Permit me, on behalf of the Sierra Leone delegation, to extend to you, Mr. President, our warmest fraternal felicitations on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Sierra Leone is indeed happy to see you conducting the deliberations of this body during this session. Your long and active involvement with the United Nations, your devotion and dynamic contribution to the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and to the non- aligned movement, all qualify you for the high office to which you have been elected. My delegation is therefore convinced that an African of your calibre and experience will undoubtedly conduct the deliberations of this Assembly to the satisfaction of every State rep-resented here. We have no doubt on that score and, to that end, I pledge the co-operation of my delegation. We also find it reassuring that you come from a country, the United Republic of Tanzania, that has over the years been in the vanguard of the liberation struggle for the vindication of the rights of man, particularly in southern Africa.
144.	I should also like to thank your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano for having performed his task so admirably during the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. We place on record my Government's appreciation of his contributions.
145.	Before I proceed any further, please allow me, Sir, to pay a tribute at this juncture to a comrade in arms in the liberation struggle. I refer to the demise of President Agostinho Neto, the late President of the People's Republic of Angola. In his death, the cause of the rights of man has suffered a loss, for he was indeed a valiant fighter who found no sacrifice too great for the cause of the liberation of man. May his soul rest in peace.
146.	When it was founded 34 years ago, the United Nations had many laudable objectives, including the need to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, to inculcate in nations the practice of tolerance and living together in peace with one another as good neighbours, and to utilize international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples. Since then, it has remained an indispensable forum for the rationalization and harmonization of divergent political, economic, social and cultural views, in the pursuit of those objectives.
147.	We are assembled here once again for another three months to reassess the progress and achievement which mankind has made in the pursuit of those objectives, which are today as valid as when they were first postulated some 34 years ago, for they represent in truth the eternal verities of our world.
148.	Sierra Leone, like most other States Members of this Organization, shares an abiding faith in its existence and in the pursuit of the objectives to which I have just referred. Our annual session affords us the opportunity of reflecting on those principles and objectives and on the continued usefulness of the Organization. In that regard, we note that the Organization has not always been as effective as most of us would have wished in facing up to certain crucial issues. But despite its short-comings, the existence of our Organization has, over the years, transformed the relations of Member States from confrontation to co-operation. That is as it should be, for it is the raison d’être of the United Nations to provide a common platform for the international community in its collective search for solutions to common global problems.
149.	The potential for mankind to achieve its finest hour in international economic co-operation and development has never been greater. Ironically, the prospects of its realizing that potential are, for the moment, bleak, gloomy and uncertain. The potential is at its greatest because mankind has today at its disposal unparalleled human, financial, managerial, institutional and technological resources to transform the face of our one earth into something brilliant, prosperous and efficient. Indeed, mankind has the capacity to ensure an equitable and widespread application of the benefits of modern science and technology for a crucial and effective improvement in the quality of life throughout the globe. However, our aspirations and even our most reasonable expectations have been thwarted and frustrated by men who are hesitant or afraid to share their know-how, to transfer their skills and to inject financial resources into those countries which are in greatest need. This hesitation may well be the product of a pusillanimous and less-than-magnanimous spirit and it manifests itself today all too glaringly in the new restrictive protectionism, inflation and monetary instability, contraction in foreign trade, recession in domestic growth and the painful pangs experienced by countries like mine in financing meaningful development along the paths and within the time-frame we had anticipated.
150.	The problems confronting the international com-munity call for urgent and imaginative solutions and not for distracting and enervating debates on procedure and methodology. The negotiations of the United Nations are replete with examples of these wranglings: the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy for the third United Nations development decade and even most, if not all, of the working groups of UNCTAD abound with examples of long-drawn-out procedural cavilling. In an Organization which accommodates as many ideologies, cultural attitudes, religious persuasions and political differences as there are States Members, it is understandable that there must be divergent ideas about the best ways of affecting our programmes. However, it is our view that the wranglings have been stretched to the point of fatuity and sterility.
151.	As we make ready to face the seemingly daunting challenges of a new decade, we must record our extreme disappointment at the dissipation of the resources available to man and the lack of application of those resources towards productive and human ends. And the decade of the 1970s will long be remembered as the era in which the global economy sank into a severe depression and the spectre of economic and social dislocation became a near-reality for almost every State.
152.	Indeed, as the decade of the 1970s comes to a close, there is evidently hardly any room for comfort for any of us here. The current decade witnessed the addition of a new dimension to the now almost familiar, if uncomfortable, global polarity of East-West confrontation, namely the North-South dialogue, a process that has so far very little to record by way of achievement, but on whose successful conclusion may well depend the peace of our one world.
153.	UNCTAD continues to be a focal-point for crucial discussions on international socio-economic cooperation and development matters. My Government Wishes to place on record its appreciation for the work done by the UNCTAD Secretariat. This body continues to be a vehicle for espousing the third world's views on trade and development issues in their most useful and refreshing light. It was no accident, therefore, that the debate at the last session of UNCTAD in Manila was significantly focused on the need for fundamental structural changes within the international economic community and for a redefinition of the relationship between the various units in the structural chess-board of modern international economic relations.
154.	My Government believes that there is every virtue in pursuing the broader objectives which the international community has come to accept in the mid- 1970s as not only expressive of global interdependence but necessary for the continued survival and viability of the world as a whole. Of course, every State Member of the United Nations has been buffeted, in one way or another, by the billows of the recession as they smite the world economy; but the group of States that has been most vulnerable are the developing countries, and for them the problem in reality is not recession but slow and tortuous strangulation, as their socio-economic development programmes are brought to a grinding halt for lack of resources and they painfully founder and may soon go under.
155.	It is therefore my delegation's view that there should be a global approach to the transfer of real resources in all their related forms, for this is a necessary concomitant for the establishment of a New International Economic Order. Such resources- should be provided on a continuous, predictable and increasingly assured basis.
156.	The role of multilateral development institutions, whether regional or global, in the development process, particularly of the developing countries, is of crucial importance today. Consequently, it is desirable that access to the funds of these institutions be consistent with the objectives and priorities compatible with over-all sustained growth. It is therefore important that there be a determined resolution to increase the funds available to multilateral development institutions, to enable them to embark on their activities. Commensurate with this, there is a need for improvement in the aid practices of these institutions, particularly with regard to local cost programme-financing, which has inevitably reduced their net effect.
157.	Furthermore, most developing countries today have to contend with large deficits in their balance of payments, mostly induced by external factors which it is far beyond their competence to control, in addition to a shortage of long-term capital inflow to support investment and development. The international monetary system is proving ineffective in dealing with these problems primarily because it was not designed with these countries in mind. The prevailing system prescribes restrictive adjustment measures, having very little relevance, if any, to the socio-political circumstances and the problems of long-term restructuring in developing countries.
158.	Moreover, the heavy burden which this approach has placed on the developing countries has dampened their development efforts and in some cases aborted them, A system is therefore needed whereby the IMF will play a more responsive and effective role in financing intermediation relative to the special circumstances of the developing countries. This proves all the more the necessity for a world conference wherein monetary problems, not only of the developed countries but also of the developing countries, could be seriously addressed, a conference which would lead to the creation of a new international monetary order responsive to, and in tune with, the circumstances of our time.
159.	A burden that has proved the common lot of nearly all countries here today is the energy crisis. Long-term prospects for sustained economic growth become unpredictable and uncertain because we cannot reasonably confirm the continued availability of energy, which is increasingly being priced out of reach. Traditional economics did not isolate or ascribe to energy the significance which it has now come to assume as a factor of production in the last quarter of the twentieth century. The inclusion in our agenda of a separate item on new and renewable sources of energy underscores the crucial importance which the international community must attach to this problem.
160.	For developing countries, the energy crisis is more than just an energy crisis; it is a crisis for survival, particularly for non-oil-producing Members of this fraternity of States. It is time, therefore, that the inter-national community paid attention to the plight of the oil-importing developing countries. In this connexion, therefore, the forthcoming United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy should address itself to the provision of this all-important and indispensable factor on terms which will accelerate development in the least-developed countries and ensure the continued lubrication of the industrial sinews of the world on a more assured basis.
