First of all I should like to extend most cordial congratulations to you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly. The unanimous confidence placed in you for presiding over our debates is warmly shared by the Romanian delegation and is fully justified by your long association with United Nations activities, and by your well-known qualities as a statesman and a diplomat that were brilliantly confirmed, during the complex negotiations for the democratization of the law of the sea over which you presided. To our esteem for you we add the bonds of friendship and co-operation so fortunately existing between Romania and your country, the Republic of Sri Lanka, in order to give full expression to our satisfaction with your presence at this high rostrum.
100.	I should also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, the representative of a friendly nation, Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, for the competence and effectiveness with which he directed the work of the thirtieth session.
101.	May I also take this opportunity to renew to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the assurances of our high appreciation of his devotion to the cause of the United Nations and of his efforts to strengthen the United Nations' role in international life, efforts which we follow with keen interest and which we hope will be continued in the years to come.
102.	The delegation of the Socialist Republic of Romania is participating in this session of the General Assembly firmly determined to contribute to the settlement of the issues on the agenda, to the successful conclusion of the debates and to the raising of United Nations activity up to the legitimate hopes placed by the peoples in this Organization. The touchstone for the success of our endeavors is to what degree we shall be able to meet by deeds the imperative of our days: the building of a new international economic and political order which, based on new and democratic principles steeped in equity and justice, can truly guarantee the economic and social advancement of all nations.
103.	The ferment stirred in the world arena by the ideas and objectives of a new international order, of a better and more just world, comes from the great revolutionary social and national changes that have been occurring throughout the world, from the ever stronger assertion of peoples' determination to decide their own fate, to secure their free and independent development and to live together in a climate of peace, security and co-operation. An important part in bringing about those changes has been played by the socialist countries, by their achievements in economic and social development and by the influence of socialism upon mankind's entire historical evolution. At the same time, the course of international life is strongly influenced by the policy of the newly independent States, which have freed themselves from colonial domination and are asserting themselves more and more firmly as distinct, free and independent nations. The combativeness of the broad masses everywhere in the world for a renewed society and for a policy of peace and international co-operation is also a factor of particular importance in the changes that have occurred in the world.
104.	Those changes find expression in the unflinching determination of peoples to fight for the observance of their right to make decisions in their own country, to do away with the imperialist, colonialist and neocolonialist policy of domination and exploitation and to build new relations among States. We see this happening wherever we look on this earth. The historic victories won by the peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos against foreign interference and internal reaction, the successes scored by the national liberation movements that have brought the colonial system to the edge of its final eradication, the actions taken by the developing countries with a view to becoming masters of their national wealth and to using it in their own interests all this is most telling evidence.
105.	A significant moment in the assertion of the peoples' right to free and independent development and of the participation of all States in the world political life, on an equal footing, was marked by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which took place in Colombo last August. Considering that the non-aligned movement is an especially important factor in international life, the Romanian people welcomed with great satisfaction the Conference's decision to invite Romania to participate in the activities of the non-aligned countries.
106.	As a result of the changes and transformations that have occurred in the world, a process of detente and co-operation has begun to take shape in international life. But that process is still only beginning; it is still fragile and not irreversible. There are still forces capable of endangering international peace and security. It is therefore more necessary now than ever before that all States and peoples intensify their endeavors to put an end to the old policy based on relations of subordination among States and peoples, on relations of paternalism, and on the logic of force and arbitrariness in international life. It is that policy that has engendered numerous confrontations and conflicts, and has created a profoundly unfair international division of labor, which has caused the great gaps existing between the development levels of different States.
107.	The fulfillment of the peoples' aspirations for freedom and independence is inconsistent with the maintenance of the old order. Nowadays it is becoming ever clearer that, as President Nicolae Ceausescu has said:
.. the old domestic and international relations created by the capitalist regime and by imperialist policy no longer correspond to the present stage of development of society and no longer offer appropriate solutions to the complex issues confronting peoples and contemporary mankind as a whole."
108.	In our view, to set up a new international order means to undertake an innovating process of ending the outdated relations of domination and of building a new series of democratic relations among all States based upon the principles of international law. This implies the establishment of new, universally valid rules of conduct in inter-State relations which should, by ruling out the old inequities, open vast prospects for peaceful and freely accepted co-operation among partners having equal rights. The substance of those rules is the observance, in relations among all States, of the principles of national sovereignty and independence, equal rights, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, mutual benefit and non-use of force or the threat of force. Those are the pillars on which
new inter-State relations can be built. Some try to apply obsolete political doctrines to the new realities that are emerging, to revive in theory and practice the old tendencies to deny the basic role of a nation and of national independence as essential factors in the present historical stage of economic and social progress and in the maintenance of international peace and security, but the peoples cannot and will not accept such attempts. On the other hand, the principles that I have just mentioned are receiving ever wider recognition as the only ones capable of ensuring co-operation and understanding among States and a lasting peace throughout the world. But it is still necessary to bridge the gap between their theoretical acknowledgment and their observance in practice.
109.	Socialist Romania has adopted those principles as the foundation of its relations with all States. This has been enshrined in my country's Constitution. Those principles represent the quintessence of our people's concept of the ethics that should govern international life. It is in this spirit that Romania has concluded treaties of friendship and co-operation, as well as joint declarations, at the level of Heads of State, with one third of the States Members of the United Nations. These documents are known to the General Assembly since almost all of them have been circulated as official documents of the United Nations. Thus an effective contribution has been made to the work of establishing new relations among States. At the present stage of international relations we think that those principles should be better defined and developed with the participation of all States and that their authority should be enhanced.
110.	A basic factor in the construction of the new international order is disarmament and, first and foremost, nuclear disarmament, which is the vital requirement of mankind's future.
111.	After years of lengthy discussions on disarmament within the United Nations as well as in other forums, the absence of tangible results in this field can be neither explained nor understood by the peoples. Without denying the contribution made by the few treaties concluded so far to the creation of a climate of understanding, we have to admit that they have by no means affected the bases of armaments. On the contrary, the reality is that during all those years the arms race, especially the nuclear one, has taken a dizzily rapid upward spiral extremely dangerous to the very existence of man on this planet and to all his achievements.
112.	The arms race not only seriously endangers the peace and security of the world but also does immense harm to the cause of development. It is quite clear that armaments have harmful economic and social consequences because they contribute to inflation, create artificial barriers to the. transfer of technology and equipment and decrease the exchange of information and scientific knowledge.
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113.	At the same time, we cannot ignore the fact that the continuation of the arms race acts as a stimulating factor for the imperialist policy of force and diktat, of interference in the internal affairs of other peoples and of the perpetuation of hotbeds of tension in various regions. Can we afford to accept the idea that weapons, including nuclear ones, will be continually improved and piled up in arsenals that have already surpassed the level of super- saturation, just for the sake of stockpiling and of achieving hypothetical balances on which to base the peace and security of peoples?
114.	We think that stopping the arms race is the highest responsibility and greatest obligation of Governments and politicians to their own peoples and to the cause of civilization and progress. As President Nicolae Ceaussscu emphasized:
.. it would be an unforgiveable mistake to give the peoples the illusion that they can live quietly and safely while more and more new stockpiles of destructive weapons are accumulated at an extremely rapid pace in the world. We must openly show the reality of the situation to the peoples and take action before it is too late to adopt resolute measures for stopping the arms race."
