I come from a country you know well. You know our values, our struggle for development, our striving for peace. I come to ask you for help, to tell you that we need the support of all countries of good will if peace is to prevail in Central America.
I have come to appeal for the strength of enduring principles in order to achieve peace, freedom and democracy in Central America. I have come to appeal for the political and diplomatic might of the world's nations, to enable us to set out together upon a new course that can ensure peace in the region.
A year ago I came here to say that the fate of Central America hung on a decision between war and peace. Now I can tell you that the five States of Central America have cast their lot with peace. To end the war, political democracy must be established in all the countries of our America} freedom must be enjoyed by all citizens and human rights must be scrupulously respected within our borders.
In the peace plan we signed in Guatemala, we asked for dialogue and amnesty. We want a cease—fire as soon as possible. We want an immediate beginning to democratization. We want free elections that reflect the true will of the majority of our peoples. We call on any Powers intervening in the region to suspend military aid. We want a guarantee that territories will not be used to stage attacks on other States. We seek a reduction in armaments. We request national and international supervision by the Contadora Group, the Support Group and the Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the Organization of American States. We propose guidelines to evaluate progress toward peace. We state that in an atmosphere of democracy and freedom development can take place that can enable us to enjoy a lasting peace. Those points represent years of effort by the Contadora Group and express the force of a century of democracy and freedom in my Costa Rica.
Some are fearful of the peace agreement signed by the Central Americans. They say that what we are seeking to achieve has never been done before. They say that dialogue is impractical where hatred is so deep-rooted. They say that reconciliation is impossible when differences have been so pronounced foe so many years. They say that it is not possible to walk side by side when such extreme ideologies divide our people. They say that the word of a liar cannot be trusted. If we had to renounce anything that had never been done before, America would never have been discovered, nor would mankind ever have reached the moon. We would have to resign ourselves forever to accepting the impossibility of curing certain diseases, to accepting the persistence of war, to accepting a future of everlasting cruelty for Central America.
I maintain just the opposite. We are obligated to try something different. We cannot relinquish imagination and courage in promoting the changes society requires. We cannot continue to pass through history in the shadows, bowed down by poverty and tormented by war. We cannot set out upon a new course gropingly, hesitantly, hoping that others will guide us. We demand peace, democracy and freedom, for we know where we want to go, and we know the kind of future we hope to build. We are tired of shedding tears. We yearn to share our ideals in order to work together for development. We want to take the fate of our region into our own hands.
In the agreement signed in Guatemala we committed ourselves to work for peace in good faith. We have established, as a basis for dialogue, guidelines to be observed and goals to be achieved by all of the nations involved. We have set deadlines for achieving them. All of us agree that we roust take immediate steps toward those goals. To the extent that we attain them, credibility will grow and confidence will build among ourselves and in the eyes of the world. The sooner the guns are silenced, the sooner hatred will wither. The faster freedoms are re-established, the sooner our people will be able to enjoy democracy and the greater will be their respect for human tights.
Let us be clear. No one has the right to judge the success or failure of the Central American path to peace in terms of artificially imposed deadlines. Some of the purposes of the agreement may be accomplished in less time than has been estimated} others may require more time. So long as real progress is being made toward national reconciliation, toward the enjoyment of freedom and toward an end to domestic warfare, to long as such progress is part of a new political reality, the plan will survive, the plan will continue in effect, and hope will spread everywhere.
We are aware of the enormous scope of the obstacles we propose to overcome. We know that there are enemies at home and abroad who oppose the course charted by the Central Americans. But no failure to meet an unrealistic schedule can close the door to the rule of reason and to the elimination of war in Central America.
The plan will no longer be valid or honest if any of the regional or non-regional players act with the deliberate intention to betray the agreement reached in Guatemala. It will no longer be valid or honest when there is clear evidence of an unwillingness to lay down arms, to move toward democracy or to seek national reconciliation. No one has the right to judge exclusively on the basis of past conduct. None of the players, none of the great Powers has the moral authority to cast the first stone. A new political reality is emerging in Central America. We ask for respect for regional self-determination. We ask for understanding. We ask for help in overcoming obstacles and moving closer to peace. The problems in Central America result from entrenched dictatorships and grievous social injustice. Decades of hunger and cruel suffering were and are evidence of the poverty-stricken lives led by millions of men and women in the region. We are certain that the restoration of democracy to the Central American republics will promote a shared, appropriate development that can meet the basic needs of the people promptly and reliably.
We realize that we ourselves must take the primary responsibility for restructuring our economies. A significant part of that responsibility will be to make peace, for without peace there can be no development. We have begun to move towards peace and we are willing to make every effort to attain it. It is of vital importance that we should revive sustained development in order to ensure a better International position. We also need access to new markets and more favourable terms for the payment of our debt. It is essential for us to secure more stable prices for our exports.
Central America has not been granted all the economic concessions it needs. The world economy is afraid of making exceptions on the premise that if -they are extended to some countries they must be extended to many others also. That argument is a pretext for not making exceptions even to alleviate the sufferings of poverty and the anguish of those who are struggling to maintain democratic systems at a time when peace is at stake and when more favourable economic conditions could help to bring war to an end.
It is inconceivable that the calculating coldness of financiers should govern international relations. We have not made sufficient progress in renegotiating an external debt that we ate unable to repay on the terms originally stipulated. Very little progress has been made in opening up new markets and in stabilizing prices for our primary products. We must continue to insist on an international economy concerned with the poverty of certain countries. We need an international economy conducive to the strengthening of emerging democracies. There must be an international economy sensitive to the agonies of war and always allied to the hope for peace. We believe that the economy cannot be divorced from the political concerns of mankind designed to eliminate poverty and guarantee a stable peace among nations.
In a world that presents a complex and sometimes hostile panorama. Central America stands today at the dawn of a new political era. Dialogue among the presidents of the five nations is re-emerging. Their ministers and their experts are talking. Armed rebels and Governments alike are engaging in dialogue. Reconciliation commissions have been set up. Many individuals are beginning to think about forgiving and being forgiven, about working together again. The men and women of our countries are doubtful about the policy of peace. There are powerful reasons for many to doubt. The task at hand is now to overcome obstacles and enrich dialogue, to ensure that every effort will lead to a little more freedom, a little more democracy, a little less violence. I should like to assure this Assembly that Costa Rica is firm in its determination to work for peace. Today a new climate is evolving in Central America. A waning faith is being reborn; it must be helped to flourish. We must believe again in freedom, in dialogue, in free expression of the will of the people. I have come to ask you to share this undertaking with us. I have come to appeal for your help.
The Costa Rican delegation to this Organization will present to the Assembly the peace plan signed in Guatemala. We shall ask for approval of that plan In a resolution of the United Nations and for its adoption by this Assembly. We shall ask that it be backed by the full political force that the nations of the world bring to bear on identifying and supporting just causes in this forum. I am confident that we shall receive that support. I am certain that, together, we can say that the power of diplomacy and the validity of political accords undertaken in good faith will always be more effective than weapons, that they will always be stronger than war. I am certain that we shall walk the path of peace together in order to banish war from our region once and for all.
The great French historian and statesman, Francois Guizot, said that "pessimists are merely onlookers; it is the optimist who change the world". I have come to invite this Assembly to participate with high optimism in this struggle to establish in Central America a territory of freedom, justice, democracy and peace.
We for our part will redouble our efforts on behalf of all the noble causes in which this Organization is involved. With renewed vigour we condemn all manner of racial discrimination. We condemn the practice of terrorism, regardless of where it originates or how it is expressed. We indignantly condemn drug traffic. We should like to see International co-operation strengthened to combat these terrible threats, and we should like to see more severe punishment meted out to offenders.
We should like to see the beginning of a dialogue designed to solve the problem of sovereignty in the Falkland .Islands. We should like to see the door opened, by means of dialogue, to reconciliation of the two Koreas. We should like dialogue to ensure the prompt and unconditional Independence of Namibia. We should like to have dialogue serve as the instrument for securing the prompt liberation of Kampuchea and Afghanistan. We applaud the Intensification of talks between the two Germanys and we support with renewed faith the efforts of the United Nations to secure peace in the Middle East.
