May I congratulate you,
Sir, on your election to the presidency of the fifty-first
session of the General Assembly and pledge to you the full
support of my delegation.
During the past fiftieth-anniversary year, the States
Members of the United Nations have reaffirmed their
support for the fundamental purposes and principles of the
Organization. The momentum created by the anniversary
must now be used to adapt the Organization to new
realities. To this end, both structural and financial reforms
must be undertaken, setting priorities and reallocating
limited resources. But the point of the exercise must not be
simple cost-cutting. What we need above all is a stronger,
not a weaker, Organization, better capable of dealing with
the enormous global challenges of the twenty-first century.
There is no alternative to the United Nations. The
further evolution of the Organization is therefore inevitable.
But the Organization will not evolve in a commonly
acceptable direction under duress. Agreement on and
implementation of necessary reforms will only be achieved
in a spirit of dialogue and accommodation.
This applies not least to the ongoing work to adapt
the Security Council. Changes in its composition and
working methods should remain a priority. The Council
must better reflect political and economic realities in a
rapidly changing world. Its continued effectiveness
depends on a constructive contribution by all its members,
as well as on equitable representation and manageable
size. There should be a geographically balanced expansion
of seats in both the permanent and non-permanent
categories, including permanent seats for Germany and
Japan. We should ensure that small and medium-sized
States have the possibility to be represented in the
Council.
The United Nations system must be strengthened
further in the fields of economic and social policy and
development. The revitalization of the Economic and
Social Council is important if the Council is to serve as
an important venue for coordination and policy-making on
issues which affect our daily existence. Iceland is a
candidate for election to the Economic and Social Council
for the next term and is prepared to contribute
constructively to the work of the Council and to the
debate on its future.
The signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty (CTBT) this week will be remembered as an
important step towards limiting the nuclear-arms race and
setting us on the path of genuine nuclear disarmament. I

would like to urge Member countries to sign and ratify the
Treaty as soon as possible.
The proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of
mass destruction is of continuous concern to the
international community. Unconditional and universal
adherence to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT), the chemical weapons and biological
weapons Conventions, and now the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty is a critical step towards
eliminating weapons that threaten life on our planet.
But the horrors associated with weapons of mass
destruction must not blind us to the widespread suffering
caused by increasingly destructive conventional arms.
Landmines especially are a growing menace,
indiscriminately maiming and killing innocents no less than
combatants. Iceland strongly supports a comprehensive ban
on the use, production and export of anti-personnel
landmines.
In the aftermath of the cold war, it has become
increasingly clear how prolonged regional conflicts can
have serious international implications. Events in Iraq are
only the most recent example. Such conflicts need to be
addressed in a comprehensive manner by the United
Nations. In addition to the important function of the
Security Council, the wider United Nations system should
be employed more actively to prevent armed conflicts as
well as to assist in the reconstruction of societies emerging
from war. Vigilance towards threats or acts of aggression
which can erode regional or international stability is a
necessary part of such preventive activity. International
terrorism is aggression by unconventional means. Its
victims are mainly civilians. The use or sanction of
terrorism by individual States is unacceptable. The action
of the international community should properly reflect the
universal abhorrence of alliances between terrorists and
individual States.
The sinister scheming of terrorists and organized crime
is of growing concern, not least since it is frequently based
on illicit drug trafficking. The United Nations can do much
to enhance international cooperation in crime prevention
and in the suppression of drug trafficking across national
boundaries. Iceland supports the holding of a special
session of the General Assembly in 1998 devoted to drug
control.
The international community must move swiftly to
enhance respect for relevant human rights instruments in
areas of conflict. The establishment of international war
crimes tribunals is a step in the right direction, provided
they receive the cooperation necessary to fulfil their
mandate from all parties concerned.
Through a series of international conferences, the
Organization has, during the past few years, addressed the
most important issues facing humankind. These
conferences have highlighted both the enormity of our
task and the complex interrelationship between the
various global issues we are often called upon to deal
with, be they absolute poverty, environmental degradation,
overpopulation, human rights abuses or social injustice.
Having concluded this unprecedented series of
conferences with the second United Nations Conference
on Human Settlements in Istanbul last June, we owe it to
future generations to join hands and spare no effort to
implement the decisions reached.
Universal human rights are the foundation on which
we base the work of the United Nations. This includes the
safeguarding of gender equality and the rights of the most
vulnerable groups in society: the poor and the disabled.
Children are increasingly the target of atrocities in war
and of human rights violations. Six years after the World
Summit for Children we still must do a better job of
honouring our commitments to children. In this context,
Iceland welcomes in particular the recommendations of
the Stockholm World Congress against Commercial
Sexual Exploitation of Children and wishes to see them
followed up as soon as possible.
Hunger and malnutrition are shameful phenomena on
the eve of the twenty-first century. With the resources at
its disposal, the international community should be able
to provide food security for the whole of mankind. The
forthcoming World Food Summit will hopefully secure a
commitment at the highest political level to rapidly
achieve this objective.
As a country owing its survival and prosperity to the
harvesting of living marine resources, Iceland has
consistently underlined the potential of the oceans as a
major source of nutrition. Icelandic fisheries have
developed experience and technology which could benefit
others. The Government of Iceland is prepared to
facilitate international cooperation in this field. Iceland
has contributed actively to the establishment of
international law governing the protection and sustainable
utilization of the oceans. The United Nations Convention
on the Law of the Sea has already proven to be a historic
success in the field of international law and remains
among the greatest achievements of the United Nations.
2

The seas and the ocean floors are the depositories of
enormous resources. The agreement of the international
community on an extensive legal framework on this subject
is therefore a major accomplishment. The Convention offers
the prospect of resolving serious conflicts on the uses of the
seas which could be detrimental to international
cooperation. The Convention has already provided the basis
for further agreements, such as the recently concluded
Agreement relating to the Conservation and Management of
Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks.
Iceland has actively participated in the adoption of the
Global Programme of Action for the Protection of the
Marine Environment from Land-based Activities. Pollution
of this sort is responsible for over 80 per cent of all marine
pollution. In order to facilitate the implementation of the
Programme, a draft resolution on institutional arrangements
will be addressed by the General Assembly at this session.
However, major challenges remain. Controlling the use
of persistent organic pollutants needs to be addressed.
Iceland welcomes the proposal put forward within the
United Nations Environment Programme to establish an
international committee in 1997 with the aim of reaching a
global agreement on this question.
This year, Iceland celebrates the fiftieth anniversary of
its membership in the United Nations. We have strongly
emphasized constructive participation. This reflects our
belief in the importance of multilateral cooperation for
smaller States and, in particular, in the hopes and
aspirations attached to the world Organization.
The United Nations is ideally capable of achievements
in specific areas which are beyond the reach of national or
regional authorities. However, it will never attain the
capacity to meet all expectations. As Member States debate
reforms, I would like to emphasize the importance of
setting priorities and making them well known. The shaping
of a new United Nations suited for the twenty-first century
must be complemented by vigorous information efforts with
the aim of ensuring continued public confidence and
support.


