First of all, Sir, I wish to convey to you my delegation's congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Your well-known personal and profession-al qualities, clearly shown throughout your fruitful work in the United Nations, offer a guarantee that our work will be conducted by firm and expert hands.
I can assure you that in the performance of your task you may count on the sincere co-operation of the delegation of Spain.
182.	It gives me special satisfaction to recall the praiseworthy work done by the President of the Assembly's thirty-eighth session, Mr. Jorge Illueca, who occupied the highest position in Panama and also devoted himself to the work of that session
183.	On behalf of my delegation, I, too, wish to give a cordial welcome to the new Member of the Organization, Brunei Darussalam, the admission of which adds to the community of sovereign nations. We wish that nation all the best in its new life as an independent State.
184.	We are living through particularly difficult times. We are witnessing a recrudescence of violence and terrorism, an exacerbation of old conflicts, a worsening, for most people, of the economic crisis, in brief, the persistence of a climate of insecurity and international tension.
185.	However, we have today institutions and multilateral mechanisms with which, despite their imperfections, we can face these challenges. They are, in fact, the appropriate means for solving global problems, assuming there is the political will to use them correctly. I am referring especially to the United Nations. And in this context, the recent appeal by the Secretary-General for multilateralism could not have been more opportune. My delegation supports that fully.
186.	With idealism, but also with realism, the Government of Spain has inscribed among its priorities for foreign policy the defence of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and I can assure you, Mr. President, that we will do whatever is within our reach to strengthen the Organization.
187.	Peace requires security as a prerequisite, but only with justice can it attain its fullness.
188.	Spain today has taken on the moral commitment to contribute to the attainment of a safer and more just international order. Because we wish there to be a safer world, we consider it a priority to make considerable strides in the areas of detente and disarmament. We remain convinced, however, that these strides would be short-lived were we not to make efforts at the same time to attain a more just economic and social order.
189.	We continue to experience moments of tension in international relations, made worse by the break in the dialogue between the major Powers and by the arms race. Present levels of weapons are dangerous as well as costly. We cannot disregard the general cry, particularly by the young, who call for us to put an end, without further delay, to such shocking escalation.
190.	We are absolutely convinced that it is possible to attain balance at a lower level of armaments without endangering the legitimate security interests of each State.
191.	We have made various appeals, which we reiterate at this time, for the United States and the Soviet Union to resume their talks as soon as possible. We believe that at these times of mistrust and uncertainty any proposal aimed at restoring effective dialogue should be welcome. It is in this spirit that the President of the Government of Spain made a statement in support of the so-called initiative of the five continents, begun last May by the Heads of State or Government of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Sweden and the United Republic of Tanzania.
192.	Some recent indications support our conviction that the doors to dialogue remain open. Today, more than ever, we must expand such avenues of communication towards a rebirth of the spirit and practice of detente.
193.	But, together with dialogue between the great Powers, all States, whether nuclear or not, are in duty bound to promote the causes of disarmament and detente. Spain, within the framework of the Western system of security, of which it is a part, as well as through its participation in the various multilateral forums, will spare no efforts to that end.
194.	Within the framework of the United Nations, we hope that the Conference on Disarmament may shortly conclude a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty and that it will achieve the results which everyone desires with regard to the prohibition of chemical weapons. In both areas, existing obstacles, including that of verification, should not prove insoluble. At the same time, we hope that the Conference on Disarmament will pay special attention to the risks of militarization of outer space which, were it to become a reality, would be a new and serious factor of instability and insecurity.
195.	While arms reduction and control are essential to the maintenance of international security, we cannot forget the decisive importance which confidence-building measures have for the process of disarmament; these measures are aimed at reducing international tension and at strengthening rationality and stability in international relations. Spain is taking an active part in the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, at Stockholm, which followed the Madrid meeting of representatives of the participating States of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and trusts that the Stockholm Conference will be able to adopt concrete and effective measures. Our delegation, without giving up any of its basic principles, is willing to analyse and take into account the points of view which may be presented by other groups of countries. In keeping with its position at the Madrid meeting, my country will try to bring about a rapprochement among the parties and thus safeguard the basic principles that make for coexistence and co-operation.
196.	While we wish to build real and lasting peace, we must also endeavour to eliminate the deep causes of conflicts: injustice and oppression.
197.	Torture, arbitrary detention and forced disappearances continue to be current practice in many regions of the world. Political persecution still forces citizens of some countries to go into exile. Racial discrimination afflicts many societies; its most odious and intolerable manifestation is the system of apartheid
198.	Despite that painful fact, we cannot disregard the important role played by the United Nations and other international organizations in the definition, recognition, protection and promotion of fundamental rights and freedoms. Owing largely to their activities, more and more States are accepting the obligation to report on the status of human rights within their borders, are agreeing to recourse by their citizens to multilateral forums and are agreeing to be investigated. But there is still a long way to go towards perfecting and completing present control mechanisms.
199.	The Government of Spain, while it continues to develop its constitutional tenets, is willing to continue co-operating with the international system for the defence of human rights. In the framework of the United Nations, we took part this year, for the first time, in the work of the Commission on Human Rights, whose role we regard as of crucial importance.
200.	This session of the General Assembly is to consider a draft convention on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, which has been submitted to it by the Commission on Human Rights. We believe that this draft, to which my Government attaches great importance, is ripe for adoption and that, through a negotiating effort, it will be possible to overcome the difficulties that still remain and to adopt the convention at this session.
201.	A stable and peaceful world can only be based on a more just and better balanced economic and social order. The improvement and restructuring of international economic relations constitute one of the great challenges faced by the international com-munity.
202.	The international economy is suffering one of its deepest crises. Given the global nature of that crisis, the solutions can only be global too.
203.	It is true that the picture for some countries is less disquieting than it was last year, owing, among other things, to the increase of the activities in the sphere of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and to the gradual recovery of international trade. But the effects of the crisis continue to be felt particularly severely and intensely in the less-developed countries.
204.	The foreign debt not only is the main hindrance to development for many countries, but also threatens the very survival of the international financial system. Spain is open to any proposals that may include new ideas for solving this difficult problem, without losing sight of the possibilities offered by present avenues for renegotiation, among them the IMF. But we should not forget that we are faced with a question that should not be approached on a strictly financial basis.
205.	High interest rates in the United States lead to a massive capital flow into the North American market and press upwards the rates in other countries. That is still another road-block to economic recovery. It hampers international trade and com-pounds the problems of the debtor countries.
206.	Protectionist trends are being reaffirmed in the international market. Thus a vicious circle is created, which prevents developing countries from reconciling economic progress with the servicing of their foreign debt.
207.	Many developing countries have had to face an economic crisis while, at the same time, opening new ways to democratic participation by their citizens. It is a tribute to the democratic system that the impact of adjustment measures implemented by those countries has not led in many of them to the social and political turmoil that some had predicted. Nevertheless, maintaining these recession-inducing policies for too long could lead to a social explosion whose consequences would be felt throughout the international community.
208.	As the Secretary-General states in his report on the work of the Organization "If we do not address current economic problems seriously and urgently, we will not be able to confine them to the economic sphere alone. In our world of growing economic interdependence, impoverished people faced perpetually with a variety of overwhelming economic and social crises constitute not only a challenge to international conscience, but a threat of international stability as well."
