At the outset, Sir, I wish to congratulate you on
your election to the high office of President of
the General Assembly.
21.	During the last few years we have
witnessed a serious deterioration in the
international political climate. The tensions
between East and West are particularly serious
since the East-West relationship still plays the
dominant role in shaping international relations.
But crises have emerged also in other regions and
with grave consequences.
3l. However promising the possibilities may be
for modem man to create positive conditions of
life, we must nevertheless acknowledge that we
have still failed to deal with many of the
world's major challenges of today in the
political, economic and military fields. The most
disturbing development is the increasing tendency
to resort to the use of force in international
relations. Events in Lebanon, in Afghanistan and
in the Falkland Islands are clear examples of
this.
52.	When conflicts between nations create
threats to international peace and security we
need international mechanisms which can intervene
to stop the escalation of such conflicts into
open war. We need organs which can promote
peaceful political settlements of disputes. The
United Nations was established to serve these
purposes. However, the United Nations is not
always used in the way intended under the
Charter; and when it is used; we have seen that
its demands, calls, recommendations and
resolutions are not heeded.
53.	This development harms both the United
Nations and its Member States. Norway has always
regarded the United Nations as the cornerstone of
its foreign policy and we therefore regret this
development. In his annual report on the work of
the Organization the Secretary-General highlights
just this situation. We greatly appreciate his
open, frank and constructive presentation of the
problems.
54.	The Charter has invested the bodies of
the United Nations with clearly defined and well-
balanced responsibilities for independent action.
It is up to us, the States Members of the United
Nations, to make constructive use of the
mechanisms provided for in the Charter in order
to further the common causes of the world
community.
55.	Over the years we have witnessed a
disturbing tendency to use the Organization for
political prop¬aganda and condemnations rather
than for seeking realistic and constructive
solutions to the problems before us. Member
States ought to consider whether this is
compatible with our desire to develop the United
Nations into an instrument for the settlement of
disputes and the maintenance of international
peace and security.
56.	In his report the Secretary-General draws
our attention to the same problem by stating that
public debate, which often can become rhetorical
and con¬frontational, is in itself not enough and
cannot be a substitute for serious negotiations.
He has also put forward a number of proposals on
how we should tackle the problems now facing the
Organization. I would in particular mention the
following proposals.
57.	The Secretary-General proposes, as an
important first step, a conscious recommitment by
Governments to the Charter. In response to this I
hereby reaffirm Norway's commitment.
58.	The Secretary-General asks us to
reconstruct the concept of collective action for
peace and security within the framework of the
Charter. The Norwegian Government agrees with him
and we are prepared to co-operate with him in
investigating ways and means of achieving this
urgent goal.
59.	The Secretary-General comments on the
Security Council and suggests that the Council
should keep an active watch on dangerous
situations and if necessary initiate discussions
with the parties involved before they reach the
point of crisis. We support a more forthright
role for the Secretary-General within the
framework of Article 99 of the Charter in
bringing potentially dangerous situations to the
attention of the Council. We find his suggestion
for developing a wider and more systematic
capacity for fact-finding in potential conflict
areas very useful and we look forward to a discussion
on how this capacity could be strengthened.
60.	The Secretary-General also comments on
peace¬keeping operations. As a country that has
con¬tributed troops to several United Nations
forces since 1956, and is contributing to UNIFIL,
we have a direct interest in this vital aspect of
the activities of the United Nations. We
therefore strongly support the
Secretary-General's recommendation that Member
States, especially the members of the Security
Council, should now urgently study the means by
which our peace-keeping operations could be
strengthened. We are not convinced that an
increase in their military capacity or authority
is a viable option, but we find very interesting
the suggestion of underpinning the authority of
peace-keeping operations by some kind of
guarantees.
61.	I should like to mention one last aspect
con¬cerning the role of the United Nations.
Perhaps the greatest strength of the United
Nations is embodied in its universality. Norway
has always considered the principle of
universality to be of cardinal importance for the
authority of the United Nations. We shall
con¬tinue to do so, and in this connection I
should like to stress the strong concern and
protest of my Govern¬ment concerning the vote in
the General Conference of IAEA on 24 September^
not to accept the credentials of the Israeli
delegation. Such moves will inevitably have
negative repercussions for the whole climate
within the United Nations system.
62.	The reaction in Norway to the recent
reports of the massacre of Palestinian
refugees—children, women and men—in Beirut has
been one of shock and revul¬sion. My Government
fully associates itself with the international
condemnation of this massacre. Such a cruel act
is a clear demonstration of how far the
antagonisms and hatred have developed between the
different groups in the area. This act shows us
more clearly than ever the urgent need for
national recon-ciliation in Lebanon and a
comprehensive and Listing solution to the Middle
East conflict in general. In the present
circumstances we know this is extremely
difficult. It can be possible only if all parties
con¬cerned are willing to show moderation and act
in a spirit of compromise.
63.	Norway fully supports all the Security
Council resolutions adopted on the crisis in
Lebanon during recent months. We urge all parties
to respect the national sovereignty and
territorial integrity of Lebanon.
64.	We also recognize the legitimate concern
for the security of the State of Israel. The
events that took place prior to 6 June this year
did not, however, justify the massive Israeli
invasion that followed. All States in the area,
Israel as well as its neighbours must have the
right to live in peace within secure and
recognized boundaries. There can be no just and
durable solution to the Middle East conflict
unless this principle is fully respected.
65.	The implementation of the national rights
of the Palestinian people, including its right to
self- determination, is of equal importance. This
implies Israel's withdrawal from territories
occupied in 1967. It also implies that
representatives of the Palestinian people should
participate in negotiations on the solu¬tion of
the Palestinian problem in all its aspects. The
procedure for the realization of Palestinian
self- determination should be established through
such negotiations.
66.	In spite of the tragic events of the last
few weeks we have noted some encouraging signs of
a positive development towards a peaceful and
com¬prehensive solution to the conflict. The plan
outlined by the President of the United States on
I September for a more general settlement of the
Middle East problem, and in particular the
Palestinian question, has been welcomed by Norway
as a significant and important contribution to
the peace process. The agreement at the resumed
Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez earlier
this month on a number of principles for the
solution of the crisis strengthens our conviction
that serious efforts are being undertaken to try
to solve the conflict in the Middle East.
67.	There are several other pressing international problems on our agenda.
68.	In Namibia, the ongoing efforts to reach
a negotiated political settlement are entering a
crucial stage. Norway strongly supports these
efforts and we sincerely hope they will succeed
so that Namibia can obtain its independence in
1933.
69.	In South Africa, the inhuman system of
apartheid persists. Together with the other
Nordic countries, Norway will continue to examine
ways and means of exerting pressure on the South
African Govern¬ment so that the necessary and
inevitable changes will come about by peaceful
means.
70.	In Afghanistan, the tragic war is
continuing. The Soviet Union assumes a heavy
responsibility by ignoring the clear decisions by
a vast majority in the Assembly that it should
withdraw its military forces. The Afghan people
must be granted the right to determine the future
of its country without external interference.
Norway supports the efforts by the
Secretary-General to solve this conflict.
71.	In Kampuchea, the impressive humanitarian
effort of the international aid agencies, led by
UNICEF, has helped to save the Kampuchean people
from famine and starvation. The illegal
Vietnamese occupation of the country continues,
however. Norway will support resolutions and
efforts to achieve a political solution so that
the long-suffering Kampu¬chean people can finally
obtain true independence and self-determination.
72.	The Norwegian delegation will express the
position of my Government on these and other
im¬portant questions on our agenda in more detail
at a later stage. I feel it necessary, however,
to make some remarks on the position of my
Government on three of the most vital questions
facing the United Nations and the international
community, namely, the problems of disarmament,
the question of human rights and the North-South
dialogue.
73.	Arms control and disarmament were dealt
with extensively in the United Nations during
this year's special session. In spite of positive
results on some important issues, the second
special session on disarmament this summer did
not succeed in devel¬oping further the important
Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of
the General Assembly, the first special session
on disarmament, in 1978. However, this must not
be allowed to undermine our resolve to continue
to work for arms control and disarmament within
the global framework which the United Nations
represents.
