Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election to the office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly . We know you as a greatly respected representative of a country with which Finland maintains a particularly close relationship, Under the leadership of the eminent statesman, President Nyerere, the United Re-public of Tanzania has played a major role in African and in international affairs. Let me pledge you the full support of the Finnish delegation in your important task.
213.	May I also extend a warm welcome to the newest Member of the United Nations, Saint Lucia.
214.	We come to this rostrum to speak in the name of our Governments. We do so because the United Nations is an Organization of sovereign States. Yet Governments represent peoples, and it was in the name of those peoples that the United Nations was founded. As representatives of Governments, we should base our action on the hopes and aspirations of our peoples.
215.	Individuals, today's youth in particular, perceive the future as uncertain, even as frightening. Despite the efforts to achieve progress in arms limitations and disarmament, the arms race continues. Although there is consensus about the imperative need to solve the problems of under-development and poverty, the gap between the poor and the rich is widening. The wasteful use of scarce natural resources and the deterioration of the human environment endanger the basic living conditions of the present generation and of future generations.
216.	There is a widespread feeling today that the world is adrift, and time does not seem to work for us.
217.	First of all, this uncertainty is increased by the fact that the positive trends of detente and disarmament—only recently so clearly discernible—seem to be losing their momentum. Disarmament, while yielding some significant results, is put in jeopardy by the concomitant intensification of the arms race. This threatens the results achieved in terms of enhanced security for the parties themselves and for the world at large. At the same time, it represents an added economic burden on nations and individuals. Patterns of peaceful cooperation based on detente are in danger of being eroded. The use of force is on the increase between nations as well as within them.
218.	Secondly, in the world economic system, it has become evident that the old order no longer functions. Yet there are no new mechanisms ready to take their place. Problems of underdevelopment are recognized, but consensus about solutions is yet to emerge. The resulting confusion and uncertainty are something that none of us—whether developing or developed—can afford.
219.	Thirdly, industrial growth threatens to lead to an increasing use of non-renewable resources, putting a heavy burden on the environment. Energy in particular is a case in point; all available energy alternatives that are quantitatively significant have detrimental effects on the human environment.
220.	Since they are faced with this situation, the be-wilderment and deep anxiety of individuals in all our countries is not only understandable, it is justified. This is a reality that the Governments here at the United Nations have to take into account.

221.	What we need is a clear sense of purpose and direction. To control its future, the world community must have an effective international machinery. Because of its universality, the United Nations is in a unique position for harmonizing the action of nations on the key issues of our time, whether political, economic, social or environmental.
222.	In view of the vast challenges before us, we must ensure the efficiency of the world Organization. There-fore we must be prepared to examine ways to improve both the structures and the procedures of the United Nations system, its peace-making and peace-keeping capabilities in particular.
223.	The signing of the SALT Treaty between the Soviet Union and the United States is an encouraging development, although it is a partial and limited measure. It should be implemented without delay. If it is succeeded by subsequent qualitative and quantitative limitations of nuclear weapons, the Treaty will be a significant step towards making the world safer from the outbreak of a nuclear war. The Talks are an indispensable contribution to the process of detente. We hope that the SALT Treaty will prove a further contribution to that end, and particularly to the relations between the two leading nuclear Powers.
224.	In all disarmament negotiations, new approaches are needed. As weapons become ever more sophisticated, negotiations to limit them face danger of getting trapped in a morass of analyses and comparisons of their technical properties. The use and purpose of a weapon and its impact on over-all security, rather than its technical qualities, should be given more weight in negotiations.
225.	My Government is a consistent supporter of all efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and has made several initiatives in this field. We have voiced our concern over developments that we have considered contrary to these efforts. We have been particularly concerned about the prospect of nuclear weapons in regions where peace and security are already in jeopardy. Recent indications that an increasing number of Governments in the world's areas of conflict might be pursuing a nuclear weapons capability are a forceful reminder of this danger. We believe that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is the best instrument to avert the danger of the spread of nuclear weapons. We have noted with satisfaction the recently increased adherence to the Treaty. We look forward to the second Review Conference on the Treaty, which we hope will further contribute to the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime.
226.	The General Assembly has repeatedly called for a comprehensive test ban, as it has for a treaty on chemical weapons. We regret that, despite certain advances, neither of these important goals has yet been reached. In spite of these disappointments, there is reason to welcome the recent steps towards a treaty on radiological weapons.
227.	Our own continent, Europe, seems perilously close to yet another, even wider, round of arms build-up, both nuclear and conventional. All efforts should be made to avert this danger. Thus, the talks in Vienna should be intensified. Further, the recent initiatives to approach disarmament in Europe on a continental scale should be given more consideration than they have received.
228.	The negotiations, whether regional or global, should be urgently broadened to deal with weapons, particularly nuclear weapons, at present outside their scope. As a contribution to the solution of arms- limitation problems in Europe, Finland has pursued the suggestion that President Kekkonen made in May 1978 on a Nordic arms control arrangement designed at the same time to keep the Nordic region outside nuclear strategic speculations.
229.	In Europe, despite uncertainties in many fields and areas, the community of interest in security and co-operation has generally remained stable and balanced. The process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, highlighted by the signing of the Helsinki Final Act over four years ago by the high representatives of 35 participating States, has continued. The recently growing interest of States participants in the Conference in confidence-building has focused the attention of Governments on more direct and immediate factors of security. These signs of interest and political will, together with consistent efforts towards the full implementation of the Helsinki Final Act, would give reason to approach the second follow- up meeting to be held in Madrid in 1980 with expectations of substantial results.
230.	The future of Europe in a changing world cannot be founded on power politics and continuing armament but must, rather, be founded on tolerance of diversity and willingness to compromise and to seek solutions based on co-operation. This pattern, represented by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, cannot, perhaps, constitute a model in a larger international context. But the basic spirit—an approach based on the indivisibility of security and mutual interdependence—reflects a broader trend in the nature of international relations in which responsibility is shared and a common interest is jointly recognized. This spirit is needed in the United Nations also.
231.	This thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly was preceded by the Sixth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September. Finland has remained outside power blocs of all kinds, like the members of the non-aligned movement. Recognizing that movement's importance in world affairs, Finland has attended its meetings since 1964 as an invited guest. At this time we hope that the non-aligned movement, which comprises the overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations, will continue to play its traditionally constructive role in this Organization.
232.	The goal of the United Nations in the Middle East is to establish a just and lasting peace. This presupposes that all Governments and parties concerned will commit themselves to the search for peace in the region. Time itself does not work in favour of a just and durable peace in the Middle East. The Finnish Government had expressed the hope that the Treaty of Peace between Israel and Egypt would promote the achievement of a comprehensive settlement. Such a settlement alone can bring a just and lasting peace to the region. It is the well-known and unchanged position of my Government that a comprehensive solution to the Middle East conflict must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Further, the solution requires recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including their right to national self-determination. The Palestinians must be fully involved in any settlement and be able to participate in its negotiation. Israel has to withdraw from Arab territories occupied in 1967. Likewise, it is imperative that the right of Israel and its neighbours to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries be guaranteed.
233.	It is essential that all parties to the conflict demonstrate a spirit of accommodation and moderation and avoid measures that would further complicate the peace efforts. The Finnish Government deplores in particular the failure of the Government of Israel to abide by United Nations resolutions with regard to settlements in occupied Arab territories.
234.	The cycle of violence in southern Lebanon has seriously endangered the safety of the civilian population and has hindered implementation of the mandate of UNIFIL. The Finnish Government fully supports restoration of the authority and sovereignty of the Government of Lebanon over its territory.
235.	While the search for peace goes on, the United Nations peace-keeping forces in southern Lebanon, on the Golan Heights and in Cyprus continue to play an invaluable role in the maintenance of international peace and security. Their presence, which must not be a substitute for the peaceful settlement of these conflicts, should be fully utilized by the parties for peace-making. These operations put a heavy burden on the Organization, and particularly on the troop- contributing countries. The General Assembly should therefore bear in mind the need further to strengthen the peace-keeping capabilities of the United Nations. This would also help the Organization to respond more efficiently to new demands that it carry out peacekeeping operations,
236.	The situation in southern Africa is perhaps the gravest challenge to the capacity and, indeed, to the very credibility of the United Nations. The policy of apartheid is at the core of the problems in the area.
South Africa is the only country in which racism is an official State philosophy. During recent weeks we have seen fresh examples—such as the creation of a new Bantustan—of the South African Government's defiant pursuit of the practice of that doctrine in the face of universal condemnation. Systematic violations of human rights within South Africa itself and acts of aimed violence against neighbouring countries are inherent in that policy. As long as it continues, the United Nations has no alternative but to increase international pressure against South Africa. The Nordic countries will continue their active involvement in this work.
