1.	 Mr. President, it is a particular pleasure for me to convey to you on this solemn occasion my most sincere congratulations upon your election to this high post. Your great personal, human and intellectual qualities have earned you the confidence, esteem and respect of all the Members of this Organization. We would like to express our esteem for you as one of the founders of this Organization and one of the promoters of its noble principles. We express the hope that
under your leadership during this twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly we shall find the success and progress for which we all hope.
2.	When this Organization was born 25 years ago, my country, which took a very active part in the preparation of its Charter, was proud to range itself alongside those who placed their signature on the final document. Like them, my country hoped that an end had been finally put to war, that the reign of the Nazi and Facist crimes had disappeared for ever and that man could finally live free, in a free society, and freely determine his own fate. There was much hope that the exploitation of small nations by big nations would finally disappear, that colonialism and imperialism belonged to the hideous past and that future society would be fashioned on the model of ideas which formed the basis of the Charter. The Charter promised happiness, peace and security to a world which had been torn for more than five years by a savage and devastating war.
3.	On this great and memorable occasion when several Heads of State and statesmen will be meeting here to commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization, it is entirely natural to examine the successes and failures of the last quarter of a century.
4.	I do not want to be pessimistic and to begin with failures. On the contrary I shall begin with successes
and shall try to be as optimistic as possible, for my country, in spite of everything, is still attached to the noble purposes of our Organization.
5.	I shall try to be optimistic in spite of the tremendous misfortune that has just plunged the Arab world into mourning and consternation through the loss of its greatest leader and chief, Gamal Abdel Nasser. Everyone is aware of the place which President Abdel Nasser occupied in Syrian hearts, before the unity with Egypt, during that unity and after it. The United Arab Republic owes its name and colors to that unity. Syrians for their part know that Syria always occupied in the heart of President Abdel Nasser a privileged place. President Abdel Nasser could have, if he had wanted to, maintained that unity by force. But he said that unity which was based on the love and fraternity of two peoples should not be maintained by force of arms. President Nasser gained a great deal more than he lost by this magnanimous, noble and far-sighted attitude. Unity between the two regions, in spite of their official separation, was maintained by sentiment, by total understanding and co-operation, by the same struggle against imperialism and Zionism and, finally, by the love and veneration which the two peoples, Egyptian and Syrian, always had and will always have for President Gamal Abdel Nasser.
6.	I should like to take this opportunity to recall a sentence uttered by the caliph Abou-Bakr after the death of the prophet Mohammed. Addressing the Moslems who were mourning the prophet, he said: "If you worship Mohammed, Mohammed is dead, but if you worship God, God exists. He is powerful and eternal."
7.	The principles to which Abdel Nasser dedicated his whole life will remain and grow in our hearts. The great victories of Islam were accomplished after the death of the prophet, by his disciples and brothers. But, although President Nasser is dead, the Arab nation lives. That nation which produced Omar ibn el Khattab, Khaled ibn el-Walid, Moussa ibn Nousseir, Saladin and other leaders will produce other Abdel Nassers. Therefore, in spite of our mourning I shall try to be optimistic.
8.	More than anyone else, the Secretary-General can enumerate in his annual report [A/8001 and Corr.1], with clear and precise examples, the successes of our Organization. To repeat that would be futile. To challenge it would be to fail in courtesy towards him. I admit, however, that the greatest success of our Organization lies in its survival. For it to continue to survive in spite of the many difficulties which have confronted it and the disdain in which certain great Powers hold it is in itself an enormous success. However, we should admit that this Organization owes its survival to its Secretary-General, who, by his rare and exceptional qualities, his indefatigable work, his wisdom and faith, has managed to maintain the Organization's prestige, value and dignity. I hasten on this occasion to congratulate the Secretary-General for his efforts to facilitate the forthcoming admission of Bahrein to our Organization and Fiji's accession to independence. I would add that, by his assiduous efforts, this Organization has helped a great number of peoples to free themselves from the yoke of colonialism, to acquire independence and to become, by that very fact, Members of our Organization, thus effectively contributing to our work and bringing to our Organization their scientific, cultural and moral support.
9.	We should note, however, that the most striking successes have been achieved by the specialized agencies in economic, social and cultural spheres. I should like to mention particularly UNESCO, which has done a great deal to assist the propagation of science and culture. I would, however, welcome the opportunity of hearing, here as in UNESCO, the ILO and FAO, that the Arab language has become an official language because it is a language already spoken in 14 countries and more than 100 million people understand and listen to it.
10.	I should like also to pay a tribute to and express my appreciation of the juridical and humane work done by the International Law Commission, which has codified a series of laws and treaties constituting a vital and lasting contribution to the treasury of international law.
11.	We hope that our Assembly will at its present session adopt the draft declaration on principles of international law concerning friendly relations and co-operation among States, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [A/8082, para. 8], a declaration that will lay the basis for a solid and durable peace.
12.	I am very much afraid that the list of failures which I am about to enumerate and upon which the Secretary-General dwelt at some length in his annual report may be rather longer and more extensive than the list of successes. It is clear that some of these failures can still be retrieved. By this I mean the admission to membership of the United Nations of States which hitherto have been kept outside of our Organization. That is the case with the People's Republic of China, the Democratic Republic of Korea, the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the German Democratic Republic.
13.	My delegation expresses the hope most sincerely that the United Nations will admit to membership immediately these States which, through their age-old civilizations and their human, scientific and cultural potential, could make a very valuable, very rich and very beneficial contribution to our Organization,
14.	It is a challenge to civilized society and a "continuing affront to human dignity" to use the terms employed by the Secretary-General when he spoke of apartheid and of seeing racist, Zionist and colonialist States freely occupying seats in this Assembly, at the very time when the free States of which I have spoken remain outside the Organization. These racist States, against which several resolutions have been adopted could not have defied the United Nations if they had not previously been assured of the support of the Anglo-Saxon imperialists. The British Parliament not too long ago adopted a decision to supply arms to South Africa. A similar decision was taken two weeks ago by President Nixon who decided to provide arms to Israel in the amount of $450 million. South Africa will use these weapons against the African people and Israel will use them against the Arabs.
15.	Just a few days ago a most honorable and distinguished Foreign Minister of a great country spoke from this very rostrum of a return to the law of the jungle. I wonder how one could describe the sale of destructive weapons to South Africa. It seems to me that this distinguished Minister forgot that the law of the jungle was established by one of his illustrious predecessors more than 50 years ago when he promised a land which he did not own to a people which did not exist. He should have promised it a part of his own kingdom. That would have been much simpler and more logical and the world would not have suffered for more than half a century the troubles which have kept the constant threat of another world war hovering over our heads. For more than 30 years this law of the jungle was established and carried out by successive British Governments in Palestine. It continues now in the hands of the Zionists and racists by what they so insolently call collective punishment. These acts of pure barbarism were condemned by our General Assembly last year in resolution 2535 B (XXIV) which speaks of "collective punishment, arbitrary detention, curfews, destruction of homes and property, deportation and other repressive acts against the refugees and other inhabitants of the occupied territories". This is the law of the jungle which Great Britain established in Palestine and which the United States is protecting, encouraging and supporting today by every possible means.
16.	If apartheid in South Africa is an affront to human dignity, discrimination in Israel is an abominable crime because it aims at the total annihilation of the Palestinian people by the Zionists, colonialists, imperialists and their agents.
