It is my
honour to greet the President on behalf of the people of
Haiti, and I congratulate our dear friend and brother
Mr. Julian Hunte, President of this session of the
General Assembly.
After having celebrated in 1992 500 years of
Indian, black and popular resistance, the Republic of
Haiti will celebrate on 1 January 2004 the bicentennial
anniversary of its independence. From this moment on,
the first black republic of the world most warmly
welcomes you to that celebration of freedom. A
universal value, that freedom, won in 1804 by our
ancestors, must direct us, day and night, towards peace.
Because of the genocide inflicted first on the
Indians, then on 15 million Africans, wrested from
their native land and thrown in chains of slavery onto
the soil of Haiti in 1502, there could be no peace.
During those three centuries of genocide, our continent
provided 70 per cent of the entire world's gold, or
2,849 tons of gold, valued at $36 billion.
Of course, slavery is a crime against humanity. It
is therefore the binding obligation of our generation to
enshrine in the museum of civilization the gold book
dedicated to reparation and restitution.
Yesterday there was trafficking in blacks. Tomorrow
will be the celebration of blacks   of blacks who are free
and free forever so that peace will finally reign.
Therefore, 1 January 2004, will be a celebration
for all freedom-loving blacks and whites; a celebration
and a holiday for all peoples who thirst for freedom and
peace. Thus, we wish to proceed from this bicentennial
of freedom to achieve a millennium of peace.
7

In that context, the Republic of Haiti is aiming at
sustainable development, to make it possible to achieve
the Millennium Development Goals adopted here in
2000 by the world's heads of State and Government.
The reduction by half, by 2015, of the percentage of
the world's population whose income is less than one
dollar a day is indeed an enormous challenge. Yes, it is
an enormous challenge to be met, given the
acceleration of economic globalization.
In this vast space of freedom, where,
unfortunately, it has not yet been possible to break the
chains of abject poverty, four fifths of the world's
inhabitants are users of only one fifth of the planet's
entire resources. While global production of basic food
products represents 110 per cent of global needs, 30
million people die of hunger every year. To achieve the
Millennium Development Goals in Haiti, the exercise
of power entails respect for fundamental freedoms,
tolerance and good governance; a war on the evils of
corruption, drug trafficking and impunity; investment
in human beings, security for all, and the holding of
free, honest and democratic elections.
For the birth of a new Haiti and the advent of a
better world, we are opposed to the extinction of
freedom, as well as to that of our species and
ecosystems. In the Caribbean and in Latin America, the
deterioration of the environment is affecting 300
million hectares of land and nearly 30 per cent of coral
reefs. Over the past three decades, of 400 million
hectares of natural forest that have perished throughout
the world, 40 per cent are in the Caribbean and Latin
American regions. It goes without saying that the
poorest segment of our peoples consequently suffer,
and their suffering is our pain.
While scientists at the Stockholm summit
emphasized the extermination of 150 species of birds
and the threat of extinction of 1,000 others, the burning
issue today focuses on life or the gradual extinction of
the human species. That is demonstrated by the
HIV/AIDS pandemic. There are 42 million infected
persons throughout the world; 3.1 million deaths; 13
million orphans whose parents have been decimated by
the virus; and 6,000 young people who are infected
with HIV every day.
The attempt to effectively combat this pandemic
means opting inevitably for the eradication of poverty.
The First Lady of the Republic has written that the
burden of the foreign debt and economic sanctions are
obviously not paving the way for such eradication.
Indeed, in the Caribbean and in Latin America,
the foreign debt entails an average net transfer of 25
billion dollars annually to the North. In other words,
the aggregate value of that debt exceeds half of the
gross domestic product (GDP) of the region.
Throughout this collective and historic march
towards the Millennium Goals, we hope that the
contribution of the rich countries to sustainable
development will rise from 0.2 to 0.7 per cent of their
gross national product (GNP).
Numerous observers have expressed their
gratification at observing the reduction in global
military spending on a worldwide scale during the last
decade of the twentieth century. From 1985 to 1998,
those expenditures declined from 1,210.5 billion to
803.7 billion dollars. The drop in military spending and
the rise in spending for human development will, we
believe, promote both human and economic growth.
The Republic of Haiti will continue, unceasingly, to
fight against violence and terrorism. It hopes, however,
that this uncontrollable need will not lead to stepping
up an arms race or the proliferation of deadly weapons
throughout the world.
Terrorism and bio-terrorism are by no means
mere hallucinations. To live in freedom and to live in
peace there is a need to eradicate violence wherever it
may come from. May we finally see the dawn of an era
of peace in the Middle East, in Afghanistan, in Africa,
in Asia and in Iraq, wherever wars are inflicting untold
suffering on mankind. Since 1989, the end of the cold
war, there have been more than 60 armed conflicts
claiming the lives of hundreds of thousands of
individuals and creating more than 17 million refugees.
Violence and slavery are sources of darkness.
Peace and freedom are sources of light. Our world is
seeking that light. That light, like freedom, is
absolutely indispensable for life on earth.
Impoverished, but aware of its human, cultural and
historic riches, Haiti shines beyond the darkness of
colonization like a beacon of freedom.
Let us humbly say:
The first black republic of the world
Is and continues to be the geographical axis of
freedom for blacks.
8

(Spoke in Haitian Creole)
Haiti is the mother of liberty,
Her sons and daughters are the fruits of human
dignity.
(Spoke in French)
Haiti is the mother of liberty,
Her sons and daughters are the fruits of human
dignity.
May it shine, may it shine day and night, that
light of freedom! Thanks to Albert Einstein, we know
that light is made up of particles and therefore implies
a flow of photons. Thanks to Toussaint Louverture, we
know that liberty is a radiant source of light, giving off
photons of dignity, justice and peace. May the blazing
light of liberty shine throughout the world.
Our ancestors and your ancestors freed the slaves
from their chains. Today, let us unite to free the world
from the chains of inhuman poverty. Then we shall see
a reign of happiness, justice and peace at the heart of
all nations and in Haiti, where you will be all warmly
welcomed to celebrate the bicentennial of our
independence.


On behalf of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, I
should like to convey to you, Sir, our warmest
congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. I am
convinced that your great wisdom and wealth of
experience will guarantee the success of our work. I
would also like to thank your predecessor, Mr. Jan
Kavan, former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic, who guided the
work of the previous session with great skill and
ability.
I would also like to express congratulations and
great appreciation to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, and all his associates, for their
outstanding and tireless efforts to achieve the noble
ideals of our Organization. I would also like to express
our satisfaction with the action taken since the previous
session of the General Assembly, in particular the
meeting in New York of the Commission on
Sustainable Development, which addressed measures
and priorities envisaged for implementing
recommendations of the Monterrey Conference on
Financing for Development, the decisions of the
Johannesburg Summit and the Millennium
Development Goals.
I note particularly the efforts to facilitate access
for poor countries to quality medicines to combat
endemic diseases.
The hideous murder of Mr. Sergio Vieira de
Mello, Special Representative of the Secretary-
General, together with a number of his closest
associates, in the terrorist attack on the United Nations
headquarters in Baghdad profoundly shocked and
distressed us. The increase of terrorism and its
consequences in terms of fear and human and material
destruction require the international community to step
up consultations, cooperation and coordination and
strengthen efforts to tackle the dangers that threaten all
humankind.
Achieving the objectives of development,
security and stability hinges strongly on how
effectively we handle the challenges of extremism and
terrorism. My country, while stating its commitment to
relevant Security Council resolutions, reiterates its
absolute and firm condemnation and denunciation of
violence and terrorism in all its forms and reaffirms its
support for all regional and international efforts and
initiatives to combat this scourge.
Given the global nature of terrorism, the fight
against it must necessarily be global in nature and be
underpinned by an intellectual and cultural dimension
based on the complementarity of civilizations and
absolute rejection of any clash or conflict between
them.
We also must not overlook the impact of
imbalance in the development levels of rich and poor
countries, since poverty and social, scientific and
technological under-development are primary causes of
tension and sources of violence and extremism.
