I have great pleasure, Sir, on behalf of the
Government of Cape Verde, in carrying out the
pleasant duty of extending to you our warmest
congratulations on your election to the
presidency of this thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly. Your well-known statesmanlike
qualities and your experience in the diplomatic
arena are an earnest of the positive role which
we are confident you will play during your term
of office. We wish to express to your
predecessor, Mr. Kittani, our great appreciation
of the manner in which he carried out the onerous
duties involved in guiding the proceedings of the
thirty-sixth session, which dealt with problems
crucial to the future of the world. We should
like to take this opportunity also to wish Mr.
Perez de Cuellar every success in the performance
of his difficult task and to express to him our
appreciation of the efforts he has made since
taking office to reduce world tension, strengthen
the credibility of the Organization and
consolidate its foundations.
The decades which followed the founding of the
United Nations may be described as decades of
struggle for the application of one of its
fundamental principles: the right to
self-determination and independence of colonized
countries and peoples. It has been a titanic
struggle, on the scale of whole continents, a
struggle of whose results the United Nations can
well be proud.
The present international situation, marked by a
proliferation of sources of tension and armed
confrontation and also by a gradual return to
force as the primary instrument in international
relations, contains elements which pose a threat
to peace and impede the economic and social
development of peoples. The refusal to accept the
inexorable evolution of international relations
towards the strengthening of the links of
economic interdependence between the various
parts of the world and between different social
and political systems is undeniably the outcome
of the perpetuation of that situation. This
interdependence, which presupposes a global
effort to overcome the existing condition of
crisis, cannot be said to be compatible with the
specific interests of a particular country or
group of countries. More than ever before the
moral conscience of the peoples of the world
demands that relations of domination be replaced
once and for all by relations of co-operation,
force by dialogue and the risk of confrontation
by stability, security in international relations
and, finally, peace.
The Government of Cape Verde, for its part, is
sparing no effort to ensure the achievement of
these objectives, not only because they are in
keeping with the wishes of the people of Cape
Verde but also because it is convinced that to do
so is in the interests of the whole of mankind
and in accord with humanity's aspirations. The
Government of Cape Verde therefore bases its
actions on stubborn defense of the principles of
non-alignment and the Charter, the search for
fruitful co-operation with all peace-loving
nations and States which respect international
law, the promotion of domestic economic and
social development and the defense of all its
prerogatives of sovereignty and independence of
thought and action.
The African continent, which over the past few
decades has gradually found its way back to
sovereignty and independence, is today in the
grip of profound upheavals due to the delicate
stage in the evolution of its society and the
emancipation of its peoples. Those upheavals,
while reflecting an unshakeable will for change
and a persistent effort to meet the requirements
of the times, are nevertheless accompanied by
inhibitions and uncertainties, indicating the
limits and weaknesses of this movement, which is
on the rise, which is in progress now and which
should allow Africa to develop its potential and
guarantee its peoples the realization of their
most legitimate aspirations.
The economic crisis, which is particularly
affecting our continent, has made political
instability more likely, and this undermines the
basis of coordinated and integrated economic
development at the regional and sub-regional
levels. Situations of war or confrontation
between States of the continent undermine
confidence between our peoples, jeopardize
African unity and facilitate external
interference, threatening our sovereignty and
independence, which were won at such cost.
Among the crucial problems affecting the southern
part of the African continent, the question of
Namibia and the persistence of apartheid in South
Africa have an important place, because of their
implications for Africa and for the world. In
spite of the persistent efforts of the
international community, reflected in the many
Security Council resolutions and in the positions
taken by the non-aligned movement and by the
Organization of African Unity, Namibia continues
to be occupied by South Africa. Recent
initiatives to promote the application of
Security Council resolution 435 (1978) have
encountered difficulties of all kinds, including
delaying tactics by South Africa, intended not
only to create conditions favorable to a
conditional independence but also to destabilize
neighboring sovereign States. We hope that the
current talks on the question will soon produce
results, finally permitting the Namibian people
to be masters of their own destiny and to occupy
their proper place in the Assembly.
The independence of Namibia is the collective
responsibility of all the States Members of the
United Nations. We should therefore substantially
increase our support for the South West Africa
People's Organization, for the valiant Namibian
freedom fighters and for the front-line
States—particularly the People's Republic of
Angola, which has spared no effort and has shrunk
from no sacrifice—so that our duty and
responsibility towards the Namibian people shall
not be thwarted by South Africa.
The final declaration of the recent conference of
heads of State of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-
Bissau, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe,
held in Praia, Cape Verde, on 21 and 22 September
this year, stated that making Namibia's
independence conditional on the withdrawal of
Cuban forces from Angola constituted flagrant
interference in the internal affairs of a State
Member of the United Nations and was contrary to
the spirit and the letter of resolution 435
(1978). Similarly, destabilization measures taken
against the front-line States, designed to deter
them from giving decisive support to the
liberation of Namibia, undeniably reflect a
desire to perpetuate colonial domination over
that Territory.
No one can any longer doubt that South Africa is
directing, financing and materially supporting a
large-scale destabilization operation against the
whole southern region of the African continent,
with particular emphasis on the People's Republic
of Angola and the People's Republic of
Mozambique. Since its independence in 1975 the
People's Republic of Angola has never known
peace. Its wish to bring about its development
and its efforts to reconstruct the country have
been systematically thwarted by the criminal
actions of the troops of the South African racist
regime, which have been invading and destroying
that country on various pretexts.
We flatly reject the avowed encouragement of, and
support for, the armed gangs that operate on
Mozambique territory in order to create a climate
of permanent instability. That action constitutes
a flagrant violation of the most elementary norms
governing coexistence between nations.
The inhuman system of apartheid is becoming ever
more arrogant and aggressive. Acts repugnant to
the conscience of mankind continue to be carried
out under it, and its constitutes an intolerable
defiance of the repeated decisions of, and
constant appeals from, the United Nations system.
In North Africa a fratricidal war is still going
on. Apart from its destruction of human life and
property, it threatens, by its very scale, peace
and security in the region. I am speaking of the
conflict between the Sahraoui Arab Democratic
Republic and the Kingdom of Morocco. In spite of
the difficulties in resolving the conflict within
the framework of the OAU, the need to bring about
a cease-fire and to bring the two parties to the
negotiating table, in accordance with the
relevant resolutions of the OAU and the United
Nations, has become urgent. The fact that the
Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic is today
recognized by almost a third of the members of
the international community shows the justice of
its struggle and the international support
enjoyed by the Sahraoui people.
The situation of the OAU today well illustrates
the dangers now threatening international
organizations which serve as instruments for the
liberation and emancipation of peoples. The
paralysis of and the explosive situation in the
OAU are reflections of the deliberate offensive
undertaken by forces which are counting on
splitting Africa and thus weakening it, with the
obvious goal of consolidating foreign interest in
the continent, strengthening the apartheid regime
and impeding the consolidation of the
independence of African States.
However, we are convinced that the moves at
present being undertaken will bring about a
resumption of dialogue and the beginnings of a
solution which would preserve the cohesiveness
and effectiveness of our continental
organization, because the survival of the OAU is
without any doubt of capital importance for all
the African States and peoples.
The problems that must be confronted by the OAU
have a varying impact, but they also have an
effect on the collective security of mankind and
on other international organizations, including
the United Nations itself.
We note with apprehension the undesirable
tendency to relegate the United Nations to a
secondary role in the resolution of conflicts and
when it is a matter of defusing tensions which
endanger world peace and security. Indeed, the
resolutions and recommendations of the supreme
organs of the Organization have been
systematically ignored; instead, what we have
seen are accomplished and the use of force. Acts
of this kind impede the just and final settlement
of conflicts by keeping them latent, and this in
turn makes them chronic and periodically
explosive. The United Nations and the principles
on which it is founded are the fruit of the
undeniable moral progress of mankind and
therefore provide the appropriate and reliable
framework for the just solutions of the conflicts
which plague us.
The Secretary-General, in the thorough and
courageous report on the work of the
Organization, devoted a large part of his text to
an assessment of the functioning of the
Organization and the denunciation of situations
and attitudes which reduce its effectiveness. His
analysis should give considerable food for
thought to all Member States which believe in the
unique and irreplaceable role of the United
Nations in the defense and promotion of
international peace and security. For small
countries like my own whose military capacity is
merely symbolic compared with the vast
destructive power accumulated by the great
Powers, the effectiveness of and strict respect
for international law and United Nations
decisions are of vital importance, because our
survival depends on recourse to dialogue to
resolve conflicts between States.
