I have the honour to speak
on behalf of the European Union.
Mr. President, I would like to congratulate you upon
your election as President of the General Assembly. The
European Union gives you its full support and
cooperation throughout this session. Your predecessor,
Minister Opertti, also deserves our appreciation. I would
also commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for
the skill with which he has steered this Organization. The
European Union pledges its support also to him, as well
as its full commitment to the United Nations.
20

I should like to welcome the three new members of
the United Nations, the Republics of Kiribati and Nauru
and the Kingdom of Tonga, into our global family.
In overall terms substantial progress has been made in
human development. However, its speed and extent have
been uneven. The United Nations has a primary role in the
advancement of human development. Implementation can
be carried out only through close cooperation among
different actors: the United Nations, its Member States, its
specialized agencies, international financial institutions,
regional organizations and civil society.
We need an efficient and effective United Nations
which has a stable financial basis and a full commitment
from all its Member States. This also means the full,
prompt and unconditional payment of contributions to the
United Nations by all. Unilateral decisions and actions to
the contrary are not allowed.
The globalization of the world economy is an
unavoidable process. We see the need to put the
globalization process and macroeconomic policies in closer
touch with the lives of ordinary people. We consider this to
be one of the challenges facing the world community on the
threshold of the new millennium. The United Nations is
uniquely positioned to provide intellectual leadership to
ensure that the advantages of economic globalization are
equally shared by the world’s population. Increasing
interdependence must work for people.
The nature of crises has also changed. Most of today’s
conflicts take place within and not between States. We face
situations where there are serious democracy deficiencies
and where human rights are strongly violated, in particular
the rights of the minorities. In the worst cases, States with
their traditional institutions have ceased to exist, as
Secretary-General Kofi Annan described so well in his
opening statement.
At the threshold of a new millennium, we should
intensify our efforts to prevent these situations. We should
start to consider how to elaborate some criteria and rules
aimed at the prevention of humanitarian catastrophes or
alleviation of profound human suffering.
The international community needs to develop
solutions and responses to these new and unexpected
challenges. The international community must play a
proactive role in conflict prevention. There are several
forms of action that have a useful effect in preventing
conflicts. These include strengthening democracy and
respect for human rights, as well as progress in economic
and social development through good governance. The
most important factor in conflict prevention is, however,
a democratic society which is on a steady foundation and
which guarantees human security in its widest possible
sense. Democratic societies do not go to war with each
other, and they are also internally more stable.
Every human being is entitled to enjoy his or her
human rights and fundamental freedoms. Human rights
are essential in the maintenance of international peace and
security, economic development and social equality. The
United Nations has a primary role in the promotion of
universal respect for human rights. These must be further
integrated in all United Nations activities. The promotion
of universal respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms is central also to the activities of the European
Union.
The tenth anniversary of the adoption of the
Convention on the Rights of the Child reminds us of the
need to advance the rights of the most vulnerable:
children. The European Union welcomes the recent
adoption of the International Labour Organization (ILO)
Convention on the prohibition and elimination of the
worst forms of child labour. All States should ratify the
Convention as soon as possible and implement it
effectively. The protection of children affected by armed
conflicts also requires constant attention. It is imperative
to adopt without delay the optional protocol to the
Convention on the Rights of the Child, on involvement of
children in armed conflict.
The European Union is concerned about
discrimination against women. We underline the
importance of the international human rights instruments
designed to protect and promote the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of women. The adoption of the
optional protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women will be a
historic event in this session. The European Union calls
on all States to give serious consideration to ratifying it.
Trafficking in human beings violates many of the
most basic human rights. Most victims of this practice are
women and children. Concerted international action is
required in the fight against trafficking. The European
Union supports the work done to develop international
standards to prevent these crimes and to punish the
perpetrators. Measures must also be taken to help the
victims of this type of exploitation.
21

Racism is a universal problem. Thus, the elimination
of all forms of racial intolerance should be the
responsibility of every State. We also want to underline the
input by civil society and non-governmental organizations
in this field.
The European Union is committed to opposing the
death penalty. We call on all States that still impose the
death penalty to progressively restrict the offences for
which it may be used, and we insist that it be carried out
according to minimum standards. As a first step, a
moratorium on executions should be established. The final
aim must remain the complete abolition of the death
penalty. The European Union will actively pursue this
matter in this session.
No doubt, sustainable development in all areas
enhances crisis prevention. People are at the centre of our
concerns in sustainable development.
The Buenos Aires Plan of Action sets out an ambitious
and precise timetable to follow in future negotiations on the
threat of climate change. However, there are still important
outstanding questions, such as the Kyoto mechanisms and
capacity-building of developing countries, as well as the
transfer of technology. In the Intergovernmental Forum on
Forests, our common goal is to promote sustainable forest
management worldwide. The European Union also notes the
need for international coordination on oceans and seas.
The European Union is fully committed to reducing
extreme poverty in developing countries. We support them
in their efforts to implement the international commitments
for sustainable development. International cooperation, as
well as ownership by partner countries, is needed to achieve
the common goals.
Relieving the unsustainable debt burden of the poorest
countries requires faster relief through the programme for
the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries. The European Union
confirms its full commitment to the high-level discussion
on financing for development. We expect this process to
increase the political will to implement internationally
agreed strategies for sustainable development.
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) remains a cornerstone of global security.
It is imperative that the four States that have not yet done
so join the NPT. The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty (CTBT) is a key instrument in the field of nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation. As we are approaching
the Conference on the CTBT to be held in October, the
European Union calls upon all States to sign and ratify
the Treaty.
The European Union welcomes the entry into force
of the Ottawa Convention on the Prohibition of the Use,
Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel
Mines and on Their Destruction. As the international
community moves towards the total elimination of anti-
personnel landmines worldwide, the recent use of these
weapons is highly deplorable. We must voice concern
about the misery that anti-personnel mines continue to
cause to the civilian population. The European Union
continues to be the main contributor to demining
programmes worldwide.
We are deeply concerned about the impact,
accumulation and spread of small arms and light
weapons, and we have intensified our efforts to address
this problem. The United Nations conference on the illicit
arms trade in all its aspects should establish a strong
programme of action for international cooperation.
Terrorism constitutes a threat to internal and
international security. Therefore, the European Union
reaffirms its unreserved condemnation of terrorism in all
its forms and continues to support initiatives to suppress
it. We call upon all countries to sign and to ratify the
international anti-terrorism conventions. We hope that the
conventions on the suppression of terrorist financing and
on the acts of nuclear terrorism can be adopted by the
General Assembly by the end of this year. The European
Union will look carefully into the proposal of Egypt and
others to develop further the idea of a United Nations
conference on terrorism.
As the Secretary-General has said, it would be the
ultimate crime to miss the chance for peace and condemn
people to the misery of war. Even the best plans for
prevention can fail, and the international community has
to address armed conflicts. These conflicts have human,
social and environmental consequences which cannot be
repaired.
The international community has a long tradition of
solving crises by peacekeeping operations. Now that the
nature of crises has changed, additional means are needed.
Peacekeeping operations cannot meet all the requirements
without increased efforts for civilian crisis management.
In most crises, societies and their structures are
completely destroyed.
22

