I wish at the outset, on behalf of my Government and my delegation, to extend to Ambassador Salim, a great son of Africa, my warm congratulations on his election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Owing to his long experience in the many facets of United Nations affairs, I am confident that our deliberations during the current session will produce fruitful results under his wise guidance. The delegation of Thailand pledges its full co-operation and support in making this session of the General Assembly a successful one.
167.	I should also like to express my sincere appreciation to the outgoing President, Ambassador Lievano of Columbia, for his contribution to the success of the last session.
168.	We should also like to thank the Secretary- General for his dedicated efforts towards the maintenance of peace and the promotion of international understanding and co-operation.
169.	The African continent remains in the forefront of the struggle for just and equal treatment of all peoples, regardless of race or colour. My delegation maintains its steadfast support of this historic struggle and is firmly opposed to the racist policies and practices being employed against the black majority in southern Africa, particularly the abominable crime of apartheid. We are following the London meeting on Zimbabwe with close attention, and are more than ever convinced that the right of self-determination of peoples, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter and with relevant resolutions, must ultimately prevail. Thailand's position in this regard applies to other areas of the world as well.
170.	In the Middle East, my delegation fully recognizes the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people that have repeatedly been upheld by the United Nations. Israel must relinquish its illegal occupation of Arab territory forthwith and, in the meantime, it must respect the rights of the Arab people in the occupied territories. Thailand thus joins the overwhelming majority of world public opinion in deploring the establishment of Israeli settlements, as well as all efforts to transfer ownership of Arab lands in such territories. At the same time, my delegation is convinced that all States in the area have the right to exist in security and with freedom from external aggression or armed intervention.
171.	In South-East Asia, as a result of .Vietnamese armed intervention; the Government of Democratic Kampuchea was toppled and replaced by the so-called United Front for the National Salvation of Kampuchea. The members of the Association of South East Asian Nations [ASEAN], concerned by this turn of events, and in particular by its security implications and its possible impact on the delicate political equilibrium in the region, quickly convened a meeting of their Foreign Ministers at Bangkok. In the Joint Statement issued at Bangkok on 12 January 1979, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers strongly deplored the armed intervention against the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea and called for the immediate and total withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchean territory. Further, they reaffirmed the right of the Kampuchean people to determine their own future, free from interference or influence by outside Powers. These points were later incorporated into the draft resolution presented to the Security Council several days later by all of its non-aligned members.  Unhappily, despite the support of 13 of the 15 members of the Council, this draft resolution was not adopted because of the negative vote cast by a permanent member.
172.	The prospects for peace and stability in Southeast Asia were further dimmed when, on 17 February 1979, Chinese troops made an armed incursion into Vietnamese territory. The ASEAN countries were gravely concerned that the fighting would escalate into a larger conflagration involving other Powers from outside the region. They therefore sought yet again to end the fighting by making their appeals to the parties concerned in the United Nations. Their efforts were finally expressed in the form of a draft resolution submitted for consideration by the Security Council on 16 March of this year.  The operative paragraphs of that draft resolution called on the parties to the conflicts to cease all hostilities forthwith, to withdraw their forces to their own countries and to settle their disputes by peaceful means. The draft also appealed to Powers outside the region to exercise the utmost restraint and to refrain from any acts that might lead to a further escalation of the conflicts in Indo-China. When it was put to the vote it again received the support of 13 member countries, but failed to be adopted owing to the negative vote of the same permanent member. The fact that the ASEAN countries chose to deplore both the Chinese incursion into Viet Nam and the Vietnamese intervention in Kampuchea fully and clearly demonstrated their earnest desire to remain neutral in the conflicts, from which position they hoped to be able to exert a stabilizing influence on the developments in the region.
173.	As a result of the inability of the Security Council to take any action on the Kampuchean issue, the fighting in Kampuchea raged on and, indeed, expanded westward. Many divisions of Vietnamese forces deployed along the Thai-Kampuchean border have created tension and the situation there is fraught with grave danger, Any renewed fighting—and the fighting is most likely to escalate with the end of the rainy season—could have serious repercussions on regional and international peace and security.
174.	It has nevertheless been and will continue to be my Government's unswerving policy to remain neutral and not involved in the conflict between the two socialist States, with both of which Thailand maintains diplomatic relations. However, we are also determined to protect our independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. In this regard, Thailand is most gratified that our ASEAN partners, as well as many other friendly countries, have shown their willingness to support us. This was evident in the communiqué and statements of the Twelfth ASEAN Ministers Meeting held on 29 June 1979 in Bali, Indonesia.
175.	The decision taken by a vast majority of the membership of this Assembly on 21 September to maintain the status quo on the question of the Kampuchean seat very clearly reflected the following facts.
176.	First, the majority felt that to alter the status quo at this point and in the present circumstances would imply a sanctioning of international behaviour not in conformity with the provisions of the United Nations Charter,
177.	Secondly, although a country may disagree with the internal conduct of another sovereign State, that by no means gives it a justification for resorting to armed intervention against that State—an act which is in flagrant violation of the principles of independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
178.	Thirdly, the right of self-determination must be upheld and all States, whether large or small, should be able to continue to look to the United Nations as an Organization based on internationally recognized legal and moral principles.
179.	For Thailand's part, our firm position on this question of the Kampuchean seat was motivated neither by any outside power nor by animosity towards any country. However, we strongly believe that principles governing peaceful relations among States and the self-determination of nations must be strictly adhered to. This is vital, not only for Thailand but also for the future of the South-East Asian region and the world as a whole.
180.	Our overriding desire is for the people of Kampuchea to be given the opportunity to determine their own future in the exercise of their inalienable right to choose their own government, free from outside interference or coercion. Furthermore, we in Thailand have a sincere desire to continue to develop good bilateral relations with all three Indo-Chinese States, including Viet Nam, and to co-operate with all in the interests of peace and stability in the region of South-East Asia.
181.	One of the unfortunate results of the conflict in Kampuchea is the prevailing large-scale famine and starvation in that war-torn country. That is a serious humanitarian issue which requires urgent attention by and immediate assistance from the world community. If nothing is done to alleviate the situation, it will produce a new exodus of Kampuchean people into neighbouring countries, thus creating further tension as well as threatening regional peace and stability.
182.	In this regard, the Thai Government welcomes the efforts being made by international organizations and interested donor countries to send food relief to Kampuchea and will continue to render its full co-operation in those relief efforts. It is only logical to expect that the food should reach the Kampuchean civilian population, for whom it is intended, directly on a non-discriminatory basis, and that such relief aid should not serve to prolong the fighting and bloodshed in Kampuchea.
183.	The effort at this Assembly of Thailand and other countries members of ASEAN with regard to the Kampuchean situation is to call for continued world efforts to arrive at a political and not a military solution to this problem. Continuation of a military solution will only add to the untold misery and deprivation already suffered by the Kampuchean people and it could lead to grave consequences for the region and for the world as a whole. We therefore continue to support any peaceful political solution to the conflict that is acceptable to the Kampuchean people themselves and that will ensure the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that war-ravaged country. In pursuit of these aims, we believe that this world Organization would be in a unique position to make a lasting contribution if it were entrusted with a peace-keeping role in the area of conflict. Furthermore, under the auspices of the United Nations or of its Secretary-General, an appropriate opportunity could be found and facilities provided for the parties concerned to engage in a dialogue with a view to finding a durable peaceful solution to the conflict. In any event, the demands of the situation require that all peace-loving nations here in this Assembly should work together for the cause of peace in South-East Asia, as well as for the right to self-determination for Kampucheans and all peoples in the region. A positive solution to the Kampuchean problem will no doubt contribute significantly to the efforts of South-East Asian countries in the realization of the concept of the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in the region.
