31.	 On behalf of the Japanese delegation, 1 wish to extend my heartfelt congratulations to you on your assumption of the presidency of the twenty- sixth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I am confident that this session of the General Assembly will be led to fruitful accomplishments under your effective guidance, an outstanding statesman of Asia
' who is making continuous efforts day and night to bring about peace and the relaxation of tension in that area. I have had the pleasure of maintaining the closest of relationships with you for a number of years and I hold you in the highest esteem. I cannot forget the great skill
displayed by you at the Djakarta Conference on Cambodia in May last year.
32.	I wish to take this opportunity to express my deepest respect to Edvard Hambro, the former President of the General Assembly. We all came to recognize his outstanding leadership last year during our twenty-fifth anniversary session..
33.	I wish to pay my sincere respects to our esteemed SecretaryGeneral, U Thant, and to express my profound appreciation for his dedication to the noble efforts of the United Nations for world peace.
34.	I now take pleasure in extending my heartfelt congratulations to the delegations of Bahrain, Bhutan, and Qatar which have become Members of the United Nations at this session of the General Assembly. Our warm, cordial and friendly relations with Bahrain and Qatar, these two emerging States of the Persian Gulf, have been maintained and nurtured through diplomatic channels or visits of economic missions. I also recall with particular delight that H.R.H. Prince Wangchuk, the chairman of the delegation of the Kingdom of Bhutan, has long been a close friend of my own country.
35.	The struggle for the peace of mankind, which has continued since the end of the Second World War, is today approaching an important turning-point.
36.	In Europe, where efforts to lay the groundwork for easing tension have continued for the past several years through dialog between East and West, the four Powers, namely, the United States, the United Kingdom, France and the Soviet Union, have recently entered into basic agreements on the Berlin issue. This we heartily welcome as an opportunity to accelerate the relaxation of tensions not only in Central Europe, but also in the whole world.
37.	Likewise, we ere beginning to see a ray of hope for easing tension also in Asia, many parts of which have suffered the ravages of war and which has been the arena of fierce confrontations between East and West for a quarter of a century after the end of the last war.
38.	One year after the appeal made by President Park Chung Hee of the Republic of Korea on 15 August last year, a first step was taken to open a dialog between the Republic of Korea and North Korea. The fact that arrangements have been made to begin, in the near future, a dialog between the leaders of the United States and the People's Republic of China seems to open a new prospect of cooperation and the relaxation of tensions in the Far East, and in turn, the whole of Asia and throughout the world.
39.	It is noteworthy that efforts for peace are being continued in the Middle East and VietNam by the parties concerned, in spite of a series of disappointing twists and turns. We sincerely hope that just and peaceful solutions will be achieved as soon as possible by the parties concerned with true courage and the spirit of conciliation.
feared involvement in war, are anxiously waiting for a relaxation of tensions.
41.	Japan, as a nation of Asia, and as a nation dedicated to peace, is determined to extend a helping hand in the struggle for peace.
42.	The Japanese people, who suffered the ravages of the Second World War, are firmly determined that such a catastrophe should never be repeated. The Constitution of Japan, which is based on pacifism, embodies that determination. The Prime Minister of Japan, Mr. Sato, enunciated anew last autumn from this rostrum [1877th meeting/ the fundamental policy of Japan's foreign relations, which is to defend freedom, steadfastly pursue peace and promote the peace and prosperity of the world. Above all, Japan intends to cooperate to the fullest possible extent with the developing countries in their efforts towards development and to safeguard its own peace and security by promoting the harmony and prosperity of all the peoples of the world. This point was also clearly stated by Prime Minister Sato last year in this Assembly hall. The Japanese people strongly hope that the big military Powers of the world, those which possess nuclear weapons, will be mindful of their grave responsibility for the maintenance of world peace and will make extraordinary efforts for the furtherance of disarmament and mutual understanding among nations.
43.	The foreign policy of Japan based on peace is in full accord with the objectives pursued by the United Nations and, therefore, this world Organization commands the wholehearted support of the Japanese people. There are some who allege the revival of Japanese militarism. It will be clear from the foregoing statement of mine that nothing is farther from the truth than such a misunderstanding.
44.	Believing that the struggle for peace is now entering a new phase, I should like to emphasize that the time has come further to strengthen the organization and functions of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. Japan will endeavor to strengthen the United Nations in cooperation with all Member States and will expand the scope of its contributions to various activities of the United Nations.
40. The peoples of Asia, who for long years lived under 46. First of all, I believe that, in strengthening our gunfire, grieved at the division of their motherlands, or , Organization, the possibility of reviewing the Charter itself
45.	The United Nations celebrated last year the twenty- fifth anniversary of its founding, and we witnessed on that occasion the upsurge of a mood for the strengthening of this Organization. It may be recalled that, in the general debate [1842nd meeting], I made on behalf of my Government a number of concrete suggestions concerning the strengthening of the organization and functions of the United Nations. I believe that this year, the first year of the 1970s, we should see to it that this mood is translated into practice. In this connexion, I should like to make a strong appeal, especially to the permanent members of the Security Council, on account of their grave responsibility for the pursuit of the objectives of the United Nations, not to take a backward looking attitude to the question of strengthening and reforming the organization and functions of the United Nations.
should not be ruled out. Since I have made the Japanese position on the question of the Charter review very clear in the general debate last year [ibid,, paras. 6181], I will refrain, from going into details at this moment. I should like to reaffirm, however, that such a review should be centered on the  following four points: namely, first, the organization and functions of the Security Council; secondly, the United Nations peacekeeping operations; thirdly, the organization and functions of the United Nations relating to economic and social development; fourthly, revisions or deletions of anachronistic provisions in the Charter.
47.	The question of Charter review is to be taken up, as it was agreed upon, at the next session of the General Assembly „ but I think it is always necessary that we should go back to the Charter itself in conducting discussions and studies to explore the measures for strengthening the United Nations.
48.	It is in the field of peacekeeping operations that the United Nations has made its utmost contribution for the maintenance of international peace and security. We should therefore first set to work to strengthen the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations for the strengthening of our Organization. It will be recalled that the strengthening of the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations was proclaimed in the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security, adopted at the last session of the General Assembly [resolution 2734 (XXV)], as one of its major pillars. I believe that it is an important future task of ours to conduct effective deliberations on the various problems relating to United Nations peacekeeping operations in some appropriate forum of the General Assembly.
49.	The recent advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the question of Namibia  clearly demonstrated the importance of the role to be played by the world tribunal for the establishment of law and justice in international relations. The problem of the review of the role of the International Court of Justice will be taken up again by the present session of the General Assembly [item 90], and I believe that we should tackle the problem positively with a view to strengthening the Court.
50.	I should now like to take up some of the pending issues in current international relations and to explain our position on these issues.
51.	The question of Chinese representation in the United Nations has been under discussion in the General Assembly since 1950. In view of the recent development of the international situation, this question is regarded as one of the most important subjects of discussion at the current session of the General Assembly.
52.	At the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly, the votes in favor of the so-called Albanian draft resolution exceeded those against it [1913th meeting/, A number of countries have since recognized, and established diplomatic relations with, the Government of the People's Republic of China. It was announced in July last that the President of the United States, Mr. Nixon, would visit that country. The international situation involving China is moving rapidly and the People's Republic of China is about to emerge from its long isolation and to join the international community as an important member.
53.	It is highly desirable that the Government of the People's Republic of China cooperate with all countries of the world for the establishment of a lasting world peace. In this sense, we consider its participation in the United Nations meaningful and we welcome it.
54.	However, it is also a fact that there exists in Taiwan the Government of the Republic of China ruling a population of over 13 million. Should this fact be ignored, it would upset the international balance prevailing in the Far East and intensify tensions, rather than bring about a relaxation of tensions, in that part of the world.
55.	With these considerations, the Government of Japan has decided to cosponsor the draft resolution requesting the General Assembly to decide that any proposal in the Assembly which would result in depriving the Republic of China of representation in the United Nations is an important question under Article 18 of the Charter [AfL.632 and Add.l and 2] and also the draft resolution seeking to affirm the right of representation of the Government of the People's Republic of China, to recommend that it should be seated in the Security Council as a permanent member, and at the same time to affirm the continued right of representation of the Government of the Republic of China [A/L.633 and Add.l and 2],
56.	The Japanese Government holds the position that China is one, and we sincerely wish that the problem should be solved through peaceful dialog between the two parties concerned. I am convinced that our proposed draft resolutions are not prejudicial to either of the two conflicting claims involved, and that they are appropriate as a transitional step reflecting the reality of the international situation relating to China. I earnestly hope that our draft resolutions will be adopted with the support of a majority of Member States.
