I should like, on
behalf of my delegation and of the Government and the
people of the Republic of Mauritius, to congratulate
you, Sir, on your election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixtieth session. We are confident that
you will be able to discharge the responsibilities
entrusted to you. I want to assure you, as I did during
our meeting this morning, of my delegation’s fullest
cooperation during your tenure of office.
I would also like to convey my delegation’s
gratitude and appreciation to Mr. Jean Ping of Gabon
for the outstanding manner in which he conducted the
affairs of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth
session. As Africans, we are proud of his exemplary
stewardship.
My delegation also wishes to express its
appreciation for the tireless and dedicated efforts of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, in leading the
Organization in these challenging times.
The very first words of the United Nations
Charter — “We the peoples of the United Nations” —
are of overwhelming significance. They imply that
people should be the primary beneficiaries of every
resolution that we adopt and every programme that we
launch. As we engage in this debate, we should ask
ourselves whether we have, indeed, put the peoples at
the centre of all of our deliberations and activities.
Have we done enough to ensure that ordinary people,
men and women, young and old, benefit from all our
initiatives and actions, collective as well as individual?
Last Friday, by adopting the outcome document,
leaders of the world renewed their pledge to save
humanity from the scourge of war, fear, disease, famine
and poverty. The citizens of the world were witness to
the sober promises we made in it. They now wait, in
earnest, to see concrete results. We are therefore
required to muster the collective political will to
mobilize the necessary resources to fulfil those
pledges.
The wealthy and powerful North should assist the
less fortunate countries, which require assistance to
help propel them into the orbit of irreversible
sustainable social and economic growth. For its part,
the South must devote energy and show creativity as it
engages in a common effort to attain social
development and human security.
The spirit of teamwork and partnership which
resulted in the successful outcome of the United
Nations world summit should allow us to adopt a fresh
mindset that places the interests, security and welfare
of our peoples at the centre of our socio-economic
policies. That cannot be done without promoting
human rights and fundamental freedoms.
In our efforts to pursue people-centred
development, we must put a premium on tackling those
national and transnational issues that have a direct
impact on people’s welfare. Lifting peoples out of
abject poverty and endowing them with appropriate
means to lead productive lives is the best guarantee for
long-term sustained social stability, which, in turn, will
ensure prosperity and international peace. Poverty
reduction and eradication must therefore remain at the
core of all development efforts towards a just and
equitable order.
In keeping with our democratic tradition, just
three months ago, the people of my country voted,
overwhelmingly, for a change of Government.
Immediately upon assuming office, my Government
has formulated development strategies based on the
premise that economic and social policies must
subserve the primacy of the people, in particular the
poor. In fact, the fundamental principle of my
Government’s policy is putting the people first. My
Government believes that the fullest possible
participation of the people in the development process
is the best guarantee for the success of any growth
strategy.
The first set of social decisions taken by my
Government, with that in mind, has been to expand the
welfare State to cover free transportation for students
and the elderly as well as to restore old-age pensions
for all citizens. My Government's overriding objective
is ultimately to make the economy work for the people,
not to make the people work for the economy.
My delegation believes that assisting developing
countries through increased official development
assistance (ODA) is crucial; but it is only a palliative,
not a remedy. Aid without trade would be not only
unsustainable but, indeed, self-defeating. Trade is, and
will always remain, the recognized engine of economic
growth and development. Developing countries
continue to face impediments in their efforts to attain
sustained economic growth. Tariff and non-tariff
barriers in developed countries, combined with the
10

non-implementation of commitments undertaken with
respect to development financing and debt alleviation
for developing countries, further aggravate the
situation. We call on the international community to
demonstrate the political will necessary to ensure that
the Doha development round truly takes into account
those concerns so as to achieve a fair and equitable
global trading system for the benefits of our people.
My delegation welcomes the particular attention
given by the world summit to the special needs of
Africa. While many countries throughout the world
have made significant progress in lifting their people
out of poverty, for many others — mainly in
sub-Saharan Africa — poverty, hunger, illiteracy,
infectious diseases and the incidence of HIV/AIDS,
unemployment and environmental degradation
continue to take a heavy toll. My delegation therefore
appreciates the resolve of the international community
to address those issues and emphasizes the need for
timely implementation of the relevant measures.
Despite significant efforts that have resulted in
peace in several parts of Africa, the continent
continues to suffer from violent conflicts and
humanitarian crises. The plight of displaced people —
especially women and children — in those conflict
situations and in refugee camps needs to be urgently
addressed. My delegation wishes to underscore the
importance of enhanced measures to protect vulnerable
groups, especially women and children, during and
after armed conflicts.
In our own region, Mauritius continues to remain
actively engaged in the reconciliation process in the
Comoros. We are presently coordinating the
preparations to host a donor round table for the
Comoros later this year. The importance of the meeting
cannot be overstated. We urge the donor community to
contribute to this process for the benefit of the people
of the Comoros.
The situation in the Middle East is seeing some
tangible progress. We welcome the process of Israeli
disengagement from Gaza and the northern West Bank,
and we commend the efforts of the President of the
Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, to find a
peaceful and lasting solution to the conflict. We urge
both the Israeli and the Palestinian peoples to continue
the much-needed confidence-building measures so as
to achieve a just and lasting peace.
With regard to Iraq, where innocent civilians are
falling victim to violence on a daily basis, it is
imperative that necessary support be provided to
ensure the creation of an environment in which the
Iraqi people can live in peace and security.
I spoke extensively on terrorism in the statement
I made on 15 September 2005 during the High-level
Plenary Meeting. I wish to reaffirm my country's
commitment to fully cooperate with the international
community to fight the scourge of terrorism, which has
a direct and indirect effect on the lives of ordinary and
innocent people.
At a time when there is a global consensus
regarding the need to build a more secure world, it is a
matter of the greatest regret that the 2005 Review
Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons failed to
achieve a conclusive outcome. The proliferation of
nuclear weapons poses a grave risk of fissile material
falling into the wrong hands. That eventuality is too
horrendous to contemplate. The devastation that could
be caused by so-called low-yield nuclear weapons is
unimaginable.
Mauritius advocates the eventual complete
elimination of all nuclear weapons on the basis of a
comprehensive and non-discriminatory disarmament
regime. To demonstrate once again its full commitment
to non-proliferation and to international peace and
security, Mauritius recently signed the Additional
Protocol of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Mauritius welcomes the agreement reached in
June 2005 in New York on a politically binding
international instrument on the tracing of small arms
and light weapons, which will no doubt assist in
combating the illicit trade in such weapons. That
represents a significant step in ensuring that our
peoples live in a safer world.
As regards reform of the Security Council, I wish
to refer to my statement on 15 September 2005
outlining the position of Mauritius on that issue. We
have a unique opportunity for substantial reform; it
must not be squandered. It is imperative that Africa
and India, the world's largest democracies, should find
their rightful place in such reform. A reformed Security
Council should reflect the present geopolitical realities
to meet the aspirations of all our peoples.
11

