121.	 I should like to begin by congratulating Mr. Hambro, as previous speakers have done, on his election as President of this historic twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly. The Ghana delegation would like to think that his election is a recognition of the contribution which his country in particular, and Scandinavia in general, has made to the founding and the stabilization of this world Organization, having provided two of its three Secretaries-General, not to mention such distinguished Scandinavians as Count Bernadotte and Ambassador Jarring, who have served and continue to serve this world body with singular distinction. I should also like to pay tribute to Mrs. Angie Brooks-Randolph, a woman respected by all, for the charm, grace and efficiency which she brought to the performance of her functions in this exacting office.
122.	At the commencement of the Second United Nations Development Decade which has coincided with the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, the opportunity has again been offered to the Organization to devise and operate a strategy for waging the greatest and the noblest of all wars to ensure mankind's survival the war against poverty, disease, ignorance, and underdevelopment. It is an opportunity which we, the peoples of the United Nations, dare not spurn.
123.	The second half of the twentieth century has witnessed one of the most fascinating processes in the history of mankind. Ideas of freedom and justice, until then reserved for a privileged section of the world's people, were suddenly let loose over the colonial world. The result of this was the decolonization process, as fascinating as it was inevitable, which our generation has been privileged to witness. Territories formerly serving as appendages to metropolitan countries took over the management of their own affairs as free and independent peoples. The United Nations itself, visibly transformed by this process, played and continues to play a crucial role in this process; its Marshalling of world moral opinion against oppression and injustice, its recognition that questions of freedom and justice for oppressed people were inextricably bound up with world peace, inspired and gave momentum to the process.
124.	Now the oppressed world is politically free but it must survive, and the United Nations is again being called upon this time to help add economic sovereignty to the political independence which the decolonization process conferred on the dependent Territories, We, the peoples of the United Nations, are being urged to take effective steps to ensure that Territories and peoples now free can, through self-reliance and buttressed by international cooperation, develop their own resources for the betterment of their own peoples. It is the moral duty of the peoples of the United Nations to ensure that the independence gained by former colonial peoples is not compromised and rendered a mere mirage by practices and policies by some of its Member States which tend to perpetuate the economic gap between developed and developing countries. It is the moral duty of the peoples of this Organization to demonstrate in moral and material terms that the decolonization process is not a meaningless fraud.
125.	In the view of the Ghana delegation, that should be the cardinal objective of the Second Development Decade.
126.	This Organization does not have to be reminded of the economic problems facing the developing countries of the world. The various structural imbalances which plague their economies, the imbalances In their transactions with the developed world, the constant deterioration in the terms of trade, as well as the heavy debt servicing crises, which afflict their single product economies are familiar to all of us. The people of Ghana, for example, have to live with a debt problem whose harsh and unrealistic repayment terms inhibit our ability to plan on a longterm basis. We have with a debt-servicing arrangement that fails to take into account the ability of our economy to pay and :hat refuses to extend the aid principle to the debt question, thus frustrating the objective of aid which some of our donors generously extend to us. We in Ghana have to bear a debt burden magnified by inordinately high moratorium interest charges which lead to an indefensible increase in debt repayment obligations.
127.	Admittedly, the chief responsibility for the avoidance of debt servicing rests with the developing countries, but the developed creditor countries must also bear some of the responsibility. Their policies towards imports from developing countries, the distribution of their aid as between grants and loans, the policies governing aid they make available, including their almost indiscriminate guarantee of export credits  all have an effect on the debt servicing capacity of developing countries.
128.	One must also mention the hedging and equivocation and interminable delays that have characterized efforts to reach commodity agreements that would benefit developing countries. Added to that is the resistance to special tariff preferences for the exports of developing countries that seems to be emerging from the discussions on the generalized nonreciprocal and nondiscriminatory scheme of tariff preferences.
129.	So far the efforts made by the United Nations system of organizations towards helping developing countries solve these problems have been mere palliatives. The United Nations answer to these economic problems has been largely technical assistance and pre-investment surveys which, though useful, seldom lead to direct capital self-sustaining investment. Those scattered efforts have been administered by United Nations experts, some of them dedicated men, to be sure, but others of indifferent caliber who are often more concerned with their status and conditions of work in developing countries than with the effectiveness of application which they should bring to bear on their work in helping solve the problems of developing countries. The United Nations seems to be imbued with a lack of the will to strengthen institutions with enough resources to assure self-sustaining development in the developing countries. The United Nations Development program and the International Development Association, for instance, are languishing for lack of support from the very countries that can really make them effective.
130.	The Ghana delegation is convinced that what the United Nations needs on the threshold of the Second Development Decade is a bold and imaginative plan to set developing countries on the road to self sustaining development and to give a new sense of purpose and dynamism to United Nations development efforts. What developing countries need is assistance and a flow of resources on a massive scale and on concessionary terms, a development assistance plan not dissimilar to the Marshall Plan of old, conceived and executed after the Second World War for the reconstruction of the shattered European economy. Current resource flows to developing countries need to be tripled, or even quadrupled, if an impact is to be made on the almost intractable problems that beset them. The type of tariff preferences that are being discussed should be in relation to commodities like cocoa products, plywood and other timber products as well as textiles and textile products, products which are essential and meaningful to the trading activities and the economic survival of developing countries. The consumers of agricultural products like cocoa, coffee, etc., States Members of this Organization, should support any international commodity agreements on those primary products, otherwise, efforts by the United Nations in the Second Development Decade will be nothing more than meaningless sham.
131.	It is not being suggested that the effort involved will be easy. It should, however, be a concerted one by the developed countries, the United Nations system of organizations and the developing countries as well. With the developed countries it is, I think, a question of political will and a greater awareness not only of their moral obligations to the developing world, but also of the material and economic benefits they stand to gain from improved standards of living in the underdeveloped world. Each developed country will have to decide for itself. But, for any decisions to be meaningful, such countries need to consider agreeing to specific target dates for the realization of agreed minimum quantitative targets of capital flows. Specific commitments will have to be made with regard to the promotion of imports from developing countries, with regard to the terms and conditions on loans for development, and with regard to the alleviation of the heavy debt burdens being borne by developing countries. As to export credits it should be accepted that the borrower, the lender and the insurance agency each bear responsibility for ensuring that contracts are properly concluded and that they are in respect of economically viable projects.
132.	Luckily for the international community, there has been much enlightened thinking on the subject in recent times. The Pearson report,  commissioned by the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, is a historic landmark pointing the way to developed and developing countries and the United Nations system alike, to essential tasks to be undertaken in the immediate decade as well as those ahead. The delegation of Ghana wishes to pay a special tribute to Mr. Lester Pearson and his team of distinguished and dedicated men for the vision, compassion, and sensitivity which they brought to bear on their assignment and for a document which should define targets and set the pace for the Second Development Decade. The Ghana delegation accepts the recommendations of the Pearson Committee, and hopes that the targets and guidelines established by it will gain widespread acceptance and provide a foundation for the new development decade.
133.	There is the necessity for devising procedures in the developing countries and in the United Nations Organization itself to ensure that resources flow into the areas that will make a requisite impact. There is also the need for making the activities of United Nations organs, charged with economic development, more responsive to the requirements of the developing countries and to the tasks to be undertaken. These requirements have been recognized in A Study of the Capacity of the United Nations Development System, the Jackson report, which comes as a timely supplement to previous studies made with a view to reforming the machinery of the United Nations systems of organization for development tasks. It will doubtless be discussed in detail by representatives in the relevant committee at the appropriate time. I wish, however, to record that questions of national sovereignty and of the relationships between the various United Nations organs charged with development are raised by the report. So also are questions regarding the role which the Regional Economic Commissions, like the Economic Commission for Africa, should play in the United Nations development effort. The Ghana delegation wishes to emphasize that we must ensure that, while trying to solve these organizational problems, we do not create fresh ones.
134.	The idea that the United Nations system exists only to further technical assistance and pre-investment studies has now been changed in an attempt to give the United Nations a more effective role in the development of priorities of the developing countries. But so far, assistance from the United Nations system of organizations to developing countries has been insignificant in relation to the total development resources required by these countries.
135.	Furthermore, now that some substantial capital exporting countries are reorganizing their economic assistance priorities to channel a greater portion of assistance resources through international institutions, these institutions need to be so reorganized that the developing countries which they purport to help, develop confidence in their ability and intention to help them, and that they are not regarded merely as channels being used by the developed countries for imposing conditions for assistance which the developed countries cannot otherwise openly impose. My delegation would wish to believe that all controversial issues raised by this report will be fully discussed and resolved. We also like to believe that out of the discussions will emerge a United Nations system organized to tackle with determination and effectiveness the essential job of development in the decades ahead.
136.	My delegation does not have to overemphasize the efforts which we, the developing countries, must ourselves make to help ourselves in this and ensuing decades. We, in the developing countries, need and want massive resource flows to our respective economies, but we are, in the last analysis, responsible for our own salvation. We need to undertake a searching assessment of our needs and requirements. We must have the courage to take the necessary basic policy decisions and actions that will make the external assistance, to be released in the course of the Second Development Decade, to us effective. We need to cooperate among ourselves to widen our markets, to share experiences, and to renew our commitments to goals and ideals. We have in the past been the victims of much economic exploitation. We can in the future be the beneficiaries of the ideas contained in the Pearson report.
137.	We, in Ghana, have taken stock of our economic situation, and have set ourselves precise economic and social goals, aimed at providing a basis for self sustained growth with emphasis on increasing the production of food and industrial raw materials so as to reduce our excessive dependence on imported goods. In doing this, we are taking decisive steps to provide better housing, education, and health services, especially for the low-income groups, and to ensure, within our existing population situation, that the inequalities in the distribution of income and social amenities, especially between the urban and rural areas, are reduced.
138.	I would like to address a special appeal to the socialist States on the question of their participation in evolving the draft strategy of the Second Development Decade. We, in the developing countries and in former colonial territories, are aware of and appreciate the noble efforts which the socialist countries, notably the Soviet Union, have played in the decolonization process. In the adoption of a strategy for a Second Development Decade, the world is being called upon to complete this process by enabling the emancipated peoples to live decent lives, free from exploitation, poverty, disease and ignorance. It would be a pity and a source of great disappointment to us if the peoples of the socialist countries, who have done so much for our political independence, were now to enter reservations about helping us to complete our emancipation. The Ghana delegation feels that the reservations raised by them in connexion with the Second Development Decade, given mutual understanding, can be discussed and resolved and thus enable the socialist States fully to participate in this endeavor to which they have so much to offer.
139.	The influence and the leadership of the United Nations have been particularly effective in the realm of ideas, bringing the power of what may be called international morality to bear on the problems that beset the world. There was a time when it was thought that any discussion about colonial territories constituted interference in the affairs of the then colonial Powers. United Nations discussions and resolutions have changed all that. There was also a time when the most powerful Members of the United Nations maintained that discussions by the Organization of that inhuman practice of apartheid was an interference in the internal affairs of South Africa. World moral opinion has changed all that. It is now widely acknowledged that questions relating to violations of human rights constitute a threat to world peace, and that the solution of problems connected with them must concern the whole world. Similarly, in the economic field today it is being maintained that it is unrealistic to expect developed countries to undertake firm commitments in respect of resource flows to the developing countries of the world, but it is the hope of my delegation, however, that the evolution and implementation of a strategy for the Second Development Decade would give the United Nations another opportunity to demonstrate its resilience, confound its critics and maintain its leadership in moral ideas.
140.	We, the peoples of the United Nations, are on the threshold of a new adventure, a challenging one and one whose success will depend to a large extent on the moral and political will we all muster to support and sustain it.
141.	This Organization is commemorating twenty- five years of its existence. It is appropriate, therefore, to reappraise the record of the Organization during the period and to draw from it lessons for the future.
142.	The authors of the Charter envisioned an international organization which would guarantee the fulfillment of man's innermost yearnings for peace, justice and progress, to quote the theme for the twenty-fifth anniversary celebrations. It is, therefore, fitting on this occasion to reflect for a while on the achievements of the Organization. twenty-five years in the life of the world and of this Organization is not a particularly long time, but in that period this Organization has scored successes that have justified the vision of its founding fathers. It has succeeded in containing and indeed removing many threats to international peace and security. It has made a remarkable contribution towards decolonization, as evidenced by the fact that 51 Members founded the Organization, whereas some 126 Member States are represented here today. In the field of socioeconomic cooperation, the achievements of the United Nations have been even more remarkable.
143.	In spite of those, however, there are some problems which have caused disillusionment within the Organization; serious problems of peace and security still await their solution by the United Nations. States have not yet renounced recourse to the use of force as an instrument for the settlement of international conflicts. National arsenals continue to be augmented with both conventional and nuclear weapons of mass destruction. A dangerous war still rages in IndoChina; dependent peoples are still being oppressed in Africa and elsewhere; racial discrimination in its most intolerable form still persists in southern Africa; the disparity in development between the advanced and the advancing countries continues to widen. That is why my delegation feels that the United Nations must at this time address itself to basic issues affecting the future of the Organization as a machinery for promoting international peace and security.
144.	The Ghana delegation will not indulge in a detailed restatement of our known positions on the many outstanding world problems. My government abhors the mounting expenditures on the production of destructive weapons of war whilst half the world goes hungry, and it would support any moves that would conduce to a lessening of world tensions through peaceful settlement of political disputes. It is for that reason that the Ghana delegation welcomes the non aggression treaty between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany, signed in Moscow on 12 August 1970. We lend our support to the agreement and commend it as a vital step towards a just political settlement in Europe. The Government of Ghana congratulates the leaders of the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany on their foresight and courage which made this possible.
145.	In the Middle East, since our last meeting here in this chamber under the gloom of a complete breakdown of the Jarring mission and the Middle East ceasefire, the Rogers plan has revived our hope that a peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis might, after all, be possible. In spite of the accusations and the counter-accusations by the parties to the Middle East conflict, I believe that a final and lasting solution of the Middle East problem, guaranteed by the big Powers and consistent with Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, is a hopeful possibility. We urge all concerned to redouble their efforts in the search for peace and understanding based on the just rights of all the States in the area to a secure existence.
146.	The problems posed by Southern Rhodesia, apartheid and colonialism in southern Africa remain as intractable as ever and, in the words of our esteemed SecretaryGeneral, constitute "the biggest challenge to the authority of this Organization".
147.	Since the twenty-fourth session, the situation in Southern Rhodesia has worsened. By a constitutional farce, Ian Smith has declared Southern Rhodesia a republic and has followed this by bringing into force a set of obnoxious policies similar to those in apartheid South Africa. That indicates unmistakably the shape of things to come. It also poses a new challenge to the United Nations and makes a reexamination of the instrument we have employed to end the intolerable situation in Southern Rhodesia imperative. My delegation hopes that the British Government, whose primary responsibility it is to suppress the Rhodesian rebellion, will take decisive steps to end the rebellion and resolve the issue in a manner consistent with the principles of the Charter. In this, I believe the British Government can count on the full support and cooperation of this Organization.
148.	Closely allied with the Southern Rhodesian issue is the liberation struggle of the peoples of southern Africa. On this issue, the Government of Ghana is committed and will always be dedicated to the cause of the national liberation movements all over Africa. We also accept the principles and purposes of the Lusaka Manifesto  as offering an alternative basis for a settlement of the southern African issue.
149.	As I have already indicated, any assessment of the record of this Organization over the past twenty- five years is relevant only when it leads to meaningful projections into the future. The SecretaryGeneral, in the introduction to his annual report for this year [A/8001/ Add.1 and Corr.1], has outlined some of the basic questions which should be uppermost in our minds today. They include the means by which the United Nations can play an increasingly vital role in the world of tomorrow; how the United Nations can make a more effective use of its potentialities for reconciling differences between its Members; the changes that can be evolved in its methods of operation to attain a fuller utilization of its capacity for improving human conditions.
150.	It is the belief of my Government that it is only when we have found adequate answers to these questions that we shall have the right to expect the Organization to play a significant role in the next decade. In this connexion, it is worth noting that proposals have been received from Canada, Colombia and Finland, among other countries, on the guidelines for a possible revision of the Charter and improvement of the structure and methods of work of the Organization. Others, including the United States of America, have suggested that as a means of facilitating the peaceful settlement of disputes the Statute of the International Court of Justice should be revised to enable it to work more effectively as a court. Equally, we believe that any suggested review of the Charter should give serious consideration of the principle of universality of membership of the Organization. I may also mention in passing that in the past the use of the veto has come in for considerable criticism and there have been suggestions for its total abolition.
151.	While the abolition of the veto in the Security Council may be considered unrealistic in the present circumstances, consideration might be given to the possibility of defining more precisely the area of its application. It may be practicable to eliminate the application of the veto from Chapter VI of the Charter as well as from the provisions relating to the admission of new Members, while retaining it for the purposes of Chapter VII. The relationship between the General Assembly and the Security Council should also be closely examined. It might, therefore, be most appropriate to suggest establishing a committee to review all the suggestions and proposals relating to the Organization and working methods of the United Nations.
152.	In conclusion, my delegation hopes that out of the deliberations of the twenty-fifth session will emerge a new operational strategy for the United Nations commensurate with the 25 years' experience of the United Nations system. We are confident that any review of this Organization that may be necessary, as a result of the changes that have taken place within the international community, will strengthen the machinery of the Organization and enable it to fulfill more adequately and effectively its primary duty of safeguarding international peace and security whilst promoting the progress of all Nations in conditions of justice and universal brotherhood.


