208. Mr. President, it is with genuine pleasure that, on behalf of the Republic of Guinea, I welcome your election to the Presidency of the twenty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are all the more gratified by your election since, through you and your country, we are welcoming here a true representative of our great Afro Asian family. This means that, as a representative of the third world to which we belong and whose firm will it is to put an end to all foreign domination, you, Sir, for many reasons are in a favorable position to understand the urgent appeal made by representatives of almost three quarters of the world's population. We also take this opportunity to congratulate the VicePresidents who will be at your side and will work to ensure the complete success of this session of the General Assembly.
209.	The Republic of Guinea is very happy to extend its warm congratulations to the delegations of the fraternal States of Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar, and to wish all progress and prosperity to their courageous peoples.
210.	Despite all the efforts of our Organization to promote peace, progress and justice, my delegation is compelled to state that the international situation presents a very grave picture, and this is all the more disturbing because of the persistence of colonial oppression and the many imperialist colonial aggressions that have gained ground everywhere.
211.	Only one year ago, through me, my delegation from this very rostrum [1859th meeting] warned international public opinion of Portuguese preparations for aggression, aggression that was to be launched against our country from the territory of Guinea (Bissau), with the complicity of NATO forces. Despite the many warnings of my country to the Lisbon Fascists and despite our urgent appeals to the United Nations, precisely during the celebration of its twenty-fifth anniversary, 50 days later, on 22 November 1970, my country became the victim of a barbarous aggression.
212.	Allow me today, 28 September the thirteenth anniversary of the historic vote by which my people rejected all forms of subjection and domination and achieved full sovereignty to extend to the representatives present here and to the valiant peoples which they represent the fraternal greetings of the people of Guinea and of their enlightened leader, President Ahmed Sdkou Toure, Supreme Authority of the Revolution, CommanderinChief of the People's Revolutionary Armys whose firm faith, indomitable courage, clairvoyance, lucidity, political wisdom and high moral virtues have made it possible for our people to frustrate all the Machiavellian plans hatched by the imperialists and to make our Republic a bastion of the anti-imperialist front in Africa.
213.	Since 22 November 1970 the people of Guinea has been confronted by a very serious situation. The imperialist colonialist aggression perpetrated on 22 November 1970 against Guinea by the Portuguese colonialist forces, supported by the NATO Powers, bears witness to the implementation by the imperialist camp of a plan for neo-colonialist reconquest of those zones of liberty which had freed themselves from the fetters placed on Africa by capitalist Europe. That brutal and brazen aggression, which was in violation of all rules of international law including the right of our people to live under its political and social regime, is evidence that imperialism recognizes only one law the law of force, the law of arbitrary violence, which it uses to oppose the legitimate cause of peoples struggling for independence, sovereignty and peace, namely, the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America.
214.	I have already stated that today is the thirteenth anniversary of the historic decision of the people of Guinea to free themselves from colonialism and to recover their own personality and sovereignty. In so doing, my Government undertook the solemn commitment to adhere to Article 1, paragraph 2, of the Charter of the United Nations, to develop with all countries of the world friendly relations based on the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples.
215.	The international community will agree with me that it took only a few years for my country to achieve full political independence, to embark upon a full non-capitalist economic development and to achieve a genuinely African anti-imperialist regime. In Africa and in the world, it has been shown today that Guinea, thanks to its judicious political choice and to the efficiency of its organic structures, has ever-greater prestige among the forces of progress and peace.
216.	Thus, the creation of' a national currency, the nationalization of banks and insurance companies, foreign trade, transportation and power; refusal to grant permission for foreign military bases on our territory; the absence of all foreign technical assistance in our administration; the control by the State over our natural resources, as well as the integration of the entire Army within our civil service with all political rights and career guarantees that are granted to all citizens; the promulgation of a single social security code, which makes no distinction whatever on grounds of sex or profession; the reform of the school system; the reduction of the salary spectrum; the effective exercise by our people of all the attributes of sovereignty by means of the 8,000 committees which have been set up as local revolutionary authorities in our country; and the permanent mobilization of our people for the purpose of ensuring our defense all this has made our country a strong ant-imperialist force in: Africa and has placed our country irrevocably on the side of those peoples who have always refused to bow down before imperialism.
217.	By the reconversion of its structures and thinking, therefore, our country has refused to accept any foreign influence or ideology, be it military, economic, political or cultural.
218.	The great progress achieved by my country in the field of social democracy has impelled international imperialism and its henchmen to undertake a policy of political and military aggression against our people and its freely chosen regime.
219.	Thus, operating from certain neighboring African States, some expatriates after having served the French colonial army in operations aimed at the colonial reconquest of IndoChina and Algeria are now serving the cause of the Portuguese enemy.
220.	The perfidious aggression of 22 November 1970 was carried out by Fascist Portugal; however, it is quite clear today that this aggression was planned, prepared and directed by a French network, namely, the Foccard group, acting in cooperation with the Federal Republic of Germany and other NATO countries.
221.	The attacks of the Portuguese hordes against the Republic of Guinea are not of recent date, and our
Organization bears witness to this, because, mindful of its international commitments with respect to the Charter, my Government has informed the United Nations, through the Security Council, of political and military aggressions that have been .directed against our sovereignty and our existence.
222.	The Security Council of the United Nations will recall that in July 1961, in February 1962, in April and October 1965, as well as in October 1966 and in June 1967, through letters sent to the President of the Security Council and to the SecretaryGeneral, my Government notified that body of the United Nations, which is responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security of the following: first, constant violations of Guinean air space by Portuguese military aircraft; and secondly, bombardments of our villages by Portuguese aircraft and by Portuguese artillery, causing much loss of life and considerable property damage.
223.	The Security Council members will recall the communication sent by the Republic of Guinea dated 27 August 1968, on which date a Guinean civil aircraft, after having made a navigation error, was compelled to make a forced landing in Guinea (Bissau) because it ran out of fuel and was confiscated, while its two man crew was detained by the Portuguese authorities.
224.	Our Assembly will also recall the appeal sent out by all the Heads of African States at a summit meeting held in Addis Ababa after the aggression of 27 August 1969 which was perpetrated in the Boke area of Guinea by five Portuguese patrol boats against the Guinean trawler Patrice Lumumba, which was loaded with cargo and passengers. In this open aggression a school teacher was killed and three civilians were wounded.
225.	On 15 December 1969 the Security Council, acting on the request of my Government, met after a new, cowardly aggression had been perpetrated by the Portuguese colonial army against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country.
226.	The violations of our air space continued and are still continuing. On 21 September 1971 two Portuguese aircraft of West German manufacture flew over the zone of Foulamory, which is located in the region of Gaoual, in the northwestern part of our country.
227.	One year ago the delegation of which I am the head informed the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly on 2 October 1970 of preparations for an aggression against my country by Portugal, supported by its NATO allies, an aggression which was to be launched from occupied Guinea (Bissau).
228.	Despite the various appeals of my Government to the United Nations to force the Portuguese Government to put an end to this long series of misdeeds and infamous crimes, an astonished world was to learn that on 22 November 1970, operating from Guinea (Bissau), a Portuguese fleet
6 Sixth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 10 September 1,969.
disembarked on the shores of the Guinean capital, and several hundred Portuguese commandos and mercenaries attempted to repeat, in the twentieth century, the gunboat policy by which Europe conquered Africa, Asia and Latin America.
229.	The Security Council, which met in emergency session on the very day of the aggression at the request of my Government, decided in its resolution 289 (1970), to send a fact-finding mission to Conakry to study the situation on the spot.
230.	Allow me to recall the concisions of the report of the Security Council Special Mission to the Republic of Guinea:
"From the information received and the observations made by the Special Mission during its visit to Guinea an outline of the events of 22. and 23 November 1970 clearly emerges.
"During the night between 21 and 22 November a naval force appeared off the coast of Conakry. It consisted of two troop-carrying ships described as being of the type known as LST during the Second World War, as well as three or four smaller patrol boats.
"In the early hours of 22 November troops were taken ashore in a number of motorboats. The strength of the invading force seems to have been between 350 to 400 men. They wore uniforms resembling those used by the army of the Republic of Guinea, without any insignia, except green armbands. They were armed with infantry weapons, including bazookas and mortars.
"The force split into several groups. Some of the groups were assigned to strategic points in Conakry, such as army camps, the airport and the electric power station. One group demolished the summer residence of the President of the Republic of Guinea, while another made an abortive attempt to assault the presidential palace. The headquarters of the PAIGC  was also attacked. The invaders occupied an army camp in which Guineans imprisoned for activities directed against the Government, as well as the Portuguese captured in the fighting with the PAIGC, were being held; the [Portuguese] prisoners were released and some of them... were apparently taken back to the ships. The motorboats were seen to make frequent trips between the ships and the shore.
