Mr. President, may I, first of all, be permitted to extend to Mr. Abdelaziz BoUteflika the warmest congratulations of the delegation of Malta on his unanimous election as President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. As the representative of a country with which Malta shares not only the influences and concerns deriving from our common Mediterranean heritage, but also the principles and ideals of non-alignment, my delegation is doubly happy to see Mr. Bouteflika presiding over our deliberations during the current session.
179.	I should also wish to express the appreciation of my delegation for the admirable manner in which Leopoldo Benites conducted the business of the Assembly during the past year.
180.	It is likewise with the greatest pleasure that I avail myself of this opportunity to welcome the presence amongst us of the representatives of the three States, Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau, whose recent accession to membership in the Organization has brought the goal of universality so much nearer.
181.	At a time when the value of the United Nations is being questioned in certain quarters, it is a source of encouragement that new Members should still be found knocking on the doors of the Organization. But as the Organization becomes more universal, the question inevitably arises whether it is also becoming more effective. As the Secretary-General remarked in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization last year:
"the United Nations would be a far more effective Organization if Member States developed the habit of consistently responding to and respecting the decisions and findings of the main organs; if, rather than using the United Nations to promote short- term national interests, they would pursue long- term international aims and provide leadership in the pursuit of those aims; and if there was a general recognition, in deeds as well as in words, that present conditions of life on our planet demand much more of international co-operation than the mere protection of national interests."
182.	These are indeed challenging words whose timeliness remains undimmed, and I am sure that none here would contest the Secretary-General's conclusion repeated again in this year's introduction to his annual report [Al9601lAdd.i, sect. I] that on the international community's ability to rise to this challenge the future survival of mankind may very well depend.
183.	Fortunately, there are encouraging signs that this of repeated warning is not being entirely unheeded. The spirit of detente between the great Powers appears to have acquired a certain dynamic momentum, and although we share some of the misgivings of those who fear that an undue reliance on bilateral, or even regional, negotiations in such fundamental areas as disarmament and the search for a genuine peace and security might tend to relegate the United Nations to the role of a bystander, we cannot but welcome the important contribution towards relaxing international tensions that several bilateral initiatives, notably involving the great Powers, have made in recent times. As with the positive results achieved in negotiating disengagement and withdrawal from Arab lands in the Middle East, such bilateral initiatives can* be most effective when they complement, not supplant, the efforts of multilateral diplomacy. As the Secretary- General reminds us elsewhere in the introduction to the report on the work of the Organization:
"If the beneficial effects of detente are to extend to conflict situations not involving in the first instance the nuclear Powers, the multilateral diplomacy of the United Nations will have to be more strongly supported and resorted to at an earlier stage." [Ibid., sect. II.]
184.	Writing on the same theme last year, the Secretary-General similarly emphasized the complementary nature of bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, and observed that "there is no single road to peace we must try them all".5
185.	It is in this spirit that my Government has actively participated in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe since its inception. Although regional in its composition there is no need to stress the global implications of this historic Conference. Europe, both the source and inspiration of so much that is positive in today's world, was also responsible for centuries of colonial oppression, and within the span of a single generation has inflicted upon the world the horror of two world wars. The search for lasting peace in Europe, and, beyond that, for active co-operation in husbanding its fruits, is therefore an event of the utmost significance.
186.	However, the problems besetting the world can no longer be treated in strict isolation and, just as security in Europe cannot fail to generate security outside its geographical confines, so will conditions of insecurity outside Europe continue to eat at the foundations of peace in that continent. This is especially so when those conditions of instability are allowed to persist on the very doorstep of Europe, in such a vital area as the Mediterranean. Fully aware of this danger, Malta did not fail to raise its voice. From the very beginning of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, Malta tenaciously held the view that European security and co-operation could not meaningfully be discussed if the problems of the Mediterranean were to be ignored. We are accordingly gratified that, as a result of our efforts and those of others who shared our views, the voices of several non-European Mediterranean States have been heard in Geneva at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. It remains for that Conference to take adequate heed of these concerned voices and to ensure that the perspectives they bring to the problem of security on Europe's southern flank are fully reflected in the eventual decisions reached.
187.	Malta has also taken the initiative, during that same Conference, to express certain misgivings about the confidence-building measures being recommended in that forum. Addressing itself to the question of prior notification of movements of forces, my Government has expressed the opinion that the recommended measures will not appreciably strengthen security in the Mediterranean and in Europe. To the small unarmed States of that region, prior notification can only be of value in so far as it enhances confidence amongst larger States which are capable of defending themselves. It cannot of itself provide security to weak and small States. For such States, other confidence- building measures must be sought.
188.	In looking at the contemporary situation in Europe, what stands out conspicuously is that the majority of European States have sought their security within one or the other of the two military alliances on that continent. These two blocs have until very lately relied entirely for their security on the deterrent provided by their respective massive armaments. But the massing of more and more military hardware, together with the rivalry for influence in the Mediterranean on the part of the two leading members of the opposing blocs, brought about the realization that the whole structure of peace in the area was being undermined, hence the attempt to seek other solutions through the Conference on Security and Co-operation. Having grudgingly conceded that European security is intimately linked with Mediterranean security, the Conference has still to accept another and equally undeniable fact, namely, that a genuine peace in Europe cannot be achieved and maintained without the emergence of an independent Europe free to assert its own identity and to provide an effective buffer between the two super-Powers. It is in the interest of all, not least of those same super-Powers, to promote this new political dynamism.
189.	There are those who believe that the European Economic Community may yet assume this role; but it is hardly realistic to expect that the Europe of the Nine will alone be able in the foreseeable future to do so effectively. In the light of these considerations, my Government has warmly welcomed the dialog that has been initiated between the nine of the European Community and the 20 members of the League of Arab States, and we express the hope that that dialog will eventually be extended to include other States bordering on the Mediterranean and the Gulf. Such a historic process could provide a unique stimulus not only to the prospects for economic co-operation but also to the search for peace. By building mutual understanding, it could lead to concerted political action in the interest of peace in the entire area, and it could gradually lead to the voluntary withdrawal by the super-Powers of their forces from the Mediterranean region.
190.	In speaking of the problems of peace and security in the Mediterranean, one is inevitably reminded of that intractable threat to peace and security in that area, the Middle East conflict. The traumatic events of last year's October war have dramatically driven home the point that an overall solution to this problem can no longer be delayed. Happily, following that tragic reminder, there have been encouraging signs of movement, notably the troop disengagement agreements reached between Israel and Egypt, and Israel and Syria. But the momentum towards peace appears to have slackened in recent months, and if the lessons of the past 25 years have taught us anything it is that the situation in the Middle East will not remain static.
191.	It is in the interests of all parties and of the entire international community to build upon what has been achieved and to move forward towards peace. That is why my country, together with a large number of others, has supported the inclusion of the new item in our agenda entitled "Question of Palestine". There can be no peace in the Middle East without a prior solution of the crux of the problem, which is the Palestine question; and there can be no solution to the Palestine question unless the rights and interests of the Palestinian people, including their inalienable right to self-determination, which this Assembly has repeatedly reaffirmed, are duly upheld. Once again my delegation expresses the hope that the Organization, and particularly those of its Members with special responsibilities under the Charter, will explore every possible avenue towards helping the parties directly concerned to find the road to an honourable settlement. It goes without saying that such a settlement can only be reached within the parameter of the essential principles involved: the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by means of force, respect for the territorial integrity of all States, the inalienable right to self-determination of all peoples, including the Palestinian people, and the right of every State to recognition and to security within its territorial boundaries.
