I wish first of all to convey to Mr. Guido de Marco the sincere congratulations of the government and the people of Costa Rica on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly. For Costa Rica – a country which is small like Malta and democratic like Malta – it is deeply satisfying to see a son of the land of Mizzi guiding the work of the Assembly at its forty-fifth session. We are sure his election to the presidency will contribute a decisive contribution to the success of the Assembly’s work.
The breadth of experience of the Secretary-General, his total commitment to the cause of peace and his tireless dedication to his work have exalted the office of Secretary-General and have earned the gratitude of the entire world. Under the leadership of Javier Peres de Cuellar, the United Nations has resumed its place in the search for harmony. It has resumed its role as the focal point of international relations and the repository of collective efforts towards peace and co-operation between nations. It is an honour for Costa Rica to join the groundswell of international public opinion in conveying its respectful tribute and sincere thanks to a man who has given the Organization its brightest days.
Costa Rica take great pleasure in welcoming the admission of Namibia as a new Member of the United Nations. Despite the geographic distance, my country for many years supported the legitimate right of the Namibian people to self-determination. In 1983 it was our privilege to act as host to the first regional seminar organized by the United Nations on the question of Namibia. We are sincerely happy that the Namibian independence process has come to a peaceful and eminently democratic conclusion, and that today the representative of that people has joined us in this forum.
My delegation also wishes to take this opportunity to express its profound pleasure at the admission of a new Member State, the Principality of Liechtenstein to the United Nations. Cost Rica consider that Liechtenstein’s democratic system and dedication to peace and development co-operation are firm guarantees that Liechtenstein will make a valuable contribution to the activities of this world Organization.
Cost Rica believes that in order to achieve its goals the United Nations should include all sovereign States. The principle of universality, in keeping with the Organization’s practice, implies that all the world’s people have the right to be represented here. In this respect, my country wishes to express yet again its conviction that an affirmative response should be given to the aspiration of the Republic of Korea to join the United Nations and that this response should not be conditional on the vicissitudes of inter-Korean affairs, but should rather be viewed in the light of the Charter alone. We have observed with great pleasure the exemplary efforts that have resulted in unification of the Yemen seat, and which will shortly have an analogous result in the case of German representation. While the much-desired reunification of Korea has not taken place, Costa Rica believes that the legitimate desire of the Republic of Korea to join in the efforts of this Organization cannot be ignored.
My delegation also wishes to take this opportunity to offer its cordial congratulations to the many Member States which, in the year which has elapsed since the last session of the General Assembly, have seen the seeds of democracy take root. There is no doubt that this phenomenon, which is daily more widespread, increases the moral authority of this Organization and the respect which its goals and principles should inspire in all of us.
It is certainly true that within a very short period of time the world has been transformed. International law has come to be seen as the right instrument for solving disputes. A wind of optimism has blown through the most disparate places on the planet. With a speed disconcerting even to the most astute observers, conflicts have dissipated, dialogue has flourished and confrontation has given way to co-operation. For the first time in its long history, the world has started to become a real community of united nations. None the less, this new tack mankind has taken towards common sense is at this very moment facing a serious, unforeseeable and unjustifiable obstacle. The Persian Gulf crisis is endangering world peace and undermining the fundamental values of this Organization. With flagrant disregard for the most elementary principles of the rights of peoples, a State Member of the United Nations has been invaded by another. Its authorities have been deposed, and to cap it all it has been unceremoniously annexed. The Iraqi aggression against Kuwait has earned universal condemnation, and the United Nations has faithfully lived up to its commitment by demanding that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait be respected and by implementing specific measures to ensure that this occurs. Unhappily, the Government of Iraq has to date refused to heed the voice of the international community, and even the resolutions of the Security Council, world peace hangs by a thread while billion-dollar losses are occurring in the economies of the various countries of the world, the lives of innocent people are in peril and all nations, particularly under-developed countries, are beginning to feel the tragic effects of a new energy crisis.
Costa Rica, which has entrusted its security to international law, reiterates its strong condemnation of the aggression perpetrated against Kuwait and firmly supports the decisions taken by the United Nations aimed at preserving peace and guaranteeing the effectiveness of the principles of the Charter. We cannot in exchange for peace permit the illegal to be tolerated as if it were legal. However, we must also, through strict compliance with Security Council resolutions, prevent this century of countless victims from concluding with a third blood-bath, and instead leave the new millennium a legacy of harmony and fraternity.
There can be no doubt that the Central American process should form a part of this trend towards peace which is now prevalent in the world, and which it is now more urgent than ever to pursue, preserve and strengthen. The Central American crisis, which for more than a decade was the subject of innumerable press headlines and the reason for countless diplomatic initiatives, took its final course towards resolution with the implementation of the Esquipulas process, the last link in a long chain of efforts which began in 1982 and culminated in 1987, thanks to the Cost Rican initiative and with the consensus of the other Central American Governments. Today, all the countries in the region have democratically elected Governments, and the state of hostilities which afflicted Nicaragua has been ended. It is true that the internal conflict in El Salvador continues, but with the active support of the United Nations a process of dialogue is taking place which we trust will culminate in a solid peace for El Salvador and the reconciliation of all its people within a framework of liberty and democracy. Costa Rica also believes that as long as those negotiations continue, it is vitally important that there should be unilateral cease-fire declarations, both by the Government of El Salvador and by the FMLN, accompanied by immediate implementation of the agreement on human rights recently signed by the parties in San Jose, Costa Rica, and of the reforms in electoral law agreed by the political parties of El Salvador and the FMLN. This would be evidence of a sincere interest in reaching a definitive solution and would put an stop to the tragedy the Salvadorian people are experiencing.
The Government of Costa Rica trusts also that on 7 November the Security Council will renew the mandate of the United Nations Observer Group in Central America (ONUCA) so that it can continue its work in Central America and thus ensure proper verification for aggression against other States and to end assistance to the irregular forces.
After many years of hostilities, unrest and mistrust, the five countries of Central America are today experiencing a fruitful experiment in understanding and co-operation. None the less, the isthmus is emerging from the political crisis in deplorable economic and social conditions. The growth indices are feeble, there is a high trade deficit and standards of nutrition, health and education are worrying. Naturally, all these factors make the progress achieved in democratization and respect for human rights extremely fragile.  We have worked hard to enable Central America to live in peace and freedom, but this effort will bear no fruit if it is not accompanied by prospects of development and social justice. In this respect, Costa Rica considers that support from the international community for the Plan of Economic Co-Operation for Central America should have high priority. We are extremely concerned that lest diminishing tensions in Central America should entail – as has already happened in some aspects – a lack of interests in our problems and a reduction in co-operation for development in the area. Without international solidarity, the Central American nations will be unable to recover even to the levels of development they had before the crisis. Without development, the democratic will and the desire for a lasting peace of Central America are at risk.
As is the case in Central America, tensions in other parts of the world have eased, and there are now only vestiges of what only a short time ago used to be called the East-West confrontation. Perestroika and glasnost in the Soviet Union and the wave of freedom which has swept away authoritarianism in Eastern Europe have brought about a genuine and complex transformation in international relations. The balance of terror has been displaced by a marked desire for concertation. The super-Powers have initiated effective policies of join action, which are particularly important in terms of guaranteeing international peace and security. However, even if East-West tensions already seem destined to be become mere history, North-South differences, in contrast, remain and are becoming more acute. The technological gulf is becoming an abyss, and there have been no major changes in the international economic order consequent on the changes in the international political scene. Furthermore, in the North-South forums for dialogue, there has been no radical change, no substantive change in attitude in favour of the underdeveloped world.
