32.
On behalf of the Republic of Seychelles, I wish to convey to Mr. Jorge Illueca our warm congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. That important choice certainly represents a recognition of his noble qualities both as a man and as a diplomat. We wish him every success in the discharge of his duties.
33.	I wish also to convey to Mr. Imre Hollai our deep appreciation of the admirable and far-sighted way in which he carried out his mandate as President of the thirty-seventh session.
34.	I should like furthermore to express to the Secretary- General our highest appreciation of his tireless efforts in the search for the most appropriate solutions to the serious problems faced by the international community. I wish to pay him the highest tribute for his perseverance and courage in his many approaches to those who consider themselves to be directly concerned in sensitive situations in various parts of the world.
35.	As a citizen of an island developing country, I am happy and proud to welcome to the Organization a brother island State, Saint Christopher and Nevis.
36.	I wish to say immediately how much Seychelles appreciates the position taken by the United Nations with regard to the question of mercenaries. The United Nations, indeed, played an important role by severely condemning the armed intervention by mercenaries of which we were the victim in November 1981. Our national territory was attacked and our Republic violated. International conscience, represented by the Assembly, voiced a clear protest against that cruel action. Fortunately, the attempt failed, thanks to the vigilance of our people. The six mercenaries who were captured were tried according to our rules and procedures. Four of them were sentenced to death, but they were not executed. President France Albert Rene, in a magnanimous gesture, exercised his right of clemency. He pardoned them, which they certainly did not expect. That recent act of clemency formed part of an amnesty announced by the head of State during the celebration on 5 June 1983 of the anniversary of our revolution.
37.	It is relevant to stress that this act was carried out at a time when throughout the world violence was pursuing its course. The fighters of the African National Congress	had just been hanged in South Africa despite international appeals for clemency. Wherever one finds oneself—in Victoria or in New York—one cannot fail to feel pity and anger at the injustice afflicting peoples which thirst for progress and freedom.
38.	In our Republic, the forces of freedom prevail, and they guide our actions. Our abiding goal is to seek peace, not only in our own country but in our region of the Indian Ocean and throughout the world. The economic balance and the social progress of the world depend on peace among men and on security for all.
39.	I have referred to the mercenary aggression against the young Republic of Seychelles because that criminal act teaches us certain lessons, for everything that comes to pass, even in a tiny island in the middle of the Indian Ocean, concerns people and must therefore be of concern to us all. Each one of us should share the burden of mankind's injustices. When the General Assembly decided to deal with the problem of this act of aggression, we felt that we were understood, that we were being helped and supported. I wish to emphasize that here.
40.	Our world is a unit, and we are all interdependent. To survive, we need to co-operate and to help each other. A united front by all against every kind of aggression offers hope that our respective development goals will be met.
41.	That is why we in Seychelles are fighting vigorously against military escalation of any kind.
42.	Our Indian Ocean region must remain a sanctuary of peace: peace for the mammals of the sea, but also peace for human beings. We must not permit our ocean to become a place of confrontation for other Powers, not only because the arms race is harmful to us, but above all because we must banish from the face of the earth the very idea of aggressiveness. We, the peoples of the Indian Ocean, wish to live in peace in our region. However, we know that the geographical position of our islands makes them strategically desirable, that our freedom, our peace and our aspirations to prosperity are seriously threatened and that only international cooperation, acting to stabilize individual forces, can curb the military rivalries in our area.
43.	There can be no more noble forum than this Assembly to undertake this endeavour for peace, which would be a reason for hope and an act of faith in the future.
44.	The nuclear threat and excessive militarization must disappear from our Indian Ocean and from the face of the Earth. Unfortunately, the world is dominated by interests other than those of humanity at large, and all our hopes, all our attempts to achieve peace, have thus far been in vain.
45.	I wish to voice our serious concern about the recent nuclear collaboration between certain Western Powers and South Africa.
46.	The opposing parties constantly change, the conflicts move from one nation to another, alliance agreements are made and unmade. Our Indian Ocean region does not escape these constant threats, and that is why the Republic of Seychelles reaffirms its determination to work for the convening as soon as possible of the Conference on the Indian Ocean, which has repeatedly been postponed. We note with great regret that no mention of the Indian Ocean was made in the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization.
47.	Let us always remember that the nuclear risk involved in two countries confronting each other in fact constitutes a threat to mankind as a whole. It is therefore imperative to oppose the blind machinery of fatality with lucid analysis, courageous action and effective structures for international co-operation.
48.	If a nuclear war can destroy men, it can also destroy what men need—food. Famine is a serious scourge in our century and it is a paradox that we are unable to end it immediately. The enormous progress of agricultural technology should enable us to fight famine and wipe it from the face of the Earth. Since that is not the case, we must do our utmost to see that no more children die of hunger in our world.

49.	International co-operation should be a driving force of agricultural development so that all peoples can become self-sufficient in food. I would point out that the industrialized countries possess approximately half of all arable land and that only 11 per cent of funds is allocated to agricultural research. Those figures do not make very good sense, as we are all responsible people here and our task is to improve the well-being of mankind.
50.	Another scourge that afflicts our world is the worldwide damage to our environment. The warning signs of this are the death of the forests, the rapid extinction of many types of trees, plants and animals, the pollution of our seas and oceans, and so forth.
51.	Indeed, the question of the preservation of the environment has over the last decade gained considerable importance. It has become so important that several countries have made it the major topic of their electoral policies. In an unprecedented tide of action, 119 countries, including the Republic of Seychelles, signed the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. That Convention provides the true foundation for international co-operation to protect the environment against any marine pollution.
52.	Without further ado we must start to preserve the environment in all its aspects. According to an old proverb, the death of the forest is followed by the death of man. Unless we immediately implement a new policy for the rational management of the Earth's natural resources, the effects of environmental damage will harm future generations.
53.	In his statement at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983, the President of the Republic of Seychelles appealed for international co-operation for the preservation of the environment of the Indian Ocean and its natural resources. On that occasion the head of State of Seychelles spoke of an Indian Ocean alliance in which all the littoral countries of the Indian Ocean would take part.
54.	The people of Seychelles is keenly aware of the fragility of the ecosystem of its territory and is striving to protect it at all costs. By defending and protecting the variety of species, it is our territory, our people, the riches of men and their freedom that we are defending. We have assumed this mission for the well-being of humanity.
55.	That is why the people of Seychelles has, as it were, made available to humanity at large, through UNESCO, a third of its territory to be part of the world heritage. I am referring to the Aldabra Atoll, which is now one of a number of famous sites or monuments—natural, historical or archaeological.  Humanity , by definition, involves all men. Any human venture, however particular it may appear, involves humanity as a whole, and the Aldabra venture is an example of this and represents an ideal. Aldabra has always represented peace and freedom, and its inclusion in the world heritage enshrines it as a symbol of peace and freedom.
56.	I must recall the rending of the soul of Seychelles at the time of the separation of Aldabra in 1965, a rending caused by the creation of a new territory for a purpose that does not represent a quest for tranquillity. Diego Garcia, separated from Mauritius at the same time, remains today a military base ix our Indian Ocean.
57.	How much ground has been covered since the 1960s, and fortunately for Aldabra, respect for nature has triumphed, peace reigns and freedom shines forth.
58.	I repeat that we must protect the environment of the Indian Ocean region, which for us is a source of incalculable wealth. It is a question of the survival of our region. We have fought and we will continue to fight in international forums to demand that the super-Powers remove their rivalries from that region.
59.	Today the world is facing other serious problems. One of the great dangers, which could lead to decisive confrontations in the future, lies in the increased gap between the poor countries and the industrialized countries. By the year 2000 the world population, according to the statistics of the experts, will be over 6 billion, of which three quarters will be living in the developing countries.
60.	The famous North-South negotiations remain deadlocked. The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade, achieved mediocre results. None of the steps designed to tackle the most urgent issues requested at New Delhi by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries was taken at Belgrade. No commitment was made concerning transfers likely to lead to a recovery in the economic and social activities of certain countries that are heavily dependent on foreign capital markets and raw materials. It is high time that a policy of support for the prices of the raw materials of the poor countries was implemented. A policy of agricultural or food self-sufficiency is also necessary. Similarly, we believe that we must together find procedures for a new monetary system which does not introduce imbalances into the economies of the developing countries.