192.	Our deep concern over She situation in the Middle East has been compounded by the recent tragic events which have occurred in Cyprus. Despite all the soothing words of detente, despite the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, a small unarmed State which has been participating actively in that Conference finds itself a victim, in 1974, of inadmissible foreign interference in internal affairs and of the use of armed force. It is our fervent hope that the judicious combination of bilateral and multilateral diplomacy which has proved its effectiveness elsewhere will not fail to find a solution that will safeguard for Cyprus its territorial integrity, unity, independence and non-alignment. Such a solution, in conformity with the lofty principles of the Organization, must above all provide for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and the return of the refugees to their homes and properties, so as to promote the requisite preconditions in which fruitful negotiations can be held, involving the representatives of both ethnic communities and aimed at a lasting and equitable constitutional arrangement.
193.	Despite the balmy winds of detente, conflict and tension, fear and insecurity, also persist in other parts of the world. In South-East Asia, notwithstanding the formal cessation of the war in Viet Nam and the conclusion of the Paris agreements events which we all welcomed the situation is still far from satisfactory. The bitter struggle of the heroic Vietnamese people against the forces of reaction and imperialism must still pursue its arduous path. If peace is to dawn over that ravaged land, it is essential that the Paris agreements are scrupulously observed by all sides, and that the efforts of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet Nam to achieve the strict implementation of those agreements are no longer frustrated.
194.	In neighboring Cambodia, the Lon Nol regime, bolstered by foreign support, continues to defy the Cambodian people and to cling to power in the diminishing areas still remaining to it. The time has surely come for dispassionate consideration by the General Assembly of the representation of Cambodia in the United Nations, bearing in mind that the Royal Government of National Union under Prince Norodom Sihanouk controls much the larger part of the national territory and enjoys the support of the vast majority of the Cambodian people. The Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries which met test year at Algiers indicated the only honorable path which this Assembly should follow.
195.	Another area of the world where peace has still to be consolidated is Korea. Following the modest step forward taken last year, the General Assembly will again during this session have an opportunity to make a positive contribution towards the peaceful reunification of that country. My Government is convinced that the withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed in South Korea under the flag of the United Nations is the essential first step leading towards meaningful bilateral negotiations and the attainment of peaceful reunification.
196.	In Africa the day appears at long last to be at hand when the final vestiges of colonialism will have disappeared. We are happy to express our heartfelt satisfaction at the very welcome change which has occurred in Portugal's African policies and which has restored to Portugal its revered place in the international community. The unanimous admission of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau to the Organization is perhaps the first tangible fruit of that positive transformation, and we look forward to the rapid and peaceful decolonization of the other African Territories under Portuguese administration and their admission to the Organization.
197.	But these heartening prospects have also served to highlight still more starkly the depressing and inhuman conditions under which millions of other Africans continue to groan. Upon these millions and upon the conscience of the world, the yoke of apartheid and oppression in South Africa, in Namibia and in Zimbabwe weighs ever more heavily. At this eleventh hour, we still appeal to the Government of South Africa to heed the voice of humanity. The writing has long been on the wall for the colonialists. Now that the wall itself has begun to crumble, it is imperative that the policy of apartheid be allowed to do likewise. As for the illegal regime in Zimbabwe, we must all redouble our efforts to strengthen the policy of sanctions and to ensure that it is universally enforced.
198.	On other occasions from this rostrum, the representative of Malta had outlined briefly the foreign policy of my Government. The cornerstone of that policy was and remains one of aloofness from military blocs and confrontation and of positive friendship towards all. Last year at Algiers, my country gained formal admission to the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, thus proclaiming anew its dedication to neutrality and its solidarity with other developing countries in their quest for a better life.
199.	If the cold-war confrontation under which the concept of non-alignment was born has moved towards a welcome thaw, that is not to say that non-alignment has lost its significance. The reality of big-Power rivalry is still there, complicated perhaps by the emergence of new centers of power, while the existence of spheres of influence is still very much a reality. The aspirations of mankind as a whole towards securing the immediate necessities of life and advancing from there towards the enjoyment of improved standards of living are still as far as ever from being realized. It is those factors, more than any other, which have ensured the steady growth of the non-aligned movement.
200.	Speaking at Lusaka in 1970, President Tito said of the movement: "We are not against the big Powers, we are only against power politics". This is as significant today as it was then and succinctly captures the spirit of non-alignment. There are some who view the growing strength of the non-aligned movement with certain suspicion. In all frankness we are puzzled by such criticism. For it seems to us that to question the principles of non-alignment is to take issue with the fundamental purposes of the United Nations. The non-aligned countries are unanimous in their dedication to strengthening the United Nations and to making the Organization a more effective instrument for peace and co-operation, and in this we are all here completely aligned.
201.	Malta's espousal of non-alignment is not a new development. Since 1971, when my Government was elected to office, Malta has practiced a policy of non-alignment. It has striven hard, at great risk and sacrifice to its people, to make a valid and concrete contribution towards peace in the Mediterranean. In an overpopulated little island with no natural resources and which for centuries has known no source of livelihood other than catering to the military needs of the occupying Power, we have taken the bold step of declaring our firm intention to bring to an end within a few years the economic contributions deriving from this surviving relic of the colonial era.
202.	Once again this year the General Assembly will be taking up the issue of disarmament without much progress on the part of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. It is no criticism of the members of that hard-working body to emphasize that the world has grown impatient over their inability to agree on such long-standing goals as a comprehensive test-ban treaty and a ban on chemical weapons. If no visible progress has been registered on such modest goals, how are we to view the prospects for the goal of general and complete disarmament, which indeed seems to recede further every year?
203.	We in Malta have welcomed both the easier relations and the significant agreements reached between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in the field of disarmament, notably the agreement last year on the prevention of nuclear war, and their announced intention to conclude a permanent agreement on the limitation of strategic offensive arms. Likewise, we are encouraged by their more recent agreement to halt, as from March 1976, underground nuclear-weapon tests above a certain magnitude. These are encouraging steps, but they can only be viewed as first steps on the road to real disarmament.
204.	Meanwhile, however, world opinion is discouraged by the continuation and, in some areas, increasing momentum of the armaments race. Nuclear testing, for instance, continues apace and evokes widespread indignation. We are opposed to all forms of nuclear-weapon testing, whether in the atmosphere or underground, and this in keeping with our commitment to general and complete disarmament. At the same time, however, as we deplore such testing, we cannot fail equally to deplore the fact that, 10 years after the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water, which solemnly proclaimed the intention of the parties to achieve a comprehensive test ban, this goal is still beyond our reach.
205.	When those that have amassed the frightful capacity to destroy all life on this planet i tany times over continue to develop still more weapons to add to their armoury, it is not surprising that there are some who question an order of priority which seeks first to prevent others from developing their own weapons. A more rational order of priority would seem to be for all the nuclear Powers to heed the anguished demands for total prohibition of the use and manufacture of nuclear weapons and othei" weapons of mass destruction, the dismantling and destruction of existing stocks of such armaments, accompanied by the progressive reduction of conventional weapons, and the discontinuance of nuclear tests in all environments.
206.	One of the ways in which the cause of peace and disarmament can be advanced is by the creation of zones of peace and zones from which nuclear weapons are banned. The proposal before the Assembly for such a zone in the region of the Middle East [AIC.IIL.700] affects my country closely, and we support it whole-heartedly.
