6.	  Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of the United Arab Emirates, I would, like to express to you our sincere congratulations on your election to this highly esteemed office, the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. We highly appreciate your well-known competence and long diplomatic experience, and we are confident that the work of the General Assembly will fully succeed under your wise chairmanship.
7.	I would like to seize this opportunity to extend our congratulations to Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, for his wise and successful leadership of the last session.
8.	We would like also to express our thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts aimed at strengthening the United Nations and furthering its role in the maintenance of international peace and security. His visit last February to our country and other Gulf countries was most successful. He was able to see closely the efforts of our Government in promoting economic and social development. His visit provided us with the opportunity to discuss with him all matters pertaining to the strengthening of the United Nations and the enhancement of its role in the solution of international problems.
9.	It gives me great pleasure to extend our warmest congratulations to the new Members of our Organization, namely, the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Republic of Cape Verde, and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe. We are confident that the admission of these States will add to the vitality and universality of our Organization. We are prepared to co-operate in all spheres with these States for the mutual benefit of our peoples and the world at large.
10.	As did the twenty-ninth session, our present session faces problems and challenges of serious dimensions. The peoples of the world look to our Organization with high expectations for the solution to these problems and for the complete elimination of the causes of war and total destruction.
11.	Needless to say, the question of Palestine is one of the most important and urgent problems that requires serious and immediate consideration. We noted with satisfaction the positive way the previous session dealt with this question. The inclusion of the question as a separate item on its agenda, and the adoption of the two resolutions, one emphasizing the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine, including the right of return and the right of self- determination [resolution 3236 (XXIX)], and the other
granting the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] observer status to the United Nations and other international organizations [resolution 3237 (XXIX)], were of great historical significance. The inclusion of the item and the adoption of the two resolutions reflected the achievements of the people of Palestine in their arduous struggle. Furthermore, it symbolized the support given by the Arab States, the countries of the third world and other freedom-loving countries to the Palestinian people in their struggle for justice and liberation.
12.	One year has already elapsed since the adoption of the resolution on the rights of the people of Palestine. Yet Israel has not taken any steps whatsoever to facilitate the return of the Palestinians to their lands and properties. Rather, it continues to deny the very existence of the Palestinians as a people, and stubbornly refuses to recognize the right of the Palestinians to enjoy their inalienable rights, including the right to self-determination. It persists, not only in the usurpation of that people's material possessions, but also in deliberately attacking their spiritual and cultural heritage, by abolishing the religious and cultural monuments in Palestine created by the Palestinian people over a long period of history. Nothing could more starkly illustrate this policy of Israel than the continuous threat to which the Islamic and holy places in Jerusalem and Al-Khalil ("Hebron") are subjected.
13.	In order to preserve its values and to prevent the deterioration of the present situation which is fraught with imminent dangers to world peace and security, the international community should not tolerate Israeli disregard and defiance of the United Nations resolutions. The proper response by the international community to such defiance of the international will would be in line with the recommendations recently adopted by a great number of States, members of the family of nations, at the Conference of Islamic Foreign Ministers, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OA U] and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Non-Aligned Countries.
14.	In view of Israel's persistent defiance, the three Conferences recommended measures for forcing Israel to implement the relevant United Nations resolutions, including the application of sanctions as laid down in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Hence, it is imperative that the General Assembly at this session should adopt resolutions that go beyond mere reiterated support of the rights of the Palestinian people, and the urging of Israel to implement United Nations resolutions. We should adopt resolutions which include both an unequivocal order to Israel to implement the resolutions, and in case Israel persists in its policy of refusal and defiance, a clear reference to the implementation of the sanctions laid down in Chapter VII of the Charter.
15.	Among the questions that concern us and cause us anxiety is the question of the continuous rule by the racial minority in South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia. Once again, we reiterate our view that the continuing application of the policy of apartheid by the racist Government of Pretoria against the non- white majority of the population in South Africa is immoral, contravenes the principles of justice and equity, constitutes a defiance to human conscience and values, and violates the Charter of the United Nations.
16.	Our delegation participated in the Security Council's recent discussion of the questions of South Africa and Namibia. Our participation was motivated by our great concern and deep conviction that the perpetration of such inhuman and illegal situations in those two countries threatens peace and security in Africa, and consequently endangers international peace and security.
17.	We, like our brothers in Africa, sincerely hope for a peaceful settlement of this problem. In the absence of such a settlement, we cannot but support materially and morally the African liberation movements that lead the struggle of their peoples to win back their dignity and to achieve their noble goals of freedom and independence.
18.	As regards Western Sahara, we hope that Spain our friend will respect the resolution of the General Assembly which provided that no action be taken with regard to that territory until the handing down of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice [resolution 3292 (XXIX)].
19.	One of the international problems awaiting urgent settlement is the question of Cyprus. We support the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. We appreciate the sincere efforts made by the Secretary-General to mediate between the two communities with a view to reconciling their differences. We attach great importance to the maintenance of peace and security on the island. This feeling is not only due to its geographical proximity to our Arab region, but also because of the historical, humanitarian and cultural bonds which we share with the parties to the dispute both Greeks and Turks.
20.	As a small developing country, we are deeply concerned with the maintenance of peace and security in our region. Thus, my country warmly welcomed the settlement of disputes between our two neighbors, Iraq and Iran. We congratulate them on this achieve-ment. We also hope that all pending disputes in the Gulf region will be resolved in a constructive spirit of co-operation.
21.	We also wish to reiterate our support for the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. It is of the utmost importance that this zone, of which we are a part, be free from big Power rivalries. Our goal is to see the Indian Ocean a zone where constructive and co-operative relations exist among its States, based on equality of rights and duties and free from interference by any State in the internal affairs of another. The States of this zone need to mobilize their resources and energies for the development of their national economies and to secure basic necessities which constitute the prerequisites for emerging from the economic and social backwardness from which they suffer.
22.	My Government has also supported the United Nations resolutions regarding the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East. We believe that the best method for the establishment of such a zone is for all parties concerned to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex].
23.	As regards the situation in Indo-China, we warmly welcome the restoration of peace in that region. We wish the peoples of Indo-China every success in their efforts to rebuild what the war destroyed and to develop their national economies.
24.	On the international level, we support the efforts aiming at the easing of tensions among the big Powers. My country considers the results achieved at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held in Helsinki, as positive and useful. The wise steps taken by the two super-Powers to bring an end to their accelerating arms race are well received and supported by us. It is indeed deplorable that this international trend towards the protection of mankind from the scourges of the modern war machine does not find a similar response among the rulers of Israel.
25.	The recent press reports on the pending acquisition by Israel of highly sophisticated weapons of great destructive capability, to be added to its arsenal, are of great concern to us. Indeed, further aggrandizement of Israel's oversaturated arsenal by such lethal weapons would cause apprehension and alarm in all parts of the Arab world. Needless to say, the supplying of the Israeli war machine with such weapons could only lead to the threatening of international peace and security.
26.	This session comes after the successful conclusion of the deliberations of the seventh special session of the General Assembly and in the wake of the adoption of the resolutions of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned countries, held at Lima in August. The resolutions adopted at Lima reflect the new spirit of change which is beginning to find its way into the arena of international relations. The old concepts, based on discrimination among the peoples of the world and on inequality in their relations, have been shaken to their roots. As a consequence of centuries of colonialism, the peoples of the third world, after achieving political independence, have found themselves in a situation of backwardness and are engulfed in an international economic order which does not correspond to their aspirations for advancement and their goals for development.
27.	The individual experience of each people, and the similarity of the problems confronting all developing countries, have led the peoples and the Governments of these countries to search for new avenues in international relations. In their endeavour to establish a more equitable and logical world order that properly reflects their real needs, the countries of the third world have refused to join blocs or alliances, and instead have searched for means of co-operation among themselves, as well as with the other States of the world, based on the respect for sovereignty, democracy in international relations, and the struggle against aggression, colonialism and exploitation in all its forms.
