assembly, devoted to international co-operation and development, clearly showed this to be the case. On that occasion, the developing countries, as you are aware, negotiated with the developed countries in a spirit of consultation, not of confrontation. Thus, their efforts to control effectively their own resources and to influence decisions on major international economic problems of concern to the whole world community, were given added impetus particularly because of the solidarity which has for some time marked their relations.
156.	International economic relations based on justice can only exist if the claims of every country to exercise sovereign rights over their own natural resources are recognized. It is no accident, therefore, that the major conferences which have taken place since the sixth special session of the General Assembly, on raw materials and development, have been primarily concerned with the recovery by all countries of their natural land and marine resources. The various meetings organized since that historic event, namely, the World Population Conference, held at Bucharest in August 1974, the World Food Conference, held at Rome in November 1974, the Dakar Conference on raw materials and the Conference of Heads of State of the Organization of Petroleum-Exporting Countries [OPEC] at Algiers, the Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Lima in March 1975, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Geneva, the World Conference of the International Women's Year, held recently in Mexico, and also the seventh special session of the General Assembly, all dealt with the same problem: the absolute need to change the anachronistic and unjust system of domination which is a feature of the current world order of which, in the final analysis, the main victims are the least developed peoples of the international community.
157.	For all these conferences, the Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)] and also the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] constituted frames of reference, thus opening the way which will inevitably lead to a radical change in the current system of international economic relations.
158.	For their part, the developing countries, as Members will have noted this year, have made a particularly positive contribution: indeed, inspired by the firm will to achieve success in the revolution which must necessarily occur in economic relations among peoples and motivated by the need to give priority to development problems and world economic stability, they have endeavored to strengthen and coordinate their actions with a view to creating true horizontal co-operation, particularly within the field of raw materials, thus creating a concerted negotiating power that will allow them to bring about the establishment of a new international economic order.
159.	In this regard, members will remember that at the beginning of this year, more precisely from 3 to 8 February 1975, the Conference of Developing Countries on Raw Materials was held at Dakar and on that occasion a Declaration and an Action Program were adopted,5 defining a development strategy, the fundamental principles of which are essentially based upon solidarity and mutual support between oil-producing countries and countries producing other raw materials and on the concerted actions of producers' associations to protect oil and other raw materials.
160.	That strategy thus founded upon the strengthening of economic, financial and monetary co-operation among developing countries, will make it possible for them to deal on an equal footing with developed
countries in all meetings convened for the purpose of bringing about the new international economic order, and particularly in the United Nations.
161.	The summit Conference of OPEC at Algiers, which took place within the same frame of reference as the Dakar Conference on raw materials and the purpose of which was also that of resuming dialog between the developing countries and the developed countries on problems of raw materials, energy and development, made possible a certain balance of power within the international economic structure, and succeeded in modifying, for the first time to any appreciable extent, the traditional flow of financial resources caused by unjust trade relationships which have been imposed for so long by the developed countries.
162.	This action of solidarity on the part of the developing countries was also demonstrated at the first Paris meeting on energy, raw materials and development convened upon the initiative of the President of France. The position of my country on this North-South dialog was very well expressed by President Leopold Sedar Senghor, who said in this regard:
"The developed countries tend to separate energy, raw materials and development. Now, in my view, all of these things are very closely interlinked. In practice there is just one problem-, that of development.
"We must resume the Paris conference and begin a general discussion on raw materials so that some principles concerning the stabilization of purchasing power can very quickly be worked out.
"Once the developing countries which have expressed their view on this subject at the Conference held in Dakar at the beginning of the year have been given that satisfaction, the Paris conference could, in a second phase, draw up a time-table of further meetings that would consider each raw material, beginning with energy-producing raw materials."
163.	The resumption this month of this North-South dialog was fortunately recommended by the General Assembly at its seventh special session. It is a dialog that is of great concern to my country and one that should be considered an important turning-point in the irreversible process that will lead us to the establishment of a new international economic order.
164.	The expansion of its scope, recommended at the seventh special session, will make possible wider and better balanced representation for all members of the international community, which should make the forthcoming Paris conference the beginning of sincere and frank co-operation between developing and developed countries.
165.	Other meetings with regard to the new international order have been organized last year and this year by the United Nations. In 1974, as Members will recall, the World population Conference and the join FAO/UNCTAD Conference were held at Bucharest and Rome, respectively, to deal with the drying increase of population and the world food crisis, which were aspects of the old international economic order.
166.	This very year, the third session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the i>ea,
held at Geneva, also challenged the same system of domination and dependence and condemned the prevailing international economic order. Definite progress was made there, particularly in the recognition of the sovereign rights of coastal States over a zone of national jurisdiction not to exceed 200 miles, without prejudice to the interests of all States with regard to international communications.
167.	At the same time, it was considered that the area and the resources of the sea-bed should be administered by an international authority which would be at the service of the international community as a whole, but which would take particular account of the interests of developing countries.
168.	The position of my country on this subject is well known and is similar to that of other African and non-aligned countries, anxious as we are to see the establishment of justice in this area. The new regime governing the sea, which will be born of the dialog embarked on last year in Caracas and which will be continued next March in New York, should effectively ensure the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and promote the economic interests of developing countries.
169.	At Caracas and at Geneva, thanks to the united attitude of the third-world countries, we have now embarked upon the formulation of a new humanitarian international law of the sea, which should become an instrument of justice, co-operation and peace. My delegation is very gratified at this.
170.	At the Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization [UNJ DO], held at Lima, from 12 to 26 March, contradictory positions emerged. The developing countries reaffirmed the importance of industrialization as a means of achieving the objectives of economic and social development and, on that occasion, called for the transformation of UNIDO into a specialized agency of our Organization, so as to make it a more effective instrument of co-operation which would enable them to achieve 25 per cent share in world industrial production by the year 2000.
171.	That demand, entirely supported by my delegation, met with opposition from the developed countries which does not seem right to us.
172.	The World Conference of the International Women's Year, which was recently held in Mexico, falls within the same framework as the above-mentioned conferences, the essential purpose of which is to bring about a new international order. The need to ensure equality of rights for women and their contribution to the achievement of the objectives ot the Second United Nations Development Decade, was the reason why the international community adopted the World Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Objectives of the International Women's Year and the Declaration of Mexico on the Equality of Women and Their Contribution to Development and Feace, 1975 My delegation whole-heartedly approves the major principles contained in the Mexico Declaration and the Plan of Action, and hopes for the ear y achievement of the objectives of the International Women s Year so that we may build a more humane society where men and women can live in dignity, justice and prosperity. Indeed, the problems that concern women,
and which we must resolve in the end, are without any doubt the problems of society as a whole and if we do not tackle them in time the resulting malaise will be damaging to the whole international community.
