It is always a great
honour for me to address the annual gathering of the
General Assembly.
 In uncertain times such as ours, cooperation is
more necessary than ever. Unless we stand together
and invent new approaches to the global challenges we
all face, we shall be torn apart by fear and self-
destructive interests. Gatherings such as this, therefore,
are valuable only if they allow us to shape a common
vision for concrete action towards peace, development,
solidarity and justice.
 This month, thanks to the coordinated efforts of
the international community and the leadership of
President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton, direct
peace talks have resumed between Israelis and
Palestinians. This is a very important moment, because
they resume precisely when many people had given up
hope for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
 The road to peace, security, and justice is still a
long one. The remaining obstacles are enormous. But
the goal is so noble and necessary that no effort should
be spared. That is why today I would like to pay tribute
to all those who are taking risks for peace. Yes, risks.
Because peace is never obvious, never easy. That is
certainly true in the Middle East, and it is true in my
region as well.
 One of our common goals, then, must be to
enable those risk-takers who have the courage to defy
conventional wisdom and forge new paths to peace.
Peace is not an easy way. But peace is the only way.
 As the President of a young democracy that
recently suffered from war and invasion and is still
under partial occupation of an important part of its
territory by a nuclear super-Power, I can say this: peace
is our most precious common goal and, at the same
time, our only path towards the other goals we share.
 To those here and in my own country who see no
way to reverse the armed occupation or reduce regional
tensions, I say: peace is not only the goal, it is also the
means to any goal.
 Today my region is at a crossroads. For too long,
it has suffered from division, injustice, conflict,
colonization and violence. Today, however, change is
possible. In fact, change is already taking place. I came

10-54833 2

here to speak about this change and to promote a
specific vision — a vision of a free, stable and united
Caucasus.
 From the times of Pushkin, Lermontov or Tolstoy
to the present day, the Caucasian mountains have been
a symbol of wilderness and paradoxes, a region where
individuals and souls were fundamentally free, but
where citizens were brutally oppressed; where people
and cultures were deeply tolerant, but where
Governments and authorities created artificial
divisions; where shepherds would cross 5,000-metres-
high mountains, but where rulers erected walls nobody
could cross. I have come here today to tell the
Assembly that those times are vanishing, that the
dream of unity and peace is possible.
 When I addressed the Assembly two years ago —
in the aftermath of a full-scale invasion, and when the
Russian Foreign Minister was openly discussing with
foreign diplomats and the international community the
possibility of Georgia’s total annihilation — few
people believed that our country would survive as an
independent and democratic State. Few people thought
that our Government would endure, that our economy
would survive the war and the global crisis, that our
reforms could continue with renewed vigour, or that we
would make steady progress towards the European
Union and Euro-Atlantic structures.
 Well, I am proud to tell the Assembly, two years
later, that we have succeeded against all the odds,
thanks to the commitment of the Georgian people and
to the support of friends and allies. Today, Georgia is
back.
 Georgia is back, first, as a laboratory for political
reform and social transformation.
 More than ever, we are committed to the promise
at the heart of the Rose Revolution to turn a failed
State into a modern European one. Our local elections
last May were proof of that transformation and a
milestone for our democracy, the result of seven years
of patient, constant, tireless reform.
 Our objective is clear: to create a more
institutionalized system of liberal democratic
governance.
 My term as President ends in 2013. These
changes will survive my presidency and the current
Government, because we are not speaking only about
changes of leadership or reforms of institutions; we are
speaking about something deeper and stronger —
something that The Economist of London recently
branded as Georgia’s “mental revolution”.
 The Georgian people have tasted freedom, the
absence of corruption, the fruits of economic
development, the emergence of a true meritocracy.
They have changed their behaviour, their vision of the
world, their dreams even, and they will mightily resist
any attempts to reverse those changes — no matter
whether those attempts come from inside or from
abroad.
 This is our great victory: we helped to create
something that goes far beyond the leaders and parties
that led the Rose Revolution. We helped to create a
revolution of the heart and the mind.
 Once one of the most corrupt countries of the
post-Soviet world, Georgia has made greater gains in
the fight against corruption, as witnessed by
Transparency International, than any other country
over the past five years. Once a place where foreign
investors were kidnapped by gangs and mafias,
Georgia is now ranked by the World Bank as number
11 for ease of doing business in the world — a ranking
we hope to further improve this year — and the
number 1 in Eastern and Central Europe. These
rankings make clear why Georgia’s only interest is a
peaceful resolution of conflicts: Georgia is winning the
peace — Georgia is winning through peace.
 Our northern neighbour expected us to change
our path when it imposed on us a full embargo in 2006,
invaded us in 2008, ethnically cleansed Georgian
regions and illegally occupied 20 per cent of our
territory, an occupation that continues to this day. All
these actions had one objective: to destroy the
Georgian laboratory of political, economic and social
reform — to prevent the region from changing.
 We answered those relentless attacks by
reinvigorating our reforms, opening our economy even
more, and accelerating our social transformation. This
is our policy, and no provocation will ever make us
change it. Thanks to this commitment to reform,
Georgia is now a responsible international player.
 I am proud that my nation is fighting
international terrorism in Afghanistan. I pay tribute
here to our nearly 1,000 soldiers who are risking their
lives every day in the south of Afghanistan to help the
Afghan people secure a stable, terror-free future. I pay

3 10-54833

a special tribute today to company commander First
Lieutenant Mukhran Shukvani, who died earlier this
month. Mukhran was killed in the cause of peace,
while serving alongside NATO forces in the dangerous
Helmand province of Afghanistan.
 We are fighting other common scourges, now
focusing especially on the terrible danger of nuclear
trafficking. Many times over the past seven years we
have intercepted criminals who had in their possession
the essential ingredients for nuclear devices. Every step
of the way, we have cooperated with our allies in the
international community to ensure that Georgia is
doing everything possible to confront this global
danger.
 Here I must pause to draw attention to a grave
problem that resulted from the partial occupation of my
country — a problem that everybody should worry
about, even those who overlook and do not care too
much about violations of international law, who forget
500,000 internally displaced persons and refugees;
even those who dismiss repeated assaults on basic
human rights, civil liberties and the environment.
 I am speaking of the lawlessness bred by the
Russian occupation. Our two occupied regions exist in
a black hole of governance. Today, in those lands,
criminals act with impunity. The most elemental human
rights are abused. Drugs and weapons are smuggled.
People are trafficked. And potential weapons of mass
destruction are moved in and out of the territories,
posing a threat to us all.
 Three days ago, we met in this very place to
discuss the Millennium Development Goals and our
progress in meeting them over the past decade. I shall
not tire the Assembly with a recitation of our efforts to
achieve the Goals, the strides we have made in halving
our poverty rate and decreasing by two thirds our
extreme poverty, reforming our educational system and
improving health care.
 But I will tell the Assembly that all those
successes remain bittersweet for me, because they
cannot be savoured by all the people of Georgia — not
by those who live in fear for their basic rights in the
occupied territories, nor fully by the 500,000 internally
displaced persons and refugees who were expelled
from their homes and cannot go back and regain their
property.
 For the last two years the Russian Federation has
been violating the ceasefire agreement brokered in
August 2008 by my good friend French President
Nicolas Sarkozy, who was acting at the time on behalf
of the European Union. The Russian army has not
withdrawn as required by the ceasefire. European
Union monitors cannot enter Russian-occupied areas of
Georgia, where a constant military build-up is taking
place. Hundreds of thousands of internally displaced
persons, victims of the ethnic cleansing campaign led
by the Russian forces, are still prevented from entering
their homes.
 How did Georgia respond to those violations of
international law and human rights? We answered with
patience and calm. We implemented — fully — the
ceasefire agreement and went beyond our obligations,
without ever using as a pretext Russia’s refusal to
comply. Last month, the head of the European Union
Monitoring Mission in Georgia, Ambassador Haber,
publicly praised Georgian policy as “constructive
unilateralism”.
 What does constructive unilateralism mean? It
refers, for instance, to our calm when militias
supported by Russia’s federal security service (FSB)
killed our policemen at the occupation line, or to our
willingness to free criminals working for the
occupation regime when the other side was kidnapping
teenagers who wanted to visit their empty house just
after their school time.
 Constructive unilateralism means that we behave
in a civilized and patient way, even when our enemy
uses barbaric methods or implements an impulsive and
irrational policy. It means that — even if peace
requires both sides to come to the negotiating table —
one can pave the way to peace on one’s own, without
the other side’s cooperating.
 This constructive unilateralism is based on the
idea that peace is in the supreme interest of Georgia,
that peace is the only path to the de-occupation of our
country. It forms the substance of the strategy on
occupied territories that my Government has put in
motion to engage the populations held hostage by the
Russian occupiers, on the other side of the new Iron
Curtain that illegally divides our country.
 Like the Berlin Wall, walls like the one dividing
Georgia will be brought down not by bombs, but by the
commitment of citizens to build a free, united
country — and by the commitment of the world