237.	As for Finland, we still maintain a degree of hope for a negotiated settlement aimed at majority rule and genuine independence in both Namibia and Zimbabwe. This is so not only because of our general conviction that international conflicts should be solved by peaceful means but also because we sincerely believe that negotiations are the best and most realistic method of seeking independence for those countries in a way that is acceptable to the international community. It is obvious that the sanctions imposed on Rhodesia by the Security Council must be maintained until an internationally acceptable solution has been reached.
238.	It is against this background that we continue to give our support to the ongoing efforts to implement the Security Council plan for the independence of Namibia and welcome the initiative of her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, endorsed by the Commonwealth countries, to bring all the parties directly involved in the Rhodesian issue to the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference in London. These recent developments are encouraging but, at the same time, they may very well be the last chance to achieve peaceful solutions. Were it not for the patience and statesmanlike flexibility shown by the front-line States and other African countries, there would exist no such chance at all.
239- Finland, together with the other Nordic countries, has declared its readiness to assist in the process of transition towards the independence of Namibia and Rhodesia. That commitment stands.
240.	The Government of Finland, on the basis of its Nordic traditions of freedom, solidarity and justice, stands ready to support effective international respect for human rights. I have had the occasion to state from this rostrum the view of my Government that human rights are a matter of importance for peace and good relations between States. This applies with equal emphasis to all human rights, civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural. It applies also to the work being done, particularly now, during the International Year of the Child, to secure the enjoyment of human rights for children, the generations of the future.
241.	The plight of refugees is one aspect of the general question of human rights, which has recently been at the centre of attention because of events in South-East Asia. It is encouraging to note that the international community has been able to take action quickly with respect to the situation of refugees and displaced persons in that region, particularly as a result of the Geneva Meeting in July of this year. This shows that co-ordinated steps can be agreed to on a large scale and that they can produce concrete results in matters of international human concern.
242.	At the same time, we must not lose sight of the fact that only partial solutions have been achieved. The total dimensions of the problem derive from the fact that there are as many as 12 million refugees in Southeast Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America who are deprived of their basic human rights, Their suffering should serve as a constant reminder to all Governments of the need to share the responsibility both forgiving immediate relief and for reaching peaceful solutions in situations of political crisis that may cause flows of refugees.
243.	On the threshold of the 1980s the international community seems to have accepted the fact that there can be no return to the old economic order which has prevailed since the Second World War. Despite its obvious short-comings, that order at least bore the semblance of being based on a set of established ground rules. At present, rampant inflation, the threat of worldwide recession, the glaring contradictions of waste and want, all point in one direction. The current turmoil in the world economy must be resolved by the establishment of a New International Economic Order reflecting these new economic realities. Otherwise, we shall run the risk of losing whatever control we may still have over the international economy. But the New International Economic Order must also reflect long-term considerations of central importance, in particular with respect to the rational use of the world's finite natural resources and the preservation of man's environment, which are the key questions in all global economic and social planning.
244.	The world community is also beginning to realize that the establishment of such a new order is not possible without necessary adjustments in the production and consumption patterns in all countries. It is important to perceive these inescapable adjustments as a continuous process. In Finland, adjustments to changing conditions in the international economy through structural changes in production remain an essential element of our economic tradition, which is based on a market economy. Against this background, my Government approaches with an open mind the new situation, in which our relations with the economies of the developing world occupy an increasingly important place. Yet, efforts by individual Governments are of little avail, unless a degree of accord exists among the nations of the world on the general direction and purpose of structural change. We look to negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations system to provide the international community with such guidance.
245.	The proposals which emerged from the recent Conference of non-aligned countries and which were further considered in the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 are, in our view, a valuable contribution to this process of negotiation. My Government has repeatedly stressed that global issues, such as energy, should as far as possible be debated in global forums. The time has indeed come to formulate instruments of economic and social policy for the rest of this century. The main instrument in the United Nations must be the international development strategy for the 1980s. In this context we welcome all initiatives which sincerely aim at an open and universal dialogue on the most pressing and immediate problems of the world economy and which hold the promise of providing the international community with unity of purpose on economic matters.
246.	The most important task of the United Nations in the 1980s will be the promotion of detente and disarmament, and the realization of a New International Economic Order in accordance with sound ecological principles. We must focus our action not only on ourselves but also on the coming generations.
247.	Our principal concern should be the individual human being, his welfare, his dignity and the quality of his life. In short, our task is to implement the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.


Mr. President, I should like first of all, on behalf of the delegation of Seychelles and on my own behalf, to congratulate you most warmly upon your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty- fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. The delegation of Seychelles is particularly pleased at your election to the presidency of this session for two reasons. On the one hand, you come from a country that is a neighbour and friend, the United Republic of Tanzania, with which Seychelles has very close ties of co-operation and, on the other hand, you, Comrade Salim Ahmed Salim, for many years within the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples of which you were the Chairman, tirelessly pleaded the cause of independence and the right to self-determination of the people of Seychelles. Now that Seychelles is a free and independent Republic, I wish publicly to pay you a well-deserved tribute. Judging from past experience, we know that you will carry out with competence the lofty task and delicate function with which you have been entrusted. You may rely on the complete cooperation of the delegation of Seychelles.
2.	I also take pleasure in warmly thanking the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his unflagging concern for the future of our Organization, and in particular for his interest in my country over the past year. Here I should particularly like to recall that the Secretary-General, pursuant to General Assembly resolution 33/129 of 19 December 1978 concerning assistance to Seychelles, took steps to send a mission to Seychelles in May 1979 for the purpose of inquiring into the progress made in implementing the special economic assistance programme. That mission's report will be presented to us during this session; it is agenda item 12 of the Second Committee's work.
3.	I should also like to congratulate the State of Saint Lucia, a newly admitted Member of our Organization.
4.	My delegation also wishes to express its gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Indalecio Lievano.
5.	Seychelles is a small country, a third-world country, a poor country that has recently gained its independence. The people of Seychelles are a revolutionary people who have been following the socialist road to development since 5 June 1977. We are progressive, fiercely attached to our independence and to the principles of non-alignment. On the important international political questions confronting our world, our positions are firm and frank. They are dictated by the principles of justice, equality among peoples and respect for the freely expressed will of the peoples. We are firmly anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist, anti-racist, anti-Fascist and anti-Zionist.
6.	We are particularly concerned with the situation in southern Africa, for in that region of the world, imperialism is allied with racism in order better to exploit, in the most humiliating manner, millions upon millions of our African brothers.
7.	Contrary to what the imperialists maintain, we see the Patriotic Front as the sole legitimate representative of the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. Negotiations are being held at London; their sole valid objective should be, in essence, the effective transfer of power to the African majority. The Patriotic Front has evidenced considerable goodwill in agreeing to participate in the Conference and to sit at the same table as the renegade Smith and his close collaborator, Muzorewa. There is every reason to believe, however, that Smith, Muzorewa and their allies are not sincere. If they were, their deadly air force would already have stopped its daily bombing and massacre of whole populations in certain regions of Mozambique.
8.	We condemn these shameful acts of aggression against the brother country of Mozambique, and we reiterate our conviction that Smith and Muzorewa do not want a peaceful settlement. We must redouble our vigilance in order to ensure that the London Constitutional Conference, skilfully manipulated by the agents of imperialism, does not degenerate into a mere manoeuvre for legitimizing the puppet and racist Smith- Muzorewa regime and lead finally to the isolation of the Patriotic Front. Let us not forget, in fact, that that is the only result of the London Conference that would be acceptable to the imperialists and their allies.
9.	The people of Namibia are victims of the worst humiliations inflicted by the racist regime of South Africa. Our Organization is morally bound to adopt severe sanctions against South Africa and to compel respect for them, even by force. That regime insolently flouts United Nations resolutions—our resolutions. The racist South-African troops have with impunity occupied a part of Namibian territory; the Pretoria regime, with impunity, is blocking the settlement put forward by the United Nations—in other words—by ourselves, a solution that would enable the Namibian people to accede to national sovereignty by peaceful means.
10.	Our Organization is guilty; by its inertia, it endorses the occupation of Namibia by South Africa and the abominable crimes committed by the racists against the Namibian people. Unfortunately, South Africa has powerful allies among us. This is the cause of our Organization's cowardice vis-a-vis the fate of our Namibian brothers. The people of Seychelles, however, reiterate their steadfast solidarity with the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and are determined to give this solidarity substance through actions, lending material assistance to the extent our limited means and modest abilities permit.
