I wish to extend to the President my delegation's sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to his high office in this Assembly. His election not only represents a well-deserved tribute to him personally as a distinguished diplomat with a long association with the United Nations, but also to his country, the United Republic of Tanzania, which in the past has played a significant role in the promotion of the aspirations of the peoples of the third world, and Africa in particular, in the international arena. My delegation is confident that his vast experience in the work of the United Nations will provide him with clear insight and guidance in the proceedings of this important session of the General Assembly. We pledge to the President our full co-operation in making our deliberations a success.
205.	I also wish to express our deep appreciation to the President's predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, who presided over the thirty-third session, for the efficient and dedicated manner in which he conducted the work of the General Assembly, which won him our admiration and great support.
206.	I also take this opportunity to extend to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, our sincere gratitude for his unremitting efforts to promote peace and international understanding and to thank him for his most comprehensive report in which he evaluated the work of the Organization giving us the guidelines and the hopes for a better accomplishment of the objectives and the ideals of this Organization, and the realization of a better life, based on justice and freedom for the millions of people who are plagued by poverty, hunger, disease, aggression, oppression and subjugation.
207.	My delegation is extremely happy to see our Organization grow every year, enabling us to achieve our objective of the much desired universality of our community. We are particularly pleased this year to welcome to our midst Saint Lucia, a small country like ours, which has determined to come forward and share the responsibility for world peace and justice in accordance with its means, and to express the will of an independent nation contributing to the progress of mankind as a whole.
208.	While focusing our attention on the issues and problems included in the agenda of this session, we are conscious of the grim background of increasing political and economic tension in the present world, which could have negative effects and might even frustrate our unceasing efforts to formulate the process of establishing a new pattern of international relations based on friendship, mutual respect and peaceful coexistence, and a more equitable infrastructure for international co-operation. In this context it is heartening for us to see that, despite severe constraints, sustained and determined efforts are being made to respond to the aspirations and hopes for the establishment of a new international economic order.
209.	My delegation is confident that this Organization, with its lofty objectives which no one can dispute, will be able to stand up firmly and victoriously to the challenges that mankind faces today, as it has done before. We remain more than ever convinced that this great Organization will continue to justify the hopes and expectations of mankind for peace, security, progress and prosperity, even though all forms of colonialism, imperialism and racial discrimination are putting up a fierce struggle before their death. We are confident that this great community of nations of the world can and will uphold the great principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. For our part, in all humility, we pledge our support to all efforts aimed at achieving the noble objectives of this Assembly.
210.	Maldives continues to be guided by the policy of non-alignment and has always endeavoured humbly to contribute its modest share in order to strengthen the unity and character of the non-aligned movement in a sincere desire for international peace, friendship and co-operation. We fully support the concept of establishing zones of peace in different parts of the world, trusting—and convinced—that such achievements will constitute a major contribution to the consolidation and preservation of global peace and security.
211.	Turning to our region of the world, I confirm our full endorsement of the proposal to transform the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, not only because of our strong opposition to the existence in our part of the world of foreign military bases and facilities—or to a foreign military presence in the context of great-Power rivalry—but also because of our awareness of increasing tension there. This situation forces us to divert our attention to, and exhaust our energy and resources on, progressively greater security measures, while the promotion of the welfare of our people most urgently requires our unimpaired efforts and every available resource.
212.	We welcome the outcome of the Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, held at Headquarters from 2 to 13 July, and we look forward with great hope to a United Nations conference on the establishment of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean. In this connexion, we appeal to the major Powers of the world to co-operate sincerely with the littoral and hinterland States, so that our peoples' aspirations to peace, stability and progress may be realized.
213.	We firmly support the initiatives and efforts sponsored by the United Nations seeking to bring about world disarmament. We remain convinced that disarmament can never be a reality until the production and sale of all conventional weapons are brought under control.
214.	As a small and unarmed country, we always look forward with hope and confidence to a positive and favourable outcome of the disarmament negotiations at various levels. We were greatly encouraged to see the birth and maturity of a second treaty on the limitation of strategic arms between the United States and the Soviet Union. Although we share the view of many others in this Assembly that the second SALT Treaty has not solved the problem of the reduction of nuclear arsenals and of the development of more destructive weapons to the extent desired, we feel that it is a positive step towards the realization of the cherished hope of the entire human race. We fervently trust that this step will pave the way to the achievement of eventual genuine disarmament.
215.	We in Maldives are very distressed at the turn of events in the Middle East. We find that the aggressor, backed by international Zionism, flagrantly and persistently refuses to bow to the demands of justice and human values. Instead of finding a solution to the grave dilemma of a people who have been subjected to untold misery, humiliation, expulsion from their homeland and extermination, and instead of finding a solution to a situation created by aggression and occupation by force, we find that the atrocities and the inhuman treatment of the people of Palestine are being continued by the Israelis, and that the lands illegally occupied by force are being destroyed and distributed among the population of the invader. This great international community condemns those atrocities and aggression and deplores the occupation. While we in the United Nations adopt resolutions expressing the feelings and decisions of this community, the situation deteriorates further by reasons of the encouragement given the Israelis under the provisions of the Camp David agreements, which in the first instance appeared to be a bold initiative to find a lasting solution to the Middle East problem. But because the framework of peace envisaged by that approach did not contain a solution to the heart of the problem, namely, the attainment of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination and to the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian State, as expressed clearly by the Palestinians themselves and by the vast majority of the international community, the Camp David agreements have turned out to be not only an abortive act, but also a source of serious damage to the cause of justice, freedom and international peace, contrary to the notion entertained by its optimistic advocates.
216.	Israel's practices clearly show that it is bent on territorial expansion and not interested in peace. This has been demonstrated clearly by the Israelis' recent activities in establishing new settlements in the occupied territories and their persistent refusal to accommodate a comprehensive solution through the denial of the rights of the Palestinian people, the legitimate owners of the land.
217.	We all agree that the settlement of the Middle East question cannot be achieved through resolutions which do not embody a settlement of the problem of the Palestinian people. Nor could it be achieved through any partial solutions which meet the interest of only an individual country or the views of a particular group of people. We are convinced that peace, security and stability will not be attained in the Middle East or, in fact, even in the whole world unless there is a just and comprehensive solution of the Palestinian problem which ensures the recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to establish a State of their own on their national soil. Any deliberations aimed at the fulfilment of this objective must be conducted in consultation with, and involving fully, the Palestinian people themselves, represented by the PLO, which we all recognize as their legitimate and authentic representatives. We also reiterate that any settlement that does not lead to the restoration of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty, in the custody of the Moslem world as it always has been, is totally unacceptable. The question of Jerusalem is for many of us here more than a question of a part of the occupied territories; it is also one of historical facts, prestige and security for the believers and worshippers of three great religions. The solution itself should be a comprehensive one in the sense that it should lead to the complete withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all Arab lands, the return of Jerusalem to Arab custody and the fulfilment of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination.
