Mr. President, on behalf of the Argentine Government, I am pleased to offer you our congratulations on the election as President of the General Assembly of an outstanding son of Poland, a nation with which Argentina enjoys close ties of friendship. We are convinced that your ability and your experience in international problems will ensure success in the deliberations of the Assembly. May I request you to transmit to Mr. Adam Malik, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, the appreciation of the Argentine delegation for the brilliant way in which he guided the work of the twenty-sixth session.
2.	At the end of that session, U Thant relinquished his post and we elected a new Secretary-General; at that time the Argentine delegation expressed from the rostrum [2031st meeting] its appreciation to U Thant for his untiring work in the service of our Organization. The efforts made by Mr. Kurt Waldheim in the course of this year strengthen our conviction that his election was well advised and that his talents and ability will contribute effectively to the fulfillment of the goals of the United Nations.
3.	There seems to be no disagreement that the present international system is a multi-polar one, whose various centers of political, economic and socio-cultural power have imposed a dynamism on present-day events that had not been experienced in the post-war years. There can be no doubt that all types of relations among States have become more fluid and articulate and that our Organization has achieved a degree of universality which was unknown during earlier decades. It is also evident that ideological differences have given way to a more pragmatic and realistic approach to problems affecting international life,
4.	We cannot but express our satisfaction that the cold- war stance has been abandoned and that dialog and negotiations have been accepted as a way of achieving peaceful solutions to the controversies among States. Long-divided countries have managed to approach their reunification or have devised procedures permitting more intensive economic, social and cultural relations. All these are also signs of the gradual disappearance of the bipolar system and a relaxation of tensions which have always been encouraged by my country.
5.	However, the existence of these events must not lead us to lose sight of the need to watch very closely the development of trends within the system itself. Despite the multi-polarity, it is undeniable that the medium and smaller nations remain only marginally involved in the adoption of decisions that affect them directly.
6.	In his introduction to the report on the work of the Organization submitted to the Assembly, the Secretary- General has very rightly pointed out that, "the interests, the wisdom and the importance of the vast majority of medium and smaller Powers cannot, at this point in history, be ignored in any durable system of world order" [A/ 8701/Add.l, p. 2]. Pursuant to this line of thought, nothing would be more dangerous than to convert the present multi-polarity into a static system of balance of power. This would spell a new division of the world into spheres of influence by the super-Powers and the larger nations, with the obvious exclusion of a large number of States. The peace and security to which we aspire are not those leading to a rigid situation which would curtail development possibilities, because they could alter the balance achieved. Stability in peace does not mean the freezing of acquired positions, but rather the opening up of new possibilities to ensure a more just and worthy world.
7.	In the decade of the 1970s, the United Nations cannot confine itself to endorsing the acts of the great Powers. It has often been alleged that voting at the United Nations is the performance of a mere ritual. It well may be that this forum has served on numerous occasions to offer the great Powers a way out -a fitting way of saving face at times when, had they continued to follow a selfish or mistaken policy, they might have plunged our world into new and serious conflicts.
8.	This role played by the United Nations should not be disdained. In recent times, however, the membership of the United Nations has altered considerably due to the admission of a majority of countries that either became in-dependent after the Second World War or were not direct contenders in that conflict. Those countries are confronting serious problems of all types and are endeavoring to narrow the gap that separates them from the great Powers as rapidly as possible. Perhaps precisely because of this development lag, their views may differ from those of the great Powers with regard to the analysis of and solutions to their problems and presumably they may consider foreign any approach to them that does not take into account their own needs.
9.	All this leads us to believe that, if the United Nations is to live up to the purposes that dictated its creation, it must assume new functions more in keeping with the present day reality. It is a fact, for example, that the policy of great-Power confrontation has yielded, at least in many cases, to a policy of co-operation; talks have started on fundamental matters; substantive agreements have been arrived at on questions of concern to all. We hope that this attitude of co-operation can be extended to embrace all the countries of the system. But the Organization should also give increasing attention to the problems and the needs of each and every one of its Members. The world of today is an indivisible unit, and the conflicts, problems or situations afflicting one State or one region not only interest, but also affect, all the others.
10.	The Security Council bears an enormous responsibility for the analysis and proposal of solutions to conflicts among States. We do not believe that there are universal prescriptions; we believe that each case must be considered on its own merits, and the onus of implementing measures recommended by the Security Council falls on the parties concerned. While serving as a member of the Security Council, Argentina has maintained a position of strict independence in dealing with the different questions raised and has at all times endeavored to contribute in a constructive way to the solution of the problems examined by that organ.
11.	We attach singular importance to the meetings of the Security Council held in Addis Ababa at the beginning of this year. The positive results obtained proved the wisdom of the initiative taken by the three African members of the Council who proposed that the Council should hold meetings away from Headquarters.
12.	Latin America is the natural framework for Argentine foreign policy affairs, and my country has concentrated its efforts within that area. The various visits by the President of Argentina to other countries of South America bespeak clearly the priority attached by my Government to the ties with the sister Republics of the continent. Through these visits and the presidential talks held on Argentine soil, we have established procedures for consultation and co-ordination in order to ensure greater success in our joint efforts to solve our common problems. This policy has led to solid achievements aimed at enhancing our physical, economic, scientific and cultural integration.
13.	The countries of Latin America are not only linked by a common historical tradition, but they are also part of a community of necessary interdependence., We are all protagonists in a process where the fate of each one affects that of the others and where all are called upon to play a major role.
14.	Within the United Nations the Latin American countries have performed and continue to perform a vital function. We have been unswerving defenders of the Charter and of the principles of international law and advocates of peaceful settlement of disputes. We have made common cause with the new nations that have emerged into independent life since 1945 and we have always given support to all measures designed to end colonialism, eliminate racial discrimination and do away with economic differences among peoples. In this way we have been true to the principles that are deeply rooted in the national character of each of our countries, whose populations comprise all races of the world. This is a matter of particular pride and deserves special mention in a parliament that does in fact represent the international community as a whole.
15.	We wish to express our agreement with the comments on the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment made by Mr. Waldheim in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A/8701/Add.l, p. 5] and with your own words, Mr. President, in your opening statement of this session [2032nd meeting]. The problems of the environment have been a constant concern to my country and that is why, when the item was first discussed in the Economic and Social Council, Argentina was one of the first countries to support the holding of the Stockholm Conference and participated actively in the preparatory work for it.
16.	The most constructive element that emerges from the report of the Conference  is the establishment of international co-operation in the field of the human environment. In accordance with its recommendations and its Declaration, this co-operation is carried out through an exchange of information and collaboration among States. The Conference reflects what experience and practice, science and technology, doctrine and jurisprudence have been teaching us for a long time.
17.	In this field Latin America was ahead of the Stockholm achievements by including in joint declarations of its Presidents and Foreign Ministers the principles which were later approved by the Conference.v
18.	In this, as in any other questions touching the international community, the Argentine Republic upholds the principle of the exercise of sovereignty whereby States perform any acts necessary within their own territory to carry out their national policies. Argentina also maintains that modern States must exercise this sovereignty in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international law, respecting therefore the same sovereign rights of other States.
19.	In order to achieve a harmonious interplay of this simultaneous exercise of sovereignty on the part of different States, a system of exchange of information is necessary to comply, effectively and appropriately, with the principles of good neighborliness. Without it, international co-operation as advocated by the Stockholm Conference would be difficult if not impossible to achieve.