May I, at the outset, extend
the congratulations of my delegation to you, Sir, upon your
election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-
first session. In your endeavours, based on your rich
diplomatic experience, you may count on the assistance and
support of the Hungarian delegation.
Let me also pay tribute to your predecessor,
Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, for his extremely able
leadership throughout our historic fiftieth session.
The diversity of challenges facing the community of
nations, the difficulties associated with finding proper
responses and the importance of building up supportive
national and international constituencies are hardly likely to
send multilateralism into oblivion. Yet, in this time of
change, and despite the forceful tendencies of globalization,
interdependence and integration, no single applicable
approach is at hand for political leaders. Given its unique
role and capacities, the United Nations can be the
principal vehicle by which the international community
selects and addresses problems requiring a universal
response.
This Organization, however, cannot and should not
micro-manage the solution to all the urgent problems of
our contemporary world. Times have changed and so
must the United Nations. In several instances, the
international community may act much more efficiently
through regional organizations or specialized agencies.
What is essential, however, is that the nations forming
this Organization stand up with one strong voice when the
purposes and principles of the Charter are put to the test.
Violations of international law, human rights and
fundamental freedoms should be matched with legitimate
and adequate responses by the international community,
acting through the United Nations.
The issue of multilateral disarmament and non-
proliferation remains a legitimate concern for the United
Nations. Last year, we were pleased by the indefinite
extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons. This important step not only
constituted a major building block in the complex web of
our non-proliferation and disarmament efforts, but served
as a catalyst to forge consensus around the future
direction and dynamics of this process. As a result of
sustained and responsible work in the Conference on
Disarmament, it became possible to finalize the text of
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).
Hungary stood fully behind this compromise text, which
captures the diversity of views and approaches while still
constituting a coherent and forward-looking document.
Opening the Treaty for signature was, indeed, a
landmark. Hungary was among the first countries to
sponsor resolution 50/245. I signed the Treaty on the day
after it was opened for signature. This Treaty is not the
end of the process. There is a need for further systematic
and progressive efforts towards nuclear disarmament and
non-proliferation, and the CTBT must be given its due
place in that process. In this context, we join those who
call for its smooth entry into force, thereby allowing the
disarmament process to proceed.
Hungary also consistently seeks to contribute to the
strengthening of stability and security through cooperative
efforts at both regional and bilateral levels. Building upon
our intensified relations with the European Union, we
look forward to the early beginning of negotiations on our
7

accession to the European Union. We hold the firm view
that the enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) will expand stability and security in
Europe and will strengthen trans-Atlantic partnership and
solidarity. Hungary, in its bilateral relations with
neighbouring countries, is striving to contribute to the
establishment of conditions enabling them all to be full
partners in the institutions of Euro-Atlantic integration. We
remain convinced that, with an enlarged NATO and an
expanded European Union, the United Nations will have
even more efficient and helpful regional partners.
The crisis in the Balkans has proved to be a painful
and dramatic litmus test of the resolve of the international
community. The United Nations has also had to draw its
own conclusions from the tragedy. The mission of the
United Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern
Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium is currently making
progress on the road to the peaceful reintegration of the
region into Croatia, while securing respect for the human
rights of all its inhabitants and the rights of national
minorities in the region. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the
role and determination of the Implementation Force (IFOR)
is indispensable for guaranteeing the implementation of the
Dayton Agreement. The cooperation, through IFOR,
between NATO, the United Nations, the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of
Europe in responding to the different facets of this major
challenge is an innovative paradigm for future conflict
resolution and crisis-management efforts.
We strongly believe that a solid international presence
is required to allow democracy and stability to take firm
root in the region. Hungary continues to provide the
necessary logistical and transit facilities to IFOR forces and
United Nations peace-keepers and is contributing to the
strength of both IFOR and the United Nations International
Police Task Force. The return and reintegration of refugees
and displaced persons — including those who found shelter
in Hungary — pose a continuing challenge to the
international community. The establishment of democracy
and the rule of law should be accompanied by
reconstruction and rehabilitation, thereby facilitating the
conditions of safe and orderly return. Citizens should be
assisted by the international community in their efforts to
create and activate democratic institutions in which good
governance and accountability will force war criminals out
of the political mainstream. We see the work of the
Tribunal in The Hague as an essential component of the
Dayton peace process and the cooperation extended to it as
an important indicator of the willingness of the parties to
follow through on both their Dayton commitments and
their obligations under the Charter.
Experience of the recently held elections in Bosnia
and Herzegovina suggests that keeping to the schedule
agreed at Dayton was a sound decision. We remain
concerned, however, at the ethnically divided voting
results. This only highlights the urgency of proceeding
without undue delay to the building-up of a unique
institutional infrastructure for the country and of
facilitating the holding of municipal elections in a more
stable political environment.
We are now in a period of reflection with regard to
United Nations conflict-prevention and crisis-management
capabilities. In our view, the United Nations, as it
continues to live up to its responsibilities under the
Charter, ought to craft its response strategies more
carefully. The preventive capacity of the United Nations
should be further strengthened. A sound early warning
system, combining political, military, humanitarian,
human rights and economic areas, would broaden the base
of options and enhance the chances for success in the
early detection of conflict situations. An early
international monitoring presence in itself has a major
deterrent effect. In-depth information on a given situation
would catalyse diplomatic efforts and help trigger a broad
consensus on the course of action.
Specialized agencies and regional organizations, such
as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe, are of primary importance in defusing sources of
tension through creating appropriate and efficient response
mechanisms. The United Nations, while fully discharging
its responsibilities under the Charter for the maintenance
of international peace and security, can authorize and thus
give legitimacy to these endeavours as well as to actions
to be taken by ad hoc coalitions of the able and willing.
The building-up of regional peacekeeping and peace-
building capacities, as well as the increase of the
operational character of some key activities of specialized
agencies, are among the avenues that have to be more
fully explored.
The reform agenda of the United Nations has been
put in motion against the background of these new
challenges and opportunities. Despite considerable
progress in identifying the main areas of change within
the different negotiating structures, we are seriously
8

concerned that the overall reform process has lost most of
its dynamics. While we should not allow that individual
consensual elements of the reform process be held hostage
to progress in unrelated issues, there seems to be an evident
need to reach a political agreement, at least on the basic
philosophy of the major premises of the reform agenda.
Hungary is aware of the difficulties that make real progress
so hard to achieve. It stands ready to help reinvigorate the
momentum for change and to make genuine United Nations
reform an early reality.
Promotion of the international protection of human
rights is a fundamental component of my Government’s
foreign policy and one of the essential tasks conferred upon
the United Nations by its founders. Despite the remarkable
results achieved in the standard establishment and building-
up of implementation machinery, there is still much to do
in maintaining our determination to act in defence of human
rights, wherever abuses may occur. Chronic underfunding,
lack of efficient coordination and the sometimes evasive or
uncooperative attitude of several Governments only
underline this urgency, which was finally recognized when
human rights were made one of the programme priorities of
the United Nations. In our view, the United Nations, despite
the important advances made, such as the establishment of
the post of High Commissioner for Human Rights, is still
not sufficiently equipped to deal with the latest and gravest
of human-rights challenges: those emanating from ethnic
conflict, civil strife, government breakdown and the
collapse of the rule of law.
The importance of safeguarding and monitoring the
observance of the rights of national or ethnic minorities is
still too often disregarded and put in the context of political
expediency. Lack of full respect for the rights of minorities,
together with the absence of necessary political, legal,
institutional and administrative guarantees, are among the
root causes of many of the conflicts on our agenda.
Today, as we witness the growing importance of
human-rights operational activities, the timeliness of the
concept of preventive peace-building comes to mind. This
implies not only an enhanced human-rights preventive and
monitoring capacity of the United Nations, but also the
right combination and use of the assets at our disposal,
from early warning to preventive protection. The practice
of financing some United Nations human-rights field
operations from the peace-keeping budget and a greater
coordinating role for the High Commissioner for Human
Rights may be two of the avenues which deserve our full
attention.
I wish to underline the fact that the way in which
the United Nations tackles the crucial global problems
mankind is facing will greatly determine the quality of the
imminent next century. Let me refer, in this context, to
the importance of some of the problems on the agenda of
this session. Sustained efforts to combat international
terrorism, transnational crime or illicit drug trafficking are
required from all of us in order to preserve the
international legal order, the present achievements and
further potential of democracy and development. The
United Nations has an important role in coordinating
efforts to ensure that those involved in terrorist activities
find no safe haven and expect a vigorous response from
the international community. Transboundary criminal
activity and drug-related money-laundering require the
strict application of the law by strong, independent
judiciaries. Our task is to make use of the advantages of
multilateral cooperation in this field.
The Republic of Hungary stands ready to work in
partnership with Member States to promote efficient
multilateral action and to translate into deeds the noble
ideals set forth in the Charter of the United Nations.


