I recently had occasion to express to the President of the General Assembly, Ambassador Amerasinghe, who was elected to the high office of President of this General Assembly, our sincerest congratulations. Today, on behalf of the Lebanese delegation, I wish to renew those congratulations along with our best wishes for his success.
53.	In this general debate, many statements have been made about various aspects of international relation and problems. At present, my delegation is not in a position to make any worth-while contribution to the discussion of the items on this year's agenda. It is not that these items have become unimportant or irrelevant to us, but that our priority is, most understandably, the murderous and ravaging war that Lafflicted Lebanon and its people for the last 18 months o we expected to stand here and express our views on disarmament, when the unscrupulous flow of arms to Lebanon during the last few years has spread death and destruction in a hitherto peaceful and prospering country? Or to stand and speak of the strengthening of international security, when the peace and security of Lebanon have been shattered and this Organization is theorizing on how best to preserve peace and security in the world? Or should we discuss the question of how to enhance the role of the United Nations, when the scourge of war which it is supposed to prevent, according to the first consideration of the Charter, is decimating our people and turning a prosperous land into a shambles?
54.	Should we deal with the principles of non-intervention in the internal affairs of States and of safeguarding their independence and sovereignty at a time when our sovereignty has been torn to shreds and intervention in our affairs has become so flagrant? Are we to discourse on the responsibility of the United Nations to protect the small and the weak among its Members at a time when the faith of international public opinion in the United Nations ability to perform this primary duty has been shaken? Or are we expected to discuss the new international economic order and social development when the thriving economic life of Lebanon has come to a standstill?
55.	How stark is the contrast between what we discuss here at the United Nations and the harsh realities that our people are enduring in Lebanon. I say this neither in a spirit of rancor towards, or disappointment with, the United Nations nor in an attempt to undermine its prestige. For one reason, we know that its capabilities are limited and, thus, so are our expectations of it. For another, we, as a founding Member State, so loyal to the United Nations and so consistent in the service and propagation of its ideals, cannot be a party, even in the darkest hours of our modern history, to the downgrading or castigating of an Organization that we want to be stronger, more efficient and more spontaneous in its response to the need to protect the security of its Members. I say this only to impress on the minds of delegations here that Lebanon's tragedy should be a warning-and indeed a stern one-that the security, nay the survival, of Member States cannot be viewed with lethargy and indifference. Furthermore, we believe that small States should draw the proper conclusion and realize that they must be ever more vigilant and effective in protecting their higher interests and national rights. They must principally rely on their national means to safeguard their independence and sovereignty. Alas, regional and international organizations have not yet reached the stage where they can provide these States with an adequate shield for their protection.
56.	However, the general debate has revealed to us the growing interest of friendly nations in the fate of our country and people, and we are deeply moved and appreciative of their outpouring of expressions of sympathy. We note with satisfaction their call for the restoration of stability and peace in Lebanon and for the preservation of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as of the unity of its people. President Elias Sarkis extends his appreciation for the references made to Lebanon and for the assurances given by some delegations that their Governments stand ready to assist him in his difficult task.
57.	Similar calls and assurances have been made by our esteemed Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, on several occasions. We extend to him Lebanon's appreciation for the constant concern he has shown for the Lebanese people through their long and tragic ordeal. His many appeals and initiative? to end the bloodshed and destruction have been a testimony to his courage, statesmanship and deep interest in the welfare of a Member State. To him and through him we express the gratitude of the Lebanese people for the varied humanitarian assistance granted to them by many agencies in the United Nations family and for the initiative for the establishment of a special fund of $50 million for Lebanon under the leadership of the able Under-Secretary- General, Mr. Buffum. It is our hope that when peace reigns again in Lebanon, which we hope will be soon, it will be possible for the fund to operate speedily and efficiently in meeting the growing needs of the country, which will require a new assessment in the light of more recent developments.
58.	Lebanon has been in the throes of unprecedented, cruel and tragic events for over 18 months. The world has been baffled by the intensity of the fighting, the passions it has aroused, the large number of casualties and the extent of the destruction. Much has been said and written about the original causes of the fighting and about the obstacles which have prevented a satisfactory settlement until now. In the maze of analyses and theories, a good deal of emphasis was wrongly placed on the internal character of the conflict, particularly in the first phase of events.
59.	Lebanon is no different from other countries and naturally has its own political, economic and social problems. While this is not the forum to discuss our internal problems, we should like to stress from the outset that never were our internal problems of such magnitude as to generate so much violence, bloodshed and destruction. In themselves, these problems could have been resolved in the traditional spirit of conciliation, compromise and national concord which has always characterized the relationships between the various communities and parties in Lebanon. Mr. Kamel al-Assad, Speaker of the Lebanese Parliament, recently stated: "If there should be an inter-Lebanese conflict, it can only be solved through constitutionally established institutions. ' Lebanon has been a classic example of how various religious communities can live and prosper together in peace, harmony and freedom and within the framework of a democratic and progressive system of government. The vast majority of Lebanese realize that violence is not a means of improving or restructuring institutions, for it only begets destruction. The only sane and rational way is through dialog and consensus and according to the organic laws of the country.
60.	What, then, are the origins of the tragic and complex events that have disrupted Lebanese society for so many months? We believe that they are to be found in the web of Middle Eastern contradictions and complexities-that is, the establishment of Israel, the displacement of 'the Palestinians, the Arab-Israeli wars, the failures of the United Nations to implement its resolutions regarding the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied Arab lands and the recognition and restoration of Palestinian rights, the Arab rivalries and the assaults perpetrated by Palestinians against the sovereignty of Lebanon and the security of its people. The unsettled conditions that resulted from these factors have maintained a state of tension and turbulence in the area, which was bound to affect directly a small country like Lebanon, lying at the cross-roads of Middle Eastern political currents and subject to their pressures.
61.	This state of affairs was indeed accentuated by the presence of about 400,000 Palestinians in Lebanon, among whom the Palestine revolution had established deep roots. For years, friction between the Lebanese authorities and people, on the one hand, and the Palestinians, on the other, has intensified and resulted in a. steady deterioration of their relationship. That was: caused by constant Palestinian intervention in the internal affairs of Lebanon and intolerable encroachment on its sovereignty. By their very activities, Palestinian irregular and revolutionary forces aroused the apprehensions of the Lebanese population. In 1969 President Charles Helou called attention to the risks that might occur from the disrespect of Lebanese sovereignty by various Palestinian factions. Nevertheless, the situation continued to deteriorate and the fighting which erupted was finally contained when the crisis was resolved by the Cairo agreement. That agreement regulated the activities of the Palestinians in Lebanon.
62.	Further conflicts occurred in May and June 1973 between the Lebanese authorities and the Palestinians, resulting in yet another agreement. At that time, President Suleiman Franjieh, while reiterating his support for the Palestinian cause, denounced the illegal occupation of parts of Lebanese territory by Palestinian elements, as well as the contradiction, in a country as small as Lebanon, between the logic of the Palestinian revolution and the logic of the State which wants to preserve its sovereignty.
63.	But the Palestinians did not respect the accords that were concluded. And it pains me very much that I, after so many years' service to the Palestinian cause,and to the rights of the Palestinians, should stand at this rostrum to bring these hard facts to the attention of the international community. The Palestinians acted as if they were a "State" or "States" within the State of Lebanon and flagrantly defied the laws of the land and abused the hospitality of its people.
64.	Furthermore, after the events in Jordan of September 1970, the Palestinians introduced several units of their forces into Lebanon and transferred various commands of the resistance movement to Lebanon-without the approval of the Lebanese authorities and, sometimes, despite them. For years, they steadily increased the influx of arms into Lebanon arms of all calibers and from various sources. They transformed most -if not all- of the refugee camps into military bastions around our major cities, in the heart of our commercial and industrial centers, and in the vicinity of large civilian conglomerations. That was done even in remote areas having no connexion with the Palestinians' struggle to regain their rights and their homeland.
