149.	Mr. President, it is with a deep sense of satisfaction that the Ethiopian delegation congratulates you on your assumption of the presidency of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. Our satisfaction emanates from the fact that you bring to this office wide and varied experience. The Ethiopian delegation would like to assure you of its full co-operation in the discharge of your heavy responsibilities.
150.	I' should like also to express the sincere thanks and appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Lazar Mojsov, who so ably and tirelessly conducted to a successful conclusion a record number of sessions of the General Assembly during the last 12 months.
151.	We are happy to note that Solomon Islands has acceded to independence. While welcoming it to the international community of sovereign nations, I should like to reiterate my Government's hope that its independence will give further impetus to the full and speedy decolonization of the remaining Territories in Africa and around the globe.
152.	It is with mixed feelings that I venture to review the current international situation. I say "mixed feelings" because we feel that while on the one hand humanity has succeeded in bringing to fruition the results of its valiant struggle, it has on the other hand witnessed the frustration of some of its cherished hopes. The unfolding process of history teaches us that even though ultimate victory over the forces of domination, exploitation and expansion is imminent, that glorious victory cannot be won except with immense sacrifices in blood and sweat. The current world situation is the epitome of the struggle between the old and dying forces of domination, exploitation and expansion on the one side and the new and emergent forces of peace, progress, justice and socialism on the other.
153.	During the last 12 months the world political scene has been dominated by an intensified struggle against imperialism, colonialism. Zionism, racism, apartheid and expansionism in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. The attempt by some Powers to dominate the Red Sea and restrict international navigation, the continued aggression and economic blockade against revolutionary Cuba and the forceful occupation of Guantanamo, the campaign of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization for a massive arms build-up, international reaction in Asia with its expansionist and hegemonistic designs of "big country" chauvinism propagating the inevitability of war—these are but some of the salient features.
154.	International imperialism has over the past year unleashed a campaign of terror and destruction around the globe in order to halt the gradual diminution of its domain and to regain its already lost positions. As we all know, that campaign is most actively pursued in, and most intensely focused on, the African continent. That is not without its reasons. With the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire in Africa, a number of progressive and socialist States, such as Angola and Mozambique, have emerged on the African political scene. Also, genuine and popular revolutions have taken deep roots among the African masses. To say the least, these new developments seriously worry imperialism and its surrogates; and naturally enough, propelled by their desperation and bolstered by the vast economic and financial power at their disposal, they have already launched their offensive. Their strategy varies from direct military intervention to covert subversion, from open interference in the internal affairs of others to subtle psychological warfare.
155.	What these decadent forces did not foresee and expect in their adventure was the gallant and determined resistance of the revolutionary forces in Africa and also the equally determined international assistance and solidarity extended to those forces by the socialist community and by peoples that love peace and freedom all over the world. Imperialism, which, as the instigator of counter-revolution and the provider of its arsenal, has for years with impunity been rushing its marines, special units, agents, legionnaires and mercenaries into the different parts of the globe to crush popular uprisings and prop up corrupt and decadent regimes, has started to cry "foreign intervention" in Africa. Except for some of the shameless surrogates of imperialism, Africans have not been impressed; nor can they ever be. In fact, Africa has made its unswerving position amply clear by roundly condemning all these neo-colonial intrigues, in particular, the attempts by imperialism to establish what it has arrogantly called "a pan-African force".
156.	Despite grim short-term prospects, in the long term the balance of forces favours those who champion the causes of freedom, peace, equality and progress; so the future is bright. Yet, in the wake of its retreat, imperialism has already left, and will continue to leave until its final demise, colossal destruction in terms of both human life and material wealth. Ethiopia's experience since the onset of its revolution four years ago clearly illustrates that fact. I wish to refer to some of the sinister machinations and glaring injustices perpetrated against my country by imperialism and the forces of reaction.

157.	Disturbed by the achievements of the Ethiopian revolution, imperialism and the forces of reaction in our region spared no effort to foil the revolutionary process in Ethiopia. The methods used ranged from subtle ways of undermining our social, economic and political life to launching an open war of aggression and occupation Imperialism and the forces of reaction tried to .subvert our national unity and to violate the territorial integrity of our motherland. They organized, financed and armed runaway feudal elements, members of the corrupt aristocracy and disgruntled bureaucrats to invade Ethiopia from the west. They also financed and armed a pseudo-revolutionary anarchist group to sabotage the economy, to assassinate genuine revolutionaries and to create general chaos and instability in the country. In their bid to reverse the popular revolution these tools of imperialism and reaction launched their attacks in a co-ordinated and complementary manner. Yet the invasion from the west was repelled and the subversion from within was crushed. This aspect of our revolutionary struggle has entailed enormous sacrifices.
158.	The greatest danger to our revolution and territorial integrity, however, came from the naked aggression committed by Somalia—an aggression planned, financed and instigated by imperialism and reaction.
159.	During the general debate at the thirty-second session of the General Assembly  the Ethiopian delegation explained in detail the real causes of, and the forces behind, that aggression. It is with a sense of satisfaction that my delegation today informs the General Assembly that the gallant sons and daughters of Ethiopia, rallying behind the national motto "Revolutionary Motherland or Death" have repelled the aggression and have administered an ignominious defeat to the invading forces of Somalia. The invading forces have, however, left their heavy destructive imprint on eastern Ethiopia. Thousands of defenceless and innocent civilians have been indiscriminately slaughtered by Somalia's army. Thousands more have been left destitute. Whole villages and towns have been razed to the ground. Nearly all development projects have been destroyed. Schools, hospitals, bridges, farms, power plants and even United Nations- financed settlement projects for nomads were not spared. Subsequently the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, in his appeal for international assistance, stated:
"In response to the appeal of the Ethiopian Government, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees sent a senior officer to Ethiopia who, together with the Regional Liaison Officer of the UNHCR in Addis Ababa, participated in a mission organized by the Government of Ethiopia to some of the areas affected by the conflict	The Mission was able to witness extensive
destruction and damage to public buildings such as schools, hospitals, power stations, telecommunications, bridges, etc....".
160.	Furthermore, UNESCO's Liaison Officer to Ethiopia, the OAU and ECA observed:
"I was very anxious to see Gode. UNESCO and UNICEF have been closely involved in projects for settlers in that area. For us, it was a very depressing experience to see what had happened. Most of the buildings in the area had been destroyed. Equipment and vehicles had been wrecked and schools had been blown up."
For those who may not be familiar with the area, Gode is the district where over 80,000 nomadic families were settled with the assistance of the international community.
161.	These dastardly acts illustrate not only the magnitude of the heinous crimes committed against the population of Ethiopia but above all the perfidy of the regime in Somalia and its avowed claim that the population of the region are its kith and kin.
162.	And yet the authorities in Somalia, who are never tired of engaging in double-talk and whose notorious credibility gap only increases with each passing day, in February 1978 informed the world that they were sheltering 30,000 so-called refugees from Ethiopia. Then the figure was raised, and now we are told that there are half a million. At this rate one should not be surprised if in time the entire population of Somalia is considered to be refugees from Ethiopia. The fact of the matter is that, because of the disastrous consequences of the aggression it committed against Ethiopia, Somalia has been forced to establish a series of relief camps for the benefit of its own retreating soldiers and needy nationals and has with characteristic cynicism declared its own citizens to be refugees from Ethiopia. My delegation categorically rejects this preposterous-claim and has informed the United Nations High Commissioner accordingly.
