Let me first of all, on behalf of my delegation, congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency. Our countries, Malta and Spain, are united by geography, history, culture and the staunch desire to build a safe, prosperous and peaceful Mediterranean for future generations. I wish you every success as you carry out your duties over the coming months, and I offer you the support of the Spanish delegation.
I take this opportunity to pay a sincere tribute and to convey my thanks, admiration and respect to the Secretary-General.
I warmly welcome the Principality of Liechtenstein, which has just become a new Member of the Organisation.
This session is beginning as we face the consequences of Iraq's invasion, occupation and annexation of Kuwait. But that event - which is unprecedented in the history o£ the United Nations and to which I shall refer again later - should not make us forget that 1990 marks the end of a chapter of the history not only of Europe but of the world. The entire post-war European scene has been peacefully and irrevocably transformed; the firm perseverance of the peoples of Europe and the calm position taken by the leaders of the Soviet Union have been decisive in this. It is as though the people of Central and Eastern Europe had awakened from a long night of silence and fear to find that they were no longer spectators, but the protagonists of their own history. After years of suffering, they are now finding direction and hope.
No tears were shed when on 8 November 1989 the Berlin Hall began to crumble, but the historic reunification of Germany has had to overcome many moments of mistrust. The culmination of that process in a few days will mark the tangible end of the cold war and will be a sign that Europe is regaining its own identity. We are pleased at the exemplary manner in which this has taken place. I wish to express the admiration and sympathy with which Spain has witnessed the process from the outset, and I congratulate the German people on its regained unity.
A wind of freedom is sweeping down the old roads of Europe, and we must now strive to guarantee peace and stability on that continent. In this the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) can play a vital role. It is the right forum for negotiating new measures of security and confidence, for strengthening economic co-operation and for monitoring respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The summit of Heads of State of the CSCE to be held in Paris can make a decisive contribution to strengthening stability, disarmament and co-operation.
None the less, there is still reason for concern. The greatest threats to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe involve the outbreak of heightened nationalism, xenophobia and irredentism. This is combined with the widespread impatience and frustration that characterise times of great change. My country is very much aware of the dangers that stalk during the transition from authoritarianism to open democracy.
We are convinced that, to a greater or lesser degree, the changes in Europe will affect developments in other continents. In today's world, major change knows no boundaries. Before the recent changes in Europe, nearly all Latin American countries had broadened their freedoms and consolidated their democratic systems despite enormous difficulties of all kinds. Today we can all feel a little like Berliners - with joy and not concern as in 1963 - when we look forward to the crumbling of other walls. I am thinking of the Soweto wall of intolerance and fragmentation and the walls in other relics of totalitarianism, which are beginning to collapse despite the past blindness of such regimes.
Today the international community’s attention is focused on the conflict in the Persian Gulf unleashed by the decision of the President of Iraq to invade, occupy and annex Kuwait, an independent State Member of the United Nations. Thanks in part to the new climate of détente engendered and strengthened by the changes in Europe, it has been possible to provide a united and resolute response to the first international crisis since the end of the cold war.
The speed and effectiveness with which the Security Council has acted in this grave crisis are embodied in a series of resolutions that lay the foundation for a peaceful settlement of the problem. Only yesterday the Council adopted a new resolution, another in the series of measures taken to complement those enacted earlier. It is important for us all to continue our best efforts to achieve a peaceful solution to this dangerous conflict. The Arab countries have an important role to play in facilitating a peaceful solution within the clear framework established by the Security Council resolutions.
My country has adopted a group of international measures to comply with the embargo, and has joined the international community's peace efforts by sending three Spanish naval vessels to the region to give effect to an embargo which, in our view, is the best means to make the Government of Iraq reverse course.
I shall not dwell on obvious, much-repeated ideas, but I wish briefly to highlight the points Spain views as basic. First of all, no negotiated solution can be acceptable outside the framework established by the Security Council. Secondly, it is our duty to put a stop to aggression while avoiding war. To that end we must manifest our conviction that law and reason are on our side. We must maintain a firm position, preserve and strengthen our unity and act with patience. While the continuation of the crisis will surely have its costs, the costs of war would be far greater.
The gravity of the crisis must not blind us to the fact that thanks to the new international climate and the work of the United Nations and its Secretary-General we have achieved positive results in various conflicts, to some of which I shall now refer.
Namibia recently gained full independence thanks to a process admirably guided by the United Nations. We welcome Namibia as a Member of the Organisation and reaffirm our resolution intention to increase our bilateral ties of friendship and co-operation.
In South Africa, we finally saw the liberation of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners along with the adoption of measures towards in-depth constitutional and legislative changes that will bring about full freedom for all. Once there are guarantees of those changes and of the total abolition of the apartheid system. South Africa will be able fully to rejoin the international community. There must be efforts to overcome the serious outbreaks of violence that have recently occurred.
In Central America, thanks in large measure to the perseverance of the region's leaders, a sound peace process is under way. National reconciliation in Nicaragua and the demobilization of the resistance are now reality. The basis has been established for negotiations which, we hope, will lead to peace and reconciliation in El Salvador and Guatemala. From the outset my country has participated in the front lines of the work of the United Nations Observer Group in Central America (ONUCA), and we are ready to continue providing the Secretary-General with all necessary co-operation and assistance.
In Cambodia, following determined efforts over the past two years, the permanent members of the Security Council have set in motion an ambitious plan which, after acceptance by the parties to the conflict, could be the basis for national reconciliation.
My Government welcomed with great satisfaction the recent meeting between the Prime Ministers of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and we are following with great interest the various contacts to which that meeting gave rise, including those intended to resolve the question of Korean representation in this forum, which Spain wishes to be truly universal.
We reiterate our desire to continue negotiations to resolve all differences with the United Kingdom on the question of Gibraltar. The only solution is re-establishment of Spain's territorial in with respect for the legitimate interests of the population of Gibraltar, in conformity with resolutions of the General Assembly.
With respect to Western Sahara, we expect the continuation and success of the Secretary-General's happy initiatives to organise, without administrative or military constraints, a referendum in that Territory to ensure the self-determination of the Sahraoui people, with the necessary international guarantees. We believe it would be beneficial to all to retain the consensus achieved last year in the General Assembly.
The absolute need to settle the Gulf crisis must not allow us to forget the need also for a comprehensive approach to the situation in the Middle East. We continue to believe it urgent for Israel to begin dialogue with the Palestinian people that could lead to a comprehensive and just settlement on the basis of "land for peace"; such a settlement can be based only on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). My Government still views the policy of Jewish settlements in the occupied territories as illegal from the point of view of international law; that policy is an obstacle to peace in the region. We are convinced of the need for a just and lasting solution that will both protect the self-determination of the Palestinian people and recognise secure borders for all the countries of the region. We believe the most appropriate avenue is an international conference under United Nations auspices, with the participation of all the parties concerned.
But the problem is broader in scope. After various contacts with other countries in the region, particularly Italy, my country has just launched, in Palma de Mallorca, an initiative to convene a Conference on Security and Co-operation in the Mediterranean modelled on the CSCE - the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. That would be a comprehensive progressive approach to establish rules and principles for stability in the region. We must not allow ourselves to think that when the Gulf conflict is settled everything will return to normal, because nothing will ever be the same again. Massive collective efforts will be required. Spain is a Mediterranean country and will continue its active co-operation with other countries of the region to defend our common peace, progress and security. In that way we hope to contribute to the stability of this zone of conflict, a zone where there are nevertheless many opportunities for co-operation, as seen in our common history and shared culture.
I have been talking about the efforts of the United Nations on regional conflicts. But if we do not want a world where the will of the strongest prevails, we must not undervalue the role the United Nations can and must play in the solution of conflicts through legal means. To that end we must be aware of the need to strengthen the principal legal organ of the United Nations, the International Court of Justice. The Spanish Government thus intends to submit before the end of the year the optional declaration referred to in article 36 of the Statute of the Hague Court, accepting its compulsory jurisdiction.
In these times, when East-West tension is ending and new forms of co-operation are appearing, we must speak of the global problems and challenges facing the international community: disarmament, the growing gap between rich and poor countries, drugs, the deterioration of the environment and the need to protect human rights.
On conventional disarmament, we must aim for November signature of a treaty dramatically reducing armaments in Europe. It is necessary to promote confidence-building measures among States. We need objective and standardised exchange of information on military expenditures, capabilities, activities and structures to promote that confidence. The United Nations system has an important role to play in that respect.
On nuclear disarmament, Spain wishes for an early conclusion of an agreement under the strategic arms reduction talks (STAST) between the United States and the Soviet Union. Once a treaty on conventional disarmament in Europe has been signed, negotiations can begin to reduce short-range nuclear weapons. On the other hand it is imperative that we consider effective ways and means to halt nuclear proliferation; in so doing, it is necessary also to retain the safeguards system of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, the application of which can certainly be improved.
The non-proliferation framework cannot be complete without the necessary movement towards a universal system of missile control. We attach great importance to the 1987 initiative, to which Spain has subscribed and which is being considered by other States as well.
The Spanish Government is concerned at the delay in formulating an international convention prohibiting the production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons and governing the destruction of existing stocks. The recent Gulf crisis makes it even more urgent to give new impetus to this work.
It is also very important to give fresh impetus to development. One of the most important challenges we face is probably to overcome grave international economic imbalances. No are all becoming increasingly aware that political peace cannot be attained or made complete without advances along the road of economic development to reduce the vast differences between rich countries and poor.
The United Nations system has the means to lay the foundation for a new and different kind of international economic relations. We must approach this problem in a now way, as became clear last spring at the special session on international economic co-operation. First of all, we must avoid the old ideological perspective by which the developed North is solely responsible for the structural ills of the developing South. Nor do not think we need to speak of responsibility, but rather of joint responsibility, taking into full account the concept of interdependence, with all its consequences, and ridding ourselves of notions of one-sided guilt.
If we refer to international economic relations, it is imperative that we approach a  set of particularly important issues. The first is the overwhelming problem of external indebtedness that threatens to strangle the economies of many countries und to bring them to the brink of despair. Secondly, but equally critical, is the question of the international trade regime to be signed at the Uruguay Round. It is urgent to devise a formula that reduces and if possible eliminates the instability of commodity prices, which are the prime source of export coming for most of the developing countries. Finally, we should support the process of integration of the Soviet and Eastern European economies  into the international financial and trading regimes, without weakening the commitment and support of the industrialized countries towards developing nations.
Spain is increasing its effort· towards co-operation with developing countries and especially with those in Latin America. Spain has already signed agreements with some of them that envision the transfer of sizeable financial resources. In the last five years, my country has tripled the volume of resources allocated bilaterally to development assistance. We also intend to participate, within the framework of the European Community, in the signing of agreements on commodities that will allow, as far as possible, the stabilisation of developing countries' export earnings.
Finally, we are aware that external indebtedness has become an intolerable burden for many developing countries, Spain has decided to support the international strategy represented by the Brady Plan, we have signed bilateral refinancing agreements with several Latin America countries and is also aware of the need to pay due attention to the financial capabilities of the debtors to repay their loans and attach a lesser priority to the amount owed by then, for otherwise that would lead to a schedule of payments that they would never be able to meet.
The protection of the environment is another of the global challenges that our community of nations must face without delay. In that task, the United Nations can play an essential role, and is in fact doing so now. We place our hopes in the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development that is to take place in Brazil in 1992 to devise a strategy to halt the deterioration of the environment while increasing efforts to encourage sustained economic growth in all countries. For Spain, as a Mediterranean country, the specific problems of our region - forest fires, land erosion and, most particularly, desertification - have special significance. The environment differs from region to region.
The war against narcotic drugs will not be won without effective and alert international co-ordination. In that respect, the special session on narcotic drugs was a pivotal Milestone in the long history of United Nations efforts in that field. The 1988 Convention against Illicit Trafficking in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances has been ratified by Spain. When implemented by all countries, it will be a decisive element in the struggle, which must attack production, traffic and consumption. We must persevere in actions aimed at fiscal control of the drug dealers bank accounts. The laundering of money obtained from trafficking is, as we all know, closely related to arms dealing. It is also desirable that the operations performed under the umbrella of tax havens be unveiled and expunged. We must put an end to the scourge.

