29.	 Permit me, Sir, on behalf of the Government and the people of Ghana, to congratulate you on your election as President of the twenty- eighth session of this august Assembly. We are particularly happy to see you preside over the deliberations of this session because both your country and mine are dedicated to world peace; both realize that it is only under conditions of peace that our cherished aspiration of improving the living standards and the general welfare of our people can be achieved.
30.	This session has on its agenda a number of items of great significance, not only to the countries that we have been accustomed to describe as the third world — of which your country and mine are a part — but to the world community as a whole. I have no doubt that your qualities as a statesman and your varied and rich experience as a diplomat will assist you in steering the course of this session to a successful and fruitful end. My delegation wishes you every success in the discharge of the great responsibility entrusted to you.
31.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express the appreciation of my delegation for the able manner in which your predecessor conducted the affairs of the twenty-seventh session of the Assembly. His performance was net lacking in patience, tact and diplomacy, without which this Assembly could not hope to conduct a successful business.
32.	My delegation also wishes to express its appreciation of the work of the Secretary-General. His report to this session on the work of the Organization [A/9001] reflects a readiness and a capacity to further the interests of the world community. We are confident that he will
continue to bring to his task the resourcefulness and diligence which he has demonstrated already.
33.	We welcome the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany to membership in this Organization. This event not only strengthens this body but also furthers the course of detente in a region which has for many years been regarded as a major area of world conflict. It is our hope that the experience of these two States will enrich the capacity of this Organization in its efforts to make the world a better place for us all. In the same spirit, we extend a warm welcome to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, whose presence here should remind us again that, for the purposes and aims of this Organization, no country is too small or too weak, no contribution by any Member State is too insignificant.
34.	I should like to express the appreciation of the Government and the people of Ghana for the Cocoa Agreement which provisionally came into effect on 30 June 1973. It is hoped that the signatories to the Agreement that have not yet ratified it will do so soon and that those who missed the opportunity of signing it will accede to it in due course. The difficult course through which this Agreement has passed is a symptom of a cancerous growth that continues to plague our world community: narrow national interests constantly blind us to over-all global interests. It is the hope of my delegation that the Cocoa Agreement will not be the last commodity agreement to be concluded and that it will be followed by other commodity agreements. It is only when such agreements to stabilize the prices of commodities on which the economies of developing countries largely depend have been concluded that those countries can hope for a planned and sustained economic growth.
35.	This century has seen a very significant change in the complexion of the world. Territories that were mere colonial appendages have acquired identities of their own and are endeavouring to shape their own economic destinies. They want now to establish their own economic identity within a world economic system. The question is not whether they will be able to do this, but whether they will be enabled to do so.
36.	Twenty-eight years after the Second World War we are still struggling with the problems that war left behind. The national economies of countries on both sides of the war were shattered. Years of economic effort to raise living standards to decent levels were destroyed in five years of vendetta, vindictiveness, callousness and complete disregard for the human person and, indeed, for the survival of our planet. This same war brought in its wake an event which, though salutary and justifiable in its moral significance, none the less compounded the economic problems which faced the world and which continue to do so. This event was the emergence of independent sovereign countries, expected and willing to play their part in the general effort to reconstruct the economy of our planet.
37.	What is interesting in this general effort at reconstruction is the manner in which countries capable of doing the most in this exercise have viewed the problem. Immediately after the Second World War, the Marshall Plan was established. Under that Plan, countries which were involved in the war, no matter on which side they fought, received economic assistance to reconstruct their economies. Some of the loans received under that Plan have yet to be paid back. Nevertheless, with the assistance granted, those countries have been able not only to develop booming economies but also to create a capacity to pay back loans. Countries like my own, which as colonies fought alongside the colonial Powers and their allies to preserve what we were made to believe was the dignity of the human person, have not been treated with an equal degree of concern.
38.	If I have made reference to these historical events, it is not because it is my wish to subject this august Assembly to a lecture on a subject which representatives perhaps know better than I. My intention is merely to draw attention to a difference in the performance c f the world community in two situations which my delegation considers identical in all their aspects, except in their incidence.
39.	Every year from this rostrum we are told of the ever- widening gap of relative economic growth between the developing and the developed countries; every year this Assembly is warned that this situation is inherently dangerous to world peace. It is relevant to ask, What has the world community as a whole, and particularly the rich, done to avert the inherent danger which we all, year in and year out, have foreseen and have stressed so often?
40.	In assessing our performance in this regard, one cannot help but mention a number of factors that seem to my delegation to be clear pointers to the inadequate concern which the countries with the capacity to help arrest the situation have so far shown.
41.	In the first place, almost every developing country is in debt — debt that has come about often from the so-called foreign aid, a conversion of part of the resources which have been taken from our lands and which are now reluctantly returned to us at unbelievably high rates of interest with a number of subtle strings. The huge interest on these debts has accumulated over the years, and in some cases has exceeded the principal. How can debtor countries service these debts when their economic growth falls far short of what the United Nations itself considers acceptable and desirable? How can the under-equipped world — to borrow the phrase from President Mobutu — free itself from factors not inherent in the economies of the developing countries, as some people would want us to believe, but in the nature of the world economic system dictated by the developed countries.
42.	The burden of the developing countries is not debt, stifling to economic growth though this might be; these debts are more symptoms of a sick world economic system. Developing countries take loans to improve their economies, but what do they find? The past decades have witnessed a steady rise in the price of industrial goods; against this, the prices of the primary products on which they depend for the modernization of their economies have been fluctuating downwards. In this situation it is not surprising that most developing countries are becoming perpetual debtors to developed countries with little hope of achieving economic viability. President Mobutu called on the world community to cancel the debts of the
Sahelian countries affected by the drought. I would go one step further and suggest that serious consideration should be given to suspending indefinitely or cancelling altogether debts that constitute a barrier to and hinder a reasonable and accepted rate of economic growth.
43.	This situation has been made even more complex by the present trend in the organization of the world economy into powerful economic groupings. My Government has no grudge against any decision of any group of countries to concert their economic efforts in their mutual interest. It is, however, the view of my Government that if such a group of countries, by reason of historical antecedents or by any other factors, occupies a dominant position in the world economic structure, its actions should not fail to take into consideration the general economic well-being of the entire world community. This, in the view of my delegation, should be the guiding principle of an organization such as the European Economic Community or any other economic group. It is with this understanding that we African countries have decided to enter into negotiations with the European Economic Community.
44.	In our effort to create a more equitable economic system we launched the first international United Nations Development Decade. Our stock-taking at the end of that Decade, however, showed that we were far from achieving our targets. Nevertheless, we launched the Second United Nations Development Decade. Statements made by various countries at the launching of the Decade gave rise to some optimism regarding the performance of the international community. Regrettably this hope has not been justified. The United Nations World Economic Survey, 19721 presents "a picture of unusual contrasts". While the economies of developed countries have been marked by a continued buoyancy, those of a majority of the developing countries continue to lag substantially behind targets set for the decade of the 1970s. On present performance the indications convince us that the Second Development Decade will end with its targets still unachieved.
45.	In the face of this grim reality, it is only natural that developing countries should begin to attach less and less credibility to declarations of intent by developed countries. It is for that reason that my Government advocates and pursues a policy of self-reliance.
46.	As stated in the charter of the National Redemption Council, the principle of self-reliance implies a recognition that our national regeneration depends on our own efforts, and that it is only through honest and hard work on the part of every citizen that Ghana can develop and prosper. Thus, while we welcome assistance from external sources, we are committed not to rely on foreign aid for the solution of our problems but instead to protect the wealth of the nation by active State participation aimed at capturing the commanding heights of the economy for our people.
47.	During the year world currency problems, which had been developing over a number of years, reached a high- water mark. The American dollar was devalued on two occasions and the currencies of European countries as well as that of Japan were either revalued or floated. In spite of
1 United Nations publication, Sales No. E.73.II.C.1.
the existence of international machinery for consultations on monetary matters, developed countries met to consult on a solution to the problem as though the economies of the developing countries did not form part of the international economy.
