70.	I should like to express my great pleasure at having the opportunity once again to address this gathering of representatives of the members of our world community.
71.	Permit me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to this high office. To do so gives me particular satisfaction since your election not only represents a well-deserved tribute to you personally, but also does honour to Colombia, as well as to our Latin American region, of which you are one of the most outstanding spokesmen. In this connexion, my delegation is particularly pleased with the ever-increasing cordial and warm relations Suriname has with your great country.
72.	I should also like to express my delegation's deep-felt gratitude for the sincere endeavours of your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, and for his remarkable leadership not only of the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly but also of the three special sessions of the General Assembly held in the course of this year.
73.	The independence of Solomon Islands and its subsequent admission as a Member of the United Nations constitutes yet another stage in the rapid liquidation of colonialism. We extend our warm welcome to this new and friendly nation and express to the United Kingdom our appreciation of its having brought Solomon Islands to independence.
74.	The thirty-third session of the General Assembly opens against the grim background of increasing political and economic tensions and deepening crises which leave little room for optimism and which could aggravate already existing feelings of frustration, if not desperation. The most important and fundamental issues of war and peace and the establishment of a New International Economic Order remain far from settled. The nuclear and conventional arms race continues unabated. The rumblings of war are once again being heard in the South-East Asian region, where many had real hope for a lasting peace after the ending of the Viet "n war. The Africans; already burdened with the scourge of apartheid and the problems of Zimbabwe and Namibia, are now being threatened by an extension of external conflicting interests and pressure in other parts of their continent.
75.	Against the background of increasing turmoil my delegation deems it necessary to say a few words about the general principles of our external policy.
76.	Suriname is a country which attained its independence only a few years ago. Its foreign policy is based, first of all, on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. As a developing country we are deeply committed to the ideals of the developing world aimed at attaining economic justice as between the developing and the developed nations. As a country of the Latin American continent and a member of the Organization of American States, we pursue an active policy aimed at strengthening our relations with sister countries of the Latin American continent and in the Caribbean.. My country was therefore happy to sign treaties
of friendship and co-operation, as well as agreements on trade and on cultural and other matters, with Brazil and Venezuela and we are in the process of establishing an embassy in the Caribbean area as one of the steps towards cementing our traditional links with sister countries in that area.
77.	In July of this year Suriname signed the Amazon Pact, together with Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru and Venezuela, to promote the harmonious development of the Amazon region. Also, the constitutional procedures in connexion with our entry to the Latin American Economic System have already been initiated. In doing this Suriname is giving form and substance to its policy with regard to Latin American integration.
78.	On disarmament, since the Second World War, which, like the First World War was considered to be the war to end all wars, we have witnessed a mind-boggling nuclear and conventional arms build-up, a steady increase in regular armed forces and the greatest boom in the history of conventional arms sales.
79.	According to the highly respected Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, world military expenditures since 1963 have increased in real terms by about 40 per cent to reach the current figure of about $US400 billion a year, while in the past 15 years the world's armed forces have increased by nearly 30 per cent to about 26 million persons. Since 1963 the trade in major weapons, aircraft, missiles, armoured vehicles and ships has increased more than fivefold. It is a matter of deep distress and concern that the bulk of those weapons were sold to third-world countries.
80.	Needless to say, my Government welcomed the initiative of the non-aligned countries in calling for a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We, together with most countries, regarded that session as being of vital importance for devising new approaches to arms limitation and, if possible, to actual disarmament, in order to put an end to the race of death in which mankind is now involved. In evaluating the results of the tenth-special session of the General Assembly one can take either an optimistic or a pessimistic view depending on one's expectations. As disarmament problems are politically as well as technically highly complex and the special session, after all, was not a conference designed to negotiate a world disarmament treaty, we would like to opt for a more positive appraisal, since we did not expect a major breakthrough.
81. However, we agree with the President of the tenth special session, Mr, Lazar Mojsov, who in his closing remarks at the session said: "If we have not lived up to the most optimistic expectations... this should not be taken as a reason for disillusionment or disappointment."
82. Though it is true that no movement has been achieved in major areas such as the prohibition of nuclear and chemical weapons, a nuclear test-ban treaty and the question of linking disarmament and development, the
special session nevertheless produced a generally valid Final Document [resolution S-10/2]. We should have preferred more far-reaching and explicit decisions, but, taking into account the magnitude of its tasks and the relatively short period of time the session lasted, the results are certainly encouraging.
83.	The delegation of Suriname accepts, as a basis for further work, the three major elements of the Final Document of the special session, namely, the Declaration, the Programme of Action and the decision regarding the machinery for deliberations, consisting of the First Committee of the General Assembly and the Disarmament Commission, as well as the decision on a more democratic Conference of the Committee on Disarmament more closely linked to the United Nations.
84.	It is our sincere hope that the discussions in the First Committee of the General Assembly will focus on the most pressing problems of disarmament and in particular on the question of a systematic and eventually total elimination and prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, without, however, underestimating the problems of other weapons systems.
85.	The delegation of Suriname, furthermore, expresses its sincere hope that a deterioration in the international atmosphere will not have an adverse effect on the ongoing negotiations to achieve an agreement at the second series of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
86.	As signatories of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America, better known as the Treaty of Tlatelolco, we are highly satisfied with the accession of the Soviet Union to Additional Protocol II of the Treaty and with the fact that France has entered into contact with the authorities constituted by the Treaty for the purpose of examining the conditions under which its signature to Additional Protocol I might be effected.
87.	We are also very pleased that the Government of Argentina has initiated the procedures necessary for the ratification of the Treaty.
88.	The Government of Suriname would welcome the accession to the Treaty of Tlateolco of countries in our region that have as yet failed to seek such accession, as it is a treaty that affects all sister States of our continent.
89.	My delegation also attaches great importance to possible regional extension of the ' Declaration of Ayacucho on the limitation of conventional weapons which was signed in 1974 by several Latin American sister countries, following the initiative of Venezuela.
90.	My Government participated in a recent informal meeting in Mexico City, called to explore the possibilities of limiting conventional weapons in our region. The meeting dealt with the intensification and organization of regional efforts to achieve an ever greater and more extensive Latin American co-operation in this field. We are of the opinion that, as in the case of the Treaty of
llatelolco, a regional agreement on the limitation of conventional weapons could serve as an example for the adoption of similar actions in other regions of the world.
91.	With regard to human rights, one of the main purposes of the United Nations as formulated in Article 1, paragraph 3, of the Charter, is:
"To achieve international co-operation... in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion".
It is therefore imperative that our Organization direct its actions against all forms of oppression and that it make its voice heard whenever and wherever those rights are violated. The Charter leaves no room whatsoever for selective indignation. A discriminatory attitude of the world body or its organs or on the part of its affiliated organizations in combating such actions would have a hollow ring and could rapidly stain and seriously diminish their credibility or effectiveness.
92.	The apartheid policy of the Republic of South Africa is in direct and open conflict with the purpose of our Organization. It is a system of a sui generis nature, in that it is legalized by South African laws and enforced by the South African police forces. The killing, maiming and imprisonment of numerous victims are therefore not primarily acts of individual savagery but the logical outcome of the implementation of a system.
93.	Thus it was not a haphazard incident that the forty-fourth detainee to do so since 1963 recently died while in the hands of South African policemen.
94.	What can we, as a Member of the United Nations, do while the South African time bomb is ticking away and martyrs such as Nelson Mandela are withering away in the dungeons of South Africa?
95.	We believe that we should actively support the forces within the South African population that are fighting for the abolition of the repugnant apartheid policy. Those forces ~ are steadily growing in strength and numbers notwithstanding the rigorous organization of the South African State.
96.	The delegation of Suriname, furthermore, is of the considered opinion that the arms embargo against South Africa is far from sufficient. The Security Council should now impose full economic sanctions. We are aware of the existence of two schools of thought on this matter. The opponents of the imposition of sanctions, many of whom can be considered to be sincere, argue that this would victimize the black population most heavily. In our opinion, however, they tend to overlook the basic fact that continuing foreign investments and trade are strengthening the economic and military position of South Africa and are thus contributing to the maintenance of the oppressive system.
