This is the second time I have addressed the Assembly
in my 20 months as President. I come here to share our
experiences with the Presidents of the many countries
of our world. I wish to take this opportunity to say how
pleased I am at the election of a new Secretary-
General, who will be leading the international
Organization for the good of humankind, and above all,
for the good of the abandoned and the dispossessed.
For that reason, I wish to briefly comment on my own
country.
 For the first time in Bolivian history, the groups
most forgotten, despised, hated and reviled throughout
the history of Bolivia — we indigenous peoples —
have assumed the leadership of our country to change
our beloved Bolivia — to make political and economic
changes, to reshape and re-establish our country,
orienting it towards searching for unity, respecting our
differences and respecting our identity so that we can
work together to resolve our economic and social
problems.
 In this brief period, I have felt and seen that it
will be difficult and will mean fighting for the equality
and justice of peoples, of all of us who live in the
homeland. But at the same time, we shall do so with a
great deal of strength, because the popular movement,
the indigenous movement and the intellectuals and
even the business and professional communities, have
taken a chance on their land and their people, and are
striving peacefully for democratization, ensuring a
cultural revolution in my country.
 But sometimes it is more important to regain our
natural resources. I very much regret to say that in my
country, during the neoliberal regimes, natural
resources and State-owned enterprises were privatized
under the pretext of capitalization. In fact, they
decapitalized the country, claiming that private
enterprise would be the solution for unemployment and
corruption. We actually saw an increase in
unemployment and in corruption. Just a few years ago,
Bolivia was considered to be the world's runner-up of
corruption, but now I am delighted to see that
international organizations have said that there has
been a great decrease in corruption in Bolivia. We want
to eradicate it.
 I want members to know that in 2005, before I
became President of the Republic, Bolivia received
only $300 million in revenue from hydrocarbons. That
was a time when hydrocarbons, oil and natural gas
were privatized, when they were given to the
transnationals. Now that we have changed the oil laws
and nationalized and recovered these very important
natural resources, Bolivia will receive more than
$2 billion in revenue this year.
 For that reason, Bolivia wants to share its
experience with all leaders and with all nations where
natural resources have been privatized. It is important,
with the strength of the people, to recover these natural
resources so that they can benefit the people and the
nation. Of course, I completely understand that
companies have the right to recover the economic
resources that they have invested. They have a right to
profit, but not like in the past when all they were
concerned with was plundering our natural resources.
 The most important thing in all of this is that we
have begun to decolonize Bolivia, both internally and
externally. I say internally because my country
previously had masters. If we look back at our history,
there were masters that were descended from the
viceroys, religious groups and the oligarchy. They
ruled and the people were powerless. Now we are
building up the power of the people so that the people
are sovereign, not groups of families, and so that we,
the peoples, have the right to decide on our future.
 That is the best kind of democracy we can
implement, because it does not mean merely accepting
certain policies or being subjugated by masters or
bosses in my country. When I say that we are
decolonizing externally as well, I mean that right now,
there are no ambassadors in my country who change or
appoint ministers. Before, unfortunately, United States
ambassadors changed and appointed ministers. That is
over. Thus, we have begun to decolonize our country.
 Once, policies were imposed on us by the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund. That is
over too. I would like to share a little story about our
country that I remember clearly. In 2003, the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund told our
leadership to choose between a gasoline tax and an
income tax to avoid a deficit. The Government decided
to put a tax on workers' wages. In two days more than
15 people died in Bolivia because of clashes among
Bolivians.
 Now let me say that last year, without income
taxes, without gasoline taxes, Bolivia had a surplus
thanks to the return of a natural resource,
hydrocarbons, that is so important for my country.
 That is why I say that we have begun external
decolonization. We are gathering the proposals and
initiatives of our peoples organized in civic and trade
union forums, in particular people who have economic
problems. They have the wisdom to propose initiatives
and solutions from their own neighbourhoods and from
their own trade unions. That is my experience, and so I
think it is important to create people's power. Let
social forces take the decisions, and let the leaders
follow the wishes of the people. In that way we can
resolve our problems.
 Over the past few days I have listened to some
very encouraging statements, but also some that were
rather disappointing. They spoke, for example, of
global warming and of climate change, and I know that
many countries are victims of these natural
phenomena. But I cannot understand why so many
lives are lost to floods, interventionism, war and
hunger? It seems that economic models are not going
to solve the problems of humankind. I am all the more
convinced of that after having heard many of those
statements and the experiences that have been shared
by world leaders. Concentrating capital in the hands of
the few is not a solution to the problems of humankind.
Having the wealth of the world in the hands of the few
does not solve the problems of human existence.
Indeed, it exacerbates problems of the poor who
inhabit planet Earth.
 We talk of global warming and the melting of the
ice, but we do not say where it comes from. I am
convinced that it comes from that ill-termed
globalization — or selective globalization: a
globalization that does not respect plurality and that
does not respect differences.
 If we are to talk about globalization, first of all
we must globalize the human being. I do not know how
everyone here got to New York - or to the United
States - but my delegation had many visa problems.
Our parliamentarians could not obtain United States
visas. When I arrived at the airport, I was blocked, and
my ministers - my indigenous compatriots - were
subjected to hours and hours of controls at the airport.
Some of us, the representatives of countries, were
practically threatened by our hosts, by President Bush.
If that continues, perhaps we should seriously consider,
as Presidents and nations, changing the site of the
United Nations. I personally am not willing to come
here to be the subject of investigation. I feel that the
decolonization of the United Nations too should begin
and that everyone should respect us, whether we are
small or large, whether we have or do not have
problems.
 I listen to statements about glaciers melting, and
they are made without addressing the underlying
causes of melting and global warming. It is capitalism
and the exaggerated, unrestricted form of
industrialization in some countries which are creating
so many problems on our continent and on planet Earth
as a whole. When we organize alongside social
movements to protest and condemn these unsustainable
policies, these economic models that do not solve
economic problems, then what we get is military bases
and interventions, wars, demonization, accusations of
terrorism, as though peoples had no right to speak out
about their needs, their rights, or to formulate new
approaches to saving lives and humankind.
 I therefore believe that it is important for us, as
Presidents, nations or delegates, to tell the truth in all
sincerity about these economic problems, which are not
exclusive to Bolivia, North America or South America.
When the democratic change is under way in South
America - i.e. the kind of democracy that liberates
and does not submit to imperialism - there are further
accusations and misrepresentations. There are
accusations of people being cruel dictators, such as
those I heard from the lips of President Bush yesterday
with respect to the President of Cuba. I wish to greet
all revolutionaries, especially President Fidel, for
whom I have a great deal of respect. Fidel also sends
troops to many countries, but they are sent to save
lives, whereas the President of the United States sends
troops to end human lives. Therefore, since we here
today are presidents, let us think about life,
humankind, how to save planet Earth and the question
of climate change, which is a subject of ongoing debate
throughout the world.
 I am convinced that it is not possible for basic
services to remain private enterprises. Fortunately,
thanks to the foreign ministries of the Americas, water
has been recognized as a human right. If water is a
human right, it is important that it should become a
public utility, instead of a private business. It is
important that energy should now also be a human
right. I hope that we can all ensure that energy is a
human right. If energy is a human right, then it will
never again be a private business. It must be a public
utility so as to meet the needs of our people.
 I cannot understand how we can continue, under
the guise of hegemony or of concentrating capital in a
few hands, to do damage to humankind, to affect the
poor and to marginalize other needy sectors. I feel we
are making statements here in order to change these
economic policies that have done, and continue to do,
so much damage and that are leading humankind down
the path to genocide.
 I still fail to understand why some countries are
involved in an arms race. I cannot accept war. In
Bolivia we are discussing, as a social and political
endeavour, how a new political constitution could lead
us to renounce war. I am convinced that war is the
industry of death and that the arms race is one more
industry that complements the industry of death. In this
new millennium, how can countries and presidents
keep thinking in terms of interventionism,
authoritarianism and arrogance on the part of some
countries towards other countries, and not think about
humankind?
I believe that we must work together to save
planet Earth. That is the most important thing, if we
want to save life and humankind.
 Yesterday, too, I heard, and tried to comprehend,
statements about biofuels and agrofuels. I do not
understand how we can make use of agricultural
products or food when it comes to cars. I cannot accept
that that is what the products of the earth should be for.
I believe that food should be for human beings and that
soil should be for life. Are we really going to divert our
land and food resources to provide for automobiles
because of a gasoline or diesel shortage? Two days
ago, I said that if we are really talking about life, then
let us give up luxury. It is important to give up luxury.
We cannot continue to accumulate garbage, we cannot
continue to think about just a few families instead of
thinking about all of humankind. I think we have
profound differences, when we talk about these matters
of life and about our national majorities.
 I want to take this opportunity to express thanks
for the support received from everyone, with the
exception of four Governments, for the adoption of the
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. We
feel very gratified. The peoples of the Americas have
waited for over 500 years for their rights to be
recognized. We are part of a culture of patience. I wish
to say that the fact that we now have this Declaration
does not mean that we will act vindictively towards
others. Indigenous people are not vengeful. We are part
of the culture of dialogue and, most fundamentally,
part of the culture of life.