There can be no doubt that maintenance of peace
and security around the world requires a greater role
for the United Nations and the strengthening of
international law. My country therefore notes with
satisfaction the acceptance by the Palestinian Authority
and the Israeli Government of the road map as
submitted by the Quartet. This framework offers a
fresh opportunity to establish a just and lasting peace in
the interest of all peoples of the region, ensuring the
restoration of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian
people, including the right to establish an independent
State with Jerusalem as its capital, pursuant to the
decisions of the Madrid Conference, the principles of
land for peace and Security Council resolutions 242
(1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978).
My country stresses the importance it attaches to
the demand that Israel withdraw from the occupied
Arab territories and that negotiations be resumed
immediately, as the only way towards peace and
security in the Middle East.
On the question of Iraq, we welcome the
establishment of the new transitional Iraqi
Government, while stressing our concern for the
independence of that fraternal country, its sovereignty,
the safety and security of its people and its territorial
integrity.
Regarding the question of the Western Sahara,
Mauritania supports the steps taken by the Secretary-
General and his personal envoy, Mr. James Baker,
aimed at seeking a permanent solution that guarantees
stability in the region and enjoys the agreement of all
parties.
28

As regards the positive developments in the
Lockerbie crisis, we express our satisfaction at the
solution reached between the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
and the parties concerned. We also welcome the lifting
of sanctions against Libya by the Security Council.
Regarding the African continent, we welcome the
establishment of African Union institutions and organs
which will help resolve conflicts in the continent and
respond to the aspirations of African peoples to
progress and development. We also wish to express our
satisfaction with the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD), which is aimed at enhancing
regional cooperation in order to achieve economic
integration in the continent. We are also pleased by the
support given to this initiative by our development
partners.
The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, under the
leadership of the President of the Republic,
Mr. Maaouya Ould Sid' Ahmed Taya, is peaceably
pursuing its course towards progress and development,
inspired by the comprehensive and coherent vision of a
societal project that meets national aspirations and
offers real prospects for social advancement,
modernization and openness within the context of a
State governed by law, justice and equality.
That strategy focuses on combating ignorance and
illiteracy, and on spreading scientific and other
knowledge by promoting books and reading as part of a
large-scale national programme entitled Knowledge
for all', launched by His Excellency the President of
the Republic, to which, over the past few years, 3 per
cent of the State budget has been allocated annually.
That leading-edge programme, regarded around the
world as one of the best cultural projects, involves in
its first stage the establishment of 1,000 libraries in
major population centres, particularly in rural areas,
equipped with books and reference works relating to
various fields of professional, cultural and social life.
This significant network of cultural institutions is
striving to instil the habit of reading among all
segments of society and within all age groups. It also
helps to disseminate a civic spirit to promote sound
thinking, combat ignorance   illiteracy and
professional and cultural ignorance   in order to
strengthen and supplement the efforts made in that area
by the competent agencies. The implementation
execution of that programme follows a participatory
approach that offers the populations concerned and
civil society organizations a basic monitoring and
follow-up role. All the major societal forces have
mobilized under the programme, and our citizenry
understands its scope and the importance.
By opting for that strategic approach, our country
is embracing a vision in which human dignity, freedom,
equality and social justice, the consolidation of noble
human values, the preservation of safety and security
and social peace around the world and comprehensive,
fair and balanced development are all noble objectives
that can be achieved or maintained only through the
total eradication of ignorance, illiteracy and cultural
and intellectual underdevelopment.
The basic focuses of this strategy also include the
protection of women's rights as a dynamic factor of
society, and increasing the participation of women in
the various fields of national life. The same is true of
childhood development and the protection of the rights
of children. In that context, appropriate legal
instruments have been promulgated and a policy of
development has been built around those priorities,
which have accelerated the pace of human and social
development indicators.
It has been possible through substantive reforms
to launch private enterprise and to create a favourable
climate for investment, despite the impact of the
current world economic situation. The national strategy
to combat poverty has made it possible to improve the
living standards and conditions of the population, with
the widespread provision of basic social services such
as health, education, water, energy and
telecommunications. It should be noted that those
results could not have been achieved without a climate
of security and stability promoted by a regime of
pluralistic democracy that has eliminated all forms of
exclusion, opened the path to effective citizen
participation, promoted all individual and collective
freedoms and given particular attention to the
promotion of human rights.
The United Nations Charter reflects the common
aspirations of the peoples of the world to achieve their
fundamental objectives, including safeguarding
international peace and security. The profound changes
in the international scene call for the revision of the
structural organization of the United Nations, in order
to adapt it to the new realities and in keeping with its
objectives. In that regard, it would seem pertinent to
29

reconsider the system of representation within the
Security Council.
We sincerely hope that the international
community will pool its efforts to enhance international
solidarity and build a new international order based on
law and justice, one that safeguards peace and security
and guarantees a decent life for all.


It is in this forum that nations and their representatives express their ideas and their aspirations in a continuing human effort to ensure progress and peace. Despite the diversity and dynamics of conflicts, despite differences in interests and ideologies, the United Nations has proved its ability to find and implement solutions. This is because man has learned that the determination to live together in peace is not only desirable but essential.
3.	However, Guatemala is not before this Assembly today to preach any cause. Guatemala comes simply to express to every nation represented here its appreciation and gratitude for the aid provided by the peoples and the Governments of your nations when the tragedy of 4 February this year destroyed one third of our territory.
4.	Guatemala is not the only country in the world that has suffered earthquakes, floods and other natural disasters. But it is the smallest of the countries that have experienced destruction of such magnitude.
5.	It is true that one no longer sees the tears or hears the moans of the more than 15,000 disabled. The graves of the 24,750 dead are still and dark. The orphans will be growing up without the warmth of a family, but they will have the solidarity of their countrymen. The more than 94,000 injured are recovering.
6. But, of our total population of 6 million, 1,200,000 lost their homes, and the homes of another 400,000 will have to be restored or reconstructed.
7.	With the destruction of one third of our territory, the infrastructure that we had before the earthquake was completely wiped out. Centers of agricultural production have lost plantings and crops; moreover, the ecology has changed, and this change will affect our agriculture.
8.	By consulting the map and United Nations statistics, you will be able to appreciate the devastating effects of the disaster we have suffered. If, as the result of an earthquake, a country loses its vital resources, human and otherwise, and if that country is also small and poor, such a disaster must mark the beginning of a new era. It means that the country must start anew.
9.	That is why the emergency aid that your countries furnished us at a time of crisis not only saved lives but demonstrated that human solidarity continues to be one of the qualities ensuring the survival of mankind.
10.	We Guatemalans shall not forget that your nations shared our grief and made our needs a common cause. We are aware that in many of your countries sacrifices had to be made in order to help us. We know that thousands of your countrymen did not eat in order to send food to our victims. And we are also aware that children of your nations who do not even know where on this planet our country is located none the less cried for our children and sent them clothing, toys, and candy.
11.	None of this can ever be forgotten. Neither can we forget the medical assistance missions, the specialists in many fields, and the volunteers of all races, religions and political ideologies who came to Guatemala to offer help, expecting no compensation.
12.	At this very moment, the sight of these dedicated men and women passes before my eyes-people engaged in a dramatic, noble and heroic task, in the midst of the rubble and the weeping victims. I see them today as I saw them then. They spoke in languages that we did not understand, but we witnessed their help and sensed their sympathy and resignation in the face of death.
13.	In the midst of the cataclysm, volunteers of your nations helped to mitigate the effects of the disaster. Penetrating unknown territory, they entered the caves where rural folk lay dying and scaled the mountains where survivors begged to be saved.
14.	So how can Guatemala fail to be grateful to your countries? How can we repay you? We cannot.
15. It is for that reason that I have been commissioned by my people to appear before this Assembly to express our appreciation and gratitude. Please accept them, since this is the only way that we can compensate your countries for their solidarity and generosity.
16.	In the meantime,' we are repaying and shall continue to repay you for your assistance through the work that Guatemala is now doing and will continue to do in years to come to rebuild our country.
