The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly is once again this year opening at a time of crisis. The international situation, politically, economically and socially, has never been so tense or so burdened with distress and even despair.
274.	The planet earth will very soon have a population of 4 billion people. It is not yet full up but because of the selfishness shown by some and the unequal way in which the wealth of the world is distributed, the presence of 4 billion people will fill the earth to the point of overflowing. One does not have to be any sort of a birth-control expert to predict on the basis of this figure that, unless there is peace on earth, unless there is peace among peoples and nations, people run the risk of trampling on one another; the law of the jungle may well become the order of the day as the crowding begins to be ever more intrusive.
275.	Peace on earth, peace between peoples and nations, peace in whose shade people can live in harmony and tranquillity, fully enjoying the happiness produced by their common labour: this should be the main concern of all mankind in this last quarter of the century.
276.	The Federal Republic of Germany, the country of the President of the Assembly, surely best represents this desire for peace. War has never settled matters in this world, and Germany can bear witness to this fact before history since, having emerged from two murderous world wars, it resolutely engaged in the task of national construction with the help of all the ingenuity of an industrious, courageous and hard-working people. Germany has more than anyone else understood the benefits of peace and has understood the necessity of living in peace with its neighbours and making peace the corner-stone of all its policies, both national and international. The Federal Republic of Germany maintains no military expenditures for the sake of possessing a costly military potential. That has enabled it to be one of the few industrialized nations of the world to be free of economic caprice and stagnation. This is why it gives me pleasure, on behalf of the Togolese delegation, to congratulate its representative on his well-deserved election as President of the thirty-fifth session.
277.	The experience of peace which colours the policies of his country and his exceptional qualities as a seasoned diplomat quite naturally fit him to assume with competence the high office with which the international Organization has just entrusted him. This is why we are convinced that under his enlightened presidency the work of the thirty-fifth session will proceed in an atmosphere of peace, dialogue and mutual understanding.
278.	His predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, deserves all our admiration and all our congratulations, having borne the weighty responsibility of skilfully guiding not only the work of our regular thirty-fourth session, but also that of the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions, devoted respectively to Afghanistan and to Palestine, and of the eleventh special session, devoted to economic problems. We would like, once again, to reiterate to him our abiding sentiments of admiration for himself, for his country, Tanzania, and for his President, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere.
279.	The year 1980 will have been a particularly eventful one for the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. We have seen that his time has been divided among numerous activities, both at Headquarters and also on the responsible missions which in the performance of his duties he has had to accomplish in the four corners of the world in search of peace on earth and peace among peoples and nations.
280.	The Togolese delegation, on behalf of the Government and people of Togo and on behalf of the founding President of the Togolese People's Assembly, the President of the Togolese Republic, General of the Army Gnassingbe Eyadema, would like once more to express to Mr. Kurt Waldheim the full support and admiration which we owe him and to convey to him all our congratulations.
281.	This year once again our family has grown. The progress of mankind cannot be measured by the power of destructive bombs but by the freedom of men to live in peace on earth. Zimbabwe, by acceding to independence in a peaceful way, has proved that wars—all wars, whatever their nature—have never in a definitive fashion been able to settle any problems. It is by seeking peace and agreement that solutions can be found to the great problems of our era. In acceding to independence amid tolerance and a respect for the multiracial complexity of its people, Zimbabwe has given us proof that racism and apartheid have been finally rejected by history. For this reason we salute the entry of independent Zimbabwe as the one hundred and fifty-third State Member of our Organization.
282.	We salute the courage and determination of the people of Zimbabwe and the far-sightedness of its Prime Minister Robert Mugabe, and that of all the country's political leaders, who have been subtle and skilful enough to know that it is time to put an end to war by leading the people along the road to peace, concord and national construction. At the same time, we wish to congratulate Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission as the one hundred and fifty-fourth State Member of our Organization.
283.	The year now drawing to a close will have been one of turmoil and anxiety. At one time it was felt that the latent conflicts could be reabsorbed so that outbreaks of war might be avoided. Unfortunately, the frenzied arms race continues, the peace initiatives undertaken in the Middle East are flagging and the situation in Kampuchea may well once again involve the destabilization of the countries of South-East Asia. Imprisoned and obsessed by their selfishness, the rich countries, despite their apparent opulence, are living in a closed circuit. Africa, too, has not been spared the clash of arms, while everywhere appeals for peace among peoples and nations go almost unheard amid the deafening clamour and the din of the weapons of war. This year, once more, the African continent will have been the most sorely tried.
284.	If, thanks to the universal jubilation which greeted peace in Zimbabwe, jubilation which sprang from the hearts of millions all over the world, the rebel regime of Ian Smith was finally driven out of history by a popular election, the situation in Namibia and in South Africa will continue to constitute a serious threat to world peace, with the wretched system of apartheid persisting in its insolent defiance of the whole of the international community.
285.	In fact, while the Namibian people under the leadership of its vanguard, SWAPO, tirelessly pursues its struggle to free itself from the colonial domination of the racist regime of South Africa, the Pretoria authorities continue to violate the most elementary human rights in that part of the continent. Arbitrary arrests, the creation of puppet groups, the use of mercenaries against independent neighbouring countries and repeated attacks against the territorial integrity of Angola and Zambia, in particular, continue.
286.	A recent commission of inquiry established by the OAU found that South Africa is using chemical weapons in its undeclared war in Namibia and the neighbouring countries, despite the fact that the use of such weapons has been unanimously condemned by the international community. Will peace-loving people continue for much longer to put up with this challenge by the racist Pretoria regime? It is the height of absurdity for States Members of our Organization—and some of the most important ones—to give material assistance to South Africa to survive and pursue its policy of extermination in Namibia and its policy of provocation against the neighbouring States. It is high time that our Organization brought about peace in Namibia, with scrupulous respect for the territorial integrity of that country, of which Walvis Bay is an integral part.
287.	It is high time that the international community ensured compliance by the States that continue to sell arms to South Africa and to offer South Africa the material, economic and financial possibilities of obtaining the most sophisticated weapons—which it subsequently uses against the independence of peoples—with the relevant United Nations decisions, particularly the decision regarding an embargo, because the failure of those Member States to comply with these decisions is used by the racist Pretoria regime in its permanent challenge to mankind.
288.	But peace on earth, peace among peoples and among men, means first and foremost the independence of peoples and their dignity, their survival in an atmosphere of security, their freedom and equality.
289.	So far as the people of South Africa itself are concerned, the year that is now coming to an end has been a nightmare, with the apartheid system—at bay—increasing its methods of harassment and refining its methods of repression. The strikes of schoolchildren have been drowned in blood; the workers' movements for the eradication of discriminatory practices have been savagely repressed, the slightest request for social justice and equality has given rise to arbitrary arrests and arrogant intimidation. The black majority in South Africa is demanding nothing less than an end to the unjustified system of apartheid in order to make it possible for everyone to enjoy equally the immense wealth of the country. The racist minority, constantly challenging the international community, rejects these elementary demands, represses the black majority and directs its vindictiveness against the neighbouring States, whose only crime is to welcome the many refugees obliged to flee the inhuman kingdom of apartheid.
290.	As we can see, this year—whether in Namibia or in South Africa—the apartheid system continues its insolent policy and seeks to create all sorts of difficulties for the front-line countries. That is why the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU rightly decided at its sixteenth ordinary session, held at Monrovia in July 1979, to establish the Committee on Assistance to Front-line States, composed of 19 members.  My country was chosen as Chairman of that Committee; we view that as a sign of the confidence that Africa as a whole places in us. The international community must contribute to the efforts made within the framework of that OAU initiative, to make it possible for the many countries that are victims of apartheid to give even the most elementary shelter to the refugees, to make available to them the food, medicine and clothing they need and to help the authorities in the receiving countries to strengthen their economies so that they can build the necessary social and health infrastructures. Thus, the OAU was well inspired when, at the thirty-fifth ordinary session of its Council of Ministers, held at Freetown from 18 to 28 June 1980, it made an appeal for contributions by States. That OAU appeal must be heeded, in order to demonstrate universal solidarity with the victims of apartheid.
