The year that is now drawing to its end has demonstrated the perfectible nature of international life. In a good number of situations which until very recently appeared to be insoluble there have been positive developments. The Congo welcomes this wind of change that has been blowing throughout the world for some time now, fostering dialogue between the United States and the Soviet Union. It is a wind that has blown away traditional perceptions of world politics and has created new prospects for peace and co-operation.
However, we are bound to acknowledge that these favourable developments at the political level have not yet had the desired effects in the area of development issues. I am thinking in particular of issues associated with the international economic situation, protection of the environment, and drug trafficking. Despite the persistence of these problems, allow me to associate the People's Republic of the Congo with the hopes that have been expressed by other representatives who share with us the aspiration to a world dedicated to peace, freedom and justice.
I take pleasure in offering to you, Sir, my heartfelt congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. Your election is a token of the tribute that the international community wishes to pay to Nigeria - a country with which the People's Republic of the Congo has excellent relations of friendship, brotherhood and co-operation, and whose traditions of openness and co-operation derive from its natural readiness to stand side by side with the United Nations whenever the situation demands it. Allow roe to congratulate also Mr. Dante Caputo, your predecessor as President, whose effective and skilful guidance of the work of the General Assembly at its forty-third session won him the respect of the whole Assembly. Our heartfelt thanks go to him. I want also to express my country's gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar - a great man dedicated to the cause of peace, who, despite short-term difficulties, is carrying out his task courageously and resolutely.
The United Nations - crucible of the nations, the ideal forum for championing just causes, an Organization whose legitimate aim is to serve individuals and States - feels intensely all the turmoil affecting the international community. This should urge the Member States to support its efforts in seeking solutions to the vital problems facing mankind. The crises and conflicts that beset the world justify us in constantly seeking balance, security and peace, and justify our aspiration to a fairer and more equitable order - a vital prerequisite for the creation of an ideal climate of active solidarity, which de in aids tolerance, the right to be different, justice and mutual acceptance, as well as progress shared by all. That is why we believe that it is imperative that the United Nations be given the operational means and the capacity that it needs to ensure the maintenance of peace among nations.
Consequently, we welcome the fact that the crisis in multilateralism, which was so dreaded a few years ago, has given way to the rebirth of multilateral diplomacy. We hope that this new awareness will continue to inspire us aid will enable the Organization to win the battles that it must fight and to tackle the numerous challenges before it.
Disarmament is a matter of concern to all of us. In view of the danger inherent in nuclear weaponry, the signing, in December 1987, of the Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, and its implementation, are of great historic significance for the strengthening of peace in the world. We hope that the 50 per cent reduction in strategic nuclear weapons will become a reality. All countries that possess nuclear weapons should participate in this disarmament process.
Similarly, my country wishes to express its support for the initiative taken by some Members of this Organization in calling for the convening of a conference of States parties to the partial test-ban Treaty to consider amendments designed to convert that Treaty into a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban Treaty. My delegation welcomes with satisfaction the statements made here a few days ago by President Bush and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Onion, Mr. Shevardnadze, on the banning of chemical weapons, endorsing the conclusions of the Paris Conference held in January 1989, at which 149 countries, among them Congo, gave their solemn undertaking not to use chemical weapons.
We have seen appalling pictures in the media showing the use of such weapons in recent conflicts. This is surely an opportunity to urge the participants in the Conference in Geneva to bring the negotiations to a conclusion as soon as possible, with a view to concluding a multilateral convention on the prohibition of the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons.
The climate of detente aid the beginning of constructive dialogue which we can see at the present time offer grounds for optimism. My country is dedicated to peace, justice, national concord and democracy, as evidenced by the conclusions reached at the last congress of our party and the results of the legislative elections of 24 September 1989. Thus, my country can only welcome the prospects for peace which are perceptible in various parts of the world where tensions were brewing.
In Central America and the Caribbean, we welcome the results of the tireless efforts of the Heads of State and Government of the sub region since Esquipulas II, which recently yielded fruit in the form of the Tela Declaration of 7 August 1989. This development requires all other States to refrain from any action which might place an obstacle in the way of this process. We follow with particular interest the process of democratisation which is now under way there and which the international community should support. In South-East Asia, a number of initiatives have been taken this year which indicate a decisive and significant turning-point in political terms. The policy of national reconciliation which has been la inched in Kampuchea should be pursued. The opening of peace negotiations in the form of the Jakarta and Paris meetings represent an undertaking which must be welcomed aid encouraged.
In Afghanistan, thanks to the efforts of the Secretary-General and the parties concerned, an important step forward has been taken with the signing of the Geneva Agreements on 14 April 1988. In the absence of any effective cease-fire and given the resurgence of fighting, my country wishes to reaffirm its adherence to the Geneva Agreements as the sole acceptable basis for a settlement to that conflict.
In the Korean peninsula, we note with satisfaction the efforts being made to bring about a rapprochement between the North and the South, which is a necessary prelude to the peaceful reunification of Korea.
With respect to Iran and Iraq, the peace negotiations on which those two countries have embarked are a sign of hope which we should all work to strengthen. The People's Republic of the Congo supports the continued peace talks aimed at the total implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) aid hopes that the related problems will not obstruct the peace efforts undertaken by the international community.
With respect to the question of Cyprus, my country welcomes the willingness of the leaders of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities, thanks to the good offices of the Secretary-General, to undertake to work tirelessly together with a view to concluding a comprehensive agreement to safeguard peace and national unity in that country.
In North Africa, the contacts which have begun between the Moroccan Government and the POLISARIO Front augur well for an era of peace and stability in that region. The referendum provided for in the various relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity aid the United Nations will enable the basic question of self-determination for the Saharoui people to be settled. The efforts of the Secretary-General, who has been working tirelessly to that end, deserve the encouragement of my country and of the whole international community. We hope that the dialogue that has begun will continue in more favourable conditions.
Along these same lines, my country also lends its support to the efforts to achieve peace in the Horn of Africa, particularly in Ethiopia aid the Sudan.
The framework agreement signed between Libya and Chad on 7 September last in Algiers, designed to settle the dispute between those two countries, is, as far as my delegations is concerned, the ideal way to work towards a final settlement of that conflict. We continue to be convinced that, from this time on, a climate of tranquillity, understanding and good-neighbourliness will prevail in the relations between those two countries.
While the situations to which I have referred attest to the climate of detente which is favourable to improvement in international relations, we are bound to recognize that these situations are still precarious, as evidenced by the persistence of hotbeds of tension around the world. In the Middle East, the situation is extremely worrisome. That situation, with the thorny Palestinian problem at its epicentre, is at present at an almost total deadlock. One might have thought that following the concessions made by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) on the basis of Security Council resolutions 2 42 (1967) aid 338 (1973), a new process might have been begun aimed at reopening the peace process and beginning a dialogue between the Israelis and Palestinians. On the contrary, we are witnessing redoubled violence against the Palestinian people. The intifadah, the symbol of the resistance of the Palestinian people to the occupation of its homeland, reflects the determination of that people to build a free and independent nation. Congo, which recognized the State of Palestine proclaimed in Algiers in November last year following the meeting of the Palestine National Council, considers that the restoration of lasting peace requires the liberation of the occupied territories.
My country believes that the holding of an international peace conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations; with the participation of all the parties, including the PLO, is the only appropriate framework for negotiations which will enable the Palestinian people to exercise its right to self-determination and which would guarantee the right of all the States of the region to live within secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
It is with deep distress that I must now speak of Lebanon, a name which, only about 15 years ago, was synonymous with joie de vivre aid which is now synonymous with warfare  Neither the Arab League's cease-fire nor the United Nations cease-fire has been able effectively to stop the fighting, this making the mission of the committee of good offices of the Arab League even more difficult, lb the Lebanese people, the victim of external interference, we reaffirm our solidarity and we support the efforts of the Tripartite Committee of Heads of State, which is seeking to restore peace to that people.
As members are aware, the situation in southern Africa for my country is one of major concern. As far as it has been possible to do so, the people of Congo, under the leadership of President Denis Sassou Nguesso, is lending its support to the establishment of global end lasting peace in the region.
