Mr. President, on behalf of the Government of the Republic of Panama, may I express great pleasure at the choice of Your Excellency to carry out the responsible task of presiding over the forty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your Excellency’s experience and capacity, as well as your thorough knowledge of world problems, and in particular your familiarity with the cause of Central American peace, will, without doubt, contribute to the achievement of satisfactory results in the Assembly's consideration of the complex and delicate issues with which it will be dealing.
I wish to pay a special tribute also to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his diplomacy, which has produced significant results in the case of some of the issues that concern us most. He is to be commended for his immense and positive activity in the cause of peace, particularly with regard to the cessation of hostilities between Iran and Iraq, Those achievements seem to have brought closer the realization of the ideals espoused by the founders of the United Nations, enabling the Organisation to serve effectively as a system of collective security.
From the Secretary-General's report, there are many lessons we can learn concerning the need, in the case of external debt, to recognize that debtors and creditors share responsibility, and concerning the relationship between the arms race and inequalities of economic development. In addition, there is the question of the net export of capital to which the Latin American nations have been subjected in the servicing of their debt. The imposition of terms that are quite our of keeping with their capability, or even with the most elementary criterion of equity, constitutes a graphic accusation against their creditors,
A decade of zero growth in our continent, and even, in many areas, of decline in the production of wealth, constitutes an irrefutable and terrible denunciation of the imbalance that still persists in our world. What has really been happening is a greater concentration of wealth in a tiny minority of nations, while the difficulties placed on the majority of the less privileged nations, which are trying to break out of the trap of poverty and backwardness, have increased. If it is calculated that there may be 200 million Latin Americans living in poverty by the end of this century, surely that is more than enough reason to assert that the problem requires immediate action through the integration of Latin America, leaving aside traditional considerations.
Apart from the grave economic and social problems encountered everywhere, we are deeply disturbed by the international conflicts that keep the world in a state of instability and anxiety.
Even so, let me observe that the recent understandings between the two great Powers on the reduction of certain types of nuclear weapons allows us to hope that the world is moving away from the danger of a holocaust and that immense resources may be released for the solution of the most serious economic and social problems. It is encouraging that the principal source of fear and disquiet for several decades among large segments of mankind now appears to be less threatening.
However, these nuclear-arms limitation agreements coincide with the emergence of new concepts of security among the Powers that feel the need for greater emphasis on the use of conventional weapons as an instrument with which to subjugate weak and smaller peoples. This in turn means that renewed importance attaches to military installations located in strategic sites of regional or global importance.
Thus, while the world moves towards peace, a new danger hovers over many underdeveloped countries, and this is particularly true of Panama because the United States is now attaching greater importance to its military bases on Panamanian soil than it did before its agreements with the Soviet Union. That is why the United States does not wish to honour the commitments it entered into under the current Panama Canal Treaties and seeks to prolong its military presence in my country beyond the agreed terms.
Our geographical position, our most important and valuable natural resource, is thus being turned into the greatest danger to our sovereignty and independence. What for us is a bridge between the seas for the strengthening of international trade and for our own development is for others becoming a strategic position with global implications. What we have offered for the benefit of the world, others want for control of the world.
We in Panama have no ambitions or aspirations to wield power. We aspire only to being allowed to develop, under normal conditions, our capacity and potential to bring about material and spiritual improvements for our people.
Another of the great dangers now hanging over small peoples is disinformation. Using the weapon of disinformation to subjugate a smaller people, a great Power has set in motion its enormous established capacity to influence and control systems of collection, generation, distribution and presentation of news and comment, and has established a network for the manipulation of public opinion the world over.
The defenceless state in which societies now find themselves, confronted with massive processes of distortion in the mass media, is one of the most terrible problems of our time, particularly for the underdeveloped peoples, which are very vulnerable to disinformation. If that vulnerability is exploited at the national level, or at the level of regional hegemony, and if the strategy includes cultivating, exporting and introducing methods of Nazi fascism, from the defeat of which this Organization was born, then the time has come to give thought to the need for broad-based action to halt such a diversion of mankind from the right path.
Discord has been introduced into Panamanian society in a studied and planned way by the manipulation of minds, which has been extended to the rest of the world through the substitution of invented reality for truth - an invented reality in keeping with the will and designs of the present American Government. It should be recalled that in the last two years disinformation has been functioning as a propaganda ministry whose purpose it is to introduce everywhere a monstrous image of Panama and its highest officials.
If I say here and now that the whole campaign against the Commander-in-Chief of the Panamanian Defence Forces, General Manuel Antonio Noriega, is nothing but a sinister tissue of lies and falsehoods organized and spread by agents of the present Government of the United States, and if I say that the Panamanian defence forces have struggled in an exemplary manner against narcotics trafficking throughout the whole time they have been under his authority, some of the distinguished statesmen and officials in this Hall will perhaps think I am not talking about the same man against whom such immense power has been unleashed.
What, then, is the truth?
On 12 July 1988, in the Senate of the United States, Mr. John C. Lawn, Chief of the United States Drug Enforcement Agency, declared that he had never seen any evidence at all linking General Noriega with drug trafficking. What the United States Government has done is to introduce into world public opinion an image of Panama and its leaders that is nothing more than the product of its own invention, a fiction manufactured by its agents and transmitted and disseminated through channels under its control and orchestrated to lend dignity and merit to United States objectives.
The peoples of the world, and particularly the people of the United States, have been feed deplorable lies about Panama and have been induced to yield to fear of Panama. In the implementation of this plan not only the norms and fundamental principles of the United Nations have been breached but also even the most elementary considerations of humanity. What is being inflicted on the Panamian nation today deserves the most careful attention and very serious thought by the Governments of States Members of this Organization, because a new mode of war of conquest; is now being set in motion against the Republic of Panama.
Since the end of February of last year the present United States Government has committed against my country an astonishing series of violations of the basic norms of international law and the rules of peaceful coexistence. I wish to place on record categorically that my Government has more than sufficient reason to fear direct military aggression by the United States against the Republic of Panama. The Heads of State or Government of countries which have diplomatic or consular representatives accredited to my Government know quite well what I am talking about.
With the presidential succession of 26 February this year, when I took over as constitutional Head of State, all the masks were torn away, to leave exposed to the eyes of the whole world the objectives of the United States Government - that is, to overthrow the legitimate Government of Panama and impose a de facto regime headed by figures committed to the· renegotiation of those clauses of the Panama Canal Treaties which guarantee the Panamanian people definitive consolidation of an independent, free, sovereign and neutral nation at noon on 31 December 1999.
I strongly urge all representatives to focus most emphatically on this painful account of the grievous sufferings which my country and my people have endured, and which I shall now describe.
Panama was a flourishing, tranquil, happy and simple country with a satisfactory growth index. Dialogue had been the normal way of resolving our internal and international differences, when suddenly we found that discord had  been insidiously injected into Panamanian society, with a strategy of subjugation aimed at my country under the pretext that the system of government was not democratic.
We have long understood that the only way to give the word "democracy" any teal meaning is by means of a high level of popular participation and a just distribution of wealth and opportunities, so that all sectors may have access to the political decision-making machinery and the benefits of growth.
Aware of the inherent weaknesses of institutions which are copied or imposed by force, we have worked constantly on the vital substance of democracy, striking at the essence of social injustice and the social and economic obstacles that confine the liberty and equality of individuals, because they are prejudicial to human dignity. Of course, this mode of thinking gave rise to opposing reactions among those who felt that it was a threat to the privileges which they had accumulated with a regime of supposed formal democracy, but which could not be sustained. There were also opposing reactions in sectors which felt that we were moving too slowly, because the solution of problems could not be delayed. Those reactions were viewed and accepted by us as a domestic issue. We find it utterly unacceptable that a foreign Power should use all the resources of disinformation and manipulation of peoples' minds in order to penetrate those sectors and force them to act against the interests of our nation.
Democracy is forged through the daily practice of a combined effort, by those who govern and those who are governed, designed to establish the true economic and social justice on which is based the development of a new mode of life, which each nation has the right to try for itself. No country may take upon itself the power to intervene in another in order to impose on it an institutional pattern contrary to its self-determination. Our sovereign rights were violated when the Government of the United States proceeded to freeze $54 million belonging to the National Bank of Panama belonging to the Panamanian people, thus unleashing a fierce campaign designed to create widespread distrust in the Panamanian banking system. This was action provided for in plans made long ago to destroy the banking centre of Panama, an objective which, independently of the destabilising campaigns, had been attempted some years before. So arbitrary was this action that it Included the denial of justice to the National Bank of Panama, which has been unable to bring its case before United States courts or even obtain any information on the fate of its funds.
Similarly, another thing that is completely inconceivable is the retention of payments which the United States Government undertook to make to our country under the Panama Canal Treaties, and of payments which should be made by United States individuals or corporations in the form of taxes or duties established in our fiscal legislation.
