Mr. President, I am pleased to join in the expressions of pleasure at
your election. Your brilliant record makes you well qualified to
occupy your lofty post and skilfully to conduct our complex
proceedings. I am also very pleased that a Latin American has been
called upon to be the Secretary-General. His fame is well earned. His
election not only crowns a life devoted to the common good and to
harmony among nations but also heralds a new current sweeping through
Latin America which suggests that the people of our area will play a
more fruitful, vigorous, Imaginative and co-operative part
represented in world affairs, particularly in the United Nations.
What the Secretary-General has accomplished in a short time is new
and encouraging. His report on the work of the Organization speaks
directly of matters of high importance with clarity and precision,
and it contains sharp, frank and very valuable observations.
The leadership provided by the Secretary-General goes precisely in
the direction that my Government feels the United Nations should move
in. In order to restore much of the faith in the Organization which
has been lost, especially that of the common man of the Member
States, the United Nations must participate more directly and in a
more decisive and inventive manner in order to prevent serious
conflicts and to resolve them when the violence which has been
unleashed requires that we reiterate in a dramatic manner the
commitment to peace with States made when they signed the Charter.
Violence makes it impossible to achieve peace by means of persuasion,
good offices and mediation. Member States must make a special effort,
based on good faith and corresponding deeds, to see that the
machinery provided by the Charter is used to prevent and resolve
conflicts. Moreover, they have a duty to; do so, a legal and moral
duty. Repeated failure to respect the purposes of the Charter only
causes profound disenchantment with the United Nations at precisely
the time when action by the Organization is needed to moderate the
conduct of its Members. Those Members seen to be in the grip of
atavistic forces that have stigmatized the twentieth century. But the
twentieth century should be remembered as one of the most significant
centuries in the history of mankind because of its dazzling
achievements, which should be used to move man forward in the
constant, ceaseless effort to reach a higher level and to live in
peace.
My Government is aware, of course, of the difficulties which stand in
the way of the achievement of this goal, especially at the present
time, which is dominated by exacerbated nationalism instead of by the
noble, visionary, universalist purposes and principles of the United
Nations. There can be no doubt that each and every one of us must
make an effort, an outstanding effort, to halt the devastating wave
of violence which has shaken the world, in spite of the existence of
an impressive system of international organizations, the center of
which is the United Nations, devoted to the promotion of
international harmony.
To some extent the peoples of the world are being deceived when they
disregard the United Nations in the frontal assault on war, guerrilla
warfare, terrorism, torture and foreign intervention in the internal
affairs of States. Also, the peoples of the world are in fact being
thwarted when the United Nations is not allowed to stop repression of
democratic movements which seek changes in unjust economic and social
structures by peaceful electoral methods.
Violations of human rights, violations of civil, political, economic,
social and cultural rights must receive priority attention by the
United Nations. More vigorous action is needed, for we have gone
beyond the stage of mere declarations which proclaim and define those
rights and now an effort must be made, realistically and with a keen
sense of urgency, to perfect and put into practice the international
instruments which have been created to promote the fundamental
freedoms of every person everywhere.
In this connection it is fitting to stress one of the most impressive
of the revolutions that have occurred in the past three decades, but
one which has gone largely unnoticed by the majority of the peoples
of the world. I am referring, of course, to the fact that it has
finally been recognized that the individual is a subject of
international public law and can resort to the appropriate
jurisdictional bodies on human rights when domestic means of
protection have been exhausted, do not exist, or have serious
imperfections. Within the United Nations, the Human Rights Committee
must be strengthened and, above all, the Optional Protocol to the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights must be
ratified. Both instruments must be signed and ratified by all Members
of the United Nations, because that would benefit the man in the
street in all nations and be a victory of far-reaching consequences.
The average citizen of the nations represented here trusts the good
judgment of those who govern to ensure the well-being to which he is
entitled, but which he may not obtain because he is not aware of the
new machinery which could be used and cannot bring pressure to bear
on his Government to abide by the commitments entered into when it
signed the Charter. Human rights were not in the Charter, then the
Organization of United Nations, it should be remembered, are
indissolubly linked, their primary characteristic, which makes it
different from any other organization created before 1945 and which
makes it possible for it to fight against the scourge of war.
We must take a similar stand on other international instruments
relating to the protection of human rights, such as the International
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination,
in particular	and also the procedures used by the Commission on
Human Rights, of which Costa Rica is a member, must be improved. The
Commission must be freed from political interests and influences
which all too frequently disrupt and even obstruct its work and
thereby prejudice the interests of the thousands of individuals who
look to that body as a last resort to protect them from arbitrary
action by their rulers.
The Government of Costa Rica applauds the decision to convert the
Division on Human Rights into a Centre and we think that this is a
decision that reflects a desire better to protect and defend all
freedoms by perfecting existing instruments and designing new ones on
the basis of experience. For example, before assuming my present post
I had the honor of being appointed by the Commission on Human Rights
and by the Secretary-General to act on two recent occasions in an
African country as rapporteur and as an expert, respectively, while
collaborating with the Government in the improvement of institutions
protecting fundamental freedoms after that country had suffered under
a cruel dictatorship. Fortunately, very positive results were
achieved. I mention this because it makes it quite clear that the
Commission can find new courses of action to carry out its important
task and because this sheds new light on Costa Rica's initiative as
regards the creation of the post of United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights. Experience has shown that when United Nations
procedures are particularly flexible and diverse in carrying out its
essential mandate to promote and protect human rights those rights
can be better protected and more people understand what the
Organization is for and what it is all about. People also then feel
encouraged and cope more vigorously and perseveringly with adversity,
anguish, humiliation and the kind of pain that they experience on a
daily basis as they strive to ensure that those that govern them
respect their dignity.
Of course all human rights are important. Without them international
peace is an illusion. At the moment, however, I want to refer to the
right to vote, the right to work and the right to life. And I want to
make a general comment on economic and social rights, which also play
a major role in the important task of creating a community of nations
more free from tension and combating the present erosion of efforts
in support of peace.
The right to vote ensures the right to political participation in all
areas at all levels. It makes it possible for the people of the world
to be the true forgers of their destiny instead of this being done by
minority cliques and those that have seized power and the
representation of the majorities on the pretext of the alleged
inability of those that know what is best for the development of the
personality of the nation and how to contribute intelligently to the
common well- being. The right to vote for government. By means of the
vote the right to self-determination, embodied by the United Nations
in a number of most important documents, is exercised.
For this purpose nothing can replace free periodical and fair
elections. The use of violence, such as terrorism and guerrilla
warfare, can certainly not replace the right to vote. The former is a
blot on modem society, although it has a long history. Among some
totalitarian forces there is a tendency to exalt terrorism as a means
of social struggle. But fortunately, mankind has reacted vigorously
against any justification of this kind of political and social
action. Mankind supports instead a democratic struggle for the
dignity of all human beings and particularly those that have been
excluded from the productive mainstream of society. We must take
advantage of this healthy universal reaction to perfect national and
international juridical means of dealing with this very serious
threat to peace. The latter, guerrilla warfare, which also has a long
history, has become a very important factor nowadays. There is
sometimes a great deal of ambivalence about guerrilla warfare. When
it is a question of peoples exercising their right to rebellion, it
is often a last resort in defending their fundamental freedoms. On
the other hand, when the right to vote is a possibility and when
there are other ways of ensuring the smooth functioning of democracy,
guerrilla warfare appears to be a totalitarian weapon which disrupts
society in a profound and often irreparable manner. It is thus an
ally of anarchy which destroys any effort to bring about the common
good.
