203.	 I have the honour of conveying to you, Mr. President, and the other representatives greetings from my Sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, and his best wishes for the success of the thirty-eighth session.
204.	In extending our warm felicitations to you, Sir, on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly, my delegation feels confident that, under your able and wise guidance, the Assembly will have no difficulty in achieving its desired objectives.
205.	At the same time, I wish to put on record the deep appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Imre Hollai, who guided the business of the thirty-seventh session with impartiality and distinction.
206.	We extend our congratulations to Saint Christopher and Nevis and welcome it as a new Member of the United Nations family.
207.	I wish also to take this opportunity to pay our compliments to the Secretary-General for his exemplary conduct and contribution to the cause of international peace and development.
208.	Bound by our common allegiance to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, we are assembled here to work in harmony for the promotion of peace, understanding and co-operation among nations. This has been our pledge, enshrined in the Charter and repeated every year in this very Hall. However, as we review the prevailing international situation, it does not require much perspicacity to notice the gap to our pledge and our performance. In every area of vital interest, whether political, social or economic, the contradiction is open and obvious. Over the years we have drifted so much from our course in 1983 the world finds itself confronting a situation which all of us wanted to avoid.
209.	Despite the Organization's best efforts the cold winds of confrontation continue to sweep with renewed intensity. Similarly, while the frantic armaments race has aroused a deep sense of despair and danger everywhere, the increased frequency of wars and interventions challenges the very principles that we are all committed to adhere to and uphold. No less alarming is the widening gulf between rich and poor nations that has been further complicated by the reluctance of the North to enter into a meaningful dialogue.
210.	The lack of political will to change with the changing realities may be blamed for many of our problems today. The danger inherent in such attitudes is nowhere more apparent than in the area of arms build-up. All of us recognize the immeasurable damage that an armed conflict could cause in this nuclear age, and yet the armaments race continues to escalate at a fast pace and in a pervasive manner as if it were a shield of salvation and not an instrument of annihilation.
211.	We note with deep disappointment that the negotiations in the Committee on Disarmament on priority areas outlined in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly— the first session devoted to disarmament—virtually remain at a standstill. Agreements on a comprehensive nuclear-test ban have yet to materialize, despite the removal of technical obstacles. Regardless of world public opinion and the specific commitments undertaken by the major nuclear Powers in various international agreements, specifically the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons , those Powers have persisted in both the vertical and horizontal development of their nuclear arsenals. While we welcome the ongoing talks between the United States and the Soviet Union on strategic nuclear weapons and intermediate-range nuclear missiles, we are concerned at both the apparent lack of progress and the dilatory manner in which those talks are taking place. We urge the two super-Powers to redouble their efforts in order to achieve more meaningful progress, not limiting themselves to the nuclear field but assisting and co-operating in the broader context of concluding a treaty on banning chemical weapons and initiating measures to curb the production and transfer of conventional weapons to other parts of the world.

212.	In the latter context, we have seen with great regret that more and more nations of the developing world are showing a growing tendency to arm themselves at a rate faster than that of most of the developed countries themselves. This will not only weaken the third world's stand on the question of disarmament but will also exert a severe strain on its limited resources. Contrary to what the third world countries themselves have said, this has helped to increase the flow of money in a reverse direction, that is, from the developing countries to the developed ones. Moreover, such arms build-up is also likely to generate unnecessary tension, contributing to a greater sense of insecurity in the area.
213.	The accumulation of modem weapons, particularly the existence and stockpiling of nuclear arms, not only presents an ever-increasing danger to the very survival of mankind in times of war but also tends to undermine the general environment of security and dislocates the socio-economic priorities in times of peace. Acutely conscious of such disastrous consequences, my delegation joins many others in emphasizing the urgent need to halt the arms race without further delay. We should in all sincerity and seriousness begin the process of the progressive reduction and elimination of nuclear arms under effective international supervision and a verification mechanism. This should be followed by similar steps in the area of conventional arms until we reach the goal of general and complete disarmament. In view of the close interrelationship of disarmament and international security, it is essential for us, as we continue the process of disarmament, to direct our efforts at strengthening the environment of security for all States on the basis of mutual trust and respect. It also calls for the peaceful settlement of disputes, together with the implementation of effective measures for peace-keeping and peace-making.
214.	While the arms build-up serves as a provocation, challenging the structure of peace, we also believe that unless and until nations adhere to the basic norms of behaviour prescribed under international law and the Charter of the United Nations, the threat to international peace and security will continue.
215.	It is the tragedy of our time that even the simple norms of international conduct are often violated at the expense of human welfare. My delegation considers the recent incident involving the Korean jetliner and the loss of human lives on board to be a regrettable case and also greatly deplores the tensions that have been generated by that event.
216.	The utter disregard of the principles of inter-State relationships has been a source of tension and trouble in several parts of the world. In our temptation to seek greater power and influence, we tend to forget that no nation in this age can accept subjugation, much less endure it, however great may be the suffering and sacrifice. The legitimate aspirations of all countries and peoples to remain independent and to retain their own national identity cannot be denied except at the cost of a perpetual threat to peace and stability in and around the area. It is in this perspective that my delegation views the current crises in the Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia, southern Africa and Central America.
217.	The situation in Afghanistan continues to occupy the attention of the international community. It is essential, in order to bring about the normalization of the situation there and so that the people of the country may exercise their inalienable right of self-determination, that foreign forces be withdrawn from the country. Nepal firmly supports the efforts of the United Nations, and in particular the efforts of the Secretary-General's personal representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, to achieve a negotiated political settlement in Afghanistan.
218.	Regarding the question of Kampuchea, we deeply regret that despite the efforts of the international community to find a political settlement, no progress has been made in that area. We would like once again to urge all the parties concerned to join in the efforts of the United Nations and the International Conference on Kampuchea to achieve the withdrawal of all foreign forces from the country and thus pave the way for a just political settlement of the problem.
219.	In the Middle East, the situation is more volatile than ever before. My delegation has repeatedly stated its conviction that a comprehensive, just and lasting solution of the question must embrace the following three basic principles: first, withdrawal of Israel from territories occupied since 1967; secondly, respect for the rights of all States in the region, including Israel, to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; and thirdly, recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people, including their rights to a separate State. My Government believes that the participation of the Palestinian people, represented by their sole legitimate representative, the PLO, is necessary in any negotiation aimed at a comprehensive solution of the Middle East problem.
220.	The question of the Middle East is also further complicated by repeated attempts to impair the sovereignty, territorial integrity and internal harmony of Lebanon and to weaken the security of its people. Nepal will support every move designed to restore full and legitimate Lebanese sovereignty over the whole of Lebanon on the basis of non-interference in its internal affairs and the withdrawal of all foreign forces.
221.	Similarly, my delegation would also like to take this opportunity to renew its appeal to both Iran and Iraq, two member countries of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, to end the war between them and to seek a peaceful settlement of their disputes.
222.	While the hotbeds of conflict demand our immediate attention, it is imperative at the same time that other areas of tension and their potential threats to international peace and security be neutralized. South Africa continues to be one of the focal points of tensions in international relations. The minority regime of South Africa has persistently refused to recognize the right of the oppressed people to self-determination and majority rule. Nepal has always condemned the abhorrent system of apartheid as an insult to the civilized world. We once again join the international community in urging the Security Council to take effective measures under Chapter VII of the Charter.
223.	Similarly, South Africa's refusal to co-operate with the United Nations in implementing the plan for free and fair elections in Namibia under United Nations supervision has delayed the early attainment of independence by that Territory. We reiterate here our total opposition to any scheme which might make Namibia's independence contingent upon changes in situations in other countries. While my Government reaffirms its support for the people of Namibia and their representative, SWAPO, we also urge the Security Council and the members of the contact group of five Western States to intensify their efforts to bring about the early implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which is the only internationally accepted basis for the solution of the problem. In this context, my Government also supports the initiative taken recently by the Secretary-General. We are confident that other nations will also join in the support for the bold step he has taken.

224.	As regards the question of Cyprus, we continue to believe that any solution of that problem must respect the independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned character of Cyprus. With this in mind, Nepal supports the inter-communal talks held under the auspices of the Secretary-General, in keeping with the relevant United Nations resolutions.
225.	My Government also continues to hold the view that the aspirations of the Korean people to national reunification must be fulfilled peacefully without outside interference.
226.	The recent developments in the Caribbean and Central American region have equally been a source of concern to us. My delegation supports Security Council resolution 530 (1983), which reaffirms the right of all countries in the region to live in peace and security, free from all foreign interference. In this context, we also welcome the initiative of the Contadora Group.