97.	In this connexion it should be pointed out that the seemingly more flexible attitude of the South African authorities with regard to the question of Namibia is not a
sudden awakening of their consciences. The recent appearance of numerous newspaper and magazine analyses of how South Africa can "beat sanctions" speak for themselves.
98.	Consequently, Suriname voted in favour of a resolution, adopted on 25 May 1978 in Vienna by the United Nations Commission on Transnational Corporations, calling for the termination by the transnational corporations of their collaboration with the racist minority regimes in southern Africa, a resolution which was subsequently adopted by the Economic and Social Council on 4 August
1978.
99.	The International Anti-Apartheid Year was officially launched on 21 March 1978. My delegation sincerely hopes that in the course of this year we shall witness real progress in the struggle for the liberation of the black population of South Africa.
100.	In observing the International Anti-Apartheid Year it seems only fitting to announce that my Government has decided to sign within the very near future the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid adopted by the General Assembly on 30 November 1973 [resolution 3068 (XXVIII)].
101.	As regards Namibia, my delegation fully supports the Declaration and Programme of Action adopted on 3 May 1978 by the ninth special session of the General Assembly on the question of Namibia [resolution S-9/2], as well as Security Council resolutions passed on Namibia on 27 July
1978.12	The adoption of those resolutions, and in particular that on the principle of a negotiated settlement, is a tribute to the wisdom of the leadership of SWAPO, as well as to the strenuous efforts of the five Western countries, members of the Security Council, and last but not least to the statesmanship of the front-line States.
102.	We are very much concerned about the question of Walvis Bay, as we consider that area an integral part of Namibia. It is an area which, since it includes Namibia's only deep-water port, is essential to the viability of the new nation. Namibia, if deprived of this outlet to the sea, would be at the mercy of South Africa.
103.	During the transition process the United Nations, bearing the primary and crucial responsibility, will no doubt be confronted with many thorny questions which, given the history of the many promises broken by South Africa, are surely to be expected.
104.	A successful outcome of the process, set in motion by the adoption by the Security Council, of the Western plan for a settlement of the Namibian situation, ultimately depends on whether the political will of the people of Namibia will eventually prevail through independent and free elections. It is our sincere hope that such will be the case.
105.	As regards Southern Rhodesia, a successful result in the Namibian settlement may also influence the solution of the problem of Zimbabwe, an area in which we are faced with an equally dangerous situation. We fully agree with the Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, Ambassador Salim, that the so-called "internal settlement" is no settlement at all, but has, on the contrary, caused the conflict to escalate. One should bear in mind that the settlement, while appearing to transfer power to the black majority, essentially leaves all the instruments of domination in the hands of the white minority. Since its inception the war in Southern Rhodesia has increased in violence and intensity.
106.	The hope for the convening of a conference to bring together all the parties directly involved seems rather dim at the moment. However, such an all-party conference based on the Anglo-American proposals submitted on 1 September 197714 is the only alternative to an escalation of the war into a prolonged and gruesome civil war. In the meantime, my delegation is of the opinion that the international community should continue its pressure In order to bring about a settlement of the conflict. Needless to say, therefore, my delegation will resist any effort aimed at lifting the existing sanctions against the Territory.
107.	The situation in the Middle East is complex. The delegation of Suriname maintains the position that a peace settlement must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which contain the principles that all States in the area, including Israel, are entitled to exist within secure and recognized borders; that the Palestinian people is entitled to chart its own course and has the right to establish its own homeland; and that the acquisition of territory by force is against the rules of international law.
108.	My delegation cherishes the sincere hope that the recent diplomatic events which resulted in the acceptance by the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Prime Minister of Israel of certain formulas may eventually lead to a comprehensive and peaceful solution of the Middle East problem. In the light of the current situation we would appreciate the General Assembly's acting in such a way that existing, though understandable, feelings are not further inflamed.
109.	We should like to restate our well-known position in respect of the Korean conflict, that we will support all efforts aimed at the resumption of direct negotiations between North and South Korea which could lead to a peaceful reunification of the peninsula. The efforts to reach a peaceful settlement will not be furthered by a fruitless debate in the General Assembly.
110.	My Government will continue to contribute to and participate in future conferences on the law of the sea which deal with the interests of all nations on an equitable basis. My delegation is therefore deeply concerned at the planned unilateral action in the sea-bed, which will be counter-productive taking into account the progress that
has so far been made in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. In the light of that undesirable action concerning the sea-bed, my Government expresses the hope that the opposing views that have been expressed during the past seven sessions will be reconciled at the forthcoming session of the Conference in Geneva.
111.	A number of issues central to the establishment of a New International Economic Order were the subject of negotiations within the framework of UNCTAD; they were, inter alia, the establishment of a common fund, a code of conduct on the transfer of technology and the debt and debt problems of developing countries.
112.	When one takes into consideration that the concept of the New International Economic Order inherently accepts the mutuality of benefits from trade and foreign investments and that it proposes structural reforms to underwrite a more favourable division of the gains to the developing world, it is regrettable that those negotiations have so far not come to a successful conclusion. We are of the opinion that those negotiations between the developing and the developed world should no longer be reduced to global bargaining in which the industrialized countries make commitments only in return for concessions obtained from the developing countries. It is our view that mutual interest should be the only valid basis for future co-operation.
113.	We welcome the creation of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, known as the Committee of the Whole, which is charged with overseeing and monitoring the implementation of agreements reached in our Organization on the establishment of a New International Economic Order and with facilitating negotiations on global economic problems within the United Nations. It is our view that the Committee must function in such a way as to have a positive effect on efforts to find acceptable forms of international cooperation for development and that the Committee must not pre-empt or duplicate the functions of other organizations.
114.	The United Nations Conference on the Establishment of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization as a Specialized Agency, held in the first part of this year, failed to reach agreement on the draft constitution submitted for its' consideration. We regret the lack of the adequate political will on the part of some countries which participated in the Conference to reach an agreement. We hope, however, that during this Assembly this matter will be considered in such a manner that an acceptable solution can be found. In our opinion, UNIDO as an autonomous body could better deal with the comprehensive effects and aspects of industrial development.
115.	As is known, we have endorsed the Buenos Aires Plan of Action adopted by the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held recently in Argentina. My Government will participate fully, in the activities to be undertaken at the national, subregional, regional, interregional and global levels.

116. According to the Secretariat's latest world economic
survey, the economic outlook for the developed world
market economies in 1978 is one of slow growth. The latest
world development report of the World Bank seems to
contain the same pessimistic view. The economic difficulties
of the industrialized countries and the prevailing
atmosphere of uncertainty about the growth of international
trade as well as the future movements of capital
suggest that it will be more difficult for the developing
countries to expand their economies in the coming decades
than it has been in the past 25 years. Even to maintain their
present rates of progress developing countries will need
larger' inflows of foreign capital while opposing vigorous
and increasing efforts in the industrialized countries to
establish protectionist barriers.

117. Seen in the context of the great diversity of
conditions and multiplicity of factors, the prospects for the
developing world remain uncertain. However, it is a fact
that the economic repercussions around the world have had
a different impact on different countries, thereby greatly
increasing the disparities in development performance. All
this has led to a new challenge which the developing and
developed world in their mutual interest will have to face
during the coming years.
118. The process of economic development in our region
is characterized by imbalances and short-comings. However,
despite the economic difficulties of the world, a certain
progress has been achieved in such fields as production
growth, increased per capita income and reduced balance of
payments deficits. Nevertheless, the relatively more
advanced among the developing countries also continue to
have economic and social problems, such as income
inequity and poverty, as well as high rates of inflation.
. Therefore, I sincerely hope that the institutions of the
United Nations and their relevant bodies will continue to
pay attention to these facts.
119. As far as the general social and economic policy of
my country is concerned, I should like to quote from a
statement I made in our Parliament on 15 March 1978:

"The prime objective of the Government of Suriname is
the achievement of national economic independence. The
development policy, which is attuned to this objective,
will be aimed at achieving prosperity as the basis for an
equitable welfare policy. My Government holds the view
that the process, already started, for the realization of the
national goals of an increase in the economic strength of
the nation, an. increase in the availability of employment,
the improvement of the living conditions of the entire
population and the regional distribution of development
activities must be intensified through the mobilization
and participation of the entire population."