17.	These Palestinian peoples whom they want to liquidate by all possible means have been living for some 20 years in tents, in an inhuman atmosphere, in cruel and inhuman physical and social conditions. The only harvest has been death, privation and poverty, poverty which engenders hate, indignation and revolt against all institutions and in particular against our Organization because it was this Organization which was the source of these evils and the basis of the misfortunes of these people.
18.	Twenty-two years ago the United Nations made its greatest mistake, and by this very fact it committed the greatest injustice in the history of mankind. After 22 years now the whole world has been reaping the bitter harvest of this injustice and is becoming more and more aware of the serious consequences of this mistake.
19.	If during the course of history certain examples of fait accompli have been accepted, the artificial creation of Israel in Palestine will never be agreed to. It is a grafting operation which will have no success. Rejection is stronger and the patient who has been the subject of such grafting will die sooner or later.
20.	The Palestinian people is aware today of its personality. As a nation it has become entirely fedayeen. Its struggle for the recovery of its usurped motherland is most just and noble. It is not alone in its struggle, it has the whole Arab people behind it. All the forces of freedom in the whole world are behind it. Even in the most reactionary and most capitalistic of countries the free masses are supporting the struggle of the Palestinians. It is no longer a refugee people who are living on the alms doled out by UNRWA. It is a people conscious of its rights and its future. It has been waiting in vain for 23 years to see the awakening of the human conscience of the world and the principles and the resolutions put into effect and the people responsible for the crime punished. But the days go by, misfortunes accumulate and the resolutions pile up. These resolutions recognize their inalienable rights but remain dead letters because that is the wish of the imperialists and the Zionists. Not having succeeded in recovering their legitimate rights from the United Nations, the Palestinian people will resort to all possible means to liberate their homeland.
21.	I should like to take this opportunity to say how great, sublime, brave and magnanimous is the attitude of Mrs. Bandaranaike, a lady full of courage and dignity, or wisdom and humanity, when she so bravely corrected the mistake committed by the previous Government of Ceylon and withdrew recognition from the State of Israel.
22.	How great and praiseworthy is the attitude of the countries which have refused to recognize this artificial creation and which have so bravely resisted all imperialist pressure to recognize Israel.
23.	How great, estimable and praiseworthy is the attitude of the Soviet Union and the socialist countries which, after the Zionist act of aggression of 1967 against Arab countries, broke off diplomatic relations with Israel and are giving us all possible support and are at our side in condemning the acquisition by force of Arab territories, and which are demanding the total withdrawal of the forces of aggression from all occupied territories.
24.	How great and praiseworthy is the attitude of the non-aligned countries which, in the Dar-es-Salaam Preparatory Conference and in the Summit Conference in Lusaka, recognized in unambiguous terms the inalienable right of the Palestinian people and called for their resettlement in their usurped motherland, and supported their national liberation struggle against colonialism and racism. The Lusaka Conference condemns in clear terms the flagrant policy of the continuous use of force as a means of exercising pressure and considers that it is inadmissible for Israel to continue to occupy the territories of three, sovereign non-aligned States.
25.	I should not forget, either, the numerous resolutions adopted by the Commission on Human Rights, all of which recognize the rights of the Palestinian people and condemn most severely the Israeli refusal to apply the fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in time of War.
26.	I should not like to dwell further on the Palestine question because, however important and delicate a question it may be, it should not cause us to forget the other problems of the world for which the United Nations should find a solution.
27.	The position of the Syrian Government with regard to those problems has been stated clearly at the Summit Conference of the non-aligned countries, and I would venture to state that position briefly here.
28.	On the subject of Africa, the Syrian Government condemns racism and apartheid and demands that the South African Government cease its policy of separate development.
29.	We also condemn the racist Government of that country for having imposed its colonial domination on the people of Namibia and call upon the United Nations to use all possible means available to it to give the people of Namibia their right to self-determination. It condemns the sale of arms to South Africa from whatever source.
30.	The Syrian Government also condemns the racist minority of Southern Rhodesia and demands the use of force to oblige it to grant to the people of Zimbabwe the right of self-determination.
31.	It condemns Portuguese colonization in South Africa and supports the liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau).
32.	In regard to Asia, the Syrian Government condemns the American war of aggression in Indo-China and demands the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all American imperialist forces and their allies from South Viet-Nam and the recognition of the Provisional Revolutionary Government as the only representative of the people of South Viet-Nam.
33.	It condemns American intervention in Laos and Cambodia and demands that the legal Government of President Norodom Sihanouk resume its seat in this Assembly.
34.	The Syrian Government demands the withdrawal of the United States troops and troops of all other foreign countries occupying South Korea under the flag of the United Nations, the dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Reunification and Rehabilitation of Korea, and the unification of North and South Korea on the basis of free general elections.
35.	In the Middle East, the Syrian Government condemns Zionist racist aggression and imperialist aggression against Arab countries. It demands the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Zionist occupation forces from all territories and all positions acquired after 5 June 1967, in order to prevent the aggressor from enjoying the fruits of his aggression. The question is not one of evacuating certain territories in order to maintain secure frontiers, because even the Atlantic Ocean in our day does not constitute a secure frontier.
36.	The Syrian Government fully recognizes the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and sup-ports it in its legitimate struggle to liberate its land from the neo-Nazi colonialist occupiers.
37.	The will for peace mentioned by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report [A /8001/Add. 1 and Con. 1] is and remains the most ardent desire of my country and this has always been the case. Its attachment to peace, together with the generosity and hospitality which are very well known features of the Arabs, has earned us for many centuries the reward of foreign domination. There is a peace imposed by force and based upon the denial of rights, and this a fragile peace doomed to failure. The period between the two world wars was sufficient demonstration of this. There is also a peace based upon right and justice, and this is the peace which lasts. Yesterday, from this very rostrum [1854th meeting], the representative of the United States, speaking of peace in the Middle East, said that his Government is ready to renew its efforts for peace in this region.
38.	With your permission, I shall explain to you how the American Congress understands those efforts and carries them out. Two days ago, 29 September 1970, there was an article in The New York Times from which I shall read certain extracts: it is entitled "Israelis get assurances from Congress that they can buy missiles and tanks as well as planes". The article reads:
"Israel received explicit assurances from Congress today that the arms she might buy on favorable credit terms in the United States would include missiles and tanks as well as aircraft.
"This clarification was contained in a House- Senate conference Committee's version of the $19.9 billion military procurement bill, which was sent to the two chambers and is expected to win final approval later this week."
The article continues:
"With the bill imposing no cost or quantitative limits on Israeli credit purchases, the Administration had the specific authority to grant Israel probably the most open-ended arms buying program in the world.
"Because of Israel's shortage of foreign exhange, she has been permitted under the bill to obtain military equipment here on credit terms not less favorable than those offered other countries.
"In the past, Israel paid in cash for most of her purchases. For the 50 Phantoms authorized in 1968, she paid two-thirds in cash, with one-third covered in short-term credit. In addition to the new credit arrangement, the Administration is preparing to refinance earlier Israeli defense purchase debts.
"Today's action in Congress served to reassure the Israelis of easy access to American equipment as the Middle Eastern crisis deepened."
39. The United States, then has offered Israel limitless funds and enormous facilities to acquire tremendous quantities of aggressive arms to be used against the Arabs. That is the American interpretation of the will to peace. Happily, in the free world peace is not viewed in the same way, and with your permission I shall also read an excerpt from an article by Mr. George Montaron published on 13 August 1970 in Christian Witness:
"Peace? But what peace? In 1947 a grave injustice was committed against the Palestinians. They were driven out of the towns and countryside where they had been born. They have to live in exile. This injustice must be redressed. These men and women have the right to live in their own homes if they so wish.
