Mr. President, I should like to begin my statement by congratulating you most sincerely on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session. This Assembly's good judgement in choosing you as its President will undoubtedly be rewarded by success in the tasks stemming from our heavy agenda and, in particular, in reinforcing the aims of the United Nations Charter concerning peace, security and progress for ail peoples. The Federal Republic of Germany, your noble country of origin, is a nation with which the Argentine Republic maintains firm relations of friendship and cooperation. We also congratulate the Federal Republic on the honour conferred upon it by your presidency of this Assembly.
31.	It is equally appropriate to recall the distinguished services rendered by Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, who carried out brilliantly and effectively the tasks of the presidency of the thirty-fourth session and the subsequent special sessions of the General Assembly.
32.	Just as in 1979 the United Nations rejoiced in the admission of Saint Lucia as a new Member of the Organization, on this occasion we wish to reiterate the welcome we gave during the eleventh special session of the General Assembly to Zimbabwe, its Government and its people and to extend to them our best wishes for peace and prosperity.
33.	Similarly, we also wish to express our warmest esteem for Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, the American country which has just been welcomed as a full Member of our Organization, and we are confident that it will make a constructive contribution to the task of consolidating international peace and security.
34.	The threats to international peace and security that existed a year ago have not disappeared; indeed, they have increased.
35.	In January this year, at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly, the Organization had the opportunity to review the situation on the Asian continent. The great majority of countries—among them the Argentine Republic—expressed their opposition to any act implying violation of the political rights of States and, hence, of the Charter of the United Nations, which must be adhered to equally by all Members without exception.
36.	In fact, those situations have been created within an international context which continues to be ruled by the ambitions and tensions prevailing among the superpowers. Their power appears to be used for no other purpose than their own self perpetuation and aggrandizement, at times at the expense of the rights of other States and the opportunities of the rest of the nations which constitute the great majority of the world's population.
37.	The present international political outlook is such that the developing countries appear justified in their efforts zealously to defend their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, protect the authority of this Organization and assert their right to contribute actively to the solution of international problems and participate as equals in initiatives aimed at the economic, social and political advancement of peoples—and I stress "as equals".
38.	As can be seen, the international situation confronting us today differs greatly from that which could have been hoped for until very recently, when we believed that we were advancing firmly on the road to international detente and cooperation.
39.	Therefore it is necessary, for the nations whose vocation is freedom, to reject from the outset any attempt to impose on us a confrontation in which neither the interests nor the wishes of our peoples are at stake.
40.	At the same time, it is essential that all nations, especially the two great Powers, refrain from infringing the principles of non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of States. These basic principles of international relations must not be ignored by any nation or any intergovernmental organization, whatever the motive or pretext.
41.	Only unrestricted adherence to these principles will ensure lasting understanding and real cooperation among States. The ineffective paternalism of those seeking to impose their judgement on the sovereign will of other peoples leads to a rarefied international atmosphere which impairs efforts to bring about peace and development.
42.	We note with great concern the present escalation of tension and warlike activities between Iran and Iraq, which might have serious consequences and endanger peace in the area and even beyond. We therefore associate ourselves with the timely appeal made recently by the Secretary General to the parties concerned and we are confident that they will reach an understanding which will preserve peace in the area. Similarly, we support the appeal made by the President of the Security Council on behalf of the Council members for the cessation of any armed or other action that might ex acerbate the present dangerous situation and for the solution of their dispute by peaceful means.
43.	The competition between the superpowers is most clearly evident in the arms race. In this area there have been alarming signs during the period since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Not only has the process of ratification of the SALT II agreement been suspended but there seems little prospect of an early beginning of negotiations on a future SALT III agreement.
44.	The trend thus indicated is therefore negative and denotes the readiness of those States with the most and the most sophisticated nuclear weapons to continue to exercise a sort of guardianship over the rest of the world by means of nuclear terror.
45.	The reasonable level of legitimate defence of the superpowers was greatly exceeded long ago. Furthermore, they have encroached on the security of all States, without offering any guarantees other than the goodwill of a few or the dubious security offered by complex electronic devices— which are in fact as fallible as their operators.
46.	If the decade that has just started is to be sincerely described as the Disarmament Decade, it will be necessary to respect egalitarian—not discriminatory—and effective foundations that will enable us to progress once and for all towards general and complete disarmament. The priorities established in 1978 in the Final Document of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament clearly indicate the steps to be taken. We cannot allow secondary issues to serve as an excuse to postpone the solution of more important issues on which a consensus has already been reached. In this regard it is clear that there is a fundamental objective above all: the objective of arresting and reversing the nuclear arms race, until it is completely eliminated.
47.	In this connexion, we have already referred to some of the structural characteristics of and situations connected with the present system of international relations that affect the stability of peace and security. It has rightly been said that the absence of war is not enough to enable us to live in peace.
48.	The genuine enjoyment of peace implies that each people is in a position to make its own order, has available the resources to develop its economy, is capable of trading with other nations and providing for the health and education of its population and, lastly, can live a worthy life of work in freedom. Only thus will peace be accompanied by the necessary security which development brings.
49.	These aspirations are frustrated whenever an unjust system of economic relations persists, since its bases the welfare of certain nations not only on their own labour but also on insufficient payment for the efforts of other nations.
50.	Only a few days ago a most serious attempt to reformulate the international economic order was frustrated h j the intransigence of some developing countries. We are all in agreement that the economy of the world is going through a period of grave difficulties. In those circumstances it would seem obvious that there should be no opposition to attempting to overcome the crisis by means of a negotiated solution.
51.	Nevertheless, the proposal of the Group of 77 that a new round of global negotiations be held in 1981, within the framework of the North South dialogue, was not approved by three developed countries, which alleged that the procedural framework proposed during the eleventh special session of the General Assembly was unacceptable. In view of the present state of the dialogue, the Republic of Argentina reiterates before this Assembly its willingness to continue to make all the necessary efforts to enable the international community to reach a genuine consensus on all aspects related to the preparation of a new round of global negotiations.
52.	Argentina, the only developing country that is a signatory to the Food Aid Convention of 1980,  has donated significant quantities of grain to many countries in the developing world, thus contributing within its possibilities to the fulfilment of their food needs and allowing them to concentrate their efforts on other fields of economic development. In a spirit of solidarity, our country has also aided countries in emergency situations by supplying provisions and medicine. Our greatest satisfaction lies in the knowledge that we have been helpful, as evidenced in the expressions of thanks from the Governments of the recipient countries.
53.	However, we do not believe that the elements essential to human life—for example, food and medicine—should be used as means of political or economic pressure.
54.	With regard to humanitarian questions, the rules of the game prevailing in the international order render unacceptable the attempt to take political advantage of such questions. Those who adopt that attitude expose themselves to the censure of international opinion, to the distrust of States and to the squandering of efforts on a sterile objective: the furthering of electoral aims or the provocation of confrontation between peoples.
55.	These attitudes become even more serious when arguments are used in a selective manner and when the strategic risks of the opportunistic accusers are smaller.
56.	The internal political development of each nation, with its achievements and difficulties, is the sole and exclusive responsibility of that nation, and those who seek to teach lessons from abroad are committing an error with consequences that will be increasingly difficult to eliminate.
57.	Similarly, no contribution to peace and security has been made by the violation of rules that from time immemorial have given diplomatic agents immunity in accordance with the delicate functions they must carry out. The interests of the entire international community are affected when these rules are infringed.
58.	The perpetration of criminal attempts against representatives and diplomatic missions—such as those that are, alarmingly, taking place at an increasing rate all over the world—must also be the subject of more decisive action with a view to the total elimination of such attempts.
59.	Latin America is a subject of fundamental interest to us. The Republic of Argentina is a Latin American country, because of its geographical location as well as its culture and vocation. That is why I cannot fail to mention in this context an event that holds promise for our region and, consequently, for international relations in general.