28.	In the economic field, these States called for the establishment of a new economic order, one that is more equitable and closer to meeting the needs ot development and improving the living standards ot the majority of the human race. The Lima resolutions embodied in their provisions the gamut of this historical experience.
29.	My country, a faithful adherent to the principles of the non-aligned movement and a partisan of peaceful international co-operation, has generously contributed to alleviating the suffering of developing countries and to supporting their efforts to advance their peoples and to develop their economies. Immediately after the restructuring of oil prices and the availability of an apparent surplus, my country decided to allocate a large portion of our earnings from our only natural resource, oil, to the support of developing countries, despite a weak and newly created administrative apparatus. In purely numerical terms, our aid has amounted to over a quarter of our gross national product. In real terms, however, when the vast needs of our people for education, hospital facilities, urban development and culture are taken into account, the ratio of our aid to our gross national product greatly outweighs the significance of these numbers in absolute terms.
30.	We also support the positive results achieved by the seventh special session, which we consider as a first step on the road towards full equality in economic relations among States. Though the decisions adopted at that session do not fully meet all the demands presented by the developing countries, we consider readiness to implement them as the yardstick for measuring the good intentions of the developed nations.
31.	We are looking forward with great expectation and optimism to the next meeting, to be held in Paris, on energy, raw materials and development. It gives us great pleasure to serve as host for the next round of the Arab-European dialog, to be held in November of this year, to further explore areas of co-operation between the two regional groupings. We shall do our utmost for the participants and for the success of the meeting.
32.	Despite the complexity of the problems of our contemporary world, the successes achieved by mankind in the context of the United Nations during the last three decades strengthen our hope and increase our optimism about the future of co-operation and friendship among nations. My country pledges itself to fulfill sincerely the objectives of the Charter.


148.	 I am happy to have this opportunity to speak in this Assembly as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Co-operation of my country, and I would immediately wish to associate the delegation of Chad, which I have the honor to head, with the tributes which previous speakers have paid to the President on the occasion of his election to the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that thanks to his diplomatic and statesmanlike qualities, which are unanimously recognized in Europe and in the United Nations, our work will certainly be successful in spite of the problems facing the international community. The delegation of Chad takes particular pleasure in the fact that in this year of the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations the presidency of our Assembly falls to a statesman whose country will never forget the sufferings of the last war. We are convinced, too, that he will make it his primary duty to remind us constantly of the will of those leaders who sought at any cost to prevent a renewal of the same tragedy by creating the system of the United Nations, which has now become one of the strongest bulwarks of men against barbarism.
149.	I should also like on this occasion to congratulate the outgoing President, Mr. Bouteflika, the
! Foreign Minister of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, who is the pride of the whole of Africa and the third world and who, in the midst of political tensions and the divergent interests of influence brokering, conducted the twenty-ninth regular session and the seventh special session of our General Assembly with such brilliance, tact and success. I should like to pay a warm tribute to him and, through him, to his country, Algeria, with which Chad enjoys excellent relations.
150.	My warmest congratulations go also to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our Secretary-General, who ceaselessly works, with discretion but very effectively, for international peace and security.
151.	Permit me, on behalf of the High Military Council of the Provisional Government of Chad, to welcome our three brother countries just admitted to membership in the United Nations: the Republic of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe and the People's Republic of Mozambique. My delegation is delighted at this overwhelming victory over the colonialist forces in Africa.
152.	Chad comes to this thirtieth session of the General Assembly with a new image. The wind of liberty and justice which has blown through Chad has swept away the unpopular regime in power prior to 13 April 1975.
'153. I must recall what I have already had occasion to say in different international forums. Some still remember the political situation which prevailed in Chad before the military coup d'etat. The country was plunged in benighted obscurantism; national unity was being completely eroded because of the armed rebellion, the policy of social injustice, and the fact that the most elementary democratic liberties were being trampled under foot; the financial situation was catastrophic because of the squandering of public funds; the national economy was in full recession, and the army had been humiliated. Poverty, ignorance, unemployment, waste, peculation and corruption had become the rule in a country in ruins.
154.	It was because of this tragic situation that a group of officers of the armed forces, swayed by patriotism and heeding the will of the nation of Chad, determined to overthrow on 13 April a regime which was no longer in keeping with the legitimate aspirations of the people, and henceforth to guide the destiny of the nation of Chad towards a better future.
155.	Thus, the High Military Council, supreme organ of the State, and the Provisional Government of Chad determined to carry out a coherent program of action. Within the country the authorities restored the liberties of the citizens of Chad, including freedom of expression, freedom of opinion and freedom of worship. The lay State of Chad recognizes and guarantees liberty of belief and worship for all. There is no established State religion. Moreover, Chad respects the fundamental Charter of Human Rights, and will therefore thus respect the lawful rights and aspirations of all citizens of Chad, inside and outside the country, both exiles and those who took part in the rebellion. In due course a national constituent assembly will be elected on the basis of universal suffrage, in order to draft a constitution.
156.	In the economic and social field, when the army took power, the country was on the edge of the
precipice. After 15 years of independence, the economy bequeathed to us by the colonialists had remained stagnant, if it was not actually deteriorating. No coherent policy in this field was undertaken by the former regime in order to effect any real improvement in the country's situation.
157.	In the face of that situation, the High Military Council and the Provisional Government undertook in their program of action a series of measures affecting all sectors with a view to improving gradually the level of the national economy.
158.	Chad intends to diversify foreign participation in its economic development. That is why we are against any allegiance to a foreign bloc, but we want to have good relations with all those who are ready to maintain good relations with us.
159.	With reference to my country's foreign relations, I should like to state solemnly from this rostrum, on behalf of the High Military Council and the Provisional Government of Chad, that we unreservedly support the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity [OAU], and we shall pursue a policy of non-alignment and a completely free foreign policy.
160.	My country respects all the agreements that have been duly entered into in the past and reserves its right to denounce and revise certain agreements that are not in keeping with the aspirations of the people of Chad, who has suffered so much injustice.
161.	That, very briefly, is the program of action of the. High Military Council and the Provisional Government of Chad, on whose behalf I appeal to friendly and fraternal countries to strengthen active co-operation and enlightened solidarity among States.
162.	The delegation of Chad, which I had the honor of heading during the course of the seventh special session of the General Assembly on development and international co-operation, followed the debates which then took place. Again, unreservedly, we support the very correct priorities of the third world. The satisfactory results for all, both for the countries lacking in capital equipment and the developed countries, in the matter of the establishment of a new international economic order must not be allowed to suffer the fate of previous decisions. At all costs the United Nations, which is the only authentic universal organ of cohesion, must give practical effect to its resolutions, because everyone in this Assembly is aware that order and discipline alone can safeguard peace and the prosperity of the world which is so uncertain today. Until such a line of conduct is adopted by the States Members of our Organization, the consequences which will flow from the current world economic disorder will be immeasurable.
163.	The developed countries, which are responsible for the climate of disorder, can no longer shirk their responsibility. They must bring to bear effective remedies for the present crisis so as rapidly to bring about a world economic balance that will be beneficial to the whole of mankind.
164.	In any case, the ball is right now in the court of the rich, and the third world is waiting to see what they will do.
165.	Chad has always supported and will continue to support the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations: the maintenance of international peace and security, sovereign equality of all Members, the right of peoples to self-determination, international co-operation among Members, non-interference in the internal affairs of States, and respect for territorial integrity.