48.	In the view of my delegation, all issues, whether economic, scientific or political, have international repercussions; their solution therefore demands international consultations. These problems cannot be effectively considered for the entire world community by a group of countries, however affluent or powerful they may be. Their consideration must not exclude any country, however poor or weak.
49.	The degree of interdependence reached by our present world has internationalized almost every issue to a smaller or larger extent. Until we have recognized this reality solutions to the many problems which face the world community today will continue to elude us. If we seize the opportunity now we may yet usher in the world of plenty which we all seek.
50.	My Government would like to express its sincere appreciation to all those countries which have responded to the call to come to the assistance of countries within the Sudano-Sahelian region. We also welcome the efforts being made by the Food and Agriculture Organization and other United Nations agencies in this regard. We would however be failing in our duty if we did not point out the fact that the problem of drought, resulting in crop failures and decimation of the livestock population in the area, is not a recent one. Yet no serious effort was made to overcome it. When we consider that all the countries in the area were for many years under the colonial rule of one country or another, the manner in which the colonialist bore his "burden" in Africa becomes clearer to us. It is the view of my delegation that it would not be enough to combat the present crisis in the area. We should, and we must, formulate and execute plans which will eventually eliminate the problem altogether.
51.	In our statement from this rostrum at the twenty- seventh session of the General Assembly,  we pledged our co-operation in any efforts that would be made to ensure that humanity not only would rid itself of hunger, poverty and disease, but would live in a clean and healthy environment. In fact, we believe that efforts to eradicate hunger, poverty and disease on the one hand, and to ensure a healthy environment on the other, are supplementary to each other. We do not believe that environmental protection and industrialization are necessarily mutually exclusive.
52.	We are happy that as a result of discussions at the last session of the General Assembly the Governing Council of the United Nations Environment Programme was elected. That Council, of which my country has the privilege to be a member, has already had its first session in Geneva. My delegation wishes the Governing Council and its secretariat every success in their efforts to find a solution to a problem which is gradually becoming an issue fundamental to human existence.
53.	My Government has been following with keen interest the discussions which have been proceeding on the peaceful uses of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. This is an issue of universal concern to all of us. We subscribe to the basic principle guiding the discussions on this issue, namely, that the area should be exploited for the benefit of mankind as a whole. It is the view of my delegation that this principle should be used as a measure for all provisions we write into any convention governing the use of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. Our discussions on the issue should recognize the disparities in national endowments of scientific and technological know-how, availability of development capital and the structure of national economies. It is the hope of my delegation that the results of the work of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction will contribute in no small way to our work at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, scheduled to be held next year. There are problems, such as the limit of territorial waters and the question of land-locked and shelf-locked countries, to be solved. In the view of my delegation those problems are not insurmountable, given a willingness to accommodate and recognize each other's concerns.
54.	There is a link between the equitable economic world order that my delegation advocates and the completely free community of nations which the twentieth century demands. Peace and harmony must, however, exist in the world if freedom and justice are to be secured and maintained for all.
55.	Closer consultations among the major Powers have strengthened the atmosphere of detente and further lessened the chances of an atomic war. The end of the war in South-East Asia, coupled with the withdrawal of foreign troops from the region, has prepared the way for peace and reconstruction in an area which for over two decades has endured so much human suffering and witnessed such great material destruction. The conclusion of the treaty of accord between the two Germanys not only will widen the scope for reuniting separated families but also will, we believe, substantially lead to the relaxation of tension in Europe and foster the experiment of coexistence within the framework of different social systems.
56.	Although these developments are welcome, we cannot but feel concerned and certain trends which could have a far-reaching effect on the aims and purposes of this Organization. There has been in recent years a tendency for the big and powerful nations to seek accommodation outside the forum of this Organization. Perhaps that is because there is a growing lack of interest in the United Nations on the part of some of these big and powerful nations.
57.	The United Nations was established to ensure that the world would be saved from human suffering and senseless devastation. We have a collective responsibility to ensure this; this responsibility we can neither shirk, abdicate nor delegate. The more this forum is used, the more effective it will be in the discharge of its functions.
58.	Notwithstanding progress in decolonization, the continued existence of colonialism and racism in certain parts of the world, particularly in Africa, remains a challenge to our demand for universal freedom and justice and constitutes a potential threat to international peace and security. Freedom and the related self-assertion of human dignity are some of the most priceless human rights. No wonder that national histories abound in examples of supreme sacrifices in pursuit of these rights. Such sacrifices continue to be made in our contemporary world and will continue to be made in the cause of human dignity. We in Ghana recognize the Tightness of this cause. It is in the light of this that we are resolutely pledged to the material and moral support of the gallant freedom fighters in Africa who are still struggling to free themselves from colonialism and racism, be they under Portuguese colonial rule or under that of the racist regime of South Africa. If peaceful means were possible we would advocate them, but since the racists and the colonialists leave us with no other choice we have come to the conclusion that armed struggle is the only effective means left to us to liberate our brothers in bondage. The Chairman of the National Redemption Council and Head of State of Ghana made this commitment clear when he said at the opening ceremony of the Committee of Liberation of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in Accra in January of this year:
"We must begin with a reaffirmation of armed struggle as the only means of liberating South Africa. This reaffirmation is important for the purposes of mobilizing all our resources for the common struggle  —  We do not accept the so-called contradiction between commitment to world peace and commitment to armed struggle for freedom in Africa. The liberation struggle is a just struggle for peace and human dignity, for there can only be a lasting peace in the world when all men are free  — "
59.	This leads me to the Portuguese Territories in Africa. At this juncture I should like to pay a tribute in this forum to Amilcar Cabral, a victim of the pernicious system he sought to eradicate. Ghana deeply mourns him, particularly because it was shortly after the twenty-first session of the Committee of Liberation in Accra that he met his death at the hands of a cruel assassin. Amilcar is dead, but the spirit that motivated his dedication still lives on. He has become a martyr, not only in the cause of his own country but in that of the entire African continent. There may be many like him who may fall in the course of the struggle; but neither torture nor death shall deter us. We shall fight on till victory is won.
60.	The Government and people of Ghana rejoice at the independence of Guinea-Bissau. We wish that independent State every success and look forward to co-operating with it in OAU and, we hope, in the very near future in this Organization.
61.	My delegation now urges this Organization to address itself urgently to the question of the illegal occupation by Portugal of part of the territory of Guinea-Bissau, in the light of the threat to international peace which that illegal situation poses.
62.	Portugal has sought to justify its oppression of other human beings by legal arguments and by arguing the efficiency of its administration. It has sometimes pointed a deriding finger at independent African countries. I should like to point out with emphasis that the peoples of Africa are not necessarily claiming a superior ability to order their own affairs. What they are demanding is a right to be human beings and to be respected as such. We no longer wish to be fed and nurtured by benevolent foster mothers; we demand the right to order our own destiny, make our own mistakes, suffer their consequences and learn from them. This is Africa's case. In our struggle to achieve our objective there will be no compromises; there will be no limit to the sacrifices we are prepared to make.
63.	In this regard I should like us to remember those 400 men, women and children who were brutally murdered in the villages of Wiriyamu and Chawola by Portuguese troops. Africa will always remember them among its sons who laid down their lives that the peoples of the continent of Africa might live in freedom and dignity. If there are any among us who seek evidence of Portuguese brutality in the Territories under Portuguese domination, this should be sufficient.
64.	In the face of such brutalities, we cannot but express our grief and deep regret that the NATO allies that are Members of our Organization continue to supply arms to Portugal. It should now be obvious to them that the arms supplied are the very ones which Portugal has used, and continues to use, to perpetrate unspeakable atrocities against humanity. We appeal to these allies, in the name of humanity, to cease forthwith supplying arms to Portugal.
