At the outset, I
wish to convey the Egyptian Government's congratulations to the Presidency of
Bulgaria on the election to the presidency of the General Assembly of
Mr. Ganev and his assumption of that high post.
I should like also to put on record our appreciation of the capable
manner in which Mr. Samir Shihabi, the permanent representative of the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia, conducted the work of the Assembly at its last session.
In addition, I want to congratulate the States that have recently joined
the United Nations. I hope that they will participate effectively and
constructively in the activities of the Organization and in defence of the
purposes and principles of its Charter.
This session, like past sessions and those that will follow in the 1990s,
is of great importance. It is being held at a stage of evolution and change
characterized by unprecedented dynamism and speed. It is a transitional stage
in the course of which new patterns of international relations are being
moulded. Hence, what the current session of the General Assembly is
witnessing is not a stable international situation but, rather, a phase in a
continuing process of evolution and change. Consequently, it is difficult to
predict with any certainty what the years and decades to come may hold for the
future of the world and its order.
This uninterrupted process of change, however, requires the reaffirmation
of certain matters which, in our view, constitute the basics which should
determine the image of the future.
The process of change should have a human content. No progress or
civilization could have a point of departure other than respect for man, his
rights, freedoms and dignity without discrimination because of colour, creed
or religion. Only in a context of respect for peoples' rights, cultures and
achievements and for their right to have their just demands met can there be
any change or progress.
International cooperation and interdependence based on justice and
fairness constitute the basis for salubrious change and for positive movement
towards any breakthrough of the future.
In the context of the existing challenges, international peace and
security are the collective responsibility of North and South, which should
shoulder their burdens and obligations and, thereafter, share the dividends of
success. Undoubtedly, the ever-increasing role of the Security Council
necessitates a review of its membership and the scope of its responsibility,
so that it may be a genuine reflection of international and regional forces.

In their new concept, international relations should be integral in
substance, rational in content and democratic in context. Therefore, the
formulation of those relations requires collective participation if they are
to reflect the interests of the international community, with all its
components, and of the balance between rights and duties and between power and
responsibility.
International relations, in their current state of evolution, reflect a
greater awareness and wider recognition of the relationship between future and
destiny. Similarly, they reflect constant movement towards realism in dealing
with inherited and nascent dilemmas. Nevertheless, they have been unable to
remove elements of suspicion and feelings of frustration. Rather, they have
helped to exacerbate such feelings in many places and about many issues,
especially in the third world.

While the seeds of change indicate a relaxation of global military
confrontations, at the same time, they have crystallized the inherited
sediments of regional and ethnic tensions and have transformed the equation of
rivalry between East and West into an equation between North and South that
has not taken final shape yet as it has not dealt, and does not seem to be
going to deal, rationally, with the massive historic imbalances between
regions of affluence and regions of scarcity, between regions of progress and
those of backwardness. Indeed, there is genuine concern that unless it takes
place under agreed controls, the ongoing process of change, will lead to the
codification of these imbalances and, thereby, make them a feature of the new
world order, with all that that would entail in terms of turmoil and chaos.
These features of today's world, and portents of tomorrow's world, give
rise to very real fears regarding the dominance of injustice and inequality in
international relations on the political, security, economic and social levels.
After this foreword, which reflects the feelings of the third world,
Egypt's delegation would like to discuss four issues: the state of affairs in
the United Nations; the situation in the third world; disarmament; and peace
efforts in the Middle East, Africa, Asia and Europe.
It is highly important that the purposes of the Charter be made the
foundation of the new era, so that justice may be ensured, social progress
promoted and better standards of living achieved in greater freedom as
expressed by the Secretary-General in his Agenda for Peace. In our view, this
is the real core of positive development and of any world order that strives
for stability and peace.

The purposes of the Charter, however, cannot be realized, and the strong
desire to ensure justice and to promote social and economic progress cannot be
fulfilled, in an age in which acute racialist trends rear their heads anew, in
which dangers threaten the lives of whole communities, and in which there are
signs of a return to foreign intervention in the affairs of States and of
peoples.
Hence, foremost among the main goals highlighted by the Secretary-General
in his plan is action to deal, in a wider context, with the deepest causes of
tension economic deprivation and social injustice. Dealing with these banes
should be the cornerstone of the new world era. In this connection, I should
like to voice our strong support for a statement made by the
Secretary-General a statement that seems to have commanded insufficient
consideration and appreciation. The Secretary-General said:
"It is noticeable that there is a common moral concept which is
increasingly emerging and spreading among the world's peoples and
nations. It is reflected in international laws, most of which have
emerged through efforts made by the United Nations."
This statement deals with an issue on which, in our view, we should
reflect, for we are in real need of a common moral concept. For many decades,
the world has been plagued by policies of racial discrimination. Now is the
time, the opportunity, to rid ourselves of those policies. Unfortunately,
however, other racial conflicts have erupted, and there have been calls for
ethnic purity. This shows that the world still lacks a common moral concept
and the means of developing it in a rational and sound way.
Such a concept should be based on consensus among our various societies,
and it should be developed within the framework of our political experience

since the Second World War. It should also be based on an analysis of all
that has been achieved and all that has not been achieved, with a view to
assessing the role played by.existing human-rights instruments and deciding
whether to develop such instruments further or to replace them with new ones.
We need a new world social contract between various world communities,
cultures and civilizations. This new social contract should be based not on
one model, no matter how successful such a model may have proved to be, but on
rules upon which there is common agreement and which take into consideration
the intrinsic characteristics of various societies, with a view to devising
the best framework for the achievement of unity through diversity. In this
way, we would define "respect for human rights" with reference to a concept
shared and approved by all a concept that all would contract to implement.
The new world social contract for which we call a contract linking
parties from different civilizations and cultures should be constructed
within the framework of the new era in which neither globalism and nationalism
nor commonality and individuality should be regarded as opposing trends, but
should be discussed from the point of view of peaceful evolution, equilibrium
and respect for the purposes of the Charter.
I strongly believe that calling for a new social contract is linked
organically with the preventive diplomacy, participation in peacemaking and
contribution to peace-keeping called for in the Agenda for Peace.
The vision that the Secretary-General has put forth last June in his
Agenda for Peace reflects hope as much as it reflects challenges.
This vision embodies a call for the development of the role of the United
Nations from one of mere crisis management and conflict resolution to a more
comprehensive one which would embrace social, economic and humanitarian

issues. It is a vision that presents newly developed dimensions imposed by
the nature of the profound changes now taking place in the patterns of
international relations.
There should be a comprehensive and in-depth debate on this report and on
the quintessence of this vision of the future. This debate should take place
in the General Assembly and the Security Council, as well as in the various
bodies of the United Nations, side by side with intensive examination in many
other forums. It should involve research institutes in various States and
continents, and should be aimed at reaching an acceptable formula to meet the
political, security, economic and social requirements of the next stage in the
history of the world.
This Agenda for Peace keeps hope alive and sets concrete goals. It is
characterized by the fact that it does not ignore or overlook the realities of
the situation. It strikes a balance between the possible and the desirable,
and it constitutes a prelude to the major aim of adapting the existing
instruments to the new realities.
The international community, which accepts even calls for - greater
responsibility in the resolution of global and regional conflicts, also calls
for an effective role for the United Nations in preventing wars and making
peace.
Respect for the United Nations involves, by definition, respect for its
resolutions and the mobilization of its collective will to implement those
resolutions with a view to imposing peace, if necessary, or negotiating peace
if intentions are genuine and the parties concerned cooperate.

In the midst of all this, we find the problems nay, problem of the third
world which is one of the most important issues we have to discuss in this
forum that brings together all the peoples and nations of the world.
In recent weeks the third world has convened a summit meeting in
Indonesia, in the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement. President Soeharto
addressed the Assembly in detail, yesterday, on the meeting, in his capacity
as head of the Non-Aligned Movement. Today, I wish to dwell on a few points:
first, the new world order should be based on solid foundations of law and on
the principles of the Charter, as well as on an equitable sharing of
responsibility and a joint commitment to cooperation and solidarity; secondly,
the structure of that order should be dedicated to peace and justice, security
and development and democracy at the domestic national levels, and in
international relations, as well as to the promotion of the fundamental rights
and freedoms of individual human beings and peoples;