"Since 1947 hundreds of thousands of Israelis have been living as second-class citizens because they are Arabs, Moslems or Christians because they are not Jews. This situation cannot continue. A growing number of Israelis are beginning to resent this fact, and their action should be supported.
"Since 1967 Arab people have been living under an occupation regime. They have been awaiting liberation, a legitimate demand because there can no longer be and I quote Pope John XXIII 'people who dominate and people who are dominated'.
"It is these truths of which the Palestinian organizations ceaselessly remind us, and do so vigorously, even if it is a little annoying. How can they possibly be reproached for that? The super-Powers are ignoring the Palestinians, as they did in 1947 when they gave the Jews the land of Palestine as though it were uninhabited. Many Governments fear them because they are poor and free of any connexion with imperialists and because they have the revolutionary ideal that is a cause for anxiety for feudal systems. As to world public opinion, it is not too familiar with them because they have hardly presented themselves to the world yet.
"But they are the very root of the question in the Middle East.
"It is said that armed struggle is not the only way for them to make themselves heard and to recover their dignity. That may be true, but so far they have had no alternative. Do present political trends in the Middle East allow them to fight on the diplomatic and political plane? That is not certain. However, the Palestinian leaders have the duty to leave no stone unturned in seeking the best means of attaining their objective in the best possible conditions. Let them not forget that sometimes war is, despite appearances and the suffering of those who fall in battle, an easy way for leaders who lack imagination. Let them remember that in recent history peoples have struggled for their liberation and that they were able to use many different means. Revolutions are not to be copied. Freedom struggles are not always the same. It is for each to find its own way, and in this we can trust the Palestinian leaders because they are very closely connected with their own peoples."
40.	What, then, is the peace professed here by the Israeli Foreign Minister? Peace dictated by aggression? Peace based on annexation? The peace refused by Dayan, Begin and their colleagues? The peace of Deir Yassin and the other monstrous massacres? Peace based on the complete denial of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people? What peace? And what confidence can we have in the words of the Foreign Minister of Israel, which have been refuted by the threatening statements of his militarist colleagues?
41.	If Israel really wants peace, let it negotiate with the Palestinian leaders. They are the ones most closely concerned in the matter. Let them begin by carrying out the innumerable resolutions of this Assembly that have remained dead letters in the archives. Actions and sincerity make us believe people, not fine words, rhetoric or dialectics.
42.	The same Foreign Minister spoke of "the invasion of Jordan by regular armored units of the Syrian army" [1851st meeting, para. 122], I say this parenthetically, because he mentioned it; I shall not reply to his false allegations, but I would refer you to the report of a Reuters correspondent who is neither Syrian nor Palestinian; everyone knows that Reuters is a British agency. He was on the spot when the fighting was going on, and he categorically denied the participation of Syrian forces in the fighting.
43.	When coming to this twenty-fifth anniversary session, we representatives asked ourselves whether this session was going to be as ineffective as previous ones or whether something more constructive was going to happen here.
44.	I have no doubt that all representatives and delegates, like myself, have the desire to see this Organization become an effective instrument of peace and progress in the world, and to see its resolutions and decisions carried out and its prestige confirmed and enhanced.
45.	To that end, it is necessary for the United States, which has welcomed the Organization on its territory, to cease looking upon the United Nations as an instrument for the pursuit of its imperialist policy. This Organization must serve noble principles and ideals, not the interests of any given party. It should pursue the purposes laid down at its creation. Otherwise, it will share the fate of the League of Nations.
46.	When heads of State and statesmen met more than. 25 years ago at Dumbarton Oaks and San Francisco to draw up the Charter of this Organization they had a shining image of a free and democratic America, the America of Lincoln, Jefferson and Roosevelt  America the liberator. They chose New York as the seat of this Organization in the hope that they would find here peace, security and freedom freedom of expression, at least because the Statue of Liberty which adorns New York harbor is bigger than the statue of Lincoln. Unfortunately, she has turned her back on the United States. And that is very significant, because after the 1939-1945 war the United. States inherited European imperialism and colonialism. Of the glorious history of the United States there remains only the image of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the atrocious war of extermination in Viet-Nam, the military intervention in Laos and Cambodia, and massive arms assistance and unconditional support for Israel in its aggression against the Arab countries.
47.	Freedom of expression is no longer guaranteed even within this sacred precinct of the United Nations, because at the very time one of our Arab colleagues was making a speech, just a few days ago, his mission was bombed. No one knows what may happen to any of us if his speech does not suit his American hosts. Our mission has often been sacked and occupied by reckless and irresponsible elements, and officials have been manhandled. Is that the freedom of thought representatives of States Members of this Organization should enjoy?
48.	I leave it to you to answer that question.


101.	On behalf of the Indonesian delegation, may I be permitted first of all to extend our most sincere congratulations to Ambassador Hambro on his election as President of this memorable twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
102.	His election to this high office is not only a recognition of his personal qualities and accomplishments, but is also, I am sure, a tribute to his country and the Norwegian people. It is our conviction that his competent leadership, special knowledge of and experience in the United Nations will bring us closer to the realization of the ideals and principles embodied in the Charter.
103.	I should like to take this opportunity also to express my deep appreciation to the former President of the General Assembly, Her Excellency Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph, who guided us admirably through all the difficult proceedings during the last session.
104.	I should like further to pay tribute to our esteemed Secretary-General U Thant and express our appreciation for his patient and single-minded endeavors in the cause of peace, and to assure him of Indonesia's unwavering support towards that end.
105.	It was a great shock to me to learn upon my arrival here of the death of President Gamal Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic. His death is not only a great loss to the Arab world. He has consistently championed the cause of the non-aligned and developing nations. For this we are greatly indebted to him. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to extend, on behalf of my delegation, my deepest sympathies and feelings of grief and sorrow to the delegation of the United Arab Republic, and through it to the bereaved family and to the Government and people of the United Arab Republic on the sudden demise of their beloved President.
106.	My delegation also joins me in expressing our deepest condolences to the delegation of Malaysia on the occasion of the passing away of Mr. Radhakrishna Ramani. May I request the delegation of Malaysia to convey our sympathies to the bereaved family and the Government and people of the Federation of Malaysia.
107.	This regular annual session of the General Assembly is marked distinctly by our program to celebrate the silver jubilee of this Organization. Speaking from a personal point of view, we find it a most happy coincidence that, as this august Assembly commemorates the twenty-fifth year of the United Nations, Indonesia too rejoices in celebrating the twenty-fifth year of its independence, the more so since this Organization played a not insignificant part in the final stages of Indonesia's struggle for independence. In this respect I should like to confirm the remarks of His Excellency Mr. Luns, Foreign Minister of the Netherlands, that the solution of the question of West Irian last year, through the good offices of the United Nations, has indeed strengthened the relations between our two countries.
108.	For both the United Nations and Indonesia it is indeed a time for sober analysis, not so much to reflect on our achievements in the past, but rather to measure whether we could improve the implements of the present to build a better future. This is the task that awaits us. The next generation has already reminded us seriously of this task when it met here during the World Youth Assembly. The theme "Peace, justice and progress" should not merely be a commemorative trimming; it must be translated into a more tangible meaning to be fully enjoyed by the generations that will succeed us. These are their hopes and aspirations. We must not fail them.