65.	We appeal for more than that. We call on all the Members of this Organization to demonstrate their abhorrence of the inhuman policies of Portugal by limiting or severing contact with the Portuguese authorities. We call for this isolation because it could well be that it would be only through such universal disapproval that Portugal would come to realize the folly of its actions.
66.	In 1972 Portugal announced constitutional changes in the Portuguese African colonial Territories. While taking note of these changes, my delegation would like to make it clear to Portugal that what-4he peoples still under its domination demand is not a sham constitution gratuitously conferring a measure of internal self-government; what they demand, with the backing of the rest of Africa, is that Portugal should recognize their right to self-determination and sovereignty. On this there will be no compromise.
67.	The situation in Zimbabwe, where illegality has been enthroned, continues to cause a great deal of concern to my Government. This is particularly so having regard to the frustration caused by the violations of the sanctions imposed by this Organization.
68.	We were saddened and disappointed when a Member of this Organization, who with others was charged with the primary responsibility for ensuring world peace, passed a law legalizing the importation of chrome which this Assembly, with the consent of that same country, had outlawed. We are happy to note that a repeal of that law now appears imminent. My delegation would go further and suggest that that Government should go a step further by closing down the propaganda office that it now permits the usurpers of Zimbabwe to maintain under its protection.
69.	Sanctions need to be strengthened and made all- embracing, and no breaches of any kind should be allowed. The excuse often given for breaches of sanctions is that they have not worked. In the view of my delegation, if they have not worked, it is because certain Members of this Organization have ensured that they should not and will not work.
70.	In recent times there have been certain developments in Zimbabwe which should give cause for even greater concern. I refer to secret trials, imprisonments and executions of African nationalists and others, under the so-called Southern Rhodesian Terrorist Act. How many such secret trials, unknown to the outside world, may have ended in the execution of Zimbabwe Africans, and perhaps other nationalists, as well. What my delegation wishes to ask is, What does the United Kingdom Government intend to do to stop these illegal and arbitrary acts in a Territory that still remains its primary responsibility? Secondly, what does this Organization intend to do, if only on grounds of concern for human rights? The United Kingdom Government as the administering Power has the duty to intervene to prevent further illegalities, and this Organization has a responsibility to bring all its resources and authority to bear on the matter in order to ensure that African lives are not sacrificed in the consolidation of illegality.
71.	A Canadian YMCA document entitled "Investment in Oppression: southern Africa today bears the seed of the next decades' Viet-Nam" states:
"Racial wars are already in progress in the Portuguese colonies. The Rhodesian regime faces growing African hostility. The unequivocal rejection by the African population of the attempted British-Rhodesian settlement has demonstrated to the world the intensity of the Africans' rejection of the white minority regime. An eventual eruption of violence there seems evermore likely. The status of Namibia is far from being settled. The potential for a violent upheaval in southern Africa is undeniable although the strength of the regime suggests that any struggle would be a long and bloody one, if there were no international intervention or mediation."
72.	For more than a decade, this Assembly has adopted resolutions condemning apartheid, racial discrimination and colonialism which Portugal and South Africa and the racist regime of Southern Rhodesia have resolutely defied. These three countries have placed themselves outside the pale of civilized behaviour and the time has come for the international community to show its deep displeasure by ostracizing them. We consider it appropriate that NATO members show their commitment to the self-determination of all African peoples by excluding Portugal from their military and defence alliance. Portugal needs NATO more than NATO needs Portugal, and there is no doubt that meaningful action to exclude Portugal would have a telling effect on its attitude.
73.	Furthermore, sanctions should not only be intensified against Rhodesia; they should also be extended to South Africa and Portugal. If we believe in the United Nations as a forum that brings together all races and creeds to work together to improve living conditions on this planet, we are in honour bound to exclude countries which despise the basic principles of the United Nations from economic, social, cultural and political fellowship.
74.	Never in the history of the United Nations have so many Member States walked out of a General Assembly debate as they did last Friday [2141st meeting], as a mark of their total rejection of the racist policies of the Vorster regime of South Africa. South Africa cannot fail to see the utter contempt in which the rest of the world holds its policies. In its own interest, it is called upon to change those policies forthwith. It should be forcefully reminded that those who make peaceful evolution impossible, make violent revolution inevitable.
75.	By the decision of this Assembly, South Africa has been isolated from international sports because of the operation of apartheid even in sports [resolution 2775 D (XXVI)]. In an attempt to break that isolation, South Africa announced reforms in sports which it told the world were aimed at removing apartheid in sports. South Africa's intention, however, was to throw dust into the eyes of the rest of the world. That intention becomes clear when we read a report in the issue of The Times of Wednesday, 30 May, to the effect that the Government of South Africa had "confirmed that it had stopped multiracial football matches which were being played without fuss between factory and schoolboy teams at Newcastle in Natal". In its issue of 20 June, The Times carried a report from Michael Knipe, disclosing that the African members of a multiracial team that had played in London "had to act as porters for the team".
76.	That is the extent to which South Africa is prepared to go in its deception of the rest of the world community. From this rostrum, my delegation urges this world body not to allow South Africa to take international public opinion for a ride.
77.	When this obnoxious system produces a reaction from South Africans and non-Africans who still have a conscience, South Africa takes refuge behind its laws, ironically described as "terrorist laws".
78.	The whole world was shocked when in September it was rudely awakened by news of the cold and ruthless murder of 11 Africans at Carletonville. Sharpeville, and the helplessness and the agony it stands for, was painfully recalled. South Africa lost no time in shedding crocodile tears of phoney regret, while giving notice that it would resist any effort by the international community to reach at the truth of those senseless murders, which have become the hallmark of the apartheid regime. Surely, the next of kin of the helpless victims reject any expressions of sympathy from those who secretly organized and are a party to the murders. My Government will never be satisfied with any inquiry conducted solely by the racist regime to justify the actions of the murderers. My Government will be satisfied only with an inquiry internationally conducted, or conducted under United Nations auspices, that will have the objective of bringing the murderers to a speedy trial and that will indicate measures to avoid such murders in future.
79.	At its 1682nd meeting the Security Council authorized the Secretary-General  —  in paragraph 5 of its resolution 323 (1972) — to continue his consultations on the status of Namibia. At the time that resolution was adopted some of us were sceptical about the value of such consultations. Now the Secretary-General's report to the Security Council on his consultations has justified that scepticism. It has supported our contention that the conditions for dialogue with South Africa do not exist. That is why my delegation supports the consensus reached by the United Nations Council for Namibia at its 167th meeting, held on 27 March this year, opposing further contacts with South Africa on the grounds that: "To maintain contacts with the South African regime would mean an acceptance of its policy on the part of the United Nations.. .".
80.	It is time to remind the South African regime, without mincing words, that it is the inhabitants of Namibia themselves who must decide their future, and certainly not South Africa; that the people of Namibia have so decided on that future; and that they have decided on independence. If South Africa claims that it does not wish to impose a settlement on Namibia, let it accede to the clear wishes of the people and withdraw from the Territory now, today.
81.	The Namibian problem is not an intractable one. It is intractable only in South African eyes. It is not a complicated issue. It is an issue similar to that which faced any of the Second World War Mandated Territories. Mandatory Powers have withdrawn and conceded independence to the indigenous peoples. South Africa is called upon to follow that example and grant independence to the people of Namibia. We do not accept that protracted discussions should be held in a situation where the solution is clear: independence for the people of Namibia, now. If South Africa has no designs whatsoever with respect to any part of Namibia's territory, let it back that assertion by withdrawing from Namibia forthwith. The people of Namibia do not want to appear to be subsidized by apartheid money, made bloodier by the death of the martyrs of Sharpeville and Carletonville. They demand independence to enable them to exploit their own natural resources for the benefit of their own people. South Africa has no duty in Namibia other than to pack up and quit that Territory.
