He express our sympathy to the people of Mexico whose capital city was recently shaken by violent earthquakes.
The 40 years experience of the United Nations Charter which has considerably enriched international life constitute for this century now coming to an end an important stage, a moment of historical importance, which we must be proud to honor. We should do so because the United Nations, with its good and bad points, has today become a disciplined adult in fairly good health.
My country, whose rebirth in freedom and sovereignty dates from the moment when the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, finds in these 40 years of the Charter and the 2 5 years of resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960 more than a happy coincidence.
In retrospect, it might be considered that history in a spectacular movement towards orderly behavior by the actors on the world stage has finally succeeded in remodeling, to a very large extent, the map of the world as we see it today, reflected in this very place by the irreversible universalization of our
Organization.
Happily the balance-sheet of that development will be drawn up under the very competent and wise authority of Ambassador de Pinies. His unanimous choice for the presidency confirms, for us, the great merit and experienced qualities of a statesman and diplomat that he possesses. There can be no doubt that under his wise direction the fortieth session of the General Assembly will mark an important stage in the life of our Organization.
Furthermore, for the Congolese delegation his capacity as the representative of Spain identifies him with a part of Europe that has long been at the crossroads of civilization and has predisposed it to support the kind of international co-operation that is reflected in the co-operation existing between our two countries. Consequently it goes without saying that my delegation will give him its complete support throughout his term.
My delegation wishes also to join the many speakers who have bestowed well-merited praise on his predecessor for the authority and effectiveness he displayed during his time as President of the Assembly at its thirty-ninth session.
May I also renew to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the interest and confidence that the People's Republic of the Congo has in the efforts he has undertaken in order to render more effective the functioning of the United Nations system and enable it fully to meet its responsibilities in the face of the serious problems threatening international peace and security.
In his brilliant report on the work of the Organization, our Secretary-General placed particular emphasis en th-a idea of international authority by demonstrating the requirements for such authority in terms of international co-operation. This concept implies, indeed, the idea of multilateralism in its fullest and most dynamic form, in order to justify the collective responsibility we have assumed under the standards and principles of the Charter, whose purposes and objectives we are duty-bound to promote.
It is an irony of fate that as we commemorate the fortieth anniversary the most obvious signs of a situation that is in many respects of great concern manifest themselves throughout the entire fabric of international relations, covering even our most predictable prospects with great uncertainty.
Indeed, today famine, hunger and poverty are raging in numerous countries with greater intensity than ever. Today we count almost 30 million Africans caught in a
crisis in which the vagaries of fate, such as drought and desertification, remain intractable in spite of the responsibilities of man and his systems.
We continue to experience even today how difficult it is for the developed pact of the world to accept that underdevelopment is not in any way decreed by nature and that concerted and resolute action can overcome it.
Multilateralism should not always imply - as is so often the case - solidarity that is perceived only in terms of trade. That necessarily leads to under-utilization of enormous intellectual, technological and other possibilities which could be allocated by the world today to the most fundamental human needs.
Because of this reality, and although our Organization was conceived when taking into account the sum total of the lessons drawn from the most atrocious world war, the 40 years of the United Nations cannot be celebrated everywhere in the same serene atmosphere. War continues to be the lot of many nations; and the arms race does not spare even outer space.
With regard to human rights and the right to self-determination of peoples, the odious system of apartheid continues to rage in South Africa, while unjustifiable obstacles are constantly raised in the path towards independence for Namibia, The peoples of Nicaragua, Western Sahara, Palestine and many other regions daily undergo the harmful effects of the policy of aggression, domination and division pursued by the imperialist Powers.
The persistence - and at times worsening - of some of the ills the United Nations was meant to cure, or at least prevent or contain, often places the United Nations at the center of difficulties heaped upon it not without malice by some States concerned above all with their own interests and opposed to co-operation advantageous to all  and this in spite of their participation in drafting joint decisions.
In this international situation of serious concern, there arc everywhere hotbeds of tension that are being maintained purposely in order to broaden spheres of influence by imposing foreign military bases on peaceful populations and ensuring protectorates in disguise. Trampling upon international rules and conventions, the colonialist, imperialist, expansionist and racist Powers have built a veritable system of irregular, illegal and immoral practices. Armed acts of aggression, occupation of the territory of other States and military interventions remain the means by which they impose their authority and bring about the triumph of their selfish and hegemonic interests to the detriment of the self-determination of peoples.
In the economic field, monetary disorder, galloping inflation, surging interest rates, unsustainable disequilibrium in balances of payments, growing indebtedness - all constitute the main features of our time, with increased deterioration in the terms of trade which are dangerously eroding expected revenues in developing countries.
My delegation believes that only global negotiations can correct the international economic situation and lead to the establishment of a new international economic order. By emphasizing in its conclusions the need to work out more equitable relations between the North and the South, the Eighth Conference of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Non-Aligned Countries, which was just held at Luanda, Angola, merely reflected the conviction of the developing countries in this regard.
In this struggle for development and the establishment of relations of co-operation among peoples, science and information roust take pride of place as indispensable factors for the maintenance of peace and security. They must be put at the service of development and the total blossoming of mankind, instead of serving to alienate and destroy humanity through the arms race and subversion.
It is the duty of the international community to support the efforts of the specialized agencies of the United Nations system, and in particular of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), to draft general policies and programs favorable to setting up a new world information order and promoting the science and technology necessary to the solution of development problems in third-world countries. on these questions, relations between the countries of the North and the South would benefit were they to develop along the lines of a better knowledge of the world's resources and of progress for all mankind.
For some the United Nations should neither manage nor guarantee the general interests or the most legitimate aspirations of the international community, which is tantamount to returning to the doctrine of might makes right that prevailed generally in past centuries. Each day we see manifestations of this attitude in the economic field, where the protectionism of dominant Powers prevents any equitable redistribution of the planet's resources, above all when such protectionism is based on an unpredictable monetary system and arbitrary interest rates.
If the supervisory role conferred upon the United Nations by the Charter had been fully recognized by Member States, much of the paralysis in the lives of nations would be reduced to the minimum. Instead of a commitment in this direction, all that has been proposed thus far has been temporary assistance machinery or loans that generate indebtedness for most developing countries.
To illustrate the numerous difficulties facing young nations in their determination and efforts towards development, I shall speak of the case of my own country.
The People's Republic of the Congo has wide sustained effort to carry out its five-year economic and social development plan (1982-1986) in a world economic situation governed by the factors I have just mentioned, Now, there is no regular flow of financial resources nor any remunerative market for the raw materials we produce which constitute our only source of revenue. Hence* it is difficult to avoid indebtedness and the shackles of debt servicing.
If creditors and debtors could at least, as loyal, equally responsible partners, study suitable means of making this debt supportable by viewing it on a long-tern basis that would maintain macro-economic and social balance in the debtor countries, and guarantee healthy condition of growth and stability, it would certainly be to everyone's benefit.
That is why, in order to ensure the continuation of the development plan during an increasingly stagnant international situation, the Central Committee of the Congolese Workers Party, under the leadership of President Sassou-Nguesso, has decided to proceed with the adoption of a program of structural adjustment which will enable us to adapt the execution of essential, priority projects to the resources available. In so doing we remain open to outside co-operation in the hope that our partners of yesterday, today and tomorrow will remain so not only in periods of relative prosperity but also, and above all, when temporary difficulties arise.
The Peoples Republic of the Congo, a land of peace and harmony, is militantly in favor of establishing a climate of mutually advantageous understanding and co-operation in its relations with its economic partners, strengthening the links of friendship and brotherhood with our neighbors and subordinating national selfishness to the creation of an integrated economic region in central Africa on the basis of the understanding and solidarity cherished by our peoples.
The will to peace of the Peoples Republic of the Congo, which is fiercely defended by its people, its Government and its President, has led to the bestowal on my country of, inter alia, the presidency of the Economic Community of Central African States. It has also been entrusted with delicate missions of arbitration in the settlement of the question of Chad, which has been characterized by a fratricidal war with dire consequences for the people of Chad.
The special sympathy and attention which the international community and, especially, Central Africa and the organization of African Unity (OAU) have shown to my country by entrusting it with these missions of great significance for the promotion of peace and international co-operation are the fruit of the constant efforts of President Sassou-Nguesso to consolidate peace and to strengthen relationships of good-neighborliness in the region and throughout Africa.
