It gives me great pleasure to extend warm
congratulations to Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina on his election to the presidency
of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. We are meeting at an
auspicious time when there are encouraging developments on the world political
scene. I am confident that under his guidance this session will contribute to the
further improvement of the international atmosphere by addressing the issues before
it with vision and wisdom.

I should like also to pay a tribute to the President of the forty-second session, Mr. Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic, who presided over a
particularly busy session, as well as the fifteenth special session of the General
Assembly. This year we are witnessing a growing and more effective role for the United Nations in the peaceful settlement of regional problems. We hope that the momentum
for peace-making efforts will be maintained, so as to contribute to the achievement
of lasting solutions based on realism and justice.

In this connection I should like to pay a special tribute to the
Secretary-General, whose diplomatic skill, patience and resolve we admire. I should like to reaffirm our full support for his untiring efforts in the service of the United Nations. We rejoice at the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations in recognition of the contribution of the Organization to wor1d peace.

The positive implications of the ongoing dialogue between the United States
and the Soviet union underline the impact of East-West relations on the
international atmosphere. The international setting today is much more favourable
in comparison with the early 1980s for making progress on international issues. It
is important to maintain and build on this trend.
In the past 12 months the negotiations between the United States and the
Soviet Union have started to yield concrete results. The conclusion and
ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and
Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - has been a historic step resulting in the elimination of an entire class of nuclear weapons. An agreement on the substantial reduction of strategic arms between the United States and the Soviet Union would be another fundamental development in the process of nuclear arms control. We welcome the progress made during the Moscow summit meeting with respect to those issues and hope that the entire range of arms control and disarmament issues will continue to be seriously and effectively addressed.

The convening of the third special session of the United Nations General
Assembly devoted to disarmament last June also provided a welcome opportunity for
extensive consideration of the issues involved in the arms control field. This
exercise has been useful in identifying various approaches to the disarmament
process and the different perceptions, interests and priorities of Member States.

It has confirmed the close relationship between disarmament and the security concerns of all States and the maintenance of international peace and security. Arm control and disarmament constitute a comprehensive process, encompassing nuclear as wall as conventional and chemical weapons. We hope that a convention banning chemical weapons on a global basis, accompanied by effective verification
measures, will be finalized soon. We welcome President Reagan's constructive and
timely proposal for the convening of an international conference on this question.
It is imperative to keep in sight the integrated nature of the endeavours in the
various fields of arms cont.ro1- The asymmetries between the conventional forces of
the two major alliance systems under line the need for addressing the question of
the overall strategic relationship in a more comprehensive way_ In this connection
we hope that agreement will soon be reached on the mandate of the conventional
stability talks to be held between the 23 members of the two military alliances.
The success of arms control initiatives depends in the first instance on the
establishment of an environment of confidence among the parties concerned. I
should like to underline in this connection the significance of the measures
undertaken within the framework of the process of the Conference on security and
Co-operation in Europe (CSCE). Turkey attaches great importance to the confidence and
security-building measures adopted at the Stockholm Conference in 1986. We
hope it will be possible to agree on the mandate of future negotiations among the
35 States participating in the CSCE in order to expand the results of the Stockholm
Conference.
Considering the growing need to extend those efforts to other regions of the
world, in order to reduce tensions and enhance stability, a resolution envisaging a
similar process adapted to the special requirements of the Islamic countries was approved at the 17th session of the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers held
recently in Amman.

I would be remiss if I did not stress that arms control agreements and
confidence-building measures will not suffice if they are not effectively
complemented by respect for fundamental human rights on a global scale. Turkey is
proud of its record in this respect and on the fortieth anniversary of the adoption
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights I am glad to say that Turkey has been
the first country to ratify the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture
and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishments, of the Council of Europe. We
have also ratified the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

We attach particular importance to cultivating peaceful and friendly relations
with all our neighbours and the countries of our region. Fully aware of the
interrelationship between security and prosperity, we wish to develop closer and
better relations and mutually beneficial co-operation with all of them. We are
fully committed to the peaceful settlement of existing differences through a
process of substantive and meaningful negotiations.
For the first time in history, the Foreign Ministers of the six Balkan
countries came together in Belgrade last February to consider the possibilities for
developing lasting multilateral co-operation. Inter-Balkan friendship and
co-operation have always been a priority foreign policy objective of Turkey since
the early days of our Republic. we are therefore determined to continue to play a
constructive and dynamic role in order to contribute to the creation of an
atmosphere of confidence among the Balkan countries. As we stressed in Belgrade,
respect for human rights is a prerequisite for the emergence of such an atmosphere.

With this understanding we have initiated a dialogue with Bulgaria. The
Protocol that the two parties signed sets out the prerequisites and the mechanism
for the normalization of Turkish-Bulgarian relations. Our relations are heavily
affected by the situation of the Turkish Muslim minority in Bulgaria, a
humanitarian question also involving contractual obligations. Both Turkish and
world public opinion await a prompt and satisfactory solution to this problem. The
ongoing process has not yet brought about any concrete results. Improved prospects
for the Turkish Muslim minority will certainly lead to a new era of friendly and
co-operative relations between the two countries. We continue to hope that
Bulgaria will take the necessary action to ensure the creation of an atmosphere
conducive to this end.
During the past year important steps have been taken for bringing regional
conflicts to an end.

The Afghanistan talks were successfully concluded with the signing of the
Geneva Accords in April. Foremost among many factors, the perseverance and the
sacrifices of the Afghan resistance and the patient efforts of the
secretary-General and his Personal Representative made that achievement possible.

Pakistan has sheltered millions of Afghan refugees and has been instrumental
in the shaping of international reaction to the situation in Afghanistan for the
past eight years. The international community is greatly indebted to Pakistan for
those efforts. The creation of the necessary objective conditions for the
voluntary return of the Afghan refugees is another important task which has to be
faced.
Grievous devastation has been inflicted upon Afghanistan. A major
international effort will be required for the reconstruction of the country. We
welcome the initiative taken by the international community to come to the
assistance of Afghanistan, and salute the efforts made by Prince Sadruddin Agha Khan
to co-ordinate international action that has been taken. Turkey intends to
contribute substantively to the reconstruction and the economic revitalization of
Afghanistan following the establishment of a representative Government.

The cease-fire which has put an end to eight years of suffering between Iran
and Iraq came as a great relief to the whole world. A special tribute should be
paid to the secretary-General for his dedicated efforts, which have substantially
contributed to bringing about the cease-fire between our two friends and
neighbours. We welcome the holding of talks between Iran and Iraq and fully
support diplomatic efforts aimed at restoring peace between them. We know that
this will be a long and arduous process. As a country which maintains a sustained
and continuous dialogue with both parties, we are ready to contribute to the best
of our .ability to the progress of the peace process and to the prohibition of an
atmosphere of understanding and mutual trust.
The effects of this conflict have not been limited to the warring parties but
have been seriously felt in the whole area. In order to avoid the occurrence of
similar conflicts, intensive efforts should be deployed to create an atmosphere of mutual trust in the region and to re-establish a climate of confidence among the
 countries there.

