I wish to
congratulate you, Mr. President, on your well-deserved election to guide our
endeavours during this session of the General Assembly.
Similarly, I extend to the Secretary-General my congratulations on his
having assumed his important office at a time when the international community
is going through substantial changes, and when it needs, in that high post, an
experienced and brilliant diplomat such as he. He has succeeded
Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar, an illustrious Latin American who
discharged the duties of the office with great effectiveness, as the new era
required.
My presence here, so soon after assuming the Presidency of my country,
must be taken as a clear sign of the enormous importance we attach to the
United Nations, its principles and its work, which is increasingly
far-reaching and truly valuable, work that is essentially that of keeping the
peace and, also, of course, bringing about the economic and social development
of all the peoples on Earth. The latter task is particularly important for
Ecuador, which is striving to overcome underdevelopment and achieve decent
living conditions for its people, particularly the great majorities. To that
end, we have begun to restructure the State, and we have already prescribed
some economic measures that will require sacrifice on the part of my
compatriots, but that will soon have positive effects.
The current international situation, stemming from the end of the cold
war, could be said to oscillate between disappointment and hope. There seems
to exist something more than a truce between ideological rivalries, which we
hope will lead us to a truer understanding among nations; and with the
lessening influence of the private interests of individuals and nations, we
hope it will give way to an international equilibrium which will allow us to
forge ahead, together, towards universal, stable and lasting peace.
That circumstance explains the special importance of the fact that, in
international life, respect for the human being has assumed top priority and
man finds himself exalted, raised to heights never enjoyed until a few decades
ago. But the continued enjoyment of such a position, despite the
discontinuities still existing in certain corners of the world, requires the
constant political commitment of States, which, fortunately, is widespread, to
the unconditional implementation of the constitutional and conventional norms
that reinforce that conquest at its various levels.
Speaking of human rights, my Government is firmly and irrevocably
resolved to apply, both domestically and internationally, a policy of full
respect for, and defence of, those very rights, in consonance with the dignity
of man, as a tribute to his spirituality and in clear recognition of his
transcendental values. Respect for human rights is not a gracious concession
that Governments make to their peoples, but rather an unwritten, intrinsic
obligation of democracy and civil life. The opposite is barbarism, the denial

of some men by others; it is the action of the few who, using the power given
to them by the community for the common good, distort it and turn it into the
supreme evil of pitting man against man. My Government will use any and all
means in the prevention against such ignominy.
Moreover, one can see that the world community has emphasized, out of a
concept of solidarity, not only the promotion of human rights but also the
rendering of humanitarian assistance to those most in need of it, and has
found itself searching for ever more effective mechanisms to extend such
assistance to all corners of the Earth, wherever violence or natural disasters
continue to breed hunger and despair.
Despite the fact that we find ourselves in an ever more interdependent
world where it is essential that cooperation not be linked to specific
political interests, a world where integration is and must be the language
which best expresses the hopes of peoples, we still face positions that
prevent economic relations from being equitable to and supportive of
developing countries within the effective exercise of the principle of
international free trade, towards which my Government is working and will work
according to a plan.
The success of this new course will depend greatly not only on immense
domestic efforts but also on the necessary alignment of the theory of
international solidarity with the real, sincere and favourable response of the
international community, and on the understanding of the industrialized
countries concerning the need to settle, on mutually agreeable terms, the
problem of the external debt of the least developed countries, whose burden is
another of the serious difficulties preventing those countries from developing

and attaining better living standards. It would be most promising were an
agreement reached on the mechanisms for alleviating this problem, which is at
the same time economic and financial, and a problem whose repercussions in the
social and political fields no one now denies. Among such mechanisms, those
aimed at converting external debt into investment, especially in development
projects, both social and economic, should be pressed forward.

Fortunately the dark atomic threat is disappearing. The agreements and
undertakings which, with a new vision of the very destiny of mankind, have the
aim of eliminating nuclear arms, are a source of hope. At the same time, they
can be the means by which, by eliminating the enormous waste of resources, we
may help to solve economic and social problems and embark upon a process of
frank cooperation with nations that are in the greatest need of help to raise
their standards of living.
Notwithstanding these positive advances and these undertakings, we look
to the future with concern, as the new situation resulting from the historic
circumstances of the last two years has not managed to prevent the outburst of
bloody regional conflicts. Nationalist extremists have produced the
phenomenon of the exceptionally violent disintegration of States, and in such
a climate new calamities and hardships have arisen.
A responsible approach to the common obligations of mankind is now more
important than ever before. The world has shrunk physically and in terms of
human relationships. The problems of a particular State affect other States
in various ways and make it necessary that we take remedial action in a spirit
of solidarity.
Meanwhile, the old problems of disparity between an economically powerful
world, embracing a limited number of countries, and the developing world,
comprising the bulk of mankind, continue to worsen. Insufficient funding for
development has become endemic, making necessary decisions on a global basis.
Moreover, the insufficiency of funding means that all States must carry a fair
share of the load. Without help, poor States cannot free themselves from
their condition of impoverishment, and they cannot partake in the enjoyment of

a life of dignity, free from the fear of insecurity and poverty. For this
reason, we firmly support the convening of an international conference on the
financing of development, in order to alleviate in some way the situation of
the great number of States that urgently need extensive economic assistance.
Felipe Herrera, the Chilean to whom Latin America owes so much, used to
speak of the "mystique of urgency" that we must regain. Today I pay tribute
to his memory. The social problems are urgent, and we must press the
international organizations to provide funds accordingly and, in this regard,
to demonstrate flexibility in keeping with each country's stage of development.
We are convinced that international trade, conducted in a transparent,
non-discriminatory manner and on equitable terms, will be an important force
in the revitalization of the world economy and will therefore be important to
the developing countries. It is paradoxical and serious that the countries
that are the greatest advocates of the elimination of trade barriers maintain,
and even create new types of, protectionism and discrimination that make it
difficult for the products of developing countries to gain access to their
markets. This applies at present, for example, to bananas. And all this is
taking place in the interdependent world that I mentioned at the beginning of
my statement.
In 1962 or 1963, as the representative of the Inter-American Development
Bank, I spoke here about social questions. I believe that once again the
United Nations must give these questions urgent attention. Economic
development is important only insofar as it meets human needs. It is time all
great social problems were better understood so that the United Nations might
draw up an international programme of action to serve as the basis for the
conference on social questions that it has been decided to convene.

Preservation of the environment, which is linked inextricably to
sustainable development, is of enormous importance because of its national and
international impact. The Stockholm Declaration of 1972 represented the first
international step towards the establishment of basic universal principles for
the protection of the world's environment. Since 1972 significant efforts
have been made to stop pollution of land, seas and air and to prevent
desertification and deforestation and other types of ecological damage.
However, the constraints of reality made new initiatives necessary, and
these culminated in the Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de
Janeiro in June 1992 a landmark event whose basic aim was to achieve
agreement on certain programmes aimed at arresting the steady deterioration of
the environment. Let us hope that the outcome of that Conference will be
generally beneficial and will help to guarantee the future development and
well-being of mankind. My Government is ready to take action to improve the
environment of its own country and to contribute to universal efforts to
preserve nature.
But I must emphasize that although the developed countries, which are
mainly responsible for the deterioration of the environment, have a particular
obligation, it is other countries that are being asked to make the sacrifice
of restricting the exercise of their legitimate right to use the wealth that
nature has given them. It is necessary to seek due compensation jointly,
especially in the shape of financial aid and technological cooperation.

Ecuador, having become a transit country and an operational bridgehead
for the drug trade, understands that drug trafficking, money laundering and
related crimes are particularly harmful to young people, threaten democracy,
produce an unnatural economy and, above all, damage the moral values of
nations. We condemn drug trafficking in all its forms, and, while we do what
we can to combat it, responsibility must be shared by the producer countries
and the consumer countries. Thus we support the timely initiative of the
President of Colombia, who, from this rostrum, suggested that a United Nations
conference on illicit drugs be planned and convened with all the urgency that
this matter demands.
Unresolved economic and social, as well as humanitarian and ecological,
problems of overriding importance continue to be a source of instability, and
they carry the seeds of damage to international relations and even of conflict.