The United Nations is a vital forum in which
States, large and small, wealthy and less fortunate, can
have their voices heard. It also provides a framework
for collective action on the basis of consensus
partnership and mutual understanding. I wish to
reiterate the appeal I made, as Chair of the Alliance of
Small Island States, to our friends and partners at the
special session on financing for development to
continue to assist the small island developing States in
their sustainable development efforts through the
proper and effective implementation of the Mauritius
Strategy.
Regional cooperation is an important means for
developing and strengthening the economies of
developing countries. To that end, we have made
modest but encouraging progress with respect to
regional integration. Mauritius pursues an active policy
of integration through subregional organizations such
as the Southern African Development Community, the
Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, the
Indian Ocean Commission and the Indian Ocean Rim-
Association for Regional Cooperation. While relations
with our traditional development and trade partners
continue to feature prominently in the foreign policy of
Mauritius, we intend to take vigorous steps towards the
development of strategic partnerships with member
States of the South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation and of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations, as well as with Latin American countries.
Allow me to reiterate before the Assembly our
legitimate sovereignty claim over the Chagos
Archipelago, including the island of Diego Garcia,
which was detached by the United Kingdom from the
territory of Mauritius prior to our independence, in
violation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of
1960 and resolution 2066 (XX)  of 1965. The people of
the Chagos Archipelago, who were evicted from the
islands, are still struggling for their right to return to
their birthplace. We reiterate our call to the United
Kingdom to pursue discussions with us for an early
settlement of this issue. Likewise, we  appeal to the
French Government to expedite the process of
resolving the issue of the sovereignty of Tromelin
through dialogue in the spirit of friendship and trust
that has always characterized our relationship.
(spoke in French)
Here, I should like to say a few words in French
to show my country’s attachment to and respect for
cultures and languages in all their diversity. Some of
those languages, including French, have been
bequeathed to us by history.
People have struggled throughout history to live
better, but humankind continues to suffer. That remains
true, unfortunately, for the developing countries, and
those of the African continent in particular. The dawn
of the third millennium has seen the expansion of
assistance projects, including the Millennium
Development Goals, to improve the fate of the weak
and impoverished. We are committed to reducing
extreme poverty and hunger by 2015.
The International Organization of la
Francophonie, as announced in November 2004 at its
tenth summit in Ouagadougou, is involved in that
global struggle. We need to reinvent ourselves, get off
the beaten track, and find new ways to attain our
objectives as soon as possible. In that respect, we
welcome the contribution of the French-speaking
family in that joint action.
(spoke in English)
From this very rostrum 37 years ago, when
Mauritius acceded to United Nations membership in
1968, Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, then Prime
Minister and father of the Mauritian nation, firmly
advocated a secure, stable and just world:
“[M]en of goodwill are constantly trying to find a
formula by which the underprivileged can banish
inequality and fear and aspire to a place in the
sun.” (A/PV.1643, para. 100)
Today, those aspirations are more valid than ever
as the comity of nations engages in the quest for
freedom from want, freedom from fear and the freedom
to live in dignity. Providing mankind with those
freedoms remains the primary goal of the United
Nations.
In that spirit, I wish to announce that my
Government has made a commitment in the Clinton
Global Initiative to organizing an international
conference on poverty and development, which will be
results-oriented.
Today, as we celebrate the sixtieth year of its
existence, let us strive to become what we were always
meant to be — a truly representative body of “We the
peoples of the United Nations”, acting in defence of
their welfare and the advancement of their interests
12

above all else. That must remain our unflinching
objective, and Mauritius pledges to fully play its part
in that noble endeavour.


Let me begin by
congratulating the President of the fifty-ninth session
of the General Assembly, His Excellency Mr. Jean
Ping, for his tireless efforts in the lead-up to the
summit meeting and for his contribution to the
elaboration and adoption of the outcome document
(resolution 60/1). Mongolia considers the outcome
document, with all its omissions, to be another
important milestone in forging global consensus on
development, and pledges to contribute its modest
share to the successful implementation of the
commitments contained therein. In this connection, I
would also like to commend our Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his leadership and vision and to
wish him well in his bold reform activities. I also
warmly congratulate Mr. Jan Eliasson on his well-
deserved election to the presidency and express our
confidence that his skill, experience and intimate
knowledge of the matters at hand will enable us to
successfully follow through on the commitments made
by our leaders last week in this Assembly.
Mongolia is poised to achieve most of its
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) on education,
gender, child and maternal health and combating
various diseases by 2015. Capitalizing on its 1990s
system of public health and education and a traditional
culture of gender equality, Mongolia is well on track to
achieve, by 2015, universal primary education and
literacy, eliminate gender disparity at all levels of
education, and reduce its child mortality rate by two
thirds and maternal mortality rate by three fourths.
However, the most important goal of halving poverty
by 2015 looks highly elusive, if not unachievable, at
the moment. Aware of its responsibility for its own
development, Mongolia has, by and large, managed its
public finances responsibly and maintained
macroeconomic stability. It has done its utmost to
adopt and implement sound national policies and
development strategies and to introduce good
governance and the rule of law.
Yet, like many other small, vulnerable and
commodity-dependent economies, Mongolia’s
development is severely handicapped by many factors
well beyond its control. Skyrocketing oil prices, for
instance, are taking a serious toll on economic growth,
engulfing whatever gains we made earlier on, and are
exposing already vulnerable societies to increased
hardship and uncertainty. Many frustrated oil-
importing developing countries have articulated a
number of interesting ideas during this general debate,
and we urge the international financial institutions and
the oil producers to heed our collective appeal.
Last week world leaders once again reaffirmed
their commitment to address the special needs of the
landlocked countries and their special difficulties in
integrating into multilateral trading systems. Full,
timely and effective implementation of the Almaty
Programme of Action and the Sao Paulo Consensus
adopted at the eleventh session of the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development will provide a
significant boost to the development and poverty
19

reduction efforts of the landlocked countries, including
Mongolia. Mongolia spends a significant portion of its
gross domestic product (GDP) on transit transportation
and insurance costs through its two neighbours, Russia
and China, roughly double the transportation costs of
other developing countries. Since 1998, Mongolia has
been negotiating with these two neighbours on a
framework agreement on transit transport to reduce
transit transportation costs and related cumbersome
procedures, both in crossing the land border and in
trans-shipment at ports. Six rounds of talks ended for
the most part inconclusively, but we hope that with the
renewed commitment of our leaders to the Almaty
Declaration, agreement will be within our collective
reach.
Mongolia is a small economy, highly vulnerable
to commodity market fluctuations and weather and
climatic conditions. The call made in the Summit
Outcome document (resolution 60/1) on the need to
support the efforts of commodity-dependent countries
to restructure, diversify and strengthen the
competitiveness of their commodity sectors merits a
swift response from the international community. In
this regard, I wish to draw the attention of this
Assembly to the important recommendations derived
from the Multi-Stakeholder Consultations organized by
the New Rules for the Global Finance Coalition in
preparation for the summit. Recommendations include
commodity price arrangements and stabilization tools
and the establishment of a rapid-responding,
overarching, grant-financed shocks facility for low-
income commodity-dependent countries. Immediate
establishment of such a facility would make a tangible
contribution to our efforts to reduce poverty.
Mongolia is highly susceptible to natural
disasters, which cause loss of life and extensive
damage to its economy. In addition, desertification,
deforestation and soil erosion hamper our development
efforts. We urge the international community to
redouble its efforts to address these trans-boundary
threats collectively. For our part, we will continue to
take specific measures in combating desertification, in
using land resources properly and in protecting forests
by introducing and implementing special protective
strategies.
Despite an encouraging increase in official
development assistance (ODA) in recent years, after a
decade of steady decline, the world is still well short of
achieving the long-standing target of 0.7 per cent of
GDP. We are encouraged that the war against poverty
will now be waged more aggressively with the
commitment of the world leaders to increase ODA to
developing countries by $50 billion a year by the year
2010. However, it is imperative to increase the aid
quantity to a sufficient level to make multiple
investments in the health, education and economic
infrastructure needed to break cycles of deprivation
and ensure sustained growth. Furthermore, the quality
of aid has to be improved, as per the principles of the
Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness of March 2005,
with a particular emphasis on providing stable and
predictable multi-year financing, and with a focus on
development goals, mutual accountability, building
institutional capacity, untying aid, reducing transaction
costs and bureaucratic procedures and increasing the
recipient’s ownership of aid.
Mongolia fully endorses the recommendation of
the Secretary-General that, starting in 2005, developing
countries with sound, transparent and accountable
national strategies should receive a sufficient increase
in aid, of sufficient quality and timeliness to enable
them to achieve their Millennium Development Goals.
In addition, new and innovative sources of financing,
including an International Finance Facility, quick-
impact initiatives and debt-conversion for MDG
implementation projects should urgently be put in
place.
Mongolia, for one, resolves to introduce free
school lunches, starting with those for primary
schoolchildren, as a quick-impact initiative.
Despite the importance of aid for developing
countries, trade and investment play a pivotal role in
ensuring sustainable development. According to the
2005 Human Development Report, trade barriers faced
by developing countries exporting to developed
countries are three to four times higher than those
faced by developed countries when they trade with
each other. The current multilateral trade negotiations
have not produced a tangible outcome that would meet
our expectations from the Doha development agenda.
The Doha Round, to be successful, should result in
establishing fairer and more favourable terms of trade
for developing countries, especially those with special
needs, in the form of enhanced and predictable market
access and assistance in building productive and trade
capacities. Mongolia appreciates the decision of the
European Union to provide duty-free access to over
7,200 goods from small and vulnerable economies,
20

