I extend to Ambassador Garba my sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to the office of President of the current session of the General Assembly. His long experience at the United Nations and his commitment to the Organization and its central role in international affairs make him ideally fitted to exercise this office. We look forward to working under his expert direction,
I should like also to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, for the efficiency and good grace with which he carried out his functions. The tireless activities of the Secretary-General are the very core of the effectiveness of the United Nations and I should like to assure him of our full co-operation and support as he carries out his vital task.
The Foreign Minister of France has already addressed the Assembly on behalf of the 12 member States of the European Community. My Government fully endorsed the views on the issues facing the international community contained in that statement, which are common to all members of the Community.
Fifty years ago this month, as the Secretary-General reminds us in the introduction to his annual report, world war began in Europe. When peace came at last, after six years of war, the building of the United Nations began - a sign of hope rising from the ruins of conflict. This was the second effort in this century to create an organization to settle conflicts between States and bring an end to war.
Unlike its predecessor, the League of Nations, the United Nations was solidly founded-, it has grown and developed now for more than 40 years. At first, the organization was limited in membership to those who had been allies in the war. Its primary concern was to ensure that no aggressor would again bring war on a global scale. But over the years its concerns have widened as its membership has grown. It is new almost universal in its membership. It has hastened the end of colonialism and encouraged the transition to freedom and independence of many new States. Its concerns today extend to human rights and to issues of development as well as to disputes and conflicts between States.
Our world of nation States has a vital need for such a universal organization. We have become increasingly conscious of concerns at a global level which far transcend the boundaries of individual States and affect the future of humanity as a whole. We must still work for the resolution of conflicts, an end to the arms race and the promotion of human rights and development. But now, in addition, we have become aware of an important new agenda. There are issues in relation to our fragile human environment on this planet and its preservation that can only be addressed only at a global level. For this we need a universal organization and a co-operative approach with responsibility shared by all. It is vital that this effort be a global one. But it is also more difficult to reach an agreement within a universal organization, where many diverse interests must be reconciled. That is the new challenge that we face.
In seeking to meet that challenge, we can count on a new and improved atmosphere in international relations. As we emerge from the shadows of the cold war, our hopes are greater than at any time since the United Nations was formed. The recent meeting between the Foreign Ministers of the United States and the Soviet Union is encouraging evidence that these two very important countries continue to build a relationship of confidence. That relationship is of importance for the whole world, most of all, perhaps, for Europe.
The far-reaching domestic changes in several Eastern European countries, notably in Hungary, Poland and the Soviet Union, have played an important part in improving the climate of East-West relations. Among the most important of those changes is the evident determination to ensure respect for human rights. Regrettably, full respect for human rights is not yet the norm throughout Eastern Europe. For example, abuses of human rights affect large sections of the population of Romania and have caused large numbers of the Turkish ethnic minority to flee Bulgaria.
The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe process has already been fruitful and has benefited Europe, and it must have a central place in any consideration of the situation in Europe as a whole. We will continue to urge that all parties live up to the commitments they have freely made.
East-West relations, however, cover only one sector of the concerns of the world community. Our focus on these issues, understandable though it may be, should not lead us to ignore or neglect the legitimate concerns of the rest of the world. There must be no doubt that these concerns, too, will have our attention. There is a need, therefore, to widen the scope of our concern so that all nations will begin to benefit from the winds of political change. The United Nations is well placed to help in that process.
Threats to the very survival of life on our planet are the most immediate global challenges. They call for new international commitment and determination. The curbing and reversing of the arms race and averting the threat to the global environment rank as' challenges of unparalleled importance. The arms race continues. Despite some modest improvements, enormous financial resources continue to be deployed, and wasted, in the quest for greater sophistication and superiority. Our enthusiasm for the current progress being made in arms-reduction talks cannot obscure that basic fact or relieve our concern.
Nothing short of the most deliberate and large-scale dismantling of forces and armaments seems likely to end the arms race. And until that happens, we will continue to live under the threats that those weapons pose. We are, of course, greatly encouraged by the declared intentions of the two super-Powers to cut their strategic nuclear weapons by half and by the progress being made towards conventional disarmament in Europe at the Vienna negotiations. Progress in those negotiations must be accelerated.
There is, however, a danger that the reduction in weapons numbers may be compensated for by the adoption of new and sophisticated weapons which are even more lethal and destabilizing than those in the arsenal at present. That would be a travesty of the disarmament process and must not occur.
We are disturbed at the failure so far to agree a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. We welcome the agreement by the United States and the Soviet Union to make progress towards ratification of less far reaching agreements and to negotiate further limitations. We urge them to proceed to a complete ban. This is especially important as we approach the 1990 Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear weapons.
The initiatives announced by the United States and the Soviet Union from this podium earlier in the week open the possibility of significant progress in ridding the world of chemical weapons. We look to early multilateral agreement on the complete elimination of these weapons of destruction. The world community has to see a real prospect of an end to this scourge and we call for a serious effort towards that objective.
Threats other than those posed by the arms race and armed conflict have developed in a more subtle fashion. The damage to our environment now constitutes a danger to the entire planet.
The Earth's very atmosphere is threatened by our activities. Life-giving resources are being destroyed by erosion, desertification and the devastation of tropical forests. Our rivers, lakes and seas are being poisoned with oils, chemicals and long-lasting nuclear waste. Pollution from nuclear-weapons establishments and the danger arising from accidents involving nuclear-powered and nuclear-armed vessels and a further dimension to the threat. My Government is particularly concerned at the potential hazard of nuclear submarines.
The danger is particularly acute in the narrow waterway of the Irish Sea, where the submarine traffic of several nations is intense. Already, there have been many incidents involving damage to fishing vessels by submarines travelling submerged. It is true that these are international waters, and in the present state of international law such vessels may pass freely through them. But with Chernobyl and its effects felt throughout Europe fresh in our minds, it takes no more than a little imagination to picture the disastrous consequences for neighbouring countries such as mine if one of those submerged nuclear reactors should meet with a really serious accident in narrow waters such as these.
In the face of such serious dangers, it is not enough in my view to be concerned only about rights of passage established in another era. There is a need - a vital need - for a new sense of international responsibility on the part of the countries that operate these vessels in face of dangers undreamt of in previous times.
We hold this planet in trust not just for ourselves and for future generations of mankind, but for all life. The health of the Earth depends on a fragile balance. We do not know the consequences of upsetting that balance and upset it at our peril. The preservation of the health of the planet demands global co-operation. We must all promote and develop the rational, non-polluting use of the Earth's limited resources, and we must encourage the replenishment of the natural heritage with which we have been blessed.
Serious debate is required and serious decisions need to be taken, and the United Nations is well placed to move the world's Governments into action. Several important international conferences on the environment are planned, among them the London Conference next year of the parties to the Montreal Protocol, which offers an opportunity to take more stringent measures to protect the ozone layer. The European Community has a specific responsibility in that area, and Ireland, which will hold the Community presidency during that period, will work to the best of its ability to promote significant progress.
Despite a greater spirit of peace and an easing of international tension between East and West, instability and turmoil continue to affect the daily lives of many people. For many, the guns of war have not been silenced. Conflicts and tension persist in several regions, and there is still widespread human suffering and economic devastation. Conflicts in a number of countries and regions, including Afghanistan, Cambodia and Central America are causing much pain. Ireland shares the concern which the presidency expressed and the determination of the Twelve to play a constructive role in helping resolve these terrible problems.
I would like to add some thoughts on two areas of conflict which are an affront to our conscience and sense of justice. I speak of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the inhuman system of apartheid.
In Gaza and the West Bank, a heavy toll has been exacted on the Palestinian people, often the very young, in their resistance to occupation. We are dismayed by the methods used in attempting to quell the disturbance by force. The policy of repression is not only unjust, it is also unsuccessful. Only a political solution can end these deep-seated problems.
We welcome the steady evolution of the Palestine Liberation Organization's position towards a political settlement of the Arab-Israeli problem. We also welcome the new momentum it has given to the peace process.
A comprehensive settlement of the conflict must guarantee security for all States in the region and self-determination for the Palestinian people. Within the framework of a negotiated peace settlement, it is for the Palestinian people to decide how it wishes to exercise its right to self-determination. We will be contributing what we can in the coming months to the efforts of the Twelve to advance a comprehensive settlement. Our hope is that the independent Palestinian State proclaimed unilaterally last year will become a reality, as a result of an international peace conference under United Nations auspices. All the parties concerned - including the Palestine Liberation organization, whose role in representing the Palestinian people we have recognized - must participate directly in that conference.