The promotion of human rights . Last year the convention of the Rights of the Child was adopted. Spain signed it early in the year and will ratify it as soon as the appropriate parliamentary procedures have been concluded. What better opportunity is there to celebrate the adoption of that Convention than the World Summit for Children that is to take place in a few days in New York. Also approved last year was the Second Optional Protocol for the abolition of the death penalty, which Spain has also signed and hopes to ratify in the near future. Long is the legislative path travelled by the Organisation in the field of human rights. Even longer is the path yet to be travelled in terms of effective control of the honouring and observance of existing rules.
I should like to stress one issue. There must be no doubt whatsoever that no Government can hide behind the shield of national sovereignty, non-interference in domestic affairs, or any kind of paranoid recourse to the existence of an alleged international plot as an excuse to escape an impartial investigation by the Organisation when its members deem it necessary. On the other hand, it becomes necessary to clear up the misunderstanding to the effect that we, the Western countries, ignoring ethnic, cultural or religious differences, are attempting to impose our seal· of values on other geographical regions. It must be quite clear that what the Western countries intend - and along with us many others from other regions - is that all States should steadfastly respect the provisions of the Charter in that field and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Hunan Rights, which establish the ground rules from which nobody can detract, and that others that have signed specific agreements on human rights - agreements that enforce universal, I repeat, universal standards regarding human dignity and  the promotion and protection of fundamental rights - should truly honour and openly account for their actions before the established monitoring mechanisms. Those are the requirements that we must all honour equally, including those derived from commitments into which we have freely entered.
I should like to conclude by stating that in this successful year of changes and promising horizons, yet also of serious crises and unexpected global problems/ the United Nations has pursued its process of revitalisation/ enhancing its prestige along with great pragmatism and reliability in its actions. Today, from the fertile ground of peace-keeping operations to decisive action in fields as transcendent as the Security Council's response to acts of aggression, actions regarding the environment or drug trafficking, and ranging from the new pragmatism and willingness to negotiate that prevail in such fields as disarmament or co-operation for development/ the Organisation is still the sole universal forum available to sow the seeds and reap the harvest of solidarity for future generations.
Now that we can talk about a new era of international relations/ now that so much has changed in such a short time we can say with greater reason than ever that the United Nations must become the highest moral and political authority to lead a world in peace. Spain, which sustained that doctrine when the Organisation was at its lowest ebb, stresses it now even more resolutely. We need rules, criteria, and standards of behaviour that reach beyond rhetoric. From now on we must efficiently tackle the old and the new problems of the world at the end of the millennium. The time available to us for preventing those problems from becoming catastrophes is not unlimited. In fact, it is short. Yet the solution is not beyond us. It is within us.


