I should LIKE to convey to Ambassador Samir Shihabi the congratulations of Poland on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. It Is with particular pleasure that I welcome in this high office a representative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, one of the founding Members of the Organisation. To the outgoing President, Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta, whom Poland was pleased to host recently, warm thanks are due for his remarkable leadership of the forty-fifth session. I also wish to express to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, our respect for and appreciation of his dedicated decade-long service to the United Nations.  We pay a tribute to him for his achievements.
It is with special gratification that I welcome in our midst seven new Members of the Organisation! the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and the Baltic Republics - Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. It is to be hoped that the admission of the two Korean States will prove to be helpful in unifying the Korean nation. As to the Baltic countries, I wish to say that the new Government of Poland has always supported the aspirations of these old nations to regain their independence. We are happy that the tragic chapter of their history has now finally been closed.
Since the last session of the General Assembly, democracy has been consolidated in Central and Eastern Europe. Recent events in the Soviet Union and the opposition to and failure of the coup d'etat have proved that democratic transformations are irreversible.
Throughout the Gulf conflict, and after it, the Security Council and the international community at large have been upholding the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. This marks a watershed in the history
of our Organization and in international relations. The action of the United Nations reaffirms the primacy of international law, sovereignty and equality of States, democratic values and respect for human rights.
Yet we have to make a great and systematic effort. In particular, conflicts and tensions that were, in a sense, immobilized or stabilized by the cold war should not be permitted to erupt. The community of nations faces formidable challenges regarding international security and the construction of the economic foundations of security. These tasks reflect the growing weight of North-South relationships, including their East-South component. The reactivation of growth in the developing countries and the reorientation of the economies of the new European democracies towards market rules are of paramount importance. The now defunct East-nest confrontation must not be superseded by a feud originating in tensions which are being bred by underdevelopment. In particular, the model of world trade must change: protectionism is wrong for consumers and, in the final analysis, is harmful for producers. The fragmentation of the world economy into rival blocs is of no advantage to anybody. The contracting parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade must strive to reach a prompt and satisfactory conclusion to the Uruguay Round.
The success of the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe is likely to constitute a useful example for some States of other continents to study and follow. Our success will lead to expanding market opportunities for the products of the South.
The experience of the Gulf conflict should lead to the consolidation of the Organization. First of all, we should maintain the effectiveness of the Security Council. He need an imaginative approach - peace-keeping operations
should be followed by peacemaking. While some provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter still await implementation, parallel means must be devised to allow the United Nations to prevent and discourage aggression, control arms build-ups and solve humanitarian and ecological problems resulting from armed conflict. The United Nations system no doubt needs reform in order to serve better the interests of Member States in a cost-effective manner. We support the concept of a unitary United Nations.
The consensus of the permanent members of the Security Council and their determination to discourage the threat or use of force are essential factors in creating a workable, post-cold-war international order. That order must, in the first place, be able to prevent conflicts. And when there has been a breach of the peace, the new order must provide for conflict and post-conflict management. The lesson of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait is clear: we need more than mere deterrence.
Poland agrees fully with the Secretary-General that there should be arrangements for alleviating the burdens incurred by countries which participate in economic measures against the offender State. Some of that State's economic partners may suffer considerably as a result of abiding by the decisions of the Organisation. It is clear that Article 50 of the Charter does not constitute a sufficient remedy. While that Article could be strengthened, another regulation dealing with a different aspect of security arrangements has long since become obsolete and should be deleted from the Charter. I refer here to Article 107 and the relevant part of Article 53. These provisions deal with the action - that is. Article 107, and, in particular, enforcement action - that is. Article 53, paragraph 1, to be taken "in relation to any State which during the Second World War has been an enemy any signatory" of the United Nations Charter. The category of "enemy State", which goes back to 1945, is no longer relevant in United Nations law end practice. These are anachronistic provisions which do not correspond to the legal and political reality of the Organisation, Article 107 is in Chapter XVII of the Charter, which describes its subject matter as "transitional". In fact, we have that transition behind us. I am convinced that there is consensus in the Assembly that these provisions should be struck out of the Charter and relegated to where they belong - that is, to history.
In this period of change, we should ask not only what this Organisation can do for us, but also what the Member States could and should do to turn the Organisation into an instrument of their dynamic policies in harmony with the Charter.
International security begins with good relations with neighbors. The recent historical change in Polish-German relations is our common contribution to security in Europe and in the world. I pay a tribute to those Poles and Germans whose imagination and perseverance made this change possible and lasting.
We are doing our best to develop the creative process of interaction in Europe. New regional arrangements have a role to fulfill here: trilateral cooperation between Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary; Baltic cooperation; and the Hexagonale group. The functions of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe are essential and they are expanding. All this reflects the determination to build cooperative security in Europe.
Armaments are a problem of our time. The limitation and monitoring of international arms transfers ought to be among the gears of conflict prevention and post-conflict management. He need an enhanced transparency in conventional arms transactions, especially in unstable and conflict-prone areas. Transparency would help to set up a kind of early warning system. Poland supports the initiative of the 12 member States of the European Community to establish a United Nations-administered register of conventional arms transfers. We are prepared to join in sponsoring an appropriate draft resolution.
However, to be reliable the new international order must involve not only a check on the accumulation of arms; it must also stop the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and of missile technology. An important step towards such a goal would be the prompt finalization of the convention on chemical weapons, and the enhancement of the effectiveness of the biological weapons convention. Hide adherence to the non-proliferation Treaty is of the utmost importance. He welcome the recent statements by France and China and some other nuclear-capable countries, including the Republic of South Africa, that they are willing to re-examine their attitude with respect to that Treaty. Experience resulting from the Gulf conflict indicates, in regard to the non-proliferation Treaty, that the safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy Agency should be further developed.
The Treaty on Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles and the strategic arms reduction Treaty (START) are big steps towards structuring global security. Recently there was a development of the utmost significance: 1 am referring to the disarmament initiatives announced on 27 September this year by the President of the United States of America. The changes effect the land, naval and air nuclear forces. This broad vision brings us closer to a much safer and better world order.
I think that all would agree that global security can no longer be addressed in terms of one group of States or another. The developing world is spending 200 billion dollars annually on armaments. This is a share of the gross national product of those countries that is much higher than that of the developed States. The question is how to bring the "peace dividend" to bear on development needs.