161.	In the meantime, the international community should take immediate ameliorative steps to help the non-oil-producing countries whose economies, and the very fabric of whose societies, are faced with imminent stagnation and break-down as a result of the energy crisis.
162.	It is true that a New International Economic Order cannot be affected overnight, and this is not what we are asking for. What we do ask for is a reform of the system to permit greater participation and sharing of the benefits of world prosperity. Indeed, world peace not only means the end of world conflict, but also relates to justice in the relations between States and between members of the same States.
163.	In the light of the foregoing, as we stand on the threshold of the 1980s, the necessity to achieve the goals and objectives of the New International Economic Order has never been more compelling, and as we prepare the international development strategy for the 1980s we trust that this Organization will be able to incorporate into that strategy the necessary goals and objectives which will ensure that we do not miss the opportunity to resolve our problems in a manner more congruent with the needs of our time and the future.
164.	Even in the last quarter of the twentieth century, nation-States are still emerging as members of the inter-national community. This itself is a reflection of the aspiration with which we were imbued some 34 years ago in San Francisco to enable the peoples of the world to live in larger freedom. This hope was concretized, in 1960, in the now-seminal resolution 1514 (XV) on the right of self-determination of peoples. Regrettably, however, this hope is yet to be universally realized.
165.	It is, therefore, a matter of satisfaction and it is with some pride that Sierra Leone, as a member of the Special Committee on decolonization, welcomes Saint Lucia's emergence as a free, independent and sovereign State to take its rightful place in this council of nations. We congratulate it and feel confident that it will live up to the principles and objectives of this Organization.
166.	However, the hope for larger freedom for the peoples of the world is still to be fully realized, for there are areas of our one world, particularly in southern Africa, still under colonial and racist domination epitomizing the denigration of man in its cruellest form. Southern Africa, where racism is enthroned as an official policy, compounded by a complex criss-cross of economic and other interests, remains today the supreme challenge to the yearning of oppressed peoples to achieve the right of self-determination and to flourish in that larger freedom predicated in San Francisco some 34 years ago, without regard to creed or colour.
167.	The South African apartheid regime continues to perpetuate its odious policies despite the untiring efforts by this world body to condemn its inhuman activities and make it abjure its ways, which are not only inconsistent with the principles of human rights but contrary to the essence of man. There, in South Africa, man is still subjugated, denied his basic rights, exploited and discriminated against because of the colour of his skin. Every so often we hear of wrongful arrests and imprisonment, brutality and torture by the police, the victims only distinguishable by the colour of their skins.
168.	Suppression and maltreatment continue unabated in deliberate defiance of the will of this Organization and world opinion. The collaborators of apartheid who publicly condemn it but surreptitiously encourage it by business and other links should hold themselves responsible for this and at the bar of public opinion are as guilty as the regime itself.
169.	Permit me to draw the Assembly's attention to the current visit of a South African rugby team to the United Kingdom. The Commonwealth Heads of Government, at their Gleneagles meeting in 1977, arrived at a formula on sporting links with South Africa, which was reproduced in the Commonwealth statement on apartheid in sport and attached to the final communiqué issued in London in 1977, and here I quote it:
"Heads of Government specially welcome the belief, unanimously expressed at their meeting, that in the light of their consultations and accord there were unlikely to be future sporting contacts of any significance between Commonwealth countries or their nationals and South Africa, while that country continues to pursue the detestable policy of Apartheid."'
170.	It is, therefore, a matter of extreme regret and pain that Her Britannic Majesty's Government, and particularly its Secretary of State for the Home Department, did not see the inadvisability of letting that team into the United Kingdom. The fact that it has been allowed to take place may well undermine confidence and cause a breach in the dike against apartheid. If we allow this to happen, we are giving succour and comfort to the practitioners of that odious policy, and that is not what we want or are seeking.
171.	The question of Namibia has remained one of the gravest challenges to the authority of the United Nations. First by outright defiance and now by one subterfuge after another, South Africa has set its will against the international community in the latter's attempt to find a solution to the plight of that unfortunate Territory, to ensure its transition to independent statehood,
172.	In addition to its despicable policies within South Africa itself, the apartheid regime has set itself up as a predator on neighbouring African countries and has, over the period, been carrying out a series of aggressive air raids and military attacks against Angola and it has lent similar support to the regime in Rhodesia in its attacks against neighbouring Zambia and Mozambique, a situation that is manifestly a threat to international peace and security. South Africa, in truth, is today the problem child of the international community.
173.	In the latest move in a series of intrigues to frustrate the aspirations of SWAPO and exclude that organization from any further political activity in Namibia, the South African apartheid Government has instituted a puppet National Assembly with so-called legislative powers in preparation for the conferment of a sham independent status. I would reiterate Sierra Leone's continued support for Security Council resolutions 385 (1976), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) and our recognition of SWAPO as the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people and we condemn any and every attempt by the South African racist regime to-subvert the United Nations formula for self- determination and independence for Namibia.
174.	Zimbabwe has, today, presented the international community with a test to prove peaceful negotiations as a viable alternative to war, as a means of achieving self-determination and independence. The recent Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Lusaka adopted a formula which, with the backing and full support of the United Kingdom Government, which still bears- legal responsibility for that Territory, holds out a prospect for accommodation and reconciliation to -the inhabitants of that troubled Territory.
175.	That is a process with which the Government of Sierra Leone fully identifies, but at the end of the day the current exercises in London must give birth to a Government that is both representative and reflective of the wishes of the majority of the people of that Territory and Zimbabwe should have genuine independence.. At this juncture, all that the international community could wish is that sanity and goodwill prevail at Lancaster House in London, and this, we believe, is not too much to ask at this stage. We all watch with ambition the transition of Rhodesia into a free, sovereign and genuinely independent Zimbabwe.
176.	The Middle East is yet another area of our turbulent world yearning for peace, whether it be in the trials, the tribulations and the severe and desperate plight of the people of southern Lebanon or in the Palestinians' desire to achieve a State of their own.
177.	Some 30-odd years ago, the walls of this Organization were reverberating with passionate and clamorous calls for the creation of a State for a people that had, in the annals of man's inhumanity to man, suffered some of the most cruel and brutal manifestations of that inhumanity, epitomized in its being scattered all over the world in the Diaspora and in the unspeakable horrors of the gas chambers of the Nazi holocaust.
178.	The conscience of the international community was moved, and the basic humanity residing in the breast of that community saw the justice of the case and responded in 1947 by the creation of a State for the people of that Diaspora. This resulted in the birth, in 1948, of what today we know as the State of Israel, [t is, therefore, to us one of the saddest and most inexplicable paradoxes of the human condition that that State should itself today be seen wittingly or unwittingly to be the cause of yet another Diaspora, by setting its face granite-like against the creation of a State for a people that is enduring a fate not very dissimilar from its own. The State of Israel owes its existence, I dare say, to the response of the international community in putting right centuries of wrongs the Jewish people had had to suffer.
179.	Let Israel, therefore, have the courage, the de-termination and, I implore it, the basic humanity to let the Palestinians have what was granted it some 30-odd years ago, namely, the right to self-determination, to a State of their own within which they would be able to mould and shape their own destinies.
180.	Let Israel, therefore, not allow psychological fears born of insecurity and scarred memories nurtured on suspicion to stand between it and this humane and basic objective.
181.	This is the challenge I believe the rest of mankind can throw out to the Israeli leadership to see if it has the courage, the magnanimity, the creative imagination and, indeed, the humanity to rise up to that challenge. It is time the challenge was taken up. Time, decidedly, is running out, for failure to meet that challenge is yet to record and endorse another bleak chapter in the annals of man's inhumanity to man. But this time round, the State of Israel, yesterday the victim, will today be the perpetrator. The friends and even those who are not friends of Israel would not wish this accolade to be granted to it.
182.	The solution to the problem does not, in our view, lie in limited peace treaties, however well- intentioned, for there can be no vicarious parties. The Palestinians themselves must be involved in the search for a solution. A further requirement for a comprehensive and lasting solution to the Middle East problem is the withdrawal of Israel from occupied Arab territories, with the right of all, including Israel and the Palestinians, to live within recognized and secure boundaries.
