I should first like to extend to Ambassador Shihabi of Saudi Arabia the warmest congratulations of the delegation of Mali on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. His abilities and the wealth of experience he has gained from his long diplomatic service to his country, Saudi Arabia, which enjoys grant prestige internationally, guarantee the successful outcome of our work.
My delegation is particularly pleased by this choice because our two countries have had good relations for centuries - reflected, for example, in the pilgrimage to Mecca of Mali's Emperor Kankou Moussa in 1324. Let me assure the President of my delegation's full cooperation with him as he performs the important functions entrusted to him by the Assembly.
My delegation also extends its congratulations to Mr. Guido de Marco, who led the work of the forty-fifth session with wisdom and efficiency. I take this opportunity also to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, who has strengthened the Organisation's role with devotion, farsightedness and perspicacity.
The admission of a new Member is always an important step towards the Organisation's universality. My delegation therefore welcomes the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania.
As the second millennium draws to a close the world is undergoing profound changes. The cold war, which led the major Powers to sink vast sums into the race for weapons of mass destruction, is now over. In my delegation's view, the disappearance of the blocs created by the cold war should make it possible to put greater emphasis on new areas of common interest and new relations of cooperation with developing countries. In Africa the changes have taken the form of the fall of dictatorships based on monolithic systems that stifled the deep-seated and legitimate aspirations of peoples to freedom and justice and impeded all economic and social development.
The country I have the signal honour of representing here has not been unaffected by the struggle to acquire fundamental freedoms. The people of Mali rose up against a greedy and incompetent dictatorial regime that had plunged the country into poverty. The youth of Mali, its women and Its democratic forces, both civilian and military, paid heavily to bring an and to 23 years of repression, corruption, social Injustice and waste. Since the people's uprising of March 1991, Mali has bean led by a Transitional Committee of Popular Safety and a Transitional Government, which have launched the country on a process, on the one hand, of establishing a pluralistic democracy and a state of law and, on the other, of reorganising and restoring our economy with a view to achieving greater social justice.
From 29 July to 12 August this year a national conference was held at Bamako which brought together all the country's vital forces and socio-political tendencies. That conference, which was marked by a fruitful and open debate on the country's future, adopted a draft constitution that established the foundations for true democracy based on scrupulous respect for human rights, the multi-party system and separation of powers, as well as on affective participation by the people in their own development and management of their affairs through regional collectives. Furthermore, to buttress the state of law the Transitional Committee and the Government decided that Mali should ratify the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and to abolish the State Security Court, which was a special tribunal established and used for evil ends by the former regime.
Since June 1990 a state of crisis has existed in the northern regions of the country. An uprising by young Tuaregs has created an atmosphere of
Insecurity in that part of the country. Despite the Agreement signed in January 1991, some  of the fighters are continuing the confrontation. Defenceless villages have been the targets of regular attacks by armed groups, who plunder shops, set fire to administrative offices, steal cattle, seize vehicles and run away. Disturbed by this situation, Western non-governmental organisations that were assisting us in our struggle against, poverty have left northern Mali.
Notwithstanding such actions, the Government of Mali is patiently seeking a negotiated democratic solution to the crisis. Thus, a conference on the problem in the north has been announced for mid-November at Timbuctoo. The Transitional Committee and Government are in contact with various factions of the Tuareg Movement, in an attempt to encourage them to participate constructively in the peace meeting at Timbuctoo.
Our draft convention adopted at the National Conference provides for institutions that will guarantee fruitful decentralisation, by which the people will be able to administer themselves through their elected representatives in village councils and regional factions and assemblies.
We are seeking a democratic solution to the crisis because of our convictions and because the state of law we wish to achieve in Mali compels us to do so. Hence, we appeal to all States that can exert any influence on the Tuareg youth movements to help us solve this problem so that we may all work together to achieve the economic and social development so needed in all parts of Mali-
Soviet-American rapprochement has been accelerated. The changes taking place in the Soviet Union and other Eastern European countries and the dissolving of the Warsaw Pact have significantly contributed to creating an atmosphere of trust between former adversaries. The atmosphere of mutual
understanding and trust that now prevails in the world enabled the great Powers to cooperate in the Security Council to put an end to Iraq's occupation of Kuwait. On that, occasion the United nations diligently and effectively Implemented the resolutions of the Security Council. We truly welcome that. We would hope that the Organisation will be able to act in a similar manner vis-à-vis all the resolutions adopted by the Council so that the International community may stop giving the impression that it is following a double standard.
Now that the Gulf War is over, we must deal with the situation prevailing in the Middle East. Israel continues to pursue its policy of establishing settlements in the occupied Arab territories, and the tragedy of the people of Palestine is still with us. He therefore hope that the current initiatives to convene a peace conference on the Middle East will lead to a comprehensive settlement that will recognise the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and guarantee security for all States in the region, in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the Organization.
In Africa, where colonization has ended, apartheid, this crime against humanity, still has not been eradicated from the continent. True, the fierce struggle of the South African people, international pressures and the initiatives undertaken by President De Klerk have brought about some improvement in the political situation in that country. Yet the overwhelming majority of the people of South Africa still has no right to vote, to determine its fate or freely to choose its leaders. The tribal violence, fomented and supported by certain backward looking forces, is continuing to bring sorrow to the country. My delegation feels that a total lifting of the economic sanctions is premature, and we urge the international community to continue its pressure on the South African Government in order to ensure that the process now under way leads to the complete dismantling of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic and multiracial society.
In Angola, the signing of the cease-fire agreements, the establishment of a multi-party system, and negotiations between the various parties to the conflict have opened the way to a new era of peace in that country. He express the hope that the people, so long traumatized by war, nay at last be able to devote themselves to the country's reconstruction and development. We also hope that peace and fraternal concord can be quickly achieved in Mozambique, and we must all work towards that end.
As for Namibia, which acceded to independence under United Nations auspices, it remains deprived of Halvis Bay, its only deep-water port. We support the negotiations now under way between the Governments of Namibia and South Africa with a view to reintegrating that entity into Namibian territory.
In Western Sahara, the forthcoming referendum on self-determination, under United Nations auspices, cannot but raise hopes that that part of Africa will soon have lasting peace, an element indispensable to the subregion's development.
We welcome too the remarkable progress made in Liberia along the road to peace and national reconciliation, under the aegis of the Economic Community of West African States.
With regard to the Horn of Africa, my delegation urges the Ethiopian authorities to continue their dialogue with a view to strengthening peace in that country, and we appeal to the groups fighting in Somalia to respect the terms of the agreements signed at Djibouti last January.
In Cambodia, the establishment of a Supreme National Council, headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk, has created new prospects for peace. The continuation of that salutary process and the success of the peace negotiations will surely lead to the organization of free elections that will put an end to the Cambodian people's long years of suffering.
On the Korean peninsula, my country, which has diplomatic relations with both Koreas, hopes that their admission to membership in the United Nations will be a prelude to their peaceful reunification.
Mali would encourage the communities of Cyprus to continue the negotiations begun under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
On disarmament, the easing of tensions in international relations has contributed to the conclusion of numerous agreements in recent years. The signing last July in Moscow of the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT) agreements, which had been the subject of rather difficult negotiations for decades, encourages our belief that the world is moving towards an era of peace.
