The	delegation	of	the	Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic extends its cordial congratulations to you, Comrade Florin, on your election to the distinguished and responsible post of President of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-second session and expresses the hope that, under your guidance, the Assembly will reach fruitful decisions conducive to peace, 3-operation, and implementation of the lofty purposes and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. We are pleased to see the office of President of the Assembly held by a representative of a fraternal socialist State, a man who, weapons in hand, fought against fascism, in the territory of Byelorussia, inter alia.
We also extend our greetings to the Secretary-General of the United Nations,
Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who this year paid an official visit to the Byelorussian SSR. That visit demonstrated a common desire to enhance the role and effectiveness of the United Nations as an instrument of peace and international co-operation intended to work in the interests of all States and to lay down guarantees of global security with equality for all.
Hopes and constructive efforts, skepticism and counteraction - those are the poles between which the needle of the barometer of political debate in this representative Hall has been oscillating for decades. Today, it is much closer to the point marking hope and positive prospects. Such a phenomenon has not been very frequent in the political climate in recent years. We welcome this favorable trend. There are sufficient grounds for it. International relations are beginning to move towards a qualitatively new dimension, one of constructive co-operation and broad and honest dialog.
The Great October Socialist Revolution was a powerful generator of new, positive processes in international relations. In the course of the World War it was the first in history to raise the question of a just and democratic peace without annexations or war indemnities, as well as complete renunciation of any forms of aggression. This year marks the 7 0th anniversary of the Great October Revolution - the most outstanding event of the twentieth century, which has changed the world. There is probably no sphere of social relations that has not experienced its positive effects. The right of nations to self-determination, the equality of great and small nations, the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, and the goal of general and complete disarmament - these and other progressive political categories were brought into being by the ideas of the great Lenin and the ideals of the October Revolution. The Lenin Decree of Peace brought peoples to the front of the stage of history. It was addressed not only to Governments but also direct to the peoples of the countries at war, something which, incidentally, incurred the acute displeasure of vested interests. These days we hear appeals from the rostrum of the United Nations to the hearts of people and nations and this, too, shows the impact of the October Revolution.
The October Revolution made it possible for the people of Byelorussia to gain statehood, embark on a path of economic, social and intellectual progress in the interests of the working masses, and become a participant in international intercourse.
Over the 70 years, which is historically a short time span, we have traveled a long roads from private property and the resultant exploitation of man by man, to free labor, which released the revolutionary creative energy of the working people? from national inequality to friendship and fraternal co-operation of people of different nationalities; from cottage industry to modern, multi-sectoral industry with highly advanced engineering, chemistry and electronics; from hunger to productive mechanized farming; from illiteracy to universal compulsory secondary education for young people, with numerous colleges and universities. It took tremendous effort and feats of arms to travel this path; for that reason we treasure its results all the more. It should not be forgotten that as a result of Hitler's aggression Byelorussia lost a quarter of its population and more than half of its national wealth.
A direct extension of the cause of the October Revolution is the process of revolutionary renewal of all aspects of life, which is under way in our Republic and the other fraternal Republics of our country. Greater openness or qlasnost, more profound democratism, the new social and political atmosphere in our society, and the radical reform in economic management have re-galvanized the moral and creative potential of the working people and encouraged their initiative.
We are witnessing stable improvements in living standards. The rates of growth of industrial and agricultural production in Byelorussia have now reached more than 6 per cent. Not too many countries can currently boast such a dynamic rate of economic development.
Our people look forward to the future with optimism. We have set ourselves the goal of doubling our national income and industrial potential by the end of the century, with particular emphasis on improving care of the people and creating all the conditions necessary for a comprehensive and harmonious development of the individual.
Peace is essential for the achievement of these lofty goals. The First All-Byelorussian Congress of the Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Red Army Deputies solemnly proclaimed in its appeal on behalf of millions of Byelorussian men and women the will to live in peace and friendship with all nations. The Byelorussian SSR has been invariably guided by that will in it's international activities, including here at the United Nations.
Reliable peace can result only from persevering national efforts and the collective reason of all States. In the current strategic situation no single State, however powerful, can hope to have total security without assistance from others. Such assistance can, clearly, be given only on a mutual basis.
Today the collective reason of States is starting to mature. As a result of the efforts of recent years the international community has now come to what appears to be a common realization that nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. This is a very important stage, which mankind has not reached easily. Any thought, however, should be crowned with action, with a logical conclusion sustained in practice. The conclusion of this important premise is that nuclear disarmament is essential. In this context, of special importance is the agreement in principle reached recently between the Soviet Union and the United States of America to conclude a treaty on shorter- and medium-range missiles, which brings us closer to the first step towards real nuclear disarmament. The Soviet-American agreement is the most serious argument against the view held until recently that only armament, not disarmament, brings about greater security.
The significance of this step is not to be measured by absolute numbers of warheads to be eliminated or by their relative proportion in nuclear arsenals. It opens a door which, it has been proclaimed in the past in various political forums, is impossible to open.
It is essential that the movement that has begun should continue its momentum so that the Reykjavik accord between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America to halve their strategic offensive arms be put into effect, while retaining and strengthening the anti-ballistic missile Treaty regime.
with a subsequent move towards negotiations on further reductions. It is well known that the Soviet Union has declared that it is ready to relinquish, on a reciprocal basis, its status as a nuclear Power before the year 2000.
There have been times in the history of mankind when a transition to the next phase of development required new materials for manufacturing tools as well as requiring new kinds and sources of energy. Those transitions ushered in a new age. Today mankind has reached a time when in order to make a transition to the next stage of civilization - indeed, to ensure the survival of the human species - it is necessary to embrace above all a new way of thinking, which will also usher in a new age.* an age of shaping a nuclear-free and non-violent world, a world without wars or arms, an age of molding a comprehensive system of international security.
When a year ago a number of socialist countries, including the Byelorussian SSR, suggested for the consideration of the community of nations the possibility of establishing such a system, we did not offer any ready-made prescriptions. This initiative is intended for a broad dialog, for the participation and contribution of all. At this stage the multi-faceted exchange of views has begun to crystallize distinct aspects of the general outline. The article by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Parry of the Soviet Union, Comrade Mikhail S. Gorbachev, entitled "Reality and safeguards for a secure world" (A/42/574), which was published at the beginning of this session, offers a basis for serious reflection on this subject, giving promising guidelines for joint work. The article has evoked a positive response among delegations. It is our hope that the current session will continue the process of shaping an agreed understanding of the mechanisms of such a system, a process comparable with the prescription of the great Michelangelo, who, in
creating a masterpiece of perfection, simply carved out of a piece of marble everything that was not needed. All the obsolete pieces should be discarded.
The interdependence of today's world makes it necessary for us to start building our common safe house simultaneously from all its corners, taking into account the main areas of international relations. Like a.supporting structure, the component areas and units should be permeated with the idea of humanism and the humanization of international relations, for in the final analysis the building is being constructed for the human being. Much has been said here about human rights and the rights of peoples. On the whole, this is undoubtedly a correct perspective. It is incontestable that the foundation of our edifice would be extremely shaky if it were not based on a guarantee of the primary right - the right to life in conditions of peace and freedom. A defect of vision that prevented one from seeing this should be remedied.