"Fighting continued at various points in the city until the morning of 23 November, after which the raiders withdrew to their ships and departed. The number of casualties is not known to the Special Mission with any degree of certainty. According to the Guinean authorities, over 100 attackers are being held as prisoners.
"The operation seems to have been well planned and
carried out with professional skill and precision	The
attack against the residence of the President of the Republic of Guinea, coupled with the freeing of the Guinean prisoners, supports the belief expressed by the representatives of the Government of the Republic of
Guinea that one purpose of the attack was to overthrow the Government and replace it with dissident elements....
"Regarding the origin of the invasion, the use of naval ships indicated that an external power was involved. The representatives of the Government of the Republic of Guinea had no doubt that this power was Portugal. This view was supported by information from other sources, including the prisoners interviewed by the Special Mission, as well as eyewitness accounts of independent observers and material evidence,
"After a thorough analysis of all the material it has gathered concerning the external, armed attack launched from the sea against the Republic of Guinea, the Special Mission has reached the considered opinion that:
"(a) The ships used to transfer the invading force to Guinean waters were manned by predominantly white Portuguese troops and commanded by white Portuguese officers,
"(b) The force consisted of units of Portuguese armed forces... under the command of the regular white Portuguese officers, as well as of a contingent composed of dissident Guineans trained and armed on the territory of Guinea (Bissau).
"In the beet judgment of the Special Mission, the invading force was assembled in Guinea (Bissau). The invasion of the territory of the Republic of Guinea on 22 and 23 November was carried out by naval and military units of the Portuguese armed forces, acting in conjunction with Guinean dissident elements from outside the Republic of Guinea."
231.	Those are facts which prove that that aggression was by no means an accident and that it was as we have repeatedly stressed the result of an operation that was organized at great cost to wrest from free Africa one of its regions most committed to the anti-imperialist and anti capitalist struggle.
232.	However, the enemy who thought that the firing of cannons and machine guns would suffice to cause the downfall of an African regime underestimated the ability of our people to defend itself. Thus it was convinced that the Guinean people supported its cause and that it would suffice to land in order to elicit sympathetic demonstrations of support. Events showed that he had grossly miscalculated, because not a single man, woman or youth among the valiant people of Guinea came out in its favor. The fifth column, which was camouflaged in our ranks, was immediately neutralized by the people bearing arms.
233.	The report of the Security Council's Special Mission stresses, in paragraph 38, that "The operation seems to have been well planned and carried out with professional skill and precision". Indeed, according to documents taken from the prisoners, the plan of aggression of 22 November 1970 was called "operation 5535547071", the text, of which follows:
"First phase: logistic and tactical support. First by sea: Units 105223, throughout the entire first phase, will follow the routes for landing, furnishing protection and assistance if necessary. Once the objectives are attained by each group, two BA 12 landing craft will take to the port area of Conakry 500 men to obtain and strengthen control of strategic points.
"By land: points of departure two neighboring territories "Ranger units 5670 stationed in the areas will give all necessary support to the transport and infiltration
group	 300 men aboard camouflaged helicopters will
be ready to assist the northern group" starting from the same accomplice territories.
"Second phase:.. elements of the 1st and 3rd 'Mediterranean' parachute regiments will proceed at the request of the new government established immediately after the occupation of the various targets indicated in . the preceding plans. Fifteen minutes later a plane will arrive at the Conakry airport with the members of the new government, who will ask certain Powers... for military assistance to disguise the external military intervention, The new government will immediately be recognized... thus conferring a legal character on the operation.
<c
...
"Composition: 2 naval groups, 3 land groups from outside, and staff group will take part in the operation. First phase:... 2 land transport convoys from outside, 5 automobile transport convoys from within.... the general mission: internal opposition to the regime established by Sekou Toure, bound up with the interests of the free world, has given hope to the NSA... regarding the possibility of setting up in place of the present Government a nationalist government favorable to the interests of the Western world.
"This plan was drawn up through the special services of Portugal and with the full cooperation of friendly countries.
"... Bases of support as well as economic resources called for by the forces of political opposition in Guinea were planned to facilitate the work of certain officers and the acquisition on the spot of additional means of action requested in note 63870, which was received through Senegal.
"The general missions are as follows:
"(a) Transport groups: stationed in landing and frontier areas;
"(b) Reception groups: setting up a radio and protective unit to assure maximum safeguards for frontier crossings and landings;
"(c) Action groups: group A: occupation and control of Boke and Labe, together with the airports and public
services; after the arrival of the naval group; defense of the points indicated on the detailed maps must be guaranteed not only during the occupation of the targets at Conakry, but until such time as complete and total mastery of the situation in the country is achieved. Group B: occupation, control and defense of the civilian and military targets indicated on the pertinent maps. The principal objective is control of the airports and public services at Kankan, N'Zerekor and Kissidougou in Lower Guinea and in Upper Guinea'Group C: landing points; Dubreka, Boffa and Forecariah. Immediately thereafter, organization of various commandos in a pincer movement towards the capital. For achieving the objectives assigned to each group, priority is given to the occupation of public establishments and local airports with immediate neutralization of local police and military forces and the arrest of prominent persons> in accordance with document No, 11. Point of departure for the naval uni( Guinea (Bissau) Orange Naval Base,
"For Group A, point X2,... Mobile command post 5375 on the general operations map prepared by Eduardo da Silva> approved by Watson."
234. The new plan against the life of our people is as follows:
"First: infantry to operate in coastal Guinea, starting from Buba that is an island in Guinea (Bissau)by motorized transport through Kandiafara, Kaluka, to reach Boke and occupy it> taking any action necessary. (Boke is the bauxite area, with large companies operating there.) They were to occupy Boke, for further action, first against Kindia, operating from Diaka, Dirota, Linguinal, Fria and Tondon cutting off Kindia and preventing the troops from the interior from reinforcing Conakry.
"Second, an attack on Conakry, along the Boke line, by air and sea Boki, Boffa, Dubrdka, kilometer 36 to cut off the special area of Conakry up to kilometer 36 and to occupy the city in collaboration with parachute elements in the Gbessia sector and with naval forces.
"...when Conakry is occupied, these troops are to occupy the north and act as reinforcements. These troops from Senegal leave a part of Beli (Guinea (Bissau)) by motorized vehicle, and by way of Lagui, Koumbia, Gaoual, Seriba, TianguelBory, reach Labe and occupy it With a view to further actions, principally against Conakry and then against Kankan. These troops are to link up with, elements from Kadara, on the frontier with Guinea (Bissau).
"Thirdly, infantry operating in Upper Guinea, coming from Somotou in Guinea, and by motorized vehicle to Kankan through Saladou, Tiriru, Mandiana, occupying it and linking up with the occupation troops in Middle Guinea (at Labe) through Kankan, Kouroussa, Banko, etc.
"Naval forces: three groups of ships to sail from Bissau, in close formation. Arriving at Rio Nufiez (near Boke), two groups to continue out at sea southward in the area of latitude 920 North and longitude 1510 West. The third group skirts the coast at a distance of about 40 or 50 kilometers and heads towards Conakry. This third group will consist of light warships and landing craft carrying troops and material. The first two groups, with the above mentioned coordinates, set their course for Conakry. Arriving at a point about 60 kilometers from Conakry, they separate, the first continues on to Conakry, and the second heads for the southern frontier to break up any counterattack coming from Sierra Leone or from the southern frontier. This group could, if there were no intervention troops, give support to the groups attacking Conakry. The group going directly to Conakry could provide support or reinforcement.
"Air forces: two groups, one for reprisals, to go about attacking various points and towns and creating havoc -a group for reprisals and intimidation; the other group, for airborne troops, transported by air from Kthio Guinea (Bissau), to head for Conakry on the line of Boffa, coordinates 940 latitude North, 1420 longitude West. The reprisal group continues on to Conakry to carry out its mission. The second group, airborne and airlifted, occupies the airport at Gbessia and cuts off the Conakry airport and the Alpha Yaya camp, and isolates the Conakry peninsula by surrounding it."
From a curtain border'Ytfy with airborne and airlifted troops, take the Faranah airport and occupy it for logistic purposes; (b) counter any operations from Sierra Leone and Liberia and provide any support that might be needed for the troops at Kindia and Conakry."
235.	On 3 August 1971, the authorities of my country intercepted a number of messages which were exchanged between two staff headquarters of the Portuguese colonial army relating to the implementation of the new plan. The Guinean delegation to the United Nations reported this matter immediately to the Security Council, which decided to send a mission to Conakry In order to consult the Guinean Government on its complaint.
236.	In the view of my delegation, this conflict between Portugal, a Member of the United Nations, and Guinea, another Member of the United Nations, involves a very broad field of considerations which include the fundamental question of decolonization and the overt policy of aggression of Portugal against the neighboring African States committed to the implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV).
237.	The role of the United Nations is to maintain international peace and security and, under Article 1 of the Charter, "to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or Other breaches of the peace".