163.	Today the broad masses of Ethiopia have come a long way in foiling many of the imperialist conspiracies and breaking up the vicious reactionary encirclement. In this regard, the support rendered to Ethiopia by the socialist countries, particularly the USSR and Cuba, to help it to repel foreign aggression has greatly contributed to the strengthening of the cardinal principle of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Member States enshrined in the charters of the United Nations and the OAU. In the event of an armed aggression the legitimate right of any State to resort to any measure, including the right of individual and collective self-defence in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, cannot be questioned. This right has also been reaffirmed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU meeting in Khartoum and by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries meeting in Belgrade. Indeed, in the course of the current general debate, many representatives, including those of the permanent members of the Security Council, have clearly upheld that inalienable right. Viewed against this background, the hue and cry over alleged Soviet and Cuban intervention in the Morn of Africa is, to say the least, hypocritical.
164.	On the other hand, during these past years of struggle, Ethiopia has lost thousands of its brave sons and daughters. Much of its material wealth and infrastructure worth hundreds of millions of dollars has been destroyed, for which it demands prompt and adequate compensation.
165.	The root-cause of the instability and insecurity in our region is Somalia's expansionist policy. Obsessed by a lust for other people's land, and victim of the imperialist- conceived plot called "Greater Somalia", the Mogadishu regime has taken the law into its own hands and has embarked upon conquest and expansion at the expense of all its neighbours. So long as Somalia refuses to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its neighbours, so long as it continues its adventurist and expansionist policy, peace and stability in the area will continue to be elusive.
166.	The Ethiopian revolution has now been consolidated. The fourth anniversary of our revolution, celebrated last month, is sufficient testimony to its popular character and the mass support it enjoys. The countries of the region, including Somalia, have much to gain through co-operation rather than confrontation. In this context I should like to quote from the recent statement made by Comrade Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam, Chairman of the Provisional Military Administrative Council and the Council of Ministers, and Commander-in-Chief of the Revolutionary Army of Socialist Ethiopia, who said:
"Revolutionary Ethiopia will maintain its relationship with all countries of the world with different social systems and strengthen its solidarity with the socialist, progressive and democratic forces. In this connexion, Ethiopia would like to make clear its strong desire to have close co-operation and live in peace with the neighbouring countries."
167.	Ethiopia has embarked on a broad national campaign, not only to reconstruct its war-ravaged economy, but also to raise the quality of life and ensure the social justice won by the Ethiopian masses through their popular revolution. Despite the pressures and acts of foreign aggression that have forced us to divert scarce resources for tlis purpose of defence, in the last four years of our revolution much has been accomplished in the social, economic, cultural and administrative fields. In the years to come we intend to accomplish more. In this worthy venture we invite and whole-heartedly welcome ail International assistance on the basis of equality, non-interference and respect for national sovereignty.
168.	On the global level there are still a number of pressing problems for which the international community has yet to find lasting solutions.
169.	The conflict in southern Africa had long reached crisis proportions. In their vain attempt to perpetuate the abhorrent systems of colonialism, neo-colonialism racism and apartheid, the racist minority regimes and their North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies have now intensified their brutal repression, exploitation and mass extermination of the African population in South Africa, Namibia and
Zimbabwe. They have increased the frequency of their ever more aggressive and provocative attacks against the neighbouring independent African States of Angola, Zambia, Mozambique and Botswana. Those repeated acts of armed intervention are designed to destabilize the Governments in the region and convert the area into a safe haven for exploitation and racial domination.
170.	Apartheid is a hideous crime against humanity. It is the epitome of a racially organized violence, symbolizing the most flagrant contempt for human rights. It can thus be sustained only by the brutality of the repressive machinery in' the hands of the illegal racist regimes and their imperialist allies. Along with the racist minority regimes, international imperialism and reaction are actively pitting one African State against another and sowing the seeds of discord among the peoples of Africa to facilitate the attainment of their sinister designs and thereby to weaken Africa's resolve to remain free, strong, independent and united. Under the guise of "proposals for peaceful settlement", the leading Western Powers are feverishly engaged in manoeuvres to perpetuate their positions of privilege as the perennial overlords of the continent and to legitimize colonial and racist domination in yet a new way.
171.	It is therefore incumbent upon free Africa and, indeed, all peoples of the world which love freedom find peace, to intensify their support to, and solidarity with, the freedom fighters of southern Africa in the latter's bid to oust racist South Africa from Namibia and remove the illegal regime of Ian Smith from Zimbabwe. SWAPO and the Patriotic Front, as the sole and authentic representatives of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe respectively, must be given all requisite assistance to achieve those legitimate goals.
172.	The so-called Anglo-American proposal for the peaceful settlement of the Rhodesian question has failed; and the fact that the United States Government has permitted Ian Smith to come to its capital is an affront to the international community, shows contempt for Africans and is a clear violation of the United Nations Charter, as well as of decisions of its principal organs. My delegation therefore strongly condemns this wilful disregard of the wishes of the international community. Let me also underscore that Ethiopia categorically rejects all the sinister schemes that are being hatched to perpetuate imperialism in southern Africa.
173.	While discussing the colonial situation in Africa, one cannot fail to mention the courageous armed struggle of the people of Western Sahara. In our view, their legitimate aspirations for self-determination in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) should no longer be thwarted.
174.	The situation in the Middle East has continued to deteriorate as a result of the arrogant refusal by the forces of aggression, occupation and expansion to implement the relevant United Nations resolutions. Repeated acts of aggression against the Arab peoples have been paralleled only by newer and ever more insidious manoeuvres to procrastinate and further complicate a solution to the Middle East conflict.
175.	Last year most of the leaders of delegations to the thirty-second session of the General Assembly welcomed the joint Soviet-American statement of 1 October 1977. It was genuinely believed that the joint statement afforded realistic opportunities for reconvening the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East in which all parties to the conflict could be involved. However, since then the world has witnessed the most dramatic surrender to the forces of aggression and expansion, m well as capitulation to imperialist domination.
176.	Ethiopia supports all meaningful efforts designed to remove the consequences of aggression and ensure the restoration of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. The Government of Ethiopia firmly believes that Israel must unconditionally withdraw from all Arab territories occupied since June 1967, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. We are also convinced that no accord can be just and lasting unless it takes into full cognisance the rights of the Palestinian people to establish their own national homeland under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole spokesman and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
177.	In our view, the Camp David agreements are nothing but a sophisticated imperialist plot designed to exacerbate further the already difficult and complex situation in the Middle East, Our conviction in this respect is clearly borne out by the latest developments in Lebanon.
178.	Another deplorable situation which falls within the Middle eastern parameter and deserves serious international concern is the question of non-aligned Cyprus. While giving its full support to the demilitarization of the island, as proposed by the President of Cyprus, my delegation calls upon the Security Council to effect a speedy implementation of the pertinent United Nations resolutions on the question of Cyprus.