183.	Peace-keeping is the vocation of the United Nations. This is inevitable, and it should be so, given the fact that we have as Members a collectivity of sovereign States with disparate and clashing interests. Over the years, the Organization has embarked, even in the midst of controversy, on this calling with commendation. We take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the men who have staffed the operational forces in the field over the years. For the success of a peace-keeping operation, the support and understanding of the parties themselves concerned in the dispute, the understanding and support of Member States themselves, and, indeed, of the general international community, are vital. For peace-keeping, as it has been said, is an invaluable addition to the armoury of peace at man's disposal, especially in circumstances where the very fabric of the international community is threatened with imminent collapse. We must therefore devise ways and means of making this process more systematic, reliable and immediately available as circumstances require, for it is, indeed, the veritable complement to peace-making; you cannot make peace if you cannot keep it.
184.	One of the resources at man's disposal for the improvement of his circumstances is technology and, like the sorcerer's apprentice, man's evil genius has indulged itself in a near-fatal fascination with this modem magic wand in the accumulation, over the years, of awesome and destructive armament. The gravity of this position impelled this Organization to call last year for the tenth special session of this Assembly, dedicated to disarmament, to see how this evil and destructive streak in man could be held in check. For the arms build-up was considered to be not only a threat to international peace and security, but also an unconscionable waste of the world's resources, which only impoverishes man both spiritually and materially, and does not contribute to his general welfare.
185.	There was one common theme running through that special session on disarmament, namely the imperative necessity for the reduction of the arms build-up, leading to complete disarmament. It is therefore gratifying to my delegation to learn, a year after that special session, of the conclusion of the second SALT Treaty. This may be a small step in the process, but it is a step that holds out hope for mankind and deserves the support of the whole international community.
186.	It is time it was realized that the survival of the world can be secured not by a balance of terror, but rather by the building up of mutual confidence—a fact that is becoming increasingly clearer every day, as manifested in the increasing and inevitable interdependence of our one world.
187.	The universal respect for the observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms is central to international economic and social co-operation. For at the end of the day, it is the individual who is the centre of our preoccupation and exertions at the international level, and the well-being of the individual should be the measure of our efforts and of our concern. It is therefore proper that this Organization should concern itself with the promotion and advancement of human rights. It is consequently a cause for some gratification to my delegation to note that over the past year some progress has been made in this direction, both on the regional and international levels.
188.	At the regional level, for example, the Organization of African Unity at the sixteenth ordinary session of its Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held in Monrovia from 6 to 20 July 1979, set up a committee of experts with a view to studying the possibility of setting up a committee on human rights for Africa. Also, at the conclusion of the last Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held in Lusaka from 1 to 7 August 1979, it was decided to study the possibility of setting up a Commonwealth Human Rights Commission. These developments augur well for the cause of human rights. We look forward to the institution of these bodies.
189.	At the international level, one derives some hope from the alacrity with which the international community responded to the plight of the Indo-Chinese refugees by attending the international conference in Geneva in July this year.  It is the belief of the Sierra Leone delegation that a strict observance of and adherence to human rights would not have given rise to this situation. The fate of the Indo-Chinese refugees, because of its attendant drama, displayed in its most cruel form the tribulations of refugees. And we have been told that in Africa alone there are 4 million refugees. Refugees, in our view, are the product of a disregard for human rights and the fundamental freedoms of the human person. It is therefore incumbent on each and every State represented here, as members of the international community, to act in such a way that the tide of refugees is stemmed and turned off, and that individual may live safe and secure within their respective communities. Refugees, whatever the cause, are a standing indictment of the international community.
190.	I cannot conclude my remarks without reference to the work and devotion of our distinguished Secretary-General and his staff, in keeping alive in our breasts the collective hope of humanity that man can have, and does deserve, a better future. The Secretariat of the United Nations has over the years, with its devotion and assiduity, tried to keep us together in our collective search for that better future. They deserve our gratitude, and they should not, in our view, be apotheosized in a shimmering glass tower 40 storeys high, and the United Nations itself is not so dangerous a place as some sceptics would have us believe.
191.	Finally, as we begin the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, we still find ourselves compelled to contend with some of the serious economic, social and political problems of our time, problems which are themselves a reflection of the international community we have to live in. Time was when nation- States seemed capable of pursuing survival, even in isolation. Today we live in an era of interdependence. In fact, this is the purpose of our annual sessions when, from this podium, as representatives of our States, we come here to reflect aloud on our collective search for solutions to these problems.
192.	As we conclude yet another decade and are about to start a new one, we believe that we have enough blueprints for a solution to these problems. What is now required of the international community is to summon the necessary political will to translate these blueprints into programmes of action. This is the challenge of the 1980s and it is our belief that it is only by a positive response to that challenge that man can survive into the next century in his eternal quest for freedom and self-being. We owe it to ourselves and to posterity. Let us continue.


Sir, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you the sincere congratulations of the Lebanese delegation on your election as President of the General Assembly for this session. We are confident that your great personal qualifications, wisdom and vast experience in international affairs, as well as the unanimous trust you inspire among Member States, will ensure the effectiveness and success of this session.
4.	I also wish to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the ambassador of Colombia, for the important role he played during his presidency of our last session.
5.	May I also take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the superb efforts which the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has been ceaselessly making to strengthen the role of the world Organization and to enable it to fulfil its noble ideals. Yearning for the blessings of peace more than any other country, Lebanon feels particularly appreciative of and grateful for the courageous initiatives and zealous activity which the Secretary-General has taken in order to bring about a just peace.
6.	My delegation joins in welcoming Saint Lucia on its admission as a Member of the United Nations and looks forward to its contribution to the work of the Organization.
7.	For the fifth consecutive year, the delegation of Lebanon comes to this Assembly burdened by the weight of a nation's tragedy in all the complexity of its manifold aspects and causes. I should have liked to devote a major part of my statement to a discussion of the political, economic, social and cultural problems and attendant troubles which rack our world with conflict today. I should also have liked to discuss the various items on our agenda and offer our modest contribution to the common efforts and measures to find appropriate solutions to the problems we face. My country's well-known and consistent positions on these questions Eire based on its strong commitment to the principles of the United Nations Charter and on out- constant dedication to the promotion of friendship, cooperation and solidarity among States, on the basis of mutual respect and understanding.
8.	However, the magnitude of the ordeal which has befallen my country compels me to concentrate on the tragedy prevailing in and around Lebanon, in order to reveal its dimensions to the conscience of the world, represented by your Assembly, to denounce everything that has so severely victimized my country and to inform you of the aspirations of the people and Government of Lebanon and of what they expect from the international community.
9.	Lebanon, in whose name I have the honour of addressing you, has safeguarded the essential elements of its existence in spite of the ravages of war which have rent it apart. Maintaining its faith in the efficacy of the principles of collective solidarity, it appeals to international organizations and seeks their assistance in overcoming its problems.
10.	A country which enjoys so much natural and human wealth and which has been chosen for Divine revelations, Lebanon has become a model of harmony and human fulfilment. Yet today, the forces of rejection carried to their extreme have combined together with the expansionist designs, selfish desires and will for domination harboured by some States to destroy its moral values and material resources.
11.	Whatever impressions one might have acquired about the Lebanese, the fact is that they have firmly resisted and have been and will continue to face up to this challenge to their survival. In the course of the successive stages of their tragedy, with its multiplicity of facets and protagonists, and after each cycle of violence, which has caused thousands of innocent victims and wreaked total destruction, the Lebanese have emerged with remarkable resilience and vitality to heal their wounds and to reconstruct their country. Their strong attachment to the values and fundamental principles which constitute the pillars of the Lebanese way of life has prevented the collapse and disappearance of their homeland. They have even made progress in some areas. The dynamism of hope and confidence in the future have helped them to transcend the consequences of their recent past and has strengthened their natural faith in a common vision that national reconciliation, unity and security will be restored. Thus the desire of the Lebanese to make progress along the path of understanding and unity has become more solid.
