I am
honoured to address the Assembly on behalf of the
United States and to reinforce the eloquent message
President C1inton conveyed during last week's
Millennium Summit. Because my father worked here
when I was young, I have always considered myself a
child of the United Nations. And because I had the
privilege to serve here as America's Permanent
Representative, I feel at home and so will speak
plainly.
The members of this body reflect virtually every
culture, ethnicity and geographical region. We are city
and country, inland and island, tropical and temperate,
developing and industrialized. We are as diverse as
humanity.
And yet, in responding to the daunting demands
of this new era, we are bound together by the interests
we share and the ideals to which we aspire.
We all have a stake in building peace and
relieving poverty, championing development and
curbing disease. We all want to see the dangers posed
by weapons of mass destruction reduced, refugees
cared for, children nourished, the environment
protected, and the status of women advanced.
We all believe the benefits of globalization must
be allocated more broadly within and among societies.
Because if the new technologies are to ease the old
problems, they must help the many who today lack
access and skills, so that every village becomes a home
to opportunity and every school a midwife to hope.
As the Millennium Summit reflected, we have no
shortage of worthy goals. We are right to aim high and
take on the mightiest tasks.
But as the Secretary-General has said, progress
depends on working together. We need all hands on
deck, pulling in the same direction. For each of us, that
responsibility begins at home because the international
community cannot help any nation that is not striving
to help itself.
Each Government has an obligation to observe
international norms on human rights, uphold the rule of
law, fight corruption and raise awareness about
HIV/AIDS. But in the twenty-first century, no nation
can protect and serve its people simply by going it
alone and that is why we  all benefit from
strengthening regional bodies such as the Organization
of American States (OAS), the Organization of African
Unity (OAU), the Association of South-East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) and the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
Because of their unique expertise and regional
legitimacy, they can be instruments for solving some of
the hardest challenges we face. But they will succeed
only if we raise our expectations of these
organizations, call upon them to act boldly and back
them when they do.
Regional bodies can contribute much to the
purposes outlined in the Charter, and the goals
established during the Millennium Summit. But here
again, they cannot do it all.
8

The role of the United Nations is also vital,
because no other institution combines a comprehensive
mandate with near universal representation and global
reach.
We all have an interest in the success of the
United Nations. That is its greatest strength, and also
its burden, because 189 nations have to work very hard
if they are to agree.
I remember when I came to New York in 1993, I
was told by cynics that the United Nations was too
bureaucratic to change, and too big ever to achieve
consensus on measures to improve its governance.
Those cynics were wrong. With support from
many countries, we have made impressive progress.
Compared to seven years ago, the United Nations
accomplishes more and wastes less. Accountability has
increased and duplication diminished.
The Internal Oversight Office, which did not exist
in 1993, has grown steadily more rigorous and is
responsible for tens of millions of dollars of savings. A
culture of transparency and results is slowly but surely
taking hold. Moreover, both United Nations
Headquarters and the entire United Nations system are
better led than they have ever been.
United Nations leaders and Members can take
pride in the gains made, but we all know there is much
more work to be done.
That is why we must back the Secretary General's
efforts to further improve United Nations management,
recognizing that every dollar wasted is a dollar lost to
the fight against poverty and to the achievement of
other urgent goals.
We must also move ahead rapidly to strengthen
peacekeeping, because it is the most visible and vital
yardstick of United Nations success and, for people in
strife-torn regions, often means the difference between
a normal life and no life at all.
There is no magic formula for curing the ills that
have plagued United Nations peace operations in the
past. But the report, just prepared by Ambassador
Brahimi's team, is a solid place to start.
As President Clinton said last week, we need to
ensure that United Nations peacekeepers can be
deployed with the right training and equipment and the
right rules of engagement so they can achieve, not
merely attempt, their missions.
This will require a larger peacekeeping staff, on
permanent assignment, comprised of the best talent and
experience we can find.
It will require military planners the world over to
recognize that training for peace operations is a
legitimate part of every nation's security strategy. It
will require the ability to deploy rapidly not only
United Nations military forces, but also civilian police
and experts in law enforcement and judicial reform. It
will demand improved coordination between military
peacekeepers and civilian builders of peace, so that
missions begun are completed and recovery bred by
reconciliation can take hold.
And it will require additional resources from my
Government and from each of yours. And by
“additional”, I mean resources that should not come at
the expense of other core United Nations goals.
The United States will heed the Secretary-
General's request that we work together to consider
and implement the best recommendations of the
Brahimi report.
Whether for peacekeeping or programmes, the
United Nations also needs a sustainable and equitable
system of financing. We do not have that today.
Member States, including my own, must do a better job
of making payments on time. But we must also look
afresh at the method used to allocate responsibility for
United Nations costs.
Last week, the Security Council called for
adjustments in the scale of assessments. This plea has
been echoed by dozens of other countries and should
be acted upon by the General Assembly this fall.
A more equitable system should provide a much
stronger foundation for United Nations programmes
and missions. It should preserve the special
responsibility for peacekeeping of the Security
Council's permanent members. It should retain a
heavily discounted rate for the poorest countries. And
it should reduce the United Nations overall reliance on
payments from the United States, while at the same
time enabling my Government to write a check to the
United Nations for nearly $600 million in prior
obligations.
9

Clearly, adjustments are long overdue. The
United Nations needs a firm and reliable financial base.
In the weeks ahead, the United States will be pleased to
work with members to accomplish this landmark goal.
Further improvements in management and
peacekeeping and a sounder financial base are a vital
step towards a stronger and more effective United
Nations. But we must also stand up to the campaign
launched by Baghdad against the United Nations
authority and international law.
Security Council resolution 1284 (1999) provides
an effective plan for protecting world security through
resumed weapons inspections and monitoring inside
Iraq. It has expanded the oil-for-food programme that
has delivered $8 billion in humanitarian supplies to
Iraqi civilians, with $6 billion more on the way. And it
would enable Iraq, through compliance with the
resolution's terms, to achieve an early suspension of
sanctions. Thus far, Baghdad has flatly refused to
accept the resolution. The regime's strategy is to ignore
its United Nations Charter obligations and to seek to
preserve at all costs its capacity to produce the
deadliest weapons humanity has ever known.
We must continue to do all we can to ease the
hardships faced by Iraq's people. But we must also
defend the integrity of this institution, our security and
international law.
The Millennium Summit illustrated the United
Nations long-standing role as a forum for articulating
consensus goals. But achieving these objectives will
require action at all levels, from local to global. It will
also require a willingness to move well beyond the
limits and habits of the past.
Today, the United Nations is taking on a wide
array of new issues, what I call “people issues”,
because they so directly affect the lives of our citizens.
They include the challenge of protecting our planet by
limiting greenhouse gas emissions; securing safe water
supplies; halting desertification; and putting a stop to
trafficking in human beings. They especially include
the fight against HIV/AIDS, which was highlighted in
a letter to the Secretary-General signed by the women
Foreign Ministers last night. These and similar
challenges are sure to be important components of
twenty-first century diplomacy, and because they are
global in scope, require a global response.
The United Nations is also playing an increased
role in areas where cold war divisions once held it
back. Over the past decade, United Nations entities
have contributed much by prosecuting war criminals,
promoting democracy, supporting human rights and
aiding the fight against illegal drugs.
These issues require a willingness to take a stand,
as the United Nations has done in holding accountable
the perpetrators of ethnic cleansing in Rwanda and the
Balkans; striving to end rebel outrages in Sierra Leone;
and expressing opposition to the long-standing and
ongoing violation of basic human rights in Burma.
Let me say this morning that when the Burmese
Government tries to blame the victims for the crime,
and say that Aung San Suu Kyi and her party are
responsible for their own repression, I can only reply
that much the same was once said about Gandhi and
Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela and Václav
Havel. The world is not fooled, and we must not be
silent.
Some argue that speaking out in defence of
human rights constitutes interference in internal affairs.
I believe it helps to fulfil the purposes of the United
Nations Charter, because when international norms are
assaulted, the United Nations must do more than
simply observe injustice, or report upon it, or
sympathize with the victims. We must do all we can,
where we can, to stop the perpetrators.
This requires the active backing and participation
of United Nations Members, so that respect for
international law becomes steadily more universal and
the incentives for observing global standards
progressively more clear.
The result, if we are united and determined
enough, will be a world of greater security, justice and
peace. Realistically, this is essential, if we are to
achieve the ambitious social goals we have set.
But there is one other essential element as well,
and that is democracy. This past summer in Poland, for
the first time, more than 100 nations came together to
reaffirm democratic principles and ensure that the
democratic tide remains a rising one around the world.
We did this not because democracy always
produces good Governments, for it does not. But we
are convinced by the evidence of the old century that
the hopes we share for the new will more readily be
10