61.	Another important sector that should be improved is that of the borrowing capacity, choice and facilities for developing countries, but borrowing opportunities and conditions have been analyzed and made more difficult and more scarce at the very time when the economies of many developing countries are expanding and need fresh sources of financing.
62.	Since dangerous prospects are opening up, a new universal approach must prevail, as must boldness, imagination and, above all, determination. It is essential to meet the challenge of the poverty of the third world, not only out of a spirit of brotherhood or generosity but also because an expansion of trade is in the interest of the whole world, particularly the industrialized countries.
63.	We are not asking the industrialized countries to sacrifice their legitimate interests, nor are we asking them to stop making their best efforts to ensure the well-being of their peoples. We are asking them to join us, to fight with us for a more humane development/with a view to establishing a new international economic order. We know that several industrialized countries are aware of the scourges that beset the countries of the third world and are convinced of the need to remedy them.
64.	I should like to take this opportunity to thank all the countries that are working in this direction and all the countries that have confidence in the Republic of Seychelles and continue to make a meaningful contribution to the development of our young Republic.
65.	The peoples of the third world have the right to development, to life—in short, to a future. But this future can be built only through economic co-operation based on dignity, human solidarity and brotherhood. If this cooperation is to be sound and successful, the economic structures put in place to maintain the developing countries in a situation of dependence must be eliminated. The time has come to practice a development policy based on dignity and justice.

66.	The United Nations system remains the essential tool for a peaceful transformation of international relations, the best instrument for promoting international cooperation on a basis of equality that will lead to the establishment of the new international economic order. Therefore economic co-operation among developing countries is indispensable. By its very nature and because it is so necessary, it depends on the determination of our countries to achieve collective self-sufficiency and play a dynamic role in lasting and mutually beneficial international co-operation on a basis of equality.
67.	Without being a precondition of or a substitute for North-South relations, South-South co-operation, because of its great potential, necessitates specific collective action to strengthen its unity and solidarity. In this context we welcome the structures that the islands in the south-west of the Indian Ocean have established by creating a committee on the Indian Ocean for commercial, cultural, economic and technical co-operation. The initial results of the establishment of this committee have encouraged the legitimate aspirations of our States and can be considered the forerunners of new and greater prospects of regional co-operation among peoples and States of the Indian Ocean.
68.	The future of a nation is not unpredictable. It is built on peace. But peace cannot prevail unless the basic principles of the Charter are respected: self-determination for peoples, independence and security for States, and dignity, justice and equality for individuals.
69.	That is why we cannot fail to be aware of the need in the Middle East for the existence of a Palestinian State. We should not disguise this basic point by trite formulas, such as  the Palestinian question  and the  rights of the Palestinian people . Let us stop disguising the true question, which is self-determination for the Palestinian people.
70.	In the Mediterranean, the policy and the principles of non-alignment of Cyprus must be respected, as must its territorial integrity.
71.	In Korea, the Korean people is doing everything to restore national unity. We firmly support the struggle of the Korean people for the reunification of its country by peaceful means and without any foreign influence in its internal affairs.
72.	In Chad, how much more loss of human life must there be before the people of Chad, which has been so sadly rent asunder by many years of war, can decide its own future? We stress the urgent need to find a lasting peaceful solution to this conflict within the framework of the Organization of African Unity.
73.	In Central America, Nicaragua has become the scene of argument, but the facts show the strong determination of a people to defend its development and to struggle against oppression, domination and injustice. I repeat our sympathy and great friendship for the people of Nicaragua and its Government. At the same time, we wish every success to the Contadora initiative.
74.	In EI Salvador, we are also witnessing a struggle for the triumph of a policy of economic and social change, whose fervour has been damped because the people cannot decide its own future.
75.	The right of the Namibian people to freedom and dignity has suffered too much from constantly deferred time limits. Its martyrdom continues. Unfortunately, its will is still being frustrated, its decisions are being defied and its values are being outraged. It is time for the relevant resolutions of international organizations, in particular those of the United Nations, to be implemented so that the Namibian people can become free and independent. The presence of Cuban troops in Angola is no obstacle to this, in our opinion. The Namibian people will triumph, because its struggle is the struggle of all.
76.	The struggle for national liberation also being waged by the courageous fighters of the ANC deserves and always receives our unqualified support.
77.	The Saharan people, under the guidance of POLISARIO, is in a crucial phase of its struggle for independence and national sovereignty. It is with justified hope that we await the necessary political solution within the framework of the OAU, in co-operation with the United Nations.
78.	The many attempts to destabilize fraternal countries must end. To curb the development of peoples towards their freedom is to hold up the progress of humanity as a whole.
79.	Here I should like to mention the perseverance of Angola in its struggle and once more to assure the South West Africa People's Organization	of our complete, unqualified support.
80.	While it is not for the Government of my country to say what is the solution to these political and social problems, we none the less believe that the best solutions should be found through peaceful dialogue. Violence is not the only way to resolve conflicts. The pardon granted by President Rene to the mercenaries who committed an act of aggression against our country is a clear example of that.
81.	The General Assembly must be the pillar of the search for joint solutions. We must not be a passive body which merely takes note of international events. The United Nations attaches fundamental importance to respect for rights and freedoms, irrespective of sex, race, language or religion. Our ideas are guided by the fundamental principles of freedom, equity and the self- determination of peoples, international co-operation and non-interference in the internal affairs of all sovereign States.
82.	That is why in Seychelles, under the high-minded guidance of President France Albert Reno, we are fervently struggling to implement all our principles because we are sure that they will lead to peace and the consolidation of international bases for security.
83.	The Seychelles revolution is six years old. We have passed through a number of stages on our path to freedom. We are no longer a society that reserves privileges for a minority. There have been many achievements in education, health, agriculture, industry, fisheries, transport and housing. We can therefore look forward to a promising future in the economic and social development of the Republic of Seychelles. We know that we still have some way to go, but we are determined not to allow ourselves to be beaten by the obstacles that we shall have to confront.
84.	The people of Seychelles, faithful to the goals that it has set itself and strengthened by its past experience, will continue to strive tirelessly for the consolidation of its revolutionary achievements, for the establishment of the necessary structures which will lead to its full development and strengthen its unity and national defence, and for building the foundations for a socialist society. In this respect, we know that we need support, and we also know that the General Assembly remains one of the essential structures for the success of our various peoples. With that success, we should be able to make a worthwhile contribution to world peace and security.


1. Belize appears before the Assembly of the representatives of the world's peoples at the beginning of its third year as an independent nation of the Americas. Our independence was achieved through the struggle of our people and the support of the countries represented here. We are responding to the challenge to create a new society based on the structures of democracy that have worked so well for us, and with respect for the principles of international behaviour that have ensured the survival of the United Nations for so many years.
2.	As a Central American and Caribbean nation, we rejoice at the election of Mr. Jorge Illueca, the Vice- President of Panama, to preside over the deliberations of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. The people of Belize and the people of Panama have a long tradition of association and friendship, and our Governments have forged a relationship of trust, understanding and mutual support that could be a model for regional co-operation.
3.	We pay a tribute to the high quality of leadership displayed by Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, who presided over the thirty-seventh session.
4.	We rejoice at the accession to independence of our brother Caribbean State of Saint Christopher and Nevis
as we welcome yet another member of the Latin American and Caribbean family to the congress of the world.
5.	Belize is a small, developing country struggling with its own problems of underdevelopment and nation- building, in the midst of a region suffering the wider consequences of the processes of change, in a world whose chances of survival are lessened progressively with the accelerated development of the increasingly more frightening and more lethal technology of destruction.
6.	Even before Belize became independent, we were a founding member of the Caribbean Free Trade Association and later of the Caribbean Community. We are also members of the Commonwealth, the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries and various other regional and international organizations. We have beneficial ties of friendship and co-operation with most of the nations of Europe, Asia, Africa and the Americas. We are recognized by all the nations of the world—except one, Guatemala. It is the unfounded claims to our land by this larger neighbour that prevent good and friendly relations with the Republic of Guatemala and present an obstacle to the full realization of our potential for development and for the betterment of the lot of our peoples.
