At the outset, let me say how pleased we are that our deliberations this year take place under the presidency of the Prime Minister of Luxembourg. His contribution to European co-operation, his diplomatic skills,
' his devotion to democracy, give us confidence that this thirtieth session will be marked by a constructive and creative spirit.
63.	I want also to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General, whose fairness, leadership and tireless efforts are dedicated to carrying this Organization forward into a new era of co-operation for world peace.
64.	This century has seen war and cataclysm on an unprecedented scale. It has witnessed the breakdown of established patterns of order and practices of international conduct. It has suffered global economic depression and cycles of famine. It has experienced the birth of thermonuclear weapons, and the proliferation of armaments around the planet.
65.	But this century has also seen the triumph of the principle of self-determination and national independence. A truly global community has begun to evolve, and this development is reflected in a multitude of institutions of international co-operation. We have shaped new methods of peaceful settlement and of arms limitation, and new institutions to promote economic development and to combat hunger and disease world-wide.
66.	As we deliberate the future, an event of potentially vast implications has just been achieved in this Organization: the unanimous agreement produced by the seventh special session of the General Assembly on measures to improve the economic condition of mankind [resolution 3362 (S-VII)].
67.	Despite differences of ideology and of approaches to economic development, the nations assembled here began the move towards the recognition that our interdependence spells either common progress or common disaster; that in our age no nation or group of nations can achieve its aims by pressure or by confrontation and that the attempt to do so would damage everyone. They agreed to transcend the stereotypes of the past in the search for a co-operative future. The seventh special session forged a sense of common purpose based on the equality and co-operation of States. Now we must dedicate ourselves to the implementation of this consensus.
68.	Let us carry forward the spirit of conciliation into the deliberaDigitiZed by Dag HammarSkjoid LibraryLet us address the issues of world peace the foundation of all we do on this planet with this same consciousness of our common destiny. It is our duty to avoid empty slogans and endless recrimination.
69.	Only in a structure of co-operation can disputes be settled and clashes contained. Only in an atmosphere of conciliation can the insecurity of nations, out of which so much conflict arises, be eased, and habits of compromise and accommodation be nurtured. Social progress, justice and human rights can thrive only in an atmosphere of reduced international tension.
70.	The United States stands ready to dedicate itself to co-operative efforts to harmonize the different perspectives of the world community in creating a new sense of security and well-being. We do so, not out of fear, for we are better able to sustain ourselves in situations of confrontation than most other nations. Nor do we do so out of a sense of guilt, for we believe that on the whole we have used our power for constructive ends.
71.	We affirm our common destiny because of our recognition of global interdependence and because global peace requires it. Indeed there is no realistic alternative to shared responsibility in dealing with the international agenda of peace, security, economic well-being and justice.
72.	Let me set forth the views of the United States on the work we face in each of these areas.
73.	Our first and transcendent concern is for peace in the world. Peace is never automatic. It is more than the absence of war. And it is inseparable from security, A world in which the survival of nations is at the mercy of a few would spell oppression and injustice and fear. There can be no security without equilibrium and no safety without restraint.
74.	Only when the rights of nations are respected, when accommodation supplants force, can man's energies be devoted to the realization of his deepest aspirations.
75.	The United States will pursue the cause of peace with patience and an attitude of conciliation in many spheres. We shall nurture and deepen the ties of co-operation with our friends and allies. We shall strive to improve relations with countries of different ideology or political conviction. We shall always stand ready to assist in the settlement of regional disputes. We shall intensify our efforts to halt the spiral of nuclear armaments. We shall strive to improve man's economic and social condition and to strengthen the collaboration between developed and developing nations. And we shall struggle for the realization of fundamental human rights.
76.	America's close ties with the industrial democracies of North America, Western Europe and Japan have been the corner-stone of world stability and peace for three decades. Today, looking beyond immediate security and defence, we are working together on a range of new issues. Through our consultations, we have begun joint efforts to ease inter-national tensions; to co-ordinate our national policies for economic recovery; to work together on common challenges such as energy and the environment; and to address the great issues that concern the developing countries.
77.	In the same spirit, the United States has opened a new dialog with its neighbors in Central and Latin America. We have taken important steps towards resolving major political problems; we have begun close consultations for co-operation in promoting economic and social development. Alliance relations in the Western Hemisphere have a long history and great promise for the future. With imagination and dedication, we can make inter-American co-operation on the tasks of development an example to and a pillar of the global community.
78.	Peace, to be secure, must place on a more durable and reliable basis the relations between the nations possessing the means to destroy our planet.
79.	In recent years, the bipolar confrontation of the last generation has given way to the beginning of dialog and an easing of direct conflict. In this body, of all organizations, there is surely an appreciation of the global importance of lessened tension between the nuclear super-Powers. All nations have a stake in its success. When weapons of mass destruction can span continents in minutes, nuclear conflict threatens the survival of all mankind.
80.	We recognize that the suspicion and rivalry of a generation will not be swept away with a document or a conference. Real ideological and political differences exist. We shall firmly defend our vital interests and those of our friends. But we shall also never lose sight of the fact that in our age peace is a practical necessity and a moral imperative. We shall pursue the relaxation of tensions on the basis of strict reciprocity. We know the difference between posturing and policy; we will not encourage the belief that anyone can benefit from artificial tensions. We are deeply conscious that we owe it to future generations not to be swayed by momentary passions.
81.	The state of United States-Soviet relations today and just a decade ago presents a dramatic contrast. The world is no longer continually shaken by chronic and bitter confrontations. Periodic consultations including those held at the highest level encourage restraint and amplify areas of mutual interest. The forthcoming meeting between the President of the United States, Mr. Ford, and the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mr. Brezhnev, should strengthen this process.
82.	Principles of mutual restraint have been enunciated at various summit meetings; they were reaffirmed by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe two months ago. These principles provide a standard of behavior by which our actions will be tested. If they are observed as we insist and if neither side seeks unilateral advantage, the specter of general war will be lifted not only from our own peoples but from all nations. There can be no more important task before us.
83.	We have likewise pursued more constructive and beneficial relationships with the countries of Eastern Europe. The United States has many traditional and deep-rooted bonds of friendship with the proud peoples of that region. We see widening possibilities for practical co-operation as the barriers between East and West in Europe diminish.

84.	There is no relationship to which the United States assigns greater significance than its new ties with the People's Republic of China. We believe that the well-being and progress of a quarter of humanity is an important element in global stability. The hostility of decades between our two nations has been replaced by a relationship of mutual respect which is now a durable feature of the world scene. It serves not only the interest of our two countries but also the broader interests of peace and stability in Asia and around the world. President Ford plans to visit the People's Republic of China later this year to confirm the vitality of our relationship and to advance the ties between us on the basis of the strict implementation of the Shanghai Communique. We take seriously the process of normalizing our relationship. We are dedicated to pursuing it.
85.	The world community must find a way to contain or resolve regional conflicts before they spread into global confrontation. Nowhere has the danger been greater than in the Middle East. Nowhere has the need for persistent and imaginative negotiation between suspicious rivals been more evident. Nowhere is there greater promise of moving from perennial crisis towards peace. Nowhere has the Security Council established a clearer framework than in its resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).
86.	The road towards a lasting peace stretches long and hard before us. The Middle East has seen more than its share of dashed hopes and disappointment. But the conclusion of the recent Sinai agreement1 marks a major step forward. It is the first agreement in the long and tragic history of the Arab-Israeli conflict which is not the immediate consequence of hostilities. It could mark a turning-point.
87.	The agreement deserves the support of all the countries assembled here because every nation here has an interest in progress towards peace in the Middle East. It is another step in the process launched by Security Council resolution 338 (1973). The alternative was a continuing stalemate which would have led over time to another war creating a serious threat to world peace and the prospect of global economic confrontations.
88.	Neither fear of the future nor pride should obscure the fact that an unusual opportunity for further progress on all issues now exists. But opportunities must be seized or they will disappear. I want to emphasize that the United States did not help negotiate this agreement in order to put an end to the process of peace, but to give it new impetus.
89.	President Ford has stated that we will not accept stalemate or stagnation in the Middle East. That was true before the Sinai agreement was signed; it remains true today. The objective of our policy is not merely to create another temporary truce but to sustain the momentum of negotiations. The United States is determined to take every feasible step to help promote further practical progress towards final peace.
90.	As a first step, it is essential that the Sinai agreement be carried out impeccably, within the terms and the time-frame that are stipulated.
91.	In the improved atmosphere thus created, the United States stands ready to participate in any promising initiative towards peace at the request of the parties concerned.
