Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on the occasion of your election to your highly responsible position and to express my conviction that your activities will contribute to the fruitful work of the present session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
93.	Speaking today from this rostrum, I should like to emphasize at the very outset the great importance which this session of the General Assembly would have if its work were successful. In view of the specific character of the situation in the world arena today, it is essential for the work of the session to be conducted in a constructive atmosphere. Its participants will have to display to an even greater extent than before a sense of realism, a considered approach to key international issues and a genuine interest in finding solutions to them.
94.	Thereby the States Members of the United Nations would demonstrate their commitment to the principles and purposes of this world Organization and awareness of their responsibility for the destinies of peace. Indeed, this is now a vitally important task for them individually and collectively.
95.	We focus attention on this because the state of affairs in the world has lately become more complicated as a result of a sharp turn in the policies of the United States of America and some other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO].
96.	Let us look at the facts—they are more eloquent than words.
97.	Back in May 1978, the NATO countries decided automatically to increase their annual military expenditures almost to the end of this century. Last December, they took a decision to produce and deploy in Western Europe new American medium range nuclear missile systems designed to change the military and strategic situation to the unilateral advantage of the NATO bloc. Simultaneously, Washington also announced its own multibillion dollar build-up programme.
98.	The course chosen by the United States of America, which cannot be called anything but militaristic, is expressed in the so-called "new nuclear strategy". Under the cover of arguments that have nothing to do with reality concerning the possibility of some "limited" or "partial" use of nuclear weapons, the architects of this strategy seek to instil in the minds of people the idea of the admissibility and acceptability of a nuclear conflict. This foolhardy concept exacerbates the risk of a nuclear catastrophe, which cannot but cause concern throughout the world.
99.	And is it not contrary to the expectations of the peoples of the world that Washington should have indefinitely postponed ratification of the Soviet American treaty on the limitation of strategic offensive arms, SALT II?  It has demonstrated that it sets a low value on the assurances and promises it gave earlier.
100.	Several theses have recently been adopted by American foreign policy which, by all appearances, are regarded as its credo. Here is one of them. A given region of the world is chosen at will—especially if it is rich in energy resources or important from the point of view of transport and communications, or simply if the Pentagon has taken a fancy to it—and that favoured area is declared with naked bluntness to be a United States "sphere of vital interest". And if, to boot, it is a sphere of American interests, not just anyone's, and on top of that—God only knows why—of "vital" interests, efforts are made simply to deprive the peoples who live in that area of the right to be masters in their own home and masters of their own wealth. It is even harder to understand that at the end of the twentieth century generally recognized rules of international law hallowed by time should be so blatantly and so rapaciously flouted.
101.	Another proposition is that any internal changes in any State—merely because they are not to Washington's liking—are considered to be a good enough pretext for United States interference in the affairs of that State, including the dispatch there of armed forces and commandoes. It is precisely these functions that have been assigned to the rapid reaction corps. And it is surely those countries which cannot defend themselves that become the first victims.
102.	And what about the treatment of Cuba? This is a striking example. Contrary to the legitimate demands of its Government and people, a part of Cuba's territory, Guantanamo, where a United States military base is located, is held by force. But at Washington they reason in the following way: we want this base—so that is that. It is of no importance to them that the sovereign rights of Cuba and its people are thus flagrantly ignored, once American interests stand to gain.
103.	And what a host of statements are made to justify such a policy. Those deal at length with human rights, the rights of States. It is simply amazing how such a policy can be combined with genuine respect for the rights of States, the rights of peoples, and human rights. If such statements are to be believed—and they are, incidentally, repeated with the importunity of commercial advertising—then all manuals and all books on international law, and indeed the United Nations Charter itself, which strictly protect the sovereignty of States, should all be discarded. But no verbal acrobatics, no diplomatic contrivances can conceal the real essence of such a policy.
104.	The methods of pressure and blackmail in foreign policy are making themselves felt in various parts of the globe. Blatant violence is employed against Iran. Everybody knows this. United States actions in the Persian Gulf area threaten the sovereignty not only of that country but of other countries of the region as well.
105.	A build-up of the United States military presence is under way in East Africa, where, most recently, new American military bases have been coming into being. This is taking place in particular in Somalia, a country whose leadership continues to make groundless territorial claims in respect of its neighbours. The Soviet Union fully supports those States which raise their voices in protest against the establishment of such bases. Surely, those who offer their homes for American military bases assist in the accumulation of inflammable material in that area, with all the ensuing dangers.
106.	The anti-Arab Camp David deal has as its direct consequence unabated tension in the Middle East, where the situation is fraught with perilous and unforeseen developments, That should not be overlooked. That deal, which runs counter to the interests of and slights the just demands of Arab States and the inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine, whose only legitimate representative is the PLO, is intended to satisfy Israel's annexationist claims and to affirm an American military presence in the Middle East.
107.	In short, since the time of the separatist collusion among the United States, Israel and Egypt, the situation in that region has proved to be further from genuine peace than ever before. It is for that reason that Camp David is rejected by Arab States and denounced by all those who are interested in a just and comprehensive settlement in the Middle East, not in a settlement dictated by imperialist interests. That has been graphically demonstrated by the recent resolutions of the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, on the Palestinian question, and by recent resolutions of the Security Council.
108.	In another region, the Far East, Washington is striving to strengthen its political and military position and is heating up militarist trends that are far from being on the wane in certain quarters in Japan. Beijing is acting in unison. Yet one would think that the Japanese leadership would display the ability to see things as they are and succeed in resisting the outside influences prodding that country onto the road of hostility towards the Soviet Union, a road that has already led Japan to catastrophe.
109.	The United States, whose troops, contrary to General Assembly resolution 3390 B (XXX), still remain on the territory of the Republic of Korea, shares with the puppet Seoul regime the responsibility for the fact that the Korean problem is still unresolved. It obstructs the normalization of the situation on the Korean peninsula and the reunification of Korea on a peaceful and democratic basis without any outside interference, as is proposed by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
110.	The United States adds to the destabilization of the situation in IndoChina and in the whole of South-East Asia. Here, too, the United States acts in league with the Beijing hegemonists who, having committed aggression against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, continue their demonstrations of military force on the Sino-Vietnamese border and stage provocations against the People's Democratic Republic of Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, whose voice, we are sure, will sooner or later be heard from this rostrum. Other countries of that region are also under constant pressure from Beijing and Washington.
111.	In recent years, the United States and some other Western countries have resorted ever more frequently to playing the "China card"—they love it—in order to use to their own advantage the great Power ambitions of Beijing, which is itself keeping pace with the most zealous proponents of the position of strength policy and is stubbornly and cynically advocating the idea of the inevitability of another world war—with never a thought of giving up this idea. I stress this idea of the inevitable nature of a new world war.
112.	While these countries are intent on having China follow ever more closely in the wake of their policy, Beijing, for its part, in seeking a rapprochement with them, attempts to put them on the track of the cold war and confrontation with the Soviet Union, although our country, I would note here, stands for the normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China, as has been repeatedly stated at the most authoritative level. Even if we leave aside the question of who is playing whose cards more, it must be emphasized that this game is dangerous to the cause of peace.