209.	All of us must learn the lesson of this crisis, which is none other than the irreversible economic interdependence of the world and the close interrelationship of economic and political phenomena.
210.	Spain, a country that has had to undergo democratic transition and consolidation at a time when adjustments have been required because of the economic crisis, stands in solidarity with the developing countries in the situation they are facing. Thus, my Government has authorized all bilateral and multilateral negotiations designed to alleviate the effects of the crisis on those countries.
211.	The United Nations has played an important part in the struggle against underdevelopment through its co-operation programmes for development, emergency aid, training and research, and food aid. We are convinced that in the present circumstances it is called upon to play an even more important part. In this context, the final launching of global negotiations at this session of the General Assembly could be one of the most appropriate means of finding a lasting solution to the present crisis.
212.	I have chosen to focus my statement on the three major challenges that the international community faces on its path towards coexistence based on security, respect for human rights, and economic and social development. Now, however, I shall refer to some of the regional problems of special interest to my Government.
213.	My country continues to be concerned about developments in Central America, where the living conditions and safety of the citizens continue to deteriorate. We have repeatedly stated that in our view the deep causes of the long-standing crisis in the region are unjust economic and social structures and that the trends we note towards growing militarization merely contribute to a worsening of the situation and could turn the isthmus into an area of endemic confrontation. On the other hand, the tendency to place internal conflicts or differences between States in the context of global confrontation between the major Powers not only is an obstacle to the solution of the present crises and the age-old problems of the countries of Central America, but also threatens world peace.
214.	Since the beginning of 1983, Spain has been actively supporting the peace initiative of the countries in the Contadora Group and the tireless efforts made to reach a regional agreement based on the principles of non-intervention, non-interference, non-use of force or the threat of force, and real respect for human rights as enshrined by the United Nations.
215.	Spain feels itself closely linked to that region and is especially alive to the aspirations of its inhabitants to peace and well-being. We are pleased, therefore, at the rapprochement that seems to be taking place between Western Europe, of which we are a part, and Central America, to which we are joined by fraternal bonds. We believe that Europe should spare no efforts on either the economic or the political level that could contribute to attaining a peace that is possible and a prosperity that is legitimate. In this connection, we regard the initiative taken by President Monge, of Costa Rica, which will bear fruit at the end of this week in the meeting at San Jose of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the five Central American countries, the four countries of the Contadora Group, the 10 countries members of the European Economic Community, and Spain and Portugal, as an extremely important one, and we hope that it will contribute to the attainment of those goals.
216.	In the South Atlantic, the future of the Malvinas Islands continues to be a major source of concern for the international community. In addition, it is a source of tension between the United Kingdom and Argentina. We urge those Governments to resolve their sovereignty dispute through negotiation in such a way that the territorial integrity of Argentina may be restored and due account taken of the interests of the population, in keeping with United Nations resolutions.
217.	By historical, political and cultural tradition, nothing that occurs in the Mediterranean area can be alien to Spain. My Government watches with especial attention the problems and developments in the Maghreb region. We trust that the treaties of fraternity between Algeria, Tunisia and Mauritania and the treaty of union between Morocco and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya will, instead of creating two opposing axes, result in benefits for an increasingly united and peaceful Maghreb. We continue to believe that such a peace can be achieved only if the Saharan conflict is settled. The United Nations and the Organization of African Unity [OAU] have set forth quite clearly the principles and means by which that can be done. My Government will spare no effort and will co-operate as called upon by the parties concerned or by the United Nations and the OAU whenever such co-operation can contribute towards a just and stable peace in the region.
218.	The question of Cyprus continues to be a source of tension in the eastern Mediterranean. We reiterate our appeal for a compromise that can ensure the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus and promote peaceful coexistence between the two communities settled there.
219.	At the thirty-eighth session, I tried to set forth clearly the position of the Government of Spain with regard to the tragedy of Lebanon, the question of Palestine and the war between Iran and Iraq. I shall not repeat what I said at that time, but I do feel it opportune briefly to mention some of the most recent events there, since they may have a bearing on the evolution of the problems of the Near and Middle East.
220.	In Lebanon we have recently witnessed bloody and painful events that have shocked the conscience of mankind. Nevertheless, even amidst so much grief, the spirit of the Lebanese people, reaffirming its independence, sovereignty and identity, has survived intact. We must welcome the recent efforts towards reconciliation made by the Lebanese them-selves, efforts that have been supported by many Arab countries—notably, by the Syrian Arab Republic and Saudi Arabia.
221.	The Palestinian people, although increasingly secure in its identity, continues to be deprived of its rights and its homeland. Of late, in addition to the traditional difficulties inherent in so extremely complex a problem as that of the Middle East, a certain climate of confusion and division has come to prevail within the PLO. Only the security created by unity and cohesion can lead to the creation of the conditions necessary for a negotiated, just and lasting solution.
222.	Such a solution, we must repeat, can only be based on withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, and the security of all States of the region, including Israel. However, it will be difficult to begin to move towards peace if the Israeli Government does not abandon its settlement policy.
223.	The war between Iran and Iraq compels us to reissue to its leaders our earlier appeal that they evince the flexibility needed to put an end to a conflict that has for four years now had tragic consequences for the peoples of two friendly countries. We trust that a compromise may be reached that will allow them to coexist in peace and to preserve their sovereignty and territorial integrity. We are aware that the human and material losses caused by the spread of hostilities to the Gulf are not as severe as the death and destruction the belligerents have suffered, but we do ask that the free and peaceful passage of vessels from third countries through those waters be assured.
224.	In other geographic areas as well there are problems that continue to be a source of concern to my Government.
225.	In keeping with United Nations resolutions on the situation in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea, which we have supported, we believe that the withdrawal of foreign troops is a necessary prerequisite for the peoples of those two countries to be able freely to choose the political system best suited to their interests.
226.	With regard to the problems in southern Africa, we would cite with hope and interest such accords as the Agreement on Non-Aggression and Good Neighbourliness between Mozambique and South Africa, signed at Nkomati on 16 March 1984, and talks such as those that led to the agreement between Angola and South Africa, reached at Lusaka on 16 February 1984. It is still premature to be optimistic. However, those events, as well as the recent meetings between leaders of South Africa and SWAPO, should impel us to encourage a development that could lead to the rapid independence of Namibia through the implementation, without further delay, of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the cessation of all aggression against Angola and other African front-line States.
227.	I cannot conclude my statement without making reference to a problem that is of very direct concern to my country. My Government is continuing its efforts to find a solution to the anachronistic situation that exists in Gibraltar, the only colony still extant on the continent of Europe. It is a priority objective of Spain's foreign policy to achieve the restoration of its territorial integrity through peaceful means and continued dialogue with the United Kingdom. The Government of Spain reiterates its commitment, in the course of such negotiations and in the future, to respect the legitimate interests of the population of Gibraltar.
228.	Last April my country was honoured by the visit of the Secretary-General. My Government wishes to express to him once again its gratitude for the quiet and devoted work he has been conducting. His effective guidance of the Secretariat and his perseverance in the quest for solutions to such thorny and delicate problems as those of Cyprus, Afghanistan or the Iran-Iraq conflict are worthy of our praise as well as of our support and encouragement.
