Mr. President, it is a source of pride and gratification for me to express to you my heart felt congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly during the current session, which is. undoubtedly considered one of the most important sessions in the history of the United Nations on account of the vital questions set before it and because of the present critical stage in the history of the relations between countries and peoples. Your election to the presidency is also to be looked upon as a compliment addressed by the United Nations to your country and to its great leader, President Houari Boumediene, who has dedicated himself to the cause of all peace-loving peoples.
2.	I should like to pay a tribute to the tremendous effort exerted by your predecessor, our dear friend Mr. Leopoldo Benites, who conducted the deliberations of the previous Assembly session and of the sixth special session with wisdom, foresight and objectivity.
3.	I should also like to pay tribute to the work accomplished throughout the whole of last year by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and to his devotion to the objectives and principles of the United Nations.
4.	it gives me pleasure to welcome the friendly countries which have joined our Organization. The admission of Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau to the United Nations is undoubtedly an incontestable victory for the right of all peoples to decide their own fate and to shoulder their international responsibilities in full and to undertake a positive, constructive role for the building of a better world for all of us.
5.	We look forward to the declaration of the independence of the remaining countries which have been suffering for many centuries from the fetters that have bound them, depriving them of their natural right to participate effectively in decision-making which influences the future of the human race. Here, I refer in particular to the necessity of declaring the independence of Mozambique in conformity with the Lusaka Agreement. The same right has to be acknowledged in respect of the struggling people of Angola.
6.	While welcoming the spirit which has motivated the Portuguese Government to abandon the old logic of colonialism and to turn a new page in the history of relations with the peoples of countries previously under Portuguese occupation, we express the hope that this trend will continue and will be consolidated in such a way that it will make it possible to achieve concrete and tangible results with respect to all Territories which are still under Portugal's domination. Then can all the African peoples turn a new page in their relations with Portugal, and only then can cooperation replace conflict and strife.
7.	It is indeed deplorable to find that government in South Africa is still based on racial discrimination and on the deprivation of the African peoples, the rightful owners of their territories, of their fundamental rights, in order to serve the interests of an exploiting minority. The racist minorities in Zimbabwe and Namibia are still persisting in the policy of imposing settlers' colonialism and are still following practices designed to change the demographic structure in those regions in order to destroy their heritage and to usurp their wealth.
8.	The first and foremost responsibility which we should face in our deliberations during this session and, indeed, in every session is to scrutinize and look searchingly at our world so that we may know where we stood yesterday, where we stand today and in which direction we are to proceed in the near and distant future. It behooves each of us to envisage the development of the world in the future and to evaluate the events of the past. It is on the basis of this mutual assessment of the past and of the future that we can reach an identical, or at least common, view of inter-national situations, thus enabling each Member State to define for itself the course it can follow, the burdens it can assume and the challenges it can accept within the framework of efforts to achieve common goals.
9.	Representatives probably know that our concept of the future -be it the result of an individual or a common endeavor- should be governed by rules of legality and morality. The fusion of these two essential elements should be the basis on which we deal with reality and govern our policies, otherwise we would fall prey to day-dreams and, surrendering to illusions, would build our palaces on sand, to be shattered by the winds and transformed into a series of frustrated hopes.
10.	The tremendous scientific achievements of humanity in recent years have provided us with new criteria which should govern our evaluation of the future in the light of our past and present experience. Suffice it to refer here to the principles and methodology employed by the science of "futurology", so that our vision of the future of international relations may not be based on star-gazing, speculation or guesswork.
11.	A quick glance at the world in the past few years reveals that the most important development on the international scene is the emergence of what has been termed "detente". Opinions are divided about detente, for there are Members who view it with optimism as the peace which will save humanity from the scourge of war, violence and hatred, while others deny that it can lead to anything good for human society. Perhaps the non-aligned countries are more entitled than others to have their say about this new element in international relations, since they were the first to call for the reduction of tension and to stress the necessity of lessening the danger of confrontation, which can result in nothing but catastrophe for us all. They were also the first to seek a common ground where all peoples could come together in peace and express their creative faculties in the service of the welfare of all humanity.
12.	Perhaps the best attitude to be adopted towards detente is to insist that its application should conform to its theory and that its implementation should be a fulfillment of expectations. Detente should continue and should be consolidated in the interest of all, yet not at the expense of anybody. We do not look upon detente as a matter which concerns the two superPowers more than others; it concerns us all to the same degree since it affects the features of international relations in the present and, to say the least, in the near future. In fact, this doubles the responsibility of the two super-Powers to contribute to the solution of all urgent, burning problems since interdependence prevails in the world of today and it has become impossible for a country or for any group of countries, no matter how strong they may be in the political, economic or military fields, to live detached from the rest of the world. It should by now be impossible for them to imagine that they can act as if they were on an isolated island where they cannot be affected by events in the world at large.
13.	It is imperative, in the light of these conditions, that each of us should have support for the role he plays within the international community. It should also be clear that there is no place on the international scene for those who just watch and observe. All of us must insist on rejecting any system by which a country or a group of countries would have the exclusive authority to take decisions that affect the destinies of peoples, because such a monopoly can only lead to abuse of responsibility. Participation in authority and the sharing of responsibility are both a right and a duty for us all, and this necessitates a full participation of all from the very start in decision-making, so that we do not find ourselves confronted with a fait accompli that has been dictated to us and for which we can find no solution. It is wrong to assume that others would willingly acknowledge our right to positive participation, for such a right is to be practiced and not to be granted. Such a course is made increasingly clear by the continuous experience of every day and is becoming a firmly rooted tradition in international relations.
14.	Egypt, being one of the oldest civilizations known in human history, is perfectly willing and prepared to shoulder all its international responsibilities with all the risks and sacrifices that this may entail, and it reaffirms once more its basic and fundamental commitment to the struggle to be waged along with all peace-loving peoples that are aspiring to freedom in various parts of the world.
15.	Egypt has established it is foreign policy on the basis and within the framework of humanitarian ideals which recognize no discrimination and no isolationism. Thus the Arab movement is a positive one, in full interaction with all human aspirations and movements; it is a movement which keeps pace with events and does not stand against the tide of history.
16.	Our obligation regarding the future of Africa is in essence a human obligation, because it grows out of the fraternal links and organic ties between peoples brought together by civilization, history, aspirations and common interests. We may perhaps all agree that the countries of the African continent have been able within a short period, after having shaken off the evils of colonialism, to set an example in the sense of responsibility, good judgment and foresight. It is obvious to all of us that the achievements of our African peoples throughout the limited years, be they on the regional or international level, are achievements that enrich human experience.
17.	In a broader context, the non-aligned countries, despite obstacles and challenges, have been able to consolidate the gains which they had achieved in the past in the interest of all humanity. They have remained in the vanguard of the forces which are attempting to rationalize international conduct and to base it on criteria that should lessen egoism, domination and dictating of terms. We firmly believe that many of the problems with which we are still living today could have been solved, had the countries of the third world been able to overcome the obstacles put in their way and had they been able to neutralize the elements that benefit from the continuation and aggravation of those problems. We are confident that the non-aligned countries will in the near future play a role of no less importance than that which they have played in the past.