Indeed, having worked for the conclusion of the agreements reached at Brazzaville and New York, President Denis Sassou Nguesso has spared no effort to achieve, in conjunction with other Heads of State, the total and final elimination of all the factors that generate tension and conflict in Angola, in South Africa and in all the other countries of southern Africa. In that connection Congolese observers, under the aegis of the United Nations, are taking part in the implementation of some of those agreements in the field. Congo is actively participating in the process of national reconciliation in Angola and shares the hopes raised at the Gbadolite summit meeting on 22 June 1989. We take this opportunity to appeal to the international community and to all the friends of the Angolan people to support the efforts of the Government, the people and all the sons of Angola to bring about national reconciliation and rebuild that country.
Indeed, have five centuries of colonization, 33 years of liberation struggle and 14 years of internal conflict not been an unduly heavy price for a people to pay - a people that aspires only to live in peace so it can work for its country's development?
With regard to the People's Republic of Mozambique, we are convinced that the policy of national reconciliation initiated by President Joachim Alberto Chissano and FRELIMO will ensure the genuine peace that is so vital for that fraternal country's reconstruction.
In Namibia a historic event looms on the horizons the independence of that brother country after long years of heroic struggle by the Namibian people, aided the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), against South Africa's occupation forces. We urge the international community to be vigilant in ensuring the full implementation of Security Council resolution 43 5 (1978) so that all the necessary conditions are met for the holding of free and democratic elections. It is clear that the advent of an independent Namibia on the world scene will require assistance from the international community in keeping with the scale of the challenges the new country must face in consolidating peace and beginning national reconstruction.
In basing its existence on the policy of separate racial development  South Africa is maintaining an anachronism unworthy of the modern world. Recent changes that have occurred in the South African leadership  aid the ensuing legislative elections that excluded the black majority, have not basically altered our perception of the nature of that regime. Neither the purportedly reassuring statements of the new Government nor the proposed reforms can alter unshakeable international public opinion  which is determined to abolish apartheid a crime against humanity. Apartheid cannot be reformed) it must be eradicated. What the international community expects from the South African Government is a demonstration of its good faith and its ability to put an end to apartheid in keeping with the desire of the non-aligned countries and the members of the Organization of African Unity (OMJ) as expressed in the Declaration of the ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State on Southern Africa of which my country is a member.
Peace and security in South Africa call for the immediate and unconditional release of Nelson Mandela aid all political prisoners the lifting of the state of emergency, the restoration of all civil rights for all citizens and the establishment of a genuinely democratic regime, as well as the termination of any policy aimed at destabilizing the countries of the sub region.
As is obvious  the current situation in South Africa, still far from meeting the requirements of the international community, can only compel us to maintain and intensify our political, economic end financial pressures on the apartheid regime. We venture to hope that national committees in the anti-apartheid struggle and the international community as a whole will increase their activities and lend stronger support to the initiatives of the African Committee against apartheid, of which my country is Chairman, as well as the efforts of the Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid (AFRICA) Fund.
As we are all aware, today terrorism concerns the entire world because of the large loss of human life it causes. My country, so recently the victim of a terrorist attack, which caused the death of 49 citizens who perished in the attack against a UTA Airline DC-10, condemns terrorism aid urges the international community to wage a pitiless struggle against that evil and to eradicate it.
The drug problem has now reached alarming proportions. It has devastating effects on many countries throughout the world. The link that has been established between drugs and crime threatens the very security of States. Africa, long considered free from the problem of drug trafficking, is gradually becoming involved in that repugnant trade.
It is therefore vital to strengthen international co-operation and to support the efforts that have recently been begun to eradicate that phenomenon, whose ultimate goal is the disintegration of our States. That was the spirit in which an international seminar on legislation to combat drugs was convened at Brazzaville last April - a seminar that brought together 14 African countries and that agreed on the vital necessity to devise aid harmonize national legislations under the aegis of the United Nations.
For nearly two years the relaxation of East-West tensions and the resulting beneficial effects on regional conflicts have given us good reasons to hope that we are entering a new era of dialogue and peace. The new political climate of detente, we hoped, would quite naturally prompt the international community to work to find agreed solutions to the crucial problems of the world economy, which is riddled with uncertainties that cast a threatening shadow on the future of the developing countries. All reports are unanimous in painting a picture of a world economy marked by glaring contrasts. While the industrialized countries continue to enjoy sustained growth most of the developing countries are becoming bogged down in stagnation or even recession.
Furthermore  the magnitude of the foreign indebtedness of developing countries which in only 7 years has risen from $800 billion in 1982 to 31,320 billion in 1988  has further worsened their economic and social situations by putting a sudden brake on growth and causing an unprecedented deterioration in the living conditions of their populations. In many cases prolonged austerity programmes have led to violence and generated greater insecurity and unemployment  which most severely affect the broadest and most vulnerable sectors of society.
It is true that measures and initiatives have been taken to lighten the debt burden of developing countries. My country welcomes that. But we regret that such measures often exclude countries at the so-called middle-income level, like the Congo  which none the less have the highest ratios of debt. However, given the gravity of the problem those measures have proved insufficient vis-à-vis long-term development objectives. They must be backed up by a comprehensive and integrated strategy in a spirit of shared responsibility in the true sense.
Debt reduction, which is on the agenda of this body and of other forums, can offer real hope only if it goes hand in hand with substantial support in the form of appropriate financial resources. That support is a vital part of any debt-relief policy, particularly at a time when we note with regret an alarming trend towards a diminution of financial flows, especially characterized by the stagnation of official development assistance and a drying-up of flows of commercial finance, while at the same time, paradoxically, the net transfer of financial resources from developing to developed countries rose to $43 billion in 1988.
Furthermore, the continued worsening of the economic and social situation in Africa  exacerbated by the debt crisis, bears out the value and relevance of the common position an African debt adopted in 1987 at the third special summit of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). That debt, estimated in 1988 at 3230 billion, absorbs a considerable portion of the export earnings of African countries.
The world economic crisis has diminished the capacity of our countries to participate actively in world trade. Our products are suffering from the instability of the markets of the developed countries and increasing protectionism. The marked continued decline in the prices of commodities exported by developing countries together with the deterioration of terms of trade have created difficulties that have adversely affected balances of payment and led to a negative transfer of resources. Without question, exports remain one of the main means by which developing countries may achieve economic growth; hence the need to work together to establish a just and equitable international trading system. In this respect, my country attaches special importance to the Uruguay negotiations, whose ultimate goal is to strengthen the multilateral trading system.
Human solidarity prompts us to give priority to the poorest countries. Three years ago, in this very Hall, the international community, in response to Africa's appeal, adopted the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, but that continent, which includes the largest number of least developed countries, is still feeling the negative effects of an economic crisis whose causes are beyond its control, that is thwarting all the efforts of the African Governments to revitalize their economies.
In 1988 the mid-term review of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development concluded that the response of the international community had been inappropriate end inadequate. Despite the reforms undertaken at great political risk and significant social cost, the economic recovery which was the supposed objective of such policies is still beyond our reach.
As far as we ate concerned, Congo, in conditions of extreme constraint, has courageously implemented the strengthened structural adjustment programme drawn up with the co-operation of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and its creditors. Unfortunately, the efforts we have made have not so far yielded any significant results and we need more understanding from our partners if we are to achieve economic recovery in my country. The African frame of reference for structural adjustment programmes aimed at bringing about economic changes and recovery, prepared by the Economic Commission for Africa and endorsed by the OAU Summit in July of this year deserves the attention of the international community.
Without a doubt, the deterioration of the environment requires strengthened international co-operation. This Organization offers an ideal framework for concerted action and co-ordination of efforts in this area. But it should be noted that the tendency to regard the degradation of the environment as an isolated phenomenon overlooks certain aspects of the problems. The question of environment protection, in our opinion, is part of the process of development itself. It is in this context that a whole governmental structure has been set up in the Congo to deal with the problem of the environment. That department is devising and executing a national environmental protection policy. Every year, on 6 Match the Congo celebrates the Day as a symbol of the policy of reforestation, a policy that has been carried out on an extremely large scale by specialized departments.
It behoves the developed countries, whose primary responsibility for environmental pollution has been acknowledged, to come to the assistance of developing countries in their efforts to protect the environment by contributing additional financial resources and through the transfer of appropriate and ecologically sound technologies.