113.	The facts I have enumerated suffice to lead us to the conclusion that influential circles in some countries would like to squander away the substantial assets of the policy of detente that were accumulated, especially in the 1970s, as a result of prolonged and strenuous efforts by many States.
114.	Not long ago, at Vienna, where the SALT II Treaty was signed, there was a frank conversation between Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and President Carter of the United States. The latter also recognized the need to maintain the existing approximate parity of military strength between East and West, the Soviet Union and the United States. This was recognized also by the leaders of other NATO countries. At present, contrary to their previous statements, the leaders of the NATO bloc are seeking to change the strategic balance of forces in the world in that bloc's favour. That is the root cause of the aggravation of the present international situation.
115.	Attempts to give a different interpretation of world developments and to cast aspersions on the foreign policy of the USSR by once again resorting to the myth of a Soviet military threat constitute a gross deception.
116.	Only the gullible could heed the groundless assertions to the effect that the aggravation of the world situation has been caused by the temporary introduction of a limited Soviet military contingent into Afghanistan. As has already been explained repeatedly, our move was made to assist the Afghan people in protecting their country's sovereignty and repelling armed incursions into its territory from the outside, as well as to prevent the emergence of a direct threat to the security of the USSR on its southern border. That assistance was rendered in response to repeated appeals by the Government of Afghanistan, and it is in full accord with the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of 1978 and the United Nations Charter. I believe that there still exist in the United States persons who signed the United Nations Charter, which contains a provision relevant to this. Now that the situation in Afghanistan is gradually returning to normal, some of our military units have been brought home by agreement with the Afghan Government.
117.	Not infrequently, and notably at the United Nations, one may hear persons speak in favour of a complete withdrawal of the Soviet military contingent. To that we reply that the USSR will withdraw its contingent by agreement with the Government of Afghanistan as soon as the reasons that made the introduction of a contingent necessary have been removed, but not before.
118.	It will be recalled that the Afghan Government has put forward a programme for a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan. It is quite possible to achieve such a settlement on that basis and the Soviet Union is firmly in favour of that. But any attempts that run counter to the sovereign rights of Afghanistan are futile. The truth about the nature and essence of events in Afghanistan and around that nonaligned State is steadily gaining ground.
119.	The allegation being bandied about in certain Western countries that the Soviet Union is building up its military might on a scale that exceeds its defence requirements is also patently false. There are some experts who make such claims. Our country believes that the strategic parity of forces obtaining in the world is sufficient to protect its own security and that of its allies and friends. Our country aspires to nothing more.
120.	Let us take Central Europe, the area with the highest concentration of military forces confronting each other. There, the Soviet Union, unlike the NATO countries, has not for a long time now increased its forces by a single soldier, a single tank, a single aircraft. On the contrary, it has been reducing them.
121.	As for the medium range nuclear systems deployed in the European part of the USSR—we do not deploy them on the territories of other States at all—in terms of the number of launchers and the yield of their nuclear warheads, such systems have recently even been somewhat reduced. The leaders who, with a specific purpose in mind, are trying to mislead people are also fully aware of that. However, being at odds with the truth, they systematically feed public opinion with fraudulent propaganda whenever they talk about the foreign policy or the armed forces of the Soviet State. The products of such propaganda are often to be seen floating around this hall.
122.	Against that background, it is obvious that those who speak of some unprecedented build-up of our country's defence potential are in fact trying to turn attention away from their own plans to deploy hundreds of new United States nuclear systems on the territories of several West European countries.
123.	In order to prevent another round of the arms race, the Soviet Union has proposed negotiations to be held on the basis of equality and with observance of the principle of equal security. In order to remove the obstacles to negotiations arising from the NATO decision, we propose that discussions be initiated without delay on the question of medium range nuclear weapons in Europe and the question of United States forward based systems, concurrently and in organic interrelation. It is understood that eventual agreements would be implemented after the entry into force of the SALT II Treaty.
124.	The USSR has not so far received a substantive reply to its initiative. The Soviet proposal is talked and written about; various assessments of it are made, and it is sometimes alleged that it is unclear or even mysterious, But those who are supposed to respond to it have as yet said nothing intelligible. And the reason for all this is that the Soviet Union's proposal is designed to find a genuine solution to the problem of strengthening European security and to erect a barrier to prevent Europe from becoming an even more dangerous staging area for military confrontation, with enormous quantities of nuclear weapons in readiness day and night.
125.	It would seem that the delays in making a constructive reply to the substance of our proposal are intended to muffle the positive international response which it has evoked. We express the hope that common sense and a responsible approach to improving the situation in Europe will yet prevail. We would like to believe that. The Soviet Union is ready to start talks with its partners on the aforementioned just basis at any time,
126.	Of course, if there is any lack of clarity as to the substance of our proposal, we would not be averse to removing it through consultations and exchanges of views, but it is essential that the participants in such exchanges of views should join us at the negotiating table in good faith and not just to kill time. At the same time, it must be clearly understood that the Soviet Union and the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty will not allow the military strategic balance they have achieved between them and the States members of NATO to be upset. Any calculations aimed at disrupting this balance should be discarded.
127.	The USSR and other countries of the socialist community have never sought, and are not seeking, any military superiority. They have not had, and will not have, any strategic doctrine other than a defensive one. As Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev stated once again, with all clarity, in his recent speech in the city of Alma-Ata:
"Our country's foreign policy is a clear and honest policy of peace which is not directed against anyone else. We do not encroach on anybody's land; we do not interfere in anybody's internal affairs. But we shall always manage to defend our rights and legitimate interests".
128.	Peaceableness is an inherent feature of the foreign policy of socialism, which is a social system having no classes interested in war. A world without wars, said Lenin, is the very ideal of socialism. The source from which the policy of the socialist countries draws confidence in its strength is the identity of their objectives in constructing a new society, in defending the cause of peace. To this end, the perfecting of relations of full equality, fraternal unity, comradely mutual assistance and fruitful cooperation in all spheres of life is constantly in the forefront of their attention, and this was once again borne out by the results of the meetings held in the Crimea last summer between Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev and the leaders of fraternal parties and States.
129.	The Soviet Union and the socialist community have been and will continue to be in the vanguard of the struggle for international security. However, we do not claim a monopoly in this field. We shall stand in the same line with all States which consistently pursue a policy of peace and of averting the threat of another world war, a policy of detente.