229.	The forthcoming fortieth anniversary of the United Nations should be for all of us an occasion for profound reflection on the limitations and also on the opportunities that the multilateral system, as en-shrined in the Charter, provides us in facing the challenges of an ever-changing world.
230.	In the meantime, let us through our efforts at this session of the General Assembly contribute to making progress, albeit by small steps, in the quest for a safer, more prosperous and freer world.


First of all, Sir, on behalf of the Haitian delegation, I wish to offer you my warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, where you will not fail to display the eminent qualities which won you this honour and which are already your hallmark as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia. In choosing you, the Assembly has paid a well-deserved tribute to your diplomatic skills and, through you, to your country, Zambia, which remains a symbol and a model in the struggle against racism and apartheid in southern Africa.
146.	I also wish to express once again to the Secretary-General the total confidence and profound respect of the Haitian Government for his tireless efforts throughout the year in the service of peace and international co-operation. We shall continue unreservedly to support all his initiatives with a view to strengthening the often thankless task of the Organization in the indispensable and so difficult dialogue that is the corner-stone of relations among peoples and States.
147.	We also joyfully welcome Brunei Darussalam to the great family of the United Nations. We are sure it will make an active and valuable contribution to the work of the Organization.
148.	On the eve of the assessment of the first 40 years of the work of the United Nations, we must once again confess that our most profound hopes have been dashed and that the world of peace, justice and brotherhood to which we naturally aspired seems to recede daily. We must recognize that hotbeds of tension have increased, East-West tension has never been so high and the arms race has taken on the look of a crazy, dangerous adventure, the cost of which is a constant insult to the third world in its misery.
149.	We must also emphasize that the international community has never possessed so many different resources and that today, towards the end of this twentieth century, men have never had such mastery over matter, thanks to the spectacular progress in science and technology.
150.	We must therefore seek the true sources of these repeated failures in the implacable selfishness, excessive ambition and senseless fanaticism of many and in our deepest and most ingrained prejudices, and we must finally understand that in these circumstances it is indeed difficult for the Organization to fulfil the noble and delicate mission entrusted to it.
151.	Thus, fully convinced of our unavoidable common destiny, the Haitian Government would like to restate its firm belief that, despite its institutional flaws, the United Nations continues to represent the most appropriate instrument for the achievement of our ideals, and we urge all States Members, and particularly those who are members of the Security Council, faithfully to abide by the spirit and letter of the Charter of the United Nations. For, despite our disappointments and feelings of frustration, there is no alternative to the methodical pursuit of dialogue and consultation in full respect for the rules of law and the universally acknowledged principles of equality, justice and sovereignty which undoubtedly constitute the most precious asset of our common heritage.
152.	It is thus against that background, and with an awareness of the gravity of recent developments in the international situation, that the Haitian Government proposes to restate its position on the principal items on the Assembly's agenda, in the hope that it can make a contribution, however modest, to the solution of the problems that seem to be jeopardizing the future of mankind.
153.	In this connection, the recent events in South Africa, in the course of which new martyrs were added to the blood-stained list of the victims of apartheid, have in a very special way drawn our attention to a state of affairs that constitutes not only the most flagrant of violations of fundamental human rights but also a standing challenge to the Organization, which since 1946 has found itself powerless to eradicate from the face of the earth this last vestige of racism and colonialism.
154.	Availing itself of the indifference of certain nations, the Pretoria regime continues to build up its arsenal of constitutional and legal provisions enshrining the de facto inferiority of the black majority and opening the door to the most violent manifestations of unbridled despotism.
155.	Faithful to its historic traditions, the Haitian Government most strongly condemns the indefensible conduct of the racist minority of Pretoria and welcomes the recent adoption of General Assembly resolution 39/2, which rejected as null and void the so-called new constitution of South Africa. We are deeply attached to the people of South Africa and we reaffirm our unconditional solidarity with them in their heroic struggle to bring about the total elimination of the apartheid regime.
156.	We cannot fail to denounce the open complicity of which countries lending political, economic, military and nuclear co-operation to the South African regime—on the highly suspect pretext of maintaining strategic interests—are guilty. We call upon them no longer to oppose the adoption of comprehensive mandatory sanctions that alone can prevail against Pretoria's brutal arrogance and lead to the establishment of an open, democratic and multiracial society in South Africa.
157.	Moreover, confident in its great military and economic power, encouraged by the success of its destabilization campaign against neighbouring States, South Africa is persisting in its occupation of Namibia, in violation of relevant resolutions of the Security Council, particularly resolution 435 (1978), which laid the foundations for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Namibian question. With recourse now to violence, now to intimidation, now to trickery, the South African Government seeks by every possible means to consolidate its hold on Namibia.
158.	In these circumstances, we must congratulate SWAPO, the sole authentic and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, for its spirit of moderation and for the great flexibility and political maturity it has demonstrated in the face of the bad faith and intransigence of South Africa throughout the negotiations designed to implement resolution 435 (1978).
159.	In solidarity with the Namibian people, the Republic of Haiti categorically rejects any attempt to link the independence of Namibia to any geopolitical considerations and to the solution of matters that fall exclusively within the purview of the sovereignty of other States. We advocate the genuine independence of Namibia on the basis of resolution 435 (1978), and we call upon the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities by adopting the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, We solemnly appeal to the international community to see to it that the Namibian people are enabled fully to exercise their sovereignty over their own territory and that they are guaranteed their inalienable rights to freedom, dignity and happiness.
160.	Elsewhere in Africa, other hotbeds of tension jeopardize political stability and delay the social and economic development of countries of the region.
161.	While particularly deploring the internal struggles that have divided Chad, the Government of Haiti hails with satisfaction the announcement of the withdrawal of foreign troops as an indispensable step towards the establishment of a lasting peace that will enable that nation to return to unity through dialogue and to exercise its sovereignty over the whole of its territory.
162.	With respect to Western Sahara, the Republic of Haiti continues to believe in the possibility of a peaceful solution based on the principle of self- determination, in keeping with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and with the relevant resolutions adopted by the Organization of African Unity [OAU], which we hope will be implemented without delay with the active assistance of the States most directly concerned.
163.	In the Middle East, as we have often repeated, the solution of the crisis is to be found in the establishment of an overall peace on the basis of the principles of law, morality and justice, a peace that will include recognition and respect by all its neighbours of Israel's right to exist within secure and recognized boundaries. Similarly, the Haitian Government feels that there can be no question of challenging the right of the Palestinian people to true self-determination within a physical, legal and administrative framework in keeping with their legitimate aspirations. In this connection, discussion and dialogue are, in our opinion, the best means for making progress towards that goal, and certain rather encouraging, albeit somewhat timorous, events lead us to feel that good faith and reason may yet prevail over hatred and blindness in that part of the world of such importance in the history of mankind.
164.	As for Lebanon, a martyred country in which a particularly explosive situation prevails created by the presence of two armies of occupation, there can be no doubt that the withdrawal of those troops, in keeping with the wishes of the Lebanese Government and people, would contribute to establishing conditions favourable to national reconciliation and reconstruction.
