It is a very great honour for me to address the Assembly at its forty-sixth session and to convey, on behalf of the Government and the people of the Dominican Republic, our sincere wishes for peace and the well-being of all the nations of the Earth.
Allow me to express to Mr. Shihabi the congratulations of the Dominican delegation on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. I have every confidence that his diplomatic skill and experience will ensure that our deliberations will be fruitful, will help to strengthen international order and make for an even more beneficial peace among all the nations of the world.
I should also like to express our gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Guido de Marco, for his competence and dignity, and for the manner in which he presided over the proceedings of the forty-fifth session.
Moreover, I wish to express our greetings to Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar for his inestimable efforts as Secretary-General of the Organisation. The dedication and the zeal with which he has discharged his lofty functions for nearly a decade, and the courage and devotion he has shown in remaining in the service of the ideals of the United Nations, have earned him high praise, which confirms the great esteem in which he is held by the nations of the world.
My delegation is pleased to extend a very warm welcome on their membership of the Organization to the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Baltic Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Rather than use the time at my disposal to discuss other serious issues on the agenda of the Assembly. I feel it would be more useful to enlighten the Members of the Organization about another small problem that affects just two neighbouring countries, which are perhaps unique in the world, in that together they occupy a small island in the Caribbean Sea and have relatively similar problems.
In our statements to the General Assembly, the question of Haiti has, year after year, been a permanent fixture. How could it be otherwise, since geography and history have ordained that Haiti and the Dominican Republic should be two sovereign nations that are in the unique position of sharing the same island? As a result of this propinquity, we have been witness to the political, social, economic and environmental misfortunes that have, like ruinous plagues, befallen the Haitian people. He have seen and felt the burden of the long-lasting tyrannical political regimes that have robbed that people of their freedoms. We have grieved at the social inequalities that have deprived the great majority of the people of education, health and development. As neighbours, we have seen the Haitian people come and go, weighed down, distressed and broken by abject poverty, and we have watched with amazement and sadness as its arable land has been stripped of its plant cover and has virtually been turned into a wasteland.
A prolific people, the people of Haiti have not been able to find in their own territory the productive land they need, and we have all observed how they have spilled over into the neighbouring area, in endless waves of desperation. Haiti has been accusing us in various international forums of violating the rights of Haitians and of tolerating slavery-like conditions in the employment of Haitians on sugar-cane plantations in the Dominican Republic. And yet, as many times as we have spoken before the Assembly on the question of Haiti, we have done so in order to plead for assistance on behalf of the Haitian people in a righteous gesture of solidarity.
This time, after hearing the President of Haiti vehemently repeat this accusation here, we resolved that we should set the record straight and state loud and clear before this world gathering that Haiti's aim is to subject the Dominican Republic to public blackmail and morally bind it hand and feet in a futile attempt to prevent the authorities from performing their duty as the guardians of the moat precious attributes of nationhood.
We reject most emphatically the charges levelled by the President of Haiti in his address to the Assembly on 25 September, to the effect that the rights of Haitians living in the Dominican Republic are being violated. This assertion is an unacceptable distortion of the facts. Our historical problem in coexisting with Haiti is the problem that has been brought about by the clandestine immigration of the poverty-stricken agricultural and urban masses from Haiti to the Dominican Republic.
It is highly unusual for a Head of State to appear before the international community to criticise another nation for enforcing its laws on public order. What is at issue is the clear-cut exercise by the Dominican authorities of their sovereign rights when, in pursuance of immigration regulations, they order the repatriation of aliens who have illegally entered and are residing illegally in the territory of the Dominican Republic.
Thousands of Dominican men and women have been deported to their own country by the authorities of the United States, Spain and the Netherlands this year because they were living illegally in the territories of those States. However much we may have been pained by these actions, it has not occurred to us to take to any forum to denounce the deportation of Dominicans as a violation of their rights or as offences against mankind.
How can it be fair or legal for Spain, the Netherlands and the United States to deport Dominicans living illegally in their territories while it is viewed as unfair or as an abuse for the authorities of the Dominican Republic to repatriate Haitians who have clandestinely entered its territory and are living illegally there?
We therefore reject Haiti's attempt to pillory the Dominican Republic before the international community by accusing it of violating the rights of Haitians. The truth is that the great masses of Haitians, strangled by the lack of adequate living space in their own country, have been leaving their territory in droves in search of a place where they can settle down, live and get ahead. No one, absolutely no one, can ask the Dominican Republic, a tiny nation with an area of just 48,000 square kilom3tres and a population of 7,350,000, to assume the burden of all the Haitians who have beer, driven out of their country by desperation and hunger.
With the upheaval caused by war in Central America, a little more than 1 million Guatemalans, Salvadorians, Nicaraguans and Hondurans have left their countries to seek refuge - political and economic refuge - in the United States and neighbouring countries. An international conference was held to deal with the issue of Central American refugees, and many programmes and activities - some of them under the auspices of United Nations agencies - were set up for the benefit of these refugees. Many of them have proved to be effective.
Hundreds of thousands of Haitian citizens have come to stay in our country. Is the Assembly aware of the enormous burden which this invasion of our economy has imposed on us, on the economy of a poor country, an economy that cannot provide bread, employment, health, education, clean drinking water or adequate housing for its own growing population? Has the Assembly any idea of the magnitude and enormity of this problem, which is of overwhelming proportions given our extremely limited resources?
I must tell the Assembly that it is impossible for the Dominican Republic to shoulder the tremendous burden of this immigration, which has been as abundant and torrential as the rains that accompany tropical storms. That is why we make an urgent appeal - an appeal for good will and for the international community to come to Haiti's aid with the dispatch the situation requires. It is the supreme gesture of justice for all of us to shoulder our fair share of the burden, to make an effort to ensure that the Haitian nation is able to accommodate in conditions of freedom and well-being all its children, so many of whom are today desperate refugees from hunger and poverty.
Aware of this situation, the Government of the Dominican Republic wishes to place on record before this world body that it has done everything within its power to seek a peaceful settlement of the problems to which I have referred and to reach agreements between the two parties that, to the fullest extent possible, respect the rights and satisfy the requirements of both countries. It is not Inappropriate to mention here that an official mission headed by Myrtiho Seletin, the Minister for Social Affairs and Labour, recently visited the Dominican Republic on 15 August and had contacts with the Dominican authorities at the highest level.