It is without precedent, moreover, that by virtue of the Executive Order of the United States President, of 8 April 1938, the State Department authorises individuals to dispose with absolute impunity and no legal controls of public and private Panamanian funds arbitrarily withheld and deposited in a bank of the United States Federal Reserve. That Executive Order, to provide a reason to invoke the war powers Act, makes the absurd claim that my Government
"constitutes an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security, the foreign policy and the economy of the United States of America."
A country such as Panama cannot be a threat to the United states from any point of view, and our legitimate exercise of our independence, sovereignty and self-determination cannot be a threat to any people in the world. But, when the United States resorts to arbitrary actions and capricious moves in its relations with another nation, that certainly has very grave consequences. World leadership in the political field imposes great responsibilities in both the execution and the formulation of policies.
The United States declared economic war on the Republic of Panama. In this war the effects of warfare are not quantified in terms of loss of life and material destruction, but rather through the grave political, social, economic and moral damage which has had such a severe impact on the entire Panamanian people. In 1988, the gross domestic product will drop by more than 20 per cent, which represents more than 32 billion. In a country of 2 million inhabitants, sudden impoverishment of this sort makes the whole job of strengthening democratic institutions very much more arduous and difficult.
When we have seen the destruction of our economy, of the sources of our work, of our means of production and exploitation of our resources, and when supplies of food and medicine for our population have been seriously jeopardized, how can Panama fail to protest in the most energetic terms? How can it fail to protest when its financial negotiations are sabotaged, when public Panamanian funds, which have been withheld, are dealt with in a piratical manner without precedent in history, and in particular when every day may be the eve of a military attack from those United States bases located in our own territory?
Allow me now to state the reasons why the Panamian people is increasingly afraid of direct military intervention. We are now experiencing a visible, tangible and permanent threat, as can be discerned from the facts I have given and shall now continue to give because the entire international community needs to know these things.
The 1977 Panama Canal Treaty authorizes United States military presence in my country only for the purposes of the defence and protection of the inter-ocean Canal. However, that presence has now been turned into a base for hegemony and influence, particularly since 1986 with the fundamental restructuring of the nature and purposes of that military presence.
With the establishment of the Southern Army, and the reorganization of the hierarchy of the chain of command in the Southern Command, and with the considerable build-up of troops and military hardware, the United States military bases became a part of a structure designed to have ·the capacity to plan and carry out armed attacks against other countries. At the beginning of 1988, the total United States manpower present in Panama exceeded by several thousand the figures permitted by the Panama Canal Treaty.
Between 27 February and the first days of March of this year, commando units specialized in surprise attacks arrived in Panama together with an elite battalion of the 82nd Airborne Division, groups specializing in electronic warfare and more than 300 attack helicopters and troop helicopters ; in addition to special units for control and occupation of urban centres.
Later, 1300 more soldiers arrived, and 800 marines, combat helicopters and offensive military equipment which has never been a part of the military facilities used by the United States for the defence of the Panama Canal.
Fighters planes have taken over the Panamian skies. They are carrying out, with significant frequency, threatening manoeuvres not only against installations of the Panamian defence forces but even against international commercial flights flying different flags.
There has been a steady, unbroken succession of movements of arriving troops, reinforcing and taking over from those already present, together with more armaments having overwhelming destructive power. In addition, every day an interminable succession of manoeuvres and war exercises is rehearsed continuously; its purpose can only be to display the power constantly available for attack.
I wish now to refer again to the Secretary-General's report in order to reiterate the position the Panamian Republic has traditionally upheld at the United Nations and as a member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in the light of the problems dealt with in this important paper presented to us by Mr. Perez de Cuellar.
We agree with the Secretary-General's concerns about Central America and, as Panama has done within the Contadora Group and the Contadora Support Group, we insist on the need for a halt to pressure and foreign interference so that the Central American Republics can press ahead on the path to the broad-based agreement adopted in the Esquipulas II Agreement.
Mr. Perez de Cuellar's report also touches on a problem of vital importance to my country and people when it refers to the manifestations of contempt for international law which have occurred lately. If States do not properly implement treaties they have entered into and are currently in force, that will mean the collapse of the entire superstructure of international law and of the foundation of the organized international community. The Secretary-General tells us this in words which are a warning laden with grave implications.
Seeing the sufferings being endured by ray country as a result of the determination of the United States to disregard substantive commitments under the 1977 Panama Canal Treaties, I wish to add some final considerations because contempt for international Treaties implicitly involves a very grave breakdown of the moral basis for coexistence among nations.
When force replaces the mandates of international law, the door is opened to all sorts of abuses. The United States maintains a diplomatic Mission in my country but does not recognize my Government that Mission continues to engage in destabilizing activities, and we cannot have it removed from our soil because we are quite sure that that would be used as a pretext to use force against us. This is a new dimension of abuse of power. It is a day-to-day humiliation, an affront to the dignity of nations and their leaders. It is disrespect for the law of peoples.
Panama is not the only vulnerable nation. Many other nations now run the same risk and are faced with the same threat, a threat we can avoid only by uniting more strongly, because the sole protection of weak countries lies in our common defence of the principles the United States is violating.
Is not the power to decide upon the legitimacy of a Government and to give the funds of a sovereign State to individuals to use as they like a threat to everybody?
Only through the fullest and most resolute exercise of solidarity in union by all now and the taking of concrete steps towards prompt integration can it be guaranteed that Panama will be the last in a chain of similar cases. The political alliance constituted by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries is a powerful moral force in the international community. It is an unquestionable political force which is now obliged to extend its influence to the economic field in order to generate greater solidarity among the smaller, weaker countries. That is the best protection against situations such as that now inflicted on my country. Latin America bears an excessively onerous burden in terms of its problems of social, economic and cultural development, with immense numbers of people plunged into despair. In that context the introduction of discord into societies in the name of democracy, justice and freedom may give rise to results that will be quite contrary to those same ideals.
One hundred and sixty-seven years ago, one of the most distinguished of the founders of the United States, John Quincy Adams, uttered a prophetic warning against the danger of its government going beyond its frontiers seeking monsters to destroy, warning that the consequences would severely tarnish its libertarian ideals.
Those who love freedom, in my country and indeed all over the world, are certainly dismayed and indignant that the United States Government now resorts to the invention of monsters in pursuit of its designs of continental domination. The fact that the United States Government is now using its economic and military might to asphyxiate Panama and trying to bring it to its knees is seen by the countries of Latin America with weak economies as a sinister precedent. That policy can turn into a grievous parasitic burden for continental development and for the normal deployment of United States capital.
Foreign investment would give rise to apprehension and well justified fear, particularly in the Latin American countries, which would find themselves abruptly obliged to identify such investment as potential Instruments of imperialist designs. The orders and prohibitions imposed by the current United States Government on the corporations of its nationals in Panama are really tantamount to stamping its foreign investments with the label of weapons of aggression.
There are many countries which, like Panama, require massive capital investment in their development process, countries which have reformed their policies, have modernized their methods, have invested efforts and valuable resources in the training of Qualified personnel. They have adapted their laws and signed agreements in order to help attract foreign capital for the strengthening of their economy.
However, if those countries now see that Panama, with an economy so closely linked to United States investment, suddenly finds that the United States Government is exploiting the relative dependence which emanates from that bond, and if they see that it is then brandishing that fact as a weapon in order to strangle the Panamanian economy, bring its Government to its knees and subjugate its people, then, of necessity, they are bound to have grave misgivings. In the world economy a formula whereby more dollars are generated with less dignity can only give rise to fear.
Panama has rigorously fulfilled its international function as a centre for inter-ocean communication for the benefit of mankind and will continue to fulfil its historic role with absolute self-denial whatever difficulties may come its way and notwithstanding all the obstacles deliberately placed on its path. For that reason we demand respect for our dignity as an independent nation. We demand full compliance with the terms of the treaties which govern the functioning and maintenance of the Canal, with a view both to achieving full control by the end of this century and to ensuring its strict neutrality.
As the main reason for the existence of the United Nations is the desire of all mankind for peace, I am obliged to invoke the full capacity for moral deterrence which its assembled Members represent as protection for a nation which is threatened and against which aggression has been committed.
My Government wants peace and will seek a dialogue and broad-based agreement for the solution of all its international disputes. I wish to place on record in this Assembly that Panama has proved itself able to withstand aggression and has upheld its dignity because of the sense of nationhood and the feeling of the sovereignty of the Panamian people, which has gradually deepened with each passing generation in my country. Our will not be stifled however unequal the terms of the struggle that lies ahead of us may be. The deliberate aggravation of differences and the stepping up of aggression against Panama can only result in driving our peoples further apart and doing serious damage to the peace and security of that part of the world. It can have no other result. On the other hand, stretching our hands to each other and reaching an understanding will have great mutual benefits for the community of nations as a whole.


