Mr. President, it is a distinct pleasure on this opening day of the general debate to welcome you to your high office and to congratulate you on the distinction which your devoted national service and your country's contribution to the affairs of the international community have earned for you personally and for Poland, and to pledge to you the support of my delegation as, throughout this session, you guide the deliberations of the Assembly with wisdom and fairness.
101.	As I do so, Mr. President, may I join in the tributes already paid to your distinguished predecessor, the Foreign Minister of Indonesia, Mr. Adam Malik, for the standards of excellence which characterized the discharge of his responsibilities during the last session. It is a source of particular satisfaction to the Government and people of Guyana that we should have been able to welcome him to our country before the twenty-seventh session began. This Organization and the international community stand greatly indebted to Mr. Malik for the service he has given in so many ways over several years of personal contribution, but most especially, of course, in respect of his work as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
102.	May I also be permitted, in these early hours of the twenty-seventh session, to convey to our distinguished Secretary-General the congratulations of the Government and people of Guyana, and my personal congratulations, on his elevation to the high and exacting office to which he was elected in the closing moments of the twenty-sixth session. I wish to assure him that he may look with certainty to Guyana for all such assistance and support as is within our power to give, in all his efforts to uphold the principles of the Charter and to secure for an impatient world the attainment of the aims and objectives of the Organization.
103.	The commencement of each new session of this Assembly is, in effect, a renewal of the pledge made by the peoples of the world on the establishment of the United Nations. That pledge, as embodied in the Charter, and the promise of a better world which it implied, are as relevant and as valid today as they were in 1945. Each session of this Assembly is, therefore, both an occasion of commitment and an occasion of opportunity. The fact that so many of the leaders of the world will participate in this general debate should be sufficient testimony to our commitment and to our determination to use the opportunities of the session to advance the objectives of the Organization.
104.	But it would be idle to pretend that this is how we are seen by the vast majority of those of the world's people who take an interest in our proceedings. The level of their skepticism is the measure of our annual failures. How to reduce that level, how to redress those failures, how to match our performance to our protestations is the real challenge of each Assembly. Unless we accept that challenge squarely, we shall in this Assembly still further diminish the chances of success which attend not only our own efforts here but those of all other organs of the United Nations, of the Secretary-General and his officers, of the specialized agencies, of the Security Council itself.
105.	It is, therefore, to these wider perspectives of commitment and of opportunity that I invite attention, rather than to the particular issues with which the Assembly and its Committees will be concerned in the months ahead. To the resolution of these issues my delegation will, in due course, offer the modest contribution of a small State, informed by the considerations of principle which I shall attempt to outline.
106.	It is perhaps in the nature of man that resolution diminishes as urgency recedes. Had it been otherwise, the determination to ensure a regime of peace, of justice and of progress in the world which was the genesis of this Organization would have been sustained long after the scourge of war and the untold sorrow it had brought to mankind had passed. If, indeed, it be so-and the record of this Organization's work, despite its many notable achievements, all too readily bears witness that it is there is a manifest need for each Assembly to be alerted to the several scourges that still darken the prospect of a peaceful, just and habitable world.
107.	But merely to chronicle these deficiencies and imperfections, these dangers and uncertainties, is not enough; for does not their very existence signify the complacency and indeed the indifference of a world in which those who exercise the power of decision-making or control the means of implementation are willing to make an accommodation with them? Can there be hope of sustained resolution, therefore, can there be expectation that professed commitment will be translated into durable reality, so long as the acknowledged crisis in international affairs does not threaten imminent national disaster, or at least imminent national disaster for the major Powers? If there is, indeed, a possibility that the answer can be yes that resolution may be sustained, that commitment may be fulfilled-that possibility would seem to lie in the emergence of some consciousness of global need, of which mankind otherwise becomes possessed.
108.	In the area of human consciousness, developments unfold slowly. Indeed, it is sometimes difficult to be sure when ideas nurtured slowly emerge fully into the consciousness of men. It is just possible, however, that within our own time we may be seeing the emergence of an idea which has hitherto appeared only as a hint or a glimmer of truth but which possesses the potential of moving mankind with a new resolution and a revived urgency.
109.	In its beginnings, the current perception that the preservation of tire environment must be tire concern of all mankind derived from the perception of the developed States that the pollution which accompanies their major industries can endanger and irretrievably damage life- support systems of air, land and water on our planet Earth. Out of this perception there has emerged, principally but not exclusively in the developed world, a growing concern over disturbances to the ecological balance of the biosphere and a new awareness of the finiteness of the world's resources of ocean, atmosphere and land, a concern and an awareness which are beginning to exert an influence on matters that affect the peace of the world and the quality of life on earth. We are, in fact, witnessing the birth of a new sense of community between man and the other life forms, a sense of belonging to and living together on a small planetary body whose limited resources are the heritage of all life.
110.	Few will doubt that this insight marks a further advance in man's development. It would greatly diminish that advance, however-indeed, it might altogether frustrate it-if this perception of the interdependence of life is held at the level of concern from which it derived and its deeper implications for man's relationship with man are not acknowledged and pursued. The belief that the acknowledgment and pursuit of these implications are unavoidable, the recognition that it would be futile to develop a planetary strategy based on the unity of man with other life forms while ignoring those factors of inequality that frustrate and destroy the unity of mankind, and those realities of tension and conflict that impair the quality and threaten the existence of human life itself-each is reason enough to hope that we may be at a point of special significance in the evolution of international community effort.
111.	The Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment sustains this hope by its implicit acceptance that the physical interdependence of all people requires new dimensions of economic, social and political interdependence; by its express proclamation of man's "fundamental right to freedom, equality and adequate conditions of life in an environment of a quality that permits a life of dignity and well-being";  by its demand that "policies promoting or perpetuating apartheid, racial segregation, discrimination, colonial and other forms of oppression and foreign domination stand condemned and must be eliminated"; by its acknowledgment that environmental problems are products not merely of industrial development but of under-development, that, for the developing countries, their development must be a priority bearing in mind the need to safeguard and improve the environment and that, for the same purpose, the industrialized countries should make efforts to reduce the gap between themselves and the developing world.
112.	These particular asseverations and exhortations are, of course, not new. They stand inscribed in many an international convention for which this Organization itself has been responsible. What is new is that they now stand inscribed as concomitant features of a program for human survival, a program inspired by the desperate understanding that "to defend and improve the human environment for present and future generations has become an imperative goal for mankind" a program that derives from mutual need and demands the reciprocal efforts of all States and peoples.
113.	It needs to be appreciated that in the developing world this concept of mutuality is of paramount importance in any assessment of these developments. programs for the preservation of the human environment deriving mainly from abuses of the environment by the developed countries will stand little chance of universal respect, and therefore of success, unless conceived in terms which acknowledge the new dimensions of economic, social and political interdependence.
114.	In moving, therefore, to a new level of planetary consultation it is essential that there be kept on the agenda all items that bear upon the quality of human life, so that the full resources of the planetary community are brought to their resolution. It may have been arguable that some of these matters were outside the purview of the Stockholm Conference. They cannot be outside the purview of this Assembly; nor can they be other than directly relevant to that wider concept of environment to which I have referred and which is already a part of our contemporary thought.
115.	Let us acknowledge, for example, that not only have the agents of apartheid and racial discrimination in southern Africa resorted to deliberate destruction of the natural environment but the system itself is built on the denial to some men of what is in fact the natural heritage of all mankind: the right to a life of dignity in freedom and equality. Is it conceivable that one can develop a planetary strategy on the basis of respect for other life when human life itself is subjected to such systematized maltreatment? Racism, whatever form it takes, whether openly defiant or in masquerade, whoever its proponents and whoever its victims, pollutes and contaminates the human environment and deserves universal condemnation as it requires universal redress.
