On behalf of the Government and the people of Japan, I would first like to express my congratulations to Mr. Guido de Marco on his election as President of this forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. At the same time, I would be remiss were I not to express our appreciation to Mr. Joseph Garba for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the forty-fourth session. I would also like to extend a hearty welcome to the Republic of Namibia and the Principality of Liechtenstein, both of which are joining us at the General Assembly as now Members of the United Nations.
Established for the paramount purpose of maintaining international peace, the United Nations has once again become the focus of international attention and hope, as it has moved promptly and appropriately to deal with the recent Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, to work for peace in Cambodia and to fulfil its other missions. I sincerely welcome the revitalization of the United Nations role in maintaining and restoring peace, and express my profound appreciation and respect to the Security Council, the Secretary-General and the entire United Nations staff for their contributions to that end.
Since we last gathered in these halls one year ago, the international situation has undergone changes far greater than any of us could have imagined. We are now truly at a historic watershed. In the light of perestroika and the "new thinking" that guides the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, democratization and the shift to market economies in Eastern Europe and the advent of a new era in United States-Soviet relations, the cold war is now a thing of the past. The transformation from discord and conflict to dialogue and co-operation that began in Europe has extended to other regions as well, and now shows signs of spreading world-wide. The collapse of the Berlin Wall and German unification are symbolic of this quantum leap to freedom and co-operation. However, despite the laudable historic changes, the sudden shattering of peace in the Gulf region with Iraq's illegal invasion of Kuwait is a reminder that the future of the international community remains uncertain and a demonstration that even this new international order is fraught with peril.
In this rapidly changing international situation, what are the international community’s ultimate needs end what role can the United Nations play in meeting them? These are crucial issues, and our response to them will help determine whether we shall succeed in ensuring that this new world order is one of peace and 5u8tice.
In taking a series of prompt and effective measures against Iraqi aggression, the Security Council became the embodiment of the international community's conscience and underlined the vital role the United Nations has to play. The collective security mechanism of the United Nations is based on а solemn pledge: States will resolve their differences peacefully through discussion, and meet with united opposition any State that breaks these vows. While in the era of East-West discord this system did not always work as effectively as we might have hoped, it may be said that a new era has dawned in which it could come into full flower. Terrorism and regional disputes grounded in ancient territorial or ethnic rivalries are the main destabilising elements at this time of transition, and it is essential that the United Nations play a central role in their prevention, elimination and resolution.
The wave of democratisation spawned by reform and free elections in the countries of Eastern Europe gives us hope that a veritable tide of democratization will overtake Africa, Asia and Latin America, and that a current of reform will spread across the entire world. Market principles likewise are being embraced in more and more countries around the world. All people, regardless of where they live, must be guaranteed their fundamental human rights, must enjoy freedom of expression and have the right to pursue economic activities freely. The concept of each person realising his or her full potential is crucial to the attainment of a truly just and humane world based on respect and equality. I believe that the World Summit for Children, to be convened this week-end, will be meaningful in raising awareness of the issue of the rights of the world's children.
By dispatching election observer teams to monitor free elections in diverse parts of the world, the United Nations has contributed immensely to this tide of democratization and, under the banner of "ballots not bullets", has proclaimed the gospel of self-determination, which holds that a nation’s future is determined by the will of its people. I am confident that the United Nations will play an increasingly important role in ensuring basic human rights and economic freedom.
Although in the post-war era much of the free world has enjoyed development and prosperity, many developing countries are still beset by grinding poverty and crippling debt. If the international community is to achieve sustained growth we must strive to ensure that developing countries share in it. There are also numerous problems - such as those relating to the global environment and drugs - that affect all humankind and thus demand a common response. Because it is clearly impossible for any one country alone to resolve these issues, co-operation through the United Nations system is essential.
Since the Second World War Japan has developed a foreign policy whose object, above all else, is peace and, in line with its Peace Constitution, has restricted its military activities entirely to defence, seeking to resolve differences with other nations through discussion. The spirit underlying Japan's Constitution is based on the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes that is embodied in the United Nations Charter. Thus, ever since being admitted to membership, Japan has made the United Nations an extremely important part of its foreign policy. Japan is firmly resolved not to become a military Power that could pose a threat to other nations, steadfastly to uphold its three non-nuclear principles, not to export arms to belligerents or countries on the brink of belligerency, and to contribute to world stability through peaceful means.
Based on the position that it will discharge those international obligations it deems most appropriate, and in view of its dual position as an Asia-Pacific nation and an industrial democracy, Japan will seek to contribute to a better world and to pursue an activist foreign policy in the guest for peace and stability throughout the international community.
Addressing the General Assembly last year, I stated that Japan would co-operate to the best of its ability in the cause of world peace - through diplomatic efforts, financial and personnel support for United Nations peace-keeping operations, and assistance for refugees and for national rehabilitation following the resolution of conflicts. Along with continuing to promote such co-operation in the cause of peace, Japan is determined to make broad-based contributions to those most urgent issues facing the international community: world-wide peace, stability, and democracy.
Accordingly, Japan is prepared to co-operate in every possible way within the bounds of its Constitution so that the United Nations collective-security mechanism can function effectively. Responding to the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq, Japan had independently decided to impose economic sanctions even before the Security Council took such action, and it is faithfully observing all the terms of the Security Council resolutions. Seeking to contribute vigorously to international efforts for the restoration of peace and stability in the Gulf region, Japan has responded positively to the call for material, transport, medical and financial support.
Japan is also extending assistance to the many refugees this conflict has generated, and economic support to the countries in the region most severely affected. Japan calls upon Iraq to heed the repeated Security Council resolutions and to withdraw promptly and unconditionally from Kuwait. The Iraqi measures barring the departure of many Japanese and ether foreign nationals stranded in Iraq are intolerable from a humanitarian as well as an international legal standpoint. Japan demands that the Government of Iraq allow these people to leave as soon as possible. I hope the Secretary-General will continue his efforts towards that end.
The peace-keeping activities of the United Nations have taken on added breadth and intensity in recent years. I am particularly pleased that the areas of possible civilian participation have expanded, allowing a greater number of countries to become involved. I refer, in particular, to civilian monitoring of elections and the incorporation of a civil administrative function, as envisaged for the operations in Cambodia and Western Sahara. The United Nations is thus participating in the establishment of democratic governments, representing the best interests of the entire international community Japan has been making a special effort to support peace-keeping operations, including voluntary contributions to their start-up costs and also to a trust fund for strengthening their financial base. I should like to call upon other Member States to do likewise. Japan has also provided civilian personnel for the election observer teams in Namibia and Nicaragua, and I assure the Assembly that it will continue to extend both financial and personnel support for these activities.
In an effort further to expand Japan's participation. Prime Minister Kaifu announced that he would review the legal system of Japan and seriously consider enacting new legislation - for example, a United Nations peace co-operation law. This would enable Japan within the framework of its Constitution to assume greater responsibilities regarding United Nations activities for preserving peace and to participate in international efforts in support of those activities. Indeed, the Government is now engaged in intensive deliberations on this legislation. I believe that Japan can best contribute to the cause of world peace, and in a manner consistent with its Peace Constitution, by participating in United Nations activities to restore and maintain international peace and stability.
Tumultuous changes witnessed in Europe are spreading to other regions and have begun to have a global impact. In the Asia-Pacific region they include improvements in Sino-Soviet and in Korean-Soviet relations, the start of the Soviet withdrawal from Mongolia and Cam Ranh Bay, and the process of democratisation in Mongolia. These changes will surely be followed by others. At the same time, however, the Soviet Union continues to occupy Japan's Northern Territories, stability has yet to come to the Korean peninsula, and many problems stand in the way of a comprehensive political settlement in Cambodia. Moreover, there are fears that conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir may escalate.
Peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region has a direct bearing on Japan's own stability, and I feel it is essential to work together to dispel the political distrust and solve other problems in the region. Accordingly£ it is Japan's policy, as part of its diplomatic efforts, to encourage more vigorous and constructive dialogue among all countries concerned.
In this era when new relationships, based on dialogue and co-operation, are being forged worldwide, I am hopeful that progress will be made towards normalizing Japanese-Soviet relations, resolving the still unsettled Northern Territories issue, and concluding a peace treaty between our two countries. Progress in these areas not only will contribute immeasurably to buttressing peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region but also will help extend to other parts of the world the substantive improvements in the East-West relationship that are taking place in Europe. It is on this basis that Japan will continue further to expand and strengthen the dialogue; I hope that the Soviet Union will likewise make greater efforts for fundamental improvements in the relationship.
It is crucial to peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region that the People's Republic of China remains open to the rest of the world and enjoy domestic stability. Japan hopes that China will continue to pursue policies of reform and openness, and, for its part, will continue its policy of extending all possible co-operation to such Chinese efforts at modernisation. A comprehensive political settlement in which the United Nations is involved is essential to any lasting solution to the long-festering Cambodian problem. Following last year's international conference in Paris, efforts for a political settlement have been made, at the international level, at the regional level, and at the national level, among the principal parties. An Asian nation itself, Japan hosted the Tokyo meeting on Cambodia in an effort to find a solution to this problem, which is the primary destabilizing factor in the region, and has taken an active part in the peace process.
The momentum for peace is building, with the formulation of a framework for a settlement by the permanent members of the Security Council, and with the establishment, at the Jakarta meeting, of the Supreme National Council. I very much hope that the Paris conference will be convened soon, that the remaining problems will be ironed out, and that peace will come to Cambodia in the near future. Japan is considering how it might extend co-operation with United Nations peace-keeping activities and, once peace is attained, with national rehabilitation efforts.
The issue of the Korean peninsula is, as a matter of principle, one to be settled peacefully through direct dialogue between the authorities of the North and of the South. Highly appreciative of the fact that the historic North-South Prime-Ministerial meeting took place earlier this month in Seoul, Japan hopes that further progress will be made in the North-South dialogue. In the light of this new situation, Japan is working positively to improve relations with North Korea, with due regard for the maintenance of international political balance. Japan hopes to contribute to the creation of a climate conducive to further dialogue between North and South Korea. Moreover, we have maintained the position that we would welcome and support United Nations membership for North and South, as an interim measure towards the goal of unification of the peninsula. This would also contribute to the relaxation of tensions and would enhance the universality of the United Nations. We hope that constructive talks will be hold between North and South on the basis of the outcome of the recent North-South Prime-Ministerial meeting.
I place the greatest importance on the progress made recently in South Africa towards the elimination of apartheid. Preliminary negotiations between the Government of South Africa and the African National Congress have prepared the way for true negotiations on the drafting of a new constitution, and I believe that this represents a significant step towards a peaceful resolution of the problem. Japan supports the efforts of all the principals involved in South Africa towards the establishment of a free and democratic regime, a regime from which apartheid has been fully eradicated.
We must not forget that, even today, internal fighting continues in Afghanistan. Japan has long emphasized that true stability cannot be attained in Afghanistan without the establishment of α broad-based Government that reflects the popular will. Japan has been working actively for refugee repatriation - for example, by contributing to the Office of the Co-ordinator for United Nations Humanitarian and Economic Assistance to Afghanistan. I sincerely hope that, through the determined efforts of the Afghan people themselves to solve their problems, and through the negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union, peace and stability will be restored to Afghanistan and that refugees will be enabled to return to their homes as soon as possible.
Japan has consistently supported the efforts and initiatives of countries in the region to restore peace to Central America. We attach the greatest importance to the fact that a change of Government was effected in Nicaragua through free and fair elections held under United Nations supervision, and we hope that in El Salvador a cease-fire will be achieved with United Nations co-operation.
In the field of arms control and disarmament, it is gratifying that the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks and the Negotiations on Conventional Forces in Europe have been accelerated. This progress both reflects and reinforces the overall improvement in East-West relations.
Yet of ever greater urgency is the question of how to structure, maintain and strengthen global arrangements against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, as well as of missiles and other armaments. The current situation in this Gulf vividly demonstrates this. I am convinced that Japan's firm policy of restricting the export of weapons has contributed to the maintenance of international peace and security. Believing it imperative that there be greater disclosure and greater transparency in the transfer of conventional weapons, I very much hope that a productive conclusion can be reached on this issue in the deliberations by the group of experts, as called for in the General Assembly resolution.
While the recently concluded Fourth Review Conference on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) did not adopt a final declaration, it did reaffirm the significance of the NPT structure. Japan will continue to work for the maintenance and strengthening of the HPT regime, and calls upon all of the signatories strictly to observe the Treaty's provisions. We believe that having France and China present as observers at this Fourth Review Conference was beneficial in that it made the NPT regime more universal, and we appeal to all countries, nuclear and non-nuclear alike, to accede to the Treaty as soon as possible, if they have not already done so.
In the same vein, Japan was pleased that this year at the Geneva Conference on Disarmament the ad hoc committee was reconvened to deliberate on substantive issues relating to the limiting or banning of nuclear testing. That the United States and the Soviet Union have exchanged instruments of ratification for two treaties relating to nuclear testing is also encouraging, and we hope that this work will be continued next year.
If we are ever to achieve a fundamental solution to the issue of chemical weapons, it is essential that we make further efforts, in the spirit of the Final Declaration of the Paris Conference, to achieve an early conclusion by the Geneva Conference on Disarmament on a comprehensive ban on these weapons. The initiatives taken recently by the United States and the Soviet Union on this issue deserve our highest respect.
Japan, for its part, will continue to work At the United Nations, at the Geneva Conference on Disarmament, and in other forums, for effective arms control and disarmament. As an industrial democracy, Japan is contributing vigorously to the movement towards democracy manifest in so many places around the world. Japan's basic policy is to co-operate actively, as appropriate to each situation, with countries that are themselves undertaking democratisation.
In co-ordination with the other industrial democracies, Japan will continue to support actively the democratic Governments that have been established in Eastern Europe.
I believe that it is incumbent upon us to demonstrate our support, through economic and other forms of co-operation, for the democratisation efforts of developing countries by extending economic and other forms of co-operation.
As is clear from the efforts for perestroika in the Soviet Union and from the shift to Market economies in Eastern Europe, the driving force behind the world economy's dynamic development has been the system of free trade centred on market-economy principles.
Moreover, it is hoped that the integration of the European Community, slated for 1992, will not succumb to regionalism and protectionism, but will be open to the rest of the world. It is essential that the free-trade system be preserved and strengthened in order to ensure sustained development everywhere, including East European and developing countries. Accordingly, our most urgent task is to ensure that the Uruguay Bound is concluded successfully, stemming the tide of protectionism and restructuring the international trading order for the twenty-first century. With little more than two months to go in the negotiations, it is essential that every Government concerned have the political will to make a concerted effort to resolve the remaining issues.
The effort to support the East European countries in their transition to market economies must not adversely affect assistance to developing countries. This position was reaffirmed in the Economic Declaration of the Houston Summit. Support for developing countries, particularly non-oil-producing countries, is especially important in view of the effects that the current situation in the Gulf is having on them. Thu , we must recognize that the need to co-operate with the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America as they strive to overcome their economic difficulties is greater than ever.
Japan has systematically enhanced its official development assistance (ODA) in an effort to expand the flow of capital and technical co-operation to developing countries. As a result, last year Japan became the world's largest donor of ODA. At the same time, it is working to implement measures to recycle private and public funds on an untied basis to developing countries burdened by debt and other problems.