166.	We take this opportunity to reiterate our unswerving loyalty to these unchanging principles.
167.	However, ever since the signing of the Charter in 1945, our world has undergone tremendous political, social and economic changes; science and technology have made great progress in the interests of mankind, and the process of decolonization continues to gain ground in considerable portions of the globe and liberates some of our brothers who are still under the colonial yoke.
168.	The United Nations has always had to confront often difficult and delicate situations especially when it came to having the principles of the Charter respected. However, today the international community numbers 141 Members whereas only 51 countries took part in drafting the Charter in the particular circumstances obtaining immediately after the Second World War.
169.	We cannot fail to observe, furthermore, a steady deterioration in friendly relations among the States Members of the Organization. This deterioration is rooted in the policy of hegemony, imperialism, expansionism, colonialism, racism, zionism and apartheid. The United Nations is the only body competent to confront problems of this importance. Now, it is generally agreed that the Organization is ineffective in the sense that many of its important resolutions have not been implemented or carried out. In the view of my delegation, this failure is due, not only to the lack of political will on the part of Member States to respect the provisions of the Charter, but also and above all to certain machinery and anachronistic practices deriving from these provisions which have completely paralyzed our Organization. A case in point is the right of veto enjoyed by certain Powers.
170.	Furthermore, my delegation also believes that the Charter should reflect more faithfully than ever the actual image of our Organization. Let us not be afraid of the desire to change because this is just a part of the normal process of the steady development of our world. The revision of the Charter is part of the logic of events.
171.	With regard to the difficulties which our Organization faces concerning the respect due to the fundamental principles of the Charter, I have to denounce the actions of a great Power, a permanent member of the Security Council, in Chad's internal affairs. I refer to France, which, in its attempts to free a French citizen held hostage by certain citizens of Chad following her imprudent action and deliberate obstinacy, has lavished war material on outlaws in my country. My delegation feels that, with regard to a purely internal matter of Chad, this great Power, which we respect and for which Chad has made so many sacrifices in the course of history to save, namely France, is, we believe, infringing the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Chad. We therefore denounce France's attitude before international public opinion.
172.	A former colonial country still suffering atrociously from the consequences of foreign domination, Chad has been a Member of the United Nations since 1960 and a founding member of the OAU, organizations to whose principles and objectives it has never ceased to demonstrate its whole-hearted support, as 1 stressed previously. The unconditional support that we give to the struggle of the peoples still under colonial domination, the struggle against apartheid and Zionism, constitutes one of the fundamental planks of the program of action of the High Military Council and the Provisional Government of Chad.
173.	Therefore, my delegation can only express its satisfaction at the progress recently achieved in the process of decolonization. We do, however, deplore the slow tempo of the process in certain parts of the world and the wrongful exercise of the veto to block this process in others.
174.	We should also like to recall the fact that these erroneous doctrines, the denial of universal justice, human rights and fundamental freedoms, contain within themselves the germs of potential dangers to peace, not only for Africa, but also for the world at large.
175.	My delegation is gratified at the accession to independence of former Portuguese colonial Territories, and most recently of all the accession to independence of Papua New Guinea.
176.	However, we are very much distressed at the serious deterioration of the situation in Angola, where violent fratricidal fighting has been taking place. That poor country, which for so long has been waging an arduous struggle at the cost of indescribable suffering and sacrifices to free itself from foreign domination, should not, any more than those who have just traveled the same road before it, have to be preoccupied right now with anything but the rehabilitation of its national heritage.
177.	Although at one time we expressed admiration for the attitude of the Portuguese authorities with regard to decolonization, we are puzzled by and skeptical about its inability to implement the Alvor Agreement [see Al10040]. Indeed, how can we fail to be alarmed when we learn that, on the pretext of ensuring protection for workers in accordance with the recently concluded agreements between Pretoria and Lisbon, and of protecting a pumping station vital for cattle raising in Ovamboland, South Africa is intervening directly in the conflict by sending troops to the southern part of Angola?
178.	Mindful of the unfair maneuvering and the malevolent designs of the imperialists to challenge constantly the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the countries they have been forced to leave, we would exhort our brothers in Angola, who are, in any case, well aware of this, not to allow themselves to be taken in by this play to divide them, or to be persuaded to announce the political tendency of their regime before the actual proclamation of independence on 11 November.
179.	Similarly, although we concede that for purely humanitarian reasons the United Nations might organize an air lift to supply food and medicine to Angola, we cannot support the idea of sending troops there, since Portugal, the Administering Authority, must assume its full responsibilities itself.
180.	The desire of Africans to find a peaceful settlement to the problems of Zimbabwe requires no further demonstration. It is only the intransigence, obstinacy and refusal of the illegal racist minority regime of Ian Smith which is creating obstacles. So if the people of Zimbabwe do not rapidly succeed in achieving their legitimate aspirations by means of a just and peaceful solution, the only alternative open to Africans will be armed struggle. They will be able and willing to make the necessary sacrifices for that. Mounting pressures and the intensification of the nationalist guerrilla war seem to be the only language which Ian Smith and his clique understand. Be that as it may, majority rule is the only formula acceptable to my Government in the case of Rhodesia.
181.	On the question of South Africa, the most serious problem is that of apartheid and racial discrimination, which the Vorster Government continues to practice, in defiance of human rights and of the principles of the United Nations Charter. Indeed, all the resolutions adopted by the United Nations, its various organs and specialized agencies condemning apartheid have remained dead letters for the Vorster regime, which recently claimed that "there is not a single State in the world that would agree to change its domestic policy as a result of any request made by third-party States. , . . South Africa is no more willing to do that than France would be."
182.	The international community as a whole must no longer hesitate ruthlessly to ostracize the South African State in its present form. The South African Government must abandon its hateful policy, begin discussions with the South African liberation movements, free the imprisoned leaders, including Nelson Mandela, lift the restrictions on the liberty of others, and cease its so-called bantustan policy.
183.	We also believe that the belated announcements of the alleged cessation of the sale of arms, including the "Crotale" missiles, to the South African Government are nothing but a decoy, because those who made them have already armed the protagonists of apartheid to the teeth and have given them the technological means to manufacture their own weapons. It is also clear that the cessation of these sales will be selective. Moreover, at the very time when such pronouncements are being made with the cynical idea of misleading Africans, Mr. Vorster's friends are sending one trade mission after another to Pretoria, while the published statistics make shamelessly clear the scale of their trade transactions with South Africa that increase the power of the racist regime which they profess to condemn. Just as apartheid and Zionism are to be denounced and condemned, so is' the criminal behavior of those countries.
184.	The whole of Africa rejoiced at the proclamation, on 6 July last, of the sovereign independence of the people of the Comoros following the clear referendum of 22 December 1974. As we might have expected, this verdict of the people of the Comoros did not please either the colonial Power, which was compelled to leave the Territory, nor the querulous expatriates, who are still behaving like conquerors there and imagining that they will prevail.
185.	We have no intention of getting involved in problems affecting the stability of the Comoros Government that face the indigenous people of that country, whose aspirations to self-determination and independence we firmly support. But we condemn any outside intervention that may imperil the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the archipelago, inasmuch as its component islands Mayotte, Moheli, Anjouan and Grande-Comore have, ever since 1912, clearly shared a common administrative and legal regime. There is no reason why, once they become independent, they should become powerless.
186.	One of our immediate concerns is the Middle East question. My delegation remains convinced that respect for the usurped rights of the Palestinians is the indispensable element for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the area.
187.	In South-East Asia the valiant people of Viet Nam, in the course of their long and arduous struggle for the independence of their country, have won a historic victory. My delegation would like to pay a warm tribute to the heroism of the Vietnamese people. We are still convinced that the simultaneous entry into the United Nations, as full Members, of the Governments of the Republic of South Viet Nam and the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam will confirm the principle of the universality of our Organization, and we shall support any initiative along these lines.
