As I speak in the General Assembly, the people of the People's Republic of the Congo is in the course of giving effect to the directives of the third regular congress of the Congolese Labour Party, which was held at Brazzaville from 27 to 31 July 1984. The meetings of that Congress constitute a historic turning point for the Congolese revolution. The results of the Congress have enabled our people to acquire new institutions and to embark on dynamic action in all areas of national life, in particular the area of international policy.
2.	While welcoming the outstanding successes achieved during the Congress, the Congolese people is more than ever concerned by an international situation of insecurity, injustice and underdevelopment, whose consequences for the future of mankind demand the attention of the entire international community.
3.	On behalf of our Government and of the President, Denis SassouNguesso, the delegation of the Congo is pleased to make, through me, its modest contribution to consideration of the problems that face the United Nations and the international community as a whole.
4.	In entrusting Mr. Lusaka with the task of presiding over the work of its thirty-ninth session, the General Assembly has recognized that he is not only one of the most experienced African ambassadors, but also the outstanding President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, a man whose dynamism and devotion have always been commensurate with the cause championed by that important United Nations body. I congratulate him wholeheartedly; the delegation of the Congo, which I have the honour to lead, is very gratified at this choice and assures him of its full cooperation. The People's Republic of the Congo and Zambia have very friendly relations, recently reaffirmed by an exchange of visits between our two heads of State and by the election of President Kenneth David Kaunda as honorary President of the third regular congress of the Congolese Labour Party.
3. I pay a well-deserved tribute, also, to Mr. Lusaka's illustrious predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of the Republic of Panama, a distinguished Latin American statesman and an ardent champion of the inalienable rights of exploited nations. We are particularly grateful to him for the calm and efficient way in which he conducted the meetings of the thirty eighth session.
6.	In considering the report of the Secretary General on the work of the Organization, we are pleased to note that he quite appropriately reminds the international community of the urgency of the tasks and the weight of the responsibilities that devolve upon us pursuant to our adherence to the Charter of the United Nations. We are most grateful to the Secretary General for all the efforts and all the means described in that report. Their aim is constantly to renew the spirit of our shared ideals through the application of appropriate solutions to the ills plaguing the world.
7.	When we commemorate, next year, the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, the time will be ripe for mankind to take stock and to envisage, in a new, global and, we trust, optimistic context, the outlines of the world of tomorrow, whose features still seem so vague to us today.
8.	In the meantime, we are obliged to note that the eloquent and benevolent statements of intention made here do not always reflect the political practice of certain Member States. In fact, it has in no way been proved that those who speak the most about peace and freedom are the best craftsmen of those noble ideals in their own countries and throughout the world. Quite often, on the contrary, the warmongers, who are responsible for the most blatant social injustices and the most serious manifestations of the exploitation of man by man, could very easily be mistaken for the staunchest champions of human rights.
9.	Tried and tested couriers of dubious policies or mere links in a chain of selfish interests, the major instigators of policies opposed to the fundamental interests of mankind no longer hide their intentions. They are the gravediggers of peace; they are the ones who are truly starving the world through the debt of the third world and the deterioration of raw material prices—to sum up, through the relations between the industrialized and the developing countries, relations characterized by the thirst for profit at any cost: the primary motivation of the behaviour of the countries of the North, even if it be to the detriment of the countries of the South. Finally, it is these countries which persist in voluntarily supporting colonialist and neo-colonialist desires designed to enslave peoples weakened by exploitation by the imperialist Powers.

10. That reference to reality suffices to bring us to the core of the true problems on whose solution true peace and freedom as well as solidarity among peoples depend. Unfortunately, those problems confront all continents, particularly the African continent. The United Nations must analyse the underlying causes and propose effective cures. Otherwise, our meetings will have few concrete results, given the real problems undermining our societies.
H. If one really needs an illustration of the problems whose persistence and deterioration jeopardize the present approach to questions of universal importance, one can begin by referring to the social and economic situation of the African continent. Under the joint effect of natural disasters, such as drought, and temporary factors of the moment, a considerable part of our continent is moving dangerously towards economic uncertainty; it is at the brink of stagnation. Despite the courageous actions of States involved, such as those in the Sahel, desertification continues to increase inexorably, bringing with it hunger, starvation and a rising death rate, and severely affecting plant, animal and human life.
12.	On the initiative of the Secretary General and of the Director General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Mr. Edouard Saouma, the problem has received particular attention this year from the international community. But a solution to it has been blocked by insufficient mobilization of the necessary means and resources as well as by the emergence of other social and political problems, such as that of refugees, the seriousness of which was highlighted by the Second International Conference of Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held at Geneva from 9 to 11 July of this year.
13.	Such a concatenation of tragic circumstances requires, at the least, an overall review of the criteria for granting assistance and for programming action. Only in that way can we hope to alleviate, fairly soon, the most immediate effects of these scourges.
14.	In the same context, the effective implementation of the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] at its second extraordinary session, held at Lagos on 28 and 29 April 1980,' seems more than ever before to be the essential reference point for all those, be they Africans or not, who wish to bring an end to the spectre of underdevelopment in Africa.
15.	During the second regular session this year of the Economic and Social Council, held at Geneva from 4 to 27 July, the particularly critical economic situation of the African continent was given priority consideration. My delegation, however, cannot hide its concern about the specific results of those discussions: the Council was not able even to adopt a simple declaration on the subject by consensus.
16.	Clearly, given the lack of genuine, self-generated development, which alone can create the bases for true economic complementarity between developed and developing countries, it is always inadvisable to subscribe to actions that are not consistent and that, in fact, support an ideology of alleged economic freedom, of which, however, underdevelopment is unfortunately one of the fundamental elements.
17.	Moreover, 1984 is the tenth anniversary of the adoption by the General Assembly of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, an instrument of great scope which is rightly considered by the Movement of Non-aligned Countries as the indispensable complement to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
18.	The new international economic order, for which that Charter laid the bases, seems to us to be the basic pivot around which should turn all policies that are truly aimed at improving the lot of many States and communities throughout the world Seen in that light, the new international economic order is a moral imperative that can serve to organize the world's economy equitably and rationally.
19.	To be sure, aware of the stakes, we have no illusion regarding the readiness of the developed countries to accept changes for the sake of justice, in existing situations which guarantee them power, domination and exploitation of the weakest countries. The rejection by certain countries of the launching of global negotiations irrefutably demonstrates the extent of the cynicism governing the acts of many powerful States designed to distract international opinion and to set up a smokescreen against those who are determined to eliminate all types of suffering with which the peoples are faced today.
20.	For our part, we believe that it is high time to establish true relations of solidarity in each country and on the international level. This is the price for the coming of peace, freedom and prosperity. These are the concerns which must determine the activities of the United Nations and of Member States and which guide the People's Republic of the Congo and the actions carried out by the Congolese Labour Party and its head, President Denis SassouNguesso, to protect the interests of the various social strata of our country.
21.	Our political objectives and our social practice are designed to make the Congolese people the master of its destiny and to assist it in acquiring the means which it now lacks to consolidate its political independence and to hasten its economic and cultural liberation.
22.	Thanks to these commitments, the Congolese people today is able to exercise political power through the systems of the Party and the State, which have been democratically set up and inspired by the country itself in order to solve the problems on which its existence and the future of the country depend. It is in this context today that our people has achieved outstanding progress in the economic and socio cultural spheres.
23.	On the economic level, our programme aims at the mastery and rational utilization of natural resources for the benefit of the people, a reorganization of the national territory, which was disorganized by the colonial system and its follow-up, the unification of the national territory through the building of a road network which can help revitalize the rural areas and ensure the complementarity that is so badly needed between the economic activities in the urban areas and in the countryside. We wish to improve the living conditions of the people by rationally organizing a system, based on the interests of the people, to ensure mod self-sufficiency, which is an objective to be achieved by the year 2000, with, of course, the assistance of all those who, in the context of bilateral and multilateral cooperation, are ready to participate with us in building a free and prosperous nation in the Congo.
24.	The aim of our social policy is to resolve the problem of unemployment by organizing a centralized and dynamic national economic system.
25.	In the field of education, the democratization of the teaching system has resulted today in a 100 per cent enrolment rate, and now we require vigorous action in order to improve the quality of school education, to expand literacy programmes for adults and to integrate into national socioeconomic sectors high school and other students at the end of their training programmes.
