Mr. President, I am pleased on behalf of the people and the Government of Guatemala to offer you our most cordial congratulations on your election as President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. We are convinced that your personal qualifications as well as your full knowledge of international problems will guarantee the success of our deliberations and the progress which will no doubt be achieved in the work of this session. I am pleased to extend to you the full co-operation of my delegation in the difficult and important tasks which have been entrusted to you.
I should also like to express the gratitude of my delegation for the excellent work carried out by Ambassador Paul Lusaka in his capacity as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session.
May I also, on behalf of the people and the Government of Guatemala, and on behalf of the delegation over which I preside, offer a most cordial greeting to His Excellency, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of this Organization, and renew to him our support for the efforts he has been making to achieve peace and progress for the peoples.
I should also like to greet the representatives to this Assembly, whose task it is to share in the efforts and responsibilities during this session of the General Assembly in order to make a positive contribution to the strengthening of the principles which inspire the Charter of the United Nations.
In addition to the official condolences conveyed by my Government, I avail myself of this opportunity to renew our sympathy to the people and the Government of Mexico on the natural disaster suffered recently by that country, and to make an appeal to the Members of this Organization to lend their support to the extent possible to Mexico, as they did for Guatemala when an earthquake devastated our territory in 1976. Guatemala feels very close to the brotherly people of Mexico in this time of sorrow.
On 26 June of this year we commemorated the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Charter of the United Nations in San Francisco. As a founding member of this Organization, Guatemala has taken part in, encouraged and followed always very closely and with great interest the work of the Organization in the last 40 years. There is no doubt that the United Nations to some extent is the reflection of the problems and realities of the countries which make it up and therefore it can solve those problems in the extent to which States display a genuine political will to do so. We must therefore look back on the work of the most representative international Organization of our contemporary world and not only discuss with objectivity its achievements and failures but most importantly look at future possibilities to strengthen it so that it may eventually comply fully with the lofty goals for which it was established.
The United Nations constitutes a body which enables peoples and Governments by means of ongoing dialog and relations to know each other better and also to share experiences and efforts in order better to deal with the complex problems which affect the international community in all fields.
Clearly, this most important world political body is an arena for the promotion of an open dialog, and despite the differences between countries in ideology and in economic and social conditions, it may, within a framework of understanding and respect, provide the channels for co-operation which will benefit mankind as a whole.
Despite its considerable limitations, this Organization still offers real hope for international coexistence and solidarity. Nevertheless, we must recognize that the expectations which went into the making of this multinational body have not always in practice been translated into tangible responses to the great challenge of maintaining international peace and security.
While it is true that mankind has succeeded in avoiding a third world conflagration, which could lead to chaos and total destruction, we must also say that violence is still spreading and intensifying in many countries, regions and continents, leaving an increasing number of victims in its wake. These conflicts, unfortunately, have not been halted despite the constant appeals by our Organization.
But in another order of ideas, the achievements of the Organization are also quite clear and meaningful in the scientific, humanitarian, technological, social, economic, cultural, conceptual and practical fields.
We must admit to the fact that the United Nations, which is made up of different States, very often acts slowly in responding to crisis situations, and it is frustrating to see its inability speedily to arrive at the compromise formulas which are required by circumstances. There is no doubt that the creation of the United Nations is the expression of an act of faith by those countries which had suffered from the terrible scourge of the Second World War. It stems from the shared purpose of establishing a collective security system and a system of collective international co-operation.
International relations at present are very different from those which existed
in 1945. The number of states which have become independent has grown tremendously, and the Organization now has 159 members. At the same time different kinds of organizations have emerged over the years, not only regional or sub-regional organizations, but also organizations at the multilateral level, dealing with co-operation.
Thus, in this complex context this international body has contributed in the last four decades to the quest for peace, co-operation, justice and development. No doubt, we are better prepared today to deal with various kinds of realities, because while it is true that poverty continues mercilessly to strike in all corners of the world, we have also witnessed the incredible and constant miracle of the progress of science and technology, the free and creative product of the human mind. And while it is true that man seems unable to forgo and rid himself of the germ of self-destruction, it is also true that man is capable of achieving the highest values which ennoble him and make him special, exceptional and unique. Therefore, we reaffirm our faith in man, so that man may freely and responsibly seek greater achievements and regain spiritual values, thus achieving the greatest benefits through his full development.
It is that same man who constitutes the key element in the organization of States, and the sole and ultimate party responsible for coexistence and solidarity among peoples to which the United Nations contributes to some extent. We are aware of the fact that many factors aggravate the international crisis, particularly economic and financial factors, coupled with social and natural issues of dramatic proportions. But while we understand the complexity of the solutions required, we must not be discouraged but rather prepared to make whatever sacrifice may be required by circumstances.
I would like to appeal to all Member States of the United Nations jointly to contribute to the achievement of the goals and objectives and put into effect fully the principles so clearly defined in the Charter signed in 1945.
I should like now briefly to refer to the most salient aspects of the national and international policy of Guatemala. It is with great satisfaction that I venture to state before this Assembly that the promises made by the provisional and temporary Government of Guatemala two years ago have been carried out to the letter without any changes. We can reaffirm today that the process of democratization in Guatemala and the bringing about of a more open society is now becoming a reality. The new constitution was solemnly enacted on 31 May last, after 10 months of hard work by the National Constituent Assembly, which was elected on 1 July last year in free exemplary elections, where all citizens without any pressures came to the polls in unprecedented numbers in the political history of our country, thus demonstrating the true democratic ideals of our people.
This electoral event, whose purity cannot be in doubt, made it possible for the 18 political parties and civilian committees to elect deputies representing various sectors and ethnic groups making up our society.
The new constitution, which will come into effect on 14 January 1986, is in keeping with the most modern theories and trends of constitutional political law and regulates, with the proper checks and balances, the exercise of public power, as well as the administration and management of the business of state. It places special emphasis on the defense of our constitutional order and guarantees the establishment and functioning of political organizations so as to ensure the exercise of democracy by means of pluralism and the greatest possible participation.
The new constitution recognizes and guarantees fully human rights and incorporates the texts of international treaties and conventions to which Guatemala is a party. We must also emphasize social rights which include the promotion of all issues relating to ethnic groups, thus stimulating and promoting their associations and organizations in order to ensure their full development.
Our Constitution also includes the establishment of a Guatemalan equivalent of an office of defender of human rights through the setting up of a commission and an attorney-general for human rights, enjoying broad powers not only to promote and facilitate governmental action in this area, but also to counter improper administrative conduct and publicly to condemn actions which run counter to constitutional rights.
The National Assembly continues to function and has been mandated by the people to decree permanent electoral laws, as well as the law of "amparo", the habeas corpus law and constitutional law, which we hope will be issued at the end of this year. In early June the Government called for general elections which will take place on 3 November and, as was done last year, we have invited observers of international organizations, of friendly countries, as well as journalists and political and academic figures, to witness the event in which the President and Vice-President of the Republic will be elected, as well as deputies to the National Congress, mayors and members of all municipal entities in the country.
If no presidential candidate obtains an absolute majority, there will be a second electoral round, on 8 December, between the two candidates that will have received the largest number of votes.
After the deadline for registration of candidates has been reached, the people of Guatemala will have clear choices of a wide range of ideologies.
For the first time in the political history of Guatemala, we have eight presidential candidates, all of them civilians. The Government of Guatemala maintains absolute neutrality in the electoral process and has granted all the necessary facilities for this purpose, so that the political parties may conduct their campaigns in an appropriate climate without any kinds of limitations.
All this leads us to believe that in November there will be a larger number of voters than those that came to the polls last July, when 73 per cent of our citizens voted. The Supreme Electoral Tribunal, which is independent from other State bodies, will be collecting and counting the votes and issuing the results.