There is no doubt that political changes have been highly positive, but what concrete value can the third world attribute to the new dimensions of the international horizon? What effective relevance can the flourishing of democracy and freedom have for the impoverished societies if the underdeveloped nations if their prospects for development do not improve? As His Holiness Pope John Paul II pointed out during his recent trip, Africa, the cradle of mankind, is suffering mercilessly from the tragedy of poverty and hunger. For its part Latin America, the emporium of foreign wealth, is seeing its reborn democracies immersed in discouragement while they are savagely lashed by terrorism and drug trafficking. The prices of its products are falling, its capital is being drained and its natural resources are being sadly destroyed.
Costa Rica does not argue that the solution to the critical social and economic conditions prevailing in the third world should be the exclusive responsibility of the developed nations. We know that in order to overcome poverty we must work with discipline. We know that there are no magic formulas for achieving development. We know that foreign aid will always be inadequate if it is not complemented by a rational and productive distribution of its components and a huge dose of effort and responsibility at the very core of our nations. However, we also consider that at the same time a different attitude should prevail in the developed world, a true willingness to improve the terms of trade, to contribute towards raising levels of understanding in the economic and financial sphere. Costa Rica believes that the initiative of the Americas recently formulated by the President of the United States of America is directed to that and represents a true effort to achieve co-operation in North-South relations. The situation in the third world will not substantially improve without progress in the solution of the problem of foreign debt, which should also be dealt with in unison. My country does not seek to have its debt cancelled, nor do we believe that debt is the sole cause of our difficulties. We do, however, indeed believe that, taking into consideration the ability of the debtors, it is time that, together, broad and specific answers be found to this problem, the effects of which severely handicap the possibility of improving the quality of life in underdeveloped countries.
Costa Rica further considers it fundamental that in numerous aspects the implementation of measures proposed by international financial institutions for dealing with the problems faced by third world countries in meeting their obligations carries with it a very high social price tag. Little progress can be made with such policies if the only thing to emerge from them are the elements of new crimes, more poverty, more unemployment, less production, less education, less health and less housing. My country fervently urges the Governments of the developed countries whose voices are decisive in international financial organizations to bring their influence to bear on this problem and to bring about a change in attitude within these organizations. The international financial community can no longer ignore the aspect of the social cost if it truly wants readjustment policies to be successful. Technical criteria cannot qualify as such if they fail to take into account the social and human factors involved. Similarly, the policy of co-operation with the third world implemented by the majority of the developed countries would be meaningless if those same nations were at the same time to encourage international financial organizations to adopt an indifferent stance vis-à-vis the social costs to the third world of implementing the proposal emerging from such institutions. We emphasize that we are not seeking to elude our responsibilities but, rather the find, together, the formula least detrimental to all of us.
The same approach of joint responsibility should be taken with regard to the challenge of drug trafficking. For those who have personally suffered under that appalling scourge, the priority must not be to seek out the guilty but, rather, to find solutions, and we must find those solutions together, for we are all current or potential victims of the scourge. The tragedy that today afflicts the brave people of Colombia, a heroic defender of democracy that drug traffickers are trying to undermine, will tomorrow become the tragedy of the people of Costa Rica or, indeed, of any of the nations represented here unless effective measures are taken to exterminate those sinister and shadowy twentieth-century freebooters at the very root.
The spirit of conciliation should likewise be the basis for all world efforts in favour of peace. Costa Rica assigns a leading role to peace in the life of everyone. For the Costa Rican people this highest of virtues is solidly founded on the fruitful basis of democracy. It is the focal point of our national life and the basic element in our foreign policy. It was in the belief that education for peace represents one of the principal instruments for guaranteeing the future of our species that we proposed the creation of the University of Peace, based in Costa Rica, which is now celebrating its tenth anniversary and to whose charter, approved by the General Assembly, we urge all Member States to adhere.
International public opinion has repeatedly raised the questions of peace dividends, which Costa Rica views as a matter of high priority. With the easing of East-West tensions numerous items in the military budgets of the super-Powers are, fortunately, now destined to dwindle or disappear. Disarmament, which at times appeared to be an empty concept or a romantic illusion, is now taking on vibrant momentum and should become firmly entrenched in its rightful place.
Over a period of many years Costa Rica has been the beneficiary of substantial peace dividends. It has never possessed nuclear or chemical weapons nor does it ever wish to do so. It does not have an army, nor does it wish to have an army. We are an underdeveloped country with a high level of debt, but the resources we have available are invested in health, education, housing and development, not in tanks or fighter planes. As we have said on numerous occasions, we respect the right of other nations to possess armed forces, but we consider it unjustifiable that such forces should consume all their existing assets, even those they do not actually possess, while a large proportion of the world’s population remains in poverty.
Costa Rica considers it to be indispensable that nuclear testing cease and that all weapons designed for mass destruction be eliminated. We would also urge all Member States to support efforts under way within the framework of the Geneva Conference on Disarmament with respect to the prohibitions of the development, production, acquisition and use of chemical weapons.
However, Costa Rica also believes that disarmament negotiations should also address the matter of conventional weapons, whose destructive potential and cost to have significantly increased in recent years. In that respect my delegation wishes to stress the significance of the round of negotiations currently being held by the five Central American countries on matters of security and of the control and limitation of armaments, with the, valuable assistance of the United Nations. We believe that regional disarmament negotiations, which should include, in any event, the elaboration of reliable verification mechanisms, can constitute an appropriate means of reducing the stockpiling of arms and the size of armed forces. In the case of third world countries that would unquestionably make available substantial resources that could be used for economic and social development.
However, it is also necessary for the developed world to co-operate in achieving those objectives, through special programmes of co-operation for those disarmament and reduced military spending. In the opinion of Costa Rica, if a portion of the peace dividend should be devoted to co-operation with the third world, preferential treatment should be given to those underdeveloped countries that are making progress in the sphere of disarmament and reduced military spending. We consider that it is not only fair but appropriate that these processes be encouraged by special co-operation incentives.
It is alarming to see that countries with low levels of economic and social development spend up to one quarter of their national budget on military hardware and yet, when it comes to co-operation, they receive the same treatment as nations with extremely low military budgets. If the Governments of developed countries with to close the breach with the third world, it is time they decided – by means of a formal treaty, which could be drawn up within the Organization – to orient co-operation principally towards those countries effectively on the road to arms reductions. Costa Rica believes it to be unfair that when assigning assistance, identical reasoning is applied to those investing their funds in weaponry. Furthermore, my countries feels that the developed world should similarly actively promote a policy designed to eradicate or reduce as much as possible that sale of weapons to the third world, particularly to the poorest nations or those most afflicted by violence.
Today, disarmament is not only a moral imperative but has become an indispensable condition to guarantee the survival of mankind. By implementing effective disarmament processes, not only will we make available immense economic and human resources for food, health, education and social welfare, but a contribution will be made towards world peace. The international adventurism and threats to peace and world security from which the world has suffered on so many occasions can only be stopped if arms stockpiling is stopped.
