Sir, please accept our congratulations on the occasion of your election to the responsible post of President of the fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly as well as our wishes for the success of this session in achieving substantial results so that the aims and principles of the United Nations Charter may triumph.
The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR extends its deepest condolences to the delegation of Mexico in connection with the misfortune that has befallen that country and its people, namely, the recent earthquakes which have resulted in many victims and widespread devastation.
The fortieth anniversary of the victory over Hitlerite fascism and Japanese militarism in the Second World War and of the emergence in its wake of the United Nations confers particular importance on the current session of the United Nations General Assembly which should become not only a commemorative but also a substantive session, and a significant landmark in all the activities of our Organization,
Being one of the founding Members of the United Nations, the Byelorussian SSR has from the very beginning consistently and diligently worked to make the United Nations Charter a real instrument of peace and co-operation among nations so that the practical activities of the United Nations might contribute to the achievement of that lofty goal. This was what we strive for at the San Francisco Conference, and during the first post-war years when co-operation among the founders of the United Nations, born during the Second World War, still existed, in the "cold war" year j and in the period of detente, which has recently given way to a sharp exacerbation of the international situation, the responsibility for which rests with the forces of imperialism and reaction. In following this reliable and tine-tested peace-loving Leninist path of the Soviet Union's foreign policy, it has always been - and continues to be - our conviction that one should fight against war before it begins and that this requires the concerted and active efforts of all nations and peace-loving States.
It is appropriate on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, to recall that, as far back as October 1943, the Moscow Conference of the Foreign Ministers of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United States of America and Great Britain recognized, on the initiative of the Soviet union, the need to establish a universal international organization to maintain world peace and security, based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving States.
The founding of the United Nations was one of the results of the great victory of freedom-loving nations over the forces of fascism, reaction and militarism. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to that victory. He are also proud of the fact that more than 1,100,000 people of Byelorussia fought selflessly on the fronts of the great patriotic war to defeat the common enemy. The fascist invaders were dealt heavy blows by Byelorussian partisans and underground fighters who put 500,009 Hitlerite troops out of action.
The Soviet people paid an enormous price in defending the freedom, honor and independence of their country. Twenty million people perished in the flames of the war. Their memory is sacred. In the year of the fortieth anniversary of the great victory we also pay tribute to the post-war exploits of those who rebuilt the devastated national economy from ruins and ashes and increased the industrial potential of the Byelorussian SSR to its present level which is 35 times greater than before the war, despite the fact that one-fourth of its population died in the war and over one-half of its national wealth was destroyed.
In analyzing the activities of the United Nations in the past 40 years, we have every reason to emphasize that the Organization's Charter has successfully stood the test of time, despite ^oMe sharp turnabouts in the international situation. As we all know, 159 countries of the world have assumed their obligations under tee United Nations Charter. Unfortunately, not all of them have been following the course mapped out in the Charter. The Organization has, undoubtedly, some achievements to its credit. However, its work is not free from shortcomings. A number of questions still await a final solution on the basis of resolutions adopted on the initiative of the States of the socialist community and the countries members of the Non-Aligned Movement, which has become an influential force in the world today. Unfortunately, attempts are still being made to use the United Nations to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign States or to ' impose decisions which do not take into account the legitimate interests of all groups of the Organization's Member States, despite the fact that all this is in flagrant violation of the Charter.
In the present complicated and dangerous international situation all States should abide by the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, that is unite the efforts and actions of all States, large or small, with or without major military potential, developed or developing. By consolidating what has been achieved, preventing existing progressive decisions from being undermined and isolating aggressive and militaristic circles - the instigators of the arms race -all of us should, by our deeds rather than our words, act to promote peace and co-operation.
As for the countries of the socialist community, this is precisely the way they have always acted. In this we were not deterred by the fact that our activities in the Organization on the basis of its Charter were sometimes described by the imperialist forces as "bad behavior in the United Nations". Experience demonstrates that the same course is followed by the overwhelming majority of the Organization's Member States which respect the United Nations Charter and are not trading away their principles or their positions. The purposes and principles of the United Nations are not being devalued. They have not been and will not be put on sale.
In the 40 years of its membership in the United Nations the Byelorussian SSR has always set forth its position on all questions under discussion in precise and clear terms. Every word we have said and all our votes have always been guided by the interests of peace, the prevention of nuclear war, disarmament, the just and peaceful settlement of conflicts, speeding up the process of decolonization and the eradication of Nazism, racism and apartheid, fighting against injustice and violations of the United Nations Charter and developing co-operation for the benefit of economic and social progress, ensuring respect for human rights and developing and consolidating the rules of international law.
In the current general political debate most speakers have pointed to tensions in the present international situation and to the importance of stabilizing it and putting it back on the track of detente and respect for the United Nations Charter. All this is indisputable. But it is also necessary to understand correctly what are the causes of this situation and what specific action should be taken to remedy it. The most important task in our time is to eliminate the threat of nuclear war, which requires preventing an arms race in space and putting an end to it on Earth. Not only the destinies of nations and States, but the fate of all mankind depends on finding a solution to this problem. There is no safe place on our planet where one could wait it out in case of a nuclear conflict, for such a conflict would destroy life itself on Earth. This should be borne in and when dealing with such current problems as overcoming the economic backwardness of a large group of young independent States, fighting hunger and disease, and other questions; it is important to see the main problem cm whose solution everything else hinges, namely, the problem of averting the nuclear threat, of doing everything to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", as required by the United Nations Charter.
The fact that there has not been a world war for four decades and that the use of nuclear weapons has been prevented is mankind's greatest achievement. It is the result of the efforts of the Soviet Union, all countries of the socialist community, non-aligned States and other countries whose positions are based on responsibility for the destinies of their own and other nations. However, the threat of nuclear war, rather than decreasing, is growing as a result of the activities of militaristic forces which are eroding the foundations of peace.
Let us look at the facts.
Even at the first session of the United Nations General Assembly the Soviet Union proposed that nuclear weapons should be banned for all time and destroyed. What was the response of the United States? It continued to accumulate and upgrade its nuclear potential. The result was the appearance of ether nuclear Powers. Strategic stability was ensured, but at a higher level of weapons and with a greater risk of war.
The Soviet Union has unilaterally pledged not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. The Chinese People's Republic has assumed the same obligation. What was the response of the other nuclear lowers? They refused to follow this good example. They are also ignoring the united Nations appeal to this effect. NATO's military doctrine allows members of that bloc to be the first to use nuclear weapons even in a conflict involving conventional weapons.
As is known, the Soviet Union has unilaterally pledged not to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear countries which do not have such weapons on their territories. What was the response of the Western nuclear Powers? Vague statements which, incidentally, do not rule out the use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states in some circumstances.
The Soviet union has pledged not to place anti-satellite weapons in space so long as other States act in a similar manner, what was the response of the United States? It has just carried out a test of an anti-satellite weapon against a target in space as part of its notorious "star wars" program.
The Soviet union has temporarily suspended the deployment of medium-range missiles and the implementation of other countermeasures in Europe. What was the response of the United States? It has continued to increase the number of Pershing-2 and cruise missiles in Western Europe.
The Soviet Union has stopped all nuclear explosions as of 6 August until the end of this year and has stated that this unilateral moratorium could continue beyond that date if the United States does not carry out nuclear tests. What was the response of the United States? After this it has already carried out two tests of nuclear weapons.
It is also known to all what kind of attitude this or that country adopts towards the United Nations resolutions on the prevention of nuclear war and militarization of space, on disarmament and strengthening international security. The Soviet Union has been putting forward such proposals; it supports the initiatives of the non-aligned countries and insists on their realization, while the United States has been voting against them, often finding itself in complete isolation, and, wherever possible, has been sabotaging work in this area.
Such actions of the united States and of its closest allies give rise to justifiable alarm and should be countered with even stronger efforts. The international community, concerned with preserving life on our planet, should resolutely oppose the American "star wars" plans, which are directed against peace on Earth under the guise of propaganda rhetoric about their allegedly defensive nature, and support the new Soviet initiative on international co-operation in the peaceful exploitation of outer space in conditions of its non-militarization.