227.	In our present interdependent world, just as instability in one area threatens peace and security in other comers of the globe, so disparity and economic inequality among countries cannot fail to have a negative impact on the international environment.
228.	Although the inadequacy of the economic structure of the past to meet the present challenge is well recognized, we are currently at an impasse in the process of evolving a new international economic order because of the indifference of those who benefit from the status quo. A move to construct a future world system commensurate with the changing international realities must therefore be made soon in order to lay the foundation of a healthy international economic climate.
229.	The high rate of inflation, protectionist policies and the deadlock in the negotiations on critical areas have aggravated the difficulties of the developing countries, which are already in a precarious position. The problems facing them, in particular the landlocked and least developed among them, are of a structural nature, and special and urgent measures are required to overcome the constraints impeding their socio-economic development. The Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries/ adopted by the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, is an outcome of the realization that that is so. We urge an immediate and full implementation of that Programme of Action.
230.	The outcome of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was received with mixed feelings by my country. Nepal had expected that the developed countries would respond in a positive manner to the draft resolutions submitted by the Group of 77 on key issues concerning all the three major areas—commodities, trade in goods and services, and financial and monetary issues. We appreciate the recognition by the developed countries of the intensity and gravity of the whole gamut of problems with which the developing countries are having to cope in the areas of trade, development, money and finance, technology, and social and institutional issues and the impact it has had on their social and economic development. But their expressions of sympathy and concern in the Held of remedial measures were not matched by an equal degree of political will. This has disappointed us, because intransigence of this nature will neither contribute anything to the growth of world trade nor assist in fostering mutuality of interest among developing and developed countries.
231.	However, as one of the least developed countries we feel gratified that a compromise resolution could be drawn up in which Group B countries could accept a formulation that called for the attainment of a 0.15 per cent target for official development assistance for the least developed countries  by 1985 or as soon as possible thereafter . Their response to the least developed countries' requests for conversion of official development assistance loans into grants on a case-by-case basis, and for speedy implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action, is also appreciated.
232.	We would like to stress here that no opportunity should be allowed to slip by that would enable all of us, both developed and developing countries, to gain a fair share of the wealth from world trade and development.
233.	At the present time of economic insecurity my delegation believes that avenues already open for development purposes, as well as future prospects for nations, should be further widened. The meagre resources now available to multilateral bodies such as UNDP are discouraging the process of growth of developing countries. Moreover, the lack of progress in the implementation of the Nairobi Plan of Action for the Development and Utilization of New and Renewable Sources of Energy and of the Vienna Programme of Action on Science and Technology for Development has added to the frustrations of the developing countries. The present myopic vision should not be allowed to obstruct the future perspective and the prospect of meaningful co-operation.
234.	In the light of the present economic realities, cooperation among the developing countries assumes great significance. We are convinced of the need for taking suitable measures to ensure effective co-operation among the developing countries themselves. Consistent with the spirit of South-South co-operation, all seven countries of South Asia have recently agreed, at their meeting at the ministerial level, to launch a programme of regional co-operation in various fields of common interest and mutual benefits. We are now at the beginning of a process which we hope will continue to grow, both in spirit and in areas of co-operation, thus contributing to the welfare and stability of the region as a whole.
232 . H was against the bleak background of such an international political and economic situation that the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries was held at New Delhi, from 7 to 12 March this year. The concern and commitment of the 101 countries represented theirs at the highest level find their expression in its final documents  Our crusade for peace based on political and economic justice will continue until the day every nation feels secure in its independence and all peoples share the benefits of development.
233.	The non-aligned world seeks to achieve this target not as a separate bloc but as a moral and political force working in co-ordination with the United Nations system. The United Nations, with its well-defined principles, permanent structures and universal membership, has the necessary prestige and prerequisites to serve as both an ideal and an instrument of peace. Nepal, which has full faith in the Organization's principles and purposes, will continue to support all measures to strengthen the effectiveness and operational capacity of the United Nations in its efforts to create a safer and better world as envisaged in the Charter.
234.	At this point I cannot fail to express our great appreciation for the valuable support and assistance extended to us by the various bodies and specialized agencies of the United Nations in our development efforts. Nepal believes that there can be no alternative to the United Nations in realizing the goals of international peace and security and promoting the cause and
course of detente, disarmament and socio-economic advancement for all peoples.
235.	Our ultimate desire for peace and development is embodied in our proposition that Nepal be declared a zone of peace. This proposition is consistent not only with our traditional national ethos but also with the principles of non-alignment and the purposes and principles of the United Nations. The zone of peace proposal will not only help institutionalize peace in our country, thus enabling us to meet the growing challenges of development in an atmosphere of security and stability; it will also contribute to the cause of peace and stability in our neighbourhood. I take this opportunity to thank all those countries which have supported our proposal.
236.	In conclusion let me once again reaffirm our support for the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations. The delicate instrument designed for the maintenance of peace and stability which was constructed nearly 40 years ago by our founding fathers still has a major role to play in the changing realities of our tidies. In this endeavour all the nations have significant contributions to make. My country will not lag behind in working for a viable structure of peace which is so essential for the survival of the human race.

237.


85.	 It is a privilege, a great honour and a genuine pleasure for me to be here in this aula magna of the United Nations, a sanctuary dedicated to the pursuit of peace.
86.	After the great historic changes that have taken place in the administration of the Cameroonian State, I feel privileged to be mandated to bring you our message, a message which can only be one of peace. How can it be otherwise, when in spite of superficial disturbances, quickly calmed, my country remains stable, resolutely pursuing its development in unity and peace, which we dearly cherish and which the entire people of Cameroon intends to guard jealously? How can it be otherwise, when we also know that President Paul Biya, on assuming high office, chose the twin themes of commitment and loyalty as the hallmark of his mandate? His commitment is to the construction of a society that is democratically governed, with stability and peace, a deep peace for hearts and minds, a society whose primary concerns are the well-being, freedom and happiness of all the people of Cameroon.
87.	Certain as he is of the complete, unfailing support of all the vital forces in Cameroon, regardless of race, tribe, religion or region, the President of the Republic has promised his people that he will keep that solemn commitment.
88.	The other theme is that of loyalty: loyalty to our friends old and new; loyalty to the principles of the charter of the Organization of African Unity; loyalty to genuine non-alignment, the only way to preserve our independence and make it possible for us to contribute effectively to promoting peace and justice in international relations; and loyalty to the principles and ideals of the United Nations.
89.	As I reiterate those inspiring words of commitment and loyalty spoken by President Paul Biya, may I, his Minister for Foreign Affairs, take this opportunity to reaffirm before the Assembly the pledge of loyalty and commitment of Cameroon, my country, to the common struggle of all peoples of the world for the safeguarding of the noble ideals of mankind—peace, independence, justice, co-operation in equality and progress for all countries.
90.	At this point may I associate myself with the eminent speakers who have preceded me in congratulating Mr. Jorge Illueca, on behalf of my delegation, on his election. We welcome that choice because through his country it honours the whole of Latin America, which because of its cultural and human affinities with my continent is so near to Africa. There can be no doubt that our work will benefit from his wisdom as a statesman and his faith in the United Nations. I should like to assure him of the complete co-operation and support of my delegation in the accomplishment of the tasks of his high office as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
91.	It is also a pleasure for me on this occasion to thank Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary for the competence and objectivity with which he guided the work of the thirty- seventh session.
92.	We should like also to pay a particular tribute to the Secretary-General and to express our appreciation to him for his tireless efforts, made with courage, foresight and self-sacrifice, in the exercise of his delicate functions. We also express our gratitude to him for the dedication and clarity of mind that he has placed at the service of the international community. Lastly, we welcome his contribution to the strengthening of international cooperation.
93.	I should like most warmly to welcome the delegation of Saint Christopher and Nevis and to congratulate it on its admission as the 158th Member of the United Nations.
94.	We have said from the outset that we are gathered here in the temple of peace, a peace without which it is impossible for us to build the future, but we view with concern the many challenges and obstacles on the road to peace and to the future.
95.	We are indeed aware of the seriousness of the world situation and the dangers threatening mankind. International, political and economic relations are in a state of serious crisis which, because of its global nature and its complexity, is unprecedented in recent history and places at stake our vital interests, namely peace, independence and development. Hence what we have always affirmed is confirmed today at the world level as an irrefutable truth and as a warning: the way in which blocs perceive international relations and world security cannot guarantee the realization of any of those noble goals. That is why these sessions of the General Assembly always arouse great hopes in the world and why we bear such a heavy responsibility.
