Mr. President, your
election to preside over the fifty-second session of the
General Assembly is a fitting and well-deserved result of
your distinguished service for your country in the
international community.
I also wish to convey our appreciation to
Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia for so ably
directing the work of the fifty-first session, and to
congratulate him for a job well done.
I join those who have spoken before me in
welcoming the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan to this,
his first General Assembly session since his assumption
of office. Already he has impressed us with his sincerity
of purpose and his willingness to take bold initiatives. He
can always rely on Jamaica’s full cooperation and support
4

as he seeks to steer the United Nations towards the new
millennium.
Exactly 35 years ago, Jamaica became a Member of
the United Nations by one of its first acts as a sovereign
nation. We did so in recognition of the central role in the
management of global affairs which only the United
Nations can fill and from our desire to participate as an
equal partner in that process. Ever since then, Jamaica has
actively sought to contribute in a constructive spirit to the
building and strengthening of the international system. One
concrete result of these efforts is the location in Jamaica of
an offshoot of the system, the International Seabed
Authority, established under the United Nations Convention
on the Law of the Sea, which is generally acknowledged to
have been a signal achievement in extending the reach of
international cooperation. We feel confident that the
Authority will be able to discharge its mandate efficiently
as a completely autonomous institution.
We are constantly reminded that we are approaching
a new century and a new millennium. This new era
provides exciting possibilities and, at the same time, poses
formidable challenges. It requires of us a creative effort to
find new directions and a continuing search for fresh
solutions. The fluidity and changing currents in world
affairs demand constant adaptation and adjustments to meet
contemporary realities.
Some old disputes remain unresolved, and an array of
new problems continues to enter the international agenda.
The situation in the Middle East should not be allowed to
remain forever a source of anxiety and frustration. The rise
of ethnic violence and intercommunal conflict must be
halted now.
Whatever cloud of uncertainty may hang over the
future, we must not fail to lay the foundations of a more
stable and equitable world order which fosters greater hope
and wider opportunities for mankind.
As we seek to strengthen the fabric of international
security, there needs to be a concentrated focus on the root
causes of instability, conflict and confrontation everywhere.
The danger signals are unmistakably clear. The coexistence
of a world of wealth and prosperity and a world of poverty
and misery is too profound a contradiction to be ignored. It
lies at the heart of an emerging crisis. More than one
billion human beings are still condemned to abject poverty.
The despair and frustration which form their daily
experience breed tension and trigger instability which are
bound to erupt from time to time.
In a world where we note with increasing concern
the absence of appropriate measures by multilateral
financial institutions to relieve the burden of debt, we are
bound to question whether the economic measures applied
in the last few years represent the only way for
developing countries to orient their economies. We cannot
accept that the impoverishment of millions is a necessary
cost of future world growth.
Globalization and liberalization, which have led to
the breaking down of so many barriers between nations,
are not removing the barriers between rich and poor. The
process seems instead to be widening the differences and
deepening the divide. The benefits of increased production
and the expansion of global trade have been unevenly
spread. Many developing countries are being increasingly
marginalized in the process. Expected transfers of
resources from increased trade and investment flows have
not materialized, while the burden of debt remains a
major constraint on development. Simply put, the rich are
getting richer and the poor are getting poorer.
Unless we redress the imbalance — and quickly —
the disparities will increase exponentially. To avert
imminent disaster, there has to be a reversal of the pattern
of transfer of technology and more liberal access to the
markets of developed countries.
In all this, the United Nations has a decisive and
strategic role to play. It should direct and channel
international cooperation to correct distortions and
inequities in the system, and contribute to the creation of
an international economic environment facilitating
economic growth and the benefits of development for all.
The new trading system is skewed in favour of the
economically powerful. It is becoming more and more
apparent that free trade, as practised by its loudest
advocates, is not necessarily fair trade. For developing
countries, access to larger markets remains difficult,
owing to a variety of protective barriers. And where
special and historical market arrangements for small
producers still exist, these are now under threat from
alliances of powerful governmental and private interests.
We developing countries cannot afford to shut
ourselves off from what is taking place around us. The
pace of change is at times bewildering, but we cannot
say, “Stop the world, I want to get off”. We must make
use of the positive elements of modernity, organization of
work and efficiency, to build the kind of society we wish
to leave to our children. The empowerment of all of the
5

peoples of our countries is of paramount importance to the
advancement of our societies.
Such empowerment requires that priority attention be
given to human-resource development and human-capital
formation, and to the optimal utilization of all the available
human and natural resources of our time. Increasingly,
where this has not already started, our programmes of
education and training will have to be redesigned and
refocused to enable our peoples to function effectively in
the emerging knowledge-based world economy.
Applications of science and technology and advances in
telecommunications must become all-pervasive factors to be
effectively and appropriately utilized for the benefit of our
peoples.
Nothing would better fulfil the lofty ideals of our
founding fathers than an immediate global assault on
poverty, ignorance and disease. To win the battle, I call
upon this Assembly to emphasize the creation, application
and dissemination of knowledge in every corner of the
Earth.
Liberalization and globalization, as they are being
practised, have not shown the capacity or willingness to
take into account the genuine interests or practical
possibilities of small States. This is the painful lesson that
we as Caribbean producers of bananas have learned. The
recent panel ruling by the World Trade Organization
(WTO) in Geneva on the European banana regime threatens
to ruin the economies of the smaller States of the
Caribbean, thereby endangering the economic stability of
the entire region. It demonstrates not only the vulnerability
of small economies, but also the extent to which we are at
the mercy of those whose calculations seem oblivious to the
interests of our survival.
Small economies operate under severe resource
constraints and need to conserve the natural environment,
which is a precious resource. That is why countries
members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) attach
special importance to international recognition of the
peculiar circumstances and needs of small island developing
States, as highlighted in the Barbados Programme of
Action, which was adopted by the United Nations Global
Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States.
It is with great disappointment that we note how little
progress has been made to implement the Programme of
Action. There is a special need for financing arrangements
to develop production capabilities, infrastructure and
environmental protection programmes.
Small island States suffer other disadvantages. The
Caribbean is renowned for its natural beauty, but it is also
vulnerable to a range of frequent natural disasters. To the
physical limitations in resources and economic scale have
been added the hazards of nature.
Even as I speak, the people of the small island of
Montserrat are struggling to maintain their existence in
their own land, two thirds of which has been destroyed by
a volcano that resumed activity just over two years ago.
As a member of the Caribbean Community, Montserrat's
plight is of grave concern to all CARICOM States. I
speak on behalf of the Community in acknowledging the
categorical commitment given by the administering
Power, the United Kingdom, for both emergency
assistance to Montserratians and for the sustainable
development of that territory.
The costs of reconstruction are immense. Members
of the Caribbean Community have offered constructive
support to the recovery efforts. We believe that the
international community should also respond in a
humanitarian gesture of solidarity. I therefore take this
opportunity to appeal to the General Assembly to
demonstrate appropriate support for Montserrat through
the adoption of tangible measures to assist in the
rebuilding and sustainable development of that island. It
is our hope and expectation that the membership of the
United Nations will be able to devise a specific scheme
of assistance for a small and courageous people.
We all look to the United Nations to help in
emergencies, but above all, to be effective in keeping the
peace. It should be ready to respond promptly to crises as
they occur and to defuse tensions and conflict situations
through preventive diplomacy. We believe the present
time affords a significant opportunity for creating the
framework to fulfil this role and for us to shape a rapid-
response capability.
In recent years, a number of unilateral as well as
multilateral measures have resulted in a more positive
climate for international peace and security. The
conclusion of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty at the fiftieth session of the General Assembly and
the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention
have enhanced the prospects for real progress towards the
goal of general and complete disarmament. We
nevertheless acknowledge that more needs to be done in
6