115.	In the view of the Romanian delegation it is time to go beyond routine action and inertia and to strengthen the role of the United Nations and, above all, the role of the General Assembly, which should include disarmament issues among its essential concerns and proceed to a meaningful discussion of them and to the adoption of effective measures.
116.	Starting from these considerations and desiring to contribute to getting the disarmament negotiations out of the present stalemate so as to make possible the adoption of measures that would finally lead to general and complete disarmament, the Romanian Government submitted to the previous session of the United Nations General Assembly an official document containing my country's position on the problems of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, and on the establishment of a lasting peace in the world.  In that document Romania proposed a set of measures concerning the following: the freezing and reduction of military budgets; the banning, gradual reduction and, in the long run, liquidation of nuclear armaments; the creation of nuclear-free zones of peace and co-operation; the adoption of partial and regional measures of disarmament and military disengagement; the conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament; the strengthening of the role of the United Nations and of the General Assembly in the field of disarmament; the banning of war propaganda; and the mobilization of all forces of society to achieve disarmament.
117.	Taking into account the ever increasing urgency of the problem of disarmament, I should like to reaffirm the importance which Romania attaches to the measures proposed in the above-mentioned document and, at the same time, to stress once more the necessity that all States should intensify their efforts with a view to taking effective disarmament measures, particularly in the field of nuclear disarmament. It is necessary that public opinion be widely informed—and here the United Nations can play a decisive role—of the present situation in the field of armaments, of
the consequences of the arms race, and of the measures to be taken for disarmament, since these problems in the last analysis affect the existence of every individual, the broad masses and the peoples. It is on this force and on the conscience of peoples that we must rely in our activities concerning disarmament. We consider that an appropriate method of starting a powerful process of disarmament would be the convening of a special session of the General Assembly specially devoted to disarmament issues. Such a session would offer a propitious framework for the involvement and participation of all States on an equal footing in the discussion and solution of this problem which is crucial for the contemporary world.
118.	The urgency of the adoption of concrete measures with regard to disarmament and military disengagement appears particularly evident in view of the present situation in Europe. It is here that we find the largest concentration of military forces and the most powerful arsenal, including nuclear weapons, ever known in history. It is also here that the two military blocs confront each other. In our opinion, the process of building peace and security in Europe as well as throughout the world cannot take on durability and substance until the problems of disarmament and, above all, of nuclear disarmament are tackled in substance and with the clear determination to reach a basic settlement.
119.	That is why we stress the need for determined action aimed at rapid and concrete measures of military disengagement and disarmament, at the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territories of other States, at the dismantling of foreign military bases, as well as at the adoption of other similar steps, thus creating the necessary conditions for the simultaneous liquidation of the two military blocs-the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact. The necessity of concluding agreements providing for adequate guarantees that will effectively lead to the outlawing of the use or threat of force is becoming ever stronger. The peoples will thus become more confident that they are not going to be the victims of any foreign aggression or interference, whatever form or pretext it might take.
120.	In this context the Romanian delegation wishes to draw attention to the fact that lately, along with the intensification of the nuclear arms race, actions are being taken to prevent the peaceful uses of nuclear energy by countries which, having signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], have renounced the acquisition of these weapons. These actions demonstrate an unawareness of the provisions of the Treaty, which in article IV states that:
"Parties to the Treaty in a position to do so shall also co-operate in contributing alone or together with other States or international organizations to the further development of the applications of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, especially in the territories of non- nuclear-weapon States Parties to the Treaty ...".
The measures and actions taken by a limited group of States in order to restrain and hinder the peaceful uses of atomic energy could undermine the very substance of the non-proliferation Treaty. It must be clear to everyone that the future of this Treaty is linked to respect for the right of non-nuclear-weapon States to have access, without discrimination, to the widest possible exchanges of equipment, materials and scientific and technical information with a view to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The future of the Treaty also depends just as much on the fulfilment of the obligations undertaken by the nuclear-weapon States to encourage and facilitate access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy by non-nuclear States.
121.	In my Government's opinion, any approach failing to take these considerations into account, any limitations, restrictions or disregard of the right to the peaceful use of atomic energy, will encourage States to reconsider their position on this Treaty.
122.	European security and the establishment of new relations of trust and co-operation among all the States of the continent can only be a joint enterprise and the responsibility of all the countries of Europe. That is why we consider the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, based on the equal rights of the participants, as a historic event in European political life.
123.	Although certain results have been achieved in the implementation of the Final Act adopted by the Conference, we have to admit that the hopes placed in the document signed at Helsinki by our peoples are still awaiting fulfilment. As we have pointed out, in Europe there are still unresolved complex and serious issues on whose settlement the peace, security, freedom and welfare of the peoples of the continent depend. We think that we should act with all the energy at our command in order to implement the documents of the Conference and to continue the multilateral process of achieving security and co-operation in Europe. Otherwise, the Final Act will remain a mere statement of good intentions such as Europe has already known in the course of time; and that would mean that no wisdom has been gained from the hard lessons European history has taught us more than once. Therefore, the meeting which is to take place in Belgrade in 1977 will have to give strong impetus to the execution of the measures and actions agreed upon in the Final Act and bring about new progress in the process of building up lasting security and co-operation among the participating countries. This will be highly beneficial for the cause of peace and co-operation of all peoples based on equality.
124.	Within this process we attach particular importance to the establishment of new relations of co-operation and good-neighbourliness among the Balkan countries, with a view to transforming that zone, as well as other zones in Europe and in other continents, into a zone of peace and peaceful co-operation, which is part and parcel of European security.
125.	The achievement of a new international order also requires determined endeavours for the liquidation of the sources of tension and animosity and for the extinction of hotbeds of conflict. Under present international circumstances, the attempts at settling these issues by force can only lead to new tension and conflict. That is why, in order to arrive at just settlements of disagreements among States, it is necessary to act in a spirit of high responsibility, through direct talks and negotiations among the parties concerned which should be based upon the observance of
the right to self-determination of each and every nation and on the observance of every people's independence. It is our firm belief that this is the only way to settle issues in the interest of each and every people and of the general cause of progress and peace.
126.	In that spirit, we are of the opinion that there should be an intensification of the efforts to attain, in the shortest possible time, a fair and lasting peace in the Middle East. The essential components of an equitable solution which could bring about that peace are: Israel's withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied in 1967, the attainment of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian Arab people—including their right to have their own independent State—and the guaranteeing of the independence and sovereignty of all the countries in the region.
127.	We think that in Lebanon too peace can be restored only through negotiations. We declare ourselves to be in favour of the immediate cessation of fighting and the reaching of an understanding among the political and social forces in Lebanon that would ensure the integrity, unity and sovereignty of that State and would lead to the ruling out of any foreign interference in its internal affairs.
128.	In Cyprus as well there is no other way for settling the situation except the political way, based on the maintenance of that State's independence and sovereignty and on the peaceful coexistence of the two communities. We place legitimate hope in the furthering of the dialogue between the two communities and in the role which such a dialogue might play as a means of restoring confidence among all the inhabitants of Cyprus.