11.	South Africa is the revolting bastion not only of racism, but also of capitalism and imperialism. In the country of apartheid, imperialism wears the mask of racism; imperialism allies itself with racism in order better to exploit the toiling African masses. And we know who the natural allies of the apartheid regime are; we know the countries from which the heavy investments that feed its economy come, leading to the achievement of super profits.
12.	For that reason, we say that, in order for the struggle against racism to be truly effective, it must be waged together with the struggle against imperialism. By undermining the structures of imperialism in southern Africa, we will destroy the bases of racism. Racism will no longer have any place in a society from which man's exploitation by man will have been banished once and for all.
13.	As regards the problem of Western Sahara, we are proud to state that, ever since our own liberation, Seychelles has lent its brotherly and unqualified support to the gallant Saharan people fighting for their independence under the leadership of their vanguard, the Frente POLISARIO. Moreover, we have recognized the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic for nearly two years now. We congratulate Mauritania on its courageous decision to forgo any territorial claims, nevertheless, we deplore the expansionist policy of the Moroccan leaders, and we urge the Rabat authorities to revise their Western Sahara policy.
14.	In the Middle East, the crisis is becoming more acute, and international security is threatened by Israel's aggressive and expansionist policies. Moreover, we also are confronted with the policies of the Governments of Washington and Cairo, which persist in maintaining an increasingly hostile attitude towards the rights of the Palestinian people and towards the total and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from all occupied territories. Their policies run counter to relevant resolutions of the United Nations and of the non-aligned movement. That is why the delegation of Seychelles vigorously denounces the Camp David agreements, which constitute a flagrant betrayal of the Arab cause and of the Palestinian people's right to self-determination. We are told that Egypt signed a partial peace treaty with Israel.  But who gave Egypt a mandate to dispose of territories that do not belong to it, or to negotiate on behalf of the Palestinian people and in the name of the Arab nation? The Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. We reaffirm that in law the alleged Camp David agreements are null and void.
15.	The demilitarization of the Indian Ocean is a subject of particular concern to my country. The awareness on the part of the peoples of our region of the forms and dangers of the strategy of imperialism has been constantly developing for the past several years. The struggle to declare the Indian Ocean a zone of peace is linked to the basic interests—immediate and long- term—of all islands and coastal countries of the Indian Ocean. That is why we once again appeal for the dismantling of all foreign military, naval and air bases, particularly the Diego Garcia base, for the prohibition of any nuclear explosions in our region, and for the reciprocal and concerted withdrawal of all military presence from non-coastal countries, as the final stage following the dismantling of the military bases.
16.	Recently the countries of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] at their Assembly in the Monrovia summits and the non-aligned countries in Havana, once again adopted declarations calling on all States to convert the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, free of rivalry and competition, and from which all nuclear weapons would be banned. The Heads of State or Government present at those two conferences similarly appealed to our General Assembly to invite the great Powers and the principal users of the Indian Ocean to participate with the coastal countries in the expanded Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean so as to convene and organize the long-awaited United Nations Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean on the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, pursuant to General Assembly resolutions 3259 (XXIX) and 3468 (XXX).
17.	In March of this year, in a message addressed to the White House, President Rene' implored President Carter to refrain from stationing a new naval force—the Seventh Fleet—in our region, because, as he explained its presence would only accentuate the rivalry between the Powers, which would impede our policy of turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace.
18.	We urge the great Powers not to ignore all these appeals, in their own interest as well as ours.
19.	As regards the question of Kampuchea, my delegation fails to understand how anyone can persist in defending the representatives of a now-deposed Government which was one of the bloodiest in modern history. If the Pol Pot regime were still in power in Kampuchea the Seychelles delegation would understand why, invoking the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other States, certain delegations might refrain from denouncing the crimes and atrocities which it committed.
20.	May I emphasize, parenthetically, that denunciation of the atrocities of a Government or of a dictator does not, in my delegation's view, constitute interference in a State's domestic affairs; quite the contrary, it is a duty of international solidarity towards the populations which are victims of such crimes.
21.	However, since the bloody regime of Pol Pot has been deposed, and since another Government now actually controls Kampuchea, the principles adduced by those who still support that regime can only be fallacious or irrelevant.
22.	The Republic of Seychelles, without wishing in any way whatsoever to set itself up as a censor of the legitimacy of any Government, has recently recognized, at the Havana Conference, through President France Albert Rene himself, the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea as the sole legitimate and genuine government of Kampuchea. We therefore hope that wisdom will prevail and that, in the very near future at all international gatherings, Kampuchea's seat will be occupied by the true representatives of the Kampuchean people, because let us not forget in this debate that only the people of Kampuchea should count.
23.	Having stated my country's position on the major issues of present-day international political life, I should like to make a few comments concerning the serious economic problems facing the countries of the third world—the so-called developing countries, although in actual fact the majority of us are just under-developed.
24.	Our countries, which represent 65 per cent of the world's population, account for only 15 per cent of world production, only 8 per cent of which is industrial production. Our total foreign debt exceeds $300 billion; our average per capita income is 14 times lower than that in developed countries.
25.	In our Organization we are all represented—the rich and developed countries as well as the poor and under-developed ones. We are all aware of the disastrous economic situation that is afflicting two thirds of mankind. We all say that the situation has become untenable, and we are all speaking of a new international economic order. And we enter into dialogues: North and South, UNCTAD, the European Economic Community and the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific States, and so on. But since we refuse to come to grips with the fundamental cause, since we are unwilling to grasp the root of our difficulty, the increasing number of dialogues in which we engage are but dialogues of the deaf. It is sufficient to mention the fifth session of UNCTAD, held recently in Manila, and the recent negotiations between the European Economic Community and the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific States for the purpose of renewing the Lome accords of 1975.
26.	We must be frank and honest. The fundamental cause of the evil is imperialism, which is the most advanced stage of capitalism, and the economic structures that flow therefrom. Imperialism has converted our countries into simple producers of raw materials, which are bought from us at prices fixed by the buyer. Imperialism has converted us into consumers of finished products, which are sold to us at increasingly higher rates—rates set by the seller. Imperialism imposes upon us models of development that are reproductions of those of the rich countries, for the most part the Western countries. Imperialism tries to divide us into those of us that produce oil and others, and accuses the former of being responsible for the crisis that is shaking the world economy. Imperialism has converted our under-developed countries into pariahs of the international economic system.
27.	The new international economic order must necessarily entail the dismembering of international economic structures that have been imposed by imperialism. Those among the under-developed countries that believe that by entering into a dialogue with representatives of imperialism we shall succeed in improving the situation are lulling themselves with illusions, and they will soon drown in their own contradictions. Padding up the system or giving it a face-lift will only bring about disappointments.
28.	The under-developed countries must refuse to be simple producers of raw materials; they must refuse to be always the receivers of assistance; they must lose their inferiority complex vis-a-vis the rich countries, and they must invent their own models for development.
29.	In addition, the rich countries should cease behaving as conquerors of the world. They must admit that they have exploited the under-developed countries and that in large measure their wealth is the result of the plundering of raw materials from the third world. The rich countries must recognize that they must discharge an enormous debt towards the under-developed countries. In a word, they should cease behaving like imperialists.
30.	Then the rich countries and the poor countries could meet with each other as equal partners, as partners in development. Then, and only then, could a fruitful dialogue be begun.
31.	But I must confess that my delegation is pessimistic. It will not be tomorrow that the depth of hope will appear at the end of the tunnel. We are pessimistic because we observe that the most powerful among us are unwilling to question the foundations of capitalism and imperialism. And yet if they thought about it they would see that that would be in their own interest too.
32.	In conclusion I should like to refer to the recent non-aligned Conference in Havana, at which more than 90 Members of the United Nations were represented— approximately two thirds of the delegations present here. The Seychelles delegation hopes that the Declarations adopted by the Heads of State or Government will be the subject of a serious and thorough study on the part of all United Nations bodies. If it is not, that will be a serious error, because these documents set forth the legitimate aspirations of two thirds of mankind.


May I congratulate you, Sir, on the happy circumstance you have just referred to of your presiding over the meeting this afternoon. My country joins in congratulating the people of Panama and warmly greets you personally.
136.	May I also, through you, extend to the President of this Assembly the most cordial congratulations of the delegation of Chile on his election to preside over this Assembly. In his election we see a just recognition of his personal merits and qualities, which we have had the opportunity to appreciate throughout his effective guidance of the work of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, of which my country is a member. We see this, too, as a well-deserved honour to his country and as a tribute to the striking individuality with which the nations of Africa join the international community and, with vigour and vitality, renew the strength and the validity of the principles which govern us.
137.	May I associate in this tribute that distinguished Latin American, the former Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for his skilful guidance of the debates of the past General Assembly session.
