Like the
Heads of State and Government who have spoken
before me, I would like, on behalf of the delegation of
Côte D’Ivoire and on my own behalf, to address my
sincere congratulations to Mr. Ashe on his outstanding
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-eighth session. I also wish in particular to thank
Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon for his leadership of
the Organization and his commitment to world peace
and development. I take this opportunity to reiterate to
him, in the name of my counterparts in the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), our
gratitude for his personal involvement in the resolution
of conflicts in Africa and especially in the subregion of
West Africa.

Before touching on the topic of today’s debate, in
taking the floor for the second time before the Assembly
I would like to reaffirm the gratitude of the Ivorian
people for the efforts of the United Nations and the
international community on our behalf. Indeed, thanks
to that invaluable support, Côte d’Ivoire is now hard
at work and has returned to the path of economic and
social development for the well-being of all Ivorians.
My country is in a period of full reconstruction after
establishing credible and democratic institutions
following free, transparent elections. National
reconciliation and political dialogue are under way in
a climate of peace. We are aware of the challenges that
remain, but we are on the right path.

The theme for this session, “The post-2015
development agenda: setting the stage”, calls on us all
individually and collectively to consider our capacity
to meet the development challenge. As we approach
the 2015 target date for achieving the Millennium
Development Goals, it should be noted that significant
progress has been achieved by most countries, and
we welcome the determination of all Governments
to continue their efforts to meet the Millennium
commitments.

Although much remains to be done and the
progress made can mask various national and regional
realities, the current trend appears to be irreversible,
despite a particularly difficult economic environment.
We must seek to build on the positive outcomes that
have been achieved in a number of areas, such as
primary school enrolment, vaccinations and slowing
the spread of HIV/AIDS. We must also resolve issues
of food security, drought, access to drinking water
and combating poverty, which continue to be major
concerns for our States.

By adopting the Millennium Development Goals,
we have the collective responsibility and ambition to
improve the living conditions of our fellow citizens and
thereby accelerate the development of our countries. As
far as my country, Côte d’Ivoire, is concerned, progress
towards meeting the Millennium Development Goals,
which was deadlocked because of the sociopolitical
crisis, has today gained new momentum, thanks
to the sound performance of our economy. It is in
that favourable climate that the Government has
established an ambitious reconstruction programme,
which is based on the national development plan for
the period 2012-2015. Social investments being a
priority in that programme, the programme allocates
substantial amounts to education, health and basic
social infrastructure. The Government has also made
job creation a national priority, in particular jobs for
young people, and its goal is to create 200,000 jobs a
year, which is a considerable number given the size of
our country.

As we assess what has been accomplished, we must
face the fact that the world needs greater solidarity to
reach the Millennium Development Goals. Therefore,
we must adopt a comprehensive approach that will
enable our countries to create sustainable development
models that are more equitable and more respectful
of our differences. The African continent, which lags
behind in the effort to achieve the Goals by 2015,
can nevertheless count on an increasing share in the
global economy because of its growth rate. My country
therefore supports the definition of a post-2015 agenda
to forge a new consensus regarding a new generation
of sustainable development goals, based on the
Millennium Development Goals.

The world we seek will not come about unless
we meet the challenge of peace and security, as well
as that of democracy, through a return to the values
of the Charter of the United Nations. Too many wars

and conflicts continue to tear humankind apart,
undermining development efforts in numerous
countries. We must collectively put an end to that
situation by ensuring that we serve the interests of the
people exclusively, using the tools we already have. It
is by renewing the foundations of our solidarity that we
will be able to counter new threats, such as terrorism,
cross-border crime, drug and arms trafficking, human
trafficking and piracy at sea.

The attack of a rare violence that occurred in our
brother country, Kenya, is an example of those threats,
and reminds us of the urgent need for collective action
against the threat of terrorism. We condemn in the
strongest possible terms that despicable and barbarous
act, which shows that the fight against terrorism is
ongoing and calls for new methods of security. In these
times of great suffering, I would like, on behalf of my
country and West Africa, to convey to the brotherly
people of Kenya and its President our compassion and
support.

International governance must become more
democratic and increasingly embody the universal
consensus and the values of our nations. Indeed, the
world must be able to recognize itself in its multilateral
institutions in order to effectively deal with the hazards
of this new century.

West Africa is aware of the threat posed to
its development, the deterioration in the security
environment and the proliferation of new factors of
instability. Accordingly, the Heads of State of ECOWAS
are rightly doing everything possible, with the support
of the international community, in a determined effort
to re-establish and maintain peace in our region. For
that reason, we welcomed with the utmost satisfaction
the re-establishment of the territorial integrity of Mali
and the successful holding of presidential elections in
that country.

That success must not hide the major challenges
still facing our region. I therefore call upon the
international community to learn from the conflict in
Mali and to support ECOWAS and the African Union in
implementing a coherent and proactive security policy.
Terrorism in the Sahel region is spreading to such an
extent that entire expanses are outside the authority of
States. The threat goes beyond the borders of the African
continent and demands a concerted international
response in keeping with the stakes involved.

I would like to encourage donors and our traditional
partners to provide their support to the United Nations
and to our States within the framework of this strategy.
We welcome the announcement of the upcoming visit
of the Secretary-General and the President of the World
Bank to the Sahel region in order to mobilize the entire
international community and the financial institutions.

If we want to end the cycle of politico-military
crises in West Africa, Guinea-Bissau must also receive
international support, so that we can build upon the
current inclusive transition and enable the Government
to organize democratic elections next November. For
that reason, on behalf of ECOWAS, I call upon the
international community to contribute to the financing
of general elections in that country.

In closing, I would like to remind our Assembly that
in order to meet the challenges of international peace
and security, we must redouble our efforts to deliver on
the commitments made at United Nations conferences
and summits. The right to development must become a
reality for all, as set out in the Millennium Declaration
(resolution 55/2), which was unanimously adopted in
September 2000. We must all draw lessons from the
shortcomings of the past in order to rebuild the world
gloriously for ourselves, our children and our children’s
children.


I wish to begin by
extending my heartfelt congratulations to the President
of the General Assembly on his assumption of office
at the sixty-eighth session. I also wish to commend
the Secretary-General on his leadership during what
is a trying and testing time around the globe. We are
confident in his leadership and in the Organization’s
resolve in tackling the many unprecedented challenges
of our time.

Challenges, old and new, seem to be a recurring
theme during this general debate, and it is only right
that it be so: it is when we face enormous challenges and
when we feel most uncomfortable, vulnerable, unhappy
and unfulfilled that we are most likely to think above
and beyond and seek new answers to old questions.

The most pressing challenge for the United Nations
is definitely that of remaining relevant, given the
realities of the twenty-first century, as the Organization
remains the ultimate guarantor of the sovereign equality
of nations and the only international institution to which
all countries, big and small, can look to ensure justice,
freedom and peace. The Maldives, along with other
States, has been calling for the reform of the Security
Council to make it more inclusive, and thereby more
credible and reflective of the voices of not only the
powerful but also the weak, and more representative of
the global population and its geographic distribution.
In addition to the Council’s composition, its working
methods must also be improved — only then can the
United Nations restore its credibility, authority and
legitimacy.

Global challenges are of significant importance
to the Maldives. The situation in the Middle East is
particularly close to the hearts of Maldivians. We are
appalled at the human cost of the conflict in Syria. The
use of chemical weapons at any time, by anyone, and for
whatever purpose must not be tolerated. In that regard,
the Maldives welcomes Security Council resolution 2118
(2013), on the destruction of the chemical weapons in
Syria, which was adopted unanimously. The Council’s
decision will, we hope, take us a step closer to ending
the atrocities taking place there as we speak. Violence
begets violence. We therefore call on both sides of the
conflict to choose the path of dialogue, not of violence.

The Maldives also calls on the General Assembly
to recognize the legitimate aspirations of the
Palestinian people. We urge the Assembly to support
a two-State solution through the establishment of the
State of Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital,
on the lands occupied in the 1967 war. Is it fair that
Palestinian children grow up without a country of their

own? Is it fair that the Palestinian needs for security,
stability, prosperity and development go unanswered
and unfulfilled because of the continued violence? We
have discussed that issue enough. It is time for action.
We are encouraged by the renewed United States-led
Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. It is our earnest hope
that those talks will ultimately lead to a peaceful and
secure future for future generations of Palestine and
Israel.

With the deadline for the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) fast approaching, the focus of the world
and the Assembly has turned to the post-2015 agenda.
However, accelerating the achievement of the original
Millennium Development Goals remains an urgent
necessity. The Maldives therefore calls on all nations
to fulfil their official development assistance (ODA)
commitments and thereby help the most vulnerable
populations overcome the challenges they face in
achieving the MDGs.

We in the Maldives have made remarkable progress
on the MDGs, having achieved five out of the eight
ahead of the deadline. Although we have not achieved
three of the MDGs, we are proud of the work we
have done towards achieving them, in particular on
the advancement of women. Our country has shown
promise in addressing gender equality, especially in
the area of health and education. It has nearly achieved
universal access to basic health care for women and is
proud of high literacy rates among boys and girls alike.
The Maldives regards improving the socioeconomic
rights of women as an integral part of national
development and a core component of sustainable
development. Unfortunately, we are facing setbacks on
some of the MDGs that have been achieved, and are
even regressing, owing to emerging issues, especially
the loss of ODA as we graduate from the status of a least
developed country (LDC), while persistent challenges
hinder the achievement of the whole set of MDGs.
Therefore, achieving and sustaining the progress on the
MDGs will remain the key development challenge for
the future.