10-54833 4

community to enforce international law and the
principles of the Charter.
 This commitment is expressed in the refusal of
nearly the entire world to legitimize the Russian
occupation and the result of ethnic cleansing by
recognizing the so-called independence of Abkhazia
and the Tskhinvali region, a de facto annexation of
Georgian territories by the Russian Federation.
 It is noticeable that, despite enormous pressure
and multiple threats from Moscow, not a single former
Soviet republic has recognized this dismemberment of
Georgia. It shows — to the great surprise of those who
describe the fall of the Soviet empire as the worst
catastrophe of the twentieth century — that the old
times are definitely over. It shows that the change I
evoked earlier has already taken root. It shows that all
the former captive nations of Soviet times are now
independent States that can determine their own
policies. It is noticeable — and it is noticed in
Moscow.
 I solemnly call today on those three, isolated
Member States that recognized Russia’s de facto
annexation of our territories and legitimized the
Russian-led ethnic cleansing of around 500,000
citizens, to acknowledge that it is never too late to
reverse a bad policy. The dismemberment of Georgia
has failed categorically — and even the Russian
Federation will one day need to reverse its disastrous
policy. Imagine how uncomfortable those leaders from
faraway countries will be when Moscow itself chooses
to comply with international law and withdraw its
troops. Because that day will come.
 Those who claimed a military victory in 2008
now face a diplomatic and political defeat. And in
Moscow the occupation and annexation will soon be
debated. They are in fact already debated in the
corridors of the Kremlin, because this situation is not
sustainable, even for the Russian leadership.
 We have now in our country Russian soldiers
deserting their units and fleeing to the Georgian side
through the wall erected by their superiors, just as
Soviet soldiers did in Berlin during the cold war. In
which direction is history moving? Certainly not in the
direction of those who can deploy thousands of tanks
in a very short time, but who cannot even take care of
their soldiers or prevent them from fleeing.
 Those who refuse to modernize their society and
to open their political system may have an interest in
war and instability. But in Georgia we know, and we
have always known, that peace is our interest — the
very precondition of our survival and our success.
 I have three calls to make today.
 My first call is addressed to my fellow citizens,
ethnic Abkhaz and Ossetian, who live behind the new
Iron Curtain that divides our common nation. I want to
tell them once again: We will protect your rights, your
culture, your history — we will work with you, we will
work for you. You are part of a common history, a
common culture and a common future. Your
differences enrich our proud national tapestry. Rather
than see you succumb to annexation by the emerging
Russian empire, we invite you to build together with us
a multicultural and multi-ethnic society that will be a
regional model for tolerance and respect.
 I dream about the day when — as has happened
several times in our common history — an Abkhaz or
Ossetian citizen of Georgia becomes President and
leader of a democratic and European Georgia. And this
dream will become possible in a reunited and free
Georgia, a Georgia that will build positive relations
and even intense cooperation with the Russian
Federation, a Russian Federation acting as a rational
international player and not as a revisionist or
revanchist Power; a Russian Federation that will have
chosen cooperation instead of confrontation and has
dropped the politics of embargoes and intolerance, and
instead of imposing crackdowns will be a good partner
to cooperate with.
 My second call is, therefore, to the Russian
leadership, to whom I say: You face a choice. Either
you take a major part in the ongoing transformation of
our common region, accepting that other countries are
your partners and not vassals, or this transformation
will happen without you. We all want — I personally
want — Russia as a great partner and not as an enemy.
That is why the Georgian Government supports the
reset policy of the United States and the European
Union’s engagement with Russia. Nobody has a greater
stake than we have in seeing Russia turn into a country
that truly operates within the concert of nations,
respects international law and — this is often
connected — upholds basic human rights.
 I want to tell the Russian people that they will
always be welcome in Georgia, as tourists, as students,

5 10-54833

as businessmen, as journalists or simply as friends, but
never as occupation forces. And I want to tell the
Russian leaders that they should care more about their
citizens and less about our diplomatic orientation, more
about developing the Northern Caucasus — a region
that is exploding as I speak — than about undermining
our development. They are welcome to come too if
they want, in order to understand how a post-Soviet
society can turn into a European one.  We invite them
to come, with notebooks rather than with missiles, with
iPads rather than Kalashnikovs.
 I was pleased to note that some of our reforms
inspired a few recent presidential speeches in Moscow.
Instead of fighting each other, we should excel together
in modernizing our common region. And instead of
secretly copying or envying our reforms, they should
cooperate with us in building a stable and free region,
building stable and free countries. Because by looking
over the best pupil’s shoulder one might not get the full
picture of what modernization means. The complete
picture is rather simple: lasting stability and prosperity
cannot be achieved without respecting some basic
principles.
 Modernization without freedom is not sustainable.
One cannot hope to diversify and develop one’s
economy when one sends one’s most talented and
successful businessmen to the Gulag, as happened to
Mikhail Khodorkovsky. Computers are not enough
without free minds to use them. So let us free our
minds from our common Soviet past in order to build a
common future.
 My third and final call is to every member of the
international community: help us to secure peace — in
Georgia, but also in our broader region. We Georgians
have learned tragically how a so-called frozen conflict
can very quickly become a hot one.
 If there is clear support from the international
community, I am convinced that a lasting peace can be
secured in the Caucasus. I am convinced that if the
world shows the same commitment to a peaceful
resolution of conflicts in my region as in other parts of
the world we can accomplish wonders. It is in
everybody’s interest to see this strategic region, this
crossroads of civilizations, become more stable,
prosperous and open.
 History has taught us that wars can erupt
quickly — but also that brave leaders can secure peace
where nobody would ever believe that conflicts could
be resolved. History has taught us that regions that
were torn apart by armed conflicts and contaminated
by hate — starting with Europe — can achieve lasting
peace through cooperation, interdependence and unity.
History has taught us that dreams are often more
realistic than resignation.
 I strongly believe that a common market, shared
interests and political and economic interdependence
will one day give birth to a united Caucasus. That is
what I call for today.
 We share a similar history of oppression, but we
have also in common a deep, essential and undefeated
aspiration for freedom. Let us capitalize on this
aspiration. Our region will never be truly free if it is
not united.
 It will of course require a long and difficult series
of efforts and gestures, from all of us, but the objective
is worth every sacrifice. As happened a long time ago
with the European Union — that amazing geopolitical
revolution we aspire to join one day — the historic
move towards Caucasian unity will start with concrete
projects, in the energy sector, in the education and the
cultural fields and in the civil society sphere.
 We should begin with more people-to-people
exchanges. It is time we got to know each other and
forged links that will bring us together without
changing existing inter-State borders.
 My birth town and our capital, Tbilisi, is
inhabited by Caucasians of every religion and every
ethnicity. Together they form a living example of
tolerance and cooperation. So it is possible. We leaders
have to learn from this cohabitation of peoples and
translate it into geopolitics.
 Our unity would not be directed against anyone.
Once again, we will not aspire to change any borders.
That needs to be emphasized.
 We may belong to different States and ethnic
groups, and live on different sides of the mountains,
but in terms of human and cultural space there is no
North and South Caucasus; there is only one Caucasus,
which belongs to world civilization and Europe and
will one day join the big European family of free
nations, following the Georgian path.
 We, the Caucasians, driven by legitimate or
imaginary threats of assimilation or attacks from other
Powers, or from each other, hoped too often to be