As a country respectful of fundamental human rights, Turkey has recently accepted, on purely humanitarian grounds, tens of thousands of persons coming from Iraq and has provided them with food, shelter and medical care. This is not the first time that we have welcomed large numbers of persons on our soil. Our history abounds with similar examples.

Since the end of last year Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories has dominated developments in the Middle East. We regard this continuing popular resistance to Israeli occupation as an expression of the long-standing frustration and suffering of the Palestinian people and of their desire to achieve their national aspirations.

We believe that the ongoing uprising is a constant reminder to all the parties concerned, including Israel, and to the world of the urgent need to find a just and lasting solution to the Middle East question. Turkey believes that such a solution can be brought about only on the basis of the withdrawal by Israel from the territories occupied since 1967 and the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including their right to self-determination with all that this implies. Such a solution should also recognize the right of all States in the region to 1ive with in secure and recognized boundaries. We recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian peop1e. For the peace process to be viable, Palestinian participation is indispensable.

We are closely following the developments engendered by the recent statement
of His Majesty King Hussein about the severance of the administrative and legal ties between Jordan and the west Bank. That is likely to have an important impact on the Middle East peace process. We shall continue to support all Middle East
peace initiatives along the lines I have just mentioned. In this context, Turkey
would welcome the convening, with the agreement of all the parties concerned, of the International Peace Conference. We are prepared to shoulder our responsibilities in that regard, if so requested.

The situation in Lebanon continues to be another source of instability and
concern in the Middle East. We are particularly concerned about the difficulties encountered in the Lebanese presidential election. We are hoping that this latest crisis may be overcome by the Lebanese themselves, through legal means and without endangering the country's territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty.

I should like to stress also the importance we attach to a prompt solution of
the situation in Kampuchea. We are glad to note the positive developments which
have taken place in the past few months. The Jakarta Informal Meeting is certainly
an important beginning and a significant step aimed at putting an end to the armed
conflict in Kampuchea through the complete withdrawal of foreign troops, so as to
enable the people of Kampuchea to exercise their right to self-determination and
achieve national reconciliation. Turkey supports diplomatic activities aimed at
achieving that objective and pays a tribute to the members of the Association of
South-East Nations (ASEAN) for their efforts; they have worked so hard for the
reaching of a political settlement in Kampuchea.

In order to remove confrontation and reduce tensions in eastern Asia, we continue to attach importance to the ongoing search for a meaningful dialogue in the Korean peninsula. The humanitarian approach can be an excellent way to create
the favourable climate necessary for achieving progress. Peaceful solutions to the questions between the two sides will, we hope, lead to their eventual representation as full Members of our Organization.

The deteriorating situation in South Africa, resulting from the inhuman system
of apartheid, continues to be a source of grave concern. Unfortunately, the
political situation in South Africa has not improved during the past 12 months.
Tensions and violence continue to cause widespread human suffering in that country.
We believe that so long as South Africa has not totally abolished its
inadmissible racial policies, and has not embarked upon a real process of peaceful
democratic change, the international community should maintain its efforts. More
than ever before, the situation in South Africa requires firm conviction and
resolute action on the part of the united Nations.
The continuation of the South African occupation of Namibia, an affront to the
principle of self-determination, is another deplorable aspect of the situation in
southern Africa. It is a matter of the deepest regret that the people of Namibia,
20 years after the adoption of the United Nations plan for the independence of that
Territory, have not been able to exercise their inalienable right to
self-determination.

My Government is encouraged by the progress reported in the quadripartite talks concerning this question. We welcomed the cease-fire on 10 August 1988 as a
vital first step in the right direction. We earnestly hope that this development
will lead in the near future to the long overdue settlement of the Namibian
question through the implementation of Security Council resolution 435
a founding member of the United nations Council for Namibia, Turkey will continue to give its full support to the legitimate struggle of the people of Namibia for
independence. In this regard, my Government subscribes to the main thrust of the Istanbul Declaration and Call for Action adopted at the end of the Seminar on the
International Responsibility for Namibia's Independence, held in March in my country.

In Central America, the time that has elapsed since the signing of the peace
plan put forward by Costa Rica, and the proposals by other Central American
countries last year, demonstrate the difficulties and obstacles that exist in the
search for peace. However, we must not lose heart. The search for a peaceful
solution must go on. This search began with the Contadora process, the most comprehensive framework for addressing the political and economic problems of that region. We believe that a viable solution must emanate from the region, and I
would like to reiterate our support for all the regional efforts towards peace in central America.

We have always supported the search for a negotiated settlement of the Cyprus question through direct negotiations between the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek
Cypriots, under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General. Following the agreement reached in August through the secretary-General's mission of good
offices, the two sides have embarked upon a new negotiating process. We welcome this development and express our hope that this new round of negotiations will be
the beginning of the process of the achievement of a lasting settlement in Cyprus

through the establishment of a bicommunal, bizonal federation based on the
political equality of the two peoples of the island. We shall pursue our
consistent policy of supporting the efforts towards a just and lasting settlement.
As we have previously, I wish to stress here also that it is important for all
third parties to refrain from taking positions that may undermine the negotiating
process in Cyprus.
The situation of refugees throughout the world has assumed alarming
dimensions. The problem is especially severe in Africa and South-East Asia, and
urgently needs attention. The plight of the Afghan refugees is still a sombre
reality despite the Geneva Agreements. Other parts of the world are also plagued
by similar calamities.
In dealing with this problem, a comprehensive approach should be adopted,
taking into consideration of the needs of both the refugees themselves and the
countries of first refuge. Appropriate international mechanisms to this end should
be devised immediately. In this context, I would like to pay a special tribute to
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees for his untiring efforts.

In view of the importance that Turkey attaches to effective international
cooperation in action against illicit trafficking in and abuse of narcotic drugs,
we welcome and support the initiatives undertaken by the United Nations in this
crucial area, especially during the last year. In this connection, we subscribe to
the proposal made by my colleague Sir Geoffrey Howe to the effect that the
international collU'll1nity should consider adopting measures for the seizure of the
assets of drug traffickers wherever they are, thus preventing the diversion of
funds to the support of such other evils as international terrorism and arms
trafficking.