 I want to ask the United Nations to convene very
soon a United Nations world summit of indigenous
peoples to compile data on different cultural
experiences. We are compiling data on our experiences
in Bolivia through a programme called “Living Well”.
To live better, one must sometimes exploit. To live
better, one must sometimes rob. To live better, one
must sometimes discriminate. To live better, one must
sometimes plunder. But to live well means to live in
community, collectively. This does not just apply to
living among human beings. It also means living well
in harmony with Mother Earth. The earth, for the
indigenous movement, is something sacred. Mother
Earth is our very life, it is Pacha Mama, as we say in
our languages. Mother Earth cannot be turned into
merchandise. Mother Earth cannot be turned into a
business. If we talk about global warming, if we protest
and fight global warming, let us remember that we are
talking about Mother Earth. Since Mother Earth gives
us life, we need to review our policies, but we also
need to pay attention to what has been stated by our
indigenous movement.
 We have lived in communities, collectively. What
is being debated is collectivism and community against
capitalism. Let us continue to debate, to reclaim these
ways of life in order to defend life and to save
humankind.
 I also want to take a moment to say that this new
millennium must be the millennium of life, equality
and justice, of respecting our identities and upholding
human dignity. That is why we are talking about
changing economic models, those systems that do harm
to mankind. But if we want to make changes, then it is
important for us to change ourselves first. Let us not be
selfish, individualistic, greedy, ambitious or sectarian
in our attitudes, concerning ourselves with just a few
families instead of with the entire family on Mother
Earth. So as presidents, as representatives of our
different nations, we are talking about changing
ourselves first, with a view to also changing economic
models in a quest for equality and justice. During my
20 months as President, I have learned that I must work
with the people and listen to their needs. There will
always be groups who do not wish to lose their
privileges, but those are ill-gotten privileges or
privileges that enable them to use the State for family
business rather than thinking of the families of others.
 I have learned, during my 20 months as President,
how wonderful it would have been to work for the
homeland and not for money, how wonderful it would
have been to work for those abandoned by the peoples,
how wonderful it would have been to work together
with people who do not have many economic problems
but who cherish their homeland and want to work for it
in solidarity and with a sense of complementarity.
 I would also like to say that, as members know,
we have a historic problem with our sister republic of
Chile on the subject of the sea. We have now
succeeded in laying the foundations of a certain trust
between us: trust between our peoples, our
Governments and our Presidents, through peoples'
diplomacy. It is our hope that these historic claims can
be worked on and resolved, within the framework of
complementarity, because neighbouring countries,
Latin American countries and the countries of the
world need to work in a complementary way if we
want to resolve the problems of our peoples and
nations. Complementarity is very important, and that is
why we want to continue to work for humankind.
 In conclusion, as sometimes the red light on the
rostrum makes one nervous, but never mind - I would
like to say that I hope we can keep learning from
events of this kind, in which so many participate.
These are the best universities we have. But let us
speak clearly and sincerely. Let us not falsify the truth,
when we talk only about the effects of humankind's
problems and not their causes. In that context, I want to
say that it is important to change our economic models
and eradicate capitalism.


Let me begin by stating
how much I welcome and support the theme of this
year’s sixty-second session of the General Assembly,
which is “Responding to climate change”.
 I stand here representing the good people of
Indonesia, who are very eager to welcome
representatives to the Bali conference in December this
year. When they come to our country, they will see a
great nation whose multi-ethnic and multi-religious
people live in harmony with one another and in
harmony with mother Earth, the way they have for
thousands of years.
 Indonesia is a country that has felt and suffered
the effects of climate change. In recent years, we have
been hit by a series of natural disasters in the form of
floods, drought, forest fires, El Niño, tsunamis and
earthquakes. The issue of climate change has made us
see interdependence in a completely new light. When it
comes to global warming, we are much more
interdependent than we thought in terms of the causes,
symptoms and solutions.
 We must uphold the principle of common and
differentiated responsibilities and respective
capabilities, but there is always room for every
country, every community and every individual to be
more flexible, more innovative and more inclusive.
 A persistent theme in our discussions on climate
change yesterday was the need for urgency, which
means the need for action and the need to think outside
the box. I count myself as an optimist who sees today a
larger window of opportunity to strike a global
consensus to tackle global warming.
 We will have that chance in Bali. The Bali
conference must yield a new road map on climate
change, and that new road map must spell out what
must be done by both the developed and the developing
worlds to save humankind and its planet from the
looming tragedy of climate change. It must link the
solution to the problem of climate change with
sustainable development   the conquest of poverty. It
must produce an outcome and timeline that will be
more comprehensive and more ambitious in achieving
its practical objective of reducing greenhouse gas
emissions.
 We developing countries must protect our natural
resources while using them wisely for development.
Among the most valuable of our natural resources are
our forests. From them, we extract economic wealth;
through them, we store an immense volume of carbon
that would otherwise pollute the atmosphere.
 On that basis, yesterday Indonesia took the
initiative of launching a special leaders’ meeting of
tropical rainforest countries. At that meeting, we
leaders of the countries having custody of a great
portion of the world’s rainforests decided to intensify
our cooperation in forest conservation and
reforestation.
 We also believe that countries that seek to
enhance their carbon sinks   through forestation,
afforestation and avoided deforestation   should be
given incentives and rewarded fairly for doing so.
 Throughout our deliberations on climate change,
let us always keep an eye on the requirements of
development. That means we must not lose sight of the
imperative to conquer poverty as a basic problem of
the human condition.
 In Indonesia we have a national dream, which is
reflected in our 1945 Constitution. We dream that we
and our future generations can enjoy the blessings of
peace, freedom, justice and prosperity. And we dream
of seeing to it that the same blessings are enjoyed by
the rest of humankind. Poverty can kill that dream.
 That is why the new Indonesia of today is fully
dedicated to the fight against poverty. For that purpose,
our national economic policy is focused on the
development of rural areas, where the vast majority of
our people live and where they wage a daily struggle
against the ravages of poverty. That is why we are so
intent on making the national business climate friendly
and attractive to foreign direct investment, so that jobs
will be created for our millions of unemployed people.
That is why we are so intent on eradicating the taint of
corruption from our society. And that is why our
foreign policy addresses the need for a truly
functioning global partnership for development,
because only such a partnership can ultimately conquer
the basic problem of poverty.
 Peace in the Middle East is crucial to long-term
global stability. But there can be no peace in the
Middle East unless there is justice, especially justice
for the Palestinian people. A divided Palestinian nation
cannot secure justice. Hamas and Fatah must therefore
engage in dialogue and reconcile their agendas. The
Arab initiative must catalyse political change in the
region.
 Indonesia has a long history of participating in
United Nations peacekeeping operations that dates
back to the Suez conflict, in 1956. We are taking part
in the operation in Lebanon today. We are determined
to maintain that proud tradition of involvement in
global concerns. That, I believe, is what humankind
needs most today, namely, the involvement of
everyone. There must be a global partnership at work.
Developed and developing countries must work
together with a greater sense of partnership and of
urgency.
 Therefore, to solve the problem of climate change
the Bali Conference must set the stage for a genuine
partnership between developed and developing
countries and all other stakeholders. Developed
countries must extend support while developing
countries strive to protect and enhance their
environment and its biodiversity. They must lighten the
burden of developing countries in carrying out that
immense task   through incentives and the transfer of
environmentally sound technology.
 While developing countries are in hot pursuit of
their Millennium Development Goals, the developed
world can greatly help ensure the success of the Doha
Development Round. Developed countries must ensure
sufficient flows of financing for development through
foreign direct investment and official development
assistance. They must facilitate the transfer of
technology for development.
 We in the developing world, on the other hand,
must prudently manage our natural and human
resources. We must practise good governance. We must
fight corruption at all levels so that our resources will
not be wasted. We must see to it that the human rights
of our citizens are promoted and protected.
 No partnership works without teamwork, and no
teamwork is possible without constant effective
communication. That means dialogue. After all,
dialogue is the best way to exercise soft power.
Dialogue and soft power can greatly advance the cause
of disarmament and non-proliferation. Dialogue and
soft power have helped resolve various intra-State
conflicts   including in Aceh, where two years ago we
reached a peaceful political settlement that
permanently ended the conflict. Dialogue and soft
power can also be a major instrument in addressing the
root causes of terrorism.
 That is why I am a firm advocate of dialogue
among faiths, cultures and civilizations. I urge that the
dialogue in the Alliance of Civilizations be fully
integrated into the work of the United Nations. Sincere
dialogue can lead to the formation of an effective
global partnership on climate change, which is also a
partnership for sustainable development. I look
forward to such a dialogue taking place at the Bali
Conference this coming December. That will be a
vitally important dialogue, for it can set off a chain of
events that will lead to the fulfilment of the dream of
billions for a safer, better life. It will certainly add
sheen to the national dream of Indonesia   our
common dream   for a better world of peace, social
justice and equitably shared prosperity.


Traditionally, the General Assembly sums up
the results of the ending political year. This requires
serious and joint consideration. It is essential to
identify agreed solutions for today’s global problems
based on the collective analysis of current international
affairs. It appears that no one is challenging that
security and prosperity are inseparable in an
increasingly globalized world. Our approach should be
similarly comprehensive, taking into account the
inseparable link between the issues of peace and
development, which has been amply proven by our
recent experience.
