Mr. President, allow me at the outset to extend to you my warm congratulations on your election to conduct the proceedings of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, a difficult task that you will undoubtedly perform with the skill and brilliance that have characterized your long diplomatic career. I should also like to express our gratitude and warm appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, for the splendid way in which he conducted the debates of the Assembly during his term of office.
41.	We cannot fail to point out with great satisfaction that this is the first session of the General Assembly in which the independent State of Zimbabwe, which we welcome most warmly, is participating. As the delegations of my country have stated in every forum, we hope that after so many sacrifices and expectations, that new Republic will build itself up in peace and progress by carrying out a true national integration that will exemplify the principles of racial tolerance and solidarity that inspire the United Nations.
42.	Similarly, we express our satisfaction at the admission of the new independent State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, also a member of our regional group, to whom we extend a warm welcome.
43.	We come to this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly in a spirit of peace and confidence yet fully aware of the seriousness of the problems that the world is facing and of the great sense of responsibility that these problems demand from ail peoples, those still on the road to development as well as those that have already achieved their full development, the latter perhaps bearing for that very reason a greater share of that responsibility.
44.	In the first place, I should like to point out that for my Government; a careful examination of current world problems allows us to perceive three fundamental points clearly.
45.	First, the world is facing a general crisis, in which all social, political, economic and cultural factors are involved. That is the case whether or not we wish it to be so.
46.	Secondly, embroiled in this overall crisis, the world has tried to correct some of its aspects piecemeal, by attacking them singly, as if they were unrelated and independent phenomena. That approach conceals and minimizes problems and leads to the failure of the solutions that are sought.
47.	Thirdly, today it is possible clearly to perceive the true character of the enemy that we must face and the means to combat it. If the crisis is a general one, a general strategy is required to overcome it. The measures to be adopted in the various sectors must be integrated and coordinated.
48.	As a logical consequence of this, we must admit that without an extensive imaginative effort in which the collective conscience of mankind finds the means sincerely and freely to motivate the constructive and collective political will of every State, contemporary problems will not be overcome without a cataclysm in which perhaps a great part of mankind will perish, but from which all the peoples of the earth will certainly suffer.
49.	We are encouraged in our optimism by an unyielding faith in God, in the first place, and, secondly, in the fate of mankind, and by the many voices that have been raised to say as much, and in the simple fact that we are assembled here to have a dialogue. That optimism, however, does not dispel our concern. We are worried by the lack of political decisions by the developed industrial powers to take the decisive steps required to implement the many projects and resolutions that have been drawn up in recent decades, in the knowledge that they were of vital importance, as well as to heed the outcry of weak peoples who knock at their doors.
50.	The recent report entitled The Global 2000 Report to the President in the preparation of which the entire scientific, technical, research and information potential of the United States has been tapped, contains in its 800 explosive pages enough material to make the world ponder, should other sources of inspiration be needed, on the urgent need to face those vital problems on a universal scale, once and for all, with seriousness and, above all, with responsibility. The report warns us bluntly and with many examples that unless nations take collectively and individually daring and imaginative steps the world must expect severe upheavals upon entering the twenty-first century—a prediction on which all the great minds of our time agree.
51.	We should like to single out among the various fields of action some of the main subjects concerning which it seems to us that the necessary measures and steps to implement them must be taken forthwith, or which are crucial points that deserve special attention.
52.	The political evolution of the world during the year that has elapsed since we first came to this rostrum at the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly6 has given us more than sufficient reason to reassert what we said then about the impossibility of isolating peoples, on the need to strengthen the necessary bonds that unite the international community and the role of universal solidarity as an imperative for world survival.
53.	Peace is more than ever the primary goal of international law, because we now know that it is also the basic condition for survival. And peace will not be attained or maintained unless the vital and pressing problems of all the members of the international community, even the humblest, are solved and unless the riches on our planet are distributed fairly, unhampered by boundaries. There can be no peace without justice. There can be no justice without law. And the supremacy of law is the result of a balance in which there is great respect for certain fundamental spiritual values of coexistence, as well as the adaptation of the legal system to contemporary world realities.
54.	On the long road to peace, general and complete disarmament is an ideal goal that is not only a means but also an end. The steps taken towards disarmament, however small, will make a powerful contribution to the strengthening of peace. That goal clearly presupposes an earlier spiritual disarmament, understanding and tolerance among all peoples, and the satisfaction of the legitimate aspirations of all. Whether an end or a means, the economic and environmental connotations of disarmament are such that my Government believes it to be incumbent on all peoples to fight tirelessly to achieve progress in that area. My country's meagre military potential does not inhibit it from placing all the moral weight that it possesses as a State and as a law-abiding nation at the service of that ideal, even denouncing the folly of squandering fantastic sums on death, while denying even minimal amounts for the environment and for development, which represent life.
.55. We know perfectly well that it will be very difficult to achieve spectacular overall solutions in matters related to the blindest and deepest passions of men. We are ready to agree realistically to a partial and gradual approach to positive solutions, but we emphatically reaffirm the need to condemn straightforwardly all forms of biological war, destruction or poisoning of ecosystems and all attempts to modify the climate as an instrument of aggression.
56.	In that sense, the extension of the achievements of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco) through the creation of nuclear free zones in other parts of the world such as the Middle East, southern Asia and Africa seems to us an effective means by which to move further ahead in that area.
57.	Since the partition of Palestine, which the United Nations doubtless conceived as a means of bringing a Solomonic peace to that region, the Middle East has gradually become a powder keg charged with threats to world peace which increase as the years go by.
58.	The attitude of friendship towards the people of Israel that my Government has traditionally shown is well known. It has been manifested throughout the years, in constant support of what could be considered the legitimate aspirations of the Jewish people. We do not hesitate today to reaffirm that friendship and our conviction that the State of Israel must secure just and lasting peace with its neighbours and respect for its existence within secure and recognized borders.
59.	But the irreversible reality of Israel cannot blur another reality which is also irreversible and not incompatible with the first one—the existence of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, which was once asked to sacrifice its national identity, in open defiance of the principle of self-determination, which is one of the fundamental pillars of the United Nations system. Thus, faithful to the traditional principles of our international policy, we support unreservedly the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to settle in its own land and establish a free and independent State according to the decision adopted in the exercise of its sovereign will.
60.	My country is convinced that the solution to this longstanding and painful problem can be found only by means of dialogue and negotiation, in which the Palestinian people have their own spokesmen. We therefore condemn violence and the adoption of unilateral measures which hinder the peaceful and lawful solution of the problem.
61.	With regard to Lebanon, last year we reiterated the appeal which we had made for concrete and definitive solutions which would guarantee to this people whose culture and tradition are admirable its integrity and its right to live in peace.  At that time we thought that that appeal, supported by all peace-loving peoples, would be answered during the course of that year. It is a matter of profound regret that the tragedy of the Middle East has engulfed as one of its victims that small and gracious nation, which is linked to our own in so many ways.
62.	Once again we make the same appeal, and we earnestly hope that Lebanon will recover its peace and stability.
63.	Uruguay, which is tenacious and firm in defending the right to self-determination of peoples, has consistently supported the right of the people of Namibia to attain its independence, freely to determine the political system which it may wish to adopt and to choose its leaders without foreign pressures and within a climate of peace, under the guarantee of the temporary administration of the United Nations.
64.	With respect to human rights, it is inevitable that, in view of the strong influence of law in my country, in the history of which regard for law is a constant which has brought us through every difficult phase and juncture, we consider real and deep respect for what are called human rights as a worldwide political phenomenon and a substantial step towards the implementation of a new international law, in which mankind is recognized as a valid subject of law. We believe, however, that, if we wish human rights to pass beyond the state of rhetoric and become tangible and active values in international life, they must not be used as an instrument for political struggle among States or groups with different social and economic philosophies.