accomplished if people are able to live and work in
freedom.
Democracy is the one road we can all walk down
together and the best system yet devised for sowing
and growing the seeds of economic opportunity.
In promoting democracy, we are not attempting to
impose our values on anyone else. In fact, this is not
possible, because democracy, by definition, enables
citizens within a country to shape their own destinies in
accordance with their own convictions and ideals.
Make no mistake. In any country, at any time,
dictatorship is an imposition. Democracy is a choice.
As we have learned during the last 55 years, the
United Nations provides no guarantees of global peace
or prosperity. But it can play a vital role as catalyst and
coordinator, and as a bridge connecting the
contributions of one to another.
To those who would judge it harshly, I would
respond not by pointing first to the deliberations of
diplomats such as myself, in surroundings such as
these. Instead, I would point to the day-to-day efforts
of United Nations workers caring for refugees, feeding
children, providing shelter and preventing disease.
I would point to the men and women on the front
lines, from Port-au-Prince to Freetown, and from
Kosovo to Kisangani, doing some of the world's
hardest work, and, as we have been reminded by the
recent slayings of employees of the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in
East Timor, also the most dangerous. It is their efforts
and sacrifice, in partnership with so many indigenous
and other non-governmental organizations, that truly
remind us of the United Nations purpose and of our
kinship with one another.
This is, I expect, my last official speech to a
United Nations audience. As I stand before you, I am
deeply conscious not only of our many
accomplishments, but also of the tasks not yet
completed.
I am grieved by the conflicts that still rage, and
the basic rights and freedoms still denied. I am
frustrated by the gaps that still exist between our ideals
and actions, and alarmed by the deepening material
divide that ultimately threatens every nation, rich and
poor alike.
There are those who say it is naïve to think that
the future can be made better than the past. I am
reminded that this institution was founded by men and
women who were as realistic as any human beings
could be, for they were the survivors of the worst
conflict our world has known and determined that
succeeding generations should be saved from holocaust
and war. They had faith. Surely we, as well, must have
faith that by working together within and outside this
Organization, we can move together, step by step
towards the lofty goals we have set, and thereby bring
about a world more peaceful, prosperous and free than
it has ever been. Since 1993, it has been my privilege
to work with so many of you, from every part of the
globe, in support of the interests we have in common
and the dreams our people share.
This morning, I want to thank you for your
friendship; pledge my cooperation in the months
immediately ahead; and ask respectfully, in turn, for
yours. I promise, as well, to serve the cause of
international progress and individual liberty not only
for as long as I am in office, but for as long as I am
alive.


Allow me to
congratulate you, Mr. President, on your assumption of
the stewardship of this historic Assembly and also to
congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab,
on his sterling guidance of the Assembly's work during
the previous session.
The dawn of the new millennium offers us a
unique opportunity to reflect on the successes and
failures of the United Nations since its inception. It
also provides us with an opportunity to dream about the
future of humanity in the third millennium. The
founders of the United Nations based the Charter on
the assertion of human dignity, human rights and the
equality of women and men and the aim of promoting
better social standards. Indeed, billions of people today
enjoy human rights and live in dignity, free from
disease, ignorance and fear, enjoying the benefits of
technology and scientific advances and able to take full
advantage of the process of globalization. Equally,
there are billions who are humiliated, degraded and
stripped of their innate human dignity and worth by
poverty, disease, ignorance, homelessness, hunger and
wars.
This Assembly, following the very inspiring
Millennium Summit, provides us with an opportunity
to reflect on the wise words of the leaders of the world
and on the Declaration they adopted. Global consensus
has at last emerged and confirms that we live in one
world and belong to the same human race; therefore,
while each Government has the responsibility to take
care of its citizens, we all have to work together for the
good of humanity as a whole. This means that we have
to create a people-centred world that is more caring,
with a strong sense of solidarity, where we are all our
brothers' and sisters' keepers, if I may borrow those
words from the Bible.
There is also universal consensus now that while
billions of people are being degraded and dehumanized
by poverty, disease and hunger, there are indeed
enough resources in the world to feed, educate and
restore the dignity of all human beings and make this
world a better place for all. It is therefore clear that the
eradication of hunger and poverty should be the
priority of all priorities and should be our collective
responsibility.
There is also agreement that we have a collective
responsibility in dealing with infectious diseases, such
as malaria, tuberculosis and sexually transmitted
diseases, especially HIV/AIDS. There is a need to
mobilize material and human resources, provide better
infrastructure, provide health education and ensure
access to affordable medicine.
There is also consensus that Africa poses the
biggest development challenge. The success or failure
of the United Nations and of humankind as a whole in
this century will be determined by their success in
dealing with the African development challenge.
We would like to urge the United Nations, in
partnership with the Organization of African Unity and
regional organizations, to accelerate the work towards
peace and stability in many of the countries of our
continent, such as Sierra Leone, Ethiopia, Eritrea,
Somalia, Angola, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Sudan and Burundi, so that these countries may
take their rightful place in the continent, be seized with
the needs of their people, promote development,
produce and export goods and not be areas of perpetual
suffering and war that result in their being the net
exporters of refugees. We welcome the Brahimi report
and are studying it, as it contains very serious
suggestions about the future operations of the United
Nations.
The United Nations, particularly the Security
Council, is humanity's principal agent for collective
security and it needs urgent reform so as to be able to
live up to this solemn responsibility. The world has
changed dramatically and continues to do so. It is
imperative that the composition and role of the
Security Council reflect that change and not remain
obsolete. The Bretton Woods institutions are equally in
need of urgent reform in order to discharge their
mandate and respond to the new development
12

challenge. The World Trade Organization has to adapt
its international trade rules so that they are equitable
and fair and take account of global development
challenges.
It is a source of great concern to the developing
countries that, increasingly, decisions are taken outside
the United Nations and other global structures by
developed and rich countries when these decisions
have a great impact on the poorer countries and
directly affect the lives of billions of poor people. That
is why a partnership between poor and rich countries
and dialogue between North and South are so critical.
Nuclear weapons still constitute a threat to our
planet. We have to pursue the path of universal
disarmament and the destruction of all weapons of
mass destruction.
The need to protect the environment has assumed
greater importance and we can succeed only if we work
together.
The self-determination of the people of East
Timor, Western Sahara and Palestine must be a concern
to all of us. To this end, we urge the United Nations to
do all it can to expedite the processes in East Timor
and Western Sahara. We commend the peace efforts in
the Middle East and the role of the United States. We
would like to pledge our support to the Palestinian and
Israeli leaderships as they try to find creative solutions
to their problems. They must be urged to take
advantage of this unique historic moment, as it seems
that a real possibility exists for a solution.
The equality of women and men still remains a
subject of great concern. All we need to do is look
around this Hall to realize how far we are from
realizing the vision of the founding Members of the
United Nations. Secondly, the feminization of poverty
is a big problem. The marginalization of women, both
in their countries and in the multilateral forums, means
that our countries and organizations, including the
United Nations, are functioning at half-capacity and are
deprived of the unique qualities, energies and creativity
that women would bring. In this context, I cannot
forget the plight of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma. She
deserves active support from this gathering and the
world.
The United Nations was founded in part to make
sure that the monsters of fascism and racism should not
rear their ugly heads again. Unfortunately, all over the
world racism and xenophobia are on the increase.
Some countries and regions are responding by
developing a new fortress mentality, which does not
help the situation. This should flash red warning lights
to all of us and activate our utmost vigilance against
the scourges of racism and xenophobia.
It is only when we turn our backs on racism,
xenophobia and other forms of discrimination that we
can succeed in building a caring world where we feel
diminished by the suffering and hunger of other human
beings. It was for this reason that we felt a sense of
obligation and agreed to host the world racism
Conference next year. Of course, our country and
people experienced the most systematic, most brutal
and most inhumane form of racism, which the United
Nations declared a crime against humanity. We are
happy to take our place in the fight against racism in
our country and in the world. It is our fervent hope that
the Conference will come up with a programme of
action against racism, xenophobia and other forms of
discrimination.
In conclusion, let us all put our collective will,
courage and intellectual creativity together in shaping
the dream of a better world; a world of solidarity; a
world where no child should starve or die of
preventable and curable diseases; a world where no
child will be deprived of schooling; a world where
children will not be sent to war; a world where no child
can be a slave or be used as an object for trafficking; a
world where children grow up as children and play
with toys and do not have to be breadwinners or worry
about where their next meal is going to come from; a
world where women will enjoy all rights and where the
eradication of poverty and war is our collective
responsibility.
The dream for the new millennium is indeed
realisable. If we act with courage and determination,
we can turn the hopes of billions across the world into
reality.