We are nearing the end of a decade, a decade of frustrations for the developing countries but which none the less offers extremely promising prospects. Thus, as we turn our eyes to the future, let us hold fast to the hope that, as in political relations, confrontation will give way to dialogue between rich and poor, constructive dialogue aiming at a new, fairer and more equitable order. With this in mind, the United Nations has some important milestones ahead of it, including the following·, the special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation, and in particular, to the revitalization of economic growth and development in the developing countries, scheduled for April 1990 - a tremendously important session, for it will be addressing challenges of great importance to the world economy, the International Strategy for the fourth United Nations Development Decade (1991-2000), a crucial decade which should ensure that mankind arrives at the threshold of the next millennium is an active spirit of solidarity and co-operation for a better world.
But the building of such a world demands that the fundamental needs of populations be met. The international community, through this world Organization, must find decisive responses to that challenge, bolstered by a genuine solidarity pact between the rich and the poor, the North and the South.


On behalf of the Government of Mexico, I congratulate the President on his election to preside over the work of this forty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
To the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, we again extend special thanks for his positive, judicious and persevering work at the head of the United Nations. Thanks to his diligence, no one can now question the Organization's decisive role in international relations, as the essential catalyst in the diplomatic activity of resolving through negotiation and dialogue the conflicts threatening our collective peace and security.
This is the first time the Government of Carlos Salinas de Gortari, President of Mexico, has taken part in the Assembly's general debate. On his behalf, I again express my country's commitment to the purposes and principles of our Organization. Mexico is a founding Member of the United Nations. We have invariably supported its activities. The principles embodied in its Charter and its guiding purposes are fully in accord with our firm belief in an international community of nations, equal before the law and committed in peace and solidarity to the goal of growth with justice. We believe in the United Nations, because it enshrines the need to ensure that reason prevails over force. In a world still marked by the inequality and despair of so many, the United Nations is a clear example that we as human beings ore capable of working together for a better common future, regardless of ideologies and passing interests.
Over the past few months the international community has witnessed changes pointing to the end of an era of confrontation. For Mexico it is encouraging that the stereotypes of rivalry have been replaced by new concepts of co-operation and understanding. These advances teach us that solving the grave problems confronting international life is not an impossible objective.
The Mexican Government warmly welcomes the conclusion of the Tela agreements, signed by the Presidents of Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador aid Nicaragua. We unconditionally support the efforts made to find a lasting solution to a conflict which has bled white the Central American isthmus. Tela is the culmination of an arduous and complex negotiating process. We urge the international community to support the agreements and to ensure that they are not obstructed by interests from outside the area.
The responsibilities entrusted to the United Nations in the process of bringing peace to Central America are clearly of the utmost importance. The success of the United Nations elections observer mission in Central America and of the International Verification and Follow-Up Commission will largely depend on the co-operation they receive from member States and on full respect for the wishes of the region's Heads of State.
Mexico will continue to extend its firm support for the efforts of the Central American Presidents to achieve peace, since peace is vital for the development of the peoples and the consolidation of democracy in the region.
The accomplishments on the political front have not meant parallel advances in the international economic arena, while States have committed their power and prestige to the solution of political conflicts, they are seeking to correct the profound economic imbalances by turning loose market forces, forgetting that those are the principal cause of the political tensions in many regions of the world.
The economic gap between North and South is wider than it was a decade ago, and we have done little to reverse the trend. For Latin America this has been a period of outright stagnation. The enormous transfer of resources to the developed world which we have made during this time has tested our peoples to the limit and threatens to destabilize our political institutions.
We cannot be ambiguous in confronting the problems facing us. It is now necessary to apply the same dedication to correcting economic imbalances as we have applied to the correction of political imbalances. Notwithstanding some differences of approach, there is general agreement that we are now at a watershed in world history. The next century must be spared the agonies of war and the extreme poverty that still afflicts millions of human beings, if liberty is to flourish and democracy is to have a real chance to survive.
How can the United Nations contribute to shaping the twenty—first century? The decade of the 1990s will be a crucial stage in fashioning that new reality. The agenda for action is long and complex, but Mexico considers that there are four major themes around which our thoughts and actions may converge.
The first theme is the democratisation of international society. The Organization's institutional structure will have adequately to reflect the profound changes and the multi-polarity which characterize current international society. We continue to be constrained by the system devised by the victors in the Second World War, in spite of the fact that we are living in a very different world, whose make-up has been radically changed by the widespread process of decolonisation and the redistribution of economic and financial power at the international level.
We believe that we shall be able to entrust our Secretary-General with the task of closely examining the different proposals that have been formulated for reorganizing the Organization's structure and operation, as well as the distribution of authority between the Security Council and the General Assembly, in order to reach a consensus which will give a new thrust to the Organization so that it can efficiently carry out its future responsibilities.
The United Nations urgently requires our effective support. Mexico urges every country with financial contributions outstanding to make them immediately. The financial crisis is so grave that it could bring down the United Nations at any moment. It is incomprehensible that day after day we ask the Organization to shoulder more responsibilities and yet we fail to provide it with the means to do so.
The second theme is the need for the United Nations to intervene in problems of economic co-operation and development. The Organization cannot be left out of this great effort to create a more equitable international economic situation. Mexico vigorously supports the holding of a special session of the General Assembly for economic co-operation and revitalization. The developing countries know that the solution to our problems depends fundamentally on ourselves. We have lost much time in talks trying to resolve these problems, with very tenuous results. It is certainly true that changing prices and financial fluctuations have been cruelly unfavourable for us in recent years, but there is no doubt that the internal effort of each country is the fundamental and determining factor in correcting our present situation. Let us begin by adjusting and modernizing our economies and making them efficient. Only in this way will we be able to increase our productivity and international competitiveness to the benefit of our peoples. Let us accept that the future of each of our nations depends precisely on what each one of them does.
By means of a wide range of concerted action and dialogue between the various sectors of our society, Mexico is resolutely making progress in an effort towards structural change, which entails sacrifice and discipline on the part of the Mexican people. The result has been encouraging, it has been reflected in a significant reduction in inflation and an economy confident of its future.
The correction of our economies is indispensable, but it is not a sufficient condition. There is no internal adjustment, however deep and lasting, which can bear fruit unless the country in question encounters a favourable international climate. The new international development strategy will have to put forward ambitious yet feasible and realistic objectives and goals. To this end. it will have to be designed in keeping with the efforts for cooperation and for maximization of the benefits of interdependence, which must in no case mean a loss of sovereignty.
The revitalization of international economic co-operation is urgent. It is the developed countries - those creditor nations benefiting from the net transfer
of capital - which must take the necessary steps to correct the imbalances in this area, it is up to them to realize that when structural adjustments are made, they mean growth and prosperity, and not frustration as has been the case in many of our societies. Prescriptions for good economic management and financial discipline cannot be measured with one yardstick for the North and another for the South. It was encouraging to hear various representatives of the industrialized countries refer to this problem of the great economic difference between North and South. We are sure that these statements imply that a commitment on this will be made in this new era of the United Nations we are witnessing.
The third key issue for society today is the commitment to deal with the international critical problems of our times with a genuine sense of shared responsibility. At best, interdependence should mean our ability to turn international co-operation into an effective tool to encourage economic and social progress and take joint action to solve problems of interest to mankind. Shared responsibility is based on the recognition of the legal equality of States and on strict respect for their sovereign decisions. This is the only legitimate framework for North-South dialogue.
With this spirit of solidarity, we shall be able to cope successfully with the common defence of human rights, with environmental protection problems and the fight against drug addiction and trafficking.
For the Government of Mexico, the defence of fundamental freedoms is of Particular importance. We will continue in our resolute support for the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Commission on Human rights with a view to guaranteeing effective protection for the rights inherent in the human condition. The United Nations will also have to devote greater efforts to the consideration of women's rights and the protection of children, the most vulnerable
Ecological issues are obviously global. in scale. The need for all nations to join efforts, every type of effort, make the United Nations the forum we need to deal with these urgent matters so vital to our future.
An understanding that revitalizing growth in the developing countries is indispensable for achieving adequate protection of the environment is crucial. It should not be overlooked that the principal cause of ecological imbalances and the solutions for then lie with these who have the most, with those who pollute the most and emit toxic substances, with those who consume the most fuel and have consumed the most fuel in the past. It is those very countries which have the most resources to combat environmental degradation.
The new dimension of the problem and its international nature require a wide-ranging and intense process of debate and discussion. The objective will be to achieve concrete commitments in keeping with the responsibilities and capabilities of each country. The International Conference on Environment and
Development proposed for 1992 will be an extremely important exercise towards those ends.