173.	As Members will have noted, the legitimate claims of the international community for the establishment of a society which will be more just and more humane are not entirely yet understood by all the Members of our Organization.
174.	Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly, asked at the seventh special session, "What kind of world do we want to build? What kind of future are we to prepare for coming generations? One is tempted to reply that that is the essential question. At least, that was the understanding of the General Assembly when it achieved an honorable compromise at that special session, a compromise accepting what is, in the final analysis, the condition of interdependence of all sectors of mankind.
175.	Indeed, as the Assembly is aware, the positive results of that historic session laid the groundwork for concerted world economic action. That action will spare the international community the confrontation which would have been entailed by its failure. Instead of confrontation between poor and rich countries we now have the prospect of co-operation, where everyone will endeavor to translate those ideals into reality for the greater good of all mankind.
176.	In this connexion it would appear necessary to strengthen international security and solve world problems in the spirit of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence, which should form the basis of relations between all countries, in order to bring about a new international economic order as soon as possible.
177.	The establishment of zones of peace and an increase in the number of denuclearized zones are the only way to ensure that we, the developing countries, will not ourselves be caught up in the unbridled arms race. It is therefore necessary to establish control machinery and formulate a disarmament policy linked to a new philosophy of co-operation for purposes of development.
178.	It would be desirable also, still within the framework of the search for a world of peace and justice, to convene a world disarmament conference, to enable the international community to discuss a problem which is crucial for survival, survival which is possible only within the context of collective security.
179.	The effectiveness of such action can be guaranteed only within the framework of a United Nations which would reflect the new international situation. That requires a comprehensive revision of this Organization's system in order to lend greater reality to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The example of the right of veto in the Security Council, which is based on an international order dating from the Second World War, is clear enough.
180.	Today, progressive forces have emerged on the world scene. The countries of the third world, which for some time now have tended to become the arenas
of international conflict, demand that no arbitrary veto be cast against their legitimate claims for national independence. The recent use of the veto against the admission of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam to the United Nations bears eloquent testimony to the fact that this system, which is now in the service of certain States, is a flagrant violation of the principle of the sovereign equality of States. We think we should envisage a solution in keeping with the aspirations of the whole of the international community, in order the better to accelerate the establishment of the new international economic order which we all so ardently hope for.
181.	In the same context, my delegation hopes that the review of the Charter, begun by the Ad Hoc Committee on the Charter of the United Nations, created at the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly, will lead to positive results. In the meantime we believe it would be highly desirable, even within the framework of the present Charter, to strengthen the functions of the United Nations by making improvements, particularly in the light of the need to maintain international peace and security and to accelerate economic and social development in developing countries.
182.	I should not like to conclude without making an appeal, as I did last year from this rostrum for peace, that peace so necessary to all, but particularly to the third world in order to ensure its economic development. It cannot be just the privilege of a small group of countries. It should be extended to cover the whole world, where the emergence of the third-world peoples is a new factor that could transform contemporary international relations for the benefit of the whole of mankind.
183.	A necessary prerequisite for that peace is the ending of the various conflicts provoked in developing countries by foreign interests. That peace should be total and permanent. We do not despair of seeing it come about one day.


110.	 It is with great pleasure that I convey to the President the congratulations of the Nigerian delegation on his election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. He represents a country and a region which have tremendous potential for the advancement of the ideals of the Charter of our Organization and for the realization of the aspirations of the underprivileged section of mankind. His well known personal commitment to the cause of peace and the uplifting of human dignity encourages me to hope that, under his wise guidance, this session will achieve significant success. In this endeavor, I assure him of the co-operation of my delegation.
111.	The relevance of the United Nations to the solution of the urgent problems of today is no longer in doubt. In the period between the twenty-fifth anniversary and this session when we celebrate its thirtieth anniversary, the Organization has proved its awareness of its responsibilities not to some, but to all its Members. Its devotion to the maintenance of peace has been balanced by an appreciation of the need to promote the economic and social well-being of all mankind. It has gone beyond pious statements delivered with great solemnity in this historic hall and then quickly forgotten. It has adopted the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States and has proclaimed a new international economic order, with an appropriate Program of Action. The World Population Conference, the World Food Conference, the third session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and the General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, all held under the auspices of the United Nations, are indicative of the increased preoccupation of our Organization with the need for results that will benefit its membership. Moreover, the seventh special session, which ended only a few days ago, convinces my delegation that our Organization is capable of rising to the challenges of the future.
112.	When the sixth special session was convened, there was discerned a definite antagonism to the aspirations of the poorer section of our membership. Rather than face the glaring disparities between those who have and those who have not, a desperate attempt was made to put blame where none was due. We left the sixth special session painfully aware of our lack of consensus. The seventh special session, by its positive achievement, has demonstrated the truth in the age-old saying that where there's a will there's a way.
113.	What is left is a demonstration of commitment by action to show that the awakening of Members of the United Nations to the need to be faithful to all the Articles of its Charter is not just one of those ephemeral developments which pass away once a "strategy" has been adopted. We have the experience of the two strategies for the First and Second United Nations Development Decades to justify such a fear. AH too often we tend to forget that the Charter devotes two chapters, embodying 18 articles, to the question of international economic and social co-operation. In Article 55, the United Nations committed itself to the promotion of higher standards of living, full employment, solutions of international economic, social, health, and related problems, with a view to "the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations". In Article 56 of the Charter, all of us, Members of the Organization, pledge ourselves to take joint and separate action in co-operation with the Organization for the achievement of the purposes enunciated in Article 55.
114.	Therefore, if the inequity in the world economic system has persisted so long, the fault is not in the Charter; rather it is in the lack of political will by Member States to discharge their obligations. That will must now be shown positively to be present. For it seems to my delegation that events of the past two years ought to have shown in unmistakable terms that the poor, the downtrodden and the underprivileged countries will no longer accept the conditions which perpetuate their seemingly hopeless condition. If the rich nations can read the signs, if they can make genuine efforts at being partners in the accelerated progress of the developing countries, then a beginning will, have been made in fulfilling the Preamble to our Charter, "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", and "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom".