New States have added their signatures to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; the work on a total ban on chemical weapons has produced encouraging results; and the United States Government has recently taken a position in favour of the elimination of short- and intermediate-range missiles. All of this creates an atmosphere of trust, which is a prelude to real disarmament.
In this respect, Mali welcomes the announcement made on 27 September 1991 by President George Bush of measures taken unilaterally by the United States concerning nuclear arms and nuclear forces and we also welcome the response by President Gorbachev to these initiatives. My delegation believes that this political will can come to completion only if it is accompanied by the allocation to the development needs of the poorer countries of the resources thus made available.
I cannot talk about international relations without mentioning with a sense of anguish the serious economic crisis that affects the developing countries in particular. The burden of foreign debt, the drop in export earnings, the inadequacy of the resources devoted to development - all of this has worsened socio-economic conditions in many countries.
The debt of developing countries, entered into under conditions that did not take into account the interests and concerns of most of the people, has now exceeded $1.2 trillion and it is one of the major obstacles to the success of economic reform programmes, structural adjustment and recovery of growth in those countries. So far, approaches taken to finding a solution to the serious problem of debt, although encouraging in some respects, have come far from meeting the real economic concerns of the developing countries.
Seeking a solution for the developing countries' external-debt problem requires greater solidarity within the international community and shared responsibility between creditors and debtors. The growth objectives of the developing countries must also be taken into account.
In this regard, my delegation would support the proposal, contained in the annual report of the Secretary-General, that an international conference on the financing of development should be convened. The international community must also pay special attention to the implementation of the Paris Declaration and the Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the 1990s, adopted by the Second United Nations Conference in Paris in 1990.
Appropriate action must be taken urgently, at the international level, to ensure remunerative prices for commodities and to dismantle tariff and non-tariff barriers that hamper the exports of the developing countries. My delegation hopes that current negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the holding of the forthcoming session of the United Rations Conference on Trade and Development (UHCTAD) will yield positive results.
In Africa, despite the laudable efforts made by the African Governments in implementing structural-adjustment programmes, the economic situation and living conditions are becoming increasingly difficult. The United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery, 1986-1990, which had raised great hopes, did not, unfortunately, meet the legitimate concerns of the people and leaders of African countries for growth and viable economic and social development. He would urgently appeal to the international community for urgent and appropriate action towards the adoption of a consistent programme of cooperation for the development of Africa for the 1990s. In this connection, my delegation welcomes the initiative of the Japanese Government for convening a summit conference on development in Africa in 1993.
The determination of the African countries to emerge from economic stagnation is expressed in their firm resolve to build viable economic structures of integration. The recent signing, in Abuja, Nigeria, of the treaty establishing the African Economic Community is an excellent example of this.
Sustained economic and social development cannot be achieved unless there is a healthy environment. Mali, victim of drought and desertification, has to work within the constraints of a rather difficult environment in carrying out its various development projects and programmes. Thus, my country attaches great importance to the success of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held in Brazil in 1992.
Mali, in January 1991, played host to the Pan-African conference on environment and lasting development. Now Mali reaffirms its adherence to the Bamako Convention banning the importation of waste into Africa, and the Bamako commitment, which defines Africa's five main priorities in environmental matters.
The World Summit for Children, held in 1990, enabled the international community to set new goals as it works to improve the living conditions of children throughout the world. Mali co-chaired the World Summit for Children and wishes to reaffirm its devotion to the cause of children as3 its commitment to accord priority status to the implementation of the Declaration and Programme of Action issued at the Summit.
The democratic opening up begun in most developing countries and the economic liberalisation which has resulted there from need constant support from the international community. Young democracies deserve support, individually and collectively, for there can be no true democracy without development.
Qualitative changes in my country last March exposed the economic crimes of the old regime. Those who supported that regime, using secret banking arrangements, shifted great amounts of capital abroad, capital that, if repatriated, could help to solve some of our financial difficulties.
We can see how the single party covered up its criminal practices. In a country where children die of diarrhoea and other everyday illnesses, where school-aged children do not go to school for lack of money, a gang of crooks diverted billions of CFA francs into foreign banks. The Transitional Committee for the Safety of the People (CTSP) and the Government of Mali are firmly resolved to bring them to justice, in keeping with the rule of law and with international norms. We shall bring to justice all those who, by abusing their power, have led to bloodshed among our people and all those who have perpetrated economic crimes.
Here, we would appeal to all countries and peoples of the world, in the spirit of solidarity and justice, to cooperate with Mali in searching for and retrieving these funds. We would ask our partners to follow the example of the Swiss authorities, who have just made available to the Government of Mali the necessary means to try to get back the diverted capital. To help Mali recover and repatriate the funds of the old leaders is to help the economic development of our country and to help our people socially.
The preservation of our democracy deserves the full support of the industrialised countries, and they can help to do this by restoring the diverted capital, which is in fact the fruit of the criminal plundering of the resources of the African people, who have been bled dry.
Mankind is at a decisive stage in history. All together, we must build a new international order, one with a broader and fairer outlook, a new international order founded on justice.


Mr. President, may I at the outset convey to you our heartfelt congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your competence and experience are well known as well as the faith of your country, Saudi Arabia, has bestowed on the principles and ideals of the United Nations Charter are the best guarantee for the success of the session. I should also like to offer my deep appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, for the sincere efforts that he and the other members of the bureau have exerted to bring the forty fifth session of the General Assembly to a successful conclusion.
On behalf of my country, I should like to take this opportunity to express our sincere thanks and appreciation to the Secretary General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his continued efforts to enhance the credibility of the United Nations in accordance with the noble principles of this international Organisation and, in the same way, to promote international peace and cooperation. May I also place on record my country's appreciation for the efforts made by the Secretary-General in the course of last year with a view to finding a peaceful settlement of the Kuwait crisis. We also wish to thank him for his continued efforts to resolve the Middle East hostage problem.
It is encouraging to note that the increased influence of the United Nations is accompanied by the enlargement of its membership and the enhancement of its universal character. My country welcomes the admission to membership in the United Nations of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, hoping that their admission will pave the way for lasting peace in the Korean peninsula. I should also like to welcome the admission to membership in the United Nations of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Lithuania, the Republic of Estonia and the Republic of Latvia. We wish them every success for a more stable and more prosperous future.
The current session is being convened at an outstanding epoch in the history of international relations, especially the history of the United Nations. Never before have the East and West entertained such positive relations which have, in large measure, contributed to the creation of an opportunity for the successful settlement of many pending international problems,
We have, therefore, to take advantage of the favourable international climate and should have no hesitation in benefiting from the opportunity to save the next generation from the scourge of war, to preserve the dignity of man and to enhance security and stability on the basis of the principle of the sovereignty of States, justice, respect for law and constructive cooperation among all States. These concepts are inseparable from the foundations on which the United Nations was built. We are all duty-bound to preserve these lofty notions, with a view to bringing, to present and future generations, happiness, security, prosperity, and freedom from violence, instability and confrontation.