During these initial contacts between the authorities of the two countries, it was agreed that another commission, similar to the existing one, would be appointed by the Government of the Dominican Republic and would visit Haiti to pursue the negotiations in a cordial and friendly atmosphere. Scarcely two weeks ago the first contact was made. The Dominican commission has not yet gone to Haiti, because the Dominican Secretary of State for Labour, who was to head the mission, had to travel to Germany on an official visit and returned just a few days ago to the Dominican capital.
When Haiti's new ambassador, Mr. Guy Alexandre, presented his credentials to the Dominican Government, the President of the Dominican Republic outlined for that distinguished diplomat a broad programme of action which the two countries might pursue with a view to settling their existing problems.
That programme provides, inter-alia, for the following: first, the conclusion of an agreement establishing the conditions under which Haitian labourers can be recruited for work in the Dominican sugar industry; secondly, application or this first agreement as a model, with suitable changes, to other areas which, like the coffee industry, hire large numbers of Haitian workers each year for the harvest; thirdly, screening by the Dominican immigration services of the many Haitians, both men and women, who have been living for years in the Dominican Republic and who, in consequence, are entitled to residence permits as temporary workers; and, fourthly, the holding of periodic meetings among prominent intellectuals from both Haiti and the Dominican Republic with a view to creating a climate of understanding between the two countries, since everyone is aware of the damage that has been caused between them by social, economic and historical factors, damage that tends to be aggravated by the abundance of Haitian manpower in the country, which gives rise to unfair competition that depresses the wages of Dominicans and creates a dangerous situation in which the needs of a large part of the Dominican working class go unmet.
Therefore I should like to conclude by assuring all the members of this world Assembly, especially our brothers in Latin America and in the Americas generally, that today the Dominican Republic is ruled by a democratic Government which respects human rights, which does not discriminate against any foreigners, which does not foster the creation or maintenance of situations of any kind that may affect peace in any part, of the world, and which does not favour the establishment, of barriers between the various members of the human family.


It gives me great pleasure to congratulate Ambassador Samir Shihabi on his election to the high office of President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. His attributes as a distinguished diplomat are well known to us in Turkey, where he represented Saudi Arabia with great distinction for many years. His country has made a great contribution to peace and stability in our part of the world, and I am confident that under his wise guidance the General Assembly will do likewise on a global scale.

I should also like to pay a tribute to Mr. Guide de Marco, the President of the forty-fifth session, for his outstanding performance in guiding the work of the General Assembly during an eventful year.
This session of the General Assembly represents a historic step in further consolidating the universality of the United Nations, through the admission to membership of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. My delegation takes joyful pride in welcoming them to the world family, and we believe that this community will be enriched

and strengthened by their contribution to the realisation of the ideals of the United Nations.
Since the autumn of 1990, when the last General Assembly session started its deliberations, change in Europe has continued at the rapid pace set during the momentous period highlighted by the 1989 revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe and the developments leading to the peaceful unification of Germany. All over the eastern half of the Continent, advances towards democracy and economic reform, although uneven, have been encouraging. The process of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) broke new ground when, in November 1990, participating States met and signed the Charter of Paris for a new Europe, which marking the end of the cold war and in which they commit themselves to a new European architecture. The successful international action under United Nations auspices to repel aggression and restore the sovereignty of Kuwait has shown that the world Organization has evolved to the point of assuming its functions as the prime vehicle for resolving disputes and reinforcing global peace and stability.

In carrying out these functions, our Organisation has had the good fortune to have as Its Secretary General Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, an eminent statesman of great integrity and total commitment to the Ideals of the United Nations. After many years of distinguished service as the highest International civil servant, he can look back to his 10 years of performance with justified pride and satisfaction. In Turkey, we shall always remember him for his dedication to the principles of the Charter and for his impartiality.
With the ending of the cold war in Europe and the conclusion of the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe and START treaties, the world has entered a promising era of transition. These are times of great opportunities. The threat of nuclear destruction now weighs less heavily upon humankind. The numerous local conflicts that were so difficult to settle because of cold war rivalries are gradually becoming susceptible to solutions in which the United Nations will play an increasingly key role.
An enhanced United Nations living up to our expectations in this new era of change calls for a more streamlined and more effective Organization. To achieve this, we must pursue our efforts aimed at restructuring the United Nations in line with the demands of operational efficiency. Such restructuring should of course include the reform of the General Assembly. In this respect, I would like to note the singular contribution of Mr. de Marco during his presidency of the General Assembly. I am confident that the reform of the General Assembly and its main committees will continue under your presidency and that this universal forum will emerge as a more faithful mirror of the community of nations and its collective aspirations.

The era of transition through which our world is passing, although promising, is not free of risks and uncertainties that pose challenges which have to be successfully addressed if our vision for a better international order is to be attained. The Gulf crisis has provided clear evidence of the new resolve on the part of the world community that aggression and violation of international law shall not be tolerated. This new resolve should be maintained and buttressed. Arms control and disarmament is a major field where the current momentum should be sustained and accelerated.
As the spirit of cooperation strikes deeper and firmer roots, the effectiveness of the United Nations will also increase. The settlement of the existing conflicts through dialogue and negotiations, rather than by resorting to force, will be facilitated. Thus we can expect an acceleration of the global process of arms control and reduction, to which we should all make our full contribution.
By this, I mean the extension into the conventional sphere of the arms control and reduction processes, particularly in those regional and intercommunal conflict areas where the conventional arms race is an important factor in building up tensions and deepening mutual suspicions.
Another area where we expect to see the United Nations more active is the protection of the environment. The consciousness is growing all around that the quality of life of future generations and, perhaps, their very survival is dependent on our doing the right things now to protect and preserve our common environment. Turkey is preparing for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in this spirit, and, 20 years after Stockholm, we expect this Conference to be a new milestone in the growing concern of the United Nations for the environment.

To promote world-wide respect for human rights and the fundamental freedoms of the individual is a priority task deserving greater United Nations interest in a changing international environment. There exists a direct relationship between the degree of protection of human rights and the degree of democratisation in societies. Since democracies are less prone to aggressive adventurism, world peace and international stability can rest on stronger foundations only if due observance of human rights on a non-discriminatory basis is ensured on a universal scale.