138.	I should also like to extend our greetings and gratitude to the Secretary-General for his endeavours.
139.	I am very pleased to welcome a nation in the Caribbean, our sister in America, Saint Lucia, which has joined our Organization.
140.	A political writer, who taught in the universities of Germany and the United States, has stated that the intellectual source and, in some cases, even the literal source, of the Charter of the United Nations may be found in a brief paper by Kant,  the great German philosopher of modern Europe. The title of that paper by Kant epitomizes one of the major ideals which our Organization professes: it is "everlasting peace". Summarizing a spiritual tradition of many centuries of culture and civilization, that philosopher's text, written in the eighteenth century rather as a moral manifesto, has in our century become the inspiration for the political and legal Charter in support of whose ideals the nations of the world have gathered.
141.	On the threshold of the new century which we are about to enter, it seems fitting to bring to mind the intellectual and moral sources which were at the origin of our Organization because the principles contained in such sources are those which should indicate its destiny. Throughout its history, the United Nations has been able to gain concrete experience of the real validity of the ideals enshrined as purposes and principles in its fundamental Charter.
142.	Those principles, which are the basis of our Organization whose validity has been confirmed by experience itself and which doubtless are unanimously felt by ourselves and firmly supported by my Government, are the following: the sovereign equality of all States; the self-determination of peoples and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States; respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of every State; the prohibition and condemnation of the threat or the use of force; the peaceful settlement of ail disputes and compliance in good faith with obligations entered into; and to crown all this, so that we may approach the everlasting peace of Kant, the political will to make a reality of international co-operation.
143.	A realistic analysis of our Organization leads us to observe, alongside the values I have mentioned, which are the true heritage of our Organization, the presence of corrosive factors, of dissolvent principles, which lessen our Organization's effectiveness, break its moral thrust, impair its legitimate force and sometimes radically distort the meaning of its mission.
144.	It is not our intention to criticize, nor do we believe that this is the appropriate time to do so. However, just as we emphasize the principles of profound moral and legal content which are the heritage of the Organization and are incorporated in its practice, we also wish to point to some of the negative factors.
145.	We believe that the first threat to the role of the United Nations which lessens the natural authority it should have over nations is the use of this forum for purely ideological purposes, for the play of power blocs and at times to give vent to the political pressures prevailing within countries. When these things occur the authority of our Organization is morally lessened because it appears to public opinion to depart from its true purpose in order to serve groups or blocs which the Organization is called upon to moderate, keep in balance and regulate.
146.	It then becomes clear to international public opinion that selfish interests have been allowed to prevail over the common good of mankind and that the venerable image of the principles that govern peace has assumed the transitory and distorted mask of ideology and politics.
147.	Another definite and grave threat to our institution is the arms race. It is difficult for nations to discuss matters in this forum with trust and truth so long as there is the possibility that in a frenzied arms race their essential possessions will be jeopardized. Thus, instead of lessening international tensions by the use of peaceful means for the settlement of disputes, by respect for treaties and by compliance with the rules of international law, it appears that the world would rather follow the irrational and tragic course of war, the deadly destiny of the arms race. This is even more serious for the economically weak nations since the sinister accumulation of arms also undermines peace because it absorbs financial resources which otherwise would be used for the development and welfare of the people. Let me illustrate this by saying that the cost of a medium- tonnage warship would be enough to allow the WHO to eradicate the scourge of smallpox from the world.
148.	A third factor which threatens the effectiveness of the United Nations is the international economic crisis, which has reached such a point that it may even jeopardize the principles of the legal equality of States, international co-operation, and in some cases the self- determination of people,
149.	International indexes and the serious concern registered by the majority of the Heads of State, Heads of Government or Ministers who have spoken at this rostrum before me, prove beyond any doubt that the world economy is in a precarious position.
150.	The impact of this crisis is, however, felt more keenly in the economies of the developing countries, which are weaker and therefore more vulnerable to external conditions. In this context special attention should be given to the energy problem as a result of which the developing countries are experiencing great difficulties in shouldering the heavy burden of the constant increase in fuel prices which exacerbates their balance-of-payments problems and increases their external indebtedness, with the social cost that all this implies.
151.	All the foregoing is not the result of cyclical changes but rather of what we believe to be a structural maladjustment in the present international economic order. This order is unsatisfactory from every point of view, both for the industrialized countries of the North and for the mass of the developing countries concentrated in the South. In fact, although the industrialized countries presumably benefit from the present structure, they are now stricken with high inflation rates, economic stagnation, recession and unemployment, that bring a host of evil social consequences—all problems that had been considered characteristic of, and even endemic in, the developing countries alone. Therefore, it is obvious that a change in the present economic structure would benefit both sides. At the same time it is evident that such an undertaking can be achieved only by means of vigorous international co-operation.
152.	On the other hand, it is fundamentally in contra-diction with the principles of international co-operation for the industrialized countries to follow a policy whereby, in seeking to solve their own international economic problems, they persist in erecting protectionist barriers, thus abandoning free trade, the very system on which those countries built their own prosperity. The developing countries, most of them with small domestic markets, see their growth expectations limited because of the restrictions imposed by the actual opportunities for marketing their raw materials and products. So long as this point is not fully realized by the industrialized nations, the ideals of the United Nations will be threatened by this lack of co-operation as well.
153.	In these circumstances Chile is inclined to face the problems of the world economy, not by way of confrontation but rather through co-operation and by a continuing dialogue, because the restructuring of the world economy is a formidable task in which the efforts of all should be combined. For this same reason we unreservedly subscribe to the proposal by the Group of 77 which seeks to establish global negotiations on the outstanding problems relating to raw materials, energy, trade, development, money and finance.
154.	Furthermore, my country attaches special importance to the concept of co-operation among developing countries within the framework of national and collective self-reliance. Within the limits of our capacity we have already contributed assistance and credits to other countries. For Chile this form of cooperation has its own dynamics, which is independent and does not replace traditional North-South cooperation.
155.	The application of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the provisions that give them effect should extend beyond the strategies of antagonistic groups and power blocs. It should not be subject to the ups and downs of political opportunism and should be free from the constant threat of the arms race and the economic crisis, for which the industrialized nations bear so much responsibility.
156.	The principles of the Charter should be applied consistently, without fear or favour, both by the Organization and by all Member States. Tolerance of the violation of those principles and impunity for those guilty of such violation in the end undermine the very foundations of international order and thus deprive the community of States of its ethical and legal basis. Therefore, we must not ask "for whom the bell tolls" when a country is the victim of the violation of its essential rights. The bell will toll for each of the Members of the Organization and indeed for the Organization itself.
157.	My country is aware of the need to join ranks with all nations of the world, on the basis of cooperation and mutual respect. We have been making constructive efforts with a clear awareness of the solidarity of our interests and our common purposes.
158.	With the countries of Latin America we maintain and are working to strengthen ties which go back to our common emancipation and which have as their back-ground an ancient and universal common culture. We are seeking to increase our exchanges with these sister nations, to co-operate in the quest for peace and harmony on the continent, and to strengthen the inter-American system. We are supported in this by the conviction that the nations of the continent must, with a vision of the future, overcome past differences and join their efforts in order to face the historic challenge of our times. It is by surmounting the past and not by repeating it that the countries of Latin America will be able to make their great rendezvous with destiny.
159.	Our links with the countries of Europe are deeply rooted in our history and culture, and we therefore wish to cultivate them. Having just returned from a visit to several European countries, may I greet my dear colleagues attending this Assembly who, a few days ago, so kindly welcomed our desire to carry out that task,
160.	My country has also continued to develop existing links with the countries of Africa, adding to the relations we have had with many nations of that continent those which we recently established with the Ivory Coast, Gabon and Swaziland. We have a real understanding of the problems besetting the States of Africa—some of which we have lived through ourselves—and we believe they must be solved by the Africans themselves, without any external interference. We therefore reject any armed intervention in their continent and proclaim the inalienable right of its peoples to be the architects of their own destinies. Hence we cannot remain silent over the situation of conflict in southern Africa. We note with interest some of the initiatives that are under way—basically concerning Rhodesia and Namibia—and we reiterate our support for decolonization and the self-determination of peoples, as well as our rejection of all forms of discrimination.
161.	We have many ties with the peoples of the Middle East, some of whose sons and daughters have become Chilean citizens, contributing their centuries-old values and culture to our own. We view with alarm the situation in that part of the world, but are pleased with some of the results achieved, thanks to great effort and tenacity, in an attempt to bring peace to that region. We believe that those initiatives must be extended to all aspects of this delicate question. To fail to do that would be to turn our backs on reality and perpetuate a hotbed of tension which endangers world peace. Nor is the tragedy of Lebanon alien to us, and we view with growing alarm the tearing asunder of a country with so much potential. We support the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations in that country.
