May I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly and warmly wish you success.
A few weeks ago the international community observed the fiftieth anniversary of Hitler Germany's criminal aggression against Poland, which was the beginning of the most devastating and murderous of all conflagrations in the history of mankind. That inferno forged a coalition of States with different social systems and also gave birth to the United Nations, whose deeds offered mankind the chance of a peaceful future. The lesson drawn by the peoples was that war and fascism must be done away with and violence banned from international life forever and that henceforth joint action must be taken for their elimination in peacetime.
To remove the kind of threat which weapons of mass destruction pose in our time, the German Democratic Republic believes the authority and influence of the United Nations will have to be brought into play more effectively than has been the case so far. Moreover, economic underdevelopment must be overcome and the natural environment preserved for man to exist. The potentials are there. What it takes to harness them is boldness in strengthening positive elements, carefulness in shoring up achievements, and resoluteness in stemming reverse tendencies.
But there is cause for concern: since the arms race is continuing in all fields while Treaty on the Elimination of the Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - is being implemented and disarmament negotiations are under way, since long-standing conflicts cannot be solved because not all of those involved are willing to take account of the legitimate interests of each and every party to those conflicts; since a number of countries have recorded substantial economic growth while an increasing number of third-world nations are falling back further and further in their levels of development; since the natural environment is increasingly deteriorating - one reason being that international measures taken to protect it are insufficient; and since attacks against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, as well as interference in international affairs of other States, are mounting while world-wide demands are made for strengthening the international order of law.
Bertolt Brecht, the playwright, has Galileo Galilei expressing faith in the "gentle force of reason", which people cannot withstand in the long run. The nuclear and space age, with the apocalyptic risks for humankind, makes imperative a new kind of thinking on security policy. Yet this awareness does not grow all on its own.
Shop-worn notions and attitudes need to be shed through a dialogue, across all frontiers, among political and military leaders, scholars, scientists and indeed all people committed to peace. They need to be replaced by a modern way of thinking and conduct marked by high ethical values and a sense of reason and reality. On the threshold of the next millennium, this is the only approach that can hold out a perspective of peace for all nations. Quite a few of these aspects have been reflected in international documents.
It has been encouraging to note that the declarations adopted at the Ninth Summit Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned States express a firm resolve to find agreed solutions to the pressing problems of our planet in a peaceful and constructive dialogue with all other States.
On the other hand, much remains to be done for the awareness to gain ground that lasting security can be built only through co-operation, rather than confrontation. Above all, it is imperative to abandon all doctrines which preserve, or even feed, hostile images, stimulate the arms race and even keep open the first-use option for nuclear weapons.
The German Democratic Republic insists on a joint review of military concepts and their strict orientation towards defence. Also, the United Nations should seize upon this matter. Thus substance would be built into the prohibition of the use of force as spelled out in the Charter, and world-wide adherence to it would be ensured.
Stable security for all can grow only from a policy that takes account of the intertwining of military, political, economic and humanitarian factors and seeks further to push back military might in favour of shared political endeavours.  This is the purpose of the initiative of socialist States for a comprehensive approach to the strengthening of international security, which would guarantee that all States in the different regions could live together without conflicts and tensions in true good-neighbourliness. In Europe, efforts must remain concentrated on reducing the cram-full arsenals to a level where the danger of war will be banished for ever. The East and the West could then on a new basis and for the benefit of all peoples co-operate and build harmoniously.
The Vienna negotiations on conventional armed forces and on further confidence- and security-building measures could soon produce first agreements on mutual force and arms reductions if all participants negotiated constructively and were ready for compromise. The German Democratic Republic, like its allies, has made exemplary unilateral moves contributing to propitious conditions for speedy negotiations. Before 1990, the German Democratic Republic's armed forces will be reduced by 10,000 troops, 600 tanks and 50 aircraft. We already have at hand initial practical experience in partial areas of arms conversion, which we gladly share at the international Level.
I wish to recall with all due emphasis the proposal by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty that, in parallel with the Vienna talks on conventional forces and armaments, negotiations should be started also on tactical nuclear weapons. Our aim remains a Europe, indeed a world, without nuclear weapons.
Mindful of the sensitive divide between the two military alliances, and seeking cuts in weapons of mass destruction in Central Europe, the German Democratic Republic advocates the establishment of zones free of nuclear and chemical weapons, with specific confidence-building measures being applied.
Let me point out in this context that it is not the diversity of systems of society that renders the construction of the European home problematic. Rather its coming into being is obstructed by the arms race, the sustained military threat and, recently, the redoubled attempts to do away with socialism as a social system.
The road towards stable peace and productive co-operation is not smooth, yet it is practicable. However, it must not be made harder to travel on than it already is. The achievements made in Europe over the last two decades through joint efforts - a record all can take pride in - were possible because the Helsinki Final Act meant recognition of international legal principles as set out in the United Nations Charter and the political and territorial realities that emerged after the Second World War. This must remain agreed. Claims to the effect that the "German Reich" continued to exist within the 1937 borders are as dangerous as they are irrational, for the "German Reich" fell asunder in 1945 as a consequence of its own policy of aggression.
The realities in Europe that have since emerged include the existence of two sovereign German States. Their mutual relationship is, and continues to be, of great importance for stability in Europe and the progress of detente in the world. This is what guides the socialist German State, which will be observing its fortieth anniversary in a few days. Anyone who wants stability in Europe will appreciate the fact that at the divide between the world's two biggest military alliances there exists a State whose supreme credo is, "No more war - only peace shall ever emanate from German soil". The German Democratic Republic's policy, firmly rooted in anti-fascist traditions and relying on the dynamic development of its society, remains predictable. The socialist German State has done a great deal on behalf of peaceful coexistence in Europe in the past, and it will do likewise in the future.
The German Democratic Republic abides by what the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party and Chairman of the Council of State, Erich Honecker, and the Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Helmut Kohl, agreed in March 1985 and what they reaffirmed in their joint communiqué in September 1987.- that inviolability of the frontiers is a basic condition for peace. To preserve and to strengthen it through new confidence-building measures remains the need of the hour. Calling frontiers into question or making presumptuous claims under the mantle of concern for humanity and in violation of the sovereign rights of other States, and exercising so-called custodianship over nationals of other states - that is bound to provoke conflicts that erode co-operation in the heart of Europe and even put peace in jeopardy. Disarmament, the settlement or prevention of international conflicts and the strengthening of the international rule of law are guarantees for a world of peace, security and common welfare.
In this context disarmament remains the key issue. The implementation of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, which must not be undercut by what is called modernization, is in the interests of all peoples. But it is equally obvious that the pace of the ongoing negotiations is insufficient, in fact very far from what is necessary.
From the German Democratic Republic's viewpoint it is imperative to include all weapons categories in the negotiations, to break the vicious circle in the arms race and to make no compensation for weapons eliminated and, consequently, to offer results to the peoples.
We would like to see the USSR and the United States succeed as soon as possible in halving their strategic nuclear armaments while adhering to the Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems - the ABM Treaty.
In order to halt the nuclear arms race, an overwhelming majority of States has been calling for a complete ban on nuclear-weapons tests. Such a ban would, at the same time, strengthen the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In that context, the Soviet Union's proposal to cease the production of fissionable material for armament purposes deserves the support of the United Nations.
In January this year, the participants in the Paris Conference urged the earliest possible conclusion of a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons. However, the Geneva negotiations have yet to make any real progress. Yet the risk of a proliferation of these means of mass destruction increases proportionally to the delay in concluding a world-wide convention.
This delay is incomprehensible, since there is agreement on the essential issues of the convention. Data are being exchanged and verification methods have been tested. The German Democratic Republic, which neither possesses chemical weapons nor has such weapons stockpiled on its territory, has transmitted data relating to its chemical production and the results of a national trial inspection. Before this forum, I wish to reaffirm the proposal to convene a meeting of foreign ministers at the Geneva Conference so as to proceed to the final stage of the negotiations. We welcome the results of the recent talks between the USSR and the United States committing them to the conclusion of a relevant convention not later than next year.
The prevention of an arms race in outer space is becoming ever more urgent. Fear the sake of step-by-step solutions, the German Democratic Republic submitted basic elements at the Geneva Conference for a treaty to ban anti-satellite weapons, and it hopes that negotiations will start soon. In that respect, the world organization will certainly find important areas for action. It could, for instance, evaluate existing findings and available experiences in respect of arms conversion and make them accessible to all States. This directs our attention to the general requirement to utilize modern sciences and technologies for disarmament. I propose that henceforth this topic be considered by the United Nations. The German Democratic Republic believes that efforts to define criteria for comparing military budgets should be continued, so as to promote openness in the military field. Consequently, my country will be making use of the United Nations international system for the standardized reporting of military expenditures and provide the available data as from 1990.