20.	Argentina attaches special significance to the problems relating to the law of the sea. We have participated actively in the work of the sea-bed Committee  and, together with other countries of Latin America, we have upheld the right of the coastal State to extend its sovereignty over the sea adjacent to its shores to a distance of 200 maritime miles and we have reaffirmed its sovereign rights over the continental shelf. This position is based on the provisions of international law and on the imperative need to protect and defend the resources that lie close to our coasts. The Declarations of Montevideo  and Lima and more recently that of Santo Domingo - clearly reflect the responsibility assumed by the majority of the countries of Latin America. Many countries of Africa and Asia that have also had to face the need to adopt measures within the framework of contemporary' international law are joining in this process, to preserve and protect the resources of the sea, the sea-bed and the subsoil of the maritime areas within their jurisdiction and adjacent to their costs.
21.	The task of the future United Nations conference on the law of the sea is to harmonize these rights and interests with those of the international community; its results should bring the benefits of juridical security and justice of a new and more equitable order to this important area of international relations. Therefore, careful study should be given to the preparatory work of the Conference that will be convened, we understand, when the general lines of agreement have been reached and when the enlarged Committee on the sea-bed has fulfilled its mandate. These preparatory efforts and the careful timing of the conference should ensure its positive outcome.
22.	The Argentine Republic continues to follow with increased interest the evolution of events in the Middle East. Our logical concern over the state of affairs prevailing in that region is due to our conviction that international peace is indivisible. For this reason it is imperative that a just and lasting peace be established in that area. We repeat that the strict implementation of the principles and obligations set forth in resolution 242(1967) of the Security Council - to whose adoption the Argentine delegation contributed significantly - is still the basic point of departure to achieve that goal. The conflict has lasted far too long and the different stages that mark its development have left many wounds that are difficult to heal, but they have also taught lessons and given much experience that must not be wasted.
23.	To conclude peace, the highest gifts of statesmanship are required from all.; They must manifest themselves not only in the sincere will to negotiate and to moderate their positions, but also in their sense of timing, which, I would venture to say, is a trait of fundamental importance. The tragedy of opportunities missed haunts peoples for generations and the Argentine Government is ready to continue contributing actively to avoid such a tragedy occurring in the Middle East.
24.	The Argentine Republic has always stated from this rostrum that it totally and unconditionally rejects all types of discrimination and colonialism. For this reason we note with concern that forms of domination still exist that are incompatible with human dignity and with the clear awareness of present day man, who does not accept so-called racial superiorities.
25.	It is a commonplace to state today that colonialism has been overcome. It is a fact that a wide majority of the territories that suffered foreign domination have now acceded to independent life and have taken their place in this Organization. But the unfortunate fact is that a number of colonial situations still exist and it is our duty not to waver for a single moment in our efforts until the last vestige of that unjust and anachronistic dependence has been totally and forever eradicated.
26.	Namibia is a typical example, among others. Solely and exclusively to obtain self-determination, and independence for Namibia as soon as possible a step too long postponed-Argentina has proposed legal and political formulas that were given unanimous support by the voting members of the Security Council in February and August of this year [Council resolutions 309 (1972) and 319 (1972)]. We prefer to believe in the evolution of governments, governments that cannot forever turn their backs on the realities surrounding them. Therefore, we still trust that good sense will prevail and that the aspirations of the peoples of Namibia and of the international community, endorsed by a decision of the International Court of Justice,  will be satisfied, and that this will take place immediately in a peaceful and orderly manner.
27.	The unwavering anti-colonialist stand of the Argentine Republic, which I reaffirm now, is not the simple expression of a feeling that we share with the vast majority of nations represented here. In our view, colonialism is not a historical phenomenon whose consequences afflict others nor is it a problem of which we have acquired vicarious knowledge. It is an actual fact that we ourselves are experiencing.
28.	At present, after more than a century and a half of independent life, there still subsists on Argentine soil a residue of that outgrown stage of imperial expansion. It is precisely in order to wipe out that negative vestige of an obsolete past that the Argentine Government is conducting negotiations with the Government of the United Kingdom within the framework of General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX) in order to find a final solution to the dispute over the sovereignty of the Malvinas Islands.
29.	In order to encourage ties between the Malvinas Islands and the mainland and as a result of instruments approved by both countries, efforts have been made which facilitate communications, increase mutual knowledge and benefit the population of the Malvinas. In May of this year, notes were signed and exchanged in Buenos Aires which provided for the construction in the islands, by the Argentine Republic, of an airport which will be capable of dealing with the regular transport of passengers, cargo and mail and which will begin to operate in the next few weeks to replace the amphibious aircraft at present being used.
30.	Despite these practical steps of undisputed importance, there still remain differences between the two Governments regarding the circumstances required for a final solution of the question of sovereignty. Further talks on the matter are to be held and we trust that they will be fruitful. The final outcome can be none other than the return of the Malvinas Islands to the Argentine territorial heritage.
31.	The United Kingdom is a country to which we are linked by traditional and cordial ties of friendship and one which has given repeated proof of its clear-sighted approach to the realities of the present day world. We are therefore confident that this case will be no exception. We reiterate that only thus can the obstacle affecting good relations between our two countries be removed for once and for all.
32.	The Argentine Government, which has given proof of reflection and moderation throughout these negotiations in the search for a peaceful solution to the question, hopes that it will not be delayed without justification. We shall thus have fully complied with the terms of paragraph 1 of resolution 2065 (XX), which, furthermore, coincides with the universal desire to put a speedy end to colonial situations all over the world.
33.	Disarmament still continues to be one of the most urgent and important questions of the day. During the last two sessions of the General Assembly, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament submitted for our consideration the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof and the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction, which were subsequently adopted [resolutions 2660 (XXV) and 2826 (XXVI)]. My Government has subscribed to both, since they were instruments that had been the subject of delicate multilateral negotiations in which all parties acted with the greatest care and flexibility in order to arrive at balanced formulas which undoubtedly contribute to the strengthening of international peace and security.
34.	With regard to chemical weapons, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament is not, this year, submitting to the General Assembly an agreed draft convention on weapons of mass destruction of this type, whose dangers are obvious and whose elimination is imperative. We must remember that, because of the relatively low costs of these weapons, they can be developed and produced by many countries. Therefore an agreement on chemical weapons should be acceptable to all States, not only to the great Powers. The negotiations are thus much more complex, since so many views reflecting well-founded concerns must be brought together.
35.	Thanks to the patient work of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, the international community has made some progress in the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction. Little enough has been achieved, how-ever, in regard to nuclear weapons, apart from some collateral measures of dubious practical effectiveness and, in some ways, of a discriminatory nature.
36.	Within the more restricted framework of bilateral talks on strategic arms, the agreements signed in Moscow are a first step in the right direction; yet these are not measures of nuclear disarmament but efforts to stabilize a precarious military balance between the super-Powers. In other words, they are not enough to stem and turn back the nuclear arms race.
37.	In this discouraging picture of the field of nuclear disarmament, new life must be given to the negotiations, and, in order to do so, the competent organ must ensure the participation of all the nuclear Powers, in a manner satisfactory to all the States concerned. So we note with pleasure that, for the first time in its history, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has given this problem special attention and that its report [A/8818] shows a certain degree of flexibility regarding possible alterations in its organization. My delegation has been particularly interested in this important matter and we venture to hope that this will be the starting-point for informal consultations to rectify an anomaly that is prejudicial to the development of the international community.
38.	Argentina has supported the idea that this General Assembly should deal with measures to prevent international terrorism that endangers innocent human lives, costs lives or threatens fundamental freedoms. Elsewhere, and at different times, my country has condemned irrational violence and has appealed for reflection in the face of the wave of hatred and destruction that has swept the world of today. This phenomenon constitutes a serious affront to mankind and to our civilization. Therefore, the United Nations must not and cannot remain indifferent to the danger it implies for peaceful coexistence among men.
