Each  session of the General Assembly offers us an
opportunity to meet in order to take stock of our
actions and define the necessary perspectives for
breathing new life into our Organization. In analysing
events throughout the world during the past year, we
should note that despite the efforts of the international
community the situation is far from satisfactory.
Indeed, international peace and security are still
seriously threatened due to persistent conflicts   in
particular in Africa, the Middle East and Iraq   while
the risks of terrorist aggression are far from being
eliminated.
 In economic terms, the situation
overshadowed by extreme poverty and endemic
diseases continues to be a source of serious concern for
the majority of the countries of the planet who are
considered to be the poorest. Likewise, natural
disasters caused by climate change are a constant
challenge to the human conscience, to the point of
wondering whether the international community will
be able to find appropriate and lasting solutions.
 The state of our world today should inspire us to
redouble our efforts in order to give real meaning to
international solidarity. It should above all incite the
international community and Member States
collectively and individually to seek with
determination ways and means not only to ensure the
prosperity of their national populations but also to
reduce, at least somewhat, extreme poverty in the
world.
 Before continuing my speech, I wish to add my
voice to those of previous speakers and to express my
warm congratulations to the President on his election
to the presidency of the sixty-second session of the
General Assembly. He may count on the support of
Togo in discharging his high functions throughout the
term, which I hope will be fruitful. I wish to once again
express my congratulations to Mr. Ban Ki-moon on his
outstanding election to the post of Secretary-General of
our Organization. I am certain his great wealth of
diplomatic experience will make it possible for the
United Nations to strengthen its actions in order to
achieve a fairer and more democratic world in which
each country will be able to exist in freedom.
 With regard to Togo, after several years of the
democratization process which unfortunately has not
been smooth, the country today is now moving beyond
the lack of understanding and intolerance among its
sons and daughters. To consolidate our achievements
we have endeavoured to find appropriate solutions for
the concerns of the people by implementing a policy on
national reconstruction which will value all Togolese
without exclusion. Aware that the peace and economic
development that we want for our country cannot be
achieved without the effective participation of the
population in managing public affairs, we have spared
no effort to involve the Togolese political class in a
national dialogue in order to overcome their bitterness,
to restore confidence and to devote our energies to
national construction. That ambition is possible only if
we strive to strengthen Togolese democracy each
day   a democracy based upon an integral multiparty
system and a State based on democratic law.
 Very soon, on 14 October 2007, Togolese
democracy will become consolidated with the election
of deputies to the National Assembly, an assembly
within which we dare to hope that most of the political
forces within the country will be represented. Those
upcoming legislative elections, whose successful
outcomes will be possible   thanks not only to the
political maturity of the Togolese people   but also to
the support throughout the electoral process of friendly
countries and international institutions; its resulting
selection is an inevitable event and will be a decisive
turning point in the history of Togo.
 The Togolese Government in turn will spare no
effort, nor will it skimp on expenses, to ensure that the
elections take place in strict transparency and the will
of the people as expressed by the ballot box is fully
respected. With that goal in mind, the population will,
for the first time, vote with secure voter cards with
photographs and the whole system will be supported by
a reliable electoral roll. Our greatest hope is that those
elections will give an opportunity to the people of Togo
to reconcile and an opportunity for the country to
resume its place within the family of nations.
For that reason, I wish to take the opportunity
now to repeat my Government’s gratitude to the
international community   in particular the Economic
Community of West African States, the African Union,
the countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific,
the European Union, the International Organization of
la Francophonie, France, Germany, the People’s
Republic of China, the United States and all the other
States   for the unwavering support which they
continue to give to Togo throughout these crucial
times.
 Of course, we cannot forget the United Nations,
which, through the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), has played an essential role since
the start of our democratic process, and more
specifically, in the preparation for these elections.
These elections, which are to be held on 14 October,
are due to a great extent on the facilitator chosen
unanimously by the political forces   I appointed
Blaise Compaoré, President of Burkina Faso and
current Chairman of the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS).
 Establishment of the rule of law requires
dignified and loyal conduct from its citizens based on
the respect of the noble ideals that underpin the
Republic and promote progress in society. It also
requires bold measures from leaders aimed at
promoting national peace and harmony.
 In this respect and to take into account
commitments undertaken through the Global Political
Agreement, our Togolese Government is determined to
establish in the near future the two Commissions
provided for under the Agreement, namely, the
Commission to Investigate Acts of Political Violence
Committed in the Past and to Study Methods for
Compensation for Victims and the Commission to
Propose Measures to Promote Forgiveness and
National Reconciliation. The Constitutional Court, one
of whose missions is to deal with electoral disputes,
was set up on 20 September after its reconstitution in
accordance with the wish of the political class as
expressed during the national dialogue.
 These measures, together with all the other
actions that the Government carries out every day, are
part of our will to ban political violence and combat
impunity, in all sincerity, pragmatism and discernment.
 A national programme to combat impunity has
already been set up and the first awareness activities
have been carried out with success throughout the
country over a period of a month and a half. This
programme, which is aimed at helping to develop
conditions conducive to the birth of a democratic spirit,
is supported by the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights created in Togo, and
we are pleased to express our appreciation of its
efficient role in strengthening governmental action.
 The problems of peace, security and the building
of a democratic State based on the rule of law and the
sustainable development of Togo can only be grasped
by taking into account the economic realities of the
country. Indeed, the Togolese economy has suffered a
great deal from disruption of external assistance from
its traditional partners since 1993. This absence of
external assistance has certainly had a negative impact
on social programmes and development programmes
designed by the Government and has seriously eroded
public infrastructure and has delayed measures aimed
at good economic governance. This situation has
slowed the efforts of the Government to improve the
living conditions of the Togolese, more than 60 per
cent of whom still live below the poverty threshold.
How can our collective conscience remain indifferent
in the face of such a situation?
 Giving this alarming observation, we feel that
Togo should be able to benefit from special assistance,
which would allow it to raise its economic level and to
bolster, as a result, its young democracy. I should thus
like to make an urgent appeal to all of our development
partners that they decide to support our efforts in the
face of the major challenges before us. The assistance
that we are requesting and the Togolese Government’s
own efforts will allow my country to work towards the
achievement of the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs).
 The maintenance of international peace and
security remains a prerequisite for any development
process. Togo thus reaffirms its devotion to the ideals
of peace, security and stability, both within and outside
of States. My country feels that threats to peace and
security on the African continent require that the
United Nations become more involved than it has so
far.
 However, I am pleased to pay tribute to the role
that has been played and continues to be played by the
Organization in Africa with regard to the restoration of
peace and security in certain countries, particularly in
Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau and the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
 We also feel that Chad, Burundi and the Central
African Republic should benefit from firm actions for
peace and security in order to put an end to acts of
violence and to consolidate peace, democracy and
political stability in these countries.
 As regards Côte d’Ivoire, my country is pleased
to note that, despite the delay in the implementation of
the United Nations road map, the peace process has
reached a key phase with the signing of the
Ouagadougou peace agreement on 4 March 2007, the
lighting of the flame of peace on 30 July 2007 and the
announcement of the presidential election in the next
few months.
 As regards Sudan, Togo welcomes the adoption
on 31 July 2007 by the Security Council of resolution
1769 (2007) on the deployment in Darfur of a hybrid
United Nations-African Union peacekeeping force. We
hope that the international community will do
everything in its power to ensure that the necessary
logistical and financial means are made available for
this mission.
 My country also urges the other rebel factions
that did not participate in the Arusha discussions in
August 2007 to join the negotiating process in order to
reach a comprehensive peace agreement.
 As regards Somalia, Togo makes an appeal to the
international community that it become more involved,
together with the African Union, so that a
peacekeeping force can be deployed there.
 Beyond Africa, our eyes turn constantly to Iraq
and the Middle East, still in the grips of violence. As
regards the Middle East, Togo supports the idea of
organizing an international conference under the aegis
of the Quartet in order to restart the process of direct
and constructive negotiations. From this viewpoint,
Israelis and Palestinians should be encouraged to
persevere with dialogue in order to achieve a
comprehensive and lasting settlement, in accordance
with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
 However, the prerequisite for any negotiation
between the two parties lies in the need to see all of the
Palestinian elements overcome their internal
differences.
 In the area of disarmament and the control of
weapons of mass destruction, Togo welcomes the
beginnings of a resolution to the North Korean nuclear
issue with the historic agreement concluded between
the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the
international community. In the same vein, as regards
the question of the nuclear programme of the Islamic
Republic of Iran, my country calls on the interested
parties to pursue and give priority to talks, in order to
achieve a negotiated solution that takes into account
the interests of the parties involved.
 With respect to light weapons, Togo expresses the
hope that this session of the General Assembly will
undertake strong commitments in order to strengthen
efforts aimed at negotiating a treaty on trade in light
weapons similar to what was done by the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
 With respect to terrorism, which is also an
obstacle to sustainable development, my country
believes that, following the momentum that led to the
adoption of the global strategy to combat this scourge,
it is essential that we make universal and improve the
international legal framework to combat terrorism.
 In this respect, the rapid conclusion of
negotiations relating to the draft global convention to
combat international terrorism would be welcome and
would serve the interests of all countries and all
peoples.
 It is disturbing to note that today’s new economic
order continues to produce a society where profit for
profit’s sake and inequalities of all kinds reign. The
solidarity which we have so keenly advocated in the
United Nations has yet to be realized. At the very least,
we can say is that this situation penalizes the
economies of developing countries, which, due to
globalization, are frequently obliged to open their
markets against their own interests.