We have all been appalled at the devastation which many years of conflict have wreaked on Lebanon. We welcome the efforts currently being undertaken by the three Heads of State of the Arab League, and the indications that a settlement may at last be in sight which will guarantee the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Lebanon, and see the introduction of significant political reforms and the withdrawal of all non-Lebanese troops - except, of course, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon.
The continued capture and holding of hostages is deeply distressing. Many families have been stricken? my own country has not been spared. among the hostages being held is an Irishman, Brian Keenan, who had been working in Beirut as a schoolteacher. Nobody has a right to hold innocent people hostage; nobody has a right to visit so much suffering on people who have no involvement in, and no responsibility for, the causes allegedly being served. To those who hold these hostages and to those who may be in a position to influence these people, my appeal is a simple one.' "Free the hostages now".
In South Africa the shameful repression of the black population continues unabated. Bans on black political organizations and the black trade union movement remain. The detention of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners continues despite numerous appeals for their release. Many representatives of the Mass Democratic Movement have recently been arrested and remain in detention.
In the most recent elections, black South Africans were again denied any voice in the political structures of their country. The elections were the very embodiment of discrimination. It is hard to consider them as the prelude to the abandonment of apartheid. Yet nothing less will do. We note the declared awareness now being displayed by the South African Government of the need for reform. It is long past time for real and meaningful change in South Africa. The South African Government must delay no longer in abolishing apartheid and in working with all the people of South Africa to build a society based on equality and justice.
In Namibia, the long-delayed process of independence has begun under United Nations auspices. Ireland is honoured to be associated with this process through the participation of Irish personnel in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group. I take this opportunity to reaffirm our support for the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in fulfilling their roles. The next step - in November - is the holding of elections in which the Namibian people must, without intimidation, be free to express their sovereign will.
We are encouraged by recent initiatives towards national peace in Angola, and we also welcome indications of moves towards a settlement based on negotiation in Mozambique, There is, in the coming year, an opportunity for a general improvement in the situation in southern Africa. This opportunity must be grasped.
We firmly believe that it is only through deepening and strengthening the admittedly fragile ties on the Korean peninsula that tension can be reduced. In 1989, it is anomalous that the Korean peninsula is not represented in the United Nations, and we hope that this anomaly can soon be rectified. The observance of human rights has a central place in any consideration of the state of the world. It can no longer be isolated or hidden behind national boundaries. Human rights are now a permanent and legitimate aspect of international relations. My Government welcome this evolution.
Nevertheless, it is clear that there are Governments which engage in massive violations of human rights. Their conduct is an affront to the inherent dignity of man and the conscience of humanity.
The European Community President has already mentioned our concerns for the observance and restoration of human rights in a number of countries. We would like to emphasize that Ireland has been deeply saddened by events in China since June. The violent suppression of peaceful demonstrations and the series of arrests and executions which followed have left a deep scar.
Irish public opinion has followed with concern the renewed threat to human rights in some countries of Central America. Effective action must be taken by the Governments concerned to end abuses, to bring those responsible to justice and to put in place political structures which will make those abuses a thing of the past.
The United Nations role in peace-keeping has been greatly enhanced in the last two years. Ireland has been proud to play a Cull part in these efforts. Afghanistan, Iran-Iraq and Namibia have shown the essential role that the United Nations and only the United Nations can play in the resolution of regional conflict.
Allow me for a moment, however, to reflect on what I might term the problems of success.
The dispatch of peace-keeping forces should be seen as a first step only in the resolution of conflict. It is not an end in itself. Without the necessary political will to reach a settlement, there is a great danger that the peace-keeping role of the United Nations may be seriously eroded.
The peace-keeping function, as it exists today or as further developed, requires the firm financial commitment of all the Member States. It is vital, not least from the point of view of political credibility, that the financing of peace-keeping be put on a sound footing. The parties to regional conflicts have clear responsibilities which do not end with the deployment of United Nations peace-keeping forces. The United Nations peace-keeping role was designed not to replace, but to facilitate, the peace-keeping obligations of those parties.
If the obligation to move beyond a mere cessation of hostilities is accepted, we, the Members of the United Nations, should be prepared to entrust further responsibilities to our Organization. I hope that we might see the role of the United Nations develop further in the direction of peace-promotion by encouraging the conditions in which democracy can grow and flourish.
There is scope for greater United Nations involvement and more use of its expertise in election-monitoring. The Organization is, in fact, as the Secretary-General has pointed out, increasingly called on for this. Shortly, under United Nations supervision, the people of Namibia will elect their first independent Government. Other elections or referendums are proposed or are possible in several other areas beset by tension. The attitude towards elections has also begun to change in many parts of the world where democratically elected Governments have not been the norm in the past.
We should carefully consider the possibilities for greater United Nations involvement in this process. There may also be a role for the United Nations in undertaking related tasks in the furtherance of democracy, perhaps through the promotion of international standards for free and honest elections.
 We cannot manage the welfare of this planet if we ignore the well-being of those of its people who are denied its fruits because of underdevelopment.' We must move towards bridging the deep divide between rich and poor countries, between developed and developing. The 1980s have in many cases been a lost decade for many countries which is why we call for an urgent reduction of debt.  The resolution of the problems of the world's developing countries will not occur overnight. It can come about only if sustained efforts on their part are supported by the international community. Those of us in the more developed countries should not imagine that we are insulated from the problems created by underdevelopment. If, out of dire necessity to provide food or to repay debt, developing countries choose environmentally unsound path, we will all suffer. Damage to the environment anywhere in the world affects us all. It would be tragic if the developing countries were to repeat the mistakes of the developed world. We can avoid these environmental consequences only if we tackle with determination the problem of underdevelopment.
The United Nations system can play an important role in furthering the economic advancement of developing countries and in strengthening economic co-operation for the benefit of all. Several important conferences devoted to development, including a special session of the General Assembly, are being convened. The fourth international development strategy is being elaborated. In the is process, developed and developing countries alike will be able to commit themselves anew to decisive and effective co-operation to achieve lasting solutions to the problems of the developing world. Together, we must work to make the 1990s a decade of genuine development.
No discussion of global questions can be complete without reference to the seas, which cover the larger part of the Earth's surface. The Convention on the of the Sea is milestone in the history of international law-making and co-operation, which must not be allowed to fail. Universal acceptance of its provisions still eludes us because some elements relating to the regime for the sea-bed nave not found general acceptance. We believe, however, that there now exists a climate that opens the way for. dialogue between all States, with a view to achieving a universally acceptable convention. We hope that there will be the widest possible participation in this process.
For 20 years - since August 1969, when the Irish Government made an urgent plea for the involvement of the United Nations to stem the tide of violence that threatened to engulf Northern Ireland - successive Foreign Ministers of Ireland have reported annually to the General Assembly on developments in that troubled part of our island. Twenty years on, the situation in Northern Ireland remains of central concern to my Government and continues to claim the attention of the international community. The conflict in Northern Ireland is, first and foremost, a human tragedy. We must never lose a sense of the sadness and loss that lie behind statistics of death and injury. This was brought home to us most forcefully in the past week by the utterly senseless killing of 10 young British army bandsmen in southern England. The perpetrators of this atrocity stand condemned by both the British and the Irish Governments and peoples and by world opinion.
But our human sympathy for the victims of violence, instinctive and deep as it is, and our unqualified condemnation of its perpetrators are not in themselves sufficient. As public representatives, we have a responsibility to work actively and imaginatively to achieve political solutions to the underlying political problems.
Central to the situation in Northern Ireland are some of the same elements that are at the heart of a number of conflicts elsewhere in the world. It is a society divided by radically different interpretations of history, different senses of identity, and different aspirations for the future. The very complexity of such conflicts defies any simple solution. There is no easy formula for harmonizing memories and reconciling aspirations. A minimum first step, however, is to seek to identify those elements that are essential to an enduring solution. The fundamental prerequisite for progress is equality. Its presence nay not guarantee a resolution of the problem, but its absence will surely mean that a settlement will continue to evade us. Only on the basis of equality can we conduct an open-minded dialogue leading to reconciliation.
Confidence in the essential fairness and equality of the system is fundamental to any healthy society. It was the total, and well-founded, absence of that confidence on the part of the nationalist minority in Northern Ireland that formed the background to the fateful events of autumn 1969. Many of the basic civil rights demands articulated then have received a response in the 20 intervening years. More have been answered since the signature, in 1985, of the Anglo-Irish agreement, which has as one of its basic objectives the achievement of equality of treatment for all.
In the past year, for example, new fair-employment legislation for Northern Ireland has gone on the statute books, and we now look to the effective implementation of that legislation. However, action on the economic front has to be sustained, and equality in the distribution of economic resources has to be developed. Although a legacy of economic discrimination is not easily shaken off, with determination on the part of all involved it must, and will, be.