65.	Moreover, common-law criminals fleeing from Lebanese justice found shelter and protection in the camps, where the arm of Lebanese law could not reach them. Those camps in fact became centers for the training of mercenaries who were sent and financed by some other Arab States tinder the pretext of assisting the Palestinian resistance movement, but who, at their first call, found themselves fighting against the Lebanese authorities and people. Palestinian elements belonging to various splinter organizations resorted to kidnapping Lebanese and sometimes foreigners-holding them prisoners, questioning them, torturing them and even sometimes killing them. Those elements took the liberty of erecting check-points on our major highways and cross-roads, stopping traffic, checking the identity cards of passengers and hampering the normal life of our people. They committed all sorts of crimes in Lebanon and also escaped Lebanese justice in the protection of the camps. They smuggled goods into Lebanon and openly sold them.on our streets. They went so far as to demand "protection" money from, many individuals.and owners of buildings and factories situated in the vicinity of their camps.
66.	It is difficult to enumerate all the illegal activities committed by those Palestinian elements-sometimes described as undisciplined and uncontrollable-which gave rise, in turn, to the dissatisfaction of the Lebanese Government and the resentment of its people, which charged an atmosphere already fraught with tension. That atmosphere became so explosive that it needed a mere spark to ignite it. A few incidents that occurred in the spring of 1975 provided that, srwrV
67.	The friction between Palestinians and Lebanese could have been settled in a spirit of goodwill and brotherly co-operation, a spirit which had permeated their relations in the past. But it became apparent that the Palestinians had designs on becoming a major factor in the battle for political power in Lebanon. They openly allied themselves, and continue to do so to this very hour, with one group of Lebanese against another. Whatever grievances the Lebanese may have had among themselves or in their relationship with their Government, the Palestinians had neither the right nor the justification to become a party to any internal dispute whatever.
68.	Why did the Palestinians risk all the gains we had achieved together for their cause? Why did they pursue a war in a country that had stood by them in all their years of exile and ordeal? Fifty thousand dead, 100,000 injured, 1 million Lebanese refugees in Syria, the Arab world, Europe and America; the dismantling of our administrative, economic, social and educational institutions and enter-prises-all that could not be justified by any objective of the Palestinian revolution, or by any principle of morality and brotherhood. So much human suffering and so much destruction were the result of the Palestinian participation in the fighting and their stubborn persistence in it. It is deplorable that those who have been the victims of a gross injustice are inflicting an injustice of such inhuman proportions on Lebanon and its people.
69.	It is incomprehensible to the Lebanese why western Beirut and peaceful towns and villages in northern Lebanon, in the Beka'a valley, or in the heartland of the Lebanese mountains or Sidon, having no connexion with any aspect of the conflict, should be besieged, occupied and sometimes destroyed by Palestinian forces. Why have so many innocent civilians been killed in the name of "liberation" and "revolution"? And why should many public utilities and buildings be under Palestinian control? Has all that happened in order to prove what a leading Palestinian personality has said, that "the road to Palestine cannot but pass through Aintoura, Aiyoun esSimaan, and must even reach Jounieh itself?
70.	It is indeed sad for a Lebanese diplomat to stand before this Assembly and denounce the actions of the Palestinians in Lebanon. There is no need to remind delegations here that we have always been in the vanguard of ail endeavors to promote the recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. Lebanese diplomacy has devoted its major activities here and else-where to the defense of the Palestinian cause and of every Arab cause for the last 30 years. Every President and Government of Lebanon has spared no effort in that connexion. That was, and is, in keeping with our belief that an injustice was done to the Palestinians which must be rectified: in other words that they have the right to return to their homeland.
71.	That was not the only service rendered to the Palestinians. About 100,000 of them came to Lebanon in 1948 after they were expelled from their homeland. Their number swelled to over 400,000 by 1975. Lebanon provided them with a refuge and with several opportunities. In our midst they have enjoyed all the freedoms enjoyed by the Lebanese-die freedom to assemble to organize, to express themselves openly, to disseminate information, to publicize and to contact the entire world through our .communications facilities. In the environment of Lebanon and of the Lebanese experience, the Palestinian concept of a free, democratic and secular State in Palestine was born. The best research centers on Palestinian affairs were, in fact, established in Lebanon, and the finest publications on the subject emanated from Beirut.
72.	Because of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, southern Lebanon endured Israeli bombardments and assaults for seven years. One hundred thousand of its inhabitants fled and became refugees in their own country. They swelled the misery belts around our major cities, aggravating an already complex economic and social problem caused by the nearby presence of several Palestinian refugee camps and, mind you, that is in a small country of 2.5 million people.
73.	Many delegations have referred to the fact that the Lebanese crisis is a direct consequence of the Middle East conflict. We agree with that statement. We are convinced that, had a definitive solution been reached about the binate Palestinian/Middle East problem, the conflict in Lebanon would not have erupted. We respect the assessment of the Soviet Union regarding Lebanon in its proposal concerning a settlement in the Middle East and the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East in that respect.
74.	We also welcome the statements made earlier in this debate by the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger [11th meeting], and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gromyko [7th meeting], about the need to reconvene the Geneva Conference in search of a comprehensive solution to the problems of the Middle East. On our part, we should like to stress the urgency of such an action. I repeat on our part, we should like to stress the urgency of such an action. We have become one of the parties principally interested, for our future and the lives of our people are at stake. We have consistently advocated the necessity of dealing with all aspects of the Palestinian and Middle East problems. Whatever steps were taken in the past must now lead to an overall settlement. We cannot stress that urgently enough.
75.	The changes resulting from the war of October 1973 and the subsequent efforts made to reach a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, whether through the Geneva Conference or through partial agreements, had a potentially explosive impact on Lebanon. The Palestinians and the Arab countries which favored or rejected those peaceful plans took advantage of the liberal and democratic system and life in Lebanon and clashed on Lebanese soil in order to advance their different political objectives.
76.	However, no matter how, where or when a comprehensive settlement is reached, it cannot delay the solution of our problem or affect our interests. Our position must be clearly understood. We want to restore peace and order to Lebanon as soon as possible and to re-establish our total authority and sovereignty over our land.
77.	I should like now to deal with another point which has created some concern in the past. It was feared that events taking place in Lebanon might lead to its partition.
Sometimes the fears were generated by talks about "plans" and "plots" undertaken on the international level to achieve partition. We have never known of any such scheme or approach having as its objective the partition of Lebanon made by anyone in or from Lebanon.
78.	Despite all the tragic events that have taken place, the Lebanese authorities and forces which persevered in the defense of legality and constitutional institutions have constantly proclaimed their determination to protect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon for the benefit of all its people without distinction, any fear or any accusation to the contrary notwithstanding.
79.	Despite the various positions taken in the present conflict on any other aspect of the crisis, there is one aspect on which all the Lebanese are united, namely, their total opposition to partition and their determination to preserve Lebanon's unity. That was strongly affirmed by President Sarkis the other day in his inaugural speech when he said: "In my view, what is sacrosanct and inviolable is the sovereignty of Lebanon and the unity of its territory and its people."
80.	Now I should like to make a few remarks about peace-making efforts. We welcome some efforts deployed by some friendly States and by several truly sister Arab States, which can perceive that higher Arab interests could be better served in the spirit of Arab brotherhood, fairness and justice to all than through the abuse of Arab wealth for the funneling of arms, money and men for disruption and sedition in Lebanon.
81.	We also welcome the efforts of the League of. Arab States, although timid in the beginning, to help restore peace and order. However, we should like to pay a special tribute to our closest sister Arab State, the Syrian Arab Republic. Our special relations are such, that anything which affects or afflicts Syria affects and afflicts Lebanon. The Syrian Government, under the wise and firm leadership of President Hafez Al-Assad, perceived the dangers inherent in the Lebanese crisis in all their dimensions and initiated several efforts to mediate the differences between Lebanese factions and to end the fighting between the Lebanese and the Palestinians.
82.	Die Syrian army was sent to Lebanon in a peace-making effort to separate the combatants and to help restore peace and order. It was resisted by the Palestinian forces and their allies, who called for the withdrawal of the Syrian forces as a condition for the cessation of hostilities and for their own withdrawal from the positions they occupied. The presence of Syrian troops in Lebanon is subject to Lebanese sovereignty and to Lebanese sovereignty alone. The Lebanese authorities, and they alone, can exercise the sovereign right to determine any position regarding that presence. The Palestinians have no such right and certainly cannot speak for Lebanon or determine what is best in its interests.