39.	In matters of economic co-operation, the international community will have a new and significant opportunity during the rest of 1972 and particularly in 1973 to make progress in the improvement of relations among States of differing degrees of development, through a more just and effective regulation.
40.	The reform of the international monetary system and the planned multilateral trade negotiations are important occasions for those countries that bear the major responsibility to turn their sights beyond their own strictly national interests and allow these new efforts to be fitted into the provisions of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade.
41.	We believe that the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD], held in Santiago, Chile, in April and May of this year, constituted a promising point of departure for that international undertaking. During the course of that session the convergence of the policies for co-operation in that field reached new heights.
42.	Both at that session of UNCTAD and at other international and regional meetings on economic and financial matters, Argentina has pledged its determined support so that such initiatives will achieve the success that the international community is eagerly seeking.
43.	In the fields of science and technology, Argentina is determined to make rapid advances in a dynamic process of modernization through the maximum use of the resources offered by these branches of knowledge in order to secure better standards of living for its population.
44.	We are disturbed over the prevalence of certain views in the United Nations Development Program [UNDP] which, ignoring the multiplying effect of the efforts of co-operation made by peoples at different stages of development, are trying to change the present system of distribution of resources, reserving them almost exclusively for extreme cases of optimum development.
45.	At the same time as Argentina makes use of UNDP as a helpful instrument to complement its needs in that area, we must stress that we also contribute a considerable number of national experts who service projects in different parts of the world and that we welcome yearly more than a hundred fellowship holders from other countries for training in our country.
46.	At the beginning I pointed out the dangers for the medium and small nations of being left on the fringes of a multi-polar system based on the balance of power among the great Powers. We are also disturbed over any attempts to slow down the process of updating the economies of the developing countries by limiting the transfer of science and technology to them.
47.	To concede that growth must be stemmed would be tantamount to admitting that there are countries doomed to remain halfway on the road to civilization and would further imply a frustration of man's capacity for permanent creation. As was the case in economic matters, in the fields of culture and the preservation of the environment, here too active international co-operation is imperative.
48.	If we wish to achieve international peace and security, which are fundamental objectives of our Charter, then we shall have to make real the aspirations to a better life for which all peoples yearn. There can be no peace without international justice, and there will be no justice until each and every country assumes fully its responsibilities. In 1945 our Organization was born to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. Man's survival is still paramount today, but there is a clear awareness that it must rest on the firm foundations of freedom and the dignity of the human person so that he can develop to the utmost his creative potential. These drives, which are the features of our day and our society, must be reflected in the action of the United Nations.


Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of my delegation, to associate myself with previous speakers in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly. My delegation is convinced that with your wisdom and vast experience to guide us, this session of the Assembly will be able to cope successfully with the problems with which it is being confronted. I should like to congratulate also the 17 Vice-Presidents on their election. My delegation is certain that their wise counsel will be of utmost benefit to us all in the deliberations upon which we have embarked.
70.	My delegation feels flattered by, and grateful for, the laudatory remarks made by delegations in their tributes to your predecessor. It has indeed been an honor for my country to have shared with this Assembly the services of Adam Malik, one of Indonesia's prominent and outstanding citizens.
71.	Allow me also to convey to our distinguished Secretary-General Indonesia's congratulations on his assumption of his high and exacting office. The efforts that he has made during the course of this year in the interest of universal peace and security deserve our whole-hearted support and appreciation. On this occasion our warm thoughts and deep gratitude also go to U Thant, our former Secretary-General, a great son of Asia, who occupied the highest executive office of our Organization during a decade of turbulence.
72.	Indonesia's view on the issues that confront mankind today cannot be separated from the fact that we are a nation whose cultural heritage is deeply embedded in the South-East Asian region. It is profoundly influenced by events and problems of that region.
73.	For Indonesia, situated in an area of the world that continues to suffer under strains of war and human sorrow, the strengthening of international peace and security cannot but be of primary importance. The atmosphere of detente which is now being felt in the international political arena will, we hope, facilitate the further efforts of the big Powers to reduce tensions between them. Indonesia welcomes this detente, which has been accentuated by the meetings between leaders of the United States of America and the People's Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, respectively. We consider the agreement between the United States of America and the Soviet Union as a result of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks as an important step towards disarmament. It represents, however, only a beginning and we recognize that much more remains to be done before we are really on the road to complete disarmament.
74.	It must be stressed here that a detente among the big Powers does not automatically bring about conditions of peace and security in all regions of the world. We still witness hotbeds of conflicts persisting in South-East Asia, the Middle East and southern Africa. Another aspect of this phenomenon is the tendency of the great Powers to ignore the small and medium-sized members of the international community and by-pass the United Nations in their search for solutions to world problems. Peace and security, however, should be the concern of all nations, both large and small, and all countries must be encouraged to play an active role in the achievement of these important goals.
75.	It was with these considerations in mind that Indonesia voted for resolution 2833 (XXVI), which recommends the convening of a world disarmament conference open to all States. My delegation believes that careful preparations should precede such a conference.
76.	At this juncture, while the concept of a world disarmament conference is still in its embryonic stage, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva remains the only negotiating body under the United Nations umbrella entrusted with the problems of disarmament. The most urgent issue to be solved by a Conference at this stage is an agreement on a comprehensive nuclear- test ban. Pending such an agreement, a moratorium on all nuclear testing is most desirable. Meanwhile, it is to be regretted that, notwithstanding General Assembly resolutions 1910 (XVIII) and 2828 C (XXVI) on nuclear-weapon tests, certain States continue their nuclear-weapon testing.
77.	My delegation notes with sorrow and deep regret that the end of bloodshed and suffering in Viet-Nam, in the Khmer Republic and in Laos is not yet in sight. Hundreds of thousands of precious human lives have been extinguished, a much greater number of persons have been maimed, and devastation of indescribable magnitude has ravaged these lands; but the war in Viet-Nam and in the other countries of Indochina, which has lasted for more than one generation, still goes on. Located close to this scene of war, Indonesia yearns for peace in this region. It is for this reason that Indonesia and other countries in South-East Asia have exerted themselves to help find solutions that may end the fighting and establish genuine peace. Our view remains that the future of Viet-Nam, of the Khmer Republic and of Laos should be decided by the peoples themselves without outside interference. Withdrawal of all foreign forces from the territories of the countries concerned is a prerequisite for the return of peace to these war-torn lands. It is important, however, to remind ourselves that the events in VietNam, in the Khmer Republic and in Laos, while closely interrelated, are not entirely similar in origin and character.
78.	The situation in the Middle East shows no signs of improvement. Israel's adamant defiance of United Nations resolutions, in particular the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), is the principal cause of the tension in the area, which has been continuously aggravated by Israel's armed incursions and air raids into the neighboring Arab countries. Moreover, Israel's continued illegal occupation of Arab territory and its persistent denial of fundamental human rights to the Palestinians are in direct violation of the United Nations Charter. Expansion of territory by force of arms cannot be condoned. The United Nations must be able to act effectively to ensure implementation by Israel of the relevant resolutions.
79.	We also see no progress, in the solution of the problems of Namibia, of Portuguese colonialism or of apartheid and racism in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Indonesia views the task entrusted to the Secretary-General under Security Council resolution 309 (1972) as a new approach which must not be allowed to undermine the legal status which Namibia has attained. The sovereign integrity and unity of Namibia and the Namibian people must remain the basis for any contact between the Secretary-General or his emissary and the racist regime of South Africa.