the areas of arms regulation and disarmament, in respect
especially of conventional weapons and the proliferation of
small arms.
We welcome the steps being taken to prohibit the use
of anti-personnel landmines, which should be regarded as
a category of inhumane weapons that can no longer be
allowed to cause the maiming and loss of life of civilians.
We urge Member States to give full support to the Ottawa
process for the conclusion of an international treaty to ban
this category of weapons so that there can be universal
obedience.
The threat to international peace and security can no
longer be viewed in purely military and political terms.
Illicit trafficking in drugs poses a serious threat, as all
too often we witness the pervasive and pernicious effects of
the production and consumption of illicit drugs. The
massive demand and the lure of profits from the trade have
spawned a transnational network of criminals with
considerable resources and influence. The activities of these
groups are particularly threatening to small States such as
those in the Caribbean, where the State apparatus is often
stretched to deal with their coercive capability. Within the
Caribbean Community we have taken these threats seriously
and have committed significant resources to confronting
them. Our geographical proximity to the major destination
for the consumption of drugs makes the Caribbean
particularly vulnerable as a transshipment point. We
therefore view bilateral and regional cooperation as critical
to combating drug smuggling.
An associated problem that is particularly dangerous
for us is the smuggling of arms and weapons of destruction,
which is a significant factor in spreading a cycle of crime
and violence. CARICOM has pushed for a regional
initiative to attack this problem. We look forward to
hemisphere support, particularly in restricting illegal exports
from the main areas of manufacturing and sale of small
arms.
It is evident from all the forces at work that the
imperatives of interdependence, the impact of globalization
and the interlinkage in global problems require a renewal
and strengthening of multilateralism. With the end of the
cold war, we now have within our grasp the opportunity to
establish a lasting framework for international cooperation
and to build genuine partnerships that will guarantee a
future that is secure for all. The challenges of the emerging
world order are best addressed by multilateral approaches.
Isolationism and unilateralism cannot be viable options, but
multilateralism can thrive only if there are effective
multilateral institutions.
The United Nations remains indispensable as the
only universal mechanism capable of addressing issues of
global impact and concern. But we must realize that the
international society which the United Nations now serves
is vastly different from the one in existence when the
Organization was originally created. The reshaping of the
United Nations therefore has to take into account new and
complex international realities. Without compromising the
fundamental objectives of the Charter, we need new rules
and procedures to guide us.
Of special importance is the reform of the Security
Council, in terms of both composition and mode of
operation. The Council is a vital organ in the working of
the United Nations. It is essential for its effectiveness that
it command the confidence of the international
community.
Jamaica supports an expansion of membership of the
Council which will make it more representative of the
international community. We advocate the adoption of
procedures that will make it more democratic and
transparent in decision-making. We recognize that there
are important and delicate issues at stake and that we
should proceed with care, but we have a concern that the
process should not be mired in endless debate. We
believe there is a sufficient consensus on proposals to
form the basis for decisions soon.
We also acknowledge that more efficient
management and more scope for effective initiative by the
Secretary-General and his staff are essential to a
strengthened United Nations structure. We support the
Secretary-General in this endeavour.
Jamaica also endorses the need for measures to
improve efficiency, and we have no quarrel with reform
to streamline and rationalize the system. In welcoming
these steps, we must however emphasize that reform is
not synonymous with cost cutting. Reform is not about
doing less; it is about doing better.
We would therefore wish to see a process that
strengthens the capacity of the United Nations to deliver
the services required by Member States as well as cement
the linkages among the organs of the system while
preserving comparative advantages, complementarities and
synergies. The exercise must improve the capacity of the
United Nations to take preventive action and respond
7

swiftly to crises. Above all, for small developing nations
such as my own it is important that the Organization
continue to play a leadership role in defining global
development priorities.
Not all Member States will readily embrace the reform
proposals that have been introduced, yet no one can deny
the need for meaningful action to strengthen and improve
the United Nations system. We must therefore seek to find
common cause and summon the collective will to
implement the measures that are necessary for its
revitalization. It is our collective responsibility. Effective
reform of our global institution requires broad agreement on
the main features of the new global environment. We must
clearly define the role the United Nations is expected to
play in the next millennium. Our common vision must be
one in which the United Nations can act as the catalyst for
change and an instrument of progress on behalf of all
peoples of the world.
Let us resolve to equip the United Nations with the
necessary tools, including the requisite financial resources
in accordance with Charter obligations, to enable it
effectively to undertake its leadership role in safeguarding
international peace and security in ensuring the economic
and social well-being of mankind. It is our responsibility,
and our peoples are looking for an institution energized to
act effectively and swiftly to address the challenges that
confront us as we approach the twenty-first century. Let us
exploit the opportunity we now have to fashion a United
Nations which reflects the hope and aspirations of all
mankind for sustainable development, for lasting security
and for enduring peace.
The new millennium beckons with its endless
possibilities and challenges. Let not narrow self-interest
prevent us from taking bold and decisive steps to meet
these challenges. Jamaica and the Caribbean Community
stand ready to play their part in a cooperative effort to
attain global equity and prosperity. All of us owe it to
ourselves and to succeeding generations.
I urge the international community wholeheartedly to
embrace this venture in a genuine spirit of solidarity and
harmony. History will not forgive us should we fail to do
so.


It
gives me great pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its
fifty-second session. I am confident that your extensive
experience and extreme competence will positively
contribute to the successful conduct of the proceedings of
this session. I would like to assure you that the Iraqi
delegation will do its best to cooperate with you and with
your colleagues in discharging your responsibilities to bring
the proceedings of this session to a successful conclusion.
I would like also to pay tribute to your predecessor,
Mr. Razali Ismail, for the incessant and sincere efforts
which he made to crown the proceedings of the last session
with success. He has earned our appreciation.
The success of the United Nations in the exercise of
its desired role depends primarily on the proper application
of the principles and provisions of the Charter, because it
is the only instrument that can achieve the goals for which
this Organization was established: the endeavour to achieve
an international community based on respect for the
sovereignty, freedom and independence of peoples and their
empowerment to achieve their goals of economic and social
development.
The reform of the United Nations structures and
mechanisms in a proper way that ensures justice to all
Member States and geographical groups will enable it to
discharge its responsibilities in a manner consistent with the
purposes, principles and provisions enshrined in the
Charter.
We believe that the reform process of the Organization
should not be restricted to the management aspect,
important as it is. More important, there should be a
common political will to redress the real and effective
balance in the work of the Organization and to prevent its
machinery from being used for private political objectives
and purposes of certain super-Powers. Above all, one
should pay attention to the dangers inherent in one
international pole breaking loose and trying to dominate
the world. In this context, Iraq welcomes the communiqué
issued after the meeting of President Yeltsin of Russia
and President Jiang Zemin of China in Moscow on 22
April 1997, which clearly called for the rejection of
hegemony by any State over the world’s destinies, of the
exercise of power politics or of the monopoly of
international issues. The Russian-Chinese communiqué
also called for the establishment of a multi-polar
international system. We in Iraq are proud to note that
our leader, President Saddam Hussain, called 20 years ago
for a multi-polar world.
The United Nations should not be controlled by the
rich, who are a small minority in the world. Among the
basic purposes of the United Nations, according to the
Charter, is the promotion of the economic and social
advancement of all peoples. Based on that, we consider it
necessary to avoid marginalizing developing countries and
denying them the opportunities and potentialities for
economic and scientific development.
While we are talking about the reform of the
Organization and its mechanisms and the review of its
role, we should not overlook the basic realities of the
evolution of the international community from a small
group of States that are homogeneous in their concepts
and interests to a community of a global nature,
necessarily heterogeneous and varying in all its
perceptions and interests. This objective reality makes it
imperative for all of us to employ our common energies
to review the charters and mechanisms that we have
inherited to make them consistent with the objective
reality of the international community in order to achieve
the common and public good, not simply the interests of
the minority. One example that comes to mind in this
regard is the area of human rights.
Finally, we must recognize the need for deliberation,
consultation and extensive negotiation on what reform
steps should be approved. A prerequisite for the success
of any step in this common effort is the presence of a real
consensus among States, not the voices speaking under
pressure and threats to their respective interests.
6