238.	My Government has stated its faith in the United Nations, and it expects the United Nations to use the powers available to it under the Charter in order to thwart the threat of aggression which is at present facing our country. The provisions of Articles 39 and 41 of the Charter call for the adoption of measures against States which have undertaken acts of aggression. These provisions are clearly relevant to this subject. Furthermore, in accordance with the wish expressed by the General Assembly at its twenty-fifth session, the United Nations must take appropriate measures within the framework of the application of sanctions, in particular measures designed to prevent delivery to Portugal of all types of weapons.
239.	Our country states solemnly that it is ready as it was on 22 November 1970 to crush any aggression no matter whence it comes and to defend on its own soil the dignity and personality of Africa to the last Guinean.
240.	By inflicting on the mercenaries a well-deserved lesson, the Guinean people implemented, Oil 22 November 1970, this important statement of President Ahmed S&kou Tourg:
"Let the enemies of Guinea make their plans; let them sharpen their weapons of destruction;!"* them place their rockets, their bombs, their ships and their ill-gotten gains at the disposal of those who are against Guinea, not one inch of the sovereignty of our country will be yielded to them.
"From now on, the independence of Guinea is a fact and will remain so. Having now become a nation, a people, a conscience, a personality and hence a force, the democratic people's Republic of Guinea, which has irreversibly committed itself to the revolution, has totally and definitively reconquered the right to life and to freedom and the capacity to take part, with an ever increasing power of action, in the building of a new world."
241.	The decolonization of vast territories in the world, and especially in Africa; the strengthening of the policies of white supremacy in southern Africa, linked to the growing development of the inhuman practices of apartheid in the South African Republic; and the tension which prevails in the Middle East, and the war imposed on the peoples of Asia by imperialism, the questions relating to the universality of our Organization, the preparations for complete and general disarmament, the question of the human environment, the codification of the law of the sea, the implementation of the International Development Strategy all these matters are part of mankind's concerns today.
242.	Africa is the only continent where the worst type of colonialism still exists. Indeed, for more than 10 years the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) have suffered from barbarous colonialism, the colonialism of Fascist Portugal, which henceforth owes its survival only to the massive assistance provided by its NATO allies.
,243. However, the freedom fighters, thanks to their determination to free themselves from the Portuguese colonial yoke, are winning victories every day, victories leading to the goal of national liberation. At this time, therefore, the world's conscience is asking how Portugal, which is so underdeveloped, can carry out such a policy of military aggression against so many African States in
systematic violation of resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. And it is here, in the view of my delegation, that the full responsibility of NATO is involved since the maintenance of Portuguese colonialist domination in Africa is due to the aid given by NATO to the Lisbon  Government.
244.	This is why Guinea is convinced that the efforts of our Organization in the matter of decolonization will be futile as long as the NATO Powers are not made to face their responsibility by the United Nations.
245.	The dispute which pits our continent against South Africa and the Rhodesia of Ian Smith is a conflict the dimensions of which are as well known as its objectives.
246.	It suffices merely to recall the true context of this conflict, for it represents a new form of imperialism which some are seeking to impose on the southern part of Africa.
247.	While the era of colonialist expansion was marked by confrontations between coJ,o*iial empires as a result of which certain possessions simply changed hands and names, today, on the other hand, in the southern part of Africa, the former colonial Powers, having lost their empires, are resolved to keep their hold on South Africa so that they can integrate it into the Western defense system for the purpose of maintaining white supremacy in the southern part of Africa.
248.	For this purpose, the imperialists have found, even in Africa itself, agents who advocate some kind of a dialog with the South African enemy.
249.	My Government has taken a clear, precise and unambiguous position in this regard. We reject any policy that involves a rapprochement with South Africa, that would tolerate its policy of racial discrimination, even if such policy is that of a country of the African continent. The democratic and popular Government of Guinea considers that to be a policy of high treason against Africa and against the South African freedom fighters. We regard as Reason any dialog with the illegitimate Pretoria Government for the obvious reason that the heroic struggle being carried on by the African peoples in that country falls within the framework of Africa's battle to recover its dignity, justice and its own personality.
250.	With respect to Rhodesia, we have always asserted, and we assert now, that only armed force can put an end to Ian Smith's revolt, all the more so since the British Government, through its complicity, is no longer able to bring about the adoption of constitutional measures for transferring the power in Southern Rhodesia into the hands of the maj ority population of that country.
251.	We deplore the farce that has been called an "economic blockade of Rhodesia". In this connexion, my delegation decries, denounces and condemns all forms of economic, military and other aid afforded to the colonialist and racist regime of Ian Smith. We likewise regard any sale of arms to South Africa as an antiAfrican act and we urgently appeal to France to refrain from building factories that would make possible the manufacture of Mirage aircraft in that country.
252.	The International Court, requested by the Security Council in its resolution 284(1970) to give an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of South Africa'?,, presence in Namibia, by 13 votes to 2 rendered its judgment by declaring South Africa's presence in Namibia illegal, As a result of the decision, the United Nations must assume its responsibilities all its responsibilities as regards tin's problem. It goes without saying; what is more, that all diplomatic and other missions to Namibia should deal with the authorities of that country and not with the Pretoria Government.
253.	The Middle East is another source of deep concern for my delegation, On 5 June 1967, in violation of Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter, a State, Israel, committed one more treacherous aggression in its long list of aggressions against three Arab States. The consequences of that aggression have not yet been eliminated, despite the unanimous adoption of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) formulated, decided and imposed by those who are commonly called the "guardians of the world's conscience" in matters of international peace and security by virtue of the Charter. Those consequences are the cause of the grave and dangerous tension that prevails in that region,
254.	The fact is that today the State of Israel in seeking to bring into being plans that have been contemplated ever since 1919 by the world Zionist organization. As events have since shown, the invasion and the refusal to evacuate the occupied territories fit perfectly into those plans.
255.	The area of the territories at present occupied is four times as great as that envisaged in 1947 by the United Nations plan [resolution 281 (II)j and the plan of expansion, The territorial area occupied today Is several times larger than the territory envisaged in the Zionist plan of 1919.
256.	My delegation is convinced that the plot hatched by international imperialism acting in concert with Zionism is to impose on the Arab nation the reality of Israel, with all that entails of usurpation, arbitrary action and violation of human rights,
257.	Israel's stubborn refuse to evacuate the illegally occupied Arab territories that it seized in its aggression of 5 June 1967 shows how unstable is the peace in the Middle East area.
258.	Thus, in the view of my delegation, any effective solution of this crisis must take into account the Palestinian element.
259.	The Republic of Guinea, true to its anti-imperialist policy, reaffirmed before this Assembly its full support for the Arab peoples in their just and legitimate claims for a Palestine with all its legitimate and inalienable rights to freedom and independence restored.
260.	With regard to VietNam, how can we refrain from expressing our deep concern over the dirty war imposed by imperialism on the valiant VietNamese people? We hail with respect and admiration the heroic peoples of VietNam, Cambodia and Laos, who every day are inflicting cradling defeats on the American forces and their allies.
261,	Our delegation supports and approves without reservation the seven-point proposal of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South VietNam.
262,	We do hope that the United States will finally come to understand the necessity of unconditionally and totally withdrawing its forces of aggression so that the VietNamese people may settle their own problems among themselves,
The same applies to the question of Korea, It is high time indeed that the United Nations troops were withdrawn from that territory and the courageous people of that divided country be allowed to settle their own internal problems with no outside interference,
264.	This year too, even more than in preceding years, my delegation is deeply concerned over the absence from the United Nations of the powerful and peaceful People's Republic of China.
265.	That great Power, the most populous in the world with its 750 million inhabitants about a quarter of all mankind a founding Member of the United Nations, owing to systematic maneuvers has, since 1949, been denied the seat to which it is fully entitled. To try to entrust to the Chiang Kaishek clique the representation of the Chinese people is nothing less than stubbornly and deliberately to disregard, in absurd and dangerous fashion, historic realities.
266.	For years my Government has constantly denounced the hostile, discriminatory policy adopted towards the legitimate Government of China, the only true representative of the great Chinese people, which has on so many occasions given concrete proof of its love for peace and its desire to contribute to the political, economic, social and cultural development of the world of today.
267.	The United Nations has a duty to put an end to this inadmissible and dangerous situation, which some wish to foist on the world in unprincipled fashion in order to implement a policy that has been disavowed by the peoples concerned.
268.	My Government hopes that this year the General Assembly will decide to restore to the People's Republic of China its legitimate rights as the sole representative of China in the United Nations and to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kaishek from the seat they have been illegally occupying in the United Nations for over 20 years.
269.	My country is deeply committed to the effective achievement of general universal disarmament, and we feel that only that form of disarmament will make it possible to achieve true peace-not peace that can best be described as a state of non-war. Thus my delegation will support any proposals aimed at ensuring the participation of all countries in the solution to this problem.
