I congratulate you,
Mr. President, on your election to preside over the
General Assembly at its sixty-third session. You may
remain assured of the full support and cooperation of
the Nigerian delegation as you guide our deliberations.
May I also express appreciation to your predecessor for
the able manner in which he presided over the work of
the Assembly’s sixty-second session.
 In his address to this Assembly last year (see
A/62/PV.7), the Nigerian President reaffirmed the
determination of Nigeria to remain a stable and
prosperous nation, anchored on the enduring principles
of democracy, good governance, free enterprise, the
rule of law and respect for fundamental human rights.
In pursuit of those objectives, we have raised the bar
on bold political, economic and social reforms aimed at
making our economy more investment friendly and our
democracy more inclusive. We continue to count on the
support and understanding of the international
community, especially our development partners, as we
accelerate measures to enhance the overall capacity of
the Nigerian State.
 A strong, safe and prosperous Nigeria means a
dependable contributor not only to regional stability
and well-being, but to the emergent global ethics so
crucial for the survival of humanity. From the very
beginning of our nationhood, our foreign policy has
been tethered to a responsible and proactive role in the
United Nations and its commitments everywhere. Thus,
we never hesitated to respond unconditionally to
demands for sacrifices whenever and wherever duty
called, whether in the Congo, Sierra Leone, Liberia or
now in Darfur, and in the next few months, in Somalia.
Nigeria is as safe as the rest of the world. That for us is
the true meaning of global solidarity and the sense of
equal partnership that informed the vision of the
founding fathers of this Organization.
 It is against that background that we raise before
the Assembly the concern and plight of many
developing countries, especially in Africa, suffering
from the devastating consequences of the illicit trade in
small arms and light weapons. Most of the civil wars
and insurgencies in those countries have been carried
out with such weapons, and because of their lethality
and ready deployment, they may be described as
Africa’s own experience of weapons of mass
destruction.
 We remain convinced that the best and most
effective strategy to achieve the goal of preventing,
combating and eradicating that illicit and deadly trade
is through the elaboration of a legally binding global
instrument, as well as the political will on the part of
all to stem the uncontrolled proliferation of small arms.
Therefore, urgent action is needed to criminalize oil
bunkering, the sale of oil so acquired and the use of its
proceeds to fuel new crisis situations in Africa,
especially in the Gulf of Guinea, through the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons. The
same creativity and political will that was
demonstrated in confronting blood diamonds as a
source of regional instability must be available at this
time in dealing with the blood oil that now threatens
the Gulf.
 Nigeria has made enormous sacrifices on behalf
of peace in Darfur. Over the years we have maintained
peacekeeping troops in the region, first, under the
ambit of the African Union and now under the African
Union-United Nations hybrid peacekeeping force. We
call on the international community to take bold and
robust steps that would lead to the full deployment and
operationalization of that force. In the same vein, we
call on the Government of the Sudan to take steps that
will facilitate the attainment of this objective.
 Midway towards the target year of 2015, it has
become evident that the lofty Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) might not be attained by many
countries. This much is clear from the outcome of the
High-level event on the MDGs that took place in the
margins of this session on 25 September 2008. Mindful
of the importance of these Goals for our development,
Nigeria is determined to do everything to ensure their
realization. In this connection, we commend the efforts
of the Secretary-General in creating the Millennium
Development Goals Africa Steering Group to map out
strategies for African countries to achieve the targets.
 It is time to urge, with the directness that these
challenging times demand, evidence of a more
manifest will on the part of the international

08-53141 10

community, especially our development partners, to
really assist Africa to join the rest of the global success
story. Around this issue, the Nigerian delegation is
looking at ten such indicators.
 The first is the critical need for a big
infrastructure push, especially in energy and
transportation, without which nothing else is possible
on the continent. Secondly, the food crisis in Africa
must be addressed by redressing the trilogy of fertilizer
imbalance between Africa and other regions of the
world, removing food subsides in the developed
economies, and transferring relevant technology for
food production and food processing. Thirdly, the Doha
Round of trade negotiations must be revived. Fourthly,
massive investment in information technology and
higher education is needed to spur development of
Africa. Fifthly, strategies must be devised with African
Governments on how to transform the continent’s
current brain drain into brain gain. Sixthly, a global
commitment to stem the flow of small arms and light
weapons into Africa is needed. Seventh, national
Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative projects
in Africa must be encouraged and supported. Eighth,
there should be Security Council reforms that accord
Africa permanent membership in the Council. That
would ensure African ownership of its responses, since
over 60 per cent of issues addressed by the Council are
African. Ninth, attention should be paid to
development of clean energy technology and
alternative sources of energy to avert the looming
disaster of climate change for a continent that is
already very vulnerable. Tenth, we need a breakthrough
in the malaria vaccine, together with greater sustained
support for the fight against the HIV/AIDS pandemic,
two major impediments to reaching our potential in
Africa.
 The recent steep rise in global food prices has
presented us with a monumental challenge and the
global embarrassment of compounds of misery sharing
increasingly crowded space with compounds of
affluence in our global village. It is unacceptable that,
despite technological advancements and resources
unimaginable two decades ago, children still die of
hunger and malnutrition. How can one say that the
genius that permits us to make living in outer space
feasible looks the other way when over 1 billion people
in the world are going to bed hungry and more than
6 million children are dying each year of hunger and
malnutrition? This problem deserves the full attention
of this Assembly. The right to food for all must be
pursued with renewed vigour.
 Nigeria condemns terrorism in all its forms and
manifestations. We reaffirm our support for the
counter-terrorism measures of the Security Council and
the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy.
We have also been implementing the four pillars of the
Global Strategy through measures that have proven
effective in combating terrorism. For us, the fight
against terrorism is strongly anchored in the rule of law
and respect for human rights. As we combat this
scourge, it is important that, fundamental freedoms and
human rights are neither compromised nor abused.
 The United Nations must not relent in its pursuit
of the goal of a world in which all nations and peoples
live in freedom and dignity and in which all political,
economic, social, cultural and human rights are fully
guaranteed. Our active participation in the activities of
the Human Rights Council and the African
Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights is
evidence of that commitment.
 In our subregion, we are concerned, that drug
cartels, often based outside the region, are now
targeting West Africa as a transit route for the
movement of illicit drugs to other regions. The
activities of those drug cartels constitute a serious
impediment to development in the subregion. The
world must pay adequate attention to this growing
problem.
 Let me reiterate Nigeria’s unwavering support for
the United Nations and its objectives and purposes. We
are convinced that the Organization remains the most
viable platform for consultations, consensus-building
and action on the global challenges that we presently
face. Mankind has not developed any better substitute.
 Nigeria believes in the pacific settlement of
disputes and peaceful coexistence with our neighbours.
We showed that when, on 14 August 2008, Nigeria, in
full compliance with the ruling of the International
Court of Justice, lowered its flag for the last time by
withdrawing from the Bakassi Peninsula. For that
singular act of statesmanship, Nigeria has justifiably
received the commendation of the international
community. Our action accords with our long-standing
tradition as a nation that honours its commitments. We
believe that if we all, in concert, stand up for these
shared values and purposes, our Organization and our
world will be a much better place.

11 08-53141

 This can, and should be a General Assembly like
no other, for the crises that face us now have few
precedents in scope and complexity. What is required
is a new posture to move from data to determination,
from rhetoric to results and from words to wisdom. Our
many noble visions must begin to somehow find more
vigorous forms of expression. A world so greatly
challenged must also be a world so much more capable
of imagination and boldness. The platform for such
boldness and such imagination is here, in this
venerable institution founded 63 years ago on the
pillars of peace, justice and freedom for all.
 Let us never forget the timeless words of the
internationalist and Nobel Laureate who warned that to
deal with the problems that we have created, we need
to move unto a higher order of thinking than the one
with which we created them. The time to do so is now,
for the clock of humanity is ticking very fast. Our
existential challenge did not end with the cold war;
indeed, it has just started.


I congratulate you, Sir, on
your election as President of the General Assembly at
its sixty-third session. We support the priorities that
you have identified for this session. I wish to express
Namibia’s appreciation for your predecessor, Srgjan
Kerim, for focusing the agenda of the sixty-second
session on matters of crucial importance to Member
States. We commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban
Ki-moon, for tirelessly taking up the challenging issues
of peace, security and economic development.
 The sixty-third session of the General Assembly
is taking place at a time when the global economy is
dominated by four interrelated crises. I have in mind
the financial crisis in the industrialized countries, the
global energy crisis, the devastating impact of climate
change as well as the food crisis which has adversely
affected poor people around the world. Other, no less
daunting, challenges are the HIV/AIDS pandemic,
underdevelopment and abject poverty, as well as the
need to foster peace and security around the world. We
must act decisively and collectively at national,
regional and global levels to overcome these
challenges.
 The devastating effects of climate change have
become present-day realities in all parts of the world.
Namibia has experienced the negative impact of
climate change. The floods and droughts during 2007
and 2008 were some of the most devastating in recent

08-51606 34

times. In their wake, they left poor harvests, livestock
losses, environmental degradation, damaged infrastructure
and destroyed livelihoods, thus putting a severe strain
on our plans to invest in new development projects.
 Namibia is committed to the Bali road map in
order to conclude the negotiations on the post-Kyoto
regime by 2009. We call on all parties to honour their
commitments under the Kyoto Protocol, including the
immediate and full capitalization of the Adaptation
Fund. Namibia will play its part in the lead-up to
Copenhagen.
 We want to contribute to making Copenhagen a
success in terms of commitments and substantial
mitigations, financial instruments for adaptation efforts
in developing countries and mechanisms for sharing
and harnessing appropriate technologies.
 As a net importer of food and fuel, Namibia has
been hit hard by the soaring prices of commodities.
There will be catastrophic increases in the incidence of
hunger, malnutrition and infant mortality in developing
countries unless the trend is reversed. That calls for a
decisive national, regional and international response.
In our case, the Government of Namibia has exempted
some basic foodstuffs from value-added tax in order to
mitigate the effects of higher prices on food. Such
interventions can provide some relief to households.
However, there remain long-term challenges, which
demand appropriate policies and substantial new
investment to raise agricultural productivity and
increase food production around the world.
 There is a real risk that the gains made by
developing countries in poverty reduction and the
attainment of the other Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs) over the years will be reversed if we do not
act rapidly.
 Global efforts to address the food crisis, the
impact of climate change and the drive to achieve the
MDGs must go hand in hand. In that regard, we
support the proposal for the General Assembly to hold
thematic debates until 2015 to take stock of success
achieved and setbacks encountered in the achievement
of the MDGs.
 That will give development cooperating partners
an opportunity to account for the fulfilment of their
commitments. On the other hand, developing countries
should also account for their commitments to
strengthen democratic institutions, enhance good
governance and fight corruption.
 There is a need for genuine political will,
especially among donor countries, if the MDGs are to
be attained. In this context, open, predictable and
non-discriminatory trading and financial systems must
be developed. We call for the intensification of the
implementation of the Global Partnership for
Development as agreed upon at Monterrey in 2002.
 We also appeal to the Bretton Woods system and
other international financial institutions to create
special mechanisms to enable middle-income countries
to access financial resources for development on
concessional terms. That was called for by the
Windhoek Declaration on Development Cooperation
with Middle-Income Countries.
 The scourge of poverty is one of the most serious
challenges facing humanity today. I believe that, with
the requisite political will, poverty can be overcome.
Let us act in unity of purpose to address not only the
manifestations of poverty, but also its underlying
causes, which make communities vulnerable. Let us
harness the technological, financial and other resources
necessary to eliminate the dehumanizing effects of
poverty on all members of the human family.
 Peace and security as well as social justice are
paramount to the achievement of the MDGs and to the
resolution of conflicts. In that regard, all countries
must commit themselves to implement the policies that
promote economic growth, social justice, the rule of
law, democracy, respect for human rights and the
protection of the environment, in order to guarantee
durable peace and security.
Mr. Beck (Solomon Islands), Vice-President, took
the Chair.
 On 15 September 2008, the political leaders of
Zimbabwe signed a power-sharing agreement designed
to restore political and economic stability to their
country. We wish to congratulate the leaders of
Zimbabwe on that important milestone and to express
the hope that it will put that sister country on the path
towards economic recovery. We commend the
mediation efforts of the Southern African Development
Community, led by President Thabo Mbeki of South
Africa, who invested extraordinary skill, time and
energy in the process. We urge the international
community to support the implementation of the

35 08-51606

agreement by providing economic, financial and
humanitarian assistance. We call for the immediate
lifting of all sanctions that have been imposed on that
country.
 My delegation is concerned that the question of
Western Sahara remains unresolved. We support the
ongoing direct talks between the parties under the
auspices of the Secretary-General. We also call for the
implementation of the United Nations settlement plan
for Western Sahara and of all relevant United Nations
resolutions providing for a free and fair referendum in
that territory. Namibia is also concerned about the
conflict situations in the Darfur region of the Sudan
and in Somalia. We urge the respective parties to those
conflicts to work to find lasting peace.
 The people of Palestine have an inalienable right
to self-determination. Namibia is concerned about the
lack of progress in the negotiations on the question of
Palestine. We call for the immediate implementation of
all United Nations resolutions on Palestine and for the
establishment of an independent State of Palestine
living side by side with Israel.
 My delegation reiterates the call that we have
made on several occasions in this House for the
unconditional lifting of the economic, commercial and
financial blockade against Cuba. Not only is the
blockade against international law; its extraterritorial
nature impedes free trade and economic development.
Namibia calls for the implementation of all resolutions
of the General Assembly calling for the lifting of the
blockade.
 If we are to be able to respond effectively to the
manifold challenges of our time, we must accelerate
the reform of the United Nations. Member States
should work with resolve to strengthen our
Organization and to ensure that it delivers in terms of
its mandate. However, the process will not be complete
without reform of the Security Council. We have an
obligation to make the Council more representative,
democratic and accountable. It is an anomaly, and it is
unjust, that Africa does not have permanent
representation on the Security Council. Namibia
reiterates the African common position on Council
reform as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and
the Sirte Declaration. Intergovernmental negotiations
on reform should commence without any further delay.
 It is our duty to ensure that the United Nations
remains true to its unique universal character and that
it becomes a source of hope for a more secure and
peaceful world for current and future generations.


It is my honour and
pleasure to welcome the election of Mr. Miguel
d’Escoto Brockmann as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-third session. I wish him great
success in carrying out that complex, responsible and
challenging task. I would also like to express my
sincere gratitude and great respect to Mr. Srgjan
Kerim, President at the sixty-second session, for
successfully leading the Assembly during his tenure. In
addition, I would like to pay tribute to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, and to emphasize our full
support for his efforts to strengthen the position of the
United Nations as a valuable factor in resolving the
issues on the ever-expanding international agenda.
 Now, if the Assembly will permit me, I should
like to continue in my native language.
(spoke in Montenegrin; interpretation provided by the
delegation)
 As the youngest United Nations Member,
Montenegro has left its mark on the international
scene. It gained its statehood centuries ago and
democratically restored it in 2006. For us, statehood
represents political freedom, but also political
responsibility. Both are qualities that we look for and
find in the United Nations: in the spirit of its Charter,
and in the promotion of mutual respect and equality
among nations and peoples.
 Multilateralism lies at the core of the
international system and inspires strong motivation and
commitment. That is why the United Nations provides
a reliable framework for maintaining international
peace and security, strengthening democracy,
protecting human rights and freedoms, respecting
international law and fostering the economic and social
development of all States.
 Today, the world Organization is going through a
process of necessary reform prompted by great
achievements, but also by some setbacks, and even
failures. Montenegro supports a process of pragmatic
reform at the United Nations. As a small State, we are
particularly interested in strengthening the authority of
the General Assembly and other main United Nations
bodies.