10-54833 6

protected by neighbouring empires. This anxious
search for foreign shelter led us to subjugation,
assimilation, annexation and historical tragedy. It
authorized foreign leaders to artificially emphasize and
manipulate our divisions.
 We — Caucasian people — all made the same
mistake through history. It is time to change. It is time
to stick together, to help each other to survive and
progress. It is time to understand that our region has
sufficient resources and potential for all of us. It is time
to rely on ourselves, on the human potential of our
citizens, on development of our own education system,
and time to organize our own development.
 The Caucasus is one of the birthplaces of world
civilization. It is time to show that the energy of our
ancestors does not belong only to an iconic past, and
that we have something to give to our children and to
the world. It is time to stop fighting and weakening
each other and to realize that our strength consists in
unity. It is time for unity and peace. It is time to stop
being prisoners of the past and to move towards our
common future.
 In the past, Georgian citizens perceived our
border with the Ottoman Empire as an absolute threat.
Today, we have passport-free customs; we can enter
each other’s country without passports and visas. We
have a joint airport and free trade with Turkey, and
very friendly relations. Tomorrow, the citizens of
Armenia and Azerbaijan will be able to cross our
borders without passports. Even today there is a very
simplified procedure; they do not even have to leave
their cars.
 Recently, a foreign diplomat told me that after
crossing our only legal crossing point with Russia he
encountered dozens of roadblocks where dangerous-
looking, unshaven local militiamen and FSB agents
kept blocking the passage from one valley to another,
from one village to another, aggressively preventing
individuals from circulating in their own country.
There is also talk about the eventuality of, and
preparation for, a new war with Georgia.
 It is time to replace those people, barbed wire and
roadblocks by open borders and passport-free customs,
to replace camps for internally displaced persons by
joint schools and universities, to replace the
Kalashnikov by computers, and to replace missiles by
books or television sets.
 In 2008, thousands and thousands of tanks,
armoured vehicles, artillery platforms, troops and
militias crossed the Caucasian mountains, bringing
destruction, death and hatred. Now it is time for
ideas — the ideas of freedom and unity that we all
cherish — to cross the same mountains, bringing hope,
life and even love.
 As I speak, thousands of tanks, armoured vehicles
and missile platforms are entrenched or moving all
across the Caucasus. If we remain on our own, isolated
from each other, they surely will prevail. But if
everybody holds his neighbour’s hand, if tens of
millions of unarmed people peacefully stand together,
shoulder to shoulder, being the continuation of each
other, just like the Caucasian mountains, then no brutal
force will ever break through this chain of awakened
human spirits and this irresistible thirst for freedom.


It is an honour and a great responsibility to address the

21 10-54965

Assembly today. It is a responsibility because we need
to make the right analysis of the serious problems we
face and, in my particular case, of the difficult reality
in my country. El Salvador is one of many nations on
this planet beset by the problems of poverty,
backwardness and, above all, injustice. The more a
leader is weighed down by the tragedy of his people,
the greater the responsibility, as we know well.
 When the Assembly reviews the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) and the struggle against
poverty in the world, and we look at the reality in
Central America, we can say that the efforts made have
not yet yielded the expected results. It is not easy for
me to be so blunt in my assessment, but that is the
reality and the international community must be
sensitive to the plight of the vast majority of the
world’s population. For many years now, the agenda of
the United Nations and other multilateral forums has
included the struggle against poverty. The hoped-for
improvements, however, cannot be discerned. As far as
social justice is concerned, far from achieving the
desired progress, the gap between rich and poor
countries, and between the rich and poor within
individual countries, has widened. Injustice has
prevailed over our good intentions. That is the truth.
 The recent massacre in the Mexican state of
Tamaulipas of 72 migrants, of whom 14 have been
identified as Salvadorans — and we continue to try to
identify others — reveals the magnitude of the tragedy
that, while centred on Mexico and Central America,
affects the whole world. Those 72 murdered desperate
young men and women, who lost their lives trying to
find a future in the United States or Canada, are an
expression of the tragedy in the region, as well as a
metaphor for global injustice. This tragedy was not the
result of a plane crash or climate change. It was the
result, essentially, of three factors that point to the lack
of positive results in the fight against poverty and
injustice.
 I am referring first to the lack of opportunities,
exclusion, backwardness and widespread injustice that
affect Central American societies and account for the
mass emigration of their young people. The second is
that of migration, a consequence of the first. The third
is violence, crime and the shadow business of
organized crime, which exploits the breeding ground of
poverty and the transit of dispossessed migrants for its
illicit purposes.
 El Salvador has 6 million inhabitants in its
territory and 3 million more living elsewhere, mainly
in the United States. Migration has grown year by year
in the wake of Governments’ lack of response to the
aforementioned problems. Our migrants — indeed, the
migrants of the entire world — leave their civil rights
behind when they leave their country and arrive in new
lands that do not recognize those rights. As experts on
migration have said, the migrant is a pariah, a human
being without rights. For the more than 200 million
migrants around the world, mostly young people,
human and social rights, such as those embodied in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, are not
guaranteed. Another reality in our region is the very
high incidence of violence against women, which also
calls for our special attention.
 We note the close relationship between poverty,
injustice and migration. Furthermore, another, closely
related factor in our region is the strong presence of
organized crime and the extremely high incidence of
violence and criminality. We can say without
exaggeration that the map of poverty and injustice is
the same as the map of migration; of the traffic in
drugs, humans and weapons; civic insecurity; money-
laundering and crime on a major scale.
 I mentioned the lack of positive results in fighting
poverty and injustice on a global scale, especially in
Central America. I will now offer an example of the
failure of policies implemented in my country over the
past decade. According to a report of the United
Nations Development Programme, the wealthiest
segment of the population in El Salvador received
23 per cent of the State’s social spending. The lowest
segment — the poor and marginal population —
received only 18 per cent of that social spending. The
State actually promoted and expanded injustice and
contributed to greater poverty. It is obvious that the
neoliberal policies implemented in recent decades have
run counter to the desire of the international
community to reduce poverty, as expressed in the
Millennium Development Goals.
 Let us therefore keep in mind the wise words of
Albert Einstein, who said that an insane person is he
who does the same thing over and over again and
expects different results. I am not speaking of my
country alone. I believe that everyone has to undertake
profound changes in the way social policies are
designed in order not to perpetuate failure. It would be
naïve, for example, to think that a coercive, repressive

10-54965 22

State that invests more and more in its security forces
or that mobilizes its army to support the police to
combat crime — as I have ordered done in El Salvador,
given the rise in crime that I inherited upon assuming
office — can in and of itself resolve the problem of
insecurity. We would be making a historic mistake if
we did not address the root causes of violence and
crime. The indolent State that has prevailed in recent
times must be transformed into a social State that
wages as its chief battle the reduction of poverty and
injustice.
 In this regard, I would like to lay out some
thoughts based on that reality. First, the righteous
battle against organized crime and on behalf of the
human rights of migrants does not fall exclusively to
Mexico and Central America. Here, I would like to say
that we must not leave it to Mexico or to Central
America alone. Our region is not the main consumer of
drugs. Our countries are not the major recipients of the
uninterrupted flow of laundered drug money, the
product of the failure of stricter controls. It is not only
our people who will be hurt if the drug cartels continue
to grow stronger and to endanger our countries’
survival. This battle is not irrelevant to anyone. It
would be a mistake to believe that Mexico and Central
America can defeat crime alone. The territory of
criminal violence today is the border between the
United States and our small countries, but tomorrow it
will be in the major cities of the developed world, the
capitals of America, Europe, Africa and Asia. So let us
not leave it to Mexico alone, and let us not leave it to
Central America alone.
 This is my appeal to the international community.
The help our countries need is economic; it is
intelligence; it is support for training and equipping
our law-and-order forces to combat crime and control
money-laundering. But we also need help with the new
social and regional policies that the Central American
Integration System has prepared, because those
investments will address the causes of our tragedies.
 For these reasons, I wish to bring two proposals
to the General Assembly. First, we should establish,
under the auspices of the United Nations, a Central
American commission to investigate organized crime.
The establishment of such a body would be based on
the good experience of the International Commission
against Impunity in Guatemala known as CICIG, which
was established with the support of the United Nations,
the United States, Canada and Spain. Such a
commission would no doubt contribute to
strengthening institutions. We must recognize that State
organizations have been infiltrated by organized crime
and that all means must be made available to recover
them and to wage the war against crime.
 My proposal is based on an implicit
acknowledgement of the obvious truth that organized
crime does not recognize borders or respect States. Our
response must therefore also transcend these
boundaries; our response must be integration. Until the
establishment of such a commission, my country shall
work along these lines and has launched dialogue and
action with neighbouring countries with a view to
coordinating policies to prevent and punish crime.
 My second proposal concerns the establishment
of an international alliance to support the priorities of
regional integration, which are the fight against
poverty and inequality and the creation of opportunities
that will allow our populations to stay in their
communities of origin.
 Central Americans understand this, and are
willing to give battle to poverty, exclusion, and
organized crime. To that end, we have started joint
work by relaunching our integration organization, the
Central American Integration System. Central
Americans are striving to create strong, democratic and
just societies. In the specific case of El Salvador, my
Government is moving forward with the building of a
social State that reformulates social policy, taking into
account the failure of past mechanisms that I
mentioned earlier.
 Gangs have become veritable criminal
organizations coordinated with organized crime. We
shall not overcome this reality with mere assistance
policies or improvements in the standards of living.
This phenomenon is found among young people who,
from earliest childhood and adolescence, join gangs,
and is so widespread that gangs have become a
complex subculture. Our response must be equally so.
 Within the framework of a social State, we must
deepen democracy and strengthen republican
institutions. We know that corruption is one of the
worst enemies of the democratic system; therefore,
working for transparency has become a fundamental
aspect of our national and regional strategies.
 Throughout Central America, this struggle is a
matter not only of ethics, but also of democratic