As fundamental as economic equality must be confidence on the part of the community generally in the essential even-handedness of all the instruments of government, including the administration of justice and the operation of the security forces. If that confidence is absent, there will inevitably be an erosion of moral and political authority.
My Government has consistently pointed to the need for the security forces in Northern Ireland to win the trust of the nationalist community. In particular, we have focused, over the past year, on the urgent need to address the problem of harassment of the nationalist community by elements within the security forces. We have had to register our deep concern at the involvement of members of the security forces in the most serious of crimes, including murder, and at the growing evidence, in recent weeks, of collusion between members of the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries. We have also had to protest at decisions, within the past year, to allow soldiers to resume service after they had been found guilty of most serious crimes in Northern Ireland. We have raised these concerns with the British Government in the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. We are convinced that only the most effective and urgent response can repair the damage done by these recent developments.
Despite such set-backs, we must continue to work for political progress. I believe that the Anglo-Irish agreement - recently fortified by the review of its workings - plays a crucial role in this regard. But the effectiveness of the agreement as a framework for reform, co-operation and political progress must be developed continually by both Governments. Likewise, the differences that, inevitably, will arise from time to time between Dublin and London in the operation of the agreement must be tackled resolutely and overcome, and the two Governments must, together, demonstrate their firm commitment at all times to moving the Agreement forward.
Never has there been such a vital need for innovative and creative thinking within, and about, Northern Ireland, never has there been greater urgency about translating such thinking into practical steps forward. Both the British and the Irish Governments, as well as both sectors of the community in Northern Ireland, have responsibilities in this regard. For our part, we must - as we do - strive to understand that mix of emotions, interests and loyalties from which unionism draws its character and strength. We have continually to remind ourselves of unionists' fears. We have to ensure that our friendship is not mistaken for threat, and our genuine concerns dismissed as one-sided complaints.
The Irish Prime Minister - the Taoiseach, Charles Haughey - has repeatedly made clear that the Irish Government wants to enter a new dialogue with unionists. Our door is open, and we stand ready to advance to meet our unionist colleagues in mutual respect and friendship. We say directly to the unionist leaders that there is nothing to be lost - neither self-respect nor political advantage nor integrity of position - by meeting with us to discuss together how we can share our island. The gain will be for all the people of Northern Ireland who long for leadership out of the present political impasse.
We will address the period ahead with the same unswerving commitment to a resolution of the problems of Northern Ireland that informed our approach to this Organization 20 years ago. On that occasion, the then Irish Foreign Minister emphasized that
"Differences in political outlook or religious belief need not set people apart ... the real barriers are those created by fear, suspicion and intolerance".
Today, I again evoke that sentiment, applicable not just in Northern Ireland but in so many situations worldwide. If our discourses at this annual debate of the General Assembly do anything to enlarge understanding or to help lower those barriers, they will indeed have proved worthwhile. The United Nations proved its value as the forum in which all questions of global concern should be resolved. The opportunity exists to make further progress in putting into practice many of the principles of the Charter which up to now have been only imperfectly observed.
We note gratefully that many of the tensions and rivalries that have bedevilled the conduct of international relations over the years are now part of the past. We are therefore faced with a unique opportunity. We know that the heritage of future generations is threatened and that action has to be taken soon to protect our environment. We know that an unchecked arms race is not adding to our security but taking from it. We know that assault on the human rights and dignity of the individual in any country is an assault on us all. We know that we cannot sit passive and uninterested as regional conflicts and tension continue and fester. And we know that the problems of the poor and the underdeveloped will not solve themselves without new and better directed support.
We must begin to move closer to the goal of a more just, more secure, fairer and cleaner world and we now have a real opportunity to work for progress towards those aims through this organization.


I should like at the outset to offer Ambassador Garba of Nigeria our sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We are fully confident that with his wide experience and eminent expertise he will conduct the work of the session with the greatest skill. I should also like to thank his predecessor, representing the fraternal Argentine Republic, for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the work of the forty-third session of the General Assembly.
One of the most conspicuous and distinctive features of the United Nations is the work of the General Assembly at its regular annual sessions, together with the valuable discussions that take place in the search for the optimum means of preserving international peace and security and promoting international co-operation as the major objectives that the principles of the United Nations and its Charter strive to achieve.
It can be said that a greater measure of peace prevails in the world at present, despite the continued existence of focal points of regional and international conflicts and disputes resulting from the fact that a number of Member States fail to honour their international commitments and obligations. Our efforts must therefore focus on eliminating the difficulties that prevent the resolution of those situations so that such peace as we now experience will not once more be transformed into a state of heated confrontation.
Taking this as our point of departure it is necessary for us to expand the scope of international consultation with regard to all remaining problems. We must encourage or bring pressure to bear on parties that continue to ignore the role of the United Nations and finally, to agree to work within the framework of international legitimacy. With the easing of formerly strained relations between the forces of East and West, and in particular between the two super-Powers, a global dialogue has been instituted so that the message of peace and the peaceful settlement of disputes have begun to make their presence felt from Kampuchea to Afghanistan and from the Arabian Gulf to southern Africa. This positive climate and the international momentum generated by the beginning of the end of polarization have both opened up new prospects that must be sustained by one and all and by all available means.
Peace will continue to be the pre-eminent goal that my country strives to achieve through its policies in general. In the light of that attitude, the Sultanate has devoted all available resources to alleviating tension in the region in an endeavour to secure a peace built on good-neighbourliness and peaceful coexistence among all peoples. The Sultanate of Oman has from the outset adhered to the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes in its relations with its neighbours as one of the principal foundations of its foreign policy. We are happy to see that that principle has now become a positive phenomenon at the international level and is becoming prevalent in endeavours to contain numerous regional problems and disputes.
It is evident that the momentum produced by the global dialogue has given hope to the peoples of the Gulf region for the consolidation of peace and co-operation. Under the auspices of the Secretary-General, the negotiations between Iraq and Iran on the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) are still continuing with a view to bringing about a durable peace between those two countries. However, despite the lapse of more than 12 months since the first round of negotiations began, the only provision of resolution 598 (1987) to have been implemented is the provision recruiting the commitment of both parties to a cease-fire. At the forty-third session of the General Assembly, we were hopeful that by the present session the Secretary-General and the two parties to the conflict would have been able to secure the full implementation of resolution 598 (1987) which we believe to be binding since both parties concerned have pledged that they will meet their international obligations.
We are fully aware that each party faces difficulties and that each of them has compelling grounds for adhering to its own viewpoint and its own interpretation of the provisions of the resolution. We nevertheless believe that the need to achieve peace, as well as adherence to the spirit of international legitimacy, to the principles that underlie the rules of international law and to the accepted precedents with regard to regional conflicts, must be adopted as the paradigm for the thinking of the two sides as well as in the negotiations between them. We believe that it is the responsibility of the Security Council to assist the two parties to the conflict to reach an understanding of the principles on which Security Council resolution 598 (1987) is based because that will enable the Secretary-General to present a uniform concept to both parties to the dispute instead of having each of the parties present him with a conflicting perception of the same resolution.
It is incumbent on us all to urge both Iraq and Iran to co-operate with the Secretary-General and with the Security Council in order to ensure the implementation of the resolution in question. We are prompted to make this assertion by the belief that the leaders of both countries have a strong desire for peace and that the climate of public opinion in both countries and the deep sentiments and common interests that link the peoples of Iraq and Iran are all factors that go to form a fitting backdrop for co-operation which must inevitably have a positive influence for peace. In the Middle East the question of Palestine remains without that political solution which would secure the legitimate political and human rights of the fraternal Palestinian people, a people which suffered a calamity some 40 years ago and which continues to confront an unknown destiny. The United Nations faces a severe test of its credibility with respect to the achievement of peace and security in the Middle East. One wonders how long the deteriorating situation that portends insufferable consequences in Palestine can be tolerated, and how long it is possible to acquiesce in Israeli policies in the Arab territories occupied since 1967.
By its rejection of Arab and international proposals for the convening of an international peace conference so that a durable solution can be sought guaranteeing peace and stability to all the peoples of the region, Israel is jeopardizing the peace and security of the Middle East. Israel's persistence in pursuing an arbitrary and obdurate policy towards the Palestinian people, Israel's denial of national and human rights of that people whether by direct force of arms or by intimidation, are unacceptable to the civilized world.
In the international information media, the world daily witnesses the bloody and unequal confrontations between defenceless Palestinians - men, women and children rising in revolt in order to regain their usurped rights - and the Israeli army fully equipped with the most sophisticated weaponry and occupying Arab territory in defiance of the will of the international community.