In formulating the post-2015 developmental
agenda, we should be mindful of the fact that MDGs
are multidimensional and interconnected. They are not
an end in themselves or a final solution, but merely a
beginning.

The Maldives is encouraged by the multi-stakeholder
mechanisms that are ongoing within the United
Nations. It is our hope that all of those mechanisms will
be considered holistically and not in isolation, as we
move towards a more concrete post-2015 development
agenda.

It is also our sincere hope that the Millennium
Development Goals will not be left non-fulfilled and
that the post-2015 development agenda and sustainable
development goals (SDGs) are not seen in isolation from
the MDGs. We hope that the sustainable development
goals will be seen as a continuation of the MDGs. The
formulation of the SDGs and the post-2015 development
agenda should complement the achievement of the
MDGs and reflect any gaps therein. We also hope
that no nation will be left without an avenue towards
progression and that no small island developing State
(SIDS) is left behind.

As we talk about the development agenda that
we set for ourselves at the turn of this millennium, I
cannot help but wonder whether the Maldives and other
low-lying island States will survive to see another
century, let alone another millennium. The Maldives
is a small nation with meagre resources that faces
numerous challenges when it comes to food, water
and energy security — a nation that has, despite our
small size, advocated loud and clear for international
actions to address climate change. We have sought to
help the world to see that the right to a safe and secure
environment is a basic human right.

I urge all United Nations institutions to solidify
and strengthen all standards and move towards the
creation of an international mechanism. We need to
strengthen institutions and cultivate a more dependable
and consistent approach towards climate change and
the consequent human rights issues that will become
the most pressing challenges facing humanity.

For example, the report of the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change presented to world leaders
just last week underscored the need for urgent action on
the issue of climate change. The report concludes that,
in the event of a business-as-usual scenario, low-lying
nations will face grave existential threats.

What does that mean for the Maldives? With 80 per
cent of our small nation barely 1.5 metres above sea level
and with more than 45 per cent of settlements within
100 metres of the coastline, all facets of our lifestyle,
culture and economy depend almost exclusively
on coastal and marine biodiversity. At present, our
biodiversity contributes to 70 per cent of our national

employment, 49 per cent of public revenue, 62 per cent
of foreign exchange, 98 per cent of exports and 89 per
cent of our gross domestic product. Any loss of that
biodiversity will result in catastrophic consequences
for the Maldives.

Those are facts, but we have known those facts for
a long time. What we need now is action. Our inaction
speaks louder than words.

As a nation, Maldives has witnessed the trials of
graduation from LDC status without due consideration
for the inherent vulnerabilities of small island nations.
Simply having a high gross national income or a high
standing in the human development index does not
make SIDS less vulnerable to external shocks, including
emerging threats such as climate change; nor does it
remove the difficulties associated with their smallness
and remoteness, and in achieving economies of scale.

The Maldives is a perfect example of a SIDS
graduating from LDC status based on distorted data
and geographically disassociated global aggregates and
indices. Even upon graduation, our country continues
to face numerous economic, social and climate-change
challenges. That must be a lesson to learn from as we
develop the post-2015 development agenda.

SIDS require differential treatment because of
their unique inherent vulnerabilities. That is why the
Maldives and other countries in the same plight have
been advocating relentlessly to find a comprehensive
definition for SIDS. SIDS need to be given full
recognition within the global governance regimes
and multilateral and financial institutions, and
adequately integrated and institutionalized within the
United Nations system. Doing so would help to target
assistance more effectively. That is also why we support
the inclusion of a SIDS-focused goal in the post-2015
development agenda.

All of the challenges I have outlined are key to
the Maldives. However, the most pressing challenge
to the Maldives remains democracy consolidation
and concerted efforts by external forces to prevent
the emergence of an indigenous democratic system of
governance in the Maldives.

A few weeks ago, the Maldives held its second
multiparty elections. It was one of the most competitive
elections in the country’s history, yet it did not produce
a clear winner. Some of the parties that competed in the
election have identified serious issues with the conduct
of the elections and have asked the Supreme Court of
the Maldives for a ruling. We are expecting the Court
to hand down a ruling in the coming days. The integrity
of the second round of our presidential election cannot
be maintained without ensuring the integrity of the
first round through constitutional means. We await
the Supreme Court’s verdict to continue the electoral
process, allowing for a new President to be sworn in on
November 11.

However, some external forces are attempting to
shape the outcome of what in effect is an internal issue.
The Maldives is small. Our democracy is in its infancy.
Our institutions are young. That does not, however,
mean that larger countries have a right to intervene and
attempt to dictate outcomes in the domestic affairs of
the Maldives.

Non-interference in the internal affairs of
sovereign States is a core principle of the Charter of
the Organization. Yet small States have frequently
been the victims of the predatory designs of larger
countries. It is for that reason that the Maldives
initiated resolution 44/51, on “Protection and security
of small States”, in the Assembly in 1989. The call for
protecting small States from external threats is further
reiterated in resolutions 46/43 and 49/31, recognizing
the particular vulnerabilities of small States to external
threats and acts of interference in their internal affairs.
The resolutions also call on all nations to respect
the principle of territorial integrity and national
sovereignty. Therefore, my delegation trusts the United
Nations to be the ultimate guarantor of the security of
small States such as the Maldives.

Democracy consolidation is not just about holding
elections. Nor is it about having a democratically sound
Constitution. In the Maldives, too, we quickly found
that changing the Constitution, or having a multiparty
election, did not instil democratic values within our
society.

For democracy to be cultivated and consolidated,
the supremacy of the Constitution must be upheld
above all. The institutional deficiencies we face must
be addressed within constitutional provisions, and
the political leadership must sustain an unshakeable
commitment to the principles and values of democracy.
The rule of law must prevail.

Our institutions are young. Therefore,
institution-building and reform remain a key challenge
for the Maldives. More importantly, cultivating a
culture of respect for human rights, tolerance, pluralism

and freedom remains incredibly important as we move
through the democratic journey.

Those are the reasons why the Maldives decided
to present its bid for re-election to the Human Rights
Council. Our membership in the Council over the
past three years has helped the country to take some
unprecedented and bold measures to bring the country’s
national human rights mechanisms up to international
standards. The Maldives believes that its continued
membership would help it to further accelerate ongoing
efforts in modernizing institutions and in promoting a
culture of respect for human rights and democracy in
Maldivian society.

Without democracy, the rule of law, human rights
and peace we would have nothing, we would achieve
nothing, and we would sustain nothing. In order to
tackle the many challenges confronting the Maldives,
we must adopt an inclusive form of governance where
the voices and opinions of even the most vulnerable
and the most disadvantaged in our society are heard.
Without equality and justice, societies cannot prosper
at all.

Democracy consolidation is a long and arduous
journey, but it is one worth making. Our pace may
not be as fast as the international community desires.
But the Maldives is in the process of solidifying
the foundations of our society for development, for
democracy and for the protection of human rights. But
that does not mean that we do not need the international
community’s assistance.

We know better than most that to be an emerging
democracy is to be constantly challenged by volatile,
new and emerging issues. There is no leeway to stumble,
no room to hesitate, and we will not falter in our resolve.
We will strengthen and redefine our institutions. We
will adhere to our Constitution. We will work with our
international partners, and we will move forward as a
nation and as a sustainable society.


At the outset, I would like
to congratulate Mr. John Ashe on his election as the
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-eighth
session. My delegation has full confidence that under
his able leadership the new session will draw to a
successful conclusion. The President can rest assured
of Cambodia’s full support and cooperation throughout
his presidency.

This year session’s theme, “The post-2015
development agenda: setting the stage,” is very
timely as we have less than 1,000 days to reach the
Millennium Development Goal (MDG) targets. That
development agenda will be one of the most ambitious
projects undertaken by the United Nations, in which all
nations will be called upon to galvanize efforts to help
the world live up to its commitments to end poverty,
educate children, empower women and provide health
services for all.

While the overall picture is encouraging, we
must also recognize that the progress made towards
attaining the MDGs has been insufficient and uneven.
Poverty is still widespread, with more than one billion
people living in extreme poverty. High maternal and
child mortality rates are still seen in too many places
throughout the developing world. Most developing
countries still face many obstacles to the achievement
of all the MDGs within the allocated time frame
of 2015, owing to their vulnerability to the global
financial crisis, their debt burdens and the failure of
some developed countries to meet official development
assistance (ODA) commitments.

It is high time for donor countries to fulfil their
ODA pledges. In addition, debt relief is one of several
financial-assistance instruments which can enhance
the developing countries’ ability to eradicate poverty.
Furthermore, facilitating the transfer of technology
from the developed to the developing world plays
a critical role in helping countries to further their
development efforts and accelerate their economic
growth.

In the case of Cambodia, the MDGs are firmly
embedded as the cornerstone of the country’s
development policies and strategies. In a country
whose entire population once faced abject poverty
and hunger after emerging from war and genocide in
1979, the number of people living below the national
poverty line dropped steadily, reaching 19.8 per cent
in 2011. The country is well on track — if not ahead of
schedule — in terms of attaining its poverty-reduction
goal of 19.5 per cent. In fact, Cambodia received a
United Nations award for reducing hunger by half well
ahead of the MDG target. In general, my country is well
positioned to meet most of the Goals on schedule by the
end of 2015, thanks not only to the Government’s sound
approach and firm commitment but also to sustained
peace and political stability.