As an outcome of ongoing efforts in this field, a major step will be taken at
the end of this year when the conference of plenipotentiaries adopts the new
convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances.
Turkey welcomes this development and expects the convention to be signed and
ratified by a large number of Member states.
I have to state with profound regret that the threat posed by terrorism to
every society and to all facets of international relations has not abated. On the
contrary, acts, methods and practices of terrorism, which have been repeatedly and
unequivocally condemned by this world body, have continued to claim human lives on
an increasing scale. I feel obliged to remind the Assembly that Turkey has for
many years stressed the necessity of effective international co-operation against
terrorism in all its forms. I have to point out, however, that international
co-operation is not yet satisfactory.
I also want to reiterate that there can be no double standard on terrorism.
Attempts to differentiate between various forms of terrorism can only encourage the
culprits and lead to new acts of outrage. Those who support or tolerate terrorism
assume a grave responsibility, whatever their motives. History has shown that
those who support, tolerate or provide a haven for terrorism are bound to regret
their short-sighted policies eventually.
Let me now turn to international economic issues. As the decade of the 1980s
draws to an end the time has come for us to concentrate our efforts on policies for
the next decade. Careful planning for the 1990s stands out as a necessity for the
international community if it is to fulfill the expectations of coming generations.
Since the early 19808 the world economy has gone through very serious
difficulties. The critical external debt problem, efforts towards structural
adjustment, widespread protectionist practices and major economic imbalances have been the chief features of this period. The severe problems we have had to face in
this decade remain essentially unchanged. However, this rather dismal situation
should not cause us to give way to pessimism for the coming years. As economic
indicators demonstrate, the international outlook is better on balance than it was
in the early 1980s. The international community is more experienced and has better
insight regarding the underlying causes of the current problems.
Regarding the external debt problem, which has acquired serious dimensions,
the increased efforts on the part of debtor and creditor countries, multilateral
institutions and banks to improve the situation are encouraging. On the other
hand, the shortcomings in the structural adjustment policies of the developing
countries, the social costs of such policies and the need to consider them in a
more realistic manner are better understood. It is now evident that debtor
countries are in need of adequate external financial support as well as easy access
to international markets to boost their growth on a sustained basis. In this
respect, the launching of the Uruguay Round and the ongoing endeavours to
strengthen the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) are good opportunities
that must be seized. Nevertheless, we are convinced that the fate of both the
trade negotiations and indebtedness depends to a great extent on the expansionary
nature of the global environment, and this, in turn, depends on the elimination of
international imbalances and the restoration of higher growth in the industrialized
countries.

The erosion of multilateralism over the past decade has been highly
noticeable, despite the growing need to make the international framework more
effective. In view of the increasing interdependence that transforms national and
regional economic issues into global issues, we believe that both North and South
have much to gain from the rapid restoration of effective multilateral co-operation
and dialogue on development questions.
We regret to see the divisions between North and South. Overcoming those
divisions should be the major task of the international community. We know that
every country has its own special circumstances as well as different priorities in
the implementation of development policies. Many developing countries have a
valuable accumulation of experience in the development process, which they can
usefully share among themselves. In that respect, the middle-income countries
deserve special attention. In our view, those countries are in a position to play
a much more helpful role in contributing to the development process of others.
Since the beginning of this decade 'fur key has been in the process .of
implementing measures of economic reform. This new course of action has meant a
radical departure from previous economic policies away from inward-looking
approaches g import substitution and excessive State intervention towards a greater
play of market forces and increased liberalization of the economy. Despite the
difficulties and costs inherent in such programmes, the outcome of this new policy
orientation has been highly encouraging.
Within the framework of this new approach, while trying to expand our
relations with the developed nations, we have also set a good example of increasing
South-South co-operation. In that context, efforts have been made to enhance
economic co-operation among the Islamic countries. There has been a substantial
increase in our trade with the Middle Eastern and North African countries.

In that connection, we have allocated funds for financing technical
co-operation with 12 African countries. We have also conducted in-plant group
training programmes and provided undergraduate and graduate fellowships in Turkey.
We are pleased to see a sharper global focus on African development problems, and
we hope that the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery
and Development 1986-1990 will bear tangible results. For its part, Turkey will
continue to strengthen its co-operation and its economic ties with the African
countries.
The protection and preservation of our environment is a major task facing the
international community. It is not only an urgent and pressing problem confronting
us now; it is also a heavy responsibility that we all bear towards future
generation I regret to say that, despite all official and voluntary efforts, the
destruction of the environment continues.
Recently, another alarming development has become increasingly evident. Here
I refer to the dumping of industrial wastes in developing countries. Various forms
of waste, including toxic and chemical products and even nuclear waste, have been
shipped through various channels to developing countries where public opinion is
thought to be less sensitive to environmental questions. Illicit ways and means
have frequently been resorted to in this deadly transfer.
Even the oceans have not been spared this modern plague. A new kind of piracy
has developed, in the form of dumping waste in the high seas where coastal and
international controls cannot easily be exercised.
We believe that international conventions with effective control and
verification measures should be speedily adopted within the framework of the
General Assembly and competent international organizations such as the United
Nations Environment Programme.