I would like to offer you my congratulations and profound best wishes, Sir, as you assume your important duties as President of the General Assembly at this session. The wisdom and the understanding you bring to this position are particularly appropriate for these historic times. I am confident that you will do great honour to the legacy left by your predecessor.
A few days hence the leaders of over 80 countries will gather here to discuss the pressing plight of tens of millions of innocent children around the world - the horrors of hunger and disease, the debilitating consequences of illiteracy, the abomination of abuse. The Prime Minister of Canada has the honour to co-chair that World Summit for Children, which will focus our attention as never before on what this Organisation must still do: construct a world order that allows all nations, all peoples, all colours and creeds to live on a planet that is prosperous, peaceful, free and just.
There is an old Indian saying from Western Canada:
"We do not inherit this land from our parents; we simply borrow it from our children."
That idea motivates the Children Summit, as it must this Organisation. We live in uncommon ties. Never before has the opportunity for this body to exercise its intended mission been greater/ and never before have the risks and challenges been so daunting.	.
This past year has seen the tearing down of old barriers/ the disintegration of walls - walls of the mind and real walls - walls we once thought permanent.
We in the West/ perhaps to an extreme used to view the world through the prism of the cold war. That prism determined many of our priorities and guided our actions. That prism was a prison, and it has now been shattered. The consequence has been liberation. Liberation for millions of people in Central and Eastern Europe who now experience democracy where they only recently dreamt of it. Liberation for the minds of men and women who can now turn to old problems long neglected and new problems now before us. Liberation for the world/ which is now being freed from the tensions of a European balance of terror that penetrated to the farthest corner of the globe. And 1." aeration for this Organization/ where the words of the United Nations Charter can cease to be distant goals and may now become descriptions of our common action.
The past year has seen progress in many regions and on many issues.
Namibia, the last colony in Africa, is now its newest democracy. We take great pride of the role that the United Nations played in assisting Namibia to make its transition to independence - a role that was made possible by the international force involving 109 Member of the Organisation.
In South Africa Nelson Mandela is now free, and he and President de Klerk are on the verge of beginning a process of negotiation with a view to building a non-racial, democratic South Africa. We applaud this process and impatiently wait the day when we shall see clear and irreversible changes in the apartheid regime. We call upon all South Africans to show the necessary good will to bring, to end to the violence which is casting a shadow over the negotiation process.
In Cambodia the parties to that long, bloody conflict may be on the path to a peaceful settlement.   All Cambodians welcome the unanimity displayed by the Security Council when it approved last week a framework for a comprehensive political solution to this conflict. Ш hope that this will soon set Cambodia on the road to a just, peaceful and lasting settlement. Canada unequivocally supports that effort and we have already pledged $1.5 million to help the United Nations give effect to its plans.
Elsewhere in Asia the Government of South Korea has in our view taken a welcome initiative in beginning talks with its northern neighbour. We hope that Korea will become a full and active Member of the Organisation.
In Latin America the unique experience and expertise of the United Nations in peace-keeping has been invaluable. The cease-fire in Nicaragua, the successful conclusion of the democratic process there, and progress in the talks in El Salvador and Guatemala may finally bring hope to a region torn too long by conflict and ideology.
In the Persian Gulf the United Nations is playing the role it has not been able to play for decades. Thanks to the Organisation, the international community has been able to bring its authority to bear on a country which has grossly and clearly contravened the United Nations Charter's prohibition on policies of aggression and has thereby endangered the serious efforts of all the Members of the United Nations to settle disputes peacefully.
The Security Council's ability to act in concert is without any doubt testimony to the new era of co-operation now opening to us. But it is also a warning to Iraq that the United Nations will not relent until Iraq has withdrawn its forces from Kuwait and restored independence to that small country.
We obviously need more than resolutions. All the Members of the United Nations - each in its own way - should ensure the effectiveness of the measures adopted so far and should use whatever diplomatic resources are available to them to persuade Iraq to withdraw its troops. Iraq's aggression is a litmus test for what the United Nations can now become. It we succeed here the United Nations will send a clear and unambiguous signal to others that the world is now different, that it will not tolerate aggression and that international law is to be served and not ignored.
Now is not a time for complacency. That we are succeeding in some parts of the world means we have yet to succeed in others. That we have solved some problems means there are many still to solve.
In Lebanon a grave situation continues, and, while we take heart from constitutional progress made in the past year, all members of the international community, collectively and individually - must make efforts to restore Lebanon's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
In the Middle East, although the world is focused on the Gulf, the continuing Arab-Israeli and Palestinian-Israeli disputes are unresolved and threatening. A just and lasting negotiated solution based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including their right to self-determination, is more vital now than ever before.
In the Western Sahara some progress has been made through the great efforts of the Secretary-General to encourage dialogue directed to peace. The real difficulties persist and a settlement has yet to be reached»
And in the Horn of Africa the cycle of conflict, poverty and starvation continues. While we can take pride in the way the United Nations and its agencies provided food to those in need, only a lasting political solution will end the terrible curse of famine in that region.
Around the world the challenge is all too clear: unequal levels of development which perpetuate poverty and spawn conflict; a world population which will expand by 3.5 billion people over the next three and a half decades; 14 million children dying each year from illness and hunger; a generation debilitated by drugs; the proliferation of weapons - chemical, nuclear and conventional; and an ailing environment, whose air is being poisoned, whose oceans and lakes are becoming cesspools, and whose forests are being destroyed as if they were disposable. This is not the picture of a planet of promise: it is the picture of a planet in pain.
My own country, Canada, is a place blessed by Providence. We are prosperous. We are free. We are at peace. But we too have had to confront the need for new attitudes and new approaches to our own problems, including the situation of our aboriginal people.
Although we failed this year in finding a new constitutional accommodation for our country, I can promise the Assembly that Canada will succeed in renewing our Confederation. We shall do so with that same flexibility, imagination, tolerance and compromise which have made Canada; a nation of so many cultures, into what Barbara Nard once called "the first international country".
I have raised those values because they are precisely the ones that speak of the needs of this Organisation and this world. In this new era compromise must cease to be seen as second best; it must become the instrument of our common cause.
In the years between the two world wars and in the depths of the cold war, there were debates about whether a State's interests were best pursued through unilateral action or through co-operation and compromise. That debate is now over. It is over not because one side won but because the world has changed. The choice today is not between realism and idealism, unilateralism or co-operation; it is between success and failure. Co-operation is now the new realism and pragmatism is the only path to progress. We either work together and succeed, or we work separately and fail. We need new action. But we also need new attitudes - ideas that animate, ideas that indicate what is no longer feasible and what is now necessary.
I believe our first challenge is to redefine the concept of security. Security has ceased to be something to be achieved unilaterally. Security has ceased to be something to be attained through military means alone. Security has become multidimensional and it has become co-operative. In a world where poverty and underdevelopment plague most of the planet, the developed world cannot pretend to be secure simply because it alone is prosperous. In an era of nuclear and chemical weapons, of ballistic missiles, of terrorism, of interdependent markets and economies, of diseases, the development of prosperity throughout the world; is not a question o£ charity but a question of security. That mandates continued emphasis on official development assistance, on more open and free markets, on innovative debt strategies. These are not only economic or humanitarian actions; they have become security imperatives.
In a world where the frontiers of States may be secure but the air, land and water are being poisoned, environmental action is also a fundamental security question. And in a period of burgeoning population and rapid industrialisation, where winds and waters know no borders, environmental security will be only achieved through co-operation.
That mandates an approach to the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development that is aggressive and innovative. It requires a realistic dialogue between the developing and the developed world about environmental damage that threatens all States, rich and poor. As part of that effort» Canada will vigorously pursue the possibility of a world forestry convention by 1992.
A now concept of security also requires that we address »ore effectively the political and Military tensions that persist in so many regions of the world. While there is such to be done globally, I believe that a new focus on regional approaches to security is more necessary and more promising than ever. It is more necessary both because of the consequences of conflict arising from interdependence and because of the destructive nature of modern weapons. And it is more promising because the absence of East-West tensions now frees countries and regions to pursue solutions to local problems on local terms.
Security is more than the absence of war; it is the presence of peace. That requires a shared sense on each side that the survival of the other is in its own best interest. That means building trust and confidence. Canada believes that a regional approach to confidence building has much to offer. That approach can involve a variety of measures dialogue itself designed to exchange perspectives and increase understanding; greater transparency in terms of military capacity; agreements to inform other members in the region of activities they night consider threatening in the absence of warning; and eventually institutions and processes of conflict resolution and crisis prevention.
Confidence building is not a blueprint or a grand solution. It does not prejudge outcomes or impose solutions. It is not rigid. It is in fact what the Organisation has always done best. It is step-by-step. It is functional. It is flexible.
The success of such an approach in Europe is undeniable. Obviously, specific measures taken in Europe nay not apply to other regions. Those regions will require approaches tailored to their nature and requirements. But the fundamental principles of confidence building apply.
It is for that reason that, in addition to proposing new initiatives for the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, Canada has suggested that the countries of the North-Pacific region could benefit from similar approaches to confidence building. Those might include advance notification of military manoeuvres, an Open Skies regime, and military data exchanges. Other regions of the world - the Middle East, Latin America - might also benefit from a regional approach to confidence building.