270.	The question of the human environment, that is, of the quality of life on the planet, is also a matter of deep concern to my delegation. We believe the gravity of the problem of the environment results from the difficulties encountered by the developing countries in proceeding towards their rapid industrialization. Consequently, any useful dialog among the developed and developing countries aimed at averting this danger should take full account of the responsibility devolving upon the more favored countries.
27 L International cooperation is a historic necessity today. Therefore it should lead nations to assist each other in improving their material situation. However, this cooperation if it is to benefit all concerned must be based on the principles of equality and respect for the dignity and worth of all parties.
272 Today, no nation and no people, however developed it may be, can do without such cooperation without harming its own future, for the will to cooperate broadens the possibilities for economic, intellectual, moral and political development. And the natural consequence of this trend is to strengthen the ties of brotherhood amongst men. My delegation feels that, after the adoption of an International Development Strategy and the approval of a general preferential system, the activities of United Nations development machinery should be aimed at the adoption of practical measures to implement decisions taken on the subject.
273.	In this respect, at its twenty-sixth session the General Assembly should set forth guidelines for the use of the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
274.	In my delegation's view, resolution 2749 (XXV) of the General Assembly, concerning the Declaration of Principles Governing the Seabed and Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, represents a step forward within the framework of efforts being undertaken by the international community to achieve harmonious development of the law of the sea and the seabed.
275.	A number of delegations rightly considered the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly to be a session for the evaluation of problems still facing our international Organization. For that reason the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly should be one of bold decisions taken with the purpose of enhancing the effectiveness of the role of the United Nations.
276.	For, indeed, if the purpose of this Organization is to reflect trends in the world of today it also has the responsibility of promoting continued progress. Therefore, in my; Government's view, the Assembly at its twenty-sixth session should aim at the following:
(a)	Strengthening the role of the United Nations with regard to the solution of international problems;
(b)	Achieving universality for the Organization, having regard for the urgent need to restore to the People's Republic of China its lawful rights in the United Nations;
(c)	Strengthening the roles of the General Assembly and the Security Council, at the same time fostering close cooperation between these bodies in order to safeguard peace and security;
(d) Ensuring the greatest possible participation of Member States on a basis of equality and equitable geographical representation with respect to the adoption of decisions dealing with the achievement of the purposes and principles of the international Organization.
277.	Those are the general considerations that guide our delegation in its study of the important items on the agenda of this twenty-sixth session.
278.	I should like now to perform a very pleasant duty. I have been authorized by the President of the Republic of Guinea, Ahmed Sekou Toure, to extend, on behalf of the people and Government of Guinea, deepest thanks and warmest congratulations to SecretaryGeneral UThant, whose high moral and human qualities and whose lofty sense of human dignity and justice have won for him the admiration and respect of the entire international community.


42.	 Mr. President, I am proud and happy to congratulate you, on behalf of the Indonesian delegation, on your election to the presidency of this twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your assumption of this high office is a fitting tribute to your years of service and dedication in the field of international relations, and it is an honor for Indonesia to share with this august Assembly one of its most outstanding citizens.
43.	May I also pay a tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, whose wise leadership, experience and understanding helped to steer us successfully through last year's milestone session: the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations.
44.	I would like to extend also on behalf of my delegation a warm welcome to the four new States Members of our Organization admitted this year. We feel certain that the participation of Bahrain, Bhutan, Qatar and Oman will greatly contribute to our deliberations and decisions and will strengthen the United Nations by bringing us one step closer to universality of membership.
45.	Mr. President, in your opening address to the Assembly [1934th meeting] you emphasized the theme of universality, urging us to work for a universality of peace as well as of hope in this era of interdependence.
46.	Universality implies, first of all, conquering our worst enemy: man's basic self-centeredness, which affects all relations whether interpersonal, national or international. It means the submersion of narrow national ambitions in the broader stream of common interest. It requires the forging of a new global vision and a global capacity to deal with the problems of our time.
47.	The timeliness of your appeal is confirmed by the situation we see around us. The world seems to be going through a period of far-reaching transition and change. Yet, deep-seated contradictions and inequities continue to dominate international life.
48.	On the one hand, the sharp divisions of the early cold war years are dissolving into a new multi-polarity in the international power constellation. The tremendous advance of modern technology is opening up unprecedented possibilities for progress, while transforming the dimensions of international relations. Ideological intolerance is slowly giving way to a general search for new forms of global accommodation and coexistence.
49.	On the other hand, the trend towards detente among the major Powers still fails to improve the security of the smaller and weaker nations. It has not removed the scourge of war in various regions of the world. The benefits of modern technology have yet to reach the majority of mankind, while its unrestrained use now threatens to degrade the human environment. And, as the Lusaka Declaration so eloquently states, "In spite of the great achievements and aspirations of our generation, neither peace, nor prosperity, nor the right to independence and equality, have yet become the integral and indivisible attributes of all mankind."
50.	Thus, the era of transition in which we find ourselves today raises our greatest hopes, but also presents us with grave challenges.
51.	The essential task we face is the structuring of a new international order that will make possible the establishment of genuine peace in the world and the equitable sharing of economic prosperity in freedom and social justice for all. Whether such an international order can emerge in the future will depend on how we decide to resolve a number of fundamental problems confronting us today.
52.	How to obtain effective nuclear arms control so as to enable us to move towards general and complete disarmament; how to build an international economic and monetary system that will ensure stability as well as continued growth for the developing countries; how to exploit the new resources of the sea-bed and ocean floor under arrangements equitable to all; how to e* 1 '\;e war in Indo-China and the Middle East, relieve tk: v uTerings of refugees on the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent ^ in Palestine, and eradicate racism and colonialism in Africa these are some of the problems to which we have to find the collective answers, and of which will depend the shape and conditions of the new international order that will emerge.
53.	In facing these problems, there is indeed legitimate reason for hope. The most cynical pessimist cannot but acknowledge the growing tendency towards rapprochement among the major Powers, evident at various levels and within several regions.
54.	The degree of accommodation and integration taking place in Europe at present increases the prospects for peace and stability in that area, and thus internationally. In this context, my delegation particularly welcomes the recent Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin of 3 September 1971 as a first step towards a conference on European security.
55.	Progress so far achieved in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks between the United States and the Soviet Union, although still limited, brings us a step closer to our shared aim of general and complete disarmament.
56.	Indonesia is also heartened by the steps which the United States and the People's Republic of China have taken with a view to normalizing relations. My Government has always welcomed any development which could support and strengthen the conditions for world peace and international security. Our response to the United States- China rapprochement, therefore, is based on our hope that this new development will indeed bring greater peace and security to the world and especially to Asia and will effectively contribute to the resolution of such fundamental problems as disarmament, the Indo-China war, the question of divided countries and related issues.
57.	Aside from these hopeful aspects, however, the most critical and explosive sources of international tension still remain, and we are today, more than ever, faced with the problems of human conflict and suffering, injustice and discrimination in various forms.
58.	Undoubtedly, the most urgent of these problems is actual and potential war, casting its shadow over various regions of the world, in south and South-East Asia, in the Middle East and in southern Africa.
59.	The war in Indo-China continues to prevent the early stabilization of peaceful conditions in South-East Asia. As such, it remains a potent threat to world peace, a fact which, due to the prominence of certain other questions of international concern, seems unfortunately to have been relegated somewhat to the background.
60.	The heavy toll of human tragedy continues unabated. For almost 30 years now the people of Viet-Nam have suffered the agony of war, and an entire generation exists which does not even understand the meaning of peace.
61.	As a close neighbor, Indonesia cannot but have a direct interest in what is happening in Indo-China. With the other countries of South-East Asia it shares the need for peace in the area as a prerequisite for development. That is why my Government took the initiative last year of organizing a conference of Asian Foreign Ministers on the question of Cambodia. The decisions we made then are still relevant to the situation today. The Djakarta Conference on Cambodia demanded, among other things: the withdrawal of all foreign troops to facilitate the cessation of hostilities; respect for the sovereignty, independence, neutrality and territorial integrity of the countries concerned; the reactivation of the International Commission for Supervision and Control, and the convening of an international conference similar to the Conference on the Problem of Restoring Peace to Indo-China, which met at Geneva in 1954.
62.	And when, earlier this year, events in Laos took a turn for the worse, Indonesia, together with Japan and Malaysia, again initiated a series of direct appeals to all parties involved and actively sought concrete ways to overcome the impasse.
63.	My Government remains convinced that peace in Indo-China cannot be achieved by military means, and that a political solution, to be lasting, should take into account the legitimate wishes of the Indo-Chinese peoples themselves. We maintain the hope that the present stalemate in the Paris peace talks will be broken soon and that an acceptable formula for a settlement can be reached on the basis of various proposals already submitted to this forum.
64.	In the Middle East, Israel's adamant refusal to comply with the essential conditions for peace as provided for in Security Council resolution 242 (1967) remains the principal cause of continuing and explosive tensions in the area.