Allow me to extend the
warmest congratulations of my Government to the
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-first session
on his election. I would also like to express our deep
appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Diogo Freitas
do Amaral, whose leadership during the fiftieth session
was a valuable asset for the Organization.
I also seize this opportunity to express my deep
appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, for his dedication to his duties since 1992.
The Foreign Minister of Ireland, as President of the
Council of the European Union, delivered a statement to
which my Government fully subscribes, as it does to the
Union’s memorandum. I would like, however, to
elaborate further on some issues that are of particular
interest to my country.
Let us remember the message delivered by the world
leaders during the special commemorative meeting of this
body: the Organization needs to undergo a serious
reorganization in order to be ready to confront the
challenges of the years ahead. The political commitment
of the Member States and the contribution of adequate
resources constitute two fundamental prerequisites for the
success of the United Nations.
Unfortunately, few noteworthy proposals have been
put forward concerning the comprehensive modernization
effort to enable the Organization to become more efficient
and transparent in the fulfilment of its functions while
rationalizing the use of its resources.
It is the Member States that have endowed the
United Nations with its current features. Even if the
Organization’s administrative weaknesses were fully
remedied, the power of extensive correction and
long-overdue reform lies not in this building, but in our
own capitals.
At this stage, we are faced with two alternatives:
either curtail demands on the United Nations, giving it a
reasonable chance of carrying out reduced policies within
its existing resources, or recognize the need to improve its
capacities and grant it greater functions, as well as the
necessary means. Greece strongly advocates the second
path, because the need for the world Organization is
growing, not shrinking. Year by year, we move closer to
menacing demographic, socio-economic and ecological
thresholds. The only chance we have to deal with
transnational problems is to work out transnational
4

responses. We need to cooperate constructively towards
common ends.
It would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, for
the United Nations to face the current financial crisis if
Member States were to deprive the world Organization of
the resources and assets that they have contractually
pledged of their own free will. In this context, it should be
stressed yet again that no amount of savings will, by itself,
permit the United Nations to be solvent, and that none of
the Member States, in particular those that play a major
role in the Organization’s decision-making process and in
the definition of its activities, should have second thoughts
when it comes to footing their part of the bill.
Let us be clear: the whole reform is endangered by the
looming atmosphere of imminent financial collapse. Even
worse, the United Nations, and all the principles that it
stands for, are exposed to the danger of being discredited,
perhaps forever, even in the eyes of its warmest supporters.
This is a much more fundamental issue than improvements
to specific parts of the system, welcome and needed though
the latter may be.
Earlier this year, the European Union outlined a
comprehensive package to address the financial crisis.
Furthermore, Greece, on a national basis, responded
positively to the Secretary-General’s appeal and decided to
increase its annual contribution to the peacekeeping-
operations budget, thus moving on a voluntary basis from
Group C to Group B of countries that contribute to the
financing of the Organization’s peacekeeping activities. As
a result, our contribution will increase by 500 per cent by
the year 2000, when the process of gradual reallocation will
have been completed.
It has become increasingly fashionable to argue that
the idea of a world community is alive in the human
imagination, though not yet in the world of action; that the
concept of collective security has failed to take root because
it does not reflect the spirit of the age; that the public
multilateral approach cannot be effective in conflict
resolution, because there are no collective solutions to
individual crises; and that behind-the-scenes diplomacy,
which pursues relatively modest goals, will always be better
at keeping conflict within reasonable limits, because it will
compromise between what justice demands and what
circumstances permit.
In the light of past and recent experience, the Greek
people certainly do not have immoderate illusions in this
regard. The case of Cyprus is a striking example of the
inability of the international community to ensure
implementation of clear-cut United Nations resolutions
and to tackle the problem of the ongoing occupation of
one Member State by another following an act of military
aggression. To cite just one other example, Greece is
threatened with war in the event it applies the provisions
of the Convention on the Law of the Sea, which has been
signed by all Member States, except for the one that
made it clear that it would not hesitate to use force for
the maintenance and defence of its vital interests.
However, it would be totally wrong to discard
multilateralism just because of the persistence of attitudes
that assuage consciences without solving the problems.
We have to strike a positive balance between vision and
reality, because no society, and certainly not the
international community, can aspire to human, economic
and social development without a stable and legally
appropriate framework.
Throughout its existence, the United Nations has not
just constituted the main, if not the only, incarnation of
the global spirit of hope. The principles enshrined in its
Charter have established a code of conduct for States,
which have the duty to contribute to the maintenance of
international peace and security, to refrain from the threat
or use of force, and to settle disputes by exclusively
peaceful means and in accordance with international law.
Moreover, the Organization itself has often been a
successful instrument for the prevention and management
of conflicts.
If power politics are allowed to be deployed in the
pursuit of exclusive and narrow interests in a climate of
confrontation, if the world’s resources are shared on the
basis of military power rather than of international treaties
and conventions, if priority is not given to international
law and international cooperation, and if we attempt to
evade the responsibilities that we have all undertaken
under the Charter, however appealing and convenient that
might appear in the short term, we will sow the seeds of
chaos, anarchy and rapid disintegration. The United
Nations offers the only framework in which to achieve
the important objective of enforcing international
legitimacy, provided, of course, that it improves its
capacity to deal with international problems and
especially to create an effective mechanism of collective
security.
Greek-Turkish relations illustrate the need for such
an improvement. The Greek Government sincerely desires
the establishment of normal good-neighbourly relations
5

based on the principles of international law and respect for
international treaties, which, however, Turkey seems
determined to ignore. The Turkish Parliament unanimously
adopted a resolution on 8 June 1995, which empowers the
Government to use military force in case Greece exercises
its legal right to extend its territorial waters in accordance
with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Moreover, the Turkish Government adopted the contents of
this resolution in direct violation of the United Nations
Charter, which forbids the use of force or the threat of the
use of force in international relations.
Even worse, in contravention of the Treaty of
Lausanne and the Treaty of Paris, Turkey laid claim at the
beginning of this year to the Imia islets in the Aegean Sea,
which are Greek sovereign territory, and even supported
this claim by military means. This sets a very dangerous
precedent for the entire region. Turkey is attempting to
subvert the territorial status quo established more than 70
years ago and is backing its claims with the use of armed
force. Furthermore, the Foreign Minister, Mrs. Ciller, in her
capacity as Prime Minister, claimed in February that 1,000
Greek islands and islets in the Aegean are Turkish, and that
if Greece attempted to contest this “fact”, Turkey would
consider it a casus belli. A few days later she raised the
number to 3,000.
Greece has repeatedly called on Turkey to have
recourse to the International Court of Justice concerning the
Imia islets. Turkey, on the contrary, has lately challenged
Greek sovereignty, even over the inhabited island of
Gávdhos, south-west of Crete in the Libyan Sea, and
despite the outrageous nature of this claim, it has not
unequivocally withdrawn it.
We see that Turkey wilfully violates the most basic
principles of the international legal order and far from
exhibiting any self-restraint, puts forth ever more
provocative claims against Greece. My country, on the
other hand, not only scrupulously respects international law
and treaties, but also demonstrates great self-restraint in its
relations with Turkey. There is no better example of this
than the fact that Greece has chosen not to react forcibly to
the massive violations of Greek airspace and the constant
overflying of Greek territory on the part of Turkish
warplanes. This responsible stance should not, however, be
misinterpreted in any way. On the contrary, and despite the
absence of any real will on the part of international
community to uphold the principles enshrined in the United
Nations Charter, Greece is absolutely determined to protect
its sovereign rights by all legitimate means, and the threat
of force will not dissuade it from doing so.
As to the Cyprus issue, it is widely admitted that the
status quo is unacceptable. Nevertheless, no progress has
been achieved in the course of the last 22 years. Turkey,
provocatively defying consecutive Security Council
resolutions is still occupying by force a considerable part
of the island. At the same time, Turkey is flagrantly
violating basic human rights and freedoms of the Cypriot
people, while engaging in systematic plunder of the
island’s cultural and religious heritage. Moreover, Turkey
continues to systematically promote the illegal and
condemned practice of establishing settlers on the island.
The time has come to reach a just and viable
solution to the Cyprus problem based on the relevant
United Nations resolutions and providing for a
bicommunal bizonal federation with a single sovereignty
and international personality and a single citizenship,
while safeguarding the independence and territorial
integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.
The prospect of Cyprus joining the European Union
is indeed an important new development, which creates
conditions that should facilitate a comprehensive
settlement of the issue. The period until the start of the
accession talks should in no way be left unexploited. At
the same time, the Greek Government welcomes any new
ideas and initiatives, whatever their origin may be, which
would contribute to a solution within the framework of
the United Nations resolutions. A basic factor for
achieving a breakthrough, in our opinion, is the
coordination of all initiatives by the Secretary-General
and his Special Representative.
Meanwhile, the tension lingering on the island
involves serious risks and creates additional complications
which render the efforts for a settlement more arduous.
Turkey and the pseudo-state, taking advantage of a
peaceful demonstration by Greek Cypriots, proceeded a
few weeks ago, with the active involvement of the
extremist terrorist Turkish group the Grey Wolves, to
implement a meticulously prepared plan which was
crowned by the murder in cold blood of two young
Cypriots and the injuries sustained by many others,
United Nations peacekeepers included.
The aim was undoubtedly to demonstrate the
existence of an alleged international boundary on the
island. It was also to support the Turkish claim that the
two communities cannot live peacefully side by side and
that the presence of the Turkish occupation forces is
therefore necessary for the protection of the Turkish
Cypriot community. But the truth is that both
6