Mandated by a free and determined people through the most adequate mechanism to designate by whom they wish to be governed, namely, free and fair general elections, I stand here today to bring a message of hope, determination, endurance and achievement.
These past years have for us been marked by hope and frustration, illusions and dismay, the sense of participating in the dreams of young nations, yet also by a keen sense of isolation, bored by reality, the political leaders, together with the labour unions, the entrepreneurs, as well as the military leaders, have consistently sought a permanent solution to our fundamental problems. Pressure was applied from outside by withholding funds to which we were entitled by treaty provisions made in true faith after frank and open negotiations. At the same time, however, we were not without friends and sympathizers who backed us and wished us well, we are grateful for their understanding, their encouragement and their support.
In the end the people of Suriname have prevailed, for, although they are small in number, their hope, determination, endurance and commitment are infinite. Allow me, Sir, to join all those who have spoken before me in offering you, on behalf of my Government and on icy own behalf, sincere congratulations on your election as President of the forty-third session of our General Assembly. We are particularly satisfied to see you in the Chair, as your election is a well-deserved tribute to you and to our sister nation, Argentina, with which we maintain excellent relations. My Government is well aware of your outstanding diplomatic skills and vast experience, and is therefore confident that under your able guidance the Assembly will deal successfully with the natters that cone before it.
I also avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate your predecessor. Nr. Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic, on the dedicated and efficient way in which he presided over the forty-second session of the General Assembly.
As this body was informed at its previous session, our people overwhelmingly approved a new draft Constitution for the Republic of Suriname in a national referendum held on 30 September last year, and in so doing paved the way for the holding of general elections. The draft Constitution was subsequently made law by a unanimous decision of our National Assembly.
Apart from the subjects generally included in a Constitution, our new supreme law is characterized by the inclusion of specific provisions enabling direct influence by the people on the policy-making and executive processes through regional and subregional representative organs of the State. This newly enacted basic legal instrument of our nation further more enshrines the guarantee of human rights, while it also embodies the principles of a multi-party system and recognition of the important place and role of free, private enterprise, and guarantees the independence and integrity of the judiciary.
On the basis of that Constitution, general, fair, secret and free elections were held on 25 November 1987, at the national, regional and subregional levels. As a result, in the wake of those elections, the first elected Executive President and Vice-President in the Republic of Suriname were inaugurated on 25 January this year, and a new Council of Ministers was installed on 26 January.
At this point I should like to seize the opportunity once again to express the appreciation and indebtedness of my Government and people to various Governments and international organizations for the moral support given to us in our efforts to restore democracy and for sending observer delegations to witness the referendum and general elections of last year, as well as special missions to attend the inaugural ceremonies to which 1 have just referred.
Although the referendum and the elections have indeed laid the basis for the recovery of a democratic, constitutional State, we realize that we still have a long way to go in order to attain a stable and fully-fledged democracy. For Suriname to develop into a mature democracy, the newly-established democratic structures will have to be nurtured by means of national unity and political, social and economic stability. In this context, it should be mentioned that my Government has inherited a number of serious social and economic problems which could become a threat to our national unity and political stability if not urgently addressed.
Thus my Government has to deal with the problem of approximately 10,000 displaced citizens from the eastern part of Suriname, who fled the country for neighbouring French Guiana, seeking refuge from an internal armed conflict. My Government is soaking every effort through dialogue to end this insurgence, which has often resulted in violent acts of terrorism. It is faced, however, with the problem that the insurgents are aided and abetted by external forces whose chief aim is the continuation of violence through the provision, of arms, the recruitment and financing of mercenaries and so on.
It is obvious that it will be most difficult to bring about an end to the violence as long as such external support is continued. My Government has therefore appealed to the Governments of France and the Kingdom of the Netherlands to assist us in preventing arms deliveries and the recruitment of foreign mercenaries. As a member of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries, we also call upon all peace-loving nations to support the Ad Hoc Committee in its endeavours to fulfil its mandate as soon as possible. Only international, concerted action against this evil practice can contribute to the eradication of the mercenaries. We are of the opinion that the international community in general and the developed countries in particular have a moral obligation not to delay the conclusion of such a convention.
Meanwhile, the conflict has had a devastating effect on the already serious financial and economic crisis in our country. It has exacerbated the economic woes imposed on our country through such factors as the world recession, the withholding of financial development treaty resources and the absence of internal structural adaptation measures at the budgetary and monetary levels. It is hence self-evident that our economic and social development has been seriously affected·, this has become manifest in the decline of national production, the decrease in investments, the staggering rise of unemployment and inflation rates the deterioration of the balance of payments and, consequently, the near exhaustion of our foreign-exchange reserves. My Government is of the opinion that these challenges and difficulties should be faced unequivocally by a collective will to find just and proper solutions. To that end, the framework for a multi-year recovery programme has been developed.
We are aware, however, that in the interdependent world in which we live, no nation can develop in total isolation from others, and we are aware that no Government can fully realize its development policy objectives without external co-operation. My Government is therefore conducting negotiations with some friendly nations and international organizations, in a spirit of equality, co-operation and mutual respect for one another’s sovereignty in order to obtain their valuable views, support and assistance for the solution of our social problems and the recovery, restructuring and sustained growth of our economy.
We strongly believe in and adhere to a policy of dialogue and consensus aimed at the peaceful solution of problems, both nationally and internationally, and we therefore apply that policy in our relations and negotiations with the relevant Governments, organizations, institutions and individuals. Our policy is aimed at guaranteeing a stable and prosperous society based on a just and equitable sharing of human, natural and technological resources. We remain convinced that, with the support and co-operation of friendly nations, organizations and institutions, we shall succeed in overcoming all obstacles on the road to a fully flourishing democratic, peaceful, stable and prosperous Suriname. Aware of the extent to which our living destiny as a nation is influenced by the state of affairs in international relations, we, as a member of the international community, recognize our responsibility to contribute our share to the achievement of the primary goal of the United Nations. The achievement of a world with greater security for all nations, a world in which all can freely develop their potentials f lies at the heart of our Organization.
Formulated more than four decades ago, the principles enshrined in the Charter of the Organization have nevertheless remained valid for us as a guideline to the government of the State. My Government will, therefore, in our relations with other nations strictly abide by those principles as well as by those embodied in the charter of the Organization of American States, while, as a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, we shall continue to place a high value on its lofty goals and principles. My Government recognises the importance of the contribution that can be made to the cause of peace by the promotion of greater understanding and appreciation among nations, in particular among States belonging to the same region. Regional integration and co-operation are considered by my Government to be more important for promoting that objective, as they are instrumental in promoting our economic and social development. Increased participation in the regional organizations of Latin American and the Caribbean will be our deliberate policy to that end. Consequently, we shall spare no effort further to develop and intensify our inter-American relations.
