I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to the post of President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. I am confident that, under your able leadership, this jubilee session will meet our many hopes and expectations.
I also congratulate all of us on the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations. The establishment of the Organization is one of the greatest achievements of humankind, a step that has consolidated nations around its shared aspirations and principles. The past 70 years have been characterized by very important positive developments, namely, an end was put to colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid. Many people around the world exercised their right to self- determination and took charge of their own fates by
establishing and building independent States of their own, thus increasing the number of United Nations States Members from 51 to today’s 193.
Amid all those achievements, we recognize that the world currently faces new challenges, such as terrorism, extremism, intolerance, economic crises, climate change, human trafficking, organ trafficking and trafficking in drugs and arms, a migration crisis and others. The list of those challenges is long. The profound need to struggle against them obliges us to resolutely reiterate our joint commitment to the mission of the Organization and the Charter of the United Nations.
Last year, on the eve of the centennial of the Armenian genocide, I expressed from this rostrum our gratitude to the nations that had recognized the Armenian genocide, and I named each State individually (see A/69/PV.6). I called upon the international community to strengthen the struggle against the recurrence of the crime of genocide recognizing and condemning its occurrence. Today, from this same rostrum, I would like to thank Pope Francis and to acknowledge the historic mass he served. I also wish to thank the European Parliament and to recall the resolution it adopted. In addition, the well-known statement by the German President will, believe me, henceforth be found in the annals of our nation’s history.
In that connection, I thank the legislative bodies of Austria, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Luxembourg and the Netherlands, as well as numerous provincial and city councils and hundreds of political and non-governmental
organizations. I also thank the Presidents of Russia, France, Cyprus and Serbia, as well as the delegations of numerous other countries that came on 24 April to pay tribute to the victims of the Armenian genocide in Yerevan. Our determination to keep the prevention of the crime of genocide on the international agenda is demonstrated by the resolutions that we periodically submit to the Human Rights Council. The latest resolution to that effect was adopted this year. Building further upon that, just a few days ago, the Assembly adopted resolution 69/323, establishing 9 December as the International Day of Commemoration and Dignity of the Victims of the Crime of Genocide and of the Prevention of This Crime.
The peaceful resolution of the Nagorno Karabakh problem remains one of the most salient issues in our region. I must note that the aggressive policy pursued by Azerbaijan has resulted in the absence of any meaningful progress in the negotiations to reach a settlement of the conflict, and the situation has drifted towards increasing tension. The dictatorial regime of that country has used disgraceful repression as an instrument to strangle the people’s wrath, as the oil- based economy obviously falters. Even that policy it now considers to be ineffective. Now it requires images from the line of contact in order to divert the attention of its own public. I would like to draw the Assembly’s attention to the fact that Azerbaijan, besides various other provocative actions, has now started to use heavy artillery, firing at the peaceful settlements of the bordering districts of both the Republic of Armenia and the Nagorno Karabakh Republic.
Just a few days ago, in the border area of Armenia, three women fell victim to an Azerbaijani bombardment in their houses and in their gardens, where they were peacefully working. The question that comes to mind is whether any reasonable person can see any valid logic in that cruelty. It is obvious to us that the Azerbaijani leadership has irreversibly lost both its sense of reality and its willingness to abide by the norms of human conduct.
Azerbaijan completely disdains the five joint statements issued by the Presidents of the United States of America, Russia and France, as well as the efforts of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Minsk Group. If that country continues its aggressive policy, Armenia will have no other choice but to take the necessary legal, political and military
steps to allow the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Nagorno Karabakh to develop in security and peace.
Although it is obvious to everybody which party has instigated and continues to instigate the ceasefire violations, I would still like to recall some facts. Is it not strange that, for years now, Azerbaijan has stubbornly refused to withdraw its snipers and establish an incident investigation mechanism, as proposed by the co-Chairs of the Minsk Group? The question that arises is, what is Azerbaijan afraid of?
Is it not strange that, during the European Games hosted by Azerbaijan, when the Government needed an image of stability, almost no shooting incidents occurred at the border, while immediately after those Games shooting incidents reoccurred on a prolonged basis? I do not expect members of the Assembly to buy the assertions of any one of the parties, but I still hope that everyone will exercise common sense. Is it not strange that in the twenty-first century our neighbour, day in and day out, relentlessly and indefatigably takes pride in its excessive accumulation of arms and the manifold expansion of its military budget? It stubbornly continues making bellicose threats that it intends to renew military hostilities, and that is done at the highest level, that of the head of State.
I think that everyone now understands why Armenia has consistently urged the international community to make statements that are not general, but unambiguous, with regard to the party to whom they are referring during discussions of the ceasefire violations. We must understand that to stifle early-warning signals with regard to threats to peace and security can have catastrophic repercussions.
Today, we are witnessing unspeakable barbarity taking place in the Middle East. Religious intolerance has brought irreversible consequences in its wake. We have been most directly affected by the atrocities unfolding there, since they have led to the destruction of parts of Armenia’s spiritual and cultural heritage and its artefacts and to the murder and expulsion of numerous Armenians residing in Iraq and Syria. The Armenian community of Syria, with its centuries-long history, shares and experiences all the hardships that the Syrian people are undergoing in these difficult times. We are trying to aid the refuges to the best of our abilities. Up to now, Armenia has hosted more than 16,000 refugees from Syria. That figure shows that Armenia is one of the leading host countries, together with the European host countries.
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Armenians are well acquainted with the fate of refugees, of the exiled and expelled. The Armenian genocide would have claimed many more lives and the survivors would have gone through much greater hardship if a number of nations, our friends, had not lent us a helping hand in those difficult times. Today it is Germany, Sweden and a few other countries that deserve praise for the humanism that they have displayed. They have provided hundreds of thousands of refugees with safe haven, and have reiterated that that assistance was the right thing to do from both the legal and the humanist perspectives.
This year, we all witnessed how joint and adequate actions paved the way to mitigating a difficult international issue. A historic agreement was reached on the nuclear programme of the Islamic Republic of Iran, an immediate neighbour of ours. That critical deal will undoubtedly contribute to the global settlement of conflict situations and the strengthening of mutual trust. Extended and consistent political and diplomatic efforts made the agreement possible.
All that proves that, when there is a political will to bridge disagreements and embrace a spirit of cooperation, solutions can indeed be found to the most complicated issues. From this rostrum, I would like once again to stress the importance of using diplomacy, especially to do away with closed borders. Our neighbours have subjected Armenia to an illegal blockade, and we deem such an improvident policy to be unacceptable, a policy that in the twenty-first century establishes artificial obstacles that disrupt intercultural, human-to-human and trade contacts. In that context, we highly value the periodic reviews carried out under the framework of the United Nations Conferences on Landlocked Developing Countries. We stand ready to invest further efforts in that endeavour, including by hosting intermediate workshops on that topic in our country.
To conclude, I would like to join all speakers who have called for joint efforts to combat darkness, atrocities and hatred. No country is too great or too small for that cause. Every single one has a role to play. Armenia stands ready to make its contribution to that joint struggle.


The United Nations, which this year commemorates the seventieth anniversary of its founding, brings together people who do not easily despair even in the face of desperate circumstances. What else can explain the Organization’s ability to withstand such adversity and to arrive at this moment? The Ebola virus has spread wildly. Extremism is running rampant. And now an immense tide of refugees is attempting to flee from horror, with their very lives at risk. We must address whatever challenges arise, under the auspices of the United Nations. Each Member State must bring its own distinctive capabilities to the struggle.
Japan has a history of supporting nation-building in a wide range of places. We have worked extensively to enhance human resources, and we have given our utmost in humanitarian assistance and in the promotion of women’s rights. Now more than ever, Japan wishes to offer its wealth of experience unstintingly. Japan will further enhance its assistance for refugees and internally displaced persons from Syria and Iraq. In monetary terms, our assistance for 2015 comes to approximately
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$810 million, triple the amount we provided last year. In Lebanon, we will spend $2 million in new assistance measures. We will leverage that amount in order to give momentum to the collaboration between humanitarian and development actors. We will also provide approximately $2.5 million in humanitarian assistance to neighbour countries of the European Union that are grappling with the influx of refugees and migrants, such as the Republic of Serbia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Each of those assistance measures is an emergency countermeasure that Japan is able to implement. At the same time, however, our steadfast principle is always to endeavour to return to the root causes of a problem and to improve the situation on the ground. In order to bring stability to the daily lives of the Iraqi people, it is vital to ensure that they have dependable water supply and sewage systems. Taking those programmes into account, Japan is preparing assistance worth approximately $750 million to help build peace and fully consolidate peace across the Middle East and Africa.