80.	As to the Territories of Africa still under Portuguese colonial domination, it is heartening to note that, for the first time in the history of decolonization, the Special Mission of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples visited the liberated areas of Guinea (Bissau) in April 1972. After having considered the Mission's report [A/8723/Rev.l, chap. X, annex I], the Special Committee, of which Indonesia has the honor to be a member, passed a resolution recognizing the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde as the only authentic and representative liberation movement in Guinea (Bissau) [ibid., chap. X, para. 34]. Indonesia recommends strongly that the United Nations increase its assistance to the liberation movements fighting against Portuguese colonial domination.
81.	The twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly, in its waning days, saw the flames of war engulfing the South Asian subcontinent. As we begin our twenty-seventh session, those tragic days have become part of history. It is the fervent hope of my delegation that the current negotiations between India and Pakistan, both close friends of Indonesia, will continue to be fruitful. Indonesia has established diplomatic relations with the new nation of Bangladesh. We regret that this new State has been denied membership in the United Nations. Indonesia firmly believes that Bangladesh should be accepted as a Member, as this is in accordance with the Charter and the principle of universality. At the same time we hope that the outstanding issues between Bangladesh and Pakistan, especially the serious matter of the return of prisoners of war to Pakistan, can be expeditiously resolved and the way paved for normal and peaceful relations between those two countries.
82.	Indonesia views the current efforts towards rapprochement on the part of the two Koreas as an encouraging development, and hopes that the Korean people in both parts of that divided country will be able to continue to widen the areas of agreement between them. The efforts of the leaders in the north and south deserve all the support that the international community can provide. It is incumbent upon all of us to assist in the creation of an atmosphere conducive to the success of the direct negotiations now going on between the two Governments.
83.	The recent tragic incident in Munich resulting in the loss of lives of innocent people is to be regretted. At the same time, Indonesia calls upon the international community not to have a limited perspective concerning these desperate acts committed by desperate people. This tragedy, like other actions in a string of violent events which are occurring on a world-wide scale, must not be viewed as an isolated phenomenon. Rather, it must be considered within the framework of the grave problems which have gripped the Middle East and other areas for so long and for which no solutions have been found. We have to consider the root-causes of those problems and try to solve them. Otherwise, the world community will continue to be plagued by a recurrence of such tragedies. If the General Assembly in this present session is prepared, with a strong sense of urgency, to address itself to the question of so-called international terrorism, we should be no less aware of the urgency in remedying the underlying causes leading to these acts of violence.
84.	Indonesia is a nation whose national territory includes more than 13,000 islands. Since more than half of its territory consists of the sea, Indonesia is vitally interested in the work of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction. We hope that the projected conference on the law of the sea will succeed in establishing universally accepted legal concepts and rules governing the exploitation of the natural riches of the sea-bed and ocean floor and other unsettled issues of the law of the sea, taking into consideration the legitimate national interests of coastal States. We are particularly interested in seeing the archipelago concept accepted by the international community, as this concept constitutes a safeguard and a guarantee for the political, economic and social unity of island-nations like Indonesia.
85.	The twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly adopted resolution 2832 (XXVI), which declares the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. As a State bordering the Indian Ocean, Indonesia considers this resolution of signal importance. However, the proper implementation of the resolution requires the existence of mutual trust and understanding among the coastal States. Furthermore, a certain consensus should exist among the coastal States themselves as to what the zone of peace should mean in practice before consultations can be held with outside Powers with a view to observing the terms of the declaration. Such a consensus can only be brought about through negotiations between the parties concerned. This is by no means an easy task, but the collective will of these coastal States will, it is to be hoped, prevent resolution 2832 (XXVI) from becoming a dead letter.
86.	Fully realizing the detrimental effects of power politics in many parts of the world including their own region, member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] are very much concerned to keep their region outside the sphere of power rivalries and power conflicts in order to enable them to concentrate their efforts on the betterment of their peoples. It is for this reason that the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore and Indonesia welcomed Malaysia's initiative for the neutralization of South-East Asia. The concept of South-East Asia as a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality is embodied in the Kuala Lumpur Declaration.3 My colleague and friend the Chairman of the Malaysian delegation has already dwelt at length on this subject from this rostrum [2039th meeting], and I can only add that my delegation fully shares his views.
87.	The region of South-East Asia has enormous potential for economic growth and development. It is rich in resources and the people are dedicated to the economic and social improvement of their respective nations. It is a region which, through the centuries, has attracted traders from many parts of the world and was subsequently colonized by Western empires. Now that it has freed itself from colonial domination, it finds itself becoming a focal point in the international power game. It is therefore not by accident that these countries of South-East Asia, which are at the early states of economic development, have felt the need for regional co-operation.
88.	ASEAN has already proved a useful instrument for enhancing mutual assistance and co-operation in the economic and cultural fields. It has also become increasingly important as a framework for the protection of regional economic interests in relation to other economic communities.
89.	One of the intangible but no less important results is that ASEAN has created a certain measure of common identity and a feeling of unity among its members. They firmly believe that this co-operation within ASEAN will promote the stability of their region, which in turn will contribute to the consolidation of world peace and security. Our regional efforts should therefore be seen as an integral part of global endeavors to create a better world for man.
90.	Regional stability, however, can be effectively developed only if each component part develops its own national resilience. The strengthening of national resilience, which is the over-all capability to resist outside negative influences and pressures on the basis of political stability and economic well-being, together with an increasing sense of unity and common identity, will likewise enhance the resilience of the region as a whole.
91.	I believe that none of us will disagree with the view that the world economy does not develop in favor of the developing countries. Based on preliminary data, the rate of growth of those countries in 1971 was below the target rate of the Second United Nations Development Decade.
3 Declaration issued by the meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, held at Kuala Lumpur on 27 November 1971.
92.	Although the recent economic performance of a number of these countries appeared to be satisfactory, the fact remains that most of them are lagging behind on the road to progress. Their relative position in world trade continues to worsen because of the chronic unfavorable development of their terms of trade and because of lagging exports, caused in part by the growing difficulties faced by their traditional exports with regard to access to the markets of the developed countries.
93.	Furthermore, the international monetary situation is such that an atmosphere of uncertainty prevails among the developing countries with regard to their foreign exchange reserves as well as their prospective export earnings. Its negative effects on economic development are further amplified by the reduction in development assistance. Several developed countries have failed to make progress towards achieving the 1 per cent target of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], while the average terms and conditions of their aid have hardened. The developing countries face the danger of a reversal in the net flow of capital from the developing to the developed countries as a result of debt servicing, capital repatriation and profit transfer.
94.	It is unfortunate that the third session of UNCTAD ended with only inconclusive results and failed to contribute concretely to the solution of the fundamental problems confronting the developing countries.
95.	These developments are running counter to the commitments jointly undertaken by all nations under the International Development Strategy. They make evident the urgent need for substantial reform and innovation. In this connexion it might be useful to recall the statement made by Mr. McNamara, President of the World Bank, at that session,  in which he expressed his deep concern about the unacceptable state of development in most of the developing countries and emphasized the urgent need for moving forward with practical measures.
96.	Those and some other problems relating to development are now on the agenda of our current session. I trust that, if the political will exists, especially with the rich countries represented here, the General Assembly can make a positive contribution towards practical solutions.
97.	The developing countries have made it clear that in the endeavor to find solutions to economic problems in which their very interests are at stake, they want to be full participants and active partners. First and foremost is the problem of international monetary reform, for which an urgent solution is required. Of equal importance are the 1972 multilateral trade negotiations, which must not be conducted along the traditional lines of negotiations within the framework of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade but should comprise all aspects which are identified as barriers to trade. Special ground rules, modalities and techniques for the participation of developing countries should be worked out to ensure that these countries will really benefit from the results.