The Organization has dedicated the last decade of the century to international law. In the opinion of Costa Rica, the best method to guarantee the supremacy of that law is to eliminate the means to break it. Only to the extent that substantial progress is made in the disarmament process, rational limits are imposed on the manufacture and sale of weapons and the illicit sale of arms is effectively impeded, will the rule of international legal standards be strengthened. That will at the same time consolidate the central role to be played by the United Nations in the peaceful settlement of disputes.
However, international law not only regulates the conduct of nations among themselves. International law has focused a considerable portion of its content on the protection of the inherent rights of man. Consequently the decade of international law also involves a decade dedicated to human rights.
It is gratifying to all of us to be able to recognize that the democratic upsurge that has been taking place in the world has translated into a greater respect for human rights, particularly with respect to civil and political rights. We believe that conditions are favourable for international human-rights protection agencies to intensify their activities and broaden their spheres of action. In that respect, Costa Rica strongly urges those Member States that have not done so to join the international human rights agreements and take the steps required to guarantee full compliance with them. Furthermore, it is necessary that people become familiar with the rights and realise that they are not gracious concessions granted by Governments. A daily experience of respect for human rights is the best method of guaranteeing harmony within a State and the growth in that State of vigorous and indestructible roots of democracy.
Nevertheless, the panorama with respect to human rights in certain cases continues to be of concern. We are deeply concerned over human rights situations in Liberia. In South Africa, despite the evolving process, the truth is that the apartheid system continues to impose absurd and odious discrimination. Costa Rica, which several years ago broke off all relations with the Pretoria regime, reiterates its repugnance for any form of racial discrimination and urges all the South African authorities to take steps in the near future for the immediate elimination of apartheid.
My country is also concerned over the disregard for the human rights of the Palestinians and the incessant violence reigning in Lebanon. No matter how complex the Middle East problem may be, no matter how difficult it may be to balance the elements, we believe that any formula for a solution requires the implementation by all parties involved of an effective policy of respect for human rights, particularly civil and political rights.
With respect to human rights, the Government of Costa Rica is deeply concerned over a situation that exists on a world scale. The right to life, granted by the principal international human rights instruments, inevitably includes the right to live in a habitable world. However, the activities of mankind are daily making the exercise of that right an ever-increasingly illusion. If the threat of a nuclear holocaust causes concern, the threat of a planetary ecological catastrophe is much more tangible and imminent. In the most irresponsible manner, humanity is dedicated to destroying its environment and severely compromising its very existence as a species. As is true with actions affecting international peace and security, those endangering ecological security in any part of the world are of concern to all of us. If the international law of our times recognizes more strongly every day that respect for human rights cannot be considered a matter of the exclusive internal competence of each State, that should be particularly emphasized when we refer to environmental rights.
Costa Rica believes that the time has come to direct our energies towards a new international ecological order. There are almost 150 international agreements on the matter, but very few are directed towards the prevention of environmental destruction processes. There are huge gaps also with respect to definitions, verification and many other related matters.
The idea of a new international ecological order is the product of our conviction that we are no longer in a position to accept isolated efforts. It is necessary to unite and to develop international standards on all fronts in that field. We must, as soon as possible, design and implement more effective multilateral strategies to preserve our environment. In that respect, Costa Rica believes that the United Nations should give priority attention to environmental matters. We may observe with great interest the proposal made by the Soviet Union to organize a world environmental monitoring and control system, which would include on-side verification mechanisms. We consider that, after a careful inventory is taken of ecological problems, such a system would open the door to intense activity aimed at saving our resources. We are also of the opinion that an international environmental monitoring and control system should work on the basis of specific time limits for nations to implement the resolutions formulated in the ecological field, and sanctions against those nations which persist in non-compliance. We repeat that threats to ecological security should be regarded as one more aspect of threats to international security.
In that regard, we believe that sanctions that may be agreed upon by the Security Council should be imposed in those cases in which ecological security is endangered. We also feel that Member States should report periodically to the United Nations regarding the measures they have taken to preserve the environment, to promote international co-operation in that field and, in particular, to encourage environmental education at all levels. As is true with peace and human rights, for man to value his environment he must be taught from infancy that he has important duties and responsibilities to himself, to his fellow man and to future generations in that respect.
Costa Rica attributes significant importance to the Conference on the Environment and Development scheduled for 1992. Nevertheless, we believe that as of now concrete measures can be implemented to foster the solution of world and regional ecological problems, based on shared responsibilities. Not for nothing did the Declaration of Stockholm state in 1972 that in under-developed countries the majority of environmental problems are caused by under-development itself. The possibilities of using resources diverted from military budgets towards their solution should be another of the dividends brought about by peace. We should not wait until 1992 to expound universally valid responses to those anguishing problems.
In 1992 the process of the new Europe will also reach its culmination. For many decades the European Community has been constructing one of the most prosperous societies in history, within a framework of democracy and freedom. The reunification of Germany, vastly accelerated since the fall of the wall of shame, will doubtless contribute, starting next week, to an unprecedented boost to the process of the European Community. Likewise in 1992 will occur the fifth centenary of the day on which the destinies of America and Europe crossed to give a complete perspective of the world. The proximity of this anniversary should induce us to reformulate the bonds which join not only America and Europe but also the developed world and the underdeveloped nations.
We all form the crew of a single ship. We must be committed to unity. We shall have made no progress at all if ideological blocs disappear only to be replaced by economic blocs. International peace and security should be seen not only in military terms. A firm peace should be a fertile global peace, one in which we all co-operate and reciprocate with respect to progress and development.
The Assembly is meeting at a crucial time in the history of mankind. The world is at a crossroads. If we are here it is because we have faith in the fact that the international community will be capable of continuing on the road of reason. Costa Rica, a peace-loving country and a country that practices peace, a country that shares the values sustaining this Organization, today wishes to reiterate its firm belief that the United Nations will be able to bring to fruition, for our times and for future generations, the ideal of a peace based on law.
In 1979 Rafael Angel Calderon Fournier, then Minister of Foreign Affairs and today President of Costa Rica, stated in this very forum concepts which are today more valid than ever and which my delegation wishes to see shared by all nations represented here:
“The United Nations will survive in so far as its nations mirror the trust of the world’s peoples and their home for a more just society.
“To keep faith without faltering is a task incumbent upon us all, especially upon those of us who believe that this is the last hope the Almighty has granted us to find peace and ensure the survival of the human race.”


Mr. President, all of us in Ecuador feel profound friendship and great admiration for your country. I should like to express these feelings as I hail you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its current session and to wish you every success.
Today, as in the past, the world needs to strengthen the United Nations. Today, more than in the past, the international community must be governed by the postulates enshrined in the Charter and must build a new era of peace, security, development and democracy.
Ecuador wishes to bear witness once again to its faith in the United Nations and to its abiding and renewed dedication to all the principles of international law and justice which the Organisation has been strengthening. Those very same principles are embodied in the political Constitution of my country and guide the foreign policy of ray Government.
Our tribute to the United Nations is a recognition of its noble spirit and of the constructive work it has steadfastly been carrying out, which gives expression to the world's hopes for a better future.
The world we seek will have to strengthen world-wide solidarity and create the necessary framework for fruitful fellowship and co-operation at the international level. It will also have to respect the essential values of the human being. The so-called social contract, the formation of groups and societies, the very make-up of a State and of international organisations have a fundamental purpose, which is their rationale. That purpose is nothing more or less than facilitating solutions to common problems and making it possible to meet the legitimate aspirations of human beings. The recognition of the rights and obligations proper to a society thus conceived is the underpinning of democracy.