120. World developments in the political, social and
economic fields make it imperative that we formulate and
express an opinion such as that I have just presented to the
Assembly. The Government of the Republic of Suriname does not purport to act as a reformer of the world, but we
are of the opinion that the developing countries should play
a more significant role in determining international politics
if they are to make an essential contribution towards their
own political, social and economic development and progress.
121. We express our views on, inter alia, human rights and
freedoms, disarmament, the establishment of a New International
Economic Order, the situation in. the Middle East,
the Korean conflict, the problems of Zimbabwe and
Namibia and the apartheid policy of South Africa in full
awareness that we may not and cannot live in isolation.


38.	Mr. President, for Latin America your election as President of the General Assembly is an event of singular importance. That is because we consider you a distinguished exponent of Latin-American thought, to which you have made an invaluable contribution as a writer, researcher, historian, and perspicacious analyst of social and economic problems in the area, and because you are a staunch defender of the interests of the third world. You have come to preside over this session of the General Assembly at a complex period of history, a period reflected in a body of difficult topics which, because they are well known to you, will not stand in the way of your wise
direction of our proceedings as we try to pave the way to positive solutions.
39.	On behalf of my country, I wish to offer an expression of sincere congratulations to the distinguished statesman of Yugoslavia, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, for the extraordinary contribution he made to the ideals and purposes of the United Nations as President of the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly and of the eighth, ninth and tenth special sessions, devoted to the questions of Lebanon, Namibia and world disarmament, respectively.
40.	Panama shares the joy of the international community at seeing Solomon Islands enter the United Nations. That is a memorable event, not only because Solomon Islands is a country worthy of respect and admiration, but also because now that there are ISO States in the General Assembly our Organization has taken impressive strides towards the ideal of universality.
41.	In addition, my country deems it a good omen that the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries was held eight weeks ago in Belgrade to consider progress in the policy of non-alignment in ail areas of the world and we note the undeniable importance of the co-ordinated action of the non-aligned countries in the work of this Assembly. This is a fitting occasion, then, to stress the fact that the Conference paid a tribute to the invaluable contribution of President T o of Yugoslavia to the strengthening of the policy of non-alignment and its progressive consolidation as a factor and independent force in the building of a new system of international relations chat will be more equitable and just, to the opinion of my country—which held one of the vice-presidencies of the Conference held at Belgrade and presided over the working group in charge of the drafting of the section containing the political declaration on Latin-American subjects the importance of the work of that gathering will be demonstrated in the deliberations on the items on the agenda of this session of the Assembly. The effectiveness of the non-aligned movement lies in the co-ordinated action of the developing countries which make it up and which also make up two-thirds of mankind. Their weight cannot be underestimated in the process of rebuilding the political and economic structure of today's world.
42.	In the political realm, the non-aligned counties have the major responsibility of maintaining the real spirit and genuine identity of the movement as an alternative to the dictates of the super-Powers. The unity of the non-aligned countries consequently represents the necessary basis for action to prevent rivalries among blocs and military pacts in their struggle to achieve spheres of influence and to pursue die arms race, the most serious consequences of which must be borne by the developing countries. There can be for them no prospect or other alternative but a regime based on peace and mutual respect among States which have different social systems, but which guarantee to each people its right to determine for itself everything that affects its destiny.
43.	The fact that the Heads of State and Government of fifty non-aligned countries will meet in Latin America for the first time at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or
Government of Non-Aligned Countries, to bi. held between 3 and 7 September 1079 in Havana, offers new hopes for the developing countries. That Conference at the highest level will be a magnificent forum for the nations of the third world which are anxious to study, analyse and take action to solve the major political, economic and social problems of our time within the balanced framework of non-alignment. There is every reason for us to hope that the summit Conference in Havana, will represent a magnificent contribution to peace, security and justice in today's world.
44.	During the general debate which took place in the Assembly last year, the Chairman of the delegation of Panama brought to the attention of participating delegations that on 7 September 1977 the Panama Canal Treaty3 and the Treaty concerning the Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama Canal4 were signed in Washington. Today I take great pleasure in announcing that both treaties were approved by the Panamanian people in a national plebiscite which was held in accordance with our constitutional procedures. That plebiscite was carried out in the presence of United Nations observers appointed by the Secretary-General, who bore witness to the due and democratic nature of that" consultation of the people.
45.	Subsequently the United States Senate, in accordance with the Constitution of the United States, approved both Canal Treaties, with certain amendments, conditions, reservations and understandings. As a consequence of the foregoing, on 16 June 1978 the Head of Government of the Republic of Panama, General Omar Torrijos Herrera, and President Jimmy Carter of the United States, exercising their respective constitutional powers, met in the city of Panama to exchange respective instruments of ratification and to sign the protocol on the exchange of instruments of ratification. In accordance with a rule established by the United States Senate, the exchange of instruments of ratification would be considered to take effect on 1 April 1979.
46.	The Treaties will enter into effect simultaneously after six calendar months, starting with the date of the exchange of instruments of ratification and their entry into force, which will be 1 October 1979.
47.	The execution of the Canal Treaties requires that Panama reformulate its development strategy, which will make it possible to make the maximum use of new sources of resources, placing under its sovereignty the political and economic aspects of part of its territory which for more than 70 years had been removed from the full exercise of its sovereignty.
48.	The people and the Government of Panama are grateful to the General Assembly of the United Nations, the General Assembly of the Organization of American States /OAS],. and the movement of non-aligned countries for the support: which Panama's demands had always received,
49.	My country is well aware that this Assembly of nations, when commemorating the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress, which met in Panama at the request of Bolivar in 1826, decided to adopt on 17 December 1976 resolution 31/142, paragraph 4 of which formulates the wish for a successful outcome of the negotiations for the conclusion of s new treaty on the Panama Canal, which would eliminate the causes of conflict between Panama and the United States of America, determine the speedy return to Panama of the Panamanian territory of which the Panama Canal is a part and stipulate that the Republic of Panama would assume total responsibility for the operation of the inter-oceanic Canal upon the termination of the treaty.
50.	My country was particularly pleased that the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries decided to include in its final Declaration the statement that
"The Conference greet:, the conclusion and ratification by Panama and the United States of the Panama Canal Treaties of 1977 as an important step towards restoring Panama's territorial integrity and effective sovereignty throughout its national territory, including the strip of land where the canal is situated, which has contributed to the decolonization of Latin America.... The non-aligned countries will continue to extend support to Panama in securing the full and consistent implementation of these treaties. The Ministers take note that Panama and the United States have agreed to open the Protocol of the Treaty on the Permanent Neutrality of the Canal to the accession of all countries, and therefore the Ministers decided to call upon all States of the world to accede to the Protocol, to respect the permanent neutrality of the Canal and to strictly observe the principle of non-intervention in Panamanian affairs.
51.	Immediately before the Belgrade Declaration on permanent neutrality, on 14 July 1978, the Foreign Ministers of Colombia, Costa Rica, Panama and Venezuela signed in the city of Panama a joint declaration on questions of common interest, both for the well-being of their respective peoples and for the unity and integration of Latin America. In that declaration the Foreign Ministers of Colombia, Costa Rica and Venezuela expressed the intention of their Governments to sign the Protocol to the Treaty Concerning the Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama Canal.
52.	As the Protocol will be open to accession by all the States of the world, on the entry into force of the Treaty on the neutrality of the inter-oceanic waterway, the Foreign Ministers of Colombia, Costa Rica, and Venezuela asked the Governments of the other Latin-American countries to adhere to the Protocol to the Treaty Concerning the Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama Canal whereby access to the Canal by the ships of all nations on a basis of complete equality would be assured at all times.
53.	My Government believes that accession to the Protocol to the Treaty on the neutrality of the Panama Canal will contribute to the strengthening of international security and to the promotion of peaceful co-operation in accordance with the United Nations Charter. We are
convinced that this is a measure which will contribute to peace, friendship and international co-operation. We therefore invite all States Members of the United Nations and other members of the international community to accede to the Protocol.