26.	Aware of the importance of these questions, we have established a climate of peace and harmony in the country favourable to ensuring the consolidation of unity and national construction. Thus, we shall be able to achieve the national solidarity and prosperity which our people need in order to enjoy the fruits of its labour and to profit from the resources of its country.
27.	These concerns are well known and their implementation has been verified by all those who follow the internal and foreign policy of the People's Republic of the Congo, and particularly by those of our friends and brothers who have followed the work of the third regular Congress of our Party.
28.	It can be noted that, rather than a fragmented approach to the problems of mankind, we prefer an approach which looks at man as a whole in his natural environment and in the world and which makes it possible to envisage and implement global policies aimed at ensuring harmonious relations among Governments and peoples, for without such relationships it would be impossible to establish peace and freedom throughout the world.
29.	In thus expressing our faith in solidarity and international cooperation built on an equitable and just basis, we, the people of the Congo, proclaim our conviction that peace and the conditions for maintaining peace deserve the better part of our energies and our resources.
30.	The foreign policy of the People's Republic of the Congo as laid down by the Congolese Labour Party, inspired and championed by the President, Denis SassouNguesso, bears ample witness to that. For my country has always had with all peace and freedom loving countries, regardless of socioeconomic distinctions, relations based on mutual respect and a policy of mutual advantage. We are also involved in establishing and continuing, on the regional level, peaceful and good neighbourly relations with other countries.
31.	It is within this context that we see the efforts of the Congolese Government to restore peace and harmony to Chad. In fact, my Government has for several months now proposed bringing together at Brazzaville all of our Chad brothers, who for too long have been divided by a fratricidal struggle.
32.	We sincerely appreciate the readiness which the various parties to the conflict have demonstrated up to now regarding the principle of their return to the fold, and we urge them to avoid any behaviour which would have discussion depend on prerequisites of no crucial importance.
33.	From this rostrum we reaffirm the determination of the Congolese Government to do all in its power, with the valuable assistance of other Governments, and in particular those of central Africa, to ensure the success of the conference on Chad to be held at Brazzaville.
34.	This is the place also to express the satisfaction of the Congolese Government at the announcement of the imminent withdrawal of the French and Libyan forces from Chad. That withdrawal of foreign forces is, in our view, a positive factor that may facilitate the process that will lead to reunion and reconciliation at Brazzaville.
35.	Along similar lines, we have been following the situation m Western Sahara, which continues to deteriorate, despite the appeal made to Morocco and to the Frente POLISARIO by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983.
36.	In this regard, my delegation would like to express the hope that the treaty concluded on 13 August 1984 between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya will in no way prejudge the outcome and legitimate rights of the Saharan people. We should like to take this occasion to appeal to the brotherly countries of the Maghreb to make a positive contribution to finding a just solution to the crisis in Western Sahara, based on the norms and principles of international law.
37.	There is a close relationship between peace, detente and the right of peoples to self-determination. In this respect, we consider the admission of Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member of the United Nations as an event that will bring us closer to the attainment of one of our most cherished ideals, that of universality. While warmly welcoming the admission of this new State to the group of nations, we should like to assure its people and leaders of the readiness of the Congo to cooperate with them.
38.	In contrast to that encouraging event, the situation in Namibia presents a very gloomy picture. For a long time now we have been waiting with ever-growing impatience for the coming of freedom for the people of that country.
39.	Even today, South Africa and some of its allies continue to set up all kinds of obstacles to the implementation of the United Nations plan of action for the independence of Namibia, as contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which can be the only valid basis allowing for the accession of Namibia to national sovereignty without any subjective preconditions.
40.	Cuba and Angola are two sovereign States and therefore we can in no way sanction an operation which would subordinate the implementation of the provisions of resolution 435 (1978) to the annulment of a freely concluded agreement between the two States Members of the United Nations, for that would seriously affect the principle of non-interference in the affairs of other States.
41.	The sole request that we would make therefore to the members of the Western contact group, if that group still exists, is to return to the spirit and letter of resolution 435 (1978) in order finally to give the Namibian people justice.
42.	The refusal of South Africa and of certain Western Powers to conform to the demands of resolution 435 (1978) and of other relevant decisions of the United Nations in fact hides their unspeakable plans.
43.	The first aims at the exploitation and frenzied plundering of the natural resources of Namibia, a lucrative activity which well-known transnational corporations do not intend to give up, and thus they are deliberately running counter to the provisions of Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, enacted on 27 September 1974 by the United Nations Council for Namibia, the legal authority for the territory.
44.	The second motive is the policy of which the South African Government intends not only to consolidate within South Africa itself but also to expand to Namibia and then to the rest of the world.
45.	The welcome which some Western Governments gave to the South African Prime Minister when memorial services were being held commemorating the struggles against Nazism confirms this acceptance of apartheid as a "respectable" doctrine by the Western Powers to which it owes its survival.
46.	The policy of apartheid is merely another name for Nazism and fascism, and this is no longer new to us. It is a crime against humanity. It has already been rejected as a shameful scar by international public opinion. Reacting to its inevitable isolation, the Government of Pretoria has simply contented itself up to now by adapting apartheid to give it the kind of countenance which it can call presentable. After the suicidal policy of bantustanization, which denies the majority black population the right to citizenship in the country, the minority power is now trying to divide the South African people by asking Indian and Coloured groups to sanction white power.
47.	The racist Government of Pretoria knows perfectly well that it will never reap the fruits of its criminal policy. Not only has the electoral sham which it organized been largely boycotted by the Indian and Coloured communities, but the majority population has risen up, showing its determination to struggle regardless of the cost. The international community must step up its struggle against this regime, or history will one day reproach us for having tolerated it so long and so much.
48.	The support which the People's Republic of the Congo lends to freedom fighters and to the frontline States is a constant factor in our foreign policy. Nevertheless, as is already stated in the Manifesto on Southern Africa, issued by the leaders of East and Central African States, meeting at Lusaka on 16 April 1969, we do not rule out negotiations as long as the enemy also recognizes that they are necessary.
49.	"The development of the revolutionary struggle on the spot is always complex, and the path to victory is tortuous", said President Denis SassouNguesso at the opening of the third regular congress of the Congolese Labour Party. The head of the Congolese State added:
"That is why we believe that the major diplomatic activity observed in recent times at the level of the frontline countries is naturally part of the process of the long and complex struggle which the peoples of southern Africa have been waging against the white minority regime in power in Pretoria. We are deeply convinced that Africa will not betray the African cause." This identification of the Congolese position with the African cause justifies in many ways the active solidarity of the Congolese people with other peoples struggling in other regions of the world. This applies to the Middle East, where the Congo reiterates its support for the Palestine Liberation Organization [FLO], which, we are certain, will overcome the passing difficulties which have arisen within it and will continue to defend the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
52.	Certain Western Powers which are allies of Israel thought they could impose a "final solution" on the Palestinian problem by awkwardly interfering in Lebanon. The more than negative results of that operation show the inanity of solutions based on force and the correctness of the negotiated solution which the international community has always advocated.
53.	In like manner, we assure the heroic and constantly victimized people of Nicaragua of all our sympathy, and we continue to believe that it is scarcely in terms of East West rivalries that the problems of Central America can be explained. The struggle of the peoples of that region, like the struggle of the peoples of the Caribbean or of Latin America in general, is above all the result of the profoundly unjust economic and social conditions which some privileged persons supported from abroad have attempted to perpetuate to the detriment of the overwhelming majority of the population.
54.	It is vital for everyone that the deep-rooted causes of those crises should be eliminated and that a climate of peace free from ail threat of intervention or economic coercion, a climate essential to respect for the it of peoples freely to determine their future and to dispose of their resources, should be established in the Caribbean as well as in the Central American sub region.
55.	If that principle were respected, peace would find a place in the Korean peninsula also and we would no longer witness the sad and continued division of the people of Korea, for whose benefit a process aimed at the reunification of the two parts of the country must be undertaken, eliminating a very serious source of tension in that part of the world.
56.	As to the situation in the IndoChinese peninsula, my country unreservedly supports the desire for peace expressed so often by the Governments of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea in order to end the state of belligerence which has been artificially maintained from outside. No one wants peace more than the Kampuchean people, who alone know the price that they have had to pay after the cruel tyranny of Pol Pot, whom some are actively seeking to return to power.