Day after day the world is growing more interdependent, and it will have to develop greater solidarity. Solidarity is becoming manifest as a sine qua non for our common essence as human beings. We inhabit the same planet. Our future destiny is the sane. As a Roman sage put it, we are human, and nothing human can be alien to us.
Since last year, mankind has been living through a time of expectation and hope. Changes have unfolded in the world with dizzying speed, changes of such magnitude and depth that international relations must now be viewed through a prism totally different from what might have been appropriate during most of this century. The curtailing of the Berlin Wall is the most visible symbol of a process of transformation which has opened a new era in the ties between the major Powers and has led to the formation and consolidation of major economic groups with decisive influence on the world scene.
Peoples are the major protagonists in these substantial transformations. Aware of their strength and their ability to decide their own destiny, sure of their rights and determined to demand that States should interpret those rights faithfully, the world's peoples are shaping the new modalities and institutions that they will freely adopt to pursue their tireless quest for happiness.
The transformations that have been taking place are changing all the political, economic and strategic patterns. Constructive dialogue has been gaining in strength and progressing smoothly. It is marked by growing confidence and is feeding on its own dynamism, while bearing fruit in the form of positive actions that benefit all mankind. It is only right to pay a tribute to the vision and courage of all those who have led this process of international detente, especially the President of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev.
We welcome the reunification of Germany, and in this step of far-reaching significance we see possibilities of enormous importance for the world economy and for the consolidation of Europe's efforts to encourage understanding and the global climate of détente. The universalisation of the United Nations as an ongoing process is also being extended to Korea, and the understandings moving forward there will have to reflect the orientations motivating the entire process.
We have also seen during the year since the last session of the General Assembly, the triumph of the heroic and steadfast struggle of the noble people of Namibia, strengthened by the support of the world Organisation. The admission of Namibia to the United Nations as a new Member State gave particular and lasting significance to the process which constitutes a symbol in the successful fight against colonialism, discrimination and apartheid.
Ecuador expresses the hope that the Measures adopted by the government of Mr. De Klerk regarding the granting of legitimacy to the African National Congress, the freeing of political leaders and other stops towards an opening of South Africa's political life have become part of a process which will lead at an early date to the total and complete disappearance of the apartheid regime. Against this background, we see the inspirational and visionary figure of that great leader, Nelson Mandela, to whom I, on behalf of Ecuador, wish to pay homage.
Measures adopted by the Organisation in Central America have done much to facilitate the implementation of the Esquipulas and Telas Agreements. The electoral process in Nicaragua and the democratic transfer of power to a Government freely elected by the Nicaraguan people were very positive steps on the road to a peaceful settlement.
Ecuador once again demonstrated its support for United Nations action, its solidarity with the Nicaraguan people and its constant commitment to finding a peaceful settlement to disputes when it participated with officers of its armed forces in the task entrusted to the United Nations Observer Group in Central America by the Security Council.
We believe that the people of El Salvador must pursue their dialogue, which must be both flexible and realistic, in order to arrive at understandings between its political forces and thus to put an end to the crisis which has gone on for too many years and has claimed too many victims. We are closely following with similar concern the possibilities for overcoming confrontation in other countries of the region as well. Our readiness to co-operate towards that end has constantly been demonstrated in a practical way aimed at facilitating the kind of dialogue that will ultimately lead to negotiated solutions accepted by the parties now confronting each other.
Accordingly, the government of Ecuador fraternally welcomed the meeting held in my country last week which led to working out certain basic guideline for reconciliation within Guatemala society. That meeting led to the adoption of the Quito Declaration within the context of a process of dialogue promoted by that country'· National Reconciliation Commission/ created within the context of the Esquipulas II Agreement. We believe that we must support any effort aimed at strengthening democracy, and for that reason we have also supported the request of the government of Haiti to have our Organisation co-operate in ensuring the proper conduct of the upcoming elections.
The path towards overcoming all conflicts is, and indeed must b,, the path of peaceful settlement. We are pleased, therefore, to note that the world Organisation has brought its influence to bear in order to bring about a settlement of the Cambodian conflict. We affirm with profound conviction that finding solutions to the Middle East conflict is a calling and an imperative for the United Nations. If it finds such solutions - as it has the historic obligation to do - its authority will be strengthened and will prove fundamental to peace in the years ahead.
We see before us a world which must reorganise its international relations and adjust them to changing circumstances. The problems between countries are different from those that marked the East-West confrontation. The United Nations will have to pursue with renewed vigour its steadfast labour to promote and consolidate peace. The crisis in the Gulf demonstrates that the international community as a whole has faith in the ability of the Security Council to act. The Security Council, having regained the authority assigned to it by the Charter, has taken steps to ensure complete respect for the principles of the Organisation. I should like to reiterate here that Ecuador firmly supports all Security Council resolutions. We have also noted that at the Helsinki Summit detente between the major Powers is more than a matter of rhetoric and that the Soviet Union and the United States have agreed to adapt their positions and their actions to the pattern of solutions adopted by the United Nations.
All this is to be welcomed as encouraging at a time when it is becoming increasingly clear that the world has other problems to contend with. There are forces that may create problems and tragically alter the trend towards peace that mankind wishes to pursue. The crisis of poverty, ignorance, enormous inequalities between rich and poor, the problems of the environment and drugs are all currently dangerous sources of conflict.
If we succeed is halting the use of force between States, we shall have taken a major stride down the road towards peace. But in order to make peace and security effective, we must build international relations based upon an ethical order within a concept of harmony and solidarity that will open possibilities for the benefit and well-being of all. This means that we must put an end to economic and social underdevelopment and to environmental pollution; it means that we must view the problem of drugs as our own problem; it means that science and technology, financial resources and trade, the production of goods and services cannot be divorced from the legitimate aspirations of every member of the international community. Human solidarity cannot be limited to specific issues or kept within the confines of nations or regions. Security must be integral and universal.
We must redefine the meaning and scope of peace and security, at the same time, we must strengthen the ability of our Organization to act. Mankind wants to live in a world of peace, freedom, social justice and total respect for human rights, in a world free of fear and distrust. This is not a dream world. It is a world which is within our reach if we can give to solidarity and interdependence the true meaning they must have and if, working together, we articulate a new concept of collective security that is more in keeping with the problems and risks that now confront us. The United Nations system as a whole will have to face reality and the new needs of mankind. We shall have to adopt measures that will enable that system to work with revised guidelines to combat the new types of violence that threaten international peace and security.
This will be a complex, lengthy and delicate process which will have to be tackled with vision and courage, without undue haste but also without undue hesitation.
Since its current Government came into office, Ecuador has tried to emphasise the implementation of the traditional principles of our international policy in the conviction that all countries, irrespective of size or economic or military power, can and must contribute to creating a world of progress and co-operation. Latin American countries have every reason to act as one, and we must continue to work towards that goal.
The Presidents of the five countries members of the Andean Pact, meeting in the Galapagos islands, adopted agreements of great importance for galvanising subregional integration and laid the groundwork for a climate of peace, security and co-operation within a framework of understanding and good-neighbourliness, which will facilitate the elimination of all the problems hindering the process and their relations. The Galapagos presidential meeting and the subsequent one held at Machu Picchu enabled the Governments of the Andean Pact to establish closer ties of trust based on absolute mutual respect; this will permit more effective handling of the issues of Greatest urgency, importance and interest to them.