Therefore, in order to replace bullets by votes, it was decided, at
the meeting of Foreign Ministers on 4 October in San Jose, Costa
Rica, to create a body to promote and advise on the subject of
democratic elections, the purpose of which would be to ensure an
electoral system throughout the continent, promote and foster this
process in the Americas and provide advice on the practice of the
system to countries requesting it.
The recent tragic events relating to the courageous trade union,
Solidarity, in Poland have aroused world public opinion regarding the
subject of the right to work. Costa Rica believes that the United
Nations should promote days of study on work and other rights related
to it, such as the freedom to create trade unions independent of
Governments. My Government suggests that the United Nations arrange a
seminar with high-level participation to consider in depth the
admirable encyclical of His Holiness Pope John Paul II as a
contribution to peace. The encyclical will arouse the awareness of
the peoples and may ensure that Governments reach appropriate
decisions which will mitigate the tension that leads to social
injustice and endangers peace. In the hope that this idea of a
seminar will be accepted by the United Nations, the Government of
Costa Rica takes this opportunity of offering its capital as the
headquarters.
We should bear in mind the basic thinking of His Holiness, or at
least this essential part: in particular, makes possible pluralist
participation in the choice "Commitment to justice must be closely
linked with commitment to peace in the modem world."
This is linked to the role of work and the worker in the quest for peace:
"... human work is a key, probably the essential key, to the whole
social question, if we try to see that question really from the point
of view of man's good. And if the solution-or rather, the gradual
solution-of the social question, which keeps coming up and becomes
ever more complex, must be sought in the direction of 'making life
more human', then the key, namely human work, acquires fundamental
and decisive importance."
Furthermore, another cardinal principle enunciated by John Paul II
should also be stressed here-the ethical value of work
"which clearly and directly remains linked to the fact that the one
who carries it out is a person, a conscious and free subject, that is
to say, a subject who decides about himself."
And here the Pope of the workers pauses to emphasize the subjective
dimension of work, rising from its dignity:
"... the basis for determining the value of human work is not
primarily the kind of work being done, but the fact that the one who
is doing it is a person."
114. Equally enlightening are some other thoughts which I shall now
sum up. First, rejection of "materialistic and economistic thought",
which equates work with goods and is the source of unheard of,
inhumane exploitation, even today, when the concept of capitalism at
any cost has been tempered. Hence, a different approach must be
adopted-one which comprehends the working man:
"... in accordance with the true dignity of his work-that is to
say,... as subject and maker, and, for this very reason, as the true
purpose of the whole process of production."
Secondly, the strengthening of worker solidarity, not only because
there are many different kinds of work and because there are still
many injustices which derive from the liberal socio-political system,
but also because:
"On the world level, the development of civilization and of
communications has made possible a more complete diagnosis of the
living and working conditions of man globally, but it has also
revealed other forms of injustice, much more extensive than those
which in the last century stimulated unity between workers for
particular solidarity in the working world. This is true in countries
which have completed a certain process of industrial revolution. It
is also true in countries where the main working milieu continues to
be agriculture or other similar occupations."
Thirdly, work, at the same time as it promotes a hierarchy of duties, is:
"... a source of rights on the part of the worker. These rights must
be examined in the broad context of human rights as a whole, which
are connatural with man." His Holiness also defends the right to
association for the defense of the vital interests of "those employed
in the various professions".
The right to life, furthermore, has aroused and continues to arouse
considerable polemics in all countries, in regard to the question of
the death penalty. The United Nations has not remained on the
sidelines of that important discussion, as is shown by the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In order to
shed new light on the subject of capital punishment and to link it,
as it must be linked, to the struggle for the protection of
fundamental human rights, the Government of Costa Rica has convened a
world congress to commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of the
abolition of the death penalty in Costa Rica. My Government and the
people of Costa Rica hope that many will participate in the
conference. We wish to create a climate which would lead to the
abolition of such a drastic punishment, which is so prone to error
and arbitrary use. Costa Rica would be greatly honored if the
Secretary- General would be present at the opening of that congress
in December this year. My Government also supports the efforts of all
countries which advocate abolition of the death penalty and
particularly the efforts by the delegations of the Federal Republic
of Germany and Sweden.
As I have already stressed, economic, social and cultural rights are
no less important and deserve our full attention. The comparison
between those rights and civil and political rights-a comparison that
was valid in an earlier time for the purpose of stressing the former,
is outmoded. It is today generally recognized that the enjoyment of
social justice in liberty is indispensable. But if economic, social
and cultural rights, enshrined in the International Covenant, are to
be enjoyed, there must be transformations in the structures of
States, which is much more difficult to achieve than changes needed
to bring about the enjoyment of this other set of rights. Such
structures are the heirs to odious privileges of the few, which have
been prejudicial to the rights of the many dispossessed. They also
represent cruel forms of repression, perhaps more ruthless and
inhumane than those generated by lack of respect for the fundamental
rights and freedoms of men and citizens, because they intensify the
pain and despair of the weakest. Moreover, the changes that are
needed to bring about the enjoyment of economic and social rights
require more time and more financial and technological resources, as
well as a degree of national and international consensus that is much
greater and more solid in nature. For that reason, the United Nations
must concern itself with showing Member States that here, too, there
are real causes of discontent that affect world peace in a direct way
and with devastating force. Governments would thus be' come more
interested in the social reforms that are
required.
The Government of Costa Rica is also concerned about other problems
that tend to work against peace. With greater eloquence than mine,
representatives have referred to the catastrophic developments in the
world economy, which have had a devastating effect on the development
and political stability of the vast majority of States Members of the
United Nations. Today I should like to add my voice to the powerful
voices that have spoken out in alarm and protest against this state
of affairs. In particular I should like to highlight the situation in
Latin America.
The year 1981 was one of the worst of the post-war period from the
economic standpoint. All the indices suggest that there will be a
greater deterioration in the immediate future. The stagnation of our
economies, the galloping inflation which characterizes most of our
economies, the deterioration in the terms of trade and the serious
disequilibrium in the balance of payments which accompanies it
disrupt social peace and make it more difficult to find democratic
political solutions to the serious problems besetting many countries.
Our region has seen its external debt doubled in only three years,
and today it exceeds $240 billion. This is the result of an attempt
to replace a lack of dynamism in exports, brought about to some
extent by the weak demand of the developed countries, by an influx of
capital, with increasingly higher interest rates.
In the circumstances, it is disappointing that today there is not the
necessary political consensus to ensure a take-off in global
negotiations. Recognizing the structural problems which characterize
international economic relations and emphasizing that a global
discussion of these problems is necessary, we share the opinion of
those that say it is urgent that short-term action be taken to
prevent the complete collapse of the weaker economies.