188.	My delegation hails the presence in our Assembly of the authentic representatives of the Cambodian people, whose victory, won at the price of an incalculable struggle against the aggressor and for the defense and safeguarding of dignity, liberty, justice and peace, is a victory for the whole of the third world. We take particular pleasure in this because the Government of Chad was one of the first to recognize and support the Government of National Union of Cambodia under Prince Norodom Sihanouk. My delegation has always striven here for the restoration of that Government's legitimate rights in the United Nations,
189.	We also support the struggle of the people of Laos to build an independent, neutral, united and prosperous country.
190.	With regard to the question of Korea, I should like to repeat the position of my Government: we should like to see united the two fraternal Korean peoples, which are divided today. In this regard, I appeal to the Governments in Seoul and Pyongyang to continue their reunification efforts on the basis of the joint communique of 4 July 1972.2
191.	That is why we welcome the inclusion in the agenda of the item concerning the creation of favorable conditions for converting the armistice into a durable peace in Korea and accelerating the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea [item U9\.
192.	The situation in the Mediterranean, where Cyprus has been the victim of foreign aggression, remains a matter of concern. My delegation would therefore like to appeal to the parties to the conflict to see to it that their efforts lead to the rapid restoration of peace and unity in this island. We call on the international community to apply immediately the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, particularly General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and Security Council resolutions 365 (1974) and 367 (1975).
193.	Peace and security in the world are in danger because of the accumulation and perfecting of the weapons of destruction, in which the developed countries have been engaged for years now. This tension would be eased, if not eliminated, if the astronomical sums of money squandered in the arms race could be used to abolish poverty in the world.
194.	The question of disarmament, the proliferation of weapons and nuclear tests has long been a matter of concern to us, but still no satisfactory solution has been found. It would seem that difficulties stem from the fact that some people are making a taboo of this business which nobody can breach. However, we should not like to minimize the efforts made so far and which continue to be made in order to achieve a global solution.
195.	But when we think of the disasters which precisely led the world to create the United Nations, we are inclined to believe that in the final analysis the proper place to deal with the substantive question of disarmament, proliferation of weapons and nuclear tests can be only within the framework of a world conference where those who possess most destructive weapons just as those who do not great and small  can freely express their opinions, because if a world conflagration were to occur, the effects of thermonuclear weapons, for example, would not be felt simply by those who produce them but in some degree by the whole of mankind.
196.	If we look back at what our Organization has done in the 30 years of its existence and at the changes which have occurred in the world over that period we see that the conscience of the world is developing. This is because the peoples are fighting for dignity, freedom and peace in a word, for a more fraternal and more equitable order. Nevertheless, there are causes that must be removed as soon as possible. I am referring to the threats of war and their corollaries such as the arms race and the uncontrolled traffic in war material; the accepted and even supported violations of human rights through the heinous doctrines of apartheid and zionism; the persistence of shameful colonialism; the doctrine that "might makes right" in the distribution of wealth. We would do well to dwell on past conflicts with their indescribable horrors and their unprecedented toll of suffering. We must bend all our efforts to the building of a better world in which love for one's neighbor and international co-operation on a footing of total equality will be our only way of life.


129.	 On behalf of the Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho, I wish to extend to the President my warm congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that this Assembly is going to benefit greatly not only from his unquestionable ability as a statesman but also from his wide experience as a diplomat. To us, his election is particularly significant because it underscores one of the cardinal principles of our Organization, that is, the sovereign equality of States irrespective of their size, wealth or population. I wish to assure him, together with the Vice-Presidents, of the readiness of my delegation to co-operate with him in the discharge of his onerous responsibilities.
130.	I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate his predecessor, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, for the skillful manner in which he presided over our work during the historic twenty- ninth and the seventh special sessions. Through his courage, determination, statesmanship and commitment to freedom and justice, he has rendered yeoman service to the international community.
131.	It gives me special pleasure to welcome in our midst the delegations of the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and the Republic of Cape Verde. Their long, heroic and successful struggle for freedom and independence bears eloquent testimony to the determination of the peoples of Africa to rid their continent of the remaining vestiges of colonialism and imperialism. The emancipation of these former Portuguese Territories has given impetus to the struggle for freedom and justice of the peoples of southern Africa still under oppression and white domination.
132.	We congratulate Papua New Guinea on its accession to independence and we hope it will soon join this Assembly as a new Member. With all these new Members, the United Nations has become stronger and more representative of the peoples of our one world. We of the third world are particularly pleased with this development which is in line with the principle of universality enshrined in the Charter of our Organization. For us, the United Nations provides a useful forum for airing our grievances and seeking redress against exploitation and injustice. We have no qualms or fears about the so-called "tyranny of the majority".
133.	This year marks the thirtieth anniversary of the signing of the Charter of the United Nations. It is therefore fitting that we should review and assess the achievements and failures of the Organization as the principal instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security. To the extent that there has been no major war since the birth of this Organization, the original authors of the Charter can rightly pride themselves in having created an Organization that has contributed to saving "succeeding generations from the scourge of war". This, indeed, is a significant achievement, for we are all well aware of the catastrophic consequences for humanity of a major war in this era of lethal biological and nuclear weapons.
134.	It is to the credit of our Organization that its membership has grown from the original 51 to 141 in the short period of three decades. Taking account of the sweep of world history, this achievement of initiating, in one generation, a process of decolonization affecting nearly 100 nations, is, indeed, significant in its import for, and impact upon, international relations. As a result of the activities of the United Nations in the political, economic and social fields, the world will never be the same again.
135.	The foregoing remarks notwithstanding, an objective record of the United Nations, one that truly reflects its performance, can emerge only if its activities are measured against the yardstick of the broad and comprehensive provisions of the Charter. As a result of localized conflicts in which Member States are directly or indirectly involved, humanity has teetered on the brink of a global war while the United Nations has stood and watched helplessly. All too often, solutions or attempted solutions to such conflicts have come from outside the United Nations system and, in the process, not only has the stature of the Organization been reduced, but its authority has been undermined. Unless immediate steps are taken to rectify this unhappy situation by invoking or altering the relevant sections of the Charter, the next 30 years could see a serious deterioration in the power and influence of the world body.
■36. A telling commentary on the weakness of the United Nations system is the fact that, while more than two thirds of humanity lives in poverty, ignorance, hunger and disease, billions of dollars are annually expended in the production of, and traffic in, the instruments of war and destruction. Over the past 20 years, our Organization has churned out pious resolutions and high-sounding declarations promising to redress existing inequalities between the rich and the poor. All too often, however, such resolutions and declarations have been reduced to agendas for further discussion rather than blueprints for effective action. The blame for these failures lies, not with the United Nations, but squarely with its Member States, which have been unable to reconcile their narrow national interests with their wider international obligations. When, may we ask, is the international community going to realize that the anger, resentment and frustration of the poor are more dangerous and powerful than the most lethal military weapons?
137.	We have tried to show that this Organization suffers from institutional weaknesses which affect its ability to respond promptly and effectively to situations that could lead to a breakdown of the present international order. My delegation therefore looks forward to the report of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization and hopes that Member States will show sufficient political will to ensure that, as the Organization enters the second 30-year span of its existence, the United Nations will remain an international body capable not only of averting wars but also of ensuring human dignity through co-operation and mutual assistance in the exploitation of the world's resources.
138.	The peoples of the third world are suffering from economic and financial ills originating in the industrialized countries of the world. The current international economic disorder, dominated by the economically advanced countries, is characterized by recession, rampant inflation, unemployment and balance-of-payments problems.