96.	We are meeting here, it should be recalled, at a time when the world requires drastic changes in order to live in peace and security. The solution of the present crisis must be sought through genuine democratization of international relations. This implies on our part a more determined struggle against all policies of domination that seek by every means to preserve acquired privileges and to perpetuate conditions of inequality in the world. Those policies are, in effect, one of the causes of tension in all areas of international relations. The ensuing rivalries, the threats to the independence of countries, the escalation of the arms race and the worsening of the world economy are the major obstacles to the settlement of all these crises which confront us today.
97.	The major Powers obviously have an important role in questions of peace and security. None the less, in a world characterized by interdependence and a shared destiny, it is essential that all international protagonists co-operate on an equal footing. Responsibility for the future of mankind cannot be left in the hands of a small circle of countries, however large and powerful they may be.
98.	As I have said, the struggle for peace and security, independence and development remains our purpose today as it has in the past. When we speak of peace we are not thinking only of the absence of war, a situation maintained by the balance of force and terror. The peace to which we refer is broader; it is universal. That peace is inseparable from freedom and development in independence. There can be no stable peace in conditions of confrontation and rivalry between blocs, the terrible arms race, the deepening of economic and social inequalities. In other words, the struggle for peace, which requires renewed co-operation, must be waged on several fronts: the stopping of the arms race, the relaxing of international tensions and the search for adequate solutions to the present economic crisis.
99.	It is to those different aspects that I should like to devote my statement.
100.	As a non-aligned country, Cameroon has always attached the greatest importance to questions of disarmament, deeply convinced that peace and security cannot be built in the shadow of weapons. Without disarmament there can be neither lasting peace nor development with security. It is encouraging to see that world public opinion, by and large, shares this feeling. However, the absence of the necessary political will on the part of the
major Powers and their mutual mistrust have been and remain the principal obstacles to any effective negotiations. This was also the essential cause of the failure of the twelfth special session of the General Assembly, the second devoted to disarmament.
101.	In the present international context it cannot be repeated too often that the beginning of a process of disarmament is of primary importance. Never in the course of its history has mankind been exposed to so serious a threat as the arms race today between the big Powers and the blocs. The danger of a nuclear cataclysm has in recent days been felt even more because of the emergence of the concept of the possibility of limited nuclear wars. It is in the shadow of that danger that a wide-ranging race is continuing also in the field of conventional weapons, the UK of which in many local or regional wars increasingly threatens world peace and the independence of a large number of countries.
102.	It is therefore essential that the United Nations should not only consider the nature and consequences of the arms race but also and above all promote the adoption of concrete measures for putting an end to it. Here we have in mind the conclusion between the two superpowers of agreements on strategic nuclear weapons and on the missiles in Europe. We are also referring to the need for treaties on the complete prohibition of nuclear tests and the prohibition of chemical weapons. Lastly, we have in mind the need to embark on global negotiations on nuclear and conventional disarmament issues. The preparation and adoption by the General Assembly of a programme of disarmament would be an appreciable contribution to that end.
103.	Cameroon, for its part, will continue to support all initiatives aimed at opening disarmament negotiations. Here we recall that only determined and united action by all members of the international community can ensure progress in this Held. Such action requires strengthening the role of the United Nations. That is the sense and the spirit of the New Delhi Message adopted at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, which Cameroon fully supports.
104.	It is self-evident that at the present time the first step towards peace must be the relaxation of international tension. Cameroon has always stressed that. Detente must be general; it must cover every region in the world and all forms of international activity. Such a process presupposes the renunciation of threats, of the use of force, of intervention and interference, an end to all forms of aggression, withdrawal from occupied territories and the final elimination of colonialism and racism. These are all goals of the Organization. They are also questions on which we must now, more than before, take a clear stand and define the framework for our action. It is now more than ever before an imperative, since we know that in 1983 no significant progress has been achieved in solving the different crises which have been affecting the world for years, even decades. Today, no region of the world enjoys complete security and peace. The policy of force, interferes, pressures and overt aggression are the reason. Bloc rivalry and interference considerably delay settlement of these crises by peaceful means with respect for the rights and interests of the peoples and countries directly concerned.
105.	This is the case in Africa, on which history has imposed many hardships. At a time when the OAU is making patient efforts to root out the terrible evils of colonialism, racism and their surrogates, Africa today is exposed to threats of division and to ever-growing external pressure. This is a deep-rooted and, dangerous process, an attempt to make use, for purposes alien to the interests of Africa, of certain difficulties and problems inherited by African countries. Cameroon is convinced that by uniting their efforts, the African countries will manage to preserve the unity of the OAU, whose role is irreplaceable in the struggle of Africa for freedom, for more rapid economic and social development, in short, for mastery of its own destiny.
106.	The tragedy which the people of Chad have experienced for more than a decade now is a source of deep and constant concern to my country, as the situation deteriorates and becomes daily more complex. The position of Cameroon, denned since the very beginning of the crisis and reaffirmed recently by the President of the Republic, Paul Biya, is well known. Loyal to the principles of sovereignty and the territorial integrity of States, my country remains convinced that the problem of Chad must be resolved by peaceful means. This is why it remains our hope that weapons will be silenced and a process of negotiations will begin. To that end, all citizens of Chad at home and abroad must tear down the barriers that they have erected or encouraged and which prevent peace in Chad. We hope that the legal Government in N'Djamena will find appropriate ways and means to open up dialogue and to call upon all the vital forces of the Chadian nation to enter into a covenant of fraternity with honour.
107.	Cameroon, in any case, reaffirms its readiness today, as in the past, to contribute to any concerted action aimed at restoring peace to Chad, national reconciliation, and the reconstruction of that neighbouring fraternal country which has been ravaged by so many years of war. In this respect, we feel that the OAU has a primary and irreplaceable role to play in Chad in the quest for peace and unity.
108.	In the Western Sahara, the deterioration of the situation characterized by the heightening of armed confrontation constitutes a source of deep concern. In the view of my delegation, the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the OAU, adopted by its Assembly of Heads of State and Government at Nairobi in 1981 and at Addis Ababa in 1983, constitutes a valid basis for the search for a political settlement of the Western Sahara conflict based on a cease-fire and the organization of a referendum of self-determination under the auspices of the OAU and the United Nations.
109.	Cameroon is also concerned at the situation in southern Africa, where, because of South Africa,
apartheid and the colonization of Namibia still constitute two sources of violence, two causes of humiliation for the African people and two major challenges to the international community.
110.	From the moral standpoint, we can never repeat too often that apartheid remains a most repulsive and condemnable philosophy because it is the only example of an institutionalized policy of racial discrimination. An exclusively white minority Government has arrogated to itself all political power and 80 per cent of the wealth of the country, thanks to an extraordinary arsenal of evil laws and a most barbaric form of repression. South Africa, therefore, is the only country in the world where 85 per cent of the population is officially deprived of all political and economic rights and even the most basic human rights.
111.	This situation is untenable. Untenable also are the deceptive reforms promised or implemented by South Africa, because they are designed to keep the black population, which is in the overwhelming majority, on the fringes of society. That is why Cameroon, a member of the OAU Co-ordinating Committee for the Liberation
of Africa, will continue to help the liberation movements in their struggle against apartheid and for the promotion in South Africa of a multiracial society which respects the dignity and equality of all its members.
112.	The question of Namibia is the second part of the South African regime's insolent defiance of the international community since 1966. Cameroon has followed with the greatest misgivings the negotiations that have gone on for several years now with the Pretoria authorities, with whose duplicity and basic disdain for the norms, principles and ideals of international society we are all familiar. South Africa looks upon these negotiations with the Secretary-General or with the western contact group only as a delaying tactic, an exercise to gain time. For Pretoria, which was worried at the collapse of the protective buffer formed by the European colonies around its borders, Namibia represents the last line of defence before the winds of freedom sweep away that bastion of apartheid.
113.	How long will the international community be deceived by the delays and subterfuges of dictated by a total rejection of the values of civilization that constitute the pride of our day?
114.	Cameroon, for its part, remains devoted to Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978), which define the only acceptable framework for the independence of Namibia. Any policy aimed at creating a link, a parallel or reciprocity between the application of those resolutions and the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola is inadmissible and constitutes unacceptable interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State. The self-determination and independence of Namibia are inalienable rights of the Namibian people, recognized and solemnly affirmed by the General Assembly three decades ago. Their exercise and their observance should be neither delayed nor compromised by considerations that relate solely to the hegemonic struggle of the super-Powers.
115.	A member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Cameroon will continue to support in every way the heroic struggle of the Namibian people for genuine independence under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole legitimate representative.