communities can indeed coexist peacefully. So it was felt
necessary to call in extremist elements from mainland
Turkey in order to implement this scenario and to try to
create mistrust between the communities.
In the wake of those recent tragic developments we
steadfastly believe that the adoption of President Clerides’
proposal for the demilitarization of Cyprus, a proposal
whose importance has already been widely acknowledged,
will decisively contribute to defusing tension and will at the
same time meet the security requirements of all
communities living on the island.
In a broader context, the search for a just and viable
solution to this complex international problem requires
decisiveness and perseverance. If the bicommunal dialogue
is to have any chance of success, a minimum common
ground is indispensable, based on the relevant United
Nations resolutions. But if the other party does not show
the necessary political will, the international community
should at last live up to its political and moral
responsibilities. It should take action without delay and try
to convince Turkey to abide by international law and
withdraw its troops from the island.
With regard to the Balkans, Greece’s policy in the
area is guided by the principles of the maintenance of
stability, peace and security, the inviolability of
internationally recognized borders and full respect for
human rights, including those relating to national minorities,
in accordance with the relevant principles of the United
Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe. Greece supports the establishment of good-
neighbourly relations and the development of close
economic ties with and among all Balkan countries. At the
same time, our systematic cooperation with the countries of
the Balkan peninsula contributes to the achievement of their
long-term goals of economic and political rapprochement
with the European Union and its institutions. We fully
support and actively promote the European orientation of
these countries.
Moreover, Greece has supported all international
initiatives aimed at further promoting Balkan regional
cooperation, such as the conference of ministers of
southeastern Europe — which convened this year in Sofia
and which will meet again in Thessaloniki in June of next
year — the European Royaumont initiative and the United
States southeast European cooperative initiative. We believe
that in their complementarity, these efforts contribute to the
stability, security and prosperity of the area.
In the context of regional cooperation I should also
mention the Greek initiative for trilateral meetings of the
ministers for foreign affairs of Greece, Bulgaria and
Romania, which took place at Ioannina, Greece in 1995,
and, after that, in Varna, Bulgaria, on 16 and 17 March
1996. The aim of these meetings is to bolster subregional
cooperation, mainly in the fields of transport,
telecommunications and energy, as well as in the
development of infrastructure.
Greece was one of the founding members of the
Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) organization.
Greece recently became a member of the Parliamentarian
Assembly of the BSEC and participates actively in this
initiative that encompasses countries from both the
Balkans and the Black Sea area and which can make an
important contribution to the development and stability of
the wider region. One important achievement among
others is the establishment in Thessaloniki of the BSEC
Bank of Trade and Development which, is expected to
start functioning soon and contribute to the
implementation of specific projects of great interest to the
region.
I will now try to give a brief assessment of my
country’s bilateral relations with each individual Balkan
country.
In its relations with Albania, Greece actively pursues
the development of good-neighbourliness and cooperation
in all fields, based on the respect of sovereignty and
territorial integrity, as well as full respect for human
rights, including those relating to national minorities, in
accordance with the principles of the United Nations and
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
The Greek minority in Albania constitutes a bridge
of friendship and cooperation between the two countries.
To this end, encouraging steps are being undertaken by
the Albanian Government. Greece has actively supported
Albania in its efforts for reconstruction and development
and has backed its association with international
organizations. The visit last March of the President of the
Hellenic Republic to Tirana and the signing of a treaty of
friendship and cooperation between the two countries
opened a new chapter in their relations for the benefit of
the two peoples.
Greek-Bulgarian relations have continued their
fruitful and constructive development marked by
exchanges of visits at all levels. Recent crucially
important agreements — among them one concerning the
7

opening of three new border check-points and another on
the waters of the Nestos river — give true meaning to their
cooperation in the field of infrastructure, while being of
decisive significance for the future development of the
region's European orientation.
Greece’s relations with Romania have reached a high
level during the last years. Visits at all levels, including one
by the President of the Hellenic Republic, have taken place
frequently and close and broad cooperation in the economic
and cultural fields has been achieved.
Greece’s goal is the establishment of close and
friendly relations with all countries that have emerged from
the former Yugoslavia. The traditionally close relations of
Greece with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia will be
further strengthened through enhanced economic
cooperation, especially following the suspension of the
United Nations embargo, which inflicted heavy losses on
the Greek economy also. A multi-faceted development of
their cooperation will help to redress the past.
Greece’s relations with Croatia and Slovenia have
followed a steady upward trend. Greece has a great interest
in the dynamic development of its relations with those two
countries in all fields, and I am glad to acknowledge their
positive response as well. With regard to Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Greece fully supported the Dayton Peace
Agreement and has actively participated in the efforts to
implement it fully. Timely and full respect of this
Agreement is the best guarantee of the preservation of the
integrity, sovereignty and multiethnic character of that
Republic. The efforts of the international community to
achieve peace in Bosnia must succeed. First must come the
constitution and proper functioning of the joint organs of
the Republic in order to expedite the return to full
normalization of life in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Greece
has established diplomatic relations with Bosnia and
Herzegovina and participates in reconstruction plans with
substantial economic aid.
Greece expresses the wish that negotiations taking
place with The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
under the auspices of Mr. Vance on the issue of the name
of that Republic will finally meet with success, so as to
open the way for a full normalization and the dynamic
development of relations between our two countries.
The Middle East peace process is currently at a critical
crossroads. It is with shock and dismay that my
Government is following the latest dramatic developments
in the West Bank and Gaza. We express our deepest
sorrow at the deaths that have occurred and our grave
concern about the future of the peace process. Greece
urges all parties to demonstrate the utmost restraint and to
refrain from any action which might lead to a further
escalation of violence in the occupied territories. In
particular, they must step back from any action that is
bound to rekindle deep-rooted sentiments of mistrust and
enmity on both sides.
There is no alternative for the peoples in the region
other than a peace based on the principle of land for
peace. There is no alternative to the peace process. If this
process stagnates, there is a danger that it will unravel.
There is an urgency for both parties to resume efforts to
fulfil earnestly their agreed obligations. Greece calls on
the parties to resume negotiations immediately on the
basis of the principles already accepted by them in the
Madrid and Oslo agreements. We consider it of the
utmost importance that the Israeli-Palestinian Interim
Agreement be fully implemented, and that the talks on the
final status of the Palestinian territories — including
Jerusalem — are speedily concluded together with the
solution of the two outstanding problems, namely,
security for all and social and economic development.
Failure to proceed could lead to grave consequences
as far as peace and stability in the whole region are
concerned. Peoples of the region should be guaranteed a
secure life within internationally recognized and safe
boundaries. In this context, Greece believes that the
international community must spare no effort to create a
solid basis for the political and economic survival of the
Palestinian National Authority, thereby providing a source
of hope for the Palestinian people. Greece will continue
to support this effort actively. We are of the view that the
peace process could be substantially promoted if those
States of the region which are directly concerned would
join forces with those actively participating in it. We urge
the implementation of Security Council resolution 425
(1978) on Lebanon. Greece, who has actively participated
in the Middle East peace process since its beginnings in
Madrid, will continue to offer every possible support and
assistance to the bilateral and multilateral negotiations
towards a comprehensive, final and just peace.
The expansion and improvement of the
representative character of the Security Council
constitutes one of the most urgent needs for reform in the
United Nations system. While ongoing discussions have
been focusing on adding to the permanent membership in
8