54.	Since on 10 December next the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights will be celebrated, we believe that is a fitting occasion for all Member States to combine special efforts to promote international understanding, co-operation, peace and universal and effective respect for human rights in harmony with the appeal in this sens0, made by the Commission on Human Rights.
55.	Panama, as a signatory of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Optional Protocol to the latter, which entered into force on 3 January 1976, is interested in both the entry into force of, and strict compliance with, those instruments. We have placed our trust in the effectiveness of the Committee on Human Rights, made up of 18 recently elected members. At the regional level, Panama supports the establishment of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and for that purpose we have signed and ratified the constituent instrument of that body.
56.	Panama shares the position of those States that recognize the universal value of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and we ascribe priority importance to respect for, and the effectiveness of, human rights of an economic and social nature. In our opinion, hunger, poverty, unemployment and economic weakness are negative factors which work against the dignity of human beings.
57.	In line with these preoccupations, we must admit that we are not encouraged by the progress which has been made thus far in various bodies of the United Nations system in establishing a new international economic order. The creation of the Committee established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, or the Committee of the Whole, has not fulfilled our hopes and expectations, particularly because of inadequate co-operation on the part of the industrialized and highly developed countries, which so far have questioned the terms of reference of the Committee, thus detracting from its fundamental characteristic as a forum for negotiations.
58.	There has been a tendency to abandon negotiations and understanding and take a unilateral course of action. That seems to be the attitude that one of the super-Powers has taken recently. One of its governmental bodies has shown a tendency to allow its enterprises to exploit the sea-bed beyond its national jurisdiction.
59.	The Chairman of the Group of 77 made a statement at the last plenary meeting of the seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Seas objecting to this unilateral procedure because it runs
counter to the will of the international community, which has deemed that the sea-bed is the common heritage of mankind. That interpretation of the matter was in keeping with the views of the third world and a number of important States of the industrialized world.
60.	It is Panama's hope that the attempt by the State to which we have been referring to impose unilateral legislation will be reconsidered and corrected so that the strenuous efforts being made to conclude next year an all-inclusive convention on the law of the sea within the United Nations system will not be undermined.
61.	In view of the imminence of the fifth session of UNCTAD, which is only eight months away, and in view of the proximity of the special session which is scheduled to take place in 1980 to adopt the new international development strategy for the decade of the 1080s, it is imperative that both the developed and the developing countries find new ways of coming together so that the work of the Committee of the Whole may he more fruitful and positive. Therefore we are pleased that both the General Committee and the Assembly in its plenary meetings have, as a result of an initiative of the Group of 77 agreed to introduce the item on development and international co-operation as a priority matter on the agenda of the present session and to begin consideration of the matter in plenary meetings as soon as the general debate is completed.
62.	In the Declaration on Namibia and Programme of Action in Support of Self-Determination and National Independence for Namibia, contained in General Assembly resolution S-9/2 adopted at the ninth special session, not only is it reaffirmed that the people of Namibia have an inalienable right to "self-determination, freedom and national independence in a united Namibia1", but also the international community is urged to take final action to ensure the complete and unconditional withdrawal of South Africa from Namibian territory and thereby eliminate the serious threat to international peace and security created by South Africa. In this process due consideration ii given to the roles that should be played by the United Nations Council for Namibia and SWAPO.
63.	We believe that the freedom of Namibia represents a commitment the United Nations cannot shirk. Hence the Government of Panama attaches major importance to the report of the Secretary-General submitted to the Security Council on 29 August 1978 which contains the outline of a plan for the speedy achievement of independence for Namibia by means of free elections to be held under the supervision and control of the United Nations m accordance with the plan proposed for this purpose by the five Western members of the Security Council. Canada, the Federal Republic of Germany, France, United Kingdom and the United States [S/12636] relating to a settlement of the situation in Namibia, a plan already endorsed by the Council in its resolution.
64.	The international community has followed with deep concern deliberations and consultations engaged in by the Secretary-General, the President of the Security Council, SWAPO, the five Western members of the Council who have sponsored the independence plan, the front-line African countries and the spokesmen of the group of African States as a whole.
65 That concern has been increased by the unexpected objections of the Vorster regime just when it seemed that a harmonious solution of the question of Namibia under the auspices of the United Nations was under way. We share the Secretary-General's hope that good sense will prevail and that further efforts will be made with the co-operation of all parties concerned to meet the just expectations of the people of Namibia, who are hoping for liberation and independence.
66.	The Government of Panama wishes to repeat that it is prepared to co-operate in the general effort all must make and to stand behind the ideals and aspirations of the brotherly African countries. To that end, through the Secretary-General, my Government has already offered a contingent of Panamanian soldiers in case their presence could be useful in the process of leading Namibia to independence, by facilitating the peaceful transition of that nation towards effective sovereignty and full jurisdiction over its national territory, including Walvis Bay.
67.	My delegation cannot fail to refer also to the question of the Middle East, where there is a conflict that most directly threatens peace and international security and that, consequently, must be resolved by respecting the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, and in particular Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338 (1973).
68.	Panama believes that a just and lasting solution must comprise the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories, respect for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination and to its own independence	and the right of Israel and the States and peoples of the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.
69.	The Government of Panama participated in the consensus that the United Nations Security Council reached on 11 November 1976,7 with the consent of its permanent members, China, France, the USSR, the United Kingdom and the United States, whereby it was decided, inter alia, that all measures taken by Israel with the aim of changing the status of Jerusalem are null and void and must remain without effect. Panama, like the Vatican, does not recognize the annexation of Jerusalem and will insist on the internationalization of the Holy Places.
70.	All the efforts being made to produce the solutions that have been mentioned by peaceful means such as negotiation, mediation, conciliation and other harmonious approaches, must be greeted with sympathy and enthusiasm by the international community.
71.	In this respect my country welcomes the peace initiative sponsored by President Jimmy Carter of the
United States, who brought together at Camp David the President of Egypt, Anwar El-Sadat, and the Prime Minister of Israel, Menachem Begin. Without prejudging the substance of the agreements reached, which cover matters that arc extremely difficult and arouse deep emotions in the peoples of the area, it is our hope that the peace initiative of President Carter and the spirit of Camp David will help to create the climate of calm and understanding needed to move through successive stages towards a just and constructive settlement of the conflict.
72.	(t is a truism that, just as human rights and the fundamental freedoms of the individual and of peoples, are inalienable, so is personal freedom inseparable from the right of human beings to satisfy their economic needs with dignity.
73.	The Government of Panama will make a special effort to meet the health, housing, food, recreation, employment and recreation needs of all the inhabitants of our country without any discrimination or limitation based on origin, sex, belief or nationality.
74.	On the basis of those principles, which are fundamental to Panama's policies, in the Commission on Human Rights, of which we are a member, we supported resolution 4 (XXXIII), 8 paragraph 4, of which recommends to the Economic and Social Council to invite the Secretary-General, in co-operation with UNESCO, to present to the Commission on Human Rights at its thirty-fifth session a study on the international dimensions of the right to development as a human right, together with other rights based on international co-operation, including the right to peace, taking into account the requirements of the New International Economic Order and fundamental human needs
75.	I do not wish to conclude my comments on human rights without stressing most emphatically our historic commitment, together with countries of Africa, to the struggle of our African brothers against insolent and oppressive racism. From the very beginning, we endorsed the anti-racist cause in the United Nations, perhaps because we had had bitter experiences with that evil in our own country. At the opening recently of the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination in Geneva, the head of the Government of Panama, General Omar Torrijos, sent to the Chairman of that Conference a warm message, the final paragraph of which stated:
"On behalf of the Government and the people of Panama, we hope that this Conference in Geneva will be successful, so that the men and women from all parts assembled there will set in motion the final offensive to eradicate once and for all the racist cancer which is the scourge of mankind and begin a new effort to promote peace and human dignify and the values of the human person on the basis of the equality of human rights of men and women in all areas of the world."
