Allow me at the outset to congratulate Mr.
Razali most warmly on his election as President of this
session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
I am convinced that his diplomatic qualities will
contribute greatly to the attainment of the objectives of
this session. It is my pleasure to express my gratitude to
His Excellency Mr. Diego Freitas do Amaral for the
excellent conduct and competence that he displayed
during his presidency of the previous session.
During the five years that have elapsed since the
declaration of our independence, and in the four years
since the Republic of Moldova was admitted to the
United Nations, we have tried to show the whole world
that we are a country that is seeking a worthy place in the
international community. My country’s choice of the rule
of law and a market economy has led to an increase in its
credibility at the international level. I should like to assure
the Assembly that the Republic of Moldova is irreversibly
committed to the path of democracy, which is the best
guarantee of sustainable development, peace and social
progress. I should like to stress that the process of
democratic reforms in our country has been, and
continues to be, supported by the United Nations and its
specialized agencies, by the European organizations and
by the entire international community. I take this
opportunity to extend thanks for this assistance, which is
essential for our programme of reforms.
The complex process of transition in the Republic of
Moldova and in the countries of Central and Eastern
Europe is facing difficulties that require additional means.
This reform has also created negative social phenomena,
which have particularly affected the most vulnerable
groups of the population. To alleviate these undesirable
effects, the Government has adopted and implemented
measures of social protection. The difficulties that we are
facing in promoting economic reforms are created not
only by a lack of experience but also by a shortage of
commodities and financial and energy resources. In this
respect, I should like to stress the importance of support
and encouragement offered to the Republic of Moldova
26

by the international financial institutions, by the United
Nations specialized agencies and by certain developed
countries. We will also need such support in the future to
smoothly carry out our reforms.
Integration into European economic and political
structures remains a priority of our foreign policy. We are
convinced that, given the objectives of economic and social
reform, the development and deepening of relations with
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE), the Council of Europe and the European Union, as
well as close cooperation in the context of the Partnership
for Peace programme and the North Atlantic Cooperation
Council, take on a new dimension. Such a process also
creates favourable conditions for the affirmation of the
Republic of Moldova as a sovereign and independent State.
We state our willingness to cooperate with regional
organizations to ensure stability in Europe as well as peace
and security throughout the world. The choice of permanent
neutrality stipulated in our Constitution explains why the
Republic of Moldova is not participating in, and does not
intend to join, the military structures of the Commonwealth
of Independent States or of other regional organizations.
The conflict in the eastern part of my country remains
an obstacle to democratization and to progress on economic
reforms. We cannot ignore the continuing violations of
human rights in the Transdnestr. The international
community has been informed of them many times. Despite
our negotiations and many appeals of international
organizations, we have yet to obtain the release of the
members of the Ilascu group, who were sentenced and
imprisoned illegally four years ago by the anti-constitutional
authorities of Tiraspol.We are concerned that the Moldavian
population in the schools and institutions of this region of
the country are banned from using Latin characters in the
study of their mother tongue.
This conflict still remains a central concern, despite
negotiations, despite the spirit of compromise of the
political leaders, and despite their will to resolve the
problems in the eastern zone through peaceful means, in
cooperation with international organizations such as the
United Nations and the OSCE, and together with the
assistance of the affected States, Russia and the Ukraine,
which have expressed their willingness to be guarantors.
The Republic of Moldova believes that the only
solution to the conflict lies in the development of a draft
law related to the special status of Transdnestr as an
integral part of a unified and indivisible State, in
accordance with our Constitution. In the context of
negotiations, we have already signed several interim
documents covering various aspects of the normalization
of the situation in this region. We remain true to the
principle of territorial integrity and of the sovereignty of
the State, which we will always respect. Unfortunately,
the authorities of the anti-constitutional republic are not
yet ready to accept the principle of territorial integrity and
of the sovereignty of the State.
We reaffirm our willingness to continue negotiations
with the authorities of Tiraspol in order to find a solution
to the Transdnestr conflict.
We consider that the process of a peaceful and
definitive solution to the conflict in the eastern zone of
the Republic of Moldova could be considerably
accelerated through the immediate, complete, ordered and
unconditional withdrawal of military units of the Russian
Federation.
We are concerned by the fact that these foreign
troops continue to be stationed on the territory of the
Republic of Moldova, which is contrary to our
constitutional stipulation of the neutrality of our country.
Although the agreement between the Republic of
Moldova and the Russian Federation relating to the legal
status, the method and the terms of withdrawal of Russian
military contingents stationed temporarily on the territory
of Moldova was signed two years ago, the Russian State
Duma has yet to ratify the agreement. We hope that the
competent Russian authorities will accelerate the entry
into force and the implementation of the Moldovan-
Russian agreement of 21 October 1994.
As regards to the revitalization of the United Nations
and the reform of its structures in the spirit of
democratization and in accordance of the latest world
developments, we note with satisfaction that the United
Nations as a guarantor of international peace, stability and
security has expanded its efforts through improving the
mechanisms for maintaining peace and has intensified its
activities in the area of preventive diplomacy and the
settlement of regional conflicts, and has developed new
concepts and means for crisis management such as stand-
by commitments and rapid-reaction forces. The Republic
of Moldova welcomes the efforts of the Conference on
Disarmament towards the adoption of the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.
At present, goals likely to help overcome the
financial crisis by finding the resources necessary for
effective action by the United Nations are fundamental. In
27

our view, the reform of the United Nations must also cover
the financial aspect. We can attempt viable solutions only
with the participation of all Member States.
The Republic of Moldova is not indifferent to this
situation and will make efforts to meet its financial
obligations. However, it is my duty to stress that we are
obliged to bear an assessment that is calculated at a level
which is exaggerated in comparison with our real
possibilities. This calculation has led to a situation where
the scale of assessments for our country is higher than that
of States with a similar level of development. It is high
time that we found an appropriate methodology reflecting
the capacity to pay of States. We hope that the spirit of
fairness and solidarity that reigns in the United Nations will
lead the General Assembly to recommend that the
Committee on Contributions revise and readjust the scale of
assessment to the level of indices that would truly reflect
the parameters of the economies of Member States. In this
context, the Republic of Moldova supports the proposal of
the European Union regarding the methodology regarding
the calculation of the scale of assessments, which we
consider to be fairer and more appropriate to the real
payment capacity of all Member States than that which is
used now.
The Republic of Moldova supports United Nations
reforms aimed at increasing the effectiveness of the
Organization and its main bodies, considering that this
innovative process reflects reality and the changes which
have occurred in the international system following the
cold-war era.
At the same time, the Government of the Republic of
Moldova attaches particular importance to the role the
Security Council plays in preventing the development of
new threats to peace and international security. Developing
conflicts, acts of aggression and interference in the internal
affairs of States threaten regional and international security.
The role of the Security Council in avoiding these dangers
is of prime importance. Aware of this role of the Security
Council as a collective decision-making body in the area of
peace and international security, the Republic of Moldova
considers that a change in its composition must be carried
out without hindering its effectiveness.
My delegation feels that an increase in the number of
seats on the Security Council should be carried out in a
balanced way including both permanent and non-permanent
seats, which would provide access for new members from
both the North and the South. As regards new permanent
seats, the President of our Republic, His Excellency
Mr. Mircea Snegur, proposed at the forty-ninth session of
the General Assembly that the status of permanent
member be given to the major economic Powers which
play an important role in economic affairs, such as
Germany and Japan. As for the increase in the number of
non-permanent seats, we find the Italian proposal
interesting, as it reflects the interests of most States
Members of the United Nations and offers a well-
considered solution to this question.
The Republic of Moldova is devoted to the
principles and to the ideals of the Charter of the United
Nations, and greatly appreciates the activities of the
United Nations, which for more than five decades has
shown itself to be a forum for harmonizing the efforts of
the peoples of the world in order to maintain international
peace and security and to ensure the development of
relations of friendship and cooperation among Member
States. The actions undertaken by the United Nations have
from the very beginning pursued the goal of building new
relationships among countries of the whole world.
After four years of activity as a full Member, the
actions of the Republic of Moldova within the context of
the United Nations remain among the priorities of its
foreign policy, aimed at giving our State a more active
presence at the international level as well as at the
development and intensification of relations of friendship
and cooperation with all members of the international
community. The Republic of Moldova is in favour of
harmonizing the interests of Member States.
In conclusion, I would like to express the hope that
the particular constructive spirit of the United Nations
which reigns once again at this session of the General
Assembly will enable us to respond to the challenges
facing the international community at this time. I am
convinced that the United Nations will remain a guarantee
of international peace and security and of economic and
social development worldwide. My delegation expresses
its willingness to contribute to effective cooperation with
the delegations of all Member States in order to attain the
purposes of the United Nations.