115.	The seventh special session ended with the unanimous endorsement in plenary of the measures proposed by its Ad Hoc Committee.4 My delegation expects that we shall all take swift action to bring about a new system of economic relationships between the developed and the developing countries. We expect early expansion and diversification of the exports of the developing countries. We expect an improvement in our terms of trade through a buffer- stock financing arrangement, involving producers and consumers within an integrated Program appropriately indexed to sustain and increase our purchasing power relative to the manufactured goods, technology and services which we import. The measures recommended in resolution 3362 (S-VII) for the transfer of real resources for financing development and for the reform of the international monetary system should also be implemented without delay. These measures are necessary to ensure an increased flow of concessional financial resources and a greater involvement of international financial institutions in the development strategies of the developing countries.
116.	We do not, of course, lose sight of the need for the developing countries themselves to co-operate more effectively in improving their economic conditions. To this end, a greater degree of collaboration on economic projects has to be developed. A good beginning has already been made in the willingness of the developing countries which are producers of oil to assist positively other developing countries which are in a slightly less advantageous position. Indeed, the assistance given by such countries over the past two years has been to the tune of 2.2 per cent of their gross national product. My own country, Nigeria, in spite of its own tremendous internal requirements, has contributed its own modest share towards the development process in other countries. In addition
to the bilateral assistance which we have provided for other developing countries, we have made available a substantial contribution to the African Development Bank in order to increase the Bank's capacity to give development loans to African countries. We intend, within the limit of our capacity, to continue this process. 1 should also refer to the co-operative effort which was concreted at Lagos in May this year, when 15 West African countries signed the Charter of the Economic Community of West African States. We hope that that charter will turn out to be the launching-pad for an economic grouping that will benefit all its members and their peoples.
117.	The United Nations provides the ideal forum for working out the mutually beneficial partnership implicit in the new world economic order. So also does it provide an indispensable stage for the preservation of international peace and security in conditions of sovereign equality of States, large and small. If it is to fulfill this role, it has to be strong and effective. The thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the Organization gives us a good opportunity once again to examine together in a constructive manner how best to strengthen the Organization and thus make it more responsive to the needs of a rapidly changing world. To pretend, as some powerful Members of the Organization do, that all is well with the Charter is to live in an ivory tower. On the one hand, criticisms are always made by the developing countries concerning the undemocratic set-up enshrined in the Charter. Through that system, a few countries are able to frustrate the will of the vast majority. On the other hand, developed countries have accused developing countries rather unfairly in my view of imposing a tyranny of the majority on die General Assembly. The upshot of these accusations and counter-accusations is the need to take a close look at the Charter.
118.	During its twenty-ninth session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 3343 (XXIX), which set up a Group of Experts with the mandate to submit a study containing proposals on structural changes within the United Nations system that would make it fully capable of dealing with problems of international economic co-operation in a comprehensive manner. This recognition of the need to update the structure of the United Nations so as to make it more responsive was proved right; for, in the report submitted by the Group of Experts, there were very constructive proposals which, by common consent, are to be referred for further action to the Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System. In paragraph 10 of its report, the Group observed:
"Every serious reform proposal (as opposed to marginal proposals that amount to mere 'tinkering') is bound to cut across someone's vested interest in the status quo. A meaningful reform of the system, to take account of new requirements and developments, may involve the forgoing of some short- term interests and entrenched habits in favor of long-term interests in a workable international economic order."3
119. No better advice could have been offered for the future growth of this Organization. No greater justification could be given for the wisdom of the General Assembly when, after a long debate, it adopted
resolution 3349 (XXIX), which created an Ad Hoc Committee on the Charter of the United Nations. My delegation regrets that the unco-operative attitude of certain Members has prevented the Committee from making progress. Without going into great detail, let me remind those who oppose even a simple review of the Charter of the following facts: first, that the United Nations today has a membership of 141 Members. Of this number, only 51, or slightly more than a third, were "present at the creation". If the two thirds which later subscribed to the Charter cannot even make suggestions for its improvement in the light of experience, then we will be made to feel that we are at best second-class Members. Secondly, even the founding fathers thought it wise not to preclude the possibility of amending the Charter: Article 109 makes elaborate provisions for reviewing the Charter, while Article 108 specifies the manner in which amendments shall come into force. Thirdly, changes are implicit in growth. My delegation looks forward to more positive developments in this issue. Meanwhile, the General Assembly at this session should pronounce its determination to work relentlessly for a more democratic set-up which will better fulfill the aspirations of all Members of our Organization.
120.	Several factors have proved conclusively that the super-Powers can no longer assume exclusive responsibility for international peace and security. Take the issue of disarmament, for instance: in spite of its place of primacy in the objectives of the Charter, it has almost become a lost cause, thanks to superPower collusion. The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, which was intended as the main forum for disarmament negotiations, has been debilitated by a creeping paralysis. Its collective efforts are being frustrated by bilateral deals between the super-Powers which appear to them as progress, but which to the generality of the Members of the United Nations are tantamount to glossing over the real issues. The chief function of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament is not to get enmeshed in protracted negotiations on collateral and sub-collateral measures of disarmament. The goal we all aim at is general and complete disarmament under a system of international supervision. To attain this goal we have to agree on a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
121.	The lack of progress on this crucial issue continues to bedevil all other related disarmament questions, namely, the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the prevention of a group of privileged nuclear Powers making a mockery of the concept of the sovereign equality of States; the reduction of the staggering expenditures in the military budgets of the affluent countries; and the diversion of human and material resources from the pursuit of the armaments race to the promotion of the economic and social progress of humanity as a whole.
122.	As far as we are concerned, there are no technical obstacles to the verification of a comprehensive test-ban regime which should prevent its early adoption, provided the political will and mutual trust exist. While we recognize the value of technical and scientific expertise in classifying the complex issues involved in disarmament negotiations, the work of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament should not be diverted into peripheral and marginal alleys in which annual seminars and symposia are conducted on this or that aspect of specific disarmament questions.
123.	In this connexion, my delegation regrets that a good opportunity for advancing the cause of disarmament was missed during the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The Review Conference' failed to rise to the task of providing more positive barriers against horizontal as well as vertical proliferation of nuclear weapons. The nuclear Powers parties to the Treaty cynically held back from giving assurances and guarantees that they would refrain from the use or threat of use of the deadly weapons. Similarly, there were no clear commitments on the part of the nuclear-weapon States that they would pursue the obligation incumbent upon them under article VI of the Treaty [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] to carry out meaningful negotiations with a view to achieving concrete measures of nuclear disarmament. For those of us who have willingly given up our nuclear options in becoming parties to the Treaty, the attitude of the nuclear Powers has served to confirm the inequity of a world dominated by super-Power hegemony. There is need for all States to confront the issue of disarmament in a more constructive and meaningful manner in a forum of sovereign equality. The proposed world disarmament conference can provide such a forum. If the attempt to convene such a conference continues to be frustrated, my delegation will not hesitate to join other third-world States in demanding that the General Assembly focus attention on disarmament in a special session.