One of the key elements of confidence building is verification. Verification provides proof, and proof triggers trust. That is why Canada co-sponsored the resolution adopted by the General Assembly calling for an experts' study on verification to be conducted by the Secretary-General - resolution 43/81 B. A Canadian chaired that study and we will take the lead at this session of the Assembly in proposing a resolution that will call on the United Nations to promote increased dialogue between diplomats and experts on verification issues; to establish a United Nations data bank of verification research material; and to support and expand where appropriate the powers of the Secretary-General to engage in fact-finding missions as they relate to the possible violation of existing arms-control agreements.
There is one persistent security problem above all others that the international community has failed to address satisfactorily. That is the problem of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and proliferation of their means of delivery, as well as conventional weapons, which have become so destructive.
We all recognize that arms do not cause conflicts. But we must also recognise that arms can make conflict more likely and that they make that conflict more destructive when it occurs. The progress between the super-Powers on the reduction of their stockpiles of nuclear weapons is welcome, as is the progress made to date in ensuring a successful conclusion to the conventional-force-reduction talks currently under way in Vienna. Those negotiations can- and must succeed. But to reduce capabilities and enhance confidence in one region and with some weapons is only part of the challenge. There is much more to be done.
In the area of nuclear proliferation, the just-concluded Review Conference of the Non-proliferation Treaty, despite consensus on almost all issues, was unable to agree on a concluding document, that failure should alert us all to the dangerous prospect of the unravelling of that vital international Treaty. Canada believes that movement is needed on all sides. We welcome the joint American and Soviet commitment to a step-by-step approach to further restrictions on nuclear testing. We believe that commitment should be followed up immediately, with the final goal being a comprehensive ban on nuclear testing.
At the same time, we have been deeply disturbed by a tendency among some others to adopt positions that can only act to undermine the vital consensus which underlies the existing treaties on non-proliferation and nuclear testing. Clearly, compromise and forward movement are required on the part of everyone. But the pursuit of other objectives should not be allowed to threaten those existing agreements that have become so vital. It is Canada's firm view that both the non-proliferation Treaty and a comprehensive test-ban treaty are too important for international peace and security to be held hostage one to the other.
Regional nuclear arms and the threat of chemical proliferation and use have been raised starkly again by the situation in the Persian Gulf. We must move quickly to a comprehensive and global ban on chemical weapons. We urge all parties at the Conference on Disarmament to ensure that the opportunity for a successful agreement is not lost and that agreement is reached soon. During this session of the Assembly, Canada, along with Poland, will seek to strengthen the commitment of all members to that end.
In addition, there is the very important issue of arms transfers and the arms trade. It is critical that peace in Europe not he purchased at the price of a more innovative arras bazaar elsewhere. That arras bazaar has stunted development by hijacking scarce resources. It has distorted whole economies. It has increased bloodshed. It is important in that context that all parties to the conventional-force-reduction talks in Europe take steps to ensure that weapons affected by that agreement not end up as contributions to potential conflicts elsewhere in the world.
The continued proliferation of ballistic-missile technology is particularly worrisome. Ballistic missiles raise the prospect of the delivery of weapons of mass destruction into the heart of enemy territory. That possibility not only means great potential suffering; it also induces regional arms races. That is why Canada has so strongly supported the recent expansion of the membership of the Missile Technology Control Regime. The Assembly should focus on that issue and call for all Members to take measures to control the export of that technology. Canada will play a leading role in such an effort.
Canada also believes that is important to make arms transfers and procurement as transparent as is prudent and practical. Transparency builds confidence and is recognition of the obligation we all have to the common interest. That is why Canada has strongly supported the work of the United Nations Group of Government Experts on Arms Transfer Transparency and why we look forward to studying its report in detail. That is why we support the widest possible voluntary reporting to the United Nations of military expenditures, procurement and arms transfers. I am pleased to announce that, this year for the first time, Canada will be releasing an annual report on its exports of military goods.
There is, with arms, a demand side and a supply side. Measures can be taken to restrict supplies to stabilising and prudent levels. But demand must also be addressed, and that is why a regional approach to confidence building is relevant to the issue too.
Finally, Canada believes that much more can be done to ensure that the United Nations unique capacity to provide peace-keeping forces for regional conflicts remains effective and efficient. Ï am pleased that Canada was able to help breathe new life into the Special Committee on Peace-Keeping Operations, which has now provided the United Nations with new proposals to improve present peace-keeping activities and to plan for new ventures. However, more work and even greater commitment will be needed to ensure that the United Nations is provided with the capacity and the resources to mount varied, speedy and successful peace-keeping operations, be they in Cambodia, Central America, the Western Sahara or the Persian Gulf.
In particular, Canada would support a United Nations effort to secure a clear indication from all Member States of the forces and equipment they could make available in future United Nations peace-keeping operations. We believe that effort could include an inventory of civilian resources. That might include police forces, communications and logistics personnel and elections experts and observers, who could be utilized not only to keep the peace but to prepare for peace. If there is one thing that recent events make clear, it is that democracy and freedom are fundamental factors in building a co-operative security structure for our new era. In Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, Asia and parts of Africa, there is a new recognition that democracy is necessary because democracy works. That is not the victory of one ideology over another. It is the victory of common sense.
Democracy allows Governments to gauge and reflect the needs of their societies. Democracy allows individuals to express their views and exercise their abilities. Democracy and development go hand in hand, since it is the open market which feeds prosperity and leads, almost always, to democracy.
Democracy limits the conflict which inevitably results from repression. Democracy is flexible, and because it is flexible it does not snap. Democracy, at bottom, is the politics of pragmatism and the politics of security.
It is our belief in the role of democracy in building security that has led Canada to propose a democratic development unit for the Organization of American States. That proposal has been accepted. It is that same belief that has led Canada to put forward human rights proposals in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe which will strengthen the rule of law and the rights of minorities throughout Europe, It is the same belief that has led Canada to contribute, bilaterally and through the Commonwealth, to democratic dialogue and preparations for constitutional talks in South Africa.
That is also why Canada applauds the July decision of the Organisation of African Unity to endorse a new charter dealing with democracy and development and why we supported financially the conference which produced it. And that is why we provided election assistance this year to Haiti, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Namibia and Nicaragua.
Canada believes that there is a further role for this Organisation in encouraging democratic development. Through supporting the co-operation of the various regional organizations in exchanging information and improving co-ordination, and through encouraging Member States in their many recent efforts to strengthen democracy, the General Assembly can act as a catalyst in reinforcing both democracy and security.
As we move forward, I believe there are several guidelines we can usefully adopt as we seek together to build a structure of co-operative security.
Guideline 1 is that co-operative security is multidimensional. It is based on the recognition that there are many significant threats to our livelihood, our health, our development and our very existence.
Guideline 2 is that co-operative security accepts that links exist between threats. It recognizes that few threats can be managed satisfactorily without also addressing others, that peace requires prosperity, that stability requires justice within and between States, that democracy, development and disarmament are all related.
Guideline 3 is that co-operative security is functional. It seeks to avoid blueprints and grand schemes and focuses on institutions and approaches which work, which produce results.
Guideline 4 is that co-operative security requires dialogue and compromise. It accepts the fundamental truth that conversation is almost always better than conflict and that conversation leading to compromise is the best way to solve problems.
Guideline 5 is that co-operative security builds on the link between stability and change. It demands that we accept that order and predictability are not an alternative to change, but rather its foundation, and that order in turn requires growth and flexibility if it is to endure.
Guideline 6 is that co-operative security rejects blocs. Blocs perpetuate distrust. They build a tension between regions and groups which is no better than tension between States. They perpetuate a "them versus us" psychology which may satisfy sentiment but which does little to solve problems.
Guideline 7 is that co-operative security rejects stale rhetoric and sterile ideology. It sees no advantage in stereotypes and sees much damage in the prejudice perpetuated by them. It rejects - as Canada, for example, does - such blemishes on this Organisation as the odious resolution equating Zionism with racism adopted 15 years ago by the Assembly.
Guideline 8 is that co-operative security recognizes that true security is impossible without justice. It accepts that democracy within States is a force for stability and prosperity and that justice between States/ whether through development assistance/ debt relief or fairer and more open terms of trade, is a necessary component of a secure world.
Today in Ottawa on our Parliament Hill a statue was unveiled to Lester B. Pearson; a great Canadian leader and world statesman, a true friend of this Organization. Mr. Pearson was present at the creation of the United Nations. We helped build its Charter. We helped mould its mission. We played a central role in establishing the Organization's great tradition of peace-keeping. There was no cause to which he was more committed than the construction of an effective United Nations system. Out of the ashes of the Second World War and the First World War before it he sought to build a structure of co-operative security which would prevent Armageddon and build a world which was prosperous/ free and just for all. Lester Pearson never saw the United Nations fulfil its intended purpose. His dream was dashed by yet another war, the cold war.
That war is now over. The promise is renewed/ and the dream rekindled. Yet the challenges remain more acute/ more demanding than ever before. Let us do now what we have been unable to do before. Let us shake off our past failings/ confront our present and in so doing build a new future. Let us behave as United Nations.