I reaffirm here my country's stand in favour of creating special financial arrangements to combat hunger in Africa, to mitigate the suffering of exiles, to expedite the consolidation of emerging democracies, and to promote peace efforts through the world. Costa Rica places high hope In disarmament negotiations between the super Powers. We encourage the reduction of arms In every corner of the planet. As a country without weapons, we know that security does not reside In force or in threats, much less in the use of violence. Security resides in progress towards shared development, in the prevailing of co-operation over selfishness. In respect for pluralism, in the rejection of Imperialistic designs.
This time compassion will not suffice to ease the pain of countries that choose to make war, for whoever encourages war by word or deed will in the end be himself mortally wounded when his own sons are sent to die in lt. Fear of freedom causes many to seek refuge in arms. Fear of dialogue causes some to take refuge in dogmatism. We cannot turn our backs on history. How many times have we overcome one hatred only to develop another! How many times has a tyrant fallen only to be succeeded by another! How many times has democracy trembled before the treachery of disloyal armed forces! Let us now embark upon a new course. Let us confront the uncertainties involved in development. Let us assume the risks inherent in achieving peace, freedom and democracy.
My country has invoked the most cherished principles and the loftiest values of mankind to put an end to war. It has invoked those principles to call for a more equitable international economy, to build a new economy with less poverty and more proprietors, to say that we are weary of dictatorships crushing the human spirit in many parts of the world, to repeat to the world that it is injustice that drives human beings to violence, and to proclaim that we must no longer commit the same mistakes over and over again.
We are not apprehensive because everything seems more difficult at this time.
Let us not be afraid because the problems are multiplying. Let us not be afraid because the solution of our difficulties may at some point be beyond our control or because hatred may temporarily prevail over love. It is up to us to explore the way to a new dawn of understanding and peace.
Our poet Isaac Felipe Azofeifa left us a message of hope in the following inspiring words;
"Yes, my child.
The stars have all disappeared.
But it is always darkest
Just before the dawn."
We have an opportunity to rewrite history. I should like to say, in all humility, that it is our duty to do so. We must not see the past whenever we look towards the future. The time has come now to forge a better destiny for our peoples. I am certain that, with your help, with the efforts of all peoples and nations of goodwill , we will succeed. We are determined to try. Let us do it, now, together.


It gives me great pleasure, Sir, to congratulate you most sincerely on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-second session. I am convinced that under your wise leadership the Assembly will reach the satisfactory results all Member States expect and seek.
Allow me also to congratulate the President at the forty-first session. Ambassador Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, whose recognized ability and dedication enabled him to succeed in the difficult tasks he performed. We also extend our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and applaud him for his effective and selfless endeavours at this complex juncture in international relations, particularly the diligent help he extended to my country in the grave circumstances experienced by Ecuador as a result of the disastrous earthquake in March of this year.
In this Hall countless highly authoritative voices have said much, if not all ; there is to say, about the peoples' desire for peace, security and economic and; social improvement. Ecuador wishes to state that it shares and warmly supports those statements, and it expresses the hope that the forty-second session of the General Assembly will excel in upholding these oft-repeated and universally acknowledged truths. I wish to highlight certain concepts that are dear to Ecuador in connection with the most important issues debated here and explain the reasoning and attitude behind Ecuador's international policy, one that is constant with ethical and legal standards which cannot fail to nourish the values and aspirations of all men of good will and whose application in good faith could bring about the noble objectives of justice, peace and development.
In his recent message to the National Congress on 10 August, the President of the Republic of Ecuador stated that last year had "witnessed the organic consolidation of a serious international policy, based on ethics and the sound principles of international law; open to co-operation on all valid initiatives in favour of peace, disarmament, justice, human rights and development; inspired by the will to maintain relations with all States of the world, in a spirit of respect and meaningful co-operation."
Those words by the President of Ecuador summarize the basis of our international policy and faithfully reflect Ecuador's actions within the world Organization, whose ideals enshrined in the Charter have, unfortunately, often been contradicted by the harsh reality of international conflicts and their intractable persistence. On the one hand, the politicisation which surfaces in practically all the problems dealt with by the Security Council and the General Assembly and, on the other hand, the tendency for the international community to judge those problems, not always on their own merits, but in the light of group, if not individual, interests, reduce the effectiveness of the system and deprive it of the authority that all its decisions should carry.
Given the circumstances in which international relations are evolving and the growing complexity of an ever more interdependent world, it is necessary and urgent for the United Nations to become the effective instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security that was envisaged at its inception. This transformation requires the concerted efforts of all its organs and all the Governments of the Member States, which should disregard possible ideological victories and strive to arrive at practical results for the solution of conflicts in keeping with the spirit of the Charter, which offers genuine possibilities to this end, for instance the provisions of Article 33 on the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Ecuador has participated and will continue to participate in the building and consolidation of international law, which is constantly growing and diversifying. This reflects our feeling that peace is based on the supremacy of law, which Is valid as an invariable rule of conduct for all countries, powerful or weak. No one will fail to notice the existence of a cause and effect relationship between the law and the obligation of States to refrain from the use or threat of force. In this regard, the present General Assembly is to consider a draft declaration, on the recommendation of the Special Committee, to Improve the effectiveness of this fundamental principle. In spite of the draft declaration's shortcomings, Ecuador will support its adoption, which will represent a reaffirmation of the validity and relevance of a principle that is the logical and inseparable corollary of the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes.
While it is true that one of the most serious problems facing the world is that of the chasm separating the rich from the poor or underdeveloped countries, it is also a fact that the United Nations constitutes what may be the most important means of launching progressive action in the struggle to eliminate or at least reduce those tragic differences.
The International Conference on the Relationship Between Disarmament and Development, which met here just a short time ago, requires a mighty effort towards the ideal of the struggle against underdevelopment since, as is acknowledged in the Final Document of the Conference,
"The global military expenditures are in dramatic contrast to economic and social underdevelopment and to the misery and poverty afflicting more than two thirds of mankind." (A/CQNF. 130/21, para.3) That fearful spending I amounting to almost a trillion dollars each year, could help eliminate hunger, ignorance, sickness, insecurity and fear in one generation.
It follows that Ecuador, a country with an undeniable pacifist mission, is deeply concerned at the unbridled arras race, which involves a sizeable portion of the world. States obviously have a right to preserve their own security, but that logical right cannot and must not justify the costly excesses of acquiring lethal devices that threaten the life and health of large portions of the human population and deplete resources needed for development.
Ecuador is opposed, as it has demonstrated on several occasions, to all attempts at undue stockpiling. It follows that it supports proposals to establish nuclear-weapon-free zones, among which that sponsored by the Treaty of Thatelolco for Latin America is a good practical example.
Disarmament is an objective essential to the future of mankind. My Government therefore welcomes the news that the Secretary of State of the United States and the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union have reached an accord whereby they have agreed in principle to sign a treaty for the total elimination of medium-range missiles.
Ecuador has also learned with satisfaction that intensive efforts will be made to arrive at a treaty on a 50 per cent reduction in offensive strategic weapons, that talks are to begin before 1 December on questions relating to nuclear tests and that a summit meeting between President Reagan and General-Secretary Gorbachev has been agreed for autumn of this year.
This entire process deserves the support of my Government, which understands how difficult the negotiations ate and appreciates the value of the efforts made by the parties directly concerned, thanks to which it has been possible to reach this prized objective. Aware that this agreement makes an essential contribution to peace and understanding and helps dispel distrust, the Government of Ecuador expresses the hope that the fruitful work of these great Powers will continue until general and complete disarmament is attained, thus giving mankind the confidence it needs to move forward towards achievement of its well-being.
The inestimable gift of peace is being seriously affected in various parts of the world. In the Middle East, in Africa and in Central America, death and devastation are present. Each day, many innocent human beings are the victims of wars and of guerrilla and terrorist acts in which they are caught up by the cruel force of fate. Yet, despite their painful train of horror and tragedy, such events are of small significance compared to a nuclear holocaust which, regrettably, represents a dire threat to the very survival of mankind.
Never has such great responsibility rested on any group of countries as that which today falls on the nuclear Powers. It is necessary and urgent that they hear- and respond to the anguished call to bury these unspeakable weapons - a call that springs from the elementary right to life of millions of human beings. Moreover, conventional disarmament, still slow and scarcely regional in scope , should also progress in step with the concern of the international community, which is searching for collective peace and security. This, however, will not easily be achieved so long as there remain political antagonisms, extremist ideologies and the serious economic crisis that besets the great majority of the Members of the Organization.