It is important to look squarely at the facts. Behind the present tide of refugees is a far greater number of people who are unable even to flee and become refugees. Rebuilding devastated countries and transforming them into places that allow people to resume the pursuit of happiness may seem like a roundabout way of reaching our goal, but promoting and cultivating each human being’s abilities and capacity to fight fear and want at the grass-roots level is in fact the shortest path to that end. That strong belief has guided Japan’s policy of prioritizing the promotion of education and health and, in particular, the importance of strengthening women of all ages. Our policy seeks to fully ensure human security. I am extremely pleased that such efforts to value each individual were thoroughly incorporated within the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (resolution 70/1) set forth by the United Nations community.
Japan wishes to create an environment in which mothers of newborns are free to focus exclusively on the healthy growth of their children. In reflecting on that premise, I came across a photograph that portrayed the contents of a bag carried by a female refugee. I asked myself what people would pack in the one bag they take with them when fleeing hardship? Abessa, a 20-year-old woman who crossed the Mediterranean Sea on a rubber raft, was able to bring very little with
her when she fled a Palestinian refugee camp south of Damascus. Everything in the photograph was for her 10-month old daughter: a clean change of socks, a hat and a single jar of baby food.
But as I contemplated that photograph, my eyes were drawn to a notebook that had been wrapped carefully in plastic to protect it from getting wet. I recognized it as a handbook on maternal and child health that Japan has been distributing in refugee camps in Syria. In Japan, all pregnant women receive this handbook, in which they can keep records about their own health and that of their child. This handbook system has been in place for more than 70 years.
Who among all the mothers who smile sweetly at the hand-written records of their child’s heights and weights could wish for that same child to grow up to become an apostle of fear? Each woman’s handbook is a record of her prayers for her child to grow up healthy. Her notebook acquires a power of its own: the power of the mother’s wish for her child’s life not to be squandered. We have distributed maternal and child health handbooks in refugee camps in Palestine, Syria, and Jordan in the hope that a mother’s love can transform the soil that sometimes gives rise to despair and fear. We know that some women continue to treasure those hope-infused handbooks even during their exodus. I am struck by the fact that the concept of human security, which seeks to empower each individual, has produced such eloquent, albeit bitter results.
The rule of law and the principle of equality before the law are values that Japan respects above all others. The extension of those principles also begins with fostering human capacity. I would like to share with the Assembly the story of a young Japanese woman who has been giving her all through Japan’s training assistance programme for police officers. In order to break with the very root of violence and fear, it is critical to cultivate good police personnel and good police governance. In that conviction, we have been directing our efforts at training police personnel in Afghanistan and many other locations. Through the Japan International Cooperation Agency, Japan has been steadily providing such assistance to the national police force of the Democratic Republic of the Congo since 2004. More than 20,000 police personnel to date, including women and a number of former armed insurgent soldiers, have received such training. Our motto has been to cultivate a police force that is friendly towards the local people.
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The Japan International Cooperation Agency was responsible for developing and implementing the training plan, and women have consistently been in charge of Japan’s staff on the ground in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. One such woman was called a “little giant” when she first arrived. Seen alongside her male police colleagues, she was indeed small in stature. yet she was dubbed a giant because she never flinched from difficulties and took the initiative to grapple with issues, making full use of the French language skills she had acquired. The national police personnel respected and trusted her. Two years ago, here in the General Assembly (see A/68/PV.12), I emphasized that Japan has recently made a point of establishing itself as a proactive contributor to peace, based on the principle of international cooperation. The woman I just mentioned is one of the Japanese individuals dedicated to this and working on the front lines.
I am one of Japan’s biggest champions of ensuring that women take on many of the roles that will shape our country’s future. In our external assistance efforts, too, we emphasize policies and measures aimed at improving women’s safety, health and well-being and upholding their human rights. In countries recovering from civil war, Japanese women have been making splendid contributions in support of those working to uphold the rule of law, something I am particularly proud of. On a number of previous occasions, I have urged the international community to ensure that the twenty-first century will be an era in which women’s human rights are protected.
Today, I am also pleased to be able to report that Japan has finalized its action plan on women’s participation and protection based on Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), important aspects of which include protecting women and girls from violence and providing them with basic health services. Moreover, this year, for the second consecutive year, we hosted WAW! 2015, the World Assembly for Women, holding meaningful discussions with a view to creating a society in which women can shine.
I believe the United Nations is a venue where optimistic realists can come together. It does not give itself up to impotent despair of the future, but neither does it avert its eyes from reality. That is how it has shaped the 70 years of its history. And I, too, feel compelled to face up squarely to reality on several issues, the first of which is North Korea. In that regard, Japan intends to work in coordination with other relevant countries
in an effort to arrive at a comprehensive resolution of the outstanding issues, including those related to abductions, nuclear power and missiles.
This year, the seventieth anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, was one in which we relived our grief. Regrettably, however, it seems that in some places nuclear arsenals, with no transparency, continue to grow. Moreover, this year’s Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons failed to come up with guidelines for future nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. We believe that the United States and Russia should continue to reduce their nuclear weapon stockpiles, while we also insist that other States possessing nuclear weapons should also work to reduce their arsenals. In its determination to eliminate nuclear weapons completely, Japan is preparing a new draft resolution aimed at promoting united action on the issue by the international community that I am sure many countries will support.
This year, as we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, a major push for reform of the Security Council has begun. During the last session of the General Assembly, the assiduous efforts of dedicated individuals and various countries greatly intensified the discussion of Security Council reform. And two weeks ago, here in this very Hall, that enthusiasm was passed on to the current session as the entire Assembly applauded (see A/70/PV.1) . Emboldened by that enthusiasm and by my conviction regarding the role that Japan should play in that process, I will continue to work to achieve reform of the Security Council with the cooperation of the President and Member States. Japan hopes to become a permanent member of the Council and to make a commensurate contribution.
Here I would like to emphasize three points. First and foremost, Japan has remained a strictly peace-loving nation during the 70 years since the end of the Second World War, and we have accumulated a successful record in our efforts to foster peace and prosperity around the world. Japan worked hard diplomatically in Cambodia and Timor-Leste, first by sending personnel to participate in peacekeeping operations there and later by providing assistance over the long term.
The first of the three stages involved in peacekeeping operations is decision-making, in which we determine what is to be done and where. That is
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followed by the necessary preparations of personnel and financing and, lastly, by the process of launching physical operations on the ground. Japan has been able to help to bridge the information gaps that tend to occur between those stages. We have also been able to make a positive and major contribution by ensuring that we take full responsibility for our decisions and actions at every stage. Right now, members of an engineering unit of Japan’s self-defence forces are working around the clock in South Sudan. In Kenya, experts from our ground self-defence force are training members of the Kenyan, Ugandan, Tanzanian and Rwandan armed forces on the best ways to operate heavy engineering equipment so as to deal with the problems that arise when peacekeeping operations become hopelessly trapped in areas where roads and bridges have been destroyed. We also recently made changes to our domestic legal framework that will enable us to contribute more broadly to peacekeeping operations going forward.
Secondly, Japan is a country that values ownership and partnership. We have been of the view for many years that if we are to overcome despair and improve our welfare, it is important to give equal consideration both to the wishes and intentions of the parties concerned and to international cooperation. Our ultimate objective is to ensure that the people themselves gain the ownership that will enable them to determine the direction of their own lives, and by emphasizing that approach to arrive at the concept of valuing human security.
My third point is that Japan always strives to listen actively to the voices of the parties concerned. Three days ago, for the third consecutive year, I hosted the Japan-African Regional Economic Communities Summit Roundtable, meeting with leaders from the African countries concerned. For the past 20 years, Japan has also hosted the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), and next year for the first time TICAD will convene in Africa, where I hope to be able to listen to an even richer spectrum of African voices. Last night I also met with leaders from the Pacific island countries to discuss such matters as observing 5 November in common as World Tsunami Day, as well as conducting training and capacity- building related to tsunamis.
Japan became a non-permanent member of the Security Council for the first time in 1958, two years after it was admitted to membership in the United Nations. If we are again selected this year thanks to
the gracious support of all those here, it will be our eleventh time serving on the Council.
More than any other country, Japan has subjected itself to review by its peers. The three points I have noted today represent some of Japan’s strengths, something that all here will concur with, based on the path we have trodden so far. We intend to use those strengths to help strengthen the United Nations. We are a people who have always seen in the two letters “UN” a certain radiance. Bearing the standard of its role as a proactive contributor to peace based on the principle of international cooperation, Japan is determined to undertake reform of the Security Council in order to transform the United Nations into a body relevant to the twenty-first century and subsequently, as a permanent member of the Security Council, to fulfil its responsibilities by making still greater contributions to world peace and prosperity.