162.	Because of its great maritime tradition and its extensive coastline, Chile has opened channels of trade across the Pacific with countries of Asia and Oceania. This past year, we have had the pleasure of establishing diplomatic relations with Singapore and Malaysia, thus adding to those we already enjoyed with several countries on those continents. In this connexion, I would stress my visit to the People's Republic of China last year and the recent visit to Chile of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan.
163.	Chile is convinced of the need to enrich its cultural heritage with the legacy of the wisdom of old cultures and civilizations that have flourished in this part of the world and whose international positions are increasingly akin to our own.
164. We have stated some of the principles which constitute the fundamental structure of the United Nations Charter. Our country has maintained an attitude of constant respect for them. It is this spirit which prompts the Government of Chile to express reverent satisfaction that His Holiness Pope John Paul II has agreed to mediate the dispute which has arisen between Chile and Argentina in the southern part of our continent. Great tension has prevailed between our two sister countries; but linked as we have been since our independence by instruments for the peaceful settlement of international disputes, that grave threat to peace has been dispelled by the participation of the Holy Father and his special representative, His Eminence Cardinal Antonio Samore, whose efforts led to the conclusion, in Montevideo at the beginning of this year, of two solemn agreements." The first provided for His Holiness to mediate the dispute over the southern part of our continent; in the other agreement, both Governments, at the request of the Special Representative of the Pope, have, in each other's presence and before His Holiness, committed themselves not to resort to force in their mutual relations, to return to a normal military state of affairs, and to refrain from adopting measures in any sector which might threaten harmony between the two countries. In this atmosphere of relaxation of tensions, our venerated mediator will be able to discharge his noble task of guiding the parties to the negotiations and assist them in the search for a solution.
165. On 27 September last, His Holiness Pope John Paul II addressed the representatives of the two States in the process of mediation and, through them, their peoples and Governments. The ideas embodied in the statement of His Holiness constitute a most valuable contribution to the mediation process.
166.	Precisely because my country has an honourable tradition of settling its disputes by peaceful and legal means, we view with satisfaction the inclusion in our agenda of an item on the settlement by peaceful means of disputes between States, proposed by the Government of Romania, We shall therefore make every endeavour to see that positive results are achieved in this field. The establishment of effective, mandatory systems for the settlement of disputes would contribute to the elimination of violence and the establishment of the rule of law in international relations.
167.	I am pleased to highlight, as an important result of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the adoption of the principle of a 200-mile exclusive economic zone, which originated in the Santiago Declaration of 1952 on the maritime zone. My country played a major role in the drafting of that instrument, and has firmly upheld the doctrine it proclaims.
168.	Accordingly, Chile has continued to participate with special interest in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, particularly in the drafting of a code of conduct for the use of the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. The tapping of that area's resources, which constitute the common heritage of mankind, must be carried out in accordance with rational and fair criteria, and for benefit of all countries, particularly the less developed. In no case must those ocean areas and the resources they contain be subject to individual claims of sovereignty or to rivalry among States. Opening the frontiers of the oceans to man's use requires imagination and great effort in order to plan a legal regime which, while encouraging private initiative, will integrate it within the activities of joint bodies.
169.	On this occasion I cannot fail to express our concern—a concern shared by many countries—over the North American announcement that the United States will ignore the maritime jurisdiction of other States beyond the three-mile limit. This attitude is detrimental to the rights of coastal States and impedes the negotiations now under way within the Conference itself. Noteworthy in this connexion is the categorical pronouncement of the member countries of the South Pacific Commission—Colombia, Ecuador, Chile and Peru—issued on 18 August last.
170.	In recent years my country has undergone hard experiences, which a world in confusion and convulsion inflicts on a people wishing to live an open and peaceful life. Ours has been an old and well-balanced democracy, giving opportunities to all forms of political and social structures which the free will of man has forged in our times. However, the nihilist virulence, which cruelly strikes at elementary structures of our civilized life in every region of the world, has seriously damaged our society and threatens the stability of our cultural and historical institutions in a legal and social structure carefully designed to befit our dignity as a nation.
171.	It was necessary and unavoidable that a new government be established with heroic determination to assume the responsibility for guiding the country through that grave crisis. After some years of enormous sacrifice and misunderstanding, this Government may say with serene pride that it has succeeded in overcoming economic bankruptcy, given a new and orderly life to the social systems, guaranteed the security of the citizens, initiated a labour plan, adapted educational and cultural programmes to the requirements of our times and drafted a new constitution, among other things—all of which are enabling Chile to face the future with optimism. In these circumstances we wish to welcome a broad exchange of ideas, experience, goods and wealth with all nations on the basis of mutual respect, and before this Assembly we reiterate our desire to participate actively in its tasks and to honour and support the lofty mission entrusted to it in accordance with the principles of the fundamental Charter.


On behalf of my Government, I should like to congratulate Mr. Salim on his election as President of the thirty-fourth regular session of the General Assembly. Our Organization has thereby attempted to acknowledge the debt it owes to his country, the United Republic of Tanzania, and its illustrious President, Mr. Julius Nyerere, in the lengthy struggle for the decolonization of Africa, a task that entailed many risks. In Mr. Salim we recognize the continuity of that tradition of struggle for freedom and self-determination of peoples. In the Special Committee on decolonization, we have seen him as a leader of the decolonization movement and we were amazed at how well he guided the work of the Special Committee at such an early age.
94.	On behalf of the Government of Colombia, I should also like to extend a fraternal welcome to Saint Lucia, the beautiful Caribbean island that has just achieved full independence. It enters the United Nations in its own Right, as it has entered our regional group, the Organization of American States. In both organizations, we hope to co-operate with it for the success of our endeavours. We offer it our support in order that its international role may be commensurate with its people's just deserts.
95.	The thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly is convening against a background of contradictory signs and of threats to world peace. No one can ignore the efforts this Organization has made to preserve security in various continents and its tireless striving to avert conflicts that would inevitably have led to new hostilities. However, speaking objectively, we should note that the United Nations must seek to recover the initiative in and responsibility for the maintenance of peace on the five continents of the world, lest all that does not partake of the spirit of the Charter and that is undertaken without reference to the competence of United Nations bodies should subsequently occasion fresh difficulties on the road of understanding and concord.
96.	This is why in my statement to the Assembly last year I emphasized the importance of strengthening the Organization as the nerve-centre of major world decisions. In pursuit of that policy, I now wish to present some views, on behalf of Colombia, on how the functioning of the world Organization might be strengthened in a creative spirit.
97.	First, my country continues to view with concern the ongoing crisis in the Middle East, an area now being shaken by new and disturbing signs of strife. We believe that peace in the region must be sought through the United Nations system and that it must be based on over-all solutions in accordance with the spirit of the oft-reaffirmed Security Council resolutions. These solutions can only lead to progress to the extent that they include the full recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people to a sovereign territory. This situation is analogous in many respects to that which Israel faced in 1947.
98.	Accordingly, the initiative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to convene a special conference with the participation of all parties concerned on the basis of equality is a step forward which should be supported and adopted by the present session of the General Assembly. The indefinite postponement of this problem has brought grave difficulties to the countries of the Middle East, and the call for a just solution deserves universal attention, as does the future status of Jerusalem, a city holy to three of the world's major monotheistic religions.
99.	Together with the Middle East, we must emphasize with anxiety the tragic condition of the people of South Africa, where a systematic crime against the indigenous populations is being perpetuated in the sys- tern of apartheid, which is unequivocally rejected by all free peoples. Coupled with genocidal violations of human rights, South Africa's nuclear arms policy now poses a threat not only to the peace of the region but also to world security. The decolonization process which the United Nations has so successfully been carrying forward should now be directed essentially to preventing the racist policy of South Africa from being perpetuated and thus jeopardizing collective security. Apartheid, which is perhaps the worst crime of our times, must be eradicated through new and more vigorous policies from the Security Council and the General Assembly.
100.	The independence of Namibia and an appropriate solution to the problem of Zimbabwe are also matters of particular concern.
101.	Colombia has for some time observed that Article 2, paragraph 3, of the Charter, which makes the Pacific settlement of disputes mandatory, has not yet seen the subject of orderly development offering possibilities for settlement in many conflicts. The world is aware that the problems of our times stem from a combination of economic, political and social factors which do not always lend themselves to solutions by law. Possibly, the branch of international relations in which there has been the least progress is the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. Both the International Court of Justice and the Permanent Court of Arbitration tend to be kept at one remove from the difficulties which they were intended to solve and for which they were established. It would therefore be a proper task for this Assembly, in pursuance of the imperatives of the Charter, to promote a current of world opinion aimed at devising new and imaginative machinery for the settlement of disputes. Colombia views with favour and lends its support to the initiative of the Government of Austria to establish a centre for research and conciliation which could by its flexible character contribute to the direct settlement of disputes which might arise In future. This plan has been discussed previously in the Assembly but, while there might have been doubts in the past as to its desirability, world security today demands more expeditious and manageable instruments which can be resorted to so as to reconcile conflicting positions and prevent the deterioration of relations among States.