The international community has called for repair and
rehabilitation. Humanitarian assistance alone is not enough.
Reconstruction of societies requires the presence of civilian
police and other administrators from all fields of civil
activity. In most cases it is difficult to find the right tools
to cope with conflicts.
The European Union strongly emphasizes civilian
crisis management. We hope that it will be more often
resorted to as the principal means to manage and solve
crises. We will work actively to develop further this
concept. The European Union is in the process of
improving its crisis management capabilities, keeping in
mind that the primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security lies with the United Nations
and the Security Council.
Regional organizations have a key role in international
security. For their success, cooperation with the United
Nations is essential. The European Union thanks the
Secretary-General for his efforts to strengthen this
cooperation and urges him to continue this work.
The crisis in Kosovo requires concerted efforts. The
European Union supports the full implementation of
Security Council resolution 1244 (1999). With the adoption
of this resolution, the United Nations regained its relevance
as far as Kosovo is concerned. We also support the United
Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo
(UNMIK) and KFOR in their efforts to ensure peace,
democracy and security in Kosovo. The United Nations
needs the means and cooperation of all to fulfil its mandate.
At the height of the Kosovo crisis the European Union
launched the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe. Its
aim is to address the questions of democracy, human rights,
economic reconstruction and security in a comprehensive
and durable manner. We would welcome the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia joining the Stability Pact as a full
and equal participant and beneficiary. The current regime
of Mr. Milosevic is responsible for its present isolation, and
we look forward to welcoming democratic change inside
Serbia. Meanwhile, we are searching for ways in which
Kosovo and the Republic of Montenegro could be made
beneficiaries of the Pact.
In Kosovo there is an urgent need to put an end to
human suffering. We are concerned about the violence
towards minorities, which has resulted in a large number of
Serbs and Roma people leaving Kosovo. Urgent restoration
of the rule of law is extremely important.
The Middle East remains a top priority for the
common foreign and security policy of the European
Union. We find it encouraging that the Middle East peace
process has regained momentum and that the negotiations
between Israel and the Palestinians have started again.
Negotiations are the only way to find a just and lasting
solution to this conflict. We welcome the signing of the
memorandum on the implementation of the Wye River
Agreement. The European Union has consistently assured
the parties of its readiness to assist them in their search
for peace.
All tracks of the peace process should now be
activated. We urge the Syrian, Lebanese and Israeli
Governments to engage in direct talks. The relevant
Security Council resolutions form an internationally
accepted basis for peace.
It is also important to make progress on the
multilateral track. Peace can, and must be, rooted in close
regional cooperation. The multilateral track and the
Barcelona process provide good opportunities in this
regard.
The European Union warmly welcomes the result of
the popular consultation of the East Timorese people on
30 August 1999. Indonesia’s commitment to the full
implementation of the relevant Agreements is imperative.
We are committed to seeing the people of East Timor
enjoy the independence which they have freely chosen.
The European Union pays tribute to the United Nations
for the organization of the popular consultation and lauds
the courage and extraordinary work of the personnel of
the United Nations Mission in East Timor.
We condemn in the strongest terms the atrocities in
East Timor. The Government of Indonesia retains a
responsibility for security in the Territory.
We fully support Security Council resolution 1264
(1999) and welcome the early deployment of the
multinational force. We also welcome the participation of
Asian States in this force. Order, security and the rule of
law must be restored immediately. The attitude of the
European Union towards Indonesia will depend on the
implementation of the undertakings given by the President
of Indonesia. They should be implemented without delay
and without conditions.
We have agreed, for a period of four months, on an
embargo on the export of military equipment and other
equipment which might be used for internal repression or
23

terrorism. The European Union has also suspended its
bilateral military cooperation with Indonesia.
The European Union stresses the urgent priority to
remedy the grave humanitarian situation. We will provide
further humanitarian assistance to those in need.
We also support the call of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights to convene a special
session of the Commission on Human Rights. We call for
an investigative mission by the Commission.
East Timor’s independence must proceed without
delay, as provided for in the 5 May Agreements. The
Member States of the European Union look forward to
recognizing East Timor once the process towards
independence is completed.
We also emphasize our desire to see a strong,
democratic and united Indonesia.
The European Union continues to fully support the
efforts of the Secretary-General towards a negotiated
political settlement of the question of Cyprus. We urge the
two leaders concerned to accept the invitation to
negotiations under the auspices of the Secretary-General.
The Secretary-General has said that the United Nations
cannot rest until all of Africa is at peace. One third of
sub-Saharan Africa is presently involved in armed conflicts.
The victims of these conflicts are overwhelmingly civilians.
The European Union strongly appeals to the parties in these
and other ongoing conflicts to respect human rights and to
cooperate with the humanitarian organizations. We will
continue to make all efforts to provide assistance to the
victims.
Concrete measures have been taken to strengthen
African ownership and capacity to focus on conflict
prevention and resolution. The European Union is
supporting, in close cooperation with the United Nations,
the capacity of African organizations in the field of conflict
resolution and peacekeeping.
A stable and democratic political environment is
indispensable for sustainable development. The EU
welcomes the Secretary-General’s report on the causes of
conflict and the promotion of durable peace and sustainable
development in Africa, and we look forward to its effective
follow-up.
The first EU-Africa summit is scheduled to take
place in April 2000. This summit is a clear signal of the
close cooperation between the EU and the African
countries aimed at addressing various, even delicate,
political and socio-economic issues.
One of the principal objectives of the Amsterdam
Treaty is to strengthen the EU’s Common Foreign and
Security Policy. To achieve this we have created new
units and instruments to deal with the increasing
challenges in the field of foreign policy. In accordance
with the Amsterdam Treaty, we are going to consistently
improve our capacity for conflict prevention and crisis
management. The EU will increase its ability to contribute
to international peace and security, in accordance with the
principles of the United Nations Charter.
Finally, I should like to say a few words about the
next millennium. The Millennium Assembly should give
new direction to the renewal of the United Nations. The
EU supports the overall theme “The United Nations in the
twenty-first century”, proposed by the Secretary-General.
In the view of the EU, the focus should be on poverty
eradication in the context of globalization.
Poverty eradication is a major challenge for the
international community now that the world’s population
is reaching six billion, with nearly a quarter of that
number still living in poverty. It is one of the greatest
challenges left pending at the end of the twentieth
century.
24

With the new millennium, we should also recognize
the increased importance of civil society in the search for
solutions. This is one of the cornerstones of the new era in
international cooperation.


Let me congratulate you,
Sir, on your election to the high office of President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. We are
confident that under your able leadership we will be able to
address successfully the items on our agenda.
Please allow me also to convey our appreciation to
your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for his considerable
contribution to the work of the General Assembly at its
fifty-third session.
We pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for his
efforts to meet the unprecedented and complex challenges
facing the United Nations.
On the threshold of the third millennium — as at the
beginning of this century — the world community must
deal with substantive issues of war and peace. On the one
hand, the process of globalization, which is unfolding
before our eyes, has triggered a rich flow of ideas, capital,
technologies, goods and services all around the world,
having profoundly transformed our societies.
Philosophically, mankind has taken a big step forward
towards qualitatively new dimensions of existence.
On the other hand, the world continues to be rocked
by conflicts rooted in causes that have become compounded
despite the advent of global technologies and
communications. First among the causes of conflict is
ethnic, national and religious intolerance. It is absolutely
unacceptable that this most dangerous virus is spreading
rapidly throughout many regions of today's world, giving
rise to terrorist acts and bloody conflicts. The danger is that
people affected by conflicts look for the sources of their
troubles among other nationalities and religions. As a result,
we face a vicious circle wherein death and desperation
reign unchecked. We are confident that civilized society, by
pooling its resources, will eventually be able to break out
of this vicious circle, having convinced people of the
benefits of a conflict-free existence. If we talk about the
antagonism between war and peace, then we have every
right to demand the use of means to enforcing a
sustainable peace, including military means.
At the same time, it is impossible to ignore the fact
that the present world order is in desperate need of
reliable measures to ensure balance between the essential
elements of its support structures. Kazakhstan shares the
view of those States which believe that in the next
century the world should be multi-polar and free of
centres of power and dividing lines, confrontations and
showdowns, interference in the internal affairs of others
and imposition of policy directives. Cooperation and
mutual understanding, democracy and sustainable
development will define the core of the coming world
order.
We believe that the United Nations remains a unique
intergovernmental institution that ensures a positive trend
in the development of international relations. Kazakhstan
calls for a strengthening of the United Nations, the only
forum that is universal both in terms of its composition
and in terms of the comprehensiveness of its agenda.
Only the United Nations has the right to address
fundamental issues of peace and security.
The Yugoslav crisis has clearly demonstrated how
urgent the issue of strengthening the authority of the
United Nations has become. We are becoming
increasingly convinced of the need to enhance the
responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance
of international peace and security and to make
authorization of certain actions its exclusive prerogative.
The nature of many conflicts makes this an
especially challenging task. That is why we believe that
to be able to adapt to new political realities, the Security
Council should enter the twenty-first century renewed and
strengthened through the admission of new permanent
members, first of all Japan and Germany, as well as non-
permanent members representing different regions of the
world.
The efforts to consolidate the international regime
for the non-proliferation of all weapons of mass
destruction and put in place effective controls over the
production of fissile material remain at the centre of our
policy for achieving global security and stability.
Kazakhstan has made an important contribution to
non-proliferation and to putting an end to nuclear-weapon
testing. We consider the decision to admit Kazakhstan to
21