The land-locked developing countries (LLDCs) of sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere demand particular consideration as they struggle with declining market prices for their primary commodities, low-growth rates, trade deficits, burgeoning debt, and other grave difficulties. Japan has been strengthening its support for the economic structural adjustment efforts of these countries by extending non-project grant capital co-operation as well as grant assistance to offset obligations arising from past yen credits. The recent ŁŁDC Paris Conference played an important role in bringing to world attention the desperate plight of the LLDCs and the need for international co-operation. Japan intends to extend assistance to these countries to the best of its ability.
As Japan's ODA disbursements have increased, making it the world's leading donor country, I have frequently been asked if this assistance is truly designed to meet actual needs of the recipient countries, if due attention is being paid to environmental concerns in development projects, and if the assistance is being used effectively. I hope that the system for assessing the effectiveness of aid will be improved and the dialogue on aid policies and programmes between donor and recipient countries strengthened. The United Nations, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and other international bodies play the leading role here, and I suggest that they strengthen all possible measures to achieve these ends.	.

The dramatic political and economic changes which the international community is now witnessing are closely related to dramatic advances in science and technology. Ever since the invention of the steam engine gave rise to the industrial revolution and irrevocably altered the social structure, scientific innovation has affected the way society has developed. Today, advances in telecommunications satellites have made it possible to exchange information and images in real time, and advances in transportation technology have enabled us to travel more frequently and at faster speeds. Indeed, the instantaneous transmission of information was a major factor behind the chain reaction of rapid, radical reform in Eastern Europe. Scientific and technological advances offer infinite possibilities for human progress.
The other side of this coin, however, is the alarming progress made in weapons technology with its potential for the total destruction of human society. And the vast increases in production and consumption that have accompanied scientific and technological advances have in turn given rise to the problems of global warming, destruction of the ozone layer, depletion of the tropical rain forests, acid rain, creeping desertification, and other disruptions of the global ecological balance.
Because these issues are of the most urgent importance to the entire global community, it is incumbent upon the United Nations  humankind's most universal organisation, to mobilize all of the capabilities available to it in the search for solutions.
Japan's assiduous efforts to overcome its serious environmental pollution problems have resulted, for example, in the achievement of the lowest carbon dioxide emission levels relative to its gross domestic product (GDP) of any industrial nation. I assure the Assembly that Japan will use its scientific and technological expertise, experience and wisdom, as well as its economic might, to contribute, ever more vigorously to international co-operation on global environmental issues. Consistent with the policy  and with its continuing support for the activities of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), the International Tropical Timber Organisation (ITTO) and other bodies, Japan is increasing its ODA for environmental programmes to approximately 300 billion yen over the three-year period from 1989 to 1991. Japan is also taking an active part in preparations for the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, and will extend co-operation to support developing countries, through, for example, the Multilateral Fund under the Montreal Protocol.
The transfer of technology is an important part of assistance to developing countries, a study is now under way on the possibility of establishing in Japan the UMEP centre for global environmental conservation. This would serve as a central body to co-ordinate the collection of technical data to meet the needs of developing countries and provide access to appropriate technology through training and other programmes. As soon as UMBP makes а formal decision, the Government of Japan will co-operate with efforts to establish thin centre.
The 1990s have been designated the International Decade for natural Disaster Seduction. As one of the countries that proposed this designation, Japan appeals to all countries of the world to make every effort to raise international consciousness about natural disasters, to minimise the damage from such disasters, and to protect the global environment.
It is in the field of medicine in which we have most directly experienced the benefits of science and technology, and it is clear that international co-operation in this field is most important if we are to go on to create a global community in which all people can live full and healthy lives. Through advances in medicine, tuberculosis, smallpox, and many other once-feared diseases have been largely eradicated. It is hoped that in the not-too-distant future effective means will be found to treat cancer and AIDS.
The accident at Chernobyl was a stark reminder of the potential of scientific and technological advances to threaten humankind's very survival. This year the Economic and Social Council has called for bilateral and Multilateral assistance to the victims of that tragic accident. As the only country to have suffered the effects of the atomic bomb, Japan intends to use the experience it has gained in this field to benefit those victims.
The drug problem is another issue that can only be resolved with international co-operation, and here too hopes are high that the United Nations will play an effective role. Japan supports the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control (UMFOAC) and is working to implement the global action programme and political Declaration adopted at the special session on narcotic drugs. Consistent with these efforts, Japan has proposed that an Asia-Pacific drug conference be convened to promote and co-ordinate intraregional co-operation on this issue.
In this era of change it is important that serious thought be given to the question whether the roles and functions of the United Nations are fully suited to the emerging international order. The Security Council, for example, has an increasingly important role to play in this age of dialogue and co-operation in maintaining and restoring peace; even before conflict erupts, it should, together with the Secretary-General, engage in preventive diplomacy to warn of the danger and to lower the level of tension. I believe that a system should be put in place which, in a situation where international peace and security was threatened, would enable the Security Council to conduct fact-finding activities and dispatch, observer missions and the Secretary-General to undertake efforts to intervene, and prevent conflict at an early stage. Such a system would constitute a particularly effective means of preventing the escalation of disputes. Japan is prepared to work in earnest with other Member States to take the necessary measures to strengthen these conflict-prevention functions.
All Member States should take full part in United Nations activities, working as equals in this new era of co-operation. Consistent with this principle, I believe that the so-called former enemy clauses remaining in the Charter are entirely inappropriate and meaningless in this new era, and I should like to call upon other United Nations Members for their understanding and support for the elimination of these clauses.
The speedy response of the United Nations to the Iraqi crisis has opened the eyes of leaders and people the world over to the usefulness of the United Nations and especially of its efforts to maintain and restore peace. In Japan, the media offer detailed reports of every Security Council meeting and thorough analyses of the Secretary-General's every diplomatic move,  t the same time, there is an earnest public debate now under way as to how Japan, a pacifist nation, can more fully co-operate with the United Nations to achieve world peace. I trust that similar debates are taking place in other nations around the globe.
However before have hopes been higher that the United Nations will play a leading role in the pursuit of world peace and stability; in the creation of a free and democratic society, where human rights are respected; in the achievement of lasting prosperity; and in solving the environmental and other global problems facing humankind.
We are now in the final decade of the twentieth century and, as we look back, it is clear that this was a century of protracted war and conflict. It should be just as clear that the twenty-first century must be one of peace and co-operation.
All nations will have to co-operate to preserve the global environment, control drug abuse, deter international terrorism and prevent the depletion of the Earth's resources.
Having made the United Nations a central focus of its foreign policy ever since being accepted as a Member, Japan places its full trust and hope in the Organisation. Japan is determined to make every possible effort for world peace and stability for a humane international community and for an enduringly beautiful planet.


It is a great honour for me and for the entire delegation of Rwanda to convey to you, Sir, our sincere and warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session.
Your election bears witness to the esteem in which you are held by the international community because of your outstanding personal qualities and your qualities as an experienced diplomat and, through you, this is a signal honour to your country, the Republic of Malta, which has always shown firm determination to contribute to a constant strengthening of relations of co-operation with all peace- and justice-loving countries. The Rwandese delegation at this session of the General Assembly wishes to assure you that it will make its modest contribution to ensuring the success of your noble task.
I also wish to express our deepest gratitude to your predecessor, who guided with confidence and wisdom the work of the forty-fourth session and the seventeenth and eighteenth special sessions of the General Assembly of our Organisation, Mr. Joseph Garba, since he is indeed a worthy representative of his country, Nigeria, and of all of Africa.
I should also like to pay a most sincere tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who for nine years has shown skill, tireless will, foresight and a spirit of balance in carrying out the incredibly difficult and complex tasks entrusted to him. We wish him continuing success and we wish that every day he may further enhance the high esteem in which our Organisation is held among nations.