98.	With regard to development assistance, my delegation joins its voice with those of other delegations in appealing to developed countries to adhere to the targets set out in the International Development Strategy.
99.	While I am on the subject of international aid, allow me to say a few words regarding the activities of the United Nations in the operational field, namely that of the United Nations Development Program [UNDP], since we consider it one of the most successful and rewarding enterprises in the international joint endeavor, which has already done a great deal for the cause of the developing countries. Indonesia is one of the countries that has benefited from UNDP's activities, especially after the approval of its program for the first cycle by the UNDP Governing Council at its fourteenth session. Indonesia is most appreciative of this fact, and would like to express its hope and confidence that a more dynamic growth in the over-all resources could be made available so as to enable the program to grow substantially in the subsequent cycles.
100.	Another example of a successful joint endeavor was the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held at Stockholm in June, which has contributed considerably to making man more aware of the serious threat that exists to his total environment on earth. The Conference has provided us with valuable recommendations as to how man can begin to correct the destruction which he himself has wrought upon the ecology of the earth. My delegation would like to stress that, in the formulation of international action concerning environmental problems, the needs of the developing countries should be given adequate consideration.
101.	Turning now to the national economy, I am happy to state that there is manifestly an expansion of economic activities in Indonesia-not only in the agricultural sector, which still has priority in our development policy, but also in the industrial sector, especially in the extractive industries.
102.	In spite of a definite shift from a deficit to a surplus in the routine budget, thus enabling the Government to release more domestic resources for investment, the development budget still has a heavy foreign component derived from bilateral as well as multilateral assistance. At the same time, the Government encourages foreign investment to participate in the development efforts, and it can be said that so far there is a satisfactory influx of investment capital in Indonesia.
103.	The decreasing demand in many industrialized countries for our major primary commodities, along with the resultant drop in prices, on the one hand, and the higher cost of importing capital goods, on the other, may well result in negative balances of payments, jeopardizing our development efforts. Indonesia feels that a wider access to the markets of the developed countries for our export commodities through the elimination or progressive reduction of tariff and non-tariff barriers is an indispensable requirement for our development effort.
104.	Another negative trend discernible in the past two years has been the diminishing willingness to transfer capital to less-developed countries.
105.	The development process in Indonesia has reached a point at which a larger economic basis has already been created as a launching pad for a subsequent development undertaking on a bigger scale, which in turn requires larger amounts of financing. Such financing could not be covered by domestic resources alone, but has to be increasingly supplemented with outside financial assistance.
106.	My delegation would like to stress that external aid and participation in Indonesia's economic development can be accepted only on the basis of "no strings attached", in order not to limit our freedom of decision in accordance with our independent and active foreign policy.
107.	We who are firm believers in the United Nations cannot fail to note the growing lack of confidence in the United Nations and its institutions, especially among youth.
108.	The important role of youth today in world affairs was duly recognized by this Assembly last year when it resolved that a mural should be painted at United Nations Headquarters to commemorate the World Youth Assembly [resolution 2896 (XXVI)]. It is to youth that we shall pass on the United Nations its successes as well as its failures- and they are the ones who will carry on our work in saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war. It is imperative that we restore their confidence in the United Nations-firstly, by ensuring through performance and achievements that the Organization really stands for the lofty principles and purposes of the Charter, and, secondly, by interesting them and including them in the work of our Organization, which the Secretary general so aptly described as the most profitable long-term investment ever made in human history.
109.	It would be appropriate for my delegation to recall in this connexion the statement made by Mr. Adam Malik in his inaugural address as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly:
"We must realize that, unless the United Nations makes sense and is meaningful to the youth of today, the Organization is doomed to atrophy or irrelevance.
"... for all the confusion and contradictions that mark their emergence, these younger generations are the carriers of a new idealism; they are the vehicles of... global human solidarity, cutting across national boundaries. ...
"We have to harness their idealism and give it concrete international purpose by relating it to the accumulated experience and knowledge within the United Nations". [1934th meeting, paras. 53-59.]
110. In conclusion I should like to assure the Assembly of the readiness of the Indonesian delegation to co-operate fully in an objective and realistic manner, with you, Mr. President, with all delegations represented here and with the Secretary-General in our quest for solutions to the problems and issues confronting the United Nations.


The presence of the illustrious economist and Polish diplomat and politician, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski presiding over the General Assembly of the United Nations is an open tribute to his outstanding ability and an implicit tribute to his great country. Poland, the land of heroes and artists, a nation of heroism and sacrifice, has always given us persons of great valor. We are sure that our President will guide the work of our Organization with the hand of a master.
137.	I also wish to take this opportunity to express to Mr. Adam Malik the appreciation of my delegation for the wise and correct way in which he presided over the twenty-sixth regular session of the General Assembly.
138.	On 1 January of this year, Mr. Kurt Waldheim replaced U Thant as Secretary-General of our Organization. UThant carried on his shoulders for many years the enormous responsibility as the executive and co-ordinating organ of the United Nations before relinquishing his post. The Bolivian delegation wishes to reiterate our tribute and admiration to the ex-Secretary-General, and we express our hopes for success to Mr. Waldheim, who has arrived at a moment of great concern, of grave risks, but also one of noble hopes and expectations. We trust that Providence will enlighten his mind and that the United Nations, under his administration, will regain the faith and confidence of the peoples of the world under a single ideal of peace and justice.
139.	A year ago when I first appeared before this great forum, in speaking of my country I was able to state:
"Revolution is proceeding now in Bolivia on the basis of a unanimous consensus and along the glorious path of full nationalism. It will always be welcome in America, as elsewhere, so long as it preserves its autonomy and the hallmark of genuine authenticity. When the revolution tries to transfer its own sovereignty it becomes anti-national and hence anti-American." [1957th meeting, para. 56.]
140.	Today, after a reasonable time has elapsed which has allowed us, as a dynamic young nation to get an over-all view and glimpse the main trends and goals, I can say now that the impression I had then, far from being lost or attenuated, has become clearer, and today the Government is supported by a great majority of the people, which is a source of great satisfaction to those of us who entered into a solemn commitment with history.
141.	Bolivia today is living through a glorious moment in its republican history, because it lives in peace and order, which are daily being strengthened, because it is based on the peaceful governing of the national life, on the rebirth of our institutions and on the moral and economic rehabilitation of the country after a number of years of turmoil and of anxiety.
142.	I expressed to this Assembly at that time my hope for the flowering of my country. At that time it was a certainty based on faith, on my knowledge as a fighting man and a man who knew my people well. But I was also encouraged because I shared the concerns and the dangers of a leader of outstanding virtues and patriotism, Colonel Hugo Banzer Suarez, who at that time was beginning his term of office. Today it is different. Intuition based on a sound approach to one's civic duties has given way to a conviction strengthened by what the nationalist regime has done for the people of Bolivia, and I am honored to represent that nationalist regime in this distinguished gathering today.
143.	I digress for a moment because I believe that the United Nations is not, nor can it be, disinterested in what happens among its Member States. In an organization of this nature I believe that there are no irrelevant problems, that mankind's destiny is a single one, and for those of us who compose the international community the hope and disappointments, successes and failures of any Member must affect all the Assembly, which is the home of all where both our joys and our sufferings must be heard.