The demand for narcotics and psychotropic substances and their production, traffic and illicit consumption threaten the physical health of peoples and the political, economic, social and cultural structures of States. This is another of the global and interdependent problems of our times, and eradicating it requires efficient and constructive action through international co-operation which unfailingly respects the sovereignty and cultural identities of nations. We therefore welcome the signing of the United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances in Vienna in December last year. We hope that the signatories will immediately decide to ratify it, and we urge those countries which have not yet ratified it to do so now. We also view with admiration and great respect the very valiant efforts being deployed by the
Government of Colombia to combat the drug traffic so resolutely in its country. The war in Colombia is not just a war involving Colombians) it should be a war waged by all countries of the world, as the problem is everyone's problem.
Mexico, for its part, is making a significant effort to combat drug trafficking. We know, though, that the struggle will be in vain unless there is a parallel campaign to combat consumption and against all the processes which finance and encourage drug abuse. To combat only drug production or traffic without at the same time resolutely tackling consumption will achieve only a shift in production sites and trafficking channels.
The fourth topic deserving of our attention is the reappraisal of the function of the State as a protagonist in economic processes and as agent of social well-being. Redirecting the function of the State to concentrate its efforts to serving the least protected sectors in our societies, which are undoubtedly in the majority, does not mean diminishing its power of governance and transformation. The demands for justice coming from developing societies must be channelled by the State and its legitimate representatives. The State must participate as a directing and an economic agent and should do so efficiently, productively and competitively, lb consider the role of the State in these times in a more wide-ranging and realistic manner, in both North and South, is a fundamental task, and one which we think should be carried out by our Organization.
Whether on its own initiative or in response to express requests, the United Nations today is an indispensable part in negotiating and implementing agreements to put an end to protracted conflicts throughout the world. However, there is still no peace in various regions, and the threat these conflicts represent is a real danger.
In the Middle East, Cambodia, Namibia and Central America our Organization takes the leadership in or supports delicate conciliation efforts at establishing peace. Mexico will continue to give its support to those efforts, upon the success of which lies the possibility of achieving a better world.
Mexico attaches the utmost importance to the question of general and complete disarmament. Activities undertaken by the Group of Six, an organization which at first was erroneously judged as Utopian, have already achieved concrete results. The repeated appeals of the Group to the nuclear Powers to stop the arms race have been well received and have hastened the climate of detente in which we live today, as well as the agreements readied by the super-Powers.
I shall now refer to the question of general and complete disarmament. Mexico unequivocally supports the complete cessation of all nuclear weapons testing as demanded by the majority of mankind. Together with Peru, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Venezuela and Yugoslavia, we are taking the initiative in presenting an amendment to the agreement prohibiting nuclear-arms testing in the atmosphere, outer space and under water, which has received the general support of the international community. Encouraging progress has also been made towards eliminating the terrible threat of chemical weapons. It is very satisfying to note the consolidation of the negotiating process between the countries of the Warsaw Pact and those of the Atlantic Alliance concerning the reduction of conventional armed forces.
We are now living through one of the most promising times in the life of our Organization since it was founded in 1945. we are nearing the end of a period of mistrust and ill will which, for more than 40 years, blocked possibilities for agreement and negotiations,
The artificial barriers of the cold war are crumbling on all sides. We are entering a more open world, one with better communications and more receptive to the need for human rights to be respected and for all to participate in the building of democratic government institutions. Myths that for years have served only to hide injustice are no longer acceptable. Peoples around the world have decided to take their destinies into their own hands.
This flourishing of determination must increase our spirit of tolerance and our concern for legality. Demands throughout the societies of the world that democratic institutions be increased and improved are being channelled through the existing structures of each country. Those voices can no longer be ignored. Each nation has the capacity to draw upon the lessons of its own history and experience, which will tell it how to modernize its institutions in order to strengthen its sovereignty.
This climate of change throughout the world has made us aware that the solutions to global problems cannot be left in the hands of only a few countries, however powerful they may be. Halting the deterioration of the environment, combating drug addiction and trafficking and predicting natural disasters are tasks requiring multilateral action. The Assembly must move towards recognizing that the United Nations is more necessary than ever given the interdependence of the modern world.
We cannot take pride in what we have achieved if we do not accept that the growth of the developing countries is an issue that affects us all. This requires a fresh approach to international co-operation, since only social and economic progress in the developing world can guarantee security and stability in the twenty-first century. The persistence of stagnation and poverty in the world's most populous regions is the most serious challenge we face. Let us see to it that this session of the Assembly marks the beginning of a period in which the international community as a whole makes a clear commitment effectively and realistically to take up and meet this challenge.*


At the very outset, I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. Your election to this high office is an expression of confidence in your great diplomatic skill and your wealth of experience that will contribute to a successful conclusion of our work. My delegation and 1 are confident that you will be able to give this session wise guidance.
I also wish to extend our congratulations and thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, for his excellent service as President of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. Our congratulations and appreciation also go to the Secretary-General for his unceasing efforts and devotion to his work for the United Nations.
As 1990 approaches, we are leaving behind a decade much of which has been characterized by a succession of international crises in many parts of the world. However, many fundamental changes and developments have also taken place in the closing years of the 1980s. The easing of tension between the super-Powers has gained momentum, as demonstrated by the summit meetings between the United States and the USSR and between the USSR and China. The drive for peace in many parts of the world has led to attempts by the United Nations and other regional organizations to resolve problems which in the last decade seemed insoluble.
In Afghanistan, the Soviet Union has withdrawn its troops, although a political settlement and durable peace remain to be achieved. In Namibia, the terms for a settlement have been agreed. We hope that very soon Namibia will be able to hold a free and fair election, and we look forward to welcoming Namibia in our midst as a fully independent and sovereign nation. The Iran-Iraq war has
stopped but the process of reconciliation has been very slow. As for South-East Asia, there are ongoing regional as well as international efforts to resolve the Kampuchean problem. We should continue to strive for a peaceful solution to the conflict.
It is encouraging to note that the international situation has changed, bringing a new attitude to solving conflicts. There is a more conciliatory trend now. This is in line with the principles of the United Nations that call on its Member States to settle disputes by peaceful means. Hence, the principles of the United Nations have increasingly gained in importance as instruments promoting peace and stability in the world today. Furthermore, the current improvement in the world situation has been effected by the responsible attitude of Member States of this world body in respecting those principles. These developments should offer better prospects for peace around the world.
It is a sad fact that the negotiation of disputes does not always guarantee complete peace and stability. In a number of cases, while negotiations have taken place, violent hostilities or rivalry between the parties concerned continue, and thus hinder a comprehensive solution, thus perpetuating the misery of the ordinary citizens. We have arrived at just such a position in the attempts to settle the problems in the Iran-Iraq war, Afghanistan, the Middle East and Kampuchea and in other cases. This does not augur well for the further improvement of the general world situation. In those conflicts where a comprehensive solution remains elusive, owing to failure at the negotiating level, the scourge of war will remain a threat. Peace is not merely the absence of war. Unless it is realized that the cessation of hostilities must be accompanied by a genuine desire to resolve disputes at the negotiating table, conflicts around the world will be far from being settled.
I am particularly concerned that despite increasing international efforts, peace and stability have not been achieved in such areas as the Middle East, South Africa and Kampuchea.
The Palestinian problem remains a matter of great concern to the international community. The cries for justice and freedom in the occupied Palestinian territories continue to fall on deaf ears. Despite world condemnation, Israel still continues to pursue its aggressive policy and to refuse to recognize the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Such a negative attitude,
especially towards the convening of an international conference, will only lead to the escalation of violence and fighting in the occupied territories. My delegation feels that the International Conference would be useful in bringing all parties concerned to the negotiating table. We also wish to reaffirm our view that the Palestine Liberation Organization should be included in the Conference as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinians.
The intensity of the conflict in Lebanon saddens us. The international community watches in horror as the population endures daily carnage. While there is no simple solution to the 14-year-old conflict, we should not leave Lebanon to its own fate either. In the name of humanity, we urge those who have influence with the opposed parties to continue to find a way to aid the conflict. In this regard, I welcome the effort of the Arab League to appoint a tripartite commission.
Another depressing problem that continues to challenge this world body is the apartheid system of the racist regime in South Africa. The regime not only arrogantly and stubbornly refuses the international calls to dismantle its evil system but also uses a policy of aggression to oppress the black population. Thus, we would like to repeat our support for the international community in calling on South Africa to stop its racist policy of apartheid and to grant the black majority of the South African population their basic rights to equal opportunities and equal participation in the political process. In this connection, we would also like to reaffirm our support for the imposition of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions on South Africa in order to put greater pressure on the regime to end its oppressive policy of apartheid.