17.	I can assure you that a great national crusade in under way in Guatemala, aimed at its reconstruction. And, in accordance with the request of my husband, President Laugerud, a request to which the people agreed, we have dried our tears and started to work.
18.	In the national crusade for reconstruction, the Guatemalan woman is not a spectator but a necessary participant. I can attest to the amazing fortitude of the Guatemalan woman during the most difficult stage of the catastrophe and to her devoted dedication in the present effort to create and build.
19.	Though carrying a newborn infant on her back and perhaps having seen her husband buried in a common grave, that woman grasped a tool to clear the rubble from the streets of her village and from the access routes. Her sorrow burned within her, but she did not weep. Under the blazing sun or the drenching rain she worked tirelessly, through long, dark hours.
20.	In the tormented faces of those women one could observe the serenity of our race in the face of adversity; one could sense the stoicism of people who remained erect in the face of death and devastation in their homes, death and devastation in their towns, death and devastation among their neighbors.
21.	The Guatemalan woman is not redecorating her home; she is rebuilding it with her own hands. Side by side with the men, she is rebuilding houses, working in the wheat and corn fields. She is helping the needy. She is a mother and a refuge to the orphaned and the old who have lost everything, even an awareness of their age.
22.	May I say that as a woman I am proud of the stature and greatness of the Guatemalan woman.
23.	Nevertheless, we Guatemalans and our President believe that in this reconstruction we must not again build things as they were. Through the reconstruction we are working to create new living conditions and a better standard of living for all our people. Guatemala believes that reconstruction means improvement. In reconstructing we are also establishing the instruments for promoting social development and for giving impetus to human progress.
24.	We do not want any country to live through the terrifying experience Guatemala has lived through. We do not want any country to face a catastrophe such as we have faced.
25.	I sincerely pray that the Almighty will spare the nations here represented from the cataclysmic destruction we have suffered.
26.	In closing I ask you to accept the homage Guatemala wishes to pay to the victims of earthquakes and other disasters in all parts of the world.
27.	On behalf of Guatemala, may I ask that we say a prayer in tribute to those who have died in your countries.
28.	Finally, on behalf of Guatemala I wish to tell you that we thank you from the bottom of our hearts.


Sir, I could not go to the substance of my statement without first expressing to you my sincerest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. Over and above the tribute paid to your eminent personal qualities, this election also bears witness to the confidence and esteem we feel for your country, which I am pleased to praise here for its constant efforts to establish a more just and more equitable international order. My country enjoys the best relations of friendship and solidarity with yours.
37.	Your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, also deserves our congratulations and gratitude for the tact and patience with which he guided our work throughout the past session.
38.	The admission of the Republic of Seychelles as a Member of our Organization is another source of real satisfaction for my country. We extend to the Government and people of Seychelles our sincere congratulations and our wishes for success. We would have wished to be able to extend similar congratulations to the People's Republic of Angola and to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which should normally have been occupying their lawful seats within our Organization.
39.	Hie opening of our session this year coincides with a particularly sorrowful event which has profoundly afflicted the people and Government of Mauritania: the passing of one of the most eminent men in politics and one of the greatest thinkers of our times, Mao Tsetung, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the People's Republic of China. History will record the name of that extraordinary guide of the Chinese people and great friend of our people as that of the architect of modern China, an indefatigable defender of all just causes, and in particular that of oppressed peoples. To the great Chinese people and to the Government of the People's Republic of China, which are today cruelly stricken by his passing, we extend our most sorrowful condolences and assure them of our support and sympathy in these difficult hours.
40.	The thirty-first session of the General Assembly opens at a time when the international community is more aware than ever of two essential requirements: on the one hand, the need to put an end to the anachronistic situations which afflict southern Africa and the Middle East and, on the other hand, the need to establish a new international economic order based on equality and justice.
41.	Indeed, the persistence of these dangerous hotbeds of tension and the maintenance of economic relations of inequality between the "have" and the "have-not" countries may at any time jeopardize the entire existing international system and threaten peace and stability throughout the world. It is therefore proper that these subjects should be in the forefront of our concerns in the course of the present session of the United Nations General Assembly.
42.	I shall briefly state the point of view of Mauritania on the first item, the hotbeds of tension in the world, and in the second part I shall refer to the relations between the "have" and the "have-not" countries.
43.	In speaking about southern Africa, one cannot but be repelled at the fact that in this last quarter of the twentieth century, when there is a general trend towards emancipation, the peoples of that part of Africa are bent under the weight of the most backward racist and colonialist system, with its daily wake of horrors, impositions and injustices. Whether in Rhodesia, Namibia or South Africa, oppression and intimidation are the daily lot of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania. Their rights to a majority government are flouted; their rights to independence, national unity and territorial integrity are threatened, even as their rights to racial equality are systematically ignored.
44.	In Rhodesia, a handful of white settlers proclaimed unilateral independence in 1965, thus defying not only the United Kingdom, the former colonial Power, but also the international community itself and, more specifically, the United Nations. The regime which has been in existence since then in Rhodesia is an illegal, racist and minority regime. Some 270,000 Europeans, living in a state of illusion and facing an uncertain future, have imposed their will of domination and racial discrimination on more than 5 million Africans.
45.	It is in the face of this situation that the people of Zimbabwe rose up as those do who are resolved to die with dignity or to live in freedom. But, enjoying the unflagging support of all of Africa and the assistance of the inter-national community, the people of Zimbabwe sees every day that its victory is inevitable. Its struggle for freedom and genuine democracy enters today a decisive phase, imposing on the rebel regime of Ian Smith the need to seek means of survival.
46.	The international Territory of Namibia also continues to be occupied by the racist regime of Pretoria, which practices there its double policy of apartheid and "bantustanization", despite the opinion of the International Court of Justice,  which has been confirmed by numerous resolutions, both of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, which place that Territory under United Nations responsibility and demand its independence with national unity.
47.	But that is not the only defiance by South Africa. The South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole genuine representative of the Namibian people recognized by OAU and by the United Nations, is not only regarded to this day by Pretoria as a "terrorist" organization to be struck down but, what is more, has so far been excluded by Vorster from any discussion regarding the future of the Territory and people of Namibia.
48.	This is a short-sighted policy that can neither consolidate the illegal occupation of the Territory of the Namibian people nor break the will of SWAPO to continue the struggle until it achieves independence with unity.
49.	Coming to the close of the twentieth century, when equality among peoples, races and men is a major objective for all the members of the international community, it seems to us to be inadmissible to continue to be a mere spectator to the challenge launched by the regime holding power in South Africa, which, with impunity and in broad daylight, practices its inhuman racist policy, scorning all rules of law and morality and in defiance of the irreversible trend of historic evolution.
50.	The South African regime, in order to attain its objective of separate and unequal development of the races, has provided itself with the most powerful and sophisticated military arsenal and an arsenal of laws and segregationist measures which affects all aspects of life: public transport, health, education, sports, administration and so forth, and which shrinks from no horror in order to impose its racist will. Such practices are doubtless repugnant to the conscience of each of us and arouse the indignation of all. However, it will not suffice merely to be moved by a situation so degrading for mankind; the international community must take concrete measures to outlaw the regime of South Africa.
51.	The whites of South Africa do not appear to wish to preserve their future as Africans or to avoid for the people of South Africa as a whole the tragedy of a generalized racial war with unforeseeable consequences. Yet, it would suffice if they clearly and at once renounced their abhorrent and inhuman policy of apartheid, so that new perspectives could open up before them and all of Africa and so that hope might be reborn.
52.	Possibly it is already too late for the racist regime of South Africa to take the course of reason. The events at Soweto of the month of June last and those which have occurred a few days ago in the city of Johannesburg patently prove that the racial tension in South Africa has practically reached the point of no return.
53.	The liberation movements in Rhodesia, in Namibia and in South Africa, with the strong material and moral support of OAU and of all freedom- and justice-loving peoples, are more than ever determined to win by battle that which they have not been able to achieve through moderation, dialog and negotiations. Their struggle, the sacrifices that they have accepted and the price that they must pay have already shaken the oppressive system in southern Africa, daily bringing closer the end of humiliation, racism and colonial domination in that part of Africa. The situation, in spite of its explosive character and the threat which it poses to peace in Africa, is more than ever favorable to them today because of their sense of sacrifice and their determination.