Peace cannot prosper without the peaceful and just solution of the problems existing between States. Faithful to its constant policy of firm respect for the norms of international law and the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, Ecuador reiterates its resolve to maintain and strengthen friendly relations with all nations, and most particularly with its neighbours, in order thus to· contribute to the progress and well-being of peoples who were meant to live in unity and understanding  thereby creating a favourable climate for the just/ peaceful and honourable solution of territorial or other disputes that divide them.
Latin America has just demonstrated its political will to move forward and deepen the process of integration. Every day we see more clearly the need to agree on policies and to act jointly on many issues of common interest. We all face the challenge of eliminating the differences that separate us and strengthening the ties that bind us. Territorial problems also infringe on the spirit of brotherhood which we want to strengthen, and their solution by legal means will definitively clear the way to understanding.
In Latin America, there is a strengthening and growing climate of solidarity and a firm determination to apply joint efforts to development. There is an increased firmness in the spirit of unity which expresses itself as a thirst for integration and a determination to achieve co-operation and friendship. This implies the establishment of a climate of trust, the laying of solid foundations for justice and a determination to move towards the settlement of disputes. The rest will be achieved because we are aware of a shared destiny and are determined to achieve the well-being of our peoples.
The growing dimension of the crisis resulting from the enormous debt of the developing countries is well known, as are its grave consequences for their capabilities in the short, medium and long term and the real risk it poses to their political and social stability. The road to growth of their economies is blocked by the difficulties and cost of foreign credit and by the closing of markets to their new production. The stifling of their economies warns of repercussions still graver than at present. That is so clear that it would be absurd for creditors to fail to understand their joint responsibility in solving a problem of such magnitude that it will, if left unsolved, drag along with it debtors and creditors to avoid this; a clear and courageous decision is called for on the part of the creditor Powers to make good their political will and to make ą significant contribution to the basic development of the debtor countries. Multilateral projects administered by the United Nations must be increased, along with credits and technology transfers, with special emphasis placed on the opening of the markets of the industrial countries in both East and West to the products and raw materials of the developing countries through the removal of restrictive barriers which create unjust situations and jeopardize the economic, political and social stability of the latter countries.
Ecuador's international policy is firmly based on respect for human rights and on their promotion and universal protection. We have pointed out that the general nature of the standards of protection of such rights cannot be distorted by selective and discriminatory criteria inspired by reasons of politics or ideology.
We advocate the need to improve the international machinery for monitoring human rights in all countries of the world. We maintain that the international bodies inquiring into the human rights situation must consider it independently of political systems in order to avoid discriminating against certain countries while Keeping silent about what happens in others. We believe it is necessary to create conditions for the true exercise of rights, taking Into account the requirements of well-being, culture and health. The denial of such rights, whether within a country or internationally, is an infringement of justice and renders freedom illusory, while weakening the democratic nature and social and political stability of countries experiencing deep-seated development problems. We consider the right to development to be an inalienable human right.
At sessions of the General Assembly the delegation of Ecuador has abstained in the voting on draft resolutions condemning only certain countries, and has stressed the need to seek new mechanisms to ensure impartiality and universality in dealing with this matter.
Particular mention deserves to be made of my country's absolute rejection of that violation of human rights that exists and persists so shamefully in South Africa in spite of the countless appeals and words of condemnation that have been and are being voiced within this Organization. I am referring to the detestable system of apartheid. The burden of inhuman racial discrimination which it imposes must be removed for the sake of the dignity, equality and brotherhood of man.
Ecuador respects the rights of human beings, men and women, and condemns all  discrimination, be it based on sex, religion or race, or on nationality and political ideology.
It is incumbent upon Governments to make a gigantic effort to resolve the socio-economic problems besetting the developing societies, small societies in particular. This takes time. It is not possible fully to satisfy the just demands for a way of life that affords the rights inherent in human dignity so long as such basic issues as education, health and housing are, for the most part, financed with capital from abroad and, therefore, dependent upon the co-operation of the international financial centres.
The neglect of long-deferred needs creates social tension and disorientation in certain sectors. It must be acknowledged that when violent and extremist groups are present, alienated from organized society and disoriented with respect to the future, they form nuclei that proliferate with the help of organizations in other countries. For this reason the problems of urban violence and guerrilla warfare do note a rule concern one country alone. In Ecuador we aspire to preserve social peace, which, fortunately, we have managed to preserve. We are, nevertheless, aware of the danger that the presence of guerrillas in other countries represents. My country is particularly interested in joining those countries in an effort to eradicate that wretched evil, which is often linked to drug trafficking. This is another cause for social alienation to which my country also calls the attention of the international community, and we state our sincere wish to contribute to the fight against those evils.
Terrorism and drug trafficking have aroused the concern of the United Nations and of such regional bodies as the Organization of American States. Ecuador Is a member of the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs and has signed several conventions on the same subject, with the United States, Colombia and Peru, Moreover, it is actively co-operating with the Andean Group's Convention on Drug Trafficking and the South American Agreement on Narcotics, drawn up by international bodies to which It belongs. With the recent International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking the international community took a step forward in the struggle against this grave danger that threatens it. Averting this danger will require a firm decision on the part of the drug-producing countries, as well as the persistent and effective action of consumer countries, which are a source of incalculable revenue for this international crime.
Ecuador takes this opportunity to reiterate its firm determination to maintain close relations of friendship, co-operation and understanding with all nations. The Government of Ecuador reaffirms its decision to continue to co-operate with the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and will work for the preservation of the principles of autonomy and impartiality which prompted Its establishment. We consider that the action of the non-aligned countries must reflect true Independence and an endeavour to maintain international peace and security and to promote the economic and social development of members of the Movement.
What I have said does not imply any Intent to detract from the overall authority of the United Nations to the advantage of the groups established within the Organization. As one of its founding Members  Ecuador maintains its unfaltering faith in the principles and purposes that inspire the United Nations and, for that reason, it has always held that universality is an essential condition for its efficiency and success.
Consequently, Ecuador would welcome, for Instance, the admission of the two Koreas to the United Nations without prior conditions for their admission. It also views as positive the efforts to work out bilateral agreements leading to understandings in favour of the Korean people, of international peace and of co-operation.
Ecuador's devotion to peace is reflected in its persistent adherence to the principles and resolutions of the world Organization to preserve or restore peace. It therefore expresses its unstinting support for the efforts to end the cruel war between Iran and Iraq and, in particular, for the Secretary-General's tireless efforts in this respect.
To the same purpose, and in support of all initiatives for the peaceful settlement of conflicts, we reiterate our backing for Contadora and its Support Group, in their attempts to arrive at solutions to the Central American crisis and avoid the outbreak of a general war. We believe that the solution requires the political will of all parties, that it is necessary to make constant efforts and not to exclude opportunities for negotiation, that it is essential to obtain the withdrawal of foreign forces and to rid the situation of the explosive ingredients of East-West confrontation. We also consider that the existence of an authentic democracy in the region will make understanding possible among countries and Governments and help overcome the distressing problems of the area. For this reason Ecuador has welcomed with hope and satisfaction the agreement signed by the five Central American countries on 7 August last in Guatemala, which opens the way to peace, democracy and freedom for that group of sister countries.
On October 1986, the British Government declared a 150-mtle exclusive zone around the Malvinas Islands, the Ecuadorian Foreign Ministry made known its opposition and, having reiterated its support for the Argentine claims, declared that such illegal actions make it difficult to arrive at a favourable climate for negotiations which would guarantee peace in the region and allow for the conversion of the South Atlantic into a zone of co-operation and understanding.
In the same vein, at the previous session of the General Assembly, Ecuador supported the draft resolution introduced by Brazil, aimed at ensuring the maintenance of peace in the South Atlantic, and backed the holding of an international peace conference on the Middle East.
Ecuador unswervingly rejects any occupation of territory by force. It has repeatedly expressed this rejection, in such cases as those of Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Cyprus, Namibia and the Middle East, and supported resolutions of the world Organization condemning them.