For those reasons, the Council requested the Secretary-General to prepare a
special report, appropriately titled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277).
As a fresh contribution to previous efforts within the United Nations,
whether to strengthen international security, promote good-neighbourly
relations between States or to further the use of procedures to ensure he
peaceful settlement of disputes, and with the constant aim of maintaining
peace, this new Agenda introduced by the Secretary-General has some creative
aspects and offers innovate alternatives for States to consider notably, the
one he has so aptly termed "preventive diplomacy". As the well-known popular
saying goes, an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. My country,
which is profoundly peace-loving by vocation and abides by the international
principles of peaceful coexistence, supports this felicitous initiative by the
Secretary-General, which will surely alert the nations to new opportunities
for understanding and valid options for settling their disputes.
Peace is not a blessing bestowed on us through the simple desire to live
together peaceably: the need to cooperate in good faith while respecting the
fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter is also important. Peace
is the result of a universal awareness that it is only by making a genuine
contribution to the common weal, to the law of States, and with growing
activities in solidarity and with international justice and equity that peace
can grow and establish itself. Only in this way will peace be an integral
part of the harmonious development of our peoples and of their security.
A few weeks after my Government's inauguration, I came to this forum, the
General Assembly, to make known not only my country's general ideas about the

world situation but also the principles which it has traditionally applied and
will continue to apply in its international policy and, at the same time, to
reiterate Ecuador's determination to contribute, as resolutely and
wholeheartedly as possible, to the establishment of a permanent and
constructive peace among all people.
The people of Ecuador loves peace and believes in justice. My Government
earnestly desires to maintain friendly relations with all countries and most
of all with its neighbours; this is, of course, the natural result of
Ecuador's deep-seated feelings, which, historically speaking, been expressed
since the birth of the Republic, and are part of its character.
Ecuador, as representatives in this General Assembly will already be well
aware, is sincerely determined to solve its territorial problem with Peru.
The beginning of dialogue between the two countries' Heads of State was a
major step forward in this quest: it overcame the political taboo that had
prevented Ecuadorians and Peruvians from discussing this situation in cordial,
frank and constructive terms, without ignoring legitimate national interests
and studying the obvious opportunities for joint development.
It is my pleasure to inform this world forum that I am determined that
the handling of the territorial problem with Peru - which, for so many years
past has been a source of mistrust, concern and even discord between our two
countries will be directed towards transforming the mutual suspicions of the
past on the basis of justice and realism, in cooperation and with our efforts
dedicated to the development of our impoverished peoples.

Our two countries, so alike on many counts, can and, above all, must find
a just, honourable and realistic solution to the territorial dispute, which
will mean a real process of economic integration. That is why, on the very
day my Government took office, I said, in the presence of
President Alberto Fujimori, that Ecuador would steadfastly continue to speak
clearly and frankly, in an atmosphere of harmony and mutual respect with the
help of the four countries which have historically been most closely
associated with Ecuador and Peru on this matter over the last 50 years, and
with the eminent participation of His Holiness John Paul II, in order to reach
a permanent solution to this territorial dispute as soon as possible. This
will enable Ecuador and Peru to extend a hand of friendship from the Pacific
to the Amazon, which was discovered by an expedition that set out from Quito.
In fact, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States of America have
been cognizant of the territorial crisis besetting Ecuador and Peru and have
been witnesses in good standing of the hard times of sacrifice and suffering
for my country; they know the history of the formation of our Republics, the
misfortunes of their independence and of the subsequent years. They know
about the origins and the epics of our peoples, about our rights and the
events that have gone to weave the pattern of our history. For all those
reasons, in a most special way, these four sister countries are destined to
contribute to the search for just and creative initiatives to encourage
Ecuador and Peru to overcome this territorial problem once and for all in
short, to enable' them, with vision and courage, to write their common history.

What can I say about the invaluable aid and assistance that His Holiness
the Pope has given many countries, guided always by his vocation for peace and
understanding between governments and peoples, particularly those of deep
Christian faith? With his enlightened thought, as set out in the encyclical
"Centesimus Annus", he has exhorted us to take specific steps to establish or
consolidate international structures designed to seek peaceful solutions, and
has reminded us that arbitration is an appropriate method of resolving
conflicts which would otherwise keep nations unnecessarily estranged.
That is why my predecessor, President Rodrigo Borja, quite rightly
suggested, from this very rostrum, that His Holiness the Pope should offer his
most valuable assistance, which would without a doubt be of great
significance. In different terms and in another context, the President of
Peru, during his official visit to Ecuador in January 1992, also stressed the
singular importance of His Holiness's cooperation.
In my inaugural message to my Government on 10 August last, I
acknowledged that our views on these matters might differ from those of the
Government and President of Peru; but that is precisely why it is important
for there to be a frank and sincere dialogue between our Governments and
peoples which dialogue would be the more significant for the fraternal aid
of the four countries and the succour and assistance of the successor of Saint
Peter.
In conclusion, my Government and country are more convinced than ever of
the immense contribution being made by the United Nations in the various
fields of vital importance for humankind. I am personally honoured to recall
that my father was the first Ambassador of the Republic of Ecuador to this

Organization when it was taking its first steps in San Francisco. The
Government of my country trusts that the noble objectives of peace and mutual
understanding between all nations near and far, which have come notably to the
fore in recent times, will eventually bring us good results which will make it
possible for the world to enter the twenty-first century renewed and with its
international relations restructured under the seal of law, justice and
sustainable development for all peoples.
I am quite sure that this General Assembly, by resolutely serving these
interests, will bring us noticeably closer to the goal we all wish so much to
reach. Let us embark upon this new path.


Your election
to the presidency of the General Assembly, Sir, is a tribute to you and to
your country, friendly Bulgaria, which has risen to the challenges of the
times with a combination of determination and wisdom. Your qualities as a
statesman, which you have amply demonstrated, and your skills as a seasoned
diplomat are solid assets which ensure the success of our work. I wish to
congratulate you most warmly on your election to this post and to assure you
of our complete support and cooperation.
I also wish to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi,
Ambassador of the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, who guided the forty-sixth
session of our Assembly with a competence, distinction, and effectiveness that
I wish to emphasize today with pride. Another source of legitimate pride for
us is the work accomplished by the Secretary-General of our Organization,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali.
Only a few months have gone by since he began his term of office, and
already the record is impressive. There can be no doubt that
Mr. Boutros-Ghali has brought to the United Nations a spirit of initiative,
determination, and lucid leadership which it needs so much to face the
challenges posed by the fast pace of history at this century's end. The
Agenda for Peace, his first annual report, along with his major statements and
his remarks before the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro and at the Jakarta
summit of non-aligned countries, bespeak his vision and courage, which command
our full support and esteem.
I cannot fail to reiterate here our congratulations to all the new
Members of the United Nations and to welcome them to this forum.
Bearing as it does so much hope and promise, the end of the cold war and
of the bipolar division of the world has not yet realized any of the hopes it
has given rise to with regard to the promotion of peace and international
cooperation. The spectre of war, the horror of famine and privation, the
trampling of human dignity, and the denial of the right of peoples to
self-determination still constitute the realities of the plight of many
peoples.
In fact, the so-called world order remains a concept without substance
for the overwhelming majority of mankind, whose economic and social situation
is steadily deteriorating and who also have reason to fear that this new order
is being established outside the bounds of the basic principles of the United
Nations charter and without meeting the need to democratize international
relations.
It is time to embark upon a genuine dialogue in order to shape the
international relations of the future. This is a vital task of the United

Nations, and the Organization's current prestige makes us believe that the
time is ripe to embark upon such an enterprise. Never before has the United
Nations seen so many hopes crystallized around it; never has it undertaken so
many initiatives or put so many plans on the drawing board. Whether the
United Nations initiatives and plans are met by acceptance and praise as is
often the case, or criticized, as sometimes happens, it is a fact that this more
assertive presence of the United Nations is one of the most positive results
of the major changes that have taken place on the international arena in
recent years.
The Security Council summit held last January, the proposals submitted by
the Secretary-General, the debates in the Economic and Social Council last
July on the role of the United Nations system in the strengthening of
international cooperation for development, and the results of the 10th summit
of the Non-Aligned Movement held at the beginning of this month in Jakarta are
all contributions to the joint thinking and action aimed at strengthening the
United Nations and promoting its effectiveness.
It is hoped that this session of the General Assembly will be a new
starting-point for the United Nations that will place it resolutely on the
path of greater democratization and enhance its effectiveness in promoting
peace, cooperation and development. This is exactly what has been called for
in the Jakarta Message, which was presented right here by the current
President of the Non-Aligned Movement, His Excellency President Suharto of
Indonesia.
The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has more than ever a positive role
to play in the establishment, through dialogue and the harmonization of views,
of a just, well-balanced world order which ensures international peace and