For this reason it is necessary that we start work on an emergency
programme encompassing, infer a//a, the following actions: first,
initiatives to increase the flow of trade by means of eliminating
barriers to the exports of the developing countries and by means of
greater South-South exchange; secondly, the creation of compensatory
funds to reduce the impact of the deterioration in the terms of
trade; thirdly, better promotion of joint investment by the
industrialized and developing countries in the latter; fourthly, the
increase, on a generous and disinterested basis, of the flow of
resources towards multilateral financing bodies and technological
co-operation to improve the liquidity of the developing countries;
and, fifthly, the promotion of greater understanding and tolerance in
those bodies as regards the implementation of economic measures in
such a way as to ensure a better balance between the objectives of
reactivation and of stabilization.
We should like to stress that the adoption of a programme such as the
one just mentioned should not be seen as a substitute for greater
efforts leading to the creation of a new economic order. We believe,
however, that these measures are in keeping with the spirit of the
new order, that they would help to establish a climate more conducive
to the success of initiatives concerning the structural change that
we desire and that they would create necessary conditions-although
perhaps not all the conditions-for the peace and security which our
peoples deserve.
In this respect, the meeting of Foreign Ministers held at San Jose on
4 October drew
"... the attention of the industrialized democratic countries to the
need to increase co-operation with the democratic countries of the
region, with bold and effective initiatives which will contribute to
the efforts to ensure recovery and economic and social development
which are being made by the countries of the region concerned".
In addition to those that I have mentioned, there are, of course,
many other reasons why the general picture of present international
relations so gloomy. The situation in the Middle East requires that
we dedicate ourselves, free from the heavy burden of prejudices,
obstacles and past events, to the search for peace for that tormented
region. My Government hopes that all the States of the Middle East
will make the changes and reach the agreements necessary, for an
honorable lasting peace that will guarantee the sovereignty,
security, peace and well-being of all the States of the area. This
applies in particular to the noble people of Lebanon, who deserve to
be allowed to return to the condition of their glorious past. At the
same time, the Government of Costa Rica is confident that the
long-suffering and noble people of Palestine will in the not too
distant future see the end of their present precarious existence.
Then Palestinians will be able, like all other nations, to enjoy
peace, work and respect for their dignity, in harmony with their
neighbors and with universal recognition of their many virtues.
For the subjugated peoples of South Africa and Namibia my country
hopes that the hour of liberation will soon come. To this end, the
increasingly active participation of the international community,
encouraged and guided by the United Nations, is essential.
My Government feels great satisfaction at the constructive efforts
being made by the Government of the Republic of Korea to bring about
the reunification of that country on the basis of its recent
proposals. Whatever is done must be in line with the aims and
purposes of the United Nations regarding the reunification of Korea.
Costa Rica recognizes the peace-loving and hard-working nature of the
friendly and noble people of the Republic of Korea.
Costa Rica welcomes the fact that the dear sister Republic of
Argentina has taken the initiative in pressing its just claim to the
Malvinas Islands in this United Nations forum and hopes that the
negotiations will prove fruitful. The association of the
Secretary-General with the dialogue, in accordance with a proposal of
which Costa Rica was a sponsor, is a guarantee that the parties will
reach an honorable and peaceful final agreement.
Costa Rica shows the concern expressed in this Hall at what is
happening in Cyprus, Afghanistan and Kampuchea, where situations in
violation of the principles of the Charter continue.
I should now like to take up the subject specifically referred to by
the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization.
I refer to what he has called "the prevailing convulsion of Central
America".
More than four decades ago we, the democratic sectors promoting
social change and freedom in Central America anticipated the present
crisis in the area. Our predictions were based on the existence of
economic and social structures and systems of military government
which legalized them. They constituted forms of oppression whose
inevitable end result would be the rebellion of peoples fighting
against the lack of social justice and for freedom. Today the
explosion of popular wrath has assumed a virulent form as a result of
that anti-democratic record.
But what was perhaps not anticipated was the international
circumstances prevailing during the final confrontation between the
peoples and the dictatorships. We did not anticipate all the
implications of this global confrontation today between democracy and
totalitarianism, a confrontation that would thoroughly disrupt
efforts to adapt these new forces to present realities in Central
America. What was particularly unexpected was that, on behalf of
freedom, social justice and democracy, an effort would be made after
the predictable rebellion to establish another unanticipated form of
totalitarianism, thereby flouting the very ideals which impelled the
forces of change. Yet that is precisely what is happening today. This
other form of totalitarianism, bolstered by open intervention by
forces outside the Central American area, has only sharpened the
conflict, polarized political ideas and created new formidable
obstacles to democratic, representative and pluralistic government
devoted to social justice, without the need for the bloodshed and
confrontation now rending the peoples of the Central American nations
apart.
In an effort to produce a realistic way out of the present crisis
besetting Central America, the President of Costa Rica, Luis Alberto
Monge, on the very day he assumed power on 8 May of this year, began
to put into practice what he had advocated in his electoral campaign,
namely, a broad alliance of democratic forces and Governments in
order to confront the totalitarian offense and promote the values,
machinery and goals of representative, pluralistic and participatory
democracy for clearly social purposes. For this purpose, infer in a
joint declaration of the heads of State attending the ceremony of the
transfer of power on 8 May, it was agreed, on Costa Rica's
initiative, that there would be created a good offices group which
would have as its special mandate the study of the various peace
initiatives that had been presented by various Governments in order
to bring about the relaxation of tension in Central America, as well
as other proposals that might be presented for the same purpose in
the future. Ever since, my country has stressed the need for this
kind of machinery or one similar to it that would make it possible
for the parties directly involved in the conflict to sit at the
negotiating table. And so it was that the Government of Costa Rica
decided to convene a meeting of foreign ministers of countries
interested in the pro-, motion of democracy in Central America and in
the Caribbean whose Governments have been legitimized through
elections.
On 4 October, at San Jose, at the invitation of the Costa Rican
Government there met representatives of Belize, Colombia, the
Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Honduras, Jamaica, Panama, the
United States and Costa Rica. The Governments of Mexico and Venezuela
were also invited. Panama and the
Dominican Republic participated as observers, and the latter signed
the Final Act. At the conclusions of the deliberations on the main
factors obstructing democratic processes in the area, faith was
reaffirmed in representative, pluralistic and participatory democracy
and the foundation was laid for the promotion of democracy and peace
in our area.
Regarding that democracy, the participating ministers declared:
"Their faith in and acceptance of the principles of representative,
pluralistic and participatory democracy, which thus understood
constitute a way of life, thought and action, with room for differing
social and economic systems and structures, but having a common
denominator, namely, respect for life, personal security, freedom of
thought, freedom of the press and of religion, and the right to work
and to proper remuneration, just living conditions, the free exercise
of the right to vote and other human, civil, political, economic,
social and cultural rights."
As regards the promotion of peace in the area, the Ministers stated
"Their conviction that in order to foster peace and regional stability it is
necessary to promote internally political awareness leading to the
creation of democratic, representative, pluralistic and participatory
systems; the establishment of machinery for multilateral and
permanent dialogue; absolute respect for borders defined in existing
treaties, respect for which is the best way of preventing border
disputes and incidents, with due account being taken, where
necessary, of traditional lines of jurisdiction. There must also be
respect for the independence and territorial integrity of States; use
or threats to use force to settle conflicts must be rejected; the
arms race must cease and, on a full basis of reciprocity, external
factors obstructing a lasting and stable peace must be eliminated."