57.	In order to restore peace in Indo-China, there still exists a number of difficult problems to be resolved. But we note with interest that the international relations surrounding Indo-China and the Paris peace talks suggest an increasing tendency towards peace. I appeal from the bottom of my heart to the parties and countries concerned to nurture and foster this movement for peace with great care. It is, needless to say, what is most required today in Indo-China and SouthEast Asia at large: not destruction through warfare, but peace-building and the maintenance of peace. Japan, being located in Asia and having deep concern with the changing situation of Asia, is determined to cooperate as much as possible with other Asian countries for the earliest possible restoration of peace in Indo-China. Moreover, we will undertake positive cooperation for the maintenance of peace in that region once peace is restored. I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate that my country is prepared to extend maximum cooperation for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the regions of Indo-China, regardless of the difference of political or social system and to make a due contribution for promoting such objectives.
58.	In this connexion I take note with appreciation that SecretaryGeneral U Than! indicated in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization that the United Nations should contribute to the restoration and reconstruction of this area [A/8401/AddJ, para, 40].
59.	As for the Middle East conflict, a long time has elapsed since the ray of hope for its settlement appeared on the horizon, and we regret that the pace of progress towards peace is all too slow. We must realize that delay in the settlement of the question will lead only to the further deterioration of all aspects of this extremely complex problem and the breeding of new problems with benefit to none. I should like to urge all the States concerned as well as the four great Powers to give full consideration to these conditions ana redouble their courage to reach, a just and lasting peace in the Middle East in accordance with Security Council resolution 242 (1967). As an Asian nation and a member of the Security Council, Japan is prepared to make due contribution towards the peaceful settlement of the problem.
60.	In Palestine and Indo-China, and in connexion with the question of East Pakistan, millions of innocent people have been deprived of their houses and lands and are living in hardship and destitution away from their homes. Their plight is beyond description.
61.	Obviously, the disputes or the situations which have brought into existence such numerous refugees should be settled expeditiously, but the foremost responsibility of the United Nations and the international community at large is to exert the greatest possible efforts to give whatever relief is needed to alleviate the miseries and pains of these innocent sufferers. Moreover, in my view, such an effort for the relief of refugees will, as one of its effects, expedite the political solution of various complex problems brought about by intensified international disputes. The tragedy of the Palestine refugees with a history of more than 20 years should not be repeated anywhere else in the world.
62.	It may be pointed out, in this connexion, that Japan's recent contributions for refugee relief and disaster rehabilitation amount in total to $12 million. We shall continue our utmost endeavor to increase the amount of such humanitarian relief aid as well as to effect its prompt disbursement. Moreover, we shall reinforce our cooperation in extending our aid in such fields as vocational training and education for refugees, carried out under the auspices of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other international organizations in the belief that these aid efforts will lead to the fundamental solution of the refugee problem itself. Japan wishes to make its due contribution to the settlement of various problems related to international peace and security through its aid efforts in such fields.
63.	When we consider the problems related to international peace and security, we should never forget the continued existence of racial discrimination, the illegal minority regime and colonial domination in southern Africa, in defiance of repeated appeals and condemnation by the international community. Japan deeply deplores the situation prevailing in that region and strongly urges the States concerned to liberate colonial territories, dissolve the illegal minority regime and eliminate racial discrimination without delay, in compliance with the appeals of the international community.
64.	Japan will not spare itself in cooperating to the best of its ability with the international community, in particular with African States, in their efforts to achieve a lasting settlement of the problem by peaceful means,
65.	Arms control and reduction are indispensable conditions for the maintenance and promotion of world peace. Especially, the early realization of nuclear disarmament would be imperative, when we come to think about the catastrophe which the use of nuclear weapons is likely to cause to humanity.
66.	I should like to emphasize the important responsibility of the nuclear Powers for the realization of concrete measures for nuclear disarmament, such as the promotion of bilateral talks between the United States and the Soviet Union on strategic arms limitation and the prohibition of underground nuclear testing. My country, for its part, hopes that ,'he Governments of the Republic of France and the People's Republic of China will participate actively in the forums of disarmament talks, and that they will accede to the treaties already existing relative to disarmament.
67.	The recent announcement of new economic policies by the Government of the United States and the subsequent developments can be considered as a clear reflection of the fact that the trade and monetary system which has supported the development of the world economy for 25 years after the end of the Second World War is now facing a crucial turning-point. How the United States and other countries of the world cope with this new and extremely fluid situation and what new order and rules they may establish will, I believe, have a significant influence on the welfare and peace of mankind. If the countries of the world should merely mind their self-interests and fail to face the present trial with a global perspective, I am afraid that it may bring about the unfortunate division of the world economy into blocs and worldwide economic stagnation.
68.	With such considerations, my country intends to continue to exert, in close consultation with other nations, the greatest possible efforts for the creation of a new order of the world economy.
69.	The Second United Nations Development Decade started on 1 January this year, and we are now entering the stage where we should act for the implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Decade /resolution 2626 (XXV)]. We must bear in mind, however, that, in the light of the present international economic situation, the road to the attainment of the goals and objectives of the Development Strategy is not necessarily an easy one. The basic ideal for the Strategy for the Second Development Decade is to promote cooperative efforts between the developed and'the developing countries, while maintaining a system for the free and expanding trade and economy of the world. Therefore, I consider it particularly important, at this juncture, that the international community should reaffirm the above ideal and further strengthen the system of international cooperation for the realization of this ideal.
70.	As for Japan, my Government last year established as its policy to endeavor to attain the 1 per cent aid target by the year 1975.1 wish to point out that the aid flow from Japan to the developing countries in 1970 exceeded $1.8 thousand million, which represented 0.93 per cent of Japan's gross national product of that year. My country will continue to make positive efforts to increase the volume as well as to improve the quality of its aid for development, including the expansion of official development assistance and the softening of the terms and conditions of its aid. We have implemented the generalized scheme of preferences in favor of developing countries since August of this year. I wish to reaffirm our determination that no efforts shall be spared for Japan's positive contribution in the field of international trade in accordance with the goals and objectives of the Second United Nations Development Decade.
71.	Let me now touch briefly on the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD1, which will be held in Santiago, Chile, in April next year. I believe that the third session of UNCTAD will be a most significant occasion where the possibility and effectiveness of the concerted efforts of the international community to create an affluent world will be tested. For the success of the Second Development Decade, it is essential that selfhelp efforts on the part of the developing countries to cast off the yoke of poverty and underdevelopment, and the earnest cooperation on the part of the developed countries to meet such efforts should be mutually coordinated and reinforced.
72.	I believe that it is indeed necessary for all the countries participating in the third session of UNCTAD to study concrete measures in advance, with a serious and creative attitude, on how they can contribute to achieving meaningful results and thus attain the objectives of the Second Development Decade. My country, for one, will explore all possible measures of contribution in a positive manner.
73.	The importance of the United Nations and other international organizations in the field of economic and social development has continuously increased. As we pointed out m the general debate at the last session of the General Assembly, it is vital for us to enable the Economic and Social Council to act as a pivotal organ for realizing better coordination in the work of economic and social development and for providing overall guidelines for the activities of the United Nations family of organizations, so that the United Nations may effectively carry out its responsibility in promoting international cooperation in the field of economic and social development [1842nd meeting, paras. 78 and 79]. We welcome, therefore, resolution 1621 A (LI) adopted by the Economic and Social Council at its fifty-first session in July this year to strengthen and expand the membership of the Council. It is our earnest hope that the expansion of the Economic and Social Council will come into effect as soon as possible.
74.	Lastly, I wish to touch on the problem of the human environment.
75.	In creating the United Nations we affirmed it as our duty to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. Today we are facing a new responsibility to save succeeding generations from the scourge of the destruction of the human environment, which was not foreseen by past generations. Since our earth is a closed ecosystem, pollution and other forms of destruction of the environment, if they exceed a certain tolerable limit, will entail the gravest of risks for mankind. Efforts to eradicate hunger and poverty and to bring about the wellbeing of our society through industrialization, modernization of agriculture and reformation of nature should go side by side with international efforts to preserve a wholesome human environment. Every possible form of international cooperation to protect the human environment must earnestly and urgently be pursued. From this viewpoint, we have great expectations for the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, which is scheduled to be held in 1972.