including Mongolia, under the special Generalized
System of Preferences Plus scheme. Increased and
better access means that more families will be able to
leave destitution and poverty behind.
The Summit Outcome emphasized once again the
importance of a timely, effective, comprehensive and
durable solution to the debt problems of developing
countries. In assessing the eligibility of countries for
debt relief, we urge the donor community not to limit
itself to mere statistics or rigid categorizations such as
“least developed countries”. Debt relief should be
considered comprehensively, taking into account the
history and impact of the debt on the development of
the recipient country and its actual capacity to repay.
Many of these factors were taken into account when
Mongolia negotiated its debt repayment with Russia. I
would like to take this opportunity to express from this
podium the gratitude of my Government to the
Government of the Russian Federation for its display
of solidarity and political and economic pragmatism in
resolving this issue, so important for us.
We believe that education is an engine for
development, a guarantee of the respect for human
rights and a pillar of democracy. Mongolia has made
substantial efforts in the second half of the last century
to develop its education system. As a result, the adult
literacy rate has reached 97.8 per cent. Nonetheless,
taking stock of our recent past, we have drawn lessons
so as to further improve the deliverables of the
education system. Stronger emphasis is now placed on
vocational and technical training, the quality of
education, addressing functional illiteracy against the
backdrop of the rapid advance of information and
communications technology and the universal usage of
English. These policy measures are taken in
accordance with the Dakar Framework for Action and
the United Nations Literacy Decade.
Mongolia welcomes the strong focus on human
rights, rule of law and democracy in the Summit
Outcome. Democracy and rule of law are not part of a
state of affairs that can be arranged or introduced
overnight. We believe that fostering democracy and
rule of law is a continuous process, and we hope that
this long-term, sustained approach will prevail in the
activities of United Nations institutions. We support
the efforts of the United Nations to make democracy a
universal environment for global governance. We
believe that the United Nations Democracy Fund is an
important product in the overall reform process, as it
highlights the importance of democracy and the role of
the Organization. Mongolia believes that the Fund
should serve as a vital instrument to assist Member
States in the consolidation of democracy and
implementation of their commitments, including the
Ulaanbaatar Declaration and Plan of Action adopted at
the fifth International Conference of New or Restored
Democracies in 2003 and approved by the General
Assembly in its resolution 58/13.
We all agree that the United Nations must be
strengthened to meet the challenges of the new
millennium. This will be an all-encompassing task that
would involve system-wide reform of the Organization
to bring it in line with the realities of our era,
including, where necessary, changes in composition,
mandates, procedures and working methods of the
principal and subsidiary organs, the various
programmes and funds, as well as the establishment of
new or reinvigoration of existing bodies. Overall,
United Nations assistance needs to be focused, results-
oriented and tailored to the priority development needs
of the countries concerned. It has to be designed to
bring a tangible and speedy impact on the lives of
ordinary people and to help them escape the trap of
poverty and live in dignity, free from want.
Accountability, oversight, management performance
and transparency of the Secretariat must be brought to
a new level of efficiency, professionalism and ethical
conduct on a par with the best corporate governance
practices.
Mongolia supports the idea of empowering the
Secretary-General, the chief administrative officer of
the United Nations, with greater authority and
flexibility in administering the work of the
Organization in line with the Charter’s provisions. All
too often, sound management reforms proposed by the
Secretary-General have been stalled by us, the Member
States.
In conclusion, Mr. President, let me voice
Mongolia's confidence that we collectively will
succeed in reforming our world Organization, and the
renewed and reinvigorated United Nations will be
better equipped to address effectively the manifold
challenges that lie ahead.


I should like
to extend my warmest congratulations to you, Sir,
Ambassador Jan Eliasson of Sweden, on your
assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly
at its sixtieth session. I should also like to express
fraternal greetings to Secretary-General Kofi Annan,
whose wisdom and commitment to multilateralism
have made an immense contribution to progress here at
the United Nations. Minister Jean Ping of Gabon
deserves special recognition for the competent and
dedicated manner in which he presided over the
General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session.
This is a rare and historic opportunity to promote
change; let us not waste it. Peace, development,
democracy and respect for human rights are objectives
that unite us. Reform must be our motto.
The final document adopted yesterday at the
summit (resolution 60/1) has unquestionably fallen
short of our expectations. However, it provides us with
guidelines that will enable us to carry out our work.
The General Assembly must be strengthened.
More than ever, we need a forum with universal
representation, in which the crucial issues of today’s
world can be democratically debated. The General
Assembly must provide leadership and political
guidance to the Organization as a whole. In supporting
the authority of the General Assembly by enabling it to
act more speedily and be more productive, we are
supporting the very essence of the United Nations.
The Economic and Social Council must again
become a dynamic and influential organ. It must help
us to come together on issues related to trade, finance
and development in an environment free from
prejudice and dogma. The Economic and Social
Council should be a privileged, deliberative forum in
our quest for reconciliation between the objectives of
sustainable economic growth and the reduction of the
inequalities caused by asymmetric globalization.
President Lula suggested this year, at the summit of the
Group of Eight (G-8) at Gleneagles, that we could start
raising the profile of the Economic and Social Council
by organizing a high-level segment, with the
participation of the Finance Minister of the country
holding the G-8 presidency. The Economic and Social
Council must also help to promote peace and stability
in partnership with the Security Council, as provided
for in Article 65 of the Charter.
The establishment of a Peacebuilding
Commission will bridge an important institutional gap.
It will be a link between security and development.
Currently, there is no such link.
The structures and mechanisms of the
Organization in the human rights field must be
improved and reinforced. We support the creation of a
Human Rights Council, based on the principles of
universality, dialogue and non-selectivity. The
elaboration of an annual global report on human rights
by the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights, covering all
countries and situations, will help to increase the
credibility of the United Nations human rights system.
The Secretary-General has called for better
coordination in our work to protect victims of grave
and systematic violations of human rights.
International cooperation in the field of human rights
and humanitarian assistance must be guided by the
principle of collective responsibility. We have
maintained on several occasions — in our region and
elsewhere — that the principle of non-intervention in
the domestic affairs of States must be associated with
the idea of “non-indifference”.
We have been called upon to deal with new
concepts, such as human security and the responsibility
to protect. We agree that they merit a proper place in
our system. But it is an illusion to believe that we can
combat the dysfunctional politics at the root of grave
human rights violations by military means alone, or
even by economic sanctions, without fully utilizing
diplomacy and persuasion.
Human security is mainly the result of just and
equitable societies that promote and protect human
rights, strengthen democracy and respect the rule of
law, while creating opportunities for economic
development and social justice. The United Nations
6