All of the above summarizes the situation in Guatemala as it obtains now and the decisive steps which we have taken for a return to democratic institutions. Our Government takes this opportunity to express its profound recognition to the friendly countries which have constantly demonstrated to us not only their interest but also their solidarity and support for the process in which we are engaged.
The people of Guatemala wants to exercise its legitimate right to choose freely its future leaders in peace and tranquility without outside interference. Therefore my people wishes its right to self-determination respected and thus it strongly and energetically rejects and denounces any attempt by purely minority totalitarian sectors, supported and encouraged from the Outside, to obstruct the voting procedure by means of destabilization, violence, intimidation and terrorism. We have not the slightest doubt that these actions are repudiated by an overwhelming majority of Guatemalans, who, like other Latin Americans, are determined to consolidate their democratic institutions on the continent.
In the period 1980 to 1982 Guatemala experienced ? resurgence of subversive violence, which compelled thousands of Guatemalans to abandon their communities of origin and move to safer areas. Many of them chose to cross the border into Mexico, where they settled in camps. The solution of this problem in an overall and definitive fashion is a major concern of the present government. Along these lines we have held talks with the Government of Mexico and contacted the Mexican Red Cross, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the League of Red Cross Societies, in co-operation with the Guatemalan Red Cross, so as to implement agreed procedures to facilitate the return of our compatriots to Guatemala in a voluntary and orderly fashion, not only giving them the protection they require but also creating the conditions to enable them to return to their usual occupations and, if possible, to their communities of origin, so that they could be incorporated in productive activity, thus actively participating in the development of our country.
I am pleased to report that thousands of refugees in recent years have voluntarily returned to Guatemala by their own means. However, according to the figures supplied by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the
authorities of the Mexican Government, there still remain approximately 46,000 refugees, mostly women and children, in Mexico.
The pacification of what was earlier called "areas of conflict" at present makes it possible to give the displaced Guatemalans the services and infrastructure necessary for their personal well-being, including among other things food assistance, housing, health assistance and training for productive activities particularly in agriculture, and thus we hope that in the near future consultations will make it possible for them finally to return, so that they may exercise their legitimate right to live in peace in the land in which they were born.
The respect and full implementation of human rights must remain one of the main concerns of Governments, since their observance is fundamental to the achievement of the well-being and security of peoples. Hence it is essential to create the necessary conditions and take the necessary measures to protect and guarantee the exercise of individual as well as social human rights recognized by the international community. Unfortunately, in the recent past my country has been in one way or another the victim of violence and terrorism promoted from outside, with the ensuing negative effects in regard to human rights. Despite all the difficulties and adverse factors, considerable improvement has taken place in Guatemala in this area and the level of violence has considerably decreased.
Guatemala is continuing its "open door" policy, a policy of unconditional co-operation with all governmental and non-governmental humanitarian agencies interested in the promotion of human rights, and therefore we have provided to them all the necessary facilities so that their representatives may visit our country and ascertain directly and personally the true situation there. A special reference should be made to the visit of the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission of Human Rights, Viscount Colville de Culross, who has received every co-operation and has been able to interview leaders and representatives of all social sectors, including, among others, politicians, trade unionists, religious leaders, academics and government authorities. Thus he has been able, without any limitation, to go through our territory and gain first-hand information and knowledge about the true situation. He have also received a visit from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and many delegations from private entities, which, like any Guatemalan citizen, have enjoyed every possible freedom of action and movement to carry out their mandates. He are truly interested in ensuring that the realities in Guatemala are known world-wide so as to thwart the systematic campaigns of dogmatic political groups interested in presenting a negative image of our country, in a gesture of goodwill, Guatemala accepted the renewal of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, who has been dealing with the realities in our country for three years. He want it to be known that our Government has a positive attitude in this regard and this I feel is the right time to appeal to the international community for its full co-operation towards our new Government which will take power next year, and we hope it will not be necessary to renew at that time the mandate of a Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights for Guatemala.
He also take this opportunity to call upon the world Organization to depoliticize debate on human rights and to abandon the practice of selective treatment in this matter. In its unacceptable to treat States with different yardsticks regarding human rights. It is absurd to single out for censure some small countries while others which are engaged in flagrant violations and are involved in military or economic alliances with powerful nations are left alone. The latter are not even mentioned in this forum, much less criticized.
The Government of Guatemala, presided over by General Oscar. Humberto Mejia Victores, has maintained a steadfast policy of respect for the principles and norms of international law and the principles and purposes of the Charter of the world Organization- particularly with regard to the sovereign equality of States, the territorial integrity, independence and self-determination of peoples, non-intervention, the maintenance of international peace and security, the promotion of and full respect for human rights and the strengthening of co-operation among nations. In keeping with these tenets, we have always had our own dynamic international policy based on moderation, acting in solidarity with just causes.
The Central American region has for some time been suffering from a profound crisis which has affected it at all levels and which stems from different factors, internal as well as external. Never before in our history have we had to deal with a combination of so many adverse elements. There are serious political, economic and social problems which lead to tensions and confrontations and affect all the countries of Central America. Peace and security are seriously threatened by a worsening of internal conflicts which generate friction between countries, with the danger of generalized confrontation whose consequences cannot be foreseen. It would seem ironic that Central America, this great homeland of ours, united through history and with a common destiny which seemed quite promising, with integration systems that have functioned in an exemplary manner for the past quarter of a century creating development and trust, has in the past few years been afflicted by a climate of uncertainty, misunderstanding and distrust.
Nevertheless, hope for understanding and reconciliation is emerging. Indeed dialog and communication are maintained, and it is with renewed efforts that the Contadora group continues to provide its most valuable mediation services. This truly Latin American peace plan, which enjoys the full support of the international community, has made it possible for Central Americans to maintain negotiations with a view to finding formulas for the alleviation of tension and to bring about lasting peace in the region. Guatemala firmly believes in the process of the Contadora group, which, with the greatest objectivity and a clear vision of the potential scope of the crisis in Central America, has proposed formulas based on norms and principles of international law, taking into account the specific conditions prevailing in the area. We must mention, as one of the major achievements of this negotiation process, in which there has always existed frank and open dialog, the consensus of Central American Governments and the adoption of the Document of Objectives, with 21 points, fully covering principles and commitments which could ensure peace in Central America.
Recently we have been given a revised version of this Act for Peace and Co-operation in Central America to be considered and discussed by plenipotentiaries in a period of 45 days. This document, which has been revised and perfected in the light of contributions by the Central American Governments, is, in my opinion, a document which could become a binding juridical instrument. The Central American Governments and the Contadora Group must know that Guatemala will maintain its constructive attitude and that it will continue to lend its support so that the Act may enter into force as soon as possible.
Guatemala has welcomed the creation of a group for the political support of the Contadora Group consisting of Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay which, during the meeting held by their respective Ministers for Foreign Affairs at the invitation of the President of Colombia, Mr. Belisario Betancur, in Cartagena on 24 and 25 August of this year, outlined the important tasks which will be carried out for the purpose of seeking formulas for substantive and definitive solutions for the problems of Central America.
The contribution of the countries forming the support group is of supreme importance for the peace process promoted by the Contadora Group because it introduces into the negotiations a new dynamic factor, a very authoritative, credible and well-respected factor, namely the support of Latin America in the efforts for the establishment and consolidation of peace, democracy and economic and social development in Central America.
Finally, with regard to Contadora, Guatemala would like to express its recognition for the admirable efforts made by the Group on behalf of Central America for almost three years.
Guatemala's determination to see Central America achieve integration is well known. This has been the traditional policy of ray country in the region, for we
remain convinced that fraternal peoples sharing the same historical destiny cannot live separated from each other. We have much in common and have achieved much together. Despite the political crisis, the scheme for Central American integration is still alive. We are convinced that, even in the context of the existing structural problems in the region, this process is a proper strategy to promote the joint development of the Central American countries within the framework of mutual respect and recognition of the specific characteristics of each and every one of its members. In other words, we accept and recognize unity in diversity.