76.	Problems of the human environment have become particularly acute in Japan, which has a vast population in a small area and is. highly industrialized. These problems call urgently for solution, and my Government, for some time now, has been taking various measures to cope with them. With the enactment in December 1970 of an epoch-making body of legislation, incorporating the most developed legal provisions for preserving the environment, the Government is now in a stronger position to deal with the substance of these problems. Moreover, in order to coordinate more effectively environmental pollution-control measures, we considerably strengthened our administrative machinery for the purpose. A Headquarters of Countermeasures for Environmental Pollution, which had been established under the Cabinet in July 1970, was strengthened and expanded, and developed into the new Environment Agency which came into being this past July.
77.	At the same time, as Prime Minister Sato made clear in his address at the General Assembly in October last year [1877th meeting], we are determined to make a positive contribution to the promotion of international cooperation in this field in the United Nations and in other international organizations. We were for example one of the first countries to ratify the latest amendment to the International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution of the Sea by (Ml which was adopted by the InterGovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization in 1969.
78.	The United Nations has already established itself as the form for worldwide cooperation and collaboration in every field of international relations. In particular, it is gratifying that the United Nations is now actively engaging in such problems as those of the human environment, outer space, the ocean and the seabed, which have lately emerged on the international horizon as a result of scientific and technological progress. We expect that the United Nations will continue to produce many tangible and effective results in dealing with these problems.
79.	It is my firm belief that the right approach to attain world peace is the reaffirmation by the whole world of the importance of this world Organization and of the need for further efforts to strengthen the Organization by invoking the original spirit which inspired the United Nations at the time of its foundation.


77.	 Your unanimous election, Sir, to the high office of President of this twenty-sixth regular session of the General Assembly is a resounding tribute to your eminent qualities as a statesman and experienced diplomat, and a source of legitimate pride for your country. Rwanda has particular reason for being pleased with that choice because of the more than friendly relations that my country maintains with Indonesia, whose noble son you are.. Indeed, there exists between our two countries a common destiny, sprung from the same source , that great "event", the African-Asian Conference, in Bandung 16 years ago, which summoned the heretofore colonized peoples to awake and forged in us a common awareness.
78.	My delegation would like at the same time to express once again its very high appreciation for the remarkable way in which your predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambro, President of the twenty-fifth session, discharged his heavy responsibilities.
79.	Secretary-General UThant, an untiring apostle of peace, deserves a special word of recognition. For so many years, he has dedicated his best energies to counseling Member States on translating into reality the great ideals of the Charter of the United Nations. My country would be very happy to see him remain even longer at the helm of this Organization.
80.	Rwanda is also extremely happy to extend a warm welcome as members of the community of nations to the States of Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar, whose desire for peace and co-operation are known to us all.
81.	As happens every year at this time, the entire world is again assembled in this forum to undertake a collective examination of conscience in order to weigh the successes and failures of nations' efforts to promote the progress and happiness of their peoples.
82.	The maintenance of international peace and security, the development among nations of friendly relations based upon respect for the principle of the equal rights of peoples and on their right to self-determination; the achievement of international co-operation for the solution of international problems in economic, social and other fields, and the encouragement of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all are the principal objectives that have been accepted by States represented here in subscribing to the Charter of our Organization. 11 is in the light of those very objectives that their behavior should be assessed.
83.	Rwanda, for its part, will continue, as it has always done in the past, to direct its foreign policy towards the achievement of those goals, whether it be domestically, in its relations with its neighbors, or within the framework of the Organization.
84.	The lives of nations, just as the lives of individuals, have their shocks and tragedies,
85.	Thus it is that Europe, which yesterday was solely ravaged by two world wars, today has great prospects for the future, thanks to the dynamic and far-seeing diplomacy of its leaders, who desired and have succeeded in re-establishing good relations between Germany and its neighbors and who just recently laid the foundations for a solution to the problem of Berlin,
86.	However, while Europe is actively working for a reconciliation with itself in order to regain its former grandeur, the situation is totally different in Asia, where absurd wars, imposed from the outside, spread needless suffering.
87.	What scope do the war in Viet-Nam and the conflict in the Middle East leave to international peace and security? In both cases a gun is brandished in the name only of "might makes right". But strength for whoever is strong lies not in the subjugation of the weak, but in mastering one's self to avoid falling prey to the excesses to which such strength might lead. As Gandhi, that great philosopher, said, "strength does not come from physical capacity. It comes from an indomitable will" and non-violence means "putting one's whole soul against the will of the tyrant".3 It is certainly high time that all the parties to the war in Viet-Nam knew that the Viet-Namese people in particular and the world in general are impatiently waiting for the rays of the sun of peace again to emerge over that suffering area.
88.	In the Middle East, hatred piled upon hatred has hardened and lulled consciences to sleep, by setting up the law of the sword and the cannon in men's hearts. It is necessary for all the Members of the Organization to support the efforts deployed by the four great Powers and by Ambassador Jarring to achieve a negotiated agreement whereby the Arab States may recover, without any preliminary conditions the territories occupied by Israel, and Israel may possess secure and recognized boundaries. This, in the view of my delegation, is the very essence of resolution 242(1967) of the Security Council. As the philosopher Aristotle has said, an unjust victory cannot convey a just claim.
89.	I should like to turn now to the problem of the representation of China within the Organization, a subject that has aroused passionate debate for so many years in this Assembly.
90.	In the opinion of my Government, the exclusion of one quarter of humanity from an organization that aims at universality by references to all sorts of fallacious arguments is an absurd situation to which who should put an end. The People's Republic of China should be re-established in its legitimate rights and should take its seat in the Security Council as a permanent member, in conformity with Article 23 of the Charter, as well as its seat in the General Assembly.
91.	Like it, or not, the People's Republic of China, with its 750 million human beings and its area of 9,600,000 square kilometers, its economic, scientific and technical development, its diplomatic relations with countries in all the continents of the world, is a giant that must have its bit to say in the settlement of the world's problems if we wish this settlement to be permanent. No one is ignorant of the fact that States that make up this Organization have different political and social regimes, for each people chooses at a given moment of its history the ideology and the regime that it considers appropriate. Why, then, exclude the People's Republic of China from this Organization-a country created by a glorious popular revolution? The peace and security of the world will be built with the full participation of the 750 million Chinese, or they will not be built at all.
92.	Thus the Government of Rwanda is prepared to support without any reservation whatsoever any proposal which is designed in a positive way to allow the People's Republic of China to make its contribution within the framework of the United Nations to the building of the future of mankind. Furthermore, my country is convinced that the question of the representation of China is by no means a question of the admission of a new member State or of the exclusion of a Member State within the meaning of Article 18, paragraph 2, of the Charter, because the State of China is a Member of the Organization and a permanent member of the Security Council in conformity with Article 23 of the Charter.
93.	As far as the 14 million people living on Taiwan are concerned, Rwanda believes that they, too, have a natural and legitimate right to be subject solely to a Government of their free choice.
94.	I cannot leave the Asian continent without referring to the problem of Korea. As the Assembly has decided [1939th meeting] to adjourn a debate on Korea to the twenty- seventh session, I will confine myself solely to stating that my Government hopes with all its heart to see this country recover its unity. It is encouraging most actively the efforts for a rapprochement that have been made at the humanitarian level by the Red Cross organizations of the two parties in order to settle the fate of prisoners. May this contact be the forerunner of others and may it open the path to a fruitful dialog between the two Koreas, for let us not forget that it is up to the Koreans themselves in the long run to solve their own problem, free from any foreign interference, military or otherwise.
95.	If it is essential to put a halt to the suffering caused by the wars in Viet-Nam and the Middle East, to promote the reunification of Korea and to do justice to the People's Republic of China by opening to it the doors of this Organization, it is equally necessary to condemn that great shame of the twentieth century, namely colonialism and apartheid, which are rampant in southern Africa.
96.	These two scourges have repeatedly been condemned by the General Assembly. Yet, the Republic of South Africa and Portugal, the immediate authors of this hideous drama, continue to flout the decisions of the Organization.