7.	To those who claim our land and cause us needless worry we hold out the hand of friendship. We ask that they respect and recognize our right to determine our future as a nation, free and sovereign, within the land and sea boundaries of Belize, which existed even before the independence of Central America.
8.	Guatemala has never possessed any rights over Belize, neither before we became independent nor now that we are independent. It is this intransigence in refusing to recognize the reality of an independent Belize that prevents us from living in peace and co-operation as neighbours should. This reality means that only the representatives of the Belizean people can speak for the nation of Belize. Belize is always willing to enter into peaceful dialogue with Guatemala to work out means of living together in peace and harmony.
9.	Persistence in this attitude on Guatemala's part constitutes a threat to peace in the only remaining peaceful part of Central America, a continent afflicted by the violence of strife. We share the anguish of the peoples of the continent and we wish for better times for them and for us. Yet we recognize that Central America is experiencing today the groaning and yearning for a new liberation, after centuries of power and economic imbalances that have left us a doleful legacy of poverty, inequality and unfulfilled expectations.
10.	Although Belize shares the history of the region, we have worked hard to spare our people much of the agony of the present crisis. But as the crisis in our region deepens no country is spared the effects. In our own country, refugees from neighbouring States continuously cross our borders in search of a safe haven of peace and stability from the ravages and destruction caused by civil war. Motivated by our human duty, we accept our brother Central Americans in our midst, we make a place for them in our society. Refugees are not isolated in camps
and insulated from the mainstream of Belizean society. Our integrative approach is to involve them in the life and the work of the community, to help them contribute to food production and give them some hope for tomorrow. None of us abandons hope that some day they will be able to return to their own lands and their own homes. However, a large influx of new people inevitably causes severe strains on the limited infrastructure of any developing country; and in Belize the strains are placed mostly on areas where we can least afford to be weakened: in employment, in medical and health facilities, in the school system and in housing. If we are to continue and cope effectively with this situation, Belize will require more positive assistance from international agencies.
11.	Steps toward peace and political and economic stability in Central America cannot be made by force and military might. Violence does not solve problems. My delegation feels that a political and negotiated solution is the best way to reduce tension and to give back to the people of the region some hope that they can resume a normal life. In this we support the work of the Contadora Group in its difficult task of restoring peace and prosperity to our region.
12.	Because our foreign policy promotes non-violence and the peaceful means of settling disputes, we condemn the use of violence, especially the despicable type of violence which killed innocent victims in the commercial airliner destroyed by a military Power. My delegation made our position clear in a letter to the President of the Security council in September' and we reiterate it today.
13.	Great rhetoric is expended in the quest for international peace while those with the capacity to ensure a durable peace rush headlong into building up their arsenals for war.
14.	The foreign policy of the Government of Belize coincides with the policies of the Non-Aligned Movement. These policies guide us with regard to our legitimate right and aspiration to be free from relations of subordination and dependence and to shape our own destiny according to our own national aims and objectives. They also inform our conduct of international affairs, where the basic rules are respect for the right of peoples to self- determination, non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, non-violence and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
15.	With regard to the situation in the Falkland Islands, Belize continues to maintain its well-known policy based on the principles of self-determination, the non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
16.	Belize once more reaffirms its support for our sister Latin American and Caribbean nation of Guyana in its efforts to consolidate its independence and sovereignty and to preserve its territorial integrity in the face of a claim on its territory by its larger neighbour. We note the involvement of the Secretary-General in the search for a peaceful and just settlement of the controversy and join him in urging the maintenance of the most favorable climate for the effective application of the Geneva Agreement .2
17.	We in Belize cannot ignore the fact that justice and fundamental rights are still being denied to many of the world's peoples. As a nation whose people have historic links with the continent of Africa, we in Belize cannot ignore the suffering of the black majority in southern Africa, where the racist Pretoria rulers cynically pursue their policy of	on the One hand, while on the other hand herding ethnic majorities into bantustans, in mockery of the Africans' real need for freedom and independence. We cannot accept that the independence of Namibia continues to be delayed for reasons totally unrelated to the liberation of that Territory.
18.	While recognizing Israel's right to exist as a State, we cannot ignore the plight of the Palestinian people, who are deprived of the exercise of their right to their own homeland on their own territory.
19.	We cannot condone a situation that forces the Lebanese people to live in daily fear for their safety, in a virtual state of siege.
20.	We join in the universal appeal to the non-aligned States of Iran and Iraq to put an end to war and move positively towards an honourable, just and enduring peace through negotiation.
21.	We reiterate the call for a political settlement in Afghanistan, on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign troops and full respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of that country.
22.	Belize has signed and ratified the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in an effort to contribute to the effectiveness of this most important breakthrough in international co-operation for the benefit of mankind. We urge those countries which have not yet done so to sign this historic agreement.
23.	While we are deeply concerned over the tensions and confrontations that exist in our region and in other parts of the world, the people of Belize are acutely aware of their own role in advancing the work of continuing creation. To that end we have set as our highest priority the task of putting our own house in order. We do this through the democratic process of our independence Constitution. We put emphasis on obedience to the laws of God and the laws of our nation and we are mindful that by faithfully doing our human duty we guarantee to others their human rights. Every small effort we make in our societies to improve the condition of our citizens has a positive effect on the global effort to realize a fundamental transformation of international structures, to ensure a better life for all the inhabitants of our one world, the planet earth.
24.	Economic conditions among our developing countries continue to be subject to the economic fortunes of the developed world in an imbalanced and inequitable ratio. Declining export earnings, high interest rates and the resulting loss of foreign exchange availability have a disastrous effect on the economies of the poorer countries. Added to this, the protectionist policies followed by some developed countries and the many obstacles imposed on our countries to deny us access to international money markets deepen the already acute problems faced by many in the developing world. Much effort has been expended by the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and various other international and regional groupings of North-South and South-South configurations to come to grips with the solution of pressing problems of economic disparity, but to date no significant progress has been achieved.
25.	Countries like Belize continue to hope that these efforts will result not only in academic discussion, but in positive action. In the mean time, we husband our resources and structure our development programmes to achieve the optimum benefits from our productive capacity.
26.	We fully recognize the interrelation between our own national policies for development and the existing world situation. Our main export is sugar, an industry which employs some 25 per cent of our working population. With limited access to modest preferential markets,
we are forced to sell a significant proportion of our production at a downward fluctuating world market price that often requires increased production for smaller returns.
27.	AM of us have a stake in the reversal of the present economic situation. All of us stand to benefit from an early world economic recovery. All of us, developed and developing countries alike, have a reason to stimulate the process of international economic negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic order. No one of us can solve these problems in isolation.
28.	We have every confidence that the collective interests of the world community dictate the imperative need for it to join together in this task and avail itself of the tremendous capacity of the United Nations to institute the framework of global negotiations for the restructuring of international economic relations.
29.	My delegation commends the valiant efforts of the Secretary-General to discharge the awesome functions of his high office. We share the concerns so lucidly expressed in his report on the work of the Organization, issued on 12 September 1983. It is only by ensuring that the United Nations remains the most effective instrument to provide peace, security, stability and justice for all that we can guard against the constant threat of extinction hanging over mankind.
30.	But we are confident that where mankind faces the choice of creating or destroying, reason will prevail and life will be triumphant. This is the hope of the United Nations. This is the promise to our children.


1.	 It is with great pleasure that I bring to the Assembly the greetings of my head of State, King Moshoeshoe II, and of my Prime Minister, Mr. Leabua Jonathan.
2.	Permit me, Sir, to congratulate you on your well- deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Your well-known qualities and experience as an illustrious and dedicated diplomat certainly augur well for the Assembly. We are more than confident that you will guide its deliberations to a successful and fruitful conclusion, because your country is not only a prominent member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries but also has an illustrious record on such issues as the eradication of colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and	matters which are of paramount importance to us.
3.	We also congratulate the other officers of the Assembly on their unanimous election. To you, Sir, and to all of them I pledge my delegation's full co-operation.
4.	I also take this opportunity to express our satisfaction with the excellent manner in which the President of the thirty-seventh session and his officers concluded the work of that session.