To the extent that past experience teaches us what we have been able to do as compared with what we ought to have achieved, let us try at least to be inspired by the theme of this fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, "United Nations for a better world", and organize our solidarity accordingly. Certain trains of thought focused on the year 1985 as a whole invite us to do this.
He in Africa, in particular, in addition to the memory of the 25 years of resolution 1514 (XV), of 14 December 1960, which contains the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, are also thinking about the centenary of the Act of Berlin which in 1885 put our continent at the mercy of European imperialist ambitions, to be subjugated and exploited.
In its final resolution, an international seminar held in Brazzaville this year to commemorate this unhappy one-hundredth anniversary of the balkanization of Africa, exhorted Africans to go beyond a narrow national outlook to catch a glimpse, beyond the frontiers of states, of the fundamental bases of unity and the rebirth of Africa.
The demand for freedom and dignity emerging from that commemoration leaves no doubt as to our determination to eradicate the apartheid regime from African soil. The echoes throughout the world of the struggle being carried on there, in spite of the oppression by the minority in power and its continuing acts of aggression against neighboring countries, confirm this determination to destroy apartheid, rather than reform it, as those in Pretoria imagine they can do.
This is also true of the liberation of the colonial territory of Namibia, which is still illegally occupied by South Africa. There can be no doubt that we condemn the gratuitous act of aggression against the territory of the Peoples Republic of Angola by the hand-pressed racist Power, an act which was the subject of Security Council resolution 571 (1985), adopted on 20 September this year. As a ward of the United Nations, Namibia, whose case has been on our agenda since the inception of the Organization, has the right to be freed, in keeping with the plan of action in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
with regard to the possibilities for establishing conditions of peace elsewhere in Africa, in the area or in countries which are most sorely tried, these remain entirely valid. To this end, a general attitude of non-interference would seem to us to be one of the essential factors, and should be encouraged.
We are sharing this year with the rest of the world the beneficial effects of the celebration of International Youth Year. Youth must not only be involved in United Nations action to imbue it with generosity but must, above all, be conceived of and seen as the ultimate user of the products of the better world which the United Nations hopes to achieve.
Finally, a better world is not possible without the full and effective participation of women, whose Decade was celebrated a few months ago in Nairobi by the adoption of future strategies of action to promote its aims. The success of that Conference, in spite of many differences of opinion, is surely a good augury and shows a promising awareness of the need for the equal development and peace which all of us are capable of achieving, free of any prejudice or discrimination.
All the effort and commitment of all of us are needed to build the road to peace. This, for us, means both psychological and practical mobilization. The effects of the year 1986, which has been proclaimed the international Year of Peace, will depend in large part on the real choices mads by States big or small, weak or powerful, to promote the conditions necessary for our common survival.
In this context, as the Secretary-General says in his report, "international co-operation, however complex and difficult to organize, is not a choice for the nations of the world, but a necessity". (A/40/1, p. 5) International co-operation encompasses both preventive dimensions and a constructive aspect. By prevention we would be better able to organize our security, not only by regular monitoring of the applications of science - whose development is becoming dangerously fast for the immediate perception of the ordinary man - but also by greater sharing of responsibility at the world level. Such participation could result in filling the undesirable gap that exists between the spirit of a charter made to promote harmony and unanimity - especially in the Security Council - and the dangerous reality that a minority of states, without a mandate, hold the fate of all nations in their hands, thereby distorting any approach to a system of collective security.
The commemoration of the birth of the United Nations does not in any way lead us to forget that 40 years ago, at the time of the victory over fascism, the world entered the nuclear era. Thus we also commemorate the tragedies of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Since that time, and in spite of the nuclear Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, not only has no Power that initiated that Treaty shown the slightest will to disarm under effective international control, but, on the contrary, the nuclear weapon has spread almost to the point of falling, with the agreement of certain major Powers, as we all know, even into the hands of South Africa, which is a direct heir to the Nazi tradition.
Forty years ago it was virtually Inconceivable that soma 10 years later, beginning with the Bandung Conference, whose thirtieth anniversary we commemorated last April, there would emerge a new awareness leading to the policy of non-alignment. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has been trying since that time to make the international community, including the United Nations, regain that sense of true peace, free from antagonisms and from the search for spheres of influence, a peace based on the non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes, on the pursuit of greater well-being for all the inhabitants of our planet and on the establishment of equality and justice.
To be sure, the united Nations system as a whole is already a vast synthesis of all the universal aspirations in practically all fields: political, economic, human and cultural} it is also a solid basis for building a better world that transcends national or regional limitations.
We must strive to safeguard the achievements of the past 40 years and to build upon them.
Among those achievements is the whole gamut of conventions which stemmed more or less directly from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and which protect workers, children, the physically handicapped and the aged.
We welcome the legitimate support thus far given by the United Nations to those fighting in the liberation movements, willing to sacrifice their lives to achieve the fundamental rights to self-determination and freedom.
These achievements denote above ail the value and flexibility of the Charter, which remains truly the treaty of treaties with no equal in all of human history and to which any other international commitment on the part of a Member State should be subordinate, under the terms of Article 103.
We must preserve the Charter from any abusive interpretation of its provisions and even more from its use for partisan purposes. The Charter can be revised in
order to ensure its adaptation to the realities while at the same time maintaining its fundamental perspective as the cornerstone of any international policy.
In so doing we have in mind the overriding need to make known the true image of the United Nations by world public opinion. The mass media do not always help in this, undoubtedly because they are excessively concentrated in the hands of a few pressure groups, almost all of them belonging to a limited number of countries. In this respect, the new international communications and information order should be the catalyst for a major peaceful battle at the international level, through the United Nations system, to promote comprehension and understanding among nations and peoples.
It would indeed be inconsistent and dangerous to erect barriers between the United Nations and the peoples of the world.
Although mankind often has to be subjected to utmost danger in order to find the necessary motivation to save itself, the past from which the United Nations has emerged is sufficiently rich in object lessons that no further trials are needed for us to demonstrate a commitment to our common survival.
I shall borrow the final words of my intervention from the admirable recommendation made by the former Presidents of the General Assembly at their meeting held under the auspices of the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR) last June. They suggested to the Assembly that its
"should seize this unique opportunity and devote its attention to the remaining 15 years of this century and, with a vision of the future, should initiate plans at the global level for the year 2000 and the beginning of the new millennium." (A/40/377, para. 20)
Indeed, it is no longer conceivable, in 1985, to live without the United Nations, much less to do without it in determining our near or distant future.


It is with particular pleasure that I extend to Ambassador de Pinies our warm congratulations on his well-deserved election to the high office of the presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. We consider his personality, his reputation as an experienced and skilled diplomat, and his long-standing commitment to the cause of the United Nations as the best guarantees for the successful accomplishment of his difficult task. His far-sighted opening statement has been most reassuring and has confirmed our belief in the wise guidance he will provide us during the current session. Furthermore, it is a source of great satisfaction for my Government and for the people of Cyprus that the presidency of this lofty body is in the hands of a representative of a friendly country, with which we share close relations and which rightfully enjoys great esteem and reputation internationally.
At the same time, I wish to extend our appreciation to his predecessor. Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia, a country with which we have excellent relations, for the most competent way in which he guided the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
I should like from the outset to place on record our gratitude for the Secretary-General's efforts to promote international peace and security. We also thank him for his untiring efforts with regard to the Cyprus problem, which has been the concern of the United Nations and his own personal concern. I should be remiss if I did not stress how much we value his efforts towards achieving a just and viable solution to the problem in accordance with the United Nations principles and resolutions.
The disaster inflicted upon Mexico fay the recent catastrophic earthquakes has shocked us all. We express-our deep sympathy and solidarity with the friendly people and Government of Mexico and call upon this body immediately to implement an emergency program for the alleviation of the plight of the victims of this devastating calamity. Mexico is suffering from a catastrophe of unprecedented proportions, and we strongly believe that an urgent international response is essential to assist this nation to recover as soon as possible. In this respect we fully appreciate the urgency with which the General Assembly responded to this critical situation by adopting resolution 40/1 of 24 September 1985, which we fully support.
As we celebrate this Organization's fortieth anniversary, we cannot but think of our founding fathers who sought to transform into action the deeply felt and widespread desire for concrete and effective action by establishing an Organization based on universality, with the aim of protecting and maintaining international peace and security, the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms, the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples, the development of friendly relations among nations and the achievement of international co-operation in solving international problems.
