Let me begin by saying that I am honoured indeed to be in New York on this occasion and, for the first time, to speak on behalf of my country at the United Nations General Assembly, at this its forty-sixth session.
The oft-repeated hopes of delegations, expressed from this rostrum, for an end to ideological confrontation and the bipolar division of the world appear to have become tangible realities at this crucial time at the end of the twentieth century. Indeed, the signing, last August, of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and recent statements in which the American and Soviet Heads of State proposed further reductions from the threshold indicated by the Moscow Treaty demonstrate the new spirit of cooperation that characterizes relations between the two super-Powers. For the first time in 30 years we see the spectre of nuclear war receding.
The beginning of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly in that context of hope and expectation gives us reason to adopt a spirit of conviviality and to engage in sincere debate with no ulterior motives.
In other words the session over which you. Sir, are presiding should be an opportunity for us to look at our environment and our world in a new light, with new ideals of solidarity and a sense of being part of the same space. I am convinced that, with you, Mr. President, at the helm, we shall tackle without difficulty the different challenges of our world today - disease, ignorance and poverty. My delegation is very happy that you, the representative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia - guardian of the Holy Shrines of Islam, and, like Chad, a member of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference - should be presiding at this session. You and the other officers have the full assurance of my delegation's complete cooperation. We wish you every success in your endeavours.
I should like to express to Mr. Guido de Marco the satisfaction of my delegation at the elegant manner in which he presided over the work of the forty-fifth session of the Assembly.
I should like also to express once again to Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, who is reaching the end of his second term as Secretary-General of the 0rgani2ation, the full gratitude of Chad for all his tireless efforts in the causes of peace and development. Me is leaving us at a time when multilateralism has been rejuvenated, thanks in particular to his dynamic efforts. We shall greatly miss his familiar face and his dynamism. On behalf of the Government of Chad I wish him a good and pleasant retirement and assure him of our readiness to extend our full support to his successor at a time when the United Nations will be called upon to play an increasingly important role.
My delegation is pleased to note that this great family of the United Nations is continuing to expand. It is with pleasure that we welcome into our midst the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands.
The year 1990 was one of profound change. It was the year that saw the re-emergence of the active role of the United Nations as an instrument in the service of peace. Indeed, for the first time in many years our Organization is playing the role envisaged for it in the Charter - the maintenance of peace through the implementation of relevant provisions.
Everywhere in the world, changes towards real democracy have begun. From now on, all the peoples of the world will have the possibility of enjoying the right to self-determination and of taking charge of their own destiny. In Africa the process is continuing, with the holding of national conferences and with the organization of truly free elections, in which people may choose from among many programmes and many candidates. In Chad the year 1990 was a year of freedom, for it saw the overthrow of one of the bloodiest dictatorships in Africa, one which in the span of sight years murdered more than 10,000 Chadians. Had it not been for the victory of the Patriotic Movement of Salvation, the outside world would never have known of the horrors which that merciless dictatorship perpetrated in my country for reasons of State. The parody of a referendum organised In December 1989 with regard to the Constitution was designed to distract the attention of outside observers from the massacres that bloodthirsty regime was carrying out. The "democratic" provisions of that famous Constitution were never implemented. In fact the Constitution only served as a smokescreen for the dictatorship. In the circumstances, all the new authorities could do was suspend it. They did so, replacing it with the new national charter adopted on 28 February 1991, which now governs the political life of the nation. This chattel clearly states in article 2:
"The people are sovereign, and no faction or individual may assume the right to exercise sovereignty." That provision is a striking manifestation of the firm desire of the Patriotic Movement of Salvation and the Government to eliminate once and for all the spectre of flagrant violations of human rights and to establish a pluralistic democracy in the country. Today we are proud to say that Chad is a country of freedom. Freedom of opinion and respect for human rights are central to the policy of the new authorities. Thus, private daily and weekly newspapers influence public opinion in the country and attack - sometimes violently - the actions of the Government, thereby playing the proper role of a free press in a democracy. Furthermore, with the adoption of the charter of the parties on 1 October 1991, the people of Chad now have the freedom to be active in the party of their choice: no more obligatory membership in a single party, no more political prisons and police.
Chad, which has suffered for so long from war, now wishes finally to enjoy genuine internal and external peace. President Idriss Deby has always said that the time has come to deal with one another by means other than weapons. It is clear that the choice of the people of Chad is a confrontation of ideas. Thus a national conference will be held in May 1992, and, in addition to drawing up the future constitution, it will establish the framework for democracy. In a country which for more than 30 years lived under a series of bloody dictatorships, we shall have a difficult apprenticeship, but this is our irreversible choice. For we must do everything to avoid going back to the past and must move forward to the building of a State of law in which all citizens will participate at various levels in the open management of public affairs, in order to attain our objectives. Several obstacles to the attainment of those objectives have already appeared. The most difficult are the reorganization of an administration deeply shaken by two decades of war and the reduction of the size of a greatly over-staffed army. This requires considerable material and financial resources, but we are convinced that with the assistance of our partners we shall achieve those objectives.
Chad, a victim of drought and desertification, has been confronted with endemic diseases and other natural disasters such as floods which have left many homeless. In addition, our production structures were disorganized at the time of the rout of the dictator. We shall therefore have to fight on several fronts.
As regards the economy, the disorganization of our customs administration because of the events of December 1990 has resulted in a tremendous decline in State income, jeopardizing the objectives of the current adjustment process. We are also suffering from the effects of the world economic situation, particularly since our country is dependent on a single export crop. These difficulties, further aggravated by the burden of the heavy debt of 3.5 billion CPA francs left by the former dictatorship in Chad's account at the Bank of Central African States, have eliminated all the resources at the Government's disposal to re-launch our economy. Despite all these obstacles, the Government remains determined to foster a liberal economy and to permit the development of small and medium-sized industrial enterprises. In this connection, the Government intends to organize early in 1992 a round-table conference of providers of funds in the private sector. The seminar held on this subject in May 1991 enabled us to establish an overall strategy. This round-table conference will be designed not to examine the strategy in depth, so as to make it functional, but also to seek support from possible future partners.
At the same time, Chad would like to devote the same sustained attention to rural development, thus pursuing the established objective of attaining food self-sufficiency in the future. Furthermore, preliminary prospecting financed by the United Nations Revolving Fund for natural resources exploration has revealed the existence of several minerals. The Government of Chad will continue the search for partners to help us in exploiting the mineral resources which may thus be identified.
The achievement of all these objectives is conditional on the development of our national technical capabilities, which can be done only by means of training. In this connection, the Government of Chad is currently seeking ways and means of implementing the recommendations of the round-table conference on the questions of education, training and employment, held in November 1990 in Ndjamena. The transformation of our educational structures and programmes to carry out proper training for employment requires considerable investment, for equipment and the building or remodelling of training centres. In addition to those medium-term and long-term social problems, there are others that are even more urgent, such as the question of the reintegration of refugees, exiles and displaced persons who, since December 1990, have been streaming back to Chad and the regions where they had lived; the problem of the spread of the cholera epidemic; and the devastation of fields and dwellings by the floods caused by the heavy rains in July and August 1991. All those negative factors require us to seek assistance once again from our partners, and in December 1991 we intend to submit to them in Paris an emergency plan covering in particular the needs in regard to the reorganization of the army and the resettlement of the refugees.
Despite all these difficulties, the people of Chad do not despair, for they know that the international solidarity which manifested itself in combating the effects of the drought and the cholera epidemic will once again be forthcoming for us in our implacable struggle for survival. We take this opportunity to thank friendly countries and the agencies of the United Nations system for all the help they have been giving Chad for many years now. Our most sincere thanks go particularly to the friendly Governments that have generously supported us at a critical time in our history. Once again we make a resounding appeal to them from this rostrum to continue to help us in implementing our emergency programme of reconstruction and development, which I have mentioned earlier. We shall continue our practice of previous years and we shall introduce this year two draft resolutions under agenda items 84 (b) and 97 (b). We sincerely and wholeheartedly hope that we shall obtain the support, of all Member States for their adoption.