For more than seven years, Iraq has been suffering
under an unjust blockade the like of which has never been
witnessed in human history. We have more than once stated
clearly and unequivocally before the General Assembly the
steps that Iraq had undertaken to implement the resolutions
of the Security Council on the so-called Gulf crisis,
particularly resolution 687 (1991), so that the blockade
imposed upon it could be lifted.
Iraq has carried out what was required of it under
these resolutions. In the context of working with the Special
Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) for the implementation of section C of resolution
687 (1991), on proscribed weapons, Iraq has carried out all
the substantive obligations set out therein. Iraq has never
tarried in doing everything possible to emphasize its
keenness to deal even with the very minute details so that
the Security Council could move to carry out its
corresponding obligations towards Iraq by lifting the
blockade.
Our work in this regard is of special importance. We
should pause to shed light upon it. The full implementation
to date of the substantive obligations imposed on Iraq with
regard to banned weapons is an established fact. Despite all
the rumours, the truth is that Iraq no longer has any banned
weapons, equipment, machinery or materials. The system of
continuous observation established in Iraq by the Special
Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency
is working effectively and has been since August 1994,
covering all the territory of Iraq.
When the new Chairman of the Special Commission,
Ambassador Richard Butler, assumed his office, we
welcomed his statements in which he affirmed that he
would follow an objective, scientific and technical approach
in dealing with what the Commission views as remaining
issues, in accordance with the requirements clearly
established by resolution 687 (1991). We affirmed our full
readiness to cooperate with Ambassador Butler. We agreed
with him, during his first visit to Baghdad last July, on an
intensive common work programme, which we have
actively carried out. In fact, substantial advances have been
made in this common activity, and we look forward to the
semi-annual report by the Special Commission, which we
hope will be submitted to the Security Council in a few
days. We hope it will equitably reflect the progress
achieved and will open the door for the Security Council to
start implementing paragraph 22 of resolution 687 (1991),
which means the beginning of the lifting of the blockade on
Iraq.
The comprehensive blockade imposed on Iraq is the
most extensive and cruel boycott system ever imposed by
the Security Council throughout its history. It covers and
affects, in theory and in practice, every aspect of life.
From our practical experience, we are convinced that the
insistence on the perpetuation of the blockade against Iraq
is not related to the fulfilment by Iraq of its obligations.
It is rather a systematic plan to inflict severe damage on
Iraq by putting an end to its development potential and by
destroying its basic economic infrastructure to fulfil the
selfish interests of an unjust super-Power.
The whole world has felt the magnitude of the wilful
damage and destruction inflicted on Iraq by the
continuation of the blockade, which is contrary to the
purposes for which the United Nations was established,
which purposes have been emphasized in its numerous
conferences. International organizations, humanitarian
missions and United Nations agencies have warned of the
dangers besetting the people of Iraq as a result of the
continued blockade, particularly the dangerous effects on
women and children.
The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), for
instance, has confirmed in its latest study in March 1997
that 27.5 per cent of Iraqi children under five years of age
suffer from chronic malnutrition and that the most
threatened segment is children under two years old, due
to malnutrition and the incidence of contagious diseases.
Furthermore, the environment in Iraq has suffered
extensive damage because of indiscriminate bombing by
the United States and some of its allies, which was aimed
at power stations, sewage systems and factories, which we
have not been able to rebuild fully because of the
blockade.
Scientific studies and research carried out by foreign
researchers and scientists have unequivocally confirmed
that the United States used banned weapons and
ammunition enriched with depleted uranium in its military
operations against Iraq. This exposed vast tracts of Iraqi
territory to contamination by deadly toxic materials.
Numerous cases of hitherto unfamiliar illnesses have been
recorded, such as congenital deformities of foetuses, bone
deformities and many cases of leukaemia among children.
We heard many allegations from the representatives
of the United States and Britain before Iraq agreed to deal
with the oil-for-food formula. The representatives of both
countries shed crocodile tears and alleged that they were
concerned about the suffering of the Iraqi people. They
7

said that they had come up with Security Council resolution
986 (1995) to alleviate this suffering. that resolution was
not balanced. We and the United Nations Secretary-General,
in May 1996, were able to reach a memorandum of
understanding to implement the resolution in a balanced
manner. When implementation started — that is to say,
when the implementation of the memorandum started — in
December 1996, the American and the British conduct was
seen for what it really is.
The oil-for-food-and-medicine formula is a temporary
and modest formula that meets only a small fraction of
Iraq’s needs. Nevertheless, this formula has encountered
and continues to encounter many major obstacles and
difficulties, which the United States and Britain in
particular try to impose with a view to impeding the proper
and effective implementation of the memorandum of
understanding.
The conduct of the representatives of these two
countries in the Committee established pursuant to Security
Council resolution 661 (1990) has led to an accumulation
of contracts which were rejected or suspended on flimsy
pretexts. This has caused a huge break in the smooth flow
of the approval of such contracts and has thereby delayed
the delivery and distribution of materials to the Iraqi
people. To date, despite the fact that the implementation of
the first period ended over three months ago, Iraq has
received only 25 per cent of the medicine required and has
not received any materials at all up to now relating to
agriculture, education, water or sewage, or any spare parts
for electricity-generating power stations.
Now more than ever is the time for the United Nations
to discharge its responsibility with regard to its obligations
under the Charter, not only to the people of Iraq, but to the
international community. The United Nations has a duty to
carry out a professional and objective review of the
provisions of the blockade imposed on Iraq in order to
implement paragraph 22 of Security Council resolution 687
(1991) as a first step towards lifting the blockade
completely.
All the discussions that have taken place in the United
Nations, in specialized working groups and committees, and
in particular in the Special Committee on the Charter of the
United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the
Organization, have stressed that sanctions should be an
exceptional measure used by the United Nations in special
circumstances and in accordance with the Charter. They
have also stressed that such sanctions should not be based
merely on political expediency, but rather should be firmly
based on international law; that they should be
implemented according to the principles of justice and
international law; that they should not serve individual or
factional interests; that in their implementation,
consideration should be given to the human suffering that
they cause; and that a time limit should be set for their
lifting. Such a serious measure should not be imposed
without setting a precise time for its lifting.
United Nations responsibility does not end there. The
United Nations must put an end to all hostile practices
against Iraq by the United States, which persists in its
continuous attempts to interfere in Iraq’s internal affairs
with a view to causing instability and insecurity and in
carrying out operations to change its nationalist regime;
such practices are considered criminal acts even under its
own domestic law. Statements made by senior American
officials confirm the hostile American policy towards
Iraq.
Members of the United Nations are not unaware of
the article published in the Washington Post on 26 June
1997 or of the information contained in the ABC
television programme aired on 26 June 1997. This
information confirmed that the United States was involved
in conspiracies against the nationalist regime in Iraq. This
involvement is an official policy, approved by the
American President, and more that $100 million has been
appropriated for it. The Central Intelligence Agency has
been charged with its implementation. Following that
publicity, the policy was acknowledged by an official
spokesman of the American State Department in a press
briefing on 27 June.
The United Nations resolutions on Iraq affirm that
all States have an obligation to respect Iraq’s sovereignty,
territorial integrity and political independence. The United
States is carrying out a policy of its own making, which
runs counter to the provisions of the Charter and of the
resolutions referred to. I hope that Members of the United
Nations are not ignorant of the fact that among the means
of achieving the declared objectives of this hostile policy
towards Iraq is the imposition of no-fly zones in northern
and southern Iraq. This is an illegal act that is contrary to
Security Council resolutions. It is a unilateral military act
by the Governments of the United States and Britain —
a clear application of brute power politics against our
country. We demand that the United Nations deplore and
condemn unilateral policies based on the logic of brute
force, opportunism, double standards and hegemony.
8

We are demanding no more than the legal and proper
application of Security Council resolutions in accordance
with the purposes and principles of the Charter. We believe
that there is a collective duty to take joint action to evaluate
in an equitable manner Iraq’s fulfilment of its obligations.
This responsibility rests first and foremost with the
members of the Security Council because collectively they
bear responsibility for any imbalance caused by the
unilateral positions taken by the United States and Britain.
We are eager to establish excellent relations with
neighbouring countries. We have affirmed on more than
one occasion the importance of dialogue in order to arrive
at the best solutions to problems affecting relations between
the countries of the region. Unfortunately, we have not
received the required response from certain parties, largely
because of interference by external Powers that have
nothing to do with the reality of the interests of the States
of the region.
We note that, unfortunately, our neighbour, Turkey, is
indulging in dangerous policies that run counter to the deep
historical, religious and human relations between Iraq and
Turkey. Turkey has repeatedly continued to violate our
sovereignty, interfere in our internal affairs and invade our
territory, on the basis of flimsy pretexts. We have discussed
the situation with our neighbour, Turkey, on several
occasions in the past. The most recent discussion was with
the Under-Secretary of the Turkish Ministry for Foreign
Affairs, which took place on 15 September 1997 in
Baghdad. During those discussions we explained that the
solution to the Kurdish problem inside Turkey could not be
achieved by committing armed aggression against Iraq, or
by interfering in its internal affairs, in collaboration with
foreign Powers — the United States and Britain — but
rather by fully observing the principle of mutual respect for
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two countries
and by cooperation between their Governments to ensure
security and stability on both sides of the international
border.
We have warned Turkey of the serious and negative
consequences of its policies for relations between the two
countries and for Turkey’s own interests. Many countries in
and outside the region, and international organizations,
foremost among them the League of Arab States, have
condemned the new Turkish aggression against Iraq, which
began on 22 September 1997. We strongly condemn this
new military aggression, which is a flagrant violation of
Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We demand that
Turkey immediately withdraw its invading forces from our
country and refrain from repeating such aggressive military
practices, which contradict good-neighbourly relations, the
Charter and international law. We hold Turkey fully
responsible internationally for its acts of aggression inside
Iraq. We reserve our full right to respond to these acts
and to assert our other legitimate rights under
international law that arise as a result of Turkey’s
responsibility for those acts.
We are also keen on establishing good-neighbourly
relations with Iran, based on mutual respect for
sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in
internal affairs. On 8 August 1997 President Saddam
Hussain issued a call to the new Iranian Government to
show its good intentions towards Iraq by carrying out its
established obligations, foremost of which is the release
of Iraqi prisoners of war and the return of the aircraft
entrusted to it. He also affirmed that Iraq would
reciprocate each step taken by Iran in this regard by
taking two balanced steps: one corresponding to the
Iranian step and another in line with our deep sense of
humanitarian, regional and international responsibility to
encourage the taking of successive, continual steps to
ensure that regional security, mutual respect and balanced
interests rest firmly on their proper foundation in such a
way that benefits the peoples of the region.
It is unfortunate that our neighbour, Iran, does not
match our inclination and prefers to continue to exploit
the conditions of the unjust blockade imposed against Iraq
and to exploit the imposition of no-fly zones by the
United States and Britain in northern and southern Iraq to
enable it to violate Iraqi sovereignty, penetrate its airspace
and commit one military aggression after another. The
most recent of such acts was the bombing by eight
Iranian military aircraft of positions inside Iraqi territory,
in the governorates of Diala and El-Kut on 29 September
1997.
Iran and another State are taking advantage of the
illegal air embargo, imposed on northern and southern
Iraq by the United States and its collaborators, to violate
Iraq’s sovereignty, penetrate its airspace and commit
continuous military aggression on its territory. The
continuation of this illegal air embargo constitutes an
ongoing threat to Iraq’s sovereignty and security, not only
from America and Britain, but also from Iran and other States.
This situation, in which acts of aggression are
repeatedly committed, means that the explicit United
Nations pledges in relevant Security Council resolutions
to safeguard Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity
have become a mere dead letter. It is time that these
9