179.	My delegation supports the triumphant revolution of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen and condemns all attempts to obstruct the legitimate aspirations of the people of Yemen for unity, peace and progress.
180.	Ethiopia not only supports the popular revolution of Afghanistan but also strongly condemns the mischief of the architects of decay who are attempting to pressure' the long-oppressed, exploited, but none the less heroic people of that fraternal country.
181.	It is gratifying to note that the courageous peoples of Viet Nam and Laos, who for decades heroically struggled against the crudest form of imperialist intervention and domination, have now embarked on the heavy task of socialist reconstruction. Though peace is a prerequisite for such an endeavour, expansionist and chauvinistic forces, in collaboration with international imperialism, are creating strife and instability in the region by attempting to implement their long-standing hegemonistic ambitions. These are the same reactionary forces which, in alliance with imperialism, have instigated and supported aggressions against progressive Governments in Africa. We express our solidarity with the people of Viet Nam in their struggle to safeguard the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of their country.
182.	The Government of the United States, which has made itself the self-appointed policeman of the world and the "custodian" of human rights, is never tired of pontificating over alleged foreign intervention in Africa. Yet it conveniently forgets the presence of its 3,000 military bases and hundreds of thousands of its troops around the globe. The Government of the United States continues deliberately to distort the facts by talking about Cuban presence in Ethiopia. It so happens that Cubans are in Ethiopia at the express request of the Ethiopian Government, whereas the presence of American forces in Cuba is against the expressed wish and desire of the Cuban people. We reaffirm our militant solidarity with Cuba and demand an end to the continued aggression and economic blockade against Cuba, as well as the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of American forces from the base at Guantanamo. The Government of the United States must pay adequate compensation for its aggression against Cuba.
183.	My delegation whole-heartedly supports the struggle of the people of Latin America for social justice and freedom from imperialist subjugation and exploitation.
184.	It has long been recognized that international peace and security, disarmament and development are interrelated. One of the forces in the contemporary world which have consistently championed the strengthening of international peace and security, steady progress towards meaningful disarmament measures, international detente and the acceleration of development efforts has obviously been the movement of the non-aligned countries. Yet imperialism has been making strenuous efforts to divide the movement. As evidenced at the Belgrade Conference of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, imperialism has been unsuccessful in its divisive manoeuvres. We are confident that the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, to be held in Havana next year, will further strengthen the unity and solidarity of its members. The fact that this meeting is to take place in Havana is a recognition of Cuba's outstanding contributions to strengthening the movement and a fitting tribute to the remarkable revolutionary role Cuba continues to play in the awakening and liberation of the oppressed masses.
185.	The initiative the non-aligned movement has taken in the field of disarmament has made possible for the first time the most serious consideration of disarmament problems by the General Assembly of the United Nations. The results of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, as embodied in the Final Document adopted by it [resolution S-10/2], have laid the foundation for a new approach to the hitherto difficult issues of disarmament. The creation of a more democratic framework for deliberations and negotiations on disarmament issues and the greater role and responsibility recognized for the United Nations in future disarmament efforts are, in our view, some of the highly positive results of the special session. Other positive steps taken by the special session which deserve special mention include the establishment of priorities for disarmament negotiations.
186.	However, it must be emphasized that the results achieved with regard to other substantive matters leave much to be desired. This was so not only because the special session was convened at a time when the colonialist and imperialist attack on detente reached a new level of intensity but also because it has taken place precisely when some frantic moves were under way in certain leading Western capitals to revive the cold war, thereby gravely impeding the global struggle for detente and disarmament. Actually, at that time the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was holding a summit meeting, regrettably, not to discuss disarmament but rather to evolve new plans for increasing its military build-up. The 10-point programme adopted by that summit meeting provides for the joint production of 15 new types of sea and land-based missiles and earmarks an additional $80 billion to be spent in the next 10 years on more than 100 new programmes of armament. A manifestation of the unlimited imperialist hypocrisy is the agreement to increase further the military presence of the Pentagon in Western Europe, while talks were in progress in Vienna on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe.
187.	The massive military build-up and the intensification of the arms race by the imperialist Powers and reactionary forces are not limited to the confines of Europe, where the alleged Soviet threat provides a convenient smoke-screen, but are being extended to Africa, where attempts are made at frustrating the struggle of the African people against exploitation, domination and human degradation by hysterical and hypocritical cries of Soviet intervention in Africa.
188.	Nevertheless, the special session devoted to disarmament has succeeded at least in identifying the forces of peace, freedom and independence, on the one hand, and the proponents of the arms race and brinkmanship, on the other. These two camps represent the forces at work between disarmament and catastrophe, but the overwhelming majority of the international community has clearly chosen the former.
189.	1 have already mentioned the fact that international security and disarmament are inseparable. To achieve genuine disarmament, we must enhance international security. Fortunately, there are already a number of proposals before this Assembly in that respect. The non-use of force in international relations, the provision of adequate guarantees to non-nuclear-weapon countries and the urgent convening of a world disarmament conference are only a few examples. To these constructive proposals, which have been presented to the General Assembly by the Government of the USSR and the socialist community of States, Ethiopia gives its full support and it hopes that concrete action will be taken on them during the current session.
190.	Another important and difficult question before the international community today is that relating to the law of the sea. Although significant progress has been made so far towards the elaboration of an internationally acceptable convention, there are still a number of extremely difficult issues, particularly those relating to the international sea-bed area, that remain to be resolved. The tendency in some industrialized capitalist countries to adopt unilateral legislation on deep sea-bed mining not only is a clear contravention of the decision of the General Assembly but could also frustrate the efforts of the international community to adopt a comprehensive treaty on the law of the sea. We therefore appeal to those States which are in the process of adopting unilateral measures to desist from such a course of action.
191.	My delegation regrets to note that the implementation of the United Nations Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] has not made notable progress so far. While the Ad Hoc Committee established for the purpose continues to make every effort to discharge its duties, the imperialist Powers have been expanding their military facilities in Diego Garcia and Reunion island and increasing their military presence in the ocean itself. Since these activities are contrary to the declared objectives of the international community, Ethiopia demands the immediate dismantling of their military facilities and an end to their military presence in conformity with the Declaration.
192.	The attempt by some reactionary Governments in the area of the Red Sea to convert that international waterway into an exclusive Arab lake is also a matter of serious concern. Ethiopia considers that the preservation of the international character of the Red Sea and respect for the legitimate interests of the littoral States, as well as the guaranteeing of free navigation in accordance with established international law and practice, are of paramount importance to the entire world community.
193.	Over the years, this Assembly has come to accept the proposition that co-operation among nations is indispensable if mankind is to survive and progress. Acceptance of this thesis, however, has not been accompanied by the kind of co-operative undertaking necessary for the solution of economic and social problems which beset two-thirds of mankind today. It is rather tragic to observe that in this era of technological miracles the international community has failed to provide for the minimum needs of nearly half of humanity. Despite lofty pronouncements often made by the industrialized nations promising to respond to the plight of the poorer countries, the disquieting gap in living standards between the rich and the poor is still growing wider.