130.	The concrete deeds of the socialist countries are shown in a whole series of initiatives, in particular those they have advanced since the previous session of the General Assembly. These are: the proposal put forward by the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty  for holding a top-level conference of the leaders of States of all regions of the world to discuss problems related to the elimination of hotbeds of international tension and to the prevention of war; the measures for curbing the arms race, for disarmament and for strengthening peace in Europe and throughout the world contained in the declaration which was adopted at that same meeting; the initiative of the USSR with regard to holding negotiations on medium range nuclear weapons in Europe in close interrelation with United States forward based systems; the recent withdrawal by the Soviet Union of 20,000 troops, 1,000 tanks and other materiel from the German Democratic Republic, a process which has been completed; the proposal submitted by the socialist countries at the Vienna talks" providing, among other steps recommended, for the reduction of United States military personnel by 13,000 and of Soviet military personnel by 20,000, in addition to the Soviet military contingent which has been unilaterally withdrawn from the territory of the German Democratic Republic; and the withdrawal of some Soviet military units from Afghanistan.
131.	A comparison of the list of the initiatives we have advanced during the past year alone with NATO's record immediately reveals the contrast between the two main lines in world politics. The facts are self-evident in showing which policy line is consonant with the aspirations of the peoples and which is in conflict with them.
132.	It certainly seems to be far from easy to create a distorted picture of our foreign policy in the minds of the peoples. Misinformation and, primarily of course, slander directed against it backfire on those who resort to them.
133.	Given the present state of international relations— when the policy of detente is being put to a severe test, when the danger of war is growing—it is essential to multiply efforts in order to arrest this course of developments. Even if the initial steps were not to be the most radical ones possible, they would still be steps which could infuse an invigorating spirit into the international political climate.
134.	Proceeding from this, the Soviet Union proposes the inclusion in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly of an important and urgent item entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war", and we are submitting for the Assembly's consideration a relevant draft resolution What is proposed here is the adoption in the immediate future of the following measures.
135.	First, an important step would be for the States members of military alliances to renounce the expansion of existing military political groupings through the admission of new members, and for countries which are not members of such groupings to renounce joining them. All States, without exception, should avoid any action conducive to the establishment of new military alliances or to assigning military functions to regional organizations which have no such functions at present. At the same time, the statements repeatedly made by the USSR and the other socialist countries concerning their readiness to disband the Warsaw Treaty organization if, simultaneously, the NATO bloc were dissolved and, as a first step, to eliminate the military organizations of the two groupings, starting with a mutual reduction of their military activities, remain fully valid.
136.	Secondly, it is essential that all States, and, first of all, the permanent members of the Security Council and countries which have military agreements with them, undertake not to increase as from a certain date—say 1 January of the coming year—their armed forces and conventional armaments, as a first step towards their subsequent reduction.
137.	Thirdly, proceeding from the premise that an early conclusion of an appropriate convention, with the participation of all nuclear and nonnuclear States, would best serve to strengthen security guarantees for nonnuclear States, the USSR is also prepared to consider other possible solutions to this problem, provided the other nuclear Powers adopt a similar approach. We call upon all nuclear countries to make identical and solemn declarations concerning the non-use of nuclear weapons against nonnuclear States which have no nuclear weapons on their territories. Such declarations, if they serve the aforementioned objective, could be reinforced by an authoritative decision of the Security Council. At the same time, the Soviet Union reaffirms that it will never use nuclear weapons against those countries which renounce the production and acquisition of such weapons and do not have them on their territories.
138.	Fourthly, we are convinced that, if our partners in the negotiations, the United States and the United Kingdom, show corresponding readiness, it is quite realistic to expect a successful conclusion within a short time limit of the elaboration of an international treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapon tests. We consider this to be possible. There are no insuperable obstacles.
139.	To this end, the USSR proposes that all nuclear Powers declare themselves ready to renounce within a period of one year, beginning on a date to be agreed by them, all nuclear explosions. The point is to have a one year moratorium while negotiations would continue with a view to achieving a more radical solution.
140.	A prompt implementation of all these measures would blunt the edge of some of the issues in international relations. It could be instrumental in easing the burden of military expenditures of States, strengthening the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, and creating favourable conditions for progress in the field of the arms race limitation. We hope that the General Assembly will give these proposals careful and due consideration, and that it will support them.
141.	In today's international conditions, the Soviet Union considers it an imperative duty of the United Nations Member States to intensify their efforts in all major directions of the struggle for peace. As hitherto, the Soviet Union will maintain and deepen the dialogue and cooperate with all States that display political will towards this end. By the way, with regard to "dialogue", this is a term often used nowadays. One way of reasoning goes like this: if there is something I do not like in the policy of a State, I will not speak with it. But to our mind such capriciousness, such vagaries, have been widely condemned, and rightly so. There should be no place for them in politics.
142.	At the current session, we consider it necessary to recall the United Nations decisions which have yet to be implemented, proposals put forward by the USSR and other countries, as well as to set forth our views on enhancing the efficiency of efforts in specific sectors of this historic struggle. To this end, the USSR is submitting at this session a memorandum entitled "peace, disarmament and international security guarantees"
143.	There is hardly any need to prove that the greatest threat to peace on our planet is posed by the unabated nuclear arms race. There is, however, a need to say again and again that it is inadmissible to put up with a situation where people live under the burden of a constant fear of a nuclear disaster.
144.	While recognizing the complexities of the problem of nuclear disarmament, one should not toe the line of those who shirk even its discussion. It is for people to resolve this burning problem. People have created the nuclear weapon, and it is they who can and must outlaw and destroy it. There is no denying that man's mind is stronger than his fists. None the less, the fact remains that the negotiations proposed by the Soviet Union for ending the production of all types of nuclear weapons and gradually reducing their stockpiles until they have been completely destroyed have never started, owing to the negative position of certain Governments. We stand for the talks getting under way and for the Governments concerned to adopt a serious attitude towards them, so that the relevant decision of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament may be fulfilled.
145.	The conclusion by States of an agreement on the renunciation of the use of force in international relations would be of great importance for the cause of peace and detente. In statements made from this rostrum the Soviet Union has repeatedly stressed the importance of such an agreement and of resolution 2936 (XXVII) adopted by the General Assembly in 1972 entitled "Non-use of force in international relations and permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons". In the current situation, the duty of the United Nations to pronounce itself in favour of the prompt completion of efforts in this field is becoming ever more imperative.
146.	To lessen the threat of nuclear war, it is of decisive importance to check the further growth of the strategic potentials of States and subsequently to reduce strategic nuclear weapon systems quantitatively and to limit them qualitatively. And could anyone deny how significant would be the entry into force of the Soviet American Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, SALT II?
147.	The USSR is ready to ratify the SALT II Treaty and afterwards strictly to comply with all its provisions. It is also the intention of the Soviet Union to participate in the negotiations on the further limitation and reduction of strategic arms, with strict observance of the principle of equality and equal security. But it would not be out of place to say in this connection that, although the Treaty has not yet entered into force, the American side is already laying a mine under it in the shape of a plan whose implementation would open up the possibility of excluding from appropriate verification a large number of strategic nuclear missile systems. I think that this is well known to all representatives in this hall.
148.	Now that the nuclear missile arsenals of States are being constantly inflated, the question of elaborating and adopting more reliable measures to prevent the possibility of the accidental or authorized use of nuclear weapons is becoming ever more acute, and repeated false nuclear alarms in the United States armed forces give ground for serious thought in this regard. Indeed, the fact that the alarm was false becomes known later—afterwards. And this surely leads to certain conclusions. Such things should not take place if the leadership of a State deals with all questions pertaining to nuclear weapons with a sense of responsibility.