It is with great pleasure that
I take this opportunity to warmly congratulate you on your
unanimous election as President of the General Assembly
at its fifty-first regular session. Your election is a tribute
not only to your country, Malaysia, but also to you
personally. I am aware that you bring to the presidency of
the General Assembly wide experience in the field of
international relations, from which we stand to benefit
immensely. I would also like to wish you every success in
your important duties. I would further like to affirm the
readiness of my delegation to cooperate with you in the
discharge of your duties.
Allow me also to pay tribute to Mr. Diogo Freitas do
Amaral of Portugal, who presided over the fiftieth regular
session of the General Assembly with great skill and
dedication. His presidency did indeed enhance the
deliberative role of the General Assembly.
Furthermore, my delegation would like to record its
appreciation for the work of our esteemed Secretary-
General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, carried out under
trying conditions. Zambia greatly values the contribution of
the Secretary-General to the reform process of the United
Nations and can only hope that the entire membership
will give him a second term in order for him to complete
these reforms.
This session of the General Assembly is distinctive
because it is being held in the aftermath of the historic
fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, which we
observed last year. It will be recalled that in observing
and celebrating that important event, we made solemn
commitments to steer the world body towards the
progressive development of a world community that
would be cooperating effectively in dealing with global
problems in the interest of humanity. We also agreed that
the United Nations should be more democratic,
transparent and responsive and should be the common
property of all the people of the world, in whose name it
was created in the first place. We went on to state that we
wanted all citizens of the world to have real ownership of
the Organization. We also set for ourselves economic and
social goals. In some cases, we went as far as to agree on
specific time-bound targets by which progress would be
measured. This session, therefore, marks the beginning of
a process of fulfilling these solemn commitments that we
made last year.
Crucial to fulfilling these commitments is the issue
of the reform of the United Nations, which is now under
way. Reform and continuous renewal are indispensable if
the future of the Organization is to be secured. All of us
have to play our part with the hope and determination
necessary to carry forward the United Nations reform

agenda with speed and thoroughness. In this way, we can
work towards strengthening the Organization and make it
serve humanity more effectively. It is my conviction that
the United Nations can achieve greater success if we, the
stakeholders, work towards creating a much improved
Organization.
As the twenty-first century approaches, the greatest
challenge facing the international community is to improve
the living conditions of the majority of people. Every
human being must have access to opportunities that afford
a decent livelihood under conditions that are free from
want, disease, hunger and ignorance. The World Summit
for Social Development held in Copenhagen last year
adopted a framework to deal with poverty and other social
problems. Far too many people, especially women and
children, are vulnerable to marginalization and deprivation.
We need to invest more resources to end the conditions of
endemic human deprivation existing in many parts of the
world today.
There are several other areas where we need to
improve the social conditions of life. The first ever World
Congress on the Sexual Exploitation of Children, held in
Stockholm, Sweden, in August this year, presented in
graphic detail the atrocities being committed against
children. Many young lives are being wasted in the huge,
illegal international business of child prostitution and
pornography. As a civilized world, we cannot allow
lifestyles that are attuned to the sexual abuse of children. It
is the hope of my delegation that all countries of the world
will work expeditiously to implement the Agenda for
Action adopted at the World Congress. In the same vein,
the international community must continue to protect and
promote the rights of the child by implementing the
provisions of the Declaration and Programme of Action of
the World Summit for Children.
The United Nations has also articulated various
programmes aimed at the improvement of the status of
women and youth. Commitments contained in the Beijing
Declaration and Platform for Action, as well as the World
Programme of Action for Youth to the Year 2000 and
Beyond, require the devoted attention of the international
community, especially with regard to empowerment
strategies in the critical areas of employment, education,
health and participation in societal decision-making. It is
incumbent upon us all to honour the commitments we made
in the declarations and the programmes of action. My
country has committed itself to the attainment of the
objectives contained in these documents. Women and
children are invaluable resources that can be neglected
only at the world’s own peril.
It is fitting that we begin this session shortly after
the adoption of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty (CTBT). Zambia supported the adoption of this
Treaty because of our commitment to general and
complete disarmament under effective international
control. It is in the same spirit that my country signed the
Pelindaba Treaty, establishing Africa as a nuclear-free
zone, on 11 April this year. Zambia will be signing the
CTBT with the hope that all other countries of the world
will do so as well, in the spirit of the traditional
recognition by the United Nations that disarmament is one
of the priority questions of international relations. In this
regard, Zambia would like to call on nuclear-weapon
States to inject a new spirit of commitment to ensuring
nuclear disarmament, in accordance with article 6 of the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
In this connection, my delegation wishes to reiterate
the conviction that the time has indeed come for the
convening of another special session of the General
Assembly, in 1999, devoted to disarmament. My
delegation believes that such a session would offer
additional possibilities for the international community to
review, from a perspective more in tune with the current
international situation, the most critical aspects of the
process of disarmament in the post-cold-war era.
It is common knowledge that in most of today’s
conflicts the most widely used weapons are small arms
and light weapons. None is more menacing than land-
mines, the use of which is widespread. Currently more
than 110 million of them are buried in various parts of
the world, mostly in developing countries. The world
cannot continue to lose human lives from these lethal
weapons. In this regard, my delegation fully supports calls
for the banning at the global level of the use, stockpiling,
production and sale of anti-personnel land-mines for all
time. Zambia will therefore support initiatives, during this
session of the General Assembly, to effect such a global
ban.
The issue of small arms and light weapons brings
me to the question of conflicts in various parts of the
world that our Organization has increasingly been called
upon to resolve. The international community faces the
challenge of bringing peace in countries where warring
factions show, in some cases, irreconcilable ethnic
differences and other forms of intolerance.
2

The African region has its sad share of these conflicts
that have led to great loss of life, displacement of people
and the disruption of vital economic activities. Burundi is
one such major challenge. The measures to restore the
parliament in Burundi and unban political parties, which
were announced on 11 September by the military regime of
Major Pierre Buyoya, are steps in the right direction. My
delegation, however, wishes to underscore the point that
changes of Government should occur only through
constitutional and internationally accepted means.
Therefore, unless and until a constitutional Government is
established in Burundi, my Government will continue to
withhold recognition of the Buyoya regime. The immediate
action of the countries of the Great Lakes region to impose
sanctions on Burundi following the coup d’état of 25 July
1996 deserves the commendation of the United Nations.
There is no doubt that this action is what has forced the
military Government in Burundi to restore the parliament
and to unban political parties.
We are encouraged with regard to Rwanda by the fact
that the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda has
finally been established and that its work has started. It is
vitally important that the perpetrators of genocide in
Rwanda in 1994 should be brought to justice. This would
serve as a deterrent to others who would otherwise be
tempted to commit similar crimes. The re-emergence of
genocide, war crimes and other crimes against humanity
should be a source of great worry to the international
community. Such crimes should not be allowed to continue,
because they violate fundamental human rights and strike
at the very foundation of the international legal system.
The Economic Community of West African States
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) has done an admirable job
of containing the situation in Liberia and preventing it from
degenerating further. We are now seeing more promising
steps towards the settlement of the conflict in Liberia. The
gains achieved in Liberia can only be consolidated by the
continued support of the international community for
ECOMOG so that the timetable adopted at the recent Abuja
summit can be effectively implemented.
The peace process in Angola is also on track, as
evidenced by the quartering and disarmament, which are
now almost complete after some extensions. The Assembly
is also aware that only two days ago the situation in Angola
was deliberated upon by Heads of State or Government of
the Southern African Development Community in order to
bring the leadership of the Movimento Popular de
Libertação de Angola-Partido Trabalhista (MPLA) and the
União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola
(UNITA) together. Unfortunately, the UNITA leader,
Mr. Jonas Savimbi failed to attend.
Efforts to bring peace to Angola will nevertheless
continue. The regional summit on Angola demonstrated
the strong commitment of the leaders of southern Africa
to the resolution of the conflict in Angola. However, the
international community needs to be continuously
engaged in order to ensure that the situation is resolved.
We urge that the integration of former UNITA guerrillas
into the national army of Angola be speeded up to
consolidate the peace process. Zambia would also like to
urge Mr. Jonas Savimbi and other UNITA leaders to be
more resolute in the implementation of the commitments
they made in the Lusaka Protocol.
I wish to take this opportunity to commend the
Special Representative of the Secretary-General on
Angola, Mr. Alioune Blondin Beye, for the good work he
has done in the Angolan peace process. However, even
when peace finally comes to Angola, it will be important
for the international community to provide assistance to
that country in areas that will facilitate rapid national
reconstruction, such as mine clearance.
The issue of Western Sahara continues to be Africa’s
last unresolved colonial question. My delegation believes
that it is not beyond the wisdom of this Assembly to
overcome whatever obstacles may be standing in the way
of a referendum. We would therefore like to appeal to the
principal parties to cooperate with the Secretary-General
in finding a lasting solution to this problem.
With regard to Somalia, my delegation is concerned
at the apparent lack of efforts by the international
community towards finding a lasting solution to the crisis
in that country. The situation in Somalia is also not
conducive to regional peace and security. We therefore
call upon the international community to seek ways and
means through appropriate organs to assist the people of
Somalia to reach accommodation with each other, just as
we call on the Somali factions themselves to work
towards a genuine political settlement so that peace may
return to that country.
The situation in the Middle East is a source of great
danger to regional peace and security. We urge the parties
to the conflict not to abandon but to consolidate the peace
process brought about through sacrifice and painstaking
work. The violent confrontation that has taken place in
the past three days is a matter of grave concern to us.
Zambia still believes, however, that the parties will
3