In the declarations made by its leaders, Israel has frequently asserted that it takes no heed of, and indeed has no regard for, the will of the international community whenever that will conflicts with its ambitions and interests. Israel, by its conduct, has also demonstrated that it has no respect whatever for international law and custom. If it had, then what law could it be that accords Israel the right to detain Palestinians for a full year without trial in their own occupied territory? On what code of law does Israel base itself in demolishing the homes of Palestinian citizens and expelling them from their homeland for no other reason than their rejection of Israeli domination and occupation?
The international community must act to halt these unlawful and inhuman practices. The time has come for Israel to yield to logic. It is time for Israel to enter into dialogue with the representatives of the Palestinian people? and it is the international conference, enjoying as it does the blessing of the international community, which provides the most appropriate forum for such a dialogue. If Israel persists in rejecting the logic of peace, then the Middle East will constantly remain a cause of concern and a source of danger to international peace and security.
It is a matter for regret that the international community should remain silent before Israel's refusal to implement those Security Council resolutions calling for the full and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from occupied Lebanese territory as a first step towards the restoration of Lebanon's unity, security and stability. We commend the efforts made by the Tripartite Arab Committee set up to resolve the Lebanese crisis, and we call upon our brothers in Lebanon, of all religious and political persuasions, to rally together and to place the best interest of their country above all other interests and considerations so that Lebanon may surmount its constitutional crisis and once again become the symbol of peace, love and brotherhood it once was.
My country recognizes and believes in the need for the peaceful settlement of disputes on a basis of mutual respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of others and self-determination. It is for this reason that the Sultanate of Oman welcomed and gave its support to the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan signed on 14 April 1988. The Sultanate of Oman hails the completion of the withdrawal of Soviet troops from that country. We consider the withdrawal an important and fundamental step which has helped bring about a rapprochement of viewpoints among the various factions in Afghanistan, a step which has opened the way for the Afghan people to choose the system that it itself desires without outside interference. The Sultanate of Oman is hopeful that the parties concerned will succeed in forming a government that will bring together all segments of the Afghan people and that will endeavour to bring about the return of the Afghan refugees to their homes, preserve the Islamic identity and neutrality of Afghanistan and establish the necessary relations of good-neighbourliness with contiguous States, including the Soviet Union.
The ASEAN States have made exhaustive efforts to seek a peaceful solution to the Kampuchean problem. The Sultanate of Oman, commends those efforts, and particularly those made by Indonesia in this connection and regards the outcome of the international Conference on Kampuchea recently held at Paris as auspicious. We are fully confident that the results will lead to the inception of a new era for the Kampuchean people enabling that people to bring down the curtain on the tragedies of the past and begin to rebuild its country under a system of government chosen by itself for itself. Despite the fact that the Paris Conference did not achieve any concrete progress, it is important that a dialogue continue among all parties so that a political solution to the Kampuchean problem be achieved.
On the threshold of the 1990s, we find ourselves imbued with a sense of optimism with regard to the role of diplomacy and negotiation as valuable and prestigious instruments in international relations. We had hoped that the new turn towards optimism in international relations would make a significant and decisive contribution to the future of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean so that the relevant conference could be held in Colombo in 1990 as a first step towards the implementation of the 1971 Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, adopted by the General Assembly in its resolution 2832 (XXVI). However, the difficulties raised by some States may prevent this. We call upon those States to adopt a spirit of conciliation and to allow efforts to be stepped up so that the conference can be held as scheduled.
The world has rejoiced that agreement has been reached which will lead to the independence of Namibia. We should therefore particularly like to congratulate the people of Namibia and the African nations on the Namibian people's achievement. After 74 years of colonialism as inhabitants of a mandated Territory, the people of Namibia has now begun to reap the fruits of its struggle and its sacrifices. As we salute and revere the efforts of all those who have contributed to giving effect to Security Council resolution 435 (1978), we should also like to take this opportunity to express our pleasure at the success of the summit meeting recently held in Zaire, at which a settlement was reached by the conflicting parties in Angola. We are prompted by the hope that this agreement will be a good omen not only for Angola but for the region as a whole.
Despite the progress of peace in Namibia and Angola, the prospects for peace in southern Africa remain indistinct because of the South African regime's continued pursuit of the policy of racial discrimination against the black majority. We shall support the international efforts aimed at achieving justice and equality among all members of the population, and we hope that those efforts will achieve tangible progress in the near future. Events in Central America have shown that peace can be achieved through diplomacy and negotiation. We are confident that the leaders of the region recognize the importance of ensuring a climate of good-neighbourliness among the States of Central America that would lay the appropriate groundwork to support the efforts of the Contadora Group and implement the Esuipulas II accords so that the long-standing instability in the region may be ended.
Last year, Seoul, the capital of South Korea, witnessed a remarkable summer Olympiad that was most in harmony with the universality that also constitutes one of the major pillars of the United Nations.
In accordance with that principle, and because of the importance of such a step in alleviating tension and promoting the peace process in the peninsula, we welcome any international effort made to ensure the representation of both Koreas in our Organization and to grant them full membership.
With regard to the question of Cyprus, while we express our regret that the two parties to the conflict were unable to reach a negotiated solution to the problem last June, we nevertheless hope that the leaders of the Turkish and Greek communities will show the greatest degree of co-operation and flexibility in the coming rounds of talks, so that the members of both communities may once again live together side by side in peace, security, and tranquillity.
The dangers posed by the unsound environmental policies pursued by certain industrialized countries have given rise to a disturbance in the ecological balance, the extinction of certain plant and animal species necessary to maintain natural life on our planet and, in many regions, the pollution of the seas to a most hazardous extent.
My country, following the guidelines laid down by His Majesty Sultan Qabcos bin Said, accords the utmost importance to environmental protection. My country was and continues to be a pioneer in enacting legislation and adopting initiatives, particularly at the regional level, for the elaboration of optimum methods of solving environmental problems.
The Sultanate of Oman therefore supports the convening of the proposed United Nations conference on environment and development at the earliest possible opportunity. The conference should review and appraise achievements in the field of environmental preservation, formulate solutions to the challenges that mankind will face in that domain, and reassess priorities in such a manner as to ensure the continuity of international efforts to create a better environment for future generations.
Mankind has made unprecedented progress in opening up new horizons in technology. However, most scientific achievements are unfortunately devoted to advancing the arms race and even to the manufacture and development of devices that threaten the survival of mankind itself, such as nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction.
The very existence of such lethal weapons is the greatest danger threatening mankind. Therefore, any talk of halting the proliferation of such weapons is out of joint if it is not within the context of their complete elimination. It is the international community's endeavour to achieve this end that prompted it warmly to welcome and support the agreement reached between the two super-Powers at the end of 1987 on the elimination of their medium-range and shorter-range missiles from Europe as a first step towards nuclear disarmament. In that connection, we welcome the measures recently agreed upon by the two Powers with regard to disarmament.
Bilateral disarmament negotiations, although extremely important, should not detract from the role of multilateral negotiations nor be seen as a substitute for them? the two should rather complement each other. The question of disarmament is not one that concerns certain States alone. It is an issue that impinges on the interests and the very existence of all mankind. We must therefore make the greatest possible efforts to support United Nations endeavours relating to disarmament issues and especially those involving the future of mankind, such as the prevention of the outbreak of nuclear war and the imposition of a comprehensive nuclear test ban. Agreement on those questions can release enormous resources which if used in the proper manner - for development - would change the world situation and make it more secure, more peaceful and more prosperous.
It is saddening that the momentum produced by recent United Nations successes in solving regional problems has not been exploited for the achievement of corresponding progress and success at the level of the international economy.
The economies of the developing world are suffering grave problems. Average annual rates of real growth in those countries fell from 5.5 per cent in the 1970s to less than 3 per cent in the 1980s. The share of third-world countries in the developed market economies fell from 38 per cent in 1970 to only 19 per cent in 1987, while that of the industrialized countries rose from 65 per cent to 71 per cent over the same period. If to the problem of reduced income are added the indebtedness problem of the developing countries, which has now surpassed the $1 billion mark, the deterioration in the terms of trade to their detriment, the drop in the prices of the primary commodities on which the economies of those countries depend and the protectionist measures imposed, then it is abundantly clear that we remain far from achieving a better economic order that would narrow the existing economic gap between developing and developed countries.
The factors that have prevented the international community from realizing the economic achievements to which it might have aspired during the 1980s must, on the threshold of the 1990s, provide us with the strongest motivation to make the greatest possible efforts to establish a just economic order that takes account of  the economic conditions of the emerging developing countries. Among the priorities for such efforts must be the formulation of a fair and thoroughgoing solution to the debt crisis, which still threatens to undermine stability at the national and international levels. We regard the three-point plan of action, presented by the brotherly State of Kuwait and delivered by His Highness the Amir of Kuwait Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah at the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly, as an important initiative that must be supported. Action should be taken to implement it in order that a solution to the international debt crisis be found. We must here commend the policy announced by the French Government absolving the least developed countries of all their debts, and we can only welcome the agreement recently reached on Mexico's debts. This constitutes an auspicious precedent with regard to the problem of indebtedness in general.