54.	However, it is true that the sacrifice of the peoples of southern Africa is not an end in itself. It is made, accepted and sustained in order to serve specific objectives: complete racial equality in South Africa; independence for Namibia with national unity and territorial integrity; and the rapid establishment of a majority government in Rhodesia. If these objectives can sincerely be achieved through a peaceful approach and in accordance with the aspirations of the peoples concerned, it is obvious that we would be the first to rejoice.
55.	But if, on the contrary, such an approach were intended to demobilize militarily and morally the oppressed peoples of southern Africa so as more subtly to perpetuate domination, racism and apartheid, we could not subscribe to it.
56.	It is in this spirit that we welcome the initiative taken in southern Africa by the Government of the United States of America. We are happy to see that at last the United States is more directly and more positively interested in the problems of Africa, and we are certain that if it succeeds in bringing the white minorities of southern Africa to see the light of reason, the United States would gain respect and prestige throughout the entire African continent.
57.	In the opinion of my country, what ultimately matters is not the national motives which may lead a given super-Power to become interested in the concerns of Africa but the results it can obtain in the solution of our problems in accordance with the aspirations of our peoples. Therefore we express the hope that this United States initiative may finally lead to a quick, just and lasting solution to those problems, in the properly understood interest of the African peoples of the region. In the last analysis, the position of Mauritania is that of its brother countries on the front lines and of the liberation movements concerned. Whatever is the position of those countries or those movements, that is the position which Mauritania will defend.
58.	While these problems of southern Africa constitute hotbeds of tension which are undeniably active, other hotbeds of tension which are no less important and cause no less anxiety to my Government continue dangerously to threaten peace and security in the world, and foremost among those is the Middle East situation.
59. For nearly 30 years the Palestine question and its corollary, the Middle East crisis, have been in the forefront of the concerns of the international community.
60. This question has been the origin of four successive wars in the region, each time endangering international peace. I believe there is no need to recall the genesis of this problem, which is sufficiently well known here at the United Nations.
61.	Yet it seems to me to be timely to recall an essential element which at present characterizes the facts of this question, that is to say, the quasi-unanimous recognition by the international community of the existence of Palestine and of the national rights of the Palestinian people.
62.	The welcome accorded here in 1974 to the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine liberation Organization, brother Yasser Arafat,  the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization not only in the debates of the General Assembly as an observer but also in the debates of the Security Council, the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to an independent existence, to a country and to a sovereignty are a perfect illustration. All these elements now constitute tangible proof that any solution of the problem of the Middle East must of necessity and first and foremost include a solution of the tragedy of the brother people of Palestine.
63.	While for far too long imposing this tragic situation on the brother people of Palestine, driving them from their homes and dispossessing them of their goods, the Zionist aggressors have since 1967 extended their misdeeds to the territories of the neighboring Arab States. Those territories have been occupied by force and are still occupied, and the composition of their population has been changed because of an active policy of settling new populations.
64.	It is time for the international community to assume its full responsibility and all its responsibilities in regard to this grave situation. As long as the Palestinian and other Arab peoples of the region do not recover their legitimate rights, there will be neither peace nor stability in the Middle East.
65.	The conditions for a just and lasting peace in that region, as we have always stated, are: first, the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, which are recognized by the entire international community; and, secondly, withdrawal by Israel from all the occupied Arab territories.
66.	I could not end my remarks on this question of the Middle East without recalling with deep bitterness the fratricidal laceration which our brother country of Lebanon has been undergoing for more than a year. We sincerely regret what is happening in that brother country with which we have many links and we hope that this painful trial will strengthen Lebanon and that it will be able to play the role it has always played in the Arab world on the three
levels of culture, politics and economics.

67.	There are many other important problems which normally require our attention and on which my country has a clearly defined position. Among the items on our agenda we might mention the question of Mayotte [item 122J, Djibouti [item 25] and Cyprus [item 118], which must respectively be settled on the basis of national unity and territorial integrity for the Comoros, independence in accordance with the aspirations of the people of Djibouti and a solution for Cyprus taking into account the interest of all the Cypriot people and preserving the independence and non-alignment of Cyprus. There are other items an our agenda the importance of which we certainly do not underrate, but it is impossible to go into a detailed review of all of them. However, I could not fail to mention a major preoccupation of our times: international economic relations and the law of the sea.
68.	The frequency of the international gatherings which have taken place since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly on problems of development and international economic co-operation emphasizes the need for and also the urgency of a fundamental reform of the world economic system, which has so far generated injustices because it was built on inequality and exploitation.
69.	Whether in Paris, where the Conference on Inter-national Economic Co-operation was held, at Nairobi, where the fourth session of UNCTAD dealt with essential and controversial problems, or quite recently in New. York, where, under your distinguished guidance, Mr. President, the fifth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has just ended, the international community as a whole has been given an opportunity to explore, within the framework of a dialog that has been direct, frank and, above all, exempt from any prejudices, the possibilities of the establishment of a new international economic order.
70.	One of the most significant manifestations of the spirit of conciliation which must of necessity prevail in conceiving and carrying out a historic enterprise of this kind is, no doubt, what has been called the "North-South dialogue, which was started only three months after the completion of the work of the seventh special session of the General Assembly on the happy initiative of the President of the French Republic, Mr. Valery Giscard ti'Estaing, to whom I wish here to pay a tribute.
71.	The vital importance for development in my country of the problems of raw materials and energy, not to mention other problems, is sufficient to justify the keen interest we have had in the work of that Conference throughout the various stages of its progress. While it may be premature to pronounce any judgment on the progress achieved so far, it is to be hoped nevertheless that the basic problems will finally be debated and that before the end of this year, or in 1977 at the latest, it will be possible to find concrete solutions.
72.	Be that as it may, we remain profoundly convinced, for our part, that, more than the institutional framework
adopted and more than the complexity of the problems to be studied, it is the sincere will of all States without exception to further the "North-South dialog that will determine the success or failure of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation.
73.	Once again this political will has been tested within the framework of the fourth session of UNCTAD, which met in May last in Nairobi. The developing countries carefully prepared for it by devoting to it practically the whole of the Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, held in Manila from 26 January to 7 February 1976, and, in the opinion of those countries, the fourth session of UNCTAD was to be a decisive stage in the history of a new economic order. It was to offer an opportunity for both the developed and the developing countries to define the commitments they had undertaken at the seventh special session of the General Assembly, commitments covering such key issues as commodities, the transfer of technology, the international monetary system and economic co-operation among developing countries..
74.	All those problems, to which my country attaches special attention and which summarize the difficulties facing the third world as a whole in its effort to emerge from its impoverishment, were fully discussed in Manila, where the Group of 77 once again firmly reiterated the need to increase the numbers of associations of exporting countries for all commodities and, to that end, advocated the strengthening of the role of UNCTAD by providing it with institutional means to enable it to contribute effectively to the implementation of United Nations resolutions.
75.	Today, four months after the end of the fourth session of UNCTAD, it would be quite appropriate to wonder whether its work has proceeded along the line of those directives, whether the dialog started at the seventh special session in New York was continued at Nairobi; and in a word, whether the fourth session of UNCTAD had, even in part, made concrete the hopes of the developing nations.
76.	In this review, the crucial question of commodities, and more particularly the integrated program and the common fund, constitute, in our opinion, the most accurate index, since on it depend the improvement of the terms of trade of the developing countries and the increase of their export earnings. If the Nairobi negotiations did not lead to concrete and decisive results it was, however, possible to arrive at a consensus on the need for common action in this field. We consider that this is not negligible and that it is of the utmost importance to preserve and consolidate this.
77.	To this end, we sincerely hope that the schedule established for the practical modalities for setting up a common fund to finance international commodity stocks will be implemented in due course. We are also pleased with the announcements made by certain countries in the course of the work of the Conference. We see in this a happy augury for the establishment of the fund.