109.	In assessing the present international situation, my delegation shares the views of many of the distinguished speakers who have spoken before me and expressed some degree of satisfaction on the detente among the major Powers.
110.	Last year we were heartened by the statements on the ending of the cold war confrontation, signaling the beginning of a new era of negotiation. We have followed closely the developments of the strategic arms limitation talks between the United States of America and the Soviet Union. The world will indeed be grateful if these talks can open the way to broader agreements on disarmament and related matters.
111.	We also welcome the German-Soviet non- aggression Treaty of 12 August 1970 as an important milestone in the history of international relations in post-war Europe, and as a concrete step towards reducing tension on that continent. Likewise we have followed also with great interest the preparations that are being made for a conference on European security.
112.	Hopeful as the foregoing may appear, we are, however, still deeply concerned about developments in other parts of the world. The Middle East crisis, which constitutes perhaps the most dangerous of our immediate concerns, not only remains unsolved but has even deteriorated.
113.	In August this year, with prospects for a settlement within our grasp, we were full of hope when the initial efforts of the United Nations mediator, Ambassador Jarring, produced a 90-day cease-fire. However, we feel obliged to express our serious misgivings about some of the latest developments, which have caused the situation in the Middle East to become more and more explosive. We have still time to arrest it. We began the cease-fire with 90 days in which to work. There are still 38 days left. Indonesia's position on this issue remains unchanged, and I can only repeat what I said last year. We feel that our vital interests are involved with the outcome of the struggle of our Arab brothers in the Middle East. We cannot condone acquisition of another's territory by military force. We believe that a just solution can be reached on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967. The withdrawal of Israeli forces to the lines they occupied before the June war, therefore, constitutes a key prerequisite for a negotiated settlement. Furthermore, no lasting solution can be attained without the full restoration of the inalienable and lawful rights of the Arab people of Palestine. My Government will continue to give full support to the further efforts of Ambassador Jarring, and it appeals at the same time particularly to the parties concerned to render him the necessary assistance and co-operation to carry out his difficult task.
114.	Turning to our area, the Viet-Nam war has been aggravated by the events of March and April this year in Cambodia. This led to the expansion of the war in Viet-Nam. Concerned about these developments, Indonesia took the initiative of convening in Djakarta in May 1970 a conference of Foreign Ministers of countries in Asia and the Pacific to discuss the situation in Cambodia. We did not presume that a solution could be achieved by simply convening a meeting. That would be tantamount to doing great injustice to the gravity of the situation. On the other hand, Indonesia was of the opinion that the countries of South-East Asia could not remain mere onlookers awaiting their fate while the exigency of the situation became more and more threatening to the peace and tranquility of South-East Asia as a whole. Something had to be done. The Djakarta conference was not designed to point the finger of judgment as to who was wrong or who was right. It was only to remind the countries and the international bodies concerned of their obligations and their responsibilities and to appeal to their conscience to initiate action of some sort which could at least alleviate the hardships and tribulations of the people of that region.
115.	Those nations that have experienced wars of independence, as we have in Indonesia, should be aware of the sufferings, the years of devastation and tragedy that the people of Viet-Nam have had to endure as a result of foreign intervention. And the latter pattern, unfortunately, has again appeared in the internal development of Cambodia. Here too, outside interference and intervention from abroad have seriously afflicted Cambodia's internal affairs. The Djakarta conference therefore demanded among other things that all foreign troops be withdrawn forthwith from Cambodia in order to facilitate the cessation of hostilities. It furthermore requested all parties to respect the sovereignty, independence, neutrality and integrity of the territory of Cambodia and to abstain completely from interfering in the internal affairs of that country. It also requested the co-Chairmen and all the participants of the Geneva Conference of 1954 to reconvene and to reactivate the International Commission for Supervision and Control in Cambodia.
116.	I may add that the summit Conference of non- aligned countries in Lusaka also expressed the hope that the Paris talks could help in finding a peaceful solution to the problems of Laos and Cambodia.
117.	Surely, those are not impossible demands. On the contrary, they merely reflect a fervent hope, a sincere appeal to the parties concerned to help to restore in that part of the world conditions that are conducive to a life of peace and tranquility.
118.	Another long-standing and burning world issue which, in spite of our untiring efforts, remains unsolved is the liquidation of colonialism. Admittedly, many of the once colonized territories now have registered membership in the United Nations as sovereign and independent nations. We must, however, not be blind to the fact that approximately more than 40 million of the world's citizens are still suffering under colonial oppression.
119.	In southern Africa, this problem has become even more aggravated by the condemnable policy of apartheid and racialism of South Africa, Portugal and the illegal minority racist regime of Southern Rhodesia. In this particular context, I should like to mention the cases of Namibia, Zimbabwe and the colonial territories of Portugal Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). If allowed to remain unchecked, such a policy may yet cause the outbreak of a racial war.
120.	Indonesia will continue to support the struggle for freedom and independence of the oppressed peoples and resolutely condemns the policy of apartheid and racialism now being perpetrated in southern Africa.
121.	Permit me to add a word on the question of hijacking as a most disturbing and dangerous means of political expression. Forcible diversion of civil aircraft in flight cannot be condoned as a means of bringing attention to a cause or giving vent to grievances, irrespective of their merits. My Government fully endorsed resolution 2551 (XXIV), and in accordance with that resolution is currently engaged in drafting a law on the relevant matter.
122.	I should like now to turn to some of the specific issues on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly.
123.	As an archipelago on the cross-road of two continents and two big oceans, Indonesia attaches great
9 Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Lusaka, Zambia, from 8 to 10 September 1970.
importance to international activities with regard to questions concerning the sea in general, to the peaceful uses of the sea-bed and ocean floor and to the developments in the law of the sea in particular. We first welcomed the idea advanced last year by the United States and the USSR on a treaty on the demilitarization of the sea-bed and ocean floor, and we hope that a treaty to prohibit the emplacement of weapons of mass destruction on the sea-bed can soon be agreed upon.
124.	The question of the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond national jurisdiction seems to be very complicated. As we had agreed last year, we had hoped to see this year a complete set of principles governing the use of the international sea-bed area which would form the basis of an international regime and the future machinery to regulate the exploitation of sea-bed resources. We note the different views of the delegations in the Committee  and the inability of the Committee to complete its task. But we also note certain areas of agreement. We hope that, as the Chairman of the Committee stated, a report can be produced by the middle of November so that we may be able to discuss it in our present session.
125.	The question of the representation of China should be considered in the context of the principle of universality of the United Nations. In this respect, my delegation would like to reiterate its position that the People's Republic of China should be given its rightful place in this world body. Based on the same principle, modalities should also be studied in order to enable countries outside the United Nations, including those which are still divided, to participate in the activities of the Organization and its agencies.
126.	My delegation is fully aware of the importance of the problems relating to disarmament. They are all aimed at strengthening international peace and security. Towards that end my delegation will continue to co-operate with other delegations when the matter comes up for discussion in the First Committee.
127.	Of pressing and utmost importance among the items on our agenda is no doubt the question of the Second United Nations Development Decade.
