103 My delegation takes its place on this rostrum rather late in the day, when the representatives who have spoken before me have congratulated the President and eulogized his past and present achievements. However, permit me to add the voice of Botswana to the chorus of those who have
preceded me. This is no conventional exercise, for the almost unanimous election of the President is sterling proof of the high esteem in which this body holds him and the confidence we repose in his leadership. We have no doubt that the thirtieth session, under his guidance, will bring additional laurels to his crown. His election is a credit to him personally and a tribute to his country, Luxembourg.
104.	The President inherits the mantle of office from Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria. My delegation cannot proceed to refer to the substantive issues before us without first expressing its appreciation of, and congratulating him on, a job well done during the twenty-ninth session. Through Mr. Bouteflika's patience, level-headed and pragmatic assessment of the mood of the time, he also steered the seventh special session skilfully to a successful conclusion, bringing hope to the hearts of millions of people in the third world. But it is only a hope and we exhort the President to carry on the work so well begun in order that our aspirations might be realized and the economic and social advancement of all peoples might be promoted.
105.	One of the major preoccupations over the past several years has been the growing gap in living standards between the developed and the developing nations. It has become imperative to establish the basis for a more just system of international economic relations among the nations of the world irrespective of their economic and social systems, and on the basis of equality. The seventh special session, which concluded its work a little more than a fortnight ago, addressed itself to this very problem. It is not my intention on this occasion to go into the substantive issues. My delegation welcomes the spirit of conciliation and co-operation manifested at that session which enabled us to conclude our negotiations and unanimously adopt a Program on development and international economic co-operation. What now remains to be done is for all countries to commit themselves to the adoption and implementation of a world plan of action. Since our ultimate objective is to establish a new international economic order, we regard what has been done at the seventh special session as a vital step towards that objective.
106.	On 16 September the United Nations admitted three new nations to its membership: Cape Verde, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe. Two years ago, and for many years before that, in the face ot formidable odds such as an organized Portuguese army backed up by a long-established colonial attitude and military experience, a determined unrelenting over lordship, weapons furnished by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Western sympathies which were averse, as always, to violence against oppression while professing keen opposition to injustice and inequality it would have been considered near madness to predict the realities of today. Anyone who did so would have been charged with incitement ot the local population who, so the world is often told, are happy in their humble place, were it not for misguided agitators and accused of interfering in the internal affairs of a Member State. It is not my intention to open old wounds. I am moved by the thought and knowledge of what the people of the countries we have
admitted to membership at this session have had to endure and what many other people in different parts of the world are suffering and under what pretext they are made to suffer. Today the entire Assembly rejoices, and very few of us- stop to reflect on the unnecessary and wanton loss of life which preceded these nations' presence in the United Nations. Very few reflect on the individual role they have played in obstructing the way and prolonging the suffering of oppressed peoples through alliances, political attitudes and the promotion of their individual economic interests when problems of decolonization come before this forum.
107.	The regaining of their national independence after many years of colonial domination and their unhindered exercise of self-determination are what the people of Cape Verde, Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe have always wished for themselves. They do not love war, but they resorted to wars of liberation and a violent struggle for freedom when the inhumanity of colonialism, which desensitizes all human feelings, proved intractable and determined to remain for ever and to ride them into the ground. It is to be hoped that, even in those areas of the world where colonialism, discrimination and apartheid are still rampant, we shall one day be privileged to sit side by side with their national delegations.
108.	It is my pleasant duty as the leader of my country's delegation to congratulate the new Members on their regained independence and on their admission to the community of nations. We are confident that, as they assume their rightful place here, they will contribute in no small measure to the implementation of the ideals and objectives of the United Nations and uphold the principles of its Charter.
109.	In the past year we have witnessed significant and welcome changes in the revolutionary rebirth of nations not only in Africa but also in Asia. In IndoChina we have seen the valiant people of Viet Nam and Cambodia reassert their right to redefine the national boundaries of their lawful territories and, in keeping with the principle of self-determination, decide on the future political direction of their people. We are disappointed that the applications for membership in the United Nations by the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam have met with opposition and we hope, none the less, that the United States will reconsider its position. We look forward to the day when all the independent nations of Indo-China will take their place in this Assembly. The revolutionary wars of liberation in Indo-China have ended and it is our hope that a period of lasting peace will follow. It is our hope, further, that in the peace that follows, the great Power blocs of the world will reconsider their relationships with the small nations and work for a humane and peaceful international order based on respect for and understanding of the rights of all nations, on justice and on co-operation for the benefit of all mankind and in order to promote a common endeavor to find solutions to the political and economic problems which still confront us. My Government believes that the relaxation of tension between the world Powers will become a dynamic process during which the security of all nations will be guaranteed. We believe that this process could constitute a reaffirmation of an abiding commitment towards achieving the desired results in the area of disarmament and respect for nuclear-free zones
110.	My Government believes that, with the end of the war in Indo-China and as a result of the lesson taught by that revolution, cases of direct and indirect foreign intervention in the internal affairs of other States could be abandoned. The outcome of the recent Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Helsinki, encourages us to believe that this can be achieved. What remains to be done is' further to decrease areas of confrontation and to increase areas of co-operation and mutual trust among nations.
111.	The question of Korea is once again on the agenda of the current session. The text which represents the consensus of the members of the General Assembly was adopted on 28 November 1973.5 jt urges both North and South Korea to continue dialog to expedite the peaceful reunification of Korea, has not been fully implemented. Consequently my delegation would like once again to call for the dissolution of the United Nations Command and the withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed in Korea. We see the removal of the Command and the troops as an essential step in the search for peace in the peninsula.
112.	My preceding remarks were a general commentary on the changing world situation. I should like now to refer to some issues in more specific terms.
113.	In the Middle East, the roots of political tension and armed conflict in other words, the issues concerning occupied lands and the deprivation of a people's rights have been known for a long time now. What has remained elusive in the subregion is peace.
114.	From the outset I should like to state that Botswana has never questioned the existence of any State in the region. For this reason my Government continues to consider that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) provide a useful framework for peace in the area. However, the prolonged tension in the Middle East leads my Government to the view that, if Israel wishes to ensure the durability for its own independence and future, it should withdraw from all occupied Arab lands and thus further demonstrate also that it accepts the legitimacy of the national rights of the Palestinian people. My Government supported the granting of observer status in the United Nations to the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO\ because we believe that organization is the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. We believe that the strong and active participation of that organization in the current search for a formula for peace is essential, and we hope that the parties concerned will take into account the basic interests of the Palestinians in order to ensure permanent peace in the Middle East.
115.	My Government is pleased that some of the parties concerned have since our last session already made some progress in identifying areas in which interim accords are possible. We welcome this development and hope that its momentum will be sustained, so that further relaxation of tension will create favorable conditions for a permanent settlement.
116.	We therefore commend Egypt for its magnanimity and the United States for its efforts in the search for peace in the area. The recent accords between
Egypt and Israel may seem minimal, but we regard them as a step forward for the Middle East as they set the pattern for further negotiations and for the settlement of the problem by peaceful means.
117.	The volatile disposition of the political conflicts of the Middle East subregion prompts us to see merit in extending the presence and operations of the United Nations peace-keeping forces in that region. For, even allowing for the important role played by bilateral diplomacy in the Arab-Israeli conflict and in the unfortunate Cyprus situation, we cannot help but concede the useful results obtained through the interposition of the United Nations peace-keeping forces in bringing about the disengagement of opposing armies.
118.	The desperate situation in Cyprus, which is as much a question of national independence as it is a humanitarian one, is equally of concern to the United Nations. It remains the hope of my Government that the parties concerned in the Cyprus situation will, in consultation and co-operation with this Organization, ensure that the aspirations of the people of Cyprus as a whole are respected and that Cyprus will re-emerge as a sovereign and independent Republic. This presupposes the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the island. We hope that the relaxation of political tension in Europe will provide further encouragement for a determined willingness to solve this problem.