291.	We should not be silent or hoard the actions that have been taken or that will be taken. On the contrary, people should be made aware of these actions so that they may provide a stimulus for international solidarity. That is why my country decided, in response to the OAU request, to pledge a voluntary contribution of $100,000 for the actions of solidarity to be undertaken in southern Africa. That is a token contribution—but it is a token that is well worth the candle
292.	On the African continent, the year now coming to a close has seen the dangerous persistence of certain conflict situations which at one time we believed had been overcome. I have in mind the situations in the Horn of Africa, in Chad and in Western Sahara.
293.	Even in the Comoros, despite the reassuring statements by France and the Government of the Comoros, there has been a delay in the reintegration of the Comorian island of Mayotte into the Comorian State. We continue to hope that the two Governments will speed up their negotiations in order that this important question may be settled once and for all.
294.	With regard to the Horn of Africa, the initiatives taken by the OAU to convene all the parties in order to try to find a peaceful solution are most welcome. The efforts made as a result of the meeting held at Lagos from 18 to 20 August should be followed up so that harmony and trust between the fraternal countries of Ethiopia and Somalia may be re-established.
295.	In Chad, the hopes engendered by the Lagos agreement of 21 August 1979 have been rapidly dashed; scarcely five months after the formation of the transition Government of national unity, the dialogue of mortar shells replaced that of the negotiating table.
296.	When we witness the tragedy in Chad, we realize that every sacrifice must be made to save a people on the point of dying. That is why independent Africa, in a final initiative, entrusted the President of the Togolese Republic with the task of carrying out, with his counterparts from Benin, Congo and Guinea, peace efforts to ensure the scrupulous application of the cease-fire, in the framework of the Lagos agreements—for only the implementation of those agreements will make it possible for buffer neutral African forces to be moved into place. Will the current initiatives, within the framework of action by the Sub-Committee, make it possible for us not to despair. The international community must, in any case, have confidence in the Sub-Committee set up by the OAU, in order to avoid a useless internationalization of the conflict in Chad, which can only lead to an aggravation of East-West tensions and thereby constitute a serious threat to peace on the African continent and throughout the world.
297.	In the Western Sahara, the obstinate refusal of one of the parties to recognize the obvious truth is at the origin of a war whose consequences the Sahraoui people have been alone in bearing. The wise conclusions of the OAU Ad Hoc Committee on Western Sahara, reaffirmed at the meeting held at Freetown, from 9 to 12 September, are the only basis for an equitable solution of this problem. Meanwhile, the Frente POLISARIO, the sole representative of the Sahraoui people, continues to receive wide international recognition, thus providing a lesson to the adherence of an all-or-nothing philosophy. My Government, prompted by a spirit of justice and the desire to seek peace on earth among peoples and nations, long ago recognized the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic and decided to establish diplomatic relations with it at the ambassadorial level. In that way, my Government demonstrates that when one is faced with blinding evidence, even hesitation can be interpreted as complicity.
298.	In the Middle East, the Camp David agreements have, during the past year, aroused hope in some and curiosity in others. Those agreements, born of the complexity of the Middle East problem, have particularly moved the Togolese Government and people, which have constantly manifested their passion for peace on earth, peace among peoples and nations. It is obvious that the peace process is not helped in any way by Israel's obstinacy in its occupation of the Arab territories, its obstinacy in transferring the capital of the Hebrew State to Jerusalem and imposing conditions incompatible with any honourable peace in the region.
299.	While the State of Israel quite properly claims its right to exist in the region and its right to independence in the framework of a specific territory, it must recognize that others, and particularly the Palestinians and their authentic representative, the PLO, are equally entitled to an independent and sovereign State in that part of the world.
300.	It is up to the international community to make Israel grasp these facts, so that it will accept tolerance as the rule of the game. The international community must help Israel to understand and accept this inviolable fact.
301.	My Government, faithful to the principle of justice and peace on earth, and constantly striving to bring about equitable peace among peoples and nations, would like to reaffirm—while recognizing Israel's right to exist—its constant support for the PLO, the sole authentic representative of the Palestinian people, as well as the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to independence and to a State whose territorial integrity must be guaranteed. At the same time, we call on the parties concerned to choose the path of dialogue, the path of agreement. For it is only negotiation that counts in the search for peace among peoples and nations. The thunder of arms, no matter how deafening, has never settled any problem.
302.	In Asia, the increased militarization of South Korea continues to be a serious obstacle to the peaceful reunification and independence of Korea and may well prove a serious threat to peace. That is why we should continue to support the declaration of 4 July 1972 on prohibiting all foreign military Ibices in South Korea and the efforts to transform the armistice agreement into a final peace agreement.
303.	In Kampuchea and Afghanistan the untimely interventions that have prevented the peoples of those countries from freely expressing their political choices are events that threaten to destabilize not only the countries concerned but also all the other countries in the sub region. Our Organization should reaffirm the immutable principle of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of each and every State.
304.	As we can see, 1980 has not been free from the political crises that shake the world. These political crises have been complicated by unparalleled economic crises. The increase in the price of petroleum has brought about an almost exponential increase in the price of the manufactured products which are part of the daily needs of the poorest people on earth. How can we speak of social peace when billions of deprived people are not able to have access to the goods produced by mankind? How can we speak of peace among peoples and nations when scarcely 300 million people control almost the entire wealth of the planet and, as in the jungle, impose their laws on practically 4 billion deprived and illiterate people? Today the most serious danger which threatens peace on earth is not demographic growth, but rather the unequal way in which the goods produced by mankind are distributed. As long as we fail to cheek malnutrition, illiteracy and other scourges, peace on earth and among peopled and nations will be a Utopian vision.
305.	While children are dying of hunger every day throughout the developing world, we have the impression that the major Powers are delighting in squandering the resources of humanity by further perfecting weapons of extermination by launching bombs in the sky and under the earth as if they were amusing themselves with fireworks displays. This is the height of human absurdity. While the major Powers spend time continuing their interminable conferences on disarmament, it is they alone that manufacture arms and hold the key to disarmament. The height of absurdity is that those major Powers are demanding the backing of the poor countries in their eternal disarmament and security conferences. The orchestra stalls are being organ-zed to amuse the gallery. But the poor countries have no munitions factories; those factories are to be found in the rich countries. Instead of disarming, the latter are organizing the theatre of continual disarmament and other conferences to make mankind believe that they wish to do something, and it is again the poor countries that are being duped. The poor countries are using their meagre resources to participate in those interminable conferences organized by the wealthy countries on disarmament and other matters—conferences in which we know that the dice have been loaded for a long time.
306.	We have the impression that the wealthy countries are revelling in their egoism and, from on high, are looking down on the vast majority of mankind wallowing in malnutrition, sickness and illiteracy. Since they cannot count on the wealthy, the poor are attempting some initial steps in solidarity.
307.	The second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU—the first such session devoted to economic matters—was held in April 1980 at Lagos and the communal efforts undertaken by 16 States of West Africa—the Economic Community of West African States—are part of those initiatives and are events that deserve words of encouragement from the international community.
308.	This is the bleak reality of our time. This year again there is not much light to be discerned on the horizon; however we should not despair of life. To obtain peace it must be won, and that is something which demands patience and perseverance.