218.	We fully endorse and support the resolutions adopted by the United Nations on the question of the Middle East, which are truly an expression of world opinion. We also endorse what has been declared by the Heads of State of the non-aligned countries in their recent Conference in Havana and join the other countries in the third world in rejecting all attempts being made to jeopardize the deliberations of this international community for the purpose of finding a lasting solution to this great problem.
219.	Over the past few months South-East Asia has been in the limelight as a tragically troubled area of the world. I do not believe that it is necessary for me to go into the details of this unfortunate situation. However, my delegation views it with serious concern, for we believe in absolute freedom for the people of any country to decide and resolve their own political issues without any foreign military intervention. We must recognize the principle of respect for the independence of all the States in any region and the sovereign rights of all States to define their national policies. States must be left alone to solve their own problems in accordance with their aspirations and national interests.
220.	Resort to military intervention by one country in the affairs of another inevitably increases international tension, endangers the security and the independence of the peoples of the region, and carries with it the added grave danger of impairing international peace and security. Such interference makes it impossible to build a strong and vibrant region whose States and their Governments can devote their efforts to the economic development of their respective peoples. We cannot condone the imposition of foreign will on any sovereign State by military intervention. And we must not allow such situations of the violation of the principles of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States to become precedents in this great Organization.
221.	We believe that one of the most pressing issues on which we should have consultations and reach agreement is the elimination of the remnants of colonialism, particularly in Africa. I do not intend to repeat at length the details that have already been stated here by the representatives of so many peace-loving nations on the subject of southern Africa. But it is evident that the question of southern Africa remains one of the most serious issues which the world community has faced up to now. It constitutes a challenge by a minority regime with a record of continued open and flagrant violations of all human values by subjecting the majority of the South African people to untold forms of humiliation, repression, torture and even murder. The situation is a continuation of colonial interests and racist ambitions. We wish to reiterate our continued support of all measures to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination and oppression and we shall continue to abide by the universally accepted measures of sanctions against the racist minority regimes of southern Africa.
222.	In observing the International Anti-Apartheid Year Maldives joins those who struggle to eliminate the scourge of apartheid, a crime against humanity and a defiance of the conscience- and dignity of mankind. We express our opposition to all policies of apartheid and to the continuation of all forms of colonialism.
223.	Namibia is a characteristic example of injustice which remains resistant to the human conscience and the demands of the civilized world. The case itself stands as a symbol of the failure of the collective will of our community to apply adequate measures for the implementation of what we resolve and to act with more determination against the regimes which pursue the policies of racism and apartheid. Maldives will continue its consistent support for the just struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of their national liberation movement, SWAPO, until total liberation and the independence of Namibia as a whole is achieved. In this respect I wish to reiterate our opposition to and condemnation of South Africa's efforts to annex Walvis Bay in clear violation of international law, the Charter of the United Nations and, particularly, Security Council resolution 385 (1976). We also stand in solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe and with the leaders of the Patriotic Front in their struggle for genuine majority rule and true independence. The recent developments regarding the issue of Zimbabwe both at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka and the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference in London have strengthened our hopes that the prospects for a negotiated peaceful solution of the problem have not yet been exhausted.
224.	Maldives, whose main industry is fishing, is relieved to note that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea approved, during its last summer session, a programme of work which provides for the adoption of a new and comprehensive convention on the law of the sea next year. My delegation wishes to express its appreciation for that significant decision. Such a convention will enable us to initiate the exploitation of deep-sea resources. We hope that the ninth session, which is scheduled for next year here in New York, will complete the negotiations, despite the fact that the eighth session did not achieve its goal of finalizing a formal text.
225.	As we focus our attention on a new development decade, it is essential that we have a clear perception of the great disparities that exist between the so-called developed and the developing countries. The economically advanced countries have a very apparent stranglehold on the resources of the world; and, unless some meaningful results emerge from the North-South dialogue, it will not be possible for us to evolve a viable and dependable infrastructure on which to base our hopes for a new system of world economy. The developments of the past few years have shown us very clearly that the protectionism and monopoly exercised by the developed countries will not assist anyone to find a solution to the profound crisis of the international economic system that we face today. This instability results in the building up of political tensions throughout the world, often leading to catastrophic results.
226.	In spite of sustained efforts in the various forums of the United Nations to evolve structural changes in the world economic order during the past several years, it is most disheartening to see that no real progress has been achieved. That is due, mainly, to alack of political will on the part of some of the most developed and advanced countries of the world. It is in the face of such critical and adverse developments that we now have to seek new initiatives and approaches in order to achieve solid and practical results, aimed at long-term solutions of common interest, in the relentless endeavours for the establishment of the basic infrastructure of the new international economic order.
227.	In this connexion, we must all bear in mind that the world economy today does not provide for economically independent units, either on a regional or on a global basis. The world has become extremely interdependent. Thus, if the developing countries are ever to succeed in their search for a more equitable economic system, those countries that are most developed industrially and technologically, and thus possess the greatest economic and financial potentials, must demonstrate more positively their willingness to co-operate with the developing countries.
228.	We sincerely feel that the decision of the Group of 77 to initiate sustained negotiations on international co-operation for development at the special session of the General Assembly in 1980 is a novel and bold initiative in an effort to overcome the present stalemate in the North-South dialogue.
229.	While we are in the process of formulating new ideas, plans and strategies towards a new global system of economic relations, I feel I should mention for the record that the situation, particularly in the least developed countries, needs special consideration by virtue of the fact that there is an extreme dearth of natural resources to exploit. I have no doubt that the situation in the least developed countries is receiving due attention from the appropriate organs both in this Organization and in other international forums.
230. In conclusion, I should like to reaffirm our faith and trust in this Organization as the most effective instrument for the peace, progress and prosperity of mankind. For this reason my country is determined to enhance the scope of its modest contributions and cooperation in the work of the United Nations.
231. Quite undeniably, we are bound by constraints. However, our aspirations encourage us to make renewed efforts in our search for greater means to extend more support to the efforts of the United Nations in its search for a more peaceful, more just and better world for the generations to come. We are determined to do this because we believe that the effectiveness and the strength of the United Nations as a universal instrument to better the prospect of man lie in the extent of the sincerity of every one of its Members and their devotion to the noble principles and objectives enshrined in its Charter.


Sir, on behalf of the delegation of Democratic Kampuchea, I wish first to extend my warmest congratulations to you upon your unanimous election to the high office of President of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. It is a well-deserved tribute to your intense and fruitful activities as Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples—a tribute to your wisdom and experience, as well as to your great country, the United Republic of Tanzania, with which my country, Democratic Kampuchea, maintains friendly relations. My delegation wishes to assure you of our complete cooperation in ensuring that this session may prove most fruitful.
273.	I also wish to pay an enthusiastic tribute to Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, who guided our work last year with wisdom and perspicacity, thus contributing to the strengthening of the United Nations Charter and enabling our Organization to fulfil its role in defence of world peace and the independence of States.