harness the moral courage and the political will that are
necessary to return to the peace process. Zambia believes
that for the peace process to restart and gain momentum,
the new Government in Israel should respect and implement
the agreements already reached on the Middle East peace
process, in accordance with the norms of international law.
Since its inception, the United Nations has faced the
challenge of facilitating effective international economic
cooperation. However, we have yet to attain a satisfactory
level where countries of the world can pursue prospects for
development through the machinery of the Organization.
Multilateralism is indispensable to the management of the
process of the globalization of the world economy that is
now going on. Major issues like foreign direct investment,
currency stability, external debt problems, international
trade and commodity price stabilization require durable
multilateral cooperative arrangements.
It is the hope of my delegation that the current work
taking place at the United Nations on an Agenda for
Development, the strengthening of the United Nations and
prospective new modalities for financing operational
activities for development will generate possibilities to
implement fully the provisions of Chapter IX of the Charter
of the United Nations. It is also the hope of my delegation
that the reform of the Bretton Woods institutions will not
further erode the capacity of the United Nations to deal
with economic questions.
It is, however, a matter of concern to my delegation
that United Nations agencies and departments are facing
budget cuts because of the continuing financial crisis of the
world body. Our concern is heightened by the fact that in
March this year, the United Nations embarked on a decade-
long process of promoting African development through its
System-wide Special Initiative for Africa. The United
Nations, which is at the centre of the implementation of the
Special Initiative, requires strong institutional capacities.
The continuing financial crisis is certainly going to erode
this institutional capacity further.
The Special Initiative and the Zambian economic
reform programme complement each other. We hope that
this is also the case with other African countries. We are
also particularly happy that the Special Initiative gives
prominence to peace-building, conflict resolution, national
reconciliation and strengthening of the capacity for
governance in the wide agenda of socio-economic
development on the African continent. As is well known,
economic progress in Africa has all too often been
undermined by conflicts.
As the international community supports African
development, we once again draw its attention to the
burden of external debt that is stunting African
development. Both the Special Initiative and the United
Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in
the 1990s recognize that the major obstacle to sustained
economic growth and development is the problem of
external debt. It is the expectation of my delegation that
deeper debt reduction going beyond the Naples terms can
be agreed upon in the near future. Deep debt reduction
will go a long way in facilitating domestic savings and
investments in Africa, especially in the social sectors, and
thereby reduce poverty, environmental degradation and
dependency on aid.
Before I conclude, I should say a few words about
the political situation in Zambia. In November 1991, my
country embarked on a multi-party democratic process.
We are almost at the end of the first five-year period of
democratization. Zambia will hold presidential and
parliamentary elections this year under conditions of firm
political stability. We are determined to maintain this
stability by ensuring that peace prevails throughout the
election period. The Movement for Multiparty
Democracy, which is currently running the Government,
has been unequivocal in condemning all forms of political
violence and intolerance.
There is no political crisis in Zambia. The people of
Zambia have continued with their daily lives in peace,
security and full confidence in the political process of the
country. In order to demonstrate good faith in the conduct
of the democratic process, the Government of Zambia has
invited international observers to participate in monitoring
our elections. These are in addition to local independent
election monitors. It is our desire that as many observers
as possible should participate in this process, which is
aimed at consolidating democracy.
Zambia believes that the ideals of the United Nations
are indispensable to the development of the partnership of
countries. It is therefore the supreme duty of all of us to
promote and uphold them. In this context, I would like to
conclude by reaffirming the faith of my delegation in the
ideals of the United Nations.


Allow me first
of all to congratulate the President most warmly on his
election to serve as President of the fifty-first session of the
General Assembly.
I also wish to convey my thanks to the previous
President, Mr. Freitas do Amaral, for the commitment, skill
and poise with which he led our work at the last session of
the Assembly.
I would also like to convey my appreciation to our
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
ongoing outstanding work for our Organization since
beginning of his term.
The views of the Luxembourg Government on the
major international issues are the same as those expressed
by our European Union partners. They were presented to
the Assembly yesterday morning by Mr. Dick Spring,
President of the Council and Minister for Foreign Affairs
of Ireland.
Luxembourg learned with great satisfaction that our
General Assembly, by an overwhelming majority, had
adopted and opened for signature the resolution
containing the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.
Yesterday, on behalf of the Luxembourg Government, I
signed that document, which marks substantial progress
towards the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the
creation of a safer and more humane world. I hope that
the parties concerned will continue to work to create the
right conditions for the rapid entry into force of this
Treaty.
Also in the area of disarmament, I support without
reserve the United Nations work on the question of anti-
personnel landmines, which day after day, long after the
guns have fallen silent in a conflict, continue to claim
countless victims. If there is any evil which must be
eradicated, this is it.
I rejoice in the significant progress which has been
achieved, in less than a year, in the conflict in the former
Yugoslavia. I welcome the holding of elections on 14
September, which marks a decisive stage for the future of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnians, Serbs and Croats must
now organize their cooperation by first setting up
common institutions.
I regard these elections as a first, important step in
the framework of a process of democratization and
stabilization that must be carried further. Its success will
depend above all on the Bosnian parties. It will also
depend on neighbouring countries, in particular Croatia
and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Lastly, it will
depend on the support of the international community. My
Government is in favour of continued international
civilian and military action in order to create the
environment required to preserve peace and prevent a
return to war.
Luxembourg is concerned by the check to the peace
process in the Middle East that has followed the change
of Government in Israel. We take the view that there is
13