309.	Togo, for its part, under the leadership of its President. General Gnassingbe Eyadema, has decided to follow, on the road to the winning of this peace on earth, this peace among peoples and nations, an open policy which respects the immutable principles of the non-use of force, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the independence of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and good neighbourliness, a policy based on a constant search for peace, active participation in events taking place on the African continent and the establishment of a new, fairer and more humanistic international economic order. In connection with respect for human rights and the need for an equitable distribution of goods, on 31 October 1979, President Eyadcnia, when signing what are known as the "LOME II" ACP-EEC agreements between the African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries and the European Economic Community, said:
"Indeed, at the end of the twentieth century, which has meant the rapid evolution of science and technology, more than hall the world's population is living with the spectre of hunger, sickness and death. This group of people is being denied its most elementary light, the right to live, although that right has been granted to animals which are afforded protection. Do human rights mean simply the right to die of hunger, ignorance and sickness? What does freedom mean when one can neither read nor write?
"No. It is high time that we replaced the theoretical notion of human rights—regarded as an option to do what is not prohibited, even if we are incapable of doing it—with a concrete right to the minimum means of living.
"To put it plainly, the peoples of the third world wish to have access on an equal footing to the wealth that nature has endowed the world with and to which they believe they are entitled. They wish to have access to the fruits of world development which they consider they have also been involved in.'
310.	This elementary right can be provided only in peace and concord. That is why safeguarding peace at all costs is a fundamental objective of my Government's policy. Only peace on earth and among peoples and nations can create conditions to make possible the harmonious economic development of nations. Thus, by its realism, Togo's foreign policy in all its aspects is made fully available to the service of peace for development, divorced from unconditional alliances and from any false neutralism. Those are the minimum conditions for establishing peace on earth, peace among peoples and peace among nations.


146.	The delegation of Burma would like to congratulate you most warmly, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and to assure you of our fullest cooperation in the discharge of your responsibilities. We are confident that the wealth of experience and wisdom which you bring with you will prove valuable in guiding us successfully through the present session.
147.	We also take this opportunity to convey our tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, for his distinguished and sagacious stewardship of the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly.
148.	It gives us great pleasure to welcome in our midst the delegations of the Republic of Zimbabwe and of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. We offer them our warm felicitations and friendly greetings on the occasion of their admission to the family of the United Nations.
149.	We are gathered here at a time when the world is passing through a critical juncture in international relations, both politically and economically. The perilous trend in world developments that have been worsening for some time has now reached an acute phase, and such developments now pose a grave threat to international peace and security.
150.	We are today witnessing a decline in the respect for and observance of the basic principles and obligations we have assumed under the Charter, principles which the world Organization has laboured so unremittingly to uphold and sustain as the pillars of international order. This is frequently evident in the increasing recourse to force, military intervention and interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States, as well as in the undermining of international norms and principles which have long governed the conduct of relations between States. As a result, new sources of tension and dangerous areas of crisis have emerged on the world scene which defy virtually all efforts at finding acceptable and reasonable solutions.
151.	Recent political and military events have brought about changed strategic circumstances in our Asian regional neighbourhood. It is in the nature of such developments that a major move by one great Power invariably provokes a countermove by the other great Power, thereby exposing the world to the dangers of a conflict which could well result in world disaster. These have found expression in the present surge of rearmament on the one hand and the emergence of the spectre of the cold war on the other.
152.	In the domain of international economic relations, the serious ailments which afflict the world economy have their adverse impact on all nations. At the same time the structural imbalance of the international economic system continues to aggravate the relations between developed and developing countries.
153.	All in all, the broad trends which have been described are indicative of the difficult and daunting circumstances the world community faces and must tackle as it enters the decade of the 1980s.
154.	Taking the broadest view of the basic changes now going on behind the march of events, we can only conclude that the whole international system is undergoing an enormously important transformation. We now stand at a decisive turning point in world history. What we require is to direct and influence the evolutionary process in a way that is positive and conducive to furthering the interests of mankind. All nations have a common stake in overcoming the present threats to world peace and human survival and giving strong support to the work of the Organization to further the unity of mankind in a vast and vital collective effort. At this historical moment it is essential that a better world of peace, justice and security emerge.
155.	Burma considers that today the United Nations alone provides a basis and a hope for such a world order and is the most broad-based international centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in pursuit of peace, friendly relations and cooperation among nations.
156.	In common with other nations, Burma is deeply concerned at the deteriorating situation in international relations. In the forefront of our concern is the worsening relations between the great Powers, which also extend to the outlying arenas of their power interests. In military and economic terms, the great Powers stand apart from the rest of us. The disproportionate military and economic power which they possess imposes a very great responsibility on each of them individually to resist the natural temptations of self-interest and the arrogance of power and to show exemplary dedication to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
157.	Among the most regrettable effects of the present strains in great Power relations is the status of disarmament negotiations. these strains dissipated most of the momentum gained from the last two decades of the disarmament dialogue. The fate of the SALT II Treaty, which the Assembly welcomed last year, is now in doubt. This prompts serious concern, as hopes for limiting the arms race and for nuclear non-proliferation hinge very much on the outcome of the SALT Treaty. Without continuing negotiations, or a SALT treaty, there would be nothing to control the pace of technological advances in weapons systems. As a result, the great Powers may turn once more to unrestrained competition and the arms race may get out of control. The delegation of Burma very much hopes that the SALT II Treaty will be ratified in due course, believing that it would be conducive to international stability.
158.	We also view with concern the long delay in the achievement of a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty. Concrete steps towards cessation of the qualitative improvement and development of nuclear weapons can only proceed effectively on the conclusion of a total test ban. We therefore urge the nuclear Powers which are engaged in current tripartite negotiations to make a sustained effort to contribute to the successful conclusion of a draft treaty for submission to the Committee on Disarmament.
159.	At the same time, it is a disturbing fact that there have been recent reports of the use of chemical agents in certain areas of conflict. Whether or not those reports are substantiated, negotiations on an effective, total and universal ban on chemical weapons assume major importance and urgency. Eight years have passed since the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction was concluded, and parties to it are committed to the conclusion of a chemical weapons ban. We share the general disappointment at the lack of any material progress towards agreement on the prohibition of chemical weapons.
160.	The question of disarmament is of universal concern. Recent events have cast a shadow on prospects for early progress and we are no nearer to our professed goal of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control. The pace of disarmament negotiations during the coming decade will be determined by the nature and extent of political factors in the international situation and whether they are favourable or otherwise. This underlines the fact that any serious worldwide disarmament strategy, to be effective, must be accompanied by sustained efforts to eliminate tensions and by measures and initiatives aimed at increasing international confidence and security.
161.	I should now like to focus on three key areas of the world where the situations present an imminent threat to international peace and security. I refer here to the situations in Kampuchea, Afghanistan and the Middle East region.
162.	Kampuchea and Afghanistan have been on the anxious minds of representatives for quite some time, and the situations in those two strife torn countries are once more before the Assembly. Burma ventures to think aloud and say that whenever the Assembly considers such items, it is of vital importance that it take the global perspective and search deeply for the root causes instead of seeking the mere surface symptoms.
163.	Kampuchea and Afghanistan are not, in our view, isolated cases or independent happenings. The root causes of their troubles are inseparably linked with those which generate tension and disturbances elsewhere. They arise in some cases from rivalry among small nations and in others from rivalry among the great Powers and their readiness to arm and abet small unwary nations or groups in order to expand their spheres of interest.
164.	As matters stand today, many questions of a fundamental nature arise in the consideration of the issues arising from the situations in Kampuchea and Afghanistan. The firm and consistent policy of Burma is that it cannot condone the employment of armed intervention by an outside foreign Power in the internal affairs of another independent sovereign State to bring about a change in the Government of that State. Any breach of the basic principles of international relations as enunciated in the Charter creates a dangerous precedent that may have wide-ranging implications and far-reaching consequences for the world community.