78.	Among the other subjects considered, that of economic co-operation among the developing countries deserves our attention both because of the importance of the objective pursued-that is, to make the developing countries capable of being the real instruments of their own development and because of its special interest at the present juncture.
79.	The Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, which was held barely 10 days ago in Mexico City, must be considered a new step in the long march towards the establishment of an economic and social system more capable of meeting the most immediate needs of the majority of the inhabitants of our planet.
80.	The hunger, disease and ignorance still afflicting the poor countries which constitute the majority of mankind can be eliminated only by their combined efforts, starting with the developing countries. Hie debate on this question of co-operation among developing countries is therefore not academic-far from it. We consider it of the utmost importance that we, the developing countries, realize the gravity of the situation and endeavor to change it by relying first of all on ourselves. To this end, it is essential to intensify co-operation among our countries and to en-compass all fields that can improve the standard of living of our populations. At any rate, Mauritania wishes to reaffirm here its profound attachment to the objectives of that co-operation. It will not miss a single opportunity to make its modest contribution. It is in that spirit that we wish to support Pakistan's proposal to hold a summit conference of the countries of the third world, to be devoted to international economic co-operation and co-operation among developing countries [see A/311208].
81.	But those objectives of which I have spoken and to which the conference will be devoted cannot be attained, nor the harmonious development of the world community as a whole be ensured, so long as the arms race continues at the rate that we all know. The figures speak for themselves. While every year the world spends $300 billion on arms, the net public aid to development does not exceed the modest sum of approximately $15 billion a year. To get an even more striking realization of the paradoxical nature of these investments, it would suffice to recall that the resources devoted in the last 30 years to arms exceeded $6 trillion, which represents approximately the gross national product of the entire world in 1976. TTiese figures, which continue to increase dangerously, must be considered seriously and realistically within the framework of the efforts made by the international community in the past few years in order to obtain a better world balance.
82.	Mauritania, which is half desert, has undergone, like all its neighbors in the Sudano-Sahelian area, a period of particularly trying drought and it wishes here to express its gratitude for the praiseworthy and generous efforts of the international community and certain friendly countries to help alleviate the effects of that terrible catastrophe. In this connexion, we are particularly happy with the activities of the United Nations Sahelian Office, which has undertaken a campaign of mobilizing resources to finance and set up a series of national and regional projects in that hard-hit subregion.
83.	The recent creation in Dakar of an association of friends of the Sahel, made up of States and organizations willing to give us their support and assistance, and the various meetings of financing sources and in particular that held at Geneva in July 1975, organized and presided over by Mr. Bradford Morse, who was then Under Secretary- General for Political and General Assembly Affairs-to whom I think it is only fair to pay a tribute for his dynamism and foresight constitute striking proof of the spirit of solidarity so necessary for the maintenance and development of international co-operation. We wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our sincerest gratitude to the States and organizations which have contributed so generously to this effort for our recovery.
84.	The establishment of an international economic order which we hope for cannot validly be dissociated from the establishment of a new legal order for the oceans which would reflect the legitimate aspirations of the vast majority of mankind. The skill, capability and devotion that the President has for 10 years placed at the service of this noble task compel our admiration and gratitude. My country, which has one of the major coastlines in Africa, has since the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea at Caracas been able to state its views on what it thinks should be the basis;, and objective of the new maritime law.
85.	Today, only a few days after the end of the Conference's fifth session, we are happy to note that some principles that we have advocated for inclusion in the future convention seem to have been accepted by everyone, in particular such principles as the exclusive economic zone to which my country attaches particular importance. Full and complete sovereignty which the coastal State should exercise over the new maritime space should, in our opinion, be subject to no restriction except freedom of navigation, which is necessary to promote the role of the sea as a link between peoples. We believe that that sovereignty should be interpreted as the application of the inalienable principle of permanent sovereignty of peoples over their natural resources.
86.	As regards the sea-bed, which constitutes the common heritage of mankind, according to the Declaration of Principles contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV), it is our belief that in order to reflect the communal nature of that area in fact, the exploration and exploitation of its resources must be carried out under the direct and effective control of the sea-bed authority, which will distribute the profits from the exploitation of that zone in accordance with the criteria stated in the Declaration taking into particular account the needs of the developing countries. The authority must especially seek to reduce to a minimum the unfavorable repercussions which the exploitation of the resources of the area might have on the prices of the raw materials from the developing countries. I am not unaware that this is a very complex problem, on which it has not so far been possible to reach agreement.
87.	That is our position on some of the questions considered by the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. I should like to affirm, however, that our concerns for, and our attachment to, the principles which I have just mentioned are not to be interpreted as a refusal to negotiate. We believe in the virtues of dialog, and we remain convinced that it will be possible to conclude an international agreement on the law of the sea. We must nevertheless not forget that this is an extremely sensitive question where unilateral initiatives are out of order and where, like our President, we believe that "we have reached a stage where the ... conclusion of an agreement could be imperiled by... precipitate action" [1st meeting, para. 81].
88.	These are the political and economic problems which appear to my country to be a tremendous challenge to the international community and, in particular, to the United Nations. To resolve these problems in the interests of all mankind will require not otiJy true political will mainly on the part of the two developed blocs but also an appropriate framework where all members of the world community are represented. If this political will does not at the moment appear to be sufficient or does not go beyond even proclaimed intentions, at any rate the framework already exists. As an instrument for dialog and understanding among peoples, the United Nations is for its Member States a mechanism which has stood the test of time in all fields of human activity. True, it has its short-comings and its imperfections, but the United Nations is today more than ever an essential element in international life. Furthermore, it is up to its Member States to correct its short-comings and imperfections by respecting and implementing its decisions and resolutions and by adjusting the provisions of the Charter to present-day realities. If the privileges accorded to certain Member States by the Charter were justified at the outset, given the historical context in which the Organization came into being, it now seems to us to be necessary to re-examine those provisions of the Charter, taking into account the present balance of power and the emergence in the past IS ''ears of many new nations whose presence here fundamentally changes the political shape and the human dimension of the framework established in 1945,
89.	Whatever its imperfections and short-comings, the United Nations remains the hope of many countries such as mine as we take up the tremendous challenge of today establishing a new international order based on justice and equity. Such a task of necessity requires that the United Nations be headed by a man having a clear vision of the scope of this responsibility and capable of making the Organization a real instrument at the service of these objectives. Our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, having assumed this difficult responsibility at a time of profound and rapid changes, proved by his competence, his sense of moderation and his political realism that he is the man best suited to the task. That is why I should like to extend our congratulations to him and pay him a tribute for the task he has already accomplished and for the one which, we hope, he will accomplish in the years to come. He may rest assured that he has the complete support and understanding of my country.
90.	I could not conclude my statement without taking up a question which directly affects my country-that which is called the question of Western Sahara. I had not intended to do so, in order to preserve in our debates the serenity which is required by the problems to which I have already referred. However, since certain delegations spoke of it in their statements, I feel it my duty briefly to recall the evolution of this question since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. Everyone wiil remember that, under resolutions 377 (1975) and 380(1975) of 22 October and 6 November 1975, the Security Council recommended that the parties concerned start negotiations on this question, under Article 33 of the Charter and without prejudice to any measure which the General Assembly might take. While the first phase of these negotiations was not concluded because of well-known external pressures, the second was to lead to a tripartite agreement, which was signed in Madrid on 14 November 1975. This agreement provides in particular, in paragraph 3, that the opinion of the population of the Sahara will be "expressed through the Yema'a".
91.	Morocco and Mauritania, bearing in mind that, when the Security Council recommended these negotiations, it added that this would be without prejudice to any measure which the General Assembly might take, have submitted this agreement to the United Nations for assessment. The General Assembly, under resolution 3458 B (XXX), took note of the agreement, while in paragraph 3 it made the parties to the agreement responsible for ensuring respect for the aspirations of the Saharan populations. It is therefore in implementation of a Security Council resolution, an inter-national agreement and a General Assembly resolution that Mauritania and Morocco enabled the Saharan populations to exercise their right to self-determination in accordance with the procedure defined by the Madrid agreement, which was endorsed by the General Assembly. Every action taken by the two countries falls within the framework of international legality, and they are therefore justified in considering that self-determination has been exercised in Western Sahara in accordance with the decisions taken by the Security Council and the General Assembly.