128.	Ten years ago the United Nations initiated a framework of programs to direct a major, concerted attack on the global issues of economic and social progress by launching the First Development Decade. Since that time, new institutions have been established and new measures taken, designed to meet specific problem areas. Despite these commendable actions, however, countless millions of people in the developing part of the world still suffer the agonies of hunger, disease, malnutrition, illiteracy and unemployment. In addition, these are compounded by the problems of race, urbanization, population pressures and the deteriorating human environment. The exigencies of these problems, both old and new, require an integrated approach to bring about their solution.
129.	A review and appraisal of the efforts of the last ten years have established that a major stumbling block to achieving the goals of the First Development Decade was the lack of determined commitment on the part of some industrialized countries. The reluctance of these nations to follow up their verbal endorsement of those aims with the political and financial commitment for their implementation is, I believe, rooted in their preoccupation with military and other considerations. This leads to an over-emphasis of the role of defense and security as compared to the other equally urgent requirements of economic and social welfare. This fact is readily evidenced by the disproportionate amounts spent by the industrialized countries on military expenditures, amounting last year alone to over $200 thousand million dwarfing the comparatively small amounts allocated as aid to the developing nations.
130.	We have come to realize and value the inherent connexion between international peace, social justice and economic progress. However, if nations continue to view international considerations in a limited perspective of restricted national interests, and if they maintain their present system of priorities, then the Second Development Decade will be doomed to suffer the same fate as its predecessor. Therefore, it is imperative that participating nations go beyond the narrow, nationalistic considerations which have, until now, governed the priorities of industrialized countries.
131.	If we are to solve the interrelated issues of world peace and global development, then we must adopt a broader concept of world order, and establish new standards and priorities by which to reallocate resources and to guide our future actions along the path of global development.
132.	Therefore, my delegation appeals to all the countries concerned, regardless of their political, economic or social systems, to assume this broader perspective of global order. Recognizing that the continuing, economic and social disparities prevalent in today's world constitute a volatile situation which threatens world peace and security, we call on the international community to resolve the problems of economic and social dichotomies between the developing and the developed nations. We urge all Governments to give their full support to the completion of the international development strategy and the launching of the Second Development Decade, in a spirit of true collective responsibility and international solidarity.
133.	Like the United Nations, Indonesia too enters this year its twenty-sixth year of existence as a member of the international community of independent nations. We have survived the sufferings caused by the normal diseases of infant years, including attempts to break up the unity and integrity of the nation, or even to change the state philosophy, the Pancha Shila. All those attempts met only with failure. The unity of the nation on the basis of the Pancha Shila has grown stronger than ever before.
134.	In the true spirit of the Pancha Shila we have intensified our efforts to accelerate the country's economic development and to strengthen our regional co-operation schemes. Special mention in this regard must be made of the the Association of South-East Asian Nations or ASEAN which has already entered its third year of existence. It is with satisfaction and deep appreciation to the other members  Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines that we should like Members of the Assembly to take further note of its progress and achievements in the economic, social and cultural fields. Our joint projects are well under way. We will continue to strengthen ASEAN, in the spirit of the principles of "peace, justice and progress", and in the conviction that world peace is built on the foundations of peace with our neighbors. It is through the realization of peace with our neighbors that we can more positively contribute to peace for all mankind.


53. Mr. President, on behalf of the Japanese delegation, I wish to extend my heartfelt congratulations to you on your election to the Presidency of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I am confident that, with your outstanding knowledge and abundant experience in the United Nations, you will lead this session to many fruitful accomplishments.
54.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express my profound appreciation to the former President of the General Assembly, Her Excellency Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph. She displayed exceptional skill as an international statesman in guiding the work of the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly to a successful conclusion. It is my great pleasure to note that under her leadership the United Nations was able to enhance further its authority and prestige.
55.	At the same time, I wish to pay my deepest respects to His Excellency U Thant, our esteemed Secretary-General, and express my appreciation for his zeal and devotion to the maintenance of world peace. It is my profound hope that, from an impartial standpoint, he will persevere in his efforts towards the establishment of peace based on freedom and justice.
56.	Later this fall, at the commemorative session of the General Assembly which will celebrate the twenty- fifth anniversary of the United Nations, Prime Minister Sato of Japan will speak on the basic policies of our country. Today, therefore, I should like to confine my remarks to stating how the Government of Japan views the question of re-examination of the activities of the United Nations in the context of the "struggle for peace", to which I referred during the general debate at the last session of the General Assembly.
57.	A quarter of a century has passed since the United Nations was created with a view to the achievement of lasting world peace and security. However, when we look at the international situation during this period, we note that catastrophe has been avoided by the balance of power and reciprocal restraint among the major Powers. Under such circumstances it can hardly be said that the foundations of lasting peace have been established.
58.	The balance-of-power situation to which I have just referred has also been reflected in the United Nations. For example, this Organization was unable to make any contribution worthy of special mention with regard to the events in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. As regards the warfare raging in the Indo- Chinese peninsula, the United Nations is still far from finding methods to restore peace in that area, or a way in which it might make a contribution to that end. In the Middle East, the foundation of lasting peace is yet to be established, though the first ray of hope for peace has been seen recently as a result of the efforts made by the United Nations for many years. Moreover, colonial rule and racial discrimination have not completely disappeared from the international scene. When we look squarely at these realities of the international situation, I am obliged to conclude that the United Nations has not so far fully responded to the high expectation of mankind as the paramount Organization in the "struggle for peace".
59.	The foregoing does not mean, however, that I agree with the extreme argument which judges the United Nations to be powerless or even useless, as some would say. On the contrary, nothing could be further from my intention. The United Nations has made considerable achievements in the fields of international co-operation for economic and social problems, independence of colonial territories and respect for human rights, among others. It should not be forgotten also that the Organization has achieved certain results in preventing the aggravation of disputes or situations in various parts of the world and in promoting the peaceful settlement of these conflicts. Further, the United Nations has been playing an important role in the formulation of a constructive world opinion by providing a forum in which to discuss diverse problems of world-wide concern and by presenting to the world the facts involved as objectively as possible.
60.	It can be seen from what I have said that the United Nations has achieved a certain measure of success in various fields, and it is incumbent upon this world body to play more vigorously than ever a central role for the maintenance of peace and security in the world to come. The world places great hope in this Organization. In order to respond to that hope it is essential, I believe, to strengthen further the Organization and functions of the United Nations.
61.	On this occasion, I should like to affirm that, notwithstanding the passage of twenty-five years, the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations are still worthy of our full support as a norm of conduct for the Member States of this Organization. The Government of Japan wishes to reaffirm the importance of the purposes and principles of the Charter. Above all, we wish to stress once again that the basic obligations of non-use of force and nonintervention in the domestic affairs of other nations, as provided for in Article 2 of the Charter, together with the closely related principle of peaceful settlement of international disputes, as set forth in the same article, constitute the most important elements for the maintenance of international peace and security. These are, indeed, the essential minimum obligations of all Member States.
62.	On the other hand, the United Nations has failed to realize what might be considered an ideal peacekeeping mechanism, foreseen in the Charter as a means to fulfill its purposes and principles. In seeking the best ways and means to realize the ideals of the United Nations at its inception and to achieve its purposes, we must base ourselves on the recognition of this reality. The problem is how to make this Organization function as a truly effective organization for peace in the rapidly evolving international situation. The answer to this problem must be sought in exploring possibilities for adapting the United Nations constantly to this ever- changing world. It Is indispensable for us all to be open-minded towards introducing improvements, as need arises, in the provisions of the Charter or its application. Clearly, Chapter XVIII of the Charter reflects this way of thinking. I am convinced that the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations is the appropriate occasion to renew our efforts to breathe new life into the Organization.