149.	It has always been the stand of the Soviet Union that the strengthening of the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons should be a subject of unfailing concern. The failure to see that transfers of nuclear equipment, materials and technology intended for peaceful purposes could serve as a channel for spreading nuclear arms is fraught with the most negative consequences. An important step would be taken if an international agreement were reached on the non-stationing of nuclear weapons on the territories of countries where there are no such weapons at the present time, regardless of whether or not these countries are allies of a given nuclear State. However, owing to the opposition of certain Powers, progress in negotiations on this question is slow, to say the least.
150.	The lethal power of such means of mass destruction as chemical weapons does not at all pale in comparison to the monstrous destructive force of nuclear armaments. The negotiations on their prohibition have been dragging on for many years, with the distance to the finishing line—the signing of a relevant international convention—remaining almost as long as ever. It will be impossible to cover the remaining distance without energetic efforts on the part of all participants in the negotiations. We, for our part, have been persistently working towards that end.
151.	The Soviet Union, as before, is fully in favour of observance of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction. It has always been, and remains, faithful to the spirit and letter of the Convention, which constitutes a measure of real disarmament.
152.	Sometimes representatives of military quarters float allegations that the Soviet Union does not always respect the obligations it assumes under international agreements. But such allegations are a ploy that is as old as the universe. The reasoning of their authors is obviously as follows: if peoples are to be deceived, let the deception be huge to make an impression. But in the contest between truth and deception, truth has always been victorious sooner or later. The Soviet Union has not violated one single international agreement and it does not intend to do so.
153.	Those who resort to such allegations attempt to weave them into a thick shroud to cover their own unseemly deeds. Look at what is taking place in the country whose representatives indulge in such statements: plans are openly being discussed there for building new plants to produce chemical weapons. I said plans are being discussed there, but it would be more accurate to say that they are being discussed here, and this is being done at a time when representatives of that very country are sitting at the negotiating table where the question of banning chemical weapons is being discussed,
154.	And how often has the Soviet Union made representations regarding noncompliance with agreements by those who aim such allegations at the Soviet Union? Those for whom these words of ours are meant know that very well. That is how things are with attempts to cast a shadow on the attitude of the Soviet Union towards its international obligations,
155.	The world is not safeguarded from the possible emergence in the not too distant future of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction. This is particularly dangerous now, since forces have appeared that are counting on achieving military superiority. The USSR favours the adoption of additional measures to ensure the conclusion of an international agreement banning the development of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction, as well as the conclusion, as necessary, of special agreements on individual types of such weapons.
156.	Vigilance and perseverance are required in the struggle against the neutron weapon—that barbarous means of annihilation. The position of our country, which declared in the past that it would not begin production of neutron weapons unless the United States did so, remains valid and it also applies to the possible emergence of such weapons in any other State.
157.	Objectively, there is a basis for the early completion of work on a treaty banning one type of weapon of mass destruction—radiological weapons.
158.	Owing to the opposition if certain Powers, the question of what are called conventional armaments has actually been left outside the sphere of concrete negotiations. The solution of that question should be speedily moved to a practical plane. Representatives of certain countries wish to talk endlessly and willingly on that subject, while doing nothing, however, to facilitate agreement.
159.	The danger of war could also be reduced in no small measure by the limitation and cessation of the arms race in particular geographical areas as well. That applies first of all to Europe. Developments in Europe have always had a most significant impact on the state of world affairs. The Soviet Union, like other countries of the socialist community, is seeking to ensure a steady continuation of the process initiated by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and compliance with all the provisions and principles of the Final Act which it adopted.
160.	As we are staunch advocates of the Leninist principle of peaceful coexistence, we have always striven to ensure that no avenue in our relations with States belonging to a different social system, including the United States, should remain unexplored. We expect those States to do likewise. Indeed, an overwhelming majority of them do build their relations with us in that fashion.
161.	The course for maintaining and strengthening security in Europe and for reducing the level of military confrontation on the continent was convincingly demonstrated last May at the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty. It was also manifested during the recent talks held by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev with French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing and with the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Helmut Schmidt.
162.	In the series of proposals made by the countries of the socialist community with regard to Europe, a prominent place belongs to the initiative for the conclusion by all States participants in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe of a treaty on the non-use of either nuclear or conventional arms—I repeat, nuclear or conventional arms. Does anybody who stands for peace object to this proposal?
163.	The socialist countries have taken steps, some of them quite recently, which provide a solid basis for reaching agreement at the Vienna Talks on the Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe. Success in that work is being obstructed by those who do not wish to give up attempts to gain unilateral advantage to the detriment of the security interests of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty.
164.	The holding of a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe is a matter of paramount importance. We express the hope that all States concerned will contribute to the realization of this idea. This is a good idea.
165.	A significant role in achieving general agreement on the convocation and the subject matter of the conference is to be played by the Madrid meeting of representatives of States participants in the European Conference. We wish the meeting to be business-like and to be crowned with positive results on all sections of the Helsinki Final Act. We urge other countries to display the same constructive approach to the Madrid meeting.
166.	The problem of lessening tensions in the Indian Ocean is increasingly important. The Soviet Union has invariably supported the initiative of the littoral States to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. For the purpose of implementing that initiative, we shall continue to cooperate with all States concerned, inter alia, at the Conference on the Indian Ocean scheduled for 1981. The same objective would be served by the resumption of the Soviet American talks, suspended by the United States, on the limitation and subsequent reduction of military activities in that ocean. We are ready at any time to sit at the same table with the United States and to continue negotiations on that matter. It is now up to the United States.
167.	The States parties to the Warsaw Treaty favour discussion within the framework of the United Nations of the question of limiting and reducing the level of military presence and military activities, be it in the Atlantic, the Indian or the Pacific Ocean, in the Mediterranean or in the Persian Gulf. Agreements in that field would serve the interests of peace and stabilization of the international situation. The Soviet Union is prepared at any time to come to the negotiating table to discuss this issue with the States concerned.
168.	More than once the United Nations has tried its hand at achieving agreed decisions on the reduction of the military budgets of States. However, each time, it encountered resolute opposition and all means of misinformation are employed here to frustrate any progress towards agreement in this extremely important field. As a result, the military appropriations of States have been growing from year to year. And what a variety of methods have been devised by certain Governments to extract from the taxpayer ever greater sums to be fed into the grinder of military production. And this is taking place at a time when hundreds of millions of people in the world are suffering from starvation, have no access to proper medical services and education or have no roof over their heads. Resources which could be used for the benefit of people are being consumed by the arms race. Regrettably, the United Nations has not so far pronounced its weighty opinion on that score. It has great possibilities for speaking out.