The regional institutions have been working properly; the ministers of the five countries involved meet often to discuss and solve common problems; and, recently, following difficult negotiations, we have signed an agreement establishing common tariffs in Central America. This will be a most important instrument of development within the policy of regional integration.
I would like to point out that, in light of the profound crisis confronting Central America, the co-ordination and harmonization of the actions of the five Central American countries with respect to the rest of the world is becoming increasingly relevant.
The historic meeting which we held one year ago in San Jose de Costa Rica with the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the European Communities, Spain and Portugal, together with the Ministers of the Contadora Group, has been a major contribution in this effort and has opened new options for our peoples. We hope that the next meeting, which will be held in November in Luxembourg, will be not only one more step forward in this historical encounter with the members of the European Communities but will also be an opportunity to reaffirm the integrationist bent and political will of the participants to give effect: to the purposes and principles of the Joint Decleration of San Frisco.
Like all the developing countries, Guatemala has also been affected by the current international economic crisis to which references have been made by the personalities and delegations who have spoken in this General Assembly. There can be no doubt that, in order to overcome this situation, which seems to be a chronic one, it is indispensable further to strengthen multilateral co-operation, particularly in those areas which are interrelated, such as finance, debt and trade. Only through political will on the part of the developed countries in this multilateral effort will we be able to reach a solution of this crisis, which gives rise to so many difficulties and affects the well-being of our peoples.
For Guatemala the crisis is acute indeed. External debt, the drop in the prices of our exports, the investment retrenchment, the flight of capital, the progressive erosion of the external value of our money, the negative growth rate., and unemployment create political and social tensions which threaten the current process of democratization and endanger the stability and future of my country.
Hence, Guatemala, in addition to the internal efforts which it is making, is following attentively and taking part in the multilateral initiatives which are being taken for the purpose of finding viable solutions to these problems. We therefore support the Cartagena consensus to hold a multilateral meeting with the industrialized countries to eliminate those factors which give rise to the monetary, financial and trade crisis which besets us.
Latin America is confronting a very complex crisis in a very confusing world. To face up to this crisis we cannot fail to emphasize the importance of the problem of external debt. That is why there must be reasonable negotiations between debtors and creditors, which would take all factors into account. In this connections Latin America calls for a political dialog, because we feel that it is not right to sacrifice the development of its peoples to service the debt under such rigid conditions, we hope that the industrialized nations will adopt a realistic and understanding attitude because a Latin America in which economic problems are out of control is a political problem for the rest of the world. We therefore repeat our concern at this grave situation, which is serious also for the entire international community.
I should like now to refer to the still unsettled question of Belize. Guatemala in all good faith has held informal exploratory talks with the United Kingdom with the participation of representatives of Belize in order to find a just and honorable solution which will satisfy and safeguard the legitimate interests and rights of the parties involved. Guatemala, as has been done earlier, reiterates its firm will to continue such negotiations with an open mind and a constructive attitude in order to achieve points of agreement which will make it possible to lay the foundations for a definitive settlement. We are convinced that a sincere dialog must be pursued to promote understanding between the parties. We expect that our positive and realistic attitude will be reciprocated, and we expect that the other party will unequivocally display the political will necessary for a solution.
Nevertheless, the Government of Guatemala wishes once again to state that it reserves its rights over the territory of Belize as long as the dispute has not been resolved. Consequently, we do not recognize either the independence of Belize, or the State of Belize, or its alleged sea or land frontiers. We also wish to repeat that we intend to promote and strengthen economic, social and cultural relations with the people of Belize in order to promote better understanding- and mutually beneficial co-operation.
In connection with the question of the Malvinas, we support the Latin American position on this problem. We note that talks between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Argentina have not led to any final result on the dispute between the two parties, we again appeal for a renewed dialog between them in compliance with the principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations so as to give effect to Security Council resolution 502 (1982).
With regard to the situation in Kampuchea, we repeat that the people of the country themselves have the exclusive right freely to determine their destiny and that there must be an unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces, to guarantee the country's effective independence, territorial integrity and the exercise of its sovereignty.
The Government of Guatemala is gratified by the renewal of talks between the Red Cross of South Korea and North Korea, the economic talks seeking bilateral co-operation and cultural, artistic and other exchanges which have been taking place. These and other developments will promote a dialog with a view to the eventual reunification of Korea, an outcome which should definitely be supported by the international community.
My Government believes that South Korea and North Korea should be admitted as Members of the United Nations, if they so request, so that they also may take part in united Nations efforts to maintain international peace and security and strengthen international co-operation.
The war which is still being waged between Iran and Iraq is a source of grave concern to the international community. The protracted and intensified conflict places the peace and stability of the region, in grave jeopardy. We therefore insist that the parties involved bring about a cessation of hostilities so that a satisfactory solution can be found. Guatemala also regrets the great losses of human life and material damage caused by the war.
In relation to the Middle East, Guatemala expresses solidarity with the people of Lebanon suffering from the painful impact of violence and fratricidal confrontation. We believe that to restore a climate of concord and peace it is necessary immediately to withdraw all foreign forces from the occupied territory. Also, we believe that peace in the region must be based on mutual respect and that there must be recognition of and respect for the independence of the State of Israel, without denying the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to settle in their own territory.
The General Assembly and the Security Council have devoted more than 20 years in a quest for a solution to the problem of Namibia, on which several resolutions have been adopted demanding independence for the Territory. Guatemala believes that sufficient time has elapsed and that all ways have been explored for an orderly and peaceful transition of Namibia to independent life, within a united and integral territory. We believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) represents the only acceptable basis for the peaceful and final solution of the question of Namibia.
Guatemala categorically condemns the racist policy of apartheid practiced by the Government of South Africa, which is an attack on human dignity and fundamental human rights, we believe that the situation which prevails in southern Africa is intolerable, and the international community cannot permit it to continue. We are at one with those who are suffering from the effects of that reprehensible system. We expect good results from the efforts undertaken by the United Nations in implementation of the Program of Action for the Second Decade to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination.
Guatemala is a profoundly peaceful country and expresses its concern and alarm in this international forum at the escalation of the arms race.
My country is a party to the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which proscribes the introduction and use of nuclear arms in Latin America. Thus we support all the initiatives to declare nuclear-weapon-free zones in other regions of the world and understand the fears of those countries which have denounced nuclear tests in places from which they can be seriously affected.
Guatemala addresses an appeal to the nuclear Powers to limit and avail themselves of the research of nuclear technology solely for peaceful purposes, for the benefit of mankind, and abstain from the production, stockpiling and use of any type of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.
Disarmament talks between the super-Powers are crucial and we hope for positive results.
Also, we believe it is absurd and nonsensical to invest fabulous sums in arms when millions of human beings are suffering from hunger and poverty. This shows in dramatic terms the reality of a world in which some nations believe that peace must be achieved by means of a balance of forces or nuclear terror. The developing countries cannot fail to speak out most resolutely against such policies and demand that these huge sums of money be invested in assistance and support programs and development projects, with a clear sense of international justice.
I also express my Government's profound concern at the resurgence of terrorism which has become international practice. I express most energetically our condemnation and repudiation of such acts of cruelty which are completely inhumane and absolutely unjustifiable. No Government, organization, association, entity or individual can morally invoke any pretext whatsoever to justify the commission of such acts. In the course of this year we have seen with horror repetitions of acts of this nature that have affected many countries and have been denounced by the international community. Unfortunately, the Central American region has not been spared such irrational acts, and a sister country - El Salvador - which has suffered from them deserves our special solidarity in connection with the kidnapping of President Duarte's daughter by a terrorist group.