139.	According to facts and figures supplied by authoritative sources, the international economic situation is depressing if not frightening. In many countries, rates of economic growth have fallen by 50 per cent over the past year. International Monetary Fund studies show that poor countries face a cumulative balance-of-payments deficit of $35,000 million this year. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development report for 1974 describes the situation as one where the poorest countries are entrapped in poverty and in incipient disaster. Official development assistance is said to be declining from the present 0.33 per cent to a projected 0.22 per cent by 1980, and the purchasing-power of the dollar has decreased by 35 per cent during the past year. The recently announced 10 per cent increase in the price of oil will further dislocate the economies of developing countries like mine.
140.	What disturbs us most is the apparent indifference of the majority of industrialized countries to the economic plight of non-industrialized States, from which the former obtain most of the raw materials for their industries. A case in point is the reluctance or failure of most developed countries to transfer at least 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to developing countries by the end of the Second United Nations Development Decade. Only 16 months ago, this Assembly approved the Declaration and the program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-Vl) and 3202 (S-VI)]. Nine months have passed since the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] was adopted by this Assembly. Alas, those declarations seem to have been relegated to the limbo of forgotten things.
141.	Perhaps some positive action will be taken after the recently concluded seventh special session, which ended in a broad consensus. We welcome particularly the proposals regarding special assistance to landlocked States, the transfer of real resources, the reform of the international monetary system, the establishment of a link between special drawing rights and development assistance, increased food production, and better marketing facilities for agricultural products, both in the raw and the processed forms.
142.	In spite of their own economic problems, we hope other industrialized countries will emulate the British example, as expressed at the current session by Mr. James Callaghan, United Kingdom Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs; and "respond with urgency and a sense of justice to the manifest social and economic inequalities in the world today . . ." [2358th meeting, para. 62]. The message of this commendable statement is clear: namely, that in today's interdependent world, no country can exist and prosper in isolation.
143.	My Government believes firmly in rural development with agriculture as the pivot. This is clearly reflected in our second five-year development plan, which we are about to launch. By mobilizing local resources and using foreign aid judiciously, we hope to achieve a growth rate of at least 25 per cent in agricultural production. To achieve this high target, emphasis will be placed on projects which have a high employment and training content and which are also directly productive and revenue-earning. In this way, we hope, the incomes of the poor will be raised and the fruits of development will be felt where they are most needed, namely, at the village level.
144.	We are extremely grateful to all Governments that are generously assisting us with our rural development programs. With their continued support and, we hope, that of others, Lesotho can quite easily reach self-sufficiency in cereal grains, such as maize, sorghum and wheat; grain legumes, such as beans, peas and cowpeas; in vegetables; in meat in all its forms beef, mutton, pork and in dairy and poultry products. We regard agriculture not only as a stepping- stone to industrialization but as the true basis of self- reliance as well. We are sharply aware of the manner in which some countries, including apartheid South Africa, use food as an instrument of their foreign policies.
145.	My country has participated actively in all sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Because of the high costs, in -terms of both money and time, we hope that every effort will be made to reach final agreement at the next session, to be held in New York early next year. As a uniquely land-locked country, completely surrounded by racist South Africa, Lesotho would like to see a convention which would guarantee not only its right to free and unimpeded access to the sea, but also its right to share in both the living and nonliving resources of the economic zone along the shores in the southern part of our continent.
146.	We are confident that a mutually acceptable formula can be found to accommodate the interests of both coastal and land-locked States. In this regard, we think it is time the international community should adopt special measures to protect us against a regime which invokes international law regarding its territory and airspace but treats the international community with contempt.
147.	We have watched recent developments in the Middle East with great interest. To the extent that the Sinai disengagement agreement represents a first step towards creating a framework for peace in the Middle East, it is a significant breakthrough. None the less, many fundamental problems remain unresolved. At the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly, my Government voted in favor of resolution 3210 (XXIX) because we recognized the inalienable right of the people of Palestine to exist as a nation. In the view of my delegation, therefore, further negotiations on the Middle East question must take cogni-. zance of this vital element, which is recognized in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 340 (1973), 341 (1973) and 344 (1973). Like most members of the Assembly, we recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole and authentic spokesman of the Palestinian people.
148.	My Government is confident that, with serious determination on the part of all concerned, the nations of the Middle East including Israel can find a formula for the full expression of their national identities and existence. It is in the context of this conviction that I wish to reiterate my Government's unequivocal opposition to the occupation of Arab territories and attempts to change their demographic and economic nature for the benefit of Israel.
149.	As you know, Lesotho is a small country in a difficult geographic situation. We are, therefore, particularly sensitive to the problem of Cyprus a small, non-aligned nation whose sovereignty and integrity have been flagrantly violated. The failure of the United Nations to prevent interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus by other States constitutes the most direct threat to the freedom, independence and sovereignty of small countries, whose continued survival depends on their collective voice and strength under the aegis of this Organization. In the view of my Government, interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus has complicated the task of the Secretary- General, who has indefatigably sought to encourage bi-communal talks in terms of the mandate conferred upon him by General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and Security Council resolution 367 (1975). That the Secretary-General has managed, in the face of over-whelming difficulties, to keep up the momentum of such talks is a credit to his tact and diplomatic skill.
150.	My Government welcomes the ending of hostilities in Indo-China after years of carnage and destruction. It behooves the international community, and this Organization in particular, to replace the indifference with which it treated the Indo-China wars with generous assistance in the urgent task of reconstruction and rehabilitation. In welcoming the
delegation of Cambodia to its rightful place in this Assembly, I should like to express the earnest hope of my delegation that the two Viet Nams will soon attain membership in this Organization.
151.	My Government supported the 1973 consensus on Korea, which underlined the importance of the negotiations then under way between the North and the South. In our view, that consensus provides a sound basis for further discussion of the Korean question in order to avoid a futile debate of charge and counter-charge. Clearly, a continuing dialog among the people of Korea, unhindered by external interference, is the only solid premise for a lasting resolution of the Korean question. Any solution to the Korean problem must take into account the legitimate misgivings and fears of both sides.
152.	The situation in southern Africa has thus far eluded all efforts aimed at removing once and for all the specter of a racial holocaust which could easily engulf the whole of mankind. The ghost of colonialism and racism continues to haunt millions of people in the subcontinent. Resolutions of this Assembly, decisions of the Security Council, too numerous to cite, have failed to exorcise this ghost.
153.	The independence of the People's Republic of Mozambique has demonstrated the illusory nature of a permanent white minority beachhead in southern Africa. The heroic victory of Frente de Libertafao de Mozambique [FRELIMO], after 10 years of hard and often bitter struggle, has signaled the end of white supremacy. Taking a leaf from FRELIMO, the peoples of southern Africa are more determined than ever before to free themselves from the shackles of cruel political repression and merciless economic exploitation. My Government has consistently warned of the danger of racial conflict in southern Africa all too often, it must be admitted, to no avail.
154.	As far back as 1966, my Prime Minister, Mr. Leabua Jonathan, tried to establish a working relationship with the South African authorities. He was, in fact, the first African head of State to establish formal contact with Pretoria. Our efforts, which were intended to pave the way for racial understanding and co-operation among all the people of southern Africa, failed because South Africa insisted that all discussions with it must be within the framework of its apartheid policies. On its own admission, South Africa has not moved from that position and is busy seeking international recognition on the basis of its apartheid policies,
155.	In 1969 the OAU adopted the Lusaka Manifesto, which spell out the conditions under which Africa would be prepared to talk to the racists in Pretoria and Salisbury and the colonialists at Lisbon. The Manifesto has now been superseded by the Dar es Salaam Declaration on Southern Africa, which was adopted earlier this year by the Council of Ministers of the OAU at its ninth extraordinary session. Inter alia, the Declaration rejects dialog or detente with the white minority regimes. Specifically, Africa rejects any contacts with Pretoria and Salisbury which do not involve the indigenous people of the country concerned and which are outside the aegis of the OAU.
