On behalf of the Government and people of Jamaica I congratulate Ambassador Shihabi of Saudi Arabia on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. I also wish to express my appreciation to his predecessor, the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Malta, for the able manner in which he presided over the forty-fifth session and for his efforts to streamline the work of the General Assembly.
We take very special pleasure in welcoming the seven new Member States of this Organisation: the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. All these have now joined the family of nations. We are sure that they will make valuable contributions to the work of the United Nations and the strengthening of the world community.
Only a few days after this Assembly was privileged to hear an eloquent address from the first democratically elected President of Haiti, we were shocked to hear of his ouster by a section of the Haitian Army which now calls itself the government of Haiti. The universal condemnation and repudiation of this dastardly act gives the assurance that this interruption of the democratic process in Haiti will be only temporary. It is gratifying to note that the countries of this hemisphere have reacted immediately, not merely with condemnation but with action.
The Organization of American States, at a meeting of the Foreign Ministers held in Washington last night, which was addressed by President Aristide himself, has declared an absolute commitment to taking whatever steps are necessary to assist the Haitian people in restoring the legitimate Government of President Aristide, and in the shortest possible time. My country, Jamaica, along with our Caribbean Community partners, pledges full support to the steps it is proposed to take in the next few days, and we call on the whole international community to join us in ensuring that the democratic and human rights of the Haitian people are speedily restored.
Our Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, is nearing the end of a dedicated and distinguished period of service to the United Nations. My Government takes this opportunity to express our admiration for the patient and persistent manner in which he has tackled a variety of complex and difficult issues and the contribution that he has made to enhancing the prestige and authority of the United Nations in its efforts to realize the noble principles of its Charter. He has earned and deserves profound appreciation and gratitude from us all.
The world his successor will confront is in many respects significantly different from the one in which our present Secretary-General began his stewardship. The cold war has ended. In consequence there is a suspension of ideological polarization and a lifting of the threat of a nuclear holocaust through super-Power confrontations, which were the two defining characteristics of the post-war era.
At long last the process of dismantling the arsenal of nuclear weapons has begun in a significant way. The announcement by President Bush of a number of unilateral actions to be taken by the United States in this regard will no doubt in due course be matched by corresponding actions on the part of the Soviet Union.
The developing rapprochement between the super-Powers which has marked the closing years of the decade of the 1980s has strengthened the capacity of the United Nations to fulfil its peace-keeping role and has been conducive to the creation of an atmosphere that has enhanced the search for solutions in a number of troubled areas in the world.
One of the most dramatic consequences of this change in the world situation was the decisive and effective way in which the world community was able to react to the Gulf crisis brought on by the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq. It has also opened up a new window of opportunity for a lasting solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and there is now the very real possibility of a Middle East peace conference being convened in the near future. While no one underestimates the formidable difficulties that still stand in the way of a resolution of this situation, it is heartening to observe that there does appear to be at least a new willingness to look for fruitful compromises that will replace the destructive confrontations of the past.
On the African continent, the Government of Angola and UNITA have signed peace accords to end the civil war in that country. In South Africa the long-heralded winds of change have at last begun to blow with a force that we can now feel confident will in the foreseeable future totally demolish the system of apartheid. This year we welcomed the repeal of legislation that constituted the formal framework and the main pillars of that system. Progress is also being made in meeting the requirements of the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid adopted by consensus in December 1989. An agreement has been reached between the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the South African authorities regarding the voluntary repatriation of South African refugees and political exiles.
President De Klerk has also proposed a programme of constitutional reform which, while still far from the ultimate objective of full representational democracy, at least provides a platform on which meaningful negotiations can be based. Some countries have responded to these developments by the lifting of sanctions against South Africa in varying degrees. It is our belief, however, that some of these steps are premature. It is the force of international pressure that has brought the South African regime to its present position of conciliation and reform. That pressure must continue to be maintained, albeit in a measured and graduated way, until the full objective of a genuinely democratic, non-racial South Africa is achieved.
In July of this year the Government and people of Jamaica were proud and honoured to welcome to our shores the distinguished, courageous and outstanding leader of the African National Congress, Nelson Mandela, and to be able to assure him personally of our continued support in his efforts to end apartheid through peaceful negotiations.
In the region to which my country belongs - Latin America and the Caribbean - there is a good deal on the current scene that we can view with a sense of accomplishment and satisfaction.
In Central America progress has been made in El Salvador towards the achievement of a political settlement. We welcome the broad agreement reached last week under the auspices of the United Nations between the Government of El Salvador and the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Naeional (FMLN), which constitutes a major breakthrough in the search for national reconciliation.
We are particularly pleased to note that Guatemala has now formally recognised the sovereignty and Independence of Belize and that the two Governments have now decided to establish full diplomatic relations and are continuing negotiations to achieve a full and final settlement of their dispute.
The major outstanding issue of concern in the political landscape of the region is, of course, the continuing posture of confrontation that exists between Cuba and the United States, This is one of the few remaining legacies of the cold war. While there is full appreciation of the deep-seated political and psychological barriers that stand in the way of their reconciliation, there is no doubt that the Governments and peoples of the region would welcome some movement on the part of both countries that could eventually lead to the full reintegration of Cuba into the family of nations of this hemisphere.
One of the striking features of recent developments in this hemisphere that augurs well for the future has been the rapidly increasing trend towards trade and economic integration. At the same time, the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative launched by the United States Administration signals a most welcome reaffirmation that the United States will not abandon its historic commitment to furthering the economic well-being of the region as a whole.
All these developments have understandably evoked the vision of a new world order based upon the universal acceptance of democratic forms of government, operating under the rule of law, guaranteeing full recognition of basic human rights and promoting the empowerment of the individual citizen within a liberalized economic system.
Even while holding fast to this vision of the future, however, we should not make the mistake of assuming that Utopia is at hand. In human affairs every advance towards new forms of political and economic organizations, however meritorious in itself, inevitably brings new challenges and unforeseen problems.
Already we have seen that the dissolution of the monolithic, economic and political organisation of Central and Eastern Europe has unleashed long dormant antagonistic forces of nationalist and ethnic rivalry. It has also demolished a structure of economic organisation that, however imperfectly and unsatisfactorily, did function to produce a mutually supportive trading regime. With its disappearance the threat of economic chaos leading to social and political instability in that whole region is a danger that the world community cannot ignore.
Neither can we ignore the current internal struggle in Yugoslavia. Still less can the international community be indifferent to the Herculean task facing the Soviet Union as it seeks to redefine the relationship between the several republics to the central authority and to each other. Whatever result emerges from this is bound to have a profound effect on a vast range of international issues and on the nature and character of the emerging new world order.
In a formal sense, of course, these could be regarded as internal problems. Clearly however, their resolution will have profound external and international repercussions. This indicates a possible need in the world community as a whole, and this Organization in particular, to rethink the boundaries if not indeed the whole concept of the rigid dichotomy between internal and international issues and to seek to define ways in which the international community, without impairing the principle of sovereignty, and the right to self-determination, can assist countries to find solutions to those internal problems which, if left unattended, can have grave consequences for us all.
To the challenges that arise from the disappearance of the old landmarks that defined the bipolar world of the post-war era must, of course, be added the unfinished agenda of those issues that have been increasingly occupying the attention of this Organization. Foremost among these, of course, are the economic issues of development and trade; the increasingly uneven distribution of world production; the phenomenon of increasing impoverishment of large sections of the planet in both relative and absolute terms when compared with the increasing affluence of a much smaller fraction of the world's peoples. This constitutes the most outstanding legacy of the decade just ended which needs to be urgently addressed.