In adopting the MDGs, we acknowledged that
sustained and inclusive economic growth in developing
countries was a key requirement for eradicating
poverty and meeting the targets. In that context, my
delegation highly appreciates the far-sighted report of
the High-level Panel of Eminent Persons on the Post-
2015 Development Agenda, which is entitled A New

Global Partnership: Eradicate Poverty and Transform
Economies through Sustainable Development, and
which sets forth a universal agenda to eradicate extreme
poverty from our world by 2030 and to deliver on the
promise of sustainable development.

Cambodia believes that the post-2015 development
agenda should carry forward the spirit of the
Millennium Declaration in various ways: first, by
setting out a balanced integration of the economic,
social and environmental dimensions for sustainable
development; secondly, by aiming at the completion
of the work started under the MDGs, particularly
the goal of eradicating extreme poverty; thirdly, by
emphasizing inclusive, equitable and sustainable
development and economic growth aimed at effectively
addressing inequality and any associated factors; and,
fourthly, by focusing not only on the global dimension
of development, but also on its regional dimension,
while taking into account the particular challenges of
the least developed countries.

With regard to the nineteenth session of the
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held
in Warsaw in November, my country has high hopes
that the Conference will ratify the second commitment
period of the Kyoto Protocol by 2015. Cambodia
greatly appreciates the developed countries’ continued
commitment to providing funds and technology to help
developing nations tackle climate change, in accordance
with the United Nations principle of common but
differentiated responsibilities.

Global and regional peace and security are currently
threatened by conflicts, armed confrontation and
transnational organized crime, which take a heavy toll
on many development efforts. Against that backdrop,
Cambodia welcomes the signing of the Arms Trade
Treaty, the first ever international treaty to regulate the
trade of conventional weapons.

Another security issue is the presence of landmines
and other explosive remnants of war, which continue to
pose constant threats to human security and safety and
hinder national development. To counter those threats,
last year in Phnom Penh the leaders of the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) decided to
establish the ASEAN Regional Mine Action Center and
to base it in Cambodia.

For its part, Cambodia has spared no effort to address
the issue of landmines. To that end, it has established
demining and clearance of other unexploded ordnance
as an additional MDG of its own. Substantial progress
has been made in realizing that goal, as is demonstrated
by the sharp decline in the number of mine explosion
accidents in Cambodia, from over 300 cases in 2008
to 186 in 2012. As Chair of the Eleventh Meeting of
the States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty, or Ottawa
Treaty, Cambodia made a strong commitment to work
towards a world free of landmines and unexploded
ordnance. Since 2006, Cambodia has contributed to
United Nations peacekeeping operations by sending
mine-clearance experts to a number of countries in
Africa and the Middle East, including the Sudan,
South Sudan, the Central African Republic, Chad and
Lebanon, and very soon to Mali.

On the situation in the Korean peninsula, we
welcome the positive developments between North
Korea and South Korea, which, I hope, will lead to a
significant improvement in inter-Korean relations and
the resumption of the Six-Party Talks. We encourage the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to comply fully
with its obligations to cease its nuclear programme, as
spelled out by the relevant Security Council resolutions.

My country reaffirms its support for the Palestinian
people’s just demand for a sovereign and independent
State of Palestine and for the two-State solution to the
Palestine-Israel conflict. We urge all parties to play a
constructive role in the efforts aimed at resuming peace
talks and to remove any obstacles standing in the way
of such resumption.

With regard to the Syrian situation, Cambodia
strongly condemns human rights violations and the
use of chemical weapons. My delegation fully supports
Security Council resolution 2118 (2013), adopted on
Friday with the aim of destroying Syria’s chemical
weapons.

My delegation also calls for an end to the unilateral
embargo on Cuba, which has caused the Cuban people
decades of untold suffering.

We are seriously concerned about the extensive
levels of sexual violence inflicted on innocent women
and children in armed conflicts around the world.
My country endorses the declaration of commitment
on ending sexual violence in conflict, issued on
24 September at a side event during the general debate.

Since the establishment of the United Nations, in
1945, the world situation has changed so dramatically that
there is an urgent need to strengthen global diplomacy.
In that context, the reform of the United Nations should
be comprehensive and include not only the Security
Council but also other organs, so as to maintain the
Organization’s relevance as a global governance
institution that can cope effectively with world reality.
The General Assembly should be empowered to play a
greater leading role in strengthening the wider United
Nations system, improving international governance
and enhancing multilateralism. At the same time,
the Economic and Social Council should also be
strengthened, so that it can effectively coordinate
international cooperation and efforts to tackle social
and economic challenges. Both the permanent and
non-permanent membership categories of the Security
Council should be expanded in an equitable manner,
so that the Council represents both developed and
developing countries. A comprehensive reform of the
Council to make it a body where real negotiations and
compromises can take place is acutely needed.


I
should like to depart slightly from protocol and start
my statement by speaking about a humble woman, a
Colombian named María Zabala, who has to bear the
burden of immense pain in her heart day in and day
out. Two decades ago, armed members of illegal groups
arrived outside her house located on the Colombian
Caribbean coast, determined to impose their rule
of terror. In front of her and her small children, they
murdered her husband and two other relatives. They
forced her to leave her house and then they burned
everything down. She barely managed to remove the
corpses from the ashes. She buried them right there
and fled from her parcel of land with her children
and without any belongings. All she carried was the
immense weight of her tragedy.

Today, María Zabala is a courageous and inspiring
leader, a leader of victims, who is working for peace
in my country. In Colombia, sadly, there are many
thousands of cases like María Zabala’s. It is estimated
that over the past 50 years, over 220,000 people died
because of the conflict. That is more than twice the
death toll of the Bosnian war in the former Yugoslavia,
which was an open and ruthless conflict that moved the
entire world. And to that, we would have to add the
injured, the people mutilated by anti-personnel mines,
those who have suffered the infamy of kidnapping and
those uprooted from their own land, who could amount
to almost 5 million people.

That is the harsh and ugly reality of a conflict that
unfortunately persists to this day. It is the oldest and
the last conflict in the western hemisphere. In spite
of the conflict, Colombia has achieved unprecedented
progress in recent years on matters of security, in
the fight against poverty and inequality, and in its
economic performance. We have achieved much — a
great deal — in the midst of a confrontation. Imagine
how much more we could have done without the
confrontation. And I must confess to the Assembly that
for me, as the head of the Government, it would have
been easy to continue to move forward on the path that
we were on and to leave the conflict unresolved, because
waging war — and I know how to wage war — is easier
than seeking peace.

It would have been easier, but not responsible,
because continuing to coexist with the conflict would be
like sentencing millions of people to many more years
of violence, fear, poverty and victimization. It would
not be responsible towards Latin America or towards
the world, as they also suffer, in different ways, from
the effects of the Colombian conflict. And it would not
be responsible towards my own conscience, because we
have the best possible opportunity before us today — a
real opportunity, and maybe the last — to put an end
to the conflict. I could not die in peace if I failed to do
everything within my power to seize the opportunity
presented.

My generation has not seen a single day of peace,
and my dream is for my children and the children of all
Colombians to have the opportunity to know peace. I
hope that the guerrilla forces understand that the time
has come to leave this 50-year confrontation behind;
that the time has come to move from bullets to votes,
from weapons to discussion; that the time has come for
them to continue their struggle, but within democracy.

Today, before the General Assembly, we Colombians
want to thank the international community for the
support we have received in the endeavour to bring an
end to our conflict through dialogue. With the world
as our witness, we wish to assert our right to achieve
the peace. We are tired of being afraid, we are tired of
violence, we are tired of a conflict that pits the children

of the same nation against each other and delays our
development. María Zabala is one victim among many,
all of whom are entitled to justice, truth and reparations
and to not seeing history repeat itself. That is what we
are working on in our country.

My Government has promoted our most ambitious
bill yet, recognizing and compensating victims in the
midst of a conflict. I had the honour of ratifying that bill
in the presence of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. But
our commitment goes beyond serving the victims of the
past; our most urgent obligation today is to eliminate
the possibility of new victims being claimed by the
conflict. Our obligation is to end the conflict now and
to ensure that the spiral of violence and pain will not
continue to recur. We are doing that in accordance with
our democratic tradition — of course respecting, as we
always have, the rule of law — and in compliance with
our international obligations. We wish to achieve an
end to our conflict without relinquishing justice, much
less the truth and due care of the victims.

I take this opportunity to offer my thoughts to the
General Assembly on the role of the United Nations and
the multilateral organizations in our peace process and
its future implementation. The subject is relevant and
current, since Colombia is possibly the first country in
the world to engage in a process of that nature since
the entry into force of the Rome Statute, which will
make us a model for other cases where dialogue is given
priority over armed solutions, as should be the case.

Former United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights Louise Arbour of Canada recently stated
that international doctrine had not been successful
in finding practical answers as to how to resolve the
real tension that exists between peace and justice in
a negotiation process. Ms. Arbour recalled examples,
such as International Criminal Tribunals for the
Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, which had been given
immense resources but had yielded very poor results.

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda,
established in 1994, has managed to dispose of only
40 cases out of the nearly 800,000 murders committed
in a single year. In 20 years, the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia has resolved barely
100 cases.