124.	I should now like to touch upon some of the specific political issues involving international peace and security on which this Assembly must act.
125.	The past year has witnessed very startling developments in the liberation struggle, both in IndoChina and in Africa. The people of Viet Nam have reasserted their independence and can now look forward to taking their rightful place in this august Assembly. My delegation hopes that it will not be long before the obstacles being placed in the way of the admission of the two Viet Nams is removed. In Cambodia, too, a popular regime has been installed. My delegation is happy that the Cambodian people will now be able to harness its efforts for the reconstruction of its country and the rehabilitation of its war-ravaged economy. We welcome them back into our midst. We also note with satisfaction the emergence of Papua New Guinea to independence and look forward to welcoming this new country to the United Nations.
126.	In Africa, through the persistent struggle of the liberation movements, supported by all forces opposed to oppression, the battle cry has been sounded against Portuguese colonialism. The glorious example of the entry of Guinea-Bissau into this community of sovereign States has been followed at this session by the admission of Mozambique, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe. We again congratulate those new countries on their achievements and look forward to working closely with them.
127.	We call upon the international community to rally to the assistance of these new nations, which are confronted with tremendous problems arising from their long colonial status. Sao Tome and Principe, as well as Cape Verde, urgently requires assistance in coping with the great influx of refugees who have been displaced by the Angolan situation. My delegation hopes that the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees will take appropriate and urgent action to help in finding a solution to this humanitarian problem.
128.	Regrettably, Angola, whose emergence as a sovereign State and membership in our Organization we had looked forward to with hope, is engaged in a fratricidal conflict that is sapping its energy and diverting it from constructive pursuits. The Nigerian Government vehemently deplores the instigation of one group of Angolans against another. Most solemnly and in the name of humanity we call upon the outside meddlers in the Angolan situation to keep off and to give the Angolan people the chance of settling down to the immense task of nation-building. The Nigerian Government will not accept the truncation of Angola as now constituted. We do not believe there exists in Angola any problem that cannot be solved within a united Angolan nation. I therefore appeal to the Angolan leaders to place the interests of the Angolan nation and people before party and personal advantage. I sincerely hope that statesmanship among the Angolan leaders will yet prevail, for my delegation will derive great joy from being able to welcome a united, peaceful Angola into our midst before long.
129.	Notwithstanding the progress made in decolonization, imperialism still constitutes the most potent threat against international peace and security in southern Africa. The problem of Zimbabwe is a great reminder, if indeed one is needed, of the great hurdle that still has to be surmounted before we see the end of racism and imperialism. By an adroit act of political gamesmanship, the white rebel clique in Zimbabwe, aided by the racist regime in South Africa, almost succeeded in luring the international community into a sense of false security. We were almost led to believe that the rebel clique had at last read the signs, recognized the futility of its senseless policy and decided to take the indispensable steps towards ensuring for itself and its children conditions of peaceful and meaningful co-operation with the indigenous population it had so long oppressed. Regrettably, Ian Smith has once again shown his determination to wreck all chances of a peaceful transfer of power. By wrecking the talks between his illegal Government and the African National Council, by engaging in the dangerous game of trying to divide the nationalist united front, by seeking to hold talks with puppets in the assembly of tribal chiefs, Ian Smith is inviting an intensified armed struggle whose ultimate result is not in doubt.
130.	Since the United Nations is witness to the bad faith and unreliability of Ian Smith, it should give maximum support and encouragement to the nationalist' movement of Zimbabwe. The Federal Military Government of Nigeria pledges its unflinching support. My Government meanwhile calls on the African National Council to close ranks, to cast aside petty jealousies and personal ambitions, and to concentrate, in unity, on the task of ridding its fatherland of the oppression of the white rebels.
131.	The situation in Namibia continues to deteriorate. Not only has South Africa flagrantly defied the United Nations; it has even refused to make a declaration, as required by Security Council resolution 366 (1974), that it would comply with the resolutions and decisions of the Organization. Besides, South Africa has persisted in its diabolical policy of Balkanizing Namibia through the creation of bantustans. Under the guise of permitting black and white ethnic groups of the Territory to determine their own future without interference, the Vorster regime has continued to perpetuate its stranglehold on Namibia. How can the entire world body look on helplessly when South Africa continues most blatantly to violate the tenets of our Organization? The Namibian people have almost exhausted their patience waiting hopefully for the United Nations to assume its responsibility. Are we going to fail them, or shall we resolve more than ever before to confront South Africa with the force necessary to bring about withdrawal? My delegation believes that if we have the political will we can in a short time solve the Namibia problem.
132.	To insist, as do some Members of the United Nations, that the situation created by South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia does not constitute a threat to international peace and security is to be guilty of multiple standards. The Namibian situation is capable of provoking a racial war on a continent which needs a long period of peace to recover from imperialist exploitation. I therefore hope that those who used their veto power to prevent effective action against South Africa will reconsider their position and recognize that their responsibility under the Charter extends to the world at large.
133.	At its twenty-ninth session, the General As- ;embly in its wisdom adopted resolution 3207 (XXIX), n which it called upon the Security Council to review the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa in the light of the constant violation by South Africa of the principles of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Unfortunately, the Security Council could not take a decision owing to the use of the veto by some of its permanent members. The rest of the story leading to the exclusion of South Africa from further participation in the work of the session is well known.
134.	The interesting thing is, however, that South Africa has now intensified its propaganda campaign to project an imaginary process of liberalization. As we all know, the truth is that nothing has changed. The most obnoxious aspects of apartheid are still very much in evidence. Rather than begin the necessary contacts on the basis of equality with the black South Africans, the racist regime prefers to conduct so- called dialog with independent African countries. Vorster will not talk to fellow South Africans who happen to be black, but he will wine and dine, and will even pay secret visits to, black leaders elsewhere.. The confusion which this monumental hypocrisy was intended to cause in the ranks of the OAU was, happily, exposed at the ninth extraordinary session of the OAU Council of Ministers held at Dar es Salaam last April. The Declaration adopted at that time confirmed Africa's view, first articulated in the Lusaka Manifesto, that friendship between South Africa and the rest of the continent can have as its basis only the abandonment of apartheid. To insist that meaningful dialog can be commenced with South Africa under its present leadership is to betray the oppressed non- whites in the country.