74.	Our deliberative process in the United
Nations must be realistic. We cannot force
agreement in the absence of consensus, nor must
divergent views deter us from seeking agreement.
Unless we succeed in our consensus-building here,
our ability to influence negotiations outside
this Hall will be minimal.
75.	Norway attaches great importance to the
follow- up to the second special session on
disarmament. We intend to submit proposals for
the strengthening of the machinery in the
multilateral field of negotiations and research,
including a limited expansion of the Committee on
Disarmament.
76.	Furthermore, Norway, together with the
other Nordic countries, would like to see
concrete action taken by the Assembly with regard
to the United Nations study on disarmament and
development.
77.	Our follow-up discussions during this
session of the General Assembly must necessarily
be addressed to a broad range of issues. At this
time, however, I should like to make a few
observations regarding nuclear and conventional
weapons. Priority must be assigned to questions
related to nuclear disarmament. The prevention of
both a further vertical nuclear arms build-up and
a horizontal proliferation of such weapons is one
of the greatest challenges facing the community
of nations today, and there is a clear link
between these two tasks.
78.	In this connection, the negotiations
between the United States and the Soviet Union at
Geneva on strategic nuclear weapons—the strategic
arms reduc¬tion talks—and intermediate-range
nuclear forces are of particular significance. It
is our hope and goal that the talks will lead to
substantial reductions in strategic nuclear
weapons on both sides. With regard to the
intermediate-range nuclear force negotiations,
Norway supports, as a first step, the total
elimination of American and Soviet land-based
intermediate- range missiles.
79.	Progress in those talks would in our view
also provide a further incentive to our efforts
to halt the spread of nuclear weapons to other
countries. Nuclear disarmament is also closely
linked to ongoing talks regarding a future
comprehensive test-ban treaty. Norway attaches
great importance to the activities of the
Committee on Disarmament in this regard; and we
shall continue our involvement in these matters.
80.	Our preoccupation with the need to hate
and reverse the nuclear arms build-up must not
make us forget developments in the conventional
field—and the increasing destructiveness of
conventional weapons. Therefore, the security
problems involve not only nuclear weapons, but
also conventional arms.
81.	Real progress towards disarmament can be
achieved only through negotiations resulting in
binding and verifiable agreements. Declarations
of intent alone concerning those questions can
never be sufficient.
82.	To conclude my remarks on disarmament, I
would like to point out that positive results
from these nego¬tiations could lead to a
lessening of tension in the East- West
relationship in general.
83.	Since the creation of the United Nations
sub¬stantial efforts have been undertaken to
establish international instruments and norms for
the protection of human rights. The Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the International
Covenants on Human Rights, one on civil and
political rights and the other on economic,
social and cultural rights, have become our basic
instruments. In spite of those and other
declarations, we are nevertheless confronted
almost daily with reports of gross and systematic
violations of fundamental human rights. Such
reports show that a number of Governments do not
live up to the commit¬ments and principles
embodied in those covenants and declarations. We
must also, regrettably, conclude that the
mechanisms established for the protection and
promotion of human rights are inadequate.
84.	With that situation as the background, it
must be an overriding concern to ensure more
effectively each individual's enjoyment of human
rights and fundamental freedoms. This issue has
been discussed for a number of years within the
United Nations. Concrete proposals have been
submitted; the establish¬ment of a post of United
Nations high commissioner for human rights is
only one among several examples. Thus, it is not
a lack of ideas that hampers the pro¬motion of
respect for human rights, but a lack of political
will.
85.	Recognizing that violations of human
rights must be regarded as an international
concern, it must also be the duty of the
international community to react to such
violations whenever they occur, regardless of the
political colour of the regime in question. The
invocation of the principle of non-interference
in internal affairs cannot be accepted as a
justification for the international community not
to act. If we do not respond similarly to
comparable violations, our credibility will be at
stake. My delegation will address itself to those
issues later in this session, in particular with
regard to the situation in Iran, where the
viola¬tions of human rights are becoming
increasingly severe through religious
persecution, torture and arbitrary executions.
86.	Before concluding, I would like to
comment briefly upon the importance of the
international economic situation, in particular
the North-South dialogue.
87.	One conclusion from the September meeting
of the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the
World Bank in Toronto was that the world economic
situation has worsened and that the short-term
prospects for improvement are still bleak. The
low-income devel-oping countries have been
particularly hard hit by the recession in the
industrialized world. Many of the developing
countries are faced with crushing debt problems,
the ramifications of which may threaten the
stability of the international financial system.
We see increasing protectionist tendencies and a
risk of an erosion of the open international
trading system. The spectre of mass unemployment
threatens the stability and cohesion of the
international com¬munity, in particular because
of its effect on our youth.
88.	At the same time, the economic and
development organizations within the United
Nations system are faced with a crisis of their
own. In a joint Nordic statement to the IMF/World
Bank meeting the crucial importance of
multilateral assistance was underlined, as well
as the necessity for donor countries at least to
keep their contributions to the present level.
It* this forum, I would in particular point to
the very difficult situation now facing UNDP. If
we do not find a rapid solution to the present
financial problems of UNDP the resulting cutbacks
in projects and assistance will have serious
repercussions on the entire United Nations
development system.
89.	My Government intends to maintain an
active role in the work for a new international
economic order. We regard the concept of a new
international economic order as an effort,
through international negotiations, to achieve a
combined strategy to foster just and equitable
economic relations between rich and poor
countries. We see this as a matter of developing
mechanisms for co-operation which will enable the
international economic system to function in the
best possible way to the mutual advantage of all
parties, and in particular to the benefit of
developing countries.
90.	If the present situation regarding the
North- South dialogue is allowed to persist, it
may not only have a negative impact on the
relations between the developed and developing
countries, but also further aggravate the stress
on the international economy. The Norwegian
Government still thinks that the planned round of
global negotiations represents a comprehensive
and integrated approach to the North- South
problems, and it still hopes that agreement can
be reached so that this round can be launched
during this session of the Assembly. We also
intend to take a very active part in the
preparations for the ministerial meeting of GATT
in November and for the sixth session of UNCTAD
to be held next year at Belgrade. The commitment
of Norway to the goals of international
development co-operation will also 6e evident
from the decision of my Government to main¬tain
its official development assistance at the level
of 1 per cent of its gross national product in
the years to come in spite of the economic
problems which are facing my country also.


At the outset, Sir, I should like to congratulate
you run your unanimous election to the high
office of the presidency of the thirty-seventh
session of the General Assembly. Your wide
experience and diplomatic talents make you
well-suited to confront the tasks that lie ahead
of you. I should like also to congratulate your
predecessor, Mr. Kittani of Iraq, for the
efficient and dedicated manner in which he
handled the affairs of the last session of the
General Assembly. We wish him well in his future
pursuits and hope that the international
community will continue to benefit from his wise
and able guidance.
A host of critical issues continue to preoccupy
the international community. Because of various
factors, several of which the Secretary-General
dealt with in his report on the work of the
Organization, the United Nations system,
particularly the Security Council, was not always
able to deal effectively with many such issues.
For quite some time now many have felt the
increasing inadequacy of the United Nations
meaningfully to promote and maintain peace and
security—the very objectives for which the United
Nations itself was established. Hence, there is a
very clear necessity to take steps to make the
United Nations system more effective in dealing
with international peace and security. It is
important for the permanent members of the
Security Council to take the leading role in
bringing about the required changes. They must
place on a higher footing the larger interests of
mankind as a whole. My delegation hopes that
those countries will come forward and bear the
responsibilities that they have agreed to
shoulder.
The news media worldwide, as well as most of the
speakers who have preceded me here, have referred
in glowing terms to the report of the Secretary-
General on the work of the Organization. We
appreciate the frank approach taken by the
Secretary-General. We are of the view that the
proposals put forward by him should be given
immediate and priority consideration. We
accordingly welcome the proposal made by Sierra
Leone for the inclusion in the agenda of an
additional item on the issue of collective
security.