This unhappy divergence is taking place, not only between nations, but within nations, and even the most affluent are beginning to be aware of the real consequences for political stability and social order if this trend is not halted and reversed.
In my own region - Latin America and the Caribbean - despite the efforts made by Governments to adopt and promote appropriate macro-economic policies and to undertake far-reaching measures of structural adjustment, it is nevertheless true that economic and social progress continues to be elusive.
The debt crisis which is now entering its second decade has for many countries in this hemisphere become a permanent debilitating condition denying the possibility of economic growth and threatening the collapse of social services. It is, of course, true that some important steps have been taken by a number of creditor countries in relation to bilateral debt and, in addition, a number of debt strategies to deal with commercial debt have achieved some measure of success. However, in order to achieve any lasting progress, sustained international action is required on an even more focused and global scale. In particular the international financial institutions need to rethink their own policies in relation to the restructuring and refinancing of debts owed them, particularly by those developing countries with fragile economies that find themselves in the anachronistic position of being net contributors to those institutions.
In addition, these financial institutions, which have for a variety of reasons acquired a controlling power over the internal economic policies of a number of developing countries, need to keep under continual review the relevance and efficacy of their traditional prescriptions. These prescriptions, if not applied with flexibility and imagination and with close attention to the political realities of each country, can become a part of the problem rather than a part of the solution.
International cooperation in the promotion and encouragement of human rights is an abiding principle of the Charter. This Organization has relentlessly pursued these goals by seeking out and correcting violations wherever they are deemed to occur and has achieved marked success in many areas.
It is therefore appropriate that the General Assembly will convene a World Conference on Human Rights in 1993 to review and assess the work of the Organization in this field. This Conference provides an opportune occasion for renewal of the standards and the aspirations which are of fundamental importance to achieving a more humane world based on equality and justice.
The support of the international community should not, however, be confined to civil and political rights, important though these are, but should instead be extended to include those economic, social and cultural rights that in the final analysis give meaning and content to political democracy and individual freedom. In practical terms this implies recognition that social betterment and a more equitable distribution of the fruits of the productive process must go hand in hand with economic growth. Indeed, experience has shown that sustainable economic development requires the increasing participation at increasing levels of skill and commitment of the individual men and women of society in the productive process. This will not be forthcoming without an adequate response to the social needs of education, health care, decent housing conditions, as well as a perception that the wealth of the society is being shared in an equitable manner. Jamaica is seeking to establish these conditions in its strategy for the nation's future growth. Our national five-year development plan, 1990-1995 states: "We must start by putting the human being fit the centre of our concern. The building of our human capital is an overriding priority."
We therefore strongly support all efforts to ensure that social issues have a prominent place in all programmes of international cooperation between States and within the United Nations itself.
The illicit production of and trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances constitutes a continued and menacing social, economic and health threat worldwide.
Jamaica welcomes and appreciates the establishment of the new United Nations drug control programme which was achieved earlier this year. This development will enable the United Nations to act snore effectively as the main focus for international drug abuse control, as is envisaged in the Global Programme of Action adopted by the General Assembly. It is also an important step towards enhancing coordination and coherence in the international anti-drug programmes overseen by the United Nations, and also in the provision of broader assistance to individual countries.
It is Jamaica's unwavering intention, as has been repeatedly stated, to continue to utilize all available resources and to devote its full and united efforts nationally, bilaterally, regionally and in the international arena to attain the agreed and necessary objective of the total eradication of the drug menace.
Yet another challenge facing the world community is the task of ensuring that our development policies in the developing countries and the production of an ever-increasing range of the artefacts of affluent societies are consistent with the goals of global environmental security and are ecologically sustainable. On the one hand the demands of sheer survival in poverty-stricken countries do result in unacceptable environmental destruction while on the other hand high levels of production and consumption in the industrialized countries generate the largest part of the current emission of pollutants and devour, without adequate provision for replacement, the existing raw material resources of the planet. The 1992 Conference on Environment and Development for which we are now preparing will provide us with a timely opportunity to demonstrate the political commitment to forge a new global partnership designed to protect and preserve the natural environment. Such a partnership must take into account the varying levels of responsibilities, the differing economic capacities and needs and in some cases the particular vulnerabilities that characterize the various countries of the world.
If the developing countries are to participate effectively in this global endeavour, then the need must be recognized to provide financial and technological resources, to support environmental conservation programmes on terms that these countries can afford. It is worth mentioning, for example, that it has already been conservatively estimated by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean that approximately $US 10 billion in financing will be needed annually to make that region's development environmentally sustainable.
In this context I should also like to make special mention of the need to complete the ratification of the 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea. That Convention provides a universal legal framework for the rational management of marine resources, for their conservation and for the fruits of their exploitation to be distributed and enjoyed in a just and equitable manner.
We urge the Governments which have not yet done so to ratify the Convention so that we can begin to establish a new regime of cooperation in the management of this important area of our planet.
As we reflect upon the demands that will be placed upon this Organisation in the years ahead to deal with both new and old challenges in an effective way it seems clear that the most urgent question facing the new Secretary-General will be whether the structure and operational modalities of the Organisation, fashioned as they were in a different era, are adequate to provide the dynamic leadership and confidence in that leadership that the world community needs and requires at this time.
The Rio Group of Latin American and Caribbean countries has put forward in a document submitted in the Assembly, some ideas, proposals and suggestions for improving the capabilities of the United Nations and, as a member of that Group, I commend these proposals to the attention of the world community.
The Secretary-General himself in his report to the Assembly has put us further in his debt by providing an insightful analysis of the current state of the Organization with a very frank identification of those areas that are in need of strengthening and reform. Without attempting to discuss the detailed recommendations in these documents, I may say that two very clear guidelines emerge. If the Organization is to have the moral authority to contribute significantly to the range of political, economic and social issues that confront the world community, its decision-making processes must be both transparent and reflective of the will of the majority of its Members. If the democratic principle is, as we believe, the right prescription for individual nations, than it should also be recognized as the objective to be sought in the international arena subject always of course to the right of individual nations to protect their vital interests and their national security. This requires us to ensure that the General Assembly it the forum where issues of global interest are not only discussed but are decided and implemented. That it the first guideline.
The second is that in order for decisions to be implemented effectively, the central Secretariat and the specialised agencies must be adequately funded and appropriately empowered. In so far as the Secretary-General's office itself is concerned, member States should be prepared to support and encourage the dynamic political role for that office envisaged by Article 99 of the Charter.
Members can be assured that my country will give its full support to all constructive proposals for strengthening and enhancing the work of this great Organisation, which represents mankind's best hope for a world of peace, orderly economic progress and social justice.


It gives me pleasure to congratulate the President warmly on his election to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly and to wish him success in carrying out his functions. I should also like to express appreciation of the wise manner in which his predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, the Foreign Minister of Malta, conducted the work of the last session.
Likewise, I wish to renew our appreciation and gratitude for the active role of Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, who has effectively contributed to the enhancement of the United Nations role and has given shape to the principles and purposes of its Charter in many fields of international life.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express our satisfaction with the contents of the Secretary-General's report to the General Assembly at this session. We agree with his analysis of the world situation and the role of the world Organisation, especially his emphasis on the necessity of respecting the Charter and international law.