Events that have recently developed on the international scene have rekindled the hope of my Government and of many others throughout the world that the purpose of the United Nations is indeed still viable. The positive turning-point in two major regional conflicts which clouded the international atmosphere for more than seven years has been welcomed by the international community. The cease-fire in the Gulf war is a source of great satisfaction to my Government, as it has relieved the international community of a dangerous conflict that could easily have widened into one with far-reaching implications for world peace. The continuation of that war for more than seven years, notwithstanding the numerous appeals of the United Nations to bring it to an end, has indeed been a senseless waste of the human and material resources of both nations.
At this point we think it appropriate to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General of our Organization and to those who co-operated with him for their painstaking efforts and perseverance in bringing the two States to the negotiating table. It is now incumbent on both of them to utilize to the maximum the possibilities provided by our Organization to settle their dispute peacefully.
It is gratifying for my Government to commend also the Secretary-General and his trusted assistants for their relentless efforts to free the territory of Afghanistan from the presence of foreign armed forces, thus removing from the international scene a major obstacle to the augmentation of international security. The restoration of, and respect shown by all countries for, the non-aligned status of Afghanistan will allow its people freely to settle their internal dispute in a manner they freely determine for themselves.
Those developments augur well for the future of our Organization, and we are therefore confident that the United Nations will play an ever-increasing active and beneficial role in the peaceful solution of some grave regional conflicts that, unfortunately, still exist. In that context we should like to express our great satisfaction at the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces, a well-deserved tribute. We should like to add our congratulations in that respect.
We are following with great interest another event on the international scene - namely, the armed conflict in South Africa, which has direct consequences for the long-standing question of Namibia. The United Nations has a considerable stake in the outcome of the ongoing negotiations, as it may be a determining factor in enabling our Organization to discharge its responsibility towards the Namibian people. We cannot allow the South African regime to use these talks as yet another of its widely known tactics to delay the independence of Namibia.	.
In South Africa itself the policy of apartheid remains one of defiance of international opinion and ever-increasing repression of those who are fighting for their basic human rights. My Government unconditionally supports the struggle of the people of South Africa to eradicate the system of apartheid. Mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa remain the only option to enable the international community to exert credible pressure on the South African Government to abandon its criminal policies.
My Government cannot but voice its dismay at the development in another area of a seemingly endless conflict which has occupied the attention of the international community for many years. The disregard which has been displayed by Israel for the resolutions of the United Nations over these years remains the main cause of the continued tension in that region. Understandably frustrated by the lack of any progress to end the illegal presence of Israeli forces in the occupied Arab territories, the population cannot but show its contempt for such injustice through campaigns of civil disobedience and protest.
The repressive reaction of the Israeli authorities to the legitimate expression of outrage by the Palestinian people deserves the condemnation of our Organization. It should be emphasized once more that peace in the Middle East can be achieved only through a settlement which is based on the principle of justice for all nations of the region.
The improved relations between the two States which play a key role in maintaining international peace and security offer new hope for our world that the threat against life on our planet will be removed. We welcome the tendency of increased mutual trust between those nations, which has led to a noteworthy breakthrough in our effort to halt the arms race and clear the way for further progress to end the greatest danger to the survival of mankind. Notwithstanding this significant step in the right direction, the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament has proved that deep-rooted differences are still to be bridged and that it will take more than one effort to overcome the threat of a nuclear holocaust.
Suriname believes that changing the arms policy into a policy aimed at social development would release significant human and financial resources that could be utilized to promote worldwide development, prosperity and peace.
My Government wishes to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for the way in which he has responded to the appeal by the General Assembly in its resolution 42/204 of 11 December 1987 to formulate a special plan of co-operation for Central American The plan identifies short-term and medium-term priority areas of co-operation and also sets out mechanisms for implementation and follow-up.
According to the Esquipulas agreement, peace and democracy in Central America cannot be achieved without a commitment to improve the social and economic well-being of the population of the countries involved. Since the roots of tension in Central America lie in social and economic problems, it is evident that the special plan of co-operation for Central America can be considered a welcome response to the question of alleviating the tension in that region.
The Government of Suriname considers drug abuse and illicit drug trafficking as a serious threat to mankind and will thus do everything possible, at both the national and the international level, to step up the fight against this evil scourge.
The world economic situation is still critical and a prolonged crisis is permeating all areas of economic and international relations. In this connection I should like to draw the attention of this body to the growing debt burden that has become the meet visible manifestation of that crisis. The external debt constitutes a challenge to our joint co-ordinated actions and our solidarity is being put to the test.
We feel that the strategy that has been followed so far is insufficient and of a short-term nature. Although the declaration of a moratorium by one or more countries is a possibility, the debt equity swap is a means, not a lasting solution. More them ever before the time is ripe for the developed and the developing countries to arrive at an equitable, lasting and mutually agreed solution on the basis of a developmental approach.
It is our considered opinion that an attitude of low profile and neglect in finding a mutual solution to the debt crisis is not only short-sighted but also dangerous, since this matter is already gravely disturbing the social and political stability of democratically elected Governments. Hence ray Government is in favour of a dialogue between creditors and debtors, based on the principles of co-responsibility and the right to development. The attitude recently demonstrated by the developed countries during the Toronto summit in relation to the rescheduling of the debts of the least developed third world countries is only a small step in the right direction. It is obvious that much more will have to be done.
Let me turn to a more positive note. My Government welcomes the recant concrete proposals containing a new approach in the policy of reunifying the Korean peninsula. It is the earnest hope of my Government that the suspended dialogue will be resumed on the basis of the new proposals. My Government furthermore hopes that in the not too distant future we will be able to welcome a unified Korea as a full Member of our Organization.
Finally, my Government is highly pleased to note that the United Nations is regaining its well deserved place in the international community as a unique forum for dialogue, understanding and co-operation. Let us hope that this positive development will continue, so that peace and prosperity for all may be achieved in this world of ours. Suriname will contribute to help realize this lofty goal.