In evaluating the progress achieved so far in international relations, we should ask ourselves if we may claim that we are well on our way to realizing the dreams and aspirations of the founding fathers of this Organization. We must admit, with regret, that the record gives little cause for satisfaction, as we enter the fortieth year of the life of this Organization.
This does not mean that the past was devoid of successes, since reference can be made to many achievements of this Organization. He could mention progress made in various fields: decolonization, peace-keeping, standard setting in the field of human rights and the humanitarian programs. That we have so far escaped the scourge of another world war, despite local conflicts, is no minor achievement.
Although we all share the same aspirations for peace, security and justice, it is a sad commentary on the 40 years that have just elapsed that the international political and economic situation is again critical. The threat or actual use of force, military aggression and interference, the intensified arms race, gross violations of human rights, poverty and famine paint a gloomy picture of today's world. Yet, however frustrating our experience has been so far, we have not abandoned hope that the dream of a peaceful and economically secure future can yet become a reality.
The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations affords us the opportunity to take stock of progress, concentrate on shortcomings, draw appropriate conclusions and chart the correct course to ensure peace and survival. Renewed confidence in the United Nations can be enhanced only if all Member States adhere strictly to the purposes and principles of the Charter, thus rendering the Organization more effective. The provisions and mechanisms of the Charter, if appropriately, effectively and resolutely applied, could deter lawlessness and secure peace and justice.
The Security Council should live up to the expectations of mankind, employing all means at its disposal, and it should also take such other measures as those referred to by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization, which we welcome and support. Particular reference should be made to the Secretary-General's idea that the Security Council should
"make a deliberate and concerted effort to solve one or two of the major problems before it by making fuller use of the measures available to it under the Charter" (A/40/1, p. 7).
The single most important issue affecting the international community is disarmament. The continued build-up of armaments, particularly nuclear armaments, creates potentially dangerous conditions, holding mankind hostage to the balance of terror and the threat of nuclear war. Moreover, the increasing military expenditures are diverting valuable resources from development which could close the widening gap between the developed and developing countries. It is earnestly hoped that this year will be marked by real progress towards disarmament.
Closely and directly tied to disarmament is international security. The ultimate goal of complete and total disarmament is unachievable unless the collective security provisions of the Charter are fully implemented. Let us hope that during the fortieth anniversary the Member States, particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, take up this issue as a question of urgency.
It has always been our firm belief that implementation of the security provisions of the Charter, along with actions to implement United Nations resolutions, in particular Security Council resolutions, would lead to an improved world situation by eliminating critical issues that threaten the maintenance of international peace and security.
Of equal concern is the world economic situation. Though there was a certain improvement in the case of industrialized countries earlier this year, the developing countries' plight continues unabated. They are burdened with a multitude of problems, both structural and developmental, often compounded by natural disasters. Commodities prices, trade, financing and debt servicing are matters requiring urgent attention and even more urgent remedial action.
The international community must act decisively in moving without delay towards the establishment of a new international economic order; otherwise the increasingly divergent world economic and social conditions and difficulties will exert severe pressures on the developing countries* social and political fabric, with unforeseen consequences, including possible underlining of their democratic institutions.
The grave economic crisis facing African countries gives cause for concern and requires the urgent adoption of special and concrete actions for resolving that crisis, while the Declaration on the Critical Economic Situation in Africa which was adopted last year at the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly provided a framework for international action, there is still much to be done, particularly in the field of assistance in the development efforts of the African States themselves. In dealing with this problem, the Non-Aligned Movement formulated a Plan of Action which was adopted at the Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement held in New Delhi from 19 to 21 April 1985.
Since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a number of standard-setting instruments in the field of human rights and fundamental freedoms have been promulgated. More recently a welcome trend towards the establishment of implementation mechanisms has been observed. Cyprus is a party to many of these instruments; the two International Covenants on civil and political rights and social, economic and cultural rights, the Convention against racial discrimination and, most recently, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, to name some examples.
Notwithstanding progress in the field of human rights and fundamental freedoms, there is continuing concern for the massive, flagrant and persistent violations of human rights that are taking place in various parts of the world, especially when they cone in the wake of occupation and aggression or threaten democracy.
In world affairs the Non-Aligned Movement increasingly plays a positive and constructive role in working for a just world order based on its lofty principles, pronounced at the Bandung Conference and further elaborated at subsequent meetings.
Cyprus, a founding member of the Movement, will continue its role in the Movement, as it has done before, underlining the principles of the non-use of force in international relations and of non-interference in the internal affairs of States. The people of Cyprus are particularly grateful for the Movement's principled stand and support on the Cyprus problems. High appreciation is given to the non-aligned countries' contact group on the Cyprus problem, which are always rendered valuable assistance and support.
The Conference on Security and co-operation in Europe is an important and dynamic ongoing process. Cyprus actively participates in that Conference and co-operates particularly with the other neutral and non-aligned States that are taking part in an effort to promote security in Europe and hence in the whole world.
The non-implementation of United Nations resolutions not only impairs the effectiveness of the Organization but also erodes its credibility and its image as an instrument for peace and justice. It will be recalled that at the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly, the President of the Republic of Cyprus in his address to the Assembly, requested the inscription of an item entitled "Implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations". It should also be recalled that the Non-Aligned Movement has repeatedly welcomed and supported the consideration of the question of the implementation of United Nations resolutions at the United Nations General Assembly.
We are happy that, as a result of the inclusion of this item in the agenda and of the support it received from the membership of the United Nations, informal consultations were held by members of the Security Council on title strengthening of the authority and the effectiveness of the United Nations. It is the intention of the delegation of Cyprus to work with other interested delegations for the achievement of this goal.
As we have stated on numerous occasions, the Middle Bast problem, at the core of which is the question of Palestine, gives rise to grave concern. Cyprus, along with other non-aligned countries, fully supports the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish an independent state pursuant to General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX). He again stress the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force and call for full respect of the human rights of the Palestinian and Arab population in the occupied Arab lands.
The persistence of the problem poses a serious threat not only to peace in the region but also to international peace and security. High in our priorities must be the intensification of the efforts for the total and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all Arab lands occupied since 1967. We shall continue to support the just struggle of the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), their sole and legitimate representative.
Cyprus, a close neighbor of friendly Lebanon, shares the agony of that country and will continue to provide any help necessary, as we have been doing order the last few years. He fervently hope that the factional strife will end and that national reconciliation will be achieved so that the people of that nation will be able to prosper again in peace and tranquility. Once again we express our full support for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of Lebanon and call for the total withdrawal of all Israeli forces from its territory.
The Iran-Iraq conflict continues unabated. We are deeply grieved that two non-aligned countries are involved in such a confrontation, which has brought about massive destruction and great loss of life. We are deeply disturbed that a just and honorable solution has not yet been found. We earnestly hope that every effort will be exerted with a view to reaching such a solution for the normalization of the situation in the region and the restoration of peace.
Recent developments in South Africa, and in particular the imposition of a state of emergency in a large number of districts, which was accompanied by an escalation in violence and repression by the South African forces against the oppressed majority, have once again attracted attention and widespread condemnation of the apartheid regime. We fully support all United Nations and non-aligned resolutions on this issue, particularly the recent Security Council resolution 569 (1985), which condemned the apartheid regime and the South African imposition of a state of emergency, as well as the mass arrests and detentions recently carried out by the Pretoria Government and the murders which have been committed. The resolution fully acknowledged once again the legitimate aspirations of the people of South Africa to benefit from all civil and political rights and to establish a united, non-racial and democratic society. We fully endorse this resolution. We call upon the Security Council to proceed urgently to consider action under Chapter VII of the Charter, so that an end may be put as soon as possible to the abhorrent system of apartheid.
While we are gravely concerned about the situation in South Africa itself, we are equally concerned over developments in Namibia, including the recent incursions, and over the lack of progress in the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of Namibia.
This year marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and at the same time the fortieth year of intensive efforts by the United Nations to bring about the independence of Namibia. Despite these solemn declarations and the efforts of the international community to put an end to colonialism and to ensure genuine independence for Namibia, South Africa's intransigence has blocked all progress.
In its latest attempt to circumvent the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia, the South African regime proceeded with its plans for a so-called internal settlement in Namibia by promoting puppet political institutions.