The retention and build up of armaments, above all weapons of mass destruction, are tantamount to a physical repudiation of the right to life, a kind of assertion of the anti-human right to take away life. Conversely, the fewer armaments the greater the chances of staying alive. The transition to a concept of "reasonable sufficiency", the complete elimination of nuclear armaments and other weapons of mass destruction while concurrently reducing conventional arms - this is what constitutes, from the standpoint of mankind's interests, the logical road to follow.
"Security through excessive armament", whether quantitative or qualitative, offensive or defensive, constitutes a logic of a different, anti-human dimension. In particular, space weapons lend themselves to juggling with the destinies of peoples from outer space or underground hardened bunkers, but not to ensuring safe skies above our heads.
The words of Albert Einstein, a towering intellect in the nuclear age - "You cannot simultaneously prepare for war and peace" - are more than ever well founded. In the well-known Manifesto prepared together with Bertrand Russell, he stressed
"... that we should learn to think in a new way, we should learn not to ask ourselves what moves should be taken to gain a military victory over the camp to which we do not belong - for there are no such moves - but rather we should ask ourselves what steps should be taken to prevent an armed struggle whose outcome is bound to be disastrous for all its participants".
In some areas the international community is already on the verge of taking arms-reduction and disarmament measures. We have already spoken about nuclear disarmament. What is needed now is merely to make several substantial additions.
At an appropriate stage it is essential that all the nuclear States, without
exception, join this process. What is more, the very essence of the emerging Soviet-United States agreement on medium-range and shorter-range nuclear missiles would be undermined if there were attempts to "make up for it" through a buildup of armaments, both nuclear in related categories and conventional.
The goal of nuclear disarmament would be brought much closer if the nuclear States and their allies were to renounce the first use of nuclear and conventional arms and the use of force in international relations under any circumstances and in any conditions, as well as discontinue nuclear testing.
In this context, we welcome the agreed draft declaration on enhancing the effectiveness of the principles of renouncing the threat or use of force in international relations, which has been submitted to the Assembly for its consideration, and the Soviet-United States agreement on establishing nuclear risk reduction centers and on commencing before this December full-scale, stage-by-stage negotiations on nuclear testing.
The outline of a future convention banning chemical weapons is being fleshed out. The current phase of work is the result of extensive efforts, and this process must not be obstructed.
The question of eliminating weapons of mass destruction cannot be closed unless measures are taken to prevent the development of new types of such weapons. The lamentable record of abuses of the fruits of scientific and technological progress does not allow us merely to brush off this issue. At the forty-second session the Byelorussian SSR will continue its efforts of many years in this area, with due regard to the positions of other countries.
The important sphere of conventional armaments also requires new approaches.
In our view, the main principle is simple, namely, that if there are any imbalances they should be corrected. It is essential that this be done through appropriate
balanced reductions, rather than through a buildup or "supplementary armament". impart from arms limitation and disarmament measures, in the direct meaning of this term, serious steps of a different nature can certainly be taken in the military and political areas. The Warsaw Treaty Organization has proposed to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) that their military doctrines be compared. The goal is to ensure their strictly defensive nature. Hie military doctrine of the Warsaw Treaty member States has as its objective the prevention of war, nuclear and conventional. They have declared that "never and under no circumstances will they launch military actions against any State or alliance of States, unless they themselves become the target of an armed attack". To be consistent, one could go even further, that is, to organize armed forces in such a way as to permit defense but rule out offensive operations.
Confidence and openness in the military field should go hand in hand with disarmament. I note that quite recently the exercises in the Byelorussian military district were subjected to the first United States inspection, on request, in accordance with the 1986 Stockholm agreement. The request of the United States side was met without any delay and the inspectors were able to see for themselves that we comply fully with the obligations under the agreement. That is how, through concrete deeds, step-by-step businesslike and productive relations can and should be built. The process of joint negotiation of agreements and documents teaches us the difficult science of mutual understanding and teaches us also to regard the opposite side as a partner rather than an enemy.
Speaking of the search for points of contact and common language on specific matters, Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev has said:
"What is needed here is not only the faculty of speaking but also of listening. Not only of listening to but also of understanding one another, jointly searching for solutions to the most complex integrals of today's world."
In mathematics there is the notion of "imaginary numbers". It springs to mind while listening to some statements made from this rostrum since in many respects they appear to be based on imaginary concepts which, however, are offered to us as absolute. Thus, the term "free world" is enlarged to include several bloody dictatorships the notion of "struggle for democracy" is adapted to accommodate the maintenance of an army of cut-throats whose task is to overthrow the legitimate Government by committing violence against innocent civilians; and the phrase "strict respect for the United Nations Charter" is easily extended to the armed invasion of a small Caribbean nation, as well as to the all-round support of the aggressor which has seized land belonging to its neighbors.
Surely one should not speak from this rostrum of freedom and at the same time deny in principle and deeds the right of peoples to self-determination and free choice of the means to bring about economic and social development.
The efforts of the Contadora Group and the goodwill of the countries of Central America have initiated a very important positive process of putting a peaceful end to the conflict. Yesterday the General Assembly endorsed by consensus those efforts. All parties concerned should create the best possible conditions for its development and must not impede it. Only then will there be a genuinely humane interest meeting the needs of the peoples in the region, rather than selfish interests. In fact, this was mentioned this morning by the President of Nicaragua.
Somewhat similar and equally positive processes have also got under way in some other conflict areas on our planet. The sprocket-wheels of national reconciliation mechanisms in Afghanistan and Kampuchea have started to move. These are all very difficult and very delicate processes. If we are to heed the voice of reason emanating from the very hearts of the peoples in these countries, what would be more correct - to encourage those processes or to encourage bandit groups to.
It is also sufficiently clear that by joint and carefully considered efforts the community of nations can and must find a solution to the dangerous impasse in the Middle East, ensure human rights for the indigenous population of South Africa, ensure the independence of Namibia and all other Territories whose colonial status casts a dark shadow on the prestige of the end of the twentieth century, and find just solutions to the problems of Cyprus and Korea.
What should be the ways of dealing with all these problems? We have repeatedly expressed our views on that, and we stand ready to search together for an answer in each and every particular case. The present situation in the Persian Gulf, however, shows what those ways should not be. The concentration of armaments instead of the concentration of goodwill leads only to the aggravation of the conflict and the escalation of the threat to the countries in the region and to universal security.
Honesty and purity of intent are important not only in relations among human beings, but also in international politics. The prescriptions of Machiavelli, while they might have been deemed admissible in the distant past, hardly correspond to the notions of rules of conduct on the threshold of the third millennium. We should like the United Nations, this university teaching the science of how States can live together, to become also a school for the humanization of international relations.
The transition to this new thinking will not be easy, but this has become an imperative of our age. It is time to abandon State egocentricism and to move towards understanding the primacy of interests common to mankind.
Today it can be stated, with cautious optimism, that the elements of new approaches and realistic policies have taken root in the world community and are now sprouting. That is borne out by documents of the Non-Aligned Movement. The Palme Commission has been developing a concept of "common security". The Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization, stresses a new component:	"the	growing commonality factor in international affairs"
(A/42/1, p. 2) . The International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, which took place before the opening of the current General Assembly session, emphasized in its Final Document that security comprises not only military but also political, economic, social, humanitarian, human-rights and ecological factors. The Conference noted the importance of a collective approach reflecting the needs of humanity as a whole. That unanimous conclusion drawn by a major conference has great significance and should become a universal guideline for practical action.