194.	The difficulties of some developing countries have been further aggravated by natural calamities which play havoc with the lives of our peoples. The Sahelian region of Africa and my own country have suffered and still continue to suffer from severe food shortages caused by successive years of drought. This problem has been compounded, in the case of my country, by the recent invasion and destruction of crops by swarms of locusts.
195.	The humanitarian response that we have received from the international community has been encouraging. I take this opportunity to express from this rostrum my country's deep appreciation and gratitude to those friendly nations and to the intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations that have assisted us. Viewed against the magnitude of the problem, however, the relief aid extended to us from international sources falls far short of the amount needed to cope with the situation. To cope with the problem it is estimated that at least 250,000 tons of food assistance are required. Since Ethiopia's own capacity effectively to combat this natural calamity is limited, we trust that the international community will be more forthcoming in its response.
196.	We in Ethiopia are carrying out basic and fundamental structural changes in all fields of social and economic endeavour. But to the extent that the domestic structure has its external dimensions and until and unless corresponding improvements are made in the international structure, appreciable headway is unlikely to be made in accelerating social and economic transformation within cur respective countries.
197.	Despite the adoption of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order[resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)] and the consensus of the seventh special session [resolution 3362 (S-VII)], very little has been achieved in concrete terms to meet the pressing needs of the developing world and almost nothing to rectify then- underlying causes. It is therefore candid to admit that the Second Development Decade has largely been a decade of frustrated hopes, especially for the poorer of the developing countries. That the policies of the majority of the developed countries have registered a regression also appears to us to be a matter of fact.
198.	Official development assistance levels have been frozen at less than half the agreed target. The distribution of international financial reserves still remains as inequitable as before, and the trend toward protectionism in the developed countries is becoming more pronounced than ever.
199.	As I said earlier, we cannot realistically speak about economic growth and development, even less hope to find just and equitable solutions of the ills of underdevelopment, unless the problem is seen in the context of the need to build a new global structure of economic relationships. Evidently, the present world economic order is incapable of redressing the inequality that exists between the "haves" and the "have-nots". As long as there is no change in the basic structures, all our development efforts will be frustrated. What is really required now is not the patching up of the existing order through temporary measures, but rather the making of structural changes that are based on equality and justice.
200.	We believe that the time has come for the international community to adopt a global approach to economic problems. It should draw up a coherent, comprehensive and massive programme for the development of the world economy as a whole and the establishment of the New International Economic Order.
201.	We believe that the problem of the least developed countries should be given sufficient attention and due priority in the new development strategy, as well as in the various international negotiations currently under way to establish the New International Economic Order.
202.	My delegation is convinced also that an equitable world economic order can be based only on an equitable economic system within each nation. We in the developing world therefore, no less than the developed countries, must reduce, and if possible eliminate, the gap between the privileged few and the masses. Ethiopia, being unswervingly committed to the earliest achievement of social justice at the national level, cannot but lend its strongest support to the attainment of similar world-wide objectives.


7.	Mr. President, the tradition which offers Brazil the privilege of opening the general debate at the United Nations General Assembly gives me this year the very special pleasure of being the first among the speakers to compliment you on your election by acclamation to the presidency of this thirty-third session of the Assembly. Without stressing the strong and traditional ties that bind our two countries, neighbours and sisters, it is for me a source of particular personal satisfaction to see the labours of this main political body of the United Nations entrusted to the skilful and experienced guidance of my Colombian colleague and friend, Indalecio Lavano Aguirre.
8.	Nor can I fail to express to Mr. Mojsov our appreciation of the manner in which he accomplished in this past year the task of presiding over the General Assembly during its thirty-second regular session and the unprecedented total of three special sessions.
9.	Thirty-three years after the creation of this world Organization we have arrived, as a result of the process of decolonization promoted and accelerated by the United Nations itself, at a membership of 120 States. Solomon Islands now joins the community of nations with full rights, and we bid them welcome.
10.	The tradition to which I referred in my opening words gives Brazil not only the .privilege but, above all, the responsibility, which falls upon me, of opening this debate, the only one to be held every year at a high political level among the representatives of the international community as a whole, without distinction between the powerful and the weak or the rich and the poor.
11.	This is the fifth time I have addressed the General Assembly as the Minister for External Relations of my country. When I spoke in this forum precisely four years ago  as the Foreign Minister of President Ernesto Geisel's Administration, whose work was then beginning, I pointed out that we wished our language in the international field to be plain and straightforward, that we desired frank and
uninhibited communication among the States Members of the United Nations and that we would explore all roads to understanding, for we held the fundamental belief that co-operation is more effective than antagonism and that mutual respect is more creative than the ambition of preponderance. I stressed, further, that we were ready, wherever Brazilian national interest might move us, to look for areas of convergence and zones of coincidence with the interests of other peoples, acting always in pursuance of objectives that were clearly identified and accepted by the Brazilian people.
12.	That, in brief, has been the guideline followed by Brazil during these years in its external relations, both bilaterally and multilaterally. And the balance, I believe, is positive. We have greatly increased the areas of co-operation and understanding with our neighbours of the Latin American region, with our overseas neighbours, the sister republics of Africa, and with the other countries of the world. Traditional friendships have been strengthened and new and mutually beneficial friendships have been developed. Zealous for our sovereignty and independence, we have reaffirmed whenever necessary by word and deed our unshakeable adherence to the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, mutual respect and self-determination. And we have lived in peace, always trying to solve with serenity our differences of opinion with, or eventual divergences, from other nations.
13.	We have sought, as far as possible, to break obsolete patterns of international relations and to replace them with more equitable and more balanced arrangements. This has enabled us to open up new diplomatic horizons. And we have thus revealed the true international profile of Brazil, ever sensitive to changes in the world reality.
14.	Thus, a solid base has been created on which Brazil can stand in the coming years, a country firmly devoted to the task of promoting its ideals of peace, justice and development in harmony with the other nations of the earth.
15.	In that same speech of September 1974,1 underlined certain grave problems afflicting the international community which were included in the General Assembly's agenda and which, directly or indirectly, also affected and continue to affect the country I represent. In some of those cases the balance of these last four years has been positive, although still unsatisfactory. In others it was clearly negative.
16.	To mention only one of those problems, I then referred, first of all, to the general theme of decolonization and to the inhuman policy of apartheid. The past years have brought great rejoicing to Brazil with the independence and admission to the United Nations of all former Portuguese territories in Africa. But our attention is still turned to the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe, who still seek their self-determination and independence, not to mention other peoples, in other parts of the world, who still remain under the yoke of foreign domination. We anxiously await the occasion, which we hope will come very soon, to welcome to the United Nations the nation of Namibia, free and sovereign at last, with its territorial integrity fully preserved. But our cautious satisfaction with the apparent progress of that African country towards independence-the object, this year, of the historic ninth special session of the Assembly-is not enough to counterbalance the continued frustration of the expectations of the international community in relation to the self-determination of the people of Zimbabwe and the abolition of the apartheid regime.
17.	Nor can we be reassured by the relatively unstable peace which prevails over a great part of the world when we observe the persistence of explosive situations and, in some cases, their rapid deterioration. In a world of solidarity and interdependence, there is no peace while there remain focuses of tension, of injustice and of conflict, even when localized.