Let me make one particular point with regard to the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe. The changes within the Soviet Union must not endanger this Treaty. The process of its ratification and entry into force should be completed as soon as possible. Ratification of the Treaty in its present form has no bearing on, and especially does not restrict, the right of the Soviet republics to self-determination and independence. These are different issues that do not conflict with each other. Succession to the obligations resulting from the Treaty must take place with regard to all States emerging on Soviet territory. Strict implementation of the Treaty is of paramount importance to stability and security in Europe.
No world order is conceivable without the healing of the wounds of the Middle East. Poland pledges its support to a determined search for an equitable and enduring peace in the area. Such a peace is possible provided that the legitimate security interests of all countries and peoples of the region are safeguarded. A truly historic challenge and opportunity arise from the efforts to bring about, pursuant to Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), a Middle East conference with United Nations participation. Such a conference would stand a better chance if antagonisms and mistrust were overcome. Nor should there be any room for false
accusations. For these reasons Poland believes that the General Assembly should repeal resolution 3379 (XXX) of 10 November 1975 on Zionism. Let us add that the Solidarity movement in Poland and the new government have always been against that resolution. In the United Nations, its rescission has been long overdue. Consequently, Poland will join in sponsoring a draft resolution to this effect.
The Yugoslav crisis is cause for great concern. We fear that this crisis could have adverse consequences for European unity and for cooperation beyond Europe. Poland welcomes Security Council resolution 713 (1991) and will abide by it. In that resolution we see significant support for the steps that are being taken by the European Community and the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE).
I think that in the course of time, when the cease-fire is consolidated, there might be room for further peace initiatives regarding the Yugoslav crisis. After all the required conditions are met - and the consent of the parties figures prominently therein - the monitoring mission could be strengthened and other peace-keeping measures considered. Poland is ready to put its experience in that field at the disposal of the United Nations and of the competent European organisations. We are equally ready to participate in the mediation or conciliation process or other appropriate mechanisms. We welcome the recourse to arbitration.
Let me add that the uses of peace-keeping in Europe may potentially have ramifications that will be wider than the Yugoslav conflict. Some areas of Europe are passing through a period of not always predictable transition. Yet Europe must remain a continent of peace, security and friendly cooperation. This broader perspective of peace-keeping and peace-management in Europe was recently envisaged by the President of the Republic of Poland and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Mr. Lech Walesa, in his address to the Federal Assembly of Czechoslovakia on 17 September 1991. This broader approach serves the aims of the United Nations and should enable us better to combine our peace efforts.
Let me now turn to some of the global issues in fields other than the elimination of armed strife and the maintenance of military and political security.
The Economic and Social Council decided last May to authorize the Secretary-General to hold consultations with a view to convening a summit meeting on issues of social policies and development. We welcome this initiative as yet another manifestation of a departure from sterile, ideologically motivated disputes or. social issues in favor of the consideration of specific steps to strengthen the position of the individual and provide for better standards of life in greater freedom.
The importance of the Economic and Social Council initiatives derives also from the fact that, as the Human Development Report 1990 puts it, the lack of political commitment, not of financial resources, is often the real cause for human neglect.
In view of its past experience, Poland believes that economic development is inconceivable without its being firmly predicated on sound social development where the individual and his interests are overriding goals. We therefore welcome the preparations for the International Year of the Family, the broadest framework yet of an integrated approach to social questions at the United Nations. In line with the current trend in the Economic and Social Council, social and economic issues should be treated jointly, and this goes also for the world economic and social reports that are still being prepared separately.
One of the global challenges we face is the degradation of the environment. The success of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Brazil in 1992, will depend on the working out of specific programmes and cost estimates. Otherwise, there will be little chance for commitments on the transfer of environmentally sound technologies and on the modalities and procedures of such transfer. There is need for additional financial resources, and although estimates vary the amounts would be large by any standard. The new sources of funding might include, first, the conversion of a part of debts for ecological purposes and, secondly, users' fees and pollution charges. In any case, there must be predictability of resources to ensure the continuity of the flow of financial means. Those are some of the problems that should be carefully studied in preparing for the Conference.
May I add that the United Nations has a greater role to play in bringing help to victims of natural and man-made disasters.
The declaration by the General Assembly of a United Nations Decade of International Law should lead to an intellectual effort linked to coordination between various participants. The task, if taken seriously, is a tremendous one.
Among other initiatives, emphasis should be put on the implementation of international law in both the municipal and the intergovernmental spheres. There are various reasons why domestic application of international law by administrative organs and courts leaves much to be desired. There are a number of countries that would certainly benefit from more extensive and systematic information on the possible approaches to the problem of domestic implementation. But there is also room for improvement in some of the States where the rule of law is otherwise respected. Today there is such a massive influx of international law into the internal legal order of each State that the effectiveness of the process requires a very high level of expertise and very efficient functioning of the legislature, the executive and the courts. The Decade should be used to bring about progress in this field.
This is particularly important with regard to municipal implementation of international instruments on human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the protection of minorities. The Secretary-General deserves credit for stressing that
"the principle of non-interference with the essential domestic jurisdiction of States cannot be regarded as a protective barrier behind which human rights could be massively or systematically violated with
It should be made clear that the exception of domestic jurisdiction does not apply to any case where there is international regulation. Today, practically all the multifarious human rights and fundamental freedoms are subject to treaty or other obligations. Hence, their violation does not belong to the reserved domain of States, nor does individual or concerted action by Governments in defense of human rights constitute any interference or intervention in the internal affairs of the State.
The Decade of International Law should also draw our attention to the role of international tribunals. The recent frequent resort by States to the International Court of Justice is a positive development. The acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court should be encouraged. In particular, it would seem useful to study the possibility of extending the practice of States under the optional clause of the Statute of the International Court of
Justice whereby States parties to a dispute would agree to go to the Court should the Security Council of the United Nations so recommend. I am referring to Article 36, paragraph 3, of the Charter and to Article 36 of the Court's Statute. Finally, because it entails flexibility and has other advantages, recourse to arbitration should be enhanced.
As our world becomes less and less divided, the role of law in strengthening the structure of international society becomes greater. Some say that there are situations in which there is a contradiction between national interest and the law of the Charter. That is not true, and our Organization is, I think, proving it. In the United Nations there is no alternative to cooperation and common action under the rule of law.