Ten years have already passed since my first statement to this body, in 1980. I note with satisfaction that during that period certain political conflicts of deep concern to the international community have developed along most favourable lines. Let me express on behalf of the delegation of Rwanda and on my own behalf our great joy at seeing the delegation of an independent Namibia among us. It is thanks to the outstanding leadership of President Sam Nujoma that the Namibian people was able - after three decades of armed struggle - to accede to the independence and the liberation of its country. My country, Rwanda, was delighted to welcome the admission of Namibia to the great family of the United Nations on 23 April 1990.
I wish to take this opportunity to extend my warmest congratulations to the Government and the people of Namibia, who are now engaged in the most difficult but commendable task of national reconstruction.
The Rwandese Republic has always encouraged and supported all initiatives aimed at the reunification of the German nation and heartily endorses the positive developments concerning that issue. In this regard, the Rwandese Government and people welcomed with great joy the news of the crumbling of the Berlin Hall, which took place that memorable night of 9-10 November 1989, marking the end of an unacceptable split the German people had been experiencing for more than 40 years.
On 3 October 1990, the German people will solemnly and joyfully celebrate their reunification, which has been particularly helped along by the events which have wrought such changes in Eastern Europe. It was with great satisfaction that the Rwandese Government welcomed the reunification agreement signed 31 August 1990, a sovereign decision reflecting the firm will of the German people to pool their efforts to build a more prosperous nation, a nation still further strengthened in its desire to build a better world.
I reaffirm Rwanda's steadfast support for German reunification, and I most sincerely hope that all other nations rent by division will, like the German people, firmly commit themselves to follow this happy course in order quickly to put an end to their tragic situations,
It is in that spirit that the Rwandese Republic greatly appreciates and supports efforts designed to promote the peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean nation.
Rwanda equally encourages the pursuit of direct negotiations, conducted under the auspices of the Secretary-General, on the question of Cyprus. I am convinced that the solution to this problem must be found within the framework of the application of universal principles enshrining respect for sovereignty and the territorial integrity of States.
These two positive events, namely, the independence of Namibia and the crumbling of the Berlin Wall, of which the entire international community is proud, are the result of detente between East and West. Indeed, the end of the ideological struggle between the two super-Powers has allowed for the birth of a new era of democracy and freedom throughout the world, and in particular in the countries of Eastern Europe. We hope that the peace dividends will be converted into tools for the socio-economic development of the most disadvantaged countries.
It is my duty, in addition, to emphasise that Rwanda firmly supports the negotiations begun between the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the South African Government, designed fully to dismantle the horrendous apartheid system, which has always been deplored from this rostrum. Given the tangible progress and courageous concessions made on all sides, there are grounds for hope that South Africa will very soon see the advent of an era of multiracial democracy.
A plethora of old and new conflicts are striking various regions of the globe, with most of them concentrated in Africa, Asia and Latin America. We commend and support all efforts - bilateral, multilateral or international - aimed at putting an end to these devastating and economically painful rifts.
Despite the positive results around the globe and the tireless efforts of the United Nations through its Secretary-General, one notes, unfortunately, that the international community has not yet solved all its problems, and certain new conflicts are darkening the backdrop of the international political scene.
Indeed, the international community is now faced with s new conflict, born in the Persian Gulf, between Iraq and Kuwait, which has turned into an international crisis.
Thus, defying all conventions governing international relations, Iraq invaded Kuwait on the night of 1 August 1990 and later declared its annexation.
Rwanda believes that this invasion represents a glaring violation of peaceful coexistence and respect for the sovereignty of all States. It is a violation of the Charter of the United Nations which, in paragraph 4 of Article 2, states: "All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations."
Rwanda therefore energetically condemns this invasion and supports all the resolutions adopted by the Security Council, in particular those demanding the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait, declaring Iraq's annexation of Kuwait null and void and imposing economic sanctions against Iraq with a view to putting an end to its territorial ambitions. We believe that only dialogue can avoid the futile bloodbath that would arise as a result of armed confrontation between the forces now in the Persian Gulf.
Moreover, Rwanda believes that the crisis in the Persian Gulf should not make us forget the Palestinian problem, which has been with us for more than 40 years.
In this tragedy in the Gulf, caused by behaviour attributable to another age, one cannot but note the extent to which the moral authority of the Organization has been strengthened thanks to the spirit of solidarity, a harbinger of hope for the future.
The fragile situation in Liberia remains most alarming, since it is characterized by an inter-ethnic fratricidal war and by the total deterioration of the political and administrative structure. We therefore approve the measures taken by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOHAS) to put an end to this tragic situation. Like the efforts made by the international community to settle the crisis in the Persian Gulf, we believe that it should mobilize all necessary resources in order rapidly to resolve this tragic crisis in Liberia.
At a time when we note the improvement in international relations and the prevailing climate of detente, we are unfortunately obliged to recall that the international economic situation does not at all lend itself to optimism, given the structural crisis which continues to exacerbate the already very deep gap between the industrialized and developing countries.
The international community must do its utmost to transform into a more equitable and balanced order the current unjust international economic order, is characterised by structural imbalances. It must prevent the tragedies happening in poverty, which today, near the end of our century, is still the world's problem, and make still more vigorous and determined efforts to halt the conflicts and tensions existing among peoples and States. The Government of Rwanda continues to support efforts aimed at reactivating the North-South dialogue and strengthening South-South co-operation.
Africa remains that continent where problems of underdevelopment are raised in terms of great human anguish and where the economic prospects of most countries which are in the category of least developed countries are gloomy indeed, particularly for those, such Rwanda, which are facing various structural handicaps that are exacerbated by numerous current economic conditions. Indeed, those countries, the most disadvantaged on our planet, are helplessly watching an accelerated deterioration of the living conditions of their people, who are increasingly becoming prey to the scourges of poverty, famine, malnutrition and ignorance.
Rwanda, which has suffered along with its African peers, once again appeals to the international community for greater solidarity and more effective mutual understanding, given the problems battering the African continent. Airing these familiar problems, s should note those which most severely affect the economies of ◦nr countries, namely, the crucial problem of foreign debt, the collapse of raw-materials prices, the deterioration of terms of trade and the decline in public assistance for development.
Indebtedness is a problem causing grave concern to the so-called developing countries in general and to the African countries in particular. Foreign debt is in fact, a heavy burden, a bottle-neck in the development process, since it has the negative effect of reinforcing the combination of factors which diminish the capacity for repayment while the imbalances in international trade grow worse, We urgently request that the search for solutions to the economic crisis of the third world in general, and of Africa in particular, should mobilize all the intellectual and moral resources required and take into account all aspects of the problem, without forgetting or overlooking the social aspects, for it is peoples, more than States, that must remain the major beneficiaries of the remedial measures to be advocated.
An effective programme of economic recovery and growth must be concerned with rewarding the management and economic-recovery efforts made by countries, instead of merely being limited to prescribing immediate miracle-working recipes. The experience of several sub-Saharan countries in this sphere shows us that it is important to establish programmes that are suited to the realities and specific conditions of each country and, above all, are drawn up with the assistance of the recipient countries and populations. While it is true that the recovery of the world economy requires joint international action, it is even more true that the drastic measures sometime conceived in abstractio and imposed on the developing countries entail an extremely high economic, social and political cost those programmes, which often give solvency priority over all else, have created extremely difficult end often socially unacceptable situations, and have always led to an irresistible process of further indebtedness whose price future generations will have to pay.
But we must also recognise that the revitalisation of our economies, a revival of exports, the growth and consolidation of the private sector, the reduction of public expenditure and the infusions of currency necessary for importing cannot take place in the present critical situation of the economies of the third world without assistance from fresh currency sources. For that reason, given the real economic difficulties which have become crushing, especially during the last two years, Rwanda began discussions in 1989 with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank on the key ideas for a programme of economic recovery and growth, a programme adapted to the realities and the needs of my country will soon be signed.
Allow me to say a few words about the difficult question of the environment. Rwanda believes that the entire international community is involved in this matter and -that a surge of international solidarity is required to mobilise all resources needed to preserve a healthful and viable environment for the human race.