169.	Now as before, the USSR is prepared to proceed to negotiations on specific reductions, in absolute figures or in terms of percentage points, of military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council as well as of other States with large economic and military potential. We are also prepared to reach agreement on the amounts which each State reducing its military budget would allocate for increased economic aid to developing countries.
170.	The Soviet Union believes that thorough preparations should be carried out for the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, which is to take place in 1982. That session should be followed by a world conference on disarmament to ensure that a profound consideration of disarmament issues may result not merely in recommendations, but in decisions to be implemented by States fully without any exception.
171.	There must be implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted 20 years ago on the initiative of the USSR.
172.	We welcome the emergence this year of new independent States. In southern Africa there is the Republic of Zimbabwe, which was born in the flames of the long struggle of its valiant people. We are convinced that the day will come when the people of Namibia, too, will win their freedom and independence. Everything must be done to bring nearer the moment when here in this hall of the General Assembly final victory will be solemnly celebrated over the monster which has taken the lives of or crippled many millions of human beings, which for centuries has mercilessly exploited many a people and whose name is colonialism.
173.	The Soviet Union has always shown respect for the legitimate aspirations of States which have freed themselves from the yoke of colonialism. We have good relations with most of them. We note with satisfaction the increasing role of these States in international politics and appreciate the peaceful anti-imperialist orientation of the movement of the nonaligned countries.
174.	Our country has consistently supported the developing States in their desire to attain economic independence, their inalienable right to dispose of their natural resources and their legitimate demand for the restructuring of international economic relations on the basis of equality, without any discrimination.
175.	Problems affecting all mankind are becoming ever more conspicuous in the broad spectrum of the concerns of our time. I shall make special mention of one of them: preservation of nature. The Soviet Union wishes to see man show greater care and concern for nature, and to see natural resources used in the interests of all nations on a scientific basis.
176.	However, everybody knows what immense material and intellectual resources are being deflected from the solution of this problem by the arms race, how ruinous and perhaps irreversible is the damage inflicted on the entire human environment by military activities of States such as tests of various types of weapons and, above all, of nuclear weapons, the stockpiling of poisonous chemical agents and so on, to say nothing of the disastrous consequences which a nuclear war would have not only for people but also for nature in general.
177.	It is the duty of the United Nations to draw the attention of the States of the world to their historic responsibility for preserving the nature of the earth, which is indispensable for the life of present and future generations, and to make its contribution to the development of international cooperation in this field. We have submitted an appropriate draft resolution for consideration by the General Assembly at the current session.
178.	Our views and specific proposals on important measures which should be adopted in the evolving situation stem from the peaceful nature of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. We are convinced that the necessary possibilities for staving off the threat of war and putting international peace on a more solid foundation exist. There are forces able to do that. For it is the will of the peoples and the policies of States, not late, that determine the trend of world developments.
179.	No responsible politician in the world can remain indifferent to the course pursued by those countries in whose policies the cult of war is becoming the dominant factor. Indeed, even here and now in the host country of the Headquarters of the United Nations there is massive propaganda in favour of nuclear war—before our very eyes, it can be said, But it is not only a question of propaganda; plans for such a war are being worked out and discussed, and this is all being done at government level. In the atmosphere of militarist frenzy which has of late become so widespread in the United States, there is ever less room left for sound and sober assessments of the world situation and well considered conclusions on the conduct of policy.
180.	The United Nations would be right to issue a firm warning to those who seek a dangerous exacerbation of tension and war hysteria. It would be a good thing to say to those responsible: "Gentlemen, do not push the rock down the hill, for there is a risk that you will not be able to stop it later on".
181.	Saving mankind from the scourge of war is the goal towards which the States should direct their efforts, instead of preparing for war. If the General Assembly took that stand, it would add a bright page to the book of modern history.
182.	Despite all the differences in social systems, levels of economic development, national characteristics and historical destinies of the States represented in the United Nations, all peoples want to live with confidence in their future. No country, no Government, if it expresses the aspirations and will of its people, can remain aloof from the struggle for disarmament, for the relaxation of tensions and for peace.
183.	This is the basis on which the Soviet Union acts. "We shall continue to spare no effort", stressed Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, "to preserve detente, everything positive that was achieved in the 1970s, to ensure a turn towards disarmament, to uphold the right of peoples to free and independent development, to preserve and consolidate peace."
184.	Our country and its representatives are prepared to participate in a most constructive manner in the work of this session and to contribute actively to its success.


Allow me to extend to you, Mr. President, the warmest congratulations of the delegation of the Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea on the occasion of your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your election is fully justified by your qualities as a statesman, your knowledge of the special problems of the developing countries and the attachment of your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, to the policy of detente and international co-operation. All of these factors, we are convinced, offer the best guarantee of the success of our work. We should like to assure you of the full co-operation of the Guinean delegation.
51.	We also wish to express our deep gratitude to your predecessor, our brother Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who has won the admiration of Africa, the third world and the international community by the effectiveness he demonstrated in accomplishing the delicate mission entrusted to him at the thirty-fourth session and the three important special sessions that followed it.
52.	We wish to thank him for his remarkable contributions to the establishment of international relations based on justice and understanding among States.
53.	Lastly, may we express to the Secretary-General the entire confidence of the Government of the Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea and in particular that of President Ahmed Sekou Toure for his continued devotion to the realization of the principles and objectives of the Organization.
54.	Our delegation is also happy to extend a welcome to the new independent State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines which has just been admitted into the United Nations, and to express our sincere wishes for its full success in the task of national construction.
55.	In my delegation's view, the current problems with which we are concerned today appear to form a pressing and organic whole, in which any isolated sectoral measures would be futile. Thus, in Africa and elsewhere, we note with a certain amount of satisfaction that peoples subject to colonialist and imperialist exploitation are throwing off the yoke of domination.
56.	The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly will be marked by the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the historic resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, of which Guinea is honoured to have been one of the initiators.
57.	With the victory of the brave people of Zimbabwe over the retrograde forces of colonialism and apartheid, the realization of universality within the Organization, which is one of its major bases, will cease to be a Utopian dream. It will also be proof of the fact that the progress of history towards the complete liberation of colonized peoples is inexorable.
58.	However, we are compelled today to note that in southern Africa the repression by the supporters of apartheid is implacably continuing against the South African people. Men, children, women and the aged, who are being denied the most basic rights to life and dignity, are dying each day as martyrs.
59.	This is the occasion to point to the permanent danger to independent Africa represented by the possession of nuclear weapons by the Fascist Government in Pretoria, which is guilty of such acts before history.
60.	In tackling the question of Namibia, we realize that the imperialist Powers, while pretending to be sympathetic to the question of the flouting of human dignity by the supporters of the system of apartheid, are in fact concerned only about the dividends that result from the investments made in that country by multinational corporations. The South African presence in Namibia no longer has any justification in law. The international community should attempt to rehabilitate itself by making an effective, worthwhile contribution to decolonization in that African territory.
61.	Faced with the heinous crimes perpetrated by the minority Fascist regime of Pretoria, our delegation addressed an urgent appeal to the entire international community to provide increased material and moral support to the liberation movements in South Africa—to the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC] and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania [PAC], as well as to the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], which remains the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people.