The new Soviet proposal is based on the idea of uniting the efforts of States for the sake of preventing the militarization of space and reserving it for peaceful activities for the benefit of all countries. Joint exploration of space and the use of the use of the results of space-related research for the benefit of all is quite a realistic possibility, if all channels for militarizing near-Earth space are blocked off. Detailed concrete proposals to this effect are contained in the document submitted by the Soviet Union at the current session of the General Assembly, entitled "Main lines and principles of international co-operation in the peaceful exploitation of outer space under conditions of its non-militarization", and in the corresponding draft resolution on this question. I draw the attention of representatives to document a/40/192.
In conditions of non-militarization of space and of "star peace" the Soviet union is proposing a qualitatively new stage of international co-operation in space exploration. There is now a possibility of using the enormous scientific-technological and production potential for the solution of global problems facing mankind, including the developing countries. For these purposes it is proposed that an international conference should be convened in 1987 at the latest, with the participation of States having major space potential and other interested countries, to discuss in its entirety the question of international co-operation in the peaceful exploitation and use of outer space in conditions of its non-militarization and to follow it up with the establishment of a world space organization. We hope that having carefully considered the proposal put forward by the Soviet Union, the participants in the current session of the united Nations General Assembly will support it.
Work should also continue to unite the efforts of States for the prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests by all countries everywhere, for freezing the existing
nuclear potentials and starting their reduction, eventually leading to their complete elimination, for renouncing chemical warfare arsenals, and, naturally, for preventing the appearance of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction and resolving other issues of disarmament, having in mind, as the final objective, general and complete disarmament under strict international control.
One might ask whether a solution to all these problems can be found. We believe that this is certainly so. This is confirmed by past experience and by the approach outlined in the resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly. Is it not a fact that the countries of the anti-Hitlerite coalition were able to work together, fight for victory and lay the foundation of the post-war world which retains significance to this day? The Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe also offers convincing proof that, given good will and desire to come to agreement and take into consideration the legitimate interests of all and everyone, it is possible to resolve the most complex problems and to accomplish that within a short time. United Nations Member States have to their credit a number of well-known multilateral and bilateral treaties and agreements aimed at limiting the nuclear-arms race, including a race in outer space, and at avoiding a nuclear conflict. Common efforts have made it possible to put an end to a number of conflicts and eliminate some hotbeds of tension.
It is important, while fulfilling all obligations, to move forward and strive for better results. It would then be possible to expect success at the Geneva negotiations on space and nuclear weapons, both medium-range and strategic, taking into account their interrelationship. The new Soviet proposals also open the way to that goal. Success could then be expected at the Stockholm Conference in the form of a treaty on the mutual non-use of military force, the maintenance of peaceful relations and the adoption of confidence-building measures equally applicable to all participants. It would then be possible to break the deadlock in the Vienna negotiations and to reduce armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. Then it would be possible to hope for the implementation of United Nations resolutions on preventing a nuclear catastrophe, strengthening international security, disarmament, restructuring international economic relations, and solving other problems facing all mankind.
What is necessary to achieve all that is above all joint, active efforts against the intention of certain circles in the United States to achieve military superiority and impose their will on others. The time has long come to realize that malicious rhetoric about "communist danger" and "Soviet threat" is not really convincing. Socialism, with its ideals and their practical realization, has provided impressive proof of its devotion to the cause of peace and the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems and of its capacity to accomplish the tasks of economic and social progress in the interest and for the benefit of man.
Whatever problem we look at, it is perfectly clear that the States of the socialist community offer constructive solutions, based exclusively on the common interest, and seek no unilateral advantages or special benefits for themselves.
This attitude is also clearly seen in our position on the issue of a just and comprehensive settlement of the situation in the Middle East and the problem of Palestine. This position is well known and has been repeatedly reflected in resolutions of the United Nations, which still await practical implementation. I wish to emphasize in this regard that we shall continue to oppose firmly all attempts to undermine the decisions of the United Nations on this question, to impose on the Arab peoples separate capitulationist deals, or to bar the representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from participating in the Middle East settlement.
The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR resolutely condemns Israel's barbarous bombing of the territory of Tunisia and the PLO headquarters.
The situation in Central America and the Caribbean continues to move in a dangerous direction. The constructive proposals put forward by Nicaragua, Cuba, the countries of the Contadora Group and other states, which could lead to a normalization of the situation, are being ignored and undermined by the United States and its partners - again in open contradiction with the requirement of the United Nations Charter "to live together in peace as good neighbors". The resolution of the United Nations General Assembly on the situation in Central America, which was adopted unanimously, also remains unimplemented. Additional steps in must therefore be taken with urgency to safeguard the independence and sovereignty of the countries of Central America and to make it possible for them to live as their peoples choose and desire rather than under orders from outside.
Also necessary are determined effort in defense of the legitimate rights and interests of the people of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, who have opted for a new life and embarked firmly upon the path of independent development, resolutely
rejecting imperialist interference in their internal affairs and stoutly rebuffing the subversive actions of the armed mercenaries of imperialism and reaction.
A general improvement in the situation in Asia and the Pacific would be facilitated by a positive response by the States of the region to the proposals of the USSR for examination of the whole complex of issues pertaining to the strengthening of security and the development of equitable co-operation among the States of Asia and the proposals of the Mongolian People's Republic and the States of Indochina to make Asia a continent of peace, stability, good-neighborliness and co-operation. This would also be facilitated by the implementation of the United Nations decisions on the creation of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean and on the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea. We support the proposals of the Korean People's Democratic Republic aimed at the peaceful reunification of Korea and the conversion of the Korean Peninsula into a nuclear-free zone.
In concluding this part of my statement, I wish to point out that, in the present international situation, the Assembly must insist on the full implementation of its resolution, adopted last year, on the inadmissibility of the policy of State terrorism and any actions by States aimed at undermining the socio-political system in other sovereign States.
We cannot but speak with satisfaction about the collapse of colonial domination in the world, a result of the impact of the ideas of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia and of the defeat of the forces of fascism and militarism in the Second world War, which gave new strength to the fighters for peace and independence in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The United Nations, too, has played a positive role in the process of decolonization, especially since the
adoption, following the initiative of the Soviet Union, of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of that historic document by the United Nations must be observed appropriately. Of course, the best way to do this would be to adopt measures immediately to ensure the independence of Namibia and other colonial Territories and to abolish the Trusteeship System completely. For there remains today only one Trust Territory, Micronesia, whose self-determination and independence are opposed by the United States, which so ostentatiously vaunts its freedom-loving and democratic ways.
The Assembly must also give its close attention to the question of the struggle against manifestations of neo-Nazism, fascism and revanchism.
It is necessary to redouble the efforts in the struggle against the remaining hotbeds of racism and apartheid, those festering and disgraceful wounds of the 20th century. In this regard more determined actions than those so far taken are required. Specifically, a full boycott and comprehensive sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter should be imposed against the South African racists, who have unleashed mass terror against the indigenous population of the country vigorously fighting for its freedom.
The participants in this session of the General Assembly are giving much attention to economic problems. Young States continue to seek ways of extricating themselves from various forms of dependence, both those inherited from the former colonial system of imperialism and those being imposed on them by the neo-colonialists. They are justifiably critical of the policy of Western financial and economic institutions, which has brought the developing countries to the brink of economic catastrophe.
Throughout the entire history of the united Nations the socialist countries have repeatedly put forward their proposals and supported proposals by other countries aimed at improving international economic relations, safeguarding the interests of the developing countries and ensuring the economic security of all States. Much has been accomplished. However, not all progressive recommendations of the United Nations are being implemented.
In addition, the major Western Powers, resorting to various methods and tactics, have often succeeded in spreading hostility, in misleading the developing countries and in dividing them. The West is constantly flaunting the idea that only private capital and the private economy can solve all problems, that if one opens the way to foreign private capital everything will be fine. At the same time if: cannot refrain from boasting and displaying its wealth - concealing, of course, the fact that all that wealth has been acquired as a result of the unashamed plundering of the natural and human resources of other peoples and the exploitation of its own working people without a fair solution to social problems.
Just remember the praise lavished on the four points of the Truman program, the Alliance for Progress in Latin America and the economic policies of the present United States Administration. What are the results? The developing world has found itself chained in new shackles, the shackles of financial debt to its "benefactors", and is in fact deprived of the possibility of solving the existing economic and social problems in the interests of the peoples of the developing countries.