92.	What is more, in the month of August last Mauritania, in its north-west region, which has been newly reintegrated under the name of Tiris el Gharbia, proceeded to hold legislative elections. As a result of these elections, which were held in the presence of many observers and foreign correspondents, seven deputies were elected to the Mauritanian National Assembly and now participate in its deliberations. Furthermore, all the higher-level personnel of that region undertake the national responsibilities for which they are suited by their training and qualifications, just like any other Mauritanian citizen.
93.	In other words, for Mauritania and Morocco, which only acted in accordance with the rights recognized as theirs by the International Court of Justice and with the resolutions of our Organization, the principle of self- determination can no longer be invoked for the populations of Western Sahara, which have clearly chosen to be either Mauritanian or Moroccan.
94.	If we also consider the views of the Algerian leaders, this right cannot be invoked because the result towards which its application might in due course tend has already been created and recognized by Algeria. The proclamation in Algerian territory of a prefabricated so-called Saharan Republic and the formal recognition which they immediately gave it do not warrant that the Algerian leaders should invoke the right to self-determination. Indeed, it is illogical of them to continue to call for the application of the principle of self-determination to the Saharan populations, for their attitude in this respect is precisely the very negation of that principle because they have already proclaimed the result of its implementation.
95.	The Council of'Ministers of OAU, at its meeting in Addis Ababa in February last, was perfectly aware of that contradiction. It felt that since a Saharan Republic had been created, the only remaining problem had .to do with recognition of that Republic, and recognition fell within the sovereignty of each State.
96.	Thus, it is clear that, whatever point of view one may have, the principle of self-determination can no longer be invoked in regard to the peoples of the Sahara-unless one wishes to apply the principle to imaginary Saharans or to play contradictory games, something which no one in good faith could accept.
97.	Indeed, the problem confronting this north-western part of Africa is a problem of tension between the States of the subregion, tension which the Saharan question in fact only revealed and of which it was the instrument. When clear and detailed information in that regard was communicated by the Mauritanian Head of State to his peers at the last Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU, it was decided that a special summit conference would be convened to deal with this situation as a whole. While Mauritania is sure of its rights and of the undoubted failure of the attempts made against its unity, it nevertheless has Confidence in the African Heads of State and hopes that Africa's wisdom will finally have the last word.
98.	This natural and normal confidence that my country has in the African Heads of State is shared by the non-aligned movement, which, during the recent Fifth Conference in Colombo, adopted the following declaration:
"The Conference taking note of the decision of the Organization of African Unity to hold an Extraordinary Summit on the question of Western Sahara and the Situation which has resulted in the region, expressed its hope that this meeting will lead to a just and durable solution to this question." [A/31/1 9 7, annex I, para. 35.]
That is Africa's attitude on this question. It is the attitude also of the non-aligned countries. The attitude of the League of Arab States is so well known that I do not have to repeat it.
99.	I did not wish this brief outline of the development of the Saharan question to contain any element that could lead to controversy. As I said at the beginning of this statement, my concern was that our debates here should take place in an atmosphere of serenity. If, however, it appears to be useful to give more details, I shall take the liberty of speaking again at a later stage of the debate in order to place before the Assembly all the necessary information.
100.	In conclusion, I should like to take-this solemn occasion to reaffirm the sincere desire of the Government and people of Mauritania-a desire that the Mauritanian Head of State has constantly affirmed-to see peace, stability and harmony reign in that north-western region of Africa; I would also state that our country is prepared to re-establish relations of confident and brotherly friendship with the fraternal people of Algeria. The only condition- and it is a simple one-that we place on this normalization of relations, which history, civilization, geography and the higher interests of Africa and the Arab world require, is that the leaders of the fraternal people of Algeria stop welcoming, financing, arming and training mercenaries, some of whom are Mauritanians, who will then be directed against our country, and that they respect our independence and territorial integrity and the unity of our people. Is that not the very minimum that we have a right to require of a fraternal people with which we share a common past and common aspirations? We express the wish that this appeal will be regarded not as weakness but, rather, as a call for friendship and fraternity, on a basis of mutual respect.


Mr. President, allow me to say a few words of farewell and a few words of welcome. My words of farewell are for the outgoing President of this Assembly, Mr. Thom, whom I congratulate most cordially for the manner in which he has discharged his mission, during which he placed at the service of the United Nations all his generous energies, his political talents and his diplomatic abilities. My words of greeting are to welcome you, Mr. President, at the head of this General Assembly of the United Nations and to congratulate you, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, on your election to the presidency. The political training and experience that we know you to possess and that have been displayed on many occasions, most recently in your wise leadership of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, your brilliant record of diplomatic service and, finally, your outstanding personal qualities are a guarantee of wise direction and inspiration for the work that this Assembly is now beginning. At the same time I wish to extend my congratulations to the officers of the General Assembly in view of the distinction, fraught with heavy responsibilities, that has been conferred on them.
88.	This Assembly, as a new proof of the universality of the Organization, has approved the admission to member-ship of the State of Seychelles. My Government warmly congratulates and welcomes it and we wish to maintain with it relations of friendship and co-operation in every field.
89.	At this time I am particularly pleased to pay a tribute of admiration and gratitude to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, on the completion of the first period of his term of office in a post of such significance for peace and stability in the world. Mr. Waldheim has always been equal to the discharge of that heavy responsibility. It is thanks largely to him and to his competence, prudence and impartiality, that the United Nations has been able to face up to this particularly sensitive period of its history.
90.	This is the first time that a Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Spain has addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations. My country is now going through a period of transformation of its internal organization which, because it is the will of the people of Spain, of the Government and of the Crown, will lead to the establishment of a democratic system based on the recognition of the principle of the sovereignty of the people.
91.	Therefore at the beginning of my statement in this forum I cannot fail to mention that aim as, of necessity, it influences the plans and achievements of our foreign policy. The Spain which its people and Government desire must acquire a new image and discharge a greater role in the concert of nations.
92.	It is our firm will, as our final objective, to make our national community more vigorous and united with all its characteristic diversity, and to combine freedom and diversity with older, and we are convinced that this community, a community which would offer that rare and constant unanimity in the understanding of its interests and to the subordination of its differences about which the Spanish writer Angel Ganivet spoke, would lead us to greater participation in international affairs and allow our voice to be heard more clearly on all those grave problems which are of concern of the community of nations.
93.	The Government of Spain is very much aware of the objective facts of the prevailing international state of affairs and the limitations imposed thereby. Spain, which belongs to a particular geographical area and has inherited cultural and historical ties, can today count on a certain potential that will enable it more readily to reconcile principles, interests and facts and to articulate and defend the permanent principles of the foreign policy of Spain effectively and with the utmost vigor.
94.	This Organization, the United Nations, came into being with the triple purpose of saving "succeeding generations from the scourge of war", reaffirming "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person" and promoting "social progress and better standards of life". In substance, our common undertaking consists of defining new and more satisfactory margins of security, a security which will cease to bear the imprint of the alternatives in the distribution of balances and influences and will be based on the needs of mankind and on respect for his freedom and aspirations. In this fundamental task the Organization should have a double role. On the one hand, it should contribute to the standardization of rules of conduct which are generally accepted in the international community and adjust those rules to the needs of a pluralistic, changing, moving world. On the other hand, it should facilitate the collective legitimization of the expectations and aspirations of mankind at the cross-roads.
95.	These ideas constitute for us a point of reference and an expression which should be the nucleus and nerve-center of our efforts. The kind of security that had as its only objective the avoidance of war was always futile. Behind hostile conflicts, the symptoms of profound diseases, lie the unjust situations which provoke and feed them. We would be gravely mistaken in our actions if, in seeking security, we were not to combine the necessary maintenance of peace with effective implementation of, and true respect for, all human rights, the only solid foundation for a real peace, and with firm co-operation on a world-wide level, which would lessen injustices and shorten the distances between communities and individuals.