We repeat before this General Assembly our profound concern at the fact that the question of Afghanistan has not yet been resolved. We believe that the presence of foreign occupation forces in that country is in violation of the most elementary principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and international law and endangers the peace and security of that region. A solution of the problem of Afghanistan requires respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and non-aligned status of that country. We support the General Assembly resolutions 37/37, 38/29 and 39/13 which reaffirm that the Afghanistan has the right to decide its own form of Government and choose its own political, economic and social systems, without foreign interference, coercion or limitation of any kind, and that the interested parties should co-operate with the United Nations to achieve a political solution that will respect the will of the Afghan people and achieve an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops from the territory of that country.
Guatemala supported the decision to declare 1985 "International Youth Year; Participation, Development and Peace", recognizing the importance for all of us to focus world-wide attention on the needs of young people throughout the world owing to the vital role that they are called upon to play in the quest for a more just, equitable and peaceful world. We believe that the principles and tenets which inspire the Charter of the United Nations are a guide for youth to become aware of their responsibilities and the role that they will have to play in the world of tomorrow.
Likewise, Guatemala supports the recent resolution of the Executive Board of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) which decided on the goal of universal immunization of children by 1990, by accelerated action in accordance with objectives already established by the world Health Assembly.
We cannot ignore the terrible problem of drugs which affects, to a greater or lesser extent, almost all countries of the world. Trafficking in narcotic drugs which has increased in recent years, constitutes a serious threat to the international community which it must confront with courage and determination. There is no doubt that that terrible scourge which affects particularly the young must be controlled by joint efforts of those countries where it is produced, distributed and consumed. It is a common task that requires a commitment. The developed countries, where there is the greatest consumption of the drugs, must give special support and assistance to countries which are working for their eradication and crop substitution so as not to affect their development.
In concluding my statement, I call on all to look serenely and dispassionately on the major lessons of mankind's history so as to profit from experience and assess events in the light of circumstances, determining mankind's successes and failures. The United Nations, on its fortieth anniversary, is ending one stage and continuing on its long journey towards peace, justice and development. It is with the utmost objectivity that we must assess the possibilities for making the fullest possible use of the tools available to us to fashion the future by means of concerted effort and embracing the commitment to strengthen and further improve our Organization.
Society - as well as man, the fundamental element of that society - is in a constant process of evolution, obeying a dynamic which is part ef its own energy and, thus, we must have confidence and faith to confront with creativity the new challenges arising before the international community.


Let me start by joining the President of Brazil in conveying to the people and Government of Mexico our deep sympathy over the devastation wrought by earthquakes and our solidarity with them as they work to recover and rebuild. We admire the way the Government and people of Mexico are dealing with their problem. For our part, we a?.9 responding rapidly to Mexico's request for assistance with medicine, blankets and equipment to help in removing rubble, searching for survivors and fighting fires. But these are Mexico's short-term needs. The long-range impact and cost of the earthquakes are still being determined, but one thing is clear - they will be enormous. Here, too, the United States is prepared to respond to Mexico's plight.

As I look at the devastation - and, perhaps, as you do on your television screens and you see the pictures, you cannot help but be struck by the thought that Mexico City in some ways looks war-torn. Of course, an earthquake is not a man-made event. When the earth shook in Mexico there was nothing anyone could do about it. But our task here at the United Nations is to see to it that man does not cause the earth to shake. So let us devote ourselves to the cause of peace and freedom.
Three years ago, when I addressed this body for the first time, I stressed the need for realism. There is probably no other quality so appropriate and necessary for this Organization. But realism does not mean cynicism, or even pessimism. It means a clear-sighted appreciation of the opportunities we face, as well as of the obvious problems. It means remembering the many challenges that the world community has overcome, and drawing lessons from that. It means understanding that idealism and the yearning for human betterment are themselves part of reality, and thus have enormous practical significance.
The founding fathers of the United Nations are sometimes accused of naive Utopianism. Supposedly they ignored the realities of power politics in attempting to create a global system of collective security. I doubt it. The men and women who set up this Organization 40 years ago were among the great statesmen of the century. They drafted the Charter as a set of standards for international conduct - knowing full well that the world's nations probably would fall short of those standards, but knowing also that the setting of high goals is a necessary precondition to their pursuit and attainment.
The lofty goals of the Charter have a concrete, practical meaning today. They not only point the way to a better world? they reflect some of the most powerful currents at work in the contemporary world. The striving for justice, freedom, progress and peace is an ever-present and powerful reality that is today, more than ever, impressing itself on international politics.
Our political thinking must catch up to this reality. The policies of nations must adapt to this basic human striving. This Organization, too, must adapt to reality; it cannot afford to consume itself in political warfare and unrealistic posturing. There is work to be done. Let us do it.
The world community faces enormous challenges in three areas: in satisfying mankind's yearning for democracy, freedom and justice; in preserving and perfecting global peace and stability; and in spreading economic prosperity and progress.
First, the guest for democracy and freedom. Since the end of the Second World War, modern communication has opened the eyes of most of the world's peoples to the realization that they do not have to live their lives in poverty and despair; that, on the contrary, the blessings of prosperity and liberty known in the past only by a relative few can be theirs as well. The ideals for which the war was fought, and the spread of democracy and of prosperity in the industrialized world since, created an explosion of expectations.
The result has been in recent years a revolution of democratic aspirations sweeping the world. At the time of the San Francisco Conference in 1945, most of the nations represented in this hall today were not independent States but possessions - colonies of European empires. The vast number of languages, cultures and traditions that I can now see before me testify to the revolution in the world order. The old empires eventually had to accept the post-war reality of self-determination and national independence.
Much of the conflict in the world today stems from the refusal of some governments to accept the reality that the aspirations of people for democracy and freedom simply cannot be suppressed for ever by force.
 In South Africa, these aspirations on the part of the bLack majority have as never before, drawn global attention and support. Change is inevitable. The issue is not whether apartheid is to be dismantled, but how and when. And then, what replaces it: race war, bloodbath, and new forms of injustice? Or political accommodation and racial coexistence in a just society? The outcome depends on whether and how quickly the South African Government can accept the new reality, and on whether men and women of peace on both sides can seize the opportunity before it is too late.

This such is clear; there must be negotiation among South Africans of all races on constitutional reform. True peace will come only when the Government negotiates with, rather than locks up, representative black leaders. The violence will end only when 311 parties begin a mutual search for a just system of government.
One area where the future has brightened in the past five years as the aspirations of the people to democracy have been met in country after country is Latin America - as President Sarney just said so eloquently. In contrast to only 30 per cent in 1979, today more than 90 per cent of the people of Latin America live under Governments that are either democratic or clearly on the road to democracy.
In Central America, El Salvador, under the courageous leadership of President Duarte, has shown that democracy can take root and thrive even in the most difficult terrain. Its citizens have braved extremist violence to participate overwhelmingly in four free elections since 1982. Their President's current personal ordeal only serves to underscore the sacrifices thousands of Salvadorians continue to make as they fight to realize the ideals of the United Nations Charter. For this commitment they should be applauded by all Members. Ironically, El Salvador is today the only democracy subject to the scrutiny of a special rapporteur for human rights.
Among El Salvador's neighbors, Costa Rica has long been the region's beacon of representative government; Honduras is about to replace one freely-elected government with another; and Guatemala is about to join them as a democratic nation with the election of a president in November. These developments should enhance regional co-operation for economic development, which the United States supports through our Caribbean Basin initiative and President Reagan's initiative for peace, development and democracy.

But regional peace in Central America is threatened by the rulers of Nicaragua and their Soviet and Cuban allies. Behind a cloak of democratic rhetoric, the Nicaraguan communists have betrayed the 1979 revolution and embarked upon a course of tyranny at home and subversion against their neighbors. Brave Nicaraguans are fighting to restore the hope for freedom in their country and the other nations of the region are working together in collective self-defense against Nicaraguan aggression.