76.	We believe that to the extent that every country respects the dignity of human beings and their fundamental
8 See Official Records of the Economic and Social Council, Sixty-second Session, Supplement No. 6, chap. XXI.
rights, affording them the necessary well-being for their fulfilment, the essential conditions for peace and development and friendly relations and co-operation among States will be established.
77.	The Government of Panama cannot remain indifferent to the bloodshed that has been taking place for many months now in Nicaragua, which has caused a great loss of life and which in recent days has reached alarming proportions. To measure the impact of these tragic events on the public opinion in my country, 1 need only mention that the National Assembly of District Representatives, the highest body representing the popular will and one of the constitutional governmental bodies, unanimously adopted a resolution in which it condemned the genocide committed against the people of Nicaragua.
78.	Panama had defended and will continue to defend at all times the right of people to self-determination and the principle of non-intervention, which are essential elements in the peaceful coexistence of the peoples of the Central American isthmus.
79.	The exercise of these rights is organically linked to the obligation of the leaders to resolve domestic conflicts and international disputes by peaceful means without endangering peace, international security or justice.
80.	For that reason when in a neighbouring country, for political reasons, there if a breach of the peace and collective unrest leading to the widespread loss of human lives, that situation must inevitably be of major concern to the other Governments and peoples of the area. It is a visible danger that in an act of desperation large groups of people may promote extreme solutions when they are denied by violent means the right to take part in their national destiny. Panama is well aware what would be the significance of a totalitarian extremist Government in the area, and we shall never lend ourselves to Governments of that kind. We hope that our governmental leaders will act sensibly in accordance with the national will and avoid upheavals which could only serve as a breeding ground for extremist solutions, to which countries resort only when they are driven to the limits of desperation.
81.	It is only logical that our concern should be aroused when the armed forces of a State which should preserve order and guarantee the lives and property of the citizens of that country in carrying out their duties use weapons of war indiscriminately against the civilian population. As a result of suffering and mourning, intense feelings of condemnation, hatred and public revenge are aroused against others in the country.
fy2. The respect which civilized Governments have for the principle of self-determination of peoples and non-intervention, as well as their rejection of the use of force, precludes any possible condoning of acts which are at variance with the ethical values and feelings of the Latin-American peoples. It was dismaying that thousands of non-combatant civilians were fired on in the cities of Matagalpa, Masaya, Leon, Chinandega and Estelf and other smaller less populated communities with consequent large-scale destruction. We were painfully dismayed also by the material damage and the damage caused to social, human and cultural values in the country of Rub6n Dario, who is a symbol for Latin America and is respected throughout the cultural world for his great contribution to Spanish literature.
This climate of tension can reach explosive proportions when the frontiers and sovereignty of friendly countries that are traditionally attached to peace and order are violated in the most inexplicable circumstances.
84.	When such reprehensible acts multiply it is logical to hope that countries in harmony with the aspirations of peoples that have a common heritage of freedom, morality and justice should call upon international bodies at the regional and national levels to take action to combat these evils. In the face of acts of such gravity, as stated in the Charter of the United Nations, the means of legitimate self-defence are available, both individual and collective, against the transgressors of peace, morality, justice and national culture. In these circumstances, the competent bodies of the United Nations must also take action which is appropriate so that bloodshed and barbaric violations of human rights against the Nicaraguan people will not remain unpunished or will not be repeated and so that those responsible will be called to account for their criminal conduct.
85.	This deplorable situation, which is rooted in social, economic and political causes, is today taking on the character of a crisis in Central America, which could become explosive throughout the continent. The flood of Nicaraguan refugees into Costa Rica and Honduras contributes to the crisis and could also have unpredictable consequences on the relations between Honduras and El Salvador and the conflict existing between those two countries.
86.	My delegation believes that it is therefore appropriate to stress the importance to the area of the fact that the dispute between Honduras and El Salvador must be settled as soon as possible It is our hope that the negotiations presently being pursued between those two countries will lead to a just settlement which we all desire, as well as to harmonious coexistence between their two peoples.
87.	The urgent need for a peaceful settlement and the need to prevent new lamentable situations cannot be exaggerated. The Government of Panama has received reliable information to the effect that international arms peddlers, merchants of crime and ruin, dealers in suffering and desolation, have been trying by every means available to them to stimulate the conflict between El Salvador and Honduras in order to distract world public attention from the crisis in Nicaragua. It is for that reason that my delegation believes that the United Nations peace-keeping machinery and the machinery to ensure international security must not fail to function in this Central-American crisis, which is a source of concern today throughout the entire continent, and indeed throughout the entire world.
88.	I should like to conclude by expressing our renewed trust in the efforts which the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has been making to promote the purposes and principles of the United Nations for the benefit of the inhabitants of our planet in every latitude.
89.	Mr. President, we believe that it is indeed extremely fortunate that a statesman of your distinguished standing is conducting our proceedings and endeavouring to resolve burning issues for mankind, and we can assure you that you will enjoy the resolute and enthusiastic co-operation of the delegation of Panama.


90.	Mr. President, may I first cordially congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. The Yugoslav delegation, and I personally, are gratified to be able to address our congratulations to you, an outstanding statesman and diplomat and a prominent representative of friendly Colombia, with which Yugoslavia has fruitful and close co-operation.
91.	I am happy to be able to welcome in our midst the representatives of this new Member State, Solomon Islands, by whose admission our Organization has taken one more step closer to the realization of the principle of universality embodied in the Charter of the United Nations.
92.	It is a cause of satisfaction to my country that full credit has been given to the representative of Yugoslavia, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, for the way in which he presided over the General Assembly at a significant period of its activity, with one regular session and three special sessions devoted to very important questions of international life.
93.	The agenda of the current session of our Assembly includes important problems affecting international peace and security, as well as issues concerning long-term questions of the development of the world in which we live. Regular sessions provide us with an opportunity 'o give additional stimulus to our joint efforts to work more resolutely for the solution of the problems facing us.
94. This is all the more important since our session is taking place at a time of further deepening of the general crisis in the existing system of international political and economic relations; at a time of stagnation in the process of relaxation of tensions; at the time of an unabated arms race, an aggravation of existing crises and the strengthening of attempts to impose new forms of domination and interference in the internal affairs of independent States.
95: Our hope and our firm belief that the difficulties of our time can be successfully overcome are based on the tremendously increased determination of peoples and countries to fight for their independence and free development and to contribute to the establishment of a new system of international relations founded on freedom, equality, interdependence and justice. Guided by these noble aspirations, the non-aligned countries, which represent the greater part of the membership of the world Organization, gathered this summer at their ministerial Conference in Belgrade,  the capital of my country, in order to make their voice still stronger and to render their actions for the achievement of these objectives still more determined.
96.	The Belgrade Conference attracted the attention of the world public precisely because it strengthened and further elaborated all the basic principles and the role and orientation of the policy of non-alignment as an independent, non-bloc world factor actively involved in the struggle for new international relations.
97.	Having this in mind, the Conference adopted positions on all the important and burning issues of contemporary international relations. It underlined the importance of the actions of non-aligned countries within the United Nations and their readiness to co-operate, particularly with the other" developing countries and with all those favouring the general application of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence.
98.	The Conference also firmly rejected all attempts to divide the non-aligned countries on political, ideological and other grounds. It also adopted specific recommendations for the peaceful settlement of disputes between non-aligned countries. It charted the political course for the preparation of the forthcoming important meetings of non-aligned countries, including their summit conferences. The final acts of the Conference have been circulated as a document of the General Assembly [A/33/206], and we believe that they will be studied with due attention.
99.	Opening the Conference, President Tito emphasized that:
"World stability has been discussed for years now as wholly dependent on a balance of power and fear, and bloc accommodation. At the same time, however, we have been witness to persisting instability, as the end result of precisely these premises."
100.	This has impelled us to seek and construct another approach, based on a different logic, towards the realities of our world, and this has been embodied in the policy of non-alignment. This policy has asserted itself with such moral and political force that it "has imparted positive elements of stability to an anxious and disturbed world" [ibid,]. Precisely for this reason it was able to assert itself as a real and in fact the only possible alternative to the existing systems of privileges, monopolies and dependence.