96.	With regard to the maintenance of peace, Spain notes the existence of a positive fact: the three decades that have passed since the end of the Second World War have not witnessed any generalized conflict. Man in the 1970 s has undoubtedly a deeper sense of security than in the 1950 s or in the 1960 s. The existence of this Organization has contributed to this, as has the dissuasive effect of a possible conflagration which, as it would of necessity be nuclear, would be cataclysmic.

97.	All this is encompassed in one reality: the process of the polarization of world political forces, the formation of Which Spain followed from afar, since we did not participate in the Second World War, and of which we were more a passive than an active witness. This polarization has swung from side to side in what we might call the great argument of modern times, oscillating according to the mood of the times and the rhythm of underlying tensions from the
initial dangers of the "cold war" to the improved methods of accommodation which we know as "detente".
98.	That Spain which today I have the honor to represent does not wish to be, nor can it be, a mute witness to things that affect or may affect us very directly. We are European and Western by vocation and geography; we are part of the cultural and political family from which we derive our philosophy and to which our system of beliefs and values is related. We are aware of the existence of a divided world, and we have a limited hope in detente, because the more painful asperities of the cold war have given way to more bearable forms of coexistence; because, while ideological confrontation subsists, some means of possible co-operation and understanding have been opened up; and because, finally, this is perhaps the method most in accord with historical fact that we have found to keep the intensity of conflicts from resulting in armed encounters.
99.	But a static consideration of detente runs the risk of undermining and eroding one of the essential functions of the United Nations-that of being an instrument of pacification in international life because, basically, we must sincerely recognize that detente means nothing more than a more advanced stage of the former concept of the balance of power. In it elements subsist which we should like to see progressively banished from international relations: the division of the world into zones of influence, the maintenance and even the increase in level of armaments, and the persistence of armed conflicts in certain areas which are sometimes merely a concentration of tensions of a greater magnitude.
100.	For Spain, a Mediterranean country, those open or concealed conflicts which today gravely jeopardize peace and stability in the mare nostrum are direct threats to the security of the region and, consequently, to world security. We give maximum priority to our concern with the objective of a prompt and satisfactory solution of the Middle East conflict on the necessary basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and with the inclusion of three equally necessary and interdependent elements: the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories; international recognition and guarantee of the frontiers of all the countries of the region; and recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people. We wish to believe that a negotiated solution to the conflict on these bases is not far off, although we must, with profound alarm, recall the dispute that has for months afflicted Lebanon and that has introduced new factors of uncertainty in the area, taking a very high toll of human lives.
101.	In the Mediterranean we also recall the continuation of .the crisis in Cyprus which, with the instability and suffering it brings, continues to be a serious threat to the sovereignty, integrity and independence of a State Member of this Organization.
102.	In southern Africa, neglect of the basic obligations of the Charter has so far created circumstances of the utmost gravity. Peaceful coexistence between the countries of the area requires the elimination of any policy not based on the scrupulous respect of human rights. It is my hope that the important advance in the solution of the problem of Rhodesia, to which so much has been contributed by the
Secretary of State of the United States, will be consolidated by a process which will, without reservations or qualifications, establish the right of the peoples to self-government on the basis of the principle of majority rule while guaranteeing the rights of the minority.

103.	The persistence and multiplication of localized conventional conflicts have been one of the most dangerous characteristics of the international community in the present decade. Such conflicts are tolerated without thought and, sometimes, selfishly, as a lesser evil and a substitute for an irreversible nuclear confrontation. They nevertheless create a threatening dialectic of unforeseeable consequences; in turn, they are directly fostered by something that has ceased to be the natural activity of the military industry and has become an unbridled arms race. We cannot dissociate the idea of security from that of disarmament, nor envisage the indefinite maintenance of a paradoxically armed detente. In the precarious state in which we find ourselves, we are still obliged to recognize the need to maintain our respective arsenals in the conditions which each State considers sufficient for the defense of its immediate security. We believe, nevertheless, that this trend should be radically altered, as soon as possible and with the decisive participation of the United Nations.
104.	The bilateral or multilateral efforts which are being made, even though we recognize that the results are limited for the time being, deserve our full attention and support. But, since those efforts are restricted as regards the number of the negotiators, they can never replace the general conference that should be held under United Nations auspices before 1980-as was recently proposed at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries in Colombo to establish basic principles and make commitments so as to pave the way for substantive negotiations on general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
105.	On the other hand, along the way to security, Spain believes in the need to strengthen security systems at the regional level. That is why we actively participated in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and intend to continue that participation with renewed effort at all its later meetings. Therein we find the beginnings of a negotiation to replace confrontation and a unitary concept of security which covers all aspects of that term.
106.	While the maintenance of peace constitutes one aspect of security, another essential element is human rights. Ultimately, the last beneficiary of security is man himself. But man today, in large sectors of our world, suffers from a wounded dignity and an insufficient recognition of his human rights. United Nations bodies, in conformity with the purpose of the establishment of the Organization, have not faltered in their mission to promote and favor the universal enjoyment of those rights, in the conviction that it is only by guaranteeing the effective exercise of those rights that it will be possible to build peace and stability among nations on indestructible foundations. The Government of Spain has endorsed those purposes and, as its representative, tomorrow I shall sign the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant oh Economic, Social and Cultural Right? of 1966. With that act the Government of Spain wishes to express its firm will to make respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms a corner-stone of its domestic and foreign policy.
107.	Today more than ever firm action is needed for the defense and international furtherance of human rights, and for this task the universal community of nations, embodied in this Organization, will always have the favor, support and endorsement of Spain. The international order is undergoing an accelerated process of humanization and in this we see one of the most promising signs of change and transformation in our universe.
108.	An intolerable kind of violation of human rights in our time is terrorism, which disregards even the innocent victims and constitutes not only an attack on human rights but also a threat to the sovereignty of States by subjecting them to unacceptable blackmail and pressures. It is urgent for the international community to undertake co-ordinated action to prevent those deeds and to eliminate their causes. My delegation will support every initiative for creating appropriate international instruments and for achieving that purpose.
109.	Finally, within this chapter on human rights, I should like to mention the problems entailed in emigration, where human and family considerations are so interlinked with social, economic and labor factors. Here one premise must clearly prevail: everything must be subordinated to the dignity of the emigrant as a human being. It would be a grave threat to that dignity to consider the labor of the emigrant as mere merchandise subject to the fluctuations of the law of supply and demand of international labor. It is precisely in these moments of world-wide economic and labor crisis when the international community must most of all guarantee the emigrant's right to security and stability of labor.
110.	I stated at the beginning of my statement that together with peace and respect for human rights it is essential to achieve meaningful international co-operation.
111.	It can quite rightly be affirmed that co-operation is the infrastructure of security, an affirmation which in our times acquires its full significance when we view the profound crisis which the world economic order is under-going. But in the course of the last 12 months some significant events have taken place, which Spain cannot fail to mention, in would economic relations and, more particularly, with respect to the new courses of co-operation which have been opened up by the dialog with the developing countries.
112.	Starting with the seventh special session in September last year and because of the general recognition of the fact that growth of the world economy cannot continue to render more acute the imbalance between the industrialized and the developing countries without endangering international peace and , security, it has been possible to lay down more sincere conditions for continued dialog, a dialog which must start with the need to build a new economic order on the basis of the requirements of international co-operation so that the concept of sovereignty may be reconciled with the urgent needs of an interdependent world.
113.	The elements of the new dialog and the reasons for hope should not, however, cause us to forget the immediate state of affairs. We have not yet completely overcome the effects of the major depression which the world economy has suffered since the end of 1973. Economic and social progress, which is one of the principal objectives of this Organization, today requires a global approach which can only be achieved by concerned action on the part of all institutions of the United Nations system.
114.	In this spirit, Spain, clearly aware of its role as a country in the process of economic development, although we have been very gravely affected by the consequences of the crisis, is participating in the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris. That Conference, with all its limitations, must be regarded as a step forward in the joint consideration of world problems in this fields of economics and co-operation, so long as its agreements can later be endorsed in universal forums and implemented by the international community.