I should like to convey my delegation's commendation of the Secretary-General and his championship not only of the rights of the smaller and weaker Members of the Organization but also of the independence of those few parts of the globe that still labour under the yoke of colonialism. To us, his office is the pivotal point of the entire work of the United Nations, and we hope and believe that with him the responsibilities of that office are in very good hands.
6.	In accordance with our firm belief in the Organization's universality, we were more than delighted to be among the sponsors of the resolution admitting Saint Christopher and Nevis to membership. We are doubly gratified because that nation is a fellow member of the Commonwealth. This event is a credit to the British Government and to the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. We view it with mixed feelings, because we are once again reminded of those countries and peoples that are still denied their rightful place in forums such as this one. In our view, the independence of Namibia is now overdue.
7.	On the economic front, we note that the Assembly meets at a time when prospects for prosperity are at their bleakest. The economies of more than two thirds of the Organization's Members are being hit by the worst recession since the Second World War, and all of those countries are pinning their last hopes on the Assembly. It is imperative, therefore, that the Assembly live up to those expectations.
8.	When the heads of State or Government of the non- aligned countries pledged their commitment to the North- South dialogue at their sixth conference, at Havana in 1979, it was because they had recognized its significance in their area, especially in view of the prevailing world economic crisis. The situation facing these countries can be tackled only through a collective global approach. It is their belief and ours that these problems call for a genuine dialogue and a willingness to recognize and accept not only the gravity but also the urgency of the matter.
9.	However, we regret to note that despite all the efforts made by the developing countries during the eleventh special session, in 1980, and during subsequent General Assembly sessions, no agreement has yet been reached regarding the agenda, procedure and time-frame for these global negotiations. In the meantime, the world economy has been experiencing the most critical decline since the great depression. It may be noted that in some developed countries of the North there have been signs of recovery. But the rigidity in some of these countries' financial policies resulted, for instance, in the failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983. These developments leave no room for optimism.
10.	It is three years now since the new International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade was adopted, and its overall review and appraisal is due in 1984, as provided for in General Assembly resolution 35/56. The indications are, however, that there is very little movement, if any at all, towards achieving the objectives of the Strategy. The past three years have seen a sharp decline in the rate of growth of world production, which reached in 1982 its lowest figure in three decades. In 1981 world trade was stagnant for the first time since the Second World War, and it declined by 6 per cent in real value in 1982. The responsibility for this unfortunate state of affairs should be attributed to a fall in commodity prices by 16 per cent between 1981 and 1982. Protectionism persisted and grew stronger, and as a result there was a decline in exports and intense pressure on the balance of payments position of the developing countries.
11.	Signs of recovery have recently emerged in some developed countries, but they appear tentative and far from reaching developing countries. Debt servicing among the developing countries continues to be widespread and unmanageable, while interest rates have remained at unprecedented levels since 1980. The aid performance of donor countries is still one half of that called for in the Strategy, and the volume of contributions to the multilateral programmes has actually declined. Official development assistance receipts by the least developed countries by no means constitute the substantial increase needed to enable them to double their national income during the decade, as envisaged. The message is therefore that we cannot look forward to the
review and appraisal of the Strategy with any encouragement. It is also evident that the General Assembly should agree on a continuing annual review and monitoring of the Strategy until such time as an improvement in the world economy can be widely recognized.
12.	It is regretted that the ministerial meeting of the Contracting Parties of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade held from 24 to 29 November 1982 at Geneva failed to utilize its chance to turn the tide against protectionism. It was also unfortunate that the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development last June failed to agree on any steps aimed at reducing barriers to free trade as a starting point in an economic dialogue on fostering the growth of output and employment without provoking inflation and/or balance- of-payments problems. Finally, it was disappointing that that session failed to come up with a resolution on the need for a conference on money and finance with a view to restructuring the Bretton Woods system, despite forceful appeals from the third world and some industrialized countries. In the circumstances, it remains the responsibility of the General Assembly to address itself fully to all these questions, and it should do so with a commitment to success.
13.	In this regard, the General Assembly should seriously consider the call of the heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries at their seventh conference, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983, urgently to convene an international conference on money and finance for development. This conference should aim at meeting effectively the development and other financial requirements of international economies, particularly those of the developing countries. It should also examine any necessary growth-oriented structural adjustments. There was a similar call to pursue monetary and financial reforms capable of arresting the continuation of the economic crisis by some leaders of industrialized countries in other forums earlier this year. This indicates that there is some consensus and only details need to be worked out.
14.	It is, however, our belief that the idea of a world development fund should be kept alive. This idea calls for a move towards greater equality and partnership between North and South in financial institutions; universal membership, including full representation of Eastern European countries; new lending policies; export credit's; commodity financing and the channelling of new resources raised on an international basis—in other words, the restructuring of the Bretton Woods system should incorporate this idea.
15.	On the political front, we note with much trepidation the multiplicity of problems facing the world today, ranging from the Middle East to Central America to southern Africa. The worsening situation in Lebanon, a country torn apart by forces stronger than itself, most of them external, can only force us to pray that enough is enough. We in Lesotho, surrounded as we are by a similarly threatening external factor, have reason to understand in the fullest sense the tribulations of the people of Lebanon.
16.	The world conscience continues to be affronted by the impasse on the Palestinian question. Lesotho has in the past made its position very clear, that, without prejudice to anybody's interests, the Palestinians have a right to their land, identity and sovereignty. We have always urged that the Middle East issue must be viewed in the context of Security Council resolutions. In Central America, Lesotho supports the efforts of the Contadora Group.
17.	Within the context of the Organization of African Unity [OA U], we are eagerly looking forward to the OAU machinery for resolving the problems of Chad and Western Sahara. Lesotho enthusiastically supports any practical measures that may contribute to the speedy solution of those problems.
18.	South Africa's policy of destabilization manifests itself in diverse ways, encompassing and affecting all the independent States in southern Africa. Its main victims include the entire membership of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference and the frontline States. Africans have come to regard the major cause of this scenario as what they term  the constructive engagement syndrome . We all know that the present United States Administration meant well in its initiation of this policy. What is important to us in Africa is not the good intentions of Washington but how its good intentions are being taken advantage of by Pretoria. Indeed, the latter interprets this United States policy as a carte balance allowing it militarily to disregard internationally accepted civilized norms in relationships with its neighbours for the sacrosanctity of its strategic position and mineral wealth as it is supposedly seen by Washington.
19.	Namibian independence has yet to materialize. What is the problem? Why is Namibian independence being indexed to the unrelated issue of Cuban withdrawal? We condemn in the strongest terms these delaying tactics, which can only result in the intensification of the armed struggle and, with it, continued loss of life on both sides. We should like to repeat that we find totally unacceptable attempts to establish linkages between Namibia's independence and the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. We know that since 1975 the People's Republic of Angola has been subjected to constant military incursions by South African troops which are now occupying southern Angola. South Africa's main motive seems to be the promotion of the puppet, Savimbi, to the status of a serious factor in Angola.
20.	If it is the intention of South Africa to use its military might to partition Angola, then the Government and people of Angola are left with no choice but to resort to the assistance of countries friendly to it. The suffering in Angola as a result of the war situation there is a matter of great concern. The Assembly may not permit any parties to this conflict to look upon the suffering of innocent citizens of Angola and the very security and survival of that country as a bargaining chip in an attempt to stall Namibia's independence.
21.	It is ironic that, when the General Assembly and the Security Council have set the target of achieving the noble aim of Namibia's independence, and despite the Secretary-General's attempt to execute his mandate to implement this target within the context of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the very countries which are normally most vocal in portraying the importance of the United Nations in resolving international problems are the ones which are now blocking the vindication of the Organization's success by indexing irrelevant issues to Namibia's independence.
22.	Lesotho, as an independent country, continues to look at the future with anxiety, especially as its giant neighbour continues to view it as the source of all security problems within its territory. It is now a matter of record that South Africa's own investigations have failed to show Lesotho to be a party to any action intended against the security of South Africa. Lesotho is fully aware of its national and international responsibilities, and South Africa should have no fear of insecurity because of any actions emanating from Lesotho. For
example, with regard to the Pretoria bomb blast, which was followed by South Africa's imposition of a nearly total economic embargo, the South African security service itself has absolved Lesotho from allegations that it was the country from which the operations were planned.