119.	I fully agree with the remarks of the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization when he observed of the Middle East situation that:
"In attempting to achieve solutions of problems which threaten international peace and security there can be no place for despair, however great the frustration, and, in view of the alternatives, there can be no excuse for giving up the struggle." [A/10001 lAdcl.l, sect. XI.}
120.	While we rejoice at the attainment of independence by the new African nations, we are deeply concerned at the turn of events in Angola. Internecine strife has overtaken orderly progress towards independence. Arms continue to flow into that African country, not for liberation, but for self-destruction. We regret the plight of the refugees. Under such difficult circumstances, my delegation strongly calls for non-interference in Angola's affairs. We in the United Nations should speak up, as it appears to us that the Angolan people are not being given the opportunity to settle their own differences by peaceful negotiations. It is our duty also to exhort our fellow men to place their national freedom, their independence and their self-fulfillment before their individual political ambitions. We believe that our brothers in Angola will heed our pleas for an amicable solution to their problem. After they have fought so bravely for independence it would be ironical if that independence were to be postponed on account of their own actions. We urge the Portuguese Government not to use these temporary setbacks as a reason for delaying what they, too, have accepted as the fundamental rights of the Angolan people.
121.	For almost one year now determined and sustained efforts have been made to break the impasse
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and stalemate in Rhodesia through the Lusaka talks aimed at creating a peaceful atmosphere for a meaningful dialog between the Zimbabwe nationalists and the Smith regime to achieve majority rule and independence for the country. With every moon that has waxed and waned since then, prospects for an early solution to the problem have swelled and ebbed like lunar tides. As I address this Assembly the Rhodesia talks have entered one of their deepest troughs. This was not unexpected, for the Smith regime, with the reins of power in its hands, has consistently resisted any move to normalize conditions in Rhodesia to enable the African National Council and all its members to conduct their negotiations in the best atmosphere possible. Not all detainees were released; arrests and hangings continued; members of the ANC executive outside Zimbabwe were denied entry, diplomatic immunities and free political activity in the country, despite the concession by ANC to hold meetings in Zimbabwe at the insistence of the minority regime.
122.	We remain optimistic, even in the face of such adversity, that the changed circumstances in southern Africa such as the collapse of the Portuguese empire, the withdrawal of South African forces from Rhodesia, and the determined resolve of the people of Zimbabwe will compel Smith to face up to the realities of the times and that majority rule will come to Zimbabwe in his lifetime. As members of the OAU we fully support the Lusaka Manifesto and the Dar es Salaam Declaration.7 Bostwana will continue to work tirelessly for the unity of the African National Council in order to deny Ian Smith the subversive strategy of driving wedges between its components and sowing seeds of disruptive dissension among them all to his advantage.
123.	The Balkanization of Namibia into bantustans is a fact which gives us reason for concern. The South African Government has repeatedly stated that the people of the Territory will themselves decide on their future. We meet today long after the Security Council May deadline has passed, yet the only change is what the South African Government refers to as the constitutional conference in Namibia: the said conference has not in any way minimized our opposition to the Balkanization of the Territory into bantustans nor has it dispelled our fears that the continued refusal by the South African Government to involve the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and the United Nations in any talks on the future of Namibia creating unrest and insecurity in the Territory. A constitution which recognizes "particular circumstances" of population groups while pledging to serve "the interests of South West Africa in its entirety" admits the absence of unity as it envisages a confederation of ethnic States. We recognize SWAPO as the authentic representative of the people of Namibia, the party which regards Namibia as a unitary State and is, like us, opposed to the extension of the bantustan concept to this Trust Territory. We consider it vital therefore that even at this late hour the South African Government lift banning orders and release SWAPO leaders from detention in order for them to
participate fully in political activities leading to the independence of Namibia.
124.	South Africa continues as an apartheid State, We in Africa accept South Africa as a sovereign and independent State, but we condemn its policy of apartheid, the religion or article of faith which does not accord the African the same human dignity and fundamental rights as the European. We object to a philosophy and system of government which is based on the maintenance of white minority privilege and black majority exploitation and oppression. We deprecate a form of government which perpetuates white supremacy and minority rule, denying the black majority full participation in the government of its own country.
125.	It is noteworthy that there are in that country some white South Africans whose conscience is still alive and who, at the risk of being charged under any of the punitive laws of that country, have the courage to bear witness to the abhorrent nature of the system. I can do no better than quote what Mr. Beyers Naude, the Director of the Christian Institute, said at his trial in Pretoria in November 1973:
"If we, as the white population, do not take seriously the legitimate claims and aspirations of the black population, then it would necessarily lead to estrangement, to bitterness and to a polarization between white and black which can lead to conflict . which can possibly result in violence in our country."
126.	Human relations in South Africa have reached the stage of bitterness and polarization and there are examples of conflicts and periodic flashes of violence. But the problem of not taking seriously the legitimate claims and aspirations of the black population remains.
127.	Fate and history have placed the white people of South Africa in Africa. They have much to be thankful for and it is but a short step for them to identify themselves with Africa, to fulfill the obligations which such identification entails and places on all of us, and thus to become accepted as full members of the African family. Instead, the white man in South Africa has, for three centuries and a quarter, refused and continues to refuse to admit to himself, privately or publicly, that he is not a European but a South African. South Africa employs every legal device to repel the inevitability of its future character, that of a land where Dutch sailors and settlers, reinforced numerically by French Huguenots, were brought face to face with African people and where the population projections indicate that by the end of the century there will be only 7 million whites out of a total population of 50 million.
128.	South Africa is striving hard, through discriminatory legislation, to stem the evolutionary process of nation-building and to bolster a social structure which is doomed to collapse under the weight of its own laws. It works hard to protect its language and its vaunted culture, both of which are distinctively South African. It is trying hard to maintain a petite Europe in Africa through the suppression of African aspirations by all the paraphernalia of apartheid, behind which it hopes to sustain the outmoded concept of racial purity and preserve intact its Western European ancestry.
129.	The establishment of bantustans, which are, after all, glorified native reserves, and their pseudo-independence are further steps in South Africa's segregationist apartheid policy designed to preclude the sharing of power with Africans. Bantustans are denounced by the black South Africans themselves except for the Transkei, as the independence they proffer is seen as, in the words of Gatsha Buthelezi, for instance "... pseudo-independence that will make us poor cousins on whom white South Africa can fob off crumbs of charity, making us their economic vassals forever."
130.	The Balkanization of South Africa into bantustans is based on the inequitable allocation of land, whereby 75 per cent of the population, or almost 18 million people, are allotted about 13 per cent of the land land which on account of over-population, over stalking and consequent overgrazing, is denuded and degraded and is continuing to deteriorate while 20 per cent of the population owns 87 per cent of this piece of African soil.
131.	Bantustans spell perpetual tutelage and arrested political and economic development. It is inconceivable that South Africa, with its abhorrence of socialism, would allow the so-called "homelands" the free choice of their foreign policy, their military alliances and self-determination without interference or obstruction. On the economic front, too, the border industries, established to serve the white South African economy through cheap and abundant black labor, will stifle economic development in the so-called "homelands". Bantustans enhance and enshrine racial inequalities and ethnic isolation and heighten ethnic antipathies.
132.	The bantustan philosophy is a contradiction of the historical constitutional development of the South African State itself, which developed from independent Boer Republics and British provinces to Union, and from Union to one independent, sovereign Republic of South Africa outside the Commonwealth.
133.	The appropriate question to ask is, Why this politically retrograde step from unification to fragmentation? The reason is simply to prevent the full development and expression of African nationalism and to lead it into the blind alley of the bantustans and to make way for unfettered white supremacy. Even though the South African Prime Minister has played a positive role in the search for a peaceful solution in Rhodesia, he continues to deny the South African black people, in their own land, the rights which people from outside the country, if they are white, get so easily. He also continues to refuse to dismantle the apartheid apparatus or even to show a goodwill gesture by freeing the political prisoners who are now languishing in South African prisons.
134.	For Botswana and for Africa it is not possible to have detente or unconditional dialog with South Africa as long as the prevailing conditions remain.
135.	It is unthinkable that independent Africa can coexist with the inhumanity of apartheid or arrogate to itself the role of engaging in dialog on behalf of the nationalist leaders of the black South Africans who are languishing in Robben Island or some maximum-security State prison, or have been rendered stateless by the harshness of the conditions beyond their control. Any "dialog" about the situation in
South Africa must be held between the South African regime and the African nationalist leaders who are the authentic representatives of the Africans, and not with any foreign Government or the South African Government-appointed tribal chiefs.
136.	My delegation appeals to this Organization, and particularly to the friends and allies of South Africa in the Western world, to do everything possible, by precept and persuasion, to make South Africa appreciate that it is an African country, that its destiny is inextricably bound with the claims and legitimate aspirations, the dignity and the great future, of that great continent and its peoples. Yet, what we are asking for is human equality, majority rule, justice and human dignity for all.