92.	We have made clear that we are prepared to make a serious effort to encourage negotiations between Syria and Israel.
93.	We also intend to consult over the coming weeks with all concerned regarding the reopening of the Geneva Conference which met at an early crucial phase. As co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference together with the Soviet Union, our two countries have special responsibilities in this regard.
94.	We are prepared also to explore possibilities for perhaps a more informal multilateral meeting to assess conditions and to discuss the future.
95.	The United States seeks no special benefit; we do not attempt to exclude any country. We will cooperate with any nation that is willing to make a contribution. We have no preference for any particular procedure. We will support whatever process seems most promising. Our approach will continue to be both flexible and determined.
96.	The search for final peace must be conducted on a wide basis. We are in frequent touch with Governments in the Middle East. We have begun discussions with the Soviet Union with a view to assessing the current situation and weighing possible diplomatic approaches to bring about a just and durable peace in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). While we have had important differences with the Soviet Union, our two countries have held parallel views that the situation in the Middle East poses grave dangers and that partial steps must be part of and contribute to progress towards a comprehensive settlement.
97.	The role of the world Organization remains essential. If this Organization had no other accomplishment than its effective peace-keeping role in this troubled area, it would have well justified itself. These soldiers of peace, wearing the blue beret of the United Nations, as members of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization in Palestine, the United Nations Emergency Force, and the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force have become indispensable to the maintenance of the two 1974 disengagement accords as well as the Sinai agreement. I want to take this occasion to salute the Secretary- General, Mr. Waldheim, and his staff, and General Siilasvuo, the Chief Coordinator of the United Nations peace-keeping missions in the Middle East, and all the men and women from many countries who have served in these forces which have no enemy.
98.	The deliberations of this Assembly regarding the Middle East also play a central role. They can encourage progress or exacerbate tensions. Procedural decisions can be based on the recognition that dialog requires universality of membership, or they can fuel a futile, self-defeating effort to discriminate in violation of the Charter against a Member State whose participation is vital for a solution.
99.	The Middle East will continue to be an area of anguish, turmoil, and peril until a just and durable peace is achieved. Such a peace must meet the principal concerns and interests of all in the area; among and security and the legitimate interests of the Palestinians.
100.	In the Middle East today here is a yearning for peace surpassing any known for three decades. Let us not doom the region to another generation of futile struggle. Instead, let the world community seize the historic opportunity before it. The suffering of all the peoples of the Middle East cry out for it; the hopes and interests of all the world's peoples demand it. The United States promises its full dedication to further progress towards peace.
101.	The contribution of the United Nations to the process of peace is essential in Cyprus as well. The Secretary-General has the responsibilities of organizing the peace-keeping forces on the island and of facilitating the talks between the leaders of the Greek and Turkish communities.
102.	Strict maintenance of the cease-fire is imperative. For this we look to the restraint of the parties and the efficacy of the United Nations peace-keeping forces.
103.	We know that the world community shares our sense of urgency that the negotiating process be resumed and that the parties demonstrate flexibility and statesmanship. The status quo on the island must not become permanent; a rapid and equitable solution is essential. The Secretary-General has worked tirelessly and imaginatively under the most difficult circumstances to narrow the differences. He deserves the full support of the parties and of every nation here.
104.	The details of a Cyprus settlement are for the two communities themselves to decide. However, in keeping with United Nations resolutions which the United States has fully supported, the following principles are believed by my Government to be essential:
(a)	A settlement must preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus. It must ensure that both the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot communities can live in freedom and have a large voice in their own affairs.
(b)	The present dividing lines cannot be permanent. There must be movement from these lines to agreed territorial arrangements which reflect the economic requirements of the Greek Cypriot community and take account of its self-respect.
(t ) There must be provision for the withdrawal of foreign military forces other than those present under the authority of international agreements.
(id) There must be security for all Cypriots; the needs and wishes of the refugees who have been the principal victims and whose tragic plight touches us all must be dealt with speedily and with compassion.
105.	Another area where this Organization will be called upon to take responsible actions is the Korean peninsula. This requires, above all, maintenance of the armistice, pending agreement by all of the parties most directly concerned to replace it with a new arrangement. The existing Armistice Agreement is the only legal instrument committing the parties to maintain the peace. It is a carefully designed structure for monitoring and policing the military demarcation line.
106.	The United Nations Commander-in-Chief is a signatory to that Agreement. The armistice machinery functions daily. None of the signatories has repudiated it. Nor could they do so without serious risks to the peace of the world.
107.	Since 1972, South and North Korea have pledged themselves to enter into a dialog and to seek unification without resort to arms. This Assembly in 1973 and 1974 encouraged this process first in a consensus supporting talks between the two sides, then in a resolution [resolution 3333 (XXIX)] which looked towards termination of the United Nations Command. The United States agrees that 20 years after the end of the Korean war it is timely to terminate the United Nations Command. We have, in fact, sponsored a draft resolution to that effect which is now before you.
108.	It would be foolhardy, however, to terminate the United Nations Command without new arrangements to preserve the integrity of the Armistice Agreement. In the interest of peace, the United States cannot accept any solution which fails to provide for the continuing validity of the Armistice Agreement.
109.	The Republic of Korea and the United States have stated their general readiness to meet with representatives of the other side and with other members of the Security Council to discuss the termination of the United Nations Command while preserving the Armistice Agreement.
110.	Today I can be more specific. The United States and the Republic of Korea, looking forward to the time when a lasting solution of the Korean problem can be achieved, are herewith proposing to the parties to the Armistice Agreement the convening of a conference to discuss ways to preserve it. At such a meeting we would also be prepared to explore other measures to reduce tensions on the Korean peninsula, including the possibility of a larger conference to negotiate a more fundamental arrangement.
111.	It would be in keeping with this spirit of dialog for this body to open its doors to full membership for the two Korean Governments. The United States supports the dual entry of both South and North Korea into the United Nations without prejudice to their eventual reunification. For our part, if North Korea and its allies would move to improve their relations with the Republic of Korea we would be prepared to take similar reciprocal action. It goes without saying that no proposal for security arrangements on the Korean peninsula which attempts to exclude the Republic of Korea from the discussions can be accepted by the United States.
112.	The United Nations can contribute significantly to the process of peace on the Korean peninsula by supporting a responsible approach.
113.	Over the past year the United States has followed carefully and with great sympathy the efforts to reach peaceful settlements in southern Africa.
114.	We welcome the statesmanlike efforts of both black and white African leader: who are seeking to prevent violence and bloodshed and to promote a negotiated settlement in Rhodesia. The differences between the two communities in that country, while substantial, have been narrowed in the last decade. Both sides in Rhodesia, and Rhodesia's neighbors,
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war. The United States will support all efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement.
115.	In underlining our goal of peaceful change for southern Africa, I want to emphasize the importance of an early settlement in Namibia. My Government's opposition to South Africa's continuing occupation of Namibia and our rejection of South Africa's apartheid system are well known. The United States has consistently conveyed our position on this subject to South Africa. We will continue to do so.
116.	We believe that the people of Namibia should be given the opportunity, within a short time, to express their views on the political future and constitutional structure of their country, freely and under United Nations supervision.
117.	Peace in the world will be fragile and tenuous without a curb and, eventually, an end to the arms race. This is why the United States has embarked, with the Soviet Union, upon the difficult and complex negotiation to limit strategic arms. Our objectives are to prevent unchecked destabilizing competition in strategic armaments; to achieve reduction of these arms; to lessen further the likelihood of hasty decisions in times of crisis; and to ease the economic burden of the nuclear arms race.
118.	The Vladivostok accord of last autumn marked a major step towards achieving these goals. When this agreement in principle is translated into a treaty, agreed ceilings will be placed on strategic force levels for a 10-year period. This unprecedented step will slow the pace of new arms programs, especially those driven by fear of major deployments by the other side.
119.	The United States is actively engaged in other amis control negotiations. Together with the Soviet Union, we have made progress towards establishing a regime for peaceful nuclear explosions, and we have agreed to set a threshold on the underground testing of nuclear weapons. These are significant steps towards a. verifiable comprehensive test ban.
120.	In addition, the United States and the Soviet Union have presented to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament identical drafts of a convention on the prohibition of military or any other hostile use of environmental modification techniques [A/10027, annex II, documents CCDI47I and CCD/472]. Misuse of this knowledge might open new avenues of military competition and wreak untold and irreversible harm upon all humanity. We urge the Conference to complete its consideration rapidly.
121.	Another urgent task is a substantia] reduction in the high levels of military forces now confronting each other in various parts of the world. The United States believes that the time has come to give new impetus to the negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions in central Europe. The significance of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe depends to an important extent on whether we can achieve progress in this area. An agreement that enhances mutual security in central Europe is feasible and essential. We will work towards that goal.