82.	The real representatives of Namibia do not want a dialogue with Vorster. They reject murderous hands and the deadly gifts they carry. The only discussion permissible is one with Sam Nujoma, leader of the South West African People's Organization, and his colleagues about the immediate transfer of power. That is South Africa's only duty in Namibia, and if it had any honour South Africa would perform that duty right away.
83.	The world community continues to express concern over the arms race; yet the report of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament to the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly [A/9141-DC/236], like its predecessors, does not indicate any prospect of a break-through. In the meantime, the stockpiling of armaments, particularly nuclear and biological weapons, continues, and that in spite of the significant relaxation in the international situation which all of us have noted. Agreement on a nuclear test ban in the atmosphere and in outer space  was reached 10 years ago. Since then there has been no progress towards an agreement on a complete test ban. In fact, the partial-test ban Treaty has not yet gained universal accession. France, for example, continues to plan to carry out atmospheric tests in the Pacific, in the face of vigorous opposition from all the countries in the area, which stand in great danger of being affected by the radiation from such tests, and against the ruling of the International Court of Justice.
84.	The view of my Government is that the issue of disarmament, like many issues facing our present international community, is of universal concern. It is of concern both for the militarily powerful and for the militarily weak. That is why my delegation supported the decision to hold a world disarmament conference, adopted at the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly [resolution 2930 (XXVII)].
85.	It is the hope of my delegation that the militarily powerful nations, which as permanent members of the Security Council have the primary responsibility for safeguarding world security, will recognize the general obligation of the world community as a whole to ensure world peace. It is hoped that they will, in recognition of the general world concern over the disarmament issue, co-operate with the Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference set up by the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly [resolution 2930 (XXVII)] to make the envisaged Conference a success. Even if such a conference achieved nothing at all — and in the view of my delegation there is much that it could achieve — it would serve to emphasize the general world concern over the issue of disarmament.
86.	My Government views the outbreak of fresh fighting in the Middle East with a great deal of concern. It is our view that in this situation the question of who attacked first is less relevant than the lesson which the new development emphasizes.
87.	Since 1967 Arab lands have been occupied by Israeli forces. For an even longer period the Palestinians have remained refugees, dependent on international charity, with no hope that their plight will be relieved. Hurt national pride and human suffering have combined to give rise to the situation which we are now witnessing in the Middle East. Until the Israeli forces have withdrawn from the Arab territories occupied by Israel during the 1967 war, and until the plight of the Palestinian has been relieved and the security of all States in the area has been assured, the Middle East will continue to be a hotbed of threats to peace in the area, as well as to international peace. My delegation urges this Organization to redouble its efforts to reach a settlement in the area which will restore national pride, human dignity and security to all concerned. The Government of Ghana would be willing to lend its assistance to any initiatives to that end.
88.	If this Assembly were to commit itself to the goals that we have enumerated, if the membership were to pledge support to the realization of those goals, then we might yet live to see a world not only of sovereign States in which there was an equitable sharing of economic resources but also a world of plenty and a world of freedom and justice.
89.	I wish the twenty-eighth session of the Assembly success.


90.	The positive progress being made in the international situation, which has been brought about by the continued implementation of the policy of peaceful coexistence, has been adequately reflected in the statements of almost all heads of delegations who have taken part in the general debate now coming to an end at the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. The peoples of the world, who welcome with relief the process of international detente, which has begun, have once again recently found themselves confronted with dangerous developments as a result of the expansionist policy of the ruling circles in Israel, who have unleashed military action against the Arab countries. Representatives who have spoken here have welcomed the relaxation of international tension and have severely condemned the brigandage and violence which the Israeli aggressors have raised to the level of State policy.
91.	The debate has also shown that the ranks of those who favour peace and international security, freedom and independence for all peoples and economic progress and social justice have grown considerably. It is also obvious that the favourable development of international relations is ensured by the active and constructive policy of the Soviet Union and the other socialist States, and that the successful implementation of the programme of peace put forward by the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union would serve the interests of all peoples of the planet.
92.	The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR, which has played a part in the work of the United Nations since its establishment, notes with satisfaction that throughout the Organization's existence, and particularly during recent years, an ever-growing number of Member States have been displaying increasing interest in the most vital matters considered in the United Nations and have been giving constructive consideration to and showing active support for the proposals put forward by the socialist States. The time is past when the advocates of the "cold war" and the increase of international tension could block any proposal of ours for the simple reason that it was put forward by a socialist country.
93.	No one — including those who speak from the forum of the United Nations — can doubt that the peace-loving, high-principled, class-based, internationalist, open and honest position of principle of the Soviet Union and the other States of the socialist community is in keeping with the interests and needs of all peoples, since it is aimed at strengthening peace and international security, consolidating alliances with peoples struggling for their national and social liberation, developing relations between States with different social systems on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence, struggling decisively against aggression and ensuring that the favourable changes which have been achieved on the international scene become irreversible.
94.	What is important is that work on the fundamental reconstruction of relations between countries and between peoples in the interest of peace and co-operation is being conducted on a bilateral and a multilateral basis, by leaders of States in summit meetings and talks, both at the governmental and at the social level, involving the greatest variety of bodies and organizations and covering an ever-wider range of issues. All peace-loving forces throughout the world welcomed with ardent approval the visits of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Comrade L. I. Brezhnev, to the United States of America, the Federal Republic of Germany and France, the fruitful results of his talks with the leaders of those countries and the agreements which were concluded. That has been confirmed by many Ministers for Foreign Affairs who have spoken here, and who have stressed the great international importance of the results achieved through such summit meetings.
95.	The anti-imperialist programme of the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in September 1973, which speaks of the necessity for a resolute struggle for freedom, independence and peace, and condemns imperialism, colonialism and racism, merits approval and support. We are convinced that the forthcoming World Congress of Peace Forces, to be held in Moscow, will also make a worthy contribution to peace and security on earth.
96.	As is well known, the second stage of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has recently begun. Talks between the USSR and the United States of America on strategic arms limitation have been resumed, and very important bilateral meetings are being conducted, or are pending. Talks on reductions in military forces and armaments in the Central European region will soon be continued. Consequently, opportunities for new steps toward further detente and the expansion of many forms of co-operation between States are more than adequate. The goodwill not only of the socialist States, but also of each participant in these vital meetings and talks, is needed in order to achieve success.
97.	Considerable opportunities are also opening up for the General Assembly of the United Nations. It is essential that the constructive spirit of the general debate should be, maintained during consideration of specific items on the agenda; that will enable the General Assembly to make its own weighty contribution to the further relaxation of international tension. At the same time, it is essential to ensure constant vigilance and to rebuff resolutely any intrigues begun by forces which, openly or covertly, oppose a relaxation of tension in the world, advocate the stockpiling of weapons, sow distrust and enmity among peoples and impede the strengthening of peace and international security. Statements of individual speakers — fortunately only a small number — in the general debate have shown that there are still some who, while camouflaging what they say with words of peace, in fact hold positions which conflict with the interests of peace and co-operation. Such positions, even if stated or acted on by only a few, cannot go unnoticed. Through the joint efforts of each and every peace- loving State we can make those who oppose the relaxation of international tension submit to the will of peoples yearning for peace, justice and progress.
98.	I should like to dwell further on a few of today's most vital international problems.
99.	Twice within the lifetime of a single generation Europe has been the seat and the scene of world wars, which has brought the people of the Byelorussian SSR inexpressible grief and huge losses of life and has both times, as a result of total devastation, almost completely destroyed the economy. Consequently, it was with particular satisfaction that the working people of the Byelorussian SSR welcomed the recent favourable developments in Europe promoting the strengthening of peace and security.