At the outset, I should like to convey to you. Sir, on behalf of my delegation, my most sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session. I am confident that your experience and competence will enable us to achieve the best possible results. Our pleasure at your election is all the greater because you belong to a friendly country which maintains strong relations with ours. In wishing you every success in your difficult task I reassure you that my delegation intends to co-operate closely with you in order to contribute to the success of the session.
I take this opportunity to express also our appreciation and gratitude to Mr. Peter Florin for his competent, indeed superb, handling of the work of the forty-second session.
We wish, too, to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who has made strenuous efforts to strengthen the role of the Organization and played a prominent part in the international efforts which led to the solution of some of the most complex political questions. The forty-third session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time when the world is beset with crises and new conflicts are added to the old ones. Thanks to the work of our Organization, we are witnessing some positive indications and developments which make us hope for true detente in international relations.
In spite of this optimism, we have, as an international gathering, to admit that the actual capability of the Organization suffers from numerous limitations because of the pressures exerted by certain States. Accordingly, it is incumbent on us strongly to support the existence and continuation of the Organization. We should all support its noble purposes, because we believe that it is still the only forum through which the hopes of peace-loving peoples and international peace and security can be realized.
We live in an era in which anxiety about our destiny combines with hope for the future. The continuation and viability of the Organization, in spite of difficulties and conspiracies throughout its existence, together with its success in maintaining some level of efficiency and independence, augur well and justify our optimism. On the other hand, the persistence of colonialism and apartheid in Palestine and South Africa, exploitation, oppression, dominance, hegemony and occupation are causes foe anxiety and trepidation. Worse still, poverty, hunger, backwardness and illiteracy have been sources of suffering for roost human beings. The cries of the oppressed, tortured and displaced ring out on high, showering curses on imperialists, racists, opportunists and warmongers. That some regimes based on occupation, usurpation, genocide and apartheid have their place in the world community today and enjoy support clearly proves that some Powers treat the Charter of the Organization with contempt. However, these regimes are given political support and unlimited material support by certain super-Powers. There is no doubt that during the life of the Organisation great historic achievements have been accomplished in the fields of decolonization and resisting fascism and racism but hotbeds of tension still abound in many parts of the world} as new wars and conflicts have broken out the freedom and sovereignty of many States have been threatened, and many peoples have suffered from the scourge of occupation, injustice, hegemony and dependence.
A quick look at the current international situation and the agenda for this session shows that what has been accomplished so far is not enough, and that what has to be done requires a collective international will to address vigorously the prejudices of the few who refuse to uphold the principles of justice and peace, those imperialists who adopt a policy of force, threats, hegemony and terrorism to achieve their own ends, using all unlawful means, such as war, terrorism, interference in the internal affairs of States, invasion, aggression, occupation and economic blockade.
A large number of States represented here have been subjected to these practices. I remind the Assembly of the flagrant barbaric aggression perpetrated by the United States of America against my country in the spring of 1986. That aggression was condemned by world public opinion at the time and by the Assembly unanimously in its resolution 41/38 of 20 November 1986, which recognized the right of our people to receive appropriate compensation for the great losses incurred.
It gives me pleasure to commend all those States which sponsored or supported that resolution, we take it that their positive and honourable stand not only strengthens our valid position, but also represents a victory for the principles of justice, righteousness and peace enshrined in the Charter of our Organization. As the American attack against Libya is one of the items on the agenda this session, we call upon all peace-loving States to reiterate their condemnation of that aggression and to support the lawful demands of our people to receive immediate and appropriate compensation for the human and material losses incurred.
In this connection, we emphasize that the attack should not be regarded as a purely Libyan affair, for it affects the entire international community, inasmuch as it encroaches upon the spirit and principles of the Charter. If Libya fell victim to the aggression then, it was not the first victim, and it will not be the last. That aggression is a link in the chain of persistent American practices against peoples fighting for their freedom, independence and sovereignty. It is also a component of the imperialist scheme that I have just mentioned. It is even a component of the approach of the foreign policy of the United States of America. What is happening in Central America, where the peoples of Panama and Nicaragua are subjected to the vilest kinds of blackmail and threats, provides irrefutable evidence of what I am saying.
The Organization's role can be truly strengthened only by a review of provisions of the Charter which have crippled some of the main organs responsible for maintaining international peace and security. Some of those provisions have not kept pace with the profound global changes which have taken place since 1945. The international situation in 1945 was completely different from today. The Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization should be aware of this fact. Its recommendations should be bold with regard to those provisions whose application has hampered the most important role of the Organization. I refer, in particular, to the right of veto enjoyed by a few States, which some of them have exploited to foster aggression, occupation, invasion and terrorism. My country took the initiative in calling for a thorough review of that privilege. It reaffirms its position and calls upon all Member States to consider the issue in an objective manner.
The question of Palestine - of the Arab people of Palestine - has absolute priority among my country's concerns. It is the question of an entire people who have been displaced, from their homeland, whose land has been usurped and who are subjected to the worst forms of discrimination, oppression, torture and genocide by a clique that has been assembled, financed armed and supported for that purpose. We share the belief of the Palestinian people, and all peace-loving nations, that the main question in the world today is that of progress and peace - but this cannot be achieved without freedom and justice. There can be no progress without freedom, and no peace without justice.
How can we think of progress and peace in a world where the largest State does not hesitate to finance the steady extermination of a tiny people in order to implant an alien in its land, its fields and houses?
In the past 40 years this distinguished Assembly, the Security Council and other organs of the United Nations have adopted hundreds of resolutions recognizing the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to return to their country, and to achieve self-determination. In spite of this confirmed international recognition, the Arab Palestinian people are still deprived of all their human and political rights because of the obduracy and arrogance of the occupying racist Zionist entity and these who created and foster it, disregarding all values and treating all instruments with blatant contempt.
The persistence of the United States, in particular, in providing unlimited support to this racist regime is the main reason for the continued plight of the Palestinian people.
The United States, which is a permanent member of the Security Council and is thus presumed to take the lead in establishing and maintaining international peace and security, is the Power that protects the Zionist entity and defends its membership of the United Nations, in the knowledge that that entity is defending aggression, occupation and falsehood. Accordingly, from our point of view, it remains the main indeed the only, obstacle in the way of all international efforts to find a just solution to the question of Palestine. The great patience of the Palestinian people should not be regarded as gradual recognition of a fait accompli or of submission to it, or as a sign that they have forgotten four decades of injustice and oppression. People have good memories, and falsehood is destined to vanish, however long it may last. Allah, the Almighty, says, in the Glorious Koran:
"And Allah will wipe out the lie and vindicate the truth by his words,"
and
"Nay, but we hurl the true against the false, and it doth break its head and it vanishes." (The Holy Koran, ХXI24 and XXI 118)
We have lived to see falsehood armed to the teeth with the most up-to-date and devastating weapons, staggering under the blows of the unarmed Palestinian people, who have nothing with which to fight except the stones of their land, covered with their blood and mixed with the bones of their women and children. It looks as if solid stones long subjected to the injustice of the usurper have risen to acquire the power of bombs and rockets, and the atoms of these stones have come to life. Thus, the uprising of this brave people has shown that deeds speak louder than words. It has stressed to us all that right endows the weak with strength, that the technology of injustice cannot subdue. The Arab poet says:
"Right at the hands of the just is elevated.
As a sword acts when brandished.
Whatever lies are used to tarnish right.
It must one day be seen shining bright."
This uprising has stunned the occupying Power and its supporters. It has reminded everyone of the human tragedy and the grave injustice. It has also underlined the fact that all deals up to now - peace initiatives as well as unilateral agreements - have been unable to provide any basis either for peace or for a just solution.