Indeed, if the human being and his heart are our point of departure, then opportunities should be provided for material, financial and intellectual resources to be spent not for the preparation for war but for the improvement of the well-being of nations. One billion people in the developing countries live below the poverty line; 780 million suffer from malnutrition; 850 million cannot read or write; 1.5 billion have no access to medical services; and the same number are unemployed. Disarmament is an important and major source of ready resources for development, including that of developing countries.
In the sphere of economic relations, the world community faces immense, complicated problems. It would be, to say the least, an over-simplification to regard private enterprise and the free play of market forces, advocated by some people, as a universal magic wand. Their magic is not the same for everybody. For some it is white, for others it is black. This magic does not produce only shining limousines - a Western symbol of wealth. An army of unemployed, the stone pillows of sidewalks for the homeless, the annual multi-billion outflow of resources from poor countries into the safes of the transnational corporations, the external-debt traps that is what provides the assembly line that turns out those limousines.
To overcome underdevelopment, to solve problems of economic security, to establish a new international economic order, to remove everything that burdens world economic relations:	those	are	the	problems	that must be urgently solved.
The United Nations is without a doubt the most suitable forum for finding mutually acceptable approaches to those problems on a truly universal and democratic basis, in the interests of all countries. We should like to see its role and effectiveness in this sphere increase in every possible way.
The problems of the protection of the environment have been attracting increasing attention. We have no right to live at the expense of succeeding generations. Elementary decency demands that we turn our Earth over to them fit for life at the very least, and flourishing at best. Meanwhile, dangerous levels of pollution of the oceans, rivers, lakes and air, and desertification, lack of fresh water, the disappearance of entire species:	those	are not just warning
bells; they are the tocsin sounding. For too long mankind has underestimated the scope of the problems, thinking that nature's potential is limitless. Experience has shown, however, that we cannot go on "conquering" it forever. It is time we learned to coexist peacefully with nature, since mankind is a part of it - the best, but also the most vulnerable.
The global magnitude of the tasks facing us in this area makes necessary the broadest possible collective efforts in order to carry them out. It is essential to ponder joint projects to protect the environment against the consequences of economic activity and jointly to work out waste-free and clean technologies. The struggle for a flourishing Earth can become a testing ground to teach States how to act together for the sake of highly humane common objectives.
Co-operation in preventing and treating dangerous diseases is also a promising and necessary area for work. In 1958 the Byelorussian SSR initiated the General Assembly decision for international promotion of research into the treatment of cancer. Unfortunately, the international situation at that time made it impossible to implement the decision consistently. It is even more important now, given the emerging awareness of the commonality of human objectives, to intensify joint efforts for health protection, in particular for combating a disease like AIDS.
Humanism, in the broadest sense of that word, is, as has already been noted, the main support of the common building of security; it is the cement that permeates all the component spheres of international relations. The new thinking requires that a fresh look be taken at the socio-humanitarian sphere, which should be cleared of the pollutants brought about by the cold war, ideological biases and the purely confrontational approach; it calls for finding an effective framework for international co-operation and for focusing efforts on the universal recognition and observance of the rules of international law and inter-State relations worked out in the United Nations system.
Speaking of the need for human contacts, we should also devote attention to the need for mutual understanding among peoples. To that end, it is essential to secure a flow of information that would bring peoples closer together, rather than antagonizing them, which would be objective and unbiased and which would be based on the image of the good neighbors, partner and friend, rather than the enemy.
In regard to individual rights, family reunification, a visa regime, and so on, let us all agree to be guided by the international rules that have been worked out. In Bern, the countries that participated in the Helsinki process jointly worked out an important document on this subject, and it was only the position of one State that prevented it from being translated into a joint international standard for the protection of human rights. Even in those conditions, the Soviet Union declared that it would be guided by the letter and spirit of the document. Others should have followed its example. If one pursues the goal of consolidating human rights, rather than some other political goal, one should not obstruct the convening in Moscow of an appropriate forum, as proposed by the Soviet Union, but, rather, should come to that forum with a constructive position.
There are many tasks to tackle, and the international community would be more than equal to them. The most important thing is to ensure that genuinely humane goals and ideals are not replaced by mere shams.
The United Nations has very lofty ideals and objectives. It is essential that both its status and its authority be at an equally serious level. Regrettably, we must acknowledge that the outdated, selfish stereotypes of politics which are predicated on narrow interests and which have caused the utmost exacerbation of the international situation have also affected the prestige of the United Nations. But the incipient wave of new approaches and the new awareness of realities will inevitably raise it to the proper level. The Byelorussian SSR will contribute to that end in every possible way.
Indeed, there is no international forum more appropriate for finding a joint solution to the principal problems that face mankind than the United Nations system, which is universal in two ways - the States of which it is composed and the range of problems with which it deals. It should therefore become a real center for harmonizing the actions of States to save the present and succeeding generations from the scourge of war, as envisaged in the Charter, it should be a platform for international law and order. The United Nations possesses powerful machinery for maintaining peace and security which can be used effectively only through the unified political will of States.
The Security Council, its bodies, the Military Staff Committee, the negotiating mechanisms, in particular the Conference on Disarmament, the International Court of Justice, the specialized agencies and other institutions of the United Nations system can make our world much more secure and safe if they work at full capacity. In this process, the Secretary-General is called upon to play an increasingly important role. In addition, and in keeping with the challenge of our times, the United Nations can be charged with new functions, and new bodies may be established. The verification and monitoring of agreements which ensure security and disarmament, and the regulation of fruitful co-operation in a peaceful outer space are possible. Only one thing must be ruled out: attempts to influence undemocratically the course and activities of the United Nations. A financial blockade of United Nations activities is absolutely inadmissible.
In the process of shaping a comprehensive system of international peace and security, and in actively contributing to all the stages of reducing military potentials, the United Nations - especially in a nuclear-free world - should become a regulator for maintaining the balance at a level of reasonable sufficiency, with
a constant trend towards lowering it. In summing up, the following could be said of the future role of our common Organization; the United Nations must become a guarantor of comprehensive security.
It has been said, quite correctly, that wars begin in the minds of men. What should be said now is that genuine peace begins with a new way of thinking. The future belongs to a new way of acting.


I should like at the outset, Sir, to congratulate you on your assumption of the office of President of the General Assembly. I am confident that your experience and skill in various fields will be positive factors that will help to ensure the success of this session. I emphasize the readiness of my Government and delegation to co-operate with you and with the other members of the General Committee.
I take this opportunity to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, on the exemplary manner in which he conducted the business of the forty-first session. I wish also to express our pleasure at the re-election of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to a second term of office. That election demonstrates the extent of the international community's confidence in the Secretary-General as he administers the affairs of this world Organization.
Since its inception the United Nations has not ceased to make every effort to contain each crisis as soon as it has arisen. If the United Nations has not yet been able to establish an international order free of the scourges of war, hunger and disease, as desired by the nations and peoples, that is not because of any lack of resolutions or instruments that have received the approval of States, any defect in the legal framework of the Organization or any lack of clarity in its purposes ' and principles. The most pressing need of the Organization is for faith in those purposes and principles and beneficial co-operation among peoples in the interest of all. The United Nations represents the best means through which to ensure peace, security and international co-operation. In the light of the heightened tension at both the regional and the international level, there is an increasingly urgent need for the United Nations to continue to play a leading role in the resolution of disputes and in arriving at peaceful solutions and settlements.