122.	The world faces a paradox with respect to the proliferation of nuclear energy. Men have fashioned from the atom weapons which can in minuter end the civilization of centuries. Simultaneously, the atom is fast becoming a more and more essential source of energy. It is clear that the cost and eventual scarcity of oil and other fossil fuels will increasingly spread nuclear power around the world in the decades ahead.
123.	But the spreading of nuclear power poses starkly the danger of proliferating nuclear weapons capabilities and the related risks of the theft of nuclear materials, blackmail by terrorists, accidents or the injection of the nuclear threat into regional political conflicts. Now is the time to act. If we fail to restrain nuclear proliferation, future generations will live on a planet shadowed by nuclear catastrophe.
124.	Over the past year the United States has repeatedly urged new efforts among the supplier States to strengthen and standardize safeguards and controls on the export of nuclear materials. We must not allow these safeguards to be eroded by commercial competition. We must ensure the broad availability of peaceful nuclear energy under safe, economical and reliable conditions.
125.	The United States has intensified its efforts within the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA ] and with other nations to broaden and strengthen international standards and safeguards, and has proposed an international convention setting standards to protect the physical security of nuclear materials in use, storage and transfer.
126.	The United States continues to urge the widest possible adherence to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] and the associated safeguard measures of the IAEA.
127.	The greatest single danger of unrestrained nuclear proliferation resides in the spread, under national control, of reprocessing facilities for the atomic materials in nuclear power plants. The United States therefore proposes, as a major step to reinforce all other measures, the establishment of multinational regional nuclear fuel-cycle centers. These centers would serve energy needs on a commercially sound basis and encourage regional energy co-operation. Their existence would reduce the incentive for small and inefficient reprocessing facilities, limit the possibility of diverting peaceful nuclear materials to national military use, and create a better framework for applying effective international safeguards.
128.	We urge that groups of nations begin now to explore this concept and that all States support the work of the IAEA in this field.
129.	In the last two years the world community has been reminded dramatically to what extent economic relations are an essential foundation of the economic order. It would be one of history's most tragic ironies if, at a time when .. i are putting behind us the tensions of the cold war, we were to enter a new period of conflict between North and South, rich and poor. At the recently concluded seventh special session, the United States called for an end to the sterile confrontations of the past. We stated that, when the ancient dream of mankind, a world without poverty, becomes a possibility, our moral convictions also make it a duty. And we emphasized that only co-operation, not extortion, can achieve gives us ground for hope that, at least for the immediate future, a choice has been made to turn away from confrontation towards co-operation. The United States is proud to support the final document [resolution 3362 (S-VII)], which is the product of the arduous effort and dedication of so many in this chamber.
130.	The United States considers the achievements of the seventh special session a beginning, not an end. As recommended in the final report, we must now move forward in available forums to give reality and content to the objectives on which we have agreed. In the difficult negotiations ahead my Government will participate energetically, in a co-operative and conciliatory spirit.
131.	Beyond peace, security and prosperity lies a deeper universal aspiration to dignity and equal opportunity. Mankind will never be spared all the tragedies inherent in the cycle of life and death. But we do have it in our power to eliminate or to ease the burden of social tragedy and of organized injustice.
132.	The United States has traditionally been an advocate of extending the reach of international law in international affairs. We have offered our help to the victims of disease and natural disaster. There is no longer any dispute that international human rights are on the agenda of international diplomacy.
133.	The reach of international law must extend to the last frontiers of our planet, the oceans. They are the common heritage of mankind, but they can turn into arenas of conflict unless governed by law. They hold untapped sources of energy, minerals and proteins; their environmental integrity is crucial to our survival.
134.	The United States welcomes the United Nations mandate for a comprehensive treaty governing the use of the oceans and their resources. Last month at Montreal I set forth our approach to this negotiation and urged that next year's session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea move matters to a rapid and successful conclusion. No international negotiation is more vital for long-term political and economic stability and the prosperity of our globe.
135.	International law must also come to grips with international terrorism. Innumerable innocent lives have been lost as a consequence of the lack of internationally accepted standards specifically designed to avert unlawful and dangerous interference with civil aviation. The hijacking of aircraft, the kidnapping and murder of innocent civilian victims for presumed political gain remain a plague on civilized man. This remains one of the under-developed areas of international law which merits the most urgent attention of this Organization.
136.	Compassion for our fellow men requires also that we mobilize international resources to combat the age-old scourges of mankind: disease, famine and natural disaster.
137.	The great human rights must be recognized, respected and given reality in the affairs of nations. The earliest United Nations declarations and the recent Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe leave no doubt that these are matters of international concern. The United States will support these principles. Throughout the world, in all continents, violations of human rights must be opposed whether they are inflicted by one race upon another or upon members of the same race. Human rights must be cherished regardless of race, sex or religion. There can be no double standard.
138.	The United Nations Commission on Human Rights has taken its first steps against gross violations of human rights where serious and reliable allegations are submitted by individuals. We support those steps. The organized concern of the world community can be a potent weapon in the war against degradation of human values.
139.	One of the most persistent and serious problems is torture, a practice which all nations should abhor. It is an absolute debasement of the function of government with  its overwhelming power is used not for people's welfare but as an instrument of their suffering.
140.	The United States urges this Assembly to adopt the draft Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Being Subjected to Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, recommended for adoption by the Assembly by the Fifth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, held at Geneva recently.4 In addition, we propose that this General Assembly establish a group of experts, to be appointed by the Secretary-General, to study the nature and extent of torture in the world today and to report back to the next session of our Assembly.
141.	This Organization was created in the belief that the universality of the human race can be reflected in the conduct of international affairs. This Chamber symbolizes the hope that mankind places in the force of nations working together in the common interest, with reason, responsibility and mutual respect.
142.	The problems we face are complex and perilous. The sterile slogans of yesterday, the solutions of the past, the dwelling upon old resentments, can only widen the gaps between us and allow the dangers to peace and the well-being of our peoples to fester and to grow.
143.	We have it in our power to prove to future generations that the last quarter of the twentieth century was not an era of violence and conflict, but one of the creative epochs of world history.
144.	My country's history tells us that it is possible to fashion unity while cherishing diversity; that common action is possible despite the variety of races, interests and beliefs we see here in this Chamber. Progress and peace and justice are attainable.
145.	So we say to all peoples and all Governments: let us fashion together a new world order. Let its arrangements be just. Let the new nations help shape it and feel it is theirs. Let the old nations use their strengths and skills for the benefit of all mankind. Let us all work together to enrich the spirit and to ennoble mankind.


68.	  The delegation of Guatemala wishes to congratulate the President and at the same time to express its pleasure on his well-deserved election to the lofty post of the presidency of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. His recognized qualities as an experienced statesman, his broad knowledge of international relations and, particularly, his distinguished gifts as a jurist and his balanced and wise judgment which have proved so valuable in the process of integration which has taken place among the countries of the European Economic Community [EEC] are a guarantee that the decisions to be adopted in this solemn forum will always be imbued with the greatest fairness and the strictest justice and, above all, will serve the lofty purposes of our world Organization. Those purposes must take precedence over secondary political considerations which sometimes divert our debates from the primary objectives of the Charter the maintenance of international peace and security the promotion of friendship and co-operation among the peoples of the world and, above all, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and in accordance with the principles of justice and the provisions of international law, and the prevention of situations which may endanger world peace.
69 Guatemala, one of the 51 nations which signed the Charter in San Francisco at a time when the gunfire of the Second World War had not yet died away and when mankind was anxious to ensure for future generations lasting peace based on respect for law and fundamental human freedoms, wishes to pay a tribute to our Organization on its thirtieth anniversary and derives great hope from the significant fact that the number of peace-loving States which today make up our Organization has risen to 141, with the inclusion of the new Members which we are most pleased to welcome to this Assembly-Cape Verde, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe. The delegation of Guatemala wishes to extend to them its brotherly greetings of welcome and pledges its broadest co-operation in any endeavor designed to achieve our common objectives in this universal forum.
70.	The faith which the great majority of nations have placed in the effectiveness of the world Organization in its fundamental task of protecting mankind from the scourge of war compels us to strengthen its foundations and to promote international co-operation in the fight against another equally damaging scourge, namely, under-development, as well as against other ominous dangers which threaten mankind, such as the proliferation of nuclear arms, the growing pollution of the environment, the shortage of food, and social discontent, which in an increasingly interdependent world are creating the enormous economic and technological gap which divides the developed from the under-developed countries.