Ecuador's policy has been equally unswerving with regard to affirming the right of peoples to self-determination and independence. Our resolute anti—colonialist attitude has been clear at all times, and today we reiterate this line of conduct more particularly in the case of sorely tried Namibia. The use of force does not create rights and intervention must be prohibited in International relations.
As for outer space, Ecuador and its Government reiterate on this occasion the position they have maintained regarding the geo-stationary orbit and the frequency problem. Such resources are to be used exclusively for peaceful purposes and for the benefit of all peoples, in particular those of the developing countries, notably the equatorial countries that claim special obligations and rights over the segments of the orbit spanning their territories. Ecuador welcomed the requests to include in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly two new items relating to co-operation between the United Nations and the Organization of American States and between the United Nations and the Latin American Economic System. My country vigorously supports the inclusion of these items, since it is considers that it is high time for close collaboration to be established between the United Nations and the Organization of American States the oldest regional organization, which was a source of inspiration at the San Francisco Conference in 194 5.
Over its 42 years of existence the United Nations has had to face harsh conflicts, serious differences among its Members, overweening ambitions, ideological struggles and breaches of the peace and well-being in various parts of the world. In carrying out its activities the Organization has occasionally met with bureaucratic and financial difficulties which, starting at the previous session of the General Assembly, are being reformed and corrected. But we are also bound to acknowledge important achievements in many areas of multilateral relations
In this irreplaceable forum, angry words have been heard from time to time, but we have also listened more often to words of peace, conciliation and hope. Let the latter be the words that prevail in future, inspired by faith in the United Nations and by the peoples9 will to build a fraternal world of progress and well-being.


Comrade president, allow me to congratulate you cordially upon your election to the high office of President of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-second session. We are confident that under your able guidance the world Organization will adopt important decisions in the name of peace and the well-being of peoples.
I should like to express the confidence of my country in the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, and our readiness to extend to him, as we have done in the past, our fullest support in the discharge of his highly responsible mission.
Each session of the General Assembly brings us closer to the twenty-first century. The age in which we live and the issues which we debate have no parallel in the history of mankind. The discovery of the secrets of the atom and the consequences of outer space are the most remarkable characteristics of the unprecedented revolution sweeping science and technology today. However, to out regret, the opportunities presented by the achievements of man's genius and talents have also been used for the needs of destruction. Mankind is now simultaneously faced with the prospect of great material and spiritual progress, and with the prospect of self-destruction. Such is the tragic paradox of our nuclear and space
A distinguishing feature of the present phase is the scope and complexity of the problems confronting nations and States, as well as their interrelated and Sometimes conflicting interests. But for all its contradictions the present-day world is becoming ever more interconnected and unified. The threat of a nuclear Catastrophe that looms over us binds States and social systems together by a common fate. Radioactive death and "nuclear winter" know no boundaries, be they Geographical, State or ideological. This reality, as well as a number of other social, economic and ecological factors of global scope, have brought to the fore the necessity for new thinking and a new approach to international affairs.
Security for all, mutual trust, and common efforts to build a world free of violence and war, hunger and poverty, a world of harmony between man and nature - this is the essence of the comprehensive system of international peace and security proposed by the socialist countries. Only in this way can the problem confronting mankind today be resolved. Of course, no single State or group of States can claim to offer us a faultless model for the future. My delegation is of the view, however, that the question is one of a principled approach to the problem of the survival of mankind and the continuation of civilization. By promoting and building upon a dialogue on this question which affects all peoples and States on our planet, the General Assembly could, at the current session, fulfil an important obligation to succeeding generations.
The core o£ the problem of security in the nuclear age is undoubtedly to be found in the need to eliminate the material base for waging a war of destruction· Forty-two years after the explosions of two primitive - by today's standards - nuclear bombs, there are now over 50,000 nuclear warheads stockpiled in the world. New and even more lethal weapons of mass destruction are being developed. With each new round of the arms race, world security is being critically eroded, instead of strengthened. The spectre of an annihilating nuclear apocalypse, lurking in the agony of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, has increasingly haunted the conscience and consciousness of modern man.
At a time when close to a trillion dollars are being squandered on the production of means of destruction annually, 13 million people die of malnutrition every year. Let me recall the words of the great daughter of India, the late Indira Gandhi
"Independence and development are inseparable from disarmament and peace." My country is deeply convinced that the implementation of real disarmament measures will not only lessen the threat to human life, but will also allow more resources to be released for its betterment.
Common sense and the striving for good and creativity have never been in harmony with the philosophy and policy of violence. In keeping with the law of dialectics, the growing nuclear danger has been accompanied by a steep rise in the activity and impact of those forces that recognize the Inadmissibility, absurdity and criminal nature of nuclear war, as well as the damage done by the arms race. For a number of years now, peace and disarmament forums have been active, and talks on arms reduction and strategic stability have been under way. A turning-point in this difficult and sometimes painful process was the programme for the elimination of all weapons of mass destruction by the year 2000, put forward by the Soviet Union. It set forth a direct and realistic way towards a nuclear-free world. It was on this basis that the Reykjavik summit meeting became possible, creating opportunities for the first time to achieve truly significant progress in the field of disarmament.
The first major breakthrough could come with the removal of the medium- and shorter-range missiles of the United States and the Soviet Union. Everyone knows what a long road has been traversed. The "global double-zero" proposal has in fact cleared the road ahead of all obstacles. A few days ago the world learned with great satisfaction that the two great Powers had come to an agreement in principle to do away with these types of weapons. The peoples welcome this step as a prelude to further improvement in the international climate.
As the President of the Council of State of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Todor Zhivkov, said on this occasion: "We sincerely believe that the forthcoming signing of this treaty will not only result in the elimination of two classes of nuclear weapons for the first time in history, but will become an incentive to achieving even greater goals, ... it will have a positive effect on relations between the two States, on the East-West dialogue, on the whole international atmosphere". The elimination of the missiles of these classes would have a major political significance for the further progress of efforts in the field of real disarmament. At the same time, we should not forget that these missiles constitute only one of the components of the overall military-strategic confrontation. The next step, one of far-reaching implications, could be a 50 per cent reduction of the strategic offensive arms under conditions of strict observance of the anti-ballistic missile Treaty.
In this connection, I should like to express our firm opinion that the development and deployment of space-strike weapons offer no way out of the universally unacceptable situation of "mutual assured destruction". Not only will the work on the strategic defence initiative fail to slow the pace of nuclear rearmament, but it will start the development of qualitatively new arms, including third-generation nuclear weapons. It is obvious that such a system will be another extremely destabilizing addition to the already existing arsenals of offensive weapons. Its role is that of a trump card in efforts to obtain military superiority. That is why my country supports a universal ban on the deployment of weapons in outer space.
The Geneva Conference is called upon to play an important role in reaching agreements on the entire spectrum of key disarmament issues. A positive element in its recent work is the progress made on the question of banning chemical weapons. There are increasingly real prospects for agreement on the text of a relevant convention. The People's Republic of Bulgaria will do its utmost to assure the successful conclusion of this work. We sincerely hope that the positive resolution of this extremely important problem will not be blocked by unilateral actions aimed at chemical rearmament.
It has long been recognized that the complete cessation of nuclear-weapons tests is both an urgent need and a prerequisite for closing other channels of the arms race. Through its unilateral moratorium, which lasted for more than a year and a half, the Soviet Union has demonstrated in practice that it is ready to take immediate practical steps in this field. There is certain cause for optimism in the agreement reached at the meeting between the Foreign Ministers of the USSR and the USA, Mr. Shevardnadze and Mr. Shultz, to start bilateral talks, the final goal of which would be to achieve a general and complete prohibition of nuclear-weapons testing.
Ensuring security through disarmament is not confined only to the elimination of nuclear weapons and other means of mass destruction. It also implies the reduction of conventional armaments and armed forces to the minimum level required for defence. The Declaration of the member States of the Warsaw Treaty, adopted at Budapest, contains a realistic programme of radical measures on conventional disarmament and on the reduction of military confrontation "from the Atlantic to the Urals". We believe that the Informal consultations between the members of the Warsaw Treaty and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which began at Vienna, will develop into serious negotiations to resolve major long-term issues.