pledges be honoured. If it does otherwise, the United
Nations will have violated its own pledges.
Iraq is an ancient country with a history going back
more than 7,000 years. The Iraqi people, who contributed
immensely to human civilization, will remain in charge of
their own affairs, independent in their choices and able to
overcome these crises. As we stand at the threshold of the
twenty-first century, we look forward to seeing the United
Nations enabled to discharge its basic responsibilities to
carry out the purposes embodied in the Charter.


I wish to join other delegations in
congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency
of the General Assembly at its fifty-second session. I am
sure that, with your vast experience and diplomatic skill,
this Assembly will be guided towards achieving the goals
to which all peace-loving nations aspire. I also take this
occasion to thank your predecessor, Ambassador Razali
Ismail, for the efficient and energetic manner in which he
presided over the Assembly at its fifty-first session.
As we approach the dawn of a new millennium, the
international community continues to prepare itself for the
new challenges that the twenty-first century will
inevitably bring. Malta welcomes the commitment of our
evolving United Nations, ably led by Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, to become more responsive to and effective
in meeting these new challenges. Similarly, we share his
perception that the United Nations is at a moment of great
opportunity.
There should be little doubt that, with the demise of
bloc politics, the way has been opened for a world more
at ease with itself. Tension on a global scale has
diminished. At the same time, global instability has been
replaced by regional tensions that have often led to ethnic
and other localized conflicts. In our interdependent world,
the United Nations has a significant role to play in the
promotion of understanding and cooperation, which are
essential elements for the survival of humankind.
For its part, Malta is ready to work closely with all
Member States to strengthen our capacity for collective
action in the best interests of the States and peoples of
our countries, particularly in upholding the principles of
the Charter of the United Nations. Our commitment to
fundamental rights and the process of democracy is
unwavering.
Malta looks forward to the establishment of an
international criminal court in Rome in 1998. Earlier this
month, Malta was honoured to host an international
conference on this initiative, which we strongly support.
Our commitment to the setting up of such a court stems
from the fact that this court would be a landmark
development in the creation of a balanced and effective
system aimed at ensuring that international crimes,
5

especially mass violations of basic fundamental human
rights, do not remain unpunished.
We strongly believe that no country can enjoy peace
and prosperity in the true sense of the word unless
fundamental human rights are respected and unless the
State adopts a democratic system of government. Likewise,
Malta is committed to an international policy that promotes
disarmament and supports all measures that militate against
the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, including
nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. Malta fully
supports current efforts being undertaken to ban the
production and use of anti-personnel landmines.
Eleven months to the day after a democratic change of
Government in Malta, I must take this occasion to affirm
our commitment to peace, to cooperation among all nations
and to the pursuit of economic prosperity in a context of
social justice. Placed as it is at the southern rim of Europe
and at the geographic and strategic centre of the
Mediterranean, Malta stands by its commitment to the
ideals of European integration as well as to those of
Mediterranean unity. We believe that both these sets of
ideals are of vital importance, while being complementary
and in the best interests of all Mediterranean and all
European peoples.
In following up on these ideals, we have proposed to
the Maltese nation a vision of a role for Malta that tangibly
affirms the island's neutrality, in order to remove once and
for all any perception that Malta could be of any threat to
any of its neighbours, north or south, west or east. Within
this context, our vision projects for Malta a role that,
subject to our clear limitations of size and resources,
actively seeks to help build political, economic, social and
cultural bridges between all our neighbours and other
peoples of the Euro-Mediterranean space.
Indeed, Malta's foreign policy has three important
constituents. It is a foreign policy based on cooperation
with neighbouring countries, free of alignments yet open
and friendly to all; supported by an economic strategy
based on high-quality production and the provision of high-
quality services; and endeavouring to pursue excellence and
reliability in all that it seeks and undertakes.
Malta's foreign policy priority is to maintain the best
and most transparent relationship possible with all of our
neighbours in the Euro-Mediterranean region and beyond.
Our active neutrality foreign policy agenda aims to deepen
our ties with the European Union in a meaningful manner
while implementing an active Mediterranean policy to
encourage regional cooperation and unity.
Indeed, the Government of Malta aims to forge the
closest possible relations with the European Union by
negotiating ties in the form of a free trade area coupled
with a long-term political and security cooperation
agreement, and cooperation in technical, economic,
financial and social affairs.
We are equally committed to build upon our
Mediterranean identity and heritage by seeking to further
spur intra-regional networks of cooperation. Malta
strongly believes that such cooperation, based on dialogue
and mutual understanding, will contribute to a peaceful
Euro-Mediterranean region where Malta is ready to act as
a catalyst to bring together the diverse civilizations of the
Mediterranean littoral.
It is in this spirit that Malta speaks of and promotes
its active neutrality. We seek and promote peace and
stability in a troubled and complex region. Malta presents
no threat of any nature to anyone. At the same time,
Malta extends to all of its neighbours the engagement and
commitment of an honest broker, an intermediary or
simply a venue for dialogue and discussion, in the search
for a solution to the many problems which beset them.
The Government of Malta is determined to be proactive
in the quest for peace, and, in this context, we are
determined to enhance the trust needed to act in the best
interests of all of our societies.
Malta's neutrality is indeed validated by our
geostrategic position in the centre of the Mediterranean,
where political uncertainties, socio-economic disparities
and diverse cultural traditions all are contributing to an
area that remains plagued by tension and instability. Far
from being ideologically motivated, Malta's neutrality is
therefore a direct response to the very specific and unique
geopolitical factors that currently exist in the surrounding
region.
The Government of Malta believes that its strategy
of active, site-specific neutrality enables it effectively to
promote stability and understanding across the Euro-
Mediterranean region. Moreover, this status of neutrality
will continue to serve Malta's self-interests precisely
because it will also serve the best interests of the
European Union member States and of our Mediterranean
neighbours.
6