71.	Unfortunately, in the 30 years of the life of our international Organization dark storm clouds of war have not disappeared from the world horizon. Nor can it be claimed that within the Organization total harmony prevails among its Members, for they are today divided into powerful, opposing and combative political blocs.
72.	Guatemala, however, maintains its firm hope that, in this new stage upon which we have embarked, we shall strengthen and completely fulfill the purposes and principles of the Charter and that the peaceful solutions provided by international law to solve disputes among States will allow us to prevent confrontations arising from the injustices and inequities inflicted upon countries solely by the use of force.
73.	Foremost among the problems which most poison relations among peoples are without doubt those which entail the infringement of territorial integrity, since territory is one of the fundamental elements of any State and all nations consider it a sacred and inviolable heritage for which they have always been ready to shed their blood. For this reason, a just solution of territorial conflicts by the diplomatic and judicial means provided for under international law is one of the imperatives of peaceful coexistence among States.
74.	Negotiation and mediation have demonstrated their effectiveness as a means of achieving detente in international situations which have become explosive.
75.	Recent experience has shown that perseverance, mutual understanding and goodwill between the parties can bring them "step by step" towards a possible honorable settlement of their disputes. We cannot fail to express our satisfaction at the preliminary agreement between Egypt and Israel, the product of patient and tenacious negotiation, and the world is anxiously hoping that this preliminary step will gradually lead to a settlement in the Middle East in peace based on justice and human brotherhood.
76.	The delegation of Guatemala also hopes that by means of negotiation solutions will be found for other conflicts which are damaging friendly relations between neighboring countries or frustrating the desire for the peaceful reunification of divided nations, as in the case of the two Koreas, or which are endangering the territorial integrity and sovereignty of countries like Cyprus. We firmly hope that through negotiations and other peaceful means just solutions for the problems created by the continued existence of foreign enclaves, which infringe the territorial integrity and sovereignty of States, will also be found. The unresolved disputes which have persisted for many years over the occupied territories of the Malvinas Islands, Gibraltar, the Panama Canal and the Guatemalan territory of Belize, usurped by the United Kingdom, are sources of discontent which cast a shadow over relations among States and interfere with the harmony which is essential to peace.
77.	Ever since Guatemala became a Member of the United Nations it has been explaining at this rostrum to the conscience of the world that for more than a century and a half we have been making claims against the United Kingdom for the return of the Territory of Belize, over which my country possesses sovereign rights because it is an integral part of our national territory and with it forms a continuous and indivisible unit, the historic ties of which go back to times before Columbus when Guatemala and Belize were part of the ancient Mayan Empire. These ties were maintained throughout the period of Spanish colonial domination and continue to exist today in spite of the territorial usurpations of the last century.
78.	Already in the sixteenth century under Spanish domination Belize formed part of the political entity of Guatemala and it was not until the middle of the seventeenth century that for the first time bands of buccaneers descended upon its coast and, in the intermittent periods of peace between Spain and England, engaged in the cutting of log-wood, which at that time was widely used in British industry. This anomalous situation was regularized by peace treaties between the two Powers in 1783 and 1786, whereby Spain authorized the presence of British subjects in the area of Belize for the sole purpose of cutting timber and building houses within an area of approximately 2,581 square miles, over which Great Britain expressly recognized in these treaties the full sovereignty exercised by Spain.
79.	In 1821 Guatemala won its independence from Spain and on the basis of the principle uti possidetis, which is the rule generally applied in the countries of America and, more recently, by the new African States, the territory of the State of Guatemala was the same as it had been under Spanish sovereignty within the administrative limits existing at the time of the proclamation of independence.
80.	Shortly after becoming a sovereign State Guatemala began to pursue its claim against Great Britain, whose subjects not only continued to exploit the concessions granted by Spain, but were penetrating further into neighboring Central American territories. It took the combined efforts of the Central American States, acting jointly both diplomatically and militarily, to recover their sovereignty over the Bahfa Islands and the Mosquitia Settlements in Nicaragua and Honduras, to defend Nicaragua against the raids of filibusters and slavers, and to protect Central American sovereignty over the islands and waters of the Gulf of Fonseca. After repeated attempts to prevail upon Great Britain to put an end to its increasing incursions into Guatemalan territory, in 1859 Guatemala and Great Britain signed a Convention which, although it contained the word "limits" in its title, actually entailed the ceding of territory under coercion
covering a total area of 8,598 square miles, the equivalent of 23,000 square kilometers. Great Britain had previously possessed no rights over three quarters of that area.
81.	This Convention cannot but remind us of the notorious "trinket treaties" imposed by the colonialist Powers in various parts of the world in circumstances of glaring inequality because of the weakness of the other contracting party.
82.	Nevertheless, the British Government never discharged its sole obligation contracted under the 1859 Convention, in spite of the continuous claims submitted by my country, claims which today still remain frustrated. The obstinate refusal to fulfill this obligation and the rejection of several proposals of the Government of Guatemala that the case be taken to arbitration and that an international judicial solution be sought was the reason why the Congress of Guatemala in 1946 declared the 1859 Convention invalid because of the failure of Great Britain to fulfill the compensatory obligation it had contracted, and that is why in 1963 the Government of Guatemala broke off diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom. As a consequence of this situation, the parties never reached agreement on the demarcation of the territory in dispute, which remains un-demarcated today.
83.	At all international meetings, delegations of my country have explicitly and repeatedly raised the matter of this dispute and have made it clear that the rights of the Guatemalan nation over its Territory of Belize cannot be relinquished. When, in San Francisco, we signed the Charter of the United Nations in 1945, Guatemala accepted all the principles and obligations of the Charter, including that of the self-determination of peoples, a principle upon which our very existence as a sovereign State is based. However, we were compelled to place on record the dispute over the Territory of Belize which we have always considered to be an integral part of our own national territory and, as such, falling outside the principle of self-determination. For the same reason, we opposed the idea that Belize might be placed under the International Trusteeship System, and on 26 May 1945 the representative of Guatemala entered a reservation to this effect, which appeared in the report of the Rapporteur of the Fourth Committee of the Second Commission, and thus constitutes an official document of the San Francisco Conference. It reads as follows:
"The delegation of Guatemala enters an express reservation to sub-paragraph (c) of paragraph 3, section B, of the trusteeship system to the effect that this system cannot apply to territories belonging to the Republic of Guatemala even though such territories may be the subject of claim or disputes or at present in the possession of another State."
The delegation of Guatemala has frequently made reference to this reservation in the General Assembly and in its Committees.
84.	My country has energetically and invariably supported the process of decolonization set in motion by the United Nations as one of its primary purposes, a process which has promoted the birth of many independent States seated in this Assembly today. The records of our sessions and the votes of Guatemala in favor of all efforts to accelerate this process of
decolonization bear witness to our support and, significantly, it was to the representative of Guatemala that the honor fell to be elected to the presidency of the Trusteeship Council in 1958.
85.	Guatemala was one of the 89 countries which voted in favor of the historic resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to
. Colonial Countries and Peoples. In so doing, we placed unequivocally on record that the resolution, in accordance with the provision of paragraph 6 of the Declaration, was not applicable to the long-standing dispute over Belize, since it categorically states that
"Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations."
86.	The existence of similar situations in other parts of the world was the reason why the 43 sponsors of the draft resolution considered it indispensable through that paragraph to safeguard the cardinal principle of territorial integrity, in order to protect countries against any attempt at dismemberment or secession which might invoke the inapplicable principle of self-determination.
87.	At the memorable meeting on 14 December 1960, Mr. Palar of Indonesia explained that his delegation was one of the sponsors of paragraph 6 and that he considered that the situation of the Territory which the Guatemalan delegation had in mind has been taken into consideration in our paragraph 6.' At that time, Indonesia was submitting its claim to West Irian, which it rightly considered an integral part of its own territory and which it subsequently recovered. 1 would remind the Assembly, too, that the enclave of Goa was brought under the sovereignty of India, which considered Goa to be an integral part of its own territory with the implicit acquiescence of the United Nations.
88.	The delegations of Afghanistan, Iran and Jordan, among others, also expressed their agreement with the position taken by Guatemala in the discussion of the final text of resolution 1514 (XV), and on that occasion Mr. Rahnema of Iran emphatically reaffirmed the contents of paragraph 6 of the Declaration quoted earlier. At the same time, he quite rightly added that the Balkanization of countries is a stratagem of neocolonialism which applies, for the purposes of domination, the well-known maxim of "divide and conquer".