was not created to disseminate the notion that order
should be imposed by force. That extreme expedient
can be considered only when all other efforts have
been exhausted and peaceful solutions have proved not
to be viable. A judgement as to the existence of such
exceptional circumstances must always be a
multilateral one.
The Charter foresees two situations in which the
use of force is permissible: to restore or maintain
international peace and security, and in the case of the
right to self-defence. Mixing those two concepts would
blur the meaning of the very tenets of this
Organization.
Security Council reform is the centrepiece of the
reform process in which we are engaged. The vast
majority of Member States recognize the need to make
the Security Council more representative and
democratic.
At this historic juncture, no Security Council
reform effort will be meaningful unless it contemplates
an increase in the number of permanent and non-
permanent seats, with developing countries from
Africa, Latin America and Asia included in both
categories. We cannot accept the perpetuation of
imbalances that run contrary to the very spirit of
multilateralism.
Above all, a more efficient Council must be
capable of ensuring that its decisions are implemented.
It is not reasonable to expect the Council to continue to
expand its agenda and responsibilities without
addressing its democracy deficit.
Two years ago, President Luiz Inácio Lula da
Silva declared before the Assembly that every nation
that is committed to democracy at the domestic level
must strive for more transparent, legitimate and
representative decision-making processes in its
external relations. In the same spirit, Secretary-General
Kofi Annan pointed out the contradictions to be
overcome, stating:
“We are the ones who go around the world
lecturing everybody about democracy. I think it is
about time we apply it to ourselves, and then
show that there is effective representation”.
We are still far from accomplishing the goals of
the Millennium Declaration. This week’s summit has
stressed the importance of a renewed commitment to
development assistance and contributed to promoting
universal acceptance of the target of 0.7 per cent of
gross national product devoted to official development
assistance. At the same time, we must continue to work
on innovative and additional sources of financing. I
note with satisfaction that since the Summit of World
Leaders for Action against Hunger and Poverty,
convened last year by President Lula, we have
achieved significant progress. A growing number of
Governments and non-governmental organizations
have joined in the effort to eradicate hunger and
poverty. This is the only war in which we are engaged.
This is the only war we can all win.
This year we witnessed yet again brutal acts of
terrorism. Innocent civilians, women and children are
today victims of groups who stand as adversaries to the
values we share. As a country whose identity cannot be
dissociated from the notions of tolerance and diversity,
Brazil rejects in the strongest terms those abhorrent
acts, which go against the very notion of humanity. We
will continue to lend our support to increased
international cooperation in the fight against terrorism
and in the struggle to eliminate its deep-rooted causes.
Such efforts must be undertaken with due respect
for international law and human rights. The fight
against terrorism cannot be viewed in terms of police
repression alone. Nor can such repression result in
absurd and indiscriminate killing like terrorism itself.
Despite the fact that there is no automatic linkage
between poverty and terrorism, communities can be
exposed to extreme attitudes by fanatical groups as a
result of grave social and economic problems,
especially when associated with the absence of civil
and political liberties. I wish to express Brazil’s
readiness to work intensively with a view to the prompt
conclusion of a comprehensive convention against
terrorism.
We recognize the risks of the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. At the same time, we
cannot disregard the importance of reducing and
dismantling existing arsenals of all such weapons. We
regret that the seventh Review Conference of the
Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons did not produce tangible results.
Together with non-proliferation efforts, we must
continue to work tirelessly towards nuclear
disarmament.
In addition to the challenges I have just referred
to, we are faced with two crises of global scope: the
7

pandemic explosion of HIV/AIDS and the serious
threats posed by climate change. Brazil will continue to
promote the implementation of existing multilateral
instruments to fight those scourges.
Brazil is committed to reinforcing the strategic
alliance with its main partner in our region —
Argentina — and to the promotion of a prosperous,
integrated and politically stable South America,
building upon our experience in the Southern Cone
Common Market (MERCOSUR). We will tirelessly
strive for MERCOSUR’s advancement in the economic
and political fields. The South American Community
of Nations, which was founded last year in Cuzco,
Peru, can be seen as a driving force for integration in
Latin America and the Caribbean as a whole.
Our efforts in establishing partnerships with other
developing countries go beyond our immediate region.
The India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue Forum (IBSA)
has brought together three large democracies from
Africa, Asia and Latin America that are keen on
deepening the economic, political and cultural ties
between them and between their regions. Together with
other partners, we have joined in setting up the Group
of Twenty (G-20), which places developing countries
at the centre of agricultural trade negotiations of the
World Trade Organization’s Doha round. Thanks to the
role played by the G-20, it has been possible to
combine trade liberalization with social justice in the
context of the multilateral trading system.
Strengthening our ties with Africa has been a
long-standing aspiration of Brazil’s. No previous
Government has pursued that objective with the
resolve demonstrated by President Lula. Trade and
cooperation between Brazil and Africa have grown
significantly. Political dialogue has intensified. We
have been contributing to the consolidation of peace
and democracy in countries such as Guinea-Bissau and
Sao Tome and Principe. We have helped to fight
hunger, develop agriculture and combat the scourge of
HIV/AIDS in various brother countries of Africa.
The same sense of solidarity inspires us to
participate in United Nations peace efforts in Haiti.
The Brazilian and Latin American presence in Haiti is
unprecedented, in terms of both troops and political
commitment. We are motivated by three main
objectives: establishing a safe environment, promoting
dialogue among the various political actors with a view
to a genuine democratic transition and securing
effective international support for institutional, social
and economic reconstruction. Haiti is likely to be the
first test case for the Peacebuilding Commission.
Brazil and the Arab world are renewing their ties
of friendship, inspired by strong historical and cultural
affinities. Apart from bilateral initiatives, Brazil has
been strengthening its relations with regional
groupings such as the Gulf Cooperation Council and
the Arab League. In May 2005, an unprecedented
summit of South American and Arab States took place
in Brasilia. That pioneering initiative brought together
two regions of the developing world in a concrete
demonstration of harmony of civilizations.
On several trips to the Middle East, I had the
opportunity to talk to variety of people, including
leaders from Israel and Palestine. They are aware of
Brazil’s willingness to support the work of the Quartet
as a partner for peace. The practice of tolerance and
respect for others, as well as the harmonious co-
existence of different communities in our country,
constitute our comparative advantage. I believe that
conviction is shared by eminent persons and political
leaders from both Israel and Palestine.
At the beginning of this new chapter in the life of
the United Nations, Brazil remains committed to the
ideals that led to the creation of the only Organization
of universal scope, the only body that can guarantee a
future of peace and prosperity — not for the few, but
for all.


It gives me great pleasure at the outset to
affirm my delegation’s confidence that the Swedish
leadership of the work of the current General Assembly
session will help us achieve the best results. I also
seize this opportunity to commend the efforts made by
Gabon, represented by its Foreign Minister, during its
leadership of the previous session. I would also like to
reiterate our gratitude for the efforts made by
Secretary-General Kofi Annan to advance the march of
United Nations reform and achieve the goals enshrined
in its Charter.
Since the 1970s, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has
been fully aware of the need to reform the United
Nations and was the first State to put forward official
proposals to the General Assembly in that regard,
presenting draft resolutions from the thirty-fourth to
the fortieth sessions aimed at reforming the Security
Council and abolishing the veto privilege. Though the
Libyan proposals were not successful because of the
objection of the super-Powers, they did, however,
create a wide understanding of that issue within the
General Assembly, resulting in the adoption of a
resolution at its forty-seventh session establishing an
open-ended group to review the issue of fair
representation in the Security Council and expanding
its membership. We participated actively in the group’s
work, but its activities reached an impasse.
We felt hopeful over the last few years while we
were conducting consultations at all levels in order to
realize a radical reform for the United Nations system,
in the service of international peace and security.
However, as the date of our summit-level meeting this
year approached, it became evident that the reform we
sought remained elusive. This is because some of the
privileged Powers of the Security Council do not wish
to give up their privileges — in fact not even to share
these privileges with others.
The victorious countries in the Second World War
arrogated rights and privileges for themselves at the
time the Charter was drawn up. This led to the
marginalization of the General Assembly and rendered
the Security Council a domineering body —
inequitable, unbalanced and undemocratic, with the
veto privilege greatly abused. The United Nations,
therefore, has been unable to administer justice among
nations; in fact, some of its decisions have inflicted
harm on many peoples.
As we discuss United Nations reform, we should
take into consideration that its membership has now
reached 191 States. New global problems have
emerged, in addition to the old ones. Thus, it is
2