For Malta, the Mediterranean has been and continues
to be an integral element in our national development
programme. Malta's active participation in international and
regional forums is perhaps best described as an extension
of its cooperative security philosophy.
The Mediterranean is a microcosm of today's
multipolar world. The region epitomizes many of the
problems associated with the North-South debate. These
include maritime safety, maritime pollution, illegal
migration, terrorism and weapons proliferation. Malta is
particularly concerned at the ever-widening demographic
gap and the ever-widening economic disparities in the
Mediterranean region between the affluent North and the
underdeveloped South. Poverty, combined with a lack of
job opportunities and deteriorating living conditions, is
fueling extremist tensions throughout the Mediterranean.
Malta lies at the crossroads of the Mediterranean and
therefore believes it can act as a focal point in the effort
needed to attract the necessary attention and resources to
tackle security challenges in the region. The Mediterranean
is still dominated by areas of tension and conflict, which
require our constant vigilance. Israeli-Palestinian relations,
the Cyprus question, the situation in the former Yugoslavia,
the sanctions against Libya, the situation in Algeria and
other issues continue to create political tension, which is
unfortunately escalating and therefore creating a sense of
urgency in the finding of immediate and enduring solutions.
My Government thus believes that the perceived
threats to stability and therefore to security in the
Mediterranean are more of a political, environmental,
economic, social and humanitarian nature than of a military
one.
An important dimension of my Government's foreign
policy is directed towards the fight against drug-related
matters: illicit trafficking, money laundering and organized
crime. As a transit country, Malta could easily be open to
involvement in the web woven by drug traffickers.
Nevertheless, Malta is more determined than ever to face
up to this challenge, which is threatening the very fabric of
our societies. Malta calls upon the international community
for support in our efforts to eradicate this social plague.
The Government of Malta believes that the creation of
a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Mediterranean,
established on the basis of arrangements unanimously
agreed to by all the States of the region, would inevitably
contribute to peace and stability in the Mediterranean. This
fact was acknowledged by the 1995 Review and Extension
Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), when the
creation of such zones was encouraged.
The ultimate objective of Malta's Mediterranean
policy is the transformation of the region into a politically
stable and an economically prosperous, demilitarized and
nuclear-free zone. In this respect, Malta intends to make
maximum use of its contacts and available diplomatic
representation at the United Nations and in other
international forums to promote its political objective of
the Mediterranean Sea as an area of peace and stability.
Through regular diplomatic interaction with other Member
States at the United Nations, as well as through a more
active interchange and collaboration with the Office of the
Secretary-General, Malta intends to keep questions
relating to the Mediterranean high on the international
agenda.
Earlier this year Malta was host to the second Euro-
Mediterranean Conference, at which 27 States from
Europe and the Mediterranean held their second
ministerial meeting in as many years to forge a Euro-
Mediterranean partnership, an event which in itself has
far-reaching significance. The Malta Conference reiterated
that the serious and deep-seated problems of our region
need to be tackled through a process of dialogue and
common action, extending over a period of time and
covering a whole range of interrelated issues. It is Malta's
conviction that this process has generated a political
commitment that will effectively contribute to the removal
of the misperceptions and prejudice that still exist in the
region.
In its document on foreign policy published before
Malta's last general elections, held in October 1996, the
Malta Labour Party stated that for the United Nations to
improve its credibility and authority, it must improve its
structure, its administration and its competence. Above
all, it is hoped that this world Organization will develop
a more efficient mechanism by which it could implement
and execute its decisions more rapidly and effectively.
That is why Malta today supports the initiative of
the Secretary-General in presenting his report to the
General Assembly and congratulates him for what we
consider to be proposals of an unprecedented and
comprehensive nature.
This annual gathering provides the perfect setting for
the international community to come together and take
stock of the previous 12 months and to identify, as
7

precisely as possible, the challenges that lie ahead. We
believe that three types of trans-national security challenges
require our immediate attention. These are the war on
drugs, environmental degradation and the eradication of
poverty. Unlike the immediately visible effects of war,
these three challenges cannot always be defined with
sufficient clarity, although they have a potential for
destruction that is equivalent to that of war. Malta sees each
of these areas as a far-reaching hazard which threatens the
very fabric of our economic, human and environmental
habitat, leading to instability and presenting real threats to
our security.
The first challenge concerns the scourge of illicit drug
trafficking. Countless human lives are being ruined and
wasted to satisfy the greed of a few. This is an
unacceptable situation. Malta believes that the United
Nations system is well placed to coordinate this fight
through appropriate and effective measures. We therefore
welcome the recommendation of the Secretary-General that
the functions of the Commission on Crime Prevention and
Criminal Justice and the Commission on Narcotic Drugs be
consolidated into a single commission under arrangements
that will fully preserve the treaty-based functions entrusted
to the latter.
The second challenge we are facing on the threshold
of the twenty-first century is the reconciliation of
environmental concerns with development needs. The
common concerns and mutual interests of the international
community in promoting sustainable development, and at
the same time protecting our environment, cut across
national boundaries.
The problem of the environment is no less relevant to
Mediterranean countries. Sound management of Malta's
coastal and marine environments is of crucial importance
for an island State like Malta. The pressures exerted on the
Mediterranean environment as a consequence of its being
an important maritime highway and a tourist destination are
of particular concern. We believe that solutions to common
environmental problems are best found through an
integrated regional approach.
My Government is firmly committed to a proactive
role in supporting regional initiatives in the Mediterranean
for the conservation and sustainable management of its
natural marine habitat. Malta has contributed actively to this
process in the past, within the context of the Mediterranean
Action Plan of the United Nations Environment Programme
(UNEP) and the Barcelona Convention, the most recent
initiative being the setting up of the Mediterranean
Commission for Sustainable Development. Malta intends
to strengthen its participation in that Commission as well
as to contribute to the fullest extent to the Mediterranean
environmental programmes within the context of the
Euro-Mediterranean process.
Malta fully supports the efforts of the Organization
in the promotion of environmental protection and the
sustainable use of the world's natural resources to ensure
a more equitable distribution of wealth, and of an
international trade regime free of restrictive or
discriminatory practices. Together we must adopt an
effective course of action for the coming years that will
create the right balance between the need for human-
centred and socially just development and the need to
ensure the sustainability of our natural environment.
In the five years since the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development, not much,
unfortunately, has been achieved. Last June's special
session made an in-depth appraisal of the progress
achieved, defined future priorities and helped to raise the
issue of sustainable development higher on the political
agenda. We acknowledge that all of us — developed and
developing, rich and poor — share a common interest in
the pursuit and attainment of development, which must be
sustained, equitable and integrated. In the words of the
Secretary-General, development is
“a pillar of peace, a foundation of stability, and a
powerful force for preventive diplomacy and
preventive action”. [Press release ECOSOC/5708]
However, our third challenge is what I consider to
be the most complex. For years, the international
community has been trying to come to grips with the
perennial problem faced by millions and millions of the
world's population: poverty. The ever-increasing
disparities between the haves and the have-nots have
reached alarming proportions. The cold war and East-
West division have been superseded by a post-cold-war
North-South divide. Though many had predicted this
development and called for a concerted effort to deal with
the issue, little has been done to try to reverse this trend.
Poverty still reigns supreme. Aggravated poverty, hunger
and malnutrition are a paradox of our times. A fifth of the
world's population, or 1.3 billion human beings, live on
incomes of below a dollar a day, and over 50 per cent of
the world's population have less than 5 per cent of total
global income.
8

The United Nations system is uniquely placed to deal
with such intolerable and acute problems. This Organization
must dedicate more attention and more time to coordinating
effective action to alleviate the suffering and the degrading
environment in which billions of citizens still live. It is time
to act firmly and unequivocally to halt the aggravation of
this situation, which is fast becoming a latent source of
political instability in the world.
Malta believes that as we enter the new millennium
our Organization must become more relevant; it must
become more democratic. Today's setup reflects the past. In
a world where everyone is speaking about democracy, the
right and the use of the veto become anachronistic. Malta
is of the view that the use of the veto should be curtailed
with a view to its eventual elimination. Malta is not in
favour of extending the right of veto.
On the issue of the expansion of the Security Council,
Malta believes that the Charter of the United Nations
considers all States to be equal, and therefore it follows that
though we should have a more representative Security
Council that reflects today's membership of the United
Nations, this can easily be achieved by increasing the
number of non-permanent seats to the Council.
My Government has carefully examined the Secretary-
General's report on renewing the United Nations, document
A/51/950. We agree on the need for more efficiency and
greater cost-effectiveness. At the same time, we feel that,
as the Organization is a unique body, its tasks and
successes cannot be measured solely in monetary terms.
Here, I would like to highlight two important areas of
the Secretary-General's report. In paragraph 108 it is stated
that when imposing sanctions the Security Council should
give more consideration
“to making these sanctions more effective in achieving
the goal of modifying the behaviour of those targeted,
while limiting the collateral damages. There is also a
need to address the broader humanitarian and
economic effects of sanctions, as well as objective
criteria in their application and for their termination”.
[A/51/950]
Malta finds itself in total agreement with this
statement. While supporting the use of fair sanctions,
imposed appropriately and for the minimum period of time
possible by the United Nations in its task of guaranteeing
international peace, we feel that the decision to impose
sanctions, especially those which will ultimately affect the
whole population of a given country, must be justified
and that they should be imposed only as a last resort.
In another area referred to by the Secretary-General
in his report, Malta would like to see the Secretariat's
Department of Political Affairs dedicate more time and
attention to the situation in the Mediterranean region. In
this context, consideration should be given to the
establishment of a Mediterranean desk within that
Department. The creation of such a desk would facilitate
contacts and the Department would thus assume a more
direct role in the implementation of the relevant
provisions of resolutions adopted by the General
Assembly on the strengthening of security and
cooperation in the Mediterranean.
Malta's contributions in the search for peace, security
and cooperation for the benefit of mankind are well
recorded in the annals of the history of this Organization.
Malta's initiatives on the law of the sea and climate
change and the recent initiative on the new role to be
given to the Trusteeship Council are witness to the esteem
and dedication which Malta attaches to its role in this
Organization.
Malta is a small island State. Notwithstanding this,
we look upon the United Nations as the forum where
countries such as ours can express their views and where
the principle of the equality of States is enshrined and
protected. For us, this Organization has much significance
and for this reason Malta intends to support the Secretary-
General in his quest for urgent reform.
The more efficient and relevant the United Nations
becomes, the better our interests are served. My
Government will continue to give its wholehearted
support to the United Nations, its agencies and its
programmes. Many of the problems and challenges which
will face us in the third millennium can be overcome only
through the concerted efforts of all Member States and
through a better, more efficient and more effective United
Nations.


