Three years ago I had the pleasure of describing to the Assembly, from this very rostrum, some of the refreshing and heart-warming scenes of the Seoul Olympic games. Athletes from around the world gave us an inspiring vision of global harmony, transcending the divisions of race, religion and ideology.
Soon thereafter, revolutionary changes swept across the world. As we look around us today and take stock of those changes, we may truly recognize the progress made towards the Olympic ideal of "one peaceful world". Today I am proud to stand here once more, this time as President of a State Member of the United Nations. To me, this represents a significant expression of the new tide of history. It was 43 years ago that the Republic of Korea first applied formally to become a Member of the United Nations. Those who consider the decades of patience we have had to exercise will perhaps understand the enthusiasm displayed by the Korean people on this occasion.
To those who supported and encouraged our admission to this body and to those who acted and spoke on our behalf during all the years when we had no seat in this Assembly I offer the heartfelt gratitude of the 43 million Korean people.
Today the cold-war system, which had prevented our entry into the United Nations, has become a relic of the past. From the workers of the Solidarity Movement in Gdansk, who raised the banner of reform in Poland, to the courageous Government in Budapest; from those freedom-inspired crowds who filled Prague's Vaclavske Plaza, to those former East Germans who tore down the Berlin Wall: they not only freed themselves, but opened the road towards genuine world peace. In removing the physical walls which denied them liberty, they also brought down the barriers which had divided mankind into hostile camps, inevitably resulting in confrontation and rivalry.
It was unquestionably the Soviet reforms that touched off these great changes. But the changes were also inspired by the achievements of those nations which attained prosperity on the strength of freedom and individual values. I share a deep sense of satisfaction over this outcome with those who have aspired to a truly harmonious world, and I pay a tribute to those whose courage made real what had been considered impossible in the past.
Sir, I offer my congratulations on your election as President of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly, and express my confidence that this session under your leadership will produce fruitful and rewarding achievements. I regard it no less significant that, along with the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has also become a Member of this Organisation. As our North Korean brothers join us in the journey towards peace and unification, I extend hearty congratulations to them on their entry into the Organization.
The Republic of Korea has long pursued parallel membership of both Koreas in the United Nations in the belief that it is the most realistic approach to the attainment of peace and unification on the Korean peninsula. Continuation of wasteful confrontation and of the refusal to recognise each other could only prolong the painful tragedy of national division. For this reason, the entry of both South Korea and North Korea into the United Nations marks an important turning-point in inter-Korean relations since the division of our land in 1945. As responsible members of the international community, the two Koreas are now both bound by the United Nations Charter to carry out the duties incumbent on all Members for the maintenance of world peace.
Now that the representatives of South Korea and North Korea have taken their seats together in this hall of peace, we are convinced that a new chapter of reconciliation and cooperation will open on the Korean Peninsula.
The Korean people may live under separate systems, but we have never forgotten that we are one nation. Imperfect as it may be, the separate membership of the two Koreas in the United Nations is an important interim step on the road to national unification. It has taken more than 40 years for us to move the short distance from the seat of an observer to that of a Member. It took the two Germanys 17 years to combine their United Nations seats. I sincerely hope that it will not take as long for the two Korean seats to become one. In this hall of peace, the two Koreas will open a new avenue of dialogue and cooperation that will lead to our national unity.
The cold-war system that brought on the tragedy of territorial division in Korea has itself collapsed. Now we will seek to achieve national unification, peacefully, without the use of Military force, independently, on the basis of self-determination, and democratically, in accordance with the free will of the Korean people. I earnestly hope that all the Members of the United Nations will encourage and support Korean efforts to join the progress of mankind towards a more peaceful world by achieving national unity.
The world is undergoing epoch-making changes. Systems that oppressed freedom and human dignity are being dismantled and the tragedies stemming from dogmatic ideologies are coming to an end everywhere. Around the world nations are reeking to chart their own destinies. What is truly momentous about this process is that history is being advanced not by the forces of bloody revolution but by the power of reason and free spirit. But the great change has only just begun. This epic change brings enormous opportunities and is a source of hope for all mankind. Even so, we must travel a long and tortuous road before we can successfully mould the current process into a new order of world peace.
The recent Soviet political crisis is a clear demonstration of this fact. The entire world spent those three stressful days in a state of shock and dismay. However, the courageous citizens of Moscow braved the crisis and placed flowers in the muzzles of tank guns. Indeed, their victory is the victory of all freedom- and peace-loving peoples of the world. Once again the world has been reminded that indeed peace is indivisible.
We have to recognize that any attempt at reform, however minor, is bound to require an element of sacrifice and pain. In the cases of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries, we know they are currently engaged in thorough-going reforms of their political, economic and social foundations. As they move away from the system of strict control that pervaded every aspect of their lives for decades, the difficulties and costs of creating new structures roust be truly enormous.
We all know that throughout the cold-war period, the nations of the world spent an exorbitant amount of resources on national security and military preparedness. Now the success of current reforms promises to bring benefits the world over in the form of peace, and we will enjoy this peace dividend for a long time to come.
As the benefits of peace are shared, it is only fair that the burdens and sacrifices should also be shared. Consequently, I call upon all the well-to-do nations to extend active support and assistance to the countries which used to have centrally planned economic systems, in their transition to democracy and free market economies. Owing to the imperatives of the cold war, the Korean people have had to sustain enormous sacrifices throughout the post-war period. Accordingly we, perhaps more than any nation on earth, yearn for a world of peace.
As a nation that rose only a generation ago from the ashes of war and as a recently democratized nation that is growing in prosperity, the Republic of Korea feels a special affinity with the emerging democracies and understands from experience the acute requirement that these nations are facing in common - namely, the achievement of democratic and economic development in tandem. Korea is neither a wealthy nor an advanced country. But we are prepared to extend support to the reform efforts not only in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, but in all parts of the world, and to offer them cooperation to the best of our ability.
In my speech to the General Assembly at its forty-third session, I declared that a durable peace would arrive in our world the day we beat swords into ploughshares on the Korean peninsula. I said this because our own land was visited by untold trials and tribulations arising from the international imperatives of the twentieth century, and because the yoke was still upon us. However, the climate surrounding the Korean peninsula has undergone significant changes over the past years. Even before the onset of world-wide reform movements, we took the initiative of going beyond the limits of the cold war. Subsequently, we established diplomatic relations with the central and eastern European countries as well as with the Soviet Union. We also opened mutual exchanges and cooperative relations with neighbouring China.
For the previous half century, Korea's relations with these countries had been officially severed, and in practice were often confrontational. However, with our new friendships and cooperation we sense the onrush of the waves of contemporary history. Indeed, we have discovered the power of reconciliation. We are firmly convinced that the day of peace and unification is also coming to our land, in spite of territorial division and the ever-present military threat.
With the entry of the two Koreas to the United Nations, we have embarked on a new phase of coexistence. Now, it is our task to build on this foundation a positive relationship, which will soon bring peace, stability and national unity. To this end, I propose that the two Korean Governments agree on, and specifically carry out, the following three measures.
First, the two Koreas should replace the fragile armistice with a permanent peace structure. Even at this very moment, a total of 1.7 million heavily armed soldiers confront each other on the Korean Peninsula,  concentrated along the 250-kilometre-long demilitarised zone. It might come as a surprise to some of you, but we have been living under this unstable condition of neither peace nor war for the last four decades. In the light of these precarious realities, I believe the two Koreas should conclude a peace agreement, thus renouncing the use of force against each other, and should proceed to normalise bilateral relations in all areas.
My second proposal is that, in order to reduce the threat of war on the Korean peninsula, the two sides should seek to bring about realistic arms reductions, beginning with measures designed to build mutual confidence. In order to remove military confrontation from the Korean peninsula, it is imperative that South and North Korea agree upon a number of military confidence-building measures, including the exchange of military information, the advance notification of field exercises and of troop movements, and the exchange of permanent observer teams to prevent surprise attacks.
Above all, the development of nuclear weapons on the Korean peninsula will present a threat not only to the peace of North-East Asia but also to the peace of the whole world. Atomic energy must never be used for destructive military purposes; it must be used only for the peaceful purposes of promoting the well-being of all mankind.