129.	In Korea the fragile armistice has to be replaced by a lasting peace. We think that the political initiatives and the constructive proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, if receptivity is shown towards them, could lead to that peace, to the fulfilment of the Korean people's vital aspirations to the peaceful, independent and democratic reunification of their homeland.
130.	In the spirit of the aforementioned basic principles, Romania acts with perseverance, within the means at its disposal, to contribute to the extinction of all hotbeds of tension and to the settlement of all controversial issues by peaceful and political means.
131.	The establishment of a new order in the world also requires the adoption of decisive measures aimed at securing the quick and final liberation of all peoples from any foreign oppression and the complete elimination of colonialism and its manifestations: racial discrimination and the policy of apartheid.
132.	In that connexion, we actively support the struggle of the peoples in Namibia and Rhodesia, as well as in other Territories, to put an end to colonial domination. In the same spirit we firmly condemn also the bloody repressions engaged in by the racist regime in South Africa.
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133.	In our view, firm measures should be taken, within the framework of the United Nations, to give effective support to the national liberation movements in these Territories, especially since the General Assembly has recognized those movements as the authentic represen-tatives of their peoples. At the same time, we think that the General Assembly should establish precise deadlines, as early as possible-one or two years—during which the Powers still having colonial possessions or administering Territories which do not belong to them should create all the conditions necessary for the respective peoples to be able freely to exercise the right to decide (heir own destiny. The effective transfer of power or the recognition of the exercise of that right will have to be carried out, according to the circumstances, under the General Assembly's control or observation.
134.	We deem it to be a duty of honour on the part of the United Nations and all States to take resolute action for the permanent liquidation of the colonialist policy and all forms of colonialism and domination, as well as for the rejection of any acts aimed at their revival.
135.	On the economic plane, one of the foremost objectives of the new order is the promotion of the more rapid advancement of the under-developed countries, the elimination of under-development and the bridging of the great economic gaps among States. That is a sine qua non for real security and lasting peace throughout the world.
136.	Of decisive importance for the liquidation of under-development and the bridging of gaps are the efforts made by all peoples, the mobilization of their entire material and human potential for the development of forces of production. life itself and the experience of many peoples, including the Romanian people, bear witness to that fact. It is precisely in this way, by persevering work, by the pursuit of a policy of systematically allotting a large part of the national income to development, that the Romanian people have succeeded in scoring great achievements in economic and social development and in raising their living standard.
137.	At the same time, international economic co-operation has an important part to play in assisting the endeavours of the developing countries to speed up their progress. The economically advanced countries that have exercised colonial domination have the moral duty now to make their contribution to the liquidation of under-development and to the narrowing of the gaps. If is also a great duty of honour for all countries to help accelerate the economic and social advancement of the under-developed States. The establishment of the new economic order designed to ensure the stability and harmonious development of the economy of the whole world is a common cause for all countries and peoples, and no one can avoid this imperative of history. This is an imperative necessity for the development of human society. Mankind can no longer advance in a situation where there are a small number of prosperous and rich countries and a large number of extremely poor countries.
138.	Poverty and wealth, increasingly polarized, cannot coexist indefinitely. Such a state of affairs will lead unavoidably to instability, to explosive situations and to conflicts leaving serious repercussions for international peace and security. It is in the interest of all nations, including the advanced States, that the developing countries should receive ever greater help in building up their own industries, developing their economies more rapidly, render¬
ing their national resources more fully profitable, and participating actively, on terms of complete equality, in the exchange of material and spiritual values.
139.	An outstanding and highly responsible role is to be played in this connexion by the United Nations and its agencies. We have a positive assessment of the actions taken so far towards the establishment of the new economic order. In this connexion, we emphasize the importance we attach to the work of the recent fourth session of UNCTAD, recently held in Nairobi, which highlighted the determination and concern of the developing countries to unite their efforts in order to achieve just and equitable solutions for international economic problems, in the spirit of the programme adopted in Manila, the capital of the Philippines, a friendly country whose contribution to the formulation of the document is greatly appreciated. We deem it necessary that measures should be taken to ensure steadfast supervision of the implementation of the measures agreed upon. On the other hand, further and greater efforts should be made within the framework of the United Nations to finalize concrete programmes and determine means of practical action aimed at the attainment of the various objectives of the new economic order. We shall also have to envisage the most appropriate framework for the working out, with the participation of all States, of a unitary concept to guide the multilateral negotiations held to that end.
140.	Wishing to contribute to the fulfilment of the requirements of the new international economic order, Romania, which is a socialist country and a member of the Group of 77, has both in the United Nations and in other international organizations presented a number of concrete proposals involving steps to be taken towards a gradual bridging of the great gaps between States, to the growth of international co-operation and to the establishment of new and fair relations between States. It is in the spirit of those proposals that we shall make an active contribution to the identification of the best ways and means of fulfilling the desired goals.
141.	The establishment of a new international order, therefore, involves a large number of the aspects of international relations. It raises complex issues whose proper examination and settlement call for the co-operation and active contribution of all States on an equal footing. The natural framework for approaching and analyzing these questions is the United Nations, its organs and agencies.
142.	For all these reasons, and as a matter of principle, an elementary requirement is the creation of appropriate conditions which would ensure the participation of all States in United Nations activities.
143.	In this respect I should like to extend our greetings to the new Member of our Organization, the Republic of Seychelles, tc which we address a cordial welcome and assurances of our entire co-operation. We warmly support the lawful desire of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as soon as possible to take its rightful seat in the United Nations. The admission of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations would be an act of justice towards the VietNamese people, which has suffered greatly during its struggle for independence and national unity; it would also be in the interests of international peace and understanding, and it would be in the interests of the Organization itself. We also express our hope that the right of the People's Republic of Angola to become a Member of this Organization will soon be unanimously recognized.
144.	The universality of this Organization, which we favour, also has a qualitative aspect. It is in the general interest that problems directly concerning all peoples, progress and peace should be tackled and discussed within the United Nations, where each has his say, and not outside the Organization. It is here, and only here, that a consensus can be reached for their fair and equitable solution, which must be our common goal.
145.	Undoubtedly it is necessary to improve the working style and methods of the Organization so as to make possible a quicker and more efficient examination of the issues before it. There is a need for improvement in the structure of the Organization, which should adequately reflect the great changes that have occurred in the world since the establishment of the United Nations, the growing role of the small and medium-sized countries and the developing and non-aligned countries which form the greatest part of the world and are directly interested in the fair settlement of international issues. Romania's proposals concerning the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in international life, submitted to the General Assembly in a document at the last session,  were conceived precisely in that spirit.
146.	We are happy that, thanks to the initiative of the Romanian Government in 1972, we have been able to contribute to the initiation of a process meant to strength¬en the Organization. We believe that the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization has done useful work, but it is necessary for that Committee fully to carry out the mandate entrusted to it In our opinion, it should make great efforts-possibly through a more precise mandate-so that it might become a real laboratory in which generally acceptable solutions and measures aimed at raising United Nations activities to a higher level could be prepared.
147.	We are confident that the need for the democratization of the United Nations taking due account of the changes that have occurred in the contemporary world will be understood by all. By reflecting those changes and the fundamental objectives of present-day international life, the United Nations Charter will in its entire contents have to inspire and direct the process involved in the establishment of truly democratic and fair relations among States, the process of setting up a new international economic and political order. By acting along those lines the United Nations will be able to make a more substantial and efficient contribution to the consolidation of the new direction taken in international relations and to the creation of a climate of detente, co-operation and under¬standing among nations.