Through this Organisation, the International community has called for freedom and cooperation. Hence, it is incumbent upon the United Nations to spare no effort in preventing itself from being used as a means of inflicting suffering on mankind. Instead, it should be utilised as a vehicle for development and cooperation among nations.
The Kuwait crisis was the greatest test of the present world order after the cold war. With God's blessing, the new order passed the tent and a great triumph for the United Nations was achieved. The international community has decisively demonstrated that international relations must be governed by international law and that the use of force in settling disputes between States runs counter to international legitimacy.
Once again, my Government expresses its deep appreciation to all the brotherly and friendly States that hastened to support the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. That support constitutes a genuine precedent in international cooperation. On this occasion, I should like to convey my country's gratitude for the courageous and decisive stand taken by the international community, and especially the stand of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which spared no effort in supporting the rule of law and in implementing the United Nations resolutions.
Being located on the Strait of Hormuz, my country is fully aware of its great responsibilities. Hence, we have endeavoured to play a constructive role in the establishment of regional security in the Gulf. We have been working along with our brethren in the GCC on future security arrangements at the Gulf, Arab and International levels, in an effort to bring about security and stability. In this context, we have always consulted with our neighbours in the Gulf, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran.
I must say that, despite the problems in the aftermath of the crisis, amidst the horrible tragedies, great suffering and lose of life, there is room for hope. I may even go so far as to say that our steady progression towards International peace is gaining momentum, simply because we have a common interest in peace, stability and economic prosperity. Our awareness of this common Interest and our striving to promote it have led us to believe that regional cooperation will replace antagonism and confrontation so that we may look forward to a better future.
The Gulf crisis demonstrated that security and stability in the region are closely linked to the world economy. The developed countries were not alone in suffering economically as a result of the crisis. The developing and poorer nations too were hit hard by unstable oil prices and the halt in trade. That fact makes us realize that regional security arrangements are made not solely to ensure security and stability in the Gulf region, but also to serve the interests of the entire international community.
The Palestinian problem has been the main source of instability and dispute in the Middle East. Until and unless that problem, as well as the other problems pending between the Arabs and the Israelis, is resolved, the chances of further crises in the Middle East will be. unfortunately, greater. For the sake of peace in the entire world, the Palestinian problem should therefore be settled.
Believing in the importance of constructive dialogue, my country has supported international endeavours to find a peaceful, lasting and just solution to the Palestinian question on the basis of International legitimacy and United Nations resolutions. In this regard, we welcome the United States efforts to convene a peace conference on the Middle East between the Arab States and Israel. We also welcome the positive response to that conference by the Arab parties directly concerned with the question.
The Sultanate of Oman's support for peace will not recede or give in to despair. We have supported all efforts to find a peaceful solution and we are confident that the Arab States are truly serious in their search for peace. Three years ago, the Palestinian National Council adopted an historic resolution which paved the way for peace. It was unfortunate, though, that Israel responded with more intransigence by continuing its occupation and suppression of the defenceless inhabitants of the occupied Palestinian territories.
We sincerely hope that Israel will not miss this historic opportunity and that it will enter into serious negotiations with the Arab States in order to bring lasting and comprehensive peace to the area. We call upon the States that have good relations with Israel to convince it to halt its policy of building Israeli settlements in the occupied Arab territories and to stop oppressing the Palestinians, because that policy constitutes a major obstacle to serious negotiations for peace.
From this rostrum, we call on all the States of the world to make every possible effort to bring about peace on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 33B (1973). In that respect, the United Nations bears a special responsibility to do its best to implement its resolutions. Then we will see the dawn of the new international order in the Middle East, and only then will peace prevail between the peoples of the area.
We have seen greater progress in other parts of the Middle East. In Lebanon, we followed with satisfaction the positive steps taken by the Lebanese Government in the implementation of the Taif agreement. We are optimistic that security and prosperity will prevail in all parts of Lebanon. Once again, we call on the international community to seek the implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978), which provides for the withdrawal of Israel from Lebanese territory.
The situation in Afghanistan calls for further efforts. My country pays tribute to the United Nations for its efforts to find a peaceful settlement to the Afghan question, the latest of which is the Secretary-General's peace plan of 22 May 1990. However, there are about 5 million Afghan refugees. Two million handicapped Afghans have been waiting for an end to the bloodshed, not to mention a million or more people who have lost their lives since the outbreak of the crisis. Such tremendous suffering requires a decisive and definitive solution based on an enlarged national Government and the return of refugees to their homes.
Only six years have elapsed since Oman established diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. Those years have witnessed many great events that have altered the character of the Soviet Union, as well as that of the rest of the Eastern European States, which was impossible for anyone to foresee at that time. The greater part of credit for those developments in the Soviet Union goes to those man who have led the campaign of reform and openness with a great deal of courage and determination. Their names will go down in history as symbols of freedom and peace at this stage which was brought about thanks to their policies. Perestroika and glasnost, adopted by the leadership in the Soviet Union since 1985, have paved the way for the emergence of Soviet leadership personalities with a considerable measure of determination and courage and a sense of responsibility.
Here I cannot but pay a tribute, once again and on behalf of my country, to the Soviet people and to the Republic of Russia for its positive stand vis-à-vis the events of last month. The failure of the coup and the restoration of legitimacy to the Soviet Union are truly a great victory for world peace and yet another triumph for the new world order.
There are many indicators that there is progress towards peace. There is more room for the United Nations to play a full role in the settlement of disputes. We are very optimistic about Cambodia, South Africa, Cyprus, the Horn of Africa, Central America and the other regions of the world where the peoples have always longed for freedom, security and peace. The United Nations has played a major role in these issues. It is still called upon to make further efforts to solve these and other issues. Despite the heavy load entrusted to the United Nations, being the highest world order it has a special responsibility for so many issues and related problems which surpass the capacities of individual States.
We think it is of paramount importance to lay the foundations of an integrated global strategy for the environment that will preserve the planet's resources for current and coming generations. In this regard, great challenges which will face the Conference on environment and development, to be held next year in Brazil. The industrial countries, which have achieved their present positions of strength and prosperity through economic development, have a special responsibility in this respect because their development has set the example which the others have emulated by utilising the resources of the Earth without due regard to the relationship between the environment and development. Soil erosion, scarcity of water resources, ozone depletion, air pollution and the extinction of certain plant, and animal species demonstrate, more than ever before, the need for further efforts to find common principles for the preservation of the global environment. In all this, the industrial countries cannot disassociate themselves from their historic responsibilities. Today the environment in the Gulf is suffering as a result of hundreds of raging oil-well tires in Kuwait. Although commendable efforts are being made to contain the damage left by oil slicks in the Gulf, further international efforts are still needed. Although we take comfort from the cooperation extended to us because we believe that cooperation is necessary for solving problems in the future, we feel that constructive cooperation is the only way to march forward.
There is another international problem, namely, the arms race. My country welcomes the initiative taken by President George Bush last Friday in respect of his country's unilateral reduction of its strategic nuclear armaments. We welcome the steps taken by both the United States and the Soviet Union to limit their nuclear arsenals. We urge them to take further steps in this direction. In our assessment of potential sources of a nuclear threat, we believe that the principal danger emanates from the uncontrolled proliferation of these overkill weapons.