184.	The establishment of a zone of peace in South-East Asia remains one of the goals to which the ASEAN countries are committed. We continue to look forward to the day when that region will be free from major Power rivalry and interference, and all the nations in the area can live in peaceful coexistence with one another. Although it is the main responsibility of the South-Eastern Asian countries themselves to create the necessary conditions for the establishment of such a zone, it will nevertheless require the active cooperation and support of the international community, particularly the major Powers.
185.	Let me now turn to one of the grave problems facing mankind today, a problem closely linked to the conflicts in Indo-China, that is, the Indo-Chinese refugees.
186.	Since the end of the tragic Viet Nam war in 1975, hundreds of thousands of displaced persons have left Laos, Kampuchea and Vietnam for new opportunities elsewhere. Recently the plight of the boat people from Viet Nam has attracted much publicity and captured the world's attention. However, from 1975 on displaced persons from Laos and Kampuchea have trekked over- and into Thailand and the influx continues unabated. Today there are approximately 200,000 such "land cases'' in Thailand who are being given temporary shelter, food, clothing and medical care in additional to another 7,000 boat cases from Viet Nam and Kampuchea. My country, purely for humanitarian reasons, has agreed to give temporary refuge to them, pending permanent resettlement in third countries. But this large and continuing influx has created a multitude of security, political and socio-economic problems for Thailand and has imposed on the Thai Government and people a heavy financial and administrative burden, which is only partially alleviated by assistance from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, as well as from other international sources. Many of these displaced persons have been in Thailand for over three years, and so far only one in every 10 displaced Laotians and Kampucheans has been repatriated for resettlement elsewhere. We in Thailand became convinced that the heavy burden involving the Indo-Chinese refugees, both the land and the boat cases, must be shouldered by the whole international community, and not just left to the transit countries in South-East Asia alone. This conviction of ours was further reinforced when over 80,000 Kampucheans came over into Thailand by land in the aftermath of Vietnamese armed intervention against Kampuchea, thus imposing an extraordinary burden on Thailand and creating grave dangers to its security and stability.
187.	When the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Mrs. Margaret Thatcher, proposed that an international conference be convened under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to consider the problem of refugees and displaced persons in South-East Asia, my Government strongly supported it. The Thai delegation subsequently took an active part in the Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons convened by the Secretary-General in Geneva on 20 to 21 July of this year. The international community at long last showed a greater willingness to share the heavy humanitarian burden with countries of first transit in concrete and meaningful ways. The resettlement places offered by third countries increased to 260,000 and $US 190 million in cash and kind were pledged. The Government of Japan generously offered to cover half of the budget for the High Commissioner's operations in South-East Asia. My delegation would like to express once again our deep appreciation to the Secretary- General for his personal efforts in convening the Geneva Meeting to deal with the humanitarian aspects of the problem. While the results were encouraging, we
believe they fell short of providing an over-all and lasting solution to the problem, because the question of the "land cases", which constitute the bulk of Indo- Chinese displaced persons, was not sufficiently dealt with.
188.	I wish to reiterate here the principles which the Thai delegation submitted at the Geneva meeting. These principles must be strictly adhered to if we are to have an equitable and successful humanitarian solution to the problem of Indo-Chinese refugees and displaced persons. They are: first, in any effort to solve the problem, equality must be given to both land and boat cases; secondly, more processing centres must be established, particularly in Viet Nam and other countries of origin, with international assistance and under the High Commissioner's auspices, for both land and boat cases; thirdly, those who have been the longest in temporary camps or processing centres must be given prior opportunities for resettlement in third countries.
189.	At Geneva, regrettably, it was deemed politically advantageous not to examine the root-cause of the departure of so many refugees and displaced persons from the three Indo-Chinese States. It was pointed out that this was better left to another appropriate meeting at a later stage. Subsequently, however, political considerations seemed to paralyse further initiatives, and the idea of a follow-up meeting dissipated. In this connexion, the Thai Government is of the opinion that no durable solution of the land cases emanating from Kampuchea and Laos is possible unless and until we tackle the problem at its root. During the Geneva Meeting, Viet Nam undertook "for a reasonable period of time" to stem the illegal outflow of "boat people". Thailand and its partners in ASEAN welcomed this commitment on the part of Viet Nam. In this respect, it is the fervent hope of the Thai Government that a similar agreement reached recently between Thailand and Laos will help stem the illegal flow of people from Laos into Thailand. In Kampuchea, the root-cause of the problem is the foreign armed intervention and the continued fighting there. Another factor is the widespread famine in that war-ravaged country. Unless fighting stops and a peaceful condition returns, with due recognition of the political and other rights of the Kampuchean people, there will be no lasting solution to the refugee problem.
190.	As for the future, my Government would support the convening of an appropriate international forum to deal comprehensively with the land cases in South-East Asia in order to find effective solutions to this serious problem confronting all of us in the international community.
191.	Another grave problem confronting the international community, especially the youth of today, is that of narcotics. Thailand has been engaged in major efforts with the United Nations and like-minded nations to eradicate the illegal production of narcotics and to disrupt drug trafficking via Thailand. The many significant seizures of opium and heroin in Thailand during the past year, as well as the arrest of major drug traffickers, testify to the strong determination of my Government to expurgate this evil. Meanwhile, the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control has, for the past five years, been performing commendable services through its programme to encourage hill-tribe farmers in my country to change from poppy cultivation to other crops. It has, furthermore, been helping to develop crop substitutes, such as coffee, vegetables and fruits, which would bring these hill-tribe fanners equivalent or even higher incomes. At present, the Thai authorities are working with members of the Fund to extend these successful projects to a wider area.
192.	I turn now to economic problems. During the past 12 months the world has been faced with increasingly grave economic difficulties. Inflation and unemployment have reached a new high in many countries. Protectionism has unfortunately increased, foreign trade has slowed down and the rate of economic growth has been slow and erratic. The developing countries have found it more and more difficult to finance reasonable rates of development. This universal problem has been further exacerbated by recent substantial increases in the prices of energy-related products. There have been some improvements here and there, such as the recent trade negotiations undertaken by parties to GATT and the agreement on the fundamental elements of a common fund for commodities, the employment of quotas and the increase in special drawing rights in September 1978. But, on the whole, those ongoing multilateral negotiations have failed to achieve adequate results commensurate with the existing magnitude of the need.
193.	A new impetus in the North-South negotiations is needed. This could be achieved only through the exhibition by all parties concerned of a real political will to reach practical solutions. The international community needs to move vigorously in two areas specifically. First, negotiations on the implementation of the New International Economic Order need to be stimulated and brought out of the present stalemate. Secondly, the world energy problem needs to be solved by a coordinated and imaginative effort on the part of the whole international community. Thailand supports the view of the Group of 77 that the international energy problem should be discussed in the context of global negotiations within the United Nations, with the participation of all countries and in relation to such other issues as the problems of development, financial and monetary reforms and international trade and commodities, all of which have an important bearing on the establishment of the New International Economic Order. My delegation believes that the United Nations, which is well equipped with machinery for intergovernmental discussions and negotiations, is the ideal forum where all these efforts could best be carried out.
194.	I should also like to take this opportunity to offer my delegation's warm welcome to Saint Lucia, the newest and one hundred fifty-second Member of our world Organization, admitted at the beginning of this session.