97.	Thus, Portugal continues to deny to the populations of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) their right to self-determination and independence; what is worse, it is carrying on a heinous colonialist war in these Territories. Its sinister annexationist plans even cause it to become involved in acts of aggression against Senegal and the Republic of Guinea, The monstrous crimes of which Portugal is guilty every day in Africa should lead to unanimous condemnation by the international Organization and should induce the latter to render it impotent to cause harm by forcing Portugal, by all possible means, to cease deliberately shocking the universal conscience by its conduct which has already manifestly been condemned by history,
98.	In South Africa, the philosophy of racial segregation involves the South African Government in acts of bloody repression against the populations of African origin, acts designed progressively to exterminate them. Some sources advocate dialog with the racist regime of Pretoria. Of course, it is better to discuss, to negotiate, in a word to conduct a dialog, than to fight. However, a dialog presupposes the existence of at least two parties; but the authorities of Pretoria clearly do not want such a dialog, because by the principle of their racial segregation they definitely exclude their true partners in dialog, namely, the African populations of the territory who are directly concerned by the subject of such a dialog. The Government of South Africa should first agree to discuss with the Africans of that country in order to find ways and means of constructing a State that will fully guarantee the rights of the majority before seeking to lay traps for the independent African States, traps designed to sway their opinion on South Africa's policy of oppression.
99.	In Namibia the situation is equally alarming. Although this Territory is directly under the jurisdiction of the United Nations, the Government of South Africa, which has refused to withdraw from this Territory, thus defying the moral and political authority of the United Nations, continues to carry out its criminal policy of humiliation and oppression. South Africa should know that it is illegal to give orders without the right to 4o so and particularly when this is against all laws. The Government of that country should enter into immediate negotiations with the Secretary-General in order to find the best ways and means to effect, without delay, the transfer of power and sovereignty to the legitimate representatives of the people of Namibia.
100.	In Southern Rhodesia, Ian Smith and his clique hold millions of Africans under their yoke under the complaisant eyes of the United Kingdom, which, in the opinion of my Government, remains fully and directly responsible for the situation prevailing in that African Territory.
101.	The unholy alliance of Lisbon, Pretoria and Salisbury obviously constitutes a permanent danger to the peace and security of the African continent, because despite numerous appeals made by our Organization this alliance persists in its error by ignoring the Irreversible laws of history which show that any revolution of substance always triumphs in the end.
102.	My Government is equally shocked to see that certain Western Powers are deliberately violating the decisions of our Organization by continuing to supply arms to South Africa and Portugal and by failing to observe the total embargo which was proclaimed agains; Rhodesia. Such conduct weakens the authority of the United Nations and also gives encouragement to manifestly immoral causes for whose defense these arms are intended.
103.	It can be foreseen that, exacerbated by the .colonialist repression of Portugal and Ian Smith, and by the inhuman and unnatural policy of racial segregation, the African populations of South Africa, Namibia, Southern Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) will finally decide to meet violence with violence and will take it upon themselves to choose the true path of their freedom, the path of revolution, Chairman Mao Tse-tung has said:
"A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined,.so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous, A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.*'*
104.	As an African Government, my Government is greatly preoccupied with the tragic situation thai exists in the southern part of our continent. As a member of the world community of nations, it is equally preoccupied with the danger that hangs over our heads because of the huge Stockpiles of arms of all types which States, especially the great Powers, continue to manufacture, devoting enormous sums to their manufacture. The larger and smaller nations must become acutely aware of this dangerous situation and work more decisively for the destruction of all these stockpiles that serve less for the defense of humanity, than for its impoverishment.
105.	In truth, the imperative need for peace and security throughout the world, and for good relations between countries, also requires increased international economic cooperation, in order to achieve more genuine international social justice, because* believe me, gentlemen, hunger, illness and ignorance throughout the world are as dangerous to the happiness and the security of peoples as is the sound of the camion.
106.	Hie gap which has continued to grow between the richer and poorer countries is such that the equal right of sail peoples of the world to flourish in full measure and to enjoy the benefits of civilization has become an empty slogan today. Through science and technology, which man himself has developed, man today has pierced the mystery of the depths of the oceans and has conquered outer space. The walk on the moon, this event a legend throughout the ages for all civilizations, has now become a reality. Why is mm suddenly paralyzed when it comes to beating all records in demolishing slums in which thousands and thousands of human beings are stagnating and in providing men with a decent way of life, in other words, by offering them a chance to survive as well as a reason for living?
107.	The International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, adopted by Member States on 24 October 1970 [resolution 2626 (XXV)J, is a true holy writ whose precepts should be kept constantly in mind by the leaders of the world today. The following is stated in the preamble to that text:
.. the level of living of countless of millions of people ... is still pitifully low. These people are often still undernourished, uneducated, unemployed and wanting in many other basic amenities of life. While a part of the world lives in great comfort and even affluence, much of the larger part suffers from abject poverty, and in fact the disparity is continuing to widen. This lamentable situation has contributed to the aggravation of world tension."
108.	While it is encouraging to note that there is a universal awakening to the existence of this unfortunate reality, it would be unfortunate if States, particularly those which possess more material wealth than they need, were to be content with expressions of pious wishes, without having sufficient political will to commit themselves fully to the course of international co-operation.
109.	Classical law, born of the traditional structures of Western Europe, has for long accustomed us to the idea of the coexistence of States which are fully independent one of the other and whose sovereignty is limited neither at home nor abroad. Such an approach, which reflects the liberal spirit with which the Western civilization was impregnated, is now a thing of the past. The twentieth century demands that States bow to the law of our time, which is the rule of co-operation and interdependence.
110.	This cooperation, so necessary in all sectors, is even essential in the economic field, where the developing countries are, from many points of view, treated unjustly. International social justice requires that the raw materials exported by these countries receive a fair price in world markets. The continuous deterioration of the terms of trade is of particular concern to the developing countries. It has recently been aggravated by the lack of equilibrium created in the world monetary system as a result of unilateral decisions adopted by certain States, without any account being taken of the repercussions they would have on commercial relations between the developed countries and the developing countries. It is important that the world community should do everything possible to remedy the situation.
111.	Furthermore, rates of interest for capital loans on the world market should become less prohibitive in order to allow all developed and insufficiently developed countries to have access to such loans, and thus to break the vicious circle existing today, in which loans are made only to the wealthy.
112. As we were saying, in the past man has broken through the most stubborn resistance offered by the ocean depths. This adventure has also enabled him to discover other heretofore undreamt -of riches to which, in my Government's opinion, all mankind should have equal access.
113.	I should .also like to refer in this connexion to a problem of the utmost interest to my country: that of land-locked States. While Rwanda' is very pleased that the United Nations has taken cognizance of the importance of this problem, yet it deplores the fact that in this matter certain States are at times adopting practices that run completely counter to the decisions of the United Nations, It is necessary that all countries be' invited to become parties to the Convention on Transit Trade of Land-locked States, sighed at New York on 8 July 1965, and should adhere to the convention as soon as possible. My country therefore launches a pressing appeal to all States to conform to the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations on this subject.
114.	The consolidation of this world Organization, designed l guarantee the peace and security of all nations, the promotion of a peaceful spirit which will induce States to solve their problems through negotiation and dialog, renewed urgency in the struggle against colonialism in all its forms and against racial discrimination in southern Africa, renunciation of the armaments race and the re-channeling of financial resources thus released towards the tasks of civilization and peace, the creation of social well-being for all human beings without distinction as to race, sex, color or religion and the creation of conditions that enable all human beings fully to enjoy their fundamental rights-this is .the challenge that the world of today, our common heritage, as President Nixon put it so well, must meet.
115.	For its part Rwanda considers it a point of honor to state that, as a loyal partner, it can always be counted on to make a generous contribution towards the forging of a better future for humanity.


In 2015, we celebrated the seventieth anniversary of the signing of the Charter of the United Nations in San Francisco by reflecting on the challenges facing us as an international community and our capacity to resolve them. A year later, the challenges and problems still persist and the same questions remain. Will we be able to bring dynamic, equitable and sustainable growth to our economies with the global economic crisis still upon us? Will we be able to manage migration effectively, on the basis of international law, at a time when the number of displaced people in the world is greater than it has ever been since the Second World War? Will we be able to promote peace and security in an increasingly unstable global and regional environment? Or are we going to allow the forces of nationalism, xenophobia and neoliberalism to dictate ineffective or dangerous responses to the challenges we face?
In that context, the main topic of this year’s General Assembly — the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development — is more timely than ever. In recent years, Greece has been the member of the eurozone hit the hardest by the economic crisis and the austerity measures imposed to resolve it. As a front-line European Union (EU) State, it has faced the greatest migration flows to the EU since the Second World War. Greece has been at the centre of a region with increasing security challenges, with instability deepening in the Balkans and conflicts worsening in Ukraine in the North, Libya in the West and Syria in the East.