207.	One of the most significant events in the history of the United Nations during the past year has undoubtedly been the convening of the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. My delegation has witnessed with satisfaction the growing realization on the part of the international community that new concepts, replacing the worn-out system of domination and dependence, must be worked out to govern mankind's increasingly varied activities on and under the seas. It was in 1967 that the delegation of Malta first launched the initiative which eventually led to the establishment first of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction and later to the convening of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
208.	The proposals submitted by Malta in 1967 included two interconnected propositions, namely, that the sea-bed and the ocean floor and their resources beyond the limits of national jurisdiction should be declared the common heritage of mankind, and that an international regime governing the area and its resources and including appropriate international machinery should be established. These two principles were later incorporated in the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, adopted by the General Assembly in 1970 [resolution 2749 (XXV)].
209.	The progress achieved by the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea held at Caracas this summer leads the Government of Malta to believe that such a regime and machinery, which will take account of the needs and interests of the developing countries, will in fact be created. In the light of this assessment, my Government feels that it is no longer premature to consider the location of the proposed International Sea-Bed Authority, and it has accordingly made known its decision to offer Malta as the site for the Authority's headquarters. In announcing this offer, my Government believes that many members of the international community would like to associate Malta in the most appropriate way with the tangible and lasting results which will have emerged from the Maltese initiative of 1967.
210.	In talking of the United Nations and its achievements during the past 29 years, it has become habitual to make a distinction between, on the one hand, the Organization's record in the political and security sphere where, albeit considerable, its successes are not usually regarded as having matched the hopes reposed in it by its founders and, on the other hand, its much more substantial record in the field of economic and social co-operation. The argument continues that lack of, or only partial, success in the political and security issues invariably receives spectacular but negative coverage in the mass media, whereas important progress in alleviating the lot of humanity in its everyday life often goes unnoticed. There is certainly much truth in this, but, unfortunately, such arguments suggest that all is well with the performance of the Organization in the economic field and may give grounds for complacency. Despite the real and solid achievements of the Economic and Social Council and the specialized agencies, the stark fact remains that the gap between rich and poor nations, far from being bridged, continues to grow apace. The first United Nations Development Decade raised more hopes than it could satisfy. Almost midway through the Second United Nations Development Decade, it is clear that its objectives are likely to remain a mirage.
211.	If this was already evident last year, the economic crisis into which the world has since then been plunged has not failed to sharpen our vision. Never was there more need for genuine co-operation among nations in their economic affairs. The energy crisis, in particular, has produced tensions that must be resolved equitably and amicably. The dire alternative of economic confrontation is too fearsome to ponder. In any trial of strength between the powerful, it is the weak bystanders who suffer the most. For those small countries which are exporters neither of technology nor of raw materials, the prospects would be grim indeed. For them, it would seem that they could at best expect nothing but ever higher prices to pay not only for manufactures but also for raw materials, food and fuel, all of which they must obtain from abroad. Such a double squeeze could only depress their terms of trade to intolerable levels and force a drastic reduction in living standards, which, in many cases, are already at a perilous level. It is therefore urgently necessary that the hopes generated by the sixth special session of the General Assembly should be speedily fulfilled. The urgent demands for immediate and effective machinery to translate into action the consensus achieved during that session are still awaiting implementation. We are grateful, to the Secretary-General and to all those who are striving to give early effect to the decisions taken at that historic special session, particularly the Special Program established under the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3202 (S-VI)] and its call for emergency relief measures, and we venture to hope that these measures will be put into operation without further delay. It is also our hope that the beneficiaries of these special measures will not be identified solely on the basis of a purely mechanical formula that ignores fundamental differences in the structure of national economies. Sources of income which derive from transient, artificial and non-economic factors must be recognized for what they are, and their distorting effect on national income statistics must be isolated and corrected.
212.	I should like to conclude, as I began, on a note of optimism with regard to the difficult challenges facing the United Nations. If, in taking stock of the current situation, one is bound to acknowledge that the Organization has yet to arrive at satisfactory solutions to many of the world's pressing problems, this is not to belittle its achievements. There is no doubt that the world would be in far worse shape without the United Nations. As for the future, signs of encouragement are not lacking. For if it is true that the first step towards solving a problem is to be aware of its challenge then one can take comfort from the fact that, under the impetus of technology, the world community is increasingly forced to face previously unrecognized problems as well as new dimensions to old ones.
213.	It is also becoming a tenet of conventional wisdom that the successful handling of global problems requires a measure of active international co-operation far beyond the concepts of mere detente and peaceful coexistence. This is certainly true of such global challenges as those posed by, amongst others, the current economic crisis, the equitable formulation of the law of the sea, the search for equilibrium between mankind's development activities and the preservation of his environment, the peaceful uses of outer space, the impact of fast-growing population, and the need to augment and to share the world's food resources. The same internationalist approach must also guide the way towards the establishment of a new international economic order, as called for at the sixth special session [resolution 3201 (S-VI)]. Whilst the need for international assistance has never been greater than during these difficult times, it is of the utmost importance for the developing countries to redouble their own efforts towards mutual co-operation in tackling their common problems. In this context, particular significance must be attached to the self-help program, including the solidarity fund for financing economic and social development projects, which the non-aligned countries have moved to establish.
214.	The Government of Malta is fully aware of the importance of the principle of self-help for developing countries. In our own economic development, we have spared no effort to encourage our people to mobilize our entire national resources, both human and material, in order to participate fully in, and to share the eventual rewards deriving from, the successful accomplishment of the challenging task of transforming our nation's economy from its pre-independence role of catering to foreign military interests into one based on peace and co-operation with all


Mr. President, it is indeed a source of gratification to see the international community expressing its confidence in you by electing you to the Presidency of the current session of the General Assembly. Such confidence reflects the appreciation felt by the inter-national community towards your fraternal Arab country, which enjoys an eminent position on the African continent and among the non-aligned countries. It also reflects the high status and the positive role of the non-aligned countries within the international community. Your unanimous election is in fact an expression of appreciation and respect for your person and for your capabilities as an astute and eminent statesman. While extending to you my heartfelt congratulations, I should also like to express our gratitude for the efficient manner in which your predecessor, Mr. Leopoldo Benites, conducted the meetings of both the previous session and the sixth special session.
22.	Our world today is facing grave situations and challenges which put the United Nations and its procedures to a test, the outcome of which will determine not only the Organization's effectiveness in fulfilling its mission but also its very existence. In spite of the positive developments in the climate of international relations in recent years within the context of the policy of detente and the diminished likelihood of a nuclear war, the majority of the peoples of the world are still suffering acutely from colonialist domination, from the threat of aggression, and from poverty. Furthermore, in various regions of the world there are still many hotbeds of tension and danger which threaten international peace and security. In the forefront of such regions is our own Arab area, which has over a long period of time been the victim of the worst forms of aggression. It has witnessed at the same time the continued inability of the international community to find effective solutions to the problem. Representatives are no doubt well aware of the perils involved in this situation.
23.	What is indeed most disturbing is the fact that this forum, which is supposed to be a forum of justice, should witness strange methods being applied by their authors to threaten States which are exercising their natural rights and defending their legitimate interests. This is one of the manifestations menacing the inter-national community today.