It is time to dismantle the barriers and remove the obstacles and difficulties created by the Western Powers and get down to the business of the genuine restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis.
Speaking of human rights and fundamental freedoms, I wish to underscore the point that the socialist countries have in actual deed demonstrated to the whole world the validity of the ideas put forward by the founder of the Soviet State, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, who said that without socialist transformation of society it was impossible to speak about true freedom for the individual rather than for proprietors, about genuine equality of men in the socio-political sense rather than about hypocritical equality between the haves and the have-nots, the sated and the hungry, the exploiters and the exploited.
Our achievements in the genuine realization of a broad range of political, civil, economic, social and cultural rights of the individual are well known. They are recorded, in particular, in many United Nations documents, including those that deal with the implementation of the international legal instruments in this field, in which our Republic participates in good faith. That is why we reject the hypocrisy and demagogy of those who represent a country which has not show the slightest desire to become a party to the international covenants on human rights and other international documents relating to that subject widely recognized and used by the world community. They apparently believe that by employing those methods they can hide or camouflage a rather poor state of affairs in their own house.
I should like to say a few words about the methods of our work at the present session. Our delegation, like many others, is in favor of the adoption of concrete agreed decisions and of their subsequent universal implementation. This, unfortunately, is not always possible, because a number of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries show a tendency to empty some issues of substance under the pretense of seeking consensus. Reasonable and mutually acceptable compromises are indispensable. However, we cannot agree that the purposes and principles of our Organization should be jeopardized under any pretext whatever. That is why we are also in favor of adopting decisions by voting, so as not to allow the forces of imperialism, aggression and militarism, the instigators of the arms race, colonialists and racists to obstruct the adoption of United Nations resolutions aimed at attaining the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter.
The tasks confronting the United Nations and its members are numerous; they are complex and urgent. But all those problems can undoubtedly be solved. The main prerequisite is that every State should comply with, rather than undermine the Charter, and manifest genuine political will to solve the existing problems on the basis of equality, with due regard for common interests, without prejudice to the security of each other, and to the mutual advantage of everyone.
As stated by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Comrade Mikhail S. Gorbachev,
"The only sensible way out today is to develop active co-operation among all States in the interest of a common peaceful future, to create, use and develop international mechanisms and institutions which would make it possible to find the optimum balance between national and State interests and the interests of mankind."
The Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, like other socialist countries, considers the United Nations to be an important and effective instrument of peace and equitable co-operation between States. We shall continue to work for the practical implementation in international relations of the just and democratic principles on which the United Nations was founded 40 years ago. The United Nations must become a true embodiment of the collective wisdom of States. At the current jubilee session of the General Assembly the delegation of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic is prepared, as before, together with all interested countries, to make every effort to accomplish the main task of the United Nations under the Charter, that of maintaining and strengthening peace, and to deal with all other problems on that basis.


On behalf of the Government and people of Japan, I should like to extend my heartfelt congratulations to you. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly. Please be assured that the delegation of Japan will spare no effort in co-operating with you as you carry out your important duties.
At the same time, I should like to express my sincere appreciation to the President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly,
Mr. Paul John Firmino Lusaka, for the very capable manner in which he discharged his awesome responsibilities.
I should also like to take this opportunity to a pay tribute once again to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his determined efforts and capable leadership in the face of the harsh international situation.
Before proceeding further, I wish on behalf of the people of Japan to express deep sympathy to the Government and people of Mexico in the terrible tragedy wrought by two earthquakes last week, which took thousands of lives and caused untold material damage. I wish to pay a tribute to the people of Mexico, who, under the leadership of their President, Mr. Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado, are working courageously to overcome this unprecedented calamity. Japan, for its part, is urgently taking every possible action to assist them.
Now approaching its fortieth anniversary, the United Nations has grown into a truly global organization with the participation of virtually all the countries of the world. Although the United Nations has had some success in containing regional conflicts and mobilizing world opinion to deter aggression and censure it whenever it occurs, other factors, including East-West discord and the divergent interests of conflicting parties, have prevented the United Nations from fulfilling the peace-keeping functions envisaged for it at the time of its founding.
In looking back over the 40-year history of the United Nations, I am struck by the progress made in decolonization in Africa and elsewhere and by the fact that over 150 countries with differing cultures, traditions, political systems and policy positions have been able to gather here and, through lively discussion, share ideas on how to overcome the many grave problems facing the world and reaffirm their interdependence within the international community.
The important role which the United Nations has played in promoting economic and social development, environmental protection and human rights, in enhancing the status of women and in progressively developing and codifying international law must be fully recognized and duly acknowledged. I also wish to note the welcome trend whereby Member States are seeking general agreement among all interested parties in order to adopt resolutions by consensus rather than by majority vote, in an effort to enhance their effectiveness.
Yet, looking ahead to the 21st century, I believe we have reached a major turning point if the United Nations is to be a vital and effective force for succeeding generations. I should like here to highlight two specific areas requiring immediate attention.
First, the United Nations must discharge its responsibilities in the field of peace-keeping more fully, and it behooves the permanent members of the Security Council and, indeed, all United Nations Member States seriously to study ways of enhancing the Security Council's peace-keeping functions. At the same time? I believe that, with the support of all Member States, the peace-keeping functions of the Secretary-General should be strengthened so that his quiet diplomacy can be more effective.
Another crucial issue which the United Nations must tackle is that of administrative and financial reform. In carrying out its activities over the past 40 years the secretariats of the United Nations and its specialized agencies have steadily expanded and it may well be that some of their activities are outdated, not urgently needed or even redundant. I am concerned that the United Nations system may be losing the unwavering support of peoples around the world. It is thus imperative that the Organization itself make a determined effort towards effective administrative and financial reform so that it can function more efficiently. Only in this way will Member States - developing countries beset with difficulties in economic management as well as major contributing countries experiencing severe financial strain and striving to regain fiscal health - be able to gain the understanding of their peoples and continue their support of the United Nations for many years to come.
I wish on this occasion to pay high tribute to the Secretary-General for the serious efforts he has been making in this regard. In his report on the work of the Organization this year, the Secretary-General appeals for "the support of national domestic constituencies in each Member State" (A/40/1, p. 13) and strongly urges the need for more "practical international service" (ibid.). I concur fully with this appeal.
In an effort toward comprehensive administrative and financial reform, I should like to propose the establishment of a "group of eminent persons for a more efficient United Nations," so that the world body and its specialized agencies would function efficiently into the twenty-first century. Comprised of a small number of individuals from developed and developing countries, the group would contribute to a thorough review of the administrative and financial operations of the organizations within the United Nations system. At the same time, it would provide an opportunity for undertaking' an objective study of the management of those organizations with a view to guaranteeing their efficiency, so that they would be of greater use to the people of both developed and developing countries in meeting their genuine needs now and in the future. I hope that a concrete proposal on this question will be considered at this session of the General Assembly, and I call upon all Member states to act today to assure that this irreplaceable Organization will operate more efficiently.
1945 was the year that saw the birth of the United Nations as well as the atomic bomb, since then the world's nuclear arsenals have undergone tremendous changes both in quantity and in quality, and an overkill capability has long since been achieved. Thus the prime imperative for the world today is that of working to halt this nuclear arms race and ultimately to achieve the abolition of nuclear weapons. Indeed, the urgency of arms control and disarmament grows greater with each passing year. Yet at the same time it must be admitted that world peace and security is sustained by the balance of power which includes nuclear arms. In promoting disarmament, we must recognize these realities of the international situation and seek to achieve a balance at the lowest possible level of armament.
Thus I welcomed the initiation last March of a new round of arms control and disarmament talks by the United States and the Soviet Union. Both states have a special responsibility toward the international community. No matter how trying these negotiations may prove, it is important that they be aware of the awesome burdens they must bear as the world's two most powerful nations, and that,
responding to the hopes of all peoples, they negotiate seriously and constructively for the achievement of substantive results. I strongly hope that at their summit meeting scheduled for November the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union will be fully cognizant of their grave responsibilities and will do their utmost to build a framework for world peace and security.
The call for the united States and the Soviet union to take the initiative in efforts to achieve nuclear disarmament was unanimously supported at the Third Review Conference on the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which closed just a few days ago. The participating countries also reaffirmed the significance of the NPT regime, and Japan would like to point out again the need to maintain and strengthen the NPT regime, as well as strongly to urge nuclear-armed China and France and, indeed, all other non-signatory countries to recognize the importance of the NPT regime and to become parties to the Treaty without delay.