102.	Colombia has been an advocate of furthering the work on the review of the Charter, efforts on which have yielded only hesitant conclusions. However, without prejudice to continuing this work, a decision by the General Assembly to create new machinery for investigation and conciliation together with new imaginative approaches to the mediation of international conflicts is not only a timely task but also a very promising one.
103.	Our country is firmly convinced that the international crisis we are going through is directly related to the stagnation of programmes for a new international economic order, which the United Nations itself has proclaimed as an undertaking of the Organization and made into a norm of conduct for its Member Governments. It is obvious that the North-South dialogue, which began with so much optimism, has only given rise to new frustrations. As its last session in Manila UNCTAD once again brought to light the lack of understanding of the industrialized countries vis-a-vis the demands of the third world, and We must not hide the fact that progress was scant, if we bear in mind the magnitude of the programme which should have been covered. Colombia fully supports the proposal for global negotiations as presented by the developing countries.
104.	With regard to the law of the sea, the intransigence of some Powers has complicated the task of drawing up a harmonious and just code for the use of the oceans. Each time the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is convened, we hear in ever stronger terms the voices of those countries which disregard the achievements of the small and medium-sized countries, achievements which had seemed secure, such as the 200-mile limit of sovereignty over economic resources. With respect to the sea-bed authority, the distribution of powers now claimed dampens our hopes that the future treaty could become a true instrument for the decolonization of the seas.
105.	With reference to the question of price-support machinery for commodities, such as coffee and sugar, the major consumers are reluctant to support its operation, which, coupled with the new obstacles to trade in commodities from developing countries, is rendering the world distribution of power increasingly unfair. To that we must add the dwindling financial potential of international bodies devoted to promoting cooperation, which earmark disproportionate sums for administrative expenditures with the concomitant decline in aid programmes.
106.	The demand by the equatorial countries that the synchronous geostationary orbit should become part of the resources falling within their full competence, a point on which Colombia reaffirms its full solidarity with the countries of the area, has been persistently rejected by certain Powers, which wish in the matter of outer space as with the use of the seas to reserve resources for their exclusive use.
107.	This review of developments which point to a grave deterioration of international co-operation in recent times leads to the conclusion that the concept of the new international economic order is still nothing more than an aspiration which is frustrated at every step.
108.	To this negative balance-sheet of international co-operation, which sows mistrust in relations between the affluent nations and the third world, we must add the energy crisis, which has dealt its hardest blows to the small and medium-sized countries.
109.	At the Meeting of Heads of State or Government held in Caracas during the term of office of the distinguished Venezuelan leader Mr. Luis Herrera Campuis, on the initiative of Mr. Julio Cesar Turbay Ayala, President of Colombia, the following statement was made:
"Let us avail ourselves of this opportunity to address an appeal to the petroleum-producing countries and to the entire world concerning the need to establish without delay appropriate machinery to permit a logical application of the price of petroleum and its derivatives. Our position is not one of opposition to the establishment of just prices. On the contrary, we need such prices for our products. But we take exception openly with arbitrary price-fixing and an indiscriminate increase in the price of petroleum, which has been accompanied by substantial speculation on spot-market prices and which deprives our peoples of their prerogatives."
110.	The Caracas declaration, from which I have just quoted, was signed on 12 March 1979 by the Presidents of Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic, as well as by the Head of Government of Spain. The views expressed referred to the urgency of seeking, at an international level, machinery to reader less difficult the fulfilment of development programmes for countries which lack petroleum and therefore face critical difficulties.
111.	It is worth while emphasizing, in addition, the view expressed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Venezuela, Mr. Jose Alberto Zambrano, in the statement he made at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Havana:
"As countries members of OPEC," we are fully aware of the imperative need for new initiatives and strategies of preferential co-operation with the developing countries, and this matter will have special priority at the next meeting of OPEC to be held in Caracas at the end of this year".
112.	President Jose' Lopez Portillo of Mexico also discussed the desirability of adopting, within the framework of the United Nations, a new policy with respect to energy sources, especially petroleum. All these statements buttress and underscore the urgent need for the General Assembly itself to take steps and provide guidelines in order to deal with the major problem now burdening the developing world.
113.	With reference to Latin America, we must welcome as an important development the creation of the Junta of National Reconstruction as the new Government of Nicaragua established in the wake of the heroic victory which overthrew the Somoza dictatorship, a development that was endorsed by the General Assembly itself at its last session in response to charges of human rights violations brought by the Governments of Colombia and Venezuela. The tragic events which the Nicaraguan people have endured compel us to reiterate the appeal made to all countries to contribute to the task of national reconstruction in a spirit of authentic international solidarity.
114.	The signing in Panama on 1 October of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties restoring sovereignty over the Canal Zone to the Republic of Panama should be hailed as a genuine triumph for free peoples.
115.	Perhaps the most important political development this year in South America was the strengthening of the Andean sub regional group, comprising Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. This constitutes an important step towards economic integration and encourages joint action vis-a-vis various international organizations. The Andean Group, created by the Cartagena Agreement, is perhaps the best example of horizontal co-operation and of efforts to cope with the unequal conditions under which third-world countries are labouring in the face of the crisis of international co-operation to which I have referred.
116.	The appeal I am making on behalf of the Government of Colombia for the creation of machinery to develop the mandate of the Charter in the sphere of the peaceful settlement of disputes, the urgent need for the United Nations fully to exercise the responsibility for the maintenance of peace that rightfully falls to it, the importance of furthering the new international economic order in the domain of possible achievements and the urgency of arriving at a common policy with respect to the critical energy situation are all things that are not only the aspirations of my country but also undertakings of the United Nations, which should understand the new path it must follow so that economic and social conditions in the world will not trigger a new conflagration of unforeseeable dimensions.
117.	For confidence in the future of the Organization to be renewed, as it must be, what is required today is steadfastness and boldness in the quest for a new system of international relations. Because of its urgency, this is something that should be the subject of particular attention by all countries, and it is something which Colombia repeatedly advocates.
118.	World peace requires that a supreme effort be made to narrow disparities in development among nations and to ensure that policies based on power alone give way to an order in which human dignity and the fundamental rights of peoples are guaranteed by law. To that end, Colombia, as a deeply democratic country, offers its loyal co-operation.


First of all, I should like, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, to extend to you, Sir, warmest congratulations on your unanimous election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. With you as President, this important task falls to an experienced diplomat who, during his many years of service at New York, has rightly won everyone's respect. You can be sure of the full support of my delegation in carrying out the important tasks ahead of you.
76.	I also wish to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose untiring efforts on behalf of the world Organization we greatly respect.
77.	Crisis of economic growth and development, crisis in the Middle East, in southern Africa and in Indo-China—these are the subjects dominating international politics and especially politics within the United Nations. In his report, Secretary-General Waldheim speaks of "deep-seated feelings of anxiety"
78.	In such times it is more important than ever to look beyond the day and to reflect on the fundamental current of history. That fundamental current was switched to a new course 200 years ago by the proclamation of civil liberties and by the Industrial Revolution. Up to that time oppression and poverty seemed to be the unalterable lot of the great majority of people. But then there opened up a future which gave all men the hope of one day living free from bondage and free from want. Ever since then the world—despite all crises and setbacks, despite terrible wars and inhuman crimes—has been pursuing that goal.
79.	The trend towards freedom has gathered momentum dramatically in our age: human rights became a universal idea; peoples living under colonial rule asserted their right to self-determination and achieved independence; the process of industrialization extended to the nations of the third world ; and in spite of the population explosion the per capita income of those countries grew 3.4 per cent annually in the 1960s.
80.	But people in many parts of the world are still suffering from hunger; there is still oppression; the problems of economic and social development are still unresolved; and world peace is still not secure. Indeed, today we must face new challenges: growth and development have slowed down, but the armaments spiral is spinning faster; the independence which the third world has only just achieved is threatened by new hegemonic aspirations; and violations of even the most elementary human rights show the great distance that still has to be covered before respect for the dignity of man becomes the day-to-day practice of all nations.
81.	Will mankind continue along the road to peace, to freedom from want and oppression, or will it not? The decision lies in our hands.