Apparently, one of the most important experiences which the end of the twentieth century will leave behind is that disputes and conflicts can no longer be resolved by military means. They can only be settled on the basis of respect for the legitimate interests of the parties in conflict, who must meet each other halfway in a spirit of compromise. In those terms, the United Nations and its Secretary-General - and I take pleasure in emphasizing this - play a highly appreciated promotive role. The Organizations' peace-keeping operations have stood the test, and my country supports then.
It is with great sympathy that the world is following Namibia's transition to independence. The German Democratic Republic has long supported that process. It helped repatriate Namibian refugees and has met the Secretary-General's request to dispatch police monitors and election supervisors. It is imperative that the elections in November not be impeded, so that we can welcome a free Namibia as a
member of the world organization before long. Implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is conducive to peace and stability in southern Africa. Yet apartheid, the main cause of conflicts, continues to exist in that region, and all
The socialist German State is very much concerned that no peace is yet in sight in the Middle East. The Palestinian people is still being deprived by force of its legitimate rights, and its uprising is being rigorously repressed.
It would be in the interest of all concerned and of peace in general to resolve these and other problems in the region through an international Middle East peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations and with the Palestine Liberation organization, Israel, and the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council participating on an equal footing.
A peaceful settlement of the question of Western Sahara, with the participation of the organization of African Unity and the United Nations, would constitute another milestone on the road of the African nations towards a durable peace and social progress.

The Cyprus question, too, remains unresolved. Negotiations should be encouraged between the leaders of the two ethnic communities, mediated by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, on a settlement that would meet the interests of the entire Cypriot people.
In today's international conditions and in view of the requirements of tomorrow, international law assumes increasing importance for the security of States and good-neighbourly co-operation. Nothing could conceivably be more effective than such principles as the prohibition of the threat or use of force and the obligation to settle disputes peacefully.
The German Democratic Republic therefore supports the initiative of the non-aligned countries to have a decade of international law adopted by the United Nations for the next ten years.
In our view, the most urgent tasks in strengthening the international order of law which must be the foundation of an order of peace are, first, to bring about a reliable consensus on the interpretation and application of existing principles as enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
The second task is to work out treaties to manage problems that need to be addressed globally. We think these include protection of the environment, the use of modern communication technologies, the combating of terrorism, and the prevention of drug abuse. The early adoption of a code covering crimes against the peace and security of mankind and of a convention against the use of mercenaries would create a solid legal foundation for the prosecution and punishment of the gravest of crimes and would at the same time have preventive effects that should not be underestimated.
The third task is to make greater use of international mechanisms and, where necessary, create new ones to ensure the fulfilment of commitments that have been undertaken.
In the field of human rights and social issues, the requirements of peaceful co-operation must be lived up to. That requires the strengthening of peace as an indispensable foundation for the implementation of human rights. In its practical work the United Nations should heed the interrelationship of political, economic and social rights. A stable and prosperous world needs sound and mutually advantageous economic co-operation. Historical reasons account for the existence of imbalances, but nothing can justify the fact that many third-world countries, not least because of inequitable terms of trade, cannot develop in socio-economic terms. Evidence of that is the fact that the World Bank recently settled its accounts with a net profit of $1 billion, squeezing more out of developing countries than it put into them.
The United Nations can and must commit itself to a marked improvement of that situation. The 1990 special session of the General Assembly devoted to economic issues and preparatory work for the international development strategy for the next decade are appropriate contexts in which to define priorities for international economic co-operation and for the activities of the United Nations in that area. An agreed settlement of the debt problem of the developing countries has to be regarded as the most pressing issue in that respect. Against that background, the German Democratic Republic deems implementation of the principle of disarmament for development to be an imperative of the highest priority. Since disarmament and the safe elimination of highly sophisticated weaponry, no less than armament itself, are becoming more and more costly, it would be most beneficial for all to break once and for all the cycle of arms build-ups and subsequent disarmament.
Fruitful development of the entire world economy requires political will by all to bring about co-operative and viable solutions. The same applies to ecological problems. Mankind must not destroy its own natural basis of existence. Today we are more aware of the life-sustaining interaction between our planet's water, air, soil and forests. We can now see more clearly that the sensitive balance between those factors cannot be upset with impunity.
The United Nations brings together the collective spirit and will of nations and pools their efforts into a single stream, it harmoniously combines national and international security interests. There is no more competent forum that could keep watch over world peace in a better way. The main source of the effectiveness and strength of the United Nations is the determination and willingness of its Member states to pursue the only road that could possibly lead mankind into
a peaceful third millennium: the road of constructive co-operation in all fields of human life.


Let me first, if I my, sir, add my congratulations to those you have already received on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. The first country .that I ever lived and worked in outside my own was Nigeria - in Jos, your home town - and I have a very great affection for the country and for its citizens. I wish you the greatest possible success in your presidency. I wish also to thank the outgoing President, Mr. Dante Caputo, and to pay a tribute to the tireless work of the Secretary-General throughout the past year.
Fifty years ago this month, war began in Europe and spread throughout the world. Fifty-five million people died. The landscape of international relations was profoundly changed. That war inspired the creation of this Organization. The United Nations, conceived out of war, was the best framework our predecessors could devise for law, for order, and for peace. Hopes for it then were high, but they did not last. Even as the General Assembly was meeting for the first time, in London, divisions were opening between the two halves of Europe. The peoples of the East, for whom my country went to war, found that victory had been secured at an appalling price. They had won the peace, but they had lost their freedom. That division of Europe and that loss of freedom imposed a polarity on world affairs which has bedevilled international politics for over 40 years. Today, I am struck by the enormous and cheering contrast with those times. I believe that the feeling of hope and opportunity in world affairs is greater today than at any time since the Assembly first met, in London, my home town.
The hopes of the early days have been revived. Ideologies have become less Potent: it is less and less relevant to talk of Easiest, or North-South, or the first, second, third or even fourth worlds. Instead, we should talk of a world whose nation States have reciprocal rights, responsibilities and obligations. There is only one world. We all share in it and must make of it what we can. Today, the opportunities for the United Nations to make good use of that fine framework for law, order and peace I spoke of have suddenly become real. There are new problems that we must face together. We have moved from cold war to global warming. Fresh ideas and attitudes are changing the face of the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe. I agree with Mr. Shevardnadze that it is in the interests of all of us for perestroika to succeed.
Liberty is reasserting itself in Poland and in Hungary and is drawing thousands of Germans from East to West. The cold war is ending where it started. Even the Berlin Wall cannot stem the exodus of people seeking a new life in freedom. No one doubts, I think, that we are only at the beginning of a long and difficult process. Patience and goodwill are necessary on a11 sides. Yesterday, Mr. Shevardnadze offered an authoritative Soviet view of recent events in Poland. I warmly welcome his remarks. I hope and believe that in making them he was burying, once and for all, the so-called Brezhnev doctrine, which was used to justify the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. with freedom no longer seen as a threat, there is a real opportunity to build a new Europe.
The first priority for East-West relations must be to support and encourage the process of reform which is now under way. That will reinforce trust and confidence. A co-ordinated approach, including very substantial economic support, is essential. The European Community has made clear its readiness to play its full part, with both short- and long-term measures. Both will be needed. The challenge is to work in partnership with others to bring about a Community of Europe, to stand alongside the Community in Europe. The goal is a Europe of peace, prosperity and freedom, where the terms East and west have more to do with geography than with politics - a Europe without enforced divisions, whose people are at liberty to determine their own future.
Increasing trust will assist the process of arms control. Success in this field is a priority. For the past 40 years the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has resolutely maintained the peace in Europe. Now it is taking new opportunities to consolidate that peace. NATO countries have tabled far-reaching conventional arms proposals. Their aim is clears it is enhanced security at equal and lower levels of forces in Europe. More peace at less cost is an attractive bargain for everyone.
We are encouraged by the steps agreed upon between the United States and the Soviet Union to achieve faster progress towards an early START agreement. The proposed 50 per cent cuts in their nuclear arsenals will make a major contribution to international security and stability.