156.	In spite of this unequivocal and uncompromising stand by Africa, South Africa continues to seek inter-national recognition by hook or by crook without abandoning its obnoxious policy of apartheid, which has been the subject of debate in this Assembly for the past 30 years. Its well-greased propaganda machine is causing confusion in our ranks while it goes ahead with its plans to fragment not only its own territory but also the United Nations Trust Territory of Namibia. Anxious to clutch at diplomatic straws, the racist regime is openly boasting about the success of its so-called detente policy.
157.	The alternatives before the international community are clear: to continue to condemn and reject apartheid until final victory is won, or to abandon nearly 20 million black people to racial discrimination and white domination in perpetuity. To accept any aspect of apartheid, whether it be through diplomatic contact or recognition of the bantustans, is to choose the latter alternative. The black majority of South Africa is asking for freedom, equality and justice, not a twilight existence in a fragmented South Africa dominated by a white racist minority.
158.	My Government fully supports the African National Council of Zimbabwe and welcomes initiatives from whatever quarter to ensure that the illegal Smith regime is ousted and the will of the majority of the people of Zimbabwe finds expression in the Government of that colony. As the legal authority in Zimbabwe, the United Kingdom should assume its responsibilities and ensure an early and orderly transfer of power from the white minority to the black majority. To leave matters in Ian Smith's inept hands is to court disaster. The African National Council should close its ranks and avoid the political rivalry that is being exploited by the rebel regime and its supporters both in and outside Zimbabwe. Angola, where there is external interference, is a good example of what could happen to a divided Zimbabwe. A propos of Angola, we wish to express our full support for the OAU Conciliation Committee, which was appointed at the recent meeting of the OAU Heads of State and Government at Kampala.
159.	The illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa represents the most serious disregard of the will of the international community of our times. Offers of negotiation by the Security Council are being used by South Africa to buy time for the creation of so- called autonomous areas, that is, ethnically-based mini-States fashioned after its own bantustans. As far as we are concerned, the real test as to whether or not the South African Government is willing or even able to contribute to the eradication of colonialism and racism in southern Africa lies in its attitude towards the Trust Territory of Namibia. In the face of South Africa's intransigence, the attitude of Africa is clearly expressed in the Dar es Salaam Declaration which offers peaceful negotiation with the South West Africa People's Organization as the alternative to an armed struggle. The people of Namibia should not allow themselves to be hoodwinked through bogus constitutional talks designed to entrench apartheid in Namibia.
160.	Of all the problems of southern Africa none is more serious than racism which blights the lives of millions of people in that troubled region of Africa.
Even such euphemisms as "separate development" cannot mask the ugly face of racial discrimination designed to perpetuate white domination in all spheres of life military, economic, political and social. His participation in the Victoria Falls talks notwithstanding, Mr. Vorster is still the king of apartheid, which is stronger today than it ever was. The fearsome apartheid edifice, so carefully constructed over the past quarter of a century, is still intact. In other words, there is no meaningful change within South Africa itself, whose black majority wants freedom and equality and not merely the removal of segregation signs from public parks and libraries. According to an American academic, who recently visited South Africa, Soweto, the African township near Johannesburg, where nearly 1 million Africans live, is "the ultimate ghetto". Over 50 per cent of South Africa's black population lives in the cities without enjoying any civil rights: "Theirs but to do and die" for their white rulers.
161.	We realize only too well that the final solution to the problem of racism in South Africa will have to be found by the people of that country themselves. However, under present circumstances, the majority has neither political nor economic power and can only express their views from a platform chosen by their white rulers, that is, the institutions of apartheid. It is therefore the responsibility of the international community to assist, by all available means, in creating a favorable climate for meaningful discussions and meaningful change among all South Africans, including the opponents of apartheid who are either muzzled, in gaol or in exile. In the words of my Prime Minister, Mr. Leabua Jonathan: "The bridges of understanding and communication must run to Robben Island as well." Only when this happens will we believe that genuine peace-making efforts are being made to save our subcontinent from widespread racial violence.
162.	We wish to inform the international community that the creation of bantustans around our borders is likely to exacerbate relations between us and South Africa. During the past six years we have been engaged in discussions with South Africa on the establishment of a joint commission to examine and make recommendations on existing boundaries between the two States which were fixed by the colonial regime, at that time, the United Kingdom.
163.	With the possible launching of the first bantustan next year, we are likely soon to find ourselves confronted with the problem of having to negotiate with pseudo-States under Pretoria's manipulation. As I have already indicated, to have any dealings with the bantustans is to accept Mr. Vorster's grand design, namely, the fragmentation of South Africa into mini- States each of which, including the white area, will eventually seek international recognition. We shudder at the thought, but our territorial claims over the conquered territories of the Orange Free State and parts of other provinces of the Republic of South Africa are valid and cannot be abandoned. Hence our fear of an imminent confrontation not only with racist South Africa but with its bantustans. For us, apartheid is a real threat and not just a diplomatic game for the assumption of meaningless moral postures.
164.	From this podium last year we expressed our reservations and fears about super-Power detente, which seemed like a mutual accommodation rather than a genuine search for permanent peace and security in the world. We are therefore gratified with the encouraging outcome of the recent Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which we hope will lead to better understanding not only in Europe, but elsewhere. It is the considered view of my Government that the future of the world lies in co-operation and mutual assistance among all States, large and small, rather than in ideological blocs, economic groups or military pacts.


Mr. President, permit me to begin by conveying to you the sincere congratulations of my delegation on your assumption of the post of President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. In extending our best wishes to you on your unanimous election to the office my delegation takes satisfaction that the Assembly will undertake these crucial deliberations under the leadership of an outstanding and eminent personality and statesman.
113.	May I take this opportunity to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Bouteflika, the Foreign Minister of Algeria, for the outstanding performance for which his term of office was notable. His was a term of office marked by great challenges and historic initiatives. This Organization can be proud that, under his dynamic and imaginative leadership, it could take a revolutionary look at the traditional political international order and address itself to the long overdue reform of the prevailing chaotic international economic situation. During both the twenty-ninth regular session and the seventh special session of the Assembly he exemplified the surging worldwide tide against the discreditable oppressive traditional world order which is responsible for the misery and insecurity of the overwhelming majority of the world's population. He undertook his responsibility of guiding the historic sessions of our Assembly with great distinction, characterized by courage and compassion, as a spokesman of the international community, which has endeavored to change the inequitable status quo. We wish the Government and people of Algeria to know that we in the United Republic of Tanzania, as indeed I am confident those in the rest of Africa, are proud of him and the Algerian revolutionary spirit which produced him.
114.	Allow me now to warmly welcome the new Members who have joined our Organization. We salute the gallant and brotherly people of Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe, who, through sheer determination and unflinching belief in the justice of their cause, struggled undeterred towards the goal of achieving independence and the liberation of their people from the curse of colonial oppression. We particularly congratulate the brotherly people of Mozambique, who bring with them the spirit of valor and determination of a combatant people fighting against colonialism. Through a long period of perseverance and suffering, they, like their comrades in Guinea-Bissau, suffered the brutality of a colonial war, with the gallant sons of Mozambique paying the supreme sacrifice for the sake of freedom. Through their determination, the Mozambicans, under the dynamic leadership of Frente de Libertacao de Mozambique [FRELIMO], continued to inflict one defeat after another until the forces of colonialism and fascism had been liquidated. We salute, therefore, this inspiring example which our brothers in Mozambique set in the struggle for freedom.
115.	The United Republic of Tanzania has welcomed with great satisfaction the independence of Papua New Guinea. We look forward to welcoming that new and promising nation to membership in our Organization.
116.	And as we rejoice at the membership in our Organization of Mozambique, Cape Verde, and Sao Tome and Principe, we very much look forward to the independence of yet another heroic new African State, whose emergence as a sovereign nation in a few weeks time is the result of a long and arduous liberation struggle. We await with great enthusiasm the independence of Angola on 11 November this year in accordance with the Alvor Agrement, and the subsequent membership of that State in the United Nations.
