First of all, I am happy to express to you, Sir,
my personal congratulations on your unanimous election to
the responsible post of President of the General Assembly.
We are all the more pleased because your human qualities
and professional skills are certain to make a valuable
contribution to the success of this session of the General
Assembly and because you represent Côte d’Ivoire and
Africa, a brother continent of Latin America, whose hopes
and aspirations we share. Our thanks go as well to your
distinguished predecessor, the representative of Guyana,
Samuel Insanally, who so skilfully presided over the
General Assembly at its forty-eighth session.
From this rostrum, the rostrum of world peace,
which has seen a succession of the most notable
representatives of all the nations, I address the peoples of
the globe on behalf of 5.5 million Hondurans.
Honduras has emerged from the remarkable culture
of the Mayas, who, in centuries past, invented the zero
and developed mathematics, cultivated architecture,
predicted eclipses, and produced an extraordinarily
accurate calendar.
The ruins of Copán bear eloquent and beautiful
testimony to the greatness of a civilization that strove to
keep a written record of all that it did. Today, on the eve
of the twenty-first century, we can barely decipher the
wisdom contained in their petroglyphs. I am speaking,
then, on behalf of a people whose roots go deep down
into history, a people that after some centuries brought
forth such world-class Central Americanists and
pan-Americanists as Francisco Morazán and José Cecilio
del Valle.
Like the Maya, the people of Honduras are deeply
peace-loving, and their democratic calling has evolved
unblemished. In the midst of the Central American war,
Honduras remained at peace. None the less, it was not
spared the harsh consequences of the great Central
American crisis that devastated the region during the last
two decades and from whose aftermath we still suffer.
Notwithstanding the many virtues of the Honduran
people, we are still afflicted by economic, social, cultural

and health problems that hamper development, obstruct the
full exercise of human rights and immerse many families in
dire poverty.
Exactly eight months ago today, I took on the
leadership of the destiny of Honduras through the freely
expressed will of our people. We are preparing the country
for the titanic struggle against corruption, the hard battle
against poverty and the fight against illiteracy, for
stabilization of the economy and for conservation of the
environment.
Peace and development require, above all, shelter,
sustenance, land and jobs for all. They require universal
justice, hope for everyone and promising prospects for
every woman, man, girl and boy.
In the face of all the challenges of the present, we
have opted to implement a moral revolution capable of
straightening out the administration of the State and of
transforming the country peacefully and democratically.
The driving principles and values behind that moral
revolution are larger than my people and Honduras’s
geographical dimensions. The moral revolution, behind
which I throw myself wholeheartedly, permeates our links
with other States and the international legal community.
The moral revolution means good government,
economic growth with equity, transparency in the
administration of the State and decency in the taking of
important decisions and in daily work; it is political
democracy, national identity, lush forests and healthy
children; it is economics with a human face, the theory and
practice of integration with the fraternal countries of
Central America, international solidarity and support for the
peaceful settlement of conflicts; it is, in short, a clear and
resolute step towards mankind’s next millennium.
On the global level we are witnessing the last rites of
the cold war. We have seen the last of the after-effects of
the Second World War, effects that lingered on into this
decade. We are witnessing the globalization of markets and
the resurgence of ethnic groups crying out for their own
identity. We are seeing the unilateral actions of some
States give way to multilateral operations framed by the
legislation of this great world gathering. We see that
colonialism has come crashing down like, in the words of
our national anthem, a black-feathered bird, and that
cooperation among free, sovereign and independent nations
is growing day by day.
We are participants in the historic transformation of
democracy from a national value into a universal one,
from something practised intermittently in certain
countries into a standard form of behaviour for States.
All this heralds a new dawn for mankind. But all
these triumphs, however grand, are still not enough.
The differences between North and South necessitate
a far-reaching dialogue in order that mankind may not be
torn asunder yet again. International cooperation for
peaceful development must take place soon and to a
greater degree than that seen during times of war or
conflict.
Central America is emerging, still licking its
wounds, from the savage blows of two decades of deep
crisis and bloodshed. A quarter of a million dead is the
huge and tragic price that Central Americans paid for the
cold war. Billions of dollars were poured into destruction
and military confrontation between brothers. Now,
unfortunately, only scant resources are being invested in
building new democracies and new economies.
This is a challenge for Central Americans and the
international community alike. Our region is replacing
the agenda of war with that of peace and sustainable
development. Our region - and in this respect my country
is a trail-blazer - is bringing down the curtain on an era
of confrontation and bringing it back up on one of unity
and solidarity. In the era just past we had a lot of help;
but for the one that is opening up we can see very little.
Although our own efforts are the engine of our
development, international cooperation can strengthen us
and speed up our progress. For this reason we call the
attention of the international community to the fact that
all those who contributed to our destruction have a moral
obligation to cooperate in our reconstruction and to help
undo the reversals the region suffered because of the two
decades of crisis.
My Government and people view with profound
optimism the positive turn of events that has taken place
in the conduct of Governments. Louis XIV considered
himself the State: "L’état, c’est moi." Hegel envisaged
the State as God’s path towards the Earth, perfect reason
which never errs. That led to the doctrine of raison
d’état as the motivating force behind the conduct of
Governments. Now, in the post-cold-war period, a new
motivating force is emerging: humanitarian reason. This
change is symbolized by our passage not only from one
2

century to the next, but, indeed, from one millennium to the
next. It is, in effect, a thousand-year leap: from
governmental policy based on the interests of the State to
international relations inspired by humanitarian concerns.
In this period of radical transition for mankind, there
are lights at the end of the tunnel: the collapse of various
barriers, the weakening of racial segregation, the casting off
of shackles that had kept different nationalities artificially
bound together, the worldwide spread of democracy, and
the emergence of détente as a feature of inter-State
relations. These trends augur well for the building of a
new world order based on peace, mutual support and broad
tolerance. The growing realization that reason must prevail
over force should prompt our national leaders to convert
those rays of hope into great beacons for the maintenance
of peace, security, democracy and, hence, sustainable
development.
My country and people regard the development of the
new international economic order with stoicism as the
world becomes divided into blocs based on economic and
strategic interests. The nation-State is suffering a crisis of
identity and threats to its sovereignty. We are witnessing
new geopolitical formations in which power is being
transnationalized and the struggle for hegemony is passing
into another dimension. The new structure of the world
economy is marked by the supranational nature of decision-
making in the field of finance and international trade.
If this emerging new international economic order is
not managed prudently, if we do not infuse it with
humanism and morality, we run the risk that in the short
term the already-existing rift in the world between poor
nations and rich nations - what we used to call the North
and the South - will widen further. The following words of
a Honduran poet speak eloquently to this: "The poor are so
many that it is hard to forget them - so many that they
could be the pallbearers of a celestial body."
It is vital to have a more equitable new international
order. Now more than ever, justice in the South is a
prerequisite for peace in the North. The industrialized
States need to demonstrate their readiness to respond to the
economic proposals of the developing countries, which
represent two thirds of the Earth’s people.
These thoughts should serve merely to stimulate our
imagination in the quest for solutions to prevent the
deterioration of our political, economic and social systems.
In the process of globalization, under the banner of
democracy in the political field and the market economy in
the economic field, we have been making intense efforts
at the regional and subregional levels to reduce political
and economic differences among countries and regions on
the basis of the norms and institutions that should guide
our collective life towards a basic model, one fashioned
in accordance with the principles that underpin this world
Organization.
The United Nations must therefore pursue the
analysis and discussion of the major issues that call for
thorough reflection in this process of political, economic
and social globalization. Indeed, there has been a marked
increase in recourse to the United Nations as an
instrument to prevent, avert or halt international conflicts,
and in order to legitimize the right of intervention in the
case of conflict between a State and its population or a
State and the international community - but always in
search of peace, freedom and democracy.
The manifest resolve of the States Members of this
Organization to work in concert towards this objective has
been remarkable and vigorous, but it should be borne in
mind that good intentions are of little use unless
supported by the political will to take the difficult
decisions required by situations such as this. Let the
apologists of violence and those who are nostalgic for
power have no doubt that our political will to avert
regional conflicts is unswerving, and that our political
action is designed to promote stability, legitimacy and the
development of effective democracies.
We share the concern and the distress at the events
occurring in the sister country of Haiti. There is a
pressing need to put an end to this grave situation, which
is an affront to human dignity and to the self-
determination of peoples. My Government supports a
peaceful settlement of the problem and is ready, within its
limitations, to take part in a United Nations peace-keeping
mission once democracy is restored to that fraternal
country.
Just as we felt great satisfaction at the signing, last
year, of the historic mutual recognition agreement
between the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO), we are gratified by the decision of
the State of Israel and the Kingdom of Jordan to sign the
Washington Declaration of 25 July 1994. It reflects the
aspirations of the two peoples and Governments and seeks
to find formulas for mutual understanding that will put an
end to their substantial differences.
3