In that spirit, for the first time in 170 years of history as a republic, a Peruvian President visited Ecuador and an Ecuadorian President visited Peru. Each was received with the respect and cordiality commensurate with our common determination to make our bilateral relations ever more fruitful. These mutual visits will unquestionably contribute to an environment in which we can take every opportunity offered by our proximity and in which we can overcome the differences that divide us. That is what President Rodrigo Borja said against the historic backdrop of Machu Picchu, and what I reaffirmed in this year's report on foreign relations.
Latin America continues to suffer the effects of the most serious crisis in its history, but it has continued to strengthen its democracy notwithstanding the threats to social stability. We possess major human and natural resources and can therefore make a significant contribution to solving international problems. Overcoming the crisis will therefore be vital for the region and beneficial for the rest of the world.
In these circumstances, President Bush's initiative for the Americas can and must give rise to a process of partnership based on mutual interest. Its elements are not based on paternalistic notions of direct economic aid, but are conceived rather in the context of necessary changes in international trade, international finance and investment. Those changes include: expanding trade and for that purpose lifting barriers, eliminating obstacles and paying better and fairer prices; reducing external debt and debt-servicing costs; and promoting investment. Implementing the initiative with dynamism and timeliness could make a significant contribution to resolving the region's most severe economic and social problems, to strengthening political stability and to establishing new relations in the hemisphere.
Ecuador and Latin America as a whole reacted positively to the United States proposal. We must now work out the details and lay the groundwork for negotiations to identify problems and opportunities. President Bush has set out his proposal with vision and pragmatism. We in Latin America must, jointly and individually, define constructive responses that will enable us to find mutually beneficial paths. Ecuador reaffirms its views on the tragic problem of drugs. The results of the seventeenth special session of the General Assembly highlighted the shared responsibility of producers, traffickers, suppliers of ingredients and consumers. They also showed the variety and complexity of the social and economic conditions in countries that produce the raw materials for drugs. They made it clear that a comprehensive, joint approach is necessary to be successful in combating this scourge of mankind. Concerted action by all, and technical and financial support commensurate with each country's capacities and responsibilities, will enable us to adopt effective measures.
Ecuador considers that protecting the environment is one of the issues that best highlights the interdependence of all States and that must move them to united action. The 1992 Conference on Environment and Development must be a milestone in human history. The preparations, guided with such dynamism and effectiveness by Maurice Strong, must continue to be detailed and specific. Agreements to be adopted must be specific and effective.
Ecuador is privileged to serve at present as Secretary pro tempore of the Treaty for Amazonian Co-operation, which has eight signatory countries, at a time of two major events. First, a new phase in the Treaty is beginning, within the guidelines set by the Amazonian countries in their commitment to co-operation, with 50 programmes and more than 100 projects of the greatest importance related to the environment, science and technology, health, indigenous affairs, transportation and tourism, information and education. We note also that countries and institutions in general are assigning the highest priority to sustainable development efforts for the Amazon. Those two factors add up to a special situation, because countries are defining more clearly what they want to and must do in a sovereign way within their own territories, and the international community is ready to work on the basis of the terms, policies and strategies defined by the Amazon countries themselves.
We are living in a world more aware of its problems and its possibilities. People the world over know what the facts are worldwide, and are better acquainted with the unjust gap that separates the excessively rich societies from the excessively poor societies. The United Nations, whose prestige is growing in pace with its effectiveness, faces the formidable challenge of contributing to strengthening positive trends in international relations, promoting efforts for a new dimension in independence and solidarity, and in that way enabling us to say as the twenty-first century begins, that we live in a batter world protected by a broader, more active and more realistic system of security that makes it possible for all - in industrialised countries and in the third world - to live together in peace and justice.


I should like to begin by warmly congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency the current session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am sure that you will fulfil the lofty mission entrusted to you by the Assembly with eminent success. I would also like to express our sincere thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Garba, for his excellent contributions. I also wish to pay a tribute to Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuellar for his outstanding contribution to strengthening the role of the United Nations in current international affairs. Furthermore, I wish to take this opportunity to express our warm welcome to the delegations sent by newly independent Namibia and to Liechtenstein, which is attending the current session of the General Assembly as the 160th Member of the world Organization.
The current session is the General Assembly's first in the 1990s. Reviewing the 1980s, we can see that the world has taken an uncommon course. Thanks to the efforts of the peoples of all countries, military confrontation has been reduced and the factors for peace have increased. Profound changes are taking place in the world today. German unification will soon become a reality. Co-operation between various regions of the world is increasing. The trend towards multipolarization has grown noticeably. However, power politics continue. Political, economic and ethnic strains have become increasingly evident, and tensions and complicated situations have emerged in some regions.
World attention is held by the situation in the Persian Gulf, which has drastically deteriorated in recent weeks. China is opposed to Iraq's armed invasion and annexation of Kuwait, an action that, in China's view, constitutes a violation of the United Nations Charter and a gross trampling on the accepted norms governing international relations, and is thus entirely impermissible. It is in keeping with its principled position that disputes between States should be resolved through friendly consultation without resorting to force that China has voted in support of the nine Security Council resolutions concerning the Gulf crisis, with a view to maintaining those basic norms and restoring peace and security in the Gulf region.
The Chinese Government has adopted a serious and earnest attitude towards the aforementioned Security Council resolutions. Despite its heavy losses resulting from enforcing sanctions, China has strictly implemented those resolutions. That gives full expression to the sense of principle inherent in China's foreign policy and to its dedication to upholding the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and fulfilling its obligations as a permanent member of the Security Council.
The Chinese Government supports a political settlement of the Gulf crisis within the framework of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. We call on Iraq to respond to the mediation efforts of the Arab countries and the United Nations Secretary-General by immediately withdrawing its forces from Kuwait, so that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country can be restored. We call on all the parties concerned to exercise restraint and avoid resorting to force. We appeal to the international community to make joint efforts on the basis of Security Council resolutions to ease the tension there, and we urge the parties concerned to resolve the dispute through peaceful negotiations.
The Gulf crisis has occurred at a juncture where the old world pattern is being replaced by a new one. That causes people to ponder the direction in which the world is headed and the kind of political order that is necessary in order to preserve peace.
Post-war history shows that the bullying of the weak and small by the strong and powerful, and the trampling on others' sovereignty can only cause conflicts and endanger regional and world peace. Normal international relations can be ensured only when all countries observe the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful co-existence. Those five principles embody the most fundamental norms of international relations and are in full accord with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. They have stood the test of international vicissitudes and enjoy wide support in the international community.
The establishment of a new international political order on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence meets the needs of the times and is urgently desired by the peoples of all countries. Such a new political order should, in China's view, include the following points: first, every country is entitled to choose its own political economic and social systems in accordance with its own national conditions. Secondly, all countries, and especially the big Powers, must strictly abide by the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. Thirdly, all countries should respect one another, seek common ground while putting aside their differences, live together in amity, treat each other as equals, and carry on mutually beneficial co-operation.