I have the honour to convey to you, Sir, and to the other members of the Assembly, the greetings and good wishes of Sri Lanka's President, Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa. My President expresses the hope that the deliberations and decisions of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session will prove beneficial for the welfare of the peoples of the world.
On behalf of the delegation of Sri Lanka, let me congratulate Ambassador Sanir Shihabi on his election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session.
Me are meeting at a historic period in world affairs. Dramatic changes are occurring in many parts of the world. One year ago it would have been impossible to foresee, still less to forecast, what has taken place in the past several weeks. Relationships between nations are changing with breathtaking rapidity) old relationships are fading away, new relationships are emerging. Our President's friendly disposition, his diplomatic skills, his vast experience in the work of the United Nations are widely recognised. These qualities will no doubt stand us in good stead in our deliberations at this particularly important session.
To your predecessor, the Foreign Minister of Malta, Professor Guido de Marco, we express our appreciation for the manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the Assembly's forty-fifth session. We are aware of his determined efforts towards the rationalisation and revitalization of the work of the General Assembly. We convey to him our best wishes for the years ahead.
Seven new Member States, four from Asia and the Pacific region, have been admitted to the United Nations this year. We welcome accession of both the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea to full membership in the Organisation. May their membership in the United Nations result be in the fulfilment of the aspirations of their peoples.
We are glad that two Island States of the Pacific - the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia - have been admitted as Member States. We congratulate them and wish them wall. We are happy to welcome back to the community of nations the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania.
This world Organisation, founded in the aftermath of a world war, has more than trebled its membership since its inception. In 1945 its membership stood at 51. Today, 46 years later, it has risen to 166. In the intervening period, another world war has been averted. This is due, in no small measure, to the existence and the efforts of the United Nations and to the unremitting toil of all those who have laboured unceasingly to promote international peace and fellowship.
The United Nations is fortunate to have been served by a succession of distinguished Secretaries-General. Secretary-General Javier Peres de Cuellar, during his 10 years in office, has shown courage and fortitude and a deep sense of commitment to the cause of peace and international understanding. His patient and quiet diplomacy has earned for him gratitude and appreciation worldwide. If the United Nations is now ready to move into a new era, much of the credit for sustaining it in the past decade would surely go to Secretary-General Javier Peres de Cuellar.
The need for recourse to the United Nations on a number of occasions to seek solutions to problems of concern to the world community has resulted in renewed interest among Member States in the structures and procedures of the Organisation. There has been wide-ranging discussion on how the United Nations could be restructured and revitalised so as to make it more efficient in its functioning and more effective in the implementation of measures to secure peace and promote development.
The security and the development of a email country like Sri Lanka depends largely on the United Nations. Adherence by all Member States to the principles of respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs, mutual respect and equality, peaceful settlement of disputes and peaceful coexistence is fundamental. For a small country like Sri Lanka, what refuge is there other than the Charter of the United Nations?
Sri Lanka, in keeping with the Charter of the United Nations, is determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. Despite a hostile external economic environment and a terrorist problem, we continue to maintain a relatively high index of development. Our economy is growing at over 6 per cent, inflation is being reduced, prices are stabilising, investments are increasing and so is production. We recognise the importance to development of the private sector. In the spheres of health care and education, we continue to provide services which have resulted in a reduction in infant and maternal mortality rates, an increased life expectancy and a further improvement in literacy.
For some years now Sri Lanka has suffered the trauma of civil strife. The Government of Sri Lanka has repeatedly affirmed its readiness for negotiations to resolve any grievances. Some of these grievances have already been solved. Others can, and must, be settled through negotiation. Whatever differences may exist among Sri Lankans, these differences can only be resolved by and among Sri Lankans through consultation, compromise and consensus.
Sri Lanka has a terrorist problem. The problem of terrorism is by no means peculiar to Sri Lanka. Attention has been focused by some on the human rights situation in our country. We make no attempt to conceal our problems; nor do we condone any violation of human rights. Sri Lanka is firmly committed to the observance of the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Sights. We are a party to human rights Conventions. Sri Lanka reports to the United Nations bodies on human rights. Sri Lanka fulfils its obligations.
As to the process of development, the alleviation of poverty is a high priority on the agenda of development of the Government of Sri Lanka. It is pertinent to bear in mind that development cannot ignore cultural legacies rooted in history and firm traditional backgrounds. The harmonization of these cultural differences in welding together a national identity is important. We are striving for self-sustaining development aimed at improving living conditions while preserving cultural values derived from the religions and philosophies long cherished by our people.
In harmony with this concept of development, we have in Sri Lanka, under the leadership of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, a unique poverty alleviation programme, known locally as "Janasaviya" - which means "the people's strength". "Janaaavlya" is a development process based on human values. The family and the home are at the core of the efforts to implement this anti-poverty programme. As my President himself stated on the occasion of his inauguration on 2 January 1989:
"If we cannot help those who are deprived, we certainly cannot protect those who are privileged."
Sri Lanka's urban and rural housing programmes have been ballad internationally. It was on a proposal by President Premadasa that the United Nations observed the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless in 1987. Housing for all by the year 2000 is a goal that Sri Lanka is determined to achieve.
The ongoing international debate on environmental concerns and sustainable development has once again brought to the more the imperative of multilateralism and interdependence. In this context, the central role of the United Nations in the Conference on Environment and Development is necessary and appropriate. I do believe therefore that it is important that the General Assembly convey its views, clearly defined, to the relevant preparatory bodies so that viable and realistic proposals may be submitted to Rio de Janeiro.
Global poverty, which is a common threat to the stability of national and international structures, is one of the major sources of environmental degradation. The persistence of appalling economic disparities between nations and within nations has no place in a new vision of the future world. Our one world cannot long endure part privileged, part deprived.
For over 40 years the world has been haunted by the spectre of a global nuclear war. However, the recent dramatic improvement in East-West relations is a markedly encouraging development in the quest for general and complete disarmament. We welcome the achievement of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter Range Missiles (INF Treaty) and the START Treaty and we look forward to further progress in the reduction and eventual elimination of all nuclear weapons.