274.	May I further pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who during the past year has spared no effort in the search for ways to ensure peace and security in the world, particularly in South-East Asia, where the situation has been steadily worsening as a result of Vietnamese aggression against Kampuchea.
275.	I also extend a warm welcome and sincere congratulations to Saint Lucia on its admission to the United Nations.
276.	Lastly, I am pleased to convey to all the representatives here of countries that cherish peace, justice and independence the cordial greetings and profound gratitude of the people and Government of Democratic Kampuchea. We shall never forget the sympathy, encouragement and support which their peoples and Governments have given and will continue to give, both within the United Nations and elsewhere at the international level, to the just struggle of the Kampuchean people to ensure that an independent, united, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea shall live forever.
277.	The past year has seen the struggle of the peoples committed to peace, justice and independence in the world win new political and economic victories despite the armed interventions, threats, pressures and manoeuvres of all kinds to which they have been subjected by the forces of expansionism, imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, zionism, racism and apartheid.
278.	The role of those peoples who are devoted to peace, justice and independence is asserting itself more and more on all five continents.
279.	The countries of South-East Asia are taking a growing part in international affairs as a new factor for world peace, stability and security in the face of mounting perils threatening the entire region, particularly since the war of aggression and genocide perpetrated by Viet Nam against Democratic Kampuchea. We are gratified that the concept of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality initiated by the ASEAN countries is gaining ground.
280.	In East Asia the just struggle of the valiant Korean people to achieve the independent, peaceful reunification of their country in accordance with the three principles and five-point guidelines formulated by President Kim II Sung is enjoying ever-broader support throughout the world. We are most pleased with the progress achieved in the cause of the reunification of Korea. We are pleased also to see the countries of the Pacific facing up firmly and successfully to the expansionist aims of hegemonism.
281.	Most of the countries of South-East Asia are vigorously defending their independence and are looking to their security with increased vigilance. The coastal countries of the Indian Ocean, their existence as independent countries threatened by the presence of foreign military bases and by great-Power rivalry, have succeeded, through their persevering and united efforts, in gaining support for their just appeal for the transformation of that region into a zone of peace.
282.	The People's Republic of China is more devoted than ever to the noble principles of anti-hegemonism and to the defence of the just struggle of peoples for independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, peace and justice. We warmly hail the historic victories won by the great Chinese people over the last 30 years.
283.	In the Middle East, peace and security must of necessity be preceded by the exercise of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, whose valiant struggle under the leadership of the PLO, its sole authentic representative, remains in the last analysis the decisive factor for victory. The people of Kampuchea, themselves the victims of a war of aggression and genocide, feel deeply the tragedy of the Palestinian people. Our Government and people are against the Israeli fait accompli and against Israel's illegal occupation of Arab territories since 1967. This is a matter of principle.
284.	In southern Africa, the indomitable struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania for their independence and freedom, under the respective leadership of the Patriotic Front, SWAPO, the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania, is dealing powerful blows at the puppet Salisbury regime and the Fascist apartheid regime of Pretoria. We are convinced that, whatever trials may have to be surmounted, the peoples of southern Africa will most certainly win final victory.
285.	In Latin America, the countries of that continent and of the Caribbean region are waging a determined, united struggle to strengthen their political and economic independence and preserve their natural resources.
286.	In America and in Europe the peoples are resolutely pursuing their struggle for peace and independence, increasing more and more their opposition to recourse to the use of armed force for the purpose of interfering in the internal affairs of other States, and refusing to play the dangerous game of the superpowers.
287.	But, alongside this positive record, important political events have marked the international scene during the past year and continue today to arouse profound concern in the international community and in the United Nations itself. Two painful tragedies dominate these events in South-East Asia: on the one hand, the war of aggression and genocide, of which Democratic Kampuchea and its people are the victims; and, on the other hand, the tragic fate of more than a million people from Kampuchea, from Viet Nam and from Laos who are the victims of persecution by the Hanoi authorities, who by their inhuman policy have compelled them at the risk of their lives to seek refuge in the countries of South-East Asia and throughout the world.
288.	There is one irrefutable fact known to all the world. On 25 December 1978, Christmas Day, the Hanoi authorities sent 120,000 soldiers, supported by several hundred tanks, heavy artillery and many planes and warships, to attack Kampuchea from all sides, to put it to fire and sword and thus to trample underfoot the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of a sovereign, non-aligned State and Member of the United Nations, in flagrant violation of the fundamental principles of non-alignment and of the United Nations Charter.
289.	After 10 months of frenzied destruction, plunder, and massacres by the Vietnamese aggressors, Kampuchea—that old and glorious land of Angkor, with a host of artistic and cultural treasures, with a wealth of natural and agricultural resources which the skilful hands of our people, after the devastating five-year war of 1970-1975, lovingly transformed into a country which was verdant in all seasons, with dikes, water reservoirs, irrigation channels and an immense expanse of paddy- fields—has today, become a country of desolation, an arid country where nothing grows, even at the height of the rainy season. Entire cities, administrative centres, thousands of agricultural co-operatives, schools, institutes of scientific and technical training, factories and hospitals, dikes, water reservoirs, thousands of kilometres of irrigation channels—the result of three years of toil by our people—have been systematically razed and destroyed by the Vietnamese aggressors. More distressing and serious still is the fact that the Vietnamese aggressors have already massacred more than 500,000 of our fellow citizens—men, women, children and old people. At the same time, in their criminal design to make our people die of starvation so as to break their resistance, they have prevented them from doing work in agriculture and have destroyed more than a million hectares of our paddy-fields and countryside, all our agricultural implements and more than a million of our beasts of burden, oxen and buffaloes, which are part of our livestock. It is because of this criminal and Machiavellian policy of the Hanoi authorities that our people suffer so gravely today from famine. Already more than half a million of our fellow citizens—and especially women, children and old people—have died of hunger, thus bringing the total number of victims in the course of the 10 months of the Vietnamese aggression to more than 1 million.
290.	Concurrently with this policy of genocide, the Hanoi authorities have chased hundreds of thousands of our fellow citizens from their homes, from their ancestral lands, reducing them to the status of miserable refugees in Thailand. In so doing, the Hanoi authorities have unmasked before international public opinion their true annexationist and expansionist aims in Kampuchea, in whose eastern regions, maritime provinces in the south-east and the area of the Great Lakes they have implanted, in place of our compatriots who were massacred or chased from their homes, more than 250,000 Vietnamese settlers brought directly from North Viet Nam.
291.	Today, all of Kampuchea is the scene of plunder by the Vietnamese hordes who have carried away to Viet Nam whatever they could find: objects d'art of gold or silver, precious stones, rare pieces from our museums, from the Silver Pagoda and from the Royal Palace, our stocks of rice and textiles, machinery dismantled from our factories, cars and trucks, and so forth. As for the sculptured and bas-relief masterpieces at Angkor, high points of the Khmer civilization and the cultural and artistic heritage of all mankind, the Hanoi aggressors have concealed them in coffins so as to carry them off to Viet Nam.