135.	The Federal Military Government of Nigeria acknowledges the sovereign right of each country to determine its policy on specific issues. However, the Federal Military Government also believes that certain self-evident facts should unite all Members of the United Nations on an issue such as apartheid, which is so abhorrent to our Charter. It is sheer self-deceit to speak of being opposed to apartheid while at the same timing maintaining diplomatic, economic and other forms of links with a regime based exclusively on apartheid. It is even more serious when some Members of this Organization continue to supply South Africa with the weapons it needs to protect and perpetuate its obnoxious system. It is therefore incumbent on this Assembly strongly to reaffirm its arms embargo on South Africa and to -demand the end of economic collaboration and all other forms of contact with South Africa. My delegation wishes to place on record its appreciation of the indefatigable effort of the Special Committee against Apartheid, in exposing the evils of apartheid, and we hope that all Members of the United Nations will join wholeheartedly in the great task of effectively annihilating apartheid. Let those who at this time choose to develop or strengthen contacts and co-operation with South Africa beware.
136.	My delegation is concerned that no solution has yet been found to the problem of Cyprus. We are apprehensive lest in this day and age the interests of a weak non-aligned country be sacrificed on the altar of big-Power politics. The current crisis in that island State was provoked and is sustained by the political and territorial ambitions of its big-Power neighbors who act ostensibly in protection of one or the other of the two sections of the Cypriot community.
137.	Until the Cypriot people as a whole are made to believe that their first loyalty is to Cyprus and not to their ancestral home either in Greece or in Turkey, so long will there be room left for outsiders to fish in the Cypriot troubled waters. Nigeria does not believe in big-Power enforced settlement of the problems of a weak State. The principle of equality of States enshrined in our Charter is the very antithesis of imposed solutions. We are not unmindful of the communal fears; however, we do not share the position of those who would rather partition Cyprus. The territorial integrity of that young State must be maintained. The General Assembly must once again call on all parties directly involved in the Cyprus problem to show constructive statesmanship and work for a solution on the basis of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX).
138.	This Assembly will be faced once again with the unresolved problem of the Middle East and the intimately related question of Palestine. When we separated these two issues for discussion last year, we demonstrated, perhaps for the first time, our full recognition of the human tragedy created by the pro-longed upheaval in that area. The deprivation of their homeland inflicted on the Palestinian people and the' need to resettle them, not in refugee camps, not even in brotherly Arab countries, but in a country of their own, has become a most vital element in the search for meaningful and lasting peace in the area. The twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly gave somewhat overdue recognition to this aspect of the problem when it accorded Yasser Arafat the honor of addressing it. The Assembly then went further and accorded the Palestine Liberation Organization, the authentic voice of the Palestinian people, a place of honor in this Assembly and in other organs of the United Nations [resolution 3210 (XXIX)]. My delegation believes that these developments of the twenty- ninth session are indispensable steps towards peace. The people of Palestine must be associated closely with a settlement under whose umbrella they are expected to live.
139.	Regrettably, the threat to international peace and security which the situation in the Middle East constitutes still persists. The uncertainties in the course of events constitute a severe drawback in the pursuit of constructive efforts by the virile people of the area. The important issues are still unresolved even if some tentative progress has been made in creating conditions to facilitate peace contacts. My delegation believes that any breakthrough in any of the complex issues of the Middle East is a step for peace and must be welcome. The value of an all-or-nothing approach to a complex problem can be as doubtful as the arrogance which finds expression in the defiance of United Nations resolutions and genuine peace efforts. While we should therefore acclaim the recent accord, we must stress that lasting peace demands continuous movement. Israel must show positive signs of its willingness to abandon its defiant attitude and to negotiate on the basis of the resolutions of the United Nations. The goodwill of many Members of this Organization towards Israel has been more than vividly demonstrated in the decisions taken by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Kampala from 28 July to 1 August 1975 and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Non-Aligned Countries held at Lima in August. Israel has the chance to reciprocate this goodwill and thus ensure for itself and its people peace within recognized borders. It is in the interest of international peace and security for Israel to be more constructive at this session of the Assembly; what is more, it is in the interest of the State of Israel.
140.	I dealt extensively at the beginning of my state-ment with the emphasis which our Organization has been placing on the economic development of Member States. This emphasis, which is long overdue, is in keeping with the ideals of our Charter. In the 30 years since that historic gathering in San Francisco which saw the birth of the United Nations, the glaring disparity between the few rich countries and the many poor countries has become more pronounced, to the point where urgent action is necessary if international peace and security are not to be jeopardized by open antagonism provoked by economic disparities. The Members of this Organization have within their capacity the means, and I hope the will, for spectacular progress in creating the conditions for a decent standard of life for everyone. The United Nations will be judged by the extent to which it is successful in combining this task with the equally vital job of up-holding peace and promoting self-determination and human dignity. Let it not be said of us that when we
had all the tools for making our Organization satisfy the yearnings of humanity we preferred to indulge our petty national self-interest rather than work for the over-all good of humanity.


In beginning my statement, I should like first of all to convey to you, Sir, my most respectful congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Knowing the country that you represent, so rich in civil and democratic traditions, and knowing your personal gifts as an eminent statesman, we are certain that we shall have the benefit of a firm and enlightened guide. I should like to add, in my capacity as President of the Council of the European Economic Community, that we are particularly gratified to note that the representative of a country which is a member of the Community has been called upon to preside over the work of the Assembly as it celebrates the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations. To you, Mr. President, I should like to repeat that the countries of the Community are jointly determined to strengthen and make increasingly active their relations with the United Nations.
38.	To the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, I should like also to convey our deep appreciation for his unceasing and tireless efforts in the affirmation of the ideals of the United Nations. As he has rightly pointed out in the introduction to his report to our Assembly:
"It is widely acknowledged that in our present world there is no rational alternative in international relations to the principles and procedures of the United Nations." [Al100011Add. 1, sect. XXL]
39.	I am glad at this regular session to begin my speech, as I did during the recent seventh special session, with a statement on behalf of the nine Foreign Ministers of the Community.