security, the right to development, and the promotion of more equitable
economic relations. The United Nations constitutes a natural and privileged
space for the action of the Non-Aligned, who intend in this way to participate
fully in the current process of restructuring and strengthening the United
Nations. In this respect, restructuring initiatives should first of all aim
at achieving a correct balance of prerogatives between the General Assembly
and the Security Council. This undertaking should also meet the need to allow
access to the Council for all major cultural, political and geographic
groupings.
Algeria, which, since its independence, has undergone major
transformations in all areas and which has taken significant steps towards
progress and development, today faces a crisis which we do not underestimate
and whose seriousness we in no way conceal. This crisis threatens the
achievements made by our people through effort and sacrifice over three long
decades. While analyzing without any self-indulgence the causes of this
crisis, and while in no way trying to deny our own mistakes or the
responsibilities of the State in this situation, we affirm confidently and
with determination that our people has the means, capacity and will to
overcome this crisis and to embark again on global development and the
building of a society based on social justice and real democracy. This is the
substance of the message behind the program of government approved recently by
the High Committee of State.
This responsible posture in the face of those challenges permits us to
recall as well the external constraints that have worsened the difficulties we
face. This means that we expect our partners to cooperate readily in order to
reduce the negative impact of an unfavorable external environment, or at least
that they not hamper the efforts of our people.

Algeria pursues a non-aligned policy aimed at promoting stability, peace,
justice and cooperation in the region to which it belongs and in the world at
large. In the Mediterranean, Algeria works for a new era of solidarity that
responds to the aspirations of the peoples on both coasts of this great shared
interior sea. Mechanisms for regular consultation and dialogue have been set
up in order to promote the establishment of a comprehensive framework for
peace, security, good-neighbourliness, solidarity and mutually advantageous
cooperation.
The united Maghreb process which is rallying the energies of the member
countries of the Arab Maghreb Union and which constitutes a fundamental
aspiration of their peoples cannot but contribute to serving the cause of
peace, relations of good-neighbourliness and cooperation between its different
members and in the Mediterranean basin, the Arab world, and Africa.

There are two issues that are of special importance to my country.
Participation by the international community is required in dealing with
both. For the first of these, we wholeheartedly call for a peaceful solution,
in consonance with international legality, to the situation of tension that
exists between Libya and the major Western Powers. It is a situation that
stands in the way of the building of the Arab Maghreb and threatens the
stability of the whole region. The international community should respond to
the flexibility that characterizes the Libyan posture and to the initiatives
and proposals that have been put forth.
On the other hand, the delays in the implementing the United Nations
settlement plan for the organization of a self-determination referendum for
the people of the Western Sahara continue to be the source of grave concern
for us and for the international community as a whole. Algeria hopes that the
two parties to the conflict will refrain from any action that could hamper or
delay the implementation of the peace plan prepared jointly by the United
Nations and the Organization of African Unity with the full agreement of both
parties. Algeria also hopes that the international community, through the
United Nations and its Secretary-General, will redouble its efforts to
implement the plan in order to reach the desired solution.
Of late, there have been positive developments in the disarmament issue.
However, we look forward to a great deal of additional effort on the part of
the nuclear States, which, we must state not the major Powers alone. In this
context, we note with satisfaction the conclusion of negotiations on the issue
of a chemical weapons Convention in Geneva. However, this development will
have limited effects so long as it is not accompanied by concrete measures in
the field of nuclear disarmament, especially in a region as sensitive as the
Middle East, where a real nuclear threat persists.

Only if earnest efforts are made in this direction and significant
progress is achieved will that Convention - the conclusion of which is an
accomplishment that we commend - respond to the concerns and expectations of
all the parties concerned. Only then will it be possible to implement the
Convention on a just non-discriminatory basis will and, thereby, ensure the
universal acceptance necessary to this undertaking of genuine disarmament.
These were the observations and legitimate concerns expressed by the Arab
countries through a resolution adopted a few days ago, which they expect the
international community to take into account.
In spite of the significant progress achieved in the field of
disarmament, it remains true that to address the issue of security in a manner
that focuses on one specific region and shows concern for the security of the
few without taking into account the interests and concerns of the many is to
fall short of the objectives and ideals enshrined in the United Nations
Charter. That is why the Non-Aligned Movement has just reaffirmed the
unshakeable conviction of all its members that there is no peace or security
other than peace and security for all, and that in order for peace and
security to be lasting they must be addressed in all their dimensions and not
only in the military aspects. In an increasingly interdependent world, peace
and security should not be dissociated from their corollaries, namely economic
development and the upholding of human rights.
While we express satisfaction at the progress achieved in the settlement
of certain regional disputes, we note with concern the emergence of new crises
in the wake of the cold war, at a time when many of the old crises and issues
continue to await just and lasting solutions. Cambodia has embarked upon a
process of peaceful settlement thanks to the will of the Cambodian people to

build for themselves a future of peace and harmony, to the determination of
the international community and the efforts of the United Nations which now
supervises the implementation of a peace plan with the participation of
Algeria.
The inter-community talks on Cyprus, under the auspices of the
Secretary-General of the United Nations, have reached a crucial stage. We
hope that the remaining differences will be ironed out during the next round
of talks, in a context of respect for the sovereignty, unity, territorial
integrity, and the non-aligned nature of the island.
The recent news that has reached us from South Africa revives hope that
there will be a resumption of the process that began with the release of
Nelson Mandela, President of the African National Congress and was endangered
in recent months by the return of violence encouraged by the complacent
attitude of the Government. While we welcome such positive developments and
the encouraging prospects that pave the road toward the desired solution, we
must stress that the experience of recent months makes it necessary to closely
monitor developments in South Africa with a great deal of watchfulness and to
lend full support to our brethren in that country.
The horrific plight of the Somali people is a glaring example of the
deteriorating situation in many parts of Africa, a continent that has been
increasingly marginalized and whose role has been greatly diminished. It is
essential to learn a lesson from this tragedy, which underscores the need for
urgent humanitarian assistance for the Somali people side by side with the
intensification of United Nations efforts to reach a political settlement to
this crisis.

The question of Palestine continues to be the crux of the Middle East
conflict. Given our firm commitment to Palestine's freedom of choice, has
accepted the option chosen by the Palestinian leadership that has made it
possible to negotiate with a view to reaching a solution to the Middle East
crisis. We in Algeria remain convinced that the success of the negotiations,
begun within the framework of the process initiated in Madrid, depends on
readiness by Israel to comply with international legality, especially in
regard to the following:
First, United Nations resolutions must be adhered to and implemented.
Secondly, the operations of settlement in the occupied Arab territories must
be halted and existing Israeli settlements must be dismantled. Thirdly, the
continuity of the different stages of the peace process must be guaranteed
until a comprehensive solution is found that would guarantee to the
Palestinian people the exercise of its full national rights, including its
right to self-determination and to the establishment of its own State on its
territory with Al-Quds as its capital.
My country is convinced that participation by the United Nations in every
stage of this peace process in the Middle East can contribute to the
attainment of the objective that would guarantee a just comprehensive peace in
the region.

We emphasize once again that the Palestinian problem and the Middle East
conflict are one and the same thing. They are indivisible. Consequently, the
solution which must be found cannot be partial or limited to certain parties
involved in the conflict. In other words, and peace can be established in the
region only if it is peace for all the parties concerned, including the
Palestinians.
Algeria wishes to reaffirm here its commitment to the independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon within its internationally
recognized borders.
It condemns the continued Israeli occupation of part of southern Lebanon
as well as Israel's repeated attacks against Lebanon's territory and its
people. We demand the total and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli army
from southern Lebanon in accordance with Security Council resolution
425 (1978).
We also reaffirm the need to preserve Iraq's unity and territorial
integrity. It must be clear to all that any negative development in this
respect will create grave problems for all the countries of the region. It is
our hope that respect for international legality will lead to reconciliation
between the States of that region which continues to suffer the horrific
consequences of the devastating war that followed Iraq's invasion of Kuwait.
In the same region, there has been another development whose gravity
cannot be underestimated. It is Iran's illegal occupation of the island of
Abu Mousa thus reneging on its commitments and agreements concluded with the
United Arab Emirates. We support the demand of the Government of the United
Arab Emirates that the unilateral measures taken by Iran be nullified and that
a solution to the problem be found through negotiation in observance of
legality and international law.