12.	Nevertheless, despite the support and the praiseworthy initiatives undertaken by some brotherly and friendly States, this objective is beset by obstacles which are of concern to us because they are alien to our aspirations and our will and which give rise to forebodings, and even the certainty, on our part that we the Lebanese both as individuals and as a group of communities have fallen victim to something external to us which is far and away beyond our possibilities and our means of action.
13.	In no way are we seeking to repudiate our responsibility or to deny the existence of factors of discord on our own soil. There is no shortage of political, economic and social problems in our country, as indeed in every other. But the grave dangers which their country has had to face in recent years has engendered in some individuals and groups of our compatriots a new state of mind which is not always averse to violence or excess.
14.	Of course we bear the responsibility because it is our country and our cause. The Lebanese people and their leaders are in duty bound to take the appropriate initiatives and make the necessary sacrifices to extricate themselves from this ordeal, rehabilitate the country and restore security and prosperity everywhere and for everyone.
15.	However, the problems which we have been facing for live years have certain causes and ramifications which we must point out here frankly and clearly since they extend far beyond the borders of Lebanon and its possibilities and energies and require the international community to come to grips with its real responsibilities.
16.	Yes, Lebanon is the victim of international politics and it is important for us here to review, even if only briefly, those factors that are threatening the very existence of a people and a nation which certainly does not deserve their perpetuation.
17.	Lebanon is not only a victim of the violation of the Charter of the United Nations and this Organization's inability to find a just solution to a problem it has helped to create, but it is also as a member of the international community a victim of the exploitation of its unique structure and its democratic regime.
18.	Indeed, Lebanon is the victim of the Israeli usurpation of the Arab land of Palestine, the expulsion of the Palestinian people and the tense crisis that has constantly held the region in its grip following that aggression.
19.	Lebanon is the victim of vicissitudes in the inter-national balance of forces in the Middle East which have touched off the crisis prevailing in the region and this crisis has, in turn, constantly exacerbated the international play of forces, unleashing active international currents which have disrupted the country and placed the cohesiveness and unity of our people in jeopardy.
20.	Lebanon is a victim of attempts at partial solutions of the Middle East crisis, which we cannot endorse, especially since the principles on which they are based fail completely to take account of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and in particular their right to self-determination in their own country.
21.	Lebanon is the victim of contradictions in the Arab world of which it is a part. These contradictions have exploded on our territory in different ways, without counting irregular activities that sometimes use the Palestinian cause as a pretext for pressing dubious goals having nothing to do with the legitimate rights of the Palestinians.
22.	Lebanon is the victim of the burden imposed upon it by the ever increasing presence on its soil of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. The ideologies adopted by some of them as a result of their plight inevitably come into conflict with the philosophy of the State and its vision of the future and with the beliefs of a number of national groups. The varied and dangerous excesses which this situation breeds cannot fail to affect adversely the unity of the country and the authority of the State.
23.	Lebanon is the victim of interference by various States and groups in its internal affairs; this is a violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law and is a serious derogation from sound principles and objectives.
24.	Lebanon is the victim of the Israeli aggression, particularly in the south, and its strategy of preventive attack for political and military objectives, a strategy which we firmly repudiate as prejudicial to the Lebanese State.
25.	Lebanon is the victim of its unique structure as a point of convergence of many religious and spiritual communities which live together in complete freedom under a regime which ensures that each may play an active role in the national life. The events as perpetrated by their instigators have tended to make this particular feature of our country, which is in itself a source of national and human richness, a factor making for conflict and discord.
26.	Lebanon has since its accession to independence been the victim of its selection of a liberal democratic system based on the recognition of fundamental human rights, respect for the sanctity of the human person and a total openness to all civilizations and peoples. Several foreign parties have abused the advantages of this system to infiltrate the city and, by taking advantage of this freedom, to try to destroy the Lebanese State by under-mining its very foundations.
27.	Before our destiny became the plaything of foreigners, we were able in a spirit of co-operation, dialogue and compromise to solve all our problems within the framework of our democratic institutions. That is why in the light of what I have said I can state that there is no reason to hold Lebanon responsible for everything it is undergoing and suffering today, unless we consider a spirit of tolerance and open-mindedness, allegiance to feelings of brotherhood, generosity in human relations, faith in right and justice, compassion for the oppressed and a desire to preserve the unity and sovereignty of the country as weaknesses for which we can be politically blamed to such a point that Lebanon has become the victim of them and is rapidly becoming the main one. Friendly and brotherly States as well as the world Organization apparently forget this fact or pretend to forget it. Let us beware of creating in the Middle East a cause in the development and complications of the Lebanese tragedy that will eclipse and overshadow the Palestinian cause in all its gravity and dimensions.
28.	The best illustration of the current phase of the continuing Lebanese tragedy is the violence and destruction that is occurring in the south. That cherished part of our country has for months been the scene of the devastating war that is being waged there. Its innocent civilians, if they are not killed by the hundreds, are scattered by in their tens of thousands and deprived of their means of earning a livelihood. They have become refugees in their own country, thus swelling the sad ranks of those Lebanese who have been driven by war out of their towns and villages into a life beset by all imaginable misfortune and perils.
29.	The grave situation prevailing in the south of Lebanon, which has been caused by Israel's failure to withdraw completely, by the fact that the United Nations Force has been prevented from carrying out the mission assigned to it by the Security Council, and by continuous Israeli aggression, is of concern to our Organization for more than one reason.
30.	A year ago, Lebanon was in a state of great turmoil. The decisive role played in that turmoil was played not only by internal elements but also by the serious repercussions of the Israeli-Egyptian negotiations. Hardly had we emerged from that period when we were confronted with constantly and increasingly deep-seated and serious problems concerning the country's security and its future as well as the role to be played by the United Nations in the region, to say nothing of the role of the great Powers. These grave problems bring the Security Council face to face with its responsibilities and pose a challenge to the international community.
31.	As everyone knows, there is no more serious threat to international peace than the situation in the Middle East. And there is no more immediate or direct threat to peace in the Middle East than the situation in southern Lebanon, where UNIFIL has been operating under Security Council resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978).
32.	We can hardly fail to stress the vital role played by these forces and to express our appreciation and gratitude to all the Force's officers and men. We should like once again to express our profound thanks and gratitude to the Security Council, to the States contributing forces to UNIFIL, to the members of the United Nations Secretariat and especially to the Secretary-General himself.
33.	To best bring out the vital importance of the UNIFIL presence in southern Lebanon and its decisive role there, I shall merely quote the very lucid words of the Secretary-General himself in his report on the work of the Organization;
"I am firmly convinced that UNIFIL has performed, and is performing, an absolutely essential task of conflict control in one of the most sensitive and explosive parts of the world. This seems to me to be an overriding argument for maintaining it in spite of all difficulties and disagreements. While I shall persist in my efforts to achieve the objectives set for UNIFIL by the Security Council, I think it is important that the current value of the operation, in all its difficulty, should be more fully recognized. The easiest way to prove the value of the task UNIFIL is now performing would be to withdraw the Force. In present circumstances this would undoubtedly be a highly irresponsible and almost certainly disastrous experiment, and I do not believe that anyone properly informed of the situation would seriously advocate it."
34.	However, the extraordinary difficulties encountered by UNIFIL in carrying out its mandate call for a review of the situation and the adoption of measures commensurate with the responsibility assumed by the Security Council in conformity with the exigencies of peace in the region and the principles of the United Nations Charter.
35.	There can be no doubt that the task of UNIFIL in southern Lebanon differs from the mandates given to such forces in other regions of the world. In view of the circumstances in which the Force must operate and the purpose for which it was created, the Security Council saw fit to give it a role which was not limited merely to supervising the disengagement of the belligerents and maintaining an observation mission. In Lebanon the Force is required to play a much more active role than that of mere mediator. The proof is that UNIFIL was ordered to ensure the withdrawal of military forces and to assist in the restoration of Lebanese sovereignty throughout the region, and was assigned a theatre of operations in the true meaning of the term. Furthermore, when the Security Council adopted resolution 425 (1978) it was fully aware of the situation prevailing in southern Lebanon. Accordingly, the idea arose to empower UNIFIL to defend itself and to overcome by force anything that might constitute an obstacle to the accomplishment of its mission.