In this sense, and in keeping with the concern
expressed by the Secretary-General in his report,
my Government supports all initiatives designed
to strengthen the effectiveness of the United
Nations, which is the forum par	for concerted
work and collective action for the maintenance of
peace and security.
Over the past few months we have witnessed
unprecedented exacerbation of the Middle East
crisis because of the aggression against and
occupation of Lebanese territory, as well as the
massacre of civilians carried out by Israeli
troops in a vain attempt to drown the Palestinian
people in blood and crush their heroic
resistance. We reaffirm our conviction that it
will be possible to reach a final solution only
when Israel withdraws from all the Arab
territories occupied since 1967, including
Jerusalem, and with the participation of the PLO,
the sole legitimate representative of the
Palestinian people, on an equal footing with all
the otherparties concerned, in all negotiations
on the solution of the Middle East problem.
We wish to pay a sincere tribute to the
progressive forces in Lebanon and the freedom
fighters of the PLO. Through their heroism and
their sense of dignity they have increased the
stature of the Arab nation and proved, with the
blood of its martyrs, t'<at peace in this region
will be possible only when the Palestinian people
are able to exercise their inalienable national
rights, including the right to establish their
own State.
The United Nations, in keeping with the
initiatives of the non-aligned movement and the
Organization of the Islamic Conference in
particular, should persist in its efforts to put
an end to the Iraqi-Iranian war, promote the
establishment of peace and bring stability to
this area.
Similarly, in South-East Asia, efforts must be
made to establish a climate of peace and
good-neighborliness.
In East Timor the occupying Power has not
succeeded in stifling the aspirations of the
Maubere people to independence and dignity. We
remain convinced that the international community
cannot tolerate a situation in which the politics
of accommodation is raised to the status of law,
and will assist the heroic people of East Timor
in its struggle for self- determination and
independence, under the leadership of the Frente
Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independente, its
sole legitimate representative.
The international community, and in particular
Portugal, as administering Power, should continue
their efforts to mobilize all possible resources
to ensure that the Indonesian occupation forces
withdraw immediately from the Territory of East
Timor. The international community should not
tolerate a situation in which selfish interests
and agreements replace honor, morality and law,
thus denying by force of arms the political and
cultural identity of a whole people which has
proved that it is ready to make the supreme
sacrifice to liberate its homeland.
The persistence of other crisis situations in the
world in no way contributes to the attainment of
the noble goals of the Organization in Cyprus, we
still await a solution which would preserve the
rights of the two communities and the unity,
territorial integrity and sovereignty of that
non-aligned country.
In Afghanistan, respect for the right of the
Afghan people freely to choose its own destiny
should promote the restoration of stability and
permit that people to continue its work of
building a prosperous society.
The situation in the Indian Ocean region
continues to arouse the greatest concern,
particularly among the coastal countries.
Everything possible should be done within the
United Nations to transform the Indian Ocean into
a zone of peace, in keeping with the aspirations
of these countries and the wishes of the
international community at large.
Similarly, the heroic Korean people has been
persevering in its efforts to bring about the
peaceful reunification of its country. To ensure
the exercise of this legitimate right concrete
measures must be taken, in accordance with the
principles and recommendations of the non-aligned
movement, in particular those concerning the
replacement of the armistice agreement by a peace
agreement, non-interference in internal affairs
and the complete withdrawal of foreign troops
from Korean territory. We believe that these
conditions must be met if the peaceful
reunification of Korea is to be achieved and true
national unity established.
In Central America there continue to persist
alarming situations which contradict the most
elementary norms of international law and
constitute defiance of the objectives of the
Charter.
The arms race, which is reactivating the policy
of confrontation and tension, and which
engendered the cold war, is undermining the
principles laid down in the Charter and its noble
ideals of peace, justice and progress. At its
twelfth special session the General Assembly
found that the development of the situation since
1978 had not met the hopes aroused at its tenth
special session. Indeed the Programme of Action
contained in the Final Document of the Tenth
Special Session of the General Assembly remains
largely unimplemented. Although some progress has
been achieved in negotiations, we cannot but note
that the arms race, and in particular the nuclear
arms race, has assumed dangerous proportions, and
military expenditures have increased
considerably. We subscribe whole-heartedly to the
conclusions of the twelfth special session on
disarmament and support the comprehensive
programme of disarmament drafted by the General
Assembly at that session, which constitutes an
important step towards general and complete
disarmament under international control.

If they are to be lasting, international peace
and security cannot be built upon the
accumulation of arms; nor can they be maintained
through the precarious balance of deterrence or
doctrines based on strategic supremacy. We
continue to believe that the creation of
conditions favorable to disarmament and the
strengthening of peaceful coexistence, together
with a global development effort, are the key to
the collective security of the world.
Cape Verde, whose foreign policy is based on
non-alignment, will continue to work for the
implementation of the principles proclaimed by
the United Nations, an essential task of the
present time that is the responsibility and
indeed the duty of all States represented here.
The various elements of the international
situation are so closely interconnected that a
realistic analysis of the present situation must
be global in nature. In any ease, the concept of
peace cannot possibly be dissociated from the
equality of nations, the independence and
sovereignty of all States and the right to the
social and economic development of the world's
peoples.
We cannot claim to be working for peace in the
world as long as there are people living under
subhuman conditions. It is in this context that
we wish to express our concern at the evolution
of the international economic situation marked by
a generalized crisis which further exacerbates
the present injustice of the international
economic order. Inflation, high interest rates,
protectionism, unemployment, the reduction and
indeed the dislocation of economic growth and
economic activities are all factors that have a
dangerous impact on developing countries.
Although the present situation entails a serious
risk of driving the international economic system
towards uncontrollable imbalance, there are some
who see in this an additional reason not to
embark on genuine negotiations, sartorially or
globally, with the developing countries and thus
disregard the interdependence of the economies of
the North and the South. Furthermore this fails
to take account of the fact that collective
security can be achieved only through an adequate
response to the unjust situation created by
current international economic relations and the
persistence of a framework of economic relations
dating from colonial times.
No one can remain indifferent to the
international economic crisis—certainly not those
who are suffering most severely from its effects
and whose development has been severely thwarted
by this crisis. That is why we note with
apprehension the delay in opening global
negotiations and implementing the International
Development Strategy for the Third United Nations
Development Decade. The wish of the developing
countries to start global negotiations in
accordance with General Assembly resolution
34/138, which was adopted by consensus, stems
from the fact that for them these negotiations
are by no means futile initiatives. On the
contrary, they have to be reflected in tangible
results, in an improvement of their standard of
living, particularly with regard to food, health,
education and culture and the restructuring of
international economic relations.
Recently we had occasion to note with great
concern the undermining of the conditions for the
realization of the objectives of international
economic cooperation for development. We should
like to stress particularly the relative decline
in the level of contributions to financial
institutions within the United Nations system,
especially UNDP, an agency that makes an
important contribution to developing countries.
In this regard we would recall the recent appeal
made in the Final Declaration of the Foreign
Ministers of the Group of 77 on the imperative
need to make a firm start on the strengthening of
multilateral economic co-operation.
Economic co-operation among developing countries
is an important factor in international economic
relations. This co-operation, which cannot be
viewed as an alternative to North-South
co-operation, was strengthened by the meetings in
Arusha, Buenos Aires and, most recently, Caracas.
We welcome the additional momentum given to this
co-operation through the Caracas Programme of
Action and at subsequent meetings.
One year ago we expressed the wish that the last
scheduled session for negotiations on the Third
United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea
should really be the final one. Today, after
several years of difficult negotiation, the
Conference has succeeded in adopting the
Convention it drafted. The adoption of the
Convention by a great majority of countries is an
important victory for the international community
and also represents an important step towards the
establishnent of a new legal regime governing the
oceans.
We believe that the Convention protects the
interests of all countries and represents an
instrument of justice, peace, development and
co-operation among States. Despite the complexity
of the subject- matter and of the various
interests involved, the text of the Convention
was negotiated by consensus and is the result of
the balance that proved possible among the
interests of each and every one. That is why we
hope that all countries will be able to sign the
Final Act and, if possible, sign the Convention
itself at the session of the Conference that is
scheduled for December.
We deplore any unilateral or multilateral
initiative aimed at exploiting the resources of
the sea-bed outside the framework negotiated at
the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of
the Sea.