order to reflect changes in the global balance since 1945, as
well as on the right of veto and its use, we should not
disregard the long-term beneficial effects of allowing more
nations to participate in the decision-making process of this
critically important body.
In this context, the Greek Government has decided to
present its candidature for one of the two non-permanent
seats allocated to the Group of Western European and other
States in the Security Council for the period 1999-2000. It
should be noted that Greece, a founding member of the
United Nations, is one of the very few Western countries
that have served only once as a non-permanent member of
the Council, and that was more than 40 years ago. Greece
is located at a crossroads in the Balkans and southeastern
Europe, a region that should be given the opportunity to be
represented on and to participate actively in the Council.
My country’s firm and unconditional commitment to the
peaceful settlement of disputes, in accordance with the
fundamental principles of international law and the Charter
of the United Nations, offers all the necessary guarantees
that its election will indeed serve the cause of international
peace and security.
On the eve of the third millennium, an affirmation of
peace and cohesion among peoples must, more than ever
before, constitute the primary legacy to bequeath to future
generations. It befits the United Nations to be the
depository and guarantor of this legacy. It rests with
Member States to make solidarity, security and
development their watchwords for concrete action and their
battle cry in the fight against discord and injustice.


I wish to make a statement on behalf of the
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
At the outset, allow me to congratulate Mr. Razali
Ismail on his election to the high post of President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-first session, which attests
to the recognition of Malaysia’s authority in the
international arena. I am confident that, under his able
guidance, the General Assembly will write another
exemplary chapter in the annals of United Nations history.
I also take this opportunity to extend our deep
gratitude to the President of the last, historic fiftieth
session of the General Assembly, Mr. Diogo Freitas do
Amaral, for the excellent manner in which he led the
work of the Assembly.
The Azerbaijani Republic attaches special
importance to the creation of a new world order, based
primarily on the strict observance by all States of the
fundamental principles of international law and on the
comprehensive system of international security. World
security must take into consideration the interests of all
sovereign States, irrespective of their size or population.
No single State should ensure its own security at the
expense of another.
In a transformed world in the late twentieth century,
the euphoria of post-bloc relations has begun to yield to
the sober realization that mankind is faced today with
acute problems of an increasingly global nature. The
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, aggressive
separatism, international terrorism, drug trafficking and
environmental pollution are common problems that must
be resolved through joint efforts. In these conditions, the
consolidated action of Member States will permit a
quicker identification of the real mechanisms needed to
address these serious problems.
Azerbaijan welcomes the adoption of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, recently opened
for signature. The objective achieved had been sought for
many decades. It is a major contribution to the non-
proliferation of nuclear weapons, in particular, and
disarmament in general.
10

Taking into account the historical experience of the
world community and striving to attain the highest human
values, the Government of Azerbaijan, in the person of
President Heydar Aliyev, having unified the nation, is
heading with determination along the path of democratic
reform, since only a climate of peace and national accord
based on respect for civic rights and human liberties can
ensure the overall development of the individual and society
and create conditions conducive to normal interaction with
the world at large and the country’s achievement of
democratic political, economic and humanitarian standards.
However, every aspect of life in my country has been
seriously affected by the aggression of the Republic of
Armenia. The occupation of about 20 per cent of the
territory of Azerbaijan and the seizure and plunder of towns
and villages, including tens of thousands of objects taken
from households, industry, agriculture, the infrastructure
and the social sector, continue to inflict enormous damage
on the Azerbaijani State. “Ethnic cleansing” has been
carried out in the occupied territories. The country faces an
extremely serious humanitarian situation. The number of
refugees and displaced persons has passed the one million
mark, a figure that is catastrophic for a country with a total
population of 7.5 million.
Still, we continue to consider peaceful negotiations
within the framework of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk process to be the
only way to settle the conflict. It was for that reason that
Azerbaijan, despite the continuing occupation of its lands
and the presence of enormous numbers of refugees and
displaced persons, consented to the ceasefire which has
lasted for more than two years.
The Republic of Armenia, endeavouring to consolidate
the gains from its past aggression, refuses to recognize
Azerbaijan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and thereby
entirely discredits one of the fundamental principles of
international law as a basis for settlement. That refusal has
become a major obstacle to the achievement of peace.
I would like to reconfirm our clear compromise
position on the settlement, which envisages the assurance
of unconditional and immediate implementation of the
relevant Security Council resolutions and OSCE decisions
regarding the conflict. The package of our proposals to
speed up progress in the Minsk process towards the
achievement of a comprehensive settlement consists of
these elements: the withdrawal of Armenian forces from all
occupied territories of Azerbaijan, including the Shusha and
Lachin districts; the return of the Azerbaijani population to
their previous places of residence, including the Nagorny-
Karabakh region of Azerbaijan; ensuring equal security,
monitored by the OSCE forces, for the Armenian and
Azerbaijani populations who have suffered as a result of
the armed conflict; and guarantees that autonomy will be
granted to the entire population of the region constituting
Azerbaijan.
At their meeting on 22 April 1996 in Luxembourg,
held within the framework of the conclusion of bilateral
agreements on partnership and cooperation between
Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia and the European
Union, the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia adopted
a joint communiqué expressing their agreement that the
resolution of the conflict will make a substantial
contribution to regional stability and security as well as to
the socio-economic development of the peoples of the
region.
In reflecting on the establishment of a security
system at the regional and pan-European levels, we would
like to emphasize that in our view the forthcoming OSCE
Summit in Lisbon constitutes a real opportunity for the
elaboration of basic principles for the settlement, not only
for the settlement, not only of the Armenian-Azerbaijani
conflict, but possibly also other conflicts in the OSCE
area. The relevant provisions of the Summit’s final
document, agreed at the highest level, could play a most
important role in the positive development of negotiations
both within the OSCE Minsk process and in all other
current mediatory efforts of the OSCE.
For several years since the end of the cold war
active discussions have been taking place in the world on
the transformation of international relations. These
discussions are held at different levels and touch upon
almost all aspects of life of the world community. The
United Nations, as the leading international organization,
is the main forum for gathering and testing a majority of
ideas related to a vision and understanding of processes
taking place in the world in recent years, and the
possibilities for their implementation in the name of
human progress.
In recent years these have been wide discussions on
an increase in the membership of the Security Council or,
in a broader context, on its reform in the light of the
substantial increase in the membership of the United
Nations and the major changes in international relations.
In this regard, it is important to take into account the
need to maintain and even strengthen the ability of the
11