82.	The limits to progress that we have come up against are not insurmountable ones dictated by nature. They are social and political limits which we have imposed upon ourselves, because we still try to master the challenges of our time with the attitudes and methods of the past. A fundamental change in our way of thinking is more urgent than ever. This also holds true for international politics. Peace is no longer the exclusive concern of the big Powers, and economic stability is no longer a task for individual States alone.
83.	Safeguarding peace today requires the participation of all countries. The individual country can achieve growth only if the others achieve growth also. This new reality of global interdependence demands of us a different approach, a different kind of action.
84.	The power of fact forces nations onto the road of world-wide co-operation on the basis of equal rights. Multilateral diplomacy and international organizations are moving into the foreground. Their focal-point is the United Nations.
85.	This Organization has played an indispensable role in the peaceful process of decolonization, in defusing conflicts and in accelerating development. It has thrust the issue of mankind's future into our field of vision and opened up avenues for new dimensions in international co-operation. Its task is still to overcome the disparities in the world by means of co-operation and the reconciliation of interests.
86.	Those who want the world to achieve further progress must increase the efficiency of the United Nations. Because of new and wider-ranging activities its methods of work need to be streamlined. The mushrooming of institutions will have to be stopped.
87.	But for the United Nations to be able to fulfil its global responsibilities it will also be necessary to keep the principle of universality intact. The exclusion of Member States would affect the United Nations in its essence and deprive it of its ability to foster world-wide co-operation.
88.	Active and responsible participation in the work of the United Nations is a major element of the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. We uphold the principles of the Charter; they point the way to a future for mankind free from want and bondage.
89.	Progress requires peace. The policy of my country is a policy for peace, and the basis of that policy is our membership in the European Community and in the North Atlantic Alliance.
90.	The Irish Foreign Minister has set out the foreign policy positions of the nine States members of the European Community
91.	Essential to the safeguarding of world peace is the consolidation of peace between East and West. East and West have different concepts and values and, consequently, different political objectives. We cannot erase this fundamental difference, but moderation must prevail. We must find ways and means of developing the co-operation necessary in this interdependent world, notwithstanding the contrasting systems.
92.	However, peace cannot be safeguarded unless there is a balance of forces. That balance is the basis of detente. The Federal Republic of Germany has from the very beginning been one of the main contributors to detente. We shall continue to make this contribution, together with our partners in the North Atlantic Alliance and in the European Community. To us, a policy of detente is a long-range policy; it is not just a fair- weather phase. This makes it predictable for all. No one has cause to doubt the unambiguity of our policy.
93.	We are constantly developing our relations with the Soviet Union and the other States signatories of the Warsaw Treaty. We are equally active in the multilateral process of detente in Europe, based on the Final Act of Helsinki.  All signatories of the Final Act should prove the sincerity of their will for detente by consistently honouring the commitments they entered into at Helsinki.
94.	Of special significance for detente is the relationship between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, since the border between East and West divides Germany. No nation can have a greater interest in detente than the German nation. Our aim is the continuous development of cooperation with the German Democratic Republic.
95.	We want to increase the possibilities for Germans on both sides to come to one another. Detente must be perceivable and tangible to the people in exercising their rights and in their daily lives. The German nation is divided against its will. But history has not spoken the last word yet. It remains the declared aim of our policy to work for a state of peace in Europe in which the German people can regain their unity in free self- determination.
96.	The switches for historical development have been thrown: for the realization of the right of self- determination and for peacefully bridging divisions, not deepening and perpetuating them.
97.	The symbol of detente in Europe is the city which in the years of the cold war was so often the scene of perilous tensions which affected the whole world: Berlin. The 1971 Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin has been a decisive feature in reducing those tensions. Its strict observance and full application remain the first essential for the progress of detente.
98.	Detente is indivisible. It must also prove itself in the East's and the West's relations with the nations of the third world. The East-West conflict must be kept out of the third world. The right of the developing countries to determine their future in their own way must be respected.
99.	The Federal Republic of Germany is opposed to any form of hegemony—whether it be military, political, economic or ideological. We do not want to force our form of government or social order on anyone. Rather, we want a world order in which all nations choose their way of life in free self-determination. A policy of partnership based on equal rights is the policy for the future.
100.	The movement of the non-aligned countries is of great importance to them in asserting their independence and their right of self-determination and hence in securing global stability. That movement will, however, be able to fulfil its task only if, rather than looking back, it recognizes the dangers which threaten independence and non-alignment today.
101. In his speech at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Havana early this month, President Nyerere of the United Republic of Tanzania said:
' 'The non-aligned movement must remain itself—a group of countries which are proudly independent, which stand for justice and equality between men and between nations, and which refuse to ally themselves with any power bloc or major world Power."
If the movement of non-aligned countries adheres to that principle it will remain a powerful force for peace, stability and progress in the world. Anyone who wants to make that movement the so-called natural ally of the socialist camp is trying to lead it into a new dependence, to paralyse it and ultimately to deprive it of the basis for its actions.
102.	Respect for the right of self-determination of nations also means respect for their cultural identity, respect for the right of every nation to go its own way. We agree with the nations of the third world that do not see modernization as the blind adoption of foreign models but as the expression of their own character in the conditions of our time.
103.	Mankind needs diversity of cultures if its creative energies are not to peter out. We break a lance for the free exchange of ideas and information based on mutual respect and tolerance. We must promote this exchange and at the same time develop the ability of the third world to play an equal part in it.
104.	To be able to safeguard peace one has to settle conflicts by negotiation and the fair reconciliation of interests. I wish to single out the three conflicts which feature prominently in the General Assembly debates: those in the Middle East, southern Africa and IndoChina.
105.	In spite of all the efforts that have been made, peace has still not been achieved in the Middle East. The treaty between Egypt and Israel  has aroused hopes of a comprehensive peace settlement after 30 years of seemingly insurmountable hostility; but we know that there is still a hard road ahead and that many serious obstacles have to be cleared away before Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) can be implemented comprehensively and globally.
106.	The tragic situation in Lebanon also remains a source of great concern. The efforts by the constitutional authorities in Lebanon to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their country deserve the support of us all.
107.	The Middle East is a region which has always been closely linked with Europe in many fields. Peace in that region is our peace, and vice versa. Together with our partners in the European Community, we have on several occasions, especially in the statement by the European Council on 29 June 1977, set out the principles for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. The Irish Foreign Minister explained and reaffirmed those principles on behalf of the nine countries the day before yesterday.
108.	The nations of the world are becoming increasingly aware that without the inclusion of the Palestinian people in a comprehensive settlement there will be no lasting peace in the region.
109.	In the view of the Federal Republic of Germany, Israel's right to live within secure and recognized boundaries, like the other States in the region, is unassailable. The recognition of this right, as well as of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, by all concerned is necessary for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace settlement. We called for the realization of the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people as early as 1974 during the debate on the question of Palestine in this forum.
110.	In southern Africa, only the removal of the remnants of colonialism and apartheid can bring peace to Namibia, Zimbabwe and the Republic of South Africa.
111.	In Namibia and Zimbabwe, a new approach is being made to the problem of ensuring a peaceful transition to independence. We are actively involved in the Namibia initiative of the five Western States.
112.	We welcome the new British initiatives to find a solution to the Zimbabwe problem with the agreement of all concerned; and we hope that the efforts of all participants in the London negotiations will at long last give the people of Zimbabwe the peace they long for.
113.	These efforts should not be disrupted by any side. The sooner the Republic of South Africa decides to take the necessary steps for the total elimination of all racial barriers the sooner will it be possible to enable people of all colours to live together in peace.
114.	The situation in lndo-China is a threat to peace and stability in South East Asia; it can become a threat to world peace.
115.	In Cambodia, peace can be restored only on the basis of that country's independence. That nation, which has undergone such a terrible test, needs a Government which expresses its will and which is recognized by all countries in the region. Neither the murderous Pol Pot regime nor the Heng Samrin regime installed by foreign forces meets this requirement. But the starving people of Cambodia cannot wait until a political solution has been found. They need help at once. The parties to the conflict must make it possible for that help to reach the people in all parts of Cambodia. No more time should be lost, since it is literally a question of a nation's survival.
116.	The misery of the refugees from Viet Nam poses yet another humanitarian challenge. Hundreds of thousands of desperate people have left their homeland. "Boat people" has become a new, horrifying phrase in the international vocabulary. The Federal Republic of Germany is doing all it can to help the Vietnamese refugees. Although we are a densely populated country, we are offering many of them a new home. We also support the programmes introduced by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees for the benefit of the refugees in South-East Asia. But, here again, it is necessary—over and above the humanitarian aid—to get to the root of the problem. The freedom to leave one's own country is a human right; but it is equally a human right to be allowed to stay in one's native country.