The world today experiences acute economic problems which know no boundaries. Recently, advancement in the developing world has been sluggish and inflation is rampant. The gap between the North and the South has widened. While we welcome the great achievements of the new world order in the political field, we look forward to the application of the new ideals of that order in the area of economic relations. It is in the interest of all that prosperity comes to the developing world because it is the basis for progress in economic development for everyone. On the other hand, we hope that the developing countries will take concrete steps towards market-oriented economic policies that will be a solid foundation for economic progress and prosperity.
We have been following the progress made so far in this regard. However, we note that there remains a lot more that has to be done. While we welcome the debt reduction extended by the developed world, we must note that many developing countries are still groaning under the twin burden of indebtedness and lack of investments. The prospects of progress are limited because of the protectionist economic policies which deny access to the markets of the rich world. Further efforts are also needed to enhance the transfer of technology. Realizing the significance of cooperation, my country is anxious to participate with others in shouldering the common responsibility in this regard, hoping that our region will see new funds to promote investment and development. There is a dire need to reform the world economic order. The new political order cannot be secured in the future without increased economic cooperation between the developing and developed world. Unless these issues are earnestly and comprehensively addressed, the least developed countries will continue to be hostage to their huge burdens, so much so that they can claim to have been deprived of the privileges enjoyed by independent States. When sovereignty is denied either through invasion, occupation or economic stagnation, even though it may exist in form but not in essence the seeds of Instability and future conflict will find therein a fertile soil. Our gathering together in the United Nations makes us recognise the right of every Member to full sovereignty both in form and in essence. When we stuck together within the framework of the United Nations, we witnessed how the new collective will was able to defend sovereignty in the framework of a changing political world system.
Now we have a genuine opportunity to enhance national sovereignty through collective action to develop the new economic world order. That will not only increase economic opportunities for the least developed and poorer countries, but also effectively and permanently help to maintain international peace and stability.
Finally, we in the Sultanate of Oman look forward with faith and optimism to the day when all peoples of the world represented in this Assembly as sovereign and independent States will have rid themselves of poverty, oppression and aggression in a world of cooperation, security, stability and economic prosperity.


Sir, it is indeed a pleasure for me to extend to you my warm congratulations on your election to the high post of President of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly, which is destined to play an important role in further improving the activities of our Organisation.
We pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, the representative of Malta, for his dynamic leadership of the work of the last General Assembly session.
The Mongolian delegation expresses its deep satisfaction at the admission to the world Organization of seven new Member States, namely, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Latvia, the Republic of Lithuania and the Republic of Estonia. We sincerely congratulate the representatives of these States.
Yet another year marked by the strengthening of positive trends in the world has passed - a year that stands out for events which will long serve us all as both a lesson and an impetus in the steady march towards a new world order based on general acceptance of universal values.
First of all I should like to allude to the Persian Gulf crisis. The aggression against Kuwait was undoubtedly a challenge to the entire world community, and it reacted to it in a fitting manner. The aggressor was stopped. In our opinion, the major lesson to be learned from the crisis was that the strong cannot defy with impunity the will of the weak and that the United Nations will no longer tolerate similar actions which flagrantly violate its Charter.
The outcome of the crisis, logical by all ethic and moral norms of inter-State relations, significantly reinforced the faith of nations in the feasibility of bringing into being a just world order. And this is very important, since in the world of today the weak outnumber the strong by far. It is not diktat that the weak need, but assistance and just and equitable cooperation on the part of the strong. This certainly does not diminish the significance of other legal norms and principles of inter-State relations. Such fundamental values as democracy, human rights, freedom of opinion and choice, among others, must be seen as basic criteria.
Secondly, the year 1991 has brought about promising results in the field of disarmament. It was not long before the Soviet-American agreement on the elimination of medium and short-range nuclear missiles was concluded. And today it is already fully implemented. Moreover, both sides have worked out a new agreement on the substantial reduction of offensive strategic armaments. This is an important step along the path towards the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. The new initiatives by the President of the United States of America, George Bush, on the further reduction of nuclear weapons, in our view, open up far-reaching vistas in this area.
We welcome the decision by China, France and some other countries to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Encouraging progress has been made in the negotiations on the prohibition of chemical weapons, which, we hope, will lead to the elaboration of an appropriate agreement as early as next year. The Third Review Conference on the biological weapons Convention demonstrated the necessity to reaffirm and strengthen this important instrument.
Furthermore, the improvement in the international atmosphere in recent years is to be credited to a large extent to the Soviet perestroika and its policy of new thinking. Under its impact, events of historic significance have taken place, particularly in Eastern European countries. In the final analysis, they have brought the cold war to an end. Further improvement in international relations and solutions to urgent global problems will depend to a certain extent on the pace of Soviet perestroika. Therefore, practically the entire world community has a vested interest in its success. This is amply evidenced by the unanimous and almost universal condemnation of the August putsch in the Soviet Union. The putsch was a serious test both for the Soviet perestroika and for the still fragile trend towards accord on a global level. Perestroika withstood the test, and the cause of democracy and freedom has been defended through common effort. Perhaps this is one of the main lessons of the August events in the Soviet Union. How that perestroika has embarked on a qualitatively new stage, even more encouraging prospects open up for global cooperation on all the pressing problems of today.
Thus, in the main, healthy trends dominate the political landscape of the planet, and the tendency of these processes is such that it leads us to believe that they are irreversible. This will certainly prove to be true under appropriate conditions and if efforts are made.
For many years now the Asian continent has been a region ridden with the most dangerous hotbeds of tension and conflict. However, the situation of late is being redressed. Recent dramatic changes in the world and the turn of events in Asia itself offer grounds for hope in the possibility of eliminating these hotbeds. An active search by the parties concerned, with the participation of the United Nations, is yielding tangible peacemaking results.
We welcome the emerging consensus on the convening of the Middle East peace conference, with the participation of all parties concerned. The time has come to put an end to the sufferings of the Palestinian people. Justice should be completely restored in all its aspects, taking into account the legitimate interests of all the countries of the region. It should be borne in mind that the events in the Persian Gulf have again clearly shown the danger of the unresolved situation prevailing in the Middle East.
As we see it, the tension on the Korean peninsula is somewhat lessening. There is a desire on the part of both sides to seek mutually acceptable solutions. This is evidenced by the simultaneous admission of the two Koreas to membership of the United Nations. We express the hope that this important step will facilitate the peaceful reunification of Korea, in accordance with the aspirations of its people. New, positive developments have taken place in the solution of the Cambodian problem. It is our hope that the forthcoming Paris International Conference in Paris will be crowned with success.
In tune with the times are the ongoing efforts to resolve the protracted Afghan crisis. In our opinion, the recent agreement between the Soviet Union and the United States to discontinue the supply of weapons to all Afghan sides has strong positive potential.
Mongolia attaches great importance to the strengthening of mutual understanding and trust in Asia, and has in the past offered some ideas towards this end. In particular, my Government put forward the possibility of regular dialogue between the countries of the northern part of Asia and the Pacific for the purpose of exchanging views on ways and means of finding optimal solutions to existing problems. There are many military-political, economic, ecological and other problems. One can say that the atmosphere in the region is far more conducive to the promotion of ideas in this field, including the idea concerning the establishment of a new world order.