292.	This war of aggression has caused immense devastation in Kampuchea and immeasurable suffering and grief to a degree never known before in the 2,000-year history of our people. It has brought to nought all the economic and social achievements of our peoples. This genocidal war is intended to exterminate the nation and people of Kampuchea by famine and massacre, and to make Kampuchea an integral part of Viet Nam. It is the most cruel and barbarous war that has ever been waged in this twentieth century in which we live.
293.	All these undeniable facts prove that the words of the Hanoi authorities, which seemed so charitable, about the suffering and misfortunes of our people, are in the last analysis nothing but political hypocrisy and slogans in the service of their criminal design.
294.	In their vain attempts to justify their aggression against Democratic Kampuchea, the Hanoi authorities have not hesitated to resort to the most vile and outrageous lies, slander and half-truths. Nevertheless, they were no longer able to camouflage their regional expansionist ambition, the reality of which is no longer debated. Everyone is aware of the danger it poses to world peace and security.
295.	This Vietnamese expansionism is not something recent. Already in the seventeenth century, the Vietnamese, coming down from Tonkin, which is present- day North Viet Nam, annexed and completely absorbed the Islamic Kingdom of Champa, which is now central Viet Nam, so that at present there is no longer any Cham citizen.
296.	After the absorption of Champa the Vietnamese expansionists went even farther south and, up to very recently, annexed 65,000 square kilometres of Kampuchean territory formed by the western bank-of the Donai River and the Mekong Delta, and which constitutes present-day South Viet Nam.
297.	The Vietnamese Communist Party has, since 1930—when it came into being (it was then called the Indo-Chinese Communist Party)—set for itself as a target the establishment of an "Indo-Chinese Federation", made up of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, and placed under the domination of Viet Nam. This "Indo-Chinese Federation" was but a way-station towards the total absorption of Kampuchea and Laos by Viet Nam, as it had already done in the case of the Islamic Kingdom of Champa and the Cham people. It is also to serve as a spring-board for the expansion of Viet Nam throughout South-East Asia.
298.	That is the hidden meaning behind the official slogan "special Vietnam-Laos-Kampuchea solidarity and friendship". That slogan has for us throughout our long years of struggle for national liberation and until after our national liberation meant a policy of division and of subversion of our internal affairs. The so-called "special Vietnam-Kampuchea solidarity" is in fact nothing other than a long series of crimes and betrayals committed by the Hanoi authorities against the people of Kampuchea.
299.	The objective of the Vietnamese expansionists was to absorb Kampuchea on the quiet without arousing international attention, as they succeeded in doing with Laos through the so-called Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation, which was signed on 18 July 1977. To do that, from the time of our first struggle for national liberation in 1947, they infiltrated numerous agents one by one into Kampuchea to carry out underground activities of sabotage and subversion, attempts at coups d’Etat and assassinations of Kampuchean leaders who showed themselves to be independent of the Vietnamese. They obstinately carried on all these treacherous activities without respite before, during and after the five-year war of national liberation.
300.	During this five-year war the Vietnamese expansionists took advantage of the sanctuaries and the multiple forms of assistance, particularly in food, means of communication and hospitals given them by our people and our Government, to try to create the conditions needed for a take -over of the powers of State immediately after the liberation of Kampuchea, After many failures in their attempts in May 1970 to form a Vietnamese-Kampuchean joint command in the army and the State Administration of Kampuchea, they even went, so far as to create a State administration and an army parallel to those of Kampuchea. They took over almost all the Chinese military assistance intended for us, in order to prevent us from doing battle ourselves.
301.	In the course of the Paris negotiations with the United States, the Hanoi leaders arrogated to themselves the right to decide on the destiny of Kampuchea instead of leaving it to its legal and legitimate Government. They openly revealed to their opposite 'partners their desire to annul the independence and neutrality of Kampuchea and to make it their satellite. By the Paris agreements of 27 January 1973, they sought to force the people of Kampuchea to abandon their struggle for national liberation and place their destiny in their hands. But our people, moved by an ardent patriotism and an unswerving will for independence, decided to pursue the struggle alone and made the heaviest sacrifices until the total liberation of Kampuchea on 17 April 1975. This liberation of Phnom Penh, before that of Saigon which occurred only on 30 April 1975, prevented the Hanoi authorities from sending their divisions in order to "liberate" our capital as they put it, and at the same time annex Kampuchea under cover of that "special solidarity" and that "special friendship". But immediately after the liberation of Kampuchea, the Vietnamese expansionists, redoubled and intensified their criminal activities in an attempt to overthrow the Government of Democratic Kampuchea from within. Without let-up the agents of the Vietnamese fifth column proceeded clandestinely and systematically to sabotage the work of reconstruction and national defence and then publicly laid the responsibility for that on numerous independence-loving patriots whom they ferociously repressed with the black design of casting discredit on the Government of Democratic Kampuchea and fomenting revolts. At the same time, from outside they carried out aggressive attacks against Democratic Kampuchea. In May 1975 they occupied the island of Poulo Way and, while refusing to leave the sanctuaries established on Kampuchean territory since 1965, they constantly carried out attacks in violation of our frontiers.
302.	Recognizing at last that they could never absorb Kampuchea unnoticed, the Hanoi authorities in December 1977 launched their first undeclared large-scale war of aggression, which was at once totally crushed by our revolutionary army on 6 January 1978. In May 1978 there was yet another failure in their manoeuvres to destabilize Kampuchea through their fifth column. It was after these failures that the Hanoi authorities signed the military treaty with Moscow on 3 November 1978, and it was with vast military assistance from the Soviet Union that on 25 December 1978 they began their second war of aggression against Democratic Kampuchea on a far larger scale than the preceding one.
303.	No longer being able to make use of the slogans of "special solidarity" and "special friendship" to annex Kampuchea, the Hanoi leaders are today pursuing their interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea through what they call "genocide" in Kampuchea in order to justify and carry out their aggression against Kampuchea. All peoples throughout the world that love peace, justice and independence have by their unanimous condemnation of Vietnamese aggression against Kampuchea clearly shown that under international law no pretext can justify this Vietnamese aggression. By committing aggression against Kampuchea Viet Nam sought to overthrow the Government of Democratic Kampuchea which had emerged from the heroic struggle of the people of Kampuchea, a legal and legitimate Government recognized by the entire international community and by our Organization. But to justify its aggression in Kampuchea the Hanoi regime did not fear to defy world public opinion and the United Nations.