195.	Lastly, I turn to the role of the United Nations itself. To the oft-heard question whether this world Organization is in a position today to contribute effectively to the solution of the problems confronting the international community, in my delegation's opinion the answer is an unreserved "yes". One of the principal roles of this Organization, through its various organs, is to help form world opinion on some of the most pressing issues, to create an awareness of the problems confronting individual countries or the world community as a whole and then to find constructive and durable solutions for them. It is with such faith in the continuing usefulness of the United Nations that my country attaches great importance to it and pledges its full support for the further success of this world Organization.


This thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly will have the singular privilege tomorrow of receiving His Holiness John Paul II and hearing his solemn statement in this forum dedicated to achieving peace and to maintaining and strengthening it among all peoples of the earth, whatever the political, ethnic or religious characteristics of the nations which constitute the Organization.
173.	Therefore, on the eve of such a solemn and exceptional event, the delegation of Paraguay associates itself with the expectations and hopes aroused among us all by the presence of the Supreme Pontiff. On behalf of the people and Government of my country, we offer to the Pope the respectful tribute of Paraguay, which remains faithful to the traditions of Christianity and its doctrines as an expression of a way of life which is in accordance with the innermost requirements of our national entity.
174.	It is true that the panorama offered by today's world is not encouraging, for it is engaged as never before in confrontations of every kind and on different scales both within and outside national boundaries. In spite of that, our inescapable mission is to preserve peace, going beyond its purely intangible moral values to the dialogue that is necessary to ensure at least a minimum of civilized coexistence. We wish for a peace built on the dignity of man, and we therefore categorically reject any system which constitutes a barrier to freedom.
175.	Thus, Paraguay does not admit the Communist philosophy of life, nor does it allow it to be preached within our territory. We are combating the Marxist doctrine, exercising the right of our own national self- preservation, and we repudiate its atheistic and materialistic concept of human life.
176.	In this respect, my country maintains a single and unswerving line of conduct. After many decades of political anarchy, of destruction of the public and private economy and of the downgrading of our civil and democratic values, Paraguay, under the serene and patriotic guidance of President Alfredo Stroessner, and with the support of the powerful political force of the Colorado Party, has succeeded in channelling the march of the nation of Paraguay along the paths of stability and prosperity.
177.	We practise a form of government which is in accordance with the temperament, the vocation and the very nature of the people of Paraguay and we believe that every political community has not only the right but the duty to provide itself with the institutions suited to its particular characteristics.
178.	In accordance with this line of thinking, we view with concern the attitude of certain Governments which practise interference in internal affairs which are exclusively within the competence and responsibility of other States. The affirmation, management and solution of its own national problems are matters exclusively within the sovereignty of the nation itself. However, it so happens that, invoking the principle of the defence of human rights, some would from abroad dictate to other Governments rules of conduct in specific cases, even going so far as to invade the area of order and internal security. Some even make so bold as to pass judgements and express opinions regarding measures or solutions which should be adopted only by those who are vested with the authority of the will of the people, by those who have acquired the necessary experience to confront local situations and by those who have taken on the unavoidable responsibility of preserving the principles and the substantive assets of each nation.
179.	Paraguay does not accept, nor will it accept, such interference, which at the level of bilateral relations is at variance with the mutual respect which members of the great international family owe one another.
180.	The pluralistic political regime of Paraguay is a living and permanent reality. Both in the national Parliament, consisting of the Chamber of Senators and the Chamber of Deputies, and in the municipal councils of all the main municipalities of the country, the opposition is represented by political parties.
181.	We are absolutely true to the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, and we strictly respect the self-determination of peoples. This attitude is not new, nor is it due to circumstances of the moment. It derives from our distant past, and has its unshakeable roots in the very history of Paraguay, which in the last century fought heroically in an exhausting five-year war to maintain intact the principle of what was then called the "policy of balance", and which in modern terminology is exactly what we now call the self-determination of peoples.
182.	The Government of Paraguay does not judge, either publicly or through diplomatic channels, the internal policies of other States. Nor does it by either of those means allow itself to give its views on matters or events which are related to the sovereignty of or political leadership displayed by other Governments.
183.	Nor do we acknowledge didactic leadership ac-cording to which other Governments, or those who arrogate their representation to themselves, dictate rules to us for exercising public authority. It must be known that for us the only sovereign in this matter is the people of Paraguay. By the only valid means, namely the ballot box, and by an overwhelming majority, that people has placed its destiny in the hands of those who now legitimately represent them. I am proud to say that Paraguay can boast of its people, who are dignified and noble, and who from the very first hours of their existence have given exceptional proof of their qualities as well as of their courage in defending the values for which the fearless struggle goes on in what we call "Western civilization".
184.	Since it is impossible, because of the time available, to dwell on other items which also offer much food for thought, and which are on the agenda of this session, I should like to report on the situation of my country with regard to a subject which is of general interest and concern.
185.	There is no doubt that shadows will loom over the future of the world because of a growing difficulty in obtaining two essentials for the well-being and progress of mankind: energy and food. With almost absolute certainty, this difficulty will bring about a substantial change in the economy of many countries by reversing relations which today seem to be logical and even unchangeable. I am pleased to point out, in view of this prospect, which in one way or another will affect the vast majority of the community of nations, that my country, Paraguay, will certainly be an exception.
186.	At this time, Paraguay lacks known sources of hydrocarbons or mineral carbon, but, on the other hand, we have an abundant source of water power with special characteristics, such as its considerable magnitude, and the fact that the ownership of this source is shared by two of our neighbours, Argentina and Brazil. This singular circumstance, far from having placed us at a disadvantage, has, on the contrary, become a factor in our favour, since the difference in the volume of the economies of my country and those of the neighbours I have mentioned, will for some time be converted into profits from the export of energy, until Paraguay, which is in a process of accelerated development, can, in turn, make capital investments to use its share of the potential energy.
187.	I believe it would be of interest to this Assembly to know of the guiding ideas which inspired the building of the hydroelectric stations which my country has undertaken with the Federative Republic of Brazil, and with the Republic of Argentina on the River Parana, on a mixed or binational enterprise basis, with full parity in their co-ownership. With Brazil, we are building the hydroelectric station at Itaipu, which will produce 70 billion kilowatt-hours, thus placing it at the head of the largest enterprises in the world in this field. And, likewise with Argentina, we are already in the initial phase of complete execution of another hydroelectric station, Yacyreta. That station will produce 18 billion kilowatt-hours per year, which, likewise, places it in the forefront among the major world utilities. Furthermore, an understanding between my country, Argentina and Brazil, which has just been concluded, will make it possible on that selfsame Parana river to build another hydroelectric station with a yearly production of the same order as the one at Yacyreta to which I have referred.
188.	The political and economic philosophy underlying these undertakings is based on the assumption that the energy produced will be distributed equally between the two partners—Paraguay and Brazil, or Paraguay and Argentina as the case may be. In exchange for the difference between our energy consumption and half the total energy produced—to which initially each of the partners is entitled—my country will receive an adequate compensation until we ourselves find it necessary to review this difference.
189.	I wish to emphasize, as a tribute to the spirit of understanding and perfect equality which prevails over the technical and diplomatic negotiations between my country and Argentina and Brazil, that the Paraguayan firms participating in the realization of these monumental construction tasks have demonstrated a high degree of efficiency which made it possible for countries at different economic levels to associate for enterprises of mutual benefit in conditions of reasonable equity. There has also been a sense of balance which fully reflects the atmosphere of peace and friendship which prevails in the region in which we live: the vast area of the basin of the River Plate, one of the prime areas of the world because of its social and political configuration as an inexhaustible source of economic possibilities.