101.	This was even more strongly underlined in the stand taken at the Belgrade Conference that the struggle against the old and the new evils of our world, against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism, against all forms of foreign domination and interference, and the fight against political and economic hegemonism and all forms of subjugation, must be waged at the same time as the struggle for the realization of a different vision of the world in which the system of life will not be based on bloc divisions, even if it were possible to achieve a so-called balance of bloc forces and interests.
102.	This applies primarily to our concept of the character and substance of detente, that is, of the process of relaxation of tensions in the world, to which we attach such great importance.
103.	Detente is today in a state of serious stagnation, particularly with regard to relations among the great Powers, and it is also plagued with some new cold war elements. We must see how to set in motion again its positive trends, since without detente there are no real prerequisites for a more effective elimination of the main hotbeds of crisis in the world.

104.	Of course, we must be aware of the fact that, no matter how important relations among the great Powers may be, detente must not be directed solely towards mutual accommodation among blocs and their mutual coexistence. Detente must become universal. It must encompass all regions and all aspects of international life. It must not amount to a conservation of existing conditions of dependence and the status quo, but must be a means of promoting movement towards peace, independence and social progress with the active and equal participation and responsibility of all the members of the world community. Our Organization, by its efforts and deliberations, can greatly stimulate such a direction of detente.
105.	Within the context of the weighty subjects on the agenda of our session, my delegation considers that we should at present devote particular attention to action for the final liquidation of colonialism in all parts of the world. Colonialism is an anachronism of the past which is desperately maintaining itself owing to the continued existence of bloc-motivated strategic needs and the interests of international monopolies which are tied to the remaining regimes in southern Africa.
106.	The racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia are aware of this situation. That is why they take advantage so widely of the insufficient effectiveness of the world
Organization in adopting necessary decisions and its lack of determination in implementing the existing ones.
107.	The ease of Namibia provides all of us with an instructive example. As a result of the liberation struggle of the people of Namibia and the solidarity of the international community developments took a positive turn. Precisely when this could lead to a genuine solution, the South African racist Government raised new obstructions, with the intention of turning the clock back.
108.	My delegation wishes to call the attention of this Assembly to the fact that such obstruction, accompanied by the perpetration of brutal crimes and genocide against the African population and the undertaking of aggressive actions against sovereign African States, particularly the front-line States, by the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia will continue as long as the world community and our Organization do not apply the necessary measures against those regimes more consistently and resolutely.
109.	Racism and apartheid have been condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity and a threat to peace and security in the world, and yet the embargo on the supply of arms to South Africa, and economic and other sanctions against Rhodesia are, regrettably, not being consistently implemented by all.
110.	We should once again reaffirm our clearly defined policy and pledge our full support and assistance to peoples fighting for the elimination of those racist regimes and for their national liberation. We must lend full support to and recognize all the legitimate rights of the liberation movements of SWAPO in Namibia and the Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe. There can be no genuine and lasting achievement of independence and transfer of power to the African majority without the participation of SWAPO and the Patriotic Front.
111.	We believe, in particular, that the plan envisaged for Namibia, including the sending of peacekeeping forces of the United Nations to ensure a peaceful and just process for the gaining of independence, should be brought to completion resolutely and without delay. My Government is prepared to lend its full support to this, deeply convinced that it is a positive step towards the final liquidation of racism and apartheid. in South Africa and Rhodesia, the attainment of independence by the people of Zimbabwe and the securing of stability and peace in that sensitive area
of the African continent.

112.	In the tolerance shown of the insolent challenges and manoeuvres of the racist regimes the African countries rightly see new neo-colonial aspirations and tendencies towards the recolonization of certain African regions. We, the United Nations, must not close our eyes to this fact.
113.	The failure to settle these and other crises in Africa will result in new grave disturbances in international relations and will open new areas for the rivalry and conflicts of foreign interests and confrontations. Precisely for that reason, we consider the role played by the OAU in African affairs to be very important. For this the OAU deserves the full support of the United Nations.
114.	The Middle East crisis is also one of the most dangerous focal points of a possible world conflict. This is primarily a consequence of the , stubborn persistence of Israel in pursuing an aggressive policy against neighbouring Arab countries, its denial of the national rights of the Palestinian people and its refusal to implement the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly.
115.	Aware of the gravity of the problem with which we ire confronted there, as well as of the need to do everything to prevent a further deterioration of the dangerous state of crisis and find ways conducive to a just and peaceful solution, we wish to welcome and support all efforts that genuinely tend towards achieving those aims.
116.	We must also be quite realistic, however, in assessing all the elements of the existing crisis and carefully appraise which steps bring us closer to and which possibly take us further away from a just and lasting solution. We are deeply convinced that all peace initiatives must keep that in mind and must be evaluated precisely from that standpoint.
117.	As a consequent concept of the spirit and letter of the resolutions adopted by the United Nations as well as positions determined at a number of conferences of the non-aligned countries, a comprehensive and lasting settlement of the Middle East crisis must embody three fundamental principles: first, the complete withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab territories occupied during the 1967 war; secondly, the exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable national right to self-determination and the establishment of its own independent State and recognition of the Palestine liberation Organization as the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people; and thirdly, the right of all countries and peoples of the region to security and independent development.
118.	We believe that only the steps taken in accordance with the aforementioned principles and aimed at their full implementation will be likely to lead to a comprehensive, lasting and peaceful settlement of the crisis and ensure peace and stability in that region.
119.	Now I should like to refer to our thinking and positions on the Cyprus crisis and the question of Korea. The prolongation of the Cyprus crisis, which deprives an independent country of its right to full sovereignty, alerts us also to the existence of a constant threat to peace in that part of the world. We are convinced that a way out can be found only through a consistent and comprehensive implementation of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), which contains all the necessary elements and measures for the settlement of this crisis. We think that this should be achieved by refraining from actions amounting to interference and pressure from outside, by constructive dialogue between the two communities and, r particular, by the United Nations playing a more active role in implementing its resolutions.
120.	We should not forget for a single moment that the continued maintenance of the division of Korea is one of the potential sources of a wider international conflict. We must, therefore, lend clear and constant support to the Vast aspirations of the people of Korea for peaceful reunification, without outside interference, and welcome in that sense the concrete and constructive steps of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea towards that goal.
121.	One of the most important questions in the life of the world community is the problem of disarmament. It was debated at length at the recent tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was convened on the initiative of the non-aligned countries.
122.	Although the results of that session do not give us cause for excessive optimism, we are nevertheless convinced that it is quite realistic to say that that session was important as it expressed the definite resolve of our Organization to deal with this question directly and actively in the future as well. What we adopted there constitutes a good starting-point for our future efforts in this domain. That applies in the first place to the general principles involving the primary responsibility and central role of the United Nations.
123.	The decision to reaffirm the inalienable right of all States, without discrimination, to develop, acquire, and use nuclear technology for peaceful purposes with a view to promoting their own economic and social development [see resolution S-10/2, para. 36], is of great significance. This decision is all the more important as tendencies to maintain the existing nuclear monopoly are still very much present. Reconciling ourselves to the strengthening of such monopoly would lead to a widening of the already dangerous gap between the developing and the developed countries, which would strengthen technological colonialism, create new grounds for instability in the world and engender new dangerous tensions in international relations. It is important now to implement as effectively as possible the decisions we have taken and to ensure that the organs we have formed should start functioning as soon as possible.
124.	The tenth special session failed to find positive solutions to some key problems, such as the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons or the giving of guarantees to countries which have renounced those weapons that , such weapons will not be used against them. We consider that without this commitment the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons cannot fulfil the purpose for which it was intended.
125.	The outstanding questions of the liquidation of foreign military bases and the concrete establishment of zones of peace and co-operation in various parts of the world have also remained unresolved. And, most important, it seems to us that the efforts of the world Organization in this sphere should be aimed at overcoming the present trend towards negotiations concerned with balancing armaments and at finally setting in motion the genuine process of disarmament.