The refusal of South Africa to comply with the wish of the international community, as expressed in the relevant resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, has been condemned by the Security Council and prompted the Non-Aligned Movement to convene an extraordinary plenary meeting of its Co-ordinating Bureau on the question of Namibia in New Delhi in April 1985.
Cyprus fully supports the heroic struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), their sole authentic representative. We shall continue to provide every possible assistance to the efforts made to achieve Namibia's genuine independence.
The position of Cyprus on the question of Western Sahara is fully in line with that of the Non-Aligned Movement, as expressed in its various declarations, including that of the seventh summit meeting, held in March 1983. We express the hope that a solution will be found along these lines.
The Central American region remains a hotbed of tension. The situation remains volatile and poses serious threats to regional and international peace. The need for dialog instead of armed conflict cannot be overstressed. Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States in the region, as well as non-interference in their internal affairs, are principles from which there can be no deviation.
The situation concerning Nicaragua has been of deep concern to the international community and the Non-Aligned Movement over the last few years. The Hon-Aligned Movement has considered developments there repeatedly and has expressed its solidarity and support to the Government of Nicaragua, while actions aimed against the Government and people of Nicaragua have been strongly condemned.
The efforts of the Contadora Group, which we fully support, have not yet come to fruition. We hope that all concerned will co-operate constructively with the Group and will continue to work towards a negotiated peaceful solution to the problems of Central America.
While celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations we are bound to focus our attention on our own country, the small, historic island of Cyprus, where the Charter of the United Nations, its purposes and principles, and indeed the whole concept and effectiveness of this Organization are being tested.
There can be no excuse and no justification for the continuous military occupation of a significant part of Cyprus for 11 years now in complete defiance of the Charter of the United Nations and of Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, an occupation which constitutes a sad reminder of flagrant violations not only of human rights but of almost everything that this Organization stands for and, at the same time, poses a distinct challenge to its authority. In this fortieth anniversary year, our people are bewildered and wonder how, despite the principles of the Charter, the occupation of 37 per cent of our territory is allowed to continue; why they were expelled from their homes and to this day are denied voluntary return in conditions of safety, as required by United Nations resolutions; why 50,000 settlers from Turkey were transplated into their hones; why an occupation army is still allowed to remain on our soil.
Likewise, they know that there exists no justification for the destruction of the cultural heritage being attempted in the occupied area, no justification whatsoever for the divisionist acts which have taken place in the occupied areas and which culminated in the proclamation of a so-called state and subsequent illegal acts in complete disregard and defiance of United Nations Security Council resolutions 541 (1938) and 550 (1984), which declared such acts null and void.
I reiterate once again our firm support for the mission of good offices of the United Nations Secretary-General and his initiative aimed at finding a just and viable solution to the problem. We co-operate fully and constructively with the Secretary-General and have all along helped him in his difficult task. This cooperation will continue with sincerity and good will. He call on all to do likewise and assist him in his efforts to find a solution of the problem. Our response to his latest initiative was positive and unequivocal and our reply was in the affirmative. This has already been referred to by the Secretary-General in his latest report to the Security Council, dated June 1985.
The solution of the Cyprus problem must conform fully to the principles of the Charter, the relevant United Nations resolutions and the High Level Agreements. Turkey must abandon its partionist designs and any other plans to control or dominate Cyprus, directly or indirectly. I would like to reiterate what I have stated recently, that to strive for a solution of the problem is a duty we owe to ourselves, but, furthermore, to strive to reverse the effects of aggression is a duty that is owed to the world at large.


Permit me first of all to assure the people and the Government of Mexico of the firm solidarity of the German Democratic Republic; the first relief supplies for the people affected by the earthquakes have arrived in Mexico City. As recommended in the relevant General Assembly resolution, my country will continue to help alleviate the disastrous effects of that catastrophe.
Mr. President, please accept ray warm congratulations on your election. I wish you and the Secretary-General success in your work. To the President of the thirty-ninth session, Mr. Paul Lusaka, go my thanks for his judicious work.
It is appropriate, indeed necessary, to recall today at this anniversary session of the United Nations, that 40 years ago the States and peoples allied in the anti-Hitler coalition ended the Second World War with victory over fascism. That victory was possible because those united in the coalition had jointly and resolutely resisted the menace to world civilization.
It was under the influence of that most devastating of all wars that States then established the United Nations Organization. Ever since, the supreme precept of the United Nations Charter "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" has remained valid.
Current international developments demonstrate the utmost relevance of that call, for the danger of war since 1945 has never been as threatening as it is today. In this situation, the peoples look to the United Nations with justified expectations. The Organization's capabilities to forge a new coalition of peace against war are now incomparably greater than they were 40 years ago. This requires, of course, the single-mindedness of all its Members.
The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Chairman of the Council of State, Erich Honecker, only recently reaffirmed the following on behalf of the German Democratic Republic: "Peace, which was won at the end of the Second World War at the expense of the heaviest toll of blood, is the supreme guiding principle of our Government's policy and a basic concern of every citizen..."
"We have worked for it on a broad front to this date, and we shall not
relent in our search for practical solutions through international
co-operation to address those problems on which a secure peace depends."
The European nations know from their own bitter experience that their security has always been inseparably bound up with the security of frontiers. The same is true today. Respect for political and territorial realities is elementary to living together in peace. Hence the emphasis placed by the German Democratic Republic on this obligatory knowledge, which was incorporated in the joint statement issued on 12 March 1985 on the Moscow meeting of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Chairman of the German Democratic Republic Council of State, Erich Honecker, with the Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Helmut Kohl.
In full conformity with the principles of the United Nations that document notes that the inviolability of frontiers and respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all European States in their present boundaries are a basic condition of peace. The German Democratic Republic sticks to these principles. It acts true to its supreme maxim to do everything so that never again will war but
only peace emanate from German soil.
Four decades of post-war development have proved that unqualified recognition of the existence of two sovereign German States independent from each other and normal relations between them, based on international law, are corner-stones of peace in Europe. The German Democratic Republic supports the assessments made by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in regard to the enhancement of the effectiveness and responsibility of the world Organization cm the basis of its Charter.
Like him it is looking for an answer to the question of how most effectively to build on the accomplishments of the United Nations and on the purposes and principles of its Charter and thus how to employ all the Organization's efficacy in order to avert the risk of a nuclear holocaust and to make use of the rich potential of a world at peace. The vitality and usefulness of the Charter, which represents a significant milestone in the process of the democratization of international relations, have stood the test of time. Of great value has been the world Organization's basic principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members, which, though unequal in size, population or political system, are equal in their rights and duties. Its Members equally share a high responsibility for peace and an equal right to build their future under its protective wing.
That holds good for times of relaxed international relations and especially when a tense or even dangerously aggravated situation calls for prudent, predictable action by all States.
The sovereign equality of all States means equal security for all; it means the non-pursuit of military superiority and domination; it means an equal right to peace and an equal right to life.
The right to peace requires, above all, practical moves for the prevention of nuclear war and the abandonment of doctrines which proclaim that such a war can be fought and won and which stimulate preparatory measures for it.
The right to life calls for co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space and of nuclear energy, rather than for forcing the pace of the arms race or for the militarization of outer space.
The recent initiatives of the Soviet Union concerning international co-operation in the peaceful exploitation of space under conditions of its non-militarization and concerning a moratorium on nuclear explosions are both exemplary and encouraging steps. The plans of "Star Wars" and of the militarization of space, as have been recently initiated with the test of an anti-satellite weapon against a target in space, have thus been countered with the concept of "Star Peace". The implementation of the latter plan could unite the efforts of States for the peaceful exploration of space and for the utilization of space technologies for the benefit of all peoples.
Peace on earth and in space: that remains our aim. We are pursuing it with all consistency. The issue cannot and must not be to regulate arms competition in space and on earth, but to end it.
Where the arms race has not yet started it must not be allowed to occur, and where there already exist immense stockpiles of weapons, the arms spiral must be vigorously reversed. This is how the German Democratic Republic sees the aim and object of the Soviet-United States negotiations about nuclear and space weapons.
The German Democratic Republic welcomes and supports the great number of unilateral pledges made by the Soviet Union, the aim of which is to stop the arms race and facilitate the transition to nuclear disarmament. These pledges clearly underscore the Soviet Union's will to contribute to the success of the Geneva talks. The peoples expect that the other side will take a similarly constructive position.
A few weeks ago we observed the fortieth anniversary of the day when atomic bombs were first used to destroy two Japanese cities and their populations. That date marks one of the darkest chapters in the history of human civilization.