In addition, the ministers felt that it was necessary to emphasize
certain actions of particular importance which were essential in
formulating a realistic, viable peace plan. For this reason, they
stated that:
"... it is essential for a peace plan that each country, in the
region and outside of it, carry out the following actions: first, to
create and maintain institutions of government which are truly
democratic, based on the popular will as expressed in free and
untainted elections, based on the principle that the Government is
responsible to the governed; secondly, to respect human rights,
especially the right to life and security of person, and fundamental
freedoms, freedom of expression, information, assembly and worship,
and the right to organize political parties, labor unions and other
groups and associations; thirdly, to foster national reconciliation
wherever profound divisions within society have occurred, by
extending opportunities to participate within the framework of
democratic institutions and procedures; fourthly, to respect the
principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of States and
the right of peoples to self-determination; fifthly, to prevent the
use of the territory of a country to support, supply, train or
supervise terrorists or subversive elements acting in other States,
putting an end to the traffic in weapons and materials, and
refraining from direct or indirect support for terrorists or
subversive or other activities designed to bring about the violent
overthrow of the Government of another State; sixthly, to limit
weapons and the scale of military and security forces to levels which
are strictly necessary for the maintenance of public order and
national defense; seventhly, to ensure, in accordance with reciprocal
and fully verifiable terms, international control of all ports of
entry and other border areas which are of strategic importance;
eighthly, to effect withdrawal, on a fully reciprocal basis, from the
Central American area of all foreign military and security advisors
and personnel, and the banning of imports of heavy weapons of an
obviously offensive nature in accordance with procedures which ensure
proper verification.
"These actions represent an integrated framework in each State which
is essential for the promotion of regional peace and stability."
As already stated, it is, of course, quite clear that without
appropriate means or machinery to analyses this peace plan and other
proposals with the same purpose, they all run the risk of being
ineffective, and that would be tragic. For that reason, at the San
Jose meeting which I have referred to, the ministers agreed "to set
themselves up as a Forum for Peace and Democracy", a forum which
could be extended through the inclusion or the collaboration of other
democratic States. The Forum could recommend specific actions to
representatives of participating countries, and they should report on
the results and transmit the final act of the meeting to other
States, so that they can present any appropriate comments and views.
The representatives asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Costa
Rica to transmit the final act, on behalf of the participating
Governments, to the Governments of the region and to other
Governments concerned, in order to obtain their views on the
principles and conditions for peace set forth therein.
They decided to convene a new meeting as soon as possible in order to
assess the progress being made in implementing the aims of the
declaration.
The Forum for Peace and Democracy is an expression of a common will;
it does not constitute an official body, and therefore has the
necessary flexibility and dynamism to carry out its great task. The
nucleus of the Forum is made up of Belize, Colombia, El Salvador,
Honduras, Jamaica, the Dominican Republic, the United States and
Costa Rica. Whatever democratic countries from the area wish to
become members of the Forum may do so, and a second group can be made
up of democratic countries which wish to co-operate with the Forum
without actually belonging to it. Here I should like to stress that
the Forum was created so that there might be the participation in it
of all countries involved in conflicts in Central America that
disrupt peace, so that they could explain their views and make peace
proposals; and this has already been done by Nicaragua, Honduras,
Mexico, the United States and Panama individually, and by Mexico and
Venezuela jointly, apart from the eight other countries that met at
San Jose and created the Forum and proposed the aforementioned plan
for regional peace.
As part of the mandate assigned to me at the San Jose meeting, I have
already circulated its final act and I am now taking the steps
required to enable the Forum to be used as a practical instrument for
waging this great peace offensive of the democracies. We hope that,
with the support of those peoples who desire peace, democracy,
freedom and social justice, this new initiative of the Forum for
Peace and Democracy will meet with a warm response and understanding,
because we believe that this is the broadest, most comprehensive and
most viable means of achieving the ends we all so much desire.
Costa Rica is a country with long diplomatic traditions; we are
peace-loving and unarmed. We neither want nor are able to become
involved in any armed conflict in Central America. But neither can we
refrain from contributing to peace efforts in Central America. Costa
Rica's security depends on security and peace in the region. For this
reason Costa Rica has sincerely and eagerly devoted its efforts to
convening the meeting of foreign ministers concerned for peace and
democracy in Central America and the Caribbean, whose Governments are
the result of the electoral process. As I have already stated, that
meeting took place on 4 October in the capital of my country. For
that reason also, Costa Rica, on 8 May of this year, proposed the
creation of the Forum for Peace and Democracy, which began to
function at that San Jose meeting.
For the first time ever, there is now a procedure whereby all parties
concerned can sit down together and, without any delays or excuses,
engage in a frank, constructive dialogue. If any party does not avail
itself of that opportunity, one can only conclude that, essentially,
there are elements more interested in seeking violent confrontation.
I am confident, however, that this peace initiative of ours and the
machinery to implement it will be accepted by everyone. The peoples
of the region, which yearn for peace, security and democracy, have
their eyes turned to us to see how we, the leaders of their
Governments, fulfil our lofty duties.
On this glorious anniversary of the discovery of America, I conclude
my statement with a tribute to Spain and to its extraordinary people
which has given us its values and taught us, through the centuries,
how to overcome all adversity in the persevering quest for the
dignity and happiness of every human being.


Sir, may I start by congratulating you on your
election as President of this thirty-seventh
session of the General Assembly. At the same
time, I would like to convey to you our
satisfaction at seeing such an experienced
politician occupy this high post. Your merits
will most certainly help us to achieve positive
results in our endeavors.
2.	I would also like to pay a tribute to
your predecessor, who carried out the duties of
the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the
General Assembly with such competence and
authority. His contribution deserves our
admiration and gratitude.
3.	I wish to address a special salute to Mr.
Perez de Cuellar and express my satisfaction at
seeing in this eminent position such an
influential personality, whose human and
diplomatic qualities have already been widely
demonstrated.
4.	The importance and complexity of the
questions included in the agenda clearly show
that dialogue among peoples is essential to
international relations. However, a fruitful
dialogue depends on the existence of a climate
of international confidence. Confidence is not
compatible with persistent acts of disrespect
for the provisions enshrined in the Charter of
the United Nations and in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, or with violations
of sovereignty, that affect the territorial
integrity of nations and disregard the right of
peoples to self-determination and independence.
Confidence also excludes the tendency of certain
States to impose on other countries, through the
threat or use of force, a certain behavior or
ideological submission, contrary to the
deep-rooted feelings of their peoples.
5.	The absence of this climate of confidence
was evident during the second special session of
the General Assembly on disarmament, undoubtedly
one of the most ambitious efforts of the
Organization. Disarmament, understood as a
balanced and controlled reduction of nuclear and
conventional weapons, does not stand as an
autonomous category within the framework of the
relations among States. However, the increasing
tensions in international relations must neither
be an excuse nor a justification for the modest
results attained. Both the security and the
future of humankind require that immediate action
be taken on certain aspects of the arms race, in
order to deflect it from its present course.