Since I spoke here last year (see A/70/PV.22), Greece has faced these great crises standing strong. Today, our discussion is no longer about our surviving crises. Today, now that we have political and financial stability, we are focusing on ways of promoting economic growth, developing more effective and humane migration management and maintaining peace and security in our broader neighbourhood. Today, we speak about resolving challenges with an impact, not just Greece but in Europe and beyond.
At the economic level, after seven turbulent years of recession, Greece is now emerging from the deepest social and economic crisis in its post-war history. We are working hard to ensure sustainable, inclusive growth. Sometimes, despite our efforts, we take a step backwards, but we always strive to push forward to prove that a country that has lost 25 per cent of its gross domestic product in six years, and watched unemployment and poverty rates skyrocket, can stand on its feet; and to create a business-friendly environment that encourages investment and does away with the sins of corruption, patronage and parasitic business practices.
At the same time, we are confronting the serious social consequences that imposed austerity has inflicted on Greek society. Our absolute priority is to reduce unemployment as soon as possible to the average level for Europe through a new production paradigm that utilizes the potential of our highly educated human capital. At the same time, we are taking advantage of Greece’s strategic position at the crossroads of three continents, so that it can establish itself as a hub for energy, trade and maritime and railway transportation in the region. We are promoting necessary reforms, while protecting the welfare State and labour rights. We are urging our partners to proceed to the finalization of the necessary measures for our debt reduction, in order to regain market confidence and prepare the way for our return to capital markets. The first signs that our planning is delivering are already reflected in the return to positive growth rates, the steady downward trend in unemployment, the positive public finance accounts and the revived investment interest from abroad.
Besides the substantial economic challenge, the Greek people are confronting the enormous challenge of refugee and migration management, a challenge that, as we have already underlined, is global and has to be dealt with collectively, on the basis of our shared values.
Since I spoke here last, over 1 million migrants have entered Greece. Nearly 60,000 migrants remain stranded in Greece today, after our northern borders were shut off through the unilateral action of other countries. An enormous political crisis has erupted in Europe, with increasingly strong xenophobic forces pushing forward their agenda and claiming that respect for international law is a luxury in Europe today and that people should be pushed back into the sea; that sharing the responsibility for hosting refugees is an unacceptable imposition and that front-line States alone should be host countries; and that our economic crisis is reason enough for us to betray our values.
Those xenophobic forces received the answer they deserved, and that answer came from the Greek people. The people of Europe most hard hit by the economic crisis proved to the world that neither our values nor our humanity are conditional. Despite the calls for pushbacks, our coastguard has saved tens of thousands of lives, instead of endangering them. Despite the calls for violating the Geneva Convention, my country, whose asylum service did not exist three years ago, deals fairly and in accordance with the Geneva Convention with the fourth-largest number of asylum applications in Europe.
Together with Turkish and European authorities, we are implementing the very difficult, but necessary, European Union-Turkey agreement. It is an agreement that has led to a decrease in flows, but most important, a decrease in deaths in the Aegean Sea. It has replaced the dangerous route of the Aegean Sea with a legal one to Europe. In that context, today more than ever, we need a strong international initiative that will establish a new global framework for refugee management, thereby undercutting the xenophobic migration agenda. Such a framework must include increased support to countries hosting refugees, increased returns of people not in need of international protection, and the resettlement and relocation of those in need of such protection. Moreover, it must include increased security cooperation against trafficking networks and additional initiatives to tackle the root causes of migration.
The third big challenge that Greece is facing is how to contribute to peace, security and prosperity in an increasingly unstable region. Greece has been very clear in its response to this challenge. We have developed bilateral and, together with the Republic of Cyprus, trilateral relations with all our neighbours with a view to promoting peace, cooperation and international law. We have organized multilateral initiatives, such as the International Conference on Religious and Cultural Pluralism and Peaceful Coexistence in the Middle East and the Rhodes Conference on security in the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond. And we have consistently promoted these values, in all international organizations, in relation to all the conflicts in our broader region. Furthermore, we are confronting terrorism wherever it emerges and in relation to the conflicts in Syria, Libya and Ukraine and the Middle East peace process.
Today, we have before us a very important challenge to substantially promote peace and stability in our region. We remain steadfast in our support to intercommunal talks for a just, viable and comprehensive solution to the Cyprus issue, on the basis of United Nations resolutions and the status of Cyprus as an EU member State — a solution that can be viable only if we leave behind the anachronistic guarantee system of the past and ensure a withdrawal of Turkish occupying forces from the island. We support a solution that would provide a sense of security and trust to all the people of Cyprus and prepare the ground for broader cooperation in our unstable region.
We have enhanced our dialogue and relations with Turkey through a wide range of initiatives, including our excellent cooperation in managing refugee and migration flows. And we have underlined that the only way to build solid, long-lasting neighbourly relations is by respecting international law. On the name issue of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, we consistently support a mutually acceptable compound name with a geographical qualifier for use in relation to everyone. And we have promoted confidence-building measures that aim to strengthen trust and cross-border cooperation at this crucial time.
Today — unlike a year ago — the challenges we are facing in Greece are opportunities. They are opportunities for the international community, for Europe and for our region. They are opportunities to turn the page on the crisis of the past and avert new, dangerous crises. We need a just, viable solution in Cyprus that would contribute to changing the unstable dynamics of the region. That is why we need a solution to the debt issue that would contribute to a new sustainable growth model, of the kind we talk about so much here in the United Nations and in Europe, and would leave the vicious cycle of austerity behind.
We also need a global, effective response to the migration crisis, on the basis of international law. This must be a response that undercuts the dangerous xenophobic and nationalistic voices that are emerging so forcefully for the first time since the Second World War. Of course, backward-looking and ultra-conservative forces will attempt to provide solutions to these problems by investing in fear, sometimes labelling themselves anti-systemic forces. Nevertheless, it is very clear that it is not the democratic forces that are critical of the system that the international community should worry about. It is those forces that threaten our values and instead of aiming to change the world for better, aim to divide it through fear, xenophobia and nationalism. Today it is more important than ever to stand by peace, democracy and sustainable growth on all the fronts where they are being challenged, and in Greece we know that very well.


It is an honour for me to stand here in front of such a distinguished audience, especially in 2016, the year marking the sixtieth anniversary of the 1956 uprising, when the Hungarian people rose up and fought for their freedom against the Communist oppressors. In 1956, Hungary did not receive external help and so our revolution and fight for freedom was defeated, but the heroic efforts of our freedom fighters gave us the strength to survive the dictatorship and to finally gain freedom in 1990.
So today I can stand here before everyone as a representative of a free and proud nation, a nation that is proud of its traditions, culture, Christianity and past struggles for freedom.
Obviously, at this rostrum we do not need to say that the world has expeienced enormous global challenges that have recently led to dramatic changes in the tradional world order. Let me just emphasize three of the important factors responsible for those changes. All of us have witnessed, and unfortunately experienced, the worldwide spread of terrorist organizations. Day by day we witness the destabilization of some key and vulnerable regions of the world. And day by day we face the fact that around 60 to 65 million people globally are on the move, or being displaced, for various reasons.
These three factors have led to dramatic changes in the world order. I think that it is no longer an exaggeration to say that this is the twenty-fourth hour and that there is but little time left for us to channel those changes in a positive direction. However, in order to reach this goal, all of us together have to be successful in carrying out three global policy initiatives.
First of all, we must eliminate the key factor of global terrorism: the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Until we finally destroy ISIS, there will be no peace or stability in Europe’s southern and south- eastern neighbourhoods, namely the Middle East and North Africa. Until we finally destroy ISIS, thousands upon thousands of people will continue to be forced to leave their homes. Until we finally destroy ISIS, Christian communities will continue to be threatened and will continue to suffer heavy attacks. Until we finally destroy ISIS, migratory pressure on Europe will not decrease.
Secondly, we must eliminate the global network of human traffickers. We must destroy their business models and recognize that they have caused the deaths of thousands of innocent people. I am sure we can all agree that their crimes against humanity must not remain unpunished.
Thirdly, we must change the migration policies that inspire people to take their lives in their own hands to violate borders and to move to countries thousands of miles away. Migration is an extremely serious issue and challenge. That is why, instead of emotional debates, we need debates based on common sense and rationality. Instead of accusing and bashing each other, we must stand on the very stable basis of international law. I think it is especially pertinent to say that here, in this Hall. International law stipulates that the right to a safe life is a fundamental human right. But the option to pick which country to live in is not a fundamental human right. We must make it clear that there is no excuse for violating the border between two safe and peaceful countries.