40.	On 17 July last, at the end of a meeting of the European Council, the Heads of State and Government of the nine countries members of the Community issued a statement concerning the United Nations, which was subsequently submitted to the Secretary-General and circulated to Member States. In that statement, the nine members defined their joint vision of the role which the United Nations is called upon to play and their joint approach to the problems which the United Nations must help to solve.
41.	With regard to the role of the United Nations, the members of the Community expressed their conviction that the Organization, while affected by the tensions which continued to divide the world, remained the indispensable instrument for meetings, negotiations and co-operation, because the growing interdependence of countries and peoples was multiplying the problems which required solution on the international level. Consequently, the members of the Community intend to play an active and constructive role in the efforts to strengthen the action and efficiency of the United Nations, in which the nine countries maintain every confidence.
42.	I think that it would be generally agreed that, during the seventh special session, which has just concluded, the countries of the European Community showed their united readiness to make a positive contribution towards the building of a more just and equitable international economic order. We welcome the successful outcome of the seventh special session and look forward as a Community to participating in the action that will follow.
43.	Within the Organization, the nine countries plan to follow the path of conciliation and dialog based on the principle of universality, the application of the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, respect for the rights of Member States and the carrying out of their obligations.
44.	With regard to the problems faced by the United Nations, the nine countries are working primarily for the maintenance of peace and for the peaceful settlement of disputes and conflicts. I shall mention as an example the active support which the nine countries, taking advantage of the special ties of association existing between the Community and the three countries concerned, are giving to the unceasing and tenacious efforts being made by the Secretary- General of the United Nations for the solution of the Cyprus crisis, in accordance with the mandate given to him by General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and Security Council resolution 367 (1975), in the adoption of which they played an active part.
45.	Similarly, with regard to the Middle East, the nine countries reaffirm their keen and permanent interest in a renewal of efforts to achieve a final, overall, peaceful settlement which will be just and lasting, in pursuance of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and in conformity with the principles of their statement of 6 November 1973. The concept of justice and the desire to defend fundamental freedoms and human rights, as they have been formulated in that statement, form the basis for the commitment on the part of the Governments of the Community to help to put an end to the practice of apartheid and all forms of racial, political and religious discrimination, wherever they appear.
46.	Moreover, the principles of the independence and equality of peoples have inspired the action taken by the Community in making a solid contribution to the final settlement of the problem of decolonization. That contribution has included the new Members of the Organization the Republic of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and the People's Republic of Mozambique, which we welcome among us today as a result of their accession to independence and will constantly be renewed in upholding the rights of the people of Namibia and the people of Southern Rhodesia.
47.	The nine members of the Community, which worked closely together with the other Western countries, and especially with the United States and Canada, during the course of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, are most pleased that the Conference was able to establish the lines along which it will be possible to strengthen security and increase co-operation, exchanges and contacts among the peoples in the whole of Europe. The nine countries are convinced that the results achieved by that Conference will make an important contribution to the pursuit of the process of detente, not only in Europe, but all over the world.
48.	In their statement on the United Nations, the nine countries also favored the achievement of concrete progress towards building up a more balanced and more equitable framework of international economic relations.
49.	Finally, in the spirit of interregional cooperation recommended by the United Nations, a dialog is proceeding between Europeans and Arabs with a view to the building, within a broader and more complete framework, of the links between individuals and the relations of co-operation between the countries of the Community and the countries of the League of Arab States. A fortunate beginning has been made to this dialog as a result of the recent meetings of two delegations of experts in Cairo and Rome.
50.	It is the wish of the nine Governments to maintain a constructive dialog and to develop the greatest possible number of contacts with the other Members of the United Nations in a spirit of common understanding, in order to bridge the gaps between their respective positions and, if possible, to harmonize them.
51.	The statement I have just made on behalf of the nine members of the Community has made it clear, through the series of examples mentioned of their actions and joint positions, that they are seeking objectives which are also being sought by the United Nations. This part of my statement may therefore be considered as the contribution made by them, not through recollections of the past, but through specific responses to the challenges -and responsibilities of our time, to the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations, which we are celebrating this year.
52.	Having completed this general statement on behalf of the Community, I shall now continue speaking as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Italy.
53.	We are all living through a period not only of great interest but of great changes. Both the world and international relations are changing with the emergence of new States. Italy takes a positive view of this process and also welcomes the slow and laborious confluence of vaster entities, linked together internally by common political, economic and conceptual interests.
54.	Precisely because we are confronted with such an intensely dynamic phase in international relations, we deem it necessary to emphasize how closely the question of peace is linked with the existence of balanced and stable structures. Stability, of course, should not be understood as a static vision of the international system, but rather as a continuous and creative adaptation to the world historical process.
55.	On the other hand, the growing pluralism deriving from the multiplication of international protagonists is the main cause of dynamism within the community of nations. The process of decolonization has liberated new forces. These require working space appropriate to their needs of recovery in the process of development and to their expectations for the future. In short, there has begun a process which implies, besides the conquest of national sovereignty, participation in those international decisions on which the social and economic survival of entire populations depends.
56.	Undoubtedly, pluralism implies the risk that disruptive tendencies might prevail within the system. The great multilateral forums are thus faced with the need to devise procedures which do not nullify the benefits inherent in a necessary and inevitable movement towards diversification, but which offer appropriate opportunities for all legitimate expectations without dislocating the system.
57.	Italy takes a confident view of this process, without abstract feelings of optimism, in the certainty that the profound motives of interdependence among peoples will finally triumph. It is these motives which, at the multilateral level, suggest a strategy of consensus, in conformity, moreover, with those principles of universality and equality which form the historical and juridical basis of the United Nations.
58.	Italy is situated at a cross-roads between three continents, in a geopolitically crucial region where fruitful coexistence between different civilizations and cultures is still interspersed with movements towards conflict and where the dynamic currents of the international system meet residual and tenacious sources of tensions. This special geopolitical position makes it essential for Italy to adopt clear definitions of diplomacy and strategy.
59.	In accordance with this view and with these aims, Italy has found, in its friendly relations with the United States and in the Atlantic Alliance on the one hand, and in its commitment to European unity on the other, solid ground on which to base its participation, without isolation, in the peaceful and civilized development of international realities, with particular regard for the areas in which Italy is most directly and most naturally concerned.
60.	These policies are in full accord with the great ideals and objectives of the United Nations and have enabled my country to make a contribution not only to the stabilization of Europe, by achieving the condition of security which is essential for all, but also to the process of detente, in whose continuance we believe.