The socialist countries do not limit the system of security to the military-political area alone, but view it also as a complex of relationships encompassing the economic, social, humanitarian and ecological fields, in the final analysis, the goal of our peace initiatives is to furnish genuinely humane living conditions for nations and individuals, to preserve man as the greatest value of life and as the creator of wealth and progress.
The universal efforts designed to guarantee human rights and to promote international co-operation in the social and humanitarian fields should, as a whole, be aimed at the "humanization" of international relations, at their democratisation, and at providing moral and social guarantees for the maintenance of peace. To pave the way for all this, concerted and enduring efforts will obviously be needed to reaffirm the ideas of peace, disarmament and international security, to increase the scope of mutual knowledge and understanding and to translate the natural right of every human being to live in conditions of peace and freedom into a fundamental norm of international life.
An indispensable condition for the "humanity" of international relations and the protection of human rights as an element o£ international security is to ensure the right of every nation freely and without outside interference to determine its own future, to select its social system, to manage its natural resources and to participate in the International division of labour on an equal and just basis.
It is equally evident that in order to build a more humane and safer world it is imperative that we eradicate apartheid, racism, aggressive chauvinism, racial discrimination and religious intolerance. It is necessary to eliminate those deep-rooted social and political factors which generate massive violations of human rights. In other words, International co-operation in the humanitarian and social sphere is feasible, necessary and useful on the basis of an integrated approach to the question of human rights - collective and individual, political and socio-economic alike. We support the proposal to convene in Moscow a representative conference of the States parties to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) which would consider the full range of humanitarian questions as a unified whole, including the issues of human contacts, information, culture and education.
It is impossible to imagine a stable international system without equitable and mutually advantageous economic co-operation. It is necessary to eliminate all kinds of discrimination, to alleviate the debt burden of developing countries as much as possible and to restructure the international monetary system.
There is a universal need for concerted action to deal with the aftermath of natural disasters, to protect the environment and natural resources and to fight disease and the spread of the acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) pandemic.
No less urgent is the need for wide-ranging international co-operation to combat crime and particularly international terrorism. The People's Republic of Bulgaria reaffirms its readiness to contribute towards the co-ordination of effective measures, including those within the framework of the United Nations, to stem this ugly and dangerous phenomenon. We should further strengthen effective measures against the illicit production, trafficking in and abuse of narcotic drugs on a global scale. In this respect too, Bulgaria, which is located at a busy international crossroads, has been working diligently and unswervingly, endeavouring to protect the physical and mental health of its own citizens and of foreign nationals endangered by this scourge of modern-day civilization.
We need not mention all the spheres in which co-operation is possible. It is important to emphasize that such opportunities do exist, however, and that our use of them depends, first and foremost, on our overall readiness to take a fresh look at problems and to give up worn-out stereotypes. The question before us today is not "Who benefits from co-operation?", for the answer to that question is clear: everyone does, the whole world benefits from co-operation. The question that we must ask is "What shall we lose if we do not undertake such co-operation?" Perhaps some still delude themselves, but the answer to this question is no less unequivocal: we all risk losing everything.
Inspired by its positions of principle on the cardinal basic issues of peace, security and co-operation, the People's Republic of Bulgaria has been actively engaged in the all-European process. My country has put forward a number of specific initiatives at the Vienna meeting of the States parties to the Helsinki Conference. At this stage, the principal task of that meeting remains the transition from deliberations to the elaboration of the concrete elements of a future final document.
I should like to recall that a remarkable anniversary is soon to be commemorated by all of mankind - the seventieth anniversary of the great October socialist revolution - for it was that event which brought about a revolution in international affairs and established for the first time practical conditions for the democratisation of international relations and for peaceful coexistence.
The new political thinking that is steadily gaining support today means approaching each international problem from the standpoint of finding a generally acceptable solution to it and not viewing it only through the prism of dogma and military-strategic interests. No single State, no matter how powerful, has the right to make unilaterally decisions upon which the fate of entire countries and peoples depends. Existing conflicts should not be settled by the dictate of force. As Mikhail Gorbachev noted in his article devoted to the opening of the current session of the United Nations General Assembly; "new rules of coexistence on our unique planet are called for, in keeping with the new requirements and the changed circumstances".
Only through dialogue, responsible behaviour, sincere collective efforts and co-operation can problems be resolved wherever conflicts exist and wherever there is danger to peace and security in a particular region and throughout the world.
The situation in the Persian Gulf region is of particular concern. The bloody war between Iraq and Iran has already been raging for almost seven years and has brought untold suffering to those peoples, with both of which we have ties of friendship. The position of Bulgaria is one of principle and is consistent. The war conflicts with the interests of both countries; it provides conditions for selfish interference from outside and threatens unpredictable escalation of the crisis. As a non-permanent member of the Security Council, Bulgaria was involved in the preparation and adoption of resolution 598 (1987). The complete implementation of this resolution would be the best guarantee of a peaceful political settlement of the contentious issues. We support the Secretary-General of the United Nations in his responsible mission to find a just solution to the problem.
A comprehensive and lasting settlement of the Middle East conflict should not be delayed any longer. Reaffirming our well-known position on this question, we express our hope for the removal of the obstacles to the convening of an international conference on the Middle East with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) , as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
The hotbed of tensions in Central America persists. That is why we consider the procedure for establishing lasting peace in Central America adopted by the Presidents of the five Central American countries to be timely and necessary. The series of peace initiatives by the Contadora Group and the Support Group also play an important role in efforts to eliminate this hotbed of tension.
The People's Republic of Bulgaria calls for the immediate elimination of the disgraceful system of apartheid and the illegal occupation of Namibia r for strict implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and for the ending of the brutal aggression by Pretoria against the African States.
In close proximity to the borders of Bulgaria, the situation in Cyprus remains a source of danger to peace and security in the region. This is a classic example of aggression against and occupation and annexation of part of a sovereign country. As a Balkan State, the People's Republic of Bulgaria is keenly interested in the attainment of a just and lasting settlement of the question of Cyprus. The way out of the existing situation is offered by the proposal to convene an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations. The internal aspects of the problem must obviously be dealt with by peaceful means, including negotiations, taking into account the legitimate interests of the indigenous population of Cyprus and the integrity, sovereignty and non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus.
The People's Republic of Bulgaria supports the constructive policy of the Afghan Government, which is aimed at restoring peace in the interests of an independent, non-aligned Afghanistan. We believe that the policy of national reconciliation in Kampuchea is in the best interests of the people of that country. The People's Republic of Bulgaria supports the initiatives in favour of the peaceful and democratic reunification of Korea, as well as the proposal of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to declare the Korean peninsula a nuclear-weapon-free zone.
It is stated in the Charter of the United Nations and confirmed by practice in international affairs that regional security is an important ingredient of overall international security. In this connection 1 should like to emphasize the particular importance we attach to the situation in the Balkans. The People's Republic of Bulgaria is working with determination to strengthen the positive trends in relations among the Balkan States and to establish confidence and good-neighbourly relations in our region. The proposal of the People's Republic of Bulgaria that bilateral agreements be concluded containing a code of good-neighbourly relations, renunciation of territorial claims and provisions concerning the non-use of the territory of one country for hostile purposes against another and its other initiatives in the area of bilateral and multilateral co-operation are all well known. Equally well known is our idea that, as a first step in that direction, bilateral agreements on the non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes that endanger peace and security should be concluded.
The People's Republic of Bulgaria is a principled and steadfast proponent of the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones. We are profoundly and firmly convinced that the transformation of the Balkan peninsula into a zone free of nuclear and chemical weapons would contribute to improving the climate in the region, in Europe and in the world, and that it would be fully in the interests of the Balkan peoples. We are making every practical effort to this end. We have also proposed that the Balkan States conclude an agreement on the ecological protection of the peninsula and are ready to take practical steps in that direction
The United Nations has been entrusted with the unique mission of maintaining peace and security. We cannot conceive of the present-day structure of international relations and their peaceful development without the crucial contribution of the United Nations· Nor can we imagine that the major global problems ranging from disarmament to humanitarian issues could be resolved without its involvement. Bulgaria has always supported and will continue to support the activities of the world Organization and strive to contribute to the best of its ability to the strengthening of its effectiveness.