116.	We appeal to the Powers friendly to Pretoria to compel it, while there is still time, to heed the voice of wisdom and of reason. Any policy based on racial injustice and supported by violence and repression can only lead to tragedy and endanger the peace and security of all society. We direct our appeal in particular to all those people who know the high cost of freedom because they themselves made the greatest and most noble sacrifices for it.
117.	But given the political short-sightedness and the bad faith that characterizes the white minority in Pretoria, the Security Council, in order to make its decisions respected, should resort to the collective measures given it by the Charter, including the provisions under Chapter VII.
118.	The Middle East region continues to be the most dangerous hotbed of crisis in the world. This situation results from the expansionist policy of Israel, which for many years now has been endangering the freedom and sovereignty of neighbouring countries and brutally denying the elementary national and human rights of the Palestinian people. The occupation of a large part of Lebanon, the genocide perpetrated against the Palestinians, the annexation of the Golan Heights and Jerusalem and the preparations for the appropriation of the West Bank and Gaza confirm that the deliberately intransigent orientation of Israeli policy remains unchanged.
119.	It is impossible to stifle the liberation struggle waged by the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], its sole legitimate representative. In this regard we reaffirm our constant support for that heroic people and our profound hope that the Palestinian leadership will transcend its internal dissensions and regain that coherence which has always been its strength.
120.	The United Nations, today more than ever before, must play a decisive role in ensuring a comprehensive political settlement of the Palestinian question and the Middle East crisis.
121.	We have long since approved the bases of such a settlement. There can be no just and lasting solution without Israel's withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since 1967, without recognition of the right of all the States in the region, including Israel, to live in peace within secure and recognized international borders and without the achievement of the Palestinian people's right to self-determination and to its own independent State in Arab Palestine.
122.	It is essential to guarantee the participation of the PLO in all the negotiations concerning the destiny of the people it represents. This is also the only means of achieving lasting peace for all the States of the region. The proposals of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez, and the recent decisions of the Palestine National Council are an important contribution to the search for a solution to the Middle East crisis and the problem of Palestine. We equally appreciate the other initiatives that respect the national rights of the Palestinian people. But any new advance necessarily requires an end to all support for and encouragement of Israel's intransigent policy.
123.	Following the invasion of Lebanon, a second prerequisite has become obvious to everyone—that is, the restoration of the authority of the Lebanese Government over its entire territory. For that purpose it is essential that the Israeli occupation forces and all the foreign troops withdraw from Lebanon, that foreign Powers refrain from further interference in the internal affairs of that non-aligned Arab country. In this context, Cameroon is pleased at the extension of the mandate of UNIFIL, an important element in bringing stability and peace to the region.
124.	But this is only a palliative. The Middle East problem as a whole ran be solved only through broad negotiations in the framework of the United Nations and with the agreement of the great Powers and with the effective participation of all the parties to the dispute, including the PLO.
125.	In addition to these long-standing situations so fraught with danger to peace and security, there are new crises caused by foreign intervention in the Mediterranean and in South-West Asia. Cameroon's position in this respect is clear and consistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
126.	In Cyprus the two communities could find a Held for understanding that would preserve their respective interests and the independence, integrity and unity of this non-aligned country if foreign Powers would once and for all refrain from interfering in the country's internal affairs. Cameroon will continue to support any initiatives towards promoting brotherly dialogue between the two communities concerned in order to restore peace to the island and guarantee the sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus.
127.	We recognize the legality of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea. We believe that a solution to the present situation can and must be found through a
political settlement including the withdrawal of foreign troops and the cessation of all foreign interference so that the people of Kampuchea may decide freely and in all sovereignty on the means for its own development.
128.	With regard to a settlement of the problem of Afghanistan, it is highly important in this case too to enable the people of the country to decide its own destiny freely. This presupposes the withdrawal of foreign armed troops, the prohibition of outside interference and the return of the refugees. We welcome all the constructive efforts undertaken in that direction, and we particularly appreciate the good offices of the Secretary-General.
129.	We deplore the recent destruction of the Korean Air Lines civilian aircraft. This not only has cast a pall over the already tense relations between the blocs but has also caused the death of hundreds of innocent persons. We wish once again to express here our deep sympathy to the bereaved families and LO the Korean people.
130.	The aggravation and perpetuation of these situations that we have just mentioned result, let us not forget, in the appearance of that new category of persons forced to wander through the world without shelter, without a homeland and without possessions—that is, refugees. There are at present about 10 million in the world, more than half of them in Africa. This flow of refugees creates problems for the host countries, which for the most part are developing countries already concerned with problems of their own survival.
131.	We hope that the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, to be held in 1984, will conduct a precise evaluation of the results of the first conference, provide increased resources to alleviate the plight of these refugees and give new impetus to the search for ways and means to find a long-term solution to this problem.
132.	In speaking of the suffering endured by peoples of Africa, Asia, Palestine and Lebanon and the heroic struggle they are waging, we cannot but make an urgent appeal to the international community. For all these peoples expect the United Nations to demonstrate active solidarity with them, mobilizing the Organization's considerable means and influence. They expect the United Nations to contribute to the restoration, once freedom has been regained, of a just and lasting peace in all these regions.
133.	Peace and security do not allow for the transfer to our countries of conflicts stemming from the confrontation between the big Powers. Still less can peace and security accommodate the greed and the designs, clearly apparent today, of which our countries are the targets and which awaken the memories of an era that we had thought long past.
134.	The peace to which mankind aspires cannot exist if its benefits are not extended to all the peoples of the world; it requires respect for the independence of every country and the free expression by every people of its national will.
135.	To be maintained, peace requires active and balanced co-operation within the framework of a renewed and more democratic system of international relations; it requires the creation of an international atmosphere favourable to equal economic and social development for all. That is the essence of this new international economic order which must be established without delay.
136.	How can we not regret that our developed partners still do not want to hear us and persist in believing that through a series of corrective measures they will be able to overcome the present crisis, which, we must recall, is a structural one. It stems from the inadequacy of post-war international institutions. Because of various changes that have taken place since then in the configuration of the international community, those institutions are outdated and have revealed their limits, both conceptual and structural. It is this new fact that is causing deep disorder in the international economic machinery. That is why, however useful the corrective measures adopted may be, they still fall short of the urgent large-scale measures that must be taken for the recovery of the world economy.
137.	Despite the emergency measures taken here and there, the international economic situation remains disquieting.
138.	No decisive breakthrough is expected before 1985 in the States members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Moreover, according to forecasts of some specialized agencies, including IMF, the Western countries as a whole will not this year reach the 3 per cent growth rate which is considered the threshold for any viable economic recovery.
139.	The manifestations of the crisis, which are the present massive unemployment, affecting millions of persons, trade confrontations and endemic inflation, remain serious in themselves.
140.	The situation in the developing countries, where absolute poverty is the daily lot of millions of persons, deteriorates day by day because of those countries' growing indebtedness, the continuing deterioration in terms of trade and the protectionist measures that exhaust their export earnings. For many of them the basic question today is not one of being better off, but rather one of simple survival. Recent reports of the World Bank and IMF are particularly enlightening in this connection. It is therefore easy to understand our disappointment at the level of official development assistance and the insignificant results of major international conferences in this connection.
141.	We are deeply concerned at the depletion of the resources of multilateral organizations that work for development. Although we are pleased by the recent increase in IMF quotas and the broadening of general loan agreements, our anxiety persists. Apart from the fact that measures must be ratified in order to be effective, which takes a long time—the example of the Common Fund for Commodities is enlightening in this respect— the agencies of the United Nations system are in a critical financial situation. Some of them are now moving from recession to depression. This is the case in particular with UNDP, whose resources have decreased by 50 per cent. All of this endangers the realization of many projects, especially in Africa.
142.	The failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development also attests to the dangerous deterioration of the spirit of international co-operation. Of course, it did manage to adopt a few resolutions in favour of the Common Fund, as well as some measures concerning the conclusion of agreements on certain commodities and some international arrangements to stabilize prices. This was only a reaffirmation of an existing consensus. On the other hand, the Conference did not reach agreement on substantive problems, in particular the causes of the present crisis and ways of overcoming it.
143.	For the same selfish reasons, the new United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the result of more than 10 years of laborious negotiations, is now the object of manoeuvres aimed at obstructing its implementation. Certain developed countries are no longer concealing their bitter disappointment at the lack of cooperate and solidarity which has become evident within
the restricted framework of the summit meetings of the industrialized countries that share the same philosophy and are linked by many agreements.