In spite of the diverse mosaic of the Asian continent, with its many ethnic, religious, cultural and other differences, the Asian countries have many things in common. The solution of urgent problems of economic and social development and the degradation of the environment, as well as many others, requires active joint efforts. We believe that closer attention and better understanding are needed if the correlation between these common dilemmas is to be grasped and, on that basis, the search for new forms of wider and closer cooperation between the countries of Asia is to start.
There have been rapid changes for the better in the political climate of our planet, but we cannot say the same about international economic relations.
Regrettably, there is no evidence of any substantial changes in that area.
The gap between "rich" and "poor" countries is growing. The problem of external debt is far from being resolved, although some limited steps are being taken in this direction. Protectionism and other unjust conditions of trade, as well as difficulties in gaining access to advanced technology: all these problems are putting a heavy burden on the overwhelming majority of developing countries. In the light of the need to resolve these problems, we see the importance of intensifying the efforts to give new impetus to the North-South dialogue.
In our view, the Declaration of the General Assembly at its eighteenth special session and the International Development Strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade serve as an important basis for achieving the objective of establishing just and truly equal economic relations.
Today the problem of environment protection rightly occupies pride of place on the world agenda. We fully share the view that this problem cannot be divorced from that of development. In that context, the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil in 1992, should clarify many issues.
Mongolia is one of those countries where the Communist experiment has failed. For the second year now, the country is advancing along the path of profound political and economic reform. Significant progress has been achieved in the cause of democratisation and the liberalization of social life in all its aspects. At present, the main task boils down to consolidating the democratic achievements and creating the legal and other prerequisites for ruling out the possibility of the revival of the old order. In this respect, great importance is being attached to the drafting of a new constitution, whose adoption is scheduled for November this year.
The Government is taking energetic steps to put the country on the rails of a market economy. A great many acts have been drafted and enacted for the purpose of securing the legal basis for the development of market relations. The process of privatising State property is gaining momentum. The prices of goods and services have, in general, been liberalised. A new banking system has been introduced. A stock exchange is being established. Favourable conditions are being created for the private sector - private enterprise, and so forth.
However, the resolution of economic problems is facing enormous difficulties of an objective as well as a subjective nature. The old system of economic relations is collapsing, but the new one has not yet been shaped. The same is true of our foreign economic relations. All these factors have slowed down production, have led to an increase in unemployment and excessive inflation, and have had other negative consequences.
The country is experiencing an acute shortage of financial resources. In particular, this gives rise to serious difficulties in supplying the population with food and consumer goods, and industry with raw materials and spare parts. A near-total lack of the qualified personnel required to carry out economic reforms both in management and in organization, as well as in technology, poses a very serious problem.
Unfortunately we are not in a position to solve these problems on our own; we have to seek outside assistance. I should say that we are already receiving such assistance from Japan, the United States and other countries. In the near future, credits will be provided by the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, which Mongolia joined this year. Such assistance and credits will be of great help in solving pressing problems. But that is not the end of the matter. We also regard this as an expression of effective support for our democratic reforms.
In this context, I should like, on behalf of the Mongolian Government, to express deep gratitude to all those who have given our reforms firm moral, political, material and other support.
While tackling the urgent tasks of today, we are at the same time laying down the foundations for tomorrow's development. From this point of view, the development of cooperation with other States is of great importance, and our foreign policy is directed towards this end. Today Mongolian foreign policy is completely cleared of the ideological components that until recently had a strong impact on it.
The Mongolian People's Republic is willing to develop equal, mutually beneficial relations with all countries, on the basis of respect for sovereignty, free choice of social development, and non-interference in the internal affairs of each other. We shall exert every effort to further strengthen our all-round close ties with our two great neighbours - the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China.
Mongolia is open to expansion of its relations with the developed countries in various fields. Today we can say that a good start has been made in certain directions. In general, a lot has to be done to reveal and take advantage of mutual opportunities to develop relations. We will further strengthen our solidarity with the developing countries and continue to cooperate with than in resolving our common tasks and problems. It is precisely for this reason that Mongolia recently joined the Non-Aligned Movement. In so doing, we also ware proceeding from the premise that the historic mission of the Movement is far from being completed and that its positive role in international affairs will continue to endure.
This year will mark the thirtieth anniversary since the admission of the Mongolian People's Republic to the United Nations. During these years, Mongolia has endeavoured to make its contribution to United Nations efforts towards maintaining peace and strengthening international understanding and cooperation. I should like to mention here that on my country's initiative important documents on such issues as the right of peoples to peace. Disarmament Week, to foster the objectives of disarmament, and International Literacy Year, as well as on a number of other issues relating to social and economic development, have been adopted by the United Nations and the organizations in its system.
It is important to emphasize here that for us the United Nations is no longer an arena of ideological rivalry and confrontation. We see in it a genuine centre for harmonizing and coordinating the actions of nations in the attainment of common goals. The Mongolian delegation holds that the proposals put forward by the representatives of various countries in favour of improving this Organization merit the most careful and thorough consideration.
We join in the words of gratitude that the representatives of many countries have addressed to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who will before long have accomplished his mission in that office. His activities in that post have been marked constant and visionary search and by creative initiative, and are truly deserving of our high commendation.


Our traditional meeting this year in New York is taking on particular significance because of the simultaneous admission of the two Koreas, Micronesia and the Marshall Islands, as well as Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to membership in our Organization. This has accentuated the universal character of the United Nations.
The last page of the post-war period has now been written. The wounds caused by its crimes can now be allowed to heal. Without prejudice to the analysis given by my colleague, Mr. Hans Van Den Broek on behalf of the European Community and its member States, I should like in my turn to dwell on some of the lessons which can be learned from the evolution of international relations during the past 12 months.
As emphasized by the Secretary-General in his report, we can descry in the world situation, at one and the same time, a degree of peril and of promise.
During the period under review, it has been Luxembourg's honour to preside over the work of the European Community for the first half of this year. We cannot fail to note that during those six months the world has witnessed a war of exceptional scope and has witnessed the collapse of one of the super-Powers and, finally, seen the resurgence of the old demons in the Balkans.
As far as the Gulf is concerned, may I recall from this rostrum that the readiness of the Twelve to embark upon a dialogue with Iraq as a last-ditch effort on the basis of the Security Council resolutions was both sincere and total. The 12 Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Community were the last ones to confer with our Secretary-General in Geneva before he departed for Baghdad. Upon his return they were the first to be informed of the insurmountable intransigence of the Iraqi dictator. As President Jacques Delors recalled at the time, "We must bear in mind that we should not pay for peace at the price of shame."
Since the very inception of military operations, the Luxembourg presidency has in all circumstances been able to provide and maintain full and frank dialogue with all parties to the conflict. The ministerial troika of the Twelve has never travelled so extensively. They were present immediately after the war in Damascus, in Tripoli and in Tehran. Joint Presidency-Commission missions from the European Community visited the Turkish-Iranian and the Turkish-Iraqi frontiers where the Kurdish people are congregated.