57.	Finally, the Congolese delegation must mention the tragedy in the Persian Gulf, which day by day is making Iraq and Iran weaker. And yet, those two countries should derive from their history, their geography and their religion more reasons for unity and cooperation than for hatred and death. We urge them to end their hostilities, which in no way serve the immediate or long-term interests of their respective peoples.
58.	A few moments ago, when we expressed the wish to see all resources of the spirit and of human knowledge placed at the service of ends other than death and destruction, we were obviously thinking mainly of the $800 billion which are spent every year to make weapons, fuel hotbeds of crisis and carry on the crazed arms race even in outer space.
59.	Several years ago a great deal of hope was placed on the bilateral negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union. We encourage any effort that is likely to lead to complete disarmament under real and effective control.
60.	With the end to the policy of detente clearly shown by the concern in Europe over the strengthening of the destructive potential in that continent, we must fear the consequences for the entire world of a prolonged deterioration in the relations between the blocs of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact.
61.	The widespread distrust due to that state of tension characterized by the persistence and outbreak of localized conflicts is compounded by the trend to the proliferation of nuclear weapons, a trend supported by certain questionable theories on the possibility of a limited nuclear war.
62.	In this area more than in others urgent action is required; and action means above all negotiation in order to bring about detente without waiting to reach an unlikely position of strength.
63.	The responsibility incurred by the generation of this last quarter century is all the more serious since it is borne by men who have the necessary means of improving the living conditions of all the inhabitants of the earth and who have rules of international conduct excluding the use of force as a means of settling disputes.
64.	The essential function of the United Nations system is to ensure the realization of man's aspirations through these means and rules. Therefore, we should everywhere encourage those ideals that are likely to bring peoples closer together and ensure mutual understanding and the adoption of confidence-building measures.
65.	The Congo's understanding of the establishment of a new information and communication order is based on this concept of an increasingly shrinking world, a world of solidarity. The policies and activities carried out in this connection in UNESCO, under the competent leadership of its Director-general, Mr. Amadou Mahtar M'Bow, enjoy the full support of my country. It’s regrettable indeed that lately UNESCO should have been subjected to intolerable pressures. The universality of UNESCO and the at times impassioned tone of its debates do not, in our view, run counter to its basic commitment to be fully at the service of mankind. It is that faith in mankind that prevents us from losing hope in institutions such as UNESCO or the United Nations itself.
66.	On the eve of the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, one cannot fail to recall the curious fate of man today: prey to disorders of all kinds and victim of his own works. This anniversary of the Organization will—perhaps as an accident of history—coincide with the one hundredth anniversary of the Balkanization of Africa by the 1885 Berlin Act and the thirtieth anniversary of the Asian African Conference, held at Bandung in 1955. The time has thus come for us Africans to take stock of what has been achieved by the OAU in its struggle for the total liberation of our continent, and for the rest of the world to assess the efforts that have been made in the search for the peace and wellbeing of peoples.
67.	These various landmarks in the history of peoples should, among other things, lead the United Nations to ponder upon the future evolution of mankind, Such an approach to the international situation, including national concerns and actions for the benefit of mankind as a whole, should give food for thought to all those whose activities at the national and international levels are in flagrant contradiction with lofty statements of intent made in various places on questions of vital importance affecting mankind. We believe that it is necessary for attitudes, behaviour and actions everywhere in the world to be in keeping with the ideals of peace, freedom and prosperity without which the United Nations would be an institution without purpose.
68.	But we all know that mankind still needs the United Nations—provided, of course, its actions in practice produce the beneficial effects and the positive impact peoples need to live in peace


 It is with great pleasure that I congratulate Mr. Lusaka on his election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. His election is attributable to the great esteem rightfully enjoyed by his country as well as to his reputation as an experienced and accomplished diplomat proven by years of untiring service to his country, to Africa and to the United Nations. I would be remiss if I were not to stress how much we value the bonds of long friendship that exist between our two countries, Zambia and Cyprus, both of which share the same principles as States Members of the United Nations, the Movement of Non Aligned Countries and the Commonwealth.
186.	I also wish to express high praise and esteem for the President of Panama, Mr. Jorge Illueca, who presided over the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly with great wisdom and unparalleled diplomatic skills, honouring his own country and Latin America. On this occasion, I wish to state again the importance that we attach to our strong bonds of friendship with Panama, a country that has always championed the rights of small nations.
187.	I would also like to extend a warm welcome to the newest Member State, Brunei Darussalam, and to wish its Government and people happiness, peace and prosperity. We are looking forward to close cooperation with Brunei Darussalam in both the bilateral and multilateral fields.
188.	As the United Nations approaches its fortieth anniversary we cannot but think of the high principles and purposes which inspired its founding. We are also conscious of the acceptance of such principles and the responsibilities undertaken by every Member State on its accession to membership of the Organization. We trust that Member States, collectively and individually, will implement the noble aims of the United Nations. As we prepare and plan for this anniversary it is of paramount importance for States Members, jointly and severally, to take a searching look at both the achievements and the shortcomings of the United Nations in the four decades since it was founded.
189.	The current range of activities of the United Nations goes far beyond that envisaged nearly 40 years ago in San Francisco by the representatives of the nations that signed the Charter of the United Nations. Today, the United Nations encompasses a system of specialized agencies elaborating and carrying out economic and social programmes and promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms and humanitarian policies and programmes. All these acuities and concerns have been of great help, particularly to the developing world.
190.	Again we can take pride in the fact that because of the struggles of our peoples and our concrete actions in the United Nations we have been able, by and large, to eliminate colonialism. Our solidarity here at the United Nations guarantees the successful defeat of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations.
191.	It is of course true that over this period we have escaped the scourge of another global war. The cataclysmic effects of such a war leave us in no doubt that this is no mean achievement.
192.	It is to be regretted, however, that regional conflicts have not been eliminated. A gloomy picture is created by situations and factors such as the all too prevalent resort to the threat or use of force, armed intervention and occupation, and human suffering due to denial of basic rights and freedoms, economic inequities, malnutrition and starvation.
193.	Numerous United Nations resolutions have repeatedly dealt with such situations, but those resolutions remain unimplemented. Even those adopted unanimously by the Security Council, the principal organ entrusted with the task of maintaining international peace and security, have had the same fate. Indeed, they were often contemptuously ignored or brushed aside by some Governments. The recent Security Council resolutions on Cyprus are such examples.
194.	Could it, then, be that the United Nations is going through one of the most difficult periods in its history? Does this arise from its failure to take enforcement action in crisis situations, as envisaged by the Charter? Can we small countries hope that the Security Council will in the future do so?
195.	If this situation persists, if it is not ameliorated soon, the very credibility of the United Nations will be questioned. But we must not be cynical or despair. We must persist in seeking peaceful solutions, solutions based on principles, in the hope that justice will prevail and illegality will be defeated. It is high time for all nations to express, not merely with words and ceremonies, but also with policies and actions, their recommitment to the obligations they undertook by signing the Charter.
196.	We should aspire to "an extended and tolerable future for all humanity", which, as the Secretary General states in his report on the work of the Organization, "ultimately depends upon our success in making the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations the basis of the day-to-day relations of Governments and peoples".
197.	One of our principal concerns is the lack of progress in disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, because failure to achieve progress on this major issue may lead to confrontation and war, the results of which would affect the very survival of the human race on this planet.
198.	As regards the world economic situation today, we are faced with a debilitating and deepening crisis that is most adversely affecting the developing countries. The results are well known and need no elaboration. It is sufficient to mention low growth rates, high unemployment, inflation and ever mounting external debts.
199.	The problems of the world economic system are mainly structural, and the present economic order, based on the striking imbalance between North and South, is characterized by inequality, domination and dependence.
200.	The international community has a duty to act urgently and decisively to stimulate the process of global economic negotiations leading to the establishment of a new international economic order. It is therefore imperative for the General Assembly to adopt a wise and constructive stand at the current session in order to launch global negotiations as soon as possible.