Everyone recognizes that ecological problems have now become matters of global concern, but there are still differences of opinion concerning the causes and responsibilities involved in the deterioration and the protection of the environment and concerning the measures to be taken in that area.
In the countries of the third world underdevelopment, poverty, misery and ignorance are the major causes of environmental deterioration, whereas in industrialised countries that deterioration is due to their patterns of consumption and production. Therefore there is reason to hope that these positions will be harmonized in the context of preparations now under way for the 1992 Conference on Environment and Development.
The Rwandese Republic voices the hope that in the critical area of the environment the international community will be able to close ranks and mobilize the intellectual and technical resources required to find solutions that will guarantee the survival of our planet.
For its part, Rwanda, which has made the preservation of the environment one of its major priorities within the framework of its policy of food self-sufficiency, has undertaken significant actions in this area, such as the national campaign against erosion, the national reforestation effort and the national environmental strategy, to give only a few examples. The road is still long, of course, for a great deal remains to be done. This is why we are counting on international co-operation to meet the environmental challenges our country is encountering.
My country, Rwanda, attaches particular importance to the preservation of its natural heritage and to environmental protection. The strengthening and maintenance of ecological balance require us to demonstrate further concern, day by day, for our national parks, our rivers, our lakes, our natural preserves, our forests, our habitat - in a word, for all the elements which make up our environment.
Turning to the important question of democracy, a key element for generating · peace and development. I should like to explain my country's objectives to the General Assembly. Since the beginning of 1989, well before the political upheavals in Eastern Europe, Rwanda has been giving careful consideration to updating its political system. First on the agenda is the formulation of a new political manifesto, a national political charter redefining and setting forth in depth the new democratic rules as devised by the people of Rwanda and guaranteeing respect for democratic process and national cohesion.
In the long term we shall also be reviewing our 1978 Constitution to establish a clear separation of powers and, above all, to enshrine the supremacy of the State over any political organization. A wide-ranging national dialogue will enable all the active forces of the Rwandan nation to state their position on all aspects of today's political issues.
No less important than the problems I have already mentioned is that of my compatriots living outside Rwanda. As I have repeatedly said, the question of Rwandese refugees is primarily the responsibility of the Government and the people of Rwanda. However, in the light of its well-known problems, including those due to the small size of its territory and its population, Rwanda cannot by itself resolve this thorny and painful problem. We renew our appeal to the international community to find a lasting solution along three lines: voluntary repatriation; naturalization in the host country, also voluntary; and freedom of residence.
My country welcomes the first World Summit for Children, which was held this weekend. I personally hail that initiative and congratulate the United Nations and, especially, the United Nations Children's Fund, on having brought it about.
We all love our children. In Rwanda's philosophy of development and of the vital essence that gives us life and hope, children hold a central place, as they do in Bantu philosophy. Children have always been our raison d'etre and our highest and most important value.
As we see it therefore, the advancement of the child is everything. It is related to basic medical care, the protection of mothers, the emancipation of women and economic security. It is related to family planning, access to essential services such as water, health, education, decent housing and self-sufficiency in food. It is also related to the defence of all recognised rights of the child as defined by the United Nations Convention on the nights of the Child. In that contest, Rwanda felt in duty bound to ratify that Convention immediately.
Despite my Government's undeniable efforts, supported by the international community, and the genuine successes we have had thus far, Rwanda's situation with respect to the advancement of the child remains precarious. That is primarily because of the pressures of population density - amounting in some places to more than 1,000 people per square kilometre - on our agricultural resources. Kith unpredictable weather, this threatens, despite all our efforts, to push us ever closer to a permanent food shortage, which will, of course, affect the health of our children first and foremost.
It remains precarious also because Rwanda and the great majority of other African countries cannot but feel the ill effects of our depressing economic situation and of the ceaseless succession of crises, each one worse than the last. In a flash these sweep away as much as three quarters of our export earnings, and thus of the resources we need to plan our development.
The Declaration and Plan of Action of the Korid Summit for Children must address some of the fundamental constraints that violently block the thorough and lasting amelioration of our children's lives. Otherwise we risk missing the core of the problem that right to be the subject of that historic summit. These are the points I wanted to cover today. In conclusion, I reaffirm that the Rwandese Republic acknowledges the irreplaceable role of the United Nations in the maintenance of peace and justice and in the fight for solidarity and a better life for all the world's peoples. The people of Rwanda will never cease its support of the Organisation's quest for lasting solutions to the problems of our day.


Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to see you guiding our deliberation, during the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Malta is a country with which we enjoy warm ties through our association in both the Commonwealth and this Organisation. We are confident that your skills and wisdom will guide us well.
I also want to thank our past President, Mr. Garba of Nigeria, for the superlative manner in which he conducted the work of the General Assembly at the forty-fourth session and the special sessions on apartheid, illicit drugs and international economic co-operation,
Likewise, I welcome with joy our new Members: Liechtenstein and Namibia. Liechtenstein is a small country with a long history which can, from its rich and varied experiences, contribute much to us here. Namibia, a new nation whose birth we have waited so long, will share its youth, vigour and enthusiasm with us.
Today is the very day on which the two Germanys reunite. We warmly congratulate them on this historic step and wish them well in their united future and in the commitment to which they have dedicated themselves with regard to unity and stability in Europe and world peace. It in an honour indeed to address the Assembly at such a moment in history. This past year has seen incredible changes - changes of which there have been so many and which have come so swiftly and often unexpectedly that it has sometimes seemed as if the world were hurtling heedless into a whole new era.
But those of us who have had faith in the United Nations and its system through the years and in a Secretary-General who has so quietly and expertly shouldered his mammoth that knew that the United Nations was taking heed and changing and adapting in response to the world climate, and answering when called upon. Those who in the past celled our body unwieldy, and even fossilised, have seen new circumstances bringing new responses and new ways of doing things from Namibia and Central America to Cambodia. The United Nations has proved that, as the Secretary-General states in his report, it
"... is more than a forum for debate; it is also a place ... of purposeful negotiations", (A,45,l. P. 131 We know that beyond that, it is a vehicle for active and successful peace-making and peace-keeping. It is now fulfilling the promise its founders envisaged for it.
Of course, the new spirit which has suffused world politics as a result of the end of the cold war has injected an urgent energy not only into the United Nations and its operations, but also into the solution of regional and national problems, and has given heart and hope to people the world over. The changes in the USSE and Eastern Europe have shown that freedom and democracy, though long suppressed, can and will triumph. The power of the people will prevail, and a new style of statesmanship that has the courage to listen to the people and admit the wrongs of the past and attempt to correct them is, it seems, emerging around the globe.
While we see it most plainly in the USSR and Eastern Europe, there is evidence of it across the globe and tyrants should tremble at this wind of candour. Those who do not nay well fall before it, as we have seen happen most graphically in several countries of Eastern Europe.
Of course, the most glaring and urgent instance of refusal to acknowledge and reverse a dreadful wrong is the current stand of President Saddam Hussein of Iraq. While the world has impressed upon him the need to do so through resolution after resolution of the Security Council and taken action under Chapter VII of the Charter - evidence of the seriousness with which this threat to world peace and security is regarded - he refuses to comply and only utters more threats. We fully support all the resolutions of the Security Council and are taking measures to comply with them where required. We call upon President Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait immediately and unconditionally. We strongly condemn the invasion and the pillaging of Kuwait as well as the brutalities committed there: the taking of hostages and the barbaric use of them as human shields and the incursions into and violations of diplomatic missions. All these actions flout the Charter and international law and offend the conscience of the world.
The rays of hope touching other areas of the world have not penetrated there or the two other major trouble areas of the Middle East. We seem no closer to solutions of either the Palestinian problem or Lebanon. The frustrations of the Palestinians in the occupied territories still fester and break out into violence, which is answered with violence and repression. All violence must stop and dialogue replace it. We continue to feel that the most effective way to achieve this is at an international conference under United Nations auspices with all concerned parties participating.