165.	The question of Cyprus continues to occupy an important place in the discussions of the United Nations. Our position on this question remains unchanged; we advocate respect for the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of that island, as well as the withdrawal of all foreign forces. The Republic of Haiti welcomes the efforts of the Secretary-General in carrying out his mission of good offices and we hope that that mission will be crowned with success.
166.	In Asia, there are continuing hotbeds of tension created and fed by the expansionist aims of certain States which are clearly determined to impose their will upon others by means of an illegal military presence, in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. How can we fail to mention in this connection the tragedy occurring in occupied Afghanistan and Cambodia? Haiti warmly hails the patriotic struggle of the Khmer and Afghan peoples and wishes to express its deep gratitude to the Secretary-General and his representatives and to all those who, in one capacity or another, are working for the restoration of peace and security in that sorely tried part of the world. We join the international community in calling for the total, immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all occupation troops, thereby enabling those States freely to choose the form of government they wish, free from any kind of foreign pressures.
167.	The Republic of Haiti also wishes once again to express its strongest support for the Korean people. We are convinced that the problems between the North and the South must be settled by negotiation, and we therefore call upon the parties to show good faith in renewing their dialogue. We noted with satisfaction the courageous initiatives of the Government of South Korea for the peaceful reunification of the Korean nation, and we remain convinced that direct bilateral contacts, without outside interference, are the only way to reduce tension and create the conditions that will lead to reconciliation.
168.	I cannot complete this brief summary without giving Central America the special attention that it deserves from a Caribbean country which is following with concern the development of a tragedy whose devastating effects could quickly extend well beyond the region now involved.
169.	It is important first to stress that, as we have often stated, the present crisis has its roots in the many serious socio-economic difficulties affecting the region, difficulties whose solution requires an exemplary effort of international solidarity, particularly on the part of the regional Powers, concerned about the continent's future. Therefore, there is no question of reducing to the single dimension of the East-West conflict a whole body of fundamental problems that can be resolved only by the peoples of the region themselves, who have the exclusive right to decide their type of society and establish their own development model.
170.	In this spirit, the Haitian Government, in keeping with the principles that have always inspired its foreign policy, continues unreservedly to support the constructive approaches courageously made by the Contadora Group to restore, by means of dialogue and negotiation, peace and security, which are the irreplaceable foundations of all economic and social progress. We are happy to note that patience and goodwill have led to the elaboration of a coherent and balanced body of concrete proposals, grouped together in the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America, the final version of which will have to be adopted soon if we want to avoid a general conflict breaking out before long.
171.	It is therefore essential for the protagonists not to hesitate to add deeds to their words-—that is, faithfully to respect their commitments and effectively to reduce the level of armaments, for any other attitude could bring about reactions and could upset the balance of forces and regional security.
172.	In the South Atlantic, despite the lesson of the Malvinas, Great Britain is pursuing a policy of military expansion, which leads us to believe that it is prepared to maintain its colonial presence, in disregard of Argentine sovereignty. In so doing, it is failing in its fundamental obligation to seek a peaceful, negotiated solution to the problems between it and the Argentine Republic and to abstain from any measure that might increase tension in the area. We regret that the first contacts have not been followed up, and we urge the parties to resume the negotiations in earnest, in order to achieve, with the assistance of the good offices of the Secretary-General, a just and equitable solution to a dispute that has gone on for more than a century.
173.	Just below the surface of all these conflicts, in the background of the bloody confrontations which plunge the world into mourning, there is the terrible problem of the arms race, which every year assumes more tragic dimensions, despite the appeals, recommendations and condemnations of the world's highest moral authorities. It is clear that the great Powers bear the full responsibility for solving this harrowing question and that only dialogue and consultation can settle the matter satisfactorily, it being borne in mind that the security of some cannot be assured at the expense of others.
174.	While noting with interest the recent proposals put forward by President Reagan from this rostrum to reduce tension and strengthen peace, we earnestly call for the establishment of multilateral machinery which will allow the transfer to international development institutions of the enormous resources which would be released by a programme of general, gradual and balanced disarmament.
175.	The importance that most delegations have attached to an examination of the world economic situation shows the extent of the concern which continues to be caused by the unprecedented crisis which is affecting our countries and which in the final analysis is manifested by a disturbing worsening of the already precarious living conditions of the deprived peoples of the third world.
176.	We well know the current manifestations—the spectacular deterioration of the terms of trade, the resultant drop in export earnings, the obvious slowing down in rates of investment and the considerable worsening of the debt problem, together with a drastic reduction in capital flows. All of this is leading to a marked decrease in per capita growth rates and production, leading to an alarming increase in unemployment and areas of poverty.
177.	Thus, in Latin America and the Caribbean, in 1983, the gross domestic product fell by 3 per cent and the per capita income dropped by 6 per cent. At the same time, there continues to be such a reduction in international aid, in real terms, that there is reason to wonder how the third world can double its per capita output in the mid-1990s, as had been contemplated in the context of the Third United Nations Development Decade.
178.	Without stressing the underlying causes of this state of affairs, we cannot but repeat that the industrialized nations bear a heavy share of the responsibility for the origins of this tragic situation, which so severely punishes the poor countries for crimes that they have not committed. Therefore, it is up to the rich countries to play a decisive role in creating an international environment capable of bringing about a healthy and lasting recovery which would be of benefit to all. Above all, it is their duty to show their political will to undertake the structural reforms that are indispensable for the establishment of a new order, which is not only a moral imperative but an economic necessity.
179.	We are convinced that if the rich nations really wished to contribute more effectively to the development of the poor countries, and if they were truly convinced that it was in their interests and that perhaps their survival depended on it, those nations, which have successfully met extraordinary scientific and technical challenges, would find formulas, ways to intervene and suitable programmes to wipe hunger, ignorance and disease off the face of the earth.
180.	Moreover, the recent excellent performance of certain Western economies gives reason for new hope—provided, however, that some basic truths are seriously borne in mind and are the foundation of policies for recovery.
181.	First, it would be wrong to think that the strong growth of the rich countries can automatically bring about a revival of the weak economies of the third world, for there are in our regions certain structural deficiencies which prevent the mechanisms of the market from working normally and necessitate the intervention of the public sector and international co-operation.
182.	Secondly, it is now recognized that the adjustment policies advocated by the West, and characterized in particular by drastic reductions in budgetary expenditures and imports, involve an excessive social cost, without, as one would expect, leading to the growth process that is sought. From one point of view, these are easy solutions which consist of provoking a global contraction of demand in the poor countries, to a degree difficult to support, while the industrialized nations shoulder only a derisory portion of the sacrifices. How can we fail to mention that some of the richer countries refuse to submit to the fiscal discipline that they would impose on others?
183.	We believe that the adjustment process must be synonymous with dynamic reconstruction rather than passive constraint because, first and foremost, it must be designed to be productive and not to bring about poverty. Consequently, as a priority, in addition to the objectives already mentioned, it must include the creation of new jobs, the establishment of new industries, and, through the World Bank and IMF acting in close concert, the financing of new programmes, particularly in the key sectors of education, health, housing and agriculture.