Sri Lanka hopes that, with the acceptance of an intensified work programme in the Geneva Conference on Disarmament, new substantive proposals which might form the basis of a consensus will be forthcoming to enable the adoption of the convention on chemical weapons by 1992. It is essential that the convention should retain its multilateral character in its implementation, and that it be non-discriminatory and supportive of international cooperation in economic and technological development for purposes not prohibited by the convention. In this light, Sri Lanka is actively considering becoming an original signatory to such a convention.
Sri Lanka welcomes in principle the initiative for the establishment of a register of international conventional arms transfers under the auspices of the United Nations. He are of the view that the recent conclusions reached and recommendations formulated by the United Nations group of experts on arms transfers would serve as a basis for further action in this field. The illicit trade in conventional arms is a cause for much concern. Such trade has provided arms to terrorists, drug traffickers, and other anti-social groups resulting in instability, suffering and destruction at the national, regional and international levels.
It was store than two decades ago, on the initiative of the 1970 non-aligned summit Conference in Lusaka, that Sri Lanka and Tanzania jointly presented a resolution to the United Nations on the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. A Declaration was adopted by the General Assembly in 1971. An Ad Hoc Committee to implement this Declaration was appointed by the General Assembly in 1973. In 1979 the Conference of Littoral and Hinterland States, held in New York, adopted seven principles of agreement for the implementation of the Declaration. In 1980 the General Assembly requested the Ad Hoc Committee to engage in preparatory work for a conference on the Indian Ocean to be held in 1981. For a number of reasons the preparatory work of the Ad Hoc Committee could not be completed and the holding of the conference was delayed.
Acting on the renewed mandate of the General Assembly in resolution 45/77 of 12 December 1990, the Ad Hoc Committee held two sessions in April and July of this year. The Committee has completed the preparatory work to enable the convening of a Conference on the Indian Ocean in Colombo in 1992 in consultation with the host country, Sri Lanka.
We would welcome the participation of the permanent members of the Security Council and the major maritime users of the Indian Ocean in the proposed conference. Their cooperation would result in useful discussions to achieve the objectives of the Declaration.
The dramatic changes in international relations resulting from the ending of the cold war must necessarily extend to all regions of the world. If the rivalry between the great Powers has indeed ended, it must follow that the favourable developments in the international political scene enhancing peace, security and cooperation should have a positive impact on the Indian Ocean region as well.
The Charter of the United Nations provides specifically for regional arrangements for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are appropriate for regional action. Together with six other South Asian nations, Sri Lanka has the honour to belong to the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which is making remarkable progress on several programmes of common interest. These are intended not only to enhance the living standards of the people of our region but also to contribute to world peace and progress. Sri Lanka has the honour and the distinction of hosting the sixth Summit Conference of SAARC in November of this year.
We welcome the trends towards the solution of a number of conflicts in different parts of the world in a spirit of mutual understanding and cooperation. In many of these conflicts the efforts of the United Nations and the Secretary-General have helped to bring about favourable developments. We urge the continuation of such efforts.
The preservation of Afghanistan's sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence is essential to a peaceful solution of the Afghanistan problem. We are confident that the five-point peace plan proposed by the Secretary-General would help to end this conflict soon. We are glad that the conflict in Cambodia has almost come to an end. Sri Lanka welcomes the recent peace agreement reached under the United Nations peace accord by the Phnom Penh Government and the three Cambodian guerrilla factions.
With regard to the situation in Cyprus, Sri Lanka appeals to all parties concerned to engage in meaningful discussions in order to arrive at a mutually acceptable solution. In this context, my delegation extends its fullest support and cooperation for an international conference under the guidance of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
The United Nations should work towards the total eradication of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic society guaranteeing the fundamental freedoms and human rights of all the people of South Africa.
We support all efforts to solve the problems associated with the violence and insecurity prevailing in the Middle Cast. We reiterate that a comprehensive solution to these problems is possible only with the restoration of the Inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and the withdrawal of Israel from occupied Palestinian and Arab territories. Only this can ensure the security of all States in the Middle East within secure and internationally recognised borders.
We stand on the threshold of an emerging international order. It is a matter for satisfaction and hope that all Member States are eager to participate in the endeavours of this Organisation recognising the central place of the United Nations in the international system.
As it nears the end of its fifth decade, the United Nations has won universal recognition for its untiring efforts in the promotion of global peace and development. It remains the only organisation which embraces all humankind. Nations and peoples who wish for, and are committed to, the amelioration of planet Earth have no other alternative. It is in this spirit, renewed and refreshed by encouraging recent developments, that we must continue the work entrusted to us in this Assembly. The opportunity for achievement is within our reach. Let it not once again slip from our grasp.


It is a great pleasure for me to take this opportunity, now that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has become a Member of the United Nations, to explain the internal and external policies of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and its position on international affairs.
First of all, may I extend my congratulations to Mr. Samir S. Shihabi on his election to the presidency of the current session and express my expectation that the General Assembly will achieve good results under his chairmanship.
I should also like to express my gratitude to the Governments and representatives present here for the unanimous adoption of the resolution on the admission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to membership of the United Nations. I should like to affirm that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea will discharge in good faith its duty as a Member State of the United Nations in conformity with the purposes and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
It is an irreversible trend of the present time for all countries and nations to advance towards sovereignty, independence and peace, free from domination and subjugation. Therefore it is the task of all mankind to give a powerful impetus to this historic trend and build a free, peaceful new world. The United Nations serves as an important political forum for the carrying out of these current tasks, and thus the expectations of the world's people in regard to its role are growing dally.
It is regarded as necessary now to destroy the inequitable old international order, establish an equitable new one and effect the democratisation of international society so as to build the peaceful new world to which mankind aspires. A new international order should be established on the basis of the independent and equal rights of all countries and nations in the world, regardless of the size of their territories or their level of development. There can be large and small countries, developed and less developed nations in the world, but there must not be senior and junior countries, dominating nations and those destined to be dominated.
Although my country is a small one, we strongly advocate greater independence and dignity. As an equal member of the international community, we will make active efforts to establish an equitable new international order which does not allow any privileges and arbitrariness in international relations. Today one cannot think about building a genuine new international order unless the gap between rich and poor, between the developed and the developing countries, which is growing wider with each passing day, is reduced.