The many risks and uncertainties that cast their shadow on the promises of the current era of transition are often intertwined with various aspects of the question of human rights. Indeed, ethnic rivalries, chauvinistic tendencies, xenophobic treatment of migrant communities, racist practices, religious fanaticism and intolerance can be overcome only through a strict observance of human rights. We must all accept that respect for human rights is an area of legitimate concern for the United Nations and it is in this universal forum that we must strive to establish standards which are applicable everywhere.
I am proud to say that since the establishment of our republic almost 70 years ago, Turkey has made steady progress in ensuring that its citizens enjoy their human rights to the fullest extent. Turkey has become a party to all the European instruments designed to protect human rights. Turkish legislation is being constantly reviewed and amended to prevent abuses from taking place.
The spread of drug addiction and illicit trafficking in narcotics continues to be a global menace affecting all countries. Often linked to arms smuggling and to international terrorism, this scourge has acquired alarming
dimensions. Turkey believes that the response to this menace should be concerted, forceful and global. We are fully committed to making our contribution to its eradication. We welcome the creation of the United Nations international drug control programme. We are confident that this new structure will play a fundamental role in the international campaign against drugs and in the enhancement of regional and international cooperation.
The fate of the peoples of the Balkans and of the Middle East, including the Gulf area, are of particular interest to Turkey. In this context, we attribute importance to the future of Yugoslavia, since peace and stability in the Balkan region depend in large measure on what happens in that country.
We are profoundly concerned with the ongoing violence among the peoples of the Yugoslav federation. We hope for an early solution to the conflict through dialogue and in accordance with the will of all the Yugoslav peoples, who should be the only ones to determine the future of their country.
A speedy settlement of the Yugoslav crisis is crucial to the maintenance of stability not only in the Balkans, but also in the rest of Europe. Hence, we support the peace initiatives of the CSCE countries and sincerely hope that these may yield positive results. We welcome the resolution on Yugoslavia adopted by the Security Council yesterday.
In the Middle East, two separate issues are of fundamental importance: finding a just and lasting solution to the question of Palestine and to the Arab-Israeli dispute, while also maintaining and consolidating peace and security in the Gulf area.
On many occasions, we have had the opportunity to express our firm stand on the question of Palestine, which lies at the heart of the Middle East dispute. Turkey is convinced that a solution to this problem has to be based on negotiations among all the parties conducted on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
We are happy to se« that the efforts of the United States, coupled with the constructive and realistic stand of the Arab countries and of the Soviet Union, have brought about the conditions for holding a regional conference. We earnestly hope that all parties in the peace process will make an effort to prevent this opportunity from slipping away.
Before explaining our views regarding the post-war situation in the Gulf zone and on the need for substantially increasing multilateral economic cooperation as part of future confidence building in the whole of the Middle East, I wish to underline how pleased we are to witness the gradual normalization of the situation in Lebanon and the return of peace to that ravaged country. We believe that national reconciliation in Lebanon requires sustained peace and the full implementation of the Taif Agreement. That peace can only be built on the preservation of Lebanon's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Hence, we consider the efforts of the National Reconciliation Government to extend its sovereignty over the entire country to be a step in the right direction.
The post-war politico-military landscape in the Gulf zone features a brightening horizon partially clouded by incertitude. Kuwait has been liberated and we welcome the restoration of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as of its legitimate Government. The efforts of the Kuwaiti Government and people to overcome the devastating effects of invasion and occupation are commendable. We are confident that these endeavours, which have already started to yield tangible results, will soon lead to the recovery of Kuwait's pre-war prosperity.
The post-war policies of the Iraqi leadership have been a source of major concern for us. These policies have led to a refugee crisis of colossal proportions in the aftermath of the cease-fire. Iraqi policies have also been ambivalent about implementing pertinent Security Council resolutions. Those who have suffered most from these policies are the Iraqi people themselves, who are facing serious shortages and great hardship as winter approaches. Consequently, Iraq's full compliance with Security Council resolution 687 (1991) and subsequent resolutions relevant to various aspects of the post-war settlement is not only the rightful expectation of the international community, but also a prerequisite for the resumption by that country of its place in the family of nations. It is our sincere hope that the Iraqi leadership will act accordingly and that the sufferings of the Iraqi people will thus be brought to an end.
Turkey believes that genuine multilateral economic cooperation on a region-wide scale could contribute to strengthening peace and stability in the Middle East by bringing about an increased commonality of interests. With each country having a stake in the preservation of regional peace, economic interdependence could pave the way for introducing more advanced

confidence-building measures, as proposed by Turkey, within the framework of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), which held its twentieth ministerial session in Istanbul last August. This first meeting of Islamic Foreign Ministers since the end of the Gulf war resolved to continue deploying efforts in this direction as a means of guaranteeing and contributing to the supremacy of international law, justice and legitimacy in the longer run. It is a source of particular satisfaction to us that the Istanbul ministerial meeting of the OIC thus underscored its dedication to a just and durable peace through dialogue, cooperation and respect for international legitimacy.
The spirit of the new times, manifesting itself in moves toward reconciliation and peaceful change, is beginning to prevail over the entire African continent from the Western Sahara to southern Africa.
Regarding the situation in Western Sahara, we fully support the Secretary-General in his mission of good offices, jointly pursued with the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, in search of an early settlement of the question. In line with this policy, Turkey is glad to make available military observers to take part in the monitoring of the cease-fire that came into force on 6 September 1991. We hope that the parties involved in the dispute will continue to cooperate with the Secretary-General in the implementation of the plan for a referendum in that territory.
After Namibia gained its independence, the process of political change set in motion in South Africa constitutes a source of happiness for my country. Turkey has always adopted a position firmly in favour of the complete elimination of apartheid. We welcome the repeal of the Land Acts, the Group Areas Act and the Population Registration Act - the pillars of a detestable system « as historical steps in this direction. Turkey would like
to see a speeding up of the process of negotiation on the new constitution leading to the establishment of a democratic and non-racial South Africa, which will give it the opportunity of regaining its rightful place in the community of nations.
The continuation of the domestic strife which has Drought untold suffering to the Afghan people looms prominently among the problems disturbing peace in Asia and is a source of serious preoccupation for Turkey.