184.	Thirdly, it has been demonstrated that the economic recovery of the third world assumes that the rich countries will maintain a growth rate of more than 3 per cent, avoid protectionism, and act in such a way as to bring about a gradual lowering of interest rates, an improvement in the terms of trade, and the provision of adequate financing. Regarding this last point particularly, we deem it important to emphasize, in order to see the problem clearly, that whereas the non-oil-producing developing countries paid $52 billion in 1983 to private creditors, they received $20 billion in loans, $15 billion more than had been contemplated by IMF under the system of transfer of net resources.
185.	External financing should, therefore, be in-creased to help debt-servicing, assist investment and stimulate exports. A world in which the developing countries are confronted simultaneously with a lowering of their standard of living and a draining of their capital is extremely volatile.
186.	Fourthly, with regard to the least developed countries, there is little doubt that the success or failure of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries constitutes the most eloquent test of the desire of the rich countries to restore the credibility of the North- South dialogue. If the international community is not in a position now to help this small group of countries, whose needs are relatively few, one may well ask oneself when and for whom it can do so.
187.	On the eve of the mid-term review of the implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action, we must admit that none of these objectives has been reached and that the level of aid remains far below that of the firm commitments made by the representatives of the donor countries. The Republic of Haiti therefore urges the United Nations to take special measures immediately, for two purposes at least: first, to maximize the aid given to the least developed countries by reducing the percentage of funds allocated to technical assistance—for which the experts are too costly in comparison with the services they render—and then apportioning most of the money thus made available to structural investments, which will have an irreversible effect in modifying the standard of living of the populations that benefit therefrom; and, secondly, to increase the number of programmes designed to bring back qualified personnel, the scarcest and most important of all resources, to their place of origin, that is to say, back to our own countries.
188.	We must struggle against the flagrant contradiction of a promise of aid coupled with budgetary cuts, which inevitably brings about a decrease in the amount of money available for development. Clearly the time has come for the percentage of local resources required from the least developed countries to be systematically maintained at a level of less than 10 per cent.
189.	Fifthly, the third world must now, more than ever before, rely on and reaffirm its own strength and systematically explore the many possibilities of South-South co-operation. Here, the Quito Plan of Action and the Cartagena Consensus constitute excellent initiatives, as evidence of our willingness to assume responsibility for our own destiny and to attain our collective autonomy, especially with regard to food, through the promotion of interregional exchanges and the exploitation of our immense resources.
190.	The Republic of Haiti, in its capacity as Acting Chairman of the Caribbean Development and Co-operation Committee, would like to reaffirm its faith in the underlying unity of our region as an historical, geographical and cultural entity, called upon to develop with full respect for all the socio-political options of each and every member.
191.	We have greeted with great hope the implementation of the initiative on the Caribbean Basin designed to attract numerous investments and facilitate access of our products to the American market. However, while recognizing the merits of this plan, which is based on the dynamism of free enterprise, we must admit that, while it contains provisions necessary for our economic development, those provisions are, nevertheless, insufficient and inadequate when viewed against the backdrop of the many needs of the region.
192.	For its part, Haiti remains firmly convinced that the solution of our problems is to be found first and foremost in the effort which each one of our countries continues to make to maximize the utilization of its own national resources.
193.	Hence, the Haitian Government, in keeping with the formal commitments of the life President of the Republic and with the profound wishes of the nation, is pursuing, successfully and with perseverance, a very important twofold effort, despite the precarious nature of the means available and the complexity of the many obstacles we face. We continue, on the one hand, methodically to establish a process of genuine democratization which takes into account our own specific characteristics, our historic traditions and our social and cultural realities. On the other hand, our Government is also trying to mobilize our unfortunately inadequate national resources to promote economic and social development, the purpose of which is, first of all, to satisfy the basic needs of the population before the year 2000. It is in the light of this dual purpose that we must view two major events in our present policy, namely, the unprecedented reform of the judicial system and the solemn launching, in August, by the Head of State, of the agricultural reform, designed to achieve self-sufficiency in food within 10 years.
194.	The summary examination of the world situation which we have just given leads us to say in conclusion that there will be no progress towards peace and economic development in an increasingly interdependent world without true international solidarity, a true will for change, and genuine determination on the part of the larger countries to implement the various resolutions to which they have subscribed.
195.	In this context, the role of the United Nations remains most important and the Haitian delegation is ready at all times to make an active contribution to any initiative which might bring us closer to our objectives. As was stated by President Jean-Claude Duvalier:
"It is our dearest hope that 1985 may be the year of peace and that an important stage may be reached in negotiations to reduce international tensions and restore security wherever bloody conflicts are bringing about tragedy and suffering."


I should like, Sir, to join preceding speakers in extending to you the congratulations of the delegation of Botswana on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. The honour and pride that we feel in seeing you presiding over our deliberations derive not only from the fact that you are a Zambian and that Zambia and Botswana are bound together by deep-rooted ties of friendship, culture and history, but also from the happy realization that you are the first son of southern Africa to assume this high office. We repose in you our confidence that the thirty-ninth session will, commensurate with the brilliance of your stewardship, produce the desired results.
2.	I should like to express my sincere gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, for the efficient manner in which he presided over the proceedings of the thirty-eighth session.
3.	I should like to pay an especial tribute to the Secretary-General for his stable and enlightened leadership of the United Nations. We particularly commend him for his thought-provoking report on the work of the Organization. The message conveyed by his report is timely and must receive the attention it so richly deserves as we embark upon the preparations for the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations.
4.	The admission of the new independent State of Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member of the United Nations is an occasion for joy and celebration, for it represents another nail in the coffin of colonialism. It is a confirmation of the fact that the existence of the United Nations is incompatible with the existence anywhere in the world of colonial outposts tenaciously dedicated to the preservation of socio-political values, beliefs and practices that have long been discredited and consigned to the scrap- heap of history. But in welcoming Brunei Darussalam to our midst let us also reaffirm our determination to struggle even harder to rid the world of all the remaining pockets of colonial resistance.
5.	There has been no improvement in the world situation since the last session of the General Assembly. The arms race between the super-Powers has continued unabated, while the fury of the cold war has persistently threatened to consume all of us.
Admittedly, the super-Powers have now started what we hope will be sustained overtures to each other; otherwise, world stability will remain seriously at stake as the East and the West continue to communicate with each other across the widening ideological divide with virulent verbal abuse.
6.	Almost everywhere else on our globe, bloody conflicts persist, conflicts which may or may not have anything to do with super-Power rivalry, as nations large and small seek habitually to settle their disputes on the battlefield. Wasteful ideological wars have become the popular means to which nations resort in the pursuit of dubious and narrow national objectives. Warmongering seems to have become a habit, an addiction, in many places.
7.	My own part of the world, the region of southern Africa, has endured much conflict and bloodshed in the last two decades. Since the early 1960s, we have had continuous wars of liberation, some of which have happily ended in victories, as in the case of the people of the former Portuguese colonies and of Southern Rhodesia. But, although the Portuguese empire in Africa is no more and Southern Rhodesia has become the proud, independent Republic of Zimbabwe, southern Africa remains poised on the edge of a dangerous precipice. Thanks to South Africa's intransigence, the international Territory of Namibia is yet to be delivered from foreign occupation, while South Africa itself continues to totter on the brink of a revolution.