148.	The United Nations has begun to have its own history. More than three decades have elapsed since its creation. But that is one more reason for us to ask ourselves
over and over again unceasingly if we have done everything we should have done to justify the trust and the hope people have placed in this body. It is a forum in which we must not waste our time in sterile discussion but in which, on the contrary, we must focus our attention on analysing issues, on discovering the most appropriate solutions acceptable to all and on the means of putting into practice what has been decided upon here.
149.	That question cannot be rhetorical. Our concrete activity should be its answer.
150.	The Romanian delegation is confident that by combining our endeavours and by approaching the debates of this session in a highly responsible manner, we shall succeed in responding to the hopes of our peoples, the 4 billion human beings who wish to live in peace and co-operation.
151.	We have to fulfil our duty towards them.
152.	We have to do our utmost to build a better and fairer world.


It is with great joy that I have the honor of welcoming Mr. Amerasinghe, through you, Sir, as President of this thirty-first ordinary session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I offer him my most sincere congratulations on his brilliant election, and the delegation which is here with me joins me in paying him this well-deserved tribute. We are certain that this election is not only a token of the recognition by the Members of the United Nations of his experience and competence, which have been demonstrated so often at international meetings, but also a well-deserved tribute to his country, Sri Lanka, which plays a very important role in the search for solutions to the problems confronting the States Members of the United Nations.
2.	Indeed, his country only recently hosted the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, which dealt in an objective and realistic manner with the main problems which are of concern to the international community. That Conference of non- aligned countries made a number of highly pertinent suggestions [see A/31 /l97] designed to establish greater harmony in relations of international co-operation and to promote justice and peace.
3.	This last session of the General Assembly has just completed its work under the leadership of Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, who with great skill and competence placed his rich experience of international affairs in the service of our Organization, His effective guidance of our discussions enabled us to engage in an open and frank dialog regarding the countless problems with which the international community is concerned and which call for a just and speedy solution. We are very grateful to him for this contribution to the cause of our international community.
4.	Our delegation wishes to associate itself with preceding speakers in paying a resounding tribute to the Secretary- General of our Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. We want to express to him the great satisfaction of our Government at the efforts which he is making in this high office and the important contribution which he has made towards the implementation of the resolutions of our international community.
5.	We warmly welcome the admission of the new Member of our Organization, the Republic of Seychelles, and wish the people and Government of that country, with which our country hopes to co-operate in a wide variety of fields, a prosperous future.
6.	Our Assembly is meeting in the shadow of the demise of Chairman Mao Tsetung, that eminent and esteemed personality who played such a vital role in solving the major problems confronting mankind. The ideological contribution of Chairman Mao as an experienced and realistic theoretician, and his concrete contribution, as a militant, to the liberation of the Chinese people and other oppressed peoples, have made a deep impact on the course of history. The peoples of Africa are particularly grateful to Chairman Mao for the assistance which his country, the People's Republic of China, is giving them, either in consolidating their independence or in helping them to stand on their own feet.
7.	Last year, when the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe was admitted to membership in the United Nations, the delegation of my country had the honor of conveying to this international Assembly the gratitude of the people of Sao Tome and Principe for the support and assistance which this Organization gave us during our national liberation struggle. We have expressed our dedication to the Charter of the United Nations and the will of our people and Government to co-operate with all other peace-loving States, irrespective of their political and economic systems, in a wide variety of fields and on the basis of full equality and respect for national sovereignty. We are absolutely convinced of the interdependence which already exists between the various States on cur planet, and also of the need to create a new political and economic framework for our international community.
8.	While nationalism is certainly an indispensable means for peoples to achieve their liberation and to reaffirm their identity and at the same time enable them to become masters of their countries and of their natural resources, it
must on no account be a force barring the way to interdependence among nations and to bilateral or multilateral co-operation which is advantageous for all.
9.	Nationalism should not exclude arrangements for much more fruitful co-operation at a regional or international level within the framework of the new economic and political international order. The independence which we achieved last year is only a means for our people to recuperate and to preserve its freedom. It is also an indispensable weapon which enables us to use our full potential in order to respond rapidly to the problems of hunger, sickness, illiteracy, unemployment, ignorance and the poverty of the masses of the people in general. We were exploited by a regime which was interested in seizing our resources with virtually no compensation in the form of training personnel or developing a socio-economic infrastructure, or supplying equipment. By forcing our country to follow an economic policy which was oriented only towards developing agricultural exports and by preventing It from developing the production of food which might have competed with that of the home country, the Portuguese colonial domination has left us a very negative heritage, namely malnutrition, the absence of institutions for health care, unemployment, obsolete economic equipment, amortized long ago, a total lack of any means of communication with the outside world, and the alienation of our natural resources. It should also be noted that during the colonial and Fascist period the development of the industrial sector was regarded as incompatible with the interests of the metropolitan country and therefore it was prohibited.
10.	It is true that, when we attained independence last year, the Portuguese colonial regime which, none the less, lasted for over five centuries in our country, had not left us with a single port, any real airport, or any other means of transport to the outside world. Furthermore, our people were completely dispossessed of the most elementary means of production which could have enabled us somehow to meet our most vital needs.
11.	We inherited a country where agriculture to this date is the main source of national income and then it became apparent that 80 per cent of the arable grounds belonged to a tiny minority of the population who were nationals of the former metropolitan, country and which represented less than 1 per cent of the total population.
12.	Moreover, having inherited an economic structure which was founded on the exclusive cultivation of exportable agricultural products at the expense of foodstuffs, we considered that we would not be able to embark upon an economic development program that would be capable of solving the acute problems, of the masses in, out country unless we developed our country economically in a way that would be more in conformity with the vital interests of our people.
13.	We therefore began to carry out during the whole of last year a program of agrarian reform, the aim of which is to overcome the harmful economic structure we have inherited from colonial domination.
14.	This program of agrarian reform began with the expropriation of 90 per cent of the arable land of our country which had belonged to absentee landlords. As regards the exploitation of this land we have brought about the election for each agricultural production unit of a management board consisting of representatives of the workers. This management board must take over the administrative, financial and economic administration of the agricultural unit under the guidance, and with the technical assistance, of the State in order to meet the collective needs of our population. We are beginning now to see some fruitful results from this reform, despite the difficulties which we still face as regards technical assistance and capital equipment.
15.	At the external level we deem it indispensable to change the structure of economic international relations. The prices of the manufactured products we import continue to increase disproportionately to the movements in the prices of the raw materials we export. In our opinion it is not enough merely to take domestic measures in order to create the conditions necessary for our development.
16.	We also note that the difficulties we are encountering in. changing our domestic economic structure and the system of international economic relations are being experienced almost as keenly by all the third-world countries which produce commodities. The same difficulties are to be found in practically all the countries of the third world, whether they have decided to base their development on the export of two or three raw materials, which enables them to import manufactured products; or whether they practice an economic policy of producing manufactured goods for the purpose of import substitution; or again whether they have staked their development on the production of manufactured goods for export. These general difficulties which are being encountered in almost all the countries of the third world, are of course attributable to the existing financial monetary and commercial structure which was imposed during the period of colonial domination in these countries. This economic structure is to a large extent the cause of the balance-of- payments deficits and the ever-increasing indebtedness of most of the third-world countries. Inflation, economic stagnation, and the recession in most developing countries are largely due to the structure inherited from colonialism and imperialism.