Cape Verde belongs to the group of least
developed countries, which was the subject of the
Conference held last September in Paris. At that
Conference the Substantial New Programme of
Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed
Countries was adopted. We believe that the
Conference was a significant stage in the
difficult process of dialogue between the
countries of the North and of the South, and we
welcome the objectives set forth. The achievement
of those objectives will be a response to the
problems facing the least developed countries,
whose economic situation has deteriorated in
comparison not only with the rich countries but
also with the developing countries.
We hope that the strengthening of selfish
nationalism and the deterioration in
international economic relations will not become
serious obstacles to the implementation of the
decisions of the Paris Conference.
Cape Verde, with the support of UNDP and pursuant
to the decisions of the Paris Conference,
organized a round table with its partners in
development from 21 to 23 June, at Praia. This
meeting helped not only to reconcile my country's
needs with what its partners could offer, but
also to explore procedures making possible a
tangible improvement in the effectiveness of
official development assistance for Cape Verde.
The head of Government of the Republic of Cape
Verde, in opening the discussions at the round
table, established a framework for this work and
described our concept of development, in the
following terms:
"The option of development in independence and
dignity is a strictly national option. We are
sure that the people of Cape Verde alone can
provide the driving force for their own progress
and we are determined to take up our self-imposed
task in a responsible and consistent manner.
"Nevertheless, in view of the scanty means
available to us for remedying our difficult
economic situation, it would be impossible for us
to overcome our current problems and build a
viable economy without the firm and programmed
support of the international community.
"Accordingly, we do not perceive external aid
merely as a means of alleviating the tragic
burden of the colonial legacy, or mitigating the
effects of recurring crises, or binding our
wounds in emergencies. We see it, at the present
stage of our economic and social development, as
something stable, programmed and rationalized,
adjusted to the imperatives, arising from the
process of establishing viable productive
structures for our country."
It is within this framework of mutual
responsibility, not to say collective
responsibility, that we believe that actions to
permit our people to enjoy their right to food,
education, health and justice should find their
proper place.
Consequently Cape Verde attaches great importance
to dialogue and co-operative efforts, with due
respect for the choice of each of us in resolving
problems connected with official development
assistance which, in our view, must be
predictable, guaranteed and adapted to the real
needs and development options of our country.
We think that the international community should
concern itself with improving the modalities of
assistance, in order to facilitate disbursements
and to make external aid a real support for the
efforts of our peoples to transform the harsh
circumstances they have to overcome. Apart from
the adverse effects of the international economic
situation, Cape Verde must also deal with a
series of unfavorable circumstances, such as the
lack of productive structures, and the existence
of such natural handicaps as the fact of being an
island with a mountainous terrain and, above all,
drought, which this year again has left my
country severely stricken and led to the loss of
almost all our crops.
I should therefore like to take this opportunity
to thank, on behalf of the Government and the
people of Cape Verde, all those who continue to
help relieve the heavy burden of underdevelopment
inherited from the colonial period and worsened
by natural catastrophes.
Cape Verde attaches particular importance to the
Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought
Control in the Sahel, of which the President of
the Republic of Cape Verde, Mr. Aristides
Pereira, is the current Chairman. The efforts of
the member countries of this Committee to fight
against the scourge of drought are well known to
the international community. Nevertheless, we
must recognize that these efforts are not
sufficient, in the light of the disastrous
effects of natural catastrophes, particularly in
terms of the steady deterioration of the soil of
a group of countries which are regarded as among
the most impoverished on our planet. Consequently
we are confident that the international community
will not neglect to strengthen its assistance to
the peoples of the Sahel, who are involved in an
arduous struggle to safeguard their food and
their development.
Despite the deadly conflicts, endless crises and
continuing supply threats afflicting mankind, we
can see real progress in some areas. That fact,
together with our confidence in man and in his
capacity to overcome his weaknesses, give us the
hope and the conviction that the international
community will find ways and means of eliminating
the nuclear threat, transforming the system of
unjust relations which prevails today in the
world, enabling the most impoverished to achieve
their aspirations, and bringing peace and
progress with justice.
It is therefore a matter of urgency that the
ability of the United Nations to take action be
strengthened and that the implementation of its
decisions and recommendations by all Member
States be assured. Relations among peoples, based
on a new concept of moral, political and legal
phenomena, will be increasingly in keeping with
mankind's ambitions, will make a contribution to
its emancipation and will guarantee the
ever-growing role of the United Nations system.
In conclusion, we should like to express our hope
that the work of this thirty-seventh session will
fulfil the expectations of the international
community, and especially of those whose right to
live in freedom and dignity has been infringed.


Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on
your election to your high office at this
thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
We are convinced that your election reflects both
an appreciation of your personal abilities and an
expres¬sion of the wide international prestige
enjoyed by the people of your country, whose
contribution to the strengthening of peace and
international security is well known. We wish you
and the Secretary- General full success in your
responsible work.
92.	This is the second time in the last four
months that we have met to consider developments
throughout the world and seek ways of joining
forces as effectively as possible for the
implementation of the noble prin¬ciples of the
Charter. However, this time again it is with a
feeling of considerable concern that we are
forced to note that the current international
situation con¬tinues to be alarming and complex.
We are deeply convinced that this cooling of the
political climate did not have to occur at all.
There are not nor can there be any rational
grounds for it. The policy of detente, after all,
has asserted itself as a clearly demonstrable
historic achievement of nations.
93.	Unfortunately, for certain circles of
imperialism and reaction the departure from such
a generally beneficial policy and attempts to
return to the practices of the cold war have
become virtually a line of policy. What
inventions they manage to come up with Just as in
the years of the witch hunts, today, again, their
agents are trying to resurrect the specter of
com¬munism, looking for its long arm in
everything bad; and, not unlike inquisitors, they
are accusing the socialist countries of all the
deadly sins, with the absurd intention of getting
them to the stake reserved for heretics. They are
doing their utmost to disrupt the
military-strategic balance—that basis of
stability in today's world—and to shift it to
their benefit. They are constantly launching new
rounds of the arms race. They are inventing
monstrous concepts of a preventive nuclear
strike, or the so-called limited or protracted
nuclear war, which they even assert can be - won.
They are also reviving the discredited policies
of embargoes, boycotts and sanctions. They are
using methods of pressure, blackmail, force,
aggression, barbarity and genocide wherever
circumstances still permit them to do so.
94.	The deterioration of the international
situation is therefore not the result of forces
beyond our control. It is determined by quite
concrete deeds of quite concrete Governments, h
is consequently the duty of every Member of this
world Organization to do everything possible to
safeguard reliably and effec¬tively the most
fundamental human right—the right to life. The
possibilities in this respect are great and the
will of the peoples to live in peace is
indefatigable. That is why the policy of detente,
thanks to the deep and strong roots it has taken,
especially in Europe, can and must go on and must
continue to bear fruit. This assertion is
supported by demonstrable facts.
93. First, all the commitments embodied in the
Final Act of the Conference on Security and
Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki in
1975, remain in force, and to their full extent.
They are in no sense archival documents, as some
might prefer. On the contrary, they continue to
serve as a living code, tested in practice, and
as a reliable compass for the policies of the
majority of European States.
96.	Secondly, important bilateral and
multilateral agreements are being carried out.
These form a time- tested international legal
basis which is an irreplace¬able factor in the
construction of a peaceful Europe. Among them let
us in particular recall the treaties concluded by
the Soviet Union, Poland, the German Democratic
Republic and Czechoslovakia with the Federal
Republic of Germany, and the four-Power Agreement
on West Berlin.
97.	Thirdly, the political dialogue between
East and West continues in an effort to
strengthen the infra¬structure of both European
and international detente. The mechanisms
established to seek a reduction of military
confrontation and to strengthen mutual
understanding and confidence in the interest of
more reliable stability and security continue to
function.
98.	Fourthly, the wide-ranging and
time-tested mechanism of consultation on each
other's positions, which at first sight sometimes
are apparently irrecon¬cilable, is being
consolidated and expanded in order to preserve
and further activate the spirit and letter of the
Helsinki Final Act.
99.	Fifthly, despite all artificial obstacles
and dis¬criminatory measures, Europe-wide
commercial and economic co-operation continues.
The implementation of the gas-pipeline contract,
the biggest project of this century tackling the
energy problems of Europe, is the latest example
of that co-operation.
100.	Sixthly, the dialogue in the fields of
culture, education, information and human
contacts continues.
101.	Seventhly, the anti-war and anti-nuclear
move¬ment is becoming a dynamic factor in the
European political climate.