36.	UNIFIL is an embodiment of the unanimous international will and carries with it the prestige of the United Nations. We must therefore spare no effort to equip it to carry out its obligations in a manner compatible with the objectives for which it was created so as to avoid compromising the credibility of the Security Council, and thus diminishing its effectiveness and its ability to deal with threats to the peace both now and in the future. Any failure of UNIFIL would, we believe, become a totally unacceptable precedent for the international community.
37.	I should like, in this connexion, to emphasize that Lebanon has fully co-operated with UNIFIL since its inception. Lebanon is making progress in the direction of revamping its armed forces; thus, despite all obstacles, it was able, in co-ordination with UNIFIL, to dispatch a Lebanese army battalion to the south on 18 April 1979; moreover, it already operates most of the administrative services in the theatre of operations. The Lebanese Government is prepared progressively to take over its share of the responsibilities in the south of the country.
38.	The main factor enlarging the dimensions of the danger and instability in the south is the policy officially proclaimed by Israel to the effect that it arrogates to itself the right to make preventive military strikes anywhere in Lebanon on the pretext of checkmating the Palestinian resistance.
39.	As a preliminary to its intentions and policy with regard to southern Lebanon, Israel opposed the deployment of the Arab Peace-keeping Force, which performed so well in other regions of Lebanon, south of the line which became known as the "red line".
40.	Now Israel is constantly launching murderous military operations by land, sea and air against Lebanese towns and villages. I shall confine myself to mentioning the operations initiated on 23 January, 11 April, 30 May, 10 and 23 July, and 4 and 22 August of this year, all of which caused many casualties and have each been the subject of a complaint which we have brought before the Security Council.
41.	It is absolutely out of the question to tolerate such a policy, even if Israel claims that these-strikes are reprisals for prior operations undertaken by the Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories.
42.	I honestly wonder what would become of the principles of the Charter if Israel's point of view was accepted. What would remain of the standards of inter-national public law which prohibit aggression and tyranny? What would be left of the Security Council resolutions relating to southern Lebanon, which were included between resolution 425 (1978) and resolution 450 (1979)? What would become of all the hopes which the peoples have placed in our Organization as the comer-stone of a new, healthy and just international order whose mission is to prevent international relations from being governed by the law of the jungle? Israel's claims that infiltrations sometimes take place across UNIFIL lines is devoid of foundation but, even assuming it were true for the sake of argument, what has that got to do with Lebanon?
43.	UNIFIL comes under the orders of the Security Council, not Lebanon. Lebanon proclaims from this rostrum that it is determined to regain its sovereignty and authority in the south up to its international frontiers not only in relation to Israel but also to all other forces present in the theatre of operations. Lebanon has frequently made this claim and has expressed this view in its correspondence with the Secretary- General and in its notes to the Security Council.
44.	The continuance of military operations in southern Lebanon is likely to create a climate of instability which might have negative repercussions on any attempt to control the situation in the region and bring about a peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis.
45.	In this connexion suffice it for me to quote what was said by the President of our Assembly, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, in his address:
"The tragic situation in Lebanon continues to cause serious concern to the international community. The senseless bombing of civilian targets, causing considerable loss of life and destruction, further threaten the peace and security of the region. The world community must redouble its efforts to bring an end to this tragedy, so that the freedom, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon are respected."
46.	It is neither just nor logical that our country should be prey to factors of disintegration because the Palestinian people wish to recover their legitimate rights and their right to self-determination, which Israel refuses to grant them. Similarly it is neither just nor logical that Lebanon should be the principal victim to undergo the martyrdom imposed upon it by the oppressor without, however, being spared by the oppressed, whose cause, though just, pushes him to excesses that are sometimes ascribed to his state of despair. Is Lebanon condemned to suffer injustice from the hands of the oppressor and also sometimes the oppressed?
47.	It is high time that southern Lebanon, and consequently Lebanon as a whole, should with the help of the international family be removed from the toils of the infernal game of war and peace and that its own case should be given absolute priority, so that it will no longer be a hostage in the Middle East turmoil or a football tossed about by the parties according to their desires and interests. Its sons have spilled too much blood and shed too many tears and lost too much of their property and have paid too great a price for faults and injustices committed elsewhere for which they bear no responsibility. Lebanon has reached a threshold beyond which it is no longer able to carry on without risking the loss of its own identity.
48.	Before concluding my statement, I should like to reply to a question which, I imagine, all present are asking themselves, namely, what is Lebanon asking of the United Nations at this stage and what can the United Nations do?
49.	Lebanon's requests are addressed not solely to the United Nations but also to each of its Members and especially to the most powerful among them. These requests are the following.
50.	Because of its geographical location, its Arab obligations and commitments and its faith in the principles of right and justice in international relations, Lebanon believes that the United Nations must in its search for a radical solution to the Middle East crisis deal with the substance of the Palestinian question, so that the Palestinian people may be able to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights, the first of which is their right to self-determination and to the establishment of a Palestinian State on Palestinian soil. This naturally implies the total and unconditional evacuation of all occupied Arab territory in accordance with United Nations resolutions.
51.	Furthermore, it is equally self-evident that the idea must be finally and definitively rejected that the Palestinians can be settled anywhere outside their own land, and in particular Lebanon's categorical refusal to agree to their settlement in our country, in the interest of both Lebanon and the Palestinians themselves, must be regarded as the final word.
52.	Lebanon has often stated, through its President, on behalf of the Lebanese people as a whole that it absolutely refuses to agree to the settlement of the Palestinians on its territory and rejects any attempt which would in one way or another effect such a settlement or impair its sovereignty or the independence and unity of its territory and people. Lebanon rejects any solution to the Middle East crisis that may be made at its expense.
53.	Until such a radical solution is found, agreed upon and implemented, we believe we are within our rights in asking the United Nations and all its Member States to consider that they must deal also with the Lebanese crisis in its own terms and not as part of the Middle East crisis. Because of what our country represents geographically and politically as well as in human terms, it deserves to be a focus of the attention of the international community with a view to preserving its unity, independence and sovereignty as a model for the Middle East and even, perhaps, the world. It also deserves the support and help expressed not by mere words but by positive and concrete acts.
54.	We ask that a speedy, definitive and firm stop should be put to all Israeli aggression against Lebanon whatever the form it may take, particularly the form of a preventive attack against Lebanese territory. We also demand the full reintegration of southern Lebanon into the Lebanese State, which should be given the means of recovering its full sovereignty and authority throughout that area with respect to all individuals and groups without exception, of restoring security and of preventing, any subversive activities on its territory.
55.	Apart from the diplomatic activity that must be exercised by our Organization and the Member States concerned, the best means of achieving that goal is first of all to strengthen the role of the United Nations Force in the south of the country so as to enable it to carry out its task in a comprehensive way. UNIFIL can then prevent any military activities of whatever origin in the south, control the situation and, in conjunction with the Lebanese forces, ensure the progressive pacification of the territory and the exercise of the jurisdiction of the State over the area in accordance with the letter and spirit of Security Council resolutions, without fear or favour. It would then become necessary to provide the Force with the means of action and the directives it needs to give effect to that goal, and the Lebanese authorities are ready and willing to work with UNIFIL for that purpose.
56.	We ask that with your support and in the interests of international peace an area of stability and calm should be established in southern Lebanon where the provisions of the Lebanese-Israeli General Armistice Agreement,  which is still fully in force and which has been ratified by the Security Council and reconfirmed again in its last resolution 450 (1979), should be scrupulously observed in the interval before a radical and just solution is found for the Palestinian cause in the framework of a global peace.