23.	Historically, Lesotho is a country of refugees, who were received in the mountain kingdom and moulded into one nation by the great Moshoeshoe I. The conflicts at the time in southern Africa which were responsible for the refugee movements have now been replaced by the actions of the present South African Government through its policy of apartheid.
24.	As a consequence of the latter, Lesotho has continuously received refugees from South Africa. Our accession to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees' and the 1967 protocol is an event that conforms naturally to our basic national character, but, because of our geopolitical situation, we have always made it a condition of asylum for all refugees that they may not use Lesotho to plan and launch attacks against their countries of origin. This is especially the case with South African refugees, who form the majority of refugees in Lesotho and whose country of origin is the closest to Lesotho geographically.
25.	Lesotho does not solicit these refugees, but we are fully aware that the tide will continue as long as apartheid remains the official policy in South Africa. Recently Lesotho has witnessed restrictions on its common borders with South Africa, which have affected the movement of people and goods; there have been incursions into Lesotho's territory by armed bandits who come from South Africa and have unrestricted access to its territory whenever they are forced to retreat. These bandits, when caught, testify readily to the fact that they are trained in South Africa and are armed and given logistic preparation by white South African security officers. Because of South Africa's intermittent embargo on the transit of essential security equipment, the internal security and maintenance of law and order of Lesotho become heavily compromised. The significance of this fact is that cross- border incursions are intensified simultaneously with the holding back of the arms.
26.	We have appealed to the Secretary-General and through him to the Member States of the Organization, especially those which have contacts with South Africa, to persuade South Africa to desist from its punitive measures against Lesotho. Lesotho genuinely wants a return to normalization of relations with its neighbour but should not, in the process, be forced to abandon its obligations under international conventions with regard to the welfare of those genuinely seeking political asylum. South Africa is demanding, as a condition for normalization of relations between the two countries, the return to it of all refugees of South African origin or their expulsion from Lesotho.
27.	Lesotho finds those demands unacceptable. We repeat our appeal to the Secretary-General and to the countries that have contacts with South Africa—and there are many in this Assembly—to ask South Africa to accept Lesotho's genuine interest in its own security, which cannot be enhanced by attacks into South Africa from its territory.
28.	The expulsion of refugees from one country to another offers no permanent solution to the basic problems involved. Just as the dispersal of the Palestinians all over the Mediterranean countries has failed to bring peace to the Middle East or even to wish the problem away, to the same extent the dispersal of refugees from southern African countries will not solve the problem of South Africa, which is an internal problem fraught with dangerous consequences for all of us in southern Africa; nor will the problems of South Africa be wished away. Rather than stabilizing the situation, the dispersal of the refugees in other southern African countries will cause the entire region to be destabilized. This presents a very bleak picture.
29.	Members will recall that in 1976 South Africa gave its brand of so-called independence to one of its black  homelands . Since then, another three have acceded to this dubious status. This relegation of black South Africans to just 13 per cent of South Africa's most impoverished areas that had always existed as reserves for, and sources of, cheap black labour is an ominous enough development. But it has even more ominous connotations when this  independence  is used, in the final analysis, to denationalize all South African blacks. This banishment to the remote barren part of South Africa, with which they have no connection at all except remote ethnic links, to us constitutes the bleakest and most wicked aspect of the apartheid policy.
30.	Recently the white South African Parliament passed legislation for a three-chamber parliament, including the Coloureds and the Indians, once again totally excluding the black majority. This development is by its very nature unacceptable because it continues to entrench race as a factor in constitutional reform. It also retains the supremacy of the white Parliament over the other so-called parliaments. But, worst of all, now it not only makes denationalization of the black majority a matter of Acc legislation but also elevates it to the status of constitutional entrenchment. We call on all mankind to condemn these actions, which are intended to deny over 18 million people their basic birthright of citizenship of their country. South Africa must be persuaded to start an immediate dialogue with genuine leaders of Mack opinion in South Africa, as the only alternative to an intensified armed struggle.
31.	To us in Lesotho the so-called constitutional dispensation provides no hope or solace, since the politically ostracized black majority will continue to struggle for its rights within South Africa. The intensification of this struggle will surely mean more refugees, more attacks in South Africa resulting in more attacks on us from South Africa, more economic and arms embargoes and, indeed, a constant threat to our very existence as a nation and a people.
32.	This grave situation is also exemplified by Pretoria's rejection of the Security Council's directive in resolution 527 (1982) calling on the Republic of South Africa to pay damages to Lesotho citizens for the unwarranted killing of persons and destruction of property during the deplorable 9 December 1982 attack on Lesotho by the South African Defence Force. As I have said earlier, the contemptuous rejection of that resolution—and this is only one of many—is an indictment against South Africa in its pursuit of a policy of continuing to defy the Assembly, thus contributing to its general paralysis, only to turn around and accuse the Organization of impotence.
33.	Despite this picture of gloom and uncertainty, my Government and the Basotho people in general have been strengthened by the manner in which the plight of the refugees in Lesotho and of the Basotho in general, and the attendant unfair pressure upon them, are being understood by the international community. The international community has been a source of strength to us during our darkest hour. The ideals for which the international community strives and for which we also strive create a bond generating the belief that collectively we
are fighting for a just cause. The international community has stood with us during the crisis we are facing. We request the Members of the Organization, in the name of fairness and justice, to continue to give us moral, political and material support. For what has been done so far, whether at the bilateral level with those countries with which we have friendly relations or at the level of pressure groups or even individuals, we wish to say thank you.
34.	May right always prevail over might.


186.	 My first words will be words of congratulations, on behalf of my delegation, to the President of the General Assembly on his election. By this election the current session has paid a tribute not only to his experience in international affairs but also to his country, Panama, and its commitment to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. His profound knowledge of the United Nations system, I am convinced, makes him capable of carrying out the delicate responsibility he has assumed. He has our wishes for complete success in carrying out his important mission.
187.	He is following in the footsteps of Mr. Hollai, whose tact; competence, authority and devotion have made a strong impact in this period of renewed tension in the world. My delegation much appreciated the way in which he guided the proceedings of the thirty-seventh session and we express here our sincere thanks to him.
188.	It is also a pleasure for me to pay a deserved tribute to the Secretary-General, who has spared no effort to serve the cause of peace and justice in this disturbed world. We are much indebted to him.
189.	Finally, my delegation warmly congratulates Saint Christopher and Nevis on its admission as the 158th Member of the Organization.
190.	The thirty-eighth session is opening at a difficult time, in which the international climate, already tense, has been shaken in recent weeks by the incident of the South Korean Boeing aircraft, in which innocent travelers were the victims of a clear violation of the elementary rules of civil aviation.

191.	The international community is increasingly faced with numerous problems whose seriousness threatens the very survival of mankind.
192.	These problems, which are both political and socio-economic, are a result of the unbridled arms race, the resurgence of the cold war and the difficulty of establishing a true dialogue between North and South.
193.	In the economic field the world is experiencing a serious crisis characterized essentially by rampant inflation, a constantly increasing rate of unemployment, heavier indebtedness, a slowing down of production, an increase in protectionism and a shortage of financial means.
194.	The imbalance in international economic relations and the interest rate policy applied by certain countries to revive their economic activities explain the situation, which has serious repercussions for the developing countries.
195.	The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which had aroused great hopes, did not yield the desired results. The wealthy countries once again maintained their usual positions, thus preventing the adoption of specific measures.
196.	We consider essential the establishment of a new international economic order that is more just and equitable, leading to a restructuring of production, exchange and control by each country concerning the use of its own resources.
197.	The present economic crisis, which constantly widens the gap between the developing and the developed countries, is not only a source of instability but also a threat to peace and security in the world. Peace and development are linked, and that is why my delegation urges an early start to global negotiations directed towards specific measures dealing with the principal problems of international co-operation.
198.	In the political field, numerous upheavals characterize our era, and no continent has escaped the current worsening of the international political climate.
199.	In the Middle East the situation, which still gives rise to concern, requires an urgent political solution which would enable peace to be restored in the region.
200.	We earnestly hope for an end to the war between Iraq and Iran, two neighbouring and fraternal countries.
201.	With regard to the Palestinian problem, we think that the people of the region must live in peace, and that implies the creation of an independent and sovereign Palestinian State under the leadership of the PLO, its sole representative, and also recognition of the right of Israel to exist.