In conclusion, I look forward to Members’ kind understanding.


The adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals (resolution 70/1) marks a new era in international cooperation. Ending extreme poverty was never going to be enough to fulfil our ambitions. This new compact is about prosperity, and it recognizes that the only sustainable future is one that includes all of us. It could hardly be otherwise. The creativity and dynamism of billions of people is already transforming our world for the better. That is thanks to improved health, education and access to new technologies and to empowering women to take their rightful place in the world.
But growth and progress also raise new challenges related to international migration, the protection of the environment and demands for good governance. For the generation to come, responding to those challenges will put the United Nations at the centre of global affairs
as never before. Cooperation is the only way forward. And yet the new consensus on sustainable development is incomplete, because it lacks a shared definition of the political legitimacy required to sustain that international order.
That divergence of visions is rooted in history. When world powers created the United Nations 70 years ago, independence for the colonized peoples of Africa and Asia was not on the agenda. We were still seen as people who needed to be looked after. Those moral hierarchies and prejudices are still with us, contributing to the mismanagement of political change and corroding the trust on which effective multilateral cooperation depends.
The internal character of national systems counts for everything. It cannot be bypassed. Political legitimacy is not a legal abstraction. It is an objective reality that can be measured, for example, in terms of progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals, as well as in terms of indicators of public opinion. We face serious challenges that we must confront together as an international community. We cannot afford to undermine the most responsible and capable members by applying standards to some countries that are not applied to others, and even by imposing inappropriate ones.
To take just one example, international refugee law has barely been a factor in the current crisis, as if the purpose all along was more to keep refugees encamped far from developed countries than to protect the rights of people fleeing persecution. In other cases,
multilateral institutions are used to gain credibility for biased attacks on countries even while scrutiny of the powerful is considered unnecessary. When matters of principle become associated with domination and disdain, the basis for joint action in the multilateral system is compromised.
We have nothing to fear from high standards. The only stability worth having is one based on good policies that deliver real results for citizens and facilitate peaceful change. Human dignity and even survival are implied in that. No country or system has a monopoly on wisdom, much less a claim to moral superiority. Our task is to settle the future, not the past. Change is coming, and it is necessary. No one can manage it alone, and the Sustainable Development Goals rightly recognize our mutual interdependence. We have made good commitments; now we must make good on them. Building a community with a shared purpose that is capable of doing so starts with recognition of our equality.


The Cooperative Republic of Guyana is honoured to participate in this historic session of the General Assembly. We would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election, and pledge Guyana’s cooperation as you guide the Assembly in the fulfilment of its tasks. We would also like to thank your predecessor, Mr. Sam Kutesa, for his stewardship in piloting the post-2015 agenda. That
process has culminated in the historic 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1). The Sustainable Development Goals it contains reflect the common consensus within the international community on the elements that are integral to human development.
The United Nations, established 70 years ago and a mere five months after the formal end of the Second World War, became the midwife of a new international order. That new order of world peace was depicted symbolically and powerfully in the form of a bronze statue on the grounds of the Headquarters of the United Nations. It embodies the vision revealed in the Holy Bible in the Book of Isaiah that states,
“And he shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people: and they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.” (The Holy Bible, Isaiah, 4:2)
That prophetic verse became the philosophical basis of the United Nations, which became the organizational foundation for a global order that saw the emergence of a plethora of newly independent States, a result of the decolonization process after the Second World War. In the years since its establishment, 126 States have gained their independence.
The United Nations began in 1945 with a membership of only 51 countries, but today that has almost quadrupled to 193. The majority of new States are mini-, micro- and small ones. The undemocratic and warlike empires of which they were colonies were dismantled after two world wars. These are the questions that small States ask of the United Nations on this, its seventieth anniversary: How will our peoples be protected from foreign aggression? How will our territories be safeguarded from invasion? How will peace among nations be preserved? How will the independence of the new States be sustained? The Charter of the United Nations charges our Organization with the responsibility
“to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes”.
That responsibility is essential to the existence and survival of small States that are threatened by more powerful ones. They risk being subjugated unless the international community can demonstrate a
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commitment to providing an effective deterrent against their domination by larger, stronger States, and the capability to do so.
On 9 May 1994, at its forty-ninth session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 49/31, which, among other things, recognizes that small States may be particularly vulnerable to external threats and acts of interference in their internal affairs; stresses the vital importance for all States of the unconditional respect by all States of all the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and the peaceful settlement of disputes and their consistent application; also stresses the importance of strengthening regional security arrangements by increasing interaction, cooperation and consultation; appeals to the relevant regional and international organizations to provide assistance when requested by small States for the strengthening of their security in accordance with the principles of the Charter; requests the Secretary-General to continue to pay special attention to monitoring the security situation of small States and to consider making use of Article 99 of the Charter; and calls on the Security Council and other relevant organs of the United Nations to pay special attention to the protection and security of small States. That is a manifesto for small States, contained in a resolution adopted by the General Assembly 21 years ago.
Guyana is a small State and a new State, a product of the post-Second World War promise of peace. Guyana is a child of the United Nations. Eight months from now, on 26 May 2016, Guyana will mark the fiftieth anniversary of its independence. But for 50 years, our small country has been prevented from fully exploiting its rich natural resources. Venezuela has threatened and deterred investors and frustrated our economic development. For 50 years it has violated our territorial integrity by occupying part of our territory, the most recent incident in that regard being on 10 October 2013, when it sent a naval corvette into our maritime zone and expelled a peaceful petroleum- exploration vessel conducting seismic surveys. For 50 years Venezuela has promulgated decrees making spurious claims on our territory, the most recent on 26 May, our independence anniversary, when it issued decree number 1,787, containing specific coordinates that would annex almost our entire maritime zone, and
constituting a reassertion of Venezuela’s claim to 5 of Guyana’s 10 regions.
Guyana rejects Venezuela’s threats and claims, made in defiance of international law, and we resist its acts of aggression, conducted in defiance of the Charter of the United Nations, which prescribes the peaceful settlement of disputes and proscribes the use of armed force.
Guyana’s borders with Venezuela were settled 116 years ago. The entire world, except the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, accepts and acknowledges our borders. In 1968, at the Assembly’s twenty-third session (see A/PV.1680), Guyana explained to the world how in 1897 a treaty of arbitration was signed between the United Kingdom and Venezuela. That treaty provided for the establishment of an arbitral tribunal to determine the boundary line between the colony of British Guiana, as we were then, and Venezuela. It committed the parties to consider the result of the proceedings of the tribunal of arbitration as a full, perfect and final settlement of all the questions referred to the arbitrators. The tribunal issued its decision on 3 October 1899, awarding Venezuela 13,000 square kilometres of our territory, an area bigger than Jamaica or Lebanon. Venezuela was bound under international law to respect that decision, which it did for the next six decades.
From the beginning of Guyana’s independence, however, Venezuela has resorted to various stratagems to deprive us of our territory. There has been a series of acts of aggression by Presidents of Venezuela against my country, from President Raúl Leoni Otero’s decree number 1,152 of 15 June 1968 to President Nicolás Maduro Moro’s of 26 May of this year. Venezuela — more than four times the size of Guyana, with armed forces that are more than 40 times the size of our defence force — mindful of its superior wealth and military strength, but unmindful of its obligation as a Member of the United Nations, the Union of South American Nations and the Organization of American States, has pursued a path of intimidation and aggression. It is unsettling a settled border. It is destabilizing a stable region of the globe by the use of armed force against a small, peaceful State. Venezuela has retarded Guyana’s development through its use of threats that are intended to force a small State to yield up its birthright. Its expansionist ambitions cannot be allowed to undermine the principle of the inviolability
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of borders and the tenets of international law, and to redraw borders that have gone undisturbed for decades.
Guyana recommits to preserving the Caribbean as a zone of peace. Today we renew our pledge before the Assembly that we will pursue the path of peace for all time. We reaffirm our commitment to the peaceful settlement of international disputes. Guyana has total confidence in international law, and seeks a resolution of this controversy that is consistent with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Geneva Agreement, signed on 17 February 1966, between the Governments of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Venezuela and British Guiana, as we were then, provides for action to be taken by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in order to resolve any contention occasioned by the claim made by the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela that the arbitral award of 1899 is null and void. Guyana has full confidence in the judgement and capacity of the United Nations, through the Office of the Secretary-General, to identify solutions that will validate the just, perfect and final nature of its decision. We thank the United Nations and the Secretary-General for appointing various officials during the past 25 years to use their good offices to help to resolve this controversy. We feel, however, that the process has now been exhausted.