We applaud our Arab people in Palestine for their heroic and honourable stand and their magnificent struggle. We reiterate our complete support for their blessed uprising and place all our capabilities at their disposal. The United Nations, which, nearly 40 years ago, was manipulated by imperialists in an attempt to confer legality on the racist Zionist entity, is called upon today to take concrete measures to remedy its historic blunder.
What is taking place in occupied Palestine cannot be considered in isolation from what is happening in southern Africa,  he Powers that firmly implanted the racist entity in Palestine are the same ones that created the racist regime in southern Africa. The daily racist practices from which the peoples of South Africa and Namibia suffer are the same as those experienced by the Palestinian people. The two regimes are identical. Could it be said. Indeed, that they differ in any way? The establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa is yet another example of the historical hardships and tragedies to which peoples have been subjected by the colonialist and imperialist movement. The United Nations should shoulder the historic responsibility of combating the evils of apartheid.
The problems of Namibia cannot be resolved except by enabling the Namibian people to exercise self-determination and achieve complete independence under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), pursuant to United Nations resolutions, especially Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which represents the legal basis of international consensus on Namibian independence.
The- Pretoria regime has colonized South Africa and Namibia, oppressed the black majority and striven to exterminate it. It also threatens the security and Integrity of neighbouring African States. It is emulated by its twin regime in occupied Palestine, but it cannot be compelled to yield to the will of the international community except through the application of immediate and comprehensive sanctions. We regard the refusal of certain Powers, and the reluctance of others, to apply sanctions as the main obstacle facing international efforts to put an end to the most abhorrent racist regime in modern history.
We in Libya support the just struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia for independence and human dignity. We commend the brave steadfastness of the front-line African States and declare our complete solidarity with them in their efforts to achieve the common goal of putting an end to the apartheid regime in Pretoria.
The collaboration between the colonial regimes in Palestine and Pretoria is an undeniable fact of great significance. As this international Assembly condemned the apartheid policy in South Africa as the most odious form of racial discrimination, so it condemned Zionism, regarding it as a form of racism and racial discrimination. This condemnation and this judgement are embodied in the historic General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX), which has been a prominent landmark and an honourable and brave utterance by the United Nations in combating racism and racial discrimination. I refer to that resolution in order to refresh memories in this international assemblage, appeal to its conscience, and urge it to be wide awake so that it may address attempts to obscure the truth and confer justice and goodness on falsehood.
Strengthening security and co-operation in the Mediterranean Sea zone ranks high among the concerns of my country, which has always supported all regional and international efforts to this end. Our interest in this issue is based on our conviction that the security o£ the region is related not only to peace, security and co-operation in Europe and Africa, but also to international peace and security. This region has become one of the most dangerous areas of tension in the world# owing to its occupation by certain imperialist Powers which are determined to change it into a permanent base for foreign naval fleets, an arena for provocative military manoeuvres, acts of naval and air piracy and a launching pad for direct aggression against some States bordering on the Mediterranean Sea.
True security and co-operation in the Mediterranean region can be brought about only through the intensification and co-ordination of the efforts by all States bordering on the Sea, through collective measures on their part to call for the immediate withdrawal of foreign fleets and the dismantling of military bases, and through the promotion of dialogue and understanding among all the parties with a view to achieving this end. In this context, we should like to endorse the final communiqué of the Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries at their special meeting held in Havana in May 1988. We welcome anew the agreements at Beriouni on the continuation of contacts between the non-aligned countries bordering on the Mediterranean Sea and the European States in that region.
The Organization of African Unity (OAU), to which we are proud to belong and which is considered one of the largest and most important regional entities in the world, plays an active part in strengthening international peace and security. The peoples of that organization have long-standing historical links to one another and have also been subjected to long and continuous suffering from imperialism, occupation and foreign interference. My country has played a leading role in defending the unity and cohesion of that organization, and has championed the slogan "Africa for Africans". Some imperialist Powers, however, were not happy about this, and worked constantly to cripple the organization and disrupt the ranks of its members. But the African peoples have risen above these manoeuvres, which ultimately failed despite their occasional limited and ephemeral successes.
Out of this spirit, and from the belief of Libya and its Revolutionary Command that all the problems of the African continent should be solved within it and through its own organization, and out of his awareness of its responsibility for solving internal African problems. Colonel Mu'Ammar Qaddafi, the leader of the Revolution, took the initiative of declaring, on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the OAU, Libya's recognition of the present Government of Chad, and expressed Libya's readiness to offer all aid and support to the Chadian people and the restoration of full diplomatic relations between the two countries. This was an indication of our good will and firm determination to forestall all imperialist attempts to escalate the crisis.
We would like to assure the General Assembly, and our African brothers in particular, that we abide by what we have already communicated and that a joint communiqué was issued yesterday to restore diplomatic relations with Chad, confirming our willingness to restore peace and co-operation and to settle disputes by peaceful means.
For a long time, my country was subjected to abhorrent fascist invasion, occupation and colonization, which cost hundreds of thousands of our inhabitants their lives. It was also an arena for major military operations in the Second World War, during which Libya lost large numbers of innocent civilians. My country still faces the problems of the aftermath of this war as a result of the surplus materiel and mines left by the warring parties on Libyan soil. My country took the initiative of raising this question at the international level a few years ago. Many resolutions were adopted concerning this problem, in which States responsible for deploying this debris were called upon to provide necessary information, help in its removal, and pay for the material and human losses inflicted. Nevertheless, the States concerned have not co-operated in any positive way and are still reluctant to implement the relevant decisions of international forums. We therefore renew our appeal to the international community to take appropriate measures to ensure that an urgent solution to this problem will be found.
We are aware of the international community's growing concern at terrorist acts that result in loss of life, and we share its conviction that specific international criteria must be developed to ensure a clear distinction between outright terrorism, which must be eradicated, and the lawful and just struggles of peoples fighting against imperialism, racism and foreign domination and for self-determination and the defence of their freedom, their sovereignty, and their very existence.
Certain Powers prefer to see legitimate struggle as terrorism, whereas those same Powers are the sources of terrorism unleashed upon peoples as a main ingredient in the imperialistic policies and designs of these Powers. My country, which has constantly and as a matter of principle supported the cause of national liberation throughout the world, has itself fallen victim to State terrorism. Accordingly, we reaffirm our support for the convening of an international conference, under the auspices of the United Nations, to define the concept of terrorism.
Within the framework of our concern for human rights, and out of our belief in the importance of human freedom and dignity as the main ingredients of progress and development in any society, my country took historic and concrete steps in this field. These steps were crowned by the principal popular conferences in the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya with the proclamation of the Human Rights Document legalizing the true enjoyment of all civil, economic social and cultural rights in the Jamahiriya community.
We sincerely hope that these actions will contribute to the strengthening of human rights at the international level, especially as we shall be celebrating during this session of the General Assembly, here in this Hall, the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, an enormous international assemblage encompassing the great majority of the members of the international community, is still a prominent and influential component in international relations. This Movement plays a prominent part in reducing tension and strengthening international peace and security. It is also a symbol of resistance on the part of peoples to their polarization by the super-Powers and their policies of hegemony, dominance and dependence. As a member of that movement and one which has great faith in its role and objectives, Libya commends anew the approach and achievements of the Movement and asserts its adherence to its principles. Libya hopes that the spirit of solidarity and integration will flourish among the members of the Movement, helping them to confront all expansionist, imperialist schemes.