62.	The delegation of the State-Party of Guinea calls insistently for the application of the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations against the Fascist regime of Pretoria. It is in this spirit that we support the holding of an international conference on sanctions against South Africa as decided at Monrovia at the thirty- third ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and reaffirmed at the seventeenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, which was held at Freetown.
63.	Everywhere in the world hotbeds of tension persist, whether in Africa, in South-East Asia, or in the Middle East.
64.	In Africa, the question of Western Sahara has been the object of important recommendations by the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State of the OAU, called the committee of wise men, aimed at finding a final solution to that painful conflict. In the view of my delegation, my country being a member of that Committee, it would not be timely for the United Nations to take a decision which might compromise the possible chances of success in achieving an acceptable solution.
65.	Experience shows that the solution of a problem as complex as that of Western Sahara does not necessarily lie in the simple adoption of resolutions or in condemnation but rather in the concrete demonstration of good will and the exercise of loyal co-operation on the part of all the parties concerned and involved.
66.	The civil war which continues in Chad is claiming new victims each day, and is creating a truly chaotic situation which is a dangerous threat to that country's unity. In spite of the hostilities in Chad and in its capital, N'djamena, African heads of State, among them those of Togo, Congo, Benin and Guinea, continue to make laudable and constant efforts to bring the parties to agree to a cease-fire with a view to the proper implementation of the Lagos agreement of 21 August 1979 which remains the sole basis for the proper settlement of this problem.
67.	Our delegation urges the General Assembly to take note, at the current session, of the fact that the question of Chad, which remains an African problem and must therefore find an African solution, should not be the object of the adoption of any decision apart from those on humanitarian aid to be given to that country and to neighbouring countries which suffer from the heavy burden of the thousands of refugees and all the consequences that such a situation can entail.
68.	The situation of the people of the Comoros, arbitrarily divided, is also a source of constant concern to the delegation of the State-Party of Guinea, which calls for the return of Mayotte to its motherland.
69.	With regard to the situation in the Horn of Africa, in the coastal States of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, the existence of foreign military bases and the new tension brought about in the region are a source of great concern to us.
70.	We wish to draw the attention of countries in the sub-region of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean to the fact that the installation of foreign military bases always compromises the progress and independence of a country. The Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea condemns the existence of military bases on foreign soil as running counter to the Charter of the United Nations and to the principle of non-alignment.
71.	The solution of the Middle East crisis calls for the following: recognition by all States of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to independence and to national sovereignty; the withdrawal by Israel from all occupied Arab territories; the end of repeated aggressions against Lebanon and respect for its territorial integrity, and participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, in all discussions relating to the settlement of the Middle East conflict.
72.	These proposals of the international community, which have a just basis, unfortunately come up against the permanent obstinacy and aggressiveness of Israel.
73.	It is timely for us at this point to reiterate the appeal to the effect that the international community take decisive measures with a view to bringing about the repeal of the unilateral decision taken by the Knesset proclaiming Jerusalem the capital of Israel.
74.	We are of the opinion that our world Organization should adopt sanctions against any State which supports or endorses the unilateral and unlawful decision of Israel to make Jerusalem its capital, thus violating the international status of the Holy City, the sanctuary of Islam, Christianity and Judaism.
75.	Despite the efforts of the Secretary-General, the situation in Cyprus is still tense as regards relations between the two communities, Greek and the Turkish.
76.	We sincerely hope that the forthcoming peaceful meeting between the two communities will be crowned with success and we reaffirm our support for the cause of the Cypriot people, for respect for its territorial integrity and its national independence without foreign interference.
77.	The situation prevailing in the Asian continent reveals the existence of hotbeds of military confrontation which threaten to grow larger.
78.	Our insistence at this session, as at the thirty-fourth session, on the restoration of Kampuchea's seat to the Government of Phnom Penh bears witness to our desire to be realistic. We think it is contrary to international practice for a Government which does not exercise authority in its country to continue to represent that country in the Organization.
79.	In Afghanistan, peace and stability call for respect for the will of the Afghan people freely to decide their destiny without any intervention or foreign interference.
80.	Moreover, the Iraqi-Iranian conflict cannot leave the Moslem revolutionary people of Guinea indifferent. The United Nations should abstain from any attitude which might complicate that already serious situation, which is a threat to international peace and security.
81.	Our delegation supports the steps now being taken by General Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan, Chairman of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, to use his good offices in this fratricidal conflict.
82.	As for the situation of the divided Korean nation, in our view it is necessary and urgent as a pre-condition for the peaceful reunification of the country to transform the present armistice into a durable peace treaty with the withdrawal of the foreign troops stationed in Korea under the United Nations flag.
83.	In addition, we reaffirm our full support for the struggle for self-determination waged by the people of East Timor under the leadership of FRETILIN.
84.	Latin America, like the Caribbean region, is not spared the attempts at provocation and destabilization being directed by foreign forces against many States in the region.
85.	Our delegation remains convinced that foreign intervention, interference in the internal affairs of other States, and the permanent occupation of territories by force are undertakings that will always be doomed to failure. All violations of international law are closely linked with the obstinacy of the imperialist Powers in wishing to maintain an obsolete world order.
86.	The solution to the question of disarmament has become an imperative need not only because of the astronomical sums allocated by the great Powers to the arms race, but because of the threat that those weapons pose to mankind. As has been said so rightly by President Ahmed Sekou Toure: "The unbridled race for the acquisition of means of mass destruction only perpetuates inadmissible differences, discriminations and inequalities as regards the conditions of life of peoples and the relations established between States".
87.	Our delegation subscribes to the measures advocated at the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, and also supports the convening of the World Disarmament Conference.
88.	The decade that is ending was for us, a developing country, characterized, from the economic point of view, by an aggravation of economic and social underdevelopment: inflation, unemployment, an increase in the foreign debt, malnutrition and many other evils, to which we must add the disasters that weigh heavily on the living conditions of our peoples.
89.	This bleak picture is the consequence of the present economic order that is chronically unfavourable to the developing countries. It is thus that at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, which was held at Lagos in April and was devoted to economic matters, President Ahmed Sekou Toure stated:
"Let us ask ourselves the question: Who today determines the price of our raw materials? Who today determines the price of goods and equipment? It is foreigners as far as we, a developing country, are concerned.
"Is this a service rendered us by foreigners? Not at all. It is always our clients who set the price of what we have to sell to them. It is our suppliers who set the price of what they sell to us. This is a description of poverty, and it is this that leads to the continued impoverishment of our peoples."
90.	Indeed, we continue to believe that negotiations on the major questions already identified on the restructuring of the international economic system should be carried out within the central framework of the United Nations and not elsewhere, with the effective participation of all States— small, large and medium-sized. This forum, which would have all necessary powers and competence for deliberation and decision, would have the advantage not only of allowing for centralized discussions, but also for a coherent co-ordination of all development programmes in favour of the developing countries.