24.	Iraq, a country which has only recently rid itself of the last traces of colonialist domination and of the ugly manner in which its natural resources were being exploited, strongly believes that international relations should be firmly based on understanding and co-operation, on the solution of problems through peaceful means based on mutual respect, and on noninterference in the internal affairs of other States. It decidedly welcomes the steps already taken towards the relaxation of international tension and considers them as positive developments. At the same time, we also believe that detente cannot be fully achieved and will always remain threatened, unless the peoples of the world are guaranteed their full rights to freedom and sovereignty and to the pursuit of their legitimate interests. This cannot be achieved unless serious action is taken to remove the causes of aggression and tension throughout the world, particularly in our Arab region. Moreover, there is also the necessity of eliminating racial discrimination, from the evils of which many peoples are still suffering, particularly on the African continent.
25.	It is a source of gratification that the current session should witness the admission to membership in the world Organization of a number of emerging States, namely the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Guinea-Bissau and Grenada. We should like to take this opportunity to extend our warmest greetings and best wishes to the new Members, in consonance with Iraq's consistent advocacy of the principle of universality for the international Organization. The admission of these States to membership in the United Nations is an affirmation of the fact that the struggle of peoples for freedom and sovereignty is bound to be crowned with success. It is also a full confirmation of the statement made by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report "that the march of colonial peoples towards self-determination and independence is an irreversible process of history" [Al960llAdd.l, sect. IX].
26.	This is evidenced by the positive developments on the African continent during the past year. Following the accession to' independence of Guinea- Bissau and the transfer of power to the Frente de Libertagao de Mozambique [FRELIMO] as a prelude to the proclamation of the independence of Mozambique, hope has been further strengthened that the other Territories still under Portuguese domination will attain their independence. We consider these developments a triumph for the Portuguese people themselves, who, because of colonial policies, have incurred great losses and suffered many tragedies. Portugal now has the opportunity to establish normal relations based on friendship and co-operation with all the countries of the world, including Iraq.
27.	Yet, in spite of those positive developments on the African continent, the racist Government of South Africa persists in its defiance of the United Nations and of world public opinion by its continued occupation of Namibia and by the practice of its hideous policy of apartheid against the indigenous population. We are gratified at the resolution adopted by the General Assembly calling upon the Security Council to review the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa [resolution 3207 (XXIX)]. For our part, we call upon the Security Council to respond to that resolution and to reconsider the membership of South Africa in the United Nations. The very presence of the representatives of the racist Government of South Africa in the United Nations is a contravention of both the Charter and the principles of human rights.
28.	With regard to Rhodesia, we wish to reaffirm what we have always declared concerning the necessity of supporting and implementing United Nations resolutions by making such resolutions binding, in the real sense of the word, upon all States. We believe that the British Government bears a special responsibility for the removal of the racist regime in Rhodesia, and that it should in all seriousness assume that responsibility. The presence of the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia in our contemporary world constitutes an insult to the entire world and a shame which it must bear. The international community is called upon to employ all effective means to obliterate this insult.
29.	Among the problems posing a threat to international peace and security and urging the international community to find just solutions for them is the continued tension on the Asian continent. The Vietnamese people still suffers from various forms of outside foreign intervention on the part of the United States, a situation which the Paris Agreement, signed two years ago, had supposedly terminated. The Vietnamese people is still bleeding profusely because the Saigon Administration, with encouragement from the United States, is not abiding genuinely and seriously by the terms of the Agreement.
30.	As for Cambodia, because of the support given by the United States to an illegitimate regime controlling only a small area of the country, its people is still suffering from the evils and agonies of war. As a result of that situation, the international community should grant that people the rights to express its opinion, which includes occupation by its lawful Government the Government of National Union of its seat in this international Organization as the legitimate representative of the Cambodian people.
31.	Regarding Korea, Iraq has welcomed the steps taken along the road towards the reunification of the Korean people and the removal of foreign occupation forces stationed in South Korea. We call upon the United Nations without any further delay to put an end to the exploitation of both its name and flag in covering up the continued presence there of the forces of occupation of the United States. We also demand that the Korean question be given a greater measure of attention which would provide conditions propitious for the reunification of the Korean people and the removal of a center of tension from that part of the world.
32.	Among the new important events arousing the attention of world public opinion and constituting a serious threat to peace is the crisis in Cyprus. We wish on this occasion to affirm our basic position regarding this question and to express Iraq's support for the independence of Cyprus, its sovereignty, its territorial integrity and its continuance as a non-aligned State. We call upon all parties concerned, including Turkey, our friendly neighbor, and Greece, to which we are bound by friendly relations, and the inhabitants of the island to co-operate with each other with a view to finding appropriate solutions to this crisis in accordance with the foregoing principles and on the basis of respecting and safeguarding the rights of the Greek and Turkish communities in Cyprus.
33.	Among the chronic questions included in the agenda of the General Assembly is the question of disarmament. Despite some achievements of the United Nations in the form of the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] and the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies [resolution 2222 (XXI), annex], our world is still in need of further efforts and co-operation with a view to arriving at effective formulas and solutions in this respect.
34.	There are numerous sensitive areas in the world which are now threatened with grave dangers because of the presence in them of nuclear weapons. While we support the designation of the Indian Ocean and its geographical extensions as a zone of peace and the South-East Asian area as a zone of peace and co-operation, we also support in principle all proposals relating to the elimination of nuclear weapons from those areas and from the entire world.
35.	We wish also to stress that there is a very small margin of difference between the peaceful and non- peaceful uses of nuclear energy. That fact was also emphasized by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization, in which he stated: "Available scientific evidence shows that there is little essential difference between explosive devices for peaceful purposes and those for nuclear weapons." [A/9601lAdd.l, sect. X.] In the circumstances, we believe that equal rights and opportunities should be recognized for all countries in this respect. At the same time, an attempt should be made to arrive at a serious and responsible agreement on the peaceful uses of nuclear energy which would preclude its use for military purposes.
36.	One of the distinctive features of the current session is the inclusion again in the agenda of the question of Palestine. There can be no doubt that Palestine is one of the major and most important issues of our time. Because of the question of Palestine, the Middle East has for more than a quarter of a century been exposed to a state of acute tension which has strongly affected and continues strongly to affect world peace on a large and serious scale.
37.	While we express our satisfaction at the inclusion of that just cause in the agenda of the General Assembly, we should like to express our point of view in an unequivocal and specific manner.
38.	At the outset, it must be pointed out yet again that the Palestine question is not a result of the Zionist aggression perpetrated against the Arab countries in 1967. The issue has not arisen only today. That aggression and the current grave situation in the Arab area are but consequences of the Palestinian problem. In our opinion, it can be summed up as the question of a people expelled from its homeland by force of arms and by foreign invaders who established in that country a Fascist, racist and colonialist regime, one that cannot be justified save by the perpetuation of aggression, expansion and the fanning of the flames of war, counting on the support of colonialist forces with illegitimate interests and policies in the area, foremost among which is the United States of America. In our opinion, any attempts to ignore that historical and realistic aspect of the Palestine question would lead to a complete failure to find an appropriate solution to the problem and failure to consolidate peace and stability in the Arab region.
39.	Security Council resolution 242 (1967) unjustly and illogically refers to what it calls the problem of refugees without even a reference to their identity and to the causes and circumstances of their displacement. It has now become necessary to reconsider that historic injustice, and at the same time we deem it to be incumbent upon the world Organization not to commit another grave blunder when re discussing the problem by overlooking the greater part of the truth in the interest of acknowledging merely just one part of it.