165.	It is the hope of the delegation of Burma that conditions will mature sufficiently in time in both countries to enable a political solution to be found, based on the international recognized principles of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of States. We are strongly convinced that these principles constitute an honourable basis for maintaining friendly relations between States. Our wish is to see the restoration of unity to the peoples of Kampuchea and Afghanistan and the return of conditions in which they can work out their own destiny free from all external interference and pressures.
166.	In the Middle East, we are clearly facing a dangerous situation of rapidly unfolding events and mounting crisis. The positions of the disputing parties in the region remain poles apart. On the one side, there is continuing intransigence and a penchant for unilateral actions; on the other, there is growing inflexibility. Such attitudes can only contribute to a hardening of hostility and long-term bitterness between the parties involved. In these circumstances, where there is an obvious lack of political will, it is difficult to see how conciliation can be achieved in the quest for a peaceful solution.
167.	The position of Burma on various aspects of the Middle East problem has clearly been stated at past sessions of the General Assembly and remains unchanged. We do not underestimate the highly emotional and complex difficulties inherent in the situation. None the less, we venture to say that the continuing dispute should be seen in the context of long-term relations in the region. As we see it, realism calls for some serious rethinking by both parties, Israeli and Arab, on the need to try to achieve an understanding on the basis of tolerance and mutual respect for one another's people. Without mutual recognition of each other's legitimate rights, it will not be possible to achieve a just and lasting settlement in the Middle East.
168.	The brighter side of the general international scene is the end of the bitter struggle for majority rule by the people of Zimbabwe. The independent Republic of Zimbabwe has now emerged as a full-fledged member of the international community. To its people go our heartiest congratulations and best wishes. The progress that has been made in Zimbabwe is due to the commendable spirit of compromise shown by all parties concerned. Credit is also due to the British authorities for their realistic and farsighted approach to the question of Zimbabwe. We should also like to extend to them our sincere congratulations on the successful conclusion of an extremely delicate task.
169.	The delegation of Burma hopes that the solution in Zimbabwe will help engender the same spirit of accommodation and lead the way towards independence in Namibia. To our mind, it is imperative to break the Namibian deadlock before that country becomes wholly engulfed in war.
170.	We regret that in South Africa the overall pattern of apartheid has undergone no real change. This policy of institutionalized and legalized racialism remains the most persistent abuse of human rights and explains the recurrent violent unrest which continues to make the South African political scene.
171.	As far as the world economy is concerned the outlook is sombre. Leading authorities have voiced serious anxiety over the deepening world economic crisis. We share this international concern, as no country is immune from the disruptive pressures of a declining world economy. The continuing crisis is a problem of interaction among social, political and economic forces. This brings more than ever into perspective the need to go beyond isolated and piecemeal approaches in tackling major issues of economic import.
172.	In a world of nations grown so closely interdependent, a coordinated and comprehensive effort at international cooperation for mutual benefit and advancement is imperative.
173.	Inflation, recession, protectionism, unemployment, payments deficits—these are words which arise in describing the general character of the world economic scene. Since the start of the energy crisis and the breakup of the international monetary system in the 1970s, there has been no cohesion in the international economic mechanism. Conflicting economic interests among and between nations, rising protectionism and restrictive policies mark the desperate search for economic security. There has been no reversal of these adverse trends and the intervals of relative stability have been brief and uneasy. A development strategy for the coming decade would need a much more favourable environment.
174.	Major economic challenges facing the world community are the problems of population growth, shortages of food and energy and environmental pressures. The question facing the world community is whether man has the ability to reorganize the material conditions of life so as to create a reasonable international economic system.
175.	We meet in the Assembly just after the eleventh special session, devoted to the consideration of global economic issues and negotiations and international economic cooperation for development. Such cooperation can be secured only if all the nations concerned can forsake their set attitudes, which originate in the mutual apprehension and, in part, in the economic insecurity which hold them in their grip, and make a generous move towards more flexible positions in a spirit of mutual need and mutual responsibility. It is common knowledge that mutually advantageous exchanges of goods and services between countries are the foundation of both the prosperity and the peace of the world.
176.	Perhaps in voicing the main concerns of Burma on the international situation as the world community faces the decade of the 1980s, we have presented a rather pessimistic picture of the world situation. We have merely given the hard facts of life as we see them. Of course, we must all make what contribution we can towards the solution of world problems and hope that what we say or resolve here will weigh at least a little with those Powers on which the solutions will largely and ultimately depend.


Allow me to extend to Ambassador von Wechmar my warm felicitations and those of the delegation of the Republic of Maldives on his election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that his vast experience, skill and personal wisdom will guide our deliberations to a fruitful and constructive conclusion.
290.	I should like to take this opportunity to express my deep appreciation to his predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, for his important contribution to the work of this Assembly during the past year. We shall certainly remember for a long time his personal qualities of dedication and impartiality. I sincerely wish him continued success.
291.	I also recognize with gratitude and profound appreciation the dedicated efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and my delegation wishes to compliment him on his devotion and on the exemplary manner in which he discharges the responsibilities of his high office as progressively greater, more urgent, more complex and more delicate international issues confront this Assembly, in which 154 independent nations are represented.
292.	We are happy to welcome Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations as new Members. We are particularly delighted to observe in this the growth of this world Organization towards the attainment of its ultimate objective of universality of membership and equality among nations, big or small, powerful or weak, thus fulfilling the fundamental principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
293.	We are meeting at a time of increasing tension and anxiety. The problems and challenges which face us today are so pressing that we need more than ever before shared responsibility and a high level of political will. The imbalances in the state of affairs which we are experiencing today are leading the world to an intolerable situation, and unless we all sincerely join hands today to eliminate the causes, without the prejudices of nationalism and protectionism, future generations of mankind will have no choice but to suffer the consequences of our failure.
294.	We do not lack the wisdom to give effect to the principles of peace, justice and equality. All these and other noble principles that have evolved in the human mind from man's sufferings and experiences are clearly inscribed in the Charter of this great Organization. It is our solemn duty to uphold these principles and to fulfil our commitments to our peoples.
295.	Peoples and nations today insist on the right to be heard and to take an active part in shaping world developments, politically and economically. Therefore we must not allow the politics of strength to dominate our work, or the policies of suppression to return within our ranks. The achievements of freedom, peace and equality which we have been able to foster together must be protected and further enhanced.
296.	It is the dream of every one of us to live in a world free from wars and conflicts and free from poverty, hunger and disease. However, the events of today seem to take us far back to an era of anxiety and uncertainty. The armed conflicts between countries, as well as the subversive trend of armed interventions, are not only undermining international peace and stability but also give rise to the possibility of devastating consequences, especially in view of the proliferation of nuclear technology and the acquisition by States of destructive weapons.
297.	On the other hand, the armament race is bound to continue unless the world community is able to enforce effective measures for disarmament. At the same time, he who is oppressed has no choice but to fight back for his cause as long as the aggressor is being supported and comforted by the strong and the powerful.
298.	The questions of world peace, disarmament, the prevention of aggression by one State against another, the elimination of intervention in the internal affairs of one State by another and the settlement of international conflicts by peaceful means, cannot be solved without the political will of the super-Powers. The sooner they realize that and act effectively towards that end on the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the safer it will be for mankind.
299.	No longer shall we tolerate any form of colonialism or imperialism. Nor shall we condone any discrimination on the basis of colour, race or creed. We do not look with any degree of favour on the settlement of any problem on the basis of the survival of the strongest. It is on those principles that we hope solutions will be found by this great Organization.
300.	The question of the Middle East still remains unsolved, with Israeli aggression continuing against the Arab territories and peoples. The denial of the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination on their own land will impede the realization of a just and lasting solution of the issue. Israel's recent unilateral decision illegally to annex the City of Jerusalem to its territory has added serious dimensions to the problem.