Therefore, how can we simultaneously achieve
the end of armed conflict, fulfil our obligation to
investigate and prosecute and realize the rights of
victims? That dilemma must be confronted with
honesty and seriousness, and that is what we are doing
in Colombia.

We have adopted an integrated strategy for
transitional justice that addresses the issues of truth,
justice and reparations, which we hope will enable
us to make the transition towards peace. We can say
that we have been pioneers in the implementation of
transitional justice measures in the midst of conflict,
giving priority to satisfying the rights of victims. No
one in my country wants the perpetuation of violence.

What we are asking from the United Nations and
the international community is that both Colombia’s and
every nation’s right to seek peace be respected We ask
for continued support in that effort, along with respect
for our decisions and our approach, with confidence in
the fact that our actions have never deviated from the
values of the international community.

We cannot investigate every action committed over
half a century of violence, prosecute each and every one
of those responsible and then find ourselves unable to
follow through. But what we can do is to build a realistic
and transparent strategy that may satisfy the rights of
all the victims in the best possible way. If we understand
justice and the fight against impunity in a transition as
a set of measures aimed at satisfying the victims and
not just as the administration of criminal processes,
it will be possible to find a comprehensive solution
for everyone. I refer to measures such as genuinely
establishing the facts of events, the acknowledgment
of responsibility, the recovery of trust, access to
reparations, and measures aimed at ensuring that there
will be no recurrence. In that way justice becomes — as
it should be — a support for, rather than an obstacle to,
peace.

I want to be clear: there will be no impunity for
crimes against humanity or war crimes committed
in a systematic fashion. On the contrary, this is the
first time that Colombia is seriously assuming the
obligation of fighting impunity for crimes committed
in our armed conflict. The purpose is not to sacrifice
justice to achieve peace, but rather to achieve peace
with maximum justice. I am saying that out of deep
conviction. There is much at stake, that is, no less than
an end to the half-century long conflict, as well as the
fate of 47 million Colombians.

We have been involved in talks for one year
now, but we have reached agreements on just one of
the six items on the agenda. I am still optimistic, but

the patience of the Colombian people is not infinite.
The guerrillas will have to decide whether they opt
for an honourable and lasting peace, or whether they
will continue to wage war. From this rostrum, I call
upon them to understand that history has led us to this
decisive moment. The time for decisions has come. If
we leave empty-handed, we will doom our nation to
many more years of bloodshed and pain. We cannot
miss this opportunity.Future generations and history
will not forgive us.

Moreover, our conflict, with all its violence and
cruelty, has been affected by a poisonous scourge that
fuels it and is fuelled by it: drug trafficking. That illicit
activity has been the main funding source for violence
and terrorism in my country — and I would say in the
whole world as well in recent times. Without the grim
influence of drug trafficking, which fuels the fires of
our war, I am certain that the war would already have
ended. That is why we have included the topic of illicit
drugs as a specific item in the agenda of the discussions
with the guerrillas.

If we manage to have the guerrillas change sides,
once they have demobilized, and become an ally of
the State in order to definitively curb drug trafficking
and eliminate illegal crops, just imagine what could
be accomplished. A Colombia without coca crops and
without a conflict was once a utopia and an impossible
dream, but it is one that we can now realize for the
benefit not only of Colombians but of the whole world.

Almost a half century ago, in this very place, the
Convention that gave birth to the war on drugs was
adopted. Today we must recognize that that war has not
been won. I say that as the President of the country that
has suffered the most deaths, the most bloodshed, the
most sacrifices in that war, and also the country that
has achieved the most results in the fight against this
scourge and the mafias that underpin it.

Last year, when chairing the Summit of the
Americas, fully aware of that dilemma, I led a proposal
to debate and explore different scenarios in the fight
against the global drug problem, aimed at evaluating
what we are doing and at seeking ways to be more
effective. We commissioned the Organization of
American States to conduct studies with experts,
academics and people with different approaches on
how to face the problem. Those studies were delivered
to us in May. Different Governments are evaluating
them and they should serve as inputs for discussions at
all universities and think tanks, and in the context of
different forums, not just from Latin America but from
the whole world, because it is a global problem that
requires a global solution. Because of that — because
it is a global problem — we expect their conclusions
to also be discussed in this body, the United Nations,
which has already called for a special session on the
drug problem to be convened in 2016.

If we act together on the drug problem and adopt a
new, modern and comprehensive vision that is free of
ideological or political bias, imagine how much harm
and violence we will be able to prevent. I am not just
speaking about harm to people, but also harm to nature,
because drug trafficking has become a major destroyer
of our tropical forests and forests in general, in what
can be termed a veritable ecocide.

Colombia is deeply committed to environmental
protection. At the Rio de Janeiro Conference on
Sustainable Development, we put forward the proposal
to establish sustainable development goals as a
mandatory benchmark in the development agenda for
the coming decades. We are taking an active part in
the design of those goals, and they can and should
be incorporated into a visionary and ambitious
development agenda for all countries as of 2015. In fact,
we were a member of the High-level Panel on the Post-
2015 Development Agenda, convened by the Secretary-
General and co-chaired by the Prime Minister of the
United Kingdom, David Cameron, which has already
presented its report.

Colombia, for its part, is continuing to do a great
deal. For example, a few weeks ago, we doubled the
area of the largest national park in Colombia, the
Chiribiquete National Natural Park, located in the very
heart of our Amazon region. We designated that area a
natural reserve and prohibited mining and deforestation
activities in an area roughly the size of Belgium, and
not just in any place, but in the area where the Amazon
region has the greatest biological and cultural diversity.

This very morning we are launching, with the
Prime Minister of Norway and five other countries,
the New Climate Economy initiative. With the support
of the most respected research institutes, we will seek
the best way of making economic efficiencies and the
fight against poverty compatible with the preservation
of the environment. In that way we are shouldering our
responsibilities with respect to climate change, which
has already had an impact on Colombians. We will

protect the sources of oxygen and water necessary not
just for Colombia’s survival but that of the entire planet.

I will conclude by stating that in my country we are
working and will continue to work to prevent the plight
of María Zabala and millions of other victims from ever
recurring. Never again! I hope that the President of
Colombia will come to the Assembly next year bearing
the good news that the conflict has come to an end.


Allow me to begin
by conveying my vigorous condemnation of the
recent terrorist attacks in Kenya, Pakistan and Iraq,
which killed scores of innocent people. On behalf of
the Government of Timor-Leste, I extend our deepest
condolences to the bereaved families in connection
with the senseless loss of their loved ones. Terrorism is
contrary to every civilized value we hold dear and for
which we have fought. It must be condemned in all its
manifestations, regardless of its motives.

This is the first time that I am addressing this
Assembly of representatives of the international
community as a whole. I take this occasion to once
again thank the United Nations for its contribution to
the realization of the right of the people of Timor-Leste
to decide on our own future. Timor-Leste’s experience
shows the great value of the United Nations and the
importance of negotiated solutions, dialogue and
diplomacy to international disputes.

This is the first year without a United Nations
mission in the country since the restoration of Timor-
Leste’s independence 11 years ago. Our partnership
with the United Nations throughout the last decade
achieved remarkable successes. The Timorese people’s
yearning for stability and peace was decisive for the
new circumstances, which allowed the Security Council
to remove Timor-Leste from its agenda.

The results obtained are shared jointly by the
international community, through their solidarity and
pioneering efforts in the nation-building processes
made in Timor-Leste, and by the Timorese people,
through their maturity and firm determination to live
in peace, which has been repeatedly expressed in free
elections with a high voter turnout.

I thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for
the attention given to my country, which was again
underlined by his visit to Timor-Leste one year ago,
which greatly honoured us.

The Timorese people now hold in their own hands
full responsibility for building their future. The country
is facing the challenges with high hopes and optimism.

One such challenge is to focus national development
efforts on diversifying the economy, reducing our
dependency on oil and promoting inclusive development
for all Timorese people. Another is to consolidate our
national institutions, strengthening their technical
capacities and ensuring the participation of the younger
generation in managing the country.

The older generations have incumbency and have
the duty to pass on to young people the wealth of values
developed during the liberation struggle, such as
respect for human dignity and dedication and service to
the country. Those values are as necessary to building
an equitable society and a unified country today as they
were in the past to solidifying the unity of purpose of
the nation. The development of the country must not
exclude any Timorese.

The relations between Timor-Leste and the United
Nations will continue to strengthen and will increasingly
focus on assistance in the area of human, social and
economic development efforts and the strengthening of
institutions.

The international integration of the country
continues to evolve at a good pace, guided by the goal of
contributing to a peaceful and stable international system
capable of promoting social and human opportunities
for all peoples. We are participating actively in the
development of new forms of dialogue among fragile
States by establishing the Group of Seven Plus (g7+).
That group, over which Timor-Leste currently has the
honour of presiding, comprises 18 countries committed
to promoting a new model of engagement between
fragile States and other international stakeholders. The
New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States, promoted
by the g7+, has been well received by the United Nations,
development partners and international organizations.
The initiatives of the g7+ and the dynamic relationship
of the group with development partners contributes

to the establishment of more innovative and effective
international relations and cooperation.