65.	For four years now, Ambassador Jarring, the Secretary-General's Special Representative to the Middle East, has untiringly devoted himself to helping to find a solution based on the above-mentioned resolution. His efforts and proposals have met with the support and sympathy of all parties except Israel. On the other hand, the President of Egypt, Mr. Anwar El-Sadat, has shown commendable reason and courage in declaring Egypt's willingness to sign a peace accord with Israel provided Israel withdraws from all Arab territories occupied since the June 1967 war, and even to reopen the Suez Canal as a first step towards an over-all settlement.
66.	It is clear that Israel's intransigence directly undermines the prestige and authority of the United Nations. Its continued illegal occupation of Arab territory and its persistent denial of basic human rights to the Palestinian people constitute serious violations of the Charter. And even as recently as a fortnight ago, Israel once again showed its total disregard for Security Council resolutions on the status of the City of Jerusalem.
67.	Indonesia remains firm in its conviction that the acquisition of territory by military force cannot be tolerated. The complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from Arab lands should, therefore, be the starting-point from which to develop all further efforts to attain a just and durable peace. We will continue to stand on the consistent implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), as well as of last year's General Assembly resolution which guarantees the Palestinians their inalienable right to self- determination [resolution 2672 C (XXV)]. We reaffirm our support to Ambassador Jarring's mission and welcome any other initiative, including interim agreements, to secure these objectives.
68.	The tragedy of civil strife in Pakistan is another matter of deep concern to Indonesia. While my Government regards the political turmoil in the eastern part ^ that country as an internal affair of Pakistan, we realize that the resultant problem of refugees should be the humanitarian concern of the international community also. Indonesia, therefore, fully supports all efforts to extend relief to the distressed people of East Pakistan, as well as to the refugees in India. It has appealed to both India and Pakistan to resolve the tensions that have arisen between them, through peaceful negotiations and without recourse to force or mutual recrimination. And we entertain the hope that with the return of a civilian administration in Dacca, the confidence of the people will be restored and the general situation in Pakistan returned to normalcy.
69.	The threat of war is not limited to Asia. Colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism continue to hold sway in southern Africa and create tensions constantly endangering world peace.
70.	Despite all the efforts of the United Nations, over so many years, large parts of Africa continue to suffer under colonial oppression and racial discrimination. I refer to the Portuguese Territories of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau), to Namibia and Southern Rhodesia, and to the abhorrent manifestation of racism which is apartheid in South Africa. Even worse, Secretary-General U Thant has alerted us to the fact that there has been a slowing-down in the pace of decolonization during the last few years [A/8401jAdd.1, para. 55], due mainly to resistance or lack of co-operation in implementing United Nations decisions on the part of certain Member States.
71.	My delegation wishes to stress the importance of the program of action for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted by the General Assembly last year [resolution 2621 (XXV)]. Within the framework of that Declaration, we reiterate our full support for all relevant decisions and resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. We also welcome the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on Namibia, in the earnest hope that it may bolster the determination of the Security Council to take resolute action and to put a stop to the continued defiance of the authority of the United Nations by South Africa and Portugal.
72.	We appeal to all nations to co-operate in implementing the above-mentioned decisions. But we would like to address ourselves specifically in this regard to the big Powers and the major trading nations of the world. It is they who possess the influence and capability to impose the necessary economic and political sanctions on these colonial regimes.
73.	Colonialism and racial discrimination, under whatever guise or label, are anachronisms we should no longer tolerate at this stage of world development. Instead, all of us should actively work for the liberation of the Territories remaining under colonial bondage, so as to enable them to join the United Nations and thus contribute to the strength and universality of our Organization.
/4. The principle of universality also determines the manner in which we view the question of the representation of China. Ever since this issue arose in the General Assembly, the Government of Indonesia has taken the position that there is only one China the People's Republic of China and that, therefore, China's seat in the United Nations, including the Chinese seat in the Security Council, rightfully belongs to it. This position remains unchanged, in spite of the suspension of diplomatic relations between our two countries. In this respect Indonesia maintains that normalization of bilateral relations must be settled on the basis of the principles of the Bandung Declaration^ of which both are signatories, notably the principles of non-interference and respect for each other's sovereignty. Indonesia hopes that, by assuming its rightful place in the United Nations, the People's Republic of China will be placed in a position where it will carry out its foreign policy with full responsibility for peace and security in the world, and especially in Asia.
75. Moreover, the participation of the People's Republic of China in our work and deliberation? will considerably strengthen the authority of the United Nations and add to its effectiveness. For it has become obvious that the solution of many outstanding world problems requires China's participation. At the same time, however, we are fully aware that the restoration of the lawful right, of the People's Republic of China may leave important residual problems arising out of the political realities existing in the region and as also reflected in the United Nations itself. We hope that the parties concerned will be able to reach a satisfactory solution to these remaining problems.
76.	I turn now to the question of the so-called divided nations. We only wish to restate our position that the divided nations should be admitted to membership in the United Nations, and that the peaceful resolution of their differences, which has our support in principle, should be considered an internal affair of those countries.
77.	As to the question of disarmament, we recognize that there have been some limited achievements in this field. But our main concern that of general and complete disarma-ment, including a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty is far from being achieved. In this connexion a world disarmament conference, as proposed by the Soviet Union [A/L.631], certainly deserves our serious and sympathetic consideration. But that conference should be carefully planned. It should be held under the auspices of the United Nations and with all States participating.
78.	But let me stress that the aim of general and complete disarmament must also be seen in the light of development. The figures for armament expenditures are appalling. Our Secretary-General quoted a figure of over $200,000 million for 1970 alone [A/8401/AddJ, para. 42]; that is to say, the equivalent of a total year's income of all the developing countries.
79.	Last year the General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for the establishment of a link between the Disarmament Decade and the Second Development Decade [resolution 2685 (XXV)]. The International Development Strategy [resolution 2626 (XXV)], which was adopted in the context of the Second United Nations Development Decade, is aimed primarily at reducing the gap between the rich and the poor countries, redressing the unequal distribution of wealth, power and resources and the unbalanced access to scientific and technological knowledge. As my delegation sees it, the deeper significance of this Strategy lies not in the gods per se but in the collective commitment and responsibility we have jointly undertaken.
80.	But, unfortunately, recent developments, especially in the trade and monetary fields, have run counter to this commitment, and have added to the already aggravated burdens of the developing countries. The present monetary crisis has not only led to a loss in the real value of our monetary reserves, but also to a reduction in development assistance at a time when the need for such assistance has substantially increased. Moreover, the danger of a revival of economic nationalism that is, a tendency towards protectionism discernible in certain quarters if not checked threatens to halt or even to reverse the growth of international trade.
81.	Those developments only serve to underline the interdependence between nations. It is clear, then, that the present situation can be remedied only through collective measures, which must be carried out in a spirit of co-operation between developed and developing countries, with mutual goodwill and understanding.
82.	Any solution to the current crisis must not impose additional burdens on the developing countries and must adhere to the principles set forth in the International Development Strategy. The developing countries must be compensated for any loss in the real value of their monetary reserves. Also, a new international monetary system must be evolved which would provide additional development financing to developing countries and which would be geared to a more dynamic concept of world trade, based on a new international division of labor between developed and developing countries. New conditions must be created which are favorable to the expansion and liberalization of trade.
83.	We should like to stress the significant role of the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations Conference for Trade and Development [UNCTAD] in solving these problems. We earnestly hope that the third session of UNCTAD, to be held in Santiago, Chile, and the preparatory conference of the Group of 77 in Lima, Peru, will provide both the impetus and the instrument for further liberalization and expansion of trade in the developing countries. In particular, we should like to emphasize the urgent needs for the speedy removal of all tariff and non-tariff barriers.
84.	Of vital importance to the success of the Second Development Decade is the monitoring mechanism on the national, regional, functional and world-wide levels. Concerning the global, over-all level, we feel that the Economic and Social Council should play a primary role in the review and appraisal of the Decade's progress and achievements. As the President of the Council, Mr. Driss of Tunisia, has pointed out, all efforts to strengthen the Council in this vital function are welcomed as timely and appropriate. Measures to expand the membership should go hand in hand with measures to expand its functions.
85.	But, ultimately, the success of the entire Strategy is only possible once we have established a concrete link between the Second Development Decade and international peace and social justice. The Second Development Decade should only be seen as a part of a global commitment to solve our major problems: those of the environment, the population explosion, technological excess, the future exploitation of new resources, of the continental shelf, the sea-bed and the ocean floor, as well as a more equitable distribution of the resources and wealth already available to us. Problems of development cannot be regarded without this reference point to international social justice. We must work within the framework of our mutual interdependence, developed and developing countries alike, always keeping this crucial link in mind.
86.	I have dwelt at some length on the problems of development. This is only natural, since to Indonesia economic development remains a matter of the highest priority in our Government's program. As in the past three years, Indonesia this year once again made significant progress towards monetary and economic stability.