65.	It is very difficult for the supremacy of law to be safeguarded and to see the possibility of the consistent implementation of human rights as long as we continue to witness the paradox of countries and doctrines that in practice deny freedom, ignore the most elementary rights inherent in the dignity of man and violate all the principles that constitute the achievements of the modern world, and that also attempt to judge the behaviour of other States and social groups which have had to defend themselves from insidious and criminal subversive movements, very often inspired and financed by those same countries. Whether we like it or not, in the struggle against anarchy and organized crime there are, as a consequence of human fallibility, unfortunate but inevitable breaches of those sacred rights.
66.	My country is making every possible effort to ensure the maintenance of those rights, despite the resolute internal struggle which it has been forced to undertake, and we are advancing daily towards the full normalization of democratic institutions. Unfortunately, in the domestic sphere of many States contempt for human rights has become normal practice, officially imposed by totalitarian systems, which condemn millions of men to live in spiritual and material conditions which are profoundly harmful to their natural dignity.
67.	While this is taking place on the domestic level, at the international level we witness with profound concern the notorious increase of terrorism. Violence and crime have taken the place of dialogue and discussion as a means of political expression and seem to have become one of the characteristics of our time. Once again I wish to state on behalf of my Government that we shall support every collective measure which is submitted and adopted to fight the scourge of terrorism, which is not only in itself disgusting and shameful but also liable to encourage violence and the inevitable hardening of the attitude of institutional machinery and the social groups attacked, with inevitable damage to the respect for human rights which we all wish to secure.
68.	My Government wishes to reiterate its fundamental opposition to the policy of apartheid and all forms of racism. This position is based on political and moral considerations which are part of a clear philosophy derived from our deepest cultural traditions. In that regard, our country will cast its vote for all instruments which condemn apartheid.
69.	My Government believes that exchange of information is an essential part of modern life and that modern technical means must be fully utilized to facilitate not only the exchange of information but also communication among men and peoples and the dissemination of education and culture.
70.	Nevertheless, we must bear in mind the danger that certain aspects of that modern technique may entail for freedom, institutional stability and the cultural identity of peoples. The availability of powerful modern means of spreading culture must be secured for every country and the community of nations must prevent their use to interfere in the internal affairs of States. It must also try to preserve the wealth of national diversity.
71.	With regard to the law of the sea, the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which was held this year, achieved meaningful progress in the unprecedented efforts on the part of the international community to work out a new legal order for the sea based on recognition of the sovereign rights and the jurisdiction of coastal States in seas adjacent to their coasts up to a limit of 200 miles and on the Continental Shelf, respect for jus communications, the orderly and peaceful use of maritime spaces, the rational exploitation of its resources, the protection and preservation of the marine environment, cooperation in the development of scientific research and the administration of the seabed and ocean floor beyond national jurisdiction by an international authority endowed with the appropriate power to organize and control all activities in the exploration and exploitation of the resources and to establish a production policy in that area, which is the common heritage of mankind, the resources of which can only be used under the protection of an international system, that is, a system established with the consent of the international community as representative of mankind.
72.	The present stage of the negotiations enables us to predict that once generally accepted formulas on some still pending matters have been found and final adjustments to the texts have been made, the work of the Conference is to culminate in the adoption of a convention at Caracas in 1981. The peoples' expectations can no longer be delayed. The last stretch demands a final effort of good will, especially on the part of the industrialized Powers, in order to reach the goal whose attainment will be, without any doubt, a most important factor for the stability of international relations and the consolidation of world peace.
73.	The Government of Uruguay cannot but point out once again that the principle of the common heritage of mankind is an imperative rule of international law which does not admit, consequently, of limited agreements or unilateral decisions that contravene it, such as the laws which some States have passed or intend to pass to authorize their nationals to carry out the exploitation of the resources of the international area. Such laws violate that principle and have no validity in the international community. Uruguay deplores such conduct and rejects any attempt to exert pressure on the Conference that such conduct might entail.
74.	The new law of the sea, including both the customary law that has arisen from the generalized practice of States and the law that will be embodied in the convention, offers a great challenge, especially to the developing countries, in terms of their full assumption of responsibilities directly related to the wellbeing and advancement of their peoples, with the opening of new horizons for employment, study and research for youth and with the most active participation and cooperation for the establishment of a new international economic order. The United Nations and the specialized agencies concerned must be prepared as of now to offer developing countries the invaluable service of helping them fully to assume those responsibilities within the framework established by them in the pursuit of their national objectives.
75.	Very soon we will compromise the tenth anniversary of the United Nations Conference on the Environment, held at Stockholm in 1972, which symbolized the awakening of the world's attention to this very serious problem of the accelerated destruction of the environment. The importance and seriousness of the problem, instead of decreasing during these eight years, has only grown. Just as in the economic sphere, the words of warning uttered by wise men and experts have not been heeded and the seeds they have sown have yielded only rhetorical fruit. The measures which have been recommended and even decided upon in many international forums are not being implemented and the expectations for the future, unless destructive trends are stopped and the process is reversed, cannot be favourable.
76.	Nevertheless, there are certain grounds for optimism because the problem is coming to its climax and the persistent and efficient efforts of specialized international organizations and of the thinking elite in the preparation of projects and plans to correct the deterioration in all its complex aspects are gradually convincing Governments and those responsible for the leadership of peoples of the need to take radical and imaginative measures. On the other hand, the environmental problem has had a positive influence by revealing the essential oneness among men and among all the elements of nature.
77.	The report of the Governing Council of UNEP on its eighth session shows that work has been done and is being done well. It is now up to the Governments to implement the recommendations.
78.	We should like to point out two of the subjects discussed in Nairobi which we find particularly important.
79.	The first one deals with the World Conservation Strategy, the result of three years of work by a select group of scientists of universal renown under the guidance of the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources and with the endorsement of UNESCO, FAO and UNEP.
80.	This remarkable document effectively reconciles conservation and development, presents a clear and sensible definition of priorities and convincingly indicates the urgent need to preserve the living resources of the planet on which, ultimately, the survival of mankind depends. All this comes together with adequate and pragmatic machinery which places at the disposal of Governments the necessary technical and legal tools to carry out in a practical and efficient manner a good conservation policy. Now we must go from words to action and allocate the necessary funds, negotiate bilateral and multilateral financial aid and at the same time offer UNEP and the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources the sustained support that will permit the practical and progressive adoption of their plans.
81.	The second point we wish to emphasize is also related to the effective application of environmental policy, the need for which seems hot to have been fully grasped. We are referring to the world meeting on environmental law preparatory to the tenth session of the Governing Council of UNEP, which all States Members of the United Nations will attend. At this solemn meeting the tenth anniversary of the Stockholm Conference will be commemorated and an assessment will be made of all that has been achieved up to now and what remains to be done in such a delicate matter. With regard to those achievements, the elaboration and consolidation of an appropriate legal framework is fundamental for the effective finalization of a policy in which so far theoretical statements have not been lacking, but for which the adequate institutional and legal instruments to put it into practice do not yet exist. Uruguay is proud of the fact that it is planned to hold this important preparatory meeting in Montevideo, whose legal tradition is thus honoured by the holding of such a transcendental event in the field of law.
82.	We have no reason to feel free from the worries which have been expressed in this forum for several consecutive years concerning the world economic situation. On the contrary, it continues to deteriorate and that deterioration is accelerating and becoming more acute. This is dangerous because the peoples' frustration is a seedbed of violence. We emphatically stated the same concern a short time ago at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. The persistence of recession and inflation, the increase in unemployment, exchange instability, maladjustments in the balance of payments in industrialized countries, protectionist pressures and, to sum up, the whole negative syndrome in which the inability of those countries to adopt political decisions in keeping with the magnitude of the global crisis hinders the economic progress of developing countries.
83.	The essential characteristic of the contemporary world economic system is the growing interdependence of all the peoples of the world, an interdependence which is in the process of accelerated intensification. It is obvious that we cannot find solutions in a policy of isolated blocs. Without the overall world economic approach that also calls for a long-term overall economic policy, it will be very difficult to overcome the serious problems of the present situation that overwhelm the peoples of the developing world, as well as those in developed countries. That collective and efficient approach requires an optimization of the allocation of productive resources. This also implies a redistribution and relocation of industries in accordance with the competitive capacity of each country, a general opening of the economies to secure an effective role for competition, and a strategy that will cover all the areas of development without excluding any key sector.