116.	And while we ponder man's inhumanities in southern Africa, let us not ignore, or by silence appear to condone, those other abuses of the human personality that have in recent times brought concern and distress to all who labor in the vineyard of international brotherhood. A year ago, from this podium, I suggested, in relation to other cruel and indifferent onslaughts on human dignity:
". . that gross violations of human rights wherever they occur in the world are the legitimate concern of the international community; and that matters cease to be essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of a State when they give rise to humanitarian issues of such magnitude that the international community must of necessity grapple with them" [1943rd meeting, para. 139.J
117.	These considerations are as apposite now as then, and my Government has already assured the Secretary-General of support for his efforts to secure a humanitarian approach to the problems of human despair and dislocation in the troubled land of Uganda-problems, let it be acknowledged, which had their beginnings in colonialism. Mindful of the character of our State as a land of many peoples, my Government has likewise indicated its willingness to render such assistance as the circumstances of a small and developing State will permit to those who may be threatened with the terrifying prospect of statelessness.
118.	In indoChina, for more than a generation, its people and their environment have been subjected to the prolonged devastation of war-a war which is protracted in response to the power rivalries of external forces. The human environment is not divisible. We cannot secure its preservation in Stockholm if we allow its devastation in Viet-Nam. The ending of conflict in IndoChina is the concern of all men, and the international community, and this Organization in particular, have both a right and a duty to exert an influence in securing it.
119.	And how do we interpret the concept of "an environment of a quality that permits a life of dignity and well-being" to the people of Palestine who have been dispossessed of environment itself? As we rightly condemn an international terrorism that strikes indiscriminately at innocent youth and makes the postal authorities of 'the world unconscious messengers of death, let us not forget for it is to the account of all mankind the bitterness and despair arising from deprivation of homeland that lie behind such desperate and abhorrent acts.
120.	As we respond to the Secretary-General's proposal to search at this twenty-seventh session for solutions to these problems, let us not believe that we can achieve durable results while ignoring those root-causes that produce them or delude ourselves with formulations that bury those causes still deeper in calculated ambiguity.
121.	We cannot afford such delusion; for, suddenly, the world has grown smaller, so that there is no here and beyond, no island of tranquility in a sea of turbulence, no peace anywhere while despair stalks the planet. Are these realities of our time not also an aspect of that perception of interdependence which the concept of environment has sharpened; and should we not begin as a planetary community to accept and to deal with them on these terms? When we do, it may perhaps become easier to recognize that each time the Security Council, through threat or use of the reciprocal veto, fails to discharge its primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security we increase still further the frustrations that impel both indiscriminate political violence and no less indiscriminate retaliation; for each such failure still further reduces credibility in the effectiveness of the United Nations and therefore of collective international opinion. The effectiveness of both is essential to global survival.
122.	Similar considerations must inform the effort to redress the difference in levels of economic development. It is a sad commentary on our contemporary internationalism that the Stockholm Conference and the third session of UNCTAD could have been events on the international calendar of the same year. The emphasis placed during the debate at Stockholm on
". .. the fact that for two thirds of the world's population the human environment was dominated by poverty, malnutrition, illiteracy and misery, and that the urgent task facing mankind was to solve those immediate and formidable problems .. ."
was reflected in the Declaration itself, which acknowledged that
"Environmental deficiencies generated by the conditions of under-development... can best be remedied by accelerated development through the transfer of substantial quantities of financial and technological assistance as a supplement to the domestic effort of the developing countries. .. ."
The Declaration acknowledged also that:
"For the developing countries, stability of prices and adequate earnings for primary commodities and raw material are essential to environmental management since economic factors as well as ecological processes must be taken into account."13
But these very truths, so candidly acknowledged at Stockholm, had a few weeks earlier failed to produce commitments at Santiago.
123.	What is needed is prompt, translation of such acknowledgments into tangible commitments and early fulfillment of these commitments and of obligations that already exist under the International Development Strategy. And this movement from acknowledgment to fulfillment must cover the whole field of international economic co-operation.
124.	It must be evidenced, for example, in the forthcoming trade negotiations in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GAIT] so that at both procedural and substantive levels there is a substantial and continuing improvement in the position of the developing countries in international trade.
125.	It must find expression in reform of the international monetary system which admits the developing countries to full participation in the decision-making processes rather than leaves them the mere hapless victims of recurring international monetary crises for which they bear no responsibility.
126.	All these will be necessary if we are to apply the new insight of environment not merely defensively, in order to hold off the environmental perils that confront industrialized societies, but positively and purposefully, in order to create conditions on earth that will preserve and enhance for every citizen of the world an environment which truly gives him that "physical sustenance" and affords him that "opportunity for intellectual, moral, social and spiritual growth" of which the Declaration speaks, and which gives and affords them to him on an active and equal basis with all other men.
127.	Perhaps no area of current international activity more obviously demands the application of this insight than the current effort to regulate human interaction in the ocean space beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. Any perception of the earth as the heritage of all mankind must lend urgency to the arrangements for the international Conference on the Law of the Sea. But it must also surely serve to ensure, once the Conference on The Law of the Sea is convened, that an international regime is established which meets the legitimate demands of the developing no less than those of the developed countries, of the landlocked no less than the coastal States, and that it accommodates all these with the overriding interest of the international community in an orderly and equitable development whose benefits accrue to the people of the world and can be used to solve those prevailing environmental problems which are the products of under-development.
128.	The Stockholm Declaration acknowledges that:
"Millions continue to live far below the minimum levels required for a decent human existence, deprived of adequate food and clothing, shelter and education, health and sanitation."14
Let the resources of the sea and the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, which are the heritage of all mankind, have as a first charge upon them the redress of these social and economic imbalances; let them be devoted, that is, to the fulfillment of the first principle of the Declaration-the realization of man's "fundamental right to ... adequate conditions of life, in an environment of equality that permits a life of dignity and well being .. .".15 A regime of the sea and the sea-bed which thus gives practical fulfillment to the new perception of the unity of man's life with other life would lay sturdy foundations on which we may yet build a more just and therefore a more enduring international system.
129.	Let us also, in the cause of preserving and enhancing the human environment, give support and encouragement to efforts for the establishment of zones of peace and co-operation in various regions of the world based on the principles of the Charter and on the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)] so that in their aggregation these zones of peace may advance the cause of comprehensive international security.
130.	In this context, let this Assembly help to advance the implementation of the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] adopted at the twenty-sixth session and let it likewise endorse and call upon all States to respect the objective embodied in the Kuala Lumpur Declaration of 27 November 1971, in which five countries of South-east Asia have expressed their determination to secure recognition of and respect for South-east Asia as a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality free from any form of menace or interference by outside Powers.
131.	Perhaps above all let this new awareness of mutual need confirm the urgency of the democratization of international relations. The tendency on the part of the major Powers to monopolize decision-making or to exercise inordinate influence on matters which are the proper concern of all countries continues to be a feature of international life a tendency which the institutional arrangements of this Organization greatly assist by fashioning the Security Council to reflect power differentials between States. Thus, while we welcome the indications of detente among the super-Powers, we must ensure by appropriate reforms that the dialog of peace which it permits is one for all mankind and is not confined within the Chancelleries of a small syndicate of powerful States in negation of the purposes of this Organization.
132.	But the processes of democratization will take many forms and high among them must be the universality of membership of this Organization. The restoration of the People's Republic of China to its rightful place in the Organization was an important step in this direction, but further steps must be taken to secure the objective of universality. We must open the doors of this Organization to all those States that seek to enter, and we must encourage those others now without to exercise their influence on international affairs from within the Organization by assuring them of our support for their admission, notwithstanding the problems of division that may have hindered this in the past.