In our own region of South-East Asia, it is regrettable that the recent International Conference in Paris did not succeed in bringing about a comprehensive
settlement of the problem of Kampuchea. Once again, the parties concerned in the conflict could not agree on the elements and terms for a lasting peace. The unilateral withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea this month will not guarantee peace and stability in Kampuchea, unless there is an answer to the question of the provisional or interim authority, from which the process of national reconciliation and assurances of the observance of the peace process should evolve. At the Paris Conference the parties concerned did not speak the language of reconciliation-, rather suspicion and rivalry predominated.
The lack of success should be attributed as much to the absence of political will and unwillingness to compromise as to the failure to subordinate sectional interests to greater national interests. Testing each other's strength on the battlefield in order to arrive at a solution is a dire option which would have disastrous consequences. However, despite the absence of progress in the recent International Conference on Kampuchea, the fact that it has taken place reflects the continued commitment of the international community to resolution of the long-standing problem through peaceful means. It is vital that we should not abandon that commitment to the finding of a peaceful comprehensive settlement.
Today I have pointed out some areas where some progress has been made and where disputes could be settled peacefully through negotiation and I have stressed the importance of pursuing negotiation as a better means of ending conflicts than settling them by force. We are all aware of the attendant difficulties, but it is our wish that this option of settling disputes by peaceful means should prevail. And so we call on the parties concerned to show the necessary political will and we call on all members of this body to support the United Nations efforts to achieve the peaceful solution of conflicts wherever they may occur.


Allow me at the outset to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. You bring to the presidency unique qualities drawn from your distinguished record both as a soldier and as a diplomat. We can rest assured that with your vast experience and professional skill the deliberations of the General Assembly will be guided to a successful conclusion.
I should like also to pay a tribute to His Excellency Mr. Dante M. Caputo, who presided with great distinction over the many meetings of the active and eventful forty-third session of the General Assembly.
To the Secretary-General we extend our deepest appreciation for his great efforts and contributions in the cause of international peace and security and in the promotion of international co-operation. We wish to assure him of our continued support for all his endeavours.
It is a matter of great satisfaction to me and my delegation that we are gathered here at the United Nations this year in a more positive international political environment conducive to strengthening the credibility and relevance of the United Nations. The continuing detente between the two major Powers has helped sustain the trend towards the relaxation of global tensions in many parts of the world. It has led to increased political co-operation between them, particularly in the important area of disarmament, and to their increased willingness to help find solutions to regional conflicts.
These positive trends, which began only a few years ago, have strengthened the fabric of international diplomacy. They have injected a new confidence into the diplomatic process, breathed new hopes and inspired a revitalized faith in the United Nations as a vehicle and catalyst for positive global change. For the first time since the birth of the United Nations we are presented with a unique opportunity to reshape the structure of international relations to conform to the clear desire of mankind for peace, stability, economic growth and prosperity.
Restored faith in the United Nations must be matched by tangible action. To start with, that would necessarily entail our making available to it the financial resources it requires to perform its functions, and our full commitment to live up to our respective obligations to respect, uphold and advance the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. It would also require renewing our faith and commitment in advancing the centrality of the United Nations in international affairs vis-à-vis the exclusivist new organizations appearing in the international arena. We must be imbued with the same spirit aid vision that brought forth this world Organization 44 years ago.
While being gratified at the generally positive international political climate prevailing today, I cannot but voice my delegation's serious concern over the state of affairs in the international economic arena. We find that despite the efforts and clamour for change the present structure of international economic relations remains outworn, outmoded and ill-suited to the demands of the times. Instead of revamping the inequitable economic system, we now see a trend towards a world even more divided between the haves of the North and the have-nots of the South.
The inequitable and unjust pattern of international economic relations cannot continue much longer without adverse consequences for both the developed aid the developing countries. This matter must be urgently addressed. The United Nations is best placed to be a catalyst in the promotion of a global dialogue in the interest of ensuring a more stable, equitable and fair economic system. Let us find, during the proceedings at the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly, the still missing collective political will that will move us forward towards attainment of the common good.
Allow me at this point to make a brief and general survey of the global situation and to touch on some of the more pressing political, economic and social issues confronting the international community that are of concern to all of us.
On the international political landscape, I regret to say that despite the ongoing detente between the two super-Powers there remain many areas of unresolved conflict and confrontation in the world. These must be addressed effectively in our quest for a more stable world.
In the Middle East, the new beginnings of peace that were initiated through the historic decisions of the Palestine National Council last November, as well as those initiated by President Arafat during the last session of the General Assembly, have been dashed by the continuing stubbornness of the Israelis. Israel persists in its clear violations of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War despite the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council.
The heroic intifadah of the brave Palestinian people is a demonstration of their unshakable faith and their determination to struggle for self-determination, independence and nationhood. They have gained the sympathy and support of virtually the entire international community. This is shown by the increased international recognition of the State of Palestine. It has also led to increased contacts with an ever wider circle of States, in particular the United States.
The election plan proposed by Israel for the occupied Arab territories does not address the fundamental questions regarding the right of the Palestinians to exercise their self-determination. An occupying Power known mostly for its repressive policies cannot expect to win the support of these it is oppressing to legitimise this very oppression through the so-called elections.
My Government continues to believe that a durable, just and comprehensive settlement of the Palestinian issue can only be achieved through the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations, on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). In calling on all members of the international community to support the efforts towards the early convening of that Conference my Government would give a special responsibility and leadership role on this question to the permanent members of the Security Council.
The other important issue in the Middle East is that of Lebanon. We are encouraged that, after years of armed conflict aid the heavy toll of death and destruction, Lebanon appears to be set on the path towards a new beginning, with the cease-fire in place and the resumption of political dialogue between the -parties involved. The Arab League and its Tripartite Committee must be given due credit for the welcome turn of events in Lebanon. Their efforts must continue to receive our support and encouragement so that the recent progress in Lebanon could be built upon to achieve durable peace and unity for the country.
There must also be respect for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Lebanon, and Israel must withdraw from its so-called security zone in southern Lebanon and stop its acts of aggression against its neighbour, in compliance with Security Council resolutions.
It is a matter of great satisfaction to us all that we shall soon be welcoming to our community of nations a new member, Namibia, which, following the elections to be held soon, will attain its independence after long and bitter years of struggle. Malaysia is privileged to be contributing troops to the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and to have presided over the Security Council during its adoption of resolution 629 (1989), which, inter alia, set the date of 1 April 1989 for the implementation of the Namibia settlement plan.
The road to Namibian independence has not been an easy one, and problems remain that require the continued attention and vigilance of the international community, particularly of the Security Council. The international community must continue to provide the Secretary-General with the support he needs to ensure the full and effective implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), despite the difficult circumstances. South African manoeuvres against Namibian political parties, particularly the South West Africa People's Organization, must cease. Conditions conducive to free and fair elections and to ensuring the safety and security of all Namibians must be established in Namibia.
While we are happy at the prospect of Namibia's independence, we must express our abhorrence of the continued existence of apartheid in South Africa. My Government has stated time and again that apartheid cannot be reformed. It must be totally eliminated. Apartheid is the most blatant and criminal form of racial oppression and discrimination to be found anywhere today, aid the Pretoria regime must continue to be shunned and isolated by the international community. Mandatory sanctions, including a  effective oil embargo, must continue to be imposed. Pressure should continue to be applied on South Africa to bring about a truly democratic political system based on the principles of self-determination, majority rule, and universal suffrage.
Despite the conclusion of the Geneva Agreements in April 1988, Afghanistan is still embroiled in a bloody conflict that is now in its ninth year, with no prospects for peace in sight. An unpopular and unrepresentative regime that was installed by force of foreign arms continues to cling to power in Kabul. That regime should realize that peace and tranquillity in Afghanistan can only return through the process of dialogue aid the assumption of power by a popular, broad-based Government.
On the Iran-Iraq situation, Malaysia is gratified that the cease-fire has kept the precarious peace and spared precious lives over the past year. However, we share the universal concern at the lack of progress towards the full implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), despite the best efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General. As a fraternal Islamic nation, we hope and pray that peace and tranquillity will be restored in the bilateral relations of those two Islamic nations, lb that end, we urge the two sides to continue their dialogue under the auspices of the Secretary-General, so that an early aid mutually satisfactory settlements can be realized.