thirdly, respect for sovereignty and adherence to the principle of
non-interference in the internal affairs of other States as a principle that
should not be impaired or diminished; fourthly, settlement of disputes by
peaceful means and through continued dialogue and negotiation; fifthly, peace
and stability are contingent on social and economic factors as much as they
are contingent on political and military factors. Therefore, the diminishing
prospects of economic development and social progress result in a serious
threat to stability, and hence, to peace; sixthly, support for holding a world
summit on social development that would put people and their social needs at
the forefront of international efforts, and provide an opportunity to deal
with the multi-faceted dimensions of social issues; seventhly, the United
Nations, as the world embodiment of multilateralism, has a unique opportunity
to be the international collective instrument for establishing a new world
order based on justice and equality.
Herein lies the link between the Agenda for Peace and the hopes and
aspirations of the third world for a positive role through which it would
contribute to building the new world order. We believe that the establishment
of this order cannot and should not be realized through imposition or
coercion, but rather through a democratic process in which all peoples and
States of the world would have a role and a say. This can be achieved only
through this Organization: the United Nations.
In today's world, there exists a great tide towards disarmament and
tangible progress towards agreement on its mechanisms and the achievement of
its aims which, for long, have been sought by developed and developing nations
alike. Third world States, represented by the Non-Aligned Movement and the
Group of 77, have made abundantly clear their determination to give priority

to disarmament issues, particularly nuclear disarmament, and the rechannelling
of released resources to the areas of development and to the achievement of
socio-economic progress.
Today, at this very same session, the new world is trying to take yet
another step in that direction by introducing the Convention on the
Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical
Weapons and on Their Destruction. Egypt, which was one of the first States
that participated in drafting this Convention and which called for the
establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones and for the elimination of weapons
of mass destruction, should like to present to the General Assembly our
regional view of this Convention.
First, we are in favour of moving towards chemical-weapons disarmament in
the framework of an international Convention that would constitute a part of
an evolving and comprehensive process of disarmament towards general and
complete disarmament, particularly of weapons of mass destruction;
Secondly, we agree with the framework and content of the Convention as
presented by the Conference on Disarmament;
Thirdly, however, from our regional perspective, we consider that this
Convention should not be dealt with in isolation from other efforts related to
other weapons of mass destruction, mainly the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons, the international system of safeguards and inspection, and
the provision of credible international guarantees;
Fourthly, we have a declared initiative regarding the establishment of a
zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East, including
nuclear, chemical and biological weapons and other delivery systems.
Therefore, our view of the Convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons
comes within this overall framework and is an integral part of it;

Fifthly, Middle East Arab and non-Arab States, with the exception of one,
have joined the international system of inspection or the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Thus their support for the disarmament
process is evident. However, the existing exception of one State gives rise
to many security concerns, particularly as we know that this exception enables
one State in the Middle East to possess nuclear weapons without any
international restrictions. It also enables this State, which possesses a
massive arsenal of military industries, to be engaged in a process of missile
development in a manner that makes it an enshrined exception in the framework
of the disarmament process. This greatly negates the effectiveness of all
disarmament operational instruments and threatens the whole concept of
regional and even international disarmament. It also restricts the freedom of
the region's States in acceding to the Convention on the prohibition of
chemical weapons;
Sixthly, against this backdrop, the ministerial meeting of the League of
Arab States conducted an in-depth discussion of this issue in mid-September.
The meeting approved the following points as a basis for the Arab position
towards the Convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons: full
willingness to deal with all disarmament proposals that would provide security
through equal obligations applicable by one standard to all the States of the
region; reaffirmation of full support for the elimination of all weapons of
mass destruction from the Middle East, including nuclear, chemical and
biological weapons, as the best way to achieve security for all the States of
the region; and willingness to deal with the Convention on the prohibition of
chemical weapons and the framework of efforts aiming at the establishment of
the zone to the extent that the excepted State, namely Israel, would respond

to international calls to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons and to subject its nuclear facilities to the international
safeguards system.
That is our position towards the Convention on the prohibition of
chemical weapons. It is a position of support, but within the framework of an
integrated disarmament process at the regional level in order to maintain the
security of the Middle East States that are threatened by the existence of
nuclear weapons in their region without any international control or legal
obligation.
Still dealing with the Middle East region, I should like to say that the
stage through which the region is passing now is characterized by many
positive elements as well as negative ones.
In connection with the Middle East problem and the Palestine question,
negotiations are currently under way, bilaterally and multilaterally, within
the framework of a peace process based on the land-for-peace formula, and on
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), adopted in the
framework of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. They
clearly provide for inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war,
and thus safeguard the sovereign rights and territorial integrity of all,
through withdrawal from the territories occupied in 1967; and for the right of
each State in the region to live in peace within its internationally
guaranteed borders, thus ensuring security for all, Israel and Arab States
alike.
In fact, the Government of Mr. Yitzhak Rabin has moved in the right
direction, dissipating clouds of uncertainty and clearing the way for hope and

optimism. A basis of credibility has thus been created for the negotiations.
That credibility was about to be lost indefinitely because of the actions of
the previous Israeli Government and the former Prime Minister's statement that
his intention was to procrastinate for 10 years.
However, it is not only the atmosphere of the negotiations that is
important but also the content of those negotiations, particularly in view of
the fact that the Arab parties, mainly Syria, have agreed to enter into
comprehensive peace agreements with Israel, provided that the latter adheres
to its obligations under the Charter, and international law as well as to the
unanimous international resolutions that stipulate withdrawal to the
international boundaries and the recognition of the legitimate rights of the
Palestinian people.

Egypt has set out in detail its integrated view of the components of a
comprehensive peace based on the elements of security and justice in
accordance with the following principles:
First, that the Arab-Israeli conflict in its entirety has four
components: land, Palestinian rights, security for all, and regional
cooperation in the framework of peace;
Secondly, the need to implement the Security Council resolutions which
represent the acceptable terms of reference for a negotiating process based on
the formula of land for peace;
Thirdly, the special status of Al-Quds city does not prejudice the fact
that East Jerusalem is a part of the territories occupied since mid-1967. The
principles of any settlement are as applicable to it as they are to any other
part of the occupied territories. Its future is not to be foreclosed nor
decided upon unilaterally. Consequently, it represents an area of the peace
negotiations, whether in the interim stage or in the final stage, of a
Palestinian-Israeli settlement;
Fourthly, a settlement should be comprehensive for all fronts, including
the Golan, Gaza and the West Bank, the Jordanian territories and South
Lebanon, under Security Council resolution 425 (1978), and the behests of
international legality.
Fifthly, interim arrangements in the context of the talks on full
autonomy should be made without prejudice to the right of the Palestinian
peoples to decide their own future and the exercise of their right to self
determination;
Sixthly, the problem of the post-1948 war Palestinian refugees and the
persons displaced after the 1967 war should be dealt with in conformity with
resolutions based on international law and consensus based on good faith.

The Egyptian view of a future Middle East within the context of new
international relations, as well as the context of cultural affinity and the
historical ties that bind all Arab States, together with Egypt's peaceful
relations with Israel, enable Egypt to play an active role in the peace
process and to provide some support for the negotiations to fulfill the
legitimate demands called for under Security Council resolutions 242 (1967)
and 338 (1973) and the land-for-peace formula. So much for the problem of the
Middle East and Palestine.
As for the Gulf region, which is part of the Middle East, we witness new
tensions caused by Iran's occupation of Arab islands, the latest of which was
Abu-Moussa. This is a development we can neither overlook nor ignore. We
therefore call upon Iran to reconsider its position on this issue, to adhere
to the principles of good- neighbourliness, to respect the norms of
international law and the sovereignty of States over their territories and to
restore the situation to the status quo ante. We hope that the course of
relations between Iran and the Arab peoples will be one of friendship,
brotherhood and cooperation. These peoples have much in common to make them
more united than otherwise.
Amidst these omens for the region, we in Egypt are concerned about the
fate of all segments of the the Iraqi people and all parts of its land.
Therefore, while we call upon the Iraqi Government to abide by the rules and
decisions of international legality, we call upon the international community
to safeguard Iraq's territorial integrity and the unity of its people. In the
same way, we support Kuwait's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its
international borders.

As we discuss the major issues facing the world of today, I cannot but
refer to the situation in Africa. The African continent, and particularly in
the Horn of Africa, faces a range of political, economic and social problems.
The situation cries out for increased attention to be paid to the continent on
the part of the international community. In the meantime, the democratic
changes in the continent and its States' awareness of the need for continental
and regional cooperation gives us confidence that Africa has the capability to
rise to the challenge. I therefore urge the international community to
shoulder its responsibilities towards implementing the Second Industrial
Development Decade for Africa in the 1990s in order to accelerate the
transition to democracy and the economic and social development in the
countries of the continent.
At the same time, progress in the process of eliminating apartheid is a
positive aspect amidst such drawbacks. It should not be hampered by the
attempts of racial extremists. The people of South Africa are on their way to
exercising their legitimate rights. Incidents of violence or apostasy must
not stop the positive evolution. Our responsibility is to support the process
of dialogue and negotiations in order to restore the momentum needed for
achieving a democratic non-racial society in South Africa.
Last but not least, the situation in Somalia requires more than the mere
humanitarian assistance to which we all contribute. What we need is to
intensify efforts to achieve national reconciliation. While we call on the
international community to continue its efforts in the humanitarian field, we
call upon the Somali parties to rise to the responsibility of forging sound
relations between them and discarding the tribal rivalries and power struggles
which show a lack of national awareness.