133.	But if we are to ensure that the universality of the Organization is effective we will need to go beyond the question of membership and to secure a more broadly-
based geographic representation of the people of the world in the principal organs of the United Nations and its specialized agencies as well as in the secretariats of these organizations, and particularly at the policy-making levels. In the long run the major Powers themselves may find that a willingness on their part to take these steps towards making the conduct of international affairs more democratic would better secure the prospect of international peace and co-operation than a stubborn adherence to the power political structure of a passing era.
134.	Through all these growing points in our international arrangements it is clearly possible for us to move away from a system in which the use of power or the balance of power is the determinant of change to one in which there is growing acceptance of a complementarity of systems within a single planetary community a community in which change is promoted by conciliation and adjustment and is responsive to a balanced view of the needs of all its peoples. With the emergence of such a planetary order this Organization will assume even greater responsibilities, and it must therefore be a central feature of all our efforts that we enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations.
135.	For this reason alone the financial plight of the Organization ought to be the concern of all Member States; for these financial problems must impose severe strains on the capacity of the Organization to fulfill even its present functions, much less to equip itself for still further responsibilities. We are, indeed, at a stage in the affairs of the United Nations when it should be the duty of all Member States committed to its effectiveness to take those steps that are necessary to a resolution of existing financial difficulties and to avoid any that are likely to diminish that effectiveness or imperil its legitimate and necessary growth.
136.	I spoke a moment ago on the growing points of our international arrangements. High among these, I suggest, is the developing strength of the non-aligned movement, whose most recent consultation, at the level of Foreign Ministers,  it was my country's privilege to host just six weeks ago. Nearly two decades before that, at the African- Asian Conference, held at Bandung in April 1955, leaders of a number of Afro-Asian nations had met to demonstrate their newly won freedom, to renew the links between their peoples which had been broken in imperial times and to seek to ensure through solidarity that the momentum of the independence struggle was maintained. They elaborated at Bandung a set of principles on which the international movement of non-alignment was to be shaped. These principles have informed the program hammered out at the great consultations of the movement.
137.	At Belgrade in 1961,  at a time of heightened international tension, the leaders of the non-aligned nations sought to secure the peace of the world through efforts of mediation. At Cairo in 1964,  at a time of lessened tension, they emphasized the need for a program to reshape the international economic system and its institutions and called upon developed States for practical co-operation. At Lusaka in 1970,  the emphasis was on the need to democratize international relations and, through self-reliance and mutual assistance, to widen the areas of co-operation among developing States.
138.	Each of these responses to the challenges and opportunities of the changing international situation was founded on a commitment to those very principles which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and to the advancement of the effectiveness of the United Nations. Today the non-aligned movement, which numbers among its adherents half of the Members of this Assembly, stands foremost among the champions of this Organization and of its aims and objectives.
139.	At the Conference of Foreign Ministers held recently in Georgetown this commitment to the United Nations, already elaborately expressed at Lusaka, was reaffirmed and . the Foreign. Ministers rededicated themselves to the purposes and principles of the Charter and reaffirmed their deep conviction that the United Nations provides the most effective means to maintain and promote international peace and security, to strengthen freedom and to harmonize relations between States. They reiterated that the United Nations must not merely reflect developments in contemporary world affairs but, by exerting an influence upon them, contribute to the furtherance of world peace and progress.
140.	In its commitment to this Organization, in its efforts in the cause of international peace and security, in its resolute support of fundamental human values and the cause of economic and social justice and, above all, in its steadfastness to the concept of a world of free people and free States, the non-aligned movement is continuing its contribution to the achievement of the aims and objectives of the Charter.
141.	On the mandate of the Conference, at the commencement of this session I transmitted its Final Acts to the Secretary-General and requested their circulation as official documents of the United Nations. I have no doubt that as the work of this session proceeds the Georgetown Declaration, the Action program for Economic Cooperation and the related documents of the Conference will make a material contribution to the resolution of outstanding issues.
142.	On the occasion of the Georgetown Conference this great movement that knows no boundaries of race or region, of language or of political system, did honor to the pioneers of non-alignment and, more especially, to the international work for a better world of four great men whose vision reached beyond their national horizons and whose courage inspired and advanced a new and more democratic international system. I should like to read into the records of this Assembly the words in which we commemorated those contributions of Gamal Abdel Nasser, of Kwame Nkrumah, of Jawaharlal Nehru, of Josip Broz Tito for all the world is heir to their achievements and the epilogue to their great works may serve also as the prologue to a new chapter of the chronicle of man's endeavors in his restless quest for peace and understanding with himself and with his environment. The words of commemoration read:
"Having led their peoples to freedom They did not rest But taking the whole earth for their nation And all peoples for their brothers They sought to free the world from war Gave to the oppressed a sense of dignity and the hope of justice
Ensured for all peoples the right to freedom and independence
And to determine and pursue without hindrance The paths of their political economic social and cultural development
Secured for all States respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity And the right of equality and active participation in international affairs
With them through the Movement of Non-Alignment Our human race took a step forward Towards a world of peace of justice and of progress They began a dialog of all mankind."
143.	If we are to continue that dialog and to give it the dimensions which our new awareness of man's state on this planet requires, there will be need for an effort of truly global proportions in which all men and all States must share. As communication begins to take the place of threat, as bridges are built where barriers stood, as functional co-operation broadens to encompass the survival of life on earth, the need is urgent and the moment propitious for us to make that effort. As we do so, there is no higher priority than to integrate the emerging values into the developing international system. On our willingness to do this in a total way, responsive to the needs of no one community or group of communities but to the needs of mankind seen in their widest perspectives, will depend our chances of advancing towards the ideal of a peaceful, just and habitable planet.


Mr. President, first of all I wish to convey to you my congratulations on your election in the certainty that your wisdom and your qualities as a statesman and a student of the problems which affect the international political scene are guarantees that the tasks before us will lead to effective results to the satisfaction of all peoples of the world.
117.	An outstanding thinker of the Antilles and foremost sociologist propounded the thesis that the moral progress of peoples runs in the opposite sense to the course of their material progress. That sociological concept applies to the successive periods of the history of civilization.
118.	In the world of today we are witnessing technological and scientific progress of such dimensions that we could almost say that it has outstripped man's fantasy, which has always been governed by his tremendous imagination. Thus we have come today to the invention of destructive weapons which could wipe out the human race; and, similarly, with the arrival of man on the moon we can say that we have entered upon the stage of the domination of outer space.
119.	Today, almost everyone concedes that at this juncture in civilization, material progress, spurred by science, has changed the characteristics of a natural process in man that is to say, the structure of the individual and collective mentality.
120.	It would be difficult to forecast how far nations can be carried by the undeniable, realistic postulate which suggests the existence of an inverse ratio between material progress and moral progress in society today.
121.	From those considerations we could reach the view, which has been repeated since ancient times, that truly man is his own worst enemy. Hence the idea of domination at the cost of destruction and war has still not disappeared.
122.	The work done by the United Nations to achieve peace and eliminate the scourge of war, the events that have occurred and the actions that have been taken from the San Francisco Conference to the present day to avoid the spreading of wars beyond the areas of conflict leave no doubt about how exposed nations find themselves to ruin and the violence of a third world war, perhaps of nuclear dimensions, which would wipe out any vestiges of a society which was always in ferment but which in the depths of its being cherished a noble vocation for peace. Here again, this is a threat that we all view with trepidation, because, despite the years that have passed and the efforts that have been made, we have still not been able to avoid the international tensions which appear to be the major enemy to peace.
123.	The picture that I have just sketched is, as we know, in no way encouraging, and it should not really be presented here by the delegation of a country small in territory such as ours; rather it should be presented by the great Powers, which inevitably govern the destinies of mankind. However, as we are fully aware that all States are equal, and as experience teaches us that ideas are the heritage of all mankind, we are repeating a concern which we know is shared by a large part of mankind.