63.	It would seem most appropriate to recall in this connexion that the Secretary-General opened the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization by affirming that the "need for an effective world organization which can serve as a harmonizing agent for peace has never been so urgently required by mankind" [A/8001/ Add. 1 and Corr.1, para.1]. The basic questions he has raised at the outset of his introduction are all very pertinent to this theme:
"What are the means by which the United Nations can play an increasingly vital role in the world of tomorrow? How can the United Nations make more effective use of its possibilities for reconciling differences between its sovereign Member States? What changes can be evolved in its methods of operation so that its capacity for improving the human condition will be utilized to the full?" [Ibid]
I share completely the fervent hope he has expressed:
"that we shall find the answers to questions such as these and continue to make progress no matter how slow and painstaking it may at times appear towards realizing the noble goals set forth in the Charter of the United Nations" [ibid]
64.	I do not believe that review of the organization and functions of the United Nations, including the question of reviewing the Charter, could be completed in a short time. It will require sustained effort for a lengthy period. At the initiative of the delegations of Colombia and certain other countries at the last session of the General Assembly, the problem concerning the review of the Charter of the United Nations was included in the provisional agenda of the present session. The Government of Japan finds it particularly significant that the General Assembly embarks upon the discussion of this important question at this session. I am sure that this item will appear on the agenda as duly proposed.
65.	In the light of the basic considerations which I have just expounded, I should now like to make a few suggestions on certain matters regarding which renewed examination would be desirable and even necessary in the view of my Government.
66.	First of all, I should like to discuss strengthening the functions of the United Nations for keeping peace. In so doing, I intend to take up three different subjects, namely, strengthening of United Nations peacekeeping operations, strengthening also of the fact-finding functions of the United Nations and reexamination of the composition of Security Council membership.
67.	With regard to the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations, the Government of Japan estimates at a high value the role which the United Nations has performed and is performing in various parts of the world, such as in Kashmir, in the Middle East, in the Congo and in Cyprus. It is my ardent hope that the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations performed in the future, with the support of world public opinion and also with the consent of all parties concerned, will render great benefit to world peace. I believe, therefore, that we should make further efforts to explore methods to strengthen peace-keeping operations on an even more effective, smooth and secured basis. It is true that we have been working over the past several years in the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations. To our great regret, however, the Special Committee has hardly achieved anything substantial, mainly due to differences of opinion among the major Powers.
68.	I should think that it would be appropriate to provide for peace-keeping operations in specific terms within the framework of the pacific settlement of disputes as set forth in the Charter. This would help to ensure the more effective performance of such operations. To this end I have felt the need for careful study of this matter.
69.	My Government is fully aware of the wide difference of views among the major Powers, above all between the two blocs of East and West on this issue. I should like to emphasize, however, that peacekeeping operations constitute the most effective and practically workable function of the United Nations today in carrying out its task of maintaining international peace. The strengthening of peace-keeping operations is essential for the future of this world. Organization, and we strongly hope, therefore, that the super-Powers, conscious of their special responsibilities in this regard, will take concrete action to this end. Japan, for its part, will co-operate actively towards strengthening the function of the United Nations to maintain international peace in a manner consonant with its position as a nation dedicated to the cause of peace.
70.	At this juncture I should like to say a few words about the Conference of Foreign Ministers of interested Asian and Pacific countries on the question of Cambodia. That Conference, the purpose of which was to discuss the critical situation in Cambodia, was held in Djakarta on 16 and 17 May 1970, at the invitation of the Government of Indonesia, and I was one of the participants. As a result of the Conference, a consensus was leached to the effect that restoration of peace in Cambodia should be based on respect for neutrality, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs and withdrawal of all foreign forces. Based upon this consensus, the special representatives of the Foreign Ministers of Indonesia, Malaysia and Japan held a number of consultations, in particular with the co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference and others concerned, on ways and means to reactivate the international Commission for Supervision and Control in Cambodia and to convene an international conference of all parties concerned. The special representatives also talked with the Secretary-General of the United Nations as well as the President and other members of the Security Council to explore what actions might be taken by the United Nations.
71.	I am convinced that the appeals made at the Djakarta Conference by the Asian and Pacific countries with regard to the restoration of peace in Cambodia are endorsed by the principles and purposes of the Charter, and I see no ground for any legitimate objection being raised to those appeals. It is hoped that in future the United Nations will come to assume a useful role in ensuring peace in Cambodia and consequently in the whole area of the Indo-China peninsula. In such a case, a most effective way would be to make full use of its peace-keeping functions, including truce supervision.
72.	Out of the same concern for strengthening the function of the Organization for the maintenance of international peace, I should now like to touch upon the importance of the fact-finding function of the United Nations. One of the major roles expected of the United Nations in the existing international situation is, in my view, to offer to the world public, with maximum objectivity, accounts of disputes, unfortunate situations and other similar events which do not cease to take place in the world. For this purpose it is indispensable for the Organization to have its fact-finding capacity strengthened and reinforced. Specifically, we should study how to strengthen the functions of the Security Council, of the General Assembly and of the Secretary-General in the field of fact-finding. Furthermore, in order to assist these organs of the United Nations in carrying out their fact-finding functions, expert groups or fact-finding panels should be better utilized and their competence extended.
73.	I should now like to turn to the third subject, that is, re-examination of the composition of Security Council membership. In the interest of the maintenance of international peace and security, it is essential to ensure that the Security Council, which has the primary responsibility in this field, be a body truly capable of taking effective action commensurate with its high authority and responsibility accorded by the Charter.
74.	Great changes have taken place in the international situation over the twenty-five years since the Second World War. In the meantime, the balance between the super-Powers, based upon mutual nuclear deterrence, has decreased the possibility of another major war. However, to achieve true world peace, we must remove all causes of international conflict at their source and promote the welfare and the security of all mankind. It is thus essential to solve the problems of poverty and under-development which lie at the root of international tensions. It is also indispensable to overcome all forms of racial discrimination and to promote mutual understanding among peoples. In such efforts for the construction of peace, our performance in the economic, scientific, technological and cultural, rather than in the military, fields will become a preponderant factor.
75.	It is on the basis of the foregoing considerations that I wish to emphasize the need to review the composition of the permanent membership of the Security Council. Thus, nuclear military capability should not become a decisive factor in any consideration of qualification for permanent membership, although most of the present permanent members are nuclear weapon States. Attention should rather be paid to such a pertinent factor as a positive attitude towards the universal prohibition of nuclear weapons. I wish to stress this point, in particular, since the Japanese Government maintains its policy of abandoning nuclear weapons in spite of its potential nuclear capability. The acceptance of compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice could be another important factor as evidence of the peaceful intention of the States concerned. In order that the Security Council be enabled to achieve its responsibilities effectively, I am convinced that a review should be instituted taking the foregoing points into due consideration. Pending such a review, it would be of paramount importance, in strengthening the Security Council, that in the election of non-permanent members of the Council due regard should be "specially paid, in the first instance to the contribution of Members of the United Nations to the maintenance of international peace and security and to the other purposes of the Organization" as provided in Article 23 of the Charter.
76.	Allow me now to touch briefly upon the economic and social aspects of United Nations activities. As I have said, I am confident that the United Nations has fulfilled, and is capable of fulfilling, the responsibility for playing a great role in the construction of peace through its activities in the economic, social, cultural, human, environmental and other fields.