8.	The question of Namibia has been a burning issue in the United Nations, particularly in the past six years. It is six years since the Security Council adopted resolution 435 (1978) as a blueprint for the peaceful decolonization of Namibia. That resolution has not been implemented, but not because the people of Namibia do not want independence or because our friends of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] have been found deficient or wanting in their commitment to the peaceful liberation of that country. There has been no progress towards the implementation of the resolution for two reasons: first, South Africa continues to refuse to cooperate in the implementation of resolution 435 (1978), the provisions of which it accepted without reservation six years ago; and secondly, the resolution no longer stands on its own; it is linked to an issue on which neither SWAPO nor South Africa, and neither the Western contact group nor the front-line States, have locus standi: the issue of the presence of Cuban troops in Angola.
9.	The Foreign Minister of South Africa was reported recently as having said that, because of the uncertainty about the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, "an all-out effort should be made now to achieve a cease-fire"—not the United Nations supervised cease-fire, but one prior and in addition to it. This is another linkage—a cease-fire designed to stop the liberation struggle in Namibia in return for a new lease on life for the status quo in that Territory.
10.	Botswana remains adamant in its view that a solution to the Namibian question acceptable to all can come only out of the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), undiluted by the injection into it of extraneous and irrelevant elements. The surest way to kill the resolution and thus destroy the whole process of peaceful change in Namibia is to encumber the resolution with endless pre-conditions. If South Africa wants peace in Namibia, the road to the achievement of that peace is via the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
11.	And the occupation of Namibia by South Africa must end for another reason. The front-line State of Angola has suffered a great deal as a result of South Africa's acts of aggression committed from the territory of Namibia long used by South Africa as a military base from which the bandits of UNITA are supplied, and Angola is subjected to an endless series of incursions and invasions. Even at this moment, South African troops are still ensconced in N'giva, in southern Angola, seven months after their promised withdrawal. And they have wreaked untold havoc in that part of Angola which they have occupied for more than two years.
12.	The situation in South Africa itself has developed into a crisis of frightening proportions. At their Summit Meeting, held at Arusha on 29 April 1984, the front-line States reiterated in their Final Communique that "the root cause of the problems in South Africa is apartheid itself'. And yet, five weeks ago, the world watched helplessly as the minority white rulers of South Africa introduced a new constitution, the obvious purpose of which is to consolidate and entrench apartheid by confirming the irreversible permanence of Bantustans and the disenfranchisement in perpetuity of the overwhelming majority of the people of South Africa. Instead of initiating steps to abolish the abhorrent system by which the people of South Africa are graded like animals, the white minority rulers of South Africa have recruited South Africans of Asian origin and the so-called Coloureds into the ranks of the white minority as junior partners in a futile attempt to escape reality.
13.	The historic Manifesto on Southern Africa makes our position abundantly clear. We persist in our demand—the collective demand of the people of Africa—that an unfettered opportunity be afforded all the people of South Africa, "together as equal individual citizens, to work out for themselves the institutions and the system of Government under which they will, by general consent, live together and work together to build a harmonious society". The so-called reforms now going on in that country beg the question. They amount to nothing more than tinkering—reckless tinkering with a very dangerous situation.
14.	The 23 million black South Africans who have been so callously left out of the new constitutional dispensation are not likely to suffer in silence, for, as one wise man has aptly observed:
"It is one of the oldest laws of history that where there is no democracy to provide for the counting of heads, men denied those rights and brutalized by oppression inevitably turn to violence as what they believe, however wrongly, to be their only way to obtain their rights."
So it is that black South Africans treated as aliens in their own country are being given no other choice but to resort to violence, the weapon of desperation, to recover their rights—violence which, tragically, knows or respects no frontiers, violence against whose ghastly consequences the independent States of southern Africa cannot be insulated.
15.	Indeed, many of them have already fallen victim, not to the consequences of liberation violence as such, but to South Africa's acts of aggression known as destabilization. Dissident movements, the purpose of which is clearly to force South Africa's neighbours to coexist submissively with apartheid, are being spawned everywhere in the region.
16.	Then there is Pretoria's sudden obsession with the signing of non-aggression pacts with its neighbours. My own country has been under pressure in the past several months to sign a non-aggression pact with South Africa, a country with which Botswana has historically maintained peaceful relations despite the political and philosophical differences that characterize those relations. The harsh facts of history and geography which confronted us as we regained our independence 18 years ago have dictated that we coexist in peace with South Africa, for not only do we depend almost entirely on that country for our economic survival, but it would be sheer lunacy on our part even to dream of seeking confrontation with a country as lethally powerful as South Africa. That is why, like most of our sister countries of southern Africa, we decided at independence that we would not allow our country to be used as a military base for attacks against our neighbours. We have strictly enforced this policy, for we are in mortal fear of the alternative to it. We have often taken strong measures against those who violate it and have done so publicly, secure in the knowledge that the international community appreciates our geographical predicament.
17.	This is why we cannot comprehend South Africa's insistence that we sign the so-called treaty of good-neighbourliness as if we have been a bad neighbour. In sum, we refuse to sign a non-aggression pact or a good-neighbourliness treaty for the following reasons.
18.	First, we have never committed an act of aggression—not even one—against South Africa. We are incapable of committing acts of aggression against South Africa.
19.	Secondly, to sign a non-aggression pact or treaty of good-neighbourliness with South Africa would imply that we have been found seriously wanting in our enforcement of our policy of not allowing our country to be used as a stepping-stone for guerrilla attacks against South Africa—which is far from being the case. The record is there to attest to the strictness of our enforcement of the policy.
20.	Thirdly, signing a non-aggression treaty with South Africa would compromise the peace and stability of our country, as we would be seen, wrongly or rightly, to be joining the ranks of the white minority in South Africa in its confrontation with the black majority. So far, our policy of not allowing guerrillas in our country is respected because the reasons for it are understood. This understanding would be impaired if we signed a treaty which would virtually force us to join the South African Government in its war against South African liberation movements.
21.	Fourthly, if, unbeknown to us, freedom fighters pass through our country and perpetrate acts of sabotage in South Africa, we could not be any more to blame than South Africa, whose wider and finer net—sophistication, financial and manpower prowess—they continue to elude.
22.	Change will come from within South Africa. In March 1984, The United Democratic Front News in the Western Cape aptly had this to say:
"The apartheid Government can make as many peace agreements as it likes, it can talk to as many leaders of other countries as it wants to. We know that it is to us and our leaders that the apartheid Government must talk. There will not be any peace while our leaders are banned, gaoled and in exile. There will not be peace while apartheid rules our land. In the end Mr. P. W. Botha must make peace with the people of South Africa."
23.	For the sake of the security and survival of our country, we are committed to continuing co-operation with South Africa to ensure that the spirit of good-neighbourliness which has, on the whole, characterized the relations between our two countries for so long is not disturbed.
24.	If I have spoken at length on the situation in southern Africa it is because the situation causes a great deal of concern to us. The international community has to be sensitized to it and to the very serious ramifications of its persistence and intractability. But perhaps even more intractable is the situation in the Middle East, to which I must now turn.