If we have enjoyed the support of all these partners, it is because they have demonstrated solidarity with us in our sorrow. At this time, when confrontation has given way to cooperation, Chad is implementing the policy of good neighbourliness in its external policy. Since December 1990, Chad has acted in concert with all peace-loving and freedom-loving countries, particularly with all our neighbours. For the first time since 1982, Chad's relations with its neighbours are not a source of conflict. Indeed, the good neighbourliness policy practised by the new authorities in Chad are based on a spirit of dialogue and agreement for we believe that a policy of continuing confrontation and friction between neighbours is not in our best interests. Not only are our meagre resources drained for military expenses, but most of all implementation of the development programmes which the populations need is thereby delayed.
It is in this political climate that we have come to a decisive stage in the border dispute between my country and the Libyan Arab Jamahariya. The two parties have seized this opportunity to accept a verdict of the International Court of Justice. Since December 1990, relations between our two countries and our peoples have normalized. This is a challenge for cooperation to replace hatred and for understanding to prevail and we welcome this development.
In recent sessions we reviewed the various regional conflicts and without really believing that much would happen, we nevertheless expressed the hope that solutions would be found. This time we see that, due to the new spirit of solidarity and understanding which has developed between the super-Powers, these conflicts are beginning to be resolved one after another. On behalf of the Government and people of Chad, allow me once again to pay a tribute to Presidents George Bush and Mikhail Gorbachev for the new spirit in international relations and the new relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union.
As the Secretary-General stated in his report!
"Peace has won victories on several fronts. Many a people have been released from the agonies of strife. The process is capable of extension to other areas." {A/46/1, page 22) This analysis properly describes the situation of the world of today. On the one hand, remarkable results have been achieved and, on the other, a great deal still remains to be done before peace can be attained.
In South Africa, the legal pillars of apartheid have been abolished. This is a first step towards the attainment of a multiracial Africa with all citizens enjoying the same rights, but much remains to be done to achieve these results and the path is strewn with many dangers. There is need to expedite negotiations for the adoption of a new constitution and an effective transfer of power to the black majority, particularly by putting an end to the entrenchment of the forces of destabilization which are the source of violence in the townships.
After 16 years of bloodshed in Western Sahara we hope that peace will be established by means of the referendum to be held in January 1992 under United Nations auspices. While we congratulate the Secretary-General for his perseverance we wish, at the same time, to appeal to the parties to cooperate fully with the United Nations and, finally, accept the result of the vote.
In Asia, my delegation welcomes the progress achieved in the negotiations between the various Cambodian factions. Those negotiations have made it possible for the Cambodian delegation to resume its place in this Assembly. The admission to United Nations membership of the two Koreas will, we hope, make it possible one day to achieve reunification of the two countries. Indeed, the reunification of Germany and of Yemen gives us reason to hope that this possibility will be realised if that is the legitimate aspiration of the people concerned.
Regarding Afghanistan, the determination of the United States and the Soviet Union to bring peace to that country will, we are convinced, lead to constructive dialogue between the resistance movements and the Government.
In the Persian Gulf, the consequences of the invasion and liberation of Kuwait should have resulted in the return of peace. Unfortunately, that is not the case and the risk of new confrontations prevails in the region. The delegation of Chad supports the efforts designed to enforce the Security Council resolutions on this subject. However, we would like to advocate that all the Council's resolutions should be equally applied. We refer in particular to the situation prevailing in the Middle East where General Assembly and Security Council resolutions have remained without effect for more than 10 years. Clearly, Chad lends its full support to the steps undertaken by the United States to convene an international peace conference on the basis of the Baker plan and relevant resolutions of the Security Council. However, we insist that all interested parties be invited to participate in this gathering on an equal footing. This condition is indispensable for, without equal treatment, it is unlikely that serious negotiations can really begin.
While until now Europe has been spared civil war, the transformations of the people's democracies have given rise to serious challenges to certain political structures. The Baltic States incorporated in the Soviet Union following the de facto Soviet-German Pact of August 1939 have become independent. Germany is now united, while the Soviet Union is being transformed following the events in Moscow of August 1991. These transformations have caused serious difficulties in some cases. For example, in Yugoslavia they have led to bloody confrontations which Europe has not seen since the Second World War. My delegation views with alarm this decline in the situation of a non-aligned State and calls upon Yugoslavia to find its path quickly to a settlement of these differences without useless bloodshed.
This glance at the situation prevailing in the world demonstrates how right the Secretary-General is in his appraisal of the situation. In some places, peace is making progress. In others, confrontation continues. This dichotomy between war and peace in certain contiguous areas reminds us that we must make further efforts to ensure peace in the world in general.
In this connection, my delegation would like, once again, to issue a call for peace since only frank and direct dialogue between brothers and parties to a conflict will make the achievement of true peace possible.
The world has witnessed the end of the East-West confrontation with great relief and is nurturing the hope for new prospects in international economic relations. My delegation sincerely believes that the new world order must support the peoples who are struggling to achieve social and economic development. They must be helped to rid themselves of poverty and ignorance by being provided with the means to accomplish it.
Indeed, the 1991 report of the United Nations Development Programme on human development notes, with regard to countries in the South, that more than half a billion human beings are living in dire poverty, some 180 million children - that is one out of three - are suffering from serious malnutrition, that 1.5 billion persons have no access to primary health services, that nearly 3 million children die each year from diseases for which vaccines exist, that approximately a billion adults are illiterate, and that the number of children of school age who do not attend school is in excess of 100 million.
Those frightful statistics bear witness, if any were needed, to the failure of the last three United Nations Development Decades. At the end of this millennium the burning question is not one of available resources but whether those resources are being properly distributed - which presumes solidarity based on real political will.
Africa, for its part, continues to sink into the implacable crisis that began over a decade ago, notwithstanding the historic contract into which it entered with the rest of the international community in 1986. How could it have been otherwise, when the countries of the African continent do not control the prices of their raw materials and face constantly rising prices for capital goods and when the burden of debt servicing has become intolerable?
Concrete actions must be undertaken urgently to reverse this trend. We must, inter alia, guarantee a fair price for raw materials, lift protectionist measures, lower trade tariffs and cancel the debt. Such actions would enable Africa to realize real economic growth, an indispensable condition for the success of the ongoing democratisation programme.
In the next three years the international community is preparing to consider some of the serious problems that concern all mankind and that
condition its very survival. In particular, there will be the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in 1992; the World Conference on Human Rights in 1993 and the Conference on Population and Development in 1994, whose theme will be "Population, Economic Growth and Sustainable Development". These different gatherings are all focused on the human condition in a world that has become more interdependent and that enjoys greater solidarity.
With regard to the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, Chad attaches great importance to it. As a country of the Sahel, Chad is experiencing a desertification that is affecting the socio-economic activities of its population. We therefore hope that that Conference will be able to come up with a strategy that will enable us both to preserve the environment and to ensure development.
Having rid itself of the fear of a possible nuclear holocaust brought on by ideological confrontations, mankind today has every chance to realize its profound aspiration to the peace it has sought for so long. The time is ripe, and we must seize this opportunity to transform international relations to respond to the requirements of history. We must build confidence and set a single objective: the well-being of mankind. To do this, my delegation believes that true coexistence among peoples without any distinction as to race, language and religion - and among States as well - must be established, coexistence in which the United Nations will finally be able to play the crucial role of guarantor of peace.
In this connection I should like to conclude by calling for a widening of the Secretary-General's field of competence. He should not have to wait to be seized of a conflict but should be able to take up a question immediately when threats to international peace and security begin to loom up on the horizon and act as a mediator or peace-maker. Mankind has suffered from too many conflicts in recent years. We must act urgently to put an end to bloody confrontations among States and within States. That too requires the solidarity whose end result is universal peace and an end to human suffering from deprivation.
Peace and solidarity are the key words that, I hope, will guide the future actions of the peoples of the United Nations.


Allow me to convey to the President, on behalf of the Government and people of Latvia and on my own behalf, our sincere congratulations on his election to preside over this forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. His assumption of this post carries special significance for Latvia, for he is presiding over what is for our country our inaugural session as Members of the United Nations. I would also like to take this opportunity to convey the best wishes and appreciation of my country to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar.
Although Latvia was a founding member of the League of Nations, because of the subsequent foreign occupation of our country, we were unable to participate in the establishment of the United Nations. We have had to wait 47 years for this moment, yet the delay has not diminished the joy that accompanies our rightful and lawful return to the international community. On the contrary, we take special satisfaction in joining an international Organization that has grown in stature and importance through the years, thanks to the leadership and statesmanship of the Secretary-General.