40.	The Palestinian people, which has been subjected to various forms of persecution and suffering over the last 25 years and which has struggled and is still valiantly struggling for the attainment of its legitimate rights, is fully entitled to return to its homeland and to exercise its right to self-determination in that land. Those rights must be exercised without any hindrance from the Fascist and racist hegemony of the existing Zionist military regime, and they must be exercised within a genuine democratic framework. In order to be faithful to the Charter of the United Nations and to its principles, the international community must extend full and undiminished recognition to those rights which have been attained and certainly will be attained by all the oppressed peoples of the world.
41.	The Fascist racist regime now established in the land of Palestine constituted and still constitutes a hotbed of aggression and tension in our area. The perpetuation of that entity and the continuance of unqualified support for it from the United States of America expose our area to a very grave state of tension. They also threaten the peace and stability of the entire world with untold perils. The October war shook the world last year, but the world should expect greater dangers if present conditions remain unchanged. A great deal was said last year concerning the attempts to arrive at a peaceful solution to the problem of the territories occupied by the aggressors in 1967. That occupation, however, still continues; and the Zionist leaders still persist in the colonization and the annexation of territories in defiance of the resolution of the United Nations and of world public opinion. What really calls for condemnation is the fact that the United States of America is still acting irresponsibly, and contrary to its alleged intentions by providing the Zionist usurpers with enormous amounts of arms and huge sums of money in addition to political support in all fields, including the support rendered within this very international Organization. Instead of discharging its international responsibilities, in cooperation with the international community, by forcing the usurper and aggressor to withdraw unconditionally, the United States of America continues the pursuit of its policies, thus exposing security and peace in the area and the entire world to the gravest perils.
42.	Faced with such a situation, we wish to state our opinion that the Arab people whose lands were occupied in 1967 and the Arab people in Palestine which owns the historical right to its national soil are fully entitled to resort to all appropriate means to liberate their land and to recover their rights; it behooves the international community to stand by them and to give them all the support and assistance to which they are entitled.
43.	If the international Organization has acted correctly and taken a concrete, positive step by its decision to reconsider its position regarding its relationship with South Africa, then it is high time that the United Nations reconsidered its position concerning the membership of the Fascist, racist regime established in the land of Palestine. By stating this, we call upon the General Assembly to recall the conditions of membership laid down in the Charter of the United Nations itself and to recall also the resolutions of the United Nations which have stressed time and again the rights of peoples to self-determination as well as the necessity of liquidating colonialism in all its forms from the entire world.
44.	We have often spoken from this rostrum about the critical situation existing along the Iraqi-Iranian frontier ever since the Iranian Government unilaterally abrogated the frontier treaty concluded between the two countries in 1937, and by so doing, Iran was in contravention of the provisions and principles of international law and of the customs observed among the members of the international community and in international relations. Since then the Iranian Government has committed a long series of encroachments upon Iraqi sovereignty on Shatt-el-Arab and all along our land frontier. During the past years, the Iranian military forces have perpetrated numerous acts of aggression against our frontier areas. We were compelled to defend our land and sovereignty. Furthermore, the Iranian Government has openly and continuously interfered in the internal affairs of our country.
45.	Bearing in mind the principles of coexistence between neighboring countries, and with the genuine desire of resolving problems through peaceful means and of establishing good relations with our neighbors, we in Iraq have been pursuing throughout the past years a policy of self-restraint, and we have been trying to confine disputes and clashes to the narrowest possible limits. Accordingly, Iraq has always called upon the Iranian Government to negotiate with a view to resolving differences through peaceful means. Among the prominent steps taken within this context was Iraq's declaration of the resumption of diplomatic relations with Iran on 7 October 1973 and the fact that it called upon Iran to negotiate. Unfortunately, the positive attitudes of Iraq were not similarly reciprocated by the Iranian Government which precipitated matters to the point of creating crisis situations through military acts of aggression committed against our borders by the Iranian forces throughout these years. We were thus compelled to refer the matter to the Security Council which decided to send a representative of the Secretary-General on a fact finding mission, The representative was requested to submit a report in this connexion, and he duly fulfilled the task entrusted to him.1
46.	The result of the good offices of the Secretary- General was that the two sides did come to an agreement on four points which included the consolidation of the cease-fire, the withdrawal of military concentrations all along the frontier, and the preparation of propitious conditions for bilateral discussions without any preconditions.
47.	In implementation of the foregoing agreement, Iraq took the initiative of inviting Iran to make the necessary contacts with a view to the withdrawal of the concentration of troops along the borders. However, the Iranian side has so far not responded to that initiative despite the lapse of five months since the adoption of Security Council resolution 348 (1974) of 28 March 1974. Iraq also took the initiative of inviting Iran to hold bilateral discussions. Meetings were indeed held between the representatives of the two countries between 12 and 28 August last in Istanbul, and this resulted in an agreement on an agenda for further talks to be held at a higher level. On this occasion we should like to express our thanks and appreciation for the positive efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General and his special representative, in conformity with the will of the Security Council as expressed in the resolution of March 1974.
48.	The present situation constitutes a state of grave tension in the Arab area which is already fraught with danger. Such a situation, if allowed to continue, can lead to dire consequences. As an independent country, Iraq is determined to preserve its independence and its sovereignty. It will spare no effort and it will do its utmost to defend itself against any violations. At the same time, Iraq fully appreciates the urgent need to put an end to the hotbeds of tension in the area, and the need to establish friendly relations so that they may prevail among the peoples of the area which are already bound together by strong historical ties. Consequently, Iraq is fully prepared to exert all possible positive efforts in order to arrive at appropriate and equitable solutions to the problems pending between the two countries in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of good neighborliness and coexistence between countries.
49.	The question of the Sahara now under Spanish administration requires an urgent settlement. The termination of foreign domination over the Territory is considered a basic matter which should not be postponed any further. It is our sincere hope that the Government of Spain, with which we have maintained close relations of friendship, will co-operate and respond positively to the Arab parties concerned in order to put a final end to its domination over that Territory. For our part, we consider the Moroccan intention, proposed at the 2249th meeting, to refer the matter to the International Court of Justice as a logical and sound move leading towards a solution to this problem.
50.	A quick glance at the current international economic order clearly indicates the incapacity of that order to absorb the quantitative and qualitative changes which the world has witnessed during the last two decades. That order is now suffering, more than ever before, from the symptoms of an imminent collapse. The successive waves of economic inflation which the world has experienced and the plummeting of the rate of growth of national incomes, in real terms, in many countries, as well as the disturbed balance of payments of those countries are clear indications of the dangers ahead.
51.	The international community has become fully conscious of this grave situation and has realized the responsibility incumbent upon it to consider the causes and find solutions. Iraq, as President Ahmed Hassan Al-Bakr has declared, was among the first countries to call for discussion of the question within the framework of the United Nations. The appeal was made in a letter addressed by President Al-Bakr to the President of the United States last February, and the discussion took place at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, which was held as a result of the initiative of our Algerian brothers. At the special session the Assembly adopted a Declaration and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)]. That Declaration represents, in the view of many developing countries, including Iraq, the minimum of what is required. However, some industrial States attempted at the fifty-seventh session of the Economic and Social Council to shirk their responsibilities by voicing their objection to the texts of documents already agreed upon at the special session, thereby seeking to create obstacles to their implementation. We call upon those States to reconsider, and reconsider carefully, the consequences which may result from such attitudes. We also urge them not to damage their own long-term interests for the sake of ephemeral benefits.
52.	It is indeed very regrettable to see some major industrial States failing to abide by the obligations of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], in spite of the passage of several years since its adoption and in spite of the adoption by various bodies of the United Nations of resolutions recommending its implementation.