Fourthly, international disputes should be settled on a fair basis through peaceful means without resort to the threat or use of force. Lastly, all countries, big or small, strong or weak, are entitled to take part in the discussion and management of world affairs on an equal footing.
Regional issues are closely related to world peace. The Middle East remains the most turbulent and unstable region, posing a direct threat to world peace. The Chinese Government supports a political settlement of the Middle East question, which should provide for Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories under its occupation, mutual recognition between the State of Palestine and the State of Israel, and peaceful coexistence between the Arab and Jewish peoples.
We support the convening of the International Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the five permanent members of the Security Council. We appreciate the positive efforts made by the Arab League to achieve a solution to the question of Lebanon and support any settlement plan that helps safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country. We hope that the parties to the Middle East question will pursue their dialogue and strive to advance the Middle East peace process.
The relaxation and stabilization of the situation in the Korean peninsula are the common desire of the people of the region. China supports the unremitting efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to achieve the independent and peaceful reunification of the country. Recently, the north and south of Korea held the first meeting between their premiers since their division 45 years ago. That is an important event in the process of improving relations between the north and south of Korea. We hope that the north and south of Korea will take that meeting as a starting-point and, through dialogue, further remove antagonism and misunderstanding with a view to ultimately achieving the peaceful unification of the country.
The Cambodian question has lasted for over a decade now. It has not only brought dire suffering to the Cambodian people, but has also gravely jeopardized the peace and stability of the South-East Asia region. The time is now ripe for a settlement. The five documents worked out by the five permanent members of the Security Council constitute the framework of a comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodian question. Major progress was made in the meeting of the Cambodian parties held in Jakarta not long ago. It is important to urge the Cambodian parties to elect Prince Sihanouk as President of the Supreme National Council so as to ensure its normal functioning.
We maintain that the Paris International Conference should be reconvened as early as possible so that the documents of the five permanent members will be elaborated for adoption, with a view to achieving eventually a comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodian question. It is our sincere hope that the various Cambodian parties will achieve a genuine national reconciliation and work together to bring about internal peace, stability and development of their country.
Over the past year, further progress has been made in the field of disarmament. The United States and the Soviet Union have reached an agreement in principle on partial reduction of their strategic nuclear weapons and agreed to cut down their respective chemical weapons. Fruitful results can be expected of the negotiations for the reduction of conventional forces in Europe. The United Nations Disarmament Commission has reached consensus on some agenda items which dragged on for years. The negotiations for a treaty on the complete prohibition of chemical weapons are also going on in depth. Progress in all these respects are well received in the international community.
However, it must be noted that the task of disarmament is still arduous. We hope that the United States and the Soviet Union will continue to make efforts to drastically reduce their respective nuclear and conventional armaments, stop their qualitative arms race and completely destroy their chemical weapon stockpiles. The Chinese Government holds that in order to prevent a nuclear war and promote nuclear disarmament, all nuclear States should undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances and unconditionally not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States and nuclear-free zones.
The world economy is being internationalized. The economies of the North and the South are closely related and inseparable. If the economies of the poorer countries, whose population makes up four fifths of the world's total, cannot be developed, and if the North-South relations cannot be radically improved, this situation will not serve the interests of the richer countries either and will make it difficult to ensure world peace and stability.
Since the 1980s, many developing countries have suffered serious economic difficulties, facing such burning issues as huge debt burden, worsened terms of trade and reversed flow of capital. For hundreds of millions of people, the problem of adequate food and clothing is far from being solved. The soaring oil prices caused by the current Gulf crisis have generated enormous negative impact on the world economy, giving rise to wide anxiety. The developing countries of the third world, whose economies were already in great difficulty, have found themselves in deeper water as they are forced to bear the brunt. The world is faced all the more urgently with the question of establishing the new international economic order. We insist that it is essential to change the unfair and inequitable international economic order. In the handling of international economic relations, it is essential to, abide by the principle of equality and mutual benefit. The developed countries are obliged to do their part in improving the international economic environment, and particularly in resolving the issue of foreign debt of the developing countries. People of all countries have the right to determine their own economic mode and their own path of economic development and make necessary readjustments in their economic policies when the need arises.
Many countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America are strengthening their unity and co-operation, and more and more regional organizations are exploring ways for common progress. The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC), the South Pacific Forum (SPF), the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC), the Latin American Economic System (SELA), the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the Group of Rio and the trans-regional organizations such as the Group of 77, the Group of 15 and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) have played an increasingly important role in enhancing South-South co-operation and promoting North-South dialogue. We appreciate and support all this. We also support the efforts made by the Non-Aligned Movement for the economic development of the third world.
Environment is yet another salient issue facing the world today. The people of all countries are increasingly aware that improving the environment and protecting the Earth is a long-term interest of mankind and a basic condition for the survival of the human race. For historical and present-day reasons, the developing countries lack the capability to protect and improve the environment. We believe that, without the participation of the developing countries, there can be no fundamental improvement of the environment. So we appeal to the developed countries possessing financial resources and advanced science and technology to play a greater role in bettering the global environment. Besides doing a good job of improving the environment in their own countries, they are duty-bound to help the developing countries increase their capabilities for environmental protection in the course of their economic development. China attaches great importance to the problem of environment, and has made environmental protection a basic state policy and taken an active part in international co-operation in this field. We appeal to all countries and all regions to get well prepared for the Conference on Environment and Development scheduled for 1992.
In recent years, drug addiction and trafficking has spread world-wide and become a hazard to humanity. With a 150-year history of anti-drug struggle, the Chinese people are keenly aware of the evil of narcotics. After its founding, New China carried on an effective fight to eliminate the evil of opium, thus winning the good name of a drug-free country. In the past few years, some international drug rings have conducted transit drug trafficking in some border provinces and cities of China, and along with it drug abuse has occurred in the border regions. The Chinese Government has taken resolute measures and achieved marked results in cracking down on drug addiction and trafficking. The Chinese Government consistently holds that drug prohibition is a responsibility that should be shared by the producing, consuming and transit countries. Only by the concerted efforts and more effective actions on the part of the entire international community can there be a final victory over the scourge of narcotic drugs. We appreciate the efforts made by the relevant United Nations bodies and other countries to fight against drug abuse and trafficking. We are ready to continue and strengthen our co-operation with other countries and the relevant United Nations bodies in this field.
The Chinese people, full of confidence, are advancing along the road of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. In the past decade, we succeeded in doubling the country's gross national product of the year of 1980. We have the confidence and capability to double it again in the 1990s. The decade of reform and opening to the outside world has brought enormous real benefits to the Chinese people. The policy of reform and opening up, which enjoys the strong support of our people, will not and cannot be changed. The past year has witnessed political stability and social tranquillity in China as well as steady improvement of its economy. Stability and development in China not only benefit the Chinese people, but also contribute to peace in Asia and the world as a whole. China needs stability and the world needs a stable China. China is ready, together with other countries, to do its part for the cause of human progress.
We are pleased to note that in the past year, the United Nations has continued to play an active part in maintaining world peace and security and in resolving a number of urgent problems facing mankind. In advancing the peace process and political settlement of regional conflicts the United Nations has made unremitting efforts and scored commendable achievements. In the critical and complex situation in which the world finds itself, the United Nations has before it an even greater responsibility and more challenging tasks, and should play a more important role, so that it will not let down the high expectations of the people of the world.