By the same token, we stand firmly against aggression and in defence of
respecting the sovereignty and independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina and are
committed to stopping attempts at interference in its internal affairs, as
well as the practices of "ethnic cleansing" committed against its people,
which reflect an attitude of inherited racial bigotry, intellectual
backwardness and cultural regression. The demise of Yugoslavia, though
regrettable in view of its past contributions to international life, makes it
incumbent upon us to work for the respect of equal rights for all its peoples
and all the States that have emanated from it, as all of them, not only one,
are its successors in the world order. A view that has already been adopted
by the General Assembly.
These are the issues that are of concern to us in Europe, Africa and Asia.
We are at the threshold of a world which looks forward to stability, but
is in a transitional period in the course of which the map of tomorrow may be
redrawn. Chaos may erupt and States, ethnic groupings, and terrorists may
resort to force to an attempt to halt the march of history, civilization and
progress. But the collective will shall open the doors to the United Nations
and, thereby, will allow us to opt for a better tomorrow of unhampered
economic development and social interdependence wherein we shall protect the
environment, guided by the principles and obligations of the Rio de Janeiro
summit meeting; a better tomorrow of respect for human rights; a better
tomorrow that all of us will participate in bringing about for the sake of the
world we aspire after in the twenty-first century.


Mr. President, New Zealand congratulates
you on your election to lead the Assembly and offers you its support in your
task.
One year ago I stood on this rostrum and spoke about the Gulf crisis and
the way in which the United Nations, with strong leadership from the Security
Council, had shown a firmness of judgement and a commitment to the ideals of
the founders of the United Nations that reinforced the status and authority of
the Organization.
I spoke of my own country. New Zealand, a small nation in the south-west
Pacific, which supported the United Nations, in keeping with our tradition of
opposing tyranny and supporting freedom.
This year I have returned to this Organization even more confident of the
vital role of the United Nations in today's world, of the important
contribution each nation, be it large or small, can make to the achievement of
its ideals. Most important, however, I want to affirm the commitment of New
Zealand, a founder member of the United Nations, to ensuring that this
Organization adapts to meet the challenge of a world that has changed, is
changing and will continue to change in the years ahead. To do that, the

United Nations requires a vibrant, active General Assembly and a Security
Council that truly reflects the different regions and the different peoples of
the world.
The Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros-Ghali,, has made his views clear in
putting before this Assembly his report, "An Agenda for Peace". His message
is summed up in paragraphs 75 and 76, where he says:
"With the cold war ended we have drawn back from the brink of a
confrontation that threatened the world and, too often, paralysed our
Organization.
"Even as we celebrate our restored possibilities, there is a need to
ensure that the lessons of the past ... are learned and that the
errors ... are not repeated. For there may not be a third opportunity
for our planet ... ." (A/47/277, paras. 75-76)
New Zealand endorses that conclusion.
We can also take hope from the fact that at last both the Security
Council and the Assembly have the chance to work as they were originally
intended, free from crippling ideological competition. Through the Security
Council, and with the support of all the Members of the United Nations, we
have seen decisive action to implement collective security measures on a scale
never before possible.
There is much still to be done, but no longer need the people of the
world despair about impotence and inaction on the part of the United Nations.
In Cambodia, in Somalia, in the Balkans, in the Middle East, the United
Nations has moved to assist in the vital battle for human survival where
before there was only the prospect of continued death and destruction.

In our view, the Agenda for Peace will succeed only if we support an
agenda for action. This is no time for complacency. The heavy cloud of the
cold war has lifted. But over the years that cloud concealed many smaller
conflicts and tensions regional, national and ethnic. Freed from being
bottled up by the cold war, a growing and frightening tendency is exposed to
settle ancient differences by the use of force.
The Agenda for Peace also reminds us that there are other critical issues
which threaten not only the security of Member States but also the future of
the planet itself.
Poverty, disease, malnutrition, crippling levels of debt and negligible
economic growth are scourges in themselves. They can unleash despair and
anger that will destabilize political and social institutions.
Environmental degradation does not threaten only our immediate
surroundings and livelihoods; problems such as the depletion of the ozone
layer, the spread of toxic chemicals, climate change and the overfishing of
the seas put at risk the well-being of whole communities, and even the very
survival of certain small island countries.
Weapons of mass destruction continue to proliferate. We must take a
stand against those who are blind to the lessons of the past and remain
determined to acquire or expand their stocks of nuclear or other weapons of
mass destruction.
The Secretary-General reminds us, too, that
"social peace is as important as strategic or political peace".

It is clear that a root cause of insecurity and conflict at the international
level is the existence of social structures, policies and systems within
States which marginalize minorities or other groups. Such tension will be
resolved only when the social needs of the underprivileged are addressed. The
proposed United Nations social Summit could have a catalytic role to play in
this area. I suggest that it is only through tolerance and through talking to
one another that we can all encourage and achieve full respect for human
rights and implement the international standards as they were intended.

The other very important issues raised by the Secretary-General must be
considered thoroughly. This session of the Assembly provides the first
opportunity to debate them and I wish to outline New Zealand's views.
First, let me refer to peace and security. New Zealand stands very
firmly behind the United Nations as an instrument for collective action when
security is threatened. The situations which the world wants the United
Nations to respond to today are not the same as those of the cold-war era.
New Zealand supports concepts such as preventive diplomacy, peace-keeping and
peace-building. As a world body we know that consensus is important but
collectively we must be bold, we must be innovative.
New Zealand believes it is vital that the United Nations respond to
situations which threaten the peace or cry out for global action, wherever in
the world they may occur. We cannot, we must not, allow parts of the world to
be marginalized or thought less important than others. The tragedy in Somalia
is different from, but of equal horror to, that in what was Yugoslavia.
Secondly, I want to endorse strongly the conclusion that there is an
inextricable link between security and economic development. This is not a
new or radical idea. Every political leader knows from domestic experience
that a nation feels more secure when its economy is performing strongly.
People in every country have rapidly growing expectations, but with the global
economy very sluggish leaders are finding it difficult to satisfy these
ambitions.
Further, we need major sustainable growth in the global economy if the
development concerns identified at the Earth summit at Rio are to be achieved.
One fact, though self-evident, must be repeated: sustainable and
equitable economic growth and development will be possible only if there is an
open and fair international trading system.

As a world community we need the courage to pull down the artificial
barriers to economic growth. The solution is in our hands. We need leaders
to say "Yes" to fair trade and "No" to their protectionist lobbies. If we
knock out the selfish and inward-looking tendencies to protectionism and
subsidization, we will create a surge in global trade and real growth in the
global economy. It will provide the opportunities we all want - so let's do
it.
The alternative is bleak. History shows only too clearly what can happen
if there is a deep and prolonged global recession. Political extremists come
to the fore and begin to manipulate desperate people. Disintegrating
economies fall into the hands of dictators, and international peace and
security are quickly put at risk.
But this need not be so. It is not inevitable. A breakthrough in the
multilateral trade negotiations, the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT), is achievable, given the right degree of political
will. There is a risk that the political will may ebb away, that the focus
may be lost, that excuses for delay may become more important than reasons to
press on. Should that prove true, then the bold reform set out in the Dunkel
text will go down as one more lost opportunity. We cannot afford that so we
New Zealand - continue to urge the European Community and the United States to
resolve their differences and to put the GATT talks back on track for a
successful conclusion. For world economic growth, it is not an optional
extra; it is essential.
Just as economics and security are closely linked, the world seems to
have accepted, just in time, that there is a third element to this equation.
It is the environment. Everything we do has an impact on the environment. If

we cripple the environment, it will affect our economies, our societies and
our security. Moreover, these impacts will not respect national boundaries.
Before the Earth summit, some important first steps were taken. The
Montreal Protocol proved that the world had the political will to deal with
the problem of ozone depletion. The General Assembly itself responded to the
challenge of drift-net fishing and has secured a moratorium on that
ecologically-destructive technique of fishing.
The Earth summit, under the auspices of the United Nations, has given us
a challenging work programme, "Agenda 21", to match the Secretary-General's
proposals, "An Agenda for Peace". But international agendas only work if
nations are committed to their success.
New Zealand went to the Earth summit committed to working for consensus
solutions to the problems of environment and development which ultimately
threaten us all.
New Zealand is a country endowed with a rich environmental inheritance.
But we understand that our good fortune does not give us the moral right to
point the finger at other countries which are struggling for their very
survival. At the same time, our considerable experience in sustainable
resource management - for example, in the development of new forests can be
helpful in the search for practical solutions to problems of resource
depletion.
As part of New Zealand's commitment to environmental protection and to
providing sustainable resources, we have just agreed to go ahead with the
planting of another 200,000 hectares of forest.
At the Earth summit, we accepted a commitment to augment our aid
programme as soon as possible in order to assist in the prompt and effective

implementation of Agenda 21. Our development assistance projects, based on
consultation with our partner countries, particularly in the South Pacific,
have always had a strong focus on the environment and on sustainable
development.
But aid alone is not enough. New Zealand, like many countries which
depend on agricultural exports, has been severely disadvantaged by a world
trading system which handicaps non-subsidized and efficient producers. We
therefore strongly support the call in Agenda 21 for an open, transparent and
non-discriminatory trading system that reveals the real environmental costs of
unsustainable production and enables all countries to pursue truly sustainable
development on a secure and equitable basis.
To achieve that would be to achieve a real foundation for peace and
progress. I am not making these observations from an ivory tower. For its
part. New Zealand already has one of the most open economies in the world.
Yes, there was a short-term cost in achieving that, but now we are reaping
rewards through higher productivity and international competitiveness.
Despite the progress made from the ending of the cold war, we have not
yet removed the threat from weapons of mass destruction.
New Zealand warmly welcomed the agreement reached by President Bush and
President Yeltsin in June. The two largest nuclear arsenals are to be reduced
by some 70 per cent. That is remarkable progress and both leaders deserve and
have our thanks. They have made historic progress but we must keep the
momentum up. Unless we take decisive action, the dangers from nuclear
proliferation will increase.