6.	Accordingly, the initiation of
negotiations at Geneva, between the United States
and the USSR, to control and reduce nuclear
weapons of intermediate range as well as
strategic nuclear weapons, is ah encouraging step
and responds to many concerns. We hope that
important and substantial reductions will follow,
mainly with respect to the ground systems which,
being the most vulnerable, are the most
destabilizing.
7.	We also follow with great interest the
Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces,
Armaments and Associated Measures in Central
Europe. The new proposals recently presented by
the West offer a possibility to break the
present impasse. We believe they provide a good
basis for progress.
8.	The implementation of the provisions of
the Helsinki Final Act would be a decisive
element towards international detente. Such
detente must be global and indivisible, based on
criteria of reciprocity, and must govern
relations among countries with different social
and political systems as well as among
Governments with identical ideological
structures. However, the debates at the Madrid
meeting of the Conference on Security and
Co-operation in Europe, in which my Government is
so deeply engaged, shows that there, too, the
effects of the present crisis of confidence are
felt, thus impairing the attainment of positive
results whenever a solution for basic problems is
at stake.
9.	Past and present events in Poland fully
illustrate this state of affairs. This is the
reason why the Portuguese Government has from
the outset openly condemned such events, drawing
there from the necessary conclusions.
10.	The position of Portugal is that the
obligation is undertaken in this Held must be
executed in good faith. It is necessary to strive
for the fulfillment of the objectives we
ourselves have proposed, thus contributing to
the full realization of the principles of the
Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. It is not a question of drastically
changing international reality. That would be
unthinkable. Rather, it is a question of trying
to ease tensions and increase confidence in
relations among nations and peoplesósince these
are also mentioned in the Final Act. Such an
attitude cannot function in one direction only.
It concerns all parties involved and it precludes
proclamation of an official doctrine which,
depending on the areas concerned and according to
one's convenience, interprets coexistence either
as co-operation or as intolerant confrontation.
Only in this way can detente become a reality,
translated into positive acts, and not merely a
dialogue of the deaf.
11.	The general considerations I have just
formulated do not diminishórather, they
emphasizeóthe importance of regional tensions
susceptible of jeopardizing world stability. I
shall mention only a few examples. I would like
to refer first to the situation in Namibia, where
the exercise of the right to self- determination
continues to be delayed giving rise to serious
risks of conflict in southern Africa. Portugal
considers that the independence of Namibia, in
accordance with Security Council resolution 435
(1978) is essential to the stabilization process
in the region.
12.	The repeated attacks against the
territories of Angola and Mozambique, which
Portugal has condemned in a timely and vigorous
manner, cannot fail to be seen in this context,
hence rendering more urgent a stable solution to
the problem. Given the very special ties my
country has with Angola and Mozambique
Portuguese public opinion follows with deep
interest the efforts made towards achieving
peace, and the subsequent developments in
southern Africa. The interrelationship between
these two elements is made clear by the economic
pressures to which those two countries and
Zimbabwe have been subjected. In this context, we
think that the goals being pursued by the
Southern African Development Co-ordinations
Conference may constitute a very positive
contribution to a balanced development of the
area.
13.	I would like to make it clear that we do
not wish any specific role for Portugal and that
we put our trust in the efforts of the
Secretary-General, and in the diplomatic
initiatives and responsible role played by the
contact group of five Western States and by the
front-line States. However, the evolution of
events shows that flexibility and rapid action
are essential. Whenever necessary Portugal will
be ready to cooperate, if requested. This my
Government has already earnestly done.	t
14.	The search for a solution to the
Palestinian problem which would result in a
global, lasting and just peace in the Middle East
is today an essential element of international
security. The most recent aspects of the problem
emphasize even more strongly the need to respect
the principle of self-determination and to
consider the just claims of the Palestinian
people, who long to create a new independent
State.
15.	But in the Middle East crisis it is
equally necessary to state clearly the need for
respect for the sovereignty, territorial
integrity and political independence of all
nations in the area, in particular Lebanon and
Israel, as well as the right of their respective
peoples to live in peace within duly recognized
and guaranteed international boundaries.
16.	The Portuguese Government welcomes the
most recent initiatives taken by the
international community, namely. President
Reagan's peace plan and the plan agreed by
consensus at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference
at Fez. Neither of these plans should be
considered separately. Both constitute a
significant step towards the achievement of peace
in the area. The complexity of the Middle East
situation is now viewed on a more realistic
basis which may lead to the compromise solutions
long awaited and much desired by the
international community, thus relegating to the realm
of the unthinkable such horrifying massacres as
those recently inflicted on the defenseless
Palestinian refugees.
17.	The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan,
which so clearly infringes the juridical rules
upon which the United Nations is based, has been
repeatedly condemned in the Assembly and still
gives rise to harsh criticism against the
hegemonic purposes which were behind it.
18.	The Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea is
yet another source of tension. My Government
supports the diplomatic efforts either
recommended or already accomplished aimed at
finding a peaceful solution to these conflicts.
19.	From what has been said it is evident
that the consequences of the exercise of the
right of peoples to self-determination are of
great importance within the framework of
international relations; therefore it is the duty
of the United Nations to enforce the respect for
that principle so uncompromisingly proclaimed by
Member States and to which the great majority of
the countries here represented owe allegiance.
20.	It is in this context that the problem of
East Timor should be seen. In the light of the
principles concerning the rights of peoples,
which the Organization is bound to defend, the
problem of East Timor and the need for the
international community to ensure the exercise of
the rights of that Territory's population are
for my country matters of high priority and
undeniable importance. Portugal, which seven
years ago ceased to be able to carry out its
responsibilities as administering Power, has
repeatedly declared that it makes no claim to the
Territory of East Timor, to which my country is
linked historically and by bonds of human
solidarity that exist to this day. These bonds
are reflected in the deep sensitivity with which
the Portuguese nation as a whole follows this
problem, while it hopes for a solution consistent
with international ethics and justice.
21.	The Portuguese State has often said that
its only goal is the fulfillment of a national
and moral duty. Aware of the justice of our cause
and certain that we are interpreting the
unanimous feeling of the Portuguese State and
the Portuguese people, I wish to reaffirm clearly
our desire to co-operate actively with the United
Nations, using all the mechanisms envisaged in
the Charter, so that through an open dialogue we
may all find a solution that truly respects the
interests and cultural identity of the people of
East Timor and enables them to define their
collective destiny.
22.	We are going through particularly
difficult times, in which the weight of economic
problems has a growing influence and obvious
repercussions in the political Held. The present
state of the world economy continues to cause
serious concern as we face a sombre reality,
marked by persistent inflationary pressures,
monetary fluctuations, high interest rates,
unemployment and social tensions. The outlook
for the near future cannot but be disquieting.
The gradual deterioration of the economic
situation has affected all countries, regardless
of their political, economic or social system,
but it is the poorest among us that have been
most severely harmed.
23.	The experience of the last few years has
shown that global interdependence is an
inescapable fact and as such requires greater
solidarity among nations. This immense task is
vital and demands the realistic, co-ordinate and
untiring efforts of all members of the
international community, without exception.
24.	My Government believes in the importance
and usefulness of a realistic, productive and
action-oriented North-South dialogue. We are
facing global problems which demand a global
approach and global solutions. We trust therefore
that it will be possible to reach agreement on
the conditions which would make possible the
launching of global negotiations in a spirit
guided by common interest and respect for
existing organizations. North-South relations are
usually reduced to a formal and strict
distinction between developed and developing
countries, but such a dichotomy is far from the
present reality.