301.	My delegation wishes to emphasize once again its support for the Palestinian people in its struggle for self- determination and freedom. No one can now deny that the Palestinian question is at the core of the Middle East crisis and that without the equal participation of the Palestinian people, represented by their legitimate representative, the PLO, there can be no just and lasting solution of the crisis. We shall also continue to support the efforts of this Organization to end the Israeli aggression on the Arab territories, including Jerusalem.
302.	My delegation views with anxiety the situation in the region of South-East Asia and the Indian Ocean. Continuation of the rivalry between super-Powers in the region bears the threat of escalation into conflicts of wider dimensions. We should like to emphasize that an urgent and sincere search for grounds for a political compromise is needed. In that context, we hope that the major military Powers will co-operate with the countries of the region in easing tensions as well as in the solution of the existing problem .Among those tense issues we should like to make special reference to those of Kampuchea and Afghanistan. It is our view that the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of countries should be upheld, even when moral, national or other justifications may tempt some of us to violate it. We remain convinced that international peace can be preserved only when the people of every country have the unimpaired freedom to decide their own destiny.
303.	The key to the solution of the problems in the region, we believe, is the removal of the elements of intervention, including the withdrawal of foreign troops and the abandonment of schemes to install and strengthen foreign military bases. Though we realize the complexity of the current situation, we sincerely hope that the countries of the region and the other major Powers will continue their dialogue with a view to making the region peaceful and free from nuclear weapons and conflicts by proxy.
304.	We are disappointed to find the problem of apartheid and racial discrimination still among the most pressing issues of the world. That is a problem which has taken us too long to solve, again because there has not been the collective will amongst us to eliminate it. However, with the independence of Zimbabwe and the glimmer of freedom spreading down towards the south, along with the determination of the heroic people of Africa, we hope that that age-old problem will soon be eliminated. We, for our part, will continue to support the people of South West Africa under the leadership of SWAPO, in their struggle for self- determination, freedom and independence for Namibia.
305.	I come now to the international economic situation, which, during the past few years, has been moving in a direction such as to make all of us seriously think about the future, our children and the generations to come. The growing gap between the developing and developed countries is clear evidence of an impending catastrophe of mass suffering. The awareness of the dangers by the international community has prompted us to start our search for a new international economic order based on justice, equality, interdependence and mutual respect. It has become obvious that the existing system of privileges is the source of many disruptions in the world economy and that the new realities of human existence, if not human prosperity, demand that we attempt a major change.
306.	We therefore attach special importance to the recently concluded session of the General Assembly devoted to the problem of economic development. Although the session did not adopt a decision on the launching of global negotiations, owing to the absence of political will on the part of some of the developed countries, we are happy to mark our deliberations there as being a further step towards the fulfilment of the aspirations of the peoples of the world. We hope that during this regular session this Organization will be able successfully to complete what we had started and to add new needs and perspectives to this important issue.
307.	Despite the many disappointing developments across the world political and economic spectrum, my country remains consistent in its support for the work of this Organization and as firmly as ever committed to the principles enshrined in its Charter. We shall extend our fullest support and co-operation to any efforts which will strengthen the role of the United Nations in maintaining peace in the world, restoring the rights of peoples and upholding the values of human rights, justice and equality.


Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly. This recognition of your qualities of leadership and your demonstrated skills and experience in diplomacy is a tribute to you personally and to your country, with which my country has long-standing cordial and fruitful relations. My delegation will co-operate with you and give you all possible support in the discharge of your responsibilities as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
2.	I also wish to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who presided over the General Assembly during an unusually busy and difficult year. He did a good job under difficult circumstances. The United Nations and the international community as a whole owe him a debt of gratitude.
3.	The ever expanding responsibilities of the United Nations have occasioned the growth of staff and financial burdens that in turn have increased the burdens of managing the Organization. My delegation would like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General and his staff for taking the Organization through these very difficult years.
4.	This year our Organization has grown to include 154 Members. We welcome the sister State of Zimbabwe, whose delegation is attending the regular session of the General Assembly for the first time. For many years my country has joined hands with many others in supporting the people of Zimbabwe to eliminate the racism and colonialism that held them in subjugation. Their success has given us immense joy. We also warmly welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations family. We look forward to having fruitful relations with them.
5.	The annual general debate of the General Assembly is always a suitable occasion to review the year that is passing. Without any doubt, the past year has been turbulent. Ever fragile, international peace and security have been threatened in many parts of the world, and have actually been broken seriously in some. The problem in Kampuchea has not been resolved; the situation in Afghanistan has become worse; the situation in Iran continues to cause anxiety. Since this session started, the conflict between Iraq and Iran has exploded into open war, thus creating a situation full of grave threats to international peace. The conflict in Lebanon continues. In Africa, the problem of Western Sahara remains unsolved to date, while in the Horn of Africa peace continues to be under constant threat. These breaches of international peace are occurring with increasing frequency, and unless something is done to halt their occurrence by encouraging the peaceful settlement of disputes, the situation will soon get out of hand.
6.	These problems are not new, but they form a disturbing pattern. Some States Members of this Organization fail to honour their obligations under the Charter and in some cases completely ignore or deliberately act contrary to international law or to specific treaties or conventions.
7.	In Namibia, the United Nations has been frustrated in its efforts to bring to an end the unlawful occupation of the Territory by the illegitimate and odious apartheid regime of South Africa. Although negotiations on Namibia's freedom were completed more than two years ago and agreement was reached, South Africa has continued to engage in transparent delaying tactics calculated to deflate pressure for action by the United Nations, while doing nothing to bring to an end its own illegal occupation of the Territory. Indeed, it has continued its efforts to create institutions and puppets through which it hopes it will continue to direct the affairs of Namibia and to exploit its resources after completing the semblance of withdrawal. The United Nations must reject all those manoeuvres and take enforcement measures under the Charter of the United Nations to heal that ugly sore. Namibia must be free.
8.	South Africa is the only country in the world in which human beings are sorted out like animals on the basis of the pigmentation of their skin and then granted or denied their basic human rights according to that classification. To satisfy the official racist policies of separation, even the whites continue to be subjected to punishment for crossing the colour line in certain kinds of behaviour. The so-called Coloureds or Bantus continue to be treated like beasts of burden. The tyranny of the system has no limits. Indeed, the whole system is so full of contradictions and inconsistencies that only the most oppressive and brutal violence of State machinery can hold it unsteadily together. That constitutes a constant source of threat to world peace.
9.	Indeed, in the past few years that danger has already been manifested in the aggressive raids South Africa has repeatedly mounted against Angola, Zambia and Mozambique. Within South Africa itself, the machinery of State has committed numerous murders. Oppression by the State continues. Children of the oppressed have demonstrated by their actions that the situation is a dangerous time bomb. The bomb is bound to explode unless prompt action is taken.
10.	It is saddening to note that no acceptable solution of the problem in the Middle East has been found. For a long time now we have witnessed the miserable plight of the Palestinian people, dispossessed, dispersed and uprooted from their land. My delegation has made its views known on many occasions in the deliberations of this Organization on the question of the rights of the Palestinian people. We still believe that no lasting peace can be achieved until the legitimate interests of the Palestinian people are taken into account and adequately safeguarded. We continue to call upon those directly concerned to be realistic and to address themselves to the real issues with a determination to resolve the problems. The basic elements involve the acceptance by all parties of the following: first, the right of all States in the region to live in peace and in recognized and therefore secure boundaries; secondly, the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, and also from East Jerusalem, as already decided upon by the United Nations; and thirdly, recognition of the right of the Palestinians to a national home, free, independent and sovereign.
11.	As long as the parties to the dispute continue to refuse to recognize the essential elements of this problem, the Middle East will continue to pose a threat to international peace and security. Failure to settle this problem today will not make it easier to solve it in the future. If anything, it will make it even more difficult.