84.	My country, like many other developing countries, is trying to apply those same principles at home, in an attempt to achieve production in those sectors in which it has a comparative advantage. The opening of our economies to the outside world would thus contribute to the sound development of the world economy through a rational distribution of productive activity, while respecting the comparative advantage of the various participants in the system. These principles are usually enunciated and defended in theory by the industrialized countries. Unfortunately, they do not put into practice what they advocate in theory, and apply protectionist policies that militate against the weaker countries and which, in the end, damage the world economy as a whole.
85.	This situation has an adverse effect on countries which, like mine, face the typical problems of a small market economy. After many years of trying a development system based on a domestic market, which proved inadequate because it did not permit an optimum allocation of resources, we decided to base our development process on open economy principles as part of a more dynamic and competitive market, the international market.
86.	Another point we wish to make relates to development of food and agricultural production. Consideration of this question cannot be separated from that of trade, in view of the detrimental effects of protectionist barriers on efficient food production in the developing countries. The world situation, in this respect, is frankly alarming; hence we endorse all measures that the international community may adopt in favour of a new world food order, which, in our view, is a precondition for any new international economic order.
87.	In confronting this gigantic task, we feel legitimate concern over the growing trend towards protectionism on the part of the industrialized countries, which seriously limits and can cancel out the benefits of the option. The detrimental effects of this phenomenon cannot be underestimated. Where the developing countries prepare themselves to compete in international markets according to the laws of a market economy and their efforts are artificially rendered ineffective by protectionist measures—which often take the form of nontariff barriers imposed on specious grounds— the access of those countries to international markets is made impossible, and all the mechanisms which regulate those markets are largely distorted. All this is aggravated by the policies of subsidies and "dumping", which offset all comparative advantages enjoyed by the developing countries, especially in food production. Obviously, this policy runs counter to all the proposed incentives for food production in the world, and to recognition of the need to provide facilities to those countries so that they can achieve sustained development and thus alleviate dangerous international tensions.
88.	Developing countries are still suffering acutely from the problems derived from the energy crisis ever since the marked increase in oil prices in 1973. Uruguay, which totally lacks this resource, is one of the Latin American countries that have suffered the most as a result of the serious impact of the oil price increase on its overall imports and on its industrialization process. Our deepest concern relates to the need to create machinery to ensure minimum supplies at reasonable prices, efficient use of this resource, the search for alternative sources and coordination of acceptable special financing. The overriding need to develop a coherent world energy policy based on a concept of inexorable solidarity among all countries and on their right to have an equitable share of the world's natural resources is one of the most urgent imperatives of this decade—an imperative which must be supplemented by intensive research efforts in this field by those countries able to do so. Such efforts must be geared to finding alternative solutions for the day, all too near, when oil is exhausted. It is to be hoped that these concerns will be reflected at the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, to be held in August 1981 at Nairobi. Should that Conference fail to face this crucial subject realistically and pragmatically, a rude blow will be dealt to the expectations of mankind, which views this energy problem as one of the most serious and immediate threats to its present and future wellbeing.
89.	We have observed with satisfaction the favourable attitude among developing countries towards energy cooperation that is being carried out at various levels. The members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] have established an ambitious programme to guarantee oil supplies to the developing world and have come up with a preferential system of prices and financing indexed to each country's degree of development. The same trend has been noticed at the regional level, too, a result of which is the historic agreement between Venezuela and Mexico to cooperate in this field with the Central American and Caribbean countries, as well as the proposal of the President of Mexico at the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly—a proposal warmly supported by my country.
90.	It is vital to ensure the transition of the present-day economy, which is based on hydrocarbons, to an economy based essentially on new and renewable energy sources.
91.	Uruguay attaches particular importance to the problems of science and technology, because the attainment of development on a sound basis is impossible without the establishment of an endogenous capacity in this Held. To that end, we hope that the resolutions of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, held at Vienna last year, will be implemented.
92.	My country has participated actively in discussions of the subject of economic and technical cooperation among developing countries, a fundamental component of the new international economic order inspired by the principles enshrined in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. We note with satisfaction the various efforts being made to implement the Arusha Programme for Collective Self-reliance, adopted by the Group of 77,  and especially the first short-term and medium-term plan of action on global priorities for economic cooperation among developing countries. It has, already been decided to negotiate a global system of trade preferences in the Group of 77, as well as to identify practical agreements on marketing and operations that Governments may oversee directly. It is of great importance that the Group of 77 has this year, for the first time, included on its agenda the question of energy within the framework of economic cooperation among developing countries. It has been agreed that trade, various sources and forms of energy, raw materials, foodstuffs, technology and other related matters should be considered by the Group of 77 in a consistent and integrated way.
93.	There is no doubt that the developing countries have ample means to establish new and valuable forms of horizontal cooperation, and when their vast resources begin to be mobilized there will ensue great transformations for the wellbeing of our countries and the world economy as a whole.
94.	All of the measures relating to the various subjects we are considering must, we repeat, be included within the framework of a vigorous policy of international redistribution of labour, ensuring the transfer of technology to developing countries and consequently their industrialization. In that policy, attention to short-term problems that are immediately vital is as important and inescapable as complementary attention to long-term problems, because without solutions of that nature all the rest will be nothing but an ineffective palliative for permanent needs and will jeopardize the future of peoples.
95.	We do not wish to end this statement without expressing our discouragement at the inability to achieve during the eleventh special session of the General Assembly the consensus necessary to approve ail the proposals submitted for its consideration. Unfortunately for all the countries of the world, that session has passed into history as a setback on the long, hard road the developing countries have set out upon towards the establishment of a new international economic order. Once again we have missed an excellent opportunity to show our peoples the important results that can be achieved through international cooperation. Even so, it is an important historic duty for the General Assembly at this session to continue with decisiveness the efforts that have been begun to initiate global negotiations planned for 12 January next, and to adopt the International Development Strategy for the 1980s.
96.	Before closing I wish to express my Government's appreciation and recognition of the efforts of the Secretary General, assisted by his staff, in carrying out his important task by paying efficient and untiring attention to the many complex problems—some of them particularly delicate— that he has had to face within the area of competence of the Organization.
97.	I wish to reiterate our unwavering adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter, with which the international policy of my country fully concurs, our faith in its permanent and ever contemporary applicability, and our hope that the serious threats to international peace and security which hover over the horizon like dark clouds and the various obstacles to the full development of harmonious and mutually respectful relations among all nations based on justice will be overcome through the joint efforts of all in this Organization and the tenacious and unceasing application of the means and instruments available to the Organization for the implementation of its lofty and noble objectives which are identical with those of civilization. Uruguay commits all its material resources and the rich patrimony of its spiritual forces to the confirmation of that faith and the realization of that hope.


Panama, a country which has excellent relations with the Federal Republic of Germany, has sincerely welcomed the election of Mr. von Wechmar to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session. In congratulating him on such a high distinction we are aware of his enormous responsibility, owing to the serious political and economic problems which will have to be considered by the world Organization in circumstances which are not at all auspicious and which characterize the sombre international situation obtaining in the world today. We trust, however, that his experience and wisdom will guide our work, and to that end he will have the full cooperation of the delegation of Panama.
204.	The interests of the countries of the third world were particularly well defended during the term of presidency of the General Assembly of the outstanding African statesman, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, to whom the delegation of Panama pays a tribute and expresses its recognition of the excellent work done by him during the period just ended. Mr. Salim presided over four sessions of extreme importance, during which he showed his high sense of equity and his qualifications as a skilled negotiator and parliamentarian. I am referring to the thirty-fourth regular session, to the sixth emergency special session on the question of Afghanistan, to the seventh emergency special session on the question of Palestine and to the eleventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic cooperation, in all of which Panama had the privilege of cooperating closely as a Vice President of each of those sessions and as a member of the Credentials Committee. Panama also served as Vice Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee of the Eleventh Special Session and chairman of the contact group which negotiated the adoption by consensus of resolutions S 11/3 and S 11/4 relating to the least developed countries. It is due to these circumstances that my country has been able to view closely this period of history during which Mr. Salim played such an important role.