53.	It is really regrettable that accusations and threats should be hurled from this rostrum at developing countries which are exercising their natural right to sovereignty over their natural resources and seeking equitable prices for such resources. Those developing countries have suffered for hundreds of years from miserable conditions, as a result of the dominance of the major colonialist Powers and their monopoly of those resources in blatant disregard of the legitimate interests of their owners and of the interests of the international community at large. It is strange indeed that the developing countries, notably the oil-producing countries, should be held responsible for the inflation which is now rampant in the industrial countries. In that connexion, we should like to mention the following facts.
54.	First, the international economic order in general and the international monetary system in particular have been suffering from chronic ailments for a long time. On the practical level, the international monetary system, the foundations of which were established by the Bretton Woods agreements in 1944,2 collapsed in 1971 when the United States declared its relinquishment of its obligation to exchange the American dollar for gold, and vice versa, at the fixed parity laid down in the agreement - $35 per ounce of gold. The United States adopted that measure under the pressure of a continuous deficit in its balance of payments which began in the early 1950s as a result of its military and non-military operations outside its territorial borders, and of the successive waves of economic inflation from which its economy has been suffering and is still suffering.
55.	Secondly, the inflation from which the world is suffering today can be attributed in the first place to the nature of the economic order in the capitalist world. The recent wave of inflation began long before the oil-producing States started fixing more equitable prices for oil and oil products. This became only too clear in the prices of manufactured goods. In point of fact, economic inflation is a chronic ailment in the capitalist countries. It brought about ruin for many of those countries even before the discovery of oil in most of the countries which are now producing it.
56.	Thirdly, the price of oil, like the prices of any other commodity, is determined by economic variables on a world scale. It is therefore unreasonable to view the energy problem and the price of oil in isolation from the prices of other raw materials, foodstuffs and manufactured and semi-manufactured goods. That is why we believe that what is called the energy crisis should be called instead "the cheap-energy crisis", because the price of oil, a commodity which is in the course of depletion, will always remain below its real value, not because it is a fuel used for heating but because it is a basic factor in running the machinery of economic life in the entire world.
57.	Fourthly, the incredible profits made by oil companies constitute a major reason for the uneconomic increase in the price of oil in relation to the final consumer. To state an example, the profits of the seven major oil companies amounted in 1973 alone to more than $8,000 million, most of which was made outside the United States. That amount exceeds the total investments made by the oil companies in the Middle East area in the period from 1954 to 1970.
58.	Fifthly, the high taxes imposed by the Governments of the oil-importing Western States upon that commodity constitute the second reason for the uneconomic rise in the price of oil to the final consumer. Studies made by the Organization of Petroleum- Exporting Countries [OPEC] show that the share received by the oil-producing countries from the price paid by the European consumer in 1967 was only 7,9 per cent, whereas the revenues of the oil-consuming Governments accruing from the taxes levied on oil accounted for 47.5 per cent of that price.
59.	Some officials in the industrial countries say that we are using our natural resources as a weapon for exercising political pressure. That is indeed strange, coming from people who are using their own commodities to exercise political pressure. We wish to stress from this rostrum what we have always said: that American strategy in exploiting the energy crisis in that way is aimed not only at the oil-producing countries, particularly the Arab countries, but also at the interests of Western Europe, Japan and all the countries of the third world. We believe that as a developing country we are capable of understanding and safeguarding the basic interests of the third world, to which we belong, at the same time as we respect the legitimate interests of all other States. We refuse the tutelage of States which have never proved that they are safeguarding the interests of poorer countries. We also refuse any kind of threat, whatever form it might take.
60.	On this occasion I should like to say that the Government of the Republic of Iraq, through bilateral co-operation with many of the developing countries and the non-aligned countries, has given assistance of more than $500 million to those countries throughout the current year alone.
61.	We could have devoted more time to reminding those who are speaking at this session of basic axioms derived from modern and ancient history. But we prefer not to do so out of our belief that attempts at misrepresentation cannot deceive the struggling, developing countries which have known colonialism in both its old and new forms and which have experienced all its various methods.
62.	If the United Nations has not been able so far, and for reasons that are beyond the power of most of its Members, to achieve the noble purposes enshrined in the Charter, we have not yet given up hope. We believe that despite all the foregoing problems, the Organization remains an indispensable instrument for the creation of an international community where security, peace and co-operation will prevail.


Mr. President, on behalf of the Government and people of Jamaica, I am proud to be numbered among those who have expressed their congratulations to you on your unanimous election as President of this session of the General Assembly. I do this not only because of your eminence as an outstanding statesman, but because your great country has played a tremendous role in the non-aligned movement, a role which is appreciated by all those who follow with pride the true revolutionary spirit of the Government of Algeria.
246.	With these compliments I should like to add expressions of the highest regard for Mr. Leopoldo Benites, whose distinguished international prestige brought added lustre to this body when he officiated as your predecessor.
247.	We welcome the addition to this family of the United Nations of the new Members—Bangladesh, Grenada and Guinea-Bissau -each of which brings some special quality to this great body. We are happy that Bangladesh has overcome the birth pains of nationhood and now takes its rightful place among us. To our beautiful sister island of Grenada, with which we share a common heritage, we extend a very warm welcome. Grenada is a full member of the Caribbean Community and participates actively in all the many regional institutions of the Commonwealth Caribbean. It, like us, faces the common problems of developing island nations. Guinea-Bissau may be said to have written its application for membership in the blood of its own brave African liberators. We welcome them all as willing participants in the struggle for the better life -which is the common purpose of this great family, the United Nations.
248.	The Government and people of Jamaica extend their heartfelt sympathy to the Government and people of Honduras, who recently suffered a crippling blow from a Caribbean hurricane, It is our fervent hope that all its friends in this Organization will extend the hand of friendship and assistance to help to ensure its speedy recovery.
249.	Jamaica wishes to pay tribute to all members of the peace-keeping forces of this body and especially to recall with reverence those who have given their lives in the ultimate sacrifice for freedom and peace.
250.	The winds of change are indeed blowing through the continent of Africa. The events of the past year have justified the hopes, the sacrifices and the struggles of all those who sought to set Africa free from the bonds of persistent colonial domination. And the winds continue to blow -for we believe that the events which took place in the past few days in this chamber have laid the foundations for the final liberation of the continent.
251.	The declaration of independence by Guinea- Bissau just over a year ago signaled the opening of the final act in the drama of liberation of the African community held by Portugal. The peoples of the world are learning much from the lesson of this liberation, the basic significance of which is the fact that it was the freedom fighters of colonial Portugal who assisted the liberals of their "mother country" to bring freedom and justice to the people of Portugal itself, and not the other way around. This is one of the political paradoxes of history, that it is the struggle for freedom by the fighting colonials that brings freedom and liberty to the colonizing Powers themselves. This will go down in history as the eventual realization that freedom is one and indivisible.
252.	As we welcome Guinea-Bissau here, we look for the early accession of Mozambique and Angola to their rightful places as Members of this body, and we are heartened at the emergence of the new Portugal. We hope that nothing will interfere with the final processes of liberation of the Territories concerned. Jamaica and others who have given their full support in the struggle, will continue their vigilance towards ensuring the final outcome, encouraged by the new spirit of Portugal as expressed in this Assembly by its Foreign Minister [2239th meeting].