 The expanding range of conflicts in international
politics through the exacerbation of regional crises, the
increasing threat of terrorism, the risk of the spread of
weapons of mass destruction and stagnation on
disarmament jeopardize international stability, divert
resources from constructive uses and undermines the
potential for sustainable worldwide economic growth.
And it is such growth that is our common fundamental
goal. Poverty and economic backwardness expand the
breeding ground for extremism.
 On the other hand, developments over the past
year provide convincing proof that an essentially new
geopolitical situation has been developing in the world,
one that is defined primarily by emerging multipolarity.
We need to agree on what inferences we can draw from
this. In his Munich speech in February, President
Vladimir Putin of the Russian Federation called for an
open and sincere dialogue that would enable us to work
out a common understanding of the current historical
epoch and of the modus operandi it obliges our nations
to adopt.
 The international landscape is changing, due to
newly emerging centres of global growth. Today,
nobody can cope with global challenges single-
handedly. Neither diktat nor bipolar dominance can
fulfil the task of world governance. What is needed is
collective leadership by major States; this should be
representative both geographically and in terms of
civilizations. The basis for such an informal
mechanism can be provided only by the United Nations
with its unique legitimacy.
 Multilateral diplomacy based on international law
has come to the fore. Like any society of free people, a
world of free nations needs universal regulatory
principles to ensure predictability and confidence in
international affairs. The way to achieve this goal lies
through strengthening the United Nations system by
further adapting it to modern global realities. Decisions
here should be based on the broadest possible
consensus among Member States and on the universal
intergovernmental nature of the United Nations. It is
from that perspective that we view the reform
initiatives proposed by Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon.
 It will be in our common interest to make more
active use of United Nations peacekeeping capabilities.
These could be improved by more effective use of a
body such as the Military Staff Committee. The
initiative put forward by the President of Russia in
2000 to enhance the work of the Military Staff
Committee remains relevant. Naturally, a renewed
Committee should operate with the participation of all
members of the Security Council, as provided for in
the United Nations Charter.
 Much remains to be done also in improving the
interaction of the United Nations with regional
organizations that have proven their ability to
effectively participate in resolving security and
development issues. A positive interrelationship
between the principles of multilateralism and
regionalism is obviously very important. At present,
more than 50 per cent of international trade is carried
out under regional trade agreements. Global trade
regulation mechanisms cannot be effective without
regional integration, which is key to the economic
well-being of all the regions of the world.
 Russia is actively signing and using regional
trade agreements to achieve mutual liberalization of
trade. Russia intends to use its current chairmanship of
the Eurasian Economic Community to give a more
practical focus to the organization, which since 2003
has had observer status in the General Assembly.
Russia, along with other sponsors, will submit to the
General Assembly a draft resolution on cooperation
between the United Nations and the Eurasian
Economic Community, aimed at providing a more
systemic basis and facilitating the timely realization of
the Millennium Development Goals. We also hope that
United Nations Member States would honour the
Eurasian Development Bank the status of observer in
the General Assembly. We shall actively promote the
attainment of these objectives, including in the
framework of the process to reinvigorate the
Commonwealth of Independent States and build up
strategic offensive capabilities.
 The international community’s efforts should
remain focused on reaching the Millennium
Development Goals. We are concerned that today,
seven years since the Millennium Summit, many
developing countries, especially the least developed
countries, are still significantly behind schedule in
achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
Particular attention should be paid to the specific needs
of the African continent.
 Russia fully shares the principles of global
partnership in the interest of development, as approved
at the Monterrey International Conference on
Financing for Development and intends to increase its
input to our common efforts in that area. We shall
consistently strengthen our position as a donor country
in accordance with the approach to Russian
participation in international development assistance
approved by President Putin in June 2007.
 We are confident that concrete steps to ensure
sustainable socio-economic development in all regions
are a sure remedy against threats to peace and security.
 There is a pressing need to use any means
available to strengthen the leading role of the United
Nations in fighting terrorism. Here, the Organization’s
activities should be based on a comprehensive
framework, including the United Nations Global
Counter-Terrorism Strategy adopted last year as
resolution 60/288, and on a comprehensive convention
on international terrorism. The Collective Security
Treaty Organization is contributing to these efforts and
has established useful interaction with the United
Nations.
Our efforts to resolve regional conflicts and
urgent social and economic problems should form part
of our counter-terrorism efforts.
 Iraq has become a source of destabilization for
the whole region. Ensuring security, not to mention
economic development, in that country requires a new
strategy focused on reaching genuine national
reconciliation with the participation of all of Iraq’s
neighbours and with the support of the international
community. We call upon the Secretary-General to take
an active role in this issue, given the additional power
the United Nations can wield towards an Iraqi
settlement. The participants in recent multilateral
meetings on Iraq have upheld that approach, and we
support the decision endorsed at those meetings.
 The indivisibility of security is to be seen clearly
in the Middle East. Early solution of the Palestine
problem based on the two-State concept and the
achievement of a comprehensive Middle East
settlement underpinned by the international legal
platform developed by the United Nations are next on
the agenda. We are convinced that this goal could be
advanced by holding a representative international
conference preceded by thorough preparation. We
consider the United States initiative to convene in
November a multiparty meeting on a Middle East
settlement as a step in that direction. We appreciate the
preliminary considerations voiced by the United States
side regarding the agenda and composition of that
event. We reaffirm the importance of involving the
Quartet of international mediators and the Arab League
in the preparations.
 Settlement of the Kosovo problem is only
possible within the framework of international and law
based on negotiations. Unilateral steps will not lead to
a lasting peace and will create the risk of
destabilization in the Balkans and other regions.
 Complex problems require an integrated
approach. This is particularly true for the situation
around Iran. The goal of nuclear non-proliferation is an
absolute priority. At the same time, we should not
ignore the task of engaging Iran in constructive efforts
to resolve regional and international issues.
 Urgent steps are needed to strengthen the
non-proliferation regime while providing all States
with legitimate access to the benefits of the peaceful
uses of nuclear energy. The joint initiative of the
Presidents of Russia and the United States, put forward
at their Kennebunkport meeting, is aimed at starting
joint practical work in this field.
 We are confident that today peace should be
based on willingness to cooperate, especially on
matters directly affecting strategic stability. In this
context, we cannot neglect the unilateral plans in the
area of missile defence. President Putin has proposed a
constructive alternative: collaborative work with the
participation of Russia, the United States and Europe,
and subsequently with that of other countries. Such
work could lead to a genuinely global strategic alliance
encompassing the entire Euro-Atlantic region, which
would allow us to move forward in establishing an
open system of collective security. Our proposals are
under discussion, and we hope that the collective
approach will prevail.
 The principle of the indivisibility of security
should form the basis for resolving the situation around
the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe.
Russia stands ready to engage in that process, and
proposals are well known. We expect that these
proposals will be seriously discussed during the
upcoming consultations.
 The possibility of deploying weapons in outer
space poses a serious threat. The magnitude of that
threat is determined by the global coverage of the
deployment, which can endanger all States without
exception. We consistently oppose the deployment in
space of weapons of any type, and we call upon the
international community to conclude an agreement to
that effect.
 Another outstanding global issue is the effective
prevention of climate change, which requires agreed
and scientifically based solutions that are realistic and
balanced and that do not undercut countries’ right to
development. Russia has always stood for a
constructive dialogue with a view to giving a genuinely
universal character to the international climate
protection regime. We hope that the important meetings
that took place this week in New York and Washington
will facilitate thorough preparations for a successful
launch in December in Bali of negotiations on joint
post-2012 efforts.
 The spiritual and moral foundations of human
solidarity are of increasingly vital importance. The
spiritual values of all world religions demand that we
achieve intercivilizational accord and fight
manifestations of xenophobia and racism, as well as
the resurgence of neo-Nazi trends. Those are the tasks
to be tackled within the framework of the Alliance of
Civilizations, which we support.  The World Summit of
Religious Leaders held in Moscow last year added a
new dimension to this endeavour. We propose to build
upon the results of the Summit and to think about
establishing, under United Nations auspices, a special
forum   a kind of consultative council of religions
for exchanges of views among representatives of major
world faiths.
 Russia will spare no effort to strengthen
multilateral cooperation within the framework of the
United Nations. I am convinced that with a continued
commitment to the principles of the United Nations
Charter, we can make progress in the creation of an
effective system of collective security, as was the will
of the founding fathers of the world Organization.


Each and every one
of us knows that there is an urgent need for the
globalization of responsibility. Each of us knows that
this responsibility demands more than just goodwill.
Each of us knows that the globalization of
responsibility demands the creation of the right
environment to reach these objectives. Every year,
these objectives and measures are repeated at this
General Assembly. Every year, the actions to fulfil
them remain weak.
 This is the fifth time I have taken part in the
General Assembly, and I must honestly tell you that I
am very concerned about two things. First, I am very
concerned because national interests prevail over
emergencies that affect us all. These emergencies are
closely linked to common interests. It is in the interest
of all of us to address them together. Second, I am very
concerned about the lack of seriousness. A lot of
promises are made, but not a lot of promises are kept.