I recall two years ago, when,
on the occasion of the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary
of the founding of the United Nations, this podium was the
focus of attention. There was much enthusiasm and hope as
leaders looked back on the past 50 years and looked
forward to the next 50 and the coming of the new
millennium. I had the honour to be among world leaders
who shared the privilege of participating in that historic
occasion. It was then that we as leaders made a number of
pledges and committed ourselves to effecting necessary and
appropriate changes to reshape and reform the United
Nations. We pledged never to repeat the mistakes of the
past and to work for a better world through an improved
and more dynamic United Nations.
I take this opportunity to congratulate you,
Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of the
fifty-second session and to thank Ambassador Razali Ismail
for his work in guiding the fifty-first session. It is with
profound pleasure and a sincere sense of hope and
expectation that I welcome and congratulate our new
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan. I assure him that he
has the full confidence and support of the Commonwealth
of Dominica in his endeavours.
Notwithstanding the leadership changes, if we are to
achieve our ultimate goal of a better world for all, much
more must happen. The reform of the United Nations,
which has been the subject of such intense debate for so
long now, must become a reality. We have noted and
taken seriously your commitment, Mr. President, to
encourage action-oriented discussions on measures and
proposals that encompass the reform of the United
Nations system. It is our wish that the discussion, as vital
a part of the process as it is, will be as short-lived as
possible and that the implementation of reforms which we
all want to see will very soon be effected.
The people of this world are demanding reform. The
Organization itself needs the reform. Let us do it now.
The numbers, geographic representation and decision-
making process of the principal organs of the United
Nations must urgently reflect the realities of the new
millennium.
Membership in the United Nations is based on the
sovereign equality of its Members. Whether we are small
or whether we are big, we are worthy of respect. And we
all have an obligation to work towards maintaining
international peace and security; achieving international
cooperation in solving economic, social, cultural or
humanitarian problems; and encouraging respect for
human rights and for fundamental freedoms.
We do not expect to be in an Organization where the
rule is the law of the jungle; that is, the survival of the
fittest. Rules and regulations of any organization which
can be interpreted and implemented in a manner which
threatens the survival and the very existence of its
members are undesirable.
Most of us are members of the World Trade
Organization (WTO), and I wish to bring it to the
attention of the General Assembly and of all
representatives that recent decisions taken in the WTO at
the request of some Members of this very United Nations
are threatening to destroy the livelihood of smaller
nations. The Commonwealth of Dominica, my country,
and other countries of the Caribbean Community
(CARICOM) are threatened by this action. Our main
means of livelihood — bananas — has been placed on the
shakiest of grounds by this decision. Such uncertainty
brings about instability and can threaten peace.
While the General Assembly has no enforcement
authority, its resolutions and recommendations to Member
States carry the political and moral force of majority
approval. I appeal then to Member States to use whatever
is in their power to persuade the complainants against the
5

European banana marketing regime to consider the
consequences of their action and to think again.
Cliches like “desperate times call for desperate
measures” and “a hungry man is an angry man” may sound
banal, but they cannot be ignored. Peace in our region and
peace in the world depend much on the humanitarian
dispensation of justice. The action which has been taken
against us in the WTO is not justice.
The raison d’être for the establishment of the United
Nations was to maintain peace and security. You,
Mr. President, in your address to this body recognized that
peace and security are threatened by international terrorism.
May I draw to your attention that peace and security can
also be threatened by economic terrorism. Our region is
now threatened by economic terrorism, and our
Organization — the United Nations — has a responsibility
and a duty to ensure that no form of terrorism succeeds in
undermining our peace and security.
This matter is so serious that I urge the Secretary-
General to pay a visit to the now tranquil and peaceful
Caribbean region, starting in the Windward Islands, to get
a sense of the situation for himself. For there is a flame
ignited in that area which has the potential to transform
itself into a conflagration of a magnitude capable of
engulfing the entire hemisphere.
In May of this year in Bridgetown, Barbados,
CARICOM and the United States entered into a Partnership
for Prosperity and Security in the Caribbean. Our ability to
meet our obligations for implementation of the Plan of
Action will be seriously compromised by this decision of
the WTO which seeks to deny us the opportunity to earn
our living.
Our Caribbean region is often described as paradise,
but sometimes there can be trouble in paradise. Our region
is prone to natural disasters. Hurricanes, earthquakes and
floods are not uncommon, and the world knows of the slow
destruction of the island of Montserrat by the volcanic
eruptions which have been going on now for over two
years. Member States of CARICOM have come to the help
of this small territory, however there continues to be a great
need for humanitarian assistance, and we look to the
Members of the United Nations for their meaningful
contribution to rebuilding the Emerald Isle.
Man-made threats also plague our region, one such
being the trans-shipment of hazardous waste through the
Caribbean Sea. The indiscriminate pollution of the sea, the
destruction of marine life by the discharge of waste into
the waterway by ocean liners, and the trans-shipment of
illegal drugs and arms all pose serious threats to the
orderly development of the region. There is a need to
establish a regime under the auspices of the United
Nations to stem such practices.
We cannot help but lament that after 50 years and
more our world has not yet found that peace for which
this body was instituted. In the past years we have seen
the struggles in the former Yugoslavia and in Central
Africa. We have witnessed the scourge of ethnic
cleansing and killings. And the Middle East remains
unsettled. Unrest in any part of the world affects us all.
It is therefore our responsibility to work towards that total
peace.
We congratulate the 100 nations which have signed
the Treaty banning the production and dissemination of
landmines. Such weapons of destruction do not deserve to
exist in a civilized world. We trust that nations which are
still hesitating will soon come around and sign — and
eventually ratify — the Treaty.
For there to be peace we must acknowledge the right
of peoples and nations to exist, regardless of colour, class,
race, creed, political belief or model of government. This
decade was declared the International Decade of the
World’s Indigenous People. We are happy to report that
in the Commonwealth of Dominica the first peoples of
the Caribbean, the Caribs, coexist peacefully with the rest
of the population. It is our intention to work diligently
with the Secretary-General so that before this decade is
over there will be some tangible and positive impact on
the lives of our own indigenous people which would give
meaning to the noble intentions of this body in making
this declaration.
The Commonwealth of Dominica as a member of
CARICOM, the Organization of American States (OAS)
and the Association of Caribbean States (ACS), is
heartened by the spread of democracy throughout the
hemisphere. We intend to play our part to ensure that this
movement is not transient, but, rather, reflects a deep-
rooted conviction of our people that this is indispensable
for development and prosperity.
We respect the right of all countries to chose their
own model of government, while at the same time we
urge all Members of the Organization to practice or
continue to practice the democratic process and to provide
6