The latest report on the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) states that most countries will not
achieve all the MDGs, and that is particularly true
in the case of fragile and conflict-affected States.
The international community as a whole must draw
lessons from that as we plan for the future. Many of
the world’s poorest have been left behind, including
around 1.5 billion people across the globe who live in
areas affected by fragility and conflict. That is why the
g7+ countries came together with the following vital
message: without peace there can be no development
and without development there can be no peace. And
to add a further dimension to that, there can be neither
peace nor development without inclusive and responsive
State institutions that are capable of being responsive
and attending to people’s needs.

At the regional level, we have established friendly
relations with neighbouring countries in South-East
Asia and the Pacific, in particular with Australia
and Indonesia, our closest neighbours, with whom
we maintain intense cooperation. The process of
reconciliation between Timor-Leste and Indonesia
and the excellent relations that our two countries have
developed represent a model whose lessons are useful
and relevant beyond our borders and outside our region.

Timor-Leste has submitted its application for
membership in the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations. We have developed friendly relations with
all member States of that organization, which makes
relevant contributions to stability in our region. Our
country is a member of the Non-Aligned Movement
and a special observer at the Pacific Islands Forum. We
play an active role in and are committed to multilateral
processes, which are important for regional stability
and security.

The unanimous election of Timor-Leste to chair
the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the
Pacific by the countries members of that United Nations
body reflects my country’s harmonious international
integration. As a member of the Community of
Portuguese-speaking Countries, we will have the
honour of chairing that organization in the period 2014-
2016. Timor-Leste believes in making its voice directly
heard in every multilateral forum of relevance to our
national interest and will submit an application for
membership in the Commonwealth of Nations.

Turning our attention to international matters
whose urgency especially appeals to our conscience,
my country has witnessed with horror the growing
violence in Syria. We welcome the agreement that was
reached to put Syria’s arsenal of chemical weapons
under United Nations control prior to its destruction.
Timor-Leste rejects the use of chemical weapons in
all circumstances. We are in favour of dialogue in the
search for negotiated solutions, with the involvement
of the United Nations. Only negotiation can help save
lives and alleviate the high toll that the Syrian people
are paying in human lives and social upheaval, which
has resulted in millions of internally displaced persons
and refugees.

In Timor-Leste, we know only too well the losses
and traumas of war. We are committed to preventing
violence in all its forms. Earlier this month, our Prime
Minister, Mr. Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, joined the
Champions initiative to end sexual violence in conflict,
supporting the corresponding action launched by the
United Nations.

In a world undergoing a rapid transition towards
globalization, the Security Council must upgrade
its ability to effectively respond and must adjust its
composition to better reflect the realities of the twenty-
first century. New Powers, including India, Indonesia
and Brazil, among others, must be granted permanent
member status in the Security Council. At the same
time, my country is aware of the need for a better
representation of medium-sized and small countries
with relevant contributions to stability and peace. In that
spirit, Timor-Leste supports New Zealand’s candidacy
for a non-permanent seat at the Security Council for
the 2015-2016 term. New Zealand has actively worked
with us for peace and security in Timor-Leste, and
we believe it will both enhance the representation of
small States and be a constructive bridge-builder at the
Council.

On 30 August, Timor-Leste celebrated the
fourteenth anniversary of the referendum supervised
by the United Nations that allowed the Timorese
people to realize their right to self-determination and
independence. In contrast, there are peoples who, after
decades, continue to patiently wait for the realization
of that right. Such is the case of the Sahrawi people. A
stable and lasting solution for Western Sahara cannot
exist without the democratic expression of the will of
its people.

We commend the decision of the leaders of
the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority to
resume direct talks under the auspices of the United
States Government. Timor-Leste supports the right
of the peoples of Palestine and Israel to live side by
side in peace, with dignity and in safety. We hope that
the peace talks already initiated may at last lead to a
solution with two sovereign States coexisting in an
environment of mutual respect and rejecting extremism
and violence. We condemn the building of settlements
in the occupied territories and all unilateral initiatives
contrary to resolutions of the United Nations.

We believe in dialogue, openness and inclusion as
a means of strengthening confidence in international
relations. Therefore, we call for an end to the embargo
against the Republic of Cuba, an embargo that does not
take into account the reality of today, of the country or
of the Cuban people. We also call on President Barack
Obama to act in accordance with his powers and release
the four Cuban citizens, from an initial group of five,
who have been incarcerated for over a decade in North
American prisons.

Allow me now to address the situation in Guinea-
Bissau, a sister nation to Timor-Leste in the Community
of Portuguese-speaking Countries currently
experiencing an easing of political and social tensions,
which we hope will lead to the re-establishment of
institutional normalcy and democracy. We welcome the
efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding
Office in Guinea-Bissau, which were led by my
predecessor as Head of State of Timor-Leste, Mr. José
Manuel Ramos-Horta. His initiatives have helped to
enhance the prestige of the United Nations among the
people of Guinea-Bissau and to create an environment
of greater trust and dialogue in the country. The
problems of Guinea-Bissau can be solved. Timor-
Leste will continue to support the patient efforts of the
Guinean people and the international community aimed
at intensifying dialogue and reconciliation among the
people of Guinea-Bissau and promoting a democratic
solution within an appropriate time frame.

Among the critical global challenges facing
humankind today, I want to highlight the severity of
malnutrition, which affects hundreds of millions of
people worldwide. The dual challenges of improving
food security and reducing malnutrition on a
global scale require a renewed boost from all of us,
including development partner countries. Without
new coordinated initiatives and greater investment to
promote improving food security and the fight against
malnutrition, it will not be possible to make rapid
and sure progress towards attaining the Millennium
Development Goals. The new objectives are defined in
the post-2015 development agenda, due to be launched
by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

Timor-Leste is following, with great interest,
the post-2015 development agenda process and was
honoured by the invitation to Dr. Emilia Pires, our
Minister of Finance, to participate in the High-level
Panel that drafted a proposal for the agenda, following a
request by the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

The past experience of the Timorese people and the
country’s liberation struggle, in which we were engaged
for 24 years, have demonstrated that only tolerance,
dialogue and mutual respect, which the Timorese
resistance consistently showed and I have consistently
supported — in short, veneration for the dignity of
people — will allow us to reach durable solutions to
disputes between countries.

In a world where challenges are rapidly becoming
globalized, requiring concerted and effective responses,
the actions of the United Nations are more than ever
essential for the stability of international relations.
Timor-Leste will continue to show its commitment
to the United Nations, so that the Organization may
better respond to the desires of Member States and the
challenges they face, and to unhesitatingly assert the
values of peace and mutual respect. I wish the Assembly
the best of luck in its work.


I
should first like to congratulate you, Sir, an outstanding
public servant from our region, on his recent election
to preside over the General Assembly. I would also
like to express my heartfelt solidarity with the people
and Government of Mexico in the wake of the storms
that have seriously affected their country, and with
the people and Government of Kenya, after the acts
of terrorism that have had such a terrible impact. I
would also like to emphasize that during this period of
meetings, Heads of State and Government from almost
all corners of the planet will have the opportunity to
exchange views, share experiences and, most important,
generate the momentum essential to building together a
future commensurate with the ideals, dreams and hopes
of the men and women represented here.

The fundamental inspiration behind the founding
of the United Nations, almost seven decades ago, was
the desire to be able to depend on a place designed to
bring into harmony the actions of every nation aimed
at attaining peace and development, a place where all
individuals, nations and peoples of the world — whatever
flag they pledge to honour, whatever god they worship
and whatever ideas they embrace — can feel part of one
big family, the human family.

That requires many things of us, but none so
important as holding an open, free and respectful
dialogue among ourselves, a dialogue that, far from
fearing dissent, values it and is nourished by it, because
it understands that only when the various nations and
cultures join forces will we also see our opportunities
expand.

We are living in a world that is very different from
the one that witnessed the birth of the Organization and
of other agencies such as the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank after the end of the Second
World War. This new world is not the result of war or
of the ideological struggles waged during the second
half of the twentieth century; rather, it is the child of
a revolution in knowledge, science, technology and
information that has been taking place for some time
and that is now knocking at our doors and creating
opportunities for material and spiritual progress for
millions of men and women around the world that many
of us could not have imagined even a few decades ago.
This new world is no longer divided by walls or iron
curtains, but is connected and integrated by the bridges
of increasing globalization and the massive exchange of
goods, services, capital and people.

In this new world we certainly face dangers,
challenges and opportunities that are also new, and which
in many cases transcend the borders and jurisdictions
of individual countries, demanding to be tackled by
distinguishing where the responsibility of some people
ends and where the responsibility of others begins.
Such challenges and problems can be successfully
dealt with only by harnessing the force of the unity of
all and the responsibility of each. However, although
we know we are living in a world that is undergoing
enormous transformations, many of our international
organizations often seem resistant to the change that
such an evolution demands, allowing themselves to fall
behind instead of leading the process.

Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations
states that the principal purposes of the Organization
include to maintain international peace and security,
to develop friendly relations among nations and to
promote international cooperation in the economic,
social, cultural and humanitarian spheres, as well as
respect for human rights and the permanent protection
of human freedoms without distinction as to race, sex,
language or religion. But let us be clear. None of those
desires is exclusive to one nation, one era or one specific
organization: they all emanate from the depths of our

souls and of each human heart. For that reason, we are
not here only to proclaim their value and existence
but to ensure their enforcement and application. We
therefore appeal not for those values to be changed or,
still less, to be forgotten. Quite the contrary: we appeal
for the will and the courage to put them into practice.
In order to do so, we must perfect our democracies and
strengthen grassroots participation, but we must also
modernize our regional and global organizations. In
that task, as we all know, there is a long road ahead of
us.