 Today, we are confronted with two major
challenges that could entail major disasters should we
not take them seriously and act quickly. Those
challenges must be the priority of priorities. The first
concerns climate change. The second is the
development of Africa.
Imagine the impact on all the nations and all the
people represented here if the situation worsens. All of
our national efforts will be ruined by earthquakes,
ecological disasters and social disasters. Climate
change creates and aggravates conflicts. The refugees
and victims of climate change will be the refugees and
victims of wars and poverty. We must act today to save
the earth, or this earth will not be ours anymore.
 On the other hand, imagine the impact on all
nations and all people if the current situation improves.
It will strengthen the confidence of nations and
investors. If the world were in ecological balance, and
if it were without poverty, there would be a
considerable impact on political and social conflicts.
 The two challenges are bound together. Africa
will have either a positive or a negative impact on the
world climate, with enormous repercussions. Our
actions and our decisions will decide. The world
climate will have either a positive or a negative impact,
with enormous repercussions for the development of
Africa. Again, our decisions and our actions will
decide.
 Africa only produces one per cent of the world's
solar energy. In Africa, the possibilities for new and
clean forms of energy and for the reduction of carbon
dioxide are enormous.
 Madagascar could provide some of its energy
needs through the development of hydropower.
Additionally, half of the island could be reforested. Our
island, called the Red Island, could once again become
known as the Green Island.
 There is a strong link between the quality of the
environment and poverty. Many bushfires are the result
of poverty; the destruction of natural resources
increases poverty. It is necessary to quickly step out of
this vicious cycle. Increased international help will
limit the exploitation of natural resources by poor
farmers.
 In Madagascar, we have been planning our
development strategies around the concept of
sustainability for some time now. Our vision is called
“Madagascar, Naturally!” It means that our natural
resources and our people are our wealth. We will
preserve our environment and increase its value by
using it responsibly.
 We are actively looking for international
investment, but believe that in the long run this will not
amount to much unless we have domestic investors as
well. We can create added value through our successes
in processing our natural products.
 We are convinced that economic growth from the
bottom up is the key to success. The most important
message I gave to the Malagasy people at the
beginning of my second term was the necessity of
decentralization right down to the level of the
fokontany. Originally, the fokontany was the traditional
Malagasy village. We are trying our best to restore the
balance between humans and nature.
 This is a different approach; this is a Malagasy
approach; this is an approach that encourages the
Malagasy people to take their future into their own
hands; this is not the approach of the donors. With this
approach we strive to forge a partnership with the
international community.
 We have described all of this in detail in the
Madagascar Action Plan. Read it, and you will see that
we are already contributing to meeting the challenges
that I have mentioned. We are committing ourselves to
protecting and cherishing the environment, to healing
the injuries of the past and to ending rampant climate
change.
 In the Action Plan we came up with a set of very
ambitious goals. We do what we can, despite our
limited resources; we could do so much more if the
international community helped us more.
 We are thankful to the donors who have increased
their financial assistance; however, as a whole, these
efforts have fallen far short of our expectations,
especially if we are to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals. The amount of financial
assistance is not even close to the promise of doubled
aid to Africa. The donors are still far from honouring
the numerous promises made here at the United
Nations. They are far from addressing global
challenges. The international approach to Africa lacks
seriousness.
 Aid to Africa is still not a success story for many
members of the international community. On average,
results are poor, but Africa is advancing as a continent —
not everywhere, but in an increasing number of
countries.
 Once, Madagascar rated amongst the least
effective countries. Today, we are an effective country.
Our economy has benefited from continuous economic
growth: we had 5 per cent economic growth 5 years
ago, 6 per cent over the last few years and 7 per cent in
2007. Poverty rates are dropping dramatically; in 2002,
80 per cent of our population lived in poverty and last
year this rate stood at 67 per cent.
 Aid to Africa is as weak as ever. Africa can
absorb so much more and all countries would benefit
from this. The European Union is a good example of a
lot of aid leading to great benefits for many countries. I
am convinced that Africa could advance much quicker
if the international community and the African
countries could come up with a new plan.
 A “Marshall Plan” for Africa — I have suggested
this repeatedly over the years and I am saying it again:
We need a “Marshall Plan” for Africa. A crucial
element to this plan should be a new partnership. I
propose to you an ecological partnership between the
industrialized countries and Africa. Such a partnership
could contribute substantially to finding real solutions
to some of the climate problems through a programme
of investment. Other important features would include
nature conservation and the preservation of our
biodiversity.
 I am convinced that Africa could supply clean
energy, medicinal and industrial plants and other
natural products in the future. The world will
eventually need more and more of these.
 We feel that sustainable policies that emphasize
protection and added value should be high on our
agenda, and should represent our commitment to the
world. Remember though that such policies will also
benefit our country.
 In Madagascar, cyclones destroy a large part of
our harvests every year; they destroy houses; they kill
people. The increase in the number and strength of
those cyclones is hindering the whole process of
development. Higher temperatures are reducing
harvests and our unique biodiversity. They also lead to
more and more harmful inserts and illnesses.
 All over Africa, we are already seeing the
consequences of climate change. Droughts and floods
are the causes of increased migration and serious
conflicts. An aggravation of climate change will not
only bring fluxes of devastating waters on all
continents, but also fluxes of refugees and waves of
social conflicts.
 In short, the world needs Africa to solve the
problem of climate change, and Africa needs a stable
climate for lasting, sustainable development. To
achieve this globalization of responsibility will require
dedicated leadership. We need leaders who can
mobilize their people and get results — fast results and
big results.
 At this time I want to congratulate the new
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. I wish him the best of
success in this very important task. We in Africa look
to the United Nations for dynamic leadership — it is
our hope. May his leadership help us to get results —
the kind of results that bring peace and prosperity to
Africa and to the world.


I shall speak today on four
fundamental topics: climate change, cybersecurity,
conflict resolution and cooperation among international
organizations.
 In accordance with the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, as well as
the Kyoto Protocol, industrialized countries are
obligated to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gases.
Estonia has already achieved the basic target of the
Kyoto Protocol: our emissions of greenhouse gases
have been cut back by over 50 per cent. Fully
subscribing to the European Union statement on the
post-2012 vision for international climate, released by
the Portuguese presidency, we hope that the
negotiations concerning a new global climate deal will
reach a new comprehensive and global political
agreement by as early as December 2009.
 Yes, we recognize that developing countries have
special needs in the areas of sustainable economic
growth and eradication of poverty. But we also need to
decouple economic growth from energy consumption
and carbon dioxide emissions. Investing in energy
efficiency will have a huge impact on our future.
Diversification of the energy supply and greater use of
renewable energies are the way forward.
 The resources and the technology for
decarbonisation come primarily from industrial
nations. Therefore, we need to continue the dialogue
between industrialized and developing nations
concerning the adoption of a “green” economy,
reducing carbon-fuel dependency and counterbalancing
climate change caused by human activities. We need to
promote technology transfer, which is necessary for
developing environment-friendly energy production.
Estonia believes that the best way forward is to tie
development assistance to investment in clean
technologies.
 If in the past people were connected by sea lanes
and trade routes, today we are ever more connected by
the Internet, along with the threats that loom in
cyberspace. Cyberattacks are a clear example of
contemporary asymmetrical threats to security. They
make it possible, with limited means and from a
distance, to paralyse a society.
 In the future, cyberattacks may, in the hands of
criminals or terrorists or terrorist States, become a
considerably more widespread and dangerous weapon
than they are at present. Cyberattacks are a threat not
only to sophisticated information technology systems,
but also to communities as a whole. For example, they
could be used to paralyse a city’s emergency medical
services. The threats posed by cyberwarfare have often
been underestimated, since, fortunately, they have not
as yet resulted in the loss of any lives. Also, for
security reasons, the details of cyberattacks are often
not publicized.
 In addition to taking concrete technical and legal
measures to counter cyberattacks, Governments must
morally define cyberviolence and cybercrime, which
deserve to be generally condemned in the same way as
terrorism and the trafficking in human beings are
condemned. Fighting against cyberwarfare is in the
interests of us all. It requires both appropriate domestic
measures and international efforts.
 In April and May of this year, my country,
Estonia, coped successfully with an extensive
cyberattack, and we are prepared to share with other
countries the know-how that we have acquired. We call
upon the international community to cooperate in legal
matters in questions concerning cybersecurity. But,
since this whole subject is in a relatively new field, it is
essential to establish an appropriate legal space. As a
first step, we call upon all countries to accede to the
Convention on Cybercrime of the Council of Europe.
The Convention is also open for accession by
non-members of the Council.
 We should move ahead and create a truly
international framework for combating these vicious
acts. The Global Cybersecurity Agenda of the
International Telecommunications Union, launched by
the Secretary-General in May, is an important initiative
for building international cooperation in this field.
Estonia also agrees with the assessment of the
specialists of the United Nations Institute for Training
and Research that a globally negotiated and
comprehensive cyberspace law is essential and that the
United Nations can provide the neutral and legitimate
forum necessary for that task.