18.	It is within this framework that Egypt conducts its relations with all countries of the world full of confidence and without complex. Consequently, Egypt, while determined not to become a sphere of influence for anybody, is capable of extending its international co-operation in various directions. Egypt honors all its obligations and responsibilities in the same spirit in which it safeguards its rights. In its relations with all peoples of the world Egypt determines its policy in the basic belief that there are no insurmountable problems between Egypt and any other peace-loving people, and that there are no conflicts or contradictions that are impossible to overcome.
19.	Egypt, has followed these principles in its relations with the two super-Powers, the pillars of the policy of detente. Bilateral relations with the Soviet Union are founded on friendship and mutual cooperation. We have appreciation for the Soviet people and their leadership in siding with the Egyptian people on their march towards social and economic development and their support of the Arab nation in its legitimate struggle to regain its territories and to repel aggression.
20.	At the same time, Egypt has welcomed the relative change that has taken place in the American attitude as a result of the glorious October war, and viewed it as a step in the right direction which is worthy of response. As a re ult, Egypt has restored the channels of communication between the two countries and has also responded to the American efforts in the field of disengagement on the Egyptian and Syrian fronts. These efforts have resulted in military agreements which help to consolidate the fragile and the dangerous cease-fire that existed before. Despite the fact that the American policy towards the Middle East still leaves much to be desired, we are anxious to give America every opportunity to bring that policy into greater harmony with right, law and principle.
21.	As a parallel to that, we have welcomed the constructive role played by the European countries after they realized the facts of the situation and understood its dimensions. For our part, we look forward to enlarging this role, now and in the future, for the sake of peace, justice and common interests. Undoubtedly, the European community, which has suffered the scourge of wars and destruction, and which throughout its existence has maintained historical, cultural and economic ties with our region, is qualified to contribute a great deal to the establishment of peace and prosperity in the region.
22.	Egypt has responded to the readiness of European countries to strengthen our ties of co-operation, and has established close contacts with each and all of them. Egypt has also reacted positively to the desire of the European group to establish a dialog with the Arab countries, so that co-operation between the two groups may reach a level that would ensure the welfare of all their peoples and open new horizons for wider and more extensive international co-operation. While we welcome this Arab-European cooperation, we do not believe that it should be confined to one particular field, because all fields of co-operation and exchange are interlinked and it is difficult to separate them.
23.	As far as we are concerned, the European continent is of strategic importance: in the first place, because the security of the Middle East region is closely linked with the security of Europe and is affected by whatever happens in Europe, and vice versa. Economic and cultural interests are also interlinked in such a way that they have to be molded within a framework of co-operation and interdependence.
24.	I agree with the words of my colleague and friend the Foreign Minister of France, Mr. Jean Sauvagnargues, who stated before this Assembly a few days ago:
"This type of co-operation that we are both trying to establish does set an example and opens
up a promising outlook. It is a question of working together, with all the participants on an equal footing, towards social and economic progress. The undertaking must not interfere with the interests of any country." [2238th meeting, para. 154.]
25.	As a parallel to this enlightened peUcy, Egypt has followed a course founded on the open-door economic policy that aims at consolidating co-operation with all peoples that are prepared to deal with us on the basis of equality, interdependence and mutual interest. It is a policy that does not discriminate between countries and peoples; it is also a policy that does not affect to any degree the path of socialist transformation which we have chosen for ourselves as a system to achieve development and to secure the future of every Egyptian citizen. Thinking and moving, as we do, within this framework, we have been sorry to hear from this rostrum and elsewhere, during the past few days, statements which have proved, from various experiences since the end of the Second World War, to be impractical and to lead to nowhere.
26.	We were told that some countries were manipulating basic human needs for the sake of narrow national interests; that the use of some raw materials as a political weapon and the imposition of the oil embargo against certain countries were policies that might eventually lead to confrontation instead of cooperation. It was even claimed that the fragile framework of international economic co-operation would be exposed to danger if the oil-producing countries continued their present pricing policies. We have heard the new thesis that the high cost of oil is not the result of the dynamics of economic factors but of political and selfish decisions that have not taken international interests into consideration.
27.	The advocates of this theory want us to forsake reason and to believe the following: first, that oil is the only raw material the price of which has gone up; secondly, that the rise in oil prices has resulted in a spiraling rise in th? prices of substitute materials and of manufactured goods; thirdly, that the rise in the prices of oil products was not due to economic factors; fourthly, that there is an implicit assumption that the Arab oil-producing countries are the only producers that have raised their oil prices; fifthly, that the industrially advanced countries are the ones that deserve attention and protection, because the rest of the countries of the world depend upon them in meeting their needs for manufactured goods.
28.	We should have expected that everyone had grasped the profound quantitative and qualitative changes witnessed by the world and realized that the peoples that obtained their independence at the cost of many sacrifices cannot permit any encroachment upon their sovereignty, or any return of guardianship over them under a new guise; nor can they be content with only a facade of political independence.
29.	The following established and indisputable facts should be recognized. First, oil prices rose only after the prices of other raw materials and manufactured goods had gone up. Secondly, the industrially developed countries exclusively have controlled international prices through speculation and monopolies, regardless of the requirements of world social and economic development. Thirdly, the Arabs were not the only ones to raise their oil prices but joined with other producers if different parts of the world in so doing. At the same time, it is obvious that the international monetary system established at Bretton Woods in 1944 has not lived up to the world's expectations. Finally, when the Arabs decided to mobilize their oil to serve their struggle for their destiny, they did not manipulate the destinies of other peoples. They feel nothing but love and sympathy for all other peoples, but when they did follow such a course, that was in response to a foolish policy adopted by some statesmen without any consideration for Arab interests and their feeling. They also used their oil only within the limits that would secure their legitimate rights.
30.	The following facts should not escape bur attention. First, the Arab countries did not take any action relating to oil supplies until after they had warned the countries which assist Israel in maintaining the occupation of Arab territories in defiance of the international will and the resolutions of the United Nations. Secondly, the Arab countries lifted the oil embargo immediately after the countries against which it was imposed -and in particular the United States- had changed their attitude and had directed their policy towards contributing to a just and lasting settlement of the problem. Thirdly, some of the statesmen in the developed countries are attempting, before their peoples, to put the blame on the Arabs with respect to inflation, either to evade responsibility for facing the internal situation or to seek the favor of some pressure groups which find it in their interests to launch a campaign against the Arabs.
31.	We would have expected everyone to realize the profound change brought about by the glorious war of October, and the far-reaching effects which that war brought about militarily, politically, economically and psychologically. The proper thing to do was to create the circumstances conducive to a peaceful settlement. In that respect, it would have been preferable to take immediate decisions to stop providing Israel with unlimited shipments of arms. This policy has contributed to heightening Israeli arrogance.
32.	It may perhaps be appropriate to refer here to a voice which was raised in the United States of America, calling for wisdom and rationality. The voice was that of Senator James Abourezk, when he addressed a meeting of the United States-Arab Chamber of Commerce on 25 September 1974. In his speech Senator Abourezk said:
"It is clearly in the interests of humanity, as well as of the United States, that we stop furnishing warplanes, missiles, napalm, phosphorus bombs and the money used to provide these weapons to Israel, so long as Israel continues its mission of destruction of innocent civilians and of their crops in Southern Lebanon/*
The Senator went on:
"It is clearly in the interest of the United States to bring about a durable peace in the Middle East, rather than the present political stalemate which will once again ignite bloody conflicts in that part of the world."