304.	It is obvious that international public opinion has not forgiven the Hanoi authorities, as they had hoped, for their crimes of aggression against Kampuchea. At the outset the Hanoi leaders tried to exonerate themselves by denying that they had troops on the territory of Kampuchea. However, when they were caught red- handed engaging in flagrant aggression with more than 100,000 soldiers in Kampuchea, the Hanoi authorities then hastened to invoke the so-called Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation signed with the Phnom Penh puppets on 18 February 1979, two months after their aggression. It is obvious to world public opinion that the Hanoi authorities will stop at nothing to justify their invasion and occupation of Kampuchea and that they continue to trample underfoot the fundamental principles of the Charter.
305.	History and events show that the real cause of Vietnamese aggression against Kampuchea is the policy of expansion, domination and blocs of the Hanoi authorities, who have always opposed the constant policy of independence, peace, neutrality and non- alignment of Democratic Kampuchea. Furthermore an independent Kampuchea, refusing to align itself with the bloc of the so-called "natural allies of the non- aligned countries" represents a major obstacle to the strategic aims of the Hanoi authorities' regional expansionism and of world expansionism which seek both dominance in South-East Asia and then control of the strategic maritime waterways, particularly the Straits of Malacca, which link Asia with Europe and Africa.
306.	The war of national resistance of the Kampuchean people against Vietnamese aggression is an integral part or the struggle in which the desire for independence and the right to self-determination of all people and nations that love peace and justice is pitted against the determination of regional and international expansionists to subdue peoples and nations. It is an active part of the struggle to gain respect for the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the rules which govern international relations.
307.	This is why the Hanoi authorities, in their unrestrained efforts to fulfil their expansionist ambitions, did not hesitate to embark on the genocide of the people and the nation of Kampuchea. Nor were they afraid to threaten all the countries of South-East Asia with reprisals. With unprecedented arrogance the Hanoi authorities defied the unanimous condemnation of all countries and peoples that love peace, justice and independence. They did not scruple to use the vilest lies and slander, as well as the logic of gangsters, in trying to force the international community to legalize aggression against Kampuchea and to endorse the violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the introduction by Viet Nam and its supporters of the law of the jungle into international relations.
308.	The vote of the United Nations General Assembly on 21 September last was the expression of the firm and resolute opposition of the international community to the violation of the United Nations Charter by the Hanoi authorities with their expansionist aims. That expansionism constitutes a grave danger as it threatens the independence of all countries throughout the world, particularly the small and medium-sized countries. That vote was also a striking rebuttal of the so-called "consensus" by which was adopted the unilateral and arbitrary decision of the host country at the Havana Conference two weeks earlier.
309.	Ten months have already passed since the Vietnamese aggression, but the people's war of national resistance, far from being extinguished, intensifies daily. The revolutionary Kampuchean Army, reorganized into a large number of guerrilla units, is attacking the Vietnamese occupiers throughout the country. Each day they inflict upon the invaders heavy losses of both men and materiel. The Army organizes and gives impetus to the struggle of the people against the Vietnamese enemy. They are liberating new villages and enlarging the liberated zones. The Vietnamese aggressors, hiding behind the puppets whom they have installed in Phnom Penh, at present control barely a quarter of our national territory, which includes the cities and certain parts of the main roads, with bands of territory between two and three kilometres wide on each side. The rest of the country is made up of zones controlled by the Government of Democratic Kampuchea and by the zones and bases of our guerrilla army. The enemy cannot move easily in these areas.
310.	It has become obvious to everyone that the Vietnamese aggressors are becoming increasingly bogged down in the popular war of national resistance being waged by the Army and all the people of Kampuchea under the leadership of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea. It has also become obvious to world public opinion that if, as the Vietnamese expansionists claim, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea had really so maltreated its people, it would not have enjoyed such strong support from them. Nor would the people have agreed to further sacrifices in the difficult war of national resistance against the Vietnamese invasion to the point where they are overcoming 200,000 North Vietnamese soldiers. Only a Government that represented the genuine aspirations of its people could enjoy such support. As for the puppet regime in Phnom Penh, imported lock, stock and barrel from Viet Nam, it has no roots in our society and is but the shadowy reflection cast by 200,000 soldiers of occupation. All the decisions are taken and all the affairs are administered from Saigon under the personal direction of two members of the Politburo of the Communist Party of Viet Nam, Le Duc Tho and Pham Hung. At Phnom Penh itself the puppet administration has been placed under the direct control of a Vietnamese triumvirate. The Phnom Penh puppets have no armed forces, except for a few hundred soldiers who have been incorporated by force into the Vietnamese army and are strictly controlled by Vietnamese officers. What is more, those soldiers, as well as the bodyguards, the "self-defence corps" and the members of the "village committees" which have been set up and armed by the Vietnamese occupiers, are rising up in increasing numbers against the occupiers. They are turning their weapons against them and are returning to the zones which are under the control of our Government. Furthermore, the morale of those 200,000 Vietnamese troops decline daily as they are becoming bogged down in Kampuchea. The political programme of the Front of Great National Patriotic and Democratic Union of Kampuchea has aroused clear echoes at every level of society, both inside and outside the country, and this has given great impetus to the already forceful war that our people are waging against- the-aggressors. .Indeed, this united Front has mobilized all the national forces regardless of their past or their political tendencies or beliefs, because they have the common objective of struggling against the war of genocide waged by the Hanoi authorities. This is no ideological battle but a battle for the very survival of the nation, the people and the civilization of Kampuchea.
311.	The situation created by the Vietnamese aggression in Kampuchea is not irreversible, as Hanoi claims. History has proved that in no case can foreign aggression create a fait accompli. And yet despite being bogged down in Kampuchea, despite its immense political, economic and social difficulties in Viet Nam itself and despite world condemnation of its policy of aggression and expansion, the Hanoi regime is obstinately pursuing and intensifying its policy of aggression and its crimes of genocide against Kampuchea and its people.
312.	In the course of these last months the Hanoi authorities sent to Kampuchea several additional divisions and large amounts of modern military equipment as part of their preparations for new offensives during the dry season which is beginning. A dozen or so Vietnamese divisions have been deployed along the border with Thailand. Far from improving the situation in South-East Asia, such an action makes it worse. Peace, security and the stability of the region are seriously threatened because of the continuation and intensification of the Vietnamese aggression in Democratic Kampuchea. With the constant reinforcement of Vietnamese troops and the establishment of new colonies of Vietnamese nationals in Kampuchea, the Vietnamese war of aggression is assuming new proportions. At any moment the whole of the South-East Asian region runs the risk of being engulfed in the flames of this war. The independence and territorial integrity of all the countries in the region are directly threatened.
313.	In order to break the stubborn resistance of the people and army of Kampuchea the Hanoi authorities are disseminating from aircraft toxic chemical products which, on contact with the skin, cause death after 24 hours. The Vietnamese hordes have for three weeks been carrying out military operations to destroy all the rice, corn, potato and other crops planted during the rainy season under the leadership of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea. In the areas under their provisional control they take over all the harvests and forbid the population to go to work in the fields and the rice paddies. These military operations and criminal measures are designed to cut off the food supply of the people of Kampuchea.