 The United Nations is determined to resolve
conflicts. Understandably, conflict prevention and
resolution, particularly in Africa, is a top priority. We
welcome the creation of a United Nations-African
Union peacekeeping force to quell the violence and
instability plaguing the Darfur region of the Sudan.
 It is important to settle conflicts in other places as
well, such as Afghanistan. We need to increase the
presence and visibility of the United Nations there,
which would be an encouraging sign for the local
population and would also send a signal to other
international aid organizations and non-governmental
organizations that they should increase their activities.
The United Nations should also assume a greater role
in coordinating the reconstruction effort in
Afghanistan.
 I would like to highlight one conflict in Europe in
which the United Nations has a significant role to play:
the conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. Along with the other
“frozen” conflicts in the neighbouring region, it
remains among the last unresolved conflicts in Europe.
It is my hope that the Group of Friends of the
Secretary-General will have the determination to find
solutions that honour Georgia’s territorial integrity. We
cannot be satisfied with the current situation. It is
important to build confidence between the parties and
to resume the meetings between the representatives of
Georgia’s Government and those of Abkhazia. There is
no place for military provocations, internal or external.
 A major task for the United Nations remains the
facilitation of the return of refugees to Abkhazia,
which, unfortunately, has been greatly hampered.
Progress regarding the conflict is possible if all
interested parties act in a constructive way. We must
generate the political will necessary to resolve the
conflict. In that context, I welcome the increased
contribution of the European Union (EU).
 The international community should also secure
the best and most rational use of available resources,
including in emergency and crisis response situations.
For example, both the United Nations and the EU were
involved in managing the response to the Asian
tsunami in 2004 and the Lebanese crisis in 2006. That
once again brought to the fore the necessity of
developing common needs assessments   to further
discuss the roles and mandates of the relevant actors,
such as the United Nations Office for the Coordination
of Humanitarian Affairs, the European Commission’s
Directorate-General for Humanitarian Aid and the
Community Mechanism for Civil Protection of the EU.
 Poverty, armed conflicts and natural disasters
such as floods, tsunamis and forest fires are all causes
of another global problem   forced migration, which
should also be tackled in a more concerted manner by
the whole international community. Being forced to
leave one’s home is always a tragedy. I know: my
family was forced to leave my country, fleeing brutal
Soviet occupation forces. Trying to integrate into a new
society is always a significant challenge. Only through
well-coordinated common efforts can we ensure that
people never again have to leave their homes because
they have no other option. Thus, a global approach to
human migration should remain a vital issue on the
United Nations agenda.


Please allow me, Sir, to
congratulate you on your election as President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-second session and to
wish you great success in that very important job. I
would also like to thank the outgoing President,
Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, for her valuable
contribution to the General Assembly. I also wish to
congratulate Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on his
leadership, his great efforts in support of peace and
cooperation in the world and his contribution to
strengthening the United Nations and its institutions.
 As a representative of a country that suffered one
of the most totalitarian of post-Second World War
dictatorships, it is my deep conviction that defending
and promoting freedom and its values and supporting
oppressed peoples in order that they may free
themselves from tyrannical regimes that continue to
produce human suffering, poverty, violence and
terrorism should be the main priority of the
Organization. In that context, I would like to say that
Central Asia, the Middle East, the Balkans and the
entire world are now freer and safer without the likes
of Mullah Omar, Saddam Hussein and Slobodan
Milosevic. I would like to take this opportunity to
welcome the message of hope that President George W.
Bush and other leaders have sent from this rostrum to
all the peoples of the world still living under tyrannical
regimes.
 Albania is a small country, but one with a clear
vocation and determination to strengthen freedom and
democracy for its citizens. Albania is also deeply
committed to making its modest contribution to peace
and security in the world. We have established close
cooperation with friendly countries and international
organizations in the fight against terrorism. In that
regard, our peacekeeping units have served or are
serving in Bosnia, Georgia, Afghanistan and Iraq. I am
delighted to inform the Assembly that, in that same
spirit, my Government has decided to contribute
another platoon to United Nations peacekeeping
operations.
 Albania has also been a staunch supporter of
international efforts to limit the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction and the unlawful use of
small arms and light weapons, which pose a serious
threat to peace, security and stability. In that context,
among other measures, we committed ourselves to the
full destruction of our stockpile of chemical weapons.
In July 2007, Albania became the first country in the
world free of chemical materials and armaments of any
kind. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the
Governments of the United States, Germany, Italy,
Greece and Switzerland, which provided valuable
financial and technical assistance to achieve that
important objective.
 We are successfully implementing a number of
very important programmes in cooperation with the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP),
UNICEF and many other United Nations agencies.
Albania became part of the effort to reform the United
Nations by voluntarily joining the One United Nations
programme as a pilot country. We are currently
working with United Nations agencies in order to test
the One United Nations concept and to develop new
approaches and models for partnership in the areas of
development, humanitarian assistance and the
environment. The first results of the project are truly
very encouraging. We are fully committed to making
every effort in order to ensure that the initiative can
become a success story.
 European integration and membership in NATO
are two main objectives for Albania. We are committed
to undertake any reform and take any step to achieve
those goals. A year ago, we signed a Stabilization and
Association Agreement with the European Union (EU).
We are working seriously in every way to fulfil its
standards and obligations. At the same time, we have
undertaken thorough reforms of our armed forces, with
the assistance of many NATO member countries. We
are also working to strengthen the rule of law and
democracy in our country. We are hopeful that by the
time of the next NATO summit, in Bucharest, we will
be in a position to deserve an invitation to join the
alliance.
 It was not long ago that the Balkans was the stage
for human tragedies, brutal wars and ethnic cleansing
based on the concept of a “greater country” and fuelled
by the extreme nationalism and racism of a nation that
was consumed by the idea of its own hegemony over
others. But in a few years, the Balkan countries have
managed to transit from the age of dictatorships, hatred
and conflicts into an age of peace, cooperation,
friendship and integration.
 I would like to take this opportunity to thank all
the Governments and taxpayers of the countries
members of NATO, the EU and the United Nations, as
well as the other organizations whose support and
assistance was so important in bringing about that
historic change. However, I believe that a final solution
to the issue of Kosova’s status that fully respects the
expressed will of its citizens for independence is a
fundamental precondition for durable peace and
stability, not only in Kosova but in the entire region as
well. Albania fully supported President Ahtisaari’s
project and the efforts of the Troika for the solution for
the final status.
 Due to the lack of realism and the ghost of a
greater Serbia, Belgrade turned down President
Ahtisaari’s project, which sets forth and guarantees the
highest, by far, European standards for the Serb
minorities in Kosova, standards that, in truth, are much
more advanced than those enjoyed by the Albanians
living in southern Serbia.
 Rejection of the Ahtisaari package is unhelpful
and proves that what matters first for Belgrade is not
the freedom and rights of Serbs in Kosova, but rather
the idea of a greater Serbia. Such a stance by Belgrade
has been encouraged by the Russian position in the
Security Council with regard to Ahtisaari’s project, a
position that, despite its motivation, does not
contribute to peace and stability in the region.
 Claims that Kosova’s independence sets an
international precedent or lays conditions for the
creation of a greater Albania, as well as the fear of two
Albanian states in the Balkans, are unfounded. Those
who are interested in the truth and in reality can easily
realize that Kosova is a unique case, from both the
historical and current perspectives.
 For more than five centuries, from the end of the
thirteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth,
Kosova was a part of the Ottoman Empire, inhabited
mainly by native Albanians whose roots and shelter
had been there since the very beginning. Only at the
start of the last century, in one of the greatest historic
injustices, Kosova was separated from the Albanian
territory and given in tribute to Serbia — for the sole
reason that it was part of an empire that lost the war.
 Kosova is also a unique case in her sufferings.
During the past century, the implementation of the
Cubrilovic doctrine of extreme racism and
extermination against Albanians turned them into third-
class citizens and turned Kosova into an arena of ethnic
cleansing and real apartheid.
 It is also a unique case because the last Serbian
genocide against Albanians, in 1999, which caused
thousands of atrocities among innocent populations,
multiple massive graves and the destruction and
burning of more than 130 thousand homes, schools and
hospitals, obliged the North Atlantic alliance to
undertake its greatest offensive to protect human rights
and freedom there.
 Kosova is also a unique case from a legal
standpoint, because during Josip Broz Tito’s regime it
was a constitutional entity of the Yugoslav federation,
enjoying its veto rights in the federal Government.
During this time, Kosova chaired the Yugoslav
federation for several terms, based on the leadership
rotation principle within Yugoslavia.
 The claim that the independence of Kosova could
lead to the creation of a greater Albania cannot be
farther from the truth. In reality, Kosova’s
independence will only end the fluidity of Albanians in
the Balkans, along with the idea of the creation of a
single Albanian State in the territories where they are a
dominant majority. The simple truth is that Kosova
Albanians have decided in their great project for the
future to join Brussels and not to join Tirana.
 On the other hand, I would like to guarantee that
Albania remains determined to fully respect the
international borders of its neighbours, including those
of Kosova. Albania is closely collaborating and will
continue to cooperate bilaterally with all countries in
the region, including Serbia, in the process of regional,
European and Euro-Atlantic integration. I believe that
the concern about two independent Albanian States in
the Balkans is xenophobic. Two democratic States with
an Albanian majority will be two more countries
friendly to their neighbours.