membership of the Conference on Disarmament as adequate
recognition of our actions in this direction. Renunciation of
nuclear weapons and accession to the Non-Proliferation
Treaty and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
have become natural choices for our country, which has felt
the full brunt of the harmful effects of nuclear testing.
Kazakhstan vigorously advocates further consolidation of
the non-proliferation regime, and supports the initiative to
establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia.
Our country has consistently called for the creation of
security structures in Asia. As is well known, at the
Assembly's forty-seventh session, the President of
Kazakhstan, Mr. Nursultan Nazarbaev, put forward an
initiative to convene a Conference on Interaction and
Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA). On 14
September, the opening day of the current General
Assembly session, after seven years of negotiations and
discussions, Almaty hosted the first meeting of the Foreign
Ministers of the Asian States members of the Conference.
Government officials responsible for foreign policy signed
a Declaration of Principles Guiding Relations between
CICA Member States which confirmed the Asian States'
strong commitment to and goodwill towards efforts to
ensure security and stability in the region.
Thus, for the first time in history, a legal foundation
for an Asian security system has been laid. It is difficult to
overestimate the significance of this development in the
context of the international community's efforts to
strengthen international security. We are talking here about
a region that is home to more than 3.5 billion people and
that accounts for more than 40 per cent of world trade.
We are grateful to all the States participating in the
CICA process for their support for our initiative and for
their genuine willingness to work together to build a
security system for Asia. I take this opportunity to express
our appreciation to Secretary-General Annan, for his close
attention to and support for the initiative by Kazakhstan.
Recent political developments attest to how urgent the
need is to create a security system in Asia. I refer here to
terrorist incursions in southern Kyrgyzstan and to terrorist
acts in the Northern Caucasus in Russia.
From the point of view of security in our region, we
believe that the outcome of the latest summit of the
“Shanghai Five” is very important. Its participants created
a mechanism of confidence providing for transparency in
military activity and reduction of those activities in border
areas, settlement of border issues and a regular exchanges
of information on military activities. The heads of the five
States believe that multipolarity reflects a general trend in
the development of the contemporary world and
contributes to the long-term stability of the international
situation.
Kazakhstan calls for a lasting and just peace in
Afghanistan within the negotiation process, according to
the “six plus two” formula. At the same time, we believe
that the Afghan peace process should involve all the
States concerned. For this reason, Kazakhstan supports the
proposal to convene a representative international
conference in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, on the settlement of
the conflict in Afghanistan.
Kazakhstan highly appreciates the United Nations
efforts to promote the integration of the economies in
transition into the world economy. Our country counts on
continued cooperation with the United Nations on the
issues of consultative services and technical assistance.
We are firmly committed to the policy of deepening
regional economic cooperation and actively using for this
purpose the capacity of the United Nations. Our country
is satisfied with its cooperation with the Economic
Commission for Europe and the Economic and Social
Commission for Asia and the Pacific in the elaboration
and implementation of the Special Programme for the
Economies of Central Asia.
We support the revival of the Silk Road.
Geographically, Kazakhstan, along with other Central
Asian States, plays the role of a bridge connecting the
two continents. During the era of the Roman Empire trade
routes between Rome and Shanghai passed through the
region. The revival of the Silk Road will boost the
economic development of the Central Asian region.
In current conditions it is envisioned that the Silk
Road will be revived by building on three pillars: energy,
a transcontinental transportation system and
telecommunications. The thrust of this project — which
reflects global, regional and local interests — is to
develop the natural resources of the region, first of all its
large oil and gas fields. One has to bear in mind,
however, that no large-scale pipeline project can be
realized without the hydrocarbon resources of Kazakhstan.
In view of the increased competition in the world
energy-carriers markets, Kazakhstan is giving priority
attention to the construction of oil and gas pipelines. The
northern Caspian pipeline consortium project, scheduled
for completion in 2001, is a top priority for our country,
22

because when it is operational Kazakhstan will be able to
double, at a minimum, both its oil production and its export
deliveries to foreign markets.
We pin many of our hopes on the development of the
hydrocarbon resources of the Caspian Sea shelf. For this
reason we believe that the issue of the legal status of this
sea is of fundamental importance. Kazakhstan commends a
breakthrough agreement with Russia on the delimitation of
the seabed in the northern part of the Caspian Sea on the
basis of a modified median line.
The issues of sustainable development, environmental
protection and rehabilitation of ecological disaster areas
have become especially pressing at the end of this century,
and demand immediate action. Kazakhstan is interested in
the mobilization of the international community to solve
environmental problems, because it has disaster areas, such
as the region of the former Semipalatinsk nuclear testing
ground, the dying Aral Sea and other zones. Our country,
which suffers from desertification and floods, is also
directly affected by global climate changes.
On behalf of the Government of Kazakhstan, I would
like to express our great appreciation to the States
concerned for their support for the efforts to overcome the
serious social, ecological and humanitarian problems of the
Semipalatinsk region. The adoption of two General
Assembly resolutions on international cooperation and
coordination for the human and ecological rehabilitation and
economic development of the Semipalatinsk region has
undoubtedly contributed to an interest in and reflection on
the outstanding issues.
Special words of appreciation are due to the
Government of Japan and the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) for sponsoring an international
conference convened at the beginning of September in
Tokyo. The outcome of this representative forum
reverberated throughout our country. We consider this
conference a practical contribution by the Government of
Japan and the UNDP to the implementation of the relevant
General Assembly resolutions. In this regard, I cannot miss
this opportunity to recognize important work by the
International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations
Children's Fund, the United Nations Population Fund and
the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, as well as by the donor countries that acted
as cosponsors of the conference.
Kazakhstan is taking concrete steps to democratize its
society and to deepen its political reforms. Kazakhstan's
head of State has introduced a programme that covers
such important areas as elections, political parties, the
Parliament, the judicial system, the status of women and
the mass media. Earlier this year the first open and
contested presidential elections were held in Kazakhstan.
The refinement of the election process continues.
The law on elections has been amended to reflect the
recommendations of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe. Its provisions will be used in the
parliamentary elections scheduled for this October. The
election process is becoming more representative,
encouraging active involvement of candidates and voters.
A programme of phased transition to holding elections for
local and regional governments is being developed. The
role of non-governmental organizations, an important
element of a civil society, is being enhanced. The judicial
system and the mass media are steadily becoming more
independent.
Achieving an open society, with a market economy,
is the course for Kazakhstan's further development. The
process of democratization in our country is gaining
momentum and has become irreversible.
Along with political reforms, Kazakhstan is taking
vigorous actions to protect the long-term interests of
foreign investors. Our objective is to ensure — through
the creation of a favourable investment climate in the
country — its full integration into the world economic
system of today.
Kazakhstan expresses support for the efforts of the
Secretary-General to reform the Organization in order to
enhance its effectiveness and capability to respond
adequately to emerging problems and challenges. We
believe that concrete results in the renewal of the
Organization can be achieved only through joint efforts of
all Member States. That is why all States should continue
their coordinated efforts to strengthen the role of the
United Nations in the promotion of global stability and
security in the next century.


Let me first of all congratulate
you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election to preside
over the fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Only
a few years ago, the United Nations was actively involved
in the decolonization of then South West Africa, now
Namibia. Today, it is with a great sense of pride, therefore,
that we see not only an old freedom fighter but also a
consummate diplomat from Namibia presiding over the last
session of the General Assembly of the second millennium
and ushering in the beginning of the third. I have no doubt
whatsoever that with your vast experience you will steer
this historic session to a successful conclusion. You can rest
assured of the full support and cooperation of the Gambian
delegation in carrying out your important assignments.
May I also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the
outgoing President, Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the
business like manner in which he conducted the fifty-third
session, an eventful period indeed, characterized by far-
reaching decisions in areas of common concern to the
international community.
In the same vein, I would like to commend our
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the exemplary
way in which he has been handling the affairs of our
Organization.
Today, the membership of our Organization stands
at the impressive figure of 188. In this connection, I
would like, on behalf of the Government and the people
of the Gambia, and indeed on my own behalf, to
congratulate the Republic of Nauru, the Republic of
Kiribati and the Kingdom of Tonga on their admission to
membership in the United Nations. We are confident that
these new Member States will bring with them all the
charm and wisdom of island nations to enrich the work of
the United Nations.
All nations, big or small, have something to offer.
This is particularly true of small States that have no
spheres of influence to preserve, but the honest desire to
participate in and contribute to the betterment of our
world. Small States have the advantage of coming up
with refreshing ideas and offering new perspectives in the
search for solutions to problems of common concern.
Making this world a better place for the human race
to live in is the collective responsibility of all of us. All
States, big or small, should contribute to the collective
endeavour to rid this world of wars, hunger, destitution,
disease, suffering, homelessness, despair, terror, tyranny
and economic backwardness.
Making this world a better place to live is not a far-
fetched dream. It is a goal we can achieve if all nations,
collectively as well as individually, sincerely commit
themselves to working towards achieving this goal. Our
very survival as the human race in the new millennium
depends on the achievement of this noble objective.
How do we achieve this noble objective? First of all,
we must commit ourselves to living and working for
peace on earth. We must respect the sovereign rights of
nations, big or small, rich or poor, to exist without fear of
being marginalized, suppressed or intimidated by larger,
richer or more populous nations. This is why, quite apart
from the principle of universality, my Government
4