Guyana does not want this obnoxious territorial claim to obscure our country’s prospects for peace and obstruct its potential growth for the next 50 years. We need a permanent solution if we are to avoid a fate of perpetual peril and penury, and we seek a juridical settlement to the controversy. We put our faith and our fate in the hands of the international system of peace promised by the Charter of the United Nations nearly 70 years ago. We want to bring an end to Venezuelan aggression. We want to develop our country, all of our country, in accordance with international law. Guyana therefore calls on the United Nations to give real meaning to resolution 49/31 of 9 May 1994 by establishing a collective security system designed not merely to monitor but also, more importantly, to maintain the security of small States. That resolution, as I said, is a manifesto for the security of small States.
The United Nations remains our best hope and prospect for peace, the best assurance of security for small States. It is our strength, support and succour in times of danger. We pledge Guyana’s adherence to the Charter of the United Nations. Guyana seeks
nothing more than the solidarity of the international community, the assurance of the Charter and the safety of international law.


I would like to begin by congratulating you, Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at this important juncture in the history of the United Nations. This has indeed been a seminal year. Not only is it one in which we are commemorating the seventieth anniversary of our only universal Organization, it has also been a year when bold actions have been taken for the sake of our people and planet.
I would also like to express my profound appreciation to your predecessor, our brother from Africa, who successfully steered the work of this body for the past year, a period that witnessed some difficult intergovernmental negotiation processes. His contribution to facilitating those processes and advancing the agenda of the United Nations was indeed significant, and we owe him a debt of gratitude for his tireless efforts. I would also like to pay special tribute to the Secretary-General for his dedication and tireless efforts to realize the aims and purposes of the United Nations.
What we have achieved so far this year through difficult negotiations and compromise, by adopting a compact for global partnership within the framework of the Addis Ababa Action Agenda in July, as well as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) at the historic Summit we have just concluded, has made it evident that we are indeed potentially at a watershed moment in the history of the United Nations. We are confident that the same collective resolve will be demonstrated by Member States as we take up the challenge of an equally transformative change in United Nations peace operations.
The political will and commitment that we have demonstrated in adopting the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and the 2030 Agenda give us hope and optimism that we can secure a new globally binding climate agreement in Paris in December under the auspices of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. In that regard, Mr. President, I would like to assure you of my delegation’s full support in helping you to discharge your heavy responsibilities during this momentous and historic year.
Ethiopia is indeed proud to be one of the founding Members of the United Nations. Although in our hour of need we could not count much on the support of the League of Nations, of which we were also a member, Ethiopia has nonetheless never lost confidence in multilateralism and has remained a staunch supporter of the principle of collective security enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. It is on the basis of that conviction that Ethiopia has been an active contributor to advancing the principles and purposes of the United Nations, including by deploying its forces as part of the Blue Helmets since the Organization’s early days. It gives us great satisfaction to note that Ethiopia is now the second-largest contributor of troops to United Nations peacekeeping, and I would like to take this opportunity to reaffirm our unwavering commitment to playing an active role in helping to ensure that the United Nations becomes more effective and secures greater legitimacy.
As we mark the seventieth anniversary of our Organization, it is only fitting that we take stock of the achievements and challenges of the past seven decades and draw appropriate lessons from history as we move forward. That the world has made tremendous progress in a wide range of areas by advancing the noble objectives enshrined in the Charter is not in doubt. The Organization has done commendable work to foster international cooperation for development, promote respect for human rights and address humanitarian problems. Nonetheless, what has been achieved so far is a far cry from the Herculean challenges we face today. Nor can we overlook our many failures as an Organization, something that, as has been so ably established by the High-level Independent Panel on Peace Operations, is very apparent in the area of peace and security, as well as with regard to the creation of a level playing field in international economic and trade relations.
Despite all this, however, one thing is self-evident. The United Nations is an Organization that none of us can afford to live without. In spite of its shortcomings, it remains the only universal Organization we have, whether we are big or small, rich or poor, providing us with a unique platform for advancing our common objectives and addressing the myriad problems we collectively face. The challenge that we have to address at this juncture in the history of the Organization is more or less obvious. It has to do with how we can make it relevant and effective as we collectively strive to meet the needs and aspirations of our people in
the twenty-first century. That, I believe, is the main essence of the anniversary celebration aptly captured in the slogan “Strong UN. Better World”. But the United Nations is, after all, an intergovernmental Organization whose strengths and weaknesses cannot be understood independently of the role of its members. It is therefore up to us to empower the Organization to fulfil its promises in a new era.
The United Nations is indeed a creation of the post-1945 world order and the devastating experiences of the Second World War and the Great Depression that preceded it, and that unquestionably inspired the letter and spirit of the Charter. The world has changed tremendously since then, however, and the complex and multifaceted challenges we face today — in particular, obviously, the threat of terrorism and violent extremism, the devastating consequences of climate change and other emerging challenges of our time — are quite different from those that the founders had to deal with in the immediate aftermath of the war. At the same time, not only has the membership of the United Nations changed dramatically over the years, but so have the geopolitical and economic realities of our planet. Today, with rapid globalization and a dramatic revolution in information technology, we are living in a much more interconnected and interdependent world. That is why the United Nations needs the tools necessary to deal with those challenges and realities so that it can better serve the needs of our peoples and nations in a new and completely different era.
The need for reform of the United Nations system has long been recognized, but forging the necessary compromise among the wider membership has not been easy. However, it can be delayed no longer. It is clear that if we do not undertake the necessary reforms, we will not be able to deliver the transformative agenda we have set for ourselves. That is the reason why it is not enough to adopt the next generation of Sustainable Development Goals, whose ambition and transformative aspirations make them truly historic.
It is also vital that the United Nations be made fit for the post-2015 era. A comprehensive reform of the United Nations system, particularly the Security Council, is indeed imperative if we are to reflect current geopolitical realities and make the United Nations more broadly representative, legitimate and effective. In that context, it is only proper that we seize this opportunity to once again echo Africa’s call to be fully represented in all the decision-making organs of the United Nations,
particularly the Security Council, as expressed in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration.
We in Ethiopia remain fully committed to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. We are very grateful for the support and partnership of the United Nations in our development endeavours. The reason for the remarkable progress that we have made over the past 15 years, including achieving all of the Millennium Development Goals, is to be found in the fact that we have taken charge of our own destiny, devised our own development strategy and mobilized domestic resources for their implementation. But we have also made the best use of the development cooperation we have had with the United Nations and our other partners.
Ethiopia has embarked on an ambitious transformative agenda, with a view to achieving middle-income status by the year 2025. We intend to do so based on carbon-neutral growth through a climate-resilient “green economy” strategy that is fully integrated into our national development plan. The results achieved over the past five years are quite encouraging, and have
inspired us to do even more by implementing a second growth and transformation agenda that we will embark on soon. We therefore look at the possibilities that lie ahead with great optimism, the more so because we also trust that we are all determined to adhere to the commitment we entered into at the Summit concluded yesterday.
It is with that deep sense of optimism that I want to conclude by once again reiterating my country’s commitment to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, as well as to continuing to play an active and constructive role in realizing its noble objectives.


It is a privilege to address the General Assembly this year as the United Nations celebrates its seventieth birthday.
My first remarks are to congratulate you, Mr. President, on having been chosen to preside over the Assembly. I reiterate, in particular, Brazil’s support for your willingness to put in place measures that will ultimately strengthen the Organization’s development agenda.
Seventy years have passed since the San Francisco Conference. On that occasion, the international community sought to build a world founded on international law and on the pursuit of the peaceful resolution of conf licts. Since then, we have seen progress and setbacks. The decolonization process has evolved remarkably, as can be seen from the composition of the Assembly.
The United Nations has since expanded its initiatives and incorporated into the development agenda the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In other words, it is addressing issues related to the environment, poverty eradication, social and economic development and access to quality services, while issues related to urban life, gender, women and children, and race have all gained priority on the agenda.
However, the Organization has not achieved the same success in addressing collective security challenges, even though they were at the origin of the Organization and at the centre of its concerns. The proliferation of regional conflicts, some of which have the potential to be highly destructive, and the spread of terrorism, which kills men, women and children, destroys our common heritage and displaces millions of people from their long-established communities, demonstrate all too well that the United Nations is currently being severely tested. One cannot be complacent in the face of barbaric acts such as those perpetrated by the so- called Islamic State and other associated groups. The situation today explains, to a large extent, the refugee crisis currently facing humankind.