It gives me great pleasure to express to Mt. Dante Caputo my sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. We are confident that his wisdom and experience will ensure constructive and fruitful deliberations on the very important, indeed vital, issues before the Assembly. I assure him of the full co-operation of my delegation to that end.

May I also express our deep appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the deliberations of both the Assembly's forty-second session and its third special session devoted to disarmament.

I should also like to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General,
Hr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his competent and excellent management of the
affairs of the Secretariat of our Organization. We are particularly gratified at
his devotion to the cause of international peace and security, demonstrated in his
relentless efforts to ensure the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts in
different parts of the world. We congratulate him on the outstanding Success he
has scored in these efforts. That success testifies to the enhancement of the role
of the United Nations.

The General Assembly is in session at a time when the world seems to have
reached a critical juncture in history. Recently, we have witnessed a number of promising developments in different spheres of international relations which, if sustained, will have far-reaching positive consequences for the future of humankind. The general relaxation in relations between the Soviet Union and the United states, progress so far achieved in disarmament negotiations, the intensification of efforts in seeking peaceful solutions to regional conflicts, and greater awareness of the need for multilateral co-operation in solving the conflicts, political, security, economic and ecological ills afflicting our world are all manifestations of a general improvement in the international climate.
It is regrettable, however, that the atmosphere of international relations is still plagued with various unresolved problems and conflicts.  If not solved in the interests of regional and international peace and security, these problems could seriously jeopardize the progress achieved so far. The danger of war and, worse, of nuclear holocaust still looms large, while the upward spiral of the arms race continues unchecked. The tendency to resort to the threat or actual use of force, interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States and various forms of political and economic coercion is strong in international relations. Old concepts, attitudes, policies and doctrines continue to govern the behaviour of States towards their neighbours and other countries of the world. This is a situation which is of grave concern to the international community.

The world community has welcomed with joy and relief the signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles. The destruction of an entire class of nuclear weapons is, indeed, a historic achievement and a turning point. Men and women in every corner of the world are awaiting with great hope the successful delusion of ongoing negotiations on a 50 per cent reduction of the strategic nuclear arsenals of the two great nuclear Powers. Their hope is that this will prove a happy prelude to the achieved of the long-cherished objective of general and complete disarmament.
A comprehensive nuclear-test ban is obviously the most significant step towards building the confidence necessary for the further reduction and total elimination of nuclear weapons. Pending total elimination, a treaty on the Prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, coupled with acknowledgment of the universally accepted dictum that a nuclear war cannot be won, and a solemn pledge by all nuclear Powers not to be the first to resort to the use of such weapons, constitutes an essential first step towards assuring man that the macabre vision of total annihilation may indeed be avoided. The establishment of nuclear-free .ones and measures for enhancing nuclear non-proliferation will also serve this purpose.
While nuclear disarmament is indeed of prime importance, considerable
attention should also be paid to conventional disarmament. Newly emerging
technologies capable of producing new generations of conventional weapons of mass
destruction have highlighted the need for the urgent adoption of measures towards
the limitation, reduction and total elimination of conventional weapons, in this
context, a radical reduction in the strength of standing armies is also of prime importance.
The conclusion of a treaty banning the development, production, stockpiling and use of all types of chemical weapons, including binary weapons, is also of Paramount importance. We welcome the progress made in the Conference on
Disarmament towards a chemical-weapons-ban treaty and the successful review of the Convention on biological weapons.