We believe that the non-aligned countries, the developing countries, should consolidate and develop the Non-Aligned Movement into a force with more vitality, with a view to building a new international order, contributing to the cause of world peace and exercising the rights it has been granted. When the States members of the Non-Aligned Movement concert their efforts and promote friendship and cooperation in realising the principles and ideals of the Movement, the rehabilitation of countries and nations can be enhanced. The matter of relations with the developed countries can then be solved smoothly by promoting South-South cooperation.
Furthermore, world peace can be firmly guaranteed only when a new international order is established and the gap between rich and poor, between North and South, is eliminated. Peace is the common desire of mankind. Today, the threat to peace comes from attempts to violate the independence of other countries and nations and to dominate others. To safeguard peace, every country and nation should maintain its independence, oppose power politics and engage in powerful, joint international action to prevent war.
The most pressing issue involved in ensuring a durable peace in the world is to effect arms reduction and abolish nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. As a nation exposed to continual nuclear threat, the Korean people have put forward the abolition of nuclear weapons as an urgent demand related to our national destiny. The Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea regards the achievement of a comprehensive ban on nuclear testing within a short period of time as one of the most pressing tasks in the field of disarmament today. It will actively join the international community in its endeavours to prevent the testing and production of nuclear weapons, to reduce nuclear weapons and, eventually, to abolish all nuclear weapons.
The completion and conclusion of the global convention on chemical weapons is an important step in eliminating weapons of mass destruction. In keeping with our goal of comprehensive disarmament we support the idea of a ban on chemical weapons and will exert our efforts to make this convention an equitable, comprehensive and complete international legislative instrument.
The Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea holds that, if the world is to become peaceful and stable, both disputes between countries and nations and regional disputes and disturbances should first be settled. In the settling of all disputes account should be taken of the interests of the parties concerned and the cause of peace. Recently the United Nations has exerted considerable effort in coordinating disputes and has achieved some progress. We express our support for all endeavours to settle regional disputes through dialogue and negotiation and through political coordination. It is our position that all acts of infringement on the sovereignty of other countries, all interfering in the internal affairs of other countries and the establishment of unfair blockades and pressures should be ended immediately, and we support the just struggles of all peoples opposing such interventionist policies.
Today, when the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has formally entered the United Nations, my country's Government expects that the remnants of the pact relations between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the United Nations prior to the country's admission to membership of the Organisation will be completely eradicated and that the United Nations will make a due contribution to the fair solution of the question of Korea's reunification.
Originally, Korea was a homogenous nation that existed for thousands of years in one land with the same language and sharing the same blood. The division of Korea was not brought about by contradictions within our nation; rather it was imposed upon us by foreign forces.
Today, the question of Korean reunification has become not only a vital question related to the destiny of our nation, but also a pressing problem, the solution to which is directly linked with the peace of Asia and the rest of the world.
Over the prolonged period of division in Korea, different systems have been established in the north and in the south. In the northern part of Korea, a man-centred socialist system, the embodiment of the Juche idea, has firmly taken root. Our socialism is neither imported from, nor a replica of, that in any foreign country. It is a unique socialism, which our people have chosen by themselves in keeping with the realities of our country, one which continues to grow stronger and to develop through the efforts of our people themselves.
In our country, the leader, the party and the popular masses are united and of one mind, and the entire people are iron strong in their faith and determination to defend our socialism. Therefore, our socialism will not be swayed, no matter in what direction the wind blows, and it will continue to stay firmly on its course.
There may be some temporary frustrations and twists and turns in the course of history's advance, but it is an inviolable law that mankind heads for the road to independence. The question is how firmly to rely on the popular masses, how highly to respect their will and how to represent their interests. It is our firm position that the question of the country's reunification must be resolved in conformity with the will and interests of our people.
It is from that standpoint that we consistently call for reunification by bringing down the barriers of division and attaining the greater unity of the nation. He cannot understand why there has been silence about the concrete wall built in the southern area of the Military Demarcation Line as the symbol of Korea's division and confrontation, while at the same time there has been
acclaim for the demolition of the Berlin Wall and the crumbling of the barrier of the East-West cold war. We have already proposed the demolition of the concrete wall in the southern area of the Military Demarcation Line and free travel and a full opening up in all areas of politics, economy and culture. This is a powerful way to achieve national reconciliation and unity and to realise the country's reunification.
In the south of Korea there persists another system quite different from ours. We believe that, to resolve the question of reunification, the reality in our country should be the starting-point from which we must find a way that meets the specific conditions that exist in our country. If the stark realities existing in north and south are disregarded and reunification through unification of the systems is advocated, it will inevitably increase mistrust and confrontation, not reunification, and will lead, furthermore, to the recurrence of the national scourge of conflict and fratricidal war.
Therefore we hold that Korea's reunification should be based on reunification of the nation - that is, uniting the North and the South as one nation - and not on unification of the systems through one side conquering or being conquered by the other. As the most realistic means of achieving this solution, our Government has proposed accomplishing reunification through a confederation based on one nation and one State, but two systems and two Governments. As a concrete means of achieving confederal reunification, we have proposed the establishment of a Democratic Confederal Republic of Korea.
Furthermore, for the purpose of facilitating nationwide agreement, we have expressed our willingness to hold negotiations on our proposal that, in the interim, the regional autonomous Governments of the confederal Republic be vested with more powers and, in due course, the functioning of the central Government upgraded so that full reunification, in the form of a confederation, may be achieved eventually.
We believe that confederal reunification is the most realistic and peace-loving way, as it rules out both the prevalence of Communism and communisation, on the one hand, and a northward or a southward invasion, on the other. This proposal accords with the noble purpose of the United Nations, whose mission is to safeguard peace and justice in international relations.
Our people have excellent traditions and experience to draw on. We have in the past achieved unity for the sake of the common cause of the nation, transcending differences in ideologies, ideals, political viewpoints and religious beliefs. When the entire people in the north and the south of Korea and overseas compatriots renew the tradition of national unity, when they work together for the great unity of the nation, they will definitely realise the national priority of the task of reunification.
We regard North-South dialogue as the main means of peaceful reunification. He desire progress in the high-level North-South talks, to pave the way for the peaceful reunification of Korea. If the high-level North-South talks come to a fruitful conclusion, talks at the highest level will be feasible. The North-South dialogue must be a dialogue for reunification, net for division. The reunification of the country is a nationwide cause, which cannot be achieved simply by a special stratum of the North or the South. All parties and organisations and people of all sectors who desire national reunification should harmonise their demands and actions for the purpose of achieving solidarity and unity.