A substantial proportion of the men, women and children who desperately brave the waters of the Mediterranean and wearily make their way along the roads of Europe come from the Middle East and North Africa, from countries whose State institutions have been dismantled by military actions undertaken in contravention of international law, thereby opening space for the proliferation of terrorism. The deep sense of indignation caused by the picture of a dead Syrian boy on the beaches of Turkey and by the news of the 71 persons asphyxiated inside a truck in Austria should be translated into unmistakable acts of practical solidarity.
In a world where goods, capital, information and ideas flow freely, it is absurd to prevent the free flow of people. Brazil is a host country, a welcoming country, one that is made up of people from around the world. We have received Syrians, Haitians, men and women, just as we have provided shelter for more than a century to millions of Europeans, Arabs and Asians. We are an open society. We welcome refugees. We are a multi-ethnic country, where differences coexist. We know all too well the importance of differences, which ultimately make us stronger, richer and more diverse culturally, socially and economically.
The disquieting backdrop I have just described demands that we reflect on the future of the United Nations and requires that we act resolutely and quickly. We need a United Nations that is capable of promoting lasting international peace and of acting swiftly and effectively during crises, regional and localized conflicts and in response to any crimes against humanity. We can no longer delay, for example, the creation of a Palestinian State that coexists peacefully and harmoniously with Israel. Similarly, the expansion of settlements in the occupied territories cannot be tolerated.
In order to give the United Nations the central role it is rightfully entitled to, a comprehensive reform of its structures must be carried out. The Security Council must be expanded in its permanent and non-permanent member categories in order to become more representative, legitimate and effective. Most Member States do not want a decision on this matter to be postponed forever. We hope that the current session will enter into history as a turning point in the trajectory of the United Nations and that it will yield concrete results in the long, and so far inconclusive, reform process of the Organization.
In our region of the world — where peace and democracy reign — we welcome the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States of America, which puts an end to a dispute stemming back to the Cold War. We hope that this process will be completed with the end of the embargo currently imposed on Cuba. We also celebrate the recent agreement reached with Iran, which will enable that country to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and to restore the hope of peace to an entire region. Together, the countries of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa have launched a new development bank, which will assist in expanding trade and investment and will also possibly help to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals.
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) outlines the future we want. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals reaffirm the basic tenet of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, that is, it is possible to grow, include, preserve and protect. They establish universal targets and stress the need for cooperation among people and a shared path for humankind. The 2030 Agenda requires global solidarity, determination from each one of us and a commitment to tackling climate change, overcoming extreme poverty and creating opportunities for all.
In Paris, next December, we must strengthen the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change by ensuring that its provisions are fulfilled and its principles respected. The obligations we take on in Paris should be ambitious in scope and nature and should include financial and technological support to developing countries and small island States, in line with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.
Brazil is making a substantial effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions without jeopardizing its development. We continue to diversify the renewable sources in our energy mix, which is among the cleanest in the world. We are also currently investing in low- carbon agriculture. We have reduced deforestation in the Amazonian region by 82 per cent. A sense of ambition will continue to guide our actions. In this spirit, I announced yesterday at the United Nations Brazil’s intended nationally determined contribution, which is to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 43 per cent by 2030, with 2005 as the baseline year. During this period, Brazil intends to put an end to illegal deforestation and to reforest 12 million hectares,
to recover 15 million hectares of degraded pasture lands and to integrate 5 million hectares of crop, livestock and forest.
In a world where the share of renewable energy accounts for only 13 per cent on average of the overall energy mix worldwide, we intend to derive 45 per cent of our domestic energy mix from renewable sources. To that end, we will pursue a share of 66 per cent for hydropower in our electricity generation output and a share of 23 per cent for renewable energy, including from wind, solar and biomass sources, in electrical energy generation. We will also seek an increase of about 10 per cent in energy efficiency and will add a share of 16 per cent of ethanol fuel and other sugarcane-derived biomass sources to our energy mix. Brazil is thus contributing decisively to the global efforts to implement the recommendations of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which has established a limit of no more than 2°C on temperature increases for this century.
We are one of the few developing countries to set an absolute emissions reduction target. Our intended nationally determined contributions include actions to increase environmental resilience and reduce the risks associated with the negative effects of climate change for the poorest and most vulnerable populations, with an emphasis on gender issues, workers’ rights and the rights of indigenous, former black slave and traditional communities.
We recognize the importance of South-South cooperation in the global efforts to counter climate change. Allow me to stress that, since 2003, social and income transfer policies have helped lift over 36 million people out of extreme poverty. Last year, Brazil was officially removed from the World Hunger Map. This is a testament to the effectiveness of our so-called zero-hunger policy, which has now evolved to become Sustainable Development Goal 2.
In the transition to a low-carbon economy, it is important to ensure dignified and fair conditions for workers. Sustainable development requires us to commit to the promotion of decent work, the generation of quality jobs and guaranteed opportunities for all.
Our efforts to eradicate poverty and promote development must be collective and global in scope. In my country, however, we know that the end of extreme poverty is only the beginning of a long journey marked by new gains. For six years, we have been working to
prevent the impact of the world crisis that began in 2008 in the developed world from overwhelming our economy and our society. During those six years, we have adopted a comprehensive set of measures, including reducing taxes, expanding credit, strengthening investment and stimulating household consumption. We have increased employment opportunities and income levels in that period. This effort has now come to an end owing to both domestic fiscal constraints and external conditions. The slow recovery of the world economy and the end of the ”commodity super cycle” have negatively affected our economic growth. Currency devaluation and recession pressures have triggered inflation and a substantial reduction in tax revenue, leading to restrictions in public finance.
Brazil does not have any serious structural problems, however. Our problems are limited to the current circumstances. In order to address this situation, we are rebalancing our budget and have substantially reduced public expenditures and even investments. We have realigned prices. We are adopting measures to permanently reduce spending. We have proposed drastic spending cuts and we are redefining our sources of revenue. All of these initiatives are aimed at reorganizing the fiscal framework, reducing inflation, consolidating macroeconomic stability, boosting confidence in the economy and ensuring the resumption of economic growth with income distribution.
The Brazilian economy is today stronger, more solid and more resilient than it was a few years ago. We are in a position to overcome the current difficulties as we advance on our path towards development. We find ourselves at a moment of transition to another cycle of economic expansion, one that has greater depth and is more solid and long-lasting. In addition to the fiscal and financial rebalancing actions and providing incentives for exports, we have also adopted measures to encourage investments in infrastructure and energy.
In Brazil, the process of social inclusion has not been interrupted. We hope that inflation control and the resumption of economic growth and credit availability will help to further expand household consumption. This is the basis for a new development cycle, led by an increase in productivity and the generation of more investment opportunities for businesses and more job opportunities for citizens.
The gains we have achieved over the past few years have been reached in the environment of our strengthened and deepened democracy. Thanks to an
effective legal framework and vigorous democratic institutions, the functioning of the State is being firmly and impartially examined by the judiciary and the governmental agencies in charge of investigating, assessing and punishing any misconduct.
The Brazilian Government and society do not and will not tolerate corruption. Brazil’s democracy grows stronger when its authorities recognize the limits imposed by the law as their own limits. We Brazilians desire a country where the law represents the limit. Many of us fought for that, precisely when laws and rights were being violated during the military dictatorship. We desire a country where governmental authorities conduct themselves strictly according to their duties, without ever succumbing to excess; where judges try and judge cases freely and impartially, without any pressure whatsoever, independent of political passion and without ever compromising on the presumption of the innocence of any citizen.
We desire a country where the clash of ideas takes place in a civilized and respectful environment. We want a country where the freedom of the press is one of the cornerstones of the freedom of speech and of the expression of different positions, namely, the rights of all Brazilians. Legal sanctions must be applied against all those who have committed illicit acts, bearing in mind the need to uphold the principle of due process. Those are the very foundations of our democracy. In that regard, I wish to avail myself of a recent quote by my friend José Mujica, former President of Uruguay. He said: “Democracy is not perfect, for we are not perfect. However, we must defend it in order to improve it and not deny it”. Allow me to state for the record that Brazil will continue on the path of democracy and will never relinquish the achievements for which we have so greatly struggled.
I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate that Brazil welcomes citizens from around the world, with open arms, for the 2016 Summer Olympic and Paralympic Games to be held in Rio de Janeiro. We look forward to welcoming each and every one. It will be a unique opportunity to promote sport as a key instrument for peace, social inclusion and tolerance in the fight against racial, ethnic and gender discrimination. It will also be an opportunity to promote the rights and inclusion of persons with disabilities, one of the top priorities of my Government.