126.	Because of existing resistance, motivated by bloc interests, it has not been possible to adopt more than provisions of principle on the subject of zones of peace and co-operation. To our mind, these provisions of principle should apply wholly to the region of the Mediterranean. That has been endorsed by the majority of Mediterranean countries. These provisions must provide a basis for the future efforts of Mediterranean countries and their determination to ensure, in the spirit of the decisions of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, stable peace, security and progress in the Mediterranean through the co-operation of all the countries of the region on a basis of equality.
127.	Within the framework of our efforts to strengthen security in the world we attach great importance to the promotion of confidence among peoples and States. Confidence can be promoted in various ways, inter alia through the establishment of zones of peace and co-operation and nuclear-weapon-free zones; by refraining from military manoeuvres along borders and their use to exert pressure on other countries; by the outlawing of terrorist organizations and their activities against other States; and by refraining from hostile propaganda.
128.	Terrorism is a form of international crime which is deliberately directed against the independence and free and peaceful life of peoples and countries. It is a form of indirect aggression and an instrument of destabilization of the internal systems of sovereign States with a view to imposing alien ideological and political systems on them and destroying the independence of those countries.
129.	We are convinced that all the members of the world community must bear equal responsibility for an energetic and constant struggle against this crime.
130.	We wish to draw attention, in particular, to the danger arising out of the existence of double standards in the approach to terrorism, according to which one type of terrorism is treated as a crime and another as a form of political opposition, and to the attempts made to discredit as terrorism national liberation struggles against foreign domination. It is clear that purely ideological criteria and remnants of cold war concepts about two worlds, or endeavours to maintain colonial relations, lie behind such attitudes.
131.	Just because of the existence of such double standards regarding terrorist groups, we wish to call the Assembly's attention to the fact that the draft international convention against the taking of hostages, which is before the General Assembly [item 120], should be construed as indicating a readiness to apply the same criteria to all kinds of acts of international terrorism, and to combat them resolutely and in the same way.
132.	Permit me to refer to an important question for the world community, that of human rights, which has given rise to deep controversies and, regrettably, has become the object of frequent manipulations inspired by various ideological concepts, and to draw attention to the positions adopted by the conference of Minister of Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned countries, held recently in Belgrade.
133.	Proceeding from the principles of the United Nations, the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Conference pointed out that the issue of human rights cannot be isolated from its national, economic and social context. This position is inspired by the conviction that the freedom of the individual is inseparable from the freedom of the people, and that the human rights and the
fundamental freedoms of the individual and of the people are inseparable.
134.	Only thus can the rights of the individual and of the people and their free and all-round development be genuinely promoted. This should be a component part of the political and economic emancipation of peoples and of the struggle for the democratization of international relations.
135.	My country, profoundly convinced that political systems must serve the human person, and not vice versa, accords a very high priority to the question of human rights. Therefore, we wish to draw attention once again to the importance of the initiative of the non-aligned countries concerning the elaboration and adoption of an integral and comprehensive approach to human rights.
136.	In this connexion we also devote particular attention to the provision in the Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries concerning the need for strict respect for the rights of ethnic and religious minorities [see Aj33/206, annex I, para. 156]. We believe that the nation that constitutes the - majority is responsible for the realization of the rights of the national minority, as it is difficult to imagine a majority enjoying genuine freedom if it has not ensured the same freedom to the national minority.
137.	For my country, this is a very important principle, both because of the federal and multinational character of our. community, in which all nations and all nationalities  enjoy optimal and equal conditions for their free national development, and because of our strong belief that national minorities, provided they enjoy all the necessary rights, can
be one of the most valuable links between countries and peoples, and can foster confidence between them.
138.	I am convinced that there is no particular need to demonstrate the uncertainties that are engendered by attempts to maintain old relations of inequality, privilege and exploitation in international economic relations. This system of relations is in a state of absolute crisis, and we witness, at the same time, a complete standstill in negotiations on problems whose solution would bring about a radical and indispensable change in international economic relations.
139.	It seems to us that, owing to selfishness and a lack of readiness to grasp the core of the problem, no. real dialogue has yet been established between the most developed and the developing countries, as a result of which no progress has been achieved with regard to the solution of a single substantive question. Owing to such obstruction, the first year's work of the Committee on the new international economic order  has ended in complete failure. It is not possible to endorse the thesis that this was due to differences of interpretation concerning the character and scope of its mandate.
140.	The least we should do, confronted as we are by this critical situation, is to create by joint efforts, at this session,
conditions for the normal functioning of the Committee on the new international economic order within the framework of its mandate.
141.	We believe that the Committee will be able to continue its work by the beginning of next year and that it will be in a position to make its concrete contribution to negotiations on the most important issues which are under way, and thus ensure a favourable political atmosphere for preparations for the new international development strategy and the successful outcome of the fifth session of UNCTAD and of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development.
142.	The establishment of the new international economic order has become the primary task of the international community. Closing our eyes to this reality not only would exacerbate the existing crisis in economic relations, but would inject new and dangerous disruptions and crises into political relations in the world and, in the final analysis, jeopardize international peace and security.
143.	Our vision of new international political and economic relations and their realization calls for a decisive role to be played by the United Nations. The non-aligned countries have always considered that the strengthening of the effectiveness of the United Nations is one of the essential tasks of the international community. For their part, they have made a key contribution to the realization of this process, particularly with respect to the elaboration of universally acceptable platforms for the solving of crises and the elimination of sources of conflict, the establishment of the new international economic order, the elaboration of a programme of general and complete disarmament and the removal of the danger of armed conflicts.
144.	We must firmly oppose the growing tendency to withdraw substantive problems from our Organization and to by-pass the United Nations in solving them, and to work for the most effective implementation of its decisions and resolutions.
145.	We still live in conditions characterized by contradictions and bloc divisions that are tearing our world apart and pushing it into new confrontations; but, on the other hand, we live in an epoch of ever-greater interdependence that compels us to co-operate in the struggle for peace, equal rights, security and progress in the world.
146.	Imbued with a sense of the greatest responsibility towards our own peoples and towards mankind as a whole, we can ensure that this thirty-third session of the General Assembly will prove to be a successful step on the long road leading us to the realization of the noble principles and purposes enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. It is precisely in this light that we view the great commitment of all of us, the great responsibility and important role of our Organization.


220.	Mr. President, I am happy to join my colleagues in congratulating you on your election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I am confident that your experience and wisdom will enable you to give this Assembly the leadership that it needs if it is to meet expectations.
221.	With the most welcome addition of Solomon Islands, the membership of the United Nations has now reached 150. This is a remarkable growth since, 33 years ago, some 50 nations started building this Organization on the ruins of mankind's most terrible war. Through the dissolution of the system of imperialism, almost 100 new, free and independent States have emerged and become a powerful element in contemporary history. And let us never forget that there are more to come.
222.	Those tongues are ever numerous which deplore and attack the United Nations, and in particular this Assembly, as a political slow of overrated significance, long on words but short on deeds. Although not unaware of our shortcomings, we must answer such criticism not only by describing numerous achievements of the United Nations, but also by pointing out that 30 years is a very short time in the lives of international organizations. "Rome was not built in a day" is a saying in many Western languages. Was there ever a great culture, was there ever a major religion, that established itself and realized its potential in anything less than several generations? Why, then, should we demand instant fulfilment of the greatest dream in human history, the United Nations?
223.	We may say for the United Nations that childhood is behind us. We are now suffering the growing pains of adolescence. Before us stretches a long time in which we shall really come to grips with life and solve its problems with ever-growing strength and maturity. Such is the future of the United Nations as I see it. if I may quote the late Adlai Stevenson: "Let none of us mock its weakness for, when we do, we are mocking ourselves." Let us rather devote our strength faithfully to realizing the aspirations embodied in the Charter as truly united nations.

224.	The people of Iceland are an island race much dependent upon the sea. For this reason I hope it will be
understood why we attach more importance to the Conference on the Law of the Sea than to any other activity of the United Nations with the exception of the maintenance of peace and security.