Since the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is a signatory to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, it should immediately abandon the development of nuclear weapons and submit, unconditionally, all its nuclear-related materials and facilities to international inspection. Once the Democratic People's Republic of Korea abandons its development of nuclear weapons, and as confidence-building measures are implemented between South and North Korea, I am prepared to take up discussions with North Korea
not only on the reduction of conventional forces but also on the nuclear issues on the Korean peninsula.
Finally, and on a more humanitarian plane, the two Koreas should bring an end to the period of disassociation, and open a new era of free exchange of products, information and people. On our peninsula today, there are over 10 million Koreans who live separated from their families and loved ones as a result of the territorial division in 1945. They are denied even the most basic humanitarian right of knowing whether or not their parents, brothers and sisters are still alive, let alone exchanging letters or telephone calls.
I do not believe we can talk meaningfully about improving inter-Korean relations or about mutual confidence-building without first resolving this urgent humanitarian problem. Just as it is a universal practice among all civilised nations, so must the two Koreas open doors towards each other and guarantee free travel, communication and trade.
We must promote substantive relations by resolving, through dialogue and negotiations, issues of mutual interest, including inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation as well as political and military issues.
Next month, for the first time since the two Koreas became Members of this Organization, the two Government delegations will meet for a fourth round of north-south high-level talks. I sincerely hope that the talks will produce an agreement on the basic principles governing inter-Korean relations.
Recently, some limited exchanges between the two Koreas have taken place in such areas as sports, culture and trade. Small as they are, we value this progress. For our part, we will do our best to promote a relationship of common prosperity in which the two Koreas offer each other assistance for mutual development. The Republic of Korea is prepared to actively pursue
economic cooperation with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in all areas, including trade, tourism, joint exploration of underground resources, and establishment of joint-venture plants.
Please bear in mind that the Korean people have been living as a single national community for over 1300 years. Therefore, once exchanges and cooperation begin, conditions for a political integration of the two parts of Korea will ripen very quickly, given our historical homogeneity. I do not believe that the Korean peninsula should be left as the only land remaining divided by the cold war. At a time when all the divisive barriers are collapsing, the unification of the Korean peninsula must be a matter of time and of the natural course of history. A unified Korea will be a land of freedom and happiness for all inhabitants, and will become a nation devoted to the promotion of world peace and the well-being of all mankind.
The Korean people desire to see peace prevail not only on the Korean peninsula but in all regions of dispute as well. I am gratified to note that there are real signs of progress in peace-making efforts in many areas of the world, including the Middle East, Cambodia? Angola, Western Sahara and Central America. I am highly encouraged to see the United Nations playing leading roles in these areas, and I wish to pay my respects to the Secretary-General, Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his devoted efforts.
Along with efforts to prevent regional disputes and to remove their root causes, we should strengthen the enforcement of collective security measures. The recent war in the Gulf region confirmed that the United Nations is the only independent global body capable of asserting and giving force to the rule of law in today's international community. Our faith that peace and justice will prevail throughout the world under a new international order was bolstered when countries put aside their differences and joined the United Nations action in a coalition.
Members of this body will of course recall that the Republic of Korea was able to survive and preserve its integrity thanks to the very first collective security action on the part of the United Nations. Now, as a Member, we will participate more actively in all United Nations endeavours towards the peaceful settlement of disputes as well as in the enforcement of international justice. Peace can be built only when a common conviction prevails that nations do not threaten each other and that we may in fact live in tranquillity. He shall never win faith in peace so long as we let our safety hinge on the might of formidable weapons that can reduce this world to ashes in an instant.
Confrontations that brought about the balance of terror have now disappeared. We welcome the signing in July of the START treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. We hope that it will accelerate arms control negotiations around the world.
The Republic of Korea fully supports a complete elimination of all chemical weapons and will readily join an international convention as soon as it emerges. In this connection, I believe that the countries of North-East Asia should now take a fresh look at and approaches towards the questions of tension reduction and arms control in this region.
It is said that peace is more than the absence of war. To ensure real and lasting peace, we must remove the underlying sources of conflict. Just as the world is passing beyond ideological divisiveness, we must remove all barriers of discrimination - race, colour, religion and national origin. I therefore welcome the positive efforts in South Africa to build a united, democratic and discrimination-free society.
The Independent Commission on International Development Issues concluded in its final report that where poverty reigns there can be no peace. Because the Korean people have had similar experiences, we feel compassion towards the poverty-stricken countries and have a deep understanding of the problems they are facing at present: poverty, hunger, underdevelopment and foreign debt. Since the Republic of Korea made the transition from underdeveloped to newly industrialising country within the span of one generation, we may have become a model for those developing countries, with the message that they, too, can succeed given time and national resolve.
Thirty years ago, my country was a poor agrarian society with a per capita gross national product of under $100. Today, Korea has become a country with the thirteenth largest trade volume and fifteenth largest gross national product in the world. Korea's rapid development is due largely to the advantages of free market economics and the openness of democratic societies.
The vast global market served as the seedbed of development for an Industrious people and innovative businesses. The Korean people have continued their efforts towards further progress. Many countries around the world, as well as the United Nations itself, provided assistance in the process of Korea's development and became our partners for common prosperity.
Today, the Republic of Korea lies at the midway stage between the advanced and the developing countries. As such, we hope to repay the benefits we received from around the world by playing an active role in solving the global North-South problem. In addition to sharing our experience and expertise with the developing countries, we will seek to play the role of a bridge between the advanced and the developing world by promoting global exchanges and cooperation and by facilitating the flow of commodities, capital and information.
The advanced countries should actively extend assistance to the developing countries with a view to mitigating the letter's difficulties. These measures by themselves cannot fundamentally solve the North-South problem, and we therefore encourage the advanced countries to move forward with the horizontal specialisation of industries among nations by accelerating the readjustment of their domestic industrial structures. In addition, they should also refrain from monopolizing information and technology.
In order to assist the economic growth of the developing countries, global markets should be opened wider and the expansion of trade should be encouraged. Tendencies towards protectionism and mutually exclusive regional economic blocs should be discouraged. The international community should adopt a more positive posture towards the solution of these critical problems within the framework of the United Nations system. Also, we should jointly tackle such new and serious global challenges as drug trafficking, terrorism and environmental damage.
A new century is almost upon us. The twentieth century has seen a great number of achievements, certainly far more than in previous millennia. At the same time, however, this century has also been a period of unspeakable trials and tribulations brought on by wars, confrontations, inequities, and irrationality. With the twenty-first century near at hand, the human race is embarking on a new era of peace and reason. The irresistible waves of history today are those propelled by freedom, democracy and respect for human dignity and individual values.
A new era is upon us in which mutual respect prevails among nations and conflicts are resolved by peaceful means. Revolutionary advances in science and technology, particularly in the fields of transportation, information and communication, have transformed the world into a global village in which human beings can pursue common prosperity as neighbours.
Since the dawn of history, the human race has aspired to create a peaceful community on this turbulent planet. That aspiration is no longer a dream but a realistic goal. As partners for peace and common prosperity, all nations on Earth should now open their societies and broaden the avenues of exchange and cooperation to build this peaceful community. As the pivotal Organisation for world peace, the United Nations, I believe, is fully capable of fulfilling this historic task by faithfully carrying out the letter and spirit of the Charter.
As a full-fledged Member of this world body, the Republic of Korea now proudly joins the world of nations in our common task of realizing the long-held dreams of all mankind. We may ask for help and understanding with our own problems, but we also care deeply for the welfare of other peoples.
We renew our commitment to the United Nations and we shall march forward hand in band with all nations in the cause of this Organisation. Henceforth, the Republic of Korea will play a leading role in building a world that will be a blessing to our posterity - a world that will be freer, safer and happier; above all, a world of peace.


On behalf of the people and the Government of Honduras, I should like to express to the President our congratulations on his election to stewardship over the work of the current session of the General Assembly. The international community, in entrusting so delicate a set of responsibilities to him, has paid a well-deserved tribute to his personal merits as well as to Saudi Arabia, which only a few months ago successfully defended its threatened sovereignty.