102.	It can thus be noted with satisfaction
that those who are trying to devalue detente have
not been successful and are not succeeding now.
This valuable asset can undoubtedly be further
enhanced qualita¬tively and expanded
geographically if responsible statesmen display
sufficient political will to do so.
103.	The great profitability of the policy of
detente and the fact that it is beneficial for
all are, after all, best attested to by the
example of Europe, that obviously most stable
region of our uneasy planet. Thanks precisely to
detente, some remarkable and salubrious changes
have occurred in Central Europe, where
Czechoslovakia is located, in that ancient
critical area which has been the epicenter of two
destructive world wars. Above all, there is a new
awareness that, for the first time in European
history, the peoples of our continent have seized
the historic opportunity of creating practical
conditions for peace, security and peaceful
co-operation, and have done so despite all
existing political, economic, philosophical and
social differences.
104.	Czechoslovakia, too, has contributed its
share to the creation of this accomplishment,
which histori¬cally is completely new. As was
already observed at the Helsinki Conference by
our President, Gustav Husak, it has helped to
create an important element of stability which is
in such sharp contrast to the pre-war history of
constant conflict and tension, in particular in
the central part of Europe.
105.	The normalization achieved between
Czecho¬slovakia and the Federal Republic of
Germany and the continuing fruitful development
of mutually advantageous relations based on it
have become an important factor in the system of
European security. This is true also with respect
to the normalization of relations with Austria:
since pending questions have been resolved, a
rich structure of mutual con¬tacts, including
political contacts at the highest level, has been
created and peaceful co-operation on our
continent has thus been strengthened. Our
com¬prehensive co-operation with Finland
represents a logical implementation of the Final
Act. Our joint search with France for new ways of
developing relations also offers hope. Our
relations with Greece, the Republic of Cyprus and
Luxembourg are unde¬niably of benefit to detente.
106.	After many years of negotiations with
other signatories to the Helsinki documents—the
United States and the United Kingdom—negotiations
began immediately after the Helsinki Conference,
the question of Czechoslovakia's monetary gold
has been resolved. Agreements were signed last
January between Czechoslovakia and the United
States and between Czechoslovakia and the United
Kingdom on compensation for claims and the
settlement of financial issues which had
encumbered our relations with those countries
since the end of the Second World War. In
February part of the 18.4 ton gold treasure
stolen during the occupation of Czechoslovakia by
the Hitlerites was returned by Washington and
London to Prague. Thus one of the last
outstanding issues remaining from the time of the
Second World War was resolved and a serious
obstacle removed from the path to the
normalization of our relations, in particular
with the United States. In this, too, we see
confirmation of the fact that, given good will on
both sides, there are no insoluble problems.
107.	In the past we have constantly pointed
out the mutual benefits resulting from what we
have come to call the materialization of detente.
This is borne out by facts. Suffice it to mention
that there has been a more than six fold mutually
balanced increase in trade between the socialist
and the capitalist States in the last 10 years.
Czechoslovakia's share in this useful exchange
with advanced capitalist countries repre¬sented a
trade turnover last year of more than $6 billion.
108.	A similar picture is to be seen in
cultural, educational and scientific contacts. We
have maintained from the very beginning that
progress in this field contributes to mutual
cultural enrichment and growing mutual
confidence. The number of these projects places
our country in the top ranks of the participants
in the Helsinki Final Act. In the last 10 years
our cultural exchanges have doubled in volume.
Last year, for instance, this represented 100,000
persons—55,000 of them travelling from
Czechoslovakia abroad and 45,000 foreigners
visiting Czechoslovakia on the basis of more than
70 existing cultural agreements. We have been
organizing numerous prestigious international
cultural projects in our country, such as the
"Days of Culture" of Finland, Belgium, Mexico and
Tunisia, or the recent successful "Days of
Culture of the Federal Republic of Germany in
Czechoslovakia"—the first such project in the
history of the two States—or the "Days of Culture
of Austria in Czechoslovakia" that are being
prepared for next year. In this way we can say
that virtually every day the culture of some of
the Western participants in the Helsinki
Conference is present in Czechoslovakia. Of
course, all those are but a few examples of the
viability and future- oriented nature of the
policy of detente.
109.	In the conditions of the nuclear age
there is no other reasonable alternative to
peaceful coexistence in relations among States.
There can be no doubt about the truth of this
conclusion. A return to the cold war,
confrontation or a flight from the nuclear threat
into stone age caves are certainly not Mason-
able alternatives. This is the main motive of the
search for answers to the key questions of today
and tomorrow: How can war be eliminated from the
life of society? How can a nuclear catastrophe be
averted? How can we assert and develop what we
have in common and not what divides us? After
all, the high¬est values are at stake here, and
Hamlet's "To be or not to be" is appropriate, in
the sense of whether the most basic conditions
necessary for life on this planet will be
preserved. In the historic answer to these
questions we must not admit a shadow of doubt.
Let us therefore answer unequivocally,
definitively and resolutely.
110.	As was said from the rostrum of the
Assembly at the twelfth special session, the
second special session devoted to disarmament,
the preparation of a nuclear war must be stepped.
We therefore fully support the commitment made by
the Soviet Union not to be the first to use
nuclear weapons, a commit¬ment contained in the
message of the highest Soviet representative,
Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, addressed to the Assembly
at that recent session . We value this highly as
a truly historic deed which, if emulated by the
other nuclear Powers, would free the world from
the danger of the use of nuclear weapons. It is
this attitude to nuclear war which we consider to
be a decisive criterion when judging the degree
of responsibility with which individual States—4n
particular the countries in the North Atlantic
Treaty organization [NATO] and, above all, the
United States—approach the safeguarding of
peaceful life on our planet.
111.	As for the allegation that this
obligation ignores conventional weapons, let us
recall that it is precisely the authors of these
objections who from the very beginning have been
blocking the conclusion of a world treaty on the
non-use of force in international relations, a
proposal which has been on the negotiating table
for a number of years.
112. Czechoslovakia is emphatically in favor of a
complete and definitive liquidation of nuclear
weapons, of eliminating without delay the causes
of the development of new types and systems of
such weapons. We are against their proliferation.
Figura¬tively speaking, to eliminate the causes
and thus to eliminate in time the risk of
destabilizing the strategic situation means in
practical terms to do away in the first place
with the testing of nuclear weapons. That is why
we welcome and fully support the proposal for the
speedy conclusion of a treaty on the complete and
general prohibition of nuclear weapon tests
sub¬mitted from this rostrum several days ago by
the Soviet Foreign Minister, Mr. Gromyko. The
conclusion of such a treaty would undoubtedly be
facilitated if all the nuclear Powers were now to
declare a moratorium on all nuclear explosions,
including peaceful ones.
113.	We value equally highly yet another new
Soviet proposal for invigorating the efforts of
States to eliminate the threat of nuclear war and
safeguard the secure development of nuclear
energy. The General Assembly should qualify the
deliberate destruction of a peaceful nuclear
facility, even if carried out with conventional
weapons, as a nuclear attack and thus, in keeping
with the Declaration on the Prevention of Nuclear
Catastrophe this would be qualified as the
gravest crime against humanity.
114.	We attach exceptional importance to the
successful conduct and positive outcome of
Soviet- American negotiations on the limitation
of nuclear weapons in Europe. As a central
European country directly threatened by
existing—and even more so by the Pentagon's
envisaged—nuclear missile systems for NATO we
believe that it is necessary to follow up the
sincere expressions of good will with which the
Soviet Union has so significantly encouraged the
talks so far.
115.	We hold the view that the question of
whether progress will be achieved in nuclear
disarmament and whether peace can thus be
strengthened depends largely on whether
Soviet-American agreement is reached on the
limitation and reduction of strategic weapons.
That objective can be attained only on the basis
of full respect for the principles of equality
and equal security, while preserving everything
positive that has already been achieved by the
two sides in negotiations so far.
116.	We are also profoundly disturbed by the
devel¬opment of binary and other types of
chemical weapons of mass destruction, as well as
by the unprecedented, plans of the United States
for their deployment in previously unheard-of
amounts to the west of the borders of our
Republic. The prompt achievement of a ban on
these dangerous weapons in the spirit of the
Soviet draft of the basic provisions of a
con¬vention on the prohibition of the
development, pro¬duction and stockpiling of
chemical weapons and on their destruction is, in
our opinion, one of the most urgent tasks of all.