08-52272 2

 The Security Council lies at the heart of the
overall reform process and needs to be transformed
taking into account equitable regional representation,
transparency and improvement in its working methods.
Montenegro supports intergovernmental negotiations.
We are undoubtedly faced with a very challenging and
complex process, but one to which Montenegro will
strive to contribute.
 Respect for human rights and freedoms,
improvement of minority and faith-based rights and the
strengthening of good-neighbourly relations will
continue to be the foundation of our national stability,
as well of regional stability. Our engagement at
national, regional and international levels is therefore
focused on the rule of law and the fight against
corruption and organized crime.
 This year we mark the sixtieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The
Declaration is still vital and applicable. We are fully
dedicated to its implementation and determined to
uphold its values and principles. In support of that,
Montenegro has presented its candidature for
membership of the Human Rights Council for the
period 2012-2015.
 As the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals represents one of the key
objectives of United Nations policy, it is only natural
that small and developing States, such as Montenegro,
should be resolved to make a concerted effort towards
those goals. Aware of all the challenges in
implementing that agenda, Montenegro shares the
Secretary-General’s opinion that yesterday’s high-level
event contributed positively to the increased
commitment to realize the goals that have been set.
 Challenges that we are facing today, including
political problems, hotspots, blatant violations of
human rights and freedoms, proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction, terrorism, environmental
degradation and climate change, require an adequate
response and decisive action. We believe that no
effective or lasting response is possible without joint
action by the entire international community.
 Countries in transition, such as our own, have
relevant experience and are strongly motivated to offer
continuous support to the implementation of the
Monterrey Consensus, in the light of the forthcoming
International Conference on Financing for
Development, to be held in Doha. Economic challenges
faced by countries in transition affect the dynamics and
quality of the way we tackle other issues, thus making
the implementation of the Millennium Declaration
imperative. Therefore, the development needs and
priorities of the African countries, discussed at length
during the 22 September high-level meeting, require
urgent global solidarity and support.
 Montenegro fully supports United Nations efforts
to resolve the problems caused by the energy crisis,
especially rising food prices worldwide. We also fully
support the intention of the Secretary-General and of
the United Nations to focus the attention of the
international community on vital issues such as food
prices and food security, in addition to the issues of
climate change and the MDGs. The reason behind this
is obvious: everyone is affected and is hence
committed to solving those problems.
 In the light of that, we agree with the proposed
United Nations action in the multilateral framework.
We commend the recent adoption of the Rome
Declaration on World Food Security, and strongly
believe that integrated international action is the best
response.
 As an ecologically concerned State, Montenegro
cherishes an interactive relationship between the
environmental aspects of the protection of natural
resources, on the one hand, and the production and
distribution of organic food on the other hand.
Furthermore, Montenegro encourages the creation of
an international trade environment that favours small-
scale producers and developing countries. Public-
private partnerships on specific projects, as one form
of cooperation between my Government and United
Nations agencies in the field of energy efficiency, are
also of special importance for us.
 Montenegro has many reasons to be satisfied with
the dynamics and results of its ongoing reform
processes. Promotion of democracy, equality and
tolerance among States and peoples has been and will
continue to be our political doctrine. We are motivated
by a desire for stability and economic and cultural
development, and we demonstrate this in practice in
our relationships with neighbours and regional
partners. It is also a basis for Montenegro’s progress in
European and Euro-Atlantic integration.
 Our European Union (EU) and NATO agenda is
based on the principles of democracy, a functional
market economy, efficient institutions and the rule of

3 08-52272

law. In the process of integration, special emphasis is
placed on the dynamics and time frame in which our
progress is being achieved — in all areas, including
political, legislative, economic and public administration
reform.
 This year, Montenegro joined the Union for the
Mediterranean. We appreciate the support offered by
our EU partners and other members of that significant
initiative. Montenegro stands ready to make its
contribution and to take an active part in the
revitalization of the projects within that initiative.
 Montenegro is taking a step forward in its
security policy, centred on multilateral cooperation,
with the aim of creating a legislative framework for the
deployment of our police, military and civilian
personnel to United Nations peacekeeping missions.
Montenegro contributed to similar missions more than
100 years ago, in the nineteenth century, and we are
now preparing to implement our commitment again in
order to meet the current needs for fostering peace and
democracy.
 In conclusion, I would like to reiterate the
commitment of Montenegro to contribute to the
strengthening and promotion of the United Nations in
our common effort to identify adequate responses to
multifaceted challenges the world faces today.


First, let me express, on behalf of the
delegation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic,
my heartfelt congratulations to Mr. d’Escoto
Brockmann, a veteran diplomat of Nicaragua, on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its
sixty-third session. I trust that, with him at the helm,
the work of the General Assembly is in good hands.
 The Lao People’s Democratic Republic is of the
belief that the United Nations remains an important
and pre-eminent forum for addressing issues related to
international cooperation for economic development,
peace and security, human rights and the rule of law,
based on dialogue, cooperation and consensus-building
amongst States. For over half a century, the United
Nations has played a crucial role in maintaining
international peace and security and in promoting the
socio-economic advancement of Member States,
especially developing countries.
 Yet, as the world situation becomes ever more
complex and unpredictable, the United Nations
increasingly needs more robust and effective
institutions. In our opinion, United Nations reform
must be comprehensive, transparent, inclusive and
balanced. We must strengthen the role and authority of
the General Assembly and revitalize its work.
 We must also reform the Security Council,
turning it into a more democratic and representative
organ comprising new permanent and non-permanent
members alike. No less important is the need to
substantially reinforce the development pillars of the
United Nations, which include the Department of
Economic and Social Affairs, the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development, the regional
commissions and the United Nations Development
Account, enabling them to better support developing
countries.
 In that context, we commend Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon’s reform efforts aimed at transforming
the United Nations into a more responsive, dynamic,
multifunctional and effective Organization. The
Secretary-General’s personal dedication to the cause of
peace, and his endeavours in search of solutions to the
three global crises of finance, fuel and food deserve
special recognition.
 The current difficult and complex situation in the
field of disarmament continues to be a cause of
concern. We recognize the threat posed by the
continuing existence of nuclear weapons. It is hence
incumbent upon the nuclear-weapon States to honour

08-53135 2

their unequivocal commitment to work towards the
total elimination of nuclear weapons. Renewed efforts
are needed to resolve the impasse in achieving nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation in all its aspects.
 While globalization brings with it numerous
opportunities for economic development, the obstacles
that the world faces deserve significant attention.
Developing countries, in particular the most vulnerable
group of countries — the least developed countries
landlocked developing countries and small island
developing States — have taken important steps to
further integrate themselves into the global economy.
Nevertheless, those countries remain beleaguered by
basic infrastructure of poor quality, limited access to
markets, capital and new technology, and low supply of
finance and investment.
 The sudden increase in oil and food prices has led
to a period of economic instability in many countries.
To combat that problem, we stress the need for the full
and effective implementation of the Rome Declaration
on World Food Security and the establishment of a
global food bank and an international food fund to
ensure long-term food security for developing
countries, particularly the most vulnerable among
them.
 In addition, the great untapped potential of those
countries should be explored and exploited to the
maximum extent through increased investment and
technology transfer by developed countries and other
development partners for mutual benefit.
 The goal of achieving peace and prosperity
remains the highest priority of the international
community, yet inter-State conflict, terrorism and
unlawful unilateral sanctions and interventions
continue to impede that goal. We are greatly distressed
by the persistent conflict that has plagued the lives of
the peoples of the Middle East for decades, particularly
of the Palestinian people, who have been fighting to
exercise their right to self-determination and
Statehood.
 We are deeply saddened by the number of
casualties and the material damage inflicted upon the
nations of Iraq and Afghanistan. We remain troubled by
the embargo that has been imposed on the Republic of
Cuba by the Government of the United States of
America, an act that is clearly illegal and not
responsive to the legitimate interests of the peoples of
either nation. In that regard, the Lao People’s
Democratic Republic sincerely urges the parties
concerned in the aforementioned conflicts to seek ways
to peacefully resolve their differences. It is our fervent
hope that the peoples living in those conflict-affected
areas may enjoy peace and prosperity as swiftly as
possible.
 Unlike most calamities, global warming affects
not only the livelihood of every being on the planet,
but also the course of human history. Climate change
will become all the more worrisome as it leads to many
other social and economic problems in addition to
those faced by our world today. That is why there is a
need for immediate global action to address climate
change in accordance with the principle of common but
differentiated responsibilities. In formulating policies
to confront climate change, we should promote the
integration of all three components of sustainable
development — economic development, social
development and environmental protection. In that
respect, we call for the full implementation of the Bali
Road Map.
 As widely expressed at the high-level event on
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the lack
of effective implementation of the internationally
agreed development goals, including the MDGs,
remains of deep concern. Therefore, the highest
priority should be given to securing the effective and
full implementation of the agreed goals and
commitments. In that context, we underscore the
urgency of addressing the special needs of least
developed and landlocked developing countries
through the full, timely and effective implementation
by all stakeholders of the Brussels Programme of
Action and the Almaty Programme of Action, as called
for in the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document.
 Landlocked developing countries face a unique
impediment in not having access to the sea.
International cooperation is crucial to the success of
the development goals of those countries. We therefore
would like to stress the significance of the upcoming
midterm review of the Almaty Programme of Action, to
be held on 2 and 3 October 2008 here in New York,
which should provide the international community with
the opportunity to assess progress made, lessons
learned and constraints encountered in the
implementation of the Almaty Programme of Action.
 As a member country, the Lao People’s
Democratic Republic is gratified to witness the

3 08-53135

continuing stability resulting from strengthened and
enhanced integration of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN), which is an important
contribution to the maintenance of peace and further
cooperation in the region and the world. A recent
momentous and milestone event was the signing of the
ASEAN Charter, which has transformed ASEAN into a
rule-based regional organization.
 The Lao People’s Democratic Republic continues
to enjoy solid political stability and social order. Thus,
our socio-economic development has registered
significant achievements, as reflected in the high and
sustained growth of our gross domestic product.
Notwithstanding those achievements, the Lao People’s
Democratic Republic still faces impediments. Rising
oil prices, inflation and the global economic slowdown
all stand in the way of our path to economic prosperity.
 This year, we have also experienced severe
flooding that has inflicted huge material losses
nationwide. Yet, in spite of all that, by improving the
quality of basic infrastructure and human resources and
cooperating with international partners, we are
determined to pursue our twin strategies of poverty
eradication and regional integration. At the current
pace, we hope to extricate our country from the
shackles of underdevelopment by the year 2020.
 I cannot conclude without reaffirming that
development remains central and must come first if
peace and respect for human rights, which are
intertwined, are to be achieved. The Lao People’s
Democratic Republic reiterates its unshakable
commitment to continued full cooperation with the
international community in pursuit of a world free
from fear and want, and rooted in a new, just and
equitable order. Together, I am sure, we will be able to
reach new heights.


It is a great
honour for me to address the world community: the
United Nations and its biggest representative body, the
General Assembly.
 Together with all other Member States, I am
grateful to the Macedonian representative
Mr. Srgjan Kerim for his effective work as President of
the Assembly at its last session.
 I congratulate Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann
of Nicaragua on his election as President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-third session. I wish him
every success at this critical time.
 I am confident that we all have the same feeling.
Empty words and general discussions have had their
day. We feel a cool wind in international relations that
complicates and tempers mutual responsibilities. The
difference in temperature and pressure leads to a
hurricane. Atmospheric changes in worldwide politics
have comparable effects.

5 08-51749

 The great illusion of power becomes today’s
ultimate weakness and the giant vehicle of ideals and
shaping forces. The principal challenge before us lies
in the neglect and undermining of the standards of
international law and foreign affairs.
 We see a trend towards the demolition of the
global system, whose cornerstone is the unflagging
international will and respect for the sovereignty,
territorial integrity and established boundaries of
States.
 Ukraine has the right to speak these words. We
were among the founders of the United Nations and
one of the co-authors of its Charter.
 We are a nation that underwent fatal trials and
regained a commonwealth in a legitimate and
recognized way. The representatives of dozens of
States that share such a fate with us are here in this
room.
 The latest events in the Caucasus are of the
utmost concern to us. I express condolences for the
tragedy suffered by each human being and each family
regardless of race or allegiance  — Georgians,
Ossetians and Russians. Suffering does not
discriminate among peoples. Each person has dignity
and the ability to recognize truth, hypocrisy, deliberate
aggression, manipulation of public opinion and candid
support for separatism.
 Ukraine condemns all acts of aggression and use
of force that occurred in the region. Ukraine vigorously
denounces violation of the territorial integrity and
inviolability of the Georgian frontiers and the armed
annexation of its territory.
 Ukraine does not recognize the independence of
the self-proclaimed republics of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia. Ukraine does not acknowledge, and
condemns, the attempt at illegitimate and separatist
affirmation of the statehood of any territories. This
position is fundamental for Ukrainian foreign policy.
 Deviation from the United Nations principles,
such as the use of force, and the renewal of cold-war
rhetoric provoke our deep concern. Those processes
create a potential threat both for Ukraine and for other
countries in the region.
 The problem cannot be solved through isolation,
self-isolation or mutual accusations. There is only one
way out. With common and good will we are to
consolidate our values and the aims contained in the
United Nations Charter and the Millennium
Declaration.
 With full responsibility for peace and security, we
need to stop disturbances by separatist spirits, which
can turn into misfortune for the instigators themselves.
It is essential to reject blackmailing and threatening
vocabulary. Ukraine rejects pressure of any kind
regarding ways to ensure its own security and to
determine membership in collective security structures.
Such attempts at infringement are short-sighted and
counterproductive.
 We call for the strengthening of the role of the
Security Council, the only body with exclusive
authority in issues of global peace and security. We
need its decisions to be balanced and its actions to be
effective.
 Ukraine supports all efforts aimed at peaceful
settlement and unblocking of the situation on the South
Caucasus and will fully cooperate in that process. We
will continue our peacekeeping activities firmly and
vigorously, and we will participate in the settlement of
the protracted conflicts on the basis of respect for the
principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity,
inviolability of borders, human rights, freedoms and
dignity.
 The world is waiting for a confident and positive
response from the United Nations. The world needs
renewed confidence in our collective efforts and strict
adherence to the norms of international law and to the
United Nations Organization.
 Our national agenda is concordant with the main
challenges facing the international community. As a
country possessing the best black-earth soil in the
world, Ukraine is going to contribute tangibly to the
common work on solving the global food crisis.
 We plan to consolidate all possible efforts to
realize an effective and just energy policy. The
principles that should be implemented are mutual
benefit, the continuous fulfilment of obligations and
the inadmissibility of any energy pressure.
 We reinforce our call for more active global
cooperation in the sphere of the environment. Ukraine
puts forward an initiative to develop a binding
framework agreement — a World Environmental
Constitution — and to establish a single-structure
system for ecological and environmental protection,

08-51749 6

with relevant authority and mechanisms in the United
Nations.
 We plan to revitalize efforts in the fight against
HIV/AIDS and other dangerous diseases. This problem
remains highly topical for Ukraine.
 Undoubtedly, Ukraine will continue to keep an
eye on the whole range of common tasks and
challenges, from poverty problems to trafficking in
human beings, international terrorism and proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction.
 The line we follow is clear. Our policy is based
on democratic values, open dialogue with all partners
of different cultures, and unconditional respect for
fundamental human rights. I have the honour to appeal
to the world community with a request for solidarity.
 This year Ukraine will mark the seventy-fifth
anniversary of the Great Famine — the Holodomor,
which took the lives of about 10 million of our
compatriots. Our intention is not directed against any
people or State. We neither overstate nor understate our
sorrow. The tenor of hunger in Ukraine was oriented
towards genocide and was accompanied by the total
elimination of the national elite, the public leadership
and the priesthood. The goal was to overpower a nation
of millions, because, according to the regime, there
were too many people to displace to Siberia.
 It is important that our steps encourage other
countries of the former Soviet Union to find the truth.
We share the pain of all the people affected —
Russians, Belarusians, Kazakhs and dozens of other
nations. We invite a joint commemoration of each
national tragedy and no toleration of new attempts to
create a heroic aureole around Stalin and his regime.
We have invaluable examples of mutual understanding
with Poland, Hungary and other States. Honest and
sincere memories about the past have not split us but
have united us. It is our aspiration that memories of the
victims of the Holodomor and other crimes of
totalitarian regimes will prevent the world from
repeating such catastrophes.
 I believe in our ability to respond effectively to
every challenge the world is facing. Ukraine is
determined to work on this. We will act as dedicated
partners. Everything is in our hands. I believe in our
power, will and wisdom.


I should like
at the outset to welcome the fact that Nicaragua,
represented by Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann, is
presiding over the General Assembly at its sixty-third
session. Cameroon wishes him every success in
carrying out his mission and assures him of its full
cooperation. I wish also to pay a well-deserved tribute
to Ambassador Kerim for the skill with which he led
the work of the Assembly at its sixty-second session.
Finally, I congratulate His Excellency Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon, and reiterate our appreciation
and support for his remarkable efforts in discharging
his lofty mission.
 By proposing the impact of the global food crisis
on poverty and hunger in the world and the need to
democratize the United Nations as main themes of the
general debate at the sixty-third session, the President
focused our deliberations on core problems currently
faced by the international community. I support this
proposal all the more because Cameroon, like other
countries throughout the world, has recently
experienced social upheaval caused by the increasingly
high cost of living.
 As a result, we decided on and implemented a
series of corrective measures, ranging from a reduction
of taxes and customs duties on certain basic
commodities to an increase in the salaries of State
employees and measures to stabilize fuel prices. Those
measures were lauded by the International Monetary
Fund and undoubtedly had very positive effects. They
did not, however, totally eliminate a problem of global
proportions and one which requires global responses.
The food crisis, which is one manifestation, has taken
on alarming proportions throughout the world. All
economies, irrespective of size, but particularly those
of poor countries, are seriously affected. The most
vulnerable populations are forced to forego health care
and education just to feed themselves.
 If appropriate responses are not found rapidly,
there will be reason to fear dramatic repercussions on
international trade, economic growth, social progress,
political stability and, hence, global security. There is
therefore an urgent necessity to act rapidly and
collectively. We believe an appropriate response to the
situation lies in ensuring coordination at the highest
level. That is why I welcome the fact that the
Secretary-General took the initiative to establish the
High-Level Task Force on the Global Food Security
Crisis, whose aim is to promote a coherent and unified

08-51851 14

response to the crisis. Cameroon shares the vision
contained in the Comprehensive Framework for Action
prepared by the Task Force.
 We are of the view that a lasting solution to the
crisis requires short- and medium-term actions,
including increased food aid and investment in
agriculture, the promotion of social welfare initiatives,
reduction of agricultural subsidies in developed
countries and restrictions on food exports from
countries of the South. It is obvious that such solutions
cannot be implemented without the participation of all
and without the establishment of global food and
agriculture partnerships involving all stakeholders,
namely Governments, the private sector, civil society,
donors and international institutions.
 At a time when the midterm assessment of the
achievement of the Millennium Development Goals is
under way, the global food crisis appears as one of the
major challenges the international community will
have to face. In that regard, Cameroon wishes to join
its voice to that of the Secretary-General in appealing
for financing of the measures recommended by the
Task Force. But, however acute the food crisis may be,
it is far from being the only snag in the implementation
of the Millennium Development Goals.
 Concerning Africa in particular, there are many
other challenges, such as persistent poverty, peace and
security issues and the effects of climate change.
Concerning poverty alleviation, our continent placed
much hope in globalization which it supported in good
faith, despite legitimate fears concerning the
globalization of trade. It should be acknowledged that,
on the whole, these hopes were dashed.
 Beyond the global food crisis, it is obvious that
Africa has felt the negative effects of the international
financial crisis and the exponential oil price hikes:
phenomena well beyond its control. In addition, it
helplessly watched the erosion of official development
assistance and the failure of the Doha Round
negotiations, where its interests were relegated to the
background. This role of powerless onlooker can only
lead to deep frustration and cast doubts on the chances
of achieving the Millennium Development Goals
within the set time frames.
 Nevertheless, Africa wants to believe that the
international community will not give up assisting it to
emerge from poverty and underdevelopment. For that
reason, we fully appreciate the initiative of the
United Nations to organize high-level meetings
devoted to the development of our continent, on the
sidelines of this session. On the economic front,
Africa’s immense potential remains largely untapped,
and, although many African countries have been
recording good economic performance, the continent
remains the poorest on the planet. Hence the need for
increased solidarity of the international community.
 The growing impact of climate change, especially
in Africa, is particularly disturbing; more than
elsewhere, it affects areas on which the fate of future
generations depends. There is thus an urgent need for
joint action by the international community.
 Such solidarity should also prevail when
addressing the issue of migrants. The tragedies they
experience are, to put it bluntly, inhuman. The
atrocities and acts of discrimination they endure on a
daily basis are intolerable. There is urgent need to
jointly seek solutions to manage this exodus which
drains Africa of the human resources it greatly needs.
There is no gainsaying that the economic development
of the continent is the one and only solution to that
painful problem.
 As regards peace and security, perhaps more than
in any other area, Africa needs the active solidarity of
the international community. There is reason to be
satisfied with the progress made in several countries
that were hitherto plagued by deadly confrontations,
though it should be acknowledged that many hotbeds
of tension and conflict still exist on the continent.
 Here, the peace agreements signed after lengthy
negotiations are yet to enter fully into force. There,
force is used to jeopardize democratic achievements.
Continuing confrontations in Somalia, the chronic
instability along the borders of Chad, the Central
African Republic and the Sudan, the daily tragedy
faced by the population of Darfur and the recurrent
eruption of violence in the east of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and in Burundi are all cause for
serious concern.
 Unfortunately, nor is our continent spared the
threat of terrorism, which now has a global dimension.
I am convinced that only global and resolute action
will help address that issue. Cameroon will contribute
its support as necessary.
 The international community, and in particular
the United Nations, are making commendable efforts to

15 08-51851

promote peace in Africa. That is why the Organization
must receive from all its Members the resources that it
needs to ensure the effectiveness of its action. To that
end, it should constantly express the common will and
continue to be the crucible of the democratization of
international relations.
 The historic achievement recorded in the
settlement of the dispute over the Bakassi peninsula is
one of the best examples of the remarkable results that
can be generated by an authentic desire for peace
shared by the parties, with the judicious support of the
international community.
 The ceremony in Calabar on 14 August 2008,
which marked the withdrawal of the Nigerian
administration and police force from Bakassi and the
transfer of authority to Cameroon, was undoubtedly the
result of the commitment to peace shown by the
leaders and peoples of both countries. In that regard, I
wish to express my profound gratitude to friendly
countries for the support they have continued to give to
the implementation of the ruling of the International
Court of Justice and to the Greentree Agreement. I
wish to thank in particular the States witness to the
Agreement, namely, the United States of America,
France, the Federal Republic of Germany and the
United Kingdom.
 The United Nations also played a decisive role in
the settlement of that matter. The tireless efforts of
Secretaries-General Kofi Annan and Ban Ki-moon and
their representatives within the Mixed Commission
deserve our gratitude.
 Thus dawned a new era in relations between
Cameroon and Nigeria, geared towards the quest for
progress and development to which our two peoples
aspire. It goes without saying that the two countries
must henceforth do everything possible to consolidate
the settlement and seize the opportunities offered to
them to develop their relations in all areas. In that
regard, I wish to reaffirm that Cameroon will respect
all its commitments.
 The delay in the attainment of the Millennium
Development Goals must spur us to redouble our
efforts to carry out vigorous, joint and mutually
supportive actions in fighting against poverty and for
development.
 The Government of Cameroon is resolutely
committed to that end. I wish to pay homage to our
population for the sacrifices they have made in that
respect, as well as to our bilateral and multilateral
partners for the multifaceted assistance they are
providing to us. That assistance is invaluable to us,
particularly in our efforts to promote better
management of public resources. Within that
framework we have launched a fierce fight against
dishonest managers, which we intend to pursue
ruthlessly.
 Guided by a concern to improve the well-being of
our people, we reaffirm from this rostrum our
determination relentlessly to pursue our efforts to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals. To
perform that task successfully, we know that we can
count on the understanding and support of the United
Nations.


I am honoured to
address the General Assembly on behalf of the
Government and the people of Liberia, the second time
I am doing so since I assumed office in 2006.
 I congratulate you, Mr. Miguel d’Escoto
Brockmann, and your country, Nicaragua, on your
election as President of this historic sixty-third session.
There is no doubt that you will bring your vast
experience to bear in guiding this session to a
successful conclusion. You can rest assured of the full
cooperation and support of the Liberian delegation.
 Let me also seize this opportunity to pay tribute
to your predecessor, Mr. Srgjan Kerim of the Republic
of Macedonia, for the exemplary leadership he
provided this body over the past year.
 By the same token, I would like to commend the
Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his
farsightedness and wisdom in carrying out his mandate.
The Liberian people still recall with fondness his visit
to Monrovia earlier this year, when they shared with
him their respect and appreciation for the United
Nations, which has provided exceptional support as a
guarantor of the peace we now enjoy in our country
after 14 years of war.
 In our 161 years as the first independent republic
in Africa, we navigated for nearly a century among the
sharks of racism, colonialism, prejudice, human
degradation and underdevelopment. We have
experienced a war that killed nearly 8 per cent and
displaced 40 per cent of our population, a war that
destroyed our underdeveloped economy and inadequate
infrastructure. Through it all, Liberia has come to
appreciate the United Nations as a truly fundamental,
relevant and important forum and instrument for world
peace.
 In its 63 years of existence, the United Nations
has expanded in scope, form and content. It is,
correctly, still primarily concerned with the promotion
of international peace and security. On the basis of our
experience as a founding Member, Liberia is
committed to contributing to the redefinition of that
international peace and security that it is very strongly
linked to and demands the promotion of economic
growth and sustained development, particularly food
security, relief from the debt burden, globalization and
fair trade.

08-51570 18

 We believe in a peace and security environment
that combats HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases
and that promotes poverty eradication and human
rights, especially the rights of women and children. We
believe in the fight against international terrorism,
drugs and other international crime, and we believe in
disarmament, especially the elimination of nuclear
weapons and the control of small arms and light
weapons.
 The history and experience of Liberia have taught
us to have faith in the United Nations, which today
maintains nearly 11,000 men and women from all over
the world helping our country consolidate its newly
won peace. We wish to thank the Security Council,
which has correctly seen the necessity to renew the
mandate of the United Nations Mission in Liberia
(UNMIL). We particularly thank the resource-
contributing countries, for, without them, we would
never be able to save the lives we are saving and
promote the development we are promoting.
 Our history and experience have taught us to
believe in regional peace and security and cooperation.
Liberians still say, with passion: “Thank God for
ECOMOG” — the Monitoring Group of the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) —
referring to the period of our war when young men and
women from ECOWAS countries, led by Nigeria and
including Senegal, Ghana, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Mali
and Benin, laid down their lives to save our country.
Subsequently, a Nigerian-led military mission, the
ECOWAS Mission in Liberia. provided the beachhead
for the establishment of UNMIL. We shall always be
grateful to ECOWAS, which is now dedicating itself to
its prime objective of economic integration and
development.
 We also believe in our subregional entity, the
Mano River Union, which comprises the countries of
Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone and now, Côte
d’Ivoire, which joined us earlier this year. The Mano
River basin, as is well known, had been the epicentre
of the conflict system in West Africa since 1990. As the
current Chair of the Union, I can say on behalf of my
colleagues that the countries of that basin have
declared never again to war and all forms of armed
violence. The Mano River Union will henceforth be a
net exporter of peace and all the dividends that come
with peace in West Africa.
 I am proud to say that Liberian history and
experience have taught us never to shirk in our
opposition to wars and the causes thereof, to man’s
inhumanity to man, to oppression, racism, human
rights abuses, especially those against women and
children, and abuses inflicted on the basis of race,
creed and religion.
 In doing so, we know that we may at times not be
seen as following the party line, be it in Africa or on
African issues, or the positions of some close allies.
We continue to ask our friends to realize that we will
be guided by our principles, history and experience to
act in the best interest of our people and of the greater
world community.
 It is in this connection that we took a stand on the
situation in Zimbabwe, because we had faith that the
leaders of that wonderful and great country needed to
know that fairness in elections and justice in political
participation were the best ways to ensure durable
peace. My Government wishes to thank the
Zimbabwean leaders and their people for choosing the
path of negotiation for the comprehensive agreement
that has now been reached. We thank the leaders of the
Southern African Development Community —
especially South African President Thabo Mbeki, for
his role in facilitating the peace deal. May all
Zimbabweans work to ensure full implementation of
the agreement.
 Over the past year, Africa has registered
unprecedented economic growth and has experienced
relative peace in many hitherto-turbulent regions and
countries. Unfortunately, people in Somalia, in parts of
the Sudan — especially the Darfur region — Chad,
Niger, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and other
countries have yet to breathe the air of relief and peace.
They need the concerted efforts and support of the
United Nations for the African Union and subregional
bodies to take the actions necessary for peace. Where
there is evidence of non-cooperation and even
aggression against peace forces, the world must move
into gear under Chapter VII of the United Nations
Charter.
 As we have seen in Liberia and throughout the
world, armed conflicts are exacerbated by easy access
to small arms and light weapons. Thus, as part of the
efforts for durable peace in conflict zones, we must put
in place rigid measures to ensure effective control of
such weapons. In that connection, my Government

19 08-51570

supports an arms trade treaty. We continue to champion
the call for total and complete nuclear disarmament in
order to prevent the world from annihilating itself.
 Those fears are not unfounded if we imagine such
weapons in the hands of a terrorist. But the threat of
terrorism — the senseless destruction of innocent lives
and property — oftentimes even defies the
imagination. The world must unite to fight that
scourge. No nation or person is protected against it.
Those who feel angry enough to carry out such
dastardly acts defeat their own purposes because they
end up killing those who may be ready to let the world
hear about their causes. They actually end up losing
everything. We grieve with those who lost their loved
ones during the terror attacks in Pakistan even while
the world was meeting here.
 While some plot evil deeds, there are those who
are committed to working with Liberia and Africa and
the rest of Africa to fight poverty and to promote
positive, all-around international cooperation. We are
grateful for the many avenues for cooperation that have
been provided. We thank the United States for its
African Growth and Opportunity Act, which aims to
promote trade rather than aid; we thank the European
Union for its Everything but Arms facility; we are
grateful for the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation;
we thank the Japanese Government and its partners for
leading the Tokyo International Conference on African
Development; and we thank others to whom the
continent is looking for new avenues for sustained
development. We are pleased to note that our
cooperation efforts have included intra-Africa and
South-South endeavours, with great successes having
been achieved so far.
 Beyond Africa, my Government believes, with
great interest, that a durable solution can be found to
the Israeli-Palestinian and Arab-Israeli conflict. Late
last year, I had the opportunity to visit and hold talks
with Israeli and Palestinian leaders alike in Tel Aviv
and Ramallah. I gathered from conversations and
reports regarding other sustained efforts in search of
peace that the solution of two States, with secure and
recognizable borders and mutual recognition of each
other, is the way forward. We must never give up
working for a formal end to the conflict and for a
durable peace for all in the region.
 I should now like to report briefly on Liberia, the
country for which, we dare say, the United Nations is
most likely to receive its best-ever performance record.
On 19 September 2006, approximately eight months
after I had assumed the presidency of Liberia as the
first woman to have been so elected in Africa, I
addressed this body, laying out my vision for a country
that had suffered near-total devastation — a country
that was the best example of a State that had nearly
collapsed. At that time, I said that Liberia was back,
moving forward on an irreversible path of peace and
development.
 Today, I have come to renew that pledge. I have
come to report how much progress has been made in
the light of what we inherited. It should be
remembered that we inherited a situation in which
nearly two thirds of Liberians lived below the poverty
line, with an even higher poverty rate in rural areas.
The economy collapsed, with gross domestic product
falling 90 per cent from 1987 to 1995 — one of the
largest economic free-falls ever recorded in the world.
Indicators in the areas of health, education, water,
sanitation, food security and infrastructure were very
poor and sometimes beyond measure.
 My Government, with the support of international
partners, began to take steps to move the whole
country into gear. There was a need, first, for clear
direction in the form of a national vision or agenda,
formulated and contributed to by the people as their
own; secondly, to restore the international reputation
and creditworthiness of the country; and thirdly, to
demonstrate the necessary leadership — strong,
committed and focused — for the people.
 The Government, in collaboration with civil
society, undertook broad consultations with people in
all parts of the country. That resulted in a framework
for reducing poverty and making progress towards the
Millennium Development Goals. Our poverty reduction
strategy for the period 2008-2011 is now in place,
anchored on the pillars of consolidating peace and
security, revitalizing the economy, strengthening
governance and the rule of law, and rebuilding
infrastructure and delivering basic services.
 Clearly, those three years are not enough time to
accomplish the daunting tasks laid out in our poverty
reduction strategy; they are part of a process aimed at
long-term development that will continue far beyond
2011. They are part of a process that must identify
effective responses to the food and energy crises and to
the as-yet-undetermined effects of climate change.

08-51570 20

However, the Liberian people are gaining confidence in
the strategy, for they are seeing that our national
security policy, supported by the United Nations, is
now producing the desired results.
 They also know that, starting at a low base, we
saw growth of more than 9 per cent in 2007. Roads and
buildings are sprouting up in many places; health
clinics are reopening or being established where they
did not exist before; agricultural production is
increasing; and a huge external debt is well on the way
to being cancelled, with exceptional support from our
partners.
 We believe that that is truly a success story for a
country emerging from so much destruction in so short
a period of time. But we owe it first to our people —
the Liberian people — and, very strategically and
importantly, to the international community, led by the
United Nations. The presence of the United Nations
Mission in Liberia has given hope to the people that
they need not surrender to the threat to peace and
development represented by the large percentage of
unemployed youth who cannot be absorbed by an
economy that is still too weak, despite its high level of
growth.
 I come from a continent where female
leadership — particularly a female head of State or
Government — is still unthinkable in some quarters. I
have only a handful of female colleagues at the global
level. To help sensitize and energize the world with
regard to the reality of female leadership, my friend
and colleague Ms. Tarja Halonen, President of Finland,
and I are organizing an international colloquium on
women’s empowerment, leadership and development
that will be held on International Women’s Day in
March 2009 in Monrovia. I believe that this will
provide us with the opportunity to make special efforts
in support of women who are desirous to seek elective
public office and to encourage other women to seek
such office.
 Mr. Golding (Jamaica), Vice-President, took the
Chair.
 As I conclude, let me thank the President for the
great work he and his colleagues are doing for a world
meant for succeeding generations. Let me also say
unequivocally that not only is Liberia back, but we are
lifted and we are blessed. We thank all who have
contributed to this progress.


At the outset,
allow me to congratulate Mr. Miguel d’Escoto
Brockmann on his election as President of the General
Assembly and to assure him of my delegation’s full
cooperation in discharging his responsibilities. I also
thank the Secretary-General for his comprehensive
report on the work of the United Nations (A/63/1) and
his positive reference to the situation prevailing in
Nepal.
 It is, indeed, a historic opportunity for me to
address this Assembly as the first Prime Minister of
Nepal, the newest republic of the world. As I stand
here in front of the global leadership, I think of the
long struggle that I and my party waged with single-
mindedness for the liberation of the common man from
the clutches of the age-old suppression, deprivation,
marginalization and outright negligence of the
previously existing polity. My fellow countrymen and
women, toiling in the mountains and valleys, working
day and night in the lowlands and the urban areas and
yet unable to ensure even the simple necessities of life
for their families, had a hope and expectation that one
day they would lead a decent life with equal rights and
opportunities and be recognized as respected citizens
of the country.

15 08-52272

 We are at that significant turning point in the
political history of Nepal, and I and my party are proud
to be the leading force of that positive historical
change. Today, I see a great hope in the glinting eyes of
the Dalit boy from the far west, the downtrodden
woman from the indigenous nationality in the east, the
homeless Tharu girl, the landless Madhesi and other
peasants from the hills living under thatched roofs. I
intend to lead them with conviction and sincerity in a
new journey of sustainable peace and equitable
progress in a modern Nepal. I have, therefore, the
honour and great privilege of bringing with me to the
Assembly the greetings and best wishes of the people
and the Government of that new Federal Democratic
Republic of Nepal.
 Following the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
in November 2006, after a decade-long armed struggle,
we began our peace process and eventually held
elections to the Constituent Assembly in April this
year. People overwhelmingly voted for my party and
made us the single largest political party in the
Assembly with great hope and expectations. At its first
meeting, the Constituent Assembly declared Nepal a
federal democratic republic, formally ending the 240-
year-old monarchy and creating a new opportunity to
transform the old feudalistic State into an inclusive and
federal new Nepal. That was in keeping with the long-
standing aspirations of the Nepalese people. They
voted in favour of the change and transformation that
my own party had fought for over so many years. After
the historic political transformation, our agenda now is
to bring about an equally historic socio-economic
transformation of the country.
 Today, I must report with all humility that our
Constituent Assembly is the most inclusive representative
body, of which all marginalized, oppressed ethnic
communities, indigenous nationalities, Dalits, the
disadvantaged and people from the backward regions and
communities are members, which will herald a new
beginning in the country. That may very well be an
example of representativeness to the world in the first
decade of the twenty-first century.
 The Government is committed to restoring law
and order, providing immediate relief to the people
affected by the conflict, fighting against the cancerous
growth of corruption and starting an economic
recovery package, focusing on pro-poor growth,
infrastructure development and public-private
partnership. The Government will build an effective
partnership with the international community in
creating an atmosphere for unleashing a new socio-
economic transformation, for which the Nepalese
people have so long been waiting.
 Nepal’s peace process is unique in its
characteristics and is based on multiparty democracy,
inclusiveness, accommodation, dialogue and the
recognition of the people as the ultimate arbiter. It is
the outcome of our own creative disposition towards
peace, and we feel that it can also serve as a reference
model for peace elsewhere.
 We appreciate the continued support of the
United Nations for the peace process, especially in
monitoring the management of arms and personnel
through the United Nations Mission in Nepal. The
United Nations Mission has undertaken its mandated
tasks well. I also take this opportunity to thank our
neighbours, friends and donors for their continued
support in favour of the peace process and the
institutionalization of democracy in Nepal. I am
confident they are doing so to unleash Nepal’s
development potential, in accordance with the wish of
the Nepalese people.
 As we proceed in the peace process within the
country, new problems in the form of the global food
crisis, rising oil prices and imminent danger from
climate change stare us in the face. Those challenges
also undermine our achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). There will be no success
in achieving the MDGs without ensuring that they are
achieved in the least developed countries. Solemn
pledges were made in the 2000 Millennium Declaration
and at the 2002 International Conference on Financing
for Development held in Monterrey. Many of those
commitments are yet to be fulfilled and the
achievement of the Millennium Development Goals
remains elusive to most of the world’s poor people.
 The United Nations agenda today has to tackle
those development challenges and many other issues,
such as religious extremism, terrorism, the
proliferation of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass
destruction; transnational crimes, such as drugs, human
trafficking and money-laundering; continuing conflicts
within and among States; and gross violations of
human rights, genocide, war crimes and crimes against
humanity. It is more than obvious that many of those
global problems require global solutions. Together, we
can rise to the occasion and adopt the vision and

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strategy that the founders of the United Nations charted
in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the
Organization. Multilateralism, not unilateralism, is the
answer to those problems.
 Least developed countries like Nepal are faced
with a special predicament in their development
efforts. We are trapped in a vicious circle of poverty.
For many historical reasons, we have low economic
growth, low productivity, underdeveloped industries
and traditional agriculture. Because of the low level of
social indicators and fewer opportunities, conflict and
crisis continue to be prevalent in those countries.
 Today, the growing gap between rich and poor
within countries as well as between nations is a sure
sign of a looming disaster. It is also inhuman and
unjust that such a high level of inequality is still so
common in this age of human achievements,
abundance and progress. Equally important is the fact
that islands of prosperity in a sea of poverty are not
sustainable and certainly not in the enlightened self-
interest of even the developed countries themselves, as
they breed resentment, fuel conflict and undermine
their own progress in the long run. They also go
against the fundamental spirit of the United Nations.
 Because of the peculiar nature of the least
developed countries and their high level of
vulnerability, I strongly urge that the issues of least
developed countries be looked at by the United Nations
separately and addressed with special and focused
programmes. They should be ensured dedicated
support and cooperation if we want to make our world
the just and inclusive place that the United Nations so
proudly espouses.
 We are not only least developed, but also
landlocked. That is a double disadvantage in our efforts
to fulfil our development aspirations. In fact, we feel
further marginalized by the overwhelming impact of
the downside of globalization and the high cost of
trade. We want full implementation of the respective
global compacts, the Brussels Programme of Action for
the Least Developed Countries and the Almaty
Programme of Action for the landlocked developing
countries. In particular, I would like to highlight the
need on the part of our developed country partners to
fulfil their commitments and pledges in allocating a
certain percentage of their gross national product to
those countries and in making trade concessions, debt
relief and other capacity-building measures available in
accordance with those compacts. On our part, I would
like to undertake that Nepal will fulfil its pledge to
own its development programmes in accordance with
its national priorities, including those on poverty
reduction and pro-poor governance policies.
 We need to protect our people from the growing
vulnerabilities of climate change. For example, in my
own country, Nepal, melting glaciers and shifting
weather patterns are threatening life-support systems,
undermining the sustainability of agriculture and
unleashing extreme climate-induced disasters, such as
frequent floods and landslides. The Himalayan range
provides life-supporting water downstream for more
than 1 billion people. Mount Everest, as the roof of the
world, and the Himalayan range need to be protected
and utilized properly to contribute to humankind as a
whole.
 I therefore strongly appeal to the international
community to extend all necessary support and
cooperation to protect and promote that pristine
environment. We need to create a regime of common
but differentiated responsibilities in which the
developed countries will mitigate the burden of
adaptation for the vulnerable countries, such as the
least developed and small islands. The world stands to
benefit from addressing climate change if we are able
to harness the tremendous potentials of Nepal’s
hydropower, which is a renewable and clean source of
energy. To that end, Nepal is ready to invite and
encourage investment in its hydropower projects.
 I am pleased that the United Nations Regional
Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the
Pacific is now operational in Kathmandu 20 years after
it was established by this Assembly. I thank all
Members, countries of the region, the Secretary-
General and the officials of the Secretariat for the
smooth relocation of the Centre from New York to
Kathmandu. I would like to take this opportunity to
reiterate Nepal’s commitment to making the Centre
successful through the cooperation of all countries
concerned.
 Over the years, peacekeeping has evolved as the
soul of the United Nations. With that in mind, since
1958 Nepal has regularly placed its peacekeepers at the
call of the United Nations. We are celebrating the
fiftieth anniversary of Nepal’s continuous participation
in United Nations peacekeeping operations. I take this
opportunity to reiterate Nepal’s commitment to