We are working also for the achievement of a global chemical weapons ban. I warmly welcome the proposals made by President Bush on Monday and the positive Soviet response to them. The reduction of United States and Soviet stockpiles ahead of a convention will do much to reassure countries that do not possess chemical weapons and will also remove the rationale for other countries to cling to their stocks. It is through practical steps like these that Governments can best show their determination to get rid of these gruesome weapons. My country gave up its chemical weapons 30 years ago. We look forward to other countries destroying theirs.
We should look also for a way to give more impetus and focus to the Geneva negotiations on chemical weapons. Today I propose one way to do this: let us move from the present intermittent pattern of negotiations to round-the-year meetings, as already happens in other areas of arms control. We can also be encouraged by the progress that has been made towards the resolution of regional conflicts in different parts of the world. In Namibia the international community, and the united Nations in particular, has shown what co-operation can achieve. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is more than a decade old, but its principles have remained valid. That in turn has opened the way to Namibian independence.
The Namibian independence process is the direct responsibility of the United Nations and the Secretary-General personally, since we met last year, there has been major progress towards implementation of the United Nations plan. Now, as Namibia's elections draw near, it is vital for all of us to give our full support to the Secretary-General and the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). All the parties involved must show restraint, particularly in the face of provocation, such as the recent murder of Anton Lubowski. Violence and intimidation will serve only those who wish to deny Namibia its freedom.
But Namibia will need help after independence as well. Britain will Play a full part in that effort. At the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting next month we shall also be considering what help the Commonwealth can provide. Next year, I hope, a free, independent Namibia will have taken its place in the Assembly and also, I trust, as a welcome new member of the Commonwealth.
Fighting still continues in Angola and in Mozambique, but there is now some movement towards peace in both of those countries. I urge both sides in Angola to restore the cease-fire and to resume negotiations on the basis of the common ground identified in June. For our part, we shall continue to give full support to President Chissano's efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement with Renamo. We call upon the new South African Government to support those efforts in the letter and spirit of the Nkomati accord. That means making sure that no support - no support - goes from South Africa to Renamo.
South Africa remains the key to lasting stability in that region. In the recent elections, 70 per cent of the white-minority electorate voted for change. One hundred per cent of the black population, denied a vote, are calling urgently for change. Mr. de Klerk campaigned from a platform of reform. He committed himself to work for a new South Africa, in which all the people would be fully represented. He made a clear declaration of intent. There is now a clear mandate. Now the declaration and the mandate must be turned into action.
Of one thing I am sure. Apartheid cannot survive and it does not deserve to survive. It is not something to be tolerated or to be patient with, it is something to oppose constantly and comprehensively.
Violence is not the answer. Nor are economic sanctions. They weigh the possibility of change against the certainty of immediate, lasting hardship to the black community whose growing economic muscle is already contributing to the erosion of apartheid.
No. The answer to apartheid is unremitting political pressure on South Africa to reform itself, wise policy lies in assistance and support for the innocent victims of apartheid within South Africa - political prisoners and township dwellers alike. It lies also in support for the economies of South Africa's neighbours and help for them to defend themselves against attempts at destabilization. Positive action, constructive action - action in which Britain's record is second to none and will remain so.
 Many brave men and women in South Africa have struggled peacefully and Persistently against apartheid. If I single out Helen Suzman, it is because, for 40 years, often alone in the South African Parliament, often in the face of threats and intimidation, she fought for freedom. She is in London today. I am pleased to tell the Assembly that she will be honoured by Her Majesty the Queen with one of our highest awards for all she has done in the campaign for justice. In her name, Britain will be funding a new scholarship scheme, soon bringing to 1,000 the number of our annual scholarships for black South Africans.  The new Government in South Africa must now move quickly and unambiguously to meet its commitment to fundamental reform. A new and just society cannot be constructed overnight. But we are clear what should happen. We want to see the release of detainees, the lifting of the state of emergency, the suspension of violence and a dialogue with black leaders to consider and to implement the changes that must be made.  I hope that the United Nations will be ready to respond appropriately to clear and practical signs of change. But signs there must be. That should be our common message to South Africa's leaders.
Since we last met, my country and Argentina have taken significant steps towards achieving a more normal relationship, in doing so, the two countries have agreed to set the question of sovereignty over the Falkland Islands on one side. Following preliminary talks here in August, both sides will be meeting again in Madrid this month. For our part, we shall work hard to ensure the success of the process which has now begun. It will not be easy. And our ambitions should not be set too high too soon. But we enter these negotiations hoping for agreement. In the Middle East, the resolutions which are the core of the search for peace are now nearly a generation bid. Another generation of refugees and dispossessed people has new been added to what is first and foremost a human tragedy.
Last year's renunciation of terrorism by the PLO and its willingness to recognize Israel were a major breakthrough. I hope that Israel will come to recognize that. The Israeli Government's proposal for elections in the occupied territories is a positive step too. I hope the PLO will come to recognize that. I pay tribute to the efforts of President Mubarak in taking these ideas forward. Elections must be part of a process leading to final status negotiations on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). We believe that the best framework for these negotiations is an international conference under United Nations auspices.
In Lebanon, we have witnessed for years a process of national self-destruction. Now it seems there is a glimmer of hope. We have welcomed and supported the efforts of the Arab League Committee of Three. They offer a bridge to peace. We hope all concerned in Lebanon's conflict will cross it. A particular threat hangs over the hostages in Lebanon. They are the victims of a detestable form of blackmail which threatens the entire international community.
It is hard to appreciate the anguish of those held hostage, although I have seen the suffering of some of their families, and seen, too, their courage and determination, which is remarkable. John McCarthy, Terry Waite, and now Jackie Mann, three British hostages, have been held for a total of more than 2,000 days. We must keep them and the other hostages constantly in the public eye. They most not be forgotten or overlooked. We must make every effort to press for their unconditional release. There are countries with influence on the hostage-takers. They should use that influence without delay to secure the hostages, safe release, state terrorism is no more acceptable through agents than carried out directly.  It is time to return the hostages to their families, and that should be the message from this Assembly.
Upon one further Point we must all be clear. We must and we dare not give in to the blackmail of terrorists. The Security Councils resolution on terrorism last July added the authority of this Organisation to that message. We need to work for the wide adoption of specific counter-measures. After horrific bombing of Pan Am night 103, the United Kingdom, with Czechoslovakia. is seeking an international agreement on the marking of explosives. All of us are naturally concerned at inflict or tension between countries, or within countries. A number of instates were raised on behalf of European Community countries by my colleague, Roland Dumas. yesterday. I would single out only one, Burma, where  here is an urgent need for the restoration of human rights and democracy through free elections. Earlier this year millions of us around the world were shocked to see Chinese troops kill and wound their fellow citizens on the orders of their own Government.
The measures that we have taken in response to those events are not. however, intended to isolate China. We hope to see China return to genuine reform and to repair the damage done to its international relations. No Government can survive indefinitely by the suppression of peaceful dissent. By treaty. Hong Kong will revert to China in 1997. By treaty, Hong Kong will also preserve its traditional freedoms and way of life. That treaty, the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, is binding. It has been registered as such at the United Nations by both Britain and China.
I welcome unreservedly China's reaffirmation of its commitment to the Joint Declaration. Britain is likewise committed, bindingly and whole-heartedly. But our common commitment must now be reflected in action. And practical reassurances are required from China to the people of Hong Kong, so that they may feel secure in their future, both up to 1997 and beyond. Hong Kong is resilient. Its economy continues to thrive. But it will take time, steady nerves and, above all, an explicitly supportive attitude on the part of China to restore Hong Kong's confidence in its future.
For our part, Britain will continue vigorously to represent the interests of Hong Kong's people in our discussions with China, we intend also to introduce concrete measures to reassure people in the territory about their future. They include-, the early introduction of a Bill of Rights; the development of more representative government; and a package to encourage people essential to Hong Kong's future stability and prosperity to stay there, by giving them guarantees of resettlement in Britain if they wish. That package will be designed not to strip Hong Kong of its people, but to give them hope and confidence to remain in Hong Kong.
	Hong Kong's continued confidence and success is in the interest of the entire international community. In return, Hong Kong needs international understanding and support. That was recognized by the Paris economic summit, and I hope it will also be recognized by this Assembly. International understanding and support is also required in response to the intractable problem of the Vietnamese boat people.