We are encouraged by the emerging signs of a possible historic agreement between the nuclear-weapon States to banish the spectre of the nuclear threat that has haunted our international community for decades. Liberation from the nuclear arms race would release enormous facilities and resources with which the International community could arm itself in its campaign against disease, hunger and poverty. It would also reduce existing tensions and restore tranquillity to international relations.
As positive signs emerge which promise the establishment of a better climate in relations between the two super-Powers, we hope that advantage will be taken of this climate to give greater, more vigorous and more effective momentum to efforts to solve problems that continue to threaten security and peace.
The international community has expressed its hope that a solution will be found to the war between Iraq and Iran, which has consumed more material and human resources than either of those States can afford. Security Council resolution 598 (1987), which received the approval of all the members of the Council, indicates that the right kind of action is being taken to address that conflict. The aim of that Security Council resolutions as we see it, is to bring about peace, harmony and co-operation between Iraq and Iran. Any subsequent steps taken by the Security Council to achieve that aim must be fully justifiable and must not take the form of measures that do not provide an appropriate climate for the achievement of lasting peace. We believe that the United Nations must take measures that inspire a sense of justice and fairness on the part of both parties to the conflict, as that would encourage all concerned to co-operate with the Secretary-General in his peace-making efforts. We in the Gulf are experiencing an extremely difficult and dangerous crisis and we are anxious to see practical solutions to this problem - not solutions designed to complicate and escalate the crisis, but solutions designed to calm the situation and bring about peace.
The Sultanate of Oman appreciates and understands the anxiety and concern of the international community regarding the safety of shipping in the Gulf. It recognizes the right of all the Gulf States to ensure the freedom and safety of shipping to and from their ports. Attacks on shipping in the Gulf cannot be justified; they constitute a danger to the interests of all the Gulf States. They also undermine the moat basic principles and laws of international shipping. The Sultanate of Oman! affirms once again that in fulfilling its national and international responsibilities in regulating shipping in the waterways of the Strait of Hormuz, it adheres to the regulations laid down in the Convention on the Law of the Sea and the rules and regulations on maritime safety adopted by the International Maritime Organization (IMO), It calls on all States whose ships pass through the Strait of Hormuz to abide by those rules and regulations.
The Western States are making every effort to clear the mines which threaten the safety of shipping in the Gulf. Those efforts will be helpful so long as their action remains within a peaceful context and outside the regional conflict. In the long term the protection of shipping in the Gulf's international waters must be regulated in accordance with United Nations principles and within a framework of joint action and international legality, since this will prevent the extremely sensitive Gulf region from being converted into an arena of conflict between international Powers with apposing interests.
The Sultanate of Oman's position on the question of the conflict between Iraq , and Iran is clear and unequivocal. Our objective is peace and stability in the region as a whole. Ours is a State which has close ties to and shared interests with all States in the region. We cannot play a positive role in finding a solution to the current dispute in such as way as to serve the overall interests of the region other than through co-operation with both patties to the conflict. The ties which link us to both the Republic of Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran are ties of religion, good-neighbourliness, history and shared interests in the promotion of those ties would cement co-operation and stability in the region. In our view of our close links with both sister States and by virtue of our location in the Gulf, we have to make every effort to find appropriate solutions with a view to bringing about and ensuring peace and stability, restoring the spirit of co-operation between the Iraqi and Iranian peoples and involving them in the co-operation between all the peoples of the Gulf.
Among the issues which continue to threaten security and cause concern to the international community is the question of Palestine, which is the core of the Middle East problem. We welcome the trends and signs that herald the convening of an international conference on peace in the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations and to be attended by all the parties concerned. Once again we urge those States which have close ties with Israel to use their influence to eliminate all the obstacles that still prevent the convening of the desired conference. In so urging and in giving our support to the convening of the international conference, we express the hope that it will provide an effective means through which to attain positive results.
The Palestinian people, whose homeland continues to be subject to Israeli occupation, continues to have great hope that this conference will enable them to regain its legitimate rights, including its right to self-determination in its own homeland and territory. All the peoples of the region want that conference to lead to a just, honourable and lasting peace. The present circumstances, in which all the parties to the Middle East conflict recognize the importance of peace, provide a significant opportunity which must not be missed. This is the first such opportunity since the conflict began. If it is not seized, the future may not afford any further opportunities for peace in the Middle East, which is one of the most sensitive and dangerous areas in the world. Any future move to abandon the realms of peace would expose the security of the whole world to the dangers of a destructive war.
We support the efforts of the Secretary-General, through his Personal Representative, Mr. Diego Cocdovez, to find a peaceful solution to the problem of Afghanistan and express our support for the position of the Government of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan on this issue. We urge that further# rapid progress be made in the ongoing talks between the parties concerned, under the auspices of the United Nations, in order that the Muslim people of Afghanistan may attain their right to live in peace in their homeland under a system of government of their own choice, without any interference in their internal affairs.
We believe that the eight-point proposal adopted by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea on 17 March 1986 may serve as a basis for the solution of the Kampuchean problem. In this connection, we cannot fail to commend the efforts to solve it made by the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) , particularly the praiseworthy efforts of Mr. Mochtar Kusumaatmadja, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, on behalf of the States of the Association, to promote the peace process with regard to this problem. It is our hope that these efforts will be heeded by Viet Nam and all the other parties directly concerned so that the Kampuchean people may themselves choose the system of government which they consider appropriate.
The unstable state of the relations between North and South Korea is a factor which creates instability in the Korean peninsula. Peaceful dialogue between the two Koreas is the only means whereby the points of view of the two States may be reconciled. The admission of both North and South Korea as Members of the United Nations would provide a better climate in which to strengthen and expand peaceful dialogue between the two countries, leading to a reduction in the level of tension in the region. The Sultanate of Oman, believing as it does in the international character of the United Nations, would welcome any international effort to admit the two Korean States to membership of the Organization .
The fact that economic, political and social justice has not been achieved in South Africa is a threat to peace and stability in the whole region of southern Africa and, furthermore, a major challenge to the will of the international community. The deterioration of the political and social situation in southern Africa is an inevitable and direct result of the policy pursued by the Government of South Africa, which casts aside the most basic rules of human behaviour. We condemn the arbitrary measures taken by the Government of South Africa against the black majority and cannot help but join with those who call for the immediate Independence of Namibia through the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). South Africa's prolongation of its military occupation of Namibia and its stubborn adherence to the system of racial discrimination will only lead to the shedding of more blood and the undermining of security and stability in that important part of the world.
The Sultanate of Oman, In an effort to maintain equilibrium in the region in which we live and to keep that region free from super-Power rivalry, has repeatedly called for the speedy implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI), of 1971. Developments in that region show that implementation of the Declaration would be a major step towards the establishment of international peace and security. There can be no doubt that the convening of the Conference on the Indian Ocean is long overdue and that it must take place in order that the essence of the Declaration may become the practice. We regret that the Conference has been postponed once again and hope that the resolution of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, adopted by consensus at its last session and calling for the Conference to be convened not later than 1990, will constitute a final decision.