I should like at the outset to extend my
congratulations to Mr. Holkeri on his election to
preside over the work of this important fifty-fifth
session. It is indeed important because it is the first
session in the new millennium. We are confident that
his experience and diplomatic capability will be, God
willing, great assets in our effort to achieve the desired
success. I also extend my sincere thanks to the
President of the fifty-fourth session, His Excellency Dr.
Theo-Ben Gurirab, and to his friendly country,
Namibia, noting that his outstanding efforts had a
tremendous impact on solving numerous difficulties
and achieving good results in many matters during the
past session. I should further like to express my thanks
and appreciation to His Excellency, Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, who tried his utmost and has not
compromised, in his effort to realize the goals aspired
to by all peoples of the world. We also appreciate his
endeavour in preparing the report before us.
A few days ago the world witnessed a great event
in time and place, hosted in this building. This very
same hall was crowded with a unique assemblage of
world leaders who came from every corner of the globe
to attend the Millennium Summit. The attendance of so
many leaders and their desire to participate signifies
many things, most important of which is their firm
recognition of the role of the United Nations, which
represents the hope of the peoples of the world for the
achievement of a peaceful coexistence that guarantees
security, peace and well-being for all. The Summit
Declaration has deeply impressed us all. We trust that
the role of the United Nations will grow stronger when
States, particularly the great Powers, look beyond their
narrow, short-lived interests, work in the interests of
this Organization, and firmly abide by its Charter for
the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and by
resorting to the international judicial system. That
would be a civilized demonstration of the progress
achieved by nations and an acknowledgement of the
significance and fairness of the rule of law, which is an
instrument of security and peace, whose decisions
deserve respect and full obedience.
We, in the State of Qatar, under the leadership of
Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the dearly
beloved Emir of the country, give the United Nations
and all its international organizations their due
appreciation and respect as part of the philosophy of
our system, which is based on truth and justice, both
internally and externally. We consider democracy and
human rights to be essential targets that we strive to
attain according to our special cultural, religious and
social characteristics. We thank God that we are aiming
in the right direction.
As the Assembly is well aware, we live in a
region that has for two decades been plagued by
disasters and crises. No sooner does one problem calm
down than another erupts like an active volcano. But
many good people from the Arab Gulf, and honourable
people and lovers of peace from other parts of the
world, are trying their best to establish security in a
region of great importance to present civilization, as
the region has embedded in it a sizeable portion of the
sources of energy needed by all. No sooner had the
Iraqi-Iranian war, which devastated the region and left
it with bleeding wounds, come to an end and people
had hopes of a period of rest during which the wounds
could be healed, than another crisis occurred, greater in
dimensions and more complex this time, namely, the
second Gulf War, the invasion of Kuwait and its
liberation and the economic boycott of Iraq, which has
gone on for a decade so far, killing people, particularly
children, the ill and the ageing. All of us now know
that the sanctions have failed to achieve the goal for
which they were established. Their course has changed
so much that they have become like a plague afflicting
people. Not only do we call for the lifting of sanctions
imposed on Iraq and putting an end to the suffering of
its people, but also for a reconsideration of the issue of
imposing sanctions, whether by individual States or
through the United Nations, for recourse to sanctions
has completely failed, leaving behind merely rancour
and hatred.
In referring to the humanitarian situation in Iraq
and realizing that humanitarian matters are indivisible,
we welcome the Secretary-General's appointment of
Yuli Vorontsov to be his representative regarding the
fate of Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, so as to
bring this phase of human suffering to an end. The
State of Qatar sincerely hopes that through concerted
bilateral and regional efforts a solution will be found to
17

the problem of prisoners and missing persons, whether
they be our Kuwaiti or Iraqi brothers.
In this context I should like to note that last year
my Government welcomed the positive development
and the progress that had been made for the settlement
of the “Lockerbie” question. We commend the
cooperation and positive response by the Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya and its fulfilment of its obligations. On the
other hand, we emphasize the necessity and
inevitability of lifting the sanctions imposed on Libya,
which had been temporarily suspended, because the
whole issue had been referred to a court following the
extradition of the two Libyan suspects. Consequently,
there is no longer legal justification for the
continuation of such sanctions.
The principle of dialogue or recourse to the
international judicial system referred to at the
beginning of my address, fully applies to the dispute
between the Emirates and Iran over the occupied
islands. The State of Qatar strives, within the tripartite
committee established by the Gulf Cooperation
Council, which includes our sister States the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia and the Sultanate of Oman, to reach a
solution acceptable to both parties through bilateral
dialogue or recourse to international arbitration.
Similarly the Middle East question is foremost in
our priority concerns. An endeavour to solve this
question was launched but it faced obstacles and
impediments that prevented the attainment of the
much-sought-after peace based on legitimate
international resolutions, particularly Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which were the
foundations of the peace process. The Arabs consider
peace their strategic option, yet a comprehensive peace
is still beyond reach, owing to Israeli intransigence,
inflexibility and disregard of the basic rights of the
Arab nation. This intransigence was an impediment to
peace on the Syrian-Lebanese track. Israel's refusal to
withdraw to the 4 June 1967 borders did not meet the
minimum conditions placed by the Syrian Arab
Republic, consistent with United Nations resolutions.
Simply because of a few metres Israel wasted a rare
chance for peace.
The situation on the Palestinian track, which is
the core and crux of the dispute in the region, is no
better. At the Camp David summit the Government of
Israel proved that it was captive to the extremist wing
of its people and that it was not mature enough to take
the brave decision of bringing to an end a conflict that
has lasted for half a century. Moreover, Israel's
insistence on the occupation of East Jerusalem is
provocative to the feelings of millions of Muslims and
Christians throughout the world. Israel must abide by
Security Council resolution 242 (1967), on the basis of
which the peace process was launched and which calls
for its withdrawal from all Arab lands to the borders of
4 June 1967. Furthermore, the conflict will not come to
an end without solving the question of Palestinian
refugees, in accordance with General Assembly
resolution 194 (III).
This leads to the question of Israeli settlements in
occupied Arab territories. These settlements are time
bombs standing in the way of any resolution to the
conflict. Extremist Zionists planted these settlements to
block any peaceful solution, in contradiction of
numerous General Assembly and Security Council
resolutions that explicitly declare them illegitimate.
The State of Qatar, declaring its full support of the
legitimate Arab demands on the Syrian, Lebanese and
Palestinian tracks, hopes that the voice of reason, love
and peace will eventually prevail, that a just and lasting
peace in the Middle East will be achieved, and that an
independent Palestinian state, ruling over all
Palestinian national territory with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as
its capital, will be established. The United States of
America, whose efforts in the peace process are
appreciated, is called upon more than at any time in the
past, to exert pressure on Israel to respond to the
challenges of peace and not miss this historic
opportunity as a result of narrow, short-lived
ambitions; the alternative to the peace process is too
dangerous for international peace and security, and
could lead us all into a maze whose outcome would be
known only to God.
The State of Qatar supports attempts made at
national reconciliation in our sisterly State, the Sudan,
and endorses the efforts of the Sudanese Government
in this respect, and hopes that goodwill and sincerity
will lead to consensus so that people's efforts will be
directed towards development and reconstruction. At
the same time it requests that foreign parties refrain
from prolonging the crisis at the expense of the
brotherly people of the Sudan, who pay the price with
illness, hunger and blood.
We also support the tireless efforts of the
President and the Government of Djibouti to solve the
elusive and chronic Somali problem, and thank God
18

that those efforts have been fruitful. Here we extend
our congratulations to His Excellency, President
Abdikassim Salad Hassan, the elected Somali
President. We wish him and his Government every
success. We assure him that he will find in the State of
Qatar the necessary help and support in order to sail the
boat of national reconciliation safely to land. We also
hope that our Somali brothers will help treat each
other's wounds, put an end to the chaos and destruction
that has befallen their country for a decade, and
respond to the hopes and aspirations of their people,
who dream of security, peace and a life of honour and
freedom, like all peoples of the world.
This leads us to the entire region of the Horn of
Africa, where war, drought and famine have inflicted
untold suffering on its people, with whom we have
relations of kinship and neighbourhood. We wish them
stability and every good, and we hope that their efforts
will be directed towards action and construction.
The State of Qatar looks closely and with concern
at what is plotted against our sisterly State, Indonesia,
the most populous Muslim State and one that has a
prominent place in the minds of all Muslims. Intrigues
are being secretly contrived to dissect this peaceful
Muslim State under the pretext of human rights and
other means of deception that fool nobody. We
emphasize our strong and unreserved support for the
sovereignty of Indonesia over all its territories, and for
its territorial integrity and national unity. Events in
Indonesia constitute a domestic affair, the like of which
occurs in many States in the world. The Indonesian
Government, God willing, is capable of putting an end
to such problems among its citizens, regardless of their
race, religion or orientation. We realize too that
financial difficulties and poverty are among the main
factors of these internal problems.
It is hoped that this session, the first in the new
millennium, will give us a strong impetus to reflect on
our world today with all its disparities embodied in the
daily life of hundreds of millions of people. A close
scrutiny of the world will reveal a rich, developed
North enjoying prosperity, democracy, economic
stability and ample opportunities for creativity and
innovation, and a poor South, many of whose States try
hard to catch up with the march of civilization and
progress and utilize all their capabilities for the
development of their infrastructures and the
advancement of their people. However, other States of
the South continue to suffer from war and conflict both
between States and among citizens of the same country,
thus causing their suffering to increase and their
resources to be wasted on acquiring weapons instead of
being used for education, health and the building of
infrastructures.
Since economic factors contribute enormously to
the continuation of wars and disputes, it is incumbent
upon us to solve the causes of these crises. That can
only be achieved with the cooperation of all,
particularly the rich States of the North. Foremost
among those crises are indebtedness and the
accumulation of interest that exhaust the income of
many States of the South. We hope that the States of
the North and their creditor institutions will respond to
the numerous appeals to write off, either wholly or
partially, the debts or interest of the poorest countries
which strive to upgrade their fragile economies. We
must also conduct a comprehensive review of the
international banking system by holding an
international conference in which all countries of the
world participate, with the aim of establishing a wise,
fair and just pilot policy for the world economy in the
new millennium, taking into consideration the issue of
development in third world countries and directing
investment and capital towards the establishment of a
genuine partnership that promotes such development.
Globalization has impacted every region and
transformed the world into a small village, no part of
which can be separated from the other parts. Therefore,
the transfer of technology, especially information and
communications technology, must be accompanied by
transparent globalization, rather than selective
globalization wherein third world countries are no
more than markets for the products of developed
countries and large corporations.
The process of reforming the United Nations
attracts the attention of all States, and I have referred to
it on other occasions at past sessions. The Secretary-
General's efforts are outstanding in this respect. For the
realization of an active Organization responding
harmoniously to contemporary requirements, its work
has to be activated, the number of its employees who
drain its resources has to be cut back, and the dynamics
of its work, both at Headquarters and in its bodies,
organs and offices elsewhere, have to be changed.
Moreover, the process of reforming the Security
Council requires the Working Group to proceed until it
achieves the goal for which it was established. The
19