The concept of "security zones" initially mooted in April during an extraordinary meeting of the European Council in Luxembourg and 24 hours later formulated here at our Organization's Headquarters with the assistance of the Secretary-General remains, in the light of the enormity of the tragedy, an operation that is full of promise for the future.
I venture to state that never in the course of the last 20 years of European political cooperation have the Twelve been able to react to events with such promptness and concerted mobilization of effort. The Community could not, on the other hand, act where it had no authority to do so. I am referring to the military operations in the Gulf.
For its part, the Soviet Union has been a constant source of tension and disquiet in the course of the past year. The absence this year of our old colleague Eduard Shevardnadze recalls to mind the circumstances that surrounded his resignation at the head of Soviet diplomacy. We are aware now that the departure of this most eminent of the foreign ministers of the Soviet Union indeed coincided with the inception of a period of instability in the Soviet Union that was likely to compromise the promises, the accomplishments and the dividends reaped at the end of the cold war.
Thanks to the men and women in Moscow and St. Petersburg, an oppressive system which has been bankrupt wherever it had been established has today been destroyed once and for all. Thus the tidal wave that spread from Budapest and Prague 24 months ago has swept away the Berlin Wall, the Iron Curtain and, finally, the Soviet totalitarian colossus. Henceforth, at least in Europe and perhaps for the first time, the words of liberty and democracy have the same meaning and connotation in Madrid as in Prague, in Rome as in St. Petersburg.
A third source of profound concern and danger is represented by the recent tragic turn of events in Yugoslavia. A factor of stability during the long period of the cold war and the unchallenged leader of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, Yugoslavia is at present in the grip of domestic upheavals which conjure up the phantoms of the past and the ghosts of conflicts we thought had been laid to rest once and for all. Yugoslavia is on the edge of an abyss. It is caught up in a crucial conflict the outcome of which cannot leave any of us indifferent. The Yugoslav crisis brings to the fore questions which we cannot ignore.
As I recently recalled at the CSCE meeting dealing with the human dimension, which is still going on in Moscow, the self-determination of peoples is quite clearly neither a panacea nor the only prescription for dealing with crises like these. The logic of the Republics shut up within their own frontiers contrasts with the logic of peoples and minorities who find themselves living in large territories with vague boundaries.
From these three crises and dangers there are lessons to be learned.
First and foremost, the end of a polarised world. We had already noted this for some time as the antagonisms between the United States of America and the Soviet Union became blurred. At present it is an accomplished fact.
For our Organization, which since its creation has been bedevilled by that antagonism, a new era has been ushered in. The Gulf war has brought to the fore the Security Council's possibilities for action on the basis of consensus among the five permanent members.
Naturally, for those who, hitherto, have made capital out of the impotence of the United Nations, the future looks rather uncertain. The winds of freedom will no longer be checked. In Africa, in Central and Latin America, in Asia, the creative forces of democracy, freedom and reform will finally eliminate the last oppressive regimes which are at bay because they have been condemned.
Dictators of the world, it is midnight.
It is abundantly clear that, in view with what has been happening in the Soviet Union and in Yugoslavia, State structures that are maintained by force alone have hardly any chance of survival. Peoples cannot coexist if there is no freely expressed will. The tragedy of the three Baltic Republics should make this abundantly clear to us.
On the other hand, through the accentuation of national identities we will witness the emergence of new nations and perhaps even unexpected re-unifications. Germany, Yemen and, shortly, the two Koreas strengthen my conviction that artificial divisions will finally meet the same fate as any constructions that go against nature.
In the light of the International norms we have set ourselves through the Covenant, there is another lesson that needs to be learned: an adaptation, unthinkable a short time ago, is nowadays absolutely essential: I am speaking of the duty of humanitarian assistance which was first applied at the time of the Kurdish tragedy. This duty necessarily means that we must rethink our whole concept of the principle of non-interference in a country's internal affairs.
Similarly, the emergence of a new concept - that is, the duty of democratic intervention recently advocated by Mr. Michel Rocard - is along the same lines. Respect for the commitments undertaken in our Charter, which remain our fundamental law, as well as those subscribed to through numerous subsequent texts, should now be capable of sanction.
Nevertheless, legislation in the field of human rights should not be regarded as an end in itself. It is through specific actions, such as those initiated through the Commission on Human Rights, that progress can truly be made.
Among possible orientations I should like to recall for the Assembly's consideration the proposal I made a few days ago in Moscow during the CSCE meeting on the human dimension. That proposal is designed to improve the opportunity to enlist the assistance of special rapporteurs to investigate conflicts. As I see it, this is something that could be done at the request of a specific number of States, even without the agreement of the State involved. Furthermore, every man and woman, wherever they may reside, should have the right to individual recourse against any violation of his or her fundamental rights before the International Court of Justice.
What State would be willing to shirk such obligations at the risk of being outlawed from the family of nations? In this context, we must unreservedly support non-governmental organisations which are so courageously fighting for respect for the freedoms and dignity of men and women. Faced with governmental inertia, the initiatives of the non-governmental organisations are often decisive.
In the light of. what I have just said, I vesture to assert that we are now definitely on the way towards a rebirth of democracy and then also of our Organisation.
This rebirth would not be complete if substantial progress were not made towards disarmament and an increase in security for all. In Europe in recent months the last medium-range nuclear missiles have been destroyed. The START Treaty which was signed in Moscow between the Soviet Union and the United States is only intended to be the initial step in a more significant reduction of central nuclear arsenals. For that reason, an agreement on the final elimination of chemical and bacteriological weapons is even more urgent.
The Gulf war - I would venture to hope - has convinced each and every one of us of the frightful risks involved in the presence of a dictator of the ilk of Saddam Hussein. Significant action in order to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as well as their means of delivery is a subject that should be taken up as a matter of priority during this session of the General Assembly.
Control of conventional-weapons sales is a natural corollary of this process. I would voice the hope that the action of the Community and its member States which was announced at the last European Council in Luxembourg, with a view to establishing a register of weapons transfers, will be broadly supported in the General Assembly.
Among those disputes which have been hanging fire for a long time now the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is undoubtedly the most destabilizing for peace in the world. The elimination of the Iraqi menace has provided a momentum which may gradually pave the way to final peace in that region. The whole range of problem surrounding this conflict can henceforth be taken up in a new spirit. The terms of settlement should naturally be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Their full implementation is a duty that gives us every reason unreservedly to support James Baker's Initiative, with which Europe quite naturally associates itself.
A great deal of discussion has been devoted to the place of the Community at the peace conferences table. As I said earlier, it appears to me to be pointless to dwell endlessly on proving the usefulness of the presence of the Community, which has 343 million citizens and which is separated from this hotbed of tension by a single sea. The markets on both banks of the Mediterranean are complementary. This is of course equally true for Israel and for its Arab neighbours. Indeed it is only Europe that can offer them economic prospects; neither the Soviet Union nor the United States can do so. Naturally such prospects can exist only in the context of a Middle East which has resolutely embarked on the road to peace.
In the light of the tremendous distress of millions of persons in various parts of the world, urgent action needs to be taken. In the case of these extreme cases of underdevelopment it appears inevitable that the international community has a duty to assist them. In view of what has been learned in recent years I would venture to state that there is a very clear link between democracy, human rights and development.