We have consistently maintained that the internal affairs of a country can only be decided independently by the people of that country and that international affairs can only be decided by the countries of the world, big and small, strong and weak, through consultations on an equal footing. History has proved that the super-Powers cannot dominate the world. History will prove again that a small number of big and rich Powers cannot monopolize international affairs either.
Looking forward into the 1990s, we see a world which is faced with challenges and risks but is also full of opportunities and hopes. No matter how the international climate changes, the historical tide of peace and development is irresistible. The future of the world is bright.


May I start by congratulating you most warmly, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly and by paying tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Joseph Garba. We are already accustomed to the calm and authoritative way in which you conduct our discussions. I should like also to pay a very warm tribute to the Secretary-General. We have benefited greatly from his wisdom and energy during this last year, and, as he knows, we will rely on them perhaps even more enthusiastically in the time ahead.
What a contrast there is between the General Assembly today and that of a year ago. In 12 months we have seen the passing of an old and unmoored order. The end of last year, 1989, was a time of great excitement. We were lucky to witness that rare happening: a peaceful revolution. Usually, I suppose, in world affairs surprises are unwelcome. But last year's surprises were almost all good news. Less than a year ago, President Gorbachev told the Government of the German Democratic Republic that time would not forgive those who came too late. One month later the Berlin Nail was torn down.
Mow, on 3 October, the German people will reunite in peace and democracy. We have just heard an eloquent analysis and commitment from the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany, Mr. Hans Dietrich Genscher, on that subject. I would simply add on behalf of the United Kingdom that on that day, 3 October, we shall share wholeheartedly the happiness of the German people. It will be a big day, of course, for Germany; a big day and a welcome day for Europe and for the rest of the world. As one of the four wartime allies, we are proud of our part in helping forward that process. There was an immense amount to do when the 2 plus 4 process was first dreamt of in Ottawa in February, but we worked swiftly, thoroughly and as partners and the 2 plus 4 Agreement signed this month in Moscow was a first major achievement of the new world order.
Last autumn the Foreign Minister of Poland, Mr. Skubissewski, who is here today, became the first representative of a democratic Government in Eastern Europe to address the General Assembly. That was an extraordinary change. Nobody then predicted that almost all the other countries in Eastern Europe would over so short a time begin by questioning and end by rejecting communism before this, the next session of the General Assembly.
The change of course has not been confined to Europe. In South Africa the State President, a white politician elected solely by a white minority, the leader of a party dedicated traditionally to apartheid, first released Mr. Nelson Mandela from prison and then sat down in friendly and determined negotiations with him. We must assert ourselves to help forward those two men and, more important, the peace process that they are now undertaking.
But we should not be mesmerised by these happy changes. We must now knuckle down to the mundane task of making these changes a part of everyday life, of our habits of thought and our instinctive sense of reality. We cannot yet be sure of the permanence or the full consequences of the "velvet" revolutions around the world. We need to remember that the great Chinese statesman Chou En-lai, when asked what he thought of the French Revolution, replied, "It is too soon to tell". I am not suggesting that we need 200 years for reflection, but I am sure we would be wise to proceed with caution and with caution, renewed determination.
Certainly there has been great enthusiasm and great achievement; that is beyond gainsaying. But it does not mean that the new order is safely or completely in place or universally accepted. On the night o£ 2 August, President Saddam Hussein reminded us of reality.
By invading and annexing Kuwait, he brought instant soberness to a world that was perhaps in some danger of believing that the millennium had arrived 10 years ahead of time. 0f course, the aggression against Kuwait was not the first act of unjustified violence with which the United Nations has had to deal. Of course there have been many acts of aggression and injustice since 1945, and some of them, we must remember, remain partly or wholly uncorrected. But there was something about the simple brutality of the attack on Kuwait that put it in a category by itself.
It was clear; it was complete. Every principle of international law was flouted. Only the most desultory attempt at an excuse was brought forward and then even that excuse was immediately abandoned. The Charter of the United Nations - our document - was held in complete contempt. It is for those reasons that an extraordinary and unique coalition of the international community has formed against the aggressor.
Iraq's aggression dominates our thoughts about the Middle East, but we must not lose sight of other issues in the region. We must not lose night shove all of the need for a just solution, at last, to the Palestinian problem. We have no intention of forgetting that piece of unfinished business. But any solution to that problem will have to rest on respect for international law and respect for engagements entered into. That is why before that problem can be solved we must deal with the case of Iraq and Iraq's aggression. The chances of a more secure world order depend directly on the success of the international coalition which I have mentioned in reversing the occupation of Kuwait. The test is formidable; there can be no doubt about that. But the test cannot be evaded. This is a defining moment. How we act now will define, will shape, the next decade.
So it seems to me that we can be enthusiastic about the real progress which has been made in the world, provided that we are sober about the tasks still to be accomplished. I would like to look very briefly at the system of international relations in which we must work. The basic unit in the system, the basic unit in this Hall, the basic unit in our Organisation will continue to be the nation state - this nation-state system which emerged, I suppose, in its modern form in Europe in the nineteenth century; and in the twentieth century the colonial empires, first in Eastern Europe, then in Africa and Asia, were transformed into smaller nation states. It is not a perfect system; no one hero would claim that.
But it has proved enduring and it has been supplemented by regional grouping. Where these groupings are successful they smooth the rough edges between nation states. They bring together by choice the efforts of Member States for a particular purpose, and I believe that that will endure.
I would like to focus for a minute or two as a European on the three principal groups of this kind in Europe: the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (HATO), the European Co—unity, and the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCX).
NATO held a summit in July in London and that summit took two fundamental decisions. We decided that NATO should remain as a defensive alliance with an integrated command which provides a framework for the stationing of United States and other forces in Germany. I believe that history shouts for the need for the American presence in Europe. It was a mistake after the First World War that Americans went home - a mistake which we all regretted and repented. But the second decision of the NATO summit in July was to extend in a new way and with a new emphasis the hand of friendship and co-operation from MASO to the member countries of the Warsaw Pact, including of course the Soviet Union. As a result of the London summit, HAXO will remain but HAXO will change.
The second key body in Europe is the European Community. Since 1985 the European Community has developed a new dynamism. Future development should be both wider and deeper. It should be wider because I would expect that applications from a number of other European States for full membership will be accepted before the end of the century. As you know, Mr. President, two are already to hand. Some applications may be from members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA); some may come from the newly democratic States of Central and Eastern Europe as they complete their transformation to free-market economies. It seems to me inconceivable that the Europe of Twelve which we have today could or would wish indefinitely to shut the door of membership against fully qualified European democracies which are anxious to join, whether they are now members of EFTA or whether they are in the centre or the south or the east of Europe.
We are also deepening the Community by completing the single internal market to dismantle barriers to trade in goods and services and to movement of people. We are preparing two intergovernmental conferences, both of which will begin under the Italian presidency at the end of this year. In one we shall seek to improve the working of our institutions; in the other we shall consider plans for economic and monetary union. The steady British argument, repeated in meeting after meeting, is for a liberal, open, evolutionary approach in all these discussions.