One last point is that a few days ago, here at United Nations Headquarters, the murals entitled War and
Peace by the Brazilian artist Candido Portinari, which were donated to this Organization by the Government of my country in 1957, were re-inaugurated. Those works of art denounce violence and poverty and further urge the people of the world to seek mutual understanding and tolerance. They stand as a symbol of the ultimate responsibility of the United Nations, namely, to prevent armed conflict and promote peace, social justice and the eradication of hunger and poverty. Portinari often stated that “there is no great work of art that is not identified by the people surrounding it”. The message of the murals remains timely and topical. It speaks not only to the victims of wars, but also to the refugees who risk their lives on fragile boats in the Mediterranean and to all of the anonymous people who turn to the United Nations seeking protection, peace and well-being.
We hope that, as we walk into the premises of the United Nations and gaze upon those very murals at the entrance, we may be capable of hearing the voices of the people we represent and of working persistently to ensure that their calls for peace and progress are met. After all, those were the very ideals that were present 70 years ago at the foundation of the United Nations Organization, this major accomplishment of humankind.


As the General Assembly gathers this year, we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations. Certainly, we have accomplished a lot during the past 70 years in the economic field, in the protection of human rights and in the maintenance of international peace and security. However, the Organization also experienced failures because of the lack of appropriate structures to effectively deal with the continuous increase in the magnitude and number of challenges as well as their nature, compared to those that existed at the founding of the United Nations.
It goes without saying that the maintenance of international peace and security remains the first priority for the Organization. It is also the biggest challenge we face in an evolving world that is confronted by new complications, such as terrorism, the proliferation of armed conflicts, natural disasters and climate change. All these result in humanitarian crises that have manifested themselves in different forms, such as refugees, internally displaced persons and illegal immigrants.
Today, the United Nations Member States are in need more than ever of consultation, cooperation and mutual assistance to address common challenges and to ensure a better future for the generations to come. The Charter of the United Nations stipulates that the Organization was established to save future generations from the scourge of war. However, that goal remains elusive. Although armed conflicts between nations
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have been reduced, ideological, ethnic and sectarian conflicts within States continue to spread dramatically. That spread is accompanied by unprecedented violations of human rights over and above the spread of terrorist organizations. The emergence of terrorism is a key driver of conflict and instability in many countries, especially in the Middle East and Africa.
We in Libya represent a fledgling democracy seeking to find its way in order to take hold as an added value in the minds of the people and to transform the country into one with transparent, democratic, effective and stable institutions. However, the spread of weapons and armed groups, some of which have turned to criminal and terrorist behaviour, in addition to the country’s exploitation by some people with personal interests, have all resulted in the spread of chaos in the country and weakened the central authority. In addition, that spread has constituted a real threat to democratic transformation and has encouraged the emergence of terrorist organizations and the recruitment of additional foreign terrorist fighters.
During the past year, Libya has witnessed the emergence of the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, or Daesh, an outcome of and ally to Ansar al-Sharia, which asserts control over the towns of Derna and Sirte, with a view to taking the two towns as starting points to assert full control throughout Libya and to exploit Libya’s resources to finance the establishment of an extremist entity that refuses to recognize the national State and fights against democracy. That entity harbours the aim of extending from Mauritania to Bangladesh, thereby subjecting the entire region to the law of the jungle, while claiming to follow the law of Islam. However, that ideology has been totally rejected and resisted by the Libyan people by way of every force available under the leadership of the legitimate authorities, represented by the elected House of Representatives and its duly formed Government.
Those groups have been and remain an essential part of the militia alliance of Libya Dawn, which has seized the capital, Tripoli, and repeatedly announced that it will continue to support Ansar Al-Sharia in Benghazi, while describing them as revolutionaries.
We realize that all of those terrorist and extremist groups are nothing but tools to implement the policies of foreign countries that have persisted in providing them with arms and ammunition. Furthermore, they have facilitated the arrival of foreign fighters in Benghazi,
Sirte and Derna, to participate in the fighting against the Libyan army, which is locked in a fierce war to rid Libya of terrorism by whatever modest means it has at its disposal.
The efforts of the Libyan authorities in the fight against terrorism and to protect Libya from terrorist attacks is being hampered by external support for terrorism activities, in addition to the continuing arms embargo and the insistence of the Security Council in contradicting its decisions by its non-approval of the Libyan Government’s requests for an exemption from the arms embargo, in order to arm the Libyan army.
Unfortunately, some of the permanent members of the Council have justified such conduct as if to avoid a negative impact on the Libyan political dialogue, which we understand has led to a draft political agreement on 11 July that was accepted by the legitimate authority after it made significant concessions, and initialled by most of the parties involved. However, that same agreement has been rejected by the so-called General National Congress (GNC), which represents the militias that occupy Tripoli. Those militias are allied with Al-Qaida and Ansar Al-Sharia, supporting them with arms and fighters in the war against the Libyan army that is taking place in the cities of Benghazi and Derna.
The threat of terrorism on the part of the Islamic State, Al-Qaida and Ansar Al-Sharia is not limited only to Libya. The terrorists view Libya as nothing more than a base camp rich with significant resources ripe for exploitation to finance its operations in North Africa and the Sahel region, as well as Europe, if they were to control it. All United Nations States Members should be aware of the gravity of the position taken by the Security Council. Therefore, with respect to matters of international peace and security, they should exercise pressure towards the lifting of the arms embargo on the Libyan army, accelerate the approval of the application for exemption from the arms embargo and provide assistance to the Libyan Government in the area of security, according to the provisions of Security Council resolution 2214 (2015).
I can assure the Assembly that nothing divides the Libyan people and that the vast majority is seeking any possible means to put an end to the unjustified fighting among brothers, and restore the security and stability of the country. Nevertheless, they are hostage to the armed groups, and thus unable to express their views.
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Hundreds of thousands of Libyans have become internally displaced persons or refugees aspiring to return to their homes as soon as possible. That could be fulfilled only through an agreement on a strong Government that enjoys the confidence of all Libyans, controls all of the Libyan territory and is supported by the international community. We appreciate the effort made by the United Nations Support Mission in Libya to facilitate dialogue among the Libyan parties and form a Government of national accord that represents all Libyans, while placing the national interests above all other considerations.
The House of Representatives, as the legitimate authority elected by all Libyans, was and remains supportive of dialogue as a strategic option to resolve the political and security crisis in Libya. The House of Representatives made every possible concessions to encourage the illegitimate party to disassociate itself from terrorism and join the dialogue table, with the aim of sparing Libyans from more bloodshed and putting an end to the destruction of Libyan cities.
However, we have noticed increasingly intransigent positions and misinterpretations of the flexibility shown by the House of Representatives. It seems that such flexibility has been misunderstood, even by Mr. Bernadino León, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, who tried to bring us back to square one by unraveling all that had been achieved in the past 10 months through dialogue and negotiations. In that regard, I want to emphasize from this rostrum the following.
The House of Representatives is committed to dialogue as an approach to resolving the security and institutional crisis in Libya, but it will not agree to any regression regarding that which has been approved by the majority so far.
No agreement may be imposed on a future Government to take any step whatsoever in favour of any terrorist organization that has been listed by a Security Council sanctions committee.
The war against terrorism in Benghazi, Derna and Sirte cannot be part of a ceasefire arrangement under the agreement, unless it includes surrender on the part of the terrorists and the turning in of their weapons.
The House of Representatives hopes to receive a final draft of an agreement that does not reward the
perpetrators of crimes, including the destruction of State property and forced, armed seizure of the capital.
In the case of the continued intransigence of the General National Congress in rejecting the agreement, the House of Representatives calls on the boycotting members to advance the national interests and the interests of their constituents on any and all matters. They are called upon to disassociate themselves from the extremist militias and to join the House of Representatives in order to participate in the selection of an inclusive Government of national accord that excludes the terrorist groups. We call on the international community to exercise influence in that direction.
This year, the Mediterranean Sea has witnessed an unprecedented wave of illegal migration coming from Africa and Asia and heading towards Europe. Sadly, we have taken note of the loss of thousands of lives by drowning at sea. In that regard, we express our condolences and sympathy to the families of the victims.
We reiterate Libya’s position in support of all international efforts seeking to reduce the risks to illegal migrants in the Mediterranean, based on respect for the principles of international law, particularly respect for sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States.
We express Libya’s readiness to contribute, within the limits of its capacity, to prevent the smuggling of migrants and to rescue lives in the Mediterranean. We also emphasize that the humanitarian crisis must be addressed comprehensively, in consultation with the countries of origin, transit and destination, and while taking into account the need to address the root causes of illegal migration in general and reasons for the large increase in the numbers of migrants passing through Libya in recent months.