23 10-54965

survival. In other words, we must oppose the potential
emergence of a drug State by building strongly
democratic and transparent States. It has been proven
that the more corruption there is, the less economic
development there is. Corruption poisons public
policies, especially those that assist the poor; it reduces
citizens’ trust in their system and makes markets
inefficient.
 My Government has created a specialized body to
fight corruption. The Under Secretariat of
Transparency and Anti-Corruption is the first body in
America to submit itself to the in situ control by the
Inter-American Program of Cooperation to Fight
Corruption of the Organization of American States, and
has been commended as such. According to the
Government of the United States, El Salvador is also
the Central American country with the best
performance in fighting organized crime and drug
trafficking. Thus, it is not on the high-risk map which
that Government has just published. Without
transparent institutions, strong and independent
institutions and without a true vocation to fighting
organized crime, it will not be possible to meet the
great challenges before us.
 We are waging a war. It is a new war unlike those
of the past. We are not waging it against another nation
or standing army. We are facing a powerful,
sophisticated, diffuse enemy that has blended in with
our society, and we must fight it with new weapons,
creativity, intelligence, and the cooperation of our
societies and the global community. Only thus will our
efforts be commensurate with the circumstances. Only
thus will we be able to meet today’s challenges. Only
thus will we provide sound responses to the needs of
the majority of our peoples, who await opportunities to
believe once again in democracy, institutions and
politics.
 Once again, I appeal to the conscience and
sensibility of the international community. In
conclusion, I wish to do so by quoting President John
F. Kennedy’s 1961 inaugural speech, which reflects
what I have tried to convey today. He said that “if a
free society cannot help the many who are poor, it
cannot save the few who are rich”.


It is indeed a great
honour and privilege for me to stand here and speak on
behalf of the Gambia and the President of the Republic
of the Gambia, His Excellency Al Hadji Yahya A. J. J.
Jammeh.
 First of all, I thank Allah, may He be glorified
and exalted, for the opportunity of this moment, as we
gather here to deliberate on ways to foster peaceful
cooperation and development across the world. On
behalf of my delegation and the Government and the
people of the Gambia, I wish to thank the General
Assembly for the warm welcome my delegation and I
have received since our arrival. I also wish to offer
deep congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Ali
Abdussalam Treki of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, for
his courage and for the outstanding and efficient
leadership he demonstrated during the sixty-fourth
session of the General Assembly. We welcome His
Excellency Mr. Joseph Deiss of Switzerland as
Mr. Treki’s successor as the President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-fifth session. We would assure
Mr. Deiss of the Gambia’s support for his presidency.
My delegation would also like to thank the Secretary-

10-55128 40

General for his tireless efforts in leading and managing
the affairs of this highly complex Organization.
Finally, I convey to all participants the good wishes of
the Government and the people of the Republic of the
Gambia.
 It is clear that the recent upheavals and crises in
the global arena have put into sharp focus what the
United Nations can and must do as the springboard for
coordinating global responses and solutions to global
issues. For this reason, the theme that the President has
chosen for the sixty-fifth session of the General
Assembly, namely, “Reaffirming the central role of the
United Nations in global governance”, is very apt and
timely. Any reaffirmation of the pivotal role of the
United Nations must start with respect for the purposes
and principles of its Charter. In the same vein, the
Organization must continue to implement the set of
reforms that were introduced at the 2005 World
Summit and other related United Nations summits and
conferences. Without reform, the United Nations
cannot be of relevance in the twenty-first century.
 One of the major reforms that we all agreed on is
that the size, composition and working methods of the
Security Council should be improved. In the absence of
action to implement the reform, the legitimacy of the
actions of that body will be open to question. Africa’s
demand for greater representation in all categories of
Council membership is rooted in the need for justice
and for an end to its marginalization. It is therefore
high time to stop consigning Africa to the fate of
second-class membership within the United Nations
through its perpetual exclusion from the important
decision-making that takes place in the Security
Council.
 For many years, I have called for a greater voice
for developing countries in international and financial
economic matters, and today I renew that call with a
deep sense of urgency. As developing countries, we
believe that the Economic and Social Council should
be the leading platform for the discussion and
formulation of global policies in the economic and
social fields.
 The achievement of the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) remains a major priority of my
Government. Through various interventions, policies
and programmes, we are poised to achieve and even
surpass some of the Goals. However, as we run the last
stretch before 2015, the critical need for greater
international solidarity and partnership cannot be
overemphasized. I am confident that the Gambia will
attain all the Goals by 2015, as we are already on
course to do so.
 We should remind ourselves that the United
Nations was created to unify the world, and not to
divide it. The Organization should be seen to provide
the most potent avenue for allaying fears and restoring
hopes and aspirations, fighting for the rights of
oppressed and desperate people the world over, and,
above all, restraining bullies who seek to skew
international politics, growth and development, most
often using might and tyranny as weapons.
 International criminal law and its institutions
have a crucial role to play in global governance and
hence the need to avoid selective prosecution and the
politicization of court processes. In the world today,
there is ample evidence to suggest the existence of the
widespread abuse of power, oppression and violation of
human rights through illegitimate wars and other forms
of excessive intervention. There are times when strong
nations attack and trample upon the sovereignty of the
weak, while the United Nations and the world watch
helplessly, doing nothing, except for a few who raise
their voices in isolation.
 This will not deter us or discourage us from
highlighting the injustices that the International
Criminal Court is supposed to set right. If that
institution gives way to undue pressure or demonstrates
weakness, its cracks may undermine the credibility of
the international judicial system.
 We know that there are leaders, past and present,
who deserve to be dragged into the International
Criminal Court for prosecution but they go about their
business as if they were above the law. I ask whether
this is acceptable.
 As a consequence of all this, global governance,
from the perspective of the United Nations, has to go
beyond political systems aimed at exposing and
neutralizing the strategies employed to subdue fragile
States. Good governance, as the West prefers to refer to
it, needs to permeate the finance structures — of the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, for
example — in order to render them more effective in
offsetting the imbalances created through exploitation,
control and protectionism. Indeed, these international
financial powerhouses should be transformed into

41 10-55128

conduits for mitigating the effects of
underdevelopment and poverty the world over.
 It is lamentable that the assessment criteria for
providing assistance to needy people or nations in
distress are tied to political affiliations cloaked in
inexplicable, good governance issues.
 The Security Council has contributed to the
unfair imposition of sanctions that have direct
consequences for the lives of civilians. Such measures,
often taken to bring down Governments, continue to
expose this Organization and the ploys it subtly
executes at the behest of powerful nations. We
condemn such sanctions and recommend that thorough
consultations and sounder procedures precede any
sanctions that may have direct, negative impact on
innocent lives.
 Similarly, we condemn indiscriminate use of
banned weapons with impunity while the Security
Council does nothing to punish the culprits.
Combatants should legitimately engage enemy
combatants, and reckless attacks on defenceless people
must not be condoned.
 There are regional structures in almost every
corner of the globe. The United Nations must recognize
those structures and work closely with them to quell
unrest wherever it erupts. To illustrate this point, let me
observe that the Economic Community of West African
States and the African Union (AU) have demonstrated
ability, if adequately supported, to handle unrest on the
African continent. I wish to call on the United Nations
to intensify its collaboration with those groupings in
crucial State and inter-State interventions.
 The African Union and the subregional
organizations in Africa have opened up many avenues
for cooperation with the United Nations, especially in
the area of preventive diplomacy. We would like to see
greater support for the activities of the United Nations
Office for West Africa.
 It is an open secret that West Africa is suffering
an onslaught of drug traffickers. We are committed to
the fight against illegal narcotics, not only in the
Gambia, but also in the whole of Africa, as illegal
narcotics traffickers are holding some West African
States hostage.
 The dangers of narcotics transcend boundaries, as
they provide a lot of money to dangerous criminals,
including terrorists, who have no regard for human life.
Given the enormous challenges that lie ahead of us in
this battle, our security forces are alert and ready to
cooperate with our neighbours and all those who share
our concerns. We are determined more than ever to turn
West Africa into a living hell for terrorists, drug
traffickers as well as organized criminal gangs and
human traffickers. This is a battle we must win, and
win right.
 Let me turn to the phenomenon of Islamophobia.
It is important to note that the message of Islam is
universal peace and progress, love for humanity and
total submission to the will of Allah. History teaches us
that Islamic civilization, which has flourished for 1,400
years, has always exhibited its unique capacity for
peaceful coexistence, tolerance and compassion among
global religions, manifested in the vast expanse of its
dominions, cutting across parts of Europe, Africa, Asia
and Eastern Europe, among other regions.
 Islamic teachings condemn terrorism in all its
manifestations and view such acts as not only savage
but also criminal. Islam regards human life as sacred
and condemns the killing of innocents. The world, and
in particular the West, should therefore be wary of the
actions of a small few, including those who abuse the
Holy Koran and even threaten to burn it, thereby
fuelling tensions and insecurity. Their actions
constitute manipulations to judge Islam and its
followers in the wrong way. We must not allow bigots,
racists and evil entities in the West that are
masquerading as nationalists and far right elements to
spread a global war of religion. If this were to happen,
the entire human race would suffer. Therefore, Western
Governments should do more to stop these real
terrorists who are on the rampage.
 We maintain that the United Nations should play
a lead role in combating terrorism through means
approved by the General Assembly. Noting that
terrorism is a global challenge, no unilateral action
based on any form of doctrine should be taken by any
nation against another, nor must the United Nations
succumb to external pressure from any single nation in
pursuit of national gains or interests. Conversely, we
support the use of multilateral diplomacy and
cooperation to complement internal measures where a
particular nation is the target of terrorism.
 My delegation’s position on the issues raised in
this statement is to see to it that the United Nations
reviews its governance structures in order to become