 I would like to urge the political leadership of
Kosova to refrain from taking unilateral actions. They
should continue, as they have done so far, to cooperate
with the Contact Group and the international
community in seeking a solution for the final status of
Kosova, with full respect for its will and the dignity it
deserves.
 I would also like to take this opportunity to
congratulate the political leadership of Kosova for
submitting a treaty of reconciliation, friendship and
cooperation with Serbia — a treaty inspired by the
highest European values and the best of European
heritage. I hope and wish that Serbia would take up this
important opportunity, because I believe that peace and
coexistence between Albanians and Serbs in the
Balkans will best benefit both of these nations.


It is a great pleasure for me to
address the General Assembly at its sixty-second
session.
 Let me begin by extending warm greetings from
the Kingdom of Swaziland to the entire United Nations
family.
 It befits this moment that I extend our
congratulations to the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban
Ki-moon, upon his appointment. We trust that he will
continue in the footsteps of his predecessors in
carrying out the important mission of the United
Nations. The Kingdom of Swaziland pledges its
support to him as he continues to promote and protect
the noble goals of multilateralism.
 The role of the United Nations is to promote
peace and security, sustainable development, human
rights and fundamental freedoms. The United Nations
should continue to shape situations for the betterment
of the lives of all the peoples of the world. If it is to
succeed, there is a need for the United Nations to
reform its main bodies. We have met regionally as
countries; consensus decisions have been reached and
recommendations made, and we look forward to their
implementation. As the United Nations achieves
reform, it is likely to undertake meaningful action so
that when decisions are taken, the Organization will be
respected by all.
 Many of our countries the world over are facing
countless challenges, and we look to this Organization
to come up with lasting solutions. My country,
Swaziland, is still undertaking development
programmes to implement the Millennium
Development Goals that were set by the United
Nations for individual countries to achieve. We have
programmes for building a very sound economy so that
our people will have good jobs that will make their
living standards better.
 As part of our human capital development and
capacity-building programme, we are educating and
training our people in every aspect to acquire more
knowledge and information, and we look to the well-
developed countries to share their experiences and
ideas.
 One area of great concern is that, as we continue
to implement our development programmes, we are
faced with the challenges of globalization that will
affect our preferential markets. That will be
detrimental to us, the developing countries, since
companies have big loans to repay that were taken out
on the basis of better markets. We hope that, as the
World Trade Organization (WTO) rules come into
force, there shall be considerations to ensure that all
developing countries meet WTO standards. In that way,
we shall be able to implement the rules equitably and
effectively.
 HIV/AIDS and other health problems remain
some of the major challenges that we face as
developing nations. We have programmes in place that
we are trying to follow in dealing with the situation,
but we are unable to meet our targets because of our
limited resources. We have heard of many foundations
that have been announced worldwide and we hope to
be able to access them. We look forward to those
responsible for such foundations sharing the
information on how to reach the funds, as well as
technical support.
 We acknowledge the contribution made by the
Global Fund in the fight against the scourge. My
country is one of the beneficiaries of such funding, and
we have been able to offer a lot of comfort to many of
our people. We encourage the United Nations to
continue to appeal on our behalf for continued support
in eradicating the problem of HIV/AIDS, malaria and
tuberculosis, to name just a few.
 We also recognize the role of various United
Nations agencies working with our communities in the
provision of shelter, nutritional support and education
to mitigate the effects of the pandemic. I am pleased to
state that our fight is showing some signs of success, as
recent statistics have shown a decline in the prevalence
rate.
 We are faced with persistent droughts that have
set us back as we continue to develop our country, and
that has been worsened by the wildfires that have
recently occurred, destroying properties, crops,
livestock and our forest industry. My country is doing
everything it can to help those that have been affected
by this unfortunate situation. We would like to thank
the countries and organizations that have come forward
to help us during this period of hardship and we do
make an appeal to others for support; which is still
needed.
 Some of the problems I have mentioned that are
affecting my country are the result of climate changes.
That is why we believe that the summit we had is very
important, and we would like to commend the
Secretary-General for convening the high-level summit
on climate change held earlier this week. A political
momentum has been generated, and it is our hope that
the necessary negotiations on the matter will
commence in Bali later this year during the meeting of
the parties to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change.
 The Kingdom of Swaziland has developed some
sector policies that are climate-change friendly, such as
our pro-green energy policy and water resources
policy, to mention a couple. However, there is a need to
enhance education, training and public awareness with
regard to the adaptation and promotion of individual
and institutional capacity-building in order to manage
appropriate technology development and transfer.
 We note that there is a general need for
favourable access to and transfer of environmentally
sound technologies, in particular from developed
countries to developing countries, through supportive
measures that promote technology cooperation. This
will enable the necessary technological know-how to
be transferred and economic, technical and managerial
capabilities to be built for the efficient use and further
development of transferred skills.
 We would like to encourage the private sector,
and in particular the multinational corporations, to be
responsible enough to practise the same environmental
and waste management principles in the developing
world. We would also like to discourage the
irresponsible dumping of harmful waste materials in
developing countries.
 The Kingdom of Swaziland is deeply committed
to the United Nations Charter. Moreover, recent events
in the world have been living proof that the United
Nations is needed now more than ever before. Sadly,
the realities of wars and violence still continue in
different parts of the world. Conflicts, tensions and
terrorism continue to destroy the social and economic
fabric of the era that we are living in.
 We welcome the report of the Secretary-General
on the relationship between disarmament and
development (A/62/112), in particular its recognition
that armed violence and conflict impede the realization
of the Millennium Development Goals.
In this regard we applaud the United Nations
Development Programme for its efforts to prevent
armed violence through its contribution to the
disarmament and development agenda by promoting
and participating in a number of policy-oriented
initiatives.
 We further commend the efforts of the United
Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in
Africa both for its continuation of the operation of the
small arms and light weapons register for Africa for
participating States, with a view to promoting
transparency in the flows of small arms and light
weapons, and for its programme entitled “African
Security Sector Reform Programme”, which carries the
objective of transforming governance within the
African security sector.
 However, we are concerned about the situation in
Somalia and Darfur and its far-reaching consequences
for regional security. The continued human suffering in
this region is unacceptable, and we hope that current
efforts aimed at improving the situation will not be
deprived of the opportunity to succeed. On a more
positive note, we welcome the Security Council
decision to deploy the joint African Union-United
Nations hybrid peacekeeping force.
 The Middle East continues to face challenges and
the accumulation of crises and tensions in the region. It
is therefore imperative that all parties concerned make
an effort to achieve comprehensive, fair, just and
durable settlements.
 I would like to take this time to applaud the
United Nations for its role in promoting its Charter,
especially the principle of universality. There is one
country, however, that is not benefiting from this
principle, as it has been excluded from the family of
nations.
 I am talking about Taiwan: the Kingdom of
Swaziland wishes to reiterate its appeal to the United
Nations with respect to the question of Taiwan. We
note that Taiwan exercised a well-founded right in
international law to apply for membership in the
United Nations. Regrettably, the application was
rejected without due process.
 The Government and people of Taiwan have
shown their willingness and capacity to contribute
actively to global development and peace, through
disaster relief and health and development support to
many regions. We continue to support the cause of the
over 23 million people of Taiwan who are not
represented in the one organization that should be truly
global. I would like to challenge all nations to take my
appeal seriously.
 While our world experiences ever-accelerating
political, economic and social changes, it is vital that
we cooperate with each other in order to tackle and
manage these issues. Cordial, balanced and respectful
relations between nations based on the principles of the
United Nations Charter will enable us all to meet and
overcome future challenges of our time, and make this
world a safer place for future generations.


I would like to express my
sincere congratulations to Mr. Srgjan Kerim on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-second session. My delegation also wishes to
commend his predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed
Al-Khalifa, for her leadership of the General Assembly
at its sixty-first session, particularly in addressing the
difficult issues that continue to prevent revitalization of
the General Assembly and reform of the Security
Council. My delegation offers its full cooperation and
support towards the President’s commitment to
continuing with the Organization’s overall reform
agenda and addressing the many challenges ahead.
 As this is the first General Assembly session to
be convened since the appointment of His Excellency
Mr. Ban Ki-moon as Secretary-General, my delegation
takes this opportunity to assure him of Nauru’s firm
support and full cooperation in his leadership of the
United Nations.
 I am deeply honoured to be addressing this body
for the third consecutive year, this time as the recently
returned leader of our small island State of Nauru. As
members are no doubt aware, when I first took up
office, three years ago, my country was on the brink of
collapse. While Nauru was once a small donor country
with a high income, our wealth was squandered in a
single generation through gross mismanagement and
corruption on the part of previous Governments. Our
past record of poor governance and the need to rebuild
Nauru were the main reasons that our national
sustainable development strategy was initiated by our
Government and given one of its fundamental goals:
the establishment and operation of a transparent and
accountable Government.