Working Group has indeed gone a long way in that
respect, particularly with regard to the second cluster
relating to procedural matters in the work of the
Council. As for expanding the Council and increasing
its membership, the State of Qatar is committed to the
position of the Arab Group and the countries of the
Non-Aligned Movement that calls for a minimum
increase of up to 26 members, taking into consideration
equitable geographical distribution and the fact that the
last increase in its membership took place in 1963. We
also endorse the continuation of the Working Group,
which, God willing, will reach a consensual solution.
At the same time we emphasize the right of the Arab
world to a permanent seat in any impending increase.
A few terms and ideas have recently gained
currency, and though they sound good they imply a
great threat to States and nations. Danger is not
inherent in these terms but is rather a consequence of
their interpretation or application. Intervention in
humanitarian cases is one of these ideas that can be
exploited by the great Powers to justify interference in
the internal affairs of States and the violation of their
national sovereignty. Promotion of democracies in the
world, the code of conduct and good governance are all
relative, and if they were to be used according to their
present interpretation, the world would run according
to a single style of democracy and one culture would
prevail. This is so serious that it would eliminate
pluralism, which is an enriching factor in the work of
the United Nations, since it indicates diversity and
difference among peoples and nations. This very same
diversity contributes positively to world interests,
promotes humanitarian and cultural exchanges and
enables each of us to accept other cultures and coexist
with them. True democracy is one that is freely chosen
by any people for its mode of governance without
outside intervention.
The year 2001, the United Nations Year of
Dialogue among Civilizations, may offer us a good
opportunity to demonstrate more tolerance and
communication among nations for the benefit of
humanity. I should like here to refer to the address by
His Highness, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the
beloved Emir of Qatar, on 5 September 2000 when the
dialogue among civilizations initiative was launched,
and to His Highness's emphasis on the significance of
dialogue and communication as an alternative to
dispute and conflict.
Peacekeeping forces play a very important role,
establishing security and stability in many different
regions suffering from conflict and war, and as time
passes, the cost of operating these forces rise. At this
session the Fifth Committee will discuss the issue of
contributions to these forces. We maintain that the
Fifth Committee is the best forum for this, but since
this process is linked to Members' assessed
contributions to the regular budget, we believe that
finalizing the scale of assessments first is a reasonable
priority. Our delegation will actively take part in the
work of that Committee with the aim of reaching a
consensus, without which we cannot find a solution to
the problem of committing any State to something it
cannot meet in the future. We stress that all aspects of
the economic situation of each State should be
considered, particularly the emerging economies that
rely on one source of income and that are subject to
market volatility. My country is one of those States.
Finally, the State of Qatar firmly believes in the
importance of the role of the United Nations in
establishing security, stability and peace throughout the
world, and it also believes in the importance of
respecting the United Nations Charter and its lofty
goals, and the need to adhere to the Charter in
international relations. We trust and hope that the
future will be bright, when all peoples of the globe will
realize their goals and aspirations and will positively
contribute to the process of building, development and
innovation.


It gives me
great pleasure at the outset to convey to Mr. Harri
Holkeri on behalf of my delegation our congratulations
on his election as President for this session. Aware of
his well-known diplomatic experience and skill, we are
confident that he will lead the work of this session to
success. I should also like to express our appreciation
and admiration for the role played by his predecessor,
Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, Foreign Minister of Namibia,
during his presidency of the previous session, and for
his co-chairmanship of the Millennium Summit.
In this respect, I commend the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his remarkable efforts in preparing
for the Millennium Summit and the Millennium
Assembly.
On behalf of my delegation, I also welcome the
State of Tuvalu as a new Member of our Organization.
Last week, the Millennium Summit endorsed a
historical declaration that laid out a strategy for
meeting the challenges of the twenty-first century.
Today I should like to stress that it is our duty to
concentrate, during this Millennium Assembly and
through its different forums, on translating that vision
into decisions and resolutions to achieve and
23

consolidate international peace and security, total
disarmament of weapons of mass destruction,
resolution of environmental problems, combating
international terrorism and organized international
crime, prevention of conflicts before they erupt and
resolution of the problems of poverty and socio-
economic backwardness. If we succeed during this
session, we can then say that we have contributed to
creating circumstances conducive to the achievement
of human security and have liberated mankind from
fear and want.
On the other hand, we believe that this
Millennium Assembly should give equal importance to
the reform of the institutions of the United Nations, as
they represent the mechanisms through which the
international community coordinates the
implementation of plans for achieving international
peace and security, comprehensive sustainable
development and prosperity for mankind.
At the apex of these institutions stands the
Security Council. All countries continue to call for its
reform by expanding its permanent and non-permanent
membership, in order to make it more representative of
the current membership of the United Nations. They
also call for reform of the Council's working methods
and decision-making mechanisms, in order to render it
more democratic and transparent.
We share the Secretary-General's view, expressed
in his report to the Millennium Summit, that the main
challenge we face today is how to transform
globalization into a positive power that benefits all the
peoples of the world. The great scientific and
technological achievements of the last millennium
constitute the common heritage of mankind. We call on
the international community to work out the necessary
guarantees to prevent these achievements from being
turned into a monopoly of knowledge or cultural and
intellectual domination or from being used as a means
to achieve political and economic hegemony or widen
the scientific and technological gap between countries
of the North and countries of the South. While we
welcome protection of these scientific and
technological achievements as elements of intellectual
property, we call upon our development partners to
make this great wealth available to all humanity and to
enable the developing countries to use such innovations
in overcoming the chronic problems of production,
food, health, education and the environment.
The right to development is a basic human right.
In order to guarantee that right it is imperative that we
establish a democratic, just and transparent world
economic order that ensures fair terms of trade between
poor and rich countries, increases the level of official
development assistance to poor countries and alleviates
the debt burden crushing those countries. This is the
only viable means to enable the developing countries to
benefit from the aspects and opportunities that
globalization and the revolution in information
technology offer — benefits that are still monopolized
by a very small minority of the population of our
globe.
In this regard, Sudan looks forward to the United
Nations financing for development event and the Third
United Nations Conference on the Least Developed
Countries, which are scheduled to take place next year.
We sincerely hope that their results will receive the
effective implementation they deserve by all United
Nations agencies.
This year the General Assembly convened two
special sessions to follow up the results of the Beijing
World Conference on Women and the Copenhagen
World Summit for Social Development. Despite the
remarkable achievements realized by national
Governments and the international community in
implementation of the commitments contained in the
documents resulting from those gatherings, the
majority of those commitments were not realized, for
several reasons, foremost being the failure to fulfil the
financial commitments undertaken in Beijing and
Copenhagen and the excessive debt burden and debt
service commitments of the developing and least
developed countries.
We also call for more support for efforts made by
developing countries to eradicate ever-increasing
poverty and all pandemic and epidemic diseases such
as malaria and HIV/AIDS, especially in Africa.
Sudan looks forward to participating effectively
in the World Conference against Racism to be held next
year in South Africa. We believe that this important
conference will help us tackle crucial issues very dear
to the human race. My country also intends to
participate in the special session of the General
Assembly to review the results and achievement of the
goals of the World Summit for Children.
Recently, the President of the Republic of Sudan
established an advisory body, attached to his office, in
24