539
At this juncture, I should like also to take the
opportunity warmly to congratulate the Secretary-
General for the very admirable manner in which he
has exercised his functions regarding the affairs
of the
Organization despite serious constraints. During
the course of the year he has dealt with some
very difficult situations in a manner befitting
his position and the powers vested in him. In
moments of crisis he has displayed rare skill and
diplomatic talent. My delegation, which has
always had full confidence in him, now wishes him
all success during his term at the helm of the
Organization.
Many issues that confront us at this session have
been on the General Assembly agenda since the
inception of the Organization. In many such cases
solutions continue to evade us. One issue is the
crisis in the Middle East. The holocaust that has
been visited upon Lebanon in recent months has
appalled and shocked the consciences ox all. The
massacre of Palestinian refugees in Beirut was
indiscriminate and merciless. Those who
perpetrated this crime must be counted among the
lowest ranks of criminals. We support a thorough
investigation to expose the true nature of this
ghastly deed.
My delegation was equally appalled at the heavy
bombing of Beirut by Israel in order to
annihilate the Palestine Liberation Organization.
This action on the part of Israel caused the loss
of countless civilian lives and the destruction
of much valuable property. Israel cannot continue
to resort to such use of force to settle disputes
with its neighbors. Nor will Israel and its
neighbors be able to achieve lasting and
worthwhile peace in the absence of dialogue and
negotiations. It is also the belief of my
delegation that the crux of the problem in the
Middle East is the question of Palestine. Israel
and others cannot afford to ignore the legitimate
and genuine cause of the people of Palestine. My
delegation therefore Ally supports the plea of
the overwhelming majority of the United Nations
membership, a plea that has resounded countless
times in this Hall, for the self- determination
of the people of Palestine. In order to achieve
this goal Israel will have to withdraw its forces
and its settlers from all territories occupied
since the 1967 war.
Another war that has levied a heavy toll of life
and property over the last two years is the one
between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq.
The appeals and the diplomatic efforts of the
United Nations, the non-aligned movement and the
Islamic group of countries have so far failed to
bring this war of attrition to an end. This is an
absolutely needless conflict, and the countries
involved must, in their own interests, bring the
war to a quick halt.
A/37/PV.29
The Charter very explicitly calls upon all
Members not to resort to the use of force in the
settlement of disputes. However, during the
course of the last few years several nations have
attempted to settle their disputes by using
force. Whether their cause is right or otherwise,
the use of force in the settlement on disputes
cannot be justified. The international community
should not permit anyone to gain through the use
of force. Otherwise the safety and well-being of
smaller and weaker nations will be constantly
threatened. For instance, in South-West and
South-East Asia, military might has been used to
intervene in the internal affairs of weaker
nations. On grounds of principle, we cannot
endorse the presence of foreign troops in the
countries of these regions. Such troops must be
withdrawn and the sovereign, independent and
truly non-aligned status of the countries
concerned restored.
My delegation had hoped to see a sovereign
independent Namibia by now. However, in spite of
numerous resolutions of the United Nations, South
Africa continues to occupy this international
Territory. My delegation now hopes that the
Western contact group will soon be able to
conclude negotiations and ensure Namibia's
independence within the framework of Security
Council resolution 435 (1978).
In South Africa itself, the despicable practice
of apartheid, condemned by every nation in the
world, still persists. The rights of the majority
have been denied. The authorities in Pretoria
must soon realize their folly and right the
wrongs being done.
IL My delegation joins those who have expressed
disappointment with the outcome of the second
special session on disarmament. The consistent
and high- pitched expression of fear of the
dangers of the arms race, the tremendous
diversion of resources and the massive rallies
that we have witnessed have failed to move the
leaders of the major countries of the world,
particularly the two super-Powers.
Despite the serious obstacles that exist, we
cannot and must not lose hope in our attempts to
achieve general and complete disarmament. There
must be a rethinking on the part of those
countries that have held back project in this
repaid. A way to maintain peace and security on
this planet of ours, instead of threatening its
destruction, must be found and established.
The outcome of nine years of negotiations on the
law of the sea was a laudable achievement of the
United Nations. It was also a step towards the
setting up of the new international economic
order. Many potential disputes will now be
prevented because of the provisions contained in
the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea. It is true that not all countries were able
to ensure the full coverage of their each and
every interest. The landlocked countries, for
instance, have had to be satisfied with very
little, to put it bluntly. They have withheld
many reservations in the larger interest. In view
of this, it was disheartening that a few
countries which, in fact, had gained
substantially, did not see fit to permit the
Convention to be approved by consensus.
Earlier speakers have all pointed to the dire
situation of the international economy. The worst
consequences of this state of affairs continue to
be shouldered by the non-oil-exporting developing
countries. Millions upon millions in the
developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin
America live in practically total deprivation.
Though efforts have been made to tackle this
problem, they have simply been too little or too
late, though well intentioned. What is required
to deal effectively with such a situation is an
increased flow of resources to these
underdeveloped areas and a restructuring of the
international economic system. We therefore
continue to stress that the present economic
order is unfair, unjust and incapable of treating
the difficulties that confront it. The longer we
delay the launching of the global negotiations
and the establishment of the new international
economic order, the longer it will take to
achieve our goals. My delegation urges those
developed countries which have so far failed to
endorse the launching of the global negotiations
to do so without further delay.
My delegation attaches considerable importance to
every facet of international economic
co-operation. The developing countries, and
especially the 31 least developed among them,
require a steady input of financial and technical
resources to enable them to create the necessary
basis for sustained social and economic
advancement. Without such sustained and
predictable resource flows the least developed
countries will not be able to overcome the
structural imbalances, lack of basic
infrastructure and the poverty that presently
characterize their economies. The resources given
thus far to the least developed countries,
through both multilateral and bilateral sources,
though inadequate, have had a beneficial impact
on their economies. A detailed analysis of the
conditions in these countries and their
requirements for assistance was taken up at the
United Nations Conference on the Least Developed
Countries, held in Paris in 1981. Serious efforts
are now under way to implement the Substantial
New Programme of Action that emerged at the
Conference. UNDP, UNCTAD and the World Bank have
moved, in close co-operation with the least
developed countries, to arrange the aid
consultative group meetings between potential
donor countries and recipient countries. My
delegation would like to urge all donors, and
particularly the developed countries, to come
forth and increase their assistance in keeping
with the decisions of the Paris Conference.
In this context, we were heartened by the
statements of several countries, including the
one delivered on behalf of the European Economic
Community by the Foreign Minister of Denmark at
the 8th meeting of the Assembly. Those assurances
and the actions being taken will keep up the
momentum generated in Paris towards implementing
the Substantial New Programme of Action.
In spite of those developments, my delegation has
nevertheless been perturbed by the serious
decline in real terms in multilateral assistance
in general. As members of the UNDP Governing
Council, we have particularly observed the
serious lack of resources that will confront UNDP
in the Third Indicative Planning Figures Cycle.
Many least developed countries have come to rely
to a major extent on UNDP, UNICEF and other
similar assistance for undertaking projects and
programmes crucial to their socioeconomic
development. A deterioration in this type of
assistance would definitely jeopardize their
plans and programmes. We therefore once again
call upon the international community, and
particularly the developed countries, to
reinvigorate their assistance through UNDP and
other multilateral agencies. The developing
countries are now very aware of the benefits of
economic and technical co-operation among
themselves. The basis for such co-operation has
been clearly laid down in the Caracas Programme
of Action which was finalized in 1981, and in the
programmes outlined by the non-aligned movement.
In our region of South Asia, seven countries
—Bangladesh, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan,
Sri Lanka and my own, Bhutan—are in the process
of gradually but steadily laying the foundations
for enhancing socio-economic co-operation. The
initial encounters among these countries have
revealed that without co-operation many important
and crucial problems of the region cannot
adequately be dealt with. Co-operation is
required urgently to improve the region's
transport, communications and other infra-
structural facilities. Health, population, the
environment and agriculture are other areas in
which the region could profit from increased
co-operation. The countries of South Asia, which
had either been cut off from or which have been
averse to each other because of colonial and
other historical factors also need to understand
each other's cultural and religious heritage.