necessary to place the power of decision-making in the
hands of all Members of the United Nations, that is, in
the hands of the General Assembly, in which all States
have equal votes. However, if such an agreement is not
possible, we should seek a new formula for permanent
membership in the Security Council.
In this respect, we propose that permanent
membership be accorded to geographical groups, not to
specific States. We also propose that the African Union
be granted permanent membership even before the
comprehensive reform has been decided, given the fact
that Africa is the only continent without a country
holding permanent membership in the Security
Council.
As a member of the African Union, we affirm our
adherence to the common African position, adopted by
the Fifth African Union Summit, held in Sirte, Libya,
on 4 and 5 July 2005. This position was confirmed in
the African Union’s Extraordinary Summit on United
Nations Reform held in Addis Ababa on 4 August
2005.
Libya believes that the elimination of weapons of
mass destruction is a fundamental factor in confidence-
building and the consolidation of international peace
and security. Hence, Libya declared on l9 December
2003 its voluntary renunciation of the programmes and
materials that could lead to the production of
internationally prohibited weapons and their means of
delivery. Since that date, it has been cooperating in a
transparent manner with the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) and the Organization for the
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). All
relevant materials and equipment have been disposed
of with the knowledge of experts from the IAEA and
the OPCW.
Libya is now party to all international
conventions on weapons of mass destruction, as well as
the code of ethics concerning ballistic missiles. We
hope that members of the international community will
cooperate in a more appropriate manner to eliminate
weapons of mass destruction, acquired by all States,
without discrimination, in order to create a world in
which peace and security prevail.
The Libyan declaration was a culmination of
previous Libyan efforts undertaken in this field,
starting with effective participation in the
establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in
Africa — through its accession to the Pelindaba
Treaty — and the call to make the Middle East a zone
free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass
destruction.
We confirm our readiness to continue our full
cooperation with all international organizations in this
field and emphasize Libya’s right to expand its
programme of peaceful uses of nuclear energy for
development, particularly in the fields of medicine,
agriculture, desalination, mining and oil exploration.
We hope that all countries in the region would place all
their nuclear facilities under the IAEA inspection
regime.
Our country is concerned with human rights
issues at the international and national levels. We deal
with all organizations working in the field of human
rights in a transparent manner. We have donated 2
million dinars to support the activities of the Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights, and we are now reviewing some of our national
legislation that is not in conformity with international
instruments in the field of human rights. We also have
eliminated the People’s Court, established in the early
years of the revolution, and its jurisdiction has been
assigned to regular courts.
Libya was among the first States that called for
the coordination of international efforts to combat
international terrorism and that proposed an
extraordinary session of the General Assembly to study
that phenomenon and to develop measures to combat it
and eradicate its causes.
Libya has condemned terrorism in all its forms,
including State terrorism, ratified all international and
regional conventions concerning terrorism and is
cooperating actively with the committee established by
the Security Council on that subject. We believe that
the eradication of terrorism requires practical measures
to eliminate its causes. Among such actions, we should
actively strengthen human rights protections for all
people, confront all acts of aggression and occupation
of the lands of others, fight poverty and encourage
democracy.
Terrorism cannot be uprooted unilaterally through
actions taken by one State or group of States. The
solution for such a problem cannot be achieved by
linking it to a certain religion or nationality. It is not
fair that the legitimate struggle of peoples to achieve
self-determination and independence should be
classified as terrorism. We should all exert and
3

coordinate all our possible efforts under the umbrella
of the United Nations to combat terrorism and
complete, as early as possible, a comprehensive
counter-terrorism treaty.
My country was subjected to unjust sanctions that
caused great material losses totalling about $40 billion.
Now, while this matter has ended and the reason
behind the sanctions settled, I extend my gratitude to
all the friendly and sisterly countries that stood by our
side and supported our position in tackling that
situation.
Competent Libyan authorities are now drawing
up plans for restructuring the Libyan economy and are
reviewing the public sector, encouraging the private
sector and providing opportunity for all to engage in
economic activities. New economic policies were
adopted in order to advance the national economy,
eliminate deficiencies and improve performance.
Certain measures have been taken in the monetary
field, including the adoption of a single exchange rate
for the Libyan dinar against foreign currencies, the
abolition of monetary control and a reduction of
income taxes. Import and export licences as well as
customs guarantees on exports have been abolished as
have customs fees on approximately 3,500 imported
items.
Important steps have been taken for the
privatization of many public sector companies. Libya
has opened its doors to investors and a law for the
encouragement of foreign investment has been
promulgated. This law gives foreign investors many
privileges and exemptions and allows them 100 per
cent ownership of their enterprises or partnership with
domestic investors. Our application to join the World
Trade Organization was approved unanimously by the
organization on 27 July 2004. We seek further
cooperation from all countries in that respect.
The consolidation and realization of peace and
security for all is a fundamental goal of the United
Nations. It is an objective that could not be realized by
the Organization without the assistance and
cooperation of all Member States, which could be
effective tools to solve the most difficult problems and
conflicts among countries, particularly in Africa. In
this respect, we wish to express our satisfaction with
the stabilization of the situation in Sierra Leone and
Angola and the improvement of the situation in
Somalia, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, as well as the signing of the peace agreement in
Sudan.
We call on all Member States to assist the African
Union in its endeavours to face its various challenges
and create a unified African continent capable of
achieving progress and participating effectively in the
march towards progress, upholding freedom and
human rights and eradicating wars, poverty and disease
while removing the remnants of colonialism. We hope
that support will be extended to the African Union’s
plans to achieve prosperity for all African people by
providing assistance to the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development.
The international community so far has failed to
solve the Palestinian problem, although it is as old as
the United Nations itself. In fact, the problem is getting
worse. The Palestinian people have lived for over half
a century either as refugees all over the world or
subjected to an occupying Power, which has usurped
its land and practiced against them the most horrible
crimes, including the killing of children, women and
the elderly. Their lands have been confiscated, their
farms burned, their trees uprooted, their houses
destroyed over their occupants, while houses are built
for settlers coming from all over the world. Even
though highly sophisticated weapons are being used
against civilians, the Security Council stands unable to
take concrete steps to stop such practices. This has
encouraged the occupying Power to continue its
aggression and crimes, heedless of the decisions of the
international community.
The suffering of the Palestinian people requires
that urgent and firm action be taken by the
international community to put an end to the Israeli
aggression and provide a radical solution for the
Palestinian question.
We believe that the solution cannot be achieved
by accepting a de facto situation or by merely adopting
resolutions or unrealizable plans. It will happen
through a radical solution that allows and guarantees
the return of all Palestinian refugees to their lands and
the establishment of a democratic State on the land of
historical Palestine in which Jews and Arabs live side
by side, enjoying full equality, similar to the South
African model, where blacks and whites reconciled
after decades of conflict and bloodshed. If such a
solution is not realized, with the support of the
international community, the suffering of the
4

Palestinian people will continue, and the region will
continue to witness tension and conflict without peace
and security.
The Israeli occupation forces must withdraw from
all occupied Arab territories; the Golan Heights must
be returned to Syrian sovereignty and the Shabaa farms
to Lebanon.
In Iraq, where international law has been violated
and the country subjected to occupation on unfounded
bases and flimsy pretexts, the tragedy is escalating
daily, getting more and more difficult to solve. The
Iraqi people are paying a high price with the lives of
their sons and daughters as a result of the occupation.
We have to exert every possible effort to guarantee a
speedy end to the occupation in order to enable Iraq to
regain its independence and sovereignty and preserve
its territorial integrity and Arab identity. The Iraqis
must be allowed to determine their own affairs, future
and manage their resources, and to achieve self-
determination with freedom involving all citizens
without the marginalization of any group so that peace,
prosperity and security can prevail all over Iraq.