charge of women's and children's affairs. This step is
yet further proof of the special importance that the
President attaches to the issues of women and children
and his incessant work to strengthen achievements in
this field.
We view with great interest the report (A/55/305)
of the Panel of Experts prepared by Mr. Brahimi on
peacekeeping operations, because of its importance and
the new ideas and proposals it contains on the
containment and prevention of conflicts and on
peacekeeping operations. Our delegation will certainly
participate in the discussion of this report in the
General Assembly and relevant Committees. In this
connection, we emphasize the need to set clear
mandates for peacekeeping operations, ensuring the
consent of the country receiving peacekeeping
operations and providing the necessary resources for
such operations in order to ensure their success and to
avoid any possible dangers and setbacks.
My delegation expresses its deep concern about
the difficulties facing the peace process in the Middle
East. In this respect, we reiterate the importance of
total Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab
territories in accordance with United Nations
resolutions, in order to enable the Palestinian people to
restore full sovereignty to their territories, to establish
their independent State with Holy Jerusalem as its
capital and to enable the Syrian Arab Republic to
reinstate sovereignty over the Golan Heights. We are
convinced that without implementation of these
resolutions, stability in this important region will never
be realized and will remain a mere dream. In this
context, we commend the resistance and heroic
struggle of the people of Lebanon in the liberation of
their territories.
The call to reform the international sanctions
regime is gaining more momentum within the Security
Council and other United Nations bodies, because the
negative effects of sanctions have compounded the
suffering of the peoples of the countries subjected to
them, in particular vulnerable groups such as children,
women and the elderly. The most horrible and dreadful
aspects of the negative impacts of sanctions are seen
among the Iraqi people. We add our voice to ongoing
efforts to lift these sanctions.
Sudan also reaffirms the importance of
maintaining the unity and territorial integrity of Iraq,
and rejects any measures taken outside the scope of
United Nations resolutions and international
legitimacy. At the same time, Sudan reaffirms the need
to respect and comply with all United Nations
resolutions and to respect the sovereignty of Kuwait,
and calls for a just and urgent solution to the issue of
Kuwaiti and non-Kuwaiti prisoners, through
cooperation and understanding between the parties
concerned. We believe that it is high time to lift all
sanctions imposed on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,
since it has complied with and fulfilled all its
obligations regarding the Lockerbie incident.
We view with satisfaction the recent positive
developments in the Horn of Africa, namely, the
ceasefire agreement reached between our two sisterly
neighbours, Eritrea and Ethiopia. We hope this
agreement will culminate in a lasting peace between
the two parties, and we should like to commend the
efforts deployed by President Bouteflika of Algeria
towards that end.
We should also like to hail and commend the
efforts of Djibouti and its President Ismail Omar
Guelleh to achieve national reconciliation and restore
stability to the Republic of Somalia. The Sudan,
represented by President Omer Hassan Ahmed
Al-Bashir, participated in the inauguration ceremony of
Abdihassim Salad Hassan as President of the Republic
of Somalia. We call on the United Nations and the
international community to support efforts to restore
peace, stability and security to Somalia under its
elected leadership.
While we fully understand the concerns of the
international community about the ongoing conflict in
the southern Sudan, we should like to recall that the
Sudan is waging a war imposed by a rebel movement
seeking to undermine its territorial integrity and the
safety and security of its people. We should also like to
recall that it was the Government of the Sudan that
initially invited the United Nations to undertake the
task of coordinating international humanitarian
assistance for citizens affected by this conflict.
Ten years have elapsed since the implementation
of the Agreement known as Operation Lifeline Sudan.
However, it has had to be reviewed because of repeated
violations of its terms by the rebel movement and some
other organizations participating in this process.
In this regard, it is my honour to express our deep
appreciation and gratitude to Secretary-General Kofi
Annan and to his Special Envoy, Ambassador Tom
25

Vraalsen, as well as to the personnel of the Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) for
the understanding they have shown regarding the
Government's demands for ensuring impartiality and
transparency, as well as for determining the obligations
of all parties to the agreement and ensuring the fair
allocation of humanitarian assistance among citizens
affected by the conflict on both sides. It is on the basis
of this understanding that the Government has
committed itself to ensure the safety and protection of
all relief agency personnel operating in the southern
Sudan.
We believe it is our duty to brief the Assembly on
the current humanitarian situation in the Bahr el Ghazal
area in the southern Sudan, where the rebel movement
has recently increased its violations of the partial
ceasefire. This has created obstacles and security
complications that impeded the delivery of
humanitarian relief to affected citizens in that area. We
therefore urge the Assembly to bring pressure to bear
on the rebel movement to stop using civilian
populations and locations, such as hospitals and
schools, as human shields and to fulfil its obligations
by halting all military operations in order to ensure
unhindered relief operations to all affected populations
and to avert a humanitarian tragedy similar to the one
endured by Bahr el Ghazal in the first quarter of 1998.
The Government of the Sudan has reaffirmed its
commitment to reach a just and lasting political
solution to the conflict in the southern Sudan based on
the Intergovernmental Authority on Development
(IGAD) initiative and to respond to other initiatives
intended to solve other problems. Nonetheless, these
peace efforts have not succeeded because of the
intransigence of the rebel movement, which continues
to renege on its obligations, undermining any
agreement reached.
This is clearly reflected in the position of the
rebel movement regarding the ceasefire, which it
continues to violate, as well as its continued rejection
of the call by the Government for a lasting,
comprehensive ceasefire — a call that has received
wide support from the international community, the
IGAD partners and several other United Nations
agencies, as well as regional and international
groupings.
President Omer Hassan Ahmed Al-Bashir
reaffirmed in his address to the Millennium Summit the
commitment of the Government of the Sudan to a just
and lasting political solution based on the following.
First, there should be an immediate and comprehensive
ceasefire in order to facilitate the delivery of
humanitarian assistance to the needy and to create a
conducive atmosphere and confidence-building
measures for the success of the peace efforts. Secondly,
there should be direct negotiations on the basis of
current peace initiatives, specifically, the IGAD
process, which provides a negotiating forum for the
Government and the rebel movement, as well as the
joint Egyptian/Libyan initiative, which is aimed at
achieving a comprehensive resolution to all of the
Sudan's problems with the participation of the
Government, the rebel movement and the opposition in
and outside the Sudan. Thirdly, a comprehensive
peaceful settlement should be reached in order to lay
the foundation for a fair distribution of power and
wealth, establish rights and duties based on citizenship
and guarantee total adherence to international standards
and instruments of democracy and human rights.
In addition to efforts being deployed to solve the
military conflict in the southern Sudan, the
Government continues to make efforts towards national
reconciliation through direct and indirect contacts with
opposition groups. Agreement has been reached to hold
a comprehensive national conference in which all
political and social denominations and factions will
take part in order to discuss national unity, freedom,
democracy and the system of government. The
conference is expected to agree on a national charter
that will provide the basis for a system of government
characterized by pluralism, freedoms and peaceful
transfer of power.
The Government has taken the initiative of
organizing a preparatory meeting for this conference in
Khartoum, and a national preparatory committee has
been formed. This will be followed by another
preparatory meeting to be held in Cairo to determine
the agenda, date and venue of the inclusive national
conference. It is my pleasure to commend the efforts of
the Governments of Egypt and the Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya in this regard.
While efforts for peace and reconciliation are
being pursued, the Government is undertaking the
necessary legal and administrative measures to
establish a democratic, pluralistic system that provides
all the necessary freedoms. The Government is also
preparing to hold parliamentary and presidential
26

elections, and has invited and welcomed the
participation of international and regional
organizations to supervise these elections.
In the economic field, the Government continues
to implement programmes of reform and liberalization
of the economy and is encouraging local and foreign
investment. In this context, it is my pleasure to inform
the Assembly that the Executive Board of the
International Monetary Fund decided at its meeting last
August in Washington to resume full cooperation with
the Sudan.
The Sudan has also managed to normalize its
relations with other international and regional financial
institutions, and hopes that the flow of foreign aid and
foreign direct investment to the Sudan will enable it to
overcome its economic difficulties and relieve its debt
burden. We have also started preparations to draw up a
development strategy for the coming decade, which
will concentrate on poverty alleviation and on
providing basic health services, education and rural
development. Revenues from the export of petroleum
will be earmarked for socio-economic development
programmes.
It has now been two years since the United States
military aggression on the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical
factory in the Sudan, which resulted in the total
destruction of an important medical facility that used to
produce more than half of the Sudan's needs for basic
and life-saving medicines. The debris of that factory
and the effects of the missile attack by the United
States still bear witness to what happens when the
military might of a super-Power is used irresponsibly.
It is ironic that the same super-Power that claims to be
a pioneer in protecting and safeguarding international
peace and security and the principles of international
law should resort to such an action. This gathering will
recall that immediately after that aggression, the Sudan
called on the Security Council to send a fact-finding
mission to verify United States allegations concerning
the factory and its financing. Yet despite the fact that
the whole world, and indeed several media
organizations inside the United States, have cast doubts
on United States allegations about the Al-Shifa factory,
the United States Administration continues to maintain
its position, contrary to all facts, thus insisting on
justifying a wrong that has deprived the people of the
Sudan, especially the vulnerable and children, of a
source of medicine at affordable prices — less than
half of what those medicines cost on the international
market.
Convinced that rights do not die, we shall
continue our efforts to urge the international
community, the Security Council and the General
Assembly to send a mission to verify United States
allegations, and we trust that our just cause has the
support of all peace-loving countries that guard these
noble principles. We wish here to call on the United
States Administration not to use its position in the
Security Council to block the sending of a fact-finding
mission that will show the world the truth and expose
the unwarranted aggression against a basic health
facility.
The peaceful settlement of disputes is a principal
objective and cardinal role of the United Nations. The
Sudan adheres to this objective and seeks to realize it
in the conduct of its foreign relations at all levels.
Based on this position, and in order to realize this
noble objective, the Sudan has continuously committed
itself to respect for the norms of international law as
the only way to settle disputes and to maintain
international peace and security.
The Sudan is today one of only 62 States that
have fully accepted the jurisdiction of the International
Court of Justice. Furthermore, the Sudan, during the
Millennium Summit, signed the 1998 Rome Statute of
the International Criminal Court and deposited its
instrument of ratification for the 1997 International
Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings.
By ratifying this treaty, the Sudan has become one of a
few countries that have completed the process of
ratification and adherence to all international
conventions to combat international terrorism. This is
indeed a source of pride to us. We believe the
Assembly will agree that this record qualifies the
Sudan to make all possible contributions to maintaining
peace and security through the highest specialized
institutions.
Since it became a Member of the United Nations
following its independence in 1956, the Sudan has
continued to work in collaboration with the other
Member States in order to develop and sustain
international cooperation to realize the objectives of
the Charter in all fields. The Sudan looks forward to
pursuing this role in another important forum as a non-
permanent member of the Security Council for the
period 2001-2002, for the first time in 28 years.
27