117.	We advocate the preparation without delay
of a convention prohibiting the deployment of any
weapons in outer space, and we fully support the
draft con¬vention submitted by the Soviet Union
last year/ Further, in the Geneva Committee on
Disarmament, negotiations should be intensified
on other disar¬mament issues, including the
prohibition of neutron and radiological weapons,
and agreement should be reached on further
concrete measures of disarmament.
118.	Sincere and fruitful co-operation among
all States in the solution of disarmament
questions is today more necessary than ever
before. We therefore believe that the consistent
implementation of the Declaration on
International Co-operation for Disar¬mament,
adopted on the initiative of my country at the
thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly
remains highly timely and relevant. It is a
document which urges States to participate
actively in disarmament negotiations and to do so
constructively, with initiative, to demonstrate a
sincere political will to achieve tangible
results in such talks and, last but not least, to
conduct those talks on the basis of strict
respect for the principle of equality and equal
security, to refrain from developing new trends
in the arms race and not to misuse disarmament
negotiations as a screen behind which to add new
spirals to the arms race.
119.	As a direct participant in the Vienna
Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments
and Associated Measures in Central Europe, we
have literally a vital interest in their
successful progress and, above all, tangible
results. We believe that the best way to achieve
progress is to proceed without delay with the
drafting of the text of the agreement. We are
convinced that the proposal submitted by the
socialist countries last February provides an
equitable basis for that task. We regret that our
Western part¬ners are frustrating our efforts by
persisting, even in their most recent proposal,
in the old so-called asymmetrical model of
reduction, which is motivated by an endeavor to
gain considerable unilateral military advantages
at the expense of the security of the Warsaw
Treaty States.
120.	We expect that the forthcoming resumed
Madrid meeting of the Conference on Security and
Co-operation in Europe will also have important
things to say with regard to the solution of the
burning issues of disarmament and the reduction
of the danger of military confrontation. We wish
to emphasize from this rostrum our interest in
that meeting and our feeling that it should be
conducted in the spirit of a constructive
dialogue, should reaffirm the continuation of the
process of detente and should reach a success¬ful
conclusion as soon as possible by adopting a
substantive and balanced final document,
including a mandate for the convening of a
conference on confidence-building measures and
disarmament in Europe. We believe that a positive
role in that respect can be played by the
constructive proposals of the neutral and
non-aligned countries. We very much hope that the
results of the Madrid meeting will strengthen the
prerequisites for the continuous expansion and
creative development of the European initiative
in Helsinki.
121.	However, we wish to express our concern
that the success of the meeting is being
jeopardized
by efforts to revive the policy of dealing with
the socialist countries from a position of
strength and of undermining the very foundations
of East-West economic co-operation by
heavy-handed and unscru¬pulous sanctions.
122.	We have followed with great concern the
deterioration of the political climate in various
hotbeds of tension. Czechoslovakia firmly
denounces the further manifestations of Israeli
aggression in the Middle East which are shielded
by Washington's political, military and economic
support within the framework of the agreement on
so-called strategic co-operation.
123.	We feel profoundly indignant at the gross
intervention against Lebanon which culminated in
the recent gory massacre of Palestinian and
Lebanese civilians in west Beirut. As one of the
members, along with Bolivia, Denmark, Panama and
the Philip¬pines, of the former United Nations
Commission on Palestine which was established by
resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947 and which
was called upon to supervise the termination of
the British Mandate in Palestine and the
establishment of independent Arab and Jewish
States on its territory—a resolution as yet
regrettably unimplemented—we state with the
utmost clarity that Israel must immediately and
unconditionally withdraw its troops beyond the
internationally recognized borders of Lebanon.
The sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and
political independence of Lebanon must be
strictly respected, as is required by the
decision of the recently resumed seventh
emergency special session of the General Assembly.
124.	As for the overall solution to the
situation, the only possible way to a just and
lasting peace in the Middle East is the
consistent observance of the prin¬ciples which
correspond to the general norms of international
law and the relevant resolutions of the Security
Council and the General Assembly. These demand
the return of all Arab territories occupied since
1967, including east Jerusalem, the
implemen¬tation of the inalienable right of the
Arab Palestinian people to self-determination and
the establishment of its own independent State on
the territory of Palestine, free from Israeli
occupation, on the West Bank of the Jordan and in
the Gaza Strip, the safe¬guarding of the right of
the Palestinian people to return to their homes
or to receive appropriate compensation for the
property which they have abandoned, the
safeguarding of the right of all States in the
region to a secure and independent existence and
to development, and the preparation and adoption
of international safeguards for the settlement,
which could be guaranteed by the permanent
members of the Security Council or by the Council
as a whole.
125.	We note with satisfaction that this
position of ours is substantially in accord with
the conclusions of the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference. These objectives, however, cannot be
attained through the compromised Camp David
deals, but only by multilateral collective
efforts, preferably by an international
conference on the peaceful settlement of the
situation in the region, with the participation
of all interested parties, including the PLO, the
sole legitimate repre¬sentative of the Arab
people of Palestine.
126.	Our indignation continues to be aroused
by the anachronism of the policy of apartheid,
which has been repeatedly and unequivocally
condemned here, as well as by South Africa's
continuing acts of armed aggression against
Angola, Mozambique and other front-line States;
and furthermore by the attempts to hamper,
through neo-colonialist maneuvers, the
settle¬ment of the question of Namibia on the
basis of the full implementation of the relevant
United Nations resolutions. We express our
solidarity with the Namibian people in the
struggle they are waging under the leadership of
SWAPO for self-determination and independence.
127.	The proposals of the Government of the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan for a
political settlement of the situation around
Afghanistan are viewed by us as a constructive
contribution to a peaceful settlement of the
situation in that region. We also highly value
the efforts undertaken in this respect by the
Secretary-General. In addition, the set of
proposals by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of
the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the Socialist
Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's
Demo¬cratic Republic, including the initiative
proposing the convening of an international
conference to consider the situation in
South-East Asia, constitute in our view an
important step towards changing South-East Asia
into a region of peace, stability and
co-operation.
128.	We see the withdrawal of a part of the
Viet¬namese troops from the People's Republic of
Kampu¬chea as an expression of good will and a
desire to resolve the situation in that region by
peaceful means. We declare once again, most
resolutely, that the seat in this Organization
rightfully belongs to the legitimate
representatives of the People's Republic of
Kampuchea and to nobody else.
129.	From the very beginning we have held the
view that the continuing senseless conflict
between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran can
and must be terminated as soon as possible by
peaceful meant with respect for the legitimate
rights of both parties. We have on several
occasions expressed our position on the matter to
both sides. We support the peace mediation
efforts by the countries of the non-aligned
movement.
130.	We hold unswervingly to the position that
the inalienable right of peoples to
self-determination and to decide independently on
their own fate must be fully respected in Central
America and the Caribbean region also. The
threats by American imperialism against Cuba,
Nicaragua, Grenada and other States of Central
America and the Caribbean, like the ruthless
suppression of the struggle of the patriotic
forces in El Salvador, have no other result than
the exacerba¬tion of tension and the endangering
of peace in those regions. We sympathize with the
efforts of the Carib¬bean States to transform the
region into a zone of peace, independence and
development.
131.	We advocate the settlement of the
decoloniza¬tion problem which came to a head this
year in the South Atlantic—by means of
negotiations on the basis of United Nations
resolutions and of the deci¬sions adopted by the
non-aligned movement, parti¬cularly the
conclusions of the Ministerial Meeting of the
Co-ordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned
Countries, held from 31 May to 5 June 1982 at
Havana .
132.	We resolutely support the efforts of the
Govern¬ment of the People's Democratic Republic
of Korea for the peaceful reunification of Korea
and the with¬drawal of United States troops from
the southern part of the country.
133.	We continue to favor the solution of the
question of Cyprus in the spirit of the
well-known United Nations resolutions on the
subject. That is the only way to ensure the
restoration of the sover¬eignty and territorial
integrity of the Republic of Cyprus, its
independence and non-aligned status.
134.	We are in favor of settling existing
conflicts peacefully and averting potential
conflicts. In that context we support the Soviet
proposals for negotiations on confidence-building
measures in the Far East and the strengthening of
peace and security in Asia and the Persian Gulf,
and the proposal of the Mongolian People's
Republic for the conclusion by the States of Asia
and the Pacific of a convention on the mutual
non-use of force that applies also to the
proposals for effective measures to enhance
secu¬rity, particularly in the Mediterranean and
Indian Ocean regions. The timeliness of those
initiatives is underscored by the fact that they
are designed to restore health to the
international climate in these important regions
of the world and thus to strengthen peace in the
world as a whole.