A good first step in that direction is to move
towards real and far-reaching reform of the Security
Council, including the enlargement of its permanent
and non-permanent membership to ensure proper
regional representation, as well as to strengthen its
transparency. working methods and decision-making,
all aimed at enhancing the effectiveness and legitimacy
of its activities.

In that regard, Chile, which was present at the
creation of the Organization in 1945, supports the
inclusion of Brazil, Germany, Japan and India as
permanent members of the Security Council, as well as
the African continent’s request for fair representation
in the Organization. And we join in the appeals to the
five countries with the right of veto to refrain from
exercising that right in situations of crimes against
humanity, war crimes, genocide or ethnic cleansing,
since the use of the veto in such cases prevents or
undermines the Council’s efforts to effectively defend
the most fundamental values that enable humankine to
advance.

However, Security Council reform is not limited
to changes in its membership and organization. It also
means abandoning the logic of vetoes and replacing
it by a logic of special quorums, so that the most
important decisions concerning international security,
which inevitably affect all countries sooner or later, can
be adopted in a way that is truly representative of the
community of nations that make up the United Nations.
In the end, if we advocate democracy, dialogue and
participation when we govern our own countries, we
should advocate for those same principles when we
address the form in which the United Nations governs
itself.

I should like to take this opportunity also to express
my gratitude for the many expressions of support for
Chile’s candidacy as a non-permanent member of the
Security Council in the next two years and to reaffirm
our strongest commitment to the principles and values
that have for decades governed and guided our foreign
policy. I mention in particular our full, unconditional
respect for international law, the inviolability of
treaties, legal equality among States, the peaceful
settlement of disputes and the self-determination
of peoples — all values that provide the essential
foundation for international stability and peaceful
coexistence among nations. In our opinion, however,
those values should be complemented by the principle
or notion of the responsibility to protect. That concept
holds that it is the primary duty of each State to protect
the population within its borders. And if a State cannot
or does not want to comply with that primary duty, then
the international community can and should intervene
on the basis of three universally recognized pillars,
namely, prevention, support and the proportional use
of force in accordance with the Charter of the United
Nations, but only as a last resort and when strictly
essential to prevent, avoid or deter genocide, war
crimes, ethnic cleansing or crimes against humanity.

In addition, my country once again reaffirms its
strongest commitment to democracy and respect for the
human rights of all persons, from their conception to
their natural death, at all times and in all places and
all circumstances, as well as our ongoing endorsement
of multilateralism, of a regionalism that is open to
the world, and of fair and constructive economic
competition among all countries.

In that regard, we reiterate our appeal not only to
end the proliferation of nuclear arms and weapons of
mass destruction but also to dismantle those that already
exist. We strongly condemn the use of the chemical
weapons in Syria, as well as the indiscriminate use
of force against the civilian population, which has to
date produced tens of thousands of innocent victims,
including women and children, and has caused a
serious humanitarian crisis that represents a wound
to our universal conscience and seriously threatens
international peace and security.

We therefore welcome and strongly support the
framework agreement for the elimination of chemical
weapons in Syria, concluded recently by the United
States and Russia, as well as the efforts made by the
Secretary-General and the Joint Special Envoy of the
United Nations and the League of Arab States to reach
a peaceful and lasting solution to this prolonged armed
conflict as soon as possible.

Similarly, Chile has always defended and will
continue to defend the cause and rights of the
Palestinian people to have a full, free and democratic
State — a State that, like the State of Israel, enjoys
agreed, recognized and secure borders with all its
neighbours, allowing its inhabitants to live and develop
in stable and lasting peace and security. We therefore
recognized Palestine as an observer member of the
United Nations and hope very soon to welcome it as a
full Member of the Organization.

With regard to regional matters, in March
2012, Chile ratified the Protocol on Commitment to
Democracy, adopted by the member countries of the
Union of South American Nations, and we hope that it
will enter into force as soon as possible. In addition, we
have reiterated our commitment to the Inter-American
Democratic Charter and shall work tirelessly for the
cause of democracy, freedom and the full respect for
human rights in all the countries on our continent and
throughout the entire world.

Chile has also assumed the presidency pro tempore
of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean
States and hosted the first summit of its 33 members,
at which we signed the Santiago Declaration, in which
the entire region stated its commitment to democratic
values and respect for human rights. In addition, we
headed the first joint summit of the Heads of State
and Government of Latin America, the Caribbean and
Europe, at which nations on both sides of the Atlantic
Ocean undertook to promote sustainable development
policies in order to encourage high quality investments
of both social and environmental value.

In the social sphere, although two years still remain
before the deadline set at the Millennium Summit, we
can announce with great satisfaction that Chile has
attained practically all the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) set by the Organization in 2000. We
are nevertheless redoubling our efforts to attain the
remaining goals by 2015, and working to ensure that the
countries that have requested our help can also achieve
them. We are also participating actively in the efforts at
the United Nations to define a new global sustainable
development agenda beyond 2015 that follows on the
MDGs and establishes specific, measurable, bold
and feasible responsibilities, both for developing and
developed nations, with special attention being given
to ensuring that economic development is compatible
with social development and the protection of the
environment.

In addition, Chile, together with Mexico, Colombia
and Peru, took part in co-founding the Pacific Alliance,
one of the most far-reaching integration initiatives in our
region, designed to promote an area for the free flow of
not only of goods, services and capital but also of persons,
thus allowing higher growth rates and development and
greater opportunities for our countries and peoples. We
are delighted to see that the Pacific Alliance, which
represents a population of over 210 million, one third
of Latin America’s gross domestic product and more
than half of its foreign trade, has, despite its recent
emergence, already achieved significant results and is
increasingly attracting the interest of the international
community, which can be seen in the fact that it has
attracted more than 20 observer countries, including
Australia, Canada, China, Spain, the United States and
Japan.

Lastly, I should like to mention the recent approval
by the National Congress of my country of legislation
submitted by the Government that abolishes tariffs on
imports from the least developed countries, as defined by
the United Nations. That is an important demonstration
of the Chilean people’s solidarity with and commitment
to the development of almost 50 countries in Africa,
Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean.

A few days ago, Chileans marked the fortieth
anniversary of the most far-reaching and lasting
upheaval ever to affect our democracy in our two
centuries of independent life and which ushered in a
period characterized by hatred, division and exclusion
not only in Chile but also in a world torn apart by the
Cold War. However, in a few days’ time, on 5 October,
we shall be marking another anniversary in Chile — the
twenty-fifth anniversary of the start of the peaceful
recovery of our democracy by the free and sovereign
will of a vast majority of Chileans, which has allowed
us to recover our democracy in a wise and peaceful
manner and with the advice and consent of all sectors
of our country. From both experiences, Chileans have
learned lessons that I should like to share with the
Assembly today because I humbly believe that they can
shed light on how to resolve conflicts that are negatively
affecting other nations of the world today.

The first lesson is that we must acknowledge
without reservations of any kind that even in extreme
situations, including external or internal warfare, there
are moral and legal rules that must be respected by all
and that can never be ignored without falling into a
serious and unacceptable moral vacuum. Among those

rules, there is the strict respect for the human rights of
all, in every time and place, under all circumstances.

The second lesson is that the values of democracy,
peace and civil amity are much more fragile than we
usually think, so we cannot, and should never, take
them for granted. They are somewhat like a tree that
needs to be watered every day in order not to wither and
dry up. Such care must be provided not only in deeds
but also in words, gestures and formal actions, because
all of them can and must be placed at the service of
truth, justice, reconciliation and peace.

The third lesson is that there is a very close
relationship among the quality of democracy, economic
progress and social justice, since all of them are mutually
reinforcing and since the decline of one of them would
sooner or later have an adverse effect weakening the
others. Our task, therefore, is not only to strengthen our
democratic institutions but also to promote economic
and social policies based on freedom, responsibility,
justice, equality of opportunity and the fight against
poverty, and based on uniting the forces of both private
and public initiative and respect for fundamental
rights, because such policies are the main engines of
development of our nations and peoples.

The fourth lesson that we have learned in our country
is that the past is over. We can discuss it, interpret it
and, of course, remember it, but we cannot change it,
and therefore we have no right to remain prisoner to it,
because when the present is anchored in the past, the
only thing we lose is the future. For that reason, our
generation, which is celebrating the bicentennial of our
country, has no right to bequeath to future generations
the same hatreds, quarrels and divisions that caused so
much harm and suffering 40 years ago. The challenge,
then, is not to forget but to overcome the past with a new,
positive and hopeful outlook, trying to learn from past
experience in order to avoid making the same mistakes
and letting it illuminate the way to the future, and to
face with greater resolve and efficiency the problems
and opportunities of the present and the future.

Those and other lessons painfully learned by Chile
enabled us to recover our democracy peacefully and to
move forward over the past 25 years on the paths of
truth, justice and reconciliation among all Chileans.
But that was an old transition, one that, I believe, we
accomplished successfully. Today we Chileans are
facing another transition. This is a new, young and
forward-looking transition that, before the end of this
decade, will allow us to turn Chile into a developed
country that overcame poverty and became fully
integrated into the community of democratic and
developed nations. Those are the commitments that the
Government that I have the honour to lead made to all
Chileans almost four years ago. We are deeply gratified
to observe the solid and sustained progress of Chile
towards their fulfilment.