The continuing human exodus from Viet Nam has imposed an insuperable burden on Places of first asylum in the region. Hong Kong alone has more than 56,000 boat people in its camps-, over 32,000 of them have arrived this year.
Yet the bleak reality is that for most of these people there are no homes to go to outside their own country. They are not political refugees. Under the criteria laid down by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, they have left Viet Nam for economic reasons, and not under political pressure.  In June, at Geneva, the International Conference on Indo-Chinese Refugees agreed that: "Persons determined not to be refugees should return to their country of origin in accordance with international practices reflecting the responsibility of States towards their own citizens." That is surely the only answer. Alas, there is no room for them in Hong Kong. There is no hope of a home in any new country. The existing situation is, therefore, unsustainable.
The international community knows that it cannot simply leave this problem with Hong Kong in the hope that somehow they will cope. They cannot cope. The Government and the people of Hong Kong have done all they can. They have put up 15 camps. They have provided food, clothing, schooling. But the limit of their capacity to help has been reached.
For those boat people who are genuine refugees, homes are being found in countries around the world. That is as it should be. But for those boat people who are not refugees, there can ultimately be only one home: the one they came from, so far, only a few of them have recognized this and volunteered to return. We look to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to step up counselling of the non-refugees to ensure that more of them know that there is no future for them outside their own country.
In mid-October, the international community will review developments since the Geneva Conference. The main purpose must be to agree a programme of repatriation under the good offices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. That must involve the phased, orderly and monitored return and re-integration in safety and dignity of all those who are not genuine refugees. To achieve that, Viet Nam must assume full responsibility for its own people and co-operate in the programme. We shall work in good faith with the Vietnamese authorities to that end.
The world that many of us grew up in was haunted by memories of war and overshadowed by the threat of nuclear destruction. Yet, for many of us, it was a much more innocent world than today. Our parents did not live in fear that their children could be exposed to the lethal menace of drugs. We as parents today can have no such peace of mind.
That is why the town of Medellin is now a household name throughout the world. That is why Colombia's battle against drugs is a battle on behalf of us all. The power of the traffickers transcends national boundaries. It demands an international response. I can announce today that, following discussions with the Colombian authorities, my Government has approved a substantial package of assistance for Colombia. It draws on our experience in fighting terrorism. It will comprise communications and towards equipment, technical assistance, and training for those in Colombia involved in the anti-drugs campaign. However, it is vital to make intensified efforts to reduce demand in consumer countries - to put the traders in human misery out of business. Britain will be hosting, in close co-operation with the United Nations, a major international conference in London next April to tackle the problems of demand reduction and cocaine.
The United Nations already makes a significant contribution to international efforts to combat the drugs menace. But we must all do more. All states should ratify the United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances. Britain will do so and has also signed nine agreements so far with other countries permitting the tracing and confiscation of the assets of drug traffickers. The world in which many of us grew up was also a more ignorant world. Pew then appreciated the fragility of the environment which sustains life. But today, if ever there was an issue that should unite the nations, it is this one. To meet this global challenge we need stronger international institutions and clearer priorities.
That is why Britain has more than doubled its voluntary financial contribution to the United Nations Environment Programme. That is why Britain called in May for the early negotiation of an international convention on climate change. And that is why Britain is active in helping to protect tropical forests, whose importance in terms of both climate and resources is now far better understood. The priorities of preservation must live alongside the priorities of development and economic growth. A balance has to be struck. Our philosophy has to be sustainable development, development that benefits mankind and protects his environment. Partnership is a new watchword for the relationship between developed and developing countries. The priorities for that partnership are clear. In the first instance it must be for developing countries themselves to pursue sound economic policies. But development aid has an important part to play. So does action by creditor countries to relieve the debt burden on countries pursuing reform, and most especially on the poorest. International trade must be kept open and inflation contained to assist growth. Britain will continue to work for progress in all those areas.
Experience has shown us that focusing tightly and in turn on the key issues is a better approach than looking for generalized global solutions. The international community, with the United Nations as its chosen instrument, faces a formidable range of challenges. But they are matched by opportunities. The demands on the United Nations are growing. But so is its prestige. So is its authority. So too is the extent of its engagement in new areas.
As we recall the conflict which created the United Nations, it is reassuring to find the Organization developing its role so successfully today. With the membership's continued support the process can be taken further still. All of us will gain from that. For, as the then British Prime Minister told the very first session of the General Assembly:  "The United Nations is really a coming together of all peoples in all countries and continents. It is not 'them' - it is; every one of us seeking, as citizens of the world, peace and security for humanity." Now, at last, we cure doing just that.


Mr. Garba's election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly is for my country, Guinea-Bissau, a source of great satisfaction. His qualities as a wise and experienced diplomat and his deep knowledge of the United Nations system and the major world problems all guarantee enlightened leadership in the work of this session.
We are pleased that the unanimous choice of the international community has tills year beer, the representative of Nigeria, to which Guinea-Bissau Is tied by particular links of friendship, fraternity and co-operation. I assure him of our full co-operation.
The excellent work done by his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, equally merits our full appreciation and thanks. We should also like to make a special mention of the Secretary-General of our Organist ion, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his perspicacious and innovative leadership of the United Nations and for his personal contribution to strengthening the role and prestige of the Organization.
His report on the work of the Organization certainly reflects the complexity of the problems still facing the world; but it also reflects the efforts made by the United Nations over the past year to consolidate the ongoing peace process in some regions of the world, lessen dangers and attenuate conflicts in other areas of the planet. It also speaks of the specific initiatives aimed at strengthening international co-operation with regard to peace, security and development.
The past year has been marked by events of great importance for mankind that seemed to confirm the depth of the changes occurring in the world in recent years.
In this context the beginning of the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of Namibia is doubtless one of the most significant events in world political life, an event whose effects go far beyond the borders of that African country. Namibia's independence will mark a decisive stage in the process off total liberation of the African continent and usher in a new era in the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa to establish a lasting peace and a climate of trust, understanding and co-operation in the region.
The process of dialogue already begun in Angola and Mozambique, thanks to the openness aid clear desire for peace demonstrated by the Governments of these two countries, deserves the unanimous support of the international community. There are numerous examples in contemporary history of international solidarity and joint action to meet the aspirations and common interests of mankind, especially when these aspirations and interests are linked to international peace and security. The positive developments in the world political climate are largely the result of an awareness that the growing interdependence and integration in the world is in the common interest.
Detente between the two super-Powers, the tendency towards lasting peaceful solutions, the establishment of dialogue and harmony over confrontation and use of force, as well as the primacy of law in the settlement of disputes between States, are new exerting a growing influence in structuring international relations at the end of this century. Thus we note with satisfaction the encouraging progress made in solving the questions of Western Sahara and Kampuchea and in working out a final settlement of the Chad-Libya dispute.
Solidarity in the struggle to preserve the environment or against such destructive scourges as terrorism and drugs is a positive sign allowing foe a new vision of the future.
But in speaking of the future we must now take into account the current negative aspects that daily continue to weigh heavily upon mankind.
The persistence of the apartheid system in South Africa, repression in Palestine, confrontations between communities in Lebanon, the tragic situation in East Timor and the tensions still afflicting others areas in the world - especially in the Korean peninsula, Afghanistan and Cyprus - as well as the remaining vestiges of colonialism in some regions - all are still, unfortunately, matters of great concern to the international community, to which must be added the social and economic problems affecting much of mankind.
The elimination of extreme poverty and misery in the world and meeting essential human needs - such as hygiene, health, education and housing - remain formidable challenges for individuals. States and the international community as a whole. The overwhelming majority of the world's population is daily confronted with shortages an& disease as a result of conditions of extreme deprivation.
Africa, for example, is poorer today than it was 20 years ago. The World Bank predicts that this decline will continue over the next 10 years.
According to tine Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, if the trends of recent years continue, per capita food production will continue to fall until the year 2010, and food self-sufficiency in Africa south of the Sahara will decrease by 85 per cent. The cereal deficit will increase from 20 million to 100 million tons, and food imports will reach, in constant prices, the figure of 32.5 billion, the equivalent of twice the amount envisaged for agricultural exports.
What can be said of this indebtedness and its harmful consequences for our economies? The developing countries' debt service exceeds very greatly the flow of foreign capital, a situation that will worsen if urgent measures are not adopted to reverse this trend. The continued fall in the prices of our countries' products in international markets is a grave and constant obstacle to our development efforts.