60.	The process of Latin American integration gained renewed momentum with the establishment of the Association for Latin American Integration, composed of 11 countries whose Foreign Ministers or other Ministers signed the Treaty at Montevideo in August of this year establishing the Association. The prospects opened up by this instrument exceed what was regarded as possible by the preceding Latin American Free Trade Association, after 20 years of hard and positive efforts. The economic pluralism of Latin America having been acknowledged, the new Association will make possible, in the long term, access to the much desired objective of the establishment of a Latin American common market. Also, it will enable the signatories to take steps to establish and intensify the links of solidarity with developing countries and integration areas in which they are active, in accordance with the guiding principles and commitments assumed in the context of the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.
61.	We wish also to express our satisfaction with the undeniable substantial progress achieved by the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea during its ninth session, held at Geneva from 28 July to 29 August of this year. It is well known that our Latin American countries have made a great contribution in this important matter. We trust that final agreements will be speedily reached.
62.	We are also satisfied—and with justification—with the stage reached in the relations between Argentina and Brazil, as demonstrated by visits at the highest level of government and the signing of important economic, technological, trade, energy and nuclear agreements.
63.	Our relations with the neighbouring and other countries of Latin America have been extremely good and, as an indication of the closeness of those relations, we point to the outstandingly important work of physical integration with the countries of the River Plate basin and the increase of imports from those countries by nearly 80 per cent in the last four years. That growth is in itself eloquent.
64.	We should like to reiterate Argentina's gratitude to His Holiness Pope John Paul II for the continued and invaluable assistance he has been giving to the Governments of Argentina and Chile in the search for an equitable and honourable solution to the dispute over the southern zone of the American continent, in compliance with the provisions of the Montevideo Agreement of 8 January 1979.
65.	This Assembly will be faced, for the second time during the course of the year, with the question of Palestine, the heart and crux of the crisis in the Middle East. The first opportunity this year was provided last July by the seventh emergency special session, which was convened chiefly on the initiative of the nonaligned countries.
66.	The position of the Argentine delegation at that time— which we now reiterate—consisted in support for the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination to the establishment of its own sovereign State and to freedom to choose its own representatives and its own future.
67.	At the same time, we reject the unilateral and arbitrary measures adopted by Israel in the territories it has occupied since 5 June 1967. Moreover, we believe that the City of Jerusalem must be put under a special regime, recognized by all parties and in conformity with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council.
68.	In appealing once more to the Israelis and the Palestinians to recognize each other's legitimate rights, we express the hope that they will fulfil, in an atmosphere of peace and far from all forms of violence, their responsibilities to a world in which the tensions are becoming extremely dangerous.
69.	We also urge all the parties involved to make major efforts to bring about peace in Lebanon. We fervently hope that that longsuffering nation will preserve its complete sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and that all acts of violence against its inhabitants will cease.
70.	Another area which my country contemplates with alarm is southern Africa. The independence of Zimbabwe, which we noted with satisfaction, was not followed by other positive events in that area.
71.	The international community is still awaiting the end of the illegal occupation of Namibia. That Territory must accede to sovereignty with complete territorial integrity. The present situation must be brought to an end, because its persistence calls into question the implementation of the principles and decisions of the United Nations and, at the same time, constitutes a significant danger to the peace and security of Africa and the entire world. In affirming this, we also welcome in advance the representatives of the United Nations Council for Namibia who will soon visit the Republic of Argentina.
72.	My country wishes to reiterate most categorically its total rejection of apartheid and any other form of racial discrimination. Those systems—which offend the moral conscience of all nations and are contrary to the Christian traditions on which we were brought up—are the root of future suffering and conflicts. We have no guarantee that the violence that they are creating will be localized and will respect the frontiers of the countries involved. There is therefore a double imperative—moral and political—to clearly condemn all forms of apartheid and racial discrimination.
73.	Because of the seriousness of the risks confronting mankind, it is particularly important for the movement of nonaligned countries to continue to play an active part without abandoning its original principles. This presupposes the reaffirmation of the independence and impartiality from which the movement was born and which it must preserve at all costs so that its influence in world affairs may be great enough to meet the exigencies of the times.
74.	Only thus will the movement of nonaligned countries be a reflection of the feeling of international responsibility of a significant number of States, which, over and above their political, economic and social differences, attempt to direct international relations towards full respect for non-intervention through solidarity and cooperation among peoples.
75.	I come to a matter of the greatest importance to us. Year after year Argentina has given repeated proof of moderation and patience with regard to the usurpation by force by the United Kingdom of a part of our national territory, the Malvinas Islands.
76.	This Organization is well aware of the background of this question and has not ceased to urge the Argentine and British Governments to continue negotiations to put an end to the occupation of the islands. Moreover, the heads of State or Government of the nonaligned countries have expressed their unqualified solidarity with Argentina regarding its sovereign right to the Malvinas Islands.
77.	We must also mention the wide international support for Argentina's claim, as well as our willingness to seek an early solution by means of negotiations culminating in the definitive recognition by the United Kingdom of Argentine sovereignty over the aforementioned islands. As is well known, Argentina has made a series of efforts to meet the interests of the nucleus of inhabitants of the islands and has offered them the necessary safeguards and guarantees.
78.	It is precisely at this time, on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV) that we must reaffirm our support for its provisions and redouble our efforts finally to eliminate colonialism from the world. It was by virtue of that resolution that the General Assembly adopted resolution 2065 (XX), on which negotiations on the Malvinas Islands are based.
79.	I hope that at the end of this session we shall be able to say that the efforts of this Assembly have been fruitful, that peace is possible and that we shall continue to work resolutely for its consolidation.


I extend to Mr. von Wechmar the warm felicitations of my delegation on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. His nomination to that high office is a tribute to his personal qualities as an experienced and skilful diplomat. It is also fitting testimony to the dedication of his great country to the ideals of the United Nations, and his opening address amply demonstrated his personal devotion to the fundamental principles and purposes of the Charter. I wish him every success in his challenging assignment and pledge my delegation's full support in his endeavours.
138.	It is a matter of particular satisfaction for me to place on record the sincere appreciation of my delegation for the outstanding work performed by his predecessor, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. His presidency of the General Assembly at its thirty-fourth session, as well as of the three special sessions during the past 12 months, was indeed an eventful one. The patience, skill, sincerity and unfailing courtesy displayed by him will long be remembered in the annals of the General Assembly.
139.	It is a pleasure for me to greet once again our distinguished Secretary-General. We admire the way in which he has been discharging the onerous and delicate responsibilities which the complexities of the international situation impose upon him. His travels and efforts straddling the globe, covering points of crisis and explosive situations, have helped defuse tension in our troubled world.
140.	I already had the opportunity at the eleventh special session to extend my congratulations to the freedom-loving people of Zimbabwe on the achievement of their hard-won independence and their membership in the United Nations. I should like once again to welcome Zimbabwe to our midst and to wish it all success in its exciting and difficult task of nation-building.
141.	It also gives me great pleasure to extend our warm and sincere felicitations to Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, which has now become the one hundred and fifty- fourth Member of the Organization. We rejoice with them in their hour of triumph and joy and trust that their aspirations to a better and brighter future will be amply fulfilled in the years to come. India looks forward to establishing mutually beneficial relations with the new nation.
142.	The Indian delegation participates in this General Assembly in the context of a transformed domestic political perspective. India has had another general election since the General Assembly met last year. The people of India appraised the challenges that they had faced, reassessed the nature and quality of leadership required to meet them and massively reaffirmed their conviction in the leadership of Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi.
143.	The new Government in India is engaged in the difficult and enormous task of national reconstruction and regeneration of a pluralistic multilingual, multi-religious and diverse society, and this by democratic means. Intractable though our problems may seem, our national efforts to resolve them since our independence have borne results to a great extent. This has imbued our people with a sense of confidence and inspired them to the objective that India shall emerge as a strong, self-reliant and modern nation.