1.	  I should like, at the outset, to offer my sincere congratulations to Mr. Thorn on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session, and to express my full confidence in his ability to conduct the work of the session successfully, due to his distinctive qualification and wide experience.
2.	I should not fail on this occasion to commend the efforts of his predecessor, the President of the last session and of the seventh special session, my colleague Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, for the ability and wisdom he showed in the conduct of the work of the two sessions, which produced constructive and desired results, despite the challenges and difficulties which emerged.
3.	On the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the international Organization, it is proper that we pause a little to reflect on the work done and achievements made by it in some fields, and the difficulties faced and obstacles encountered in other fields.
4.	The United Nations made commendable efforts during the last three decades to maintain world peace and security, and was able, by its intervention at the proper time, to contain local and regional disputes and to prevent them from causing destructive world wars, as used to happen in the years preceding its establishment. The Organization has become a world assembly for the exchange of views and for cooperation and the coordination of efforts for the building
5.	Every year the Organization gives one proof after another of its universality and durability against challenges and obstacles. It was only a few days ago that three African States joined the membership of the Organization, thus trebling the number of its founding Members. I should like, on this occasion, to convey the congratulations of my Government to the People's Republic of Mozambique, the People's Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe and the Republic of Cape Verde on their admission to membership in this Organization. At f same time, I should like to express the regret of my delegation over the fact that the Republic of South Viet Nam and the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam have not been admitted to the membership of the Organization, although they are possessed of all the necessary legal and political conditions.
6.	This year the world has seen in all fields developments which augur well for the future of this world. In the spring of this year calm and peace returned to IndoChina after it had been the scene of destructive wars lasting many years. Tension has thereby disappeared from the zone of SouthEast Asia.
7.	In the field of decolonization, some nations have acquired their independence and have rid themselves of the detested yoke of colonialism, which has become incompatible with the civilization of this age. The peoples of Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe, Cape Verde and Papua New Guinea have at last obtained their independence through their continuous struggle and their determination to prove their existence so that they may like their places among the nations. In this respect our Organization has done its duty through the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the support of peace-loving States in speeding up decolonization in all parts of the world.
8.	Here reference should be made to the understanding and cooperation shown by some Governments in relinquishing their outmoded colonialist policy, particularly the new Government of Portugal, which has taken daring steps to abandon its old imperialist policy and to replace it by a policy of mutual cooperation with its former colonies. The adoption of such a policy by the Government of Portugal is not only a fulfillment of its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations, but also a benefit to Portugal in that it is thereby freed from imperialistic ideas and fanaticism. The way has thus been opened for cooperation in mutual respect with all peoples.
9.	We hope that States which still cling to the policy of colonialism will understand the exigencies of this
age and, following the example of the new Portuguese Government, will take similar measures to grant the peoples still under their domination the right to self determination in accordance with the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and the {Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)].
10.	While the process of decolonization is being accelerated, peoples in other parts of Africa are still struggling for their elementary human rights. In South Africa the racist Government of that country still applies a policy of racial discrimination, although that policy has been condemned and denounced by this Organization. We regret that some important Member States still continue to violate the resolutions of the United Nations by supplying the racist Government of South Africa with military and financial aid, thereby encouraging that Government not only to persist in that racial policy but also to threaten neighboring African States and in turn to expose international peace and security to danger.
11.	We believe all peace-loving nations should work to thwart all plans for the perpetuation of apartheid in South Africa so that tension may disappear from that part of the world. We hope that a complete blockade on the supply of arms and military equipment to South Africa will be imposed and that the military cooperation that still exists between some States and the Government of South Africa will cease.
12.	The Members of this Organization are bound to do their utmost to terminate the colonialism of South Africa in Namibia by frustrating its plans to partition that country for the purpose of perpetuating its rule there and exploiting the natural resources of Namibia. We appreciate all the efforts that have been made by the United Nations Council for Namibia, which substantially contribute towards the attainment of independence by the people of Namibia.
13.	In southern Rhodesia, the minority Government still continues to persecute the overwhelming majority of the people despite the efforts and continuous appeals to give them the opportunity to participate in the administration of their country in accordance with the principle of majority rule. From the recent declarations of Mr. Ian Smith it appears there is no hope that that will materialize in the near future. Therefore this Organization should increase its efforts to impress upon the minority Government of Southern Rhodesia the need to understand the international conditions of the present age.
14.	While we are talking of colonialism in Africa, we must refer to Spanish colonialism in Sakiet El Hamra and Rio de Oro. Continuation of Spanish rule in that area is contrary to the purposes of the United Nations and the principles set forth in the Charter. Therefore we insist that Spanish rule in those regions should be terminated so that existing tension in the area may disappear and the way may be paved for the settlement of the differences existing between Spain and its neighbors in Africa. Friendly relations between the Arab people and the Spanish people go back hundreds of years. Both the Arab and the Spanish peoples participated in the building of a civilization whose legacy and heritage exist to this day. Friendly relations are still maintained between the two nations, and we are confident that they will survive through time and that anything that may disturb them will vanish.
15.	Detente in the world is a subject of interest to all Members of this Organization. We have noted with interest that the great Powers have ir. recent years acted in that direction. The spirit of understanding and cooperation that has prevailed in the relations between the great Powers will greatly contribute to stability and the maintenance of peace and security in the world. We welcome the successive agreements between the two great Powers, the Soviet Union and the United States, on the limitation of nuclear weapons, as a step towards total disarmament, which is the goal of all peace-loving States.
16.	We consider that the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, signed by both the Eastern and the Western European States at Helsinki on 1 August, is a major step towards international peace and security. But we believe that the peace and security the European States seek will be incomplete if peace does not prevail in other parts of the world. We therefore hope that the measure of agreement reached will not be to the detriment of small States and the States of the third world. We support any agreement for peace which promotes progress and prosperity in the world. Therefore, the understanding reached between the European States, and particularly between the two great Powers, the Soviet Union and the United States, should lead to the solving of the principal problems of the world in cooperation with this Organization. The most important of these problems are decolonization, racism, finding a just solution to the question of the Palestinian people in the Middle East, and the withdrawal of Israel from occupied Arab lands, in addition to the economic problems of the world. If we want to see detente have fruitful results, it should extend to all parts of the world.
17.	The detente States seek will be incomplete if rapid steps are not taken towards effecting disarmament. Disarmament in all its forms is one of the objectives for which this Organization is working. While the two great Powers are working for the reduction of their armaments, small States are trying hard to increase and develop their armaments, and are competing for the possession of nuclear weapons, so that some parts of the world are threatened with the introduction of nuclear arms. The most important of such regions are the Middle East and SouthEast Asia. All States of the Middle East except Israel have supported the resolution on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East [resolution 3263 (XXIX)].
18.	It has been understood from various sources that Israel is attempting to introduce nuclear weapons into the Middle East. As a result, other States of the area will be compelled to procure such weapons in self-defense. We appeal to this Organization and to world public opinion to thwart the attempts of Israel to manufacture or to possess such weapons, so that the Middle East area may be saved from destruction.
19.	The great economic problems facing our world today are inseparable from political matters. Political stability facilitates the solution of international economic problems. Last year this Organization was able, after intensive discussion between the industrialized
States and the States of the third world, to declare a new international economic order. At the seventh special session on development and international economic cooperation, this Organization succeeded, as a result of serious consultations and talks between the industrialized States and the developing countries, lasting two weeks, in laying down the practical bases and rules for the new international economic order [see resolution 3362 (SVII)].
20.	During that session, the developing countries by their unity were able to put their economic problems within an international framework, taking into consideration the circumstances of the industrialized States. This approach paved the way to the adoption of the new economic order to which we all aspire.
21.	The industrialized States were also able to realize that economic stability and progress cannot be maintained without the existence of a spirit of cooperation with the developing States, which are in most cases the exporters of raw materials. This fact requires an understanding on their part of the circumstances of their less fortunate partners. In fact, it was this attitude which paved the way for the confirmation of the broad outlines of the Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (SVI) and 3202 (SVI)], and also the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)].
22.	In this connexion, I should mention that the resolutions of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of NonAligned Countries, held at Lima from 25 to 30 August 1975, had a great effect in laying the foundations of understanding and cooperation for the definition of the interests of the States of the third world and their realization in a factual and practical way.