I should like to place on record the appreciation of the Government of Honduras for the direct, effective and unceasing work done by the Secretary-General, Javier Peres de Cuellar, in carrying out his highly responsible tasks. I should also like to congratulate the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania on their admission to membership of the United Nations. Their participation will undoubtedly contribute to the renewal of criteria and mechanisms, thus furthering the full realisation of the principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter.
In welcoming the Baltic States, we can do no less than express our satisfaction at witnessing an act of historic reparation of great significance to the active reality of an international order based on law and justice. Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia were absorbed by the Soviet Union by an act of force during the turmoil of the Second World War. Their forcible annexation was something which, sooner or later, had to be subjected to the sole proof of legitimacy the modern world knows: self-determination for its peoples, freely expressed under clear and objective rules and guarantees.
This is indeed what did take place throughout 1990 and 1991 and these fundamental facts, this exercise of fundamental rights, are indeed what the central authorities of the Soviet Union and the international community have recognised. It is the right approach, and it is the approach which our Organization should not only encourage, but rather resolutely promote by all the political, legal and economic means at its disposal. The admission of the Republic of Korea is also an act of justice; as the Korean people has offered continual proof of its adherence to the democratic ideal, and as this friendly, peace-loving nation, despite the vicissitudes to which its geopolitical situation has subjected it in the strategic confrontation between the great Powers, has managed to move forwards with evident prosperity and its own identity, which fully justify its incorporation as a new Member of the United Nations.
We are sure that the simultaneous admission of the two Korean States will be grounds for optimism for the dialogue on reunification and peaceful coexistence that the authorities of the two States are conducting and for a peaceful solution to the disputes separating them.
The transformation in the world scene is taking place because of a radical change in political perceptions. This new vision has led, as a consequence, to concepts which are linked not only with the internal economic production systems of States and the representativity of their Governments but also with national autonomy and identity, which help to forge a new and just geopolitical system. All this has paved the way for an unprecedented advance in the world-wide consolidation of democracy.
The recent events in the Soviet Union are further proof of these trends. My Government places on record its support for, and satisfaction at, the display of commitment to the ideals of democratic change by the Russian people and reaffirms its full readiness to develop greater ties of cooperation with the Soviet Union and with the sovereign States of the Union.
The United Nations, because of its universal nature, has taken the lead in seeking to keep the development of these political phenomena within the framework of the aims and principles set out in its Charter. When far-reaching questions arise within various Member States of our Organisation about the new destinies their peoples wish to forge, and when bilateral and regional relations go through acute crises in the quest for a new order based on justice and equity, the United Stations Charter gives us the lasting principles which afford us the right solutions to the difficulties which arise.
This is the best moment for us to support the Secretary-General in his initiative to enable the United nations to practice real preventive diplomacy as an active part in forming and maintaining the new international order.
Also, my Government would like to express its gratitude for the role the United Nations is playing through its peace-keeping missions. The operations the Organisations has carried out in this field have led to a reduction in tensions and are helping to establish the necessary climate of confidence to master the sensitive situations which periodically occur in various regions.
The Government of Honduras is participating in the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara, which is supervising the organization of the referendum to be held in the Western Sahara. The confrontation that has occurred in that territory must thus give way, with the help of the United Nations, to a political solution in which the will of the people is expressed by a vote under international supervision.
In the context of current international problems, the series of conflicts subsumed under the heading "Middle East" has over time come to be seen not only as extremely delicate but sometimes as almost impassable to resolve. In our judgement, the emotional burden created by various persecutions, wars, territorial conflicts and strategic considerations in a bipolar world used to contribute, among other factors, to frustrating initiatives aimed at rapprochement and any realistic search for lasting peace in that region. Today, by contrast, the Middle East is also seeing emerge the outlines of solutions under the auspices of this Organization. The convening of a conference with wide-ranging participation - aimed at helping both the Israeli and the Arab sides involved tackle existing disputes - is gaining increasing acceptance as the best and most integral way of achieving peace and reconciliation in that region.
Meanwhile, in South Africa, new political steps have brought about the formal dismantling of the apartheid laws. This is a positive development that must be seen through to effective completion via practical measures that have real impact on the vast majority of the population. Above all, there must be a deepening of the dialogue between the Government and the African National Congress with a view to ensuring an orderly transition to a society of greater justice and shared prosperity.
In Central America, the United Nations contribution to peace has been timely and invaluable. The socio-political problems faced by certain countries, together with tensions between States that reflect the East-West conflict in the area, triggered an acute crisis in the 1980s that posed a real threat to regional and international peace and security. In that context, Honduras promoted from the outset greater and effective participation by third countries and the United Rations towards a solution to the Central American crisis.
In 1991, because of firm abidance by commitments made by the Presidents of the five countries of the Esquipulas process, and through the establishment (f democracy in all the Central Americas countries, it can be said that the phase of confrontation has given way to understanding and cooperation.
The Government of Honduras resolutely supports progress made in that context last week and yesterday within the framework of the dialogue for peace, justice and democracy in El Salvador. We are firmly committed to the idea that the accords that have been negotiated between the Government headed by President Cristiani and the Frente Farabundo Marti should be consolidated. We hope there will soon be a cease-fire and that the reconciliation for which the Salvadorian family strives will be fully achieved, so that within that neighbouring nation a democratic and tolerant society will take root, thus expressing the dedication and hard work of the Salvadorian people.
Towards that end, the presence in Central America of the United Rations continues to be necessary. The work of the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (OKUSAL) is crucial to ensure compliance with the accords worked out between the Government and the Frente Farabundo Marti in connection with human rights and a future verification of the cease-fire. Moreover, my Government maintains that we must keep United Nations observers in certain border areas between El Salvador and Honduras. That is why, along with the other Central American Governments, we would like to request the extension for another six months of the mandate of the United Nations Observer Group in Central America (ONUCA). The United Nations participation is thus not confined merely to monitoring compliance with certain commitments which the Central American Governments assumed via the Esquipulas IT accords; it also involves the adoption of approaches to resolve El Salvador's domestic problems, a contribution which the Government of Honduras supports.
In the specific field of Central American security, the Security Commission that has been meeting, with United Nations participation on an observer basis, has not made the progress my Government had hoped for. Because of the persistence of armed conflict, there has been a delay in handing over an inventory of installations and armaments on the part of the military and security forces in each country. In Honduras' case, such an inventory was submitted on 6 June to the Secretary-General of the United Nations as well as to the Secretary-General of the Organisation of American States. Beyond that, we must study and adopt machinery that will ensure a military balance among the States of the region.
In this context, my Government has taken the initiative to propose to our Central American neighbours a comprehensive draft regional security treaty, a document that was taken note of by the Central American Presidents at the tenth regional summit conference held from 15 to 17 July this year. It has been the subject of negotiation since then with a view to the adoption, before the end of this year, of a pertinent instrument on the subject. The task of bringing peace to Central America will never be complete if the leaders and their peoples do not manage to meet and master the major challenges facing us as we seek to achieve sustained economic development in the context of societies in which social justice, liberty, democracy and development will be indestructible pillars of independence and sovereignty.
The President of Honduras, Rafael Leonardo Callejss, together with the Presidents of the other five Central American countries, has therefore been promoting economic integration in Central America to the greatest possible extent. Effective steps have been taken to ensure that, within an appropriate institutional framework and with the support of the international community, as well as the active involvement of entrepreneurs and workers as economic protagonists, we might arrive relatively soon at a standardization and progressive reduction of tariffs vis-à-vis the outside world. He also seek to establish intensive programmes of industrial conversion and an accelerated liberalization of intra-Central American trade involving industrial and agricultural products, along with a progressive integration of financial services.
The economic structural adjustments to which we are committed make genuine international solidarity more necessary than ever before. Should patterns of economic behaviour based on statistics alone continue to emerge, each country and the international community as a whole will face an era of greater distrust and despair. Economic discipline, in this global contact, must be diversified and corrected through programme of social cooperation, and there must be a fast method of disbursing official loans, along with greater participation In developing countries by the financial and entrepreneurial sectors of the industrialised world. South-South cooperation must also be channelled towards more practical goals. Better means must be devised to allow us to share our experience better and use our respective competitive advantages to the best effect.