 That is why we think that development, generally
speaking, should take place at the global level. From
this viewpoint, all countries should honour their
commitments related to the establishment of a global
partnership aimed at promoting equitable and
sustainable development for all.
 Thus, Togo appeals once again to the
international community, in particular to the developed
countries, that they increase their development
assistance and promote international trade and direct
foreign investment, particularly towards poor
countries. It is also essential to focus seriously on the
urgent question of debt and to resume the Doha
negotiations so that trade liberalization will promote
the development of all nations, particularly the poorest
among them.
 In this respect, we commend the commitments
undertaken at the Group of Eight Summit, held in June
2007 in Germany, to support the facilitation of
economic growth and investment, including
microfinance; to support the establishment or
strengthening of development institutions in the private
sector and structural reform which will improve the
economic environment; and to support efforts in the
areas of health, in particular the prevention and
treatment of HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis.
 The high-level debates which the General
Assembly held on 24 September once more illustrated
the fact that one of the major challenges that the
international community must immediately tackle
remains climate change, which is the source of
numerous natural disasters.
 Togo, which, like many other countries on the
continent, has just experienced serious and deadly
floods, firmly believes that it is urgent that concrete
actions be undertaken to begin a determined and
concerted struggle against environmental degradation.
It seems to us that the survival of planet Earth is at
stake.
 The irreplaceable and unparalleled role of the
United Nations in international relations should
encourage us to reform this institution in the light of
present reality. However, we should not lose sight of
the fact that the reform of the Organization should
reflect the principles of the sovereign equality of States
and equitable geographical distribution and should help
to strengthen cooperation on an equal footing among
States. It should also be based on the principle of broad
international consensus, particularly when it involves
issues involving the responsibility of all of the
Organization’s constituent parts.
 That is why Security Council reform must
guarantee that all regions of the world be represented
within that organ and enable developing countries,
which play an important role in accomplishing the
tasks of the Organization, to make their contribution,
no matter how modest, to promoting peace worldwide.
 We hope that the present session of the General
Assembly will bring hope to the international
community, and particularly to the African peoples,
who are waiting to see improvement in their living
conditions and lives through decisive and tangible
actions.
 In order to attain the objectives that we have set
for ourselves, in particular during the Millennium
Summit, it is essential that we honour all of our
commitments within their time frames and that we
assume additional commitments in order to bring about
a world free of fear, hunger, extreme poverty and
disease   a world where we will be able to live in
security.
 Togo, in its determination to construct a State
based on the rule of law and to improve the living
conditions of its population, will spare no effort in
carrying out its obligations. It hopes it can count on the
assistance of the international community in order to
do this.


Allow me to congratulate
you, Mr. President on your election as President of
General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I wish
you every success. I would also like to offer my
gratitude to your predecessor, Sheikha Haya Al-Khalifa
for the outstanding job she has performed as the first
Arab woman to ever preside over this austere body.
Finally, I would like to thank His Excellency
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for all his efforts on
behalf of world peace and security.
 A year ago, I spoke from this podium about
Israel’s brutalities against my country and its atrocious
33-day war. I had hoped then that those tragic events
that we had bitterly lived and suffered through in
Lebanon would pave the way for activating the Middle
East process based on the Arab Peace Initiative that
was endorsed at the Beirut Arab Summit in 2002.
 Regrettably, nothing thrives in our region more
than violence and grudges, and nothing deafens more
than the sound of war, while all calls to stimulate the
peace process find no response. It is against that
gloomy background and with a mix of anticipation and
reservation that we await the results of the Middle East
peace conference that is to be held in the near future.
In that respect, I would like to reaffirm certain realities
that cannot be ignored in any settlement, because I
believe that unless we learn from our past mistakes, we
will not be able to take full advantage of present
opportunities.
 First, for any settlement to the Middle East crisis
to succeed, it must be lasting, just and global.
Secondly, a viable solution must call for the
implementation of all United Nations resolutions that
pertain to the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied
Arab territories. Thirdly, paramount to all Arab rights
is the right of return of the Palestinian refugees in
accordance with resolution 194 (III) and the rejection
of all calls for their resettlement in their temporary host
countries.
 The resettlement of the Palestinians is contrary to
the expressed will of world legitimacy as embodied in
the General Assembly. Moreover, and more specifically
in Lebanon, it would dangerously alter the delicate
balance of Lebanon’s existence as a nation based on
diversity and the coexistence of a large number of its
sects, which have lived side by side in harmony and
enjoyed mutual respect.
In this regard, Lebanon fully rejects efforts to
empty the Beirut Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 of its
contents, namely by excluding the right of return for
Palestinians. The Initiative, we believe, contains a
realistic and global solution to the Middle East
conflict, and its implementation could bring about
stability and security for all parties.
 A year ago, the Security Council adopted resolution
1701 (2006), which put an end to Israel’s aggression
against Lebanon. We were quick to abide by that
resolution. Our armed forces have closely cooperated
with the units of the United Nations Interim Force in
Lebanon, as stipulated in their mission statements and as
recounted in the reports of the Secretary-General on the
implementation of resolution 1701 (2006).
 Today, as I stand here again to reiterate
Lebanon’s commitment to implementing that
resolution, I wonder why we are still in the phase of
the cessation of hostilities and have not yet moved into
the ceasefire phase, as called for in the resolution. That
matter remains suspect to many Lebanese, especially
since Israel continues, up to this very moment, to
violate our land, sea and skies. So far, there have been
over 500 breaches since the adoption of the resolution.
I call upon the world community to remain vigilant
regarding any malicious intentions harboured by Israel
against Lebanon, as that could lead to another
conflagration in the region.
 Despite the fact that the Lebanese recall with
pain, agony and distress last year’s destructive and
hostile war against their country, they are proud of
their national resistance and their army, who were able
to jointly claim a historic victory over one of the
world’s strongest military arsenals, which had violated
all international and ethical norms and wanted to
terminate Lebanon’s role as a nation characterized by
coexistence among all its religious sects.
 With regard to securing the full implementation
of resolution 1701 (2006), we in Lebanon believe that
that will only happen when our nation regains its
occupied Sheba’a farms, the Kfar Shouba Hills and
some northern parts of the village of Ghajar; when we
secure the release of Lebanese prisoners held in Israeli
jails; when Lebanon’s legitimate rights to its water
resources are restored; and when Lebanon is given
maps of the landmines and the sites of cluster bombs.
 In this regard, we welcome efforts made by the
United Nations in terms of studying documents and
maps related to the Sheba’a farms, and we express our
relief over the progress made so far in verifying their
Lebanese identity. We look forward to practical
measures that would end Israeli occupation and hand
over those territories and water rights to Lebanon.
 The United Nations has always shown Lebanon
special concern, and such concern is clearly manifested
in all United Nations resolutions on Lebanon. The
Lebanese, who reiterate their commitment to the
implementation of those resolutions, wish to see those
resolutions implemented in a fair manner and on a real
and constant basis. As you know by now, the Special
Tribunal for Lebanon, which was established to try the
assassins of former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri, had
been a controversial issue with regard to the
circumstances of its establishment. We referred to that
in detail in our letters to the Secretary-General and
asked that copies be handed over to all Security
Council Member States and other copies be kept as
reference documents at the United Nations.
 We did this in the belief that international justice
should be reinforced. Since the very first moment of
the heinous crime of the assassination of former Prime
Minister Hariri, we have attempted to seek the whole
truth, and I was probably the first to ask the then
Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, to set up an impartial
international investigation commission.
 I believe the best way now to enable all to
overcome the controversy caused by the international
tribunal would be to hold an impartial, transparent and
just hearing that seeks to determine the whole truth.
Only then would the Lebanese be assured that the
tribunal is just.
 Lebanon is about to hold democratic presidential
elections in which the Lebanese will make their choice
in a free and responsible manner. Unfortunately, there
have been attempts by international parties to intervene
in Lebanon’s domestic affairs in a way that contradicts
international norms. Such interference could instigate
hatred and increase tensions on the Lebanese scene,
which might have negative repercussions not only on
upcoming presidential elections but also on the safety
of the Lebanese.
 Lebanon welcomes all foreign assistance and
pays tribute to those countries that have stood by it in
the wake of last July’s destructive Israeli war. Lebanon
hopes, however, that any foreign assistance to Lebanon
is made to all the Lebanese people, without any
discrimination, in order to stop possible divisions
among them. Foreign aid to Lebanon should be made
as a gesture of support to the restoration of Lebanon’s
sovereignty and the unity of the Lebanese people.
 That is why we urge the international community,
through its commitment to the Charter of the United
Nations, to stop foreign intervention in the domestic
affairs of Member States. Consecutive events in
Lebanon have shown that the Lebanese are capable of
making their own decisions and their own choices and
can live side by side and interact peacefully within
institutional framework established by their civic
bodies and protected by their security institutions,
namely their national army.
 Since we are referring to the national army, we
should highlight the heroic confrontations of the army
with an extremely dangerous terrorist organization in
the past three months, an organization equipped with
updated weapons and believing in destructive
objectives that targeted Lebanon and many other States
in the region. The costly price paid by our national
army in terms of human losses and injuries aimed at
reinstating Lebanon’s national goals of confronting and
fighting terrorism. Lebanon has and will always be a
nation that supports peace and justice and promotes
democratic values. However, to enable Lebanon to
confront and curb terrorism, real assistance should be
given to its national army in order to accomplish its
national and security goals.