It is a source of pride for me to stand before the international community as representative of Yemen more than a year after the struggle of the Yemeni people was crowned with achievement of the great goal of unification. This unification is the incarnation of our people's hopes and aspirations throughout its long struggle. This historic event represents our modest contribution to the changes now taking place in many parts of the world, changes which herald the emergence of a new world order. We take pride in the fact that the unification of Yemen is a unique experience in our region. This unification has brought down, once for all, the walls that separated the two parts of Yemen. With the unification, another wall was brought down - namely, that which forced the world to deal with a divided Yemen. Our people has achieved its political unification, peacefully and democratically, on the basis of the Constitution of the Republic of Yemen, adopted through the popular referendum of May 1991. This Constitution has become our guiding light for building a new Yemen that enjoys freedom, democracy, justice and equality. It is the cornerstone of the institutions through which all Yemeni citizens may exercise their full rights and actively participate in political life and the processes of economic development in our country.
As we speak about democracy and equality, which are prerequisites of building a unified society in Yemen, we condemn from this rostrum the coup d'etat that ousted the democratic Government of Haiti and call for the restoration of the elected President. Now that Yemen has been unified, we can clearly voice our hope that there will emerge a new world order, which will bring to all peoples freedom, equality and social and political justice. Our hope is nourished by the developments which have spared humanity the risks of the cold war and helped avert the damage of nuclear confrontation. In this respect, we are pleased to welcome the initiative by President George Bush of the United States of America to remove certain categories of nuclear weapons. We hope that this will be the beginning of disarmament in the area of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, and that, as such, it will open the road to a process of full and real disarmament, which would rid the world not only of nuclear, but also of other overkill weapons.
It is heartening to watch the consequences of those new developments. They have led to the unification of Germany and the independence of the three Baltic Republics, which have recently been admitted to membership of the United Nations. This is a welcome development. We also welcome the accession of the two Korean States, since we believe that their membership of the United Nations will bring the Organization closer to universality. We sincerely hope that the Korean people will achieve unification by peaceful and democratic means. I should also like to express our pleasure at the accession by the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia to the membership of the United Nations. This, in our view, is further testimony that the goal of United Nations universality is being pursued.
Those positive developments in international relations have also paved the way for the start of serious efforts aimed at settling many regional problems, such as those of Cyprus, Western Sahara, southern Africa, Angola, El Salvador, Afghanistan, Cambodia and others. Conversely, the crisis in the Gulf erupted in a manner which ran counter to the principles that govern relations between States, principles which we all observe and respect. Those principles include the non-use of force in the settlement of disputes, the inadmissibility of the violation of the sovereignty of an independent State, and the inadmissibility of the acquisition of the lands of others by force. On the basis of this constant premise, and of our appreciation of the potential dangers inherent in this crisis, the leadership of the Republic of Yemen made relentless efforts to contain and resolve the crisis peacefully and in a brotherly fashion on the basis of respect for the independence and sovereign rights of every Arab State.
Today, in the aftermath of all the complications and the grave military developments witnessed by the region, we feel that our national Arab duty and our geographic location, by virtue of which we are an integral part of the Arabian peninsula and the Red Sea, make it incumbent upon us to redouble our efforts to avert the dangers that threaten the security and stability of our region, to put an end to the consequences of the war that took place there, and to normalise the situation in the area. To achieve this, all the countries of the region should put this phase behind them and intensify their concerted efforts to improve the lot of our peoples and to save the region from a repetition of the recent grave developments that have adversely affected our Arab causes and threatened our future.
We believe that we still have the time and the opportunity to transcend the present stagnation in relations between the countries of the region. Cooperation and brotherliness should replace war and confrontation. If Europe, with all its different nationalities and past conflicts, has managed to build cooperation on common denominators, we must realize that the bonds that unite us are bonds not only of nationality and religion but also of a common history, geography, language, culture and a common destiny.
This goal should be achieved through candour and truthfulness in analysing the crisis that befell the region, putting aside any insistence on the correctness of this or that individual position. We are all required to work towards the normalisation of our relations and the restoration of peace in our region on a solid and sound basis characterised by mutual respect for sovereignty and independence, non-interference in internal affairs, and the exchange of benefits for the good of all the peoples of the area.
All countries of the region, including Iraq, must take part in this process. To begin with, the people of Iraq should be enabled to get over its plight. This requires the return of prisoners and hostages to their families. For humanitarian reasons now accepted by most countries, it is necessary also that the international community lifts the economic blockade imposed upon the Iraqi people. It is essential that the Iraqi people should be enabled to reconstruct their country, repair the damage caused by the war, and to live normally. All Iraqi citizens - especially the elderly, women and children - should be assured of a decent life, including the provision of food, medicines and shelter, like every other people in the region and indeed in the world as a whole.
Our collective responsibility makes it incumbent upon us to work together with the countries of the region. This is not only natural but urgent. He should also work to remove the barriers between the countries of the region. This is essential if our region is to have security and stability, and if it is to be spared the risks of tension and explosions. It should also help to achieve prosperity for our peoples. Moreover, it is our hope that the vigour and optimism generated by the Security Council's determined approach in applying Chapter VII of the Charter in dealing with the crisis in the Gulf will be consolidated further. We want it to be the rule, not the exception. We want it to reinforce the Council's position as a world authority that can enforce its resolutions by the various effective means at its disposal. In our view, this resolve has developed into a mechanism based on the fulfilment of the concepts and rules of the United Nations Charter.
This Organisation should persevere in applying such rules uniformly in addressing all International questions, foremost among which is the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East, and especially the question of the Palestinian Arab people, which is the core of the conflict. Only such a serious and balanced approach would consolidate the credibility and seriousness of the international community. It should remove any double standards in the application of just laws and principles. In addition, it would help prevent the collapse of the pillars of a durable and just peace in the Middle East and the world as a whole. To this end, we must all work to develop and apply solid foundations for an international consensus on the Middle East question. In this regard, the most important fact is that no durable, just and comprehensive peace will ever be possible in the region unless the Palestinian people is enabled to exercise its inalienable national rights, and unless Israel withdraws completely from the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, including the holy city of Al-Quds and the other occupied Arab territories.
We in the Republic of Yemen look forward with optimism to the success of the peace initiative led by the United States of America. We hope that it will lead to just peace in our region. In this respect we believe that the resolutions and decisions of the Palestine National Council, which met recently in Algeria, will contribute positively and constructively to the success of peace efforts in the region. We call upon Israel to take a similar positive stand. It is also our view that if these endeavours are to succeed, all the unlimited political, economic, military and financial support that Israel receives should cease. In addition, the Security Council should not be prevented from exercising the power it possesses under the Charter in acting against Israel, whose record is replete with unpunished and unhindered violations of the Charter and with constant and blatant rejection of the resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly. If peoples are not to be disappointed, and if United Nations resolutions are not to lose their credibility, the international community must urgently put an end to Israel's non-compliance with Security Council and General Assembly resolutions that declare the annexation of Al-Quds null and void. The international community should also put pressure on Israel to desist from its policy and practice of confiscating, and settling Jewish immigrants on, Palestinian lands, as well as all its other suppressive and oppressive measures that constitute a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations, principles of international law and relevant international agreements.
It is high time that an end is put to Israel's annexation of the Syrian Golan and its continued occupation of southern Lebanon. Also, we emphasize that the cornerstone for establishing a durable and just peace lies in granting the Palestinian people its right to self-determination on its national soil under the leadership of its sole and legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization.
We call upon those countries which are assisting the immigration of Jews to halt that immigration, which must lead to the expansion of the policy of settlement in the occupied Palestinian and Arab lands. These countries should put pressure on Israel to put a stop to the building of settlements in the occupied territories. In this context, we renew our call for strong international measures to eliminate Israel's nuclear armaments, especially in view of the grave dangers these weapons pose to the whole region.