The crisis in Central America has an effect on the harmony among, and the security and stability of, all the peoples in the region. The peace plan adopted , by the Central American Heads of State is an appropriate and significant step in :, the region's peace process. It strengthens and complements the continuing peace efforts of the Contadora Group. We hope that the agreement will mean the beginning of peace and stability for the peoples of the region.
Encouraging signs of accord are emerging. It appears that the two super-Powers are about to take decisions to eliminate their nuclear stock piles from Europe. This agreement will certainly be of major importance since it will lead to the mutual withdrawal and destruction, for the first time, of operational weapons systems. Another of the most significant results of the agreement is the mutual feeling of emerging trust between the two States and of the need for such an agreement. We hope that any agreement on medium-range nuclear weapons will constitute not an end in Itself but a step towards a comprehensive programme of disarmament and the total elimination of all nuclear weapons.
We take advantage of this opportunity to express our satisfaction at and support for the results of the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, held in New York from 24 August to 11 September 1987. We believe that the convening of this Conference - the first such under United Nations auspices - strengthens the confidence of the international community in this Organization, increases integration among nations and boosts solidarity in the solution of international problems.
During the 1980s the world economy has undergone structural changes which have had long-term effects on the economies of all States, industrialized and developing alike. Among the main reasons for these numerous changes we cite technological advances, the increasing internationalisation of commercial and financial markets, and the overall economic policies of the major industrialized States, in particular. These changes have had negative effects on growth and development performance in the world in general and developing countries in particular.
The world is at present passing through a severe economic crisis, the most evident manifestations of which are the collapse of prices of commodities; the deterioration in the terms of trade, to the detriment of the interests of those States which produce such commodities; the worsening of the debt crisis; the further proliferation of protectionist tendencies; the instability of exchange rates for major currencies; and a marked reduction of economic growth in  the developing countries. All this is accompanied by a slowing down of world economic growth and a decline in the average real per capita income in developing countries. If the affluent countries permit these policies to continue it will mean the developing countries will return to a state of backwardness and poverty and be denied the opportunity to achieve higher levels of growth and revive their economies.
Opposition to increasing commodity prices, including the price of oil, on an equitable basis with the prices of industrial products will undoubtedly have negative consequences for the economic performance of developing countries and create new complications in the problem of the third-world debt. We call for a genuine reform of the balance of payments and terms of trade, on the basis of justice and balance, to serve the interests of both sides. We reaffirm the importance of the resumption of a serious and constructive dialogue between the nations of the North and the South in order to achieve this objective.
The need for a world in which justice and peace prevail among all nations, regardless of size or economic, military or political strength, is today greater, than ever. We firmly believe that the United Nations is the structure within which that objective must be achieved. For that reason we must make greater efforts to strengthen the functioning of the United Nations and increase its effectiveness in maintaining international peace and security. This can be done only if Member States play the role they are called upon to play in promoting the Organization by adhering to its Charter, in order that the Organization may attain its noble κ purposes and preserve its achievements.


Permit me, on behalf of the delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic and on my own behalf most warmly to congratulate Mr. Peter Florin on his election to the high post of President of the General Assembly of the United Nations at its forty-second session. This great honour confers on him by the international community is a recognition of his rich experience as a diplomat and also a tribute to the prominent role of the German Democratic Republic in world politics and in the cause of strengthening universal peace and security. We are confident that under his skilful leadership this session of the General Assembly will achieve fresh success and concrete results in its work. At the same time I should like to express our gratitude to your predecessor, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Mr. Choudhury, for his skilful conduct of the proceedings of the previous session of the General Assembly.
Our delegation would like to take this opportunity once again to wish the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, good health and every success in his tireless work.
The general debate at this session of the United Nations General Assembly naturally mirrors the complex world situation and the most urgent problems of our time. Deep anxieties over the destiny of mankind are juxtaposed with guarded hopes for a turn for the better in international relations.
A confrontational approach arising from the policy of duress, neo-globalism and the settling of old scores still dominates the statements by representatives of the leading Western Power and some of its closest allies. In this way history is deliberately distorted and truth is unscrupulously trampled underfoot.
On the other hand, it is clear that a constructive and responsible approach, a spirit of dialogue and negotiation, which takes into account the realities of the nuclear age is steadily gaining ground. Such an encouraging change is the result of the tireless efforts of the socialist countries, the non-aligned nations, and all other peace-loving forces that advocate a nuclear-weapon-free and non-violent world.
Today these forces can only feel satisfaction and optimism at the recent agreement in principle reached between the Soviet Union and the United States on the elimination of their medium- and shorter-range nuclear missiles. The realization of such an agreement will constitute an important break in the vicious circle of the arms race and a first step towards genuine nuclear disarmament. An important supplement to this is the Soviet-American agreement on the establishment of centres for the reduction of the risks of nuclear war.
The joint soviet-American statement of 18 September 1987 gives us hope that the two sides will make further efforts to work out a treaty on the reduction of strategic weapons in the spirit of the talks at Reykjavik while preserving the anti-ballistic missile Treaty. Similarly there is a prospect of full-scale and step-by—step negotiations on the prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests.
The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic hopes that ell these changes will pave the way for realization of the Soviet programme on the step-by-step elimination of nuclear and other types of weapons of mass destruction by the year 2000. Such a hope is strengthened by the tangible progress being made at the negotiations on the prohibition of chemical weapons.
In our view, progress in these directions will give real impetus to the efforts for the implementation of the proposals put forward by the State  parties to the Warsaw Treaty for a substantial reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments from the Atlantic to the Urals, The carrying out of the initiatives advanced by the German Democratic Republic, Poland, Czechoslovakia and other European States for the establishment in the centre and other parts of Europe of corridors and zones free from nuclear, chemical and other weapons, and free also from the concentration of armed forces, has now become a matter of immediate urgent and practical significance as a first step towards the attainment of this goal.
The article by Comrade Gorbachev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Onion, "Reality and safeguards for a secure world", contains a comprehensive programme of measures for the elimination of the danger of war and for the establishment of a reliable system of international security through the collective efforts of all states under the auspices of the United Nations. To our mind, this document further elaborates and develops.
In the new circumstances, the ideas and objectives of the historical Decree of Peace proclaimed on the day following the victory of the October Socialist Revolution, the seventieth anniversary of which is observed this year by progressive people everywhere. This major event of the twentieth century ushered in an era of freedom, independence and social progress of peoples. It has made peace and peaceful co-existence a State policy. Further testimony to this is the military doctrine of socialism proclaimed by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty. The process of restructuring and the acceleration of socialist construction currently under way in the Soviet Union and other socialist countries strengthens the material foundations of universal peace and security.
The Mongolian Peopled Republic holds the view that the implementation of practical disarmament measures will pave the way for the creation of a crucial component of a comprehensive system of international security, namely, in the military and political fields. Another element of such a component is the removal of hotbeds of tension and conflict.
My Government is in favour of enhancing the emerging positive trends towards convening an international conference on the Middle East, and of an immediate and just settlement of the situation on the basis of ensuring the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, the full withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, and an effective guarantee of the national independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon and other States of the region. We believe that United action by Arab countries and cohesion in the ranks of the Palestinian resistance movement are of crucial importance in the attainment of this goal.