17.	According to the report of the fourth session of the United Nations Conference of Trade and Development [UNCTAD], during the quarter of a century extending from the end of the Second World War to the beginning of the 1970s the existing order brought to developing countries with a market economy a phenomenal expansion of the productive capacity of these countries,, of their real income and their levels of consumption. On the other hand, according to the report, during the same period the experience of the developing countries presents an alarming contrast. If we consider the 20 years which elapsed between 1952 and 1972 the total national product of the developed countries with a market economy has increased from $1,250 billion to approximately $3,070 billion at the prices of 1973 and the increase of $1,820 billion represented by itself around three and a half times the total accumulated gross national products of all the developing countries in 1972 which came to only $520 billion. The real income per capita showed an even. more striking contrast. In the developed countries with a market economy it moved from $2,000 per capita in 1952, estimated at the prices of 1973, to a figure close on $4,000 in 1972. In the developing countries, however, the real income was approximately $300 per capita in 1972, the increase being only $125 as compared with the figure of 1952. The increase of the real per capita income therefore during this period was 16 times greater in the developed countries with a market economy than it was in the developing countries.
18.	And yet it is quite clear that the struggle which is waged by the third-world countries to change both their domestic economic structures as well as the general structure of international economic relations is being met with resistance on the part of most industrialized countries in the West. With the exception of some industrialized countries which are prepared to make their contribution to satisfy the just claims of the third-world countries with regard to new financial, monetary and commercial relations, we see that there are also maneuvers that are being conducted by Western industrialized countries in order to conceal the true nature of the struggle which all of the third world has to wage in order to cope with the problems caused by the poverty of their populations. Just as the demands of the colonial peoples- for their just right to self-determination and independence were construed as a simple ideological conflict involving attempted infiltration by the Communist countries in order to establish a new form of domination, in the same manner efforts are being made to confuse international public opinion and to divide the countries of the third world by making it appear that their attempts to recuperate their natural resources and to recover control over their economic activities is only a subversive foreign Communist offensive.
19.	Yet one forgets the positive role which the militant solidarity of the socialist countries played during the whole period of colonial domination and the role it still plays in fostering the real economic development of many developing countries.
20.	If it is true that the vast majority of the peoples of Africa under foreign domination have, through their own efforts together with the militant solidarity of the peoples who love peace and justice, been successful in achieving political independence and beginning with determination their march towards finding the true path of co-operation with other States of the international community, it is none the less true that much remains to be done in southern Africa, where racist domination is still the most repressive and inhuman in the world. This situation is a flagrant violation of the most elementary principles of human rights and of the Charter. It is also a threat to the security of all the peoples of Africa and endangers world peace.
21.	It is surprising to see that some countries which claim to be defenders of human rights and which condemn, in words, apartheid none the less have very close relationships with the racists Vorster and Smith, while at the same time they denounce their policies of racial discrimination.
22.	Indeed, these countries give very valuable assistance to the legal and racist regimes by co-operating with them, by giving them the economic, financial, technical and even diplomatic support they need to continue their Fascist domination over the peoples of southern Africa. There is no doubt that the regimes of Smith, Vorster and their henchmen would certainly not have lasted if they did not receive the barely concealed support of some Western Powers which have expanded their investments in South Africa and Rhodesia while at the same time supplying these regimes with powerful military means for barbarous repression of the African masses.
23.	Despite the condemnations voiced by almost all the countries of the world, the racist regimes of southern Africa continue to seek internal and external means to ensure their survival.
24.	Indeed, the alliance between Tel Aviv and Johannesburg, which is reinforced by the visit of the racist Vorster to Israel, has clearly shown the nature of these two racist and oppressive regimes which give each other mutual assistance against the Arab and African peoples.
25.	The policy of "bantustanization" is simply a legalization of apartheid. It is aimed at implementing the diabolical South African policy of perpetuating domination over the blacks by enclosing them in the most forsaken and disadvantaged regions in order to prolong indefinitely their exploitation of African labor.
26.	The United Nations must therefore withhold recognition of the project of "bantustanization", the current model of which simply presents some black puppets as the leaders of Transkei.
27.	The activities of the regimes of Johannesburg and Tel Aviv have not deceived the Arab and African countries, which have now reinforced their solidarity against these oppressive regimes. The tactics of the South African racists have also failed to deceive the black population of South Africa. The successive revolts in Soweto and elsewhere all over South Africa show very clearly that the people of that country have resolutely decided to sweep away the sordid regime instituted by the partisans of apartheid.
28.	With regard to Zimbabwe, only the development of the armed struggle and other nationalist actions, helped by the active solidarity of the peoples who love peace and liberty, can force the rebellious Ian Smith and his followers to abandon Zimbabwe.
29.	Indeed, what positive role can the rebellious racist Smith and his followers play in an independent Zimbabwe?
30.	How can Smith and his friends maintain that they want to discuss the constitutional regime to be established in Zimbabwe when for over 10 years they have flouted all of international law and themselves rebelled against Great Britain, which has responsibility for the Territory of Southern Rhodesia?
31.	These racists should realize that, while Africa is a land of brotherhood and peace, it has no need of them to build its future. Africa is no longer the continent where the minorities can perpetuate through racism the privileges they acquired during the colonial period.
32.	With regard to Namibia, we see that, despite the resolutions of the United Nations and of other international organizations, South Africa continues to maintain illegally its domination over this Territory. The purpose is to find puppets who will enable South Africa to ensure the continuation of the apartheid regime. The mandate to administer Namibia entrusted to South Africa by the United Nations has expired.
33.	South Africa must now withdraw from Namibia and we can ask the United Nations to take every conceivable measure in order to achieve speedy independence for Namibia.
34.	The South African repression of the indigenous population of Namibia, the imprisonment and the massacres of the patriots of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], and the invasion of the People's Republic of Angola are facts which are so well known that we do not need to repeat them here.
35.	We do appeal to this international Organization to support SWAPO as the only legitimate representative of the interests of the Namibian people.
36.	The detachment of the island of Mayotte from the Comoros by France is a very dangerous precedent and is necessarily a matter of much concern. This act certainly casts a shadow on the relations of friendship and cooperation which France wishes to have and to maintain with the African States.
37.	We take our places at the side of the Government of the Comoros in asking for the restoration of its territorial integrity, and we appeal to this international community to give positive support to the Republic of the Comoros to help it to regain its territorial integrity and national unity.
38.	The right to self-determination and independence is a principle for which we have waged a long struggle, and we feel that no nation on this planet should be deprived of this right. We are very vigilant as regards legal maneuvers and subterfuges which can be used to frustrate such rights for we were victims of such action under Portuguese colonial domination. By a legal subterfuge, the Government in colonial times sought to deny our people its right to self-determination and independence.
39.	Despite the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity [OAU]and the United Nations, some States continue to flout these rights, and this can only be prejudicial to relations among States and constitute the source of grave conflicts.