Having followed the recent developments in the Gulf region with great concern, ray country welcomes the cease-fire and the agreement readied between the two war-weary Muslim States, Iraq and Iran, for the peaceful settlement of their problems. Libya, which has sincerely striven to stop this war ever since it began, is pleased to witness its imminent end and to see the Gulf area turn into a tranquil lake enjoying peace, security and stability, with the potential strengths of these two States channelled to face the real enemy that threatens our entire Arab and Muslim peoples, the Zionist enemy. We believe that true peace and security can be achieved in the area only with die withdrawal of all foreign military fleets from the Arabian Gulf.
In this connection, I should like to commend the sincere efforts made by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to put an end to that war.
My country, which has actively contributed to the efforts to solve the Cyprus question, would like to stress that a just, lasting and peaceful settlement of this problem must be based on the unity, sovereignty and non-aligned status of Cyprus, and must guarantee the rights of both the Greek and the Turkish communities.
In supporting the endeavours of the United Nations in this respect we stress the need to dismantle foreign imperialistic bases in the area for they threaten the security and integrity not only of the island but also of the entire Mediterranean Sea basin.
My country also expresses its satisfaction at the conclusion in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations of the agreement between Afghanistan and Pakistan to settle the question of the brother people of Afghanistan.
My country reiterates its support for the hopes and aspirations of the Korean people to reunify the two parts of Korea and calls for the creation of a favourable climate for this reunification without any foreign interference.
The situation in Central America and the Caribbean has become more volatile and dangerous as the peoples of Nicaragua Cuba El Salvador Grenada and Panama have been subjected to a series of blatant imperialist provocations and interventions. In emphasizing our support for the efforts of the Contadora Group and the Guatemala agreement as the appropriate basis for the solution of the problems in the area we proclaim our solidarity with those peoples in their honourable struggle for freedom and sovereignty.
This session is being held less than three months after the conclusion of the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. Although that session was held at a time of international detente, especially in the area of negotiations on complex and intricate disarmament issues and coincided with the Moscow summit meeting between the two super-Powers it failed to achieve any tangible results, in spite of the world-wide interest shown and the hopes that mankind placed in it. We believe, however, that the convening of the discussion at that session can be regarded as one more moderate step on the thorny path to disarmament.
It seems that the whole world agrees that nuclear, chemical and other weapons of mass destruction represent the main threat to mankind. The complexity of this issue is increased by the determination of certain nuclear super-Powers to engage in the abhorrent race to develop new types of these weapons, devoting vast material resources to finance research and other programmes related to them. While mankind welcomes some aspects of detente and looks forward to more and better agreements on the reduction of stockpiles devastating nuclear weapons on our planet, it sees at the same time the development of terrifying programmes and plans to militarise outer space. In this context, we should like to refer in particular to the so-called Star Wars programme - the strategic defence initiative. The American Administration is determined to pursue this and to persuade the largest possible number of States to adopt it.
As a signatory of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, my country supports all regional and international efforts to curb the nuclear-arms race. As we welcome the recent agreement between the two super-Powers on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles, despite its serious limitations, we hope that the results of the Moscow summit will lead to enhanced detente, to further reductions of nuclear weapons and, ultimately, to their destruction. Until this goal is reached, we stress the need, pending attainment of this goal, for guarantees for non-nuclear States against the use or threat of use of these weapons. In this context, we affirm the right of these States to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Nevertheless, the fact that the two racist regimes in occupied Palestine and South Africa have acquired nuclear capability confirms the belief in Africa and the Arab region in general that imbalance and Instability will continue in these two important regions.
We support the principle of establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones anywhere in the world, including Africa, the Mediterranean and the Middle East, although we believe that this goal will remain out of reach because circumstances favourable to its attainment have not been created.
As for Africa, the racist regime in Pretoria, with collaboration with certain major Western States, represents a stumbling-block to relieving the continent from the threat of the proliferation and use of nuclear weapons, which is the nightmare of African countries.
In the Middle East, the presence of the racist Zionist entity in the occupied territories of Palestine, its involvement in the Star Wars programme and its strategic collaboration with the United States represent a constant threat not only to the States of the region, but also to the States of the Mediterranean end African regions, especially if one takes into account the continuous nuclear collaboration between that entity and the racist regime in Pretoria. We reiterate in this respect that the persistence of certain Powers in supporting these two racist regimes intensifies tensions in both regions and represents a threat to international peace and security.
Another phenomenon that causes grave concern in Africa, in particular, and merits high priority today is the marked increase in the dumping of nuclear and toxic wastes in Africa by certain States, industrial concerns and transnational corporations. In strongly condemning these immoral practices, which are a crime against Africa and its peoples, we endorse the relevant resolution adopted by the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity at its forty-eighth session.
My country will always reaffirm the central role and major responsibility of the United Nations in the field of disarmament and the great importance of the World Disarmament Campaign and other United Nations initiatives to sensitise world public opinion and keep it informed about disarmament issues and the relationship between disarmament and development.
The current international economic situation is another important issue that could threaten international peace and security. The worsening of the economic crisis is shown by, inter alia, the sharp decline in the prices of commodities, the doubling of the external debt-burden of developing countries and the depletion of their financial resources, the prevalence of poverty, disease and famine as a result of drought and conflict and the policies of economic coercion adopted by certain developed countries which apply economic blockades and embargoes and impose unfair terms of trade.
There is no doubt that the main reason for this crisis is the imbalance inherent in the existing international economic order. All efforts to reform this unjust order have failed because they have been mere formalities with the aim of alleviating the crisis, but not at improving the order. The only way to reform it is by restructuring it in line with the realities of the current international economic and political circumstances, which are completely different from those at its inception.
The present economic order has become a major obstacle to developing countries, which did not take part in determining its nature, since most of them were subjected to imperialistic hegemony in its economic and political forms. The dilemma facing these countries following independence arises from the fact that the economic order does not respond to their just demand for equality and participation in international economic decision-making.
The international community has recognized the need to change the international economic order. This was stated clearly in the resolution on the new international economic order adopted at the seventh special session of the General Assembly. Regrettably, it is clear now that recognizing reality is one thing, but having the will to change it is an entirely different matter. Many years have passed since the adoption of that resolution, but the intransigence of developed countries has hampered efforts aimed at changing the international economic order and implementing the United Nations resolutions on the new international economic order.
The developing countries are convinced that their economic and social development cannot be attained under the old order, so they are determined to change it. They have made strenuous efforts to this end since 'the late l960s. To these efforts we owe the establishment of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the holding of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and the adoption of the proposals for the global round of negotiations and on the International Development Strategy.
Despite all these efforts, the hopes of the developing countries have not been fulfilled, because of the failure of developed countries to honour their commitments in the field of development assistance. The developing countries have realized that co-operation among themselves is the right way to bring about political and economic solidarity. This co-operation is also an important means of attaining economic and social development in those States. This co-operation acquired greater significance when the dialogue with developed States floundered, for the developed States wanted the dialogue to further their own interests, regardless of the critical needs of developing countries.
Co-operation among developing countries has made considerable progress. My country, which has consistently supported this co-operation as a sound basis for the achievement of its development objectives, strives to consolidate this co-operation. It has concluded economic and technical co-operation agreements with a large number of developing countries, and has also provided them with long-term loans and assistance. We believe that the developing countries should not be over-optimistic concerning the outcome of the North-South dialogue, but should begin laying a sound foundation of co-operation among themselves, so as to enter upon these talks from a position of strength.
In conclusion, we express the hope that the results of this session will measure up to the aspirations of mankind for a better world in which peace, prosperity and justice prevail.