144.	The signs of recovery that have emerged in certain developed countries do not reveal any sustained and lasting growth. Even if this recovery strengthens in those countries, its effects on the economy of the developing countries seems uncertain, the so-called locomotive theory having shown its limits through the present machinery governing the world economy.
145.	The persistence and deepening of the present economic crisis show that it is futile to try to overcome, through piecemeal measures or expedients unilaterally worked out and applied, a crisis which is both profound in its effects and global in its scope. Hence, in this era of interdependence the only way to overcome the crisis is through a global, integrated approach both to the analysis of situation and in the search for solutions. This is the very basis of the patiently developed global negotiates project, the opening of which is unfortunately blocked by the unjustified hesitation of a tiny minority of rich countries which are excessively attached to the present archaic economic system, and this endangers international peace and security. This project appears more than ever to be the most appropriate framework, because the approach to a global challenge to the international community must be global.
146.	There is not and will never be any security based on exploitation and the impoverishment of the third world. Development is and will remain the key to peace. That is why we renew here our appeal, the appeal of the non-aligned countries for collective action for world prosperity. Will this appeal at least be heard? We venture to hope that it will. We hope this most sincerely, because the tragic situation now prevailing, the present crisis, demands this.
147.	Our support for world-wide co-operation cannot conceal our deep conviction that the task of development is in the last analysis a matter for the national will and our own efforts. Thus Mr. Paul Biya has said:
 Our common task is to persist with ever-increasing determination in our national development effort; to develop a strategy that will make it possible to bring about social change; to modernize our structures and make them factors in increasingly self-reliant, endogenous and balanced development.
148.	But our internal dynamics, our efforts to achieve ethical development and to make the best and most rational use of our resources will not be enough, we well know, if an unfavourable international environment systematically nullifies what we have worked so hard to achieve.
149.	Having described from this rostrum its vision of international relations, Cameroon has tried to make its own contribution to the search for suitable means of guaranteeing peace and security, which are so gravely threatened, by recourse not to weapons but to co-operation. Could there be any more appropriate forum in which to do this than that of the United Nations, which was established precisely to safeguard these ideals and to strengthen co-operation among nations in order to guarantee for all an equal chance of achieving well-being?
150.	In the face of the persistence of colonialism, the increase in hotbeds of tension, the growing inequality among nations and the erosion of the spirit of co-operation, there is a great temptation today to question the capacity of the United Nations to fulfil its essential mission. Indeed, its Secretariat shows signs that its means of action are insufficient.
151.	The Security Council, the supreme body for the safeguarding of our collective peace and security, is consistently paralyzed because of the immoderate use of the right of veto possessed by some of its members. Those that enjoy decisive influence in international relations and should therefore act for the common good too often find their judgment clouded by their own interests.
152.	The time has therefore come to revitalize the Council. The authority of the United Nations depends on it. That is why Cameroon reiterates its appeal for the convening of a special meeting of the Security Council, as proposed by the Secretary-General at the thirty-seventh session. We hope that the members of the Council entrusted with considering this question will give the matter priority and propose positive measures as soon as possible. We will continue to support the expansion of that Council, as we have in the past, since this is necessary because of the new geopolitical configuration of the world.
153.	It is high time to make it possible for the United Nations to organize effective solidarity among all peoples, to co-ordinate and promote development, to bring order to world economic relations, in accordance with the principles and objectives of the new international economic order.
154.	By committing ourselves to that process we shall be restoring credibility to the United Nations, enhancing its prestige and meeting the three-fold challenge that we face: to be worthy of the architects of this Organization, who, learning from the sufferings of the wars of the past, dreamed of harmony and peace; to meet the expectations of present generations for a better life; and to respond to the aspirations of the poor to freedom, progress and well-being, to their urgent appeal for greater justice.
155.	Only in this way, as stated by Mr. Paul Biya, will the United Nations  remain not only an enlightening and stimulating moral authority, but also a force for the benefit of the harmony, development and betterment necessary for peace, liberty and progress in a difficult world, an instrument for the solution of such major international problems as those of disarmament, the situation in the Middle East, southern Africa, the resumption of the North-South dialogue, the just distribution of the riches of our world.


164.	 It is my pleasure at the outset to congratulate the President on his election as President of the thirty- eighth session of the General Assembly. I trust that his long experience and high qualifications will be a great help to the session in reaching the results we all seek.
165.	At the same time, I should like to thank the President of the preceding session, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the wisdom he displayed while conducting the affairs of that session.
166.	I should like also to express our appreciation of the efforts made by the Secretary-General to consolidate the role of the United Nations and increase its efficiency.
167.	Kuwait, which believes the world Organization is but a reflection of international society, would like to congratulate the State of Saint Christopher and Nevis on joining the United Nations and takes this opportunity to express its conviction that that new Member will respect its international commitments and fulfil its responsibilities in a capable and competent manner.
168.	I should like us all to look back and recall together the gist of the statements made during the general debate at the thirty-seventh session. Those statements concentrated on the spirit of hope and optimism expressed in the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization, which courageously and realistically diagnosed the weaknesses in the international situation that were threatening to lead to the brink of disaster and the effective role that the United Nations should play regarding the world order, and offered valuable suggestions for the course of treatment.
169.	Now that a full year has passed since the presentation of that report, on which the Security Council continues its consultations, we must ask ourselves responsibly and honestly what has been done to translate the letter and spirit of the report into reality. What contribution have we made to improve the bleak image of our world today, to eliminate or defuse the hotbeds of international conflict and to enhance the role and effectiveness of the world Organization?
170.	Regrettably, the response to all those questions must be negative, for the international situation has not improved, the role of the United Nations has not become more prominent or assertive and the Organization has not become more effective. On the contrary, grave events persist on the international scene, with all their dangerous implications with regard to war and peace, backwardness and development. Last year the world witnessed, as it continues to witness, the occupation of Lebanon, the destruction of Beirut, the refusal of Israel to comply with Security Council resolutions regarding the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of its forces, the escalation of oppressive actions in the occupied Arab lands, the continuance and escalation of the war between Iraq and Iran, the grave tension in Central America with all its dangerous potential, the escalation of racist oppression in southern Africa and the continued deterioration of the situation in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. But that is not all. There are also problems relating to the economic and social fields as well as human rights.
171.	The big Powers bear the primary responsibility for the deterioration of the current world situation. The international community has seen how the narrow special interests of those Powers have been given precedence at the expense in the long term of the common interests of the majority of the nations of the world. It has also seen how they use situations not for the purpose of solving problems, but rather for the purpose of including them in their strategic plans. The inability of the United Nations to solve various problems is, but a reflection of the general international situation. The big
Powers increasingly push the Organization towards the periphery of events instead of using it as the prime mover in the settlement of the serious crisis.
172.	Kuwait's responsible attitude is that this situation is not in keeping with the hopes and aspirations of mankind for peace, progress and justice, the very hopes and aspirations which are embodied in the ideals and concepts of the Charter, for whose preservation mankind has carried out a bitter struggle.
173.	The question of Palestine has been the focal point of attention since the creation of the United Nations. It has been discussed at all General Assembly sessions. The first international conference sponsored by the United Nations on the question of Palestine was held recently, which in itself is an indication of the importance of this question and its relationship to world peace and security.
174.	It is clear to the world that the question of Palestine is the basic problem in the Middle East and the nucleus of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and until the international community imposes a just, permanent and comprehensive solution which is acceptable to the Palestinian people and satisfies its national ambitions, there will be no peace in the region, the state of conflict will persist and world peace and security will remain jeopardized.
175.	Through the ages it has been proved by experience, particularly in the Middle East area, that force, no matter how heavy and how varied its methods, will never succeed in uprooting national feelings or forcing rightful owners to relinquish their rights. On the contrary, people cling to their rights and defend their principles. Therefore, we reiterate the principles on which peace in the region must be based and which are accepted by the international community and were asserted recently in the Geneva Declaration on Palestine and the Programme of Action set forth by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine.'" These are: unconditional Israeli withdrawal from all Arab lands occupied since 1967, including the Holy City of Jerusalem; the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of the Palestinians to return to their homeland and recover their properties and their right to self-determination and to establish their own independent State; recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people; and the cessation of the establishment of Israeli settlements and the dismantling of those already established in the occupied Arab lands.