How can this crisis be resolved? The Central American nations, together with their nearest neighbors, the members of the Contadora Group, have subscribed to a document of 21 objectives. These include non-interference in the affairs of one's neighbors, serious dialog with domestic opposition groups, free elections and democracy in each country, the removal of foreign military personnel and a reduction of armaments. My Government supports a verifiable treaty based on full and simultaneous implementation of the 21 objectives. We welcome the resumption of talks next month in Panama and hope they lead to a final agreement. Contadora is the best forum for pursuing a settlement.
In El Salvador, President Duarte, true to his pledge to the Assembly last year, has pursued a dialog with the guerrilla opposition. Would that the rulers of Nicaragua would make,- and honor, a similar pledge to the Assembly this year. In San Jose on 1 March of this year the Nicaraguan democratic resistance called for internal dialog, moderated by the Roman Catholic Church, to end the killing.
The people of the region are waiting for a positive answer from the rulers of Nicaragua. Can it be that, never having been chosen by their people in a truly free election, they lack the confidence to face opponents they cannot silence or lock up, as they have so many others? The united Nicaraguan opposition deserves to participate in Nicaraguan political life and has an important role to play in the diplomatic process. Regional peace will not come without it.
The reality of democratic revolution is also demonstrated by the rise of national liberation movements against communist colonialism: in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Angola and other lands where, as in Nicaragua, people have organized in resistance to tyranny. Unlike the old European empires that came to accept the post-war reality of self-determination and national independence, the new colonialists are swimming against the tide of history. They are doomed to fail.
In Afghanistan the almost six-year-old Soviet invasion has inflicted untold suffering on a people whose will to resist and to free themselves from a pitiless tyranny cannot be broken. Hundreds of thousands of Afghans are dead or maimed, millions more make up the largest refugee population in the world and countless villages, schools and farms lie in ruins. Nowhere in the world has the carnage wrought by Soviet imperialism been greater than in Afghanistan and nowhere has the resistance been more determined and courageous.
The withdrawal of Soviet forces, as the General Assembly has noted on six occasions, would lead to solution of the Afghanistan problem. A solution must also encompass restoration of the country's independence and non-aligned status, self-determination for the Afghan people and the return in safety and honor of the more than 3 million refugees, unless and until the Soviet Union permits such a solution the national liberation struggle in Afghanistan will continue, the world-wide effort to provide succor to a beleaguered people will go forward and Soviet protestations of peace on this and other issues will not ring true. My Government, together with others concerned, stands ready to implement a just solution to this problem.
Cambodia, as we all know, stands as one of the worst examples in history of a totalitarian ideology carried to its bloodiest extreme. Today, courageous freedom fighters under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk and Son Sann struggle to reclaim their country. He continue to support the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) program for a peaceful solution; Vietnamese forces must withdraw completely, and Cambodia's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity must be restored under a Government chosen in free elections.
In other countries where the apparatus of repression is well developed, countless thousands of men and women wage private struggles for freedom, armed only with their consciences and their courage. Some suffer for their political convictions, others for their religious beliefs: solidarity trade unionists in Poland; Jews, Baptists, Roman Catholics, Pentecostalists and others in the Soviet Union; Baha is in Iran. With all the men and arms at their disposal, what are these Governments afraid of?
These brave and often nameless prisoners of conscience struggle to achieve for men and women in every corner of the world the promises of this Organization. He are with them, and we call on all States as Members of this body to honor their solemn commitments. As Thomas Jefferson once said,
"The opinions of men and women are not the rightful object of any Government, anywhere."
The quest for peace continue on many fronts. And for all the obstacles confronting it, there are examples of success - such as the treaty on Antarctica, which recently marked a quarter century of effective international co-operation. We can learn from problems overcome as we tackle the formidable problems ahead.
In the Middle Bast, 10 or 15 years ago, peace between Israel and any Arab State seemed a remote, if not impossible, dream. Finally, after untold suffering and four wars, a courageous leader, Anwar El-Sadat, abandoned the old ways of thinking and took the step no other Arab leader had been willing or prepared even to contemplate: he recognized that the State of Israel was here to stay and, with Prime Minister Begin, vowed there would be no more wars. Peace and normal relations were established, and the Sinai was returned.
The past year has seen major efforts toward new negotiations between Israel and its Arab neighbors. The United States is committed and engaged in support of those efforts, in accordance with President Reagan's initiative of three years ago. Yet the lesson of the past is clear: progress can be achieved only through direct negotiations, based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). There is no other way, and evasion of this reality only prolongs suffering and heightens dangers. Nothing positive will ever be achieved by chasing illusions of so-called armed struggle; but much can be accomplished by parties who are committed to peace and engaged in serious dialog. The moment is at hand - this year - to make major progress and to begin direct negotiations.
To the east, we have the continuing failure of reason to prevail and end the devastating war between Iran and Iraq. Prolonged by Iran's refusal to come to terms with its inability to achieve victory, this war has now entered its fifth year, with no end in sight. We again call on both parties to negotiate an end to the fighting.

On the Korean peninsula we see the first tentative steps being taken to get away from the mode of thinking that has characterized the pa at years. A decade ago, there seemed little hope for a significant reduction of tension. Yet last year both Koreas began a multifaceted, direct dialog, which the United States supports as the key to a solution. While the animosities of a lifetime are not resolved quickly, a start has been made. We also believe that membership in the United Nations for both the Republic of Korea and North Korea, in accordance with the principle of universality, would help reduce tensions.
Perhaps the most dramatic problem that requires new ways of thinking is international State-sponsored terrorism. Terrorism is every bit as much a form of war against a nation's interests and values as a full-scale armed attack. And it is a weapon wielded particularly against innocent civilians, against free nations, against democracy, against moderation and against peaceful solutions. It is an affront to everything the United Nations stands for.
Progress has been made against the terrorist threat through co-operation in the United Nations system. Many nations subscribe to The Hague, Tokyo and Montreal Conventions to make air travel safer and to suppress hijacking and sabotage. Progress has also been made in providing protection for diplomats, and some nations have agreed on how to handle hostage situations. Just this month, participants at the Seventh United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, held at Milan, adopted a strong, broad-ranging resolution urging all States to adhere to these agreements and to strengthen international actions against terrorism.
Much more remains to be done. The United States and other nations, for example, are working with the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to improve standards of security. Over this past year, so far 90 potential terrorist actions against United States facilities or citizens have been deterred or prevented. But the fight has only begun, and it cannot be won by one Government alone. The civilized world must put the terrorists and their supporters on notice: we will defend ourselves in any and every way we can.
The reality of the nuclear age has spelled the United States and the Soviet Union to engage in a dialog, of varying intensity, for the past 40 years. This dialog has been an unprecedented attempt by two rivals to manage their competition and avert war. We know that we share a responsibility for maintaining peace, not just for our peoples, but for all the earth's peoples.
Despite all the difficulties, let us remember what has been accomplished. After the two most destructive wars in history, the super-Powers, joined with others, have averted world war for four decades. We have had some success in limiting nuclear testing. Working together with other nations since the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1968, we have succeeded in restricting the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Twenty years ago it was conventional wisdom that there would be 15 to 25 nuclear-weapon States by today; yet the number of States acknowledged to possess nuclear weapons has held at five for the past 20 years. The United States remains committed to all the goals of the Treaty, whose Third Review Conference just concluded successfully in Geneva. And the United States and the Soviet Union have taken practical steps to avoid conflict. Our navies have long agreed to work together to prevent incidents at sea. And we have set up and improved the "hot line" for crisis communications.