202.	With regard to Lebanon, my delegation welcomes the cease-fire which took effect in recent weeks in that country, and we earnestly hope that the foreign troops stationed there will withdraw in accordance with the wishes expressed by the sovereign Government of Lebanon.
203.	In Asia, the occupation of Afghanistan and of Democratic Kampuchea by foreign forces must cease, so that those peoples can freely choose their own destiny.
204.	With regard to the Korean question, a solution must be found without foreign interference and in keeping with the principles of reunification accepted by the parties concerned.
205.	In Central America, tension has increased to a disturbing degree, and only a political solution can remove the clearly explosive dangers and create a climate of detente and of peace in that region.
206.	In Africa, flash-points persist and are spreading.
207.	According to the United Nations plan, as contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), Namibia should have attained independence in 1978. However, it must be noted that, through its delaying tactics, South Africa has impeded the transfer of authority to the Namibian people in spite of the readiness of SWAPO to negotiate. Besides continuing its occupation and illegal administration of Namibia, South Africa continues to carry out criminal actions against the front-line countries and illegally to occupy part of the territory of Angola.
208.	The recent demands by South Africa, linking the Namibian problem to questions which come essentially under Angola's sovereignty, testify once again to Pretoria's stubborn refusal to consent to a procedure for rapid settlement of the Namibian question.
209.	Our brothers in South Africa are each day enduring the humiliations of the apartheid regime, which tramples the most elementary human rights. The international community must contribute decisively to the total elimination of this anachronistic system and thwart any actions that might permit South Africa to continue its policy of denying fundamental freedoms and justice to the blacks.
210.	The spectre of a nuclear holocaust continues to haunt mankind, and each day we expect our planet to be blown up. The nuclear Powers must commit themselves resolutely to the path of peace and work for true disarmament. The different negotiations under way between the nuclear super-Powers—in particular the negotiations concerning strategic weapons and intermediate-range nuclear weapons—deserve to be encouraged so that they may produce positive results.
211.	In this disturbed world, where the law of the jungle tends increasingly to prevail, the United Nations must fully discharge its own functions.
212.	My country, Chad, which is aware of its own weakness, sincerely believes in the United Nations as a moral and legal force safeguarding the maintenance of international peace and security.
213.	Unfortunately, we note with regret that the main organ of the United Nations entrusted with the maintenance of peace and security in the world—I am referring to the Security Council—is blocked in its operations. Indeed, the Security Council today has been reduced to a state where it is incapable of responding adequately to a situation which requires it to act. Chad has had the bitter experience of this paralysis of the Security Council, which, it must be said, is the victim of ideological divisions and conflicts of interest. This state of affairs is made worse by the lack of coherence within the group of non-aligned countries with regard to promoting the principles of its own movement in the Council. The inability of the Council to take a clear stand on the Libyan aggression against my country must lead us to think seriously about strengthening the capacity of the Organization to deal with the problems it faces, in line with the proposals made by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization in 1982.
214.	I should like now to speak to the General Assembly about the extremely serious situation prevailing in my country. I have no intention of going back over what my people have had to endure in their 20 years of martyrdom in Chad. My delegation spoke at great length about that at the thirty-seventh session and again this year in the Security Council. Today our intention is rather to inform the Assembly about the most recent developments in the tragic train of events caused by the open and unprovoked aggression of Libya against Chad. I am speaking to the Assembly about this with a heavy heart,
but I do so without passion, without hatred and without rancour.
215.	In defiance of all principles of international law, in particular the Charter of the United Nations and that of the OAU, Libya, with the help of foreign military experts and advisers, is occupying one half of the territory of Chad, some 550,000 square kilometers. In an effort to extend its occupation of the territory of my country, Libya has deployed its most sophisticated military weapons and has used fragmentation bombs, napalm bombs and phosphorus bombs on the villages and cities of Faya-Largeau, Oum-Chalouba and Kalait, killing or wounding many innocent people.
216.	This situation would have been avoided if the international community had heeded the appeals of the Government of Chad, which repeatedly drew attention to intensive preparations by Libya to perpetuate its occupation in Chad, at Managua, at New Delhi, at Buenos Aires and at Addis Ababa, during the meetings of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Group of 77 and the OAU.
217.	Similarly, the Government of Chad last March informed the Security Council about the situation, and at the conclusion of its meetings, the Security Council issued a statement on 6 April 1983appealing to both parties to make use of the mechanism available within the OAU for the peaceful settlement of disputes, including the Good Offices Committee established by the continental organization. This statement also invited the two parties to abstain from any action which could aggravate the situation. In defiance of this appeal, Libya increased its military presence in both the occupied area and the border region, and launched its war of aggression against Chad.
218.	In keeping with that same statement, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, at its nineteenth session, unanimously adopted a resolution inviting the two parties to co-operate, fully and sincerely, with the Ad hoc Committee in seeking a peaceful solution to the Chad-Libyan dispute.
219.	During the months of July and August, the Government of Chad regularly kept the President of the Security Council and the Acting President of the OAU Assembly informed of the deterioration in the military situation and asked the Council to do everything possible to get Libya to stop its barbaric aggression against Chad. Similarly, the President of the Republic of Chad asked the Acting President of the Assembly, in a letter dated 16 May 1983, to convene an emergency meeting of the
Committee on the Chad-Libyan dispute.
220.	Faced with the refusal of Libya to implement the recommendation contained in the statement of the Council and the resolution of the Assembly, and in view of its determination to continue its aggression against Chad, the Government again asked the Security Council, in August 1983, to study the situation.
221.	Moreover, convinced of the justice of its cause, and in keeping with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations and with Security Council resolution 387 (1976), the Government of Chad made an urgent appeal to the international community and to friendly countries to help it preserve its independence, its sovereignty, its territorial integrity and its dignity. Brotherly and friendly countries responded favourably to this appeal. I am referring in particular to Zaire and France. We take this opportunity to repeat to them our deepest thanks and our whole-hearted gratitude.
222.	At the very moment that I am speaking to the Assembly, the regular Libyan army, the Islamic Legion created by Qaddafi to destabilize our region, and the mercenaries of all nationalities recruited by Tripoli's strong man, as well as Soviet and other military experts, are stationed on the territory of the Republic of Chad, more specifically in Faya-Largeau, Fada, Ounianga Kebir, Ogui and in the region of Aouzou. Each day the occupation troops are being reinforced. Several companies of tanks and armored vehicles and several infantry battalions equipped with a sophisticated anti-aircraft system are at this moment on the soil of Chad.
223.	Libya is militarily occupying half of Chad. It is systematically destroying the palm groves which are the sole resources of that region, as well as the socio-economic infrastructures there. Libyan troops are robbing and pillaging the defenseless civilian populations, and carrying them off to unknown destinations. These practices are curiously reminiscent of the terrible era of nazism.
224.	The occupation of the north of Chad by Libya is an aggression which outrages the conscience of the world. It is of course blocking Chad's development.
225.	In spite of this permanent state of war imposed by Libya on our martyred people, for the past year they have been striving tirelessly to rebuild their country. Indeed, in spite of the many practical difficulties, the administrative machinery has been put back into operation; primary schools and secondary schools are open, and the students took their normal examinations at the end of the year throughout our country; health services are functioning; the food situation of the population has improved. In addition, the damaged economy of the country is now beginning to show signs of recovery, slight, but encouraging; the companies and corporations, whose operations were so long disrupted, are resuming their activities; the internal and external trade channels have been re-established; and, finally, urban and road construction, long interrupted, has been resumed.
226.	Our own efforts at reconstruction and rehabilitation have been supplemented, in a strong expression of solidarity, by valuable assistance from friendly countries and from international organizations which have been kind enough to respond positively to the appeal made by the Government. Thus, at the International Conference on Assistance to Chad, held on 29 and 30 November 1982 at Geneva, the countries and organizations present there made commitments to assist in the financing of projects provided for in our plan for restoring social and economic activities.