201.	Let me turn to another matter—that of human rights and fundamental freedoms. There has undoubtedly been significant progress during recent years, especially in the elaboration of international instruments and standards aimed at promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as the establishment of international mechanisms for supervising the implementation of the provisions of such instruments. It is disheartening, however, that, despite this progress, there still remains a wide gap between objectives and realities. Mass, flagrant and persistent violations of human rights are to be found in various parts of the world.
202.	Another major issue confronting the world today is the population problem. The International Conference on Population, held at Mexico City last August, has identified the need for Governments, various organizations and the United Nations system to implement a new population strategy, as embodied in the Mexico City Declaration on Population and Development/ The recommendations for the further implementation of the World Population Plan of Action^ now provide a framework and guidelines for a well-coordinated, multidisciplinary plan of action at national and international levels to meet global concerns about population problems and development.
203.	As soon as Cyprus broke its colonial bonds and emerged, in 1960, as an independent State, we joined the ever growing Movement of Nonaligned Countries. We endorsed the principles of nonalignment because we believed, as we do today, that they provide the framework for the fulfilment of the aspirations for peace, prosperity and development of its members and because we believe that the Movement possesses the moral power and political will to work towards the elimination of alien domination, exploitation and inequality and for the establishment of a new system of international relations.
204.	Today, in an international context of increasing tensions and bloc confrontation, nonalignment is a positive stabilizing factor in the struggle for international peace and security. In this context, the role of nonaligned countries is particularly important and their responsibility great.
205.	I should be remiss if I did not express our gratitude for the warm support and principled position of the Movement of Nonaligned Countries on the Cyprus problem. Particular appreciation is rightly due to the Movement's Contact Group on Cyprus.
206.	We are gravely concerned about the critical situation prevailing in the Middle East. The Middle East problem, at the core of which is the question of Palestine has persisted for decades. Yet we are today as far from a solution to this problem as we were in the more distant past. The human rights of the Palestinian and Arab population in the occupied lands continue to be violated. The Palestinian people are still being denied their legitimate and inalienable rights, including their right to establish an independent State on the basis of General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974.
207.	We stand by the view that a just and comprehensive peace in the region must be sought urgently. The principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force and the total and unconditional withdrawal of occupation troops from all Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967 must be strictly adhered to.
208.	The grave situation in Lebanon, our neighbour, has persisted. We wish to reiterate our full support for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of that country. We call for the withdrawal of all Israeli forces from its territory. We express the hope that the people of Lebanon will achieve national reconciliation, peace and prosperity and that all human suffering will soon end.
209.	Another hotbed of tension in our area is the unfortunate confrontation between the two nonaligned countries, Iran and Iraq. It is with deep concern that we follow the developments in the ongoing war between them, which has resulted in a grave loss of life, human suffering, physical damage and destruction. We express the hope and desire that an end will soon be put to this most unfortunate conflict, and we appeal to both sides to seek a peaceful, just and honourable solution.
210.	The situation in southern Africa continues to be dominated by the policies of apartheid, racial discrimination and colonial oppression followed by the South African regime and by military aggression, acts of destabilization and sabotage practised by South Africa against neighbouring independent African States.
211.	The international community has unanimously and repeatedly denounced the abhorrent policies of as an affront to our civilization and to the human race. Despite this, the South African regime has adopted constitutional ploys, accompanied by a massive propaganda campaign, to deceive the international community. The so-called constitutional reforms have been implemented against the wishes of the overwhelming majority of the population and exclude the 24 million South African blacks from any form of political process.
212.	We fully subscribe to General Assembly resolution 38/11, and fully endorse Security Council resolution 554 (1984), which rejects the new Constitution of the Pretoria regime, declaring it null and void.
213.	At the same time, we express our solidarity with and support for the struggle being waged by the oppressed people of South Africa. We are deeply concerned at the persistence of South Africa in pursuing its illegal colonial occupation and exploitation of Namibia and at its refusal to implement the United Nations plan embodied in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We firmly reject the attempts to link the independence of Namibia to extraneous and irrelevant issues.
214.	We fully support the inalienable right of the Namibian people to self-determination and national independence in a united Namibia. Within the United Nations, in the United Nations Council for Namibia, and in the Movement of Nonaligned Countries, Cyprus will offer all possible support to the people of Namibia in their heroic struggle waged under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, their authentic and legitimate representative, for the liberation of their country.
215.	Another unresolved problem in the African continent is that of Western Sahara, which has been of serious concern to the international community since 1975. We fervently hope that the Saharan people will be left free to exercise their right to self-determination. The relevant resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, of the Movement of Nonaligned Countries and of the OAU should be accepted by all parties concerned so that they may be implemented immediately for the benefit of all.
216.	The deteriorating situation in Central America presents a serious threat to peace not only in the region but also internationally. Now, more than ever, there is a pressing need for dialogue and for intensification of efforts for the achievement of political and negotiated solutions to the problems of the region.
217.	We wish to express anxiety over the situation concerning Nicaragua, an active member of the Movement of Nonaligned Countries. We sincerely hope that the efforts of the Contadora Group will contribute positively to a negotiated settlement of the conflicts in Central America. We hope that these efforts, coupled with a positive political will on the part of all interested parties, will lead to the establishment of peace, so that the States in the region may focus on the urgent task of development.
218.	At this point, we wish to reiterate once again our firm stand that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States must be fully respected and that foreign interference, intervention and covert and overt attempts at destabilization must be abandoned. It is of paramount importance that the sovereign rights of the peoples of the countries of the region to choose freely the political, economic and social systems of their preference be fully respected.
219.	The Cyprus problem, a major international problem, is not only well known to this international Organization but is also a question upon which the General Assembly has repeatedly pronounced itself by way of resolutions, in particular resolution 3212 (XXIX), unanimously adopted by the Member States, including Turkey, ending with resolution 37/253. Those resolutions, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council, remain unimplemented; thus, the occupation of part of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus continues, and that is the cause of all illegalities.
220.	The question of Cyprus was last debated in the General Assembly in May 1983 and in the Security Council in November 1983 and May 1984. As is well known, the reason for recourse to the Council in November 1983 was the illegal attempt by the Turkish Cypriot leadership unilaterally to declare independent the occupied part of Cyprus. The Council, by its resolution 541 (1983), declared this purported declaration of independence null and void and called for its withdrawal.
221.	Between January and March 1984, the Secretary General launched another initiative to break out of the impasse. This initiative had the same fate as previous ones, and for the same reasons. The Cyprus Government accepted this initiative from the beginning and encouraged the Secretary General to proceed. Why the initiative failed and who was responsible for this failure were clearly revealed by the Secretary General in his report to the Security Council of 1 May 1984.6 While the Secretary General was proceeding with his initiative, the illegalities were continued and intensified. As a result, the Council was convened, and by resolution 550 (1984) it called for the reversal of all the secessionist acts and for the peaceful settlement of the problem in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations.
222.	Last August, the Secretary General, in a renewed effort to find a solution to the Cyprus problem, began a new initiative in Vienna. The next phase of this initiative was the proximity talks at high level in New York, the first round of which ended last week. The stumbling blocks and difficulties of the past, well known to all representatives here, continued to persist. It was agreed that a second round of proximity talks would begin on 15 October. In view of the fact that this second round is to take place, little more should be said. We reserve the right, and indeed we have an obligation, to inform the Assembly fully of developments at the appropriate time. It should suffice at this stage to stress that a solution can be found if partitionist concepts are abandoned by the Turkish side and a willingness to conform with the provisions of the United Nations resolutions is exhibited.
223.	The Cyprus Government, as always, fully supported and supports this most recent initiative of the Secretary General and wishes to express to him its gratitude for it.
224.	The Government of the Republic of Cyprus is fully committed to a peaceful solution of the Cyprus problem in conformity with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and its resolutions on Cyprus, as well as the high-level agreements of 1977 and 1979.7 It will also not relent in its efforts to preserve and safeguard the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and nonalignment of the Republic and to put an end to the occupation of part of its territory.
225.	In asking the General Assembly to put its considerable weight behind the new effort for a just solution of the Cyprus problem, we are convinced that this would not only have a beneficial effect for the preservation of the territorial integrity of other small States but would also enhance the credibility and effectiveness of this world Organization.