My country, which belongs to the group of least developed countries, still suffers the economic ills associated with being such a country. Accordingly, we believe that the future of the new world order will be determined not only by progress on the political level but also by concomitant achievements on the economic level. This prompts us, given the fact that developing countries form the majority in this Organization, to hope that our concerns in respect of overcoming our economic difficulties are felt to the same extent by our partners, the nations of the industrialized developed world.
We know that this is not an easy task. However, it will be the acid test of the success or failure of the international community's efforts to lay the foundations of the new world order. Unless the discrepancies are removed and the gap between rich and poor countries is at least narrowed and the economic barriers between developed and developing countries are lifted, every achievement will remain precarious. The deteriorating economic situation should be dealt with by our partners on the basis of equality and justice. This would guarantee continued interaction between us and our partners, which is an absolute must if a world economic collapse is to be averted at a time when we have high hopes for achieving economic progress in the wake of all the political gains we have witnessed so far.
Our future options are clear. With concerted efforts by all, we can determine, at this historical juncture, the principal features of the transition to a new world order. Yemen will spare no effort in its endeavours to remain an active partner in the international community: we sincerely wish to work hard with the other countries of the world in order to consolidate international peace and security and promote stability, prosperity and social and economic progress for all peoples. We are hopeful that this session will initiate sincere efforts towards these goals.


"In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
Praise be to Allah, the Lord of the Universe".
Those are, my dear brothers and friends, the opening words of the Koran, the Holy Book of Muslims. Allah is the Lord of the universe, the Lord of the heavens, the earth and whatever there is in between; Allah is the Lord of all living creatures and of all human beings, irrespective of race or colour. God gave life to mankind in compassion, watches over human growth with the same compassion and enjoins us in all of revealed Scripture and in all the messages of His prophets to demonstrate that compassion. No human being is superior to another except on grounds of piety and noble humanitarian deeds. No human race is better than any other, and no skin colour is preferable to another.
That, my dear brothers and friends, is our fundamental premise. Therefore, we praise Allah, our Lord, Who, after millenniums had gone by, finally brought the human race to culminate its long struggle and learn from bitter experience with the vision and insight needed to place at its service a forum like the present one, where all States gather on an equal footing in a common endeavour to uphold righteousness and justice, to establish and maintain universal order and security, and to achieve welfare and peace for all.
Until recently, and even now, my country was, and continues to be, a living example of the international community's determination to attain those goals, even at the price of the use of force. It appears that certain people simply will not correct their conduct or rethink their positions except in the face of force. But, as my country's case has not yet been closed, I shall return to speak about it later in my statement.

Allow me now, Mr. President, to take this opportunity to extend to you, on behalf of the State of Kuwait, our warn congratulations and my own personal best wishes on your election as President of the forty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly. He are confident that your vast experience, together with your deep sense of commitment and determination, will bring us closer to attainment of the lofty humanitarian objectives of this world Organisation as it stands on the threshold of a new era. What augments our pleasure is the fact that you represent a sister State, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which was uniquely honoured by God, The Almighty, to be the land where the divine message was revealed and to serve as the beacon of Islam and the home of the two Holy Mosques. Throughout its history, your country has steadfastly supported righteousness and justice and made enormous sacrifices in that regard. As a member of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) Kuwait perceives your election as recognition of the outstanding role of the GCC in international life.
I wish also to express in the name of the people and Government of Kuwait our deep gratitude to Mr. Guido de Marco, the President of the last session of the General Assembly, for the achievements made under his wise leadership.
In addition, I would like to place on record the profound thanks and appreciation of the people of Kuwait, as well as my own personal gratitude, to His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his wise, painstaking and untiring efforts, combined with impressive impartiality, in doing the work of the United Nations.
Furthermore, let me take this opportunity to extend our congratulations to the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Lithuania, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia, the Federated States of Micronesia, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands on

their admission to the United Rations. This la yet further testimony to the growing constructive role played by this Organisation in the resolution of regional conflicts. It is our hope that these new Members will enhance the goals and purposes of the United Nations and promote world peace.
Let me now go back to the time last year when from this rostrum I addressed the plight of my small, peaceful country, which had been invaded by the Iraqi regime in a bid to wipe it off the map of the world. What a difference there is between now and then! One year ago, as I was speaking here, the forces of aggression were wreaking havoc in my country. Today I am conveying to you, my dear brothers and friends, our gratitude and the aspirations of a State Member of this world body, whose land, freedom and dignity have been restored as a result of the honorable stand you took, a position predicated upon principles that are the underpinning of justice and the rule of international law.
That stand will go down in the annals of history as an outstanding achievement on the part of this Organization. The resolutions of the Security Council were enforced through the collective efforts exerted by many countries that have reaffirmed the overriding concern of the United Nations, namely, maintaining world peace and saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war. This objective is clearly spelt out in the Charter. The admirable performance by the United Nations will perhaps serve as a sharp reminder to any party indulging delusions about brutalizing others in pursuit of false ambitions or brazen fantasies that the world Organization stands ready as a strong and effective deterrent.
From the land of Kuwait I convey on behalf of its people sentiments of gratitude and appreciation to all those countries that rushed to our aid and to all those peoples that shared our pain as well as to all those leaders who

responded swiftly in defence of right and justice against an overwhelming onslaught of ruthless brutality and barbarism.
In the name of every Kuwaiti national, let me commend the thousands of men and women who risked their lives in the air, on land and at sea to defend a small peace-loving nation. In the final analysis, all those servicemen and servicewomen came to our land to defend the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. They were engaged in battle to ensure the security of all nations in the future and to preserve world peace.
The United Nations system - in particular, the Security Council, the specialized agencies and the Secretary-General - and all the individual countries that contributed to the collective defence of Kuwait and to upholding the principles of the United Nations, together with every soldier who risked his or her life in the process of supporting us, have all won a prominent place in the history of our country as well as in our national conscience.
Kuwait by itself was unable to repel an enemy of overwhelming strength and unspeakable savagery. Kuwait fought hard, with all it had to give, and the Kuwaiti people demonstrated impressive steadfastness in challenging the invaders in a fashion that won the admiration of the world. Hundreds of Kuwaitis fell martyrs or suffered wounds. The most bitter legacy of the invasion, however, is the destruction of the social fabric of Kuwait by brutal and barbaric acts. Families have been split up and people have been terrorized and oppressed by unwarranted acts of malicious vengeance inflicted even on the elderly, women and children, who are still suffering from deep psychological scars. The rehabilitation process requires painstaking efforts over an extended period of time.

In the same context, and in defiance of humanity as a whole, several thousands were taken prisoner or hostage to be subjected later to various forms of torture at the hands of the invaders. Thousands of these prisoners and hostages are still being held by the Iraqi regime In blatant violation of Security Council resolutions and the Islamic system of values, as well as in total disregard of international treaty commitments. May I from this podium address on behalf of Kuwait and its deeply afflicted people an appeal to the conscience of the world to ensure the freedom of those prisoners and hostages and to put an end to their suffering. Man, after all, is the most dignified of creatures, and it is totally inadmissible to use human beings as bargaining chips, as a means of bringing pressure to bear or as tools for blackmail.
My dear brothers and friends, you see before you a number of Kuwaiti children who represent many more who are appealing for your assistance in securing the release of their fathers, mothers, brothers or sisters who are still held by the Iraqi regime that is using them as a means of exploitation and blackmail. This is yet another uncalled-for human tragedy.