205.	Although the delegation of Panama at the eleventh special session conveyed a brotherly welcome to the Prime Minister of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, on the occasion of Zimbabwe's admission to the United Nations, I wish to reiterate my country's pleasure at that historic event, since the independence of Zimbabwe is a mortal blow to colonialism in southern Africa and because it strengthens the ideal of universality of the United Nations.
206.	We welcome with a special sense of satisfaction the admission to the United Nations at this session of the new State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with which the Organization reaches a total of 154 Member States and the group of Latin American States a membership of 30. This is a positive development and, in offering our cooperation to the Government and people of that country, we extend a brotherly welcome and our best wishes for its progress and wellbeing.
207.	The activities of the United Nations in the field of international economic and social cooperation deserve general recognition but, in addition, they need to be strengthened and expanded. If only a modest percentage of the enormous amounts spent on weapons and military equipment could be devoted to that end, mankind would benefit greatly.
208.	While proclaiming the hope that we shall see this happen someday, we wish to express our appreciation for the projects which are being developed in Panama by UNDP under the wise leadership of Mr. Bradford Morse. We trust that in the future these projects, which in the last five years have meant an investment by the United Nations of approximately $10 million in the development of Panama, may be expanded and multiplied.
209.	It is only just that I should mention the excellent assistance being given to Panama by UNFPA, under the dynamic leadership of Mr. Rafael Salas. Among the projects which have been implemented in Panama or which are under way, we might mention the one on dynamic educational planning of the population, which began in 1976; the basic studies on population and planning for development, dating back to 1978; assistance to the national census on population and housing of 1980, which began in 1979; the research on the growth of the Panama City metropolitan area, begun in 1979; and the programme of assistance to the national mother child health programme. The funds provided by UNFPA for those projects amounted to $3,764,122 as of 30 November 1979 and currently exceed $4 million.
210.	One of the priorities set by the Panamanian Government as part of the process of establishing the new international economic order is the expansion of its international trade and, in that connexion, maritime transport. Panama has traditionally been a maritime nation, fully capable of controlling and directly exploiting the natural resources stemming from its geographical position, especially since 1 October 1979, the date of entry into force of the new Torrijos-Carter Panama Canal Treaties, aimed at restoring the territorial integrity, sovereignty and jurisdiction of the Panamanian State over all its territory, including the old Panama Canal Zone.
211.	The Panamanian Government considers it appropriate to reiterate at this session of the Assembly the appeal made in the Political Declaration issued at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Nonaligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979, that all States of the world should adhere to the Protocol of the Treaty relating to the permanent neutrality of the Panama Canal, with due respect for the sovereignty of Panama and for the universal principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States.
212.	The historic fact of the signing of the new Panama Canal Treaties in itself does not mean that all of Panama's claims have been satisfied, since compliance with the Treaties is a political, economic, social, administrative and also psychological process, the goal of which is to decolonize the Canal Zone. It entails breaking away from old mental attitudes and situations of privilege, which have no place in our constitutional system.
213.	The decolonization process has led my Government to place marked emphasis on the development of its merchant fleet, which currently ranks fifth in the world, to make optimum use of the benefits of its geographic position and interocean communications. To that end, the Administration of President Royo has undertaken a broad maritime development programme with the advice, cooperation, technical counsel and material assistance of IMCO, giving due attention to compliance with existing international conventions in this field.
214.	Panama has declared on more than one occasion in international forums that its status as a maritime country is based on the geographical position of the isthmus; the existence of 1,697 kilometres of Atlantic Ocean coastline and 1,160 kilometres of Pacific Ocean coastline; its vast fishing resources and the resources of its seabed; the operation of the interocean Canal; the recovery of the terminal ports of the Canal and the Transisthmian Railroad, as a result of the aforementioned Canal Treaties of 1977; the reversion to Panama, before the end of the century, of the interocean waterway, that is, the Canal itself and its installations; the establishment in Panama of an international financial centre; and the scope of Panamanian maritime legislation. All these factors were elements in Panama's being elected a member of the Council of IMCO at the eleventh session of its General Assembly, held in London last year.
215.	My country, which has important maritime interests, wishes to express its deep satisfaction at the considerable progress made at the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which opens the way for the possible signing at Caracas next year of a universal convention on this important subject.
216.	Directly related to the expansion of our international trade, modernization of our systems of communication, expansion of our maritime transport facilities and the development of the Colon free zone—which is one of the largest in the world—we have created conditions of stability, security and progress which have attracted to Panamanian soil one of the most important international banking communities, the fourth in importance in Latin America. Among the 10 most important Latin American banking centres, Panama ranks fourth, after Brazil, Mexico and Argentina.
217.	With this background, it is understandable that Panama showed interest in contributing, to the extent possible, to the work done by the eleventh special session of the United Nations General Assembly on international development, and particularly with regard to agenda item 7, relating to the assessment of progress made in the establishment of the new international economic order and appropriate measures for promoting the development of the developing countries and international economic cooperation.
218.	In those activities, Panama, as Vice-president of the General Assembly, Vice Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee and chairman of the contact group, worked in close and harmonious cooperation with the President of the Assembly, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Chairman of the Group of 77, Mr. Brajesh C. Mishra of India, the Director General for Development and International Economic Cooperation, Mr. Kenneth K. S. Dadzie, the Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee, Mr. Michel Dupuy of Canada, the Chairman of Working Group I on the International Development Strategy, Mr. Niaz A. Naik of Pakistan, the Chairman of Working Group II, Mr. Bogdan Crnobrnja of Yugoslavia, and the Rapporteur of the Ad Hoc Committee, Mr. Ali Hachani of Tunisia. All of them deserve just recognition by the international community for their enormous efforts in achieving consensus on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, which is to enter into force on 1 January 1981 and be applied from that date.
219.	As chairman of the contact group, Panama, with the cooperation of participating States and groups of participating States, promoted the adoption by consensus of the two draft resolutions which were adopted without a vote. One was entitled "Suggestions by the Secretary General to overcome the critical economic situation of many developing countries", and the other "Measures to meet the critical situation in the least developed countries".
220.	My country wishes to appeal to the three delegations which rejected the text contained in the document submitted by the Chairman of Working Group II, Mr. Bogdan Crnobrnja of Yugoslavia,  as a procedural framework for global negotiations, and to urge the Governments of the United States, the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany to make an effort at this session with a view to reaching agreement on the programme and clearing the way for the global negotiations which are to be based on the new international development strategy.
221.	The Panamanian delegation also appeals to those countries on whose political will depends the freeing of the American hostages in Teheran and the ending of the presence of foreign troops on the territory of the nonaligned State of Afghanistan. The solution of these two problems would contribute decisively to improving the international climate and creating an auspicious atmosphere for the global negotiations and the establishment of the new international economic order. This appeal goes also to the States members of the group of nonaligned countries and to the States members of the Group of 77, which are in a position to exert friendly pressure on the States directly involved in those conflict situations in order to achieve their prompt and just solution.
222.	The dynamic diplomacy of personal contacts at the highest political level, devised by General Omar Torrijos as head of Government of Panama during the period from 1972 to 1978 concerning Panamanian claims to the Panama Canal, is a political tool which the leader of my country has continued to develop successfully in various areas to promote the political, economic, social and cultural development of Panama.
223.	The visits by President Aristides Royo to heads of State and Government, as well as to international organizations in the United States, Europe, Asia and, shortly, Africa, have been of great significance in the Latin American continent. The meetings between President Royo and the leaders of the two great democracies neighbouring our country, President Julio Cesar Turbay Ayala of Colombia and President Rodrigo Carazo Odio of Costa Rica, have contributed to creating a climate of peace and trust in the region.