226.	If the partitionist designs against Cyprus were allowed to succeed or even tolerated longer, then the future of all multicommunal, multiracial and multi confessional States would be in permanent jeopardy. That is why we feel certain that the members of the Assembly will continue and intensify their efforts for Cyprus until it is vindicated. For this we are grateful to all members.


87. On behalf of the Government of Mexico and on my own behalf, Sir, I wish to extend our congratulations to you on your election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I am sure that your wide experience of the United Nations and your diplomatic gifts will enable you to guide our deliberations along the path of mutual understanding.
88.	The election of the representative of Zambia bears witness to our recognition of the committed role in international affairs that is played by your country, with which Mexico maintains excellent relations of friendship and co-operation. In our view, your election also reflects the growing importance of the African continent in contemporary international relations. The peoples of Africa, freed from the yoke of colonialism, are a living symbol of the universal aspiration to build a more stable, pluralistic and democratic world.
89.	I consider it my duty also to express our satisfaction with the prudent and persevering action of your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca. Latin America has welcomed the dynamic and direct efforts of the President of Panama to promote dialogue and conciliation.
90.	I should also like to express again to the Secretary-General the pleasure of the Government and people of Mexico at his official visit to our country last April and his visit to our capital on the occasion of the International Conference on Population last August. I offer him too our sincere congratulations on the effective work he has done in heading the Organization. His efforts to consolidate the United Nations system, to expand cooperation and, especially, to promote the cause of peace and security bring our nations new hope. His report to this session of the General Assembly on the work of the Organization	is clear proof of his clear-mindedness and political creativity.
91.	My Government wishes to extend to Brunei Darussalam, the new Member of the United Nations, a warm welcome and best wishes for a peaceful and prosperous future in full exercise of its sovereign rights.
92.	We are witnessing today a resurgence of old doctrines of power and new forms of intolerance that cast doubt on the usefulness of international organizations. In view of this, I should like to reaffirm the unwavering commitment of the people and Government of Mexico to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. We are certain that the world Organization is an irreplaceable instrument for the promotion of freedom, justice and peace. We accept also that it is a body susceptible of improvement.
93.	In 1945, determined to live together in peace and to promote the progress of all peoples, we postulated as standards of conduct for all States full respect for the principles of law and a genuine will to co-operate with others. The United Nations was to be a forum for understanding and the pivot of a collective effort towards further development and security.
94.	Over the past years the Organization has played a decisive role in the promotion of the highest political ideals of the twentieth century. The liquidation of the most flagrant forms of colonialism has allowed almost 100 countries to attain political independence. The growing democratization of international society has contributed to the progressive development of a juridical order more in accordance with the demands of the peoples of the world. The international regime of human rights fosters respect for the basic freedoms of individuals and for the prerogatives of social groups, especially those of the least privileged.
95.	The United Nations has been a determining factor in avoiding global confrontation and in encouraging the peaceful solution of a great many regional conflicts. Furthermore, as a result of its efforts, we have today a clearer view and understanding of the problems of the developing world. We in the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America have increased our ties of identity and solidarity, coordinating our stands and establishing platforms of common principles and strategies. We have encouraged the creation of numerous mechanisms which would enhance effective international co-operation if all States acted responsibly and with a view to the future.
96.	Some isolated voices attempt to ignore the magnitude of the task performed and the potential of the United Nations system. The difficulties of an effective dialogue between the great Powers certainly have contributed to the antagonism between those with hegemonistic aspirations. In a climate of tension between East and West, it is only natural that the crises multiply, that regional conflicts are exacerbated and that confrontations between the power blocs are transferred to third-world settings, thereby affecting the security, sovereignty and political and economic development of many nations. At the same time, the grave world economic crisis is negating important and just expectations of the developing countries.
97.	Such voices would seem to be unaware of the fact that, save for the presence of the United Nations, even more devastating conflagrations might have broken out. They tend to forget that we would have lacked institutional barriers to offset the arrogant use of force, that the juridical and moral principles of peaceful coexistence among States would have been weakened even further—in short, that we would all suffer by the absence of an enormous effort at cooperation that seeks to lighten the burdens and sacrifices of the weakest. Those voices seem to have forgotten the highly innovative and transforming task of the United Nations in today's world.
98.	The cause of the crisis of world society, does not lie in the shortcomings of the organic structure of the United Nations or in the modalities of multilateral diplomacy. There are many who would like to make such limitations a pretext or a cover-up for more deep-rooted political realities. Indeed, when dogmatic views prevail there is no room for contrary or differing opinions. Manichaeism, by definition, excludes a world of varying criteria and attitudes. For those who think that way, multilateralism should be replaced by a set of asymmetric, predominantly bilateral relations, which would necessarily benefit the most powerful.
99.	This morning [4th meeting], the President of the United States, at the very outset of this General Assembly session, renewed hopes and expectations. By stating the willingness of his country to reinitiate constructive negotiations with the Soviet Union, mainly in the field of disarmament, in order to reduce the world arsenals, to institutionalize periodic consultations at a high political level and to establish better working relations between the United States and the Soviet Union in which understanding and cooperation prevail, President Reagan infused optimism into the community of nations on its difficult path towards peace and detente. Mexico expresses its recognition of and appreciation for this felicitous initiative and hopes that it may soon produce optimum results for all, without exception.
100.	The international community must always act in accordance with the principles it has established, respecting the rights of all and giving each nation the unrestricted right to seek the economic and political system that is most in keeping with its interests. The United Nations, the supreme expression of the plural community of States, is thus the necessary setting for international democracy and an irreplaceable vehicle of co-operation. The values it represents are neither ephemeral nor circumstantial. They are, beyond any doubt, the only values that allow for civilized and orderly coexistence, beneficial to all.
101.	Today, no country can live in isolation, separate from the rest. Any claim to autarky is illusory. Interdependence is an unavoidable fact of the life of States, even though that interrelationship has not been useful in distributing benefits justly and equitably to non-industrialized countries. The United Nations constitutes an organized framework that is capable of giving that interdependence a positive outlook and of transforming current international relations into respectful and peaceful coexistence, founded on equitable co-operation and mutual respect.
102.	The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations seems a propitious moment not only for evaluating the functioning of the system and correcting deficiencies, but also for renewing our commitment to the principles and values that gave the Organization its life—principles & u values whose validity must be reaffirmed not only with words but also with deeds. Let us recall' that universality is part and parcel of the Organization's very essence. That is why the effectiveness of its decisions and the usefulness of its mechanisms of consultation must be based on the will of all States, and this must not entail a consolidation of privileges or the abusive use of different forms of the veto. The deficiencies of the Organization should be corrected democratically.
103.	No one can seek to turn the United Nations into an arena of sterile confrontation, or an arena for unworthy attempts at subjugation or tyrannies of the minority. That would go against the democratic imperative of the Organization. Let us make our international institutions the setting for genuine dialogue, co-operation and constructive negotiation that are so greatly needed by our world today.
104.	The strengthening of the international order also involves the renovation of regional forums, which must provide an increasingly faithful reflection of common interests and of the aspirations of developing countries. Latin America is currently seeking to consolidate its stands more effectively and to take joint steps to promote stability, development and full independence for the countries in the area as a real contribution to self-determination and world peace.
105.	In the political sphere, the efforts of the Contadora Group express our unwavering determination to join together and find appropriate means of arriving at a peaceful solution of conflicts, avoiding any form of interference in the internal affairs of States. The nations of the area are, at the same time, combining their endeavours to achieve a rational and equitable economic order. The Latin American Economic Conference, held at Quito in January of this year, and the meetings at Cartagena and Mar del Plata of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs and the Ministers of Finance of 11 Latin American countries in June and in September, respectively, all have that aim.
106.	A year ago the General Assembly adopted by consensus resolution 38/10, on the situation in Central America. The resolution reaffirmed the right of all the countries in the area to decide their own future freely, and it condemned the acts of aggression against the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Central American States. Unanimously, the General Assembly gave its firm support to the efforts of the Contadora Group, urging it to persevere in its role as a mediator.
107.	In 1984 the Contadora process has been aimed at reaching specific agreements dealing with the problems of peace, the strengthening of political institutions, and the process of development, which are of concern to the countries of the area. For months we have been engaged in an intensive process of consultation and negotiation which is now reflected in the instrument entitled "Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America" [see
whose purpose is to reconcile the legitimate interests of the Governments of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. This is a draft global agreement stipulating both general and specific obligatory commitments for the purposes of fostering understanding and co-operation among the countries of Central America.