Therefore we must build on the leadership shown by two nuclear-weapon
States in declaring moratoriums. We must advance the goal, which New Zealand
has unwaveringly pursued, of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. We must
strengthen the International Atomic Energy Agency's safeguards regime. And we
must secure an indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons in 1995.

France's decision to suspend testing has been widely welcomed by New
Zealand and Pacific island countries in the South Pacific Forum region. It
has opened the way for significantly more positive relations between France
and the region, which I welcome. We hope the moratorium will be maintained,
and copied by others.
Another milestone approaches, with the presentation to this session of
the General Assembly of a treaty banning another class of weapons of mass
destruction: chemical weapons. Patient and persistent efforts over 20 years
will have their reward. New Zealand has strongly supported those efforts and
intends to be an original signatory to the treaty. We urge other countries to
take the same step.
And we must not ignore the continued proliferation of conventional
armaments. There are legitimate concerns about the levels and availability of
highly destructive conventional weapons. The implementation of the United
Nations Register of Conventional Arms would be a useful first step on the way
to greater accountability in this area.
Finally, I want to touch on the institutional issues the
Secretary-General has raised. We strongly endorse the role that is envisaged
for the United Nations to work with, and on occasions through, regional
organizations that have some special contribution they can make. Already in
South Africa we see cooperation between the United Nations and the
Commonwealth beginning to bear positive fruit. In Somalia the Organization of
African Unity (OAU), the League of Arab States and the Organization of the
Islamic Conference have contributed positively to the United Nations mission.
In the Americas the Organization of American States (OAS) has played an
increasingly effective role.

The United Nations role in Cambodia is of particular importance in this
regard. The operation is unique and deserves the highest praise. But the
countries of the region - which include New Zealand, with 100 men and women in
the United Nations force have also played a major part in bringing about the
conditions necessary for a successful United Nations involvement. Regional
organizations such as the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have
been indispensable in this process.
The fact of the matter is that the United Nations cannot do everything.
Neither do I expect it to do everything - but free from the shackles of the
past it now has a new authority which it must exercise wisely. To maintain
its authority we must ensure that democratic principles are applied to the
workings of the United Nations itself. That means that the small must be
represented in major United Nations decision-making as well as the large.
It means that there must be fair and regular rotation among Member
States. And it means we must evolve processes that will allow constructive
communication between the Security Council and the wider United Nations
membership so that broad coalitions in support of Security Council action can
be forged while preserving room for quick and decisive actions where necessary.
New Zealand's commitment to a strong, effective and democratic United
Nations has never wavered. At the beginning, at the San Francisco Conference
in 1945, New Zealand championed the broadest possible participation in
decision-making. Over the years we have backed up our words with a real
commitment to United Nations peace-keeping efforts. We have participated thus
far in 15 such operations: New Zealanders have worn the blue beret in Croatia
and Bosnia, Lebanon, Cyprus, India, Pakistan, Iraq, Iran, Namibia, Angola,
Cambodia, the Congo and Yemen. In addition. New Zealand supplied personnel to
assist the United Nations with mine removal in Afghanistan.

In conclusion, I want to return to the two agendas which are before this
Assembly and which seek to achieve a new partnership of nations. Nothing is
more important than the Agenda for Peace and the Agenda for the Environment
and Sustainable Development. The United Nations Secretary-General and the
United Nations Conference on Environment and Development have both identified
monumental challenges for the General Assembly for several years to come.
They also highlight the reality of global interdependence. The way ahead has
to lie in cooperation rather than confrontation, in a recognition that the
future of each of us is tied up with the future of us all and that no agenda,
no matter how noble its goals, will succeed unless first and foremost we are
prepared to work for them. New Zealand is.


On behalf of the Government and
people of Papua New Guinea, I should like to congratulate you. Sir, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh
session. Your personal presence in this Hall, and your unanimous election to
preside over our proceedings, are symbolic not only of the stirring changes
which have been occurring in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, but
of the manner in which they have been welcomed around the world. In offering
you my delegation's greetings, cooperation and support, I should also like to
pay tribute to the efficient manner in which your predecessor.
Ambassador Samir Shihabi of Saudi Arabia, performed his duties.
Just as your election. Sir, is symbolic of wider changes in the world, so
is the presence here for the first time of delegations from States which for a
period were incorporated in the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. My
delegation takes very great pleasure in welcoming the membership of, and
participation in the United Nations by, the nine States which were once part
of the Soviet Union and the three States which were once part of Yugoslavia
whose representatives have just joined us. Their presence provides eloquent
testimony to the power of ordinary people to resist - and eventually to
overcome - both the ideology and the technology that are used in order to
oppress them.
With the addition of San Marino, the goal of universal membership - and
of global coverage - of the United Nations is now in sight.
Coming from a region where membership of the United Nations is less
widespread than it is in other parts of the world, I pledge my Government's
cooperation in the efforts to strengthen links between other South Pacific
island States and the United Nations.

Previous statements in this debate have made it quite clear that we have,
in the words of the Secretary-General in "An Agenda for Peace",
"entered a time of global transition." (A/47/277, para. 11)
The Jakarta Message issued by the Tenth Summit Conference of Heads of
State or Government of the Non-Aligned Movement, of which my Government has
just become a full member, describes the present as "a time of profound change
and rapid transition." But transition to what? And will the effects be the
same around the globe?
Even as we welcome the end of the cold war, we would do well to bear in
mind the observation made in "An Agenda for Peace", that
"the issues between States north and south grow more acute." (A/47/277.
para. 8)
It is, again in the words of the Jakarta Message:
"a time of great promise as well as grave challenge, a time of
opportunity amidst pervasive uncertainty."
It is no accident that the preamble to the Charter contains not only
political, but economic and social objectives, or that the Charter provides
for both a Security Council and an Economic and Social Council. Security has
never been simply a military or a political question; it has always had
economic and social aspects. For people in developing countries in particular
the economic and social aspects of security are inseparable from and often
of great immediate importance than the military and political aspects.
If the transition on which so many previous speakers believe we have
embarked is to be towards global peace, then we need to pay greater attention
to the economic and social issues which divide North and South. Thus my
Government supports the proposal to convene, looks forward to taking part in.

and hopes for a positive outcome from, the world summit for social development
proposed to be held in 1995.
Disappointed though my Government is in the level of agreement reached at
the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in
Rio de Janeiro in June this year, we shall continue to support the UNCED
effort in particular and similar efforts by the United Nations generally. We
have therefore offered to host a regional post-Rio seminar to follow up on
UNCED in Port Moresby in November.
My Government welcomes the changes which have allowed people in Central
and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia to participate directly in
national political and economic life again. We welcome them and their
Governments to greater participation in international political and economic
affairs, too.
We welcome no less the changes which have led to the replacement of
dictatorships in Africa, Latin America and elsewhere. But in doing so I would
not be honest unless I added that we are concerned about ensuring that the
change is both comprehensive and enduring.
My Government is profoundly disturbed by the savage violence and terrible
suffering being experienced by the victims of "ethnic cleansing" in the former
Yugoslavia and of interracial, religious and ethnic conflicts there and
elsewhere.
We sympathize with the concerns expressed by the members of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, and support the efforts being made by
the United Nations and the European Economic Community to reduce these
conflicts and to provide aid.

But, as the Secretary-General has so pointedly reminded the world, there
are terrible conflicts and suffering no less worthy of attention in other
parts of the world, including Somalia.
It seems distressingly significant that evert after the end of the cold
war, and during the global transition which the Secretary-General has so
eloquently analysed, part of the world where most humans live and where needs
are greatest is still referred to and treated as a very poor third.
I ask you. Sir, to cast your mind back to the 1960s, when foreign
domination came to an end in many parts of the world, a record number of new
Members was admitted to the United Nations and the prospects for democracy and
development seemed, by common consent, to be quite bright. Then think of the
economic difficulties which often followed, and the dictatorships which all
too frequently lasted until the present transition. And then ask why,
whatever our hopes might be, we should expect that the future will be
different.