224.	The talks between President Royo and the President of the United Mexican States, Jose Lopez Portillo, and the President of the Republic of Venezuela, Luis Herrera Campins, are characteristic of the new spirit that prevails in the Andean, Central American and Caribbean areas. Mexico and Venezuela, which have traditionally promoted Latin American unity, are now coming together on the specific solution of the serious problem of the net internal consumption of imported oil in Barbados, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Panama and the Dominican Republic, and to that end they have allotted a total volume of up to 160,000 barrels daily, providing besides the necessary official financing.
225.	This historic action by the leaders of Venezuela and Mexico is an encouraging example of achievement of an overall solution of the energy problem, as well as eloquent proof that South South cooperation may be realized through constructive acts and not be confined to rhetorical statements.
226.	Panama has followed the policy of promoting the process of Latin American integration, embodied in the Panama Convention of 17 October 1975, by which the charter establishing SELA was adopted, with the participation of 26 countries from Central and South America and the Caribbean, from Mexico to Argentina. My country will continue its efforts on behalf of the unity and integration of Latin America and the strengthening of its collective personality within the framework of worldwide relations.
227.	The contacts between President Royo and the leaders of the Caribbean countries at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Nonaligned Countries, held at Havana in September 1979, his meetings with Central American leaders and his meetings with the Presidents of the Andean Group have been motivated not only by the common wish to give form to an authentic Latin American identity that is distinct and autonomous, but also by the collective concern over human rights and fundamental freedoms.
228.	The great importance that Panama attaches to the full enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms was expressed in the Charter of Conduct signed on 11 September 1980 in the city of Riobamba, Republic of Ecuador, by the Presidents of Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela and the Vice-president of Peru, and to which the Presidents of Costa Rica and Panama, as well as the representative of the President of the Spanish Government, pledged adherence at a memorable meeting of truly historic significance.
229.	The Riobamba Charter of Conduct reiterates the formal commitment of the signatory States to respect for human, political, economic and social rights as a fundamental norm of the domestic behaviour of States and to their defence as an international obligation binding upon States and, therefore, to the idea that joint action aimed at protecting those rights does not violate the principle of non-interference.
230.	The Riobamba Charter of Conduct is a revolutionary doctrine in defence of human rights that is in keeping with the ideals of the founders of the Latin American Republics. This historic document is of unique importance in the American continent in view of the massive violations of human rights which are becoming more and more frequent in the hemisphere. Only six weeks ago, the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, in resolution 308 (432/80) of 25 July 1980, on solidarity with the Bolivian people, in referring to the right of every State freely to develop its cultural, political and economic life and at the same time to the duty of the State to respect the rights of the human person and the principles of universal morality, specifically stated that this principle specifically embodied in article 16 of the charter of the Organization of American States was violated by the military coup that took place in Bolivia, when the elections recently held in that country, in strict respect for the principle of non-intervention, were set aside.
231.	The regional organization has not only deplored the military coup, which unfortunately has suspended indefinitely the process of institutionalizing democracy in the sister Republic of Bolivia, but it has also expressed its "deepest concern over the loss of human lives and the serious violations of the human rights of the Bolivian people, which have been the direct consequence of the coup d’état".
232.	Panama fully concurs in the pronouncement of the regional Organization and maintains its solidarity with the Bolivian people, in the hope that that noble people will find the most appropriate way of maintaining the existence of its democratic institutions and its freedoms without the interference of foreign military groups.
233.	My country also reaffirms its firm adherence to the right of asylum, a classic institution in American international law, and wishes to reiterate its request made through regular channels that the Bolivian military regime speedily grants safe conduct to persons who have sought asylum in the Panamanian Embassy and in other diplomatic missions at La Paz so that they may leave the country without risk to their lives or personal security.
234.	Panama has also noted with deep concern that there have been persistent violations of human rights and deliberate attacks on the lives and persons of the best intellectual, professional and scientific thinkers, educators and men of letters in various parts of the hemisphere, who are suffering under torture and are the victims of the most savage and cruel treatment.
235.	These barbaric acts have been intensified in recent times in the Central American area, despite the condemnation and opposition of countries that are highly respected in the continent. Such a situation is unjustifiable and effective collective action can no longer be postponed. The countries where those violations occur should not receive such military and financial assistance, as they have been receiving, from foreign Governments and from continental and extra continental sources.
236.	The growing deterioration of the situation in parts of the Central American isthmus, the constant loss of valuable lives, the gross lack of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the state of collective unrest with the resultant exacerbation of chronic economic and social problems have motivated the Panamanian Government to offer—and I am honoured to repeat that offer here—its capital city in which to hold a summit meeting of Central American leaders in order that means may be found to restore peace and tranquillity to the region and contribute to the development of a harmonious democratic process aimed at facilitating peaceful coexistence in those sister countries.
237.	Faithful to its tradition of loyal support for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, the Government of Panama has been developing a government programme aimed at satisfying the economic, social and cultural needs of all human beings on Panamanian soil.
238.	The Panamanian Government, under the presidency of Mr. Aristides Royo, has continuously endeavoured to strengthen the democratic system of my country. This coming Sunday, 28 September, elections will be held throughout the nation to expand the representative base of the legislative body and to include those sectors of our nation that wish to participate in legislative functions without distinction as to race, sex, ideology or religious creed.
239.	During the first six months of 1984, when the statutory term of office of the current President will have elapsed, general elections will be held in Panama in order through a direct popular vote to elect a new President, for a six year term beginning on 11 October 1984. Thus will be reaffirmed the existence of democratic institutions in the Panamanian isthmus as a centre of harmony and promoter of the interests and aspirations of Latin America.
240.	At the international as at the national level, Panama has followed that tradition and it may be recalled that, after the establishment of the United Nations, it was my country which submitted the first draft Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as the declaration of rights and duties of States.
241.	Panama has also signed and ratified the two International Covenants on Human Rights, namely, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Optional Protocol thereto as well as the American Convention on Human Rights which established the Inter American Court of Human Rights, the binding jurisdiction of which is recognized by the Panamanian Government.
242.	With its historical, moral and legal authority as repository of the ideals of the liberators of America, expressed at the Amphictyonic Congress convened by Bolivar in the city of Panama in 1826, the Government of Panama, while cultivating fraternal relations with each and every people and Government of Latin America, without exception, has also used those relations as an instrument for the defence and promotion of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, wherever those have been affected in certain countries of our hemisphere.
243.	Innumerable steps have been taken by President Royo, as constitutional leader, and by General Torrijos, as head of our armed forces, to obtain freedom, grant asylum and restore violated rights to sister States in which political upheavals or problems of public order have brought about distressing conditions for human beings whose dignity and integrity deserved protection, if only for reasons of simple human solidarity.
244.	The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Panama believes that the United Nations system as well as the regional organizations should develop more vigorous and specific action to meet the problems of violations of human rights, not only because such action would be in keeping with the spirit of the Charter but also because to the extent that respect for and exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms increase, so will diminish acts of violence, terrorism and insurgency, acts which are the sole recourse of peoples whose horizons are devoid of hope and who are denied access to a worthy and decent life.
245.	In its foreign policy the Republic of Panama advocates the extension of detente to all regions of the world so that the nuclear menace, the arms race and conflicts likely to ignite a global conflagration might be avoided. That is a task to which all countries are committed. The responsibility of Latin American nations in that regard was embodied in the Declaration of Ayacucho of 1974.
246.	In spite of the statements frequently made in favour of disarmament, in order that the savings realized thereby might be devoted to the solution of the acute economic and social problems of certain sectors of Latin American society, it is not at all encouraging to note the enormous sums which the armies of certain Latin American nations invest in weapons and sophisticated military hardware, which far exceed the reasonable requirements for defence and the maintenance of domestic public order in each country.
247.	As President Aristides Royo stated in announcing Panama's accession to the Charter of Conduct of Riobamba, the founding fathers of the Latin American Republics would be deeply discouraged were they to see that after one and a half centuries of independence the problems of poverty, disease, malnutrition, ignorance, and social and economic need—problems which they had attempted to eradicate in liberating our peoples—were still rampant in broad sectors of the population of the continent.