In the nuclear and space arms talks in Geneva, the United States has advanced far-reaching proposals: a reduction by almost one-half in the most destabilizing weapons, strategic ballistic missile warheads, and the elimination of the whole class of the United States and Soviet longer-range intermediate-range nuclear forces missiles worldwide, all leading ultimately to the complete elimination of nuclear arms. We repeatedly have stressed our readiness for give and take and to
 consider alternative proposals. Each of our proposals has been followed up by further attempts to find common ground with the Soviet Union. He have offered trade-offs and have made clear our readiness to take account of legitimate Soviet concerns to obtain an agreement that would enhance strategic stability and strengthen deterrence..
Progress at Geneva has been slow. Thus far the Soviet Union has not negotiated with the responsiveness that the talks require. None the less, our determination to reach an equitable agreement has not wavered.
In this spirit, President Reagan last June decided to continue our policy of taking no action that would undercut the limits of previous agreements, to the extent the Soviet Union shows comparable restraint. Despite serious reservations about those agreements, and serious concerns about the Soviet record of non-compliance.', the President made this decision to foster a climate of truly mutual restraint to facilitate progress in arms control.
While the most direct path to a safer world is through equitable, verifiable reductions, we also see value in verifiable limitations on nuclear testing. For that reason, President Reagan, in his speech to this body last year, proposed that the United States and the Soviet Union exchange visits of experts at test sites to measure directly the yields of nuclear-weapon test. This would significantly improve confidence in the verifiability of proposed treaty limits on underground testing. The Soviet Union rejected this offer. Nevertheless, last July, the President issued an unconditional invitation for a Soviet team to observe and measure a nuclear test at the Nevada Test Site. We again call on the Soviet Union to take up this offer, which is a concrete, positive step toward verifiable restrictions on nuclear testing.
 When the Anti-Ballistic-Missile Treaty was signed in 1972 it was assumed that tight limits on defensive systems would make possible real reductions in strategic offensive arms. But the Soviet Union has never agreed to any meaningful reductions in offensive nuclear arms. Instead, it has continued an unprecedented military build-up - particularly in heavy intercontinental ballistic missiles with a first-strike capability - which is eroding the basis on which deterrence has rested for decades. The strategy of reliance on offensive retaliation to preserve deterrence and prevent war thus is being called into question by Soviet actions.
The answer is, first, for us both to agree that strategically significant, verifiable reductions in the numbers and destructive potential of offensive weapons. But there are additional ways to redress the problem. President Reagan has directed our scientists and engineers to examine, in the light of new technologies and fully in accord with the Anti-Ballistic-Missile Treaty - the feasibility of defense against ballistic-missile attack. Strategic defense could give our children and grandchildren a safer world. We would continue to rely on deterrence to prevent war, but deterrence would be based more on denying success to a potential attacker and less on threatening massive mutual destruction. Such a means of deterrence should be safer and more stable. Our goal is not to achieve superiority but to add to the security of both sides. As former Soviet Premier Kosygin said, an anti-missile system "is intended not for killing people but for saving human lives". The Soviet Premier was right.
We want to co-operate with the Soviet union in making progress on these most important of all issues. Progress requires - it demands - good will, realism and honesty. Behind the curtain that encloses Soviet society, free from the open debate we see in the West, a major strategic defense program has proceeded for decades. The current Soviet leaders know that. In the past 20 years the
 Soviet Union has spent about as much on strategic defense as on its offensive nuclear forces. The Soviets know that. The Soviets have the world's most active military space program, last year conducting about 100 space launches, some 80 per cent of which were purely military in nature, compared to a total of about 20 United States space launches. The Soviets know that, too. They deploy the world's only anti-ballistic-missile system, whose nuclear-armed interceptors and other components are undergoing extensive modernization. They are researching many of the same new technologies as we, and are ahead in some. And the Soviet Union has the world's only extensively tested and fully operational anti-satellite system. The Soviet leaders know full well their own efforts in these fields. Their propaganda about American programs is blatantly one-sided and not to be taken seriously.
So let us get down to real business, with the seriousness the subject deserves, and let us do so in the quiet of the negotiating room, where we can really make progress cm narrowing our differences.
Progress needs to be made in other arms-control areas as well. Restraints on chemical and biological weapons have eroded in recent years as international agreements have been violated by the Soviet Union and others. In April 1984 the United States proposed a comprehensive treaty for a global ban on chemical weapons. We will again introduce a draft resolution on chemical weapons in the First Committee. We must have talks on serious, verifiable proposals.
To reduce the risk of conflict through miscalculation we and our Atlantic allies have proposed significant confidence- and security-building measures at the Conference on Disarmament in Europe. To enhance security in Central Europe we have repeatedly sought ways to move the mutual and balanced force reduction talks in Vienna forward.
In sum, the United States and the Soviet Union now have a historic opportunity to reduce the risk of war. President Reagan looks forward to his meeting with General Secretary Gorbachev in November. We have a long agenda. The United States is working hard to make it a productive meeting and we want the meeting itself to give a further impetus to the wide-ranging dialog on which we are already embarked. Soviet acts of good faith and willingness to reach fair agreements will be more than matched on the American side.
Just as there is a democratic revolution in the world today, so there is also a revolution in economic thinking. Mankind is moving towards an ever greater recognition of the inescapable tie between freedom and economic progress. Command economies, in spite of all their pretensions, have not done very well in liberating people from poverty. In reality, they have served as instruments of power for the few rather than of hope for the many. Expectations of material progress and prosperity have been fulfilled in countries whose Governments have applied reason and fresh thinking to their problems, learning from experience rather than slavishly Allowing outworn dogma. The new way of thinking - economic freedom -actually is a return to old truths that many had forgotten or never understood.
Those developing countries in Asia relying on free market policies, for example, have enjoyed one of the most remarkable economic booms in history despite a relative lack of natural resources. The ASEAN nations and the Republic of Korea have grown at a 7 per cent a year rate over the past decade, the fastest rate in the world, and ASEAN has become a model of regional development and political co-operation. In recognition of the success of economic freedom the island nations of the South Pacific have continued to encourage the private sector as well. We are joining with them in a dedicated effort to negotiate quickly a regional fisheries agreement that will benefit all.

The success of these and other countries demonstrates that the laws of economics do not discriminate between developed and developing. For all nations equally the true source of wealth is the energy and creativity of the individual, not the State. After decades of fashionable socialist doctrine we see today on every continent efforts to decentralize, deregulate, denationalize and enlarge the scope for producers and consumers to interact in the free market. In India, China and elsewhere new policies are being adopted to unleash the creative abilities of talented peoples. At the Bonn economic summit last May the leaders of the largest industrial democracies acknowledged the same truth. The road to prosperity begins at the same starting point for all nations: freedom and incentives for the individual.
This truth should be our guide as we address today's economic challenges,.
In sub-Saharan Africa drought has placed perhaps 30 million men, women and children at risk. We do not know how many have already died. Along with other Western countries, the United States has undertaken one of the largest disaster relief programs in history. This year alone the United States has provided $1.2 billion for drought and famine relief and $800 million in other economic assistance. The nations that have been helping should continue to do so; those that have not borne their share should start to do so.
But we owe it to the suffering to ask this question: Why is food so scarce? Drought, without question, is part of the reason, but in some countries there are other, more important reasons. One is Government policies that have severely harmed agricultural productivity. These policies must be reversed. Those countries that have undertaken liberalizing reforms are reaping the benefits and can show the way for others. Another problem is lack of appropriate technologies. The United States is carrying out a long-term program to strengthen African agricultural research, which we hope will help to produce a green revolution on the continent.
 Elsewhere in the developing world, as in Africa, countries face the continuing problem of debt. Many have undertaken necessary, though painful, adjustment, taking courageous steps to cut Government spending, eliminate subsidies and price controls, permit currencies to adjust to the market, free interest rates to encourage saving and discourage capital flight and create conditions to attract new capital. Austerity, however, is certainly not an end in itself. The purpose of short-term adjustment is to get back on the track of long-term growth.