314.	The famine deliberately created by the Vietnamese aggressors in Kampuchea is aimed on the one hand at breaking the resistance of the Kampuchean people and on the other at obtaining recognition for the puppet regime of Phnom Penh by the international organizations through their supplies of humanitarian aid.
315.	The Government of Democratic Kampuchea draws the attention of the international community to the monstrous crimes of the Vietnamese expansionists and calls on all international organizations and all friendly countries that wish to provide urgent humanitarian aid in the form of foodstuffs, medicines, clothing and so on to the people of Kampuchea to do so in such a way that this assistance may directly reach our people and not be diverted by the Vietnamese invaders and their puppets to serve their war of aggression. It is now known to all that the Vietnamese invaders who have received this aid have resold it to the population for payment in gold, as they do in the case of the Vietnamese refugees, the "boat people". It has also be distributed to some of their soldiers, so that certain humanitarian aid has unintentionally served to strengthen the troops of aggression in massacring the Kampuchean population.
316.	The Government of Democratic Kampuchea, the only legal and legitimate representative of the people of Kampuchea, concerned to ensure the survival of the nation and people of Kampuchea, calls on all international organizations and all countries that cherish peace, justice and independence to provide their humanitarian aid to the Kampuchean people. Such aid will constitute an effective weapon against the attempts by the Vietnamese aggressors to exterminate the people and nation of Kampuchea. The Government of Democratic Kampuchea and the Red Cross of Democratic Kampuchea are grateful for all such humanitarian aid and will make every effort to co-operate in ensuring that all this aid will directly benefit the people of Kampuchea.
317.	This humanitarian aid and assistance will certainly lessen the immeasurable misfortunes and sufferings of our people threatened with extermination by the Hanoi authorities. But it certainly cannot put an end to them. The danger of extension of the Vietnamese war of aggression to the whole of South-East Asia will exist until there is a final solution of the problem.
318.	At all times, in conformity with its desire to maintain close relations of friendship with all countries and particularly with those that have common borders with us, on the basis of equality and strict mutual respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, Democratic Kampuchea has sought to solve its problem with Viet Nam peacefully. From 1970 to 1976 we held about 100 negotiations with Viet Nam at the highest level and innumerable other negotiations at other levels.
319.	In June 1975, despite the many urgent and important post-war problems to be solved on the spot, Democratic Kampuchea sent to Hanoi a delegation at the highest level to negotiate, and it proposed to Viet Nam the signing of a treaty of friendship and non- aggression based on mutual respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of others, together with mutual benefits. Such a treaty would have made it possible to achieve a fundamental solution to the problem of achieving friendly relations between Kampuchea and Viet Nam. But the Vietnamese side did not take any account of the Kampuchean proposal. Nevertheless, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea reiterated that proposal several times, in particular on 29 September 1978, three months before the Vietnamese aggression of 25 December 1978.
320.	Today, faced with the escalation of the Vietnamese war of aggression in Kampuchea, it behoves the United Nations and all countries that cherish peace, justice and independence and are devoted to the sacred principles of the Charter to exercise the necessary economic and diplomatic pressures to prevent the Vietnamese expansionists from intensifying their war of aggression in Kampuchea during this dry season.
321.	In this regard, it should be recalled that on 15 January and 16 March in the Security Council there were 13 votes in favour of and 2 votes against two draft resolutions, one submitted by the non-aligned members and the other by the five ASEAN countries, calling on Viet Nam to halt its aggression against Kampuchea and withdraw all its forces from Kampuchea. Only the veto of a great Power, a permanent member of the Security Council, prevented the adoption of those resolutions. Today, more than ever, it behoves the United Nations to take the necessary measures so that the people of Kampuchea may live in peace and in security within their boundaries, with honour and nation^ dignity, in an independent, united, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea, and so that peace, security and stability in South-East Asia may be restored. To that end it is essential and urgent that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam put an end to its aggression against Kampuchea and immediately and unconditional withdraw all its armed forces of occupation and all its settlements from Kampuchea, in strict compliance with the United Nations Charter. In a word, it is essential and urgent that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam respect the independence and sovereignty and territorial integrity of Democratic Kampuchea and the right of the people of Kampuchea to self-determination, free from foreign interference. The internal problem of Kampuchea will be solved in accordance with the political programme of the Front of Great National Patriotic and Democratic Union of Kampuchea, which means that the social and political regime of Kampuchea will be decided by the people of Kampuchea themselves through general and free elections, by direct and secret ballot, elections to be supervised by the Secretary- General of the United Nations.
322.	In that regard, it is important to point out that in the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization, dated 11 September 1979, Mr. Waldheim stressed:
"The United Nations has been especially preoccupied this year with developments in Indo-China— developments which not only raise fundamental questions of Charter principles but also have been accompanied by vast and tragic humanitarian problems."
The Secretary-General added that:
". . .the long and cruel war in Indo-China... not only threatens the peace and stability of South-East Asia; it could very well also become a threat to world peace."
Finally he concludes:
"In this as in other situations that have recently arisen, it is imperative that all efforts be directed towards finding a settlement in conformity with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, in particular respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of all States, non-interference in internal affairs and the non-use of force".
323.	In this connexion, the initiative taken by the five members of ASEAN to have our General Assembly adopt agenda item 123 entitled "The situation in Kampuchea" is praiseworthy. We once again express our most sincere gratitude to its sponsors for their support for the just struggle of the Kampuchean people and their efforts to restore peace, security and stability in South-East Asia. My delegation would like to express its firm hope that we might see the debate in our Assembly on this agenda item crowned by success with the adoption of a resolution compelling the Hanoi authorities to put an end to the war of aggression in Kampuchea and to withdraw from Kampuchea all their armed forces and their settlers. In doing so, our General Assembly will certainly be making its contribution to the defence of peace, security and stability in Southeast Asia and in the world, as well as to the defence of the United Nations Charter.
324.	Our people, for their part, however great their sacrifices, are resolutely determined, together with our army, under the leadership of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea to continue their battle to chase out all Vietnamese aggressors from our country. They are convinced that with the active aid and support of the international community, and of all countries and peoples who love peace, justice and independence, victory will be theirs.
325.	On behalf of our people and our Government, we wish solemnly to reaffirm here our unswerving devotion to the cause of peace, independence and freedom for all peoples and countries throughout the world. We would particularly like to stress our commitment to our traditional friendship with neighbouring peoples and countries. Towards all of them, including Viet Nam, when the Hanoi authorities have ceased their aggression and withdrawn all their forces from Kampuchea, we shall without delay pursue our policy which is based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence. As a founder member of the non-aligned movement and a Member of the United Nations, Democratic Kampuchea remains ever faithful to the ideals and principles of non-alignment and of the United Nations Charter.


Mr. President, since it is now my turn to speak in the general debate, I should like to say how much I welcome your unanimous election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly and I congratulate you most warmly in a brotherly manner, and sincerely wish you complete success in the discharge of this very lofty function.