33.	The problem of high prices of goods is much more complicated and deep than we think. It is not confined to one commodity to the exclusion of others, and it does not relate to one producing country or a group of countries. It affects the whole world. In the final analysis, this question cannot be tackled on the basis of isolating its political factors from economic considerations or vice versa, for it is a mixture of both.
34.	International relations are established on the basis of mutual interest and not on dictation, domination and threats. Political decisions should reflect a sense of responsibility and should be based on an exchange of interests. The industrially advanced countries would be under an illusion if they imagined that they could expose the "security of developing nations to danger or that they could continue to manipulate their wealth and expect them to remain idle.
35.	As the Foreign Minister of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Mr. Gromyko, has rightly stated before this Assembly a few days ago:
"The general state of world affairs is being molded by a tremendous number of factors, ranging from political and military to national or even psychological factors. And it therefore hardly lends itself to one-dimensional assessment." [2240th meeting, para. 125.]
36.	The attempt to distort the reputation of Arab countries and defame them will only lead to widening the gap between the parties concerned and this is bound to delay reaching a balanced solution that can guarantee the common interests of all peoples in all corners of the world. The assumption that developing nations will continue to surrender to injustice, suppression and pressure is a dangerous one and it is of the utmost danger because it can only lead to a series of explosions and armed conflicts and an economic and psychological struggle which can only result, in the long run, in a deterioration of international relations which would engulf us all in the worst of consequences.
37.	Let us discuss matters rationally and listen to a sincere voice emanating from a rational source which belongs to the third world. Let us listen to the Foreign Minister of Peru, Mr. de la Flor Valle, when he says:
"It becomes apparent in the multidimensional struggle of the countries of the third world to create a new international economic order which takes concrete form in the defense and recovery of natural resources;" [2238th meeting, para. 172.]
38.	I wish also to quote the Foreign Minister of France, Mr. Jean Sauvagnargues, when he said:
"In this connexion the right of the third world countries not only to receive a fairer share of the fruits of economic and world progress but also to influence the choices on which this activity depends cannot be contested." [Ibid., para. 149.]
39.	Let us listen also to another rightful piece of testimony coming from the representative of one of the developed industrialized countries. Mr. James Callaghan, the British Foreign Secretary, said the following a few days ago:
"The unprecedented world-wide economic boom of recent years led to higher commodity prices prior to the recent increases in world oil prices." [2240th meeting, para. 219.]
40.	This session is worthy of being distinguished from previous sessions. It should not be just a quantitative addition of another pile of papers to the records of the United Nations. There is nothing more worthy of the attention of this session than the Palestinian people. So, let us make this session "the session of the people of Palestine". Let us see to it that history will record that we have directed all our energies and resources towards safeguarding the right of an entire people to maintain their entity, to decide their fate and to continue their creative march together with other peoples working for the establishment of a better world.
41.	The international community has committed an historical error by ignoring this people and denying that they existed after they were uprooted from their homeland. History is witness to the fact that throughout the ages Jews have never enjoyed more magnanimity and brotherhood than that which they enjoyed from the people of the Arab world when they lived with them; Jewish culture has never flourished more than it has under the umbrella of the Arab countries, where there has never been any discrimination, persecution or racism.
42.	The international community persisted in the error by considering the Palestinian people, victims of oppression, as only groups of refugees deserving of nothing but mercy and pity. Authenticity and the history of the Palestinian people have protected them from disintegration and dispersal.
43.	Despite the labyrinth in which the Palestinian people have lived in the twentieth century, they are more determined than ever to exist and to face all challenges with rare courage. Today, the Palestinian people stand with dignity, capable of shouldering their international responsibility and participating in the construction of the new life in the Middle East.
44.	When we consider the facts of the situation and look at the cause of the Palestinian people in its proper perspective as first and foremost a political matter, we are neither granting these people a right nor bestowing upon them a privilege; we are correcting an historical error which we committed against them and against the whole of humanity. To withhold the recognition of the natural rights of a people would be tantamount to the humiliation of the whole of mankind. The structure of humanity is indivisible, and we cannot deal with the fate of peoples on the basis of double standards which give or deny without reasoning.
45.	The Palestinian people are capable of seizing their own rights and of imposing their will, but it would be better for us to give their movement international legitimacy instead of imposing upon them the task of struggling outside that framework of legitimacy. By virtue of their long history of dealing with situations and facing reality objectively and without evasiveness the Palestinian people are qualified to assume this task. They realize that the glorious war of 6 October has opened new horizons for all the Arabs and has for the first time afforded an opportunity to reach a just and permanent peace in the area that would make it possible for its people to devote their attention to development, and to the task of economic and social transformation which is needed to make their future secure.
46.	For those reasons, we suggest that the General Assembly should discuss the cause of the Palestinian people during this session on. the basis that it is the essence of the problem, with the following principles as guidelines: first, the reaffirmation of the basic and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and the rejection of any neglect or usurpation of those rights; secondly, the reaffirmation of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination without any outside intervention and to securing their national independence and their right to return to their homeland I am sure that the General Assembly will call upon the Palestine Liberation Organization, as the representative of the Palestinian people, to take part in the debate in the General Assembly when the Palestinian question is to be discussed; and thirdly, the reaffirmation of the right of the Palestinian people to use all means to achieve their basic rights in accordance with the objectives and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
47.	We should recollect that President Mohammed Anwar El-Sadat stated when the fighting was going on in Sinai and the Golan Heights:
"We are not war adventurers, we are peace- seekers; and we are not fighting to launch aggression on other people's lands, but we have fought and will continue to fight to attain two objectives: first, the full restoration of all our lands that have been under occupation since 1967; second, the finding of means to restore and ensure respect of the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine."
48.	This is our basic and established policy from which we will never deviate. When we talk about peace, and work for peace, we mean genuine peace that tackles the essence of the problem and ends the cause of conflict, and not simply a peace that only addresses itself to superficial symptoms. The problem has transcended temporary and partial solutions which are intended to prolong the period of the truce -a truce that has not prevented three wars from breaking out in less than 20 years and has failed to pave the way for peace.
49.	We agree that there are certain ethical principles to be followed in international relations and policies that should be respected in the interest of international life. The first of these is that .aggression should not go unpunished. And therefore we do not allow Israel to commit aggression and to go unpunished, let alone being allowed to reap the fruits of that aggression. Israel should pay for the destruction which has been inflicted on the cities of Suez, Ismailia, Port Said, Quneitra and other civilian targets
50.	Furthermore, economic piracy and the looting of natural resources is something which cannot be tolerated. Therefore, Israel will bear full responsibility for sapping our natural resources; I refer here in particular to the oil and other resources that have been stolen from Sinai.
51.	I have declared on more than one occasion that Egypt did not and will not accept the state of "no peace, no war". I repeat this here, from this rostrum, because such a state of affairs can only serve aggressive Israel; it does not serve peace, and Egypt rejects it categorically. If anyone should try to maintain such a state of affairs, he would discover that his calculations were based on a gross error and an unsound estimate.