Japan has long emphasized a comprehensive nuclear-test ban as an important aspect of nuclear disarmament, and last year at the Geneva Conference on Disarmament I proposed a step-by-step formula under which the nuclear-test ban would be steadily extended to include lower-yield weapons as multilateral verification capabilities improved. I also suggested the creation of an international co-operative framework for nuclear-test detection. Japan is confident that this approach, modest as it may seem, is a most realistic means of achieving an effective nuclear-test ban. I hope that an ad hoc committee will be established as soon as possible at next year's Conference on Disarmament to study these proposals as well as other substantive questions.
Disarmament issues are not limited to nuclear weapons, however. In the non-nuclear field, as I stated in my address to last year's session of the General Assembly, I strongly hope that all countries will take a realistic approach to the banning of chemical weapons and that a global and comprehensive treaty will be drawn up as soon as possible. On the issue of the prevention of an arms race in outer space, I welcome the fact that this year's Conference on Disarmament has established an ad hoc committee and has taken the first steps toward examining this important issue.
Z should like next to say a few words on some of the international issues which I believe are especially important and to explain Japan's foreign policy efforts as they relate to these issues.
It is impossible in today's increasingly interdependent international community for a country in one region to be oblivious to conflict in any other region. This is not to imply, however, that countries are justified in intervening in regional conflicts for their own purposes. Japanese policy is one of working in close consultation and co-operation with the united Nations to create a climate that would contribute to the efforts of the countries directly involved as well as of other countries within the region to settle the conflict on their own.
Regarding the situation on the Korean peninsula, Japan welcomes the various efforts toward establishing a North-South dialog and the progress that has recently been made. We are very hopeful that these discussions will yield substantive results. Japan, for its part, will continue to co-operate in every way possible to create a climate conducive to the relaxation of tensions on the Korean peninsula. In this regard we were sincerely pleased that young men and women from both North and South were able to compete side by side in the universal Games recently held in Japan.
Moreover, if both North and South would consider joining the United Nations as a step toward the reunification of the Korean peninsula, Japan would welcome and support membership for both of them as a means of relaxing tensions and furthering the universality of the Organization.
Elsewhere in Asia, the problem of Kampuchea remains a threat to regional peace and stability. Japan holds the view that this problem cannot be solved until all foreign troops are withdrawn from Kampuchea and the people's right to self-determination is restored. Japan has insisted that determined efforts based on this view must be made, bearing in mind Kampuchea's future needs. Thus, at the Post-Ministerial Conference with the Dialog Partners, held by the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) last July, I proposed the following four principles which should underlie our future efforts on this problem: first, the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces and self-determination for the Kampuchean people; secondly, the promotion of dialog between the countries concerned; thirdly, the reaffirmation of our support for the coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea so as not to acquiesce in the present situation as a fait accompli; and fourthly, education and vocational training assistance for Kampuchean refugees as part of a human resources development effort.
In the belief that these refugees have an important role to play in Kampuchea's eventual reconstruction, Japan hopes that, with the co-operation of the parties concerned, appropriate plans will be drawn up for their education and training. We are prepared to co-operate in every possible way with the implementation of such plans.
Hoping to foster a climate conducive to the peaceful solution of the Kampuchean problem, I have made an active effort over the past year to meet and discuss issues with the leaders of the Governments concerned, including Foreign Minister Nguyen Co Thach of Viet Nam and Prime Minister Son Sann of Democratic Kampuchea. I intend to continue these efforts to promote an early and peaceful solution to this situation.
I find it most regrettable that there are as yet no signs of a solution to the armed conflict between Iran and Iraq which has gone on for five long years. At last year's General Assembly session I presented an urgent proposal for the prompt implementation of a ban on the use of chemical weapons and the assurance of safe navigation in the Gulf, including the safety of port and harbor facilities. I have since taken every opportunity to urge the leaders of both Iran and Iraq to accept this proposal. Convinced that it provides an effective means for achieving a gradual scaling down of hostilities leading to the attainment of a comprehensive settlement, I very much hope that they will respond positively and proceed with discussions on the basis of this proposal.
I deeply appreciate the Secretary-General's efforts in visiting Iran and Iraq and in making various proposals for the deescalation of the conflict there. I hope that further progress will be made so as to bring about some form of dialog between the two sides through the Secretary-General.
Furthermore, in appealing to the Security Council, whose primary responsibility is the maintenance of international peace and security, to play an impartial and even more active role for the resolution of the conflict, I earnestly hope that the day will soon arrive when the two sides come before the Council to present their positions there.
Mindful of the positions of the two parties, Japan will continue, in close consultation with like-minded countries, to make strenuous and patient efforts to create a climate conducive to peace in the region.
The problem of Middle East peace and the situation in Lebanon remain causes for deep concern. Japan has the highest regard for the serious efforts being made by the parties concerned for peace in the Middle East. In the belief that present circumstances offer an excellent opportunity for progress towards peace in the region, Japan strongly hopes that all parties will redouble their efforts towards this end. This July I visited Jordan, Syria and Saudi Arabia, where I discussed the issues personally with the leaders of these countries as well as with Chairman Arafat of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Subsequently I also had a frank exchange of views with the Israeli leadership. Through such dialogs with the leaders of the countries concerned, Japan will continue its efforts to foster conditions that will lead to peace in the Middle East.
On the problem of Afghanistan, I once more call upon all parties concerned for the prompt withdrawal of all Soviet troops, the restoration of the Afghan people's right to self-determination and a safe and honorable return for the refugees. At the same time, I strongly support the efforts of the Secretary-General and very much hope that progress will be made in the ongoing proximity talks.
Japan finds the racial discrimination in South Africa intolerable and takes the firm position that it must be abolished totally and without delay. The internal reforms being advanced by the Government of South Africa fall far short of the expectations that had been raised in South Africa and abroad. Japan deeply deplores the present situation in South Africa - a situation that has taken a toll of hundreds of lives over the past year.
Under the circumstances, Japan believes there is an urgent need for the Government of South Africa to state clearly and in no uncertain terms that it intends to disband apartheid and enter unconditionally into discussions with the leaders of the black community on specific steps towards ending that system. Japan calls upon all involved to join their energies in the search for a negotiated solution.
Japan has been a steadfast opponent of apartheid, and its measures against South Africa are among the strictest of those taken by industrialized democracies. Moreover, Japan is determined to take whatever steps it considers necessary until the Government of South Africa embarks upon drastic and specific reforms for the abolition of apartheid.
On the issue of Namibian independence, Japan hopes that it will be attained speedily through the complete implementation of United Nations Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). Japan, therefore, considers null and void the establishment of the interim government through the Multi-Party Conference, and any other measures taken by the Government of South Africa in contravention of these resolutions.
The situation in Latin America is notable for the progress being made towards democratization in recent years. Believing that democratization contributes to Latin America's long-term political stability, Japan welcomes this trend. At the same time, however, international political and economic difficulties, such as the conflicts in Central America and the problem of burgeoning debts, continue to beset the region.
Indeed, the situation in Central America is still dangerous, and Japan is watching developments there with concern. Japan continues to support the peace efforts being made by the Contadora group. I hope these efforts will gain broad international backing, including that of the recently formed South American support group, and that they will be pursued even more vigorously. At the same time, Japan strongly hopes that the Central American countries themselves will make even greater efforts for peace in the region, as well as for democratization and national reconciliation within their respective borders.
Japan has been maintaining a close dialog with the countries of Latin America. After leaving New York I shall visit Panama and Brazil to hold a wide-ranging exchange of views with the leaders of those countries. I am also pleased to state that while I am here the Foreign Minister of Panama and the United States Secretary of State and I will be exchanging notes on the Arrangement Concerning the Commission for the Study of Alternatives to the Panama Canal. Japan is prepared to take an active role in the matter and in this way further strengthen its relations with the countries of Latin America.
I should like next to say a few words on Japan's relations with the Soviet Union. As I pointed out in my address to this General Assembly last year, it is extremely unfortunate for both countries that the Northern Territories issue and the conclusion of a peace treaty remain unresolved after all these years. Continuing without surcease its quest for a negotiated settlement, Japan hopes to expand and strengthen its dialog with the Soviet Union, and I hope that the Soviet Union will respond in the same spirit.