We support the convening of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation, in particular to the revitalization of economic growth and development in the developing countries. Such a session will provide an opportunity to initiate a dialogue on the reversal of the present downward trend in the world economy, which will only come about through a strong demonstration of collective political will, and of the belief that it is not possible for the world to live in peace if a tiny minority of the human race possesses all the attributes of affluence while the majority lacks even the most elementary requirements of life. We are living in an epoch in which the United Nations has begun to contribute with increasing effectiveness to the solution of a number of international problems, and we call for support for efforts to continue this positive momentum. We are also hopeful that, through this Organization, we will be able to devise just and peaceful solutions to the various issues which are a source of concern to the international community and which threaten international peace and security, such as the question of the Palestinian people and the conduct of the racist regime in South Africa. We further hope that increased and more earnest efforts will be made to channel the enormous scientific and technological progress being made into building a better tomorrow for future generations instead of the contrivance of ever more means of destruction.
The Sultanate of Oman believes that the United Nations has the necessary attributes to enable it to play an important role in this field, and we shall spare no effort to contribute to the strengthening of the role of the United Nations.
In conclusion, we hope that the deliberations of the present session will strengthen co-operation and promote detente in international relations and that the resolutions adopted by the Assembly will be of a practical character so that they may contribute successfully to addressing the issues included in this session's agenda.


Let me start by expressing ray delegation's sincere congratulations to Mr. Garba on his unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. His election to that high office is clear testimony of his widely acknowledged deep understanding of the many and complex problems that beset mankind today. We represents a friendly and peace-loving country with which Zambia and the other front-line States have joined efforts to bring about peace in southern Africa. We are therefore happy to see him in that hot seat.
To his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, the former Foreign Minister of Argentina, we wish to pay a deserving tribute for the very able manner in which he guided the deliberations of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. He came to the throne at a very crucial time during the developments in southern Africa. We wish him well in his new endeavours.
To the Secretary-General of our organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, we wish to express Zambia's profound appreciation for his continuing efforts and commitment to the peaceful resolution of international conflicts, we wish him success in his noble and difficult task. We meet today against a background of great hopes and expectations for the success of multilateralism, which is so vital for the well-being of mankind. The climate of co-operation and accommodation between the two super-Powers has had global ramifications and augurs well for the gradual elimination of tensions. We look forward to the end of the cold war era which has been characterized by the unprecedented arms race.
As we approach the last decade of this century, which has witnessed two major and destructive wars, among others, our efforts should be geared to ensuring that we lay a solid foundation for the eventual elimination of all weapons off mass destruction. The issue off arms control and disarmament must be off high priority if we are to avoid a nuclear holocaust, which could be triggered either by accident or by miscalculation. Indeed, there are also other compelling reasons in favour of ending the arms race, one off which is that the limited resources off the world cannot sustain the ever growing production and improvement off weapon systems off mass destruction. It goes without saying that the world, particularly the developing countries, would have a lot to gain from the reallocation of resources into economic and social development. In this regard, we welcome the ongoing efforts for a reduction not only in the levels of nuclear weapons of the super-Powers, but also in the conventional forces in Europe. He also welcome recent initiatives to stop the production of chemical weapons. It is our hope that these efforts will lead to the eventual elimination of all nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth.
Nearer home, there is now some hope of an end to the colonial situation in Namibia. After more than 100 years of colonialism, the settlement plan embodied in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is in the process of implementation. But the implementation process remains a matter of serious concern to the international community, with the elections less than four weeks away, a number of issues pertaining to implementation off the resolution remain unsolved. We have repeatedly stated, in this Assembly and elsewhere, that South Africa has sinister intentions in Namibia, aimed at denying the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) its deserved electoral victory. It is no secret that South Africa intends to retain its influence in Namibia by arrogating to itself a role in the evolution off the Constitution of the new State of Namibia by ensuring that SWAPO does not get the required two-thirds majority. Widespread intimidation off SWAPO supporters, particularly in northern Namibia, by Koevoet elements must be seen as one of South Africa's desperate attempts to achieve that objective - no doubt, the last kicks of a dying horse.
The assassination of a prominent SWAPO member, Mr. Anton Luborski, in Windhoek, underscores our expressed concern for the security of the leadership off SWAPO. The existing law-enforcement agents in Namibia are, by their training and background, unsuitable for the protection of SWAPO leaders. It must be stated that if assassinations of SWAPO leaders continue, the process of implementing Security Council resolution 435 (1978) could be seriously jeopardized. We call on the Secretary-General to take urgent measures to resolve this problem.
Under the settlement plan, all military paramilitary and citizen forces, commandos and ethnic forces were to be disbanded, and their command structures dismantled. Regrettably, South Africa has not, so far, complied fully with the requirements of resolution 435 (1978), and has thus created an atmosphere of uncertainty and uneasiness, which is not conducive to the conduct of free and fair elections in Namibia. We wish to reiterate that failure to implement resolution 435 (1978) in its original and definitive form could seriously tarnish the image of the United Nations, under whose supervision and control the elections in Namibia are being conducted.
South Africa's sincerity is on trial in Namibia. Its behaviour during the electoral process will determine whether its promises to end apartheid can be believed by the international community.
The United Nations should ensure that all the remaining discriminatory and restrictive laws in Namibia are repealed, as provided for under the settlement plan. Similarly, both the electoral law and the Constituent Assembly proclamation should conform to the provisions of Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 640 (1989), in keeping with internationally accepted standards, so that the people of Namibia can freely exercise their right to self-determination and national independence. Indeed, in his comprehensive report to the General assembly at this session, the Secretary-General, refer rim to implementation of the settlement plan, stated, "there are serious problems to be overcome" (A/44/1, p. 3).
We wish to reiterate that the United Nations has direct responsibility for Namibia until independence is achieved. For that reason, it is absolutely essential that the General Assembly provide the necessary financial resources to enable the Council for Namibia to carry out its programme of work for 1990 until independence. Indeed, in this regard, the United Nations should mobilize resources to assist Namibia during the transition period and beyond.
It must be emphasised that the newly independent Namibia will need further assistance in the integration of various military units into the national defence force. In this connection, we believe that the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) can play a role to ensure orderly integration. We therefore call on the United Nations to consider retaining some military elements of UNTAG in Namibia after independence, for this purpose.
In South Africa nothing much has changed, despite recent pronouncements, including yesterday's, by the new leadership. The system of apartheid, which the United Nations has rightly condemned as a crime against humanity, is still intact. There are still no clear indications pointing to the immediate abolition of apartheid. Nelson Mandela and many other political prisoners remain in South African gads. The Group Areas Act and the state of emergency are still in force.
In order to achieve peaceful change in South Africa, the Pretoria regime must, as a matter of urgency, engage in serious dialogue with genuine leaders of the black majority. To that end, we call upon the Pretoria regime to: release unconditionally all political prisoners, and not just a few; unban the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and all other political organizations in South Africa and ensure the return of all political exiles without hindrance) lift the state of emergency-, halt political executions and detention, and withdraw the army from the townships.
Those demands are contained in a very important document adopted by the organization of African Unity's Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa, which met in Harare, Zimbabwe, in May this year. That document is, in our opinion, the blueprint for ending apartheid peacefully. Much has been said about the effectiveness of economic sanctions against South Africa. In our assessment, the economic and financial sanctions new in place are having the desired effect. In this regard, we wish to express our appreciation to the countries that have individually imposed sanctions on South Africa, and we urge them to continue applying those sanctions until apartheid is completely eradicated. Similarly, we appeal to those countries which, for selfish interests, are opposed to sanctions against South Africa to reconsider their position, because the alternative is a bloody armed conflict, which would not be in the interests of any of the peace-loving nations. He wish also to appeal to the international community to observe strictly the mandatory arms embargo, in terms of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), and the United Nations oil embargo against South Africa. Economic interests cannot supersede human rights.
Apartheid is the root cause of tension and conflict in southern Africa. It is in defence of apartheid that South Africa has, over the years, engaged in acts of aggression against, and destabilization of, front-line and other States in our region. This has been done through direct action and the use of surrogate elements, such as UNITA bandits in Angola and RENAMO bandits in Mozambique. In a recent United Nations Children's Fund publication, the overall cost, so Car, of aggression and destabilization in the region is estimated at $46 billion.