The candidature of Sudan has been endorsed and
supported by the African continent, represented in the
African Group in New York, as well as by the Council
of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity
(OAU) at the OAU summit in Togo last July. The
Sudan looks forward with confidence and optimism to
obtaining the support and endorsement of all United
Nations Members for its candidature in the elections
that will take place in the General Assembly in the
coming weeks.


Less
than a week ago, in this same Hall, the President of the
Republic of Guatemala, Alfonso Portillo Cabrera,
addressed the Millennium Summit. On that occasion
the President underscored our commitment to the
purposes, principles and values of the Charter of the
United Nations, and presented a summary of our view
of the role of this universal Organization in the twenty-
first century. In closing, he stated:
“In the course of the general debate that will
begin in the General Assembly next week, we
will elaborate further on this vision and how it is
reflected in the efforts we are making
domestically.” (A/55/PV.3)
I am honoured and pleased to deliver what our
President promised.
I shall address two issues: first, our Government
programme and the implementation of the peace
agreements, and secondly, our position vis-à-vis some
of the items on the agenda for this session. Before
doing so, I wish to pay tribute to the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Namibia, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, for
his vigorous conduct of the last session, and
particularly for his resolute work in the preparation for
the Millennium Summit. We are pleased that
Guatemala had an opportunity to cooperate in this
undertaking.
I also wish to congratulate the President very
warmly on his election to preside over our debates. I
have no doubt that his recognized diplomatic and
political experience will enable us to obtain the best
results.
16

I begin with a few words on the peace process in
my country, to which the United Nations has made
such a significant contribution. December 1996 saw the
signing, following a protracted period of arduous
negotiations of Agreements that brought to an end four
decades of a fratricidal war that had tragic and lasting
consequences. Our political party was not a signatory.
However, during the electoral campaign it affirmed,
that it accepted the Agreements as a State commitment,
and President Portillo confirmed that in the speech he
made on taking office. Similarly, our Government is
fully committed to complying with the provisions of
the Agreements, and indeed to extend their scope to
incorporate new matters, such as democratizing access
to credit.
We value highly the presence in our country of
the United Nations Verification Mission in Guatemala,
and request the Assembly's cooperation for the
extension, in due course, of its mandate until the end of
2003.
It is important to note that the purpose of the
Peace Agreements coincides with our own Government
programme in many areas, such as unrestricted respect
for human rights; consolidation of a full, participatory
democracy; subordination of the armed forces to the
civil power; development of a multi-ethnic,
multicultural and multilingual society; strengthening
and modernization of the justice system; reform of the
State; and, above all, an adequate response to the
unsatisfied demands of the majority of Guatemalans for
more and better social services, adequate incomes,
better-paid jobs and equality of opportunity. In other
words, the Peace Agreements constitute a suitable
frame of reference for the programme of our
Government, which aims not only to fulfil, but to
improve on them.
Our economic and social programmes for the
period 2000-2004 fit within this frame of reference, as
does the political covenant, which seeks to increase the
participation of all sections of civil society in the
public policy decision-making process. These
programmes also seek to reconcile the difficult
economic situation that we face with our commitment
to carry forward a vigorous process of economic
expansion for the benefit of all Guatemalans — above
all, the neediest. We are, in other words, grappling with
the classic dilemma of having to meet the requirements
of a macroeconomic adjustment while coping with the
imperative need to reactivate the economy.
At the centre of the national debate about how to
overcome this dilemma is a process of intersectoral
accommodation that we call the “fiscal covenant”,
which aims to fulfil one of the commitments in the
Peace Agreements, namely, raising the tax take in
Guatemala by 50 per cent between 1995 and 2000.
The arduous and lengthy negotiations that have
been conducted in this connection are about to come to
fruition with the adoption of a set of measures which,
once the commitment has been honoured — admittedly,
a couple of years late — will provide financial support
for implementing the other undertakings laid down in
the Peace Agreements.
We intend to establish the necessary bases so that
in the period 2001-2004 we may secure dynamic
growth of the economy, with the resulting generation of
decent, gainful productive employment together with
higher levels of savings and investment.
We shall invest in the future by according priority
to the work force, particularly in the areas of health and
education, including multilingual education.
We shall carry out new productive activities in
those areas where we feel that we have comparative
advantages to offer at the international level.
We shall stimulate the institutional environment
necessary to facilitate the efficient functioning of the
market through competition without privileges and the
competitiveness of enterprises, all within the
framework of absolute respect for labour law.
We shall devote special attention to combating
poverty, by decentralizing the public administration
and working closely with those who are to be the target
of our policies.
Now turning to our international relations, and
bearing in mind those issues dealt with at the
Millennium Summit, I wish to mention the significant
advance achieved in the process as we seek to resolve
our historic dispute with Belize. With full regard for
the principles of peaceful settlement of disputes
between or among States, we have reached a new stage
whereby dialogue has been chosen as the means to
settle differences. On 31 August, within the framework
of the regional body to which both States belong,
namely the Organization of American States (OAS), a
body of facilitators, appointed by each party, has been
set up. The facilitators enjoy full independence in the
performance of their duties. Their chief aim is to work
17

out and propose courses of action to advance the legal
resolution of the dispute. These are significant steps
towards creating a peaceful environment, the adoption
of confidence-building measures and a future-oriented
or forward-looking outlook.
Similarly, we ratify, our deep commitment to
supporting Central American integration, as well as our
commitment to the rest of Latin America and the
Caribbean. Our Government has taken important
initiatives in the area of regional and subregional
integration. Evidence of this is the tripartite declaration
adopted last May by Guatemala, El Salvador and
Nicaragua in order to give fresh impetus to Central
American integration.
The question of migrations is also an important
branch of our international relations, one where
Guatemala bases its policy on the principle that
whatever the legal status of migrants may be, they are
human beings fully entitled to rights under the law and,
as such, capable of invoking the full range of human
rights. Evidence of this is the fact that during his visit
to the United Nations in connection with the
Millennium Summit, the President of the Republic,
signed the International Convention on the Protection
of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of
their Families. The best way to discourage migration is
to create sources of employment in the countries of
origin. The industrial countries, therefore, must
dismantle all kinds of barriers so that developing
countries are enabled to export commodities and not
people.
I should now like briefly to explain our thinking
on those main items that will be discussed in the
Assembly at its fifty-fifth regular session.
First, I wish to restate our full backing for the
United Nations, as expressed by President Portillo last
week, since the Organization is the highest
embodiment of multilateralism. We are persuaded that
the Organization will have a crucial role to play in the
twenty-first century. I attest to the tangible contribution
that the United Nations has recently made in my
country as regards both the consolidation of peace and
in cooperation for development through the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and United
Nations agencies.
Secondly, we also wish to observe that it is
necessary to adapt the Organization to the exigencies
of globalization and to this post-cold war era. It is up to
us, as member Governments, to promote this
adaptation in various spheres such as
intergovernmental bodies, efficiency and effectiveness
of the Secretariat, the setting of priorities in the
programme of activities and the financial strengthening
of the Organization.
Of the pending reforms, the one which has
received most attention is the Security Council. Can
there be any doubt that its membership or its methods
of work must reflect the prevailing circumstances of a
contemporary world? There is no need to be frustrated
at the lack of progress in prior sessions of the General
Assembly in connection with the reform of the Security
Council. We appreciate that there are differing
viewpoints in this regard and, of course, differences
tend to stalemate or paralyse action. But this should not
prevent us from redoubling our efforts to make this
absolutely vital organ of the United Nations more
effective, more representative of the Members of the
Organization as a whole and more transparent in the
way it operates. To achieve those ends we advocate,
among other things, expansion of the membership of
the Council as well as an exercise of the veto in strict
conformity with the Charter. We feel that, at any rate,
regular use should be subject to review by the General
Assembly and, in extreme instances, by the
International Court of Justice in the interests of a
genuine rule of law of an international character, thus
avoiding abuses.
Thirdly, we are convinced that we need to
strengthen our collective capacity to prevent and settle
conflicts, both across borders and domestically. We
believe that the recently submitted report by the Panel
on United Nations peacekeeping operations offers an
excellent point of departure for this purpose. Our only
preliminary observation on the matter is that
strengthening the United Nations capacity in this area
should not be carried out at the expense of our
economic and social activities. Rather, should we
decide to implement the recommendations of the Group
of Experts, then the time will have come to put an end
to an ill-conceived policy of zero growth of the United
Nations budget. As President Portillo stated:
“If we want the United Nations to be a first
class institution, we must learn to provide it with
the necessary financial support.” (A/55/PV.3)
This brings me to a fourth point that has gained
considerable prominence in the agenda for this session.
18