Respect for fundamental freedoms and the rules of democracy can no longer be regarded simply as a legal or even a moral imperative. Such respect is essential if development is to flourish and there is to be economic growth. The lessons learned in recent years from Central and Eastern Europe go well beyond the European continent.
The functioning of democratic representative institutions, the primacy of the law, and political pluralism are all essential if there is to be a favourable basis for economic development. The Community has spelt out these requirements in a number of provisions of the Lome Convention. This approach is also to be found in the agreements negotiated with the countries of Latin America and Central America. They were reaffirmed in Luxembourg during the first half of this year at the meetings which the Twelve held with the Gulf Co-operation Council as well as at the meeting with the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).
With the end of the East-West rift the concept of a third world as a separate political entity is in its turn becoming blurred. Having rid ourselves of totalitarian ideologies which have fallen into bankruptcy everywhere, we are now collectively involved in a single economic system which I am convinced will, in the long run, make it possible for all people on Earth to be emancipated.
In this context I must emphasize that there can be no lasting development unless there is scrupulous respect for environmental concerns. It is my hope that at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held next year, the number of decisions taken will exceed the length of the speeches made.
In recent times we have heard a great deal about a new world order following on the Gulf war. I do not know whether it will exist one day, since no one has really thought about it so far. Nevertheless one thing does seem to me to be essential and therefore deserving of our attention at this end of the twentieth century: the world is being transformed at an unprecedented rate. A number of oppressed peoples are aspiring to the benefits of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Dozens of new democracies have come into being in recent years. They are asking for cooperation, open markets, credits, the rescheduling of debt and political dialogue. They all wish to have their share of progress.
Currently the world is still largely dominated by protectionism, waves of uncontrolled immigration, xenophobia, the upsurge of nationalistic extremism, racism and elitist ideologies. If we consider all the elements, we can easily see once again that the concept of security is by no means simply military; it also encompasses socio-economic systems and values.
The European Community, in keeping with its aspirations and its interests, is seeking to provide itself with the ways and means for shouldering its responsibilities. Political union and economic and monetary union are essential if Europe is to participate in the construction of tomorrow's world. The action of the Twelve has already provided a striking example of what it can do at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, of which it has now become the linchpin.
The work of renewal in Europe cannot fail to have an effect in our Organization. It must be noted that for some years now the Security Council has been acting with exemplary efficacy and in close cooperation with the Secretary-General. The number of peace-keeping operations has increased. It is surely striking that last spring four new operations were launched in the Gulf, in Western Sahara, Angola and El Salvador in less than two months.
The exercise of restructuring the economic and social sector of the United Nations has been successfully initiated, and the President of Luxembourg was very pleased to have been able to submit the not inconsiderable contribution of the Twelve. The task of making reforms in the work of the General Assembly should be carried out in such a way as to rationalize that work and make it more significant. Reforms must necessarily be made in the operations of the Secretariat, making more efficacious the means of action at the disposal of the Secretary-General. The recent session of the European
Council, in the light of experience gained from recent international catastrophes, called for strengthening of the coordinating machinery for emergency action undertaken by the United Nations. Steps should also be taken to strengthen the role of the United Nations in the prevention of conflicts.
The Secretary-General shortly to be appointed by the General Assembly will thus have a vast field of endeavour to organise and structure in order to prepare the United Nations for the year 2000 Our Organisation, confident of its renewed capacity to act, should have a range of effective tools capable of safeguarding international peace and security, meeting the many socio-economic ills, helping States in their difficult process of democratic and economic transition and, finally, promoting respect for human rights and the primacy of law in international relations. These are the challenges which will face the new Secretary-General and those who will be assisting him.
The new Secretary-General will be able to draw on the exemplary work done at the head of the Organization by Mr. Perez de Cuellar, to whom the Luxembourg Government extends its deep gratitude. I have been able to ascertain, through my numerous personal and official contacts, the lofty commitment of the Secretary-General. His departure will inevitably leave a void. May those who tomorrow assume the daunting task of carrying on the torch be inspired by the example set by Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar.


May I add Zambia's voice to those of other representatives who have addressed sincere felicitations to you, Sir, on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. You bring to the presidency immense diplomatic skill and experience - attributes that are particularly essential in this epoch-making period in the history of the United Nations and of international relations. You are the eminent representative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, a country with which Zambia enjoys most cordial relations. My delegation is therefore confident that you will guide our deliberations to a successful conclusion.
Your predecessor, Mr. Guido de Marco, presided with great tact and determination at the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We thank him for a job well done. Similarly, my delegation pays a deserved tribute to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, for his tireless efforts - spanning a period of 10 years - in the search for global peace and harmony. He has, indeed, served us well through some of the most trying moments in the history of our Organization. Zambia warmly welcomes the admission to our midst of the new Members, namely, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Their admission is clear testimony of our resolve to attain universality in the membership of the United Nations. In the case of the two Koreas it is my delegation's hope that their membership will hasten the process of the reunification of their motherland.
The demise of the cold war era has injected a welcome spirit of cooperation and accommodation in international relations. In this regard the preservation of international peace and security, the primary goal of the United Nations, is now a real possibility. There now exists an atmosphere conducive to the fulfilment of the goals and purposes of the United Nations. Public perception of the United Nations and confidence in it have consequently been greatly enhanced. Indeed, the United Nations now truly stands as a centre-piece of multilateralism. This is as it should be.
As is well known, the United Nations was established with the primary goal of the maintenance of international peace and security. To that end the Organization was to serve as the central forum for negotiations and the harmonization of actions of Member States. In this respect the United Nations has a solemn and legitimate responsibility for ensuring the realization of general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
It is encouraging to note that in the recent past important agreements have been concluded, including the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe and the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). My delegation has also welcomed the recent initiatives announced by the President of the United States, Mr. George Bush, relating to nuclear disarmament and the encouraging responses from the President of the Soviet Union, Mr. Mikhail Gorbachev. These efforts are laudable and quite significant in terms of maintaining the momentum generated by the conclusion of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles.
These efforts notwithstanding, it remains Zambia's firm view that real efforts should continue to be made towards the realization of the goal of general and complete disarmament. To achieve this noble goal, the United Nations must work tirelessly towards a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty.
Zambia welcomes the decisions by the Governments of China and France to become parties to the non-proliferation Treaty. My Government has also decided to become a party to that Treaty and the instruments of accession have already been deposited with the depositary Governments.
My delegation is gratified by the progress achieved thus far in the peaceful settlement of a number of regional conflicts with the active involvement of the United Nations It is our sincere hope that this momentum will be accelerated towards the resolution of conflicts in Cambodia, Cyprus, El Salvador and Western Sahara. We appeal to the parties to the conflicts to cooperate with the Secretary-General and ensure the implementation of the relevant resolutions.
Concerning Afghanistan, we welcome the recent agreement between the Soviet Union and the United States to cease the supply of arms to the parties to the conflict. We urge the Afghan people to enter into negotiations among themselves in order to bring peace and stability to their country.