The policy of national reconciliation and the constructive international action set in motion by the Governments of Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Nicaragua have created favourable conditions for a political settlement of the situations caused by the intrigues of imperialist forces and their regional accomplices against these countries. The right of the peoples of these countries to develop along the path they have chosen must be respected by all. Good will and realism should be matched by a positive response and must not be exploited for selfish and imperialistic ends.
The Mongolian People's Republic has consistently supported the constructive efforts exerted by the countries of Indochina, the Contadora and Lima groups, and the Sandinista Government, and by the Secretary-General of the United Nations and his representatives to bring about a political settlement of the situation in these hotspots. My Government also supports the steps taken by the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, in pursuance of the Security Council resolution on the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq. Mongolia associates itself with the appeal for an immediate end to this fratricidal war. The Mongolian delegation has, on more than one occasion, stated from this rostrum that the collusion of imperialist and racist forces is the main cause of the aggravation of the situation in southern Africa. The Mongolian People's Republic condemns their subversive acts against Angola, Mozambique and other front-line States and supports the struggle of African countries and of the Organization of African Unity for the strengthening of peace, independence in the continent, and social progress.
My delegation is in favour of the immediate granting of independence to the people of Namibia and of the eradication of the apartheid regime in South Africa. We resolutely reject attempts to link the solution of the question of Namibia with the withdrawal from Angola of the Cuban internationalist servicemen.
Mongolia favours the strengthening of the independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and the immediate removal of the foreign military presence in its territory.
Disarmament measures and an improvement in the international situation in different parts of the world create favourable conditions for the solution of the problems of economic and social development. That truth has been abundantly proved by the outcome of the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development held recently under the auspices of the United Nations.
The possibility of ensuring the economic and social security of States on a global scale depends, in our view, on transforming their economic interdependence into genuinely equal and mutually beneficial co-operation among all countries in the interest of solving the cardinal problems of human progress. The Berlin declaration of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, of 29 May 1987, envisages ways and means of solving these problems, in particular the most pressing issues; the overcoming of the underdevelopment of developing countries and the establishment of a new international economic order. Within the context of advancing those objectives, Mongolia takes a favourable view of the results of the extraordinary ministerial conference of non-aligned countries on South-South co-operation.
Proposing that concerted efforts be made towards the creation of the foundations of a comprehensive system of international security, the socialist countries urge the world community to work for a common response to the challenges of the nuclear age. There is no alternative to collective and equal security for all and to peaceful coexistence on the basis of respect for the right of peoples to choose their own way of life and for the right to peaceful and constructive work.
We do this in the spirit of the United Nations Charter and in the awareness of the need for the development and practical implementation of its provisions under new conditions. We are also drawing on the experience accumulated so far in international relations. The Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Harare declarations of the non-aligned countries ace important assets in this regard. We believe that those documents, among others, can serve as important basic sources for working out a concept and the content of a comprehensive system of security.
The report of the Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues, set up by the United Nations General Assembly in 1982 and headed by the late Olof Palme, deserves greater attention. That report, entitled "Common security -a programme for disarmament", draws the conclusions that the well-worn path of military competition is a blind alley and that, in the nuclear age, nations cannot achieve security at each other's expense and must begin to organize their security policies in co-operation with each other.
In its foreign policy, the Mongolian People's Republic proceeds from the assumption that the strengthening of trust, mutual understanding and co-operation in the Asia-Pacific region has become extremely significant and important for the creation of a comprehensive system of international security. The vast network of economic, scientific and technical potential of the Soviet Union, the United States, Japan, China, India, Australia and the so-called newly industrialized States provides a unique material basis for the development of multifaceted co-operation for the benefit of all, in the interests of strengthening peace and security in the region.
The Soviet Union in its 1986 Vladivostok initiative and in the replies by Mikhail Gorbachev to the questions of the Indonesian newspaper Merdeka in July 1987, put forward wide-ranging proposals for building regional international relations precisely along those lines. Those proposals are designed to remove hotbeds of tension and conflict by peaceful means, to reduce the intensity of political and military confrontation in different parts of the region and to develop mutually beneficial co-operation on an equal footing.
Stressing the broad practical significance of the Soviet initiatives, our leader, Comrade Batmunkh, has pointed out that the realization of those initiatives undoubtedly would not only promote the strengthening of the security of the States of the region and the achievement of the universal aspirations for a nuclear-weapon-free world, but would also reduce tension, mistrust and the danger of the outbreak of new conflicts and would make sea and air communication routes in vast areas of the Pacific and Indian Oceans safer.
Peaceful proposals by the socialist countries and other countries are of particular urgency in the light of the deteriorating situation in the Asia-Pacific region. Militarist and revenge-seeking circles are seeking to turn the region into a new breeding-ground for confrontation with socialist countries and other peace-loving States. Here, the United States first-strike nuclear and missile weapons are being built up increasingly on land, sea and under water and a dangerous partnership is taking shape in plans for the miniaturization of outer space. Attempts are being stepped up to destabilize the situation in progressive and peace-loving States, as is interference in their internal affairs.
On the other hand, we have observed many events, many trends, which would indicate that ideas of improving the situation and expanding peaceful co-operation in the region are making headway.
The realization of the agreement, in principle, on the elimination of Soviet-American medium- and shorter-range missiles on a global double zero basis, will have an exceedingly favourable impact on the situation in the region.
There has been further noticeable improvement in the relations between the USSR and the People's Republic of China in the political, economic and other spheres and this is of great significance for an improvement of the international situation.
Vietnam, Kampuchea and Laos have added new impetus to their efforts to improve relations with the People's Republic of China and with the countries members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations and for turning South-East Asia into a zone of peace, stability and co-operation. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has put forward a number of new initiatives designed to eliminate tension on the Korean peninsula and in the Par East and to create the conditions necessary for the peaceful reunification of Korea. We consider particularly timely its proposal for a stage-by-stage reduction of armed forces of the North and South along with the simultaneous withdrawal of American troops and weapons from South Korea. My delegation associates itself with the view that only a reunified Korea could become a Member of the United Nations.
The entry into force of the Rarotonga Treaty, which consolidates the process of converting the South Pacific into a nuclear-weapon-free zone, is a significant event in the prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons in the Asia-Pacific region. The Mongolian People's Republic calls upon the United States, the United Kingdom and Prance to follow the example of the Soviet Union and China, which have signed the relevant Additional Protocols to the Treaty. My Government supports the struggle of the countries of the region to put an end to nuclear tests in the Pacific.
The movement to turn South-East Asia and the Indian Ocean into a nuclear-weapon-free zone and a zone of peace has been intensified. Our country supports the efforts made by India, Indonesia and other States to that end. The Soviet-Indian Declaration of Principles for a Nuclear-Weapon-Free and Non-Violent World represents a major political step in the promotion of new political thinking. Broader application of the spirit of that Declaration in the relations between States of the region would be of great significance for the cause of strengthening international security.
The Mongolian People's Republic is endeavouring to promote confidence and mutual understanding and the development of good-neighbourly relations among countries of the Asia-Pacific region and actively supports all constructive initiatives to that end. Mongolia, in its turn, is taking concrete steps to promote its idea of establishing international machinery designed to rule out effectively the use of force in the relations between the States of Asia and the Pacific.
The withdrawal by mutual consent in April-June this year of a substantial part of the limited contingent of Soviet troops temporarily stationed in Mongolia at the request of my Government serves to strengthen the atmosphere of trust and mutual understanding in the region.