no alternative to this complex and fragile process: the fruit
of arduous negotiations. We urge our friends in Israel to
pursue this process, to comply with and execute the
commitments undertaken pursuant to the Oslo agreements
and to avoid creating fresh obstacles. We fear that any
other policy may generate further tension and once again
trigger a spiral of violence that would inflict suffering on
all the peoples of the region. The alarming events that took
place on the West Bank today threaten to destroy the results
of several years of effort to achieve a just and lasting peace
in the Middle East.
The Luxembourg Government condemns the recent
attacks launched by the Government of Saddam Hussein on
the Kurdish population of northern Iraq. It was inevitable
that measures would be taken to react to this fresh
offensive. We call for a complete withdrawal of Iraqi forces
and for full respect for the territorial integrity of Iraq. We
hope that the implementation of the “oil-for-food”
resolution may take place without delay in order to relieve
the hardships suffered by the civilian population of that
country.
The situation in the Great Lakes region of Africa, in
particular in Burundi, continues to give us the greatest
cause for concern. I fully support the efforts of the United
Nations, in close cooperation with the Organization of
African Unity, to avert both the occurrence in Burundi of
a tragedy such as occurred in Rwanda and a deterioration
of the situation which could plunge the region into war.
Over the last year, the United Nations has substantially
cut the number of its peace-keeping operations. This
reduction in our activities and the set-backs that we have
witnessed in the past should not, however, diminish our
efforts to enhance the United Nations capacity to avert,
prevent the spread of and halt conflicts, and to save human
lives.
It is utterly unfair to criticize the United Nations
whenever a peace-keeping operation runs into difficulties.
Many of the shortcomings attributed to the United Nations
could be resolved if all Member States undertook to pay
their contributions to our Organization and, especially,
make available to it the resources that it needs. For this
reason, Luxembourg supports the ongoing work and
reflection aimed at equipping the Organization with a rapid-
intervention force that would enable it to react to crises in
a timely fashion. Where non-military means have failed, it
should be possible to deploy well-trained and properly
equipped peace-keeping contingents in the field very
promptly in order to give practical effect to the Security
Council’s decisions.
Greater responsibility should henceforth be given to
regional organizations. The Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is nowadays playing a
leading role in conflict management in Europe and the
Caucasus. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) in the former Yugoslavia and the Organization
of African Unity (OAU) in the Great Lakes region are
doing the same. Other regional and subregional
organizations in Africa, Latin America and elsewhere are
performing similar tasks with the support of the United
Nations.
International security begins with the security of the
individual, with respect for his fundamental rights and his
protection against any violation of those rights, including
the actions of his own Government. Nothing, therefore,
can justify violations of human rights, which by their very
nature have universal value. Our Organization plays an
important role in developing international machinery
designed to provide effective protection for human rights.
This role takes the form, among others, of the efforts to
carry out systematic investigations and enquiries with a
view to sanctioning those responsible for violations of
international humanitarian law and human rights.
Luxembourg supports the early creation of an
international criminal court, which would be a decisive
step forward in ensuring respect for the principles of
international law.
Among the most vulnerable human beings are our
children, and they therefore deserve special protection.
The adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the
Child marks a major advance. Scrupulously applied, that
Convention will be an invaluable instrument in
safeguarding children against physical and psychological
violence. In 1995 my Government proposed to the United
Nations a similar, indeed, a complementary initiative, to
eliminate the exploitation of child labour. I welcome this
Assembly adoption of that proposal designed to come to
the aid of the tens of millions of children forced to work
from an early age. This effort should be strengthened and
further pursued. Luxembourg also hails the results of the
Stockholm World Congress on the Commercial Sexual
Exploitation of Children. My Government is resolved to
foster international cooperation in the prevention and
suppression of sexual exploitation of children in order to
effectively protect and safeguard children at the
international level against such criminal practices.
14

The globalization of the world economy is bringing
about profound changes in international relations. A
veritable revolution in information and communication
technologies reducing geographic distances to nothing has
led to a speeding up of business transactions and financial
flows, as well as increased integration of markets.
Generally accepted ideas have been turned upside down,
and serious questions have been raised even among
industrialized countries, where unemployment has grown to
alarming proportions.
At the same time, we note that a significant number of
developing countries remain on the sidelines of
development and remain in great poverty. At a time when
our Organization proclaimed 1996 International Year for the
Eradication of Poverty, more than 1.5 billion human beings
continue to live in a state of absolute poverty. We cannot
remain indifferent to this situation. What should particularly
disturb us is the inequality gap, which is widening both
within countries and between the countries of the North and
the South. This is a dangerous source of new tensions and
conflicts.
The United Nations Development Programme’s latest
report on human development speaks of worldwide social
fragmentation. It underscores the widening disparities
between rich and poor States and increased imbalances in
societies between inhabitants of the same country. The
population explosion and uneven access to the fruits of
technological progress further compound these distortions.
This trend is likely to trigger increasingly massive
migrations within countries and from poor countries to
richer ones.
In order to remedy this situation, I propose to develop
a new strategy based on four main courses of action. First,
we should provide follow-up to, and translate into
operational activities, the results of the major conferences
held since the beginning of this decade in Rio, Vienna,
Cairo, Copenhagen, Beijing and, most recently, in Istanbul.
The World Food Summit scheduled by the Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) for
November and the special session on sustainable
development in the spring of 1997 are also opportunities to
define an integrated programme of action to foster human
development.
Secondly, we must halt the persistent decline of funds
made available for development, a symptom of “donor
fatigue”. In each of our countries we must launch a new
movement of solidarity to benefit the poorest and least
developed countries. The Government of Luxembourg has
decided to increase year by year its contribution to
cooperation for development. Our intention is to achieve
the target of devoting 0.7 per cent of our gross national
product to official development assistance before the end
of this decade. A significant portion of these funds will
be made available to the various funds and programmes
of the United Nations system. This is not simply a
question of solidarity and social justice on a world scale;
it is, above all, a preventive policy designed to contribute,
however modestly, to peace by encouraging development.
The third main course of action is to strengthen the
United Nations capacity to act in the economic and social
field. That strengthening requires courageous reforms of
its structures. Above and beyond the proposals of the
Summit of major industrialized countries at Lyon, which
I welcome, I advocate a single rigorous coordination
structure for all economic and social activities and,
especially, a concerted restructuring of the bodies and
mandates concerned. In this context, I note with interest,
the proposal of the XX Congress of the Socialist
International, which took place recently in this very
building, calling for the setting up of integrated economic
institutions on the regional and international levels and for
the setting up of a United Nations economic security
council.
Fourthly, we must develop cooperation with the
representatives of organized civil society, which is to say,
the non-governmental organizations.The participation of
non-governmental organizations in international
organizations reinforces, in a sense, the political
legitimacy of those international bodies. The
representatives of civil society nowadays play a key role
in the activities of the United Nations system, whether in
the promotion of human rights and democracy, in
humanitarian assistance or in cooperation for
development. They make an invaluable contribution not
only to the Organization’s operational activities but also
to its thinking processes, as attested to by the significant
participation of non-governmental organizations in the
preparation, holding and follow-up of the major world
conferences organized by the United Nations.
This new dimension of our work was also
highlighted at the congress of the World Federation of
United Nations Associations, whose fiftieth-anniversary
meeting, I am proud to note, was held in Luxembourg a
little over a month ago.
The financial situation of our Organization continues
to be a matter of grave concern. As of July, the United
15

Nations cash flow was exhausted, and this situation can
only worsen between now and the end of the year.
Any attempt at a radical reform of the system will be
futile if we continue to neglect the fundamental need to put
it on an adequate and reliable financial footing. The United
Nations cannot discharge its important responsibilities
effectively if it is reduced to constant worry about making
ends meet.
Admittedly, the Organization could do even more to
control its expenditure and enhance its effectiveness.
Greater attention should be given, inter alia, to the question
of establishing each State’s assessed contribution, which
should be based on objective criteria and reflect each
country’s real ability to pay. However, the crisis will be
overcome only if each Member State fulfils its obligations
by making full, timely and unconditional payment of its
financial contribution. I therefore unreservedly support the
proposals made by the European Union in this regard.
In the ongoing reform process, one aspect is of
particular significance. Within our Organization, the
Security Council bears unique responsibilities as the organ
entrusted with preventing and resolving conflicts.One of the
greatest lessons to be learnt from the experiences and
setbacks of recent years is that Security Council members
must, if they wish to preserve its credibility, demonstrate
their determination to enforce their decisions, once taken.
The credibility and effectiveness of the Council with
regard to peace-keeping and international security will be
reinforced by the establishment of more open, transparent
and collegial decision-making processes while maintaining
close consultation with the countries supplying matériel and
contingents. The not-insignificant progress made in this
respect in the recent past should be integrated into the
system.
In addition, the Council’s legitimacy, and probably the
quality of its decisions, would also benefit from a
readjustment in membership. The enlargement of the
Council should take into account the ability of member
States to contribute to peace-keeping and to the
achievement of the Organization’s goals. A better balance
must be struck between industrialized and developing
countries.
The passing of the bipolar world has freed our planet
from the ideological, political and military fetters that
impeded to an extraordinary degree our capacity to act.
Relieved of the threat of global confrontation and nuclear
holocaust, we are now faced with a series of worldwide
problems, old and new, that includes underdevelopment,
environmental degradation, the proliferation of all kinds
of weapons, terrorism, ethnic conflicts, drug trafficking,
violence and crime in all its guises.
Luxembourg is convinced that the solution to those
problems lies not in isolationism, nor in nationalism, nor
in fundamentalism of any description. We would also be
deluding ourselves were we to put our trust solely in the
market and private initiative to remedy all humanity’s ills.
Only through an approach based on cooperation,
solidarity, tolerance and mutual esteem can we tackle
those problems successfully at both the regional and the
world levels.
This has been the approach of the European Union
and its member States, which have succeeded in attaining,
in Europe, a level of stability and prosperity hitherto
unknown. The approach is based on the concept of
democracy and of a market economy that is not
uncontrolled but socially responsible, one in which the
State fully shoulders its responsibilities in the areas of
health, education and social justice. The system requires
constant adjustments, but its principles and bases are not
subject to debate. Other parts of the world have also
successfully entered into a process of cooperation and
regional integration.
On the world level, the United Nations is the only
truly universal Organization. We must work at this level
to make a contribution vital to the solution of global
problems, one that will complement the efforts being
made at the regional level.
That is the new and important responsibility that
became evident in the course of the events and meetings
that occurred the world over in commemorating the
fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations last year. There
was emphasis on the need to set up new structures and to
reform the United Nations, to give it the requisite capacity
for review, action and cooperation.
It is our hope that, with a heightened awareness of
the interests of all mankind we, the representatives of the
States Members of the United Nations, will succeed in
displaying the vision, courage and political resolve needed
to make our Organization an effective instrument capable
of facing the challenges of the third millennium.