Regarding Hungary, I am proud to report that with the policies that we have been carrying out, we were able to contribute to appropriate responses to recent global challenges.
First, Hungary is one of 23 countries that sent troops to fight ISIS. There are 143 Hungarian men and women serving in Iraq. They have been taking part in actions against ISIS as a force protection unit and as Peshmerga trainers. We have sent the Peshmerga army a significant amount of ammunition, and we have been taking part in the rehabilitation programme for wounded Peshmerga. We are also beginning to train Iraqi army officials. In that regard, I would like to mention that we urged the International Criminal Court (ICC) to start investigating crimes committed by ISIS against Christian communities. We regret and deplore that, despite letters sent to the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC, no real action has been taken. We are also saddened that the Security Council was not ready to refer the situation in Syria to the ICC.
I would like to take this opportunity to inform the Assembly that the Hungarian Government has established a State secretariat that monitors the position of Christian communities all over the world, determines whether they are being persecuted and organizes help for those communities whenever necessary. By doing so, we hope to prevent crimes committed against Christian communities from going unpunished.
Secondly, regarding human trafficking, the Hungarian Parliament has adopted stringent regulations against human traffickers, which can serve as best practices in the global struggle against smuggling networks.
Thirdly, regarding migration, Hungary ranks the security of its people as its top priority. We have protected our borders thus far, and we will not allow any mass border violation in future. In that connection, we must make clear that migration policies all over the world have failed. Migration policies that consider all migrants to be refugees have failed. Migration policies that seek to force countries to host thousands of migrants against the will of their own citizens have failed. Migration policies based on accusing countries that protect their own borders have also failed.
The uncontrolled and unregulated mass migration has offered terrorist organizations the opportunity to send their fighters and their terrorists to other countries and continents. The outcome and consequence of the uncontrolled and unregulated mass migration in Europe is the growing threat of terror and the worsening of public security. It is obvious now that people in Europe expect their politicians to make the restoration of security a top European policy priority.
Our position is absolutely clear — we must help those in need. We must help people to stay as close to their homes as possible, because that will allow them to return to their homes as soon as the crises are over. That is why we, the international community, have to support Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon and the Kurdish regional Government in Iraq, because those countries and the Kurdish region have been taking care of millions of refugees. If we do not help them, and if those countries and that region become unstable, then the refugees will hit the road, risking their lives trying to reach Europe. Europe will be unable to meet such a challenge. Hungary has contributed €3 million to the Madad Fund and has made a €5 million pledge to build a hospital in Syria. We have also launched a special scholarship programme for youngsters from Syria to study in Hungary, because we must help those in need.
We must place conditions on our development projects and funding programmes. I think we have a right to expect beneficiary countries to carry out reforms and to create conditions that will encourage their people to stay in their homelands. The United Nations must play a vital role in settling those serious conflicts and in overcoming those serious challenges. But, in order for it to do so, we need credibility. Hungary has joined the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency Group because we believe that we must improve the accountability and transparency of the United Nations.
That is particularly true as it relates to the appointment process for the Secretary-General. We would like to congratulate the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Lykketoft, for having ushered in the new phase of appointing the Secretary-General by organizing a hearing and for increasing the Assembly’s role in that process.
Finally, I would like to speak as a representative of a country from Central Europe. The Central European region must face some difficult and complicated challenges. There is a war in Ukraine that affects energy security; we have tensions in the western Balkan region; and we have to deal with the Russia/ Europe relationship. The Central and Eastern European countries form a group within the United Nations from which so far no Secretary-General has been chosen during the more than 70-year history of the Organization. This time, therefore, we are appealing to the generosity of the other four country groups in urging them to appoint a Secretary-General from Central Europe, who would understand the mindset of the people of Central Europe and their region and its challenges. Such a Secretary-General could be very helpful in enabling the Central European countries to overcome some of their historical tensions and issues.
Finally, I have the honour to announce Hungary’s candidature for the Human Rights Council for the 2017-2019 term. We are grateful to those countries that have already pledged to support us. I would like to emphasize here that we are ready to work together with our fellow States Members of the United Nations in order to contribute to making the United Nations human rights mechanisms more effective, with the goal of creating a better world for everyone.


At the end of the nineteenth century, one quarter of the Icelandic population emigrated to Canada and the United States. Iceland was one of the poorest countries in Europe, and people were seeking a better life for themselves and their families. The image of the struggling Icelander — crossing the ocean, seasick and hungry — is still embedded in the minds of our people. But we do know that many of our fellow countrymen achieved success in their new home. I truly believe that they have had a positive impact on their communities. The Icelandic migrants were not refugees. They were not fleeing war and disaster. But they were seeking safety and better lives for their families.
Today, millions of people are displaced by conflict and disaster. The long-term goal of the international community must be to create peace where there is conflict and economic opportunities where there are none, so that countries of origin do not lose their human capital and people can stay safely in their homes. Today, we are faced with humanitarian crisis and we must all step up to the plate. Iceland — a country of only 330,000 people — has contributed to addressing the issue, both with funding to the relevant institutions and by welcoming a group of Syrian refugees. In the weeks to come, we are welcoming another group from Syria, bringing the overall number in 2016 to more than 100. For a small country, these numbers are big — the equivalent of 100,000 in the United States.
The Middle East and North Africa regions remain in conflict and crisis, often driven by injustice and human rights failures. The Syrian conflict continues to inflict suffering on millions. I strongly condemn the attack on the United Nations humanitarian convoy earlier this week and the new attacks on Aleppo. I also urge the conflicting parties, and especially the Syrian Government, to commit to finding a political solution. The suspected war crimes committed in this conflict threaten to undermine international law for the time to come. These war crimes must be prosecuted. Along with others, I praise the generosity of the neighbouring States — Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey — in addressing the issue.
It should be possible to resolve the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, but actions by both sides have continued to undermine the negotiation of a two-State solution. There is violence and provocation on both sides. Settlement expansion and the destruction of Palestinian structures undermine the basis for peace. The Security Council should take action to back the recommendations of the Quartet via a resolution. At the same time, we urge the parties to foster a climate of tolerance.
The sense of injustice and failure of governance is often at the root of other conflicts. The question of Western Sahara remains unresolved. We urge both sides to exercise restraint and to do their utmost to reduce tensions in line with United Nations resolutions.
Africa and the Middle East are the regions worst hit by terrorism and violent extremism. But no country is left untouched, and terrorism has returned to Europe. That is a vivid reminder for my region that other societies may harbour individuals with beliefs that can be turned into justifications for violence and terrorism. It is a global threat of massive scope and complexity. We must act together as a world community. We must improve United Nations coordination in dealing with terrorism and violent extremism. We must challenge narratives and ideologies together and identify internal and external drivers of violent extremism and terrorism.
Nelson Mandela said, Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” Education is a precondition of good governance. If people do not know their rights or how to seek justice and do not understand the views of others, then building peaceful and inclusive societies is very difficult. Education remains a key pillar in Iceland’s development cooperation. Over the past 70 years Icelandic society has developed from being a poor society to a modern, prosperous economy. We could not have done that if we had not ensured access for all to quality education at both secondary and higher levels.
Education shines a light on our path to ensuring human rights for all. In one century, women have seen great progress, even though the progress is uneven. I stand here today, one of only 30 or so female Foreign Ministers in the world, as proof that we have come a long way, yet not nearly far enough. Women’s human rights lag severely behind in many countries, at great cost to women, men and society as a whole.
We have agreed that no one can be left behind. That includes every individual, no matter the colour of her or his skin, her or his disability or religion or whom she or he loves. If we want resilient and healthy societies, we must make it our business to safeguard the rights and interests of minority groups, including lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender groups.
The United Nations is the heart and soul of all international efforts. It is our responsibility to safeguard the Organization and ensure that it is ready for the challenges ahead. The new approach for appointing the Secretary-General raises the profile and standing of the United Nations. It is a major milestone to see such a strong field of women candidates. I would like to pay tribute to the former President of the General Assembly, Mr. Lykketoft, for his efforts to make the new approach work. It is now for the Security Council to propose to the General Assembly a candidate who has wide support, credibility and respect. I hope we will succeed in finding her or him.