In all these efforts we must be careful that the heavy burden of servicing the historic debt levels of the developing nations of Latin America and Africa does not inhibit their future growth. Creative co-operation between borrowers and lenders, with continued constructive assistance from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), will be essential in achieving that goal.
Other nations too have a major part to play in helping these countries overcome their debt problem and resume sustainable growth. External financing to support effective adjustment has been and will continue to be important. Access to export markets is also necessary. Indeed, an open trading system is crucial to the hopes of all of us. Trade expansion has been an engine of post-war prosperity. It would therefore be suicidal to return to the protectionism of the 1920s and 1930s which helped bring on the great depression. Protectionism is not a cure; it is a disease, a disease that could cripple all of us. Trade must be free, open and fair. The United States will work to see that it is. But there must be a level playing field. We want open trading, but that means mutuality. Barriers erected against American products are just not acceptable to us.
As President Reagan is saying today in a major speech,
"The freer the flow of world trade, the stronger the tides for human progress and peace among nations."
 To preserve and strengthen the trading system may well be the central economic issue facing the world community today. For that reason it is essential that all nations join now in preparations for a new General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. (GATT) round next year; no nation, even one as large and as powerful as the United States, can by itself ensure a free trading system. All that we and others have done to provide for the free flow of goods and services and capital is based on co-operation* Indeed, it was that very spirit of co-operation that prompted the United States and four of the leading industrial nations yesterday to pledge firm resolve to work together in addressing the pressing economic issues of this decade.
Sound economic policies in every country are the key to strengthening the world economy. In the United States policies that have unleashed individual talent, reduced Government's role and stabilized prices have helped to produce more than 8 million new jobs since 1982 and lead the world out of recession. But many imbalances in the world economy remain, notably in trade accounts, exchange rates and capital flows. These must be corrected by the world community acting in concert if recent economic gains are to be preserved and hopes for progress sustained. For its part, the United States must restrain public spending, reduce its budget deficit and encourage saving. Others must do more to reduce rigidities and promote the private investment needed to facilitate adjustment and spur expansion.
I believe we can surmount our problems just as we succeeded in solving the energy crisis and bringing inflation under control. There was a time when those problems too seemed insurmountable. We can succeed again today if we have the honesty and courage to face our problems squarely and if our ways of thinking conform to reality.
Forty years ago the founders of the United Nations recognized that new ways had to be found to regulate conduct between nations. That remains true today. The
 Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights speak to us, not as different races, creeds and nationalities, but as human beings, men and women. Our task as we look at the next century is to learn that the things which unite us - the desire for peace, human rights and material well-being - as set down in those documents are far more important than the things which divide us.
The main obstacle to greater realization of the goals of the Charter is the lust of the few for power over the many, just as it has been the obstacle to human happiness since the dawn of history. But change is inevitable. And today change, technological change, holds out hope perhaps as never before. The revolution in communications and information may be the most far-reaching development of our time. Those political systems that try to stand in the way of the free flow of knowledge and information will relegate their citizens to second-class status in the next century. The future belongs to societies that can spread knowledge, adapt, innovate, tap the unfettered talents of well-informed citizens and thus fully exploit the new technologies; free societies clearly are best equipped for this challenge. The communications revolution will be a truly liberating revolution, for it threatens the monopoly of information and thought upon which tyrants rely for absolute control.
On every continent - from Nicaragua to Poland, from South Africa to Afghanistan and Cambodia - we see that the yearning for freedom is the most powerful political force all across the planet. The noble ideals of democracy and freedom are in the ascendant. Today, we can look with renewed hope to the day when the goals of the united Nations truly will be met.


Sir, on behalf of my President, His Excellency Ngwazi Dr. H. Karauzu Banda, the Government and the people of the Republic of Malawi, and on my own behalf, it is with great pleasure that I congratulate Ambassador de Pinies on his election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am convinced that his professional qualities, backed by years of diplomatic experience, uniquely qualify him for the high office of President of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. My delegation is confident that, under his guidance, the General Assembly will be able to complete its work efficiently and successfully.
I should also like to pay my country's tribute to youE predecessor, His Excellency Me. John Paul Firoino Lusaka, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Republic of Zambia to the United Nations, for the able manner, wisdom and unparalleled diplomatic skills with which he presided over the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I wish him well and the best for the future.
On behalf of the Government and the people of the Republic of Malawi I convey to the Government and the people of Mexico our heartfelt sympathy for the loss of life and property they suffered as a result of the recent devastating earthquakes which hit that country.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations, His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, deserves special commendation for his efforts to bring peace to war-torn regions and for his personal mediation efforts, notably in the Iran-Iraq war and in Cyprus.
The fortieth session of the General Assembly should be considered as the most important and unique session since the Organization's inception. This session of the General Assembly will go into the annals of history as one of the most important events. It is important because the world body is commemorating the fortieth anniversary of its existence. During those four decades the United Nations has made it possible for the world in general to enjoy the longest period of peace without another global war of the magnitude that was witnessed during the two world wars. This long period of peace and tranquility is attributed to the untiring efforts of the world body, without whose intervention the world would have once again experienced another ghastly, savage and destructive war employing the most modern weapons of destruction.
The world body was founded to maintain international peace and security based cm the community of interests and concerted international endeavors to avoid a third world war. Thus the founding fathers were determined to prevent another
global war, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war which had twice brought untold loss and suffering to mankind and to uphold the fundamental right of each person to live a free life and to enjoy the protection of the law in his or her country.
My delegation is aware that the maintenance of international peace and security is a complex and multi-faceted goal that impinges upon many different areas of human activity. In the quest to achieve international peace and security the nations of the world solemnly undertook to be tolerant of each other and to live as good neighbors, thereby affording the peoples of the world a happier life.
The States Members of the United Nations have conferred upon the Security Council, one of the principal organs of the world body, primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The Charter empowers the Security Council to deploy combat armed forces supplied by Member States to restore and maintain international peace and security.
On many occasions the United Nations has been called upon to prevent dangerous and volatile situations from assuming proportions likely to start conventional wars. Despite many handicaps, setbacks, frustrations and lack of co-operation from Member States, the United Nations has continued to play an important role as a peace-making and peace-keeping Organization.
While my delegation appreciates the role the United Nations plays in the maintenance of international peace and security, including through the Security Council, we are gravely concerned by the manner in which some States Members often freely, blatantly and flagrantly violate the decisions made and resolutions adopted by the United Nations. In order to enable the Security Council to implement its decisions and resolutions, all States Members have an obligation to render the Security Council their maximum co-operation.
During the entire period of its existence the United Nations has adopted many resolutions on major issues, but implementing those resolutions has proved difficult, if not outright impossible, because of lack of political will on the part of Member States. Sometimes we have blamed the veto power exercised by the five permanent members of the Security Council as being responsible for rendering United Nations decisions and resolutions powerless and ineffective. Permit me to mention that it does not necessarily follow that majority resolutions and decisions are always practical. In this regard, use of the veto could be considered as positive.
Through the United Nations States Members are afforded the opportunity to meet, to hold frank, construction discussions and to share views on problem-solving. I believe that over the years the United Nations has made great and significant contributions towards world peace and prosperity. Through its various specialized agencies the United Nations has served as a catalyst in stimulating and promoting action elsewhere. The world's socio-economic sectors have undergone profound changes and have now become interdependent. This interdependence, added to the complexities of the problem, leads at times to intense differences of views among the various groups of countries. But at the same time, they have underlined the mutuality of interests and the need for understanding and co-operation. We should therefore best commemorate the fortieth session by affirming the common desire of all Member States to continue to make sustained efforts to raise the standard of living in all countries. This is, in essence, the raison d'etre of the specialized agencies.