87.	Hand in hand with economic stability, of course, goes political stability. We have just passed another important phase in our national development. The general elections of 3 July 1971 resulted in a more representative parliament closely reflecting the aspirations of the people. That is a clear endorsement by the people of all of those in our society favoring planned development, rationality and realism in government.
88. Finally, I should like to convey my delegation's most sincere appreciation to our Secretary-General for the devotion to the ideals of the United Nations he has shown over the past decade. In this period, U Thant has gained the t! y,cx and friendship of all who have come to know him and work with him. We shall remember the contributions he has made to the Organization during these most difficult and challenging years. We join with other delegations in expressing regret at his decision to retire from the position of Secretary-General, and to wish him and his family the best of health and happiness. It is our hope, however, that the United Nations may continue to benefit from his vast experience, wise counsel and guidance in the future as; t has in the past.


50.	 Mr. President, I take pleasure in congratulating you upon your well-deserved election to the presidency of this Assembly, and I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Edvard Hambro upon his successful tenure of office at the previous session.
51.	To U Thant, on behalf of the Government of Bolivia, I should like to express our sincere appreciation; he has earned the confidence of many nations during his long tenure of office, in which the destiny of humanity has wavered between uncertainty and hope, and he has measured up to his task.
52.	My welcome goes to the young countries of Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar on their democratic entry into the United Nations. They will surely contribute to our cause with their force of spirit and their creative energies.
53.	I bring to this Assembly a message from a country situated in the centre of South America, from a people great in terms of its virtues and sacrifices, a people which has been able to overcome, worthily, many misfortunes and from a nation which emerged at the dawn of time with the appearance of our original races and which married the Spanish conqueror and then gave birth to the Republic. That was a social compact to which we in Bolivia pay homage and because of which we cannot strike out about 500 years of history; we can deny neither the motherland of Spain nor the motherland of our own native soil, which brought us their faith, their beliefs, their traditions, their culture and their languages in harmonious combination, making of the New World, together with its prodigious natural wealth, the hope of the human race.
54.	My country has undertaken structural changes, from 1952 on, in order to liberate the common people from feudalism and to attenuate the rigors of plutocratic exploitation. The dispossessed of the countryside have ceased to be slaves and the tin which brings income into our Treasury no longer benefits its former possessors. Such are the virtues of the agrarian reform and the nationalization r T mines.
55.	Petroleum, gas, zinc, gold, timber, sources of water- all our natural resources form part of the heritage of the nation. In my country it is no longer possible for an economic super-State to arise which would challenge the State itself.
56.	Revolution is proceeding now in Bolivia on the basis of a unanimous consensus and long the glorious path of full nationalism. It will always be welcome in America, as elsewhere, so long as it preserves its autonomy and the hallmark of genuine authenticity. When the revolution tries to transfer its own sovereignty it becomes anti-national and hence anti-American.
Mr. Molina (Costa Rica), Vice-President, took the Chair.
57.	This is precisely what happened in Bolivia under the former administration, which relinquished control of events to outside influences and permitted itself to pervert freedom and to prostitute justice and to cover up political crimes, to make the law its tool, to disregard institutions and deny democracy. All this was done to replace the national sovereignty with another sovereignty and to raise up petulant popular assemblies which were made up of false  representatives appointed arbitrarily, and was done by setting up irregular courts designed to imprison free citizens and to consign the opposition to the firing squad, all of which was openly avowed with unwonted arrogance.
58.	We are all aware of the principles of America which proclaim justice, which we all admit and we are all accustomed to defend with a certain readiness and boldness. But no one can ignore that these also compel the countries of America to preserve human and civil rights, to preserve their independence in the face of all forms of
outside interference in their internal decisions, and to repel jointly any kind of aggression.
59.	Yes, we have been able to carry out this sacred task imposed upon us by the revolution and the free and civilized conscience of America.
60.	In order to save the freedom of our country, which was on the point of being alienated by outside forces, in our policy we have applied the maxim of "help yourself.
61.	In order to obtain this, Bolivians have been inspired by lofty sentiments, as, for example, in Colombia where liberals and conservatives joined hands and forgot their old quarrels in order to serve their country better. Our two great rival parties, the Bolivian Socialist Falange and the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, both with popular and nationalist roots, both equally pugnacious, have decided to join forces in the face of the danger threatening Bolivia. And this political instrument, forged with such detachment and grandeur, has served the armed forces of the nation to rise victoriously, hand in hand with the people and under the leadership of Hugo Banzer Suarez, leader of the Nationalist Popular Front, which governs my country.
62.	Contrary to false and self-interested versions alleging non-existent fascism and a reaction which no longer is active in Bolivia, the new Government is inspired by profound democratic faith and by the conviction that it is preferable to run the risks of liberty. As soon as the circumstances of the political crisis which now confront us have been overcome, the powers of the nation will be established through the free exercise of universal suffrage. Parallel to this psychological preparation of the Bolivian people for the ennobling exercise of the ballot box, we are seeking a beneficial counterweight to control of the public sector by the State through incentives to private initiative and proper guarantees for foreign investments. Bolivia is a country which requires capital for its development and needs currents of immigration which will help it to grow. Social achievements such as the trade-union movement and workers' movements are being maintained unchanged. National universities have been suspended until next March while we undertake their restructuring on a modern basis, as has been done in other American universities. The reforms of 1930 are outmoded, anachronistic and inadequate. These reforms did not include in higher learning the new disciplines which are indispensable in our day. Economic and social development, the investigation of local realities and the training of medium-level scientists and technicians were not part of its objectives. In order to bring up to date our institutions of higher learning what we will need are sustained efforts, apart from the necessary resources and technical assistance from international organizations.
63.	It is all very well to say that there exists a third world made up of developing nations or by nations considered to be backward and dependent, including Bolivia. My party, the Bolivian Socialist Falange, 30 years ago, at the end of the Second World War, spoke of a third point of the triangle, a third position distinct from the exploiting right and the anarchistic left. Today we are pleased to observe that our idea has been implanted democratically in the conscience of the countries which do not have the power of decision in world politics and need the understanding and solidarity of the strong and powerful States.
64.	In the process of development, of industrialization through international co-operation, the concept of a third world distinct from the major Powers in conflict is naturally proper. At a time of definitions, at the supreme moment when the destiny of man and the fate of nations will be at stake, among the opposed and hostile forces which "third worldism" presupposes, each country is faced with a critical choice. There is no room for neutrality in the great historical contests. ii sexual indeterminacy of certain species does not permit biological transformation neither can there be in social terms a fruitful conciliation of the neuter with well-defined and categorical characteristics.
65.	Quite a few members of the third world are considered to be non-aligned countries. This non-alignment is more apparent than real. listening with due attention to the magnificent speeches which have been made in this hall at this present twenty-sixth session, it has been possible to observe that the Governments of our respective countries are in fact clearly aligned in taking a stand on each of the great subjects which perturb mankind today, and, even in dealing with specific problems of each nation, we observe a well-defined position which indicates a certain philosophy and a camp in which action is taken. The results of the final votes will show us better than anything else that we are all aligned in one way or another.
66.	Some people involved in the atmosphere of "third worldism" have unfortunately been given to violence, to terrorism and to urban and rural guerrilla warfare. These people confuse the moral and the economic posture of the countries of the third world, a posture which should be understood in a constructive way with a facile and convenient appeal to subversion and disorder for criminal ends.
67.	Violence, and there is no way of denying it, is the great midwife of history. But violence is legitimate and proper when it is exercised by the weak against the strong, by the exploited against the exploiter, by slaves against their masters. Blind violence through motives of revenge or resentment or as reprisals for a defeat which ha. been sustained, or the expression of impotence with regard to fighting openly is reprehensible and cowardly and deserves the most energetic condemnation.
68.	A political doctrine which practices organized criminality and for this purpose resorts to anti-social elements is not of course something which reveals the virtue of its principles, but a diabolical spirit which is intrinsically anti-natural and perverse, that of the Cains who swarm over the face of the globe and who will never be able to raise the standard of human hope.
69.	Along with the terrorism which is practiced as a political system, we find this tendency to intervene in the internal policies of other countries. Bolivia has been a victim of this kind of foreign aggression with the guerrilla fighters in Nancahuazu. The death of their leader in La Higuera attests to the fact, and attests to the violence done to the American principles of self-determination and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States.
70.	During the last attempt to "Viet-Namize" Bolivia, there was public incitement to revolt from foreign rostrums. Well-known guerrilla fighters from another country have made their headquarters in the Gabriel Rene Moreno University in the east of Bolivia.
71.	Our case is not an isolated one. Among other countries, Guatemala, as we have been told here by its Foreign Minister, has also "suffered from an intensive divisive campaign, inspired and supported from outside the country, which afflicted the country with ways of violence and subversion by extremists and clandestine factions". [1947th meeting, para. 92.] He concluded with the justified complaint that "the measures adopted [to prevent and punish acts of terrorism, kidnapping and violence] have not been as efficacious as we have hoped", a situation which, in his judgment, "threatens international peace and security" [ibid.].