In our time, when fewer and fewer people know the horrors of war from their own experience, the memory of that day, 6 August 1945, should be kept alive and remind all of us to redouble our efforts to avert a worldwide nuclear catastrophe. Every State without exception can and must do its part.
We reiterate the demand to pave the way towards ending the nuclear arms race and towards nuclear disarmament through, first, a pledge by all nuclear-weapon States to forgo the first use of nuclear arms, as the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China have already undertaken; secondly, through a freeze on existing nuclear arsenals; and, thirdly, through an immediate, complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests.
The Soviet initiative for the unilateral renunciation of all nuclear explosions and for an extension of the moratorium beyond 1 January 1986, provided the United States joins in, holds out new hopes and vistas for the peoples. The rejection to this date of this Soviet peace move also must not be the last word spoken by the United States.
At the Geneva Conference on Disarmament, negotiations on the prevention of an arms race in outer space, the avoidance of nuclear war, a complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests and nuclear disarmament should commence without delay, and the negotiations on the prohibition of chemical weapons, which have now been going on for over 13 years, should be finally brought to a successful conclusion. For, next to nuclear weapons, chemical weapons are the most dangerous means of mass destruction. The German Democratic Republic wants to see such weapons prohibited throughout the world. Regional accords could expedite this process. The proposals for such a regional accord which the Governments of the German Democratic Republic and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic have addressed to the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany are inspired by their intention to fulfill their responsibility for peace and the relaxation of tensions in Central Europe and to meet the security interests of their own and, indeed, of all European peoples through a joint contribution to arms limitation and disarmament. The response which this initiative has so far found is an encouragement to keep to that path, thus strengthening confidence and security.
This approach also guides the German Democratic Republic in regard to the continuation of the process ushered in by the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which has become indispensable, especially today.
The German Democratic Republic strongly favors nuclear-weapon-free zones in the Balkans and in Northern Europe. It renews its readiness, recorded in connection with the Swedish initiative concerning the creation of a zone free of battlefield nuclear weapons in Central Europe, to make its entire territory available for inclusion in such a zone.
Efforts made with a view to enhancing security in other regions of the world through effective measures of limiting military activities and promoting disarmament are whole-heartedly backed by my country. This is true, in particular, of the efforts which have been made for years to convene an international conference on the transformation of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. We therefore welcome the agreement recently reached by the States of the South Pacific region to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in that area as an expression of the efforts being made to create a world without nuclear weapons.
It is becoming increasingly evident that super-armament is the principal obstacle to social security and economic advance. The relationship between disarmament and development is obvious.
We know that while world arms expenditure is approaching the $1,000 billion threshold, in many developing countries almost half of the children die, before they reach the age of five, of malnutrition or because of the lack of medical care. A mere fraction of military spending in the world would suffice to reach the objective of health for all.
Permit me to recall that back in 1974 the World Health Organization launched an appeal for an international campaign for immunization of all the children of the world by 1990. The German Democratic Republic, where vaccinations are part and parcel of basic medical schemes, provides substantial assistance to quite a few developing countries in carrying out their respective programs and other related measures for the preservation of international peace. International economic relations based on equal rights are becoming increasingly important.
They can flourish only in conditions of sovereign equality. That is why the German Democratic Republic stands in solidarity at the side of the developing countries.
Many developing countries are suffering from the disastrous impact of the persistent monetary and financial crisis in the capitalist world, which is due to a policy of high interest rates and the diversion of capital to finance the course of super-armament. We approve of the proposal made by the non-aligned States to convene an international conference on money and finance, with universal participation, within the United Nations framework.
Faithful to its foreign policy principles, the German Democratic Republic continues to offer undiminished solidarity and support to developing countries.
In 1984, its assistance amounted to some 2 billion marks, which is equivalent to 0.82 per cent of the national income produced in that year and represents an increase of 9.5 per cent over the previous year.
Peace and security are inconceivable without national and social liberation of the peoples. The liberated States and peoples have joined the broad stream of the fighters for peace, disarmament and social progress, as is evident in particular by the Delhi Declaration, which calls for the prevention of nuclear war and a return to detente.
The German Democratic Republic most strongly condemns the State terrorism of the apartheid regime in South Africa, which over the past few weeks has greatly escalated violent repression internally and the use of force externally. We are in favor of effective sanctions which would help to ensure respect for human rights in South Africa. Bogus sanctions do not change anything. Since apartheid cannot be reformed, it must be abolished. The German Democratic Republic reaffirms its unqualified solidarity with the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) and with all patriots in South Africa and Namibia. It strongly condemns South Africa's continued policy of aggression pursued against the People's Republic of Angola.
The German Democratic Republic calls for the granting of independence to Namibia on the basis of the relevant United Nations decisions, including Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
There is urgent need for a peaceful settlement in Central America, where the situation is worsening in the wake of policies of military and economic threat and blackmail. A settlement can be achieved provided there is strict respect for the peoples' right to self-determination, for sovereignty and the principles of non-interference and, above all, of the inadmissibility of the threat or use of force. The German Democratic Republic endorses the efforts made by the Contadora Group and the policy pursued by Nicaragua? which are aimed at a peaceful settlement of the conflict.
We extend our sympathy and support to Cyprus in its just struggle for national independence and a peaceful, just and lasting solution to the Cyprus problem on the basis of the pertinent United Nations resolutions.
The persistent dangerous situation in the Middle East gives rise to great concern. A just and durable peace in that area can be reached only through the complete withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, by recognition of the legitimate national right of the Palestinian people to create an independent State of its own and by ensuring the sovereignty and security of all the States concerned.
The German Democratic Republic favors the convening of an international conference on the Middle East with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
The German Democratic Republic reaffirms its solidarity with the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which seeks a settlement of the existing problems by way of negotiation. The security of that region requires the definitive cessation of interference .in internal affairs and the ending of the undeclared war of imperialist reactionary forces.
My country follows with sympathy the efforts made by the States of IndoChina to establish lasting peace and stability in South-East Asia based on dialog and co-operation. The political and military measures agreed upon last August by the Foreign Ministers of the countries of IndoChina are of far-reaching importance. The demand of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the withdrawal of United States forces from South Korea is considered by the German Democratic
Republic to be both justified and an important prerequisite for a peaceful settlement of the contentious issues on the Korean peninsula and the peaceful unification of Korea without outside interference. The pertinent resolution adopted here 10 years ago, of which the German Democratic Republic was a co-sponsor, offers a realistic basis and remains valid. The preservation of peace is the overriding obligation of the present time, as is borne out by the mounting tensions and conflicts in various regions of the world. The German Democratic Republic has therefore complied whole-heartedly with the United Nations recommendation to declare 1986 the International Year of Peace.
Like other countries, it holds that the alarming trends in international relations can be reversed provided common sense and realism prevail all over the world. When all partisans of poMce join together in resolute action, paths will be found along which to proceed to arms limitation and disarmament, political dialog between States with different social systems will enhance the indispensable confidence among States, businesslike negotiations and compromises will become possible and mutual understanding and co-operation will finally be promoted, leaving the ground for confrontation and arms build-up.
Such action would be a fitting tribute to the more than 50 million dead of the last world war.
Today, the United Nations is faced with decisions which have implications reaching far beyond the year 2000. Never before in history have the living generations had so heavy a responsibility to the generations to come. Either
mankind will move ever closer to self-destruction or it will put an end to the stockpiling of ever more destructive weapons systems and dismantle the arsenals of death.
The experience of the past and the challenges of the present demand, in the interests of life, that we carefully preserve and gradually build on what has been so hard to achieve. Let us join together in combating war before the weapons speak. The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations is a worthy occasion for the German Democratic Republic solemnly to renew its commitment to the aims of this forum of world peace.


The members of my delegation and I deem it an honor and privilege to take part in the fortieth regular session of the General Assembly, particularly in view of the fact that during this session we shall commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations.
Mr. President, may I extend to you the sincere felicitations of my delegation on your unanimous election to the high office of the Presidency of this session.Your great country has received wide appreciation for its peaceful, dynamic and constructive role in furthering the purposes and objectives of the United Nations Charter and for promoting peace, co-operation and development. We assure you of our fullest support and co-operation in the discharge of your onerous responsibilities. I also take this opportunity of extending our congratulations to other officers of the General Assembly on their well-deserved election.