Lebanon is still faction-ridden and strife-torn. Those who aggravate these frictions, and use the situation to their own advantage by their interference, must refrain from such activities before Lebanon can begin to be reunified and rebuilt.
One of the most alarming features in the Middle East is the proliferation of deadly weapons. Including those of mass destruction and those which desolate populations by chemical means. We are faced with the possibility of the whole region becoming a virtual horror chamber, particularly in view of the dangerous repercussions which these various situations may have on each other and which therefore link the different problems in the Middle East. These points to the need for a comprehensive new approach for the whole Middle Eastern region.
The situation in Afghanistan had seemed ready for settlement. The voices of reason had seemed to have penetrated there and it was hoped that on the withdrawal of the Soviet troops - action to be commended - a comprehensive peace could be worked out under United Nations auspices. However, continued fighting and factionalism has delayed the process. There is a stalemate at present and we hope that the various parties will soon come to a negotiation for a lasting peace, with the assistance of the United Nations.
With the situation in Cambodia we return to the subject of promising developments on the international scene - and that situation is certainly one of them. My country has always supported the untiring efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to help resolve this 11-year-old conflict. Now we may be seeing some light at the end of the tunnel. The peace efforts of A8BAN and other nations have recently given reason to hopes of a political breakthrough soon. In this contest we are most heartened that the five permanent members of the Security Council have launched an initiative to help secure peace in Cambodia, and we hail their framework agreement as an important contribution in this direction. Security Council resolution 668 (1990) is a historic document and will definitely provide impetus to the Cambodian peace process. We should also like to express our special support for the roles played by the co-Chairmen of the Paris Conference - Indonesia and France. Australia and Japan also deserve particular mention for their constructive contributions to the peace negotiations.
We urge all the Cambodian parties concerned and Viet Man to consider the higher interest· of the Cambodian people. It in time for national reconciliation centred around His Royal Highness Prince Norodon Sihanouk, who must continue to have a key role to play in the Cambodian peace settlement.
In Central America we see the perseverance of regional leaders in working with the United Nations towards a peaceful resolution of an area's problems rewarded with success. The role played by the United Nations in the disarming and demobilisation of the Nicaraguan resistance - and even the destruction of weapons - and in observing the electoral process, as well as the current efforts of the United Nations to find solutions to the conflicts in 81 Salvador and Guatemala, demonstrate the innovativeness and flexibility of the United Nations in action today.
The world rejoiced at the long-sought-after emergence of Namibia as an independent nation. The final act in Namibia’s long struggle to attain statehood was a fine example of a successful multilateral effort. It was a triumph not only for the United Nations but also for democratic principles and decolonisation, and we were pleased to see the Namibian constitution, based on respect for human rights and democratic principles, cone into force. We wish Namibia well.
There is promising progress on the Western Saharan problem. Once again United Nations participation has resulted in an agreed set of proposals and a plan approved by the Security Council which should set in motion a timetable for the necessary steps towards self-determination. This referendum, convened under the auspices of the United Nations, should ensure a successful and peaceful outcome of the determination process.
One of the early successes of the United Nations in this post-cold-war era of constructive co-operation was, of course, the comprehensive peace plan devised by the Security Council to put an end to the Iran-Iraq war. The continuing implementation of the plan under the watchful guidance of the Iran-Iraq Military Observatory Group to witness to the renewed vigour of the United Nations.
Even in South Africa there are signs that the South African Government, heretofore one of the most cruel, stubborn and intransigent. may be beginning to acknowledge the dreadful error of its ways. With the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners. the partial lifting of the state of emergency and the lifting of the ban on the African National Congress (AMC) and other anti-apartheid groups, we hope that we are seeing the beginning of a new way of thinking on the part of the South African authorities and that we shall soon see definite steps taken to dismantle apartheid.
On the peninsula of Korea we are pleased to see that talks have been taking place between the two Koreas at the level of the Prime Ministers. We should like to see these become substantive discussions leading to the formulation of a timetable for reunification. With the example of the unified Germany before them and the recent unification of Yemen, the Koreans should take heart and allow the spirit of compromise which now prevails to infuse these meetings. Our firm belief in the need for universality in world bodies leads us to support the admission of both Koreas to the United Nations. There is no question of this being a barrier to reunification. In fact, we think it will be a positive step end one which would encourage dialogue and co-operation between the two parties and hasten reunification.
This is the thirtieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. So many of us have come to independence by way of the United Nations and know at firsthand the historic significance of this document. United Nations trusteeship over Western Samoa was terminated in 1962, following self-determination and a plebiscite in 1961, which found in favour of Matai - or chiefly ~ suffrage. Although this system is itself based on democratic principles, I am pleased to state in this Hall, 29 years later, that on the 29th of this month we shall be holding a national referendum to determine whether or not the people of our country now wish to adopt universal suffrage.
The International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism began this year, and we look forward, indeed, to the day when the self-determination process will be completed throughout the world. In our region, New Caledonia is making steady progress along the road to self-determination and the French authorities are continuing the positive measures promised to promote political, economic and social development in the Territory. We urge all parties to maintain the pace of progress and to continue the dialogue in the interests of all the people of New Caledonia and a peaceful path to self-determination.
There is no doubt that the new climate of co-operation and partnership that has been fashioned by the courage and vision of the great world leaders of today has presented the world with political opportunities heretofore undreamt of to resolve regional conflicts that remain intractable and to address issues of concern to all citizens of the world.
Concern for the universal good, global welfare and due regard for the legitimate concerns, and, indeed, for the very real fears of human beings throughout the world must surely be obligatory for responsible and enlightened leaders today.
Individual nations must not have unhampered freedom obstinately to pursue actions that are repugnant and terrifying to others and that endanger the welfare of all. Nuclear testing in the Pacific and elsewhere must stop immediately. For 15 years now the frantic protests of the peoples of the Pacific against nuclear testing on fragile Mururoa Atoll have been completely ignored by one country which bad simply decided to embark on a testing programme, cone what might - a programme which so far has conducted over 100 nuclear explosions.
In contrast, we are delighted to note Japan's decision to cease drift-net fishing in the Pacific a year before the date set in the resolution adopted by the General Assembly last year. We hope that the few who still practise this vile fishing method, wherever it occurs, will soon follow suit.
Concerted efforts and strategies must be developed to protect the environment and to deal with the myriad problems that may be attributable to the greenhouse effect as well as the other environmental ills of this planet. We are optimistic that the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be hold in Brazil in 1992, will provide a thorough and comprehensive review of our staggering global environmental problems. The Preparatory Committee, under the able guidance of Ambassador Tommy Koh of Singapore, has already begun important work.
We ourselves were recently subject to the vagaries of nature, when we were hit early this year by the devastation of Cyclone Ofa, which did incalculable damage to our fragile environment. I should like to take this opportunity to thank all those who proffered aid in our hour of need - international organisations, countries, non-governmental organisations and private individuals. This year begins the International Decade for Natural Disaster Seduction, and we feel it is timely indeed.
Timely also was the General Assembly's Declaration early this year on International Economic Co-operation, in particular the Revitalisation of Economic Growth and Development of the Developing Countries.
We sincerely hope that the new, emerging challenges we are confronting today with respect to the political, economic, and social reforms taking place in Europe, coupled with the alarming crisis in the Middle East, will not affect too adversely and further burden the economies of the developing and least developed countries.
As I come to the end of this statement, I feel that I must reiterate my optimism regarding the political climate of the coming decade, and I want to pay tribute to the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics for the emergence of this exciting new scenario. The pace of disarmament must intensify and the peace dividend we have heard so much about must become a reality, so that we can do the things to benefit humanity that we should have been doing all along.