115.	Along these lines and quite apart from any evaluation of the results of the fourth session of UNCTAD, which this Assembly will take up, my Government wishes here to repeat its support for the declaration made on the occasion of the closure of UNCTAD by 16 European countries, including Spain,  a declaration which, in my opinion, represents a milestone of paramount importance by recognizing the need for an integrated study of the subject of raw materials so as to put that subject in its right place in the new international economic order.
116.	My Government realizes and acquiesces in the vast universal importance of this new co-operation and we are prepared to participate in it in every forum to the best of our ability. Urgent needs persist, and among them is the need for assistance for development channeled through the United Nations. In this respect we hope that the steps taken for the establishment of an International Fund for Agricultural Development will prove positive. Spain has already announced its intention of contributing to that Fund.
117.	It has been a matter of special satisfaction for my Government to sign the Barcelona Convention,  which started a genuine plan of action with specific regional application to combat the pollution of the environment in the Mediterranean area. My Government considers that a regional approach to this problem can very effectively assist in solving the problems of the environment at a world-wide level.
118.	My Government is also pleased with the establishment of the World Tourism Organization, which, by decision of its members, has established its headquarters in Madrid. In expressing our satisfaction at that decision and in expressing our appreciation for the confidence placed in our country as the headquarters of that Organization, I wish to repeat the firm willingness of my Government to offer its knowledge of the subject and its complete co-operation for the solution of the problems of world tourism.
119.	My Government also intends to participate actively in the international conference on debt to be held at the beginning of 1977. The question of debt-financing is particularly acute for solving the financial problems of the developing countries, and unless we arrive at a formulation in principle that could be of general application, all those countries will encounter an overwhelming obstacle in their struggle for economic improvement.
120.	Spain, which is a maritime country par excellence and which has national interests to protect, attaches the utmost importance to the success of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has just concluded its fifth session and has scheduled another session for May and June of next year. It is our hope that the Conference will be able to draft a treaty on the multiple and complex aspects of the law of the sea, which will duly take into account the genuine and legitimate interests of the various States, and consequently will be generally accepted. We trust that at the next session it will be possible to overcome existing difficulties and that there will be a genuine spirit of negotiation and co-operation. I can assure Mr. Amerasinghe and at this point I address him also as President of the Conference on the Law of the Sea-that the delegation of Spain will always be ready to co-operate with him.
121.	While Spain understands and acquiesces in the need for effective international co-operation, at the same time it recognizes and nurtures, as a particular and constant guideline of its foreign policy, the special links between Spain and the Iberian-American republics. As we see it, the fact that we belong to Europe, in the unification of which we wish to take part, does not exclude those strong ties; indeed we would cut ourselves off from Europe if we did not actively and consciously consider it an important part of our European task to contribute to a better European understanding of Iberian-American affairs. Spain believes that it understands those affairs because it feels solidarity with those countries as with its family; and we think that we can bring other countries not so circumstanced to a greater understanding of them. My country does not claim that it would take on functions to which it has not been called, nor offer services that have not been requested, but nor can it forget its own history and family ties. That is why I should like to say, for what it may be worth for better understanding between these two great regions of the world, that in every possible dialog between Iberian- America and Europe, Spain, which continues to be European, will never cease to be Iberian-American as well.
122.	In this policy of solidarity with Iberian-America, my country considers it essential to make a cultural synthesis of our affairs, without losing sight of our wealth of differences, to intensify the necessary and vital transfer of technology and to seek a satisfactory readjustment of the terms of trade. Spain commits itself to endeavoring to attain these goals.
123.	Lastly, in the same policy of solidarity, we are pleased at the prospects opened by the declaration on the
Panama Canal which was unanimously adopted by the General Assembly of the Organization of American States at its sixth regular session held in Santiago, Chile, from 4 to 18 June 1976. The course of bilateral negotiations on this matter, as well as in regard to Belize, leads us to expect fruitful results, for which we fervently hope. The same holds true for the problem of the Malvinas Islands. In all these cases, I hope that our Iberian-American brothers realize that Spain is always with them.
124.	We are likewise committed to friendship with the Arab peoples. Our support for the just causes of the Arab nation remains unalterable, and I am pleased to proclaim it so today. Our cultural links and the fund of friendship and mutual understanding show us the political ways and means and plans of co-operation which are called for today.
125.	One subject which has been considered as a priority by this Organization and to which I shall devote a few comments is decolonization. Spain, which in former times extended its political action over the entire world, has brought to an end its history as a colonial Power, reversing a process which was started in past centuries. Freed from that responsibility inherited from history, we have this year for the last time transmitted information to the Secretary- General of the United Nations, as prescribed in Article 73 of the Charter, in our capacity as an administering Power of a Non-Self-Governing Territory for the period ending on 26 February 1976. On that date we officially communicated to the Secretary-General the information that Spain had ceased all its international obligations with respect to the Sahara [A/31/56]. The General Assembly had already taken note of this when it adopted resolution 3458 B (XXX). Stability in that geographical area and the achievement of forms of co-operation in the Maghreb, which would do so much to promote the well-being and development of the peoples of the region is of general interest.
126.	Decolonization has been one of the major achievements of the United Nations and it is perhaps the outstanding event of international life in the twentieth century. Nevertheless, remnants of colonialism continue to exist; the flagrant example of Gibraltar represents a breach of the territorial integrity of my country. I wish here to recall the words of His Majesty the King of Spain when, in the first message from the Crown, he fully espoused that cause, recalling that for generations we Spaniards have struggled to restore the territorial integrity of our country.
127.	The perpetuation of this colonial situation, supposedly in accordance with the wishes of a population to which Spain, through Great Britain, has repeatedly offered every kind of guarantee of their legitimate interests, is so preposterous and artificial, at a time when realism and goodwill are resolving far more difficult problems, that it is essential and urgent for Great Britain and Spain in the near future to find a way to re-establish the unity and territorial integrity of Spain. That this can be done without forgetting the legitimate interests of the residents of the area is something that Spain abundantly demonstrated by making generous proposals for a solution to the British Government, 10 years ago now, proposals which were never seriously taken into account and which Spain is at all times ready to reformulate in terms of the present circumstances.
128.	I shall not here repeat the history of the consideration of this item at the United Nations, a history which owes so much to the exemplary figure of one of my predecessors in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Fernando Maria Castiella. I merely wish to point out that the relevant resolutions of successive General Assemblies urging negotiations for the definitive settlement of this colonial problem have not yet been put into practice. The Government of Spain has been and is always prepared to begin these negotiations and to find a means for the solution of the problem.
129.	I shall now conclude with a few considerations on this Organization, which, with difficulties and contra-dictions, with limitations and doubts, has for three decades discharged an essential and valuable negotiating and pacifying function in the international community. For this function to attain its greatest dimensions and to fulfill its potential, it is essential that all Members realize the historic mission incumbent on them to improve the United Nations mechanism. I shall not go into the details of some items which will duly be dealt with by the various Committees, but I wish to reaffirm the determined will of the Government of Spain to participate fully in this effort at renewal, whether it is the important task of the Charter review, that of strengthening the role of the Security Council in accordance with paragraph 10 of resolution 2734 (XXV), that of the establishment of a system of permanent vigilance over peace or that of establishing, within the Economic and Social Council, a permanent world economic commission.
130.	But the improvement and institutional updating of the United Nations will not in itself suffice to allow the Organization to discharge the functions incumbent on it in the world of today. It is necessary that there be an energetic political will among the Member States to overcome what the Secretary-General described as the old systems of conduct, which tend to place the United Nations at the service of particular and incidental policies of Governments. Only in this way will we be able to create the dynamic instrument of institutionalized co-operation which the world needs.
131.	The President of this session of the General Assembly may rest assured that the co-operation of Spain in the pursuit of all these lofty purposes will never be found wanting, so that this thirty-first session of the General Assembly may constitute an important step forward along the path this Organization is following for the common good of the international community.