Security Council to respond adequately to threats of
international peace and security.
Azerbaijan supports the candidatures of Germany and
Japan as potential permanent members of the Security
Council. At the same time, the question of equitable
representation of all regions among the permanent members
should not disappear from the agenda. In this context, it
should be noted that many other ideas and proposals have
been put forward, in particular by Italy and a number of
other States, which must be thoroughly studies.
Azerbaijan fully supports the efforts undertaken by the
international community in response to the alarming
increase in terrorist acts in recent years. We unequivocally
condemn, as criminal and unjustifiable, all acts, methods
and practices of terrorism, wherever and by whomever they
are committed, including those that jeopardize friendly
relations among States and peoples and threaten the
territorial integrity and security of States. Azerbaijan
supports the establishment of a specialized international
organization to combat terrorism.
Azerbaijan attaches crucial importance to the process
of integration into the global economic system, and
considers it one of the main requisites for the formation of
a multidimensional, dynamic market economy and an open
democratic society. For this purpose legislation has been
adopted to strengthen market economy principles, notably
through laws on private property, free enterprise, banking
activities, foreign investment protection, and so on.
Economic reform in Azerbaijan and the implementation of
economic projects are being carried out in active
collaboration with the Bretton Woods institutions. Concrete
measures have been worked out and are being implemented
to shape State economic policy for the transitional period.
They include the reform of the monetary and credit system
and the development of pricing and tax policies. A three-
year programme to privatize State enterprises has been
launched. To achieve this goal Azerbaijan actively
encourages foreign investment, and has embarked on a
consistent course of liberalization of foreign economic
activity, the gradual elimination of non-tariff restrictions,
and encouragement of national exports.
The Azerbaijan Republic agrees on the need for the
structural reform and financial normalization of the United
Nations. In this regard, I would like once again to draw the
General Assembly’s attention to the problem of the
assessment of fair contributions to the United Nations
budget that will reflect the real capacity of States to pay.
While we welcome the decision of principle to abolish the
system of limits, we nevertheless consider that the long-
windedness of this process is resulting in the deterioration
of the financial situation of the newly independent States,
including Azerbaijan, which is obliged, in order to clear
its debts to the United Nations budget, to cut down on the
already very meagre programmes of social support for the
population, particularly refugees and displaced persons.
The Government of Azerbaijan would also like to
draw particular attention to the need for fair
representation of the new independent States within the
staff of the United Nations. While we are aware of the
difficulties the Organization is now experiencing, we
cannot accept a situation in which Azerbaijan is still not
represented in the secretariats of the United Nations and
its specialized agencies.
The economic reforms carried out in Azerbaijan are
aimed largely at improving the social situation of the
population. However, the monthly income of a
considerable portion of the population is below the
subsistence level, given the persisting economic
difficulties in a country with an economy in transition,
which have been aggravated by the burden of providing
the necessary assistance to the refugees and displaced
persons.
In such a situation, great importance attaches to
special humanitarian and other forms of assistance from
the United Nations, its specialized agencies and donor
countries, including assistance for the rehabilitation and
reconstruction of a number of regions of Azerbaijan that
have suffered as a result of military action. While
expressing the deep gratitude of the people of Azerbaijan
for the assistance provided, we appeal to donor countries
not to reduce its scale.
I am confident that the United Nations will continue
to do its best to act as a catalyst in the achievement of
peaceful coexistence among States, and to reinforce the
notion of the interdependence of national aspirations and
the common welfare of humanity, thus creating conditions
conducive to the political stability and sustainable
economic development of States.
The potential exists to reinforce and strengthen the
work of the United Nations. We are increasingly
witnessing the expansion of the Organization’s sphere of
activity, when it goes beyond the bounds of the traditional
concept of maintenance of international peace and
security and tackles more diversified tasks. Activities such
as electoral assistance, the provision of special
1

humanitarian assistance, human rights monitoring,
assistance in nation-building and the creation of conditions
for the sustainable development of States have begun to be
associated around the world with the United Nations today.
In concluding, I should like to recall the well-known
maxim: “The best world is a world that belongs to all, and
it becomes possible only through the efforts of all.” So let
us unite our efforts for the sake of building such a world.


Mr. President, please
accept our heartfelt congratulations on the assumption of
your high office. Your unanimous election is a tribute to
your great country, with which we enjoy friendly and
fraternal relations. It is also a testimony to your diplomatic
skills and personal standing in this world forum, where, on
so many occasions, you have articulated most persuasively
the concerns of the international community, particularly
those of the marginalized and vulnerable. You are assured
of the unstinting support of my delegation in the discharge
of your very heavy responsibilities.
I should like to convey to your predecessor, the
President of the General Assembly at its historic fiftieth
session, His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, our
appreciation for a job well done.
I should also like to pay a special tribute to our
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. In a very
real sense, he is the first Secretary-General of the post-
cold-war period, and has had to contend with issues and
problems that were perhaps furthest from the minds and
intentions of the founding fathers of our Organization. To
his high office he has brought to bear clarity of vision
and purpose, and a remarkable ability — as we have seen
from two seminal reports, on the Agenda for Peace and
the Agenda for Development — to present complex
analyses and facts in a simple, distilled form. For nearly
half a decade, he has handled what was once described by
one of his predecessors as “the most impossible job on
this earth” with verve, dignity and integrity.
Over two decades ago, the father of our nation,
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, addressed the
General Assembly at its twenty-ninth session, soon after
Bangladesh’s entry into the United Nations as a fully-
fledged Member. In his speech he outlined some cardinal
tenets, the basic focus and thrust of our foreign policy,
and our domestic priorities. These hold good even today,
in a world that has undergone radical transformation. As
Bangabandhu stated, our foreign policy is based on the
principles of peaceful coexistence and friendship towards
all.
Our political party, the Awami League, has only
recently been returned to office, through the process of
general elections, after a gap of more than 20 years. As
was stressed by our leader at the twenty-ninth session of
the General Assembly, our total commitment to peace is
born of the realization that only in an environment of
peace can our people concentrate their energies and
resources in combating the scourges of poverty, hunger,
disease, illiteracy and unemployment that still beset a
large proportion of humankind. We naturally place special
importance and emphasis on the development of good-
neighbourly relations with the countries of our region, on
the basis of universally accepted principles of peaceful
coexistence, mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial
integrity and non-interference in each other’s internal
affairs. We identify wholeheartedly with the aspirations
and hopes of developing countries in general, particularly
those belonging to the Non-Aligned Movement, and share
a special affinity with the fraternal member States of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). We share
with our development partners the goal of improving the
quality of life of our people, and our relations with them
are of the greatest significance to us.
5