I refer to the controversial question of revising the
scale of assessments both for the regular budget and for
the peacekeeping counterpart. Our position is very
straightforward. We agree that the relative situation of
many countries has developed over the years and this
warrants a revision of the way in which we share the
burden of financially maintaining the United Nations.
At the same time, however, we feel that the most
important criterion for fixing the scale of assessments
is ability to pay. The relative participation of countries
in the gross domestic product of the world continues to
provide a basic yardstick. There is also justification for
weighting this yardstick on the basis of certain special
considerations, such as, for instance, recognition of the
special situation of the least-developed countries on the
one hand, and, on the other, of the special
responsibility that should be assumed by the permanent
members of the Security Council for maintaining
peace.
In fifth place, as regards general disarmament, we
emphasize the need to advance towards total
elimination of nuclear, chemical and bacteriological
weapons; illicit trafficking in small arms, and the use
of anti-personnel mines and explosive devices. In
respect of these matters we strongly support all
practical action being undertaken by the United
Nations to achieve these aims as well as those designed
to establish nuclear-weapon-free zones in all parts of
the world.
In the sixth place, we offer our full support for
and active participation in the main events scheduled in
the coming years. Among them, I wish to single out the
high-level intergovernmental event on financing for
development and the World Conference on Racism,
Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related
Intolerance.
In the seventh place, in an increasingly
interdependent world, multilateral diplomacy has a
crucial role to play in the struggle against
environmental degradation. As Guatemala is a party to
the main global environmental treaties, we reaffirm our
commitment to the maintenance of ecological balance.
Finally, we feel the United Nations should
continue to concern itself with what we have called the
great unfinished task of the twentieth century:
eradicating world poverty. Together with the
multilateral financial institutions, our Organization
should play a crucial role in ensuring that the benefits
of globalization are widely shared by all countries.
This calls for action at the level of each country, but
also at the international level.
Similarly, by way of general comment, we wish
to reiterate, before this Assembly, that Guatemala, in
its very flesh, has experienced fratricidal confrontation.
That is why Guatemala has the moral authority to
insist, before God and man, that peace reign among all
the peoples of the world, particularly between the
separated brothers of China and Taiwan. We therefore
appeal for the continuation of talks in order to achieve
an outcome that will fulfil the aspirations of the
Chinese people on both sides of the Strait, reached
through peaceful, free and democratic means.
Likewise, we trust that a prompt solution to the
Middle East conflict will be found and that situations
of tension in the African continent and other parts of
Europe will be overcome, as well as among any other
fraternal people of the world who are victims of
violence and discord.
I wish to conclude my statement by expressing a
personal conviction. I am persuaded that all human
beings are equal in the eyes of the Almighty, without
distinction as to race, language or creed. I trust that in
that same spirit we shall be able to beginning from this
session to give effect to the guidelines enshrined in the
Millennium Declaration adopted last week.


Allow me first of all to congratulate you very warmly,
Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the
General Assembly at its fifty-fifth session. The
Moroccan delegation will spare no effort in giving you
every support to ensure the success of your work. I
would also like to thank your predecessor and to wish
him every success in his responsibilities.
I also cannot fail to pay a very warm and special
tribute to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who has led
the Organization with such conviction, tenacity and
competence. I take this opportunity to congratulate him
on his efforts to ensure the success of the Millennium
Summit.
I also wish to convey my congratulations to the
State of Tuvalu, which recently joined membership of
the United Nations.
Multilateral relations have become the most
realistic approach to transnational problems in a world
undergoing the process of globalization. It is quite
clear that a collective response is more necessary now
than ever before in our approach to the serious
problems of today's world. It is obvious that no country
or group of countries can claim to be able to take sole
charge of the numerous problems of besetting the
comity of nations. When we consider nuclear
proliferation, weapons of mass destruction, the
deterioration of the environment, endemic poverty,
organized transnational crime, the drug problem and
other such problems, we are compelled to recognize the
scope of the strenuous efforts that will have to be made
by the international community to deal effectively with
them.
Despite the tremendous progress that has been
made in recent years in all sectors of human activity,
and despite the potential benefits heralded by the
globalization of economies and technological
breakthroughs, half of the world's population continues
to live in a state of abject poverty. Morocco believes
that efforts to reduce poverty and to ensure sustainable
development require international action in order to
integrate the developing countries in the global
economy and new reforms, undertaken by the countries
concerned, to meet the essential needs of their peoples
with respect to health care, education and employment.
Similarly, trade barriers must be reduced for those
goods that are of particular benefit to the exports of the
developing countries, particularly the least developed
countries. Medium-income countries should be relieved
of their debt burden so that they can devote the
resources thus freed to investments in social and
economic infrastructures.
In this context, Morocco believes that the time
has come for international institutions, particularly the
Bretton Woods institutions and the World Trade
Organization, to adopt a new approach to assisting the
countries of the South in their development efforts.
These institutions must adapt themselves to the new
international context in order to redress the imbalances
between the countries of the North and the South,
which have grown considerably since the external-debt
crisis. The total statistical indices available and the
lessons learned from the paradoxical trends that are
intrinsic to the world economy reveal the need to seek
new sources for financing and sustainable
development. That being so, Morocco places great
hopes on the holding of a world conference in the year
2001 on financing for development and hopes that at
that time bold initiatives will be taken in order to
alleviate the intensity of poverty in the world.
20

Morocco is rooted profoundly in its Africanism
and is therefore very much concerned about the
growing number of hot spots in Africa and also the
illicit traffic in small arms that feeds those conflicts. It
is extremely regrettable that our continent holds the
unhappy record for refugees throughout the world,
victims of wars, as well as for epidemics, for example
AIDS, malaria and many others. Only a concerted
effort on the part of the African countries, with the
support of the international community, will be able to
reverse the current trend. Africa, which has been torn
by armed conflicts, presents the image of a continent
drifting aimlessly. Nevertheless, we Africans have
always been known for our wisdom and our natural gift
for negotiation and conciliation.
We would like here to make a pressing appeal to
all those involved to renounce resorting to force as a
means of solving disputes. Africa has wasted a great
deal of time in internal quarrels, thus passing up
valuable opportunities for developing and becoming an
integral part of the world economy. The financial and
human resources the belligerent parties have wasted
killing each other could have been better utilized to
serve social and economic development projects in
their respective countries and could have helped them
to overcome all the problems that they face. That is
why we support all the initiatives that have been
recommended by the United Nations to set up a
strategy to prevent conflicts and to improve
mechanisms for intervention in these cases. As always,
Morocco supports all those initiatives that help to
strengthen peace and security in Africa. In this regard,
Morocco has responded to the United Nations appeal to
participate in the peace mission in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.
The marginalization of Africa is a serious
obstacle to its integration in global development. Our
continent receives only 2 per cent of international
investments, whereas the population of our continent is
in excess of 700 million. While it is true that
responsibility for development of the continent rests
first and foremost on the shoulders of the Africans, it is
equally true that the resources available to the Africans
cannot meet the considerable needs of their populations
in all fields.
For that reason, it is becoming more and more
urgent to help Africa by displaying solidarity in order
to ensure that it embarks on the road to progress,
security and peace, specifically by developing its
human resources, and by educational policies that are
adapted to the realities of the continent and are in
harmony with the values of that continent and its
civilizations. We also have to consider the question of
the debt of African countries so that the treatment of
this problem can finally generate wealth rather than be
an obstacle to development. The effort of African
countries should also be supported by opening the
markets of the developed countries to their products
and their exports.
For its part, Morocco intends to spare no effort to
make its contribution to improving the living
conditions of African peoples — hence, the decision
that was announced by His Majesty King Mohammed
VI at the African-European Summit in Cairo, a
decision to cancel the debt of the least-developed
African countries to the Kingdom of Morocco, and also
to remove customs barriers to their exports. We hope
that other countries, particularly the rich and
industrialized ones, will make a similar gesture.
Morocco believes that the peace that we all aspire
to in the Middle East can only be brought about if
international legal principles are respected, particularly
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338
(1973), the principles which emerged from the Madrid
Conference, particularly the principle of land for peace,
as well as the commitments and the agreements that
were concluded between the parties concerned.
Peace in this region to which Morocco is so
attached can only take place when Israel withdraws
from all occupied Palestinian territories and the Syrian
Golan. The international community must assist the
Palestinian people to recover its legitimate and
inalienable rights, first and foremost its right to set up
its own independent State on its territory with Al Qods
Al-Sharif as its capital.
Morocco, on the initiative of His late Majesty
King Hassan II, may God have mercy on his soul, and
his successor King Mohammed VI, will spare no effort
to usher in the establishment of just and comprehensive
peace in the Middle East.
His Majesty King Mohammed VI, as chairman of
the Al-Qods Committee, during the State visit to
Washington in June 2000, made an appeal to the parties
concerned to start upon a fruitful dialogue between the
cultures and civilizations and:
21