We welcome the Baker-Pankin accord announced on 13 September which provides for an end to the delivery of military supplies to the parties as of next January. We hope that this measure will facilitate the quest for a political solution along the lines of the Secretary-General's latest peace initiative launched on 21 May 1991. Such a solution calls for the setting up of a Government representing all segments of Afghan society which, in turn, requires an inter-Afghan dialogue. Hence, emphasis at this stage should be put on the promotion of a sustained dialogue between the Afghan parties that must be conducted alongside the ongoing consultations among the countries concerned.

As a friend of the Afghan people, Turkey is prepared to contribute further to the search for a political settlement in Afghanistan.
The situation in Jammu and Kashmir also continues to be a source of concern for us. It is our sincere hope that the mutual resolve manifesting itself in the ongoing dialogue between Pakistan and India will also find its positive reflection in Kashmir and that a peaceful settlement of the dispute will be found in accordance with the relevant United Rations resolutions and the provisions of the Simla Agreement.
Throughout the past year the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey have worked intensively for a fair solution in Cyprus based on the political equality of the two sides in the island. We are seeking a comprehensive and lasting solution to a very complicated and delicate problem between two national communities with identities of their own. The reality in Cyprus for the past 28 years has been the lack of a joint political authority competent to represent and speak for both peoples of the island. This is the core of the problem. Both the partnership State and its joint Government that existed in 1960 came to a violent end within three years. In the 28 years that have followed since then, there has been neither a joint State nor a joint Government. A solution in Cyprus will enable the two parties that have been governing themselves separately to come together to share power under new circumstances and within a new partnership. This solution should fully take into account the legitimate rights and interests of both sides and should in no way be the source of future conflicts in the island and beyond.
During the present process under the Secretary-General's mission of good offices, extensive ground has been covered towards developing a draft overall framework agreement; but serious differences have remained between the two

sides on vital issues. A settlement depends on an agreement on these issues between the two parties in the island.
Four months ago Turkey proposed a quadripartite meeting on Cyprus to be attended by the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot leaders as equal parties and by Turkey and Greece at a high political level. This proposal, intended to give a strong impetus to the mission of the Secretary-General, was rejected at the time by Greece and the Greek Cypriot side. Despite this rejection, the idea of a high-level meeting on Cyprus has continued to enjoy wide support. The general understanding that has emerged is that such a meeting can take place only after the two sides in the island have reached full agreement on all aspects of the problem.
He hope this point can be reached in the near future. He hold the view that the lack of direct contacts between the parties in Cyprus and the deep mistrust between the two communities continue profoundly to complicate the process. He are convinced that, should the two leaders in Cyprus resume direct contacts, the likelihood of narrowing existing differences would be greatly enhanced. He believe this to be both necessary and natural between two parties which will be called on to cooperate and share power under a settlement.
At the same time, there is an urgent need for the parties to move towards establishing a new and constructive relationship based on mutual respect. Recently the Turkish Cypriot parliament unanimously adopted a resolution which calls for the implementation without delay of confidence-building and goodwill measures in order to create a constructive atmosphere between the two sides and to establish a peaceful basis for their relationship.
As a result of these efforts by the Turkish side to lead the way to a freely negotiated and mutually acceptable settlement, the problem now stands on a new plane. This new stage calls for an even-handed approach by the international community in support of an agreement based on the consent of two equal parties: the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots. What is required at the moment is not recriminations and the pursuit of unrelenting confrontation but a new mentality which will bring about positive change. We know the Turkish Cypriot side is ready to pursue this constructive path.
Let me now turn to international economic issues. The profound political changes we have witnessed in recent years are also having their effect on the economic front. The greater integration of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and of the Soviet Union in the global economy should bring opportunities to the developing countries. The high-level debate held during the second regular session of the Economic and Social Council has been helpful in providing a better understanding of these developments. At present we are witnessing a great convergence of economic policies, unlike anything seen in the past. Even though there is a greater tendency towards global integration, the difficult problems of the past decade remain essentially unchanged. The developing countries still suffer from poverty, unfavourable terms of trade, excessive foreign debt and serious environmental problems. Despite these difficulties and even though economic growth in many developing countries continues to be unsatisfactory, there are reasons to be hopeful.
The prospects for growth in the developing countries would appear to be based primarily on three factors: the policies that they will adopt themselves, the economic performance of the industrialized countries and the

ability of the international economic system to back up the implementation of effective policies by the developing countries.
The progress achieved on the debt issue, compared to the overall volume of foreign debt, remains modest. Debt reduction agreements for certain countries have given rise to some anticipation. The case-by-case approach should encompass all debtor nations, with special emphasis on the least developed countries.
A major vehicle for the developing countries to break the burden of foreign debt and pursue their development is trade. Trade provides a very important opportunity for developing countries to promote economic growth and to narrow the gap between themselves and the industrialized countries. However, the persistence of trade protectionism diminishes the possibilities offered by expanded trade. Many important decisions depend on the success of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations. In this respect, we welcome the declaration by the Group of Seven in regard to concluding these negotiations successfully before the end of 1992.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate our hope that this forty-sixth session of the General Assembly will be fruitful and will contribute to the security and well-being of all nations. My delegation pledges to contribute fully to the attainment of our common objective.


Sir, the delegation of Viet Nam wishes to congratulate you upon your election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. We are confident that under your guidance the current session will successfully discharge its eminent duty.
I should like on this same occasion to convey our very high appreciation for the vast efforts exerted by the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, on behalf of peace and cooperation among nations. Such achievements assume even more significance in view of the powerful and complex changes the world is undergoing.
We extend warm greetings to the delegations of the new Member States that have joined us this year, namely, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania. It la with particular pleasure that we welcome the presence in our midst of the delegation of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia, representing Cambodia and its people and led by H.R.H. Prince Norodom Sihanouk.
We are living through the early years of the last decade of the twentieth century, which are witnessing the most powerful and far-reaching developments since the Second World War. The world at present offers an overall picture of serious contradictions. On the one hand, mankind is enjoying the fruits of the tremendous advances in the contemporary scientific and technical revolutions; on the other, hundreds of millions of human beings in developing countries are being crushed by poverty and squalor.