 My Government is slowly but diligently working
to improve Nauru. Over our three-year term, we will
continue to do so, on a platform of both economic and
political reform, together with good governance. We
believe that we are improving our situation, and the
August election results tell us that we have our
people’s confidence. But it is a slow and painful
recovery, and we appreciate all the help that we can
get.
 We appreciate the fact that the United Nations is
strongly aware of the development challenges in the
Pacific region and that it is also cognizant that
assistance has not translated into uniform human
development gains in many places, with the result that
the Pacific is in danger of missing many targets of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In that
respect, my delegation welcomes and supports the
President’s intention to hold a leaders’ meeting on the
MDGs during the present session.
 During the general debate at the sixty-first
session (see A/61/PV.16), we noted in this historic Hall
that the offices and agencies of the United Nations had
no permanent presence in many of the small island
developing States of the Pacific. In June 2006, it was
announced that a coalition comprising the United
Nations Development Programme, UNICEF and the
United Nations Population Fund would open a total of
eight new offices in Pacific island countries, including
my own country, Nauru. We welcomed that historic
announcement, the progress that it marked towards
harmonization with the United Nations and the
assistance and support that the new offices would
provide in developing national capacity and meeting
the MDGs.
 As Member States that pay our dues, deploy
peacekeepers and discharge our responsibilities in the
international community, we deserve offices that
enhance the relevance of the United Nations and the
implementation of its policies. We have therefore been
severely disappointed by the lack of progress in
establishing acceptable offices in our countries since
the announcement. The delaying of that initiative, and
the assumptions on the part of the United Nations
concerning the capabilities of our small island States to
recruit staff for such offices, are also short-sighted.
Moreover, the Organization’s definition of
“partnership” for the initiative places a significant
burden on our national Governments. It fails to respond
to our national priorities and our lack of resources, and
therefore weakens the cohesion between the
Organization and our countries.
 Despite the lack of visible progress, we are of the
view that the project can be salvaged with its original
intentions and goals intact if there is a will and a
sincere desire to respond to our needs. So we ask the
General Assembly and the Secretariat to ensure that
offices befitting the ideals and the reputation of the
United Nations are opened in our countries. We want to
see the United Nations on the ground in Nauru and
throughout the Pacific region, providing a helping hand
in our pursuit of sustainable development.
 There can be no doubt that our Pacific region is
doing its best to implement the commitments made
under the Mauritius Strategy and other international
agreements regarding small island developing States.
The relevant report of the Secretary-General
(A/62/279) makes that very clear, showing that under
its Pacific Plan, the Pacific region has agreed to and is
vigorously pursuing its own sustainable development
priorities, which reflect and acknowledge our
international commitments under the Strategy. The
Secretary-General’s report and the Pacific Plan updates
show progress in some key areas and identify
important initiatives for follow-up action.
 However, it is also quite clear that we and the
United Nations need to do much more. That fact is
glaringly obvious in the recent report of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC),
which warns of a narrowing window of opportunity
available for slowing down global warming and
climate change. This is an issue that reveals some of
the inequities in the current world development
paradigm: the small island countries contribute very
little to the problem but are likely to be the worst
affected.
 The need to do more also stares us in the face
from recent reports on the progress, or lack thereof, in
achieving MDGs. Our region is struggling in many
areas of the MDGs, and it is fair to say, as the
Secretary-General’s report notes, that persistent
capacity constraints are a key obstacle to the
implementation of sustainable development in the
Pacific region   this includes Nauru.
 Therefore, I take this opportunity to express my
people’s warmest appreciation to our development
partners, led by Australia, Taiwan, New Zealand,
Japan, the European Union and others, for their support
in this and other areas, without which we would have
completely collapsed as a nation and as a people.
However, I hope the Assembly can appreciate that our
region, although vast, suffers both from isolation and
the relatively small size of its countries and
populations.
 Even with the best practices in management and
governance, our economies’ sustainable development is
impeded by high transportation costs and diseconomies
of scale. In Nauru, freight adds at least 15 to 20 per
cent to the cost of all imports. Likewise, affordable and
sustainable alternative energy forms are a high priority
for my country and region because, with the ever
increasing cost of fossil fuel, we are having to pay a
high premium for something that contributes both to
global warming and to our potential demise as Pacific
islands.
 Professor Jeffrey Sachs has rightly said that,
while we all need to work together to solve world
poverty, the opportunity is there for the developed
countries with their resources and technology to do
something about ending it once and for all. The agreed
official development assistance (ODA) target of 0.7 per
cent of a gross national product is far from being
achieved. This highlights the opportunity for the world
to do much more to both alleviate poverty and remove
the constraints that frustrate the progress of many
developing countries.
 Like other highly indebted countries, mine is
doubly burdened by a massive debt left to us by
previous Governments. After careful assessment of
Nauru’s development potential for the next thirty years,
we have come to the sad conclusion that Nauru will
only be able to service a very small portion of that
debt. We will need to seek the forgiveness of those
countries and institutions to which we owe most of the
money.
 This Organization prides itself on being inclusive
and on being a champion to everyone; yet my
delegation is extremely disappointed that, despite the
efforts of Nauru and other allies of this cause, the
United Nations continues to ignore the expressed wish
of Taiwan and its 23 million people to become a
member of this Organization.
 On the 19 July this year, an application for
membership to the United Nations was delivered to the
Office of the Secretary-General, signed by the
democratically elected President of Taiwan, His
Excellency Chen Shui-bian. Unfortunately, the United
Nations Charter and the rules of procedure of the
Security Council were then contravened. Owing to
poor legal advice, the Office of the Secretary-General
failed to forward Taiwan’s application for membership
to the Security Council, citing General Assembly
resolution 2758 (XXVI) for its failure. Even though
many Member States continue to hide behind
resolution 2758 (XXVI), it should be realized that this
resolution does not declare that Taiwan is a part of the
People’s Republic of China, nor does it preclude
Taiwan from future membership of this body. It
certainly does not support the so-called one China
principle.
 Ever since the establishment of the People’s
Republic of China on 1 October 1949, the two sides of
the Taiwan Strait have been governed separately, with
neither side exercising any control or jurisdiction over
the other. Let me be absolutely clear: Taiwan has no
intention of representing the People’s Republic of
China. Taiwan is a free and peace-loving sovereign
State, and its democratically elected Government is the
sole legitimate Government of their island State.
 Apart from the legal and moral rights of Taiwan
to be part of the United Nations, there is another
dimension that needs to be taken into account. Taiwan
is one of the largest economies in the world, including
being one of the larger trading partners of other
Members of the United Nations. It is also one of the
top twenty sources of world foreign investment and is
well positioned to assist many of the members of this
body in their development, which it has already
demonstrated. Taiwan is a very important investor and
trading partner for my country and others in my
region   even for those that do not recognize it
formally.
 My delegation calls on the Office of the
Secretary-General to uphold the integrity of this pre-
eminent Organization and conform to the United
Nations Charter and the rules of procedure of the
Security Council. It must immediately accept and
submit to the Security Council Taiwan’s application for
membership.
 Peoples of the world look to the United Nations
and to their leaders to identify and act on major global
challenges that confront the world today. Earlier this
week, we concluded a High-Level Event on Climate
Change. Our discussions encompassed a variety of
views and proposals that we all hope will lead to global
resolve to achieve significant changes. Nauru takes the
view that the international community, particularly
those countries with the capacity that comes with their
status as developed nations, has a responsibility to
provide financial, humanitarian and other assistance to
small island developing States that stand to suffer the
most dire consequences of global climate change.
 Of course, we must acknowledge and express
gratitude for those aid policies that have been proposed
and established, but more is needed to avert a potential
disaster, especially to the vulnerable small island
nations. Therefore, we ask that ongoing efforts be
continued and urge Member States to consider
increasing their financial support, including easier
access to the Adaptation Fund.
 However, capital investments alone are not
sufficient. Technology, skills and knowledge are
required to guide us in our response to the present
challenge. Furthermore, civil society and non-
governmental organizations must cooperate with each
other in acquiring and building the capacity we need to
address this problem.
 The world situation demands a renewed,
revitalized and more responsive United Nations now
more than ever. We need to see the strengthening of
this multilateral institution through the revitalization of
the General Assembly and comprehensive reform of
the Security Council through intergovernmental
negotiations. All of that must move forward with a
common vision for a more coherent United Nations
system capable of delivering as one, sparing no efforts
to continue strengthening the three pillars of peace and
security, development and human rights.
 Nauru is of the view that the comprehensive
reform of the Security Council will not be complete
without Japan, India, Brazil and Germany as permanent
members.
 In closing, I wish to remind this Assembly of the
Secretary-General’s recent observation of the United
Nations, whereupon he stated:
“The true measure of success for the United
Nations is not how much we promise, but how
much we deliver for those who need us most.”
(A/61/PV.31)
As we move forward our discussions on the many
challenging and complex issues before us, let us do so
with the best of intentions, and more importantly, let us
make good our promise to deliver.
 Finally, while I stand in this great country of the
United States of America, the land of the free, I cannot
help but remember that its people have put their trust in
God. On my island country of Nauru, also a land of the
free, we have placed our belief in God’s will first.
Therefore, to every human being on our planet Earth, I
beseech each and every one of us to dedicate ourselves
to hold true to our God’s will.