My Government was particularly pleased to see a
bleak chapter of human history in South Africa end with
the coming to office of a new Government led by President
Nelson Mandela. Today we look forward to seeing the
aspirations to freedom, peace, democracy and development
whose fulfilment that great leader desires for his people
become a reality.
Similarly, though with a sadness that I cannot conceal,
I must say that events in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
tragedy of Rwanda cause us considerable distress and
anguish. These fratricidal conflicts should impel us to act
urgently to eliminate armed aggression, genocide and the
practice of "ethnic cleansing" once and for all. We cannot
continue to waver in implementing Security Council
resolutions. Although this Organization has never played
as big a leadership role as it is playing now, it is also true
that compliance with its resolutions in the framework of
operations to maintain international peace and security has
been put into question.
My Government deeply regrets the resulting tragic
events that have claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and
caused a massive exodus of refugees. We therefore urge
parties in conflict to act in a spirit of reconciliation, certain
that the international community will continue to extend
humanitarian assistance to them.
In the case of Cuba, the Government of Honduras
agrees with the overall objective of restoring democracy to
that country, in the framework of the inter-American
system. However, we believe that the policy pursued by
the Government of the United States of America is not
consistent with the need to remedy the critical political,
economic and social conditions prevailing in that brotherly
country, and we sincerely hope that dialogue between the
parties will prevail in this dispute.
The countries of the Central American region have
continued to pursue policies based on resolutions adopted
at presidential Summits, with a view to creating a new
economic, social and political structure for the benefit of
Central Americans. In this regard, at the recent fifteenth
meeting of Central American Presidents, held in the
brotherly Republic of Costa Rica, new circumstances
prompted us to adopt an integral strategy for sustainable
development in the region, a national and regional strategy
which we call the "Alliance for Sustainable Development".
This is a Central American initiative in the political, moral,
economic, social and ecological fields, whose agenda will
be further enriched with the holding of the environmental
Summit in Managua, Nicaragua, on 12 and 13 October, and
the International Conference for Peace and Development
in Central America, to be held on 24 and 25 October this
year in Tegucigalpa, Honduras. The International
Conference will be a good opportunity for the
international community, as it did a decade ago in the
midst of a tragic confrontation, to express its solidarity
with a region that has turned war into reconciliation,
conflict into human progress and totalitarianism into
democracy. It would be terrible indeed if the world that
extended its hand to us in those difficult times were to
fail now to help us enjoy the dividends of peace.
We participated with similar enthusiasm and
optimism in the Fourth Ibero-American Summit of Heads
of State and Government in Cartagena de Indias, Republic
of Colombia. As everyone present knows, there was
broad discussion there of aspects of trade and integration
as elements in Ibero-American development. We
attended that important meeting with the political resolve
to tackle the problems that are besetting our countries and
causing dangerous economic and social imbalances, thus
requiring a search for concerted responses that will enable
us to develop machinery to tackle the challenges of the
future more effectively.
In accordance with this commitment, my
Government believes that, although dialogue has been
strengthened, it is even more important to pursue the
policies adopted at that forum. In this context, we
reaffirm our fullest support for the joint initiatives, which
are based on the principles of representative democracy,
the defence and promotion of human rights, respect for
sovereignty and the principles of non-intervention and the
self-determination of peoples.
On a different tack, I should like to inform this
world forum that the degradation of the environment is a
matter of constant concern to us. In this regard, my
Government attaches the highest priority to the search for
a solution to this problem. Mechanisms have been
established to implement the resolutions adopted at the
Earth Summit held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in June
1992.
We reaffirm our commitment to promoting a
balanced and integrated approach to sustainable
development, as set forth in the Rio Declaration on
Environment and Development. It is important that the
Assembly expand on that idea and build an awareness of
the world’s environmental unity so that a new relationship
between mankind and nature can emerge, allowing us to
work together for its conservation and survival.
4

Regarding this sensitive matter, our National Congress
is currently seized with the Conventions on Biological
Diversity and on Climate Change, with a view to translating
our words into deeds through their speedy debate and
adoption.
My Government wishes to raise one other issue today,
with a sense of full responsibility and an awareness of the
gravity of the effects of the crisis faced by developing
countries and the risks involved for the stability of the
world economy. We must acknowledge the importance of
the signing of the Final Act of the Uruguay Round of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, as well as the
agreement creating the World Trade Organization, with a
view to strengthening the multilateral trade system. We
trust that these instruments will help to ensure the
liberalization and expansion of international trade for the
benefit of the developing countries.
But if in pursuing this goal the industrialized nations
do not act in accordance with the changes taking place in
international economic relations, efforts within the
framework of South-South cooperation will have to be
stepped up. This is becoming not merely an alternative, but
a fundamental challenge to our capacity to act in these
negotiations, which can stem only from the coordination
and support that impart resolution, continuity and
effectiveness to the actions of the group of developing
countries.
In the context of what the United Nations means to all
of us, my Government has attached the greatest importance
to and has followed with great interest the process of
reform of the Charter of the United Nations, particularly
with respect to the Security Council.
In the prevailing international circumstances and given
the role the Security Council has been called upon to play
in the maintenance of international peace and security, the
reforms that the membership is calling for, in accordance
with the purposes and principles of the Organization, should
be studied thoroughly and adopted with meticulous care.
Any reform in the membership of the Security Council
needs to take into account the criteria established in the
relevant Articles of the Charter. It is essential to respect
the principle of equitable geographical representation, which
would permit us to increase the number of permanent and
non-permanent members democratically and to consider
whether or not it would be desirable to create a new category -
that of semi-permanent member - as has been suggested in
the open-ended working group on the restructuring of the
Security Council established by the Secretary-General.
In this process of change, in addition to the
principles that I have outlined we need to consider what
basic indicators would enable us to set the number of
members at the right level. This is also true of the study
on the veto right, currently enjoyed by the five permanent
members; my Government feels that this right should not
be granted to any category, whether permanent or semi-
permanent. Thus, Honduras is not opposed to the
establishment of new categories provided this is done in
accordance with the principle of the sovereign equality of
States and equitable geographical distribution.
With faith in God, in truth and in justice, I shall now
return to my country to continue building the society we
have chosen and contributing to the attainment of the kind
of world to which we all aspire. May everything work to
the good of mankind.


Allow me at the outset, Mr. President, to
congratulate Mr. Essy on his election and to wish all
participants in this Assembly success in their work. My
appreciation also goes to the Secretary-General for his
able leadership of our Organization.
At this year’s session the General Assembly will
deal with numerous issues of vital importance for the
whole of humanity. In the desire continuously to enhance
the role of the United Nations as a universal organization
of irreplaceable character, every Member State must make
its utmost contribution to the establishment of a better and
more prosperous world and to improving relations
between the peoples on this planet, in the spirit of the
Charter of the United Nations. In that spirit, my country,
the Republic of Macedonia, is prepared, with all of its
modest forces, to contribute to achieving these aims,
which are of universal interest, and to improving the
functioning and the role of this Organization. I would
like to assure the Assembly that our delegation will make
its full contribution to that end.
The President returned to the Chair.
In the Republic of Macedonia, hopes run high that
the work of the forty-ninth session of the General
Assembly will result in the adoption of the "agenda for
development - and we deem development the most
important issue facing humanity on the threshold of the
new millennium. We are convinced that the work of this
session will also have a positive effect in overcoming
acute crises and conflicts in the world. In short, we are
prepared to make our full contribution to the
strengthening of the role and the importance of the United
Nations for peace and security in the world, economic
progress and the prosperity of humanity.
The last decade of this century has shown very
acutely the problem of economic and social development
in the world. On the one hand, there are the hopes of
humanity, rightly directed towards the world of highly
developed countries as a guarantor of economic progress,
social safety, human dignity and a healthy environment.
On the other hand, underdeveloped countries are facing
the elementary issues of survival and escape from
poverty, economic despair and insecurity.
The countries in transition, including my own, are
going through a painful period of trying to find their own
place in the world of market economies and democracy
and are additionally burdened by their own devastated
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Forty-ninth session 28 September 1994
economies, social problems and threats of new, regressive
and undemocratic situations.
This controversial picture of the world shows the full
complexity of international economic and social
development and thus raises the question of a possible way
out of such a situation. I am quite certain that the majority
of the world sees the solution neither in various new
ideological concepts nor in new regional and political
divisions along such lines - and even less in ideas leading
to a division of responsibilities and rights among countries
based on false altruism and utopian blueprints.
A solution is possible only if we acknowledge the
interdependence of economic and social development. This
is a fact to which no nation today can remain indifferent,
regardless of its size and level of development. It is more
than obvious that the economic problems of the
undeveloped world constitute a serious threat to the
developed countries. Furthermore, it is more than clear that
a solution to the problem of underdevelopment cannot be
sought in the form of social assistance or gifts. On the
contrary, the very essence of global economic and social
interdependence teaches us that by helping the undeveloped
countries solve their problems developed countries are in
fact helping themselves. Thus, the inferior position of the
underdeveloped should be redressed through mutual
responsibility and by opening the prospects for economic
development and democracy under the best possible
conditions on the world market.
In that sense, the successful end of the Uruguay
Round of negotiations and the establishment of the new
World Trade Organization in early 1995 are indeed
encouraging. I am convinced that the new General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) will stimulate the
further liberalization of world trade and enhance the world
trade system, because the reduction and elimination of
barriers in world trade will provide a chance not only for a
realistic way out for the underdeveloped and countries in
transition, but also for the global growth of world trade and
economic cooperation as well.
It is no less important that the United Nations and its
specialized institutions aim their efforts at increasing
international financial support for development and at
tackling such acute problems as arrears and debt servicing.
These would be very concrete and positive steps towards
overcoming the problems of underdevelopment.
The comprehensive character of these problems must
be regarded with a very keen awareness of two global
aspects as well: protection of the environment and
demographic processes. Without these two aspects, a
universal programme for economic and social
development cannot be envisaged nor can any future for
humanity. Global economic interdependence strongly
emphasizes the importance of regional and world
economic integration processes. Their outlook and
advantages are unquestionable and they should be assisted
and encouraged by the United Nations. My country
views its support of such policies as increasing the
possibility of and prospects for its own development as
well as the development of other developing countries and
countries in transition.
Despite all the worthwhile efforts being made, I
regret to note that the Declaration issued at the World
Conference on Human Rights in Vienna is not being
carried out as expected. The world is still faced with
crude and massive violations of human rights. The
tragedies in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda are
distressing confirmations of this fact. There are many
countries where the economic, social and cultural rights
of the people are being violated. Policies of racial, ethnic
and religious discrimination are widespread. We have
been witnesses to "ethnic cleansing" and genocide. And,
what is most regrettable of all, these are all used as
reasons for waging wars, murdering innocent people on
a massive scale and destroying towns and villages.
The region of the Balkans where my country is
situated is one such unfortunate example. The war in
Bosnia and Herzegovina continues. All the efforts of the
international community, the Security Council and the
most influential countries of the world cannot convince
the Bosnian Serbs that peace is the only solution. It is
true that the forces of peace are growing. However, the
feeling of uncertainty in the region is still present, and
even spiraling. It is difficult to foresee a settlement of
the situation in the region of the former Yugoslavia that
does not include full mutual recognition of the newly
independent States and the establishment of diplomatic
relations between them.
The sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro have
seriously burdened economic conditions in the
neighbouring countries, in a region where economic ties
had already been severed and economic assistance from
the international community is urgently needed.
Insecurity in the South Balkans is also growing. The
Republic of Macedonia is being exposed to the classic
economic aggression of a unilateral economic embargo
introduced by Greece in February this year in order to
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Forty-ninth session 28 September 1994
impose its will in matters concerning Macedonian national
identity. Serious tensions have also been caused by the
most recent developments in Greek-Albanian and
Greek-Turkish relations. These are all elements of great
concern to us.
Due attention to this situation is being devoted by the
relevant responsible international factors and, within this
framework, by the Security Council. I should like to
reaffirm the positive role and contribution of the peace-
keeping forces of the United Nations deployed on a
preventive mission in Macedonia, a very successful action
undertaken in the interests of peace and deserving wider
support.
With its peaceful policy and position, the Republic of
Macedonia is a factor for stability in the region. We are
sparing no effort to demonstrate that, even in a region as
turbulent as ours, other solutions are viable; that peace is
guaranteed by human and minority rights; that cohabitation,
tolerance and mutual understanding between various ethnic
groups is possible; that relations between States become
more stable when the principles of the inviolability of
borders are respected through cooperation on an equal
footing; and that problems can be resolved successfully
only through dialogue and political means. For us, a way
out of the historical frustrations and war myths in the
Balkans is possible only through the implementation of the
principles of the new European model of open borders,
integration and cooperation.
That is why, today, the Balkan region needs the
support of the international community on a number of key
issues: an end to the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the
prevention of a spillover of that war, and the establishment
of permanent foundations for peace; the strengthening of
democratic processes in all countries and in the region as a
whole, and, especially, an increase in awareness of human
rights and the rights of national minorities; support for
economic reform in these countries, in view of the fact that
most of them are now in transition, and, most important,
their incorporation into collective security mechanisms.

The worst threat for the Balkans is the emergence of
new divisions and regrouping along religious or ethnic
lines. The Balkans cannot remain as a living relic of bloc
divisions in Europe and the world, since if it does it will
become an open threat to peace and stability on the
continent and in the world. This can best be avoided
through preventive action by the international community
in this region, not only in the form of monitoring
missions but through concrete policies which get the job
done.
Allow me to conclude by expressing our hope that
the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly will serve
to strengthen the role of the United Nations, in the
interest of peace and security in the world, in the interest
of harmony in global economic and social development,
in the interest of the survival and protection of planet
Earth and in the interest of humanity.


As we who are gathered here deliver our statements, a small and impoverished Caribbean nation is being subjected to military occupation. The inconceivable deal struck with the generals responsible for the coup d'etat - yesterday threatened as murderers, but today turned into complacent partners - ignores the decisions of the international community and the will of the Haitian people. The fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter - indeed, the authority of the Security Council and of the United Nations itself - are among the victims of this unfortunate event, as they have been totally ignored in actions carried out allegedly on their behalf.
History is repeating itself. It was the guns of invaders and the boots of foreign occupants that installed in Haiti the various dictatorships of this century and trained and supported those who are still perpetrating tyranny on their people. How, then, can we trust them to promote democracy in the future?
Cuba has always supported and promoted efforts to restore the constitutional order in Haiti with the unconditional and unrestricted return of President Aristide and has rejected the attempts to resort to foreign intervention as a means of resolving the conflict. At the appropriate time, Cuba denounced the Security Council's decision to go along with the violation of the Charter by some of its members and to join in their interventionist designs. Now that we are faced with a fait accompli, we can do nothing except reiterate our Government's position: those who are today applauding the invasion could become tomorrow's victims.
It is clear that an essential component of this tragedy is the manipulation to which the United Nations - an organization born under the pretext of the sovereign equality of its members - has been subjected.
Cuba reiterates its firm rejection of the attempts to adopt unilateral decisions on issues of vital importance to all peoples and of the abuse of the anachronistic privilege of the veto, granted by the Charter to a group of States with permanent membership of the Security Council.
It is urgent to ensure that democracy prevails in international relations and in the United Nations. We must ensure respect for the Charter and put an end to its systematic violation by the most powerful.
On this the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations it is imperative that the Organization be democratized without any delay. The time has come for this institution to stop catering to the interests of a handful of big Powers.
Mr. Mishra (India), Vice-President, took the Chair.
The President of the Assembly, a distinguished son of the African continent whose election to the presidency honours us all, is well aware that Somalia is still fresh in our minds. The tragedy of hunger and starvation in that sisterly nation has continued, even if television newsreels no longer show the horrible pictures that served as a prelude to the so-called humanitarian invasion sponsored by this Organization.
In spite of such invasions, Haiti and Somalia will continue to be poor countries. The evils of the third world are not resolved through military occupations, which are merely used to serve selfish interests.
In both cases, which have already become dangerous precedents, the Security Council acted under pressure from a big Power, which monopolized the implementation of these actions and even prevented the majority of Member States from voicing their views. In both cases, under the alleged authority of the Security Council, neutrality and impartiality, essential principles of that body, were violated.
These are examples of the Security Council's illegitimate foray into areas beyond its mandate: intervention based on vague arguments of humanitarian protection, or the authorizing of one or several States to take unilateral punitive actions, under Chapter VII of the Charter, in operations of invasion, occupation and intervention.
In fact, what is at stake is the sovereignty, self- determination and political independence of countless countries, mainly but not only of the third world.
Attempts are being made, at the expense of the suffering of a number of peoples, and without their consent, to openly give carte blanche and a predominant role to the Security Council regarding issues alien to its mandate and on which this Organization has no prerogative whatsoever.
There is no doubt that the specific functioning of the Security Council deserves careful consideration, and that this body must become democratic, with an enlarged membership more representative of the countries of the third world. Poor and small countries are rightly entitled to be present on the Council and to demand that it follow equitable and transparent procedures in its activities. There should be permanent members from Latin America, Africa, and the developing countries in Asia. Membership should not be the preserve of large economic Powers associated with the West.
The Security Council cannot arrogate to itself powers that have not been invested in it, nor overstep the Organization that created it and to which it is accountable. The General Assembly must assert its control over the actions of the Security Council and demand that it respect the Charter.
There should also be greater response to the interests of the developing world in other areas of the Organization. The crucial problems of its peoples are not and cannot be resolved with invasions nor with allegedly humanitarian military operations. Nor can they be resolved with emergency assistance programmes whose only aim is to mitigate the most alarming consequences of structural underdevelopment.
If the international community and the United Nations, its most representative organization, do not adopt the timely measures and programmes required to develop the third world, we will be using this forum to debate the causes and consequences of the arrival of underdevelopment in the first world.
The growing concerns of industrialized countries over immigration issues is quite illustrative, as confirmed by the debates undertaken in the recently concluded International Conference on Population and Development.
It is clear that concepts regarding cooperation imposed from the North are prevailing, with flashy titles but devoid of any practical meaning for the solution of the problems brought about by poverty, and tending to mutilate the right to development for which peoples of the world are clamouring. Although concepts such as sustainable development, human development or sustainable human development may contain defensible ideals from a theoretical point of view, they are actually being used to corrode the commitments achieved during long years of efforts aimed at facilitating international cooperation for development on a just and democratic basis.
Unacceptable conditions and interference in the domestic policy of States are thus being imposed, and attempts are being made to fix strategic priorities for development in countries that, though poor, are sovereign and independent. Hence, the right to development proclaimed by this Organization is being subordinated to the interests of the large transnational economic powers, which are actually continuing to dictate the rules and practices of international economic relations.
The United Nations agenda for development must not be allowed to replace the International Strategy for Development and other important instruments that were the result of the efforts of the developing countries to defend their interests and on which they exhibited great flexibility and the ability to compromise.
Nor should the United Nations continue to be allowed to be used for the imposition of neo-liberal economic models, bringing backwardness and misery to millions of persons in exchange for short-term economic growth benefiting only the elitist minorities in third world countries and their partners in the affluent North.
The fundamental approach, in Cuba's view, should be focused on comprehensive economic growth based on justice and equity to meet pressing social needs. International economic relations must be restructured on the basis of effective, just, equitable and non-discriminatory cooperation with the countries of the South.
Poverty is not a predestined fate, let alone a human right, no matter how hard the rich countries try to prove otherwise. As long as universal respect for human rights continues to be manipulated by a handful of rich nations, the have-nots of the South will continue to play the role of the accused, with the affluent societies in the North playing the parts of judge and jury.
All attempts to impose as universal dogmas systems of government designed by the privileged nations of the first world, regardless of the different social, economic, historical and cultural realities of the third world, are unacceptable and doomed to failure.
We must also put an end to hypocrisy.
It would be unforgivable for us to remain indifferent to the tragedy of humankind while wasting our efforts on elitist concerns. War, xenophobia, neo-fascism and racism are proliferating in our midst; the degradation of women and children is increasing; unemployment is on the rise; the environment is deteriorating and the culture of entire populations and nationalities is being crushed. Millions of human beings are afflicted by poverty and starvation; they are denied access to basic medical care and education. Yet the United Nations has done very little indeed to deal with these issues as what they really are: clear violations of human rights.
Countries that are struggling, on the basis of equity and justice, to attain their development are really working in favour of the human rights of their peoples; countries that prevent us from developing are violating the human rights of our populations.
The Association of Caribbean States was recently established as a means of responding to the globalization of the international economy and of strengthening cooperation among the States, countries and territories of our region. We, the peoples of the Caribbean, are conscious of the fact that only by closely reconciling our interests can we become competitive markets. That new organization, brought into being by urgent needs, contributes, together with the Ibero-American Summits, to promoting the indispensable economic integration and joint analysis of common strategies in an environment that links us through history and culture.
As an integral part of that community of Latin American and Caribbean nations, Cuba has decided to sign, at the appropriate moment, the Tlatelolco Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons in our region.
It is well-known that warships armed with nuclear weapons are anchored both in the portion of our territory illegally occupied by the United States and in neighbouring Puerto Rico. Without renouncing our demand for their withdrawal, we subscribe to the noble aims of Tlatelolco. We do so as testimony to our will to join with the rest of Latin America and the Caribbean, as a gesture towards our brothers in the region, and out of a desire to broaden our mechanisms for reconciliation and dialogue.
At the Ibero-American Summits, held since 1991, Latin peoples south of the Rio Bravo have for the first time met exclusively among themselves to discuss issues of common interest. Meanwhile, another Summit has been convened in, of all places, Miami. All the Governments in America except the one I represent have been invited. It is said that three main issues will be discussed: free trade, collective security and the promotion of programmes to alleviate extreme poverty.
We will have to determine which of the two Americas stands to reap the greater benefit from the Miami Summit. If positive results for Latin Americans were to emerge from the meeting, Cuba would sincerely welcome its convening, even if we were not present. It could become an excellent opportunity to demand of our neighbour to the North fair treatment in trade and financial relations, as well as in the transfer of technology, and to request the Host Country to fulfil its obligations in the field of international cooperation. It remains to be seen how a Government that has cancelled its meagre aid programmes to the region could raise the necessary funds to alleviate poverty among the countries convened.
Let me now say a few words regarding my homeland. On two consecutive occasions this forum, by an overwhelming majority, has demanded the elimination of the economic, trade and financial blockade imposed upon my country by the Government of the United States. In both cases the United States has replied with silence.
It is not, as some would have it, a matter of victory for the blockaded nation and defeat for the blockading nation. Our friends or the Governments that fully support our policies were not the only ones that voted to put an end to this irrational siege. The simple fact is that the great majority of the world is witnessing an action that has no legal justification, moral virtue or ethical principle - an action that violates not only Cuba's sovereignty but also the most basic precepts of international coexistence. It is a policy rejected by all countries that espouse the rule of law and mutual respect in relations between States.
In this complex and convulsed world that is supposedly pluralistic, free and democratic, the United States is trying to deny my country, Cuba, its rightful place as a sovereign nation. It is as if two centuries of relations between the two countries meant nothing. What is worse, it is as if the cold war had frozen forever on our tiny spit of land and sun, merely because we had committed the "sin" of wishing to be free and truly independent a scarce 90 miles from the most powerful country on the planet.
My homeland has been subjected to hardships probably greater than those suffered by any other country. With the collapse of socialism in Europe, our markets and our sources of raw materials and financing disappeared overnight. The process of overcoming domestic difficulties and reforming the economic and administrative structures conceived at a certain stage of our socialist project was also disrupted by the reinforcement of the policy of isolation and strangulation that our people had already been stoically facing for years.
In the midst of this dangerous combination of elements; despite forecasts, since 1989, of a Cuban collapse, my country has not collapsed, nor will it collapse. We have survived all kinds of strategies, from those promoting terrorist and subversive actions from abroad to those of exerting pressure in different directions in order to reinforce the blockade, which, as I said, this Assembly has rejected for two consecutive years.
This does not mean that the plight of my people is no longer harsh and complex. In recognition of the proven patriotism and national dignity of the Cuban people, this world forum should issue an unequivocal appeal for justice and reject once and for all the cruel hostility to which Cuba has been so long subjected.
The unequal struggle forced upon us for so many years has not mitigated our love of peace. Cuba still aspires to negotiated solutions to its disputes with any country, provided that those solutions are based on sovereign equality and mutual respect. This Organization is well aware of that. We are a mature and flexible people: civilized and faithful to agreements based on equality and sovereignty.
The series of bilateral meetings recently held in New York led to partial solutions to the age-old dispute between
Cuba and the United States. The spirit of seriousness and respect that prevailed in those negotiations and the will on the part of both sides to find solutions made it possible to conclude a mutually satisfactory agreement that, if fully implemented, will lay the foundation for the normalization of migratory relations between the two countries.
We desire peace with all our neighbours: peace with dignity. Our sovereignty, our independence and the socialism that we freely chose will never be bargaining chips at any negotiating table, nor will we ever demand concessions of such a nature from any country.
We are increasingly opening ourselves to the world, without demanding or acceding to conditions. A great Power, however, is blockading us - and is blockading its own people and the sons and daughters of my people who live on its territory, preventing them from assisting and rejoining their families. Such cruelty has no parallel in the history of wholesale violations of human rights.
We do not beg, for our national hero, Jose Marti, the centennial of whose death in our struggle for true independence will come next year, taught us that mankind can never be ruled by cowardice and indifference. And, as he instructed,
"We ask the world, certain of its reply, whether the sacrifice of a generous people that is immolating itself in its efforts to open up to the world will meet indifference or hard-heartedness from mankind, for whose sake it is acting."


Once again
I am proud and honoured to have the opportunity to address
this assembly of nations and to convey to representatives
fraternal and cordial greetings from the Government and
people of Saint Kitts and Nevis. The convening of the
forty-ninth session of the General Assembly of the United
Nations provides the Governments of all Member States
with an important opportunity to reaffirm their
commitment to the cause of peace, democracy and the
pursuit of a higher quality of life for our peoples.
I wish to join other representatives by extending
warmest congratulations from the Government of Saint
Kitts and Nevis to you, Mr. President, on your election to
preside at this session of the General Assembly. I assure
you of my Government’s continued support and
cooperation.
Allow me, Sir, to thank the outgoing President, His
Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally, for the astute and most
able manner in which he conducted and guided the affairs
of this body during its forty-eighth session despite
unprecedented trials and numerous challenges. His
resolve and his successes give credence to his
commitment to the planting of seeds of cooperation and
goodwill in every corner of the globe to ensure that our
children and grandchildren may feast on harvests of
peace, equality, freedom and democracy.
The Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, has faced many problems of great
complexity during the past year. I wish to congratulate
him on the outstanding manner in which he has been
carrying out the mandate of the Organization.
The Government of Saint Kitts and Nevis shares the
commitment to democracy, respect for human dignity and
the protection of human rights. Our people enjoy the
1

effective workings of the democratic process and the
safeguards provided by its institutions. We are determined
to do all that we can, in our time, to ensure that future
generations too will be able to exercise their democratic
freedoms in an atmosphere of political stability.
There is an ever-increasing thirst for democracy
throughout the world. In our hemisphere, military regimes
have been giving way to democratically elected
Governments.
Nowhere has this process been more dramatic than in
Haiti, where, in 1991, the people, in free and fair elections
under the keen scrutiny of the international community,
chose Jean-Bertrand Aristide as their President. For almost
four years the will of the people of Haiti and the resolve of
the international community have been callously frustrated
by the military, who usurped and have held on to power.
Saint Kitts and Nevis is in full agreement with the
resolute action taken by the United States, with the support
of the international community, to ensure compliance with
Security Council resolution 940 (1994). The multinational
force has been carrying out its work with dedication,
professionalism and restraint. While there have been some
untoward incidents, we must not be deterred. We must be
prepared to stay the course for the benefit of the people of
Haiti and for the growth of stable democracy in this
hemisphere.
The process of establishing democracy will not end
with the return of President Aristide; it will have just
begun. In order to support the process, it is absolutely
essential that the international community be ready to
mobilize significant financial and technical resources to
ensure the rebuilding of Haiti’s economy and institutions -
institutions destroyed by decades of neglect and
mismanagement. Saint Kitts and Nevis stands ready to
assist in the long and arduous task of helping the Haitian
people rebuild their economy.
For many years the international community struggled
to bring democracy to the majority of the people of South
Africa. Today South Africa can be held up as a beacon of
hope and a testament to the triumph of democracy. Last
year my delegation welcomed the announcement of the
holding of non-racial and multi-party elections - something
for which my Government had been calling since joining
this Organization 11 years ago. We have successfully and
emphatically closed the final chapter of the brutal and
unjust system of apartheid, and a new and democratic South
Africa has emerged from its ashes.
However, despite the successes, the new South
Africa is still on the threshold of unprecedented
challenges. The journey is long and arduous, but the
country’s leaders and its people have a wonderful
opportunity to right historical wrongs while at the same
time charting a new and purposeful course in their future.
The amalgamated voice of the people of South Africa has
been heard, not only within that country but the world
over. They have put their faith in the democratic process.
As South Africa sails the fresh and often tumultuous
waters of representative democracy and attempts to
institutionalize social justice, St. Kitts and Nevis reiterates
its commitment to join with the international community
to give that country and its people the requisite support to
develop lasting democratic and social institutions to
ensure that democracy does work and is seen to work for
every single citizen.
The contrasting realities of our world are quite real
and apparent. Whenever we believe that we have solved
one major problem, another presents itself elsewhere.
This notwithstanding, we can all be pleased at the current
movement towards peace under way in the Middle East.
Not long ago the prospect of peace in any form seemed
practically impossible. However, today the peace process
seems to be gaining a firm foothold in that region. The
international community must be ready to give unreserved
support to that process and afford it more durable
mechanisms for success.
My Government welcomes the consolidation of
peace and the efforts at cooperation between the
Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization. No one could have predicted that so much
would have been possible, and in so short a time. The
rapidly changing face of Middle East politics augurs well
for the overall peace process, quality of life and stability
of the entire region. In this spirit, my delegation applauds
the joint Declaration officially ending the state of
belligerency between the State of Israel and the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. This historic event marks
yet another bold and positive step on the road to ensuring
a lasting peace in the Middle East. My Government calls
upon the countries in the Middle East to give peace a
practical chance.
As prospects for peace continue to flourish in the
Middle East, the tranquillity of the Gulf region is once
again being threatened by an Iraqi troop build-up near the
Kuwait border. It is time for the people of Kuwait to feel
secure within their own borders. It is time for full
compliance by Iraq with Security Council resolutions
2

pertaining to the aggression against Kuwait. It is time for
Kuwait nationals detained in Iraq to be returned to their
homeland. It is time for Iraq to pursue peaceful policies
with its neighbours. Once again the Government of
St. Kitts and Nevis urges the Government of Iraq to respect
the finalization of the demarcation of the boundary between
Kuwait and Iraq, which was accomplished by the Iraq-
Kuwait Boundary Demarcation Commission on
20 May 1993, and to respect and abide by Security Council
resolution 833 (1993), which guarantees the inviolability of
the boundary between the two States. It is the fervent hope
of the Government of St. Kitts and Nevis that international
support for this resolution will act as a deterrent, both now
and in the future, against conflict between Kuwait and Iraq
and will at the same time help enhance stability and
security in the region.
The constantly changing realities of the present world
situation call for Member Governments to harden traditional
attitudes while making genuine attempts to search for
pragmatic solutions requiring different and unprecedented
approaches and compromises. It was against this backdrop
that at the last session of the General Assembly my
Government called upon the warring factions in the
Yugoslavian conflict to come to the negotiating table.
We note with great satisfaction that the leaders of
Croatia and Bosnia and Herzergovina have managed to
arrive at a peaceful settlement of disputes. However, my
Government abhors the wanton murder, "ethnic cleansing"
and systematic persecution of innocent people which still
characterize the brutal conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
These atrocities and the flagrant and consistent violation of
human rights are an affront to everything we as human
beings hold sacred. The international community must
continue to express its just indignation at the atrocities in
this arena of conflict. At the same time, we must pursue
all initiatives to find a just and lasting solution, preferably
at the negotiating table.
Last year my delegation commended this body for its
tireless efforts to keep the international community from the
brink of nuclear warfare and called upon all countries
signatories to the Treaty on non-proliferation to continue to
abide by it and to urge those who had not yet become
parties to it to do so. We repeat this plea today. We also
look forward to an indefinite ban on all nuclear testing.
I must reiterate, however, that we should not stop
there, but should aim also for the non-proliferation of all
weapons, including chemical, biological and conventional.
In this regard, St. Kitts and Nevis also supports the
moratorium on the export of land-mines, and goes even
further by calling for a ban on their manufacture as well
as their export. Land-mines continue to cause tremendous
misery and untold hardship for many populations world-
wide long after conflicts have ended. In most cases the
victims of these land-mines are poor farmers and innocent
children.
It is our sacred and solemn responsibility as world
leaders to ensure a safe world for our nation’s children.
My delegation therefore congratulates the United Nations
on its consistent efforts to fulfil its humanitarian missions
in the many different theatres of tragic suffering
world-wide. The humanitarian catastrophe which has
been unfolding in Rwanda threatens to destabilize the
fragile economic and political balance of its neighbours.
The scope and scale of this human disaster,
unprecedented in the history of modern-day Africa,
should catapult us to seek a peaceful end to the crisis.
Reports on the revolting policy of "ethnic cleansing" and
indiscriminate massacres of women and children strike a
familiar, mind-wrenching note in our collective psyche.
Although its resources are minuscule, St. Kitts and
Nevis could not fail to make a financial contribution to
the United Nations relief effort in Rwanda. We must act
decisively to mobilize more resources from every possible
source to intensify the relief effort in that tragic country.
We, the Members of the United Nations cannot
pamper our consciences with pious speeches on what the
United Nations ought to do to alleviate the suffering,
while at the same time rendering the Organization
impotent by refusing to give it the necessary financial and
material capabilities it so desperately needs to carry out
its functions more effectively.
The United Nations is being called upon with greater
frequency to respond to a greater variety of conflicts,
suffering and development needs. If the Organization is
to be able to respond effectively, we must evaluate from
time to time not only our resources, but the way in which
we manage those resources, and ensure that there is
greater accountability in such management. In short, the
United Nations, recognizing the responsibilities entrusted
to it by the international community, must be more
accountable to its Members. What we are suggesting,
therefore, is a more balanced relationship predicated on
the principles of responsibility and accountability. The
delegation of Saint Kitts and Nevis welcomes the creation
of the Office of Internal Oversight Services; its creation
is not an end in itself, but a means to ensure that there is
greater accountability within the Organization.
3

We must remain cognizant of the fact that the
fundamental sovereignty of all States, large or small, is
respected equally by the United Nations. If necessary, the
United Nations will protect the rights of the small against
the power of the large. It has institutionalized the rights of
small and micro States to exist and to coexist with the big
and powerful nations. All independent States, therefore,
irrespective of their size and population, are equal under
international law. Every effort should be made, therefore,
to enable small States to participate more fully in the day-
to-day decision-making process of the United Nations. One
way to achieve this is through more equitable geographical
representation within the Secretariat, and I appeal for this
to be implemented.
Another way in which the United Nations can be made
more globally inclusive is by bringing more Members into
the fold. Last year, my Government called upon the United
Nations to begin the process that would lead to the ultimate
re-admission of the Republic of China in Taiwan into the
United Nations.
My Government stands firmly behind that appeal and
we repeat this appeal here today. The Republic of China
in Taiwan continues to adhere to the Charter of the United
Nations and to govern itself by the principles of
international and humanitarian law. It has proven
repeatedly that it is a country committed to peace,
democracy and development, not only for its 21 million
people, who are entitled to proper representation
internationally, but for all peoples, that their quality of life
may be improved. The Republic of China in Taiwan is a
major international player in commerce, trade and
development assistance, and would make a significant
contribution to the work of the United Nations.
I would now like to turn our attention to the question
of sustainable development and small States, and to
commend quite highly the efforts of the United Nations in
bringing the reality and concerns of small island developing
States to the forefront of international focus.
The Declaration of Barbados is a step in the right
direction. It recognizes that small island developing States
have special and peculiar needs. We, in small island
developing States have been saying this for a long time.
Our very survival as a people and as independent States is
dependent on the sustainable development of our human
resources and the maximization of our scarce material
resources. These limited material resources are under
constant and severe stress despite our efforts.
Although we recognize the Conference in Barbados
as a giant step for small island developing States, the
discussion must be taken much further, beyond
conference halls and into communities, and translated into
practical tangible benefits. In Saint Kitts and Nevis, for
instance, over the past ten years we have been engaged in
projects and programmes whereby we seek to create a
sound and pragmatic balance between economic and
social development, on the one hand, and environmental
protection on the other.
However, existing problems and innovative attempts
by small island developing States to improve their
standard of living very rarely receive consistent support
from the developed world. Micro States like Saint Kitts
and Nevis are being called upon to prove their viability
within the international community. The irony lies in the
fact that when we manage to raise our standard of living
to a decent level, the international community withdraws
or reduces its support under the pretext that our GNP per
capita is too high.
I do not believe that we should have to reiterate the
vulnerability index of small States like mine. Although
Saint Kitts and Nevis does not produce or use any
significant amount of material to damage the ozone layer
or contribute to coastal erosion and rising sea levels, we
are among those which suffer most as a result of their
impact. Small island States like mine suffer greatly from
environmental and natural disasters, yet we lack the
capacity to respond to and recover from them. The
objective reality of our individual and collective
experience speaks volumes. We have seen how less than
a month ago, tropical storm Debbie — insignificant,
really, as a tropical storm, not strong enough to be a
hurricane — devastated the banana industry in Saint
Lucia, thus wreaking havoc on that country’s economy.
We need special attention. We need special regimes.
As I have done in the past, I appeal for greater equity
within the international economic system. The time has
come for the developed world to rethink the outdated
policy of trying to make a single prescription fit all
countries. We need to develop a more durable, and
country-specific approach, based on fairness, economic
circumstance and need. Above all, the concept of the
vulnerability index must become part of the economic
language and armamentarium of all multilateral and
national development institutions.
Indeed, the developing world should not view our
small island Caribbean States as dumping grounds for
4