61.	Our commitment to European unity is meant to be not only a model for joint development, but a new approach to co-operation with other countries as well. Thus, within the framework of the Community, Italy, like the other Community members, has been able to work out comprehensive forms of multilateral co-operation with the emerging countries in an effort gradually to go beyond bilateralism.
62.	Our policy is based on the premise that in order to achieve permanent conditions of world peace it is not enough to settle existing conflicts; we must also work for the gradual conquest of those imbalances which are at the root of instability and unrest in international life.
63.	An essential and integral part of this development is the social and human element, because any new model of international relations will be very fragile unless it is based on respect for the dignity of the individual and his fundamental freedoms.
64.	It is in this sense that I hope that the present session will go forward in a spirit of co-operation, with respect for statutory procedures, and in an atmosphere of serious and profound searching for solutions to the problems which still trouble political, economic and social relations between States.
65.	In my statement on behalf of the Community I have already referred to existing conflicts. The Government of Italy is following with concern and special attention those affecting the Mediterranean area.
66.	We are seriously preoccupied today with the Cyprus crisis precisely because it affects the background of interests in co-operation and political stability existing among Mediterranean peoples. We cannot forget that thi three countries directly involved are linked with Italy by numerous and special ties of co-operation and friendship. We have therefore done our utmost, directly, in our present capacity as a member of the Security Council, and within the European Community, to bring about between the parties an atmosphere more propitious for reaching a just and lasting solution to the problem.
67.	Thus it is with deep regret that we have learned of the postponement of the talks between the two communities in New York. We hope that under the auspices of the Secretary-General, these talks will be resumed as soon as possible, and that no unilateral action by the parties will seriously disturb the progress of negotiations towards a final and equitable solution of the problem.
68.	With regard to the Middle East, we have welcomed the conclusion, on 4 September at Geneva, of the second partial agreement between Egypt and Israel. We consider this step forward a further proof of the constructive attitude taken by Egypt, Israel and Syria since January and May 1974, when the first agreements for the separation of forces were reached. However, we believed then, and we believe now, that these agreements must in no case imply giving up an active and essential search for a, global solution to the problem.
69.	Here I must pay a deserved tribute to the determined and responsible efforts of the United States Secretary of State, who created the atmosphere for negotiation and made a decisive contribution to the search for formulas which made the agreement possible.
70.	We must also express our appreciation to the President of Egypt, Mr. El-Sadat, for the political wisdom and far-sightedness he has shown in establishing, with the new agreement and the resulting improvement in the negotiating atmosphere, the bases for subsequent progress towards a peaceful overall solution for the benefit of all the countries in the area.
71.	We must, finally, express our appreciation of the fact that the Israeli Government is now ready to seek its own integrity and security through political instruments and international consensus, which, for our part, we consider essential for the settlement of a conflict which has for too long afflicted the peoples of the region.
72.	Of course, it is more difficult to evaluate the medium-term and long-term prospects of the agreement of 4 September. These prospects appear to us to depend on the ability of all the protagonists to become involved in the process of peaceful settlement the key elements of which, as we have often stated, are: first, Israeli withdrawal from all the territories occupied in 1967; secondly, recognition of the national rights, of the Palestinian people, who cannot be denied a homeland; and thirdly, respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of ail the States of the region, naturally including Israel.
73.	The position of Italy, which may be summed up in the two indissolubly linked principles "security for States and justice for peoples", induces us to condemn with the utmost firmness and with respect also to the absolute need for safeguarding the political and territorial integrity of Lebanon all violent actions, whatever their origin. Such actions give rise to a senseless spiral which is contrary to the path of peace.
74.	Another region which for too many years has been a theater of war is South-East Asia. Although armed conflict has now come to an end in Viet Nam and Cambodia, there remain in those areas a number of problems related to reconstruction.
75.	The Italian Government, having for some time now maintained diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of North Viet Nam, has recognized the new Governments of the Republic of South Viet Nam and of Cambodia and is now awaiting developments from the initiative already taken for the opening of diplomatic representation in the capitals concerned.
76.	In line with the growing interest of the countries of the Community in the political and economic stability of South-East Asia, Italy will not fail to support all appropriate initiatives for the advancement of a region which has long sought to achieve its legitimate aspirations for progress in a new climate of peace.
77.	A fundamental component of peace is a general relaxation of tension. A decisive contribution to this objective will certainly be made through agreements in the field of arms reduction or disarmament, at both the general and the regional level, always with the maintenance of the necessary balance.
78.	The world community must be freed from the threat of potential extermination by existing military arsenals. We must therefore renew our efforts in the field of disarmament, and of nuclear disarmament in particular. !n this endeavor, the role to be played by the major atomic Powers is obvious. Italy considers that the first Strategic Arms Limitation Talks agreements and subsequent understandings at Vladivostok constitute important steps towards the containment of nuclear armaments. These steps must, however, be followed by further progress in the direction of specific reductions in existing nuclear arsenals, as provided for by article 6 of the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
79.	That Treaty, which was ratified last May by Italy and four other Member States members of the European Atomic Energy Community, is an essential instrument in the struggle against nuclear proliferation, whether horizontal or vertical. It is in the interest of all to reinforce and to strengthen it. It is therefore important that the Treaty should command the universal acceptance that will help in great measure to achieve its objectives. The recent Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has in fact shown how profound and extensive is the world's desire for a more determined effort both in the field of nuclear disarmament and in the field of international co-operation for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, in a context other than that of proliferation. It must be clearly stated that, if we wish to reinforce and strengthen the non-proliferation Treaty and this is essential for the success of the struggle against nuclear proliferation we cannot allow these expectations to be disappointed. The non-nuclear-weapon States which have acceded to the Treaty must have the assurance that the Treaty will provide the necessary basis and an effective channel for acquiring the economic and technological benefits of co-operation in the nuclear field that are envisaged under the Treaty.
80.	In the last two sessions of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament no substantial progress was made. It is necessary that the political will of all the Governments participating in the Conference, stimulated by a body so representative of world public opinion as is this Assembly, strive to reach in Geneva widely acceptable agreements, particularly concerning chemical weapons and the complete cessation of nuclear tests. Without substantial progress in these fields, the objective of general and complete disarmament under effective international control will prove even more difficult to attain.