57.	The Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] the sole representative of the Palestinian people, which has through its spirit of combativeness and its just cause been able to breach the diplomatic isolation in which it was sought to be kept, is urgently called upon in the present circumstances to prepare to shoulder the heavy responsibility that has been conferred upon it, to live up to the hopes that it embodies and to channel its vitality and its activities in southern Lebanon into political and diplomatic action. In this regard it should undertake positive initiatives which would be likely to reassure the Lebanese people and which would be in keeping with the exigencies of the rights of Lebanon and the security of its territory. It would thus prove its capacity for self-control in all circumstances and would demonstrate its absolute respect for the resolutions of the Security Council and its concern to safeguard both its higher interests and its relations with the Lebanese people, who have suffered more for the Palestinian cause than any other Arab people. Such an attitude is dictated by a spirit of true brotherhood, a sense of responsibility and a clear-sighted long-range political vision.
58.	It goes without saying, obviously, that one of the prerequisites for carrying out our demands is the extent of the support which the great Powers give to United Nations initiatives and the laying of the groundwork for a political climate that would facilitate the acceptance of what logic and the recognition of the rule of law demand. No one can be unaware that these Powers have a multiplicity of means of constraint and persuasion available to them in achieving their goals. This is particularly the case since the arms used for aggressive purposes in southern Lebanon were obtained under agreements concluded with the United States of America which prohibit their use for the purposes for which the Israelis are using them.
59.	I am in duty bound to point out that this business has aroused dismay in international political circles, particularly within the United States, where many responsible officials have expressed their interest and concern at the fact that the use of American- manufactured weapons in southern Lebanon is a violation of American law and the undertakings entered into by Israel on the subject. Thus the United States must bear a heavy burden of political and moral responsibility.
60.	In conclusion, we are convinced that the United Nations commitment to us does not exonerate us from undertaking our own diplomatic initiatives in another framework with a view to helping to achieve the goals we have set. And I must point out that this type of action is fully consistent with our thinking and is being taken up.
61.	Since we are convinced of the need for a frank dialogue with our friends and brothers and since we are firmly convinced that our country should not be the prey of anyone's greed, we have pursued such diplomatic action within the framework of the Arab community and we have requested its highest bodies to work out with us a plan of action that would take due account of the obligations of that community and of our own possibilities now that Lebanon has become what is unacceptable to us: the only battlefield in the Middle East.
62.	Last year the General Assembly adopted a resolution to which we attach great importance and which deals with economic and humanitarian assistance to Lebanon, as well as with the coordination of international and local activities with a view to its reconstruction and development.
63.	If I have deliberately left aside the question of the assistance unfailingly provided by the United Nations and the specialized agencies, as well as by various States, it is not because we underestimate the importance and usefulness of such assistance nor the gratitude which we owe to its donors. But in view of the urgency of executing the demands which we have put forward and the wholesome impact this would have on the situation in Lebanon as a whole we decided we had to give priority to them.
64.	The satisfaction of these demands would contribute to the establishment of a political and psychological climate in Lebanon that would help to strengthen the common goals of all the Lebanese, namely national understanding, which, in turn, would have a positive effect on the situation we have described. Similarly, the recovery by the State of its authority over any particular area would have favourable repercussions over other areas of Lebanon.
65.	Both because of its system and the way of life of its people, Lebanon has been and could again become an example of the noble principles that lie at the basis of the United Nations, of which Lebanon has the honour to be one of the founders. Thus preserving this achievement, which embodies all of mankind's aspirations to live in tolerance, brotherhood and love, by helping it to overcome this crisis is a necessity not only for it and for its region but also for all mankind and for the international community's mission.
66.	Our history, which goes back thousands of years, includes many pages of black tragedy as well as just as many pages of dazzling splendours. Our mountains and our rivers have looked on throughout the centuries as whole processions of conquerors and usurpers have descended upon the country, but have also seen them invariably beaten back, as the inscriptions on the rocky walls not far from our capital proclaim. Thus Lebanon endures.
67.	The people of Lebanon, resolved to preserve their land, to defend their rights and to repel all dangers from whatever quarter, as well as the greeds which surround them and which seek to break their unity, is strong with its own force and with a consciousness of its own powers and its sacred right to live in freedom and dignity. Let our Organization, through the ways and means given to it by the Charter, not begrudge us its aid and support.


The members of my delegation and I deem it a great privilege to have the opportunity of participating in the deliberations of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We bring to Members the warm greetings of the people of Bangladesh.
84.	We are indeed very happy to welcome Saint Lucia as a member of the family of the United Nations. We sincerely hope that the admission of Saint Lucia as a new Member will add to its strength and also to that of the United Nations.
85.	Mr. President, on behalf of the Bangladesh delegation and also on my own behalf I offer you our warmest congratulations on your election as the President of this session of the Assembly. Your election to your high office is indeed a tribute to your outstanding personal qualities and wide-ranging experience, as also to your great country, the United Republic of Tanzania, with which Bangladesh has close ties of friendship. We assure you of our fullest co-operation.
86.	I should also like to express our deep appreciation to the President of the last session of the Assembly, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, for his valuable contributions. His wise guidance and leadership proved to be of immense benefit to the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
87.	I should like to convey to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our sincere appreciation for his total dedication to upholding the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and his exemplary perseverance in strengthening the United Nations and its organs as an instrument for reducing tension and promoting global peace and stability. We also commend him for his forthright and penetrating report on the world situation during the year under review
88.	With the rest of the world, Bangladesh mourns the death of President Houari Boumediene of Algeria and President Agostinho Neto of Angola. As leaders of their respective countries and as dauntless freedom fighters, they have both left a deep imprint on contemporary world history.
89.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express our sincere gratitude to our sister Members of the United Nations for electing Bangladesh to the Security Council. It has been and will continue to be the endeavour of Bangladesh to justify the confidence thus reposed in it by upholding the objectives and principles of the United Nations Charter and serving the cause of peace, freedom and justice.
90.	Total adherence to the principles and objectives of the United Nations Charter is to us more than a commitment. It is enshrined in our Constitution. Ever since the admission of Bangladesh as a Member of the United Nations, it has been our consistent effort in concert with the vast majority of the Member States to work for the greater interest of the world community. As a developing country, Bangladesh is fully conscious of the benefit it stands to derive from this world body and also its responsibility in safeguarding the interests of the world community, both political and economic. It is in this spirit that we have always urged that the decision-making process of the United Nations system should be more adequately democratized.
91.	From its very inception, Bangladesh has been committed to a non-aligned foreign policy based upon the principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful coexistence of all States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of all disputes. As a new emerging nation in this multi-polar world, with its many divergences, we have found the non-aligned movement to be a useful means of steering clear of Power rivalry and the consequent conflicts and controversies, thus ensuring both independence and balance in our foreign policy.
92.	Since I had the privilege of speaking before this Assembly last year, Bangladesh has been passing through a quiet and peaceful revolution under the leadership of President Ziaur Rahman. With the election of a Parliament, the nation's sovereign law-making body, on the basis of adult franchise, the country's transition to the democratic process was completed in February last. The restructuring of the administrative services in order to gear them to serve a welfare society, land reforms and decentralization of the Government and the planning machinery, and the mobilization of the people for direct participation in all development efforts are among other revolutionary changes now under way. Following the completion of a two-year approach plan, a five-year development plan within the framework of a 20-year perspective plan will be launched next July. The focus of the strategy of the plan is on the achievement of economic self-sufficiency and the raising of the quality of life of the people, with the top priority assigned to agricultural production and population control. The well-spring of motivation for the rapid political and economic changes in Bangladesh lies in the resolute and determined will of our people to overcome difficulties and move forward along the path of stability and progress.
93.	Bangladesh welcomes every effort aimed at advancing the process of detente, the limitation of armaments and the promotion of peaceful coexistence in every part of the world. In the context of these cardinal principles of our foreign policy, Bangladesh has made persistent endeavours in recent years to promote peace and stability in the South Asian region through the creation of a climate of mutual trust, understanding and co-operation, on the basis of respect for sovereign equality and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Guided by these principles, my Government has endeavoured to promote and expand its friendly and co-operative relations with all peace-loving nations of the world. Tangible progress achieved in that direction can be briefly summarized as follows.