18.	In this sense, the extremely volatile situation in the Middle East gives all of us reason for the most profound concern. The continual resurgence in that region of the mistrust and hostility that have so often marked its turbulent history and, in particular, the tragic events in Lebanon, which caused the convening of the eighth special session of the General Assembly this year—all contribute to create a climate of disquiet and discouragement.
19.	The recent negotiations at Camp David are a new element in the search for peace in the region of the Middle East. We await with interest new stages in the process that is now under way, and we are attentively observing the degree of acceptance it is being accorded by the other parties more directly involved in the question, while cherishing the hope that it will be possible to arrive at just and lasting solutions compatible with the principle of the non-acquisition of territory by force, with the principle of the recognition of the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, and with the right of all parties to the conflict to survival and self-determination.
20.	I cannot avoid making special mention of a problem which increasingly endangers the very existence of mankind. I refer, obviously, to the arms race and, in particular, to the nuclear arms race.
21.	The situation today demands decisive action on the part of the international community, which has complacently and for many years contemplated the uncontrolled accumulation, by a few States, of arms of mass destruction and the terrifying and permanent refinement, by those same States, of instruments capable of annihilating human life on earth. The threat to us, to each of us in this room, and to each one of the 150 countries we represent, lies not only in the danger that those weapons may one day be used, but also in the very existence of that weaponry.
22.	The spirit of frankness which should inspire this general debate leads me to say that, in this sense, the results of the first special session devoted to disarmament—the tenth special session—which was held in May and June of this year, were disappointing. Although we were conscious of the limitations which would inevitably follow from the realities of power, we nurtured the hope that the special session would be a first step, albeit a modest one, towards the solution of priority problems relating to nuclear weapons.
23.	Aware of the need to ensure the co-operation of all States, particularly of the nuclear Powers, we all agree that the appropriate method of work was to seek solutions by consensus. Nevertheless, we witnessed the blockage even of successively diluted versions of texts that addressed themselves effectively to disarmament. Entire sections dealing with the really urgent problems relating to nuclear weapons were completely suppressed or made ambiguous. The Final Document of the special session [resolution S-10/2] contains serious omissions and confers disproportionate importance upon issues of secondary urgency in the general field of disarmament.
24.	Since it was not possible to achieve significant progress on the substantive issues of greater priority and urgency during the special session, it is symptomatic that the main practical results of the Assembly on disarmament lie precisely in the procedural area of machinery for future negotiations and deliberations. Willing to continue contributing, in good faith, to all constructive efforts in that area, we supported the decisions on the new negotiating body and on the new Committee on Disarmament. Within the limits of its possibilities, Brazil will exert every effort to help those bodies to achieve the results urgently required in the field of disarmament, particularly in the field of nuclear disarmament.
25.	The obstacles that certain developed countries try to raise against the acquisition by the remaining States of technologies indispensable to development, including nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, are only one area in which some highly industrialized countries, aware of the g-owing political and economic importance of technology in a world of more and more limited natural resources, systematically try to hinder, restrict or block the access of developing countries to the means which are needed for the promotion of the welfare of their peoples. The situation, which tends only to become more grave, is a source of concern, especially as it fits into the increasingly bleak picture of North-South economic relations, marked in practically all its aspects by a worsening of trends, such as protectionism contrary to the establishment of a more just and equitable international economy.
26.	It is to be regretted, in this context, that the lack of political will on the part of a large number of our developed partners continues to block the progress of constructive negotiations. Two weeks ago, the seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea held its last meeting in these halls. Nothing would give me more pleasure than to be able to affirm that that session, the latest in a long series, arrived at positive results. Unfortunately such was not the case. During that part of the session which took place in Geneva we had noted some progress on important issues, but the continuation of the work in New York seems to have provoked setbacks and withdrawals, a fact which does not allow us to declare ourselves even modestly satisfied with what was achieved.
27.	The prospect of having national legislation on matters under negotiation adopted unilaterally, in direct opposition to resolution 2749 (XXV), which was accepted without dissenting voices, did not contribute to better results. We cannot yet evaluate precisely just how far the consequences of such actions will go, but it is not possible to view them without deep concern. It is worth remembering that the Conference on the Law of the Sea is, in the judgement of many, the most important negotiation since the San Francisco Conference, at which our Charter was established and our Organization was created.
28.	Another glaring recent example of this situation was the suspension some days ago of the work of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174,; known as the Committee of the Whole, a body which, in principle, should have decisive influence on the progress of specific negotiations within the framework of the North-South dialogue.
29.	Brazil will always continue to be pledged to the promotion and improvement of international co-operation, but it sees with disenchantment the gradual fading of the hopeful picture that had been sketched as a result of the seventh special session of the General Assembly. This thirty-third session will, consequently, be of crucial importance in determining the direction which the North-South dialogue will take.
30.	It is in the light of these facts that we attribute special importance to the development of machinery aimed at filling the gaps in North-South co-operation. With this aim in mind Brazil has put forward and supported efforts _to promote, enlarge and intensify horizontal and equitable co-operation among the countries which strive for development. The United Nations Conference on Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries, which took place recently in Buenos Aires, was an important landmark for multilateral efforts in this field.
31.	The United Nations is the only universal body with the duty of maintaining international peace and security and simultaneously promoting co-operation for the social and economic development of all peoples. It is an imperfect system, much in need of reform. But, above all, it is a system imperfectly utilized.
32.	The Charter of the Organization itself establishes, as the first of its basic principles, that of sovereign equality among all States. But that provision, which should be the foundation of universal co-operation for the solution Of the great problems of today's world, is undermined every moment. We do not deny that certain States are immensely more prosperous and more powerful than others. What we cannot continue to accept is that a few States seek to resolve the political and economic destinies of the world, with the United Nations kept on the margin and without regard for the interests, of the great majority of its Members. To these latter, participation in the process of making decisions which directly or indirectly will affect their fates can no longer be denied.


1.	Mr. President, on behalf of my Government I wish to express to you our warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are particularly pleased that the choice has fallen upon you. It is fitting recognition of your outstanding qualities of leadership and enlightened grasp of international issues. We feel confident that under your wise and inspiring guidance this session of the General Assembly will provide a new momentum for international co-operation towards peace.
2.	I also wish to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, who, by his dedication and outstanding performance in presiding over the deliberations of the previous year, lived up to his country's distinguished record in world affairs.
3.	I should also like to reiterate and convey the appreciation of my Government to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our Secretary-General, of his tireless efforts to promote the principles and ideals of the United Nations. I am sure he will continue to do his utmost to overcome the difficulties hampering the implementation of those principles and ideals. We, for our part, realize the complexities of his task and stand ready to support him in the fulfilment of his responsibilities.
4.	On behalf of my Government, I should like to welcome Solomon Islands into this community of nations. I feel certain that its co-operation and contribution to our Organization will be of great value.
5.	The problems facing the United Nations are many and
complex, and in some instances highly sensitive. The year
that has passed since the last general debate cannot be
considered as marking any great achievements in terms of resolving important problems which are on the agenda of the United Nations. None the less, the achievement of progress on some extremely difficult problems to which our Secretary-General draws attention in his annual report on the work of the Organization [A/33/1] is certainly encouraging in terms of other important and as yet unresolved problems.