52.	We want a just and lasting peace and we are not asking too much in demanding that the peace should be just, for experience has proved that unless peace is just it cannot be durable because it fails to become implanted in the conscience of the nation and it fails to create the proper mental and psychological environment for coexistence between peoples. It is, indeed, deplorable that Israel should not have thoroughly absorbed this fact. Israel's accumulated arrogance and conceit and its superiority complex and desire for expansion have made it impossible for Israel to digest the lessons to be learned from the October war of 1973 in all its dimensions. We still hear every day statements by the officials in Israel threatening that they will not relinquish the lands that they have occupied by force and their audacity has reached the point of denying the very existence Of the Palestinian people. It is, indeed, a mockery that Israel should argue about the recognition of the Palestinian people at a time when it demands more international recognition for itself. Thus positions are reversed and the intruder who has unjustly implanted himself in the area claims for himself what he denies to the owners of the land.
53.	To all these Israeli hysterical and desperate cries we say:
"Stop that, because it will not do you any good. If you are genuinely seeking to coexist peacefully with the peoples of the area, it is imperative that you discard those reckless tendencies now and for ever. You should not be deceived because some are still supplying you with their assistance and flooding you with charity, giving you arms in limitless quantities. All this is not going to realize for you the dream which apparently you are still entertaining, namely, breaking the Arab will and forcing the Arab people to surrender to your conditions. All this can only produce a prolongation of the conflict, complicating it beyond solution. You will have only yourselves to blame if you later regret wasting this golden opportunity to reach an honorable solution. Look around you, you will see a wall of international refusal of your expansionist and aggressive intentions. You will find a collective denunciation of your shameful conduct which spurs you to attack women and children in villages and in peaceful camps."
54.	There is no alternative to a return .to the truth, logic and international law. And it is futile to cling to traces of the past with their misleading mirage and their unrealized dreams. The destiny of peoples can only be decided on the basis of the just truth and not on the basis of unjust illusions.
55.	Orr our part, we have firmly resolved to enter the battle for peace with the same determination that led us to engage in fighting, for our objective in both cases is one and the same: the liberation of our occupied land and the achievement of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people. It is for this reason that we have welcomed the convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, which is in fact a practical echo of an idea submitted by President Anwar El-Sadat.
56.	We should remember and it is always beneficial to remember that Egypt was the first country which agreed to the convening of the Geneva Conference, and we went there with a sincere heart. We still believe that it is the appropriate formula for discussing all aspects of the question and for reaching a comprehensive and permanent solution to the crisis. Egypt therefore is ready to go to that Conference at the nearest suitable time after the completion of the preparation for the resumption of the Conference on the part of Egypt and others and in the light of Egypt's responsibility to bear the greatest burden in moving towards a just peace in the area, as well as the special responsibility of the two super-Powers with respect to Security Council resolutions and for the maintenance of international peace and security.
57.	It is only natural that, while we are exerting our efforts to establish peace in the area, we should also seek to establish a zone free of nuclear weapons in the Middle East, so as to strengthen peace in that area. This should be parallel to the efforts that are being exerted to encourage the establishment of such zones on the regional level, in order to pave the way to general and complete disarmament.
58.	We all know that the countries of the Middle East are regarded at present as non-nuclear Powers and that they are unwilling to direct their resources towards the production of nuclear weapons, with the exception, that is, of Israel. Israel has refused so far to take any step towards acceding to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], despite the fact that the majority of the countries in the area have gone a long way towards acceding to that Treaty. That in itself is sufficient to demonstrate and to prove the expansionist intentions of Israel. Israel's refusal to accede to the Treaty explains why Egypt, after having signed it, has not yet ratified it. Should this state of affairs continue, it will constitute a great danger and threat to security and to peace. Speedy action is therefore called for in order to close this gap. The responsibility of the two super-Powers in this respect is a fundamental one, because of their special position in the Treaty and their responsibility, together with the rest of the permanent members of the Security Council, for the maintenance of international peace and security. I should like to repeat here what I have already said, namely, that Egypt is prepared to ratify the Treaty when Israel agrees to accede to it and to adhere to its provisions.
59.	We are of the opinion that when we submit this question jointly with Iran [A/9693 and Add.l and 2] for discussion at our present session, we should concentrate on three basic principles: first, on an obligation not to introduce nuclear weapons to the area in any form whatsoever; secondly, on an obligation on the part of the nuclear Powers not to use nuclear weapons against countries of the area, and not to introduce nuclear wear HIS into that area; and thirdly, on the establishment of an appropriate safeguards system to guarantee the fulfillment of these obligations.
60.	Within this framework, the whole area and its peoples can be made secure against the dangers of nuclear destruction, and at the same time nuclear energy can be used for peaceful purposes in accordance with the provisions of the non-proliferation Treaty and the guarantees provided for therein.
61.	We cannot speak of the Middle East without expressing our deep regret at the sad events that have taken place in Cyprus, resulting in the undermining of the legitimacy and peace of that non-aligned country. We have ties of affection with the people of Cyprus; we are linked by proximity, common interest and a desire for mutual security. We firmly believe that there is no way to restore peace to the various parts of the island without a return to legitimacy and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus. There should be no interference from outside in its affairs, and the two communities of the nation should be left to decide freely their own internal affairs.
62.	The non-aligned countries have taken it upon themselves to play an active and positive role in deploying the necessary efforts towards .reaching a solution to the crisis, in the light of these principles and free from all ambition, selfishness and desire to toy with the destinies of peoples. In doing so, the (ion- aligned countries are seeking a quick end to the sufferings of the tens of thousands of Cypriots who have been rendered homeless and who have had imposed upon them the tragedies of a war they did not want, a war in the decision of which they have had no part.
63.	When we concentrate our attention on the Middle East and the events and developments of that region, we do not overlook the fact that there are other questions to which we should also devote much of our attention; for we believe in the indivisibility of the struggle of peoples for liberation and for ridding themselves of foreign domination and exploitation. We believe in the unity of mankind's destiny, and our relationships with the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America are friendly relationships based on fundamental principles. We therefore regard with great attention the events in IndoChina and we demand strict adherence to the Parts Agreement concerning Viet Nam.
64.	We also urge, that the peoples of Cambodia and Laos be left to decide their own affairs without dictation or pressure from abroad, since the bitter experiences of the past have proved that foreign intervention leaves behind it nothing but more conflict, more devastation, more suffering. We also hope that the foreign forces will be withdrawn from South Korea and that the Korean people in both the North and the South will be left to decide their own affairs, free from provocation or intervention.
65.	The General Assembly at this session is faced with one of the most important tests it has had to meet since the emergence of the United Nations as a means for the expression of the international will and as an instrument for serving the cause of peace and cooperation among nations and peoples. In view of the pressing problems that face the world today, we cannot bury our heads in the sand and we cannot afford to be blind to the facts of the situation, for if we do, we shall be paralyzed or able to do very little -and too late.
66.	The test before us is clear and there is no ambiguity about it: either we side with the cause of peace, freedom and progress, or we waste this opportunity -which may be the last for the fulfillment of humanity's hopes, thus ruining the dreams of coming generations.
67.	I appeal to this august Assembly -and I am filled with hope- to rise to the level of its responsibility and to the level of the international events at this turning-point in history, and to fulfill the expectations of the peoples we have the honor to represent, so that their confidence in the United Nations and their respect for its principles and objectives may be restored.


Mr. President, I congratulate you most warmly on your election to the President's chair, for which your qualities and long experience as Foreign Minister of your country so admirably fit you. I wish you well in the direction of our business, which includes many important and some difficult issues. The year of your presidency will be an important year. We shall in fact be getting to grips with matters which are central to the future welfare, and even the existence, of human society.