91.	Unfortunately, this legitimate aspiration of the developing countries continues to come up against the lack of political will of the industrialized countries. We note in this connection that the results of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to development questions were rather disappointing.
92.	Africa has objectively learnt its lessons from the last two decades. It is a bitter experience. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, for its part, adopted the Monrovia Declaration,10 at the sixteenth ordinary session, in July 1979, and the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa," at the second extraordinary session in April 1980.
93.	The Lagos Plan of Action clearly defines the policies and means of action for development and co-operation as regards our continent. Henceforth, it would be desirable for any aid or assistance to development in Africa to be placed specifically at the service of the implementation of the Lagos Plan of Action, which, in fact, contains the programme for the third development decade for Africa.
94.	Without turning the Lagos Plan into a panacea and in order to avoid its becoming inoperative, we address a solemn appeal to the industrialized countries to contribute sincerely to its effective implementation.
95.	As is the case in other fields, the agriculture sector has not escaped the crisis. Quite to the contrary. The already meagre results, compromised by the drought, have led to an increase in food dependency and the precariousness of the balance of payments. We must draw the attention of the international community to this serious drought, which exists in certain regions which up to now had been spared by that phenomenon.
96.	The remedy to this disaster has consisted so far in the palliative of sending food. But if we want to eradicate the evil and all its effects, what we need now are enormous re-afforestation campaigns in our main river basins, and in particular the re-afforestation of the Fouta-Djallon massif, which is the main source of water for western Africa.
97.	That is why our delegation is addressing an appeal to the United Nations, the specialized agencies and all those of good will in order that one of the pilot projects of UNEP, the one relating to the Fouta-Djallon massif, be carried out as soon as possible.
98.	The world is characterized by events which occur pell-mell and whose effects on international relations, especially regarding peace and security, are very often negative. It is we, the developing countries, who suffer the most. In order satisfactorily to resolve those problems in the light of this disturbing situation, we must give greater effectiveness to the means available to the United Nations.
99.	While the Charter of the United Nations is essentially part of the historical undertaking of mankind to work towards the establishment of an era of true freedom, international economic justice and the effective preservation of peace and world security, it is today necessary, more than in the past, to envisage the adaptation of its structures and performance to the expanding framework of international relations. The vitality of any institution resides in its capacity for adaptation to the times and to events.
100.	Thus, the revision of the Charter, as well as the equitable representation of all the regions of the world in the decision-making bodies, in particular the Security Council, become imperatives.
101.	Convinced as we are of the importance of the role assigned to the United Nations for the safeguarding of international peace and security, my delegation reiterates its sincere willingness and readiness to work, together with all States, to improve the climate of disquiet and insecurity which prevails in the world today, thus favouring the advent of a world of peace, justice and social progress.


90.	The members of the Bangladesh delegation value the opportunity to participate in the deliberations of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and extend the warm greetings of the Government and people of Bangladesh.
91.	Bangladesh welcomes the admission of Zimbabwe and of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as new Members of the United Nations family. We have no doubt that their membership will be a source of added strength for the United Nations. In this connection, we recall with pleasure the active association of Bangladesh with the initiative of the Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries at the Lusaka meeting, held in August 1979, which eventually led to the peaceful transfer of power to the elected representatives of the people of Zimbabwe.
92.	The Bangladesh delegation congratulates you most warmly. Sir, on your election to the presidency of this august body and wishes you all success in the discharge of the duties attached to your high office. We would also like to record our sincere appreciation for the dedication and efficiency with which your predecessor. Mr. Salim Alimed Salim performed his responsibilities as President.
93.	We wish also to compliment Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, for his relentless efforts in carrying forward the objectives of the United Nations and for the courage, patience and skill that he demonstrated in dealing with some of the most serious threats to international peace and security during the past year.
94.	Bangladesh deeply mourns the passing of President Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia. By his death, not only Yugoslavia but the world as a whole has lost an outstanding leader and statesman dedicated to the cause of peace, freedom and justice. The non-aligned movement has indeed suffered an irreparable loss. As one of its founding members, he had nurtured and steered the movement to its emergence as a great political force. During the many critical periods in the growth of the movement, he proved to be a tower of strength and inspiration.
95.	We view with great concern the progressive deterioration in the political and economic situation of the world. The Middle East crisis has been aggravated by Israel's continuing defiance of the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations, and more so by its latest illegal action in declaring Jerusalem its "eternal and undivided" capital. This is an affront to the sentiments of 2 billion Muslims and Christians, and a gross violation of international law and the Geneva Convention. The Middle Last, one of the most sensitive areas of the world, has become more explosive than ever before. An imperative condition for defusing the highly volatile situation and- establishing enduring peace in this region is the immediate withdrawal of Israel from all illegally occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and the restoration to the Palestinians of their inalienable national rights, including their right to a State of their own in their homeland. We are also deeply concerned over the new threat to peace and security in the region as a result of the escalation of the armed conflict between Iran and Iraq. We sincerely hope that the leaders of the two countries will heed the appeals addressed to them, including one from President Ziaur Rahman of Bangladesh, to end this fratricidal conflict and agree to an immediate cessation of hostilities pending a just and honourable settlement of the dispute through peaceful negotiations, as urged upon them by the Security Council last night."
96.	It is extremely disquieting that the crises in Afghanistan and Kampuchea remain unresolved. Committed as it is to the Charter of the United Nations and to the principles of non-alignment, Bangladesh stands for scrupulous respect for the sovereign equality and the territorial integrity of all nations and for non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations. Bangladesh, therefore, is firmly of the view that the solution of these problems lies in the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops and in the creation of conditions to enable the people of these countries to have a Government of their own choice without any external intervention, military or otherwise.
97.	Bangladesh is opposed to all forms of colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid and is fully committed to supporting all efforts for their total elimination. Bangladesh, as in the past, also expresses its complete solidarity with the people of Namibia in its heroic struggle for freedom and recognizes SWAPO as the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia.
98.	Bangladesh views peace and stability within a region as of paramount importance. It has been the constant endeavour of Bangladesh to develop friendly relations and to promote co-operation with all its neighbours. It is against this backdrop of the foreign policy of Bangladesh that the proposal of the President of Bangladesh for the creation of a South Asian forum for periodical consultations on matters of mutual interest and possible co-operation in economic, cultural and other fields was mooted. The response to this proposal has been extremely encouraging and we believe that such a forum would significantly contribute to peace, stability and harmonious co-operation within our region.
99.	The unresolved political crises and the widening areas of tension and conflict which pose a threat to peace and security are not isolated or unrelated phenomena. It is tragic that they are located in the regions of the third world where the majority of countries gained their independence only recently. They indicate a renewed trend in power rivalry and expansionism. This is, indeed, a disturbing development, marking a shift from respect for the rule of law to the use of force in international relations, with an inevitable escalation of the arms race no longer confined to the great Powers.