With regard to Cuba, we strongly support the proposal by the President of Venezuela, Mr. Carlos Andres Perez, urging the Government of the United States of America to lift the economic embargo against that country, which has been in effect for more than 30 years. It is our view that this proposal reflects the prevailing international political and security climate.
In Yugoslavia we urge the European Community to persevere in its efforts to bring an immediate end to the armed hostilities in that country, which have already taken a heavy toll in both lives and property.
The situation in the Middle East continues to be of great concern to the entire world. We in Zambia continue to believe that there can be no lasting solution to the situation in the Middle East until the question of Palestine is justly addressed in terms of Security Council resolutions 242 (1969) and 338 (1973) and other relevant United Nations resolutions and decisions.
We continue to support the call for the convening of an international conference on the Middle East involving all parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization. We consider the continuing construction of new settlements in the occupied territories as an obstacle to peace and we call on Israel to desist from this untenable practice.
With regard to Liberia, we continue to support the sincere efforts under way to restore peace and stability in that country. In this regard, we urge the international community to provide generous humanitarian assistance to the people of Liberia.
The situation in southern Africa remains a source of serious concern to us in the region.
In South Africa, despite some progress made so far, much still remains to be done to realize the objectives of the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa. Thus, the system of apartheid still remains intact. To date no negotiations between the regime and the representatives of the oppressed people leading to the adoption of a non-racial and democratic constitution have taken place. This is the most urgent and pressing issue to be addressed.
A climate conducive to such negotiations is yet to be created. In this regard we note with great concern that several hundreds of known political prisoners are still being held in contravention of the United Nations Declaration. Furthermore, the recent confirmation by the South African regime of its collusion with, and funding of, the Inkatha Freedom Party casts serious doubts on its declared commitment and intentions to negotiate in good faith towards the dismantling of the apartheid system. In view of these developments, there is still a need to maintain international pressure in order to encourage the regime to work genuinely towards the negotiation and adoption of a new constitution. My delegation welcomed the recent agreement between the Government of Angola and UNITA. We express our sincere hope that this development will lead to the restoration of peace, stability and unity in that friendly neighbouring country.
With regard to Mozambique, however, despite the Government's good intentions to engage in negotiations with RENAMO in good faith in order to bring peace to that country, RENAMO has continued Its acts of violence against the population and government installations. He hope that RENAMO will soon realise that an opportunity now exists for peace in that country so that the Mozambican people as a whole can usefully exert their efforts towards economic development. We appeal to all those who have leverage over RENAMO to urge it to show a sense of seriousness of purpose in the negotiations.
The prevailing international economic situation remains precarious for most developing countries. As a consequence, there is a marked deterioration in standards of living and the human condition in the majority of countries. It is the view of my delegation that this unfavourable situation will persist in the absence of sincere efforts to establish a new international economic order, an order based on democracy, justice, equity, equality ana fair play in international economic relations.
The democratisation of international economic relations has now become more imperative in view of the rapid political changes taking place in the world today. It is evident from the dramatic changes in the world that there is a universal desire for the institution of democracy, including protection and promotion of human rights. This universal 6 sire must effect sound management of the environment and distribution of the world's scarce resources and ensure equitable participation in international economic decision-making. The field of International economic relations is beset with numerous and complex global problems.
First and foremost are the twin problems of development and the environment. The current negotiations for international instruments and agreements to facilitate sustainable development are, indeed, a challenge of unparalleled importance.
The obligation to cooperate, an important message of the Brundtland Report, is being put to the ultimate test. Official and individual behaviour is being called upon to rise above self-interest and policies of a bygone era. Thus we must all lend our support to an early, equitable and satisfactory solution of the problems of the environment and development.
The present conditions of both the environment and development are untenable. This is clearly recognized in the present state of preparations for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, be it in the climate change and biodiversity negotiations or in the Preparatory Committee itself.
My delegation wishes to underline the need to comply with the obligation to cooperate. The international community must not settle for the lowest common denominator - preserving the world's forests - without initiating changes in unsustainable patterns of production and consumption and while avoiding answering the legitimate questions of developing countries on new and additional financial resources and non-commercial access to environmentally sound technologies.
For the Conference on Environment and Development to be successful the remaining phase of the preparatory process must involve enhanced efforts to agree on an ambitious, wide-ranging package that meets the challenges of sustainable development. Time is of the essence.
Another major problem besetting the world economy Is the external debt of the developing countries. The problem still calls for a comprehensive, satisfactory solution to be found urgently. It Is disappointing that legitimate calls for meaningful debt reduction have received counter calls for repeated rescheduling. Rescheduling are at best stopgap measures.
The international community must commit itself to addressing the issues surrounding the external debt problem of developing countries. By so doing, we shall be in a better position to shape the agenda that would lay the groundwork for the emergence of conditions of real growth and sustainable development in developing countries. For nobody can realistically expect the developing countries to enhance their savings potential when they have continuously to transfer their scarce financial resources to developed countries. Nor should the dynamism of the international financial system also be dependent on net transfers of financial resources from the developing countries. In its present configuration, the external debt of developing countries discourages initiative and achievement and breeds instead a sense of misfortune and frustration.
It is all very clear now that, in order to be sustained, the prevailing wave of political liberalization needs to be firmly anchored on universal economic liberalization. It is therefore disquieting to see some parts of the world, including developing countries, liberalize their economies on an unprecedented scale while some parts are firmly entrenched in impenetrable protectionism. Is it not an anomaly that those who preach free markets and win converts in the process should continue to fetter their markets?
The success of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations depends on a meeting of minds on universal economic liberalisation. This calls for urgent and meaningful concessions by developed countries, especially in the key areas of market access, agriculture, services and intellectual property all taken together.
The question of reform of the global financial and monetary institutions, notably the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, is as valid today as when it was first raised. Very few people doubt that the Bretton Woods institutions have simply been marginalized. Even those institutions feel the challenge to their relevance.
In addition, the stringent conditions attached to structural adjustment programmes championed by these institutions are unsustainable, particularly for many of our weak, vulnerable and dependent economies. Therefore, there is need for substantial reflection by these institutions on the current design and implementation of their structural adjustment programme. Another area requiring urgent attention is the structure and process of decision-making in the Bretton Hoods institutions. In this regard we view with concern the fact that the Group of 7 has arrogated to itself some of the critical powers of these institutions on the governance of the world economy and, to some extent, some issues on the United Nations agenda. This has been done to the detriment of the developing countries.
It is thus imperative that the Group of 7 should effectively address itself to the serious problem of relevance facing the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank as well as the wider question of democratic governance of the world economy. At the same time, it is incumbent upon the United Nations, in the spirit of enhancing multilateralism, seriously to address both these questions, which directly affect the effectiveness of these institutions, in terms of the delivery of their services.
Let me take this auspicious occasion to reiterate my country's article of faith in the principles and purposes of the United Nations. Clearly, more than ever before, the United Nations remains the only institution through which multilateral dialogue can take place in a truly democratic manner. We must, therefore, work towards strengthening the Organization politically and financially in order to make it more responsive to the needs of its Members. As we talk of collective security, which encompasses political, economic, environmental and human rights dimensions, among others, the quest for shared leadership and mutual responsibility becomes all the more imperative. These can be realized only through the United Nations.