176. No doubt each of us, before coming up to this rostrum, wonders about the usefulness or futility of the speech. Must we still speak when our voices are drowned out by the mournful cries of so many victims of the world's disorders? Our reply is yes, provided that, in listening to each other, we become more deeply convinced of our responsibilities. For our part, we shall not extol the successes of the United Nations, nor shall we allow ourselves to be discouraged by its failures. A world-wide order of peace and justice cannot be built in 25 years.
177.	Is it not important in itself that our Organization, conceived in a very different moment of history, has withstood the changes wrought by a single quarter- century?
178.	In 1970, no one doubts that the United Nations is necessary. On the contrary, people want it to be effective.
179.	It seems to us that one thing should encourage us all. It is the fact that in our countries, in mine as in may others, the great principles "of the Charter are impressing themselves more and more on consciences and especially on the consciences of the young. On the one hand we see that in most of our countries many convictions are crumbling, but on the other hand we find stronger support than existed 25 years ago for the five choices made by our States in 1945. Indeed there is, and particularly among the younger members of our population, an immediate response to the duty to organize collective security; the duty to disarm; the duty to ensure the equitable distribution of goods among all peoples; respect for human rights; and the settlement by arbitration or judicial process of legal disputes between States.
180.	All these aims, in our country and in many others, are becoming more and more sacred, imperative and urgent: the failure to observe these principles grows more shocking, and we are therefore urged to hasten the time when these principles and duties will be fulfilled throughout the world.
181.	Our response to this expectation is two-fold; as we see it, the aims of the United Nations must be tackled on all fronts and, whenever possible, at several levels not only by the central institutions of the United Nations, but also by numerous regional actions.
182.	We do not propose the establishment of new institutions, but rather the adaptation and enhancement of those we already have.
183.	First of all we wish and I am saying first of all to strengthen the central institutions of the United Nations, especially for the purpose of achieving two of their main purposes: security and development.
184.	Whatever contributes towards making the Security Council more effective will have our support. My country was one of the sponsors of the draft resolution on international security, submitted in the First
Committee, which, inter alia, contains specific proposals for strengthening the authority of the Council. But I fully realize that these proposals will not achieve their purpose unless, beforehand, all States Members of our Organization reaffirm their political will to accept and implement the decisions of the Council, in accordance with Article 25 of the Charter.
185.	Furthermore, in specific, limited fields, the Charter delegates to the Security Council real powers, and this, as we see it, foreshadows a world executive in a way. But here, should not the General Assembly support the Council? To that end, we would be in favor of the General Assembly, within the context of Article 12 of the Charter, pronouncing itself on the action of the Security Council, and hence of its closely studying the annual report of the Council.
186.	We also wish to emphasize the importance of the meeting of the Security Council provided for in paragraph 2 of Article 28 of the Charter, which should be held in the course of the work of the present session of the General Assembly. We have strongly supported that action in previous years and now reaffirm our support.
187.	So much for the field of security. The same holds true with regard to development. We believe that the time is coming when a certain power of decision will have to be vested in a world executive. It is no longer sufficient for the Economic and Social Council or the General Assembly simply to set development targets; some poverty will not be avoided unless, in specific cases, some authority can enforce the necessary action in time. For the purpose of restoring peace, does not the Charter confer such powers on the Security Council? And sometimes the Council exercises them. The same need exists where hunger or underdevelopment are involved.
188.	Accordingly, we believe that we are faced with the problem of the exercise of the central authority of the United Nations and of strengthening this Organization.
189.	Of course, the question of strengthening the authority of the United Nations also embraces the question of its universality. We welcome the fact that in a quarter of a century the sovereignty of so many formerly dependent territories has been recognized and their admission to membership in the United Nations guarantees it. Such is the irreversible trend of decolonization. But the problem of universality presents itself in another way. Some peoples are represented here only in part or not at all. Their absence is not conducive to peace or to peaceful relations between States. The time is not very far off, we believe, when we will be able to adopt an attitude more consistent with our principles. To achieve this, we must overcome the difficulties which still persist, especially with regard to China.
190.	In this particular case, my country has consistently urged, for five years, a solution that would enable the representatives of the Government of the People's
Republic of China a State which we recognize to occupy the seat which belongs to China in the General Assembly and in the Security Council. This solution cannot jeopardize the right of the representatives of the Government of the Republic of Taiwan to continue to enjoy the protection of our Charter, and therefore to participate in the work of the United Nations. This is, we believe, the only possibility, until a peaceful settlement enables the dispute between these two Chinese Governments to be composed. We also believe that the peaceful settlement of that dispute would thereby be facilitated.
191.	My country regrets that a large number of States have informed us that they do not yet share our view, and we therefore did not wish to express it this year in the form of a draft resolution. But, on the other hand, so far, no one has convinced us that any other attitude would be both more just and more consistent with the Charter. We shall continue our consultations with other Governments in seeking the urgent solution which this important problem demands.
192.	We therefore attach the greatest importance to strengthening the central power of the United Nations and to its universality; but we hold it to be equally true that the purposes of the Charter can be successfully achieved, although in part, by means of regional arrangements or organizations, deriving from the spontaneous action of countries grouped together in a given area one action does not exclude the other, one action adding to the other, the one aiding the other.
193.	The idea is hardly revolutionary. It is suggested in many parts of the Charter and it has already been put into effect in part but in our opinion, at this time in history, it deserves further reflection and a new impetus. The reasons for this effort can, we think, be formulated in a few proposals.
194.	Let us make use of this need, which has become evident and is relatively recent: which compels most States to have recourse to inter-State organizations in order to solve their economic, social, communications, supply, market, cultural, scientific and defense problems, which today separate nations can as a rule no longer master by themselves.
195.	This necessity for interdependence which is relatively recent, I repeat has created the need today for new regional links of solidarity. These are natural; they are becoming more and more closely knit; each is formed differently by a complex of historical and geographical factors, similarities of human environment, identical needs and aspirations, related political regimes and philosophies. We believe that we must make use of this natural movement.
196.	We must therefore imbue these new institutions with the spirit of the Charter and, in each case, examine whether they cannot constitute, in turn, an initial framework which encompasses the purposes of the United Nations and tries to achieve them first in a regional context. Perhaps some obstacles which impede the power of decision of the Security Council might now be offset by this method.
197.	The regional organizations, too, will, of course, remain incomplete and partly prevented from fulfilling their objectives.
198.	But if the purposes of the United Nations are thus pursued from the ground to the top and from top to bottom, if the complementarity of action is ensured and, if, of course, the world bodies still have the last word in the event of conflicting policies, then we can hope for a greater measure of over-all success in pursuing the purposes of the Charter.
199.	Those are the reasons which, in the light of experience, prompt us to co-operate eagerly I am speaking of Belgium in the world organizations and in their decentralized activities and also to participate actively in our region, Europe, in promoting links of regional solidarity and interdependence.
200.	That will provide a better understanding of some of the attitudes adopted by my country with regard to the present items and, first of all, I turn to the problems of security.
201.	The more than 30 States which share the territory of Europe cannot forget that in the past 100 years they have unleashed more wars than the other continents, and that two of them have set the world on fire. As if this were not enough, a cold war has been dividing them for the past quarter of a century. Why has this new situation of conflict not led to a third world war? Because, we believe, very soon and very fortunately bonds of solidarity and interdependence began to create balanced situations: certain transnational groupings in Europe which, due to the cohesion they have acquired and that will be developed further, make possible today the efforts gradually to reduce tensions and then to foster understanding.
202.	We have therefore asked ourselves whether, some day, security arrangements of the kind provided for in Article 52 of the Charter might bring about and guarantee harmony in the territories of the whole of Europe through the establishment of rules and instruments of agreement, conciliation and arbitration of disputes. Here it must be made quite clear that such arrangements can be no substitute for our existing economic solidarity and I am referring to the European Economic Communities or for the existing defense organizations that is, the Atlantic Alliance but they should supplement them. Similarly, if a security agreement for the whole of Europe were to be concluded some day, nor would it replace the task of the Security Council, but would remain subordinated to it through the links provided for in Article 54 of the Charter.
203.	Finally, let us say it, a regional organization for the security of the whole of Europe cannot be achieved so long as there is no political agreement on Berlin, no rules accepted by all on the real equality of States, and so long as the principle of non-interference in the affairs of others is not upheld in practice. Events of only too recent memory show that transitional steps are necessary to temper power politics by establishing collective security. It is therefore necessary, in our opinion, to seek to have such regional security agreements for Europe, not as an immediately obtainable objective, but as an ultimate end to be reached only step by step.
204.	It is on the road to European regional security that the time is coming when efforts must be made to endeavor to achieve the first intermediate objectives which would in themselves have far-reaching implications. Let the bilateral agreements on economic and social co-operation between countries with different systems become multilateral; let us seek to have the covenants renouncing the use of force, such as the one recently signed by the Federal Republic of Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, apply to Europe as a whole.
205.	But for such intermediary agreements to be really credible, the negotiations themselves should at the same time make it possible to establish at least the principles and general outlines of a gradual and parallel reduction in regional armaments in Europe, both those stationed there and national armaments. And that leads us to the second problem: disarmament.
206.	What purpose does it really serve to declare solemnly that we renounce the use of force, if we continue to pile up the instruments of force? It follows that the renunciation of force and the reduction of armaments are two indivisible elements.
207.	Certainly the problem of disarmament has already been raised at the world level, but since we want the coming decade to be that of disarmament, it would be worth while to pursue this aim at several levels: the negotiations of the 25 at Geneva have borne some fruit; the bilateral so-called SALT negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union do not seem to be ineffective.
208.	But what can and should Europe do, Europe which harbors so many tactical and conventional means of destruction? Should it take regional steps to disarm? For a long time now Belgium has strongly believed that it should, and is prepared to participate in such negotiations, in which the United States and Canada would of necessity have to be parties too. We hope that such negotiations will be possible as soon as the practical and well-known conditions for the ratification in Bonn of the German-Soviet Treaty have been met, and provided nothing else transpires to darken this horizon. Then the active preparation of initial conferences on European security could be organized. We will contribute, as in the past, to this first approach to regional security.
209.	The second area in which central and regional actions can be combined without being merged, but complement each other, is development.
210.	We have spoken about the Disarmament Decade. It will also be the Development Decade. The two are not unrelated. The strategy for the Second Development Decade has already been discussed at length and formulated, and in this context the volume and terms of the financial aid for development are particularly noteworthy.
211.	That is why Belgium is happy to be able to announce that its total aid will exceed 1 per cent of its gross national product in 1970, as in previous years. Moreover, it wishes to stress that its public aid rose 10 per cent in 1968, and 12 per cent in 1969, which placed it fourth among the industrialized countries. This public aid will further increase in 1971, by 18 per cent.
212.	Lastly, and above all, the Belgian Government, mindful of the needs and hopes of the developing countries, decided on 24 September 1970, a few days ago, to place before Parliament a Program under which public aid would in 1975 reach the figure of 0.70 per cent of that year's gross national product. This decision is a milestone in our policy, but its scope will be very limited unless it forms part of a joint effort by the industrialized countries.
213.	As we know very well, a common effort should not be focused only on the financing of development. It should encompass trade policy, a commodities price policy and support for the developing country's own efforts in all areas, especially that of regional cooperation and integration. This will in all likelihood require revision and adaptation of the process of world discussion.
214.	We believe furthermore that here again regional initiatives can, through individual arrangements with certain developing countries, add a dimension and a form of particularly effective mutual co-operation. I am thinking of the European communities which, through the Yaounde Convention  and the Arusha Declaration of January 1970 and through aid to associated European countries, make a contribution which, in some fields, supplements and increases the effects of bilateral assistance.
215.	As regards Latin America, we view with sympathy the efforts at progressive integration of the States of that part of the world, and we particularly welcome the spirit which, at the last meeting of the Special Commission for Latin American co-ordination in July, motivated the Buenos Aires Declaration on the problems of relations with the European Economic Communities.
216.	In turn Belgium hopes that the European Communities, as they develop and expand, will be able to give Western Europe a new image. It will not be one of hegemony, it cannot be one of neutrality, it will not be one of dependency. What, then, would be the attitude of Europe, in the process of unification, to the world? None other than one of intensive cooperation in the development of the southern hemisphere.
217.	Today we must make provision for the economic and social restoration and rehabilitation of the regions affected by the conflict in the Middle East. In that particular case my country is well aware that no real solution will be forthcoming as long as the Palestinian refugees have no home nor the economic means for their development.
218.	Belgium announces that it will participate in any European plan for rehabilitating the devastated areas which will enable those refugees to settle in a stable and happy environment. We have submitted to the European agencies the plan drawn up for this purpose by a Committee headed by the President of the Belgian Senate. Once formulated, a Program of European co-operation would help the parties to the conflict in their search for peace.
219.	On a more immediate and completely bilateral level, in swift response to the moving appeal of our President and of the Secretary-General, the Belgian Government immediately decided, a few days ago, to make a very substantial contribution in aid for the many victims of the recent events in Jordan.
220.	More generally, I cannot speak of the conflict in the Middle East without once again reaffirming the Belgian Government's whole-hearted support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at ensuring the swift and full implementation of the Security Council's resolution of 22 November 1967[242 (1967)]. Unfortunately, three years have already gone by since the essential conditions for a political settlement of the Middle East question were laid down. We venture to hope that both the spirit and the letter of the cease-fire agreement of 12 August last, which we welcomed as a happy event, will be respected by the parties concerned. We are anxious to see the early resumption of the talks initiated by Ambassador Jarring.
221.	We have just dealt with subjects of collective security, disarmament and co-operation for development, and we noted that the convergence of actions at the world level and of regional initiatives could bring closer the time when the purposes of our Charter will be more effectively fulfilled.
222.	Similar thoughts come to mind too in connexion with human rights, economic and social co-operation and international justice.
223.	True, when we speak about the protection of the human person, it would be impossible to guarantee safety from certain evil practices only through international agreements or regulations, and I have in mind here particularly the present crimes of hijacking and the detention or execution of diplomats. In regard to the former, my country will put forward its suggestions at the diplomatic conference to be held in December at The Hague and, for the international protection of diplomats, consuls and ministers, it advocates the urgent convening of an ad hoc diplomatic conference.
224.	But when we envisage a more general approach to the question of respect for human rights, here again we find an example of cases where regional action can supplement that of our General Assembly. We recall that in 1948 we drew up here, for the whole world, a Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
225.	But we can go further in the definition and protection of human rights when regional communities of States allow themselves to be motivated by a stable democratic conscience which is expressed therein. Eighteen European countries did so in 1950, by drawing up the European Charter of Human Rights  and, in addition, by setting up a European court on human rights to which individuals can have recourse when their rights are challenged. Several States, including Belgium, in the past already felt it an honor to amend their national legislation at the request of the Court to bring it into line with the decisions of that Court.
226.	The same will apply to economic and social co-operation, The United Nations already has instruments of regional co-operation. It is in the regional economic commissions that the ideas of integration were born, which took shape in Latin America and are striving to emerge in Africa. It was on their initiative that development banks were founded; it was they who launched numerous projects in the most varied fields from industry to agriculture, and from natural resources to transportation.
227.	Nevertheless, we would like those commissions henceforth to play an even greater role, so as to achieve the goals of the Second Development Decade, especially in the formulation of plans and the evaluation of progress.
228.	As far as the Economic Commission for Europe is concerned, it already plays a leading role in coordinating the efforts made "with a view to improving good-neighborly relations among European States" as we read in resolution 2129 (XX). In this context or elsewhere, we think that in Europe the time has come to embark on a frank and thorough review of relations between the groupings of the market- economy countries and the State-economy countries.
229.	The last subject in regard to central action and regional action is that of international justice. Indeed, in that field we also see that in some cases regional initiative or action are possible: that is described in Article 33 of the Charter which advocates the settlement of disputes between States by way of good offices, mediation, conciliation and arbitration. That Article provides that those actions can be carried out by regional agencies. The Organization of African Unity has established this type of machinery under the Charter, and we believe this to be a good thing.
230.	True, the International Court of Justice the supreme tribunal in legal disputes and must, in the final analysis, guarantee the universality of international law. However, here again we cannot forget that States parties to regional legal disputes may, by virtue of the Statutes of the Court itself, Article 26, paragraph 2, ask that chambers be formed for dealing with a particular case. For such cases, and if the question of reactivating the International Court of Justice is looked into further, as requested by the United States, Belgium will submit to it the question whether, in particular cases and on very precisely determined occasions, regional ad hoc chambers could be formed, while at the same time upholding the universal character of the United Nations and the universality of international law.
231.	My country has not been developing an abstract thesis today nor has it claimed that regional initiatives are some kind of panacea for the world. We are merely convinced that the spirit of the Charter can and must manifest itself in many places, and that we must not expect everything from initiatives at the world level; nor of course can we expect everything from regional initiatives; however, if they supplement one another, we may find herein a source of progress or initiatives which are being taken in different places.
232.	We have noted that the past 25 years especially in Europe but also in Africa, Latin America and the Middle East have been characterized by the emergence of numerous regional bodies and firm multilateral ties. To be sound and lasting, these must always be spontaneous and leave each people free to be associated with them; to be excellent, they must draw their inspiration from the principles of the Charter and seek, within that context also, to further their progress. By adding that dimension to our efforts, we have noted, it is possible to increase the opportunities for collective security, disarmament, co-operation for development, respect for human rights, economic and social understanding and international justice.
233.	Allow me, Mr. President, to ask you to convey to Mr. Hambro the tribute which my country wishes to extend to him. My delegation is extremely gratified to see the eminent representative of Norway presiding over our deliberations. Norway and Belgium already participate in many enterprises which I earlier called intermediate. Several Western and European ties of solidarity already bind us, and you know how happy we should be if the accession of Norway to the European Communities were to bring us even closer together. We congratulate the President for having brought to the highest office of the United Nations not only the virtues of his people, but also his own personal qualities of erudition, experience and authority.
234.	I would not wish to conclude without expressing again our great regard for the Secretary-General of our Organization which, on behalf of my country, I have already had the honor to convey many times before from this rostrum. I wish to end my statement by once again assuring him of our highest esteem.


60.	  Recognizing Ambassador Hambro's long and very close association with the United Nations, in the tradition of service to the international community set by his distinguished father, and his own unrivaled qualifications, this Assembly has, indeed, done itself good service by electing him to his present high office. While offering our felicitations to him on this occasion, I must say that it is a matter of real satisfaction to my country's delegation that, in this crucial year of the history of the United Nations, the choice should have fallen on a person of his eminence and caliber for the conduct of the affairs of the General Assembly.
61.	I should not fail here to pay a tribute to his illustrious predecessor, Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph of Liberia, who has become such a source of pride for the people of Africa and for womanhood in general.
62.	The United Nations having come of age by now, it is only natural that people of understanding all over the world should give serious thought to the effectiveness of this large and growing but not yet complete family of nations, and that the participants in this Assembly on the historic occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Organization should, in particular, pause for a while to evaluate its achievements and to take stock of its shortcomings. While a measure of self-congratulation on its achievements would be permissible and in all fairness this should not be grudged it would not be an idle exercise to reflect on the reasons why the United Nations has fallen short of the expectations entertained about it when its Charter was first conceived.
63.	The theme of this twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations is "Peace, justice and progress". No words could better sum up the purposes for which the Organization was founded than those three words, chosen by the General Assembly in "the desire that 1970 will mark the beginning of an era of peace".
64.	In the 25 years that have gone by, mankind has been spared the catastrophe of a nuclear war though at times the world has teetered on the brink of such a war or a global conflict. But they have been marked by EastWest tensions and confrontations. Wars and conflicts have ravaged Asia and Africa and have taken their toll of human life. Suffering and destruction have been inflicted on millions of people in the two continents. Many disputes and situations that threaten peace remain unresolved and unadjusted; insecurity haunts nations large and small; the use, or threat, of force in international relations remains ever present; the race in armaments threatens to become uncontrollable; what has aptly been called the "sophisticated insanity " of superPower competition in the development and deployment of strategic offensive and defensive weapons systems poses a threat to the very survival of the human race.
65.	Today, as in the past, anxious thought is being given by Members to the state of the United Nations, to finding out why its affairs are so much out of joint and how to remedy its ills. The weaknesses of the United Nations are ascribed sometimes to its machinery the organization, procedures and methods of its main organs and sometimes to the tendency of Member States to bring to the United Nations matters which, from a realistic point of view, it cannot resolve.
66.	The machinery of the United Nations is undoubtedly susceptible to improvement. Pakistan supports Canada's timely and well-considered initiative for rationalizing the procedures and organization of the General Assembly.
67.	The Security Council has taken an important step towards its greater effectiveness by adopting, a few months ago [see 1544th meetingJ, Finland's proposal for holding periodic meetings, at the level of Ministers, for a general exchange of views on the international situation.
68.	Pakistan believes that the Security Council could also, with advantage, consider other steps, such as: meeting from time to time to review the status of implementation of its own resolutions; reviving the practice of establishing subsidiary organs under Article 29 of the Charter for the purpose of investigation or fact-finding in the case of situations which might lead to international friction or give rise to a dispute; establishing subsidiary organs for the purposes of inquiry, good offices, conciliation and mediation in the case of disputes, the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. Should such methods and procedures not bring about the easing of a dispute and the parties do not agree on a method of pacific settlement, the Security Council itself should embark on conciliation or mediation, and, if these fail to bring about a solution, call upon the parties to submit their disputes to arbitration or judicial settlement.
69.	The decline of the Economic and Social Council is manifest in the diffusion of its fundamental policymaking role, in its inability to rationalize its coordinating functions and in its ineffectiveness to ensure the provision of adequate resources for the approved programs. This Council needs to be so organized as to meet the challenge of international development. Its prime function should be to draw up, with the assistance of the United Nations family of organizations, and supervise the execution of, a strategy of growth and development designed to assist in the achievement of development goals. A more effective coordination of the activities of the United Nations system should be another of its principal tasks.
70.	Thus, serious and continuing consideration is being given to improving the working of the principal organs of the United Nations. However, it cannot be gainsaid that causes more fundamental than mere defects in organization and methods are responsible for the failure of the United Nations to perform its foremost political tasks: namely, the prevention of the use, or threat, of force in international relations and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
71.	How many nations, more particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, are willing to subordinate what they conceive to be their national interests to the purposes and principles of the United Nations? To what extent are they prepared to give effect to the decisions of the Security Council and to act in accordance with the resolutions of the other principal organs? Does the exclusion from the Organization of the People's Republic of China, comprising a quarter of mankind, enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations in serving the cause of peace and justice? Can progress be made towards realizing the Charter goal of promoting "better standards of life in larger freedom" when resources placed at its disposal are inadequate for promoting the economic and social development of the third world?
72.	The answers to these questions have little to do with the machinery of the United Nations. They turn on the will of Member States to provide the machinery with the motive power. Such will needs to be sustained and continuous. Until now, it has been only sporadic.
73.	The second charge against the United Nations is that many Member States betray a lack of realism by bringing to the Organization matters on which it is not able to take meaningful action. But if Member States the overwhelming majority of them insecure and aggrieved approach this Organization for protection or redress when threatened or denied their lawful rights, are they being unrealistic? If so, does it now follow that the purposes of the United Nations peace and justice and progress are, realistically speaking, unattainable?
74.	If we accept such a proposition, we may as well abandon hope for the future of mankind. We may as well succumb to counsels of despair. But the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Alec DouglasHome, in his address on 24 September, said:
"If there does begin to emerge at last, out of all the negotiations now in progress, a common interest in peace and stability, it will transform our work., both in the Security Council and in the Assembly of this Organization..." [1848th meeting, para. 126],
75.	Two of these negotiations strike us as specially significant: the strategic arms limitation talks in Helsinki and Vienna, and those relating to the Treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union. They seem to us to bear the promise of detente and strengthening of international security that may well be of historic significance. At the same time, it is our profound conviction that an accommodation between the People's Republic of China and the other major Powers is indispensable for forging a common interest in world peace based on justice. It is only when such a consummation is achieved that the possibilities inherent in the United Nations of inaugurating the decade of the seventies as an era of peace, justice and progress can be realized.
76.	The necessity of restoring the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations is now increasingly recognized. As Foreign Minister Schumann of France said here on 18 September, it is "an illusion...to believe that the Organization can perform its task while remaining incomplete". Unfortunately, some of the suggestions heard in this regard are bound to create another major problem rather than resolve the existing one.
77.	The "twoChinas"or a "China and Formosa" proposal is untenable on any political or legal grounds. Politically, it would create new tensions by perpetuating the deepest grievance of the People's Republic of China. It would set a dangerous precedent for undermining the territorial integrity of validly constituted States. In regard to its legal aspects, both the Cairo Declaration of 1943 and the Potsdam Declaration of 1945 pledged restoration of Formosa to China. The only solution, therefore, is to seat the representative of the People's Republic of China in all the organs of the United Nations and to exclude those who now occupy China's seat.
78.	This historic occasion is a challenge to Member States to renew efforts to strengthen international security by bringing about just and lasting solutions to those situations where armed conflicts are taking place or dangerous tensions still exist. An end to the hostilities in IndoChina, to the torment of the Middle East, to the agony of Kashmir, and to the festering disputes in other parts of the world which might erupt into armed conflict, must be brought about without delay on the basis of the principles of the Charter, international agreements or resolutions of the United Nations. Foreign troops must be removed from territories occupied through force or on false legal grounds. Independence must be granted to peoples still suffering under the colonial yoke. The right of self determination of a people, recognized by the United Nations to be entitled to it, must be upheld. Movements of national liberation must be conceded their due rights.
79.	These objectives can be realized only if the United Nations is enabled to discharge its conciliatory, preventive, corrective and, where necessary, punitive functions in conformity with the Charter without being paralyzed by power politics. This demands a change of attitude towards the United Nations on the part of Member States, especially the permanent members of the Security Council, It is only such a change that will bring about the implementation of the Security Council resolutions and the fulfillment of international agreements reached under its auspices.
80.	It is our firm conviction that in situations of conflict, lasting solutions cannot be found unless justice is rendered to the aggrieved.,The best service to the cause of the United Nations would be to recognize the distinction between the concept of security through peace with justice and the notion of security through peace without justice, and to base our policies on that recognition.
81.	The inextricable relationship in fact, the interdependence between the state of international security and disarmament is so generally recognized to be axiomatic that it is not necessary to labor this point. Tensions fuel the arms race and the arms race feeds tensions. For almost a quarter of a century the United Nations has concerned itself with disarmament as one of the main subjects on its agenda. While the outcome has certainly not been negligible, neither has it been impressive. While a series of non-armament measures have been agreed upon, disarmament as such has defied all our untiring efforts.
| 82. Among measures of non-armament, the entry into force of the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons last March is a matter for general satisfaction. Pakistan voted in favor of the General Assembly resolution commending the Treaty [2373 (XXII)], as we fully subscribe to its objectives. But it remains our view that the effectiveness of the Treaty will depend on the extent of the adherence of the threshold nuclear weapon Powers which it can command.
83.	The Treaty prohibits, besides the manufacture or acquisition otherwise of nuclear weapons by non nuclear-weapon States, all nuclear explosive devices. It does not recognize any difference, since there is no difference, between nuclear weapons and the so called peaceful nuclear explosive devices. Indeed, the provisions of articles I, II and V of the nonproliferation Treaty, as also the statements made by the nuclear Powers, leave no doubt that any State that manufactures a so-called peaceful nuclear explosive device does, in fact, acquire a nuclear weapon. Consequently, the preparations being made in some non nuclear-weapon States to manufacture and explode nuclear devices cannot but be tantamount to the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Such a contingency , should it arise, would undoubtedly constitute a qualitatively new situation, endangering not only regional security but also; ultimately, the security of the world. The Pakistan delegation considers it necessary that the General Assembly take cognizance of this impending threat and act to meet it to safeguard the non proliferation regime which it aims to establish.
84.	My delegation welcomes the final draft of the Treaty on the prohibition of the emplacement of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction on the seabed and the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof. We hope that the conclusion of this Treaty will be followed as quickly as possible by negotiations under its article V for the prevention of an arms race on the seabed and the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof. We hope that the conclusion of this Treaty in good time and that international machinery will be established to oversee its implementation. My delegation fully endorses the Treaty in its present form and is gratified that it will be adopted at this session.
85.	The continuance of the strategic arms limitation talk. shows that awareness exists on the part of the United States and the Soviet Union of the urgent need for agreement between them on limiting the strategic nuclear arms race before it becomes uncontrollable or imposes crushing economic burdens which either superPower is unable to bear. Last year the General Assembly appealed to them both to agree, as an urgent preliminary measure, on a moratorium on further testing and deployment of new offensive and defensive strategic nuclear-weapons systems. No such agreement has so far come out of the Helsinki and Vienna talks, though they are reported to have been businesslike and pursued in depth.
86.	We earnestly hope that a strategic arms limitation agreement of comprehensive scope, embracing all strategic weapons systems, offensive as well as defensive, will emerge before long through the third round of negotiations in Helsinki. The world cannot but be disappointed if it has to rest content with an agreement confined to mere ceilings on the number of strategic nuclear weapons delivery systems while leaving the deployment of the new systems untouched. Nor are we convinced that either of the superPowers should make agreement dependent on its own subjective assessment of the intentions of the other in relation to tensions and conflicts in one part of the world or another. While such intentions are no doubt relevant to the generation of mutual confidence or otherwise, it appears to us that, so long as limitation of strategic armaments gives no military advantage to one side over the other, it could be put into effect without prejudice to any side's vital interests or security. One must perforce proceed from the assumption that, whatever the disparity in quantitative terms between the superPowers, there will always obtain a qualitative parity. Given this fact and verification of any limitations that might be agreed upon, a common or even parallel approach to political problems need not be made a condition for arriving at an agreement.
87.	In regard to a comprehensive test ban treaty, its link to the strategic arms limitation talks has been put forward as a reason why its conclusion should await the outcome of SALT. But there is an impressive array of experts who hold that underground nuclear weapons tests should be banned even though identification without on-site inspection of explosions under the 4.75 threshold may not be possible. In their opinion, all the technology of nuclear weaponry has already been extracted by the superPowers, and further underground nuclear weapons tests, even of a magnitude above 4.75, are likely to yield only marginal results, in terms of product improvement, which can hardly make a significant difference to the nuclear weaponry of one side vis-a-vis the other.
88.	It is a sombre fact that since the Moscow partial test ban treaty more weapons tests have taken place than before it was concluded, and underground tests have spawned weapons more monstrous than tests in the prohibited environments. It is a tragedy for the world that the three nuclear Powers were unable to compromise their differences on the number of on-site inspections of underground tests when the Moscow Treaty was concluded, thus letting a unique opportunity escape their grasp. They have not had that opportunity again. As a result, both superPowers have condemned themselves and the world to greater insecurity than before though the nuclear arsenal of each has increased manifold.
89.	Pakistan considers it imperative to secure universal adherence to the Geneva Protocol of 1925 prohibiting the use of chemical and bacteriological weapons. There is no doubt in our minds that the Protocol prohibits all chemical and biological weapons which may now exist or may be developed in the future. Such weapons are no less a menace to the world than nuclear ones. Indeed, in some respects chemical and bacteriological weapons pose a greater danger as the technology for their production and use is within the reach of most nations of the world.
90.	The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has examined in considerable depth the question of the conclusion of a convention prohibiting the development, production and stockpiling of chemical and biological weapons and also providing for the destruction of such weapons. It is a matter of disappointment that its painstaking efforts have not resulted in a generally agreed text. In our view, the ban should apply to both types of weapons in the same instrument. Obviously, the system of verification and control should be as comprehensive as possible, but no convention could be expected to provide procedures that would guarantee a one hundred percent reliability. All that could be expected is a system which would be reasonably reliable and credible. I would hope that the General Assembly would provide the necessary guidance to the Committee on Disarmament. Time, in this matter, is of the essence.
91.	A serious threat to the independence of the developing countries, and consequently to international peace, is the widening gap between them and the rich nations of the world. It is one of the principal aims of the United Nations to remove this threat by helping to accelerate the economic and social development of the poorer nations. To this end, the Organization is engaged in formulating an international development strategy which is to be implemented in the coming decade. While the formulation of the ten-year perspective program represents a major effort to tackle the pressing priorities of the decade of the 1970s, the strategy in itself is not the panacea of all ills. What is involved is not merely agreement on the specification of objectives, qualitative or quantitative, or on a certain degree of action with regard to policy measures, or the injection of a measure of continuity through an appraisal machinery. These in themselves do not constitute solutions. What is required is, in the words of the Lusaka Declaration,
"to employ international machinery to bring about a rapid transformation of the world economic system, particularly in the field of trade, finance and technology so that. . . economic strength is used for the benefit of the world community".
Basic to this requirement is the need to implement these measures by concrete and specific political commitments within the first two years of the decade.
92.	While it has been repeatedly stressed by developing countries that the major responsibility for development is their own, it cannot be doubted that the key to the failure or success of the development strategy lies directly in the hands of the major industrialized nations; for it is they who have the resources to accelerate the economic development of the developing world with the least possible human cost.
93.	Though man may bend his efforts to improve his material condition, yet natural disasters such as earthquakes and floods strike without warning and leave in their wake widespread and sometimes irreparable damage. Foreign Minister  of Turkey has referred to this matter, which is also of current and growing concern to Pakistan. We are conscious of the important and timely steps that have been taken by the United Nations to try to provide much needed assistance to the countries sorely afflicted by such calamities. In recent years, these have befallen Yugoslavia, Tunisia, Romania, Turkey, Iran, Peru and other countries. Pakistan, too, has again been visited by the havoc of floods in its eastern wing in August of this year, causing immense human suffering and destruction. It is imperative, in our opinion, to explore further avenues of effectively mobilizing international assistance material, medical and technical for the relief and rehabilitation of the victims of such disasters. It is also necessary to devise preventive and protective measures against floods and other calamities whenever possible. We welcome and support the Turkish initiative in proposing a new item on this subject for the agenda of this session.
94.	While talking of plans and proposals motivated by a humane vision, I must say that we commend the Iranian proposal [see 1695th meeting, para. 75] to channel the idealism and energy of youth into constructive efforts by the creation of a United Nations peace corps. As the Government of Iran has made clear, it envisions the corps to be composed of the youth of Member nations who would serve in the projects undertaken by the United Nations or started under its auspices.Evidently, it would promote better understanding amongst the members of what the SecretaryGeneral calls "the takeover generation''[A/8001/Add. 1 and Corr.1, para. 169].
95.	A little earlier, in the context of strengthening international security, I talked of the right of self determination of peoples and movements of national liberation. Our satisfaction at the progress achieved since the historic resolution 1514 (XV) was adopted must be tempered by the consideration that we are still a long way from the realization of the goals set by the Declaration on decolonization. In southern Africa, particularly, the Declaration has been treated as a dead letter.
96.	Portugal continues to impose its oppressive rule over its colonial territories. The illegal racist minority regime remains entrenched in Rhodesia. In regard to Namibia, the Government of South Africa has defied the authority of the United Nations and has refused to abide by its decisions. Moreover, that Government is not only practicing the odious policies of apartheid in its own country; it has also extended its application to Namibia to maintain white supremacy.
97.	Clearly, this state of affairs is intolerable. For, if the twin evils of colonialism and racialism are not eradicated from southern Africa in time, it is a foregone conclusion that this explosive situation will ignite sooner or later. There is no guarantee that a race war will not spread beyond the confines of Africa and endanger world peace and security.
98.	In this year, which is also the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on decolonization, nothing would be more befitting than reassertion of the collective will of the United Nations to make the Government of South Africa desist from its reckless and inhuman course. This needs, more than anything else, the active support of the major trading partners of South Africa because among them are three permanent members of the Security Council.
99.	Unfortunately, we have witnessed of late a weakening of resolve on the part of some of these permanent members. South Africa is thus enabled not only to expand its economic base, but also to continue augmenting its military strength to become the most powerful State in that region. Since the arms embargo is the principal measure chosen by the United Nations to bring about a reversal of apartheid in South Africa, I hope that the United Kingdom and France will also enforce it scrupulously. We appeal to all Member States to show a willingness to go beyond the halfhearted arms embargo, and to take other measures such as economic sanctions and denial of financial and technical assistance to the Pretoria regime. We appeal to the permanent members of the Security Council to cooperate more actively with other Member States to oust the illegal racist minority regime in Salisbury, to bring an end to Portuguese control of its colonial possessions and to assist the peoples of these Territories to attain their independence. Would it not be tragic if the legitimate strivings of these peoples, suffering under the yoke of colonialism and racialism, are frustrated by the dereliction of some of the permanent members of the Security Council upon whom devolves the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security? I hope they will realize the grave consequences that will flow from their policy of putting their national economic interests above those of the international community.
100.	I would not conclude this brief survey, from Pakistan's viewpoint of the major problems confronting the world today, without a reference to the Lusaka Declaration issued by the Heads of State or Government of fifty-three nonaligned countries at the conclusion of their conference held earlier this month. We shall not let our non-participation in that conference for reasons which have now lost their validity or relevance prevent us from commending the Declaration. The views to which it gives forthright expression are similar to those which, out of its own experience, in its own geopolitical setting, and without animosity against any Power or groups of Powers, Pakistan has independently evolved and labored to uphold. I, therefore, consider the present occasion appropriate to convey our felicitations to the Governments of those countries, among which we count many as our close friends.
101.	While at the United Nations much of our attention is focused on the more general causes of instability, there are particular situations of devastation and human misery caused by political conflicts which the United Nations has been unable to alleviate. The continuance of the tragedy of VietNam is a rebuke to the conscience of mankind. The destruction wrought in VietNam over two decades has been colossal and the area of conflict has been widened in the last few months. Certainly, the use of force can be no answer to the problem of VietNam. A whole generation in IndoChina has suffered the agony of a continuing war. Surely, this must end and now. How much more blood needs to be shed before the principle is recognized that this conflict can be settled only in accordance with the wishes of the peoples of IndoChina without outside interference? If at present there is a slim ray of hope, it emanates from the peace talks continuing in Paris. The widely prevalent impression that these talks are stagnant should not obscure the fact that some proposals promising a solution have been advanced in these talks. If such proposals are allowed to wither for lack of receptivity, the world will lose whatever chance still exists for a negotiated solution of this cruel conflict.
102.	Pakistan's views on the Middle East situation have been amply expressed both at the meetings of the Security Council and in the past three sessions of the General Assembly. Based as these views are, not only on our bonds of culture and sentiment with the Arab people, but also on our best objective judgment, they are liable to no change or dilution. The horrifying events in Jordan during the last two weeks have brought us immeasurable grief. How ironical that while the Middle East shook, the United Nations remained immobile, Only the heads of the Arab States concerned worked without respite in Cairo, with the late President Nasser as the untiring host and inspiring guide, to stop the fratricidal slaughter. While one is overwhelmed by the thought of the carnage, while one's heart goes out to the bereaved chief among them, the people of Palestine it is one's duty to draw from, the recent train of events the one lesson that it incontestably conveys, and that is most pertinent for the establishment of a durable peace in the Middle East.
103.	The lesson is this, the heart of the grave Middle East problem, is the problem of Palestine, the problem of a people that was ruthlessly and most unjustly displaced from its homeland, and no settlement of the problem will be lasting if it does not carry the willing consent and acceptance of that people.
104.	To an objective observer, that is all too obvious; yet it is astonishing how easily the diplomacy engaged in finding a settlement loses sight of it. The conflict between the Arab States and Israel, in all its seriousness, is but the effect of a cause. How can the effect be removed unless the cause is eliminated?
105.	While, therefore, we commend the efforts of the four Powers to achieve a settlement, we would be less than honest if we did not warn them that any structure of peace that they erect will rest on quicksand if they try to ignore the hunger for justice which drives the people of Palestine, indeed the entire Arab nation. To expect that any Arab leader, or Government, will acquiesce in a settlement which does not promise restitution of the rights of the people of Palestine is simply to close one's eyes to the realities of the situation. The thousands dead in Amman and here we make no distinction between one Arab and another bear witness to the agony inflicted on the Arab nation by a late product of colonialism, the establishment of Israel and the expansionist policies it has pursued. How can such agony be allowed to endure, and yet hopes be entertained of a stable peace?
106.	I must make it clear that by those observations I do not mean to belittle the diplomatic initiatives which were taken recently towards a peaceful settlement. Two facts, however, remain. First, the constructive plan for a temporary ceasefire and for the reactivation of the Jarring mission was obstructed only by Israel's obduracy. Secondly, the potential it held for peace could not be realized unless it envisaged the enlistment of the people of Palestine in efforts towards a settlement. Such enlistment cannot be obtained unless the objectives defined go beyond the mere removal of the consequences of Israel's aggression in 1967, however difficult even that objective might be.
107.	Actually, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Arab territories is something that follows directly from the principle that acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible. Though this principle is but a corollary of the Charter, we must acknowledge that it was the Latin American States which pointedly drew attention to it, in the draft resolution sponsored by them at the emergency special session in 1967,10 as a basis for the settlement of the ArabIsraeli conflict. The principle was emphasized in the Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)]. No conflict of interpretation regarding that resolution, no selective stress on one part of it as against another, can detract from this principle. Much is being made of the phrase "secure... boundaries", but surely it is applicable as much to the Arab States as to Israel, indeed more, because the Arab States do not possess Israel's military capacity and its trained disposition towards taking the offensive. If the principle is unreservedly upheld, a beginning will be made towards peace. Because such a beginning has not yet been made, the situation in the Middle East is fraught with tension and seethes with frustration. Such a climate gives rise to desperate acts, like the hijacking of planes, which, of course, are regrettable and about which the Security Council's resolution of 9 September 1970 [286 (1970)] was quite appropriate.
108.	I must also emphasize that one of the questions included in the Middle East problem is the question of Jerusalem which in its seriousness yields to none. It is a question which, transcending the claims and counterclaims of the parties, concerns the entire Muslim world, as was evidenced by the Islamic summit conference held in Rabat last year and by the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Islamic States held in Jeddah in March last. No solution of this question will facilitate peace and remove the sense of outrage from the Islamic world if it tolerates the placing of the Holy City under Israeli sovereignty or even quasi sovereignty. Any such arrangement would be contrary to the resolutions on Jerusalem which both the General Assembly and the Security Council have adopted since 1967. Again, it would negate the principle of inadmissibility of territorial acquisition by war which the resolutions of the Council emphasize with specific reference to the Holy City.
109.	We urge the great Powers not to be oblivious to the universal religious interest in Jerusalem and the most cherished sensibilities engaged by it.
110.	Though the Middle East and IndoChina are the areas of immediate danger and tension at present, it cannot be said that the subcontinent of India and Pakistan enjoys a dependable peace. Pakistan has urged time and again the imperative of establishing peace based on justice between our country and India, our neighbor. The peace that we visualize is not make believe. We cannot secure peace by evading problems and ignoring the causes of tension. The peace we visualize is not merely a ceasefire. The peace we visualize is one based on the firm foundation of a full recognition of each other's rights, the honoring of mutual agreements, the rejection of expansionist policies and the elimination of the outstanding causes of tension and insecurity.