10-55128 42

more democratic. This would require that the
representation quotas for various regions, particularly
Africa and Asia, be redefined on the basis of the
principles of fair play and justice, and not on the basis
of sheer economic or military might.
 We recommend that the laws and procedures
governing the issue of arrest warrants, prosecution
procedures and legal representation at the International
Criminal Court also be reviewed objectively, in order
to avoid politicization and the selective targeting of
individuals.
 We also urge that all sovereign States that have a
legitimate Government based on the will and consent
of their people be admitted to the United Nations, and
this applies in particular to the Republic of China on
Taiwan. We commend the countries on both sides of
the Strait for their continuous progress in pursuing
peace and shelving disputes over the past two years.
While both States deserve special recognition and more
encouragement, the United Nations also needs to be
cognizant of the efforts by Taiwan in this peaceful
process. It is important to note that Taiwan’s invitation
to participate in the World Health Assembly as an
observer in 2009 and 2010 not only enhanced
international health and medical care networks, but
also set a positive example for Taiwan’s participation.
We therefore urge all Member States to ensure that
other specialized agencies are opened up to Taiwan’s
meaningful participation in the work of the United
Nations.
 Taiwan is contributing immensely to the
international community through trade, investment, air
transport, finance, telecommunications technology and
environmental protection in the spirit of international
cooperation. Therefore, we call upon the United
Nations to find a proper way to accept Taiwan’s
participation in all its specialized agencies, notably the
International Civil Aviation Organization and the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change.
 The international community needs to recognize
that Taiwan has adopted and pursued a pragmatic,
moderate and steady foreign policy, and we therefore
encourage United Nations specialized agencies to be
open-minded with regard to Taiwan’s participation in
their activities. It is our collective responsibility to
enable the 23 million people of Taiwan to participate
more visibly and make them able to function within the
international system.
 The United States embargo against Cuba is one of
the longest running political disputes that this
Assembly has needed to address for almost two
decades. It is embarrassing that such a cruel and
outmoded form of settling scores in international
relations is still in place. The embargo has no
legitimacy or appeal, and it is time for those that
imposed it to show genuine leadership by ending it.
 It is worth noting that the development of the
African Union has shown that African leadership on
African issues is the key to finding solutions to the
problems that continue to plague the continent. From
climate change to the undemocratic change of
Governments, from peacekeeping to peacemaking,
from development to regional integration, Africa has
shown that it is ready to chart its destiny with dignity.
That is what we are committed to, and all we ask of the
international community is fulfilment of the pledges
made to Africa. We are willing to cooperate with those
that are willing to do so respecting the dignity of our
countries, without humiliating conditionalities.
 The Gambia’s commitment to peace and stability
across Africa has been manifested not only in troop
contributions, but also in our readiness at all times to
find peaceful solutions to conflicts plaguing the
African continent. We call on the international
community to lend its full support to the efforts of the
African Union and the United Nations to consolidate
peace and stability across the Sudan.
 As for Somalia, we recognize the need to
empower the Government of Somalia, so that it can
assert its authority over its territory, achieve lasting
peace and, thus, address the problem of piracy.
Supporting one faction against another is not a worthy
solution to the Somali problem.
 A major development in the evolution of the
United Nations this year has been the creation of
UN Women. As a firm believer in gender equality and
women’s empowerment, my Government will do all in
its power to support that entity. We wish the new board
well and urge them to assign centre stage to gender
issues and policies without politics.
 Finally, we believe that there is no substitute for
the United Nations, a body whose role in global
governance we consider critical. The missing link has

43 10-55128

been the absence of a global governance framework to
embrace universality and representation.


At the dawn of the new
millennium 10 years ago, Tuvalu raised its flag among
those of the States Members of the United Nations here
in New York as a new member of this body. Our
admission was a testimony of hope and opportunity for
our nation’s destiny in the resolve of humankind
through the noble pillars of the United Nations, as

35 10-55276

enshrined in its Charter. I am greatly honoured and
privileged to speak before this body on behalf of the
people and Government of Tuvalu and to convey of the
General Assembly our warmest greetings at this session.
 At the outset, we join the high commendations
expressed by previous speakers to you, Sir, on your
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-fifth session, and to your predecessor for his
leadership and dedication during his presidency of the
last session. Let me reassure your Excellency of our
support during your presidency.
 As Tuvalu celebrates its thirty-second anniversary
of independence later this week, I take this opportunity
to acknowledge and convey our sincerest thanks and
gratitude to the international community, especially our
traditional development partners and close and new
friends, for their continued support and cooperation in
the pursuit of our development goals. Without their
gesture of understanding, friendship and cooperation,
Tuvalu could not have achieved the progress it has
made to date.
 We welcome and support the key priority issues —
such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs),
global governance, and the promotion of sustainable
development — that you, Mr. President, clearly
highlighted in your opening address to the sixty-fifth
session. Last week, the General Assembly convened a
High-level Plenary Meeting on the review of the
Millennium Development Goals. In the context of
achieving these Goals, Tuvalu has been reasonably
successful. Our population does not suffer from
extreme poverty or hunger. We have very high
participation rates in primary education. The
participation of women in Tuvalu society is prominent,
although representation in Parliament remains an issue.
Progress in reducing child mortality has been
somewhat slow, and access to adequate health care also
remains an issue.
 During the review of the MDGs, there was one
very clear lesson that we learned. This relates to the
fact that while we have made progress in achieving the
MDGs, these successes can be easily and very quickly
reversed by our particular economic and environmental
vulnerability.
 In the context of economic vulnerability, the
recent global financial and economic crises continue to
have an enormous adverse effect on Tuvalu’s economy.
For a small island economy like Tuvalu’s, which is
highly reliant and dependent on the import of products
from overseas, the severe impact and consequences of
such crises also continue to be encountered by our
people. One element of that effect was the increased
cost of importing fossil fuel. The cost of fossil-fuel
dependency is having a crippling effect on our national
budget. We are in desperate need of renewable energy
and energy-efficiency technologies that are appropriate
to the unique conditions of Tuvalu.
 Last week, we also undertook a review of the
Mauritius Strategy for the Further Implementation of
the Barbados Programme of Action. During the
discussions, we proposed three key outcomes. First, we
need support to help regulate and police illegal,
unreported and unregulated fishing. Secondly, we need
to ensure that our economies are able to recover after
severe weather events. This means that we need a
climate risk insurance mechanism that can draw on
public international finance to underwrite the cost of
premiums and pay-outs. Thirdly, we are seeking proper
acknowledgement of small island developing States’
concerns in the United Nations process and their
recognition as a discrete group within the United
Nations system.
 Much has been said and well documented on the
importance and seriousness of climate change,
especially its adverse impact on small island States and
least developed countries like Tuvalu. At the recent
Pacific Island Forum meeting, leaders highlighted
climate change as the greatest threat to the livelihoods,
security and well-being of the peoples of the Pacific.
Our leaders further iterated that unsustainable
development and climate change threaten not only the
livelihoods of Pacific peoples but also the islands
themselves and the cultures they nurture.
 However, despite our high expectations of
concrete and timely support from the international
community, we were deeply concerned and disappointed
at the outcomes of the Climate Change Conference in
Copenhagen. We sincerely hope that the forthcoming
Conference of the Parties to be held in Cancún later
this year will lead to concrete results and not shallow
promises. In view of the slow and painful progress in
the ongoing negotiations under the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change process,
coupled with the lack of concrete commitments shown
by key greenhouse gas emitting countries, Tuvalu
would like to see three key political commitments
come out of the meeting in Cancún.