190.	I would like to stress that, in addition to the vast volume of energy from renewable resources, such as hydroelectric energy, which does not have the problems connected with mineral or atomic production and its technology, and which very shortly will be available to Paraguay, we have the privileged condition of a fertile territory, which in my country can produce food over almost its entire area.
191.	In turn, the possibility of using electric power to produce fertilizers will raise the capacity of Paraguay to produce food-stuffs to a high level, thus transforming my country into a major centre of world interest in view of the acute and anxious problem of world food.
192.	Aware of its historic responsibility and its commitment to the present generation, the Government of President Stroessner is devoting all its efforts to place my country in the privileged situation it occupied in its early history and which it earned through the dignity of its people and because of its brilliant history.
193.	We have suffered much misfortune, due mainly to- international wars and attacks against our sovereignty and independence. The hard lesson of the past has strengthened us in our resolve to be steadfast in the face of any attempt at foreign interference, under whatever emblem by whatever method, from whatever origin or whatever arguments may be made use of to try to justify it.
194.	My country is open to all men of goodwill who wish to see with their own eyes and with an open mind the atmosphere of peace, democracy and freedom in which we are developing our republican institutions, which are the basis of our confidence in a brilliant future which we wish to share with the sister nations of America and with the other nations which, with us, profess their faith in better days for mankind.
195.	I wish to end this statement by reiterating the pleasure with which Paraguay, its people and Government, note today, 1 October, the celebration of an auspicious event: the coming into force of the Panama Canal Treaty. I congratulate you, Mr. President, your noble country of Panama and its Government, for defending the rights of your country so tenaciously and with such dignity.
196.	This is an obvious and happy sign of a better understanding among the Americas, the one in the north and the one in the south, called upon to agree on the level of absolute unqualified respect and without blameworthy ignorance.
197.	Paraguay would not wish America to succumb to a suicidal confusion of concepts, but would rather that, with God's help, "government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth".


Mr. President, my address today will be published in its entirety just as I wrote it. Because of its length, however, I shall now read it out in a shortened form.
13.	I desire to express my gratitude to the General Assembly of the United Nations, which I am permitted today to participate in and to address. My thanks go in the first place to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. Last autumn, soon after my election to the Chair of Saint Peter, he invited me to make this visit, and he renewed his invitation in the course of our meeting in Rome last May. From the first moment I felt greatly honoured and deeply obliged. And today, before this distinguished Assembly, I also thank you, Mr. President, who have so kindly welcomed me and invited me to speak.
14.	The formal reason for my intervention today is, without any question, the special bond of co-operation that links the Apostolic See with the United Nations, as is shown by the presence of the Holy See's Permanent Observer to this Organization.
15.	Besides attaching great importance to its collaboration with the United Nations, the Apostolic See has always, since the foundation of your Organization, ex-pressed its esteem and its agreement with the historic significance of this supreme forum for the international lire of humanity today. It also never ceases to support your Organization's functions and initiatives, which are aimed at peaceful coexistence and collaboration between nations.
16.	This confidence and conviction on the part of the Apostolic See is the result, as I have said, not of merely political reasons but of the religious and moral character of the mission of the Roman Catholic Church.
17.	This is the real reason, the essential reason, for my presence among you, and I wish to thank this distinguished Assembly for giving consideration to this reason, which can make my presence among you in some way useful. Here, before the representatives of the States, I wish not only to thank you but also to offer my special congratulations, since the invitation extended to the Pope to speak in your Assembly shows that the United Nations accepts and respects the religious and moral dimension of those human problems that the Church attends to, in view of the message of truth and love that it is her duty to bring to the world. The questions that concern your functions and receive your attention—as is indicated by the vast organic complex of institutions and activities that are part of or collaborate with the United Nations, especially in the fields of culture, health, food, labour and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy—certainly make it essential for us to meet in the name of man in his wholeness, in all the fullness and manifold riches of his spiritual and material existence, as I have stated in my encyclical Redemptor Hominis,  the first of my pontificate.
18.	Now, availing myself of the solemn occasion of my meeting with the representatives of the nations of the earth, I wish above all to send my greetings to all the men and women living on this planet—to every man and every woman, without any exception whatever. Every human being living on earth is a member of a civil society, of a nation, man); of them represented here. Each one of you, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, represents a particular State, system and political structure, but what you represent above all are individual human beings; you are all representatives of men and women, of practically all the people of the world, individual men and women, communities and peoples who are living the present phase of their own history and who are also part of the history of humanity as a whole, each of them a subject endowed with dignity as a human person, with his or her own culture, experiences and aspirations, tensions and sufferings, and legitimate expectations. This relationship is what provides the reason for all political activity, whether national or international, for in the final analysis this activity comes from man, is exercised by man and is for man.
19.	I would like to express the wish that, in view of its universal character, the United Nations will never cease to be the forum, the high tribune, from which all man's problems are appraised in truth and justice. It was in the name of this inspiration, it was through this historic stimulus, that on 26 June 1945, towards the end of the terrible Second World War, the Charter of the United Nations was signed, and on the following 24 October your Organization began its life. Soon after, on 10 December 1948, came its fundamental document, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the rights of the human being as a concrete individual and of the human being in his universal value. This document is a milestone on the long and difficult path of the human race. The progress of humanity must be measured not only by the progress of science and technology, which shows man's uniqueness with regard to nature, but also and chiefly by the primacy given to spiritual values and by the progress of moral life.
20.	Today, 40 years after the outbreak of the Second World War, I wish to recall the whole of the experiences by individuals and nations that were sustained by a generation that is largely still alive. I had occasion not long ago to reflect again on some of those experiences, in one of the places that are most distressing and over-flowing with contempt for man and his fundamental rights—the extermination camp of 0£wie?im, Auschwitz, which I visited during my pilgrimage to Poland in June. This infamous place is unfortunately only one of the many scattered over the continent of Europe. But the memory of even one should be a warning sign on the path of humanity today, in order that every kind of concentration camp anywhere on earth may once and for all be done away with. And everything that recalls those horrible experiences should also disappear for ever from the lives of nations and States, everything that is a continuation of those experiences under different forms, namely, the various kinds of torture and oppression, either physical or moral, carried out under any system, in any land; this phenomenon is all the more distressing if it occurs under the pretext of internal security or the need to preserve an apparent peace.
21.	You will forgive me, ladies and gentlemen, for evoking this memory. But I would be untrue to the history of this century, I would be dishonest with regard to the great cause of man, which we all wish to serve, if l should keep silent, I who come from the country on whose living body 06wie?im was at one time constructed. But my purpose in evoking this memory is above all to show what painful experiences and sufferings by millions of people gave rise to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which has been placed as the basic inspiration and corner-stone of the United Nations. This Declaration was paid for by millions of our brothers and sisters at the cost of their suffering and sacrifice, brought about by the brutalization that darkened and made insensitive the human consciences of their oppressors and of those who carried out a real genocide. This price cannot have been paid in vain. If the truths and principles contained in this document were to be forgotten or ignored and were thus to lose the genuine self-evidence that so distinguished them at the time they were brought painfully to birth, then the noble purpose of the United Nations would be faced with the threat of a new destruction. This is what would happen if the simple yet powerful eloquence of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were decisively subjugated by what is wrongly called political interest but often really means no more than one-sided gain and advantage to the detriment of others, or a thirst for power regardless of the needs of others—everything which by its nature is opposed to the spirit of the Declaration. Political interest, understood in this sense, if you will pardon me, ladies and gentlemen, dishonours the noble and difficult mission of your service for the good of your countries and of all humanity.