The security approach to the problem of migrant smuggling is insufficient. Libya believes that using force against smuggling boats off the Libyan coast may increase the complexity of the Libyan crisis, and will not contribute to reducing the migrant phenomenon. That can be achieved only by providing the legitimate Libyan Government with the capacity to extend its authority over all Libyan territory and to control its borders, including the necessary capacity-building assistance in that area, especially the arming of the Libyan army with the necessary equipment and training.
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Libya cautions against any foreign military activity conducted without its consent and control in Libyan territorial waters or within its exclusive economic zone that could harm fishing activities and lead to the plundering of its marine living resources.
Peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved in the midst of the ongoing Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories, which denies the rights of the Palestinian people and seeks in all possible ways to Judaize the city of Jerusalem. The occupation flies in the face of all international resolutions on the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, in particular on the right of return and the right to establish an independent State with full sovereignty over its territory, with East Jerusalem as its capital.
Libya demands that the siege imposed on the Palestinian people be lifted and that they be provided with protection. The Israeli occupation authorities must be compelled to stop all acts of violence and intimidation against the Palestinian people and to comply with all international resolutions, especially with regard to the return of refugees to their homes and the cessation of settlement activities and of the repeated attacks against the holy sanctuary of Al-Haram Al-Sharif in Jerusalem.
We condemn all atrocities against the Syrian people and express our support for all international efforts aimed at finding a peaceful settlement that will affirm the rights of the Syrian people to live in a dignified and democratic system that respects human rights and fundamental freedoms.
With regard to brotherly Yemen, we hope that the Arab coalition will restore security and stability to Yemen and help reach a peaceful solution to the crisis, under the supervision of its legitimate Government and on the basis of Security Council resolution 2216 (2015).


On behalf of President Tommy Esang Remengesau Jr., President of the Republic of Palau, I have the honour to make the following remarks before the General Assembly at its seventieth session.
At the outset, Palau would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to lead our work during the seventieth session. We pledge our support for the work ahead. May we also take the opportunity to express our sincere gratitude to Mr. Sam Kutesa, for his sterling leadership during the sixty-ninth session.
We meet here today in perilously challenging, yet still hopeful, times. The principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations are more critical to our common future than ever before. We must not only reaffirm our faith in fundamental human rights and the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, but also redouble our efforts to uphold those rights. Our collective determination to promote social progress and better standards of living must be matched by our on-the-ground partnerships to fight poverty, protect the most vulnerable among us and protect the one planet we call home.
So while the challenges — violence and war, poverty and disease, rising seas and wildfires as well as droughts caused by climate change — are enormous, so too is the resolve that I share with all here today to make good on our commitment to transforming our world through the urgent and effective implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1).
I would like to congratulate the Secretary-General, the co-facilitators and the thousands of people whose dedicated work made the Sustainable Development Goals in the 2030 Agenda a strong set of imperatives for transformational change that all of our peoples so urgently need to preserve our cultures, our economies and our environment and to ensure a sustainable and prosperous future for our children.
Let me also briefly express my President’s sorrow at the plight of the countless refugees who are seeking havens of peace and prosperity for themselves and for their families as they search for refuge and protection away from their motherlands, which have been torn by strife that was sparked and worsened by internal conflict and/or environmental degradation and climate change.
The theme of the general debate at the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations, “The United Nations at 70: a new commitment to action”, is very appropriate for this year’s high-level event, the United Nations Summit for the adoption of the new post- 2015 development agenda. It took place just before the
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general debate and adopted resolution 70/1, entitled “Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”, containing the Sustainable Development Goals.
Just prior to the Summit, His Holiness Pope Francis addressed the General Assembly (see A/70/PV.3), reiterating the theme of his papal encyclical, Laudato si’, wherein he criticized the careless use of our planet’s resources leading to environmental degradation and global warming. Let his commentaries serve as an inspiration to us all that will change hearts, minds and actions for a better future that will focus the world’s attention on the most vulnerable among us and on our Mother Earth.
My friends, we can only hope that a generation from now, this session of the General Assembly will be remembered as the defining event when the nations of the world decided, with the greatest resolve, to reverse the tide of the unchecked development and exploitation of our planet and redouble their efforts to end poverty and protect the most vulnerable among us and truly committed to transformative action.
Fifteen years ago, 189 nations and 23 international organizations committed to moving forward with the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The Goals served as the framework for a new global commitment to reducing extreme poverty, improving health, enhancing environmental sustainability and addressing gender equality. We now know that progress towards achieving these Goals has been impressive but uneven. Our work to augment these Goals and adopt a new set of 17 Sustainable Development Goals reflects a very clear recognition that the results of the MDGs would have been more impressive had they addressed the underlying causes of poverty and environmental degradation, and had Goal 8, on partnerships, been better realized.
Through 15 years of experience, we now recognize that it is only through international cooperation and partnership with a wide variety of stakeholders that we can scale up the urgent action needed to realize the full potential of sustainable development for our people and for the oceans, forests and coastal areas that sustain our cultures and livelihoods. I am hopeful that now, in 2015, we will all embrace the overarching goal represented by the new Sustainable Development Goals, that is, our commitment to revitalizing the global partnership for sustainable development.
The third International Conference on Financing for Development, held in Addis Ababa in July, was the first test of the degree of commitment on the part of the developed countries to endowing the new sustainable development agenda with the means needed to meet the new proposed level of ambition. Unfortunately, the Addis Ababa Action Agenda merely reiterated, by and large, the commitments made to the outgoing agenda of the Millennium Development Goals and failed to bridge the gap between grand speech-making and down-to- earth expanded financial commitments.
A more ambitious and reinvigorated global partnership is clearly required. The annual report of the MDG Gap Task Force, including the recently released 2015 report, highlighted several shortfalls in international efforts to achieve the MDGs and provided sobering reminders of the need to substantially step up efforts to meet long-standing international commitments.
Over four and a half decades ago, the international community committed to transferring 0.7 per cent of the gross national income of the rich countries to the poorer countries in the form of official development assistance. To date, the rich nations of the world have generally fallen short of that commitment. In the coming decades, affordable and equitable access to technology will be ever more critical if we are to attain the designated levels of human progress and sustainable development in many areas, including enhancing food security, improving health, including mental health and well-being, and preventing non-communicable diseases. Technology will be the bedrock for aggressive action in climate-change mitigation and adaptation, which remain urgent.
Let me reiterate an important point. If our collective will to implement the 2030 Agenda is sincere, then it is essential to greatly enhance the means and mechanisms of implementation on a much greater scale than those recommended in the Addis Ababa Action Agenda. That is the only way to achieve the promise of a more inclusive and sustainable world free from hunger and where poverty is eradicated. Let me say it again. That will be achieved only through expanded, genuine and durable partnerships.
Fortunately, my country has a history of strong partnerships. The United States continues to support Palau in its development and movement toward economic independence. We continue to be strong friends, and
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we recognize the unique relationship that we share. We look forward to completing our Compact of Free Association agreement with the United States, which reflects that close and special relationship. We wish to express our special gratitude to the United States and our many other global partners for their support of Goal 14, on oceans, and for the ongoing support towards the preservation of our largest global resource through the set-aside of 10 per cent of our global oceans as marine protected areas. Finally, we thank the United States for its continued and increased assistance to Palau’s expanded marine surveillance and enforcement efforts. That is critical if we are to successfully protect the proposed new Palau National Marine Sanctuary.
Palau would also like to acknowledge the great friendship that it has with Japan and the very significant economic support that we have received from Japan over the years. We also wish to express our sincere gratitude for Japan’s generous support and enhanced public and private assistance to our marine surveillance and enforcement efforts. We continue to express our support for the expansion and reform of the Security Council and for Japan’s permanent membership in the Council.
Palau would also like to thank the Republic of China on Taiwan for its friendship and economic support in assisting Palau to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Palau also wishes to recognize Taiwan’s commitment to lowering carbon emissions by 50 per cent by 2050, compared to 2005 levels. We urge the United Nations system to involve Taiwan in the process of implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Additionally, we advocate in favour of Taiwan’s participation in the relevant international environmental mechanisms, such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Taiwan possesses technical capacities in many areas that can be shared with the world. It should therefore also participate in other international meetings, mechanisms and frameworks such as the World Health Organization, International Civil Aviation Organization, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, among others.