At the  outset, I would like to express to His Excellency
Mr. Srgjan Kerim and to his friendly country our most
sincere congratulations on his election as President of
the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. We
are confident that under his skilful and effective
leadership, our deliberations will be successful.
 I wish also to extend to our sister, Her Excellency
Ms. Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, our deep thanks
and appreciation for her valuable efforts as President of
the Assembly at its previous session towards the
realization of the Millennium Development Goals and
towards enhancing dialogue among all members of the
international community and reviving the Security
Council reform process.
 I wish also to express our appreciation to
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his endeavours and
his determination to reform the functioning of the
Organization. We wish him every success.
 Signs of new dynamism in the United Nations
reform process reflect a true desire to improve the
Organization’s work so as to bring it in line with the
requirements of the new world realities and with new
concepts arising from the profound and speedy
transformations the world has experienced in recent
decades.
 In our view, giving effect to that desire requires
new working frameworks and mechanisms to reinforce
the underpinnings of international peace and security
and enable us to achieve collective solutions to the
common challenges facing the international
community. We should be inspired in that endeavour by
a new vision that lays the foundation for a
comprehensive, effective and solidarity-based global
partnership among the members of the international
community, on the basis of constructive dialogue
among peoples, cultures, civilizations and religions.
 On the basis of that conviction, Tunisia has
launched international initiatives with political,
humanitarian and social dimensions. Some of these
initiatives were adopted by the United Nations, such as
the establishment of the World Solidarity Fund. We
look forward to increased efforts by the international
community to operationalize the Fund.
 Since the early 1990s, Tunisia has been in the
forefront of countries drawing attention to the dangers
of terrorism and its negative impact on world security
and stability. Today, Tunisia renews its call for an
international conference, under United Nations
auspices, in order to formulate an international code of
conduct for combating terrorism, by which all parties
would abide.
 Convinced of the significant role that dialogue
among civilizations plays in obviating the dangers of
extremism and intolerance, Tunisia has consistently
endeavoured to be the world capital of dialogue among
civilizations, by hosting several regional and
international conferences and seminars. It has also
taken initiatives in this field, such as the publication of
the Carthage Charter for Tolerance in 1995, the appeal
by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali for a pedagogy of
tolerance, the 2001 Tunis Declaration on Dialogue
among Civilizations, and the establishment, in the
University of Tunis, of the Ben Ali Chair for Dialogue
among Civilizations and Religions.
 We take note with satisfaction of the focus on the
theme of climate change during the current session’s
general debate, in view of the fact that environmental
issues are a basic pillar of sustainable development and
one of the major elements of the Millennium
Development Goals   one that has an impact on
international peace and security.
 Tunisia believes that climate change poses a
common threat to all States of the world without
exception. This has prompted Tunisia to host, next
November, an international ministerial workshop to
discuss climate change in Africa and the Mediterranean
region, as a contribution to increasing and deepening
awareness of the importance of this issue and to
enriching regional dialogue on it.
 The international community and all its members
must devote more attention to the environment and to
finding urgent and effective collective solutions to
environmental issues in certain regions of the world
notably in Africa, which suffers most from the climate
change that is threatening the continent’s aspirations to
development and to the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals.
 The fact that several important international
political problems remain unsolved continues to be a
source of concern for us. Today, Tunisia reaffirms that
it upholds the values of peace and justice and the
principles of international legitimacy, and that it is
prepared to contribute to the dissemination and
promotion of the values of tolerance, moderation and
mutual respect among nations and peoples. In our view,
that should help consolidate a constructive dialogue
among civilizations and establish international
cooperation and a solidarity-based development
partnership that will help eliminate the causes of
tension and conflict worldwide.
 On this occasion, we reaffirm our principled and
constant support for the Palestinian people in their
struggle for their just cause. We urge the international
community, in particular the influential parties and the
Quartet, to intensify their efforts aimed at reviving the
peace process, on the basis of United Nations
resolutions and the relevant Arab and international
terms of reference, inter alia, the Arab Peace Initiative,
with a view to finding a just and comprehensive
solution that would guarantee the restoration of the
Palestinians’ legitimate rights, foremost among which
is the establishment of their own independent State.
 We welcome the initiative taken by President
Bush and certain international influential parties to
revive the peace process. In this context, we wish to
stress the importance of convening an international
peace conference that should yield concrete proposals
for achieving a lasting and comprehensive peace in the
Middle East and lead to the restitution of all occupied
Arab territories and guarantee security and stability to
all the countries and peoples of the region.
 By the same token, we call for concerted regional
and international efforts to help the brotherly Iraqi
people to restore the deteriorating security, economic
and humanitarian situation in their country, through the
achievement of a consensual political settlement
among all its segments and factions that preserves the
unity and sovereignty of Iraq. As far as the situation in
Lebanon is concerned, we urge all Lebanese parties to
favour dialogue as the sole way to prevent the scourge
of dissension among the Lebanese people and to
restore confidence and reconciliation among them.
 Since 7 November 1987, Tunisia, under the
leadership of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, has
succeeded in making pioneer achievements and gains
in different fields. This has been made possible thanks
to comprehensive reforms that allowed Tunisia to
consolidate the rule of law and institutions, as well as
public freedoms, and to disseminate, in theory and
practice, the culture of human rights, thus enhancing
the democratic structure of the country and paving the
way for contributions by all components of civil
society to define national orientations and choices for
the future.
 The reform process implemented in Tunisia has
allowed the achievement of numerous Millennium
Development Goals, which has translated into better
living standards for Tunisians and well-being for all
segments of Tunisian society. This reflects the
correctness of development choices made by Tunisia,
which has also allowed it to hold an advanced position
among countries with the highest level of human
development.
 On many occasions, Tunisia has stated its
conviction of the need for building international
cooperation and partnerships based on a
comprehensive approach aimed at achieving
development for all and laying the foundations for
constructive relations among countries of the North
and the South. In this context, President Zine
El Abidine Ben Ali called from this rostrum in 1989 for
the adoption of a charter of peace and progress
between the countries of the North and the South.
 The international community is called upon to
exert more efforts to enable all the peoples of the
world, particularly the least developed countries, to
benefit from the digital revolution and to acquire
knowledge. This will require operationalizing and
implementing the recommendations and resolutions
made by international conferences in our country in
November 2005 to contribute to the building of a
global, more equitable and solidarity-based
information society.
 The integration of Tunisia in its regional and
international environment is one of the priorities of its
foreign policy, which endeavours to enhance political
relations with brotherly and friendly nations as well
with regional and international organizations. Tunisia
looks forward to the broadening and diversification of
the scope of its cooperation with all its partners in
order to bring it to the level of an efficient partnership
based on mutual respect and common interest. Hence,
Tunisia is constantly striving, with its brotherly
Maghrebian countries, to complete the formation of the
Maghreb Arab Union and to consolidate its structures
and institutions in order to reinforce integration and
complementarity among the peoples of the region.
Tunisia has equally sought to enhance the
effectiveness of Arab common action. It seeks to
upgrade its interaction with the changes and challenges
confronting the region and to further the process of
reform and modernization in this field, in conformity
with the decisions and recommendations of the Tunis
Summit, the Algiers Summit and the Riyadh Summit.
 On the other hand, Tunisia, being a member of
Arab committees entrusted with Palestinian, Lebanese
and other issues, is participating effectively in the work
of those committees for the benefit of Arab causes.
 As far as Africa is concerned, Tunisia has
enhanced its relations with African countries and has
strengthened cooperation with them. It has made active
efforts to contribute effectively to the process of
building the structures and institutions of the African
Union and to the consolidation of the fundamentals of
peace, security and stability in the continent and
opening promising new horizons for development in
order to further enhance integration among its peoples.
 In view of the strategic importance of its relations
with the European Union, Tunisia has been constantly
seeking to advance those ties and to broaden their
scope, so as to cover all fields of cooperation with the
aim of building a solidarity-based partnership with
European Union countries based on mutual respect and
common interest.
 Tunisia also endeavours to strengthen the
Euro-Mediterranean cooperation process. In this
connection, Tunisia has welcomed the initiative
launched by President Nicolas Sarkozy of France for
establishing a Mediterranean Union. Tunisia has
further expressed its readiness to contribute to and
participate in shaping the content of such a union and
in defining its objectives.
 Since the establishment of the United Nations,
Tunisia has expressed constant faith in the noble
principles and purposes of the Organization. It has
always been committed to lending its support to efforts
aimed at creating favourable conditions for appropriate
collective responses to global common challenges and
for solving the various problems that are a source of
concern to the world, as well as establishing solidarity-
based cooperation and partnership among all
components of the international community.
 From this perspective, Tunisia, which will assume
chairmanship of the next session of the Conference on
Disarmament, is determined to work, in coordination
with Member States, for the achievement of tangible
progress regarding issues on the agenda of the
Conference. In so doing, Tunisia will seek to enhance
constructive and positive dialogue on those issues in
order to achieve the objectives of the Conference and
to contribute to the consolidation of peace and security
in the world and to the dissemination of a global
culture of peace, thus consecrating the noble values
and principles for which our Organization has been
created.