144.	It is also an abiding conviction of my Government and my people that India's future stability and development depends on the success of the international community in creating a world order characterized by durable peace. There is a national consensus, therefore, on the content and objectives of India's foreign policy. There is unanimity of opinion in India about the relevance of the principles of non-alignment and the imperative need for friendship towards all nations based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence.
145.	Developments during the past year have not been such as to bring credit to the international community as a whole. The collective behaviour of nation-States in recent months has only deepened the sense of insecurity and distrust in the world. New and ever more ominous strategic doctrines are being propounded, bringing the world closer to the cataclysmic outbreak of an all-out nuclear conflagration. The scientific genius of mankind is being exploited for the perverted purpose of manufacturing means of destruction, perhaps in the search for the "ultimate weapon" which, it is believed, I think quite erroneously, would enable one or the other group of States to impose its will on the others. Increasing recourse is being made to might in a manner which has threatened the national independence and integrity of small and medium States. The principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States has been observed more in breach in a variety of ways, covert and overt. All means are considered legitimate in the pursuit of the objective of expanding spheres of influence. International economic relations continue to be marked by inequity, selfishness and short-sightedness, particularly by those who possess the means to bring about a change and to start the process to usher in a New International Economic Order. The wisdom which was evident last year when certain significant decisions were taken in the sphere of the North- South dialogue seems to have lost some of its momentum this year.
146.	Living as we do in this small and increasingly interdependent world, no one can completely escape responsibility for the current atmosphere of gloom, fear, frustration and diffidence. But the primary responsibility must rest with those who literally possess the power of life and death over all of us and who do not hesitate to wield that power, without caring too much for the consequences of their action. A few powerful nations are claiming and blatantly exercising what they consider their right to cause destabilization in any place and at any time and with any means of their choosing. It is obvious that the weak and poor nations cannot look upon this unenviable lot of theirs with equanimity. They have, therefore, to be eternally vigilant if they are to survive, if they are to preserve and promote the well- being of their peoples and if they are not to become pawns in the game of great-Power manipulation. They have to speak up on behalf of their mute millions, assert that they have no intention of acquiescing in the dangerous activity of big- Power brinkmanship and that they do not wish to face annihilation either by the deliberate design of callous Powers or by accidental errors of mindless machines.
147.	It is in this context that the policy of non-alignment assumes greater validity. Non-alignment is the embodiment of the aspirations of the vast majority of nations and peoples to protect their existence, their freedom, honour and dignity. The non-aligned movement is not directed against one or the other bloc. Over the decades it has come to represent a positive force—a force of life and not of death—in international relations which is now recognized even by those who had at one time ridiculed it. At the same time, the non- aligned movement has had to pass through certain vicissitudes. The general atmosphere of doubt and recrimination seems to have contaminated the movement to some extent. Internal problems within the movement have tended to affect its unity. We have to examine these problems closely and devise ways and means of ensuring the unity and continued effectiveness of the movement. While reserving these tasks for discussion at the forums of the non-aligned movement itself, I shall only express my confidence that, both by positive determination and by sheer necessity, non- alignment shall be restored to its original concept and sweep when it was devised to deal with global issues of detente, disarmament, decolonization and development.
148.	There is an organic relationship between these four issues. Progress in any one of them would help create the proper atmosphere for forward movement in the others. By the same token, setback in one leads to increasing difficulty in the others. The present international situation vividly illustrates their interrelationship. The collapse of detente has led to stalemate in disarmament negotiations and absurd increases in defence expenditures which, in turn, have prevented the developed nations from achieving what was expected of them in international economic co-operation and development or, at any rate, tended to provide them with an alibi for falling far short of expectations.
149.	It is a matter of considerable anguish to my delegation that the continent of Asia, which has given the world all its major religions and served as the main cultural pathfinder over several millennia, is at present the scene of most of the conflicts and much of the suffering caused by these conflicts—West Asia, South-West Asia and South-East Asia. The Indian subcontinent, I am happy to say, has been free from conflict for some years now, and it is my earnest hope and the constant endeavour of my Government to see genuinely peaceful and co-operative relations continue to develop in this area.
150.	In West Asia, the threat of a conflagration will continue to persist so long as the Palestinian problem is treated as a refugee problem and as long as the commitment of the United Nations to establish an independent State for the Palestinians in their homeland remains unfulfilled. Far from heeding the call of the United Nations to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories, Israel has unabashedly colonized Arab lands and illegally annexed the Holy City of Jerusalem in total disregard of its sacred heritage. I firmly believe, as I said a few weeks ago during the seventh emergency special session,  that a comprehensive solution to the problem of West Asia entails the following elements: the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national and human rights, including the right to establish an independent State; the total and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from all Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967, including the Holy City of Jerusalem; and the guarantee of the right of all States in the region, including Arab Palestine, to live within secure and recognized borders. A peaceful solution cannot be attained without the full and equal participation of the PLO, the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people, in any negotiations. Experience has shown that attempts at partial solutions without the participation of the PLO have neither succeeded nor contributed to peace in the region.
151.	The people and Government of India are saddened by the recent and continuing conflict between Iran and Iraq, two close neighbours of ours. Our cultural and economic ties with the peoples of the two countries are as old as history itself. Since our independence in 1947 those ties have become even closer and acquired new dimensions.
152.	Iran and Iraq are both developing countries, as in India. We cannot but express regret that the conflict will inevitably lead to retarding the process of economic and social development which is so vital to the needs of the peoples of the two countries. At the same time the conflict weakens the solidarity of the non-aligned and developing countries. We therefore urge Iran and Iraq to settle their differences peacefully, in accordance with the principles and provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
153.	The developments in Afghanistan have been engaging the serious attention of the Government of India. India has historical and traditional ties with the people of Afghanistan. We are deeply concerned and vitally interested in the security, independence, stability and tranquillity of our friendly neighbour. Over the past months the Government of India has been in touch with the countries of the subcontinent, as well as other countries, in order to prevent the aggravation of these dangers and heightening of tension.
154.	We have consistently emphasized the inadmissibility of the use of force in international relations or intervention or interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States. It is also our firm belief that only by upholding the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States can peace and stability be preserved in the area. Observance of those principles would not prejudice the legitimate security interests of any State and, in fact, would go a long way towards safeguarding them. What is required is a dialogue among the parties concerned, without pre-conditions, so that the contours of a political settlement, acceptable to all, can emerge. I am satisfied that such a dialogue is possible, since most of the difficulties are essentially notional and at best technical and non-substantive. If the countries of the region are left in peace to work out their own destiny, without the competitive attention of great Powers, that will permit them to embark on relationships based on mutuality and a developing trust in bilateral negotiations as the best means of settling outstanding problems.
155.	India's relations with Kampuchea go back several centuries. Indeed, the temples of Angkor Wat bear testimony to the close interconnections between the cultures of our two countries. The gentle and peace-loving people of Kampuchea have suffered very greatly through no fault of their own. The world will not forget nor condone the calculated and heinous crimes perpetrated in the recent past by a cruel regime against the innocent and defenceless people of Kampuchea. It is a great irony that, while emphatic references are being made time and again to human rights, the first and foremost right of the Kampuchean people, namely, the right to live, has been glossed over conveniently. Politically motivated callousness seems to have crossed all limits when it is realized that remnants of the very same despotic regime are representing, as it were, their own victims of Kampuchea in this Assembly.
156.	The countries of Indo-China have been subjected to conflict, destabilization and war for far too long and should be allowed now to concentrate on the development of their economies and societies. The Government of India has decided to establish diplomatic relations with the Government headed by President Heng Samrin. This is an expression as much of the overwhelming majority of public- opinion within India as of our general policy of recognizing the reality of the political situation inside Kampuchea.