To our esteemed friend. Ambassador Paul Lusaka, we would like to express our deep appreciation for his valuable contribution as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. His able and dynamic leadership, as well as his astute management of the business of the last session, have added yet another laurel to his long and distinguished career.
We would also like to pay our compliments to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his total dedication in upholding the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter and his untiring and relentless efforts for strengthening the United Nations as an instrument for the promotion of world peace, security and development. His illuminating report (A/40/1) has evoked wide interest and acclaim and constitutes, in our view, a significant input to the deliberations of the current session of the General Assembly.
I would also like to take this opportunity to express once again, on behalf of the Government and people of Bangladesh and on my own behalf, our profound grief at the toll in human and material terms claimed by the earthquakes which struck Mexico in the recent past. We express our solidarity with and support for the Government and the people of Mexico in their hour of national calamity and extend to them our profound admiration of the manner in which they have been able to tackle the after-effects of this calamitous misfortune, and especially their commendable efforts in minimizing suffering to the best of human ability.
As we stand on the threshold of the commemorative session of the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations, we are in dire need of
dispelling anxieties and doubts of the divided present about the significance and relevance of this world body to contemporary international politics. The crisis of confidence through which the united Nations is now passing entails the necessity of reaffirming our total commitment to the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. The regeneration of our faith in the United Nations is the central task confronting the international community today, as we must and should realize that this world Organization constitutes an essential and integral element in the preservation of world peace, security and development.
With the founding of the United Nations, mankind for the first time made a permanent institutional arrangement for co-operation and the resolution of conflicts among sovereign States. It is, therefore, inherent in the structure of world politics today that there is a symbiotic relationship between Member States and the united Nations, each reinforcing the other, and collectively promoting world peace and international co-operation and development.
The United Nations Charter ushered in two fundamental changes in international relations. Firstly, it established a new concept of international morality based on peace and justice among nations. It is no longer force alone which dictates issues between nations; the disputed issues are appraised in the glare of world public opinion and scrutinized on their merits. Only half a century ago, the victors gloated over the vanquished in a vainglory of heroics: the modern-day warriors hurry to proclaim their commitment to peace.
Secondly, the united Nations Charter does not stop at aiming at the creation of a simple instrument of peace, because the founding fathers of the United Nations were farsighted enough to see that an edifice of peace would crumble under the weight of economic and social injustice. They also realized that the war against hunger, disease, deprivation and illiteracy would have to be waged on a global basis through the concerted efforts of all nations. It is one of the boons of modern civilization that the world has been transformed into a global village; it is also a boon of contemporary history that man cannot live in the splendor of self-imposed isolation. Mother Earth has to be shared by both the rich and the poor. The word "interdependence" is no longer a just fashionable term; it is a practical key to the solution of many world problems.
These are the perspectives in which Bangladesh views its own relations with the United Nations. Born in a bitter war of liberation, Bangladesh received an early apprenticeship in international co-operation in mitigating the sufferings of humanity from the ravages of the war. Our policy towards the United Nations stems from the will of the people of Bangladesh, who have seen the world body at work at close quarters since the days of the reconstruction of our war-torn economy. The United Nations is involved in the entire gamut of our nation-building activities, such as those concerned with agriculture and food, trade, shipping, industry, health, education, labor, environment, telecommunications, disaster relief and atomic energy, to name only a few.
For our part, we try our very best to play our proper role in the United Nations. Bangladesh believes that it is an essential duty and responsibility of the international community to strengthen the United Nations. However imperfect the structure of this world body may be said to be, it has withstood the test of time and given the world 40 years of freedom from global conflict. It is true that Nations Charter merits consideration and reflection as regards ways of further increasing the effectiveness of the world Organization; nevertheless, its achievements so far are impressive indeed and have touched almost every aspect of progress in human civilization.
Bangladesh is convinced that disarmament is a moral imperative in this nuclear age if the most important goal of the united Nations Charter, that is, the maintenance of international peace and security, is to be achieved.. It should be self-evident by now that the continued accumulation' of sophisticated, lethal weapons, particularly nuclear weapons, does not provide additional security. On the contrary, the arms race has further jeopardized international peace and security and even brought mankind close to the precipice of self-destruction. The situation clearly demands dialog and meaningful negotiations, and it in this context that we have expressed our satisfaction at the resumption of bilateral negotiations between the super-Powers in Geneva. It is our earnest hope that the summit meeting between them in November 1985 will have a favorable impact on global disarmament efforts and the lessening of world tension.
It is now universally recognized that the question of disarmament, which has global dimensions and implications, can be addressed only in a multilateral context. The United Nations, therefore, has a central role and primary responsibility in halting and reversing the arms race with a view to achieving general and complete disarmament. The role and functions of the principal United Nations disarmament bodies, such as the Conference on Disarmament, the Disarmament Commission and the First Committee, should be reassessed with a view to enhancing the effectiveness of the United Nations in this vital field. Bangladesh looks forward to playing an active role once it is admitted to the Conference on Disarmament.
Bangladesh, in pursuance of its conviction that there can be no lasting world peace without the elimination and destruction of nuclear weapons and the stockpiles of then, acceded to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear weapons in 1979. We are, however, disappointed to note that nuclear proliferation, both vertical and horizontal, continues at a fast pace. The Third Review Conference of Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, held very recently, discussed a number of key issues, and the recommendations adopted by that Conference should be examined carefully.
Bangladesh has consistently emphasized that the colossal financial and other resources consumed by the arms race should be redirected to eliminate global poverty. The close relationship between disarmament and development is now universally recognized. In pursuance of the consensus resolution adopted last year, a preparatory committee met at the united Nations recently for the convening of an international conference on the subject. Bangladesh, one of the least developed countries, attaches particular importance to this question, and we have made sincere efforts to contribute to the discussions in the Preparatory Committee. It is our earnest hope that the General Assembly will fully support the early convening of an international conference on disarmament and development.
The present explosive situation in the Middle East is a direct consequence of a historic injustice, when the Palestinian people were forcibly uprooted from their hearths and homes and an alien people was imposed on the Arab world through the creation of Israel. It is now universally recognized that the question of Palestine is at the core of the problem in the Middle East and that consequently it is not possible to bring peace to the region unless the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are fully restored.
Bangladesh's position on this question has been firm and consistent and we have always extended our unequivocal support to our Palestinian brothers in their legitimate struggle for the restoration of their inalienable rights to self-determination, freedom and independence, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), their sole, legitimate representative. We condemn the continued Israeli occupation of the Arab and Palestinian territories, as well as the establishment of the settlements on the occupied lands. The recent wanton Israeli attack on the PLO headquarters in Tunis is the latest manifestation of Israeli aggression. The Government and people of Bangladesh were outraged at this dastardly attack.
As President Ershad has said,
"This despicable act perpetrated against the peace-loving people of Tunisia and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) militates against all international norms of civilized conduct and amounts to a gross violation of the United Nations Charter".
It Is our fire conviction that the problems of the Middle East can be solved only by means of a comprehensive plan which must be based on the total and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from all Palestinian and Arab territories, including the Holy City of Al Quds Al Sharif, the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and the participation of the PLO on an equal footing with all other parties. The Arab peace plan, which my delegation has supported as a sound and viable basis for the restoration of peace to the region, as well as other plans submitted by various quarters, is already before the international community. During the current session a decisive course of action should be embarked upon to initiate the peace process in the Middle East. The Secretary-General deserves our appreciation for his sincere and untiring efforts to restore peace in the region.
The contribution of the United Nations in the field of decolonization is universally recognized and is demonstrated by the three-fold increase in its membership over the past four decades. It is therefore incumbent upon us all to do everything possible to remove the last vestige of colonialism, racism and apartheid in southern Africa. I should like to emphasize once again that the abhorrent practice of apartheid is not only contrary to the values of contemporary civilization but also to the tenets of all scriptures and religions, and that those who sustain and tolerate, directly or indirectly, the continuance of this abhorrent policy are placing an indelible blemish on the history of their own civilization and transgressing the laws of their own scriptures.