100.	The principles of the non-use of force and the inviolability of frontiers in Europe have been given legal status in treaties concluded by the USSR, the Polish People's Republic and the German Democratic Republic with the Federal Republic of Germany; a four-Power agreement has been concluded on West Berlin; the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany have agreed that the Munich diktat is null and void; and the first stage of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has been successfully completed. All these constitute a convincing victory for reason and realism and the success of the policy of peaceful coexistence. We want the European Conference to be a complete success and we hope that its work will be accomplished in the shortest possible time, without any delays or procrastination, and that Europe will become a continent of lasting peace and fruitful co-operation among States. There are many possibilities for achieving those ends. They are clearly and precisely set out in the draft general declaration of the foundations of European security and the principles guiding relations between States in Europe, which is being considered on the initiative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and also in other proposals made by the socialist countries and relating to items on the Conference's agenda.
101.	We again welcome the admission into the United Nations of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, and we note with satisfaction the final and irrevocable recognition and consolidation of the international status of the German Democratic Republic as an independent sovereign socialist State.
102.	The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR has always favoured the extension of detente to the whole world, to each region in it. During the current session of the General Assembly, speakers have noted with satisfaction the end of the war in Viet-Nam and Laos and the cessation of the bombing in Cambodia. We should at the same time firmly condemn the Saigon administration's violation of the Paris agreements ending the war and re-establishing peace in Viet-Nam, demand that they be strictly observed, and urge the full implementation of the agreements reached in Laos as well as non-interference in the internal affairs of all the peoples of Indo-China. In addition, we regard as totally unjustified the delay in the settlement of the problem of granting observer status in the United Nations to the representatives of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam.
103.	The victory of the Viet-Namese people, the current reduction of tension in southern Asia, the active struggle for the restoration of peace throughout Indo-China and the growing support for the just demands of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the withdrawal of foreign forces from South Korea and the final dissolution of the bankrupt so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea are gratifying events in the continent of Asia. Now one of the primary tasks before us is the strengthening of collective security in Asia. In our view, all Asian countries without exception should join in this work and should ensure the triumph of such principles of mutual relations as the non-use of force or the threat of its use, respect for sovereignty and the inviolability of frontiers, non-interference in the internal affairs of others and the development of all-round co-operation on a basis of mutual respect and equality among peoples. One can only deplore the fact that some in Asia, following a policy of frantic anti-Sovietism and opposition to detente, do not desire the implementation of those principles, and will not face the fact that they are specifically set out in the United Nations Charter, the decisions of the African-Asian Conference, held at Bandung in April 1955, and other widely recognized international documents.
104.	Because of the absence of a political settlement in the Middle East, the Israeli militarists have been able to fan the smouldering fires of military conflict in that area and, pursuing their expansionist policy, have unleashed military action against Egypt and Syria. Israel and those external reactionary circles which have constantly connived at its aggressive tendencies bear full responsibility for developments in the Middle East. In present conditions, unity of action and solidarity among all peace-loving countries are essential in order to ensure the restoration of the lawful rights of the Arab peoples. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR, guided by the interests of peace, is ready to support the most resolute measures taken by the United Nations in order to ensure the full implementation of Security Council and General Assembly decisions relating to the Middle East, in other words, to bring about the total withdrawal of Israeli forces from the occupied Arab territories and to secure respect for the independence and inalienable rights of the States and peoples in that region, including the Arab people of Palestine.
105.	A significant contribution towards intensifying the process of detente can be made within the United Nations if consistent and multilevel efforts are undertaken and if each Member of the United Nations displays readiness to cooperate in a constructive manner, and not to adopt the attitude of a dissatisfied critic or passively wait for others to act. These efforts must be specific and consistent, and must help to ensure that the agreements which have been reached are observed, that problems which are being considered are settled, that existing obstacles are overcome and that new initiatives are put forward which are in keeping with the interests of all peoples and with the United Nations Charter. The aim of consolidating successes already achieved and multiplying them in number requires resolute efforts on the part of all peace-loving forces. We must not lose sight of our ultimate objectives, but must strive towards them — and must always move forward, exploiting any opportunity, however small, to take specific measures which would

genuinely ensure a lasting peace. We know that such opportunities are available to us.
106.	It is quite clear that the agreement concluded on 22 June 1973 between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America, aimed at preventing the outbreak of nuclear war between them and ensuring that they do all within their power to prevent any chance of such a war breaking out, is of enormous importance for the peace, of all mankind. Both sides have assumed a specific obligation to refrain from the threat or the use of force against each other, their allies or other countries in circumstances that might endanger international peace and security. It is vital, in order to ensure universal security and an enduring peace on earth, that other States should accept the principles which have been established jointly by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America, namely, the non-use of force and the adoption of resolute measures to prevent the outbreak of nuclear war. That could be done in various ways. The process would be encouraged by the earliest possible adoption by the Security Council of appropriate measures to ensure the full implementation of the resolution adopted last year by the General Assembly [resolution 2936 (XXVII)], which on behalf of States Members of the United Nations, solemnly declared their renunciation of the use or threat of force in all its forms and manifestations in international relations, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, and the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons.
107.	In the matter of disarmament, States have before them a broad field of action. An overwhelming majority of countries approves the agreements reached by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America on defensive and offensive strategic arms, and also the readiness displayed not only to limit offensive strategic weapons quantitatively and qualitatively, but also to adopt measures for the progressive reduction of such weapons. Some action has also been taken in the United Nations to limit and reverse the arms race. Nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water have been prohibited, well- known treaties concerning the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the prohibition of the emplacement of such weapons on the sea bed and the ocean floor and in outer space are being implemented, and a convention governing the removal of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons from military arsenals has been approved [see resolution 2826 (XXVI)]. But these are merely first steps toward the ideal of general complete disarmament, which has been approved by the United Nations.
108.	Unfortunately, in recent years, the number of States becoming parties to the already existing agreements has been increasing at a slower rate, and one of those agreements is being openly violated by certain nuclear Powers. During the past year, the question of the prohibition of all nuclear tests by all States everywhere has remained at a standstill, and no progress has been achieved in the elimination of chemical weapons and the implementation of many other proposals submitted for consideration within the United Nations. Unfortunately, the General Assembly's decision concerning the convening of the World Disarmament Conference [resolution 2930 (XXVII)] has also reached an impasse because of the positions of two major Powers. Such circumstances require redoubled efforts on the part of all States to settle disarmament problems. It is essential to ensure that those who oppose disarmament and the convening of a World Disarmament Conference should cease to ignore the will of an overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations and all peoples of the world on these matters. The time has clearly come for States Members of this Organization to adopt a position on disarmament problems which would make possible active progress towards their practical solution.
109.	'	Considerable opportunities in that field are opened up by the item "Reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council of the United Nations by 10 per cent and utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries", which has been included in the agenda on the initiative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics [item 102]. The aims of this proposal, which combines measures of political and military detente with opportunities to increase many times the funds available for international assistance to the developing countries, not only are desirable, but are feasible in today's circumstances. The proposal does not prejudice the principle of equal security of States, and will benefit both the peoples of the countries putting into effect the proposed reduction in their military budgets and the peoples of the developing countries who are struggling for economic and social progress.
110.	The Soviet proposal fully takes into account the desires of the developing countries, since its implementation would enable them, in an atmosphere of detente and greater security, to intensify their efforts to accelerate economic and social progress on a basis of radical social and economic transformations, full utilization of domestic resources and expansion of international assistance. It is no accident that this proposal has been welcomed by the overwhelming majority of such countries. However, we should ignore the wiles of those who invent artificial and unfounded arguments against this proposal, the more so as their so-called arguments do not hold water and merely show that there are still forces in the world interested in prolonging the arms race. One speaker here has openly called for an increase in the military expenditure of the United States, the countries of Western Europe and the developing States. It is also said that the trustworthiness of published data on the military expenditure of each State should be checked. This is nothing but an attempt to replace the question of reduction of military budgets by the question of control by the opponents of this proposal over all the economic and financial, activities of States. But we know full well that, even if this extreme curiosity — which is tantamount to interference in the internal affairs of the States — were to be satisfied, the opponents of disarmament would always find new, equally contrived "arguments" to avoid accepting the proposal submitted by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and supported by many other States. We have already heard one of these arguments. One speaker alleged that his country was already granting greater assistance to the developing countries than that provided for in the proposal of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Statistics and United Nations studies refute that allegation. Moreover, that speaker does not take into account the well-known fact that not only his country's annual military expenditure, but its entire budget over many years, would be insufficient to compensate the developing countries for the funds of which their economies have been plundered and continue to be plundered by violent means or by means of the so-called unbalanced exchange, to say the least.