In the face of the terrible plight of the peoples of former Yugoslavia,
the major imperative on which all efforts should focus is to ensure the
immediate return of peace to all of the territory of the former Yugoslavia,
with respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of
all the republics that have emerged therefrom. In this respect, the situation
which persists in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is a source of grave
concern because of the increasingly terrible crimes that are being committed
there. The international community, and in particular the United Nations,
must take every measure necessary in order to put an end to the plight of the
entire Bosnian people and to the threats to peace and security in the region.
One of the most disturbing aspects of the current world situation is the
constant exacerbation of the economic situation of the developing countries
and negative developments that continue to rock the world's economy. The
sharp slow-down in the growth of world trade, which declined from 8 per cent
in 1988 to barely 3 per cent in 1991, the increasing deterioration in the
prices of raw materials at an average 15 per cent pace in real terms in 1990,
the persistence of the foreign debt problem of the developing countries with
the attendant acceleration of the slow-down of growth in the developed
countries, and the magnitude of the financial needs of the former USSR and the
countries of Central and Eastern Europe, show how great are the challenges to
be met.
Given the new opportunities and the new challenges to be met in this
period of profound change, the revitalization of international cooperation for
development and strengthening the role of the United Nations system in this
undertaking should be the high-priority task of the day.

This requires first and foremost the existence of real political will.
Some progress has been achieved in this direction. The declaration by the
Security Council at its summit meeting last January recognized the close
relationship that exists between peace and development. This recognition
should be translated into increased agreement on the need to move the economic
and social dimension from the secondary position it now occupies to the
forefront and to make it a principal and permanent concern of the United
Nations.
In fact, at a time when a great deal of thinking is taking place on the
concept and the instruments of preventive diplomacy, the success of renewed
growth and development in the countries of the South affect the credibility
and the effectiveness of any attempt to strengthen the role of the United
Nations in the areas of international peace and security.
The results of the Eighth United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD) held at Cartagena in February of 1992, the results of the
United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held at Rio de
Janeiro last June, and the General Assembly's adoption of a new United Nations
agreement for the development of Africa in the 1990s, all constitute new
milestones in our awareness of international interdependence and the need for
renewed international cooperation.
One of the basic objectives that we must strive to attain in this
particularly difficult situation in the third world is the need to ensure a
bigger share in world trade for the developing countries, the formulation of a
comprehensive strategy that addresses the issue of indebtedness and the
reactivation of the flow of funds and investments from the developed to the

developing countries. In general, the creation of favourable external
conditions is a vital requirement in the case of the developing countries
which are trying to carry out wide-ranging fundamental reforms at a very high
social and political cost. This is a basic requirement on which the United
Nations system should mobilize the international community.
The implementation of "Agenda 21" and the commitments that arise
therefrom, especially with regard to financial support and transfer of
technology, represent a major test both of the political will of the developed
countries and of the capacity of our Organization, through the Commission on
Sustainable Development, to ensure the implementation, follow-up and
coordination of a programme which aims at bringing about real and creative
changes in the concept of development and international cooperation.
There are new and vast horizons before the United Nations. Those
horizons give the work of this session of the Assembly particular importance
and substance. The international community must seize the opportunity to
develop at this world forum an integrated approach to the promotion of peace,
security, and stability in economic and social development and international
cooperation. In so doing, it would contribute to the optimum utilization of
our Organization's great potential.


Please accept my congratulations,
Sir, on your election to the presidency of the current session of the
General Assembly. I wish you every success in carrying out this
responsible task. Let me also add how glad we are to have a President
personifying the democratic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe.
To the outgoing President, Ambassador Samir S. Shihabi of the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia, I convey our appreciation for the quality of his
leadership and work.
I also want to assure the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, of our unfailing support for his tireless
efforts to make the United Nations live up to the expectations of our time
and to the law of the Charter.
It is with profound satisfaction that we welcome in our midst the new
Members of the United Nations: San Marino, Moldova, Kazakhstan, Armenia,
Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Georgia,
as well as Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The end of the cold war has opened up the possibility of building a world
order free from nuclear terror based on mutual respect among nations, on
greater equality of opportunity, and on effective cooperative structures. It
has raised hopes for a safer, more equitable and more humane world. Yet we
are still far from turning those hopes into reality.
Consequently, the international community is led to re-examine and adjust
the structures and functions of the United Nations. Member States are
thinking more and more in terms of stimulating efforts to enhance the
effectiveness and efficiency of the Organization. In the words of the
Secretary-General, they should seek the "transfiguration of the house". Our
fiftieth anniversary will offer an appropriate occasion to reassess the
structure of the Organization with a view to tapping the full potential of the
Charter. Before we talk about its revision, we first need to re-read the
Charter in an attempt to implement it consistently and to adapt its
application to the post-cold-war realities and to the political and socio
economic challenges originating form the South-North relationship.*
Important suggestions have been made by the Secretary-General in his
imaginative report "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277). We welcome this document
and the proposals contained therein.
International security is a multidimensional issue. While the military
factor continues to play its key role, security and stability are becoming
increasingly dependent on other factors as well.

We are facing pressing tasks in the economic area: the economies of the
developing countries and the economies of the newly democratic countries,
which emerged with the fall of communism, must become more efficient. There
are enormous challenges with regard to the protection of the environment, with
regard to the refugee question, and with regard to natural and man-made
disasters. The issue of refugees represents an external manifestation of
problems which cannot be addressed effectively without first attending to
their underlying causes. The dramatic plight of famine- stricken Somalia is a
manifest example. It calls not only for urgent international relief but also
for long-standing assistance.
The advance made in arms control and in disarmament has a direct and
positive impact on the international security climate. Over the last
12 months, negotiations in this vital area resulted, amongst other things, in
the Open Skies Treaty, the agreements between the United States and the four
successor States of the former USSR (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan)
relating to the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START), and the Convention on
the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of
Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. The Conference on Disarmament in
Geneva must be commended for having finally reached an agreement to ban these
abhorrent weapons. The States participating in the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) have committed themselves to become original
signatories to that important instrument. We urge all Member States to do
likewise.

However, arms control and disarmament are unfinished tasks. The United
Nations has to deal with the overkill capacity still present in arsenals, both
nuclear and conventional, and with the growing danger of the spread of weapons
of mass destruction and missile technology. There is an immediate need to
control international arms transfers. Openness and transparency in the
military field have to be promoted. Military stability and confidence will be
elusive unless we make headway in all these areas. But even that is not
enough. International peace and security will at best remain fragile as long
as prevailing patterns and practices are not redressed to eliminate the
non-military causes of instability, including ethnic hatred and nationalism.
The crisis in the former Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, stands out at present as the single greatest breach of
international peace. It is a threat to the security of the region.
Non-compliance with the law of armed conflict; the atrocities; persecution of
various population groups, including forced resettlement and "ethnic
cleansing" programmes; gross violations of human rights and fundamental
freedoms; obstacles put in the way of humanitarian aid, including obstacles to
the activity of the International Committee of the Red Cross - all these acts
underlie a regional conflict of unprecedented proportions which is brimming
with spill-over risks and incalculable conseguences.
The recent report of Mr. Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Special Rapporteur of the
Commission on Human Rights, contains stark evidence of breaches of
international humanitarian law and human rights. The report leaves no party
to the conflict blameless, while recognizing that the degrees of
responsibility are far from being equal or even comparable.

In view of the reports on civilian and prisoner-of-war detention camps,
the Polish Government deems it necessary to reiterate its demand of 7 August
this year that all such camps be closed down forthwith and all the detainees
be released without delay. Moreover, criminal prosecution of all persons
responsible for breaches of the law of armed conflict must be ensured.
Poland has contributed one of the largest contingents to the United
Nations Transition Authority in Cambodia and to the United Nations Protection
Force in former Yugoslavia. At the same time/ Poland recognizes the urgent
need of reassessment of the tasks and structure of United Nations
peace-keeping forces, including - as proposed by the Secretary-General the
establishment of a standing force at the disposal of the Organization. Another
subject which deserves examination is the financing of the peace-keeping
operations out of the defence budgets of States. The earmarking of merely
half a per cent of their annual military expenditures for peace-keeping
operations would help to overcome the present budgetary constraints. In this
way, the maintenance of peace and security would become a truly common
responsibility of the international community.
Poland stands ready to contribute to the development of international
centres for preparing peace-keeping forces. To this end we propose to make
available to the United Nations one of the military bases in Poland vacated by
the Russian armed forces.
Let me also stress at this juncture that the Government of Poland has
indicated its willingness to assign to peace-keeping operations, as of 1993,
two or three self-contained infantry battalions, in addition to logistics
detachments. This contingent could eventually be made available to the
Security Council on a permanent basis. We thus fully agree with words that