for their people full opportunity to enjoy all the benefits of
a democratic society.
It is against this background that the Government and
people of the Commonwealth of Dominica call again on
this world body not to continually close its ears to the pleas
of the Republic of China for international recognition. It
must be remembered that the Republic of China is a
founding Member of this Organization and has been a
Member for the greater part of its existence. The Republic
of China on Taiwan is a politically democratic and
economically dynamic society with a directly elected
Government and Parliament. Dominica therefore urges
Member States not to continue to ignore or block the
efforts being made to admit the Republic of China to
membership of this and other international bodies.
Peace in this world also requires that the hungry be
fed, the homeless sheltered, the ignorant educated, all
people enjoy good health, and our patrimony — the
Earth — kept in a condition that we all can enjoy. We
applaud and encourage the efforts of international
organizations — including United Nations specialized
agencies, which work to satisfy these needs and aspirations.
The effective functioning of this Organization requires
proper management of its resources, both human and
financial. We encourage the Secretary-General in his efforts
in this regard, and we call upon all members to do their
best to provide the necessary financial support to the limits
of their ability. I take this opportunity to congratulate
Mr. Ted Turner on his generous donation to the
Organization and, like him, call upon others to do likewise.
I am convinced that the Secretary-General will use this gift
most wisely and judiciously, knowing that proper utilization
of these funds will dispose others to come forward.
Every country, even the most developed ones, has its
needs. We in Dominica, a developing country, have many.
Globalization and trade liberalization, combined with the
impact of natural disasters, have increased the urgency for
diversifying our economy. In this regard, attention is being
paid to our human resource capacity, to take advantage of
the revolution in technology and communication.
A major thrust in the process of diversification is
tourism, but tourism with a difference: ecotourism. Earlier
I mentioned the need to preserve and conserve the Earth for
the enjoyment of all. My country Dominica has much to
offer to visitors who want to enjoy nature, and we are
working hard to make ourselves the ecotourism destination
of the Caribbean. Some of those listening to me may have
visited Dominica and know how difficult it is to enter
there. We are taking steps to make it easier to visit my
country by the construction of a 24-hour landing facility
for long-range aircraft. We trust that our approach to
friendly nations and institutions for assistance in this
regard will receive favourable consideration.
The beginning of the new millennium is close at
hand. Two years ago we all pledged to redouble our
efforts to work towards fulfilling the obligations we
assumed when we became Members of this great
Organization. Let none of us waver in our resolve. The
key to it all lies in our working together as Members of
the United Nations. Let us join hands and wills to build
this better world. History will judge us harshly if we do
not.


There is an overwhelming air
of expectancy across the world as we gather at this fifty-
second session of the General Assembly. It is hoped that
the events of this session over the next few weeks will
present a new vision for our Organization. The success of
this session will depend upon Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, the
Foreign Minister of Ukraine and current President of this
Assembly. His reputation for excellence and hard work
assures us all that under his presidency, the affairs of this
session will be well ordered.
May I therefore take this opportunity, on behalf of
my Head of State, General Sani Abacha, and the
Government and the people of Nigeria, to extend to him
our congratulations on his election. Let me also avail
myself of this opportunity to extend to his predecessor,
Ambassador Razali of Malaysia, our praises and high
esteem for the purposeful and dynamic leadership he gave
to the General Assembly during the past year.
My delegation notes with satisfaction the excellent
manner in which our Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
has settled down to his onerous tasks and conducted the
affairs of our Organization since he took office. He has
demonstrated through his reform proposals his capacity to
lead the United Nations into the twenty-first century. We
will continue to extend to him our fullest cooperation and
support.
As we gather here to contemplate the present state
of our world, it is tempting to be optimistic that the
United Nations will provide a solution to the problems of
nations. The truth however, is that all around the world
lies evidence of the Organization’s unfinished tasks, and
even of some of its failures to meet mankind’s hopes and
aspirations. Nonetheless, the fact that Member States
continue to participate in the annual sessions of the
General Assembly signifies that the search for peace and
the pursuit of development are indeed ongoing processes.
There still subsists an abiding faith in the United Nations
and the willingness on the part of all of us to continue to
strive for a better and more peaceful world.
That is why many nations have come here from time
to time seeking understanding for their individual travails,
believing passionately that here they would find
accommodation and support. Many of them have returned
home disappointed, confounded by the realities of today’s
world, as they come to terms with the awesome power
wielded by the strong against the weak. We must remain
mindful that international relations represent a complex
mix of national circumstances and the demands and
dictates of a changing external environment. International
relations must be based on a perceived goal of the
common good, on mutual respect for sovereignty and on
accommodation and consideration for national
circumstances and sensitivities. The United Nations must
therefore continue to serve as the bulwark against the
imposition of the will of the strong on that of the weak.
23

No nation ever addresses this body without a point of
view peculiarly its own. We all come here with our
histories, our cultures and our traditions, which give
meaning and substance to the values we seek to impart to
this Organization. In the case of my country, Nigeria, we
have the added burden of manifest destiny. While we did
not choose our destiny, we welcome its concomitant
obligations and opportunities. For it is destiny, not national
ambition, that motivates us in the discharge of our
responsibilities.
In this regard, we see in the predicament of each
troubled African State a mirror image of ourselves and a
call to duty to render assistance in the best tradition of
African brotherhood. Our exertions on behalf of regional
and subregional peace and security arise from the
circumstances of our history as the largest black nation on
earth and the fortunate circumstances of our bountiful
endowment. It is our destiny that we are home to one of
every four Africans and one of every five blacks on earth.
How could we be indifferent to the plight of the black race?
It is our unshakeable destiny to champion the promotion
and defence of the rights of all black people in Africa and
in the diaspora. So, let no one imagine that we have only
just embraced our peacekeeping role, because, as is well
known, we nurse no expansionist or hegemonistic interests.
We simply cannot be indifferent to the plight of our
brothers in other African States when their lives are
imperilled.
Since our admission to the United Nations on 7
October 1960, we have given a firm indication of our
country’s determination to chart an independent course in
world affairs and also to resolutely defend the interests of
Africa. When, for example, an atomic device was detonated
in the Sahara in 1960, Nigeria did not hesitate to express its
disapproval by breaking diplomatic relations with the
country concerned. Furthermore, we are proud to have been
part of the effort that brought about the formation of the
Organization of African Unity in 1963. We have since
spared no effort to ensure the survival of that continental
Organization. We were also in the vanguard of the struggle
for the total liberation of Africa from colonial domination
and of the campaign to eradicate apartheid in South Africa.
We regarded the apartheid system as an affront to the
dignity of the black race.
Similarly, our contributions to United Nations
peacekeeping operations span nearly three and a half
decades. Starting with the Congo in 1960, we have
committed in excess of a quarter of a million troops to
United Nations peacekeeping efforts. They have been
variously deployed to preserve peace and security in our
own region and elsewhere around the globe including in
Bosnia, Cambodia and Lebanon.
At the inception of our Organization over half a
century ago, its founding fathers captured, in the preamble
to the Charter, a vision and an expectation of saving
succeeding generations from the scourge of war. It was
hoped that a global order would emerge in which
humanity would live at peace with itself and nations
would be able to cooperate in furtherance of peace and
security. In spite of the end of the cold war, which for
many years was perceived as the main obstacle to the
realization of United Nations goals, our world is still
largely unsafe, insecure and unstable.
The threat of nuclear war still truly exists. This
makes it imperative that the total elimination of nuclear
weapons remains a priority item on the United Nations
agenda. Over and above the threat posed by nuclear
weapons, there has been a proliferation of inter-State and
intra-State conflicts with attendant negative consequences
for global peace and security. In Central Europe, Asia and
in our continent, Africa, these conflicts have devastated
societies, resulting in millions of refugees and displaced
persons. Africa is the area worst affected by these
conflicts.
The United Nations has primary responsibility for
the maintenance of international peace and security.
However, it also recognizes the crucial role which
regional and subregional organizations may play in the
realization of these objectives. It was in the light of this
recognition that the 16 countries of the West African
subregion launched, in 1990, the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS) Monitoring Group
(ECOMOG) to address the conflict in Liberia, which at
the time was rightly perceived as a threat not only to the
corporate existence of a Member State but, indeed, to
peace and security in the entire subregion.
As a result of the firm resolve of the leaders of
ECOWAS and the determination of ECOMOG, coupled
with the enhanced material and logistic support received
from friendly countries within and outside the subregion,
the disarmament of the warring factions was successfully
accomplished as scheduled, on 31 January 1997. An
environment of peace and security was then established
throughout Liberia. It then became possible for free and
fair legislative and presidential elections to be held as
scheduled, on 19 July 1997. On 2 August this year, His
Excellency Mr. Charles Ghankay Taylor was installed as
24