The world has learned or, at least, should have learned - from the
past. But have we all drawn the right conclusions? And what have we done to
act on even the most obvious of our conclusions?
It is one thing to welcome the holding of free elections. It is quite
another to be certain either that they make a difference, or that they will
continue to be held in an orderly, constitutional and fair way.
Politicians characteristically promise results. Their ability to be
re-elected depends on results. So, too, does democracy itself. In other
words, democracy, like security, is more than a matter of politics; it also
has economic and social roots.
In developing countries or, more precisely, countries where development
is a far-distant aim rather than a near-reality democracy depends not only
on opportunities for political participation, but on opportunities for
economic and social participation as well. As one who has played a modest
part in constitution-making in Papua New Guinea, I am proud that the National
Goals and Directive Principles contained in our national Constitution
explicitly recognize that point.
I can recall a time, before Papua New Guinea became independent, when not
only free elections but free markets were widely regarded as characteristic
or, at least, attainable - goals of many developing countries. I can also
recall the pain and anger felt by ordinary village people when they discovered
that free elections and free markets did not necessarily benefit them.
I am, in fact, spokesman for a movement which mobilized tens of thousands
of people to ensure that political and economic development would serve their
interests, and which paved the way to Papua New Guinea's independence. It is

precisely because of the lessons I learned from, and with, my people that I
have chosen to make opportunity and participation the main theme of the policy
I shall follow as my Government's Minister for Foreign Affairs. Those lessons
are also among the reasons why my Government will be seeking support for an
initiative designed to help identify, create, maintain, diversify and enlarge
opportunities for economic participation, with particular reference to
developing countries.
"An Agenda for Peace" is a most constructive contribution to thinking
about conflict-avoidance, conflict-management and conflict-reduction after the
end of the cold war. The initiative on self-determination being pursued by the
Government of Liechtenstein should provide support for, and assist in, the
development of ideas contained in the report. Ongoing discussions concerning
options for reform of the United Nations, including the High-Level Working
Group set up by the Non-Aligned Movement, as well as many statements made in
the current debate, are clearly intended to contribute to the same end. It is
surely among the most promising signs of the times that we can talk of a
global agenda at all - and that the global agenda should be for peace.
The initiative which my Government proposes is intended to be, in effect,
the economic counterpart to "An Agenda for Peace". Our aim is not to engage
again in a general debate on development issues - although we have an obvious
interest in continuing discussion of the nature, direction, pace and
international environment for developmental change but to stimulate the
exchange of practical ideas and experiences relevant to enhancing and
increasing opportunities for economic participation for the benefit of people
in developing countries.

In short, the proposal is to seek support for the appointment of a panel
of distinguished, expert and experienced persons to prepare a practical report
based on experience in diverse countries and on a close, critical analysis of
possible options for presentation to the United Nations.
My Government's plan is to seek the support of fellow members of the
South Pacific Forum and other regional groups to which we belong or with
which, like the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), we have close
and cordial relations, to raise the proposal for consideration by members of
the Group of 77 and the Non-Aligned Movement, and to discuss it on a bilateral
basis as widely as we can with a view to submitting a resolution to the
Assembly at its forty-eighth session. We would hope to see a panel appointed
in time to present a report during the forty-ninth session of the General
Assembly, and to have it debated in 1995.
Like many other countries represented in this Assembly, Papua New Guinea
inherited many of its economic, legal and other arrangements from abroad. Many
of the practices, policies and laws followed in the monetary sector of our
national economy were originally devised in different conditions, by different
people and to serve different objectives.
We believe that we have not exhausted - or even considered all
practical policy or legal options for facilitating economic participation by
our citizens in either national or international affairs. We have not had
ready and systematic access to experiences elsewhere.
We do not believe that market forces on their own will necessarily allow
our people adequate opportunities to participate in and benefit from economic
development without further change.

Further options need to be identified and further changes will have to be
made if people seeking to participate in economic development from the
baseline at which most people in developing countries start are to be able to
identify, utilize and benefit from the opportunities which are more often in
theory than in practice available to them. We want to learn what the
options are.
My Government will, therefore, be looking to other Members of the United
Nations for support and ideas to advance our proposal. The result will, we
hope, be an important, practical guide to options for creating, maintaining,
diversifying and/or enlarging opportunities for economic participation, with
particular reference to developing countries.
My Government has recently found itself being criticized, for the first
time, before the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva and the
Joint Assembly of the African, Caribbean and Pacific signatories of the Lome
Convention and the European Economic Community over human rights abuses in the
North Solomons Province of Papua New Guinea.
It gives me no pleasure to say, even though it is true, that most of the
abuses, for which parties on all sides of the conflict must accept some
responsibility, occurred while a previous Government was in office, and that
my colleagues and I opposed them at the time. As members of the present
Government, we are now responsible for resolving the situation, whatever its
causes. We must accept responsibility for what we decide or condone from now
on. But the situation which gave rise to the criticism to which I have

referred owes much to economic practices, policies and laws which were devised
with little or no regard for popular participation, and with even less regard
for the particular characteristics of the societies in which most of the
people in the area continue to live.

It also highlights the need to recognize that processes which might help
alleviate tensions and reduce conflicts in some parts of the world might not
have the same effects in others. They might, in fact, only make matters worse.
For Papua New Guinea, as for many other developing countries which have
become independent since the Second World War, nation-building remains a
difficult problem and a pressing concern. The issue for us is not, as it is
elsewhere, to find ways of managing ethnic and other tensions now that the
ideological and technological weight of the cold war has been lifted from
previously subject peoples, but rather to reconcile differences within and
harness them to a common, national cause.
Furthermore, my Government has taken the view that dealing with human
rights on their own is often not to the point. It can, in fact, be irrelevant
and can even actively contribute to further suffering.
My Government has, therefore, admitted that wrongs have been committed by
participants on all sides of the conflict in Papua New Guinea's North Solomons
Province. It has taken steps to ensure that they cease and are not repeated
and has invited other Governments and international organizations to help
redress them by contributing, for example, to the costs of assessing needs,
planning rehabilitation and restoring services to people who have suffered
without them.
My Government believes that Papua New Guineans are best placed to resolve
the conflict; but we look to others for help in rehabilitating people,
repairing damage and restoring services.
My Government intends to be among the concerned participants in the
second world conference on human rights, scheduled for June 1993. As was done
at the tenth Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, we reaffirm the
universality of basic human rights and fundamental freedoms, which are

embodied in the Papua New Guinea Constitution. But, like other members of the
Non-Aligned Movement, we believe that economic and social progress facilitates
the achievement of such rights and freedoms, which is why I have emphasized
economic opportunity and participation. For similar reasons we welcome the
broad scope proposed for the world conference on women in 1995, which focuses
on action in the context of equality, development and peace.
As an active participant in the work of the Fourth Committee of the
General Assembly and the Committee of 24, my Government is a strong supporter
of the International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism (1990-2000).
We therefore look forward to hosting a Pacific regional seminar on
decolonization in Port Moresby in 1993 in order to help further the plan of
action for the Decade.
In our immediate region, we continue to support United Nations
involvement in the decolonization of New Caledonia and trust that the outcome
of the forthcoming mid-term review of the implementation of the Matignon
Accords will lead to further progress towards safeguarding the legitimate
rights of the Kanaks.
As far as other developments in the South Pacific are concerned, we
welcome the French Government's decision to suspend its nuclear-weapon-testing
programme in French Polynesia. We urge that it be ended for good.
We look to the Government of the United States of America to honour
President Bush's promise to limit the use of Johnston Atoll for disposing of
weapons which were never directed at us while they were active but which now
threaten our safety, health and economic welfare.
We seek assurances that the Pacific Ocean will not be used to transport
plutonium or other hazardous nuclear, chemical or biological materials which

might pollute the seas on which we rely. Promises that every precaution will
be taken are simply not enough.
Like the Governments of other South Pacific island countries, we are
sympathetic to the aspirations of those who favour increased regional economic
cooperation in Europe and North America. We support efforts to assist former
communist States in the immense task of economic and social reconstruction
which lies ahead. But, like the Governments of other developing countries, we
in the South Pacific are concerned that regional integration and efforts to
meet needs in other parts of the world should not proceed at the expense of
the needs of our people.
We are also concerned that the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT) be brought to an early conclusion, with due regard
for the need to secure and expand opportunities for the economic participation
of developing countries in the international economy. It is, in fact,
precisely because we believe that opportunities for economic participation
should be greater and more equitably distributed than they have been that my
Government has proposed the initiative I have previously outlined.
My Government supports the active role being taken by the United Nations,
in difficult circumstances, to ensure peace and to bring about a return to
normalcy in Cambodia. We also support efforts to secure peace in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and to facilitate relief efforts in Somalia. We are heartened by
what we have heard from the Governments of Israel and neighbouring States
concerning the prospects for a negotiated settlement of outstanding sources of
conflict in the Middle East.
We are cautiously hopeful about the prospects for a democratic,
non-racial South Africa. But, as the situation now stands, my Government