157.	We value highly our relations with countries of ASEAN and believe that the development of our relations with all our neighbours in South-East Asia will enable us to assist in the solution of the problems that confront them at the present time.
158.	Every objective analyst of the situations in South-West and South-East Asia must be convinced by now that extreme positions have not helped ease tensions in either region; on the other hand, they have only hardened attitudes and prolonged the sufferings of the concerned peoples. India's approach is based on the conviction that the search for a solution in both cases lies in political means and not through military force.
159.	There should be no illusion that India is seeking merely momentary peace. As we have repeatedly stated, we are against the presence of foreign troops or foreign bases in any country. But if we desire to move towards finding a positive solution, what is required is an assiduous and continued effort to devise suitable package solutions which take care of the concerns of all and succeed in eliminating outside intervention and interference. Willingness in this regard on the part of the concerned, howsoever partial, should be taken advantage of for furthering a solution and not being spurned out of hand. If only the efforts of influential countries had been bent in this direction, these problems would, I am sure, have already been well on the way to satisfactory solution. That has been India's approach, and I am glad to say that it has over the months begun to receive at least grudging approval by many. In this connection, I should like to make special mention of the beginning of a dialogue between Viet Nam and Thailand, with the good offices of the Secretary-General. This is the right direction, and I hope it will proceed to ultimate success in that region as well as elsewhere.
160.	The Indian Ocean has become over the past decade and a half the arena of increasing great-Power confrontation. The stresses and strains of their relationships have often been reflected in the corresponding arithmetic of their military presence there. That the littoral and hinterland States have expressed their unified and determined opposition to such military presence and called for its elimination in the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace in resolution 2832 (XXVI) is a fact of history which is often sought to be conveniently ignored.
161.	The current uncertainties in the political and security climate in the Indian Ocean as well as its environs, as evidenced by the frantic efforts to develop the Diego Garcia base, further underline the urgency of addressing ourselves to this central preoccupation. Both in the recently enlarged Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, where we have welcomed the participation of the great Powers and major maritime users, and at the Conference on the Indian Ocean, to be convened during 1981 in Sri Lanka, India will clearly identify the key concern of the littoral and hinterland States in securing the effective implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. We are firmly committed to the convening of the Conference in 1981 in Sri Lanka and expect that the decision of the present session of the Assembly will contribute to that goal.
162.	On 1 October 1980 the President of Pakistan in his statement before the General Assembly [18th meeting] referred to the State of Jammu and Kashmir, which is an integral part of India. That reference, attacking as it does the territorial integrity of India, was unfortunate. Three times in 24 years Pakistan attempted to detach the State of Jammu and Kashmir from India by the use of force. It received a befitting response on each of the three occasions. In 1972, India and Pakistan signed the Simla Agreement, which provides for the settlement of all issues between the two countries through bilateral negotiations. But since 1977 Pakistan has repeatedly raised the issue of Jammu and Kashmir at the United Nations and other international forums. References are made to relevant United Nations resolutions on the subject, quite forgetting the fact that those resolutions have become irrelevant because of the action of Pakistan itself. In the face of such references, I am constrained to wonder whether Pakistan's adherence to the Simla Agreement has undergone a change. There is a clear contradiction between the expressed desire of Pakistan to normalize relations with India in accordance with the Simla Agreement and its pronouncements in various forums which attempt to set the clock back. India's stand, on the other hand, has remained constant, and we continue to be prepared to settle all matters with Pakistan through bilateral channels.
163.	There is an old Indian metaphor likening the world to a frog resting in the shadow of a cobra's hood. Such is the plight of peace in our age. The question of the relationship between ethics and power in international politics has long engaged the attention of both the philosopher and the practitioner of foreign policy in the nation State. Our principal concern in this nuclear age is, however, that the leadership of the most powerful nations of the world should consider not only the political appositeness of their foreign policy prescriptions but their consequences for the very survival of the world. We run the risk today of being carried on the wings of a collective paranoia. The situation calls for restraint and responsible behaviour so as to bring the world away from the edge of a nuclear catastrophe.
164.	Yet, judging by the current climate of international relations, the shadows of such a catastrophe have become darker. Not only have the expectations of the first Disarmament Decade, and especially those of the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, been belied, but there has been a staggering, almost quantum leap in world military expenditure, which today totals nearly $US 500 billion. Familiar arguments of "deterrence" and doctrines of "balance of terror" are adduced to justify the continued escalation in the build-up of nuclear weaponry. New doctrines of limited nuclear war are being postulated which, by making nuclear war credible, increase the risk of such a war and even give it a semblance of respectability.
165.	All too often we are reminded of the dangers of an accidental nuclear holocaust being triggered off by human or technological error or by computer malfunction. The very existence of such weapons makes the possibility of system failures resulting in outright catastrophe frighteningly real. Over the years India has consistently argued that the only effective guarantee against the use, threat of use or accidental use of nuclear weapons is the total elimination of such weapons. Their use has been declared a crime against humanity and contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. Pending, however, the total elimination of nuclear weapons, all States possessing nuclear weapons should give a binding commitment not to use them under any circumstances.
166.	India is firmly of the view that, like the Geneva Protocol of 1925, which completely forbids the use of biological and chemical weapons, a convention on the total prohibition of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons would be a most desirable objective which should be pursued energetically by the international community.
167.	We understand that the United States and the USSR are scheduled to resume shortly their dialogue on some aspects of the question of curbing the arms race. This is a welcome development.
168.	We have noted the proposals put forward by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union on urgent measures for reducing the danger of war. My delegation will give those proposals its most serious consideration.
169.	It is pertinent to recall that it was India which first brought the problem of the proliferation of nuclear weapons to the attention of the United Nations in 1964 by inscribing in the agenda an item entitled "Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons". Our approach was based on the premise that both horizontal and vertical proliferation were integral parts of a problem which had to be dealt with as a whole. This concept was endorsed by the General Assembly in resolution 2028 (XX), which declared, inter alia, that any treaty "should embody an acceptable balance of mutual responsibilities and obligations of the nuclear and non-nuclear Powers".
170.	Unfortunately, this concept was deliberately altered in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, concluded in 1968. If the Treaty has become an unworkable document, it is only because it has adopted the narrow and illogical approach of addressing itself only to the question of horizontal proliferation. The conclusion of cartel-type arrangements, the attempts to impose full-scope safeguards and discriminatory constraints on the peaceful nuclear activities of non-nuclear-weapon States are all aimed at perpetuating a kind of nuclear feudalism which is unrealistic, illogical and unacceptable.
171.	India is opposed to nuclear weapons. On the other hand, the Government of India is firmly committed to the peaceful utilization of nuclear energy. We would oppose any moves or measures which are discriminatory in nature and which come in the way of our programmes to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. The question of non- proliferation of nuclear weapons should not be confused with the right of all States to develop, acquire and use nuclear energy and to determine their peaceful nuclear programmes in accordance with their national priorities, needs and interests.
172.	As we prepare to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the United Nations can legitimately be proud of its record of achievements in the field of decolonization. Except for a few pockets where colonialism and racism are desperately fighting the forces of nationalism, the world today is free from colonial domination and exploitation. While the independence of Zimbabwe and Vanuatu was first and foremost the result of the freedom struggle of their peoples, the contribution made by the United Nations has been significant.
173.	We were hopeful that the independence of neighbouring Zimbabwe would set an example for a peaceful settlement of the question of Namibia. The United Nations plan for Namibia contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) had established a framework for the early independence of Namibia. Its acceptance by the parties concerned had marked a step in the right direction. But the racist South African regime has continued its dilatory tactics by raising extraneous issues and by questioning the very impartiality of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. We should certainly support every effort for a peaceful settlement of the question of Namibia which would be to the satisfaction of the people of Namibia. However, we regret to note that even the most recent communication, dated 22 September 1980, received by the Secretary-General from the South African Government does not indicate that South Africa has any intention to implement the United Nations plan. The only means left to the United Nations in the present situation is for the Security Council to impose mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, so as to compel South Africa to abide by the wish of the international community. Meanwhile the Member States should continue to provide moral and material support to SWAPO, the sole and authentic representative of the people of Namibia, in its struggle for national liberation.