Despite the devastating earthquake and tsunami
that struck us in 2010 — at the time, the fifth most
serious in the known history of humankind — and the
global economic crisis that began in 2008 and is not
over, Chile has resumed its leadership, momentum and
ability to create jobs and strong growth. For example,
our per capita gross domestic product, which four years
ago was about $15,000, now stands at $20,000. Poverty
and inequality are declining and real wages are rising
rapidly. All indicators show that in key spheres such as
quality education and health, we are making progress in
the right direction, further stimulating innovation and
entrepreneurship and better protecting our consumers,
workers and the environment.

At the same time, we have rebuilt virtually 90 per
cent of everything destroyed by the earthquake and
tsunami. Obviously, our Government is very proud
of the contribution that its policies have made to
the attainment of those goals. But we have no doubt
that most of the credit goes to all Chileans, men and
women, who have made enormous contributions to
arrive at this point. If there is something that we
in Chile have learned it is that in order to be able to
grow and to reduce poverty and excessive inequalities,
nothing works better than to rely on the skills of people
themselves, expanding their freedoms and unleashing
the forces of imagination, creativity, innovation and
entrepreneurship that lie within the hearts of each of
my compatriots and also — I am sure — the hearts of
every man and woman around the world.

Those are some thoughts and lessons that I, both as
President of Chile and as a citizen of the world — wanted
to share with Heads of State and Government. Those
are the lessons and thoughts of a country that may be
small on the international stage and remotely located
on the world map, but that today enjoys a stable and
consolidated democracy, broad and guaranteed public
freedoms and an economic system that, after two
centuries of republican life, has finally brought us to
the threshold of development.


As this is my first time
addressing the General Assembly as Head of State, I
wish to sincerely congratulate Mr. John Ashe on his
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
its sixty-eighth session. I assure him that the Tongan
delegation will be fully supportive and cooperative
under his very able leadership. I also wish to commend
the stewardship of his predecessor, Mr. Vuk Jeremi.,
during the sixty-seventh session. I express my gratitude
to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his persevering
guidance and energetic leadership in further enhancing
the profile and work of the United Nations in the face of
unprecedented global challenges.

Tonga welcomes the timely theme for the general
debate, “The post-2015 development agenda: setting the
stage”, and the inclusion of a set of six thematic issues of
focus for high-level events and thematic debates during
the sixty-eighth session. Indeed, Tonga joins other
small island developing States (SIDS) in affirming that
priorities in the outline of the post-2015 development
agenda should, with increased cooperation among
Member States, reflect the outcome of the 2014 Third
International Conference on Small Island Developing
States, to be convened in Samoa.

Tonga supports the proposed high-level event that
would address the needs of women, youth and civil
society and contribute to development goals. It applauds
the high-level event on the contribution of human rights
and the rule of law to the post-2015 framework and hails
the twentieth anniversary of the Vienna Conference on
Human Rights. Earlier this year, Tonga submitted its
second universal periodic review, which was adopted
by the Human Rights Council. The next review for
Tonga is scheduled for 2017-2018.

The high-level event, centring on South-South
and triangular cooperation, including information
and communication technology, is appreciated as
adding value to the realization of development targets.
Tonga hosted the annual Pacific Islands Chapter of
the Internet Conference earlier this month to celebrate
the emergence of high-speed Internet connectivity in
Tonga. The Conference showcased the achievements
of the Pacific region in accessing opportunities for
Internet users and demonstrated how Tonga can best

develop its own investment strategy for the new cable
submarine Internet system.

The thematic debate on partnership deserves high
praise, in particular with the aforementioned Samoa
Conference focusing on the overarching theme of the
sustainable development of small island developing
States through genuine and durable partnership. The
second thematic debate, on the establishment of stable
and peaceful societies, is also welcome, given the
current chaos we are experiencing in the international
community. The third thematic debate, on the roles
of water, sanitation and sustainable energy, is equally
crucial to the development agenda for the post-2015
period.

Energy is the golden thread that connects economic
growth, increased social equity and an environment
that allows the world to thrive. Sustainable energy is
central in order to reach the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs), including many development goals that
extend far beyond the energy sector — eradicating
poverty; increasing food production; providing clean
water; improving public health; enhancing education;
creating economic opportunity; and empowering
women — as well as an integral part of creating
sustainable development, including environmental
sustainability. A shift towards more sustainable energy
sources is also essential in addressing environmental
sustainability while tackling climate-change challenges.

The concept of establishing a Pacific Regional Data
Repository for Sustainable Energy for All is aimed at
focusing on all energy-related projects to be sourced,
including all projects implemented in the Pacific,
reflecting best practices as well as those that have not
been so successful.

The lack of bankable data in the region causes a
disconnect from the true value of assistance from our
development partners, whereby 60 per cent of project
financing is absorbed by technical assistance, pilot
projects, pre-feasibility studies and only 40 per cent, and
in some cases less, on hardware. The Pacific Regional
Data Repository for Sustainable Energy for All has an
ambitious goal of implementation whereby the Pacific
small island developing States, with the assistance
of their developing partners, will gift to the Third
International Conference on Small Island Developing
States, to be held in 2014 in Samoa, a documented
process under which this has been achieved and which
may be shared by all regional groups of the United
Nations.

I therefore urge all relevant stakeholders to work
together to develop and establish a common global goal
on sustainable energy for all as part of the post-2015
development agenda.

A set of related targets and indicators supporting
the goal should encompass all three dimensions of
sustainable development. The three objectives of the
Sustainable Energy for All Initiative — universal
energy access, increased efficiency and renewable
energy — can provide a solid framework to build on
further, while keeping them fully adaptable to different
circumstances and priorities at the regional, national
and local levels.

Tonga commends the Secretary-General for his
laudable initiative to convene a high-level summit
meeting on climate change in 2014 and joins other SIDS
in urging the leaders of developed countries to enhance
their mitigation ambition to bridge the pre-2020 gap
in a timely and effective manner. Furthermore, Tonga
joins other SIDS in calling for the inclusion of climate
change as a cross-cutting issue in terms of sustainable
development goals. Oceans are a thematic priority and
should also be prominently featured in the context
of sustainable development goals and the post-2015
agenda.

The Government of Tonga has adopted the
United Nations Development Programme Millennium
Development Goals Acceleration Framework and
has chosen to apply it to MDG 6, on combating
non-communicable diseases, with applications to MDG
1, on poverty, and MDG 3, on gender equality.

The following five key interventions have been
prioritized in Tonga to combat non-communicable
diseases: increase the local food supply and create
income-generating opportunities for women and
vulnerable groups; provide curative health services in
hospital settings, screening for disease-specific risk
factors; review legislation, subsidiary legislation and
policies affecting food, tobacco, kava, alcohol and
physical activity; advocate healthy lifestyles through
churches and workplaces; and support resources.

Tonga’s Millennium Accelerated Framework report
is completed and ready for launching and, moreover,
is aligned with the call of SIDS for non-communicable

diseases and other emerging health issues to be
highlighted in the post-2015 development agenda.

Tonga joins other delegations of the international
community in urging a swift and peaceful resolution to
the situation in Syria.

With respect to pertinent regional issues, Tonga
endorses the views expressed in the Marshall Islands
communiqué, that is, the outcome document of the
annual meeting of Pacific Island Forum leaders, held
earlier this month.

May God continue to bless and guide the States
Members of the United Nations as they take their
crucial work forward.


It is with
great honour that I address the General Assembly at its
sixty-eighth session on behalf of the President of the
Republic of Seychelles, Mr. James Alix Michel, and on
behalf of the Seychellois people. I wish to congratulate
Ambassador John Ashe on his election as President and
on his guidance of the proceedings so far.

In 2014, we will mark the United Nations
International Year of Small Island Developing States.
Mr. Ashe’s appointment during the sixty-eighth session
is highly symbolic of the constructive role that small
island developing States play within the United Nations,
and we express our full support for his efforts to further
promote inclusiveness and full participation.

I would also like to join all those who preceded me
in complimenting Mr. Vuk Jeremi. on his leadership
of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session,
during which he stressed the unifying elements of the
Assembly. Allow me to also express our appreciation to
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for the determination
and commitment he has shown since the beginning
of his tenure of office to strengthening the role of the
United Nations.

For the Seychelles delegation, the General
Assembly evokes the spirit of humanity’s common
cause better than any other institution. Indeed, in this
Hall, we are reminded that there are no large nations
or small nations, rich nations or poor nations, powerful
nations or weak nations — simply the United Nations.

As a small island developing State, we are perhaps
also more conscious than most countries that very
little can be achieved through isolation. Our economy
is built around its connectivity to the world economy.
Our security is easily undermined by events beyond our
control. Our environmental safety is also dependent on
many factors that have an impact beyond our borders.
Both our opportunities and our risks can be addressed
only through international partnerships.

As we have discussions and exchanges of ideas on
the post-2015 development agenda, we believe that the
experiences of our group of States provide contexts that
can help us to design a better development model. As
we aim to set sustainable development goals, we must
keep in mind that, if we can sustain our island, then we
will know that we can sustain our planet.