The global economic situation is of particular concern to all the developing countries, while the scientific and technological revolution has provided mankind with the know-how and tools to deal successfully with the problems of underdevelopment, such as hunger, poverty, disease and illiteracy,
the prospects the steady progress of the developing countries remain bleak. Inequitable conditions for Participation in international trade, coupled with the burden of
foreign debt and debt servicing, are frustrating their efforts towards development and progress.
The sharp decline in commodity prices, the deterioration in the terms of
trade, high interest rates, the protectionist measures adopted by developed countries and the reverse flow of financial resources have deepened the economic crisis that threatens the future of the developing countries. The least developed countries in particular are in a very precarious economic situation. in view of this reality, the need for the establishment of a new international economic order on a Just and equitable basis acquires greater urgency. It is also important to recognize the relationship between disarmament and development. Only the additional human, technological and financial resources released through disarmament can successfully cope with the development needs of the world.
Without any doubt one significant manifestation of the general improvement of the international climate is the positive trend towards solving regional conflicts through political means. In the Geneva talks between Iran and Iraq, in Angola, Kampuchea, Nicaragua, Cyprus and Western Sahara dialogue and negotiations have raised high hopes for lasting peace and tranquility for the people of the various regions. These noble efforts deserve full support by the international community.
In the Middle East, the situation remains tense owing to the policy of aggression, military occupation and expansionism pursued by Israel. Complete and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from all occupied Palestinian and other Arab lands, including the Golan Heights and Jerusalem, is the key to a lasting peace in the Middle East. It has been universally recognized that the question of Palestine constitutes the core of the Middle East problem, without full restoration of the undeniable rights of the Palestinian people, inc1uding their right to statehood, no just and lasting solution to the Middle East problem is conceivable.

We who1e-hearted1y welcome the cessation of hostilities and the commencement of the cease-fire in the Iran-Iraq war. We wish both sides every success in the
Geneva talks, under the auspices of the united Nations, in establishing lasting
peace and normal relations between the two neighbouring Islamic countries.

In South Africa, the abhorrent polio, of apartheid continues unabated, depriving millions of human beings of their elementary human rights and freedoms. The Pretoria regime also poses a grave threat to International peace and security through constant acts of aggression against the front-line States, particularly Angola and Mozambique. The negotiations between the interlocutors aimed at resolving the problems of southern Africa by peaceful means are to be commended. The cessation of aggression against Angola and of interference in its internal affairs is the key to normalization of the situation in that country.

We support the immediate independence of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, through the full implementation of the united Nations plan for the independence of Namibia endorsed in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).

The Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan also warmly welcomes the dialogue among the Kampucheans. It is our hope that this dialogue will soon result in peace and tranquility in Kampuchea and co-operation between the countries of Indo-China and members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The talks in Nicaragua have also raised high hopes of the restoration of peace
and normal life in that country, if this is to be achieved, it is essential that outside interference in its internal affairs be ended.

The dialogue in Cyprus is also encouraging, we reaffirm our support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus.
My Government also supports the independence , woeful reunification and national unity of Korea through dialogue and reconciliation.
We welcome and support Security Council resolution 621 (1988), on preparations for holding a referendum in Western Sahara, under the supervision of the United Nations in co-operation with the Organization of African Unity.

It is our firm conviction that constant renewal of our faith in the purposes and principles of the United nations Charter is the only firm guarantee of an improved international climate. The role of the United Nations in safeguarding international peace and security and proofing global operation is indeed vital. The Organization has played a unique and outstanding role in codifying the norms of international conduct, with the aim of making the world an orderly place
in which to live. It has also demonstrated its vast potential for the peaceful
settlement of conflicts, we believe that it is time for the United Nations to play a central, primary role in the field of disarmament as well.
The Republic of Afghanistan, as a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement. It is firmly committed to the purposes and principles of the Movement. The Movement's recent ministerial Conference at Nicosia demonstrated once again the validity and relevance of the principles of non-alignment in the contemporary world and their positive impact on positive trends in international relations. The Republic of Afghanistan will continue to play a positive and constructive role in the Movement.

The signing of the Geneva Agreements on the situation relating to Afghanistan has been welcomed by the international community as a historic achievement. Statements made so far in the general debate at the forty-third session of the General Assembly have clearly indicated that international support, for which we are grateful, we are particularly grateful to the Secretary-General. Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and his Personal Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, for their all-round efforts in the Geneva process. Based on the principle of the United Nations Charter, particularly those of non-interference and non-intervention, the Agreements map out a comprehensive political settled which is in the interest not only of the people of Afghanistan but also of the peoples of the entire region and the cause of international peace and security.

The Republic of Afghanistan signed the Geneva Agreements in good faith and with a firm resolve to implement all its provisions in letter and in spirit.

True to our good intentions, the Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union have strictly abided by the provisions of the agreements. The return of Soviet troops from Afghanistan commenced on 15 May 1988. and 50 per cent of the troops had been withdrawn by 15 August, as provided for in the Agreements. The republic of Afghanistan has given every assistance to the united Nations Good offices Mission for Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNGOMAP) in performance of its duties.

Much to our regret, however, four and a half months after the entry into force of the Agreements the hope of the people of Afghanistan - indeed, the hope of the entire international community - for the restoration of peace in our country has not yet been fulfilled. War and bloodshed have not subsided. People are being killed, public and private property destroyed and acts of terror perpetrated by armed extremist edition. Kabul and many of other cities have come under a
constant barrage of rockets with a range of from 20 to 36 kilometers, 136 such
rockets were fired on the City Of Kabul in the course of a single day. These blind
rocket attacks have claimed 760 innocent victims, including women and children, while 346 houses and 45 public buildings have been destroyed. Only two days ago 25 rockets were fired on Kabul. One of them hit a bus station in front of the Ministry of Education, claiming the lives of 35 persons and injuring 163.

Why does this situation continue after the signing of the agreements?  From where are all these lethal weapons pouring into Afghanistan? The sole reason for this situation is the non-implementation of the Geneva Agreements and their open violation by the other main signatory.

In contravention of the explicit provisions of the instrument on mutual
relations, particularly those relating to non-interference and non-intervention, centers on its territory for training, arming and equipping extremist groups have not been dismantled. The earmarking of modern weapons, including Stinger missiles, long-range artillery and mortars and ground-to-ground rockets for the extremist opposition groups and their transfer to Afghanistan are continuing. A guarantor of the instrument on non-interference and non-intervention is continuing to send
weapons and equipment to armed extremist groups. The events at Spin Boldak demonstrated that Pakistani militia even participated in the attack carried out by
the extremists. At the present time similar situations exist in the provinces of
Kandahar and the Kunars.
At the same time I should like to point out clearly that the Government of Afghanistan is directing all its efforts to the implementation of the Geneva Agreements and the settled of the internal situation t, rough dialogue and the establishment of a broad-based Government, with the participation of the seven commanders inside Afghanistan and other influential personalities within and outside the country, with this in view,  Afghanistan is firmly in favour of improving its relations with all its neighbours and strongly opposed to any action that could heighten tension in its relations with them. Afghanistan has never

resorted to small- or large-scale border violations either on land or from the air, and has nothing to do with the internal incidents occurring in neighbouring countries.  We firmly believe that such actions not only are contrary to the Geneva Agreements but will delay and complicate the solution of existing problems.