The foreign policy of the People's Republic of Bulgaria which is shaped by the highest national interests of our people and the nature of our socialist system, fully reflects the dynamic processes of thorough restructuring and accelerated growth which are under way in our country today. I have in mind the increasing effectiveness of our national economy r the growing democratisation of our social and political life and the radical improvement in the living and cultural standards of our people. We openly discuss our concerns and problems with the rest of the world, we offer our sincere help wherever we can help and we welcome the co-operation of those more experienced and advanced than we are.
Our internal reforms provide new, propitious opportunities for the international activities of our country and facilitate more active co-operation with our partners at all levels and in all fields. As I have already mentioned, the principal aim of that co-operation is to promote in every possible way friendly ties with all countries, in the name of peace, security and the free and independent development of peoples, and of the prosperity and progress of mankind.
I reaffirm that the People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue to pursue its policy unwaveringly, a policy which is in harmony with the purposes and principles of the United Nations.


It is a great honour for me to speak in this Assembly on behalf of my country, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau,
Sir, the delegation of Guinea-Bissau, which is familiar with your many qualities and talents, takes special pleasure in congratulating you on your unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. This is particularly the case because your country, the German Democratic Republic, with which Guinea-Bissau enjoys relations of friendship and co-operation, has always made a positive contribution to the strengthening and consolidation of the role of the Organization, You may rest assured, therefore, that our delegation will not spare its efforts to co-operate with you. I should also like to extend to your predecessor, Mr. Choudhury, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, my country's gratitude for his distinguished services to the international community during his term of office.
On behalf of the Government of Guinea-Bissau, I should also like to pay a tribute to Mr. Perez de Cuellar and to express to him our gratitude for his vigorous and tireless work at the head of the Organization. Since his election six years ago the Secretary-General has accustomed us to concrete, courageous and intelligent deeds. Our delegation would like to extend to him once again its support in the restructuring of the Secretariat with a view to strengthening the Organization's ability better to respond to the problems facing it.
In this connection, I welcome the appointment of Ambassador Reed as Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs, and I should like to express to him once again my feelings of friendship and to extend to him my warm wishes for success.
The agreement in principle with regard to the elimination of intermediate-range missiles reached by the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as well as the announcement of an autumn summit meeting, have raised fresh hopes within the international community.
All of us regard this as the fruit of an earnest desire on the part of the super-Powers to pursue their negotiations successfully and to find grounds therein to encourage them to continue their efforts to arrive at a better understanding and enable them, sooner rather than later, to engage in additional, concrete, complementary and necessary actions to achieve general and complete disarmament. Indeed, disarmament remains the paramount objective, an absolute imperative towards which all States, large, medium-sized or small, must strive with conviction and determination. The International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, which concluded its work here only a few weeks ago, highlighted the advantages of more rational utilization of the planet's resources. Indeed, while it is true that every State has the right to take the measures needed to ensure its own defence, nothing can justify over-armament, the cost of which is matched only by its absurdity.

In a world in which the interdependence of peoples is a tangible reality and we all feel both its good and its ill effects, it would be wrong, even harmful, for any country, large or small, to disregard the existence and conditions of life of other peoples, because security is a collective concept which embraces both individual and collective responsibilities.
Most of the problems facing mankind stem from existing disparities, the injustice that still prevails in the world, the intolerance regarding certain cultures and religious beliefs and the failure to respect individual and collective freedoms in many countries.
Today we can only watch helplessly the decline in moral values, which are, however, the very basis of all human society. The use of drugs by a growing number of young people is one of the most tragic aspects of this. My country welcomes the results of the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, held recently in Vienna, and is determined to play its part in the great international offensive against that scourge.
Many countries are now facing such difficulties that their peoples have to struggle furiously simply to survive. The adoption by the Governments concerned of sometimes draconian measures to contain and control the situation has not yet yielded the desired improvements. The world economy continues to be characterized by an unprecedented structural crisis, with rare exceptions, growth has remained slow in developing countries, where the volume of exports remains limited if indeed it has not fallen dramatically.
Thus, in Africa, a continent assailed by drought and prey to other natural calamities as unforeseeable as they are disastrous, tremendous efforts have been made to improve the standard of living of the peoples. Important reforms have been undertaken in most African States, including Guinea-Bissau, where vast restructuring has been completed with a view to stabilizing the macro-economic environment. A programme of structural adjustment is under way which embraces, among other things, trade reforms to balance incentives in favour of exports, the adoption of a more realistic rate of exchange and appropriate measures to reduce the budget deficit.
But all these reforms, the success of which requires additional sacrifices on the part of our peoples  may be in vain if the international economic situation does not change. The developing countries are now facing the progressive decline in the prices of commodities and the rise of protectionism. This situation has caused them considerable losses and seriously jeopardizes their development efforts. If international trade prospects do not improve, stagnation, if not actual economic decline, is liable to ensue in those countries. We must therefore prevent the multilateral trade system from continuing to decline. But existing imbalances can be eliminated only if current financial flows are reversed to take into account the real ability of developing countries to face the difficult problem of indebtedness.
The seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) enabled the international community to make progress on a number of the items that we have mentioned. The final Act of that Conference, which was adopted by consensus, takes into account both the complexity of the debt crisis and the need for the reforms undertaken by debtor countries to be accompanied by an additional input of financial resources on liberal terms. The proposals made by the African Governors at the annual assembly of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which concluded its work last week in Washington, stem from the same analysis and are designed to meet the same concerns.
As economic theory and the facts show, merely balancing the books does not necessarily mean progress in terms of development. The social and cultural aspect of development must be at the very centre of our concerns, dominate our analyses and underlie the adoption of appropriate measures to promote the progress of our peoples. The interdependence of various world problems from the economic and political standpoint make it incumbent upon us to avoid confrontation and seek harmony through dialogue and common endeavour.
Our delegation shares the concern expressed by the Secretary-General in his masterly report and endorses his conclusions as to the grave risks inherent in the current conflicts.
All the countries represented recognize that there has been no substantial progress towards solving many of the problems affecting the international community. Indeed, in spite of declarations of intent and the many protestations of good faith, the international situation remains precarious and millions of human beings throughout the world continue to be victims of the horrors of war and repression.
In southern Africa, the apartheid regime persists in its policy of domination and racial discrimination, in spite of universal condemnation. The majority of the South African people remain victims of an abominable political system and are exiles in their own country, where the right to exist and live in full dignity is denied them. The racist regime of South Africa has become a master of the art of evasiveness and provocation and is stepping up its delaying tactics and acts of intimidation against its neighbours to delay the independence of Namibia. It has resorted to a whole range of subterfuges and promulgated a series of repressive laws with the cynical idea of breaking the ranks of the South African militants and weakening their liberation movement. The South African people who continue to languish in the apartheid gaols expect practical action from the international community that will bring about the necessary changes more rapidly. They demand the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners, and in particular Nelson Mandela.
There are countries among us that have the necessary political power, the essential economic and cultural influence and the clear historical moral obligation to play without further delay the role incumbent upon them to achieve the desired end. My country urges them to do this and follows with interest the positive developments under way in some of those countries.
Apartheid must be combated by all. On this question more than on any other, the international community must unite, organize and take action to wipe that odious system from the face of the earth.
The southern African liberation movements must be supported and encouraged in their legitimate struggle, as must the front-line countries, Angola and Mozambique in particular, which are the victims of continuous acts of aggression and destabilization by South Africa. The African National Congress (ANC) has demonstrated to those that might still have doubts its maturity and political intentions and that it is led by responsible people who are aware of and anxious to preserve the equality in law of all South Africans without distinction. The independence of Namibia can be brought about within the desired time-frame only if the necessary pressures are exerted on South Africa and it' all Member States give the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) the constant, resolute support merited by the justice of its cause.
Guinea-Bissau, faithful to its recent past and to the principles of freedom and democracy, will continue to support actively and in solidarity the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa for their right to dignity. Still in Africa, but closer to Guinea-Bissau, there is the question of Western Sahara and the conflict between Chad and Libya. The persistence of these two crisis situations is a cause of concern to all Africans, who for many years now have spared no effort to bring about peaceful solutions on the basis of the principles in the charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the United Nations Charter and other relevant international juridical instruments.