As a result of South Africa's direct military action against Angola and Mozambique and its support of bandit groups, thousands of refugees from these countries have sought sanctuary in Zambia and other neighbouring countries. Until recently, Zambia also gave sanctuary to thousands of refugees from Namibia, most of whom have since returned home under the terms of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
We stress that despite its limited resources, Zambia will continue to give shelter and sanctuary to our displaced brothers and sisters who are victims of aggression by the apartheid regime. So far it is estimated that South Africa's aggression has resulted in the loss of 1.2 million lives. We therefore call on the international community to continue to give diplomatic and material assistance to the front-line and other independent African States in the region in order to enable them to withstand the effects of South Africa's aggression and destabilization.
Zambia welcomes the mediation efforts currently under way for the attainment of peace in Angola and Mozambique. We believe that, without external interference in the internal affairs of those countries, solutions for a lasting peace can be found. To this end, we continue to appeal to the United States Administration to cease all its assistance to UNITA so that Angola's efforts for national reconciliation may yield fruit. Similarly, South Africa should cease its assistance to the RENAMO bandits in Mozambique in order to facilitate the current mediation efforts by Kenya and Zimbabwe.
Since its independence Zambia has developed and maintained friendly relations with neighbouring countries. We strongly believe in the resolution of disputes through dialogue as one way of promoting good-neighbourliness. Indeed, this is in conformity with the United Nations Charter which provides for the resolution of international disputes by peaceful means, in such a manner that international peace, security and justice, are not endangered. As members are aware, after years of dialogue, Zambia and Zaire have bilaterally resolved a long-standing border dispute between them.
In Western Sahara, we remain supportive of the efforts by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to organise a referendum in which the Sahraoui people would be given the right to decide the political destiny of their country. Zambia wishes to express its pleasure at the turn of events regarding the relationship between Chad and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. We welcome the agreement signed at Algiers on 31 August 1989, establishing diplomatic relations between the two neighbouring countries.
Elsewhere in Africa, we are following with great interest various efforts that are being deployed to reduce tension and strife.
In the Middle East, one long-standing issue is the question of Palestine, the core of the conflicts in the region. Unless the question of the inalienable rights of the Palestinians is justly addressed, peace in the Middle East will be unattainable. Zambia therefore supports unequivocally the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation off all parties to the conflict, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, on an equal footing. The heroic intifadah is a clear demonstration that nothing will stop the Palestinian quest for freedom, dignity and their eight to a homeland.
In Lebanon, we call for the cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of all foreign forces in order to create an atmosphere conducive to the resolution off the problem by the Lebanese people on their own. Meanwhile, Zambia welcomes the mediation efforts by the League off Arab States.
In the Gulf, the guns have fallen silent but the cease-fire remains precarious because Security Council resolution 598 (1987) has not been fully implemented. Further effort on the part of the international community is necessary in order to bring lasting peace to the region. We therefore call upon the parties directly involved to co-operate with the Secretary-General in his continuing efforts to implement Security Council resolution 598 (1987).
In Afghanistan, the withdrawal of Soviet forces, far from bringing about a conducive atmosphere for a peaceful resolution of the problem, seems to have set the stage for self-annihilation. The wounds of a prolonged conflict in that troubled country have endured beyond expectations. We appeal to all who may have an influence on the parties to the conflict to play their role in bringing about a climate conducive to the full implementation of the Geneva Agreements.
In Cyprus we must work for the elimination of mistrust, which is the root cause of the present situation. In this regard, we call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from the area in order to pave the way for the success of the intercommunal talks. The Secretary-General of our Organization should similarly be encouraged to continue his mediation efforts.
Kampuchea has seen long years of devastation and extreme suffering. We are encouraged by the recent announcement of the Vietnamese authorities concerning total withdrawal of their forces from Kampuchea, we call on the international community and the member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations in particular to ensure the success of the peaceful efforts through the Jakarta Informal Meetings.
In the Korean peninsula we must work for the dismantling of the artificial barriers which have long prevented the reunification of the two Koreas. In tills connection, the presence of foreign forces In the peninsula must be seen as a serious obstacle to the peaceful resolution of the Korean problem. We call upon all concerned to take advantage of the improved International political climate to seek out ways of bringing an end to this long-standing problem.
The situation in Central America Is a source of serious concern to all peace-loving people in the world. Zambia has supported the peace Initiatives of the Contactors countries and the Esquipulas II Agreement aimed at the peaceful
resolution of the problems in Central America. The Tela meeting held recently is a further step by the people of the region to see to it that their problems are resolved by peaceful means. This meeting, which has sought the active involvement of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and that of the Organization of American States, deserves the fullest support of the international community.
Drug abuse and drug trafficking have become a serious social menace. Encouraged by the high yields from the sale of illicit drugs, the drug cartels have acquired the status of private armies, threatening the security of both supplier and consumer countries. The world must take a united stand against this new threat and make it impossible for drug money to be laundered and for the drugs to reach intended users. In this regard, Zambia has enacted legislation against drug trafficking and consumption. At this session the Assembly cannot fail to focus attention on the serious international economic situation. The positive and encouraging signs the world community is witnessing in the political and military spheres are at variance with the trends of international economic relations.
For the majority of the people of the world, the problem of external debt continues to pose a great danger to their economic and social well-being. Last year, developing countries received $92 billion from developed countries in various forms of development aid. In turn, these countries exported $142 billion to the developed countries to repay old loans, thus producing a net transfer of financial resources worth $50 billion to the developed countries. This trend of negative transfers has been rising since 1984, when it first emerged. In simple economic terms, the trend translates into a dehumanising life of poverty, malnutrition, infant mortality and moral degradation faced by many people of the developing world.
Over the years, many developing countries have embarked on various programmes to restructure their economies, which have yielded positive rates of growth.
We are happy that debt reduction has been widely accepted as a means leading towards resolving the critical debt problem. However, debt reduction as envisaged in the Brady Plan still remains widely unrealised. Practical results remain elusive because of the problem of under-financing owing to the lack of a consensus on how far the commercial banks and international financial institutions should be committed to debt reduction. The international financial institutions must obviously continue to play a major role in tine process of debt reduction This will inevitably require extra resources being made available to these institutions so that funds committed to debt reduction are additional to current levels of financial flows.
My Government appreciates the efforts made by creditor countries to cancel some outstanding debts in respect of developing countries. In the case of Zambia, this measure has provided the critical financial support so urgently required to establish a minimum level of import capacity and ease the burden of adjustment. Notwithstanding this support, further measures of debt reduction are still needed to stimulate sustained growth. This is a reality not only for Zambia but for all debt-distressed countries.
The case for more liberal access by developing countries to markets in developed countries remains as valid as ever. More positive commitments to liberalization within the framework of the Uruguay Round are needed in order to give real opportunities to developing countries to expand output and export earnings.
It should be remembered that the relative weakening of the growth of the output of developing countries and tine decline in foreign exchange earnings caused by the shrinking import capacity brought about by debt-servicing and poor export prices has also had the unfavourable impact of reducing trade among themselves, From a share of 7.8 per cent of global trade in 1981, trade among developing countries shrank to 5.1 per cent in 1987. This negative development has come at a time when preferential trading arrangements have been evolved to establish better complementarities in the production structures of developing countries as a way of rapidly modernizing their economies and improving their position in the international division of labour. In the face of formidable regional trading blocks emerging in the industrialized countries, this shrinkage threatens to marginalize the developing countries further, since they are already less important markets for developed countries.
Trends in markets for primary commodities, as reflected by tine recent collapse in tine prices of coffee, palm oil, bananas, aluminium and maize are far from favourable. This is due to a number of factors, including substitutes and recent advances in science and technology, which are reducing demand for primary products. My delegation welcomes the launching of the Common Fund for Commodities as a viable means of stabilizing export earnings from primary commodities.
The international community is not without opportunities and means for a global attack on underdevelopment. We have the opportunities offered by the spirit of multilateralism, to which we all subscribe. The United Nations and its specialized agencies remain indispensable forums for negotiating a liberal, viable and durable system of international relations to govern sustained development for all the people of the world. Multilateralism offers commonality of interests, a basis upon which joint efforts to combat underdevelopment can be adopted and implemented. It is in this context that my delegation welcomes ongoing preparations for tine special session of the United Nations devoted to international economic co-operation, scheduled for April 1990, the international development strategy for tine Fourth United Nations Development Decade and tine United Nations conference on environment and development, scheduled for 1992.
We also have the opportunities offered by the growing interdependence of the economies of the world. Interdependence remains a valid means of expanding global economic opportunities so that the awful waste of human resources now going on in the developing countries is halted. The rapid developments in science and technology, coupled with changes in factor endowments and market forces, provide the world economy with comparative advantages that are potentially beneficial to the vast majority of countries currently faced with the crisis of underdevelopment. It requires only the political will of the major actors in the world economy to let the laws of the market forces take their course.