227.	To these countries and organizations which were kind enough to show their solidarity with the people of Chad, we again express our profound gratitude on behalf of the Government and people of Chad, and we urge them to continue their help. It is also a pleasure for us to express, on behalf of the Government and people of Chad, our deep gratitude to the Secretary-General and to the entire United Nations system for their laudable efforts for Chad.
228.	Fraternal friendship and co-operation with the countries of the world, in particular with neighbouring countries, have always occupied a special place in the foreign policy of the Government of Chad. The Basic Law of the Republic governing State institutions in Chad assigns to the Government, inter alia, the task of pursuing a foreign policy of friendship, co-operation and peaceful coexistence, based on respect for the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and that of the OAU, and for those of the Non-Aligned Movement.

229.	This policy is what led Mr. Hissein Habre, President of the Republic and head of State, to make friendly visits to and hold discussions with several African countries, especially our neighbours. It was this dynamism for peace that permitted Chad and Nigeria to find a peaceful solution to the unfortunate incidents in the islands of Lake Chad. This same political will also made it possible to reactivate the joint committees established by Chad with the Central African Republic and with Cameroon.
230.	But this policy of friendship, brotherhood, cooperation and good-neighbourliness has run up against the hegemonism and expansionism of Libya. The regime of that country consistently threatens the right to independence and sovereignty of Chad and its very existence as a State.
231.	In spite of the negative and arrogant attitude of Libya, the Government of Chad has always sought a peaceful settlement of the conflict between Chad and that country. Thus in February 1983 direct contacts took place at N'Djamena and at Tripoli. Discussions were embarked upon in both Chad and Libya between the delegations of the two countries. During these talks, however, Libya, faithful to its practice of expansionism and domination^ attempted to impose its diktat on the Government and people of Chad.
232.	For Libya, the solution and success of the negotiations are subject to the following three conditions: the proclamation of an Islamic Arab republic in Chad, inspired by the Green Book; the formation of a strategic alliance between Chad and Libya in order to destabilize neighbouring countries; and recognition by Chad of the "historical borders" between the two countries. These unacceptable conditions are aimed at nothing more or less than legitimizing the occupation of a part of our country and, eventually, the outright annexation of Chad.
233.	Understandably, the Government of Chad rejected and continues to reject categorically these pre-conditions, which are in keeping with neither the will of the people of Chad, nor the realities of our country. What is certain is that we will not permit, now or ever, any partition of Chad, much less its annexation. We shall do everything in our power to preserve the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of Chad and the dignity of its people.
234.	With regard to reconciliation between the people of Chad, it is appropriate to recall that the day following 7 June 1982 the new Government increased the initiatives with regard to all the people without exception, for the purpose of ending the fratricidal war and reaching a compromise through dialogue. Indeed, direct and indirect contacts were established both within the country—I am referring to Guelendeng, Bongor, Bousso and Kelo— and outside—Maiduguri in Nigeria, and Kousserie and Maroua in Cameroon. Individual letters were addressed to the heads of the opposition in the pay of the Tripoli Government. In view of the refusal of those opposition leaders, the Chad authorities asked for the assistance of friendly countries. Thus, at the invitation of President Omar Bongo of Gabon, President Hissein Habr6 met the opposition leaders on 10 and 11 July in order to lay the foundation for national reconciliation. Again upon the initiative of the President of Gabon, the head of State of Chad had other discussions with them on 10 August 1982. Unfortunately, neither our efforts nor those of the friendly heads of State had concrete results, Libya having enrolled mercenaries of all nationalities to invade Chad.
235.	The failure of the Libreville and Franceville talks in Gabon did not in any way weaken the consistent will of the Chad authorities to achieve peace and harmony. Thus, at the time of his inauguration, Mr. Hissein Habr6 made an appeal for national reconciliation in these terms:
"I once again appeal to the patriotism of all the sons of Chad who are elsewhere to return to their country. The security of their persons and of their goods is guaranteed. They have their place in this country, which is their homeland."
236.	Palpable proof of the desire for peace of the authorities was the proclamation on 16 June 1983 of a general and total amnesty. Thanks to this clemency, prisoners were freed. Moreover, thousands of persons who were refugees abroad responded positively to the hand of brotherhood and peace held out to them and returned home. For the minority who are playing the Libyan game, this hand is still extended to them.
237.	In conclusion, I would like to leave with representatives these thoughts of the head of State of Chad:
"Chad is a nation and a State like most of the nations and States in the world. Chad is the product of history, like many other States. There is no State, no nation, in the world that was borne ay apartheid that has always existed as a nation and a State. States and nations are the product of history and Chad is no exception to this rule."
238.	Chad is today the victim of open aggression on the part of Libya, in flagrant violation of the Principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Charters of the OAU and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. The martyred people of Chad are peaceful people, who aspire only to peace and greater well-being, like all the peoples of the world.
239.	Libya is responsible for loss of life among the peaceful population of Chad, for the poverty and for the systematic obstruction of the socio-economic rehabilitation of Chad. Libya is responsible for the massive destruction of the Chad patrimony.
240.	We are convinced that once peace has been regained and consolidated and national unity strengthened, the people of Chad will be able to devote themselves entirely and totally to the work of the reconstruction and restoration of their country, which has been destroyed by almost 20 years of war.
241.	Therefore, we call on the international community, in keeping with the Charter of the United Nations, to help Chad regain its dignity, territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty, making Qaddafi's Libya see reason, cease its acts of aggression and intervention in our internal affairs and withdraw forthwith from Chad its invasion and occupation forces.
242.	Chad wishes to live in peace within its internationally recognized borders. Chad wishes to live on good terms with all its neighbours. In spite of the barbaric and unacceptable actions of Libya, the Government of Chad is ever open to and ready for a dialogue on the peaceful settlement of this conflict.
243.	In this regard, we welcome the total support of the European Parliament for the efforts of the Government of Chad to restore peace in Chad, so that we can get on with the work of reconstructing our country.
244.	Once again, faced with the typical barbaric aggression of Libya and its illegal occupation, we urgently appeal to the United Nations as the guarantor of the maintenance of international peace and security fully to shoulder responsibilities in this serious situation existing between Chad and Libya, which could extend to the entire subregion.


 Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you, on behalf of the United Arab Emirates, our sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that you will contribute effectively to the realization of the aspirations and the hopes expected of this session.
313.	I am also pleased to express our gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, for his wisdom and skill in guiding the proceedings of the preceding session.
314.	I am also delighted to welcome on behalf of my Government the State of Saint Christopher and Nevis as a new Member of the Organization.
315.	We would like to express to the Secretary-General our support for his efforts to strengthen the United Nations and enhance its role in establishing a lasting peace based on right and justice, as well as on respect for the letter and spirit of the Charter. My Government shares the views expressed in his report on the work of the Organization, which portrays a gloomy picture of the existing international situation as a result of acts by certain States in violating the Charter, in resorting to arenas other than this Organization and intensifying confrontation and conflict, all of which have weakened the role of the United Nations as a forum for dealing with issues of international peace and security.
316.	The cornerstone for building a world in which peace, security and friendship prevail among nations is made up of compliance with the provisions of the Charter and of international conventions, respect for the principles of international law and absolute confidence in the United Nations so that it can fulfil its important role in preserving international peace.
317.	One of the most vivid examples of violations of the Charter and contempt for the role of the United Nations is the stance of Israel regarding resolutions on the Middle East situation, the question of Palestine and the aggression against Lebanon.
318.	The history of the Arab-Israeli conflict has demonstrated that the question of Palestine is inseparable from the Middle East problem; that piece-meal consideration of some aspects of the Middle East problem will not lead to a comprehensive solution of either of these problems; that, on the contrary, this approach has led to further complications of these problems and to the repeated explosion of the situation in our area. In the light of this obvious fact, the Arab States, at their Summit Conference held at Fez, adopted a unified and integrated peace plan as a basis for the achievement of a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. The outcome of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held recently at Geneva, clearly demonstrates that the majority of the nations of the world endorse the necessity of bringing about expeditiously a just settlement of the question of Palestine that would enable the Palestinian people to exercise their inalienable rights.