 In a world that witnesses the daily bloodshed
known as “the conflict of civilizations”, and in a world
that is sharply and deeply divided between East and
West, I find myself addressing the international
community as a man of experience. From here, I urge
the world community not to allow Lebanon to fall,
because the falling apart of Lebanon would mean a
collapse of moderation and a victory for those who
favour the use of force. Lebanon remains a unique
message to the world, a country where religions and
cultures interact peacefully, so that we can live
together, as noted by His Holiness the late Pope John
Paul II.
 As a citizen of Lebanon, a small country that has
survived against all odds, I urge you not to retreat in
the face of adversity and to support what is right and
just. A last glimpse of a burning Middle East, where
the flames devour the meek and the mighty, should
allow you to reflect upon the choices ahead, lest it
become too late.


At the outset, let me join others in congratulating Mr.
Srgjan Kerim on his election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I assure
him that the delegation of Kyrgyzstan stands ready to
cooperate with him. On behalf of my delegation I wish
him every success in fulfilling his responsibilities.
 I wish to pay tribute to Her Excellency Sheikha
Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa for her outstanding
stewardship during the previous session of the General
Assembly.
 I would also like to take this opportunity to
congratulate the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr.
Ban Ki-moon, on his election to his high and
responsible post and to wish him every success in his
important work. I am confident that his vast experience
and diplomatic skill will enable him to achieve all the
goals of the United Nations.
 It would no doubt be difficult to come to a
common agreement about the date on which the new
millennium began   whether it started with the
tragedy of 2001 or harks back to 1991, when the
structure of the world order changed. I believe that the
proponents of either theory would agree that a new
period has emerged: a time when the interdependence
of States has become a vivid reality leading to greater
vulnerability. Problems have become global, whereas
globalization has become localized.
 In the face of all these dilemmas, the United
Nations unswervingly maintains its status as an
organization whose core value is to promote the moral
principles of solidarity. The formation of a global civil
society and the recognition of universally accepted
rights and freedoms under the auspices of the United
Nations play a significant role in furthering the process
of consolidation.
 This clearly shows that society is capable of
refraining from war and solving its problems by using
its peacekeeping potential. Thoughtfully building the
future is not possible without reviewing and continuing
strategic planning of socio-economic development.
Fifteen years ago, one of the most noteworthy of
United Nations conferences took place at Rio de
Janeiro. There, the concept of sustainable development
was defined as a new tenet for humankind. The main
purpose was to create a new mechanism enabling us to
resolve existing social tensions and to prevent future
ones through cooperation among States and the
formation of a global civil society.
 The relationship between the State and the
society develops differently in each country. The
Kyrgyz Republic has come a long way in affirming
democratic values, conducting constitutional reform
and fiscal decentralization. All this has been reflected
in the national development strategy approved by the
President of the Kyrgyz Republic, Mr. Kurmanbek
Bakiev. The aim of that document is to achieve
sustainable development by 2010; it is based on the
principles of self-fulfilment and human security, which
are the basic source of positive change in the sphere of
human development.
 At the same time, we are well aware that long-
term sustainable development depends on the stability
of human relationships based on an understanding of
how to use existing resources for social and economic
development today and of what we must leave for
future generations.
 Seven years ago, the General Assembly adopted
the Millennium Development Goals, thereby defining
our objectives for the future and the conditions needed
to achieve them. Attainment of the eight Goals and
tackling of the 15 challenges will serve as a basis both
for our global initiative and for realizing the potential
of regional development.
 Nevertheless, level of development varies from
region to region. This is particularly relevant for
mountainous regions, which require a different strategy
for sustainable development which takes into account
each area’s specific potential in natural resources. In
addition to defining the ecological parameters, it is
necessary to define the economic and geographic
peculiarities of mountainous regions that call for a
special system of management which would give
priority to local self-governance. Despite their
significant resource potential, mountainous territories
need to address as a priority problems related to living
standards and quality of life. In that regard, the Kyrgyz
Republic believes that a second Global Mountain
Summit should be convened, at which we could
formulate a definitive sustainable policy for
mountainous regions, along with relevant norms of
international law.
 Even what is seemingly the most insignificant
social inequality can destroy the social integrity of
humankind. Similarly, equal protection of rights and
freedoms and the adoption of universal values of
respect for human life enable us to fulfil the principles
of the Seville Statement Violence, which defines war as
a product of human culture.
 The primary source of conflict is, in fact, lack of
social responsibility. The development strategy of
every single country should establish social
responsibility as a basic characteristic for elaborating
approaches to regional and global coordination, thus
improving the environment and reducing energy
shortages. Regional parameters of responsibility will
then create a new type of society, which will be no
longer a society at risk, but rather a society of security.
 I have no doubt that all of today’s participants, as
well as all countries that accepted the MDGs as a basis
for their national development, are striving to establish
social peace and social equality, but the establishment
of a socially-oriented world order requires the
strengthening of mechanisms to promote the adoption
of decisions at the highest level. It is necessary that
such mechanisms include both the monitoring of joint
efforts and parameters of progress achieved in the
framework of the most effective implementation of the
MDGs. The initiative of the Kyrgyz President to
proclaim 20 February a world day of social justice
would serve as such a mechanism. We kindly request
the General Assembly to consider adopting a resolution
to that effect at the current session.
 The establishment of social justice has been a
dream of humankind for many millennia. There was a
time when some were burned at the stake for
entertaining such dreams or attempting to establish a
community of social justice. At one time, dictatorship
and authoritarianism prospered under the pretext of a
call to social justice. That happened because of a
disparity between the proclaimed elevated goals and
the means of their achievement.
 In the third millennium, the world’s nations have
defined development goals in the framework of a
united society. The means to achieve those goals must
correspond to a high level of civic awareness of the
potential of peacekeeping. We already have the
grounds for a constructive dialogue defining the
dynamics of peacekeeping for humankind’s
development. The United Nations has been a
foundation of such dialogue for several decades.
 Allow me from this rostrum to confirm the
adherence of the Kyrgyz Republic to the goals and
purposes of the United Nations to maintain peace,
security and a prosperous life for all the nations of the
Earth.


As we meet for the
sixty-second session of the General Assembly, we look
again to the United Nations as the global forum to
address the challenges which affect us all.
 Climate change is serious and urgent, as many
have said in this Hall. We welcome that it has been the
theme of our general debate this year. The science is
clear. Climate change is real and will impact on all
parts of the world. To meet the global challenge of
climate change, there must be widespread and effective
international action. It will be important to get all
economies onto low carbon pathways over time.
Market mechanisms will have a significant role to play.
Individual countries will face different challenges.
Different national circumstances must be taken into
account.
 The United Nations climate change conference in
Bali in December will be a fresh opportunity to
re-energize our efforts in addressing climate change.
New Zealand wants to see a Bali road map emerge in
December to set us on the course for an effective future
response. New Zealand welcomes the momentum that
is being generated by other high-level meetings in the
lead-up to Bali, including the recent Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation Leaders’ Declaration.
 Last week’s high-level event deserves special
mention. We congratulate the Secretary-General for his
efforts in cultivating the political goodwill that will be
vital if we are to reach agreement in Bali.
 Taking action as an international community also
means taking action domestically. In recent weeks,
New Zealand has announced a number of domestic
measures to address climate change. An emissions
trading scheme will be established from 1 January
2008 and will form the cornerstone of our efforts to
reduce greenhouse gas emissions. It will, over time,
cover all sectors and all gases.
 We have also identified a number of longer-term
domestic goals, which will move New Zealand down
the path to carbon neutrality. They will provide
benefits, including healthier homes, cleaner air and
improved public transport. While climate change is
certainly a challenge for us all, it is also an opportunity
to move towards a more sustainable world.
 With regard to the Millennium Development
Goals, we recognize that having passed the halfway
point to 2015, the international community needs to
step up its efforts to achieve them. At the same time,
there is scope for the United Nations development
system to be strengthened. We welcome the newly
established initiatives in the Economic and Social
Council   the Annual Ministerial Review and the
Development Cooperation Forum   as practical ways
to share information about what is working and where
we can improve our efforts at country level.
 New Zealand is also committed to improving
system-wide coherence at the United Nations in the
fields of development, humanitarian issues and the
environment. We attach particular importance to
working for a strengthened, coherent, gender
architecture and towards effective gender
mainstreaming across all United Nations entities.
 New Zealand welcomes the completion of the
United Nations Pacific-based development agencies’
strategic framework for the Pacific. We are keen to
work closely with United Nations agencies in the
Pacific to achieve positive outcomes for our partners in
the areas of human rights, sexual and reproductive
heath, HIV/AIDS, child immunization and women’s
leadership.
 A strong, prosperous and stable Pacific is a key
foreign policy priority for New Zealand. We place a
high priority on fostering solidarity and cooperation in
the Pacific to tackle the challenges the region faces in
democracy, security and economic development.
Around half of New Zealand’s development assistance
goes towards the Pacific.
 New Zealand provides assistance in the region in
Timor-Leste, the Solomon Islands, Tonga and
Bougainville in Papua New Guinea, with each situation
calling for a different response.
 The Timorese people, their leaders and the
international community have all made a huge effort
over the past year to return Timor-Leste to a more
secure and stable path. New Zealand has participated in
those efforts through our contributions to the
International Security Forces and to the United Nations
Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT). Timor-
Leste will require a sustained commitment from
UNMIT.