10-55276 36

 First, we would like to see all the amendments
and rules for the Kyoto Protocol agreed so that such
amendments are ready for ratification to avoid a gap in
the commitment periods. Secondly, we should decide
on a mandate to start negotiations on a new, legally
binding agreement based on all elements of the Bali
Action Plan. Thirdly, we should agree on a set of
decisions that would provide interim steps to
implement measures to be incorporated into the new
legally binding agreement. That should be the bare
minimum we anticipate agreeing upon in Cancún. For
Tuvalu, addressing climate change in a substantive way
is fundamental to our sustainable development and
livelihood. We cannot allow the next conference in
Cancún to be another failure like Copenhagen.
 Despite the fact that Tuvalu is one of the small
island developing States and least developed countries
most vulnerable to a wide range of global events, as
alluded to earlier, the United Nations General
Assembly and the Economic and Social Council have
not recognized and taken such vulnerability seriously
into consideration when addressing the question of
graduation from the least developed country category.
We strongly believe that Tuvalu’s economic and
environmental vulnerability cannot be overemphasized
and totally ignored, especially with the ongoing
consequences of climate change and the recent global
crisis. In that regard, we continue to call upon the
United Nations and our development partners to
recognize our vulnerability as a least developed
country in the review of the criteria and the graduation
rule for the graduation of least developed countries.
 We could not agree more as to the need and
importance for the General Assembly and Security
Council to be revitalized and reformed, respectively, so
as to enable them to fulfil their mandates and roles in a
more transparent, coherent, efficient and timely
manner. We fully support the ongoing reform
processes, and we believe that small island developing
States should be allocated a seat in the Security Council.
 While we applaud and strongly support the
continuing significant role played by the United
Nations as the major peacekeeping body in the
international community, the efforts and progress made
by Taiwan in pursuing peace on both sides of the
Straits needs special recognition and encouragement by
the United Nations. In addition, we strongly believe
that with its active involvement and contributions to
international trade, investment, air transport, finance,
telecommunications technology and environmental
protection, Taiwan deserves to participate more fully as
a member of the World Health Organization and other
United Nations specialized agencies such as the
International Civil Aviation Organization and the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change. Tuvalu therefore urges the United Nations
specialized agencies to accommodate Taiwan’s
meaningful participation in their respective systems
and activities.
 In conclusion, let me reiterate and underscore the
importance and seriousness of climate change as a
cross-cutting issue and its adverse impacts, especially
the impact of sea-level rise on a small island
developing State such as Tuvalu. Although we do
acknowledge with profound appreciation the
commitments and generous pledges offered by the
international community and the establishment of
international trust funds specifically earmarked for
climate change, the process of accessing such sources
of funds, let alone their timely disbursement, is
extremely difficult and time consuming for small
countries such as Tuvalu. Therefore, such
commitments without timely actions to deliver
concrete results on the ground may well leave small
and poor countries such as Tuvalu to continue to
shoulder the burden. May God Bless the United
Nations.


Let me start by
congratulating Ambassador Deiss on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly. I assure him of
Finland’s full support for his leadership.
 Climate issues and the recent financial, economic
and food crises call for change. The world needs an
understanding of global development that is
economically, socially and environmentally sustainable.
Both developing and developed countries wish for
economic growth. But the growth needs to be green,
equitable and inclusive. It must create jobs and
promote opportunities for decent work and a better life
for everyone.
 Basic social protection is everyone’s right and an
important element of sustainable development. But the
most vulnerable need our special attention. We need to
do much more to combat discrimination and exclusion.
 Current consumption and production patterns
need to be revised in many countries. In the words of
Mahatma Gandhi, there is enough in the world for
everyone’s need, but there cannot be enough for
everybody’s greed. Our stocktaking of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) showed that there has
been progress but that it remains uneven. We agreed to
redouble our efforts. The MDGs must become part of
our everyday work, and we all need to deliver on our
commitments. The Millennium Development Goals are
reachable by the year 2015. What we want, we can
reach.
 Our common work with the ecological welfare of
the world has continued. Promoting biodiversity is
vital for sustaining the ecosystems that our lives
depend on. Preventing the loss of biodiversity is of
great importance for climate change mitigation,
ensuring food and water security and eradicating
poverty. The high-level meeting as a contribution to the

17 10-54959

International Year of Biodiversity, confirming our
commitment to that goal, was a good step forward.
 The impacts of climate change are more and more
visible and affect us all around the globe. Today I want
to focus on the special needs and vulnerabilities of
small island developing States and the implementation
of the Mauritius Strategy. Climate change is a hard
reality for them. Mitigating and adapting to its effects
is crucial for their survival.
 Finland is committed to a new, ambitious climate
agreement. All of us must work hard to ensure a global
deal and commit to building a sustainable future, thus
responding to what the Secretary-General so
pertinently calls the 50-50-50 challenge. In order to
reach our goals, we must mobilize all available
resources. Cooperation to tackle climate change must
involve States, non-governmental organizations, the
private sector and all of our fellow global citizens.
 Lasting solutions to global challenges cannot be
found without the active participation of women in
decision-making at all levels. Women are agents of
change and development. Investing in women and girls
has a vital effect on the eradication of poverty and
sustained economic growth. Having heard the
discussions this week, I am happy to conclude that
there has clearly been a breakthrough in this respect. I
could even call it mainstreaming. This is a good basis
to continue from. Women and men together can
achieve truly sustainable development.
 The United Nations has to lead global efforts to
promote a new blueprint for sustainable growth and
low-carbon prosperity. I am honoured to co-chair the
Secretary-General’s High-level Panel on Global
Sustainability together with my colleague, President
Jacob Zuma of South Africa. We will, I promise, work
hard.
 All human rights are equally important and must
be enjoyed by everyone without discrimination. The
protection and promotion of human rights must be an
integral part of peacebuilding and crisis management.
 In combating impunity, justice must always go
hand in hand with peace efforts. Finland firmly
supports the International Criminal Court in its work in
bringing to justice those responsible for the most
serious crimes. We call on all States parties to the
Rome Statute to uphold their international legal
obligations under the Statute.
 The Human Rights Council was created in 2006
to promote the respect for human rights, and its
functioning will now be reviewed. To achieve tangible
results, the Human Rights Council needs effective
tools. The independent thematic country-specific
mandates continue to be vital in order to achieve the
full implementation of human rights for all.
 The commitment of all the United Nations
Member States to strengthen the promotion of women’s
rights, gender equality and gender mainstreaming is
welcome. Finland strongly supports the United Nations
Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of
Women (UN Women) and would like to congratulate
President Michelle Bachelet on her appointment. We
must ensure that UN Women becomes a strong
advocate and actor for women’s rights throughout the
work of the United Nations.
 This year marks the tenth anniversary of Security
Council resolution 1325 (2000), on women and peace
and security. Concrete improvements have been made,
but we must step up our efforts to further turn the
objectives into practice. National action plans are
valuable tools for implementing the resolution. Finland
completed its own plan in 2008, and we have now
started a twinning initiative with Kenya.
 We need a comprehensive approach which
integrates both long-term development programmes
and conflict resolution. In our common efforts to
prevent and resolve conflicts, the contribution of
regional organizations is valuable. Civil society can
also play a role. Finland supports the development of
the peace mediation activities of the United Nations.
 After several rounds of proximity talks in the
Middle East, the parties started direct talks in
September. The international community has welcomed
this wise decision. We now stand ready to give our
support whenever needed.
Finland is greatly encouraged by the New START
agreement and by the outcomes of the Nuclear Security
Summit, held in Washington, and the Review
Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The world
community must seize the moment. Global and
bilateral efforts must be continued towards a world
without nuclear weapons.

10-54959 18

 The United Nations remains the only forum
where we can solve our common problems together.
Therefore, we must continue to reform our
Organization and increase its effectiveness without
forgetting our own responsibilities as Member States.
This is absolutely necessary, because we need to tackle
the food crisis, the financial crisis, various kinds of
natural disasters, contagious diseases, terrorism and
armed conflicts in different parts of the world, as well
as meeting our common challenge of climate change.
 Combating everyday crises and working, at the
same time, for sustainable development is a huge task.
But no other choice has been given to us. That is why
we have to combine our efforts for a better world —
and do it now.