72.	In the noble and democratic American community there is no place for ignoring anyone except States which exclude themselves by their own actions in promoting, in defiant ways, the undermining of public order in other countries. The right to the recognition of one's own personality begins with respect for the free determination of other peoples and the right to govern themselves in conformity with their own will.
73.	That the leaders of independence of America intervened in our countries is not historically true, nor does it. fit the present situation. Bolivar and Sucre, San Martin and Artigas, just to mention four of our distinguished liberators, belonged to one and the same country, which was able to preserve its unity but which, for the good or ill of our continent, split up into various countries. These republics today constitute different countries which have agreed in embracing certain principles and whose violation is a grave condemnation of the country which commits them.
74.	Happily, the United. Nations cultivates the same extremely noble and basic ideals as America and is determined to preserve human freedom, the security of nations and universal peace. Within its competence also we find the promotion not only of economic development but also of social development of countries struggling with an overwhelming scarcity of resources due to their situation of producing only one product, countries which are lashed by the scourge of evils ., r k .i sow fear and give us this lack of confidence in the fut /a.
75.	No less important and significant is the task which the United Nations has assumed of stimulating the processes of integration. This phenomenon, which is characteristic of the time in which we live, is due to the growing interrelationship between States and a growing interdependence which requires dialog and a positive policy of international co-operation. There are attempts to integrate in Europe as well as in Asia, Africa, Oceania and America.
76.	In South America there is a problem which affects Bolivia and Chile and which has effects also on the policy for development and integration of the Andean Group. The land-locked situation of my country is well-known, as well as its historical background, so that it would be redundant for me to dwell upon this. It would be better to approach this question in the light of the integrationist thought which concerns us all in more or less degree in accordance with the standing of our countries and the nature of the problem.
77.	Chile is facing a difficulty that has its origins in the capricious insular nature of its territory, which is isolated from the continent by the Andes. With a coastline of more than 4,000 kilometers it has a reduced territorial mass and its extensive northern area is desert. That is why it is interested in geographical factors which Bolivia might offer to it in guaranteeing not only the security but also the flourishing of regions which lack natural resources. The fresh water of the cordillera, the petroleum of the eastern part of Bolivia, the flow of trade in the departments of Oruro, Cochabamba and Santa Cruz, are "non-territorial compensations" which their statesmen and strategists have been thinking about since 1930.
78.	Bolivia, on the other hand, is an enormous continental mass of more than a million square kilometers, an area which is greater than Chile, without a single centimeter of coast on the Pacific. It is obvious that a country with such an unusual geography must seek out its own supplementary maritime facilities.
79.	It would seem that Chile had found the means for solving this difficult situation in its provinces in the north by means of integration with Bolivia through the Andean Group. Possibly it thinks that this is a way to help it to achieve its objectives. Bolivia, on the other hand, by integration merely through the ways of development which it has been using, will not be able to satisfy its urgent need for rounding out its development through a sovereign access to the sea. The principal leaders of the Andean Group have a very heavy historical responsibility which is related to the future of our sub-region and the peace of the southern part of the continent.
80.	Furthermore, as fax as Bolivians are concerned, our incorporation in the western ocean is more pressing since the sea is considered now to be an inexhaustible emporium of food reserves and of staggering natural resources. This wealth is even more abundant since the territorial sea has been expanding to a width of 200 miles and the world is also beginning to legislate concerning the sea-bed as a common and universal dominion.
81.	Making this approach more specific, we can say that the sea for Bolivia and the non-territorial geographical factors for Chile, will make it possible for the Andean Group to bring its far-seeing policy of integration to its fullest and happiest conclusion.
82.	Next, I should like to express my concern about the stability of the United Nations; in other words, the life itself of the Organization. This stability rests fundamentally on the prestige which the Organization can achieve, based on its fidelity to principles which it has proclaimed and the unswerving correctness of its conduct and the efficacy of its decisions.
83.	Once the prestige of the League of Nations was compromised, the League came to an end without sorrow or glory. As a healthful exercise, let us refer to some of the efforts which contributed to that dissolution. In that way we will see to it that the United Nations, which raises greater hopes, in spite of the skepticism of some of its Members, is able to meet its grave historical responsibilities.
84.	One of the faults of the League of Nations was the withdrawal of the United States from it, after it had sponsored its creation in the Treaty of Versailles. This event came on top of the previous isolation of Germany and Russia, which were the big Powers of the time. Today the United Nations counts on the active participation of the United States and the Soviet Union, as well as new Powers, although others of undisputed importance are being ignored.
85.	One thing which weakened the League of Nations morally was the institution of an International Court of Justice which could apply an optional arbitration without mandatory force. This implied an abandonment to the stronger countries of the solution of conflicts between the weaker countries, since the former did not have to use the arbitration of the Court. In our Organization some of this is occurring on some levels and it is endangering its effectiveness.
86.	Universal disarmament, in order to achieve peace, stumbled over insuperable obstacles in the League of Nations and its results, of course, could not prevent countries from arming themselves and from preparing a new war. Uien we spoke simply of the "manufacture of arms and munitions" and the "reduction of arms". Our generation is alarmed to see the production of nuclear weapons and the massive destructive power which they have. To limit and to dismantle this apocalyptic race towards a catastrophic extermination of men and nations is an unavoidable duty which cannot be escaped by the prominent Members of the United Nations.
87.	The Foreign Minister of Peru referred [1947th meeting] in detail to the risks of pollution of the atmosphere and the waters of the seas as well as the insecurity which is involved in atomic tests. In so doing, he was wise to emphasize the great urgency in adopting means to avoid proliferation of these deadly tests and in having an improved convention banning thermo-nuclear weapons. We might note, in this connexion, the reassuring words of the representative of France, a country which however is not the only one carrying out this research.
88.	Hie image of the League of Nations was affected also by the process which was followed in the admission and rejection of new States. Some were rejected, others were accepted, and this was based on discrimination which was often not well founded. The rejection of Armenia had special characteristics which we ought to recall.
89.	The case of Armenia was debated, and it was said that the League of Nations ought to support a new State whose existence was being threatened. All the members of the Assembly agreed that this step ought to be taken, but they fonH that the League did not have the weapons, armies or funds to do so. Later on, when the recognition of Armenia came up again, *he League of Nations, in a contradictory manner, decided to reject it, and in that way it wounded its own authority and prestige.
90.	In looking at this background we can see the negative influence which might be exercised in the United Nations if we are to accept and expel Members, to say that there is protection and not to bring about that protection because of insufficient means or operative inefficiency. That is why the Foreign Minister of Spain hit the mark when he said that the United Nations ought to find out whether constitutionally it is able to meet the challenges of the present time [1949th meeting para. 13].
91.	These references, as illustrative examples, strengthen our conviction in saying that the admission of the People's Republic of China ought to take place both in the Assembly and in the Security Council, and that the Republic of China ought to be kept in the Organization. There must be discretion in the acts of the United Nations if we are not to commit the mistake of harming its moral vigor and detracting from its political authority.
92.	Let us not regret the delay in the necessary incorporation of the People's Republic of China into this world Organization. The fact is that we are proposing it today as a matter of justice in the face of the principle of the universality of nations, which has been invoked by so many outstanding speakers and because of what might be called the doctrine of realities. Continental China is a country which cannot and should not be ignored because of the size of its territory, its enormous population, the strength and expansion of its economy and because it is an organized State. Bolivia is especially interested in speaking to China, about the production of antimony, wolfram and tin, and about the whole policy of prices.
93.	At the same time and using the same principles and reasons, we can in no way reconcile this with the expulsion of Nationalist China from this great amphitheater of peace, progress and solidarity of nations. A State which has 14 million people, a flourishing industry with exports of about $4,000 million a year, which is the same as the exports of the People's Republic of China, with a high cultural and technical level and which is in a position to give valuable assistance to other developing countries, cannot be refused, as Armenia was in the past, without the Organization compromising its serious purpose, and even less so now when the country involved has been one of its principal Members from the very outset.
94.	If, at the beginning, in the opinion of some, Formosa was a "fictitious State", at present the Republic of China shows the attributes of a modern State and is an example to others with its virtues of organization and its historic will to exist and to nourish lofty and constructive ideals.
95.	There might also be an impression that, if we were to abandon the island of Taiwan, there would be a hidden intent to allow that State to become the victim of the use of force. The reconquering of territories is a dangerous precedent which might be transformed into a terrible boomerang for the United Nations, some of whose Members might find themselves in similar situations. This risk flows from the words of one head of a delegation, when he said that Taiwan should be recognized as part of China and that representatives other than those of continental China should be expelled.