sincerely believes that this body should seriously reconsider
its position on the readmission of the Republic of China on
Taiwan to the United Nations. With a population of almost
22 million and the nineteenth-largest economy in the world,
and being the fifteenth-largest trading nation, the Republic
of China — a highly responsible member of the
international community, a free and democratic country that
has always promoted world trade and socio-economic
development around the world and at the same time has
contributed to the eradication of poverty — has a lot to
offer if readmitted to the United Nations. By allowing the
22 million people in Taiwan to be represented in the United
Nations, we would be enforcing the principles enshrined in
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as
contributing to the promotion of international peace and
security.
Where this Assembly has recognized the then
existence of two Germanies and the present existence of the
two Koreas, the logic of the readmission of the Republic of
China into this Assembly of nations is a matter of justice
and equity. How can the United Nations sideline such an
important country as if we were still living in the past?
For reasons that we all know too well, in 1971, the
General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 (XXVI), by
which it conferred membership upon the People's Republic
of China. But the same resolution failed miserably to
address the issue of representation in the United Nations for
the people of the Republic of China on Taiwan. The cold
war is over. The time has now come to correct this sad
mistake, and there could not be a better time than now,
when we are at the threshold of the twenty-first century, to
recognize the Republic of China and, by extension, the
voice of its 22 million people.
Having said that, I would now like to focus attention
closer to home for a few minutes. Five years ago, when I
led the Gambia National Army to take over the reigns of
power in the Gambia, I was motivated by the sole desire to
rescue my people from the abyss of despair and destruction
after 30 years of rampant corruption and nepotism, to say
the least. There was a general laissez-faire attitude that was
rapidly assuming alarming proportions and that could have
spelt disaster for the country had we not stepped in to put
to an end the excesses of a rotten and morally bankrupt
regime. It would be hard for anyone to imagine that a
Government elected by the people would deprive its
citizens of their basic needs for 30 long years. Not a single
school, not a single hospital was built by that Government.
That was why during the two-year transition to
constitutional democratic rule, my Government immediately
embarked on an intensive socio-economic development
programme, building schools, hospitals, roads and bridges
and carrying out other infrastructural development
projects, such as building a new airport terminal and the
extension of the port of Banjul.
It is now a thing of the past for any child to worry
about trekking miles and miles to school. There are
enough schools in all the administrative areas in the
country, including high schools, for our children,
especially the girls, to stay close to their homes and
families. In this way we encourage parents to send their
girls to school.
In addition to encouraging and increasing access to
basic education for all Gambian children, my Government
has identified a need to provide tertiary education and has
established a university. The first batch of students will
enrol in the University of The Gambia in October 1999.
Similarly, in the area of health, we have so far built
two major hospitals, and a number of health centres
around the country. Obviously we could not put right all
the neglect of 30 years in just two years, but the
difference is clear. Naturally the people of the Gambia
wanted more progress. I was therefore persuaded by
people across the country to resign from the army and run
for office in a free and fair election under international
supervision. I accepted the challenge, strengthened in my
conviction that a direct mandate from the people would
enable me to work harder for them. We have since been
making greater strides in the uphill task of nation-
building.
The very survival of the Gambia in this ever-
changing world is an issue of major concern as we step
into the next century, which will be fraught with many
daunting challenges. The Gambia, like many other
developing countries, has been forced to rethink its
development agenda while looking for a more meaningful
living environment for its people.
The desire of both Government and people for a
developed nation is clearly expressed in the country's
development blueprint, “Vision 2020, The Gambia
Incorporated”. Our macroeconomic policies and strategies
continue to be spearheaded by Vision 2020, with an
overall goal of achieving sustainable growth and
eradicating poverty.
My Government is working very closely with the
World Bank, the European Union, the United Nations
5

Development Programme and all the specialized agencies
of the United Nations system in their fields of competence
in order to eradicate poverty, illiteracy and disease so that
as a healthy nation founded on solid, democratic principles
of good governance, we can stride ahead to build a nation
with a strong economy in an atmosphere of social justice
and political stability.
Recognizing that improving the governance
environment is a sine qua non for sustainable development,
the Government of the Gambia has incorporated good-
governance strategies in all national development initiatives
and plans. The Gambia National Governance Programme,
which was recently launched, was developed through an
extensive process of consultation and consensus-building.
In our bid to create an atmosphere of dignity and
respect for our citizenry we are fully committed to
democratic constitutionality. We consider this the only
feasible political framework for good governance, which is
an essential prerequisite for sustainable development. We
also believe that democracy cannot exist in a situation of
abject poverty. Our national governance programme
includes provisions for constitutional review and reform of
the electoral system and process; reform of parliamentary
structures and processes; civic education; reform of the
legal and judicial process; public-sector management and
administrative reform; and decentralization and local
government reform.
Given the complexity and scope of the governance
policy framework, its effective implementation will require
careful planning and mobilization of resources. A round-
table conference, to be organized very soon, will seek to
mobilize further support to cover part of the funding gap.
It is our hope that our partners in development will
continue to support us in this endeavour.
We are mindful that meaningful socio-economic
development can be brought about and be sustained only in
an atmosphere of stability and security — not only in our
own country, but also in its neighbouring countries. With
the world becoming more globalized, lack of security and
peace in any one part of the world affects the rest of
mankind, especially those of us in the developing countries.
We place a high premium on the maintenance of peace and
stability both at home and abroad.
This is why, in our sister republic of Guinea-Bissau,
we all worked hard, encouraged by the rest of the
international community, to put a definitive end to the
conflict there. In our efforts to achieve this objective, we,
together with other West African countries, participated
in the Economic Community of West African States
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) peacekeeping operations
in Guinea-Bissau, even though the whole mission itself
was short-lived. Now that peace and stability have been
returned to that country, we encourage the international
community to contribute to the country's reconciliation
and reconstruction effort.
The Gambia, as coordinator of the work of the group
of friends of Guinea-Bissau at the United Nations, will
continue to play a leading role in this endeavour. In the
same vein, in our continuing search for peace and
stability in our subregion we in the Gambia have
spearheaded efforts to mediate in the Casamance question
through dialogue. As a result, in June of this year we
gathered together in Banjul all the stakeholders in the
Casamance issue with a view to providing a forum for the
Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC)
factions to articulate a common position for their
impending dialogue with the Government of Senegal. This
has been yielding positive results as it has already led to
a cessation of hostilities in the Casamance region of
Senegal. The cessation of hostilities, which is a
consequence of the Banjul encounters, has been so
encouraging that refugees have started to return home
even before a final settlement is reached. At last we can
see light at the end of the tunnel.
The momentum created by the Banjul meetings
among the MFDC factions should be maintained. A final
MFDC meeting will soon be convened and is expected to
herald formal consultations between the Government of
Senegal and the MFDC. These, we hope, will lead to a
lasting settlement that will put an end to the devastation
and its attendant human suffering.
Meanwhile, in our sister Republic of Sierra Leone,
it is gratifying to note that a peace agreement has now
been signed between the Government and the
Revolutionary United Front after almost nine years of one
of the most devastating, fratricidal and brutal wars of our
time, a war characterized by outrageous atrocities
committed by the rebels. We commend the efforts of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
leaders, ECOMOG, the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General for Sierra Leone and all those who
contributed in one way or another to bringing about this
peaceful resolution of the conflict.
The Lomé Peace Agreement is not the ideal peace
agreement, but most peace agreements come with a price.
6

The Sierra Leonean people paid dearly. We hope that,
despite all the shortcomings of the Agreement, it will create
hope and opportunity for the people of Sierra Leone and
free them from terror, violence, killings, amputations and
the many other atrocities that characterized this war.
The people of Sierra Leone have also welcomed this
chance to make a fresh start. They should not be abandoned
to fate. The international community has an obligation to
come in rapidly, and in a big way, to help in the
implementation of the Agreement.
It would be an understatement to say that Africa is
making great strides in the peaceful resolution of conflicts
there. A good example is the complex conflict in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo: we are encouraged by
the signing of a Ceasefire Agreement in Lusaka. On behalf
of the Government and people of the Gambia, I thank
President Chiluba of Zambia and all other leaders in Africa
who contributed to finding a political settlement to this
complex conflict.
We note that the Security Council has deployed
military liaison officers to the relevant States to lay the
groundwork for the deployment of military observers. We
appreciate this move by the United Nations. We must,
however, sound a note of caution: the situation is extremely
volatile. We must therefore move swiftly, before there is a
relapse into fighting. We must not let this opportunity slip
away.
Likewise, in the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict, we welcome
the calm that has prevailed for a while. Most importantly,
we welcome the agreement of the parties to the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) Framework
Agreement. We commend the leadership role of the OAU
in its efforts to resolve this fratricidal conflict. We must,
however, say that we are yet to see a ceasefire agreement.
The parties must therefore be encouraged to translate their
pronouncements into action by signing a ceasefire
agreement immediately. We must emphasize that the United
Nations should be ready to come in as soon as it is
propitious to contribute to the implementation of the
agreement.
After a long and difficult period of negotiations, some
good news is coming out of Western Sahara. We note with
appreciation that the identification process has progressed
considerably. Plans for the repatriation of the refugees have
also advanced. Finally, we are coming close to the
referendum. We praise the Kingdom of Morocco for its
flexibility, understanding, cooperation and courage
throughout this period.
Elsewhere on the continent, the political landscape
is still hazy.
In Angola, the peace process has broken down
completely due to UNITA's intransigence and flat refusal
to implement in good faith the Lusaka Protocol. It is very
clear to all of us that there is no military solution to that
conflict. After about 30 years of war, the people of
Angola have suffered enormously, especially the women
and children. The future of a whole generation has been
compromised. We urge the international community to
take decisive action to ensure a peaceful and speedy
resolution of that conflict. To this end, we welcome the
recent re-establishment of a United Nations presence in
Angola. Such a presence is vital, but clearly it must be
buttressed by a resolute commitment of the Security
Council to producing the much-needed peace in Angola
as soon as possible.
In the case of Somalia, it is a completely different
scenario. The warlords are holding the international
community hostage because of their own insatiable
appetite to assume power at all costs. We note that the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is
doing all it can to resolve this long and complex conflict,
but without much success. If a resolution to this conflict
is to be found, we should shake off the Somalia syndrome
and re-engage the issue. The international community
should recommit itself to the resolution of the Somali
crisis by developing a strategy that would send clear
signals to the warlords that their behaviour and attitude
can no longer be tolerated by civilized society.
In the case of the Sudan, my delegation welcomes
wholeheartedly the peace overtures of the Government.
We believe that they are a first step in the right direction.
We encourage the other side to respond, and to respond
positively. The international community should also
support the parties in finding a lasting solution.
This brief survey of the theatres of conflict in Africa
reveals once again that our continent unfortunately
continues to claim the lion's share of trials and
tribulations. This is as embarrassing as it is unacceptable
and we must redouble our efforts to reverse the situation.
Away from the African continent, there are other
conflict situations that continue to pose serious threats to
7