It is logical, therefore, that the question of development should be the focus of the international community's concerns and should no longer be regarded simply as "assistance".
Development problems should be analysed in terms of concrete measures to guarantee minimal living standards and progress for all, by stimulating growth and promoting beneficial interaction between the economies of the developed and developing countries.
This is really a major imperative of our times and a vital prerequisite for the full affirmation and enjoyment of mankind's political, economic and cultural rights. The adoption of appropriate and courageous measures to solve developing countries' economic and social problems is indeed a genuine priority, and tackling these problems requires now more than ever the eradication of their underlying causes. In tills context it is essential to stress the need for a new coexistence between States based on solidarity and reciprocity, a partnership consciously assumed by each one of us in a world where the ability of a small number of economically strong States to affect positively or negatively the future of the majority of mankind has never been as great or as real.
This coexistence will require the final elimination of the psychological gap between the northern countries and the southern countries and the promotion of a constructive global dialogue on issues of vital importance for all mankind. But, as Amilcar Cabral stated. "To coexist, one must first exist." The real challenge is not to ensure the survival of disinherited populations, but rather to create conditions that guarantee their full rights and basic freedoms, and the blossoming of their creative abilities, making it possible for them to determine, consciously and responsibly, the best way to achieve development compatible with their true aspirations and the needs of our times. We believe it is this process that will ultimately yield true freedom for us, because, in our times, any scientific, technological or economic backwardness will inevitably affect the present and mortgage the future.
The special session of the General Assembly to be devoted to international co-operation scheduled for 1990, will offer an appropriate framework for joint reflection on the best way to resume a constructive global dialogue on questions of development. We expect from the developed countries the openness and commitment that will make it possible to bring a new dynamism into international economic relations.
The international development strategy for the 1990s must also reflect the commitment, desire and will of the entire community of nations to make the next decade a period of profound changes conducive to the economic rebirth of the third world countries. Mankind will then be able to begin the next millennium on new bases and to correct the imbalances created by unequal development in the twentieth century.
In this regard, we should stress at this time the role of the united Nations, a role which is irreplaceable in the constant search for peace, the strengthening of International co-operation and development. The results obtained in carrying out this mission have made the Organization more credible and effective today and has earned it the confidence of mankind. The strengthening of the United Nations Is the most tangible expression of the unique nature and unity of mankind's aspirations and indicates that multilateralism, without which no world problem can truly be resolved, is as vital as ever. We are certain that ever more impressive results will be achieved in our quest for peace, world security and development.
Our joint march along this path is the only viable choice for mankind. We must have the courage to take that path if we truly wish to build a more prosperous and more equitable future and to adjust to our world by better preserving it from any threat to its balance and potential prosperity. Therefore, the rich countries and the poor countries must build together a new humanism that will confirm our shared desire and will to make irreversible the present changes, which are so necessary for the establishment of a new type of relationship between States, based on the vision of a world with greater solidarity.


Permit me to begin by warmly congratulating you. Sir on your election to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly: I am sure that this session will be a success. I also wish to take this opportunity to express my sincere thanks to the President of the last session, Mr. Dante Caputo. For his outstanding contribution in fulfilling his high mission.
The past year has been marked by fresh achievements in the efforts of various countries to seek solutions to regional conflicts, reduce the threat of war and improve the international situation, and by new prospects for world peace. However, ours is not a trouble-free world. regional conflicts have not yet come to a halt. The arms race is still going on. Certain international contradictions have sharpened, owing to violation of the established norms of international law. The economic situation in the developing countries is further deteriorating. All this demonstrates that the source of world turbulence and tension still exists. The Chinese delegation would like to expound its position on the major questions confronting the world today.
The first question is regional conflicts. regional conflicts affect peace and tranquillity in the world and have caused direct, tremendous losses, particularly to many third-world countries. As a third-world country and a permanent member of the Security Council, China is naturally very much concerned about the issue of regional conflicts. The Chinese Government has all along stood for a fair and reasonable political settlement of those conflicts, and has played a constructive role in this regard.
In accordance with the Geneva Agreements on the settlement of the Afghan question, the Soviet Union has withdrawn its troops from Afghanistan. That is a positive development. Genuine peace, however, has yet to come to the land of Afghanistan. We hope that the various political forces there will set up a broadly based coalition Government through consultation and achieve peace in that land so that the Afghan people may rebuild its country.
Iran and Iraq reached a cease-fire a year ago on the basis of mutual acceptance of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), and each is now busy rebuilding its war-ravaged economy. We hope that these two developing countries, with which China enjoys friendly relations, will soon resume contacts and negotiations so as to turn their cease-fire into a lasting peace.
The recent summit conference of the five Central American States has been well received by the international community, as it produced important new agreements on promoting the peace process in Central America. It is our hope that the United States also will respect the peace efforts of these countries. The smooth implementation of the agreements will benefit the stability and development of the region.
Over the past year positive changes have occurred on the scene of southern Africa. With the start of the process of Namibian independence, the ultimate accomplishment of the historic mission of decolonisation on the African continent is now in sight. Angola has made headway in trying to bring peace to the country. The Government of Mozambique is working hard to end the unrest in its country. The Chinese Government has always sympathized with and supported the Namibian people in their struggle for independence. We hope that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and other relevant agreements will be seriously implemented and that the South African authorities will honour their commitment, so as to ensure the holding of a free and fair general election under effective United Nations supervision and to bring about Namibian independence as scheduled. We call on the international community to be watchful, to work to eliminate obstacles to the Namibian independence process and guard against any incident that may arise to the detriment of a free and fair general election.
The Chinese Government has always supported the African countries in their just struggle against racism, and the efforts made by the front-line States and people in southern Africa to achieve peace and stability in the region and develop the national economy. We hope that their efforts will enjoy broad sympathy and vigorous support from the international community. The black people in South Africa are entitled to racial equality and democratic rights. We strongly demand that the South African authorities abrogate the universally condemned apartheid system, which is contrary to the spirit of our times.
Since the last session of the General Assembly there has been an ever-stronger call for a political settlement of the Middle East question. The just struggle of the Palestinians living in the West Rank and the Gaza Strip has clearly demonstrated that the question of ending the Israeli occupation and solving the Palestinian issue with no further delay. The Palestine Liberation organization has adopted a series of flexible and practical policies, winning wide appreciation and support from the international community. It is high time the Israeli Government went along with the trend of history by replacing its rigid position by a flexible approach.
The Chinese Government stands for a settlement of the Middle East question through political means without resorting to force. We support the convocation of the International Conference on the Middle East under United Nations auspices with the participation of the parties concerned, including the five permanent members of the Security Council. We appreciate the efforts of the parties concerned in the Middle East question to conduct dialogues of such diverse forms as they deem appropriate. We demand that Israel stop forthwith its suppression of Palestinian residents in occupation zones and that it withdraw from the occupied Arab territories. We hope to see mutual recognition between the State of Palestine and Israel, guaranteed security both for Arab States and for Israel, and the peaceful coexistence of the Arab nation and the Jewish nation. That, in our opinion, is the correct way to lead a Middle East long plagued by turmoil to peace and tranquillity.
Together with the other justice-upholding countries concerned, the Chinese Government has over the past 11 years consistently worked for a fair and reasonable settlement of the Cambodian question. To that end the United Nations has adopted 10 successive resolutions. The Cambodian question arose as a result of the Vietnamese invasion. Therefore, a comprehensive settlement of the question calls for an end to the Vietnamese invasion and the removal of its consequences. That is the very essence of the successive resolutions adopted by the United Nations on the Cambodian situation, and it is also the consistent position of the Chinese Government. during the transitional period from the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces to the holding of a general election in Cambodia, the only way to ensure peace and forestall a dangerous situation in the country is to set up a provisional coalition Government headed by Prince Sihanouk and composed of the four parties in Cambodia. Cambodia should be restored to its independent, neutral and non-aligned status, while the countries concerned should provide an international guarantee for that status. Recently, the International Conference on Cambodia was held in Paris; it was attended by foreign ministers of many countries and leaders of the four parties in Cambodia. This in itself is of major significance, but regrettably, the Conference did not produce the anticipated results, owing to the rigid position taken by Viet Nam and Phnom Penh on the proposal put forward by the majority of the States participating in the Conference for an international control mechanism under United Nations auspices, the establishment of a provisional quadripartite coalition Government headed by Prince Sihanouk, and a comprehensive settlement of the Cambodian question. As for the withdrawal of forces from Cambodia promised by Viet Nam, without the necessary international supervision people have reason to doubt whether Viet Nam has genuinely pulled out all its forces and military personnel of other categories. We hope that the international community will continue to follow the situation in Cambodia closely, render sympathy and support to the Cambodian people in their just cause, and keep working for a fair and reasonable ultimate settlement of the Cambodian question so as to remove completely this regional hot spot.