89.	In this regard, the Latin American diplomat Mr. Leopoldo Benites, later to become President of the General Assembly, stated:
"My delegation . . . condemns any attempt to disrupt the national unity or territorial integrity of a country as being contrary to the principles of the Charter and to the foundations of law and peaceful coexistence".3
90.	My delegation felt it necessary to summarize on this occasion the roots of its continuing dispute with the United Kingdom over the territory of Belize and the reasons why we come to this world forum every year to reiterate the still outstanding claim which is an affront to the dignity of all Guatemalans.
<>l. Since a considerable number of new Slates have joined our Organization and many of them are unaware of the grounds for our claim, and since this Assembly has witnessed some demagogic attempts here to present our case as. an expansionist adventure or as a curious form of neocolonialism something which is repugnant to the democratic spirit of the Guatemalan people we feel obliged to make it absolutely clear and explicit that Guatemala remains unwavering in its demand that the United Kingdom desist from its illegal occupation of the Guatemalan Territory of Belize, and that my Government reiterates its conviction that this dispute can be resolved only by the legal and diplomatic means provided for under international law a view which we hope is shared by the Government of the United Kingdom, with whose representative;, my Government has been negotiating for more than 12 years, in am attempt to find a formula for a settlement.
92.	The justice of Guatemala's claim has won the support of the States of Latin America, as embodied in many declarations and resolutions, including those approved by the Second, Third and Fourth Meetings of Consultation of the Foreign Ministers, of the American Republics and in other organs and committee* of the Organization of American States |CA<!.V].
93.	The sister Republics of Central America have also expressed their solidarity with Guatemala in important regional documents, including the Declaration of Antigua, signed in August 1955. in which they proclaimed their rejection of the survival of colonialism in America and made it clear that the Territory of Belize was an integral part of Guatemala and. hence, of Central America and that action designed to recover that Territory was of concern to all Slates signing that Declaration; the Declaration of Panama of 1962; and more recently the Declaration of Guayana. Venezuela, signed in December 1^74 by that country and the six Central American Governments, fn this very Assembly of the United Nations, at the seventh session. Mr. Urquia of HI Salvador made the following slate-merit at (he meeting held on 10 December
"Paragraph 3 of the report of the Fourth Committee [Ai22cJ6\ refers to a reservation made by the representative of Guatemala in regard to Belize Territory. On behalf of the delegation of my country and of three other Central American delegations, I take the liberty or making the following statement concerning thai reservation. The delegations of Costa Rica, HI Salvador. Honduras and Nicaragua, considering that the sister Republic of Guatemala has during the present session of the General Assembly declared that it reserves its sovereign rights over Belize Territory, and considering that this is a problem which directly affects the geographical unity of Central America, wish lo record their support of the reservation made by the Guatemalan delegation."
94. The Government of my country has repeatedly
attempted to seek a judicial solution to the dispute
over Belize. hut its arbitration proposals were rejected
by the United Kingdom in 1980 and in 1937 and l be idea of taking the case to the International fours of Justice came to nothing because the parties failed u* agree on the procedure to he followed.
95. In order to break this deadlock., the Government of Guatemala and the United Kingdom embarked on a phase of negotiations which began in 195? and which with some interruptions, has continued up to the present day. These negotiations have been exploring various formulas for a settlement which, apart from the territorial dispute itself, take careful account of a very important element namely, the people of Belize whose interests warrant our total respect and whose friendship and co-operation we deem indispensable to the process of integration of two territories which constitute a single geographic entity. The mutual gravitation of both population groups, and their complementary interests indicate that be only viable path for their future development lies through economic and political integration. The Central American States themselves are making major efforts to achieve that kind of integration through a gradual and progressive process in which our people* have placed all their hopes of achieving the full development of the region and of overcoming the nationalistic quarrels which still create ill will among sister nations.
96, Guatemala is not indifferent to the fact that the local population of Belize has been growing because of migrations front different sources and because of other demographic factors and that the present population density is five inhabitant's per square kilometer.
97. Guatemala is mindful of the interests of these people, who have been acquiring an identity of their own. for in the negotiations over the last 18 years the formulas for resolving the dispute have been aimed at reconciling the rights claimed by Guatemala with the interest of the people of Belize. In this spirit, in 1957, the representatives of the United People's Party of Belize held talks with representatives of the Government of Guatemala to discuss the possibility of a federative association with the latter. Hit these efforts were frustrated by the action of the United Kingdom Government, which do not view with favor the prospect of Belize's ceasing to be one of its possessions. In 1963 negotiations, were resumed with the United Kingdom through the good offices of the United States and later the case was submitted for mediation lo that CJovernmeni, Unfortunately, however, no formula acceptable to the parties was found.
98. Despite the failure of the effort* made so far, the parties to the dispute have not slackened their efforts to find a negotiated mIuimw. Talks have continued until recently, as our Organization has been officially informed, between Guatemala and the United Kingdom with the participation of representatives of the people of Belize. My Government continues to trust that these negotiations will lead finally to a just and equitable solution which will reconcile the interests involved and put .in end to the dispute, thus avoiding the engendering of hostility stemming from the resentment caused by unilateral solutions those which are imposed by force,
99. The self determination of peoples is a cardinal principle of the United Nations which has been applied to deliver subject nations from the state of bondage in which they were held b the colonial Powers. However, this principle can never be applied, in accordance with United Nations law itself. in the case of territories which are an integral part of a Slate and which have been forcibly occupied by another State,
which has settled them with outsiders who have subjugated or supplanted the indigenous population, because this would lead to an encouragement of dismemberment of territories which belong to one nation but have been usurped by another.
100.	These situations of force which keep a stranglehold on the national territories of States can only be settled peacefully and permanently through the legal means provided for under international law. This is the path chosen by the people and Government of Guatemala, which we hope will lead to a settlement of its century-old claim against the United Kingdom in regard to the territory of Belize, on a basis of justice and equity, so as to avoid the friction resulting from the indignation of a people in the light of a stubborn refusal to recognize its lawful rights over its territorial integrity and the indivisibility of its sovereignty.
101.	We are an Organization of sovereign States which have declared their acceptance of the purposes and principles of the Charter. We belong to the Organization on equal terms, and this applies both to those nations which for several generations have enjoyed full international representation and to nations which have recently entered the international scene. We are a free association established for the purpose of achieving the peace and justice to which we aspire through law through law which teaches us that there is only one justice, which admits of no nuances. What is just for one must be just for others. What is unjust for one is unjust for all. This is something to ponder on, to determine and to agree on our responsibility as independent, sovereign States, if we wish to strengthen the legal principles which are essential to an organized international community.
102.	On 24 October next we shall be celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations. Guatemala, together with 50 other nations, has been a Member of the Organization since its foundation and has taken part in all the sessions of the General Assembly and in the international conferences it has convened. We have made our contribution to different bodies, and distinguished Guatemalans have held important posts. In 1968, the General Assembly elected a Guatemalan, Emilio Arenales Catalan, as its President. Our participation in the work of the United Nations has been in keeping with the principles and purposes of the Charter, which should be interpreted fully and not partially, completely and not in a fragmented fashion, even-handedly and not tendentiously. There is but one law and it applies to everyone, because any kind of opportunistic interpretation which grants rights to some while they are denied to others, offends our sense of equity and justice. Guatemala believes that the Charter and the resolutions to which we have voluntarily adhered should be interpreted as a whole and in a spirit of total equality. These are the conditions for good faith in the fulfillment of obligations entered into and are the means to guarantee the application of international law and justice which are the very foundations of stable and lasting peace.


1.	 Permit me to take this opportunity, when the People's Republic of Mozambique is for the first time participating in the general debate, to express my appreciation of the way in which you. Mr. President, are conducting the work of this historic thirtieth session. Your guidance of our deliberations further serves to give us, as new Members. a clear manifestation of the value and dimension of Ibis Organization.
2.	We are proud that your predecessor, our brother Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika. the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, has effectively helped to create conditions for the success of our current session. I should like to record my country's admiration of the brilliant way in which he led the discussions on the delicate and crucial problems dealt with during the twenty-ninth session. We also pay him a tribute for the exemplary way in which he conducted the deliberations of the seventh special session. Through his talented leadership Mr. Bouteflika was able to bring harmony among the Members of the United Nations, which resulted in a greater understanding among the nations of the world on the vital necessity of creating a new international economic order.
3.	My delegation is grateful to the speakers who have very kindly expressed, and those who will be expressing in their speeches on behalf of their Governments and peoples, solidarity with our country.
They do so also in the full knowledge that their victory is a victory for the international community At this juncture we should like also to reiterate our determination to contribute to the strengthening of the principles and purposes of the United Nations.