international peace and security and, therefore, are of
serious concern to my delegation.
With regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict, my
Government, whilst reiterating its full support for the
inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and the principle
of land for peace, leading to an independent Palestinian
homeland, also supports fully the Middle East peace
process and the remarkable leadership role that the United
States is playing to move the process forward. The solution
to the problem lies both with Israel and in Palestine, as well
as with the international community. This is why we
believe that the implementation of the Wye River
agreement, in letter and spirit, would usher in a new era of
hope for the entire Middle East region.
Elsewhere in the Middle East, my delegation continues
to follow very closely the consequences of the Iraqi
invasion of Kuwait — in particular, the unresolved
problems of the Kuwaiti prisoners of war, missing persons,
the Kuwaiti archives and stolen property. There is nothing
more painful than the mental torture that the families of the
prisoners of war and missing persons have been going
through all these years. To treat this matter lightly would be
tantamount to adding insult to injury. We can imagine the
pain, the anguish, the uncertainty and the endless
nightmares of over 600 Kuwaiti families still hoping to hear
from their loved ones. This is why my Government will
never allow this aspect of the problem between Iraq and
Kuwait to be swept under the carpet. It is a humanitarian
problem that must not be politicized and must be given all
the attention that it deserves.
In the same vein, the restitution of the Kuwaiti
archives and other property is something that cannot be
relegated to the category of secondary issues. Depriving a
nation of its archives is like robbing it of its national
identity.
As for the question of the disarmament of Iraq, we
deplore the current stalemate. The status quo is
unacceptable, yet the Security Council appears to be
divided on how to move forward. The Council should show
unity and remain steadfast; otherwise it would be sending
the wrong signal: that any country can dictate the terms of
its compliance with the wishes of the international
community and get away with it. If that is allowed to
happen, we would be setting a very dangerous precedent.
Council members must make an effort to draw a line
between their narrow national interests and the collective
interests of humankind.
Just as we are unequivocal with regard to the
disarmament of Iraq, we are equally uncompromising
when it comes to the alleviation of the unwarranted
suffering of the ordinary Iraqi people who, unfortunately,
have to bear the brunt of any sanctions. The oil-for-food
programme is a laudable effort to mitigate the impact of
sanctions, but that is just about it. We want to see the
removal, destruction or rendering harmless of all Iraqi
weapons of mass destruction, but we do not subscribe to
the destruction of Iraq under any pretext whatsoever. It is
disheartening to see what sanctions have done to the
innocent women, children and elderly people of Iraq.
This, too, is unacceptable and was not the objective of the
sanctions. A net distinction must henceforth be made
between the regime and the people. As with all other
existing and future sanctions, they must be clearly
targeted at those responsible in order to avoid inflicting
undue pain and suffering on innocent people.
Still on the thorny issue of sanctions, my
Government is pleased that sanctions imposed on the
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya have been suspended, but we
cannot wait to see them lifted completely because Libya
has fulfilled all its international obligations under the
relevant Security Council resolutions. We call for the
immediate and complete lifting of all the sanctions
imposed on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.
Cuba, too, has been reeling under unjust sanctions
for 38 years now. These sanctions should be scrapped
because they are counterproductive and inhumane. We are
of the opinion that the new millennium should usher in an
era devoid of avoidable and man-made disasters and
conflicts that wreak untold suffering on the innocent.
Today, at the threshold of the new millennium, we should
forgive and forget the past and reconcile in order to make
this world a better place for mankind. We therefore
reiterate our call for the immediate lifting of the economic
and financial blockade imposed on Cuba.
Whilst it is important to uphold the principle of non-
interference in the internal affairs of States, when a State
exceeds all bounds and engages in the heinous policy of
ethnic cleansing, as in Kosovo, the rest of the
international community cannot remain silent. The timely
adoption of Security Council resolution 1244 (1999)
marked a watershed in the history of the conflict, the full
implementation of which, we hope, will bring lasting
peace to Kosovo.
On the issue of East Timor, I would like to
congratulate the East Timorese on the successful conduct
8

of the historic ballot. Nothing would have been possible,
though, without the courageous first step that was taken by
the Indonesian Government leading to the 5 May
Agreement, which in turn set the whole process in motion.
However, we are greatly appalled at and shocked by the
level of violence that ensued immediately after the verdict
of the East Timorese people was made known to the
international community. In this context, we welcome the
deployment of the multinational force.
While we rejoice with the people of Kosovo and East
Timor for the timely international efforts to restore peace,
we cannot but express despair at the slow or sometimes
lack of response to African conflicts. We insist that one life
in Angola or elsewhere in Africa is no less important than
one life in Kosovo or East Timor. The Security Council
must therefore be evenhanded and establish principled
criteria for humanitarian intervention.
In the wake of the many conflicts the world over,
there should be a concerted international effort to address
the issue of impunity. We share the philosophy that there
can be no peace without justice, no justice without law and
no meaningful law without a court to decide what is just
and lawful under any given circumstances.
Because of this conviction, we support international
efforts to establish an International Criminal Court (ICC)
which would have jurisdiction over war crimes, genocide
and crimes against humanity. We encourage all States to
consider ratifying the Statute of the ICC. The Gambia has
already signed the Statute and has since set the process in
motion for its ratification.
There is a phenomenon, though, that constitutes a
cause for greater concern to my delegation, and that is the
recruitment and conscription of children as soldiers. This
constitutes a total breakdown of our fundamental value
systems. It must be stopped, as it is a blatant violation of
international law and all norms of civilized behaviour.
The issue of the child soldier is a moral one, and it is
the collective responsibility of the international community
to fight against a situation where the leaders of tomorrow
are exposed to a life of violence, vengeance and hate, a
situation which breeds in their minds the dangerous notion
that he who wields the gun demands and deserves respect.
The plight of the children in the refugee camps does not
augur well for a brighter future as they invariably grow up
with vengeful hearts towards those they deem to be
responsible for their plight. In a nutshell, an end to all
conflicts is the only means to arrest this tragic trend.
Another social malaise of a deadlier threat to all
societies, rich and poor alike, is the drug menace. This
scourge threatens the very fabric of society and indeed the
fixture of mankind, as it respects no national boundary. It
is also a major cause of most crimes and violence in our
urban centres, and it has grown to such proportions that
it is beyond the capacity of any single State to eradicate
it. Thus, we applaud the timely initiative of President
Ernesto Zedillo of Mexico for convening a special session
devoted to the drug problem. This special session no
doubt rekindled the interest that we all share in the fight
against drugs. We all crave for a drug-free world. A
daunting task though it may be, we must take up the
challenge because the stakes are so high that we cannot
afford to be complacent.
The issue of small arms and landmines is also a
perennial problem which continues to fuel and exacerbate
conflicts in Africa and elsewhere with devastating
consequences. We oppose the proliferation of small arms
and the laying of landmines and call for international
partnership to address this concern. In this context, we
urge arms manufacturing countries to exercise restraint in
their transfer of arms to regions of conflict. In this
context, we welcome the entry into force of the
Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling,
Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on
Their Destruction.
Equally worrisome is the illicit trafficking in small
arms and sensitive technologies. On the wider question of
disarmament, whilst we recognize the efforts being made
towards the achievement of a fissile material cut-off treaty
and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, we
continue to add our voice to the campaign for the total
elimination of all nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, we look
forward to the Preparatory Committee for the 2000
Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
Before closing the chapter on the review of the
international political scene, I would like to thank all the
people and organizations, as well as members of the
international community, who have been working
relentlessly to devise peaceful and negotiated solutions to
the problems besetting mankind today. We, the younger
generation, would want to live in a conflict-free and
crisis-free world in the third millennium. We would want
to bequeath to the next generation a world devoid of
wars, poverty, hunger, racism and deprivation; a world
where the whole of humankind would live like a single
family; a world where meaningful socio-economic
9