We have set our sights high for the future of our planet. We have set goals to address climate change. We have mapped out a course to sustainable development that is universal, leaves no one behind and preserves our planet. The rules and objectives have been agreed — a major achievement. Now we have to implement them. With political will, knowledge-sharing and innovation, I am confident that we will succeed.
A large number of States have already ratified the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, thus paving the way for its early entry into force. In particular, I welcome the leadership shown by the United States of America and China. And I am proud to inform the Assembly that I handed over Iceland’s instrument of ratification earlier this week.
The world’s common road map to sustainable development — the 2030 Agenda — should be taped to the wall of every planning ministry. The Icelandic Government is keenly aware that the Agenda needs to concern every one of us. The Agenda presents challenges and opportunities to government, business and civil society in every country.
In Iceland we want to be sure of reaching the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on time. W are therefore setting up the structures and identifying the gaps to help us do that. Iceland aims to present its own national review in two years. Sharing ideas and knowledge will be a key element of our common success. For many years, Iceland has hosted United Nations University training programmes in four areas of importance to our agenda, namely, gender equality,
sustainable geothermal energy, sustainable management of the oceans and combating desertification. We will continue to make a contribution in those areas of Icelandic expertise.
Twenty-two years ago I lived in South Korea. To my surprise, I saw many similarities between Iceland and South Korea. Both countries rose from poverty to prosperity in only a few decades, and both gained independence in the 1940. And both are democracies and base their economic welfare on market economics.
In contrast, the people of North Korea still live in poverty, with a gross domestic product per capita equal to only 5 per cent of that of their cousins to the south. They experience higher infant mortality and lower life expectancy than their cousins, and even starvation. Severe human rights violations are committed by a dictatorship Government. It is shocking to see how the Government of North Korea continues its illegal pursuit of nuclear weapons, thereby risking not only the security of its own people and the entire region but also international security. Iceland strongly condemns North Korea’s nuclear testing, which is in breach of universally accepted norms and international law.
As politicians we bear a heavy responsibility to govern to the best of our ability and in the interests of all people. Good governance is outlined in a key global goal. In many ways, it is the keystone of the 2030 Agenda.
While each nation is sovereign, none of us is isolated from the world or world events. Yet we have seen powerful countries breach fundamental principles of international law by invading other States. International law is key to cross-country relations and the integrity of our global system. For a small and peaceful country like mine, international law is our sword, shield and shelter.
In 2006 nobody had heard of iPhones or tablets or apps, there were no apple slices at McDonald’s, and Segways were seen only in science fiction movies. But 2006 brought two things that everyone in this building seems to love, namely, Twitter and Mr. Ban Ki-moon, who is stepping down after 10 successful years as Secretary-General of the United Nations. During those years we have seen tremendous change. His personal commitment to fighting climate change has been a key factor in our reaching agreement. He has laid the groundwork for reforming United Nations peacekeeping operations. And he has shown strong leadership on gender issues. On behalf of Iceland, I would like to thank Mr. Ban Ki-moon for his extraordinary contribution as Secretary-General.


On behalf of Mr. Nicolás Maduro Moros, President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, I would like to congratulate the President on his election to lead the work of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. We would like to express our firm resolve to contribute to the success of his leadership and thereby to strengthening the Assembly’s authority as the most representative and democratic organ of the United Nations.
We are in the sacred home of the multilateral system, representing a banner for fundamental principles in the international relations between sovereign and equal States. The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela endorses the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which uphold respect for the right of States to self-determination, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity as the fundamental basis for ensuring peaceful coexistence among nations in the context of a multinational system. As a non-permanent member of the Security Council since January 2015, Venezuela has worked to reaffirm the primacy of sovereignty, political independence, self-determination and the peaceful resolution of disputes.
A year ago, here in the General Assembly Hall, our Heads of State and Government adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, with the ultimate goal of eradicating hunger and poverty, and noting that the Agenda must be people-centred, universal and transformative. However, I would like to focus our attention on the chief obstacle preventing the world from achieving those noble goals. The capitalist model is a huge impediment to our peoples’ right to development. It creates profound inequalities and is a threat to the very existence of the planet and the human species. In the past 50 years, the consumption generated by capitalism has succeeded in melting the polar ice caps and creating unsustainable climate conditions on our planet. In the words of Pope Francis in his encyclical Laudato si’, man’s actions and his models of production and consumption have turned the planet into a huge garbage heap. That model is sustained and developed through the expansion of violence in its various manifestations, both in internal conflicts and widespread warfare.
In 2015 global military spending reached $1.7 trillion, one third of which — $600 billion, for some countries an almost unimaginably huge figure — was spent by the United States alone to finance its wars and acts of imperial aggression. The United States has about 800 military bases around the world, whose maintenance costs about $100 billion a year. It was not without reason that in 1968 Martin Luther King said that the United States is the largest exporter of violence in the world.
The death totals in conflicts over the past five centuries reveal the intrinsic link between violence and the expansion of capitalism. The sixteenth century saw 1.6 million people die as a result of conflict. The figure for the seventeenth century was 6.1 million; for the eighteenth, 7 million; for the nineteenth, 19.4 million, and for the twentieth, 109.7 million. That tragic story of deadly violence has gone hand in hand with the expansion of capitalism and its financial effects. The ratio of the victims of deadly violence as a percentage of the total population therefore increased over those five centuries from 0.32 to 4.35, making for an increasingly violent world. The forms that wars take today have also changed. Internal conflicts now predominate, and they happen more often in poor countries. To give just one example, a 2005 United Nations report cites a tragic figure illustrating the relationship between violence and capitalism — of the 3 million people killed by conflicts since 1990, 2 million were children.
Capitalism is a serious threat to the future of humankind. Terrorism, that heinous expression of deadly violence, has also changed, becoming more violent and more widespread, attacking countries that are poor or have been ruined, and focusing on geopolitical ends in order to bring about the collapse of States and their institutions and to enable terrorists to expropriate their strategic resources illegally. Venezuela rejects terrorism in all its forms and condemns the double standard whereby the centres of hegemonic power establish an artificial dividing line for terrorism, which is good if it agrees with their desire to overthrow Governments that are not aligned with their interests, and bad when unwanted boomerang effects victimize their own populations.
As we have seen, capitalism is deadly for peace. In the past five centuries of the capitalist model’s expansion, lethal violence has claimed ever more victims and significantly worsened inequalities. Its greatest contradiction is demonstrated by the fact that today the world produces enough to sustain every person on the planet; but that wealth ends up in just a few hands, and poverty is now concentrated mainly in the countries of the South and within those of the centre. The gap between rich and poor has therefore grown disproportionately. The case of the United States is compelling; between 1942 and 2010 the gap there tripled. To give an example, in 1978, the annual earnings of an average member of the working class and a top executive were $48,000 and $393,000, respectively. in 2010, that average worker made $33,000, while a senior executive was paid more than $1.1 million.
According to Oxfam, 1 per cent of the world’s inhabitants owns the same amount of wealth as 90 per cent of the rest. But the most significant part is that this figure is not uniform around the world. It is worse in developing countries and in some sectors even worse that that, where the chasm between those who are squandering the world’s wealth and those who are dying of hunger is tragic. Concentrated capital has been turned into unproductive and speculative wealth that has a pernicious effect on economic sectors such as communications, energy, banking and investment, among others. It has become a way of increasing wealth without producing anything. It is a model based on violence, where peace has become a distant dream for humankind. To see that, we have only to consider the conflicts that are currently the worst threats to global peace and stability.
The question of Palestine is an ongoing issue for the whole of humankind. The daily lives of the Palestinian people, as they try to resist dreadful violence, are marked by war crimes and massive human rights violations. To give just one example, in 2000 the illegal occupation resulted in enormous setbacks to human development, with a poverty rate that went from 20 to 55 per cent in only three years. That figure has now worsened. We do not have the time needed to detail the numbers and types of violations of human rights that are being committed hourly against the Palestinian people.
Venezuela supports Palestine’s right of self- determination as a free, sovereign and independent State, and we therefore believe that the Organization must take the decision as soon as possible to admit it to the United Nations as a full-fledged State. We support the establishment of a State of Palestine within secure, internationally recognized pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. We call on Israel to end its protracted occupation of territories belonging to the State of Palestine. The Israeli occupation of those territories and its related policies are the leading cause of violations of Palestinians’ human rights and of international humanitarian law. Venezuela also calls for the definitive lifting of the illegal blockade that has been imposed on the Gaza Strip since 2007 and is a flagrant violation of the people’s human rights. There will be no peace in the Middle East if Israel continues to deny the Palestinian people their human rights, including their right to self-determination.