108.	We are convinced that the Contadora Act is faithfully designed to fulfil the requirements for stability in the area. The principles set forth in the Act encourage the establishment of a framework of reciprocal security and respect, mutual confidence and regional detente, which are essential for normalising the political relations and all other relations among the countries of the isthmus.
109.	For that reason, it is from here, the highest rostrum of the international community, that we call upon the Central American Governments to proceed with all due urgency to assume the legal commitments contained in the Act, and we express our appreciation to those States which have announced their intention to subscribe to the Act. The Contadora process and its arduous and difficult task of negotiation, which have now been in progress for 20 months, have been aimed at safeguarding the independence of States, preventing the further destruction of human and material resources that are essential to the well-being of their peoples, and opening instead channels for far-reaching and sustained economic, political and social development.
110.	We reiterate today that negotiating implies harmonizing legitimate interests in order to reach common goals—a partial surrender of one's goals, in order to attain a final objective that is considered fundamental to all. Regional security, a basic prerequisite for peace and development, can be attained only through honourable, just and responsible agreements based on conciliation and not on imposition. This is the immediate option of the five Central American Governments: to express their firm decision to protect the sovereign rights and long-term plans of each nation for the benefit of present and future generations, or to sacrifice a stable future for the sake of circumstantial illusions. It is the responsibility of the Central American Governments to choose between peace and war, between development and destruction. The Contadora Group, for its part, will continue to do everything within its power to facilitate the process of mediation.
111.	The Contadora Act decidedly contributes to the establishment of a regional order founded on respect for pluralism and the rights of peoples. It offers, without a doubt, a viable opportunity for normalizing relations among the Central American countries. Unfortunately, the political and diplomatic effort has been severely hampered by a plethora of actions that aggravate tensions and undermine confidence in the area. Biased information has also been circulated with a view to harming the Contadora process and initiatives, and obstacles have been placed in the way of a more open and fluent dialogue among the Central American countries. The in-creased foreign military presence and the overt or covert support supplied to exogenous forces and groups, whose purpose is the overthrow of the established Governments of the area, have been two of the major obstacles to detente and understanding.
112.	The historical experience of the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean has shown, over the centuries, that interference and intervention ultimately revert against their instigators. In the final analysis, the use of force is no solution but only leads to more force, hatred and lack of confidence. Let us try, with the invaluable assistance and support of the international community, to save Central America from even more serious harm and crueller devastation.
113.	We call once again on those Governments with ties and interests in that region to give their unequivocal and clear support to efforts to halt the arms race and traffic in arms and the naval, land and air manoeuvres and to end the presence of foreign military advisers and bases. When Central America accepts and abides by the agreements reached, other States must inevitably assume their corresponding responsibilities.
114.	Regional peace demands not only collective commitments but also the determination to solve bilateral differences. We also have here a long road ahead of us. In May of this year we applauded the establishment of a special commission of the Governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua to resolve border conflicts, reduce tensions and foster a climate of mutual confidence. We should also note that the initial steps in a dialogue between the Governments of the United States and Nicaragua have proved encouraging. Mexico has promoted these conversations, and five meetings have been held to date. My Government will continue to lend whatever support the interested parties request. We believe that the dialogue of Manzanillo is a key element in the process of bringing peace to Central America.
115.	For the past year, Mexico has had the honour of presiding over the Group of 77. During this time, we have sought, through an informal exploratory process, to dispel misunderstanding, clarify intentions and establish bases for a better understanding of the problems we face. With the participation of the industrialized nations and the developing countries, we are making efforts to establish frank, pragmatic and flexible communication.
116.	Although considerable conceptual progress has been achieved and areas of common interest identified, the launching of global negotiations has again been postponed because of a lack of political will on the part of some industrialized countries and their reluctance to grant the United Nations in practice the competence that the Charter establishes.
117.	During this period, we developing countries have made innumerable efforts to seek immediate measures to ease the crisis and to allow the gradual fulfilment of the commitments that we all undertook when the General Assembly adopted the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. Unfortunately, we have seen a virtual paralysis of the North-South dialogue and a systematic rejection of the use of the mechanisms of international cooperation for development.
118.	The Group of 77 will decide, this very week at its ministerial meeting commemorating its twentieth anniversary, on the strategies that we should follow during the coming year in order to achieve our aims. We hope to receive a responsible reaction from the developed countries. The survival of the greater part of mankind and the supreme objective of peace and collective security are at stake.
119.	For our part, we are determined to expand economic and technical co-operation among developing countries. Collective self-reliance is not only an ideological principle that brings us together but a practical method to facilitate economic recovery in our countries, strengthen their unity and independence, and promote reform of the prevailing international order. South-South co-operation is a fundamental step in the process of decolonization, and we are therefore determined to encourage it with imagination, efficiency and perseverance.
120.	The problems of the world economy must be dealt with coherently and comprehensively. From a structural viewpoint, we must find viable long-term answers. Faced with the needs of the developing countries and the severity of the crisis, urgent and effective measures are required by the international community, together with the commitment of all States to promote the establishment of new and more equitable international economic relations. This will require responsible interlocutors endowed with a sense of solidarity and far-reaching vision.
121.	The current crisis has sharply emphasized the negative aspects of economic interdependence. Measures adopted by some of the more influential members of the community of nations are having an adverse effect on the economic security of weaker countries. The gravity of the situation is even being reflected in political and social disorders that threaten the stability of the system as a whole. The deterioration of the quality of life heightens tensions and fosters instability. Practically all countries acknowledge the magnitude of the problems we are confronting. The need now is to translate declarations and speeches into concrete actions of co-operation, free of any subordination or conditions.
122.	Every State has the responsibility of promoting its own development, but the international community must assume the correlative obligation of establishing the conditions that permit the attainment of national goals. At considerable sacrifice, we have made adjustments in our own internal economy in order to overcome our difficulties. At the same time, we demand the elimination of unilateral actions that worsen existing imbalances.
123.	Foreign debt is now the most burdensome economic problem for developing countries, particularly those of Latin America. The solution to this problem, as postulated by the Cartegena Consensus, signed by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs and the Ministers of Finance of 11 Latin American countries on 22 June 1984, demands a joint commitment by creditor and debtor nations. The aim is to distribute the costs and benefits of capita! flow according to a principle of justice. It is impossible to demand austerity from those who have less, when more favoured countries have shown no readiness to make similar economic adjustments.
124.	The Latin American countries have in recent months begun a process of negotiations to reschedule payments on their foreign debt, lessen capital amortization and reduce the costs of financing. New progress in establishing more equitable conditions must follow the achievements attained thus far. These negotiations, however, require the political framework essential for a fruitful dialogue among debtor Governments, creditor countries, the international banking network and multilateral financing institutions.
125.	The problem of debt must be attacked at its roots and in all its complexity. To begin with, the trend that has turned our countries into exporters of capital must be reversed. To this end, we call for the opening up of markets and the elimination of protectionist measures in the industrialized economies. It is also necessary to stabilize prices of raw materials and to reduce interest rates. Beyond reasonable percentages, income derived from exports cannot be committed to the servicing of debts.
126.	It must be recognized that the debt crisis is linked to drastic changes in the conditions in which credit contracts were originally drawn up, particularly where liquidity and interest rates, the structure of the debt, and economic growth perspectives are concerned. These changes, which took place in the industrialized countries, demonstrate the joint responsibility of creditors and debtors.
127.	At the beginning of President Miguel de la Madrid's administration, Mexico decided to adjust its economy in order to undertake a fundamental reordering. This choice has not been easy for the Mexican people. After periods of apparent prosperity, they have had to enter a time of discipline, restraint and sacrifice. Nevertheless, the country's production structure has been safely maintained and the work force, including its best-qualified elements,
has remained intact. Employment opportunities will no doubt increase in the future.
128.	The reordering of the economy has been undertaken with a view to reducing inflation and the instability of currency exchange, recovering growth capacity, preserving productive plant and employment, and protecting basic consumption. At the same time, a policy of structural changes has been established in order to tackle the mam problems in the field of production, distribution and social participation in the development process. The ultimate aim is to establish a solid, permanent basis for rapid and egalitarian social development.