believes that it should maintain existing bans on all dealings with South
Africa, continue to monitor developments there closely and consider relaxing
those bans only as further progress occurs in the desired direction and in
close consultation with African States.
Like our predecessors, my Government supports efforts to limit the
production and sale of arms. We believe that unwanted foreign military forces
should be removed from countries which do not pose a threat to their
neighbours or to international law.
However, coming as I do from a developing country, I feel it important to
repeat that we need to acknowledge the reality, recognized also in the report
"An Agenda for Peace", that there are non-military threats to peace which are
perhaps becoming more obvious than ever before. My Government agrees with the
observation made in the report that there is a need to strengthen arrangements
to identify, monitor, synthesize information about and act collectively to
avert, reduce and limit such threats, with sensitivity to local circumstances,
including the interests of well-intentioned States, and with full regard for
international law.
I cannot help noticing not only how the membership and the agenda of the
General Assembly have changed in recent years but also how the content, tone
and frankness with regard to domestic difficulties, and even the length of
contributions to the general debate, have changed, and generally for the
better.

As head of my country's delegation, I have had the privilege of listening
to delegations from newly admitted Member States make use of the opportunity
to participate in the General Assembly on their own account for the first
time. I trust that other Governments will see fit to support my proposal for
a United Nations-sponsored initiative to prepare and discuss a detailed report
on how best to go about the task complementary to securing increased
opportunities for political participation of securing increased
opportunities for economic participation, with particular reference to needs
in and of developing countries. Opportunity and participation are the keys to
political development, security and peace. They are also the keys to economic
development and justice, including equity between, and within, the northern
and southern parts of the globe.


Allow
me to congratulate you. Sir, on your election to preside over this session of
the General Assembly.
I am also pleased to welcome the new countries that have joined the
United Nations and to pledge to them the friendship and cooperation of
Nicaragua.
Nearly 50 years since the San Francisco Charter was signed there exists a
new world order similar in importance to, but very different from, that which
gave birth to the United Nations Charter. The walls of intolerance are
crumbling and the pillars of apartheid are beginning to give way. New
democracies have arisen on the ruins of dictatorships. The era of
confrontation between the super-Powers has come to an end, and most of the
nations of the world are now working for peace. We are building a new world
order in which equity, solidarity and the rule of international law must be
promoted.
This transition towards a new world order, although positive, is not
without danger. Major contradictions have arisen. The expectation that the

improvement of relations between East and West would yield a "peace dividend"
has not yet been realized.
There is an urgent need to forge a consensus on a world-wide commitment
to strengthen international cooperation and reactivate economic growth and
development. The efforts of the overwhelming majority of the Members of the
Organization to promote growth and development continue to be hindered by
restricted access to new markets, scarce financial resources, lack of foreign
investment, the debt burden, limitations on the transfer of technology and the
ongoing inequality in the financial systems and international trade.
The coffee situation, brought about by an abrupt decline in prices,
deserves renewed efforts in the negotiations for a new Agreement in the
International Coffee Organization. As regards bananas, we would like to see a
free market, without protectionist barriers, that takes duly into account the
economic and commercial realities of the Latin American countries.
An alarming number of people are still suffering the tragic consequences
of armed conflict, and poverty continues to stifle hopes for a better future.
Millions of children do not have access to health care or education. Millions
of women, who constitute the majority of the world's population, remain
oppressed. Our Organization can become a more important mechanism for
promoting economic and social development by implementing the primary
strategies that have been worked out and agreed upon by its members.
The restructuring of the United Nations in the economic and social fields
is of particular importance to Nicaragua. We want the purposes that have been
set forth to become realities. We support the actions of the
Secretary-General to bring about improved coordination of the various
components of the system by establishing a presence in countries based on an
integrated and unified approach. We also support the reforms within the

Secretariat itself and the functioning of the new Department of Economic and
Social Development. Nicaragua also supports the strengthening of the Economic
and Social Council.
The yearning of peoples for freedom, justice and respect for the dignity
and worth of the individual is stronger than evil or tyranny. Nothing can
prevent peoples from freeing themselves from political oppression or the
culture of violence.
Two years ago I referred here to the main challenges that my Government
had set for itself in bringing peace to my country, building democracy and
fighting inflation. Today I can say that we have succeeded.
In the elections of 25 February 1990 Nicaraguans established a patriotic
alliance based on peace, reconciliation, freedom, progress and justice. As an
important initial step in the building of a democratic and free society, we
brought peace to the country after many years of civil war. Once the 24,000
men of the Nicaraguan resistance had been disarmed we began the general plan
for reducing the size of the army. When I came to the General Assembly in
1990 I said that we had reduced the army from 96,000 men to 34,000. Today our
army is made up of only 17,000 men.

I feel that the dream of a Central America where the sound of hands at
work for ever takes the place of the sound of gunfire is coming closer. We
have established disarmament brigades throughout the country and are promoting
the national plan to collect, in stages, weapons in civilian hands. This
effort has produced highly satisfactory results, and the people of Nicaragua
themselves have witnessed the destruction and burial of nearly 50,000 weapons
of war, which has reduced the probability of armed conflicts and
confrontations.
In 1991, thanks to the effort made by our people, we laid the foundations
for economic recovery in Nicaragua by putting an end to hyperinflation, which
had reached nearly 55,000 per cent; today, the inflation rate is down to zero.
We have begun the transition from totalitarianism to civilian democracy,
from a centralized economy to a social, market economy. We have guaranteed
freedom of expression, there are many more communications media, and there is
complete freedom of thought and religion.
We have also strengthened the freedom of association. There is clear
separation of the powers of the State, and we have the first legislative
assembly in Nicaragua's history; 16 political parties are represented in the
assembly following the first free elections since our independence 171 years
ago.
I should also like to emphasize the fact that, as a result of our
striving to come closer together, we have been able to develop, with great
success, the economic stabilization and adjustment programme. The budget has
been balanced, military expenditure have been drastically cut, wages have been
stabilized, privatization is moving forward with the support and participation
of the workers, and new banks and private financial institutions have begun to
operate in my country.

Thanks to the progress made in our economic programme, and with support
from the provisions made by this Assembly in 1990 and 1992, it has been
possible to ensure special treatment from the international community. We
have had 75 per cent of our debt to the Paris Club forgiven, and new
international credits are being made available to Nicaragua.
Now we must take the next step: to reactivate the economy of the country
and promote development within the framework of increasingly strengthening
public order and the State of Law, which, together with attention to social
problems, is at the focus of our immediate aims.
We have come to this forum to speak of the urgent need for special and
total cooperation from the United Nations system in the social and economic
reconstruction of Nicaragua. Once peace and economic stability reign we must
tackle the aftermath of the war and the root causes of that war, the problems
of unemployment and also the reincorporation of displaced and repatriated
persons into the social and economic life of the country. We ask for the
international community's support for this United Nations programme,
particularly because our situation has been made worse this year by terrible
natural disasters such as the eruption of the Cerro Negro volcano and the
recent tsunami.
The chances for reinforcing stability and promoting reconciliation and
economic grown in our country are better than they were when I began my term
in office. For the first time, we are the major players in championing our
own freedom and- bringing about our own changes through dedicating ourselves to
the task of national reconstruction, the common cause of the Nicaraguan
nation. The present democratic process in Nicaragua is in keeping with the
legitimate interests and the deeply-held convictions of our people, and is in
tune with the spirit of the changes taking place throughout the world.