111.	If the United Nations wishes to make progress in the sphere of disarmament, it should also completely reject the untenable assertion that the question of the reduction of military budgets should not be discussed in the General Assembly because the proposals on this question were not approved by the Assembly during the years of the "cold war", when the voting machinery was in the hands of the opponents of disarmament. If we follow this line of reasoning, it means that we should not have worked for the convening of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, or for the issue of the invitation to representatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to participate in the consideration of questions relating to Korea, or that we should give up the struggle for peace, for decolonization and against racism, for the sole reason that, in the past, the proposals on these questions were rejected in the United Nations — and we know by whom. But these are different times, and there are many new possibilities for overcoming problems which were previously blocked. The United Nations must take advantage of these new conditions, in which peace-loving forces have serried their ranks and international tension is easing, and give additional impetus to the realization of the noble purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
112.	The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR will actively strive for an effective solution of all the principal problems on the agenda of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. A number of them have already been referred to. We will also do our utmost to ensure the implementation by all States of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)], and to press for the completion and the approval of a draft treaty concerning the moon and the international convention on principles governing the use by States of artificial earth satellites for direct television broadcasting [A/8771, annex].
113.	As in all previous years, my delegation will be in the ranks of those who are consistent supporters of the active struggle for the complete elimination of colonialism and the securing of freedom for peoples which are under Portuguese colonial domination or which are kept in slavery by the racist regimes in southern Africa. We shall resolutely support the efforts of the United Nations to put an end to the pernicious activities of international monopolies in dependent Territories, and we shall urge that the specialized agencies and the international institutions associated with the United Nations should fully promote the process of decolonization in their activities. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR welcomes the proclamation of a new independent State, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, on land won from the Portuguese colonialists, and wishes the people of that country success in building a new life in conditions of freedom, independence and the complete liberation of their homeland from the colonial yoke. We wish success to all colonial peoples in their just struggle for freedom and independence.
114.	My delegation will fully support United Nations efforts to eliminate apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination, or any other infringement of basic human rights. At the same time we shall press for the approval of the draft Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, the implementation by all countries of existing international legal instruments concerning the struggle against racism and the safeguarding of human rights, and also the adoption of the draft principles of international co-operation in the detection, arrest, extradition and punishment of persons guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity [A/9326].
115.	At the present session of the General Assembly many delegations have referred to the question of the observance of human rights. Most of those who have spoken have quite rightly demanded the elimination of apartheid and racism and the cessation of violations of human rights by aggressors and colonialists. Unfortunately, individual representatives are attempting to use United Nations efforts to ensure the observance of human rights in order to interfere in the internal affairs of other States. They are ready to protect the "rights" only of individuals who, by their irresponsible utterances or actions, are rendering a service to the forces of imperialism and reaction and slandering the socialist States or attempting to defect to the camp of the aggressors. At the same time, these so-called protectors of human rights close their eyes to the mass crimes of racists, colonialists and reactionaries, not only in violating human rights but also in physically destroying innocent persons because of their democratic convictions. They do not say a word in support of the rights of democrats in Chile and their patriotic efforts to carry out socio-economic transformations in the interests of the working people of that country. They waste no time in recognizing the military dictators' regime in that country, though elsewhere throughout the world, including the Byelorussian SSR, the people have unanimously condemned the actions of the military junta in Chile, which killed the President of the country, Salvador Allende, dissolved the National Congress and local organs of power, trampled on the rights of workers and banned trade unions, abrogated constitutional guarantees for the elementary democratic rights of Chilean citizens and is now pursuing a bloody reign of terror against the progressive forces in the country and the entire Chilean people. The self-styled defenders of human rights remain silent on these events. Many of them remain silent too when the question of the struggle against apartheid and racism and the fight for the rights of Africans is discussed, or the violations of human rights in their own countries. As a rule, these speakers represent countries which are not parties to the conventions, treaties and covenants aimed at combating racism and ensuring the observance of human rights which have been prepared in the United Nations.
116.	The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR is proud of the fact that, in our Republic and throughout the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, there are genuine guarantees for an immeasurably wider range of human rights than those provided for in international legal instruments approved by the United Nations. We are party to all the most important international agreements on human rights and conscientiously observe them. This year the Byelorussian SSR ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex] and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [ibid], and it calls upon all countries to adhere to these documents,
and to join in the genuine struggle for the safeguarding of human rights and freedoms everywhere and for the elimination of flagrant and mass violations of such rights.
117.	The views of the socialist States, including the Byelorussian SSR, on questions of equitable economic,   commercial, scientific and technological co-operation in the interests of all peoples, with due regard for the needs and demands of the developing countries, are well known. They are actively put into practice in the United Nations and in other international bodies concerned with such problems. We do our best to prevent and overcome the pernicious effects of the activities of the neo-colonialists and international monopolies on the economies of developing countries, and also to protect the interests of the developing countries and to ensure that they can overcome the obstacles to their economic and social progress created as a result of long domination by the colonialists and of the policy they still pursue of plundering the peoples of the developing countries or of infringing their legitimate rights in international economic relations. We provide considerable assistance to those countries, partly through our participation in United Nations international assistance programmes.
118.	May I dwell briefly on one more question — the need for strict compliance by all, without exception, with the United Nations Charter. Present conditions of detente and the consolidation of all anti-imperialist forces provide a genuine opportunity, greater than ever before, for the full utilization and implementation of all provisions of the Charter in order to ensure that the activities of United Nations bodies are carried out exclusively in order to achieve the purposes and principles of the Organization, the most important of which is the strengthening of universal peace. Today, more than ever before, any attempt to undermine the United Nations Charter, and thereby the Organization itself, is absolutely unacceptable. Those who favour a revision of the Charter obviously hope that, by endless arguments about the merits and shortcomings of the Charter and about what should be done in the future, they will be able to avoid the need to comply with the Charter or to justify their previous activities, which have been contrary to the Charter. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR appeals to all participants in the General Assembly to reject any direct or indirect proposals allegedly intended to make the United Nations more effective, but in fact aimed at revising, violating or not complying strictly with the Charter. We still have considerable work to do to ensure that the United Nations Charter is complied with by all, everywhere, in every sphere of international life and human activity, so that the peoples of the world are satisfied with its activities and the results it achieves.
119.	The Byelorussian SSR has always attached great importance to the United Nations and, through 28 years' participation in its work, guided by its Leninist peace-loving foreign policy, has done its best to achieve the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR has always striven to ensure that the United Nations should be an important and effective instrument in maintaining peace and reducing international tension, and that it should be used in the interests of comprehensive and equitable co-operation among States. We have pursued and are pursuing this policy, both during
General Assembly sessions and in all bodies in the United Nations and its specialized agencies of which we are members. We shall continue to do so in the future everywhere — both in the principal organs of the United Nations and in its subsidiary bodies; at major international conferences and in small meetings; in the formal consideration and settlement of questions and in the course of consultations with all those who are concerned for peace and progress on earth.


 Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of the delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic, to congratulate Mr. Benites sincerely once again on his election to the high post of President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly and to wish him success in the discharge of his responsible duties. I should also like to take this opportunity to express my deep gratitude to his predecessor, the Deputy Foreign Minister of the Polish People's Republic, Comrade Trepczynski, whose outstanding competence and personal qualities helped significantly to bring the work of the last session of the General Assembly to a successful conclusion.