A number of important international meetings of State and public representatives of countries of the region have been held recently in ray country on the problems of strengthening peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region. Our relations with the countries of the region have been considerably expanded and the level of political dialogue with many of them has been raised. My Government will continue to make efforts to promote the strengthening of mutual understanding, good-neighbourly relations and co-operation among the countries of the region.
The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic believes that the role of the United Nations has increased as never before as an instrument for the maintenance of international peace and as a centre for harmonizing the efforts of States with a view to finding appropriate solutions to universal problems. It reiterated once again its consistent support for the activities of the United Nations during the memorable visit of the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, to my country in May this year. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic attaches great significance to the broad range of ideas and concrete proposals contained in the article I have mentioned by Mr, Mikhail Gorbachev on enhancing the role of the United Nations in strengthening world peace and in establishing the foundations of a comprehensive system of international security.
In the opinion of my delegation, the proposal of the United Nations Secretary-General on the establishment in this Organization of a multilateral centre on the reduction of the risks of war and his ideas concerning regional centres for the promotion of peace and disarmament are timely. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic shares his view that outer space should remain free of weapons. We maintain that while developing international co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space it is imperative to pay particular attention to the strengthening of international instruments prohibiting the use of space for military purposes, especially the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States In the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies.
The Mongolian People's Republic considers that the time is ripe for our Organization to deal with matters relating to the prevention of an extremely dangerous potential type of terrorism, namely, nuclear terrorism, by adventurist elements.
The adoption at this session of the General Assembly of the declaration on the enhancement of the effectiveness of the principle of non-use of force in international relations would constitute a practical contribution by the United Nations to the reinforcement of the concept of equal security for all. It would also promote the practical implementation of the provisions of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security and of the Declaration on the Right of Peoples to Peace, previously adopted by the United Nations. My delegation hopes that this session of the General Assembly will mark an important milestone towards the achievement of the goals of enhancing the effectiveness of the United Nations in implementing the provisions of its Charter. For its part my delegation will do its utmost to promote the success of the work of the session.
In conclusion I should like to announce that the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic, as a token of its consistent support for United Nations activities, has decided to make a voluntary contribution of $US 20 U0U during 1987 and 1988, bearing in mind the financial difficulties the United Nations is at present experiencing. Certainly, the sum is very modest; nevertheless I hope the motives behind the gesture will be clear to all who are conscious of the need to lend every support to our Organization.


Mr. President, your election to guide the work of this session honours you and gives us cause for rejoicing for, given your qualities as an experienced diplomat and your great experience of the United Nations system, we know that you will lead us to our objective. Moreover, coming from the German Democratic Republic, a country with < rich history, and belonging as you do to a rather special generation, you have a special sensitivity that will enable you to help us in finding the compromises necessary to resolve the many problems that confront us. My delegation, which is particularly pleased at your election, will give you and the other officers of this Assembly all possible assistance.
We join other delegations in extending our sincere thanks to your predecessor Mr, Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, for the work he accomplished during his term of office. We pay a tribute also to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our Organization's Secretary-General, for his untiring and increasing work in the service of the international community.
Before stating my country's views on some of the items on our agenda, I should like to extend to the Assembly the greetings and best wishes for the success of our work of the President of the Military Committee for National Safety and President of the Republic of Burundi, Major Pierre Buyoya.
I shall also venture to explain briefly the reasons that led the armed forces of Burundi, supported by patriotic forces, to take up the difficult but noble and inspiring task of guiding our country's destiny.
The regime that was overthrown on 3 September 1987 had been guilty of many violations of our citizens' rights and fundamental freedoms, flouting the cardinal principles enshrined in and guaranteed by our laws and the Constitution, Thus, freedom of expression and thought were no longer tolerated, and this had led to the arbitrary and prolonged detention of innocent persons.
Similarly, a watch was being kept on freedom of religion and worship. As a result, disputes between the State and the Catholic Church emerged - sterile wrangling designed only to cover up the mistakes being made in overall policy. National unity, built up so patiently and re-established with such difficulty, was threatened. Finally, the worsening of relations with neighbouring countries and other friendly nations naturally had an impact on co-operation.
It was for all those reasons - and many others that it would take me too long to set out here - that President Buyoya, with the support of other dynamic forces in the nation, took over the country's leadership without bloodshed, in an atmosphere of calm and dignity characteristic of the people of Burundi.
In his speech on his programme made on 3 October this year. President Buyoya reaffirmed that the new regime would guarantee fundamental rights and freedoms and the safety of foreigners living in our country, so that our country might regain the characteristics for which it was noted: a welcoming and hospitable land where it is a joy to live.
That is why I would highlight, among the measures already taken to recover our national health, the release of all political prisoners, amnesty for some prisoners under common law, the opening of churches that had been closed and resumption of the right to worship.
The President also declared;
"Burundi will continue to work with other African countries within the Organization of African Unity to find solutions to the serious political and economic problems that face our continent. The resolve of our political will, with respect for our commitments to neighbouring countries and other countries of the subregion, is the basis of ail our hopes for a future improvement in our relations. Burundi's presence at and participation in deliberations within United Nations bodies will be assured ..."
Burundi's position on the major international problems of the day, and more specifically on the items now before the Assembly, is based on our analysis of them in keeping with the principles of our foreign policy: good-neighbourliness, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, positive non-alignment, international co-operation and solidarity and support for genuine national liberation movements.
Burundi's position will also be based on those well-known objective criteria with regard to disarmament, the relationship between disarmament and development, the economic and debt crisis, political problems such as the illegal occupation of Namibia, apartheid in South Africa, the situation in Central America, the wars in Asia and the tragic problem of the division of the Korean people.
In my delegation's view, one of the challenges facing the United Nations, to whose solution it must give priority if it wishes to retain its credibility, is that of southern Africa, where a Territory for which our Organization has direct responsibility is illegally occupied; where independent countries Members of out Organization are constantly being attacked, without being given any breathing space; where armed bands are supplied and financed at great cost to destroy the infrastructure and sow death and devastation among the peoples; and where an inhuman regime denies millions of men and women the right to participate in running their country.
In addition to our duty of solidarity to the front-line countries, Burundi has genuine reasons for being interested in what happens in that region. After all, we are not fat from the theatre of those deadly operations, and their impact is felt on our economy in one way or another. Therefore, we are interested in a solution to the region's problems being found as soon as possible.
We regard the tragic and anachronistic situation of the Namibian people as a thorn in the flesh of the people of Africa, an insult to the United Nations Council for Namibia, a challenge to the Security Council and a cause of shame to the United Nations. What has not been done, or attempted, in order to drive South Africa out of Namibia? And what has been the result?
Despite resolution 2145 (XXI) of 27 October 1966, ending South Africa's Mandate; despite the advisory opinion given by the International Court of Justice on 21 June 1971, declaring that South Africa had an obligation to withdraw its administration from Namibia and end its occupation; despite Security Council resolution 435 (1978), setting forth the plan for Namibia's independence; despite innumerable resolutions, conferences and seminars - the international community still finds itself powerless in the face of South Africa's continuing refusal to withdraw from Namibia, where it continues to plunder and exploit the wealth of the Namibians on the land and underground.