117.	Starvation and distress still prevail in many parts of the globe, but the nations of the world are expending resources in excess of $400 billion a year for military purposes. The community of nations is called upon to make every effort to stop the armament spiral. The arms build-up is a threat to peace, it hampers development and it impairs the ability to provide development aid.
118.	The Federal Republic of Germany welcomes the fact that, with the resolutions adopted at the tenth special session of the General Assembly in 1978, the United Nations has intensified its efforts to achieve disarmament. In a world in which hegemonic aspirations remain unchecked, every country must inevitably be at pains to maintain its security. The Western Alliance is resolved to do so, but it is doing no more than is necessary for the defence of its members. The Federal Republic of Germany is not a nuclear-weapon State, nor does it want to be. Nobody should underestimate the security interests of others.
119.	It is therefore essential for the safeguarding of world peace that nations should seek security, not in military supremacy, but in balance. Supremacy creates insecurity. Together with our partners in the Western defence alliance, we want to achieve such a balance, a balance at a lower level of armaments. That is the object of the Vienna negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions in Europe. Their purpose is to establish an approximate parity of ground forces on both sides in central Europe.
120.	The participants in the negotiations in Vienna should now consider what agreements will be possible in the foreseeable future on the basis of reliable data. The agreement reached as a result of the second round of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] likewise derives from the concept of parity. The Federal Republic of Germany welcomes that agreement and hopes that it will soon enter into force. It is a major contribution to stability. It is, moreover, an important prerequisite for progress in other areas of arms control and disarmament. It is also of major significance for the progress of detente.
121.	In the context of the third round of SALT, there will also have to be negotiations on strategic medium- range ballistic missiles in Europe. Arms control and disarmament presuppose mutual trust. In Europe, the Final Act of Helsinki envisages confidence-building measures. One of the main tasks of the follow-up conference to be held in Madrid in 1980 must be to consolidate and further develop such measures. This is another reason why the Federal Republic of Germany considers that that conference should take place at the political level.
122.	We support the initiative of France for a conference on disarmament throughout Europe, which in the initial phase would concentrate on the conclusion of agreements to strengthen confidence.
123.	Confidence-building measures could also make for greater stability in other regions and make it easier to predict military and political conduct. We have, therefore, together with other countries, submitted a working paper entitled "Elements of a comprehensive programme of disarmament," which is designed to generate incentives for such measures. We hope that this session of the General Assembly will achieve further progress on the basis of that resolution.
124.	This year three major conferences have taken place in the context of the North-South dialogue: the fifth session of UNCTAD, the World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development, and the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development . These conferences have brought progress and opened up new areas for the continuing negotiations.
125.	It is, however, evident that the two sides have so far not really taken full advantage of the opportunity afforded by the North-South dialogue. The developing countries have proposed a global dialogue in the United Nations.
126.	We shall do everything in our power to ensure that this dialogue is structured in such a way that concrete results can be achieved within the foreseeable future.
127.	All concerned must negotiate in a new spirit and at long last recognize that in the North-South dialogue it is not a case of one side gaining and the other losing.
128.	Our common aim is to make accelerated progress in the developing countries and stable growth in the industrial countries possible again. But to achieve this, the industrial and the developing countries will jointly have to define which policy each side should pursue in order to reach this goal.
129.	A key issue is energy. The United States Secretary of State has rightly emphasized this. The challenge confronting us all is how to lead the world smoothly from the age of oil into an era of renewable sources of energy. This can only be achieved through the closest possible co-operation in a spirit of common responsibility. The Federal Republic of Germany, therefore, supports the idea of a world-wide, long-term energy dialogue.
130.	The oil-importing developing countries, whose oil requirements grow much more rapidly than those of the industrial countries, have the biggest problems. They must devote all their efforts to the development of their own sources of energy. The Federal Republic of Germany will increase its assistance to that end. We attach great importance to the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy scheduled for 1981.
131.	In order to accelerate development, the exports of the developing countries must be increased. The industrial countries will therefore have to resist the pressure of protectionist forces and keep their markets open for increasing exports, especially of manufactures, from the developing countries. This also applies to the Communist industrial countries. Up to now these countries have absorbed less than 3 percent of the exports of the third world, while the industrial democracies account for nearly 75 per cent.
132.	The Federal Republic of Germany advocates better access to markets. It is committed to the aim of restructuring the traditional patterns of trade within which the developing countries primarily supply commodities and the industrial countries supply manufactures,
133.	Accelerated development requires an increase in the transfer of capital. In the case of developing countries with low incomes, it will above all be necessary to increase official aid. The Federal Republic of Germany will in the three years ahead increase the growth rate of its aid twice as fast as that of the national budget.
134.	The main concern of middle-income developing countries is the transfer of private capital. These countries already meet well over two thirds of their external financial requirements from private sources. Direct private investment features prominently in private capital transfers. In order to promote such investment, two conditions will have to be fulfilled: the developing countries must have the assurance that such investment will dovetail organically with their development and that it will not be associated with any attempts to gain political influence. The investors, on the other hand, need legal security.
135.	Of major significance is the need to secure a fair balance of interests in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea which will permit us to exploit the great economic possibilities of the oceans for development and growth. This concerns the utilization of two thirds of the earth's surface. A settlement giving fair consideration to all interests is above all necessary for sea-bed mining. It must give all States and enterprises access to the raw material deposits on the ocean floor and, at the same time, establish legal security without which the necessary long-term and large- scale investment will not be possible.
136.	However essential it may be that the industrial and the developing countries establish on their joint responsibility the global economic conditions for faster development and stable growth, we must all remain aware that this does not in any way diminish the importance of national economic and development policies. The industrial countries must bring inflation under control. They must conserve energy. They must economize on all raw materials and prevent waste. And they must master the structural change ensuing from the world economy and technological progress. All this requires painful adjustment processes, and we are aware of that.
137.	Adjustments will also have to be made by the countries of the third world. New development strategies are necessary so that the masses of the poor can be brought into the development process. In the developing countries, too, it is necessary to prevent a division of the economy and society into a modern, prospering sector and a traditionally stagnating sector. It is a question of creating development strategies designed to achieve growth not merely through capital-intensive investment, but also, and to a far greater extent than hitherto, by mobilizing human labour. The task is to give the millions of underemployed and unemployed the ability and the chance to use their energies for productive employment and self-fulfilment.
138.	Such a strategy requires in most developing countries the development of an efficient agriculture. A rapidly growing agriculture will in this process, owing to the demand for fertilizer, agricultural machinery and mass-produced consumer goods, become at the same time a driving force of industrialization.
139.	Instead of industrial enclaves there must be industrialization that forms an integral part of the economy of each of the developing countries concerned and at the same time helps those countries to improve their export capability on a broad basis.
140.	Only the development of agriculture can avert the threatening food crisis in the third-world countries and free them from the need to import food. This is the only way in which the unemployment problem can be kept within tolerable limits. Finally, only a strategy that links growth and social justice can prevent development from slipping into social unrest and internal chaos.
141.	One acute problem is the alarming increase in the number of executions in the world, many of them with a political background. The death penalty should be limited and ultimately abolished, as it was in my own country over 30 years ago, after the bitter experience of history. The next session of the General Assembly should debate the death penalty as a matter of priority.
142.	Thirty years ago the General Assembly proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the common standard of achievement for all nations. That standard, more than any other, indicates how distant our goal remains. Human rights have still not been realized world-wide—neither the civil and political rights nor the social, economic and cultural rights.
143.	In the United Nations we have created procedures and institutions with the help of which we can actively promote the realization of human rights. These procedures are still weak. None the less, combined with the moral pressure of world opinion, they have already induced many countries to bring about improvements.
144.	We must strengthen and develop the institutions of the United Nations for the protection of human rights. Although many misgivings are still expressed about the establishment of a United Nations court of human rights, I am convinced that in the long run it will be generally realized that such a court would be meant solely to safeguard human rights and would not be directed against any country.
145.	International terrorism is a challenge to us all. Only by joint action shall we be able to overcome it.
146.	Effective measures against the taking of hostages are among the indispensable instruments for the protection of human rights. It was this consideration that prompted me three years ago to propose to the Assembly a convention against the taking of hostages.  That proposal met with support from the General Assembly. We are now all gratified that the Ad Hoc Committee appointed to elaborate a convention has completed its draft. I hope that this session of the General Assembly will adopt it.
147.	The future of the world has its beginning in man's consciousness, a consciousness that is today imbued with belief in the inalienable rights of the individual and the right of nations to self-determination. The will of the individual and the will of nations to assert those rights are the prime movers of our time. It is not possible to halt them, not even by force. In this certainty, the aim must be to work with determination and by peaceful means for the world-wide assertion of human rights and the right of self-determination.
148.	All men must be enabled to live in peace, free from fear, free from hunger, and free from want.