Generally speaking, my Government hopes to see a constructive dialogue between North and South that would lead us towards an all-encompassing strategy based upon consensus which would guarantee real progress towards the attainment of the goals we have sat for our countries by the year 2000.
Consistent with these aspirations and these responsibilities, the Government of Honduras is organising a Central American presidential summit meeting, to be held in my country next December, focusing on social matters and questions relating to children. He are convinced that at that time we shall be able to work out a strategy for human development in Central America which, besides involving a commitment to dealing with the traditional problems of poverty, malnutrition, illiteracy, school abandonment and unemployment, will come to grips with the deterioration of people's living conditions through the effects of drugs and the degradation of the environment.
In Honduras we have established a broad-ranging programme aimed at achieving social equity, including programmes to assist mothers who are heads of families, a social fund for housing, a large-scale programme for construction of classrooms with the appropriate furniture, and also the Honduran Social Investment Fund. The last-named institution has in recent
months succeeded in resolving enormous problems facing communities and municipalities in Honduras with the use of local labour and technical advice from our own national experts. It enjoys an excellent reputation internationally, which makes it easier for it to gain access to resources from abroad for its human development projects.
We are also keenly aware of the support that must be given to the forthcoming Earth Summit, as the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Rio de Janeiro from 1 to 12 June 1992, has been called. He are aware of the close relationship between economic development and the environment and consequently we are taking an active part in defining the basic principles that are to govern the economic and ecological behaviour of peoples and nations for ensuring a common future.
We realise that we developing countries must not make the same mistakes as the developed countries have made as regards the negative impact productive activity has had upon the environment. However, the progress and further development of the industrialized countries must not be pursued at the expense of the well-being and flourishing of our peoples. It is here that the concept of shared responsibility and international solidarity finds its first application.
As regards the regional agenda, Honduras, with its neighbours in Central America, is striving to improve the environment, by means of reforestation and protection of tropical forests, and also through a number of other measures, particularly in those areas where refugees and those displaced by the crisis of the 1980s were settled and where there have been difficulties in regard to the preservation of the environment. My Government has also assumed its responsibility for the preservation of the biosphere of the Platano River, in
northern Honduras, a heritage of mankind, according to a resolution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, and the second most important reservoir of natural oxygen in Latin America after the Amazon region, according to a statement of the United Nations Environment Programme.
As we approach the end of this century, our Organisation will be marking its fiftieth anniversary. In view of the trends of population growth in a world where natural resources are becoming more and scarcer and where technology, although it increases productivity, can also seriously harm the environment, we must stay alert. It must be understood that cooperation and solidarity between the developed North and the developing South must he the framework for our efforts for the new millennium. Let the commitment to renewed cooperation and solidarity be one of the fundamental guidelines for the United Nations for the decade now beginning. Let us endeavour thus to make possible the attainment of the noble goals set forth in the Charter of our Organization.


The election of Ambassador Samir Shihabi to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session does honour to his diplomatic talents and his experience in this Organisation. It is also eloquent testimony to the distinguished role and place of honour occupied by his country, Saudi Arabia, within the framework of the new facts of world geopolitics. I can assure him that he can count on the full cooperation of our delegation towards the success of his task.
His predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Justice of Malta, conducted the proceedings of the forty-fifth session in a remarkable manner. My delegation therefore associates itself with the words of praise that have been addressed to him by previous speakers.
Since 1982 the Secretary-General's reports on the work of the Organization have not been just an analysis of the international situation but also and above all a series of varied proposals designed to enhance the authority and prestige of the United Nations. Today the renaissance of the United Nations is doubtless the result of a fundamental change in attitude and outlook on the part of States, but it is also and above all the result of so many years of effort by the Secretary-General that has made it possible for our Organization to adapt itself wisely to the needs of the current international situation. We therefore must pay a particular tribute to him for the devotion, diplomatic ingenuity and determination he has always shown in carrying out his delicate task of promoting peace and harmony among peoples.
I could not conclude this brief introduction without expressing the great satisfaction of Cove d'lvoire at seeing the world Organization moving more and more in the direction of universality, with the admission of the new Members: the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia, the Republic of Lithuania, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands. I extend to them our warmest congratulations and assure them of our complete readiness to cooperate with them within the framework of our Organization and to maintain relationships of honest cooperation with them.
Cote d'lvoire has always placed the quest for peace among its highest priorities. It has had the honour of serving for a second time in the Security Council, and at a special moment in the history of international relations. During the recent events, the Security Council eloquently demonstrated that, over and above theoretical debates, it was well able to redress critical situations where there had been a breach of the peace or act of aggression. It is solely the logic of peace that has guided us in the positions we have taken on the questions before the Council. We have always preferred responsible language to an excess of verbiage in the Council and a pragmatic and tolerant approach towards the problems, no matter how grave and distressing, that have come before that body.
We have not been able to remain passive when friendly countries have become the victims of unjust aggression, and we have always placed the triumph of right above the mere reconciliation of conflicting interests. We shall therefore leave the Security Council at the end of this year with the profound conviction of having worked in that organ with all our energy, in the service of peace, and of leaving behind us an image of Cote d'lvoire of respect for others and of fraternal love. We should like to thank the friendly countries which supported our candidacy at the time of our election to the Security Counci1.
The current developments in international relations, characterised by the acceleration and wide scope of political and social changes in various parts of the world, have made it clearer with each passing day that we are gradually entering a new era. Indeed, today the cold war is just history and the whole architecture of international relations that developed out of it is now doomed to obsolescence. Henceforth the conduct of foreign affairs will be guided by the powerful factor of cooperation and understanding between the States whose convergence of views and actions has made possible, among other things, the spectacular strengthening of the United Nations in its role as keeper of the peace. In its turn, the climate of confidence thus created has made possible meetings between the leaders of those States. It is on the basis of that confidence that the United States and the Soviet Union have been able to embark on negotiations with a view to concluding various agreements. Both sides have been able to undertake substantial reductions of their arms stockpiles. For example, those spectres of death - the B-52 super-bombers armed with several hundred nuclear warheads - have just been taken off their state of permanent nuclear alert; long- and short-range missiles are beginning to be disarmed; and some nuclear programmes have been abandoned.
The most cherished hope of mankind, the hope for a world of peace without a nuclear threat, has finally been able to take root. Furthermore, the unilateral disarmament which was proclaimed last week without any preliminary negotiation and without any long and arduous dealings where mistrust and suspicion reign, illuminates the state of mind now prevailing in this area. This so-called policy of "example" heralds, if the challenge is accepted by the USSR, a new dawn in the field of disarmament. We are now entitled to think that there now exists a definite dynamic for peace which would promote the peaceful settlement of conflicts and reduce sources of tension.
That is the case in Angola where we are happy to see taking shape on the horizon a settlement of an internal conflict between the MPLA and UNITA that has lasted for 16 years. The cease-fire in force since the signing in Estoril of the agreement which put an end to hostilities, and the holding of elections in the next few months are all chances for a final settlement of this conflict which has caused so much destruction of property and has taken such a toll of human life.
For its part the Government of my country can only welcome the signing of such an agreement for which it spared no effort in order to prevail upon the parties to overcome their ideological differences. With the return of peace, which we hope to be imminent, the people of Angola will finally be able to begin the only struggle worth their efforts, namely, that of the economic and social development of their country.
With regard to the situation in the Western Sahara, the solution to this thorny problem has never seemed so close. Indeed, the cease-fire which was brought about a few weeks ago between the parties to the conflict, creates conditions for the application of the United Nations peace plan which provides, inter alia, for the holding of a referendum. The opportunity will thus be given to the Sahraoui people to take a clear stand on their future. That is why we solemnly and urgently appeal to the various parties to respect the commitments undertaken within the framework of that plan.
The changes which have occurred throughout the world have also had positive repercussions on the development of the internal situation in South Africa. The courageous reforms undertaken by President de Klerk in dismantling the odious system of apartheid have made it possible to embark upon honest cooperation among the different parties in South Africa. It is worth recalling that since 28 April 1971 President Houphouet-Boigny has been advocating the idea of dialogue with South Africa, which alone can promote the development of the internal political situation of that country.