23.	It has become clear that this Organization has proved to be the only instrument of understanding and cooperation for the solution of the economic, social and political problems facing the world, provided that Member States have a true intention and desire to cooperate and are prepared to avoid egoism and national fanaticism. The importance of this Organization in creating an atmosphere of cooperation and understanding among States on many occasions has become evident, particularly during the seventh special session, as I mentioned before.
24.	The United Nations has in recent years established Programs for development, food, population and the regulation of the exploitation of the resources of the high seas. Many conferences have been convened under the auspices of the United Nations, including the World Conference of the International Women's Year, held this year, which adopted important resolutions to establish the equal rights of women and men, and to eliminate the causes of injustice and deprivation to which half the population of the world is exposed. The World Food Conference, held last year at Rome, set up Programs for assistance to developing countries in satisfying their needs for food, and to enable them to increase the production of their food resources and to develop their food Programs.
25.	This year also the third session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea was held at Geneva to pursue the attempt to lay down an acceptable world order for the exploitation of national maritime resources, the regulation of international navigation and the exploitation of the resources of the high seas for the benefit and welfare of mankind. Although the Conference at that session did not reach a comprehensive and acceptable agreement in that respect, because of the great number of subjects involved, their diversity and the divergent views of States as to their details, yet it is hoped that participating States will continue their efforts before and during the next session to narrow their differences and to agree on a general order of the seas for the benefit of all.
26.	In the pursuit of that goal, the Chairmen of the three Main Committees, by direction of the Conference and its President, compiled three consolidated texts to serve as a basis for discussions in the forthcoming session which the Conference recommended should be held next spring in New York. It is believed that this step will be useful in helping to limit the discussions to the basic texts, which may be amended or replaced by more acceptable ones. We hope that the Conference will succeed in laying down a general and comprehensive agreement on the law of the sea within a short time, so that the causes of conflict among States in this respect may be eliminated and world economic stability strengthened.
27.	On the other hand, the United Nations has faced many difficulties in other fields owing to the failure of some of its Members to implement its resolutions, and the nonexistence of an efficient system or a genuine desire on the part of some interested States to enforce the will of the international Organization. This Organization has adopted many resolutions on many matters important to the family of nations. If all Member States had endeavored to implement such resolutions, the world would not have been exposed to crises, and would have lived in progress and affluence.
28.	This Organization has adopted resolutions on disarmament, the prohibition of nuclear weapons and the questions of the Middle East and Palestine, in addition to many other resolutions in the political and social fields. Such resolutions were adopted by great majorities, but the minority, which can play an effective part in solving many of the problems involved, was not prepared in many cases to enforce them. Therefore, most of those resolutions will be merely kept in the archives of the United Nations.
29.	The United Nations is the greatest international institution which can substantially contribute to the maintenance of peace and security in the world. This Organization has proved in the last 30 years that it can stand up to international challenges. It has been able to adapt itself to changes in international relations. Nevertheless, its ability to implement its resolutions is limited. We believe that 30 years after the establishment of this Organization, a review should be made of its system and some amendments introduced, so as to adapt it to the changes that have occurred in the world and the developments that have taken place in international relations in recent years. We think that the report made by the Group of Experts on the Structure of the United Nations system may be a first step towards the introduction of the necessary changes in the system of the United Nations. I should like on this occasion to express my compliments and appreciation to the Group of Experts for the efforts they expended in preparing that text.
30.	It appears to us that the amendment of the Charter of the United Nations will not by itself be sufficient to introduce the necessary reforms in the system of the international Organization, unless it is accompanied by the intention and determination of all nations to enforce the resolutions of the majority in accordance with the Charter and the exigencies of international democracy. The strength of the Organization is derived from the will of its Members. Without solidarity in the enforcement of such international will, many of the resolutions of the United Nations will remain ineffective, and the temporary solutions applied, particularly in respect of the maintenance of world peace and security, will develop in the course of time into intractable problems threatening the existence of the United Nations itself and world peace in general. This statement applies in particular to the questions of the Middle East and of Palestine.
31.	The question of the Middle East is one of the most important and complex problems facing our Organization. The Organization has great responsibility in this matter. This problem emerged when this Organization adopted the resolution on the partition of Palestine [resolution 181 (II)]. When Israel was admitted to this Organization in accordance with resolution 273 (III) of 11 May 1949, it undertook to permit the refugees to return to their homes, to compensate them for the losses they suffered, and not to establish in Palestine a racist State for the Jews only to the exclusion of all others. As Israel persists in refusing to carry out such undertakings, the Organization should apply against it the provisions of the Charter, particularly those of Chapters II and VII.
32.	Since that time, the Middle East has seen no peace or stability. Israel was created after the Second World War, immediately after the withdrawal of Western colonialism from the Middle East. Colonialism started thereafter to collapse in many parts of the world. But the Middle East has been afflicted with something more disastrous, namely, settler colonialism, which is considered to be one of the supreme cases of injustice in history, where the land of a people was usurped and they were exiled from it by brute force at the hands of foreign invaders who have come to establish a racist regime supported by colonialism. Israel, by its continuous aggression against the neighboring Arab States, has impeded progress in the area. The policy adopted by Israel in the Middle East is the greatest threat to peace and security in the area. The continuous wars waged by Israel against the neighboring Arab countries have almost led to a major world war. The danger of war still persists as long as Israel continues its aggressive policy in the area.
33.	Israel has since its establishment in the area expelled the Arabs of Palestine, destroyed their homes, wiped out their villages and destroyed the heritage left to them by their ancestors. Israel has tried to wipe out Palestine and the Palestinian people, but it will never succeed. The Palestinian people have decided to survive and have shown their determination to pursue their struggle for the recovery of their lawful rights in Palestine. These rights have been confirmed by this Organization itself many times ever since Israel was created.
34.	We are aware of the increasing support given to the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], which is the lawful representative of the people of Palestine, by various States in the world.
35.	If the world did not believe in the justice of the cause of the Palestinian people, it would not have supported and recognized them as a people who have as many rights as any other people in the world to live in their land with dignity and within secure boundaries, as other peoples demand.
36.	The question of Palestine has taken on great dimensions on the international level through its lawful representative, the PLO. This organization has been given observer status in the United Nations and in many of its specialized agencies, and has become a full-fledged member of the nonaligned movement. This has been a victory not only of the Palestinian people, but of all peoples who struggle for their lawful rights in freedom and self-determination.
37.	The States which support Israel and supply it with military and financial aid bear a great responsibility for the tension existing in the Middle East. The aid which Israel receives consolidates its existence in the occupied Arab territories and strengthens its determination to ignore the lawful rights of the Palestinian people. This leads to the continuation of the state of tension in the Middle East.
38.	In the view of my Government, the solution of the Palestine question is not confined to the contracting of bilateral agreements in 'he occupied territories. The core of the problem is the question of Palestine, the question of the Palestinian people and their entity and right in their land and heritage. The occupation of parts of neighboring Arab territory is merely the result of Israel's expansionist policy in the area. And the solution of this problem lies in the complete withdrawal of Israel from the Arab lands occupied since 1967, the return of the Palestinian people to their homes and the granting to them of the right of selfdetermination, as any other people in the world.
39.	My Government welcomes all efforts made and steps taken to find a peaceful solution to the problem of the Middle East, provided that this leads to the solution of the Palestinian question and to giving the Palestinian people their lawful rights. Any step taken without considering the question of the Palestinian people is doomed to failure, and will never lead to the restoration of peace and stability in the Middle East area.
40.	Therefore, we hope that this Organization will play an effective role in the implementation of resolutions adopted to bring about a just and permanent peace in the Middle East, and particularly the enforcement of General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), which reasserts the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination, to national independence and sovereignty, and to return to their homes and property from which they were displaced and uprooted.
41.	While speaking of the problem of the Middle East, reference should be made to the problem of Cyprus, which is a part of the Middle East. The question of Cyprus is of special importance, because it lies in the Middle East area, where tension prevails. Cyprus is an active member of the nonaligned movement and has done its utmost to preserve its sovereignty and independence and to avoid military alliances and blocs, and has succeeded in this policy.
42.	Our position regarding this island agrees completely with the resolutions adopted by the nonaligned group, which aims in substance at preserving the independence, unity and complete sovereignty of Cyprus and its continued membership in the non aligned movement, so that it may continue to contribute to the work of the movement. We believe that this Organization should pursue its efforts to reduce tension in the island of Cyprus and narrow the differences between the two conflicting communities in Cyprus.