I congratulate
Mr. Razali on his election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its fifty-first session. We are more
than convinced that his vast experience and diplomatic
skills will prove to be vital assets at this session of the
Assembly. I assure him that my delegation will cooperate
fully with him in the fulfilment of his onerous
responsibilities.
Furthermore, I would like to pay tribute to his
predecessor, Professor Diogo Freitas do Amaral, who
steered the work of the Assembly through its historic
fiftieth anniversary in a commendable and honourable
way.
Our tribute also goes to the Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali for his distinguished leadership of
our Organization during the past year. We are especially
grateful to him for his tireless efforts to enhance the
Organization’s role in maintaining international peace and
security as well as in promoting international economic
development and cooperation.
At the last session of the General Assembly, when
we celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations, we witnessed the largest-ever gathering of Heads
of State and Government. On that occasion, the world
leaders made a historic reaffirmation of our commitment
to the purposes and principles of this Organization as
enshrined in the Charter. Besides taking stock of the
progress made and the lessons learnt during the past 50
years, the world leaders endeavoured not only to
recapture the vision of the founding fathers of the United
Nations, but also to chart the institutional framework and
operational parameters that could enhance the
Organization’s relevance and effectiveness in a changed
international landscape. My delegation sincerely hopes
that we will all be able to take full advantage of this
renewed commitment to the Organization to ensure that
the United Nations system as a whole is reformed,
revitalized and rendered more efficacious, transparent,
accountable and democratic.
The United Nations, as the universally accepted
matrix of multilateralism, must, in the post-cold-war era,
play a vastly expanded role in the domain of peace-
keeping and make a positive contribution to the new
phenomenon of globalization and its increased levels of
economic and social interdependence, as well as the
technologically fuelled transnational linkages among the
countries of the world. The Organization therefore faces
an inescapable imperative for reform and revitalization.
16

In this regard, my delegation is deeply perturbed by
the slow progress made by the Open-ended Working Group
on the Question of Equitable Representation on and
Increase in the Membership of the Security Council. We in
Africa maintain that the present arrangement, in which
Africa and Latin America have no permanent
representatives on the Security Council, while Asia has only
one, is unjust and antidemocratic and must not be allowed
to continue. Those three regions should each have at least
two permanent seats, with incumbents enjoying the same
rights and privileges as the present permanent members.
Additional non-permanent seats should also be allocated to
each of those regions so as to ensure equitable geographical
representation proportionate to the numerical strength of
each region in this Organization.
In other areas of reform, our primary objective should
be to reaffirm the role of the General Assembly as the
highest decision-making body in the entire United Nations
system. Any process of restructuring, revitalization or
strengthening should necessarily redress the erosion of the
principle of the accountability of all principal and
subsidiary organs and specialized agencies of the United
Nations to the General Assembly. My delegation will
therefore seek resolutely to uphold the authority of the
General Assembly as enshrined in the Charter and,
consequently, will oppose any proposals or
recommendations that might lead to the usurpation of the
authority of the General Assembly under any guise or form.
Accordingly, we will not agree to authorizing the
Secretariat to amend, postpone or cancel any official
programme activities without the express approval of the
General Assembly, whose prerogative it is to give, change
or withdraw the mandates of such programme activities.
My delegation is of the strong view that reform should
not necessarily be equated with the downsizing of the
United Nations system. We also feel that an optimally
streamlined and strengthened United Nations system will
not necessarily be responsive to the needs of its
membership as long as it is subjected to chronic cash-flow
problems. The appalling record of some Member States that
dishonour their financial obligations to the United Nations
and our endless lamentations over the resultant financial
crises have clearly brought into question the credibility of
the Organization and the commitment of its membership. In
our view, the time is long past for us to re-examine all the
efforts that we have been exerting in an endeavour to
identify and agree on the formulation and mechanisms to
deal with the current financial crisis that has beset the
Organization. Unless Member States take serious steps to
clear their arrears and improve their payment pattern by
remitting their assessed contributions promptly, in full and
without conditions, the United Nations will continue to
dither on the brink of bankruptcy and its efficacy will be
totally compromised. It is imperative that we, the Member
States, create a capacity for the Organization to fulfil the
mandate we have given to it.
The United Nations’ role in maintaining international
peace and security must of necessity have a global thrust
in both the geographical sense and the conceptual
framework. Peace-threatening conflicts in any part of our
global village should never be seen to attract differential
attention depending upon their geographical location,
strategic interest, ethnic complexion or such other narrow
considerations of the big Powers.
The much-belated intervention and subsequent
failure of the United Nations in Somalia and its half-
hearted interventions in Rwanda, Burundi and Liberia
have exposed the Organization to harmful criticism, which
has led to a further decline in its credibility. United
Nations peacekeeping efforts in Africa have generally met
with mixed fortunes. We have yet to see the Namibian
and Mozambican success stories repeat themselves in
several other trouble spots on the continent.
Although the peace process in Angola continues to
run behind schedule, we are persuaded that the seeds of
lasting peace have been sown in that country. We need to
redouble our efforts in urging the Angolans to persevere
along the present bumpy road of peace on the basis of
national reconciliation and unity.
Although the humanitarian situation in Somalia has
improved somewhat since the intervention of the United
Nations, that country remains in political turmoil from
which it cannot rescue itself fully without the sustained
involvement of the international community. We therefore
call upon the international community, through the United
Nations, to review its current minimalist approach to
Somalia, explore new possibilities for constructive
engagement and give peace another chance.
In Burundi, the fundamental challenge of having
democracy with security has now been compounded by
the need to stop generalized violence and to return the
country to constitutionality. The United Nations should
support the sterling efforts of Burundi’s neighbours to
assist that country to achieve peace and stability. The
tragedy of genocide in Rwanda must not be allowed to
repeat itself in Burundi. No!
17