4.	First of all, I must speak of the recent tragic death of our beloved Prime Minister, Mr. Norman Kirk, who last year spoke for New Zealand in this debate. He was a good and humane man -a champion of the poor and the weak. We were deeply touched and comforted by the sympathy shown to us by people from all over the world at the time of our loss. Such solidarity occurs only when we lose a leader who has risen above local concerns, as he did one who has worked to advance the cause of the whole human family. The response to his death suggests that multitudes hunger for new attitudes among the leaders of nations. New Zealand will miss him greatly. But my Government will still try to bring to reality his personal vision of a new world social and economic order. We shall continue to strive, as Mr. Kirk did, to translate into international terms the vision of a decent and humane society which motivates our policy at home. Our goal remains to help to harness the great resources and skills of the people of this planet, so that everyone, not just a few, will have a chance to live as human beings should. We shall continue to work to strengthen the United Nations as a center for harmonizing the actions of nations and for protecting the rights of the smaller nations.
5.	The last three years have witnessed a remarkable change in national attitudes. In 1972, the year of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held at Stockholm, the international community became aware of, and accepted the existence of certain physical limits to economic growth: limits to the availability of natural resources and of food; limits to the amount of pollution that can be discharged into the environment before inevitable and unwelcome consequences follow. In 1973 the world began to receive sharp, warnings of some of these physical limits, particularly in the supply of energy and of food. It became painfully apparent that our ability through existing institutions to make efficient and humane use of the world's talents and resources for the common good was more limited than we had thought and more limited than we could put up with.
6.	In 1974 it became obvious that the world had better make a more serious effort to understand the interdependence of all peoples and all States. At a number of historic conferences the nations at last started to study realistically the fundamental changes that will be needed if we are to bring about the new order that the world requires a new order that will ensure a more equitable use of the world's resources to meet the demands of the future. These conferences included the sixth special session of the General Assembly, on raw materials and development, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the World Population Conference, 1974, and, soon, the World Food Conference. The common theme of these conferences was, and will be, interdependence. Whatever subject is studied, the same lesson emerges: we are one people, we are all one of another; and if we ignore that truth all of us will suffer and none of us may have a future in any meaningful sense of the word at all. At one time only visionaries and preachers spoke in such terms. Now the message has spread to the so-called practical people.
7.	Governments, in their concern about the state of the planet, are having to look up from problems of local tension and conflict which are themselves hard enough to solve and to face fundamental issues affecting the very survival of humanity. The great issues of today are population, food, energy, natural resources, the environment and the embracing need for an economic order which will enable all people to realize their full potential as human beings. For the immediate and foreseeable future these constitute the agenda these will be the primary concerns of the international community and of the United Nations. Our success in dealing with them will largely determine the climate in which relations between States will develop in the next decade.
8.	Detente is not just a question of political relations between the great Powers. True, detente must be based on a general acceptance of the interdependence of the great Powers and the small, of developed and developing nations. It must be based on the willingness of all of us to work together to solve the problems about which I have spoken. What alternative is in fact open to us?
9.	To deal first with the subject of food, the shortage of food is growing worse. The international community has recognized the urgent need to act and to deal with the situation. Without food there can be no human energy. The World Food Conference will be a vitally important meeting. World food stocks have sunk to the lowest level in 50 years. We are now living literally on a hand-to-mouth basis. The assessment prepared for the World Food Conference has indicated that there will be a very significant food deficit in developing countries in the 1980s. Others have forecast the possibility of mass starvation by the end of the century. As a matter of immediate anxiety, a grave food shortage looms next winter. Weather conditions have reduced the harvests in the United States and Canada, and, therefore, the possibility of their being used, as they so often have been, as a backstop. The drought in the Sahel has brought famine to Africa. Further shortages seem likely to hit countries in Asia.
10.	Weather is one cause of these troubles but nations are also at fault. The institutions for producing and marketing and distributing food have failed us. Above all, they have failed those countries and those people on the lowest incomes. There is an enormous unused potential for food production, but the international community has not yet devised ways of sharing its resources and skills for the benefit of all. The World Food Conference must provide the framework for such co-operation. If a crisis situation is developing, there will be a tendency to concentrate on short-term food aid. A world food security arrangement, which has so far eluded our efforts, is more necessary than ever be-fore. We must ensure that arrangements are made for sufficient stores of food, so that people do not starve in the emergencies which past experience teaches us will unfortunately occur from time to time.
11.	The world, however, cannot just rely on the traditional food producers, There is a fundamental imbalance in food production. The answer is not to produce more and more food in the rich countries and ship it off as aid to distant parts. We must give top priority to increasing national production in developing countries. In many regions there are untapped resources of land and water. These can and must be utilized to expand food production. It is essential that the World Food Conference produce arrangements that will transfer agricultural technology to developing countries and increase the supply of the agricultural inputs they must have: money, energy, fertilizer, seeds, chemicals and equipment.
12.	Most of New Zealand's special expertise is in the varied field of agriculture. We have shaped our development assistance and technical co-operation according to programs to make it available to others who need and want it. In the last year over 30 per cent of our bilateral aid involved the transfer of agricultural technology, materials, equipment and training. In providing this aid we are making a strong effort to ensure that it is practical and literally down to earth. Our friends in the South Pacific tell us that in the past years their islands have been nearly buried by feasibility studies, surveys and reports by international experts. They have been studied and surveyed beyond all bearing. What they want now is action. So do we. We do not underestimate the value of research. Our own agricultural success has depended on it very much indeed. But we think that if production is to be increased, as it should be, this will be done by men prepared to dirty their hands in the field, and not by those who polish the seat of a chair in a distant office. We for our part try to avoid inflicting on other people chair polishers disguised as experts. And we hope that the students from other countries whom we train in New Zealand will get the message that countries are developed only by hard work and effort, and that workers are deserving of equal respect whether they wear collars and ties or just shirts.
13.	As a major agricultural exporter, New Zealand certainly shares the interest of developing countries and other States in the orderly marketing and distribution of food. We are constantly working for the elimination of barriers to trade and for the creation of stable markets at fair prices. Obviously in this area we are working in our own interest; but we believe also that we are working in the interests of others just as much as in our own. The World Food Conference should provide constructive guidance to the multilateral trade negotiations at present under way. We hope it will also give the incentive to remove the present stumbling blocks to progress in these negotiations. This is an area of activity in negotiations in agricultural trade that is usually dull and hard, and greatly complicated by national politics. But if food is to be produced in much greater quantity and it must be if the rapidly growing number of people are to be fed we must get an imaginative breakthrough in this vital field.
14.	I have spoken of our concern about the world food shortage. I have said that we wish to make available to developing countries the benefits of the technology and expertise that we have built up in our agriculturally-based economy. Together with our colleagues from Sri Lanka, we have promoted emergency arrangements to ensure that the countries most in need can obtain sufficient supplies of nitrogenous fertilizers at prices they can afford.
15.	We are convinced that real and lasting progress can be made by developing countries only if aid policies are closely co-ordinated with trade and monetary policies. The sixth special session of the General Assembly was an historic event, in some ways a revolutionary event. Its consequences will work themselves out over many years.
16.	But the most important revolutions, we believe, occur in men's minds, not in the streets. Colonialism collapsed in two decades because of a conviction that its day was over. As the cumulative result of years of effort in education, sometimes through oratory and pressure, the conscience dormant in most people was brought to life and even the colonial Powers came to share this conviction, some more slowly than others. But I believe that we are now on the brink of another and even more profound shift in attitudes. We are beginning to accept, not just in words, but through practical decisions, that all members of the world society in which we live have a just claim on the wealth and the more decent life that that society can make possible. To discuss a new economic order is now to discuss reality.