They must also respect and recognize each other's
genuine and legitimate aspirations as sovereign
members in joint pursuit of furthering the
well-being of their peoples. The fact that all
the countries that have joined the South Asian
forum are members of the United Nations, the
non-aligned movement and the Group of 77 creates
a common ground among them to come together.
Bhutan attaches considerable importance to this
emerging venture of co-operation in South Asia
and we are confident that the other countries in
this venture will do all in their power to make
it a success and to put South Asia on a new path
of peace, prosperity and progress.
In conclusion, I should like to reaffirm the
strong commitment of the Kingdom of Bhutan to the
principles and purposes of the Charter. We must
take all action necessary to strengthen the
Organization, which is universal in character and
holds the only hope of mankind for peace and
prosperity.


First of all I should like to convey to you, Sir,
the congratulations of the delegation of Albania
on your election to the office of President of
the Assembly. It is a pleasure for me to take
this opportunity to greet the Secretary-General
and to wish him every success in the
accomplishment of his important tasks.
103.	An objective analysis of the world events
that have taken place since the last session of
the General Assembly shows that the present
international situation is very tense and fraught
with dangers for the peoples' freedom and world
peace. The aggravation of this situation and the
grave economic, political and social crisis which
has the capitalist and revisionist world in its
grip have increased the danger of war.
104.	This situation is a direct result of the
expansionist and neo-colonialist policies
pursued by the imperialist Powers, and above all
by the two super powers. At present there is no
area in the world that is not affected by or
subject to their predatory ambitions. Both
super-Powers obstinately continue their
expansionist policy of establishing world
domination, which is seen also in their
unceasing race to achieve political and military
superiority the one over the other, to attain new
strategic positions, and so on. It is this
aggressive policy and the rivalry between the two
super-Powers that further complicate the various
situations and make them more tense and fraught
with dangerous consequences.
105.	The efforts of the United States
imperialists to impose their will on various
countries impose their expression in United
States persistence in an ever more aggressive
foreign policy which relies increasingly on
military force. The same intensification of
aggressiveness is also seen in the foreign policy
of the Soviet social-imperialists. At the present
time all- round militarization of the country's
life and the exercise of pressures and military
force against other countries characterize that
policy.
106.	United States interference in Iran and
the stationing of its aggressive military forces
in the Middle East, the occupation of Afghanistan
by the Soviet Union, the incitement of conflicts
on the African continent, intervention in Latin
America and Southeast Asia along with the
political, economic and military threats and
blackmail in regard to many countries by the two
super-Powers, all go to show that they are
pursuing a policy of oppression and aggression.
There is no area in international relations where
one does not encounter their policy from a
position of force; there is no armed conflict or
hotbed of tension that, directly or indirectly,
the super powers do not have a hand in. More
than ever before, they are arming their war
machines by adding to their arsenals of new,
sophisticated weapons. The propaganda clamor
about disarmament by the superpowers is nothing
but a maneuver to cover up their frenzied arms
race. And at the same time as they are arming
themselves, they are engaging in an arms traffic
which has become a business of immense scope,
from which they reap fabulous profits and which
increases the political and economic dependence
on them of various countries.
107.	In order to conceal their true aims and
to deceive the peoples, the super-Powers make a
big demagogic fuss so as to present their actions
as being in favor of safeguarding peace. To that
end, they have set up a number of commissions and
machinery dealing with various problems: from the
strategic arms limitation talks to European
security, from the reduction of troops in Europe
to the demilitarization of outer space. All this
aims to create the false impression that
something is being done, that the key to peace
lies in their agreements and their initiatives.
AH this demagogy also has the aim of imposing on
the peoples the idea that they should not take
any action but should inevitably yield to the big
Powers.
108.	The situation continues to be very
serious on the European continent. The events
which have occurred in and around Europe clearly
indicate that the political and military blocs
headed by the United States and the Soviet Union,
their policy of an "atomic umbrella" and of
spheres of influence, constitute the source of
discord, tension and confrontation between
various countries.
109.	The statements that the signing of the
Helsinki Final Act would eliminate political,
ideological and military tension and that the
Madrid meetings on European security would
strengthen peace in Europe have showed themselves
to be a bluff. The insecurity of Europe has grown
even greater.
110.	The two super-Powers with their rival
aggressive blocsóNATO and the Warsaw Pactóhave
strengthened their military power with the most
modem weapons, accumulating an unprecedented war
arsenal. They are filling Europe with missiles
and nuclear weapons so as to use them as a means
of threat, and blackmail against the countries
where they are stationed and against other
European countries. Military maneuvers of an
aggressive character have grown in intensity and
have assumed greater proportions. The presence
in the Mediterranean of big naval fleets
belonging to the super-Powers has turned that
basin into a militarized sea; that presence
constitutes a serious threat to the freedom and
independence of the coastal countries of that
basin as well as to peace in Europe and in the
world.
111.	The Albanian delegation believes that
real security and co-operation in Europe can be
attained only by the European countries
strengthening their independence and sovereignty,
by opposing the policy of both super-Powers, by
liquidating bases and blocs of NATO and the
Warsaw Pact and by driving foreign military
forces, together with their missiles and Other
nuclear weapons, out of their countries. The
People's Socialist Republic of Albania will
never allow the stationing of foreign military
bases and forces on its territory. It has
declared that fact publicly and has endorsed it
in its Constitution.
112.	The situation in Europe is also reflected
in the Balkan region. The two imperialist
super-Powers have not renounced their goals and
are aiming at turning the region into a permanent
powder keg. They strive to prevent the normal
development of relations between the Balkan
peoples and countries, to revive did hostilities
and quarrels, to encourage and mcite chauvinist
sentiments and passions and to imbue then  With a
sense of confrontation. Such attempts are fraught
with danger for the peoples of this area and run
counter to their sincere desire for the
establishment of mutual confidence,
understanding and genuine co-operation.
113.	In its relations with neighbouring
countries, the people's Socialist Republic of
Albania has, since its very inception, always
been guided by a policy of good neighborliness.
Its desire and aim have always been that the
Balkan countries might live in peace and
friendship without interference in each other's
internal affairs, implementing the fundamental
principles of mutual co-operation and respect. We
are convinced that this is the correct way to
forge fruitful and lasting relations which serve
the cause of peace and security in the Balkans.
The leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver
Hoxha, has said:
"The People's Socialist Republic of Albania
believes that at present the genuine aspirations
of the Balkan peoples and peace and stability in
this region can best be served by preventing the
imperialist super-Powers from interfering in the
internal affairs of the countries of our region
and by taking concrete and constructive steps
with a view to the positive development of
relations on the basis of the policy of good
neighborliness. The situation in the Balkans
would be greatly improved if the Balkan countries
were to undertake officially not to allow the
super-Powers to use their territory in order to
threaten or endanger neighbouring countries. In
the future, as in the past, socialist Albania
will consistently adhere to this policy and will
make every effort to ensure that mutual respect
and genuine understanding prevail in its
relations with neighbouring States."
114.	In the Middle East, the situation has deteriorated further. Fifteen
years after their aggression, the Israeli
Zionists continue to hold the occupied Arab
territories. In an arrogant and unrestrained
manner, and under the protection of the United
States, they have undertaken new invasions. The
crimes and massacres committed by Israel against
the civilian Palestinian population, which
surpass even those committed by the Hitlerites,
have aroused the indignation and profound hatred
of the peoples of the world. The events which
have occurred in the area this year are a
consequence of the situation imposed by the
super-Powers. They show how the peoples pay with
blood and extraordinary sacrifices for the
intrigues and plots hatched behind their backs.