117.	We are, however, fully aware of the machinations of the forces of imperialism and neo-colonialism calculated to rob the Angolan people of the fruits of their bitter struggle. In particular, we must condemn the intervention of South African troops and other mercenaries, as we must unequivocally reaffirm our support for the unity and territorial integrity of the territory.
118.	The proclamation of independence by the Comoros in July this year has been a source of great satisfaction to our Government. That act represented a logical culmination of the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Comoros. We are looking forward to the time when that new nation will also join our Organization. At the same time we must warn against maneuvers  calculated to undermine the independence and territorial integrity of the new State. In this connexion, we would like to emphasize the declaration of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries in their Conference at Lima, in which they inter alia condemned "any attempt against the national unity and territorial integrity of the Comoro Islands and reaffirm their absolute support to its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity" [je? A/J0217 and Corr.l, annex, para. 41],
119.	This should also have been an occasion for our Assembly to welcome the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam. But the abuse of the veto power by the United States of America has made this impossible, thus frustrating the wishes and expectations of the overwhelming majority of the international community.
120.	My delegation would like to take this opportunity to convey, through the Permanent Observers of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet Nam, our salutations of friendship and militant solidarity to the gallant and heroic Vietnamese people whose decisive victory over the forces of imperialist aggression constitutes one of the greatest victories over injustice in contemporary history.
121.	The struggle of the Vietnamese people has been a long, arduous and painful one. Untold were the sacrifices made. Unprecedented in modern times was the degree of barbaric force used and the destruction and havoc created in that land where martyrdom became a rule rather than an exception. But, overcoming all obstacles, the Vietnamese finally liberated their homeland, and, in the process, have written one of the most glorious chapters in the history of a people's struggle for self-determination and independence.
122.	Even at the risk of reiterating what is obvious, 1 should like to emphasize that the blocking of the membership of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and of South Viet Nam, apart from constituting a grave injustice to the Vietnamese people, robs this Organization of two new important Members whose contribution would certainly enhance its effectiveness and prestige. It is, therefore, our fervent hope that the United States will reconsider its position so as to conform with the overwhelming wishes of the international community as expressed by the General Assembly in its decision last week [resolution 3366 (XXX)].
123.	This year the world community marks the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Charter of the United Nations following the painful experience of two world wars. At San Francisco, the international community resolved never again to repeat and undergo the like of the preceding experiences. Expressing their commitments in the language of the Charter 30 years ago, they undertook to deploy all their individual and collective faculties to work diligently to fight and eliminate all the evils which lead to human misery and all the underlying causes of international conflicts.
124.	An atmosphere of complacency may have been created by the relative international peace that has prevailed over the world in the last 30 years. But the basis of such complacency cannot stand any test. For, while in public we have all been talking of peace, we have yet to attain the basis of genuine peace, Oppression has therefore continued, while justice has yet to replace injustice. In our economic relations wasteful affluence has bred so much greed in the richer portion of our world that that part resists any meaningful change in the present economic system, which makes the rich richer while condemning the majority of mankind to more poverty, contrary to the provisions of our Charter. In other fields of human endeavor, distrust has led to the generation of destructive capacities as never seen before. In many parts of the world, injustice continues to be perpetuated, aggression and colonization venerated or tolerated. This intolerable state of affairs can only delay the achievement of real and lasting peace as resolved by the international community 30 years ago.
125.	One of the most serious manifestations of human injustices in the history of world society is the enslavement of one people by another. Indeed, the denial to a people of the right to determine its affairs sums up a host of other injustices. Such a situation was rampant at the conclusion of the Charter, when a few countries, especially in Europe, prided themselves on possessing vast empires over the globe. The word "empires", as we know, was a euphemism for imperialism and colonialism, whereby vast populations in these so-called overseas possessions were reduced to the status of cheap labor and objects for the gratification of the lusts of their colonial masters. Happily, the world community came to realize this evil and condemned it through the Charter. Since then, and taking advantage of the inspiration provided by the Charter, and by the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], whose fifteenth anniversary we are this year commemorating, peoples all over the world demanded, fought for and achieved their right to self-determination and independence. New nations have emerged from colonial servitude to independence and have assumed their rightful places in the world community.
126.	That having been said, however, we must not forget that we still have among us Powers albeit a few which have not learned from the lessons of these world events or reconciled themselves to the idea of other peoples' right to self-determination and independence. These Powers continue to cling to universally condemned colonial practices and slavery. They have refused to accept that no nation has any right to determine and control the affairs of another people. This outrageous situation continues to exist in its most wicked form in southern Africa.
127.	In Zimbabwe, despite international condemnation and opposition, the Smith regime continues to cling to power. In the search for peaceful changes to majority rule in Zimbabwe, the leaders of the African National Council have left no stone unturned. But all their efforts have been frustrated by the intransigence of the white minority regime. Only last month the leaders of the Council were at Victoria Falls to talk to Smith on the possibility of agreeing on the principle of majority rule in Zimbabwe. Smith deliberately wrecked the talks and went all out to create obstacles which make any further talks impossible.
128.	In view of the foregoing, the people of Zimbabwe can either acquiesce in a life of perpetual slavery and bondage or resume and intensify the armed struggle for their liberation. Much as Africa would have preferred a peaceful solution to this problem, we must state very clearly that time has run out, and that we shall have no alternative but to support the people of Zimbabwe when they decide on the resumption and intensification of the armed struggle in accordance with the Dar es Salaam Declaration on Southern Africa.
129.	The United Nations has a duty and an obligation to take all necessary measures called for in all resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly which aim at the liquidation of the Smith regime. In that connexion, in addition to the scrupulous observance of the existing sanctions, there is an urgent need to widen their scope so as to exert maximum pressure on that illegal regime.
130.	In Namibia, the apartheid regime of South Africa continues to display its anachronistic bigotry not only by perpetuating its colonial presence but also by extending its racist policies to that international Territory. The responsibility of the United Nations and its Members on Namibia under the Charter is twofold. First, it is a responsibility we assumed to put an end to colonialism wherever it exists. And in this particular case this responsibility is all the more pronounced since Namibia is an international Territory directly within the specific responsibilities of the United Nations. Secondly, it is our duty to prevent or stop any situation that constitutes or may lead to a breach of international peace and security.
131.	Very regrettably the United Nations has not fulfilled these responsibilities. Recently, we have witnessed the consolidation of colonialism in that
Territory by maneuvers s designed to deflect the attention of the international community. South Africa . shows no signs of abandoning its defiance of the will of that community. Clearly, no one can now logically claim that the situation does not pose a threat to international peace and security.
132.	Yet meaningful and effective action by the United Nations continues to be blocked by some Western countries. It is to these countries that we launch an appeal to reconsider their positions so that the Security Council can take effective measures against the Pretoria regime with a view to ending its illegal occupation of Namibia. At the same time, the United Nations has a clear responsibility to intensify its support of the South West Africa People's Organization [5 WAPO], in its struggle for the liberation of Namibia.
133.	The rejection by the United Nations of the credentials of the delegation of the South African regime and the exclusion of that regime from participating in the debate of the twenty-ninth session demonstrated the awareness and indignation of the international community concerning the policies of apartheid. That act, the first of its kind in the history of our Organization, was the culmination of all possible efforts aimed at persuading that regime to abandon its racial bigotry. In spite of this, South Africa has been brazenly defiant of the very basic ideals of the Charter. South Africa, therefore, more than deserved the treatment meted out to it during the last session of the General Assembly. In fact, South Africa should have been expelled from our Organization many years back. This would have happened last year but for the veto that was cast by the three Western permanent members of the Security Council. In casting their veto, the three States namely, France, the United Kingdom and the United States vigorously strove to persuade the world that South Africa was beginning to come to its senses and was changing its adamant attitude when we had, in fact, long since discarded that illusion. These very Powers are among those which give active and positive military and economic assistance as well as political and moral support to suppress the fundamental rights and the dignity and worth of the human person.