124.	We should add to the foregoing considerations that we are convinced that these facts alone are not the only cause of the abnormalities which exist in the international order.
125.	It is possible that in the world of today there exists a specific causal divisive element which makes possible this imbalance between moral progress and material progress in the world in which we live. We are referring specifically to the crisis in law. Thus we see that the more we progress towards the development of legal standards, enshrined in treaties and conventions, the weaker and more ineffective they become in the enforcement of those norms, thus ensuring the necessary maintenance of peace and reasonable coexistence. Take, for example, the failure to observe treaties setting forth a lofty humanistic vision of man, specifically in international conflicts, as has occurred in the case of the Geneva Conventions on prisoners of war, on inherent rights, on smuggling and the illicit traffic in drugs, international delinquency aggravated by the hijacking of aircraft and many other violations of the law.
126.	From these considerations we conclude that if such things are happening in the international community it would not be at all venturesome to assert that the obstacle which stands in the way of peace and the elimination of international tensions is, as we have already stated, the crisis in law.
127.	We have recognized that this is not the sole cause of the anguish in which we, the peoples of the world, live, but we cannot deny that such a crisis has a great deal to do with the fact that viable solutions are not being found to the problems whose solutions are the direct responsibility of the States involved in a dispute, as well as of the United Nations, which is the repository of the most powerful machinery which we can count upon for the solution of such conflicts.
128.	It is not incumbent upon us to spell out in terms of doctrine a policy of such magnitude in order to break the vicious circle in which we find ourselves confined. It is certainly up to us, however, to organize, to find a way out of the critical realities with which we are confronted today, and we could discover the way out if there were a meeting of the minds on the necessity to work out a system to restore confidence, without which no permanent peace is possible.
129.	Despite the conviction that this is a difficult task and that many paths will have to be smoothed in order to reach this system of security, to which reference has been made so many times by so many voices in this hall, it is equally certain that specific sacrifices are required which will test the real desire for peace which prevails in the world today.
130.	One of the methods that my delegation considers would be effective would be the one referred to in resolution 2864 (XXVI), which empowers Member States to take positions on "means of enhancing the effectiveness of the Security Council in accordance with the principles and provisions of the Charter of the United Nations". We are convinced that an enhancement of these methods would be a step forward towards the possibility of reaching a point where we could work out the system of security to which we have referred.
131.	But we must recognize that the desired enhancement of the methods to improve the efficiency of the Security Council would require a revitalizing of certain fundamental instruments available to the Council. Accordingly, my Government stresses the criterion that the Charter should be revised in respect of the provisions on the right of veto.
132.	We are absolutely certain that it will be impossible to increase the efficiency of the Security Council just so long as we do not remove from the Charter a privilege which is at odds with the very essence of democracy. We say this because, far from being a notable step forward in the features characteristic of our era, which is typified by its revolt against old structures; this privilege is in itself an archaic institution. Perhaps it was justified when the victorious Powers were laying the foundations of this world Organization and wished by the veto to rule out alternatives for international equilibrium.
133.	However, we would agree that the method should be attenuated in such a way that this exceptional right should be exercised only in circumstances in which we obviously face the alternative of a conflict that could endanger world peace.
134.	The Dominican Republic, which has always been known for the support it has given to the predominance of human rights in our Organization, is firmly convinced that never before has our civilization been under a greater obligation to make freedom and dignity for man a reality. Accordingly we cannot possibly concede that States may infringe or make conditional the respect for and protection of the inherent rights of the human person. It is not difficult to understand that there can be no freedom where these rights are infringed.
135.	For all of those reasons my country is opposed to acts of violence in all their forms of social upheaval; hence we reject the attacks which, like the one which took place recently in Munich, constitute acts of barbarism that are the "fruit of the most savage form of terrorism", as our Chief of State, H.E. Joaquin Balaguer stated. This is all the more true when by such acts innocent persons who are not involved in the motives that blindly lead people to take up arms and engage in destructive activities become the victims.
136.	In a period of such tremendous progress, such as that which has been made in the field of human rights, we cannot close our eyes and remain indifferent to the recent tragic events which occurred in the emotion-torn Olympic Village. For this reason, my Government could not fail to give its support to the request for the inclusion in the agenda of item 92 concerning measures to prevent international terrorism and other forms of violence which endanger or take innocent human lives or jeopardize fundamental freedoms, in the conviction that, in addition to energetic protests, there will emerge from this hall the necessary action to put an end to such horrendous acts.
137.	Nor can we fail, on this occasion, to refer to the development process which is under way in the Dominican Republic today, in accordance with the plans that are being pressed forward by our constitutional Government with relentless vigor.
138.	While it is true that one of the reasons for the state of anxiety in which mankind is living today is a result of the crisis in law, it is equally true that the most effective way to deal with this situation is to obtain balanced development for all of our peoples. Hence, the words of His Holiness Pope Paul VI, who said: "Development is the new name of peace". This message has reached all peoples with great conviction and force.
139.	Accordingly, at this time, my Government is deeply involved in the most thoroughgoing revolution' of our structures which was ever recorded in the history of Hispaniola, with the introduction and implementation of the Agrarian Code which sets up the machinery to hand over to the farmer the land that he cultivates and to take from over-greedy hands the principal sources of the wealth of the Republic.
140.	My Government hopes that after having doubled the per capita income of our country after barely six years, we will be able in a few years to continue to develop our vast wealth of resources which heretofore has been practically unproductive, so that we can continue strengthening the soundness of our democratic institutions and uproot, once and for all, the causes that have led to such frequent upheavals as are recorded in the history of the Dominican Republic.
141.	As another trend within this spirit of progress which pervades the Dominican Republic, we can point to the importance that my Government has attached to the conclusions that are summarized in the Declaration of Santo Domingo [A/8721, annex I, sect.2], a basic document of the Specialized Conference of the Caribbean Countries on Problems of the Sea, which was held in Santo Domingo from 5 to 9 June and which was attended by 13 Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Caribbean region.
142.	On that occasion our attention was devoted not only to the problem of the exploitation of the resources of the sea, but also towards everything that is required to preserve the species as an inseparable aspect of the fundamental question of exploitation. Thus we were also able to
contribute to a subject matter which involves the human environment, a matter to which this Assembly is to devote special attention. We were trying thereby to take one more step forward in respect of the complicated problem of pollution and development.
143.	For those reasons it would be most appropriate if we could succeed at this session in persuading the countries represented here to find concrete solutions while we prepare effectively to apply the principles already accepted under existing conventions on the problem of the contamination of the sea, which affects us all, aware as we are that we shall have to find adequate solutions, in view of the interrelationship between pollution and the whole process of the development of nations.
144.	The importance and the dissimilarity of the items on the agenda of this twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly explain the interest felt by the foremost leaders of the world in finding day by day solutions more in accordance with the reality in which we live. Hence, after objective analysis of the importance of youth today and, above all, noting the fact that more than half the world is less than 25 years of age, the United Nations has endorsed this categorical statement: "The young generation is a segment of the population whose needs are growing day by day and whose contribution to development is vital."
145.	As we are all aware of the responsibility that devolves upon us within this Organization to exert our efforts to work out national development plans, there is nothing more urgent for the full discharge of this duty than to incorporate youth in the serious tasks of renewal and development. Therefore we view with great satisfaction the fact that we are going to discuss the question of youth, its education, its principles, its needs, its active participation in development and international co-operation.
146.	We have seen with great hope how in this past decade youth has begun to play a decisive role in the inevitable process of transformation of our social, political and economic structures and how efficiently it is carrying out its great responsibilities.
147.	We can assert that we are witnessing today a phenomenon characteristic of this century and that the time will come when the new generations will have to inherit this world Organization, at which time we are sure they will champion the most cherished hopes of past generations.