225.	The oceans cover two-thirds of the surface of the earth. In spite of the fact that large areas will be within the national jurisdiction of coastal States, there remains an immense area of sea-bed and ocean floor which, it is hoped, will be affirmed to be the common heritage of mankind, as foreseen in the first resolutions of the General Assembly setting out the terms of reference of the Conference. I have no doubt, unfortunately, that the founding fathers of this grand design have been disappointed, even though much has been achieved and there is still a strong likelihood that a comprehensive law of the sea will be agreed upon.
226.	Yet the slow pace the Conference and the complex disputes which have repeatedly delayed its success give us serious cause for worry. Considering what is at stake-the rule of law over two-thirds of the globe I find that the matter should be raised to the highest political level in order to secure positive results from the long work already performed by ambassadors and experts, great as their achievement has been. Anarchy on the oceans would cause innumerable conflicts and immense damage, not least to the poorer nations. The successful conclusion of the Conference next year is vital and should most certainly be given the highest priority.
227.	Many phases of the work of the Conference have already been successfully concluded. The consensus reached on important matters has already brought about widespread practice which is unchallenged, in spite bf the lack of an agreed and ratified comprehensive treaty. In this category we can place most points concerning national maritime limits, which a large number of States have affirmed in their national legislation
228.	The vital interests of Iceland have throughout the last 30 years dictated that my country should be in the forefront in this field. Our next step will be comprehensive national legislation confirming the 200-mile economic zone, extending the breadth of the territorial sea from 4 to 12 miles, establishing measures for the preservation of the marine environment, and dealing with other related subjects. Such legislation will be discussed in the Government and Parliament of Iceland in the near future.
229 Permit me to return to the relatively short history of the United Nations by calling attention to the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights before the end of this Assembly session.
230.	This Declaration, coming so soon after the Charter itself, is one of the milestones in the work of the United Nations. Like the Ten Commandments of the Christian religion it has been and still is an inspirational guide to many; it has also caused fear and worry to those who trespass against it, but I am sorry to say it has been ignored and unrespected by far too many.
231.	The fight for human rights has been gaining momentum, and at the same time it has increased our awareness of the formidable work that remains undone in this field. We
all know that torture is practised more or less in scores of countries belonging to this Organization, and we must not rest until that blemish on mankind is erased. We know that thousands of people have been imprisoned for political reasons, for trade union activity or religious beliefs in a number of countries, and they are kept behind bars or in concentration camps, often without trial. This in the long run is an intolerable state of affairs. We know that racism and racial discrimination are not only practised widely, but are in some countries an official policy. In the fight against this, Assembly resolutions have been abundant but results are so far altogether too meagre. We know that other human rights, civil and political, economic, social and cultural, are widely abused.
232.	We must, on the occasion of the coming anniversary of the Declaration, rededicate ourselves and renew our efforts. Without the basic human rights there can be no individual freedom-and without individual freedom we shall never realize the central goals of the United Nations Charter.
233.	Talk of human rights directs our attention to the southernmost part of Africa, where racism, inequality and injustice are the very basis of social structures in which relatively small minorities oppress large majorities among the population. The pressure of the United Nations in this area must be increased and directed towards fair solutions and national freedom, without which this region might well plunge into armed conflict on a large scale.
234.	We must continue to condemn the policy of apartheid practised in South Africa and all that goes with that ominous system of suppression and inequity. International pressure in various forms must be increased in order to bring to an end this system and send that country on the way towards a just and equal society serving all its races.
235.	We trust that developments in Namibia will, in spite of temporary setbacks, continue and lead that country towards independence and majority rule in the near future. We hope that free elections under United Nations auspices will ensure equal opportunity to all groupings, certainly including SWAPO. This must be followed by substantial economic aid for build-up and development. The vital port of Walvis Bay must certainly be an integral part of Namibia.
236.	The swift movement of events in Zimbabwe has again taken a turn for the worse and caused disappointment to all those who hope for majority rule in that country. Renewed efforts to bring all parties to agreement on a peaceful transition must be made, but in the meantime present sanctions must be effectively maintained.
237.	The people of Iceland have in their past a long history under colonial rule. We know from our experience that freedom and independence do not of themselves bring a sudden reversal of conditions, and they do not instantly abolish poverty. But we certainly know that independence does kindle a national spirit and give nations new and further unknown strength for progress. But one ruling class must not be replaced by another, one kind of inequality and injustice must never replace another. Only with self-restraint, humanity and education can a suppressed
nation rise to anew age and advance to a new future.

238.	This we have experienced-and this many other newly independent nations have learned, each in its own way. Quickly acquired material prosperity, even with a high level of education, can bring with it serious difficulties and dangers of losing again the self-determination so precious to us all. Multinational corporations, moneylenders and even powerful international institutions can-if we do not watch out-stealthily replace the more obvious colonial masters of the past. Individual nations must in this modern age exercise internally moderation and self-discipline if they hope to find those same qualities in the international community. Salvation must, as always, begin at home.
239.	It is obvious that history has favoured some nations more than others, whatever the causes. Some have education, knowledge, technology, industry and abundance, while the fate of others has been overpopulation, poverty, disease and a widespread lack of education. In the highly developed countries we all share, to a differing degree, the opinion that the prosperous must give up a considerable share of their wealth to aid those who are poorer or less fortunate
240.	We ar6 yet to see this same philosophy firmly enough established in the relationships of nations. We must continue on this path and we must soon obtain much greater results than we have so far. It is not for me to say what are the right methods; direct aid, rising prices of raw materials or whatever. Let me only remind the Assembly that giving a starving man a fish you give him a meal; but teach him how to fish, and you have given him a livelihood.
241.	It does not befit the delegation of a small, unarmed nation like Iceland to venture to give to others advice on technical military matters, but I must voice our deep concern over the lack of progress made in the field of disarmament, especially as regards the monstrosities of mass destruction, poised and pointed at population centres with their infinite over-kill capacity. We are also disappointed at the slow progress of talks on mutual force reductions in the field of conventional arms
242.	Two aspects of this question I must mention with emphasis. First, it is downright tragic to see developing nations use vast amounts of money out of their limited resources for the purchase of arms, thus keeping the military industrial complex both pleased and prosperous. This, most obviously, is taking bread from the hungry and medicine from the sick; that is one of the most disconcerting aspects of the armaments race.
243.	The second point concerns again the vast ocean. There is in progress an immense and growing arms race in the naval, commercial shipping, fishing and research fields, all for military purposes. Showing the flag in every port around the globe, as the super-Powers do, is only one indication of a new form of imperialism. It is tragic indeed when submarines loaded with nuclear rockets are constantly creeping over ancient fishing banks and the trawler-men can expect to catch electronic devices in their nets. All of this most certainly counteracts the good work being done by the Conference on the Law of the Sea, where there has been manifested a great desire for preserving the marine environment, protecting living resources for maximum allowable yields to feed mankind, protecting commerce, and increasing human knowledge for peaceful ends.
244.	Once again we are faced with the acute and highly dangerous situation in the Middle East. We have supported the efforts of the United Nations to establish just, equitable and lasting peace in the area. The latest developments, which culminated in the discussions at Camp David, are to my mind a step in the right direction. I want to thank all those involved and express admiration for the statesmanship and courage shown. I hope that this effort will enhance the work of the United Nations, and I again pledge the support of the Icelandic delegation.
245.	There are a great many more problems on the agenda of this Assembly and pending in the chancelleries of the world, although I shall not take time to discuss them. I have kept mostly to the subjects that primarily concern the Icelandic people and on which we are, perhaps, capable of making useful contributions. But we shall listen with care to those who are more competent on other matters before we decide how to use our valuable vote in this Assembly.
246.	Let us remember that most of our problems are man-made and can be solved by man, given the necessary goodwill. Let us in these halls attempt preventive diplomacy, finding and settling potential disputes before they become acute problems. Let us to this end engage in candid debate without recrimination. Let us ever remember that we are not only solving the problems of our own age; we are here making the future.
247.	The people of Iceland believe in peace with freedom, justice and equality for nations and individuals.
248.	The United Nations journey of a thousand leagues started with a single step, but we are under way, distant though the goals may seem.
The delegation of Iceland wishes the United Nations continued and growing success under its able Secretary-General. We wish for a successful session of the General Assembly under the President's distinguished and able leadership.