253.	A few days ago this Organization took what my delegation regarded as a historic step towards the final act of liberation of the peoples of southern Africa who are held in humiliation and oppression by the vicious regime in South Africa. The events of that day [2248th meeting], the results of the vote on the issue of the South African delegation's credentials and the move to have the Security Council study them mark a significant turn in this drama. The collapse of colonial domination in the former Portuguese Territories has forced many among the membership of this body to search their hearts; it has forced them to realize that a preoccupation with strictly legal forms and procedures can sometimes result in the perpetuation of gross injustice. The isolation of the South African regime has also threatened to isolate those who have persistently, by negative or by positive acts, protected them from the anger of the world and from the realities of the abhorrence in which they are held by most of the peoples of the world.
254.	For I say to them, to condone apartheid and the daily humiliation of black people is to affront the United Nations itself, which body is concerned with the recognition of a respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex or religion. All Members of this Organization have a clear duty to fight against the forces of inequality and injustice. There can be no lasting peace while there is compromise by so-called freedom- loving nations in these matters. To compromise with freedom is to deny freedom.
255.	While we have been heartened by the developments in those Territories of Africa which have been linked to Portugal, we note that there has been no progress towards resolving the problems of Zimbabwe and Namibia, whose peoples have been denied the exercise of their inalienable rights to self-determination. The liberation of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia cannot be allowed to depend upon expediency instead of principle. The harsh tyranny operating in these two countries is being perpetuated by regimes which shamelessly abandon all principles of human decency in the obdurate pursuit of their political and financial interests.
256.	Year after year, with monotonous regularity, this august Assembly has passed resolution after resolution condemning the perfidy of that evil spirit otherwise referred to as the Government of South Africa, which remains obdurate and stubborn in its defiance of the United Nations. This intransigence has exposed this body to the charge of shameful impotence and has left the implication that it is only by force, violence and bloodshed that those-still held in bondage in Africa can hope to be free. In this respect, how are we of the smaller nations to view the stance of those powerful nations which would have us regard them as friends? In the case of Zimbabwe and Namibia, there is far more reason and universal support for United Nations troops to settle the question of freedom and justice there than there seems to be in Korea.
257.	Despite much criticism -probably unfair -the United Nations deserves some credit for providing the forum for those Member nations that have awakened the conscience of the world. This year has, however, witnessed the dismemberment of a small, independent country, by outside interference, and leaves open to question the security of small, independent nations.
258.	Recent events have revealed massive interference in the internal affairs of States Members of this Organization. Jamaica condemns such interference from whatever quarter it emanates. We reaffirm our faith that respect for the sovereignty pf nations neither allows, first, interference by one State in the affairs of another nor, secondly, intervention in the affairs of a duly elected Government. We of the non-aligned group view with alarm this undermining of the sovereignty of States, which constitutes a form of aggression by one State against another.
259.	There is evidence of a real fear of aggression reflected in the references which have been made at this session to Belize. We hear hypocritical references to -and I quote -"the firm adherence to the principle of the self-determination of peoples" out of the very mouths of those who generate the cause of fear. How much respect can we pay to those who refer to "the respectable aspirations of the people of Belize", when the authors of those very words deny to those very people the natural God-given right to declare themselves free? Let those who profess to be anti- colonialist define that term. Let them go back to their own historical roots and recall the spirit of Bolivar, the great Liberator of Latin America.
260.	Jamaica reaffirms its stand against all oppressors, whoever they may be, and appeals to all freedom- loving countries here to study and help to advance the just aspirations of the people of Belize. Peace and justice are the concern of all -not the least concerned is this colony, which, because of its status, has no voice here and which has remained for too long trembling in the limbo of fear between the threats of a neighbor, on the one hand, and the empty promise of independence, on the other. It is full time that this body, the United Nations, which is the repository of hope for the weaker nations, takes full cognizance of the regrettable situation in Belize.
261.	The past year has witnessed the emergence of a new determination on the part of the developing countries to bring about fundamental changes in the international economic system. In the face of all the effort and all the display of evidence of progress and of national and international concern over the past decades, the simple and inescapable fact is that the part of the world occupied by the poorer countries has been losing the battle for progress. The widening of the gap between the rich countries and the poor countries is clear evidence of this fact.
262.	The countries of the third world have called for fundamental change in the very structure and foundations of the world economic system. The sixth special session of the General Assembly -at which these issues were discussed and which saw the approval of resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI), embodying the Declaration of and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order marked a historic moment in our lives. We must move forward from this mark.
263.	There are many factors which inhibit such forward movement. First and foremost, there is the lack of commitment on the part of some of the developed countries to the idea of such structural change. Some of these have made their position crystal clear, and my delegation views this situation with deep regret. Nevertheless, one of the encouraging developments in recent times has been the movement on the part of a number of smaller developed countries towards full acceptance of the proposition that such fundamental change is imperative. We welcome this significant development and urge these countries to give their fullest support to the search for the answers to the problems involved in implementing the Program of Action. We hope that in good time those other countries which are less enthusiastic -or even opposed to these aims -will join fully in the effort not only in the interest of the overwhelming majority of the peoples of the world, but, in our view, to the ultimate benefit of all countries and of all peoples.
264.	The second major factor is our lack of full understanding of some aspects of the development process. In this connexion, we must review and revise thoroughly the assumptions, the goals and the methods of work, particularly within the United Nations system. We must raise our sights to the levels required to bring about the new system of international economic relationships envisaged in the Declaration and Program of Action. In the search for such solutions we need the ingenuity and the energies of all.
265. The third factor concerns a series of crises which beset the world today and which relate to inflation, energy, the international monetary system, food supplies and population growth. These crises must be seen as a dramatic expression of the failure of the world economic system that we have known. They must be seen not, as some among us seem to feel, as a reason or an excuse for putting aside or diminishing the effort towards fundamental change in the system; but, rather, they should be regarded as a crowning justification for moving with greater determination and urgency towards a new economic order based on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and co-operation among all States.
266.. The fact that no country -no matter what its resources -is untouched by these events is a measure of the harsh realities of interdependence.
267.	Ever since the emergence of global contact in trade and investment through colonialism and other devices, the world community has been interdependent. However, for the most part the experience has been that one sector of the world community has been almost wholly dependent on another. The members of the latter category -which in most cases have derived their economic and political strength from exploitation of the rest of the world- have nevertheless regarded themselves as being almost wholly independent of that group. Now we observe that a great deal is being said on the subject of interdependence. We repeat: this is not at all news to us. But we cannot refrain from observing that it is only the emergence of events which have seriously threatened the economies of the major countries that has led to this new understanding and emphasis on this phenomenon.
268.	Today the third world is seeking a complete change from the old interpretation of interdependence. This requires: first, understanding by the developed countries of the desperate urgency to raise the standard of living of the peoples of the third world; secondly, acceptance by the developed countries of the need for an equitable distribution throughout the world of the material benefits which derive from the world economic system and which provide a basis for "the good life"; and, thirdly, adoption and implementation by the developed countries of policies designed to achieve these ends.
269.	This should be the new meaning of interdependence, and in order to make it a reality we need fundamental structural change in the world economic system. This is the link between interdependence and the new economic order.
270.	The third world seeks not confrontation but parallel advancement -indeed, economic salvation. In our view, developing countries must exercise the discipline of the mutually distressed in order to avoid division among ourselves. May this discipline prevent individual members or groups that move towards the top of the ladder from neglecting their friends who remain at the bottom. In this respect I should like to make two observations: first, I commend the Republic of Venezuela, which has readily made substantial grants to assist some of the poorer nations that have been affected acutely by the energy crisis; and secondly, I express regret that, although there has been much talk and some action about stabilization and development funds, there has been a lack of sufficient meaningful progress in these matters.