As called for by the General assembly in its resolution endorsing the new international economic order, developing countries must be enabled to participate meaningfully in the world economy. The political, ideological and moral dangers inherent in the present global imbalances far outweigh the risks of enabling developing countries to participate more fully in the formulation of a global economic policy and have a greater share in the vast opportunities for development.
There is now widespread awareness of the critical role played by a safe environment in the survival and sustained development of mankind. Indeed, there must be a serious attempt to produce without destruction. In this context, Zambia has enacted legislation on the environment. This legislation makes it mandatory for policy makers to ensure that all issues concerning the environment are fully incorporated in national development plans.
Zambia welcomes international co-operation on environmental issues because the various agents of stress on and damage to the environment are essentially of an international character. It is in this spirit that Zambia looks forward to the
convening in 1992, in Brazil, of the united Nations conference on environment and development. It is our hope that the conference will provide guidelines on a global scale for maintaining the man-nature balance.
Co-operation is very new in the long history of mankind. The heroic spirit of multilateralism now emerging with the growing prestige and constructive role of the United Nations in world affairs has laid a firmer foundation for mankind's supreme struggle for oneness, comfort, security and prosperity. My delegation would like to leave the Assembly with the firm conviction that this foundation will be used scrupulously by all countries of the world to resolve the outstanding problems of peace, democracy, underdevelopment, illicit drug use and trafficking and environmental degradation. Heads of State and Government and national delegations who have spoken before me have shared with us the same view.
I wish the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly all success in its deliberations.


On behalf of the Government of Luxembourg I wish to convey to our President our warmest congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the Assembly. Along with his wealth of diplomatic experience, particularly as Foreign Minister of one of the most important countries in Africa, he has sound qualities enabling him to direct our work wisely and effectively.
On Tuesday Mr. Roland Dumas, Foreign Minister of France, expressed the views of the 12 States Members of the European Community about the main subjects on the current international scene. Since his statement reflected our common concerns, I shall confine myself to giving just a few additional details.
Over the past 12 months we have noted a continued general improvement in international relations. A favourable climate is developing between the Soviet Union and the United States, between East and West and between North and South. Big steps forward have been made in the solution of a number of regional conflicts, making a reality of the favourable prospects noted last year. More and more the military option and military pressure are giving way to negotiation and co-operation, on the basis of the principles of the Charter, as a means of solving international problems.
It is, first, in Europe that we see these favourable developments, accompanied by profound changes. The European Community is pursuing with determination its process of unification. The creation of a single market adds an important dimension to that movement. The Community is open, and will remain open, to all the countries of the world, and, true to its purpose, it is bringing about new opportunities for growth and co-operation for all.
In the light of that process, we welcome the emergence of open and truly democratic societies in Central and Eastern Europe. The first free elections in Poland, which have just taken place, as well as the programme of the new Government resulting from those elections, offers prospects - undoubtedly difficult to make a reality, but extremely encouraging - of the building of a Poland that is master of its own fate and faithful to the identity and the most cherished aspirations of its people.
Similar developments are occurring in Hungary, on the basis of conditions that are peculiar to that country. There, too. the way is now open for a multi-party system.
In the Soviet Union the process of democratisation is making headway. In particular, it has been cemented by the creation of new institutions - the People's Congress and the Supreme Soviet - following elections in which a plurality of candidates was assured.
We hope that the course thus embarked upon will be followed by the other countries of Eastern Europe, so that the end of the twentieth century will be marked by the triumph of democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Significant economic restructuring is accompanying those political changes. With them, there will be a progressive elimination of bureaucratic, centralized planning, which will give way to a market economy, one with social responsibility, but based on autonomy of decision-making for those involved in economic life. The vitality of more productive economies will be such as to make it possible to overcome the grave economic problems faced by the countries concerned.
The political and economic reforms will inevitably lead to new forms of co-operation between the European countries. The old psychological and physical barriers have been torn down. Ideas, information and people are circulating freely. The European peoples are rediscovering each other and growing closer. Sound institutions, such as the Council of Europe and even the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, are the foundations on which the desire of Europeans to live together freely and in complete trust can grow.
In that connection, my Government attaches great importance to President Gorbachev's recent assurances that every country is free to choose its own path and that therefore no country can arrogate to itself the right to resort to force to impose its will on others. As that assurance is accompanied by the fact that the Soviet Union is being turned into a State where the rule of law is paramount, it takes on a particular significance.
The very encouraging prospects now seen in the negotiations on conventional weapons in Europe, which have been opened in Vienna, are a persuasive example of the new climate of convergence between the two parts of Europe. By lowering the levels of various categories of weapons, by pledging themselves to increased transparency and predictability in military questions and by defining new confidence-building measures based on strictly defensive strategies, the 23 countries concerned - indeed, the 35 associated with the negotiations - are putting an end to 45 years of suspicion and hostility.
We welcome the resumption of negotiations on the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons. As regards the negotiations on chemical weapons, President Bush's recent invitation, which the Soviet side has already accepted in principle, will make possible a real advance in this very complex area. We should take advantage of the momentum thus created and speedily conclude a balanced and verifiable agreement.
In Afghanistan, an important part of the Geneva Accords has been implemented with the withdrawal of Soviet troops, in accordance with the timetable laid down, thus putting an end to a foreign occupation which had lasted for more than 10 years. However, the situation continues to he very worrying, because of the deadly struggles still going on between different Afghan factions.
In Cambodia we await the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops by the end of this month. Here, as elsewhere, it seems to me desirable and even inevitable that our Organization should play a paramount role in the search for a peaceful solution and in its implementation.
It is regrettable that the Korean people is still not occupying a seat here as a Member, in violation of our Organization's principle of universality.
There are some encouraging signs with regard to the African continent.
A historic process is culminating in Namibia, thanks to the efforts of the United Nations. We welcome the fact that after the signing of the two agreements last December the implementation of the process laid down in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) has finally got under way. I have no doubt that that operation is beneficial for our Organization; it should give us inspiration for the future.
The gradual withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola also gives grounds for satisfaction. It is to be hoped that national reconciliation will now follow. A similar reconciliation effort in Mozambique also deserves our support. The same is true of the negotiations that the Government of Sudan is to undertake with the opposition in the south, as well as the negotiations that the Government of Ethiopia is conducting, on President Carter's initiative, with the representatives of the Eritrean people.
The painful problem of apartheid in South Africa still remains. The elections held at the beginning of this month showed that even among the white population large sections are in favour of change. It is up to the new leaders to carry out their mandate for reform, by immediately freeing Nelson Mandela and the other leaders of the anti-apartheid movements, by ending the state of emergency and by legalizing the opposition parties and movements - in short, by putting an end to the regime of brutal repression, which still exists, and which caused so much violence in the recent elections.
In Central America, the prospects of agreement have never been so good. After the conclusion of the Esquipulas II and Costa del Sol agreements and the recent meeting at Tela on the 7 August, the peace-making mechanism can now start up.
The promise of free elections in Nicaragua, next February, is also an extremely important element in this regard. In El Salvador, the dialogue between the opposing parties also seems to be under way.
Thus all the countries in this region have given effect to their intent to move towards democratic pluralism, respect for human rights, the promotion of social justice and resolution of the serious social economic problems that have been aggravated by 10 years of a pitiless warfare.
In contrast with Africa and Central America, in the Middle East we are witnessing a situation that is constantly deteriorating. The road towards a negotiated solution continues to be blocked. The uprising in the occupied territories is spreading. Day after day there is an increase in the confrontation together with an increase in the number of the dead and wounded and in the suffering of the general population. In the light of the decisions taken by the Security Council, the occupying forces continue to resort to repressive measures which are, inter alia, at variance with the Geneva Convention.
This is particularly regrettable since important changes have taken place in the last year; the decision taken by the Palestinian National Council recognizing the existence of Israel, to give up terrorism and to conduct negotiations on the basis of resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the Security Council. The decision of the United States to recognize the existence of the Palestine Liberation Organization and to initiate a dialogue with its representatives is, likewise, an important step in the right direction.
Organizing elections in the occupied territories, including East Jerusalem, may prove a useful step, provided that it is seen to be part and parcel of an overall process and to the extent that the elections are held under acceptable international safeguards for both parties. The Palestinians have the same rights to existence and to self—determination as those which were demanded and won after so much suffering and tragic sacrifice by Israel.
We cannot be resigned to tragedy which is tightening the stranglehold on Lebanon day by day. The sufferings caused to the Lebanese population are of concern to us all. The coming about of the cease-fire and the resumption of dialogue between the various Lebanese communities, which are all equal in rights and obligations, as well as the withdrawal of all foreign forces, are two prerequisites to cessation of the civil war.