Following seven or eight years of recovery, the world economy is now confronted with the possibility of a new recession. International economic relations are characterised by a certain degree of confusion. Regional conflicts are being successively settled through peaceful negotiations; there is a growing trend towards international cooperation in peaceful coexistence for the sake of development; and new progress continues to be made towards the reduction of nuclear weapons; nevertheless, the nightmare of war still haunts humanity. The Gulf war has hardly come to a close, leaving in its wake a host of ensuing problems to be solved in the Middle East, when the seeds of other conflicts continue to grow or are starting to grow in various parts of the world.
In a world in full-scale transition, where the basic factors underlying the international order of the past 45 years have radically changed, a new international order is bound to take shape. This is a reality with which
every member of the world community, especially among developing countries, is concerned, inasmuch as it will strongly affect the vital interests of each nation-State on our globe as well as the future of the development of the whole of mankind. Some will raise the possibility of a unipolar world, while others evoke the prospect of a Multipolar world. It can, however, be readily asserted that the primary imperative of nations is to preserve peace and national independence and to promote cooperation towards development. The peoples of the world are moved by a most intense desire for peace, cooperation and development.
It is our view that in the shaping of the new world order such a legitimate will and desire cannot be ignored and that it la indispensable to take into account the forceful resolve of each State, large or small, to defend its right to be master of its own national destiny and to participate on an equal footing in common world affairs and in the major issues within its own region. The world needs a more just and saner new international order, A definitive end must be put to all forms of hegemony, of military, political or economic intervention or coercion by large countries against smaller ones, by the minority at the expense of the majority. Nations need to cooperate freely on an equal footing and to mutual advantage for the common cause of peace and development.
One of the major concerns of the international community is the imperative need for economic development. The fierce economic and scientific and technological race that is taking place around the world is widening the gap between developed industrial nations and developing countries. The latter are still battling with a series of detrimental factors: the dwindling flow of resources from developed industrial countries; the increasingly heavier foreign debt burden; the strengthening of protectionist barriers by some industrial countries; the decline in primary commodity prices; the lack of encouragement for the efforts of developing countries to promote South-South or regional cooperation. As a result, the economies of these countries are steadily deteriorating, with a very negative impact on the whole of the world economy and on international economic relations. Meanwhile, the Uruguay Round and the Group of Seven meeting have failed to bring about any positive change in the international economic order, which remains unfair. Together with the other developing countries, we call on the developed industrial nations to put a rapid end to the policy of economic blockade and pressure, to renounce unequal economic relations and to create an international economic environment that is favourable to third world development. The United Nations ought to adopt even more active and effective measures to help developing countries overcome these difficulties, so as to achieve the economic aims of the International Development Strategy for the United Rations Fourth Development Decade (1991-2000).
Given the shift in the bipolar alignment of political and military forces across the world, multilateralism assumes an even more enhanced position than before. The United nations, the largest international organization encompassing the near totality of the States of the world, will become the ideal place for countries to carry out their policy of broadened and diversified relations and to build for themselves as well as for their respective regions a political balance that is both flexible and durable. During the forty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly last year a sizeable number of delegations spoke of a revitalized United Nations now in a position to effectively discharge its mission under the Charter and thereby to rid itself of the powerlessness and pessimism that used to mar its image at the time of its fortieth anniversary in 1985. United Nations activities and contributions over the past year have, however, demonstrated both the possibilities and the limits of the role it can play in the settlement of regional conflicts and crises.
A reform of the United Nations is necessary if it is to adapt to the new world circumstances and to live up to the expectations of the larger number of its Member States as underlined by Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar in his annual report on the work of the Organization, where he expresses
"the hope that the unity of the permanent members of the Security Council will be complemented by a balanced constitutional relationship within and between the various principal organs" (A/46/1, p. 2(f) and says that two years ago, in his annual report in 1989, he had stressed that "agreement among the permanent members must carry with it the willing support of a majority of nations if it is to facilitate movement towards a better and a saner world. Events since then have lent emphasis to that observation." (ibid.)
We share the viewpoint of many countries which think that the United Nations mechanism should be further improved as far as the structure and the functioning of the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Secretariat as well as a more balanced interrelationship among these organs are concerned. This would allow the United Nations to become an efficient instrument in the settlement of international problems and in particular to provide encouragement for and support to interested parties and regions in the solution of existing crises and in the prevention of new crises on the basis of respect for the independence and sovereignty of nations and for the Charter of the Organization. In view of the changing world there can be no reason why the United Nations should be considered an immutable institution. He are of the opinion that today all Members of our vast Organization share a common wish to promote the role and effectiveness of the United Nations but still differ on the scope of the reforms needed to increase democracy within the Organization and the ways and means of carrying them out. The developing countries, and essentially the non-aligned nations, believe that
"The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which represents the majority of States and peoples of the world, must play a more important and more concrete role in the restructuring of the new international system if the latter is to be legitimate and acceptable." (Accra Declaration) In our view the United Nations should be able to readjust itself according to the general world trend so as to become a more dynamic and representative world body.
In our nation's endeavour to achieve peace, development, democracy and social progress, the year 1991 assumes very great significance. On the strength of a positive balance-sheet in the main fields after a few years of implementation, Vietnam has reasserted the necessary and irreversible nature of its policy of all-round reform and renewal charted since 1986 with a view to focusing on the solution of pressing economic and social problems and maintaining political stability while rearranging the various spheres of social life in consonance with Viet Nam's characteristics. Such re-assertion acquires even greater practical and realistic significance in the new world conjuncture and constitutes a pressing, not to say vital, objective requirement for our people.
The phasing out of the bipolar world is entailing for all countries the need to diversify their political and economic relations so as to be able to take advantage of all existing opportunities and possibilities to serve the cause of the nation and at the same time to wrest for themselves a new position of flexible as well as durable balance that constantly allows for self-readjustment according to the evolution of the whole. If the balanced diversification of external relations represents an overall objective trend in the new conjuncture, in the case of Viet Nan, a developing country still battling with countless difficulties, this constitutes a crucial priority in its current foreign policy which should enable it to stove out of the crisis and resolutely to tackle the task of development. Viet Nam's foreign policy aims at promoting cooperation on an equal footing for the mutual benefit with all countries, regardless of their socio-economic systems and on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence. From this rostrum, Viet Nam once again solemnly declares its intention to extend the hand of friendship to all countries in the international community and its commitment to work for peace, national independence and development.