6.	The principal purpose of the United Nations is to maintain international peace. As we all know, the concept of peace is as old as civilization, but the requirements of peace change with a changing world and there is no such thing as static peace based on static balance and order. Therefore in today's rapidly changing world a dynamic approach should guide efforts aimed at the attainment of peace.
7.	There can be no true peace except when nations exercise self-restraint, the weak are as safe as the strong and the poor can participate in progress equally with the rich.
8.	If I may translate those concepts into single words or letters: detente, disarmament and development—that is to say, the "three Ds"-should constitute the main pillars of a true peace today.
9.	Allow me first to dwell on detente. The great Powers have a special responsibility for the maintenance and promotion of detente. Yet detente should not be the exclusive concern of the great Powers, because detente is as indivisible as peace, and a selective application of detente can only increase tension in the long term. Therefore all States, big and small, and all regions should have a stake in detente in the belief that lasting results can be achieved only with the full participation of all States in that process.
10.	Turkey, for its part, attaches great importance to the promotion of detente. In fact, it has made consistent efforts to facilitate and promote detente, following an active policy of friendly co-operation with all its neighbours and the countries of the region.
11.	Detente, at present, is based largely on a balance of armed deterrence. Should the balance be tilted in a given region in favour of one side, detente might consequently suffer. As we see it, the present balance is a precarious one and does not ensure substantial progress. Detente, therefore, should be based on a sounder balance, a balance of interests aimed at maintaining peace and mutual confidence among nations.
12.	In the long run the survival of detente will be dependent on progress in disarmament. For detente and
disarmament are intertwined processes. That brings mc to the second pillar, disarmament. I am sure that all will agree that disarmament is one of the most urgent problems on mankind's agenda.
13.	In general terms, every State has a contribution to make in establishing the conditions for general and complete disarmament.
14.	Turkey, for its part, is keenly interested in disarmament, and the search for genuine and concrete disarmament constitutes one of the basic endeavours of the foreign policy of Turkey. As a developing country, Turkey no doubt feels more than others the harmful effects of the burden of armaments.
15.	We whole-heartedly welcomed the convening last June of the tenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, devoted to disarmament. Since the Turkish Prime Minister, Mr. Bulent Ecevit, addressed the special session1 and his detailed explanation of the views of our Government on disarmament went into the record, I shall confine myself to a few points only.
16.	I am confident that it is the common view of all delegations here that the ultimate goal is to achieve general and complete disarmament under effective international control, which will create a secure world in which all nations would be free from fear. I shall not be revealing a secret when I say that in an age of sovereign States whose interests are not always convergent the question of disarmament is directly related to the security of those States. The process of detente has not yet led to a reversal, or even a cessation, of the arms race. All countries are buying greater and greater insecurity at higher and higher costs.
17.	This cannot be a safe way to disarmament. While disarmament negotiations proceed, armouries are being made bigger and bigger. What we should do is to substitute for a fragile system of security based on the arms race a more stable system of security based on mutual trust and confidence. A break-through in disarmament cannot be achieved if we do not have more trust in each other and a greater awareness of the common aims and interests of all mankind. The promotion of mutual understanding, trust and friendship would provide the soundest basis for disarmament efforts.
18.	Alas, our world exists in an environment that is far from being one of trust and confidence. The ever-growing violence, in addition to the continuing arms race, increases the disaffection and anxieties of millions of people.
19.	On the other hand, terrorism and violence have reached alarming dimensions in our age, indicating the insufficiency of educational efforts to cultivate feelings of love and tolerance in the hearts and minds of the young.
20.	It is obvious that it is difficult to mobilize the will of mankind for disarmament and peace in a psychological atmosphere that breeds hate, hostility and violence.
21.	With this peculiar and disturbing situation in mind, the Turkish Prime Minister suggested in this very hall that the

United Nations should require all Member nations to adopt and implement educational programmes that would breed a culture of peace and international friendship.
22.	Before I conclude on this subject, I should like to emphasize that, despite some progress, the history of post-war disarmament endeavours can be seen only as one of repeated lost opportunities. Be that as it may, we none the less refuse to be led into pessimism. The slow pace of progress in the field of disarmament stems from the very nature of the subject. Disarmament is too important a question, however, to leave any areas unexplored. Therefore we should be bold enough to try every step that will bring us closer to our goal, and while doing so we should be wise enough to protect scrupulously the progress we have already achieved, no matter how little or modest it may be.
23.	Peace and prosperity are indivisible. The questions of detente and disarmament cannot be considered apart from their economic dimension-that is to say, development, which is the third pillar of a true peace.
24.	The need to establish an equitable and just economic order in the world is also very closely related to detente and disarmament. At present, -the world revolves on two axes-one East-West, the other North-South. Rapid progress through a stable but at the same time dynamic process should take place on both of those two fronts. There can be no stability and security in a world of hunger, misery and injustice. Furthermore, efforts in the fields of detente and disarmament would be incomplete and ineffective unless adequate measures aimed at reducing the ever-increasing gap between the rich and the poor, between North and South, were undertaken.
25.	Turkey, as a developing country, is profoundly interested in the establishment of an equitable economic order in the world and is sincerely anxious to contribute to it. Our Government, which came into office at the beginning of this year, intends to make Turkey's contribution to this process more effective. In line with this objective, Turkey had the privilege of acting as host to a seminar on the New International Economic Order held in August in Istanbul. Our Government is proud to have had the opportunity of bringing together in the seminar a number of distinguished politicians, diplomats and scholars who have been making valuable contributions to the search for a New International Economic Order.
26.	It must be admitted that, in spite of the intensive efforts made under the United Nations umbrella, no important concrete results have yet been achieved. The sessions of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, known as the Committee of the Whole, which was established last year to oversee developments in connexion with the New International Economic Order, to give them impetus, and to serve as a forum, where appropriate, for the exchange of views on global economic problems—in brief, to take up and negotiate every aspect of the New International Economic Order-ended in a dangerous deadlock.
27.	The persistent economic recession which exacerbated the difficulties of the developing countries coincided with the suspension of the dialogue in the Committee. This,
together with the acutely felt short-term effects of the global economic crisis, could frustrate to a great extent the long-term aspirations of the developing countries. Therefore this stalemate is an ominous sign for the efforts made in other United Nations bodies with regard to the New International Economic Order. If this General Assembly fails to resolve the differences that emerged in the form of procedural matters, this will sooner or later adversely affect the negotiations on the Integrated Programme for Commodities and the common fund, which in turn will gravely endanger the prospects for the fifth session of UNCTAD.
28.	In the course of 1978 the developing countries had to face protectionist tendencies of alarming proportions in the industrial countries. We suspect that protectionism is on the way to far exceeding what is needed for reducing unemployment or facilitating industrial structural adjustment. To our disillusionment, protectionism is becoming an autonomous escalating force which the policy-makers of industrial countries are individually either unable or reluctant to withstand. It is hardly necessary to recall that the labour-intensive, value-added manufactured goods of the developing countries are the main losers by this process. Therefore those countries should not shy away from the responsibility of actively participating in the work of the Tokyo round of multilateral trade negotiations within the framework of GATT.