248.	in bitter contradiction of the ideals of peace, progress, unity and integration of our peoples advocated by the liberators of America, militarist circles, divorced from the needs of the people, sacrifice the wellbeing of those people, motivated by the futile accumulation of stockpiles which are not simply defensive but also offensive, with motives which are not in keeping with the solution of the vital problems pending at the Latin American level.
249.	As a nonaligned country, Panama maintains its faithful adherence to the commitment of the movement to fight until a world based on justice and freedom has been attained and an international political and economic order established in which peace, independence, equality and cooperation prevail in the face of all the obstacles and forces which tend to maintain old forms or to impose new forms of inequality and domination, and which have created difficulties in the establishment of the new international economic order.
250.	Panama believes in a nonaligned movement born from the emancipating struggle of the peoples of Africa, Asia, Latin America and other regions of the world. Like Panama, those peoples have chosen the path of independent political development and like us they reject polarization into blocs, bloc politics, pacts or military alliances and policies aimed at dividing the world into spheres of influence.
251.	In keeping with that nonaligned policy, the Government of Panama reaffirms its adherence to the statements made at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Nonaligned Countries, held at Havana, concerning rejection of foreign military bases in Latin America. Panama likewise reiterates its support for the right to self-determination of the peoples of Puerto Rico and Belize, for the right of the Republic of Argentina to have the Malvinas Islands restored to its sovereignty, for the return of the Guantanamo base to Cuba, for the demand that the blockade imposed on the Cuban revolution by the United States be ended promptly, for the importance of continuing to lend political and economic support to the Government of National Reconstruction of the Republic of Nicaragua and for urgent action to restore the constitutional democratic process in the Bolivian nation.
252.	This is a good opportunity to reiterate the solidarity of the Government of Panama with Spain's centuries old claim for the return of the Rock of Gibraltar, a colonial anachronism for which there can be no justification in modern times.
253.	Just as Panama strongly demands universal respect for the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco), the Panamanian Government believes that this Assembly should promote efforts to implement the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa,  to realize the idea of the "Establishment of a nuclear weapon free zone in the region of the Middle East", to bring about the "Establishment of a nuclear weapon free zone in South Asia" and for the prompt implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, so as to guarantee conditions of peace and security with the attendant elimination of military bases in that important region.
254.	Members of the United Nations have agreed to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council in accordance with Article 25 of the Charter of the United Nations. The gravity of the present international situation demands, more than ever, strict compliance with that provision, which forms part of the basis of the international legal order. Circumstances and conflicts that prevail in the Middle East, Central Asia, the eastern Mediterranean—Cyprus specifically—in southern Africa and in other areas, would doubtless be resolved if there were due compliance with resolutions of the Security Council.
255.	That is the criterion which guided the Government of Panama in proceeding without delay to close its embassy in Jerusalem and transfer it to Tel Aviv, pursuant to Security Council resolution 478 (1980) of 20 August 1980. My country remains convinced that, in order to achieve a just and lasting solution of the crisis in the Middle East, it is essential that there be recognition of, on the one hand, the legal status of the PLO as representative of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independence and, on the other, the right of Israel and of all States and peoples of the region to live in peace within secure and recognized borders
256.	The Panamanian Government is pleased to note the official statement of Mr. Falilou Kane, Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, on 29 August, expressing the deep satisfaction of the Committee at the decision of the Panamanian Government to close its embassy in Jerusalem. In that statement he also indicates that, in the Committee's view, Panama's action "reflects the positive attitude of the Government of Panama concerning the question of Palestine and its concern over the feelings and the opinion of the vast majority of the international community".
257.	I believe it a duty of conscience to reiterate in this Assembly the confidence which my country, like many other medium sized and small nations, has in the Secretary General, to whom the cause of world peace and harmony owes so much. The fact that this thirty-fifth session is the first session of the 1980s leads us to serious thought. The Secretary General’s report on the work of the Organization acquires special importance at this time in history, since its analysis of the international situation is a challenge directed to the exercise of political will by the Member States with decision-making power in the Security Council, in this Assembly and in the other organs of the United Nations system.
258.	In the Panamanian Government's view, the ominous picture presented to the international community in the secretary General’s report has extremely serious aspects. In his opinion, there is a climate of confusion in which the major objectives proclaimed in the Charter of San Francisco seem to have lost momentum or to have been obscured. In his view, a reliable system aimed at guaranteeing international peace and security has developed little further in practice than—and these are his words—"haphazard and last-minute resorts to the United Nations"
259.	It is not, as he says, merely that disarmament may be more distant today than ever before. In our view, instead of disarmament, mankind is faced with a growing arms race whose cost this year will reach $500 billion annually. As a corollary, the world is today more than ever subject to the threat of nuclear destruction.
260.	We concur with the Secretary General and the Chairman of the Group of 77 that the new international economic order continues to be little more than an abstraction, while the economic prospects of the vast majority of countries and peoples continue to be affected by the general disorder and malaise. The Secretary General faithfully interprets international reality when he says that fundamental questions of human rights have been put aside or deadlocked for reasons of political and economic expediency.
261.	We must accept the fact that development and the observance of international law and of a universally accepted international code of conduct have suffered a series of setbacks.
262.	The Assembly cannot remain indifferent to the hostilities between Iran and Iraq, two Islamic nonaligned nations which are involved in a conflict in a region extremely sensitive for the peace of the world. Panama supports the offer to use his good offices made at the outset by the Secretary General in order to obtain a ceasefire and the cessation of military activities on both sides, so that the parties may agree to use the peaceful means embodied in the Charter for a friendly solution of their differences, which so affect the interests of the third world.
263.	Panama also wishes to thank the Secretary General for his prompt and vigorous action in convening the Security Council so that, in the exercise of the powers entrusted to it by the Charter, it may adopt all necessary measures with a view to having the parties in conflict put an end to hostilities and restoring peace in the region.
264.	The international community, shacked by the explosive situation that has arisen in the Persian Gulf, trusts that the States members of the Security Council will act in keeping with the ideals of the United Nations and that the two superpowers in particular and the countries whose oil supplies may be threatened will exercise restraint and refrain from any action not in compliance with the strictest neutrality and with the agreements for the restoration of peace that may be adopted within the United Nations system.
265.	The warning sounded in the secretary General’s report calls for profound reflection, if reason is to prevail over folly, if prudence is to triumph over barbarous acts, if restraint is to win out over rashness and if justice and civilized order are to overcome inequality, abuse, discrimination, chaos and anarchy.
266.	In essence, more consistent, concerted and vigorous action is required on the part of all Member States to resolve the grave institutional crisis affecting the United Nations today. Delegations participating in this session of the Assembly will agree with the delegation of Panama that the world is today witnessing, in both the economic and the political fields, a real crisis which, in the final analysis, is part and parcel of international relations. It is not a question of an imaginary crisis, or fanciful conjectures, or rhetoric. Facts speak for themselves. Although much more could be said, we can mention three very serious instances of what we term the institutional crisis of the international Organization with regard to the three main bodies of the United Nations.
267.	South Africa's obstinacy and its failure to comply with Security Council resolutions relating to the independence of Namibia and the solution of the very serious problems in southern Africa highlight the lack of respect to which the main political organ of the world Organization is subjected.
268.	Noncompliance by Iran with the judgment of the International Court of Justice of 24 May 1980 ordering the release of the American hostages kept in Teheran since November last year shows to the world Iran's disregard for the value of the decisions of the supreme legal body of the United Nations system.
269.	The refusal of the Soviet Union to withdraw its military occupation forces from the territory of the nonaligned State of Afghanistan presents before the world the former's indifference towards and lack of compliance with the resolutions of the General Assembly decreeing the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of those troops from that country.