It is both a welcome fact and a major historical event that the first Felix Houphouet-Boigny prize for peace created at the twenty-fifth session of the General Conference of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was awarded by an international jury to Nelson Mandela and de Klerk. We thus appeal urgently to all the protagonists in South Africa to rise to the occasion and to promote as soon as possible the advent of a multiracial, egalitarian, democratic South Africa.
The analysis of the Middle East situation suggests that, particularly in this part of the world, the climate of confidence and understanding which has been established in international relations could have the most favourable repercussions on a solution to the conflict which has rent this part of the world for so long. While it is true that the situation remains very alarming, the fact still remains that chances of a just and lasting solution to this conflict seem better than ever before.
Indeed, the many initiatives currently under way and aimed at promoting negotiations between the various parties, could lead, we believe, to the holding of an international conference on peace in the Middle East. For its part, Cote d'lvoire would encourage the holding of such a conference to examine the situation overall. It is our wish to see that conference making an effective contribution to a global, just and lasting settlement of the Middle East problem.
Within the same context we very much hope to see the strengthening of peace in Lebanon so that the sons of that country, battered by 15 years of fratricidal war, can finally in union and concord begin the task of national reconstruction so as to make Lebanon its old vibrant self once again.
In Asia too the dynamic of detente has been witnessed. After the more than two decades of fratricidal war that has battered Cambodia we finally note with relief definite signs of a forthcoming settlement of the Cambodian tragedy within the framework of the United Nations.
We would like to welcome here the concerted action of the permanent members of the Security Council and the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) which for so many years have spared no effort to restore peace to that country.
With your permission, Sir, I should like to revert to Africa, more particularly to Liberia, a neighbour of the Cote d'lvoire where for almost two years now a fratricidal conflict has been going on with its toll of material damage and the destruction of human life and which also has caused many refugees to flee to neighbouring countries. In Cote d'lvoire alone there are about 320,000 and the Government and people of our country, with the aid of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, have been trying to give them assistance and support pending their return home.
However, one of the prerequisites for such a return is the restoration of peace and security in Liberia. Since that time all the Heads of State and Government of the countries of the West African subregion within the framework of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have been working to that end. Several meetings for peace in Liberia have been held under aegis of that organization, particularly through the Standing Mediation Committee and also the Ad Hoc Committee of Five, of which Cote d'lvoire has the honour to be the President.
The initiatives undertaken within the framework of the work of these two Committees, whose actions are complementary, led to the signing on 17 September 1991 at Yamoussokro of a communiqué whereby the parties reaffirmed their commitment to continue to observe and to strengthen the cease-fire in Liberia. They decided, under the supervision of the ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) to confine troops to zones to be determined and to disarm them. The parties have also decided to set up an electoral commission of five members with a view to organizing and supervising elections in Liberia. They have also agreed to cooperate fully with the "International Negotiations Network (INN)" of the Carter Centre, designed to provide assistance to the organizing of the electoral process.
We hope that the promising process thus begun will be further and more positively developed in the course of the forthcoming meeting in Yamoussokro on 29 October 1991.
If in political terms the climate of confidence and concord which has been established in the international community has made it possible to solve certain conflicts and open the way to the solution of those which still exist, the same does not apply to international economic relations. Indeed, the current situation of the international economy is marked by the appearance of signs of a slow-down more or less everywhere in the world, which constitutes a source of major concern for all the partners of the international community and, particularly, for the developing countries.
The reasons for concern on the part of the developing countries are real and serious and deserve attention. Indeed, the allow-down in economic activity in the industrialised countries, reflected by a real rate of growth of the gross domestic product, which is less than 2 per cent in 1991, would have as a consequence among other things a significant decline in growth of domestic global demand and a decline in investment rates. This situation of recession in the developed countries means for us in the developing countries: a quantitative decline in our exports of agricultural, mining and mineral primary commodities; an even steeper decline in prices for those primary commodities; and also a decline in our export earnings, which constitute the bulk of our financial resources. That is where our apprehensions lie. As to the problem of the external debt of developing countries, the international context remains unfavourable.
It is precisely because of the size of the economic problems faced by Africa that the international community recognized the urgency of examining in 1986 at the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations the critical economic situation in Africa, which gave rise to the United Nations Programme of Action for African Recovery and Development 1986-1990, more commonly known as UNPAAERD. Today, as we take stock, we are unfortunately obliged to recognise the grim facts. The United Nations Programme of Action has not lived up to its promises, for it has done little to improve the results of the African economies. In this connection my delegation fully endorses the analysis contained in the memorandum submitted by the African ministers responsible for economic development and planning to the Ad Hoc Committee of the General Assembly entrusted with examining and evaluating the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, 1986-1990.
The unsatisfactory results of that Programme will at least have enabled us to establish once and for all the fact that the question of African economic development cannot be properly dealt with without a radical solution to the continent's external debt problem. Without underestimating the importance and genuine merits of various measures and proposals designed to alleviate the debt burden of developing countries, we must nevertheless admit - and this is the position of Cote d'lvoire - that with regard to the political situation of the African countries the problem of debt cannot be separated from that of the price of primary commodities, whether agricultural, mining or mineral products.
There can be no radical solution to the problem of our external debt, while the prices of our primary commodities remain low. Cote d'lvoire is of the opinion that the law of supply and demand is justified in relations among countries with the same level of development, but not in relations between developed and developing countries. There can be no liberty without equality. However, between developing and developed countries there is an enormous gap. No one can maintain that liberalism exists when one side alone fixes the prices for imported raw materials, the prices for exported manufactured products, freight rates and transport and sets the conditions of transfer of the technology required for the industrialisation of the developing countries.
Today, the low prices of primary commodities, whether agricultural, mining or mineral, are justified in economic analyses by the conventional notion of overproduction on the international market. It is our experience that there is no overproduction, but rather, that there is under-consumption owing to the high prices of finished and semi-finished products, which increases the profit margins of businesses and other middle-men.
The fundamental difference between developed and developing countries is that the former possess the necessary technology to transform our insufficiently priced primary commodities into finished products for their domestic consumption and export, whereas we, who lack that capability, are forced to export our primary commodities in a raw state, with all the disadvantages that that entails.
It would be desirable in the next few years to try to bring about an effective transfer of technology to developing countries so that the producers of primary commodities can transform a part of their production domestically, and, above all, can absorb their unemployed by creating new jobs and achieving an over-all improvement in their standard of living through an increase in household income and public funds.
The economy of Cote d'lvoire is subject to exterior pressures created by a combination of high foreign debt and continued low prices for primary export commodities, which result in a persistent need for continued large-scale financing. Thus, on 28 May 1990 the National Assembly of Cote d'lvoire approved a programme of stabilization and economic recovery, which the Government has adopted and implemented. The programme has two elements.
The first concerns short-term financial stability to reduce and gradually eliminate the State deficit and improve the country's economic and financial environment. The second entails structural reforms aimed over the mid-term at restoring the productivity and competitiveness of the national production apparatus in order to restore the bases for economic recovery in keeping with the country's potential. The improvement of the investment climate through appropriate legislative measures as well as the deregulation of the modalities for financing economic activity are also part of this element.
In this connection the International Monetary Fund credit line of $113 million adopted on 20 September 1991 to bolster economic reform in Cote d'lvoire, as well as the $150 million loan granted on 1 October by the World Bank and designed to support the adjustment programme of Cote d'lvoire's financial sector, are both encouraging signs for the success of the new structural reforms undertaken by our country's Government.
Here I should like to thank our international partners - the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Economic Community and the African Development Bank - with whom we have enjoyed fruitful cooperation, as well as friendly countries, foremost among them France, which have never failed to provide us with the necessary support.
We are now living in the era of international cooperation. In this connection we are witnessing Worth-North development and cooperation, often with a sharing of national sovereignty in various sectors. The revitalization that is now occurring within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which includes the 16 States of Western Africa, and the signature of the treaty for the creation of the African Economic Community on 3 June 1991 at Abuja art signs of our awareness of the overwhelming need for setting up closer South-South cooperation in order to take full advantage of North-South cooperation ~ of course in the interest of both sides.
The imperatives of economic growth must not allow us to lose sight of another very important problem that effects all the members of the international community, whatever their level of development. I am referring to the challenge of the environment. Indeed, the constant deterioration of the environment we are witnessing every day affects developing as well as developed countries - for different reasons, of course, but with identical results.