Latvia takes its place in the United Nations at a turning-point in world history. Since the 1920s the people of Latvia have always believed that the existence of any internationally recognized State is an objective reality, one that cannot be eradicated by force. The rapid manner in which global diplomatic ties were renewed with the Baltic States during August and September of this year is, perhaps, one of the most dramatic examples of civilization's progress towards achieving true democracy and international equality in our lifetime. The people of Latvia express their heartfelt gratitude to the Members of the United Nations and to all the nations that have supported us for their profound understanding and support.
In this regard, I should once again like to welcome and congratulate our fellow new Members of the United Nations: the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia and our neighbours to the north and south, the Republic of Estonia and the Republic of Lithuania. We are proud to commence our United Nations activities in such distinguished company.
The enthusiasm with which Latvia assumes its role in the United Nations is driven by more than national self-interest. It is our sincere hope that recent developments have given birth to a new era of democracy and cooperation in the world. The events of August in the formerly communist Soviet Union have given rise to hopes that from this point onwards. East West, relations will no longer be a source of confrontation but Instead a vehicle for solving complex global and regional problems.
We are convinced that Latvia will play an instrumental role in this problem-solving process. It is our belief that now, as has been the case throughout history, Latvia is destined to serve as a natural bridge between Eastern and Western Europe. Where we once served as a battlefield for opposing foreign armies, we can now serve as a crossroads for commercial exchange and economic cooperation. Fully cognizant of this great responsibility, we are ready and eager to make our contribution to the inexorable democratic evolution of the new world order.
To succeed in this undertaking, Latvia must immediately begin the process of addressing a number of critical issues. Primary among them is the reconstruction and rebirth of Latvia's economy. We must train and prepare specialists and professionals whose task it will be both to meet Latvia's immediate needs and simultaneously build an economic structure that will shape Latvia's future role in Europe and the world.
To achieve this goal, the process of restoring Latvia's fully independent statehood must be brought to a conclusion without delay. This includes the removal, as soon as possible, of the foreign troops that continue, illegally, to occupy Latvian soil. A just settlement of this issue in the Baltic region is of crucial importance if we hope to further the process of guaranteeing the long-term security and cooperation of all nations, riot only in our region but throughout the world.
We are extremely encouraged by the bold initiative undertaken by the United States of America and endorsed by the Soviet. Union, calling for substantial reductions of these nations' nuclear weapons. We see this action as the first concrete step towards the realization of our own long-held dream of a nuclear-free Baltic region.
The people of Latvia are ready to work hand in hand with all the peoples of the world. We are opening our doors, our minds and our hearts to all that which has been achieved globally in the areas of economic, humanitarian, environmental and cultural endeavour. We are fully committed to the spirit of open and honest exchange so that we can both learn from that which has already been accomplished and contribute to that which still needs to be done.
We are firmly convinced that through cooperation and coordination with our Baltic neighbours, we can create a geopolitical region that will demonstrate to the world that the transition from the shackles of totalitarian communism to the open democratic structures can be achieved in a peaceful, disciplined and orderly manner.
Just as the United Nations demonstrates the benefits of multilateral, inter-ethnic cooperation, we in Latvia are equally committed to guaranteeing equal rights to all national minorities and individuals in our territory, irrespective of their ethnic origins or ideological convictions. We have taken concrete steps to address the needs and concerns of all those who live within our borders and will continue to develop policies in this direction. Human rights, democracy and adherence to the norms of international law were the guiding principles of our struggle to restore independence and will continue to serve as a foundation for our internal development and reintegration into the world community. It is our hope that from our example, others facing similar obstacles can take both strength and inspiration.
As a Member of the United Nations, Latvia will look to other Member nations, organizations and the Secretariat for guidance and assistance in developing the future character and international role of our country. That Latvia's period of reconstruction coincides with a major restructuring of the world order can be viewed as beneficial to all concerned, for it will foster Increased cooperation and coordination in all aspects of this developmental process.
For example, we welcome proposals to improve the emergency humanitarian-aid framework within the United Nations and anticipate that such a plan will assist our country and region in developing a coordinated emergency-aid structure of its own.
Similarly, Latvia joins other Members of the United Nations in a call for the repeal of resolution 3379 (XXX) of 10 November 1975 on Zionism. Latvia neither participated in nor supported this resolution at its inception and continues to oppose vigorously all policies that foster mistrust and antagonism between peoples and nations.
The people of Latvia have at long last navigated the stagnant, troubled waters of repression and aggression and have entered the open sea of international cooperation. We fully understand that even these seas can be rough and fraught with dangers, yet we take hope and comfort from the knowledge that we are joined on this journey by a world community committed to security, stability and economic prosperity. The Republic of Latvia stands ready to work with its friends and neighbours in meeting the challenges that lie ahead.


It is with great pleasure, that on behalf of the Government and the people of the Republic of Sierra Leone, I congratulate Mr. Samir Shihabi on his election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. This is deserved testimony to, and appreciation of, his proven qualities and skills as a seasoned diplomat and a worthy son of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, a country with which we have always maintained cordial and friendly relations. Let me assure him of my delegation's fullest cooperation as the Assembly, under his leadership, forges ahead in the search for solutions to the problems confronting us. I should also like to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Guido De Marco, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Malta, under whose efficient direction the forty-fifth session made much progress.
The principle of universality, for long the aim of the Charter, gained added significance with the recent admission of seven States, including Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands, into our midst. For them, membership must be the fulfilment of an aspiration to the attainment of self-determination. Similarly, we extend a hand of welcome and cooperation to the Baltic Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, whose independence and territorial integrity have been restored. These States have once again become vibrant actors on the international stage. We equally welcome the admission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea, an outcome that my Government had consistently supported over the past few years. It is our belief and hope that their presence in this international forum will be used to further their shared goal of eventual reunification. We congratulate all the new Members and note that by their membership the social and cultural diversity of the Organization is further enriched.
We meet at this forty-sixth session on the crest of a tidal wave of significant developments, whose ramifications are yet to be fully understood. Poised as we are on what promises to be a new era, we must admit that these are exciting, yet challenging, times: exciting, because they offer an opportunity for a change in direction, or even new beginnings, in the conduct of international relations; challenging, because of the possible consequences of a wrong choice.
It has been said in this very Hall that we cannot allow the emerging world order to evolve by itself. We must fashion it, nurture it and imbue it with those qualities or characteristics that will best serve us in the coming years. The nascent world order must therefore be seen as an offspring of our collective volition and effort. Consequently, the overriding premise should be that the prerequisites of such a new world order must be clearly understood and the rights, duties and obligations of States within the context of its application must be clearly spell out. What we must fashion is not a tenuous arrangement of uneven quality, but a compact of free nations, whose conduct will truly be sanctioned by the Charter and held accountable to the peoples of the world.
Invariably, the outcome of our efforts will depend largely on whether we are determined to make an auspicious start, whether we are resolved to shed those attitudes which have hitherto frustrated conflict resolution, inhibited peace-making or stifled economic development. We must be convinced of the efficacy of a progressively liberal and democratic approach whose underpinnings should be political flexibility, social compromise and clear economic vision.
The situation in South Africa has been one of our agenda items for many years now. As a result of sustained internal and international pressure, the present South African Administration has enacted legislation to remove certain obnoxious laws from the statute books. However, apartheid is still firmly rooted in that country, and therefore it will be an error of judgement on our part if we fail to maintain pressure on the South African Government.
President De Klerk's constitutional proposals are designed above all to ensure that the majority of the people will never be able to exercise effective political power. Clearly, one cannot take seriously a system that makes it mandatory for a coalition Government to be formed irrespective of the outcome of elections. These proposals cannot form the basis for negotiations. At the same time, evidence has come to light confirming the suspicion of many that the Pretoria regime continues to coordinate the destructive wave of violence engulfing South Africa, particularly the African townships. The international community must continue to be vigilant and sustain pressure on the South African regime until the majority of the people of that country are able to determine how and by whom they should be governed. The retention of constitutional safeguards is one thing, but the perpetration of racism cannot be tolerated.
We are elated at the ongoing peace process in Angola and the cessation of hostilities between the warring parties, and we look forward to the emergence of a united Angolan people. We call upon the people of Mozambique to end the bloody conflict that has wrought so much suffering on the poor and innocent, particularly the women and children. We laud the efforts of all countries, particularly those of the subregion, in their bid to find a solution to the crisis in that country.