174.	Permit me to refer briefly to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which concluded its ninth session at Geneva recently. The Conference has been in session since 1973 and before that the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction had reviewed the law of the sea and done preparatory work for about six years. During that long period, understanding was reached on a number of significant issues, including a 12-mile territorial sea, a 200-mile exclusive economic zone, limits of the continental shelf, a regime for marine environment and marine scientific research, and a regime and international machinery for the exploration and exploitation of the international sea-bed area and its resources, which have been recognized and acknowledged by all States as the common heritage of mankind.
175.	We note with satisfaction that the Conference was able at its last session to make progress on some more critical questions and we hope it will successfully conclude its work of finalizing a comprehensive convention on the law of the sea in the near future.
176.	The year 1980 marked the mid-point of the United Nations Decade for Women. Considerable progress has been made during the first half of the Decade in focusing the attention of Governments and peoples on the need for improving the status of women. Women in India have traditionally enjoyed pride of place in our society. Long before the International Women's Year and the Decade for Women, the Indian people had enacted into law equality of women in all respects. That was no accident, for it flows from the best traditions of our history and culture, and in particular of our struggle for independence, when men and women together accepted sacrifices and rejoiced in the dawn of freedom, I hope that the Programme of Action adopted at Copenhagen" will provide the guidance and framework for action-oriented programmes to work towards the implementation of the objectives of the Decade through the United Nations and other international forums.
177.	The year 1981 will be the International Year of Disabled Persons. There is a vast segment of mankind, estimated to be around 400 million, which, being handicapped in one way or another, is unable to live with the dignity which is the right of all human beings. The bulk of those unfortunate beings is in the developing countries. We in India intend to reinforce our efforts in the rehabilitation of the disabled and, more important, in the prevention of disability. We have already taken several steps, including the establishment of a National Committee, in preparation for the International Year of Disabled Persons.
178.	We have just emerged from the frustrating processes of the eleventh special session and the agonizing memory of its disappointing ending is still fresh in our minds. However constructively one may try to look at the outcome of the special session, one is unable to escape the conclusion that the failure was not so much because of the complexity of the task but because of the absence of political will and the incomprehensible stubbornness of a few—to be precise, just three States Members of this Organization. In their incessant quest for an orderly and co-operative approach towards a new international economic order, the developing countries were persuaded to accept a compromise text on procedures for the global negotiations. That was the irreducible minimum for securing a process that would have provided hope of finding solutions to the critical problems facing the world economy as a whole and the economies of the developing countries in particular. A vast majority of the affluent nations, whose fortunes are interlinked with the destiny of the developing world, also accepted the procedures worked out through extremely difficult negotiations during the special session. Not all of them could have found those procedures entirely satisfactory, but they responded to the imperative of interdependence and to the obligations implicit in it. And yet, in the final analysis, all those endeavours ended in total collapse and the international community was at the end left chasing the wisp of international co-operation and interdependence. It would be less than candid on my part not to affirm that those who prevented a consensus being reached must bear the entire responsibility for the failure of the special session.
179.	It would be appropriate to ask why the concept of interdependence does not seem to have received acceptance in practice, particularly in all developed countries. There is a view that the fact of interdependence either is not quite apparent or is not urgent enough to be taken into account in formulating current economic policies and decisions of developed countries. The dialogue as well as the argument based on interdependence, therefore, takes on a rather academic and unreal character and does not seem to carry conviction with the people of developed countries. That is the distinct impression one gets from their media, whatever the pronouncements of their political leadership. It is time that this hiatus in understanding was seriously taken note of.
180.	Of course the position is not the same in all developed countries or on all occasions in the same country. It would therefore not be correct to lump all developed countries together in that respect. There are distinct variations in the perceptions of the Governments and peoples of those countries and it would be both relevant and prudent to analyse them closely. The extent of the genuine realization of interdependence on the part of the Governments and peoples of the developed countries is the real measure of success which the North-South dialogue will achieve.
181.	Until three days back India was the Chairman of the Group of 77 in New York and, as such, articulated the aspirations of the developing countries. India will continue to endorse the stand taken by the Group of 77 as before and contribute its mite for the success of the global negotiations. The Group of 77 has taken a reasonable and balanced stand. We hope that in due course it will find a favourable response from developed countries, mainly through a process of appraisal of their own long-term interests, which can be achieved only through co-operation with developing countries. That process obviously needs a persuasive and positive effort on the part of all right-thinking and sober elements in both the developed and developing camps. The attitude of charity would be just as unreal and fallacious as the approach of obligatory expiation would be impracticable and counterproductive.
182.	The nature of the phenomenon that we witnessed at the eleventh special session is disturbing and its consequences ominous for the future of economic co-operation among nations. My delegation is concerned to hear arguments of domestic pressure inherent in a democratic set-up preventing adherence to or fulfilment of international covenants and agreements. Whether it is the law of the sea, where difficult negotiations over long years are promising to come to fruition soon, or multilateral trade negotiations on which agreement was reached last year at Tokyo, or other internationally binding agreements, their sanctity is being breached in the name of national compulsions and with increasing impunity. Is it very difficult, I ask the members of this Assembly, to infer from all this that a wilful departure is being made by those countries from the concept of inter-dependence and from the process of international co-operation?
183.	Thirty-three years ago, when we achieved our political independence, we deliberately chose the democratic path of government. Democracy to us became a way of life, permeating the intricate political process as well as the methodology of development. Like most other nations, we too faced the conflict between national sovereignty and international obligations implicit in our existence as a member of the world community. To the best of our ability and belief, we have never turned away from our international obligations, nor can we be accused of violating the sanctity of international agreements freely entered into by my country. Such a course often involved domestic sacrifices, but our democratic structure gave us sustenance and strength in remaining true to our international or multilateral obligations. It would be particularly unfortunate if the leadership of a democratic country were to plead helplessness in fulfilling valid international obligations on the ground of opposition in its legislature. This helplessness would, in fact, detract from the credibility of the democratic system itself in international relations. So those who are having recourse to this argument, for whatever reason or short-term exigency, are in reality undermining the validity of their own cherished system. My earnest appeal would be that this tendency be eschewed.
184.	So far as India is concerned, we are determined to continue our efforts to bring about an early resumption of the North-South dialogue. For our part, we would expect the few developed countries which have still not fully accepted the logic of global negotiations to join in the process that would make the resumption of the North-South dialogue possible. It is also my expectation that we should be able to see this movement in the course of the current session of the General Assembly so that the preparatory work for the launching of the global negotiations could be completed before the end of this year.
185.	The eleventh special session of the General Assembly did manage to reach a consensus on the text of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, embodying the goals and objectives of an integrated process of economic and social development during the 1980s and the policy measures required to achieve those goals and objectives. It remains to be seen to what extent the commitments undertaken in the Strategy when it is adopted during this session, will represent unambiguous and unanimous agreements. This is true particularly in regard to official development assistance, industrial redeployment, international trade and monetary issues. Having said this, I would like to underline our satisfaction at the consensus that exists in regard to measures to meet the critical situation in the least developed countries.
186.	At this session the General Assembly is expected to consider and take appropriate action in regard to the suggestions made by the Secretary-General last July for overcoming the critical economic situation of many developing countries. We await the elaboration by the Secretary- General of his suggestions and trust that it will be possible for him to go into all relevant details, such as the feasibility of raising the amount required for additional assistance and operational arrangements for its disbursement among low- income countries most seriously affected by the current economic crisis.
187.	I should also like to refer to the policy measures for the most seriously affected countries that have been agreed to in the context of the International Development Strategy. The General Assembly resolution on the subject last year called upon the Secretary-General to submit an analytical report at the special session in 1980 and called upon all donor countries to consider in the meantime extending relief and assistance to the most seriously affected countries. While the special session was unable to consider the report of the Secretary-General in detail, the International Development Strategy does refer to agreed measures that will need to be urgently considered by the international community and this Assembly.
188.	Many years ago Jawaharlal Nehru, reflecting on the dilemma of his time over the futile attempts at disarmament, wrote:
"The real difficulty ... has been that there are two classes of countries—the satisfied Powers and the unsatisfied Powers, the dominant Powers and those that are suppressed, the Powers that want the present state of affairs to continue and those that want a change. Between the two there can be no stable equilibrium, just as there can be no real stability between a dominant class and a suppressed class .... Nothing proves the unreality and mockery of international politics today so much as the failure of all attempts at disarmament. Everybody talks of peace, and yet prepares for war."
189.	These words, written more than 40 years ago, have a ring of tragic prophecy. They are symptomatic not only of disarmament negotiations but of the entire gamut of international relations today. Sometimes, looking at great stretches of history, it is difficult to believe that the ideal of co-operation and working together for the common good has made much progress. And yet, if we are to avert a catastrophe, we should resolutely continue on the path of dialogue and co-operation and turn away from sterile polemics and confrontation. All of us perhaps perceive the danger and recognize the challenge, but the will to act has so far been sadly lacking. Let us, therefore, so readjust our sights and conduct our affairs that future generations may not condemn our times as yet another barren stretch in the history of man.


The delegation of Madagascar is happy to join those which have addressed their congratulations and praise to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, for we are convinced that the choice judiciously made by the Assembly in entrusting the presidency to him was motivated, inter alia, by recognition of the signal contribution he has made to this Organization as well as by the role played by his country and his continent in international cooperation.
189.	To his predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, we are ever happy and proud to repeat our thanks for the masterful way in which he presided, during the past year, over the successive sessions of the Assembly, always displaying the affability and effectiveness for which he is known.
190.	The Democratic Republic of Madagascar warmly welcomes the admission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, another island country, to our Organization. Since in many respects the problems facing us are similar, we assure the delegation of this new Member State of our complete fraternal cooperation.
191.	Finally, it is appropriate that we express to the Secretary General the great appreciation of the revolutionary authorities of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar of the campaign he is carrying out in various international bodies for peace, the elimination of hotbeds of tensions and the peaceful solution of the problems facing us.
192.	Twenty years have passed since the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which, in the context of the promotion of world peace and cooperation, embodies the principle of the liberation of peoples who are henceforth to be the sole masters of their destinies.
193.	We had hoped that this irreversible process would be manifested in the rapid and unconditional elimination of all manifestations of foreign subjugation, domination and exploitation, but in the enthusiasm of the moment we had not taken account of the deviousness of the colonial Powers, the appearance of new forms of colonialism and the insidious resurgence of practices which have enabled certain Powers to twist the provisions of the Declaration in order to justify the continuance of an illegal occupation and the denial of the rights of peoples.
194.	Thus it is not surprising if, in spite of the positive results achieved, we tend to feel a certain disenchantment, not because the Organization has failed in its mission but because international ethics seem to be able too easily to accommodate themselves to faits accomplis and to failure to honour prior commitments.
195.	Thus, in Namibia, we are still waiting for the just aspirations of more than 1 million Africans to be realized and for an end to the colonial presence of South Africa. The situation has been complicated by the request that SWAPO, the legitimate representative of an oppressed people, make the same concessions as South Africa, despite the fact that the latter abuses its aggressive military power and shelters behind its alleged position as the holder of a mandate— which is now obsolete—to set up an institutional framework favourable to the maintenance, in the Territory and the region, of its political and economic dominance, as well as that of its Western allies.
196.	So we have every right to ask who gains by these dilatory tactics. Certainly it is not the Namibians! The elements of a political solution are well known, and because of those Powers who have shirked their responsibility of imposing them on South Africa, we must anticipate an intensification of the war in Namibia. The accession of Zimbabwe to independence shows that the time for coexistence has come; but we have yet to put the Namibians in a position to accept the form and substance of that coexistence.
197.	A similar situation obtains in Western Sahara. The economic and other interests of the Western Powers in northwest Africa should have led them to exercise pressure on Morocco bilaterally or multilaterally in order to lead it to the negotiating table and to peace, and so that the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic may take its rightful place at both the regional and the international level.
198.	This pressure, together with the conciliation efforts of the OAU, might have made Morocco abandon its intransigence and its claims—which have been rejected by the Sahraoui people itself—and begin a process inspired by respect for the rights of peoples and the safeguarding of peace. Is it not significant that the OAU, faithful to the spirit of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, has many times advocated a ceasefire and the holding of a referendum, with which the United Nations could be associated?
199.	As an international community, must we continue to accept the manoeuvres of a country that has replaced by force the former colonial Power and, because of our passive attitude, delay the application of a solution consonant with the interests of the Sahraoui people and, in the final analysis, of the peoples of the region? Here, as in Namibia, any imposed solution based on false premises is doomed to failure, because it is for the Sahraoui people to decide in complete independence, and without any pressure, the nature of its relations on the sub regional level.
200.	The adoption of the Declaration contained in resolution 1514 (XV) also marked a new approach to the concept of human rights and the rights of peoples, and it is normal that we should base ourselves on this when we deal with the question of apartheid, in a perspective which emphasizes the necessary political liberation of African man, determined to decide his own economic and moral destiny.
201.	It is pointless, we think, to deny the fact that apartheid has always been one of the devices used by colonial domination to justify or maintain a system of morals that we have denounced for its exclusivity. It is also pointless to try to consider apartheid as an epiphenomenon that can be reabsorbed by reformist measures. The serious incidents which have taken place in South Africa in recent months, the worsening tension and the persistence of demands by the majority and the exploited minorities show quite clearly that the race struggle is over and that we are now seeing the growing awareness of an entire people that has risen up against imperialist domination and capitalist exploitation and that is bound together by decades of oppression and discrimination.
202.	The solution no longer merely includes the granting of civil, political, cultural, economic and social rights to the non-white South Africans, but calls for the advent of a genuine majority Government, in which other sectors of the people will be fully represented. It is in this sense that we say that the settlement of the apartheid question is also tied up with the problem of decolonization.
203.	The awakening of peoples, supported by the action of the United Nations and the solidarity of progressive and socialist forces in the world, has contributed to the breakup and the disappearance of colonial empires, while our Organization is gradually moving towards universality in accordance with its vocation.
204.	Can we say, however, that we have succeeded in establishing a new order which guarantees respect for the independence, sovereignty and rights of all peoples? To what extent have we responded to the aspirations of States, in particular the most vulnerable of them, by helping them to solve their problems in a climate of security and peace, sheltered from any interference and external constraint?
205.	Since the 1960s, the international community seems to have entered upon a long phase of transition marked by crises of adaptation which give rise to tension, uncertainty and disarray, and, while the quest for a more stable, more just and more balanced system remains our primary concern, we must nevertheless recognize that the demands for the necessary changes in relations of force are not accepted by the wealthy and the most powerful.
206.	The eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which has just taken place, provided us with an illustration of this phenomenon in the field of international economic relations. We are not unduly concerned by the fact that this opportunity to negotiate did not achieve the results hoped for, or that the normal functioning of our institutions was sacrificed to the search for consensus at any price. What is more disquieting for us is that, by a skilful politicization of procedural questions, certain people managed to side-track the debates in order once again to put back the deadlines and conceal their refusal to undertake precise commitments to solidarity and cooperation in the economic field.
207.	Politically it has become a truism to say that no State can enjoy absolute security. The peace in which we live has already been disturbed in many places and is essentially precarious, and authoritative voices have warned the international community of the dangers that threaten it. But, beyond the warnings, action is indispensable and it is urgent for us to set in motion the means available to us within the framework of the United Nations significantly to improve, if we cannot radically change, the prevailing situation in the military field and in the fields of security and interstate relations.
208.	Naturally, priority, should be given to halting and reversing the arms race, for which the great Powers and the superpowers are largely responsible, but in which an ever-growing number of countries are taking part. This year it will devour considerable resources, of the order of $500 billion.
209.	Together with this unprecedented wastage, and while we see no real progress in nuclear or conventional disarmament, new threats are appearing. We would cite two: first, the elaboration of doctrines which extend on a global level the concept and the system of defence of some countries in the northern hemisphere and make nuclear war plausible and imaginable; secondly, the risk of the collapse of the legal and political barriers to the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
210.	In the face of this state of affairs, we wonder what other consequences will ensue from the suspension of the negotiations on the limitation of strategic arms and the difficulties encountered in applying the Programme of Action, adopted by consensus and contained in the Final Document of the tenth special session.
211.	The problems of disarmament are complicated because in the field of security, which, like peace, is indivisible, the States Members are divided. There are two main groups here: one consists of the nonaligned countries and a few neutral countries, which have put their faith in the United Nations system, in spite of its imperfections and its limitations, for the defence of their security; the other consists of the most powerful countries, which have decided to ensure their own security outside the United Nations by means of military alliances or defence pacts.
212.	In some specific cases, this latter attitude has deteriorated into one of promoting imperialist power policies and has led certain countries to designate unilaterally so-called areas of vital interest, which are subject to the threat of intervention by forces that are specially trained and equipped for the purpose. The outcome of that policy is that some countries of the third world are dragged into the dangerous game of military alliances, to the detriment of their nonalignment.
213.	All these factors are reflected in practice by differences in approach and divergences which have a negative effect on the common initiatives at the level of the world Organization, whether it is a question of settling particular crises, the number and gravity of which never cease to grow, or of defending the integrity of the principles of the Charter, which, it is said, are valid in all places and at all times, but which events have obliged us to make explicit or to reaffirm only too often.
214.	How, in these conditions, can we conceive of progress towards a new world order that would ensure the sovereign equality of States and put an end to all kinds of diktats and interference of any kind? How can we achieve this, if not by once more exhorting all States to observe more scrupulously the purposes and principles of the Charter? The nonaligned countries, individually and collectively, have never failed to show the way here.
215.	This year again, they are considering a draft declaration on the principle of non-intervention and non-interference in international relations. We support that draft, as in the past we supported the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security and the declaration concerning the strengthening of the role of the United Nations.
216.	Among the other initiatives taken by the nonaligned movement, there is one that is of particular interest to us, to the extent that the President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, Mr. Didier Ratsiraka, proposed, on 15 June 1980, on the fifth anniversary of the Malagasy socialist revolution, that it be taken up at a summit conference to be held in Antananarivo towards the end of 1981 or the beginning of 1982. I am talking about the establishment, or rather the reestablishment, of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.
217.	The devotion that we have unswervingly shown for the principles likely to preserve peace and security, our geopolitical position as well as our determination to practice towards our neighbours and our more distant partners and interlocutors a policy of open-mindedness in all directions and our awareness of the importance of the Indian Ocean to international communications, result in a situation in which we cannot resign ourselves to the installation of a zone of confrontation in our region to the detriment of the permanent interests of all the parties concerned.
218.	Another element that would enable us better to appreciate the situation is the imminent conclusion of the Convention on the law of the sea after the recent work of the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Geneva, and we are glad to welcome the positive results achieved. That Convention will open new prospects for the peaceful uses of the oceans for scientific research and the exploration and exploitation of marine resources and the seabed, and it is important that all those activities be placed under an effective security regime. If such a regime is not specifically provided for by the Convention, it could be dealt with regionally within the framework of the establishment of zones of peace.
219.	Finally, everyone is aware, particularly in this crucial period, of the fact that the Indian Ocean is a link between the various hotbeds of tension which quite rightly are of concern to the international community. I am referring to the situation in southern Africa, the Horn of Africa, the Middle East, Southwest Asia and even in Southeast Asia, not forgetting the case of Diego Garcia and of the Malagasy islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Europa and Bassas da India, whose return to the countries to which they belong has been rightly demanded.
220.	The latent or open crises affecting the sub region of the Indian Ocean are potentially explosive and they imply, to varying degrees and according to each case, the transgression of principles which are dear to us, such as respect for the rights of peoples, the prohibition of racial discrimination, respect for the sovereignty of States and their territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, non-interference and non-intervention, and the duty of cooperation among States.
221.	The fact that the above problems remain unsolved prevents implementation of the concept of the zone of peace, particularly since it offers the great Powers a permanent temptation to intervene and to justify their military presence in the Indian Ocean.
222.	Conversely, the establishment of a zone of peace would eliminate the factors of insecurity which prevail in the region and would therefore promote the restoration of peace.
223.	It is in the light of all these considerations that we should like briefly to explain our position on the various crisis situations within the Indian Ocean area before mentioning the problems posed by the military presence of the great Powers in that zone.
224.	I shall not revert to the situation in southern Africa except to denounce the policy of aggression, threats and intimidation of the apartheid regime against neighbouring States in the north, while it strengthens its military apparatus in order to put an end to the growing number of internal disputes. The arms embargo has not affected that regime, which is treated as a de facto ally of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], with which it so ably bargains in exchange for its cooperation and the benefits of its strategic position.
225.	With respect to the Horn of Africa, the Democratic Republic of Madagascar has always sought to understand the position of the parties concerned. It is prepared to continue to offer its mediation, because the relinquishing of apparently irreconcilable positions can be facilitated by negotiation and not by confrontation, as has been shown by the recent conclusion of the Good Offices Committee of the OAU. We are convinced that the recognition of specific regional interests and the determination of the two countries to remain independent, socialist and nonaligned will open prospects that will enable the two peoples to live in harmony and to achieve their aspirations for progress and greater welfare.
226.	Is it surprising that peace and stability in the Middle East have not yet been restored 18 months after the conclusion of the Treaty between Israel and Egypt?  The proof is now quite obvious that there is no viable alternative to the solutions proposed by the United Nations, which would fully recognize the rights of the Palestinian people, in particular those on the establishment of its own independent State. That truth must be recognized notwithstanding Israel's determination, in collusion with the imperialist circles, to hold the Palestinian people in a state of subjugation.
227.	Meanwhile, the situation in that region is getting very much worse, which does not help the Palestinian cause or that of the peoples of the region, while the conflict between Iraq and Iran has assumed proportions which can only be of deep concern to the international community. The consequences of the escalation of those armed activities are too clear for the countries in the region not to be alarmed, and the Democratic Republic of Madagascar joins with those that have appealed to the two parties to consider all the courses of action available to them in settling their dispute in accordance with the principles of the Charter and those of nonalignment.
228.	Still within the context of the area around the Indian Ocean, we should like to repeat our position regarding the so-called Afghanistan affair, which some people wish to impose as a prior condition to any substantive discussion of the establishment of a zone of peace in our region. In passing, I should say that that argument is rather specious and that it could be quite easily used against those who have adduced it, reminding them that in logic there is another acceptable step which goes from the general to the particular.
229.	We are told that a political solution is essential, and we would agree with that view. But then why do they not include in that solution the rights of a revolutionary people, the validity of treaties of alliance, the proposals made by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in its declaration of 15 May 1980, the seventh clause of which quite rightly deals with the military and political activities carried out in the region of the Indian Ocean and the Gulf by States that come from outside the area? Truth cannot be one-sided and we would do better to submit the programme for a political settlement submitted by the Afghan Government to an objective examination rather than to engage in a debate based on unsound premises, which in itself amounts to interference in the internal affairs of a Member State and exposes the Organization to criticism which it cannot easily refute in view of its past silence in other cases of flagrant intervention in other continents.