I extend to you, Sir,
and to this august Assembly warm greetings from the
Government and people of Fiji. May I take this
opportunity to congratulate you on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly’s sixty-fifth
session and to pay tribute to your predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Treki.
 As I highlighted last year in my address (see
A/64/PV.10), Fiji and her people, through the Strategic
Framework for Change, have embarked on a path of
structural reform to modernize and liberalize our
economy in line with today’s global environment. As
part of this agenda, the Fiji Government has revamped
its foreign policy. Our new foreign policy direction
stems from the philosophical basis that, while we
determine our own destinies as sovereign States, we
must at the same time work in collaboration with all
Member States towards sustainable world peace,
substantive justice, dignity and respect for all.
 However, we cannot achieve these objectives or
actually implement these noble principles if we simply
rely on predetermined political influences or
predetermined alignments. We must be prepared to
expand the range of our international relationships and
not simply subscribe to bloc voting. We must assess
and decide each issue on its merits. We must decide
each matter based on equality, substantive justice and
international law. We must keep an open mind. This

10-55122 22

approach will result in the manifestation of a fairer and
more just system for all Fiji’s citizens.
 This significant shift in foreign policy direction
heralds Fiji’s globalization and maturity and
demonstrates Fiji’s intention to become a good and
engaged global citizen. Accordingly, over the past year
Fiji has formalized diplomatic relations with many
countries with which no ties previously existed. In
addition, Fiji has sought membership of the
Non-Aligned Movement. The broadening of our
engagement with the rest of the world was given
further impetus in Abu Dhabi in June, when, at the
Arab League’s invitation, a summit was held between
the Pacific small island developing States and the
member countries of the League which was hosted by
the United Arab Emirates.
 This commitment to be a good global citizen is
further expressed through Fiji’s ongoing engagement
with the United Nations and its associated agencies and
secretariats. There is no better example of this
engagement than Fiji’s long-term contribution to the
cause of United Nations peacekeeping and
peacebuilding. Fijian servicemen and women currently
serve in peacekeeping missions in Iraq, southern
Sudan, Liberia, Darfur and Timor-Leste. I offer my
country’s tribute to the selfless service given by United
Nations peacekeepers and peacebuilders, past and
present, in the troubled regions of our world. We pay
special tribute to those who have made the ultimate
sacrifice to the cause of peacekeeping.
 On the subject of peace and security, Fiji is proud
to have been among the Member States that in 2006
voted in favour of preparations for a robust and legally
binding arms trade treaty in 2012. We remain
committed to the work of the United Nations to curb
the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons. Fiji
has ratified the Convention on Cluster Munitions and
regards this instrument as a welcome development for
humanitarianism and international disarmament. It also
remains fully committed to international efforts against
terrorism.
 With respect to resolving the world’s territorial
and sovereignty disputes, Fiji stands firm with all
international efforts aimed at peaceful resolution
through a process of genuine dialogue. It welcomes the
recent resumption of direct negotiations between the
leaders of Israel and Palestine and hopes for a
successful outcome.
 Fiji is an active member of the Special Political
and Decolonization Committee (Fourth Committee).
Following our participation in the ministerial mission
of the Melanesian Spearhead Group to New Caledonia
this year, Fiji sponsored the Fourth Committee’s 2010
resolution on New Caledonia. We urge all concerned
parties to accelerate the progress of the provisions of
the Nouméa Accord.
 Over the past year, the Fiji Government has
implemented a number of legal changes that have not
only modernized our laws and brought about gender
and social parity, but have also ensured compliance
with international conventions. These changes include
the Crimes Decree, which eliminated the archaic rules
in respect of rape trials. We have implemented for the
first time a comprehensive law against domestic
violence to comply with our international obligation to
protect the welfare of women and children. We now
have child welfare laws which require the reporting of
violence against children or suspicion of abuse of
minors. These and other new laws assist in our
compliance with the Rome Statute by recognizing
crimes against humanity and incorporating them into
our domestic laws. Fiji was also present in June at the
Review Conference of the Rome Statute held in
Uganda and is of course supportive of the work of the
International Criminal Court. Reforms in our laws and
outlook have helped us comply with the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child.
They also support our efforts to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
 I would like to reaffirm the critical points made at
last week’s MDG Summit and at the high-level review
of the Mauritius Strategy for the Further
Implementation of the Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States. I make these points as one of the United
Nations Members classified as a small island
developing State. In spite of their considerable
domestic efforts in cooperation with the international
community, the small island developing States (SIDS)
have had very mixed results in achieving the
Millennium Development Goals. Going forward, we
and our development partners must examine where
gains have been made and where efforts have been
unsuccessful and identify country-specific priorities in
order to achieve the MDGs.

23 10-55122

 The threat of climate change, particularly sea-
level rise, continues to hang over us all. While some of
us are more vulnerable than others, we must work in
concert as a responsible international family to
mitigate the adverse effects of this global phenomenon.
In this context, I reiterate the common call of the small
island developing States: that the promised fast-track
funding from the international community to finance
climate change adaptation and mitigation measures be
delivered without delay.
 Through the Pacific small island developing
States, Fiji pledges to assist in securing increased
representation of the Pacific island countries in the
United Nations system. The aim is to also increase
employment of Pacific Island nationals within the
United Nations Secretariat and its affiliated bodies.
 Here, I should add that Fiji is playing a prominent
role in the International Telecommunication Union
(ITU). I note that only a few days ago the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, accepted a report on
digitalization, including accessibility to broadband. In
this area Fiji has also embarked on its own initiative
for accessibility to and improvement in,
telecommunications and information technology. This
includes the process of finalizing a national policy on
broadband and spectrum management. We therefore
appreciate the Secretary-General’s initiative in this
respect and urge him to carefully consider the report
and provide impetus at the global level through the
United Nations. Improved technology and e-access will
provide that trajectory in meeting the MDGs and
improving the lives of all our peoples.
 As one of the founding signatories of the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, Fiji has
kept its oceanic obligations at the core of its foreign
policy. Fiji therefore follows, and also expects fellow
Member States to adhere to, the legal regime of the
exclusive economic zone that encompasses sovereign
rights.
 Since it is the Year of Biodiversity, we call on the
International Seabed Authority to be vigilant in
safeguarding the environmental integrity of the world’s
seabed. Within this context, one of the great challenges
for Pacific small island developing States is to be
effective in conserving the Pacific Ocean’s fish stocks.
They are critical to our livelihoods, our economies.
Countries that overexploit these fish stocks must be
informed that the practice is unsustainable. As owners,
investors and harvesters, we should follow and adhere
to international law and chart a path to sustain stocks
for the benefit of all.
 What I say today is that we must recognize that
meaningful dialogue is essential — within our
respective countries, within our respective regions and
in the world as a whole. Seeking to achieve resolutions
and solutions through dialogue is the way forward. In
the true spirit of international cooperation, we must at
all times, as sovereign States in our community of
nations, develop and maintain relationships based on
respect, dignity and equality. We must also decide on
issues and matters before this august Assembly based
on merit, justice and international law.
 Once again, I congratulate you, Mr. President, on
your election and offer my best wishes for a productive
sixty-fifth session of the General Assembly.


Let me
begin by congratulating you, Sir, on your well-deserved
election to preside over the sixty-fifth session of the
General Assembly. I assure you of Tanzania’s full
support and cooperation. I also thank and congratulate
your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Abdussalam Treki,
for his leadership and accomplishments.
 Having just concluded a successful summit on the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), I would like
to congratulate the Secretary-General, His Excellency
Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his leadership, dedication and
commitment to the work of the Organization and for
the new momentum that he is bringing towards the
achievement of the MDGs. Once again, we welcome
his Global Strategy for Women’s and Children’s Health
and urge the international community to render the
necessary support for its implementation.
 We emphasize the importance of national
leadership and global partnership in meeting the
MDGs. Tanzania will do its part. We call on all
partners to do their part, as stipulated under MDG 8.
One such successful partnership is the collective efforts
of the African leadership through the African Leaders
Malaria Alliance (ALMA), chaired by His Excellency
Mr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, President of the United
Republic of Tanzania. Our focus within ALMA is on
ensuring that we attain the 2010 targets for universal
coverage of appropriate malaria prevention, diagnosis
and treatment interventions. We are confident that, if
the requested support is realized, we can attain that
target. For that reason, we ask for the full and timely
replenishment of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
Tuberculosis and Malaria.
 We all know that the Millennium Development
Goals will not be attained without sustained economic
growth and sustainable development. For Tanzania,
where the vast majority of the people depend on
agriculture for their incomes and livelihoods, poverty
cannot be alleviated without addressing the challenges
of production, productivity and markets in the
agricultural sector.
 Recognizing that, Tanzania has developed a
programme known as Kilimo Kwanza, which translates
as “Agriculture First”, aimed at transforming and
modernizing the agricultural sector. A key component
of the programme is the improvement of infrastructure,
especially irrigation systems, transport and energy.
However, the major challenge for us remains how to
finance the huge investment gap in infrastructure. That
gap cannot be filled by the public sector alone. For that
reason, the participation of the private sector is
imperative.
 Tanzania has undertaken a number of reforms to
create an environment conducive to private sector
investment. We have created the requisite legal,
regulatory and institutional framework to attract both
local and foreign private investment in infrastructure
development. We now have a public-private
partnership policy in place, and Parliament enacted a
bill on such partnerships in June.
 Through a presidential circular, Tanzania also
established the Tanzania National Business Council as
an institution to provide a forum for public-private
sector dialogue. The Business Council brings together
public and private sectors with a view to reaching
consensus and mutual understanding on strategic issues
relating to the efficient management of resources in the
promotion of socio-economic development in
Tanzania. The Council’s Chairperson is the President
of the United Republic of Tanzania.