83.	President Al-Assad said that the Palestinians should not disregard the fact that Lebanon is not Palestine and that Beirut is the capital of Lebanon and not of Palestine. He added that Syria would accept a demand for the withdrawal of its troops from the Lebanese President, or
Prime Minister, or Speaker of the Parliament, but not from the Palestinians. In this connexion I should like to bring to the Assembly's attention what President Elias Sarkis stated in his inaugural address on 23 September. He stated that the presence of the Syrian army in Lebanon must be considered within the framework of the special relation-ships that exist between Syria and Lebanon. He stated further:
"I am in a position to declare that the future of this presence and all that ensues from it depends on the Lebanese constitutional authorities, which must take on their responsibilities and decide their position in conformity with the higher interests of Lebanon and in the light of events."
84.	This leads ms to some final conclusions and thoughts.
85.	First, we deeply regret the deterioration in relations between Palestinians and Lebanese. But, more than that regret, we in Lebanon are grieved and appalled at the number of casualties our people have suffered, at the extent of the destruction in the country and at the damage done to our way of Life and to our world image.
86.	Secondly, peace and confidence between the Lebanese and the Palestinians can be restored, and it must be restored. It is in their mutual interest to end the fighting speedily. The position of the Lebanese authorities and people is clear. Lebanon cannot and will not allow any encroachment on. its sovereignty. Any settlement of its dispute with the Palestinians must ensure the following: the dissociation of the Palestinians from the fighting in Lebanon; their withdrawal from all the military positions they are now holding; their respect for the sovereignty of Lebanon and its laws; their strict adherence to the accords concluded with them by Lebanese authorities; and their refraining from interfering in Lebanon's internal affairs.
87.	Thirdly, while we welcome some Arab and non-Arab efforts to help us solve the crisis, we regret the activities of some Arabs that are heightening tensions in Lebanon.
88.	Fourthly, we believe that the time has come to solve the problems of the Middle East by effecting the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied Arab lands and by enabling the Palestinians to exercise their inalienable rights, which have already been recognized, among them the right to self-determination and to nationhood in their homeland of Palestine.
89.	Fifthly, while we welcome diplomatic efforts through the Geno /a Conference or by others to find a comprehensive solution to the problems of the Middle East, we consider that any delay in achieving this objective should not impede the speedy restoration of peace to Lebanon or affect its interests.
90.	Sixthly, while the Lebanese reject any thought of partition, their determination is to restore the freedom and unity of all the regions of the country, so that they can shape and determine their future together in a manner that will preserve their independence, sovereignty and fundamental liberties.
91.	The question is often asked, Can Lebanon survive? Can Lebanon stand on its feet again and recover? My answer is an emphatic "Yes"—and it will. Our people have faced adversity many times in the past. They have the capacity and virility to absorb the present calamity, hard as it may be. We have suffered great material losses; however, we cherish our freedom and the unity of the Lebanese people, regardless of sacrifice. We pray that those who have died did not die in vain. As our President, Mr. Sarkis, stated:
"If we rediscover the right path, that of reason, of love and of conscience, our sacrifices will not have been in vain and the Lebanese martyrs of today will have died so that Lebanon might live."
92.	The Lebanese have cut stones from the mountains to build their homes, places of worship and schools. With these stones they built walls against the slopes of the mountains, backed them with earth, terraced them, planted trees on them and transformed Lebanon into the verdant fruit basket of the Middle East. Without any significant help from outside, our people developed a thriving economy, despite the lack of natural resources. They have made Lebanon one of the best centers for education, health, trade, tourism and communications in the Middle East. Those who have built in the past can rebuild in the future. With the grace of God, with the aid of all Lebanese at home and abroad, with the assistance of our sister Arab States, friendly nations and the United Nations family, Lebanon will rise and thrive again.
93.	Lebanon will transform the legend of the phoenix into reality. Out of the flames and ashes a new Lebanon will be born-a Lebanon that is more united and freer, more resolute and stronger, more dedicated to the social and human progress of its people, to equality and justice among them, to amity and co-operation among nations, and to peace in the world.
94.	I am confident that the image of Lebanon as a land of peace, concord, love and conciliation will shine once again.


In speaking for the first time from this rostrum in my new. capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Italian Republic, I wish, on behalf of the Government of which I have the honor to be a part, to convey to Ambassador Amerasinghe warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly. I also wish to associate myself with the expressions of appreciation which have been voiced for the effective and impartial work of his predecessor, Mr. Thorn.
154.	It is, in our opinion, particularly significant that such an eminent international personality has been chosen to discharge the highest responsibilities of the thirty-first session of this Assembly, the representative of a country known and appreciated for its active and incisive work in the cause of the strengthening of peace and the development of world co-operation.
155.	This year, the Republic of Sri Lanka has rightly occupied the center of world attention for the dignified and successful way it organized and acted as host for the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries. My Government has followed carefully the work of that important meeting and has noted with great interest its conclusions,' which were so significantly recalled yesterday by the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka [11th meeting].
156.	In recent years world history has evolved more and more according to a single pattern in which all States, the various economic systems, and the prospects of progress and peace for all peoples of the world are united in interdependence.
157.	Italy is convinced of the need, which was also stressed at the Colombo Conference, to achieve a new international economic order which will allow every nation to follow the path of development most appropriate to its own requirements and traditions and to enjoy a fair share of the world process of the production and distribution of goods. This objective will be attained only in an economic system in which the basic problems of raw materials, trade, the indebtedness of the developing countries and the transfer of technology have been solved.
158.	An essential component of this new international economic order is the development of the emerging countries. Italy, within the framework of the European Community, but also in its own right, intends to continue making every possible effort to ensure progress in this direction.
159.	In particular, we intend to continue giving our financial and political support to the initiatives taken by the United Nations in favor of development. We support those programs in the developing countries which are designed to promote the balanced development of the economy-that is, which not only promote the expansion of the industrial sector, but are also aimed at achieving a modern agricultural sector capable of ensuring self- sufficiency in food. Along these lines Italy has actively encouraged the establishment of the International Fund for Agricultural Development, has pledged a substantial contribution to its initial capital and has declared its readiness to act as host for the new agency.
160.	Italy, in agreement with the other countries of the European Community, will continue to make an active and concrete contribution to the establishment of an equitable and stable system of international economic relations, working in the various appropriate forums, and primarily in UNCTAD and other United Nations bodies, as well as in the Conference on International Economic Co-operation.
161.	The field of international economic relations is, in our opinion-and I want to stress this -one where the United Nations and its dependent bodies have an essential role to play, a role which we think should be strengthened, extended and deepened.
162.	This spirit of open-mindedness and friendly co-operation with the developing countries has just been significantly reaffirmed by my Government on the occasion of the welcome visit to Rome of the Prime Minister of Angola, Mr. Lopo do Nascimento.
163.	A condition which is necessary-though not in itself sufficient-to bring about the desirable strengthening of the role of the United Nations in this as in other fields of its work is the universality of the United Nations. Further progress has been made also this year towards the achievement of this goal with the admission of a new Member, the Republic of Seychelles, to which the Italian Government wishes, through me, to convey its warmest greetings, hoping at the same time that other countries, whose aspirations are well known, will soon be able to join the Organization.
164.	Universality and the constructive participation of all will allow the United Nations to fulfill the task which the international community expects of it: the safeguarding of international peace and security. We all feel the need for a greater participation of the Organization in the control and solution of the political, economic and military crises which arise and become chronic in various parts of the world around us. Only the United Nations, because of its universality, can represent and harmonize the aspirations and interests of all States and all peoples; only the United Nations system, which was originally established on the foundation of an ethical and legal system of civilized international coexistence and has grown in size and authority on that foundation, can achieve a peace not only based on the hard reality of the balance of power but also guaranteed by the certainty of law and by justice.