I should like to pay special tribute to the Secretary-General and to all those countries that have, in one way or another, assisted the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. The countries of that region have been severely affected by acute food shortages as a result of unprecedented prolonged drought, accelerating
desertification, floods and adverse climatic conditions, as well as other natural disasters. Despite its great size, diversity and enormous economic potential, Africa still remains the least developed of all the continents. However, in accordance with the provisions of the Lagos Plan of Action, African countries have individually and collectively recognized the need to achieve self-sufficiency in food production and supply, collective self-reliance and sustained development. The efforts of the international community with regard to food grants, emergency-relief operations and related foreign aid are welcome and commendable, although they constitute temporary solutions to Africa's food crisis.
What Africa requires is financial and technical assistance to enable the continent to improve its agriculture, train its agricultural personnel, conduct more research to improve crop yield, adopt modern methods of farming and move away from subsistence farming.
If I may be permitted to digress a little, I should like to speak briefly about my own country. As the General Assembly may be aware, Malawi is predominantly an agricultural country with no minerals that can be exploited economically or commercially. However, I am pleased to inform this Assembly that we are self-sufficient in food production and our economy is largely based on agriculture and agro-based light industries. Malawi's self-sufficiency in food production and modest economic progress have been achieved because of the people's positive response to our leader's constant call for hard work in the fields and the peace and political stability prevailing in the country. The primary goal of Malawis development policies is to continue to raise and improve the standard of living of the entire population, especially those in the rural areas, who constitute 90 per cent of the country's population.
The agricultural production derives principally from two sub-sectors, notably, small holder farming on customary land and estate or commercial farming on leasehold land. Small holder farming takes up about 70 per cent of the country's cultivable land area, while commercial farming covers only 5 per cent. The main role of the small holder sub-sector is to produce sufficient food crops for local consumption while the surplus is sold. The smallholders also produce cash crops for export and for local agro-based light industries. On the other hand, the estate sub-sector is the major foreign exchange earner, exporting tobacco, sugar, tea, tung oil, coffee and macadamia nuts.
The critical economic situation prevailing in Africa and in many developing countries calls for immediate attention. It is a matter of deep concern to my delegation that four decades after the end of the war the just demand of developing countries for the eradication of economic backwardness, domination and exploitation and for the achievement of equitable development and progress has remained largely unfulfilled. Despite their best efforts, the pace of development has been seriously set back in many developing countries and, indeed, reversed in the least developed and poorest among the poor, where deprivation and abject poverty remain the daily plight of hundreds of millions of people. This is why we have been appealing for the establishment of a new international economic order.
In his address to the Economic and Social Council last year, the Secretary-General warned the world in the following words:
"The economic survival of many countries in Africa is now at stake. Unless the international community responds urgently and adequately, the consequences for Africa will be very serious. But the consequences will be equally serious for the world as a whole."
My delegation would therefore like to take this opportunity to appeal to the developed and industrialized nations to provide the developing countries with more technical and financial assistance to enable them to overhaul and revamp their economies, which have been seriously hit as a result of high interest rates, indebtedness and low prices for their export commodities, coupled with the generally worsening economic climate. We appeal to the developed countries to consider the developing countries as partners in progress, because their development and well-being are closely linked with the development and well-being of the developing countries. It would, indeed, be a most welcome humanitarian gesture if the lending countries were to consider the possibility of converting official loans and development aid into grants in order to alleviate the economic burden of the low-income countries. We further appeal to all potential and traditional donors for more assistance to Africa. We believe that the world community is capable of rendering generous assistance to Africa, which is ravaged by food shortages, financial hardships, balance-of-payments problems, drought, hunger, desertification and acute transport problems.
I should like now to say something about matters affecting our region. I refer specifically to the political situation currently prevailing in southern Africa. Our region is yearning for peace. We are aware that there exists a close relationship between peace and development and that these two elements are not mutually exclusive and cannot be pursued in isolation one from the other. Indeed, progress in the achievement of one facilitates the achievement of the other and vice versa. The interrelationship between peace and development is particularly crucial and relevant in the circumstances currently prevailing in our region.
My delegation is obviously concerned over the unresolved political impasse in Namibia. While the process of decolonization has reached its final and most decisive phase, we note with great concern that the people of Namibia have not as yet attained their rightful independence. The war that is raging in that part of our region has claimed, and continues to claim, many innocent lives on both sides, and in the process property worth millions of dollars has been destroyed. The Government of Malawi firmly supports the call for independence and self-determination for Namibia and fervently believes that the only viable solution to the problem is through the full implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The independence of Namibia should not be linked to any extraneous issues which are outside the ambit and framework of the provisions of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
Any deliberate action or move aimed at undermining and concentrating attempts at finding a peaceful and lasting solution to the Namibian problems not be
accepted by any of the peace-loving nations.
My delegation welcomes any moves in our region that are geared towards the achievement of peace and peaceful solutions to our problems. The importance of peaceful coexistence cannot be over-emphasized. Indeed, hostilities between
neighboring countries should not be encouraged. We believe that through co-operation a new epoch of peace and security could be ushered into our region.
I believe that the problems facing our region can best be solved through the policy of contact and dialog. At the assent, we are concerned about the apparent failure to find a just and lasting solution to the problems facing our region. My Government does not believe in the use of force or violence in solving problems and disputes. Equally, we do not subscribe to the policy of isolation and boycott.
The General Assembly is aware that the international community is now pressing for disinvestment and mandatory sanctions in order to bring about chancy and meaningful political reforms in South Africa.
I strongly appeal to the proponents of this philosophy to reconsider the matter on the grounds that economic sanctions are bound to be detrimental and are bound to cause sure hardships to the majority of black people than to the minority white population. Indeed, as South Africa has itself predicted, the economic repercussions and reverberative effects would also adversely affect the neighboring countries.
With regard to conflict areas in the Middle East, Asia and South-East Asia, we appeal to the Secretary-General to continue to use his good offices in order to find just and lasting solutions which would be acceptable to the parties involved. I believe that negotiated settlements in these regions should be speedily pursued because international peace is the concern of my Government. In this connection, I would like to take the liberty to applaud the efforts undertaken by several peace-loving nations in the search for durable peace in these regions. My delegation believes that the total and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops from these regions would certainly enhance the chances of finding durable and just solutions to the problems. I would like the peoples of these regions to be afforded the opportunity to choose their own leaders and to determine their own destiny without foreign interference and intervention in their internal affairs.
The question of Cyprus also deserves mention by my delegation. My delegation calls for the total withdrawal of all foreign troops from Cyprus. We would like to see peace prevail Cyprus, and this could best be achieved if the two communities were afforded, without foreign intervention, the opportunity to hold further inter-communal and proximity talks. In this regard, we believe that a solution acceptable to both communities might be worked out.
My delegation would like to point out that there is a close dynamic interrelationship between peace and international security and disarmament. I am, therefore, calling for effective measures to halt the arms race, in particular the nuclear arms race. I equally support all efforts, bilateral and multilateral, aimed at genuine nuclear disarmament and arms limitation. My delegation's concern is in respect of the probability of unleashing a nuclear war which would be extremely catastrophic. Huge sums of money are spent on nuclear weapons, and I appeal to the developed nations to channel these funds to other developmental activities in the developing countries in order to improve the health, education, nutritional status, and the general standard of living of their peoples.
May I be permitted to reiterate once more my Government's belief in the policy and philosophy of contact and dialog as the only practical way of solving most of the world's political problems and conflicts. Therefore, Malawi believes passionately in the noble ideals for which the United Nations stands, which are world peace, international security, and justice. These fundamental ideals could be realized through peaceful discussions among nations and not through threats, violence or war.
During the last 40 years of its existence, the United Nations has done commendable work in the promotion and maintenance of international peace, and I appeal to all the members of this Assembly to rededicate themselves to the noble principles and purposes of the Charter and to support effectively our Organization.
Finally, may I be permitted to assure the General Assembly that the constructive efforts of our Organization, in its search for peace, security and justice, will always enjoy the full support of the Government of the Republic of Malawi.