129.	These efforts at economic readjustment have begun to yield fruit. The difficult transition to a more solid economy would not in any case have been possible without the civic conscience and solidarity of the majority of Mexicans and without a political regime that has invariably shown its maturity and prudence in critical moments.
130.	The exceptional resources of our people notwithstanding, consolidation of our effort at recuperation will not be possible without a favourable international atmosphere. Mexico, together with other developing countries, therefore firmly demands the urgent restructuring of world economic relations. The maintenance of unbalanced economic relations such as those that provoked the present crisis, causing a severe deterioration of developing societies, is contrary to all ideas of equity. The international community must make a determined effort to correct asymmetries. Without such an effort, we shall enter an era of growing confrontation and instability.
131.	The difficulties in the dialogue between the great Powers and the paralysis of the multilateral disarmament forums oblige us to take political decisions to stave off the danger of a nuclear conflagration.
132.	The so-called strategic balance inevitably feeds an arms race that appears to be unending. The experience of the last 40 years proves that an increase in the arsenals of one Power is followed by a similar or greater development of those of its counterpart. The magnitude of their destructive power today is sufficient for mutual annihilation and the destruction of the entire planet.
133.	Each new stage of this escalation would seem to move mankind further away from agreements to eliminate for ever the threat of nuclear war. The technical and military struggle between the superpowers is placing us on the threshold of a new phase that could irreversibly block verifiable disarmament commitments.
134.	Nevertheless, Mexico is convinced that it is possible to halt this absurd armaments spiral. We have insisted in numerous forums on a freeze of nuclear arsenals as a prerequisite for initiating a gradual reduction in arms, until they are eventually eliminated. Against the logic of strength and armaments we must pit the reason of disarmament and peace.
135.	Stability cannot be based on a balance of terror that requires a capacity for reciprocal extermination as a means of guaranteeing peace. It is essential to banish this erroneous doctrine of deterrence.
136.	We propose, on the contrary, that security should come about as a result of a gradual reduction of nuclear arsenals. In this way, the spiral would be reversed without altering the balance of power, and progress would be made towards the goal of general and complete disarmament.
137.	Furthermore, that could also be a means of severing the causal relationship between armaments and underdevelopment. Resources now allocated to the constant improvement of weapons should be used to improve the lives and economic condition of large sectors of the world's population.
138.	Similarly, we reiterate our call for an end to the harmful trade in conventional weapons. In search of a security that is often illusory, many developing countries divert scarce capital to the acquisition of military equipment. Possession of new armaments further erodes trust, increases the risk of war and aggravates the economic weakness of those countries.
139.	On 22 May of this year Mexico, together with Argentina, Greece, India, Sweden and the United Republic of Tanzania, called upon the nuclear Powers to assume their responsibilities in the task of disarmament. In their Joint Declaration, the signatory Heads of State or Government announced their determination to "take constructive action towards halting and reversing the nuclear arms race” echoing the pressing demand of an ever- increasing number of men and women of the five continents.
140.	I should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm, on behalf of the President of Mexico, Miguel de la Madrid, our determination to continue fighting for disarmament. We urge the community of nations to make every possible effort to further that noble peace initiative.
141.	There is an urgent need for the great Powers to subordinate considerations of expediency and internal policy to the supreme value of preserving mankind’s existence. Their political will to maintain world peace must be in keeping with the responsibilities deriving from their power.
142.	The principles of the juridical equality of States, the self-determination of peoples, non-intervention and the prohibition of the use of force allow of no exceptions. Their strict observance far outweighs casuistic interpretations or supposed threats to national or regional security.
143.	A year has passed, and we repeat our appeal that Grenada return to the path of self-determination without limitations of any kind.
144.	We note with concern the continued presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan. In spite of the intense mediation efforts of the Secretary-General, no significant progress has been made. Once again, we urge the parties involved to seek a prompt solution in accordance with those initiatives.
145.	We reaffirm our support for Argentina's claim to sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands and again urge the parties involved to settle their differences through negotiation.
146.	In the Middle East, unilateral efforts and expansionist policies for the solution of the regional conflict have been seen to fail. Lasting peace m the area can be attained only through the combined efforts of the parties involved and respect for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. AH the States of the area have the right to live in peace within recognized borders.
147.	The efforts at national reconciliation currently under way in Lebanon with a view to ending the civil
war deserve the broadest international support. Lasting stability and peace, however, depend on absolute respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country.
148.	The conflict between Iran and Iraq is taking on added dimensions that are reflected, according to reliable information, in the indiscriminate bombing of civilian populations, the use of chemical warfare and the violation of international humanitarian law. We hope that new initiatives will emerge from this session of the General Assembly that will help to put an end to a tragic war which is destroying two developing countries.
149.	Another year has passed and the people of Namibia still cannot exercise their sovereignty, while the infamous policy of	continues. Once again, we express our repudiation of a system that violates the most elementary norms of human dignity, and we demand an end to the increasingly open support being given by certain countries to the South African regime. Mexico demands the implementation of the decisions of the international community to enable Namibia to attain its independence.
150.	Every year here in the General Assembly we review the situations that endanger peace and security. In the Assembly, the international community recommends formulas and means of arriving at peaceful solutions to controversies between States.
151.	The close relationship between maintaining peace and attaining development is emphasized here each year. The dramatic needs of our peoples are described, and proposals are made to banish hunger, ignorance and disease from the planet.
152.	In spite of the desire for peace of the majority of States, the practical results have been tenuous. The aggravation of conflicts, the growing gap between the developing world and the industrialized nations, the severity of the economic crisis, the breakdown in talks between the great Powers and the stagnation of co-operation and economic negotiations are, unfortunately, the dominant features in the international situation. Such problems must be a source of grave concern to all States.
153.	Mexico maintains its unwavering confidence in the strength of law. The imperatives of its history lead it always to defend the principles on which the civilized coexistence of nations is founded. We are certain that diplomacy is today the only feasible means of overcoming the differences that separate States. In these times, the reconciliation of interests and a genuine willingness to understand the views of others should prevail over every form of imposition or domination.
154.	Mexico supports the institutions of the community of States. Places in which to meet and communicate with others in a world that is undergoing rapid transformation are a necessary condition of an orderly process of change. I reaffirm the full support of the people and Government of Mexico for the United Nations, the highest expression of international democracy.
155.	In its internal affairs, Mexico upholds the rule of law, based on respect for the freedoms of individuals and groups, on encouraging the democratic participation of citizens and on social solidarity. We seek forms of coexistence that will provide an equitable distribution of the benefits derived from the work of all Mexicans. For that same reason, we wish to contribute to the endeavour of ensuring that the society of nations will be governed by the same principles. That conviction is the coherent and solid basis of Mexico's commitment to the cause of peace and international co-operation


 It is with great pleasure that I extend to you, Sir, the congratulations of Austria on your election as President of the General Assembly. We greet you as an outstanding representative of Africa and of a country with which Austria enjoys close and friendly relations. Your rich diplomatic experience and your well-known commitment to the cause of the United Nations assure the General Assembly of objective and constructive leadership.
50.	We also wish to express our sincere thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, who guided the General Assembly with great tact and skill. We are indeed grateful to him for his contribution to the work of the Organization.
51.	I would like to welcome most cordially the delegation of the new Member State, Brunei Darussalam. We are looking forward to close and fruitful co-operation.
52.	Before the beginning of this session of the General Assembly, the relations between the United States and the Soviet Union were marked by increased confrontation, mistrust and mutual recriminations and, above all, by the continuation of a devastating arms race. The meetings of last week encourage us to hope that the dialogue will be resumed. The world expects a lessening of tensions and a reduction in the gigantic stockpiles of weapons.
53.	In Europe, in our own region, Austria contributes to the strengthening of security and co-operation by its active participation in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe process. This process is of particular importance to the smaller European States because it offers them a unique chance to play an active role in shaping their destiny. Thus, the Conference on Confidence- and Security- building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, meeting at Stockholm, as well as the forthcoming meetings at Budapest and Ottawa, are of utmost importance.
54.	The world economic situation requires determined co-operation between North and South to alleviate the plight of the developing countries. The burden of debt which many developing countries have to bear reduces their living standards even further. This problem cannot be solved by banking operations alone but requires, in our opinion, a sharing of responsibility by the Governments of the creditor countries.