4.	For centuries our people in various ways ceaselessly fought the brutal system of domination, exploitation and humiliation to which they were being subjected by the vicious Portuguese Fascist colonial regime. The situation after the Second World War became more favorable to the liberation struggle of the peoples of the world. The defeat of Nazism, the growth and strengthening of the socialist system, the uprising of the Algerian people and the successive independence of African and Asian countries was an important catalyst for the cause of our liberation.
5.	Believing in the possibility of attaining independence by peaceful means, we initially tried to establish contacts with the colonial Power, but the intransigence and refusal of that Power to start any dialog with us to this effect, while it vainly clung to the outmoded arguments on its vaunted historic mission for the dissemination and expansion of Christian and Western values, effectively ruled out peaceful struggle as a means of regaining our independence.
6.	The systematic refusal of the Portuguese colonial regime to implement the historic resolution 1514 (XV), which recognizes the right of the people under colonial domination to self-determination and independence, reinforced our conviction that peaceful means could never in such circumstances lead us to our objectives. Therefore we had no alternative but to mobilize our people for an armed struggle for national liberation.
7.	Simultaneous with our conviction that the only means to liberate our homeland from the colonial yoke was armed struggle was our recognition that this could be obtained only through national unity. Thus the Frente de Libertafao de Mozambique [FRELIMO] was born. FRELIMO represents the only organization in our country that has been able to mobilize, unite and organize the masses for the same cause. By establishing a correct political line, FRELIMO created a platform on which such unity was forged.
8.	In fact, defining clearly the desired aim the defense of the interests of the exploited masses and correctly identifying the oppressive colonial system as the enemy which had to be fought, FRELIMO was able to engage all our people in the ideals of national liberation and independence. Armed with these instruments, the Mozambican people were able to advance decisively to victory, despite the difficult conditions of the armed struggle, the brutal Fascist repression, massacres, bombing, war crimes and concentration camps, and despite the growing involvement of monopolistic interest which transformed the colonial war into an imperialist war.
9.	We were able to gain the international solidarity of world progressive forces fighting for the same cause. In the forefront of this movement of solidarity were the national liberation movements, the African and the socialist countries, representing our strategic rear, and the democratic and progressive forces from the capitalist countries. All these were, indeed, our allies in the common struggle.
10.	Here we want to pay a tribute to Africa, and particularly to the brotherly peoples of the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia, who never hesitated to make any sacrifice in support of our cause.
11.	Today, after the conquest of our national independence, we have before us another battle to fight, the battle of national reconstruction and economic independence. We have inherited a difficult situation which resulted not only from the long years of colonial domination, exploitation and plunder, but also from the imperialist war of aggression imposed upon our people. Preoccupied only with the defense of the interests of the minority of exploiters, the colonial system conceived State machinery geared to the defense of such interests. All economic, social and cultural structures were organized to serve the minority to the detriment of the overwhelming majority.
12.	As a result of the colonial war of aggression, the indiscriminate bombing of the population, villages and plantations, and massacres, we inherited a grave situation, economically and socially.
13.	In the sphere of health, our people reflect the neglect and undernourishment to which the lack of a health policy and the effects of an economy based on mono-culture condemned them. In some regions, until then occupied by the enemy, the people had never seen or heard of a doctor, and in others the ratio of medical services was about 1 doctor to 1 million inhabitants.
14.	In the field of education, to mention only the basic elements, we have the shameful rate of over 90 per cent illiteracy. In the social sphere, mainly in the urban zones, we find the degrading vices left by capitalism and colonialism, namely, alcoholism, drug addiction and prostitution.
15.	One and a half million Mozambicans languishing in concentration camps need to be integrated into the new society which we are now building. About 100,000 refugees, who fled to the neighboring countries from colonial repression, wish to return to their country. Then there are thousands of Mozambicans who are the survivors of massacres and bombings: widows, orphans and those crippled in the war.
16.	The economic situation of our country is precarious, owing to the colonial plunder of our country's natural resources as well as to imperialist monopolies, unequal exchange conditions in international markets, compulsory dependence on a few countries for our external trade, poor diversification of export products and excessive dependence on imports. This situation, during the colonial system, was coupled with economic sabotage and the smuggling of capital out of the country, which caused serious problems and a deficit in the balance of payments.
17.	Therefore, as we now rise to confront the new battle, we do so against the background of this serious
economic and social situation which we have inherited from colonialism. The Mozambican people, tempered by the liberation struggle and inspired by the experience of the new society which even before independence they were constructing in the regions liberated by the people's struggle, are totally engaged in national reconstruction and in the creation of a new mentality as the foundation of a new society, free of exploitation. Consequently, an important fact in the new struggle is the extraordinarily creative potential of our people, organized, mobilized and armed with FRELIMO's correct political line.
18.	We have set as a matter of priority the destruction of the colonial state machinery, an instrument for the domination by the exploiting class, and its replacement by a state machinery which will truly serve the masses. The new organs will be different from the former, not only as regards their objectives, but also in their methods and composition. We have turned our attention to the immediate needs of the people: fighting famine, disease, illiteracy and moral and material corruption. In order to give concrete form to the principles for which we are fighting and which are incorporated in our Constitution, we are gradually creating conditions for the establishment of democratic and people's power. The land, the natural ground and subsoil resources and all health and educational systems and institutions have been placed under the control of the people's State.
19.	Considering agriculture to be a decisive factor in our economy, the majority of our people are collectively engaged in it, organizing and depending mainly on their own efforts.
20.	In this new stage of our struggle, we count on the support and solidarity of international progressive forces, which have always been on our side.
21.	We want to reiterate within this Organization our appreciation of the adoption by the General Assembly of resolution 3340 (XXIX), which calls on the economically developed countries and on other Member States to carry out, in collaboration with the legitimate representatives of the countries still under Portuguese domination, concrete Programs and projects of economic, technical and financial assistance to be granted when such countries achieve independence. This resolution has already started to yield fruit. In this context, we should like to stress the action already carried out by the various United Nations organizations, including the United Nations Development Program, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the World Food Program and the United Nations Children's Fund. The support already received from these organizations can be considered significant, particularly because they meet the most immediate priorities in the fight against famine, disease, illiteracy and social evils in general. In expressing our appreciation of the assistance, rendered thus far, we are confident of the continued support of the United Nations family of organizations as we confront the many challenges before us. In this respect I should like to stress briefly the importance of Habitat: United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, to be held next year at Vancouver. It is our hope that when the international community, at the Conference, discusses the various facets and aspects of human settlements land,
slums, housing, rural and urban development it wtll also seriously consider the problems of those rural and urban settlements that were subjected to destruction by colonial wars for over 10 years.
22.	The People's Republic of Mozambique, which in its own Constitution recognizes the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States established by General Assembly resolution 3281 (XXIX), maintains that only with the establishment of friendly relations between nations and the creation of international economic relations based on equality and mutual respect can international peace and security be maintained. Thus there is an urgent need to change the current world economic system, based on dependency on a few powerful nations and on the tyranny of a small group of nations, as well as on forms of colonialist, imperialist and neo-colonialist domination. We shall follow all steps taken with a view to strengthening mutual co-operation on an industrial, scientific and technological level between the developed and the developing countries. And, recognizing that co-operation with and aid from the developed countries is not the only alternative open to the developing countries, we believe that the strengthening of co-operation between the developing countries should be a means through which those countries could increase their strength in a dialog with the developed countries.
23.	We support the steps stipulated in the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its seventh special session [resolution 3362 (S-Vll)], believing that all States Members of this Organization will adopt them as guidelines in their approach to and policies on international economic relations.
24.	We have stated that this session is a historic one. In fact, the session is being held when a great number of countries of the world are regaining their dignity, freedom and national independence and are actively participating with other peoples in the solution of the problems that affect the international community. The Comoros and Papua New Guinea became free and independent countries, while the Republic of Cape Verde, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and the People's Republic of Mozambique are still the focus of interest and acclamation following their admission to the United Nations. We wish to congratulate the people and Government of Papua New Guinea, and we look forward to welcoming them soon to the United Nations. My delegation warmly and fraternally greets the people of Cambodia and the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia, which, through a heroic and selfless struggle ably led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk, were able to reconquer their freedom and independence, dignity and peace which had, for five years, been usurped by imperialism.
25.	My delegation equally salutes the people of Laos and supports them in their efforts for the consolidation of their independence and national reconstruction without foreign interference.
26.	We have always considered our struggle in the general context of that of the peoples who are fighting against colonial and imperialist domination, as well as in that of the struggle of mankind for the construction of ajust society guided by the principles of national independence, justice and equality. That is why, notwithstanding the distance that separates us physically our struggle has always been linked with that of the heroic peoples of Viet Nam, Korea and all other peoples who fight for their freedom in Africa and Latin America.