144.	The main concern of the nationalist and popular regime of Bolivia has been to bring law and order to our society. We have guaranteed all forms of freedom, the only restrictions being those that flow from a need to maintain social peace and to fight against all terrorist tactics that had plunged the citizenry into a state of constant fear. Here the Government has been inflexible and severe but just, because the excesses that occurred during the two previous Governments took a heavy toll of innocent victims and brought the country to the brink of chaos.
145.	Due to the overweening arrogance of the extremist forces and the impotence of the authorities which were very often guilty of complicity, unprecedented crimes took place in Bolivia, including the cowardly crimes that caused victims among journalists, the assassination of the peasants' leaders, the trials of the combatants who were accused of desertion, and the kidnappings that, on the pretext of raising money for subversion, paved the way for a new form of extortion hitherto unknown in my country.
146.	The basic desire of my Government to encourage the rule of law and the unimpeachable majesty of the courts of justice led to the enactment of a new organic law of the judiciary. This body of law is based on a broad sense of humanism, and in accordance with the most modern of juridical techniques, gives added vigor to procedural and administrative acts for more speedy and just administration of justice.
147.	But we did not stop there. The Republic of Bolivar and Sucre was living under the ancient codes of the Napoleonic law proclaimed by Marshal Andres de Santa Cruz, whose name they bear. But in a spirit of juridical renaissance, President Banzer has just prepared the new books of law in Bolivia that will enable him to remain in office as a wise and intelligent leader.
148.	Another problem that we tackled with decision and courage, as well as with probity and patriotism, is that, of the reopening of the universities. The new statute of the Bolivian university was received with obvious enthusiasm, and it returns to the university its specific function to promote cultural growth and education. Without in any way impinging on the university's autonomy, in the true revolutionary and humanistic sense, but on the other hand, defending its authority and its right to disseminate ideas, the universities have resumed their specific activities in an atmosphere of security and with guarantees for all those who come to the classrooms with the sincere intention of receiving training in the arts and letters, in science and in technical fields. It is with great satisfaction that I can declare that we have restored to the university its high standing, and we are sure that, after the experience acquired in the recent past when it was turned into a terrorist arsenal and a laboratory for nefarious subversive practices, such shameful and criminal acts will never recur.
149.	I want clearly to state to this world-wide gathering, where the fate of man on earth is at issue, that in Bolivia we have the widest freedom of opinion. No one is persecuted for his ideas. Human intelligence is not imprisoned in dogmatic cells or sectarian molds. We prefer to run the risk of freedom of expression, the source of culture and the cradle of mankind's growing civilization. We firmly believe that economic and social development must be agreed to and shared and not the result of imposed decisions. Those who suffered sanctions did so not because they disagreed with the Government or because they professed one doctrine or another, but because of the degree of danger that they represented to the life of the nation.
150.	Thanks to the moral authority with which the Government is now acting, and its determination to defend peace and fraternity among Bolivians, my country has taken a stride forward in the material achievements leading to economic development.
151.	Here we might mention the completion of the oil pipeline that carries 150 million cubic feet of gas a day from the eastern part of Bolivia to Argentina. Because of the chauvinistic demagogy of the previous Government, this work had been long held up and the national economy seriously damaged.
152.	In the course of the year that has elapsed a number of estimates have been requested regarding wide-scale industrial projects, such as the oil plant in Villamontes, in the Department of Tarija, which calls for the sizable investment of $12 million.
153.	Another project under way is the construction of silos for grains that has recently been signed in the city of Santa Cruz with a very important and trustworthy Colombian firm. And thus our agricultural workers will have a modern system of storage for their products and enjoy better marketing conditions.
154.	We might also mention the volatilization plant that has been established in order to improve the grade of our minerals for export; this has been done with the efficient co-operation of the Soviet Union. The smelting plant of Vinto has been expanded with the technical and financial assistance of the Federal Republic of Germany. This will be a true liberation from the economic dependency which was keeping us in the position of a country that only produced raw materials.
155.	Quite apart from all this is the highway from Cochabamba to Villa Tunari and from Puerto Villarroel to Puerto Patino, roads known as 1 and 4, which, from primitive roads to the fertile area of the Chapare, have been converted into first-class paved roads. I am sure that they will very soon be a powerful factor in helping to promote national integration.
156.	The Abapo-Izozog project, designed immediately to irrigate 300,000 hectares, with this figure being raised soon to 2 million, has also been provided with considerable finances. Once this irrigation project is concluded, Bolivia will export products of the land and we shall carry out great settlement work and shall have sufficient foodstuffs. This will save currency, today being spent in the amount of $40 million a year, for the purchase of food.
157.	Hospitals, new roads linking zones and provinces that are today far removed from progress and the productive activity of the nation, public works of local progress, exploration of underground waters in the plateau for the purpose of irrigation, freezing plants, highways, mining camps and settlements, schools, the draining of rivers, national and international airports such as that of Viru-Viru, with an investment of more than $16 million, city halls, the paving of cities, the urbanization of rural areas these and many other works very difficult to list in a speech of this nature reflect the beneficent and progressive work of the State at present.
158.	I should like to give a brief outline of the important and significant contribution of private enterprise to the creative efforts of the Government. It has not been alien to the great changes going on. Indeed, it has shown great social awareness as well as a great sense of historic and patriotic responsibility. Without the assistance of private enterprise, it is obvious that national progress would limp along and would be unilateral and it would not be in keeping with a society that belongs to the Western world by its philosophy and its fundamental structures. In the area of cotton alone, despite difficult climatic and other conditions and adverse circumstances, employment and the volume exported this year lived up to what had been planned in March.
159.	We have increased capital and reinvestment as announced by the national bank and foreign banks, which provided financing in the amount of $12 million to the Mining Corporation of Bolivia, which is in charge of the nationalized mines.
160.	Eighty-two new large, medium, and small industries have been set up in my country. The National Institute of Investments is at present weighing 48 new projects with a total investment of $35 million. It is an organ to encourage new fields which offer opportunities for foreign capital and to guarantee its flow to the country.
161.	The spontaneous contribution of private industry of 10 per cent of its profits for the encouragement of new projects in a few months has provided considerable amounts of capital. The interest of investors from Argentina, Brazil, Colombia and other countries has been awakened, and we have thus set up bi-national companies for the development of certain industrial projects.
162.	These and other initiatives of the private sector in such a short time are already eloquent proof of the confidence that has been awakened in the minds of investors by the popular and nationalist regime directed by Colonel Banzer, with its sights set squarely on a great future for the Americas and the world.
163.	As my Government has carried out intensive work to ensure harmony in the Bolivian family and also to encourage development, we have not overlooked projecting Bolivia's image to the outside world. The President of the Bolivian people has made State visits to the leaders of Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay. At these interviews, which went beyond mere formalities, the most important aspects of bilateral relations were studied. Principles of an international nature were reaffirmed. Future action was projected, both in regional and subregional relations and with regard to our contribution to the maintenance of peace and the settlement of the grave problems that endanger our civilization.
164.	These bilateral relations at all diplomatic levels have been established with our continental and geographical neighbors. We do not carry out a policy of preferences but one of harmony, complementing the economies of the other Latin American countries. Thus, with Peru last year we submitted to the Inter-American Development Bank a request for credits to finance the paved road between Ilo and La Paz. With the Buenos Aires Government we agreed to carry on the construction of the road that links Bermejo with Tarija and Potosi. With the nationalist administration of Paraguay, led by General Alfredo Stroessner, we have agreed on the necessity of immediately completing the trans-Chaco road and linking it with the Bolivian roads of Santa Cruz and Sucre, which would bring the Pan-American highway and the marginal road of the forests to the capital of Asuncion, which presided over the task of opening up and settling the Rio de la Plata region in colonial times. At the same time, we have been pursuing a similar policy with Brazil, the country of Pedro II, Rio Branco and Ruy Barbosa. With that Government, we have planned to link up the eastern network of Bolivia with the western network, thereby joining Santa Cruz de la Sierra with the terminal point of the railroad of Cochabamba. This is an important undertaking for Bolivians, on which we base our policy of national unity and also our policy of promoting our development, a task that cannot be postponed any longer. Similarly, an undertaking of continental significance is the linking of our countries and also the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. It is an undertaking that has its important and transcendental counterpart in the railroad going from Santa Cruz to Trinidad in the north, which was carried out by Argentina and which will link the plateau with the Amazon, thus bringing a fertile land into international trade and joining peoples in the common task of working together for the future of the Americas.