40.	My Government believes that the peoples of East Timor and Western Sahara have been deprived of their right to self-determination. We reaffirm our full support for FRETILIN* and the Frente POLISARIO, which are struggling for the just implementation of the right to self- determination and liberation in East Timor and Western Sahara respectively.
41.	It seems to us increasingly clear that the international community is moving towards greater awareness of the need for solidarity and co-operation in order to improve the standard of living of all the peoples of this planet than of the need for the creation of arsenals of highly sophisticated armaments which could easily lead to the destruction of mankind. Our community should move towards interdependence, leading to the creation of maritime zones of peace and peaceful co-operation rather than of militarized zones.
42.	It is the will of the masses which are from year to year gaining their freedom from colonial and imperialist domination through their struggle and their sacrifices to preserve their full sovereignty and to pursue a policy of non- adherence to any military bloc.
43.	The voices that call for international security through the destruction of armaments, particularly of nuclear weapon stockpiles, are as loud as those which proclaim the advent of a new political and economic international order.
44.	And yet we see that enormous sums are still being wasted in the making of weapons of destruction, whereas what is necessary is to deal with the urgent problems besetting the countries which have been reduced to indigence as a result of colonial and imperialist domination. We note with indignation that, while over 1 billion people in the third world languish in poverty, more than $300 billion yearly is spent on armaments.
45.	We associate ourselves with the previous speakers who have expressed their countries' hope that the climate of security initiated in Europe with the signature of the Final Act of Helsinki on 1 August 1975 will extend to the rest of the world.
46.	We believe that this security should not be confined to Europe but that it should include other continents as well.
47.	We support the idea of an international conference on' disarmament. All States should participate in such a conference, which should establish a timetable for general and complete disarmament.
48.	The maneuvers aimed at violating the territorial integrity, national unity, sovereignty and independence; of States can only foster insecurity at both the regional and international levels.
49.	The partition of Korea, for instance, creates a situation that threatens peace and security in Asia and throughout the world. We reaffirm our full support for the policy of peaceful reunification of Korea, without any foreign interference in the domestic affairs of that country. All foreign forces should be withdrawn from the southern part of Korean territory and the Armistice Agreement should become a peace treaty. We urge the immediate implementation of the resolution which was adopted last year [resolution 3390 (XXX)].
50.	The threats to the territorial integrity of Cyprus and the acts designed to thwart its policy of independence must necessarily cause insecurity in that region, and my Government firmly supports the policy of non-alignment and independence of the Government of Cyprus, as well as its policy of national unity and territorial integrity.
51.	Notwithstanding the principles of the United Nations Charter which govern the international community and which lay down rules for guiding international relations- namely, the sovereign equality of States, non-interference, the sovereignty of States over their natural resources and the economic activities engaged in within their territories certain States persist in trying to impose their will in order to perpetuate their system of economic and political exploitation.
52.	A striking example of the use of force in defiance of these principles which govern the international community is the attitude taken towards the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Angola. The object sought was to prevent these countries from setting up a political and economic system that would not only ensure their full sovereignty and non-alignment but would also enable them to respond more effectively to the development needs of their peoples, who had been the martyred victims of colonialism and imperialism. Our international Organization retains in its Charter certain provisions which in fact negate the principle of equality among States and which therefore institute discrimination among them. The vetoes cast in the Security Council to oppose the admission to the United Nations of Angola and Viet Nam, both recognized by a majority of the membership of this Organization, are examples of an abusive and unilateral use of the anachronistic right of veto. But the brave peoples of Angola and Viet Nam, who gave such examples of self-sacrifice and determination by trying to preserve the principle of independence and the right to choose the political system that suited them, will soon take their places in the United Nations because they fulfill all the conditions for membership. My Government urges that the Republic of Angola and Viet Nam be admitted to membership in the Organization without delay.
53.	It is also our duty to support Panama in its just struggle to exercise full sovereignty over its own territory, as well as the efforts of Guyana and Jamaica in a framework of nationalism and independence to strengthen their sovereignty and to establish control over their natural resources and all other economic activities in their countries.
54.	We express our solidarity with the Chilean patriots in their struggle for the restoration of respect for human rights in Chile, and we avail ourselves of this opportunity to ask the international community to exert every effort to achieve the liberation of the great patriot, Luis Corvalan.
55.	The heroic struggles of the peoples of Kampuchea and Laos, whose victory we warmly welcome, show that, despite imperalist opposition, the peoples, will always triumph over all aggression and all threats which imperialism makes against them.
56.	I have just enumerated some of the problems which ate certainly of concern to the entire international community and which, in the view of my Government, require a just and immediate solution. These problems make it difficult for our whole international community to have fruitful and friendly relations which should be profitable to the future of the whole of mankind.
57.	We are deeply convinced of the need for co-operation among the various peoples and States which make up the international community. Such co-operation certainly requires interdependence among States based on a spirit of justice.
58.	However, we do not believe that these problems wQl be solved by a miracle or by the passivity of the peoples. History is marching on and the peoples of all continents have affirmed their will to combat all forms of domination and exploitation and to create a new political and economic framework which would be more in conformity with nature and human destiny.
59.	We recognize that the existence of the United Nations, where such a wide variety of countries are represented, marks an important stage in the search for ways and means of creating a political and economic framework which would make it possible to achieve the noble objectives of the Charter of our Organization and the implementation of the just and pertinent resolutions that derive from them.


Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father which is in heaven." Man is the greatest thing that God has created on this earth plane and man is everything that he, himself, has invented. But, as I said before on another occasion, man is afraid to unlock the door to himself.
3.	Mr. President, I am impelled to express for my country, my Government and for myself personally heartiest congratulations to you for being unanimously elected to this high office as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Records indicate beyond the shadow of a doubt that you are certainly a person of no mean attainment, as manifestly demonstrated by the unanimity of support which you have received. Your service and incalculable contribution to the United Nations are indelibly impressed upon the minds of the nations comprising this august body. This very high position to which you have been elected is but one more milestone in your distinguished career. Again, accept our heartiest and sincerest congratulations.
4.	My delegation is satisfied that past sessions have met with varying degrees of success in easing world tensions in realizing that the disparities in economic condition between the more industrialized and opulent countries and the less industrialized and poorer countries have not undergone any significant change, and in recognizing that enormous sums are being spent on the development and production of military weapons and other destructive equipment, which greatly aggravates these and other world problems. We therefore feel very strongly that this session must aim essentially at greater and more significant and effective results. So often have we been justly accused of talking too much, and so, too, have we failed to implement important decisions taken and to convert the feeling of the General Assembly into positive action.
5.	At this juncture, I feel that it is incumbent upon me to say that the illustrious Prime Minister of Luxembourg, who served as President of the last session of the General Assembly, has brilliantly provided the necessary leadership to this Organization, particularly during the various crises of the past year, and we wish to place on record our admiration and gratitude for his very distinguished services.
6.	We, the people and Government of Grenada, wish to express our sincerest appreciation to our distinguished and beloved Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose untiring efforts, complete dedication and extraordinary diplomatic skill have been of immeasurable benefit not only to Members of the United Nations but even to many nations not yet within the ambit of our Organization. His leadership has contributed greatly to the furtherance of the ideals and purposes of this world body in the preservation of peace and in promoting the freedom, welfare and progress of all peoples. I think I am voicing the opinion of all who have come in contact with Mr. Waldheim in stating that there are few people in the world with such a distinguished background and with such eminence who remain so friendly, so affable and so very modest in his dealings with other people.