I should like to express my sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that under your wise and able leadership the current session will take effective steps at this very sensitive juncture, when the role of the United nations in resolving regional crises and confronting threats against international peace and security is being emphasized more than ever before.

Our world is undergoing a rapid change. The tumulous changes in this decade, including the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran and the resurgence of Islamic revivalism across the globe, characterized by reliance on God, religion, morality and people; the decline of Marxist thought, which had been based on the negation of these very, basic characteristics, rapid developments in the socialist bloc, concomitant with effective participation by the masses in the management of their own affairs; unification of the two Germanys, signifying the end of the age of the supremacy of super-Power interests over the aspirations of nations - these  are all nothing if not clear evidence that we have arrived at the age of ever-increasing reawakening of nations. In this age, aggression, domination and exploitation - under the pretext of containing the rival Power  - will be resisted by hitherto repressed nations, but also the application of double standards to such phenomena and situations will be shunned by international public opinion.

Now that it appears that the age of cold war and fierce super-Power rivalry has come to an end, if the transition in the international system fails to embody the principle of justice, and if the concentration of resources in certain specific parts of the world do not cater to the qualitative promotion of living standards and growth and development in the least developed and the developing countries, I venture to state that a real confrontation between the oppressed and their oppressors will be a forgone conclusion. This is far from being a threat, it is a realistic analysis of the objective conditions of human beings who are cognizant of the causes of their plight and their deprivation, and have come to realise that for the subjugated nations there exists no other choice but to overturn an imposed situation.

Therefore, ensuring the rights of nations is of vital importance for the establishment of just and peaceful relations among States in the future international system. The evolution of the world order should create a milieu in which all nations can develop and realize their potential for growth, development and scientific and cultural progress. Economic justice, development and relative prosperity, social equality, promotion of respect for the rule of law in international affairs, non-resort to aggression and cohesion in the settlement of disputes and respect for sovereignty of all States should, inter alia, provide the foundations for the new international order. In this context, the role of the United Nations in guiding international development towards the realization of such common human ideals is indeed a sensitive and fundamental question.

The raison d'etre for our presence in this prestigious world forum is to respect the will of the international community as crystallized in the purposes and principles of the United Nations enshrined in its Charter. In the light of the occupation of Kuwait by Iraq and the current crisis in the Persian Gulf and the ensuing worldwide outrage, a glance at the realities and origins of the crisis and a comparison between Iraqi aggression against Kuwait and the aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran 10 years ago would indeed be in the order.

Hours after the occupation of Kuwait the Security Council adopted a resolution under Chapter VII of the Charter, demanding the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Five resolutions, condemning the aggression, imposing comprehensive sanctions and calling for concerted international pressure, received the seal of approval of the Council in the span of two weeks; this makes a total of seven resolutions so far. All of a sudden, the major Powers in the Security Council, in particular the United States, rose to the defence of the Charter in an unprecedented manner, claiming that they would not allow any tempering with cardinal and universally recognized principles of international law, employing the means available to the international community in order to ensure the failure of the party which had chosen to solve its problems through resort to force and military occupation of another country, so that the aggressor would be denied any fruit of its aggression. A spectacular public international solidarity to corner the aggressor was painted in front of the unbelieving eyes of the world public.

Let us now compare this pattern of behaviour with that of the same powers in the Security Council and their regional allies vis-à-vis the Iraqi aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran 10 years ago. At that time, the first Security Council resolution was adopted six long days after the aggression, and it only called for ``refraining from any further use of force'', without even referring to withdrawal. For the next eight years, support in all its imaginable forms - political, diplomatic, military, logistical, intelligence and financial - was lavished on Iraq in order to prevent the Iranian people from repelling aggression and regaining their legitimate rights.

It appears as though for those eight years such principles as the inadmissibility of resort to force and occupation and the duty to suppress acts of aggression fid not exist in the Charter of the United Nations. The righteous positions of the Islamic Republic of Iran and those I, myself, pronounced every year from this very rostrum were all ignored, owing to the supremacy of the self-serving logic of hegemonic Powers over the principles of the Charter and the unfortunate negligence of some Aran States in the Persian Gulf of their long-term interest. This approach was pursued not only during the eight years of sacred defence by the Muslim people of Iran, but even during the two-year-long talks to achieve the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), during which not even a single word was uttered by the champions of international law in support of the mandatory requirements of their own resolution and of our legitimate rights, much less the realization of justice. Surprisingly, lack of progress in the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) was instead utilized by the same quarters as a means to seek political concessions from the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Lack of real commitment to principles and manipulation of the rules of international law have created a situation in which the positions and statements of the parties to the current crisis are in blatant contradiction with their practices and policies during the past decade. The party calling on the nations of the region to resist the imperialist policies of the United States and its regional collaborators fought, in concert with the same imperialist policies, against the Islamic republic of Iran for eight long years. And the party now claiming to oppose aggression and uphold the principles of the Charter and the decisions of the Security Council is the very same State which, along with its allies and it total contravention of the Charter, dispatched the armada to the Persian Gulf, resorting to joint military action against the Islamic Republic of Iran, precisely in a bid to assist the aggression against Iran and to save the aggressor.

Against this background, the Islamic world will examine the realities as they are, notwithstanding the demagogic rhetoric, and cognisant of the fact that the origins of the current confrontation lie in a dispute over the expansion of gains, and not in a commitment to principles. Therefore, neither side can expect to command the support of Muslim public opinion unless it embarks on a practical ad clear course of rectifying its past policies.

In view of the very dangerous end critical circumstances in the strategic Persian Gulf area and despite the tremendous damages incurred by the Iranian people as a result of the hostile policies of the major Powers and some regional States in the course of the past 10 years, the Islamic Republic of Iran has followed the developments with consistency, concern and keep interest, and has reacted accordingly. From the very outset of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the Islamic republic of Iran clearly and unambiguously condemned Iraqi aggression and demanded the immediate, total and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait.

Regrettably, the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait provided the pretext for foreign

Powers, particularly the United States and other Western countries, to dispatch

their forces on a massive scale to the Persian Gulf region. Recent statements by American officials signifying their intention - a long-term presence of United States forces in the area, and the creation of the new military and security arrangement in the region - are alarming, and certainly give rise to further instability and tension in the area. It would be a very great mistake for the United States to assume that Muslim people would be indifferent to, and silent in the face of, such a presence.