165.	With these convictions, Italy intends to participate actively in the efforts now being made to bring about the strengthening of the United Nations and the increased rationalization of its machinery while at the same time, in a responsible manner, it will not disregard the need felt in certain respects for an updating of the Charter, including its terminology, so as to reflect changed realities.
166.	This Assembly has already heard the statement of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands [7th meeting]; the representative of the country now exercising the presidency of the European Community. I wish to recall everything that he has said in that capacity as the expression of the joint convictions of our nine European countries and also as the expression of our common feelings in the face of conflicts which involve-as in Lebanon-an intolerable burden of destruction and human suffering.
167.	The Italian Government, Parliament and public opinion are deeply concerned at the tragic events which have brought mourning and ruin to a country to which Italy has been and remains linked by ancient ties of solidarity and friendship.
168.	In Lebanon there has for too long continued a situation which is further undermining security in an already very troubled region and which involves obvious risks of repercussions on a larger scale which would be difficult to control. Also, in accord with the other countries of the European Community, we have done our utmost to encourage every initiative to secure a truce and to support all efforts to settle the crisis, particularly those undertaken by the League of Arab States. The process of the political settlement of this crisis can be started only if it is based on respect for the unity, integrity and independence of Lebanon, which, in our opinion, are essential for the establishment of a just and balanced peace in the Middle East.
169.	We maintain that the United Nations must stimulate the efforts being made at the regional level and facilitate them as much as possible.
170.	We wish to express our appreciation for the humanitarian work which the United Nations has been and is carrying out in Lebanon, particularly under the direction of Secretary-General Waldheim.
171.	Italy, too, is participating in the humanitarian work of assistance and relief to the stricken peoples, but it is clear that the conscience of the international community expects and desires a more determined initiative capable of bringing about a truce and the start of negotiations.
172.	Now that President Sarkis has assumed the office of head of State, I wish to confirm Italy's hope that the convergence of views necessary to achieve a truce and the beginning of a process of detente and peace may be built up, in a new climate, around his person.
173.	Notwithstanding the complexity of their origins, the tragic events in Lebanon are also linked to the failure to find a just and lasting solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. In particular, the connexion between the general Middle East crisis and the Lebanese situation clearly reveals the crucial need to reach a just solution of the Palestinian problem. Without a definite prospect of finding such a solution, the spiral of mistrust and tension will only increase.
174.	We must work urgently and with determination to promote a sincere acceptance of the negotiating option involving all the parties concerned and covering all the different aspects of the Arab-Israeli dispute.
175.	To this end, Italy is convinced that the negotiating process must be aimed at a comprehensive peace settlement within the framework of the resolutions of the Security Council. This settlement should be sought through the application of the following principles: first, the withdrawal of Israel from all territories occupied in June 1967 and the cessation of all those measures which, by consolidating the fait accompli of the occupation, are aimed in a direction opposite to the desirable one; secondly, respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all the States of the region, including Israel, within secure, recognized and internationally guaranteed frontiers precisely in order to meet this need in a concrete way, Italy, together with its partners in the European Community, may at an appropriate stage put forward suggestions for an effective system of international guarantees-and thirdly, recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people, aiming at the establishment of their own State, national rights which must be translated into facts.
176.	The events in Lebanon and the crisis in the Middle East are not the only sources of serious concern to be found in the eastern Mediterranean, a region of such vital importance for world peace. We continue, in fact, to be deeply preoccupied by the question of Cyprus because of the prolonged delay in the achievement of a negotiated settlement. Italy, in the context of the political co-operation of the member States of the European Community, is actively encouraging the good offices rendered for some time now in such an intelligent and constructive way by the Secretary-General, Kurt Waldheim, to whom I am glad to convey the deep-felt appreciation of the Italian Government. We earnestly hope that the talks between the two communities will be resumed as soon as possible and will rapidly bring about a just solution based on respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the Republic of Cyprus.
177.	Because of the traditional friendship which links us to both parties and because of the ties which unite us with them within the North Atlantic Alliance and through the 239
European Community, we are, also seriously concerned at the differences which have arisen between Greece and Turkey and at the events in the Aegean. Italy fully supports the invitation recently addressed to them by the Security Council in its resolution 395 (1976) to resume negotiations and to seek a friendly settlement to their dispute, and, together with its partners in the European Community, stands available to facilitate every possible move in that direction.
178.	The most recent and dramatic developments in southern Africa involve not only the defense of peace and security but also the realization of the principles of freedom, equality and justice jn which the values of the international community and the Charter of the United Nations are based.
179.	The people of Namibia, in spite of the resolutions of the United Nations, which is responsible for this Territory, have not yet been granted the opportunity to exercise their right to independence through a democratic process involving all the political forces of the country, including SWAPO, under the supervision of the United Nations.
180.	In Rhodesia, the spiral of armed clashes runs the risk of leading to an armed conflict with neighboring countries and may be stopped only with the acceptance of a peaceful transition of Zimbabwe to a system based on majority rule.
181.	In South Africa, events have confirmed the collapse of the policy of apartheid, so often condemned by the United Nations, while tension is increasing throughout the country and prospects of achieving a just reorganization of interracial relations appear more and more difficult.
182.	Together with the other countries of the European Community, Italy has expressed its support for the liberation of southern Africa from colonialism and racism. Italy supports the initiatives undertaken in co-operation with the front-line African countries in the search for peaceful solutions through which the genuine aspirations of the peoples concerned will be realized.
183.	In particular, Italy, together with the other countries of the European Community, has followed with favor and expectation the efforts being made by Secretary of State Kissinger and the African leaders. Accordingly, the Italian Government expresses its appreciation and support for the British Government's intention to convene a conference to lay out the ground for the creation of a provisional Government in Rhodesia.
184.	The crises that I have mentioned are certainly the major causes of tension which today threaten international peace and security since the long war in Indochina was finally brought to an end.
185.	In that region, a patient work of reconstruction is in progress and the Italian Government, mindful of the mourning and sacrifices that this conflict has entailed, shares the hope that a national reconciliation will allow all available energies to be channeled towards objectives of progress and civilization.
186.	The recent incidents which have taken place in Korea and the tension prevailing there provide a clear confirmation of the urgent need for a resumption of the dialog and a normalization of relations between the two States of the peninsula.
187.	To defend peace not only in those areas where it is today directly threatened but also iA regions where the presence of large military forces confronting each other is a constant source of concern, there is no other path but the progressive and balanced reduction of these forces. Italy intends to make its own active contribution to this goal in all appropriate international forums.
188.	We are therefore taking part with conviction in the Vienna negotiations for the mutual and balanced reduction of the forces in central Europe, and we are looking forward with confidence and expectation to the steps which we hope the major nuclear Powers will take along the path traced out by the first agreements for the limitation of strategic weapons and by the subsequent understandings reached at Vladivostok.
189.	Moreover, we cannot conceal our disappointment at the limited progress so far achieved in the field of reductions of atomic weapons, in spite of the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)]. Everything, or nearly everything, still remains to be accomplished in this respect; and Italy, which has signed, ratified and implemented that Treaty and expects the other signatories to do the same, is fully aware of this situation.
190.	Italy is, furthermore, continuing to be actively engaged in Geneva in the work of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. This is still considered by us the main forum for disarmament negotiations, whether on nuclear or conventional weapons. Its work, however, I must stress, can go forward only to the extent that the States participating in it have a real desire to make progress. In this respect, we cannot refrain from emphasizing that the summer session of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has produced certain important new elements which could be further developed. We cite among others the new proposals for the prohibition of chemical weapons, the substantial and positive beginning which has been made by the seismic experts in their meetings on the control of nuclear explosions and the progress achieved with regard to environmental war, with the elaboration of a draft convention on that subject.
191.	It is, however, not the intention of the Italian Government to confine its action to the negotiations within the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. It is indeed our intention to offer an active contribution to the achievement of concrete progress towards new operational agreements wherever possible. But disarmament is merely an element -at the same time, one of the causes and the effect of detente in East-West relations.