7.	The United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted in resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960, and the pressures of the United Nations itself and of individual Members of this body seem to be bearing fruit, and the independence of Seychelles is, indeed, another forward step in the history of the United Nations and of those who have fought to establish the principle of and the declaration on decolonization. In this context, it is with a deep feeling of camaraderie that we join in welcoming Seychelles as a fully fledged Member of this Organization. Those of us who have traveled the same path from colonial servitude to freedom and self-determination, and, subsequently, have attained membership in the United Nations, look forward with pleasurable expectations to this new Member making a contribution to the yet continuing struggle to bring freedom and self-determination to the remaining peoples and Territories still in colonial bondage. We reaffirm, without any reservations whatever, our unswerving support for the principle of full membership within the United Nations for all countries, and so it is with respect and with humility that I appeal to all concerned to uphold that principle when the issues involving the peoples of the United Republic of Viet Nam and that of Korea shall again be presented. In fact, I feel very strongly that the United Nations is under the obligation to initiate the necessary positive action to bring these countries into this family of nations as soon as possible.
8.	We wish to express our condolences to the People's Republic of China on the loss of its illustrious leader.
9.	In my last address to the General Assembly at its thirtieth session,  I referred to the Bermuda triangle as but one example of the phenomena that continue to baffle man, and I appealed to the United Nations to establish a department or an agency devoted to psychic research. It is with humility that I state that this subject evoked consider-able interest, but, regrettably, no positive action has yet been taken. However, I am confident that the idea has not died and that some positive action will emanate from this world body, which, I am sure, will get the full support and co-operation of universities and scientific institutions which are in a smaller measure conducting some research and experiments in the area of psychic knowledge. I feel that it is obligatory on this world Organization to give impetus and direction to those already involved in that particular field and .to take positive steps in co-ordinating these efforts. We believe that the importance of psychic research lies not only in the purely scientific point of view, for in this area of human knowledge lie some of the answers to problems that have confronted mankind since time immemorial.
10.	In the same way as this planet is the accepted inheritance of all humanity, knowledge is also to be shared for the benefit of all mankind, and, in this light, one wonders why the existence of unidentified flying objects, or "flying saucers", as they are sometimes called, continues to remain a secret to those in whose archives repose useful information and other data. While we appreciate that some countries consider this to be in the interest of military expedience, I now urge that a different view be taken because it is my firm conviction that the world is ready, willing and ripe to accept these phenomena relating to man and his existence on the planet earth and to the planet earth and life in outer space.
11.	I am submitting, with respect, that it is most-urgent and vitally important for the world to take a new look at the concept of human rights. It is my strong feeling that those who propounded the principles of the rights of humanity that culminated in die Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 must necessarily have had completely different ideas from those that seem to prevail in some quarters when one speaks of human rights today. Let me say here and now that human rights must not-I repeat, not be interpreted as a one-way street for evil individuals and small subversive groups whose aims and objectives are mainly and simply to disrupt the peace and harmony of society in their attempt to overthrow governments and establishments. In regard to their acts of violence, terrorism, vandalism, kidnapping and arson and other criminal acts and threats to the security of society there is always a conspicuously loud silence among individuals and organizations that spontaneously present themselves as advocates and representatives of all such terrorists, criminals, vandals and kidnappers when they come face to face with the law. These individuals and organizations, perhaps too many to mention, seem always to offer themselves as a counsel of solace, thereby abetting the activities of such offenders and giving them and others of their kind encouragement to commit similar crimes. When a Government or Governments take the necessary action to secure and ensure for the majority of their people the human right to enjoy peace of mind, I often wonder whether the organizations, groups and individuals that keep on shouting for human rights and trying to defame and vilify the character of good Governments ever thought of issuing warnings to those wicked individuals and groups before they actually commit their mischief. Human rights must work both ways. When a child is kidnapped, perhaps more than 99 per cent of the population is deprived of its human right to sleep in peace, not knowing whose child will be next. So it is that, when a building is burned or bombed or a man is shot or an aircraft is hijacked or some other acts of violence or vandalism are committed, automatically the human right to peace of mind is infringed or violated. It is in these cases that the shouters for human rights should shout, and not when the criminals come face to face with the law. Governments are not only justified in taking preventive measures for the safety and security of life, property and the welfare of all the people; they are obliged to do so. These are the thoughts on the concept of human rights I wish to leave with this General Assembly.
12. Now, not totally removed from the subject of human rights is the subject of women's rights. It is obvious that the phrase "human rights" is generally confined to the rights of men and tends to exclude equal consideration for the rights of women. Certainly one cannot be so naive as not to recognize the fact that, in spite of all the fanfare, in spite of all the conferences, in spite of all the forums and seminars and in spite of the declaration of 1975 as International Women's Year, all culminating in a 10-year plan of action yes, in spite of all these one cannot be so naive but has to be realistic and face the fact that in actuality nothing has been done by the men controlling the powers that be to give the necessary impetus, the necessary co-operation and assistance. In fact the powers that be cannot lay claim to a single modicum of real action on their part designed or calculated to advance the cause of women or even to place them on the threshold of a good second-class partnership in the global community of humanity. In various parts of the world today women are still without their franchise and women are still debarred from holding certain positions in government, in institutions and in commercial enterprises. Yet, invariably, the few who have been given the opportunity to perform have done so with supreme excellence. It is with a feeling of emotion and deep sincerity that I appeal to those concerned to reduce the talking, the conferences, the seminars and the planning and go into positive action. Today the world calls for "doers" rather than the avalanche of mighty talkers that seem to impregnate the atmosphere with glorious promises-but only promises. Now on behalf of the women of the world I plead: put promises into action.
13.	Although the United Nations and many public and private organizations the world over have committed themselves to taking important steps towards the most urgently needed protection of the human environment, we all recognize that there is much that remains to be done for the safety and maintenance of our planet as a suitable habitat both for this generation and for posterity. There are, however, far too many elements that are destructive and harmful to our environment and particularly detrimental to human beings in the world. We are quite certain, however, that in many instances the creation of these factors that are damaging to our human environment is not motivated by malice, selfishness or lack of consideration for our neighbors, but could be rightly attributed to a lack of technological knowledge, to defective planning or to mistaken policies. It seems rather urgent and important to redirect our technological skill from the manufacture of destructive weapons and equipment to the elimination of pollution.
14.	We are pleased to state that Grenada is absolutely free from any form of pollution. In spite of that, and because we are so aware of the dangers that can be caused by pollution, we have just created a department of environ-mental development within an already existing ministry. This is in keeping with our policy not to fall within the category of the avalanche of talkers I have referred to but to remain performers and doers and it is well to remember that, in spite of the size of our country, we have always put into action the thoughts and philosophies we express.
15.	Our role in the struggle for the equality of women was manifestly demonstrated when we caused the appointment of the first and only woman Governor in the Common-wealth seven years ago. Upon Grenada's entry into the United Nations we found it fitting to appoint Mrs. Marie- Josephine Mclntyre as our Permanent Representative. She also serves as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Washington, D.C., and graces the diplomatic corps of this country as one of the few women ambassadors. In Grenada, women serve at all levels of the service-for example, the Permanent Secretary to my Ministry, who heads the Department of Planning, Development and Training, and the many other beautiful Grenadian women who are holding exalted positions in the service of my country.