17 08-52272

continuing to provide our troops for the cause of peace
worldwide. Today, Nepal is the fifth largest contributor
of troops and police personnel to United Nations
peacekeeping operations. We are glad that they have
earned accolades for their professional competence and
performance both at home and abroad. We consider
that to be our modest contribution to international
peace and security.
 The enjoyment of universal human rights is
absolutely essential to creating an environment of
peace, justice, democracy and development. As a
democracy, Nepal is fully committed to protecting and
promoting the human rights of its people under all
circumstances, with constitutional and legal guarantees
and implementation of the international human rights
instruments to which Nepal is a party. The Government
is committed to ending the environment of impunity.
The proposed truth and reconciliation commission will
seek to arrive at a necessary balance between peace
and justice in order to ensure that justice is served and
that the centrality of the peace process is preserved. We
will continue to strengthen our National Human Rights
Commission so that it can take up its statutory
responsibility for the protection and promotion of
human rights in the country even more effectively. It
goes without saying that the environment for the
protection and promotion of human rights in Nepal has
significantly improved, especially after the signing of
the comprehensive peace agreement in November
2006.
 As a least developed country that entered the
World Trade Organization (WTO) not too long ago,
Nepal is concerned at the lack of tangible progress in
negotiations on the Doha Development Agenda. We
think that the opportunities in world trade through the
multilateral trading framework of WTO should not be
delayed any further. The least developed countries
deserve genuine duty-free and quota-free market access
for all their tradable products from all the major
countries, together with more favourable rules of origin
and support for enhancing their supply-side capacity.
Only then will the Doha Round be a development
round in the real sense of the word. Without the
meaningful integration of the least developed countries
into the global regime, I do not know how we can
make the global trading regime sustainable, equitable
and inclusive. Similarly, the least developed countries
need more aid for trade and trade facilitation measures
to enhance their trading capacity.
 Today, the United Nations needs to reform and
democratize itself in order to take on the numerous
challenges in international peace and security
effectively, and it should reflect the current realities of
the world. We should also give the necessary
credibility, legitimacy, competence and effectiveness to
the world body in solving global problems.
 I take this opportunity to reiterate Nepal’s solemn
faith and commitment to the purposes and principles of
the Charter of the United Nations. On behalf of the
people and the Government of Nepal, I pledge to work
with all States Members in a spirit of goodwill,
cooperation and mutual solidarity in order to take on
the challenges that face the world. Indeed, we have
adopted that spirit as one of the main tenets of Nepal’s
foreign policy.
 Nepal is an example of how swords can be turned
into ploughshares. That is what the United Nations is
dedicated to. Therefore, as I address this Assembly
today, I have a special feeling about the objectives and
ideals that the United Nations stands for and the
correlation between those ideals and the political,
economic and social transformation that we would like
to achieve in our country. May we all succeed in
attaining our common objectives through our collective
and sincere efforts as united and inseparable members
of a single global family.


As the last
speaker on your list, Mr. President, I think I can
congratulate you on this important debate, and quote
the Latin saying, dulce est in fundo, which you know
very well — sweetness comes at the end.
 As you assume the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-third session, my delegation
wishes you all the best in your endeavours and looks
forward to working with you in order to address the
many challenges facing the global community.
 This general debate is an occasion for those
responsible for the national life of every country to
come together to take the pulse of the world situation.
By its nature and structure, the United Nations
normally creates neither events nor trends, but rather
serves as a sounding board where events and trends are
submitted for debate and a coherent, consensual and
timely response.
 This year has been dominated by a number of
challenges and crises: natural and man-made
calamities, staggering economies, financial turmoil,
rising food and fuel prices, the impact of climate
change, local wars and tensions. We have been called
to this Hall once again to identify the common causes
and denominators underlying those diverse crises and
to craft adequate long-term solutions.
 One of the clear facts, recognized by all, is that
every crisis presents a mixture of natural factors and
elements of human responsibility. However, they are
all too often compounded by the tardy responses,
failures or reluctance of leaders to exercise their
responsibility to protect their populations.
 When speaking within these walls of the
responsibility to protect, the common understanding of
the term is found in the 2005 World Summit Outcome
Document, which refers to the responsibility of the
international community to intervene in situations
where individual Governments are not able or willing
to assure the protection of their own citizens.
 In the past, the language of protection was too
often a pretext for expansion and aggression. In spite
of the many advances in international law, that same
understanding and practice tragically continues today.
However, during the past year, in this same Hall there
has been growing consensus and greater inclusion of
this expression as a vital component of responsible
leadership. The responsibility to protect has been
invoked by some as an essential aspect of the exercise
of sovereignty at the national and international levels,
while others have relaunched the concept of the
exercise of responsible sovereignty.
 For his part, Pope Benedict XVI, in his address to
the General Assembly last April, also recognized that,
from the very ancient philosophical discourses on
governance to the more modern development of the
nation State, the responsibility to protect has served
and must continue to serve as the principle shared by
all nations in governing their populations and
regulating relations between peoples. Those statements
reassert the historical and moral basis for States to
govern. Likewise, they reassert that good governance

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should no longer be measured simply within the
context of a State’s rights or sovereignty, but rather by
its ability to care for those who entrust it with the grave
moral responsibility to lead.
 We the peoples who formed the United Nations
conceived the responsibility to protect as the core basis
for the United Nations. The founding leaders believed
that the responsibility to protect would consist not
primarily of the use of force in order to restore peace
and human rights, but rather in States coming together
to detect and denounce early symptoms of every kind
of crisis, mobilizing Governments, civil society and
public opinion to find the causes and to offer solutions.
The various agencies and bodies of the United Nations
also reaffirm the importance of the responsibility to
protect in their ability to work in close proximity and
solidarity with affected populations and to put
detection, implementation and monitoring mechanisms
into place. It is incumbent not only upon States, but
also upon the United Nations to ensure that the
responsibility to protect serves as the underlying
measure and motivation of all its work.
 While many continue to question and debate the
real causes and medium- and long-term consequences
of the various financial, humanitarian and food crises
around the world, the United Nations and its
membership have the responsibility to provide
direction, coherence and resolution. It is not only the
credibility of the Organization and our global leaders
that is at stake, but rather and more importantly the
ability of the human community to provide food and
security and to protect basic human rights so that all
peoples have the opportunity to live with freedom from
fear and want, thus realizing their inherent dignity.
 One area in which our best intentions require
urgent action is climate change. My delegation
commends Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his
leadership in recognizing the urgency of tackling that
issue, and we commend States and civil society for
making the necessary political and personal sacrifices
to ensure a better future.
 The challenge of climate change and the various
solutions proposed and put into action have led us to
call attention to a preoccupation and inconsistency
existing today in the realm of international and national
law — that all that is technically possible must be
legally licit.
 In adopting ever more stringent norms to protect
the environment and nature, it is often rightly affirmed
that not all environmental activity should be allowed
and sanctioned by law just because it is technically
possible and economically profitable. Indiscriminate
deforestation, the dumping of radioactive waste and
invasive and devastating acts on nature are often more
expedient and technically possible, but because they
provoke our conscience, as well as our responsibility
towards creation, we decide to invoke the principle that
even though it is possible it should not be legally licit.
 However, when passing from the ecological field
to that of humans, we have a tendency to affirm the
opposite principle — that all which is technically
possible should be legally licit and consequently
pursued. Whether regarding the production of arms for
war, biotechnological engineering, the taking of human
life, reproductive technology or the structure of the
family itself, we have the tendency to advocate that all
which is technologically possible should also be legally
licit. That inconsistency calls into question whether we
truly place humans at the centre of decision-making.
 The global community must come together to
reverse that contradiction and engage in a political
discourse that recognizes the centrality of humans in
all aspects of political and technological development.
The same principles that lead us to oppose unchecked
technology and policies that destroy the environment
should also guide us in our prudent use of technologies
and the creation of policies that directly impact the
lives of individuals. Short of that, we will succumb to
an inconsistency that penalizes the individual and
human society and risks paving the way towards the
imposition of laws by the more powerful and the
creation of a new mass of losers.
 As we embark on this session of the General
Assembly, we strive to fashion an Organization that
reflects our highest and best intentions and carefully
places the needs of all people, regardless of their
economic and political standing, at the centre of our
decisions and responsibility.