43.	I should like to offer my compliments and appreciation to the SecretaryGeneral, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, on the efforts he has made and is still making for the continuation of the talks between the Turkish and Greek communities in Cyprus leading to a solution acceptable to both parties. I should also like to commend the great and laudable efforts he has made and is still making to enhance the prestige of the United Nations and to ensure its continued existence.
44.	On this occasion, I should like to point out that we were honored to receive the SecretaryGeneral in Bahrain last February. He was warmly welcomed by the Government and people in recognition of his unique personality. It was a good opportunity for us to meet him and exchange views with him on international problems in general, and on the vital questions facing the United Nations in particular.
45.	Finally, I am pleased to commend the attitude of fruitful and constructive cooperation prevailing in our region in the Gulf, from which all traces of conflict and confrontation vanish. The greatest step that has been taken in the region this year is the liquidation of the differences between two neighboring States, Iraq and Iran. We welcome here the efforts made to create an atmosphere of confidence and cooperation in the region.
46.	I hope that the spirit of understanding, not that of confrontation, will prevail among all the States of the world, and that we shall build a humane and civilized society where justice and love prevail, and in which the generations live in security, peace and prosperity.


84.	 Mr. President, it is my privilege to convey to you and, through you, to the representatives assembled here, the greetings of my Sovereign, His Majesty King Birenda Bir Bikram Shah Deva, and his best wishes for the success of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly.
85.	I should like to convey, on behalf of my delegation, our sincere congratulations to you on your unanimous election to the high office of the presidency of this General Assembly. My delegation pledges to you, Mr. President, its fullest co-operation and support in the discharge of your heavy responsibilities.
86.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation of the services rendered by the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Foreign Minister of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria.
87.	My delegation feels that there have been some positive developments this year in the field of international relationship. Many international initiatives have been carried out with a view to finding out solutions to some of the very important and outstanding problems of the world, the most important of which is the recently concluded seventh special session of the General Assembly, which considered the problem of development and international economic co-operation. The session convincingly proved that it is co-operation along with political will, and not confrontation, which is essential for alleviating the constantly deteriorating international economic situation.
88.	The policy of detente has continued to be the main feature of international relations, with a promise for co-operation among major Powers.
89.	The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Helsinki, ended successfully with the signing of a Final Act by 35 nations, which is a genuine example of determination on the part of European countries to try to solve their problems peacefully among themselves and to live in an atmosphere of cooperation. We believe that the Conference will help further the cause of detente and brighten the prospect of peace in Europe. My Government has welcomed the Final Act of the Conference and has expressed its hope that the process of detente would be extended to all parts of the world.
90.	Among the various existing crisis spots in the world, the hotbed of war in the Middle East, by its dimensions and possible consequences for international peace and security, must be viewed as the most dangerous source of tension in the world today. Nepal has always been in favor of the peaceful settlement of international disputes. We continue to believe that the various relevant resolutions, including Security Council resolution 242 (1967), still provide a viable framework for the just and durable solution of the Middle East situation. Nepal's sincere desire to contribute to the peaceful settlement of disputes was amply demonstrated by its participation in the United Nations Emergency Force with a contingent of the Royal Nepalese Army.

91.	Nepal believes that the recently concluded Sinai agreement on disengagement, in so far as? stimulates and accelerates the reaching of a lasting just and comprehensive settlement of the Middle East crisis could constitute a significant step in the process of seeking peace for this dangerous hotbed of war wisdom and statesmanship shown by the leaders of both the countries in reaching this agreement is no doubt admirable. My delegation, however is of the
recognition of the legitimate national rights of the Arab people of Palestine is an essential element for the settlement of the Middle East question.
92.	In South-East Asia, the problems of Viet Nam and Cambodia have now come to an end. And having victoriously freed themselves from foreign intervention and domination, these countries are now engaged in the task of national reconstruction. We believe that assistance and co-operation from the United Nations and its other specialized agencies will be able to contribute to their task of national recovery and reconstruction.
93.	My delegation expresses its conviction that the establishment of peace in Indo-China will lead to the stabilization of the situation in the broader area and to the assertion of principles of non-alignment. Similarly, we also hope that the efforts of the countries of south Asia towards seeking solutions for outstanding problems and the initiated process of normalization of mutual relations between the countries of this region will be continued.
94.	The problem of Korea, which is still unresolved, is a source of tension. No permanent peace in the region is possible unless this question is settled to the satisfaction of both parties. We note that Members are taking this up as a matter of urgent attention of this session. My country hopes that both North and South Korea will reopen their dialog in the spirit of the joint communique of 4 July 19723 with a view to achieving the peaceful reunification of Korea. At the same time, the deliberations of this Assembly should contribute towards the creation of an atmosphere conducive to the aforementioned objective. Nepal will support any moves which will lead towards this goal.
95.	Cyprus has been a scene of disturbance to peace and security in the area. There is a pressing need for an agreed settlement of the Cyprus question. My country appreciates the personal initiatives taken by the Secretary-General in trying to find a solution to this complex problem through arrangements of various inter-communal consultations and negotiations between the parties under the auspices of the United Nations. We hope that the Cyprus question will be settled within the framework of respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus through the full implementation of the United Nations resolutions.
96.	In addition, my delegation wishes to express its grave concern at the continuing tense situation brought about by the arms race. There is, therefore, an urgent need that more concrete international measures be taken in the field of disarmament. There have been certain encouraging initiatives and developments in re-
slowyearS in thiS field but progress has been extremely
97.	Nepal has always supported all moves and inter-national initiatives which aim at contributing directly or indirectly to the objective of disarmament. It has always raised its voice against the proliferation of nuclear weapons and all kinds of nuclear tests, in whatever form or environment they may be carried out.
98.	Nepal, being a peace-loving nation, is deeply committed to the cause of peace through disarmament. The General Assembly at its twenty-ninth session adopted almost 20 resolutions on various aspects of disarmament ranging from the creation of nuclear- free zones and the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace to the regulation of peaceful nuclear explosions and the convening of a world disarmament conference. All of those resolutions were supported by Nepal.
99.	There have been two major events this year in the field of disarmament. Three depositary Powers  the United States, the United Kingdom and the USSR simultaneously deposited in March 1975 their instruments of ratification, which made possible the immediate entry into force of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction [resolution 2826 (XXVI), annex]. This Convention, which has been ratified by 40 nations, is the first real disarmament measure, since it calls for the destruction of stockpiles. The same kind of convention on chemical weapons has not yet, unfortunately, followed that course.
100.	The second important event has been the convening of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, held at Geneva in May of this year, in which my country had the privilege to participate as one of the few countries of Asia which is a party to the non-proliferation Treaty. Though the Conference could not reach any agreement, it adopted a Final Declaration [AjC.ll 1068, annex I], presented by the President of the Conference, which I think is quite significant.
101.	At that Review Conference, Nepal laid stress on the importance of the strengthening of the security system of non-nuclear-weapon States and the promotion of international co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear technology. It emphasized the urgent need to conclude a comprehensive test-ban treaty, covering underground explosives, because, in our view, it is an important step towards nuclear disarmament. We have, however, made our viewpoints clear on the necessity to make an exemption under the comprehensive test-ban treaty for peaceful nuclear explosions under the supervision and control of an international body possibly the International Atomic Energy Agency so that the legitimate concerns of these States that have seen the great potential benefits in peaceful nuclear explosions may be adequately met.
102. We are of the opinion that there should be a sufficient guarantee of security of non-nuclear-weapon States against the threat and use of nuclear weapons. We believe that it is the responsibility of the nuclear-weapon States to meet this obligation because it ultimately lies in a pledge by nuclear-weapon States not to use nuclear weapons against the non-nuclear- weapon States and against one another. We hope that some definite progress can be achieved in the foregoing areas by the time another review conference takes place, in 1980.
103.	The ultimate objective of all these efforts and initiatives should be general and complete disarmament, because it is only through general and complete disarmament that international peace and security, which is one of the main objectives enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, can be achieved. We have therefore been in favor of the convening of a world disarmament conference in which all nations, whether big or small, developed or developing, nuclear or non-nuclear, could participate. It is a matter of regret that the Ad Hoc Committee established by resolution 3183 (XXVIII) has not yet been able to reach a consensus on such a vital question, but we hope that the Committee will be able to convince all the countries concerned, so that a constructive world public opinion can be formed towards the pursuance of this sacred goal.