12.	The problem of Cyprus continues to elude solution, but we urge the communities to make every effort to find a negotiated settlement. Clearly, acquisition of territory by force and the transplantation of populations is not the way to find a lasting peace. We urge the people of Cyprus to recognize their long-term interests and to make use of the opportunity provided by the presence of the United Nations to negotiate a lasting solution that will preserve the integrity of Cyprus.
13.	The recent development in Korea is of great concern. This concerns the sudden unilateral suspension of the ongoing South-North working level contacts by North Korea, which causes a great threat to the peace and stability of the Korean peninsula. We urge South Korea and North Korea, the parties directly concerned, to resume the dialogue immediately in accordance with the letter and spirit of the South- North Joint Communique of 4 July 1972,' thereby easing the tension and improving relations as a means of moving closer towards the attainment of a peaceful solution of the Korean problem.
14.	I should like to draw attention to the continuing arms race. Large proportions of national resources continue to be devoted to the production of arms in preparation for war. We consider this to be not only a dangerous but also an unjustifiable use of resources badly needed for development. This unnecessary arms race continues while many deserving projects aimed at improving the quality of human life desperately lack resources. The improvement of the quality of life on this planet is a pre-condition of peace, and we must all work for it. We appreciate that meaningful disarmament negotiations depend heavily on the improvement of relations between the super-Powers. It is for that reason, among others, that we note with regret that in the past year the international climate has deteriorated considerably. This should not serve as an excuse to reverse the momentum that has been built up in the improvement of international relations. The momentum must be maintained if mankind is to survive.
15.	We have all agreed that nuclear weapons constitute a major threat to our world today. Kenya is against the proliferation of nuclear weapons and we should like to appeal to all Governments to support efforts towards halting the dangerous process of nuclear proliferation. Successful efforts to create a fool proof non-proliferation regime presupposes a will to co-operate on the part of the nuclear- weapon Powers. They have heavy responsibilities. Many of us who have voluntarily renounced any right to acquire nuclear weapons under the terms of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons are, however, interested in the potential benefits of peaceful applications of nuclear energy. We do not believe that the peaceful application of nuclear energy will automatically lead to proliferation of nuclear weapons as long as all States, nuclear and non-nuclear, agree to observe strictly the safeguards laid down by IAEA. We strongly appeal to the nuclear-weapon States, as well as to the developed countries which possess sophisticated civilian nuclear technology, to implement article IV of the non- proliferation Treaty.
16,	Having given up our right to acquire nuclear weapons, we believe that we have every right to insist that the efforts to stop horizontal nuclear proliferation should be matched by equal efforts on the part of the nuclear-weapon States themselves to stop vertical proliferation. We cannot be convinced of the sincerity of the nuclear-weapon States as long as their actions in increasing the sophisticated use of nuclear energy for armaments do not conform with their frequent protestations of willingness to decelerate and subsequently to stop altogether the nuclear arms race.
17,	The failure of the Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons should not be used as an excuse to abandon or wreck ongoing dialogue in other disarmament forums.
18.	We have waited a long time for this body to receive the final results of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea,  which is dealing with the important question of concluding a comprehensive treaty on the law of the sea. While we regret that nine sessions of that Conference have failed to produce a treaty, we are encouraged by the report that remarkable progress has been made in resolving the outstanding issues and that we should expect to sign a treaty in the course of the year 1981. We hope, however, that such a treaty will deal adequately with the rights and obligations of States parties in all the designated areas.
19.	Similarly, we should like to see questions regarding the transfer of technology adequately dealt with so that developing countries which have hitherto been left behind in this field will receive sufficient consideration. We also consider that the new machinery envisaged for the resolution of issues within the Council and the Assembly, the principal organs of the Authority, will be worked out in a manner that will be fair and equitable in so far as the world community as a whole is concerned. In this connection, we have welcomed the recent progress made with respect to the resolution of issues in both the Council and the Assembly in relation to the deep-sea mining of manganese nodules.
20.	I wish to reiterate our position on this matter. We are totally opposed to any procedures that would grant certain States the right to veto decisions. We consider that to be inconsistent with the principle of the sovereign equality of States and also the principle of the right of every State to dispose of its own resources in the manner best suited to it. Thus, in welcoming the results of the negotiations regarding the voting procedures in the Council, we consider that in the event of a failure to reach a consensus the issues which remain unresolved should be referred to the Assembly for resolution. It is our view that the Assembly, being the most representative body and the principle organ of authority, is the organ best suited for that purpose. We intend to press for the adoption of that approach at the next session of the Conference next year.
21.	We consider the question of the transfer of technology to the Enterprise to be a major issue requiring very careful treatment. We take the view that in order for the Enterprise to get off the ground it must be provided with the necessary technology. We shall therefore maintain at the next session of the Conference that the transfer of technology should be a continuous process throughout the 25 years of mining activities instead of the 10 years now proposed in the text. Furthermore we shall seek to obtain for the Enterprise the transfer of technology in relation to the processing and marketing of the manganese nodules once they have been recovered from the sea-bed.
22.	We have alluded to the question of the identification, with a reasonable measure of certainty, of the rights and obligations of States arising from the new areas designated under the Convention on the law of the sea, Of particular importance in our view is the question of the delimitation of the continental shelf and of the exclusive economic zones of opposite and adjacent States. Negotiations on that issue continue to be difficult and we doubt if agreement could be reached on the basis of an equidistance criterion, which is urged by a number of States. We urge that principles of equity be explored further in order to resolve the remaining problems without delay.
23.	The 10 years following the launching of the Second United Nations Development Decade will go down in history as the decade of great but lost opportunities. The decisions emanating from the numerous conferences we have held since then on problems of development have hardly been implemented. These include the recommendations of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly, held respectively in 1974 and 1975. The world community must demonstrate a greater degree of seriousness in tackling the problems involved.
24.	Energy is one of the most serious problems of this decade and even of this century. The economic situation of the developing nations has been made particularly gloomy because of the energy crisis and will almost certainly remain so for some time to come. Kenya is one of the developing countries seriously affected by the energy crisis and it was one of the first countries to see the urgent and imperative need to shift the dependence of countries from petroleum to a greater reliance on alternative new and renewable sources of energy. It is our hope that the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, to be held at Nairobi in August 1981, will offer the world community a rare opportunity to find alternative solutions to our energy problems. My Government looks forward with enthusiasm to acting as host to that Conference and we wish the Preparatory Committee for the Conference every success.
25.	On international trade and raw materials we should like to see a substantial increase in the developing countries' trade in manufactures. Furthermore, we seek differentials and more favourable treatment of the developing countries and the elimination of non-tariff barriers and other aspects of protectionism.
26.	As for economic and technical co-operation among the developing countries, Kenya calls on them to intensify their activities at sub-regional, regional and inter-regional levels and to undertake regular studies to expand trade and monetary co-operation among themselves. We consider it essential for the developing nations also to increase their share in the trading, transport, marketing and distribution of their primary commodities.
27.	We also urge the countries able to do so to provide financial and technical support to enable the countries of the South to realize their objectives. The developing nations have constantly called for reform of the international monetary system and the early achievement of the target of official development assistance. We regret that the developed countries have not yet increased the transfer of resources in real terms to the developing nations to the extent stipulated in the United Nations decision,
28.	The International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, agreed upon at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly was not fully representative of the interests of the developing countries. We hope and believe that the provision in the Strategy for a review and appraisal mechanism, as well as for the implementation of regional development strategies such as the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa, will strengthen the Strategy in the course of the decade and accelerate its implementation.