22.	Fourteen years ago my great predecessor, Pope Paul VI, spoke from this podium. He spoke memorable words, which I desire to repeat today: "Never again war, war never again!" "Never again one against another, “or even "one above another", but always, on every occasion, "with each other".
23.	Paul VI was a tireless servant in the cause of peace. I wish to follow him with all my strength and continue his service. The Catholic Church in every place on earth proclaims a message of peace, prays for peace, educates for peace. This purpose is also shared by the representatives and followers of other Churches and Communities and of other religions of the world, and they have pledged themselves to it. In union with efforts by all people of good will, this work is certainly bearing fruit. Nevertheless we are continually troubled by the armed conflicts that break out from time to time. How grateful we are to the Lord when a direct intervention succeeds in avoiding such a conflict, as in the case of the tension that last year threatened Argentina and Chile.
24.	It is my fervent hope that a solution also to the Middle East crises may draw nearer. While being prepared to recognize the value of any concrete step or attempt made to settle the conflict, I want to recall that it would have no value if it did not truly represent the "first stone" of a general over-all peace in the area, a peace that, being necessarily based on equitable recognition of the rights of all, cannot fail to include the consideration and just settlement of the Palestinian question. Connected with this question is that of the tranquillity, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon within the formula that has made it an example of peaceful and mutually fruitful coexistence between distinct communities, a formula that I hope will, in the common interest, be maintained, with the adjustments required by the developments of the situation. I also hope for a special statute that, under international guarantees—as my predecessor Paul VI indicated— would respect the particular nature of Jerusalem, a heritage sacred to the veneration of millions of believers of the three great monotheistic religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam.
25.	We are troubled also by reports of the development of weaponry exceeding in quality and size the means of war and destruction ever known before. In this field also we applaud the decisions and agreements aimed at reducing the arms race. Nevertheless, the life of humanity today is seriously endangered by the threat of destruction and by the risk arising even from accepting certain "tranquillizing" reports. The continual preparations for war demonstrated by the production of ever more numerous, powerful and sophisticated weapons in various countries show that there is a desire to be ready for war, and being ready means being able to start it; it also means taking the risk that sometime, somewhere, somehow, someone can set in motion the terrible mechanism of general destruction.
26.	It is therefore necessary to make a continuing and even more energetic effort to do away with the very possibility of provoking war, and to make such catastrophes impossible by influencing the attitudes and convictions, the very intentions and aspirations of Governments and peoples. This task is certainly served by initiatives aimed at international co-operation for the fostering of development. As Paul VI said at the end of his encyclical Populorum Progressio, "... if the new name for peace is development, who would not wish to labour for it with all his powers?"  However, this task must also be served by constant reflection and activity aimed at discovering the very roots of hatred, destructiveness and contempt—the roots of everything that produces the temptation to war, not so much in the hearts of nations as in the inner determination of the systems that decide the history of whole societies. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights has struck a real blow against the many deep roots of war, since the spirit of war, in its basic primordial meaning, springs up and grows to maturity where the inalienable rights of man are violated.
27.	This is a new and deeply relevant vision of the cause of peace, one that goes deeper and is more radical. It is a vision that sees the genesis, and in a sense the substance, of war in the more complex forms emanating from injustice viewed in all its various aspects: this injustice first attacks human rights and thereby destroys the organic unity of the social order, and it then affects the whole system of international relations.
28.	By applying this criterion, we must diligently ex-amine which principal tensions in connexion with the inalienable rights of man can weaken the construction of this peace which we all desire so ardently and which is the essential goal of the efforts of the United Nations.
29.	Man lives at the same time both in the world of material values and in that of spiritual values. For the individual living and hoping man, his needs, freedoms and relationships with others never concern one sphere of values alone, but belong to both. Material and spiritual realities may be viewed separately in order to understand better that in the concrete human being they are inseparable and to see that any threat to human rights , whether in the field of material realities or in that of spiritual realities, is equally dangerous for peace, since in every instance it concerns man in his entirety. Permit me to recall a constant rule of the history of humanity, a rule that is implicitly contained in all that I have already stated with regard to integral development and human rights. The rule is based on the relationship between spiritual values and material or economic values. In this relationship, it is the spiritual values that are pre-eminent, both on account of the nature of these values and also for reasons concerning the good of man. It is easy to see that material goods do not have unlimited capacity for satisfying the needs of man: they are not in themselves easily distributed and, in the relationship between those who possess and enjoy them and those who are without them, they give rise to tension, dissension and division that will often even turn into open conflict. Spiritual goods, on the other hand, are open to unlimited enjoyment by many at the same time, without diminution of the goods themselves.
30.	A critical analysis of our modern civilization shows that in the last 100 years it has contributed as never before to the development of material goods, but that it has also given rise, both in theory and still more in practice, to a series of attitudes in which sensitivity to the spiritual dimension of human existence is diminished to a greater or lesser extent, as a result of certain premises which reduce the meaning of human life chiefly to the many different material and economic factors—I mean to the demands of production, the market, consumption, the accumulation of riches or of the growing bureaucracy with which an attempt is made to regulate these very processes. Is this not the result of having subordinated man to one single conception and sphere of values?
31.	What is the link between these reflections and the cause of peace and war? Since, as I have already stated, material goods by their very nature provoke conditionings and divisions, the struggle to obtain these goods becomes inevitable in the history of humanity. If we cultivate this one-sided subordination of man to material goods alone, we shall be incapable of overcoming this state of need. We shall be able to attenuate it and to avoid it in particular cases, but we shall not succeed in eliminating it systematically and radically, unless we emphasize more and pay greater honour before everyone's eyes, in the sight of every society, to the second dimension of the goods of man: the dimension that does not divide people but puts them into communication with each other, associates them and unites them.
32.	I consider that the famous opening words of the Charter of the United Nations in which "the peoples of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" solemnly reaffirmed "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small", are meant to stress this dimension.
33.	An analysis of the history of mankind, especially at its present stage, shows how important is the duty of revealing more fully the range of the goods that are linked with the spiritual dimension of human existence. It shows how important this task is for building peace and how serious is any threat to human rights. Any violation of them, even in a "peace situation", is a form of warfare against humanity.
34.	It seems that in the modern world there are two main threats. Both concern human rights in the field of international relations and human rights within the individual States or societies.
35.	The first of these systematic threats against human rights is linked in an over-all sense with the distribution of material goods. This distribution is frequently unjust both within individual societies and on the planet as a whole. Everyone knows that these goods are given to man not only as nature's bounty: they are enjoyed by him chiefly as the fruit of his many activities, ranging from the simplest manual and physical labour to the most complicated forms of industrial production, and to highly qualified and specialized research and study. Various forms of inequality in the possession of material goods, and in the enjoyment of them, can often be explained by different historical and cultural causes and circumstances. But, while these circumstances can diminish the moral responsibility of people today, they do not prevent the situations of inequality from being marked by injustice and social injury.
36.	People must become aware that economic tensions within countries and in the relationships between States and even between entire continents contain within themselves substantial elements that restrict or violate human rights. Such elements are the exploitation of labour and many other abuses that affect the dignity of the human person. It follows that the fundamental criterion for comparing social, economic and political systems is not, and cannot be, the criterion of hegemony and imperialism: it can be, and indeed it must be, the humanistic criterion, namely, the measure in which each system is really capable of reducing, restraining and eliminating as far as possible the various forms of exploitation of man and of ensuring for him, through work, not only the just distribution of the indispensable material goods, but also a participation, in keeping with his dignity, in the whole process of production and in the social life that grows up around that process.