With reference to the problems in Western Sahara, we see in the United Nations Mission a final step on the road to resolving the conflict in that territory.
Over the years, my delegation has paid tribute to the courage, patience and fortitude of the Cambodian people in their adversity. Today we witness the result of those qualities in the establishment of a Supreme National Council under the leadership of His Royal Highness Prince Norodom Sihanouk, which crystallizes the consensus of the Cambodian people to come to terms with the future direction of their society in order to resume their place on the international scene.
We are convinced that the healing process, after years of conflict, has begun, and with it will come the realization that the lessons of the past will forge the Cambodian people's determination as they march towards their destiny.
My delegation welcomes the convening of an international conference on the Middle East which will address the Palestinian question and the wider Arab-Israeli conflict. It has always been the view of this delegation that the Palestinians are entitled to a homeland within secure borders, where they can exercise their inalienable rights as a people. Therefore it should be the objective of all participants at that conference to achieve a comprehensive peace settlement that will ensure that all the countries of that region live in peace with one another within secure borders.
Many people now agree that the African crisis is basically political in nature, with serious economic and social consequences. It is against that background that my President, Major-General Dr. Joseph Saidu Momoh, in August last year set the scene for greater participation in politics by the people of Sierra Leone as well as a greater democratisation of the political process. After 13 years of one-party rule, a multi-party constitution is now in place, and at the next election, scheduled to take place within a year, the people of Sierra Leone will have the opportunity of choosing those whom they would want to govern them. However, for multi-party democracy to function effectively, Governments in our situation must be assisted to eradicate hunger, poverty and illiteracy, as the continued existence of deprivation of the majority of our peoples is likely to impact negatively on the democratic process.
While Sierra Leoneans rejoice at the smooth and peaceful transition from a single-party to a multi-party constitution, our country continues to be invaded by rampaging bandits of Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front of Liberia. This aggression has resulted in the loss of lives of thousands of our people and the displacement of many more, thereby compounding the serious refugee problem we already have.
We believe in the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all nations, irrespective of their size and wealth. Our participation in the United Nations coalition against Iraq following the latter's invasion of Kuwait last year is an eloquent demonstration of our belief in the preservation of the territorial integrity of States. Sierra Leone is, therefore determined to repel the invasion of the eastern and southern parts of its territory by the marauding bandits of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia and appeals to the international community for support to alleviate the suffering of both our displaced citizens and the refugees from Liberia. We should also like to place on record our appreciation of the tremendous assistance rendered to us by the Governments of the Republic of Guinea, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the United States of America, the People's Republic of China, the United Kingdom and other friendly countries.
In a new world economic order where we see progress, achievement, growth and self-sufficiency in other parts of the world, we in Africa, particularly in the sub-Saharan region, continue to be marginalized, with our ailing economies deteriorating by geometrical progression. We continue to flounder in external debts, and there appears to be a calculated intention to keep us submerged. Programmes intended to salvage our economies and serve as a panacea for our economic woes meet with little or no support from the international community. Therefore they fail, and they fail dismally at that. A case in point is the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, which at its launching had every indication of being a viable and potentially successful economic recovery programme. Today, four years after its inception, many African countries are mired in more economic difficulties than ever before.
Our Heads of State, at their meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, last June, signed a Treaty establishing an African economic community with the objective of creating opportunities for economic development through coopers on. He shall fall again in this venture if the requisite international economic atmosphere is not created. There is therefore an urgent need for a volte-face by the developed nations in their attitude towards some or all of the causes of our economic problems as we see them: low commodity prices, a heavy external-debt burden, limited transfer of resources and technology, and emerging protectionist trade blocs. He call upon the developed countries to integrate the economies of our countries into the multilateral trade system, thus creating an opportunity for our impaired economies to establish productive trade links with more buoyant ones.
To this end, we need, among other things, a re-examination of the increasingly difficult international economic environment prevailing at the moment. It is my delegation's view that if an improvement in the world's economy is to be assured the international community must recognize the need for concerted action. Many countries in Africa have embarked on the process of stabilizing their economies and introducing structural adjustment programmes. This process is no doubt a painful one for the majority of our people, who have to contend with reduced social services. It is therefore essential that the question of the debt burden and other related issues affecting the developing countries be seriously examined.
It is widely accepted that, for Africa, the last decade was a lost decade. Now that there is an improved climate of political cooperation, we need to pursue very actively and constructively the North-South dialogue on burning economic issues. Even if the entire world were at peace, we could not afford to look on helplessly an, every day, a large part of the population of our planet goes to sleep hungry.
The International community is currently engaged in a debate about protection of the environment. This comes after years of indifference to the ravages that man has wrought on his surroundings.
Admittedly, across the entire spectrum, rather intense views are being voiced about the extent of certain aspects of environmental degradation - what activities are the most destructive; the impact of a comprehensive environmental regime on development, particularly in the developing countries; and how a radical environment-oriented development system should be underwritten. These are all pertinent aspects of an issue that should be addressed seriously. While we may differ in respect of certain areas, there is one point that we cannot argue against - that the environment is not only our common heritage but also a legacy that we shall bequeath to our children. That being the case, we have an insuperable obligation to engage in activities that win contribute both to our well-being and, indeed, to our survival. It is against this background that the Sierra Leone delegation regards the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, as being crucial to our interests.
The Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization, observes that for the entire human race the stakes in the forthcoming conference are high. We agree with this view, and we expect the consensus emerging from those negotiations to encompass clearly designed long-term strategies that will enable developing countries like ours to obtain the technological and material capability to deal with the deleterious effects of poverty and to embark on environmentally sound and sustainable development practices. It is our hope that this conference will not lead to a further marginalization of the developing countries and, above all, that it will address seriously those aspects of this issue that are of particular concern to us.
Before ending my statement I should like to commend the Secretary General and his staff for their untiring efforts to help us to achieve the alms and objectives of our Organisation. Mr. Peirez de Cuellar has rendered outstanding service to the United Nations for 20 years - during the last 10, as Secretary-General. During these years significant events have affected the Organization in a fundamental way. The retreat from multilateralism has subsided somewhat, and the Organization has preoccupied the centre stage in international relations. My delegation extends sincere best wishes to Mr. Perez de Cuellar as he leaves us. His selfless service will go down in the annals of our Organization.
In conclusion, I should like to recall these words of the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization to the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session:
"With its return from the doldrums, and with its role no longer peripheral, the United Nations has come nearer to the vision of its Charter." (A/46/1, p. 22)
Sierra Leone shares these sentiments and commits itself to working closely with others to achieve the objectives of the Charter.


May I begin. Sir, by offering you the warmest congratulations of the delegation of the Union of Myanmar on your most deserving election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Allow me also to express our admiration for the able manner in which you have been leading the deliberations of this body since the beginning of the session, and our full confidence that under your wise and dynamic leadership every success will attend the work of the session.
In addition, I wish to pay tribute to Mr. Guido de Marco, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Malta, for his commendable and invaluable contribution to the success of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
Our high tribute and deep appreciation go to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, too, for his tireless efforts, his dedication to the ideals and aims of the United Nations, his courageous and far-sighted peace initiatives and, above all, his vital contribution in restoring the credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations at this critical juncture in the history of the Organization.
Universality of membership is a cherished goal of our Organization - an objective which Myanmar has always supported. We are therefore pleased to see seven new Members in our midst.
Two among the new members, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, have been with us for many years as Observer States. We are pleased to see them assume their rightful place as full Members. The Republic of Korea is a country with which Myanmar has established a long and fruitful relationship of friendship, understanding and cooperation, and I am therefore most delighted to welcome it to our midst. We are confident that, given the evolving international climate, the simultaneous admission of the two Korean States will promote rather than hinder their eventual peaceful reunification.
We are also pleased to see in our ranks two other fellow-Asian States, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands. Their decision to join our Organization signifies their resolve to take full charge of their own destiny as independent sovereign States.
The assumption of their rightful place among us by the three Baltic States - the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania - carries a special significance because it represents the righting of a historical wrong perpetrated in violation of international law. Equally significant is the manner in which this was accomplished. If I may borrow from the statement made by the President of the Security Council on 12 September 1991 on behalf of the members of the Council, the independence of these three States: "... was restored peacefully, by means of dialogue, with the consent of the parties concerned, and in accordance with the wishes and aspirations of the three peoples". (S/PV.3007. p. 4-5)
The threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State is totally outlawed by the Charter. So is the threat or use of force in any other manner, save in conformity with the provisions of Article 51 and Chapter VII. Acts of aggression, or other breaches of the peace, whenever, wherever or by whomsoever committed, must be decisively suppressed. It is therefore a matter for satisfaction that the Security Council, freed at last from its decades-long paralysis, took resolute action to terminate Iraq's aggression against Kuwait, and thereby succeeded in upholding intact one of the principal aims of the Charter. The entire world
rejoiced at the liberation of Kuwait from Iraqi occupation and the restoration of the status quo ante in that country.