In 2013 Seychelles was given the honour to host
the Atlantic, Indian Ocean, Mediterranean and South
China Seas Sub-Regional Preparatory Meeting for
the Third International Conference on Small Island
Developing States, to be held next year in Samoa.
The participation in the preparatory event by both
the Under-Secretary-General of the Department of
Economic and Social Affairs and the President of the
General Assembly was highly appreciated as a symbol
of support for the concerns of islands. Our discussions
there, and in the ongoing process, have highlighted the
fact that there is an urgent need for the United Nations
to adopt a “resilience” that takes into account the
evolving developing needs of islands.

In Rio last year, we identified the green economy
and the blue economy as tools with which States may
implement a more sustainable approach to development.
We are convinced that the green economy cannot be
properly addressed unless we also give more attention
to what is termed the blue economy, which is based on
harnessing the development potential of our oceans
sustainably. Oceans make up 72 per cent of our planet
and connect our nations in terms of geography, trade,
transport and communications. We consider island
nations such as ourselves as guardians of that space,
even if in many cases we can but be witnesses to
plunder, pillage and pollution.

The status quo merely perpetuates a model where
we will consume our planet’s resources with no long-
term protection, while the menace of climate change
continues to grow as a threat to our economies, our way
of life and our existence.

To further mobilize reflection and action on the
concept of the blue economy, Seychelles is pleased to
be able to organize, in partnership with the United Arab
Emirates, a special high-level event to be held as part
of the Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week on 21 January
2014. The blue economy also represents an unparalleled
opportunity for Africa. As an African island nation, we
have continued to call for more attention to be given to
the sustainable development of Africa’s coastal areas
and its oceans. We can transform Africa’s oceans from
being sources of raw products for distant nations to a
space where Africa’s trade needs are prioritized and
where Africa can better protect its oceanic resources.

As an African island State, Seychelles continues to
prioritize the security of our maritime spaces. In terms
of maritime security, Seychelles reiterates its desire
to build partnerships to create better coordination and
sharing of information in the immediate region and
beyond.

Seychelles has also set up a Regional Anti-Piracy
Prosecution and Intelligence Coordination Centre, and
it also hosts an anti-piracy cell of the Indian Ocean
Commission to build the maritime security capacity
of the island States. The tools we have developed
through such initiatives have strengthened our ability
as a region to deter other criminal activities, such as
arms trafficking, drug trafficking, people trafficking
and illegal fishing. We look forward to building on
those successes with our partners in order to create
an effective coordination mechanism for maritime
security in our region.

As we consider the security situation in East
Africa, may I also take this opportunity to express our
solidarity and our sympathy to the Government and
the people of Kenya, as well as personally to President
Uhuru Kenyatta, as Kenya recovers from the barbaric
attacks in Nairobi on Saturday.

Such acts of terrorism strengthen our resolve to
ensure that we build a shared future free of the forces
of division and hostility. We also salute the efforts of
the Government of Somalia in its dedication to ensure
that forces of extremism and intolerance have no place
in our shared region.

Similarly, we are encouraged by the positive
developments in relation to the expected first round
of presidential elections to be held in Madagascar in
October. Elections represent the path towards resolving
the crisis in that neighbouring island, and we are
encouraged that the basis for the resolution of the crisis
discussed during the Southern African Development
Community mediation, with the support of the Indian
Ocean Islands Commission, held in Seychelles in the
year 2012, have come to fruition.

During the sixty-eighth session, Seychelles will
continue to be an advocate for peace and stability and
will urge all nations to work through the mechanisms
of the United Nations towards resolving existing
crises. Seychelles condemns in the strongest terms
any use of chemical weapons or any other weapon of
mass destruction. As one of the first signatories of the
Arms Trade Treaty, Seychelles also urges all nations to
actively engage in that treaty process so as to reduce the
risk of arms trades, which remains one of the biggest
challenges for our region and the world.

Finally, during the sixty-eighth session, Seychelles
will continue to call for every effort to be made to
reduce the marginalization of island States, and it is in
that context that we reiterate the call for the removal of
the embargo against our brotherly nation of Cuba.

Seychelles is a nation that believes that all voices
count. In speaking out on behalf of small islands that
are often marginalized in international processes, we
believe that we have a duty to ensure that all perspectives
are considered. It is because of our commitment to
that inclusive approach to the United Nations and
to multilateralism that Seychelles has announced its
intention to stand as a candidate for a non-permanent
seat on the Security Council for the period 2017-2018.
As a nation that has never served before, we are actively
engaged in discussions in our East African constituency,
and we appreciate the opportunity to engage with all
nations that wish to share their views. We look forward
to many fruitful discussions.

In conclusion, I would like to emphasize that our
approach towards the sustainable development goals
must be even broader and more inclusive than for the
Millennium Development Goals. The challenges are
obvious: poverty, climate change and energy, among
others. The list can go on indefinitely, but we believe
that there is also a shared opportunity in setting the
sustainable development goals. There is an opportunity
to reflect the true interconnectivity of our planet
through the adoption of interconnected objectives.
Shared objectives will lead to shared success. That is
the conviction of Seychelles.


I would like to congratulate
Mr. John Ashe on his election and wish him every
success. Let me also pay tribute to Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon and thank him for his tireless efforts
and leadership in promoting the ideals and principles
enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.

The ideal and principle to which we should aspire
is creating a world in which everyone can live free from
fear, free from want and in dignity. The United Nations
has achieved many extraordinary successes in the past,
but we also have to acknowledge some disappointing
and frustrating setbacks and failures. I believe that now
more than ever, the United Nations must play a major
role in international relations. We live at a time when
the balance of global power is changing in a rapid and
dramatic way. Thus far in history, this kind of global
change has never ended without a global conflict. We
established the United Nations precisely in order to
prevent such a conflict in future.

Less than 20 years ago, we witnessed events that
shocked our human conscience: genocide in Rwanda,

followed by genocide in Srebrenica and Darfur. We
should have learned lasting lessons from those horrific
events. We vowed never to let that happen again. We
collectively endorsed the responsibility to protect
human beings from mass atrocities and gross and
systematic violations of human rights, and yet we have
failed again.

We are faced with another human tragedy unfolding
before our eyes in Syria. After more than two years of
brutal violence against civilians, including women and
children, we still have not found a political solution
within the framework of the United Nations. Not only
is the unconscionable use of chemical weapons in Syria
considered a war crime, it is an assault against our
common humanity.

Sovereignty as responsibility implies that States
are responsible for the well-being of their citizens. It
does not give them a licence to kill their own citizens.
If States manifestly fail to protect their populations,
the international community has a duty to react. When
faced with mass atrocities, indifference is not, and
cannot represent, an option. The report of the United
Nations inspectors was clear, credible and impartial.
The United States-Russian agreement on the framework
for the elimination of Syrian chemical weapons must
be implemented without delay. Syria’s accession to the
Convention on the Prohibition of the Development,
Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons
and on Their Destruction is a positive step. Syria
should comply immediately and fully, or face the
consequences.

It is important that diplomacy prevailed and
referred the issue back to the United Nations and the
Security Council. The Security Council should live up
to its responsibility and use all appropriate measures
to comprehensively address the situation in Syria.
Reaching a political settlement remains the only
viable and lasting solution to the crisis and to ensuring
stability in the region. We support the timely convening
of the “Geneva II” conference.

The Security Council has the primary responsibility
to maintain international peace and security under
the Charter of the United Nations. It exercises that
responsibility on behalf of all of us. It has an obligation
to deliver and to fulfil the mandate entrusted to it by
the international community. In this period of tensions
and challenges, the responsibility of the major Member
States is especially great. In recent years we have
witnessed too many divisions in the Council, which have
impeded its ability to act in a timely manner. Decisive
progress in Security Council reform is required to
improve the Council’s efficiency, transparency and
accountability. As part of that effort, the permanent
members should consider refraining from the use of the
veto in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity
and serious violations of international humanitarian
law.

We call upon the Security Council to refer the
situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court.
The International Criminal Court is an essential pillar
in the system of international justice and a powerful
tool to ensure accountability and to fight against
impunity for the most serious crimes. It deserves our
full support.

We must focus more closely on addressing the
root causes of conflicts and expand our work on
prevention. In particular, we must improve our ability
to read the warning signs and trigger early action. The
consequences of inaction far outweigh any risks that
might arise from timely prevention and response, in
terms both of money and — more important — human
suffering and lives.

That was a lesson learned in our neighbouring
region, the Western Balkans. Enhancing mutual trust
through open political dialogue is a prerequisite for
peaceful coexistence and long-term stability there.
Slovenia and Croatia have therefore launched the Brdo
process as a forum for high-level dialogue intended
to strengthen relations and reconciliation among the
countries of the region.

The past century was a very dark chapter in
Europe and in human history. In August 2014, we will
commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of the
outbreak of the First World War. It brought about mass
destruction of human life and new methods of warfare
that were subsequently condemned by the civilized
world. It was followed by the Second World War, and
the century ended with a decade of intra-State conflicts
and genocides that caused untold human suffering.

Let us use our conscience and humanity as the
weapon of choice, for everyone deserves to live in
dignity and peace, feeling safe, with access to food and
drinking water and with a decent job and adequate pay
for it. Yet something so obvious seems to be very far
from reality. It is our task to bring reality closer to our
dreams.

Today’s world leaders have a unique opportunity,
possibility and responsibility to influence our
common future for many decades to come. That is
why it is important not to lose focus on the successful
implementation of the Millennium Development Goals
by 2015 and to agree on the post-2015 agenda. Let us
transform our vision of saving future generations from
the scourge of war into reality. We have no time to
spare. We have no right to fail.