133. Czechoslovakia values highly the activity of
the non-aligned movement against war and for
disar¬mament and social progress. We are
convinced that by proceeding consistently on the
basis of progressive, peaceful and
anti-imperialist positions the non-aligned
movement can play a significant positive role,
parti¬cularly in the current complex
international situation.
136.	Proceeding from positions of principle,
we shall continue to extend our support to the
efforts of the developing countries aimed at
overcoming the con¬sequences of colonial and
neo-colonial rule and bringing about a
substantive restructuring of inter¬national
economic relations on an equitable, equal and
democratic basis.
137.	Czechoslovakia, as a socialist State and
a member and a strong integral part of the
defense alliance of the socialist community of
States in the Warsaw Treaty Organization, remains
unswervingly faithful to the ideals of peace.
138.	We are ready to co-operate with all
delegations to ensure that the thirty-seventh
session of the General Assembly fulfils the hopes
which humanity has placed in it and contributes
to finding ways of limiting the arms race,
halting the dangerous exacer¬bation of
international tension, developing detente and
building confidence among States with different
social systems. in this way alone will it be
possible to strengthen and enhance the role of
the United Nations in interactional relations and
enable it consistently to implement its ideals,
thus fulfilling its mandate and meeting the
expectations of nations.


1.	It is a great pleasure for me to congratulate you. Sir, in the name of the delegation of Afghanistan, on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We are extremely happy to see that this year the work of the General Assembly will be directed by an eminent son of Latin America, a continent whose people have always stood steadfastly at the forefront of the struggle for freedom and emancipation. Their long history has always demonstrated their determination to associate themselves with all progressive forces for building a world free of discrimination and injustice. Added to these qualities of Latin America, your personal qualifications and your vast experience and knowledge confirm us in our belief that under your guidance this session of the General Assembly will fulfil its great responsibilities.
2.	I should like also to extend the sincere felicitations of the delegation of Afghanistan to Mr. Trepczynski of Poland, who skilfully guided the work of the General Assembly during its past session.
3.	It is with great pleasure that we welcome the admission of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic and greet them in the family of nations. We have traditional friendly ties and relations with the great German people. The history of our relationship is one of close co-operation in the economic and cultural spheres. We are confident that their joining the United Nations contributes to the strengthening of this Organization and peace and security in the world. They have already set an example in the field of international relations by their policy of peace and conciliation. In fact their admission will enhance this spirit in the world Organization.
4.	I wish also to extend the congratulations of the Afghan delegation to the delegation of the Bahamas on its admission to membership in the United Nations. The admission of the Bahamas exemplifies a triumph of the will of people in the process of self-determination, a cause which Afghanistan has consistently supported in all parts of the world.
5.	My Government welcomes the independence of Guinea- Bissau and declares that it has been recognized by Afghanistan. The sacrifices endured by the people of Guinea-Bissau in their protracted fight against colonialism have not been in vain. It is a source of gratification for us to witness today the great victory achieved by the liberation movements in Guinea-Bissau in establishing their independence and in freeing their country from alien domination. We wish the people of Guinea-Bissau success and prosperity.
6.	On 17 July 1973, a great fundamental, institutional change took place in Afghanistan. The monarchy was abolished and a republic was proclaimed. The objectives of the newly created republic, supported by the genuine aspirations and democratic traditions of the Afghan people, are to promote the material and spiritual development of its people and to create a new society founded on justice and equality for all citizens without any discrimination, to allow all Afghans to participate fully and responsibly in the affairs of their country, and to curb the forces that have hitherto hampered the realization of these aspirations. The Republic aims at establishing a trustworthy security within the country that would permit sound and positive economic, social and cultural reforms, and pave the way for political, economic and cultural advancement. This requires the mobilization of all available resources and energy in all fields in the interest of the people.
7.	Therefore, the new order has the full and sincere support of the majority of the people. As soon as a new constitution is promulgated, one that will reflect the true aspirations of the people and will extend democratic rights and liberties for the progress and evolution of society, elections will be held in accordance with its provisions, based on the principles of democracy.
8.	To overcome economic backwardness, the Government is determined to take new measures as rapidly as possible to bring about basic changes, to create a national economy through effective planning based on modern science and technology and founded on the principle of full sovereignty over its natural resources. Great importance is attached to the encouragement of national industries, handicrafts and arts and to their protection against competitive foreign products.
9.	Since ours is mainly an agricultural country, the new regime, as a major step in its programme to bring about fundamental progress, will institute land reforms in the interests of the majority of the people.
10.	In the social field, the situation is in no way compatible with contemporary conditions in the world. Therefore, new programmes for social reform are contemplated, particularly for improving working conditions and the standard of living. A progressive and democratic labour law will be sought to secure the protection of the individual and social rights of industrial and agricultural workers. New and effective steps will be taken for creating equal opportunities for Afghan women in all spheres of life: economic, social, political and cultural.
11.	The founder of the Republic, Mohammad Daoud, in his statement of 23 August 1973, said:
"It is evident that economic and social progress are closely linked with fundamental reforms and the establishment of a true democracy. . . . Therefore, Afghanistan, keeping in view the changes in the world, should have a progressive domestic policy."
12.	In the international sphere, Afghanistan will remain a peaceful country and will consistently follow the policy of peaceful coexistence with countries pursuing different social systems, and will firmly continue its policy of non-alignment and non-participation in any blocs or military pacts. It will maintain its adherence to and respect for the Charter of the United Nations. It will seek the strengthening of amicable relations with all peace-loving countries in the economic, technical and cultural fields.
13.	The new Government attaches the utmost importance to maintaining and creating relations based on the principles of justice, mutual respect and neighbourliness with countries with which we share the same region. The good neighbourly ties of friendship with our neighbour to the north, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, are unfaltering. We have friendly and sincere relations with our other neighbour; the People's Republic of China. We have always had neighbourly relations with Iran. I sincerely reciprocate the friendly remarks of the Foreign Minister of Iran in his statement in connexion with the relations between our two countries. With regard to our relations with Pakistan, I must say that, regrettably, our political differences regarding the issue of Pakhtunistan and the restoration and respect of the inalienable rights of our Pakhtun and Baluchi brothers, remain unsolved.
14.	The question of Pakhtunistan, which has emanated from a refusal of Pakistan to recognize the legitimate demands of over 7 million people separated by the military force of a colonial Power from their fatherland. Afghanistan, is a national issue. We shall seriously endeavour to find a peaceful and just solution of this problem. A just solution is one that would conform to the best interests of Afghanistan and Pakistan in bringing peace and progress to the entire region. We believe that any solution should be sought on the basis of the will of the people and on international justice.
15.	We have strong traditional .bonds of friendship with India and Bangladesh. We are desirous of strengthening further these bonds in the interest of mutual co-operation and permanent peace in the region.
16.	In the wider sphere of international relations, the Republic of Afghanistan will adhere to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and will continue its unfailing support of its aims and objectives.
17.	We shall pursue our policy of political, economic and cultural co-operation with the third world. We are most desirous of following our policy of mutual respect and friendliness with all nations of the world, big or small, near or far, east or west, without discrimination against anyone.
18.	The situation in the Middle East is a great source of concern to Afghanistan. The most strategic region of the world is still in a state of war. The resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly remain unheeded. All peace efforts to head off a conflict have virtually come to a standstill. The creeping paralysis of the mandatory resolutions of the Security Council — and not only with respect to the Middle East, but also concerning vital decisions taken on Rhodesia, the Portuguese colonies and the situation in South Africa — is eating away at the very foundations of the United Nations as the custodian of both the rule of law and the goal of peace. Peace efforts, particularly those made by the non-aligned nations, have been vetoed and the prestige of the United Nations is threatened even as a symbol of international morality.
19.	The occupation of the Arab territories by Israel and the toleration of the acquisition of land by force does not imply the toleration of injustice to the Arabs alone, but threatens the very security of all small countries in all regions of the world. It is inconceivable to expect any peace in' the Middle East unless the Israeli forces are withdrawn from the occupied Arab territories.
20.	It is true that nothing really effective in peace-keeping can be achieved without, the unanimity of the big Powers. But it is most difficult to understand the position of some big Powers that demur from implementing and enforcing the very decisions for which they have voted. The resolution on the Middle East unanimously adopted on 22 November 1967 [Security Council resolution 242 (1967)] is a classic case of this ambivalence.