The major achievements of the last two years have been made possible,
first, by the determined efforts of the Nicaraguan people, who have summoned
the determination to tackle the vicissitudes of history, and secondly, by the
support and solidarity of the international community, whose friendly
cooperation has supported the Nicaraguan people's own efforts. I wish to
avail myself of this world forum to offer profound thanks to the peoples and
governments which have helped us, and to the international financial bodies,
including the Interamerican Development Bank, the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund. I offer them all the sincere gratitude of the
people and Government of Nicaragua.
International cooperation is indispensable if Nicaragua is to consolidate
and build on the progress that has been made. If assistance to Nicaragua is
suspended, or, even worse, if the undertakings made by the international
community at the meetings of the consultative group organized by the World
Bank are not fulfilled, the land we have been cultivating with so many
sacrifices will go back to being barren, fertile ground only for intolerance,
confrontation and totalitarianism. We must not allow that to happen.
Two years ago, in this very forum, I said that my dream was for a
demilitarized Central America. We have therefore worked tirelessly to promote
regional negotiations with a view to reducing weapons and troop numbers in
Central America to the lowest possible level.
I also talked about my dream of a unified Central America. Today, our
countries are speaking with one voice and are negotiating free trade
agreements with other regional blocs. Our process of integration has taken on
strength and vigour in all areas. The ideal of a strong and united Central
America is coming ever closer. With every passing day, I see that reality and

our dreams can come closer together when there is the will and the
determination. I firmly believe that Central America has taken the historic
and irrevocable decision to move forward, as a region, along the path of
peace, freedom, democracy and development.
We in Nicaragua are concerned at how fragile democracy is in the
developing countries. Very many of them have chosen the path of democracy;
some, like Nicaragua, have made significant progress in the midst of a
difficult transition. All of them, though, could benefit even more from
resolute international support in favour of democracy. We have the impression
that the international community has not yet fully realized what is at stake
in some of these countries. Freedom is still extremely fragile there, and
economic and social democracy is a distant dream. The case of Haiti is a
reflection of the concerns and sufferings of Latin America.
Generally speaking, the new democracies lack democratic institutions and
traditions; the economic elements that promote change are scarce; violence has
not yet fully died out and intolerance and hatred still reign. In the nascent
democracies, the new political systems must be bolstered in the midst of high
levels of extreme poverty, the legacy of the foreign debt burden, the impact
of stringent economic adjustments, the benefits of which will be felt only
over the long term. These are serious constraints on efforts to get the
economy off the ground and to promote growth, and extra efforts must be made
on top of what is normal for developing countries.

With suitable international cooperation that complements internal efforts
and respects the sovereignty of our nations, and with the establishment of
modern, flexible democratic systems, we will attain the noble objectives we
have set for ourselves.
With the end of the war and the emergence of peace, we have begun to lay
the foundations of a sovereign, non-aligned, independent foreign policy of
international reconciliation, which will make it possible for us to establish
diplomatic relations with all the nations of the world. Its basic tenets
offer an excellent opportunity to develop further our own democratic process
and support that of fraternal countries.
It is our hope that meaningful commitments can be achieved among the
members of the international community during the World Conference on Human
Rights in 1993, the Conference on Population and Development in 1994 and at
the World Summit for Social Development, which will be held in 1995.
The end of the cold war has given the United Nations the best opportunity
in its history to play to the full its important role in the international
system of collective security.
Peace-keeping operations in their various forms and the participation of
the Organization in the resolution of conflicts should be strengthened.
With the onset of peace in El Salvador this year and the strengthening of
our own process in Nicaragua, Central America has ceased to be a zone of armed
conflict affecting international security. We welcome the great efforts
towards understanding being made in Guatemala and we call on the international
community to continue providing its valuable cooperation in the commitments we
Central Americans have undertaken with our own peoples.
In the Middle East it is urgent that a solution to the Arab-Israeli
conflict and the situation of the Palestinian people be found. It is our hope

that the talks will continue and that concrete results will be achieved that
will contribute to better dialogue and a definitive peace agreement.
We condemn the serious situations existing in Somalia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and Iraq.
In the case of Iraq, we advocate full compliance with the Organization's
decisions, with regard to their humanitarian aspects and with the human rights
of the civilian population.
In connection with the situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the cessation of
hostilities, the provision of humanitarian assistance and free access to the
International Committee of the Red Cross and other organizations providing
medical and humanitarian assistance are universal demands that should be met
immediately.
Conditions in Somalia call for stronger action on the part of the
Organization. The world's conscience cannot tolerate situations like those we
are witnessing there.
Nicaragua has offered to take part in any humanitarian-assistance or
peace-keeping operation in Somalia, and we are also willing to be a part of
any other effort to relieve the tragedy of that beloved people.
We are following with interest the situation in South Africa. We hope
that soon its sons and daughters, united, will devote themselves to the task
of national reconstruction in democracy and freedom.
I should also like to mention the situation of a nation of 21 million
inhabitants which today has one of the most vigorous economies in the
international system. It is time we acknowledged the important efforts made
by that nation in the economic, political and social fields. I speak of the
Republic of China in Taiwan.

In conclusion, I wish to say that Nicaragua has faith in the United
Nations. We are sure that its reorganization will make it stronger and will
make further effective changes in its operation. Members may be sure that the
United Nations community will always have Nicaragua by its side.


It is my honour and privilege, on behalf of the
Government and people of Fiji, to convey to you. Sir, our warmest
congratulations upon your election to the high office of President of the
General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. We are confident that under
your distinguished leadership the Assembly at this session will be guided to a
most successful conclusion.

My delegation extends its deep appreciation to your predecessor,
Mr. Samir Shihabi, for his exemplary leadership during the last session of the
General Assembly.
Since our last session, a year ago, several new Members have joined the
Organization. My delegation welcomes them most warmly. We believe that the
near-universality of membership of the United Nations that we now have can
lead to greater understanding and ultimately to concrete action in the search
for lasting solutions to many of the problems facing our global community.

The report of the Secretary-General is broad, and it demonstrates the
complexity of the issues that concern the world today. My delegation commends
the Secretary-General for his comprehensive report and for the important steps
he has taken to carry out the various tasks that our Organization has assigned
to him. We hope that at its forty-seventh session the General Assembly will
help to find real solutions to these problems.
The last few years have been a period of profound changes. With the end
of the cold war, we have witnessed a new wave of nationalism surging in
several parts of the world. This reflects an intense yearning for
self-determination, especially in the political and economic spheres. At the
same time, we have seen the world economy moving towards even greater
interdependence and integration. In these developments, we see bright
prospects and opportunities, but we also see the emergence of new problems,
greater uncertainties and more unresolved inequities.
In the Horn of Africa in Somalia a human tragedy of unprecedented
dimensions is unfolding. War, drought and the collapse of civil authority
threaten the lives of millions. Starvation has already claimed the lives of
thousands of Somalis. All international efforts to respond to the
overwhelming needs of the people of Somalia must be stepped up.
We fully support the United Nations in its role in Cambodia, and we have
contributed 50 police personnel to the United Nations Transitional Authority
in Cambodia (UNTAC). The task facing UNTAC is certainly not easy. Fiji
believes that the Cambodian people must be given the opportunity to determine
freely their own political destiny and to enjoy the peace, stability and
well-being to which they have aspired for so long.

We hope that the reform process in South Africa can build on the progress
that has already been made. We urge that the efforts to dismantle apartheid
proceed as quickly as possible so that more deaths and bloodshed may be
avoided. The international community must continue to assist the people of
South Africa in their endeavour to bring an effective end to violence and to
create the conditions for dismantling of apartheid in their country.
My country commended both Koreas for taking seats last year as new
Members of this Organization. It is encouraging to note that since then the
two Koreas have intensified their dialogue and that they are taking important
steps to strengthen further the ties between their two countries. The
reunification of the Koreas will go a long way towards ensuring peace and
stability in North-East Asia.
Fiji welcomes the Middle East peace process that is taking place. We
hope that the parties concerned will seize the opportunity to seek a
comprehensive and just solution to the Middle East issues, in line with the
relevant Security Council resolutions. We call upon all the parties involved
to make every possible effort and to demonstrate all possible understanding,
with a view to bringing about a just and permanent peace in the area. Fiji
has already lost several of its soldiers engaged in peace-keeping duties in
the cause of peace in the area. We therefore firmly believe that a positive
outcome to the process would be a fitting tribute to all those gallant
soldiers who died for the noblest cause in our world - the cause of peace.
The gap between the developed countries and the developing countries has
widened. The world's population has grown to 5.5 billion, and much of the
growth has taken place in the developing countries, which are home for

77 per cent of the world's people. Moreover, about 1.4 billion of the world's
people live in extreme poverty, and the external debt of developing countries
continues to grow.
As Fiji is a developing country, faced with its people's rising
expectations of improved conditions of living, we believe that the
international community must make every effort to address and find solutions
to the economic problems that we face. We urge the United Nations to continue
to play a catalytic role in the creation of an international economic
environment that will enhance the economies of the developing and
underdeveloped countries of the world.
I am aware that a process of review and revitalization of the United
Nations is already under way. We in Fiji fully support the process, and I
urge all Members of the Organization to do likewise so that programmes to meet
the challenges of closer international cooperation may be created.
We welcome the reforms that have already been put in place to strengthen
the Economic and Social Council. The Charter envisages the Council's being
able to provide Member States and relevant bodies and agencies within the
United Nations system with overall direction and guidance on all matters
relating to social and economic development. The Council should explore new
needs, priorities and opportunities for joint international action and should
coordinate them. A sense of priority in such changes will strengthen the
impact of resolutions.