In seeking true world peace, we must not neglect the need to eliminate the causes of instability. Unless this is done, we cannot possibly take the next step towards achieving world prosperity. As basic prerequisites to true peace, starvation and refugee problems must be overcome, population problems solved, and international terrorism and drug abuse curbed.
In November of last year, following my participation in the General Assembly session, I visited the region of Africa that has been stricken by drought, saw for myself the tragic situation there, and issued an appeal for emergency assistance for Africa. According to the most recent report of the Office for Emergency Operations in Africa, there are still some 20 countries in Africa needing emergency assistance. Especially urgent action is needed to save the children of Africa from their terrible plight, in light of the serious effects it will have for the future of the world we live in.
I regard as outstanding the initiatives taken by the Secretary-General, and the alacrity with which the United Nations moved to extend emergency aid to Africa. Japan has done everything it can to help with this aid effort. Having proposed last year that all United Nations agencies be mobilized to draw up a unified plan of action for Africa, making the most effective use of the total range of United Nations capabilities, I am gratified that the Office for Emergency Operations in Africa was established on 1 January this year and has swung into action.
The Government and people of Japan feel keenly the urgent need for support for Africa. Just as the Japanese Government has extended foodstuffs and agricultural assistance worth a total of approximately $165 million between January of last year and the end of March this year, the people of Japan have joined together in an unprecedented outpouring of public support to collect over 1.7 million blankets and more than $5.8 million in individual donations of money for Africa.
There is a complex combination of structural causes for this crisis of starvation and food shortfalls, and it is imperative that we respond not merely with emergency assistance but also with stepped-up co-operation with the African countries' own self-help efforts in the agricultural sector, for example, in increased food production, over the medium and long term. I am confident that a green revolution to improve agricultural yields can be achieved in Africa, as it has in Asia. It is for this reason that I have submitted my "Green Revolution for Africa" proposal, a comprehensive plan that would include not only agricultural research but also afforestation, and I intend to work to implement this proposal in full consultation with all the countries concerned.
I remain convinced of Africa's potential for development. As stated in the declaration of the recent Organization of African Unity summit, the nations of Africa are taking the initiative to overcome the crisis facing them. The international community has a responsibility to lend them a helping hand.
There are today over 10 million refugees around the world, and it is imperative that the international community take responsibility for alleviating their plight as soon as possible. In great part, these people have been displaced as the result of political problems; improving the political climate is thus the key to solving the refugee problem. At the same time, it is also important that every country lend increased support and co-operation to the efforts of the United Nations and especially the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to provide the most effective refugee relief, and move with determination to expand the scope of action available to it.
Japan for its part has provided nearly $600 million in contributions to these organizations over the past five years and has increased the number of refugees accepted for resettlement in Japan. We intend to continue to do everything we can to contribute in this field.
Aware of the importance of the population problem, Japan will continue its unstinting co-operation-in this field as well.
Hijackings and other forms of international terrorism, and drug abuse and the illicit trafficking in narcotics, pose a threat to the peaceful lives of people everywhere. Japan, as a responsible member of the international community, intends to extend all possible co-operation to eradicate these problems. In this regard, I should like to express my support in principle for the Secretary-General's proposal that a globed conference on drug abuse be convened in 1987,
Generally speaking, the economic recovery is spreading from the industrialized countries to the entire world economy. However, protectionist pressures have intensified to an unprecedented level against the background of continuing high unemployment in Europe and elsewhere, global trade and current account imbalances, and the awesome budgetary deficits member countries are facing.
While the outlook is somewhat brighter for a number of developing economies, many others in Latin America and elsewhere still face such problems as stagnation of the prices for their primary commodities and accumulated debt and must continue their efforts for economic adjustment. There is thus a considerable political and social burden on them. At the same time, we should provide all possible assistance to the least-developed countries and other impoverished countries in general as they struggle to achieve economic independence.
Japan realizes that no one country can pursue prosperity without regard to the quest by others for prosperity world-wide. It is determined to preserve and strengthen the free trade system and fulfill the role and responsibilities accruing from its .international position. As a manifestation of this policy, Japan, on its own initiative, formulated the Action Program for Further Improved Market Access based on the principle of free trade, permitting restrictions only in exceptional cases. We are now hard at work on its prompt and faithful implementation.
Likewise, Japan believes that a new round of multilateral trade negotiations is indispensable to contain the rising tide of protectionism and promote free trade in the true sense, and has been calling for the prompt start of such a new round. It is most gratifying that the international momentum favoring this new round has increased and that the Contracting Parties of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) will meet shortly to discuss matters including the scope of the negotiations. Japan will continue to do everything it can to promote the preparations for this new round and to help the negotiations start with the participation of the greatest possible number of countries, industrialized and developing alike.
Japan views official-development assistance as an important international responsibility, and has twice formulated medium-term targets in a sustained effort to increase and expand such assistance. Japan intends to continue these efforts, and it was with this in mind that the third medium term target for official development assistance was just recently formulated. The aim of this ambitious program is to bring the total official development assistance disbursement for the period 1986 through 1992 to more than $40 billion. For this purpose Japan, expanding bilateral grants, multilateral assistance and yen loans, will make efforts to double the amount of official development assistance in 1992 compared to that in 1985, and to improve as much as possible the quality of its official development assistance. This third medium term target is a renewed expression of Japan's determination to play its rightful role in the international community.
The development of human resources is fundamental to a nation's overall development. Realizing this, Japan has long attached importance to human resources development and placed priority on technical co-operation as central to this effort. This topic was also discussed within the context of Pacific co-operation at the Post-Ministerial Conference of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the dialog partners, in which Japan actively participated. I am pleased to report that agreement was reached at this year's meeting on the Immediate Action program for ASEAN-Pacific Co-operation on Human Resources Development. Japan intends to take an active role in the implementation of that ASEAN program.
A long-time advocate of the importance of human resources development through United Nations efforts, Japan welcomes the movement within the United Nations Development program (UNDP) and other programs towards placing a higher priority on this area.
In addition to continuing to co-operate with the development efforts of the South Pacific island countries, Japan intends to step up its friendly and co-operative relations with them.
The North-South problem remains an important issue for the international community. However, one hopeful sign for the future is the global effort in support of Africa in which the international community truly came together. I believe that North and South must co-operate and co-ordinate their efforts and that concerted efforts between Governments and private sectors of donor countries must be encouraged. I am convinced that such efforts will contribute substantially to a solution of the North-South problem.
At last year's session of the General Assembly, I spoke of Japan's determination to pursue creative diplomacy in response to the international community's expectations. Looking back on the year just past, I am acutely aware of the need for us to redouble our efforts in this direction. The times are rapidly changing and there is an increased number of situations that cannot be adequately handled with traditional approaches, means or technology. Be it the maintenance of international peace, the expansion of exchanges among countries and peoples, or the implementation of economic and technical co-operation, we need creative thinking and new approaches. The new century demands that mankind draw upon its infinite potential and bring forth new wisdom for the future.
As the united Nations reaches the age of 40, we should recall the global catastrophe which led to its founding and rededicate ourselves to the cause of world peace.


Ever since its admission to the great family of the United Nations, the Rwandese Republic has constantly been striving to the best of its ability to contribute to the tireless efforts aimed at consolidating and strengthening the credibility of our Organization and bringing about favorable conditions for the promotion and affective realization of the fundamental principles embodied in its Charter.
Each year since 19 September 1962, the date on which Rwanda became a Member of this family - having regained its sovereignty, thanks notably to the impetus given by the United Nations to the decolonization process - my country has solemnly reaffirmed from this prestigious rostrum its commitment, determination and readiness to make its contribution to the task of building a world of peace and progress to which our Organization is dedicated.
The commitment that Rwanda has made in this spirit was resolutely reaffirmed, on behalf of the Government and the people of Rwanda, by Major-General Juvenal Habyarimana, President of the Rwandese Republic and President-Founder of the National Revolutionary Movement for Development, who, speaking at the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly emphasized the overriding importance that our country attaches to the fundamental principles and objectives of the United Nations. In this connection, he declared that Rwanda counts on the United Nations to channel and co-ordinate efforts aimed at building an international community that would be "more just, more sound and imbued with a greater degree of solidarity" (A/35/PV.12, p. 16), our Organization being the ideal framework and the most appropriate forum for promoting the awareness of all the peoples of the world, by dialog and consultation, of a concerted harmonious approach dedicated to these efforts.