While the legitimacy of the objective of Security Council decisions in the matter is unquestionable, certain aspects of those decisions and the manner in which they were interpreted and implemented not only during the war but also in its aftermath have confronted the international community with many troubling questions. The Secretary-General has laid these questions plainly before the Member States in chapter IV of his annual report. The Council's decision authorizing the use of force on a national and coalition basis, which clearly does not conform with the mechanism and procedures for enforcement action envisaged in Chapter VII; the apparent lack of proportionality in the employment of armed force; the want of full compliance with the rules of humanitarian law applicable in armed conflicts; the over-extension of the application of Chapter VII measures; the continued enforcement of some of these measures long after the end of hostilities which has caused grievous suffering to innocent civilian populations - these are among the questions which must be urgently addressed not only by the Security Council but also by the General Assembly in exercise of its authority under Article 11 of the Charter.
The peculiar phenomenon of the cold war which took hold in the wake of the universal rejoicing and euphoria occasioned by the end of the Second World War has now been declared over. Thus, an unhappy chapter in human history, which was also the most perilous, has come to a close. Mankind, which for over forty-five agonizing years has been living under the sinister shadow of the atom bomb, has been liberated from the ever-present and pervasive threat of total and instant annihilation. The nations of the world have now within their grasp a God-sent opportunity to fashion a new international order in the image of the Charter - a new order of peace, freedom, justice and cooperation, where the rule of law, not the rule of might, prevails; an order where both men and nations are freed from the crushing scourges of want, hunger, disease and ignorance that have afflicted mankind through the ages. The end of an old era does not necessarily mean the dawn of a new and better one, and the transition from the one to the other can be neither smooth nor painless. It can be accomplished only through the conscious and dynamic pursuit of enlightened, responsible and statesman-like policies by all nations, particularly by those that have the power to influence and shape events - for good or for bad, for better or for worse. In today's changing and turbulent world it is doubly incumbent on such countries to exercise their great power with prudence and in strict conformity with international law. Power entails responsibility, and the greater the power the higher is the responsibility to act, and to be seen to act, with justice and within the law. Power divorced from responsibility and exercised outside the law - be it at the global or at the regional level - will inevitably lead to an international regime of diktat and anarchy.
The Charter of the United Nations lays down the legal norms of responsible international behaviour and provides the institutional framework for just the kind of international order that not only nations but countless millions of common men and women in all corners of the globe have so long yearned for and so long been denied. Nothing that has happened since the watershed year of 1985, when events that will surely go down in history as marking the beginning of the end of the cold war first manifested themselves, requires a modification of the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter. Indeed, if anything has become plain from the rapid evolution of international affairs it is that the paramount law of the Charter must be upheld as inviolate and must be scrupulously respected in every sphere of intercourse between nations if today's promise is not to become tomorrow's bad dream. As the Secretary-General reminds us in the opening section of his annual report of 1991,. "... the concern that t>»e principles of its Charter should govern the emerging international order continues and is accentuated by all current developments". (A/46/1, p.2)
Among the developments that are causing serious concern and anxiety, particularly among the small and the weak, are moralistic stances that, in truth, conceal attempts to modify the time-honoured concept of sovereignty and to erode certain cardinal principles of the Charter, such as the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, the principle of respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of States, and the principle of the sovereign equality of States.
One sphere where such attempts are becoming increasingly manifest is that of the promotion of human rights. We in Myanmar accept the rule that once legal norms pertaining to human rights are universally recognized as general principles of international law they become binding on all States. Indeed, we are adhering to such norms in good faith. To the fullest extent permitted by our own national circumstances - not least among which is the continued existence of armed insurrection in remote parts of the country and the destructive activities of underground elements in urban and rural areas - we are doing our utmost to promote and protect fundamental human rights in conformity with the purposes and principles of the Charter and the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Myanmar Government's policy of cooperating with the United Nations Commission on Human Rights is well known to members of that Commission. Not only have we been providing comprehensive and factual replies to inquiries and communications of the Commission, received through the United Nations Centre for Human Rights, but we have welcomed the visit to our country of an independent expert appointed by the Commission. We intend to continue such cooperation on the basis of the principles underlying the United Nations human-rights mechanism - namely, objectivity, fair-play, good faith and good will.
However, a clear line must be drawn between, on one hand, the internationally binding character of the norms I have mentioned and, on the other hand, the modality of their implementation by Member States in their own countries. The modality of implementation is the primary responsibility of Member States, to be formulated by each according to its own best judgement, in keeping with its own local conditions. In this respect, the United Nations and its subsidiary bodies can best play a supportive role. Here the wise words of caution expressed by the Secretary-General in his latest annual report must be well heeded. Speaking of human-rights violations carried out in a systematic fashion and on a scale massive in terms of both time and place, the Secretary-General says:
"It seems to be beyond question that violations of human rights imperil peace, while disregard of the sovereignty of States would spell chaos. The maximum caution needs to be exercised lest the defence of human rights becomes a platform for encroaching on the essential domestic jurisdiction of States and eroding their sovereignty. Nothing would be a surer prescription for anarchy than an abuse of this principle." (A/46/1, p. 10)
As a South-East Asian nation, Myanmar is highly gratified that fighting has ceased in neighbouring Cambodia and that an end to the pain and suffering endured by the Cambodian people over the past 12 years is now in sight. The successful formation of the Supreme National Council, with His Royal Highness Samdech Norodom Sihanouk as its President, and the subsequent Pattaya and New York agreements reached between the Cambodian parties represent significant progress towards implementation of the framework for a comprehensive political settlement in Cambodia, endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 668 (1990) of 20 September 1990.
We fervently hope that all parties concerned will pursue the process with renewed vigour, so that a comprehensive peace agreement may be finalized and concluded without delay.
The situation in the Middle East remains highly volatile. The Gulf War served as a frightening reminder of the potential for a wider, more devastating conflict in the region. My delegation continues to hold that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region can be achieved only by faithful application of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) in their entirety. This requires, above all, recognition of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, including their inalienable right to self-determination and to the establishment of their own independent and sovereign State, side by side with recognition of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States in the region, including Israel. My delegation further believes that an international peace conference on the Middle East, held under United Nations auspices and with the participation, on an equal footing throughout all its phases, of all parties concerned, remains the best means of achieving the kind of peace I have mentioned. We earnestly hope that the diplomatic initiatives that were intensified in the aftermath of the Gulf War will lead to agreement on the early convening of such a conference.
We have followed with great concern developments in South Africa, where the black majority continues to make tremendous sacrifices in order to free itself from the scourge of apartheid. While steps such as the repeal of the Group Areas Act and the Lands Act, the repeal of the Population Registration Act and the promise of President De Klerk to remove the remaining pillars of apartheid are positive, it is disappointing that, almost two years after the adoption of the United Nations consensus Declaration on apartheid, the political process towards the elimination of the abhorrent system is still at a very early stage. We are happy to note that, as a result of the courage and political vision of the black leadership, the parties concerned reached agreement on 14 September 1991 to put an end to the communal violence that has engulfed South Africa for so long.
There is today a historic opportunity for the establishment of a democratic society in South Africa, united and free from apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination. We must not let the opportunity slip away. It is imperative that the international community, while applauding the constructive developments there, continue to maintain the necessary pressure until the evil system is totally eradicated.
The new climate of growing confidence and cooperation between the two super-Powers presents us with an opportunity to intensify efforts that would result in meaningful agreements in all fields of disarmament, particularly in the field of nuclear, chemical and other weapons of mass destruction.
In the nuclear field, the package of measures announced by President Bush last Friday has given a further boost to the momentum generated by the 1987 Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles (INF Treaty) and the 1991 START agreement. What is perhaps more significant than the numbers and types of weapons involved is what seems to be a clean break with the philosophical approach to arms control and disarmament which the United States pursued during the cold-war era. A positive Soviet response, both in kind and in spirit, to the unilateral United States initiative could, in our view, set in train a self-generating process that would eventually lead to the elimination of all types of nuclear weapons in the armouries of all nuclear-weapon States.