17.	A momentum has been established. Much more discussion will no doubt be required before consensus is reached on specific actions and before the change in attitudes is complete. But to achieve this we have to keep up the momentum and concentrate the energies of the international community on a manageable, realistic field of action. For our part we would like to suggest that the Assembly at this session identify as priority tasks for the coming year the four main issues for priority action: food, trade access, reform of the monetary system and emergency assistance. We think it would be useful if at this session the Assembly directed the subsidiary organs of the United Nations to bear this in mind in drawing up their own agenda and work programs.
18.	At the sixth special session, the General Assembly established an emergency program of measures to help the countries hardest hit by the economic situation [resolution 3202 (S-VI)]. My country has allocated $10 million for this program. At the meeting to be held on 27 September on this subject I shall give more details of this contribution. However, we believe that a firmer basis should be established within the international community for providing large-scale emergency assistance whenever the need arises. We must have the means to avert the risk of the energy crisis or any other similar catastrophe creating a "fourth world" of countries so hopelessly placed that they are without any prospect of economic and social development for decades to come. My Government accepts that developing countries must increase their share of international trade, principally through improved access to the markets of the developed countries of the world. We support the generalized system of preferences and we are at present reviewing the New Zealand scheme with a view to introducing improvements into it.
19.	New Zealand does not play a major role in the world financial institutions. But we have supported, and will continue to support, the principle that the developing countries should be full participants in discussions leading to major decisions on the international monetary order.
20.	L turn now to disarmament. Against this back-ground of human need, which all the speakers this morning touched on, it is surely tragic folly, to squander resources at an ever-increasing rate to perfect weapons of destruction. We already have enough nuclear weaponry to obliterate all life from this earth several times over. Almost everyone says he wants to stop the arms race and to use the scarce resources that would be saved for constructive purposes: for aid and human welfare. Each year this Organization solemnly proclaims how essential it is that additional resources be devoted to economic and social development. Each year it proclaims the need for disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament. Yet each year its proclamations are ignored. We now watch with despair medium-sized and even small-sized Powers trying to follow the bad example of the great nuclear Powers.
21.	Since the Assembly last met in regular session the tempo of nuclear-weapon testing has been stepped up. Two super-Powers have told us that a decade must elapse before they will be able to disentangle themselves from the spider's web of the arms race- a decade to strike what they choose to call "a strategic balance".
22.	In the same time-span we face the prospect, even the certainty, if the international community does not act with vigor to prevent it, that there will be further additions to the nuclear club. Given the example set by the super-Powers and I do not feel at all comfortable in lecturing others we have to say that we completely reject the notion that the possession of these dreadful and suicidal weapons can in some way enhance a nation's status or security. On the contrary, the greater the number of States that possess such a capacity the more unstable the relationships between States will become and the greater will be the danger to world peace. We are deeply concerned that recent events may undermine the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. Some find defects in this Treaty, but, despite, the defects, it does offer a path back to sanity and reason.
23.	For many years the nations of the South Pacific have been close to the testing of nuclear weapons. Interested parties may argue that the tests are harmless, but those of us who have been closest to them are keenly aware of the dangers that testing poses for the human environment. We know that these tests can create anxiety and apprehension in ordinary people everywhere. We urge that this Assembly again assert, clearly and without equivocation, that testing in every form must be ended, soon, urgently, through a comprehensive test-ban treaty. The Assembly should act to advance the principles of the non-proliferation Treaty.
24.	We believe that the Assembly should stand ready to encourage positive proposals from countries of a given region to increase regional stability and security. In recent years that search for international security and stability has been given new impetus through regional activities. New Zealand continues to see merit in this approach, and we urge outside States to co-operate fully in giving effect to these initiatives by smaller countries in various parts of the world.
25.	I come now to the law of the sea. The law of the sea occupies a crucial place among the issues upon which the international community should focus most urgently in the coming year. In a world where population and resources press heavily upon one another, it is of critical importance to agree upon a just use of the resources of the oceans.
26.	The session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea held at Caracas this year was especially important for the countries of the South Pacific. It gave New Zealand and its neighbors a most welcome chance to stress the special dependence of small island nations on the sea island States such as those in the South Pacific are at a disadvantage: they are geographically remote and they have very few agricultural and mineral resources. The development of their nearby maritime areas represents one of the few ways in which they can hope to supplement their slender land resources. New Zealand was encouraged that at Caracas these special needs were generally recognized.
27.	Much work remains to be done; but we were heartened by the progress made. For the first time we now have within reach the essentials of a new agreement on a 12-mile territorial sea and a 200-mile economic zone. Undoubtedly, there will be a great deal of hard negotiation to come before a fair and balanced agreement can be reached on all the major issues. New Zealand, as a coastal State, recognizes the just interests of others: of the land-locked States and of those with limited access to the resources of the sea. We recognize the just interests of all countries, but especially the developing countries, in preserving the "common heritage of mankind'' in the resources of the deep sea-bed. We hope that all countries will look to the next session of the Conference, in 1975, as the stage at which compromises must be made. And we believe that, if approached in that spirit, the session will lead quickly to the final treaty.
28.	I shall now speak of the South Pacific and Niue. In connexion with the South Pacific islands, but in a different context, we are pleased to note that in a referendum on 3 September the people of Niue chose to become fully self-governing, in free association with New Zealand: On 19 October New Zealand and Niue will end their relationship of administering Power and Non-Self-Governing Territory; we will enter a new period of partnership on a basis of equality. As a self-governing State, Niue will take its place as a full member of the South Pacific Forum along with other independent and self-governing States in the Pacific, including Papua New Guinea. Niue's new Constitution contains my Government's assurance that New Zealand's economic assistance to Niue will continue as before. During the process of self-determination it has been helpful for the people of Niue, as well as for New Zealand, to have the United Nations constantly and closely involved.
29.	New Zealand is conscious, as never before, of the importance of Africa on the world's stage. We see the need, not only for Africa but also in the wider interests of the international community, to find lasting and peaceful solutions to the problems of that continent.
30.	It is understandable that the situation in southern Africa should be of such continuing concern to this Assembly. New Zealand stands solidly with the world community in rejecting the policy of apartheid in South Africa. My Prime Minister welcomed a recent opportunity to assure the Chairman of the Special Committee on Apartheid, Ambassador Ogbu of Nigeria, that New Zealand would continue its stand on sporting contacts with South Africa: South African teams will not be allowed to enter New Zealand, unless they represent a sport in which apartheid is not practiced.
31.	New Zealand also continues to offer practical support to the victims of apartheid: it contributes to the United Nations Educational and Training Program for Southern Africa, the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and the United Nations Trust Fund for Namibia.
32.	In addition, my Government has decided to contribute more than $200,000 over a two-year period to a joint project with UNICEF to provide humanitarian assistance through liberation movements for the tens of thousands of displaced persons from Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and Angola who are at present living in -Zambia. This money is given to supply drugs, vaccines, high-protein food supplements, agricultural tools and educational aid.