 The situation in Fiji continues to be of concern to
New Zealand. As a neighbour of Fiji with a long-
standing and very close relationship, New Zealand
worked hard to avert last December’s coup, including
by convening a meeting to mediate between the then
Prime Minister and the military commander. We very
much regret that this failed to dissuade the coup
makers from their illegal and unconstitutional path.
 New Zealand strongly and actively supports the
steps that have been taken by the Pacific Islands Forum
to encourage an early return to constitutional
government in Fiji. We would welcome a firm
commitment from the interim administration to work
towards elections within the timeframe endorsed by the
Forum. Given that commitment, New Zealand would
begin to restore a more normal bilateral relationship
through which we could cooperate in addressing Fiji’s
undoubtedly complex problems.
 I also want to take this opportunity to address one
issue in particular raised in the Solomon Islands
statement on Monday (see ). It was
suggested, inter alia, that the presence of the Regional
Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI),
was an “occupation”, and that RAMSI’s operation
transgressed Article 52 of the United Nations Charter.
New Zealand has always been committed to upholding
the purposes and principles of the Charter in every
respect. In our view, RAMSI is entirely consistent with
those purposes and principles. It is a specific example
of Chapter VIII of the Charter in operation. To suggest
it is contrary to the Charter is in our view wrong.
RAMSI was established in response to a formal request
from the Solomon Islands. Its presence in the Solomon
Islands is sanctioned by treaty and by the domestic law
of the Solomon Islands. That was recently reaffirmed
by the Solomon Islands Parliament. Moreover, RAMSI
stems from the endorsement by Pacific Islands Forum
Foreign Ministers of a programme of action under the
Forum Leaders’ Biketawa Declaration. That provides a
framework for regional responses in times of crisis or
when members request assistance   exactly the
situation in this case.
 Amid all these challenges, I would like to report
on activity being undertaken by Tokelau, the tiny
territory 500 kilometres north of Samoa that New
Zealand administers. The people of Tokelau, all 1,500
of them on three atolls, have decided that they wish to
undertake an act of self-determination to decide
whether they wish to change their present status. A
vote in February 2006 narrowly missed the threshold
set by Tokelau for a change of status. They will again
vote on that issue from 20 to 24 October.
 As members of the Special Committee on
Decolonization know, New Zealand supports Tokelau’s
right to choose, but has stood back from any wish to
determine the direction of any change. That decision is
entirely for the people of Tokelau. New Zealand will
support their decision.
 Advancement of the rule of law at the national
and international levels is essential for the realization
of sustained economic growth, development and
human rights. New Zealand encourages members to
provide their full support to the International Criminal
Court (ICC) by acceding to the Rome Statute of the
ICC. We also call on all United Nations Member
States, especially State parties to the Rome Stature, to
fully cooperate with the Court in carrying out its
current work. Universality and full support are crucial
if we are to end the impunity of the perpetrators of the
most serious crimes of international concern, such as
those carried out in Darfur, where International
Criminal Court arrest warrants are outstanding.
 Efforts to protect and maintain the international
rule of law can only be effective when built on a
foundation of international peace and security.
 Interfaith and intercultural dialogue can help to
counter religious extremism by encouraging
understanding and respect among different faith
communities and cultures.
 In May, New Zealand hosted two significant
gatherings aimed at advancing global response to
interfaith and intercultural issues in a practical way. We
regard the United Nations’ Alliance of Civilizations as
the key multilateral process among the growing
number of international and regional initiatives in this
area.
 With respect to nuclear proliferation, New
Zealand welcomes the strong signals that have been
sent to North Korea and Iran by the Security Council.
 On a different topic, New Zealand is convinced
that the humanitarian harm posed by cluster munitions
must be addressed urgently. We believe that negotiation
of a treaty to deal with the problems caused by cluster
mines is well overdue. We will host a meeting on this
initiative in February of next year.
 We are pleased, too, to promote a new initiative
at the General Assembly this year calling for action to
lower the operational status of nuclear weapons.
Maintaining nuclear weapons at a high level of
readiness increases the likelihood of these weapons
being used, with catastrophic consequences.
 The humanitarian disaster and conflict in Darfur
threaten security in the entire East African region. New
Zealand applauds the efforts by Members to establish
the new African Union-United Nations Hybrid
Operation in Darfur.
 New Zealand is deeply concerned at the current
political, economic and humanitarian situation in
Zimbabwe. We welcome the efforts being made to find
acceptable solutions to the problems Zimbabwe faces.
We sincerely hope that these efforts continue and that
solutions can be found that will benefit all
Zimbabweans and will enable free and fair elections to
be held.
 New Zealand remains profoundly concerned at
the situation in Myanmar. Protestors have been killed,
shot at, beaten and arrested. This violent treatment is
reprehensible. Engaging in peaceful protests is a
fundamental human right. New Zealand, therefore,
joins others in calling for the immediate release of
those detained in recent weeks, along with the many
political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, who
have been held without trial for much longer periods.
 The Myanmar regime should be held responsible
for the personal safety and treatment of all the people it
has detained. We call on the authorities there to stop
the violence and to encourage a process of genuine
dialogue with pro-democracy leaders and ethnic
minorities.
 New Zealand fully supports United Nations
efforts to resolve the immediate and longer term
situation in Myanmar. We welcomed the visit to
Myanmar of Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari. We fully
support continued discussion of the situation of
Myanmar in the Security Council with a view to
considering what further steps might be taken by the
international community.
 Turning now to human rights, New Zealand will
stand for election to the Human Rights Council for
2009 to 2012. We want to do our part to help this
fledging United Nations organization achieve its full
potential as the pre-eminent global human rights body.
 A human rights issue of particular importance to
New Zealand is the death penalty. Adoption of a
resolution on a global moratorium on this inhumane
form of punishment would represent a historic step
towards global efforts to abolish the death penalty.
 In closing, New Zealand has been a committed
and active participant in the United Nations since its
formation. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has called
on Member States to deliver to the best of our abilities
at the United Nations, recognizing the need for faster,
more effective action, as well as for a more results-
driven Organization that strives to have the highest
standards of transparency and professional ethics. New
Zealand whole-heartedly agrees.
 We look forward to working closely with the
Secretary-General, with you, Mr. President and with
other Member States in all of our efforts to build a
stronger United Nations for a better world.


Six  years ago, in September 2001, we, the representatives
of the international community, stood united and in
solidarity in the face of international terrorism. In all
our languages, faiths and cultures, we expressed our
condemnation of any terrorist act that targets innocent
civilians. We denounced and deplored such acts, then
resolved to work seriously to combat this grave and
alarming phenomenon. We agreed to work earnestly,
not only to deal with terrorism from a security
perspective, but also to achieve long-awaited
breakthroughs in the old crises and conflicts, which
because of their complexity and longevity have
overwhelmed the desperate and the hopeless in our
particular region. Those conflicts fuel people’s sense of
injustice and despair and push them into the ranks of
those who espouse dark extremist ideas that consider
violence as the only means of operation and even
sometimes as an end in itself.
 We were all prepared for action. There was a
widespread belief in the Middle East region that major
breakthroughs were imminent, that the successful
containment and eradication of international terrorism
would take place not only through security operations
but also through concurrent actions of equal
importance aimed at draining its intellectual resources
and freezing its human and financial assets.
 However, we seem to have gone astray during
those six years. Our objectives were fragmented, and
our energies were scattered. We failed as an
international community to maintain the huge
momentum generated in this very Hall in September
2001, that momentum which found expression in our
resolve to work together to defuse tensions in our
region as a step towards the settlement of its chronic
political conflicts.
 Regrettably, narrow-minded, domestic political
agendas have been imposed by some, and unwise
objectives have replaced the lofty ones that we had
planned to achieve. Instead of focusing on the
eradication of the hotbeds of international terrorism
hotbeds which were not numerous six years ago   we
lost sight of our main goal and vision. The eradication
of international terrorism was no longer the goal but
instead became a loose phrase. There was oppression,
torture and humiliation, and, on the other side, more
violence, resistance and atrocities.
 This came as no surprise to us, since the objective
was regrettably lost. We all stood stunned and
flabbergasted before the events that were unfolding in
this region and the world. How could we have been
diverted from our goal? How could it be that our world
was dragged down almost to the level of a clash
between civilizations, cultures and religions? Why are
some attempting to thrust the holy religion of Islam
into the labyrinth of a limitless clash with the West, a
clash that serves no one’s interests? To the contrary, it
causes everyone grievous harm. Here comes the
question: what can we, the national people of the
world, do to get back on course?
 In all honesty, I must tell you that this last
question is our main concern in the Middle East.
Despite the importance of the other questions, and even
though we are fully aware of the answers thereto, we
prefer to leave aside these questions and to let the
historians and scholars probe them, detect any errors
and assign historical responsibility to each party.
 But in truth the more urgent task is to get back on
course by finding a way out of the dark tunnel we have
been forced into. In our opinion, the right way to
proceed is to go back to where we should have started
from in the first place and to address directly and
effectively the chronic conflicts, foremost among them
being the Arab-Israeli conflict and its core issue, the
Palestinian question.
 Any attempt to achieve stability and disseminate
peace and security in the world without a serious
settlement of the Palestinian question and the Arab-
Israeli conflict will not be successful. The opposite is
also true. Serious and sustained action to achieve a just
and comprehensive settlement of that conflict and that
question directly serves international peace and
security and contributes to the stabilization of the
Middle East region. All of us are aware of the
importance of Middle East stability for the stability of
the world at large. Furthermore, we are duty-bound to
continue our work to defuse tensions in Iraq and
Lebanon and to stabilize and improve the situation in
Darfur.