21.	Our position on the question of the Middle East and our full support of the Arab cause and the aspirations of the people of Palestine for the restoration of their undeniable rights has been made clear on all occasions and in all international gatherings.
22.	At the last summit conference of non-aligned nations,  we called for the strongest measures to be taken in connexion with the implementation of the Security Council resolution, including the restoration of the national rights of the Palestinian people as a basic prerequisite for the establishment of a lasting peace in the area. We emphasized the necessity of the individual and collective measures to be taken against Israel, not only by the non-aligned nations but by all Member States of the United Nations, in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Here, in this Assembly, we emphasize once again that the unanimous recommendations of the non-aligned nations should be endorsed by all Member States.
23.	There is no need for us to explain at length the policy pursued by my Government with regard to the elimination of colonialism and the securing of the right of peoples everywhere to self-determination and independence. This policy is well known. We shall always remain at the vanguard of the struggle against alien domination and colonialism.
24.	Colonialism comprises all forms of alien domination, and not only that which is referred to as Western colonialism. The classical form of Western colonialism is perhaps gradually drawing to an end, but, regrettably, the domination of certain peoples and territories, quite often by countries which themselves have suffered from colonial occupation, continues. This state of affairs creates tensions and causes concern and anxiety. The imperialistic designs of Western Powers during the heyday of their colonial advance created artificial frontiers without regard to the rights of the peoples.
25.	These legacies of the colonial era persist in some regions, impeding the development of a better understanding among nations. Vestiges of Western colonialism should be terminated without the tensions that would hamper friendly relations among countries and peoples.
26.	The apparent failure of the United Nations to implement its own resolutions concerning the elimination of the colonial administration of Portugal and to put an end to the inhuman and repressive policies of apartheid in South Africa, as well as to the illegal racist minority regime of Southern Rhodesia, can be construed only as a disturbing example of non-co-operation by certain countries with the United Nations, countries that are Members of this Organization.
27.	My delegation reiterates its support for the right of the people of Angola and Mozambique, as we did in the case of Guinea-Bissau, to sell-determination and independence, and shares the view that the continuation of the policies of apartheid by the Government of South Africa and its extension to Namibia has now reached a point which can no longer be tolerated by the international community. We fully support the aspirations of the liberation movements in the defence and restoration of their undeniable rights.
28.	A basic characteristic of the present international situation is a relaxation of power politics in some areas and persisting crises and manifestations of power politics in others. While we welcome the positive tendencies manifested in relations between certain big Powers, we cannot at all dismiss lightly the concern of the small countries of the world. Evidently there seems to be an inclination towards bypassing the United Nations, in which the small nations form the majority of the membership and represent the interests of the majority of the people of the world. From our point of view, detente, like peace, is indivisible.
29.	We were very impressed by the statement of Mr. Walter Scheel, the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany, in which he said that "universality also means universality of obligations" [2119th meeting, para. 154] and that "detente, is not meant to be exclusive..." [ibid., para. 157]. It is evident that peace will remain precarious without the full participation of all countries in all matters of world peace and security.
30.	We have arrived at the right time to expect and urge the international community to direct its efforts towards complete disarmament. We welcome the success of the various stages of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. We wish to see the machinery of the United Nations' fully used in all matters of disarmament and to see this session of the General Assembly make a decision as to the date and venue of the World Disarmament Conference. We hope that the present session of the General Assembly will prohibit nuclear tests in all environments and pay special attention to the question of nuclear disarmament.
31.	But we are no less concerned about the stockpiling of conventional arms and the flow of such arms to other regions. There is no doubt that the security of smaller —  particularly non-aligned — countries is threatened by conventional armaments. In our region the balance of power is already seriously threatened by important stockpiles of conventional weapons that can be acquired only by countries with privileged geographical or political positions, by countries which belong to a military alliance, or by countries which have acquired financial strength.
32.	I had that situation in mind when I stated at the summit Conference of non-aligned countries in Algiers that the recent acquisition of enormous quantities of sophisticated conventional armaments is a matter of grave concern to us. The political declaration of the summit Conference of non-aligned nations noted this with concern. It noted: "that the flow of conventional arms to non-nuclear States, which is a threat to the security of non-aligned countries and which gives rise to tension in some regions, is continuing" [A/9330, p. 17]. And then the summit Conference demanded that an end be put to the flow of such armaments.
33.	Referring to one of the items that has been proposed for discussion at this session, I should like to say that the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the item proposed by the Foreign Minister of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics during his statement in the general debate [2126th meeting, para. 131]. The item I am
referring to is entitled: "Reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council by 10 per cent and utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries" [item 102]. We note with satisfaction the timeliness of the Soviet Union's initiative and hope that it will be supported by all peace- loving and progressive countries and that meaningful measures will be taken in this regard by the General Assembly.
34.	Regarding the economic situation, we shall take the opportunity to deal with most of the questions related to it when they come before the Second Committee. Here I shall mention only that the failure of the first United Nations Development Decade and the unsatisfactory application of the recommendations adopted at the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD], together with the disappointing results of the years that have elapsed since the coming into force of the Second United Nations Development Decade, means that the International Development Strategy [resolution 2626 (XXV)] cannot be viewed without profound anxiety. We note with regret that the attitude of some of the developed countries has not in any way been conducive to an international economic order in compliance with the target set for the International Development Strategy. The burden of heavy external debts on the economies of developing countries is increasing while the flow of external assistance is decreasing in proportion to the growing needs of the developing countries. Meanwhile, the arms race, as I mentioned before, continues to absorb large sums of capital.
35.	We support the very important decisions unanimously made in Algiers, with special emphasis on the essentiality of giving more consideration to the group of countries referred to as the least developed. The Conference of non-aligned nations adopted a resolution with respect to special measures in favour of these countries [see A/9330, p. 81]. In that resolution the Conference recommended that international economic action should be given top priority and that top priority should be given also to the urgent implementation of the programmes adopted by UNCTAD at its third session and by other international organizations, especially in the area of trade, and that efforts should be exerted towards formulating and implementing new measures in all fields. It also requested the speedy implementation of the various resolutions and decisions adopted by the United Nations and its related agencies, as well as the continued review of the implementation of the measures.
36.	Another resolution was adopted which I would like particularly to mention, with respect to the special-measures related to the particular needs of land-locked developing countries [see A/9330, p. 77]. In that resolution it was recommended that a set of special provisions should be urgently considered and implemented in order to ensure the right of land-locked developing countries to free access to and from the sea, and to provide the international assistance necessary to remedy their special situations.
37.	It is our hope that the subject of these resolutions will be given urgent attention and consideration at this session.
38.	In conclusion, Mr. President, the Afghan delegation places itself at your disposal and at the disposal of all members of the Assembly for co-operation in the work ahead. We look forward to the realization of our wish for a successful twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly under your guidance.


182.	First of all, Mr. President, I should like on behalf of my delegation to congratulate you most warmly on your accession to the Presidency of the Assembly. We all know how wide is your experience and authority and we know we shall need those two qualities in order to complete our difficult discussions on the many subjects before us at the present session.
183.	In accordance with well-established tradition, the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, has made things easier for us by the submission of his clear, objective and realistic report on the work of the Organization.
184.	I should like to join the many speakers who have preceded me in greeting the admission to the United Nations of the two German States and the Bahamas. That brings our Organization closer to the ideal situation, which is the participation of all nations of the world in our work. We are particularly happy at the admission to our Organization of the Federal Republic of Germany, a neighbour and friend with which we enjoy close ties of friendship and fruitful co-operation in a number of international organizations, particularly within the framework of the European communities. I wish to express the conviction that the arrival among us of new Member States represents an appreciable strengthening of the United Nations and I trust that the very few countries which have not yet joined us will be able to do so in the very near future.
185.	If one glances at the international situation today7 one is able to see certain reasons for satisfaction. Is it not true that for the moment there is no major source of war, causing considerable loss of human life? I believe that fact should be stressed and Sir Alec Douglas-Home was quite correct when he quoted the Secretary-General and stated that we could consider with a certain optimism the fact that the United Nations had in the last few years contributed to defusing a number of conflicts [2128th meeting, para. 122], Thanks to the wisdom of enlightened statesmen, satisfactory compromises have recently been achieved that have led to a considerable reduction of hostilities in Indo-China. I trust that the agreements recently reached between India and Pakistan will allow a definitive settlement of the difficulties that still persist on that subcontinent.