176.	The real catastrophe of the Palestinian people regrettably reflects, in one of its aspects, the weakness of the international will and its submission to the logic of force instead of defence of truth and justice. In spite of the international attention to and awareness of the Palestinian question, and in spite of the various conferences and resolutions, this question remains unsolved. In fact it is becoming more and more complicated and tense because of Israel's policy of fait accompli in continuing its aggression to keep the world preoccupied with what is new and co forget what is old. Israel has ignored all the resolutions of the United Nations, in particular those of the Security Council, aided and abetted by the United States, whose unlimited support includes all the financial, military and moral support that Israel needs. This has made Israel an instrument of United States strategy in the region at the expense of the legitimate interests and the historic rights of the rest of the region's nations.
177.	It has become quite obvious that as long as the United States is conferring this kind of immunity on Israel and protecting it from the implementation of the international will, the settlement of the Palestinian question will remain unattainable. Therefore Kuwait invites the United States to take a balanced look at that principal question. An unbalanced view could threaten the security and interests of a great number of the nations of the world.
178.	Driven by its aggressive tendencies and expansionist and racist philosophies, Israel has committed another crime in Lebanon, one which started a year ago and is still going on, by occupying its land, dispersing its people and perpetrating massacres unprecedented in the history of mankind. Israel, with its military brute force, still refuses to withdraw from Lebanon and makes uncompromising conditions which only reveal its real intention to continue the occupation.
179.	The international community, embodied in this Organization, bears a primary responsibility for restoring security and stability to that blighted land. First and foremost is the responsibility to deter the Zionist entity and force it to withdraw from Lebanese territory, instead of supporting it with more supplies of the machines of war and destruction and providing a political cover for its practices, which are contrary to the principles of justice and international law.
180.	The Israeli invasion of Lebanese territory has created internal complications which have almost disrupted the Lebanese entity. It has also created devastation and destruction. The brothers and friends of Lebanon were duty-bound to stand by it in its plight. Efforts were made and many initiatives were taken to preserve its people, its sovereignty, its national integrity and even its national cohesion. The world has seen the positive results of the initiatives of the sister Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: its good offices and its extensive efforts to get the parties together and entice them away from the battlefield to the negotiating table. While we pay a tribute to that initiative, we look forward to the support and help of the international community in restoring life, stability and security to our sister Lebanon.
181.	Kuwait demands the implementation of the Security Council resolutions which call for the unconditional and immediate withdrawal of Israel from Lebanon and the cessation of all intervention in the internal affairs of that sister country and of all efforts to provoke trouble and feuds among its people. Kuwait has always supported the unity, integrity and independence of Lebanon and the restoration of its stability and prosperity.
182.	The other bitter conflict which afflicts our region is the continued Iraq-Iran war, which has now, regrettably, entered its fourth year.
183.	The developments in and continuance of that war in that strategically important location of the world threaten not only the two parties to the dispute but all the States of the region.
184.	We fully appreciate all the sincere international efforts, both collective and individual, made so far to stop the war, the latest being the initiatives taken by the States of the Gulf Co-operation Council. We regret that none has been successful.
185.	While welcoming from this rostrum Iraq's acceptance of and concurrence with all peace initiatives, Kuwait hopes that neighbouring Muslim Iran will follow suit and invoke the letter and spirit of Islam, which call for peace, goodwill, brotherhood, justice and coexistence and reject hostility, hatred and grudges, so that the human and economic capabilities of the peoples of Iraq and Iran may become, springs of goodwill, well-being and peace which will overflow and spread throughout the region and the world.
186.	The cause of peace and security in any part of the world is indivisible, and nations cannot allow that danger, which threatens the peace and security of the world, to continue, grow and bear along with it human and economic forces, diverting them from their natural course in the service of man and of peace, without taking common action to stop the war. Kuwait feels that the big Powers and the Security Council have a certain responsibility to take quick and serious action to stop this war.
187.	The strategically located Arabian Gulf area has always been a focal point of attention for the big Powers, which were always looking for footholds there, and to such an extent that with their political awareness, the peoples of the region soon realized the far-reaching importance of co-operation among themselves in various spheres as an exemplary deterrent to surrounding dangers. The Gulf Co-operation Council has asserted that it represents the consensus and unity of purpose of the member States. The Council expressed the natural truth that the preservation of the peace, security and stability of the Gulf area is the collective responsibility of its States, without foreign intervention of any kind. The Council has proved in the short period of its existence that it is an important and effective political and economic instrument, and the results of its efforts are beginning to show clearly in the region.
188.	Kuwait, which supports all international efforts to implement the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace views that concept from its deep conviction that the whole Asian continent is in need of peace so as to allow its valuable economic resources and natural wealth to be developed under programmes beneficial to its peoples. We hope that the countries participating in the preparatory work of the conference on this subject will display serious political will in order to promote the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
189.	International problems do not persist or escalate unless there are extraneous forces which aggravate them and utilize them for special objectives or purposes. Kuwait therefore would like to see the Muslim people of Afghanistan exercise its right to independence free from foreign intervention. We look forward with hope to the success of the United Nations efforts to restore normal life to Afghanistan and to settle the Kampuchean problem by peaceful means, without resorting to any acts that may justify foreign intervention.
190.	The reality which we are experiencing today in the Middle East is similar to another reality in the African continent. In the same way as our region has been affected by a Zionist racist regime and a usurping system, Africa is being assailed by a hateful racist regime which dominates the black majority, by right the lawful owners in South Africa, which continues to occupy the province of Namibia. The racist regime is not even satisfied with this; it also seeks to follow a policy of hegemony and intervention in the affairs of neighbouring African countries.
191.	Kuwait considers the situation in southern Africa a fundamental challenge to the international community and to this Organization in particular. The repeated recommendations and resolutions adopted lately by the Security Council, the International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence s and the Second World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination" indicate how concerned the international community is about this crucial situation. These bodies also call on all parties concerned to assume their international responsibilities, particularly those which the five Western Powers took upon themselves in order to solve the question of Namibia and oversee the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which offers the primary basis for the settlement of the problem of Namibia.
192.	Kuwait confirms its support for the rights of the black majority in South Africa and its solidarity with it in its bitter struggle against policies of discrimination and affirms its support for and solidarity with the just struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, SWAPO, for independence and self-determination. It also offers us its support for and solidarity with the African front-line States in their struggle against repeated aggression from South Africa.
193.	While watching with concern the increasing challenges confronting the international community, Kuwait is very sorry that the area of Central America is now witnessing an aggravated conflict between the two great Powers, the very thing which raises tension in the area. We feel that the problems which confront the States of that area cannot be solved by flexing one's muscles, but rather by supporting honest peaceful initiatives which aim at solving them and by providing economic and social justice to its peoples. We therefore attach special attention to initiatives by the States of the area, particularly the States of the Contadora Group, to put an end to the deteriorating situation and to restore peace and stability to this important part of the world.
194.	The currently deteriorating conditions in the world economy are the result of the economic policy practiced by the industrialized nations, which tend to solve their problems in a spirit of individualism, in isolation from the interests of the international community and without taking into consideration the interaction of integrated international economic relations, a prerequisite for a prosperous world economy as a whole. The continuation of such economic policies by the industrialized nations is threatening to lead to a collapse of international economic relations, as well as to confrontation among the industrialized nations themselves on the one hand, and between them and the developing nations on the other. We therefore believe that the advanced nations should revise their negative attitude towards the launching of the global negotiations, which will constitute the proper framework for the creation of the new international economic order.
195.	The currently adverse situation of the world economy has left its negative impact even on the petroleum- marketing situation, which in turn affected the countries of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries by leaving them in a situation where they cannot accept new financial commitments. The increasing cost of development, coupled with the reduction in revenues, has led to the emergence of deficits in the balances of payment of some of those countries and to a lessening of the ability of some of them to secure financial aid. Kuwait therefore feels that no new financial apparatus should be introduced, efforts being concentrated instead on the present apparatus with a view to amending it in such a way as to enable it to adapt to changes in the world economy.
196.	In spite of this, Kuwait is doing its best, either alone or in conjunction with the other members of the Gulf Co-operation Council, to help developing nations and increase its co-operation with them.
197.	We all have a duty to ease the burden of the developing nations, particularly the least developed among them, since those countries are Suffering from the burdens of accumulated debts, inflation and the escalating prices of imported products.
198.	I should like to make clear that Kuwait is fully aware of its responsibility to strengthen economic cooperation among developing nations.
199.	It is Kuwait's conviction that concern over the increased hotbeds of tension in the world and the continuation and intensification of international conflicts should not prevent us from considering the greatest danger which threatens world peace and security, namely, the unchecked arms race which threatens the whole world and pushes it towards the edge of the precipice.