37.	Disturbing factors are frequently present in the form of the frightful disparities between excessively rich individuals and groups, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the majority made up of the poor or indeed of the destitute, who lack food and opportunities for work and education and are in great numbers condemned to hunger and disease. And concern is also caused at times by the radical separation of work from property, by man's indifference to the production enterprise to which he is linked only by a work obligation, without feeling that he is working for a good that will be his or for himself.
38.	It is no secret that the abyss separating the minority of the excessively rich from the multitude of the destitute is a very grave symptom in the life of any society. This must also be said with even greater insistence with regard to the abyss separating countries and regions of the earth. Surely the only way to overcome this serious disparity between areas of satiety and areas of hunger and depression is through co-ordinated cooperation by all countries. This requires above all else a unity inspired by an authentic perspective of peace. Everything will depend on whether these differences and contrasts in the sphere of the "possession" of goods will be systematically reduced through truly effective means, on whether the belts of hunger, malnutrition, destitution, under-development, disease and illiteracy will disappear from the economic map of the earth, and on whether peaceful co-operation will avoid imposing conditions of exploitation and economic or political dependence, which would only be a form of neo-colonialism.
39.	I would now like to draw attention to a second systematic threat to man in his inalienable rights in the modern world, a threat which constitutes no less a danger than the first to the cause of peace. I refer to the various forms of injustice in the field of the spirit.
40.	Man can indeed be wounded in his inner relation-ship with truth, in his conscience, in his most personal belief, in his view of the world, in his religious faith, and in the sphere of what are known as civil liberties. Decisive for these last is equality of rights without discrimination on grounds of origin, race, sex, nationality, religion, political convictions and the like. For centuries the thrust of civilization has been in one direction: that of giving the life of individual political societies a form in which there can be fully safeguarded the objective rights of the spirit, of human conscience and of human creativity, including man's relationship with God. Yet in spite of this we still see in this field recurring threats and violations, often with no possibility of appealing to a higher authority or of obtaining an effective remedy.
41.	Besides the acceptance of legal formulas safe-guarding the principle of the freedom of the human spirit, such as freedom of thought and expression, religious freedom, and freedom of conscience, structures of social life often exist in which the practical exercise of these freedoms condemns man, in fact if not formally, to become a second-class or third-class citizen.
42.	It is a question of the highest importance that in internal social life, as well as in international life, all human beings in every nation and country should be able to enjoy effectively their full rights under any political regime or system.
43.	Only the safeguarding of this real completeness of rights for every human being without discrimination can ensure peace at its very roots.
44.	With regard to religious freedom, which I, as Pope, am bound to have particularly at heart, precisely with a view to safeguarding peace, I would like to repeat here, as a contribution to respect for man's spiritual dimension, some principles contained in the Second Vatican Council's Declaration Dignitatis Humanae:
"It is in accordance with their dignity that all men, because they are persons, that is, beings endowed with reason and free will and therefore bearing personal responsibility, are both impelled by their nature and bound by a moral obligation to seek the truth, especially religious truth. They are also bound to adhere to the truth once they come to know it and to direct their whole lives in accordance with the demands of truth."
" . . .the practice of religion of its very nature consists primarily of those voluntary and free internal acts by which a man directs himself to God. Acts of this kind cannot be commanded or forbidden by any merely human authority. But his own social nature requires that man give external expression to these internal acts of religion, that he communicate with others on religious matters, and profess his religion in community."
These words touch the very substance of the question. They also show how even the confrontation between the religious view of the world and the agnostic or even atheistic view, which is one of the "signs of the times" of the present age, could preserve honest and respectful human dimensions without violating the essential rights of conscience of any man or woman living on earth.
45.	Respect for the dignity of the human person would seem to demand that, when the exact tenor of the exercise of religious freedom is being discussed or determined with a view to national laws or international conventions, the institutions that are by their nature at the service of religion should also be brought in. If this participation is omitted, there is a danger of imposing, in so intimate a field of man's life, rules or restrictions that are opposed to his true religious needs.
46.	The United Nations has proclaimed 1979 the International Year of the Child, In this perspective we must ask ourselves whether there will continue to ac-cumulate over the heads of this new generation of children the threat of common extermination for which the means are in the hands of the modem States, especially the major world Powers. Are the children to receive the arms race from us as a necessary inheritance? How are we to explain this unbridled race?
47.	The ancients said: Si vis pacem, para bellum. But can our age still really believe that the breath-taking spiral of armaments is at the service of world peace? In alleging the threat of a potential enemy, is it really not rather the intention to keep for oneself a means of threat, in order to get the upper hand with the aid of one's own arsenal of destruction? Here, too, it is the human dimension of peace that tends to vanish in favour of ever new, possible forms of imperialism.
48.	It must be our solemn wish here for our children, for the children of all the nations on earth, that this point will never be reached. And for that reason I do not cease to pray to God each day so that in His mercy He may save us from so terrible a day.
49.	At the close of this address, I wish to express once more before all the high representatives of the States who are present a word of esteem and deep love for all the peoples, all the nations of the earth, for all human communities. Each one has its own history and culture. I hope that they will live and grow in the freedom and truth of their own history. For that is the measure of the common good of each one of them. I hope that each person will live and grow strong with the moral force of the community that forms its members as citizens. I hope that the State authorities, while respecting the just rights of each citizen, will enjoy the confidence of all for the common good. I hope that all the nations, even the smallest, even those that do not yet enjoy full sovereignty, and those that have been forcibly robbed of it, will meet, in full equality with the others in the United Nations. I hope that the United Nations will ever remain the supreme forum of peace and justice, the authentic seat of the freedom of peoples and individuals in their longing for a better future.


Mr. President, it is my privilege to convey to you and, through you, to the representatives assembled here the cordial greetings and the best wishes of my Sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, for the success of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Please allow me, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, to extend to you our warm felicitations on your election as President of the current session of the General Assembly. We are confident that under your wise guidance, which is already evident in your organizational skill, the work of this session will be successfully concluded. Let me assure you of our fullest co-operation in all your endeavours to this end during the present session.
2.	Our appreciation is also due to Ambassador Lievano of Colombia for his able, firm and impartial conduct of the work of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
3.	I take this opportunity to compliment our Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his devotion to the work of the United Nations and for his untiring efforts in discharging the onerous responsibilities en-trusted to him by this Assembly.
4.	Mr. President, my delegation wishes to associate itself with your statement to this Assembly on the passing away of the great Indian leader, Shri Jayaprakash Narayan.
5.	We welcome Saint Lucia as the newest Member of the United Nations; in our view the admission of Saint Lucia is a further step towards the universality of membership of this Organization.
6.	It is a great pleasure for me to address this Assembly on our perception of international relations and events during the current year. The past year, as the Secretary-General has rightly observed in his report on the work of the Organization, has been a year full of "uncertainty, tension and conflict". This does not sound heartening as we are on the threshold of a new decade. As we are meeting in the wake of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which constitute two thirds of the nations of the world, it may be appropriate for me to refer to that Conference and its conclusions. No one—ever many non-aligned countries—would expect us to agree fully with all those conclusions and recommendations, but it goes without saying that the Havana Conference, as the largest gathering ever of the world's Heads of State or Government, and its final documents represent a great moral and political force in international affairs and a consensus of mankind in general on the state of the world situation.