Faced with this situation, the delegation of Burundi believes the international community must mobilize to take up the challenge and give the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people, all the assistance it needs in its day-to-day struggle against the South African occupier. The actions that must be taken urgently include the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter, because South Africa's illegal presence is a permanent threat to the neighbouring countries in the region and to international peace and security.
As for South Africa itself, this Organization has on many occasions condemned and criticized the system of Government that the authorities of that country have imposed by force on their citizens. The apartheid regime of Pretoria, which is the very negation of the universally recognized principle of the equality of all human beings, has no right to rule, and it must disappear·
That is why my delegation supports and encourages the nationalist movement, the African National Congress (ANC), in the struggle against the inhuman racist apartheid regime  and calls for the unconditional release of the nationalist leader Nelson Mandela and his comrades·
The acts of aggression and destabilization constantly carried out by the racist Pretoria regime against neighbouring independent States - Angola, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe in particular - call for total condemnation by our Organization.
Not only must we condemn the Pretoria regime for its underhanded actions against the front-line States; we are also duty bound to call for compensation for the losses incurred and to demand that adequate measures be taken to prevent any further acts of destruction.
In the northern part of the African continent there is a situation which/ despite the efforts made by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, has not yet been satisfactorily resolved. Members will have guessed that I have in mind the case of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic. A number of States represented here have recognized it, while others consider that its territory should be an integral part of another State, itself a Member of the Organization. That is a situation which, to say the least, is paradoxical, and legal niceties have not been able to give the advantage to one side or the other on this question, which is a question of puce decolonization. We urge the parties directly involved in the situation to demonstrate great political flexibility and by carrying out the referendum advocated in resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations.
As for the conflict between Chad and Libya, we call on these two brother countries, these two neighbours, to demonstrate African wisdom by avoiding a situation that would once again paralyse the pan-African organization, which has not yet recovered from the Western Sahara conflict. Burundi hopes that a peaceful solution to this problem will be found through negotiations within the context of the Ad Hoc Committee of the OAU, or else through arbitration by the International Court of Justice at The Hague.
In the Middle East, where the problems are as old as this Organization, the situation is far from being a pretty one. When the Israelis deny a homeland to the Palestinians, when the Palestinians swear to destroy the Jewish State, when the friends of both do not urge them to practise moderation and to seek viable political compromises, when Lebanon remains occupied and divided, we have to realize that the chasm is indeed wide and that peace is hardly imminent.
We for our part would advocate that the Palestinians' right to a homeland be recognized and that the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) , the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, should participate on a footing of equality with the representatives of other States in the region in the search for a lasting solution to the Middle East problem.
That region, of strategic importance to the entire world, is, alas, despite the tireless efforts made by many statesmen - most recently by the Secretary-General, Mr, Javier Perez de Cuellar - still the scene of one of the most devastating and deadly wars of our age. The conflict between Iran and Iraq may, if we are not careful, provide additional proof of the impotence of this Organization, and particularly of the ineffectiveness of decisions taken by its principal organ, the Security Council. If resolution 598 (1987) , adopted unanimously by the Security Council in July last, suffers the same fate as its resolution 435 (1978) , which established the plan for Namibia's independence, it will be difficult to restore our Organization's credibility. We call on those who have special responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security to pay heed.
As for the situation in Afghanistan, my delegation believes that the sons and daughters of that country, if left to themselves, without any pressure from foreign forces, can find a solution that is in their own interests. The same approach is valid for the situation in Kampuchea, in the South-East Asian region. The Kampuchean people can achieve national reconciliation, and the eight-point proposal submitted by the Coalition Government can serve as a basis for a peaceful settlement of the conflict.
Also in the Par East region, my country is concerned at the unjust fate imposed on the Korean people by the division of their territory into two parts. North and South, and by the presence of foreign troops. It is our view that without outside interference the two parties can achieve peaceful reunification. In that spirit, we welcome the contacts that have occurred between North and South and we trust that they will be continued and even extended to all levels, in order to achieve the full and peaceful reunification of the Korean nation.
Turning to the situation in Latin America, my country supports the diplomatic efforts of the Contadora Group and the Support Group to find a peaceful, mutually acceptable solution to the crisis in Central America. That is why we welcomed the signing, on 7 August 1987, of the Guatemala agreement between the five countries of Central America, which are resolved to create a better future for the Central American region. We call upon all those who have interests in that part of the world to make a positive contribution to ensuring the success of the implementation of the treaty signed in Guatemala City, so that peace and stability can be restored to that region.
Although my statement has dealt primarily with political issues, it is my delegation's view that they are far from being the only, or indeed the most important, hindrances to international peace and security. Indeed, in Burundi we believe that the survival of our planet Earth depends also on solutions being found to such thorny problems as poverty, hunger, overpopulation, the worsening economies in the majority of our States, over-armament, indebtedness and so on.
According to figures published in the Final Document of the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, which took place only recently in New York - from 24 August to 11 September - it is estimated that in the developing countries about 1 billion people live below the poverty line, 780 million suffer from malnutrition, 850 million are illiterate, 1.5 billion have no access to medical care, 1,5 billion are unemployed, and 1 billion do not have adequate housing. Those statistics speak for themselves and, alas, the projections for the future are not encouraging. On the contrary, it is forecast that most of our countries are simply not economically viable. That is a euphemism for saying that these States should simply disappear.
Without a doubt, those are matters of concern. The analyses that led to these alarmist conclusions are based on the deterioration of the economies of those States. But this deterioration is not necessarily to be attributed to the leaders of, or the policies followed by, the States whose disappearance is being predicted. In fact, the prices of the commodities and services that these countries provide by producing, exporting and selling their commodities and agricultural goods are set in bureaucratic offices that are unaware of the concerns of those States. A reorganization of all aspects of the international market is the only way to correct the economic disparities in the world today. The debt problem of many of our countries is simply a logical result of the policy of price fixing and the fluctuations in the abilities of our countries to pay. An equitable solution can be found only in the context of global negotiations on the implementation of decisions on the international economic order.
When the President of the United States of America, Mr. Ronald Reagan, addressed the Assembly on 21 September, he confirmed that the United states of America and the Soviet Union had, four days earlier, agreed to conclude an agreement before the end of the year on the elimination of medium- and short-range missiles. This was confirmed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Eduard Shevardnadze, when he spoke on 23 September in the Assembly.
While we welcomed this communication of historic significance, my delegation would have been even more delighted if we could have been assured that this agreement would enable us to tackle the economic and financial problems facing the world.
The resources made available in this way should be directed towards the sectors of economic and social development to enable us, particularly the least developed countries, to catch up in this area.
Those who are well versed in disarmament matters tell us that the arms that are to be eliminated relate primarily to Europe. They apparently account for 20 per cent of global military expenditure and so far have never been used. The destruction that has occurred to date has resulted from the use of conventional weapons, which account for the remaining 80 per cent of global expenditure.
We cherish the hope that this move to reduce and eliminate the instruments of death will continue and be extended to all categories of weapons. In this connection, my country welcomes the convening here of the first International Conference on the Relationship Between Trade and Development which highlighted the close interrelationship of disarmament and development. We express the hope that the Final Document adopted by the Conference, which is a first step in the right direction, will generate positive effects, so that the world can move towards total and complete disarmament and devote more attention to development, justice, peace and international security.