With respect to Iraq, the rationale for the second invasion of the country, in 2003, had as its starting point a truth that, not only was not verified at the time but, years later, was acknowledged by the main invaders to be a lie. That military invasion was preceded by an effective propaganda campaign focused on four main areas. None of the arguments was true. The weapons of mass destruction that led to the invasion of Iraq never existed. What is traditionally referred to as intelligence became war propaganda. The large media corporations, acting like veritable monopolies for moulding public opinion, developed genuine campaigns that preceded and justified the imperialist interventions.
With respect to Libya, in 2011, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization carried out a military intervention, plunging the nation into violence, making it a victim of terrorist groups, reducing its human development index and disrupting its cooperation mechanisms with other neighbouring countries of Mother Africa. In the past, Libya maintained oil-production levels close to 1.6 million barrels per day. In August 2016, production hardly reached 260,000 barrels per day. Yet again, the imperialist obstinacy of the Western Powers curtails the right to development of peoples, the right to peace and the right to a homeland. Migration flows of Libyan citizens seeking a better future beyond its borders have also affected poverty levels in developed countries. The serious humanitarian situations in Afghanistan and Yemen also deserve equal mention.
On another note, the Syrian Arab Republic is waging a full-fledged war against the barbarism of the terrorism plaguing the country. The Syrian people are the primary victims of the violence perpetrated by terrorist groups, which are committing war crimes through the use of chemical weapons. Terrorism in Syria has caused one of the largest humanitarian tragedies in recent decades, which has resulted in 6 million internally displaced persons and 4.8 million refugees fleeing widespread violence to save their lives, regardless of the risks they face. The dramatic images of men, women and children trying to cross the Mediterranean reflect the gravity of the armed conflict in this Arab country caused by terrorist groups and violent opposition. Overcoming the humanitarian tragedy of 13.5 million Syrian citizens depends on terrorism being vanquished and a political and peaceful solution to the armed conflict that respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that brother country.
By contrast, Venezuela welcomes the renewal of diplomatic relations between the United States and our sister Republic of Cuba as the only way to overcome and resolve the differences between the States. For decades, the Cuban people have resisted, with dignity and heroism, the ravages of State terrorism from the North whose aim it was to attack its development, political, social and cultural models. The Cuban people continue to be subjected to a criminal economic, commercial and financial blockade. Venezuela demands that the United States put an end to the blockade and offer compensation for the damage caused by such illegal and arrogant actions.
The United Nations system is facing major challenges. Sixteen years ago, at the Millennium Summit, President Hugo Chávez Frías said that the United Nations could not find its way with a map that was drawn in the historic moment following the end of the Second World War in 1945 (see A/55/PV.8). In order to successfully address the complex challenges in the areas of peace, stability and humankind’s economic and social development, it is vital for the Organization to be renewed and strengthened, and that will be achieved by reforming its principal bodies. In that regard, we call for a comprehensive reform of the Security Council. In addition to other reforms to be undertaken within the Council itself, the Council should include developing countries in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean and Asia. As the General Assembly is the democratic and universal body par excellence of the Organization, our country reaffirms its position in favour of strengthening the authority of the Assembly in the various areas conferred to it by the Charter of the United Nations, namely, peace and security, economic and social development, human rights and international cooperation.
By contrast, approaches relying on double standards and the political use of human rights to justify interventionism in our countries in order to serve imperialist interests seriously undermine the Organization’s institutions, making it a real challenge to safeguard and protect the human rights of peoples and not just individual rights and those of the global elites. It is urgent for the United Nations system to take measures against global Powers that, regardless of the rules and international law, mount attacks on Governments that express the will of their people.
The soon-to-be-elected new Secretary-General will face major challenges and so too will free and sovereign countries whose main responsibility is to work together towards a noble and imperious end. Venezuela thanks Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his efforts to promote international peace and security. It must be acknowledged that the United Nations has made great contributions to humankind. Its intrinsic purposes of peace and security are founded on a strong multilateral system that sets the international rule of law by regulating relations among States. We join in the efforts to preserve the rule of law and advance towards a better system.
Just days ago, in Margarita, we hosted the seventeenth Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movement. Venezuela chaired that important group of countries, with which we share the same concerns. We made significant progress and we remain committed to peace, development, solidarity and the welfare of our people, within the framework of the Bandung Principles on which our group was founded. In 1946, Albert Einstein asserted, “I firmly believe that the majority of peoples in the world would prefer to live in peace and security”. Humankind’s desire for peace can be possible only by creating a global Government, to which the peoples of the South, who account for two thirds of the Members of the Organization, are firmly committed.
It should be noted that during the course of today’s meeting, a United States plane violated Venezuelan airspace. This same day, United States aircraft attacked the Syrian national army, killing dozens of Syrians and wounding hundreds more. In that same time period, India was the victim of a terrorist attack, and the Palestinian people suffered violent attacks that left some of its citizens dead. As the Assembly can see, the peoples of the South, who possess the largest energy, mining, gas and water reserves on the planet, are the main victims of imperialist violence and aggression.
Over a year ago, the President of the United States, Mr. Barack Hussein Obama, issued an executive order describing Venezuela as a threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States. That executive order was rejected by most countries around the world. In addition, extreme and violent groups are supported and encouraged by the United States to sow the seeds of death in Venezuela by overthrowing the constitutional Government of President Nicolás Maduro Moros and employing multifaceted economic aggression and sophisticated methods to discredit and weaken the country and incite a media, trade and financial boycott. It is nothing that has not already been experienced in the past in our region, when our President Salvador Allende suffered the same attacks from the imperialist United States.
We warn the international community that Venezuela has been chosen as a new imperialist target in order to undermine its sovereignty and bring about its territorial disintegration, with a view to illegitimately and violently seizing the immense, strategic natural resources we possess. Imperialist history, replete with violence, is expected to be repeated — a major campaign of lies and fallacies is under way against Venezuela, its people and its Government. That agenda of aggression makes it an unconventional war aimed at criminalizing and penalizing our development model founded on the basis of twenty-first-century socialism that is profoundly inclusive, distributes wealth to the majority and is based on equality.
Our continent has had very rocky relationships with the United States, which in service of its expansionism and imperial domination, subjugated and invaded many of our countries. Those dark pages of colonialism and subjugation have been overcome by the decision of our peoples to be free and independent. Nevertheless, new war drums are rumbling in the North, which aspires to revisiting and traversing the rocky roads our America has already travelled. We condemn the parliamentary judicial coup d’état in Brazil, and we reject the implementation of a new Operation Condor in our region, controlled from Washington. I would note that Venezuela is criticized for having one of the most equitable wealth distributions in Latin America, with a Gini coefficient of 0.38.
In 2005, UNESCO declared our country free of illiteracy. Today, our school enrolment, according to UNESCO, stands at 77 per cent for children ages 3 to 6, 96 per cent for ages 6 to 12, and 76 per cent for ages 12 to 18. We have 2.6 million students in higher education, placing us among the leading countries in the world in this regard. In 2012, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) singled out Venezuela for its social policies to reduce hunger and poverty by over 50 per cent throughout its national territory. In 2015, the FAO once again praised the Government of President Nicolás Maduro Moros for the exceptional progress made in reducing hunger and poverty.
In our country, our free health-care plan is available to 75 per cent of the population, and will soon reach 100 per cent, thanks to a joint programme with our Cuban brothers. Our social-housing programme has benefitted 1,111,095 families. We have placed particular emphasis on protecting retired persons and the elderly. In 17 years, over 3 million persons in that age group have benefited from this programme.
We offer hope to the vast majority of people who are victims of a ruthless model of humanity. From Venezuela, we seek true peace among all peoples and the establishment of a new economic, cultural and communication model in service of peace, development and equality. We are developing partnerships through innovative mechanisms such as the Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples of Our America and the PetroCaribe Energy Cooperation Agreement, which benefit the peoples of our region.
We also support the efforts of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa towards the establishment of a multipolar, multicentric world. From Venezuela, we wage permanent war on the capitalist system that perpetuates poverty, violence and unhappiness. We echo the words of our liberator, Simón Bolívar, when we say that the most perfect system of Government is one which produces the greatest sum happiness, social security and political stability.
Let us give the world the greatest possible sum happiness, social security and political stability. The time for peace with social justice is upon us. Let us change the system and become true militants for peace.