16.	While there was a lot of talking about the support of youth, we were the first in the Caribbean to establish a Ministry of Youth Development and Sports nine years ago. And so it is with justification and a feeling of pride that I take this opportunity to invite each and every one of you to visit our unspoiled and unpolluted land of beauty-the "Isle of Spice", the "Gem of the West"-at some time or other at your convenience, but especially during our annual Easter water parade. The official invitations will be sent to your Governments and peoples in due course.
17.	The subject of the human environment cannot be complete without making some short observations on the quality of life of some of our brothers and sisters in various parts of the world, and particularly those who have passed under the rule of tyrannical colonial masters, and yet more especially those of us who have had the experience, not of living, but of existing under colonial economic cruelty.
18.	Today, as before, the word "war" seems to bear a specific connotation confining it to the conflict between nations fighting for power and territory. But there is a situation seldom spoken about within these walls: a "war" that is wicked, vicious and brutal; a war of economic cruelty. We in Grenada have experienced such a war for after more than two centuries of colonial rule Grenada emerged to self-determination without any economic assist-ance from the colonial Power that dictated our policies by buying our necessary commodities and by selling our primary products, thus controlling, in fact, all aspects of our lives.
19.	The governors, administrators, chiefs of police and other high-ranking civil servants were imposed on us and paid from our local revenue. Today, even though there are agreements for token assistance, the' Powers have embarked upon a new strategy of delaying tactics, creating obstacles in the path of our development program with exquisite diplomatic skill, excuses and apologies.
20.	There is also a milder form of economic aggression practiced by some of the more affluent countries making definite commitment to give economic and other forms of co-operation to those countries in dire need. In most cases the commitments for those economic and other forms of co-operation have never beer honored, and in some cases only insignificant tokens have been given. The damage done to the small developing nations of the third world under these circumstances by those aggressive acts of economic cruelty is causing incalculable hardship and obviously tends to foster frustration and bitterness against those affluent nations. It is bad enough not to offer bilateral assistance in special cases and circumstances, but it is far worse to make a commitment and not honor it.
21.	Please allow me to crave the Assembly's indulgence by attempting to summarize the salient points to my contribution to the general debate of this thirty-first session. My first humble submission was to repeat the call for establishment of a department or agency devoted to psychic research; my second was to ask the Powers concerned to share with other Governments and peoples of our planet their information and other data on unidentified flying objects; my third was the presentation of my concept of human rights; in my fourth submission, I asked for less talk and more action on women's rights; my fifth was our submission on the preservation of the human environment; and my sixth was Grenada's thought on economic aggression, as waged by imperialist Powers, and the dishonoring of commitments made by some of the more affluent countries to smaller developing ones. And, finally, in my seventh submission, I am proposing that the time is ripe and that the peoples of the world are ready and willing to discuss the concept, the recognition, the acknowledgment and the acceptance of a universal God the same universal God we call Allah, Yahweh, Jehovah, Jah, Krishna, Shinto or any other name.
22.	I am not unaware, however, of the fact that this subject may offer some degree of controversy. I speak without fear of challenge that there is no subject throughout this planet that is of greater significance or greater importance or greater urgency than this subject, and I call upon the leaders of the world-political, philosophical, mystical, spiritual, doctrinal, theological and religious-to consider its importance, its significance and its urgency.
23.	Leaders are sometimes inclined to set aside subjects that are heavy or controversial for diverse reasons. We have accepted the inheritance of this planet as our natural habitat. I accept the fact that the world is divided into two main factions-those of us who accept and express the philosophy of a supreme being, universal in scope; the other faction being those who express the non-existence of any supreme being. Nevertheless, I say here and now with firm and irrevocable conviction that every rational being, every human being accepts, perhaps in varying degrees, within his inner consciousness the existence of a power greater than man. The differences are in concept and nothing else; and I repeat that there is absolutely no difference within man's consciousness except that of concept.
24.	There are many philosophies and doctrines from which have emanated innumerable religions, but even within any particular doctrine and, to go further, within any particular religion, and in many cases to go even further within many homes supporting the same religion, there are differences in the concept of the supreme being. It is not my role here today to suggest that any doctrinal, religious, mystical, spiritual or any other groups for that matter should accept my concept. I am simply and • humbly submitting' that the time has long been ripe for leaders to consider this subject, unparalleled in importance and incomparable in scope, to get together with open minds and hearts in friendly discussions.
25.	While it is not my intention to try to superimpose my concept of God on the General Assembly, I am sure that it will not hurt if I further crave the Assembly's indulgence to state in brief that man has established limitations to the concept of the universal being in all forms and fashions. Some have given Him shapes and sizes; some have given Him nationalities and colors, in the same way that man has established time and its limitations and expansions, in the same manner that man has established an undue importance and, so to speak, superiority of the body of man over man himself, not realizing or perhaps forgetting that man's body is simply the habitat, the cloak, or the vehicle within which man actually dwells. God has no shape; God has no size; God has no color, no age, no nationality.
26.	I am sure that those who have had the experience of full consciousness outside that mundane habitat and those who have had perhaps a split second of ecstatic experience in the world of reality-for our planet is simply a world of illusion-whether by accident, prayers or meditation -would have no hesitation in accepting the fact that God has absolutely no limitations, for He is ever-present, all-seeing, all-knowing, all-wise, all-powerful, all-penetrating and ever-loving in nature. God permeates, pervades and occupies all things and all space in the universe. God himself is that universal order that holds and binds all things together; He is the source of all existence and the center of all creation; He is the source and center of all things; He is the source and center of all light, of all life, of all love, of all energy, of all spirit, of all minds and of all intelligence.
27.	Do the astronauts, when they are in outer space or when they traverse the surface of the moon, feel themselves outside the precincts of the God we worship on earth? The God we worship is certainly the God who is present in outer space, on the moon and all other planets, for He is God of the universe-the God of galaxies of worlds, and yet that God is also present in the minutes; entity conceivable by the human mind. In other words, God is everywhere: He is within and without, around and above, in us and all around us. God is filling this room with His loving presence.
28.	Man has made great advances in science and technology and so man can construct a building or a room that is completely light-proof, completely sound-proof, completely magnetism-proof and, by proper insulation, even completely electricity-proof, but man cannot make anything that is God-proof, for God is everywhere.
29.	In conclusion, permit me to repeat that the whole idea behind the final subject which I have raised is simply to evoke some interest among the leaders of the world -political, philosophical, mystical, spiritual, theological, doctrinal and religious leaders-in the recognition, acknowledgment and acceptance of the universality of God, which is the only true assurance we have of effectively solving the problems of world tension and fostering a lasting world peace, and I thank God for providing me with the opportunity to do so.
30.	And now I engage the hearts and minds of all those present here in giving thanks to the same Supreme Being in the manner that Christ taught us to pray to that Supreme Being His Father and our Father, saying thus:
Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name,
Thy kingdom come, Thy will be done in earth, as it is in heaven.
Give us this day our daily bread,
And forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us.
Lead us out of temptation, Lord, and deliver us from all evil,
For Thine is the kingdom, the power and the glory forever and ever,
Amen.
So may it be. Let God be praised.