As we enter the decade of the 1990s, little has changed in the economic circumstances of the developing countries. In the midst of plenty, the vast majority of developing countries still find themselves in a state of abject poverty. While world trade has shown healthy growth, the same cannot be said of the foreign trade of developing countries, and while foreign direct investment quadrupled in the last decade, very little of it flowed to the developing countries. The absolute level of official financial flows to the developing countries remains stagnant in real terms.
The international trading system continues to be threatened by growing protectionism and increased tendencies towards managed trade, and frequent recourse to unilateral measures which contravene the basic principles of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The developing countries are faced with protectionist measures in developed market economies affecting the very sectors where developing countries have a distinct comparative advantage in international competitiveness.
The debt crisis, far from being over, has increased in magnitude and intensity. Although a few middle-income debtor countries have achieved a measure of progress, the most heavily indebted countries continue to face enormous difficulties. The total amount of external debt of capital-importing countries has now reached the staggering sum of $1.4 trillion.
Resolving the debt crisis is central to the reactivation of growth and development in the developing countries. The solution to the problem of external indebtedness must of necessity include debt and debt-servicing reduction as a central element. While recent initiatives do provide limited scope for debt relief, a durable solution to the problem will require bolder approaches.
That over a billion people now live in absolute poverty is not only immoral: it also poses a real threat to international security and stability. Creation of an international economic environment conducive to growth and development of the developing countries is therefore an imperative for the world community. Unless and until this is achieved, the chasm that divides the North from the South will grow even wider.
In less than a year the nations of the world will gather in Brazil for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. The outcome of the summit Conference, the first of its kind ever to be formally mandated by the General Assembly, will have a most significant bearing on the future of mankind. The actual and potential threats posed by environmental degradation and deterioration are such that unless timely action is taken at the global, regional and national levels the very survival of the human race is at stake.
What is required is a willingness on the part of all nations, developed and developing, to work together in cooperation and in concert so that the threat to the environment can be overcome. The wide spectrum of issues that need to be addressed include the unsustainable pattern of production and consumption, new and additional sources of funding for the developing countries to enable them to cope with environmental problems, and development of and agreement on technological transfers.
The environment occupies a place of pride in our national priorities. Allow me, therefore, to apprise the Assembly of the endeavours of my country in the field of environmental protection. Myanmar has great biodiversity, in flora as well as fauna. We regard them as a national heritage to be protected and conserved for future generations. Accordingly, environmental considerations have consistently been taken into account in our socio-economic planning and implementation.
Myanmar's abundant forests, a resource of considerable economic value, have been managed on a rational and sustainable basis. To accomplish this the Government has been implementing a series of five-year forest plans. Central to this is the time-tested method of environmentally sound timber extraction commonly known as the Myanmar selection system. This is complemented by a significant reforestation programme, carried out by the Forest Department as well as by the public at large. The sixth five-year plan, for the period 1992 to 1996, envisages a five-fold increase in the area of natural forest reserves.
The setting up of the National Commission for Environmental Affairs in February 1990 has also enabled Myanmar to enhance its environmental endeavours both nationally and internationally. The National Commission, which has jurisdiction over all environmental .natters, coordinates the environmental efforts of various ministries and departments. It also acts as a national focal point for environmental matters vis-à-vis other countries and international organizations.
The union of Myanmar is stepping up its campaign against drug abuse - which has become the foremost social problem in the world today - at the national, bilateral and international levels.
At the national level, the Myanmar authorities, during 1991, in continuation of their narcotic-drugs-supply-reduction activities, conducted a public destruction of narcotic drugs in Yangon on 1 July. Earlier in the year, at a series of special occasions attended by diplomats and military attaches accredited to Myanmar, representatives of various United Nations agencies and of the United States Drug Enforcement Administration, and the international media, 1,500 acres of poppy fields together with four drug refineries and large quantities of narcotic drugs and drug-producing paraphernalia were destroyed on site. The total value of drug refineries, paraphernalia, narcotic drugs and poppy fields destroyed in public from 1990 to date is approximately $4.33 billion. Drug-supply-reduction activities being carried out in my country also include destruction of poppy fields: between 1975 and 1991 over 200,000 acres of poppy fields, with a potential annual yield of 940 tonnes of opium, were destroyed.
The magnitude of Myanmar's contribution to the international campaign against narcotic drugs cannot be measured in monetary terms alone. In terms of lives saved and of human misery and social problems averted in drug-affected foreign countries, the magnitude of our contribution is immeasurably higher and cannot, indeed, be quantified.
A novel approach that we have adopted as an integral part of the comprehensive campaign against drug abuse has been to win the hearts and minds of the local populace in the poppy-growing areas and to secure their willing and wholehearted cooperation in achieving the total eradication of poppy cultivation. Significant results have already been achieved in this respect also. The programme for the development of border areas and national races therein that is now being implemented is fully supportive of our national anti-drug campaign efforts, and we believe that the programme will contribute effectively to the total and early eradication of poppy cultivation.
At the bilateral level, our active cooperation with neighbouring countries in drug-abuse control is making significant headway. Following two rounds of discussion in which representatives of the United Nations International Drug Control Programme participated, an agreement for Myanmar-Thailand cooperation on a wide range of anti-narcotics activities was signed by representatives of the two Governments in March this year. Later, in May, a similar agreement was entered into with China on the conclusion of high-level discussions held in Beijing in which the representatives of the Myanmar and Chinese Governments and the Executive Director of the United Nations Drug Control Programme took part. In September talks were initiated in Yangon between Myanmar and Laotian representatives on matters relating to bilateral cooperation in drug-abuse control. These will b« continued in Vientiane in the near future. As these bilateral arrangements for cooperation progress and become increasingly concretised, we hope to raise them to the subregional level involving all four countries and covering the crucial Golden Triangle area as well as all areas contiguous to it.
At the international level, Myanmar's accession to the 1988 United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances marks an important milestone in the history of our endeavours to combat the menace of illicit drugs, and our participation in the international campaign against this horrible scourge.
With all these concrete measures and tangible results behind us and with definite future plans effectively to eradicate the drug menace, we in Myanmar are confident that we shall in the near future win a resounding and decisive victory in our war on illicit drugs. In so doing, we hope that Myanmar will be able to make a significant contribution to the success of the world-wide efforts to combat the scourge of illicit drugs, rendering an invaluable service to mankind.
Just as the world stands at the crossroads of change and transformation, we in Myanmar find ourselves on the threshold of a new era. At this important juncture, the Government of Myanmar is undertaking a wide range of endeavours to usher in a process leading to peace and prosperity and the fulfilment of the aspirations of the people to a democratic State. In the past year, significant progress has been made in restoring law and order throughout the country and in laying the foundations for a democratic State. That all schools, colleges, universities and other institutions of higher learning have now been reopened attests to the return to normality in the entire country. Complete freedom of religion continues to be promoted in the country. With the active support of the Government, religious groups of diverse faiths are flourishing as never before, which gives the lie to the fallacious allegations being spread by certain quarters with ulterior motives. An unprecedented event, which contributes to consolidating stability in the country, has been the return to the legal fold of eight insurgent groups. Having renounced the path of violence, they have now joined hands with the Government and the people to transform their respective areas into thriving and prosperous communities. For the first time in decades, guns have fallen silent and peace and tranquillity now prevail in remote areas of the country where terror and lawlessness previously reigned.
Questions have been raised in some quarters about the perceived delay in the transfer of power. Some have even gone so far as to assert that the Myanmar Government has shown no sign of respecting the wishes of the people. Without prejudice to the firmly held position of my Government that the
political process now under way in the country is a matter falling essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of my country - a principle clearly enshrined in the Charter - I should like to apprise the Assembly of the facts.
Two months after the successful holding of multi-party elections in May 1990, which were recognized by all as the most free and fair elections in the history of Myanmar, the State Law and Order Restoration Council on 27 July 1990 issued Declaration 1/90 setting forth a post-election programme. All political parties have agreed to abide by the programme.
The Election Commission, which is an independent body, issued two progress reports this year in which it indicated that it was continuing with its task of concluding a final report in accordance with the Election Law and the election rules and that the scrutiny of the financial returns of the candidates could not proceed at a more rapid rate owing to the failure of candidates to maintain accounts systematically. In accordance with the election law, a number of candidates have contested the results, and tribunals have been set up to investigate the objections. This due process of law must be allowed to complete its course.