10-55122 10

 The Government of the United Republic of
Tanzania would like to reaffirm its commitment to
democratic good governance, the rule of law and
respect for human rights. The recent peaceful
referendum in Zanzibar produced a new political
dispensation that provides for a Government of
national unity whichever party wins the elections. That
should now stabilize Zanzibar and strengthen the
democratic ideals that we all aspire to as Tanzania
prepares for its general elections, scheduled for
31 October. As in previous elections, we will do
everything in our power to ensure that these are
peaceful, free and fair. We thank all partners that,
bilaterally or through the United Nations system, are
strengthening our capacity to realize that goal.
 Tanzania is pleased that Africa has continued to
play a leading role in conflict prevention, management
and resolution, as well as in entrenching principles of
good governance. Increasingly, more and more African
countries are holding free, fair and peaceful elections,
followed by smooth transitions. The peaceful
referendum in Kenya that paved the way for a new
Constitution demonstrates the will of African countries
to take charge of their own destinies. That is a matter
of great satisfaction to us, and we commend the people
and leadership of Kenya for that important
achievement.
 We thank and commend all who continue to work
hard for a political solution to the situation in Darfur
that will lead to durable peace and address the
humanitarian situation. We are concerned about
periodic eruptions of violence, and we call on all sides
in Darfur to join the peace process. In the meantime,
we commend the African Union-United Nations Hybrid
Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) for the good work that
it continues to do under very difficult conditions. We
therefore urge the international community to give
UNAMID all the support that it needs.
 We note the preparations and progress towards
the holding of a referendum in Southern Sudan early
next year. We call on all parties to do everything in
their power to keep to the timetable for that
referendum. The referendum must be peaceful, free and
fair, and the wishes of the people of Southern Sudan
must be respected. We commend the Secretary-General
for his initiatives to facilitate that process, including
his decision to appoint a panel of eminent persons,
headed by His Excellency Mr. Benjamin Mkapa, the
former President of the United Republic of Tanzania, to
monitor the process. We pledge Tanzania’s full support
to Mr. Mkapa and his team for the successful
accomplishment of the task ahead of them. We urge all
parties to cooperate with the team, and we call upon
the international community to provide the requisite
support for the successful holding of the referendum
and the peaceful management of its outcome.
 Tanzania will continue to play its role in ensuring
lasting peace and stability in Africa and elsewhere.
That includes contributing to United Nations
peacekeeping operations and missions in Africa and
elsewhere, including those we have deployed in Darfur
and Lebanon.
 We are concerned about the worsening political,
humanitarian, social and security situation in Somalia,
which threatens the whole region and, ultimately, the
world. Recently, we witnessed terrorist bombings in
Uganda by the group Al-Shabaab, which caused the
loss of many innocent lives and the destruction of
property. Having been victim to similar attacks in
Dar es Salaam in 1998, Tanzania condemns that
barbaric attack in the strongest terms and expresses
solidarity with and support for Uganda and other
neighbours in tracking down and prosecuting those
involved.
 We highly commend Uganda and Burundi for
contributing peacekeeping troops in Somalia under the
African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM). We
further thank all those African countries that have
committed to providing additional troops to AMISOM.
We ask the international community to provide the
support needed to make that deployment possible and
timely. However, the problem of Somalia cannot be left
to Africans alone. In that regard, the Security Council
must be more engaged and supportive in finding a
lasting solution to Somalia.
 Tanzania is concerned about the continued
increase in piracy activities in the Gulf of Aden and the
Indian Ocean, which are now spreading beyond the
coast of Somalia. The piracy issue cannot be resolved
on the seas alone or without addressing the causal
factors on land. A coordinated, coherent,
comprehensive and integrated response that includes
political, military, financial and legal support is
needed. The United Nations and the international
community should work closely with the African
Union, members of the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development and other neighbouring States to

11 10-55122

suppress acts of piracy, as well as to apprehend and
prosecute those who commit that crime.
 In the United Republic of Tanzania, we recently
amended the criminal code to allow our courts to
prosecute suspected pirates under universal
jurisdiction. We call on the international community to
enhance the prosecution and custodial capacities of
countries, such as ours, that apprehend and prosecute
pirates. The international community must also agree
to share post-prosecution custodial responsibilities
with the affected States. Tanzania has also offered to
train 1,000 Somali soldiers in Tanzania in the firm
belief that, in the final analysis, peace and security in
Somalia lie in the hands of the Somalis themselves.
 Over the years, Tanzania has been a home for
many refugees. The current stability in our
neighbouring countries has enabled voluntary
repatriation of many refugees, in addition to those who
have been naturalized. As a result, the population of
refugees in Tanzania declined from 1.2 million in 1994
to 108,426 by 31 July this year. This has enabled the
closure of 12 refugee camps.
 Tanzania has also continued its tradition since
independence of granting citizenship to refugees who
have been in our country for many years. In April this
year, we naturalized 162,254 refugees who entered the
country in 1972. The Government is now in the process
of integrating these naturalized persons into Tanzanian
society.
 This, however, is a costly exercise. It is estimated
that the naturalization and local integration programme
will cost over $146 million. This is a huge burden to a
poor country like Tanzania. We call upon the
international community to support this integration
programme under the principle of equitable
responsibility and burden-sharing.
 We join others in welcoming the adoption of
resolution 64/289 on system-wide coherence, which,
among other things, established UN Women. It is our
hope that UN Women will receive the required support
from the international community and the entire United
Nations system to deliver on its mandate. Tanzania
congratulates Ms. Michelle Bachelet on her
appointment to head UN Women and assures her of
Tanzania’s unwavering support as she discharges her
duties.
 Tanzania’s experience as a pilot country in the
delivering as one reform initiative has convinced us
that this, indeed, was a good decision and has
strengthened national ownership and leadership. I am
pleased that Tanzania will, in January 2011, be the first
country to present a common country programme.
 Tanzania fully supports the priorities that you,
Sir, have set for the sixty-fifth session of the General
Assembly. Inclusive and democratic governance is as
important at the national level as it is at the global
level. It has, sadly, taken too long to give this issue the
priority it deserves at all levels. We believe that the
inclusive global governance agenda will ensure
accountability and equitable participation in
international trade and financial institutions, and open
doors for fair and equitable participation of developing
countries in the World Trade Organization, the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
 Tanzania emphasizes and reaffirms the
inclusiveness of the General Assembly as opposed to
the Security Council. We thus call upon all Member
States to press for the expeditious reform of the
Security Council. Africa has the largest number of
Member States. It cannot continue to be denied fair
representation in that important organ of the United
Nations. We urge all Member States to support Africa
in its rightful pursuit of permanent representation on
the Security Council.
 In this regard, Tanzania reiterates the decision of
the African Union, as contained in the Ezulwini
Consensus, which demands not less than two
permanent seats with all the prerogatives and privileges
of permanent membership, including the right of veto,
as well as five non-permanent seats.
 On the issues of the Middle East and Western
Sahara, let me reiterate what His Excellency President
Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete said during the sixth-fourth
session of the General Assembly in 2009 (see
A/64/PV.6). Tanzania supports a two-State solution
whereby Israel and Palestine would live together side
by side and at peace with each other. Tanzania strongly
maintains that this is the best way to sustainable peace
in the Middle East.
 Regarding Western Sahara, the President also
called upon the Security Council to expedite the
process of giving the people of Western Sahara the
opportunity to decide their future status. This matter

10-55122 12

has dragged on since 1975 — in other words, for too
long. The time has come to end the impasse.
 Let me conclude by once again reaffirming
Tanzania’s belief and confidence in the United Nations
as the Organization and forum for global governance
and the pursuit of the letter and spirit of its Charter: a
world free from wars and dehumanizing poverty; a
world of sustainable economic and social progress, as
well as freedom, human rights and justice for all. We
reaffirm our commitment to doing our part in pursuit of
that world.