In Liberia, brute force and violence must not be
allowed to triumph. The parties should be made to honour
the peace agreement already reached through the good
offices of the Economic Community of West African
States. The people of Liberia have suffered enough. The
United Nations must send a clear message to the warlords
in that country that our common humanity may soon impel
us to try them for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
With regard to the stalled peace process in Western
Sahara, it is imperative that the international community,
through the United Nations, honour the spirit and letter of
the commitment it made to the disenfranchised people of
that territory and ensure that a free and fair United Nations-
supervised referendum takes place there on the basis of the
United Nations Settlement Plan for Western Sahara.
In the Middle East, we appeal to the new Government
of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization to
continue on the path of peace and reason, as espoused by
the late Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Yitzhak Rabin, who
paid with his life that the two peoples might live together
in peace and harmony. Renewing the construction of
settlements on Palestinian land is no contribution to peace.
It undermines the peace process. There is no alternative to
peace. We therefore urge the parties to remain committed
to the peace process until Palestinian self-determination and
a Palestinian State become realities. It is only in this
context that the security of Israel can be guaranteed.
Commitment to peace has remained the centrepiece of
the Non-Aligned Movement. Thirty-five years ago, the
founding fathers of this Movement had a vision of a world,
inter alia, living in peace and harmony, free of nuclear
threat and super-Power rivalry. Two days ago, we had
occasion to commemorate that vision. We found it to be as
relevant and powerful today as when it was first articulated
35 years ago. We recommitted ourselves, among other
things, to pursuing the goal of a world at peace, free from
the threat of weapons of mass destruction. We reaffirmed
that complete nuclear disarmament is a sine qua non for the
survival of humanity on our planet. We therefore appeal to
all nuclear Powers to agree to ban the production, testing
and use or threat of use of nuclear weapons and other
weapons of Armageddon.
To enhance this Organization’s accountability and
credibility, the decision-making process with regard to
United Nations peace-keeping mandates must cater to an
increased role for the general membership of the
Organization, starting with troop-contributing countries.
Furthermore, efforts such as those which entail preventive
diplomacy and post-conflict peace-building, as spelled out
in the Secretary-General’s report, “Supplement to an
Agenda for Peace”, clearly fall within the domain of the
General Assembly. Moreover, it is our view that the
United Nations is the only Organization which is uniquely
charged with a global mandate to maintain international
peace and security. This means therefore that regional
peace-keeping efforts can only complement and not
substitute the leading role of the United Nations.
The United Nations should also enhance its role in
promoting international cooperation in other spheres of its
competence, particularly that of trade. Only a few months
ago, the international community celebrated the successful
launching of the World Trade Organization, following
protracted multilateral trade negotiations. For this new
multilateral trade regime to work, it is imperative that
member States resist the temptation to initiate practices or
policies that seek to compromise the sovereignty of other
member States or to reintroduce colonialism in another
guise. Developed countries should live up to their
commitments and abandon protectionist policies if all
countries are to benefit from the new trading
arrangements. Improved market access and increased
foreign direct investment must be accompanied by new
and innovative ways to tackle the debt burden of
developing countries, with a view to finding a
comprehensive and once-and-for-all solution to the debt
problem.
Given the negative economic trends in some of our
countries, the developed countries and international
financial institutions should seriously consider debt-
forgiveness for low-income developing countries. Such a
course of action would stop the flight of much-needed
resources from these countries and create new possibilities
for real savings for investment and growth. I wish to
affirm that we, the developing countries, fully accept and
recognize that we bear the primary responsibility for our
own development; we have accordingly undertaken
various economic structural adjustment reforms, often at
enormous social and political cost. These ambitious and
painful reforms could flounder if developed countries fail
to complement these sterling efforts by taking decisive
measures to reduce the stock of our debt and by removing
the wall of protectionist barriers. We also call on the
developed countries to take decisive measures, as a matter
or urgency, to increase the flow of official development
assistance, private investment and the transfer of
technologies to developing nations.
18

In a few days, world leaders will assemble in Rome
for yet another world summit. This time, the international
community will focus its attention on the important
question of food security and the good health of the people
of the world. Unfortunately, even the increased food
supplies in the world are inaccessible to more than 1.5
billion hungry people who are acknowledged to be living in
abject poverty. We cannot accept that the legacy of hungry
and malnourished people is what our generation will
bequeath to the twenty-first century.
We expect development to bring food to our dining
tables, clean water into our homes, better housing,
improved health and security to all our children. The
present trend towards globalization and the deepening
interdependence among economies should foster a universal
feeling and sense of belonging to the global village whose
concept we have now come to take for granted, but whose
benefits accrue to only a few countries.
Only last week, this Assembly carried out a review of
the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of
Africa in the 1990s. In the statements made by
representatives of African countries, it was made
abundantly clear that the international commitments made
in 1991, like those made at the launching of United Nations
Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and
Development 1986-1990 earlier, had not been fulfilled. We
therefore call on the international community, and our
development partners in particular, to mobilize the requisite
financial resources to augment our efforts and give fresh
impetus to the realization of the goals set out in United
Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the
1990s.
When the founding fathers of the United Nations
outlined the purposes and principles of this Organization,
they envisioned a United Nations that would
“be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in
the attainment of these common ends.”
As we seek to enhance the relevance of this
Organization to the world today, it is imperative that we
understand that the vast majority of the people of this world
expect the United Nations to be a principal actor for
progress and change, and to be equipped to play an
effective and leading role in improving the economic and
social situation of the world’s citizens. As we
commemorate the International Year for the Eradication of
Poverty, we are alarmed at the growing extent of abject
poverty, which now engulfs 20 per cent of the world’s
population. That poverty is the root cause of most of the
world’s social ills, including strife and peace-threatening
conflicts, cannot be overemphasized. We appeal to
Governments the world over to respond in earnest to the
clarion call of the Copenhagen world social summit and
to spare no effort at both the national and international
levels, to roll back the advancing scourge of poverty.
It is needless to stress that the elimination of poverty
and the attainment of the broader goal of sustainable
development will remain impossible to achieve unless
nations show renewed political resolve to implement
policies aimed at enabling humankind to better manage
and live with its environment, as agreed to at the Rio
de Janeiro summit and at subsequent Conferences. The
ever-dwindling natural resource base, global warming,
persistent droughts and desertification are eloquent
reminders that humankind’s current destructive processes
of growth are pushing our planet towards the precipice.
Under these circumstances, the search for safer,
environmentally sound and sustainable approaches to
development, including the utilization of new and
renewable resources, has become more urgent now than
ever before.
Only last week, leaders from 103 countries, from all
regions of the world, heeding this historic challenge of
our time, gathered in Harare, Zimbabwe, for the first-ever
World Solar Summit to map out strategies aimed at
promoting the development and utilization of solar and
other forms of renewable energy. In recognition of the
important role that solar energy can play in the
advancement of socio-economic development and in
reducing environmental degradation, the Summit adopted
a comprehensive World Solar Programme 1996-2005 with
a view to creating effective mechanisms to speed up and
facilitate the use of solar energy. We call upon the United
Nations Secretary-General, the specialized agencies of the
United Nations, non-governmental organizations and the
international community at large to lend the necessary
financial and other forms of support to the Programme to
enable it to succeed.
In June 1997 another conference of equal
environmental significance, the International Convention
on Trade in Endangered Species (CITES), will convene
in Harare. The challenges facing this conference will by
no means be small. Global conservation strategies and
policies have to be implemented in the national interest
and within the means available for the benefit of each
country. We in southern Africa have adopted effective
conservation policies over the years that have seen the
19

growth of our elephant herd beyond the levels our
ecosystem can support. It would be unfortunate, and indeed
an irony of our times, if we, who have conceived and
successfully implemented innovative wildlife conservation
policies, should find ourselves being penalized for our
success and the failure of others. The international
community has an obligation to adopt new, dynamic and
flexible policies that would enable countries such as South
Africa, Namibia, Botswana and my own country to reap the
benefits of their wildlife conservation successes. To act
otherwise would be counter-productive and an injustice to
the noble cause of wildlife conservation as a whole. My
country intends to make constructive suggestions on this
subject at the CITES meeting next year.
To remain relevant and effective, the United Nations
must stay at the centre stage of global activities. Its
worldwide responsibilities cannot be delegated; nor can its
Charter-enshrined priorities be subordinated to issues
extraneous to its purposes and principles. We are taken
aback by the efforts of those who seek to prescribe to the
United Nations a reform exercise that would force the
Organization to diminish and to reorient its Charter-
enshrined role in promoting development to the Bretton
Woods institutions, the World Trade Organization and the
blind forces of the market. The Charter envisaged an
identifiable role for the United Nations in promoting
development, which is a prerequisite for, and the ultimate
corollary of, peace.
My delegation maintains that the United Nations is
uniquely placed to play a policy-making and resource
identification role. Its decisions must necessarily set the
pace and direction for other institutions such as the Bretton
Woods institutions and the World Trade Organization.
In conclusion, the strength of the United Nations lies
in its universality and its impartiality in implementing its
mandate to promote peace and security, economic and
social development, human rights and international law as
outlined in its Charter.
Whereas the Organization has clearly played a
significant role in the containment and settlement of
disputes through peace-keeping activities, and in the
expansion and codification of international law, it has
largely failed to have any significant impact on the
development process in developing countries. The few
developing countries that have managed to score any
breakthroughs have done so in spite of the United Nations.
As the General Assembly outlines its medium-term plan for
the period 1998-2003, my delegation, together with others,
will seek to ensure that the development process,
particularly Africa’s economic recovery and development,
is underwritten by the Organization’s irrevocable
commitment.
Finally, let me turn to the agenda item dealing with
the election of the Secretary-General of this Organization.
Since it is an item on the agenda of this Assembly, it is
imperative that Member States freely express their views
on this matter. We of Africa have a clear and
unambiguous position. We believe that it is Africa’s turn
to provide a Secretary-General. We have had one term so
far and, following the normal practice, are entitled to a
second term. The African leaders, meeting in Yaoundé,
Cameroon, this year, endorsed the candidature of the
incumbent, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali.
We stand ready to engage all Members of this
Organization in the process of finalizing consultations on
this subject.