94.	An agreement was signed with India to resolve the 25-year-old problem of the sharing of the Ganges waters. Efforts are now under way to evolve a long-term arrangement in this regard to the mutual satisfaction of both countries. Following the agreement with Burma signed in July 1978, the repatriation of nearly 200,000 Burmese refugees is almost completed. Both these agreements are the demonstration of good-neighbourly relations among our countries and contributed to peace and stability in the region. In like manner, efforts were made to promote friendly relations with our other neighbours in the region, such as Nepal, Bhutan, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka; and relations with these countries are growing in strength. Fraternal relations and co-operation with Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey and other Islamic States in economic, cultural and other areas were further widened and deepened. As a bridge between South and South-East Asia, Bangladesh has made every effort to strengthen its traditional ties of friendship and co-operation with the countries of South and South-East Asia and the Pacific region. Bangladesh also sought both to expand and to diversify its foreign relations by developing mutually beneficial relationships with other countries of Asia and other continents.
95.	The creation of the United Nations in 1945 symbolized the hopes and aspirations of a war-ravaged world for lasting global peace and stability. In the years immediately following the Second World War, the prevailing mood was one of clear optimism and of determination to achieve the twin goals of global peace and progress. The motto was to "build peace in the minds of the people and banish poverty, disease and illiteracy'. The striking recovery of war-torn Europe and Japan, the resurgence of the nations of the third world and their emergence as independent, sovereign States, advances in science and technology and rapid developments in the means of communication were epoch-making changes on the world scene. As a result, bipolarity was largely replaced by multi-polarity in international relations. The nations of the world became more interdependent than ever before; the specific goals of the majority of our nations were also more well defined.
96.	There was, however, a gradual swing in the mood of the nations of the world, throwing up many challenges to the dream of the founding fathers of this world body. Formidable among them are the ideological polarization, the intensification of power rivalry, the escalation of the arms race, the persistence of colonial subjugation and racial discrimination, the widening areas of tension and conflict and, overshadowing all these, the widening gap between the rich and the poor nations.
97.	The world of today is evidently in great disarray and is faced with many distressing paradoxes. Armed with its military might, an otherwise small country such as Israel can, with impunity, continue its illegal occupation of the Arab territories and indulge in acts of naked aggression, violence and terrorism in total defiance of international law and the will of the international community. In like manner, racist minorities can continue to flout world opinion and trample upon all canons of justice, morality, freedom and human dignity to prolong their repressive rule over the majority of the population through the brutal use of force, as in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The international community is also a helpless spectator at the frightening escalation of the arms race, although the arsenal which has already been built up by the great Powers is enough to destroy our planet many times over. Tragically enough, this arms race is spreading to engulf other areas of the world, thereby threatening the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of nations which are either in-adequately armed or totally unarmed. The rule of law is yielding increasingly to international anarchy.
98.	The economic scene is equally alarming. Two thirds of the world's population, impoverished by two centuries of colonial exploitation, are in a grim struggle to meet their basic human needs. Ironically enough, the remaining one third, representing the rich industrial nations, are also fighting a hopeless economic battle. In their attempt to preserve an inequitable economic order and protect a life-style based on high consumption, they find themselves in the preposterous situation, on the one hand, of inflation and recession and, on the other, of mounting expenditures for armaments, the rapid depletion of non-renewable resources, the pollution of the environment and growing ecological hazards. While the economic disparity between the two parts of the world continues to widen, both are in a desperate economic situation with inevitable repercussions for the peace and security of the world.
99.	It will appear from this brief analysis that the  world is being inexorably driven politically, economically, militarily and morally to a point of catastrophic explosion, which, unless arrested in time, may turn into an all-consuming holocaust. The crisis facing the contemporary world is thus essentially a product of a material and utilitarian system without a moral basis. The ills that plague our world stem not from lack of resources but from lack of a political will to reorder our political and economic system on the foundation of the universal human and moral values.
100.	We are clearly standing on the brink of a precipice. We see, however, the stirrings of the world conscience. There is an emerging awareness that the crisis is grave and we must move in concert to overcome it. This is a concern that is shared by the overwhelming majority of nations, cutting across the boundaries of race, religion, geography, politics, economics and ideology and including many nations from the East as well as the West, from the North as well as the South. This new emerging profile of the international community and the trend of its thinking favour the strengthening of the United Nations system for the establishment of the rule of law in international relations and for securing global peace, stability and progress.
101.	In our view, many of the challenges and problems posing a threat to peace and security can be resolved through our united action and through the implementation of the United Nations resolutions and decisions.
102.	For ages, Moslems, Christians and Jews have lived together in the Middle East. All canons of justice and morality demand the restoration to the Palestinians of their inalienable national rights, including their right to a State of their own. As required by the United Nations resolutions, which Bangladesh has consistently supported, lasting peace can be secured in the Middle East only by the complete withdrawal of Israel from all illegally occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and the restoration of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians and the recognition of the PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinian people.
103.	In like manner, there can be peace in southern Africa only through the transfer of power to the genuine representatives of the people of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the ending of racial discrimination and apartheid in South Africa, We commend the Lusaka initiative and the British efforts and wish for a speedy resolution of the Zimbabwe problem through the transfer of power to the true representatives of the people. We, however, strongly condemn the attempt of the racist minority regime of South Africa to impose a puppet regime in Namibia in contravention of United Nations resolutions, in particular, Security Council resolutions 345 (1976) and 435 (1978). The Bangladesh delegation also denounces the detention and arrest of SWAPO leaders and appeals to all Member States to refrain from recognizing the illegally constituted, so-called "national assembly" in Namibia or assisting it in any way.
104.	Bangladesh welcomes all efforts towards disarmament, including the recently signed strategic arms limitation treaty. We, however, believe that the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, provides a good basis for ending the escalation of the arms race. The Final Document of the tenth special session assigns highest priority to nuclear disarmament, together with measures for the reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments. That document, along with the programme adopted at the recent meeting of the Disarmament Commission, is a positive step forward and will, we hope, create the necessary atmosphere to induce the superpowers to negotiate with the non-aligned countries for achieving general and complete disarmament.
105.	As enjoined by its Constitution, Bangladesh is wedded to general and complete disarmament. It has also consistently advocated the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones as an effective measure of disarmament as well as of non-proliferation. As a token of its commitment to such steps, it has recently signed the Treaty - on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
106.	Bangladesh believes that peace and security would be promoted by the creation of zones of peace in areas like the Indian Ocean, South and South-East Asia, the Mediterranean and so on. It may be noted that Bangladesh participated actively in the recently concluded Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, held in New York in July last. We hope that the recommendations of the meeting regarding the expansion of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean to include the super-Powers and the major maritime users will facilitate the necessary preparatory work for reaching an international agreement for the maintenance of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.
107.	It is the sincere wish of Bangladesh that both communities in Cyprus should live in peace and harmony. We warmly welcome the 10-point agreement reached in May 1979  between the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus under the auspices of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim., We would appeal to all, both inside and outside Cyprus, to encourage the leaders of the two communities to hold meaningful and constructive discussions leading to a mutually acceptable agreement so that both communities can live with freedom and dignity in a federated Cyprus.
108.	We view with concern the unfortunate developments in the South-East Asian region. We sincerely believe that peace can be restored in the region by strict adherence to the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States and non-interference in one another's internal affairs. We hope that all foreign troops will be withdrawn from Kampuchea and that conditions will be created to end the conflict there and to enable the people freely to choose a Government without external interference or military presence,
109.	As a developing country with a long seaboard, Bangladesh is closely following the prolonged negotiations going on in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. We are, however, strongly of the view that the interests of the developing countries should be adequately appreciated and safeguarded. Bangladesh lays special emphasis on the unique problems created by geological and geomorphological factors in some countries and the application of the principle of equity in the solution of such problems.