25.	The Middle East situation remains volatile and tense, as no movement whatsoever was recorded in the past year in the search for a lasting solution to the Palestinian question. The Palestinian people remain homeless and stateless, and there does not seem to be any end in sight to their misery. The dehumanizing squalor of refugee camps and the hopelessness, precariousness and emptiness of life in the diaspora have become their persistent lot. Thousands of them have been brutally hounded out of their sanctuaries in Lebanon, while hundreds of others have lost their lives in a brutal cycle of violence perpetrated against a people whose only crime is to want to regain its freedom and its home in its ancestral homeland, Palestine.
26.	The Middle East will never know peace as long as one of its nations, the Palestinian nation, remains a nation of refugees. None of the countries of the region, including Israel, will enjoy peace and stability as long as the aspirations of millions of Palestinians remain frustrated. The building of Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza will not enhance security for Israel; it will engender more violent bitterness among the Palestinians towards the Jewish State.
27.	So will the occupation and annexation of the Golan Heights, which can never give Israel the security it so desperately needs; Syria is 'rightly embittered by the usurping of its territory and will employ every means to regain it. The occupation and ransacking of southern Lebanon by the Israeli army during the past two years also can only have earned Israel the bitter enmity of the people of Lebanon. All these are the deeds of a country which seems bent on ensuring security for itself literally at all costs—not only at the cost of the very security it seeks but also to the detriment of the security of all its neighbours.
28.	We support Israel's right to exist, but only within internationally recognized boundaries. Yes, like all the countries of the Middle East without exception, Israel deserves the right to exist in security and peace, but not at the expense of the security and peace of its neighbours. In other words, just as we shall never support the destruction of the State of Israel, the State of Israel must in turn understand that we shall never support its expansionist wars.
29.	The war between Iran and Iraq has in the past several months shown that it still has the potential to set the world aflame, as it has increasingly involved third countries which have nothing to do with it. The sinking of innocent oil tankers owned by countries as far away from the Gulf as Japan and Panama can only fuel the flames and escalate the conflict. The war must be stopped before it goes too far.
30.	South-East Asia also remains at war with itself. Kampuchea is yet to be relieved of the unwanted presence of foreign troops on its soil, the purpose of which is to maintain in power, a regime which derives its authority to govern from the will of a foreign Power. The General Assembly must once again insist on the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea and must continue to call for the convening of an international conference on Kampuchea to enable the people of that tormented country to shape their political future at the conference table rather than on the battlefield.
31.	The non-aligned country of Afghanistan continues to bleed, as the troops of a super-Power seek "to pacify" its people against their will. Once again, we deem it our duty, in the name of peace and non- alignment, to call on the super-Powers to respect the independence and territorial integrity of small, peace-loving, non-aligned countries. We join in the call of the non-aligned for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan so that the efforts of the Secretary-General may bear fruit.
32.	The Korean question remains troublesome. The two Koreas have long accepted the desirability of peaceful negotiations to attain the reunification of Korea, and yet every year they talk about negotiating without actually getting anywhere near the negotiating table. The North has recently proposed tripartite negotiations, in which the United States would be involved, while the South has continued to call for the resumption of "direct inter-Korean negotiations with a view to taking measures to remove the existing mistrust and antagonism". Both sides are thus agreed on the need to talk peace, and yet nothing beyond talking to each other across the forbidding tension of the demilitarized zone has been achieved.
33.	Botswana continues to support the peaceful reunification of Korea, for we shudder to contemplate the alternative. We will support any plan, any proposal, regardless of its author, which is genuinely designed to achieve that end.
34.	The situation in the Central American region has caused us a great deal of anxiety for some time now. The endless bloodshed in El Salvador and the persistent unwarranted provocations to which Nicaragua has been subjected since the fall of the Somoza dictatorship have seriously compromised the peace and stability of the region. The southern African region desires for the people of Central America the very same peace, progress and prosperity it has wished for its own people for so long with very little success. That is why we fully support the Contadora Group's laudable exertions for peace and commend Nicaragua for promptly agreeing to sign the historic Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America prepared by the Group. We call on all others concerned to give the Contadora Act a chance.
35.	The state of the world's economy today continues to place the developing countries in a position of extreme hardship. Despite some evidence of economic recovery in the countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the developing world on the whole has yet to see improvement. Indeed, the shortfalls in resources for development have increased more rapidly, while the need for assistance has grown.
36.	In large parts of the developing world, levels of per capita output fell for the third consecutive year and are below those recorded in 1979. The impact of this continuous economic erosion is increasingly being felt in the social and economic spheres. Unemployment, underemployment and poverty are on the rise in many of those countries. Social infrastructures and public services are frequently under severe pressure. There is growing evidence of difficulty in insulating health and education from the effects of the economic crisis. Physical investment is also being severely constrained in a large number of countries, reflecting both a drying up of private investment in the face of economic recession or contraction and the falling of public investment following pressures to reduce public spending. The impact of the crisis on health, education and investment places future development in jeopardy.
37.	The forces underlying this severe set-back to development have been gathering momentum for a number of years. Although the precise causes vary from region to region and from country to country, severe strains in external payments are a common factor. The debt crisis in Africa, Latin America and some parts of Asia has been characterized by a cutback in new private and public financial flows, which has led to a slow-down in economic activity.
38.	No region has had to face this stark reality more directly than Africa. The Secretary-General has clearly described the magnitude of the challenges facing most of sub-Saharan African countries. As is well documented by reports prepared by the Secretary- General, the African economic crisis calls for simultaneous action on several levels. In the most immediate time-frame, the international community must work closely with the affected countries to respond to the emergency needs. Among the requirements are adequate supplies of food and water and steps to counteract desertification, as well as others related to population displacement, unemployment and debt-servicing. In the medium- and long-term, we must seriously address the need for developing institutional infrastructure which will enable these countries to deal more effectively with future emergencies.
39.	In reviewing the African economic crisis, it is highly important to appreciate that the emergency, short-, medium- and long-term implications and ramifications are not only interrelated but are very closely intertwined. Any measures to be taken, be they at the national, regional or international level, must ensure internal consistency between the different requirements in the short-, medium- and long- term.
40.	Indeed, as long ago as April 1981, the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa, at its seventh meeting, held at Freetown, when considering a paper entitled "Africa's rapidly escalating crisis—proposals for a short-term immediate programme for survival", emphasized the linkage between emergency programmes and short-, medium- and long-term structural adjustment programmes. What was stated then remains as valid today as it was in 1981. Emergency programmes of action in the critical areas of food, drought, energy and balance-of-payments difficulties are not in any way meant to replace development strategies and plans of action adopted by the various United Nations agencies. These emergency programmes should be envisaged to clear the ground and lay the necessary foundations for the successful implementation of the long-term strategies and programmes of action.
41.	Underlying the current crisis is Africa's under-development and economic backwardness, its failure to achieve a clear break from its colonial, dependent economic inheritance, with a production structure heavily dominated by export-oriented agriculture, a small industrial base, fractured and only minimally linked with its natural resources base, with mining output being predominantly for export and with the most open and exposed economy in the world. As is well known, external trade normally constitutes a major stimulus to spur internal socio-economic progress even where this is affected by the narrowness of export commodities and dramatic price shifts over which Africa has no control.