165.	Yes, Bolivia located in the very heart of South America, will be criss-crossed by international traffic in the future and will provide shorter routes from the Strait of Magellan and the Panama Canal for certain countries.
166.	That is our function today and our destiny. We are the bridge between the coastal countries of our hemisphere, bringing new benefits to mankind. To fulfill this function and destiny, we count on the enlightened understanding of our neighbors and the forthright co-operation of their distinguished leaders.
167.	The visit to Bolivia of the Foreign Minister of Colombia, Mr. Alfredo Vasquez Carrizosa, opened up a new stage in the relations between my country and the country of Santander, whose armies covered themselves with glory in Junin and Ayacucho, consolidating the independence of upper Peru. That visit led to the creation of a joint commission to study trade relations between the two nations. There is also the forthcoming trip of the Foreign Minister of Ecuador, Mr. Lucio Paredes, to my country, which will link even more closely the peoples that saw the fame of Sucre in Pichincha and Potosi.
168.	A separate subject is the foreign policy of Bolivia vis-a-vis Chile. This year, in accordance with what was stated by me last year[1957th meeting], we have started an open dialog with representatives of the Government of the Palace of La Moneda by the establishment of a joint committee. It is by directly studying the factors of integration that Chile and Bolivia can unite, over and above whatever differences we may have, so that we may arrive at a policy of understanding. There are no insoluble problems or insurmountable differences. Reason, which persuades men and peoples, can lead us to modern and constructive ideas. Security does not lie in our own capacity to commit aggression or to defend ourselves, but in joining our efforts with those of others and putting together the resources we have. For all those reasons, I wish to express my hope here that through sound integrationist reasoning, within the framework of the Andean Pact, Bolivia and Chile will find a way to unite and build a better tomorrow.
169.	In times like these, characterized by the principle of universality, there can be no partisan or exclusionary positions. The La Paz Government, convinced of this, is cultivating relations with all those countries that express a desire therefor. We are closely tied diplomatically and commercially to the members of the capitalist as well as the socialist communities. A number of cultural agreements and agreements of technical assistance and scientific cooperation and exchange are eloquent proof of this and they represent what we trust is a far-sighted policy.
170.	This conduct in no way jeopardizes our doctrines. Today the peoples of the world cannot ignore one another for we all need one another. Man has awakened to a new era in which he has decided to improve his future and widen his sphere of action in the universe. But to do this the combined efforts of all nations are necessary. The struggle to conquer outer space has confronted ih with a new reality, and that is that our limited frontiers are narrow and egotistical. We can no longer say that our State is ours and concerns us alone. The commitment not to interfere in the affairs of other countries become today more understandable and categorical. We trust that all Governments will act accordingly and thus ensure fraternity throughout the world.
171.	In keeping with this universalist philosophy I must infer specifically to the relations which Bolivia would hope to establish with the prodigious constellations of countries of Africa that victoriously have entered the international community. It is an ancient world which appears new, a continent pillaged for centuries that is now emerging to civilization and culture with the formidable talent of a race that is equal to any and which in a very short time has given proof of such creative capacity. The African nations are beginning to be heard when great historic decisions are made and their importance will continue to increase. Therefore it is our duty to offer them cordial and fruitful ties of friendship.
172.	From this experience to which I have referred so briefly my Government has arrived at a very favorable conclusion as to the meaning of this international Organization. Its deficiencies are doubtless many. It may well be that it lacks sufficient decision-making power. But it is a positive fact that it exists and that in its short existence it has fostered the birth of many nations.
173.	This fully justifies the existence of the United Nations. It is an Organization that can not only bring together almost all of the nations of the world but constantly create new States in the everlasting struggle against colonialism It is a living, dynamic organization, in keeping with the aspirations and the desires of the peoples. The harmonization of the widely differing interests of Member States is indeed a complex undertaking. These are sovereign wills that should try to act in concert to maintain peace, but we must have faith that full knowledge of the risks of a modern war will permit the United Nations to strengthen itself as a universal parliament in which nations compare their interests and try to find harmonious positions in the interests of civilization.
174.	Bolivia was represented at the meetings of the third session of UNCTAD, at the Second Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 in Lima, which preceded them and at the meetings of the non-aligned countries, to which we brought our sincere aspiration for political plurality in international relations, mutual respect and friendship for all the nations of the world and indefatigable defense of the self-determination of peoples and the rejection of any form of dependence.
175.	My country believes that we have fully carried out our obligations as a Member of the United Nations, because our presence in this building is a consequence not of fleeting circumstances but of profound democratic conviction.
176.	We believe that the Charter is a basic document for peace among peoples and for the rule of social justice, without hegemonies, without exclusive sectarianism, without unfounded privileges and based only on the law. If all the Members of this great conclave of nations were to proclaim our faith in the Charter, if we were all to combine to comply with the terms of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I believe that mankind would have gone far towards the achievement of permanent peace. Unfortunately that is not the case. We are still living in a dangerous period of armed peace, a peace based more on fear than on love.
177.	We have the Charter and we recognize that it is a most valuable instrument of understanding and harmony, but we lack the decision and the sincerity to comply with it in all its aspects instead of just when it is in line with our interests. The Charter must not become a mere expression of hope or of an unattainable Utopia. But that will depend not so much on the smaller nations as on those that have the resources of power; it will depend on the great Powers.
178.	My country, together with all the other countries of Latin America, has subscribed to and ratified the Treaty of Tlatelolco.  We, the Latin American nations, are still on the threshold of the atomic era. To a great extent that might appear to be one more disadvantage that separates us from the developed countries, but if we consider the substance of the problem we must agree that it is instead an advantage. We hope for and desire reactors and laboratories where we can take advantage of this marvelous source of energy for peaceful purposes while still preserving our geographical area from nuclear pollution. In this connexion our position is firm and determined and we supported Peru and other countries which expressed their justifiable fears a short while ago when France exploded nuclear devices over the Pacific.
179.	So far the Protocol to the Treaty of Tlatelolco has been acceded to only by the United States of America and the United Kingdom. My Government considers that the Latin American aspiration to isolate our geographical area from the dangers of radiation is perfectly justifiable. Therefore I would remind those countries which have added nuclear weapons to their arsenals that Latin America fervently desires to see the Treaty of Tlatelolco strengthened by the firm adherence of others.
180.	On the initiative of Ceylon and the United Republic of Tanzania the General Assembly last year declared the Indian Ocean a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. My delegation believes that this felicitous idea should be applied to other seas and continents which have so far been spared the dangers of war. In this .way we should be preserving geographical sectors, and would thus be able to isolate areas of conflict so as to eliminate the germs that generate danger.
181.	Latin America, which gave proof of its peaceful spirit with the Treaty of Tlatelolco, would be very interested in a similar declaration regarding the Indo-American area.