110.	As I earlier observed, the widening disparity between the rich and the poor nations of the world has assumed such an alarming magnitude that economic polarization stands out as the most serious threat to peace and security in the contemporary world. The expectation raised during the initial years of the era following the Second World War that through international co-operation the newly emerging countries could reap the fruits of advances in science and technology, telescope time and attain within decades the level of growth the industrial countries had taken centuries to achieve did not turn out to be true. The level and quality of international co-operation did not match the needs of the developing countries, which also discovered that they did not have free access to the world stock of science and technology or to the world's markets, trade and resources. The development efforts during the last three decades indicate certain constraints embedded in global factors. It has now become more abundantly clear than ever before that the problems of poverty,- disease and hunger in the developing countries cannot be effectively resolved as long as those countries remain shackled to an economic order built during the colonial times and designed essentially to subserve the colonial pattern of production and trade. The existing economic system is clearly both unjust and outdated. The inequitable character of this system and the grotesque distortions it produces in the growth pattern are evident from the following illustrative facts.
111.	First, the developing countries, particularly the least developed among them, while commanding only one third of the world's resources, have to bear the entire burden of the world's poor numbering over 800 million, over 600 million of whom live in the least developed countries.
112.	Secondly, for 1 billion of the world's population, the per capita income remains as low as $150—and is much less in real terms—as compared to the per capita income of over $6,000 for the population of the industrialized countries.
113.	Thirdly, the population of the developing countries is over 2 billion but their share of the production of manufactured goods has now declined to 7 per cent.
114.	Fourthly, the share of the developing nations in merchandise exports has fallen from 24 per cent of the world total in 1960 to 21 per cent in 1976.
115.	Fifthly, the indebtedness of the poorest nations has increased from $29.6 billion in 1970 to $44.6 billion in 1977 and is projected to increase to $64.5 billion by 1985.
116.	Sixthly, in 1970 the debt service of the poorest nations accounted for 14.9percent of their exports. It is estimated that this will rise to 17.4 per cent in 1980.
117.	Seventhly, measured in real per capita terms, the least developed countries as a group actually recorded a decline between 1970 and 1977 in such key areas as gross domestic production, agricultural production, manufacturing output and import volume.
118.	Eighthly, even if the objectives of the projected growth rate in the developing world, as indicated in the last World Bank report," were to be achieved, some 600 million people would still remain trapped in absolute poverty by the end of the century.
119.	Ninthly, in relation to combined gross national product, official development assistance has declined from 0.52 per cent in 1960 to 0.31 per cent in 1977. Ironically enough, there is a net outflow of resources from the poor to the rich countries.
120.	Tenthly, prisoners of this anachronistic economic system, the industrialized rich countries are being increasingly driven away from the free-market economy to protectionism, through tariff and non-tariff barriers, in their agonizing struggle against inflation, recession and unemployment and against the paradox of unwelcome deficit for some and surplus for others, with its deleterious effect on the over-all economic situation.
121.	Eleventhly, the crisis, grave as it is, is further aggravated by two other crucial problems, namely, energy and food. Though the increased income resulting from the recent rises in oil prices represents no more than an insignificant fraction of the income of the industrialized countries, a disproportionately high burden has been placed on the developing countries, which have been doubly hard hit, having to pay higher prices not only for oil but also for imports from the industrial countries.
122.	Food-deficit countries like Bangladesh are faced with the additional dilemma that, though they have the potential for doubling or even trebling their food production through the increased application of the new technology requiring such inputs as fertilizer, irrigation, pesticides and the like, investment in such inputs is growing at a slow pace because of the resource constraint. Owing to the vagaries of nature, they are often faced with food crises and with the unhappy compulsion of diverting part of their scarce resources to meet the food deficit, thus further slowing down the rate of agricultural development. A world food security system is thus an imperative need.
123.	The existing economic order is clearly unsuited to contemporary world needs and is ineffective in remedying the malaise of the chronic economic disequilibrium which is detrimental to the interests of both the poor and the rich countries. The restructuring of the existing economic system is, therefore, an imperative in the global interest. It cannot be overstressed that the New International Economic Order aims at raising the quality of life of the peoples all over the world. To say this, however, is not the same as equating the quality of life with a life-style based on wasteful consumption, the predatory depletion of non-renewable resources, the pollution of the human environment and the creation of an ecological imbalance. The restructuring of the existing economic system is, however, imperative, since the search for peace and political stability is bound up intimately with the settlement of the crucial economic issues of our time.
124.	The contemporary world economic scene has, however, important implications for the concept of re-structuring the world economic order and the implementation of a new order. The structural changes envisaged in the New International Economic Order will be governed very substantially by the prevailing world political climate. For example, the objectives of the New International Economic Order are likely to become largely vitiated by the continuing escalation of the arms race and its continuing influence on the developing countries. The international economic and political structures are thus interlocked and both profoundly influenced by the values and beliefs of the nations of the world. It is against this backdrop of harsh realities and on the eve of the launching of the third United Nations development decade that my delegation would like to suggest the following programme of action.
125.	First, the nations of the world, particularly the great industrial Powers, should undertake a firm political and moral commitment to re-anchor international relations to those human and moral values which inspired and sustained man's undying quest for peace, freedom and progress and to the principles of equality, justice and human dignity which are enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
126.	Secondly, the international community should recognize that in the preservation of human rights the most sacred and pressing are the right to life, food, shelter, clothing, health, education and employment and that it is the collective obligation of the international community to ensure the immediate expansion of resources and other support for meeting these basic human needs.
127.	Thirdly, there should be a transfer of adequate resources to the developing countries with special attention to the needs of the least developed ones for harnessing their vast human resource for productive employment through support for the creation of jobs, including support for small-scale labour-intensive rural public works projects.
128.	Fourthly, there should be a massive supply of inputs for agricultural and rural development, such as fertilizers, pumps and so forth, in order to increase agricultural production.
129.	Fifthly, a food security system should be developed with an adequate food reserve built up through contributions from food-surplus countries to help alleviate food crises in food-deficit countries, and special assistance should be given to food-deficit countries to sustain their development efforts.
130.	Sixthly, the socio-economic structures should be transformed through decentralization down to the grass-roots level to ensure the widest possible participation of the people in development with emphasis on rural and agrarian development.
131.	Seventhly, there should be increasing assistance for projects and programmes which can be executed quickly and progress towards the goal of economic self-sufficiency should be accelerated.
132.	Eighthly, the planned strategy should be geared to the productive utilization of women in economic and social development.
133.	Ninthly, international policies should be redefined to ensure the transfer of resources in real terms to the developing countries, with the focus placed on the special needs of the least developed ones.
134.	Tenthly, there should be increasing economic co-operation among the developing countries with special stress on the investment of the surplus income of the oil-rich countries in joint ventures in the developing countries.
135.	Eleventhly, tariff and non-tariff barriers by the industrial countries should be removed and the general system of preferences should be extended beyond 1981 on a non-reciprocal and non-discriminatory basis to facilitate greater access by developing countries to the world market and world trade.
136.	Twelfthly, resources now wasted on unproductive armaments should be diverted to the economic and social development of the third-world countries.
137.	Thirteenthly, the resources and capabilities of science and technology should be increasingly applied to productive development efforts in the third-world countries, including pre-disaster planning and the prevention and mitigation of suffering in disaster-prone regions of the world.
138.	Fourteenthly, there should be a united determination by the international community to deal with the crucial energy situation with a view to developing economically viable alternative energy sources, evolving an energy-efficient technology and making energy available to the developing countries at concessional prices so as not to impair or retard the pace of their development.
139.	Lastly, the full, equitable and effective participation of the developing countries in the formulation and implementation of decisions in all fields of international co-operation should be ensured.
140.	I should like to stress once again that adequate provision for meeting basic human needs through the improvement of nutrition, health, housing, education and employment in each of the least developed countries is of paramount importance to the success of any future development plan. Additional resources made available for this purpose would also accelerate economic progress by generating additional employment and income for the rural and urban poor, thus bringing tangible benefits to the poor and subsistence sectors of the population even before the desired structural changes can take place.
141.	I should like to conclude on the hopeful note that the nations of the world will unite in their effort to overcome the present political, economic and moral crisis and build a better future for our world. Let us resolve to build on mutual trust and understanding. The available resources and technology are enough to build a world of prosperity for all of us. What is needed is the will of the nations, developed and developing, to cooperate and move in a united endeavour towards this goal, inspired by our shared human heritage.