the President of the United States of America uses in his address to us
yesterday namely, that a new emphasis should be put on peace-keeping. That
idea has also been entertained by other speakers. Furthermore, in response to
a recent suggestion by the Secretary-General, Poland stands ready to
participate in consultations aimed at the implementation of Article 43 of the
Charter.
I shall now address the issue of regionalism. Some points have already
been raised during today's debate. I am referring in particular to the
statements by the British Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth
Affairs and by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.
Member States should make more use of the opportunities inherent in
Chapter VIII of the Charter. Regional and continental security structures
should become, in our view, part of a global security architecture.
The aggression against Kuwait and the hostilities in former Yugoslavia,
in Moldova and in Nagorno-Karabakh have laid bare the strength of nationalism
and the weakness of some regional structures. Indeed, left to fester,
political, ethnic, religious and other conflicts have spread insecurity and
instability across Europe and far beyond. While the United Nations is, as
proved by the Persian Gulf experience, capable of playing its role in regard
to the restoration and then preservation of peace and security, we still need
to seek new security arrangements in keeping with the Charter. In Europe,
this need has already been recognized by the North Atlantic Alliance, which is
the pillar of security in our continent, the Western European Union and the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Poland supports
their involvement and active cooperation with other institutions in
peace-keeping, conflict prevention and crisis management.

Harmonious and constructive interaction between the United Nations and
regional organizations or arrangements may well constitute an important new
element in making the United Nations more effective in the field of peace and
security. This fact is rightly emphasized by the Secretary-General in his
report.
In crisis situations, where several organizations are acting
simultaneously, it could be advisable to set up, on an ad-hoc basis, a single
coordinating framework. This would help to avoid duplication, overlapping or
dissipation of efforts.
The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe should be commended
for its offer of such cooperation. It declared itself a regional arrangement
in the sense of Chapter VIII of the Charter. This implies the establishment
of an important link between European and global security.
In our concern for peace and security we must consider the non-military
factors. Let me turn first to human rights, an area where the Polish nation
has accumulated considerable experience of internal struggle for the respect
of the individual. Our debate on this issue is taking place at a time of both
rising expectations and mounting fears about future developments. The
international community is frustrated by its far-too-frequent helplessness in
cases of grave and massive violations of human rights. Former Yugoslavia is a
recent case in point.

The United Nations should urgently consider additional measures to
address serious violations of human rights among other things, a system of
enforcement of respect for human rights. In this connection, the Austrian
proposal concerning the establishment of a human rights emergency mechanism,
submitted to the Commission on Human Rights, deserves proper attention.

The forthcoming World Conference on Human Rights is an appropriate forum
to discuss these questions. The Conference should adopt a comprehensive
approach to human rights. It should elaborate an action-oriented programme
for the promotion and implementation of human rights as well as for the
prevention of their violation. It should contribute to improving the
coordination of United Nations activities in that respect. The framework for
the preparations for the Conference is provided by General Assembly
resolution 45/155.
While noting the variety of factors which influence the status of human
rights, the resolution places emphasis on their universality. There is no
justification for any differentiation in understanding the contents and the
meaning of human rights, nor is there any room for their selective
application. We must do all in our power to prevent the weakening of the
universal substance of human rights.
My country pays particular attention to the protection of minorities.
This attitude has found its expression in the treaties concluded by Poland
with its neighbours. We fully endorse the adoption by the General Assembly of
the draft declaration on the rights of persons belonging to national, ethnic,
religious and linguistic minorities.
While the ideologically motivated East-West division no longer
exists and we rejoice at that we now see a growing North-South division,
with the countries in transition, such as Poland, stranded in between. As a
result, the promise of peace, greater security and freedom for all is being
slowly eroded.

Global inequality, exemplified by the widening gap between the rich North
and the poor South as well as the disparity in access to markets, must be
alleviated not only for economic, but also for security, humanitarian and
ethical reasons. Ecologically sustainable development, with democracy and the
market economy at its core, should be the focal point and the principal goal
of the United Nations system as it prepares itself for the future: the year
2000 and beyond. We shall not be able to cope successfully with the
challenges ahead unless a coalition for development is forged.
As it happens, there are also grounds to fear a division based on the
level of economic development in Europe. In the case of countries in
transition, their long-awaited prosperity is lagging behind, not coming
hand-in-hand with freedom. The Western industrial democracies have not yet
adopted a coherent approach to the emerging problems of countries in Central
and Eastern Europe. A grand strategy for supporting the democratic transition
has not yet been worked out, a strategy whose relevance, I dare say, may well
one day be highly appreciated in other regions and countries likely to face
transition and transformation problems.
There is little doubt that international economic relations need to be
reformed in the overriding interest of international stability and security.
The stronger the economy, the sturdier the political and social fabric of
States and, in effect, the greater their resistance to the impact of ethnic
conflicts, refugee exoduses and migration problems. This, I believe, is a
valid argument in favour of accelerated restructuring of the economies in
transition and their early integration into the world economy.

The social implications of economic reform and structural adjustment need
to be carefully monitored, both in the developing countries and in those in
transition. We expect that the forthcoming United Nations Summit Conference
on social policies and development will address these implications in some
detail, especially as they relate to Central and Eastern Europe and the
Commonwealth of Independent States. It would certainly be helpful if, in the
course of preparations for the conference, the Secretary-General could
prepare, by analogy with his report "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277), a report
on the challenges of social and economic development.
Poland welcomes the fact that the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro earlier this year, has
opened a new chapter of international cooperation by addressing environmental
protection issues in a manner compatible with the requirements of sustainable
development.
The Decade of International Law has got off to a slow start, yet it still
offers a unique framework for enhancing the role of law as the basic factor
for order in international relations. We should not miss this opportunity.
The United Nations itself is facing a number of legal questions of a highly
sensitive nature: Let me refer, by way of example, to the contemporary
meaning of sovereignty; the rule of law and domestic jurisdiction of States;
respect for international law in conflict situations; global legal mechanisms
for the enforcement of human rights; the establishment of an international
criminal court; succession of States; and international compensation claims.
As to the solution of conflicts, recourse should be made to Article 36 of
the Charter. Security Council recommendations on specific procedures or
methods of adjustment of disputes should become a normal practice in cases

where parties to a dispute are unable to settle it in accordance with their
obligations under paragraph 3 of Article 2. Poland is in favour, in
particular, of reinforcing the role of the International Court of Justice.
I wish to conclude by noting that enduring world peace is inconceivable
without law and justice standing out as unfaltering beacons for all men and
nations alike.


 The delegation of Sri Lanka congratulates
Mr. Stoyan Ganev of Bulgaria on his election as President of the forty-seventh
session of the General Assembly. We assure him of our full co-operation and
support.
We wish to record our deep appreciation of the determined manner in which
his predecessor. His Excellency Samir S. Shihabi, conducted the affairs of the
forty-sixth session and of the keen interest he took in moving forward the
process of revitalization of the General Assembly.
We welcome the new Member States and wish them every success in their
legitimate national and international endeavours.
It is my special honour to convey to the General Assembly the greetings
of the President of Sri Lanka, His Excellency Ranasinghe Premadasa, and his
sincere good wishes for the efforts of the United Nations to ensure a just and
peaceful world.
The cold war is over. Momentous developments continue to dominate the
international scene. The consequences of these developments for a peaceful
world have yet to fully unfold. New independent States have emerged. The
transition to a stable and equitable order is full of uncertainties and
challenges. Several peace initiatives to resolve conflicts offer hope.
Nevertheless, there is simmering discontent within and among nations. Unrest
and turmoil prevail in parts of the world.

The violence in the territories of former Yugoslavia continues unabated.
The tragedy in Somalia appals and shames the human conscience. The peace
processes that began in Afghanistan and Cambodia have encountered setbacks.
In South Africa a non-racial and democratic Government is yet to be
established. The question of Palestine still remains on our agenda. We hope
that the Middle East peace process will enable that troubled region to soon
enjoy the peace for which its peoples yearn.
We thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali for his
comprehensive report on the work of the Organization in these and other areas
of activity during the year.
The Secretary-General's report on an "Agenda for Peace" is innovative and
challenging. The proposals in his report must be considered with the care and
seriousness they deserve given the instabilities that prevail and the
uncertainties that lie ahead. The central focal-point for any action in this
regard should be a revitalized and democratized United Nations.
The Secretary-General himself has observed that "the foundation stone to
this work is and must remain the State". The fundamental sovereignty and
integrity of the State are crucial to any common progress we seek to achieve.
Preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-keeping and post-conflict peace
building must be pursued in a manner that meets the legitimate aspirations of
all Member States.
In keeping with the principles of universality and sovereign equality,
the post-cold war peace process must encompass and involve all Member States.
This is fundamental to the legal and moral authority of the United Nations.