104.	In the field of decolonization, there have been a number of welcome developments in Africa. With the exception of Angola, where the transition to independence has been marred by internal dissension, all the former Portuguese colonial Territories, such as Mozambique and the islands of Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe, have achieved their independence. We very much hope that Angolan leaders too will be able to reconcile their differences peacefully through negotiations and facilitate an early transition to full- fledged independence and thus help complete the decolonization process of all the former Portuguese colonial Territories.
105.	The constant refusal of the white minority regime of Southern Rhodesia to accept the just "one man, one vote" principle has been preventing the fulfillment of the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. It has denied the right of self-determination, freedom and independence to the people of Zimbabwe and has been consolidating its racist regime in total disregard of world public opinion; and in defiance of all the United Nations decisions.
106.	My delegation notes with concern the continuation of the racist regime in South Africa, which, because of its aggressive character, constitutes a source of danger to peace and security in the world. It has illegally continued to occupy the United Nations Territory of Namibia against the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice.4 The decision of the General Assembly last year barring the delegation of South Africa from taking part in its work was designed to convince the racist Government of South Africa that its inhuman policy of apartheid was unacceptable to the international community. And yet South Africa has not only continued to deny the fundamental rights of human freedom and adamantly to pursue its racist policy of suppression of its people, in violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but also has been making a mockery of all United Nations decisions. More concrete international action should be taken to put an end to this deplorable situation for ever in South Africa.
107.	My delegation would like to congratulate Mozambique, Cape Verde, and Sao Tome and Principe on their achievement of independence. We welcome them into this comity of nations as new Members of this Organization. We hope that their admission to the United Nations will add to the strength of the Organization in dealing with the issues facing the world community today.
108.	There is an urgent need of international cooperation and understanding among nations, not only for the maintenance of peace and international security, but also for the solution of many social and economic problems of the world. The initiative of the United Nations in this respect could prove very useful and effective.
109.	The past year has seen the continuation of a series of United Nations conferences on global problems, including population, food, the law of the sea, industrialization, the World Conference of the International Women's Year, and so on. My country participated in all those conferences.
110.	As we are one of the least developed among the developing countries whose economy is based on agriculture, the conferences on problems of food and population were vital to us. The Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization [UNIDO], held at Lima from 12 to 26 March 1975, was also significant for us because we look to the prospect of industrialization for our rapid economic development. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea was of great importance to us because of our land-locked character and also because of the fact that the right of free and unrestricted access to and from the sea would not only promote economic development by facilitating trade and industrialization but would also help us partake of the sea resources. The World Conference of the International Women's Year sought a new and comprehensive approach to the solution of the problems that women face in their respective societies. All those conferences except the one on the law of the sea  have come out with comprehensive plans of action and various recommendations.
111.	The third session of the Conference on the Law of the Sea recently held at Geneva could not reach a consensus, but the informal single negotiating text brought out by it will serve as a basis for the forthcoming conference, to be held in March here in New York. As the decision of that conference affects all nations, land-locked and coastal, it is hoped that the final convention will incorporate in it all reasonable concerns and claims of different interest groups.
112.	The present international situation is characterized by persistently deteriorating economic conditions in spite of the efforts made through international organizations. Given the complex and wide nature of the issues and problems involved, the real danger of economic turmoil without precedent is imminent, unless a more concerted and realistic approach in searching for solutions to all these problems is adopted.
113.	The turning-point in the present international economic activities was the sixth special session of the General Assembly, which adopted the Declaration and the program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and3202 (S-VI)] and set in motion a process in international relations. The Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, as approved by the twenty- ninth session of the General Assembly, was also a recommendation of the sixth special session. All those efforts made in long and arduous consultations and negotiations among nations will not bear any fruit unless all nations concerned show a spirit of co-operation and willingness.
114.	The recently concluded seventh special session, which had development and international economic co-operation as its theme, has amply demonstrated the seriousness and magnitude of the problem. It was encouraging to see that all nations, developed and developing, in spite of their differences, were willing to make efforts in trying to find a solution acceptable to all. The session has further proved that the interests of the developed and the developing countries cannot be isolated from each other and that there exists inter-dependence between the prosperity of the developed countries and the economic progress of the developing nations.
115.	It is a recognized fact that the economic progress of the developing countries depends primarily on the co-operation and understanding of the developed countries. The developing countries will never be able to prosper until the artificial restrictions of tariff and non-tariff barriers to the export of their primary goods are eliminated and an effective arrangement of international stocking and price stabilization and indexation has evolved, until the transfer of real resources from developed to developing countries is ensured and until a change in the present international monetary system is effected. The efforts of the seventh special session in these directions should be continuously pursued in order to bring about a speedy recovery from present economic ills and promote a healthy growth under a new atmosphere of international economic relationship.
116.	It is regrettable to note that the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product envisaged to be forthcoming from industrial nations as their official development assistance to the developing countries, as set forth in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], has not so far been achieved. It would have substantially increased the amount of aid for the developing countries and greatly contributed to their economic uplift. It was against that background that during the seventh special session [2334th meeting, para. 123] I made an appeal to the effect that development aid should no longer be viewed as an act of generosity on the part of the donor countries but should be treated as an obligation towards the economic development of the developing countries. With this in view, I suggested and I repeat here that this should be devised and developed as a concept of a sort of "international taxation" whereby the developed countries would have a sense of obligation to contribute to a certain extent to the development of developing countries.
117.	A challenge to all the international efforts and initiatives for economic development is posed by the economic situation of the least developed among the developing countries. My country, which is a mountainous agricultural country, falls within this category. The situation is further aggravated by its land-locked character. The land-locked countries are facing a double burden in their development efforts as the problem of heavy and additional transport costs, among many others, makes their development more expensive and, at the same time, offsets whatever meager benefit they may get from their development.
118.	It is therefore essential that adequate measures are taken for the economic uplift of these countries before their conditions deteriorate further, so that the objectives of the Second United Nations Development Decade may be achieved and the ever-widening economic disparity between nations be narrowed.
119.	It is a matter of great satisfaction that the international community, both within and outside the United Nations, has started to give recognition to the needs and aspirations of the least developed and land-locked countries. The Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, adopted by the twenty- ninth session last year, recognizes the free access to and from the sea by land-locked countries as one of the fundamental principles of international economic relations.
120.	The recommendations of the Conference of the Developing Countries on Raw Materials held at Dakar in February of this year certainly emphasized the need to grant favorable terms of trade to the least developed countries, recognized the right of landlocked countries to free access to and from the sea and urged the adoption of special measures to offset the disadvantages of their geographical position, including the establishment of a special fund for relieving the burden of their additional transportation costs. The UNCTAD Intergovernmental Group on the Transfer of Technology has also recently come out with some suggestions for special measures in favor of those countries, The Second General Conference of UNIDO this year also adopted a resolution urging special measures for the industrialization of the least developed and land-locked countries [see AH0112, para. 287].
121.	Mention may also be made of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of No n-Aligned Countries, held at Lima in August, which adopted an Economic Declaration containing provisions for special measures in favor of the land-locked and the least developed countries [jee AH0217 and Corr.I, annex, p. 34].
122.	At the seventh special session, the General Assembly, on taking note in resolution 3362 (S-VII) of the special problems of those countries, recommended a series of measures in their favor, It also recommended that developed and developing countries in a position to do so should undertake special measures to assist in the structural transformation of the economies of the least developed and the land-locked developing countries.
123.	In the field of the transfer of resources, developed countries are called upon to include in their terms and conditions of assistance a preponderant grant element for the least developed and the [and-locked developing countries.
124.	Regarding industrialization, the Assembly at its seventh special session emphasized that special attention should be paid to the problems of the least developed and the land-locked developing countries in order to enable them to play their due role in the world economy as warranted by their human and material resources.
125.	At that special session the Assembly also recommended transmission to this regular session of the report of the Secretary-General regarding special measures in favor of the land-locked developing countries with a view to the immediate establishment of a special fund to offset the additional transportation costs of those countries. My delegation strongly urges that at this session we consider this urgent question and decide to establish such a fund, which should go a long way towards relieving the hardship of the land-locked developing countries*
126.	Since it represents one of the least developed and land-locked countries, my delegation is aware that all these proposals are very, very important. Further effective international actions should, however, be taken for the speedy implementation of all these proposals so that the aspirations of those nations may soon be realized.