29.	In the atmosphere of slow growth of the last two years, we are awaiting the results of the domestic expansion of the countries with surpluses as a remedy for stagnation, on the one hand, and for payments maladjustments and monetary instability, on the other. Nevertheless, the economies of those countries cannot be expected to respond, beyond some modest point, to the internal expansionary measures, for there are structural causes inhibiting their being global driving forces.
30.	The potential growth of the world economy, however, depends indisputably on the developing countries, which buy 28 per cent of the total manufactured goods exported from industrial nations and which at the same time constitute the only part of the globe having healthy demand. Regrettably the prevailing traditional economic thinking does not allow the industrial countries to embark upon a co-operative effort which would benefit all and create an atmosphere conducive to rapid progress in the negotiations on the New International Economic Order. On the contrary, the developing countries are more often than not called upon to restrict their growth for the sake of strict internal financial stability. Some of the lender countries and monetary institutions require certain policies which lead the economies of developing countries to stagnation in the name of "stability", even after they achieve the feasible level of internal economic adjustment necessitated by the economic crisis. Stability is no doubt one of the prerequisites of a sound economy; yet developing countries can achieve development not through a stagnant but through a dynamic stability. Forcing them to a stagnant stability would inevitably cause grave social and political crises and eventual upheavals in those countries.
31.	While there is a pressing need for structural changes in the global economic system, there is also a need for the developing countries to break some vicious circles among
and within their economies. The Turkish Prime Minister, Mr. Bulent Ecevit, in his opening address at the Istanbul seminar on the New International Economic Order suggested that, first, developing countries should increase and render more effective their economic co-operation in adapting and developing technology. Secondly, with the strength they would obtain through solidarity and cooperation, they should try to increase their' collective effectiveness in the international trade of commodities and industrial goods, as well as their influence in international financial organizations and institutions. And thirdly, they should subscribe to a new development concept which should be different from that prevailing in some developed countries, a concept which would consist in the aspiration to a healthy social structure, and to healthy values that emphasize quality rather than quantity.
32.	It is in the light of the concept of individual and collective self-reliance that we have evaluated the results of the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires. We believe that that Conference was instructive and inspiring as to the value of a collective approach. We further believe that it offered new vistas to the developing countries, in that the Plan of Action adopted by the Conference2 constitutes a broad framework for the implementation of the concept of technical co-operation among developing countries. The individual and collective self-reliance which this endeavour will generate will contribute to the efforts towards achieving the New International Economic Order.
33.	At this stage, I wish to inform you that my Government is fully prepared to share with the developing countries the scientific and technical capabilities of my country which have been accumulated in the course of Turkish development efforts. National institutional machinery has recently been created to this end. No doubt technical co-operation will not only strengthen bilateral economic relations among developing countries by bringing into action a hitherto unutilised potential, but at the same time it will help to promote the New International Economic Order on the basis of collective self-reliance.
34.	On the other hand, I should like to stress our sincere hope that the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, to be held at Vienna next year, will be a step forward in the endeavours to create a New International Economic Order and will provide an insight into and an understanding of the problems that face both developed and developing nations.
35.	We also hope that this session of the General Assembly will give a new impetus to the efforts to transform the status of UNIDO into a specialized agency before the Third General Conference of that organization in 1980. Needless to say, such a transformation, if implemented according to the aspirations of developing countries, will constitute another step in the direction of the New International Economic Order.
36.	I must add that the work of the United Nations will be judged by future historians according to its success in establishing a just international economic order.
37,	Economic and social development as a whole can be regarded as an effort to promote human rights. Economic and social rights on the one hand, and civil and political rights on the other, are inseparable and interdependent. It is our firm belief that world order and peace can be based on justice and equality only when effective guarantees are secured for ensuring the respect and protection of human right, This is why the Charter itself urges on the United Nations the talk of promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
38.	The date of 10 December of this year marks the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Anniversaries are moments for the review of past performance reflection on present realities and a renewal of conviction mid resolve in regard to future conduct. In this spirit we believe that countries should give real expression to and protect fundamental human rights and freedoms in their own societies.
Let us therefore be reminded that we must continue to exert efforts towards creating a better world where all human beings fully enjoy their fundamental rights and freedoms and where the dignity and worth of the human person are firmly secured and fully honoured.
40. Mankind should be protected not only against oppression and injustice but also against terror and violence. My country, which has recently been the victim of several attacks against the lives of its diplomatic representatives, is ready to contribute to initiatives taken in order to combat international violence effectively.
41. While we look for ways to improve stability in the world through detente, disarmament and development, the agenda of the General Assembly remains crowded by many decades-old conflicts.
42. The right of peoples to independence is one of the basic principles which the Turkish government has supported since its foundation. Turkey, the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern Turkey, fought 60 years ago the first of war of independence against imperialism to free itself from foreign coercion and occupation, to protect its territorial integrity, and to asserts national sovereignty and national dignity. it has always rejected the theory and practice of colonialism in whatever form it may exist.
43. Today as we meet here under the roof of the United Nations, which by virtue of its charter is dedicated to the emancipation of the oppressed peoples, the situation in southern Africa still remains critical and even constitutes a menace to peace; the policy of apartheid practiced in South Africa, the prevailing  situation in Namibia and Southern
Rhodesia, in defiance of the unanimous and repeated appeals of world public opinion, is an affront to mankind and a flagrant violation of human rights.

In South Africa there can be no solution to the problem of apartheid as long as the Government continues to subject the African majority to the will of a white minority and to exclude it from the
 political life of country. My country - like many others - voiced repeatedly in the United Nations and elsewhere its deep
concern for racial injustices In South Africa as they have been institutionalised in law and practise. We believe that the international community should embark upon a policy of strong and unrelenting pressure on the racist regime of Pretoria.
45.	Turkey has been privileged to be a constituent member of the United Nations Council for Namibia. It has played and continues to play an active role in all endeavours related to the political destiny of that Territory.
46.	We reaffirm our solidarity with, and fully support, the people of Namibia in their just struggle under the guidance of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], its sole legitimate representative, against the racist and colonialist regime of Pretoria. Turkey fully appreciates the positive attitude taken by SWAPO in the process of peaceful transition to independence. Any solution to the problem of Namibia should take into account the basic principles contained in Security Council resolution 385.
47.	It is in this spirit that we welcomed Security Council resolution 431 (1978), which requests the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative for Namibia in order to ensure the early independence of Namibia through free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations. We hope that efforts currently under way to implement this resolution, as well as the one just adopted in September 1978 approving the report of the Secretary-General, resolution 435(1978), will lead to success.

48.	However, the unfortunate unilateral decision recently taken by the Pretoria Government to hold elections in Namibia is a great setback for the sustained efforts by the Security Council and by many African countries to promote the independence of Namibia on a basis acceptable to the Namibian people. We only hope that this decision will not be implemented and that the South African Government will realize the danger inherent in an attitude incompatible with the United Nations resolutions and the wish of the world community as a whole. There is no doubt that if the South African Government persists in this attitude the Security Council should promptly reconsider the situation and adopt adequate measures.