134.	These rights, which 30 years ago were articulated in the Charter of the United Nations, remain for the black people of South Africa a far-distant goal. Any change that has taken place in the past has been for the worse. And even at present there is absolutely no room for any kind of optimism about a peaceful change in the situation. In these circumstances, it is imperative that the international community should put its full weight to bear on the South African regime and the States that support it. Such a course of action must include the stopping of all collaboration with South Africa by all States, including the three Western permanent members of the Security Council. South Africa must continue to be excluded from the councils of all international organizations. But, above all, every effort must be made to isolate South Africa from the rest of the international community.
135.	In the Middle East Israel continues to trample on the rights of the Palestinian people and to occupy the territories of neighboring Arab States. We should like to reiterate what we have repeatedly emphasized
in the past: Israel cannot have peace and security and occupation of Arab territories at the same time. It cannot have peace while continuing to trample under foot the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, as authentically represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO]. Israel cannot have it both ways. Occupation brings resistance and there is no doubt that the resistance of the Arab countries, whose territories have been occupied, as well as the Palestinians whose inalienable rights have been usurped, is mounting. And the international community is duty bound to support that resistance. Time is certainly running out.
136.	The non-aligned State of Cyprus is seriously threatened with a permanent partition instigated by forces from without. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of a Member of the United Nations are at this very moment endangered in spite of the guarantee the world community undertook to give through the Charter and the United Nations. The small and medium-sized States cannot but consider the experience of Cyprus as their own, for they must always remember that they are potential victims of such a failure of international law and order. It is therefore imperative that no effort should be spared to ensure observance oif and respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus. In this perspective, the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and his representatives once more deserve the compliments and gratitude of all of us for their selfless efforts in searching for a solution to one of the most serious problems facing the international community.
137.	We have already hailed the outstanding victories of the Vietnamese people. Those developments, together with the decisive victories of the Cambodian people over the forces of imperialism and reaction, have radically transformed the situation in IndoChina towards freedom, justice and peace. As we warmly welcome back the authentic delegation of the Cambodian people, we express our hope that the lessons of both Viet Nam and Cambodia have been learned so that an end can be put to the continued outmoded policies of intervention in the domestic affairs of other States.
138.	In this respect the attention of this Organization is particularly drawn to the situation on the Korean peninsula. There the United States Government continues to maintain its military forces in South Korea. The name of this Organization continues to be used to provide a shield for continued intervention in the affairs of Korea, to perpetuate the division of the Korean people and to escalate tension.
139.	The Government of the United Republic of Tanzania wishes once again to reiterate its full support for the Korean people in their just cause of the peaceful unification of their country. To achieve this objective we must stress the urgent need to put an end to all foreign interference. In this respect Tanzania reiterates the demand for the immediate dissolution of the so-called United Nations Command and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Korea,
140.	Running concurrently with the existence of the United Nations, the last 30 years have heard a lot of talk about disarmament. In reality, however, there is neither the will for, nor evidence of, meaningful
disarmament. On the contrary, certain Powers are now talking of the balance of power and are allocating to one another how much stockpile each should aim at for the future.
141.	This year the parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons met to review the implementation of the Treaty. The deliberations of that Conference revealed and summed up the politics of nuclear disarmament today. It has been clearly revealed that nuclear disarmament has become a tactic of a few Powers only to acquire a monopoly of nuclear weapons. All this serves to further confirm the apprehensions expressed by my Government when the non- proliferation Treaty was being considered by our Assembly. Our concern is further aroused by the recent reports that one of the parties to this Treaty has openly threatened to use nuclear weapons against a non-nuclear-weapon State. This clearly shows that our countries cannot be secure simply because nuclear weapons are in the hands of a few, especially when some of those few are responsible for most of the tensions in the world.
142.	Disarmament and the pursuit of military superiority are mutually exclusive pursuits. One has to give way to the other. Indeed, it is a matter of profound concern that certain Powers have decided to sacrifice disarmament and to engage in reckless competition for military power. It is all the more unfortunate that the genuine desire of many Member States for meaningful disarmament has been abused and twisted to promote a monopoly of nuclear weapons, thus threatening the freedom and independence of all non- nuclear-power States.
143.	In order to liquidate the economic evils which plague the world today it is imperative to eliminate the root-causes of the present economic situation. This of necessity calls for overhauling the traditional economic order. This was the essence of both the sixth and the seventh special sessions: to dismantle the old economic system and establish a new international economic order based on justice and equality. We are pleased to note that through the two special sessions the world community has come to the firm conclusion that, in order to bring about a just, equitable and efficient world economic order, it is necessary to provide for a system that will ensure, among other things, fair and equitable trade relations, a reliable international monetary system, the flow of science and technology for development, and equitable participation in the production and distribution of goods and services.
144.	My delegation is pleased to note that the struggle to establish a new international economic order has captured the world's attention and is gaining increasing support from many of the developed countries. We note with serious concern, however, that there is still a small minority who are concerned only with their immediate narrow and short-term privileges, who ignore the fundamental interests of the majority of the world's peoples, or who fail to understand that - the much-desired change will serve the interests of the international community as a whole. My delegation firmly believes that the international community has already begun the process towards change, and we must continue it on the basis of the current democratic procedures that are a reflection of political realities. In so doing we must express the hope that those who are still lagging behind in understanding the new challenges will move fast enough to meet the overwhelming rest.
145.	The designation of 1975 as International Women's Year is an opportune coincidence. It is the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations, when we have rededicated ourselves to the ideals of the Charter, including emphasis on human rights. It is a year when the topical question is the reform of the world economic order, and the stress on woman's role in society therefore fits very squarely.
146.	We believe that the strategy outlined at the World Conference of the International Women's Year, held at Mexico City from 19 June to 2 July 1975, aiming at a revolutionary change in the status of women and their involvement in all human activities, will be further facilitated by the economic and political awakening of our time.
147.	With the passage of time it becomes more and more unnecessary to reiterate the importance of trust in and proper use of the United Nations. For the cumulative effect of experience only increasingly confirms that our world is a unity the components of which cannot afford to operate separately except at the expense of good order, peace and security. The United Nations is the only existing steering wheel, as it were, of progress towards the safety, prosperity and happiness of mankind.
148.	We would not like to believe that the beneficiaries of certain discredited practices which the United Nations seeks to abolish thought to use the United Nations for the cynical perpetuation and furtherance of those very practices. But on a number of occasions recently we have witnessed that when the United Nations has stood firmly for the ideals of the Charter and demonstrated progress towards becoming a truly democratic institution, certain Members have displayed surprising disappointment with the Organization. It is important for such members to understand that the United Nations is not a classroom. What one witnesses in the United Nations today is the fruition of the hopes of the signatories of the Charter. It is a reflection of the irresistible trend of world affairs.
149.	Differences of views there have to be, for the world is diverse. Diversity need not lead to irreconcilable positions and conflicts. Diversity can and should be used to enrich the deliberations and lead them to intelligent conclusions. Each member brings with him unique experiences which have to be taken into account if the interests of the whole world are to be catered for. But for anybody to attempt to rebuff the United Nations or to impose himself as a being more perfect than the rest is only to invite the whole tide of world opposition against him.
150.	We therefore hope that all Members will have the interests of the entire world at heart, accept the equality of Members, and rededicate themselves to the realization of the common goals of the United Nations.
151.	These are some of the thoughts which should be in the minds of all of us as we commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations.