Mr. President, I wish at the outset to congratulate you most sincerely on your unanimous election to the presidency of the present session of the General Assembly. We recognize your numerous qualities, both as a diplomat and as a statesman, and we are certain that you will conduct our work here with distinction and success. Your election is not only a recognition of your personal qualities but also a homage to your country, to the Arab nations and to the great continent of Africa where a great step towards decolonization has been made, Which we hope will be a decisive one.
36.	Another reason to rejoice is the admission of three new Member States, to the representatives of which I should like to extend a welcome in the name of my country and of my delegation. We are convinced that the contribution of Bangladesh, Guinea- Bissau, and Grenada will be most fruitful for the Organization in its strides towards achieving universality.
37.	I should also like to express our thanks to His Excellency Mr. Leopoldo Benites for the admirable way in which he presided over the twenty-eighth session and the sixth special session of the General Assembly.
38.	Finally, to our Secretary-General I wish to renew our support and the expression of our confidence.
39.	Significant events have happened in the period since the preceding session of the General Assembly, some of which have changed the world scene beyond recognition. At this late stage of the general debate, however, I do not wish to comment upon all, or even most, of these developments. I shall dwell only upon the global economic situation and the question of the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. But, before reviewing these two questions I wish to say a few words on the situation in the Middle East, in the Indian sub-continent and in Cyprus.
40.	The October war last year changed the whole picture of the Middle East. The establishment of the United Nations Emergency Force last October at the height of the crisis, followed by agreements on disengagement of forces, marked the beginning of a new era in the tragic history of the Middle East protest. Thus, a glimmer of hope emerged on the horizon
a political landscape which had remained sombre for such a long period of time. However, there is not much reason to be over-optimistic, and there can hardly be any doubt that unless the root causes of tension are removed, military conflicts may recur.
41.	As I said in this Assembly last year, negotiations among parties can only be undertaken if there is a reasonable guarantee of withdrawal by Israel from occupied Arab territories and of implementation of all the other provisions of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), including recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.21 do not intend to stress the serious potential consequences of the intransigent policies pursued by Israel, nor do I need to emphasize the adverse effects of such policies on the sorely needed trust which must be painstakingly built between the parties involved in the Middle East tragedy.
42.	As was demonstrated by the war last October, the physical security of Israel can by no means be guaranteed by the occupation of Arab lands, and the only viable alternative continues to be the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which provides the best practical framework for the realization of a just and lasting peace.
43.	Peace and security in the Indian sub-continent is one of the essential elements of my country's foreign policy, and in order to preserve it we shall continue to seek the friendship and co-operation of all parties concerned. In this connexion I should like to express the satisfaction of my Government over the developments in the sub-continent, culminating in the recent agreement which will open the channels of communication among the countries concerned and pave the way for the resumption of full diplomatic relations between Pakistan and India. It is hoped that further efforts will be made to settle outstanding problems between the parties concerned through peaceful means.
44.	Regarding the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, which is item 31 on the agenda, I should like to make a brief reference to a statement made by His Imperial Majesty to the countries of the Indian Ocean for the purpose of studying and establishing extensive ties of economic co-operation between the countries bordering on that ocean. Such co-operation is bound to assist the efforts that have been undertaken here in the United Nations for that same purpose. I would also add that we are maintaining friendly relations that are constantly growing with all the other nations of the subcontinent as well as with adjacent countries. In this connexion I wish to emphasize the excellent state of our brotherly relations with Afghanistan.
45.	In Cyprus, we were most concerned when the military coup took place, and we immediately said that the status of Cyprus as an independent and sovereign State, based upon international agreements, should be safeguarded as should the rights of the Turkish community on the island. While the reasons which prompted the Turkish military action in Cyprus are understandable, we are convinced that in the long run the problem can only be solved through negotiations among the countries and communities concerned on the basis of the independence of Cyprus and the observance of the legitimate rights of both the Turkish and Greek communities. The Government of Iran hopes that the problem will be solved as soon as possible because, apart from the political problem, the fate of more than 200,000 refugees is at stake.
46.	The plight of refugees is not unfamiliar to us. Indeed, we are at present confronted with such a problem ourselves. About 100,000 Iraqi-Kurdish refugees all of them women, the elderly and children have flooded into Iran as a result of calamitous and heart-rending bombings. The Government of Iran has already allocated more than $100 million for the care of these refugees. But it is evident that money, food and housing alone cannot alleviate all their sufferings.
47.	It was not my intention to speak here today of the relations between my country and Iraq. Indeed, fol-lowing upon the talks between the delegations of the two countries at Istanbul last August, it was agreed that I should meet my Iraqi opposite number here in October so as to enter into discussions with him, and I felt that, in accordance with the very spirit of a bilateral agreement reflected in Security Council resolution 348 (1974) for the "creation of a favorable atmosphere" that would encourage these talks, we should abstain from repeating what all Members of our Organization are already familiar with, particularly through the letters addressed by our permanent representative to the President of the Security Council.
48.	I note once again that, to my great surprise, at the very time when the talks are to be resumed, the representative of Iraq [2262nd meeting] has once again launched groundless accusations in the United Nations. This strange conduct has been repeated over the years, and is all too familiar. Our wish, nevertheless, as we have indicated on a number of occasions, is to settle our differences peacefully and on the basis of the United Nations Charter and the recognized principles of international law and international practice. Of course, I could take up, point by point here, all the allegations of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iraq and reply to them, but since no new point has been raised, the refutation of those groundless accusations can be found in the many letters addressed to the Secretary-General and to the Security Council, distributed as official Council documents. Moreover, our position in this respect has been stated on numerous occasions from this rostrum, and I shall therefore not dwell on these matters. Nevertheless, I am prepared, if necessary, to provide all the necessary clarifications that may be called for, should it be the intention of the head of the Iraqi delegation to enter into further controversy.
49.	Before dealing with the world economic situation, I should like to clarify one point. Voices have been heard in recent weeks trying to relate the present economic disorder to the increase in the price of oil. There has been talk about artificially rigged, distorted, exorbitant and outrageous prices. According to their ominous prophecies, unless these prices are lowered immediately, the world could be heading towards disaster. There have even been implied threats that the flow of foodstuffs to the oil-producing nations might be cut off.
50.	Such assertions might impress the uninitiated layman, but they fail to convince the sober, worldly- wise observer. Indeed, in the course of the present debate, two heads of State and many foreign ministers, including representatives of some non-oil-producing nations, have already rebutted those assertions and have dealt with the subject in a most convincing fashion. Nevertheless, considering the fact that Iran is a major oil-producing country, I consider it my duty to set the record straight.
51.	It is often said that the plight of the world economy and inflation were by-products of the rise in the price of oil. The fact is, however, that the rate of inflation began to escalate and to assume astronomical proportions some few years f>go, thereby eroding the purchasing power of the oil-producing countries. Each year the producers of raw materials have had to give more of their products to import the same, if not a lesser, amount of machinery and manufactured goods from the industrialized countries - a process that, as we have stated time and again in the past, has led to a systematic impoverishment of the developing nations, while at the same time the industrially developed nations have proceeded to enrich themselves further.
52.	At the same time, despite assertions to the contrary, the higher oil prices have had little inflationary impact; for according to the statistics -and I am not referring to our own statistics, but rather to those made available by experts of the industrialized countries themselves - imported oil accounts for as little as 0.45 per cent of the rate of inflation in the United States, and only about 1.5 per cent of the current inflationary trend in the Western European countries, while in all those countries the general price rise approximates an average of 12 per cent. In other words, the disorder in the world economy and in monetary markets preceded the oil price rise and was due mainly to mismanagement of the economy in the European States and in America, as well as to excessive consumption in the more advanced countries.
53.	The reasons that prompted the oil-producing countries to raise the price of their product were, however, manifold.
54.	First of all, in a competitive market the price of any commodity should be comparable to the price of its closest substitute, which in the case of oil must take into account the cost of obtaining energy from other sources, such as coal, shale oil and atomic energy. Similarly, the price should reflect what is termed the "opportunity cost" of the commodity. Thus the price of crude oil used as a source of fuel should correspond to its alternative value when used as a base for petrochemicals.
55.	Secondly, the components of the selling prices in the major importing nations were in no way equitable to the oil-exporting countries: for every dollar paid by the consumer for oil, only nine cents reached the producer, and the rest went mainly to the oil companies in the form of profits, and to the Governments of oil-importing countries in the form of taxation.
56.	Thirdly, it must be recognized that oil is a non-renewable commodity, and therefore the Governments of oil-producing nations have a duty to their peoples and to future generations not only to take measures to conserve this highly valuable asset, but also to trade it on optimum terms.
57.	Fourthly, for nearly a quarter of a century, the uninterrupted supply of cheap oil from the developing countries served as the main factor enabling the industrialized countries to raise their production levels, expand their exports, improve their balance of payments and accumulate excessively large foreign exchange reserves, as well as save their own solid fuel resources. It therefore follows that in the period in question there was a net transfer of resources from the developing countries to the developed countries.
58.	Throughout that period, the multinational oil companies controlled the flow of supply and therefore the demand and fixed the price of (oil at their own discretion, unilaterally. Their price policy bore no relation to the true value of petroleum: it was a deliberate policy of the rich countries of the world, designed to keep energy prices below their true value. Thus, for example, the posted price of Iranian crude oil was fixed by the oil companies at $US 2.17 in 1947. Thirteen years later, the posted price had dropped to $US 1.79, and remained the same throughout the 1960s. At the same time, the developing countries had to import their requirements from industrial countries at ever-rising prices. Between 1947 and 1973 the price of 28 commodities, excluding crude oil, increased by an average of more than 350 per cent. The increasing consumption of low-cost petroleum combined with its declining price in industrialized nations contributed greatly to the widening of the gap between the rich and the poor countries that is, the developed countries advanced at a rapid rate at the expense of the outproducing countries. However, those countries that had become rich at our expense never paid any attention to the tragic problems of the developing countries and did not even consent to allocate 1 per cent of their gross national product to the development of the under-developed countries.
59.	As regards Iranians have constantly taken into account the problems facing the developing countries, and as soon as readjustment of the price of oil became a reality we started giving bilateral as well as multilateral aid to developing and developed countries alike a matter to which I shall refer later. We are also aware that recycling is necessary and have therefore begun negotiations to that effect-. But that can be done only through reasoned deliberation and mutual discussion. Accusations or threats against the oil producers do not solve anything. The sixth special session of the General Assembly had the merit of seeing the problem from the right angle and devoting itself to examining and recommending practical solutions to the problem of raw materials and development.
60.	In the main, what emerged from the sixth special session of the General Assembly was a Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and a Program of Action [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)). Those decisions constitute historic landmarks in the evolutionary process of the international economic system. Whatever shortcomings might be evident in the two documents adopted by the special session, we cannot deny that that session was a turning-point in the economic environment of our world, and, more particularly, in relations between the industrialized and the developing countries. More vividly than ever, they have brought out in bold relief the new reality of the condition of interdependence prevailing among nations regardless of whether they belong to the developed or developing regions of the world.
61.	It has also been conclusively demonstrated that the time when certain industrialized countries ruled and were able to take decisions that committed the whole world belongs to the past. Instead, a new era has dawned in which it is clear that the seemingly overwhelming problems of the world can be tackled adequately only within the framework of relations based on co-operation and equality among sovereign States.
62.	That is the kind of potential transformation in the international economic situation to which my august Sovereign was referring in his message of 5 April 1974 to the General Assembly on the opening of the sixth special session when he said:
"... Nothing better reflects the spirit of our time than the fact that this special session, unlike previous ones, emanates not from war and conflict among nations but comes out of a growing recognition of interdependence among them. . . .
"The time has now come to make a beginning towards a more rationalized world economy. This means, among other things, that the raw materials in the hands of the developing nations should maintain constant and real value in relation to the prices of goods imported from the industrialized market. Trade must be made an instrument of progress for all while recognizing that the prosperity of the poor need not diminish the affluence of the rich."3
63.	However, the economic imbalance persisting in relations between developing and developed countries is so serious and the process that continues to widen the gap between them seemingly so inexorable that action can no longer be confined, as in the past, to corrective or ad hoc measures. If we are to succeed, we shall have to make a concerted effort to carry out a major review of the concepts and practices underlying the international economic system. Real structural changes will have to be instituted if we are to evolve a new economic order' based on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and cooperation among all States. And in this context it is to be hoped that the industrialized countries of the world will not fail to take advantage of the opportunities which now exist for co-operating with others in finding suitable solutions.
64.	For its part, Iran remains fully aware of the need to co-operate with other countries, especially the developing ones. I shall not attempt here to give a detailed picture of my Government's wide-ranging efforts in this respect, but it perhaps bears repeating that the total amount of Iran's bilateral and multilateral commitments to other countries has already reached $9,000 million.
65.	Measured by any yard stick be it gross national product, per capita income, oil revenue, size of population or any other criterion that amount heads all contributions. Indeed, the total amount of our assistance relative to our gross national product exceeds the contribution of any other country in the whole history of development assistance.
66.	Furthermore, negotiations have been in progress with UNDP with a view to increasing and diversifying the assistance which Iran is supplying to the developing countries through that body, to which our country has become a net contributor. Although Iran has made substantial emergency and development aid available to the developing countries during the current year, it has nevertheless decided to make a contribution of $20 million to the United Nations emergency operations.
67.	It was also with a view to alleviating the burden imposed upon developing countries because of the rising prices of foodstuffs, raw materials and industrial goods, and in order to take a major step towards bridging the gap between the rich and poor nations by effecting, for the first time, a real transfer of resources, that, on 22 February 1974, His Imperial Majesty proposed the establishment of a new special development fund which would be fully responsive to the urgent needs and requirements of the developing countries.
68.	That special development fund would be set up with an initial capital of $2,000 million to $3,000 mil-lion to be financed jointly by the oil-exporting as well as the industrialized countries. To guarantee an objective, fair and impartial approach, the fund was to be administered by a governing body in which all the oil-exporting, industrialized and aid-receiving countries would be equally represented on a one-man, one- vote basis. The establishment of such a voting mechanism would give a new content to the concept of multilateral assistance.
69.	Yet the results of our efforts towards the establishment of the fund have not been very encouraging so far. However, undeterred by the results of its international efforts, Iran has eagerly and in all good faith been following its own program of assistance on a bilateral as well as on a multilateral basis along the lines I have already outlined above.
70.	In any case, the continuation of the work so nobly conceived during the sixth special session is by now assured. The over-all review of the implementation of the Program of Action adopted last spring has been assigned to the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly devoted to development and international economic co-operation, which is to meet next year prior to the thirtieth regular session. Perhaps by then some of the reservations which marked the adoption of the consensus regarding the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and of the Program of Action will be less categorical.
71.	Whereas the lack of any appreciable progress in the field of disarmament has been among the more dismal aspects of recent international life, we are, nevertheless, pleased to note that the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has recommended an expansion of its membership, and that the Ad Hoc Committee on the World Disarmament Conference has finally convened and has completed its work. It must, however, be recognized.that in the field of disarmament no significant progress has been achieved with regard to substantive matters.
72.	As I pointed out in this same forum last year, it is our view that a disarmament program should be devised which will continue to maintain a constant link between the partial measures and the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control.4 In the absence of such a program, and until the goal of general and complete disarmament is achieved especially when we see that the world has made no progress towards peace and stability and that the United Nations has never been weaker countries cannot fail to look after their own defense requirements.
73.	We all know that meetings take place for the sake of discussion and, once in a while, recommendations are made or decisions are taken, but we do not witness their implementation especially when they are concerned with the maintenance of peace and security. Nevertheless, efforts aimed at the achievement of the goal of general and complete disarmament must continue to be pursued, and I can say that, as far as Iran is concerned, we have not failed to do our part in a constructive spirit. We have felt that, in this connexion, there appears to be no justifiable reason for the lack of adequate and effective negotiations, especially on the question of the cessation" of all nuclear weapons tests and the prohibition of chemical weapons, which the United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly requested to be dealt with as matters of "first" or "high" priority.
74.	While I am on the subject of disarmament, I wish to express my disappointment at the lack of progress with regard to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons which has not been as thorough or wide-ranging as expected. The world of today is precariously poised on the threshold of a new age in which countries will increasingly move from the use of the more traditional sources of energy to that of nuclear energy. A; host of forces social, economic, demographic and technical have converged and conspired to give rise to this impending revolution in the field of nuclear technology. In a world, then, where the uses of atomic energy are about to be proliferated, it becomes all the more imperative that the existing international framework for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons should be strengthened.
75.	As a result, while by no means abandoning a global approach with regard to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the world has become more acutely aware of the pressing need for collateral measures in dealing with the problem on a partial or regional basis. Thus, the continent of Africa was the subject of General Assembly resolution 1652 (XVI) of 24 November 1961 in which Member States were called upon to refrain from testing, storing, or transporting nuclear weapons in Africa and to consider and respect the continent as a denuclearized zone. Subsequently, by its resolution 2033 (XX) of 3 December 1965, the General Assembly endorsed the Declaration on the denuclearization of Africa issued by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity in July 1964.
76 Furthermore, the outstanding success, to date, of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which entered into force in 1969, and which prohibits nuclear weapons in Latin
America, has blazed a trail which others might follow with equal profit.
77.	It is considerations such as those I have cited above that prompted my august Sovereign to propose the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East a few years ago and to send a message to this effect to the opening of this session of the Assembly. Inspired by His Imperial Majesty's proposal, my Government has, as you know, requested the inclusion of an item entitled, "Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East", in the agenda of the current session. As we have indicated in our explanatory memorandum accompanying this request:
"While prospects for implementation of an all- encompassing denuclearization scheme in the region of the Middle East appear now to be more promising, greater access by States to nuclear technology has rendered the danger of nuclear weapon proliferation and a concomitant collapse of the non-proliferation structure, a more acute problem". [SeeAl9693]
78.	It should be readily apparent to any thoughtful person that, given the political conditions prevailing in the region, if nuclear weapons were developed or acquired by any country, the other countries in that area would be rapidly overwhelmed by a ruinous, senseless and potentially disastrous nuclear arms race. Furthermore, the astronomical costs involved in building an inventory of such weapons of mass destruction and in elaborating a viable system for their delivery, would divert resources which are urgently needed if the socio-economic aspirations of these countries are to be adequately realized.
79.	It is our intense sensitivity to the monstrous problems that would be created if nuclear arms were ever to invade the region of the Middle East and to the great challenge facing all of us to prevent such an eventuality from occurring, which makes my Government fervently hope that the General Assembly, during the current session, will commend this proposal to the attention of the States of the region and make a recommendation to those States as soon as possible to achieve this objective and report back to the General Assembly.
80.	Of course, many problems and complexities need to be faced and overcome as we move from the realm of aspiration to that of implementation at the operational level. Among others, the question of defining the geographical concept of the Middle East, the limits of the denuclearized zone and of an adequate safeguard system, will have to be settled.
81.	My Government wishes to avail itself of this opportunity to express its deep appreciation to the Egyptian Government for its valuable support in co- sponsoring our proposal, and to all other countries that have expressed their support. The urgency of the situation and the complexity of the road to be traveled summon us all to engage purposefully in an early effort to foster the establishment of a nuclear-weapon- free zone in the region of the Middle East in as expeditious a manner as possible.
82.	By taking the necessary action, the General Assembly will clearly demonstrate its concern about this matter, which is of such vital importance to the peace and security not only of our region, but of the entire world. Indeed, it will represent the taking of a historic step towards a more secure and a happier future for us all.
83.	To cope with the complex problems of today, anachronistic concepts and methods must give way to approaches based on new realities in the world, a world in which no country or group of countries can alone provide leadership or can dictate their terms. Such problems can only be dealt with through a spirit of mutual accommodation, dialog and co-operation.
84.	Peace for the world and prosperity for our peoples are goals we all seek to achieve. To this end, we who have always acted in accordance with the principles of the Charter, are prepared to engage in a dialog to find a rational basis for the solution of the existing problems in a manner which would safeguard the interests of all concerned without prejudice to our legitimate rights under the Charter.


I take great pleasure in joining speakers who have preceded me in congratulating the President on his election to that high office. My delegation is confident that under his wise guidance this twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly will create the climate necessary to deal with the new world outlook so many speakers have foreseen during this general debate.
69.	We are particularly aware of the leading role of the President's country in the non-aligned movement. Indeed, the initiative which Algeria took in calling for the special convocation of this Assembly earlier this year will be of signal importance to the work of this Organization in the months and years ahead. The aims of the non-aligned countries as enunciated by President Boumediene in this Hall at the sixth special session [2208th meeting] merit recollection as we commence our work: the emancipation of all peoples in the context of international co-operation based on the equality of States, respect for national sovereignty and the establishment of a just peace throughout the world. These are ideals to which we can all readily subscribe.
70.	The presence among us for the first time of the delegations from the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Grenada and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, following the accession of those three States to membership, is evidence of the continued march of this world Organization towards universality. Canada was a sponsor of each of the three resolutions supporting their membership and we are confident that each of those countries will make a distinctive contribution to our work at this session and in the future.
71.	We in Canada have been deeply moved by the tragic aftermath of the hurricane which has devastated Honduras and surrounding regions. We heard this morning from the Foreign Minister of that country an appeal for international assistance. In this connexion the Government of Canada has decided to allocate $525,000 for emergency relief efforts in areas affected by this natural disaster.
72.	Some of the major political problems which faced the United Nations during its early years have now receded and no longer figure so prominently in its deliberations. In particular, the cold war is giving way to growing co-operation and detente.
73.	The last two decades have witnessed the resolute progress of peoples under colonial rule towards self-determination and independence. The past few months have seen particularly encouraging developments in the African Territories which have been or remain under Portuguese administration. Guinea-Bissau has now attained its independence and negotiations to the same end are under way with regard to Mozambique and Angola. It is a matter of satisfaction to all supporters of the United Nations that Portugal has agreed to work with the appropriate United Nations bodies in the process of decolonization. We in Canada welcome these developments and offer our encouragement to the Portuguese and African peoples concerned in their search for early equitable and peaceful solutions to remaining problems.
74.	Elsewhere, some fragile yet hopeful progress has been made in the past year towards settling certain of the regional conflicts that still exist. Lest we be lulled into an unrealistic sense of security, however, the recent events i" Cyprus serve to remind us how quickly a slowly simmering dispute can degenerate into a serious threat to international peace and security.
75.	If we have in the past months been reminded of the fragility of international peace and security, we have also come to realize the fragility of international monetary and trade relations. Accelerating rates of inflation and declining rates of growth, high interest rates and low stock prices, together with a widespread sense of unease, mark the problems facing the international economy. There is no doubt that the higher energy costs will require much more financing and in time massive adjustments on the part of those countries, both developed and developing, whose payments positions have been most severely affected.
76.	No people or government can of itself deal with the problems of inflation and unemployment, of trade imbalances and currency fluctuations. None will be immune if short-sighted and selfish policies lead to graver repercussions. These are not simply technical problems questions of currency flows, trade barriers, and exchange rates they are matters of human dignity. Unemployment, malnutrition, starvation and lack of shelter are an affront to all of us. We ignore them at the risk of our own welfare and security.
77.	A renewal and strengthening of international co-operation is an urgent requirement if we are to sustain social progress and economic development. We all have a responsibility to contribute to such co-operation. Those countries which command massive financial resources have, however, a special responsibility for seeing that such resources are invested in a helpful and constructive manner, and that their use strengthens, rather than disturbs, the health of the world economy.
78.	At the present time there is no more urgent development issue than the vigor of the world economy. When production and demand falter, all of us whether developed or developing suffer. Difficulties in the developed countries translate into distress in developing countries and something akin to disaster in the most seriously affected.
79.	If there are grounds for apprehension there are also signs of hope: some important steps have been taken in IMF towards a systematic and progressive reordering of the monetary system; the onset of a major trade negotiation appears to be drawing nearer; a number of industrialized countries have pledged themselves to exert their best efforts to avoid measures restrictive of trade in response to balance-of- payment difficulties.
80.	But much more still needs to be done. Development assistance should be maintained and, where possible, increased.. The responsible international institutions should be strongly supported. The habit of consultation should be strengthened.
81.	Those considerations will influence Canada's thinking at this session of the General Assembly, as at other international meetings. There are two such meetings to which I wish to draw special attention. This autumn, Governments will meet at the World Food Conference to adopt a program aimed at securing a sufficiency of food for all. Next year they will meet here in New York at the seventh special session, on development. The Canadian Government attaches great importance to the work of these conferences. We will exert our very best efforts to ensure their success.
82.	In seeking solutions to our political and economic problems we cannot forget that we face another pressing task: to ensure that human beings are alive to enjoy the improved circumstances that we are seeking for them.
83.	Our security is threatened more than ever today by developments in nuclear and conventional warfare. One of the most urgent problems of our time is how to bring the nuclear arms race under CGntrol in order to ensure international stability and the avoidance of nuclear war. The nuclear Powers have a direct responsibility for overcoming this grave problem. At the same time that we face-the immediate dangers of existing nuclear arsenals we are confronted as the Secretary-General has warned-— with a heightened risk of the wider dissemination of such arsenals. Here all States have a responsibility. Canada takes seriously its share of that responsibility.
84.	Specifically, the problem we face is to devise a system which will allow the dissemination of the benefits of nuclear energy without at the same time contributing to the spread of nuclear weapons. The international community has attempted to devise a system to cope with this problem. Canada has been very active in this endeavor. But the system could be strengthened further.
85.	We have developed a valuable system of nuclear power generation and we believe that nuclear power should not be withheld from those whose energy needs can best be met by this method. We are deeply committed to the cause of international development, but equally we are anxious to avoid contributing to the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
86.	In addition to our requirements, and subject to security and resource limitations, we want to make our nuclear power generating system available to other countries. However, until more adequate internationally agreed measures are instituted, Canada intends to satisfy itself that any country using Canadian-supplied nuclear technology or material will be subject to binding obligations that the technology or material will not be used in the fabrication of nuclear explosive devices for whatever purpose. To that end Canada attaches special importance to the role of nuclear safeguards applied by IAEA.
87.	The need for truly effective anti-proliferation measures fully accepted and applied by the international community is now pressing. The nuclear technology involved is. no longer beyond the reach of a growing number c. countries. The costs of developing a nuclear explosive device are no longer prohibitive. The principal problem is to obtain the necessary materials. Every day more and more of these materials are being developed throughout the world and the problem of controlling their movement, as well as their use, is becoming proportionately greater.
88.	The phenomenon of proliferation is, in political terms, something like a nuclear chain reaction. With the successful explosion of a nuclear device by each newcomer to the ranks of the nuclear Powers, greater grows the desire of other countries to "go nuclear". In a world without truly effective safeguards they feel their national existence threatened. If each new nuclear-weapon State prompted its neighbor to follow its example, all concerned would find their security quickly undermined.
89.	We believe that it is the very existence of nuclear explosive devices that presents the hazard to humanity and it increases in proportion to the number of countries possessing them. One net J make no distinction in terms of what countries possess such devices. The danger lies as much in the number of countries that have them, as in the policies of the possessors.