115.	The peoples of the world, and above all
the Palestinian people, see clearly that this
barbarous Aggression constitutes one of the most
flagrant expressions of the agreements and
intrigues concocted between the United States and
the Soviet Union fbr concessions and mutual
recognition of the aggressions they have
committed or are about to commit. It is also the
expression of the bargains they have struck with
each other against Iran, Afghanistan, the
countries of the Persian Gulf, the Midtue East
and other States in various regions of the world.
116.	Washington's emissaries offer various
plans for the alleged settlement of the Middle
East problem, but in the final analysis; all of
them boil down to the Camp David agreement and
aim at liquidating the Palestinian question,
denying the Arab peopled their rights and
annexing the territories occupied by Israel under
the false pretext of guaranteeing "secure
boundaries"
117.	The Americans and the Soviets, through
their imperialist policies, are responsible for
the shedding of the blood of the peoples and are
the main culprits. We note with indignation that
Governments which could have acted to stop the
hands of the murderers did not even raise a
finger to avert the Israeli onslaught against
Lebanon And the Palestinians, to stop the
barbarous massacres and genocide committed
against the martyred Palestinian people.
118.	I could speak here in diplomatic terms,
but that would be of no value. I am going to
speak in a different fashion, openly; I shall say
what our people think. If the aggressive thrust
of the United States imperialists and the Soviet
social-imperialists is not stopped, the world
will find itself on the verge of a third world
war. But that cannot be stopped by words and
protests. I would recall that the Security
Council resolutions and its protests on the most
burning issues have yielded no result. The
Israeli war and the genocide against the Arabs,
and against the Palestinians in particular,
continues, as does the aggression and oppression
against Afghanistan, and the list is longer.
119.	The situation in the Middle East is
fraught with the danger of an imperialist war and
of bloodshed and oppression for the Arab peoples.
In our view it should be clear to anybody that it
is the United States imperialists and the Soviet
social-imperialists that puM the strings in all
the plots against the freedom and independence of
peoples; it is they that shamelessly divide the
zones of influence between them and play with the
fate of peoples: it is they that incite hostility
among the peoples and organize the networks of
agents and putsches to pave the way for their
expansionist and hegemonist ambitions that
situation is intolerable fbr the people and we
therefore believe that it should be resolutely
opposed and exposed.
120.	The difficulties that may be created for
the brave Palestinian people will never put an
end to their just struggle. Recent developments
in that region have shown the Arab peoples that
the great mission of their national liberation
and the defense of their freedom and independence
can be carried out only by them. The unity of the
Arab peoples against Zionism and the plots of the
super-Powers is a basic factor in their struggle
in their just cause.
121.	The Albanian people and Government
strongly condemn Israel's barbarous aggression
against the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples, its
monstrous crimes and the genocide it has
committed. In the future too we shall fully
support th5e just struggle of the Palestinian
people to have, like any other people, their own
homeland and State, and the efforts of the Syrian
people and other fraternal Arab peoples to drive
the Israeli aggressors out of the occupied Arab
lands. Lebanon must be an independent and
sovereign country and the aggressive Israeli
troops must withdraw immediately.
122.	Our country, Albania, has taken all the
necessary measures and is ready to defend itself
and overcome any aggression by its enemies. But,
being a small country, we are not able to render
material aid to oppressed peoples fighting
imperialist domination. What we can do is unmask
the aggressive policy of United States
imperialism and of Soviet social- imperialism and
the policy of subjugation. This we are doing and
shall continue to do, come what may.
123.	The situation in the Gulf area, where,
since the victory of the Iranian revolution, the
great Powers have intensified their policy of
plots and blackmail, remains serious. In spite of
the shameful defeat which the United States
imperialists suffered in Iran, they never give up
their efforts to regain their lost privileges and
positions, while the Soviet social-imperialists
are trying to exploit the situation in their own
interests. The courageous Iranian people have
successfully overcome the numerous difficulties
created for them after the victory of the
anti-imperialist revolution, and are
safeguarding the freedom and independence of
their homeland.
124.	The Albanian Government holds that it is
in the interest of Iraq and Iran to end their
conflict and settle their disputes through
negotiation so that the two peoples may live in
peace and friendship. This would also be in the
interests of the people of the region and their
welfare and progress; and it would be a blow
against the policy of the super-Powers, the aim
of which is to see various countries pitted
against each other.
125.	We support the courageous Afghan people
who for three years now have been continuing the
fearless struggle against the Soviet occupation
forces to regain their national independence.
126.	Only a few months ago in the Malvinas
Islands the British imperialists, with the
support of the United States, put into effect
their gunboat policy. Once again the Latin
American peoples saw the true face of United
States imperialism and understood the value of
the treaties and agreements concluded with that
country. Notwithstanding the manner in which the
events unfolded, no one can deny Argentina its
right to exercise sovereignty over the Malvinas
Islands. The sovereign rights of nations and
peoples cannot be violated or proscribed either
by force of arms or by treaties and agreements
concluded to the detriment of peoples.
127.	The countries of South-East Asia, which
for decades have suffered from cruel colonial
oppression and exploitation and have been
subjected to imperialist aggression, are still
under the political and military threat of the
United States, the Soviet Union and China, which
are doing their utmost to pit them one against
the other, to pave the way for their
interventions and to safeguard their
hegemonistic positions. As in the past, Albania
supports the right of the peoples of those
countries to settle their internal problems
themselves and to decide their own future without
foreign interference. No one has the right to
infringe their independence, sovereignty and
territorial integrity, no matter what the
pretext. The countries of that region have the
right to be fully independent, free and sovereign
under the tutelage of none.
128.	The situation in the Korean peninsula
continues to be tense because of the presence of
the United States occupation forces in South
Korea. The Albanian people and Government support
the just struggle of the Korean people to drive
United States troops out of South Korea and for
the independent reunification of their homeland.
129.	The African countries and peoples which have just freed themselves from
savage colonial oppression and exploitation have
intensified their efforts and their struggle in
defense of their sovereign rights against all-out
imperialist and neo-colonialist interference.
They are constantly faced with the policies of
the super-Powers, which keep alive conflicts and
hotbeds of tension and encourage African
countries to fight against each other, in order
to pave the way for their further penetration
into Africa, expand their zones of influence and
plunder the vast natural resources of that
continent. This policy and activity encourage the
racists of South Africa to continue the
occupation of Namibia and the oppression of its
people. The barbarous oppression, ruthless racial
discrimination and odious apartheid policy
carried out by the Fascist Pretoria regime
against the indigenous population, together with
its serious acts of aimed provocation against
neighbouring countries, constitute a permanent
threat to the African peoples. The Albanian
people is in complete solidarity with the peoples
of Azania and Namibia and other African peoples
and resolutely supports their just struggle for
liberation, to uproot colonialism and
neo-colonialism and to foil the intrigues and
prevent the interference of the imperialist
Powers.
130.	A significant factor which cannot but
have a negative effect on the present world
situation is the general crisis gripping the
capitalist-revisionist world. It has exacerbated
the inter-imperialist contradictions and the
economic, political and military rivalries. It
has led to economic stagnation, a continuous fall
in production, inflation and price rises,
unemployment and the constant deterioration of
the well-being of the working masses. Many
countries have witnessed the growth of terrorism,
anarchy and political and moral corruption.
Social relations and inter-State relations have
deteriorated. The crisis has made domestic and
international tensions more acute both in the
West and in the East. Typical of this is the
critical situation in Poland, where the people
are suffering the consequences of the
capitulationist and opportunistic line dictated
by Moscow. We support the resolute opposition of
the peoples to oppression, plunder and financial
manipulations flowing from the imperialist
Powers' policy aimed at increasingly shifting the
burden of the consequences of the grave economic
crisis on to the backs of the working masses.
131.	Today the peoples' struggle throughout
the world against the policy of aggression and
oppression as practised by the imperialist
Powers, primarily the two super-Powers, is
gaining in strength and scope. In Asia, Africa,
Central and South America and elsewhere the
peoples are struggling for national liberation,
their independence and sovereign rights and their
economic and social emancipation. Their struggle
has gained irresistible momentum, thus becoming a
significant factor in the process of world
development, and winning the support of
progressive mankind.