271.	Our role is to press forward now and together to work towards the establishment of the new economic order. The frightening alternative is unthinkable; at the least, it is a perpetuation of the old idea of inter-dependence, which means that some form of charity, such as aid, could readjust the intrinsic inequalities between the developed and the developing world. The real change to establish this new economic order will begin only after this new meaning of interdependence elicits two simultaneous movements: first, the acceptance by the developed nations of the meaningful involvement of the poorer countries in the decision-making processes of international economic bodies; and/ or second, the realization of the developing world that the maintenance of discipline among its members and concern for the welfare of its members, both collectively and individually, will ensure that we will not once more be divided.
272.	We, a small nation, accept the political philosophy that the central objective of all government is the equality of man and the improvement in the quality of his life. The international questions of food, energy , population control and other problems, real as they are, are abstractions unless we relate them to the basic needs of the human individual. The developing world, whose only assets in most cases are its human resources, must never lose sight of this fact, or fail to remind our brothers stronger in material wealth of this fact. The great problems of the present as to how many million barrels of oil per day or millions of tons of wheat are produced are meaningless unless they relate to the necessity to feed and house the millions of needy people throughout the world still crying out for an answer to the question: "How can I retain my human dignity and self-respect, house my family and feed my undernourished children?".
273.	Jamaica notes and welcomes the proclamation of International Women's Year [resolution 3010 (XXVII)] and reaffirms its belief that women must be given a greater role in political, social and economic development.
274.	Our concerns are not merely about balance of payments; they are about the readjustment of the balance of human distress, which is so unevenly distributed. The condition of the. individual human being must be the center of our concern. Our response in Jamaica to the current emphasis on interdependence and economic co-operation is not conditioned either by injustices of the past or by threats of the present; it is the response of a small sovereign nation which desires sincerely to co-operate with others for the mutual benefit of all. We expect for ourselves and others a fair share of the fruits of our labor, and we demand a just portion of the proceeds of any joint development of our common resources. Our answer to the call for interdependence is that we want to change our role in this new economic order from that of sufferer to that of full participant in the world scene.
275.	That is the tone of our response. It is a note dictated not only by the urgency of the moment but by a close reading of the facts of history. The facts show not only that the great empires of the past fell when they could no longer depend on the support of their colonies or dependencies, but also that today the developed countries need us as much as we need them. That is true interdependence.
276.	This is not the petulant retort of the poor; it is a bold statement of fact: that interdependence requires among the wealthy nations a tremendous sophistication and a denial of vanity; indeed, it requires a dilution of arrogance, where blackmail, threats and all forms of intervention in other people's affairs are out of place. The empires of the past held together as long as their military hardware was the determining factor. Today interdependence and an economically healthy world must place full value on the qualitative contribution of the poorer majorities of the world.
277.	My delegation and the Government of Jamaica which we represent are of the view that the Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order must be the center and focus of the efforts and concerns of the United Nations and the specialized agencies and of each member country, and we expect that this session of the General Assembly will see the furtherance of these aims. A vital and integral part of these aims is the Special Program for emergency relief and development assistance to the countries most seriously affected by the prevailing conditions. We strongly urge here, as we have done elsewhere, the fullest and promptest attention to this matter.
278.	We have heard from time to time comments, even complaints, about the devices to which developing countries have resorted in order to counteract what I would like to call the despotism of the minority. There have been adverse comments concerning the formation of associations of commodity-producing countries, which are mainly members of the third world. However, the formation of these associations has been forced on producing countries by the failure of the countries exploiting these resources to give them fair and equitable returns or to foster the transfer of appropriate technology and other benefits to any significant degree. There are complaints centered around the relatively recent phenomenon of the rising costs of raw materials. Yet the countries which complain say nothing at all of the long history of spiraling costs of their manufactured goods which are exported to the third world.
279.	The spiraling costs of production of these manufactured goods reflect the rapid rise in the standard of living in the developed countries, as the wage levels of their workers have increased; thus, the rise in the standard of living in these countries has been achieved largely at the expense of the peoples of the third world, whose low wage-levels and standard of living are regarded as a part of the necessary, inevitable and immutable scheme of things.
280.	The third world, for its part, has complained about the groups or blocs of the rich and powerful countries -for example, in the realm of international monetary affairs, the Group of 10, the club of the rich, whose members were in the habit of meeting and deciding on major issues and more or less instructing IMF on what it should do. In deference to the strong views of the developing countries, the Group of 10 gave way to the Committee of 20,4 which included representatives of developing countries on the basis of the existing constituencies in the Fund. Now we read of meetings in recent days of the Group of 5 -a new and even more exclusive club of not just the rich, but of the richest.
281.	The question of the recycling of funds of the oil-producing countries is a concrete example of the need for a rational approach in dealing with specific international economic problems. Recent events have shown a strong tendency for those funds to move into the developed countries for their benefit. This points to the urgent need for a planned and controlled distribution of the flow of some of these funds into the developing countries which are in greater need of them.
282.	A strong new ray of hope and promise for inter-national co-operation has recently emerged. The General Assembly in resolution 2340 (XXII) and subsequent resolutions over the period 1967-1973 invited the nations of the world to create a new legal order of the sea. I say this is a hopeful turn because the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, recently held in Caracas, saw the greatest collection of experts and representatives, deliberately and collectively seeking to redress the imbalance in the world order in a quest for a new regime of international justice. I repeat, hopeful, because in the Declaration of Principles, as well as in the procedures adopted by the Conference, this distinguished group made serious, strenuous efforts over a considerable period towards creating and preserving a new order of international economic justice designed to bring about control of pollution on a global scale, and the regulation of the orderly exploration and exploitation of the sea-bed, among other things. Never before had the international community attempted such a comprehensive task.
283.	Today the revolution in the approach to the sharing of the world's resources and the acknowledgment of the rights and claims of the weak and poor among the nations, including the land-locked and otherwise geographically disadvantaged States, to the resources of the sea are firm steps towards establishing an era of permanent peace. This presents a very bright picture of community effort and a shining example of the interdependence of man and nations without which the whole operation admittedly would be an exercise in futility. We certainly have moved far frown the days of Grotius, when the high seas and its treasures were regarded as belonging to nobody, or to the strongest Power. Today, the world realizes that this Conference has a new opportunity to put into effect accepted principles of justice where man's poverty takes priority of consideration over man's power. Even here, however, let me sound a note of caution: to bring satisfaction to the millions who expectantly await the finality of these deliberations, it is necessary to overcome traditionally nationalistic acquisitive postures and substitute political will and a new faith in mankind.
284.	Finally, whether the activities occupying the attention of mankind be in the sea, on land or in the air; whether it- be the creation of more food, housing or otherwise to enhance the dignity of man; whether it be to assail the economic ills of the world: we need each other.
285.	I would like to close, with words from one of Africa's illustrious sous, President Julius K. Nyerere of the United Republic of Tanzania, calling for co-operation among the developing countries in the creation of a new economic order, when he said:
"We are not absolutely without allies when we demand reforms of the international economic system in the direction of justice. There is a growing number of organized groups within wealthy countries, and even a small number of wealthy Governments, which have recognized that the struggle for human equality and human dignity cannot stop at national boundaries."
I commend these words to you all.