2.	Since the last session of the General Assembly, substantial changes have taken place in the world. We are moving towards a further development of the process of detente and a fundamental restructuring of international relations as a whole. As a result of these favourable changes, a new situation is developing in the world-a shift from confrontation and the "cold war" to peace, international co-operation, and the creation of a firm basis for peaceful co-existence. The basis for the far-reaching transformations now taking place is to be found in a general change in power relationships in favour of peace and social progress.
3.	Genuine successes in the relaxation of international tension have become possible mainly because of the active and enterprising efforts of the socialist countries, which are fighting a consistent and insistent battle to strengthen peace and universal security. The efforts of all peace-loving and progressive forces and a realistic approach by other States to a solution of urgent problems are helping to improve the international situation.

4.	The beginning of the work of the current session of the General Assembly was marked by an important event, which also reflects the positive shifts taking place in the world. It may be said that the admission of the two sovereign German States  —  the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany  —  to the United Nations is a landmark in the history of our Organization. The membership of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany in the United Nations is also the result and the confirmation of the accelerating process of detente in Europe, where a clear trend has emerged towards the creation of a durable and lasting basis for peace and security and towards the development of co-operation between the States of the continent on a basis of equality and mutual benefit.
5.	In the last two years, definite progress has been made, on the initiative of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, towards overcoming the consequences of the Second World War and towards the final legal establishment of the inviolability of post-war frontiers. Practical steps have also been taken to reduce the risk of armed conflicts and to reinforce the spirit of mutual understanding and co-operation between the States of Europe. A clear tendency to extend political detente to the military arena has become apparent, and this would presuppose a reduction of armed forces and armaments.
6.	The successful conclusion of the first phase of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is an important step on the road to building a reliable system of collective security in Europe. The new historic situation that is now emerging on the European continent is meeting with the approval of all States interested in the development of an atmosphere of good-neighbourliness and cooperation. The favourable turn of events on the European continent raises hopes of creating a firm basis for peace and security not only in Europe, but throughout the world.
7.	The improvement of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America is assisting the process of detente and the stabilization of the international situation. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of the recent Soviet-American negotiations.
8.	The importance of the development of Soviet-American relations transcends the framework of bilateral relations, since that development influences to a large extent the improvement of the whole international situation, which is in the interests of all States without exception, whether large or small, for progress and prosperity for every State are possible only in conditions of peace and security.
9.	The changes now taking place in the world are creating favourable conditions preventing nuclear war and armed
conflicts, for eliminating the last centres of tension, and for developing mutually advantageous co-operation between States.
10.	The principal trend in the current development of international relations is towards the universal recognition and practical application of the principles of peaceful coexistence as the legal basis for relations between States with different social systems. Peaceful coexistence means not only the readiness of States with different systems to live in peace; it also implies a desire to develop economic, scientific, technological and cultural co-operation and mutually advantageous ties, and to settle controversial issues by negotiation.

11.	The Mongolian People's Republic is constantly guided in its foreign policy activities by the principle of peaceful coexistence and will continue to develop and expand its ties and co-operation with other States in the world on that basis.
12.	Like the other socialist countries, the Mongolian People's Republic is interested in seeing detente become global and all-embracing in nature. We consider that the general improvement in the international atmosphere is opening up good prospects of spreading the process* of detente to the continent of Asia as well, in order that the peoples of Asia may live by the laws of peace.
13.	Our delegation would like to point out in this connexion that noticeable changes for the better have recently been taking place on the continent of Asia.
14.	The long heroic struggle of the Viet-Namese people against imperialist aggression has ended victoriously. The ending of the war in Viet-Nam, which was one of the longest and cruellest wars of our time, has removed the most dangerous centre of tension not only in Asia, but in the whole world.
15.	The victory of the Viet-Namese people, who relied on assistance and support from the socialist countries and all revolutionary and progressive forces, demonstrated to the whole world that you cannot defeat a nation fighting a just war for freedom and independence, in defence of its legitimate rights.
16.	The Paris Agreement on Viet-Nam, which establishes the right of the Viet-Namese people to decide their own destiny, has created the necessary pre-conditions for solving the Indo-Chinese problem and for strengthening peace and security on the Asian continent.
17.	Nevertheless, although an agreement was reached on ending the war in Viet-Nam, its strict observance is encountering opposition from reactionary forces. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic resolutely condemns the obstructionist acts of the Saigon administration and its patrons, acts which hinder the implementation of the Paris Agreement on Viet-Nam. It is only on the basis of strict observance by both sides of all the articles and provisions of the Paris Agreement that peace and tranquillity can be finally established on Viet-Namese soil.
18.	The Mongolian People's Republic expresses its solidarity with the struggle of the patriotic forces of Laos and Cambodia for the realization of the national aspirations of the peoples of their countries. The signing on 21 February 1973 of the Agreement on Restoring Peace and Achieving National Concord in Laos opens the way to a settlement of problems in that part of Indo-China.
19.	New and positive circumstances have arisen in the development of the situation in the Korean peninsula. Thanks to the initiative and constructive proposal by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, a dialogue has begun between the two parts of Korea to find ways to achieve the peaceful unification of Korea.
20.	The attitude of the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic to the Korean problem remains unchanged: the Korean people must decide its own destiny without external interference. The immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea and the dissolution of the so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea are still the essential condition for the peaceful unification of Korea.
21.	We note with satisfaction the opening of the Office of the Permanent Observer of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to the United Nations. Participation by representatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the discussion of the Korean problem will undoubtedly contribute to an objective consideration of the question at this session of the General Assembly.
22.	We welcome the progress that has been made in alleviating and normalizing the situation on the Indian subcontinent. A final normalization of the situation in that region would contribute substantially to the improvement of the political climate in Asia. Lastly, the indisputable fact of the existence of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, which has now been recognized by over 100 States of the world, must be acknowledged.
23.	In this connexion, we must point out the abnormality of the situation in which this young and independent State, despite its right to be a Member of the United Nations, still remains outside the Organization. Our delegation expresses the hope that the current session of the General Assembly will put an end to this very obvious injustice to the People's Republic of Bangladesh and that Bangladesh will take its place in the ranks of the Members of the United Nations.
24.	The Mongolian People's Republic has been following events in the Middle East with deep disquiet. The crisis situation caused by the aggressive acts and annexionist intrigues of the ruling circles of Israel, who enjoy the support and encouragement of international Zionism and imperialism, continues to be one of the most dangerous centres of international tension and a real threat to universal peace and security. Such a situation is particularly intolerable in the present conditions of a general improvement in the international situation.
25.	Responsibility for the situation that has arisen lies entirely with the ruling circles of Israel and their imperialist accomplices. How much longer will the Israeli extremist^ spurn the efforts of peace-loving forces to bring about settlement of the Middle East conflict, and how much longer will they continue openly to ignore Security Council and General Assembly resolutions?
26.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic considers that the solution of the Middle East problem must be based on the familiar Security Council resolution 242(1967) of 22 November 1967 and that the first essential condition for the application of its provisions is the immediate and complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from all the occupied Arab territories. The General Assembly must use its authority and influence to overcome the resistance of the Israeli expansionists and their patrons to the elimination of the centre of conflict in the Middle East.
27.	like the peoples of the other continents, the peoples of Asia are vitally interested in ensuring lasting peace and in the creation of more favourable conditions for the solution of the social and economic problems facing them.
28.	Now that the aim of ending the war in Viet-Nam has been achieved, the peoples and Governments of many Asian States are trying to evolve forms of co-operation and a structure that would guarantee peace and security on the continent. In many countries the public is becoming increasingly conscious of the fact that the real path to ensuring lasting peace in Asia lies in the creation of a system of collective security.
29.	Such a system can provide the peoples of Asia with the conditions for peaceful development. It must not be directed against any other States, and all the Asian countries without exception must participate in it on an equal footing.