We have repeatedly declared, even from this vary rostrum, that lasting peace and security in the volatile Persian Gulf region can be provided only by the countries of the Region. The religious, cultural and economic bonds between the countries in the Persian Gulf provide the fundamental incentives for their solidarity, and give them the necessary capability to preserve regional security, free from the presence and intervention of foreign forces. It is regrettable that some countries in our region have not yet appreciated the reality that foreign forces wok to further their own interests rather than those of countries in the region. Enjoying one of the longest tradition of contribution to human civilisation and global peace, the Islamic Republic of Iran, as the major country of the region, considers its national security to be intertwined with the stability of the sensitive Persian Gulf area, and has proved to be a pillar of regional stability and security. In this context, relying on the faithful Muslim people, it has resisted any foreign domination , as such domination is the cause of instability
In the area.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, while, as a matter of principle, condemning the occupation of Kuwait by Iraq and rejecting any alteration in the region's geography, which would certainly had to a state of permanent instability, considers the long-term presence of foreign military forces in the area to be detrimental to the interests and security of the countries in the region. It is the firm conviction of the Islamic Republic of Iran that faithful commitment to, and compliance with, the relevant Security Council resolutions by all countries - particularly Iraq - is the only path to the establishment of peace and tranquillity in our area. The Islamic Republic of Iran once again reaffirms its commitment to compliance with relevant Security Council resolutions, in line with its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations.

From the outset, we have made a very clear distinction between, on one hand, the process of peace and the resumption of good neighbourly relations with Iraq and, on the other bend, the current crisis in the Persian Gulf. On 14 August 1998 the President of Iraq, in a letter addressed to the President of the Islamic republic of Iran, reaffirmed the commitment of the Government of Iraq to the 1975 Treaty concerning State Frontier and Neighbourly Relations between Iran and Iraq. Since then, in accordance with Security Council resolution 598 (1987), Iraqi forces have withdrawn, in a military sense, from the occupied territory of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and a majority of the prisoners of war have been exchanged.

The visit of the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iraq to the Islamic Republic of Iran and the subsequent visit of the deputy Foreign Minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Iraq , undertaken for the implementation of relevant provisions of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), including the comprehensive  exchange of frontier lines in accordance with the 1975 Treaty, and other political issues of mutual interest, such as settlement of outstanding issues and the re-opening of the embassies, signify the mutual desire of the two sides for the establishment of peace between the two Muslim nations, which enjoy historical and deep-rooted religious and cultural bonds.

I should like once again to express my sincere appreciation to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and to his distinguished colleagues for their tireless efforts towards implementation of resolution 598 (1987). It is our earnest hope that settlement of the dispute between Iran and Iraq, in accordance with the Security Council resolution, will provide a precedent for termination of the occupation of Kuwait and resolution of the current Persian Gulf crisis on the basis of relevant Security Council resolutions.

The ongoing Persian Gulf crisis, which has seriously jeopardized regional, as well as global, security and stability and has brought the military build-up in the region to the threshold of explosion, does indeed underline the necessity of intensifying international efforts in the field of disarmament. The Islamic Republic of Iran firmly believes that the most essential step for the realization of comprehensive and total disarmament  lies in fundamental changes in the military doctrines of major nuclear powers. These doctrines have, in the course of several decades, not only accelerated the arms race and the proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, but have also contributed to the flare-up of many international and regional conflicts and crises, thereby derailing the limited resources of the developing countries from socio-political development to military-hardware acquisitions.

So long as comprehensive disarmament has not materialized, the adoption of immediate measures, such as a comprehensive nuclear-test ban, the strengthening of the security of non-nuclear-weapon states against the use of the threat of the use of such weapons, and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world - in particular, the Middle east - ins indeed necessary for the preservation of international peace and security. In this context, the Islamic Republic of Iran, as the country most victimized by the use of chemical weapons in recent times, attaches particular significance to the conclusion of a chemical-weapons convention and is of the view that the comprehensiveness and universality of such a convention require the adoption of certain precise and all-inclusive provisions. Moreover, we believe that it is imperative that measures be taken to guarantee the security of the countries facing the threat of the use of chemical weapons. Equally, the major powers should refrain from insisting upon maintaining certain quantities of their chemical arsenals as security.

The Middle East problem persists, and the oppressed Palestinian people continue to suffer. The regime occupying Palestine, whose very foundation is aggression and expansionism, continues to intensify its cruel crimes, and, in a vicious campaign to eliminate the Islamic resistance, has embarked on a persistent policy of expulsion of Palestinian inhabitants and of forcible demographic change, as well as the murder and injury of large numbers of the oppressed Muslim people of Palestine.

Nevertheless, the heroic intifadah of the Palestinian people, now in its third year, has amply proved that, despite the barbaric policies of the Zionist regime, this genuine popular movement for reassertion and regaining of the usurped rights of a revolutionary people continues to march forward. In the meantime the massive settlement of Jewish migrants in occupied Palestine has been a matter of deep concern. The Islamic Republic of Iran, while condemning this joint scheme of the Zionists and hegemonic Powers, believes that it is incumbent upon the international community to counter such illegal and inhuman practices.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, stressing the necessity of preserving the independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon and respect for the right to self-determination of the people of Lebanon in accordance with the will of the majority, reaffirms its full support for the resistance of the Lebanese and Islamic national forces against the conspiracies and aggression of the Zionist regime.

The Security Council's expeditious response to the recent act of aggression in the Persian Gulf has fostered the optimism that the Council is approaching, although belatedly, the realization that for the maintenance of international peace and security adoption of a resolute stance and effective practical measures to counter aggression is a logical imperative. Hence the Council is duty-bound to shoulder its institutional obligations vis-à-vis persistent Zionist aggression against Islamic lands and adopt effective concrete measure under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.

The question of Afghanistan, notwithstanding advances and setbacks in the course of last year, still remains unresolved. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a neighbour of Afghanistan, and in light of common ties of religion, culture and history, cannot remain indifferent to the destiny of its neighbouring country and its Muslim people. While reaffirming our support for the struggle of the Muslim Afghan people, we stress the necessity for establishing an independent, Islamic and non-aligned government in Afghanistan enjoying good relations with its neighbours, which can only be attained through the unity of all Afghan Muslim people and respect for the wish of the majority expressed in a free election.

We declare our readiness to play an active and serious role in assisting the Afghan people to hold free elections in the exercise of their inalienable  right to self-determination - a role emanating from the existing strong moral bonds between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Afghan people and the Mujahidin. The mechanism for free elections under the supervision of the United Nations, which was proved effective in turbulent areas such as Namibia, can be utilised with the  co-operation of neighbouring countries to bring the crisis in Afghanistan to an end. We hope that with the resolution of the Afghan problem and the emergence of a propitious situation, Afghan refugees can voluntarily and honourably return to their homeland.

On the question of Kashmir, the Islamic Republic of Iran expresses deep concern over the violent trend of last year. It is to be hoped that through adoption of appropriate measures, and taking into account the demands of the Muslim people of Kashmir, fundamental steps for the peaceful settlement of this question will be taken.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has, since the adoption of the historic Declaration of the special session of the general Assembly on apartheid, followed developments in South Africa with interest and concern. The release of nelson Mandela represents the beginning of a process, which can be completed only by the total dismantling of apartheid in South Africa and the formation of a non-racial government based on the free will of the people of that country.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, inspired by the principle of the dignity and exalted worth of the human person, has always emphasized the civil and political, as well as economic, social and cultural rights and responsibilities of human beings and has attached prominence to the participation of all people in determining their destiny in political, economic, cultural and social fields. For more that a decade, the Islamic Republic of Iran participated actively in the Organization of the Islamic Conference in the drafting of the Declaration on Human Rights in Islam and, last December, hosted the concluding meeting of experts in Tehran to finalize that document. While in this context we continue to cooperate with the human rights organs of the United nations, and support relevant United nations activities geared to the promotion and betterment of the human situation, we are of the view that politically motivated and selective approaches in such organs would tarnish the very credibility and undermine the effectiveness of the Organization in this sensitive field.