Guinea-Bissau, which has always made dialogue one of the instruments of its foreign policy, will continue to support the efforts of the OAU to bring about a settlement of the conflict between Chad and Libya, two countries which we regard as brothers and friends. As In the past, we shall fully support the joint initiatives of the Secretary-General and the current Chairman of the OAU to organize as soon as possible, on the basis of the relevant resolutions of the two Organizations, a referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara.
For many years now, we have deplored the persistence of the conflict in the Middle East, the consequences of which are not any longer confined to that region. We therefore believe that the convening of an International conference on the Middle East is necessary and could help to promote the establishment of peace and justice in the area. However, if it is to succeed, that conference must take into account the Interests of all the parties concerned, and in particular, the participation on an equal footing of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole, authentic representative of the Palestinian people.
The Middle East conflict has assumed such proportions that it has now engulfed Lebanon, whose very existence Is now threatened. On behalf of my country, I reiterate our support for the Lebanese people in its struggle to defend its Independence, national sovereignty, territorial Integrity and cultural and religious heritage. In spite of the persistent efforts of the international community, the conflict between Iran and Iraq continues to worsen. Several leading personalities, Governments and international organizations, including the organization of the Islamic Conference, have tried in vain to use their good offices to help bring to an end that fratricidal war, which is becoming increasingly internationalised. The Persian Gulf has become a veritable powder keg where any mistake could lead to a conflagration with, to say the least, unforeseeable consequences. Understanding of this fact by the members of the Security Council led to the unanimous adoption of resolution 598 (1987), which constitutes an important step towards a negotiated solution to the conflict.
On behalf of United-Bissau and in a brotherly spirit, I reiterate our appeal to Iran and Iraq to co-operate fully in this endeavour. With regard to Central America, we are encouraged by the positive development of the situation, particularly through the signing of the Guatemala agreement between the Heads of State of the region. This new and important achievement, while confirming the virtues of dialogue inherent in the peoples of Latin America, clearly demonstrates their determination and ability to resolve their problems for themselves. So we must encourage them to persevere in total independence in the wise direction that they have taken, which is in keeping with their aspirations.
The right to self-determination is a hallowed principle of our Organization.
That is why I invoke it to defend the right of the people of East Timor to live in freedom and in the way it wishes. For more than a decade now it has been denied that right, in the tragic circumstances with which we are all familiar, East Timor cannot and must not be an exception to the cardinal principles laid down in the Charter. The United Nations and, in particular, Portugal, the legal Administering Authority, can and must discharge their responsibilities so as to bring that Territory, in the conditions provided for in the relevant United Nations resolutions, to the full exercise of its right to self-determination and independence.
Similarly, we wish to see the Korean people realize by means of constructive dialogue and in full independence its aspiration to reunification of its country. We hope that the two parties concerned will show the political will necessary to achieve this and we encourage them to continue their efforts.
In Kampuchea and Afghanistan, the initiatives taken so far have not yet yielded the desired results. We hope that the efforts of the Secretary-General will be met with a sincere desire on the part of the countries of the region to solve their disputes by negotiation. My country will continue to support the efforts of the international community to bring about a solution that takes account of the principles of the Charter and respect the non-aligned status of the two countries and their sovereign right freely to choose their political system and their course of social and economic development.
Similarly, we support the efforts of the international community to preserve the independence, national sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Cyprus, where the two communities must be able to live in peace and harmony.
The rapid survey that I have just undertaken, although it has taken in many parts of the world, is not exhaustive and the list of questions that I have mentioned is far from complete. Nevertheless, I shall bring my statement to an end.
The international political situation remains precarious because little progress has been made towards achieving respect for the right of peoples to live in freedom, with full enjoyment of their civil and political rights. This is particularly true in Namibia and South Africa, where the inhuman apartheid regime persists.
In spite of the efforts of the international community and the good offices of the Secretary-General, serious conflicts continue to threaten international peace and security. The war between Iran and Iraq is assuming ever more alarming proportions. In the Middle East the peoples concerns have not yet seen their hopes fulfilled and the prospects of peace are still remote. The questions of Western Sahara, Kampuchea, Afghanistan and Cyprus, among others, remain items on our agenda, no solutions having been found.
The world economic situation remains critical and the debt crisis is threatening the development of many countries, particularly in Africa and Latin America.
Tensions, conflicts, terrorism, the economic crisis, the moral and political crisis and indebtedness are among the major obstacles to the establishment of world peace and the major challenges facing the international community. Solution of the grave problems facing humanity is in many cases difficult. Many attempts are made to achieve settlement but they are constantly frustrated by misunderstanding and intransigence. As we have said, dialogue and trust among nations must be restored if today we want to succeed where confrontation and distrust caused us to fail yesterday. The peoples of the world are entitled to hope that their dreams will come true and it is the duty of the Governments that we represent here to act to that end.
My country, Guinea-Bissau, on the oasis of the fundamental principles which have always guided its non-aligned policy of friendship and co-operation with all States, will do everything in its power to make a positive contribution to the efforts of the international community to restore a climate of peace to the world and to strengthen international co-operation, in the real interests of our respective peoples. Our confidence in a better future remains, none the less, unshakeable, for we continue to believe in the genius of man, a genius which has made it possible to bring about the fantastic progress of the world today and the conquest of new domains. We continue to believe, therefore, in the genius of man and in his capacity to overcome all obstacles facing him, provided the will exists. I believe
and I trust that we shall succeed in mustering that will, which is still lacking.


On behalf of the people and the Government of Barbados I offer you sincerest congratulations. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-second session.
We also wish to commend your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury of the Republic of Bangladesh, for his deft and elegant execution of the presidency at the forty-first session. His approach and his success are timely reminders that the effectiveness of this Organization resides not in the size of the material store of its Member States but rather in the quality and capabilities of their citizens.
We must express our appreciation to you, Mr. Secretary-General, for your steadfast stewardship in remaining at your post to steer the United Nations through this period of unprecedented financial and political peril. Yours is not an easy job, but we have every confidence in your commitment to the integrity of multilateralism and to the survival of the United Nations.
Permit me to take this opportunity to pay a brief tribute to a statesman who in the normal course of events would have been standing here today. The late Errol Barrow was a man who had limitless faith in the purpose of this Organization and a clear recognition of its importance for small States.
Errol Barrow's was the gift of a comprehensive grasp of history, from which evolved a remarkable foresight. Within five years of his assuming control of government, the foundation of Barbados1 independence had been laid. His was a vision nurtured in but not confined to the politics of Barbados. He spent his political life promoting and exhorting others in the Caribbean to pursue the goals of self-reliance and political non-alignment# which he regarded as pre-eminent in a world wracked by ideological conflicts.
His charge to Barbadians that they be "friends of all, satellites of none" underscored a conviction that modern history had given to the new and emerging States of the world a specific role in international relations. Let me express the deep gratitude of all Barbadians for the universal sympathy extended to us on Prime Minister Barrow1 s passing.
On 1 July this year, I addressed the plenary session or the Caribbean Community Heads of Government meeting in Castries, St. Lucia, and took the opportunity to articulate the principles on which Barbados' foreign policy would be predicated
They are simply these: recognition of the right to equality of all States in the international community and, in particular, the right of small States to conduct their relations without being bullied or harassed by richer and more powerful States; the preservation and protection of national independence, national sovereignty and national security; the pursuit, protection and development of national resources and national economic interests; resistance to the penetration of our culture and way of life by alien ideologies which do not respect fundamental rights, moral values the rule of law and a greater measure of equality in social and economic life collaboration with countries in the region and beyond, in working for peace and justice and for a new social, political and economic order and repudiation of all forms of racism, apartheid, colonialism, hegemonism, tutelage and imperialism.
Having declared these principles, I should like to examine a few questions often raised about the politics of small island States. Why should a tiny island like Barbados, with few resources, enjoy national sovereignty? Can such a small State, having gained its independence, contribute anything to the international community? Will such a small State become a burden to the large and powerful States?
My answer to the first question is both brief and self-evident. Barbados, a mini-State, sought to achieve national sovereignty because, for Barbadians, national sovereignty is the most natural condition of a people's existence. We hold that it is not independence and national sovereignty that need justification. Rather, it is the condition of dependence and suggestion - whether it be colonialism, imperialism, hegemonism or any of the several modern "isms" used to describe a system in which the conditions of existence of one people hinge on those of another.