192.	Certainly, in accordance with the spirit and commitment of all the signatories of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on security and Co-operation in Europe, detente must continue to inspire East-West relations; but, if it is to be maintained and consolidated, detente must be given new dimensions and must be nurtured with more ambitious ideals. It is not enough merely to create better conditions for the development of substantial economic, commercial, technical and scientific links between the countries.of the two areas in the Northern Hemisphere. Detente must progressively and effectively remove the causes of conflict and confrontation -a confrontation which, anyhow, the European conscience has always considered a violent, painful and undesirable tearing apart of its own historical and cultural fabric.
193.	In this spirit, and in anticipation of the conference to be held next year in Belgrade to review the status of the implementation of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference, Italy insists on the balanced fulfillment of the Final Act in all its parts, particularly the part concerning the free circulation of individuals and ideas.
194.	I believe that what I have said gives a fair idea of the basic guidelines of Italy's foreign policy. It is a policy of dialog, open discussion and co-operation. But it is also a policy of principles based on respect for and affirmation of the rights of States and the fundamental freedoms of their citizens.
195.	Inspired by those principles, we are operating not only in the broad framework of bilateral relations but also on a series of different levels which are none the less interdependent: the European Community, the Atlantic Alliance and the United Nations.
196.	It is a policy whose general aspects are well known; its basic choices date back many years and on them there exists a full measure of agreement in our national Parliament, among our political forces and throughout our country.
197.	The design of the European Union remains a fundamental political choice which we wish to confirm and develop. This process has now entered upon a new phase involving deeper commitment as a result of the decision taken by the Heads of State and Government of the nine members of the European Community to elect the European Parliament on the basis of universal and direct suffrage. We have thus created the pre-conditions for the more vigorous participation of our peoples in the pro-gramme for the unification of Europe of which they must be the protagonists.
198.	The European Community is not, in our view, a political area sufficient unto itself and closed within itself. On the contrary, we conceive it as a new reality better suited to the needs of international co-operation and equilibrium, capable of enriching and improving the dialog with other regions and of making a more substantial and comprehensive contribution to the peace and progress of peoples.
199.	This prospect does not undermine the full validity of our participation in the Atlantic Alliance. During the last 39 years the Atlantic Alliance has been a decisive factor for equilibrium and peace in Europe and has encouraged the gradual process of detente, which has led to the improvement of relations between East and West. We are convinced that the role of the Alliance is still essential for the maintenance of peace and for the preservation of a balance which will allow further possibilities of co-operation between peoples and between different regimes and institutional systems.
'.00. With those neighboring countries which are not members of the European Community or of the Atlantic Alliance Italy maintains constructive relations of friendship and is seeking every opportunity for co-operation.
201.	We maintain relations of friendship and co-operation with all the countries of the Mediterranean area, to which we are linked by historical, cultural and economic ties which date back centuries, and we wish to make these
relations even closer and more fruitful. « •
202.	In the same spirit and in full respect for the autonomy of others, Italy intends to develop co-operative relations on a basis of effective equality with all other countries, both near and far.
203.	Aware of the objective limitations inherent in this national dimension of modern States, Italy confirms its full commitment to the United Nations, its firm determination to contribute to the work of the Organization in favor of peace, security and international co-operation, disarmament and detente, the liberation of peoples from the colonial yoke, the abolition of racial discrimination, and economic and social development based on equilibrium and justice.
204.	Confronted with the seriousness of the phenomenon of terrorism and with the recent increase in some of its most heinous manifestations, Italy maintains that the United Nations is in duty bound to make a valid contribution to the solution of that problem also. We therefore regard as timely the proposal announced by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany for the elaboration within the United Nations of a draft convention against the taking of hostages [A/311242].
205.	We attach particular importance to action in defense of human rights and human freedoms, and we hope that the Commission on Human Rights will be raised to the status of a constitutional organ of the United Nations with the parallel establishment of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Every possible increase in the responsibilities of the United Nations in that field will have our support and we shall continue in every forum to protest against and to condemn all violations of human freedom and dignity wherever they occur and whoever commits them-in Africa as in Latin America, in Asia as in Europe.
206.	In this spirit and inspired by these principles, Italy is taking part in the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly.
207.	The agenda before us is vast and complex and comprises questions of great importance, for the peaceful and orderly development of international relations.
208.	In the coming weeks we shall examine and discuss these questions in a constructive spirit and with the mutual respect which, I am certain, under the President's eminent guidance, will always characterize our debates.
209.	I can assure the President that my delegation and I will spare no effort to ensure that the results we shall achieve will enable the thirty-first session to be considered as an important stage in the life and work of the United Nations.


Allow me, first of all, to extend my delegation's congratulations to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe on his election as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-first session. We were pleased and satisfied at his election to this high office, knowing the efficiency, flexibility and devotion with which he pursues the noble objectives of the United Nations. It is also a recognition of the constructive role played by his country in the cause of justice, freedom and liberty in the world. An eloquent example was the success of the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held in his friendly country last summer . His presidency of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has been, and will continue to be, an object of our admiration and appreciation. In addition, our country has been honored by a visit from Mr. Amerasinghe early this year, a visit which has promoted further the links of friendship and co-operation between our two countries.
147.	Allow me also, to extend, on behalf of my delegation, our most sincere thanks to Mr. Amerasinghe's predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, who ably and efficiently presided over the last session.
148.	The Government of my country also wishes to express its deepest appreciation of the sincere efforts that have been, and are still being, exerted by Mr. Kurt Waldheim, Secretary-General of our Organization, to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations and to, strengthen its role in the maintenance of international peace and security.
149.	My delegation would like to extend its congratulations to the Republic of Seychelles on its admission to membership in our world Organization. We wish this country success in its new vocation, and we are fully prepared to co-operate with it in the interests of both our countries and for the sake of mankind at large.
150.	I should like also to join my colleagues who preceded me in expressing the earnest hope that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, as well as the People's Republic of Angola, will be admitted in the near future as Members of our Organization. We proceed in this context from our faith in the principle of the universality of the United Nations and the imperative need for it to be representative of all peoples and countries of the world, irrespective of their political or economic system.
151.	We in the United Arab Emirates have received with sorrow and sadness the news of the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung. To the great people of China and their Government, we express our deepest condolences.
152.	The maintenance of international peace and security is the most important objective for which the United Nations was established. In our statement to the General Assembly last year,  we pointed out that our Organization is facing grave problems and challenges; and we considered the continuation of these problems and challenges without a radical solution to be a matter endangering international security.
153.	These problems and challenges still loom in the foreground at this thirty-first session. It may even be said that the continuation of these challenges without radical solutions has led to the eruption of new serious situations, as we see in the Middle East and Africa. Thus, we see that the arrogance of Israel and its non-compliance with United Nations resolutions pertaining to the Palestinian problem and the Middle East question have led to persistent and unceasing tension in that region.
154.	Likewise, the continuation of the white minority regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa has been conducive to the detonation of a war that may engulf the whole of Africa in a sea of blood-Africa, which most urgently needs peace and stability in order to rebuild itself and its economy after long, bleak decades of poverty and backwardness.
155.	While expressing our thanks and gratitude to the world community for adopting resolutions designed to ensure the right of peoples under alien domination to self-determination, the results of which are evidenced in the movement of the United Nations towards the realization of the universality of its membership and the steps that have been taken, and will be taken, to liberate the peoples of southern Africa from colonialism, foreign occupation and racial discrimination, we find ourselves overwhelmed with feelings of dismay and disappointment at the fact that the people of Palestine have not been allowed to join this great historical march.
156.	In this respect, we are fully aware of the decisions taken by the United Nations in including the question of Palestine as a separate item in the agenda of the General Assembly  and in inviting the Palestine liberation Organization to participate in the deliberations of the General Assembly on that question [resolution 3210 (XXIX)].
157.	We also acknowledge the continued United Nations consideration of the Palestine question in substance and in some of its implications under four items included in the General Assembly's agenda.
158.	We further express our thanks and gratitude to the United Nations for the resolutions, adopted under those and other items, which reaffirmed the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, to return to their land, and to exercise their national sovereignty, which condemned Israel for its inhuman practices against the Palestinian people, stressing the imperative need for its withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, and which condemned Zionism, the corner-stone of the Israeli entity, as a racist movement [resolution 3379 (XXX].