Bangladesh, which so long suffered colonial subjugation and paid a heavy price for its independence, is irrevocably committed to the cause of the oppressed peoples of Namibia and South Africa in their just and legitimate struggle for freedom, liberty and human dignity. We will continue to take an active part in the United Rations Council for Namibia. Bangladesh would like to reiterate its firm conviction that the United Nations plan for Namibia as contained in Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) is the only acceptable basis for a final and lasting settlement of the Namibian question and that it seeks nothing more than its full, unconditional and immediate implementation. We commend the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people, for extending their full co-operation in the implementation of the United Nations plan. The racist Pretoria regime, on the other hand, has been obstructing implementation of the united Nations plan through its persistent attempts to link the independence of Namibia with extraneous and irrelevant issues. Worse still, the regime of late has intensified its efforts to impose an internal settlement in Namibia by promoting puppet political institutions. Bangladesh has condemned and rejected all these attempts in clear and categorical terms. Namibia has been the unique responsibility of the United Nations for the last two decades and the international community has a historic responsibility to protect the rights of the Namibian people. The current session should take concrete and effective measures to bring about the dawn of Namibian independence without any further delay.
It is a matter of deep regret that, despite our collective efforts, the conflict between Iran and Iraq has been continuing for the last five years. This fratricidal war has not only brought in its train untold suffering, death and destruction to the people of both countries, but has also threatened regional and international peace and security. We take this historic opportunity to make yet another appeal to both Iran and Iraq favorably to consider the various peace initiatives and proposals which have been placed before them for a peaceful and honorable settlement of the conflict. Bangladesh, as a member of the Islamic Peace Committee, will continue to make every possible effort to put an end to this tragic conflict. At the same time, we believe that all ongoing efforts, both inside and outside the United Nations, must be intensified and, if necessary, co-ordinated action taken during the current session for a peaceful and honorable settlement of the conflict. We commend the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts to bring about a peaceful resolution of the conflict and should like to assure him of our continued co-operation.
Bangladesh is firmly and irrevocably committed to the Charter of the United Nations and to certain cardinal principles which must govern inter-State relations. We cannot condone the right of States to interfere or intervene in the internal affairs of other states, and we call for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territories of other countries, except where such troops have been stationed in accordance with the relevant provisions of the United Nations Charter - the Uniting for Peace resolution. It is in this context that we view the situation in Afghanistan and Kampuchea with grave concern. It is our firm conviction that the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Afghanistan and Kampuchea is an essential prerequisite for the just and lasting settlement of the problems in those two countries. We are equally convinced that the peoples of Afghanistan and Kampuchea should have restored to them their inalienable right to choose freely their own form of political, social and economic systems without any outside interference and intervention. It is regrettable that, although the General Assembly at its last session adopted comprehensive resolutions on those two issues, the peoples of Afghanistan and Kampuchea are still denied their right to determine their own destiny because of the continued presence of foreign forces in their countries.
It is a natter of deep regret that the question of Cyprus, which has been on the agenda of the United Nations for the last few decades, still remains unresolved. He are all conscious of the unfortunate events which have led to the present situation. Recent developments, however, should not be viewed in isolation from the overall question. Our position on the question of Cyprus has been firm and unequivocal. We have consistently supported the independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and non-aligned status of Cyprus. At the sane time we have reiterated our firm conviction that any lasting solution of the problem must take into account the legitimate aspirations of the two communities. It is in this context that we have urged both communities to engage in meaningful inter-communal talks. The resumption of direct high-level talks between the Cypriot leaders, under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General at the beginning of the year, was indeed a positive development.
My delegation will continue to extend its fullest co-operation to the Secretary-General in his good offices mission directed to reaching a mutually acceptable solution to the problem that would allow both communities to live in honor and dignity within the framework of a federal Cyprus.
Bangladesh is convinced that regional and international peace and security would be promoted through the creation of zones of peace and nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world. In pursuance of that conviction, and as a littoral State, we have attached great importance to the creation of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean region and have called for the early convening of a United Nations conference on the subject in Colombo. We have made sincere attempts to contribute to the deliberations of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean. Unfortunately, that Committee has not yet been able to achieve any meaningful progress at either the substantive or the organizational level. The deteriorating political and security climate in the region has made it more urgent to agree on the early convening of the conference. We also believe that the active participation of and full co-operation among littoral and hinterland States, the major maritime users, and the permanent members of the Security Council are essential for the successful convening of the Colombo Conference.
Bangladesh's position on the Korea question has been consistent, and we firmly believe that peaceful and viable reunification can be successfully achieved only through dialog and negotiations between the two Koreas. We shall continue to support all such efforts towards that cherished end. We maintain friendly and cordial relations with both Koreas, and during the past year President Hussain Muhammad Ershad visited the Republic of Korea and had a fruitful exchange of views with the leaders of that country.
The international community, and the united Nations in particular, has been concerning itself with the problem of international terrorism for some time now. While there is still no single international convention defining the rights and duties of States with regard to terrorism in an integral and comprehensive manner, there are quite a few which deal with specific aspects of terrorism. For instance, the General Assembly has adopted by consensus an international Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons, including Diplomatic Agents. In addition, the United Nations system has adopted a number of resolutions, declarations and recommendations, and taken other actions which together provide a legal framework for combating terrorism. The non-aligned countries which have been actively involved in drawing up legal instruments for combating terrorism have pointed out the need for the international community to come to grips with this abhorrent phenomenon. In this spirit we appeal to all countries in the world to co-operate with each other with a view to combating and preventing such acts of terrorism.
As we meet here at the mid-point of the decade, it is logical and necessary for us to take stock of the achievements and deficiencies of the first part of the decade with respect to the fulfillment of our agreed commitments, and to initiate appropriate measures for the remainder of the decade directed to the realization of the Charter aim of promoting higher standards of living, full employment and conditions of economic and social progress and development. The review and appraisal of the implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade has, in spite of the delay, provided useful means for undertaking effective and concerted measures.
The Mid-term Review Conference on the Implementation of the Substantial New Program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries is now being held in Geneva. That blueprint for action was adopted with the aim of transforming the economies of the least developed countries into self-sustained development and enabling them to provide at least internationally accepted minimum standards of nutrition, health, transport and communications, housing and education, as well as job opportunities for all, particularly the rural and urban poor. Half-way through the decade, the realities of the situation in the least developed countries continues to be desperate: more than one third of the least developed countries' population is still seriously undernourished; less than one in three has access to a safe water supply; infant mortality is 10 times greater in least developed countries than in developed countries; two out of three adults, on average are illiterate; the per capita gross domestic product of the least developed countries is less than a quarter of the level for all developing countries as a group; the per capita gross domestic product in half of the least developed countries was lower in 1982 than at the start of the decade; and the decline in per capita food production in the least developed countries during the 1970s is continuing during the present decade.
Depressing as it may sound, all these facts point towards one unfortunate conclusion - that there is little evidence of progress since the Paris Conference. Indeed, in some respects movement has been retrograde.
While we remain conscious that in the least developed countries we have to intensify our own efforts - and we are gearing our efforts to that end - it remains our fervent expectation that these efforts will receive the sympathetic understanding of the international community and will be complemented by adequate
and effective support from the international community, in particular the donor countries. My delegation eagerly looks forward to the success of the Mid-term Review in Geneva.
It is a well-accepted reality that no country or group of countries can function in isolation or outside the framework of the international economic setting. To my mind, the fundamental message of this year's world Development Report published by the World Bank, the World Economic Survey published by the United Nations, and the Report of the United Nations Committee for Development Planning, is the reiteration of the growing interdependence of the global economy, on the one hand, and the interrelated nature of issues relating to money, finance and trade, on the other. That is what we have been saying all along, and it reaffirms our conviction that all of us must take the global view of developments and consider actions to be taken from a global perspective.
But events during the last 10 years, particularly during the first half of this decade, have also shown that interdependence can have dual implications. On the one hand, it can help countries adjust to external shocks and on the other it can also serve as an additional channel for the transmission of those shocks. The latter had a particularly devastating impact on the developing countries during the 1981-83 recession, which was also by an unfortunate coincidence the worst in post-war history. The vast majority of the developing countries are still reeling under the impact of this recession. Although this is the third year of the much-heralded recovery, the problems of the majority of developing countries remain as acute as ever. In 1984, no less than 44 developing countries experienced a stagnating or declining real per capita output, many of them for the fourth consecutive year. Even though world trade revived in 1984 commodity prices during the same period were still some 15 to 20 per cent below the level of 1980. The impact of this persistent weakness in commodity prices can be gaged when we consider that export earnings from primary commodities constitute the dominant share for at least 72 developing countries. I need hardly add that a vast number of them belong to the least developed category.