development would be the collective responsibility of all
the world's citizens; a world where peace, love, mutual
respect and collective security would be the order of the
day.
It has since become an established fact that poverty is
the root cause of many conflicts in the world, particularly
in Africa.
It is gratifying to note that following the social summit
a number of poverty eradication strategies have been
elaborated, and it is our fervent hope that the special
session of the General Assembly devoted to the
implementation of the outcome of the World Summit for
Social Development and further initiatives will give fresh
impetus to the campaign for the eradication of poverty. One
effective way of eradicating poverty in Africa would be the
total cancellation of all of the continent's external debts.
The debt burden is the cause of untold suffering to the
masses of Africa's women, children and the elderly.
Regarding the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt
Initiative (HIPC), much as it could be characterized as
laudable, it must be recognized that the eligibility criteria
for accessing HIPC assistance are very restrictive and
penalize those countries that really need assistance. For
example, the Gambia, with a high debt service ratio of 33
per cent of the gross domestic product, although meeting
the other two criteria — first, establishing a track record of
good performance and, secondly, eligibility under the
Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility and International
Development Association-sponsored programmes — has
been excluded.
My delegation strongly appeals for an across-the-board
cancellation of all Africa's debts so as to give us a new
lease on life in the coming millennium.
Talk about poverty eradication would be incomplete
without mention of the United Nations System-wide Special
Initiative on Africa. I have no doubt whatsoever that if the
resources required are made available to fund all the
components of the Initiative within a reasonable time-frame,
we could already claim victory in the battle against poverty.
In this regard, we note with satisfaction, the Economic and
Social Council meeting held in Geneva during the month of
July and the attention given to the segment on the
development of Africa.
All said and done, in this era of globalization and
liberalization, our salvation lies in regional integration and
cooperation if we are to achieve economies of scale and
collective self-reliance. This is why we in the Gambia
attach a lot of importance to Economic Community of
West African States (ECOWAS) as one of the building
blocks of the African Economic Community. For us
Africans, the Lagos Plan of Action and indeed the Final
Act of Lagos constitute the blue print for the economic
development of Africa. It is even more relevant today
than ever before.
At the continental level, we the African leaders
decided at the recently concluded OAU extraordinary
summit in Sirte, Libya, to form a Union of African States
which would put us in a better position to tackle the
continent's economic and political crises that have plagued
us throughout this century. However, I want to emphasize
that the objective of this African continental union is not
to form a military bloc, but an economic and political one
capable of resolving Africa's numerous crises and
conflicts, with the ultimate objective of eradicating
poverty in Africa.
Today, as we speak, the gap between rich and poor
has widened threefold. The 1999 Human Development
Report has made stunning revelations, raised important
issues and made a series of recommendations. The
challenges are daunting, but with the necessary political
will poverty can be eradicated, and, as stated in that
report the challenge is “to ensure that globalization works
for people — not just for profits”. In this endeavour, there
should be greater cooperation between North and South.
I would like at this juncture to salute President Bill
Clinton's bold initiative to visit the African continent, the
second by a sitting American President in peacetime. This
visit is very important as it gives the United States
Administration first-hand knowledge of the numerous
problems and challenges facing our continent. It also
strengthens the historic bonds linking the United States
and Africa. This is a positive development that should be
nurtured, as the United States will continue to play a
pivotal role in Africa's socio-economic development. The
massive financial and economic assistance given to some
African countries as a result of the visit could go a long
way towards improving the living conditions of the
people in those countries, as well as ensuring a bright
future for the African continent as a whole.
Thus, I cannot but express my sincere appreciation
and gratitude, on behalf of the youth of Africa, for this
bold and laudable initiative taken by President Clinton,
and I hope that it will be emulated by future United
States Administrations.
10

It is our fervent hope, therefore, that as we approach
the threshold of the new millennium, we will draw
inspiration from the Charter of the United Nations by
giving concrete expression to the pledge made therein “to
employ international machinery for the promotion of the
economic and social advancement of all peoples”.
We anxiously look forward to the Millennium
Assembly, which, beyond its symbolism, could provide a
unique opportunity to renew our commitment and
rededicate our efforts to the attainment of this goal. It
would be inexcusable if we were not strengthened in our
resolve to eradicate poverty in the next millennium. With
all the global conferences since the beginning of the decade
on almost all issues of common concern, a solid foundation
has thus been laid. All we have to do is build upon it.
It is against this background that we are poised to
embrace the third millennium and all that it has in store for
us. Caught between the spectre of nuclear holocaust and the
overpowering and irrepressible phenomenon of
globalization, our only hope for survival depends on how
far we are committed to putting our collective security
before our narrow, individual national interests. This in turn
is only possible through multilateralism, and the latter has
proved its worth through the United Nations.
Having learned numerous bitter lessons, including the
fact of two world wars in this century, the compelling need
to create the United Nations to save succeeding generations
from the scourge of war is more valid now than ever
before, taking into account the rapid advances in military
technology and the devastating effects of modern weaponry.
Our Organization has withstood the test of time, and as
long as we continue individually and collectively to make
every effort to uphold the lofty ideals enshrined in the
Charter, we can together make this world a better place for
all mankind.
The United Nations is certainly not irreproachable, but
it is definitely irreplaceable and indispensable. It is the
embodiment of our hopes and aspirations. This is why we
are emboldened in our conviction that, despite some acerbic
criticism, we envisage an even greater role for the United
Nations in the twenty-first century. It was therefore very
timely to adopt the Declaration and Programme of Action
on a Culture of Peace shortly before the beginning of this
session.
In this connection, it is important to carry out reforms
when and where necessary to address the Organization's
shortcomings. The organ that needs serious and urgent
reform more than any other is the Security Council. The
importance of this body cannot be over-emphasized, but
its present composition, especially at the level of
permanent membership, is unacceptable, to say the least.
Its composition should reflect the realities of the day and
must be democratic and transparent in its working
methods.
To begin with, it is a fact that Africa, the second
largest continent, is not represented at the permanent
member level. This anomaly should be rectified
immediately; then we can take it from there. Also not
acceptable is the veto power wielded by the five
permanent members, a practice that is diametrically
opposed to the principles of democracy and human rights.
I propose that the veto power be abolished during the
course of the United Nations reform process.
As my country's term on the Security Council draws
to an end, I would like to seize this opportunity on behalf
of the Government and people of the Gambia, and indeed
on my own behalf, to express our sincere gratitude to the
entire membership of the United Nations for the
confidence reposed in us to represent you. We also thank
Members most sincerely for the partnership and
cooperation, the advice and support, without which it
would not have been possible to carry out the mandate
entrusted to us. As a small country, our contribution
might have been modest, but it was sincere, in our
collective endeavour to make this world a better place for
humankind. This noble goal, in my view, is what the
United Nations stands for.


I should
like to take this opportunity to thank Mr. Didier Opertti for
his tireless work during the session just closed. I should
also like, on behalf of my Government and my compatriots,
to thank the Secretary-General for his tireless work to carry
forward the principles that unite all the nations represented
in this Hall.
I should like to tell the Assembly about the
fundamental challenges facing my country, which have to
do, in those more specific circumstances, with those more
universal issues that are the concern of this Organization of
all nations.
In only my fourth month as President of El Salvador,
I believe I must say that I recognize what a great honour it
is for me to address the Assembly. During the months when
I was a presidential candidate, my country was full of
confused and contradictory ideas as to its direction and
destiny. I therefore felt the need to counter the many
opposing viewpoints with the one inescapable argument —
the reality of my country — in order to find what direction
that should be. That is why I dropped the political debate
to delve deeply into the only matter that is of interest to
any candidate in El Salvador: reading the relationship
between the citizens of El Salvador and their country in
order to move forward.
That enabled me to identify with rural people, potters,
industrialists and tradespeople in their efforts to build a
decent future for themselves and their families. At no time
during the conversations that I had in various parts of my
country was I asked for privileges or perquisites, and
neither did people demand assistance programmes: they all
wanted to see their own families' destinies built on a
foundation of decent work and their own efforts. That
requirement, those aspirations addressed to my
Government — and to which my Administration is duty
bound — are what bring me to this rostrum to address the
Assembly.
It seems to me that in recent decades significant
progress has been made by our region and by the world as
a whole in developing all the political freedoms. My
country in particular has moved rapidly during the past
seven years through universal suffrage to democratic
institutions and the will of the people expressed in all
organs of the State. Just seven years ago, El Salvador was
completely divided by a fratricidal war; today it has a fully
fledged democracy. And in this effort to move forward,
we have been encouraged and stimulated by many of the
nations whose representatives are listening to these words
here today.
However, I must say that the commitment of nations
to political freedom finds no corresponding stimulus to or
development of economic freedoms: developed countries
respond to our efforts to bring our products to the world
market with protectionism, trade barriers and quotas. By
contrast, our nations are completely open; we have
complete economic freedom; we welcome free trade with
all nations.
What is the cause of this discontinuity between
political freedoms and economic freedoms? How can we
promote political freedom and democracy when the world
is being closed to economic freedom? Neither I nor my
compatriots are asking the world for assistance because of
poverty: we are trying to build honourable nations forged
by our own work. That is the aspiration of my
compatriots, of El Salvador, and of all nations that can
hold up their heads in dignity. It is absurd for us to be
called upon to demonstrate openness when the developed
countries respond with protectionism.
That is why it is important that I highlight these
essential challenges. We must choose the path of freedom,
but not freedom limited to certain areas. It must be
freedom in all its fullness. If political freedom is not
matched by economic freedom, how can we justify the
efforts of those of us who are trying to change our
countries institutionally in order to make them freer?
Some in our region are waxing nostalgic about State
interventionism and other forms of authoritarianism, as a
way of solving our problems.
Future generations will not judge us only by our
deeds; they will judge us too by what we fail to do. If we
lack the courage to speak or to act, they will demand to
know why, on the threshold of the new millennium, we
did not want genuinely to open the world to freedom.
Let me acknowledge United Nations assistance and
intervention in my country. The efforts of Salvadorans to
meet our aspirations to lasting peace would not have met
with success without the proper forum through which to
bring conciliation among Salvadorans: the United Nations.
We must therefore express our gratitude to the
Organization, a house of concord among nations, and to
its Member States, for their involvement in the
achievement of our Peace Agreement. El Salvador has
4