27.	My delegation wishes to extend fraternal revolutionary and militant greetings of solidarity 'to the brave people of the Republic of South Viet Nam and the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam on their glorious victories over the brutal aggression and systematic violation of their human rights perpetrated by imperialist forces headed by the United States of America. Their victory was a great contribution to the liberation of mankind.
28.	Our victory in Mozambique in the struggle against Portuguese colonialism backed by international imperialism would not have been achieved so soon had it not benefited from the Vietnamese people's struggle. We are eagerly looking forward to the day when we shall benefit within the United Nations from the Vietnamese people's talents, dedication and creative force for world peace, justice and progress. We vehemently condemn the abuse of the rights conferred on the United States in its repeated exercise of its right of veto to prevent the admission of the Republic of South Viet Nam and of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations. This shows clearly that the peace achieved in Viet Nam does not please the United States. To speak of peace and co-operation while refusing to admit the two Vietnamese States to the United Nations is a flagrant contradiction.
29.	The United States arguments did not and cannot convince any well-meaning person. To compare the problem of Korea with that of Viet Nam is an attempt to establish a parallel between two objectively distinct realities. We are sure that this is done not with any intention of defending the interests of the Korean people but only to safeguard the United States' own interests. We feel that such an attitude is highly immoral and is an insult to both the Korean and the Vietnamese peoples, [n invoking arguments to the effect that the admission of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam is backed by ideological reasons is tantamount to absurdly affirming that all Member States which support the immediate admission of the two Vietnamese States have the same ideology. We are certain that, despite the psychological war that the United States continues to wage against them in the halls of the United Nations, our Vietnamese brothers will continue to enjoy the respect and co-operation of all peoples of the world and will soon be able to exercise their right in the United Nations, a right which is given them not by anybody but by the principles incorporated in the very Charter of the United Nations and which they have reconquered through innumerable sacrifices of thousands of their children.
30 The question of Korea has been dragging on for many long years now, and the division of Korea nas been causing considerable moral and material damage to the Korean people. The imperialists who promo e this situation, have been inhumanly benefiting; from it, without taking into consideration the supreme interests of the Korean nation. 31. This question has been debated seriously by the United Nations. Various opinions have been expresseu
to demonstrate how inconsistent with and contrary to the United Nations Charter and the spirit of human rights is the continuation of this problem. Honest suggestions have been offered for its solution. Consequently, in 1973 the General Assembly at its twenty-eighth session adopted the text of a consensus on this question.1 The spirit of this consensus was to facilitate the solution of the Korean problem by the Korean people themselves. In the same spirit, my delegation wishes to reaffirm the stand adopted by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held at Lima, a stand which was also backed by my country as an active member of this movement. We support the peaceful and independent reunification of Korea, without any foreign interference. My delegation is of the view that the dissolution of the United Nations Command in South Korea is urgent. It calls attention to the danger that will prevail if the dissolution of this Command is not accompanied by the withdrawal of United States troops. No pretext can justify the provocative permanence of such troops oh Korean soil.
32.	Likewise, my country considers that it is high time peace was established in Korea and that the dubious military armistice was replaced by a firm peace accord capable of creating and strengthening confidence in both parts for rapid, peaceful reunification.
33.	The Mozambican people have defined their armed struggle as a contribution to the cause of international peace because it aimed precisely at the destruction of the causes of wars colonial and other international wars namely, the domination of some countries by others. Thus our struggle could not be circumscribed within the limited scope of Mozambique. This is why we say "a luta continiia". We cannot feel completely free while a single country is still subjugated.
34.	One of the places in which such subjugation prevails is the Middle East. The delicate situation there is causing us concern, and it is with uneasiness that we follow the day-to-day events in the region. Hundreds of thousands of the inhabitants of the area are subjected to indescribable suffering due to endless wars, and the situation has been seriously affecting international peace and stability, robbing the world community of the attention it would otherwise devote to the progress of mankind and the construction of a better world.
35.	Having scrupulously analyzed this problem, we have grasped its complexity, but we nevertheless feel it is not beyond solution. We conclude that an overall and final solution is most urgent in an area whose inhabitants have known no peace for the last 27 years or more. But in order that a satisfactory and final solution may be found Israel must recognize the reality of the injustice it has been perpetrating against its Arab neighbors, particularly against the Palestinian people. Israel must be prepared to rectify the state of affairs that prevails in the area as a result of its injustice, so that it may start a new chapter in its relations with its neighbors. Israel must, first of all and without delay, evacuate the Arab territories it occupied in June 1967 and the territory allocated to the Palestinian State by the plan of partition of Palestine included in the resolution adopted on 29 November 1947 by the General Assembly [resolution 181 (II)], by virtue
of which the State of Israel itself came into being. Only by acting thus will Israel be able to live in peace. But as long as Israel does not take any step to this effect it will be vain to expect the Palestinian people and the Arab countries not to resist the occupation of their territories, for occupation and oppression, no matter by whom, only give rise to resistance. This has often been eloquently proved by history. And, if we seriously believe that Israel favors the establishment of a genuine peace in the Middle East based on a just and constructive solution to the Palestine Arab problem, my delegation would like to submit that no just and constructive solution to the Palestine problem can be found without taking into consideration the right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland, Palestine, and to recover their property; their right to self-determination without any foreign intervention; their right to sovereignty over their territory; and their right to establish their independent national authority.
36.	In this context, my delegation finds it opportune to reiterate that, as a fact recognized by the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity [OAJJ], the non-aligned movement, the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization and other international organizations, the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people with whom a settlement of this problem can and should be negotiated is the Palestine Liberation Organization.
37.	Another country of the Middle East whose situation is a source of legitimate preoccupation is Cyprus. We consider that in Cyprus, as in many other parts of the world, tension and conflict are provoked mainly by the interference of foreign forces in the country's internal affairs. Such being the case, it is essential and indispensable for the normalization of the situation in Cyprus that all foreign forces respect General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and Security Council resolutions 365 (1974) and 367 (1975) and cease to interfere in the internal affairs of the island. The Cypriot community must be free to decide its own destiny and preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its country, as well as its non-alignment. For this, it is necessary that all foreign forces leave the island, in order to create a suitable atmosphere for the normalization of the situation there.
38.	Let me now turn to the situation in southern Africa. In Rhodesia, in South Africa and in Namibia we are witnessing the heavily disguised maneuvers of the Fascists and racists to maintain the peoples of those territories in perpetual slavery.
39.	In the Republic of South Africa itself enormous human suffering is being inflicted by a minority on the masses in that country. Prisons are appallingly crowded, political prisoners are languishing in many gaols under a brutal torture system, and there are many other forms of inhuman treatment.
40.	Realizing that the policy of bantustans is insufficient to contain the tide of nationalism, the South African regime is organizing new types of concentration camps into which it intends to throw its opponents. Lately, repression against its own citizens has been intensified to a level so far unknown in that country. Practices such as those adopted in South Africa take on the form of colonialism and nazism. Many Western countries cannot escape responsibility for this situation, for they actively support the apartheid regime in one way or another.
41.	Such countries continue to give their contributions and arms to South Africa. In recent times attempts have been made by those countries to rationalize their collusion with the apartheid regime by pretending to argue that there has been a change within South Africa.
42.	Those arguments are nothing more than maneuvers calculated to perpetuate white supremacy over the people of South Africa. For in South Africa there is no change. The apartheid system is still there and in fact the regime has intensified its repression. We would like to reaffirm here that there can be no real change so long as the Vorster regime continues to perpetuate its apartheid policies while maintaining an intransigent attitude towards the liberation movement which is the authentic representative of the interests of the South African people.
43.	We should like thus to express our militant solidarity with the people of South Africa, led by their national liberation movement, in their courageous struggle against apartheid. We appeal to all the peoples of the world to support the efforts made by the liberation movement. We appeal also to those countries which continue to collaborate with the South African minority regime immediately to cease all co-operation  military, financial or any other until the rights of the majority of the people have been restored.
44.	In Zimbabwe, 10 years after the unilateral declaration of independence, the yoke of colonialism and racism is becoming more and more savagely oppressive. People are being forced out of their ancestral lands in order to give way to foreign settlers. Whole populations are being moved at gunpoint from a vast area bordering Mozambique without even minimal consideration for their belongings and human rights. Their houses are being burnt out and their cattle indiscriminately slaughtered. Arbitrary arrests and hangings of political prisoners are a common occurrence.