33.	Before I conclude, may I express my Government's pleasure at the admission of Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau to membership in the United Nations. We welcome also the historic change which now allows us to look forward to the early admission of two other important African countries, Mozambique and Angola. Their accession to independence will mark a major step in the process of decolonization and a further major step in the liberation of Africa. It will bring us still closer to the full realization of the principle of universality, to which my Government attaches great importance.
34.	I have said that the primary concerns of this Organization today are people, food, energy, natural resources, the environment and the need for a new economic order. These are universal concerns; every nation has a duty to play its part in helping to solve them. New Zealand believes that all nations can best do this within the great family of the United Nations, accepting the obligations as well as the privileges of membership.


Mr. President, it behooves me at the outset to reiterate the congratulatory expressions which were extended to you by my Prime Minister when he addressed the Assembly on the opening day [2233rd meeting]. My delegation has become very aware of the high esteem in which you are held, and we look forward to your capable guidance of the business of the current session. In our opinion, this points to a new direction in the affairs of the United Nations.
62.	In this context, permit me to express also our sincere and deepest congratulations and commendations to our two other new Member States, Bangladesh and Guinea-Bissau. We look forward to working together in the spirit of brotherly co-operation with them, within the framework of this Organization.
63.	At this juncture, I would like to seek your per-mission, Mr. President, to express to the Secretary- General, Mr. Waldheim, the appreciation of my Government and my delegation for his proven dedication in his tireless work in the cause of peace and the fulfilment of the objectives of the Charter. We are indeed fortunate to have an individual of his stature so ably performing this role, at a time when stature in individuals, as in nations, is so sorely needed.
64.	I would also like to voice my country's deep appreciation to all the representatives who, during the present session, have expressed kind words of welcome to Grenada in their statements. My country will always remember the warmth of their greetings, and we reciprocate most cordially their statements of friendship. Also, we take this opportunity, to convey our appreciation to those other nations which have manifested their friendship to Grenada at this time.
65.	May I also express our sincere condolences and sympathy to the Government and people of Honduras, through the Honduran delegation, on the occasion of the terrible natural disaster which that country suffered as a result of the recent hurricane. To my delegation, the word "hurricane" identifies one of the many natural disasters with which we are faced today, and it is synonymous with the Caribbean region and Central America. Grenada having suffered, in 1955, from one of the most devastating hurricanes in history, my delegation and the Government and people of Grenada fully appreciate, in the most realistic way, the gravity and the immeasurable extent of the tragedy which has befallen the people and the land of Honduras.
66.	On this most important question of natural disaster, my delegation notes with particular interest the inclusion in the agenda of the twenty-ninth session of the item relating to assistance to countries in cases of natural disaster [item 60], and looks forward to some more meaningful and effective action on an international level to lend practical assistance to those countries and peoples who, from time to time, are the hapless victims of the ravages of such disasters.
67.	The interdependence of all nations, large and small, has proved to be the outstanding feature of international relations in this part of the twentieth century. There is continuing talk, a great deal of talk, of a new world order which will ensure for nations and peoples a more equitable use and distribution of global resources to face and meet the demands of the future. Priorities have been set, and many fruitful United Nations meetings and conferences have deliberated at length on the common theme of interdependence of peoples including the sixth special session of the General Assembly, the World Population Conference, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, and, too, the forthcoming World Food Conference to be held in Rome in November. Underlying the substantial work of these and other historic meetings is this common link running through their agendas like a golden thread.
68.	In varying forms and with different results, we are being taught the same lesson namely, that we are one global people, inhabiting Buckminster Fuller's "Global Village". We must act in concert one with the other, or perish through disunity and lack of common vision. Grenada recognizes that the degree of success the Organization attains in solving, or re-solving, the major issues of the day, economic, political or social, will greatly depend upon the climate , prevailing in international relations.
69.	In the next few years, should we ignore this vital factor, or through political short-sightedness fail to develop it properly, the world as a whole will suffer.
70.	The Prime Minister of Grenada stated recently at this podium, "... Grenada stands today as a free nation, a nation committed to the cause of world peace" [2233rd meeting, para. 299]. It is the intention of my Government and my delegation to support the United Nations, and to co-operate to the fullest in its attainment of the lessening of international tension.
71.	International tension is caused by international insecurity. International insecurity, Grenada believes, can and must be eradicated by our unified re-dedication to the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security adopted at the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly [resolution 2734 (XXV)].
72.	I would like to affirm my Government's total commitment to facial equality. In Grenada our people continue to live, as we have done over the past years, in harmonious and fraternal brotherhood, without distinction of color, race or creed. Consequently, we have achieved a climate of solidarity and freedom in every aspect of our national life. My Government believes that racial justice is one of the essential requirements for international peace and progress.
73.	In this context, I would like to state that my Government condemns policies of racism in all its forms and manifestations, and joins in calling upon those Governments which pursue these policies to put an end to such abhorrent practices.
74.	My Government's belief in racial equality ties in with its policies of equality of the sexes, policies which my Prime Minister, Mr. Eric Gairy, touched on in his address before the Assembly. Mr. Gairy said:
"It is also precisely because of our faith in the sanctity of the equal rights of men and women that we have enshrined in our Constitution the provisions which guarantee that the rights of Grenadian women are equated to those of Grenadian men, especially in the context of citizenship, thereby setting a precedent for this aspect of human equality within the commonwealth of nations." [2233rd meeting, para. 296.]
75.	The women of Grenada have long been the backbone of our society. Unlike our counterparts in some developed countries, we have for generations played a dual role as mother provider and head of the family. In Grenada, too, women have equal political rights with men. They serve as government ministers, as cabinet members, and as active members of Parliament, and it is well known that Grenada was the first country within the Commonwealth of Nations to recommend a lady who held the high position of Governor. I might add that women are also active in business and in the professions, and there are women's organizations that have been working hard towards the total improvement in the status of our women.
76.	My Government recognizes the contribution and the untapped potential of our women, and reded- icates itself to the eradication of all customs, laws, attitudes and practices which discriminate against women in any society in any part of the globe. Women comprise more than half of our society, and, in terms of human-resource power, they constitute an important factor in the over-all progress and development of all nations. My Government therefore feels that if women are to take their rightful place in society, all inhibiting laws, attitudes and practices must be immediately removed.
77.	And regarding our continuing campaign to secure effective "woman power", permit me to quote a recent statement of the Secretary-General in which he said: "The equality of the sexes is a necessary pre-requisite for social and economic development, and a stimulus for world peace". This reflects our senti-ments and our pplicies exactly.
78.	The proclamation designating 1975 as Inter-national Women's Year [resolution 3010 (XXVII)] has certainly given added stimulus to my Government in its promotion of the equality of the sexes, and we fully support and express our desire to participate meaningfully in the programs of the year.
79.	By our membership in this international Organization, we have undertaken a formal commitment to the rule of law in all aspects of our international relations. In my country's domestic governmental program, the rule of law will be the very bedrock upon which our policy is based, and this also was clearly enunciated by our Prime Minister in his address to the Assembly. We are proud of this tradition and very happy at being able to seize the historic opportunity afforded us, through membership in the United Nations, to conduct our international affairs on the basis of observance of the rule of law. In this fellowship, and with this essential prerequisite, we join the Organization.