Mr. President, a tradition dating back to the early days of this Organization confers upon me the privilege of being the first speaker, at the opening of our debate, to convey to you, my colleague and friend Dante Caputo, my warm and friendly congratulations on your election as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I am certain that you will do honour to that high office with the same qualities that have marked your steady leadership of Argentine diplomacy.
I should also like to express my appreciation of and respect for Ambassador Nita Barrow, distinguished representative of Barbados, whose merits enriched our choice for the direction of our work.
I once again pay a tribute to the outstanding diplomatic talent of the Secretary-General, Ambassador Javier Perez de Cuellar. His untiring efforts in building peace and strengthening the United Nations make him worthy of the appreciation of the whole international community.
When I addressed this Assembly for the first time three years ago there prevailed in international affairs grave forebodings and repeated violations of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. The language of confrontation between the super-Powers was becoming sharper owing to the use of advanced military technologies capable of spreading the risk of nuclear war to outer space. The persistence of localized tension and disputes frustrated the efforts to attain of the ideals of peace and security.
As I return here today I find that the world situation has improved somewhat. The practice of East-West detente, which seemed condemned to oblivion, has been reborn. The United States and the Soviet Union have finally reached a concrete agreement on disarmament. Their leaders are to be commended for this historic feat.
Some regional conflicts, the protagonists worn out by the tragic toll of death and destruction, now see the dawning of a peaceful solution. In previous speeches I have condemned the recalcitrant attitude of South Africa in blocking the process of independence for Namibia, the violence which seemed to have taken hold for good in the Gulf region and the transgression of the principles of self-determination and non-interference in Afghanistan. Today it is comforting to change my words of warning and criticism to bear witness to the promising outlook for peace efforts aimed at putting an end to those conflicts.
In looking at the clearer skies on the world political horizon, I reaffirm my reverence for the United Nations and my belief in the effectiveness of its instruments. If the world is better today than it was yesterday, we must give credit for that to the decisive contribution of the United Nations. We still have before us, however, unfinished and challenging tasks to accomplish in obedience to the provisions of the Charter, Obstructions remain to eradicating apartheid, solving the Middle East crisis, putting an end to the suffering of the people of Lebanon and bringing peace to Central America. It is my hope that at the next session of the General Assembly we may note further progress in our quest for peace and harmony among peoples.
As the representative of a nation which has always sought the establishment of a just and democratic world order based on the participation of all, I must stress that the task of transforming the world will be complete only after the strengthening and consolidation of co-operation for economic and social development. In this respect, unlike the remarks I have just made on the world political situation, my words today will not differ in substance or in tone from those of my previous statements. Because of the lack of progress in international economic relations, Brazil once again brings to the Assembly a message of apprehension, of disappointment, and renews to the developed world its proposals and claims.
Reaffirming its historical adherence to the highest ideals of international life and faithful to the will and the nature of its people, Brazil has inscribed in its new Constitution, which is about to be promulgated, the fundamental principles of its foreign policy; national independence; priority for human rights; the self-determination of peoples; non-interference; equality among States; the peaceful settlement of disputes; the defence of peace; repudiation of terrorism and racism; and co-operation among peoples for the progress of mankind. The representatives of the Brazilian people, when expressing in the Constitution the central demands and concerns of their own society, were perfectly attuned to the aspirations of the international community. They also embodied in their new charter the greatest aspiration of our continent - the integration of Latin America.
The world, unfortunately, has come to realize how absurd is the unilateral ethos underlying the illusion that power - military, political, economic or technological power - could generate a just or even a merely stable international order. Strength cannot give birth to law, much less to peace and justice. This is what the Charter of the United Nations - and in particular its preamble - tells us.
Nevertheless there persists a disturbing tendency on the part of certain countries to place their national law above international law, both in political and in economic matters. To plead internal laws, or alleged national interests, in order to avoid compliance with obligations under international law violates the essential principle of pacta sunt servanda, which is a basic rule of civilized coexistence among nations.
The adventure of unilateralism cannot be replaced by self-contained bilateralism or selective multilateralism. Negotiations on matters of interest to the whole world community require the participation of all countries, large or small. Talks on peace and economic development, in particular, cannot be made into an empty exercise whereby power pays homage to law.
Regrettably, the atmosphere of dialogue which now brings the super-Powers closer together has not resulted in an effective readiness to widen the field of multilateral understanding. The elaboration of power schemes geared to redefining and freezing a vertically structured world order deserves nothing but condemnation.
The difficulties encountered during the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament illustrate the concern I have just voiced. The impossibility of obtaining a document based on consensus, only a few months after the first treaty on nuclear disarmament in history was signed, clearly indicates the magnitude of the obstacle hindering the participation of the international community as a whole in deliberations concerning its own survival. The decision made by President José Sarney to take part in that session, along with other Heads of State or Government, attests to the firmness of Brazil's stand in favour of the cause of disarmament and of its open and effective discussion in the relevant bodies.
So strong is our people's repudiation of weapons of mass destruction and so firm our purpose to develop nuclear technology exclusively for peaceful ends that the following precept is embodied in the new Brazilian Constitution; all nuclear activities in Brazilian territory will be permitted only for peaceful purposes and subject to approval by Congress.
This same spirit, already enshrined in the Treaty of Tlatelolco, prevails in the understandings between Argentina and Brazil in this field. The loyal and fruitful co-operation between the two countries belies the myth of a nuclear race in Latin America.
The constructive purpose inspiring Brazil's foreign policy led to the convening of the first meeting of States of the Zone of Peace and Co-operation of the South Atlantic, which was held in Rio de Janeiro last July. Part of a region which is assuming its own identity, founded on deeply shared interests and perceptions, the South Atlantic countries were able to explore further the many paths of open dialogue among equals offered by the Declaration of the South Atlantic as a Zone of Peace and Co-operation.
Our views coincided on important issues. We support the efforts for peace-building in southern Africa. We are concerned that, in spite of repeated appeals from this Assembly, negotiations have not yet begun on all aspects relating to the future of the Malvinas Islands. We believe it necessary that concrete measures be adopted, in particular by the militarily significant States, in order to ensure the non-introduction of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction and the reduction of foreign military presence in the Zone of Peace and Co-operation.
Ample possibilities exist for joint action in favour of development. We found significant points of common interest in the preservation of the environment, in the need to avoid the dumping of toxic wastes and in the implementation of the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. I have no doubt that the conclusions of the Rio de Janeiro meeting will receive widespread support from States Members of the United Nations.
The signing of the Geneva agreements and the beginning of the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan have rekindled hopes for a future of peace and development for that country. We commend the Secretary-General and his Special Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, for the United Nations participation in this process. We would only have wished that the entering into force of the mechanism for verification and control of the agreements, with the good offices of the United Nations, had been implemented only after due process.