127.	At a time when the present international economic crisis is causing additional hardship through the spiraling rising prices of all imports, the scarcity of necessary developmental goods, monetary instability and all adverse balances of payment, which are in turn causing the speedy depletion of the financial resources at our disposal, we are left with no alternative but to look towards international assistance and co-operation. The program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the special measures contained therein, adopted in favor of the most seriously affected countries, are of immense importance to a country such as ours. But, to our great concern and disappointment, my country has not so far been included in the list of those countries, despite the fact that we fulfill all the criteria laid for such inclusion. I have already appealed to this body, during the recently
* concluded special session [25.M/it meeting, ptira, 7J6], and I now repeat my appeal that Nepal be included in the list of most seriously affected countries.
128.	My sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra, recently said that Nepal's quest for peace stems from our basic belief in the inseparability of peace and economic prospects. In that sense Nepal believes there is no alternative to the world Organization, not only because it has successfully survived for 30 years and has been largely instrumental in the maintenance of peace and security by sparing mankind from a third global war, but also because it has increasingly been making remarkable strides towards the solution of economic, social and various other problems of a global nature, such as those of trade, economic development, the environment, food, population and the sea, which certainly require global solutions,
129.	Nepal's faith in the United Nations and its dedication to the principles of its Charter are total and complete. We shall always endeavor to our utmost and contribute to our maximum capacity in order to ensure that this international arsenal of peace is further strengthened and preserved for the welfare and prosperity of mankind as a whole.


117.	 It is for me a source of great pleasure to extend to the President, on behalf of the Liberian delegation, sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirtieth regular session of the General Assembly. Luxembourg, as a founding Member of this global Organization for peace, has been fully engaged in the unceasing international effort to translate the ideals of the Charter into living reality within the framework of a world community exposed to the constancy, inevitability and necessity of change. From an extraordinarily brilliant and remarkable career, he brings to this high office a wealth of experience and an accumulation of knowledge not easily matched. As he discharges his responsibilities, he can be assured of the full support of the Liberian delegation.
118.	Permit me to take this opportunity also to extend to his distinguished predecessor, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria, an outstanding son of Africa, heartfelt appreciation for the very able and highly effective manner in which he presided over the work of the twenty-ninth regular session as well as the seventh special session.
119.	We commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the very efficient manner in which he continues to conduct the affairs of the Secretariat and his untiring efforts in the interest of international peace and security and the promotion of multilateral co-operation.
120.	After a protracted period of bitter and self- sacrificial struggle for emancipation from the yoke of colonialist domination, Liberia is once again overjoyed and proud to welcome into the United Nations and into the comity of free nations another group of African States, this time the State of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe and the People's Republic of Mozambique. As the earlier victories over colonialism and oppression were valuable assets to these new Member States during their struggle, so their victories can only serve to reinforce the will and harden the resolve of those of our common human family still subjected to the indignities of colonialism, racist minority rule and apartheid.
121.	In welcoming these three new States into the United Nations we look forward to the complete liquidation of Portuguese colonialism in Africa with the impending independence of Angola later this year. We sincerely hope and trust that, in the supreme interest of the great nation of Angola which must have its independence fully restored, the political leaders of that territory will, in the sacred African tradition, resolve their differences and not allow the disruptive influence of external forces to continue to undermine the noble objectives of self-determination and independence.
122.	We are gathered here at this regular session, which significantly marks the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of our great Organization, to deliberate on the agenda items before us, and profoundly to ponder the crises which beset our world as well as to formulate in togetherness solutions for the serious attitudinal and structural ills of contemporary international society. For in the end, whether we discuss a particular political problem in a given region of the world, or whether we address ourselves to the problems of human welfare poverty, population, food, fuel, status of women, natural resources, industrialization, environment and better trade and monetary arrangements a sine qua non for genuine progress in all of these and other areas is national recognition of the changing realities and necessities of international relations, national willingness to respond to these changes and a collective preparedness to readjust international machinery for the implementation of the genuine collective will.
123.	The Secretary-General with perspicacity and perceptiveness diagnosed the source, or, shall I say, sources, of the problems which confront the international community when he observed in the introduction to his annual report that:
"The evolution of the post-war world including the introduction of nuclear weapons, the establishment of regional military pacts, the accelerated pace of decolonization, the extraordinary advances of applied science and technology, dramatic increases in population and the emergence of a large group of independent developing nations has created a new geopolitical structure in the past 30 years. Thus the basis of power, both political and economic, in the world as a whole, has changed radically in a way which could not be foreseen at San Francisco." [AjlOOOljAdd.l, sect. /.]
124.	In measured response to this development there is a need, an urgent need, that we readjust our attitudes towards one another as free, sovereign and independent States if we are fully to comprehend the magnitude of our problems and carry out a timely revision of our structures for co-operation as we seek genuine collective solutions in a continuing and unaltered commitment to the high and lofty principles enshrined in that great Charter for peace and hope of the United Nations.
125.	Because political independence is meaningless without economic emancipation, the developing countries have sought to complement the East-West contacts and consultations with an authentic and realistic North-South dialog in order to make of the United Nations not only an organ for international peace and security, but also the guardian against the horrors of a peace void of hope. For we have come to realize, in today's world, that the victory of peace is truly won, in the last analysis, by a victory for international progress.
126.	Meanwhile, encroaching upon that path to progress is the unsettling mass of stagnant export markets and declining terms of trade. Bearing heavily upon our peoples and nations are the cumulative weights of gross undervaluation of human and natural resources down throughout the centuries, of mounting inflation and lingering recession, of excessive debt obligations, and of abysmal smallness of capital transfers to our developing economies. Most regrettably upon this our one world has been placed the burdens of egotistical concepts and inadequate institutions.
127.	At the United Nations today we are being challenged anew to refine that strategy and activate that blue-print for the total liberation of mankind. Too long have our development plans been suddenly short-circuited. Too long have our economies been managed from afar. Too long has the cruelty of starvation been inflicted upon helpless peoples. Too long have the destructive forces of grinding poverty shattered for us the prospect of a future hopeful and wholesome.
128.	The Liberian delegation is heartened to discern that the burden of the centuries can truly be shared in the future. It can be shared through a collective preparedness to translate the limited, yet unanimous, agreements of the seventh special session into courses of action designed to create an international economic order characterized by greater equity and justice. It can be collectively borne by more meaningful multilateral trade and capital transfer arrangements. It can be shared if determined steps are taken in today's world to bring modern technology to subsistence agriculture and urban environment. And it can be shared by a determined will of interdependent reliance or creative co-alliance among all nations creative, not in the sense of group enhancement; creative, not in the mood of growing apprehension. For the world may quite too easily pass from national awareness into a new era of regional or group provincialism. What we truly need instead are adequate mechanisms which would structure the dynamics of the global purse and institutions, so that they responsively and effectively link those who achieve with those who are deprived, across the human family.
129.	Thus we are of the view that the future task of development can be made a lot easier if a common code of conduct were to govern the behavior of transnational corporations and if a multilateral approach were adopted to enhance agricultural production and other collective ventures for increased food supplies and worth-while development projects. We sincerely hope that we have reached the beginning of this collective approach in the decisions of the seventh special session. We believe that co-operation among third-world nations would both motivate and ensure co-operation between developed and developing nations to restructure the institutions and revise the modalities for that inevitably better world of tomorrow.
130.	And so let us with courage and resoluteness move ahead to implement the decisions at which we in solidarity arrived during the recent special session, making certain that they do not remain only a part of the massive accumulation of stored-away United Nations documents, but instead aid the growing accumulation of international goodwill, understanding and co-operation.
131.	My Government stands ever ready to make its contribution towards helping to ensure that the spirit of mutual accommodation that has characterized our dialog so far will be sustained in continuing negotiations as we move towards realization of the new international economic order.
132.	Peace and security have always been related to the economic and social advancement of any people, whether they be assembled in a national State or form a part of the world community. And so if we speak with a degree of optimism about prospects for improving the world's economic situation we must do so not without a full appreciation of the interacting political forces of the day and time in which we live.