319.	The entire world has concurred that a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement of the question of Palestine and the Middle East problem should be based on two fundamental requirements: first, acknowledgement of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, and secondly, complete and unconditional Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories. Notwithstanding that concurrence, Israel continues to escalate its policy of consolidating the occupation of the Arab and Palestinian territories, of denying the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, obliterating the Arab character of the occupied territories, violating the sanctity of the Holy Places and their special status for Moslems and Christians alike, and destroying systematically the historical characteristics of the Arab and Palestinian territories in order to Judaize and annex the rest of them.
320.	Concomitant with this policy of annexation and Judaization, Israel continues to pursue an aggressive policy towards the inhabitants of the occupied territories, a policy characterized by systematic oppression, murder, forced deportation of the population and encouragement of Zionist settlers, armed to the teeth, to commit massacres of the unarmed Arab inhabitants. The most recent of these acts was the attack on and the murder of students and members of the faculty of the Al-Khalil Islamic College, a situation before which the Security Council stood helpless because of the exercise by the United States of its veto power.
321.	Israel erroneously thought that its policy of oppression against the Palestinian people in the occupied territories and its invasion of Lebanon would destroy the will of the Palestinian people and their sole legitimate representative, the PLO. Yet this people has proved, through its struggle and perseverance, that it will not falter, submit or surrender, in spite of the massacres at Sabra and Shatila and other places.
322.	The continued Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon threatens not only the peace and security of the region but also international peace and security; and it prevents a settlement of the Lebanese question that would guarantee the unity and integrity of Lebanon. Therefore the United Arab Emirates considers that the settlement of the Lebanese question lies in the implementation of Security Council resolution 509 (1982) and in enabling the Lebanese people to solve its internal problems. We welcome the cease-fire agreement arrived at by the Lebanese parties concerned, as well as the beginning of a dialogue aiming at the conclusion of a peaceful and just solution of the problem. At the same time, we appreciate the efforts made in reaching this agreement.
323.	We call upon the international community to put an end to the crimes committed by Israel against the Arab inhabitants of the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories. We also call upon the United States of America, in particular, to play a positive role in resolving the question of the Middle East and Palestine and to bear its responsibility in that regard on the basis of right and justice. Similarly, the European States, too, should shoulder their special responsibility in finding a lasting, comprehensive and just solution for the Middle East problem.
324.	With regard to the Gulf region, the United Arab Emirates, as one of the coastal States of the Gulf, urges all Powers to respect the sovereignty of the States of the region, to insulate them from the great-Power conflict and to leave the responsibility for preserving their security to those States alone. Similarly, we support the efforts to take the necessary measures for the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace as well as for the genuine commitment to this Declaration by the great Powers.
325.	The continuation of the war between Iraq and Iran, with its massive losses, threatens the peace and security of the States of the region and could serve as a pretext for intervention in the region by the great Powers. We believe that all Member States should sincerely endeavour to put a speedy end to that war, which has lasted all too long.
326.	For our part, at the request of the Gulf Co-operation Council and together with the sister State of Kuwait, we have made sincere efforts to end this continuing bloodshed.
327.	In reiterating our readiness to continue our endeavours and support all other efforts being made in that regard, we express our appreciation to Iraq, which responded in a concrete manner to end the war in order to reach a peaceful settlement that guarantees the rights of both parties. We hope that the Islamic Republic of Iran will also be responsive to those endeavours and efforts.
328.	We believe in the right of every people to choose the system of government it desires and in the non-intervention by any State in the internal affairs of another. On the basis of this belief, we call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Afghanistan and for non-intervention in its internal affairs, thus allowing its people alone to choose its system of government.
329.	We also urge the settlement of the conflict existing between North Korea and South Korea through free dialogue in order to remove the causes of that conflict and to realize the desire of their peoples for national unity without any foreign intervention.
330.	Concerning Cyprus, we hope for the intensification of the efforts extended by all parties, in particular the Secretary-General, to reach an agreement between the Greek and Turkish communities of Cyprus that would guarantee security and coexistence for the people of the island, as well as the territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus.
331.	The developments in southern Africa continue to arouse our grave concern, in view of the intransigence of the racist minority and its actions to perpetuate its control of, and its violation of the political and civil rights of, the majority of the population. The Pretoria regime persists in its policy of apartheid, its restriction of freedoms and its executions or arrests of leaders of the national movements.
332.	In Namibia, that regime maintains its defiance of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, its frustration of the efforts of the Secretary-General and the creation of obstacles and difficulties, thus impeding the holding of the elections called for by the United Nations. The most recent obstacle was the formation by the occupation authorities of the so-called Council of State to draft a constitution for Namibia, contrary to the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. My delegation reaffirms its support for the legitimate struggle waged by SWAPO for self-determination and independence for the people of Namibia. We strongly condemn the repeated aggression committed by South Africa against the neighbouring States.
333.	The failure of the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, held last year, was due to the fact that the four years between the two sessions on disarmament were characterized by a deterioration in the international system and by political instability. These were reflected in numerous violations of the Charter of the United Nations, in invasion and military occupation, in intervention in internal affairs and in violations of human rights.
334.	We believe that arms control and disarmament can be achieved only in an atmosphere of political stability and confidence, in particular among the States possessing nuclear weapons. My country once again welcomes proposals for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in the Middle East. We hope that the international community will give this matter the attention it deserves, since it constitutes a basic factor in the establishment of security and stability in our region.
335.	Recent developments in the world economy are not promising. Its various sectors, especially international trade and the international monetary system, have experienced a slow-down and erosion which have clearly had a negative effect on the economies of both the developed and the developing countries.
336.	International trade has deteriorated during the past few years, and the negative results have had a stronger impact on the developing countries than on the industrial countries. The same may be said of the world financial situation and the international monetary system, the performance of which also demonstrates a weakness in the international economy. A comprehensive review and a radical reform of that system are necessary.
337.	The conclusion that may be drawn from observation of these two sectors is that the economies of the countries of the world are interdependent. This means that the solutions to these economic problems should be comprehensive and collective, taking into consideration the particular characteristics of rich and poor States alike.
338.	The international community as represented in the United Nations has recognized this reality and its dimensions. The General Assembly has adopted numerous resolutions on the establishment of an alternative economic system including those relating-to the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade.
339.	My country regrets the lack of progress in international efforts to reform the world economic system, particularly the failure of the international community to launch the global negotiations because of the position taken by some developed industrial countries. We continue to believe that the launching of those negotiations on a sound and effective basis would make a great positive contribution to the establishment of solid foundations for a just international economy. We also regret the negative outcome of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, despite the efforts of the States of the third world to ensure its success. That failure was due to a lack of seriousness on the part of the developed countries. What arouses our concern is that many of those States have started to retreat even from commitments they undertook at previous sessions. The continuance of such a situation would inevitably lead to a dangerous erosion of confidence and reduce international relations to chaos.
340.	The United Arab Emirates reaffirms its support for collective efforts to reform the world economic situation, particularly those made within the framework of the United Nations. My country has done its utmost to this end, unilaterally and through regional and international organizations. Our oil policy as regards both production and pricing reflects our meticulous care to take into account the difficult circumstances facing the world economy.
341.	My country sees the group of developing countries as a valid collective framework for achieving self-reliance, not as an alternative to international efforts but as truly complementing them.
342.	In order to translate these policies into action, my country has contributed since its independence to the regional and international institutions which play a positive role in the growth and development of the other developing countries.
343.	In the light of the foregoing, it is necessary to emphasize once again that the overall picture of the international situation, whether at the political or at the economic level, is not very promising. Our planet is confronted with various dangers and perils. This makes it more essential than ever before to call for caution and vigilance, to employ reason and prudence in dealing with issues of an international character, not to allow immediate self-interest to take precedence over the interests of mankind as a whole and to ensure for all a secure life and a future free from the threat of annihilation. Thus, international detente and the avoidance of tension in international relations should be given the utmost priority in order to create an atmosphere of mutual confidence. This will make it possible to promote the role of the United Nations and its various organs as a forum for constructive dialogue aimed at identifying the common denominators in the interests of States and thus freeing the world from tensions and crises.
347. Our confidence in the ability of the United Nations to play a positive role in international relations leads us to emphasize the importance of strengthening and enhancing its role in the establishment of a lasting peace based on right and justice and by adherence to the letter and spirit of the Charter, thus fulfilling our hopes for a better future in which both small and large States will enjoy stability and independent development.