over-produced consumer items, but see us as developing
economies whose fragile banana and sugar exports need to
be protected.
The Declaration of Barbados underscores the fact that
small island States have sovereign rights over their natural
resources. The developed world, therefore, cannot claim
paternity over our biodiversity under the pretext that their
technology was used.
Further, on the issue of the environment, I would like
to call upon the developed countries to de-link economic
assistance, trade and investment from environmental
protection. In most cases, small island developing States
are penalized for allegedly exploiting limited resources and
for so-called environmental degradation.
I urge the international community to assist developing
countries to obtain the wherewithal to gauge the
exploitation of resources and to do environmental impact
assessments so as to ensure that the precarious balance is
maintained.
Social, economic and political advancement in small
developing countries should not be held to ransom by the
industrialized world as a way of punishing them for
environmental degradation. The protection and preservation
of the environment is a global responsibility and must
engender a collective approach. The industrialized world
must take responsibility for much of the damage to the
environment and work towards a framework for
international cooperation and partnership in preserving it.
Developing countries ought to be given assistance and
be presented with alternatives to destroying the forest or
depleting the limited resources at their disposal. While the
international community moves ever closer to the
realization of economic blocs, special attention must also be
devoted to the fragile commodities export sector in some of
these countries, and the need for special regimes to be put
in place to ensure the viability of most of these small
economies, which do not have the advantage of economies
of scale and large consumer markets.
I should like to repeat my fervent appeal to
Governments of developed countries and to multilateral
agencies to become more supportive of and responsive to
the needs of small developing countries by providing the
technical assistance, information-sharing, technology
transfer and investments, and to promote human resource
development through education and training.
I call on the international community to honour its
commitment made in Barbados in May 1994:
“The international community should cooperate
with small island developing States in the
implementation of the Programme of Action ... by
providing effective means, including adequate,
predictable new and additional financial resources in
accordance with chapter 33 of Agenda 21;
facilitating the transfer of environmentally sound
technology, including on concessional and
preferential terms as mutually agreed”.
(A/CONF.167/9, Annex I, Part Two, III.1)
This will ensure success in achieving our goal of
sustainable development.
There is nothing more noble than the gift of life. At
the important and historic World Summit for Children of
1990, participating Governments agreed to make the
world a much safer place for future generations of
children. At the United Nations Conference on small
States, we decided to commit our efforts to the efficient
use of land resources, to work towards creating better
education and improved health care, and to exploit natural
resources on a sustainable basis.
If we achieve this, we shall indeed be bequeathing
to our children and their children a much safer world. It
is against the backdrop of safeguarding our children’s
future that the Government of St. Kitts and Nevis
participated in the International Conference on Population
and Development in Cairo. We fully support the view
that the issue of population control must be addressed.
Although we share the view that a population
explosion may eventually threaten the Earth’s capacity to
provide in a sustainable manner, we do not believe that
simply trying to control population growth will by itself
solve the serious problems that we are facing today. My
Government is of the view that a concerted attempt to
redeploy much of the world’s resources, to discover new
resources and to use them more equitably would better
serve the interest of development for all peoples.
I cannot but remind us all that the international
menace of drugs and drug trafficking still looms large.
The danger and the trade are ever-increasing. We should
continue to wage a determined and aggressive war on
drug trafficking and narco-terrorism, which seek to
undermine and unravel the social and political fabric of
our societies.
5

The challenges facing the United Nations are
monumental, but not more so than those facing individual
nations, large or small, or individuals in poor communities,
as well as in affluent societies. We occupy a global
common. Therefore, we must together find practical
solutions to the problems of hunger, poverty, war, crime,
development and freedom in every corner of our world. If
we fail, none will be secure, none will be at peace, none
will be free.


I should like to congratulate
you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly. We are pleased that the representative of Côte
d’Ivoire - a nation for which Israel has high regard - has
been elected to this distinguished post. I should like to
express to the Secretary General our deepest appreciation
13

for his contribution to world peace in general, and to peace
in the Middle East in particular.
A year ago, I offered a concept for a new Middle
East. Many applauded; more remained sceptical. What at
that time seemed lofty is today a reality. I feel I can
submit today an invitation to a further journey in the new
Middle East.
Last year was a year of remarkable events. The
Palestinian people, as a result of our agreement, gained
authority in Gaza and Jericho; Jordan and Israel agreed, in
the Washington Declaration, to end the state of war and
move towards an agreement of full peace; voices of
promise are exchanged between Damascus and Jerusalem;
multilateral meetings produced a network of regional
cooperation; Morocco and Israel established formal
relations; and an agenda for a new Middle East will emerge
from an unprecedented economic conference in Casablanca
next month.
The desire for peace is rooted in the millenniums of
Jewish existence. Generations prayed for it, and now a
young generation in Israel is today engaged in making it.
The search for peace is shared by young people all over the
Middle East, Arabs and Israelis alike. We have to fulfil
their hope.
I am addressing this Assembly for the first time, not
as a party to a controversy, but as a representative of a
country that has shown a capacity to solve conflicts that
seemed insoluble.
The United Nations should play an increasing role
facing the changing times. It can define new destinies. It
can adopt new means.
As the United Nations celebrates its fiftieth
anniversary, it may adopt models for new endeavours by
mobilizing builders to construct peace, not just by
deploying troops to keep it. Economic structures will offer
more than military deployment.
Gaza, as an example, has a new authority. It needs a
new economy. The United Nations can provide an answer.
The 7,000 years of Gaza are mainly a history of suffering.
Its population density today is among the highest in the
world.
There is a role for the United Nations in Gaza, and it
has played one. It began by stationing troops - which were
recalled, unfortunately, on the eve of the Six-Day War.
Then UNRWA came and supplied food, health and
education to the refugees. Then UNDP contributed
greatly to the construction of an infrastructure in the Gaza
Strip.
The United Nations can help Gaza today become
free from want. It can introduce there the necessary
economic and proper social institutions. An enlarged
allocation for Gaza, with the existing United Nations
administration, will produce immediate results and may
make Gaza a new model of United Nations endeavours.
The world is moving from military might to social
priorities. It is time to turn from political confrontation
to economic cooperation. In the Middle East, economic
growth can compensate for political compromises.
We no longer live in a closed world. The intensive
flow of information has opened the eyes of many people.
No longer can tyranny blind their perceptions. Iron
curtains can no longer bar the spread of the true story.
Knowledge has finally overcome propaganda.
This current is profound and lasting. The sources of
strength and wealth are today universal rather than
national, intellectual rather than material. The size of the
territory, the number of its people, the wealth of its raw
materials, no longer decide the fate of a nation. It is the
scope of education, the level of science, applied
technology and up-to-date information that make all the
difference.
Intellectual sources are no longer partitioned by
traditional divides. Science has no territorial limits.
Technology has no national flags. Information can travel
without visas. Armies cannot conquer wisdom. Borders
cannot protect knowledge. The talent of creation is
replacing the strategies of destruction. Computers, not
rifles, mark the difference. The hunting season in history
is disappearing.