29.	Your election seems to me to be a special tribute paid to your qualities as a skilled diplomat, and it is also recognition by all of the praiseworthy efforts you have always made since you have represented your country with so much distinction at the United Nations with a view to realizing the objectives of the Organization.
30.	I wish to assure you that the delegation of the Ivory Coast will co-operate fully towards the successful discharge of your mission.
31.	I should also like to express my gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lie'vano, who was good enough to place his eminent qualities at the service of our Organization by presiding over the thirty-third session of the General Assembly to the satisfaction of all.
32.	Allow me also to express our gratitude, admiration and esteem to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who in his activities has always seemed to us to be a true pilgrim of peace, and we reiterate our unswerving support of his indefatigable efforts to ensure the triumph of the just cause of our Organization.
33.	We are gratified by the admission of Saint Lucia to the United Nations family, which proves once again the universality of the Organization. It gives us pleasure to extend to the members of its delegation our warmest congratulations and most cordial welcome and to assure them of our genuine desire to co-operate with them in the United Nations and to maintain relations of sincere friendship and mutual confidence with their country.
34.	In some ways it may be said that peace reigns in the world. Indeed the violent hostility which marked relations between the East and the West after the Second World War has given way to detente. Under the influence of a certain number of factors it seems to have been agreed to have the two concepts of a just order which divide the world confront each other not through recourse to force but through peaceful coexistence.
35.	An important factor which promoted this happy evolution in East-West relations is undoubtedly the determination of a large number of States to remain aloof from the two antagonistic blocs and to work to bring about a rapprochement between them for the benefit of peace.
36.	A no less important factor was the appearance of new great Powers in the world with a consequent proliferation of nuclear weapons and a redistribution of the power of political decision. The configuration of the international community which was bipolar is now tending to become multipolar.
37.	It is undeniable that the threat of an apocalypse presented by the arsenals of the super-Powers has also contributed to a relaxation in relations between East and West. The peace we are experiencing is, then, based on terror and does not protect us from war. It is fragile. An accident is always possible, and there could be an irreparable outbreak at any time as the result of faulty reasoning. Moreover, the great Powers have only given up their direct confrontation. They are in conflict through third countries.
38.	The violation of human rights, particularly in the developing countries, is also a source of conflicts.
39.	Finally, there are risks of confrontation between the North and the South that threaten peace. The developing countries desperately denounce the inequity of the present economic order which perpetuates their impoverishment, and enables the developed countries which established it to become continually richer.
40.	In their desire to redress one of the consequences of this economic order—the constant deterioration in their terms of trade—the developing countries which are oil producers raised the price of that raw material. This led to an economic crisis in the developing countries that are not oil producers, particularly the most disadvantaged of them, for it is they which feel the effects most severely.
41.	The Government of the Ivory Coast is firmly convinced that the fundamental objectives of the United Nations—peace and the well-being of peoples in justice and freedom—cannot be fully achieved until States have abandoned the time-worn principle of the balance of power, which endangers the arms race and war, and instead make a permanent dialogue the basis for their relations. What does this mean? It means that in its conduct each people must look at the intellectual and spiritual foundations of its concept of the world and of its actions through the eyes of others, in sincere and reciprocal confidence and with profound respect for the truth concerning others, putting aside all prejudices, arbitrary simplifications and pre-conceived ideas, which often obstruct a clear and distinct vision of people and things, and seeking positively the points of common ground for a better mutual understanding of the ideals of life which lead us to act as we do.
42.	In that way it will be possible progressively to establish harmony among peoples, sort out their differences and create an atmosphere unfavourable to the birth of conflicts.
43.	But we believe that it is necessary also to have recourse to dialogue to solve the existing problems and conflicts, of whatever kind, in order to minimize confrontation, wars and their wake of destruction of human lives and belongings, homeless persons, refugees, indescribable suffering and misery, or to prevent a final break between the antagonists and bring about a reconciliation between them so that clashes will not end in irreversible hatred.
44.	That is why the Ivory Coast has always been in favour of the negotiations between all the parties to the Zimbabwe tragedy. We welcome with satisfaction the agreement reached between the Heads of Government of the Commonwealth Countries at the Lusaka meeting, which made it possible to convene the Constitutional Conference in London. We are following the work of that Conference with interest. We are pleased by the results already achieved by the parties and we hope that the United Kingdom, the administering Power of the Territory, under whose aegis the Conference is being held, will assume its responsibilities to the full and succeed in reaching a settlement that will satisfy all the parties. For its part the United Nations should, in our view, be prepared to assist, should it consider it to be necessary, m the implementation of any decisions that might be taken for the attainment of the objectives of the Conference.
45.	We hope whole-heartedly that the London negotiations will lead shortly to reconciliation between all the inhabitants of Zimbabwe—between blacks as well as between blacks and whites—and to conclusions making possible the peaceful and democratic decolonization of the Territory.
46.	From all the evidence the course of an internal settlement in Namibia on which South Africa seems to have embarked appears destined to fail. Such a settlement has no more likelihood of success in Namibia than it had in Zimbabwe.
47.	I reiterate the support of the Ivory Coast for the plan drawn up by the five Western Powers,  which led to the plan of action adopted by the Security Council for the accession of Namibia to independence  that was the subject of its resolution 435 (1978). We hope that the obstacles arising from the interpretation of certain provisions of that plan will soon be surmounted as a result of the persevering efforts of the five Powers and of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
48.	In this perspective, and reaffirming the inalienable right of the Namibian people to independence, we appeal urgently to South Africa to give proof of its goodwill and understanding, and to co-operate with the United Nations, without vacillation or reservations based on narrow interests, in putting the Security Council's plan of action into practice.
49.	The history of peoples tell us that any who attempt indefinitely to base a political regime on the inequalities suffered by the majority, and to deprive that majority of its freedom and dignity, expose themselves sooner or later to violent changes and the loss of the very interests they are seeking to protect by such means.
50.	Hence we once again urge the Government of South Africa to introduce peacefully, before it is too late, the changes that are imperative in order that the odious system of apartheid and racial discrimination shall disappear forever from South Africa.
51.	There are situations in which the blind implementation of rules and principles can be counter-productive and unrealistic. This seems to be the case in Western Sahara. It seems to us, on reflection, that, beyond the right of self-determination, to which we are all deeply attached and which we would like to see applied to that Territory, there are the facts of the situation in the region which cannot be overlooked if there is a real desire to settle the Western Sahara conflict peacefully. We believe that it is by the concerted effort of all the parties concerned, and not by their confrontation, that it will be possible to find the bases of a satisfactory and lasting solution of this conflict. Therefore we must work to bring about an atmosphere conducive to this concerted action, without which we see no immediate hope of a solution.
52.	It is unanimously agreed that only a global solution to the Middle East conflict can bring peace to that region. Nor does anyone deny that there can be no over-all settlement without a just and equitable political solution of the Palestinian problem.