132.	Albania resolutely supports the struggle
of democratic States and peoples in defense of
their national sovereignty and their legitimate
rights and interests. It supports efforts to
establish just international economic relations
and to combat colonial exploitation. The gap
between industrialized and developing countries
is becoming ever wider. This is the direct result
of the intensive exploitation which exists in
various forms. Colossal profits are reaped by the
capitalist monopolies from the toil and blood of
the peoples of developing countries, burdensome
credits and the imposition of very low prices for
raw materials as compared with those of
manufactured goods. The tactics of the
imperialist Powers concerning the so-called
North-South dialogue are nothing but efforts to
perpetuate the old unjust economic relations and
further to intensify exploitation. Countries and
peoples have every right to exercise sovereignty
over their national assets and to use them for
the benefit of their national development and
progress.
133.	The People's Socialist Republic of Albania follows a consistent
and independent foreign policy based on
principleóa policy of friendship and sincere
co-operation with all peoples and countries that
love freedom and peace. That foreign policy,
which is guided by the principles of proletarian
internationalism, is free from the slightest
sign of narrow nationalism, chauvinism or
national exclusiveness or any tendency to
underrate others. It has always been and
continues to be against the policy of aggression
and oppression of the two super-Powers, the
United States and the Soviet Union, with which we
neither have nor ever will have relations or lint
s of any kind. United States imperialism and
Soviet social- imperialism have been and remain
the greatest enemies of the freedom and
independence of peoples. We are against their
attempts to create the psychosis according to
which the world can only find stability under
their tutelage. We have never accepted that
international policy should be the monopoly of
the super-Powers.
134.	Proceeding from the well-known principles
of equality, respect for sovereignty,
non-interference in the internal affairs of
others and mutual benefit, our country has
extended and strengthened its relations of
friendship and co-operation with other States,
with all countries that love freedom and peace.
It has diplomatic relations with some 100
countries from all continents and trade and
cultural relations with a large number of them.
We are in favor of conducting normal and free
trade exchanges without discrimination or
restrictive measures, and against maneuvers and
attempts by anyone to exploit them as a means of
pressure and to impose their own will and
political views. We also favor exchanges in the
fields of art, culture, science and so on and
believe that these should be expanded and enable
the peoples to acquaint themselves with each
other's achievements.
135.	This year the Albanian people will
celebrate an important event in its historyóthe
seventieth anniversary of the proclamation of
independence, which was the culmination of their
century-long struggle for national independence.
They had to make innumerable sacrifices and shed
much blood to win genuine freedom and
independence, to become sovereign masters of
their own homeland and to open the road to
development and progress. For our people have
always valued national freedom and independence
above all else. Hence, national oppression and
practices of national discrimination, wherever
they occur and in whatever form and no matter
what the pretext or justification, are alien to
us. We are against any policy of
denationalization, against restrictions in and
obstacles to the protection and free development
of the national culture, art, language and
education, against the negation of traditions and
history. Every people, big or small, has the
absolute right to preserve and affirm its
national identity. Respect for national dignity
and values and with the other rights flowing from
the principles of the Charter of the United
Nations creates conditions in which the peoples
can live in friendship and States can have normal
relations with each other.
136.	Socialist Albania, without stretching out
its hand to anyone for aid or credits, has
ensured an independent and vigorous development
in all fields of life. It has averted the
destructive consequences of the  world economic
and political crisis and created favorable
conditions for the constant improvement of the
welfare of the working masses of the country. The
new price cuts which came into effect in June
this year in Albania, at a time when everywhere
else the opposite was happening, were a clear
demonstration of the vitality of our socialist
order.
137.	There are those that accuse Albania of
being isolated and cut off. This is not true. We
are vigilant because we are alert and know that
enemies are hatching plots against socialist
Albania, because we see clearly and a familiar
with their methods and the plots they direct
against other peoples.
138.	It does not bother us if some journalist
writes an article alleging that Albania is a
closed and a poor country. We find such
propaganda worthless. Our people are satisfied
with their own political and economic situation.
They have everything they need and are sure that
they will have much more in the future. It is to
that end that they are working and struggling,
relying entirely on their own resources. We would
like to inform those who are supposedly concerned
about the well-being of our people that in the
part of the world where, according to them,
abundance and well-being prevail, there in fact
exists an incurable economic crisis that has
thrown millions of unemployed persons into the
streets, and that in their countries prices
continue to rise and drugs and vandalism run
riot. In socialist Albania, which they regard as
a poor country, such phenomena do not exist.
Perhaps those critics would enjoy seeing us too
becoming prey to such phenomenaóbut that will
never happen. Such things will never be condoned
in our country; there is no room for them there.
Albania has kept its door closed to such things
in the past and will continue to do so in the
future. But it has opened and will open its doors
to its many friends and well-wishers who exist
among the peoples and to whom we are grateful.
139.	The Albanian delegation will spare no
effort to make its modest contribution to the
proceedings of this session of the General
Assembly so that its work may take a proper
course that with serve the interests of peoples
and of peace.


The unanimous election of Mr. Hollai to the
presidency of the Assembly is a tribute to the
People's Republic of Hungary, a country with
which Madagascar is glad to have very cordial
relations based on our common aspiration to
social progress, and if I can speak as a former
colleague I must say that we also see in this
election recognition of his personal qualities
and his unceasing contributions to the
deliberations and work of the United Nations. To
his predecessor, Mr. Kittani, we would address
fraternal thanks for the exemplary and
responsible way in which he carried out his
mandate. It is also fitting for us again to
express the confidence of the Malagasy Government
in the Secretary General and to assure him of the
full cooperation of our delegation.
At the last session, when analyzing the
international situation, the Foreign Minister of
the Democratic Republic of Madagascar highlighted
three points: the failure of the system of
collective security drawn up in the Charter in
rather special circumstances; the widespread
insecurity in international relations; and the
need for a multilateral approach to both the
assessment and the solution of world problems.
That analysis is still valid today, particularly
now that we are so bitter and disconcerted to see
that despite the numerous meetings, the
succession of conferences and the numerous
consultations we still cannot manage to emerge
from the world political and economic crisis. How
could it be otherwise, when real or potential
conflicts are constantly on the increase, and
when, through neglect or of necessity or
inadvertently, the determination of priorities is
governed by one law only, the law of confusion,
and when we are virtually helpless in the face of
the return of the primacy of national interests?
The most pessimistic among us are quite willing
to say that we have tried all remedies, that
nothing can be done about this problem, that all
we can do is remain content with a short lived
respite from time to time. We are tempted to
agree with them, because the notions on which the
hopes of a just and equitable redefinition of
international relations were based have been
discarded. What happened to detente? What about
peaceful coexistence? Is it now obsolete? And
what happened to the right of peoples and nations
to independent development? Are we still bound by
international solidarity? The generous enthusiasm
of the 1970s is no longer with us, and we are
witnessing the erosion of the collective
responsibility necessary for vision and the
management of a world that obviously can no
longer be what it was 37 years ago.
The vast majority of the countries of the third
world were not present at the time of the
drafting of the Charter, the limits and even the
imperfections of which we recognize. But in
joining the Organization we were determined to
remain as faithful as possible to the precepts of
the Charter. In that respect we were idealists,
because, for example, we thought that by
brandishing the Charter we would be able to rid
the world of. But at the end of the twentieth
century Apartheid remains at the center of our
concerns. It is an inhuman and retrograde policy
if ever there was one. The racial segregation
practiced in South Africa is detrimental not only
to the dignity and well being of the non white
population of that country; it poisons the
political life of the continent as a whole, and
its persistence makes it impossible for us to
talk about true stability or peace in either the
short term or the long term.