The second question is disarmament.
The past year has witnessed new progress in the field of international disarmament. The Treaty between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - is being implemented. Positive results emerged from the International Conference on the prohibition of chemical weapons held in Paris last January. With the start last March in Vienna of. the negotiation on conventional armed forces in Europe and the subsequent specific proposals put forward by each side, long-deadlocked European conventional disarmament has taken a turn for the better. Moreover, the Soviet Union and some East European countries have decided to carry out a unilateral reduction in their forces and armament or withdraw some of them from abroad.
Nevertheless, it is noted that the arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union has not come to a stop. They continue to vie with each other in developing high-technology weapons systems and in going all out to upgrade their nuclear weapons and have even extended their arms race into outer space. So the halting of the arms race and the achievement of effective disarmament remains an arduous task.
The international community expects the United States and the Soviet Union to shoulder their special responsibility for disarmament by taking the lead in drastically reducing their nuclear arsenals and conventional armaments and by stopping their arms race in all forms, including that in outer space. It is our consistent view that chemical weapons should be completely banned and thoroughly destroyed. At the present session of the General Assembly, the United States and the Soviet Union have made proposals on the question of chemical weapons. We hope that they will take practical steps to stop production and development of those weapons and destroy their existing stockpiles, so as to facilitate the conclusion of an international convention on a comprehensive ban on chemical weapons.
Disarmament is a question bearing on world peace and the security of all countries. Therefore, all countries, big or small, strong or weak, nuclear or non-nuclear, should have an equal say in the question, and each can play an active role. The reasonable demands and propositions of the many small and medium-sized countries ought to be respected, and full play should be given to the role of the United Nations and the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva on disarmament issues. All this is highly necessary for the healthy development of the international disarmament process.
The third question is the proper handling of State-to-State relations.
Over the past year a number of countries have improved their relations with each other to varying degrees, which is a valuable contribution to world peace. What is particularly encouraging is that the Arab States have closed their ranks, in a spirit of conciliation. Countries in Africa are working for increased peaceful co-operation on that continent, while Latin American countries have made further headway in their regional co-operation.
China has all along devoted its efforts to the establishment and development of friendly relations and co-operation with other countries on the basis of the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. The past year saw even better and stronger relations between China and many other countries, especially its neighbours.
China maintains a traditional friendship with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. We are interested in peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. We support the Democratic People's Republic of Korea's reasonable proposition on the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea, and wish to see positive results flow from the dialogue and contacts between the North and South of Korea. We have always enjoyed good relations with Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Thailand and many other neighbours in South and South-East Asia. We have normalized our relations with the People's Republic of Mongolia and Laos. Our relations with India are improving in many fields. The consultations on normalization of Sino-Indonesian relations are proceeding smoothly. The solidarity and co-operation between China and Arab States, African States and Latin American States have also made new progress.
In May this year, China and the Soviet Union held a top-level meeting, thereby normalizing their bilateral relations. In a spirit of bidding farewell to the past and opening up the future, leaders of the two countries reviewed and summed up the history of Sino-Soviet relations and agreed to develop the bilateral relations on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. good-neighbourliness between the two big countries, China and the Soviet Union, is in the interests of not only their two peoples but also peace and stability in Asia and the world at large. This has been well received by the international community as it benefits the whole of mankind.
China's relations with Western countries were on a course of steady development. However, difficulties of varying degrees have emerged over the past few months in our relations with certain Western countries. What has exactly happened? Has China acted contrary to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in its relations with these Western countries? No. Has China encroached upon their interests in any way? No. It is known to all that in late spring and early summer this year turmoil occurred in China's capital Beijing, which was aimed at subverting the Government of the People's Republic of China and overthrowing the socialist system stipulated in the Constitution of the People's Republic. It goes without saying that how to deal with this problem is China's internal affair. The whole world witnessed the fact that for almost two months the Chinese Government had exercised the utmost restraint and tried to solve the problem by persuasion and education rather than compulsory measures. It was not until the critical moment when the events had turned into an anti-government rebellion that the Chinese Government was compelled to take decisive measures to quell the rebellion. The overwhelming majority of countries in the world have expressed their understanding of this action by our Government. Only certain Western Governments, ignoring the facts and basing themselves on nothing but distorted news reports and misinformation, levelled unwarranted charges against the Chinese Government and applied pressure on it. It should also be noted that there is much evidence pointing to involvement in the above-mentioned events by some hostile foreign forces, which added fuel to the flames. They know full well what role they have played. In order to maintain State sovereignty and national dignity, it is only natural that the Chinese Government should have firmly rejected their meddling in the events in China and interference in its internal affairs, which contravene the norms governing international relations and the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. In their statements at the General Assembly in the past few days, the delegates of some countries continued to attack the Chinese Government groundlessly. To harp on "democracy" and "freedom" while indulging in the habit of making arbitrary criticisms and imposing one's own will on others in State-to-State relations represents precisely the kind of behaviour that goes against the historical tide. This is indeed regrettable.
The day after tomorrow, the People's Republic of China will celebrate its fortieth anniversary. For China, 1 October 1949 is a day of great historic significance, marking the end of an era in which the Chinese people were subjected to every kind of national humiliation. Over the past four decades, foreign pressure on New China has never ceased, but what has come of it? New China is ever forging ahead. It has never feared, and will in no way bend to any foreign pressure. China's affairs can only be decided by the Chinese people, and China's policy can only be determined by the Chinese Government. Through long years of practice, we have found a development path suited to China's conditions, and we will continue along that path. We have formulated an independent foreign policy of peace attuned to the fundamental interests of the people of China and the world, and we will keep pursuing that policy. China will adhere to its policy of reform and opening to the outside world and continue to work for development of relations with other countries throughout the world.
A normal relationship between China and a foreign country serves mutual interests, whereas in case of a disruption of such a relationship, China will by no means be the only one to suffer. Past experience has repeatedly proved that normal State-to-State relations can only be based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. China abides by these principles, and if other countries also do so, normal relations can certainly be established and developed between them. Herein lies the way out of the current difficulties in the relations of some Western countries with China.
The fourth question is the establishment of a new international political order.
Now that the world has advanced to a stage where most former colonies and dependencies have won independence, all States should treat one another as equals and an end should be put to hegemonic practice. Yet, facts show that hegemonic practice and power politics still exist. From time to time, there are cases in international relations, such as the big bullying the small, the strong domineering over the weak, the imposition of one's own will on others, or even armed encroachment upon the sovereignty of another State and damage to its territorial integrity by force. Should these acts which contravene the norms governing international relations remain unchecked, there can be no tranquillity in the world or guarantee of peace.
With the concerted efforts of the international community, the world now witnesses a trend towards relaxation of tension and increased contacts among nations. This is a good thing. But meanwhile, in international contacts, there are still obvious attempts to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries by various means in violation of the basic norms governing international relations. It is dangerous for State policies to be formulated and pursued with such attempts in mind, as it will detract from relaxation of international tension and lead to the continuation of the cold war. This is a question which merits the attention of the international community.
On the one hand, there are vast numbers of countries in the world with quite different social systems, ideologies, values, historical backgrounds, cultural traditions and religious beliefs, and on the other hand, their interests predetermine the need for contacts with one another. Consequently, all countries are required to adopt a realistic attitude by recognising the diversity of the world, refraining from interfering in each other's internal affairs, and observing in their contacts the mutually accepted norms governing international relations. We firmly believe that such a world will be in line with the interests and aspirations of the people of all countries. I wish to use the forum of the United Nations to present this idea of the Chinese Government, hoping that statesmen of various countries will give it serious consideration when exploring the future of the world.
The fifth question is the establishment of a new international economic order.
For a long time developing countries have suffered greatly from inequitable exchanges, owing to irrationality in existing international economic relations. For them the recent years have seen worsening terms of trade, plummeting export earnings, dwindling production investment and heavy debt burdens. There has been even the phenomenon of reverse capital flow from poor to rich countries for many years running. So the tendency of poor countries to become poorer and rich countries richer is more pronounced than it was a decade ago. If allowed to continue, this situation will bring in its wake even more serious consequences for the whole world, including both the developing and the developed countries. The economic development of the third world has become a pressing issue affecting the global scene. Current international economic relations should not and cannot remain completely unchanged in the time to coma. The establishment of a new international economic order is the need of the times.