133.	The contemporary international scene reveals that the process of detente, as recently manifested at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe held at Helsinki, happily bears out for all humanity the comforting assurance that tension among the major Powers will continue to be eased and the likelihood of nuclear confrontation will be considerably lessened. Consistent with this development, we consider the two proposals made by the Soviet Foreign Minister, Mr. Gromyko, this morning before this Assembly [2357th meeting], which have just been referred to by Mr. Callaghan, the United Kingdom Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, one banning the further development and manufacture of new types and systems of armaments of mass destruction and the second concerning the cessation of nuclear and thermonuclear tests and conclusion of a treaty designed to achieve a comprehensive test ban, as both most constructive and timely, warranting the support of all States Members of this Organization and, indeed, of peace-loving peoples the world over. The spirit of those proposals would appear to be compatible with the United States views on disarmament and nuclear proliferation as expressed by Mr. Kissinger, United States Secretary of State, when he addressed this Assembly yesterday [.2355th meeting].
134.	While we welcome all genuine efforts to promote international entente, we believe that there should be an extension of this process to other troubled centres of our one world. For while the origin of the last global conflict was in Europe and there lingers on a preoccupation with European or Western security, there is the very real possibility that in view of the proliferation of nuclear and conventional weapons and the continuing and festering tensions, notably in the Middle East and southern Africa, a conflict of global proportions could easily begin in these and other areas if selective detente does not yield to a veritable global relaxation of tension.
135.	Liberia welcomes the significant and positive changes that have taken place since the last session and has been heartened by the humane responsiveness to the challenges of constructive change in our world society reflective of the realities of shifting power relationships. The President of Liberia, Mr. William 128
R. Tolbert Jr., echoed this encouraging development when he recently declared that:
"In this imbalanced world, a new socio-political force is constantly and progressively gaining ground at every turn. Whether it is Cambodia in the Far East, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe in Africa, Cuba in the Americas or Portugal in Europe, there is emerging a trend which augurs well for world peace and may God grant that this be brought about at no distant time."
136.	Initiatives to move from a "no war, no peace" situation in the Middle East fall naturally into this catalogue of welcome developments. As we have indicated in the past, we repeat today that Liberia can only support a policy in that troubled region designed to bring lasting, not ephemeral, peace, ensuring for all of the peoples of the area, including both the Palestinians and the Israelis, their right to justice, security and a national State.
137.	Exclusive reliance on force of arms and posture of intransigence in negotiation cannot be the way to achieve this objective. Since 1948 we have all seen the tragic demonstration of the failure of this approach. Instead, no effort must be spared to replace reliance on force by genuine negotiation with a view to replacing the climate of fear, mistrust and hatred by tolerance, understanding and co-operation.
138.	To state it succinctly, Liberia supports the view that two essential conditions for a lasting and durable peace in the Middle East are Israeli withdrawal from all territories acquired since June 1967 and the exercise by the Palestinian people of all their national rights.
139.	Consistent with our overriding interest in peace in this region, we applaud the untiring efforts of all the parties and those who have contributed to the recent Sinai interim agreement. While, understandably, the agreement so painfully achieved is indeed very limited when set alongside the monumental problems of Palestinian rights, illegal territorial occupation and Israeli security, we believe that it embodies the potential for effectively forging ahead to immediate and broader diplomatic initiatives in the interest of a just, lasting and enduring peace.
140.	But as we celebrate these happy, even if limited, achievements and look with eager anticipation to other victories of human liberty and fulfillment, we are still faced with forces bent on subverting international goodwill and endangering world peace and security. Such is the case with southern Africa and other pockets of colonialism and oppression. Let me share with you some thoughts of my President, Mr. Tolbert, on the problem of southern Africa:
"... We have drawn a line between the present situation as it exists and the future conditions that will prevail there. The difference is that while the existing state of affairs can and will be changed, racial equality, social justice and African majority rule are inevitable for the future in southern Africa as elsewhere on the continent."
The President went on to say:
"Whether we communicate directly with the South African Government in an effort to occasion an immediate peaceful change; or whether we consistently and unrelentingly give moral and material assistance to African liberation movements, or whether we join in concerted action at the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity, we remain adamant in our determination to work positively for the total and absolute liberation of the whole of Africa."
141.	With respect to Namibia, Liberia has always maintained and continues to stand resolute on its contention that the people of that international Territory must, without compromise, attain their inalienable rights to self-determination, independence and territorial integrity. As I had cause to indicate before the Security Council in early June, when the question of Namibia was being debated, my Government continues to hold the view that there must be democratic elections in Namibia under the auspices of the United Nations with little delay, and the world community must with greater effectiveness concertedly exert efforts to ensure that the Government of South Africa withdraws from Namibia, granting unto the people of that Territory their legitimate right independently to determine their own future,
142.	A constitutional settlement in Zimbabwe continues to remain illusory, primarily because the norms of injustice and oppression in that Territory have not yet ceded place to civility and reason. Based on the Dares Salaam Declaration on Southern Africa, Liberia's policy is highly supportive of negotiations with no compromise whatsoever on the principle of majority rule. In order that the negotiations result in meaningful agreement, all leaders of the African National Congress, the legitimate representatives of the great Zimbabwean people, must take part free from any molestation.
143.	We applaud the laudable contributions already made by Zambian President, Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, and other African leaders in helping to pave the way towards a negotiated settlement. We want to entertain the hope that the rebel leader Ian Smith will before long recognize that the solution to the problem of Zimbabwe can be none other than an acceptance of the principle of majority rule and the establishment of a truly multiracial society.
144.	Liberia will continue to struggle until the inhuman system of apartheid in South Africa is completely relegated to the past, the dustbin of history, where it rightfully belongs. For Liberia, bantustans are no homelands for Africans; their homeland can consist of nothing less than free and equitable access to the entire territory of South Africa determined on the basis of democratic principles in an atmosphere where the master-servant attitude of yesteryear is completely destroyed and replaced by a more sane attitude of tolerance and respect for fundamental human rights.
145.	While Liberia has welcomed the rather halting efforts at negotiation and conciliation in certain parts of the region of southern Africa, we wish to make it unmistakably clear that we do not believe that the African majorities of this area will at any time be lulled into a situation of interminable negotiations. Their objectives of self-determination and independence with the destruction of all systems of racism and oppression remain firm as they retain the option
Of resorting to the armed struggle to restore their inalienable and imprescriptable rights.
146.	Liberia continues to give a literal interpretation to General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) which makes all dependent Territories authentic candidates for independence. As we welcome the State of Papua New Guinea into the society of free nations, we appeal especially to States Members of this Organization which still fall into the categories of colonial Powers or Administering Authorities in this most enlightened age of human civilization to hasten the process of their withdrawal so that the blessings of freedom may at last come to the entire family of man.
147.	At the onset of this intervention, I spoke of certain attitudinal and structural ills which plague our world community and which demand a sense of urgency if we were truly to overcome the crises of our time. Observations were made of the radical changes in the basis of power since the creation of the United Nations which led to the diffusion of political power in the decades of the 1950s and the 1960s, and are now being, we hope, accompanied by a diffusion of economic power. These developments leave international relations unsettled, but we are not thereby faced with difficulties devoid of opportunities.
148.	Thus, in the midst of our political and economic crises, we are being challenged, all of us challenged, to renew our commitments to those immutable and timeless principles of the Charter of the United Nations. This challenge does not alone require working for active peace and security, but also avoidance of the prospects of a peace that knows no hope; this challenge does not only demand seriously working towards narrowing the gap between the endowed and the deprived, so that we do not solely succeed in avoiding a global holocaust as indeed we have since 1945 but also that we, with that rare combination of realism and justice, may move towards the elimination of the hotbeds of tension in the Middle East, in southern Africa, in Cyprus, in the Korean peninsula and in other parts of our one world.
149.	During this thirtieth anniversary of the founding of this great Organization, we, the peoples of the United Nations, are called upon to do no less if we must continue to consider ourselves as rational beings capable of managing our affairs and regulating our destiny, rather than leaving all either in dangerous, short-sighted and superstitious resignation to chance or to an unrepresentative consensus, whatever its source.
150.	We therefore appeal to all the politically powerful, both old and new, as well as the politically weak; the economically privileged, both old and new, as well as the economically disadvantaged to spare no effort in enhancing and strengthening the growing disposition at conciliation, consultation and collaboration, and to work actively for the early birth of a genuine world community in which we can all practice tolerance and live co-operatively together in peace with one another as good neighbors. Because our fate on this planet is intertwined and interlinked in an infinite number of ways, we have no viable alternative to this course of action.
151.	In like words as those just spoken by Mr. Callaghan, I, too, feel confident that mankind will rise to this challenge.