25.	Portugal, south of the North, is at an
intermediate stage of economic and technological
development: a donor country within the limits of
its capacity, it is simultaneously a recipient of
assistance essential to the process of national
development in which it is engaged.
26.	Being an Atlantic country, an active
member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization,
a European country and a candidate for membership
of the European Economic Community, Portugal is
in a position in which it can understand not only
the needs of the developing countries but also
the difficulties facing the more advanced
economies. Portugal's membership in the European
Community, one of the priorities of our foreign
policy, will, we are certain, enable 3s to
reinforce our capacity to under-stand both sides
of the problem and at the same time collaborate
actively towards its solution. On the one hand we
shall pursue more resolutely Portugal's
development process and on the other wider
perspectives will be opened for the privileged
relations we maintain with many areas of the
world other than the Portuguese-speaking African
countries and the African continent.
27.	My Government is engaged in increasing
and diversifying its bilateral aid, but it is
equally interested in developing co-operation
projects, with the assistance of specialized
agencies of the United Nations and with the
co-operation of other countries. Aware of our
limitations and possibilities, but conscious also
that, besides quantitative aspects, there are
also the qualitative ones, we shall strive to
achieve these goals.
28.	If the role played by small and medium
enterprises has become increasingly important
within our economy, in the international
political system, too, the role of small and
medium countries must be acknowledged as
increasingly relevant.
29.	Indeed, the perception and impact of
questions such as the energy crisis, problems of
investment and technology and protectionist
policies are common to this group of countries
and constitute, in their particular case,
conditioning factors of a qualitative and not
merely quantitative nature. This reality draws a
distinction between us and the larger countries.
We believe that, with a view to creating a
realistic and useful basis for dialogue, it is of
the utmost interest that we undertake a common
consideration of this issue.
30.	Like the others, my country is
particularly sensitive to the energy problems
that affect our balance of payments in a very
negative way, reducing our possibilities of
carrying out the measures necessary to pursue our
development process. A sustained economic growth
depends to a great extent on intensification of
productive investments, increased productivity
and the maintenance of an open trade system.
31.	Although one must admit that the
seriousness of the world economic situation has
not caused a radical increase of protectionism, I
should like to stress the concern of the
Portuguese Government regarding some
protectionist measures which affect exports from
developing countries and from countries in an
intermediate stage of development, like Portugal.
We hope that during the next ministerial meeting
of GATT important decisions will be taken
contributing, in a decisive way, to fostering
free international trade between all countries
and groups of countries.
32.	I should also like to refer to the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea  Last
April Portugal voted in favor of the Convention.
This decision was taken in the light of our own
interests as a coastal State. It also took into
account the interests of the international
community, which may be greatly affected should
an adequate regulation of these matters not be
established. This does not mean that my country
is satisfied with all the provisions contained
in the Convention, namely, those regarding the
composition of the International Sea-Bed
Authority^ In fact the interests of
semi-industrialized countries are not taken duly
into account, especially in the case of those
countries that, like Portugal, has ? face serious
emigration problems. These considerations do not,
however, impair our intention to sign and ratify
the Convention, thus contributing towards
avoiding chaos in international maritime
relations. Accordingly, Portugal calls upon every
country to make an additional effort to find a
compromise formula which would render the
Convention universally acceptable.
33.	If, on the one hand, economic matters are
intimately linked to political problems, it is
also true that from them arise very serious
consequences concerning human rights. Thus, when
discussing here the best way to achieve the
objectives we have pro-posed Cor
ourselvesónamely, the creation of a more
equitable international orderówe cannot overlook
a basic fundamental principle: that the United
Nations is, above all, a body at the service of
humankind. Beyond the diversity of traditions,
cultures and systems, man attains universal value
as a subject of rights and fundamental freedoms,
through intrinsic dignity. Conse-quently, in
addition to those factors, there is yet another
concern: we continue to be faced with the
persistence of policies that ignore the essence
of human rights and lead to serious violations of
such rights, as a result of local conflicts or of
situations of instability or intolerance.
34.	Of such situations, the system of
apartheid is a paradigm. This system is condemned
by us, as it is our belief that any form of
discrimination, besides being unacceptable on an
ethical and human plane, is a denial of progress
and culture.
35.	As I have already stated, there are many
areas in the world where the rights to
self-determination, free choice of regime,
independence and security of States are not
respected. When it comes to human rightsómeaning
relations between the Government and
individualsóthe situations in which human beings
are denied their basic rights are regrettably
multiplying. I am referring to political
repression, racism, foreign domination and
poverty. The international community acknowledges
the fact that human rights are inseparable from
the rights of peoples and of nations and that
both are closely related to peace, security and
prosperity in the world. In order that
international stability may be attained, States
must respect the rights of other nations and
those of their own citizens. In this context, the
United Nations has a dual responsibility: the
definition of principles through the enunciation
of a code of conduct and supervision of their
effective implementation.
36.	The Portuguese Government attributes the
greatest importance to the achievement of that
aim. Accordingly, Portugal has adhered to the
main international instruments concerning human
rights, the latest one being the International
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination, to which we acceded on 23
September.
37.	The United Nations has created a system
and institutions to promote and protect respect
for human rights the world over. However, the
number of cases that are violations of the moral
conscience of nations is regrettably increasing.
38.	In this context, we are deeply concerned
with the difficult living conditions suffered by
the Timorese people as well as with the
violations of its cultural identity and its
rights, caused by the present situation in the
Territory of East Timor. Convergent reports and
information reaching us from East Timor leave no
doubt about the moral and physical sufferings
endured by the people of Timor. The problem of
East Timor was only recently discussed at Geneva
when the Sub-Commission on Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Minorities
adopted resolution 1982/201 on this question, in
which it acknowledged the diplomatic efforts made
by Portugal to redress the situation in the
Territory and called for international
co-operation to defend the rights of the Timorese
people. In this context as well, of great
significance in the sphere of international
morals and law, I wish to reiterate the
Portuguese will to co-operate in the settlement
within the wide framework of humanitarian
questions, of several problems brought about by
the situation in East Timor. I wish to reaffirm
here that the Portuguese position as to
principles and human rights is clear and that it
constitutes the pursuit of an ethical and
political duty which cannot be overlooked if we
do not want to put in jeopardy the values that
govern us. Likewise, I reiterate Portugal's firm
determination to reach a global solution to this
problem within the framework of the Organization,
through an open and frank dialogue.
39.	The history of the United Nations stands
as an example of endeavor to give mankind its
full dimension, free from the yoke of political
domination, urgent material needs and deadly
wars. Many are the difficulties that have been
encountered when pursuing these aims. Some
achievements have even brought about new and
complex problems.
40.	To admit that reforms must be introduced
in certain structures and habits does not mean
that we should question the provisions of the
Charter. On the contrary, within the limitations
imposed by the framework of international
relations, those provisions still offer the best
means of overcoming institutional impediments,
and are at the same time an irreplaceable frame
of reference when it comes to settling certain
types of conflicts. The Portuguese Government
sincerely believes that the Organization can
handle confrontations and pave the way to their
settlement by means of dialogue, at the same time
and provide the necessary impartiality as a forum
for negotiation.