100.	The world economic scene is equally disquieting. Both the developing and the developed countries are engaged in a grim battle. The developing countries are battling against the problems of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy and the industrialized countries against those of inflation, recession and unemployment. However, the least developed countries have been hardest hit by the present economic crisis and are involved in a desperate struggle for their very survival.
101.	The deteriorating economic and political situation is also accompanied by a decline in human and moral values. The deaths of millions due to starvation and malnutrition do not seem to shock their fellow human beings. Four fifths of the world's income is commanded by a fifth of its population. Tragically enough, much of it is used either in supporting a life-style based on wasteful consumption or on such unproductive purposes as the manufacture of new and more deadly weapons of destruction. I would not like to sound like a prophet of doom, but if the world is allowed to drift and the political and economic crises become increasingly-aggravated, the consequences cannot but be most dreadful.
102.	The political, economic and moral crises facing the world of today are all interlinked and essentially form part of a larger crisis, embracing the totality of altitudes, habits, values and institutions inherited by us. The causes of these crises are embedded in the very structure of a world order utterly unsuited to the needs of a changed world society. We live in a new world and a new era, but still remain shackled to the habits, attitudes and institutions of a bygone age. We are members of an interdependent international community transformed by advances in science and technology and the resurgence of the nations in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Our problem is essentially one of adjusting ourselves at the individual and national levels to the new realities, new goals, new values and new concepts of a social, political and economic order.
I0.V The emergence of the new independent sovereign States constituting the overwhelming majority of the Slates Members of the United Nations is one of the new realities. The military might and economic strength of the industrial nations are also a reality. But the old notion that a nation can ensure its political and economic security by increasing its military might is an illusion and an anachronism. It is inconsistent with the commitment of these nations to the principles of the United Nations Charier to abjure the use of force and to respect the sovereignty of other nations. The race for military supremacy is clearly based on the preposterous concept that the greater is your power to destroy, the more secure you are. But the escalation of the arms race has, ironically enough, created a situation in which none of these great Powers can destroy the other without destroying itself. It is abundantly clear that the growing arsenal of deadly weapons does not ensure security but endangers it, while the mounting expenditure on arms which has already crossed the $500 billion mark poses an increasing threat to the economic security of the world through escalating inflation, recession and unemployment.
104.	The contemporary world has clearly reached a new watershed and is moving gradually but inexorably towards a new balance in the power configuration by replacing bipolarity with multi-polarity and towards a new concept of peace which replaces isolation with interdependence and confrontation with co-operation. The problems facing mankind on the economic, political and moral fronts highlight the futility of national policies based on a parochial and isolationist approach. Mankind has the resources and technology to deal effectively with these problems. As a matter of fact, the technical and financial resources of the world today are far greater than ever before. An enormous productivity potential remains undeveloped. What is needed, therefore, is a renewed commitment to the philosophy of an indivisible and interdependent world and a global strategy for the application and management of world resources in harnessing and developing the productivity potential of the world on a global basis.
105.	It is more evident than ever before that the problems plaguing both the developing and the industrialized countries are intertwined, that these problems cannot be resolved in isolation or through confrontation. But they can be resolved through co-operation, a better perception of mutual needs, a more rational application of world resources to generate more productivity, more income, and a wider market with more goods and services to go round, curbing inflation and creating more employment. A reality that must be recognized is that the world cannot permanently be divided into segments of rich and poor, just as political and economic security cannot be divided on a regional basis. It should also be recognized that all benefit from peace and stability and a more rational use and distribution of the world's finite resources.
106.	The problems are clearly global in character and call for a global approach and strategy. Given such a global approach based on mutuality of interests and complementarity of efforts, mankind can be rid of the problems of hunger, disease and illiteracy that plague two thirds of the world population and those of inflation, recession and unemployment that bedevil the industrial nations.
107.	In sum, in order to ensure the political and economic security of mankind on a global basis, the following measures are imperative.
208. First, all Member States of the United Nations, including the industrial nations, should honour their commitment to the principles and objectives of the United Nations Charter.
109.	Secondly, they should renounce the use of force in the settlement of disputes and co-operate in establishing and enforcing the rule of law in international relations.
110.	Thirdly, they should implement their commitment to the goal of disarmament.
111.	Fourthly, the great Powers themselves should set an example in checking nuclear proliferation by refraining from production of new nuclear weapons and by gradual reduction of their existing stock of such weapons.
112.	Fifthly, they should follow the policy of creating zones of peace—for example, in the Indian Ocean, South Asia, South-East Asia, Africa and Latin America.
113.	Sixthly, they should adopt and implement an international development strategy through a more rational use and distribution of world resources and technology for full exploitation of the productivity potential in all parts of the world.
114.	Seventhly, they should build up a food security system to ensure the supply of food from food-surplus regions to food-deficit ones, in order to prevent starvation and malnutrition, and also ensure the flow of adequate inputs to countries with potential for rapid agricultural development.
115.	Eighthly, they should transfer resources to the least developed countries in the form of outright grants and investments in joint ventures, implement the Immediate Action Programme for the least developed countries and adopt appropriate measures for the success of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries to be held in 1981.
116.	Ninthly, within the framework of economic cooperation among the developing countries, the surplus funds available to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC], after meeting their own developmental needs, should be invested in other developing countries, with priority assigned to the special needs of the least developed among them; in like manner, the more developed among the developing countries also assist in accelerating the pace of development of the least developed countries; and in order to ease the hardship of the developing countries caused by the rise in the oil prices oil should be provided to the developing countries at concessional rates and to the least developed among them at half price.
117.	Tenthly, in view of the energy crisis, an international consortium should be formed with assistance from both the industrial and the OPEC countries for exploration and development of energy in the developing countries.
118.	Eleventhly, during the Third United Nations Development Decade, top priority should be assigned lo meeting basic human needs, such as food, shelter, clothing, health, education and employment, as an integral component of human rights.
119.	Twelfthly, in accordance with the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, special attention should be paid to the needs of women, children, youth and disabled persons.
120.	Thirteenthly, efforts should be intensified to eradicate the remnants of colonialism and racism.
121.	Fourleenthly, in view of the importance of the seabed resources to the developing countries, the efforts now under way for development and codification of international law and a new universal convention governing the ocean regime should ensure a just and equitable sharing of these resources, including the sharing of the water of international rivers.
122.	Fifteenthly, the democratic principle of equal and full participation of all countries, including the developing ones, in the formulation and implementation of decisions in all fields of international relations, should be accepted.
123.	The founding fathers of this Organization had a vision of a new future for the family of mankind and charted a path of progress for all, based on peace, freedom, justice, equality and human dignity. The challenge before us today is; can we follow the path charted by them towards the goal of a new and just world political and economic order as envisaged by them? Should Member States resolve to meet this challenge, we can have the peace, security and development that we seek.
124.	I should like to conclude by reiterating the appeal of the President of Bangladesh at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly.
125.	Let us approach the forthcoming global round of negotiations in a spirit of partnership and co-operation and with a full sense of our global obligations. Our future depends on the fruitful outcome of these negotiations.