My Government firmly believes that the private sector has a pivotal role
to play in the development of the economy and therefore of the nation. We are
taking a number of steps to enhance and facilitate private-sector activity.
In this regard, as a relatively small island State, we welcome several
private-sector initiatives which the United States of America has announced
for our region, including the proposed United States-Pacific island countries
joint commercial commission.
Fiji also strongly supports efforts to liberalize world trade, and in
particular we look forward to a successful conclusion to the Uruguay Round of
trade negotiations. In fact, Fiji is already committed to giving the smaller
Pacific island countries in our region duty-free access to our markets for a
number of commodities and products.
To ensure the economic development of developing countries, it is vital
that our exports be ensured greater access to markets of developed countries.
The terms of trade for developing countries' exports, especially for
commodities, should also be significantly improved. There can be no doubt
that the only credible option for generalized prosperity and development is a
truly open and liberalized trading system.
The Government of Fiji is committed to this objective. In the last few
years our own trade regime has been liberalized considerably. Import quotas
have been replaced with tariffs. The Government remains committed to
continuous and steady reductions in the overall level of import protection.
In addition, we are continuing to pursue a policy of attracting foreign
investments through generous incentives to foreign investors wishing to set up
export and manufacturing facilities in our country.

My country was pleased to participate in the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro, in June. I reaffirm
our full commitment to the several decisions taken at the Conference,
including the Rio Declaration, Agenda 21, the Framework Convention on Climate
Change, the Convention on Biodiversity and the Statement on forest principles.
My Government supports the proposed commission on sustainable
development, which is to be discussed later in this session. We particularly
support the proposal that the commission be the main forum for consultation
and leadership on the implementation of Agenda 21 at the global, regional and
national levels. The commission should be able to review progress in
implementation of Agenda 21, as well as provide a forum for further
development and updating in the light of all future developments in the
technological, legal, economic, financial and other areas. To be effective,
the commission must be supported by a. small and well-organized secretariat.
Global warming and a rise in the sea level pose serious threats to the
very existence of a number of our neighbouring small island States in the
South Pacific, and, I dare say, in other parts of the world. We welcome,
therefore, the Framework Convention on Climate Change as an important first
step towards addressing these threats. We want to see the Convention put into
effect as early as possible. Negotiations of protocols should commence soon,
especially on targets and timetables for the reduction of carbon dioxide and
other greenhouse gas emissions.
We also welcome UNCED's call for a series of meetings and conferences on
the sustainable development of small island countries. Fiji supports the

convening of the first global conference on small island states' sustainable
development and its implications, and we will eagerly follow progress on the
arrangements for the conference.
Agenda 21 also called for conferences on the conservation and management
of fish resources, one of the main sources of livelihood for many of our small
island countries. Fiji endorses the Agenda 21 chapter on marine living
resources and, in particular, the proposed United Nations intergovernmental
conference to address the issue of straddling fish stocks and highly migratory
species in the context of the Convention on the Law of the Sea.
UNCED was a major step forward, but the next step may be more difficult.
The spirit in which the various agreements were conceived and adopted needs to
be matched by their speedy implementation.
We are pleased that a good start has been made with the recently
announced "Capacity 21" initiative by the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), which aims at providing support to developing countries in the
preparation and management of their own sustainable development plans. This
initiative will go a long way towards translating Agenda 21 into effective
national programmes.
Today the world recognizes that basic human and social dimensions of
development have long been neglected. UNDP's latest "Human Development
Report" reminds us that development means involving people, placing them at
the centre of all decision-making. At the United Nations, we, too, must place
people at the centre of all our activities.
I ask Member States to support the proposed world summit for social
development, to be convened in 1995. The summit should elevate important

social issues and allow socio-economic questions to be addressed more
comprehensively than has been done in the past.
Furthermore, the International Conference on Population and Development,
to be convened in Egypt in September 1994, will provide an added focus on the
relationship between population and.social development. My country looks
forward to participating in both conferences.
We have received the report of the Secretary-General, "An Agenda for
Peace" (A/47/277), containing his constructive analysis and recommendations on
ways to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations for preventive
diplomacy, peace-building and peace-keeping. We applaud the Secretary-General
for his pertinent recommendations and for some of the measures that he has
already taken.
Peace-keeping has eased tension and conflicts in several areas of the
world. Fiji takes pride in being one of the countries contributing troops
that are helping to promote and maintain peace in different parts of the
world. We support the extension of United Nations peace-keeping into new
fields, including the prevention of conflicts and peace-building, as suggested
by the Secretary-General in his report to the Assembly. We recognize,
however, that peace-keeping operations can be successful only with the full
cooperation of the parties and a clearly defined mandate from the Security
Council.

As a former military officer, I know only too well that peace-keeping
costs money and that financial contributions to our Organization are vital to
the ultimate goal of secure and lasting peace in our universe. My delegation
appreciates the undertaking by previous speakers to ensure adequate financial
support for United Nations peace-keeping and humanitarian activities.
It is perhaps appropriate at this point to remind this gathering that
when the former Deputy Prime Minister of Fiji, the Honourable
Josefata Kamikamica, addressed the Assembly in 1991, he indicated that my
country would hold a general election in 1992 under our new Constitution. A
peaceful general election, in which all the major political parties
participated, was held in May this year. Since then, we have had two sessions
of the new Parliament. I felt constrained to mention this because there is a
growing demand in the world today for democracy, a necessary aspect of which
is the holding of regular elections.
Previous representatives of my country who have addressed the Assembly
within the last four years adverted to the changes which had taken place and
were still taking place in Fiji on the new Constitution that was promulgated
in 1990 on the basis of recommendations by an independent multiracial national
commission. I take great pleasure in informing this assembly of the world
that my Government has committed itself to a review of the 1990 Constitution
of Fiji. Preparatory work has already begun with regard to the mechanism and
procedures for implementing this review. All communities in Fiji will be
consulted fully in the review process. It will also involve the
representatives of the people in Parliament and all the political parties.
As of December 1988 indigenous Fijians numbered about 345,000 out of a

total population of 720,000. Fiji is their indigenous homeland. In fact, the
Fijians, through their mataqalis land-owning units own 83 per cent of all
the land in Fiji. We have a distinct culture and identity which we must, of
necessity, foster and develop for the very survival of the Fijian race. My
Government is committed to providing continuing special assistance to the
indigenous Fijians until they achieve comparable economic status with the
other communities in Fiji, in keeping with the indigenous policies and
programmes in many of our member countries.
I should also like to express my Government's sincere and deep
appreciation of the valuable efforts of the Working Group on Indigenous People
in drafting the Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People. My
Government, while reviewing our Constitution, is also committed to taking into
account the meaning and obligations of this United Nations Declaration and all
the recent developments in international and constitutional law on indigenous
and tribal rights. My Government also supports the declaration of 1993 as the
International Year for the World's Indigenous People.
And while we look forward to observing 1993 as the International Year for
the World's Indigenous People, we are also coming to the close of a very
important year, the International Year for Disabled Persons. The disabled are
present in every class, in every race, in every culture and in every country.
A feature the disabled share with indigenous groups is that, while they are
present, they are often not heard. We commend the United Nations for its
efforts all along, including this year, in bringing to the fore the concerns
of the disabled.
My country remains committed to the work of the Special Committee on
decolonization. The success that has been achieved so far should not lead us

to forget what remains to be done. In the South Pacific region, we are
encouraged by the measures being taken by the French Government under the
Matignon Agreements to provide a framework for New Caledonia's evolution
towards self-determination and independence. My Government welcomed the
French Government's decision to allow a South Pacific ministerial mission to
visit New Caledonia last year and to facilitate regular visits by United
Nations missions in the future. We look forward to the mid-term review of the
Matignon Agreements towards the end of the year. We consider this essential
in ensuring that progress is maintained towards the decolonization of New
Caledonia.
Fiji will continue to oppose nuclear testing and the dumping of nuclear
and other toxic wastes in the South Pacific region. The cessation of these
activities is vital for our very survival and the preservation of our fragile
ecosystem. We in the South Pacific welcome the recent decision by France to
suspend its nuclear testing in the region. We are greatly encouraged by
France'^ accession to the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty, and we hope that
France will also become a party to the Protocol of the South Pacific
Nuclear-Free Zone Treaty.
At the same time, my Government also welcomes the decision by the United
States to cease the operation of its chemical-weapons incineration facility at
Johnston Atoll.
We also applaud Japan's decision to cease large-scale drift-net fishing,
often described as the "Wall of Death", in our South Pacific waters, and we in
that region earnestly pray that other distant-water-fishing nations will soon
make similar decisions.

Secure and lasting peace in our world is what we must all aspire to.
Disarmament and the elimination of weapons of mass destruction are essential
requirements for peace. I believe that the Members of this Organization, all
of us, should work together with total commitment to create and maintain
secure and lasting peace on our planet, and simultaneously to increase and
expand economic and social benefits to all the peoples of our world.
Finally, our world today is what we, its nations, make it. With a
knowledge of yesterday, with our experiences of today, let us all, great and
small, rich and poor, as Members of this international Organization,
rededicate our energies and efforts and commit ourselves to building a better
world for us and for those generations which come after us.