The Democratic People's Republic of Korea proposes that a political consultative conference for national reunification be convened, possibly at an early date. Representatives of the Governments and of political parties and organisations in the North and in the South would participate, with a view to achieving nationwide agreement on the ways and means of reunification.
Although the north and the south of Korea have joined the United Nations separately, our position on national reunification is unchanged. Our people will actively strive to attain national reunification and thus unity of the whole nation, to bring closer the day when the reunified Korea will take one seat at the United Nations and contribute to the common cause of mankind. If a peaceful solution of the question of our national reunification is to be secured, the first and foremost task is to ensure peace on the Korean peninsula and to satisfy the prerequisites for peaceful reunification. We regard the adoption of the proposed North-South non-aggression declaration as the starting-point for removal of the military confrontation on the Korean peninsula and for a fundamental improvement in North-South relations.
On the Korean peninsula there stand, confronting one another across the military demarcation line, a million armed forces on full alert. The acute military confrontation on the Korean peninsula constitutes the main factor that spawns mistrust and misunderstanding between the North and the South. So long as the North and the South have their guns levelled at each other and keep daggers in their pockets, the situation will never be eased, and the tension on the Korean peninsula will not be removed.
We have long proposed the adoption of a non-aggression declaration between the North and the South as a direct step towards defusing the acute confrontation. If the non-aggression declaration is adopted it will help to open a decisive phase in replacing the unstable cease-fire system with a system of durable peace on the Korean peninsula and in easing the confrontation between the North and the South. We have proposed arms reductions in the North and the South, along with the adoption of the non-aggression declaration, with a view to ending military confrontation. Otherwise it will be impossible either to promote trust or to have a negotiated solution of the question of peaceful reunification between the north and the south of the Korean peninsula, where tension and the danger of war have reached a climax.
Our Government has already advanced comprehensive arms-reduction proposals for the Korean peninsula. He hold that the North and the South should suspend all joint Military exercises with foreign forces and other large-scale military exercises in order to create an atmosphere of trust; should turn the demilitarised zone along the military demarcation line into a peace zone and enable it to be used for peaceful purposes; and should take security measures to prevent any accidental conflict that could lead to escalation.
We hold that, for the purpose of removing military confrontation, the North and the South should phase down their armed forces to fewer than 100,000 each within a period of three or four years; dissolve all civilian military organisations and civilian forces; cease the introduction of new military technological equipment and the development of armaments; and hold on-the-spot inspection to verify the implementation of arms-reduction measures.
The Government of our Republic has not only advanced a peace-oriented proposal for arms reduction but also taken the initiative of demobilising a large number of its armed forces. To our regret, however, our peace initiatives remain unilateral efforts; reciprocal steps have not followed. We believe that if the North and the South agree upon the idea of arms reduction, and embark on the process, the danger of armed conflict and war on the Korean peninsula will be removed, distrust between the North and the South dispelled, and a favourable environment for peaceful reunification created.
Since the north and the south of Korea have both joined the United Nations we consider it necessary now to take measures to dissolve the "United Nations command" presence in South Korea, to have the "United Nations forces" withdrawn, and to replace the Korean armistice agreement with a peace agreement.
For a durable peace in Korea, the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Korean peninsula now appears to be a realistic possibility. Out of our desire to eliminate the danger of nuclear war on the Korean peninsula and to contribute to durable peace and security in Asia and the rest of the world, we have put forward a proposal to turn the Korean peninsula into a zone free of nuclear weapons. Last July, the Government of the Republic put forward a new proposal, according to which the north and the south of Korea would agree on and jointly declare a nuclear-weapon-free zone on the Korean peninsula; the United States, the Soviet Union and China - the nuclear-weapon States neighbouring the Korean peninsula - would legally guarantee the nuclear-weapon-free status of the Korean peninsula once an agreement had been reached and a declaration adopted to this effect; and the non-nuclear-weapon States in Asia would support the conversion of the Korean peninsula into a nuclear-weapon-free zone and respect its nuclear-weapon-free status. Our new proposal has been welcomed by the nuclear-weapon States and the parties concerned.
We consider it necessary for the north and the south of Korea to pledge themselves before the world to a ban on the testing, manufacture and possession of nuclear weapons and to a prohibition on the deployment or transit of nuclear weapons and on nuclear military exercises on their territory. If the north and the south of Korea jointly declare the Korean peninsula to be a nuclear-weapon-free zone and the nuclear-weapon States neighbouring the Korean peninsula legally guarantee its nuclear-weapon-free status, the danger of nuclear war in Korea would undoubtedly be removed once and for all and the establishment of a durable peace would be assisted.
With all clarity we reiterate that we have no intention of developing nuclear weapons, nor do we have the capability of so doing. The matter of nuclear inspections in our country cannot be resolved in isolation from the particular environment prevailing there: we expected that, as a matter of course, once our country adhered to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the nuclear threat against us would be removed. The reality, however, is quite contrary to our expectations, and we remain exposed to an ever-increasing nuclear threat. The military exercises known as "Team Spirit", which are staged annually south of the military demarcation line, are in fact a nuclear-war exercise targeted against us.
Ours is the only country in the world of the States parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons that is faced directly with a nuclear threat. That being the case, the matter of removing the nuclear threat is for us a vital question relating to our nation's right to survival.
According to the Treaty, the nuclear-weapon States commit themselves not to threaten the non-nuclear-weapon States parties to the Treaty. However, the problem cannot be resolved so long as the non-fulfilment of its Treaty obligation by the nuclear-weapon State which is now imposing a nuclear threat upon us is disregarded while at the same time we are being urged to agree to unilateral nuclear inspections even as we are exposed to nuclear threat.
The failure to conclude the nuclear safeguards agreement at the September meeting of the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency may also be attributed to the "adoption" of the "resolution" intended to apply international pressure upon us, which is tantamount to interference in our internal affairs. It is our position that it is difficult to resolve the problem so long as the nuclear threat against us continues and the one-aided international pressure on us persists.
We welcome the announcement by President Bush that the United States will eliminate short-range nuclear weapons based on land and at sea, and hope that his proposal will be implemented as soon as possible. It is our expectation, in the light of this plan, that nuclear weapons in South Korea will be eliminated. If the United States does indeed withdraw its nuclear weapons from South Korea, the road will be open for us to conclude a nuclear safeguards agreement.