55.	Human rights and fundamental freedoms continue to be disregarded on a large scale. Oppression, political persecution and economic exploitation cast a dark shadow over the lives of millions of people.
56.	Peace is threatened by a large number of regional conflicts and crises in the Middle East, Central America, Cambodia, Afghanistan, Cyprus and southern Africa.
57.	In his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General has outlined in clear and courageous terms the obstacles to the efficient functioning of the United Nations. We support his suggestions to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations. We join him in appealing to all Member States not to carry political controversies into the specialized agencies. Austria supports his efforts to strengthen the Organization as an instrument to maintain peace and to promote international co-operation. Peace-keeping operations of the United Nations will continue to play an essential role. We urge all Member States to share in their financing.
58.	The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations in 1985 offers a welcome opportunity to give serious consideration to a better functioning of the world Organization. Let us explore together all possibilities of making better use of the United Nations in dealing with mankind's problems of today and the challenges of the future. We have to give more attention to the social dimensions of development and to economic policies which will not weaken but strengthen the social fabric of societies and democratic structures. We are convinced that the United Nations could play a most important role in addressing those fundamental issues and in promoting policies which would be beneficial, especially to the weaker and more vulnerable members of the international community.
59.	At previous sessions of the General Assembly, Austria has explained its positions on many important agenda items. These positions remain unchanged. Today, I should like to focus on four problems.
60.	I wish to start with human rights, because the individual and his well-being is the basic motivation of all political action. There is abundant evidence of a widening gap between the universally accepted norms of human rights and the dark reality in many countries. All Members of the United Nations have an obligation to change this situation, which is an affront to human dignity.
61.	There are two areas where progress is overdue: the abolition of torture and the restriction or elimination of the death penalty. We trust that the Assembly will successfully complete the respective legal instruments. We shall continue to contribute actively towards this goal.
62.	The implementation of human rights requires intensive efforts by every State within its own borders, as well as at the regional and global levels. Specific steps within each region to improve the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms are particularly promising. In this context, the member States of the Council of Europe will meet at Vienna in March 1985 to hold a conference on human rights.
63.	Let me assure representatives that whenever Austria speaks up in favour of human rights in a specific region or country, our only motivation is concern for the individual, his freedom and dignity.
64.	Austria also believes that all human rights are interlinked. Human dignity cannot be upheld in the absence of adequate economic, social and cultural conditions. On the other hand, adverse social and economic circumstances can never justify the denial of individual rights and freedoms.
65.	Central America is one of those regions where the denial of human rights has led to a cycle of violence, bloodshed and human suffering. At the same time, we witness a growing trend towards external intervention. The East-West confrontation is casting its shadow over Central America.
66.	It has always been Austria's position that a solution to the crisis of Central America can be found only by the States of the region themselves. Efforts to achieve national reconciliation and to restore democracy in individual countries must be accompanied by a dialogue among all States and political forces of Central America. In order to be successful, the political peace process must be supported by measures to secure economic progress and social justice. This need is increasingly recognized. An encouraging sign in this direction is the meeting of the member States of the European Community and Portugal and Spain with the Contadora Group and the Central American countries at San Jose on 28 and 29 September 1984.
67.	Austria will continue to support the Contadora process as an independent Latin American initiative for peace and progress. We appreciate the acceptance of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America by Central American States and, in particular, by Nicaragua. We are convinced that all parties will continue to work for lasting peace in the region.
68.	The continuing crisis in Africa is a cause for special concern. Africa today faces two challenges: the immediate challenge of survival and the long- term challenge of development. It is a tribute to the leading statesmen of Africa that they have decided to rely first and foremost on their own efforts.
69.	However, Africa's crisis cannot be overcome by the African peoples alone. Increased assistance will be required. Thus, we are concerned about the difficulties encountered during the last replenishment of IDA and about the present problems of IFAD. Above all, we need a stronger commitment from all sides, irrespective of social systems and historical backgrounds. This requires greater understanding for the problems of indebtedness which confront many developing countries. We also need a better appreciation of the social and political difficulties arising from painful adjustment programmes which hit the poor more than anybody else.
70.	Austria welcomes the African initiative of the Secretary-General. We have participated actively in the deliberations of the Economic and Social Council on this subject. We regret that no agreement could be reached on a framework of action. My country will increase its own efforts to provide assistance to Africa. That continent—and above all its least developed countries—is already a main focus of Austrian development assistance.
71.	It is our strong belief that a peaceful and harmonious development of Africa cannot succeed without the elimination of the abhorrent system of apartheid, which constitutes a most serious violation of human rights and dignity.
72.	The Palestinian question has been before the United Nations for many years. Year after year, its solution becomes more difficult. Thus, the Middle East is a permanent hotbed of conflict and a serious threat to world peace.
73.	Many plans for the solution of the conflict have been proposed. I wish to refer to the decisions adopted on 9 September 1982 by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez, and the Reagan plan of 1 September 1982, confirmed by the President of the United States before the Assembly at this session. The Egyptian-French initiative within the United Nations framework also contains valuable suggestions.
74.	Austria's position is clear: we reject policies based on military superiority and occupation of foreign territories. Any solution must be based on Israel's withdrawal from the occupied territories, on the recognition of Israel's existence as a sovereign and independent State within secure and recognized borders, as well as on the recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to its own State.
75.	Together with the majority of the members of the Assembly, we continue to recognize the PLO as the representative and spokesman of the Palestinian people. Therefore, the PLO has to be included in all efforts to find a just and peaceful solution.
76.	Israel's policy of de facto annexation violates international law. We strongly condemn its policy of establishing settlements in the occupied territories.
77.	All parties to the conflict—Israelis and Palestinians, as well as the Arab States—must make new efforts towards peace. The initiation of such a peace process cannot wait any longer. An immediate halt to the settlements policy in the occupied territories, an end of the attacks in Israel and the complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from southern Lebanon are necessary to create the confidence needed for successful negotiations.
78.	Permit me now to address briefly the problem of South Tyrol, a subject which directly concerns Austria. We have good and friendly relations with Italy as one of our most important neighbours. These relations have been further improved by the official visit by Prime Minister Graxi and Foreign Minister Andreotti to Vienna last February.
79.	In 1969 the resolutions of the General Assembly of 1960 and 1961 led to an agreement between Austria and Italy on a new framework of autonomy for South Tyrol. However, 15 years later, some of the provisions of that autonomy agreement still remain to be fulfilled. This is particularly the case with regard to the use of the German language. Despite the agreement in principle of May 1983 between the Italian Government and the minority concerned, that important provision has, to our regret, still not been implemented. This has significantly increased the concern of the South Tyrolean population. We are confident that the promise made by Prime Minister Graxi at Vienna to implement that provision will soon be fulfilled.
80.	Austria has noted with satisfaction that the assurance given by the Italian Head of Government regarding the establishment of an autonomous section of the regional administrative court in Bozen has already been honoured by the passing of appropriate legislation. The commitments made by Prime Minister Craxi at Vienna and by Foreign Minister Andreotti at Venice increase our confidence that the Italian Government will soon take the remaining steps for a mutually accepted and full implementation of South Tyrolean autonomy.
81.	The issues I have dealt with have more in common than one may realize at first glance. In every instance, the key to their peaceful solution lies in readiness to engage in dialogue, respect of the rights of others and willingness to compromise. Austria's own experience encourages us to promote close and friendly relations with all our neighbours. It shapes our approach towards the solution of regional conflicts and motivates our co-operation in international organizations.
82.	Let me close my statement with a personal recollection: Shortly after the end of the Second World War, I met with many young people from all over Europe. We came from destroyed towns and villages in a continent devastated by war. We had few personal belongings; we had no riches; our countries were in ruins. But we had three things: hope, optimism and an unshakeable belief in our ability to rebuild our countries, to abolish hate and mistrust and to shape a new world.
83.	Since then, much has been achieved. And now, having reached a somewhat riper age and also responsible positions, we are unsure and deeply pessimistic about our ability to solve the problems of today. Let us approach the problems we face with optimism and hope and with a belief in the future of mankind. Let us recapture the spirit of our youth. We owe it to the young people of today whose world we are shaping.