53.	It seems to us that, despite the criticisms that can be made about the agreements they have led to so far, the negotiations between Egypt and Israel, with the assistance of the United States, have as their objectives the over-all settlement of the conflict and the establishment of peace in the Middle East.
54.	But it is clear that these objectives cannot be attained without the participation in the negotiations of the various parties concerned, particularly the Palestinians. This participation will be obtained on the following two conditions. First, recognition by Israel of the Palestinian reality and of the PLO, whose representative is recognized by the great majority of members of the international community. Secondly, recognition by the PLO of the Israeli reality and of the right of Israel to exist.
55.	Therefore, we appeal urgently to both Israel and the PLO to change their way of thinking and recognize each other. As long as Israel and the PLO are intransigent and refuse to recognize each other, the chances of an over-all settlement seem to be slim.
56.	We would be doing useful work indeed if, instead of turning our backs on reality and condemning the efforts of those who, in good faith and motivated by goodwill, patiently seek a peaceful and satisfactory solution to this conflict, we were to use our good relations and our influence with Israel and the PLO to bring them mutually to recognize each other and thus remove the only major obstacle to the establishment of a climate of confidence conducive to the initiation of a dialogue among all the parties concerned. Such a dialogue could, completely and finally, settle the question of the Middle East and bring peace to that region, a peace which we all so ardently desire.
57.	In particular, it is highly desirable for the Security Council to adopt, without farther delay, a resolution sanctioning the rights of the Palestinian people.
58.	We reaffirm our full support for Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), which form the basis for an over-all just and lasting settlement of the conflict, namely, the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967; recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to a homeland; the right of all States of the region, without exception, to live in peace within secure, recognized and guaranteed boundaries.
59.	All those who, like us, are moved and saddened by the destruction and suffering in Lebanon cannot but ardently desire a permanent and final settlement of the conflict in the Middle East. Indeed, it goes without saying that such a settlement would at the same time bring peace and national unity to that country which is so dear to our hearts.
60.	It would be a grave error to be satisfied with the situation prevailing in Cyprus or to be complacent about it. It has created problems without providing a solution. It carries within it the seeds of a conflict of unforeseeable dimensions.
61.	We are pleased with the 10-point agreement providing for a resumption of the intercommunal talks, concluded under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General. We hope that the difficulties which have been brought about by the suspension of the talks after the conclusion of that agreement will soon be overcome, as a result of the two communities taking into consideration their own interests, and establishing between them the necessary dialogue for a just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus question, one which takes into account their legitimate aspirations on the basis of Security Council resolution 365 (1974) and General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), in particular their provisions regarding the withdrawal of foreign forces from that country.
62.	The great Powers have found an arena for their rivalry, namely in Kampuchea. We deplore the situation prevailing in that country. We deplore it all the more since it brings into question the very principles which are dear to the United Nations. The situation is, for us, a denial of the policy of non-alignment which both sides to the conflict claim to follow. We believe that in order to attain the fundamental objective, which is peace, the non-aligned countries must apply the principle of absolute neutrality. That can only be possible if there is domestic peace within each non-aligned country, peace among the non-aligned countries, and peace between the non-aligned countries and the rest of the world. Only neutrality thus defined will protect the non-aligned countries from foreign intervention and guarantee their independence from the great Powers, without which there can be no non-alignment.
63.	We call on all the parties to withdraw the conflict in Kampuchea from the arena of great-Power rivalry, to place it in that of indispensable peace among the non- aligned countries and to begin talks with a view to a peaceful settlement in accordance with the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and the non-use of force.
64.	While it is fitting to rejoice at the signing by the United States of America and the Soviet Union of a second agreement on the limitation of strategic weapons and to hope for its early ratification, we cannot lose sight of the long and difficult road which must yet be travelled to reach our final objective, namely, general and complete disarmament.
65.	We should like to express once again our profound concern at the grave danger which the arms race and the mindless stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction pose for mankind.
66.	In this International Year of the Child, we should like once again to draw the attention of the responsible Powers to the imperative need to halt the arms race and to place science and technology at the service of the total development of man rather than at the service of his destruction, so that among the millions of human beings born each year, large numbers will no longer be condemned to illiteracy, malnutrition, famine or premature death.
67.	To work for the cessation of the arms race and the elimination of the spectre of the destruction of the human species, which loom over us in the form of the arsenals of the great Powers, is to act in favour of human rights, because the first human right is the right to live. That is why we are most indignant at the tortures and massacres of human beings which are the hallmark of certain regimes. We are also concerned by the violations of human rights, because they cause an exodus of refugees and conflicts between States.
68.	Ways must be sought that are likely to increase the effectiveness of the role of the United Nations in ensuring respect for human rights. We hope that the establishment of the Committee on Human Rights for Africa by the Organization of African Unity [OAU], which responds to the wishes of the United Nations, will make it possible to ensure the promotion and protection of human rights on that continent.
69.	The violation of human rights, when it deprives society of human resources or prevents them from developing, which is so often the case, constitutes an obstacle to development. Conversely, disease, malnutrition, hunger—to mention only the worst ills that are characteristic of the developing countries—are obstacles to the enjoyment of human rights. Development therefore conditions the enjoyment of human rights. Hence, it is a fundamental human right.
70.	Thus we cannot but welcome the agreement on the fundamental elements of a Common Fund for commodities, and we appreciate, despite their inadequacy, an increase in the quotas and the new special drawing rights of the IMF.
71.	But how can we fail to express our deep distress when the official development assistance supplied by the most generous among the rich countries amounts to barely half of the 0.70 per cent of the gross national product set by the United Nations, while military expenditures exceed the astronomical sum of $400 billion and continue to rise? How can we not express our profound disappointment at the meagre results of the fifth session of UNCTAD, the difficulties encountered by the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 in applying that resolution and in reactivating the important negotiations within the United Nations system, and the scant progress achieved by the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy?
72.	It is imperative and urgent that the developed countries should be more attentive to the legitimate aspirations of the developing countries and take tangible steps to begin an irreversible process that will lead to the structural changes essential to the establishment of a new, fairer and more equitable economic order.
73.	We welcome the efforts to diversify sources of energy in order to meet the growing needs in this field. We hope that this diversification will not prevent satisfaction of the legitimate claims of the oil-producing countries from being met, just as we hope that these countries will take into account the interests of the other countries, particularly the developing countries most affected by the energy crisis.
74.	How happy we would be if, by thus clearly revealing the interdependence of peoples, the energy crisis finally proved to be beneficial by making them more conscious of the convergence of their interests and the need to build a more united world by resolving together, through concerted action and dialogue, the problems which condition our common future.
75.	The United Nations Organization has a particular responsibility in this noble and exalting task, but cannot fully assume it unless, in accordance with the desire expressed by His Holiness Pope John Paul II, on 2 October last:
"... the United Nations ... never [ceases] to be the forum, the high tribune, from which all man's problems are appraised in truth and justice."