In the same occasion, the President of the Rwandese Republic paid tribute to our Organization, calling to mind the achievements it had recorded since its creation. He thus voiced his deeply-felt appreciation for the role played by the United Nations in peace-keeping, promoting international relations based on equality and mutual respect among States, as well as solidarity and complementarity among peoples. The President of the Rwandese Republic stressed that this very keen appreciation went hand in hand with the satisfaction he felt in noting that the spirit which seeks to replace confrontation by concertation and exploitation by equitable sharing represents, without a shadow of doubt, an achievement that the international community owes to the efficacy of the United Nations.
Recalling the analysis on which the President of the Rwandese Republic drew in his statement to the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, I would emphasize that it is this very same analysis which underlies the tribute which, on on his behalf and on behalf of the Government of Rwanda, I am paying here to the United Nations on the occasion of its fortieth anniversary.
This anniversary lends a very special importance to the current session of the General Assembly. It constitutes a major milestone, an event which will go down in the annals of our Organization, an event which we must observe in a very specific way. Indeed, it marks a significant stage, after 40 years, in a noble venture which is moving us closer towards the ideal which mobilizes and brings our peoples together, the ideal which was present at its creation.
This is a very special occasion which affords me a special opportunity to renew our common faith in this ideal and our firm and unswerving commitment to spare no effort in the promotion of the goals that stem therefrom. At the same time, this fortieth anniversary offers an opportunity to take stock of what our Organization has done so as to be able to shape its future activities in the light of the challenges that it must, as in the past, enable us to meet. These challenges imply the need to remain active and vigilant, so that peace, the result of order based cm justice, can be consolidated and strengthened.
We must, within our great United Nations family, strive to make this fortieth anniversary a turning-point at which, more than in the past, the determination to act in concert becomes apparent so that this decisive stage in the life of our family can mark the beginning of a new era of peace and progress legitimately associated with the activities of the United Nations, in the spirit reflected in the motto chosen for this anniversary: "The United Nations for a better world". This fortieth anniversary therefore offers us an opportunity to reflect about the role our Organization has played and the role that it can and indeed must play in keeping with its assigned mission.
The United Nations has, with the passing years, asserted itself and continues to assert itself as the special forum where peoples of all nationalities, all races, diverse creeds and different ideologies have fortunately become accustomed to examining together problems of concern to the international community, with a view to exchanging ideas and achieving complementarity within the framework of a cons tractive dialog.
When, at the end of the Second World War, it was decided to establish the United Nations, it was "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind". In this context, peace has constantly been in the forefront of our Organization's discussions; indeed, peace is the ultimate objective of the United Nations and it should be guaranteed by respect for its fundamental principles.
Even if the specter of war has not been banished once and for all from our aims, the international community is fully aware of the generally positive nature of the efforts made by the United Nations to avoid the conflict situations and tensions which since 1945 have marked world history from turning into a new world conflagration. But the international community is also aware of the need to step up its efforts. At the same time, our Organization has actively striven to deepen and broaden the dimensions of peace by closely associating this concept with the second purpose embodied in the Charter, that is, the promotion of international co-operation - a co-operation conceived in such a way as to allow Member States mutually to enrich one another by drawing on their resources as well as on their respective experience gained in this long-term undertaking which is social and economic development.
Thus in a number of various fields, the United Nations has dedicated itself to fostering co-operation inspired by the unswerving determination to establish and practice solidarity and complementarity, notably through its specialized agencies.
On the eve of the International Year of Peace, whose theme will be taken up in the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the Organization, the Republic of Rwanda once again declares itself to be a party to the efforts aimed at enabling the international community to meet victoriously the double challenge of creating a climate of peace and concord throughout the world and promoting effective complementarity among the peoples in championing development.
These are the reflections the Republic of Rwanda wishes to share with its partners in the United Nations family, without seeking thus to take complete stock of the results achieved by our Organization. These are reflections in the form of a tribute in which we express our satisfaction at the universality of our Organization. These matters will be further elaborated upon by the delegation of Rwanda in the debates of ti.is session which are designed to take stock of the situation and to deal with the major problems of current concern to the international community, the settlement of which is part of the noble and lofty mission of our Organization.
The Republic of Rwanda is participating in these debates with the legitimate pride of being associated with the undertaking launched 40 years ago by 51 countries - whose number has now reached 159 equal partners, thanks mainly to the process of decolonization J.n which the United Nations has played a decisive role.
In this regard, it is a particularly happy coincidence that this fortieth anniversary should be celebrated at the same time as the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), a resolution which assumed tangible form in the vast movement in which most of the African States gained independence, making it possible for the African peoples to be present and make their feelings known in the international arena as a vibrant reality. This element roust be singled out as being particularly significant and decisive as we take stock of what our Organization has accomplished in its first four decades and as we seek to refine and perfect its work in eliminating the last few bastions of colonialism. That is worth stressing as we pay tribute to the United Nations, thanks to which the peoples of the third world, refusing to resign themselves and taking a realistic view, are participating actively in international life and world politics.
What would be the impact of ceremonies marking the fortieth anniversary of our Organization if they were accompanied by complete satisfaction as to the achievement of objectives inherent in its mission and ultimate purpose? We must recognize that we are celebrating this anniversary against a background in which realism demands that we recall - without yielding to despair or to excessive optimism - the concerns that must be addressed with regard to the challenges remaining to be overcome in the political arena, without failing to recognize also the barriers to international peace and security, and in the social and economic area, given the wide range of difficulties confronted notably by the third-world countries as they seek to promote their development.
While recalling these difficulties which define the dimensions of the tragedy many countries are enduring, particularly in Africa, I wish to renew to friendly countries and also all international bodies that have supported the people of Rwanda in their development efforts. Our most sincere gratitude-for their contribution, which we fully appreciate and which we are striving to utilize as judiciously and rationally as possible.
Notwithstanding the emergence of certain precarious and uncertain signs of recovery in certain industrialized countries, the world economic crisis continues. It exacerbates the imbalance characterizing international economic and financial relations. It hampers the progress of the third-world countries in promoting their development. In this regard, allow me to cite the example of Africa. In that continent the deterioration of economic conditions at the present time is such that a large number of African countries find themselves confronted with particularly painful problems, with a food crisis that is compounded by an economic and financial crisis of grave proportions.
In Africa, where most of the countries classified by the United Nations as least developed are to be found, food problems occurring at the same time as eco-climatic upheavals have aggravated a situation which was already precarious and critical, a situation inherent in an asphyxiating international economic crisis in which all the third-world countries in varying degrees suffer, while the least developed countries find themselves confronted with even more acute adverse repercussions. This crisis, which is also affecting the industrialized and developed countries, has brought about a dangerous recession, provoked a particularly drastic decline in development throughout the third world, precipitated a worsening of internal and external indebtedness and brought about a reduction in levels of co-operation.
Faced with this crisis, it is tine, in order to open new horizons to the countries being overwhelmed by the crisis and to fill them with the strength to survive and regain their momentum towards development, to create and promote a realistic and evolutionary concept of international co-operation, to confront, in a perspective of effective solidarity and complementarity, taking into account the interests and needs of all parties, the challenge of development and to enable the United Nations to meet and to continue to meet in this context the challenges imposed upon it by history.
To meet these challenges, the international community must spare no effort to bring more equity and balance to the present international economic order, marred as it is by inequality and structural imbalances. It must avert the tragedies inherent in the poverty that remains the main problem as we near the end of the century, while demonstrating the energy and determination required by the need to check conflicts and tensions between peoples and States.
In order to succeed in building a world in which there is real solidarity at the level of the international community, our Organization must show imagination and persistence in contributing actively to the radical transformation of present relationships that are contrary to the objectives of solidarity and complementarity to which the States represented in this Assembly have subscribed by accepting the United Nations Charter.
Openness and concern for other peoples and nations, as in keeping with the spirit of the Charter, our common reference, should make it possible for that part of the world which lags behind to emerge from destitution and reach in its turn a level of prosperity.
In this connection, the path has been indicated by the calls increasingly heard from all sides for the establishment of a new international economic order based on solidarity, in order to create a more just and humane world.