49.	It is now more urgent than ever before to settle the issue of Southern Rhodesia. The illegal Smith regime has been implementing the so-called internal solution aimed at preserving the privileges of the white minority.
50.	We firmly support the people of Zimbabwe in their legitimate struggle against the illegal white minority regime in Salisbury. We are firmly opposed to any settlement which excludes the Patriotic Front. I would therefore like to stress that, without a genuine act of self-determination encompassing all Zimbabweans, it is evident that there cannot be a real and lasting solution to the problems in that country.
51.	We hope that ongoing efforts exerted to resolve the question of Southern Rhodesia will lead to majority rule and real independence for the people of Zimbabwe.
51. the Middle feast has for three decade been the cause of special international concern. This important region of the world, which has been the scene of four wars, has known no stability in spite of many past and present initiatives taken to that end. The situation in the Middle East has come to a point where the perceptions of a peaceful and lasting settlement are intertwined with the prospects of new and more violent confrontations. We believe that, without solving the essence of the problems, tension and the spectre of war will continue to loom large on the horizon of the Middle East. The policy of the Turkish Government with respect to this problem has always been that a just and lasting peace settlement must flow from Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338(1973) and give effect to the following principles, First, it must implement the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force. Secondly, it must end the territorial occupation which Israel has maintained since 1967. Thirdly, it must take into account the national legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinians. Fourthly, it must safeguard the independence, the sovereignty and the security of the recognized frontiers of all the countries of the region. On the ether hand, negotiations for a just and lasting settlement could not take place in the absence of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole lawful representative of the people of Palestine.
53.	Turkey would be willing to welcome any initiative aimed at a settlement which takes into consideration the factors described above. Furthermore, it supports initiatives of a nature such as to defuse tensions and thwart developments which could endanger peace both in the region and in the world.
54.	We have followed the Camp David summit meetings with keen interest and we are conscious of their importance. It would be premature to express a judgement at this stage, especially when the parties directly interested in the solution of the problem are in the process of evaluating the results of the meetings at Camp David.
55.	Lebanon is another source of deep concern in the Middle East. We have followed with great sorrow the developments in that country, which has suffered so much during the last years. Security Council resolutions 425(1978) and 426(1978) and the creation of UNIFIL were certainly moves in the right direction. We nourish feelings of solidarity with the people of Lebanon, and we fervently hope that they will be able to maintain their unity and recover their vitality.
56.	The new Turkish Government has from the very beginning concentrated its attention on a rapid resolution of the Cyprus problem and hoped that there would be no need to discuss this issue at the thirty-third regular session of the General Assembly. Indeed, as early as January this year the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus, with the active support and encouragement of the Turkish Government, undertook a series of initiatives in order to hasten the process of negotiations. The Turkish Cypriot Administration came up with concrete, comprehensive and constructive proposals and presented them to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, on 13 April 1978. The
Turkish Cypriot proposals, which covered all the aspects of the Cyprus problem, including both the territorial and the constitutional aspects, were characterized by the Secretary-General as "concrete and substantial". The proposals did not reflect an inflexible stand; on the contrary, they were put forward as a negotiating position. Furthermore, the Turkish national community has at the same time made a commitment to the Secretary-General that it was ready to enter into negotiations in a spirit of conciliation and flexibility.
57.	In short, the Turkish side has made every effort to promote intercommunal talks and a productive dialogue with a view to finding a lasting solution to the Cyprus problem. It has also endeavoured to improve the existing situation in the island. In this connexion the Turkish Cypriot Administration, taking into consideration the Secretary-General's recommendation in his report to the Security Council, announced that, with the start of the intercommunal talks, Greek Cypriot inhabitants of the city of Varosha could begin returning to their homes and businesses and that it was also ready to discuss the re-opening of Nicosia airport to civilian traffic.4 We estimate that the resolution of the problems pending between Turkey and Greece would also contribute to the emergence of a better atmosphere for the solution of the Cyprus problem As is known, we have taken the initiative in establishing a dialogue at the Prime Minister level with Greece, and this process is still continuing.
58.	All the efforts of the Turkish side have unfortunately been of no avail, because of the intransigence of the Greek Cypriot Administration. Their only concern seems to be to conduct a widespread campaign in the world to minimize and discredit the proposals which they rejected out of hand.
59.	It is regrettable that the Greek Cypriot leadership is wasting such an historic opportunity for the good of the whole population of Cyprus by dragging its feet and obstructing the way to intercommunal negotiations. The Greek Cypriot side should accept the fact that it must be prepared to negotiate directly and on an equal footing with its Turkish Cypriot partners.
60.	The letter and spirit of all relevant United Nations resolutions, as well as the Geneva Declaration of 30 My 1974, to which Turkey, Greece and the United Kingdom were parties, establish the principle of equality between the two communities in the search for a peaceful settlement. The two communities should therefore have an equal say in all the forums of the United Nations, and in particular in the General Assembly. The denial of this very natural right to the Turkish national community would adversely affect the negotiating process as such, would hinder the full understanding of the Cyprus problem and would constitute a grave injustice to the Turkish national community. Intercommunal equality should also be respected not only in words but also in deeds, as well as in all United Nations activities, such as the provision of economic and technical assistance to Cyprus.
61. The Turkish Government's stand on the Cyprus problem has been explained very dearly on numerous occasions. My Government believes that a viable and just solution to this problem could best be achieved on the basis . of the guidelines agreed upon by the late Archbishop Makarios and Mr. Denktas, with the participation of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in February 1977, according to which Cyprus must be an independent, sovereign, non-aligned, bizonal and bicommunal federal State, In line with its efforts to contribute to peace and tranquillity in the island, the Turkish Government has to date withdrawn 17,500 troops from the island as a gesture of goodwill and it commits itself to withdrawing all its armed forces from the island, with the exception of those that will be mutually agreed upon by the parties concerned when a final solution to the problem is found. My Government also feels that Turkey and Greece should assist and encourage the two national communities in Cyprus to find an equitable solution to their problem,
It can be stated impartially that basically the Cyprus problem is ripe for solution. The two parties involved in the dispute-the Turkish and the Greek communities-have indeed agreed on a framework which indicates clearly an outline of a future solution.
63.	This framework embodies a delicate equilibrium between the two communities in the light of the unfortunate history of the island since the creation of an independent Cyprus. On the other hand, a procedure for negotiation exists in the mandate given by the Security Council to the Secretary-General of the United Nations in its resolution 436 (1978). Whatever the reasons that may still divide the two communities, there is no excuse for delaying the intercommunal talks. Both sides stand to gain much more from negotiations than from rhetorical exchanges and propaganda activities.
64.	Before I conclude my remarks, I should like to recall the phrase of a great man of peace, Mahatma Gandhi, who once wrote: "Love is the strongest force the world possesses, and yet it is the humblest imaginable." It is the same belief which led my Government to stress in its programme the following phrase, among others: .. we shall strive to ensure that world peace is based upon human love". I wish that, in accordance with this motto, human love may guide for all times the relations of nations.