A year ago, when I sought to describe the inhuman practices the Iraqi regime was imposing upon Kuwait and its people, institutions and landmarks, as well as upon the third-country nationals who were living peacefully in our country, I was extremely careful in choosing the words and phrases to evoke, on the basis of reports received from inside the country, the conditions prevailing in occupied Kuwait. I did so in a conscious effort to avoid any exaggeration and overstatement. With liberation achieved, now that we have seen the true situation first-hand, it is safe to say that the real dimensions of the tragedy exceed by far even the most lurid imagination of a writer of

fiction. Words like "murder," "torture," "humiliation," "plunder" and "devastation" cannot really do justice to the actual situation on the ground.
What is astounding, however, is that crimes of this nature and on such a scale have been perpetrated at a time when the twentieth century is drawing to a close and when mankind is striving hard to gain better control over the universe by using science to optimise the exploitation of natural resources and to combat social evils in a collective human effort to promote a better life for all- By contrast, the Iraqi leadership, while committing these brutalities in flagrant violation of international legitimacy, tries to hide under the mantle of Islam, thus compounding its already monstrous crime by distorting a sacred God-sent message that sacrifices life in all its forms, human, animal and plant. The Koran and the sayings of our Prophet Mohammed - peace be upon him - are replete with phrases that underline that celebration of life.
Having made these points, I prefer not to dwell on the atrocities and heinous crimes committed by the Iraq regime. The far-reaching evil effects of those crimes will perhaps continue to affect Kuwait and the surrounding areas for decades to come. The tremendous devastation has been and will continue to be recorded by the missions dispatched by the United Nations, the regional organizations and the scientific community. However, despite the extensive damage inflicted by the Iraqi invasion on Kuwait's physical infrastructure and the heinous crimes perpetrated against man and life in all its forms - as demonstrated by setting fire to 732 oil wells - the reconstruction of Kuwait is now well under way. The revitalization process is a mammoth operation that represents a real challenge to the will of man and to our sense of determination to pursue life. We are confident that with God's help and with your support we will be able to restore our full infrastructure.

Free Kuwait has opened its doors anew to embrace the returning Kuwaitis and to host, in keeping with its longstanding tradition, the foreign workers, technicians, doctors, teachers and businessmen thanks to whose assistance a modern society was developed in an atmosphere of harmony where all received education and medical care. In the meantime, given their experience, the people of Kuwait are determined not to compromise any of their cherished values or gains. Democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and the enjoyment of national wealth by all are fundamental principles to which we will adhere even more scrupulously in the future.
Despite the great demands upon us in terms of the reconstruction of our homeland, Kuwait will continue to provide development assistance to other countries to the extent our means will allow. We will also continue to cooperate with the Secretary-General in support of United Nations programmes seeking to improve the human situation. Kuwait will also maintain a strong presence in areas of activity aimed at narrowing the enormous economic gap separating North from South.
The case of Kuwait has shown in clear-cut terms the parameters of an emerging new world order, one that must be predicated upon the principles of justice and respect for the sovereignty of all States. Within the framework of that emerging order an urgent solution must be found to the question of Palestine on the basis of the implementation of all relevant Security Council resolutions. Such a settlement should lead to an honourable end, once and for all, to the tragedy of the Palestinian people. It is our hope now that the ongoing peace efforts to convene a conference for peace in the Middle East will bear fruit so that the envisioned goals will be attained. A similar approach should be followed in dealing with Lebanon, a country with which we

stand united by fraternal ties and which rightly deserves our full support in achieving stability. Towards that and sincere efforts should continue to be made to enforce the relevant Security Council resolutions.
In our judgment, the resolution of both the Palestinian and the Lebanese problems will bring about peace and security throughout the Middle East.
Kuwait pursues a policy of harmony and peace inspired by international law and the new world order. Such an order can be consolidated by the power of law and international legitimacy and the use of the powers provided for in the Charter of the United Nation with a view to impose peace.
Liberated Kuwait will stay the course it has unfailingly pursued in the past, namely, to build bridges of friendship and harmony and to be an advocate of peace. The only difference between yesterday and today is that now we have a sharper and deeper sense of the meaning of peace, along with a greater faith in the emerging world order that will uphold justice, preserve rights and foster welfare and peace.
Peace is the essence and thrust of all divinely revealed faiths. That is the message of our religion. The letters that form the two Arabic words As-salam - "Peace" - ana Al-Islam are the same. In this vein, may I recite from the Holy Koran a verse that echoes this universal call: "0 ye who believe! "Enter into Islam; "Whole-heartedly; "And follow not "The footsteps "Of the Evil One; "For he is to you
"An avowed enemy."

Dear brothers and friends, I began this statement by expressing words of thanks to all of you, and I close by reiterating the same sentiments of acknowledgement and gratitude to you all. May God bring peace to all of you.


At the outset, Sir, I should like to express my most sincere congratulations on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It is indeed my earnest hope that under your leadership, this Assembly, which is meeting at such a crucial juncture of new international circumstances, will take constructive steps towards the enhancement of international peace, security and cooperation.
I also take this opportunity to offer my congratulations to the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia, the Republic of Lithuania, the People's Democratic Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea on their recent admission to the United Nations. Now that the two Koreas have joined the United Nations, I hope that the longstanding aspirations of the Korean people for unity will soon materialise.
In the course of the past few years, the world has undoubtedly undergone unprecedented developments, the most significant being, one might surmise, the crashing collapse of communism after 70 years of what was made to appear as unchallenged rule. I find this an opportune moment to congratulate the people and leadership of the Soviet Union on such an historic triumph, and to express my satisfaction at the realization of the aspirations of the people of the Soviet Union. The Islamic Republic of Iran, which shares extensive borders with a
number of Soviet Republics, follows the developments in this country with great interest. Moreover, in the light of its friendly relations with the central Government and many commonalities with its Asian Republics, the Islamic Republic of Iran is committed to the promotion and expansion of bilateral cooperation with the Soviet Union and its Republics.
Today, the most important issues on the international agenda relate to the future structure of international relations and the concept of a new world order. The world after the cold war needs a new order; this is indisputable for the simple reason that the past order governing international relations has been unjust and inherently unstable. Therefore, now that the bipolar world that used to exist has all but crumbled - and gone with it, albeit, not fully, the past suspicions and rivalries which overshadowed the principles of the Charter - there seems to exist a golden opportunity for a new world order: a new order founded on the United Nations Charter and the principles of justice, peace, security, equality, mutual respect for sovereignty and the territorial Integrity of States, and for the cultural and moral values of all nations. Under the present circumstances, it is necessary that views be exchanged on the definition and formulation of the world order in such international forums as the United Nations General Assembly, which comprises almost all members of the international community.
Undoubtedly, the universality, acceptability and success of the new order can be guaranteed only through the active and serious participation of all members of the international community, particularly the third-world countries, which have thus far had little, if any, role in shaping the international order. Divine values should guide the process of the formulation and implementation of the future order; this imperative would ensure a healthy and sound order and preclude the recurrence of past aberrations and failures.
Based on the principles just mentioned, I should like to outline the elements that would constitute the future world order:
First, the United Nations should play a central role in guiding and coordinating the new world order. As such, it is incumbent on the Organization to rely on and operate in consonance with the views of its membership, and to distance itself from the traditional influence of the mighty - an unfortunate hallmark of the past unjust order. For the United Nations to play such a role, it needs to be strengthened in various fields. The issue of the revitalization of the United Nations, which is central to the Organisation's relevance and its new role in the future order, needs to be addressed in earnest by all Members. Reappraisal of the structure, operating procedure and performance of the Security Council, the General Assembly, and the Secretariat, as the three main organs, figures prominently in this process. It should be borne in mind, however, that the issue of revitalization is of a functional nature, and, as such, should not lead to controversy involving national interests.