The very welcome recovery of the United States economy has shown distinct signs of leveling off. In most of Europe, the recovery has yet to gain a firm foothold. While we welcome the determination of the United States authorities to deal with the problem of the budget deficit, uncertainties with regard to exchange rate fluctuations, high real rates of inflation and the volatility of the current account deficit, particularly of the most powerful economies, continue to haunt the world economy. Even worse, the cumulative effects of these uncertainties have increased pressure towards rising protectionism. This is a danger about which all of us, irrespective of our level of development or social system, must consciously guard against, and we must act together to institute recovery on a firm and lasting basis.
This brings me to the much discussed proposal for a new round of trade negotiations. But what good would such trade talks be to us in the developing world unless there is an adequate guarantee that they will reflect our aspirations? How can we develop confidence in the beneficial outcome of such trade talks if past commitments for the establishment of a more open trading system and for the liberalization of trade barriers are not fulfilled and solid groundwork laid for the initiation of a new round? As developing countries, we naturally feel apprehensive when we find that even existing concessions extended to us, such as those through the multi-fibre arrangements, are being eroded. My delegation sincerely hopes that through discussion we can find a mutually satisfactory solution which will address our genuine concerns and apprehensions.
I referred earlier to the interrelated nature of world economic issues, particularly those related to tirade, money and finance. This interrelatedness has been fundamental in the concept of global negotiations. In our opinion, in adopting resolution 34/138 by consensus in this Assembly, the international community acknowledged this principle. My delegation is encouraged to note that greater consideration is being given to the interrelated nature of issues, particularly concerning trade, money and finance in various relevant forums, including multilateral financial institutions. Yet, unfortunately, so far there has been very little action.
The debt problem is often considered a problem of the higher income developing countries. This is not necessarily so. For instance, between 1978 and 1982, the total outstanding medium- and long-term external debt of the least developed countries grew by 68 per cent and their debt service payment increased by 73 per cent during the same period. In absolute terms, their total debt may not be as large as sane of the higher income developing countries, but in terms of impact on their fragile economies, their situation is certainly comparable. Indeed, it could be worse because of their inability to absorb shock. Let me just point out that matters became worse after the adoption of United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) resolution 165 (S-IX) aimed at reducing their external debt difficulties.
The crunch is evident from what I have described just now. Yet during the same period resource flows for development in the developing countries dwindled. Total resource flows to the developing countries, including concessional flows, fell in 1984 as compared to 1985. There was a decline in official development assistance, in commercial bank lending, in foreign direct investment and export credit. The level of overall commitments to the least developed countries fell to $8.5 billion in 1982 from its peak of $10.3 billion in 1980.
How can we then expect developing countries to join in the process of recovery and development? Drought related food emergencies exist in at least 20 sub-Saharan African countries. Nearly 30 million people on the African continent face hunger and starvation. Famine conditions and the aftermath of famine in many of these countries pose new challenges for the international community. Although as a region Asia has done relatively better, four-fifths of the total population of that region still live in countries categorized as low income countries and the largest concentration of humanity living below the level of absolute poverty continues to live in that region.
I should like to commend in this connection the useful and effective contribution of the United Nations system to the promotion of co-operation, in particular its contribution through operational activities for development. The
contribution of agencies and bodies, such as the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and many others, in improving the quality of life in the developing countries are particularly noteworthy.
The essential point is that there is no alternative to international co-operation and much core can be achieved if the international environment is congenial to such co-operation. One need only mention how significantly the development process in the developing countries was accelerated during the periods of global economic stability in the 1950s and 1960s. Given this perspective, which we believe is shared by all of us assembled here, it is the earnest hope of my delegation that in this important year commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations an agreement on a global agenda can be reached and effectively followed to put the international community, and more specifically the developing countries, solidly on the course of sustained development again.
In this context, my delegation's sincere expectation is that immediate and effective action can be undertaken on the following: first, accelerated implementation of the Substantial New Program of Action in favor of the least developed countries, as well as full implementation of resolution 165 (S-IX) of the Trade and Development Board of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNGFAD); secondly, support for drought-affected people in Africa; thirdly, comprehensive and effective measures for increasing financial flows to developing countries, in particular concessional assistance to the least developed countries; fourthly, the rollback of protectionism and strengthening of the world trading system through full implementation of all previous commitments, which will also create conditions for initiating a new round of multilateral trade negotiations, which no doubt will have to be in keeping with the aspirations of the developing countries; and fifthly, the convening of an international conference on monetary and financial issues to consider appropriate reforms aimed at providing greater stability and a momentum for development.
The present global economic situation has added an important dimension to economic co-operation among developing countries, not as a substitute for but as complementary to North-South co-operation. We believe that such co-operation can effectively promote rational and efficient use of human, material, financial and technological resources not only for developing countries but also for global development. The United Nations system should, however, intensify its support for programs of economic co-operation among developing countries and integrate them into the mainstream of its activities. Bangladesh's commitment to that economic co-operation as well as regional co-operation has found practical expression in our efforts towards the establishment of South Asian regional co-operation arrangements among seven countries of the regions India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives and Bangladesh, whose Heads of State and Government are meeting at their first ever summit conference on 7 and 8 December this year in Dhaka. South Asian Regional Co-operation has already, in the meantime, adopted an integrated program of action in which nine areas have so far been identified for the purposes of co-operation. These are: agriculture, rural development, telecommunications, health and population control, transport, postal services, scientific and technological co-operation, meteorology, and sport, arts and culture.
In this connection, I should like to inform the Assembly briefly about developments in my country. Soon after assuming its responsibilities, the present Government, under the leadership of President Hussain Muhammad Ershad, initiated some drastic reforms covering the entire gamut of national life. The reforming steps taken by the present Government include economic reform aimed at eliminating waste, boosting production and giving maximum encouragement to the development of the private sectors The most spectacular of the reform measures, however, have been administrative reforms, based on the principles of decentralization and devolution of power to the common people, and judicial reforms, also based on the principle of decentralization. Under the new system, administration has been taken Eight to the doors of the country's vast rural population. Grass-root units have now become the focal point of all local activities. This means that through these units, known as upazilas, tine vast rural population of Bangladesh will now have full power and control in deciding their own affairs themselves.
In this is context, in the national referendum held in March this year the people of Bangladesh expressed their overwhelming support for the policies and programs of President Hussain Muhammad Ershad.
In May and June 1985, when the people of my country had just begun to enjoy the fruits of decentralization of administration, a devastating cyclone, accompanied by a tidal wave and floods, struck Bangladesh, causing enormous losses in terms of human life and widespread destruction of agricultural land, crops, poultry, livestock and other assets. The Government, under the personal direction of President Hussain Muhammad Ershad, took all possible steps to alleviate the sufferings of the people by prompt and energetic measures of relief;, rehabilitation and reconstruction in the affected areas. The crisis management by which the Government mitigated the losses was widely acclaimed. I should like to say in this context that even though we did not appeal for any international assistance, friendly States and the United Nations agencies came forward with generous assistance to stand by us in this hour of need. At the instance of the Secretary-General, the United Nations Disaster Relief Coordinator, Ambassador M'haroed Essaafi, visited Bangladesh and submitted his report, suggesting various ways of co-operation between the Government of Bangladesh and international agencies.
In this connection, I would draw the international community's attention to my country's vulnerability to frequent natural disasters, such as floods, cyclones and tidal waves, with their adverse consequences for the economic development of the country; they also cause enormous losses in terms of lives and property. The Government of Bangladesh seeks to find a permanent solution to the problem of natural disasters and would welcome effective international programs for rendering the necessary assistance to Bangladesh in this matter. A draft resolution on this will soon come before the General Assembly for consideration. We express in advance our thanks to those who have shown valuable support and understanding for our proposal.
My delegation attaches the greatest importance to a global consensus an international co-operation for development and, as always, we are ready to contribute in whatever manner possible to the realization of this noble objective, for the alternative to international co-operation is arbitrariness, instability and disorder. We sincerely hope that we can muster the courage and determination to reinvigorate the global consensus for development.
While commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, we pay homage to the sacrifices of the martyrs of the two World Wars, sacrifices which have not been in vain. Though it is not the world of the dreams of Jean Monnet or of Woodrow Wilson, with his dream of the League of Nations ending all wars, or of the dream of Paul Valéry, with his hope not only of the League of Nations but also of the league of minds, still the dream goes on. After 40 years it seems more reasonable now than it was at the end of the last world war.