77.	The United Nations has established a number of organizations in the field of construction of peace, and each of them has been engaged in useful activities. At the same time, it has been recognized that there is duplication or conflict of work in some fields of the activities of the United Nations family of organizations, including the specialized agencies, and that these organizations are faced with a number of problems which require careful examination from the viewpoint of the effective deployment and use of human and material resources and the rationalization of organization.
78.	I believe that the United Nations should further strengthen its organization and functions in the economic and social fields in order that it may launch more organized and more effective activities for the construction of peace during the Second United Nations Development Decade, which will have a great bearing on the future of mankind. For that purpose, the Economic and Social Council should act as the pivotal organ for realizing better co-ordination and greater efficiency in the work of the United Nations family of organizations.
79.	In this connexion, I note with appreciation that the United Nations has been making serious efforts towards strengthening and improving its organization for furthering economic and social development, and I sincerely hope that these efforts will have a positive outcome.
80.	Lastly, I should like to point out that there are some provisions in the Charter which no longer fit the present situation. For example, the United Nations in our times should be freed from remnants of the Second World War of twenty-five years ago, and I should like to urge strongly that the "enemy State" provisions in Articles 53 and 107 be deleted from the Charter, since there is clearly no necessity to maintain them.
81.	In pursuing the "struggle for peace" in which the United Nations should play the leading role, we should constantly bear in mind the importance of the establishment of justice and the rule of law. In this sense, we should in no way underestimate the contribution that could be made for the cause of peace by the International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. I believe that in the reexamination of the organization and functions of the United Nations, we should give serious consideration to what we should do for the strengthening of the International Court of Justice.
82.	Although we have been spared the catastrophe of world-wide war for a quarter of a century, we are still far away from attaining everlasting peace. Hatred and jealousy among peoples must be eliminated. Boundaries must cease to cause the flowing of blood. Differences of race, culture, ideology and religion must not be the sources of mutual distrust or enmity. Thus, infinitely great is the task of the United Nations, the task of uniting the wisdom and endeavours of all humanity aimed at "progress and harmony for mankind", the theme of the World Exposition held in Japan this year.
83.	On the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations, I should like to urge strongly that all Member States and all the peoples of the world who uphold the ideals and activities of the United Nations should combine their strength under this Organization in the "struggle for peace".


1.	  The delegation of Rwanda would like to add its voice to those of delegations which have spoken before it and congratulate you on the occasion of your brilliant election to the Presidency of the twenty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly. There could be no more judicious choice than the one which is made of a man whose brilliant intelligence, steeped in lengthy experience of international affairs, together with a remarkable sense of equity and moderation make him one of the best men of our time. Through you, Rwanda would also like to greet your noble country, with which it has most friendly relations.
2.	Our delegation would also like to pay a vibrant tribute to the prestigious figure of New Africa, Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph, who presided over the twenty-fourth session with remarkable and smiling authority and an exquisite tact. The world and Africa owe her a debt of gratitude.
3.	twenty-five years have just elapsed since under the sign of the Golden Gate forty-three Powers, mindful of the horrors of a devastating war which in record time had just led to the massacre of 72 million human beings, without speaking of material destruction, and desirous of concretizing the collective reaction of the whole world and not only of the nations which had fought in the war against such barbarity, undertook to open up a peaceful era for mankind. On the other hand ten years ago the United Nations unanimously declared in resolution 1514 (XV) and this was unprecedented in history that the colonial countries and peoples had a natural and legitimate right to their independence.
4.	These two extraordinary events will be celebrated by the whole world during this twenty-fifth session.
5.	If it may be due to coincidence that these two anniversaries should come at the same time, what is not fortuitous are the deep-rooted causes which inspired the drafting of the United Nations Charter and resolution 1514 (XV). Both of them are steeped in the same firm will to undertake a crusade for the defense of human rights.
6.	On the occasion of such anniversaries, one must draw up a frank balance-sheet of this quarter of a century and this decade which are coming to a close, in order better to determine a program for the future, taking great care to see that ceremonial appearances do not make it impossible to find an equilibrium between the definition of noble objectives, which often remain only pious wishes, and the dire realities of the world in which we live today.
7.	In truth the United Nations has greatly contributed better than did the League of Nations to lead States, if they want this world to be peaceful and prosperous, to go beyond the narrow circle of their immediate interests to show a common interest in all the problems of all countries. On the other hand, throughout its existence, this Organization, thanks to its moral and political influence, thanks especially to the tireless devotion and the dauntless dynamism of its SecretariesGeneral, became a powerful rampart against any sliding towards new catastrophes.
8.	But unfortunately, every coin has two faces. After a difficult birth following the Second World War, the United Nations, which is twenty-five years old, is still very much marked by the personality of its main authors. We remember the many compromises which were adopted at Yalta in February 1945 relating to the greatPower veto in the Security Council. It is probably understandable that after the war the idea should have been born that the main responsibility for the installation and protection of a new political world order should be vested in the victorious great Powers and that they should have taken this opportunity of taking the best seats in this temple that they were building. And it is thus that the Security Council, in which the Charter vests primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace, became an arena where they become aware of their tremendous power, when the veto imposed by one of them renders the Council impotent.
9.	Obviously, the authors of the Charter did not predict the future which saw the great Powers gathered together in San Francisco with collective enthusiasm to sign the Charter and, a short time later, slide into an implacable war of influence to divide the world into two ideological blocs under their respective obedience.
They did not foresee either the massive entry of other nations into this Organization, nor the birth of other great Powers in the economic, political and military fields, nor the transformation of individual mentalities in the world and the appearance of other vital imperatives for mankind. Therefore this quarter of a century has seen such stages in the life of this Organization that it becomes urgent and indispensable to revise its structures so that it will be better able to respond to the hopes which the peoples of the world have placed in it.
10.	In the eyes of my delegation, the responsibility for peace in the world is a matter for all States. There is no more specious argument than the one which states that countries which are better armed should have pride of place in an institution which seeks not war, but peace, as if the happiness of peoples could be founded upon the sword rather than on a common will and conscience and desire to live together in a climate free from any fear or threat. In the present world, everyday facts unfortunately show that even if the highly armed nations did not take the initiative of a general war, the countries that are less powerfully armed could drag them into regional wars which also lead uselessly to large numbers of victims.
11.	Our universe is traumatized in several areas. The conflagration in Asia is far from being put out and its victims are numbered in the thousands. Everybody knows the cruel suffering engendered by the war in VietNam; we pray that its extension to Cambodia will not spread further to neighboring countries. We had hoped that the Paris negotiations would lead rapidly to a just and honorable peace for all parties concerned, but these negotiations are today in an impasse and the hopes of a negotiated settlement still seem very remote.
12.	And the Middle East? There again is a problem which is of great concern and for good reasons. It would have been a subject of great and legitimate pride for our Organization if, at the moment when we are celebrating our twenty-fifth anniversary, the delegation of Israel and the Arab delegations, thanks to the tireless efforts of Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, would have been able to show us the picture of a newly found fraternity. The acceptance of the Rogers Plan by Egypt, Jordan and Israel had given rise to some glimmer of hope. But unfortunately here again we are marking time and there is even the risk of a backward slide. In this question of the Middle East the role of the great Powers is particularly deplorable; similar to those who organized the circus games in ancient times, after having forged and sharpened the swords, they distributed them to the gladiators and became arbiters of this tragedy, taking great care not to break the balance of power of the belligerents. How could the latter then abandon their duel when those who arm them take the ultimate decisions?