81.	The negotiations for the reciprocal and balanced reduction of forces in central Europe are taking place in a regional framework where thee nevertheless exists a relationship of forces which underlies the most important strategic' and political balance in the world and the deterrent effect derived from it. The special status of the Italian Government as it takes part in these negotiations, which concern ithe level of forces existing in central Europe, has not prevented it and will not prevent it from making its own specific contribution. The objective we are pursuing through the mutual and balanced force reduction is to reach agreements which stabilize military forces at a lower level, without creating conditions prejudicial to the political unification of Western Europe.
82.	Disarmament is both one of the premises and one of the essential parts of the process of detente. But the slow progress made in the dialog on the question of disarmament cannot allow us to forget that the process of detente is prompted by continuous demands and pressures which are much vaster in scope.
83.	In the framework of detente, Italy has made its own significant and coherent contribution to the progress of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, whose important effect on relations between the Western countries and Eastern Europe I have already stressed in my statement on behalf of the Community.
84.	The presence of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, at Helsinki was a symbol of the fact that the objectives embodied in the Final Act of the Conference and those pursued by the United Nations are homogeneous.
85.	The declaration on the Mediterranean approved by the Conference significantly broadens the concept of the problems of security and co-operation, emphasizing how these problems, by their very nature, cannot remain circumscribed within a well-defined regional context.
86.	The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe achieved its solemn culmination in the Final Act adopted by the 35 countries. It is an Act which improves the atmosphere of detente in inter- European relations and East-West relations in general. Its practical effects will depend on the manner in which it is implemented.
87.	The choice of multilateral forums for dialog does not exclude, but rather favors, the search by the Government of Italy for opportunities for constructive agreement on the bilateral level.
88.	The relations between Italy and those neighboring countries wh'^.h do not belong to the European Economic Community bear witness to our determination to advance also along the path of bilateral cooperation. These relations are in fact excellent; the ties of friendship and co-operation which the Government of Italy has long since initiated with those countries have not only proved to be of mutual advantage but also brought about significant advances. The Government of Italy proposes to continue the policy which it has so decisively begun by giving every possible encouragement to those friendly relations it has so fruitfully established with its neighbors.
89.	The solution of the problems of development and economic co-operation constitutes another essential pillar in that more equitable and stable structure on which we seek to build international relations.
90.	We therefore note with satisfaction that this session of the General Assembly is opening at a moment in which we have clearly in our minds the positive results of the seventh special session, to which
I made special reference in my statement on behalf of the Community. We must now keep alive the spirit of compromise and mutual understanding which the special session has generated.
91.	One achievement can already be considered as realized. Through focusing the debate on fundamental issues and through the emergence of a more responsible and sensitive approach to the problems of the world economic situation, a growing awareness of the economic interdependence among States, industrialized and developing, consumer and producer, rich and poor, has become apparent.
92.	Every country, on the basis of equality and in accordance with its potential, must be granted active participation in the production process of the world and in the distribution of its benefits.
93.	As I have already said in my statement at the seventh special session, the United Nations, in tackling the issues of development and international economic co-operation, has drawn the attention of the entire community of nations to questions which, being everywhere a cause of concern, insecurity and uneasiness, constitute the most challenging complex of problems which mankind has been called upon to resolve in recent history.
94.	The solution of the problems which I have so far described i feasible only through the observance of those fundamental legal principles which constitute the very basis of the international community and which are essential for its ordered development. Respect for legality postulates the inviolability of the law and its complete accord with international realities.
95.	Italy therefore supports the review now being conducted by the United Nations through the codification of current laws as well as the initiation of structural changes, such as those emerging from the laborious and complex search for new lines of agreement governing the utilization of the resources of the sea and the ocean depths.
96.	The evolution of international realities is continually bringing new tasks before the United Nations, which, if it is to tackle them effectively, must constantly refine and improve its own structures.
97.	Bearing in mind these requirements, the Government of Italy is participating in and requesting initiatives designed to rationalize the activities and machinery of the United Nations. We consider, too, that the proposals made for possible amendments to the Charter are justified. Among the proposals put forward in this field by Italy I would draw attention to that concerning the Commission on Human Rights, which we would like to see given the status of a principal organ of the United Nations within the meaning of Article 7 of the Charter. Italy maintains that the civilized conscience of mankind requires a more decisive effort from the United Nations in defense of human rights, aimed primarily at the elimination of all forms of racial, political and religious discrimination. The peace which Italy desires is not peace obtained through coercion. True peace is that in which everyone can enjoy freedom.
98.	Like the ultimate aim of States with respect to national societies, so, too, the ultimate aim of an inter-national system with respect to the community of peoples is man himself. It is precisely this concept which underlies the obligation of the United Nations to defend the fundamental freedoms of the individual. To encourage the international community to advance towards more developed forms of coexistence means, therefore, also to increase this role and this special responsibility of the world Organization. Through the protection of human rights and freedoms, the inter-national community can and must concur in raising the status of man with the final aim of making him, as an individual, the very protagonist of history.
99.	The Charter of the United Nations offers us a set of values which is enlivened by ceaseless contact with international reality. It possesses the capacity for adaptation which will provide valid responses to the demands of mankind. These demands are derived from irreversible, positive changes. There is the change brought about by advancement to an era of interdependence, which makes selfishness outdated and unreal, and which makes any proposal for cooperation and solidarity realistic. There is also the change brought about by a desire for equality as a result of which consensus and joint participation will become the basic principles of the international system of the future.
100.	Certainly, such changes are accompanied by disagreements, tensions and confrontations, but these developments in the tortured history of mankind invite us to make a more severe and critical choice of the instruments of dialog and to search more intensively for a way of overcoming conflicts. We must strengthen our option for the multilateral prevention of conflicts as compared with our option of bringing conflicts to an end more or less opportunely. The Italian Government maintains that in the search for a method of peaceful settlement we will never run the risk of dispersal of efforts.
101.	Italy is therefore determined to base its contribution to the international community on the awareness of the fundamental interdependence of States, the need for consensus, the recognition of the diversity, but also of the ultimate complementarity, of interests, and on the search for common solutions to common problems.
102.	My country regards the United Nations as all do as a vital point of reference and as the moral conscience of the world community with the aim of progressively creating a climate which will favor meetings of peoples and the development, on the basis of mutual respect, of the great ideals of independence, justice and freedom for both peoples and individuals, in spite of temporary difficulties and setbacks.
103.	As Members of the United Nations we have the will and the potential to respond to the demands of mankind and that will and potential must not be wasted. I am convinced that we shall respond together to the challenge of our times. It is an enormous challenge bui: one within the reach of both nations and men: development with justice, security with justice, stability with justice, peace with justice.