200.	Kuwait feels that the dawning of a new era of peace, progress and justice for all peoples is still being hindered by the continued escalation and stunning developments in means of mass destruction. Kuwait therefore calls for the full scientific and technological potential, as well as the financial means and human resources, which have so far been directed to armament programmes and military development to be used for peaceful purposes in the service of mankind, which seeks to protect present and future generations and to narrow the gap between the rich countries and those still in the developing stage.
201.	Kuwait calls upon the international community to face up to the great challenge presented by the close relationship between disarmament and development—a challenge which calls for joint action to meet it.
202.	A great number of world leaders having come here to address the General Assembly at its present session, in response to an initiative taken by Mrs. Indira Gandhi, current chairman of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries and President of the Movement's latest summit conference at New Delhi, Kuwait feels that this gathering is in itself an expression of the deep sense of a collective international desire to contribute to the solution of current problems and to support and reassert the principles of truth, justice, peace and coexistence among nations which have become an acceptable framework for joint action. Kuwait hopes therefore that the general debate and bilateral and multilateral meetings among those leaders will offer a good opportunity for a meeting of minds and a determination to start joint action for the good of mankind and peace for humanity.
203.	I also pledge to the President of the General Assembly the positive contribution of the delegation of Kuwait in seeking to reach common goals.


94.	 Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to begin my address by extending to you our congratulations upon your election as President of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We are fully confident that, with your great experience and ability, you will make a valuable contribution to the success of this session and to the achievement of results that will meet the aspirations of our peoples. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to express our appreciation and great admiration for the constructive role and wisdom of your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, during his presidency of the thirty- seventh session. I must also express appreciation for the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General in strengthening the role of the international Organization and its effectiveness in dealing with international problems in the service of international peace and security. It gives me pleasure also to welcome Saint Christopher and Nevis to membership of the United Nations.
95.	At this time our Yemeni people are celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the 14 October Revolution which, under the leadership of the National Political Front, proclaimed the determination of our people to put an end to British occupation and colonialism and to achieve our aspirations of national liberation and socio-economic progress. After a long and militant struggle, in which our people made many sacrifices and lost many martyrs, we were able to gain our national independence on 30 November 1967. Today, under the leadership of the Yemeni Socialist Party, our people are struggling to complete the next phase of the national democratic revolution, which is socialist in scope, and strongly defend their revolution. They are struggling to obtain gains and achievements in the economic, social and cultural fields, always with the aim of improving the material and spiritual levels of our people.
96.	In collaboration with our brothers in the northern part of the country we are making serious efforts to achieve Yemeni unity and the aspirations of the Yemeni people. Through the fraternal meetings between the leaderships of the two parts of our country, and within the framework of the Higher Council of Yemen, we were able to achieve co-ordination between those two parts and take important steps forward in our efforts for unification, in respect of a number of political, economic and social issues that serve the interest of our people and its unity.
97.	Within the framework of our steadfast foreign policy, which stems from the principles of peaceful coexistence, and is based on respect for national sovereignty and independence, and non-intervention in the internal affairs of others, Democratic Yemen is establishing balanced and friendly relations with its neighbours within the region and with numerous countries in the world. It also contributes to the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to which it belongs, and to all international and regional organizations, and it stands alongside the forces of peace and progress, to preserve international peace and security, and to achieve the progress and well-being to which all the peoples of the world aspire.
98.	The most distinguishing feature of the current session of the General Assembly is that it is being held at a time when the international situation is passing through its worst period since the Second World War. There is a dangerous deterioration in international relations due to the confrontation policy and the return to cold-war principles by the American Administration, which seeks to impose its force and military supremacy, its hegemony and subjugation. Today, we are a long way from achieving the basic objective of the Charter of the United Nations, namely the peace for which the peoples of the world are struggling.
99.	Imperialist forces, headed by United States imperialism, are the main source of tension, instability and the undermining of peace in the world. Indifferent to charters and international rules, these forces threaten the stability and security of all peoples seeking freedom and independence, peoples which have liberated their countries and
are seeking to reinforce their independence. As a result of this aggressive United States imperialist policy, many areas in the world are still hotbeds of tension, especially the Middle East, South Africa, Central America, the Caribbean and South-East Asia. Furthermore, aggression is being practiced against independent sovereign States, and the seeds of dispute are being sown between countries, thus impeding their peoples from achieving their political and economic independence, and threatening their national sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as jeopardizing world peace.
100.	Even worse, humanity at large is passing through a critical phase in its history, living under the threat of nuclear war because of the dead end reached in the negotiations for arms limitation and reduction, as a result of the intransigence of the imperialist forces which are seeking to impose new military programmes and perfect additional weapons of mass destruction, and trying to impose dangerous theories on the peoples, in order to induce them to accept the principle of nuclear war and the possibilities of the launching of a  lightning war  or a  limited war .
101.	Those imperialist policies bring the threat of an international catastrophe and it is our duty here to unite to prevent such a catastrophe. Thus we affirm our desire to achieve our common objective, peace, and to put an end to political and military escalation and to work for international co-operation for the mutual benefit of all peoples and States.
102.	The Middle East is experiencing a most explosive situation as a result of imperialist schemes and conspiracies aimed at liquidating the national forces and progressive regimes, imposing United States military and political hegemony on the region and violating the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people struggling under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], its sole legitimate representative, for the exercise of its inalienable rights to return to self-determination and to the establishment of its own State in its homeland.
103.	In order to implement its racist expansionist policy, and encouraged by its strategic ally, the United States, Israel continues its acts of aggression against the Arab countries, while occupying Palestinian and Arab lands. It carries out the most vicious suppression and massacres of the Palestinian people, the expansion of settlements and the confiscation of land, property and water, altering the geographical and cultural features of the occupied territories.
104.	The International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983, emphasized that the Palestine issue is at the core of the conflict in the Middle East and that no just, comprehensive and lasting peace can be achieved without the total withdrawal of Israel from occupied Palestinian and Arab lands, including Jerusalem, and the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. The report of the Conference* called for an international conference as a framework for the solution of the problem, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the PLO on an equal footing with all the other participants.
105.	Democratic Yemen calls for the implementation of the numerous resolutions adopted by the international community to deter Israeli aggression and put an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people. It demands the imposition against Israel of the sanctions provided for in Chapter VH of the Charter of the United Nations, and the ending of Israel's contemptuous attitude towards the international community.
106.	This attitude is encouraged by the United States which gives unlimited support to Israel's attempts to subjugate our Arab peoples and uses the results of Israeli aggression to try to impose partial settlements. These imperialist Zionist schemes have become clear in Lebanon, for the alliance of Zionism and imperialism, after having committed bloody massacres and barbaric destruction through the military invasion of Lebanese territory last year, is now attempting to impose suspect settlements and agreements on Lebanon and the presence of multinational forces on its land. One of the principal objectives of the United States and Israel in Lebanon is to strike at Lebanese national unity, divide Lebanon from the Arab world and turn it into an arena for civil war, paving the way for a scheme to partition Lebanon, erase its Arab character and impose United States and Israeli domination over it. This conspiracy has been unmasked as a result of the aggressive role undertaken by the United States forces in the Lebanese civil war and their shelling of Lebanese national positions.
107.	The United States military intervention in Lebanon demonstrates the dangers facing our Arab peoples, as represented by the United States military presence in bases and war fleets in Arab territories and waters, which would take people back to the age of colonialism and endanger the security and stability of our Arab people as well as their sovereignty, independence and progress.
108.	We believe that the Lebanese problem can be settled only through national reconciliation. In this context, we wish to reaffirm the joint statement issued on 1 October 1983 as a result of the visit of President Ali Nasser Mohammed to the Soviet Union, when the two parties expressed the conviction that a prerequisite for this settlement is the assurance of Lebanese independence and territorial integrity, the cessation of United States aggression in Lebanon and the implementation of the Security Council resolutions concerning the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon.
109.	We support the fundamental position of the Syrian Arab Republic and the national forces in Lebanon. We condemn all those that threaten Syria, which is confronting the imperialist and Zionist plots and schemes in the region.
110.	Democratic Yemen, while expressing anxiety at the continuing Iran-Iraq war, expresses the hope that very soon a peaceful settlement will be reached and that the endeavours to end the war will be crowned with success, so that all efforts may be directed to confronting the common enemy, imperialism and Zionism, and achieving the objectives of development in the interest of our peoples.