In our view, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence should also be abided by in the conduct of economic relations between countries. A country's economic problems can be solved only by the government and people of that country with policies appropriate to their national conditions. Economic contacts between countries should serve friendly co-operation between them and not be turned into means of exerting pressure on other countries or interfering in their internal affairs. Any attempt to impose a certain economic system or developmental model on other countries and to interfere in the economic policies or development efforts of developing countries means power politics in the economic sphere, it runs counter to norms of international relations and the current historical trend and will not work in practice.
To promote the establishment of the new international economic order in the interest of common development of all countries, what is urgently needed at present is a new round of truly substantive North-South dialogue with emphasis on solving the pressing problems facing the developing countries, such as debt, trade, capital and finance. We call on the developed countries to respond constructively to the proposals for reviving the North-South dialogue made by the Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Countries held in Belgrade in Sept either this year and the Special Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 held last June in Caracas. We hope that the special session of the General Assembly devoted to growth and development, scheduled for April next year, will arrive at a fresh common understanding on future international economic co-operation and will provide a sound guideline for it. We also hope that the new international development strategy being worked out will offer effective measures in this regard.
Protecting the environment has become a pressing issue of universal concern? it must be given full attention while efforts are made to solve the question of development. China has made the protection of the environment its State policy, we attach importance to and will participate in the United Nations conference on environment and development scheduled for 1992, and are ready to make necessary preparations for its convocation with other countries and relevant international organizations. We note with pleasure that, as the most influential international organization, the United Nations has in recent years had some outstanding achievements in facilitating the political settlement of regional conflicts, maintaining world peace, and promoting international co-operation and economic and social development. As a result, there is universal recognition of the importance of the United Nations. The positive efforts made by the Secretary-General have also won extensive acclaim from the international community.
The final decade of the twentieth century is approaching. A new century is setting in, the times are progressing and the face of the world is changing. Like the entire international community, the United Nations is faced with unprecedented opportunities and extraordinary challenges. In order to adapt better to an ever-changing world, the United Nations needs to continue its own reform and further improve its efficiency. World peace and development need the United Nations, while the success of the United Nations depends on the support and co-operation of all its Member States. Together with the many other United Nations Member States, China is ready to fulfil the duties prescribed in the United Nations Charter and to contribute its share to a strengthened role of the organization in world affairs.


The Government of Ecuador would like to extend to Ambassador Joseph Garba its warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. His country and mine have shared interests and shared aspirations, and we are confident of his skills in guiding the debates of this General Assembly.
I should also like to express our gratitude to Ambassador Dante Caputo for the efficient manner in which he presided over the proceedings of this Assembly's session last year.
It is now ten years since democracy was re-established in Ecuador and a year since President Rodrigo Borja assumed his constitutional mandate. During this period the Ecuadorian people have strengthened their political system and have made serious efforts to surmount the economic difficulties encountered.
The Administration has been forced to adopt stringent measures to streamline its economy, honour its international commitments and attempt to improve the social circumstances of its poorest citizens. So far it has managed to launch a sustained process of stabilization and economic recovery and to lay the foundations for social development in a climate of freedom, security, peace, respect and democratic discipline.
We have made special efforts to broaden our role in international affairs by strengthening our relations both with industrialized and with developing countries. We are convinced that co-operation and solidarity are essential to development and the harmonious coexistence of nations.
We are conscious also of the reality in which we live and of the regional commitments to give a new dimension to Latin American and Caribbean unity and in this context to work for Andean and Latin American integration and co-operation between Amazonia and the South Pacific. Ecuador shares problems and positions with the third world and with the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. We hope the twenty-first century will see Latin America united, enjoying solidarity, and truly integrated, with a system of collective security that will make confrontation between nations inconceivable and proscribe violence, it is our hope that mutual trust will set the region on a course which will allow all of the countries, individually and collectively, to have sound possibilities of development. In the Andean region we have taken significant steps to consolidate a process of integration, which will promote progress in trade, political, economic and social affairs, as well as in the technological, scientific and cultural areas.
We have given impetus to a good-neighbour policy aimed at improving links with the neighbouring countries of Colombia and Peru, through an effective, straight-forward mechanism which enables us to strengthen our affinities and take advantage of the possibilities of co-operation and complementation. The process that we have under way with Peru will create the climate and conditions necessary to enable our countries, in a spirit of brotherly collaboration, to make joint efforts to promote their people's development and solve their traditional difference on a renewed basis of justice, trust and friendship, in a new era of fruitful bilateral relations. We have also strengthened our relations and intensified our action in multilateral forums because we believe that the discussions and activities of the international community will help significantly to solve our national problems. I would like here to reiterate my Government's tribute e to the United Nations and its support for the Organization and to express our thanks to its specialized agencies, which are doing so much to help us surmount our development problems.
As a member of the international community we are undoubtedly living in hopeful times. However, the threat of confrontation has not been eliminated, nor has a solution been found to all regional conflicts. Nor can we claim victory in our fight against poverty or sickness. We cannot yet say that we are close to the time when all the peoples of the United Nations will have attained living standards consistent with human dignity. Nor can we claim that we have completely eliminated friction or dangerous misunderstandings or that violence has been eradicated. There are still many serious problems, but there are also undoubtedly positive signs which we should reinforce. It is obvious that a new spirit of detente makes dialogue and co-operation easier. Several conflicts that only yesterday represented a serious threat to peace now appear to be giving way to constructive negotiations.
Thus, we welcome this rebirth of hope. We enthusiastically support the renewed spirit of peace, the steps taken towards the elimination or reduction of weapons of mass destruction and the perspectives for closer understanding within a framework that should lead to greater solidarity between nations and to the establishment of a fairer international order. The united Nations has made an essential and extremely valuable contribution to all those efforts. In order to overcome the remaining pockets of tension, however, we will have to undertake more vigorous and dynamic action. The fundamental task of maintaining and strengthening peace is everybody's business, it has to be undertaken by the great Powers as well as the small countries, by Governments as well as individuals. Peace is the business of humanity as a whole.
Agreement, as a road to coexistence, is an urgent goal to be achieved at the international level. Thus, we welcome the rapprochement between the United States and the Soviet Union and we trust that its consolidation will strengthen the hopes of agreement and harmony, and thus reduce the tensions both between the super-Powers and at the level of regional conflicts. We welcome also the progress made in our region towards a negotiated solution to the Central American crisis. With genuine political will, momentous political steps are being taken. We trust that all the Governments that are parties to the Escruipulas II and Tela Agreements will abide by the commitments they have assumed, and that all members of the inter-American community will do their best to facilitate the achievement of the goals of peace and the democratization process, and will refrain from anything that might hinder it. We also welcome the efforts to establish a dialogue aimed at bringing to an end the conflict in El Salvador, which has already cut short too many lives and severely undermined that country's development.
In Latin America we cannot be indifferent to what is happening to the political system of other countries in the region. We are quite aware that the persistence of totalitarian regimes, the temptation of military takeovers, the continued existence of guerrilla movements, irregular forces and different forms of terrorism ultimately affect the security of all. We are beginning to experience democratic interdependence in Latin America, which is thoroughly consistent with our deep respect for the principle of non-intervention.
Hence, those of us who support and promote a negotiated political solution among all the sectors involved in the Panama crisis believe that the dialogue among the parties, which was interrupted by an artificially set. date that had established an absurd time-limit, should be resumed so that Panamanians can arrive at a Panamanian formula that will bring about the beginning of a legitimate, fully democratic process leading to the establishment of a constitutional government.
Our desire for peace leads us to promote any process aimed at achieving and strengthening peace and points to the need to find negotiated solutions to all disputes, we have always given proof of this. We believe that all of us must make fairness a universal value so that the vital interests of each nation, be it big or small, will be equally valid and internationally respected.
The independence of Namibia will represent monumental progress on the part of the international community in its struggle to eradicate colonialism. The civilized world requires that some of the encouraging statements that have been heard lately find real expression in the eradication of the abhorrent apartheid system and other equally unacceptable discriminatory practices.