148.	The coming generations recognize that the United Nations is the repository of the principles and ideals for which they are fighting so dynamically and wisely in order to advance the ideas of the new era. Therefore we will advocate a re-examination of policies concerning youth, in each country's national plans, so that the organizations of the world system can redouble their efforts towards the creation of new projects that will satisfy their just desires for progress.
149.	In his Encyclical Letter Populorum Progressio His Holiness Pope Paul VI summarized the overriding importance of development in the maintenance of peace and the strengthening of progress when he said:
"All of you who have heard the appeal of suffering peoples, all of you who are working to answer their cries, you are the apostles of a development which is good and genuine, which is not wealth that is self-centered and sought for its own sake, but rather an economy which is put at the service of man, the bread which is daily distributed to all, as a source of brotherhood and a sign of providence."
150.	Allow me to conclude my statement this afternoon by adopting for ourselves this other appeal by Pope Paul VI, contained in the same Encyclical:
"Government officials, it is your concern to mobilize your peoples to form a more effective world solidarity, and, above all, to make them accept the necessary taxes on their luxuries and their wasteful expenditures in order to bring about development and to save the peace. Delegates to international organizations, it depends on you to see that the dangerous and futile rivalry of powers should give place to collaboration which is friendly, peaceful and free of vested interests, in order to achieve a responsible development of mankind, in which all men will have an opportunity to find their fulfillment."


Allow me first of all to congratulate you, Sir, upon your assumption of the duties of President of the General Assembly and to assure you of the co-operation of my Government and delegation. We are confident that you will fulfill your difficult duties with the same distinction that you have devoted to other duties in the service of your country.
116.	Allow me also, Mr. President, to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your predecessor, the distinguished Foreign Minister of Indonesia Mr. Adam Malik. We in Oman will always remember that it was under his presidency that Oman became a Member of the United Nations.
117.	Looking back over the events of the past year, we may find much to be encouraged about in our quest for peace and international harmony, although we must at the same time point out the problems that we face and on which no progress has yet been achieved.
118.	On the positive side we must point to the detente and rapprochement that has been achieved by the major Powers. The arms limitation agreements already achieved at the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and in Moscow go part of the way to achieving the objective of placing a real limitation on arms of mass destruction. As a representative of an under-developed country, we find that the progress that has been achieved in this field has been encouraging, and we can only hope for further progress, for it is indeed deplorable that 7.2 per cent of the world's gross national product is being spent on armaments and highly sophisticated methods of mass destruction. We feel that these resources could be better spent on aid to the underdeveloped countries of the world, for it is only this course of action that can assure peace, security and harmony among the nations and the peoples of this planet.
119.	My Government is also highly gratified to hear of the detente and rapprochement that has been occurring between other nations that have so very recently been involved in futile and fruitless confrontations. It is our deep hope that these nations will not stop at just ceasing their previous confrontations but will continue to achieve lasting peace, brotherhood and co-operation in all fields with their erstwhile adversaries.
120.	We particularly welcome the agreement that has been achieved between the Governments of India and Pakistan. These two countries are very close to us not only geographically and economically but also historically. It is our sincere hope that these great and peace-loving countries will progress from partial agreements to full accord on a permanent and just peace and or mutual co-operation in all fields. It is also our sincere hope that any such peace will not reflect the weight of military conquest or victory, for it is in this area more than anywhere else that true statesmanship requires foresight and magnanimity.
121.	We also welcome the agreements that have been achieved between the divided countries of this world, namely, West and East Germany and North and South Korea. Their decision to solve their problems by peaceful means requires our highest support, for their decisions comply with the spirit of our Charter. It is our sincere hope that these States will persevere in the path that they have chosen and that they will soon join us as full Members of this Organization.
122.	The further consolidation and widening of the European Economic Community that has occurred during the course of this past year is also welcome to us. It is our profound hope that the new Europe will be a force for peace among nations and that it will continue to expand its generous aid to under-developed countries.
123.	I now turn to an area of the world that is of great interest to us. I refer to the Gulf area. My Government's policy in this highly important and strategic area is based upon our profound desire that there should be in this area the basic and fundamental stability in which the nations of the area can work for progress and development in the economic, social and political spheres.
124.	Under the reign of my enlightened Sovereign, His Majesty Sultan Qabus, we in Oman have been able to safeguard just such a stability and remarkable strides towards progress have already been achieved by my country and people. Schools and health clinics have been set up, and Oman has already begun a network of roads to connect its various parts.
125.	Ports and telecommunications facilities are now almost completed and many, many projects are now under construction.
126.	We realize that we have only just begun the task of laying the basic infrastructure for further economic and social development and we realize that the road ahead will be both long and arduous. But we, the Government and people of Oman, have freely resolved to embark and to persevere on the course of action we have freely chosen. My Government and people will also welcome all economic and technical assistance and investment by foreign States and commercial enterprises, as long as they are in the interest of our economic development as a free and sovereign country. My Government particularly welcomes economic and technical assistance from international organizations, especially the United Nations and its subsidiary agencies, which have such a wealth of experience and know-how.
127.	In this context my Government and people will not allow various foreign elements to disrupt the framework of peace, stability and progress that we have freely chosen. These elements seek to divert us and our limited resources from this noble and enlightened path and they hope thereby to retard our economic and social development. We will resist these foreign elements which seek to interfere in our internal affairs and which have openly and shamelessly declared their aggressive and seditious intentions. They harbor nothing but enmity toward our country and people and never cease to slander us. We in Oman will not interfere in the internal affairs of another State. By the same token, we will not stand idly by while another State or various alien elements interfere in our internal affairs.
128.	My Government's policy with regard to the situation in South Africa is based upon our complete support of the principle of self-determination of African peoples and of our total rejection of the policies of apartheid and racism practiced by the regime in South Africa. We support the rights of the African people struggling for freedom and independence.
129.	I would now like to turn to the situation in the Middle East. The tragic events and continuing crisis in the Middle East impose a special responsibility upon this Organization and it is our profound hope that this year the Members of this body and the members of the Security Council will be able to resolve and enforce a just and permanent peace, for the present crisis in the Middle East poses the greatest threat to world peace and international security and, if you will allow me to add, to the efficacy and credibility of this noble Organization.
130.	We believe that no solution to the Middle East crisis can be just or permanent that does not deal with the heart of the situation and its basic causes. The forcible expulsion of the Palestinian nation from their land, and the land of their ancestors, and the creation of an alien racist State that prides itself on its religious exclusivity constitute one of the most tragic and immoral crimes of this century. It was a crime and a blunder that the United Nations has a special responsibility to correct. No solution to the Middle East crisis can be just or permanent that condones and perpetuates the relegation of the Palestinian people to the status of refugees, living on international charity and deprived of their most basic human rights and of their national sovereignty.
131.	Israel is the source of terrorism in the Middle East area. How else can we interpret the daily acts of aggression against Lebanon, Syria and Jordan? How else can we interpret the murder of innocent women, children, and the aged and the use of poison gas and napalm by the Israelis? Is this not terrorism?
132.	We believe that no solution to the Middle East crisis can be just or permanent that condones and perpetuates the acquisition and annexation of territory by the use or threat of force, or as the Zionists euphemistically call it, "creating facts". Our belief is based not only upon elementary morality but also upon the principles of our Charter and of the most basic tenets of international law.
133.	We believe that no solution can be just or permanent that condones and perpetuates the annexation of Arab Jerusalem by a Zionist aggressor. To allow the annexation of the city of peace, the holy city of three major religions, by the Zionists would be an act of eternal desecration of that great city.
134.	In this connexion I would now like to appeal to the major Powers of this world to work in the United Nations and outside it for a permanent peace in the Middle East based upon justice. These Powers have often in the past pursued a policy in the area based upon their own strategic and economic interests or upon the wishes of vested interests consisting of vocal and often violent minorities in their own countries. What is required in the Middle East today is a policy in the wider interests of a permanent and just peace in compliance with the letter and the spirit of our Charter and of international law.