182.	The history of the world could well be summed up in one phrase: man's struggle for freedom; for without freedom there is no dignity, since in indigence man can only be humiliated and not free. Man has always struggled for this inalienable right, which is just as much part of his vital needs as air, or bread, or water, and he has done so devotedly. As Jesus exalted the most humble and preached equality among men, so my country rebelled against the authoritarian Powers and liberated itself from a slavery which it could not bear. Thus we follow with great interest the process of independence in which many peoples of the world are involved. We are aware that misery and oppression spawn rebellion, but we consider rebellion to be the last stage in justified protest. If the dikes of prudence and fear are shattered and man engages in a heroic undertaking against his oppressors, he must meet them face to face. The struggle against misery is always unequal as far as means are concerned, but it is usually impelled by an ideal and the powerful stimulus that is given by the knowledge that the fight is in a just cause.
183.	But terrorism is not that. When you struggle for the rule of justice in the world it is neither lawful nor human nor acceptable, nor even tolerable, to compensate for the hunger for change by the sacrifice of innocent victims who have nothing to do with the maintenance of the situation that is being fought against. The greed for power very often hides in the most extreme tendencies. It seeks supporters among the disgruntled. Psychology is made to serve politics and becomes a very powerful weapon.
184.	In this international parliament I must speak sincerely and with vehemence against the use of these practices, which are an affront to our civilization. Today more than ever before the oppressed people have a rostrum here from which to denounce their oppressors. Each year, at each Assembly, we hear denunciations of abuses by the strong against the weak.
185.	This means that the peoples which struggle are not without means. The international community has not turned a deaf ear to their cries. Furthermore, there are always institutions, peoples and individuals ready to assist them to achieve the justice to which they aspire and are entitled. Therefore, we cannot complacently watch acts of insanity such as those that recently shocked the world, because the victims were not those who caused the sufferings but were merely the victims of an outpouring of irresponsible hatred.
186.	My Government believes that the United Nations should put an end to this new type of violence, particularly because it is premeditated, evil and destructive; it seeks its victims among those who have nothing to do with the problem, as though cruelty wished to drink the blood not only of its chosen victims, but also of humanity as a whole.
187.	I should like now to refer to the fight against pollution. At the recent United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, this problem was debated at length; but the problem calls also for some comments from us. We must recognize right away that the concern must be shared by all men. Its significance could be compared to the concern of an astronaut on this spaceship which we call earth. He, too, must worry about his environment, means of life and safety during this extraordinary adventure of life.
188.	We agree with principle 20 of the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment. It is quite in keeping with the Declaration of Asuncion, approved on 3 June 1971 at the Fourth Conference of Foreign Ministers of the Plata Basin. In the matter of the utilization of international waters, the up-river countries must do whatever is necessary to meet their needs, with the sole condition of not causing tangible damage to the nations down-river. This principle, added to the principle of not changing the river bed from one geographical basin to another is a doctrinal concept that Bolivia has consistently supported, in keeping with universal principles of law and reason.
189.	Although there is a general trend today not to accept the creation of new international organs because of the burden they represent for Member States, we believe that the case for creating a small body to study the human environment is one worthy of applause. The suggestion by the United States has the widest support of my delegation since it fills a felt need.
190.	One final comment. With reference to the question of pollution, it is only natural that this "phenomenon alarms those countries suffering from it. We are speaking of the highly industrialized nations. But it is for us to tell then; that in the young and still unexplored continents of African and America there is sufficient green space, the necessary oxygen and it is neither rare nor contaminated. In our opulent land can be built new industries without endangering human health. Those industries, in the process of industrial de-concentration and promoting the development of the backward countries, could strengthen their economies and lessen the degree of their dependence.
191.	This does not mean that we are unaware of the situation of the countries and cities which suffer from the pollution of their environment. We are at one with them in their search for adequate solutions.
192.	From the very moment when, on the initiative of Malta, the question of the sea-bed and the ocean floor was raised in the United Nations, Bolivia has taken a great interest in that question. We were elected a member of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction and our representatives have contributed greatly to clarifying the problems of land-locked countries as far as the sea is concerned.
193.	This concern over the questions of the sea by a country which has no coast is neither paradoxical nor extraordinary. Bolivia, together with the other land-locked countries, has a direct, immediate and urgent interest in anything that deals with the oceans of the world.
194.	Our participation in the clarification of those problems will not for obvious reasons which we consider circumstantial at the moment-be extended to questions relating to the width of the territorial sea, the continental shelf, fishing or international straits, on which we lack experience. We will therefore limit our discussion to the questions of land-locked countries, their consequences and possible solutions.
195.	The process of elaborating principles in the legal field is now under way. The recognition of the sea as belonging to mankind is a positive fact. That means that the wealth of the sea-bed is the common heritage of mankind.
196.	We must note that the practical application of those truths is very unequal and, in some cases, non-existent. Although the land-locked countries were ignored in the past, since the Barcelona Agreement and the Geneva Conference of 1958 the international community has turned its attention to the problems confronted by the land-locked countries. We must recognize, however, that the principles thus far approved are deficient. We must, without referring to the specific condition of each landlocked country, recognize the general nature of the right of all countries to benefit from the use of the wealth drawn from the oceans and the rivers; otherwise the universality of the sea would be purely nominal so far as the land-locked countries are concerned and their possibility of utilizing the resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor would be illusory.
197.	Naturally, in the exercise of those rights in one case as well as in another, there must be different characteristics and features, and their legal formulation is the second point that must be considered by the General Assembly and the sea-bed Committee.
198.	Some of these concepts have already been included in the topics and issues to be dealt with at the forthcoming Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea at the plenipotentiary level. We have contributed drafts and amendments which, fortunately, to a large extent were accepted at the Geneva meetings. We expect to put forth those same concepts in this Assembly in the forthcoming meetings of the sea-bed Committee and particularly at the conference of plenipotentiaries in 1973, whose convening we support.
199.	Only a few more words, addressed particularly to my colleagues the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and the permanent representatives of the other land-locked nations. My Government considers it right and proper that, in the course of the present year and prior to the holding of the conference of plenipotentiaries, the land-locked countries meet to study joint formulations which while improving their depressing geographical situation are acceptable to the coastal States. We know that there are various regional realities which require different approaches; but we must recognize that they must be in keeping with certain principles of universal validity. Therefore, my Government intends to act systematically and to make the necessary efforts to make possible the conference of the land-locked countries. In due course we will hold the necessary consultations.
200.	In the meantime, we want to draw attention to the two resolutions approved at Santiago during the third session of UNCTAD.  They place a singular responsibility on the land-locked countries to ensure implementation. The first refers to the danger to the under-developed countries of the exploitation of minerals on the sea-bed; and the second warns the industrialized nations that no claims based on past, present or future activities over any part of the zone or its resources will be entertained, and appeals to those States which have made such claims to refrain from doing so until an international regime governing exploitation of the sea-bed and the ocean floor has been established.
201.	Land is a universal common asset; and, therefore, it is natural and logical that the sea and its wealth also be considered the general heritage of mankind, to be used for the benefit of all nations. This same general idea relates to what we said last year in our statement concerning the economic equality of States, in keeping with the principle of their legal and sovereign equality. We must say the same regarding the Mexican proposal made during the third session of UNCTAD for the drafting of a charter of the economic rights and duties of States. The daring idea of collective economic security put forward by the Brazilian delegation [2038th meeting] is in keeping with the same idea. By studying these ideas and discerning these fraternal purposes, we are led to believe that mankind is heading towards a future of peace and wider international justice. Success in mankind's earnest efforts for a better future depends, in the last analysis, on the determination of the great Powers and on the understanding their leaders show in assisting the development of the less favored nations of the world.