The existence of friendly and good-neighbourly
relations does not necessarily preclude the emergence of
problems. What these can ensure, however, is that the best
of political will, goodwill and good intentions are brought
to bear in seeking solutions to any outstanding problems or
any new ones that may arise. Such an approach would go
a long way towards resolving any differences or disputes.
Our outstanding problem with India over the sharing
of the waters of the Ganges River is not unknown to this
forum. Water resources play a predominant role in the
socio-economic development of a country. For Bangladesh,
the availability of fresh river water in adequate volumes is
indispensable for purposes of agriculture, irrigation,
fisheries, river traffic, maintaining ecological and
environmental balance and preventing the intrusion of
salinity. The importance that we attach to this issue cannot
be overemphasized and we have resumed bilateral
discussions with India, in an atmosphere of mutual
confidence and trust, to resolve this vexed problem
amicably and equitably so that our legitimate concerns can
be met.
On the subject of water resources, I should like to
digress a little from the purely national and also bilateral
context, because the shortage of fresh water resources is
not, let me emphasize, unique or peculiar to Bangladesh or
our region. Even from the international perspective, it is an
issue of primal significance. According to a recent strategy
paper of the Committee on Natural Resources of the
Economic and Social Council, by the year 2025, 52
countries with a total population of more than 3 billion
people will be water-stressed or face chronic water scarcity.
The problem has as much to do with the availability of
fresh water in the overall global context as with the fact
that such resources, even when available in abundant
quantities, may be found in the wrong places or are
available at the wrong times. The problem, therefore, is
intimately and intricately linked to efficient water
management.
The question of water is not new to the global agenda
and, since the Mar del Plata Conference in March of 1977,
there have been international programmes on water-related
issues. It has not, however, in our view, received the
priority that it deserves. An international code of conduct
for water-sharing was provided for in the Mar del Plata
Action Plan and, as the strategy paper of the Committee on
Natural Resources suggests, an international code of water
ethics is needed more urgently today than ever before as a
guide to help countries in their efforts to reach bilateral and
multilateral agreements. The paper also suggests an
international convention on freshwater resources along the
lines of those that already exist on biodiversity, ozone
depletion and climate change. In particular, the paper
stresses that the United Nations should develop principles
and ethics on sharing the joint planetary freshwater
resources. These are ideas that, in our view, warrant
serious consideration by the world community.
Reverting to the subject of our Government’s
priorities, let me just add that, in the domestic sphere, like
all other developing countries, we are striving for a
human development paradigm that will prioritize people,
especially the most vulnerable and disadvantaged sectors.
We will pursue a programme of reforms with emphasis
on our domestic considerations: poverty alleviation and
economic growth with social justice. The social sectors
will receive special attention.
The 1990s has been a period of democratic renewal.
Our Government firmly believes that it is as important,
and perhaps more difficult, to live up to great principles
and ideas as to fight for their realization. That is why we
shall strive to strengthen our polity through institutions
and laws.
Through constitutional amendment, an important
innovation for democratic institutions and practice was
effected in Bangladesh, following overwhelming popular
demand, prior to our general elections in June. Three
months before general elections are to be held, the
Government will demit office and hand over power to a
non-partisan and neutral caretaker Government to be
headed by the most recently retired Chief Justice of the
country and comprised of eminent apolitical personalities
appointed on his advice, keeping in mind the sensitivities
of the major political parties. The principal mandate of
the caretaker Government will be to ensure free and fair
general elections to be conducted by an independent
constitutional authority, the Election Commission. Foreign
observers were welcome to observe the electoral process,
completely unhindered, in 1996 and 1991. Reports
submitted by international observers can be of help in
identifying any shortcomings or gaps that may exist and
also contain constructive suggestions for improvement.
These steps are the national equivalents of confidence-
building measures between and among States.
Democracy, of course, goes well beyond the holding
of periodic general elections. It is a continuous process
and even a culture and ethos, which above all denote a
certain approach and attitude to governance. We in
Bangladesh see democracy as more than a laudable and
6

desirable objective. In the long term, democratic and
accountable government affords the most efficacious and
stable medium to develop the economy of a State and to
achieve prosperity for its people. The very apposite point
has been made, however, that democracy cannot on its own
be a panacea for the diverse problems that confront many
countries. There must also be effective international
cooperation and a supportive external economic
environment if the major socio-economic problems are to
be meaningfully addressed.
The cold war is now truly behind us and the object
now is to win the peace. Peace is not simply the absence of
war, but should encompass every human condition,
necessity and amenity that make for a civilized and
dignified life. It is inseparable from security and is the flip
side of development. Political, economic and social issues
are today intimately and intricately intertwined. Political
internationalism without economic internationalism can only
be likened to a house built upon sand. Most emphatically
in this day and age of interdependence, no nation can
achieve its fullest development alone. This is an area where
the United Nations and the United Nations system clearly
have a constructive role to play.
The main purposes of the United Nations, as outlined
in Chapter I of the Charter, include the achievement of
international cooperation in solving international problems
of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character
and also to be a centre for harmonizing the actions of
nations in the attainment of these common ends.
The Bretton Woods institutions are, of course, major
players in the field of development policy and research.
There is also, in our view, a patent need and ample
justification in the Charter provisions for the United Nations
and the United Nations system to play a meaningful role in
global macroeconomic policy and strategy formulation. The
United Nations is the universal forum for dialogue and
decisions on such issues. This is an area in which, in
particular, a revitalized Economic and Social Council can
play a constructive and fruitful role. While the United
Nations economic role provides special focus on
operational, welfare and humanitarian activities, there is
certainly a need for greater harmony and coordination
between the United Nations systems on the one hand and
the Bretton Woods institutions on the other.
On the subject of development, let me reaffirm that a
supportive external environment is an indispensable
supplement to national efforts and policies. Poverty is
arguably the prime source of world disorder and needs to
be addressed, inter alia, through sustained and enhanced
flows of resources from the North to the countries of the
South. The gap between North and South is widening at
an ominous rate. In 1890, the wealth of each European
was twice that of a South Asian. Today, the gap is 70-
fold. In 1960, the per capita gross national product of the
richest 20 per cent of States was 30 times higher than that
of the poorest 20 per cent. By 1989, the gap had widened
to 60 times. By 1994, only four countries members of the
Development Assistance Committee (DAC) had reached
the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of gross national
product as official development assistance. The average
figure for DAC countries actually fell from 0.31 per cent
in 1993 to 0.30 per cent in 1994. The least developed
countries’ share of world trade has plummeted in two
decades from 0.8 per cent to a mere 0.4 per cent.
The problems of the 48 least developed countries
continue to deserve special consideration on the global
development agenda. The Mid-term Global Review of the
Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries
for the 1990s has pointed to the limited progress made in
the implementation of commitments by our development
partners. The development initiatives of the least-
developed countries are stunted by problems associated
with formidable structural adjustment programmes, the
decline of an already low level of development resources,
and the extremely low level of exports compounded by
limited market access. The debt-relief measures taken thus
far have remained grossly inadequate. We urge our
development partners to adopt specific and concrete
measures to redress these problems. We welcome the
statements of several delegations that asked the removal
of barriers on the products of the least developed
countries. We believe that, at the forthcoming Ministerial
Meeting of the World Trade Organization in December,
every participant will work to remove all obstacles to
trade from this vulnerable group of countries.
The problems of developing countries are also, at
one remove, the problems of the whole world, because
prosperity, like peace and stability, is in the final analysis
indivisible. For developed countries, assistance to the
countries of the South will surely constitute an investment
in a more secure, stable and, I have no doubt, eventually
prosperous third world. The marginalization of developing
countries would be morally indefensible, politically self-
defeating and economically counter-productive. The
aspirations of the South and the prosperity of the North
are emphatically not mutually exclusive.
7