only one way of expressing that gratitude: while
understanding that historical experiences vary, we offer the
world our humble experience so that it may be studied by
any country that chooses to resolve its conflicts by taking
the path of concord.
Following the armed conflict, hundreds of thousands
of Salvadorans were forced to leave their homes and
communities in order to feed their families. Many of my
compatriots have been received in nations represented in
this Hall. Let me address the nations in which Salvadorans
are living, sometimes in difficult circumstances: I ask for
understanding for my compatriots; they are in your
countries solely because they have to earn a living for their
families. They must not be blamed for social tensions that
predate their arrival. I call for respect for those
Salvadorans. Citizens of the world do not lose their dignity
or their rights when they become emigrants. And I wish to
send this message to my compatriots scattered across the
globe because of the armed struggle: in El Salvador there
will always be room for them to thrive. Our common
destiny is linked to our hopes and to a hopeful future: that
we should be together. I am here not only to represent you
but to defend your rights.
In the name of the freedom I have so often evoked, let
me speak of a matter that has been a concern of the
General Assembly: that of the Republic of China on
Taiwan. We believe that when a people, expressing its
sovereign will through democratic elections, elects officials,
chooses a common destiny and builds a vision of its
relations with the rest of the world, it is has the absolute
right to participate on an equal footing with the rest of us
in this forum. For nearly 50 years, we Salvadorans have
maintained relations of all kinds with the Republic of China
on Taiwan. It is our firm hope that that friendly people will
be able to have a voice in this forum.
We also express our concern that so many years have
gone by, and that the matter of setting up operational
machinery to promote peace among nations has so often
come before the Security Council without any resolution. It
is a paradox that, as we speak of concord for the next
millennium, we have been unable to reach agreement on
this matter. This weakens all; it weakens the United
Nations. It is a betrayal of the beliefs of all the nations that
want the Organization to participate actively in promoting
peace.
I stand in solidarity with nations that have been the
victims of natural disasters. We in Central America owe a
debt of gratitude to all who helped us when the recent
hurricane devastated our Republics — non-governmental
organizations, Governments, the United Nations and
friendly nations. That debt of gratitude can be converted
to solidarity only if we say that we in turn want to do our
utmost to help other nations that have been the victims of
natural disasters, such as Turkey and the Republic of
China on Taiwan, not to mention other, no less painful
difficulties such as the conflict that is of such grave
concern to our Colombian brethren.
In solidarity between the peoples of Latin America
and in solidarity between our two countries — for we too
have experienced such a conflict — we offer our brothers
in Colombia any kind of assistance or experience they ask
for to deal successfully with this problem so like the one
that tore apart the lives of the people of El Salvador.
In this Hall that is the forum for the comity of
nations, it is incumbent upon us to give substance to the
rhetoric of our words. For this reason, since you have
done me the honour of patiently listening to me, I would
like to say to you that we, just as you, in our efforts for
our common future, foresee that the entire world will live
in peace, justice and liberty in the years to come.


I would like
first of all to express to you, Sir, our warm
congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. We join the
earlier delegations in wishing you success in the
important task of guiding our debates.
I would like to express to your predecessor, the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Eastern Republic of
Uruguay, Mr. Didier Opertti, our gratitude for his
outstanding leadership as President of the Assembly at its
fifty-third session.
I also wish to convey very special greetings to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and to express our
deep appreciation for the work that he has done and our
firm support for his efforts to achieve peace in a year that
has been of critical importance for the United Nations.
Chile extends a hearty welcome to the new Member
States of our Organization, Kiribati, Nauru and the
19

Kingdom of Tonga, fraternal countries of the Pacific
community.
Globalization and interdependence require new and
stronger international institutions. As the international
environment becomes increasingly complex and difficult,
the United Nations, with all its limitations, remains the only
global actor capable of addressing not only the problems of
cooperation and global conflict, but also issues that, by their
very nature, are no longer within the exclusive competence
of States.
The expansion of the international agenda and the
need for collective management of the problems of
interdependence are the impetus for this trend. The issue of
democracy, or rather of the lack of democracy, has ceased
to be exclusively a sovereign matter for countries to deal
with; it has become a universal concern that no Government
can ignore. Protection of the environment has an
indisputable international dimension, inasmuch as issues of
vital importance for our future, such as climate change, the
pollution and over-exploitation of the oceans, the
deterioration of the ozone layer and growing desertification,
all require global remedies. Increasingly strict international
regimes are being established for the regulation and
prohibition of weapons of mass destruction and for the
elimination of anti-personnel landmines. The fight against
drug-trafficking can be truly effective only if it is waged
within a framework of close regional and international
cooperation, based on the principle of shared responsibility.
Such moving issues as the treatment of refugees, the fight
against hunger and major epidemics fall squarely within the
scope of multilateral action. The Government of Chile
enthusiastically supports this trend towards a new
multilateralism.
The crisis in Kosovo revealed one of the most serious
weaknesses and contradictions of the United Nations. The
policies of ethnic cleansing supported by the Serbian
leadership in that region required an immediate and
vigorous response by the international community.
It was truly regrettable that our Organization was
prevented from the outset from taking action with the
vigour that the situation required. It was also regrettable
that the solution to the crisis was found outside the
appropriate framework of United Nations mechanisms and
in contravention of the principles of the Charter. There is
clearly a responsibility shared by all the permanent
members of the Security Council for the inadequate
functioning of the mechanisms of collective security. Once
again, it was evident that the veto or the threat of its use
can reduce to impotence the world's principal organ of
collective security. Once again, it was evident that, when
this occurs, a vacuum is created that can lead to the
unilateral use of force without the prior authorization of
the Security Council.
More recently, the United Nations has had to face a
new challenge, a fresh humanitarian tragedy that it had to
stop at all costs. I refer to the crisis in East Timor. Chile
supported with hope and enthusiasm the holding of the
referendum on 30 August, which was made possible by
the significant agreement reached between Indonesia and
Portugal under United Nations auspices.
A Chilean delegation of two distinguished
parliamentarians was able to observe the successful
organization of the electoral process and the admirable
work of the United Nations volunteers and staff. They
also witnessed the onset of the incidents that culminated
in the massacre of which we are all aware. These acts are
totally unacceptable. We are pleased that the Republic of
Indonesia has requested the intervention of the United
Nations to put an end to violence on the island. We are
encouraged by the fact that, after so many unnecessary
deaths, it has been possible to organize a multinational
force under the efficient leadership of Australia.
I wish to reiterate and reaffirm the commitment of
Chile to the peacekeeping operations of the United
Nations. Without interruption since 1949, my country has
lent its cooperation to several of these operations. Today,
we are expanding our participation in this field and have
decided to contribute to the peacekeeping forces deployed
in Kosovo and in East Timor. In February, Chile formally
joined the reserve forces system. We have already
identified the personnel to be kept at the ready in terms
of military units, police monitors and civilian experts.
I wish to stress the importance that we attach to the
implementation of the Ottawa Convention on the
Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and
Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their
Destruction, which Chile has signed and for which it is
completing the formalities required for its approval by our
National Congress. In keeping with the spirit and purpose
of that instrument, I reiterate my country's commitment
not to produce, export, import or lay any new anti-
personnel landmines, as we demonstrated last April in our
official declaration of a unilateral moratorium.
My country notes with optimism and hope the
positive signs that have recently emerged with regard to
20