41.	If the Organization is affected by some
shortcomings, that is not its fault. Those
shortcomingsóso sharply described in the report
of the Secretary- General on the work of the
Organization	óare caused by those who find
them very convenient. That is why, when there is
a common will, the United Nations offers the
appropriate institutional means for the search
for multilateral solutions. It is for the
reaffirmation of such goals that all of us
gathered here must strive, without any weakening
or preconcep-tions, without any demagoguery or
procrastination; the moral force of those who are
in the right will always triumph in the end.


The thirty-seventh session of the General
Assembly is taking place at a particularly
crucial time in international life, characterized
basically by a series of grave crises: political
crises that endanger international peace and
security, social crises stemming from unchecked
population growth, economic crises unprecedented
since the establishment of the Bretton Woods
system, crises in international structures and
institutions.	,
Hence we see before us the United Nations, with
its imposing structures and prestige, facing the
greatest difficulty in ensuring that
international law is respected. We see the
Organization displaying its impotence in the
tragedy taking place in the Middle East. Never
before, in the discharge of its responsibilities,
has the United Nations been so convinced of the
futility of its decisions—witness its resolutions
being trampled underfoot by certain Member States
whose duty it is because of their capacity to
negotiate, to set the course of justice and
reason.
This preliminary assessment of the world
situation was necessary in order to highlight the
immensity of the task of presiding over the
Assembly since, through our deliberations and
decisions, it may be possible to restore
confidence in the United Nations and in all those
that never lost faith in its calling. In
extending our most sincere congratulations to Mr.
Hollai on his election, our delegation would like
to offer him our best wishes for the success of
our work. He may be assured that my country,
which as a Vice-President is working with him, is
anxious to give him all possible support and
assistance. I also address my best wishes to the
Secretary-General for success during his term of
office. The way he has discharged his
responsibilities during this first year, so rich
in events, is striking proof of his skill and
ability to direct the Organization. Moreover, his
report on the work of the Organization contains
lucid comments and guidelines which have the full
support of the Upper Volta.
Last year, looking back on the situation in the
world, at the 28th meeting of the thirty-sixth
session, I spoke of a momentum and of hopes which
should not be dashed. Today once again these are
our wishes, although the ills that envelop and
afflict our world make despair a constant
companion.
In the Middle East, first, in spite of four
special sessions of the General Assembly, several
Security Council meetings, a special meeting of
the non-aligned countries and many appeals by the
international community, Israel placed greater
faith in war than in dialogue. AH the efforts
made to reach a just and lasting settlement of
the Palestinian question crashed against the wail
of death and bellicose arrogance erected by
Israel—Israel which, having become a constant
aggressor, proclaims and defends its own rights
while trampling on those of others.
The tragic events in Lebanon are proof enough
that 37 years after San Francisco a State is able
to invade another with impunity under the pretext
of being a liberator. After events in
Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Lebanon, who would
dare to speak of international morality? For
those of us not having double standards, those
acts of aggression are all equally reprehensible.
Thus, we see the Hebrew State, not content with
occupying Arab lands, now interfering in Lebanese
affairs. In this respect we condemn the principle
of fait accomplit. This is why my country fully
supports the Security Council resolution which
demands the establishment and maintenance of a
multinational force whose primary mission would
be to guarantee the security of Palestinians and
to consolidate the integrity and independence of
Lebanon. The massacres of Shatila and Sabra can
in no way wipe out the inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people. Israel, above all, should
know this. Israel should know that as regards the
struggle for the right to life and freedom more
often than not everything follows the well-known
biological phenomenon of organic regeneration. In
other words, the Palestinians who died for
freedom and justice. In these conditions, where does
victory reside? Regardless of the final solution
found and regardless of the means used, the
tragedy in the Middle East cannot be resolved by
force of arms. Only frank and sincere
negotiations between the parties can lead to an
equitable settlement of the dispute. That
settlement must be based on the relevant
decisions of the United Nations, with mutual
recognition of the right to existence of both the
Palestinian people and the Israeli people as an
indispensable prerequisite. In this context, the
Arab peace plan which resulted from the Twelfth
Arab Summit Conference at Fez is an initiative in
the right direction.
Israel must understand this wisdom, this
sacrifice, and respond by giving up all the
territories occupied by force and beginning a
dialogue with the Palestinian people, through its
legitimate representative, the PLO. A policy of
domination or revenge on either side would be a
dead-end policy, catastrophic for the region,
which needs peace so much in order to regain
unity and pool its vast resources to promote its
economic and social development.
The region is also the arena of another conflict,
which has for two years now pitted Iraq and the
Islamic Republic of Iran against each other on
geo-strategic and political-ideological grounds.
The Upper Volta is increasingly concerned by the
magnitude of that confrontation, which, if not
soon honorably resolved may lead to foreign
intervention, thus endangering international
security. We appeal to those two non-aligned
States to conform to the ideals of the
non-aligned movement, which are based on peaceful
coexistence, and put an end to a fratricidal war
which wounds and weakens us all.
Africa and Asia are also hotbeds of tension, and
here again we cannot but be pessimistic. With the
complicity of certain Powers, the racist regime
of Pretoria stalks and murders the freedom
fighters who struggle to recover their dignity as
free men. In spite of these vicissitudes, the
African National Congress and SWAPO are
continuing their heroic struggle for a completely
free South Africa and an independent and
sovereign Namibia.
The blind hostility of apartheid to the
objectives of Africa lead to repeated incursions
against the frontline States, inflicting human
suffering and material damage upon them and
arousing only verbal condemnation from the Powers
which oppose any sanctions against the South
African regime. None the less those sanctions are
necessary to compel the South African authorities
to be more reasonable. Those sanctions are
essential to put an end to the odious
segregationist system which still, at the end of
this twentieth century, dares to institutionalize
as a system of government the theory of racial
superiority dear to the Fascist regimes. In the
name of justice and dignity, we wish to reiterate
our support for the front-line States, whose
determination and perseverance do honor to all
Africa. In the name of justice and freedom, we
ask the members of the contact group to apply all
their skill in persuasion and negotiation to make
the Pretoria regime understand that the
independence of Namibia is inevitable and
necessary.
As regards the events in Chad, every African
country had its own opinion, and positions were
often contradictory and even conflicting. What is
comforting is that we were able to exercise
self-control and turn to will rise again from
their ashes the OAU, which had its first
experience of maintaining peace in a country prey
to civil war. Despite the difficulties it faced,
the OAU accomplished useful work in Chad. In
these circumstances, who would venture to
question the usefulness and importance of that
organization? It follows that the disagreements
that now exist within the OAU because of the
question of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic
will not inevitably lead to its disappearance. On
the contrary, the enthusiasm and faith that
presided over the organization's birth must not
wane and give way to disputes and excommunication.
On the question of Western Sahara, my country's
position is very clear: it is based on our desire
to work sincerely for the unity of Africa and on
our wish to respect the norms of law, without
which that unity would be only artificial. We in
the Upper Volta are accustomed to independent
thought and action, because the Upper Volta does
not belong to any outside school; it has its own
school. This underlies our vision of African
unity; it also underlies our position on the
question of Western Sahara, whose solution must
involve an awareness of the following realities.