Between Iran and Iraq, the cease-fire has undoubtedly been respected. Nevertheless, it is disappointing to note that the negotiations being conducted by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative with the two parties have not yet yielded the slightest result. Nevertheless, there can be no valid alternative to seeking for a global solution, based on resolution 598 (1987) of the Security Council.
On the question of Cyprus, the Secretary—General has initiated a new series of intra-community negotiations and submitted to both parties proposals that are intended to be part of a settlement plan. My Government unreservedly supports the action of the Secretary-General and his representative with a view to the continuance and intensification of the negotiations.
The same is true of the conciliation which is being pursued by our Secretary-General with regard to the questions of Western Sahara and East Timor, in order to arrive at a solution based on respect for the aspirations of the peoples of those regions. The intensified search for agreements in various regional problems has led to a systematic resort to, and multiplication of, peace-keeping operations.
Congratulations are due to those United Nations officers who are able to assist in defining, deploying and conducting these operations with admirable skill and effectiveness. These operations are of inestimable service to the cause of peace. They guarantee to the United Nations an unprecedented authority and prestige. Nevertheless, they should not let us overlook the fact that they are only a temporary solution, intended to facilitate the implementation of a final settlement of those conflicts. Their smooth functioning also requires that each State faithfully fulfil its financial obligations, past or present. Regardless of its financial situation, my Government will study practical ways and means of contributing directly to the peace-keeping forces.
You may well imagine the feeling aroused by the craven execution of Lieutenant-Colonel Higgins in Lebanon, who was kidnapped in the course of his duties. This criminal act illustrates the dangers to which members of these international forces are vulnerable when exercising their mission.
The Government of Luxembourg, which is the outcome of recent elections, continues to attach extreme importance to respect for human rights.
More than 40 years ago, our General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. At a time when we are celebrating the bicentennial of the French Revolution, it is extremely regrettable to note that more than 60 States, including some of the larger ones, have still not ratified the International Covenants on Human Rights. Furthermore, in many States where the provisions of these instruments are already in force, there is no adequate legal protection or any sufficiently effective sanction machinery to ensure that they are respected.
For the Government of Luxembourg, the educational efforts needed to inform and to awaken the conscience of people and to promote a spirit of tolerance and justice, should be pursued and reinforced. The same is true of the disinterested action of non-governmental organizations that unreservedly commit themselves to promoting the cause of human rights, even going so far as to risk the lives of their members.
In the light of the considerable emotion which in recent years we have been accustomed to feel about certain countries that have little respect for human rights, I should like to add my voice to that of the international community, and call upon the leaders of those countries to put an end to repressive acts and to allow a return to a policy of openness and reform in keeping with the course of history.
Over and above the conflicts and the attacks on individuals, problems connected with the protection of the environment have become subjects of priority concern for universal public opinion: the statements which we have been listening to throughout this week provide clear evidence of this awareness. More and more human beings are affected by the damage caused to ecological balances. The destruction of forests is accelerating, the desert is spreading. The erosion of the soil is threatening agricultural production and the existence of millions of human beings. The pollution of the seas and oceans, and the proliferation of toxic wastes is daily leading to new tragedies. The slow destruction of the ozone layer exposes us to ultraviolet radiation with incalculable consequences.
We are therefore firmly embarked on a course which is designed to prevent further deterioration of the environment. Initiatives successfully taken in recent months, particularly by Margaret Thatcher, Ruud Lubbers and Michel Rocard, as well as the Arche summit which met in Paris last July, have provided us with guidelines which should lead to urgent action. It is up to the international community at present, and therefore to our Organization, to define these priorities Pending the holding of an international conference on the environment, which has been planned for 1992. My Government agrees entirely that there is a need to draw up a model convention to define the problem and to lay down the guidelines for international action through concrete measures.  The destruction of tropical forests by burning, which, in its turn, produces carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, should be halted. The rights of indigenous peoples, particularly along the Amazon, who want to preserve their natural environment should be respected.
A universal policy of protection and maintenance of forests should be launched. We shall succeed in this only if the courageous campaigns conducted by a number of movements working for the protection of the environment create a collective awareness of the situation.
It seems to me that this is a very favourable moment to lay the foundation for lasting growth based on a synthesis between the ecological dimension and man's economic activities, it is primarily up to the industrialized countries, which are mainly responsible for the problem, to meet this challenge, of concern to all mankind. The Organization should create structures that are sufficiently sound, flexible and effective to enable action to be taken when it is required.
Simultaneously, increased attention should be paid to the rapid growth of the world population, which is increasing at the rate of 1 billion every 10 years. This growth rate should be a cause of concern to us in the light of development possibilities and of the constraints that it will place upon the environment. In fact, the economic and social situation in a large number of developing countries remains disquieting. For millions of their inhabitants the 1980s have been a lost decade. This is particularly true of the countries of Latin America and of sub-Saharan Africa, where there has been stagnation and decline. Poverty, hunger
and deprivation are killing 40,000 children every day. That is a shameful situation, which no one can shrug off.
The simple struggle for survival has led large numbers of people in these countries to over-exploit nature. The pressure from debt-servicing, which accounts for, on average, 30 per cent of their exports, has speeded up the excessive exploitation of their natural resources. In other words, short-term economic demands have prompted many Governments not to give ecological problems high priority. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that violence is increasing - indeed, taking on alarming dimensions. In the light of the situation to which they have been doomed, a number of young people are becoming drug addicts, prostitutes and delinquents and are indulging in new forms of criminality. The food riots that have taken place in some developing countries indicate clearly that young people are the victims of the upheavals that poverty has forced upon them. The number of refugees fleeing the warfare, persecution and terrorism, as well as unemployment and underdevelopment, increased from 5 million in 1978 to 14 million currently.
The scope of these problems means that we must redouble our efforts. In particular, the 1990 special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation will provide us with an opportunity to redefine the principles and guidelines for building a world that is fairer and more human. It seems that in order to remedy this situation, and to ensure lasting growth, a substantial reduction in debt and in the cost of debt-servicing would be an important initial step. Following the agreements concluded with Mexico and the Philippines, the Brady Plan could be applied on a broader scale, taking into account the specific features of each situation. In the case of world trade, if the Uruguay Round is successful - as we unreservedly hope that it will be - it is likely that it will create favourable conditions for an increase in exports from the developing countries.
Another evil, which is equally global and equally a threat, is the illicit trafficking in drugs. I urge a resolute strengthening of international co-operation, starting with the swift ratification, by all countries, of the Vienna Convention against Illicit Traffic in narcotic Drugs and psychotropic Substances, which I have just signed on behalf of Luxembourg. It should be clear that Luxembourg, which is already participating in the working group that emerged from the summit meeting at the Arche de la Defence, will spare no effort in this field. I take this opportunity to welcome the very courageous and determined action that has been taken by the President of Colombia, Mr. Virgilio Barco - action that the Government of Luxembourg supports unreservedly.
Before concluding, I should like to pay a just tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. His activity at the head of the Organization, his tireless efforts at mediation and conciliation have revealed his great talent as an organizer and a negotiator. His patient and far-sighted commitment to peace has made a substantial contribution to strengthening the role and importance of the United Nations in international affairs in recent years.
My country has just celebrated the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its independence. I should like to thank the Secretary-General for having graced with his attendance the public events that took place last April in the presence of seven prime ministers and leaders of the main international organizations to which Luxembourg belongs. This celebration enabled us to relive the progress of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg through the vicissitudes of history. While noting that, in 1989, the future development of our country is surrounded by more favourable conditions than in the past, we must recognize that the life of small States in particular depends more and more on international organizations. Dealing precisely with the role of small States, the Secretary-General said on 18 April in Luxembourg;
"They do not need to think about the danger or cost of endless wars to realize the absurdity of all armed aggression. Being more aware of their vulnerability, small States, or at least those of them that behave rationally, are naturally peaceful and respectful of the law. They also feel more keenly than others the need for international co-operation, which is the purpose of our Organization. Like war, isolation for them would spell suicide. Living by international trade, they are aware of the dangers of protectionism, as well as the soundness of the liberalization of trade and the usefulness of being integrated in broad economic spaces where conflicts are no longer conceivable and where everyone can profit from overall prosperity. Also, they can gauge the importance of regional political co-operation and the international co-operation which it engenders. Luxembourg, therefore plays an even greater role in the United Nations because it is an active member of the European Community, Firm supporters of the Organization, small countries play a particularly useful part in it since they have experience in conciliation and because their interests generally coincide with the general interest." After that lengthy quotation, I have nothing to add.
For what the Secretary-General has done at the head of the Organization, and for his presence in our country and the words he spoke there, I want simply, from the bottom of my heart, to express our complete gratitude.