90.	If we are to avoid a nuclear catastrophe we must accept the fact that there are practical limits to the application of the principle of non-discrimination. The Canadian Government urges the international community to accept the obligation not to contribute to the uncontrolled spread of nuclear explosive capability, and the safeguards required to ensure compliance with that obligation.
91.	Our aim is to secure international measures which will halt both the multiplication and the wider dissemination of nuclear weapons, and which, will check the spread of the technology of nuclear explosive devices and the further development of that technology as applied to nuclear weapons. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the efforts to limit strategic arms, and the achievement of a comprehensive test ban are designed to achieve these objectives.
92.	As for the halting of the proliferation of nuclear weapons, all States should undertake not to transfer nuclear technology or materials except under inter-national supervision aimed at ensuring that the transfer is not used for fabricating nuclear explosive devices. In addition, all States should place the inventories of the nuclear fissile material that they hold for peaceful purposes under international supervision. Nuclear- weapon States should, as a first step towards this objective, place their peaceful nuclear facilities under this supervision and seek to halt their production of fissile material for weapons purposes. International supervision of fissile material is the best available means for .the international community to be assured of each State's peaceful intentions. This would allow States to concentrate on the development and distribution of much-needed nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.
93.	The nuclear threat to our security may be dramatic and awe-inspiring but we cannot neglect the more prosaic and lethal threat from the use of conventional force. One of the few useful tools we have developed so far to deal with this problem is peacekeeping by a force sponsored by the United Nations. Canada has responded positively to United Nations requests and has engaged in virtually all the United Nations peace-keeping operations to date. This has not been without cost in livings of Canadians or of those from the forces of the other participating countries.
94.	Our interest is therefore obvious. There is no doubt in my mind that an overwhelming majority of Canadians continue to accept the importance and the usefulness of a United Nations peacekeeping role. But I would be less than candid if I did not admit that Canadians "are today less inclined to accept in an unquestioning way the burdens of participation. Their concern springs mainly from the fact that peace-keeping endeavors often seem to do no more than perpetuate an uneasy status quo.
95.	If United Nations peace-keeping is to be fully effective, it must be accompanied by a parallel effort on the political level, especially by the parties most directly concerned, to convert the temporary peace that a peace-keeping force is asked to maintain into something more durable. If this is not done, and if those who contribute to peace-keeping are faced with indefinite prolongation of their hazardous tasks, I am afraid that Governments will be less willing to respond to future requests for troops.
96.	The past year has seen two new peace-keeping operations established in the Middle East and the Force in Cyprus reinforced. These developments were important in themselves, but they are also capable of teaching us lessons for the future. From the Canadian standpoint the operations in the Middle East are working effectively and are making an essential contribution to the maintenance of the ceasefire and disengagement agreements. But equally important, new principles have been established in the process. Participants have been drawn from a broader base than in the past, and a sounder financial foundation for the operations has been laid through a general assessment of the United Nations membership. These innovations have contributed to effective peacekeeping in the Middle East for the present, and will enhance the prospect of greater effectiveness in the future.
97.	There are fewer grounds for satisfaction in the case of Cyprus. There, despite the presence of United Nations peace-keeping forces, fighting has taken place on an unprecedented scale because the long-smoldering political problem remains unresolved. Moreover, it has been demonstrated once again in Cyprus that without the agreement and co-operation of the disputants the constructive role of a peace-keeping force is severely circumscribed.
98.	If the usefulness of the United Nations in peace-keeping is to be maintained and expanded, new principles and techniques to strengthen it must be found. The machinery is at hand under the Charter to ensure an effective United Nations response to future peace-keeping needs. The advantages of agreement in advance on how United Nations peace-keeping should be directed and controlled are obvious. The experience of the United Nations Emergency Force could point the way to such agreement or to the formulation of guide-lines for peace-keeping operations under the overall authority of the Security Council, with a system of sharing responsibilities among the Security Council, the Secretary-General, the troop contributors, and the parties directly concerned in the field. This Organization can scarcely afford to neglect any instrument that might have a contribution to make in helping to defuse situations of armed conflict. It is the hope of the Canadian Government that Member States will continue to give this problem the attention it deserves.
99.	I have touched upon a few of the pressing political and economic problems that demand the attention of this Assembly. But I have dwelt upon two major problems of security: peace-keeping and the proliferation of nuclear explosive devices. As the Secretary-General has pointed out, a proliferation of nuclear explosive devices could help to . . create almost unimaginable dangers for the survival of our civilization and the human race." [Al960llAdd.I, p. 7.] I do not therefore apologize for my preoccupation with these problems.
100.	I would not wish to conclude without paying tribute to the work of the Secretary-General and his staff at Headquarters and throughout the world in carrying forward the wide spectrum of tasks which challenge our Organization. In the introduction to the Secretary-General's report, he said the following:
"We are reminded every day of how thin the margin is between order and chaos, between sufficiency and desperate want, between peace and annihilation. If we wish to overcome the vast anxieties and uncertainties of our time, we have to make a conscious and concerted effort to change course and to make some , of our stated objectives\ into realities." [Ibid., p. 9]
At this twenty-ninth session, the Canadian delegation pledges itself to work with all other delegations to move towards our common goals.


As representative of Spain to this session of the General Assembly, I should like first, Sir, to congratulate you on your election as President. Your personal qualifications are very well known and highly appreciated, as are your tireless efforts towards better understanding among peoples, and especially your efforts to benefit the developing countries.
150.	I greet and congratulate also the people and Government of Algeria, an Arab country with which we have all kinds of ties and with which we maintain today fruitful co-operation.
151.	I should like to congratulate also Mr. Leopoldo Benites on the skillful and wise way in which he guided the work of the twenty-eighth session and the sixth special session.
152.	On behalf of the Government and people of Spain, I welcome the new States which at this session have joined our Organization: Grenada, Bangladesh and Guinea-Bissau.
153.	I should also like to express our condolences to Honduras and the other countries of the region on the catastrophe they have suffered. We wish to express our sympathy to our sister Republic and to assure it of our solidarity. The Government and people of Spain have already given some emergency aid.
154.	The year that has elapsed since the last session has witnessed some striking events which will doubtless bring about a profound change in contemporary international relations. Along with the changes that have occurred in the direction of the public affairs of various countries, there has been an acceleration of the process of decolonization that has facilitated the legitimate access of new nations to international life, thus removing one of the most dangerous causes of conflict undermining the maintenance of peace.
155.	A series of unprecedented economic events has made clear the urgent need for a just and rational use of the resources of the world. Similarly, it is necessary, as part of that effort, to adopt regulations governing the use of the sea as a source of wealth, without disturbing the ecology of the marine environment through exaggerated claims or improper exploitation. Joint action in all those sectors must be compatible with the interests of everyone, thereby eliminating reasons for conflict. Undoubtedly we are moving in that direction through the efforts designed to achieve an equitable exchange of goods and products. An example of that is the sixth special session of the General Assembly, on raw materials and resources, a session which attempted to lay the bases for co-operation between producers and consumers and for assistance to the least-endowed countries.
156.	If those efforts and others with the same aim succeed, we shall have taken a large step towards the international organization of a new political and economic order. But mankind has an inexhaustible capacity to find new problems and thus faces new questions in meeting the issues that historically have been created by the distribution of the land and its resources. Today* it is the violence and subversion carried out by a few against the organization which the others have created. That has become a new battlefield, and concerted international action against it is required.
157.	During the past year Spain has suffered the loss of its Prime Minister through assassination. All the facts lead us to think that those who perpetrated that crime have their base and have taken refuge in a foreign country.
158.	This experience and other similar experiences suffered by ourselves and by many countries demonstrate the urgent need for international co-operation in preventing and punishing terrorism and-subversion.
159.	The universal crisis of values is responsible for the rise in terrorism, subversion and violence as political weapons. The course of contemporary history has given rise to a loss of faith in moral concepts, contempt for the human being, pessimism and despair among the masses, and this despite the considerable material progress achieved. For their part, Governments, lacking adequate means and chary of internal political complications, neglect their co-operation and practically refuse it in cases where they are not directly involved. This selfish lack of solidarity may endanger peace and security.
160.	The Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations—General Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV) -proclaims that it is the duty of every State not to tolerate terrorist or subversive activities directed against other States. Yet we cannot in future simply enunciate general principles for the conduct of States to prevent subversive action directed from their territories against those of others. We must go on to effective measures which will prevent those activities from acquiring substance within one country and with impunity projecting themselves on others, with total disregard for the fundamental duty of every State to comply with the obligations imposed by international law, and to have these complied with by all those who reside in their territory, both nationals and foreigners.
161.	This must not make us forget that there are many unjust situations throughout the world, that there are many legitimate claims, and that means must be devised to act positively to solve those problems. In this connexion, international co-operation again offers channels which should be studied and used because, unless we go to the root of what continue to be the causes of tension and conflict, the motives for violence will subsist in part. My delegation intends to reiterate and expand on these views in the relevant committee of the General Assembly.
162.	On reviewing the international issues most closely affecting Spain, I must give preference to those questions on which the United Nations has acted with all its authority and in regard to which I have to report to this General Assembly.
163.	I shall refer in the first place to Western Sahara which Spain administers. I think it appropriate to make it clear above all that on this matter Spain has no dispute or controversy with any country in particular, since all States Members of this Organization are equally bound by the resolutions which advocate self-determination as the appropriate means to bring about decolonization of this Territory. Iii the process of the self-determination, which brings the United Nations closer to its objective of universality, the indigenous peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories are the undoubted protagonists, while the administering Powers have a dual responsibility, not only to the population, but also towards the international community as a whole. TQ the peoples under their administration they have an obligation to create the material conditions and the conditions of political development which will enable those peoples to exercise their right to self-determination and independence and an obligation to guarantee the free exercise of that right. Their responsibility to the international community is to ensure that the process is carried out pursuant to the rules embodied in the Charter and in General Assembly resolutions, and with the participation of this Organization.
164.	In the last 12 months a series of important events have occurred in relation to Western Sahara on which my Government has duly reported to the Secretary-General. During the twenty-eighth session the Permanent Representative of Spain to the United Nations, on 28 September 1973,2 communicated the letter from the General Assembly of the Sahara to the Spanish head of State, and his reply. The General Assembly of the Sahara requested then that "in a continuous manner an impetus be given to the process which will effectively ensure the possibility for the people of the Sahara to decide their own future". In this request and in the reply of the Government, the Spanish position, repeatedly stated here, was confirmed. It is that the Saharan people alone are the masters of their destiny, that no one must oppose their will, and that it is up to Spain to set in motion the process of self-determination.
165.	After appropriate consultations with the representatives of the indigenous population, the Spanish Government announced the holding of a referendum under the auspices and supervision of the United Nations within the first six months of 1975, to be carried out in accordance with the steps set out by this General Assembly in resolution 3162 (XXVIII) and previous resolutions on the Sahara question. It communicated this to the Secretary-General by letters from the representative of Spain dated 20 August [AJ97I4] and 13 September 1974 [AI9736].
166.	The Government of Spain has adopted and is adopting" specific measures to guarantee to the indigenous inhabitants of the Sahara the free and genuine expression of their will so that they alone, in accordance with the relevant resolutions, will exercise that right. At the same time we have initiated contacts with Morocco, Mauritania and Algeria, for the purposes provided for in the resolutions of this General Assembly.
167: We have been at pains to keep the Arab Governments informed of all these events and decisions, in recognition of their close friendship for Spain and the ties of blood, religion and culture which unites the Arab countries with, the Saharan people. We know that our attitude has been understood and we feel sure that our intentions will be duly appreciated by the Arab Governments, whose views we esteem highly.
168.	In regard to the ability and right of the Saharan population to determine their own future, the inter-national community has expressed itself through this Organization in the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly . Some States have claimed they have special interests in and title to the Sahara, the relative value of which is today illustrated by the claims and counter-claims which have repeatedly been stated before this Organization. But the overwhelming majority of the States Members of the Organization have never doubted the personality of its population, nor has that majority tried to predetermine their future with exclusive options which in practice would imply the negation of the right to self-determination, which has been clearly proclaimed and recognized in every vote taken in this forum. Accordingly, the Government of Spain is pleased today to say to the General Assembly that the preparation of the referendum will be carried out in accordance with the directives contained in General Assembly resolutions, since we consider them to be the most suitable to ensure that the Saharan population may express its will independently.
169.	The referendum will thus be the decisive mile-stone in- the historical development of the Saharan people and their relationship with Spain, and will put an end to the divergences of view which have been expressed with regard to the Territory, because the freely expressed will of the population will place the stamp of legitimacy on whichever option prevails.
170.	Such co-operation with the Saharan people to enable it to take the road it finally decides upon will be the culmination of a long labor of promotion and development, which is now evident, since this population has been given the opportunity to accede to international life by the peaceful course of self-determination.
171.	In sum, Spain intends to respect the will of the Saharan people, the manifestation of which will take place with all internal and international guarantees, in accordance with the resolutions of this Organization, and we shall develop our co-operation with the countries of the area—Morocco, Mauritania and Algeria -so that they may become a factor for peace and progress in the region with which Spain feels so closely bound.	£ \
172.	My delegation reserves its right to refute in the relevant Committee the allegations made which would tend to render difficult or place condition^ on the exercise of self-determination by the Saharan people, and we shall correct the inaccuracies stated on facts and data relating to the Sahara.
173.	Now I am bound to refer to the serious and long-standing problem of Gibraltar which affects the territorial integrity of my country, the security in that geographic zone, and the moral authority of this Organization, whose resolutions are ignored by a State Member which is a permanent member of the Security Council.
174.	Unlike the question of the Sahara, in regard to which the United Nations advocates self-determination for the decolonization of the Territory, the question of Gibraltar has always been considered, in the relevant resolutions of this Organization, as a conflict between two States, Spain and the United Kingdom, which must clear up the problem of Spanish sovereignty and territorial integrity, which is implicit in the decolonization of the Rock.
175.	I shall not go into a history of the negotiations and incidents which have succeeded each other year after year in the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in the Fourth Committee and in the plenary meetings of successive General Assembly sessions since 1966, nor shall I quote the conclusive text of accumulated resolutions. The documentation is clear, specific and public, as are the rights and will of Spain to negotiate in respect of the legitimate interests of the population. I am not afraid that I shall exaggerate if I add that what is also clear and public is the certainty that the other party has not so far shown that it is prepared seriously to seek a reasonable, just and effective solution.
176.	General Assembly resolution 2429 (XXIII) indicated that 1 October 1969 was the deadline for the decolonization of Gibraltar. Five years have elapsed since then. This situation cannot go on indefinitely because it implies failure to comply with the obligation imposed on the colonial Power by the Charter, the resolutions of this Organization, and its membership in it, and because of the requirements of security, dignity and the public opinion of my country.
177.	Spain has adopted every possible peaceful attitude in regard to this problem. We have stated and defended our rights before this supreme international Organization and we have sought a formula for a solution by means of bilateral contacts with the United Kingdom safeguarding the interests of the present population.
178.	I shall now refer to the latest events which have occurred in relation to this matter. The consensus which was adopted by this General Assembly on 14 December 1973* called on both parties to report to the Secretary-General and to this General Assembly session on the result of the negotiations which were to be undertaken. I regret it profoundly, but it is my duty to inform the Assembly that there has been absolutely no result since there were even no negotiations.
179.	The report of the Secretary-General of 8 August 1974 states that on 30 and 31 May of this year, in Madrid, new talks were held between the officers of the two Governments. To dispel any error, I wish to inform the Assembly that in fact the Government of the United Kingdom, in April last, proposed holding talks at the level of diplomatic officers as "the best means to carry out the provisions of the consensus of 1973 on Gibraltar".
180.	Although the consensus doubtless referred to genuine negotiations on the substantive question of decolonization, in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 2429 (XXIII), we wished to accede to this request for talks as proof of our good will and with the hope that those exploratory contacts proposed by the British Government might contribute to a'Start of genuine negotiations.
181.	We were soon able to note that the British side was not prepared to go into the substantive question. The British representatives limited themselves to a specific but marginal item and to a request that Spain should facilitate over-flights of the security air zone neighboring on Gibraltar. Thus it was a claim to create a transit right, which virtually implied a new claim further to consolidate British colonial presence on Gibraltar. In return, it was suggested to us that that would increase the affection of the present population of Gibraltar towards Spain.
182.	The offers and guarantees of Spain to respect the legitimate interests of those inhabitants by a special regime are well known. Brandishing the interests of the inhabitants, as was done initially, or their will or desires, as was done lately, is but a pretext to perpetuate colonial occupation; Their interests will remain guaranteed. What cannot be alleged is that they have any right to decide or dispose of a territory which never belonged to them and where they were introduced by the occupying Power serving its military bases, when the real population, the indigenous Spanish population was expelled. The question of Gibraltar is a question of territorial sovereignty to be decided in accordance with the resolutions of this Organization, and only the States concerned are legitimately authorized to do so as the parties to the Utrecht Treaty of 1713, who are exclusively entitled to decide on the consequences of its obsolescence.
183.	The United Kingdom has never manifested any desire to negotiate. It invoked the consensus in the General Assembly to give the impression of abiding by it when its true intention was to evade it. With this evasive attitude, the United Kingdom, doubtless consistent with its strategy of a presence on the
Gibraltar Strait, renders difficult the prevalence of the necessary relaxation of tension for complete stability in the western Mediterranean, and this runs counter to the present requirements of international life and is hardly propitious for the survival of positions of domination and advantage. While a foreign country continues to hold a strategic enclave to influence it politically, exerts an implicit control over navigation and increases its military powers, its purposes are not exactly those of co-operation but of preponderance.
184.	The Gibraltar base represents a threat to Spain because it disturbs security as a result of the competing greeds which are created, and is therefore a continuous challenge to the policy of peace of the external action of Spain. Furthermore, the presence of this foreign element in the Strait renders difficult any new regulation of its territorial waters and transit through them because of the interference of sovereignties which the colonial Power installed on the Rock and causes to be felt at all times. It is therefore a disturbing factor for any possible rational solution of the problems created by navigation in that space, because of technological development.
185.	A violation of the territorial integrity of Spain, a danger to its security, interference in its external policy of peace and a barrier to bringing up to date the legal regulation of the waters of the States -those are the most outstanding injuries which at present result from the British presence on the Rock and which the people of Spain has patiently endured although the United Nations has recognized the justice of its claims. Thus a colonial situation, the last existing colonial situation in Europe, is perpetuated, and this in a year such as 1974, which is so particularly marked by the stamp of decolonization.
186.	It is discouraging and dangerous for the future of the community of nations to note the obstinate, rigid and selfish position of one of its members, a permanent member of the Security Council, a position taken in total contradiction of the opinion and feelings of the majority of this Organization. This cannot fail to jeopardize seriously the moral force on which the effectiveness of the United Nations must be based, because what affects one member of the community in the sphere of moral and legal values, affects all.
187.	Once again Spain comes to this supreme body. With a feeling of responsibility and with the greatest good faith, but also with all seriousness, we request the General Assembly solemnly to reiterate to the United Kingdom its obligation to negotiate with Spain for the decolonization of Gibraltar and the reintegration of that territory in the Spanish nation, which will pay due attention to the interests of its present inhabitants.
188.	The achievement of security by eliminating tension and by peaceful co-operation will make it unnecessary one day to maintain present defense systems. Until this occurs, however, no country can fail to look after its own security. But Spain, like other States, wishes to make its defense requirements compatible with efforts aimed at the relaxation of tension, and thus contribute to overcoming the contradictions of our time.
189.	The Government of Spain has noted with approval the initiatives taken with a view to creating a progressive atmosphere of world detente, and we think that support should be given to the great Powers in the steps taken in this direction. The reduction of tension and increased understanding would no doubt eliminate serious sources of danger in which third countries might be involved. We therefore endorse efforts to secure a better atmosphere and the points of agreement which seem to be emerging between the United States and the Soviet Union, as well as the steps being taken towards a normalization of relations between the United States and China.
190.	Nevertheless, our attitude is complemented by a very important consideration. In no case can agreement among the great Powers be achieved at the expense of the rest. An unrenounceable victory of our civilization is the right of all States to freedom and independence, to security, to peaceful development and to the promotion of their legitimate interests. The first duty of every State -and the stronger it is, the more this is to be demanded -is respect for the rights of others, and no type of hegemony or imperialism can today be accepted by the international community.
191.	The community of European nations, despite its positive achievements, still awaits its constitution as a great Power, as would be consistent with the creative past of Europe and the hope of its peoples. Spain cannot fail to affirm once again its vocation to contribute to efforts aimed at European construction and its will to participate in any undertaking which will facilitate solution of the problems which Western Europe faces today.