Secondly, universal respect for human rights, as an important objective of mankind, is destined to occupy a place of distinction in the future world order. The exalted and sublime worth of the human person does not allow for monopoly by a particular system of thought or for manipulation for ulterior objectives. In order to ensure universal respect for human rights, mechanisms and arrangements are needed to widen and enrich the philosophical and conceptual foundations of human rights through an honest and vigorous consideration of the religions, traditions and cultures of various societies. This also entails a balanced emphasis on economic, social and cultural rights in parallel with civil and political rights. Furthermore, the well-placed emphasis on humanitarian aspects in the future order makes imperative, inter alia, the provision of practical measures to promote and expedite the efficacy of humanitarian assistance in emergency situations arising out of natural disasters and social and political crises. The inadequacy of international assistance to deal with the most basic needs created by the recent huge influx of Iraqi refugees into the Islamic Republic of Iran in the wake of the Persian Gulf crisis clearly underlined the debilitating lack of well-established mechanisms for a prompt and adequate international response.
Thirdly, if history is any indication, the stability and non-violent preservation of any system depend on economic justice. Hence, for the new world order to succeed it is imperative that it be constructed in such a way that it would, among other things, enable the developing countries - by providing the necessary structural mechanisms and guarantees and the conducive milieu - to devote their actual a, well as their potential resources, both intellectual and material, to the evolution from the present unenviable state of desperate underdevelopment and stagnation into productive and creative societies consonant with and worthy of human dignity, The Secretary-General's treatment, in his report on the work of the Organisation, of the world economic situation in general and, in particular, of the ever-deteriorating position of most of the developing countries amply illustrates the gloomy economic situation in the larger part of the world. Although the responsibility for solving economic problems at the national level rests first and foremost with the countries concerned, no national effort, however vigorous, can prove to be viably sustainable unless it is viewed within the context of a common responsibility of the world community and, more importantly, unless it is supported by appropriate arrangements, the conducive milieu, and effective international assistance.
Fourthly, preservation of the environment as the common heritage of mankind, and also as an asset for future generations, has fortunately received the ever-increasing attention of the world community. This positive trend deserves further accentuation in the new order. Since the negative consequences of the pollution of the environment cannot be contained within national boundaries, a proper approach calls for common responsibility, cooperation and coordinated action at the international level. Such a common responsibility requires that practical measures be devised to facilitate the transfer of environmentally sound technology, as well as the extension of technical assistance for combating environmental pollution in developing countries.
Fifthly, in the wake of the collapse of the bipolar world, disarmament, and particularly the elimination of weapons of mass destruction, deserves to receive special priority. For even today, such concepts as nuclear deterrence, pre-emptive strike and offensive military doctrines are virtually fading, and so should the weapons that correspond to them.
The progress in the work of the Conference on Disarmament on the conclusion of the comprehensive convention on the prohibition of the production, development, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons is indeed commendable, It is our earnest hope that that convention will soon be concluded, thereby removing once and for all the danger of such weapons of mass destruction, which have taken a very heavy toll during the past decade. That, however, should not in any way entail discrimination against the third-world countries, particularly so far as development of their chemical industries for peaceful purposes is concerned. In the future world order, regional arms control can contribute to the enhancement of the process of general disarmament when placed in the context of a global arms control programme. Furthermore, the acceptability and success of any programme for regional arms control depend on ensuring the security of the countries of each region against threats emanating from within and outside their respective regions as well as on a non-discriminatory approach towards the weapons and the countries to which the programme will apply.
Sixthly, following the erosion of the climate of contention in the former bipolar world, propitious conditions have emerged for the resolution of regional disputes, which have emanated for the most part from super-Power rivalry. The settlement of a number of such crises over the past two years signals an encouraging trend, and in this connection the valuable efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations are indeed commendable. The United Nations, with its primary role in guiding the future world order, should endeavour to resolve the remaining regional crises through a new approach founded on promoting commonalities of values and interests among countries of each region, as well as on regional cooperation. Such an approach, which would foster the establishment of regional security and cooperation schemes in various regions, will also contribute to confidence-building, thus removing some of the causes of possible future regional conflagrations.
Within that context I should like briefly to examine three major regional crises that have attracted international attention in the course of the past several decades.
The Iraqi aggression against Kuwait and its consequences, which in the course of the past year have preoccupied the international community and particularly the United Nations, brought to the fore the necessity of dealing with the fundamental and long-term problems of the strategic Persian Gulf region. The bitter experience of the Persian Gulf war, which made clear the sources of stability and tension in our region, has demonstrated that security in the Persian Gulf region is attainable only through the expansion of relations and cooperation among the countries in the area. In our view, arrangements for security and cooperation in the Persian Gulf should be based on two fundamental principles.
First, the success of any arrangement for regional security and cooperation rests primarily on the common values and interests of the regional countries concerned. Deep-rooted bonds of religion, culture, history and commerce, as well as economic, political and international interests shared by the Persian Gulf countries, can naturally facilitate the achievement of this objective.
The second fundamental principle is that any security regime in the area has to be based on cooperation and confidence-building rather than on competition and a bloc formation, because in a competitive scenario inter-State relations tend to be based on mistrust, on an arms race and on tension, which, as recent history has shown, inherently fail to secure long-term stability for the region.
Thus, cognisant of the fact that mutual confidence fosters cooperation and that the latter in turn augments confidence and indeed security, the following practical arrangements will contribute to devising a viable regional security and cooperation scheme in the Persian Gulf area. As a first and necessary step towards confidence-building, the Persian Gulf States participating in the arrangements will observe the following principles in their bilateral and regional relations respect for one another's sovereignty and territorial integrity; inviolability of their international borders; non-resort to force in the settlement of their disputes; non-interference in one another's internal affairs; and dialogue and mutual understanding.
Secondly, the cooperation of the countries in the region in social, humanitarian and cultural, economic, industrial, scientific and technical, and political and international fields, as well as coordination in the preservation of the environment and in the energy sector, will undeniably be useful in fostering mutual confidence, which is essential for the success and longevity of any security regime.
Thirdly, any regional mechanism should be developed by the countries in the region without any foreign presence. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the southern littoral States of the Persian Gulf depend on the stability of this strategic waterway for their economic development. Furthermore, they consider the free flow of oil and the stability of world oil markets to be vital to their national interests. However, it should be borne in mind that stability, tranquillity and an atmosphere of mutual confidence are only attainable in the area provided that it is free from the presence and involvement of outside forces. In this regard, we reiterate our objection to the presence of foreign forces in the region.
Serious endeavours towards the attainment of a regional security and cooperation scheme within the framework referred to have already been made, and the Islamic Republic of Iran has done its utmost to ensure the success of this process. With the help of our regional partners in the Persian Gulf, we have made substantial headway in achieving this common objective. We are confident that the countries in the region are fully capable of ensuring the security of this vital waterway through cooperation among themselves. The recent efforts of the Secretary-General for the implementation of paragraphs 6, 7 and 8 of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) is necessary constructive and commendable steps in the right direction, which will undoubtedly facilitate the establishment of a viable regional security and cooperation system.