186.	Unfortunately, the world is not safe from new sources of violence and illegality.
187.	It is with the deepest feelings of sadness and regret that we heard of the tragic death of President Allende and the overthrow by force of a democratically elected regime, regardless of the merits or deficiencies it might have had. For the Chilean people and in the interest of all nations here assembled, I trust that democratic freedoms will promptly be re-established, and we ask above all that, there as everywhere else in the world, respect for human rights be guaranteed to all men irrespective of their political opinions.
188.	To turn to the European continent, the second phase of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has just started in Geneva and the negotiations on mutual and balanced reductions of forces in Central Europe will soon enter an active stage.
189.	A continent which for many decades has been disturbed will thus be able to make progress on the road of co-operation among countries with different social regimes, on the road to better mutual understanding and, hence, to increased security. I express the hope and the profound conviction that the negotiations under way will serve to ensure not only material exchanges but also, and primarily, better mutual information and a freer exchange of men and ideas, as well as full respect for human rights and intellectual freedoms. Together with my colleague Mr. van der Stoel, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, I should like to stress that, in saying this, our concern is not to intervene in the domestic affairs of certain States but rather to address an appeal to them to prove by tangible deeds that detente and rapprochement between peoples are much more than a vague slogan and have become an everyday reality.
190.	In the Middle East, there has been no progress for a very long time. Although a certain detente is enjoyed all over the world and countries of very different ideologies are in the process of establishing relations that could hardly have been dreamed of only a few years ago, that region is still in a situation which is neither war nor peace and which may at any moment degenerate into a new confrontation. That situation is — we must unfortunately repeat it-contrary to the spirit and the letter of the Charter, to the rules of international law, to the resolutions of the United Nations and also to the interests even of the parties and all the countries of the region.
191.	The need for a settlement is manifest. The principles on which such a settlement should be based are set forth in the Charter as well as in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). I need not reaffirm the importance of that resolution, which has the twofold advantage of having been adopted unanimously and of defining the respective obligations of the parties. Furthermore, it has acquired particular value since it was accepted by three of the parties concerned, namely, Egypt, Jordan and Israel.
192.	The provision on withdrawal from the territories occupied by Israel must, however, be considered in conjunction with the right of Israel to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. These two elements cannot be considered each as a prior condition for the other, since that would lead to never being able to change the situation. Only the parties concerned, either through direct or indirect contacts, whether these are termed negotiations rather than soundings or preparatory talks, can decide by common agreement what in the end will be secure and recognized boundaries and, consequently, what will be the so-called minor changes to be made to these same boundaries.
193.	May I be allowed sincerely to regret the fact that such negotiations have not yet been possible and also that Israel is in the process of creating a fait accomplis in certain parts of the occupied territories, which might jeopardize the very objective of such negotiations.
194.	It is naturally also true, and experience has proved this very often in the past, that it is difficult to maintain for a long period of time a status of strict occupation. That is not an accusation against any of the parties, nor is it an excuse; but it is merely a statement of the regrettable fact that, the more time passes, the more the search for a solution becomes difficult. May I express, contrary to what certain other speakers have said, my conviction that in this specific case time is on no one's side but against all, and my hope that all the countries concerned will realize this and act accordingly before it is too late.
195.	For five years from this rostrum I have drawn the attention of the Assembly to the fact that we must never underestimate the importance of the Palestinian phenomenon within the framework of the Middle East conflict. The inexcusable acts of terrorism and political blackmail exercised through innocent victims should finally prove to the most recalcitrant observers that no final settlement can be arrived at if they overlook this burning question.
196.	I come now to the question of colonialism and connected phenomena. Although the situation in this connexion has greatly improved throughout the years, it is nevertheless a fact that millions of human beings are still deprived of their fundamental rights to self-determination, freedom and independence.
197.	Despite the numerous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council on this subject, we must unfortunately note that colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid continue to prevail particularly in southern Africa.
198.	I should like to make the position of my Government very clear on this matter. We are firmly opposed to any
policy which an objective examination of the facts allows us to consider as colonialist or subject to convictions of racial discrimination, and we consider the action of Governments following such a policy as reprehensible. My Government gives neither military nor economic assistance to such Governments and fully complies with the mandatory decisions of the Security Council in this respect. However, we do not consider the exclusion of colonialist Governments from international organizations, or even the breaking off of diplomatic relations, as constituting the most effective means of forcing them to change their policies.
199.	I should like to add here that I profoundly regret a certain confusion which seems to have been created in the Assembly between the notion of struggling against terrorism and that of opposition to colonial or national liberation movements. The legitimacy of the objectives of the latter can but suffer from that confusion.
200.	We are convinced that it is necessary unreservedly to condemn any terrorist activity endangering the lives of innocent persons. The taking of hostages, the hijacking of aircraft and the resulting blackmail are particularly repugnant crimes which cannot be justified nor excused by any motive and in any circumstances. It is truly deplorable that a series of political motives — albeit valid but nevertheless secondary when compared to the objective sought — has prevented the conference recently held in Rome from adopting any concrete decision. It is certainly necessary that this Assembly adopt quick and efficient measures on this matter and that the highest political gatherings of the world thus reaffirm the great moral principle that the end does not justify the means.
201.	I come now to another important question, which deals with economic development and social improvements in the world in order to achieve a more equitable distribution of wealth among all peoples. Three years have elapsed since the General Assembly adopted the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], and certain doubts have appeared regarding the possibility of achieving the targets set by the Strategy, because of the absence of sufficient funds. That does not necessarily prove that we should give up the Strategy here and now and lose confidence in the results to be expected from the Second Development Decade. Indeed, the Strategy was conceived from the outset as a dynamic instrument which had to be adapted to changing circumstances. Therefore, its contents can be expanded to take into account certain new elements, while the general philosophy and the basic objectives are maintained.
202.	Thus the interdependence of monetary problems and those raised by economic development and the structure of international trade has been brought to light. Another important element is the poverty of the masses in the developing countries, with all the attendant scourges such as under-employment, malnutrition, lack of decent housing, lack of education and crying inequalities in standards of living. It is urgent that valid solutions be found to these complex problems. In order to do so, we have to replace the old statistical approach of measuring economic growth on a per capita basis by a new concept placing human welfare in all its aspects at the centre of development policy.
203.	I should also like to mention the world-wide problem of finding a sufficient supply of food-stuffs and the necessity for an increased international effort to contain the expansion of desert zones and to improve the yield of arid lands. The tragic drought that has devastated a number of Sudano-Sahelian countries in western and central Africa has suddenly brought these two problems to the attention of the world. Very significant assistance has been given following that catastrophe, both on a bilateral basis and through the machinery established by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. However, since it is quite possible that the drought may persist in the region, outside assistance is still indispensable. And for that assistance to be effective, it is imperative that the international community, and the organs of the United Nations in particular, tackle these problems in a co-ordinated fashion.
204.	I believe that the proposal made [2124th meeting, para. 71] by the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Kissinger, for the holding next year of a world food conference is a wise one and that preparations should immediately be undertaken for it.
205.	I am happy to state, within this general context, that my Government has just decided considerably to increase, within the limits of its possibilities, the assistance we give to the developing countries. This increase will start with the 1974 budget.

206.	With regard to the world population problem, it is encouraging to note that the United Nations Special Fund has increased its activities. It is to be hoped that the World Population Conference to be held in Bucharest in 1974 will produce ideas concerning all aspects of this very delicate problem.
207.	All over the world, efforts are being made to create concrete programmes based on the results obtained at the United Nations Conference on the Environment, held at Stockholm in June, 1972. We know that our natural resources are not unlimited and that the search for growth at any price can have extremely grave long-term consequences. In asking nations to protect and improve the common heritage, we must endeavour to seek genuine growth but also to protect the human element. It is therefore urgent to find a way of reconciling the immediate legitimate interests of mankind with the protection of the interests of succeeding generations.
208.	In recent years, the United Nations and its affiliated international organizations have assumed new tasks which the authors of the Charter of San Francisco could not foresee, and thus the very structure of the Organization and the co-ordination among the various organs have become more and more complex. I therefore believe that the time has come to re-examine this evolution as a whole in order to make the necessary improvements while maintaining the central and co-ordinating role which the Charter has entrusted to the Economic and Social Council.
209.	I have very briefly tried to express the views of my Government about some of the problems now confronting the United Nations. The achievement of a better world community is an extremely difficult task which
calls for the full co-operation of all nations. I trust that the efforts of the present session will bring us closer, under your guidance, Mr. President, to that noble goal.