270.	If large and small States alike do not respect, give effect to or observe the resolutions of the Security Council, the supreme political body of the United Nations, the decisions of the International Court of Justice, the supreme legal body of the United Nations, or the resolutions of the General Assembly, the supreme legislative body of the United Nations, we wonder what future awaits mankind.
271.	The international community is aware of the fact that the major political, economic and social changes and the scientific progress that have occurred in the world since the Charter was adopted have increased the importance of the principles of international law concerning friendly relations and cooperation among States and of the heed to apply them more effectively in the conduct of States at all levels.
272.	Panama recognizes the importance of maintaining and strengthening international peace, on the basis of freedom, equality, justice and respect for fundamental human rights, and of promoting friendly relations between nations irrespective of differences between their political, economic and social systems or their degrees of development. We believe that the only way open to mankind, if it is to survive, is the strictest observance of those principles and of the Charter of the United Nations as the most exalted means for promoting the rule of law and justice among nations.


I wish to endorse the sentiments expressed by my Prime Minister on the day of the admission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to this world body as its one hundred and fifty-fourth Member. I am convinced that the selection of Mr. von Wechmar, by the group of States to which he belongs, for recommendation to this Assembly as its President is an indication of its recognition of his proven skill and competence in guiding and directing the affairs of the Assembly. I have no doubt that Mr. von Wechmar deserves this expression of confidence and I should like to wish him a productive and satisfying term in office.
214.	As the representative of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines who attended the 2198th meeting of the Security Council on 19 February, when our admission to this Assembly was unanimously recommended, I must here record my appreciation for that unanimity in favour of my country's admission to this world forum. We feel a sense of pride and satisfaction that the United Kingdom should have acted as our sponsor during that meeting. We feel pride because the United Kingdom and we ourselves have been capable of ending one relationship and beginning a new one as equals in the true spirit of the United Nations Charter, without rancour or bitterness resulting from our historical relationship and past differences and experiences.
215.	I was moved by the solemnity of those proceedings and the ready response of all nations in accepting us as a Member. We were deeply touched by the warmth of the sentiments expressed on the day of our admission to the United Nations.
216.	We are a small nation, but one with a clear view of what role we can play in world affairs. For financial reasons, there will always be obvious limitations to our ability to perform in the manner that may be desirable. This financial constraint notwithstanding, our position on issues will be made quite clear. Our intention will always be to assist this Organization in achieving and maintaining world peace, as well as economic and social justice. We will uphold respect for the democratic process and will of necessity be more closely drawn to those countries that share similar ideals. We will, as a Member of the Caribbean region, so direct our foreign trade, fiscal and foreign policies as to promote greater unity in all areas of development among the peoples of the region wherever there is a compatibility of interests and objectives.
217.	We believe that economic relations between one country and another should rest on the basis of equality and mutual respect for the systems of each, recognizing as we do that it is the right of all peoples to determine the system of government they wish, as expressed by the will of the governed.
218.	Our foreign policy will therefore develop as an integral part of the ideas of our people, expressed as the Government and people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines conceive it, and that policy will pursue the ends which we want it to serve in world affairs.
219.	The central concept of our foreign policy is that of assisting in the promotion of an international order based on the principle of the equality and sovereignty of all nations; the total eradication of imperialism and colonialism in all its forms; the rejection of all forms or doctrines of racialism; the desire for lasting peace, freedom and prosperity and the need for international cooperation in all fields of human endeavour.
220.	Saint Vincent and the Grenadines will, as a consequence, build its foreign policy on the foundation of this concept. The safeguarding of our national interests will, a fortiori, be the primary aim of our country's foreign policy. We are conscious of the fact that we live in a changing world with concomitant shifts and realignments of relationships between Powers and groups of Powers. While, of necessity, aspects of our foreign policy will therefore be flexible, our concern will be to safeguard our independence and to strive for a better way of life for our people while assisting in the promotion of peace and order.
221.	In an effort to prevent any erosion of our independence, we will not attach ourselves to any power bloc, Eastern, Western or nonaligned. We see ourselves as having an equal interest in creating, maintaining and safeguarding international peace as an essential condition of our own economic, social and industrial development. Our ties with the nations of the world will be forged through the signing of treaties of peace, friendship and cooperation. We have longstanding traditional ties with many countries. Where it serves our national interest we shall strengthen those ties and, where appropriate, forge new ones.
222.	If Members, however, find us tardy in forging ties of new friendship, it is because we want to ensure that they are meaningful and lasting.
223.	We believe that the principles of non-interference by one State in the internal affairs of another and of scrupulous respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States are essential to peaceful coexistence. We condemn the use of force in international affairs. We believe that, if that principle is strictly observed, the tensions of the world would be reduced and conflicts avoided. We are therefore opposed to all forms of aggression and any direct military intervention by one country in another, whatever the pretext.
224.	Saint Vincent and the Grenadines supports the United Nations stand on decolonization and hopes that Members of the United Nations will combine their influence to ensure the removal of those obstacles which are hindering Belize from becoming an independent country. Freedom and independence for the world cannot be complete so long as Belize and other countries are denied theirs. We therefore urge the United Nations to use its best endeavours to ensure that Belize becomes an independent nation at an early date.
225.	Equally, I must reiterate that, as my Prime Minister said earlier, greater efforts should be made to ensure that Namibia be granted the right to self-determination by the holding of free and fair elections under the supervision of the United Nations at the earliest possible time.
226.	We believe that the conscience of this world community must be further aroused and challenged, not only against South Africa, where racial discrimination is official State policy, but against the emergence of racialism in any form in other areas of the world. We believe that Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and other small States should, by their approach to international issues, act as a source of stable objectivity mirroring the concerned conscience of the United Nations.
227.	We are of the view that the Organization of American States is a truly hemispheric institution that can further, through cooperative and collective endeavours, peace and stability with progress and prosperity for its members. Being the oldest international regional organization in the world, the Organization of American States has the experience and the knowhow to tackle the problems of economic, political and social cooperation of member States of the western hemisphere. We shall therefore seek membership in that organization at an early time.
228.	We believe small States ought not to see themselves as being part of anything other than a fourth world. That is not out of a desire to advocate the creation of a new grouping; it is only consistent with the reality of our size, both in area and in population, and the vulnerability of our economies on a vast scale to the forces of nature. It is necessary for us first to perceive ourselves for what we are, without any illusion of grandeur. If that is done, it would therefore be easier for others to understand that we realize our capabilities, limitations, and the inhibiting factors to any meaningful development by us through our sole efforts. For even where efforts have successfully been made to move forward, they could be negated by the raw, brutal and uncontrollable forces of nature. Our problems, therefore, because of our small size, demand solutions. If such problems exist in larger countries of the third world, they do not have the same disastrous impact as when they occur in our fourth world countries. Cyclical disasters have a more immediate and far greater adverse wave effect on the economies of small States such as Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. Our problems, it is true, are not unique—and yet, they are in a way unique. That uniqueness demands favourable consideration and urgent attention by those who possess the abilities to help.
229.	When one recognizes the disparity of income between countries and the ever widening gap between rich and poor, it is evident that there is urgent need for a redistribution of wealth. Many countries have given assistance in the form of soft loans to poor countries, but the onerous conditions often imposed make it impossible at times for such loans to be taken up, and even when the conditions are met so much time may have elapsed as to cause a viable project to become nonviable. Worse still, even if the project may still be viable, because of the high rate of inflation there would be a tremendous escalation of costs which serves only to impose greater debt servicing responsibilities on the poor recipient countries. A new machinery is now needed by donor countries, consistent with the realities of the times in which we live. That machinery must substantially reduce the period in which disbursement is to commence and ensure that the necessary corrective measures are implemented at an earlier time and within the cost estimated. Without a restructuring of the lending machinery by donor countries and agencies, notwithstanding the awareness on the part of recipient countries that donors wish to ensure that their funds are properly spent and for the purpose intended, we in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines believe that the effect contemplated may not be achieved to the extent desirable to meet the needs of the recipient country as the urgency of the situation dictates.