 It is hard to believe that sixteen years have
already passed since the convening of the historic
Madrid Peace Conference between the Arabs and
Israel. Fourteen years have elapsed since the signing of
the first Palestinian-Israeli accord in Oslo. Eleven
years ago, Arab States adopted peace as their strategic
option to end their conflict with Israel. Five full years
have passed since the declaration by the Arab States of
their historic initiative regarding their readiness to
establish normal peace relations with Israel in return
for the latter’s withdrawal from the territories it
occupied by force in 1967 and for the just settlement of
the Palestinian question. It has also been five years
since the Palestinians and the Israelis reached a number
of agreed points and memorandums that come very
close to the final settlement of this question.
 Given all of the above, one would scarcely
believe that peace today still seems farther away than it
was in the early 1990s. It is hard to believe that there is
now talk going around in vicious circles about the
bases and principles of the settlement, which are
already known to all of us. It is also hard to believe
that strenuous efforts are made to resume negotiations
to agree yet again on mechanisms and formulations.
Rehashing those old and worn-out subjects is an
exercise in futility.
 We in Egypt realize that the persistence of this
conflict inflames passions and minds in the region. The
Assembly knows the efforts and sacrifices made by
Egypt in order to put a just and comprehensive end to
this historic conflict in a manner that serves the
interests of all parties.
 But this issue requires leadership; it requires
courage from all parties. It also requires a clear and
correct vision that the lack of a peaceful settlement of
this conflict not only denies the right of a whole people
to freedom and dignity, but also feeds directly the calls
for violence, extremism and the relinquishing of
peaceful and political negotiation as a means to
achieve the objective. Thus the conflict will continue to
rage for years to come; peoples will continue to suffer;
the world will continue to face the current state of
sharp instability and polarization, as we are currently
witnessing.
 Egypt has displayed and continues to display its
constant readiness to work with all parties:
Palestinians, Israelis, Americans, Europeans and all
those who take to heart the interests of the Palestinian
people, the interests of the peoples of the region and
the interest of world peace and stability. Our purpose is
to achieve the resumption of serious political dialogue,
which would lead to a settlement within a strict,
specified time frame.
 We will spare no effort to achieve that objective.
We will not despair in the face of problems and
difficulties. We will work in all sincerity because we
are committed to the cause of our Palestinian brothers
and to the establishment of an independent, sovereign
Palestinian State on the Palestinian territories occupied
in 1967, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. We will
continue to work because we are committed to the
liberation of the rest of the occupied Arab territories in
Syria and Lebanon and because we are committed to
the objective of achieving just and comprehensive
peace in the Middle East. In this respect, the meeting
called for by President Bush this fall may, if well
prepared, provide an important opportunity to achieve
long-awaited progress.
 Brotherly Iraq continues to bleed; thousands of
its citizens continue to be killed; thousands more
continue to flee as a result of difficult living
conditions. The state of today’s Iraq breaks the heart of
one and all. In spite of the political process in Iraq,
which we understood and encouraged, events on the
ground, with their extremely negative repercussions,
are what shapes today’s Iraq and its image before the
international community.
 Iraq today sorely needs leaders and leaderships
that are keen on preserving the unity of this major Arab
country. It needs leaders who seek consensus and steer
away from sectarianism and confessionalism. It needs
leaders who extend the hand of dialogue to each other,
who do not point guns at one another: it needs leaders
who close ranks to combat the illegal armed factions
and militias that take the lives of dozens of Iraqis
everyday. It needs leaders who would sit together to
agree on the shape and future of the State of Iraq in the
Iraqi Constitution, which we believe should express the
hopes and dreams of all Iraqis without exclusion or
marginalization. It should build a modern developed
State that is enriched by its diversity and that does not
allocate its posts on the basis of sect or ethnic
background in a manner that causes tension and
increases discord.
 Egypt reiterates the importance of the unity,
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq in a manner
that enjoys the consensus of all Iraqis. We also reiterate
the need for foreign interventions to cease influencing
developments in that sisterly country. Egypt reaffirms
its full support for any regional or international effort
that assists Iraqis to overcome this difficult situation.
By the same token, Egypt will continue to consistently
call upon Iraqis to show unity and engage in dialogue
in order to restore and strengthen trust among them.
 Brotherly Lebanon is also going through a
sensitive crisis. The prospects for settling that crisis
seem remote and difficult in view of internal
differences and the regional tug-of-war. The situation
in Lebanon is delicate and must not be burdened by the
weight of the conflicts raging in the region. Therefore,
Egypt has consistently called for Lebanon to be left to
its people to determine what they wish for themselves.
We continue to encourage Lebanon’s politicians to
engage in dialogue among themselves. It is our hope
that they will be able to deal with the upcoming
entitlements, foremost and most important among
which are the presidential elections, in a manner
consistent with the Lebanese Constitution and that
would enable them to preserve Lebanon’s
constitutional institutions and the proud achievements
of its democracy. The Lebanese model of coexistence
is significant and should not be allowed to suffer a
setback similar to that suffered in the past. Egypt will
work with all parties to achieve that objective.
 Since the onset of its crisis, the Darfur region of
Sudan has witnessed difficult conditions. This has
required time, effort and hard work from all of us to
defuse that crisis and to reach a settlement that would
ensure for the whole population of the region the right
to a decent life. Egypt welcomed the broad concern of
the international community over those difficult
conditions and sought, in cooperation with concerned
international and regional parties, to bring the parties
in the crisis close to each other.
 As concrete proof of its concern for the
stabilization of the situation in Darfur, Egypt has
offered a generous contribution of nearly 3,500 troops
to the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation
in the region. That offer still stands. In addition, Egypt
has contributed to the development of the region by
drilling 40 boreholes that would make water resources
available to larger numbers of people in Darfur.
 Egypt profoundly believes in the three main
pillars of international disarmament treaties:
non-proliferation, disarmament and the inherent right
of every State to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. In
1995, Egypt accepted the indefinite extension of the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
within an integrated package that included a resolution
calling upon all States of the region without exception,
to accede to the Treaty and compelling those States
responsible for the maintenance of international
security to discharge their responsibilities. However,
this objective is still to be achieved because Israel has
not yet acceded to the Treaty despite all the
international and regional calls on it to do so.
 Today’s world is regrettably witnessing an
imbalance and double standards in dealings with the
various parties that have nuclear ambitions, potential or
expertise. Egypt believes that the international
disarmament and non-proliferation system will be
strengthened and that regional security in the Middle
East will be reinforced only when a single standard is
applied equally to all the States of the region without
exception.
 The previous session witnessed many serious
efforts and consultations concerning the question of the
reform and expansion of the Security Council. Despite
the plethora of consultations, meetings and endeavours,
this objective remains elusive. As a member of the
African Group, Egypt once again states its full
commitment to the specifics of the unified African
position. It remains a fair and balanced position that
would, if implemented, achieve legitimate African
aspirations. I cannot fail to refer here to the fact that
the reform of the working methods of the Security
Council is a genuine objective in itself that must not
fade or be obscured by the attempts of some to expand
the Council.
 We have plenty of work to do, but since time is
short I would like to say that the state of our world is
no cause for rejoicing. Rather it is a cause for concern.
This requires us to work together with open minds in
order to change it for the better, and in order to meet
the aspirations of our peoples to freedom, justice, a
dignified life, security and peace.
 During this session, Egypt will raise and defend
the priorities and visions I have put forward in this
statement along with a host of other subjects that time
did not allow me to address. It is our hope that we will
all write in responding to the challenges facing us. We
all bear responsibility and will all suffer the
consequences of failure.


Allow me at the outset to
extend our congratulations to Mr. Kerim on his election
to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-
second session. I wish to thank most sincerely his
predecessor, Her Excellency Sheikha Haya Rashed
Khalifa of Bahrain, for the able manner in which she
handled the vital business of the sixty-first session. I
also wish to express my gratitude to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his leadership of our
Organization, and most especially for his untiring
efforts in favour of conflict resolution and peace on the
African continent and elsewhere.
 Sixty-two years ago, the founding fathers of the
United Nations came together, determined, in the
words of the Charter, “to employ international
machinery for the promotion of the economic and
social advancement of all peoples”. The Organization
they created was to be a centre for harmonizing the
actions of nations in the attainment of these common
goals. Today humankind is faced with a common threat
in the form of climate change. The General Assembly’s
choice of responding to climate change as the theme
for this session is timely. It will help draw attention to
the global challenge for which no single country has a
solution. It is only through concerted and sustained
international cooperation that action to combat the
effects and further escalation of climate change can be
taken.
 There is no doubt that climate change is the
biggest danger facing humankind, especially the poor.
The threat of extreme conditions, including floods and
drought, is a major concern. It has many implications
for development, particularly for agrarian communities
with fewer resources to cope with additional stresses
and shocks brought about by this phenomenon. The
increasing frequency and severity of prolonged drought
threaten water supplies to millions of people in poor
countries, as well as agriculture which is
overwhelmingly subsistence and rain-fed and,
therefore, vulnerable to climate variability and change.
 The vulnerability of the health sector has also
been evident as frequent floods result in outbreaks of
waterborne diseases, such as cholera, typhoid,
dysentery and the increased incidence of malaria.