The third European structure is the CSCB. Here we are working to establish more firmly a common system of values, common standards for international behaviour among European States. That all sounds very high-minded. What does it mean in practice: I think it means some very specific things in practice. It means we need to underscore the protection of human rights. We need to guarantee the rule of law. We need to guarantee free elections. We need to work in general towards a common understanding of the fundamental freedom of individuals and the duties of government. Much of this was sketched out in the Helsinki Final Act IS years ago. I remember that at the time some of us looked a little warily at the high-sounding promises of that Final Act in Helsinki. But there are many brave individuals in the world today Kho can testify from their own experience that out of those promises of 1975, cut of those undertakings came effective pressure and eventual action to give them their liberty and their rights.
How, a treaty on conventional armed forces in Europe (CFE) is a prerequisite - an indispensable prerequisite - for the CSCB summit, which we hope will be held in Paris in November, and for the CFE treaty hard, urgent work now lies ahead for those of us who are concerned. If we succeed in negotiating that CFE treaty in Vienna, we will have brought about a rough military balance on the European continent; we will have removed the ability of all signatories to launch a surprise attack or to start large-scale offensive action. For the first time, the main instruments of physical force will be subject to detailed international law. Arms control and arms reduction, which have been a distant aspiration - the subject of many speeches over 40 years in this Hall - are now becoming a reality in Europe. Once the CFE treaty is signed, the summit in Paris can consider, and will consider, further ideas, including our own - about a new centre for reducing risks, about building confidence, about preventing conflict in Europe.
Of course neither a centre nor a treaty will make conflict impossible. But I believe that every move we can make towards greater openness and honesty between nations makes it harder to envisage the kind of misunderstanding that could lead again to conflict in Europe. CFE, therefore, will be the stable footing on which the new European security structures can rest.
Perhaps these structures are particularly important to Eastern Europe. Communism did not solve the old disputes in that part of our continent, but it put them to sleep. Now the imposed communist rule is disappearing and with it the anaesthetic which communist rule applied. We can hear again the murmur of some of those ancient disputes.
Of course in Western Europe also used to have such disputes. French and Germans have fought each other three times in the last 120 years. Many of us were drawn in. No one would suppose that conceivable now. It is not that the nation states have disappeared; it is rather that new structures, like the European Community, are in place; it is rather that by statesmanship the poison of old disputes has been drained away. The friendship of France and Germany - of which Hans-Dietrich Genscher reminded us a few minutes ago - is an accomplished and welcome fact. Conflict over who should possess Alsace-Lorraine, for example is now impossible. We need to create that same certainty that conflict is impossible as regards all the other disputes which still persist to some extent in Europe.
And not just in Europe. This is not just a European ambition. Once the Iraqis have been withdrawn from Kuwait, we will need to consider how lasting peace can be brought to the Middle East. And perhaps it is not too early to start thinking about how that long-term security can be achieved. Mr. Gianni De Michelis, speaking on behalf of the members of the European Community, put forward some thoughts on that subject, which I should like to echo. There is a need for a new and serious attempt to resolve the complex of Middle East disputes, including, se I have already mentioned, Palestine. There will also need to be a new security structure. This is 1990. It will be for the States in the region to decide how this should be done. It will be for them to take the initiative. Ho one will attempt to impose a system on them. But I believe the slow but steady progress of the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) may be useful to them. The CSCE process allows political dialogue and has established common principles ranging from respect for borders to human rights. There is transparency through confidence- and security-building measures. All of this gradually coming together in Europe has meant, and will mean I hope in the future, that States can increasingly trust each other and feel secure.
This search for security is worldwide. The United Nations was formed to create and maintain such stability. Although the Charter of the United Nations was signed in San Francisco 45 years ago, the security mechanisms did not have the chance to work as intended. They were almost immediately frozen by the chill of the cold war. But just as the security mechanisms of the United Nations were early casualties of the cold war, so they have already proved to be one of the first beneficiaries of the thaw. After many years in which political divisions among the permanent members weakened the force of Security Council resolutions, the new unity of purpose which we see, and which we saw again yesterday, has given the Council unprecedented vigour. I worked here for four years as a junior member of my country's delegation in the 1950s and spent many hours in this Hall, some of them weary hours, some of them hours which, at the time, I must confess I thought were fairly pointless. I never expected to see such a healthy change in this building as a result of the developments of the last year.
And I am not thinking only of the Security Council resolutions over Kuwait, although for the reasons I have given, they are crucial. There are other examples. In Namibia, which under the auspices of the United Nations was able last year to achieve peaceful independence and free elections. In Cambodia, the five permanent members have co-operated closely. Discussions were tough at times. They will be on such occasions, but agreement was reached at the end of August on a framework for a comprehensive political settlement. And on 9 and 10 September the Cambodian parties themselves endorsed this framework. I am well aware that a great deal of hard work and argument remain on the Cambodian question, but there is now a hope, a flickering hope, where once despair seemed total. The Secretary-General's mission o£ good offices in Cyprus continues, and it continues with our full support. It seems to us vital that all the parties should help him to reach a final settlement for that island.
The United Nations must tackle the massive human problems which nation States and even regional groups cannot handle effectively by themselves. There is the menace of drugs, where the situation goes up and down, but on balance I believe continues to deteriorate. The work of the United Nations drugs units has been increasing to meet those demands, but more resources are required. Reform of the United Nations drug abuse control structure is essential. We believe the three existing drugs units should be unified into one streamlined structure under one senior full-time head, and I hope that at this session the General Assembly will be able' to take a decision along those lines.
Then there are the hugely varied problems of our environment, the ozone layer, global warming, and many others. These are problems which have to be tackled, and quickly. But they can be tackled only if the world community acts together, and undoubtedly the United Nations and its agencies offer the best way of pooling these efforts. We make, and will continue to make, a serious contribution. It was yesterday in London that my Government published a White Paper outlining environmental policies for the 1990s, including the pledge to peg CO emissions by 2005 at 1990 levels.
We must not forget, because of these relatively new problems, the battle against poverty. Britain has announced in the last week important new proposals on debt relief for the poorest countries, building on the earlier British initiative which led to the agreement of the "Toronto terms" in 1988. We have proposed that the Paris Club should improve its existing concessions by cancelling two thirds of a country's entire bilateral official debt. Repayment of the remainder would be tailored to match each country's improving debt service capacity over 25 years. To provide additional breathing space, there would be no payments during the first five years of this period. The conditions for qualifying for this relief would remain broadly the same as for the Toronto scheme.
But it seems to me that, when all these other problems are considered and our energies devoted to them, it remains true that war is still the chief scourge of mankind, and following in the wake of war, the tragedies of famine and of refugees. Because that is so, peace-making and peace-keeping will stay at the heart of worthwhile international activity. They are the core of our work here. I hope that the United Nations benefits will be extended to all the people in the world who seek membership, and here I am thinking in particular of the people of Korea. I have tried briefly to sketch some of our own approaches and attitudes to these tasks in Britain. We try to bring practical realism to the tasks which I have outlined this morning. We know that past achievement does not guarantee future progress. It is far too soon to sit back and relax to the sound of our own self-congratulation. There is a huge amount to be done, and all of it is complicated, and much of it is daunting. But I am more hopeful than before that the international community, through the United Nations, is equal to the tasks. First, as I have said and for the reasons I have given, the new order must succeed in getting Iraq out of Kuwait, otherwise it will be stillborn and no one will take it seriously. But once that is done - and that will happen - I believe the new order, in its different shapes and different guises, will grow. I believe it will flourish, and I believe it will consolidate, so that the last decade of ...Ms century, the decade which we are now entering, may well turn out to be the safest and the most successful.