230.	A new and less cumbersome lending procedure must be devised, which reduces paperwork and which does not overtax the human resource capability of small States. We are therefore very seriously concerned about this ever widening gulf and disparity of incomes, now fuelled by rampant inflation, and we believe that the North South dialogue is a step in the right direction.
231.	Saint Vincent and the Grenadines further believes that the report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, under the Chairmanship of Willy Brandt, merits careful study—which, I know, has already begun—in this body, with a view to the implementation of some of the recommendations which will tend to reduce, if not eliminate, much of the suffering, conflict and confrontation which from time to time arise within the world community.
232.	It is also of great significance that we have the benefit of another valued study: "An examination of the world economic crisis". That Commonwealth perspective concluded in a way which is worthy of quotation:
"Change is inevitable. The issue, as we see it, is whether the structural changes and adjustments necessary to solve the current economic crisis and the problems of development will be accompanied by economic confusion and chaos, with each nation struggling in isolation to maximize its own gain, or whether they can be achieved in harmony on the basis of a global consensus for the mutual benefit of all nations."
233.	We hold the view that energy is the primary problem of the world. We therefore believe that every effort should be made to find an early solution as a matter of urgency to this problem of frequent, periodic price increases. The indexing of prices to inflation cannot be the answer. Each increase in the posted price of oil will itself be the catalyst that generates further inflation worldwide. Those increases are the cause of chronic balance of payment problems in developing and underdeveloped countries, where neither the export price of primary products nor wages have for the farmer or the labourer the purchasing power to cope with the attendant evils of inflation. In mini-States like Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with an agricultural, export-oriented economy, a frightening scenario is being painted: the unfulfilled expectations of the young, the diminished hopes of the old.
234.	We should therefore strive to achieve the following: first, the freezing of all oil prices, which are already too high; secondly, the taking of positive steps on a global scale to conserve in the use of oil and natural gas, to permit time to develop alternative sources of energy; thirdly, the stimulating of the development of the technology to exploit gas on the biomass principle as fully as possible and to provide assistance with loans to poor countries to finance such energy development; and fourthly, the assisting of poor and small countries to exploit the development of such energy resources as are available.
235.	I am under no illusion that those objectives will be easy to achieve, but we can try. We must not be afraid to offend in so crucial a task. We believe that the present initiatives of Mexico and Venezuela, as well as Iraq, are first the land, in peace, and thereby foster greater contact and intercourse between their country and the host country. Aberrations of this sort must be strongly condemned, and those who are in a position to exert indicative steps of their awareness of the existing problems damage to our ecology, particularly from oil pollution. The existing problems of poor oil-importing countries. It is a commendable first step that should be emulated by others. It is a good beginning, but this must not be the end.
236. We condemn violations of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961 by any country or its nationals who deliberately violate, to achieve an objective, the norms of respectable conduct in relations with diplomatic representatives of a sending country in a receiving country. The Convention was adopted to permit accredited representatives to perform their duties within the limits of the law of the land, in peace, and thereby foster greater contact and intercourse between their country and the host country, Aberrations of this sort must be strongly condemned, and those who are in a position to exert influence to bring to an end such violations should do so with responsible commitment.
237. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines applauds the efforts being made to conclude a final convention on the law of the sea, which now seeks to resolve those issues which were not settled by the 1958 Geneva conventions. While those conventions resolved in a definitive manner matters such as the territorial sea, the high seas, fishing and conservation of living resources of the high seas, the continental shelf and the compulsory settlement of disputes, there are still major issues to be resolved which are of concern to our new nation-a nation spread over many miles of seas and comprising a large number of inhabited and uninhabited islands. Inhabitants have had a long history of use of and dependence on the resources of the sea. The Caribbean sea is our lifeline, as well as a potential source of wealth for several Territories within the region and, as specifically determined by us or agreed upon by convention, for us in our areas of sovereign jurisdiction.
238. We accept and recognize the desirability and wisdom of the right of all States to innocent passage through territorial seas and transit passage through straits used for international shipping. However, in the case of warships, prior notice must be given before such passage through our territorial sea. In the absence of agreement to the contrary, we accept the median line as the dividing line between States whether it determines the limit of the territorial sea or of the economic zone. There can be no doubt that every effort should be made to ensure the promotion of trade even in spite of differences between countries by unrestricted passage through and the accessibility of ports and harbours of States to trading ships.
239. With island States in such proximity as we are in the eastern Caribbean, particularly in the case of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines with many islands, islets, quays and rocks, it is important that an agreement be reached and an acceptable convention be concluded on these outstanding Issues. It IS clear now that, after many years, such a convention is in sight. After the resolution of myriad issues there is now a bright light at the end of the tunnel.
240. We are concerned about environmental dangers and damage to our ecology, particularly from oil pollution. The channels between several of our islands are safe and convenient passages for many of the world's super tankers travelling to and from Caribbean destinations, North America, Europe and the Middle East. It is more than reasonable to assume that there is a high probability of oil spills, occurring through negligence on the part of crews in cleaning and disposing of oil and indifference to the consequences spills may have, or through substantial damage as a result of navigational errors leading to massive oil spillage from heavily laden tankers beyond our limited human and financial resource capability to deal with.
 241. For countries such as ours, with a tourist oriented economy agricultural exports apart and a very limited industrial base, this could be a very serious tragedy, hamper in our foreign exchange earnings and worsening our unemployment situation. While we agree to transit passage of ships of all nations in the furtherance of international trade, we believe nevertheless that companies or nations should assume the responsibility of compensating for the economic harm done to a country, particularly a poor country, and the obligation of cleaning up the damage caused
242.	Small States like Saint Vincent and the Grenadines cannot sit idly by until disaster strikes; we must anticipate the event, even though we hope it will never occur, and seek to ensure that this world Organization exerts its not inconsiderable influence to alleviate hardship caused through no fault of the affected country. The manner in which that objective could be achieved is for consideration. Nevertheless, I am satisfied that oil producing countries should be made to assume a part of such obligations. The rationale for that is obvious and needs no further amplification. I hope that this Assembly has already addressed itself to this problem and that prompt relief would be possible were such an event to occur.
243.	What for a developed or large developing country may be a matter of no major concern, except for the impact of the damage per se on the ecology, or a small fourth world country like ours would assuredly be a major disaster. It must never be forgotten that, measured on the same scale, what is minor for a large country can be a catastrophe for a small one. Unless that is fully appreciated, the urgency of this appeal may be lost.
244.	Having enunciated our position on several issues and our concern in certain areas where we perceive threats inimical to our national interests, may I reiterate to the thirty fifth session of the General Assembly that the one real and lasting safeguard for States, large or small, is respect for the authority of this Assembly.
245.	While we are not dealing in geometric terms, since national interests are a continual challenge to reason, it is well that we remember the parts cannot—and, in terms of political reality, should not—be greater than the whole, and should not conflict with or set themselves outside the whole.
246.	This thirty fifth session of the General Assembly has several new and outstanding issues to be resolved. Among them are the many hot spots in the world that could be cooled if adversaries would show less fear and more understanding of the other's point of view and if each was prepared to appreciate that the words "compromise" and "accommodation" can be given real meaning in the conduct of discussions which could resolve disputes. Intransigence and the hard line are not necessarily an indication of strength, but often the products of fear and insecurity. But the best safeguards against fear and insecurity would be negotiated settlements which bear the stamp of the approval of the United Nations. It is wrong for any nation, large or small, to show open defiance of the resolutions of this world Organization, since by ignoring its authority, albeit only a persuasive authority, they thereby effectively seek to weaken its usefulness. The Assembly can be a most effective instrument; but it cannot be and will not be greater than all of us collectively have the will to make it. Each of us representatives possesses the perception by conscience to know right from wrong. Nevertheless, we are all subject to the policies of our Governments and must represent them or resign. But can we not in the light of our thinking strive to influence those decisions, if by so doing we would enhance respect for the integrity and credibility of this world Organization? To fail in this endeavour is not the problem; only to fail to try.
247.	Do not think us naive; we are only concerned.