Therefore, when we assert that no one can manage our own affairs better than we can, we are doing more than voicing an opinion: we are stating a philosophical principle - that freedom to determine their own destiny is the birthright of all people.
On 30 November 1987 Barbados will celebrate the twenty-first anniversary of the attainment of sovereign independence. Our experience during those 21 years has confirmed that what Barbadians believed in principle has proved in practice to be effective. With few resources and a capacity for hard work we have been able to transform what was a poor, one-crop economy into a thriving centre of diversified economic activity that affords our people a vastly improved standard of living.
We have created a political system of social democracy in which the talents and enterprise of individuals are allowed free play and in which people are assured of health care, education, housing and working conditions as basic rights not subject to market-place negotiation. Moreover, that system is Institutionalised within a legal framework that guarantees the rights and freedoms of all citizens.
But national sovereignty must signify more than the right to manage one's domestic affairs· The exercise of national sovereignty must encompass the right, the capacity and the will to manage one's relations with other nation States, free from all forms of external coercion, inhibition and interference· I am therefore distressed to note that many small States represented in this Organization have frequently found themselves the target of ill-conceived and lightly considered criticism ever since their emergence from colonialism·
This leads me to my second question  Can a small State contribute anything of value to the international community? The answer to that question is equally obvious to Barbadians, for we contend that small States can and do make valuable contributions to the international community. Indeed, the international community as we perceive it today owes its very survival to the small States of this world.
Large and powerful States often succumb to the illusion that they can forgo multilateral diplomacy that they can dispense with international co-operation, that they can rely on "balance of power", "spheres of influence" and "alliances" to protect and promote their national Interests abroad.
Small States, on the other hand, cannot court self-delusion. They must be active participants in the international community. They must be steadfast practitioners of international co-operation. They must be vigorous exponents of multilateral diplomacy and firm supporters of international organizations.
Small States, therefore, have a significant responsibility in this regard. And it is precisely because we are aware of that responsibility that the Government of Barbados rededicates itself to working assiduously for the continued evolution of an international system of multinational diplomacy for peace, development and the security of human rights. For peace cannot be the brokered result of power. While this might have been possible in a pre-democratic age, in today's enlightened world a peace that does not satisfy people's demand for freedom, justice and development will hardly be lasting.
In Barbados we see a logical connection between disarmament and peace. We believe that if resources now devoted to destruction were deployed to meet the teal needs of our people many of the causes of conflict and the guest for weaponry would not arise. In this connection, we should like to record our commendation of the efforts of the super-Powers to reach an arms limitation agreement. However, we concur in the dictum of the Brandt Commission that arms limitation arrangements cannot replace disarmament.
Barbados is a vigorous exponent of true and genuine non-alignment and a faithful adherent of that movement and its principles. We believe that the prospects for peace may be enhanced if small States refrain from engaging in conflicts whose origins are often alien to the interests of their peoples or their national priorities. We believe that, such prospects would be fortified if major States devoted their influence and capabilities to assisting small States in finding productive avenues for national development. We are convinced that such assistance would substantially reduce those tensions which propel small States into local and fratricidal conflicts which devastate their vital human and material potential·
Accordingly, Barbados was quick to welcome the signing two months ago of a plan designed to bring peace to Central America· This Organization and all peace-loving nations must commend highly the five Central American Presidents who were involved in that initiative. Barbados especially commends the Government of Costa Rica for spearheading this latest development in search of harmony in the region - a process nurtured by the painstaking diplomacy of the Contadora and Support Groups of countries.
It is our wish that similar approaches could prevail in the Middle East, the Korean peninsula, Kampuchea, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Barbados believes that the concept of development has many components; economic advancement, the attainment of greater human dignity, security, justice and equality. Strategies for development may differ among States, but it is widely agreed that, without appropriate regard for the interdependence which links all States, no strategy, however well-devised, will have much scope for success.
Some small States see multinational co-operation, quite correctly in my view, as the most important means of preserving and enhancing their sovereignty: that is, preserving sovereignty from excessive dependence on powerful bilateral partners and enhancing it by allowing small States to achieve collectively what individually lies beyond their resources  It is for this reason that small States must foster the establishment, growth and continued stability of all forms of multilateral partnership and co-operation.
We in the Caribbean have drawn clear lessons from our efforts at functional integration under the umbrella of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). Now in its thirteenth year, this regional body has given the Caribbean people an efficient mechanism for the expression of their highly developed sense of regional unity and identity and for the attainment of common economic and political goals.
Barbados has derived similar satisfaction from its membership of the organization of American States, in which our wider loyalties as a hemispheric people are encouraged and strengthened. We welcome the opportunity offered us by the amendment to the Cartagena Protocol to demonstrate further our commitment to sovereignty and solidarity in the region. The past 21 years have brought with them significant economic transformation in Barbados. We take pride in this achievement, but we are mindful of the fact that our performance might have been far different had it not been for the support and co-operation developed through the United Nations system.
Barbados remains committed to working for the implementation of both North-South and South-South international co-operation. The biggest impediment, in this regard, however, remains the global debt crisis in which the third world is entrapped. We are persuaded that the solution of this crisis may be found in commitment to partnership between developed and developing countries. The long-term solution to the debt problem, as I see it, will require a new orientation to the concept of international trade, bearing in mind that small countries, and especially small States, are heavily dependent on an orderly and fair system of international trade for their economic stability. The Barbados Government will continue to make every effort, both at the regional and at the global levels, to co-operate with other States to ensure that such a system prevails. At stake lies the very survival of our people.
Our efforts will be no less unstinting in the general area of human rights. Barbados stands among States that pledge themselves to the promotion of all human, civil and political rights and freedoms, among them the right to personal property and protection from slavery and enforced labour? Freedom of expression, assembly and association; and freedom of movement and protection from discrimination on the grounds of race, place of origin, political opinion, colour, creed or sex, subject to respect for the rights and freedoms of others and the public interest. We also pledge ourselves, within the limits of our resources, to promote the economic rights of citizens which enhance the quality of life for individuals and families.
The year 1987 carries yet another symbol for the people of Barbados· The social and political foundations of what we may regard as modern Barbados were established by certain events which occurred some 50 years ago, in July 1937.
Barbados was one of several countries in the Caribbean whose inhabitants confronted in the 1930s a declining colonial regime whose modes of governance were not sufficiently responsive to the interests and aspirations of the Caribbean masses. The masses revolted. It is against this historical background that the people of Barbados repudiate the violations of human rights that continue to besmirch our world.
We are aware that there are those who ask: Why does the Government, or indeed the General Assembly of the United Nations itself/ make such a fuss about apartheid in South Africa when violations of human rights are committed elsewhere in the world without attracting quite the same attention? The answer is simple: We condemn apartheid and its perpetrators because it is a systematized, institutionalised and governmentally sanctioned abomination, and just as the United Nations was formed out of the tumult and bloody conflict of the Second World War to ensure that such an abomination may not be repeated, so too the United Nations must have as its highest priority the elimination of apartheid.
We believe that apartheid owes its survival in part to the weakening of international commitment to clear concepts of the rights of mankind. We have wavered when we ought to have been forthright. Too often have the issues of human rights been viewed through the screen of ideological concern. Too often have they been subordinated to perceived national interests.
I have sought to indicate some of the principles which underpin the foreign policy of the Government of Barbados. We are a small nation, but our size has in no way impinged upon our capacity to differentiate between human rights and human wrongs.
As we in Barbados prepare to mark our coming of age as a member of this body, we look forward to even greater participation in its several councils and agencies. And as I conclude, I wish to suggest that greater participation by small States in the management of the Organization will not be an achievement for small States only, it will be, above all, an accomplishment for the United Nations. It is only when such participation becomes commonplace that the United Nations will have reached its own maturity and the promise of San Francisco will have been fulfilled.
We in Barbados look forward to continuing the excellent relations we have enjoyed with the United Nations. We pledge ourselves to continue to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter. We affirm our belief that men and institutions are free only when freedom is founded upon respect for the rule of law and respect for moral and spiritual values. We declare our intention to assist in maintaining a society and an international community in which all persons and nations, great and small, may make their just contribution to the welfare of all mankind.