The	regime presupposes the use of force,
because no ethnic group can willingly submit to
domination and exploitation by another group. To
stay in power this regime has to ensure that its
victims will stop being inspired by the example
of the independent African countries. It has to
undermine and destroy the network of solidarity
which the South African liberation movement,
essentially the African National Congress, enjoys
or may enjoy beyond the frontiers of South
Africa. That is why the Pretoria authorities do
not hesitate to show their anti  African nature
by increasing their acts of aggression,
interference and destabilization against their
immediate or more distant neighbors, in
particular those of southern and eastern Africa.
The sister Republic of Seychelles will take a
long time to recover economically from the
mercenary aggression of 25 November 1981 and to
regain the security it needs to press ahead with
its policies and the development that should be
promoted by enabling the Special Fund set up
under resolution 3202 to become operational.
The racist regime sends into action mercenaries
and bandits, which it trains, finances, leads and
commands, in order to challenge the socialist
course followed by Mozambique.
Angola, which has suffered several acts of
aggression since independence in 1975, has had
part of its territory occupied for more than a
year by South African troops; its airspace is
constantly violated, and its civilian population
and installations are constantly at the mercy of
bombardments and airborne troops.
Was that provided for in the Charter? Is it
tolerable? The only answer can be no, but when we
Africans who are in our flesh and in our dignity
victims of the system of Apartheid and the
extortion that accompanies it ask for sanctions
against Pretoria or compliance with and the
strengthening of the arms embargo decreed by the
Security Council, all we get is unwillingness to
act and vetoes.
In Namibia, which South Africa still considers to
be one of its provinces, Pretoria has done
nothing to break the infernal cycle of injustice,
turmoil and repression through voluntary
renunciation of a policy that is constantly
challenged. Instead, the racist regime continues
to rely on force to suppress or at least to
thwart the desire for emancipation of those who
disagree with it and continues to maintain the
illegal occupation of the Territory.
It is regrettable that certain circles,
disregarding this aspect, refuse to recognize
SWAPO as the authentic and sole representative of
the Namibian people and continue to treat it as a
terrorist organization, showing a lack of
sensitivity towards the large  scale physical
liquidation of SWAPO militants. Those same
circles have been the most zealous advocates of
the need to shore up confidence in the racist
regime and to keep it secure, as if injustice and
illegal occupation needed comfort or
consolidation.
Recently those same circles have not hesitated to
go beyond South African requests by reimposing a
conditional link between the independence of
Namibia and the withdrawal of the Cuban
internationalist troops that are in Angola at the
request of the Angolan Government. Leaving aside
the fact that this would constitute a flagrant
intervention in the internal affairs of a
sovereign independent State, this proposed link
is truly surprising. It seems to be forgotten
that it was South Africa that committed
aggression against Angola and not the other way
round. Now it is South Africa that needs to be
protected against the combined forces of Angola
and Cuba. Instead of internationalist or why not
multinational troops being brought in to provide
protection for that country, those that are there
are being asked to leave.
For this reason we support the terms of the
communique of the summit meeting of the front
line States held in Lusaka on 4 September 1982.
Reaffirming that Security Council resolutions 386
(1976) and 435 (1978) are the sole valid basis
for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian
question, we subscribe to the position of the non
aligned countries that the United Nations has the
prime responsibility for the solution of this
question, with a view to the rapid transition of
the Territory to independence. If that
independence is further delayed, the Organization
should shoulder its responsibility and proclaim
Namibia independent, with all the consequences
which that might have, particularly for South
Africa, whose rights in the matter we challenge,
for the Member States, which cannot with impunity
abandon the Namibians to their fate and, lastly,
for the Organization itself, one of whose primary
objectives is after all the liberation of peoples.
The unanimity of the African States on the
political liberation of Africa, particularly of
its southern part, we should have liked to see
manifested in a positive manner in respect of
Western Sahara. For us, the admission of the
Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic as the fifty
first member of the Organization of African Unity
is irreversible because it represents an
important stage in the struggle of the Sahraoui
people to put an end to the Moroccan occupation,
which we continue to denounce, and to enjoy fully
independence, sovereignty and their inalienable
national rights. Last year, in Nairobi, at the
eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of
State and Government of the OAU, a consensus
emerged ' in respect of the framework in which
the exercise of those rights could take place and
no divergence of views manifested itself as to
the need for a ceasefire and negotiations between
the parties to the conflict, which in our opinion
can only be Morocco and POLISARIO,
The crisis experienced by the OAU does not date
from the admission of the Sahraoui Arab
Democratic Republic to that organization but it
is evident that
its solution depends to a great extent on the
commencement and successful outcome of
negotiations on Western Sahara. The error in this
matter, if there has been an error, does not lie
in the existence of divergent views, but may
derive from the belief that unity can be achieved
at any price and on any conditions. The African
determination to overcome this crisis is still as
firm as ever and we shall achieve our aims and be
even more strengthened in our principles and
convictions, if only to confound those who have
counted on a temporarily disunited Africa in
order to promote certain interests which will
never be ours.
On the Middle East, there are those who would
like to calm our apprehensions by suggesting that
the recent Israeli aggression against Lebanon and
the Palestinian people ended in political defeat.
In Israel itself something seems to have changed,
something resembling the qualms of a conscience
which had long been accustomed to accept the
double talk of the Government; while among the
most fervent defenders of the Zionist regime
there are those who complain they have been led
astray by Begin and Sharon and now seem to
recognize the dangers of unconditional support
for Israel and the virtues of a more critical and
objective attitude to its crimes.
Although salutary those reactions have come
rather late and we cannot forget what a great
price has been paid by the Palestinian people in
order to bring about these modest movements in
public opinion. Israel is now its own rejection
front. It is the only country which has rejected
in tum the United Nations plan, the Fahd plan,
the Reagan plan, the Brezhnev plan and the Fez
plan. In its isolation, and even though it is in
the wrong, none the less Israel in fact, however
wrongly, holds positions of strength which enable
it to veto any proposed solution. Its supplies of
weapons, munitions and military hardware continue
to be assured. It occupies Jerusalem, Lebanon and
the Golan Heights. The West Bank and the Gaza
Strip are under relentless control. The
settlements are solidly established and do not
seem to be threatened. The liquidation of the
Palestinian resistance continues, with the use of
methods the horror of which transcends
imagination, including as they do genocide.
In this connection the President of my country
wrote as follows in a message to the Secretary
General dated 19 September: from now on, the word
genocide will bring to mind not Oradour, but
Beirut... the holocaust, the concentration camps
and systematic massacres at Dachau and Buchenwald
are eclipsed, as we near the end of the twentieth
century, by the final solution perpetrated by
Beginís and Sharon's executioners. Now, after the
genocide in west Beirut, we feel bound to declare
to the world that verbal condemnations and United
Nations resolutions are no longer enough but that
it is time for action. I therefore have the honor
to request you: To call upon all the great Powers
to impose an economic, commercial, diplomatic and
military embargo on Begin's Fascist and extremist
Israel; in particular, that the great Powers
which boycotted Argentina at the time of the
Malvinas affair should desist immediately from
supplying Israel with arms, munitions and
petroleum. To consider the possibility of
organizing an international tribunal along the
lines of the Nuremberg Tribunal against the
Israeli Fascist war criminals and their Lebanese
accomplices. To demand the immediate and
unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from
Lebanon. It is high time for a review of history,
geography and frontiers in this explosive region
of the world and to give the martyred Palestinian
people a State, a homeland, a nation of their
own. In the absence of urgent, concrete and
decisive action, we greatly fear that the peace
of the whole world will be very seriously
threatened. In another part of the world a
deplorable conflict has been taking place for
more than two years between two countries which,
like my country, belong to the non aligned
movement. We have no more ardent desire than to
see the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq resolve
their conflict in a peaceful manner, bringing the
hostilities to an end as soon as possible,
because their own interests and the interests of
the rest of the world are at stake. En this
respect we are encouraged to see that, within the
framework of the current meeting of Foreign
Ministers of non aligned countries, the two
parties have agreed to accept a consensus text
reaffirming the principles of the movement and
those of the Charter, principles which can and
must serve to bring about a just and lasting
settlement of this dispute. The armed conflict
which broke out this spring in respect of the
Malvinas was a source of great consternation to
the world because of its intensity and its
ramifications, involving regional alliances. Was
this confrontation inevitable, once the
negotiations between Argentina and the United
Kingdom had remained too long in a state of
uncertainty? As the General Assembly now intends
to invite the parties to resume their talks, it
is important in our opinion to learn from the
past, and in particular from the recent past. We
may wonder, among other things, whether the idea
of self determination should constitute a
relevant factor in these negotiations. Just as
the Jewish settlers living in the settlements set
up by Israel do not acquire the right to take
part in a referendum on self determination
concerning the future of the occupied Arab and
Palestinian territories, so in the same way the
personnel transferred by the Falkland Islands
Company for the purposes of the colonial
exploitation of the islands cannot determine by
their vote the question of sovereignty over those
islands.