The Democratic People's Republic of Korea is a peace-loving country, and the Korean people value peace highly. The Government of our Republic and our people will make every possible effort to ensure peace in Korea and to defend world peace, the common cause of mankind.
We are convinced that our national desire to ensure peace on the Korean peninsula and to achieve its independent and peaceful reunification will enjoy the support and sympathy of the States Members of the United nations.
Independence, peace and friendship are the principal ideals of the foreign policy followed by the Government of our Republic. On the basis of these ideals, we shall promote friendship and unity with all the countries of the international community and shall make an active contribution to the cause of the United Nations for world peace and security, and shall do our utmost for the sound development of international relations and the further expansion and development of relations of friendship and cooperation between nations.


I have the honour to convey to Ambassador Shihabi and, through him, to all members the warm greetings of His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, King of Bhutan, and his good wishes for the success of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
Let me take this opportunity to extend to Ambassador Shihabi the warm congratulations of my delegation on his election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. Given his wisdom and experience, I am confident that he will guide our deliberations to a successful conclusion. I should like also to put on record our appreciation of the skilful manner in which Mr. Guido de Marco of Malta conducted the proceedings of our last session.
It is with great sadness that we mark the end of our eminent Secretary-General's tenure. For 10 years all of us have been the beneficiaries of his inspired leadership and masterful diplomacy. His record is a long and unblemished list of brilliant achievements. Oftentimes his personal intervention has made the crucial difference towards creating favourable conditions for negotiation and effecting a breakthrough in a conflict. Most important, he has presided over an enhanced, reinvigorated United Nations, to which the world has in recent years increasingly looked for the solution of its problems. His sense of mission has indeed been unfailing. Our sincere appreciation and gratitude go to him for such remarkable dedication and service.
The Secretary-General's annual report is an illustration of this dedication. It is not merely a reprise of recent events but a blueprint for the present and future and a call to action. His recommendations deserve our utmost attention.
I wish to extend a warm welcome to the Government and peoples of the Republic of Korea and of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on their long-overdue admission to the United Nations. Another vestige of the cold war has been shed. The admission of these countries, we believe, will give further momentum to the process of reunification that both countries desire. In this context, we fully support the three measures proposed by President Roh Tae Woo of the Republic of Korea, in his recent address to the General Assembly, for the building of a positive relationship on the foundation of the new phase of coexistence between the two Koreas.
The dawning of the new era also sees the admission of the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Latvia and the Republic of Lithuania to the United Nations. Following so rapidly in the wake of their independence, their membership is eloquent testimony to the love of freedom of their peoples and to the advancement of a more fully representative world body. We also extend a cordial welcome to the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands on their admission to the United Nations. The world community can only benefit from this greater diversity.
We are living in extraordinary times. So much has happened so quickly that it is difficult to keep up with world events. With the end of the cold war, understanding, cooperation and an irreversible trend towards reconciliation between nations have prevailed. Old conflicts are ended; new opportunities and fresh thinking are evolving. What was once unthinkable has become a reality. Happily, Germany has become one nation again. And more changes occur daily, The transformation of the Soviet Onion is nothing less than amazing. After centuries of autocratic rule, the people are now arbiters of their own destiny. There is much uncertainty, and there are many variables, as at any turning-point in history; yet we cannot but see these changes as a happy augury for the whole world. As ideological conflicts are shelved, convergence of views becomes possible on critical points. The work of the United Nations is enhanced, strengthened and revitalised. There is greater willingness to work through the United Nations system. Such willingness made possible a swift, concerted response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and helped effect the liberation of the Emirate. As our Secretary-General has aptly pointed out,
"The United Nations, therefore, enters the post-cold-war era as a central point of constancy in the midst of flux." (A/45/1, p. 2) In the process, renewed respect for the rule of law has been established. This opens opportunities for the resolution of conflicts and paves the way for a new international order of peace and stability. The totality of the Charter thereby comes into full force. A world upholding the primacy of the rule of law turns its back on barbarism and self-destruction. We believe this marks an important step in the evolution of the political consciousness of mankind.
Meanwhile, however, some regional conflicts drag on, old wounds fester, and new conflicts arise. Any one of these could turn into a general conflagration. Even in some areas where cease-fires have been arranged the peace remains precarious. Clearly, much remains to be done.
On the one hand, the liberation of Kuwait was a just victory for the rule of law and for the United Nations system. The country's sovereignty was restored under its rightful ruler. His Highness Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, a statesman of great wisdom and vision. This demonstrated that the sovereignty of all countries, large or small, is to be respected. Yet the war also left many problems in its wake. Hundreds of oil wells continue to burn out of control in Kuwait, spewing pollution into the atmosphere and blanketing much of that country in darkness. Oil slicks poison the Persian Gulf. The social and economic infrastructures have been destroyed. Hundreds of thousands of people suffered at the hands of the aggressor.
The war threw into stark relief the problems of the Middle East as a whole, and set off warning bells that a comprehensive solution must be found. The plight of the Palestinians remains the crux of the problem. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) must be implemented, and the legitimate rights of the Palestinians granted, foremost among them being the right to self-determination, including the right to national self-determination in their homeland. A new momentum for peace is now under way. The region is poised on the threshold of a historic breakthrough for peace. We applaud the latest peace efforts of the United States to convene an international conference, which alone can bring about the resolution of this complex problem. We support the security and the right to exist in safety of all States in the area, including Israel.
My delegation is also encouraged by the events in Lebanon. At long last, after a brutal civil war that for 16 years tore the country apart, a fledgling peace is in place. We ardently hope that the suffering of the people is finally at an end, that the peace holds, and that the sovereignty and viability of the nation are firmly anchored.
Looking to southern Africa, the independence of Namibia in March 1990 marked the successful culmination of long years of patient United Nations effort. The result has been a happy one, not only for Namibia but for much of the region as well. It is a harbinger of things to come within South Africa itself. Sadly, peace is still not a reality in Afghanistan. War, fuelled and maintained by outside interests, continues to ravage the country. Refugees have left by the hundreds of thousands. The country remains desperately poor. We call for an end to outside interference, for an end to the fighting, and for the establishment of a political process that will enable the Afghan people to exercise their right of self-determination and form a broad-based Government enjoying the confidence of the majority.