159.	The value inherent in any resolution adopted by this international Organization is not confined to its human and moral implications, but includes also the steps that may be taken for its implementation.
160.	Proceeding from this fact, it is our view that the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its last session to form a Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People [resolution 3376 (XXX)], and the recommendations of that Committee [see A/31 /35], which we support and uphold, could not lead to any desired good unless they were followed by positive and effective measures for their implementation.
161.	In this connexion, we regret the attitude of some States towards those recommendations, when they were brought up for consideration of the Security Council. We further condemn Israel for its refusal to comply with those recommendations.
162.	We had stated in the Security Council  that, despite our reservations on some of those recommendations, we considered them positive on the whole and an initial step towards the achievement of the principles and purposes of the Charter, inasmuch as the latter relate to the Palestinian people.
163.	We may therefore expect the General Assembly to take effective measures at this session for the implementation of those recommendations.
164.	The recent events that have demonstrated the development of full collaboration and co-ordination between the Governments of Israel and South Africa in the various political, military and economic fields, have upheld the- validity of our case in condemning Zionism, the basis of the existence of Israel, as racism. The unholy alliance and the co-operation between South Africa and Israel emanate from the very tenets on. which their respective regimes are. founded, tenets which discriminate among men, by. denying the rights of the original citizen to his own country, while bestowing those rights on aliens.
165.	We are following with great interest the developments in South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia. Our
Government, since its accession to membership in the United Nations, has manifested its extreme concern at the seriousness of the continued white minority regimes in those African territories. We have strongly condemned the policy of apartheid practiced by the South African Government, because this policy constitutes a challenge of the most fundamental human ideals and rights and a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter. Today, we notice with satisfaction the increasing isolation imposed by the international community on the two racist regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia, and the growing activities of the African liberation movements in their struggle to regain the dignity of their peoples and their sovereignty over their national soil.
166.	We hope that all the efforts for-the attainment of a peaceful settlement of this grave situation, which poses a threat to Africa's security and integrity and could consequently endanger international peace and security, will be crowned with success. However, and in the absence of such settlement, we can only extend moral and material aid to the African liberation movements to enable them to achieve their noble objectives of liberation and independence.
167.	The United Nations has made serious efforts to find a solution to the question of Cyprus, thanks to the endeavors of Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in particular his personal efforts in this respect. We appreciate those efforts and request our Secretary-General not to halt his endeavors. The bitter fact, nevertheless, is that Cyrpus should still have to wait for a just solution of the problem, a solution that will take into consideration the interests of the Turkish and Greek communities and maintain the independence and territorial integrity of the island.
168.	The United Arab Emirates has supported, since its inception, the United Nations resolution declaring the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. We further endorse all measures and steps designed to give- effect to this declaration and ensure that it is respected. We sincerely work for the consolidation of co-operation among the Gulf States, and we spare no effort for the realization of security and stability in our region. We have continuously called for the peaceful solution of any differences that may arise among States in our region without any foreign intervention. In this respect, we proceed from our belief in the need to keep the Gulf region far removed from super-Power rivalries.
169.	The delegation of the United Arab Emirates has noted with regret that the fifth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has failed to make any substantial .progress. In spite of the fact that there is some agreement on certain significant points in the law of the sea, such as the definition of the 12-mile limit of territorial waters; the sovereignty of the coastal State over its resources, the definition of the 200-nautical-mile economic, zone, the freedom of navigation through straits connecting two high seas, and rules to prevent marine pollution, the very important matter of the exploitation of the sea-bed beyond territorial waters as the common heritage of mankind is still subject to sharp differences, and no concrete progress has been made at the last session in this regard.
170.	The United Arab Emirates attaches great importance to this matter, and earnestly hopes that the Conference will succeed at its next session in working out rules for the authority and for a just regime for the exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed for the sake of mankind as a whole. We honestly believe that the attainment of a solution to this problem would be one of the greatest achievements of our Organization since its establishment.
171.	Much as we may feel proud of the achievements made in the field of political liberation, we are still concerned at the lack of parallel progress in the economic domain. The third world continues to suffer from poverty and deprivation, and the deep gap between developed industrialized countries and developing countries continues to grow wider.
172.	We are deeply concerned that there still exists strong resistance on the part of developed countries to the implementation of the resolutions on the Declaration and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI)and 3202 (S-VI)], and to the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty-ninth session on the. Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. We are aware, moreover, that no significant progress has been achieved at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation.
558
173.	We also regret the failure of the fourth session of UNCTAD to realize the aspirations of developing countries which were voiced in the Manila Declaration and the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in its sixth and seventh special sessions.
174.	We welcome the Economic Declaration and the Program of Action on Economic Co-operation, approved by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries [see A/31/197, annexes II and III], and we also consider that international recognition of the principles contained in the documents of that Conference provide a sound program on the global level, and constitute a worthy contribution to the efforts being made to realize justice in the new international economic relations.
175.	It is also our view that the plan of the developing countries which produce raw materials and commodities in undertaking fresh initiatives based on the principles approved by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Lima in 1975, in the implementation of the Lima Program for Mutual Assistance and Solidarity should receive encouragement. Here, reference should be made to the relevance of the Manila Declaration to the definition of the economic philosophy of the developing countries, which we further believe should serve as the basis for a new international economic order that requires the removal of exploitative methods from the fields of trade, industry, finance and technology.
176.	In addition, we hold the view that economic co-operation among developing countries could ensure the establishment of the new international economic order, the Mexico Conference having examined the various necessary methods and alternative measures to realize the principle of self-reliance, which stems from self-confidence on the part of developing countries.
177.	My country, a small, developing and newly independent nation, believes in the principles of non-alignment and peaceful co-operation among States. It has directed special attention to external aid, and has made generous contributions to alleviate the stress of economic difficulties which afflict developing countries as a direct consequence of the severe imbalance in the international economic structure and the monetary inflation which has been exported to those countries by the industrialized developed countries.
178.	In the future, we will continue to offer our assistance within our limited resources as a developing country to other third-world countries.
179.	Our deep belief in the enlightened principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations will always motivate our actions and guide our participation in setting up a just international order based on equality between States and directed towards furthering the noble cause of human progress to new vast horizons ensuring goodness and plenty for all peoples.


behalf of Chad on the occasion of your brilliant election to the presidency of the thirty-first regular session of the United Nations General Assembly. Those who thus have entrusted you with this challenging responsibility know that your abilities as a statesman and your far-reaching knowledge of the problems confronting the international community will enable you to guide our work with the necessary tact and authority, so that some of these urgent and grave problems, may find a felicitous and just solution in conformity with the principles of our Charter. I am particularly pleased, Mr. President, that you come from a third-world country, the Republic of Sri Lanka, whose contribution to the struggle of peoples for independence, freedom and dignity has been so clearly demonstrated. You are indeed the right man to stimulate the necessary efforts to find solutions capable of effectively ensuring justice, peace and security in the world, and I should like to pledge to you the whole-hearted co-operation of the delegation of Chad.
2.	I should also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, who skilfully and wisely fulfilled his mandate as President of the thirtieth session.
3.	May I also express my country's best wishes to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our Secretary-General, whose great abilities, devotion and persevering will to succeed have been strikingly apparent in the service of our Organization.
4.	On behalf of the delegation of Chad I wish to greet the delegation of the Republic of Seychelles, whose presence
' here is a source of satisfaction to us. However, we regret that Viet Nam and Angola, two independent countries, have not yet been admitted to membership in our Organization,
5.	Chad has already conveyed to the great Chinese people and to its leaders the profound sorrow of our people, of our High Military Council and of our Government on the death of Mao Tsetung, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the People's Republic of China, and my delegation would like to reiterate those sentiments here.