The General Assembly should continue to be the principal policy-making
body of the Organization. We support all efforts to ensure more effective
functioning of the General Assembly as a forum of multilateral diplomacy to
achieve our common objectives.
The role of the United Nations in conflict prevention and conflict
resolution should be pragmatic. It should contribute to the stability and
long-term viability of the international system. The Secretary-General has
reminded us that unlimited "fragmentation" of sovereign entities would make it
more difficult to achieve peace, security and economic well-being for all.
External intervention in any guise cannot be justified, except in accordance
with the provisions of the Charter, particularly in cases where domestic
solutions have not been entirely exhausted.
To ensure the efficacy of our collective efforts towards fulfilling the
"Agenda for Peace", it is imperative that the United Nations assume a decisive
role in formulating and putting into effect an "agenda for development".
Lasting solutions can be found only through enlightened
development-cooperation policies pursued in tandem with strategies for
preventive diplomacy.
As the principal organ entrusted with the maintenance of international
peace and security, the Security Council now functions without the shackles
that made it ineffective during the cold war. However, its present
configuration continues to reflect the realities of the immediate-post-war
power structure. The Security Council could be made more representative. It
is important that its procedures be democratic and transparent. Its decisions
should reflect consensus, arrived at after proper discussion, and respect for
national sovereignty. There should be a better balance in the relationship
between the General Assembly and the Security Council.

The restructuring of the United Nations in its economic and social areas
has already begun. There is a need for better coordination of global economic
policies and for more effective policy-making and policy-implementation.
Coordination and integration of operational activities of the specialized
agencies and other bodies, functioning under the Economic and Social Council,
and strengthening of the field presence of the United Nations have become
vital. This will reduce duplication, inefficiency and a too-diffused focus of
United Nations assistance. The ultimate aim of the reforms must be to enable
the United Nations to be more effective in the promotion of development
cooperation for social and economic progress. However, in our enthusiasm to
reform the United Nations in the social and economic fields, we must maintain
the principles of democracy, universality and respect for the sovereignty of
States.
We wish to commend the Secretary-General for his bold initiatives in
streamlining the work of the Secretariat. We hope that continuing efforts to
maximize efficiency in the Secretariat will not diminish, but will enhance,
the capacity of the United Nations to respond to the pressing socio-economic
needs of the developing world.
We welcome the Secretary-General's efforts to reorganize the Secretariat
and to utilize fully its human resources. These efforts should be matched by
Member States' meeting their obligation under the Charter to make available
the required financial resources. If the present financial crisis of the
United Nations is to be resolved, these resources must be provided on time.
This year has witnessed a reaffirmation, by the nations of the
Bon-Aligned Movement, of the validity and relevance of non-alignment and of

its basic approach in addressing international problems and development. The
tenth Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, held in Jakarta last
month, emphasized the need to build a new and equitable international order
based on political and economic democracy both within and between nations.
The Jakarta Message conveys a clear consensus that the Non-Aligned Movement is
not a captive of its nomenclature, which reflects the historical context in
which the first Summit Conference took place.
In our commitment to promote and preserve the "dignity and worth of the
human person" we believe that the best defence of human rights lies in
democracy and openness in societies.
For over half a century Sri Lanka has had a proud record of uninterrupted
universal adult franchise and respect for the electoral verdict. My country
is a party to the Covenants on human rights. In Sri Lanka, steps are being
taken to establish a human-rights commission to strengthen the fulfilment of
our constitutional obligations relating to fundamental rights. We have an
enduring commitment to both national and international accountability.
Sri Lanka's policy of openness and of cooperation with national and
international bodies in the field of human rights is derived from democratic
traditions and institutions that are an integral part of Sri Lanka's value
system.
Socio-economic aspects of human-rights problems have found their
manifestations everywhere. This is evident from violent and undemocratic
expressions of grievances in both developing and developed countries. We
believe that a cooperative rather than a coercive approach would help
international action to achieve the desired results in the field of human

rights. Sri Lanka will participate constructively in the World Conference on
Human Rights in 1993 to develop such a positive approach to the promotion of
human rights world-wide.
International peace, security and development are indivisible. It is no
longer possible to conceive of security essentially in military terms. The
cold-war era, in which a highly militarized concept of security dominated
East-West relations, is over. Today, socio-economic factors have become major
determinants of global security. Multilateral disarmament and world peace and
security are inextricably linked. This makes it necessary for the United
Nations to play the central role in global disarmament. The United Nations
should also be a catalyst in facilitating regional disarmament.
The monitoring of the illegal arms trade and its elimination should be a
priority on the multilateral agenda on disarmament and conflict prevention.
The illegal arms trade and the highly destructive evils of drug trafficking
and terrorism are interlinked and mutually supportive. States should not
permit their territories or their citizens to be used for the perpetration of
acts of destabilization against other States through support for, or tolerance
of, arms smuggling drug trafficking and terrorism. Multilateral action to
address these real threats faced by democratic societies should constitute an
indispensable element of the peace agenda of the United Nations.

Sri Lanka strongly supported multilateral negotiations aimed at a total
prohibition of the entire chemical weapons cycle. The successful conclusion
of the convention on chemical weapons demonstrates the competence of the
United Nations in multilateral negotiations. Sri Lanka was among those
countries which signified an early interest in becoming an original signatory
to the convention. We hope that States parties to this convention will
promote international cooperation in the peaceful uses of chemicals in
accordance with its letter and spirit.
Efforts to establish a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean continue. In
view of the changing international situation, the United Nations Ad Hoc
Committee on the Indian Ocean was of the view that the General Assembly might
wish to consider alternative approaches. The Tenth Non-Aligned Summit Meeting
in Jakarta took cognizance of this view and reiterated the determination to
continue efforts to achieve the goals of the Declaration as considered at the
meeting of littoral and hinterland States held in 1979. We hope that the new
spirit of cooperation evident elsewhere in the world will embrace the Indian
Ocean region as well.
My delegation is pleased with the conclusions reached at the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development held in Rio de Janeiro. We
endorse the principles enunciated in the Rio Declaration, the programmes in
Agenda 21, the commitment to a shared partnership by the provision of adequate
new and additional funding and the transfer of the necessary technologies to
developing countries. Sri Lanka has signed the Framework Convention on
Climate Change and the Convention on Biological Diversity. We expect that the
creation of a commission for sustainable development will without delay move
forward the process of ensuring the sustainable development to which all
nations and peoples committed themselves in Rio de Janeiro.

The United Nations must take a visionary perspective in shaping the
future of a world already transformed into a global village by modern
technology. Yet, developing countries are still in a disadvantaged position
owing to the non-availability of the necessary technologies. Among these,
space technology is useful in the monitoring of the changing global
environment and can assist developing countries in maximizing the use of their
resources.
However, the high cost of space and other advanced technologies prevents
developing countries from reaping their potential benefits. The United
Nations and its specialized agencies must therefore work to ensure equitable
access to these technologies so that the benefits can be shared by all. This
will enable the development of a new regime of technological democracy.
The Convention on the Law of the Sea was signed 10 years ago. The
Preparatory Commission continues to labour painstakingly to ensure that the
resources of the seas and oceans a common heritage of mankind will be used
for the benefit of all. We welcome the initiative of the Secretary-General to
bring about universal participation in the Convention.
In different parts of the world regional organizations are being
strengthened. Sri Lanka hid the honour this year to be elected as Chairman of
the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC). The dynamic
leadership of His Excellency Ranasinghe Premadasa, President of Sri Lanka, has
significantly moved forward cooperation among the seven States members of
SAARC on a number of initiatives.
A South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation, established this year,
will enable fresh approaches to be taken on the basis of shared experiences in
alleviating poverty in our populous region. Sri Lanka's own approach has been