 Indeed, climate change today constitutes a danger
to human security, considering the effects of climate
change on the very existence of some small island
States and coastal cities, as well as the devastation by
hurricanes and typhoons.
 Several years ago, the world was alerted to the
danger of climate change. Under the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, a number
of actions were agreed upon. We all agreed to
undertake a three-pronged approach, including
development, access to appropriate technology,
mitigation and adaptation. It is unfortunate that, so far,
no meaningful actions have been undertaken to
implement these agreed interventions.
 My delegation believes that the time is now to
implement these high-priority activities. We should,
however, recognize that responding to climate change
will require political leadership at all levels, starting
from the centre and extending to the grassroots.
Increasing collaborative action on adaptation is
urgently needed, so that vulnerable countries and
communities can cope with the unavoidable impact of
climate change. Reforestation efforts and control of
greenhouse gas emissions are urgent actions that we
can undertake together. However, reforestation on its
own will not produce the desired results without
adequate investment in renewable energy sources as a
measure against the massive depletion of forests for
fuel. Developed countries should encourage companies
to invest in hydro-electric power generation and other
clean energy sources in developing countries. For such
projects to be undertaken, measures such as a
successful fifteenth International Development
Association replenishment is critical. We all must learn
to safeguard and use available resources sparingly for
the sake of future generations.
 Uganda considers the United Nations Climate
Change Conference, to be held in Bali, Indonesia, this
December, to be critical in the development of a long-
term response to climate change. It is an opportunity to
begin concrete negotiations on a global strategy that is
acceptable to all and implementable. Prior to Bali,
however, this Assembly should agree on guiding
principles that can help bring together all relevant
aspects of the problem. The industrialized countries
should take the lead in cutting emissions, while
developing countries will have to pursue low-emission
development strategies and benefit from incentives for
assistance for adaptation and for limiting emissions.
We must commit ourselves to an approach that
balances adaptation and mitigation, underpinned by
adequate financing arrangements and investments in
new and innovative technologies.
 As Members of the United Nations, our countries
share a vision of a better standard of life, in larger
freedom, as enshrined in our Charter. We are, however,
challenged by a persistence of poverty in many of our
countries. Recent statistics indicate that, worldwide,
1.2 billion people live on one dollar a day, while
2.8 billion survive on less than two dollars. The gap
between the rich and the poor continues to widen, both
within States and among States.
 The World Bank reported in 2003 that average
income in the wealthiest 20 countries is 37 times that
of the poorest 20, which is twice the ratio of what it
was in 1970. Many countries, especially those in
sub-Saharan Africa, ended the last decade with lower
per capita incomes than at its beginning. Poverty is one
of the biggest threats to international peace, security
and the environment.
 At the Millennium Summit, world leaders
expressed their determination to halve world poverty
by the year 2015. The midpoint progress report on the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that was
released in July this year indicates that countries in
Africa and elsewhere are proving that large-scale
progress in achieving the MDGs is possible under
conditions of adequate financing, much of which
should flow from a strengthened global partnership for
development. It is critical that the Monterrey targets be
met.
 As we respond to climate change, the fight
against poverty remains an integral part of the effort.
Unless we address poverty in developing countries, the
poor will continue to destroy the environment by
cutting trees for firewood and employing poor
agricultural practices.
 There are time-tested ways to bring people out of
poverty. Trade liberalization and export-led growth
have the potential to lift millions out of poverty.
However, to benefit from trade, developing countries
must add value to their raw materials and sell them as
finished products, taking advantage of appropriate
value chains. That will not only increase earnings but
create jobs, thus ending the mass migrations to the
developed countries. They should develop their human
resources through education and better health services.
Education is a critical factor in transforming society.
An educated middle class with adequate income to
spend is critical for industrialization and the transition
of societies. That has happened in some countries of
South-East Asia; it can happen elsewhere in the
developing world. As a priority, agriculture needs to be
commercialized. Related to that is the urgent need for
regional integration so as to enlarge markets.
 Under heavy pressure, many developing countries
have removed trade barriers, while the developed
countries have not reciprocated in such key areas as
agriculture and textiles, where the former have a
comparative advantage. Is it not absurd that a cow in
the European Union gets a daily subsidy of $2.2, while
40 per cent of the world’s population lives on less than
$2 a day? The World Bank estimates that protectionism
by the developed world costs developing countries
$100 billion annually. A fair system will require
appropriate measures to deal with the unfair trade
privileges of developed countries that hinder market
access. It is vital that the stalled trade talks under the
Doha Development Round be resumed and
successfully concluded.
 Peace and security are necessary conditions for
sustainable development. The rise in inter- and intra-
State conflict has been the hallmark of the post-cold-
war era. Internal conflicts have spilled over borders to
create regional instability. Internal displacement has
taken place, and equally alarming has been the
international refugee crisis that has resulted from such
conflicts. In some countries, central authority has
collapsed, creating havens for terrorists and drug
traffickers, with the attendant threats to international
peace and security. No meaningful actions against
poverty and in favour of environmental protection can
take place in that kind of atmosphere.
 The President returned to the Chair.
 Most of Africa is now peaceful, and democracy is
being consolidated through regular elections, the
observance of human rights and constitutionalism.
However, there are some areas that require urgent
international attention. There is a need to ensure peace
and stability in Darfur in accordance with the
internationally agreed framework under Security
Council resolution 1769 (2007). Further attention
should be given to supporting the implementation of
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the
Government of the Sudan and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement in the South.
 In Somalia, the General Assembly should support
an all-inclusive peace and reconciliation process and
the Africa Union Military Observer Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM) with the necessary resources to facilitate
the peacekeeping. Uganda has honoured its pledge of
troops for peacekeeping; we call on other countries that
made similar pledges to fulfil them. The international
effort in Somalia should focus on capacity-building to
empower the Somali people to solve their own
problems. We also call on the Secretary-General to
finalize plans for possible deployment of a United
Nations peacekeeping force to replace AMISOM, as
called for in Security Council resolution 1772 (2007).
 In the Great Lakes region, various efforts are
under way to improve peace and security and to create
an atmosphere conducive to development. Through the
Tripartite Plus One Commission, bringing together the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Burundi
and Uganda, we have agreed on a framework and
actions to deal with negative forces that pose a threat
to peace and security in the region. In that regard, we
refer to Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter and
to provisions of Security Council resolution 1756
(2007). The Security Council should reinforce the
mandate and the means of the United Nations
Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo to enable it effectively to work with
Congolese armed forces to totally eradicate the threat
of negative forces operating in the territory of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
 In northern Uganda, we are holding peace talks
with the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Of the five
agenda items, two agreements have been concluded
and signed. Those are the Cessation of Hostilities
Agreement and an agreement on comprehensive
solutions. However, the LRA has not met any of the
terms of the very first Agreement on Cessation of
Hostilities. For example, it is stipulated that LRA
forces assemble at Ri-Kwangba in southern Sudan;
they have, however, not done so to date. They are still
camped in Garamba National park in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. We urge the international
community to bring adequate pressure to bear on the
LRA to assemble at Ri-Kwangba and to set a time
frame for the talks. Talks cannot go on forever. As we
inch towards a comprehensive peace agreement,
international support and understanding are required to
balance the need for durable peace and stability on the
one hand, and the imperative for justice on the other.
 I wish to assure the General Assembly that
Uganda is fully aware of its obligations under the
Rome Statute and cannot undermine it. We cannot
condone impunity. To that end, we are working closely
with the International Criminal Court to ensure
accountability under the complementarity stipulations.
Uganda will be convening a Consultative Group
meeting later this year to mobilize resources and
coordinate actions for the post-conflict reconciliation
programme in northern Uganda. The international
community is invited to support that programme.
 When you chose “Responding to climate change”
as the theme for this session, Sir, I believe you
intended to have this session consider and recommend
ways of addressing that common threat. You believed,
as indeed we do, that a world that pays no attention to
that problem is fatally damaging the interests of future
generations. Addressing climate change will involve
fighting poverty, ensuring peace and security, and
investing in clean energy, especially in developing
countries. This session should be the turning point at
which we all come together and agree on ways to save
our planet.


While we  commend the United Nations for having chosen
climate change as the theme for this sixty-second
session of the General Assembly, at the same time we
recall that many countries in the South have, in recent
decades, warned the international community about
this phenomenon, which is being experienced here and
there through the drama of droughts and
desertification. Climate change has multiple causes,
some natural and others generated by human action.
Therefore, the responsibilities of States and societies
with respect to these changes are not equal. Nor are the
impacts they have on the lives of the common citizen.
Likewise, we do not have the same scientific,
technological or financial means to prevent the
negative effects of climate change.
 At this point, I would like to say a few words
about drought and desertification, which demonstrate,
without a doubt, the change of climate in the West
African subregion. It is needless to mention their
devastating impact on the economic and social life of
the populations. Unfortunately, in spite of conferences
and grandiloquent conclusions and declarations, the
repeated calls from the Sahel have received half-heated
and inconsistent responses. In view of the profound
implications of this stance for the lives of populations
and States, some are depicting those responses as an
abdication of responsibility on the part of the
international community.
 Climate change is, without any doubt, a world
challenge with many dimensions and the potential to
restructure economic, social and political life. Most
likely, we have wasted too much time in discussion,
thereby delaying global acceptance of the problem and,
consequently, the formulation of strategies for
adaptation and mitigation.