13.	Rwanda would like to reaffirm the position it has always held that the solution to this serious question lies in the hands of the parties concerned and that there should be no foreign interference. This solution must take into account, it is true, the right of the State of Israel to a fully guaranteed existence and to secure and recognized boundaries, but at the same time it must recognize the right of the Arab States to the integrity of their territories. My country would again like to address an urgent appeal to the parties concerned that they abandon the language of weapons and violence and move without further delay towards peace.
14.	But there is also the problem of China and Korea. Rwanda sincerely wishes to see these two nations find true peace, which is the sine qua non ambition of true progress for the peoples of the world. For many years the question of the representation of China has played its part in the debates of this Assembly and everybody knows the controversies it is engendering. In this matter Rwanda has never ceased to recall that the Government which lawfully represents the Chinese nation in the United Nations has never in any circumstance failed to discharge the duties which the Charter imposes upon Member States. My country expresses the wish that the problem of China, whose importance is obvious to all, will soon find a final solution.
15.	In the problem of Korea, we are also far from a solution. Everybody can gauge the anguish of a divided country and the advantages of unity and can therefore affirm that the Korean nation has no better way to progress peacefully and harmoniously than by reunification. The United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea in which my Government has full confidence, keeps us informed of the unfortunately very difficult stages that still have to be traveled before reunification is achieved. Everybody knows that North Korea does nothing to reply favorably to the relevant resolutions of this Organization. Thus it is still necessary to keep the United Nations forces in Korea, to encourage the United Nations Commission to persevere in its efforts and to continue the periodic consideration of this question in the United Nations. My country expresses the hope that one day the parties concerned will all show good will and facilitate the reunification of their country.
16.	But Rwanda, which was under foreign domination in the past and which today is the master of its destiny and a loyal Member of this Organization, must further pay a deserved tribute to our Organization which, at a capital turning point in the history of mankind, was able once again to assume its responsibilities by proclaiming 10 years ago the immortal resolution 1514 (XV) which recognizes to all peoples and all countries the right to self-determination.
17.	If, on the one hand, several countries have acquired their independence thanks to the implementation of this resolution, on the other, we see that this international sovereignty and this freedom which all of us are proud to enjoy and to which we are so deeply attached, are denied to thousands of human beings in the southern part of Africa.
18.	In Southern Rhodesia Ian Smith and his clique, defying the moral and political authority of this Organization, have built a racist society where a white minority possesses all the rights of suzerainty over a majority of Africans who have nothing but the sufferings of slaves.
19.	In Angola and Mozambique Portugal constantly refines its methods of subjugation of the African populations, in flagrant contempt of the imperatives of universal morality.
20.	In South Africa the dogma of apartheid has become a State religion; it is obviously a true crime against mankind. The aspirations of the people of Namibia to self-determination are being stifled by the Pretoria authorities, who trample under foot with contempt the pertinent resolutions of our Organization. It is clear that if the sinister alliance between Lisbon, Pretoria and Salisbury is a very serious threat to peace in that part of the world, the United Nations, is in duty bound to assume its responsibilities in the face of such a situation.
21.	Our Organization, inspired by the provisions of the Charter, has often taken decisions calling for economic sanctions against South Africa and a total embargo against Rhodesia. But, unfortunately, the deplorable fact is that the great Powers have been the first not to put those measures into effect, thus supporting the racist policy of Salisbury and Pretoria.
22.	The General Assembly knows full well that the Africans who live in those countries do not want war for war's sake; they merely claim their lawful rights in place of the concept that might makes right. All peaceloving countries which take pride in defending them against colonialist and racist oppression, in a document which will mark an important date in history, entitled "Manifesto on Southern Africa", or "Lusaka Manifesto," solemnly proclaimed their will to seek a solution through dialog. At its previous session the Assembly endorsed the ideas expressed in this Manifesto and, by an overwhelming majority, adopted resolution. 2505 (XXIV). It is therefore essential for the United Nations to redouble its efforts, in cooperation with the Organization of African Unity, to ensure the triumph of the cause of justice and peace in southern Africa.
23.	The commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the Declaration in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) must offer us an opportunity of stigmatizing, once again, colonialism and neocolonialism in all their forms and manifestations and must impel us to mobilize all the live forces of the world with renewed energy for the defense of human rights wherever they are violated.
24.	But the abolition of colonialism and racism, suppression of hotbeds of tension in the world and revision of the structures of the United Nations would not be sufficient to give to mankind a firm hope for lasting peace and security, since one quarter of the population of the globe accounts for 85 per cent of world revenue and leaves only 15 per cent to 2,300 million people out of 3,000 million inhabitants of our planet.
25.	Rwanda believes that misery and hunger in the world threaten the security of nations just as much as the clangour of weapons and we agree with the Pearson report that:
"If the developed nations wish to preserve their position in that world, they must play their full part in creating a world order within which all nations, and all men, can live in freedom, dignity and decency.
"International development is a great challenge of our age. Our response to it will show whether we understand the implication of interdependence or whether we prefer to delude ourselves that the poverty and deprivation of the great majority of mankind can be ignored without tragic consequences for all."
26.	After the end of the last world war, assistance of wealthy peoples to developing countries increased at a relatively satisfactory pace until about 1960, enabling those countries to reach an average rate of growth of their gross national product of 5 per cent per year; but since that date this assistance has remained stationary, despite repeated appeals of the international Organization to the wealthy countries to devote at least 1 per cent of their national income each year to assistance.
27.	And yet the volume of expenditure for armaments in many of these rich countries is such that, if those Powers possess the material strength to destroy the world, they also possess the necessary means to free 2,300 million men from the chains of hunger, disease and ignorance. Why cannot the extraordinary progress of science and technology be used to make possible the utilization of the natural resources existing in most developing countries to improve living conditions for the populations of those countries?
28.	We are still very far from reaching the noble ideal which inspired the authors of the Charter of this Organization when they stated that improving the economic and social conditions of man was one of the major objectives which all Member States should strive to attain.
29.	In fact it is the whole concept of man which must be considered. Quite often, political, linguistic, racial and other barriers shrink our horizons and prevent us from seeing that beyond them there is one mankind which, if it wishes to progress and attain happiness, must remain united and interdependent. Rwanda is convinced that every Government has a sacred duty to cooperate with all others in guaranteeing that all peoples have a reasonable chance of living in dignity.
30.	There is good reason for the revolt of youth in the world, for its cries of anguish against the obsolete structures of present day societies, and in a universal surge, for its proposals for a new humanism. We must draw the lesson from this general revolt and accept, while purifying it, the message of this youth which desires a new universal society. This youth, which is the society of tomorrow, is a fount of idealism and energy where all our present societies must find a way to regenerate themselves.
31.	Thus, the United Nations commemorates twenty- five years of existence. Its shortcomings, inherent in any human endeavor, must not blind us, must not prevent us from seeing its usefulness and especially the inestimable services which it has rendered and continues to render to mankind. It is up to all the Members of this Organization to see to it that it be further improved.
32.	But, more than that, we must have an ardent faith in this indispensable instrument of peace, which presages the genuine international society of tomorrow. That is what Rwanda fervently hopes to see: a world where all men, free from fear and anguish, will be better brothers and will be more united.