On the other hand, the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan has so far brought to the attention of the government of Pakistan 547 cases of open violations, by means of 87 notes presented to UNGOMAP. However, the other side has created serious obstacles to UNGOMAP'ss investigation of these violations. On the pretext of the existence of tribal conflicts and a lack of security,
prevented from visiting areas which are used for the transfer of weapons to Afghanistan and where large depots of such weapons are located. Contrary to clear provisions of the Geneva Agreements. UWGOMAP has not been granted freedom of movement in the territory of Pakistan. On the contrary, UHGCMAP has to request prior permission from the Pakistan authorities before it can visit areas where violations are taking place, while the Agreements provide that inspections should he completed within 48 hours, it takes two to three weeks to get permission for UNGOMAP visits. Obviously, that is time enough to transfer weapons depots to other
areas or to transform a military training centre into a school.

This being the case, can it still be claimed that violations have in fact been investigated in accordance with the provisions of the Agreements? In such circumstances no one can really talk about investigations, because the fact is that Violations are taking place and the Agreements are not being implemented.

Furthermore, in spite of our continued requests, meetings between the two sides to
review violations have yet to take place, although the Agreements provide that such
meetings should take place within 48 hours.
We recently proposed a meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the two
main signatories and the two guarantors to review the process of the implementation
of the Agreements. Regrettably, however, Pakistan and the United states have not responded positively to this practical request.

Agreements, mixed commissions for facilitate the return of Afghan refugees should have been established a long time ago. However, four and a half months after the entry into force of Agreements, the other side has shown no readiness to implement this important provision. If the
Afghan refugees are such a heavy burden, then why have such commissions not been
established on the basis of the provisions of the third instruct of the Geneva
Agreements, as is the wish of the Republic of Afghanistan and of the Afghan
refugees? On the contrary, conditions and prerequisites being created with
respect to their return.

As to the Government of Afghanistan, it has taken all the necessary steps to receive the refugees. A ministry has been established for this purpose, which has so far welcomed 152,000 returnees. To assure the refugees, and with due respect to the traditions of our people, border areas have been proclaimed non-military zones. An agreement has been concluded with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and its office has been opened in Afghanistan. A similar agreement has been concluded with the International Committee of the Red Cross.
In this connection, we sincerely appreciate the initiative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to launch an appeal for international relief assistance to the people of Afghanistan. We warmly welcome the designation of Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, an internationally renowned personality with rich experience in international humanitarian efforts, as the co-ordinator of such assistance. I should also like to express our gratitude to all those countries which have shown readiness to assist in the reconstruction of Afghanistan.

Although in the present circumstances internal efforts for peace and
tranquility inside Afghanistan are adversely affected by continued interference
from outside, the policy of national reconciliation has opened its way in the minds
and hearts of the Afghan people, inside and outside the country. After an interval
of 15 years, an elected parliament, in which different parties are represented, is
functioning in the country, A new coalition Government, including 18 non-party
members out of a total of 31 meters, has received a vote of confidence from the parliament.
In this connection, let me reiterate that we deeply believe in negotiations and reconciliation and it is our conviction that, through dialogue, agreement on the mechanism for the formation of a broad-based coalition government could be achieved. The fact is that if the Geneva agreements are implemented and interference from outside is thereby stopped, the Government and people of
Afghanistan, through the continuation of the national dialogue establish peace and national accord in their country. Tired of years of fratricidal war. the people of Afghanistan, both inside and outside the country, will join hands in a coalition government to reconstruct their land, which has suffered through 10 long years of war and destruction.
The Government of the Republic of Afghanistan is making every effort to ensure that, on the one hand, the situation relating to Afghanistan is through
strict implementation of the Geneva Agreements and. on the other, that on the basis of the establishment of a genuine coalition inside. Afghanistan, as a non-aligned and neutral country, will pursue a policy with regard to the improvement of
regional and international relations that will correspond to the balance of interest of all the other countries of the world, including the Soviet Onion, the United states, Pakistan, India, China, Iran, the Islamic countries and members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. At the same time, we hope that the new leadership in Pakistan, taking into consideration the existing realities, will adopt a constructive position towards the elimination of the existing tense situation, and will play its role
improving the relations between the two countries and the situation in the region through the strict implementation of the Geneva Agreements. These agreements constitute a firm basis for this purpose, which is in the interest of all the peoples of the region and the cause of international peace and security.
It is profoundly clear that it was in the light of increasing interference from abroad that the Government of Afghanistan had called for Soviet assistance, to enable the people of Afghanistan to repulse the threat from outside. At present the withdrawal of Soviet troops is in place in accordance with the time-frame envisaged in the Geneva, Agreements, but, at the same time, interference has not ceased. If this situation is not corrected in time, South West Asia will continue
to remain a region of conflict, tension and a threat to international peace security, m such cases, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union reserve the right to adopt coordinated measures as called for by the situation.

In the light of the signing of the Geneva Agreements and the continued implementation of the policy of national reconciliation, we do not see any need for the discussion of item 30 on the agenda of this Assembly. It is our conviction, however, that any such discussion should focus on the need for the strict implementation of the Geneva Agreements. We are ready to work towards a consensus resolution, taking into consideration the concerns of all the sides. Nicosia proved that, given the political will and the existence of a genuine resolve to make a constructive contribution to the restoration of peace, stability and security in our region, it should not prove difficult to reach such a consensus.
Recently, our world has arrived at the threshold of a new era of understanding, of mutual efforts for peacefully resolving conflicts and for promoting peace and disarmament. It is the great hope of the world community that this trend will not prove ephemeral but acquire a permanent character. We are ready to co-operate towards this noble end. We are particularly willing to co-operate in turning our own part of the world into a region of peace, stability, co-operation, understanding and good-neighbourliness in the interest of all our Peoples and of the cause of international peace and security.