The universality of the problem of the environment means that its solution must be sought within the framework of international cooperation based on interdependence and solidarity. That is why we place such great hopes in the forthcoming world Conference on the environment scheduled to be held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 5992. From that Conference we expect real commitments on the part of the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in the face of environmental deterioration, particularly through massive assistance to the developing countries, in general, and in particular to the African countries, which remain the most vulnerable in the short run.
Solutions to the environment problem must not be focused solely on the symptoms but rather must try to deal with the underlying causes, keeping intersectoral relations in mind, and the repercussions ecological problems can have over several generations, for the challenge we all face at the dawn of the twenty-first century is to improve and preserve insofar as possible the quality of life on our planet.
In conclusion, I would point out that in this interdependent world both victories and defeats are shared. The time when democracy is everywhere coming into its own as the true expression of individual freedom, the international community has the imperative duty to assist in the effective consolidation of new democracies by resolutely attacking the true causes of the economic catastrophe the under-developed world is experiencing. I mean by resolutely attacking the question of primary-commodity prices, whether agricultural, mining or mineral - for democracy without development will engender only instability and disorder, both of which defeat the objectives of the democracy that guarantees a more stable and more secure world. Peace, as President Houphouet-Boigny often says, cannot co-exist with poverty.
We are at the dawn of a new world order. In Cote d'lvoire, peace has become our second religion. We will spare no effort to bring forth this peace of hearts and minds. We have always given the highest priority to the right to life, that fundamental element of human rights. We therefore express the hope that the new world order will bring forth a world of peace and shared happiness.


On behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I extend to you our warmest congratulations on your election to preside over the deliberations of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. You bring to the presidency a wealth of experience as an accomplished diplomat of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, a country with which Kenya has very cordial relations. I wish to assure you of my delegation's full support and cooperation as you carry out the heavy responsibilities of your high office.
I also take this opportunity to compliment your predecessor, the illustrious Foreign Minister of Malta, Mr. Guido de Marco, for the able manner in which he conducted the affairs of the last session, and for the many missions he undertook on behalf of the General Assembly to convey to the international community the important decisions of the forty-fifth session.
To the Secretary-General we express our appreciation for the excellent services which he and his dedicated staff continue to render to the Organization and to the international community. His tireless efforts in the search for international peace and an equitable international order, in which all United Nations Member States, large or small, play an equally important role, have placed him among the truly great statesmen of our time.
Two weeks ago seven new Members were admitted into the Organization - the largest single admission in recent years. On behalf of the Government and people of Kenya, I take this opportunity sincerely to congratulate the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, and the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania on becoming Members of the United Nations. With their membership, the United Nations has moved closer to the realization of the principle of universality. The road to nationhood has been long and, for some, rough, but nevertheless a worthy journey.
We laud the new spirit of reconciliation which is emerging and which now underlines the relationship between some of the new Member States and their former adversaries. With the simultaneous entry into the United Nations of the two Koreas, a new chapter has opened which, we hope, will characterize their peace talks aimed at national unity. The current session of the General Assembly offers yet another opportunity to reflect on the dramatic developments that have taken place In the world in recent years. As in the past, the international community is looking to the United Nations for leadership in the search for the maintenance of international peace and stability.
Six months have passed since the coalition forces mounted a successful operation which restored sovereignty to the people of the State of Kuwait. Never before has our Organization shown such unity of purpose and resolute determination to put an end to naked aggression by a powerful neighbour against a tiny and helpless Member State. Kenya fully supported all the Security Council resolutions on the Iraq-Kuwait crisis, basing its support on the principle of the inadmissibility of acquisition of territories by use of force and the principle that wanton aggression must not go unpunished.
Several important lessons have emerged from the Iraq invasion of Kuwait, one of which is that those who ought to know better were complacent and, indeed, appear to have conspired to place deadly weapons, capable of mass destruction, into the hands of a nation in one of the most volatile regions of the world. For several years Kenya joined other delegations from developing countries in censuring certain developed nations which are also major arms manufacturers and exporters for their silence on questionable arms deals. Since such weapons were never intended for attacks on the suppliers, we had no illusions at all regarding their end use.
The time has come for these merchants of weapons of mass destruction and death, be they Governments or private companies in Member States, to put aside greed, profit and naked exploitation, and join the United Nations in calling for a world-wide ban on all chemical weapons and the limitation of trade in arms or greater transparency in their transfers by keeping a register of arms sales.
We still hear the sounds of drums of war six months after the end of the operations in the Gulf and what we thought was the beginning of full compliance with all Security Council resolutions. We want to express the sincere hope that sanity and better judgement will prevail over short-sighted, parochial and chauvinistic interests, and thus save humanity from the kind of costly misadventure that nearly plunged this generation into yet another world war.
Within the same region, the situation in the Middle East remains tense and fragile. Several resolutions that the United Nations has adopted in the past, aimed at reducing tension and laying the foundation for lasting peace in the Middle East, remain largely un-implemented. The right of Palestinians to a home of their own, as well as the right of the State of Israel to exist, cannot be compromised, nor indeed can the right of all States in that troubled region to live in secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
Several serious attempts have been made, including the current efforts and initiatives of the United States Secretary of State, James Baker, to reduce tension in the Middle East and create an atmosphere conducive to negotiations. We support these efforts as we have in the past, and it is our hope and prayer that they will meet with success.
Kenya believes, as do the majority of Member States, that at the root of the Middle East problem is the question of an equitable and just settlement of the Palestinian issue. Any solution that excludes representation of the Palestinians by those of their own choice is no solution, and will only prolong the misery and agony that have characterised the situation in the region.
The need for an international conference on the Middle East, attended by the five permanent members of the Security Council and all parties to the conflict, including the Palestine Liberation Organisation, has become more urgent. It is one sure way of arriving at lasting solutions, which should be guaranteed by the United Nations in accordance with its mandate.
Some of the most far-reaching changes in recent times have taken place in a relatively short span of time. These are changes which, as the Secretary-General has observed, are characterized by both the aspects of hope and the countenance of dangerous un-restraint. Their central theme is the democratisation of human societies everywhere.
Several speakers who have preceded me have eloquently articulated the problems and the prospects, pointing also to inherent dangers, particularly the assumption that there are those who possess a monopoly on truth and on knowledge of what is good for the rest of humanity and what constitutes good governance.
There is no country on Earth, indeed no government, in these times and age that can survive unless it protects and strictly upholds the fundamental rights of its citizens. Consequently, the argument is not against the imperative need to observe human rights, good governance, accountability, elimination of corruption and the fight against ethnic antagonism, wherever these social evils exist in our societies. Rather, the argument is about differing interpretations of what constitutes good governance, as well as the authoritarian assertion that if we differ then we must be wrong. In other words, we are being told that we are wrong because our critics are right, and that they are right because they say so.
The changes that started in Eastern Europe a few years ago are not necessarily out of the reach of many developing countries. Indeed, most of them were not necessary in the developing countries. Very few minor adjustments here and there are required, because the problems are not the same in the first place. What the developing nations need, more than anything else, is for existing social and economic institutions to be strengthened as a means to create stability for political structures.
We are encouraged by statements made by the representatives of the developed North which took cognisance of the need to strengthen democracies in the developing South, not by preaching moral virtues that may be totally alien to the cultural values and aspirations of the developing countries, but by taking concrete measures aimed at raising the living standards in those countries.
The world has shrunk into a small global village. We live in an age of electronic media and satellite communication systems. Events in one corner of the world, however remote, are instantly beamed into our homes, as we witnessed during the Gulf crisis. Under the circumstances, it is neither impossible nor difficult, in an age of instant global television, to detect and promptly react to problems as they arise. Natural disasters and calamities, massive transfers or movements of conventional weapons or instances of flagrant abuses of human rights can no longer go without detection.
The new international order, for which we all yearn, cannot be the responsibility of any one particular country. Rather, it is the collective responsibility of all of us. The role of the United Nations, as the Gulf crisis recently demonstrated, is a crucial one, and can be successfully played only through the concerted action of all its Members.