29.	It is essential that the Strategy for the 1980s should, among other things, secure a substantial average annual growth in agricultural production in the developing countries. In order to improve the quality of life in the rural areas it is necessary to have a higher rate of food and agricultural production, food security and storage and a reduction in food losses. Problems of food and agricultural development therefore call for national and international action to achieve collective self-sufficiency in food. They also call for increased capital from external sources,
30.	We note with appreciation the agreement and recognition at the Industrial Development Board's recent session of the fact that Africa is the least developed of all the developing regions, and that consequently the General Assembly should proclaim the decade of 1980-1990 as the industrial development decade for Africa. As the least developed region containing the largest number of least developed, land-locked and most seriously affected developing countries, Africa requires massive financial and technical support. We hope that donor countries and the international community as a whole will make substantial contributions towards the achievement of the objectives of the decade in Africa.
31.	Similarly, we call on the donor countries and the international community to contribute substantially towards the fulfilment of the needs of the continent in the field of transport and communications. Improvement of this system will enhance intra-African trade and develop the rural areas of the African continent. Adequate and continued support is essential for the implementation of the Transport and Communications Decade in Africa, which terminates in 1988.
32.	Science and technology are crucial elements for the achievement of the objectives of the Third United Nations Development Decade. High priority must therefore be given to the improvement of the capacity of the developing countries to make better use of science and technology for development. Indigenous developments in science and technology should be brought into national planning in order to help reduce the problem of the brain drain by creating research centres in these countries and accelerating the process of their transformation and development.
33.	We cannot stress strongly enough the need to pay greater attention to the four special categories of States recognized by the United Nations. We urge the international community and countries in a position to do so to take measures to assist them to overcome their problems of economic development.
34.	When I addressed the eleventh special session of this Assembly five weeks ago, I stressed my Government's concern at the structural disequilibrium and critical situation in which the world economy finds itself today. We are experiencing the worst economic crisis since the 1930s, and there is every indication from present trends that the situation is likely to get worse. Knowing this, we owe it to posterity to make a greater effort to resolve the remaining issues in the North-South dialogue during this session as far as we can.
35.	This year, we witnessed yet another world conference, the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, which was held at Copenhagen from 14 to 30 July. The theme of this Conference was Equality, Development and Peace. Besides taking up many political questions and economic issues, the Conference focused, among other topics, on employment, health and education.
36.	On the whole, the Conference came out with a very constructive World Plan of Action covering almost all issues of concern to human development. It further underscored the fact that the issues that concern the world today are also the concern of women and, therefore, women should be involved in all national and international activities and at all levels. My Government supported the Plan of Action produced by the Conference, and we shall endeavour to implement it to the best of our ability.
37.	In a resolution of that Conference, it was decided to convene another Conference in 1985 to review the achievements of the Decade for Women and to take stock of all that will have happened during the Decade. The Conference wilt also deliberate on what remains to be done in order to continue to improve the condition of women all over the world, The Kenyan Government offered to host that Conference at Nairobi in 1985. We hope this offer will be accepted by the General Assembly.
38.	In conclusion, let me say this: the world community owes it to posterity to remove poverty, disease and hunger from this planet—at least, to make substantial contributions towards that goal. We have the resources, we have the technology. Let us together demonstrate the political will to get on with the job.


Mr. President, first of all I wish to extend to you the sincere congratulations of the delegation of Honduras on the well-deserved honour of being unanimously elected President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Your well-known qualifications and diplomatic experience constitute a firm guarantee that our debates will be directed with wisdom and impartiality, in an atmosphere of understanding and tolerance.
173.	We also wish to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Salim, who firmly, skilfully and with statesmanlike vision guided the proceedings of the General Assembly during a particularly difficult year.
174.	We also congratulate the Secretary General on his tireless and patient labours to achieve the objectives of the Charter, and, in particular, world peace and security and the promotion of genuine international cooperation.
175.	We cordially welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as a new Member of this Organization from our American continent and therefore a young country enjoying our affection and friendship.
176.	Unfortunately, it is not news that at the beginning of our session the world is immersed in an ideological, moral, economic and social crisis. It is not news, because mankind, since it came into being, has always lived in a state of crisis. What is really alarming is that the situation is becoming increasingly aggravated, and ethical and legal principles regarded by our forefathers as immutable are now being questioned and attacked.
177.	It has been said more than once that the sign of our times is development and that the new name of peace is development. Not only material wellbeing but also freedom and justice can be achieved by means of development.
178.	Yet I would venture to maintain that another characteristic of our times is paradox. Indeed, never before has man been able to unravel so many of the secrets of nature or to master such advanced technology. Never before, moreover, has he been so close to bringing about his own total destruction. Distances have disappeared, but men are ever more remote from their fellows. Purely natural factors have added immeasurably to the wealth of a few and have deeply impoverished many others. On the one hand, culture has reached spectacular levels, while, on the other hand, it has sunk to abysmal depths, as occurs in warlike confrontations based on differences of religion and race long thought to have been done away with forever.
179.	That is why we firmly believe that the Committee on Disarmament must work even harder so as to ensure an end to the arms race, the adoption of effective disarmament measures and the initiation of sufficient transfers of economic resources to meet development needs.
180.	Honduras took part in the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, held recently at Geneva, and regrets that obstacles remain which make it impossible to strike the necessary balance between the obligations of the nuclear Powers and nonnuclear weapon States. Similarly, we are worried that a number of countries which, because of their financial resources and technical ability could within a short time manufacture nuclear weapons, have not yet acceded to the Treaty. Hence my country believes that we must improve the inspection machinery of IAEA, the better to be able to supervise the transfer of nuclear materials, thus lessening the legitimate anxiety caused by a possible proliferation of nuclear weapons in the present international situation.
181.	In 1980 we are witnessing an aggravation of international tension and a proliferation of wars and internal conflicts, thus increasing the probability of serious conflagrations throughout the world. These dangerous events bring into question the machinery for the Pacific settlement of disputes established under the United Nations Charter and create doubts as to the will for peace of the great Powers, which can involve the medium and small countries in their ideological and strategic confrontations.
182.	The war in Lebanon continues unabated, without the presence of the United Nations forces, which Honduras supports, being a sufficient element of deterrence to prevent both armed incursions into Israel and military actions and bombing by Israeli forces within Lebanon. Our country, which in past years has urged caution on the parties to a conflict imposed on the people of Lebanon, once again condemns the circumstances of senseless bloodshed and urges respect for the territorial integrity, self-determination and wellbeing of the Lebanese.
183.	Although the overall situation in the Middle East has been stabilized between Israel and Egypt, owing to the commendable initiative of President Sadat and the Camp David accords, it nevertheless remains tense and likely to lead to explosive consequences.
184.	The problem of security for all the countries of the region, and Israel in particular, is closely linked to the prompt consideration of and justice for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, which do not relate merely to their status as refugees.
185.	Honduras continues therefore to favour a negotiated political settlement which, on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), will guarantee peace to all parties, including the Palestinian people, and put an end to the continuing Israeli occupation of various Arab territories.
186.	Our country is carefully studying the resolutions adopted at the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly and is closely following the initiatives of the European Economic Community. At the same time, we cannot accept unilateral measures altering the status of Jerusalem, and we consider that the continued policy of Israeli settlements in occupied Arab territories is a serious obstacle to the peace process.
187.	The tension in the Middle East has recently been extended to the coastal countries of the Indian Ocean, which have in various forums shown their legitimate concern at the escalation of confrontation in the area.
188.	Our Government continues to be seriously concerned at the occupation of the United States Embassy in Iran and the holding of members of its staff as hostages. We take this opportunity to reiterate our appeal to the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran to ensure their prompt release in a dignified manner, in conformity with international law.
189.	As we said at the sixth emergency special session, the presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan is a flagrant violation of international law and creates a situation of growing danger, which several neighbouring countries of Afghanistan have denounced. General Assembly resolution ES6/2 therefore continues to be relevant, and we expect that measures will be taken to comply with it.