6.	Each year, at this time, we have the opportunity to meet in the General Assembly hall to reflect together on problems confronting our world in crisis. These problems are as numerous as they are complex, and generate points of tension in different parts of the world that the international community is concerned to eliminate in order to secure the maintenance of international peace and security. The greater the progress of science and technology, which are making gigantic strides for the welfare of mankind, the more conscience-stricken we are by poverty, ignorance, racial discrimination, expansionism, Zionism and so forth. Although the international community has achieved satisfactory results in recent years in the matter of co-operation, decolonization and detente, many disturbing situations unfortunately persist, and these we believe should be considered only by the United Nations. On this occasion I should like to reiterate my country's position on the burning questions of our day, which generate political instability in the world and constitute a threat to international peace and security.
7.	In an address broadcast on the occasion of the first anniversary of the Second Republic of Chad, our Head of State, General Fllix Malloum Ngakoutou Bey-Ndi, the Chairman of the High Military Council and of the provisional Government, reaffirmed our devotion to the principles of conciliation, reconciliation, unity and good- neighborliness -principles which are constant elements in our domestic policy.
8.	With regard to foreign affairs, the Head of State of Chad unequivocally reaffirmed our faith in the United Nations and our unwavering support for the principles of the non-aligned movement and of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], whose object, like that of the United Nations, is the maintenance of international peace and security.
9.	The questions of Rhodesia and Namibia have been discussed at such length in this Organization and elsewhere that it is unnecessary to recall the numerous violations of our decisions by those who stood to benefit by such violations. I shall therefore confine myself to indicating my Government's position on the latest developments.
A/31/PV.23
10.	We believe that all the initiatives that have now been taken, although belatedly, to bring Ian Smith and his henchmen to review their position should be considered
realistically, provided the United Kingdom gives a favorable reception to the appeal made by five African Heads of State for the urgent convening, outside Rhodesia, of a constitutional conference representing all Rhodesians. However, if such a conference is to be useful, we must see to it that it gives effect to the real and legitimate aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe, who have been forced, as we know, to take up arms. In the meantime the reactionaries should be given no chance to loosen the vice in which their regime is being squeezed, or to prepare favorable opportunities for the maneuvers of the imperialists, whose unchanging objective is to install, throughout Africa, retrograde Governments that they could easily manipulate. That is why the patriotic forces of Zimbabwe must continue their struggle.
11.	For our part, we believe that all the measures we take must be directed to the following: first, the total elimination from the political scene of Ian Smith, his Government and the black Rhodesians who are gravely compromised with his regime; secondly, the establishment of a transitional Government composed of members of all the groups that have long been struggling for the genuine independence of Rhodesia, pending free elections, based on universal suffrage, with the participation of all the Rhodesian people; thirdly, the participation of all the freedom fighters, without exception, in any negotiations; and lastly, the immediate liberation of all political prisoners.
12.	In Namibia, all efforts to find a solution have been contemptuously disregarded and frustrated by those who wish to perpetuate their domination over that country, which has vast natural resources. Here, as in Rhodesia, the people aspire only to freedom, justice and human dignity. To realize these aspirations it is essential to begin by ensuring their national unity and territorial integrity and to prevent the maneuvers of the apartheid regime, which seeks to create so-called national homelands, grotesquely called "bantustans". Moreover, the laws stemming from the so-called constitutional talks at Windhoek, which were held with the participation of dubious individuals whose allegiance to the Vorster regime gives them no moral authority to discuss the interests of the Namibian people, must be rejected. The South West Africa People's Organization, the only movement recognized by OAU because it is the authentic representative of that people, must take part in these negotiations if there is to be real peace in the region. Any attempted solution that did not take this aspect of the question into account could only lead to an intensification of the violence whose dimensions it would be difficult to gage.
13.	We believe the time has come to carry out unhesitatingly the provisions of the Security Council resolutions on Namibia, in particular resolution 385 (1976), and to extend the necessary assistance to the Nambian people in their struggle for independence. If nothing is done, the freedom fighters will have no choice but to extend their guerrilla activities to all fronts until they achieve victory.
14.	In South Africa a national movement has arisen which sufficiently demonstrates the resolve of the black masses to rid themselves of the inhuman and tyrannical apartheid system. Is it not shocking that, at a time when the international conscience is more than ever horrified by the murder of women, school children, and other innocent people perpetrated by the Vorster Government in Soweto and other townships in South Africa, the allies of this sinister personage continue shamelessly to use wretched excuses to sell war material to South Africa or to assist it to manufacture such material The judgment of the racists in power in Pretoria is clouded to such an extent that one of their spokesmen, the Minister of Police, had the unbelievable audacity to declare on 10 September last: "There is a historic situation in South Africa where the white man is in a position of authority which he is not ready to give up."
15.	However, the erosion of this so-called authority will not be prevented either by criminal and gratuitous repres¬sion, or by the supply of increasingly sophisticated arms, which encourages increasing repression. The international community, which has declared the minority racist regime in South Africa illegal in its resolution 3411 (XXX) and declared the apartheid policy to be an international crime, must not be content with tolerating the situation prevailing in the zone. It must rather realize the grave threat which the apartheid regime poses to international peace and security in order to find appropriate measures which could effectively assist the population to exercise its inalienable right to self-determination. It should, moreover, demand the liberation of all the political prisoners, thousands of students, African opposition leaders opposing the apartheid regime and other political detainees under the laws on "terrorism and the security of the State." As regards South Africa, we would be committing a grave error if we were gulled by the idea advanced by some that the independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia will cause apartheid to fall of its own weight like an overripe fruit.
16.	The problems of concern to southern Africa are unfortunately to be found in other regions of Africa and the world where peoples are still subjected to imperialism, colonialism, racism and Zionism.
17.	In this connexion, we cannot fail to mention the infringement of the sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity of the Comoros by the former colonial Power. Our attitude towards the dismemberment of that country, in total disregard of the aspirations of its people, has been clearly expressed from this rostrum last year.  I will not repeat it here; but I should like to stress unequivocally that my Government considers that the occupation of a part of the territory of a State constitutes, whatever the motivations may be, an extremely dangerous precedent. This behavior, which increasingly affects some States in violation of international law and the will of peoples, should be systematically rejected. It should lead us to be increasingly vigilant if we want to avoid the dismemberment in the near future of a State Member of this Organization by those who want to indulge in this game either by force of arms or by simple subversion where secessionist impulses are present.
18.	Let us now turn to the situation in the Middle East, where no solution has been found despite the numerous initiatives and resolutions adopted in this regard. There has been no satisfactory solution because these efforts have constantly come up against deliberate obstacles set up by those who think they stand to profit therefrom.
19.	The prolonged sufferings of our Arab brothers, the origins of which are well-known, must be brought to an end through the attainment of a genuine and durable peace. The oft-repeated principles for a settlement are acceptable; hence, any other maneuver, however subtle, would only amount to a smoke-screen. A genuine and durable peace means, first and foremost, the immediate evacuation of Arab and African territories illegally occupied by Israel since 1967; secondly, the restoration to the Palestinians of all their inalienable rights; thirdly, international guarantees for all the States in the region to live within secure and recognized boundaries; fourthly, compensation to the Arab peoples, particularly the Arab people of Palestine, for damages due to Israeli aggression.
20.	Likewise, we feel profound sorrow at the Lebanese tragedy which stems directly from the Israeli-Arab conflict. The destruction of Lebanon only renders more evident the urgency and the need to find a global solution in this part of the world.
21.	The small countries, more than the developed ones, need the United Nations to develop and to see their interests protected.
22.	If the fundamental principles of our Organization are immutable, none the less the Charter contains some obsolete provisions. Proof of this is the right of veto, which is being abused by certain permanent members of the Security Council to protect their selfish interests. The Security Council, whose principal role is to safeguard international peace and security, should reflect the geographical composition of the international community. The area of international peace and security should not be the exclusive monopoly of the great Powers. The right of veto, to mention but one of the obsolete provisions of the Charter, is an anachronistic institution. We should correct certain errors harking back to a time that has been superseded to turn our Organization into an effective tool for co-operation among States for the maintenance and consolidation of international peace and security.
23.	As our Head of State has already had occasion to state to the Secretary-General on the occasion of his official visit to N'Djamena on 12 May 1976: "We in Chad have great hopes in the future of this community".