“to all believers, people of the Book and in this
faith which have united the children of Abraham,
to liberate this thrice holy city from hatred and
resentment.”
These same principles were reiterated by the
Committee on Al-Qods during its most recent meeting,
which was held on 28 August under the presidency of
His Majesty Mohammed VI. Morocco would like to
join its voice with all peace and justice-loving
countries so that the current efforts may be crowned
with success, which will make it possible for all
peoples in the region to live in peace, stability and
security.
The Moroccan people share the joy of our
brothers, the people of Lebanon, as a result of the
Israeli withdrawal from its territory, and we will
continue to give our unflagging support to the people
of Syria to reassume total sovereignty over the Golan
Heights, which is occupied by Israel.
We are also following with some disquiet the
burdensome conditions imposed upon the Iraqi people
by the embargo which has deprived people, particularly
children, of food and medicine and many other needs
as well. Morocco, for its part, feels anxious at the
deterioration of the food and health situation in Iraq.
We support all international efforts to lift sanctions
against that fraternal country. We consider furthermore
that safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Iraq is a fundamental prerequisite for
stability in the region.
Morocco welcomes the suspension of the air
embargo imposed on Libya. We also hope that the total
embargo will be finally lifted as soon as possible.
Morocco, aware as it is of its responsibilities, is
sparing no effort to make the Maghreb an area of peace
and peaceful coexistence among all peoples in the
region. The partners in the Arab Mahgreb Union must
get beyond their current economic problems and accept
the fact that the only way to develop the region and
ensure its security and stability is to build this Union,
in which our peoples have placed great hopes,
particularly at this time when the requirements of
globalization make the establishment of regional
groups yet more important.
Among the challenges faced by the Mahgreb,
there is the so-called problem of the Western Sahara. I
would like to take this opportunity first and foremost to
confirm that the Kingdom of Morocco, which initiated
the referendum, has cooperated completely in its
implementation and has indeed made a number of
sacrifices to allow the population of that region to
reassert its will.
We have been very patiently following the efforts
undertaken by the Secretary-General to allow this
process to reach a successful conclusion. We have
supported all the efforts that have been made, since we
are convinced that, in the final analysis, the
referendum, while ensuring respect for self-
determination, will eventually confirm the rights of our
country to territorial integrity and its sovereignty over
the entire southern territory.
As everyone knows and as has been emphasized
by the Secretary-General and by the Security Council
in various reports, the referendum's implementation —
to which, in contrast to what some have claimed, we
remain committed — has come up against a number of
problems that may, if not resolved, endanger and
compromise the entire process. What essentially needs
to be done is to ensure, without any kind of partiality
or leniency, that the entire Saharan population, as has
always been agreed, may express its wishes in
accordance with the letter and spirit of the referendum
plan.
If the referendum is to be democratic, free and
equitable, it must be subject to a number of rules that
no one can transgress by trying to accommodate one
particular party at the expense of the other.
The Secretary-General and his Special
Representative are still actively involved in this task.
We will continue to give them our total cooperation so
that the various difficulties besetting the
implementation of this plan can be overcome.
Our country has made its own contribution to the
efforts by making a number of suggestions that should
be acted upon if we want to have a democratic,
impartial and equitable referendum. We would repeat
that, for our part, while we remain committed to the
continuation of this process and respect the rules set up
for it, we will give our total support to any action that
the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy, Mr.
James Baker, undertake to resolve this dispute once
and for all. As His Majesty King Mohammed VI stated
on 30 June 2000, any settlement must be carried out in
the context of the sovereignty, legality and unanimity
of the Moroccans.
22

This being said, Morocco would like to draw the
international community's attention to the situation of
the tens of thousands of refugees who have been
forcefully displaced and who have been living under
inhumane conditions, according to the reports of
international humanitarian organizations, of diplomats
who have had access to the camps, and of the hundreds
of escapees who have managed to return to the Sahara.
The international community can no longer tolerate the
suffering of these people because of delays and
considerations they themselves are not responsible for.
No one can disregard the fact that the Kingdoms
of Spain and Morocco are joined by the unbreakable
ties of their age-old history, their geographical and
cultural closeness, and by their common destiny as part
of the Euro-Mediterranean region. Because of our
desire to safeguard these excellent fraternal and
neighbourly relations Morocco has constantly appealed
to friendly Spain and to all political forces in Spain to
find a solution that will spare our children unnecessary
suffering from crises inherited from a painful past.
Spain, which is a great friend and neighbour,
must understand that the occupation of the two
Moroccan cities of Septa and Melilla and the
neighbouring islands is not in accord either with
international law nor with the sense of history. Based
on similar situations, we are convinced that it is
possible to devise a settlement that will both safeguard
the sovereignty of Morocco and respect and protect the
economic, social and cultural interest of Spain in both
of these cities.
For this reason, on a number of occasions the
Kingdom of Morocco has suggested — on the initiative
of His late Majesty Hassan II, may God preserve his
soul — that a Moroccan-Spanish think tank be created
in order to bring about a final resolution of the
situation regarding Septa and Melilla and the
neighbouring islands.
Our two countries are duty bound to spare our
peoples and our region from all possible
misunderstanding and resentment. It is for this reason
that Morocco offers a hand of peace to Spain, inviting
it to commit to a common dialogue so as to resolve
once and for all this territorial dispute inherited from
the remote past.
Morocco, because of its geopolitical position,
attaches particular importance to stability and to
strengthening cooperation in the Mediterranean basin.
Relations between Morocco and the European
countries is of great strategic importance in view of the
various historic, political, economic, cultural and
human ties that unite us and in view of the values we
share. The mutual attraction between Morocco and
Europe derives from history, geography and common
strategic needs, while a range of mutual interests have
naturally made the European Community Morocco's
first partner in a number of areas relating to
international cooperation. Relations with the European
Union have developed quite significantly this year with
the coming into force of the Association Agreement of
1 March. This agreement marks a decisive stage in our
relations with the European region since it is built
essentially on four fundamental pillars: political
dialogue; economic, cultural, technical and social
cooperation; enhanced financial cooperation; and the
progressive and responsible development of a free-
trade zone by the year 2012.
Morocco is currently waiting for the European
Union to carry out the qualitative leap that will make it
possible to redirect our association along new strategic
and innovative lines — governed by agreed modalities,
by shared responsibilities and by co-development in all
sectors of common interest.
It is our hope that the flow of direct investments
into Morocco and to the other countries of North Africa
as well will be encouraged in order to help create mass
employment, which is so essential to keep our youth
away from social evils and to consolidate the bases of
our progress in regional stability.
It is also our hope that the cultural interests and
the cultural identity of our Moroccan community in
Europe will be safeguarded and that the dignity of our
nationals will be constantly protected in accordance
with the democratic values that are the underpinning of
the European structure. In this context we can,
together, conceive of a Mediterranean region where
security and peace prevail as well as a strengthened
European/Mediterranean partnership.
In disarmament matters, Morocco appreciates the
considerable advances made by the Review Conference
of the Parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT),
which took place in New York in May of this year.
We hope that Israel will respond positively to the
Conference's appeal to accede immediately to the NPT
and place its nuclear installations under the safeguards
of the International Atomic Energy Agency. We are
23

convinced that such a decision on the part of the Israeli
authorities will be a major contribution to ushering in a
climate of peace, trust and stability in the region.
Morocco supports the initiative of the Secretary-
General to organize an international conference that
would make it possible to find appropriate means to put
an end to the nuclear threat.
It is Morocco's firm conviction that the United
Nations continues to be the most appropriate tool and
instrument for settling conflicts and for building peace.
It is therefore high time that the Organization set up
credible machinery and early warning mechanisms to
react in an appropriate way before conflicts break out
as recommended in the report of the high-level expert
Panel on United Nations Peacekeeping Operations.
The United Nations and its specialized agencies
are now more necessary than ever to contain and
resolve the problems of security and development.
The United Nations must continue to be the
cornerstone of strong multilateral cooperation.
The complexity and interdependence of the
problems before us mean that we must increase
international cooperation and consultation. For that
reason, a new era in international relations necessitates
a reform of the Security Council by revising its
functions and its membership. Such a reform will
undoubtedly confer greater credibility on the Security
Council and make it better adapted to perform its
mandate in maintaining international peace and
security. Despite difficulties, the main point is to
ensure the best possible representation in the Security
Council of the various current components of the
United, particularly the developing countries.
The end of the ideological rivalry between the
two super Powers means that we can entertain new
prospects that there will emerge an international order
based on justice, peace, international legality and
human rights as well as democracy and development,
an order that will make use of the Charter as a work of
reference and that will take into account the growing
universalization of the Organization and the fact that
new global social challenges are emerging and also that
recent socio-strategic changes have occurred.
Finally, we are convinced that if the United
Nations directs its actions along these lines, it will
finally meet the ideals for which it was founded.