Creation of a healthy environment and a social milieu conducive to the preservation of human dignity and the growth of the personality of the human being calls for a concerted campaign at the global level against poverty, discrimination, moral decadence and crime. Drug addiction and trafficking is a social ill of global dimension, which not only destroys the body and the soul of millions of people but also lies at the root of rampant violence threatening the fabric of many societies.
The Islamic Republic of Iran, because of its sensitive geographic position, has had to grapple with the transit of narcotics ad its pernicious effects on our society. We have adopted a comprehensive plan to combat this menace. Yet, experience has shown that success in eradicating the drug problem requires no less than a concerted and decisive international response, co-operation and programme of action.

The eighteenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation and, in particular, revitalisation of growth and development in the developing countries, was a welcome turning-point in our collective efforts to overcome economic crises in developing countries and to establish an equitable and balanced system equally benefiting the developed and the developing. In this context, the session's final declaration provides an appropriate framework for the resumption of the North-South dialogue. It took two long years of tireless efforts to agree on holding the session and to draft the text of its final declaration. This process, in order to come to fruition, requires not only the common will and political commitment of all countries but also the formulation of practical mechanisms and concrete steps, among which is the inclusion of an item under the same title in the agenda of the current session of  the General Assembly.

Today we are gathered here in this Assembly at a time when the importance of  the role of the United Nations to attain international peace and security, counter aggression and promote friendly relations among all nations cannot be
over-emphasized. International public opinion rightly expects this session of the
General Assembly to be guided, without ulterior political motives, by the letter and spirit of the cardinal principles of the United Nations in confronting international conflicts, crises and challenges. The Islamic Republic of Iran is prepared to play its part in the realisation of such lofty objectives.