The situation in Cambodia remains a matter of international concern and deserves the full consideration of the General Assembly. As a neighbouring State, Malaysia is disappointed that a comprehensive political settlement, which is the only way to bring about a durable peace in Cambodia, has not been achieved. The principal components of a comprehensive political settlement have been clearly spelled out by the General Assembly. The total withdrawal of all foreign forces should be an integral part of a comprehensive political settlement. The announcement by Viet Nam of its withdrawal from Cambodia cannot be regarded as credible unless it has been verified and supervised by an effective international control mechanism. It remains Malaysia's conviction that only the United Nations can provide the necessary expertise, authority, and resources to ensure the deployment of an impartial and effective international control mechanism within the framework of a comprehensive political settlement in Cambodia.
The sad state of affairs in Cambodia, resulting from foreign intervention and occupation, has unfortunately remained, it will become even worse if a solution is not found soon and if the parties concerned remain inflexible.
It is most essential that there be a quadripartite interim Government under the leadership of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk in Cambodia, pending the holding of internationally supervised free and fair elections. All sides must be willing to compromise. The efforts that were undertaken at the Paris International Conference must be followed up despite the impasse. The international community cannot accept an intensification of conflict, another blood-letting, or the prospect of renewed tragedy and horror. The international community, taking up where it left off in Paris, will not only need to urge the Cambodian factions to agree to an interim sharing of power, but may have to undertake collective initiatives to allow for such a necessary development.
It is imperative for the General Assembly to continue to press for a comprehensive political settlement. The efforts of the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations and others during the session are directed towards that objective. There must be effective guarantees to Cambodia's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and neutral and non-aligned status.
In the Korean peninsula, the desire for peaceful reunification enjoys the support of the peoples of the two Korean entities. There have been modalities proposed by both sides for such unification, and the discussions between them should contribute to the strengthening of peace and security in the peninsula and to the attainment of the final goals. Malaysia also pays close attention to any interest in membership in organizations, on the principle of universality.
The unsettled situation in Central America also demands the international community's attention. Malaysia welcomes the initiatives of the five Central American Presidents, including the latest, the Tela Declaration, and the joint plan adopted in Honduras in August this year. It is out hope that all parties and countries concerned will give their close and full co-operation in the implementation of those vital decisions.
Antarctica presents the international community with a welcome opportunity to accomplish multilateral co-operation of a truly universal character in pursuit of the common good of all mankind. We continue to believe that, on the basis of dialogue and cleat appreciation of the collective responsibility for the protection and preservation of this pristine continent, we can arrive at an understanding which can meet the interests of all parties.
It must therefore be a matter of disappointment for all of us that we have not fully used the opportunities during the last seven years to advance our common cause despite the categorical and repeated affirmation by those that are not parties to the Treaty of their commitment to take into account all aspects pertaining to all areas covered by the treaty system.
In our view, this global common, because of its unique characteristics and its significant impact on the world climate and ecosystem, must be accorded every protection against the harmful effects of man's activities, especially the exploitation of its resources. In this connection the banning of prospecting and mining and the regulation of other activities related to the exploration and uses of Antarctica are key elements in the development of an international protection regime for Antarctica, that would make this last frontier a world wilderness preserve.
On the issue of disarmament, obviously the signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - between the United States and the Soviet Union was an important breakthrough. It provided for the elimination of an entire class of nuclear missiles from the arsenals of the two super-Powers for the first time in history. In hailing this outstanding achievement Malaysia urges the two super-Powers to press ahead with their negotiations for a 50 per cent reduction of their strategic nuclear weapons so as to pave the way for the ultimate elimination of the nuclear threat.
Unfortunately, this more positive phase in super-Power relations has not contributed much to the multilateral disarmament process. Indeed, except for some progress in the negotiations on a chemical weapons convention at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, there has been very little progress on other issues on its agenda. We would urge the parties concerned fully to exploit the potential of multilateral negotiations, particularly the Conference on Disarmament, in order to expedite the realization of a global comprehensive programme of disarmament.
Malaysia believes that comprehensive nuclear disarmament can be realized only if there is agreement on a comprehensive test ban. We therefore hold the view that a nuclear test-ban treaty is an indispensable step towards nuclear disarmament. At the same time, such a treaty would help preserve the relevance and validity of the Man-Proliferation Treaty. In the absence of progress in the negotiations cm a comprehensive test ban, Malaysia supports the initiative of the group of six non-aligned countries towards the convening of a conference to transform the 1963 partial test-ban Treaty into a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
My Government also believes that on the priority issue of providing "negative security assurances" to non-nuclear-weapon States, pending the total elimination of nuclear weapons, there should be legally binding undertakings by the nuclear-weapon States not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States.
Malaysia is deeply concerned at the increasing use of chemical weapons in regional conflicts. We are, however, encouraged by the tangible progress made in the negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament in preparing a comprehensive chemical weapons convention. We detest the use of such weapons and therefore welcome the reaffirmation of the validity of the 1925 Geneva Protocol on chemical weapons by the Paris Conference on chemical weapons held in January this year. Malaysia welcomes the proposal made recently by President George Bush of the United States pertaining to the destruction of chemical-weapon stocks. We are equally happy over the favourable response of the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union to the proposal. There is a clear prospect to go further, and these steps would need to be taken by both the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to banish forever the use of such inhumane weapons of mass destruction.
The other disarmament issues, my Government believes that given the rapid advances in space technology and the increasing threat of the misuse of outer space, there is an urgent need for a comprehensive regime regulating the use of outer space by the international community. It also believes that great efforts should be made at both the international and the regional levels for a limitation and regulation of the conventional arms race, including those at sea. Malaysia continues to support the creation of zones of peace and nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world and remains committed to the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia.
The international economic front, very few encouraging steps have been taken to achieve the stated goals of multilateralism, interdependence and mutual co-operation. Unfortunately, at a time when the world is on the threshold of a new century - which is indeed the dawn of a new millennium - inequities and injustices still remain in international economic relations. The aspirations of millions in the developing countries for better living standards and a more decent way of life remain unfulfilled. The depressed economic conditions arising from, inter alia, low growth rates, external indebtedness and deteriorating terms of trade in many developing countries, coupled with serious social stagnation, will only lead to a political upheaval to the detriment of their societies and peoples, and in some instances threaten the survival of nations.
It should be noted that the struggle of the developing countries to find a better place in the international economic arena has become much more difficult and painful in the face of certain trends in the developed world. The developing countries cannot and should not be marginalized in any new economic environment brought about by the new situation. They must be allowed to benefit from emerging developments such as the process of integration of the industrialized economies of Western Europe into a single market within the European Economic Community. The large industrialized nations, which strike trade and financial deals among themselves, must ensure that they do not place an extra burden upon others to compete for market access and financial resources. The decisions they make must also take into consideration the interests of others, particularly among the developing countries.
It is in the context of finding ways and means to ensure the harmonization of the interests of all that the United Nations should be given the appropriate role as a forum and organization for facilitating the resolution of various international economic and social problems.
The United Nations can be a useful forum for addressing the various issues, including money, finance, debt, trade and development, with a view to bringing about a fair and equitable trading environment, harnessing the full development potentials of the world and encouraging economic growth and social progress world-wide. Malaysia attaches great importance to the principles of an open international trading system aid increased trade liberalization, which will be meaningless if trends towards unilateralism and protectionism are encouraged.
Malaysia is heartened that serious efforts have been undertaken at the United Nations to examine the question of the revitalization of economic growth and development of the developing countries, and to deliberate upon the question of an international development strategy. The developing countries have very high expectations of these two important events. Malaysia intends to participate actively during the deliberations and we call for commitment on the part of countries at the highest level.
In this age of industrialization and high technology, the environment becomes a matter of concern to everyone. It must be emphasized that the maintenance of a safe environment Is not the sole prerogative of those living in the developed countries. Regrettably, there are many self-appointed guardians of the world's environment, in the developed countries, who think that they can make the world a much safer place to live in if trees were not cut down in the tropical rain forests or if people in the developing countries were to shun modern industrial activities and amenities aid simply carry on with their traditional ways of life. In their enthusiasm to criticize others, they tend to downplay the problems of acid rain in their own countries, the pollution of their rivers and lakes, and the devastation of temperate forests resulting from decades of logging and clearing for urban expansion.