In particular, we want to see the situation of the world's children change immeasurably for the better. This is International Literacy Tear, and while we cannot underestimate the importance of literacy to the mental growth of a child, this is just one of so many things we must do to ameliorate the plight of our children. The 9forId Summit for Children in which we participated last weekend focused the world's attention on the frightening prospects for the world's future if we do not ensure that our children develop healthy in mind, body and soul. It is definitely time to re-order our priorities - to put the well-being of the world's children, and therefore the world's future, above all else. Mow is the time to turn fro, the insanity of war and weaponry to the fulfilment of the promise of the human race.


The close and cordial relations between Malta and my country give me added pleasure in conveying to the President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session the warm and sincere congratulations of the Ghana delegation on his unanimous election. My delegation looks forward with confidence to a rewarding and successful session under his able and distinguished leadership.
L should like also to congratulate his immediate predecessor,
Major-General Joseph Garba, an illustrious son of Africa, on his outstanding contribution to the forty-fourth session.
I should like to take this opportunity to welcome Liechtenstein into membership of the United Nations. The prospects for the universality of this Organisation being made complete in the near future are now bright indeed, and this is as it should be.
The international political climate has taken a sudden, paradoxical and alarming twist as a result of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Ghana had hoped that after eight years of wasteful war, attended by untold human suffering, the Gulf region would be spared another conflict. Unfortunately, that region's stability has once more been disturbed, and the threat of a wider conflict looms before us.
The Government of Ghana has already issued a statement totally rejecting the use of force in international relations and underlining Ghana's commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes, in accordance with the United Nations Charter. We again call upon Iraq to withdraw its forces from Kuwait unconditionally and to settle its differences with Kuwait through peaceful negotiations. We also appeal to all to exercise maximum restraint and to give dialogue and diplomatic effort a chance.
The Gulf crisis points to other concerns, which are wider in their implications. The double standards, particularly on the part of the West, are as revealing as they are unacceptable. The willingness to rush into action at the annexation of Kuwait contrasts sharply with the condoning of and inaction over, Israel's occupation of Arab lands and with the benign neglect of Liberia. Again, for years, the Western countries have contended that economic sanctions would not work against South Africa. Suddenly, the same countries are eager to apply sanctions against Iraq.
And it is difficult not to see the response to Iraq at least partly in terms of the consistent exploitation of the third world through strategies that ensure the supply of cheap raw materials to the Western industrialised countries. On the other hand, policies of oil-rich third world countries that have facilitated the injection of billions of dollars in investment in Western industrialised countries contrast sharply with the lack of adequate resources to enable many a third world country to meet the basic requirements of economic development. These considerations cannot be overlooked, and in the face of them a great dilemma is posed to many third world countries having to withstand high oil prices as a result of a prolonged sanctions policy against Iraq. A secure world order is possible only on the basis of a consistent commitment to principle and to social justice.
The anxiety that has been displayed in respect of the Gulf crisis should be brought to bear also on Israel in the search for a solution to the Palestinian problem, which remains a major cause of instability in the Middle East. We reaffirm our support for the General Assembly's call for an international conference, under United Nations auspices, in which all parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, would participate on an equal footing to address the problem.
In Cyprus, the rising tension between the two communities is a matter of concern to my delegation. We call upon the two communities to abandon mutual recriminations in favour of a more vigorous effort to promote reconciliation. In this regard, the Secretary-General's plan of action, aimed at assisting the two communities to reach a negotiated settlement, deserves a chance.
Recent developments in other areas, however, have augured well. Improved East-Hast relations continue to strengthen the prospects for peace. The super-Power summit in Malta and Washington and the ongoing Vienna talks, which is resulted in significant troop reductions  have raised new hopes for peace and stability in Europe, thus putting an end to four decades of division and mistrust in that continent.
We also welcome the recent Bush-Gorbachev agreement on the production of chemical weapons and on the destruction of their chemical-weapon stockpiles. It is the hope of my delegation that this agreement will provide the necessary impetus to the Geneva negotiations on nuclear weapons. As a signatory to the 1925 Geneva Protocol, Ghana shares the international concern over the use and spread of chemical weapons. We look forward to a comprehensive treaty that will command universal adherence.
We hope that the lessons of the Vienna talks will not be lost on developing countries, much of whose expenditure on arms purchases, in our view, could have been channelled into socio-economic programmes to alleviate poverty and social hardship. Greater dedication to equity in north-South relations end observance of the principle of noa-inter£e7,nce in the internal affairs of member States, particularly the developing countries, would do much to encourage developing countries to exercise restraint in the acquisition of weapons.
With regard to nuclear weapons, we are concerned at the slow progress of the ongoing negotiations after the encouraging start in 1988. Removing the threat of nuclear war, as stated by the General Assembly in the Final Document of the first special session devoted to disarmament, remains the most urgent task of our day. Once again, we call upon the super-Powers to redeem their pledge.
By far the most significant import of improved East-West relations is the freedom and independence of East European countries and the forthcoming reunification of Germany. We hope that these developments will not open the door to internal instability, conflicts within and between those States arising out of ethnic rivalries and old boundary disputes. In a future of economic super-Powers, a reunited Germany would have pride of place, which should satisfy German sentiments and be a factor for peace. The free markets of Eastern Europe would, it is hoped, open further export opportunities for the third world countries, even though the greater competition for scarce Western resources will have an adverse impact on their development. Opportunities for educational facilities for nationals of third world countries and favourable economic and trade arrangements between those countries and the Eastern European countries appear to be in jeopardy. There is evidence o£ increased racism in the newly founded democracies of Eastern Europe, not to mention the possibility that East-West détente may threaten the efforts of third world countries to escape Western imperialism and neo-colonialism. So, while we welcome changes in Eastern Europe, we are also apprehensive about their impact upon the fortunes of the third world.
The eighteenth special session on the drug crisis held last February, and the forthcoming World Summit for Children, the first ever, underscore the overwhelming desire that the United Nations should be a primary player in our common endeavour to address two gigantic human problems of our times. Reinvigorating the world body
in the social area where, for so long, it has been only marginally effective, is an encouraging trend which my delegation supports. The carrying out of this and other crucial tasks, including peace-making and peace-keeping, however, demands a stronger and better-financed United Nations.
It is, therefore, a matter of regret that, despite the implementation of almost all of the budgetary and administrative reforms recommended by the 1985 Group of High-level Intergovernmental Experts, the United Nations continues to face serious financial problems owing to the withholding of assessed contributions by some Member States. We call upon those withholding assessed contributions to comply with the financial requirements of membership.
My delegation welcomes the positive impetus to the Cambodian peace process in the shape of the new United Nations peace plan, which offers a framework for a comprehensive settlement aimed at ending the civil war in Cambodia. My delegation is also encouraged by reports about plans for a new political order that would end outside arms supplies to the warring Afghan factions and set up an impartial electoral process. We are equally encouraged by the positive developments in the Iran-Iraq peace process since the last session, particularly by concessions made by Iraq leading towards direct negotiations by the two countries and the repatriation of several thousands of prisoners of war. We call upon all the parties concerned and the international community to lend their fullest co-operation to these various peace process.
We have followed positive trends in other parts of the world closely. The Republic of Yemen, which we welcome, is being represented here for the first time by one delegation. German reunification and the Roh-Gorbachev exploratory talks held in San Francisco in June 1990 have had their impact on the Korean peninsula, where discussions between delegations from North and South Korea and the exchange of top-level visits are increasing, λ resolve by both Koreas to settle their differences is the most secure basis for peace in the Korean peninsula. As sovereign independent States, either the Democratic People's Republic of Korea or the Republic of Korea, or both, are entitled to be admitted into the United Nations. It would be better still if by agreement between them they could follow the example of Yemen.
I would now like to turn to the African continent, where the global drive for peace has received a serious set-back through the current conflict in Liberia. Ghana and five other sister member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) were compelled to send peace-keeping troops to Liberia in the context of the cease-fire monitoring group established at the end of the Banjul Summit on 7 August 1990 to stop the carnage and the destruction of property in that country. We appeal to all people of good will to extend support to the ECOWAS effort.