111.	Southern Africa is another trouble spot as a result of the position adopted by the Western countries, headed by the United States, which support the racist regime in South Africa and the policy of apartheid which that regime practices in the political, economic and military spheres. Those countries prevented the International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence, held in Paris from 25 to 29 April 1983, from adopting recommendations on the imposition of mandatory sanctions against the racist regime in South Africa and they encourage that regime to ignore the will of the international community and its resolutions and continue to threaten the security and the stability of the front-line African States. Democratic Yemen, while calling for the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) concerning the independence of Namibia, confirms its support for the struggle of the Namibian people for their independence, under the leadership of SWAPO, and condemns the imperialist racist
attempts to link Namibian independence with the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola. We also support the struggle of the people of South Africa against the illegal racist regime, the front-line States in their resistance to the repeated acts of aggression of South Africa and the economic embargo against the Pretoria regime. We call on the international community to impose restraining sanctions against South Africa, especially since the international community has condemned racism as the most heinous crime against humanity.
112.	The peoples of Latin America are facing the military build-up, economic embargo and intervention in their internal affairs imposed by the United States Government, which aspires to impose on them its political and economic domination. That Government, by carrying out important military exercises in the Central American region and extending political and military support to its client regimes and mercenaries, and by directing all its material, political and military potential against the militant peoples in this region, offers but another proof of its hostile intentions in various parts of the world. While reiterating its support for Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada in their confrontations with United States policies, practices and pressures, Democratic Yemen calls upon the international community to adopt measures to defeat such schemes and reconfirms its belief in the right of the States and peoples of the region to choose their own methods of economic and political development. At the same time we renew our support for the national liberation movements in Central America and the Caribbean, especially in Puerto Rico.
113.	We are struggling for peace, as we struggle with the peoples seeking their independence, and for that reason Democratic Yemen confirms once more its support for the right of the Sahraoui people to self-determination and the realization of its independence and sovereignty, and calls for direct and immediate negotiations between the Government of Morocco and POLISARIO  and the strengthening of the efforts being made by the OAU to achieve that goal. We condemn any imperialist intervention in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, and we appeal for respect for their rights to independence, sovereignty and stability. We praise the proposals made by the Indo-Chinese countries for peace and stability in their region. We also support wholeheartedly the proposals of the Afghan Government designed to bring an end to and prevent foreign interventions. We call upon Afghanistan's neighbours to enter into negotiations with the democratic Afghan Government in order to reach solutions to outstanding problems.
114.	Democratic Yemen also reaffirms the need to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus, as well as its status of non-aligned State. We support the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at reuniting that country by peaceful means and call for the withdrawal of foreign forces from South Korea. Because of our neighbourly and historic relations with the countries of the Horn of Africa, we are concerned about security and stability in that region. We are of the view that such security and stability can be achieved only through respect for the independence and sovereignty of the countries of that region, as stipulated in the charter of the Organization of African Unity. We also earnestly desire the improvement of relations between the countries of that region so that common interests may be better served. In Chad, we support the efforts of the OAU to resolve the problems of that country and we condemn imperialist attempts to impede a peaceful and rapid solution by an escalation of military intervention that threatens the security of the people and the territorial integrity of Chad.
115.	The international community's call for disarmament confirms the priority of this issue and the need to resolve it immediately. The arms race, especially the nuclear arms race, has reached dangerous levels and poses a threat to the entire world. Imperialist preparations for a nuclear war represent a most vicious crime against humanity. The nuclear strategies adopted by the United States Administration and its allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NA TO] are designed to achieve nuclear supremacy and to prepare for a nuclear war, We praise the numerous peaceful initiatives taken by the Soviet Union to reduce the dangers of nuclear war, to strengthen world peace and to bring about peaceful coexistence. At the same time we condemn the imperialist strategies which do not serve humanity. We call upon the United States Government and its allies in NATO to respond positively to those initiatives, and we condemn the Western assistance being given to strengthen the nuclear capabilities of the two racist regimes in South Africa and Israel, thereby increasing the dangers of nuclear war in the Middle East and in Africa. The economic resources that are being wasted on the arms race and the fact that millions of human beings in various parts of the world lack the basic necessities of life confirm the strong relationship between disarmament and development. The vast amounts of money spent on armaments each year, totalling some $700 billion, affect natural resources, harm the environment and impede the settlement of the more urgent international problems.
116.	In line with our conviction of the need for a continuous struggle for peace and the economic development of the developing countries, we call for the immediate implementation of the resolutions adopted in the Final Document of the two special sessions of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, and we demand that the necessary resources should be devoted to economic development and that the existing gap between the industrialized countries and the developing countries should be reduced. We also insist on the need to accelerate the international disarmament campaign.
117.	The arms race, exemplified in the intensive military build-up of the United States as well as the formation of the Rapid Deployment Forces, whose manoeuvres extend into a number of non-aligned countries, is aimed at shaking the stability of those countries, threatens their security and increases die danger of tension throughout the world. The military manoeuvres carried out by United States forces in the Middle East in 1982 and 1983 represent a form of oppression and threat brought to bear by the United States in an attempt to terrorize the peoples of the region and to blackmail them, as well as to expand United States influence, dominate the region entirely and exhaust the resources of the area. Such provocative exercises are hostile actions against the peoples and the countries of the Middle East and a direct threat to their sovereignty. They are in contradiction to the Charter of the United Nations and to the principles of international law and non-alignment. The sophisticated American weapons, including the AW ACS spy planes which are employed in such exercises near the shores and the territory of Democratic Yemen, and the escalation of aggressive activities of the United States thrust the region back into the age of colonialism and control of all the resources and wealth of its population. They are also an extension of the dangers and threats existing in the Indian Ocean as a result of the expansion of military bases and the American military presence, especially in Diego Garcia.
118.	Democratic Yemen will not fail to pursue its efforts and its peaceful activities aimed at achieving stability and peace in that region and at removing the threats of the
imperialist presence, in lin9 with the interests of the peoples of the region. We have on more than one occasion called for ridding the Red Sea and Indian Ocean and the whole of the Middle East of foreign military bases. We renew our call for making the Indian Ocean and contiguous areas a zone of peace, and we call upon the international community to adopt immediate measures to put an end to the impediments being placed by the United States and its allies in the path of convening an international conference on the Indian Ocean at the beginning of 1984, as has been decided, particularly since that conference has already been postponed for several years now.
119.	The continuous deterioration in the world economic situation is a threat to international relations. The resulting negative economic effects have increased anxiety among the developing countries, especially since development there has been threatened and, in many cases, stopped. The least developed countries have not achieved any development comparable to the ratio of development achieved in 1980.
120.	The widening gap between the industrialized and the developing countries is due to the unfair economic policies adopted by the industrialized capitalist countries. The increasing protectionist stand in the industrialized capitalist countries, the rising costs of their exports, together with the constantly lower prices for the exports of developing countries, as well as the increasing rate of interest on loans, have created a huge deficit in the balance of payments of the developing countries.
121.	These countries are now labouring under an enormous foreign debt which amounted to $630 billion at the end of 1982, while the interest rate on this debt amounts to $130 billion annually.
122.	The developing countries, in a number of international forums, have come forward with practical proposals and constructive ideas to reduce the implications of the international economic-crisis, taking into consideration the interests of both the industrialized and the developing countries. In this respect, the Economic Declaration adopted at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March, the proposals contained in the Buenos Aires Platform  and the resolutions adopted at the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development  have been proposed to try to achieve economic recovery from the world crisis. Perhaps the problem lies in the fact that the proposals for world-wide negotiations to create a new international economic order have not been met with the necessary good will and political will on the part of the industrialized capitalist countries. In fact these countries have rejected the principle of total participation, on a footing of equality, with the developing countries.
123.	Democratic Yemen, like all the other developing countries, especially the least developed, faces enormous economic problems resulting from the deteriorating international economic situation. This confirms the necessity of redoubling efforts during the thirty-eighth session to find practical and immediate solutions to the international economic crisis, since this deterioration constitutes a threat to the future of both the industrialized and the developing countries, at the economic and political levels, especially since we live in a world in which interdependence is increasing.
124.	The deteriorating international situation emphasizes the important role of the United Nations in achieving peace, as provided by the Charter of the United Nations. Today, the Organization is being impeded in its efforts to achieve its objectives as a result of the intransigent attitude of the imperialist forces which deal with international problems outside the framework of the United Nations, and that of the United States to the work of the Security Council through exercise of its right to veto, thus impeding the efforts of the United Nations to terminate or eliminate areas of conflict and to adopt the necessary steps to achieve disarmament.
125.	Our country has always endeavoured to work with all countries interested in securing international peace and security and in strengthening the role of the United Nations, in an effort to find peaceful solutions to the problems facing the world. We hope that at this session we will be able to create a better international climate, so as to reduce tension in the international situation and to make the Organization a basis for international cooperation for peace, disarmament and economic development.