111.	India and Pakistan are neighbors, which have shared a great deal of historical experience. Differences can, and do, arise between neighbors, but such differences need not generate perpetual hostility. Since our independence, many problems between us, some of which were of a grave character, were resolved but only when we used the time-honored methods of peaceful settlement and faithfully carried out our mutual agreements. The settlement of disputes about the Indus waters and the Rann of Kutch are pertinent examples.
112.	Of all the remaining disputes, it is the one concerning the state of Jammu and Kashmir which has been the outstanding cause of the failure of India and Pakistan to develop a rational relationship that could lead them to harmonious coexistence. And it is with regard to this dispute that India not only is spurning our offers of peace, but is barring every recourse to the methods of peaceful settlement. Could there be a greater example of obduracy than this, that even after nearly a quarter century, the Government of India should fail to realize how essential it is that this dispute be resolved on an equitable basis? When I say "an equitable basis", I mean the basis that was laid down in the international agreement between India and Pakistan. That agreement resulted from voluntary acceptance, after exhaustive negotiations, by both parties of the recommendations of the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan that the future of Jammu and Kashmir be decided by a plebiscite under the auspices of the United Nations. The ceasefire in Kashmir and the stationing of United Nations observers were provided for in the same resolutions which envisaged a plebiscite. Time and again we have made it clear that our insistence on the principle of reference to the people is not a matter of taking an inflexible position. How can any solution of this problem be regarded as genuine if it does not carry with it the consent of the people who are the most directly involved I mean, the people of Jammu and Kashmir? These people have made it clear, by their suffering and their continuing resistance, that they are not, and will not be, reconciled to Indian occupation. Their voice may be muffled from the outside world, but it is not inaudible to the people of Pakistan, who are their kith and kin. They and the people of Pakistan both demand that Kashmir be released from its prolonged agony and be enabled to exercise the right of self-determination. In this context, it should not be forgotten that it is to the right of self-determination that both Pakistan and India owe their independent existence today.
113.	Both Pakistan and India have had a grievous experience of alien rule. Both have actively supported the cause of colonial peoples seeking an end to foreign domination. What could be a greater anomaly, a more startling self-contradiction than that while we seek the release of other peoples from alien rule, India should try to impose it on Jammu and Kashmir? Such a course of action is as contrary to India's own proclaimed philosophy as it runs counter to the historical forces of our time. What is more, it cuts at the basis of Asian African solidarity, the essential basis of this solidarity being a common urge of the peoples of the former colonial Territories to determine their own future, and not to permit the emergence of colonialism in newer forms. Belief in racial superiority may have been one of the driving forces of colonialism, but it is not its only cause. A colonial rule can be imposed on a people belonging to the same race. It is such a rule, ruthless and in breach of international commitments, that is being forced by India on the people of Jammu and Kashmir. When India brought the dispute to the United Nations it did not claim that Kashmir was an integral part of its territory. It does so now. What difference, then, is there between its position and that taken by Portugal in relation to Angola and Mozambique? What difference, I ask, is there between the integration measures adopted by India in Kashmir and those taken by South Africa in Namibia?
114.	The Kashmir dispute has led twice to armed conflict, After the war in 1965, Pakistan has repeatedly urged on India the necessity of entering into meaningful negotiations to resolve this dispute on an equitable basis. India says, on the one hand, that it is prepared to have talks with Pakistan on this issue, and, on the other, that there is nothing to talk about. On the one side, friendly Powers are being told that India is ready for negotiations and, on the other, it is being publicly said that the status of Jammu and Kashmir is not negotiable. I put the question to this Assembly: is it fair and is this a helpful attitude for India to take? And while India strikes this self-contradictory posture, it aggravates the situation by taking one measure after another to tighten its vice on Kashmir.
115.	IndiaPakistan relations have been seriously affected by another matter of grave concern to Pakistan's economy, namely, the construction of the Farakka barrage by India on the international river Ganges, which flows through India and Pakistan. That project is designed to divert the waters of the mainstream of the river Ganges through a feeder canal to another river flowing entirely through India. As a consequence, in the long dry season which that region experiences, the barrage will leave little or no water below Farakka for use in East Pakistan, thereby causing grave and permanent damage to the province. International, and our own experts, have assessed the extent and cumulative nature of the damage that will be caused. It is estimated that the project will adversely affect the ecology and agriculture of seven districts in East Pakistan, involving a total area of 3.6 million acres of land. It will seriously affect navigation in the and its many spill channels and distributaries, result in the inflow of sea water thereby affecting agriculture, municipal supplies and industrial uses of the water, depleting fisheries and forest resources especially in the Sundarbans. Moreover, reduced flows in the Ganges downstream from Farakka will silt up the river bed and increase the hazards of flood in the rainy season. These major changes in the environmental and ecological factors of the deltaic region of East Pakistan will have far-reaching and incalculable effects on the livelihood of one third of the population of East Pakistan which is fast approaching 70 million people in an area of only 55,000 square miles.
116.	After encountering many difficulties over a period of years, created by Indian demands to furnish data of one kind or another, with which Pakistan regularly complied, and after many meetings at expert and official level, the two Governments agreed in July this year to hold another meeting in three to six months' time to consider the quantum of water to be supplied to Pakistan at Farakka, and the other unresolved issues relating thereto. That meeting is also scheduled to consider matters relating to the eastern rivers which have also been the subject of discussion between the two countries. In pursuance of this positive step, we hope that India will fully cooperate in reaching an equitable solution of this very serious problem. We urge that this problem be approached by India in accordance with a spirit of equity, and recognition of the rights of Pakistan, under international law, to arrive at a solution satisfactory to all concerned.
117.	Over and above the grave political problems in our region, there is one other problem of a purely human character which is extremely poignant. It is the problem of the Muslim minority in India which, though nearly 60 million in number, is scattered all over the country and is the victim of periodic mass killings. The problem has two tragic peculiarities. First, while war, overt or undeclared, in other areas brings barbarities in its train, the killings in India, no less gruesome, take place in a situation where there is no rebellion, no attempt by a minority to establish its own government, no civil war. The Muslims of India have given proof of their loyalty to their country and Government. Yet they are periodically visited by death and destruction. Second, unlike racial groups suppressed in certain countries through the policies of the Governments concerned, the Muslims of India are killed in large numbers in spite of the efforts of the Government of India to stop these eruptions of insensate religious frenzy. I cannot but emphasize this aspect of the problem, because it is not my intention to draw up an indictment against the Government of India. We do not wish to deny that, when thousands of Muslims are killed in a few days as they were at Ahmedabad in September 1969 and in Bhiwandi Jalgaon in May 1970 to cite the more recent instances the Government of India, and responsible Indian leaders, expressed great concern. Let not the representative of India, therefore, treat my remarks on this tragic situation as a subject for polemics. If he intends to say that the Government of India is making efforts to prevent these savage pogroms, I am prepared to concede that point. But the fact remains that these efforts do not match the gravity of the problem. Indeed, they are seldom preventive and never punitive enough. Some time ago, the President of India said that the problem had to be grappled with on a war footing. If his words were translated into action, it is not imaginable that organized hate groups would persist in killing innocent and defenseless Indian citizens who are Muslim. The problem, I repeat, is not an IndoPakistan question in the usual political sense. It is a problem for the universal human conscience. Pakistan, being geographically close to India, cannot but be deeply perturbed, indeed shaken, when an eruption of religious hate in India takes a staggering human toll. Moreover, there exists an international agreement between Pakistan and India, namely, the Liaquat Nehru pact, which makes the safeguarding of the life, culture, property and personal honor of the religious minorities in the two countries a matter of joint concern for the two Governments. Moved by this concern, and saddened by the plight of Muslims in India, Pakistan cannot remain silent.
118.	Our appeal to the Government of India is to ensure the safety of the life, honor and property of Indian Muslims. It would help if the Government of India were to allow an international commission to examine and evaluate the causes of the pogroms, and make recommendations for their eradication. On our part, we shall have no hesitation against, and entertain no fear of, a similar inquiry regarding the minorities in our country.
119.	I cannot close my statement without mentioning the protest of world youth against the present human conditions. Our century has been a stormy one. It has produced tumults, yet generated hopes. Rivers of blood have flowed, but expectations have risen of a better world. Can we of the older generation, who control the sinews of power, claim to have marched a measurable distance towards the goal of improving the lot of man? Have we found answers to the age-old problems of war and racism and poverty even though we command the means of abolishing them through science and technology?
120.	The younger generation finds itself living in a world under the shadow of a nuclear and ecological disaster. It is a world in which man can no longer control the pattern and texture of his life. His moral purpose is being destroyed by a soulless technology. If the United Nations is to be the answer to the insistence of world youth for a better world order, peace, justice and progress must be translated from empty rhetoric into imperative principles of action.