45.	In their repression of Zimbabweans, the Ian Smith forces did not hesitate to violate our frontiers, hence compelling us to an armed confrontation. The illegal Smith regime acts with an obstinacy identical to that of the Portuguese colonialists. Thus the Smith regime, through brutal repression and other desperate maneuvers, attempts to prevent its own total collapse. Consequently the people of Zimbabwe have decided to continue their struggle, including armed struggle, against the minority and illegal regime of Ian Smith,
46.	The People's Republic of Mozambique will unreservedly support the efforts of the people of Zimbabwe led by the African National Council of Zimbabwe for their own liberation. It is the people of Zimbabwe who will liberate themselves. The people of Mozambique are confident that all peace-loving peoples will lend the necessary support to that combat which is imposed on the Zimbabweans by the minor' ity and racist regime of Ian Smith. The Smith regime
must be compelled to accept a Government of the majority represented by the Council.
47.	We appeal to all Member States to impose a complete and total boycott on Rhodesia. For our
part, FRELIMO and the People's Republic of Mozambique are ready to assume all responsibility in conformity with their international duty.
48.	The situation in both South Africa and Rhodesia constitutes not only a violation of the fundamental principles of human rights and of the United Nations Charter but also a threat to peace and international security. With regard to our country, I must say it is a constant menace to the independence and the freedom that our people has just regained after 10 years of untold sacrifice.
49.	The question of Namibia is as old as the United Nations itself. No progress is being made. On the contrary, South Africa is extending its apartheid policy to that international Territory. Military bases are being built; repression is growing day by day. People are being herded into the so-called bantustan concentration camps. United Nations resolutions are, with great contempt, being thrown into the dustbin. Machinations are frantically being resorted to in order to hoodwink the world into believing that South Africa is at last willing to settle the problem by staging the so-called "constitutional talks" with a few tribal chiefs who are nothing more than South African stooges. The real solution to the Namibian problem will be found in the recognition of the South West Africa People's Organization [.SWAPO] as the only legitimate representative of the Namibian people and the initiation of serious negotiations with that Organization with a view to granting Namibia independence while scrupulously preserving its territorial integrity. If this course of action is not taken, those who are prone to defend their petty short-time interests may, in the end, lose everything, including racial harmony. We sincerely believe that time is fast running out. We call upon those Member States who constantly style themselves the champions of freedom to reexamine their positions and help the United Nations  and themselves for that matter to solve the Namibia problem and thus regain their prestige as well. We call upon all Member States to help SWAPO materially, politically and morally to wage its struggle by all possible means.
50.	The Portuguese colonial empire is nearing its end, permitting new independent and sovereign countries to be born. We anxiously look forward to the independence on 11 November of another Territory under Portuguese administration. We salute the brotherly people of Angola led by the Movimento Popular de Liberta?ao de Angola [MPLA ] for having firmly fought Portuguese colonialism for a real unity of the Angolan people based on the interests of the masses.
51.	Today MPLA is preparing the people for the defense of the gains of the liberation struggle and for national reconstruction. However, we see imperialist maneuvers, aimed at dividing the country, delaying the proclamation of independence and creating an atmosphere of instability in an attempt to justify an intervention by international forces.
52.	We see the appearance of puppet organizations and armed groups against MPLA and the people. South African troops invaded Angolan territory, occupying parts of the Cunene province. Only MPLA organized the people against this aggression by South African mercenaries and troops. My delegation, on behalf of the people of Mozambique, vehemently condemns the invasion of Angola by South African troops, rejects all intervention by international forces, and firmly supports the territorial integrity of Angola against any attempt to divide it.
53.	Another Territory under Portuguese administration is East Timor, where the situation causes us considerable concern. In that Territory the Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independente [FRETILIN], the only nationalist organization supported by the people, defends and represents their interests. It is so organized that it is capable of leading the country to independence and of guaranteeing its unity with a view to national reconstruction.
54.	Meanwhile marginal forces, with foreign backing, are trying to hamper the process of decolonization in the Territory, provoking an atmosphere of unrest and perpetrating aggression against the people. Supported by the masses, FRETILIN has been able to stop the attempts by those puppet forces to create chaos and entirely control the Territory of East Timor.
55.	The People's Republic of Mozambique, which considers that the people of East Timor should be free to choose their own destiny, condemns the interference by certain Powers which are trying to impose themselves on that Territory and not hesitating to resort to military intervention and to moving troops and fleets in an attempt to intimidate the people. We consider that it is with FRETILIN, which effectively controls the Territory and is incontestably supported by the people, that Portugal should negotiate the modalities for the decolonization of the Territory.
56.	Connected with the question of southern Africa is the problem of the growing tension in the Indian Ocean. We consider that the continuation of such a situation constitutes another threat to our independence. The rivalry of the big Powers which compete with each other over the control and domination of that region is manifested by the growing introduction of nuclear armaments into it.
57.	The principle of general and complete disarmament, which the People's Republic of Mozambique defends, is a principle that must be not only recognized but also applied. The creation of a climate of security in Europe and co-operation between the nuclear Powers to that effect are steps capable of promoting greater security in the world. But the mere establishment of security between the European States or between the big Powers is not sufficient to guarantee international peace. It is necessary to ensure that hotbeds of tension are in fact eliminated and not transferred to new zones.
58.	In this connexion, the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, Samora Moises Machel, in a message sent to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Helsinki, said:
"The Mozambican people, who were forced to wage a liberation war to put an end to the colonial and imperialist war of aggression, attach the greatest value to the fight for peace, security and co-operation between nations. It is our conviction that detente in Europe would be a real contribution for the peoples of Europe to realize their aspirations to peace and economic, cultural and social emancipation. We wish that the success of your Conference
also signifies a greater vigilance and firm struggle against the attempts of imperialism to transfer geographically the zones of tension. The People's Republic of Mozambique, which is situated on one of the margins of the Indian Ocean and is directly interested in maintaining this ocean as a zone of peace, considers it its duty imposed by the fight for the preservation of international security to draw the attention of the Conference on European Security to the great dangers and threats to international peace and security created by the installation by some countries participating in the Conference of bases of aggression in the Indian Ocean zone, namely in Diego Garcia and in the Comoro islands, against the interests and the will expressed by the peoples of the respective countries and of all the African continent."
59.	Our preoccupation with maintaining the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace is not subjective. It reflects our awareness that tension threatens our own national independence and international peace; therefore we are of the view that the Indian Ocean should constitute a denuclearized zone, free of military and naval bases and fleets, and that the safety of its maritime routes should fall under the responsibility of the coastal States directly interested.
60.	This year concerted action on a world scale has been initiated for the emancipation of women. It is a happy coincidence that this International Women's Year is also the year in which we and other peoples have regained our liberty, dignity and independence, thus opening wider perspectives for the liberation of humanity as a whole. The liberation of humanity from various forms of domination, oppression and exploitation naturally cannot be achieved if women, who constitute more than half of the world's population, do not attain their full liberation. That is why the People's Republic of Mozambique rejoices at the results achieved at the World Conference of the International Women's Year held in Mexico, at which the World Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Objectives of the International Women's Year was devised.
61.	In Mozambique women always suffered from colonial and capitalist domination and also from the weight of retrograde tradition. From the very beginning of our struggle, FRELIMO recognized that the oppression to which the Mozambican women were being subjected was a result of the antagonistic contradiction between the Mozambicans both men and women on the one hand and the social order on the other. In that way we engaged all our people in the common struggle against the old social order,
62.	The Declaration of Mexico on the Equality of Women and Their Contribution to Development and Peace, 1975,1 indicates the aspects to which Governments should pay more attention with a view to increasing the role which should be played by women in society. We, for our part, have already, during the armed struggle, encouraged more and more the participation of women at all levels, side by side with men, and Mozambican women actively participated in the struggle. In the army and during the battles our women proved themselves capable of carrying out the missions entrusted to them. In the fields of health and education their role has been indispensable.
63.	While increasing their degree of literacy and culture, we continued to extend women's participation in all spheres, including the taking and carrying out of political decisions. During the stage of armed struggle the FRELIMO Central Committee, wishing to make better use of the capacity and talent already demonstrated by women, deemed it necessary to create an instrument that could rationalize, organize and direct their efforts in the various fields of national activity. Thus in 1973 the Organization of Mozambican Women was created. We therefore believe that to some extent we are already engaged in working towards the objectives indicated by the Mexico Declaration.
64.	Our Constitution has stipulated equality between men and women in rights and duties in the political, economic, social and cultural fields and affirmed that women's emancipation constitutes one of the essential tasks of the people's State. We are certain that with those foundations we shall realize most of the aims set for the decade.
65.	Before concluding I should like to put on record our satisfaction at the achievements of the United Nations during the 30 years of its existence and to express our confidence that the spirit of conciliation, harmony and co-operation achieved today will be maintained and developed towards the attainment of the goals of the Charter.