30.	A system of collective security in Asia could be based on such principles as renunciation of the use of force in relations between States, respect for sovereignty and the inviolability of frontiers, inadmissibility of the seizure of foreign territories, non-interference in the internal affairs of countries and peoples, and. broad development of cooperation on a basis of equal rights and mutual advantage.
31.	The practical realization of the idea of a system of security on the Asian continent would, of course, require a great deal of effort, but it is a realistic cause. We recognize that the increasing opportunities on the road to this important goal are accompanied by certain difficulties. These difficulties are due primarily to the policy of the imperialist and hegemonistic forces which are trying to hold back the process of detente and maintain tension on the Asian continent. Concerted action by the Asian States and all peace-loving forces are therefore required in the interests of ensuring security in Asia.
32.	At its twenty-seventh session, the General Assembly solemnly reaffirmed [resolution 2993 (XXVII)] the principles and provisions of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2134 (XXV)) and urgently appealed to all States to implement those provisions consistently and fully. The principles proclaimed in that Declaration reflect, and are the concrete expression of, the principal and most pressing demand of our times  —  the exclusion of war as an instrument of national policy and as a means of resolving disputes between States.
33.	The Mongolian People's Republic attaches great significance to a most important provision of the United Nations Charter: the provision concerning the non-use of force in relations between States. The principle of the renunciation of the use of force, which is one of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, is being increasingly put into practice in relations between States. As you know, resolution 2936 (XXVII) providing for the non-use of force in international relations as an inseparable concomitant of the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons was adopted at the last session of the General Assembly on a proposal by the Soviet Union. Strict observance of this principle by States Members of the United Nations and the establishment of its binding nature by the elaboration of special measures decided on by the Security Council will have an exceptionally beneficial effect on the whole development of international relations.
34.	The policy of colonial domination and racial discrimination is still one of the fundamental obstacles on the road to strengthening peace and security.
35.	In order to maintain its influence in Africa and in other areas, imperialism is trying to use the racist and colonialist regimes there to fight the growing national liberation movements of the peoples of the colonial and dependent countries.
36.	The Mongolian People's Republic consistently advocates the final elimination of colonialism, and the immediate granting of independence to countries and Territories which are still under colonial domination. The speedy elimination of racism and racial discrimination in all their forms and manifestations, including the monstrous system of apartheid, is a pressing need of our time.
37.	We are convinced that the just cause of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Namibia and Zimbabwe, and of the other peoples under the yoke of the colonialists and racists, will triumph with the growing support of all progressive forces in the world.
38.	Experience shows that a rallying and a unity of action by all those fighting for freedom and independence, for peace and social progress, is essential for a successful fight against imperialism and colonialism. Hence the significance of the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in September 1973 in Algiers, which expressed the determination of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America to redouble the anti-imperialist and anti-colonial struggle.
39.	It should be noted that the forces of reaction do not hesitate to prevent the introduction of democratic, social and economic changes in various countries, or to divert peoples from their chosen path of progressive development. This is evident from the military putsch in Chile, which was carried out with the support of foreign imperialist forces. The Mongolian people resolutely condemn the overthrow of the legitimate Government of Popular Unity elected as a
result of the free expression of the will of the Chilean people, the treacherous murder of an outstanding statesman and politician, President Salvador Allende, and the bloody reprisals against the progressive forces of the country. We express our heartfelt solidarity with the working people of Chile and demand an immediate end to the terror and repression against the progressive forces in the country, and respect for the will and aspirations of the Chilean people.
40.	The general improvement in the international political climate is creating favourable conditions for the elaboration and practical implementation of measures to limit the arms race. The conclusion on 22 June 1973 by the Soviet Union and the United States of the Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War was an extremely important step towards saving humanity from the horrors of thermonuclear war. It is making it easier to reach an understanding on further measures to limit the arms race.
41.	The strategic arms limitation talks now taking place between the Soviet Union and the United States of America and the negotiations that have begun in Vienna on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe are no less important.
42.	The Mongolian People's Republic still considers that the convening of a World Disarmament Conference is an urgent necessity and one that requires the active and constructive participation of all States, and the five nuclear Powers especially, in solving this key problem of our times. The Mongolian People's Republic, as a member of the Special Committee on the World Disarmament Conference, considers that urgent measures must be taken to ensure the normal functioning of that Committee so that it can start work immediately on practical preparations for holding a world disarmament conference.
43.	For the past two years, the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva has been discussing, along with other issues related to disarmament, the draft convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons and on their destruction. Nevertheless, a generally acceptable solution to this problem has not yet been found. It would require from States Members of the United Nations new and serious efforts to reach agreement on the banning of chemical weapons.
44.	At the 2126th meeting of the General Assembly, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Mr. A. A. Gromyko, submitted on behalf of the Soviet Government a proposal to consider at the current session an item on the reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council by 10 per cent and utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries..
45.	Our delegation considers this to be a timely and constructive proposal. The translation of this new and important initiative into reality would be a practical step towards solving the problem of disarmament; it would enable additional resources to be allocated for constructive

purposes; and it would permit the acceleration of economic progress in the developing countries.
46.	While welcoming the readiness of the Soviet Union to reduce its military expenditure, we are entitled to expect that the other permanent members of the Security Council will do likewise  —  this is essential for the implementation of the proposal.
47.	A reduction in military expenditure by the nuclear Powers would be a convincing example to other countries with large economic and military potential, and would promote the further strengthening of mutual trust and co-operation between States in the interests of peace.
48.	That is why we consider it appropriate to examine the Soviet proposal, which is in the interest of all peoples of the world, at the current session.
49.	In connexion with the problem of disarmament, we should like to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the need for an immediate cessation of all forms of nuclear testing, and above all nuclear testing in the atmosphere. The Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water,  which was signed 10 years ago, was an important step on the road to saving humanity from the dangerous consequences of nuclear testing. But, despite the clearly expressed view of a broad stratum of world opinion, Asia and Oceania are still being used as proving grounds for atmospheric nuclear tests. These tests involve serious danger to human life and cause immense damage to the environment, particularly in those countries in the immediate vicinity of the areas in which the tests are conducted.
50.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic adds its voice to those of the other nations that are demanding the cessation of nuclear tests in the atmosphere in order to bar the way to a nuclear arms race.
51.	In our opinion, it is essential, in order to consolidate the present positive progress in the world, to spread the spirit of detente and realism to the area of international economic relations.
52.	We appreciate the difficulties being encountered by the developing countries in their struggle for economic and social progress. As experience in many countries has shown, the acceleration of a country's economic development is fundamentally dependent on the mobilization of domestic resources and the introduction of far-reaching social and economic changes in the interest of society as a whole.
53.	Another very important factor for the achievement of those aims is a general reform of the whole system of relations between the developing countries and the developed capitalist countries, a review of the current unjust international division of labour and the introduction of new just forms, standards and principles of co-operation.
54.	At the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, the socialist countries submitted an important document - a draft statement by the United Nations on promoting the development of co-operation in economic, trade, scientific and technological matters on the basis of equality.  The provisions of the draft statement reflect the objective demands of the development of modern international trade and economic relations based on the principles of equality and mutual advantage.
55.	We hope that the forthcoming Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will reflect in its decisions the interests of the land-locked States. The existing international legal provisions establishing the rights of land-locked States must be further developed and reinforced.
56.	The Mongolian People's Republic consistently supports the reinforcement of the United Nations as an important instrument of peace and as a centre for reconciling the positions of different States.
57.	We note with satisfaction that some positive progress has been made in enhancing the prestige and authority of the United Nations and in ensuring its universality.
58.	Our delegation expresses the hope that this session of the United Nations General Assembly will make its contribution to accentuating the positive trends in the development of contemporary international relations, and reinforcing the spirit of mutual understanding and co-operation between States in the interests of peace and universal security.