Allow me to extend to
you, Sir, our warm congratulations on your election to
preside over the historic sixtieth session of the General
13

Assembly. You can rest assured of the fullest
cooperation of my delegation. We want to express our
appreciation to the President of the fifty-ninth session
of the General Assembly, our brother, Mr. Jean Ping,
whose tenure as President of the Assembly coincided
with momentous events at the United Nations that
required both wisdom and a great deal of competence
on the part of the President. Mr. Jean Ping showed he
had both, and he has made us all proud.
We are, as usual, grateful to our Secretary-
General, Kofi Annan, whose tenure of office will
always be remembered as a period of enormous
dedication to the reform of the United Nations and of a
noble effort to mobilize international support to combat
extreme poverty.
The outcome document which our heads of State
or Government endorsed (resolution 60/1) reflects the
global consensus on the fact that the reform of the
United Nations is essential and timely. My delegation
welcomes the document, which outlines a far-reaching
agenda for change.
The achievement of the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) by those vulnerable to being thrown off
track is critical to all, not just to those directly affected.
It would be regrettable if targets that have so much
significance for the well-being of all were missed in
the course of the next 10 years due to failure on the
part of those directly affected or a lack of solidarity at
the international level. We strongly believe that the
targets are neither unrealistic nor unduly ambitious.
It cannot be emphasized enough that, at the end
of the day, those that have primary responsibility for
prevailing over extreme poverty are those that are
directly affected. But those that suffer from extreme
poverty require the support of the international
community to stay on track to achieve the MDGs.
In concrete terms, that means that official
development assistance and measures on debt relief
and trade need to be aligned with the realization of the
Millennium Development Goals. In that regard, we are
encouraged by the progress made at the Group of Eight
Gleneagles summit. We were also encouraged by the
commitment of leaders at the High-level Plenary
Meeting to address the current distortions in
international trade, including through the elimination
of agricultural subsidies. There is nothing more
important for low-income countries than a partnership
that is predictable, consistent and based on previously
defined mutual obligations.
No amount of international cooperation will be
enough to achieve the Millennium Development Goals
unless domestic conditions are met in all relevant
areas. We in Ethiopia have been doing our level best in
that regard. We have spared no effort to change the
economic situation in our country for the better, our
primary focus being the rural sector. Ethiopia has made
a tireless effort to implement the Millennium
Development Goals.
Despite all the complications and the absence of a
tradition of loyal opposition, the recent elections in
Ethiopia have demonstrated the depth of commitment
we have to transform the tradition of governance in
Ethiopia ó a tradition that has been as remote from
democracy as it is possible to be. Those elections stand
out as a milestone in the process of democratization of
the State and of society at large. Ethiopia has entered
into a new era of a vibrant multiparty political system.
In the area of peace - and particularly with
respect to peace in our subregion - we, along with
like-minded partners, will continue to be pillars for
peace and stability.
On the fight against terrorism, Ethiopia will
continue to discharge its responsibility in cooperation
with other peace-loving countries. Ethiopia rejects
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We in
Ethiopia are determined to work with the international
community to implement the counter-terrorism
strategy.
In connection with our deep aspiration for peace,
our only source of disappointment is the lingering
dispute we have with Eritrea. Ethiopia has been
contributing more than its share to resolve that
outstanding problem. In his statement on Wednesday,
21 September (see ), the Eritrean
representative officially threatened to use force against
Ethiopia on the basis of the unfounded allegation that
part of Eritrean territory is under Ethiopian occupation.
I find it incumbent upon me to set the record straight.
This is a problem that grew out of an act of
aggression committed by Eritrea against Ethiopia. It is
no secret how Ethiopia managed to reverse the Eritrean
aggression and how it created the conditions for a
peaceful resolution of the crisis between the two
countries, based on legality, to which Ethiopia has been
14

and remains committed. Any suggestion, such as the
one made by the Eritrean representative on Wednesday,
that Eritrean territory is occupied is a mockery of the
truth and an insult to the intelligence of the
international community.
The threat or use of force should have no place as
a means of resolving disputes between States. That is a
principle to which Ethiopia has adhered: before the
Eritrean act of aggression, after the aggression was
reversed and since. Regrettably, Eritrea's attitude is
different, as has been repeatedly evidenced on the
ground in our region and in statements made by
Eritrean officials in different forums, including the
General Assembly. The Eritrean Government needs to
be reminded that it should make no mistake: it will be
held accountable for its actions.
Ethiopia has always been committed to the rule of
law and to the maintenance of peace and stability. Our
five-point peace plan of 25 November 2004 for moving
forward towards peace with Eritrea, which was
welcomed by the international community,
demonstrates Ethiopia's seriousness in that regard.
Eritrea knows that Ethiopia has been ready for
dialogue, both to ensure the demarcation of the
boundary on the basis of the decision of the Boundary
Commission and to normalize relations between the
two countries.
Eritrea abhors dialogue, perhaps because it
suspects that dialogue would eventually lead to peace.
It is not clear whether the Government of Eritrea
believes that peace serves its interests. Perhaps the
people of Eritrea need to be kept on their toes, with
their gaze focused on artificial external adversity. In
any event, Eritrea has no reason to be angry at Ethiopia
or at the world. Eritrea dragged Ethiopia into war in
1998 and now continues to be an obstacle to the
normalization of relations between the two countries
and peoples.
The problem between Ethiopia and Eritrea has
never been, and is not, a legal one; rather, it is political
in nature, and Ethiopia has the political will to move
forward. We invite Eritrea to join us in that effort.
Ethiopia does not believe at all in sabre-rattling, least
of all between countries that should have little time to
spare from fighting extreme poverty.
On the continental level, we are encouraged by
the dynamism that the new African Union has injected
into the joint African effort for peace and stability.
There is no doubt that reform of the United Nations
could create even greater possibilities for Africa to
play its proper role, not only within Africa but also
outside the continent.
Ethiopia continues to attach great importance to
the reform of the United Nations. We believe that,
although all our expectations have not been met, the
High-level Plenary Meeting provided great impetus for
making progress, in terms of both achieving the
Millennium Development Goals and advancing the
reform of the United Nations. It is our hope that it will
be possible to make progress in the course of this
session.
I would like to conclude by reiterating Ethiopia's
commitment to the United Nations, and its
preparedness to do whatever is necessary to contribute
to efforts designed to make the Organization more
effective and more representative.


At the outset, I would like to
convey the condolences of my people to the friendly
people of the United States on the tragic loss of life
and large-scale destruction caused by Hurricane
Katrina. This is also a stark reminder of the many other
natural and man-made disasters, such as famine in
Africa, tsunamis, earthquakes, ecological catastrophes
and wide-scale violence and terrorism. They all require
sustained international attention and cooperation.
Having suffered from similar disasters, Turkey deeply
feels for others and stands in solidarity with them.
Upholding the principles of justice, dignity,
equality and social progress for the men and women of
our world should be the basis of the international order.
We must spread justice together with freedom. We
cannot rest until we provide prosperity and dignity for
every human being. Those principles should guide us
in our future efforts.
We have left a very busy period behind,
culminating with an important summit. The Summit
Outcome document (resolution 60/1) has encouraged
us all to focus on the global problems we face and on
the way to achieve positive change. Now is the time to
act. We must start implementing what we have agreed
upon on issues ranging from peacebuilding to human
rights. While doing this, we must not lose sight of our
main target: we must reach the internationally agreed
development goals, including the Millennium
Development Goals, by the year 2015.
With these things in mind, we welcome the
Secretary-General’s proposal to start with an
accountability pact (see ). We also welcome
your idea, Mr. President, to submit an outline of work
for the year ahead related to follow-up of the summit.
A large number of international problems that are
high on the United Nations agenda are occurring in our
part of the world. These are real issues that closely
affect the daily lives of our people. As a country with a
2