24.	The independence acquired it great cost is being consolidated where foreign and sordid interests seek to question it. I should like therefore to renew the sincere greetings of Chad to the glorious people of socialist Viet Nam, of Laos and Kampuchea, whose striking victories over the forces of evil prove, if need be, that no foreign intervention can frustrate the desire of people to live freely as they wish. We sincerely wish that after having endured 30 years of ruthless and unjust wars these people might finally know peace in order to devote their entire energies to the reconstruction of their destroyed economy and to the rehabilitation of their social and cultural life, which has suffered such upheavals as a result of foreign intervention. Thus, they could fully contribute to our efforts here to improve the peaceful relations among nations and to establish justice in their relations.
25.	My country, which prizes peace and justice, subscribes unreservedly to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States and the strict respect for the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of States.
26.	We firmly oppose the use of force in international relations; this practice is only aimed at the small countries which do not have sufficient means to enjoy their legitimate right to self-defense. We support a convention on the non-use of force in relations among States.
27.	We also sincerely believe that the extravagant territorial claims and the campaigns of subversion, aided and abetted by certain States, greatly increase the risk of international tension and constitute a serious threat to international peace and security. We welcome the efforts of the General Assembly, which adopted resolution 3496 (XXX) of 15 December 1975 aimed at convening in 1977 a conference of plenipotentiaries on the succession of States in the matter of treaties in order to draft a convention, one of whose essential provisions would be to guarantee existing frontiers among States.
28.	These sacrosanct ideas of peace, justice and peaceful coexistence enshrined in the Charter are a guarantee for small countries, including mine.
29.	While colonialism is progressively crumbling, other insidious forms of domination, remote-controlled by imperialism, gradually emerge in order to disturb friendly and brotherly relations among States which have just acceded to independence. If we do not rapidly unmask these vicious maneuvers, peace in the entire world will be jeopardized. In this connexion, I should like to refer to questions increasingly raised in the minds of people concerning the relations of my country and some of its neighbors relations mentioned in an Associated Press release and reflected in some of the mass media, including The New York Times of 10 September 1976. In an article which can only be called extravagant, in mentioning some countries including Chad, The New York Times said, inter alia, that Chad apparently had sold off part of its territory to a neighboring State in return for substantial economic assistance, and no one had protested this.
30.	We should wonder what the people in my country think of these reports. I would like to say that vast efforts have been undertaken by the new regime radically to change the mentality of the Chadian masses, who are now becoming increasingly aware of the just relations they should maintain with one another and with their neighbours, how they should handle internal or external subversion, and the vigilance and responsibilities they require in order to exercise full control over the exploitation of their natural resources, taking into account the backwardness and the obscurantism into which they have been deliberately plunged by colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. Our country has been listed by the United Nations as one of the poorest countries on the planet-a land-locked country where internal communications become impracticable during each rainy season.
31.	We should like to state that we are working to eliminate these difficulties, but it should be clearly understood once and for all that despite these factors, the Chadian people will never compromise on the vital questions of its independence, its sovereignty and the total integrity of its territory.
32.	I should like to state today, before world public opinion, that my country will never yield one inch of its territory to anyone.
33.	As I have already stated at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo, nothing will weaken the idea that the Chadian people truly constitute a nation of all its children, including those who are now expatriates for various reasons, and nothing will detract us from the duty to defend it.'
34.	As regards the Indian Ocean, I should like to reaffirm the positive vote of my delegation on resolution 2832 (XXVI) of 16 December 1971 and other resolutions declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. We should like to appeal to the great Powers and the main maritime users to conform to the relevant decisions of the United Nations.
35.	As regards Cyprus, we should like to reaffirm our determination to respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus. The solution of the Cyprus problem can only result from direct negotiations between the two communities -the Greek-Cypriots and the Turkish- Cypriots-without any foreign interference.
36.	After this brief political outline, I should like to deal briefly with economic questions.
37.	In this connexion, I should like to point out with profound regret that we continue to live in a world of good intentions, where concrete actions and political will are often absent. Indeed, the meetings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [ UNCTAD] follow one another, the North-South Conference is marking time, and something which indeed bears repeating-the gap that separates the rich and the poor becomes wider and wider. The third world is left to draw the balance sheet of its poverty, all the more aggravated by the problem of foreign debt.
38.	The alarming element of the present situation is that the developing countries, which represent 70 per cent of the world's population, have only 30 per cent of the world income.
39.	The developed countries are aware of this state of affairs, but they remain indifferent or, at most, endorse it; but the increasing awareness of the international community cannot remain indulgent to such an attitude which, in plain words, is a deliberate act further to enrich the minority and to impoverish the majority, and to maintain it in a situation of poverty, disease, hunger and illiteracy.
40.	Faced with the urgent problems of raw materials and development, the sixth special session of the General Assembly adopted resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) relating to the Declaration and the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order.
41.	Dealing with these problems at its seventh special session, the General Ass\;mbJy, through resolution 3362 (S-VII) requested the fourth session of UNCTAD to come to decisions on the improvement of market structures in the area of raw materials and commodities, including decisions relating to an integrated program and the implementation of the elements of this program.
42.	International action in favor of trade in commodities has not made general progress since the adoption of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)].
43.	It is not surprising that many of the provisions of this Strategy concern commodities, since these provide a large portion of the foreign exchange earnings of the great majority of developing countries.
44.	Thus, turning more particularly to the community of poor nations, we believe that the dynamics of future development cannot be confined to "bipolar" relations between third-world countries and developed countries but should also be founded on the strengthening of economic co-operation among developing countries in order to translate into concrete action the notion of collective self-sufficiency. As the production capacity of our countries increases and as our own internal consumption is intensified, our countries should strengthen their over-all infrastructure by strengthening their ties in the commercial, financial and monetary fields as well as in the areas of production and investment. In future, these links could be expanded in order to encompass new types of distribution in all areas.
45.	In this connexion, the Mexico Conference that has just completed its work, has laid the groundwork for horizontal co-operation more than ever necessary. It was successful in so far as there was unanimity in the adoption of measures concerning production, trade, infrastructure, services and, particularly, monetary and financial areas, the area of science, technology and technical co-operation.
46.	The establishment of a new, international economic order as we see it would remain an insoluble problem if developed States persist in their egoism and fail to agree to fundamental changes in relations governing existing trade relationships.
47.	I should like to dwell for a minute on the Third United Nations Conference 011 the Law of the Sea whose work, Mr. President, you have been guiding for the past few years.
48.	This important Conference, whose aims are the drafting and the conclusion of a convention which would lay down international maritime law, is deadlocked despite the increasing efforts that you, Mr. President, and the representatives of developing countries have unceasingly exerted. In the opinion of my delegation, the responsibility for the little progress achieved at the fifth session of that Conference devolves upon the maritime Powers, which deliberately delay the work of the Conference in order to exploit for their own profit the resources of the sea-bed. Their intention is to include in the future convention provisions which would further strengthen their position of hegemony.
49.	The future convention should take into account the interests of all parties concerned, bearing in mind the new international economic order and the principles of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX]. Chad, which is a land-locked country, will support any initiative aimed at including in this convention provisions according preferential treatment to developing countries which are land-locked and geographically disadvantaged.
50.	I cannot close the economic part of my statement without dealing with its corollary, that of the foreign debt which, according to the conclusions of the Conference just held in Stockholm, grouping businessmen of 34 countries under the auspices of the International Chamber of Commerce, today amounts to $US 120 to 170 billion. Within the present international context, it is very difficult, if not impossible, for the developing countries to repay this debt and the interest incurred unless their foreign exchange earnings are guaranteed. Consequently, it is essential to ensure to these countries effective guarantees that their products will sell at competitive prices on the world market.
51.	It is therefore urgently necessary to convene an international conference on debt which could study the modalities and payments arrangements. Such a conference, in my view, would undoubtedly foster a better understanding of the real scope of this heavy burden and would prove to all the urgent need to establish a new international economic order enabling developing countries to discharge their obligations.
52.	In conclusion, I should like to thank very sincerely on behalf of my delegation all members of the General Assembly for the confidence they have expressed to my country in appointing us one of the Vice-Presidents of the present session