A lasting solution to the Cambodian problem may be at hand. The process began with the five permanent members of the Security Council working for a comprehensive solution and the invaluable work of the Association of South-East Asian Rations (ASEAN) to get the parties to the conflict to negotiate. The situation is now entering a decisive stage with the Pattaya agreement, under which the Cambodian Government and rebel groups will disband 70 per cent of their military forces and put the rest under the supervision of the United Nations. This marks a turning-point. The formation of the Cambodian Supreme National Council was another major breakthrough. The initiatives resulting from the Paris Conference of last December kept dialogue going and laid the groundwork for the current agreement. Now at last the parties appear to be working toward the ultimate goal - the restoration of the country's independence and territorial integrity under a truly representative government. We welcome these developments and we wish the people of Cambodia well in their efforts to build a new future for themselves. Overarching such regional problems and uncertainties are those issues that are global in scope.
Disarmament is our greatest challenge today. The signing of the strategic arms reduction Treaty in July this year marked another important step on the road to disarmament. Yet large stockpiles of weapons remain. We must press for the elimination of all nuclear weapons. In this context, we welcome the recent proposal of President George Bush for the elimination of all tactical nuclear weapons on land and at sea in Europe and Asia. Furthermore, we believe that priority must be given to a truly comprehensive test-ban treaty. The non-proliferation of nuclear weapons therefore deserves a high place on the agenda as well. Nuclear weapons are not the only danger. Chemical and bacteriological weapons pose serious threats. We call for a fourth special session on disarmament to address these issues and to forge concrete steps for the creation of a nuclear-free world.
A psychology of peace must replace the psychology of war. In so doing we opt for a saner and more secure world.
Sadly, the expected peace dividend has not translated into greater benefits for the developing nations nor a more equitable international economic order. A burgeoning arms trade continues unhindered, distorting priorities and gobbling up a staggering one fifth of the national budgets in many countries. Thus a vicious cycle of poverty, instability and cruel social conditions is perpetuated. The old, rusty machinery powered by the unjust system of economic relations lumbers on, but with a difference - the status quo is not maintained; rather, we see a steady drop in living standards for the vast majority of mankind. Overall, there has been a dramatic increase in poverty, disease, and deprivation. the past 10 years especially have taken their toll. For many of the developing countries, growth and development have been replaced by stagnation and decline. The reasons for this are hydra-headed and complex, but include, among other factors, depressed commodity prices, an increasing debt-servicing burden, and under-funded structural adjustment programmes, on the one hand, and unfair terms of trade, restricted access of goods and an increase in taxes and higher interest rates, on the other. The ongoing Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations must address these problems. The further liberalisation of trade by the removal of protectionist barriers and the institution of more remunerative commodity prices would be a good start. So too would the emplacement of a more stable exchange rate system.
The Economic and Social Council has an invaluable part to play. In this context we fully support the excellent recommendations of the resumed forty-fifth session of the General Assembly, on the restructuring and revitalization of the United Nations in the economic, social and related fields. The resulting restructuring and revitalization of the Economic and Social Council will we believe enhance its impact and effectiveness.
The North-South dialogue must be increased and must continue, with the ultimate goal of bridging the gap between rich and poor nations. South-South cooperation, most recently affirmed and strengthened at the ministerial meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries held in Accra, has been of immeasurable assistance to the developing countries. We are building the foundation of what we hope will embrace a world-wide network of creative partnerships and associations of mutual advantage. We are working towards dynamic relationships making optimal use of the world's resources, skills and technology. This is we believe our best hope for global peace and stability. Above all it is workable and practical, a demonstrable application of enlightened self-interest.
A necessary corollary is the responsible stewardship of the world's resources. We are far from this goal. Indeed, every day brings alarming evidence of the diminishing capacity of the planet to sustain life. Ominous signs of the greenhouse effect and the depletion of the ozone layer include climatic changes and an increase in certain health problems. Air and water pollution, soil degradation, desertification and deforestation threaten the world's food supplies and living conditions. Overpopulation puts further strains and pressures on the environment. The picture would be unbelievably bleak but for some eleventh-hour attempts at our salvation.
The Montreal Protocol on ozone depletion represents a serious effort to restore our planet to ecological health. Clearly, however, we need to go much further. The environment is our primary source of life and as such requires our urgent consideration. We have expectations that the Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Bio de Janeiro in June next year, will adopt a concerted and comprehensive programme to tackle all of the major environmental problems and issues. He hope the opportunity provided by this Conference will be fully utilised to deal with the question of environment and development on an integrated basis.
In my own country, Bhutan, our development goes hand in hand with unfailing concern for and sensitivity to the environment. He take pride in the fact that environmental concerns have been merged in economic decision-making. At the same time, our economic infrastructure remains inadequate and the country's communications and transportation systems are still nascent. In addition to sharing the problems of many other least developed countries, Bhutan is handicapped by being land-locked. Outside assistance is therefore crucial to our development. Here I should like to acknowledge the valuable contributions of our development partners, particularly India, Japan, Kuwait, Switzerland, Denmark, Austria, Norway, the United Kingdom, Australia and Germany, and the various specialised agencies and bodies of the United Nations, particularly the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICBF), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF), the World Health Organisation (WHO), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO), the United Nations Volunteers (UNV), the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA), the United Nations Department of Technical Cooperation for Development (UNDTCD), and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), in helping us to reach our development goals. Through their assistance we are working steadily towards self-reliance.
I might add that we in Bhutan are hopeful about the Programme of Action adopted during the Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, in Paris last September. After only a year it is perhaps too early to assess its impact. Yet we are optimistic that the implementation of the Programme of Action will accelerate economic growth and alleviate the sufferings of the people in the least developed countries.
After two world wars and innumerable conflicts that have taken an appalling toll, the darker side of humanity might seem to have eclipsed the exuberant hopes of an earlier age. Yet this is not so. The United Nations, revived and strengthened and the repository of more of the world's hopes and dreams than at any time since its founding, is proof that we believe in the future, that we invest in it. As we stand on the threshold of the twenty-first century, we have much to celebrate - as well as many challenges to meet. The post-cold-war era presents us with myriad opportunities. Let us seize the day and fulfil the promise of the new age.