Another crisis which, for the past 13 years, has been on the agenda of the international community is the question of Afghanistan, which directly affects the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan, the two neighbouring countries that, in addition to bonds of religion, culture and history, have shouldered the heaviest burden by hosting more than five million Afghan refugees. The Islamic Republic of Iran, in pursuit of its principled policy on the Afghan question, has consistently lent its support to the establishment of an Islamic, independent, non-aligned government in Afghanistan, which maintains friendly relations with its neighbours. The achievement of such a government depends upon the unity of all walks of the Afghan Muslim people, and may be guaranteed only through free elections. The recent joint efforts made by the Islamic Republic of Iran, Pakistan and the Afghan mujahideen in the two countries with the objective of seeking a just solution to the Afghan problem, culminating in two joint meetings during the past two months in Islamabad and Tehran, is a major step in the right direction. The United Nations and, in particular, the Secretary-General, drawing upon recent similar experiences, can play a significant role in the formulation and implementation of a just and comprehensive solution in consonance with the wishes of the Afghan people, expressed through free elections. The Islamic Republic of Iran, having welcomed the Secretary-General's five-point statement of 21 May 1991 as a constructive step containing positive elements, is of the view that the statement should receive further elaboration and clarification.
The longest regional crisis in the history of the United Nations is also the closest and the most heart-rending to all Muslims. The Palestinian problem has persisted as a chronic malady, owing to the very nature of the international system. While there is increasing hope at the international level for the settlement of regional conflicts in line with the wishes and aspirations of peoples, regrettably, there is no hope in sight for the just and honourable settlement of the Palestinian problem and restoration of the rights of this uprooted people. What is nowadays called a peace plan for the Middle East, far from addressing a just solution to the problem, is geared to bolstering the Israeli position and creating havoc, discord and disarray in the ranks of the other side; what, in this circumstance, has no relevance are the Palestinian people, their immense suffering and their usurped rights. How could the international conference, even if held as proposed, restore the right to self-determination to the Palestinian people under circumstances in which Israel becomes more and more obdurate, the Palestinian populace in the occupied areas faces ever-increasing waves of repression and reprisal, Jewish emigration and the settlement policy in the occupied areas continue unabated and the Zionists continue their occupation of Islamic lands and commit further acts of aggression, particularly against Lebanon. Therefore, in the face of such harsh realities, the Palestinian people are justified in placing all their hopes in their glorious intifadah.
The approach of the present international system to the Palestinian question - wrought with double standards - as well as the persistence of Israel in continuing its policies of occupation and ruthless suppression of the Palestinians, leave no doubt that the just and honourable settlement of the Palestinian question can be accomplished in the future world order only through the deepening and strengthening of the ongoing heroic Intifadah, a unified approach on the part of the world community to end the occupation of the Palestinian land and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State in the entire land of Palestine.
The current movement towards the establishment of a new order in international relations is taking place in the aftermath of the collapse of an unjust order whose major characteristic was the competition between the two super-Powers over domination of other countries. The utter failure of the experience based on rivalry and domination makes the necessity of precluding their entry in the future order all the more imperative. Should the necessity for a new order be manipulated so as to consolidate the position of a single Power as the dominant pole, it is a foregone conclusion that such an outcome would fail to usher in an atmosphere of confidence, let alone ensure effective international cooperation.
We, as Members of the United Nations, once again find ourselves at a crossroads. Our choices today will be crucial in shaping the future world order. The question is, in order to face the many challenges of the new world, which course will we choose: the course of domination and discrimination whose doom is already foretold, or that of justice, peace and cooperation?


Please permit me to extend to you, Sir, my warmest congratulations upon your election as the President of the General Assembly at this session. You have our confidence that your tenure will be marked with great success.
To you, Mr. Secretary-General, we wish to express our highest regard and admiration for your outstanding leadership, particularly during the recent crisis in the Middle East, whereby you were able to redefine and strengthen the role of the United Nations as the most appropriate peace-keeping force in the world.
I should also like to take this opportunity, on behalf of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, to extend our congratulations and best wishes to the other six nations that have become Members of the United Nations at the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
It is a singular honour for me to speak to address the Assembly today as the representative of a new Member State of the United Nations, the Republic of the Marshall Islands. One week ago my country's flag was raised outside  this noble edifice, joining the flags of the other Member nations. The past week has seen the fulfilment of one of my highest aspirations. I have been received with profound courtesy and consideration, for which my nation and 1 thank all the members warmly. We shall always be grateful.
When one searches for the Marshall Islands on large maps of the world, one may have difficulty finding them, for they are shown as mere specks. Those specks represent 34 atolls and coral islands with an average elevation of just over one metre, situated in the centre of well over a million square kilometres of the Pacific Ocean. The Marshallese people, about 45,000 all told, are descendants of the voyagers who came in canoes across the uncharted sea to find and settle our islands more than 2,000 years ago. In this remote environment with its temperate climate we formed our own nation and developed our own unique culture, which has withstood the test of time.
As was the case with so many nations in this Organization, the Marshall Islands experienced significant foreign contact during the nineteenth century, which in some ways forever altered the evolution and direction of our nation. During the past century we have experienced first hand the ravages of war and paid the high price of maintaining peace. We have been ruled by others while learning and developing the framework and institutions of modern democratic government for ourselves. We have maintained our culture and traditions while pursuing our economic development to better the quality of life of our people. In the end, these apparent contradictions have resulted in nothing less than a transformation of the Marshall Islands from an isolated, traditional Pacific island society into a modern nation-State now taking its place in this world Organization that is premised on the principle of sovereign equality for its Members.
Permit me to pause here for a moment to do something that my advisers tell me is not often done by nations whose sovereignty has been newly restored after a century of colonisation: to praise our last colonial Administrator, which, as it happens, was set up over us by this Organisation. The plain truth of the matter is that we could never have come so far as we have without the aid and encouragement of our former Trustee, now our good friend in a relationship of equality. I refer, of course, to the United States of America.
I wish to confirm that the Republic of the Marshall Islands binds itself to the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. My Government makes a pledge to conduct its affairs as a responsible member of this Organisation. We earnestly and wholeheartedly enlist in the community of those who work to develop planetary loyalty as a complement to national loyalty.
The Marshall Islands has watched with great interest the events that have transpired over the past two years, and while we have not been a direct participant in these events we have none the less felt the impact of current world trends. While people may differ as to the long-term meaning of these events, two things seem to be quite clear.
First, as the founding Member States of the United Nations envisaged, there is an essential need for the United Nations to enable the nations of the world to collectively consider and deal with issues of international security. Although there will continue to be disagreement among Member States in this respect, the United Nations has also clearly demonstrated that it has both the potential and the ability to resolve international disputes and to maintain world peace.
Secondly, in terms of economic and social advancement and development, the United Nations is the only institution that can realistically deal with these issues on a global scale. The tremendous differences between the constituent Members of the United Nations - large and small, wealthy and poor - can be reconciled and coordinated only through the United Nations itself.
Indeed, it is perhaps this second point on the role of the United Nations that will pose the biggest challenge in the future. Since the Second World War and the founding of the United Nations the primary challenge has been to deal with issues of international disputes, security, politics, problems associated with, and resulting from, the so-called cold war, and decolonisation with the emergence of the new nation States. No doubt, many of these issues will continue to require attention, with the United Nations taking the major role in laying the necessary foundation for the maintenance of world peace and harmony. In the view of the Marshall Islands, the time has come for the United Nations to give greater and broader recognition and attention to the economic and social issues facing the nations of the world.
While issues of international security are inexorably linked to economic and social issues, the quality of life of mankind is, in the end, the most important and fundamental issue facing the nations of the world and this Organisation. Consistent with national agendas and policies, people need the opportunity and the freedom to develop themselves. Their unimpeded efforts will invariably result in the desired progress and development of their respective nations.
Recognizing and confronting this most important of all tasks is the only way in which the world can have durable and lasting peace. This, we submit, is the biggest challenge facing the United Nations, and it is the fervent hope and desire of the Marshall Islands that the United Nations, through dedication and hard work, will be able to provide the requisite framework whereby mankind can truly improve his condition.