On behalf of the
Republic of San Marino and my delegation, I wish, first
of all, to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous
election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-
first session. This is a recognition of your competence
and gifts as a diplomat and thus a guarantee of success
for our activities.
At the same time, let me also thank your predecessor
for the excellent way in which he guided the work of the
fiftieth session, just concluded.
We are all aware that the United Nations rests upon
a community of States. Similarly, we are all aware that
the very existence and future of any State depends on the
individuals who not only comprise it but also determine
its life and shape its history.
The United Nations, therefore, must understand and
meet the needs of all human beings if it is to represent
the entire family of Member States, protect their interests
and fulfil the legitimate expectations of the largest
possible number of individuals.
Presently, humanity is confronted with the challenges
of development versus underdevelopment, progress versus
recession, wealth versus extreme and ever-increasing
poverty. These phenomena affect less-favoured and
socially advanced countries alike, leading to social
discrepancies and situations in which some manage to
plan their own development, while others, deprived of job
opportunities, fail.
Development issues are inextricably intertwined with
the destiny of nations. They change the face of countries
and peoples and exacerbate the pressures on the less-
favoured and most populous regions of the world. This is
a real and constant threat to peace.
In some cases, the situation is aggravated by the
fragility or, even worse, lack of democratic institutions.
Here, power is wielded as an end in itself and not as an
6

instrument for achieving the common ideal. Societies and
States tend to withdraw into themselves, their only concern
being to retain their strength and power. Sometimes those
who hold the power do not bother to meet the needs of a
rapidly changing society, except when forced to preserve
the necessary consensus.
Our Organization should spare no effort to help
countries and peoples alike to redress the balance and
remedy these errors.
The items on the agenda for discussion at the fifty-
first session of the General Assembly are of paramount
importance and deserve the utmost attention and impartial
and thorough analysis, since they pertain, on the one hand,
to the peaceful coexistence of peoples and, on the other, to
the existence and the structure of the Organization itself.
Ultimately, peace and coexistence depend on and are best
governed by this institution.
All efforts must be pooled to improve, update and
render the United Nations more effective. This objective
can be achieved through a reform of the system inspired by
equality, justice and wider democracy and aimed at
ensuring broader participation and the fair sharing of duties
and powers among all Member States.
San Marino pledges itself to fulfilling the tasks derived
from its United Nations membership, while benefitting from
the opportunity to participate actively and make its
contribution to the various bodies of the United Nations.
Undoubtedly, the strengthening and enhancing of the
United Nations require a review of the composition, role,
functioning and powers of the Security Council. This
review process, however, is proceeding very slowly and at
times reveals inadequate understanding, cooperation and
acceptance of the views of others.
We are convinced that the Security Council must
adjust to the changes brought about by historical events
and, consequently, to the expanded membership of the
United Nations itself, whose character and essence are
clearly becoming increasingly universal. San Marino
believes that the Security Council must increase its
membership, since, as it stands today, it no longer reflects
the world’s reality, nor does it promote a rotating system in
which all States, irrespective of their size, are equally
represented and can participate and make their own
contributions.
As regards the decision-making process of the
Security Council, we believe that the maintenance,
exercise and potential extension of the right of veto must
be carefully reconsidered. Fortunately, we are living in an
era characterized by dialogue, debate, discussion,
proposals and the search for joint solutions. These are the
instruments which we should resort to, rather than the
right of veto. Over 50 years of activity and progress allow
and entitle us to reconsider other instruments that, having
proved useful in dealing with initial difficulties and tragic
situations, are no longer necessary for further growth and
consolidation.
Lastly, special attention should be paid to the
development and interpretation of the Security Council’s
rules of procedure, with a view to adopting a more open
attitude and a larger involvement of States in discussing
the issues at stake. In this context, let me call on all
Member States to intensify their efforts to find a
universally acceptable solution.
Is this all mere utopia? If it is, then we must not
forget that those who have committed themselves to
serving their countries and the international community
have a duty to translate this utopia rationally into a
political design, without neglecting or ignoring other
people’s expectations. Only in this way will that utopia
become a real political design based on the principles of
responsibility, equality and justice.
I wish to express the deepest satisfaction of the
Government of the Republic of San Marino at the
adoption of the resolution on the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty, which my country cosponsored. Today,
I have the honour of signing this Treaty on behalf of my
country. We hope that all States will become loyal Parties
to the Treaty and cooperate in the elimination of nuclear
energy for non-peaceful uses, so that future generations
may inherit an environmentally sound planet.
Given its geographical location in Europe, San
Marino is particularly attentive to the evolution of the
peace process in the Mediterranean area, especially in the
Middle East, where the earlier general enthusiasm has
been overshadowed by disenchantment and frequent
difficulties. Fortunately, hope, however weak and volatile,
is still alive. The Middle East still needs the international
community’s commitment and encouragement to proceed
to a peaceful settlement of long-standing and more recent
disputes that are the cause of division and uncertainty.
7

In the speech I delivered at the fiftieth session of the
General Assembly, I stressed, on behalf of the Government
of San Marino, the need to reconsider the instrument of the
embargo, its effectiveness and repercussions, especially in
those cases where, in the absence of armed conflict,
international isolation alone has proved a valid moral and
political means of international pressure. In this regard, it
is with satisfaction that I note that the elimination of
coercive economic measures as a means of political
compulsion has been placed on this session’s agenda. The
Government of the Republic of San Marino is confident
that the debate will lead to a proper examination and
resolution of the problem, so that innocent people who are
already suffering are no longer the main targets of these
measures.
The Republic of San Marino firmly believes that the
United Nations, like the Council of Europe and the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, must
remain the most appropriate forum for producing concrete
results and enhancing the mechanism of fruitful dialogue
and the exchange of ideas. The most daunting challenge is
still that of preserving future generations from the scourge
of war by reaffirming human dignity and promoting free
and equitable social progress.


During the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the
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United Nations, States renewed our faith in the ideals of the
Charter of this Organization. This means that past
experience has given us a new vision of the world, a keen
awareness of the interdependence of nations, all of which
seek to live in a work committed to peace, freedom and
justice.
It is with this conviction that my delegation extends to
Mr. Razali Ismail the warmest congratulations of the
Government of Zaire on his election as President of the
fifty-first session of the General Assembly. We would also
like to congratulate his fellow Assembly officers. And we
also congratulate Mr. Razali’s predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral. The competence and
intelligence he showed as he guided the work of the fiftieth
session earned him the Assembly’s appreciation.
We would also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to
the Secretary-General Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and to
the members of the Secretariat, for their untiring efforts to
ensure the proper functioning of our Organization and for
their clear-sightedness and courage. Zaire also takes this
opportunity to express its support for Mr. Boutros-Ghali as
he stands for a second term as Secretary-General. This must
be our position. His predecessors from other continents had
this opportunity; Africa cannot accept otherwise.
During this half century, our free nations have won the
greatest victories in the fields of national liberation and
political independence. However, as we come to the end of
the twentieth century, we still face major challenges in the
economic, cultural and social fields, as well as in the area
of international peace and security.
Peace, freedom and stability together constitute an
indispensable prerequisite for development. No part of our
Earth, no country in the world, can be really secure while
there are still outstanding hotbeds of tension. And, today,
such hotbeds are on the increase, in Africa, in Asia and in
Central and Eastern Europe.
The situations in Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, Liberia,
Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and the Middle East are all causes
for the concern weighing on international peace and
security. The United Nations, which is already seized of
these issues, should continue its efforts with the
encouragement of every one of us.
In Angola, a neighbouring country to Zaire, my
delegation can see positive developments in the domestic
situation. The integration of União Nacional para a
Independência Total de Angola (UNITA) forces into the
Angolan National Army should be promoted and
encouraged for the good of the entire population of
Angola.
For more than two years, Zaire has lived with the
tragedies of Burundi and Rwanda, which have lead to a
massive influx of refugees from these two countries onto
its territory. This grave situation, for which my country is
not responsible, has caused and continues to cause us
considerable human, material, environmental and other
forms of damage. In this respect, the international
community has been inexplicably reticent in its actions,
as if Zaire should shoulder this burden alone and
indefinitely. Zaire is indeed constantly being denigrated
even to the extent that it is often falsely accused of
supporting armed activity within Rwanda and Burundi. A
memorandum from the Government of the Republic of
Zaire on the lack of security in northern and southern
Kivu has already been submitted to the Secretary-General.
A few days ago, the Zairian towns of Bukavu, Uvira and
surrounding districts were shelled by armed elements
from Rwanda. The Assembly has heard Rwanda’s
pernicious and false representation of the facts. Inter-
ethnic massacres occurred in Rwanda in 1959, 1962 and
1972, not to mention 1994. This genocide in Rwanda was
designed, developed and executed in detail and with
delight by Rwandans against Rwandans, and by that I
mean by past and present leaders in power in Kigali.
Members can now understand why Rwanda, nursing its
planned aggression against my country, has refused to
sign the non-aggression pact patiently negotiated by all
the States of Central Africa, including Rwanda.
From this rostrum, my delegation solemnly declares
the following: First, Zaire does not accept and will never
again accept to act as anyone’s scapegoat. Secondly, Zaire
will do all it can to defend the security of its population
and its borders, and will call on its people and its friends
in its defence. Thirdly, Zaire is always prepared to
cooperate with the neighbouring Governments and
peoples of Rwanda and Burundi to ensure the voluntary
and dignified return of refugees to their respective
countries. Failing this, following the example of certain
European Governments with respect to refugees and
people without documentation, Zaire will have no choice
but to begin the enforced and unconditional return of such
people to their countries of origin.
Fourthly, as President Mobutu stated last year in this
forum, Zaire will never accept the de facto transformation
of a part of its territory into a “Hutuland”, whether
through a challenge to its territorial integrity or through
14