The interests of Viet Nam, as a developing country in South-East Asia, are closely linked to those of the region. With the purpose of shaping for itself an international environment favourable to peace and development and of putting its open-door policy and the diversification of its relations of international cooperation into practice in an effective way, Viet Nam pays particular attention to the constant improvement of its relations of friendship and cooperation with regional and neighbouring countries and to making a positive contribution to the cause of a stable, friendly and cooperative South-East Asia.
We are highly gratified to see the recent positive developments in South-East Asia and, in particular, the prospect of a peaceful settlement of the Cambodian question in a spirit of national reconciliation among Cambodians. The attendance of the delegation of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia for the first time at a session of the United Nations General Assembly, and the agreements reached among the Cambodian parties at the recent meetings of the Supreme National Council on the internal aspects of a solution to the Cambodian question are new and important steps in the process of restoring peace in Cambodia that make the reconvening of the Paris International Conference on Cambodia possible. These results are eloquent testimony to the fact that Cambodians are fully able to resolve matters pertaining to their sovereignty in a spirit of national reconciliation with the support and cooperation of countries concerned and of the United Nations. Viet Nam reiterates its principled position whereby it will respect any decision of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia on all questions pertaining to Cambodian sovereignty. As for itself, after its unilateral withdrawal of all its forces from Cambodia since late in 1989 in the absence of a peaceful settlement, Viet Nam is ready to join efforts with parties concerned in order to reach a comprehensive, fair and reasonable political solution for the Cambodian question based on respect for the Cambodian people's sovereignty and right to self-determination and on respect for the Charter of the United Nations, thereby allowing Cambodia to become a peaceful, independent and neutral country that will contribute to peace, stability and development in South-East Asia and in the world.
Against the background of a forthcoming solution to the Cambodian problem, of the notable improvement in relations between Viet Nam and the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and of the evolution of the normalization process between Viet Nam and China in a direction favourable to regional peace and stability, Viet Nam believes that the countries of South-East Asia now have a better opportunity than ever to build together a region of peace, stability, cooperation and development after several decades of conflict and confrontation.
The compounded impact of the trend towards unification of the world market, of the speed and force of the scientific and technological revolution, of the movement towards regional integration in several parts of the world and of the perspective of changes in the military presence and the involvement in this region of various Powers makes it necessary to "re-think" South-East Asia through a new approach, new avenues and within a new context, and for countries in the region not only to support one another in the common endeavour of socio-economic development, but also to consult with one another with a view to finding appropriate ways and means for the establishment of a new regional security - all-round security, of which economic development is the primary component. On 10 September, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam addressed to the secretariat, the Chairman of the Standing Committee and the Foreign Ministers of ASEAN an official request for accession to the 1976 Bali Treaty, wherein Viet Nam expressed its desire to strengthen relations of amity, good-neighbourliness and mutually beneficial cooperation with ASEAN countries so as to build a South-East Asia of peace, stability, friendship and cooperation and thus to make a contribution to the cause of peace and development in the world.
Guided by our position of renewal in foreign policy, we are constantly aware of the need to promote regional cooperation as an indispensable premise in the implementation of our policy of expanding our relations of international cooperation and of consolidating the relations we have had up to now with friendly countries and with non-aligned countries, together with the need to broaden cooperation on an equal footing and on the basis of mutual benefit with other countries in Asia and the Pacific, in Western Europe and Scandinavia, and to promote the normalization of relations with the United States. Proceeding from our evaluation of initial results in our policy of reform and renewal, of our country's rich potential in natural resources and manpower, of the development trend of our times and of our people's aspirations, Vietnam has set for its strategy of socio-economic development to the year 2000 the following objectives: to move out of the crisis, stabilise the socio-economic situation, strive to take Vietnam out of its state of poverty and underdevelopment, improve the people's conditions of life, consolidate our defence and security and pave the way for our country to be able to develop faster in the beginning of the twenty-first century. We are convinced that, given our will and determination and with the cooperation of the international community, we shall be able to reach that objective and, as an active Member of the United Nations, to contribute increasingly to the common cause of peace and development.


I have the honour, Mr. President, of conveying to you a message of peace, friendship and solidarity from His Excellency Major Pierre Buyoya, President of the Central Committee of the UPRONA Party and President of the Republic of Burundi.
I should also like to express to you, on behalf of the Government of Burundi, my warmest and most sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the Assembly. With your diplomatic experience and your devotion to the ideals of peace and international cooperation, there can be no doubt that our deliberations will be crowned with success. By electing you to the presidency of the General Assembly, the international community has placed its trust in you and is your country, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with which my country has excellent relations. I can assure you that my delegation will give you every support to ensure that your noble mission is discharged to the satisfaction of the entire international community.
I want also to congratulate the other members of the Bureau who, I am certain, will do all they can to help you carry out your weighty responsibilities. We convey our appreciation and gratitude to your predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta, who presided over the work of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly with great ability, dynamism and devotion. He was a credit to the United Nations and to his country.
Finally, I convey my sincere thanks to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his untiring and successful efforts to preserve world peace and security.
The Republic of Burundi joins other delegations in congratulating and welcoming the new members of the United Nations family: the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republics of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia.
In our view, the simultaneous admission of the two Koreas will not mark the end of work towards the reunification of the Korean nation, which has already progressed far in that direction. We may hope that in the near future we shall be present here at the culmination of those reunification efforts, and that the dream of the fraternal people of Korea will finally come true.
Before stating my country's views on some of the items of concern to the international community at large, I want briefly to describe the current situation in Burundi.
Since 3 September 1987, the Government of the Third Republic has been pursuing its goal: the restoration of national unity, social justice and development for all in the context of a genuine democracy. As I have said before from this rostrum, the people of Burundi want to live in peace, order and tranquillity. We want our country to be safe for all; we want a country of unity, from which hatred and vengeance are forever banished.
As members know very well, national unity is the vanguard and cornerstone of all progress. The Government of Burundi continues to match its words with deeds by adopting concrete measures to strengthen national unity and reconciliation.
The formation of a Government of National Unity; the creation of a National Commission to study national unity; the establishment of a National Security Council; and the massive repatriation of refugees; all these are incontrovertible facts that prove the wish of the Government of the Third Republic to build a just, democratic and prosperous society.