Allow me first to offer to the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina, on behalf of the delegation of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, our cordial congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly.
There can be no doubt that Mr. Caputo’s sound diplomatic judgement and long experience in international affairs will be exceedingly helpful to us. We regard them as a strong pledge of a successful outcome of our work.
Let me take this opportunity also to pay a well-deserved tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic, for the dedication and competence with which he conducted the work of the last session of the General Assembly.
It should be emphasized that the last session of the General Assembly, and in particular the third special session devoted to disarmament, opened up welcome prospects for a strengthening of multilateralism.
This state of affairs is, without any doubt, due to a heightened awareness of the dangers that threaten our planet. But in particular we must acknowledge that we are indebted, above all, to the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, to preserve peace in the world. Let me offer to him our most emphatic appreciation and profound support.
As I have just emphasized, each of us will have noticed that confrontation is gradually yielding to a better understanding, which thus gives us hope for the gradual elimination of the tension and conflict which had characterized international relations. We must work hard to encourage and consolidate these gains so as to meet the challenge of our age and respond to the calls for peace and justice which resound throughout the world.
We welcome particularly the fact that after eight years of war, Iran and Iraq have agreed to a cease-fire and are meeting at the negotiating table under the auspices of the Secretary-General. We encourage them to press ahead with their dialogue and to show patience and tolerance so that they may arrive, in the near future, at a felicitous outcome in keeping with our hopes.
The situation in Afghanistan has developed in a positive manner, as was shown by the Geneva Accords completed last April.
In our opinion, this is a decisive element in the quest for a peaceful settlement, which we earnestly hope for and which we trust will enable the brotherly people of Afghanistan freely to enjoy its sovereignty.
It is crucially important in this regard that the process of the withdrawal of foreign troops should continue in order to eliminate any interference in the internal affairs of that country.
As we refer to this problem we have in mind the thousands of Afghan refugees who have had to seek refuge in neighbouring countries, particularly in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, whose late and much lamented President, Zia Al Haa, paid with his life for his commitment to peace. We pay a tribute here to his courage and beg Allah, the all-powerful, to grant blessing and eternal peace to his soul. In the same vein, the problem o£ Namibia is also moving towards a solution. We emphatically support the diplomatic activities being carried out in that part of the world to find a peaceful solution of the problem. It is our firm belief that settlement of the Namibian question must necessarily Involve the implementation of Security Council 435 (1978).
Notwithstanding such tangible progress, we still deplore the persistence in southern Africa of the odious system of apartheid, giving rise to an explosive situation that threatens the political stability of the countries of the region. My country condemns without reservation the inhuman system of apartheid and calls for its abolition, as this is the only way to restore civil peace in South Africa and political stability in that part of the continent.
We are gratified to note that we are moving towards a just and lasting solution of the problem of Western Sahara. In this regard, we welcome the fact that the peace plan proposed jointly by the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity has been accepted by the parties to the conflict. We encourage them to persevere in their efforts to achieve a lasting solution of the problem.
As regards Kampuchea, it is most distressing to us that that country continues to be subject to military occupation, in spite of the General Assembly resolutions calling for the unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops. It is our belief that the people of Kampuchea is entitled to a free choice of the system of government it deems most suitable, without any external constraints. Thus we have been following with great interest and encouraging the process of dialogue that was recently started among a)I the parties concerned.
While in some parts of the world there is hope for the restoration of peace, the Middle East region, on the other hand, does not enjoy the same relaxation of tension. The deterioration of the situation in the occupied Arab territories serves to emphasize the gravity of the danger to international peace and security. We cannot remain indifferent to the atrocious acts of terrorism perpetrated by Israel against the Palestinian Arab population, which have taken the form of barbarous crimes, the despoliation of their property and the expulsion of Palestinian Arabs from their territory. It is the duty of the international community to use every means available to it to put an end to such actions.
My country continues to believe that there can be no lasting peace in the Middle East without the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, particularly Security Council resolutions 252 (1968) and 338 (1973), duly taking into account the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, in particular its right to self-determination. My delegation supports the idea of an international peace conference on the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned, obviously including the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people.
Another problem of equal importance is deserving of our consideration, that is, the situation prevailing in the Korean peninsula. We are pleased that the parties to the conflict have taken a constructive stand, with a view to finding a solution of the problem through dialogue and mutual agreement. We encourage them to press ahead along that path and we assure them of our support in their quest for a peaceful settlement. We believe that the admission of both Koreas to this Organisation would do mud to promote a rapid solution of the problem.
My country, like others of the same region, continues to be concerned by the military build-up in the Indian Ocean. For that reason we support the convening of a conference with the object of making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace is demilitarised, and denuclearised, in accordance with the Declaration contained in General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI).

Before concluding these political remarks, let me refer again to a problem of the highest concern to the international community as a whole in the sense that it emanates from an injustice and a breach of the territorial integrity of my country, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, I refer, of course, to the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte. The problem is on the agenda of the Assembly for this session, because no solution has yet been found to it. Therefore we shall have an opportunity to come back to it in greater detail. However let me now point out to the Assembly that the Comorian people remain concerned by the persistence of this problem notwithstanding the open-mindedness it has always manifested and its willingness to adopt the path of dialogue and mutual agreement, in accordance with the principles of the Charter and the United Nations resolutions on the subject.
Without wishing to anticipate the debate that is shortly to take place, let me take this opportunity to reaffirm once more from this rostrum that the Comorian Government and people, strengthened by the justness of their cause, will spare no effort to restore the territorial integrity of their country. The international community, for its part, faithful to the sacred principles of the Charter, is in duty bound to support them until their just cause has triumphed.
While we can welcome the new hope prevailing in international political relations, it is nevertheless deplorable that the economic situation is more disturbing than ever. Our session is taking place at a time when the economic crisis is having an increasing impact and is greatly detrimental to the majority of the developing countries, particularly the weakest among them, commonly known as the "least developed countries". My country, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, which is one of those countries, is stricken particularly hard by the damaging effects of that crisis. These include dislocation of the international economic system characterized by a decline in the amount of capital available on favourable terms, which gives rise to inordinate growth of the debt burden in relation to the repayment capacities of the developing countries, and also an abrupt lowering of in commodity prices.
My country, being an island with a small area and quite lacking in mineral resources, is confronted with major obstacles in implementing the development process in which it engaged after acquiring its independence, under the enlightened guidance of Mr, Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane, President of the Republic. The obstacles to which I have just referred include in particular lack of sales of the products that account for 90 per cent of our export earnings and lower prices for those products. They also include the three-fold increase in the volume of our debt service in less than three years; the intransigence of our creditors on the clearly unfavourable terms of their loans the reduction in absolute values of our export earnings; the failure of certain of our partners to meet commitments entered into at the Round Table of Donors, held in Moroni, our capital, in July 1984.
Notwithstanding these numerous constraints, my Government continues to work hard to sustain growth and improve the living conditions of its people. Accordingly, it has embarked upon a programme of restructuring, particularly in the productive sectors. This has been accompanied, inter alia, by a series of measures designed to restore the health of public finances and of the para-public sector.
In particular, this has made it possible to better rationalize the functioning of the State and to sustain growth by favouring private initiative and highly productive activities.
The policy of economic recovery thus begun has given rise to some noteworthy performances until 1983.
As a result of the multiplier effect of the programme our country had, during that period, attained an appreciable economic growth rate and tangible improvement in teal per capita income.
However, the worsening of the international environment of my country, characterized by the sharp drop in our commodity prices and the rapid expansion of debt service payments caused by the exorbitant rise in interest rates and the exchange rates of the principal currencies used on the credit market, has, since then, wiped out our own domestic efforts. But we are not disheartened.
The Comorian Government remains firmly committed to the spirit of enterprise and is determined to press on with its fight against under-development. None the less, without increased and sustained assistance from the international community, my country will be unable to meet its objectives. Therefore this year again I urgently appeal for good will on the part of all to demonstrate practical solidarity with my country by providing valuable support as called for in the relevant resolutions of the Organization.
In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm the unswerving commitment of the Comorian Government and people to the United Nations system and the ideals of peace and justice it embodies.