rich heritage and great international experience, we are
working to build a culture of compromise and
reconciliation.
Our historical and cultural links to nations in
neighbouring regions from Eurasia to the Islamic world
and our role as a member of European, trans-Atlantic
and Mediterranean institutions will have a positive
effect on Turkey’s contribution to international
relations in the twenty-first century.
It is against that background, and with a sense of
confidence, that I take the opportunity to submit to the
Assembly’s attention Turkey’s candidacy for a
non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the
term 2009-2010.
Ongoing reform efforts hold great promise for the
improvement of the political, social and economic
standards of the Middle East region. We will continue
to encourage and assist those local efforts.
Concerning the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Israeli
withdrawal from the Gaza Strip is an encouraging
development. We would like to witness the same
positive trend in the West Bank. Israeli settlement
activities in occupied territories must come to an end.
The sanctity of the holy sites in Jerusalem must be
respected. The road map should be revived and fully
implemented.
Furthermore, we must not let terror and violence
derail the process this time. The reform of the
Palestinian National Authority must move forward,
particularly in the security domain. Efforts to improve
the living conditions of the Palestinians have to be
intensified. We support the work of Mr. James
Wolfensohn, Quartet Special Envoy for
Disengagement, and are cooperating with him. We
believe these efforts will help restore a sense of hope
among the Palestinians and ensure security for the
Israelis.
In order to integrate the Palestinians with the
world, seaports and airports must be built and
activated. Border crossings and trade corridors must
function smoothly. Freedom of movement must be
achieved. Such measures will go a long way towards
revitalizing the Palestinian economy. That will
encourage the Palestinians to become real partners in
peace with the Israelis. Turkey is already actively
working with the parties for the realization of this
vision. We are determined to continue to contribute in
any way we can.
Iraq’s destiny and the way the events are
unfolding in that country are of crucial importance for
peace and stability in the Middle East and beyond.
Building a democratic and prosperous Iraq at peace
with itself and its neighbours will be possible only if
the Iraqi people act as one, in full solidarity and with a
clear vision. Ethnic and religious differences in Iraq
should not be divisive. Rather they should be a source
of cultural plurality. Otherwise, the new Iraq will be a
source of instability and conflict, instead of hope and
inspiration for the entire region.
Turkey, in cooperation with the United Nations,
has been in the forefront of efforts for political and
economic rehabilitation in Iraq. The Neighbours of
Iraq forum, again pioneered by Turkey, has been an
efficient platform to support the unity and territorial
integrity of Iraq.
The security situation is a source of concern for
all. Iraq has, unfortunately, become a training ground
for terrorists. As a neighbouring country, Turkey
suffers as a result of this. We are concerned that
terrorism emanating from Iraq might have a ripple
effect on other countries, including Turkey. It is our
joint duty to prevent such an outcome.
The problems of Nagorny Karabakh, Abkhazia
and South Ossetia continue to impede peace and
cooperation in the South Caucusus. These problems
defy all United Nations principles. They demand our
urgent attention. In particular, a peaceful settlement
must be found to the Nagorny Karabakh issue
consistent with the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan.
Steps towards ending the occupation of Azeri territory
will create a better climate in the region, including in
Turkish-Armenian relations. We are giving full support
to the efforts of the Minsk Group. We are closely
following the high-level contacts between Turkey’s
two neighbours and are encouraging the parties to
make progress.
In Afghanistan, many challenges still lie ahead.
The continued support of the international community
is still needed. Among other matters, education, health,
gender equality and economic development need
increased attention. Alternative crops must be
encouraged in order to replace widespread poppy
cultivation. As a country that has twice led the
International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan,
3

for a total of 14 months during the past three years,
Turkey wishes to reiterate its continued commitment.
We welcome the holding of elections as an encouraging
development for democracy in Afghanistan.
We are determined to continue our support for the
strengthening of peace, stability and prosperity in
South-East Europe. The Balkan region has made
considerable progress towards the establishment of a
peaceful environment leading to economic
development. The political and economic consolidation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina and final-status talks in
Kosovo need to be monitored carefully. Turkey will
continue to be a reliable partner in this process.
Regarding the Eastern Mediterranean, our vision
is to create a basin of cooperation, stability and
prosperity among Turkey, Greece and the two peoples
of Cyprus. However, it is regrettable that, at a time
when we are debating the best way to reform the
United Nations and enhance its role, we are at the same
time witnessing an attempt to move the Cyprus
problem away from this Organization. We regard these
efforts to undermine the role of the United Nations as a
most disturbing paradox. The Annan plan represented a
unique basis for the solution of this problem. Although
it did not fully meet their expectations, for the sake of
compromise the Turkish Cypriots approved the plan by
an overwhelming majority.
On the other hand, under the effective guidance
of the Greek Cypriot leadership, the rejection of the
Annan plan in a referendum held last year was a blow
to the international community. Thus, a chance to put
an end to the division of the island once and for all was
missed.
The report of the Secretary-General (S/2004/437)
issued after the referendum gave an overview of the
long negotiating process and recommended the lifting
of all restrictions upon the Turkish Cypriots.
Unfortunately, against established practice, the
comprehensive report of the Secretary-General on
Cyprus is being disregarded. As a result, the unfair
restrictions imposed upon the Turkish Cypriots could
not be lifted. One might find it difficult to believe that
the Turkish Cypriots still continue to live under
restrictions, cut off from the outside world.
During the ensuing period, the Secretary-
General’s soundings and his efforts to reactivate the
talks based on his plan have yielded no tangible results
because of the continued intransigence of the Greek
Cypriot administration. As if that were not enough, the
Greek Cypriot administration is now trying to sideline
the United Nations and carry this issue to other forums.
I urge all international actors to discourage these
misguided efforts. Turkey continues to be ready to
contribute to United Nations endeavours to find a just,
equitable and lasting solution to the Cyprus problem on
the basis of the Annan plan.
On this occasion, I would like to reiterate the
proposal that I made on 30 May 2005 for the lifting of
all restrictions related to the island (see A/59/820). In
that proposal, I basically suggested that it was
necessary to enable the free movement of people,
goods and services and to lift all restrictions applied to
seaports and airports between the two sides in Cyprus
as well as to Turkey and Greece. It is evident that this
proposal conforms to the legitimate expectations of the
international community.
We attach great importance to furthering our
relations and cooperation with the African continent.
According to an action plan, Turkey is vigorously
developing its relations with Africa as a whole. We
recently opened an office in Addis Ababa to serve as a
coordination centre for Turkish humanitarian and
developmental assistance to the continent. The Turkish
Government has also declared 2005 as the Year of
Africa in Turkey. We will continue our contributions to
international institutions, working to alleviate the
suffering and eliminate disease and hunger in Africa.
The chain of attacks in various parts of the world
proves that no country is immune to terrorism. We
condemn these atrocities in the strongest terms. No
distinction should be made among terrorist
organizations. There is no room for double standards in
this fight. We must reject terrorism as a method,
regardless of where, why and how it is employed.
Combating terrorism should be a global and collective
effort, and the United Nations should continue to play
a prominent role. We welcome Security Council
resolutions that call for strengthened measures against
incitement of terrorist acts and in favour of the
prevention of armed conflict, particularly in Africa. We
must also resist any temptation to associate any
specific culture, religion or faith with terrorism.
We should keep in mind that the right to the
peaceful uses of nuclear energy requires full and
transparent cooperation with the International Atomic
Energy Agency. The establishment of zones free of
4

weapons of mass destruction, particularly in the
Middle East, will be an important contribution to
international peace and security.
Strengthening multilateralism and the central role
of the United Nations in the international system is a
fundamental aspect of our foreign policy. It is the
strongest hope and guarantee for a safer and better
world.