Thanks to the policy of dialogue and cooperation that marks the political activities of President Buyoya and his Government, the people of Burundi adopted the Charter of National Unity by 89.21 per cent of the vote. The adoption of that Charter, on 5 February 1991, was a victory over the forces of division, selfishness and injustice. The people of Burundi have thus rejected division; they have rejected the law of the jungle, hatred and all forms of exclusion. That Charter will provide the foundation for the institutions to be established in our country.
Having reached this important stage on the road to unity, the people of Burundi are now democratizing their political life. The Constitutional Commission set up on 21 March 1991 has just submitted its report emphasizing the values that democracy can promote, addressing political pluralism and proposing basic State institutions, their organisation and their functioning. To indicate that unity must remain the basis of democracy, the Commission proposed the creation of a National Council of Unity and the retention as permanent institutions of the National Security Council and the Economic and Social Council.
The Constitutional Commission will be organising and encouraging debate throughout the country to enable the people to express their views on the proposed institutions. The constitution of the Republic of Burundi will be approved in a referendum early in 1992.
The future constitution of Burundi will bolster the policy of national unity and respect for human rights, a policy the Government has been following for four years. That policy was manifested in the ratification of international human rights agreements and the African Charter of Human Rights and the Rights of Peoples.
A meaningful policy of national unity cannot neglect the question of refugees. For that reason, the Government has made all the necessary arrangements and has created conditions favourable to the voluntary repatriation of Burundi refugees. More than 10,000 refugees have already returned and have taken up residence, and others continue to come.
The United Republic of Tanzania, which for some time has given shelter to the vast majority of our refugees, contributed to a final solution when on 28 August 1991, with Burundi and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, it signed an agreement establishing a working group to promote final solutions to the problem of Burundi refugees in Tanzania. We greatly appreciate the friendly and brotherly action of the United Republic of Tanzania, which has promised to grant Tanzanian nationality to Burundi refugees who for one reason or another have chosen to live permanently in that country. Thus there will be no further talk of Burundi refugees in Tanzania.
There has been a surge in the Burundi people's solidarity with their brothers and sisters who have returned to the motherland. I am pleased to inform the Assembly that the week of 10 to 18 August 19S1 was declared the Week of Solidarity with Burundi Refugees. In that connection, the people supplied food, clothing and construction materials, not to mention financial assistance.
But the needs remain enormous, and any contribution from the international community will be welcome. We take this opportunity sincerely to thank the friendly countries, international organizations and private donors who have provided support for our work.
Despite the courageous policy of economic reform followed since 1986 with the support of the Bretton Woods institutions - the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund - and other funding sources, and despite the fact that some encouraging results have been achieved, my country still faces serious economic problems. Essentially, these are linked to the plunge in coffee prices and to the fact that Burundi is landlocked. It is to find solutions to those economic problems that Burundi's Economic and Social Council has sought to devise ways and means to achieve harmonious development. Its proposals are now the subject of widespread national debate. The Government is trying to make the population aware of the imbalance between population and resources resulting from the demographic explosion.
My Government is putting together a nationwide campaign to show that a vigorous birth-control policy is vital if we want to continue to faced our people and ensure its development.
Despite the high priority we attach to our domestic policies, our country is not shut up in an ivory tower; it continues to be open to the world. We are convinced that this is the era of interdependence and solidarity among nations, regions and peoples. For four years Burundi has been working to build foreign-relations policies based on trust, dialogue and cooperation. There can be no doubt that we are now at a decisive, historic stage, where all our efforts should be focused to consolidate and make irreversible all the positive trends that have been seen, so that relations between States acquire a new dimension. The new dynamic that is now a feature of international relations, which have bean freed of the burden of the cold war, offer great hope of stability and open up prospects of peace, understanding and cooperation. They have made it possible for our Organisation and the Secretary-General to contribute in a masterly way to taking specific initiatives to settle a number of conflicts that have gone on for too long.
Lasting solutions have been found to some conflicts that have gone on for many years. Examples include Angola, Lebanon and Cambodia. Real peace efforts have been made elsewhere. The successful missions that have already been carried out and the renewed trust in our Organization give genuine grounds for satisfaction and above all for hope. It is my country's desire that all those involved in conflict will rediscover the virtues of dialogue and cooperation, which are the only weapons that can bring about peace.
In speaking about conflicts in certain countries, I cannot fail to refer to the conflict raging in Rwanda, a friendly neighbouring country linked to mine by solid geographical, historical and cultural ties. In economic matters Rwanda and Burundi are complementary countries. Moreover, they belong to the same regional groups, such as the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries (CEPGL), the Organization for the Management and Development of the Kagera River Basin (KBO) and the Eastern Southern African Preferential Trade Area (PTA). For all those reasons, Burundi has taken part in all the meetings held to seek a lasting solution to the crisis in Rwanda and we continue to be concerned about the continuing armed confrontation, which is causing loss of human life and the destruction of Rwanda's economic potential.
We make an urgent appeal to the partial to the conflict to respect the cease-fire agreement signed in N'Sele on 29 March this year and without delay to embark on negotiations to find a lasting solution. We repeat our commitment to support any action promoting the return of peace to that brotherly country. We have been following with great interest the steps taken by the South African Government to abolish segregationist laws in South Africa, and we urge that Government to pursue its negotiations with the anti-apartheid movements with a view to eliminating the apartheid system once and for all. Burundi believes that remarkable efforts are needed, and if they are to be successful the understanding and support of the whole international community will be required. My delegation sincerely appeals to the entire people of South Africa to unite to gain this victory, for which a great deal of courage and restraint are needed.
We are convinced that peace is possible in the Middle East if the parties to the conflict agree to get together round the negotiating table. Burundi therefore hopes that an international conference on the Middle East will be organised so that the peoples of the region may live in peace. The Palestinian people are entitled to a homeland, a sovereign State, within secure and internationally recognized borders. That is why my country supports and encourages all the initiatives to restore peace between the Palestinian and Israeli peoples.
The eyes of all of us are now focused on the forthcoming international peace conference, for which the United States Secretary of State, Mr. James Baker, has been working tirelessly, not without difficulties, to come up with a formula acceptable to all the parties concerned. My delegation hopes that those efforts will be crowned with success, A sine qua non for success continues to be open cooperation and the commitment of all the parties concerned.