It is in this spirit that the peoples of the third world are rebelling against the machinery that allows the rich to become richer at the expense of the poor, who are becoming poorer still.
The growth of the economy of the industrialized countries is dependent on the survival and development of their third-world partners. It is an illusion to dream of well-being for the peoples of the developed countries alone, and acknowledgment of this fact is tantamount to an appeal to all peoples to show consistent solidarity in promoting their respective interests.
This acknowledgment requires that the international community take specific measures to enable third world countries to master their development problems on the basis of present realities and within the perspective of the mastery of developments to come. In this spirit, it is particularly necessary to address the problem of co-operation in new and resolutely innovative terms with a view to reinforcing the impact of development assistance in the framework of a concept that takes into account the contingencies of the moment as well as the need constantly to guarantee the best possible results in the promotion of social and economic progress.
It is necessary to ensure relations of co-operation designed to enable each partner to benefit, in the conviction that the development to which all peoples aspire will always depend on their efforts to work together in the preparation of a better future, resolving the problems inherent in the present situation, militating in favor of a genuine North-South dialog and dedicating themselves to giving practical effect to the policy of co-operation which our Organization is striving to make effective, in particular through the development programs of its specialized agencies.
The Rwandese Republic is convinced of the need, within the framework of action and initiatives aimed at fostering the establishment of a more just and balanced new international economic order, to promote and further strengthen horizontal co-operation among third-world countries. This conviction is expressed in the efforts undertaken by the Government of Rwanda in the context of the objectives set by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) concerning the social and economic integration that will enable Africa to achieve collective self-sufficiency based on effective complementarity and active solidarity.
These objectives were solemnly reaffirmed at the 21st Conference of Heads of State or Government of OAU member countries in the hope that the international community would mobilize actively, in particular under the leadership of the United Nations system, to give Africa all possible support in carrying out its priority program designed to enable it to confront the crisis it is facing and at the same time assure itself of the conditions necessary for the growth of its economy at the level of each individual country and at the level of the continent as a whole.
In this connection, Africa intends to give priority to increasing its agricultural production so as to guarantee self-sufficiency in food, while devoting the necessary efforts to the promotion of other sectors, such as those of transport and communications, industry, trade and finance, which are also of basic importance in the development of its economy, which has been hard hit by the world recession, which has exacerbated the harmful effects of the natural disasters with which many African countries have been faced.
The Rwandese Republic shares with its African partners the hope of meeting the double challenge of survival and development within the framework of the strategy of integration advocated by the Organization of African Unity.
Success in giving practical expression to that strategy will hinge on the efforts that the African countries devote to its effective implementation at the national, sub-regional and regional levels, and on the support they count on receiving within the framework both of their bilateral and multilateral co-operation with the industrialized countries and of horizontal co-operation among the countries of the third world.
Even if the recovery registered in certain industrialized countries spreads, as we hope it will, to all the countries in that group and becomes stabilized, the chances and prospects of seeing this trend affect the countries of the third world in a lasting way are relatively slight in the short run.
This situation can be attributed essentially to the imbalances that characterize international economic relations at the levels of production, investment and trade, imbalances that persist, at the expense of the poor countries with limited resources.
Among these countries, those which like Rwanda appear in the category of least developed deserve special attention and even more active support, to enable them to reduce the constraints and overcome their special development problems. The international community has recognized the need to make special efforts to help those countries, and this is the aim of the Substantial New Program of Action for the 1980s adopted by the United Nations Conference held in Paris in September 1981.
The Rwandese Republic has great hopes of the implementation of this program which is part of the promotion of relations directed to the consolidation of the progress of all peoples along the path of development.
As well as the social and economic challenges to which X have referred, the international community finds itself faced at the same time with political crises and tensions that lead to a climate of insecurity in the world. The Government of Rwanda remains concerned over these crises and tens ions which are generally the result of conflicts of interest or actions aimed at blocking the legitimate and natural aspirations of oppressed peoples, who are determined, at all costs, to affirm and promote their most elementary and fundamental rights, in particular their right to freedom and independence.
We are compelled to recognize today that little has happened to change the causes of the concern voiced on this subject at the last session of this Assembly. In taking up yet again these problems in various parts of the globe where misfortune appears to have chosen to establish itself, I should like on behalf of the Government of Rwanda to emphasize that the fate of the peoples thus stricken cannot be ignored by those countries which profess their full support for the ideals which our Organization has been striving to promote for the last 40 years, in accordance with the aims embodied in its Charter.
As we commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and peoples, the situation prevailing in southern Africa reduces the scope and depth of our rejoicing and tarnishes the luster of this anniversary.
Since the adoption by the Security Council of resolution 435 (1978), each year the international community has hoped to celebrate the liberation of Namibia and to welcome that country as a fully fledged member of this Organization, but each passing year has forced us to suffer the bitterest of disappointments. In fact, each passing year the racist minority regime ensconced in Pretoria has grown more obdurate and increases its challenges to Africa and to the whole international community.
In this regard, we have witnessed delaying tactics directed to dealing with the Namibian question outside the appropriate framework established by the United Nations in 1978.
The Security Council itself has had to deal with the arrogance of this impenitent regime, which is promoting and implementing outworn precepts based on a racism as obsolete as it is odious, not hesitating to move from threats to deeds, as it has done in establishing the so-called "provisional" government at Windhoek, in defiance of Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 439 (1978).
The international community must ensure that the "provisional" does not continue to take the place of what should, in accordance with the pertinent resolutions and decisions adopted, in particular, by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), be the normal and definitive situation in Namibia, where the people have been waiting and struggling for so many years to see their aspirations to self-determination and independence realized.
Make no mistake, the establishment of a puppet government in Namibia constitutes a new challenge to, a new violation of, the settlement plan laid down by the United Nations to lead that country to independence.
How much longer will the international community remain content to express its indignation at the challenges being flung down so arrogantly and cynically by the white minority in power in Pretoria whose racist practices and rules, enshrined as the official doctrine, are an insult to the conscience of mankind?
In South Africa, systematic repression is gaining in scope. It is accompanied by administrative devices and constitutional manipulations designed to deceive international public opinion by persuading it that the cosmetic reforms within a system based on the concept of apartheid, a system which both by its nature and its aims remains intrinsically incapable of genuine reform.
To carry out their iniquitous and perfidious designs to perpetuate the domination of a racist minority seeking to impose its law and to substitute the right of force for the force of the law both in Namibia and in South Africa itself, the South African leaders are increasing their resort to threats, intimidation and aggression against the front-line States. No State in southern Africa is safe from their piratical expeditions: Angola, Botswana and Mozambique in particular are constantly subjected to the most brutal expressions of South Africa's contempt for the principles that govern international relations.
In the circumstances, can there be any grounds for believing in the peaceful intentions of the Government of Pretoria, or for gambling on the prospect that it will mend its ways in terms of either the principles or the carrying out of its policy, while its aim remains to impose its will by force in order to establish its hegemony over peoples weakened or brought to their knees? What reaction should there be to the challenges which the Pretoria regime obdurately continues to fling down before the international community?
Within the country, the resistance to oppression and repression is gaining ground and is acquiring the means of achieving the legitimate aspirations of the majority, under the aegis of genuine liberation movements recognized internationally. The racist minority in power will not succeed either in breaking their resolve or reducing the scope of the struggle undertaken to wipe out the odious system of apartheid.
Outside South Africa, the international community must mobilize even more actively to impose upon this loathsome and impenitent regime concerted coercive measures to bring it back to reason and to set it on the right path, the path marked out by the principles and precepts dictated by the international morality which this regime so obstinately refuses to accept.
In order to attain the goals it has set itself with a view to eliminating the last bastion of colonialism in southern Africa, and to promote the advent of a democratic regime that would respect the legitimate rights and aspirations of the majority in South Africa, the international community must bring relentless pressure to bear on the regime established in Pretoria.
Moreover, it must give further tangible expression to its duty effectively to support, on all levels, the liberation movements fighting against that regime as well as supporting the front-line States which are the direct target of the policy of destabilization and aggression pursued by Pretoria.
In the face of the obduracy and arrogance of the minority racist South African regime, which flouts the orthodox principles of morality and international ethics, the Republic of Rwanda optimistically dreams of the day when, in consonance with the inexorable forward march of history, Namibia will indeed be independent and South Africa will be reconciled with the international community, having renounced its shameless and anachronistic apartheid policy so as to ensure the emergence of a society that will reflect the principles of democracy.