190.	Meanwhile, in Southeast Asia, Thailand continues to be threatened by the unforeseeable consequences of the war in Kampuchea. Once again we are encountering an area of tension in which foreign intervention in the internal affairs of a country threatens to engender a conflict of more serious proportions which, unfortunately, might successively involve the great Powers. For its part, Honduras is in favour of United Nations action aimed at normalization of the situation and supports the countries of ASEAN in their efforts to bring that about.
191.	Those problems have also brought to light the great human tragedy of the refugees. Our country, which in the past two years has had to bear the grave consequences of the displacement of refugees in Central America, once again wishes to draw the attention of the international community to the need to give greater support to the programmes of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
192.	For some years the Central American region has been one of conflicting interests for some and of concern for others, and it is regrettable that what attracts world attention should be the violence that has racked some of the countries of the isthmus.
193.	Because of its geographical location, Honduras is at the very heart of Central America and shares boundaries with Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua. This proximity goes hand in hand with a special affinity among our peoples, since we have the same origins and are aware that we share a common destiny. It is therefore logical that what happens in neighbouring countries is of extraordinary significance for us. We therefore view with profound sorrow the continued bloodshed among our brothers, and with growing concern the results to which violence could lead us.
194.	It is a source of great satisfaction to me to represent the Provisional Government of Honduras at this session of the Assembly. That Government came into being after the general elections held on 20 April last, which led to the convening, on 20 July, of the freely elected and democratically representative National Constituent Assembly. The latter, after preparing a new Constitution for the Republic, will call for direct presidential elections in 1981.
195.	Fortunately, our country enjoys political and social stability and channels its economic development efforts towards the greater wellbeing of all. The peace which my country enjoys is scarcely the product of mere chance or coincidence: it is the result of persevering efforts begun three decades ago by all sectors of the people and Government of Honduras to create an atmosphere of freedom, political stability and social justice. In this respect, I deem it appropriate to quote the following words of General Policarpio Paz Garcia, the President of Honduras, on 20 August last, when he established the new Government Cabinet—words which summarize the philosophy behind governmental action in a new stage of our institutional process:
"We have not been vaccinated against violence. Accepting this premise does not mean that we contemplate the future pessimistically, but rather that we acknowledge that all Hondurans, regardless of their place in society, have a serious responsibility for the maintenance of peace. It means that the armed forces and the political, economic and social forces of the nation must form a national front capable of ensuring for the Republic inviolable, sovereign and secure boundaries and an internal atmosphere in which, united, we can face the challenges of this decade—poverty, backwardness, sickness, ignorance, unemployment and lack of physical communications—and establish on sound bases a pluralistic and reforming political regime.
"This imposes on us the urgent need for a thorough review of our economic system in order to bring about a just and equitable development of our society, by the adoption of the necessary machinery and the bold institution of the reforms considered appropriate to our particular characteristics, our real capabilities and the experience we have acquired thus far.
196.	In the Central American context, I am pleased to be able to say that the mediation procedure adopted by Honduras and El Salvador to settle the differences that have existed since 1969 is proceeding normally, under the wise guidance of the eminent Peruvian jurist, Mr. Jose Luis Bustamante y Rivero. The political will to find a settlement evinced by both sides gives us legitimate grounds for hope that in the near future a just, dignified and final solution to all the pending problems between the two countries will be reached.
197.	In conformity with its domestic policy, Honduras, furthermore, seeks to reaffirm, at the Central American and Caribbean level, the principles of territorial integrity, self-determination and democratic pluralism. We therefore participated in the meeting of Foreign Ministers of Guatemala, EI Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama, who, on 15 March 1980, adopted the San Jose Declaration, an instrument which we consider very important for the development of integration and cooperation among the countries of the Central American isthmus.
198.	In our view, the countries of Central America and the coastal States of the Caribbean should join forces to foster a normalization of relations among the countries of the area. That could be followed by positive increases in commercial and cultural relations and economic cooperation among them.
199.	In this respect, it is also fitting to recall the agreement on financial and energy cooperation reached by Honduras and other countries with the Governments of Mexico and Venezuela on 3 August 1980, which represents, in our opinion, a specific effort at the economic solidarity so badly needed in the economic crisis we are experiencing.
200.	Indeed, the international economic situation continues to be characterized by monetary disorder, inflation and increasing protectionism, as well as by stagnation— with a few honourable exceptions—in the levels of financial and technical assistance for development. The North South dialogue must go on.
201.	The recently concluded eleventh special session of the General Assembly sought to make effective the postulates of the new international economic order by sponsoring a round of global economic negotiations within the United Nations. Nevertheless, some industrialized countries still lack the necessary political will. Accordingly, at this session of the Assembly we have to work out the agenda and timetable for those negotiations.
202.	The Government of Honduras, for its part, is making serious development efforts through a five-year national plan and a short-term programme of action. Similarly, in 1980, with the support of all social sectors, it initiated a broad national literacy campaign to mobilize throughout the country thousands of educators, and the completion of this will significantly reduce the illiteracy rate, which is so detrimental to the overall improvement of the population particularly in the rural areas. Our national plan seeks also, among other priority goals, to increase agricultural and food production and to promote the diversification of industry and of communications and tourism services, as well as to construct the El Cajon hydroelectric complex.
203.	These efforts require international technical and financial assistance, and Honduras is expanding its programmes with United Nations institutions, regional and sub-regional agencies, friendly Governments and the international private financial sector so as to coordinate and carry out those projects more effectively.
204.	In the social field, we shall implement to the fullest extent the recommendations of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, held at Copenhagen, and the programmes for children, which are of particular interest to us, as can be attested by our interest in and traditional support for UNICEF.
205.	The Government of Honduras is, by deep-rooted conviction, a zealous defender of human rights—an apparently simple matter, but controversial in practice. Violence, in all its manifestations, leads to violation of the rights of individuals and of peoples, and Honduras, which has never claimed to set itself up as a judge of Governments or of countries which have painful experience of such violence, nevertheless considers that national and regional efforts should be combined to face its fatal consequences.
206.	On the one hand, sooner or later every Government will have to answer for its acts before the most implacable and severe of judges: its own people. On the other hand, the international community can effectively assist in the universal implementation of human rights, as prescribed in international instruments adopted by the United Nations.
207.	And here we should emphasize that Honduras considers that one of the major violations of the present is the odious policy of apartheid practised by the South African authorities. We once again consider that the greatest political and economic pressure must be exercised to achieve its elimination.
208.	Our country, which at the beginning of this month welcomed the entry of Zimbabwe into our Organization, believes it necessary to refer also to the disappointment caused by the delay in holding free elections in Namibia under United Nations supervision. We believe that, not only because of its humanitarian consequences but also because of its political consequences that situation has to be corrected and the valiant people of Namibia must be allowed to accede to independent existence, while maintaining the integrity of its territory and the essential freedom to determine its own destiny.
209.	I should like to point out that our Government actively participated in the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and that, with certain reservations, we were satisfied with the results. These were the outcome of delicate negotiations and, to be sure, of a great effort of will to compromise among the negotiating parties.
210.	In 1981 we shall hold the final session of the Conference and, although some important issues remain to be settled, the draft convention which has been prepared" brings the participants closer to a consensus. In consequence, within the framework of the rules, this will greatly facilitate a final decision on the set of articles and annexes which constitute it.
211.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is obvious proof of the real possibilities for agreement which exist within the United Nations and constitutes a remarkable effort at international cooperation which will provide the international community with a more just and rational order for the use of the resources of the sea and its subsoil for the benefit of mankind.
212.	To conclude, I wish to reiterate the faith and confidence which my country places in this Organization as the means most suitable for the achievement of the highest destiny of man and nations. We consider that it is the unquestionable duty of all its Members to strengthen and improve its systems so that it may fully comply with the noble objectives set forth in its Charter.