7.	The areas of conflict continue to pose a challenge to international peace and security. The progress, if any, in the process of detente is having very little effect on the course of international events in many corners of the world, events which have proved to be of a dubious, negative character. There may be no traditional bipolar division of the world, but there is no escaping the fact that sharp divisions, reinforced by armed conflicts, continue to characterize the relationships between and among nations of the world. Nowhere are these realities more evident than in southern Africa, the Middle East and South-East Asia.
8.	Southern Africa continues to be one of the focal points of tension in international relations. The illegal minority regimes of southern Africa have persistently refused to recognize the right of oppressed peoples, led by their national liberation movements, to self- determination, national independence and majority rule. We have always condemned the hateful system of apartheid in South Africa as inhuman and an insult to the civilized world and joined the international community in urging the Security Council to impose on the racist regime all the sanctions provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter.
9.	South Africa's refusal to co-operate with the United Nations in implementing the plan for free and fair elections in Namibia under the supervision of the United Nations has delayed an early attainment of independence in that international Territory and thus frustrated the aspirations of the Namibian people to true national liberation. The so-called internal settlement resulting from the fraudulent election of April this year in Zimbabwe has been denounced by the international community as a mockery of the legitimate aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe.
10.	We reaffirm our position that, pending a genuine transfer of power under a negotiated settlement acceptable to all the parties concerned, which it is hoped may emerge from the ongoing constitutional conference in London—no recognition should be given to the so- called majority Government of Bishop Muzorewa, nor should the sanctions imposed by the United Nations against Rhodesia be lifted.
11.	Consistently opposed as we are to colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, apartheid and all other forms of domination and exploitation, we reiterate our firmest support for the struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, under the leadership of national liberation movements recognized by this world body, by the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and by the non-aligned movement, to achieve full independence and the total elimination of racism and apartheid. We believe that the process of decolonization in southern Africa has reached a decisive stage.
12.	The situation in the Middle East continues to be disquieting. In keeping with our well-known stand on the Middle East problem, we do not support occupation by Israel of Arab territories, and we view the increasing number of Israeli settlements in occupied territories as illegal and believe that they will hamper the peace process. We call upon Israel to withdraw completely from the territories occupied since 1967. We maintain the view that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) form the basis for a lasting, just and comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem. While we support the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to live within secure and recognized boundaries, for peace to be durable in the Middle East we consider it essential to recognize the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people and their right to a separate State. Failure to recognize this reality will not create conditions essential to peace initiatives. In this context, we view the Camp David agreements and the Egypt- Israeli Treaty as a partial step which we hope, will not impede a just and comprehensive solution of the Middle East problem. It is, therefore, only logical that the Palestinian people should be fully involved in the negotiations aimed at bringing about peace in the Middle East.
13.	The Middle East problem is further complicated by repeated attempts to impair the integrity of Lebanon and weaken the unity of its people. We reaffirm our support for the territorial integrity of Lebanon. As a troop-contributor to UNIFIL, Nepal is concerned to see that UNIFIL carries out its mandate effectively and without obstruction from any quarter. We are equally concerned to see the fullest restoration of Lebanese authority in the troubled area as early as possible. A strong supporter of the United Nations peace-keeping operations, we urge all Member States to contribute in every possible way to the strengthening of this useful machinery of the United Nations.
14.	Recent developments in South-East Asia have caused us concern. These developments, that have un-fortunately taken place at a time when countries of the region were engaged in reconstruction following a protracted fight, have not only disrupted the socio-economic conditions of the neighbouring countries of the region, but are also contrary to the established norms of international behaviour. The political implications of interference in the internal affairs of a State Member of the United Nations by the use of force or aggression can by no means be overlooked. Foreign aggression and external interference in the internal affairs of others, wherever they take place, be it Southeast Asia, Africa or elsewhere, are simply unacceptable to my country. It is our considered view that the more powerful countries should not encroach on the sovereign jurisdiction of the less powerful ones. My country' would passionately call for the withdrawal of foreign forces from all occupied territories and the recognition of the right of all countries, without exception, to chart their own destiny without pressure or interference from any quarter.
15.	We fully share the concern that humanitarian problems should receive immediate attention, and we are pleased to note that the Geneva meeting convened by the Secretary-General to discuss the Indo-Chinese refugees  had some positive results. We hope that the international community, and in particular the industrialized countries of the world, will provide generous assistance in alleviating the plight of refugees, who are victims of injustice and oppression. We sincerely wish to see the peoples of Indo-China happily engaged once again in national reconstruction and all-round development.
16.	It is a pity that, despite the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, it has not been possible to make progress on the Cyprus issue. We favour the resumption of intercommunal talks under the auspices of the Secretary-General and support a political settlement based on strict respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. In our view there is no justification for continued foreign occupation of Cyprus.
17.	On the Korean question, we continue to hold the view that the aspirations of the Korean people to national reunification should be fulfilled peacefully by their own efforts and without any outside interference whatsoever.
18.	The escalating arms race in the world brings home to us the bitter fact that, despite the lessons we have all learned from destructive wars throughout the centuries, we still continue to seek security in armaments. Security does not depend on our arsenals of war, but rather on an atmosphere of peace, justice, mutual respect and confidence. The escalating race in armaments does not contribute to the building of that atmosphere. Peace cannot be maintained by a balance of terror and nuclear warheads—a balance which can be upset by any number of factors, including accidents. Additionally, the arms race represents the most glaring example of wasteful economy. Even a minuscule fraction of the resources wasted on armaments, if diverted for peaceful purposes and for the building of the economy of developing countries, will contribute to the establishment of a New International Economic Order, an objective which has so far remained only on paper. It is ironic that the greatest achievements of science and technology are being increasingly used in the development of anti-values, even by those of us who can least afford it.
19.	My delegation last year had welcomed the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, adopted by consensus at the first special session ever devoted to disarmament, as having formed a sound basis for substantive negotiations in the field of disarmament. The reorganization of the Committee on Disarmament as a negotiating body was another positive outcome of the special session. More than a year has elapsed since then and we have already begun discussing the next special session to be held in 1982. But little progress has been made in the negotiations on key issues relating to disarmament. It is widely accepted that general and complete disarmament under effective international control is the ultimate goal to which we are all committed.
20.	Like most delegations, we attach the highest importance to nuclear disarmament. We call upon all nuclear-weapon States, and in particular the two major nuclear Powers, to bear a special responsibility for achieving nuclear disarmament. We have noted with satisfaction the conclusion of a Treaty at the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] between the United States and the Soviet Union.6 It is our hope that this Treaty, when ratified, will pave the way for another at the outcome of the third round of SALT. However, we regret that agreement has not yet been reached on a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
21.	As a signatory to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Nepal has consistently opposed vertical and horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons. We look forward to the 1980 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which, we hope, will contribute further to the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime. We are also aware of the importance of the limitation of international transfers of conventional weapons, for such transfers would create unstable conditions at the regional level.
22.	An important as well as effective disarmament measure, in our opinion, is the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace. We have supported the denuclearization of Africa and the establishment of such zones in the Middle East and South Asia. The 1971 Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace and the proposal made by the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] for a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality have received our continued support.