 In brief, I would like to underline the catastrophic
effects, both present and future, of climate change and
more specifically, of drought and desertification on
small island States. If the projections on sea level rise
prove to be true, we will be facing a disaster of
unimaginable proportions.
 My country, Cape Verde, an archipelago of
modest physical and demographic dimensions, is a
small island State and has experienced drought and
desertification and suffered from almost uninterrupted
water shortages for more than three decades.
 Indeed, Cape Verde, given its location, size,
landscape and the insular and archipelagic
characteristics of its territory, is a prime example of the
convergence and concentration of the negative effects
of climate change. Drought and desertification have an
unquestionable impact on family income and the
poverty rate. They also undermine Government efforts
and strongly condition the mobilization and allocation
of resources for development financing.
 In the light of the challenges of climate change,
one should recall the leading role that the United
Nations has had and continues to have in mustering
efforts to raise awareness about this critical problem
for the future of mankind. We are convinced that the
Bali conference will set new parameters based on the
principle of equity, the legitimate aspirations of
populations to development and the differentiated
responsibilities of each and everyone.
 We therefore call on the United Nations to pursue
its efforts in this area and give very special attention to
small island States, which have to contend with
multiple fragilities and vulnerabilities. It is imperative
to resume and implement the Mauritius Strategy for the
Further Implementation of the Programme of Action
for the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States. The community of nations cannot
but acknowledge that, given their origins and their role
throughout history, small island States are a “heritage
of mankind”.
 In spite of its structural vulnerabilities and its
undeniable lack of natural resources, Cape Verde has,
since independence in 1975, followed a positive and
consistent development path. It is in this context that
we should consider Cape Verde’s graduation or, in
other words, its withdrawal from the group of least
developed countries as of 2008. We are resolved to rise
to the challenge of this new development stage and
through audacious strategies and decisions to transform
the country. We are quite aware that the main
responsibility for Cape Verde’s development rests in
the hands of the Cape Verdean Government and
citizens. This is the spirit that has guided us in the past,
and it is the spirit that will allow us to face the
challenge of graduation. Nevertheless, during the
transition period we hope to be able to count on strong
partnership from the international community in
dealing with Cape Verde’s structural fragility and any
new vulnerabilities.
 In this regard, I call on the United Nations and
Member States to pay special attention to the
declaration of the United Nations Transition Assistance
Group and to the report that the Government will soon
deliver to the Secretary-General in accordance with the
resolution on graduation which the General Assembly
adopted in December 2004.
 While it is true that our development strategy is
open, daring and driven by the desire to create
opportunities for foreign direct investment, it is no less
true that today, more than ever, we need innovative aid
and financing modalities that are better adjusted to the
pace we want to set for Cape Verde’s development and
to the imperatives of the transition. It is high time that
we move from discourse to action with respect to
ownership, in accordance with the spirit of the Paris
Declaration on Aid Effectiveness.
 Allow me also briefly to recall the transborder
and global nature of many modern day phenomena. I
refer to climate change and, of course, to terrorism,
organized crime and trafficking of all kinds. These
represent a threat to human security and to the
democratic rule of law, as they corrupt values,
compromise development and thwart the most
legitimate expectations of peoples.
 We are living at a time when problems and threats
are of concern to all. They are not confined to a single
State or region. Nor can there be local solutions to the
global threats of our era. Responses to these issues will
be ineffective unless they are undertaken within a
robust, balanced and fair multilateral perspective.
 The United Nations is, and should continue to be,
the foundation, the guarantor and the forum of
multilateralism. We are strongly convinced that the
United Nations must be strengthened for the sake of
the future of the world and of the ideals of peace,
security and development. And we are all faced with
the challenge of translating the reiterated statements of
the international community into coherent and
consistent action. It is a question of credibility in the
eyes of the world, which is watching us.
 I cannot conclude without extending my
greetings, congratulations and encouragement to the
Secretary-General and wishing him success in guiding
our common Organization towards fully attaining its
founding goals and meeting the imperatives of
increased efficiency, modernization and
democratization in its work.
 Likewise, I would like to extend warm greetings
to you, Mr. President, and to assure you of our
confidence that you will face the important challenges
confronting the Assembly with serenity and a sense of
duty.


On behalf of  the people of Fiji, I extend to you, Mr. President, and
to the General Assembly, our warm greetings: Ni sa
bula and Namaste. We would also like congratulate
you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the
General Assembly at its sixty-second session.
 I would also like to acknowledge the presence of
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. We wish to extend to
him our warmest congratulations, as this is his first full
Assembly session as Secretary-General. We note with
gratitude the initiatives he has taken in the brief period
since he assumed leadership to enhance momentum in
the work of the United Nations. Fiji appreciates in
particular his policy of inclusiveness and the attention
that he is giving to the vulnerable situation and the
special needs of small island nations.
 At the outset, Fiji wishes to reiterate its unwavering
commitment to achieving the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs), pursuing environmentally friendly and
sustainable development activities and addressing the
challenges of climate change. As those issues have been
widely debated in the Assembly, I would like to take this
opportunity to address other issues of particular concern
to Fiji.
 United Nations-led peacekeeping operations are
renowned worldwide and have become the human face
of this multilateral body in war-torn and conflict-prone
regions of the world. For its part, Fiji continues to
stand ready to shoulder the burden of promoting
international peace. In that regard, we have offered our
services to the African Union-United Nations hybrid
peacekeeping operation in the Sudan. In the same vein,
Fiji is committed to our collective resolve to enlarge
the presence of the United Nations in Iraq. We are
willing to contribute further towards that end, should
the need arise.
 Today, the demand for peacekeeping continues to
grow. With it comes the need for institutional reform to
adequately cater for the ever-changing nature of world
conflict. I would like to reiterate Fiji’s support for all
reform efforts, including the latest initiative of the
Secretary-General to reform the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations. At the same time, I would
urge the Secretariat to continue to resist the
politicization of United Nations peacekeeping and to
maintain the sanctity of its independence as a forum
wherein the willing may volunteer their services freely
and without bilateral mangling and interference.
 I now seek your indulgence, Mr. President, and
that of the Assembly, to speak about the situation,
particular circumstances and needs of Fiji at this stage
of its nationhood as an independent sovereign nation.
Fiji’s overall situation is that it is in a deep rut. It needs
the understanding and support of the international
community to be able to move forward to regain its
dignity and its rightful place as a responsible member
of the international family of nations. I am mindful, as
I stand here today in the presence of the Assembly, that
members may see me as the military leader who
removed an elected Government. I cannot begrudge
them that, because that indeed is a fact. I submit to the
Assembly that, although the Government of the day
was removed from power last December, such action
was taken with extreme reluctance. I am not a
politician; nor do I aspire to be one. I am certainly not
much of a diplomat, and I am not used to speaking in
forums such as this. Therefore, in what I say and in
how I may put it, if in any way I am remiss with regard
to the protocols of the Assembly, I seek understanding.
 By the time the military intervened last
December, Fiji’s overall governance situation had
regressed to a catastrophic level. The international
community needs to fully understand the special local
context of Fiji’s situation. Fiji became independent on
10 October 1970, inheriting an institutional
infrastructure that could potentially have evolved
further and been strengthened to allow democracy to
take root. At that time, almost four decades ago, Fiji’s
future appeared to be one of promise and potential. For
instance, in terms of per capita income, Fiji was then in
the same league as Malaysia and Thailand. We, the
people of Fiji, viewed our country with pride and
dignity and felt that that was the way the world should
be. For more than a decade after achieving
independence, Fiji did continue to make steady
progress in economic development, education, poverty
reduction and generally improving the living
conditions of its people.
 Yet, in 1970, Fiji started its journey as a young
nation on a rather shaky foundation, with a race-based
constitution that rigidly compartmentalized our
communities. The “democracy” that came to be
practiced in Fiji was marked by divisive, adversarial,
inward-looking, raced-based politics. The legacy of
leadership, at both community and national levels, was
a fractured nation. Fiji’s people were not allowed to
share a common national identity. Of the two major
communities, indigenous Fijians were instilled with
fear of dominance and dispossession by Indo-Fijians,
and they desired protection of their status as the
indigenous people. Indo-Fijians, on the other hand, felt
alienated and marginalized as second class citizens in
their own country, the country of their birth, Fiji.
 The dates 14 May and 25 September 1987 are
fateful in Fiji’s history and also for Fiji’s military
forces. The military coups of that year were motivated
by an ethno-nationalist, racist supremacy agenda.
Those political, communal and military leaders who
were responsible for the coups and related actions in
1987 carry a very large burden in their collective
conscience for the severe ruptures to the very fabric of
Fiji society and the dislocations and suffering that they
caused in the lives of many of Fiji’s citizens.
 In May 2000, Fiji suffered yet another major
setback. Again, a group of ethno-nationalist
opportunists, backed by a small errant group within the
Fiji military, overthrew the Government of the day. As
Commander of the Republic of Fiji military forces, I
did not support or condone the coup. I drew upon the
structural and cultural organization of the military to
intervene and to restore order and a state of security.
 The stand-off between the coup perpetrators and
the military in May 2000 was potentially explosive at
the time and, if not resolved, could have resulted in
much bloodshed and even greater chaos. As military
Commander, I played a key role in the handing
executive authority back into civilian hands in the
wake of the 2000 coup. This rested on a number of
critical preconditions being met in taking Fiji forward.