The success and implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals will rest, in great part, on the strength of partnerships, which means inclusion rather than exclusion. Taiwan has been a valuable partner to Palau in achieving our MDGs, and we look forward
to our continued partnership with that country as we embark upon the great challenge of implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.
We would like to express our special gratitude to India for its recent efforts to expand relations with the Pacific Community and to enhance regional cooperation aimed at achieving mutual goals of environmental recovery and economic development. Palau reiterates its support for the reform of the Security Council so as to allow the Council to reflect more closely the issues of today’s world, including the security needs and concerns of the Asia-Pacific region. In that respect, expanding the permanent membership category to include India would be welcome.
Finally, we would like also to recognize the very broad list of partners across the globe that make our efforts towards a sustainable future possible, including the Governments of Australia and New Zealand and the European Union, private organizations, non-governmental organizations and civil society.
With the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, we have reaffirmed the commitment enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations to fundamental human rights. Inherent in that commitment is an obligation to provide appropriate support for the realization of that commitment. As my President often says, at the end of the day the success of the 2030 Agenda will depend on the strength of the partnerships we develop.
It is now time for the world community to develop those partnerships and, through them, to commit to a much expanded and more accessible financing, technology and human-resource capacity. We must now match our collective determination to promote social progress and better standards of living with on-the-ground partnerships to fight poverty, protect the most vulnerable among us and protect the one planet that we call home.


From this rostrum, many great leaders of nations have spoken with great eloquence and conviction on matters of great import to their own nation in particular and also to other nations in general. And in this Hall, we speak with the confident hope that what we say here will not only be heard, but that it will give relevance to our efforts and make a positive difference.
Today, I stand before the Assembly as the President of a small Pacific island country to reinforce our commitment to save the difference that we represent, while participating in the noble attempt to bring nations together and speak on subjects of mutual concern and benefit to all. Some who saw my remarks for this morning tell me that they are generic and expound no particular issue of controversy that might generate murmurs in the Hall. They may be right. But that is only because most of them do not live by the sea, at sea level and surrounded by the great Pacific Ocean, where we listen to the sound of the waves relentlessly pounding on our islands, getting dangerously closer with every successive wave.
I will speak first on the much-debated issue of climate change and its causes and effects on many small island States including my own, Micronesia, but I will not go into details, because that is where the Devil is said to be king. I speak as an islander who has walked the shores of many atoll islands in the Pacific. Where there once were sandy beaches and coconut trees, now there are none. I am told that that will continue. As islanders, we wonder why that is happening. Parents today show their children where their island used to extend in relation to the reefs offshore.
While we wait in fear for the predicted and inevitable sea-level rise, other effects of global warming, like stronger ocean currents and more frequent typhoons, continue to wash away shorelines and topple trees, not waiting for the sea to rise and drown the island. People who live on these islands hear that some of the causes of sea-level rise have been identified, that much debate has gone into validating these causes, and that there is now a general understanding and agreement on its causes. They have also heard that there is a way to slow down and eventually save what is left of their islands. That is good news to them and, with the simplicity of islanders, they think — we think — this will be done sooner rather than later. This is their hope. Our hope is in the hands of Member States. I want to believe that many of us are here today to give this hope a chance.
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I am encouraged that our ongoing discussions on climate change, and the ones that will take place later, will usher in a more serious tone and be conducted more speedily, and that the matter has captured the interest of Member States. We are thankful for that. It gives us hope, as we look forward to the meeting in Paris. We have set our hopes on Paris as the venue for the final stretch of dialogue on how we close the gap of disagreement over the level of emissions allowed by our friends, the industrialized States Members of the United Nations. We must become more cohesive in our actions to reach a useful agreement that would help mitigate the threat of sinking islands and prevent the potential genocide of oceanic peoples and their cultures.
The next topic I would like to address is that of hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs). What do the Federated States of Micronesia, the Montreal Protocol and HFCs have in common? In 1995, the Congress of the Federated States of Micronesia passed a bill that approved the country’s accession to the Montreal Protocol. In 2009, the Federated States of Micronesia made the first proposal for an amendment to the Montreal Protocol to phase down HFCs, which are powerful greenhouse gases, as everyone knows. The Federated States of Micronesia took the lead among developing countries to promote the phase-down as a complementary climate change action. Thanks to island countries, the solidarity of our African nation friends and the endorsement of the European Union, over 100 countries have called for these products, HFCs, to be phased down. Now the parties to the Protocol are finally converging towards an agreement on a mandate to negotiate an HFC phase-down. The Federated States of Micronesia will continue to work with other supporters and with all parties until an amendment to phase down HFCs is adopted. I ask the Assembly to join me in this effort.
I note, with great joy, that President Obama is putting his weight behind this move. This is like manna from heaven. Just last week, President Obama and President Xi agreed on “stepping up their work to phase down super-polluting” HFCs. With President Obama’s help, we now see that China, India and Brazil have indicated their support for the HFC amendment. Nonetheless, their indication of support alone is not enough. They must do something about that indication. May President Obama be blessed many times for his leadership in this particular area. How true that the journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step. The benevolence of good leaders raises the hope of islanders that people still care. This is important to the
Pacific peoples. They take great comfort in the thought that they are no longer alone in their crusade in this area. I recall that Pope Francis did not forget to remind us of the golden rule — do unto others as you would they do unto you.
Our second strategy on climate change is quite simple. We are going to Paris, and we are going to support the issues that are raised in order to gain ground on the topic of climate-change mitigation. In Micronesia, we have a challenge called the Micronesian Challenge. Micronesia is a sprinkling of islands that span an ocean area that is larger than the continent of the United States and larger than the European Union. It is made up of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Republic of Palau, the territory of Guam, the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas and my own Federated States of Micronesia. These entities have established what is now the Micronesian Challenge. It is a bold undertaking by small island countries to save our planet. We are agreeing to set aside 30 per cent of near-shore marine areas and 20 per cent of terrestrial areas as our dedicated contribution to the efforts of the people of this Earth to save the planet. We invite those who care and can to join us in this effort to contribute to the well-being of our planet.
When in the General Assembly Hall, I cannot help but feel a greater sense of security and of empowerment. In that regard, I would like to touch on the subject of peace and freedom — peace as an aftermath of hostilities, not just of armed conflict, but hostilities of silence, tolerance and apathy. When we speak of peace, you and I will always remember the absence of it. For the people of Micronesia, the first four decades of the past century will always be remembered as a period of armed conflict — a conflict in which Micronesians had no interest and no part. Those of us from Micronesia and our neighbouring Pacific islands who suffered similarly have our deep subscription to peace engraved in our hearts and inscribed in our governing constitutions. We believe that peace should be universal and embraced by all of us who have decided to be Members of the United Nations.
While we accept that universal peace may be a distant goal, it must be sought vigorously and with determined haste. When I speak of the precious issue of peace, I am often reminded of a statement by a man whose nation had just come out of war and which expressed his dream for lasting peace. President Wilson said of the League of Nations that
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“a general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike ... An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all people and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak”.
Today, we celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations. Some nations celebrate the anniversary of an end to war. While those of us who call the Pacific our home rejoice in the silence of guns, we are not happy that, elsewhere, innocent people continue to fear for their lives and lose precious property, and are forced to confront the ugly face of apathy. Today, many nations have risen from the debris of war to become dominant economic Powers in the world. Many have been generous and supportive to those who have been plundered.
While many postwar territories and possessions have since attained a negotiated political freedom and independence, they still see the shadow of foreign flags fluttering over their lands and their affairs. Some are still labouring to improve their status as nations, while others still await the awakening of the United Nations in hopes that it will heed their plea for political autonomy and the honour of flying a flag of independence. As for our friends who fought against each other in armed conflicts, we ask them to stand together with us today and let us resolve to remember war as a painful conflict of the past. Some things are hard to forget, and the pains of war may be one of them.
For the sake of a peaceful tomorrow, however, let us forgive. Together let us promote friendship, partnership, and cooperation as our collective strength for the future. We have enough common enemies today, enemies that have no respect for culture, boundaries, religion or social status. They are climate change, sea-level rise, poverty, hunger and famine, illiteracy, incurable diseases, domestic violence, genocide and human trafficking, economic imbalance and apathy. Those are our challenges today. We must bind together our efforts to address them. I ask that we divert the energy of our anger over things past to dealing with these challenges in order to achieve a better tomorrow. Let us resolve to work together, more effectively, to overcome these issues, which have been produced by
man’s own doing. Let us take strength and wisdom from our past and apply it for the good of humankind. Let us forgive, for that is the strength we have as the United Nations. Let us create a spirit of unity to enable us to find the necessary strength for our united nations to work well together. Let us celebrate that unity today.