192.	On the other hand, the Government of Spain has been following with particular attention the work of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and will continue to make constructive and realistic efforts to achieve the objectives of lessening conflicting tensions and creating real confidence and a desire for effective cooperation. Although the work of this Conference always takes into account the broader context of world security and is in no way directed against any State or continent, we must emphasize the close relationship between European security and Mediterranean security, which gives our continent its true and genuine dimension. Hence my Government sponsors and often leads efforts to have presented to the Conference the ideas and proposals of the non-European coastal countries of the Mediterranean, which have made in the past and no doubt will make in the future an important contribution towards laying the foundations for security and cooperation, with mutual respect for certain legitimate interests that must be harmonized with justice and equity.
193.	Spain, which besides being European has particularly close ties with the Arab countries, has believed it has served the general interest by following a policy designed to lead to a promising future when the European-Arab dialog will open up new channels of expression. The ancient and permanent friendship of Spain with the Arab world makes us wish for a just and lasting solution to the problem of the Middle East. The agreements which put an end to the fighting in October 1973 give reason to believe that this hope will be fulfilled. Accordingly, the Government of Spain considers that it is of the utmost importance that the negotiations on the restoration of peace in that region be successful.
194.	What is needed is the total cessation of war operations and every kind of violence, withdrawal from the territories occupied by force, scrupulous respect for the oft-repeated resolutions of United Nations organs, a quest for just and permanent solutions as regards legitimate interests and, first and foremost, recognition and implementation of the human and political rights of the people of Palestine. The task is great and the entire international community must be associated in it. For its part, Spain supports the consideration of the Palestine question in all its aspects at the present session of the Assembly.
195.	It is Spain's firm purpose to give its relations with Latin America increasing effectiveness and dynamism which will renew our old and indestructible links. Spain believes more than ever in the future of Latin America, with which it wishes to be united. The awareness that we are indissolubly linked in all that is deepest and most essential enables each one of us to find in the political, social and economic fields specific solutions, which are favored by present trends of understanding.
1%. The ideal of unity proclaimed by Simon Bolivar is now being given shape in Latin America by promising movements of co-operation which Spain views with special interest. The entire Hispanic community feels satisfaction at this attainment of regional and subregional co-operation in the political, economic and cultural fields.
197.	We consider our special relationship with Latin America as involving a particular effort to complement and co-operate with one another in the spheres of culture, economics, technology and human relations. This understanding has been fully endorsed by the Governments and peoples of Latin America.
198.	Many countries of Latin America today need investments of capital which they can view without suspicion, and technology in accord with their respective levels of development. In this field, Spain is making a great financial effort both with individual countries and through international organizations and, while there was a tradition of emigration of Spaniards to Latin America, this has been replaced by a growing exchange of technical experts, professors and managerial personnel, who contribute with their specialized qualifications to the development of the countries of the Latin American community.
199.	At the beginning of my statement I said that mankind faces the problem of organizing in a rational and just manner the enjoyment of its resources. At the present time new critical factors have arisen in the already existing economic problems. To the monetary and trade imbalance and the growing gap between the industrialized and the developing countries has been added runaway inflation, a decline in the growth rate of many countries and a sharp rise in the prices of various energy products and raw materials, all of which is causing disturbances in the mechanism for the distribution of resources and income on the international level.
200.	At the present critical phase of adjustment and in addition to its efforts to achieve an atmosphere of confidence and understanding among the various countries and groups of countries, we believe that the United Nations can help by drawing up positive and acceptable formulas for the solution of these problems taking into account all the conflicting interests. That is so because the only real choice open to us is international co-operation for development on a far broader scale and on a more committed basis than what has been done so far.
201.	The present crisis has had different effects on different members of the international community. Those most affected were the developing countries which lack natural resources. To them must be directed the priority efforts of the United Nations, bearing in mind that the criteria followed so far for their classification according to their level of development have not proved satisfactory.
202.	Spain is suffering acutely from the consequences of the present crisis because of the impact on our economy of the rise in the prices of raw materials, oil and food products which are indispensable to maintaining continuity in our development. Nevertheless, as a country of intermediate development we have subscribed to the commitments which are now being agreed to in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and IMF; we have participated in the efforts to restructure the international monetary order in accordance with present needs; we have undertaken to participate in the forthcoming multilateral trade negotiations with the desire of obtaining a substantial increase in trade in the products most important to the developing countries; we have joined the African regional development organization and we hope to join that of Latin America in the near future; we likewise supported the establishment of the Special Fund for emergency relief and development assistance to the most seriously affected countries, established by the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order which we have also accepted.
203.	Lastly, Spain recently renounced the financial benefits which it had been receiving from UNDP. This decision was taken at the same time as our decision to increase our contribution to that Program not only as regards financing, but also in terms of technological co-operation.
204.	Before concluding I should like to make some remarks on the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has just ended in Caracas.
205.	The geographical situation of Spain between two of the principal seas of the world, its long coastline and the inclusion in that coastline of the Strait of Gibraltar, the importance of our shipping and fishery activities, our interest in shipbuilding and our hopes of participating in the future exploitation of the sea-bed, has resulted in the Government of Spain taking clear-cut but fully co-operative attitudes on the main items considered by the Conference.
206.	Today, the concept of the territorial sea as a zone of defense and protection for a State is more significant than ever. A territorial sea of up to 12 miles is now acceptable in international law, and the historic concept of innocent passage through territorial waters, which combines freedom of navigation with the security of the coastal State, must be maintained without exception, with agreed particulars when they are considered necessary.
207.	To protect the ecology of the marine environment is also vital to ensure that there will be no reduction in the living resources now threatened by in-creasing pollution of the sea. Regulating catches in all maritime areas, including the high seas, will avoid the abuses of modern fishing methods. We must reconcile the recognition of a broad economic zone of preferential interest for the coastal States with the fishing rights of third parties, in a manner compatible with the interests of both.
208.	Spain is traditionally a fishing country and an important sector of our population lives by fishing; we declare our intention of co-operating with the countries adjacent to maritime zones of abundant fishing wealth, and in this co-operation we can contribute our industrial and technical capacity. We also reaffirm that the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction is the common heritage of mankind and we advocate reconciling their effective and rational use with justice in the distribution of the benefits of every kind; we therefore support the establishment of an international organization which will regulate and adequately control the exploitation of the sea-bed.
209.	The difficult times we face require of all Governments, and of all those in positions of influence in the community, the greatest efforts of imagination, of decision and of good will. Let us make those efforts at every level -within our respective countries, in bilateral relations, in regional co-operation systems, and within the broad universal framework of the United Nations. From the last generation of statesmen we received this Organization, with its qualities and its shortcomings, with much of its potential still unrealized. Let us fulfill that potential not only "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", but also so that they may attain a more prosperous, more dignified and more just way of life through international co-operation.