it gives me great pleasure to address the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. At the outset, let me extend my heartfelt congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election and wish you well in the heavy responsibilities entrusted to you. Your vast experience and diplomatic skill assure us that the work of the Assembly is in good hands.
I should like to express my personal happiness and sense of pride to your predecessor, General Joseph Garba, for the efficiency and wisdom with which he steered the forty-fourth session to a successful conclusion. We truly deserves praise by Africa and the world at large for a job well done.
The United Nations family was recently reinforced by a new Member, the Principality of Liechtenstein, whose membership my Government warmly welcomes. If I may say so, I had been looking forward to addressing the Assembly as President of the newest Member State of the United Nations. However, the Principality of Liechtenstein overtook us before the finish line. Therefore, as the second youngest Member, we take special pride in welcoming Liechtenstein and expressing confidence that it will enrich us all.
The year 1990 has special meaning to the Namibian people. It is the year of the independence of the Republic of Namibia and, indeed, a momentous year for our country and our people as well as for the United Nations. The Namibian question has been a burning issue on the agenda of the General Assembly for decades as well as the subject-matter of many Assembly and Security Council resolutions and numerous international conferences.
It was the overwhelming desire for freedom burning in the souls of the Namibian people to free themselves from the yoke of apartheid colonialism that led tens of thousands of our fine young men and women to sacrifice their lives for the freedom of their motherland. Many more were imprisoned, tortured, injured and maimed in the process.
That sad chapter has now come to an end and we have opened a new chapter in our history. We now tackle the process of nation-building towards consolidating our hard-won freedom and opening the way to a bright future for all Namibians. We are determined to face the challenges in the fields of agriculture, rural development, education, health care, job creation and human-resources development.
Full of hope, optimism and determination, we now dedicate ourselves to the arduous task of the socio-economic reconstruction and development of our country for the benefit of all our people. In this endeavour we are resolute in our desire to build stability and peace for our nation on the solid foundations of our fledgling democracy and the rule of law enshrined in our Constitution.
We are deeply conscious of the fact that this formidable undertaking will require hard work and political wisdom. But we are determined to march forward, inspired by the unity of our people and the need to achieve social justice for all. During the brief period since our independence, we have already been able to ensure peace within our borders, create confidence about the future among all Namibians, and set an agenda for national reconstruction. All of this we have been able to do in spite of the recent past in Namibia, characterized by racial conflict and war.
Our young democracy and multi-party system are steadily moving forward and giving our people hope that the political monsters of the past are gone for good. It gives me special pride to inform this body that my delegation consists of members of most of the political parties represented in our Parliament.
We, in Namibia, are blessed with a very beautiful climate, a large sparsely populated country with quite unique scenic landscapes. We have an environmental paradise which, by our Constitution, we are duty bound to preserve and treasure. Many of you here and many officials and citizens of your countries who visited Namibia during this last year can attest to this and many have in fact already done so by returning as tourists to enjoy all that our country has to offer.
We are heartened by the fact that the international community has given our Government a firm vote of confidence for the efforts that we are making in promoting the basic and fundamental human rights of our people, political stability and pragmatic economic policies. The struggle which we have embarked upon and which we are determined to win is that of national reconstruction and economic development. In this connection we are confident that the plans we have drawn up to create an atmosphere conducive to foreign investment and to stimulate the recovery of our economy are sound.
At this moment, foreign companies are actively looking at existing or potential opportunities to do business with us. We have already signed agreements with a number of foreign and international institutions aiming at promoting private investment. Following the successful donors' pledging conference held here in New York earlier this year, my Government is planning to convene a private sector investment conference to allow local and foreign private investors to acquaint themselves with our development efforts and to explore the possibilities for joint ventures.
Being conscious of the interdependence of the regional economies, my Government joined the Southern Africa Development Co-ordinating Conference immediately after independence. In so doing we hope to make our contribution to the strengthening of the economies of the region by promoting trade, communication and co-operation among ourselves with the aim of strengthening the industrial networks in the region.
Like most Asian, African and Caribbean developing countries, Namibia is seeking membership of the Lomé Convention with the hope of securing beneficial access to the European markets for our agricultural products, especially our high quality beef. Our country's low level of development and highly lopsided economy make us one of the poorest countries in the world. For this reason, we are also seeking to be granted a least developed country status. We are pleased to note in this regard the positive decision of the recent least-developed-countries Conference held in Paris, which has recommended to the current session of the General Assembly that Namibia be granted such a status I am confident that my Government can count on the assistance of the Member States to support that recommendation.
We are greatly indebted to the United Nations for the constructive assistance rendered to Namibia and its people in laying a healthy foundation for the realisation of the well-being of our people. This truly collective effort the countries of the world represents an outstanding achievement. This victory made it possible to achieve one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations, namely, the right to self-determination and national independence.
On behalf of my Government and our people, I should like to express my heartfelt thanks to the United Nations Secretary-General for pursuing with great skill and determination the pledge he made on taking office when he committed himself to the earliest implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
I wish to offer our profound thanks to the United Nations General Assembly and the United Nations Security Council for the dedicated work done over the years in support of the just struggle of the people of Namibia. In this contest, I should like to single out the men and women who served in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) under the able leadership of Mr. Ahtisaari of Finland, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, and his deputy. Ambassador Joe Legwaila of Botswana, for their commitment and dedication in successfully accomplishing that historic and unprecedented mission.
At this juncture I wish to pay a special tribute to the members of the recently dissolved United Nations Council for Namibia for their tenacity in pursuing the mandate entrusted to them by the United Nations. The United Nations was able to sustain its responsibility over Namibia until the day of its independence largely because of the ardour and selfless dedication of the Council. Yes, indeed, the Council was truly a partner in the struggle for Namibia's freedom and independence.
I appeal to the General Assembly to ensure the successful completion of the remaining programmes of support for the Namibian people, including, in particular, the smooth transfer of the United Nations Institute for Namibia.
I recall from the recent resolution adopted by the General Assembly on the occasion of the dissolution of the United Nations Council for Namibia that the United Nations Secretary-General himself will be the custodian of the United Nations Fund for Namibia with a view to ensuring the completion of ongoing programmes and activities currently financed from United Nations sources.
In this connection, the General Assembly requested the Secretary-General, in recognition of the unique and direct responsibility that the United Nations had assumed over Namibia prior to independence, to ensure the continued role of the United Nations in the reconstruction and development of the newly independent State of Namibia by providing the necessary resources and staff within the Secretariat for the delivery of such programmes of assistance. Accordingly, I appeal to the Assembly and the international community as a whole to sustain the role of the Secretary-General in this regard by providing adequate funds for the successful completion of all the programmes.
I should like to reaffirm once again before this august body our eternal gratitude to the front-line States, the Organization of African Unity and the Movement of Mon-Aligned Countries for the political, moral and material support they rendered during the darkest and most difficult days of our struggle for independence. Similarly we express our appreciation to Governments and peoples the world over who generously supported our just cause and whose collective efforts made Namibia's independence a reality.
On behalf of the Government and people of Namibia, I thank those nations for their political, material and technical contributions to the successful implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1976).
The good will demonstrated towards our country and its people was reflected again in the generosity of many Member States which pledged assistance for Namibia's development at the donors' pledging Conference held earlier this year here in New York. On behalf of my Government and people I wish once again to thank all those countries for their practical demonstration of support for our efforts to make a success of Namibia's independence.
The success story resulting from the global co-operative effort in Namibia has left us with a sense of profound hope for the world and its future and the crucial peace-keeping and conflict-resolution roles of the United Nations. Through the Namibian experience, the United Nations has demonstrated that when there is the necessary political will, unity of purpose and international determination and solidarity, solutions can be found to the most vexed problems facing mankind. We should not lose sight of this lesson when we seek solutions to the remaining challenges of our time.
As is to be expected of a concerned neighbour, I fervently and sincerely wish that such a spirit will also guide the international community in finding a durable solution to the problem of the inhuman system of apartheid in South Africa. Recent developments such as the release of some political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela, the unbanning of political organisations, the suspension of the armed liberation struggle by the African National Congress and the initiation of talks between the South African Government and the African National Congress represent moves in the right direction towards the peaceful resolution of that conflict.
However, we cannot ignore the fact that the principal pillars of apartheid are still intact. Neither can we ignore the fact that the majority of the oppressed people of South Africa are still deprived of exercising their democratic right to vote. Furthermore, the much-publicized talks about talks have yet to reach the stage of serious, purposeful and substantive negotiations aimed at finding a democratic and non-racial constitutional transformation in South Africa. Moreover, we are deeply saddened by the recent spate of violence and the resulting loss of life and destruction of property. These unfortunate developments, if not controlled, are likely to derail the promising efforts currently under way towards finding a peaceful solution.
In this connection my Government joins the entire international community in calling upon all the participants in the process to practise restraint and extreme caution. We should like to reaffirm that it is, in the first instance, the responsibility of President De Klerk's Government to arrest the violence and to put an end to it.
Given the prevailing situation in South Africa, it is the strong view of my Government that the decisions and recommendations adopted by the General Assembly at its recently concluded forty-fourth session must be adhered to and implemented fully - including those that relate to retention of the existing sanctions against South Africa.
Still closer to home, we are deeply concerned about the continued bleeding and suffering in the People's Republic of Angola. My Government strongly supports the peace initiatives, launched by the Angolan Government, aimed at finding a negotiated settlement with UNITA. We deeply regret the continued supply of massive and unwarranted military and financial aid to UNITA from external sources. This, in our view, constitutes interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Angola, as well as being detrimental to the objectives of a negotiated settlement. Now that the two parties to the conflict have agreed to seek a political solution, all external parties should desist from undertaking actions likely to jeopardize that process and should support a cease-fire as the first step towards ending the conflict.
My Government would also like to seize this opportunity to commend the Government of the People's Republic of Mozambique for its wisdom, courage and farsightedness in commencing negotiations with SENAMO in order that lasting peace and reconciliation might be brought about in that war-torn sister country.
With regard to the continuing civil strife in Liberia, the Republic of Namibia, like the rest of the African continent, supports the peace-keeping effort of the members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). My Government appeals to the international community to provide adequate humanitarian, material and technical assistance to both the ECOWAS forces and the victims of this unfortunate civil conflict.
My Government wishes the Secretary-General of the United Nations well in his efforts to find a lasting solution to the conflict in Western Sahara, so that the principle of self-determination may be realized full by the Sahraoui people.
The Gulf crisis has been the subject of international outrage and condemnation. The Government of the Republic of Namibia has also condemned the naked and unprovoked aggression and illegal occupation of Kuwait by Iraq. This action is a clear violation of the principles of respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of other States and thus constitutes a violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law.
That is why my Government has given unequivocal support to all resolutions adopted by the Security Council in respect of this unmitigated act of aggression. We therefore call upon Iraq to withdraw all its forces from Kuwait without further delay. And that withdrawal must be followed by the restoration of the legitimate Government of Kuwait.
Not too long ago Namibia was occupied by a foreign aggressor. We called upon the international community to come to our aid. This was done. Therefore we understand only too well the profound nature of the situation in Kuwait. As we see it, the central objective in the Gulf situation should be to end aggression and occupation and to re-establish the rule of law. To that end we urge that all available peaceful avenues be utilized. We are, however, deeply concerned at the scale of the military build-up that we are witnessing in the Gulf today.
In this regard, my Government is concerned, in particular, that this crisis may permanently divert attention from other serious and urgent issues in the Middle East, especially the quest by the Palestinian people for their legitimate and long-overdue right to self-determination and statehood. We call upon the Israeli Government to put an end to the oppression of the Palestinian people, perpetrated in the occupied territories and to start negotiations with the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people - namely, the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO).
Similarly, it is the wish of my Government that the current initiatives towards finding a peaceful solution to the conflict in Cambodia and the talks on the reunification of the two Koreas should succeed sooner rather than later.
By now all of us are aware of the grave consequences of our failure seriously to address the environmental deterioration resulting from destructive human activities on a global scale. The destruction of the ozone layer could have very serious consequences for all forms of life on Earth. This means that all countries - rich and poor, industrialized and developing - must unite in a concerted world-wide effort to save our global habitat. The Government of the Republic of Namibia wants to make its contribution to this global effort.
To that end my Government is exploring the possibility of holding an international conference on the issue during 1992 in Namibia. We wish to encourage research on this subject, to explore the application of ecologically sound techniques in manufacturing and processing, to tailor our development to what is compatible with the preservation of our national and global environment.
The day after tomorrow the world will witness the most important gathering of Heads of State and Heads of Government in this century at the World Summit for Children. The Republic of Namibia, being perhaps one of the very few countries that have enshrined the rights of children in their Constitutions, thereby making such rights an integral part of the basic law, is looking forward to the Summit with great expectations.

As I stated in my message to the Summit, it would not be enough for Governments to put their signatures to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. For the children of the world - a world whose attention is focused on the unprecedented gathering of world leaders next Sunday - the World Summit for Children and the United Nations Convention on their rights would have true meaning only if all the Heads of State and of Government gathered in New York could agree to ensure that: no child should die from a preventable disease, and Governments should strive for a 100 per cent immunization rate; that no child should be cursed with illiteracy and, ultimately, with unemployment, and that therefore primary education should be compulsory; that no child should go to sleep hungry and cold, and everything possible must be done to provide sufficient food and adequate shelter for all children; and that, as Governments, we have a responsibility and duty not to pass on planet Earth to future generations in a worse state than the one we received it in.
For the sake of our children we all must, accordingly, work together towards creating an atmosphere of peace, mutual trust and understanding, with а с1лаг vision of reaching our ultimate goal, namely, that of social justice for all our peoples - and especially for our children, for they are our future.