The question of Western Sahara is an exclusively
African question; hence there is no need to refer
it to the League of Arab States. A just and
lasting settlement of the question must be based,
above all, on the original principles of our
organization; it is essential that the nineteenth
session of the Assembly of Heads of State and
Government of the OAU be held, as planned, at
Tripoli.
Above and beyond misunderstandings and
sensitivities, what is important is cohesion and
unity. In the life of any institution at some
time or other there are difficulties that must be
overcome. Let us, therefore, rally to safeguard
our own unity. This is a categorical need,
because an Africa bedeviled from within cannot
allow itself to be destabilized or distracted by
hegemonic designs.
Similarly, as regards Asia, we deplore the clear
interference of foreign Powers in Afghanistan and
Kampuchea. In the case of those countries, just
as wherever else it is violated—in Africa, in
Latin America—we wish to see respect for the
principle of noninterference.
The question of Korea has always been a matter of
concern to my country, which calls for and works
towards reconciliation between the two Koreas and
their reunification. The Upper Volta urges them
to settle the Korean question by peaceful means,
through negotiations, without foreign
interference.
Now the force which brings together the countries
of Latin America, Asia and Africa, the non-
aligned movement must preserve the integrity of
its basic principle, non-alignment. Increasingly
lost sight of, non-alignment is increasingly
necessary, vital and consistent with our
fundamental interests. Without strict respect for
the principles of our movement and in the hands
of hegemonic Powers, we become pawns in a game
that they play and control to satisfy their own
strategic interests. Our ideals transcend that
sad destiny, and our actions must no longer doom
us to it. Our task is to contribute balance and
justice to the international community. We must
also work fervently for a world based on true
collective security.
In this context we can only be disappointed and
frustrated that the second special session of the
General Assembly devoted to disarmament, in which
all countries had placed such great hopes, ended
in failure. The main cause was the bad faith of
the nuclear States, which kept raising objections
and reservations in an attempt to make
disarmament their own preserve. Even if their
arsenals warrant such pretension, it still
remains true that peace is everybody's business.
In spite of those disappointing results, we
consider it necessary, within the framework of
the World Disarmament Campaign, to continue to
mobilize world public opinion in favor of peace.
The future of the world economy arouses deep
concern in my country. The present crisis,
because of its multifaceted nature, spares no
country, whether of North or South,
industrialized or developing. Inflation and
unemployment have sounded the alarm everywhere.
The elements of a crisis similar to that of the
1930s are again present and, as if this were
enough to overcome it, certain economic Powers
have taken protectionist measures, which have had
the immediate effect of producing disorder in
international economic trade. In the long term it
is to be feared that those same measures may lead
to social and polemical upheaval, with
unforeseeable results.
Another feature of the present situation which is
equally disturbing to my country is the slowing
down of the humanist movement towards
international co-operation which had led to the
creation of a number of bodies within the United
Nations system designed to Foster the development
of the least-favored countries.
As proof of that I would cite the enormous
difficulties now faced by UNDP, whose capacity to
intervene in the sphere of international
development has fallen in 1982 below what it was
10 years ago. For the countries that benefit from
that assistance this situation will most
certainly lead to the elimination of many
projects whose economic and social impact is
clear.
123. The concern that I have just shared with the
Assembly is not confined, unfortunately, to UNDP:
it extends also, I am afraid, to such specialized
agencies and bodies as UNICEF, FAO, WHO, UNEP,
and others. It is as though in recent years the
interest that led to the creation of such bodies
has waned; it is as though the suffering, poverty
and penury of millions of human beings prey to
hunger, thirst and the most diverse and cruel
ills no longer awakened ;he conscience of men of
good will.
It is therefore not surprising that this
worldwide economic recession, whether we call it
inflation, an energy crisis or deterioration in
the terms of trade, which paralyses the growth of
the most prosperous, powerful economies should be
destroying the development efforts of the
third-world countries, and, more specifically,
the least developed among them. In Africa, and
more particularly in the Sahelian countries,
these ills, together with natural disasters and
their consequences tend to become a veritable
psychosis.
By the end of this session of the General
Assembly we expect to see an increase in the
number of African countries classified as among
the least developed, which will bring to 52 per
cent the proportion of States on our continent in
that category. These figures speak for
themselves; they are proof that in spite of the
struggle of the African countries since their
independence and in spite of the Lagos Plan of
Action and the efforts of the international
community to help our continent emerge from its
chronic underdevelopment, the results have not
met the expectations of our peoples. Indeed, the
results have even been negative in certain
respects.
It is often said that comparisons are odious.
Without trying to draw analogies between the
present situation of the developing countries and
that of postwar Europe, my country, the Upper
Volta, is convinced that only massive assistance
to those countries along the lines of the
Marshall Plan could help them to solve their
economic problems. Obviously, the success of such
a plan depends on the political will of all
States, particularity the major Powers. In our
view, the latter should reverse the arms race and
devote the resources thus released to the
peaceful purposes of economic and social
development.
It is within this framework that the Upper Volta
attaches particular importance to resumption of
the North-South dialogue and renewal of global
negotiations on economic development. We
therefore appeal to the rich countries, and to
their political will, in particular, to recognize
that the interests of mankind and the very
survival of the human race transcend
self-interest, demand the prompt resumption of
those negotiations and must be the basis of their
philosophy.
The Upper Volta, a land-locked country and one
which is geographically disadvantaged and
classified among the least-developed countries,
welcomed with great satisfaction the adoption of
the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea' on 30 April 1982. The decisive adoption of
that instrument constitutes, in our view, a
striking victory of an international community in
search of its identity, an important step towards
a more just and lasting balance in inter-State
economic relations. Is that not an example, if
example be needed, of the value of dialogue?
I should like on behalf of my country to take
this opportunity to appeal to the States that for
different reasons were unable to adopt the
Convention on the Law of the Sea to review their
position. On a Convention of such importance,
consensus would make it possible for us to mark
one more milestone on the path towards peace and
detente.
Before concluding, I should like to restate my
country's full confidence and faith in the United
Nations and in its noble mission, which is that
of bringing about an era of peace and progress
for the well-being of mankind. The Upper Volta
has attentively followed all the efforts made in
that direction during the past year, whether it
be the World Assembly on Aging, a matter which is
increasingly of concern to the national
community, or the Second United Nations
Conference on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses
of Outer Space which took place in August at
Vienna. We believe that all these activities
share a clear vision of objectives to be attained
in order to make our world more fraternal and
more humane.
It is urgent that the United Nations, through the
proposals for renewal suggested by the Secretary-
General, regain its place and its role in
accordance with the principles of the Charter. It
is essential that all the nations of our world
give the United Nations every support to enable
it to accomplish its mission in our troubled
world, that of safeguarding peace and justice.
Above and beyond the difficulties of all types
that today disturb international life, above and
beyond national selfishness, tension and
conflicts which govern inter-State relations, one
truth remains: never before since the emergence
of life on earth has mankind been more
threatened, more haunted. Never has peace been
more precarious, never has our world been more
anguished, more disturbed; disturbed at the
present, disturbed for the future. In these
conditions, our only chance of survival is to
mobilize all our energies in the service of
greater justice, greater equity on earth.