 An Interim Government was appointed by His
Excellency the President of Fiji, with Laisenia Qarase
as caretaker Prime Minister. The Interim Government
was tasked to pave the way to fresh elections to be held
in September of 2001. The other fundamental
conditions were that all of the perpetrators of the May
2000 coup, including the military rebels, would be
prosecuted, and that the 2000 coup would be publicly
renounced as racially motivated.
 It is tragic that Fiji’s recovery from the brink of
chaos in May 2000 did not endure. In the ensuing
years, Fiji’s overall governance took a dramatic turn
for the worse. In particular, this was characterized by
the politicization of the prison services and the
criminal justice system. There was also a significant
weakening of the key institutions of governance, a
pervasive increase in corruption, serious economic
decline combined with fiscal mismanagement, a sharp
deterioration in the law and order situation and a
deepening of the racial divide in the country. The
convicted coup perpetrators were prematurely
discharged from prison, and certain coup perpetrators
and sympathisers were appointed as senior Government
ministers and officials. There was also a series of
legislative acts that were deeply divisive and overtly
racist.
 The 2001 and 2006 general elections were not
credible. They were characterized by massive rigging
of votes, with an incumbent Government using the
State’s resources to buy support. By late 2006, Fiji’s
overall situation had deteriorated sharply, heightened
by massive corruption and lawlessness, a severe
erosion of confidence and an economy on the brink of
collapse. Also, during the latter part of 2006, Fiji’s
military had to pay particular attention to certain
external threats to the sovereignty of the nation.
 Under our current constitution, Fiji’s military is
charged with national security, defence and the well-
being of Fiji’s people. Under the circumstances, the
military, under my stewardship, could not possibly see
such an unacceptable situation unfold without seeking
to address it.
 History is testament to how I did in fact respond
to the situation. For almost four years, I was strenuous
in my efforts to constructively engage the elected
leadership of the country, seeking to cause it to reverse
its course of action, which was taking the country
down the path of destruction into an abyss. The
protracted efforts that I made to constructively engage
with the previous Government came to no avail. On the
contrary, a prominent High Chief connected to the
ruling Soqosoqo Duavata Lewenivanua (SDL) party
incited a mutiny within the military, and attempts were
made not only to remove me, but also to eliminate me.
 It was with the utmost of reluctance that Fiji’s
military, under my leadership, removed the former
Government from power in December 2006.
 Many have criticized that decision. In response, I
say this: Fiji has a coup culture, a history of civilian or
military coups executed in the interests of a few and
based on nationalism, racism and greed. In order to
remove that coup culture and to make a commitment to
democracy and the rule of law, policies which promote
racial supremacy and further the interests of economic
and social elites must be removed once and for all.
Racism, elitism and disrespect for the law are
undemocratic. They lead to hatred. They lead to
violence, poverty and moral bankruptcy. We saw that in
the years leading to the Second World War. We saw the
genocide, the concentration camps, the rampant
imperialism   which resulted, in turn, in the creation
of the United Nations.
 Within a month of the removal of the previous
Government, the President of the Republic of Fiji
resumed his constitutional authority. On 5 January
2007, the President appointed an Interim Government
which is mandated to govern Fiji until a new
Government is duly elected. With the exception of
myself, the make-up of the Interim Government is all
civilian. The presidential mandate provides the
framework within which the Interim Government, in
which I serve as Prime Minister, administers the affairs
of the State. We are resolved to take the measures
necessary to convene free and fair elections as soon as
practically possible. On this, the Interim Government is
coordinating closely with Fiji’s fellow members of the
Pacific Islands Forum and the larger international
community, including the European Union.
 Steady progress has been made in a number of
areas pertaining to upholding the existing constitution,
investigation into alleged abuses of human rights,
maintaining the independence of the judiciary and
preparatory work for the return of Fiji to parliamentary
democracy.
 Fiji’s situation is not only complex; its problems
are also deep-rooted and structural. There are no quick
or easy fixes. The country is now at a very critical
crossroad; the situation could escalate into more
serious deterioration and instability. It is imperative
that any such greater disaster or civil strife be averted.
 We therefore seek constructive dialogue and
engagement with the international community, with all
our bilateral and multilateral development partners,
whom we urge to work with us, to help support us, in
addressing our fundamental problems in moving Fiji
forward. Fiji needs the support of the international
community to develop a political and governance
framework that is truly democratic, accountable,
inclusive, equitable and non-racial and that unifies
Fiji’s diverse communities as a nation. That is indeed
the larger and most critical of challenges that Fiji now
faces.
 For our part, we firmly resolve to tackle these
challenges on at least four levels: first, to restore
stability, law and order and confidence; secondly, to
strengthen institutions for good governance including
transparency, accountability and an independent and
effectively functioning judiciary; thirdly, to carry out
major reforms in the economy to facilitate sustainable
private-sector-led growth; and lastly, to convene free
and fair general elections within a constitutional and
governance framework that will ensure that
parliamentary democracy is not only restored but can
be sustained in Fiji.
 To achieve all this, the Interim Government is
preparing to launch a major national initiative, referred
to as the Peoples Charter for Change and Progress
the PCCP. Through the PCCP, the broad cross section
of Fiji’s people will be fully engaged and involved,
through consultation and participation, in the
development of a comprehensive agenda of actions and
measures, as Fiji’s own way of addressing its
problems.
 For the future, Fiji will look at making the
necessary legal changes in the area of electoral reform
to ensure true equality at the polls. At present, all
citizens have the right to vote for two candidates: one
for a national seat of any ethnicity, and another from a
communal raced-based seat. This in turn has kept our
races apart.
 Although democracy in the form of electing a
Government was introduced in Fiji at the time of
independence, researchers and analysts have suggested
that Fijians live in a democracy with a mentality that
belongs to the chiefly system. In essence this means
that at election time, Fijians living in village and rural
areas are culturally influenced to vote for the candidate
selected for them by their chiefs, their provincial
councils and their church ministers. This leads me to
ask whether the countries that are demanding that Fiji
immediately return to democracy really understand
how distorted and unfair our system is, both legally
and culturally.
 This must change. Every person will be given the
right to vote for only one candidate, irrespective of
race or religion. This will send a message to our people
that Fiji’s leadership no longer tolerates racial divisions
and race-based politics. All men and women are equal
in dignity and in rights. Electoral reform in this respect
will be looked at by a National Council for Building a
Better Fiji, which is designed to entrench the very
principle on which the United Nations was founded.
 The draft Peoples Charter that will emerge from
such a national-level undertaking will provide the
political and governance framework, with effective
supporting and functioning institutions, to make Fiji a
truly democratic and progressive nation.
 The draft of the PCCP proposal was circulated
widely within the country, with comments and
suggestions invited. Additionally, I personally wrote to
the leaders of Fiji’s bilateral and multilateral
development partners, including the United Nations
Secretary-General, on the PCCP initiative.
 I am pleased to report that in general this
initiative has been received with very strong support
within Fiji, in particular from highly reputable and
respected civil society and community leaders in the
country. The Peoples Charter, once formulated and
adopted, will provide the strategic framework or
fundamental foundation within which the Interim
Government, and successive elected Governments, will
be expected to operate.
 In the current absence of an elected Government,
there is the issue of legitimacy and mandates. To deal
with this, the Interim Government is willing to
consider putting the draft Peoples Charter to a
referendum to get the mandate of the people for the
fundamental changes, including changes to the
Constitution of Fiji, as may be considered necessary
and appropriate.
 Fiji needs both financial and technical support
from its bilateral and multilateral development partners
to be able to effectively realize the vision that
underpins the PCCP initiative. Above all, we seek the
understanding of the international community to help
us rebuild our nation in the true spirit of internationally
acceptable precepts of good governance and a
democracy that can be made to work and that can be
sustained in Fiji.
 We must thank those Governments that have
stood by and supported Fiji in our hour of need. Fiji is
indeed very grateful and is deeply touched by their
understanding and goodwill.
 Some in the international community, including
the closest of our neighbours in the Pacific, have seen
fit to impose punitive measures upon Fiji. Of course
we know that those powerful States are protecting their
own economic and political interests in the region.
However, we in Fiji are protecting our democracy and
strengthening our democratic institutions. Those
powerful States are undermining our attempts to
rebuild our nation on strong foundations and are
undermining our attempts to appoint people of merit
and honesty to our State institutions, regardless of race
and religion. Current sanctions target any person
appointed by the Interim Government.
 This is hypocrisy at its worst on part of those
States as they are clearly undermining our efforts to
promote and practice good governance. These
actions   such as the travel bans, described as smart
sanctions   have had a debilitating impact on our
struggles to revive, to recover and to reform.
 Good governance requires effective, functioning
institutions. Since the coups of 1987, Fiji has suffered
a massive exodus of the country’s skilled and educated
people. The major beneficiaries of the transfer of those
quality human assets have been Australia and New
Zealand, and from those neighbours in particular we
seek understanding and support. Our capacities and
institutions have been severely eroded over the years.
In all of this, we desperately need help, not a closing of
doors.
 I shall conclude my statement by reaffirming
Fiji’s commitment to the United Nations and to the
various United Nations conventions on human rights,
the rule of law and democratic governance. Fiji does
not seek any unwarranted exemptions from any of
those obligations. All we seek is your deeper
understanding of our particular circumstances and the
complex situation of Fiji. We hope that you will work
with us, assist us to rebuild and move Fiji forward.
 In closing, I take this opportunity to extend to the
Secretary-General an invitation to Fiji and indeed to
our Pacific region during his tenure.