The Gulf crisis once again demonstrated the fragility of peace in that tragic part of the world. The invasion of Kuwait, followed by Kuwait's annexation by Iraq, was an act of aggression condemned by the whole international community. International law had been violated. All countries, however powerful, must respect the territorial integrity of other States, refrain from intervening in the internal affairs of other States and avoid recourse to the use of force to settle disputes. The invasion and occupation of small States cannot be tolerated in today's world.
The mobilisation caused by the Gulf crisis in defence of international law should continue in defence of human rights and the rights of peoples, wherever they are violated. Following a policy of double standards in similar situations can only mean the death of international law, as Mr. Francois Mitterrand, President of the French Republic, said here last year. I have outlined a challenge that must be accepted, because it is the only way to restore peace to the region.
We also appeal to our friends in Yugoslavia to have the necessary political courage to get round the negotiating table, with the help of mediators, to restore peace swiftly to their country. Apart from the problems to which I have referred, Africa has now embarked on an important stage of its history involving the democratisation of its institutions. However, democracy that does not have a sound economic base is only a mirage, condemned to failure from its very birth. Africa, like the rest of the world which has embarked on this course, therefore needs a great deal of careful attention and more support so that it, too, can write its name on a page of the history of democracy.
The United Nations, which can congratulate itself on having been in the vanguard in world events recently, has recovered its former prestige, and its moral authority is growing daily. It is playing a major role in guiding the international community towards political harmony and economic and social progress.
We must also be aware that development and peace - in effect, the security whose creation and development are a task of our Organization - are inseparable from disarmament, which is the instrument for bringing them about rather than the end product.
The Government of Burundi welcomes the recent initiative by the United States President, Mr. George Bush, who has just announced important disarmament measures. We hope that the other nuclear Powers will follow that example and that this step will be followed by others, eventually leading to complete disarmament.
A very positive factor for disarmament is that the concept of security has today been broadened and that its non-military aspects - political stability, respect for human rights, the legitimacy of governments, people's living conditions, the environment and so on - have become more and more important and are linked.
Success in this area would free sufficient funds to enable the United Nations to carry out the work of peace and security, which cannot be dissociated from the other responsibilities conferred upon it by the Charter. Here I refer to the improvement of living conditions throughout the world, particularly by organizing equitable international economic relations.
We are concerned about the real danger that the flow of development finance will dry up. At present the demand for outside capital is greater than the supply, because of the needs of the economies of Eastern Europe and of a changing Soviet Union.
My delegation has already had an opportunity to take careful note of the reassuring declarations made by aid-donor countries and organisations to the effect that the developing countries will continue to receive the same amount of financing. We welcome the position of the Group of 7, the seven most industrialised countries, taken at their last summit meeting, and we urge all the decision-makers in that important group of countries to demonstrate their active solidarity with the countries of the South.
In doing that, we dare to hope that words will be matched by deeds, particularly at this time, when Africa faces enormous dangers of marginalisation. We therefore support the idea of an international conference on finance for development, which was suggested by the Secretary-General in Geneva during the recent session of the Economic and Social Council.
This conference, whose purpose would be, inter alia- to identify sources of possible financing aid to devise machinery which would make it possible to allocate the necessary resources to a growth and development programme, must be seriously prepared for if we are to achieve concrete results.
The debt crisis, which we have been deploring for so many years now, unfortunately remains acute. The various proposals and initiatives made with a view to coping with this problem have not yet achieved any tangible results. On the contrary, the developing countries in general and Africa in particular are becoming more and more enmeshed in this crisis. Although certain countries may have benefited from various measures providing for debt cancellation, relief or rescheduling, the moment seems to have come to take courageous global and pragmatic steps towards all the debtor countries of the developing world.
Nevertheless, as recently acknowledged by the Secretary-General, the situation in Africa, and particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, requires even bolder steps and exceptional treatment with respect to official and semi-official debt, as well as private and commercial and multilateral debt. Therefore, we give full support to his proposals with a view to reducing or cancelling those types of indebtedness.
In another area, the final examination and evaluation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, has just taken place at the Headquarters of our Organization. One of the merits of that exercise has been to demonstrate that however fine and clearly drawn an economic programme may be, it cannot achieve anything unless it is adequately financed. The causes of the failure of the Programme of Action have been diagnosed, as were the future prospects of the African economy for 1991 and beyond. My delegation hopes that the new framework for international economic cooperation initiated to this end will benefit from more commitment on the part of the donor countries so as to guarantee a greater mobilisation of funds for Africa.
We welcome the Japanese initiative to host the International Conference on the Development of Africa, to be held in Japan in 1993, with the participation of African Heads of State. My country hopes that the meeting preceding that Conference which is to be held in Japan next year will be very carefully prepared.
Despite the uncertainty which besets the world economy and the risks of marginalization of the African continent from international economic trade, it is unthinkable that the peoples and Governments affected by the crisis will yield to discouragement. At present, a large number of developing countries, including my own, are experimenting with structural adjustment programmes. The results of these economic reforms are still limited and their social cost remains high.
Also with a view to re-launching economic growth and integration in the African continent, our Heads of State and Government, at a summit meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, from 3 to 5 June 1991, signed a Treaty establishing the African Economic Community. We therefore appeal to the international community to contribute increased aid for the achievement of this goal.
We consider the problems of underdevelopment and poverty to be among the causes of conflicts which pose a threat to international peace and security. Furthermore, we believe that without peace it is impossible to strive for development, and without the development of the peoples of the developing countries it is impossible to conceive of an honourable and real peace, valid for all.
Africa, which occupies one quarter of the Earth's surface and which at the beginning of the next century will have one fifth of the world's population, deserves particular attention. Sooner or later these enormous problems will affect all mankind. A world which disregards a continent with such a potential will be an impoverished world for ever.
The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development will be held in a few months in Rio de Janeiro, but I should like to express my country's appreciation of the efforts already made by the Committee preparing for this important meeting. We hope that the results of what has already been termed "the summit of the planet Earth" will meet the great expectations that our planet will be safeguarded and that the main concerns of the developing countries will be duly taken into account.
At a time when we can glimpse on the horizon the prospects of a peaceful world rid of the engines of mass destruction, my country hopes that thousands of human beings threatened by famine, poverty and sickness will begin to have some hope that this world of peace will also be theirs - that is, that we shall have a world of active solidarity. It is world peace which is at stake. This is perhaps the greatest challenge faced by our Organization.