135.	It has been an honor and a privilege to have had this opportunity on behalf of Oman to address the General Assembly of the United Nations, which meets now at a delicate and complex time. The nations of the world hope that we will be able to establish a fundamental framework for peace and international harmony. I thank you, Mr. President, for giving me this opportunity to address the General Assembly.


Comrade President, first of all I should like on behalf of the	delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic to offer you our warm congratulations on your election to the lofty post of President of the present session of the General Assembly and to wish you great success in carrying out your
responsible duties. Your election is evidence of the general
recognition of the great effort which socialist Poland is
contributing to the improvement of the situation in Europe
and the strengthening of peace and international security.
98. My delegation also welcomes the Secretary-General of
the United Nations, Mr. Waldheim, and wishes him every
I success in carrying out the difficult but noble tasks
entrusted to him in working for the establishment of universal security and the strengthening of the United Nations as the main instrument for the maintenance of peace.
99.	The present session of the General Assembly is beginning its work at a time when the world is witnessing positive progress towards detente and the strengthening of the spirit of mutual understanding and co-operation among States. This positive development in international life is the result primarily of a deep and irreversible change in the general alignment of forces which is promoting the cause of peace, national independence and the social progress of peoples.
100.	The consistent and purposeful policy of peace pursued by the countries of the socialist community and vigorous activities of all peace-loving, anti-imperialist and democratic forces are a determining factor in this improvement in the world political climate. Those States which take due account of present political realities in carrying on their international activities are also making their contribution.
101.	The principle of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems is gaining increasing recognition as a generally accepted norm of contemporary international life. It is reflected in a spirit of better mutual understanding, good-neighborliness and business-like co-operation be-tween States.
102.	We consider that the outcome of the Soviet- American summit meeting, the entry into force of the treaties between the USSR and the Federal Republic of Germany  and between the Polish People's Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany  and the four Power agreement on West Berlin,  and the signing in December 1971 of the celebrated agreements between the German Democratic Republic, on the one hand, and the Federal Republic of Germany and the West Berlin Senate, on the other, can be viewed as among the most important international events which clearly reflect the present trend towards detente.
103.	The Government of the Mongolian. People's Republic considers that these events are in the long-term interests of the peoples of the world.
104.	However, there is no room for complacency. There still exist forces which are unfavorably disposed to international detente, in particular, to progress towards agreement on the crucial issues of our time and an improvement in mutual relations between States, and to the successes achieved by peoples in their struggle for freedom, national independence and social progress.
105.	The present international situation is complex and unstable and presents for the world community and, especially, the United Nations, the urgent task of increasing and making more effective the efforts aimed at maintaining and strengthening international peace and security and averting the threat of a thermo-nuclear war.
106.	It is for these reasons that Mongolia considers, as does the overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations, that the problem of strengthening inter-national security should become the main subject for consideration at the present session of the General Assembly. The discussion of this urgent problem should reveal the root-causes of the perpetuation of the abnormal conditions prevailing in the world and once again draw general attention to the urgent necessity for the immediate elimination of hotbeds of war and crisis situations in various parts of the world. It is no secret that the explosive situations in one part of the world or another are due to the violation by certain States Members of the United Nations of the principle of the Charter enjoining States to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any other State.
107.	In this connexion, the Mongolian delegation would like to draw special attention to the timeliness and great practical significance of the item entitled "Non-use of force in international relations and permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons" [item 25] proposed by the Soviet Government for consideration at the current session of the General Assembly [A/8793].
108.	We consider that in the present circumstances the consistent application of the principle of non-use of force will undoubtedly contribute to the elimination of existing armed conflicts and the creation of more favorable conditions for ending the arms race and bringing about general and complete disarmament.
109.	The Mongolian delegation fully endorses the basic provisions of the draft resolution submitted yesterday by the Soviet delegation [A/L.676] for consideration at the present session concerning the renunciation by States Members of the United Nations of the use of force in international relations and the permanent prohibition of nuclear weapons. The adoption and practical implementation of such a resolution would be an important contribution to the carrying out of one of the basic provisions of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)].
110.	It is our view that the immediate halting of United States aggression in Indochina and the elimination of the consequences of Israeli aggression in the Middle East are essential preconditions for the strengthening of universal peace and security.
111.	The United States Government has not only failed to put an end to its neo-colonialist war against Viet-Nam, Cambodia and Laos but is escalating it by renewing the barbarous bombing of vital centres, dams and dikes in the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and by blockading its ports and other lines of communication. Under cover of the much-publicized troops withdrawals from South Viet-Nam, the United States is, in fact, building up its armed strength and increasing its military presence in Indo-China.
112.	The people and Government of the Mongolian People's Republic have consistently supported the just struggle of the heioic Viet-Namese people and the patriotic forces of Cambodia and Laos. They have always considered that the problem of Indo-China should be settled by peaceful means on the basis of the unconditional recog-nition of the inalienable right of the peoples of those countries to self-determination and independent devel-opment without outside interference. The United States must immediately and unconditionally withdraw its troops from South Viet-Nam and put an end to the "Viet- Namization" of the war. It must discontinue its support of the anti-popular regime in Saigon and recognize the political realities of the situation in South Viet-Nam. This will be a decisive condition for the settlement of the problem of Viet-Nam on the basis of the well-known and constructive proposals of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam.
113.	The Mongolian Government considers that the perpetuation of the crises in the Middle East constitutes a growing threat to universal peace and security. It is common knowledge that the basic cause of the continuing tension in that region lies in Tel Aviv's stubborn refusal to carry out the Security Council resolutions and, in particular, to withdraw its troops from the occupied Arab territories. Israel's recent acts of aggression against a number of Arab countries serve as a stern reminder of the real danger of a new outbreak of fighting. Israeli ruling circles have dared to throw down an open challenge to world public opinion because they can rely on the growing financial and military support of the United States.
114.	It is essential to make new efforts to implement the well-known Security Council resolution 242 (1967), and to reactivate for that purpose the mission of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. It must not be forgotten that the united actions of all peace-loving forces are of decisive significance for the just and peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. In this connexion, we think that the United Nations must be more active in seeking out ways and means of utilizing all positive factors which may contribute towards such a settlement.
115.	The Mongolian People's Republic considers that the establishment of regional security systems will undoubtedly be an important factor in the safeguarding of universal peace and security.
116.	In the present - circumstances, collective efforts towards that goal may bring practical results. Evidence of this may be found, in particular, in the positive progress achieved in Europe, which may, subject to further favor-able development, provide the basis for lasting peace and co-operation in Europe. The lessons of two devastating world wars have taught us that the international situation in Europe has a very direct bearing on the interests of the peoples of other continents, too. For this reason we welcome any step towards improving the political climate in Europe.
117.	In this connexion, our delegation is gratified to note the normalization of relations between the Polish People's Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. The normalization of relations between the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, on the basis of the recognition of the Munich Agreement as invalid from the outset, will undoubtedly serve to improve the general European situation.
118.	The Mongolian People's Republic supports the idea of convening an all-European conference on security and co-operation. The holding of such a conference will be an important milestone in the efforts to establish a collective security system in that part of the world.
119.	As events have shown, Asia is a continent badly in need of a stable and lasting peace.
120.	Our Government responds actively to, and supports, any constructive proposals and specific measures designed to eliminate hotbeds of tension and promote the development of good-neighborly relations between all the countries of Asia.
121.	The Mongolian People's Republic has always sup-ported the idea of establishing a collective security system in Asia. It may be said that recently, when the Governments of many Asian countries have been taking a new look at, and critically assessing, their positions on the problems of lasting peace and security in that huge region, increasing interest has been shown in the idea of collective security. We are in favor of the establishment of such a security system, which would be based strictly on the principles of the Charter and would embrace all States of the continent regardless of their different social systems.
122.	Our delegation is pleased to note certain progress which is currently being made in relations between Asian States towards the creation of a stronger spirit of realism and mutual understanding.
123.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic has welcomed the positive outcome of the meeting between the Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan at Simla, which has cleared the way for the normalization and improvement of the situation in the Indian subcontinent. We hope that the results of that meeting will be consolidated by new positive measures in the interests of strengthening peaceful conditions on the subcontinent and in Asia.
124.	The settlement of the Korean question in full accord with the basic interests of the Korean people is of considerable importance for the strengthening of peace and security in Asia. The sine qua non of this settlement still is the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea and the dissolution of the so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. The United Nations must work towards the positive solution of the problem of the peaceful unification of Korea. That is why Mongolia became a sponsor of a new item entitled "Creation of favorable conditions to accelerate the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea" which was proposed for consideration at the current session of the General Assembly [A/8752/AddA].
125.	The postponement of the consideration of this important item once again deprives the United Nations of the opportunity to have a business-like discussion on the question with a view to the normalization of the situation in the Korean peninsula in the interests of strengthening peace and security in Asia.
126.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic will continue to support the policy of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on the settlement of the Korean problem in accordance with the national interests of the Korean people.
127.	The achievement of general and complete disarmament under strict international control, and in particular nuclear disarmament, is a decisive material and moral precondition for the establishment of universal peace and security on earth and the banishment of war from the life of human society.
128.	In this connexion, the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic welcomes with great satisfaction the signing at Moscow on 26 May 1972 by the Governments of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America of the Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems and the Interim Agreement on Certain Measures with Respect to the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. The signing of these agreements represents real progress towards a solution of the problem of the limitation of the arms race. They can open up great possibilities for agreement on further measures in a vital aspect of arms limitation and disarmament, namely the banning of nuclear weapons.
129.	It seems to us perfectly natural that other nuclear Powers, too, should display some initiative of their own and attempt to consolidate and multiply the results of these measures which, although the first in the field, are of far-reaching importance. The interests of all humanity demand that they do so.
130.	The position of our Government on the convening of a world disarmament conference has been set forth in detail in its reply to the Secretary-General's letter [see A/8817]. Recognizing the great importance of such a conference, our Government is in favor of an immediate start being made on practical preparations for the convening of the conference in the near future. It is our view that the present session of the General Assembly should, in fact, set in motion preparations for this forum, at which all the States of the world will take part in discussion of the most crucial issue of our time-general and complete disarmament.
131.	In addition, efforts must be made to reach early agreement on such pressing problems as the cessation of all forms of nuclear weapons tests by all States, the prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons, and so on.
132.	The Mongolian People's Republic, together with eight other socialist countries, has sponsored a draft convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons and on their destruction [see A/8818, annex B, sect. 5]. Like the other sponsors, we advocate the immediate and complete prohibition of all forms of chemical weapons. The overwhelming majority of States supports this position. Our delegation will set forth in detail its position on this and other disarmament questions when they are taken up specifically.
133.	Colonial domination and racial oppression pose a constant threat to international peace and universal security. The United Nations must take effective steps to eliminate colonialism and racism in all their forms and manifestations.
134.	The people and Government of the Mongolian People's Republic express their solidarity and unflagging support for the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea (Bissau), Namibia and Zimbabwe in their heroic struggle to cast off colonialism and racial oppression and achieve national self-determination and independence. The national liberation movement is winning new victories, but the imperialist Powers are stubbornly resisting the final over-throw of colonialism.
135.	The Mongolian peoples expresses its zealous solidarity with all oppressed peoples in their just struggle for freedom and independence. Our Government maintains that the decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council concerning southern Africa should be implemented by all States without exception.
136.	The Mongolian People's Republic urges the further development and strengthening of international economic ties and co-operation on the basis of equal rights, mutual advantage, justice and respect for the lawful interests and needs of all countries, in particular developing countries.
137.	It should be stressed at this point that recognition of the existence of two world economic systems would serve as a sound basis for the normal development of inter-national economic relations.
138.	As the third session of UNCTAD has shown, the main reasons for the extremely abnormal situation in the world economy and in economic relations are the exploitation of the under-developed countries, and the discrimination practiced by the Western Powers in international economic relations and their stubborn resistance to the introduction of just and democratic principles and methods in international economic life. Consequently, the appropriate United Nations bodies, above all the Economic and Social Council, must improve their effectiveness and get down to the job of finding ways and means of normalizing world economic relations on a just and democratic basis.
139.	There is, I think, no need to dwell on the weight which we attach to the role and activities of the United Nations as an important instrument for the strengthening of international peace and security. Here we should like to stress once again that the United Nations is still not making full use of the possibilities provided in the Charter. Our delegation considers that the strict observance of the Charter would enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations and promote the strengthening of international security. The difficulty lies, not in the obsolescence or weakness of the Charter, but in the fact that certain States Members of the United Nations disregard and refuse to implement its most important provisions. Our position of principle on this question remains unchanged. We are against any attempt to revise the basic provisions of the Charter, no matter what the pretext.
140.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic advocates the achievement of true universality in the
United Nations, which would play an important part in enhancing its role and effectiveness. The admission of the two German States to the United Nations would undoubtedly be an important step towards achieving genuine universality and would put an end to discrimination against the German Democratic Republic, a State which is doing much to strengthen peace and develop international co-operation in Europe and throughout the world. In this connexion, we feel that the first step to be taken towards ending the discrimination against the German Democratic Republic is to grant it the status of permanent observer at United Nations Headquarters, as was done in the case of the Federal Republic of Germany.
141.	Our delegation cannot help expressing its regret, too, at the unjust treatment of a young Asian State whose 75 million people recently emerged victorious from a hard and just struggle for freedom and national independence. In our view, the founding of the People's Republic of Bangladesh is a historic fact recognized by the overwhelming majority of members of the international community. In present circumstances, when the majority of Members wish to see the United Nations become a truly universal body and wish to free it from the burden of past errors, opposition to the admission of this sovereign State to the United Nations is particularly distasteful. Obstructive tactics of this kind are not conducive to the normalization of the situation in the Indian subcontinent and damage the prestige of the United Nations. We are confident that the People's Republic of Bangladesh will take its lawful seat in this world organization.
142.	It is of particular importance to increase the effectiveness of the Security Council, which bears the main responsibility for the maintenance of international peace. In this connexion, measures should be taken to improve the methods of work of that body, making use of the possibilities provided in the Charter. We are of the opinion that the periodic meetings of the Security Council should be held more often, in keeping with Article 28 of the Charter, so that it could give fuller consideration to the pressing problems of international life, including questions connected with the implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security.
143.	It is also necessary to resolve the question of the speedy elaboration of principles and guidelines for the effective functioning of the Security Council in the field of peace-keeping operations.
144.	The Mongolian people views the maintenance and strengthening of universal peace as an important external condition for the successful building of a new life and the solution of the difficult problems of socialist development in our country. In close union with fraternal socialist countries and in co-operation with peace-loving and democratic forces, the Mongolian People's Republic is striving to further the noble aim of strengthening peace, mutual understanding and co-operation between peoples.
145.	Our delegation hopes that the present session of the General Assembly will make its contribution to the solution of the urgent problems of international life with a view to strengthening mutual understanding and co-operation between States and consolidating the peace and security of peoples. Allow me to assure you, Mr. President, that the constructive efforts of the United Nations towards those goals will enjoy the full support of the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic.
146.	Mr. AL-SOWEIDI (United Arab Emirates): ** Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that I extend to you the congratulations of my delegation on your election to the presidency of the twenty-seventh session. Poland and the Arab nation, of which my country is an integral part, have had for many years the closest and most friendly relations.
147.	May I also express our appreciation for the brilliant manner in which Mr. Adam Malik, the illustrious Foreign Minister of Indonesia, presided over the previous session.
148.	We also wish our new Secretary-General success in the discharge of his important responsibilities.
149.	In this first year of our independence, our main task has been to find our proper place and role in the international community, a place and role determined by our history, geographical position, economic resources and, above all, by the desires and expectations of our people.
150.	Our Union is open to all Arab countries in the Gulf area and elsewhere. We are firm believers in the ideal of Arab unity and we hope that our example will reverse the trend towards fragmentation and division in the Arab world and herald a new era in which the Arab nation will be able to play a beneficent and significant role in world affairs which its history, its culture and its resources entitle it to play. We have fully identified ourselves with the fundamental positions of principle taken by the Arab countries within the framework of the League of Arab States, of which we are now a member.
151.	The question euphemistically called "The situation in the Middle East" [item 21], and which I would prefer to call by its proper name "the question of Palestine", remains the central national issue for the Arab people. Essentially it is the plight of a people dispossessed and driven out of its homeland by a colonialist armed invasion. So long as the people of Palestine are denied their fundamental rights in their ancestral homeland, there can be no settlement, nor peace in the Middle East.
152.	A good deal has been said recently about the problem of terrorism. Israel, of course, has been attempting to derive some propaganda advantage and to exploit a very serious human problem, so characteristic of our times, to achieve narrow and selfish political gains and to set the stage for further territorial acquisitions and the fulfillment of its well-known expansionist aims. I am certain that the General Assembly will not be diverted by these crude and obvious maneuvers from its duty to discuss the issue with the sense of sober responsibility it deserves.
153.	The people of Palestine have waited in vain for a quarter of a century for some redress of the grave injustice inflicted upon them. The international community, whose collective will this Organization represents, has seemed to be oblivious to their plight and through its inaction, over the years, has implicitly acquiesced in Israel's aggression. Israel was founded and has maintained itself by the systematic and ruthless practice of terror: terror which drove the majority of Palestinians out of their homeland, terror which deprived them of freedom and dignity, terror which made the remnants who stayed behind second-class citizens in their own country, terror which pursued them in their unhappy exile, in their wretched refugee camps, and slaughtered them by the hundreds. We do not and cannot condone the killing of innocent people, but how can we equate the desperate acts of a few individuals driven by "misery, frustration, grievance and despair", to quote the Secretary-General's words [see A/8791/Add.l], with the brutal, deliberate and cold-blooded acts of indiscriminate killing perpetrated by the armed forces of a State? Let us not make the mistake of thinking that these are acts of revenge; they are concerned primarily with the achievement of long-standing strategic and political aims.
154.	Our geographical position in the Gulf has given us a vital interest in the maintenance of peace and stability in that important economic and strategic area of the world. We have endeavored to establish the closest relations with our neighbors. It is our firm belief that the peace and stability of the Gulf region can be maintained only with the co-operation of its States and with their respect for one another's independence and territorial integrity. Whatever disputes or differences exist at present or may arise in the future can and must be resolved by peaceful means and in a manner that will recognize and preserve the legitimate rights of all parties concerned without prejudice to their basic national interests. We are ready now, as we have always been, to co-operate with our neighbors to create a climate of understanding and harmony, which is essential for the peace and progress of the region and the welfare of all its people. The peace and security of the Gulf will be greatly enhanced by making the Indian Ocean region a zone of peace. We support the resolution adopted by the General Assembly last year on this question [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] and will welcome any further action at this session to ensure its implementation.
155.	We are meeting at a time of rapid and sometimes dramatic change in the world situation. There have been unmistakable and welcome signs of a detente among the great Powers, a development of great importance in view of the fact that under the Charter these States have a primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. It is our hope that this is the beginning of an irreversible trend towards a greater degree of genuine international co-operation and not merely a temporary interruption in the cold war. Thus, on the central problem of war and peace we are entitled to express some cautious optimism. There are certainly some clear and concrete grounds for such optimism: the agreement on the partial limitation of strategic weapons, the ratification of the treaties between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union and Poland, the four-Power agreement on Berlin and the understanding reached between the two Governments of Korea, which may lead to the unification of that country. These encouraging developments have paradoxically given rise to some anxiety among the smaller countries. There is a feeling that the reduction of tensions among the great Powers may lead to the imposition of solutions to international problems that will ignore the desires and interests of other countries, especially those directly concerned. We hope that these fears are un-founded.
156.	As we look at the agenda of this session, we still see some of the problems which have been dealt with by this Organization since its inception, such as colonialism and apartheid. A genocidal war is being waged against the African people who are struggling to free themselves from colonial domination. The racist regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia continue to flout the will of the international community, encouraged by their undiminished trade with their Western trading partners and the continued flow of investments from abroad.
157.	In their meeting held in Cairo earlier this month, the Arab Foreign Ministers issued a declaration on South East Asia affirming the solidarity of the Arab States with the peoples of Viet-Nam, Cambodia and Laos in their struggle for national liberation and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from their lands. The declaration also condemned the aggression to which those countries have been subjected.
158.	It will be unnecessary for me to dwell upon the serious economic problems facing the developing countries and the failure of all attempts to narrow the ever-widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. Perhaps nowhere is the tendency of certain advanced countries to take decisions affecting others more pronounced than it is in economic matters. Problems relating to the international monetary system and trade are discussed and dealt with by the major Powers without much concern for the vital interests of the developing countries. The third session of UNCTAD revealed the problem facing' the developing countries in all its painful dimensions. It is obvious that the developing countries have to strengthen and expand the co-operation among themselves and that they should shift their emphasis from exhortations addressed to the developed countries, which have largely fallen on deaf ears, to the greater possibilities of cooperation among themselves.
159.	We have established a development fund with an initial capital of over $100 million to assist the countries of the region in their plans of development. Over and above this, we are also ready to contribute, within the limits of our means, to the various international and regional development activities undertaken by the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
160.	There is undoubtedly a close link between the problems of development and disarmament. If only a fraction of the billions being squandered on the arms race were diverted to the urgent needs of the developing countries, then the whole depressing picture which con-fronts us today would be transformed beyond recognition. For this reason we support the convening of an inter-national conference on disarmament, with a view to the reduction and ultimate elimination of all weapons of mass destruction.
161.	An event of great importance this year has been the adoption of the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment and the machinery being established to put into effect the principles and aims of that Declaration.
162.	I finally come to the question of the United Nations and the strengthening of its role and efficacy. This has always been a major concern of the smaller countries, such as my own. It stems from the belief that only through the United Nations can we translate into living reality the principles and ideals which bind us together. But it would be idle to pretend that the United Nations is not now, and has not been for some years, passing through a period of decline. The Organization has been purposely and rigorously prevented from playing any role in some crucial international problems. The United Nations has been rendered virtually powerless, through the obstruction of certain great Powers, to secure the implementation of its resolutions on Palestine, the Middle East, apartheid and colonialism. But we must first of all recognize that there are certain inherent weaknesses in the Charter itself. The Charter is, after all, a document which was drawn up before the advent of the nuclear age when a vast number of countries were still under foreign rule.
163.	The Charter is also based on two basic assumptions which have been largely overtaken by the spectacular developments of the last quarter of a century. The two assumptions are that the hegemony of the great Powers will always be accepted as a permanent fact of international life and that the great Powers will, more often than not, act together to deal with major international problems. How-ever, in spite of its structural defects and the invalidity of its basic assumptions, the Charter is flexible enough to enable us to transform it into an effective instrument of the international order which we envisage for the future.
164.	As a token of our faith in the United Nations and confidence in its future, my Government has decided to respond favorably to the appeal of the Secretary-General and make a contribution which we hope will help to alleviate the financial difficulties facing the Organization.