23.	As our own national contribution to peace and as a true expression of our ultimate desire for peace, my august sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra, has proposed that Nepal be declared a zone of peace. This proposal is eminently consistent not only with my country's age-old search for peace, but also with the principles of non-alignment and the purposes of the United Nations. Nepal will never seek to create trouble in our region nor can we afford to be embroiled in any situation of tension which is not of our making. Our greatest task is that of the development of our people— economic, social and spiritual. This is the rationale of our proposal for a zone of peace for Nepal, which is calculated, as His Majesty King Birendra noted in his address to the Havana Conference, to consolidate the excellent state of relations which we maintain with all our friends. We take this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to all our friends who have supported our proposal for a zone of peace.
24.	It is gratifying to note that, as a result of our conscious policy of friendship and peace and the open policy of good-neighbourliness pursued by other countries of the region, the general situation of South Asia is good, particularly when it is compared to the situation prevailing in other parts of Asia. With the formal admission of both Pakistan and Iran into the fold of the non-aligned movement, the whole South Asian region is fully non-aligned. This has added several new dimensions to the possibility of peaceful development of the entire region. Nepal will do its best to maintain and promote this atmosphere of peace, friendship and co-operation in the region by pursuing a good-neighbour policy based on non-interference and understanding and accommodation of the legitimate aspirations of others.
25.	Turning now to prospects for economic growth and stability, we are faced with a grim scenario. More than half of the people of the world languish in absolute poverty, while the rest of them indulge in luxury and overconsumption. It is generally admitted that the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade has failed to narrow the income gap between developed and developing countries. The gap, on the contrary, has further widened during the 1970s. Despite the repeated calls of developing countries for the implementation of various resolutions, decisions and recommendations relating to the establishment of the New International Economic Order, insignificant progress has been made towards this end owing to the lack of political will on the part of those who have resources, technology and skill, and their reluctance to share their burden of responsibility for the establishment of a new order based on peace, justice and equality for ail.
26.	High rates of inflation, growing unemployment, a sharp decline in the terms of trade caused by fluctuations in the prices of primary products exported by developing countries, the constant instability of the international monetary system, sharp increases in the price of oil and the drop to a mere 0.3 per cent in the net flow of real resources to the developing countries are matters of deep concern to all developing countries. With a few exceptions, the international commitment by developed countries to transfer 0.7 per cent of their gross national product as official development assistance to developing countries remains unimplemented.
27.	It is increasingly realized that the existing international economic system is unjust and incompatible with the development of developing countries. Developing countries are fully convinced that a lasting solution to their problems can be achieved by a fundamental restructuring of the New International Economic Order.
28.	The Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77, in a declaration issued at their third meeting, held in New York from 27 to 29 September 1979, have strongly reaffirmed that the United Nations system is the only framework within which all negotiations of a global nature relating to the establishment of the new International Economic Order should take place. We hope that the proposal adopted at that meeting for the launching, within the United Nations, of a round of global and sustained negotiations on international economic co-operation for development with the full participation of all States and within a specified time-frame will be positively received by all developed countries. Such negotiations, to be effective, should no doubt be action-oriented and be predicated upon an integrated approach to the main issues involved, such as raw materials, energy, trade, development, money and finance.
29.	The international community is sufficiently aware of the difficult situation facing the least developed, land-locked and island developing as well as the most seriously affected countries. While the need to support vigorously the legitimate demands and aspirations of these countries in the organs, organizations and programmes of the United Nations system has been recognized, the crisis facing the world economy has further aggravated the problems of these countries. Since most of the land-locked developing countries are also among the least developed, their problems are of a structural nature, and we have repeatedly called for special attention to be given to the pressing problems of these countries and, as a matter of priority, special but urgent additional measures to be taken to overcome structural constraints impeding their rapid social and economic development. We have noted with satisfaction the comprehensive new programme of action for the least developed countries adopted at the fifth session of UNCTAD and urge its immediate implementation. It is, however, regrettable that the United Nations Special Fund for Land-Locked Developing Countries, with woefully meagre resources at its disposal, has not been able to meet the resource requirements of land-locked developing countries. We appeal once again to all rich donor countries to contribute generously to this Fund.
30.	In view of the ever more acute energy problem, we attach considerable importance to the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy to be held in 1981. Similarly, the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly to be held to assess the progress made in the various forums of the United Nations system in the establishment of the New International Economic Order and, in the light of that assessment, to take appropriate action further to promote the development of developing countries and international economic co-operation, and the adoption at that session of the international development strategy for the third United Nations development decade, will be of exceptional significance. We also recognize the importance of the Third General Conference of UNIDO to be held in New Delhi in 1980.
31.	In the light of what has been stated above, co-operation among developing countries is of paramount importance. We are convinced of the need for taking suitable measures to ensure that the great potential possessed by developing countries is substantially mobilized for effective mutual co-operation. In this context, the adoption by the Fourth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 of the Arusha Programme for Collective Self-Reliance and Framework for Negotiations was a useful contribution to the promotion of economic co-operation among developing countries. It is our hope that that programme will be implemented without delay. It is pertinent to draw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that my country, endowed as it is with vast water resources, has called for the prudent exploitation of those resources which can bring benefit not only to us but to the countries of the region as well. But that requires capital investment, the training of manpower, a proper political climate in the region and good understanding among, and genuine cooperation from, our neighbours.
32.	The recently concluded eighth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea was not able to break the deadlock in the negotiations on issues affecting the rights of all developing countries. We hope that the next session, to be held in 1980, will be able to resolve satisfactorily the issues which remain outstanding and obstruct the adoption of a comprehensive convention on the law of the sea. It has been our consistent position that a future convention on the
~ law of the sea, if it is to be just, fair and equitable, should fully embody the "common heritage" principle for the benefit of mankind as a whole. At the last session of that Conference my delegation had the honour of introducing a proposal relating to the establishment of a common heritage fund. That proposal, sponsored by nine countries, is designed to ensure that some of the immense revenues accruing from the exploitation of non-living resources in the exclusive economic zone are regarded as the common heritage of mankind and are used to finance the development of developing countries. The fund could also be used to help in fighting ocean .pollution, to assist in the transfer of marine technology and to help the work of the United Nations. It is our conviction that acceptance of the idea of generous sharing in the vast ocean resources as envisaged in our proposal could make a most constructive contribution to the realization of the objectives of the New International Economic Order. We earnestly hope that each delegation will give serious consideration at the next session of the Conference to the great potential of the common heritage fund. Finally, we stress the need for the Conference to give due recognition to the legitimate interests of land-locked countries, including their rights of free access to and from the sea and freedom of transit.
33.	The United Nations is a unique instrument de-signed to maintain international peace and security, promote harmony, amity and goodwill, co-operation and understanding between and among nations. While we seek further to strengthen this Organization, its effectiveness depends on the positive will and assertiveness of Member States in approaching international issues and solving global problems through the medium of this Organization.
34.	We have no doubt that most Member countries want the United Nations to become the truly world Organization originally envisaged in the Charter, one capable of maintaining international peace and security, of resolving conflicts peacefully and of harmonizing the differing interests of the countries of the world. My country belongs to this category of States Members of the United Nations. As a non-aligned country, Nepal believes in the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter the quintessence of which, we feel, is represented in the ideals of peaceful coexistence and co-operation among countries which adopt different political, economic and social systems, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the harmonization of interests among various countries. Nepal has full faith in those principles and tries assiduously to put them into practice because in our view they have both moral and practical value if our ultimate aim is for absolute peace to prevail in the world. In putting those principles into practice, we have succeeded in establishing friendly and co-operative relations with our neighbours which, we earnestly hope, will be conducive to peace in the region in which we live and in the world at large.