Malaysia believes that on an important question such as the environment, again there should be shared responsibility. Constraints cannot be imposed on the development process in the developing countries because of fear of degradation of the environment. Just as the developed countries are trying to cope with their own environmental problems, the developing countries are conscious of the need to maintain and preserve their own environment while coping with, inter alia, poverty, hunger, social depression and, in many cases, recurrent natural disasters., It would be most unfair if the people of the developing countries were required to stifle their own creativity and development because of mistakes made earlier in the developed countries. Malaysia believes that the United Nations could be a very useful forum in bringing about a clearer understanding of the world's environmental problems. Work in the United Nations system should be encouraged in this regard.
More than a decade ago the Malaysian Government declared that drug abuse and illicit trafficking were not just a social problem. More important, to us they are issues of national security. We continue to regard them as such. We are happy that many others now share our perception. We call upon all countries to address the drug problem seriously, not only within their own borders, but also to enter into concerted and determined efforts to work towards an effective international response to the problem by every means possible.
The time has come for the international community to address the question related to the serious problems and limitations of national Governments in dealing effectively with assaults by the drug empire. The United Nations, with its enhanced credibility and authority, should be able to be the central authority for determining the necessary international response in such areas as law enforcement and interdiction. My Government would support efforts to consider collectively an international authority for the United Nations that would, at the request of nations under challenge, be able to take the necessary steps.
Another matter of pressing concern relates to the global refugee problem, which is further complicated by its interrelationship with political, economic, social and ideological issues. Fortunately, there have been positive developments recently. The international Conference on Central American Refugees held in Guatemala City in May this year marked an important step in identifying new solutions to the problem of refugees, returnees and displaced persons in the region. Similarly, the international Conference on Indo-Chinese Refugees held in Geneva in June this year forged a new international consensus on the problem of these refugees, particularly those from Viet Nam and Laos. The unanimous adoption of a comprehensive plan of action by the Conference in Geneva demonstrated the collective will of the participants to find a lasting solution to this long-standing problem. It is our hope that the Governments concerned will be able to translate the various commitments achieved at the Conference into reality as soon as possible.
Malaysia is also concerned at the exodus of people from Bulgaria into Turkey and would urge the Governments of those two neighbouring countries to enter into meaningful negotiations with a view to reaching an early and amicable solution to this humanitarian problem.
The General Assembly has a full agenda before it at this session. There is a whole array of issues of serious concern to the international community. Many of the issues are not new to us, having been dealt with in this body over the years.
It is my hope that at this forty-fourth session the General Assembly will be able to achieve consensus on many of these issues. It is also my hope that resolutions will not just remain resolutions to be ritually debated aid adopted year in and year out, without contributing to any tangible improvement of the human condition. Let us strive together to galvanize international action towards greater and more fruitful global co-operation. To this end my delegation pledges its fullest co-operation with you, Mr. President, aid with other national delegations in ensuring a successful and productive outcome of our deliberations.


Mr. President, I am immensely pleased to be able to participate in a United Nations session, whose stewardship rests in the able hands of such an illustrious son of Africa. The Bangladesh delegation shares the pride that our Nigerian colleagues must feel, as our two countries enjoy such close friendship. May I also felicitate the Bureau upon their election and wish them success in the discharge of their responsibilities. Rich tributes are due to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina, for the leadership he provided us during the last session.
I must commence my statement with some words of well-deserved praise for our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. His quiet but inspiring diplomacy, his patient endeavours, his courage and perseverance, have helped advance the cause of peace in our times. He has not only carved for himself a niche in our hearts, but has also reserved for himself a place in the pantheon of history.
There is much the United Nations system has achieved, though more remains to be done. None the less, in recent months, the credibility of our Organization has not only been enhanced but the confidence of the global community in its institutions has also taken firm root. Today there is widespread belief that the United Nations has the unique potential and capacity, not only to adjust and accommodate, but also to fashion a concerted response to the multidimensional contemporary problems through a co-operative approach and management.
Last year Bangladesh was devastated by the worst floods in living memory. This Assembly reacted quickly to offer timely succour to the stricken. To help raise resources for longer-term measures a special meeting on assistance to Bangladesh was convened here last year. Since then, vital remedial action has been initiated. A massive national effort was mobilized, under the direct supervision of President Hussain Muhammad Ershad, to rehabilitate and reconstruct the affected areas, and to readjust and revitalize their economy. A comprehensive flood- protection programme was formulated. Unparalleled international response, together with the courage and resilience of the people, helped avert the famine and epidemic and the negative growth that were predicted.
We are determined to do all that is possible nationally. However, there is now implicit recognition that disaster control involves co-operation beyond our borders, and resources beyond our modest means. Thus, sustained efforts have been launched bilaterally, regionally and internationally to supplement our national efforts. Special emphasis has been given to the preparation of studies for a durable solution. An international conference on floods in Bangladesh, convened by the World Bank, is scheduled to be held in December this year in London. We hope for your co-operation with a view to its success.
Many of Bangladesh's serious economic problems, severe development constraints and other formidable challenges, exacerbated by environmental degradation, are problems we share with others in a comparable milieu. The decade of the 19 80s has thus been a decade of serious disappointment, bordering on despair, for a majority of the developing countries. The gap between the developed and developing nations during this most turbulent period has increased. Although richer nations were able to pull out of a serious economic recession to enjoy the longest period of economic expansion since the Second World War, the crisis in a vast majority of the developing countries has continued unabated.
Countries in Latin America and Africa have thus remained deeply entrenched in a critical situation. The world's poorest, the least developed countries, continue to be mired in a serious development crisis. Growth in these countries has continued to be either sluggish or even negative. The proportion of "hard-core poor" in these countries has increased staggeringly. Underlying this precarious situation is the reality that all the important elements for sustained development of developing countries are stalling. Commodity prices, so important for these countries, still remain at an unacceptable low level. External indebtedness continues to take a heavy toll on their economies, and the flow of resources continues, paradoxically, to go from the poor of the developing South to the rich in the North.
The reality of interdependence makes these concerns the concern of every country. In Belgrade, earlier this month, President Hussain Muhammad Ershad had underscored, as an undeniable priority, the need for a global consensus on the approaches towards the solution of these problems. Only such a consensus can lead to a solution. This also requires the adoption and implementation of a comprehensive set of measures that address all aspects of the problems that stifle the development of the developing countries. Substantial opportunity exists during the coming months to spell out elements of such a consensus. I speak of the formulation of a development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade, the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly on international economic co-operation, and the second United Nations conference on least developed countries, scheduled for 1990 in Paris. In those important events we should start from the fundamental premise that no unilateral solution to our problems is possible. The end to the crisis calls for a global dialogue and readiness to act decisively on a wide front.
Bangladesh, to improve the global economic climate, would call for concerted and urgent action on the following points:
First, there must be a substantial increase in concessionary financial flows to developing countries, particularly the least developed countries, and the flow of the world's surplus must be reversed to meet the need for investment in developing countries. Second, measures must be adopted and implemented to reduce and restructure the crushing debt burden. A growth-oriented debt strategy should be directed towards reduction in interest rates, lowering of interest payments, decisive and substantial reduction of debt obligation and outright cancellation of debt of the least developed countries. Third, ways and means must be found to improve the export-earning potential of developing countries through the expansion of markets, trade liberalization by means of fulfilment of the standstill and roll-back commitments undertaken in the Punta del Este Declaration, stabilization of export earnings, and linkage of debt repayment terms to commodity price and interest rate fluctuations. Fourth, the crucial link between trade, development, and debt must be recognized. Fifth, the developing countries must strengthen their efforts to step up the process of scientific and technological development and their consequent ability to adapt to and absorb new technologies. Sixth, we must concentrate on improving the condition of the least developed countries and on drawing them into the mainstream of the international development process. In that respect, the 1990 United Nations Conference on Least Developed Countries should adopt a comprehensive plan of action. Seventh, food security must be ensured, including emergency measures to expand food production in the least developed countries, ensuring adequate food reserves, access to food, and the creation of a nutrition, employment and health network for the most vulnerable groups. Finally, human-resource development must be harnessed and mobilized, especially through concentration on an effective basic-needs framework. This should include emphasis on the disadvantaged segments; women, children and the handicapped.