the long-awaited resumption of the peace process between
Israel and the Palestinian people. Chile has resolutely
supported this process from the very beginning and noted
with great concern its virtual paralysis. We hope that the
Israelis and the Palestinians alike will have the courage and
resolve to opt unambiguously for dialogue and peace.
Chile expresses its concern and frustration at the
obstacles that continue to block the self-determination
referendum provided for under the United Nations
Settlement Plan for Western Sahara. We hope that the date
that has been set will be honoured so that the Sahraoui
people can have the opportunity to express their preference
in a free, informed and transparent manner.
Latin America has continued to make significant
contributions to international peace and stability throughout
the year. A final settlement has been achieved in the border
conflict between two fraternal peoples on our continent:
Ecuador and Peru. As one of the four guarantor countries
of the 1941 treaty by which those two countries are bound,
Chile is pleased to have contributed to the rapprochement
between the parties and to have facilitated the dialogue that
led this year to the settlement of their differences and the
signing of a peace agreement.
The border between Argentina and Chile is one of the
longest in the world. Numerous disagreements have arisen
in the past over its demarcation. Thanks to the political will
of the two nations, it has been possible to find solutions to
each one of these problems. I have the deep satisfaction of
announcing to this Assembly that we have reached a
settlement with Argentina on the last remaining border
dispute between our peoples. Our Parliaments have adopted
the Campo de Hielo Sur agreement and we can now
concentrate without distraction on the task of developing a
relationship of peace, friendship and cooperation and a true
strategic alliance between our two countries.
Four years have passed since, on the occasion of the
commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations, the Member States undertook to intensify efforts
to reform and democratize the Organization's structures in
order to equip it to deal with the new and complex
challenges that it faces in a constantly changing
international environment. We must acknowledge, however,
that little progress has been made. It has become a truism
to point to the changes that have occurred in the
international system set up after the Second World War.
Less frequently mentioned is the fact that the institutions
have not kept pace with these changes.
Chile has stressed the need for due importance to be
given to the process of reforming the General Assembly
as the prime deliberative and decision-making body of the
entire system. It is only here that all Member States are
represented on an equal footing.
On this occasion, we reaffirm our position that the
reform of the Security Council must take into account
such criteria and principles as the sovereign equality of
States, equitable geographic representation and the need
to create conditions for a functioning that would
guarantee greater transparency and democracy in the
working methods and procedures of that body. The
persistence of the veto — which, moreover, can be
exercised without any public justification — represents a
serious obstacle to the achievement of substantive
agreements. It is a fact that most of the obstacles to the
admission of new permanent members are directly related
to the right of veto that accompanies such membership.
Clearly, the loosening of regulations that govern the
free circulation across borders of the knowledge, goods
and capital that are characteristic elements of
globalization has entailed significant benefits for our
societies. It is also true, however, that globalization has
thrown up new challenges and, in some cases, new risks,
particularly those associated with capital movement.
The international financial crisis of recent years has
demonstrated our ongoing vulnerability to events that we
cannot control and for which we are not entirely
responsible. Following the near collapse of the
international financial system, the demand for structural
reform has increased exponentially. Today, while the
situation appears more hopeful, nothing has changed in
substance. The systemic risks remain. We must relaunch,
with fresh impetus and vigour, the necessary reform
process to stabilize the international financial system in
the future.
Capital flows far exceed the value of world trade. It
is ironic that, while we have devoted so much effort to
establishing new trade regimes throughout the world, so
little has been done in the field of international finance.
The point is certainly not to impede the international flow
of capital, but to establish an appropriate international
framework to address the problems to which it may give
rise. We cannot continue to be passive spectators as
financial crises interrupt world growth and limit the
development of our countries.
21

It is also essential that we put all our energies into the
new round of multilateral trade negotiations that is just
beginning. The multilateral trade system, reflected most
accurately in the World Trade Organization, must be
strengthened with a view to ensuring sustained and
genuinely equitable growth for all countries. It is essential
that the new round soon to start in Seattle be balanced so
as to reflect the interests of developed and developing
countries alike. We also hope that it will be comprehensive
in its thematic coverage. We oppose a limited approach in
the form of sectoral trade negotiations.
In the framework of the agendas of United Nations
summits and conferences, the closing decade has witnessed
gatherings at the highest level to consider the urgent social
problems that beset mankind. From Copenhagen to Rio de
Janeiro, Beijing to Cairo, Vienna to New York, the United
Nations has accomplished a superlative task in reviewing
problems and adopting programmes of action in the most
important social spheres. In this connection, we attach the
greatest importance to the follow-up and implementation of
agreements emanating from the World Summit for Social
Development. A special session of the General Assembly,
to be held in Geneva next June, should renew the
international community's commitment to the process begun
in Copenhagen.
We welcome the recent Convention of the
International Labour Organization (ILO) on the prohibition
of the most severe forms of child labour. We are confident
that that organization, under the leadership of our fellow
Chilean, Mr. Juan Somav'a, will play an increasingly
relevant role in the new international social agenda.
Violations of the basic rights of individuals can no
longer be considered an exclusively domestic problem of a
country. Protection of these rights is the inescapable task of
the international community. This has been recognized by
Chile, which, since regaining democracy in 1990, has
firmly and sincerely supported the establishment of
effective universal and regional regimes for the protection
of human rights. We must bear in mind that the
international regime for the protection of human rights is
fragmentary and evolving. It consists of a set of standards
and institutions that are gradually beginning to be applied
with many gaps and imperfections. It should also be noted
that this regime is being applied within the context of a
certain international reality characterized by important
differences in the relative power of countries and by
selective and sometimes paternalistic practices.
Genocide and massive violations of human rights are
destined to fall within the competence of international
tribunals. Chile welcomes that tendency, but it also
recognizes that we are now in a transitional stage of the
process of globalization of justice. In this stage the norms
of jurisdictions are not clear and are subject to various
interpretations, including some that may be arbitrary and
erroneous.
Chile regained its democracy almost 10 years ago.
My Government represents those who fought for nearly
two decades to restore Chile's tradition of freedom. Our
economy has experienced remarkable growth during this
period. We scrupulously respect human rights. We
participate avidly in furthering Latin American
integration. We are adhering to the new regimes being
established by the international community in very diverse
spheres.
We have also faced the dilemma of administering
justice with respect to violations of human rights that
occurred in the past in our country. This choice has led to
considerable tension. Many countries that began the
process of transition to democracy in more favourable
conditions than Chile's preferred to circumvent such
tensions by refraining from prosecuting very serious
crimes that occurred during the previous regimes.
In these circumstances, what grounds would exist for
the judiciary of a third State to exercise jurisdiction with
respect to acts that are currently the subject of
proceedings in the court of the State in which those acts
were committed? There is no denial of justice in Chile.
We do not accept impunity for human rights violations.
The Government has initiated a broad dialogue to deal
with the consequences of the most serious human rights
violations that occurred in our country, particularly the
tragedy of those who were arrested and disappeared. At
present nearly 300 cases relating to human rights
violations committed during the authoritarian regime that
governed our country between 1973 and 1990 are being
tried in Chilean courts. In several cases, the Chilean
courts have convicted the accused and have sentenced
them to prison terms that are now being served in
penitentiaries.
We would understand if the organized international
community attempted to administer justice in countries in
which the rule of law did not prevail or where the most
basic human rights continued to be trampled. But in a
democratic State the task of administering justice must be
undertaken by that State and its institutions.
22

The Government of Chile considers it highly
undesirable that judges of other countries should claim
jurisdiction to intervene directly in that process. This claim
to jurisdiction, based on the principle of separation of
powers, means plainly and simply ignoring the principle of
the juridical equality of States. Interference in matters
within our country's jurisdiction is inappropriate and
misplaced and is tantamount to a lack of respect for our
State of law and our democracy. Today this interference
affects Chile and other fraternal countries of the Southern
Cone of Latin America. Tomorrow it may extend to the rest
of the international community, leading to juridical chaos
and competing judicial claims that will end up damaging
the international relations of many of our countries.
But our reaction to these imperfections and
discriminatory practices is not to seek refuge in outdated
principles and notions. On the contrary: we must move
forward towards a clear, orderly and non-discriminatory
regime, such as the one envisaged in the Statute of the
International Criminal Court. The establishment of a
permanent organ designed to exercise criminal jurisdiction
over persons accused of any of the crimes over which it has
competence will have the virtue of discouraging both
improper internal procedures that guarantee the impunity of
the perpetrators and attempts by judges in other countries
to make themselves the righteous of the world.
I wish to conclude by expressing prudent optimism for
the future of our Organization. Many States and other
actors, such as non-governmental organizations that make
up our increasingly vibrant international civil society, would
like to raise the standing of the United Nations. We hope
that the Millennium Assembly, to which we have given all
our support, will become the symbol of a renewed and
much stronger United Nations as it faces the new century.