The cease-fire between Iran and Iraq, welcomed by Brazil, brought the prospect of peace and economic reconstruction to the Gulf region. May I stress the extraordinary relevance of the United Nations in this initiative, as from the joint action of all members of the Security Council - over which Brazil had the honour to preside at that time - in consultation with the Governments of Iran and Iraq and with the constant, timely and balanced mediation of the Secretary-General.
In southern Africa, progress in the negotiations between Angola, South Africa and Cuba, with the mediation of the United States, augurs well for a peaceful and just solution to the question of Namibia under resolution 435 (1978), adopted 10 years ago by the Security Council. We hope that this will be the first step towards normalizing the situation in the southern part of the African continent through the elimination of all sources of tension and conflict. Brazil has underlined the need for strict respect for the territorial integrity of its South Atlantic neighbour, Angola, and for an immediate end to the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa.
We regret that the odious practice of apartheid continues on its absurd course. The people and Government of Brazil long for the day when Namibia joins the community of independent nations. Peace and security can be assured in that region, so close to us, only when the odious institutionalized racism is eradicated.
In the Middle East repeated scenes of violence, which have shocked world public opinion, confirm that the self-determination of the Palestinian people in their own territory is an essential condition for solving the crisis. The Brazilian Government reiterates the need for respect for the rights of the Palestinian people, for Israel's complete withdrawal from the territories occupied since 1967 and for all States of the region to be able to exist in peace within internationally recognized borders. With those goals in mind, we continue to support the holding of an international conference on the situation in the Middle East, with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
The apparent standstill of peace progress in Central America is viewed with concern by Brazil. It cannot be denied that the Esquipulas Agreement contributed to alleviating tension and that new hopes emerged with the Agreement. But the recurrence of incidents in areas of tension and the paralysis, which we hope is temporary, in the process of dialogue and understanding create a feeling of uncertainty as regards the future of Central America. As a member of the Contadora Support Group, Brazil hopes that a less tense international atmosphere may come to make it easier for the countries of the region to attain their objectives of peace and development.
Although there is progress on the political scene and signs of a future world free from war and truly committed to achieving lasting peace, the international economic, situation still troubles our spirits and challenges our minds.
In the great majority of developing countries Members of this Organization, the dire facts continue to cry out for creative decisions which might break the stalemate that has been keeping those countries on the verge of collapse. We must no longer delude one another with rhetorical phrases and concepts. It is high time we openly admitted that a strong uneasiness is corroding the foundations of international economic co-operation.
Almost half a century has elapsed since we declared ourselves United Nations and, united, undertook to follow a common set of ideals among which was the fight against misery and hunger. One commitment was to halt the degradation of the most cherished values of our civilizations, irrespective of origins or beliefs. What has happened to us? Have we become less united than we were then?
We have only to look at this Assembly, as we meet for the forty-third consecutive year, to see that we are nations sharing universal principles and ideals. Whereas the hostilities of the Second World War had plunged us into the most hidden depths of terror and desolation, the seeds sown in San Francisco bore fruit in the Americas, in Asia, in Africa and in the Middle East - throughout the world. They are here, united, the nations which 50 years ago found themselves on opposing sides of the battlefield. They are here in this very place, united, the nations which in the following years achieved their independence, which was to a great extent the fruit of the same seeds of democracy sown in San Francisco.
Are we less united than before? No. We are more united then before, but not as united as we wish to be in the future.
It is therefore sad to note that we American, Asian, African brothers still suffer from the same horrors and the same desolation that so badly afflicted our forbears. While we have done away with wars, we have not yet been able to banish hunger, which is spreading endemically in pockets throughout the continents. We are all the more ashamed to see that hunger is present in and close to the most plentiful societies man has ever known.
Something is terribly wrong. The real growth of production in developing countries fell from an annual average rate of 5.5 per cent in the 1970s to an average of less than 3 per cent in the 1980s. The share of developing countries in the developed market economies shrank from 28 per cent in 1980 to 19 per cent in 1987, whereas that of the developed countries grew from 63 per cent to 71 per cent in the same period. In real terms the participation of developing countries in world exports suffered a decrease of approximately 25 per cent between 1963 and 1986. And something is terribly wrong when one notes that, due to the burden of external debt, the developing countries have to transfer abroad a great amount of the resources they so badly need for their economic development.
Brazil has, in the past few months, managed to reach with its private and government creditors a global agreement on the rescheduling of its external debt. We ate therefore keenly aware of the burdens weighing down on our economy. That is why we are convinced that only if and when the developed countries adopt appropriate policies shall we be able to reduce interest rates and improve the outlook for trade in debtor nations. Unfortunately, the erratic policy on international interest rates in recent years has thwarted the economic development of a whole generation. This policy has turned international trade into a complementary source of the reserves needed simply to service the external debt, with obvious adverse effects on expanding or even maintaining our economies' capacity to import.
This sad state of affairs has been made all the worse by a battery of constraints imposed vertically - from top to bottom. Proposals clothed in euphemistic language, such as "voluntary export restraints", cannot disguise the old formulas of protectionism and the spoliation or trade partners, formulas which are always at the root of the most serious recessions to shake the international economy this century.
It is our hope that the present multilateral negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade will make it possible for international trade to enter into a new cycle of expansion, on a more just and balanced basis. We cannot accept that the concept of trade without frontiers should be invoked to deny third-world countries the special, differentiated treatment they should receive. Nor can we accept that the developed countries should ignore the commitments they solemnly made when the Uruguay Round was launched and demand concessions from developing countries in exchange for revoking protectionist measures.
Moreover, it must also be acknowledged that legislative initiatives in some of the main trading countries are in essence clearly hostile, not only to international trade, but even to the scientific and technological capacity of the developing countries. My country, for example, is now under the threat of trade retaliation, simply because we - in accordance with international law and with the letter and spirit of agreements to which we are parties - have encouraged, in our own territory, research into and development of pharmaceutical products. We were taken aback to see the most ¿¡table and predictable rules of international trade and international law being violated unilaterally.
Therefore, conditions seem ripe for the General Assembly, responding to the appeal the President made in his inaugural statement, to relaunch on an effective, realistic and constructive basis, without resorting to rhetoric or recrimination, the North-South dialogue, without forgetting the great frustrations this endeavour has entailed so far.
The General Assembly is meeting at a good moment to change the course of history; to steer it in safer directions; to intensify the progress made in the fields of peace, the settlement of disputes and disarmament; and to reappraise and reinvigorate the already weakened international economic co-operation.
This year we celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is tragic that we are still unable to settle together the problems affecting, in vast areas of the world, the most elementary rights of mankind: the rights to life, health, shelter, food and work; in sum, those rights which assure the development and well-being of peoples.
Whereas in the task of building peace the day of hope is dawning upon the world, the struggle for development remains in frustrating darkness. It has been said that development is the new name for peace. If that is true, the Assembly cannot fail to measure up to the challenges of our times and to heed the urgent calls for justice and dignity.