I should like to dedicate this dream, a dream which corresponds to the hopes of all peoples represented in this Assembly, to our Organization on the occasion of its fortieth anniversary. Our hopes rest on the firm conviction that the time has come for the South African leadership to renounce their outmoded principles that are the basis of their ideology, which is digging a deep chasm between them and other peoples. In that context, the international community will not be deceived by the mere appearance of reform; it will continue to demand the total eradication of the odious system of apartheid and will support and endorse the struggle of the freedom-fighters who are directly challenging a regime whose policy and practices have triggered the deepest revulsion.
Only the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations will enable the Namibian people, under the banner of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), to realize its profound and legitimate aspirations for peace, freedom and
Again in Africa, another people, the Sahraoui people, likewise aspires to peace and intends to achieve its right to self-determination, a universal right which is rooted by international ethics and morality.
The Republic of Rwanda believes that -an equitable settlement of the question of Western Sahara can be brought about only by a dialog entered into with sincerity and with the political willingness scrupulously to respect the right of self-determination. It is in that spirit that the two parties to the conflict should, as the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations have invited them to do, commit themselves without further delay to direct negotiations aimed at the holding of a referendum which would enable the Sahraoui people to decide freely on their future.
Last year from this same rostrum, in deploring the burdens weighing heavily on fostering of a climate of security in Africa, I pointed out that the continent in no sense had a monopoly on situations of tension and conflict. Thus, in the Middle East, the martyrdom of the Palestinian people has been going on for over 30 years and, as in the case of South Africa, the State of Israel has hurled one challenge after another, flouting the principles duly established by international law by pursuing an unacceptable and arrogant policy with regard to the Palestinian people and to neighboring countries which are confronted by its threats and acts of aggression against their territorial integrity.
In this context, we should indeed recall the situation obtaining in Lebanon, stressing that, in solidarity with the people of Lebanon, the Republic of Rwanda supports efforts aimed at ensuring the internal security of that country, with respect for its territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence.

At the same time, the Republic of Rwanda remains convinced that a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East question requires first the recognition of and respect for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, to be freely exercised under the aegis of its genuine and legitimate representatives as gathered within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), as well as by the unconditional withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied by force by Israel since 1967. The quest for such a settlement must also be guided by justice and must take into account the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people based on international legality.
Concerned by the fate of the Palestinian people and by the persistent instability in Lebanon, the Republic of Rwanda also feels concern over the continuation of the war between Iraq and Iran, a war which is taking on ever more alarming dimensions. The Government of Rwanda is encouraging initiatives and efforts of mediation aimed at putting an end to that fratricidal conflict.
In Asia, the objective of promoting peace and security has been seriously compromised by the persistence of a climate of crisis and tension in Kampuchea and Afghanistan. In this connection, the Republic of Rwanda reaffirms its adherence to the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States and associates itself with the relevant decisions taken by our Organization, inspired by the need scrupulously to respect that principle.
It is that same principle as well as that calling for the peaceful settlement of disputes which should remain our watchword in the face of situations of tension and conflict found in other parts of the world, particularly in the third world, so that the international community can ensure the peace and security which are the only guarantors for success in efforts undertaken to promote the prosperity of peoples in understanding and concord.
In the same spirit, referring to the fundamental principles of the Charter of our Organization, the Republic of Rwanda deeply appreciates and supports efforts aimed at promoting the normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic in the hope that those efforts will make it possible to give tangible expression to the legitimate, lasting and strongly felt aspirations of the German people to regain its unity. Those efforts mark a major contribution towards the promotion of detente, on which the creation of a climate of peace and security throughout the international community continues largely to depend.
Our Organization recognizes that divided nations are entitled to seek ways and means to restore their unity through dialog and free from outside interference or pressure. It is from this standpoint that Rwanda also supports specific initiatives and action aimed at ensuring the peaceful reunification of the Korean nation.
The United Nations was created for the fundamental purpose of ensuring the consolidation of peace and security ii.v the world, social and economic development and the promotion of human rights. Viewed thus, disarmament is part and parcel of the concerns felt by the international community.
In this connection, and in the opinion of the Rwandese Republic, disarmament is intrinsically linked with the promotion of development, and also with the need to adopt effective and tangible measures within the framework of a constructive dialog, so as to obviate any risks stemming from "oneupmanship" in the arms race and from the resistance of tension throughout the world. It is of the opinion that these measures must be part and parcel of a strategy aimed at releasing the resources that so many countries, deprived of their rightful heritage, need to resolve their distressing and acute socio-economic development problems.
In a day and age when scientific and technological achievements have made possible feats bordering on the miraculous, and when nothing any longer seems to be Utopian or impossible for human creative genius, how can we endure any further the intolerable incongruity between the agonizing tragedy of the peoples of the third world - and particularly those of Africa, ravaged by famine and poverty, asphyxiated by the burden of their external debt, crushed by their encumbered heritage and plunged into total uncertainty about their future and, indeed, their very survival - and the scandal of enormous human, scientific, material and financial resources being drained away to produce increasingly sophisticated weaponry in a rivalry which is liable to lead humanity to its own destruction?
On the eve of the International Year of Peace, and inasmuch as peace cannot be conceived of or become a reality without justice - which presupposes the equitable sharing of the resources of all humanity - the gift that the United Nations most richly deserves on the occasion of its fortieth anniversary is for the international community- to become more aware of the intrinsic linkage between disarmament and development, between the demands of security and the aspirations of peoples for well-being and prosperity.
Having emphasized the concern that the Rwandese Republic shares with all other countries devoted to peace, freedom, equality and justice concern which is inherent in the economic crisis which is compounded by a wide variety of political tensions - I should like to echo the eminent speakers who have preceded me on this podium, and in my turn, and on behalf of the delegation of Rwanda, address our most heartfelt and sincere congratulations to Ambassador de Pinies of Spain personally, as well as to all the officers with whom he was elected to guide the work of this current session of the General Assembly, which is being held in a specific context involving the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of our Organization.
At the same time, I should like to pay tribute to Ambassador Paul Lusaka, who presided with much verve over the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, and that of the Preparatory Committee for this anniversary, thus reflecting great credit on Africa in general and on his own country, Zambia, in particular.
The Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his part, deserves the warmest congratulations, which I address to him today on behalf of the Government of Rwanda, and I would once again express to him our great appreciation of the dynamism and competence with which he promotes the objectives of our Organization and strives to ensure that it not only remains but develops even further as the special setting in which are expressed the noble aspirations and fundamental values of peoples, and that a salutary convergence of their interests and a perfect symbiosis of their behavior and policies, inherent in the complementarity of their interests, take tangible shape.
In this spirit, the Rwandese Republic hopes that the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations will indeed offer us an opportunity to take stock quite objectively of what has been achieved over the past four decades, so as to provide an accurate picture of what we can all do to bring our undertaking to a successful conclusion and to attain more fully our common objectives, guided by the determination to hold high the standard of the ideal that inspired the authors of the Charter signed in 1945 at San Francisco.
In this spirit, this fortieth anniversary oust, for each Member State, be the occasion for reaffirming its commitment to the promotion of this ideal, so that the international community can take steps to safeguard its future, by ensuring a real and lasting peace and by enabling the countries of the third world to escape the cycle of underdevelopment and to benefit from an effective reduction of the tensions of which they only too often constitute the stakes.
Thus, in addition to declarations of principle aimed at taking note of this community of interests among all peoples and proclaiming the need for a new impetus to promote the policy of detente, concord and co-operation, we must ensure that this anniversary becomes a decisive stage in the strengthening of the role of our Organization in the face of the challenges the international community must take up in order to influence the course of events in such a way as to avoid the reefs on which it could founder were it to abandon the collective determination to translate into reality the objectives laid down in the San Francisco Charter.
The people of Rwanda, firmly convinced that on this subject its determination and faith are the same as that of the peoples with whom it shares the aspirations expressed in 1945, solemnly reaffirms its commitments under the Charter, whose principles offer the best guidance for mankind as it seeks peace, security and prosperity.
May the United Nations endure in its respect for its fundamental principles, and may it attain its noble, indeed, sublime objectives.