As the first United Nations Secretary-General put it,
the United Nations was as strong an Organization as the
representatives in San Francisco could agree upon. Half a
century later, the United Nations remains the indispensable
linchpin of any international order, a role for which it is
uniquely conditioned, equipped and mandated. I should like
to stress here that an effective and credible United Nations
is even more vital and relevant for the smaller and more
vulnerable States than for the more powerful ones.
In today’s vastly altered world, the United Nations and
its system offer even broader promise than what its
founding fathers could have envisioned. However, like all
organizations, the United Nations system is also subject to
the Darwinian dictum of “adapt or perish”. Much thought,
effort and work are therefore being devoted to the goal of
making the United Nations more attuned and responsive to
changing times and requirements, charting its future course
and defining its new emphases and priorities.
The United Nations areas of responsibility should
clearly cover problems or issues between States, especially
those that are pandemic in range and global in consequence.
Environmental degradation, human rights, burgeoning
populations, the situation and rights of women and children,
the depletion of non-renewable natural resources, drugs,
migration, international terrorism and corruption in
international business could very well — in addition to
issues of international peace, security and development —
be the topical objects of United Nations policies and
actions. We would, of course, want a United Nations that
is streamlined and focused, open and accountable, with
professional management systems and structures.
On the subject of Security Council reform, a number
of proposals have been mooted, including a wide-ranging
one by Italy. There is a broad convergence, if not
consensus, on the idea that the overall size of an expanded
Council should not exceed a figure in the low or mid-
twenties. An agreement as to whether expansion should
cover only the non-permanent category or both categories
of seats, or could even include a new semi-permanent
category, still continues to elude us. It is our view that
three aspects of the issue should be given priority.
Firstly, the smaller and the more vulnerable States that
by definition pose no threat to international security have
the most vital stakes in the United Nations. Their interests
and concerns may not be overlooked in any restructuring of
the Council. Experience also shows that smaller countries
with no vested interests have played a more constructive
role as Council members in general.
Secondly, the objective of any reform and
restructuring should be a more effective and dynamic
Council. Nothing should be allowed to detract from this.
Thirdly, the moral dimension in determining criteria
for possible new categories of membership or for any
addition to permanent ranks should be given due
consideration. This would include a country’s
commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter,
to democratic government and the essential freedoms,
human rights and, in general, respect for United Nations
decisions.
The Secretary-General is the most visible symbol
and personification of the United Nations and the United
Nations system. We see him as something more than the
chief administrative officer of the Organization, as
stipulated in the Charter, because he also has important
political responsibilities. A former Secretary-General was
of the view that the Secretary-General should be of help
in
“filling any vacuum that may appear in the systems
which the Charter and traditional diplomacy provide
for the safeguarding of peace and security”.
While efforts are being made to enhance the
effectiveness of the General Assembly, the Security
Council and the operational arms of the United Nations
system, we could perhaps consider ways of strengthening
the office of Secretary-General. One idea that we would
commend for consideration is the establishment of a
committee, along the lines of the General Committee of
the General Assembly, that the Secretary-General could
consult, formally or informally, collectively or by
individual member, on important administrative and
political issues. Such a committee would serve useful
purposes, particularly in ensuring the rightful role of the
General Assembly.
First, it would ensure closer interaction and exchange
between the Secretary-General and the General Assembly.
Secondly, it would provide the Secretary-General the
benefit of dispassionate counsel and a feel for the
thinking of Member States on issues in an institutional
manner. And, thirdly, it would make for greater
transparency in decision-making.
The objective of any reform and restructuring
exercise is a strengthened United Nations that is
institutionally better equipped to fulfil its mandate.
Reforms, however, can only supplement, not be a
8

substitute for the political will to do what is right and
warranted by the purposes and principles and other
provisions of the Charter. Over the years, when the United
Nations has floundered or failed, the predominant reasons
were more often, unfortunately, the lack of political will
rather than insuperable local difficulties or institutional
lacunas.
I should like to touch very briefly upon the dismal
financial situation of the United Nations, which has become
very serious indeed. Member States have every right and
even a duty to demand the best value for their money. The
United Nations, however, must be provided the wherewithal
to discharge its responsibilities. We welcome the United
States commitment to meet its financial obligations to the
United Nations and to pay its arrears over a five-year
period.
Some interesting suggestions on United Nations reform
have emanated from the Group of Seven Summit in Lyon
earlier this year. These envisage some savings from the
removal of overlap, improvement in the effectiveness of
some agencies and commissions, and consolidation and
rationalization of certain programmes. I have no doubt that
the Fifth Committee and perhaps the Advisory Committee
on Administrative and Budgetary Questions will look
closely at these proposals. We, of course, welcome the
suggestion that any savings from such reforms are planned
to be reinvested in development programmes.
A more realistic perspective of the expenditures
incurred by the United Nations is afforded by comparing
the United Nations budget with expenses incurred in certain
activities by national or even local Governments. For
example, in 1992, the United Nations regular assessed
budget was about the size of the New York City Fire
Department budget. In 1994, the cost of the entire United
Nations system, including all emergency operations, was
over $10 billion, or about $2 per capita of the planet’s
population. The expenditure on arms in the same year was
about $150 per capita.
While every scope and avenue for greater cost-
effectiveness should be explored, it is difficult to escape the
conclusion that the United Nations gives good value for
money. Expenditures on peacekeeping and the United
Nations system are in a real sense an investment in peace
and security.
Disarmament has always been accorded a very high
priority in the United Nations. In particular, the question of
nuclear disarmament has always received the highest
priority. With the end of the cold war, there is an
increasing awareness of the need to address this issue in
all earnestness. The indefinite extension of the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) last year
and the adoption of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty by an overwhelming majority in the General
Assembly are welcome steps towards the ultimate goal of
nuclear disarmament. The International Court of Justice,
in its recent Advisory Opinion on the issue of nuclear
weapons, stressed the obligation
“to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion
negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its
aspects under strict and effective international
control”. (A/51/4, para. 182 (f))
Like chemical and biological weapons, nuclear
weapons must be outlawed. In the post-cold-war world,
they have became an anachronism. They do not enhance
international security and can only imperil world peace.
For Bangladesh, the pursuit of general and complete
disarmament is a fundamental principle of State policy.
As a new member of the Conference on Disarmament, we
are fully prepared to play a constructive role towards this
goal. Bangladesh, together with most members of the
G-21, has submitted a proposal in the Conference on
Disarmament on the elimination of nuclear weapons. This
has been circulated as a Conference on Disarmament
document. We accept that substantial reductions are being
made under START I and START II in the nuclear
arsenals of the two major nuclear Powers. The
uncomfortable fact remains, however, that even after
START II is completed by the year 2003 at the latest,
there will still be more nuclear warheads in existence than
in 1970, when the NPT came into force. The need to
move speedily towards a third START treaty and beyond
is very obvious.
Peacekeeping continues to be a most significant area
of United Nations activity. The United Nations has indeed
achieved some notable successes in peacekeeping
missions in recent times, examples of which include those
in El Salvador, Cambodia, Haiti, Mozambique and
Angola. Bangladesh is proud to play an active role in
United Nations peacekeeping activities. Our peacekeepers
have shed their blood and sacrificed their lives in the
cause of peace throughout the world.
There is room for cautious optimism on the issue of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. We sincerely hope that the
Dayton Agreement will be implemented in its entirety and
9

that a genuine peace will return to that beleaguered region.
Bangladesh will continue to support all efforts towards this
objective through regional as well as multilateral forums.
Recent developments in the Middle East have been of
concern to us all. Bangladesh expressed its grave concern
and outrage at the recent violence and killings that took
place in the West Bank and Gaza and the disrespect shown
to the holy Al-Aqsa Mosque. We call upon all concerned
to honour their commitments under the peace accord with
a view to finding a comprehensive and lasting peace in the
Middle East, which Bangladesh believes will enable the
emergence of a Palestinian State with Jerusalem as its
capital. The Government and the people of Bangladesh
stand by President Yasser Arafat and our Palestinian
brethren. We also reaffirm our commitment and support to
the Arab and Palestinian cause.
In a very real sense, the United Nations belongs to the
entire human family. Over the years, it has been a potent
moral force and an influence for the good. It remains the
only credible vehicle that can move the world towards the
goal of international peace and prosperity. The institution
of the United Nations itself, comprised of Member States
large and small, attests to mankind’s wisdom and desire for
peace. We have every confidence and hope that, in the
crucial years ahead, a revitalized United Nations will
continue to play an effective role in deciding the
transcendent policy issues of the day.
Differences between peoples, countries and nations can
and do exist, and yet all share a common vision, hopes and
aspirations. Good men and women all over the globe must
surely dream the same dreams of lasting peace and
happiness.
Over 50 years ago, a great world leader — one of the
architects of the Atlantic Charter and one of the first
persons to use the term “United Nations” — made an
impassioned plea for peace when he wrote:
“We are faced with the pre-eminent fact that if
civilization is to survive, we must cultivate the science
of human relationship — the ability of peoples of all
kinds to live together and work together in the same
world at peace.”
President Roosevelt did not live to speak those words,
which he wrote for what would have been his last address.
His words are surely relevant even today.