Once the Election Commission has submitted its final report, the State Law and Order Restoration Council will meet with the elected representatives to discuss the holding of a national convention. The convention will be entrusted with the task of working out a broad national consensus, which will form the basis for framing a new constitution. In addition to the elected representatives, leaders of political parties, leaders and representatives of all national races and respected veteran politicians will participate in the convention.
On the basis of the national consensus arrived at the convention, the elected representatives will draw up a new constitution. The State Law and Order Restoration Council, in the best traditions of the Myanmar Defence Services, will make suggestions and render all necessary assistance for the successful drafting and adoption of an enduring constitution. The State Law and Order Restoration Council is above party politics. It is not a political organization nor does it have any intention of forming one. It will continue to shoulder its responsibility to lead the nation until the time a strong government can be formed on the basis of the new constitution.
Undoubtedly, a strong and enduring constitution is a prerequisite for a strong and stable government, the more so in Myanmar because of its historical experiences. The first Constitution, drawn up in 1947 while Myanmar was still under British colonial rule, had flaws and shortcomings. In the early 1960s, a few politicians with secessionist ambitions attempted to take advantage of them. As a result the country was brought to the brink of disintegration in 1962 and the Defence Services were compelled to step in to save it.
The second Constitution was promulgated in 1974, during the time of the one-party socialist system. The entire people took part in the thorough and systematic process, which lasted over two years. The final text was adopted in a nation-wide referendum on 3 January 1974 by an overwhelming vote of 90.19 per cent. Notwithstanding this, the Constitution was short-lived and was rendered inoperative in 1988, when, in response to the aspirations of the people, the State Law and Order Restoration Council abolished the single-party system and introduced a multi-party democratic system.
In the light of these experiences, it goes without saying that the new constitution now being contemplated should be a living instrument reflecting the hopes and aspirations of this generation as well as generations to come. At this critical stage in the life of my country, the constitutional process is an undertaking to be pursued in a peaceful, systematic and orderly manner. It is a task that can be best accomplished by the people of Myanmar itself at a pace and in a manner best suited to the conditions of the country.
In conclusion I should like to state categorically that, once the political process I have outlined is completed, the State Law and Order Restoration Council will transfer the reins of the State to a strong and stable government formed in accordance with the new constitution.


The forty-sixth session of the General Assembly has opened at a very special time in the history of the United Nations and of the human race. Forty-six years after this Organization was established an astonishing speeding-up of history is under way. The arms race seems to be ending at last and the cold war is over. Everywhere in Central and Eastern Europe, political liberalization in just a few months has changed the frozen relationships which were undeniable realities over the last 45 years. Africa and Eastern Europe are opening up to freedom and democracy. The pillars of apartheid are now crumbling and Africa is resolved more than ever before to take its place in the international arena.
In other words, Sir, you assume the presidency of the General Assembly under very special circumstances which bring many hopes with them. The delegation of Togo, through me, would like to congratulate you sincerely on your election to the presidency of this forty-sixth session. This wise choice, besides being a tribute to your country for its devotion to peace and justice, is a recognition of your experience in international affairs and of your intellectual and human qualities. I assure you that all the members of my delegation will cooperate with you fully and work with you to ensure the success of your mission.
My delegation would like to say to your predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Guido de Marco, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Malta, how pleased we were at the effective and able manner in which he presided over the work of the forty-fifth session. He would like to commend him most sincerely once again.
We also wish to pay a well deserved tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his efforts on behalf of peace and security and for all that he has dons to make the United Stations a stronger and more credible Organisation because it is able to defend the rights, the independence and the sovereignty of its Members.
We also welcome - and draw attention to the importance of the growing universality of our Organisation - the presence of the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Baltic Republics of Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia in the Assembly. Their presence represents an outstanding example of our universality. We are indeed glad to see our family circle growing.
Without question the world is entering a new era. The improvement in the international situation following the disappearance of East-West antagonisms appears to have strengthened the resolve of the international community to promote dialogue and compromise in order to achieve lasting peace and reinforced its commitment in favour of human rights. The end of the cold war should enable us to respond better to the aspirations of the peoples for freedom and democracy, to speed up the process of general and complete disarmament and to seek definitive solutions to regional conflicts which persist and to the major economic and social problems of the world.
The aspirations for freedom and democracy which have supported the upheavals in the Eastern European countries over the last two years have now become widely shared in the world and are the foundation for the better management of national affairs.
The recent spurts of political, economic and social renewal in many African countries nave offered us tangible proof of the political maturity of our peoples and have clearly disproved the argument that democracy is the preserve of the developed countries and only a luxury for the developing countries. Of course, the transfer from an autocracy that has lasted for many years to democratic management of the State cannot be carried out without difficulty. But the Togolese people, anxious to promote a state of law and using its own resources through their National Sovereign Conference, have now committed themselves to an overall process of democratisation which calls for one and all to be involved in order to ensure the primacy of freedom and justice in the management of our affairs.
There is an old saying that "the voice of the people is the voice of Gad". Time moves on inexorably and the march of our peoples towards democracy is irreversible and their commitment to that path is total. The people of Togo thirst for true democracy and any political option must necessarily take account of the social realities and the deep-seated aspirations of our people if it is to succeed.
The people of Togo recognise the virtues of democracy but they believe that there can be no true democracy unless there is dialogue between the peoples and the leaders, between the base and the summit. They also believe that there can be no prosperity without liberalisation of the creative forces of the nation and that there cannot be true democracy unless there is social and economic development based on solidarity that helps everyone.
All of the important resolutions that emerge from our National Conference, however lofty they may be, will be doomed to failure unless the Government has the resources with which to implement them. That is why the people of Togo, through its Government of transition, calls for the support of brotherly and friendly countries and of the international community, as well as of countries devoted to peace, justice and fairness. He would urge all of these to follow a policy of cooperation, assistance and solidarity with respect to Togo, in order to help us to establish our youthful democracy on a solid basis of freedom and peace.
The aspirations of peoples for freedom and democracy cannot be realised unless the world is free from the threat of the build up of weapons of mass destruction and regional conflicts which pose a threat to international peace and security. That is why I am happy to recall that the United Nations Charter has established as its goal the maintenance of international peace and security, the development of international relations and the implementation of cooperation among States. Thus, the sessions of the General Assembly offer us every year an opportunity to see to what extent our conduct is in harmony with the ideals to which we subscribe.
Indeed, the world is undeniably on the threshold of a new era. The improved international situation, following the world's geopolitical transformation, seems to have strengthened the international community's resolve to consolidate and reinforce its achievements towards lasting peace and the promotion of human rights. This strengthening also requires a search for definitive solutions to conflicts that seem to be dragging on forever and which could jeopardise the progress achieved. The efforts to settle some of these conflicts - in Cambodia, Western Sahara, Mozambique and Angola - are grounds for hope.
On the question of Western Sahara, the Government of Togo hopes that a swift, equitable and definitive solution can be found in conformity with the relevant resolutions of the Organisation of African Unity and the recommendations of the United Nations. My country, which fully supports respect for the right of peoples to self-determination, quite rightly welcomes the commendable United Nations efforts that led to the recent establishment of a cease-fire in the Western Sahara. We hope that this cease-fire will be fully respected by all parties to the conflict. We invite them to do everything possible to facilitate the organization of the long-awaited referendum under the auspices of the United Nations, without delay and in conditions acceptable to all. Togo is proud that it has been chosen to send peace-keeping troops to help organize the referendum on the question of self-determination.
The Government of Togo also welcomes the solutions found to the crises that have brought such sorrow to Angola and Mozambique since they achieved independence. We hope that the parties to these disputes will respect the agreements that have been signed and seize this historic opportunity to set out on the path towards national reconciliation.
On the question of Liberia, the Government of Togo would hope that concord, harmony and national reconciliation can finally be restored in that brotherly country. Despite some progress, much remains to be done to strengthen peace. But we remain optimistic. The movement towards a final settlement of this fratricidal conflict has been strengthened following the meetings in Lome, Bamako and Yamoussokro. Our country will pursue its work along those lines, hoping to see the parties arrive at solutions that will guarantee to the people of Liberia peace, reconciliation and national reconstruction following free and democratic elections.