The General Assembly met in a special session five years ago to consider ways of supporting African efforts to alleviate the severe crisis that has gripped the continent and to lay the foundation for the continent's sustained economic and social development. The Assembly unanimously adopted the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, representing a unique agreement between African States and the international community, in which both sides committed themselves to serious and far-reaching efforts to accelerate Africa's development process. The Programme, which created major expectations for better prospects for Africa, came to an end in July this year. This session of the General Assembly will carry out the final review and appraisal of the implementation of the Programme and make recommendations.
Nevertheless, over the five years of the period of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, the economic and social conditions in the continent have actually worsened. This has occurred despite the many far-reaching measures and reforms undertaken by African countries under extremely adverse external conditions of deteriorating commodity prices, heavy external debt and rising net outflows of financial resources. This session of the Assembly therefore has the responsibility to come out with a clearly defined, action-oriented agreement on international support for the continued efforts of African countries during the 1990s.
The international community and the African countries should renew their commitment to a new agenda of cooperation for Africa's sustained social and economic development in the 1990s. To achieve this goal, urgent action is needed to accelerate economic growth to an average real growth rate of at least 6 per cent per annum of gross national product throughout the period of the new agenda, with the aim of increasing income and eradicating poverty.
If we fail to observe these guidelines, the new international order will have absolutely no meaning or relevance to the vast majority of the so-called third-world countries, some of whose citizens subsist on less than one dollar a day and whose countries are denied free access to the markets of the developed world through a series of restrictive and protectionist policies.
The beginning of this decade saw the reaffirmation of the supremacy of international law in the conduct of inter-State relations. One of the major causes of conflicts between nations throughout history has been failure to observe the basic principles of international law, one of whose cardinal provisions is the respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other States and their right to control their destinies.
It is therefore most fitting that we should be witnessing an increasing awareness of the need for respect for international law at the beginning of this decade, which the General Assembly has declared as the United Nations Decade of International Law. It is my delegation's hope that the declaration will invoke greater respect for international law and create a favourable atmosphere for implementation of the principle that all international disputes should be settled peacefully and through negotiation. This is one sure way of transforming the consensus expressed at the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly into specific activities in order to translate the ambitious programmes of the decade into reality.
Similarly, the end of 1970s and the beginning of 1960s witnessed a monumental step forward in the development and codification of one aspect of international law. I refer to the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. This most important Convention, which has been aptly described as a constitution for the oceans, was primarily to facilitate international cooperation and to promote the peaceful use of the seas and oceans, as well as the equitable and efficient utilization of ocean resources.
We note with great concern and regret, however, that the preparatory commission has begun to wind up its work without the broad acceptance that would allow for consistent and uniform application of the Convention. The Convention represents many years of negotiations, which successfully established a delicate balance on issues of global concern, and whose future is now left doubtful.
It is my delegation's hope that the Secretary-General will find wide support for his current efforts to bridge the gap between divergent views. Otherwise we shell run the risk of returning to the very uncertainties and instabilities that the Convention on the Law of the Sea was created to address.
Serious human trauma and tragedy still face the Horn of Africa - an area that, for decades, has witnessed numerous political and social upheavals, resulting in massive suffering of the worst kind ever witnessed in the region. The larger part of the region is on the brink of unprecedented famine. My delegation wishes to bring this matter to the attention of the world community as a matter of urgency. I refer in particular to the plight of the many thousands of women and children who are dying from the lack of basic life-supporting necessities.
In the past my country has exerted maximum efforts to deal with the situation arising from the traffic of refugees seeking temporary relief, with assistance from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other donor agencies. This time, however, the dimension and complexity of the problem of refugees in Kenya are far beyond the resources at our disposal. This is especially so because of the number of refugees involved - now more than 200,000 - and the fact that our economy, which is currently under a strenuous structural-adjustment process, is struggling to recover from the effects of the Gulf war, which had a serious effect on our tourist industry.
The situation calls for urgent assistance from the international community. I refer in particular to food, medicine, shelter, transport, clothing and other necessities. My President - Mr. Daniel Arap Moi - has already made a passionate plea to the international community for urgent assistance, not only for the refugees in our country but also for those displaced in the Sudan and Somalia, who are facing massive starvation and death.
Allow me, on behalf of the Government and people of Kenya, to convey our sincere thanks to those Governments and international agencies, as well as non-governmental agencies, that have come to the aid of the refugees in Kenya, and appeal for their continued assistance and valuable support for this worthy humanitarian cause.
In this regard, I wish to record the support of my delegation for the proposal made by various delegations - particularly those of the United Kingdom and of Norway, to mention only a few - that a mechanism be put in place to deal more promptly and effectively with such crises. Kenya has cooperated with various United Nations relief agencies and with governmental and non-governmental organizations involved in relief work and in the provision of assistance to neighbouring States. We hope to continue this cooperation in the years to come, in the service of humanity.
The importance and urgency of taking appropriate measures to protect the environment from further damage and to preserve it for future generations is a subject of global concern. The preparatory process for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, scheduled to take place in Brazil in 1992, concluded its third phase in Geneva last month with the warning that a lot of ground remains to be covered before Rio de Janeiro. Kenya hopes that at the fourth and final session, scheduled to take place in New York in March 1992, the remaining issues will be ironed out, and the gap bridged, so that the success of our Conference may be ensured.
The very survival of the human race in the years to come will depend increasingly on the ability of man to co-exist in harmony within his environment. All nations -- rich and poor, big and not so big - have a stake in this. The poor, non-industrialised nations must reconcile their development with their environment, just as the rich, developed countries, in the disposal of their industrial wastes, must pay great attention to the problems of preserving a sound environment. Because a good environment is incompatible with poverty, action on environmental control and protection must be addressed simultaneously with the development needs of the poor and developing nations.
The Commission on Human Settlements, at its thirteenth session, is recommending to the General Assembly the adoption, at this session, of a draft resolution for the convening of a world conference on human settlements, and is requesting the Secretary-General, in consultation with the Executive Director of the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (HABITAT), to take the necessary steps.
My delegation supports this proposal, which would offer a unique opportunity to evaluate and strengthen the progress of HABITAT, bearing in mind the fact that urbanization is becoming a major environmental problem in many developing countries.
Allow me, before concluding my remarks, to refer to recent developments and changes in South Africa. The leadership in that Republic has demonstrated commitment to the dismantling of the obnoxious policies of apartheid. My delegation believes that the international community - the United Nations in particular - should continue to play the same constructive role that it has played in the past in bringing about the dismantling of apartheid. Although a lot remains to be done, it is the view of my delegation that this Organization ought to take cognisance of the positive changes in the Republic of South Africa and lend its moral support for continued peaceful change.
Let clear and unmistakable signals go to the racist die-hards of the AWB clique, however, that, in this era of fundamental changes, the international community will not tolerate any attempts to put the clock back, that there will be no place to run to for solace and comfort should they insist on pursuing the short-sighted and outdated policy of racial supremacy.
Nothing could constitute a more gross abuse of human rights than giving comfort to a few die-hard racists who believe that they are destined by God to be a superior race.


Allow me at the outset on behalf of the delegation of the Maldives to convey to Ambassador Shihabi our sincere congratulations on his election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. His election is a tribute not only to his dedicated contribution to this Organization but also to the country he represents, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with which the Maldives has long had ties of friendship and bonds of Islamic brotherhood. I am fully confident that his wise guidance and leadership will enable this session of the General Assembly to deal effectively with the very important issues on its agenda.
Allow me also to express my delegation's deep appreciation and esteem to His Excellency Mr. Guido de Marco, President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session, for the distinction with which he discharged his onerous responsibilities. Maldives rejoices at this session's admission o£ seven new Member States to membership of our family of independent and sovereign nations, taking us yet another step closer to the realisation of the universality of the Organization. We are indeed happy to see among us the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands, which share with us many geographical features and entertain similar political and economic aspirations. He warmly welcome to our midst the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, two States with which the Maldives has long enjoyed a cordial and friendly relationship. He hope that their membership in the United Nations will help provide opportunities for the peoples of Korea to reconcile their differences and live in harmony. In addition, we are delighted and honoured to witness the return to the international community of the three Baltic countries, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania.