President of Liberia. That event brought to an end a sad
chapter in the history of Liberia. As Nigeria is currently
chairing ECOWAS, we take this opportunity to convey to
the international community our profound appreciation for
its support and assistance in bringing the Liberian conflict
to a successful end.
It is ironic that as peace came to Liberia events in
neighbouring Sierra Leone took a turn for the worse,
following the violent overthrow of the legitimate
Government of President Tejan Kabbah by a section of that
country’s military on 25 May 1997. That action was
characterized by massive looting and wanton destruction of
lives and property. Vital national assets, including the
Central Bank, were looted and burnt down. Virtually all
embassies and residences were either looted or vandalized
by the ravaging group of coup plotters now in Freetown.
All diplomatic missions have since evacuated Sierra Leone.
These developments have been roundly condemned by
the OAU, the United Nations and the international
community. It is encouraging that no foreign Government
or organization has to date given recognition or support to
the regime in Freetown. We urge that this position be
maintained.
Meanwhile, ECOWAS has spared no effort in seeking
a peaceful resolution of the problem created in Sierra
Leone. At Conakry, in June 1997, ECOWAS objectives
were defined to include: first, the early reinstatement of the
legitimate Government of President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah;
secondly, the return of peace and security; and, thirdly, the
resolution of the issues of refugees and displaced persons.
Accordingly, ECOWAS adopted a combination of three
strategies, namely dialogue and negotiations, sanctions and
embargo, and the possible use of force. A mechanism to
monitor and implement the ECOWAS response to the
situation in Sierra Leone was established, comprising four
countries: Nigeria, Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana.
During the last ECOWAS summit, held recently at Abuja,
the committee was expanded to five with the addition of
Liberia, and was raised to the status of Heads of State.
At that same summit, additional measures were
imposed on the illegal regime in order to strengthen the
negotiation process towards the peaceful resolution of the
crisis in Sierra Leone. ECOMOG was mandated to oversee
the implementation of these measures. In pursuing this goal
of the peaceful resolution of the Sierra Leone crisis, we
seek the support of the international community.
Africa has of late witnessed a series of inter-State
conflicts which have in some cases led either to the
disintegration of some countries or to the total collapse of
central government authority. Consequently, many well-
meaning members of the international community have
tried to propose solutions for prevention and resolution of
conflicts in Africa. Regrettably, these various initiatives
have not only been made outside the framework of the
United Nations, but, more seriously, have tended to ignore
the existing framework and mechanisms within the
African continent. Yet it is obvious that the existing
mechanisms at both the subregional and the continental
levels have demonstrated a proven capacity to resolve
African problems. ECOWAS, the Southern African
Development Community and the Intergovernmental
Authority on Development have all established a
reputation as viable instruments for conflict resolution. Of
course, most of the regional and subregional bodies
require material and logistical support from the United
Nations as well as from individual members of the
international community.
Nigeria believes that no initiative, however well
intentioned, can succeed in resolving conflicts if it is not
discussed and adopted within the framework of the OAU
Central Organ’s Mechanism for Conflict Prevention,
Management and Resolution. Accordingly, we recommend
that all current initiatives should be first channelled
through the existing organs of the OAU.
It is our view that national sovereignty and the
fundamental rights of the individual are not necessarily
mutually exclusive, provided a proper balance is struck.
Indeed, they can be mutually reinforcing. The problem
arises when, either deliberately or inadvertently, the
prerogative of sovereignty is made subject to the absolute
rights of the individual. This is a disservice both to the
cause of freedom and to the true purpose of democracy.
What is required in the interest both of the State and of
the enhancement of human rights is a proper recognition
that the right of the individual only begins at the point
where the sovereign right of the State terminates. We
must resist the attempt in some quarters to use human
rights as a ploy to engage in activities designed to
undermine the sovereignty of some Member States in the
United Nations family.
Two years ago, the present Administration in my
country announced a programme of return to civil rule.
Since then, commendable progress has been made in the
implementation of that programme. We are encouraged by
the successful outcome of the elections held so far and of
25

the processes which we have undertaken to ensure a
successful transition. The rest of the programme is firmly
on course. We remain firmly confident that all the
processes entailed in the transition programme will be
completed on schedule, by 1 October 1998.
We have always given due recognition and
appreciation to all friendly countries in the international
system which have shown genuine concern for and
understanding of the complexities of the Nigerian situation.
After all, in 1960 we as a country willingly embraced the
Westminster model of Government put in place by the
departing colonial Power. That system took little or no
account of our traditional institutions, or indeed of our
customs and cultures. Indeed, that system collapsed after
six years. In 1979, my country, being more adventurous,
looked far across the Atlantic Ocean and adopted the
presidential system of government. However, the cost of
running the system placed a huge burden on our country’s
economy. Not surprisingly, that system too collapsed after
five years.
Today, no one can blame us as a country for searching
for a system of government best suited for Nigeria, a
system which takes into account the realities of our nation.
You may call it by whatever name, but the peace, stability,
development and good governance of our people remains
uppermost in our minds.
At 37, Nigeria is by all standards a relatively young
nation. Even those countries that have been nations for
centuries and have inherited relatively stable societies are
still grappling with the complexities of nationhood and
experimenting with new formulas to cope with the
exigencies of state. They were not present when their
forefathers, who also fought bitter civil wars, struggled to
hand them their present inheritance. They should therefore
show greater understanding for those of us engaged at this
time in the arduous task of forging new and stable societies
from the ruins of colonialism.
If Nigeria appears concerned and indeed preoccupied
with the vital issues of peace and stability at home, in West
Africa and in Africa as a whole, it is because we are
convinced that the urgent demands of socio-economic
development cannot be effectively tackled without peace
and stability. Nigeria believes that peace and stability in
Africa will facilitate the channelling of our limited
resources into the critical areas of political, social and
economic development. Consequently, since the end of our
civil war in 1970, we have embarked on a deliberate and
substantial reduction of the Nigerian armed forces from a
strength of 500,000 in all ranks to the barely 100,000 that
it is today. This has resulted in a corresponding reduction
in military expenditure.
Security considerations have sometimes compelled
countries to allocate a disproportionate share of their
national budgets to military expenditure. This has had the
effect of reducing resources available for development.
The end of the cold war had raised hopes that substantial
resources would be available in the form of a peace
dividend for development. Unfortunately, the proliferation
of regional conflicts and civil wars has led even the
United Nations into allocating enormous resources for
peacekeeping and conflict resolution, thus weakening its
capacity to fulfil its Charter obligations regarding social
and economic development.
Since its establishment 52 years ago, the United
Nations has served as an instrument for implementing a
global agenda of a diverse, complex and pressing nature.
As has been evident from the debates that have taken
place in the General Assembly, no one today can deny the
need for and the urgency of reform.
In this regard, the Secretary-General has now made
a number of proposals, in addition to the ongoing efforts
of the General Assembly on the subject of reform. My
delegation will actively participate in the consideration of
these proposals. In doing so, it is important to stress that
the outcome should encompass and take on board the
views and interests of all Member States.
The reforms of the United Nations, as proposed for
the Secretariat, the General Assembly and the specialized
agencies, would be incomplete without a corresponding
reform of the Security Council. A reform of the Council
would entail a restructuring and expansion of its
membership in both categories to take account of, among
other things, the increased membership of our
Organization and the need to reflect the interests of all the
constituent regions.
Happily, there is now broad agreement on the need
for the expansion of the membership of the Security
Council in both categories. With almost a third of the
membership of the United Nations, Africa should have
adequate representation in an expanded Security Council.
At the thirty-third summit of the Organization of African
Unity (OAU) held in Harare, Zimbabwe, last June,
leaders of Africa reaffirmed the need for the region to
have two permanent seats with full veto powers. Nigeria
considers this demand legitimate and well deserved.
26

We stand here today as guardians of the heritage of
our cherished Organization, even as we gaze at the future
horizon and the dawning of the new millennium. The vision
we harbour about the future of the United Nations is
inevitably conditioned by the objective realities of the
present and the vigour with which we shall pursue the
hopes and challenges of the new millennium.
It is within our means and our grasp to make the next
50 years of the United Nations different, more exciting and
generally more beneficial to the world at large. We can
plead no alibi or extenuating circumstances should we fail
to do so. For, unlike in San Francisco, when nearly two
thirds of the present membership of the United Nations did
not participate in the creation of the bold new world, this
time around, we, all 185 nations at the United Nations, are
the world, and we are present at the reordering of the new
international world order, as envisaged by the reform
proposals of the United Nations and its organs. We should
take the opportunity to establish a revamped United
Nations of shared values and interests and to promote a
greater equality of States.
Students of history will bear testimony to the fact
that over the centuries, centres of power and influence
have shifted constantly from one part of the world to
another. The rise and fall of great empires has been a
constant phenomenon in human history. A gale wind of
change is now blowing across the globe. My country,
Nigeria, identifies with that change, which inevitably will
result in new centres of power and influence. It is not to
be imagined that any one continent will forever remain at
the periphery of the emerging new world order.
The millennium bell tolls for the nations of the
world as we await the dawning of the new age. We must
not shirk our responsibility for the regeneration of the
United Nations. We are the world. Let us, from this
historic Hall, reaffirm our faith in humankind. Let our
dream come true for a new and vibrant inner vision that
will light our paths into the next century. Now is the
time; as the late Mother Teresa so gently reminded us,
“Tomorrow has not yet come, yesterday is
already gone, and we have only today — let us
begin”.