42.	The economic and social transformation of Africa, which started in the 1960s after the attainment of political independence by most African countries, is not only coming to a halt but also gradually reversing. Throughout the 1970s, Africa, particularly sub-Saharan Africa, experienced deterioration in all major economic and social indicators. While the gross domestic product grew at an average annual rate of 3 per cent between 1970 and 1980, this rate has persistently fallen and is at present negative. On the other hand, population has been rising consistently at an annual rate of 3 per cent. Consequently, per capita income has been declining. Today, 26 of Africa's 50 independent countries are classified by the United Nations as least developed among developing countries. Because of the severe drought which has negatively affected agricultural production in a large number of countries in sub- Saharan Africa since 1982, food is the most critical aspect of the crisis.
43.	The Special FAO/WFP Task Force, established in 1983, estimated food deficit for 1983/84 for the 24 food-aid dependent African countries at about 5.4 million tons. Despite reports of good rains in West Africa, the projections remain valid for the 1984/85 period. I wish at this juncture to thank the international community, especially the donor countries, for responding very generously and expeditiously to our appeals. Without their assistance whole populations would have perished. However, there remains a lot to be done, and I hope we can continue to count on the generous support demonstrated so far. Because of the continued drought, poor harvests are expected for the 1984/85 period in eastern and southern Africa, resulting in a food deficit of about 2.6 million tons, of which 1.35 million tons are required as food aid. My country, Botswana, is among the most affected.
44.	In most of the 24 food-aid dependent countries, deteriorating health conditions and severe malnutrition are reported. UNICEF and WHO, with the financial support of the donor community, especially the non-governmental organizations, have been very active in providing relief. We are most grateful to them.
45.	The rehabilitation, reconstruction and revitalization measures for the African economies will have to focus on three major sectors: food and agriculture, industry, and the provision of essential infrastructure. Such measures must tackle not just the symptoms of the crisis but also its root causes if they are to be consistent with long-term policy objectives. In this connection, one cannot over-emphasize the crucial role of domestic policy reforms for accelerating the process of rehabilitating, reconstructing and revitalizing the African economies.
46.	A consensus has long emerged among African countries as to what these measures should be. The Lagos Plan of Action4 and the Final Act of Lagos are clear testimony to the resolve by Africa to tackle its problems squarely. It is heartening to note that a similar consensus has emerged among major donor agencies such as the World Bank, the European Economic Community, the Asian Development Bank and the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa on what needs to be done to pull the African continent out of the economic pit in which it finds itself.
47.	In order to restore growth and to enable African countries to rely mainly on their own resources, it is essential to devise special short-term measures which will ensure that their export earnings are stabilized at remunerative levels. Export earnings of most African commodities have dropped by as much as 20 to 47 per cent since 1980.
48.	In this connection, the implementation of the Integrated Programme for Commodities, especially the entry into operation of the Common Fund for Commodities, as well as the early conclusion of new commodity agreements are an important element in the realization of this objective. Also important is the removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers against African agricultural and mineral products.
49.	To enable African countries to face the Herculean tasks of rehabilitating, reconstructing and revitalizing their disintegrated economies, massive external resources will be needed. The Special Memorandum on Africa's Economic and Social Crisis, adopted by the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa in May of this year, proposes some concrete measures, which include: first, an increased flow of concessionary resources to the African least developed countries, especially those most seriously affected by natural calamities; secondly, the increase of resources by the World Bank to Africa to enable it to cope with the current external debt crisis; to that end, we urge that structural- adjustment lending should be expanded to constitute a major lending programme and that it should be spread over a longer period; thirdly, the substantial increase in IDA resource flows to Africa for the implementation of the World Bank Special Programme for Sub-Saharan Africa; fourthly, the expeditious completion of negotiations for supplementary funding of at least $3 billion for the seventh IDA replenishment and the taking into account of the current crisis in Africa in allocating the existing and the new IDA resources; fifthly, the increase in Africa's share of special drawing rights to meet its current economic crises; sixthly, the full implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries,7 especially the transfer by 1985 of 0.15 per cent of the gross national product of the developed countries as official development assistance to least developed countries; seventhly, the early replenishment of IFAD and a substantial allocation therefrom to Africa; and eighthly, liberation of IMF conditionalities, including facilitation of access to other IMF windows, such as the cereal window; and the restructuring of lending programmes and policies as well as aid-disbursement procedures by the World Bank, regional development banks and other multilateral financial institutions with a view to a speedier and more flexible flow of resources to Africa.
50.	It is essential that the international community accept the fact that the economic crisis facing the African continent is a challenge not only to African Governments but to humanity as a whole. The international community must respond positively, magnanimously and speedily to the various proposals put forward by the various United Nations agencies in order to resolve the present economic and social crisis that is crippling the African continent. It is also important, and even more important, that the African Governments themselves should continue with their efforts to institute fundamental domestic policy reforms which enable them to accelerate the process of structural change for achieving the objectives set forth in the Lagos Plan of Action. In this vein, at Lusaka on 1 April 1980, the Heads of State and Government of the nine independent countries of southern Africa adopted the Lusaka Declaration, entitled "Southern Africa: Toward Economic Liberation", which established the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference [SADCC] and set in motion a historic process of growth and change and a strategy for integrated regional development. The objectives enunciated in the Declaration include: the reduction of economic dependence, particularly, but not only, on South Africa; the forcing of links to create genuine and equitable regional integration; the mobilization of resources to promote the attainment or implementation of national, inter-State and regional policies; and concerted action to secure international co-operation within the framework of a strategy for economic liberation.
51.	The southern African leaders knew their strengths and weaknesses. They knew the power of collective self-reliance as well as the value of extra- regional co-operation. They were aware that their nine countries constituted a population approaching 60 million people, inhabiting a geographical area replete with rich natural resources—agricultural and mineral—which could be harnessed efficiently and equitably for the benefit of the masses of the local populations and, indeed, for mankind as a whole.
52.	The member States of SADCC realized that pragmatic, realistic and attainable objectives were essential for the attainment of their noble goals. They picked on selected and specific tasks and functions to be undertaken by chosen members among themselves. SADCC recognized, to begin with, that one of the first economic objectives to be pursued by member States was the provision of basic infrastructure without which their economies could not function.
53.	Transport and communication was selected as a priority among priorities. Anybody who has travelled in our part of the world will easily understand why. Energy and food security are among the top priorities. This, however, does not diminish the importance of other sectors.
54.	For the African countries to be able to achieve their noble objective of collective self-reliance they will, more than ever before, need the full support of the member States of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the member States of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the other developing countries in a position to do so, as well as that of bilateral and multilateral institutions.
55.	I am convinced that, given the necessary support, Africa is capable, in the not-too-distant future, of moving from its current position of an economically crisis-ridden continent to that of an economically dynamic one. It is within the means of the international community to help African Governments to turn the current despair into hope and I have no doubt they will do so.
56.	Let me conclude my statement by reaffirming my country's undiminished fidelity to the principles and purposes of this, our United Nations. A great deal has been achieved by the Organization in the past 39 years of its existence in its search for solutions to the many problems that face our troubled world. But that is obviously not enough. A great deal more remains to be done to bring into reality the kind of world envisaged almost 40 years ago by the founding fathers of the United Nations—a world without colonialism and imperialism, without racism and intolerance, without hunger, disease and ignorance, a free, peaceful and safe world.