As we are about to carry out the important and difficult task of electing a successor to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar as the Secretary-General, allow me to pay a special tribute to him and salute him with admiration and gratitude. He in the Maldives will remember him as a man of wisdom, patience and great skill in diplomacy, and as a statesman who served the international community in difficult times with conviction and dignity. I take this opportunity to wish him well in the years to come.
We have witnessed dramatic changes on the international political scene during recent years. These changes have taken place in such rapid succession that the world has had to hasten to adjust itself to the changing realities. The events continue to flow one after another, giving us unprecedented opportunities for peace and for building a new world order based on justice and equality. This makes the current session of the General Assembly a very critical one. The United Nations, being the most universal of all international organizations, needs to address itself to these changes. More important, it needs to play a revitalized role as the guardian, as the broker and as the enforcer of peace and justice in the world. Let us at this moment, leaning on the lofty principles of our Charter, jointly show some creativity and redefine our objectives as the founding fathers of the Organization did 45 years ago.
Among other significant events in recent months, we have seen the happy ending of the cold-war escapades, and perhaps with it the East-West competition for supremacy, which sadly haunted the human race for over 40 years. While applauding the players for their vision and courageous decisions, we remain cautious about what the new world order promises us for the future. The expectations are no doubt high, and the demands are increasing as we go on dismantling the policies and alliances which imposed on the world an unjustified status quo, inhibiting the process of peace and justice. We are particularly apprehensive about whether this new order will be fair to the developing countries - especially the least developed among them.
My delegation is of the view that a new world order - if there is going to be one - should be fair and just, based on the very principles we have striven to put into effect in the past. It should be an order of peace and peaceful coexistence, tolerance and sensible compromise. It would be a pity if we were to allow fads of political hegemony, extreme protectionism, hard-core nationalism, and/or racism to grow again under our feet as we sit enjoying the comfort of the breeze blowing today; indeed this could have dire consequences. The new order should be democratically formulated and jointly implemented; an order that would address the concerns of the peoples in the North and South, East and West, without discrimination or privilege. In our endeavour to establish the new world order, we should never lose sight of the lofty principles enshrined  in the Charter of the United Nations. The new order should have as its pillars the principles of sovereign equality, territorial Integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations.
The responsibilities of the international community at this critical juncture in history are multifold. They include in the immediate term the acceleration of the process of disarmament, peaceful settlement of ongoing disputes, and the strengthening of the concept of legitimacy and the rule of law in relations between and among States.
In this context, we deeply appreciate the positive steps taken by the United States and the Soviet Union in the field of disarmament. In particular, we welcome the recent initiative taken by President Bush in declaring the decision of the United States Government to relinquish its short-range nuclear weapons. We are also encouraged by the positive response from President Gorbachev. We hope that this historic decision will set the tone for the long-anticipated process of eliminating all nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. We would definitely like to see an immediate halt to the proliferation of nuclear weapons, not only in the areas of conflict but also at the global and the regional levels.
Our attention is similarly focused at this juncture on the urgent need for a durable solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the core of which still remains the question of Palestine. We feel that a just and comprehensive settlement of the question of the Middle East will be possible only if the process includes recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self- determination and to establish a State
of their own on their own homeland. We hope that the recent efforts led by the United States, aimed at the convening of a peace conference, will produce positive results.
The problem of Cyprus is another issue which deserves our immediate attention. While supporting the relentless efforts of the Secretary General to resolve the question, we sincerely urge all parties concerned to make a renewed effort to reach an early settlement of the dispute on the basis of Security Council resolution 649 (1990), which we believe set forth a fair and practical means of reaching a comprehensive settlement of the dispute.
We have witnessed positive movements In South Africa towards the abolition of the evil system of apartheid, which is an affront to the entire human race. Although there have been some changes, it is a system not even one iota of which is acceptable. Therefore, my delegation supports the continuation of the international sanctions that have been imposed on the racist regime until the whole system of apartheid is totally dislodged.
The recent initiative of the permanent members of the Security Council, along with the relentless efforts of the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), gives us hope for the settlement of the Cambodian issue. However, we remain concerned about the situation in Afghanistan, where, despite the withdrawal of foreign troops and the agreements that have been signed between the parties, the fighting continues, preventing millions of Afghan people from returning to their homes and resuming a normal life. We call upon all parties concerned to resolve the problem urgently.
The Gulf crisis was an experience from which the world learned many lessons. The swift and determined reaction of the international community to repel the aggression against Kuwait should be commended. The demonstration of the working of the collective security system emphasised the need for strengthening the concept, of, and the mechanism for, international collective security. It also highlighted the fact that such a system needs to be consistently adhered to if international peace and security is to be maintained. There should be no differentiation between countries on the basis of size, power and economic wealth in the application of the Charter. The Gulf crisis and many other recent events have also highlighted the vulnerability of small States and their need for international support in facing security threats of different natures.
We remain strongly convinced that the issue of collective security, including the special problems of the small States, should be kept high on our agenda as we embark on a new international order. In the wake of the current trend towards the easing of international tension, a trend brought about as a result of dialogue and cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union, the United Nations is being asked to play an increasingly active role as the guarantor of international peace and security. It is a challenge and responsibility that the Organization can effectively accept only with the firm and continued support of all its Members, particularly the larger and more powerful States. For small States like the Maldives the United Nations has always been, and will always remain, the best hope for warding off challenges to their sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Therefore, the Maldives will be keen, with many other small Member States in this Organization, once again to review the issue of protection and security of small States during the current .session of the General Assembly, and we hope that we will find the same support and sympathy amongst the members of this body as we did two years ago when we initially put forward a proposal on this issue at the forty fourth session. In this respect, I should like to draw the attention of Member States to the Secretary General's report on the subject, which recognised, inter alia, that because of their intrinsic characteristics small States may need a special measure of attention and support and that, the international community has a vested Interest in safeguarding the security of small States. It also said that small States have a limited capacity to provide for their own security.
This is a very valid observation with regard to the realities that we face in our countries. We have a very narrow economic base, and thus any attempt to strengthen the security forces would entail a drainage of resources from other areas of development. At the same time, even a very short disruption of the political and economic mechanism of a country like ours by international adventurers, such as narco-terrorists or mercenaries, would do major harm to the economy, which might require a very long time to recover.
Environmental degradation is an issue which the new world order should have on its priority list. It is an issue which could threaten the very existence of many of our nations represented here at this Assembly. It has been a key concern of the Maldives, given the threats posed due to global warming and possible sea-level rise, which could endanger the very survival of our island nation. Indeed, environmental disasters of even a minor magnitude can have serious implications in countries like the Maldives, as was evidenced during late May this year, when we were hit by unusually strong storms, causing extensive damage. I should like to take this opportunity to express my Government's sincere gratitude for the generous assistance rendered by the international community in roping with relief and rehabilitation measures taken by the Government in connection with this disaster.
In concert with other South Asian nations, the Maldives Is currently Involved in the finalization of two important, environmental studies, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) study of natural disasters and the study of the greenhouse effect and its impact, on the region. It is our intention to have these two studies completed in time for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil next year. The Maldives looks forward with eager anticipation to participating in this very important Conference, with the hope that the Conference will be able to draw up a global environmental strategy that will ensure the protection and preservation of the environment and promote sustainable development for the benefit of future generations.
No agenda of a new international order could fail to include an item on developmental issues. It is this magic term "development" that all countries are striving for. All countries are aspiring to better development of their infrastructure, so that their citizens may enjoy a higher standard of living. However, in what should now be called the old order the opportunities for development were not fair. A small group of countries attained an extremely high standard of living at the expense of the rest of us. The terms of trade and other economic realities have been manipulated to maintain the group of us called "the loss developed countries" less developed. With decreasing tensions in the political and military spheres, it is hoped that the resources otherwise channelled to building weaponry will be utilized in helping the less developed countries, attain their aspirations. This we hope will be the peace dividend.
It is with these hopes and aspirations that we are beginning another session of the Assembly. We have an atmosphere which augurs well for the achievement of these aspirations and hopes, which we have held for a long time. We have never had an opportunity like this In the history of the Organisation. Therefore, we should not let this opportunity fade away.