It is a difficult challenge, but not insurmountable. However, we must begin to meet it at the individual level. In this respect, I am reminded of a poem by an author who is unknown to me:
"If there is righteousness in the heart, there will be beauty in the character.
If there is beauty in the character, there will be harmony in the home.
If there is harmony in the home, there will be order in the nation.
If there is order in the nation, there will be peace in the world."
One issue that in fundamental to economic and social progress, as well as to our very existence, is that of the environment.
The problem of global warming - the so-called greenhouse effect - is a most formidable one. As I mentioned earlier, the Marshall Islands is a country comprising entirely low-lying coral atolls in the middle of the Pacific Ocean. It goes without saying that the consequences of global warming could be totally catastrophic for us as well as for other countries similarly situated. Accordingly, we would make the following observations.
First, scientists throughout the world are not in accord as to the magnitude of the entire problem. Some have predicted considerable atmospheric deterioration, resulting in a significant raising of the sea level within the next several years, while others see the effects of global warming as insignificant for the foreseeable future. This lack of consensus on the subject is most disturbing, and leaves us in a quandary as to what the future may hold.
Secondly, there is very little, if anything, that one of the smallest and most isolated countries in the world can do to alleviate the problem, other than continue to raise it in the international community.
The Marshall Islands is cognizant of the uncertainties in this matter, as well as of the knotty issues to be resolved between the developed and the developing countries. We applaud the recent initiatives of the United Nations on the subject and fully support those initiatives. He are hopeful that through the efforts of the United Nations there will be consensus in respect of the extent of the problem, as well as a sound course of action to remedy, or at least allay, the effects of global warming.
The Republic of the Marshall Islands is fully aware of the great importance of providing a sound system of education for its people, and we have committed a great deal of our limited resources to the education of our population. However, we also feel deep concern about the educational level in our schools. We need better schools, but are hard-pressed to develop them through our national resources alone.
Nevertheless, we foresee that better schools, and a better start in life, can be realized in our islands through the globalization of education.
As I turn my thoughts homeward, I see a barefoot child sitting on a wooden bench or perhaps on a dirt floor in a one-room school-house on a remote island. This child needs to be equipped with the necessary knowledge to be useful to his nation as well as to the world. In this context, through education there lie many of the answers to many of our problems.
I think of that child as summed up in an ancient Marshallese expression that is enshrined on our national seal, "Jepllpilln ke elukaan", which conveys to us the idea that a child is a national resource just as is a sprouting coconut tree. Each must be nurtured as it grows. Each generation in turn enriches the soil for those that follow. If children and trees reach their optimum growth they bear fruit that will sustain, replenish and enhance the community, the nation and, ultimately, the world itself.
I believe that this allegory is salient to the concept of the globalization of education. As world-wide education takes place in the context of sharing and broadening existing knowledge, information and beliefs among the peoples of the world, we will in turn develop the necessary framework for succeeding generations by strengthening individual human development and the quality of life. In addition, we will have greater awareness of our commonalities and differences to better maintain world peace and order without the use of force.
In education, we see bright hope in the concept of the global village. Improved communications can make a remote little school a campus of a world-wide university using existing technology to provide interactive long-distance education. Students can ask questions, receive answers and debate issues across continents and oceans. We believe that cooperation within the United Nations will play a dramatic role in bringing this dream to actuality within our lifetime.
Earlier I referred to economic and social issues as the biggest challenge that the United Nations is facing now and will be facing in years to come. In terms of economic development and trade issues, we note the tremendous differences and disparities which exist among the nations of the world.
As a very small developing nation, the Marshall Islands is aware of the recent initiatives and developments on economic and trade issues in the context of our own national development agenda.
Achieving economic prosperity at both the national and the international level is a difficult task and is an unending challenge for all mankind. Much of the economic progress of the world has been frustrated by political unrest and unreasonable barriers that often derail courses of action and interaction among nations. We are hopeful that the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations will be productive and successful.
Lasting peace and security among nations is the most fundamental underpinning for economic progress in the world. In this connection, the United Nations should be accorded much of the credit due in achieving the necessary peace and security to foster a healthier environment for economic advancement.
Since the Second World War, the nations of the world have advanced with greater experience and knowledge in technologies and economic strategies. Today, we see a greater interdependence among the nations of the world in matters of economic development. As we view it, the emergence of regional economic blocs is indicative of a new trend that has great potential through further international cooperation a trend in which new economic concepts and strategies are applied to achieve greater and sounder economic progress in all regions of the world. He are hopeful that the successful and full participation of all nations in the various regional economic blocs will eventually pave the way for the creation of a new and unified global economic system.
The Marshall Islands is taking some steps in economic development, which is essential to itself and which also may be beneficial to other nations. As our economy grows, we hope that our small nation can become a part of this trend in the sense of what we call "the Pacific way": that is, no nation should be left cut.
Finally, I should like to touch briefly on the subject of current world events in terms of what is often referred to as the emergence of a new world order, particularly from the viewpoint of a very small nation such as the Marshall Islands.
As we seek to determine the meaning of recent world events in the context of historical trends, we must start by acknowledging that the world has never been fully at peace. The history of regional and world peace and attempts to bring about such peace is really, in essence, mankind's history of conflict and war. Peace exists when there is an absence of conflict or political, economic and social problems that form the basis for conflict.
To the extent that there is a discernible pattern to the history of world conflict it has throughout the centuries mostly been regional or simply man fighting with his immediate neighbours. Mankind lacked the technological ability to engage in a global conflict until this century, in which we have seen the waging of two world wars followed by a cold war that was premised on building and maintaining giant arsenals as a deterrent in order to maintain world peace. How, in the light of current world events we see that the likelihood of another world conflict has been greatly diminished with the United Nations truly taking its place as the premier organisation for the maintenance of world peace. None the less, we are simultaneously witnessing a resurgence of regional and internecine conflict.
Does this mean that the world is returning to the past, or does it mean that we are ushering in a new era? I personally would very much like to believe that it is the latter, and that what the world is experiencing at present in terms of conflict represents the last convulsions in the process of attaining true and lasting world peace.
Over the last few years we have witnessed dramatic events which have fundamentally altered the political, social, economic and physical landscape of the world. These changes present us with the challenge and opportunity to re-examine the laws, institutions and values which have governed the relationships of peoples and nations. It is in this spirit that we offer some thoughts in respect of what is currently referred to as the new world order.
The formation of the United Nations some 46 years ago, with its vision of a new era of peace, human rights and international co-operation, brought great hope and promise to the world's peoples. Indeed, the United Nations has helped to usher in an unprecedented degree of international co-operation, mutual respect and understanding among the peoples and nations of the world.
However, at the same time, it has become increasingly evident that the available international machinery and processes need to be greatly strengthened to ensure peace and security in the world and to address newly emerging global issues.
Long-term solutions to the many issues facing the world will require a new and comprehensive vision of a global society, supported by a new system of values. This recognition does not imply the abandonment of legitimate loyalties, the suppression of cultural diversity or the abolition of national autonomy. It calls for a wider loyalty, for a far higher aspiration than has thus far animated human efforts. It clearly requires subordination of national impulses, needs and interests to the imperative claims of a unified, peaceful and prosperous world.
I wish once again to express heartfelt thanks and gratitude on behalf of the Republic of the Marshall Islands on the occasion of our accession to membership in the United Nations. We look forward to working with all of you with the staff of the United Nations and with the specialised agencies.
It is an honour to be serving as an active Member of the United Nations, and as a full participant, in striving to meet the goals of the Organisation and the challenges of the future.
Once again, Kumol Tata - thank you very much.