the establishment of refugee settlements on its territory.
Anyone considering that can forget it.
Fifthly, given the sacrifices endured by its people,
Zaire calls on the international community to implement
fully the agreements that have been signed, and General
Assembly resolution 49/24 of 2 December 1994 on special
assistance to countries hosting refugees. Finally, Zaire
reaffirms the position it stated at the Copenhagen World
Summit for Social Development regarding the holding of a
world conference on refugees and displaced persons to find
a comprehensive and lasting solution to the refugee
question, which has disastrous consequences for
development, human relations and human rights.
The political, economic and social situation in Zaire
has deteriorated over six long years of transition. Despite
this difficult situation, Zaire has made it a point of honour
to pursue its democratic process, committing itself to
reestablishing the authority of the State, rebuilding the basic
infrastructure, improving the country’s economic, financial
and monetary situation, ensuring the security of persons and
property and observing human rights and fundamental
freedoms.
To date, Zaire’s main task has been to organize free,
democratic and transparent elections. This is why it has set
up a National Electoral Commission which is now ready to
get down to work, as observed by the delegation recently
sent to Zaire by the Secretary-General. Furthermore, the
draft electoral law and the bill on the organization of a
constitutional referendum are also currently under
discussion by the Parliament of Transition. Zaire wishes to
reaffirm before the entire world that the democratization of
its political system is irreversible, regardless of the
difficulties facing our country. For these reasons, the
Government of Zaire calls on the international community
to give it effective support in the establishment of these
new democratic institutions by June 1997 at the latest.
Democracy can only develop and last in a country that
enjoys economic development that allows for the protection
and promotion of human rights. Some human rights were
being promoted in Zaire long before the democratization
process. Thus, for example, despite the many social and
cultural constraints, Zairian men and women enjoy political
and vocational equality, including in terms of remuneration.
The noble mission of the United Nations Commission
on Human Rights certainly merits our encouragement. Zaire
has nothing to hide, and has thus accepted and accredited
the Secretary-General’s human rights representative, whose
office is in our capital, Kinshasa. Nonetheless, Zaire
deplores and vigorously condemns the malicious use of
the human rights issue for political ends, as can be seen
in the unfounded and unwarranted accusations levelled
against it at each annual evaluation session of the
Commission on Human Rights in Geneva.
Preventive diplomacy should be the very basis of
peace-keeping operations. However, preventive diplomacy
would be meaningless if the international community
were not to grant it a standing, mobile military sector that
could be deployed wherever international peace and
security were to come under threat. Thus, in the
framework of the United Nations Standing Advisory
Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa, the
countries of this subregion, with the exception of Rwanda,
signed the non-aggression pact at the latest Organization
of African Unity (OAU) summit in Yaoundé.
In this first year of the second half-century of the
United Nations, safeguarding peace and cohesion among
peoples are issues of vital importance to all of us. Zaire
considers the adoption of the resolution recommending
signature of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
at the fiftieth session of the General Assembly to be an
important step towards comprehensive nuclear
disarmament. We do, of course, recognize that this is not
a perfect Treaty. It lacks the firm commitment of nuclear-
weapon States to renounce the use and threat of use of
such weapons in their relations with other States. It also
lacks a precise timetable for complete destruction of
existing weapons. It does not mention the banning of
nuclear tests in laboratories, which is the most
sophisticated modern way of developing such weapons.
Despite these imperfections, Zaire joined those
delegations that sponsored the resolution, and it voted in
favour of the text proposed. I wish to announce officially
that Zaire will sign this text tomorrow, 4 October.
From this rostrum we appeal to the nuclear-weapon
States to put aside their selfish interests and to commit
themselves firmly to the new path set out by the Treaty,
so that the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons can
become a living reality and so that nuclear weapons will
no longer threaten future generations, as they have done
since the end of the Second World War.
We cannot be at peace with ourselves if we fail to
take firm action for conventional disarmament as well.
I come from a region where the merchants of death
have dumped tons and tons of conventional weapons that
15

kill people daily. We urge countries that manufacture and
sell these instruments of death to stop taking satisfaction in
the positive balance sheets of their international trade,
which includes arms sales. This is a shame for all mankind.
To those who would give lessons of morality and ethics, we
would insist that they look at the way they live and stop
sowing death and suffering. Life and happiness are the most
fundamental of human rights.
In addition to disarmament, worldwide elimination of
poverty is fundamental to the strengthening of peace and
the realization of comprehensive, sustainable development.
At the dawn of the third millennium, it is deplorable to note
that more than a billion people today live under conditions
of unacceptable poverty and are outside the mainstream of
economic and social progress because of imbalances in the
international economy.
My delegation hopes that, to remedy this situation, the
North-South dialogue will be guided more by the
imperatives and interests of mutual advantage and benefit,
as well as by genuine interdependence. Solidarity demands
fairer prices for commodities, access to the markets of
developed countries, easing the debt burden and increased
official development assistance so as to ensure sustained
growth and sustainable development.
Last year we commemorated our Organization’s
fiftieth anniversary. That occasion was an opportunity for
us to focus on the possibilities for an appropriate reform of
this Organization, which is unique in its mission and its
impact. I would like to offer my country’s reflections on
this subject.
We are now living in a period of extraordinary
contrasts. Despite the historic successes of our Organization
— including independence for many countries, the peace
process under way in the Middle East, the end of the South
African saga and the perceptible tendency of the United
Nations towards universality — we must observe with some
bitterness that areas of tension have flared up worldwide,
sparking anarchy, despair, poverty and death.
For this reason, Zaire believes that the Security
Council, which is the United Nations body that has
foremost responsibility for maintaining international peace
and security, and which by its present membership is no
longer representative, should be expanded and its
functioning improved. In this exercise, the main concern
should be to correct the clear imbalance in that body.
Expansion of the Council should take into account the will
of many countries to become members and the importance
of safeguarding its effectiveness. It should avoid making
it a body dependent on the General Assembly. For that
reason, we think that equitable geographic representation
would appropriately remedy the glaring imbalance in the
current representation of the Security Council. We
encourage the international community to give deep
thought to this question and not to forget that one
continent — Africa — is at the greatest disadvantage with
the current composition of the Council.
We refuse to be dragged into the dispute over the
veto power of permanent members. We are against the
emergence of a category of permanent second-class
members in the Security Council.
There is a need to look for ways to improve the
functioning of the Security Council. It is inconceivable
that a State that is concerned in a question being
discussed in the Council can participate only in a formal
meeting — if there is one — to hear the decision made.
If the State were officially involved in the informal
consultations on that issue, its direct contribution to the
members of the Council could enable them to adopt
decisions that would be well thought out and realistic
rather than being imposed.
We must have the courage to put an end to the anti-
democratic character of this important United Nations
body. All the parties involved should be given the
opportunity to defend themselves before the members of
the Council. This is a basic rule of the administration of
justice.
We take note of the report of the Open-ended
Working Group on the Question of Equitable
Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the
Security Council, and we encourage it to pursue its
consideration of this matter.