Although it is not on the agenda, the question of
Korea is none the less of concern to Member
States. We do not believe that the solution lies
in the endorsement of the division of the country
and the admission of two Korean entities into the
Organization. How will that resolve the problems
posed by the abuse of the United Nations flag and
the introduction of atomic weapons into the
peninsula? Direct negotiations between the two
parties is inevitable if there is a real desire
to make progress  towards the settlement of this
crisis and they are all the more called for since
the joint communique of 4 July 1972 has defined
the basis for negotiations. We would add only
that the principles of that communique are in no
way incompatible with the establishment of the
great Koryo confederation which we very much look
forward to.
Other hotbeds of tension exist in Asia, Central
America and the Caribbean and we are concerned by
them because they do violence to the principles
which we cherish, particularly the right to self
determination, respect for sovereignty,
independence and territorial integrity of States,
the right of peoples to choose freely without
interference of any kind their political, social
and economic regime, and the right of nations to
preserve by all possible means the gains of their
revolution. We will not repeat our position,
which is constant and well known. We wish to
assure our friends and comrades from those
regions that our solidarity is with them, as it
is with all the victims of destabilization,
injustice and imperia list domination.
Before proceeding to consider the world economic
situation, I should like fairly briefly to touch
upon disarmament. At the second special session
of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament,
we tried to maintain the impetus of the first
special session and despite some rather
unfavorable factors we felt that the time had
come to promote further a multilateral approach
to disarmament, particularly in view of the risks
attendant upon the bilateral negotiations. We did
not succeed in our aims, but this is no reason
for us to abandon the comprehensive programme for
disarmament, the complete prohibition of nuclear
weapons tests, the control of strategic nuclear
weapons, or the strengthening of the nuclear non
proliferation regime, particularly as regards
negative security guarantees.
We still believe that the two approaches,
bilateral and multilateral, strengthen and
complement each other, particularly in the case
of nuclear  weapon free zones, zones where the
limitation of conventional weapons is envisaged,
and zones of peace such as the Indian Ocean,
which, for our own security and for the sake
world peace, should become a demilitarized,
denuclearized zone. On this matter the proposals
of the non aligned countries are blocked, but an
Indian Ocean treaty remains our final objective
and we once again urge the great Powers to reduce
their military presence in the Indian Ocean area
as a first step towards the eventual elimination
of the great Power presence and the
implementation of the Declaration of the Indian
Ocean as a Zone of Peace. Such was the unanimous
position of the non aligned countries at the
ministerial meeting of their Coordinating Bureau
at Havana last June. I should now like to refer
to the economic situation and first to point out
that the deterioration of the situation, which is
a manifestation of a structural crisis, has
become one of the most serious political problems
of our age, since it is a potential source of
instability and insecurity for all countries,
both the developing countries, which already have
negative growth rates, and the developed
countries, where the recession is continually
getting worse and unemployment rates have become
uncontrollable The crisis is widespread: it is
global and it will remain with us for a long time
because of the deterioration of the international
economic climate and the emergence of trends
which are not favorable to integrated development
based on solidarity.
Although the consequences of the crisis have been
felt grievously by the international community as
a whole, its bad effects have hit much harder at
the developing countries. The repercussions of
this are manifold, but some of them need to be
emphasized. The developing countries have a large
trade deficit, mainly due to unequal terms of
trade and stagnant production. Despite their
producers' associations, they have no control
over commodity prices on international markets,
or over the rising prices of capital goods; they
are therefore subjected to inflated import prices
and reductions in the prices of their exports,
which lead in turn to a net reduction in
investment, forcing them to sacrifice part of
their development programme.
The deficit in their balance of payments,
resulting from the increase in their financial
obligations in the private capital markets and
the high level of interest rates have led to an
unprecedented increase in the external debt of
those countries, to about $540 billion at the end
of 1981. The servicing of that debt alone absorbs
an average of 25 per cent in some cases over 40
per cent of their export earnings.
Moreover, in the field of multilateral
cooperation, despite the encouraging indications,
official assistance for development is slowing
down. The financing of the programmes and funds
of the UnitedNations system is becoming more and
more uncertain, while support for multilateral
financial institutions is crumbling and the
massive transfer of resources remains illusory.
In the quest for solutions to these problems, we
should like simply to take up again the following
points which have already been discussed many
times by the States members of the Group of 77.
First, interdependent economic relations as they
are in the present day world are still unbalanced
and reflect inequalities of development. The aim
can no longer be the recovery of the world
economy on the basis of an undifferentiated
process of growth; there must be development of
the countries of the third world fully in keeping
with their options.
Secondly, the problems posed by world trade, the
financing of development and the international
monetary system require concerted action and
cannot be dealt with without a recognition of the
harmful effects of certain national policies on
the world economy, and particularly the economy
of the developing countries. We have not
adequately grasped these effects because of the
distance between the decision making centers;
that is why we consider it essential that the
sixth session of UNCTAD should provide Member
States with an opportunity to deal in an
integrated manner with development issues.
Finally, the third aspect of joint endeavor is
required to restore an economic environment
favorable to development and the recovery of the
world economy, with due regard for the objectives
of the new international economic order. These
few considerations confirm the value of global
negotiations and we look forward to seeing these
negotiations open as soon as possible. Desirous
of being considered as equal partners in the
reform of international economic relations, the
third world countries have proposed an agenda and
a procedure for these negotiations which reflect
their belief that equity and justice alone can
assure a reorganization of relations governing
countries which have long been categorized on the
basis of an incorrect understanding of the
international division of labor. At the beginning
of my statement, I referred to the erosion of
collective responsibility which is not only due
to the fact that each one of us wishes to propose
or, in the worst of situations, to impose its own
solution. In this respect we must first of all
revitalize and strengthen what should properly be
called the pillars of the Organization, that is
to say, all the organs or machinery for
consultation and decision making at the regional
and intergovernmental levels, taking care,
however, to avoid further polarizing positions,
and adopting convergent approaches in the
interest of security for all in all spheres. The
solution of conflicts will thus be made easier
and one can even hope that conflicts will even be
avoided. This requires, however, that we examine
our priorities in the light of the permanent
interdependence of problems which will continue
to confront a world of increasing solidarity. In
our view, it is not too late to check
confrontation hither between East and West, North
and South or even between countries of the South
in order to make mutual recognition of interests
the comer stone of cooperation and coexistence.
In short, as Members of the Organization we must,
in facing the crises before us, be open  minded
and positive, resist temptations towards
fragmentation and maintain the common principles
to which we have freely consented, without
allowing ourselves to have recourse to expedients
in the name of pragmatism and acceptance of
reality. It is in this context that we have
studied the Secretary General's report on the
work of the Organization with the greatest
interest. Our concerns are very much his own,
and, since the Organization is not just the
symbol of collective responsibility but also the
most appropriate framework for its implementation
and further development, we can but rejoice if
the indications given by the Secretary General in
his report are followed up by deeds, particularly
by the permanent members of the SecurityCouncil.
This would put to an end the continual challenge
to the authority and functioning of the
Organization. To take up this challenge is also
one of the reasons and not the least for our
participating in this general debate. For our
part, we renew our whole hearted commitment to do
our utmost in this respect and in the cause of
peace.