to provide opportunities and access to the poor to participate actively and
productively as partners in national development, rather than being treated as
passive recipients of charity.
A South Asian Preferential Trading Agreement (SAPTA) seeks to promote
trade and commerce among SAARC countries. Efforts to expand cultural
exchanges and to enhance people-to-people contact at various levels are under
way. Regional recognition has been granted to the SAARC Chambers of Commerce
and Industries.
The Second SAARC Ministerial Conference on Children in South Asia was
held in Colombo in September. The Conference resolved to set up several goals
and a time frame for their achievement. The specific goals deal with
education, child-welfare and children's rights.
SAARC is also looking forward to promoting mutually beneficial
cooperation with other regional and international organizations.
This has been a year of heightened activity in the SAARC region. The
countries of our region are determined to maintain this momentum.
In this context I quote the words of our President, His Excellency
Ranasinghe Premadasa:
"A sense of innovation must animate SAARC cooperation. We cannot
remain static. Fresh and imaginative approaches are needed. We have to
face new challenges. New ways have to be found to deal with old problems
that have lingered, defying solutions.
"We in South Asia, have the ability to forge together a unity based
on our ancient ties. Let us accept the challenge to build together a
solidarity of mutual respect; one which will strengthen each individual

nation in its independence. A solidarity which will weld our nations
into a purposeful and dynamic unity. We will be then be able to face
with confidence our common future".
These sentiments are a beacon for regional cooperation in South Asia.
In meeting the challenges that lie ahead it is abundantly clear that the
United Nations offers the best hope for humankind. The strong and the weak,
the rich and the poor, the industrialized and the developing are all
represented here. It is only through our deliberations that the problems of
our world come into global focus and solutions can be provided accordingly.
For the first time after the Charter of the United Nations was signed in
San Francisco, 47 years ago, the peoples of the world through their
representatives here assembled have it in their power to provide new
directions for ensuring peace, security, prosperity and social justice in
keeping with today's realities. The challenges are many; equally, the
opportunities are great. We owe it to the millions who crave equity and
justice and a better life in larger freedom that we shoulder our
responsibilities with courage and perseverance. We cannot afford to falter or
fail. We must succeed.


On behalf of the delegation of the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea, I would like to congratulate you,
Mr. Ganev, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its
forty-seventh session. It is my conviction that under your able leadership
this session will come to a fruitful conclusion.
I would like also to take this opportunity to express my appreciation for
the efforts made over the past year by His Excellency
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali in carrying out his heavy responsibilities as
Secretary-General, to ensure world peace and security and to strengthen the
role of the United Nations in line with changes in the international situation.
The end of the cold war that had persisted ever since the end of the
Second World War brought with it great changes in the recent international
situation. In this vortex of change in the international situation, the phase
of detente is beginning in North-East Asia.

Recent events on the Korean peninsula are attracting world attention.
Dialogue between the north and the south on many levels is under way to end
the distrust and confrontation resulting from prolonged national division. In
particular, the north-south high-level talks have resulted in the adoption of
the Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-Aggression, Cooperation and Exchanges.
This is a great victory in the nationwide struggle to bring about the three
principles of national reunification: independence, peaceful reunification
and great national unity. It is a new, historic milestone on the road to
national reunification. The north-south Agreement and the north-south Joint
Statement of 4 July constitute a programme for national reunification that
reflects the aspirations of the Korean nation to reunification and the current
trends towards peace.
In the north-south Agreement, the north and the south make it clear that
relations between the two sides are not inter-State relations but rather
special relations formed provisionally in the process of moving towards
reunification. In the Agreement, the north and the south also pledge to
recognize and respect each other's systems and to refrain from interfering in
each other's internal affairs.

This Agreement shows that both the north and the south want a single
unified State, not "two States", and look to achieve reunification along the
lines of confederation. Reunification through confederation based on one
nation, one State, two systems and two Governments has become a realistic
goal. It is an issue which can no longer be avoided both in view of the
present trend of the international situation which is moving towards
rapprochement, detente and the end of confrontation and in the light of the
specific conditions on the Korean peninsula where two different ideas and
systems exist.
The highlight of our proposal for reunification through confederation is
that the north and south form a unified national Government to be represented
by the north and the south on an equal basis under which the north and the
south exercise regional autonomy with equal rights and power. It will be the
most peaceful and ideal method of reunification. It will form a single State
by uniting the two autonomous governments, maintaining the two systems
intact. And it will be based on the principle of coexistence with neither
side conquering or overpowering or being conquered or being overpowered.
This proposal for confederation, acceptable to both sides during
dialogue, is now turning from possibility to feasibility. The recent
8th North-South High Level Talks in Pyongyang have led to the functioning of
joint committees for the implementation of the Agreement in different areas
such as political, military, economic, social and cultural.
It is true that the north-south dialogue for implementing the Agreement
is confronted with a series of obstacles and difficulties because the feelings
of distrust and confrontation conceived during the long period of the division
still remain.

However, we are optimistic about the prospect of north-south dialogue and
reunification. Blood is thicker than water. The homogeneous nationhood of
the Korean people surpasses the differences of the systems and ideas of the
north and south. Our people, with their strong sense of national
independence, have good traditions and experiences of having achieved unity
for the common cause of the nation, transcending the differences of ideas,
political views and religious beliefs.
The Government of our Republic will exert all its efforts to follow
through the already-begun reunification process in order to reach the final
point of reunification by reviving such national traditions. We will also do
our best to resolve the nuclear issue of the Korean peninsula at an early date
in the interest of peace and reunification of Korea, as agreed upon by the
north and the south in the Joint Declaration on the Denuclearization of the
Korean Peninsula.
The nuclear issue on the Korean peninsula and the nuclear suspicion that
remains unresolved stem from the deployment of United States nuclear weapons
in south Korea. Therefore, fundamental to resolving the nuclear issue on the
Korean peninsula is the withdrawal of United States nuclear weapons from South
Korea and the removal of the serious apprehension of our nation which has been
under a nuclear threat during the last 30 years.
To this end, it is urgent to adopt an agreement and regulations of
inspection under the Joint Declaration on the Denuclearization of the Korean
Peninsula and to inspect the United States nuclear weapons and bases in south
Korea. The North-South Joint Nuclear Control Committee, although it has met
several times, has not yet adopted the regulations of inspection to verify the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula nor has it carried out any inspection

of the United States nuclear weapons and bases in south Korea. This is due to
the fact that the south Korean authorities are not in a position to exercise
their sovereign right regarding the question of United States nuclear weapons
and bases.
This situation, we believe, has prevented the North-South Joint Nuclear
Control Committee from arriving at an agreement to include the United States
nuclear weapons and bases in the scope of the parameters for inspection.
Quite recently, it was revealed that United States nuclear weapons have been
stockpiled in the secret nuclear storage in south Korea and a naval base in
Jinhae, south Korea, also serves as a United States nuclear submarine base.
This causes a great number of people to have suspicion about the sincerity of
the announcement of the non-existence of United States nuclear weapons in
south Korea. It is most deplorable that the south Korean authorities do not
have a say on the presence of nuclear weapons from other countries which are
now on their own soil nor can they verify the withdrawal of these nuclear
weapons.
As far as we are concerned, we have declared time and time again that we
have no nuclear weapons, nor any intention or capacity to make them. We have
no need to produce them. It is our firm will, in line with our invariable
anti-nuclear peace policy, to use nuclear energy only for peaceful purposes
and not to develop nuclear weapons.

The honesty of the peaceful nuclear policy of the Government of our Republic
and the will for denuclearization have already been proved by several ad hoc
inspections of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The so-called
suspicion of our "nuclear development" is fading away. We do what we say and
we never say empty words.
If the south Korean authorities are really concerned about the "future"
of the Korean peninsula and interested in realizing its denuclearization, they
should take an independent stand free from outside forces and respond as soon
as possible to adopting the regulations of inspection, so that the overall
inspection of United States nuclear weapons and bases could be carried out as
agreed upon by the north and the south.
The reunification of the Korean peninsula presupposes the eradication of
the legacy of the cold war and the termination of foreign interference. The
Korean question has been closely related to international relations
historically. The division of Korea was brought about not by the internal
contradictions of our nation but was imposed on it against its will to serve
only the interests of foreign forces.
It is foreign forces that impede the ongoing north-south talks.
Consequently, the key issue in realizing the reunification of the Korean
peninsula today is to end foreign interference in the Korean question. The
presence of United States troops in south Korea is clear evidence of
interference by a foreign force impeding the solution to the Korean question.
During the cold-war era the presence of foreign armed forces in other
countries was "justified" under the pretext of preserving the so-called
balance of forces. However, this argument no longer holds today since the
cold war ended and power politics have become meaningless.