80.	It is extremely significant that newly independent nations large or small, rich or poor seek to join the ranks of the United Nations, and Grenada, of course, is no exception. Over the past three decades we have carefully followed the course and the progress of this unique world body, and we are resolute in our belief that the United Nations, by embracing all peoples and countries, is creating the true community house for all mankind. The effectiveness of the Organization lies precisely in the unanimous support of its Members and in the degree of solidarity achieved through open debate, frank discussion and democratic free exchange. It is important that the strength of the Organization, guided by the strength of the principles entrenched within the Charter, is never underrated nor undermined. In this same spirit of solidarity, Grenada offers itself whole-heartedly to the service and the purposes of the United Nations, and we open our arms to all brother nations as faithful members of the world community.
81.	There has been endless reference by Members to the near total. universality of the Organization. Indeed, universality of membership and the political good will of Member States are the twin pillars of the United Nations.
82.	My country is happy, as I said earlier, to be part of this rapid progress towards universality of the United Nations, and in this connexion, I today appeal to all countries to reaffirm their resolve and hasten their efforts to assist in the removal of the remaining shackles of colonialism. To the colonial system, with its perpetration of vast human injustice and endless exploitation of native peoples, must be attributed the blame for many of the ills of developing countries over the past several centuries. The Government of Grenada has always unswervingly supported the inalienable right of all peoples to self-determination and full independence.
83.	My Government, which in February this year attained full freedom and independence for the people of Grenada after many centuries of colonial domination, fully supports and endorses the idea that inter-national peace and security will be greatly enhanced and preserved by the emergence of more and more countries from colonial domination into the arena of national independence. Correspondingly, we, sub-scribe to the respect for independence and the inherent sovereignty of States that form the very basis of the Charter of the United Nations.
84.	In the rapidity of political, economic and social change with which we are faced, the concept known as "future shock" is manifesting itself on a daily basis to nations and individuals alike. In the smaller States, we are increasingly becoming the victims of this greatly accelerated rate of change within modern society. Today the artificial boundaries between the worlds of economics and politics are becoming more blurred; any remaining lines of demarcation separating those worlds are being finally erased by the energy crisis, the imbalance of world supply and demand for food, and an often precarious detente.
85.	We have recognized the fact that political independence, through a vital and necessary milestone on the long and thorny road to self-determination, is but a catalyst in the process of real national independence. Economic viability, with the consequent improvement in the quality of life, is the goal that we seek for our people and generations yet unborn, and it is in this context that we view with pleasure and anxious expectation the establishment of the Pro-gramme of Action on the Establishment of a Nev International Economic Order by the General Assembly at its recent sixth special session convened as a result of the positive vision and initiative of the non-aligned and other developing countries. It is clear that emergency measures have to be urgently taken to maintain the momentum of the proposed new economic order, which will benefit the developing countries in particular. This is the time to effect concrete improvements in the lives of millions of third- world peoples. It is now up to the General Assembly's Second Committee to seize and utilize this golden opportunity.
86.	We noted with considerable interest the promise made by President Ford of the United States of America to provide help to developing nations in the most vital areas of need. We believe that President Ford's statements were made in all sincerity and good faith and, therefore, we are hopefully looking forward to their implementation.
87.	While we realize that we have achieved full political independence which has enabled us to take our rightful place as a Member nation, we are acutely aware that as a developing country our ultimate goal is to make a meaningful contribution to world peace through economic independence. Many developing nations find themselves still at the mercy of multi-national corporations and are victims of economic servitude to the developed nations as suppliers of their agricultural raw materials and as markets for their expensive manufactured goods.
88.	As I said, we welcome the resolutions adopted at the sixth special session earlier this year, which could well prove a turning-point in economic relations between rich and poor countries, and we look forward to meaningful and positive action on the part of the United Nations and thie .more developed countries to bring about substantial and constructive economic improvement for the developing countries. We look forward, too, to increased direct assistance in helping ur> to exercise effective sovereignty over our own natural resources of land and sea, and so ultimately to preserve and maintain our people's political sovereignty.
89.	We affirm our Government's policy of economic self-reliance, self-help and self-sufficiency to achieve our national goals and objectives. However, this does not mean that we would not encourage foreign capital and expertise. In fact, we have a very healthy atmosphere for investment in Grenada, and we are in particular encouraging foreign investment in private enterprise. What we hope for is a more equitable distribution of profits and a program of training which would enable our people effectively to hold managerial positions alongside non-nationals.
90.	We in Grenada, as a Caribbean nation, will continue to support all our regional institutions in their economic and fiscal policies and, at the same time, will aspire to enter into relationships with international monetary institutions with a view to finding realistic ways and means of bringing about viable and self-sustaining economic growth for our country.
91.	In the 1970s and beyond, we anticipate greater economic co-operation, too, with our Latin American neighbors and our African brothers, and wider economic interdependence with the rest of the world as a result of the efforts of the sixth special session.
92.	The establishment of a new economic order is essential if a ray of hope is to be seen for a reversal of the widening of the gap between developed and developing countries. We are concerned and, indeed, anxious for the economies of small countries such as ours, whose agricultural export earnings are keenly affected by the vagaries and ravages of weather, as well as market prices over which we have absolutely no control.
93.	While we welcome the attempts made by the Organization to alleviate the economic problems of developing countries, we still feel the need for a greater and more comprehensive understanding of our problems by the more developed States Members of the Organization, and we look forward with keen anticipation to a sharing of technological expertise, experience and economic strategy to combat spiraling inflation, poverty and economic dependence.
94.	As a small island State, we are fully aware of the vital importance of the vast untapped resources of the sea-bed to our developing economy and we know that we shall be soon involved in the race for the riches of the sea. It is important that a nation should not suffer because of its size and that in keeping with the Charter, the United Nations should ensure that economic justice is achieved for all. While we recognize the just interests of others those of the land-locked States and those with limited access to the sea we must face the reality of our inescapable reliance on the resources of the sea to supplement our limited agricultural resources. It is therefore extremely heartening to us that the special needs of island States were recognized at the recently concluded session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea in Caracas. We look with hope to the establishment of a just and equitable order of allocating to all countries the resources of the sea-bed, and the preservation of this "common heritage of all mankind". My country intends to participate in the next session of the Conference in 1975 and we anticipate a final treaty which will ensure the protection of all interests.
95.	On the seemingly perpetual question of disarmament, my country deplores the dangerously vast resources utilized by certain Powers in their development of, research work on and proliferation of nuclear weaponry. We believe that the fragile framework of peace is being threatened by this continuing development of the destructive power of sophisticated weapons. The awesome annual expense being directed to increasing regularly these nuclear arsenals would without doubt serve humanity to a far better purpose were it devoted to increasing the volume of development co-operation. Grenada feels that the tremendously valuable research on nuclear energy should be used expressly for peaceful purposes, and that more of the resources of major Powers should be diverted to the production of food and agricultural products for the improvement of the level of existence of third- world peoples in particular.
96.	Grenada is a peace-loving and life-loving nation. We support all initiatives for the effective curbing of the arms race, the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, and the reduction of military budgets of certain Member States with a consequent diversion of the funds saved to the provision of tangible assistance to developing countries. Our irrevocable convictions will not permit us to do otherwise.
97.	I emphasize, in conclusion, that the continuing emergence of developing countries into independent nationhood has led to the creation of a new dynamic force in today's world, which is certainly influencing the trend of international relations. Grenada looks forward to making its own contribution to the endless task of ensuring lasting peace, economic justice, and maximum social progress for all of our peoples. With our belief in the principles of the Charter, we join you in working together towards achieving these goals.