We also hope that the goals of negotiation and reconciliation set for the Middle East region will be achieved. This is a region with which we Latin Americans feel historically linked - as we do with all other areas of persistent conflict - although in the last year there have been significant steps towards a resolution. This is, in any case, the time for us to realize that the risks are not merely military but have very tragic political, social and economic dimensions. We must look towards the establishment of a safer world for everyone.  The lack of security in the world at large, and in Latin America in particular, has many deep-rooted causes. Among them are the violence in the large urban centres, the difficult situation of the peasants, the deterioration of the environment and quality of life, poor working conditions and low pay, the stifling practices of those who wield financial power, food imbalances and unmet health needs, and the lack of opportunity for the young to use their imagination and energy. They are also to be found in the failure to make the unfair international order more democratic, and in lack of respect for human rights and the sovereignty of nations through unjustified interference.
An insecure society leads to frustration, conflict and violence. Our most urgent task and social obligation in Latin America is to make democracy a practical reality for the disadvantaged in our societies. Historically, the effectiveness of our democracy will be measured by its ability to bring tangible relief and benefits to more than 130 million human beings in Latin America living in really unacceptable conditions.
In some nations poverty has reached levels that were deemed impossible in Latin America. Forty per cent of the population of the region lives below the poverty line. Poverty is the single main cause of death on our continent, we need the kind of development that will eradicate the roots through permanent political solutions. Next year Ecuador will host the Second Regional Conference on Dire Poverty, and we believe that it is essential to reach genuine agreement and a firm
commitment by all our countries and all their social sectors, as well as by the countries of the industrialized north and international agencies for technical co-operation.
 President Borja has expressed throughout his political life - and certainly since he came into office - his deep concern for children. We has said that during his Administration the needs of children will be his main priority. Children are the silent victims of societies in crisis and of underdevelopment. Child mortality rates are tragically high and, although revolutionary methods have been devised to reduce them, too many children are dying of avoidable causes. Accordingly, my Government supports the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which is based on an international consensus and commitment. Ecuador also supports enthusiastically the convening of a meeting of Heads of State to mobilize at the highest level efforts aimed at safeguarding the lives and dignity of children.
Let us be clear: our developing countries, especially in Latin America, have seen during this decade their material, economic and social progress con. to a halt. That is why Enrique Iglesias has called it the lost decade. Per capita income and production have fallen while inflation, unemployment and poverty have increased, giving rise to a protracted crisis that represents the main challenge to our democracy.
The situation in Latin America is mostly expressed in terms of economic deficits and debt-servicing difficulties. But these debts are not just the result of our mistakes and problems. They also reflect an unfair system of international economic relations. Clearly, there is a shared responsibility for their genesis and, hence, their solution requires an equal sharing of responsibilities and costs.
It is true that in recent months there has been an evolution of thought as to the origins of the problem, and it is now accepted that it is necessary to lighten the developing nations' debt burden in keeping with their needs for growth and social progress. The recognition of the joint responsibility of creditors and debtors has found pragmatic expression in the Brady plan. Its implementation, however, does not offset the accumulated damage of almost a decade and implies negotiations with international banks that seem to have hardened their positions based on earlier experience.
 In this context, it is relevant to point out that during the recent visit of the President of Ecuador to Madrid, the Government of Spain, in a joint statement, indicated its willingness to consider a reduction of Ecuador's public debt. I believe this is the first time that a Government has formally expressed such an intention. I mention this because, in our view, this is an extremely important step in the efforts to bring about a change of attitude in the way this serious problem is being dealt with.
The elimination or sizeable reduction of financial flows and investment have led to increased stagnation and generated a vicious circle resulting in the maintenance of restrictions which hamper development and, consequently, undermine the ability to repay.  In international trade - the other main source of economic recovery - it is necessary to abandon protectionist practices that continue to hamper the growth efforts of developing countries, as well as the possibility of their overcoming their vulnerability and dependence.
If we mention the international climate and its impact on the development of the debtor countries, this does not mean shirking our own responsibility to overcome our probes and achieve a better standard of living, certainly we expect understanding and cooperation from the international community and certainly it - urgent to reform an international order that impedes our progress and perpetuates injustice. But, equally, we know that it is our responsibility to build societies that can guarantee, at the donation level, those conditions that we expect of the democratic course that we have chosen: Justice with freedom, respect for man, and development.
Domestic efforts to achieve economic recovery have a political cost but there has to be a limit to the sacrifice. Medicine is intended to cure the patient, not to kill him or compound his condition. That is why we raise our voices against protectionist measures that frustrate cur dances of growth. We call for fresh investment, and we call on creditor banks to accept the reality prevailing in the debtor countries.
If the pressure of the external debt is relieved, and financial liquidity restored, progress will be made towards opening the economies of small countries without the risk of destabilization. Develop options can be preserved in such a way that the State fulfils an adequate role by stimulating and guiding the forces Of production. To that end, it is necessary to have well-defined rules of the game that protect national interests and instil confidence in all those who take part in the production process by sullying their work, capital or technology. Together,  they will bring about harmony and efficiency in the process of economic revitalization, wealth-building and fair participation. That will also help to maintain social peace and to strengthen democratic institutions.
The protection of the environment is closely related to development and to the need to safeguard the future of humanity, m few areas are the unity of man and the interdependence of nations clearer than in this one. We must all co-operate to prevent the deterioration of the environment, since we all depend upon it. Environmental protection and preservation are obligations of the international community, of those countries and enterprises with the technology to exploit natural resources, of the States in which those natural resources are found, and of those with the responsibility to use them for their peoples' development.
Ecuador has condemned all forms of terrorism because it considers terrorism to be a crime against mankind and believes that it must be fought internationally with the help of all States. The International Conference on Terrorism must be the starting-point in the elimination of this threat, which is often closely linked to the perverse activity of drug trafficking. In recent days there has evolved a vast world-wide movement of solidarity towards the elimination of drug trafficking. Ecuador shares the determination to take whatever action may be necessary to combat the drug menace.
Terrorism and drug traffic, underdevelopment, injustice and the denial of freedoms are different ways of violating human rights, whose protection is one of the main concerns of the world Organization.
 Can anybody doubt that peace is not merely the absence of war but also the rejection of all forms of violence? We are duty-bound to redress injustice and to guarantee freedoms, because the perpetuation of the former and the denial of the latter are a form of aggression against man, sometimes harsher than that inflicted by traditional warfare. Our fight must be ethical and consistent with the values we cherish. There is growing interdependence among States. If being a member of the human species is not enough to make people want to take common action, surely the fact that peace is indivisible and that problems, regardless of where they begin, affect all countries must be sufficient.
On the eve of the twenty-first century we have to rethink the role of international operation, which is of crucial importance. We have to examine realistically the circumstances in which we live and the urgent need to act in consonance with the diversity of the present world situation, we must go beyond formal relations and achieve real understandings on which to build a future of Peace and security, equity and prosperity for all. To do otherwise would be tantamount to compromising the dignity of the weakest communities on the world scene.
For the last 44 years we have practised here the diplomacy of peace. Here was established in the 1960s the diplomacy for development. We cannot deny that we have experienced frustration. But we have also made historic progress towards eliminating and containing conflicts and reducing injustice among nations. Today we know better, we have more experience and a greater understanding of our realities. Our faith in the principle and purposes of the Organization has not wavered.
Let us then resort to the mechanisms available to us and let us, as united nations, give a clear answer to the challenges facing the international community at this time, why not speak about international social justice, about a new diplomacy practised with insight and sincerity, which will define its goals and devise the international measures necessary to achieve them?
Let us make interdependence a reality that benefits all of us. This can be done only if, in our interests, we all use our imagination and ingenuity in the  search for peace. Violence, famine, illness, poverty and drug traffic are problems affecting each and every one of us. They are challenges that we must overcome together by attacking their origins, their root causes.
On the basis of long personal experience in the Organization I am convinced that all peoples and all Governments have now shown a willingness to be guided by clear thinking, and that the United Nations will make the necessary efforts to take, with a sense of universality and clear realism, the decision to build the new world order that we all hope for. That mission of justice will turn into a crusade of peace.
On the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the General Assembly paid posthumous homage to Monsignor Leonidas Proafto, an acknowledged defender of human rights in my country. To conclude this statement, I should like to express Ecuador's deep gratitude for this act by the international community, which has thus extolled a life devoted to the noblest causes of humanity and has given special encouragement to those who believe in man and who work throughout the world to solve the problems of the neediest in our midst. This is the kind of task to which only men and women of goodwill devote themselves.