230.	With respect to the problem of Kampuchea, so long as the nonaligned movement has not expressed its position, our position will be the same as the one we adopted at the last session.
231.	But I would remind members that Kampuchea is a State Member of this Organization, a sovereign and independent State. The people chose a regime which once and for all liberated them from genocide. It hardly behoves us to question that choice and those methods in the name of a so-called democratic morality, or to advocate what amounts to trusteeship of the Kampuchean nation through an international conference, with the mandate of trying to find an overall political settlement. In this respect, what we have said about a search for a solution to the Afghan problem remains valid.
232.	In the Far East, a region remote from ours, it is true, but of interest to us because the tensions and manifestations of imperialist power policies have moved westward and the same causes are producing the same effects, we are witnessing a persistent and abnormal division of the Korean peninsula. And it is partly thinking about what could happen to our countries in case of a confrontation of this kind that we call for fulfilment of the conditions for a lasting peace in Korea and, therefore, in Asia, by promoting that country's independent reunification, putting an end to the interference and intervention by an external Power, eliminating foreign military bases and withdrawing foreign troops.
233.	I cannot close my remarks on this subject without mentioning the Malagasy islands of the Indian Ocean, which will be the subject of a subsequent debate in the Special Political Committee, as decided by this Assembly. At this stage I would confine myself to recalling that those islands are situated in a so-called strategic zone the control of which has a direct impact on Madagascar's military, political and economic security. But what assurances have we from the present administering Power that those islands will not be used for purposes incompatible with the maintenance of national and regional security and, therefore, at variance with the principles and purposes of the creation of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean? This is one of the reasons, among many others, we have evoked in support of our call for retrocession.
234.	What relationship is there then between the various crises of which we have just spoken and the military situation in the Indian Ocean?
235.	In their anxiety to control what they call the "uncontrolled upheavals in the third world", which they regard as threats to their vital interests, and which they are trying to resolve to their advantage, certain great Powers have used these situations to justify stationing or maintaining in the Indian Ocean considerable military forces enabling them, so they say, to confront any eventuality.
236.	Do those forces have broader missions in the context of the military confrontation between the two blocs? Great care is taken not to say so, even if the presence of strategic nuclear arms gives us every reason to believe it. A dangerous situation still exists in the Indian Ocean, which prompted the President of my country to address a message on 22 June 1980 to the United Nations Secretary General in which he stated, inter alia:
"We realize that each State is concerned to protect its own interests, but we cannot accept the idea that this should be at the expense of ours. We recognize that there may be conflicts of interest between certain nations, but we cannot tolerate the creation of a balance of terror in our area as a result of such conflicts. On the pretext of guaranteeing the security of their petroleum supplies, the industrialized countries are currently engaging in a power contest in the Indian Ocean and are posing very serious threats to our security, if not indeed to our very existence, even though we ourselves have provided neither the cause nor the justification for such a formidable deployment of opposing forces. It is evident that all the resolutions adopted by the United Nations, the movement of non-aligned countries and the Organization of African Unity have failed to halt this escalation, for each Power is continuing to increase its presence in the Indian Ocean or is preparing to do so. All these trends are creating an increasingly dangerous situation which makes us fear a conflagration fatal to all the littoral countries, whose voices, interests and protests have been systematically ignored."
237.	The peoples of the region are uneasy at seeing the perpetuation of a situation which cannot be ignored without the risk of its deteriorating, and the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace is the best way of averting that possibility. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar is gratified at the fact that in the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean all nuclear Powers, the main maritime users and the States of the region were able to study together ways and means of harmonizing their views.
238.	We are encouraged by the fact that during preliminary discussions no delegation tried to question the basic political consideration underlying the concept of a zone of peace.
239.	My country has no doubt, therefore, that there is an area of agreement among all the interested parties and that it is possible to explore and to extend that area, as long as the great Powers concerned abide by the principle of the sovereign equality of States and agree to negotiate without selectivity all of the principles for a zone of peace.
240.	In that regard, the President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, in the same message I have just quoted in part, stressed that:
"... from the outset... we will forfeit all effectiveness in advance if we do not focus the discussions on the following basic points:
"1. The guaranteed freedom and security of merchant shipping, and particularly tankers, in this part of the world.
"2. The progressive and controlled reduction of the forces and armaments deployed in the Indian Ocean.
"3. The dismantling of all foreign military bases established on the territory or in the territorial waters of the littoral countries.
"4. The implementation of all measures or procedures which would facilitate the establishment of a genuine, totally demilitarized and, above all, denuclearised zone of peace in the Indian Ocean."16
241.	It is appropriate here that we should renew our support for the Conference on the Indian Ocean, to be convened under the auspices of the United Nations at Colombo in 1981. That Conference will be entrusted with achieving the necessary consensus on the various implications of resolution 2832 (XXVI) and facilitating its implementation.
242.	The success of that Conference, for which my delegation will spare no effort, will certainly prompt the parties concerned, during the Antananarivo summit, convened at the initiative of my President, to expand already agreed principles and to define the nature of the commitments that will govern their mutual relations.
243.	If some snag should unfortunately prevent the emergence of a consensus at the Colombo talks, the difficulties that arise on that occasion and the work already accomplished under United Nations auspices would help the participants in the Antananarivo summit to spell out the necessary conditions for the drafting of an international convention applicable to all parties concerned and to be implemented by them.
244.	Whatever the case, the two conferences at Colombo and Antananarivo are not mutually exclusive and one would sincerely hope that their work will be complementary. In this respect, I should like to impart to the General Assembly the contents of the message which my President has sent today to the Secretary General concerning both the situation in the Indian Ocean and the Iran Iraq conflict. It says in part:
"Without pretending to have foretold the future, we must observe that the prevailing situation of overt militarization and the frenzied construction of military bases in the zone and the armed conflict between Iraq and Iran unfortunately confirm our analysis and our fears. More than ever before this situation justifies the convening of the Sri Lanka conference on the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace and the urgent necessity of holding the Antananarivo summit conference."
245.	We have just expressed to this Assembly our concerns relating to the maintenance and the strengthening of peace in our region and the analysis of this situation which we have made leads us to affirm that the establishment of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean under a contractual legal regime is an essential element of global peace that would also be based on the interdependence of different forms of security, be they military, political or economic.
246.	This naturally leads us to support the idea that recourse to a system of collective security, which would be original and without military alliances, is the sole means of preserving the rights of the medium and small Powers in the face of the more complex demands of the great Powers. It would have been easy for us simply to rely on the Security Council, as was done at the time of the conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. But the considerable changes in the strategic and economic world environments, aggravated by the functional shortcomings of the Security Council, have led us to consider other means of assuring our security.
247.	It would be tempting to give to the term "collective security" a new definition, which we shall not do at this stage; but it is a fact that the step which we envisage for the Indian Ocean, like that which the Latin American countries advocated for the elaboration and the conclusion of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America rests upon the concerted affirmation of a group of directly or indirectly concerned nations of their willingness to harmonize the promotion and the defence of their interests in the name of a peace based on an equal and guaranteed security, as well as on respect for international law and practice.
248.	We do not reject the principles of the Charter; but as far as we are concerned, in the case of the Indian Ocean and in other cases, the cooperation which recognizes the responsibilities and interests of all parties is fundamental if we wish to eliminate all risks of confrontation and conflagration. It goes without saying that the mutual acceptance of respective interests permits of no grading of such interests, but presupposes on the contrary their integration in the search for the common good which some among us call the new international order.
249.	That search, supported by a number of political, diplomatic and parliamentary moves is concerned, however paradoxical this may seem, with the maintenance of peace as we, Members of this Organization, understand it; for this puts to the test our capacity and our willingness to have recourse to our collective responsibility without paralysing effects, to ensure the advent of an era of lasting peace, justice and social progress.