There is no justification whatsoever for the continued presence of United
States forces in south Korea. On the Korean peninsula, the north and the
south have pledged themselves to non-aggression through the Agreement and have
formed the joint military commission to deal with military affairs.
Nevertheless, the United States is still pursuing a policy of "power
politics" based on the cold-war way of thinking. The United States continues
to "justify" the stationing of its armed forces in south Korea with the new
argument that a "power vacuum" could be created.
It is contradictory to claim, according to one's interest, that on some
occasions peace has come to the world and on other occasions to divide the
world into friends and enemies, talking about a "power vacuum". The United
States must drop its policy of power towards the Korean peninsula and withdraw
its troops from south Korea, thereby fulfilling its responsibility in helping
to achieve peace and the reunification of Korea.
In today's world - which stands at the crossroads of independence or
domination, peace or war, cooperation or division the peace, security and
reunification of the Korean peninsula become one of the most urgent questions,
the solution of which brooks no further delay. The problem of Korea's
reunification is a touchstone. Whether or not it is solved will clarify
whether international society is entering a stage of independent, peaceful and
democratic development or still remains in the era of domination and
subjugation, conflict and confrontation.
It is our hope that Korea's reunification will be realized through
confederation on the basis of the three principles of independence, peaceful
reunification and great national unity which the north and south have already

announced with full commitment, thus showing one part of the genuine
development of international society.
Humankind is now at a historical turning-point for opposing domination
and subjugation and building a new, free and peaceful world. Such aspirations
of humankind, however, are still being gravely challenged by the old forces
that pursue power politics. Despite the collapse of the cold-war structure
characterized by confrontation between the super-Powers, there are new, open
attempts to capitalize on this situation in order to establish world
domination.
If such attempts are allowed to go unchecked, the world will change from
the cold-war structure of a bipolar system to the hegemonistic structure of a
unipolar system and the democratic development of international society will
suffer yet another setback.
Therefore, today's era can brook no further delay in establishing a new,
just international order to replace the old international order under which a
few countries go unchallenged and freely dominate the destiny of humankind.
There are big and small countries in the world, but there cannot be senior or
junior countries; there are developed and less developed nations, but there
cannot be dominating nations and nations destined to be dominated.
All countries and nations are entitled to independent and equal rights as
equal members of international society, regardless of the size of their
territories or level of development. Neither privileges nor arbitrariness
should be tolerated in international relations, and friendship and cooperation
among countries should be developed positively on the principle of mutual
respect, non-interference, equality and mutual benefit.

It is the expectation of the people of the world that the United Nations,
under the changed situation today, will play a pivotal role in securing peace
and achieving the common prosperity of mankind by fulfilling its mission as
the international organization to safeguard world peace and justice.
At the recent tenth summit conference of non-aligned countries, the Heads
of State and Government were unanimous in their emphasis on the necessity of
strengthening the role of the United Nations in safeguarding world peace and
security and in establishing an equitable international order.
The United Nations should pay careful attention to bringing about
disarmament and the dismantling of weapons of mass destruction, including
nuclear weapons, in keeping with the present situation in which the cold war
has come to an end. Mankind can neither get rid of the danger of nuclear war,
nor expect true peace, so long as the arms race continues unbridled and
nuclear weapons remain. We hold that a comprehensive treaty banning nuclear
tests should be concluded as soon as possible. Testing and production of
nuclear weapons should be stopped, and nuclear weapons should be abolished
once and for all.
The prevention of the emergence of any new nuclear Power is another
important issue in settling the nuclear problem. In this connection, we could
not but express our concern that, despite world condemnation, Japan is storing
more nuclear fuel than it needs, and is even carrying out an adventurous plan
involving the marine transportation of plutonium.
The Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea will in the
future, as in the past, make positive efforts to abolish nuclear weapons,
biological and chemical weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction on
the globe.

The United Nations should pay particular attention to the economic issue,
one of the important problems in establishing a new international order at
present, and endeavour to eliminate the ever-widening gap between the
developed and the developing countries. People in many developing countries
are enduring great suffering from famine and disease. Anyone who feels
responsibility for the survival and future of mankind cannot turn away from
such tragedies occurring in the world.
It is the most urgent common task of mankind at present to spare the
peoples of the developing countries the calamities of famine and disease. The
developed countries should feel due responsibility for the economic poverty of
the developing countries, and should refrain from hindering the economic
development of the developing countries. In this regard, the Government of
our Republic holds that dialogue between the developed and the developing
countries should be resumed at the earliest possible date, the present unequal
international economic relations should be restructured, and constructive
measures should be taken for the establishment of a new equitable
international economic order.
Along with this, the developing countries should take practical measures
to achieve South-South cooperation, starting with the spheres of food,
agriculture and public health, which will be indispensable in eradicating
famine and disease.
The United Nations should also continue to concentrate on the peaceful
solution of regional disputes and the elimination of all kinds of interference
in internal affairs and unjust pressure. Today, when the confrontational
structure between the super-Powers has collapsed and new, many-sided
international relations are emerging, ethnic, national and racial

contradictions which have long been obscured behind the cold war are rapidly
surfacing with increased intensity, thus triggering new regional conflicts.
These constitute elements of instability, which will complicate regional
situations and cause serious damage to world peace and security.
Urgent measures should be taken to settle the problems of regional
disputes peacefully through dialogue, negotiations and political
coordination. All countries and nations are entitled to decide freely on
their own political and economic systems and development on the basis of
respect for the principles of national sovereignty, the right to
self-determination, and non-interference in internal affairs. We should not
allow any attempts to infringe upon the sovereignty of other countries, to
interfere in their internal affairs and to impose unfair blockades and
pressure. Human rights should no longer be used as leverage for political
pressure against and interference in the developing countries.
We take this opportunity to extend our unqualified support for and
solidarity with the struggle of the peoples in Asia, Africa, Latin America and
the rest of the world to safeguard national independence and sovereignty and
achieve independent national development, particularly the struggle of the
Cambodian people under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk to restore
peace and national unity and the status of a sovereign State; the struggle of
the Palestinian and other Arab peoples for a fair solution to the Middle East
question, centred on the Palestinian question; the struggle of the South
African people to end the policy of apartheid and attain their country's
democratic development; and the struggle of the Cuban people to defend their
sovereignty against all kinds of foreign pressure and interference.

The Government of our Republic recognizes that the United Nations should
democratize itself as soon as possible in order to fulfil its responsibilities
and roles in establishing a new world order. Before anything else is done,
the United Nations should be restructured and reformed to develop
international relations on a new democratic basis.

The restructuring of the United Nations is indispensable, inasmuch as it will
enable the world body to perform efficiently its main mission as an
international organization safeguarding world peace and justice by dynamically
coping with a changed reality and new challenges.
To this end, the United Nations should be democratized on the principle
of ensuring independence, equality and justice for all Member States and never
tolerating privileges within the United Nations. Independence, equality and
justice are, indeed, strong binding forces that have enabled more than 100
countries on this planet to join in one community, the United Nations,
irrespective of differences in ideologies and systems and the gap between the
rich and the poor.
In order to realize the democratization of the United Nations and to
ensure its impartiality in line with the present changing international
situation, the privileged positions of a few countries should no longer be
permitted in the United Nations. The relations between the Security Council,
the General Assembly and the Secretary-General should be reorganized with a
view to strengthening the United Nations. In particular, the Security Council
should not infringe the supreme authority of the General Assembly.
In this regard, we believe that special attention should be paid to the
problem of the composition of the Security Council. However, we consider that
a country that still fails to feel any responsibility for aggression and war
crimes committed during the Second World War is not qualified to become a
permanent member of the Security Council, even if the number of the Council's
permanent members is to be increased.
One of the most important problems in democratizing the United Nations is
to eliminate the leftover inequities of the cold war. The United Nations

Command, a legacy of the cold-war era, still remains on the Korean peninsula.
It is indeed astonishing and surprising that these "United Nations forces" -
which are not under the command of the United Nations and over which the
United Nations cannot exercise any authority still exist in this world.
The United Nations should no longer deeply disappoint Member States with
the sense that its authority is applied selectively, depending on which State
is involved. The United Nations should live up to the expectations of Member
States in terms of its impartial and sincere image by eradicating all unjust
and contradictory remnants of the cold war.
Our delegation attaches great importance to this forty-seventh session of
the General Assembly and will exert every effort to ensure its success. What
is important in ensuring world peace and security and in strengthening
international cooperation is to further enhance the responsibility and role of
States Members of the United Nations.
The Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea will actively
contribute to building a prosperous, peaceful and free new world by faithfully
fulfilling its obligations as a State Member of the United Nations at this
historic turning-point in the achievement of a durable peace and security in
the world.