Togo welcomes the recent positive developments in the dispute between Mauritania and Senegal. As in the past, my country is willing to continue efforts, together with the States of our subregion, towards a lasting and equitable solution to this distressing dispute between two brotherly countries.
On the question of South Africa, everything seems to suggest that we are at the dawn of a new era of hope, but apartheid is still alive. Of course, some positive initiatives have been taken by the South African authorities, such as the repeal of the Land Acts and the laws on separate housing. Nevertheless, there remain many obstacles on the path to salvation that the Pretoria authorities must overcome at any cost if there is to be a democratic system and the establishment of a state of law in South Africa before the sanctions are removed in their entirety.
The Middle East remains the most insecure part of the world despite the end of the Gulf war. That is why my Government is following with interest the negotiations now under way with a view to convening a conference bringing together all parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization. We
appreciate the efforts made, inter alia, by the United States of America, to ensure lasting peace in that part of the world.
On the Arab/Persian Gulf, my Governments invites Iraq and Kuwait to abide by the relevant Security Council resolutions, to respect all parts of those resolutions, and to create favourable conditions for the normalisation of intergovernmental relations in the region.
As to Lebanon, for many years the theatre of political and inter-communal strife, we are glad to see civil peace and national harmony restored in that country, which has suffered so much from so many years of war. We deeply hope that that State will finally be liberated of all foreign occupation.
The Cambodian question continues to hold our attention. Togo, a peace- and freedom-loving country, welcomed the convening, from 24 to 26 June 1991 in Pattaya, of a meeting that led to the unanimous election of His Royal Highness Prince Samdech Horodom Sihanouk as Chairman of the Supreme National Council. That election, inspired by a spirit of national compromise and reconciliation, certainly provides a stimulus to the peace and reunification process under way. Recent agreements between the parties to that conflict, as well as the United Nations peace proposals, should, we hope, restore peace to that friendly country.
On the question of Afghanistan, it is indeed deplorable that, following the departure of foreign troops from the country, the situation has not yet improved in any tangible way. He invite the various parties, in all freedom and without outside interference, to commit themselves to talks aimed at a peaceful, negotiated solution to the problem of Afghanistan with a view to safeguarding national sovereignty and territorial integrity.
In Central America, Togo supports and commends the many efforts of the
United Nations towards the restoration and strengthening of peace. We urge the Secretary-General to pursue his efforts and to take any action necessary for a definitive solution to the crises in El Salvador and Guatemala.
As to Europe, and more particularly Yugoslavia, a non-aligned State, my country regrets the intransigence of the parties to that conflict, which threatens to become an international one if common sense does not win out over narrow egoism and nationalism. We do appreciate all of the efforts made by the international community and by the Europe of the Twelve with a view to putting an end to the atrocities. These are internal affairs, it will be claimed, but faced with the scope of the crisis we would invite the hostile brothers of Yugoslavia to lay down their arms immediately and unconditionally with a view to a negotiated political solution.
The Togolese delegation welcomes the continuation and indeed strengthening of the disarmament movement, which has been consolidated and enriched in the last five years by the signing of many agreements on arms reduction - for example, the agreement on the reduction of conventional forces in Europe in 1990 and, more recently, in July 1991, the signing in Moscow of the START agreement on the limitation and reduction of strategic weapons, following intensive bilateral negotiations between the two super-Powers. Here we would also welcome and commend the most recent specific proposals for the destruction and reduction of offensive weapons made by United States President George Bush, which will certainly accelerate the disarmament process at the international level. For Togo, general and complete disarmament is an imperative. In that regard, the other countries involved must also commit themselves to the progressive reduction of armed forces and traditional conventional weapons, which are as lethal as they are devastating, with a view
to the conclusion of many other international instruments towards that end. What is at stake is the peace, security and happiness of the human race as a whole. On the threshold of the third millennium, we are happy to see the end of the cold war. Compromise, dialogue and cooperation seen to be gaining ground over confrontation. The current state of relations between the nations of the world augurs a world of tomorrow that will be more stable, with political systems in which freedom and human dignity will be respected.
However, while numerous recent events prompt optimism, others are indeed sources of concern and distress. For world stability is not based exclusively on an improvement in international political relations. It is also, and indeed primarily, based on establishing conditions that could generate and equitably distribute economic prosperity in the world. The end of the cold war, or rather, the shift from distrust and confrontation between East and West towards dialogue, compromise and partnership, should encourage the progressive elimination of those many disparities in international economic cooperation and a resumption of the North-South dialogue.
In order to be effective and lasting, political detente must also involve economic detente. This means that the disappearance of political and ideological antagonisms and economic rapprochement between the countries of East and West must not be to the detriment of the developing world. This also assumes a reorientation of international economic relations towards a genuine commonality of interests that could lead to progressive and total integration of the Eastern countries and of the developing countries into the world economy.
As for the lessons to be learned or, rather, the disappointments and failures of the 1980s, a period generally considered a decade that was lost to development for the poor countries, the following challenges should urgently be taken up:
First, we must break the vicious circle of the massive and growing external indebtedness of the poor countries and of the continuing deterioration in the terms of trade by instituting vigorous measures to ensure short-term economic recovery and long-term growth;
Secondly, protectionist tendencies must be reversed by creating an open and equitable trading system within the contest of multilateral trade negotiations (Uruguay Sound);
Thirdly, efforts towards diversification and modernization of the least developed countries should be supported, and the financial flows to those countries should be substantially increased.
It is also important scrupulously to ensure the implementation of decisions on the revitalization of the Economic and Social Council in close cooperation with the specialized agencies of the United Nations. In any case, the new breath of life brought to international economic cooperation must be based on the strict implementation of recommendations adopted by the international community following international economic meetings. They includes the Declaration on International Economic Cooperation adopted at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly; the International Development Strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade; the Plan of Action of the Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries; and the Plan of Action of the World Summit for Children.
The developing countries are fully aware of their paramount responsibility for their economic and social development. Indicative of this awareness are the initiatives at various levels to promote and strengthen South-South cooperation and to make it complement North-South cooperation. To this end we concluded the Treaty establishing the African Economic Community at the Summit Meeting of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Abuja, Nigeria, from 3 to 6 June 1991, which is in keeping with the Lagos Plan of Action providing for the economic, social and cultural integration of Africa.
It is also within the context of strengthening South-South cooperation that we should look at the wise and realistic recommendations in the report of the South Commission, submitted to the second regular session of the Economic and Social Council in Geneva last July. Those recommendations emphasize the paramount responsibility of the South for its own development and stress the human dimension of development and the urgent need for the poorer countries to strengthen their collective autonomy and their unity of action. The positive assessment by many developed countries and multilateral institutions of the report of the South Commission must be accompanied by specific commitments to encourage implementation of the recommendations in that report.
We must also draw attention to the disturbing situation of African debt and the fragility of our economies. The overall African debt is large and will continue to grow. It could exceed $550 billion by the year 2000 despite efforts by African countries for economic recovery. Some creditor countries have shown a certain awareness of this increasingly disturbing state of affairs. Measures have been taken to reduce the debt of the developing countries. We welcome the efforts made by some rich countries towards easing the debt burden, and hope that much will be done to help the third world in this regard. However, the debt forgiveness agreed by the industrialized countries is still inadequate to rescue the poor countries from this serious crisis.
The international community must also deal with the crucial issue of rapid environmental degradation. These changes will have serious economic and social consequences for present and future generations. Special consideration should thus be given to air and water pollution, the ozone layer, soil depletion and desertification. International cooperation for environmental protection requires a global approach, taking account of all aspects of the question, without ignoring the development priorities of the developing countries. In this regard, the developing countries should participate actively in the work of the preparatory Committee for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. Effective international measures must be taken to prevent the dumping of toxic wastes in the territories of other countries.
The challenges facing us to make our world a safer, more peaceful and more prosperous one are many and complex, but I think members will agree that the world has made progress in its search for solutions. For this progress to be lasting and irreversible, it is essential to strengthen our faith in the Organisation and its principles. Nothing lasting has ever been achieved and nothing lasting can be built in conditions of insecurity, disorder and chaos.
International peace and security can be achieved, not through distrust, but rather through dialogue and understanding between peoples, which generate equitably shared prosperity. It is only then that we will be able to dream of a world where our only concern will be to cherish peace and safeguard moral values based on respect for human dignity and to share the joy of general prosperity.