This does not mean an end to agonies. Starvation,
disease, terrorism, desertification, nuclear weapons,
ecological damage and dangerous drugs overflow the
boundaries of land and the boundaries of reason.
Violence employs new tactics: it has not
disappeared. Confrontations in the future may not
necessarily be wars of conquest, but bloodshed of protest.
14

The strong know that they will not be strengthened by
dominating the poor, or by owning their deserts. The poor
cannot, and will not, comply with their conditions, tolerated
by the indifference of the well-off.
Existing institutions were initiated in a different time.
They are based today on memories rather than on needs.
Ministries of foreign affairs and defence were structured to
confront enemies. Now we face dangers more than
enemies, but without our being organized to handle them.
We are not answering the need. Diplomacy and strategy
should be mobilized to face the undefined dangers. Disease
will not be overcome by traditional diplomatic démarches.
Starvation cannot be eliminated by guns. Deserts will not
bloom beneath air raids. Remedies will not arrive of their
own accord: they should be invented and introduced.
Israel is on the side of this tendency. We are
committed to ending the conflicts. We are determined to
uproot their causes. We do not intend to stop this
momentum or allow its interruption.
For the last five decades the mere existence of Israel
has served as a temptation to try and destroy it. For half a
century we had to give security top priority. To this very
day, we shed tears on the tombs of our children, who paid
with their young lives to overcome the menace. When
wars became futile, suspicion succeeded fighting. The
allegation was that Israel was trying to expand territorially
and was unwilling to compromise geographically. Reality
ended this allegation as well.
Egypt, first to negotiate peace, found an Israel willing
to exchange land for peace. The Palestinians, next in line,
gained jurisdiction over territories they had never controlled
before. With Jordan, we agreed to delineate a permanent
border without one side encroaching on the land of the
other. Syria was told at the outset of negotiations that the
nature of peace would affect the depth of the withdrawal.
Lebanon was told that Israel had no demands on its
territory and no intention of compromising its integrity.
Negotiations have not been easy. With the
Palestinians, we negotiated on uncharted ground. Never
had the Palestinian people experienced self-rule. Today
they possess a territorial address and an administrative
authority. For the first time in their history, their children’s
education is solely in Palestinian hands. In the coming days
Israel will hand over additional responsibilities to the
Palestinian Authority. The Declaration of Principles will be
fully implemented in the spirit and letter. We shall support
a Palestinian readiness to hold democratic elections.
Israel, as well as the Palestinians, may discover that
Palestinian democracy and Israeli security are
complementary. We have demonstrated that we are true
in our moral choice not to govern the destiny of another
people.
We shall continue to negotiate with Syria. We are
negotiating out of conviction, not weakness, and we hope
to conclude the negotiations with a settlement that will
respect the interests of both sides, without harming Syrian
dignity or compromising Israeli security. Syria insists on
a narrow path for the negotiations, postponing meetings
between the leaders and thus slowing the pace of
negotiations. Israel is ready for accelerated negotiations.
We address the Syrians by saying: "Let us talk face to
face. Let us negotiate, as proclaimed in Damascus, with
courage to attain a peace of honour. By ending suspicion,
introducing creativity and allowing flexibility, we can
transform a promising climate into a solid terrain." Syria
declared its strategy for peace. We appreciate it.
Military threats and territorial positions should be
transformed by security arrangements, diplomatic rapport,
full peace and economic endeavours. That will erode the
motivation for conflict. Without peaceful relations,
balances of power are meaningless. The range of
understanding can serve as the only answer to the range
of ballistic missiles.
President Clinton and Secretary of State Christopher
are relentlessly pushing for peace. European, Russian and
many other leaders are genuinely supportive. Important
Middle Eastern leaders are actively engaged in the same
direction. Still, much depends on direct negotiations.
Yesterday’s enemies, tomorrow’s partners, should become
today’s interlocutors.
A peace treaty between Israel and Syria may
produce a historic result greater than just an agreement
between two countries. It may well become the crowning
of a comprehensive peace. It may become an opportunity
for the leaders of the region - Kings, Presidents, Prime
Ministers, supported by the most prominent leaders of our
time - to gather and announce the end of the conflict and
to proclaim full peace throughout the region.
Peace can hardly emerge from stinginess. By
definition, it calls for generosity. Peace is more than a
mere ceremony. It requires ongoing maintenance; it
awaits a passionate cultivation of new relations. We hope
that our neighbours, from Saudi Arabia to Lebanon, from
Djibouti to Algeria, will become constructive partners in
15

it. Dark clouds are still hanging over the horizon - the
shadows of missed opportunities.
We have to build a coalition to prevent subversive
turbulence from undermining legitimate Governments and
harassing the stability needed for the inflow of investment.
All countries of the Middle East face a choice: to remain
politically divided and economically stagnant or to become
economically advanced and politically just.
A high standard of living for the people - all people -
is the best promise for stability in our midst. Israel is
willing to participate in achieving it. There are sceptics, we
know, who do not believe that the Middle East is ripe for
a common market similar to the European one. They forget
that Europe did not do it in one leap. It started with a
Community of coal and steel. We can start with a
community of water and tourism.
Nor do they believe that the Middle East is ready for
a free trade zone like the one in North America. Yet the
North American Free Trade Agreement emerged in a short
while as a success by linking geographic proximity with
economic growth. Those sceptics claim that generations are
needed to cement a new market in the Middle East. Well,
they can see what in 10 short years happened to Asian
countries, which attained unpredicted prosperity. They
achieved it by adopting a market economy.
The profile of a market economy is clear. It is made
of comprehensive education, open borders, free movement,
science-based industries and competitive trade. A market
economy is a fabric woven from political silk and durable
threads of welfare. The time is ripe for its rendezvous with
the Middle East.
At the end of October, under the presidency of King
Hassan II, we shall take the first step to implement a
regional design. We shall try to establish instruments for
development: a regional bank, channels for private
investment and a framework for regional planning. The
wealth of the Middle East should be convinced to remain
at home. Over the last decade it has invested the better
part of its fortunes abroad. Homebound wealth will attract
foreign investment as well.
We should cut the enormous expense - $70 billion
annually - of the arms race. The savings can be directed to
development. The arms race can be reduced only by
regional consent. No single country will do it alone.
To transform the region and make it a stable and
attractive place we need the emergence of the region as
a whole, committed to a new future. Nature, and not
only politics, calls for it. The waters, the winds, the
environment call for regional responsibility and
cooperation, for desalinization plants, energy stations,
highways, railways, runways, piers, telecommunication
networks, high-tech industries, tourism infrastructure,
banking systems, computer terminals and ecological
considerations - a landscape that will meet the future will
create a state of prosperity, and it is a regional challenge.
The Middle East was the cradle of civilization and
has a capacity to contribute. It experienced golden ages,
economically and culturally. It should be our collective
ambition to make it happen again and to make it happen
soon. Today, shortages can be bridged rapidly.
Computers can carry children not only from grade to
grade but from age to age. The software of knowledge
will better replace the hardware of weapons.
I have served my country since its birth. I have
learned that complex problems call for unconventional
solutions. I feel that over the past year we have won a
licence to build a new Middle East, to make it part of the
globe in its new age, free of wars, free of enemies, free
of terrorism; a Middle East which will be nuclear-free,
missile-free, hunger-free, discrimination-free, tyranny-free;
a constituency of peace, a domain of freedom, a land of
prosperity. There is a morning awaiting us after a long
night, calling us to direct our energies and our aims and
our prayers towards that great opportunity.