We would also appeal for early resumption of peace talks in Mozambique and Angola.
The adoption by the Security Council on 27 June 1930 of the Secretary-General's implementation plan on Western Sahara marks a significant step forward on the tortuous journey towards the settlement of the Western Sahara conflict. We call upon all parties to extend maximum co-operation in the implementation of the plan.
The road ahead for the realisation of the General Assembly's objective of a non-racial democratic South Africa continues to be fraught with difficulties despite recent encouraging developments in southern Africa. As the report of the Secretary-General to the General Assembly at its resumed forty-fourth session shows, the political guidelines set forth in the 14 December 1989 Declaration are far from being ,et by South Africa. The report is timely, particularly in the light of current attempts being made by Pretoria and by some Members of the United Nations towards the lifting of sanctions against South Africa.
Responsible public leaders and organizations including the Commonwealth Committee of five Foreign Ministers and the July 1990 Summit of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), have strongly urged that sanctions against South Africa should be maintained and strengthened. The truth of the matter is that there has been little progress towards dismantling apartheid. Meanwhile, rights   elements and the security forces are fuelling conflict and carnage among blacks as a way of reversing the prospects for progress. Until there is clear evidence of an irreversible move for dismantling apartheid, the international community should continue to maintain the pressure on South Africa in the form of comprehensive and mandatory sanctions.
The global economic situation continues to be a source of concern to several developing countries, including mine. For sub-Saharan Africa, in particular, it is the same tragic tale of economic stagnation and declining living conditions, despite the structural adjustment programmes undertaken by several countries.
We appreciate the good will and practical support extended to Africa by the international community but move needs to be done. We recognise that, in the foreseeable future, Africa will require substantial external assistance to supplement its own efforts.
But Africa requires the understanding by its development partners of the cultural environment in which the reform programmes must be implemented. It is important to stress this point in order to drive home some fundamental truths about the African situation particularly is the light of the emerging views about new political conditionalities for extending assistance to Africa. This is not the time to widen the web of conditionalities particularly if this will lead to the imposition of political concepts and constitutional processes that will undermine national unity and stability. It is rather the time to adopt realistic attitudes toward redressing the unfavourable international environment in particular problems of falling commodity prices, debt-servicing burdens, high interest rates and protectionism, which continue to undermine reform efforts of African Governments.
In the area of trade, developing countries continue to suffer from adverse terms of trade. While developing countries under their various restructuring programmes have liberalised their economies, the developed countries have given in to protectionist pressures and resorted increasingly to managed trade, as exemplified by the growing volume of voluntary export restraints, orderly marketing arrangements and bilateral agreements limiting trade. The international trading system, founded on the principle of non-discrimination, is littered with discriminatory arrangements.

The 1980s have also seen the Magnitude of the external debt of developing countries grow in volume to the level of $1.3 trillion, of which Africa bears over $250 billion, with the debt still rising on account of rising interest rates and rescheduling. As the Secretary-General's Expert Group on Africa's commodity problems points out in its report, rescheduling of debt unaccompanied by debt write-down, can lead to increased overall debt. Although there has been so   progress in debt relief under the Toronto Agreement on the Paris Club debt; the impact has been inadequate both in scope and implementation. My delegation, therefore, wholeheartedly endorses the recommendations of the Secretary-General's Expert Group on Africa's debt, particularly those regarding increased efforts to reduce both the debt stock and the debt service; the granting of further relief by moving beyond the terns of the Toronto initiative in respect of the remaining Paris Club debt; and the availability of a moratorium of 3 to 10 years with interest charged at International Development Association (XDA) rates and the resources cost not deducted from aid allocations. My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to reiterate its call for an international conference on Africa's debt.
The flow of resources so critical to the long-term development needs of developing countries has been considerably reduced. The commercial banks are still reluctant to resume lending to highly indebted countries as their credit worthiness has been seriously eroded by the twin problems of external indebtedness and adverse terns of trade. Many low-income countries depend on official development assistance (ODA) for external finance to support their development programmes. But ODA flows have stagnated in real terms. Few industrialised countries have attained the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product (GNP) in ODA flows to developing countries. In the face of the resource squeeze, structural adjustment programmes mounted by most African countries within the framework of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 have had short-term perspective as the necessary resource to support growth-oriented policies have not been forthcoming.
In calling for a special session of the General Assembly devoted to the revitalisation of economic growth and development, in particular in the developing countries the Group of 77 had expected purposeful and decisive international action to address the major constraints militating against their economic growth. But in the end consensus could be achieved only on the basis of bland assurances promising more of the same failed policies. For developing countries this was a disappointment. The international "community missed a good opportunity to demonstrate its political will to find a lasting solution to some of the intractable problems confronting the developing world today.
Instead refuge was sought in calls for democratic reform. In the 1980s the call was for economic reform. Developing countries followed the prescriptions for structural adjustment and yet continued to suffer economic malaise of a more virulent kind. Naturally they began to question the policy prescriptions and their underlying assumptions. The Economic Commission for Africa's alternative framework for structural adjustment should have been a welcome contribution to the debate. However instead of its promoting a vigorous debate on and critical analysis of the reasons why economic reforms were not yielding the expected results the focus quickly shifted from the need for economic reform to the lack of democratic reform as the primary constraint against economic recovery and development in the developing countries. Democratic reform has thus become the clarion call at the beginning of the 1990s.
I should like to address that question, as it is important to make the position of the Ghana Government quite clear. Implicit in the new clarion call is the statement that the political system of the developing countries are somehow flawed and perhaps Western-style political institutions are what is required to lift the developing countries out of their economic plight. Let me say unequivocally that we cherish the ideals of democracy. Our argument is that political institutions must be rooted in the culture and experience of the society concerned not in an alien culture.
This, position is reflected in Ghana in the sound beginning which we have already made towards representative government through the establishment of district assembly, elected freely by secret ballot from multiple candidates.
These assemblies constitute the vehicles for participation  at the grass-roots level, in decision-making. We are taking the process further by conducting national consultations on a future political system for our country. These consultations and the consensus emerging there from will fashion a system of government at the national level which rests on our value goals, particularly stability and national unity, and is rooted in our culture.
But no political system, however representative or democratic, can thrive in the face of grinding poverty and dependency. The experience of many countries demonstrates that democratic reform without economic justice sounds hollow to those ravaged by hunger, disease, illiteracy and misery. Freedom from want is as basic в human right as the right to choose the political system under which one lives.
Believing as it does in the promotion of, and respect for, human rights, the Government of Ghana ha· signed and ratified various international human rights instruments at the global and regional levels covering a wide range of rights and freedoms of the individual and of peoples. These include the Convention on the Sights of the Child, which my country was the first Member State to ratify in furtherance of its resolve to protect and promote the rights of children, and the African Charter of Human and People's Rights which addresses the peculiar socio-cultural and economic considerations pertaining to African peoples. Equally important is the reflection of our commitment in our domestic policies and legislation.
The Government of Ghana looks forward to participating actively and constructively in the international Conference on Environment and Development which will be held in Brazil in 1992, for which the preparatory work has already begun. It is our hope that all aspects of environmental protection and preservation will be considered, including issues relating to the transfer of environmentally sound technologies and resources in support of the sustainable development of the developing countries.
In conclusion, the poverty and declining living standards of Africa remain a major challenge to the international community. The objective of global peace will continue to be illusory as long as this challenge is unmet. The 19808 were characterised as the lost decade for development. At the dawn of the 1990s let us pledge together to avoid such a mockery of the closing decade of this century through our common and renewed endeavour to enhance the quality of life of the vast majority of the peoples of our planet. Collectively we have the capacity and the resources. We must match that capacity and those resources with our collective will.