While greater co-operative and urgent action are demanded on the economic front, we can draw comfort from progress made on a number of political issues. These are taking place today on the matrix of a far more relaxed global political backdrop, owing largely to the commendable initiatives and efforts of the super-Powers - the United States and the Soviet Union - their leaders, Governments and peoples. This has created a congenial climate in which the United Nations system can address some specific problems. Guns have fallen silent in the Gulf region, and the bloodletting entailed in the eight years of fierce fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq has finally ended. Bangladesh is proud to be a part of the United Nations Iran-Iraq Military Observer Group which today is helping keep the peace. We hope that direct negotiations between the parties will succeed in achieving a comprehensive, just and honourable settlement as envisaged in Security Council resolution 598 (1987) .
In Afghanistan, the Soviet Union deserves to be praised for its commitment to the cause of peace, amply demonstrated by the withdrawal of its troops by 15 February this year. But the suffering of the Afghans has not ceased. Five million refugees, so generously hosted by Pakistan and Iran, have yet to return home. The people of Afghanistan has yet to exercise its inherent right to a system and Government of its choice. The United Nations co-ordinating role must be strengthened in the repatriation of the refugees, the reconstruction of the war-battered country, and the channelling of humanitarian assistance, and in the facilitating of a comprehensive, peaceful settlement in accordance with the Geneva Agreement.
In Cambodia, Viet Nam's offer to withdraw its troops by 30 September, the Jakarta Informal Meeting negotiations, the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General and all the parties to the Paris Peace Conference have given rise to a hope for an imminent breakthrough. The recent set-back in Paris must not be allowed to reverse the process. Urgent new attempts need to be made to allow the people of Cambodia freely to determine its own future.
In Namibia, the dawn of freedom is about to break. Its independence has always been a priority item on the United Nations agenda. Bangladesh's total identity with and support for the struggle of the Namibian people have been unswerving. We have been an active participant in the Council for Namibia. As I speak, our soldiers and civilians are on the soil of Namibia as an integral part of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group. The leader of our military observer groups died in Namibia in a tragic accident in the performance of his duties. His supreme sacrifice will be vindicated when the yoke of suppression is lifted forever from Namibia. If need be, the United Nations must provide the Secretary-General with the total resources he requires to bring his efforts to fruition.
In divided Cyprus, we welcome the initiation of talks between the two communities without pre-conditions with a view to reaching a negotiated settlement. We hope that the manifest differences will be narrowed. We hope that the contacts between the two Koreas will lead to a reconciliation and a peaceful solution in accordance with the aspirations of the people of that peninsula. In our own region, South Asia, the fourth summit meeting of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation in Islamabad in December last year successfully fulfilled its essential mandate in enhancing and consolidating socio-economic co-operation in many new and meaningful directions.
Sadly, some problems remain intractable. In the Middle East, Israel's continued occupation of illegally acquired territories has created an explosive situation. The valiant intifadah of the Palestinian people today serves as a clarion call to mobilize world public opinion against a brutal suppression of freedom. Israel must give up all the Arab territories, including the Golan Heights, that it so wrongly holds. We reiterate our support for the early convening of an international peace conference, of which the Palestine Liberation Organization must be an equal and integral part. The problem of Palestine is at the heart of the Middle East crisis and its resolution is a sine qua non for peace in the area.
The hateful system of apartheid continues to bleed South Africa. The pain of the black majority grows more excruciating as thousands, including Nelson Mandela, continue to languish in prison. If Pretoria wishes to attempt to practice what it has now begun to preach, these thousands must be set free and apartheid must be dismantled. The path to freedom may be long, but for the South Africans the journey has begun. Bangladesh endorses the need for sustained support to the front-line States. We endorse the call for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the racist regime.
Disarmament remains, as always, in the forefront of our agenda. The Treaty on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles has been a historic step forward. A vital follow-up should be the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons by at least 50 per cent and significant cut-backs in conventional forces. As for Bangladesh, a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, we are constitutionally committed to the goal of general and complete disarmament. We believe, while nuclear disarmament is a priority item, a restraint in conventional arms is both urgent and necessary. We must continue to work towards a comprehensive test ban treaty. The United Nations role in monitoring compliance and verification must be strengthened. Naval arms limitation must be resolutely pursued. A convention on the non-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States should be concluded. Of vital importance is the need to strengthen security assurances, both positive and negative, to non-nuclear-weapon States. The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones across the globe should be encouraged. We must avoid the urge to make weaponry more sophisticated and thus improve its precision and accuracy and increase its propensity for use.
There is a widespread acknowledgement today of the pressing and urgent need for a convention banning chemical weapons. Important progress in the Conference on Disarmament at its summer session must be pushed to an early conclusion. The Paris Conference and the just concluded meeting in Canberra will certainly supplement pressure to that end. The decision to expand the Conference on Disarmament should be given effect. On the question of the Indian Ocean, we firmly believe that the Ad Hoc Committee should speed up preparatory work so that the Conference can be held in Colombo next year.
After years of ignoring alarm signals, concern over environment has new altered deep into our consciousness. The litany of causes and consequences has now become the jargon of everyday mass media usage. Concerns are growing on the depletion of the ozone layer, global warming, greenhouse effect, sea-level rise, acid rain, toxic waste, desertification and deforestation. Affixing blame is an inevitable fall-out. We must not, however, run the risk of being detracted from our goals to protect our planet. The point must not elude us that poverty and environmental degradation are inextricably linked. The proposed United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in 1992 should be able to draw up a blue-print for combined action, taking due note of the development aspects of the environmental problems. I wish to underscore the call of the Non-Aligned Summit based on the proposal of our President, Hussain Muhammad Ershad, in Belgrade, for an international convention on protection and conservation of global climate. We hope for follow-up action in this Assembly.
Today we are confronted with some social ills that have assumed gigantic proportions. Drugs have invaded our communities and homes, imperilling our societies, our national economies and even international peace and security. Terrorism and mindless violence strike at the very foundations of our society. We believe that only under the central management of the United Nations can we rally together for effective counteraction. This would mean an expanded role for the United Nations system, a role which has become both appropriate and relevant, and will, I am convinced, be performed with vigour and determination.
The Secretary-General has underscored the "social mission" of the United Nations. All our efforts to achieve economic growth would be meaningless if social aspects of development were ignored. High rate of population growth, low literacy, lack of primary health care and safe drinking water, malnutrition, high infant mortality rate - all seriously affect the process of development and even have wider implications for the stability of international relations. Integrally linked with these issues is the need for improvements for vulnerable components of our societies - women, children, the aged and handicapped. In recent years, the United Nations has been the catalyst for international action in this area, and it should promote a global social strategy. In this context, we look forward to the adoption of the long-awaited United Nations convention on the rights of the child by this session of the Assembly. The proposed world summit on children is another commendable initiative that should receive the whole-hearted support of us all.
In the final analysis, all our efforts are directed towards improving intrinsic human worth. The contribution of the United Nations has been to draw up the rules that constitute human rights and give them authoritative definition. The task today is to translate them into reality. The dilemma is to keep pace with rising expectations along a broad and complex range of fronts. To many Member States like us, the right to development is inalienable and deserves topmost priority. It is unacceptable to us that, when over a billion people live on the bare margins of existence, any other right can take priority over the amelioration of their condition.
We must take full advantage of the potential of multilateral co-operation in order to assure a better future. The United Nations is the most universal focal point for such co-operation. To the founding fathers of this world body, the prevention of another global conflagration was the primary objective. Today, in a changed world situation, socio-economic under development poses an even greater threat to our societies. As the Secretary-General has said in his report this year, the progress we have achieved in the global political climate can prove precarious if the economic climate remains adverse for the majority of the world's population. Environmental degradation on a global scale is another related area of great concern to all of us. The focus of the United Nations in the coming decade should therefore appropriately be directed to these areas. We believe that any issue that affects humankind as a whole should receive priority attention by the Organization. That would not only make the United Nations more relevant and dynamic; through understanding and co-operation, this complex world would be a better place in which to live.
This year marks the fifteenth anniversary of Bangladesh's admission to the United Nations. We are proud to be a part of this world forum. In reaffirming our total commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter, we are governed by the vision it conjures of a peaceful and secure world where people can pursue without hindrance or coercion the objective of a fulfilling and acceptable quality of life, consistent with human dignity in larger freedom. In his address at its fortieth anniversary session, President Hussain Muhammad Ershad very eloquently charted the role of the United Nations as being an organization in which "the deepest aspirations of mankind can be fulfilled".