96.	With respect to the conflict in the Middle East, the framework of which is the Arab-Israeli conflict, this is a matter which should be duly sorted out and properly settled. Two principles should be pointed out here, the importance of which cannot be doubted by anyone and the rational application of which might lead to the result which we all desire. These are the principle of dialog, which is a worthy means of human understanding, and the principle of non-recognition of territorial acquisitions resulting from armed conflict.
97.	Both doctrines form a single whole for Bolivians. Direct conversation, enlightening dialog these are unchanging policies which Bolivia wishes to cultivate with Chile in solving its own problems and which it would like to see applied now in controversies such as the one which exists between the Arab States and Israel. The non- recognition of territorial annexations through the use of force has always been the key position of the Government of my country, and now we are pleased to hear this from the Minister for Foreign Affairs for Chile, when he says that Israeli troops should be withdrawn from the occupied territories and that any attempt to annex territories should be condemned, under Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which embodies this principle and which is to be found in international public law in Latin America as one of its guiding doctrinal concepts [1948th meeting, para. 168].
98.	No less censurable would be an attempt to bring about the destruction of Israel as a State. Even though Israel is a young State, it belongs to an old nation, whose origin goes back to biblical times and the beginning of man on earth. Israel in its short life as a modern State has astonished the whole world by its extraordinary capacity to organize itself, to preserve its independence and to advance resolutely forward along a broad road towards progress and the structuring of a just society, one which favors science, the arts and letters.
99.	To guarantee the security of Israel would seem to be just as important as to guarantee the territorial status of the Arab countries. Let reason and prudence, the mother of wisdom, and equity, upon which rests the theory of balances, of the "golden mean" spoken of by the ancients, let these, rather than tho clouded intellects and frustrated wills of sectarianism, say the last word in this controversy between nations worthy of admiration and respect.
100.	The armed struggle in Indo-China has not only become unpopular, as all wars do which become prolonged, but it has become a blind and irrational fact which is incomprehensible for most men. This conflict has incorporated a new term in the human lexicon the idea of "Viet-Namization" as the division of countries through ideological motivations. The threat of "Viet-Namizing" Bolivia or dividing it if necessary was made by a labor union leader from the grounds of our legislative palace which was converted into a sort of Paris commune, but not to bring about a revolution in favor of the Bolivians, as was carried out in France in favor of the French, a revolution which was made on the march, a nationalist, realistic and profound revolution, but one which -was intended to yoke the Bolivian State to foreign Powers, forgetting that America must become leader of its own destiny. The inclusion of the People's Republic of China in this Organization might constitute a decisive factor in favor of re-establishing peace in Viet-Nam. The present Government of the United States of America, in turn, with its comprehensive and constructive attitude, might win the palm of victory in this manner. It would be a victory for the cause of peace, which is so deeply yearned for by the long-suffering people of Indo-China, by United States citizens and by the citizens of the entire world.
101.	Among the main problems before the world is the question of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, into which the Third Reich was divided after the last war. In the territory of the old Germany, which was unified by the Iron Chancellor new European borders were laid out separating the leading Powers of the world. Some favor the admission of both Germanys as Member States of the United Nations. Actually, I would say that each Germany West Germany and East Germany deserves a seat in this great Assembly. We are pleased in this way to pay a tribute to a hard-working nation whose industry and human intelligence have contributed to progress and the ideological orientation of mankind.
102.	It would possibly be better to leave it up to the Germanys to settle their big problem now or in the future. No one could agree more than the Germans that they are a single nation which has been temporarily divided into two States because of transitory differences and that foreign interests have raised between them a wall of hateful connotations. This is a wall which, because of human comprehension and the transcendent unity of a people, will no doubt be demolished to give rise to an active and fruitful understanding which will prepare for the future the reunification of the German nation in a single State, with the democratic understanding of the great Powers.
103.	It would be premature to arrive at conclusions on the various items concerning the problems of the seas to be considered by the plenipotentiaries who will take part in the conference on the law of the sea to be held in 1973.
104.	In the broad field of the law of the sea, the problems of land-locked countries have relatively little meaning for the international community. Nevertheless, they take on vital characteristics when the interests of States lacking i sea coast are at stake, as in the case of Bolivia.
105.	Of course the right of free access to the sea is given to land-locked countries. In this connexion, I should like to point out that the improvement of this law, which is a matter of concern to my country, does not mean now, nor will it ever mean, giving up the rights that are helping it to hold its own sovereign rights in the seas of the world.
106.	There is another aspect which should be pointed out. The universality of the law for the use and the exploitation of the sea, which the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly proclaimed in a solemn declaration of principles,  would be partial and incomplete if it were applied only to coastal States and if the legitimate rights and aspirations of land-locked countries were to be forgotten.
107.	The international community began to confirm and to codify in 1958 various principles relating to the right of access to the sea, in the Convention on the High Seas  as well as the Convention on the Transit Trade of LandLocked States.  In addition, there are hundreds of bilateral agreements in this field. This matter has been the subject of special studies carried out by the Secretary and by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTADJ.
108.	As UNCTAD has quite correctly pointed out, landlocked status is one of the factors which ought to be taken into account in identifying the characteristics of countries having a relatively lower degree of development. It is obvious that, as is the case in the Andean Group, account should be taken of the fact that there are not only countries having a relatively lower degree of economic development but also land-locked countries that are less developed, and those countries ought to be accorded a doubly preferential treatment.
109.	In the organization of international machinery to administer the exploration and the exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed, consideration should be given to the fact that the recognition of preferential rights for coastal States over extensive areas adjacent to their coasts, would automatically transfer to land-locked States access rights to the deepest and most inaccessible ocean trenches, thus making such rights purely hypothetical ones. Such a situation would become even more absurd if it were established that land-locked countries have no right to the living resources even of the adjacent sea.
110.	At the end of this month and at the beginning of next month there will be a ministerial meeting, in Lima of representatives of the Group of 77 to prepare a joint plan of action to guide their deliberations during the third session of UNCTAD to be held next year in Santiago, Chile.
111.	Bolivia will be present at both meetings and will deal, with a special interest, with the important problems that concern the developing countries in their permanent relationship with the highly developed countries. I should add to this that Bolivia has complete solidarity with the views expressed by the Group of 77 in favor of co-operation for development, balanced and just international trade, the transfer of technology, special measures in favor of the relatively less developed countries and the special problems of land-locked countries, in order to comply with the objectives of the International Development Strategy of the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)].
112.	Without going into further analysis I wish to add at this point that Bolivia will give its support to improving regional organizations, the expansion of the number of members of the Economic and Social Council and, if necessary also to modifying some of the present characteristics of that body which do not correspond to the demands of our time and, finally, to examining closely the conditions for implementing the Second United Nations Development Decade.
113.	The Bolivian delegation has maintained and will continue to maintain its systematic and consistent attitude against all forms of colonialism and against racial and religious discrimination which are still afflicting various peoples of the world.
114.	Furthermore, my country reiterates its concern at the situation in Belize, the MaMnas and Gibraltar, which is of interest to Guatemala, Argentina and Spain and which endangers relations between those countries and the United Kingdom. The same thing can be said for the Canal Zone, whose recovery is being sought by Panama.
115.	Among the interesting matters before this body is the Convention of the Central American Community, which this Organization ought to welcome with great pleasure. This event shows us that Bolivar did not plant seeds in the desert. Bolivar's ideal for an American union, proclaimed in the amphictyonic Congress of Panama and in the Treaty of Confederation of 1848 in Lima, is being brought back to life and is gaining a new expression with the new Central American Community.
116.	Five nations of the same origin and the same destiny in the continent, tied by the same tradition and similar ideals, have manifested their desire to band together to create a Central American Community of Nations. Let us hope that such a generous effort will reach a definite crystallization for the good of America and the general fate of the world.
117.	In 1907, at the beginning of this century, an outstanding Brazilian jurist, Ruy Barbosa, the father of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, defended in The Hague the principles of the juridical equality of States, which has become the corner-stone upon which this modern edifice of great international organizations has been raised. With the welcome passage of time, we now see the forming of a corollary doctrine, the idea of the economic equality of nations in international co-operation for development.
118.	The first thesis has led us to the concepts of regional and world security, as well as of the recognition of the rulers of self-determination and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States.
119.	This second thesis must lead us to the establishment of sure markets and stable prices for the raw materials of the developing countries. At the same time, it should make it necessary for us to safeguard freedom of trade and the stability of currencies.
120.	All that can be possible if we faithfully follow the international rules which we accepted and if, at the same time, we reject movements for hegemony in the eager search for a great universal concert of nations.
121.	Science, technology and the great processes of industrialization today should not be used for destruction and death. We are facing a great challenge to man: a new and great adventure for his intelligence. That will be what will make it possible for us to become aware of and to dominate the forces of nature in the service of mankind and not of war in order to bring about the miracle of the realization of our ardent desire for justice, progress, universal peace and a better knowledge of the mysteries which the universe holds.