I
take this opportunity to congratulate President Eliasson
on his election to lead our deliberations during this
very important session of the General Assembly. I
would also like to pay tribute to our outgoing President
of the fifty-ninth session, His Excellency Mr. Jean
21

Ping, and our Secretary-General for their tireless
efforts and very considerable contributions to the
successful outcome of the High-level Plenary Meeting
that concluded just a week ago.
This year, at this historic session, we
commemorate a milestone in the rich history of the
Organization as we celebrate its sixtieth anniversary.
For us in Micronesia, the occasion also marks the
fifteenth anniversary of our joining the United Nations.
We are proud and motivated to be part of this great
Organization.
Our celebrations, however, should have a noble
purpose beyond honouring the past and the present.
This occasion should give focus to the long road ahead
of us. Inspired by the accomplishments of the past 60
years, we must forge ahead with strong determination,
confidence and vigour to meet the challenges that the
future holds for the Organization.
The Federated States of Micronesia does not
pretend to believe that the problems that we are called
upon to tackle are easy; they are not. But while we
have differences of opinion as to how they may be
effectively addressed, my delegation is encouraged by
the broad consensus that was reached during the high-
level panel meetings last week that the reform of the
United Nations and the attainment of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) must be addressed one
way or another and sooner rather than later. No doubt
the consensus was forged in the conviction that the
United Nations, with all its shortcomings, still
represents the best hope for humankind to solve its
problems at the multilateral level. If that is the case, as
my country firmly believes it is, the Organization must
be reformed to reflect present day realities and to
effectively and efficiently achieve its enduring
objectives as enshrined in the Charter. For the sake of
our Organization’s credibility, for its long-term
sustainability, and for the millions of people around the
globe that pin their hopes on the United Nations, the
Organization must be reformed. My delegation fully
supports the call that has been made within the General
Assembly Hall for its comprehensive reform.
Consequently, let us give full consideration to the
reform of the Security Council. The challenges of the
twenty-first century demand that we should do so. With
the indulgence of members, I do not wish to go into
details here, as the position of my Government on the
issue has already been made known on several
occasions. I would only reiterate our call for the
inclusion of Japan and Germany, among the developed
countries, as permanent members of the Council,
because we believe they will contribute greatly to the
maintenance of peace and security. For those
aforementioned reasons, we also support the inclusion
of India, a developing country, as a permanent member
of the Security Council. Moreover, we will support the
inclusion of other developing countries from other
regions, if that reflects the choice of those regions. We
urge Member States to take bold and decisive action on
this issue.
The time has come for the “enemy State” clauses
in the United Nations Charter to be removed. They
have long become obsolete. The outcome document
rightfully reflects that fact.
The sixtieth General Assembly could not have
been more timely. It can take up the noble but
incomplete task of reinforcing and facilitating the full
implementation of the outcome of last week’s summit.
We have little choice but to complete that which was
left unfinished.
Consistent with the broader agenda of the
debates, we wish to reiterate the great importance that
we attach to the second phase of the World Summit on
the Information Society (WSIS) to be held in Tunisia in
November. For my country, whose population is
dispersed on many islands scattered over a vast area of
the Pacific, access to affordable and reliable
information and communication technologies (ICTs) is
critical to the socio-economic advancement of its
people. But harnessing the power of ICTs does not
benefit only a few. In the end, it is a win-win
proposition for us all — for developing and developed
countries alike. The responsible use and effective
dissemination of meaningful information is the key to
emancipation from human ignorance and is therefore
essential to socio-economic progress. It follows that
the means of collecting, evaluating, and transmitting
information must be shared and placed at the service of
humankind. It is for that reason that my country
continues to add its voice to those of other countries in
urging universal cooperation in the WSIS process. It is
a step forward along the road to achieving the MDGs.
Without it, the MDGs will mean little.
It is for the same reason that my Government
supports the Community of Democracies and
participates in its activities. In our view,
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democratization of the institutions of governance and
transparency in public policymaking — with due
regard to local conditions — are inseparable from
economic progress and collective security. After all,
the work of the Community does not contradict but
further reinforces the MDGs and, in a larger sense, the
time-honoured objectives incorporated in the Charter
of the United Nations.
It does not take a great deal of wisdom to realize
that, as a small island developing State, my country is
vulnerable to the extremely adverse impact of global
climate change. For the 15 years we have been a
Member of the United Nations, we have been vocal
here and elsewhere on the issue of climate change and
its adverse impact on small island developing States.
For us, it is an issue of security and survival. I reiterate
our appeal to those countries that have not yet ratified
the Kyoto Protocol to do so immediately and without
further delay.
A week ago during the High-level Plenary
Meeting, President Joseph Urusemal, like other
Micronesian Presidents before him, called attention to
the daunting challenges facing our country and other
small island developing States in pursuing sustainable
development and achieving the MDGs. I reaffirm their
calls here once again, and stress the urgent need for the
international community to fully and effectively
implement the Mauritius Strategy for the further
Implementation of the Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States. The Strategy provides a way forward for these
countries and plays a crucial role in our ability to
achieve sustainable development and meet the MDGs.
As if the plethora of challenges I have spoken of
are not daunting enough for my country, the escalating
cost of fuel and its negative impact on our efforts to
meet development goals and pursue sustainable
development is a major cause of concern. That crisis
brings to the fore the need identified by small island
developing States for accelerated research and
development and a sharing of technologies in the areas
of renewable and alternative sources of energy. We
appeal to the international community to assist us in
those areas.
I take this opportunity today to reiterate the call
made by my President during the High-level Plenary
Meeting to further strengthen cooperation and linkages
between the United Nations and countries of the
Pacific, like mine. The need for the physical presence
of the United Nations system and its sustained
engagement in our development process is now more
compelling than ever. We cannot accept the notion that
our country is undeserving of the substantive presence
of the United Nations.
Over the past few months we have seen
encouraging signs in the Middle East. The historic
disengagement of Israel from the Gaza Strip and parts
of the West Bank is a step in the right direction and
should be commended. My Government appreciates the
political obstacles faced by the two parties and
encourages them to stay the course towards a peaceful
settlement of what has been a long, complex and
unpleasant experience. We call upon both parties to
spare no effort to actively pursue peaceful negotiations.
They should not be satisfied until the day comes when
Israeli and Palestinian children can play side by side
and live in peace, without fear.
As a young country that graduated from the
trusteeship regime of this Organization, my country
places high hopes in the United Nations. At 60, the
United Nations should not to be contemplating
retirement. Instead, the time has come for this great
Organization to strengthen and rededicate itself in
order to effectively and efficiently meet the challenges
of the new millennium.


Palau warmly congratulates
the President on his election to the presidency of the
Assembly and assures him of Palau’s full support and
cooperation. We pay tribute to his predecessor, Jean
Ping of the Gabonese Republic, for his effective
leadership.
At last week’s historic summit, our leaders
created an agenda for the world. It is our task to
undertake concrete measures to advance that agenda.
While the outcome document may not have addressed
every issue of importance in a manner that is
satisfactory to all, it is inarguably an excellent starting
point for the hard work that now lies before us. We
must think of it as a floor, rather than a ceiling, for our
efforts.
Palau has much to offer and much to gain from a
stronger United Nations. We are a new country, this
year celebrating our eleventh anniversary as an
independent nation and as a Member of the United
Nations. As Palau takes its place among the community
of nations, a major concern is the development that
will enable us to stand on our own. In particular, Palau
regards the capacity-building expertise of the United
Nations and its agencies as central to these efforts.
As the Secretary-General stated earlier this year
in his report “In larger freedom”, “one of the great
challenges of the new millennium is to insure that all
States are strong enough to meet the many challenges
they face” (A/59/2005, para. 19). He went on to say,
“no country, weak or strong, can realize prosperity in a
vacuum” (ibid., para. 24).
I fear that just such a vacuum exists in many
small island developing States and that Palau is one of
them. Not a single United Nations representative can
be found in Palau to assist the country in moving
forward. The United Nations flag does not fly there. So
when a youngster wants to know whether a capacity-
building internship or scholarship might be available,
there is no one to ask. And when a local
environmentalist wants to know whether a Global
Environmental Facility Small Grant might be available
to assist in the preservation of an endangered species
26

that is important to the whole world, there is no one to
help in submitting an application. In like manner, when
Palau does its part in ratifying an international
agreement, thus accepting the obligation to render
complex reports to an international agency, there is no
one to help.
The United Nations has attempted to fill this
vacuum through the creation of regional and
subregional centres, which are quite distant from
Palau’s shores. While arguably well intentioned, this
tactic has failed to provide Palau with the capacity-
building required and has, similarly, prevented the
world from truly understanding Palau’s needs and
aspirations. In this sense, these regional and
subregional centres merely replicate the colonial
regimes, which the Pacific islands have thrown off —
distant capitals making decisions about far-flung
provinces. To Palau, strengthening the United Nations
means strengthening its marginalized Members.
Palau has willingly taken its place as a
responsible member of the international community.
Heeding the Secretary-General’s call to action, Palau
this year proudly deployed a contingent of police
peacekeepers, who now serve in East Timor. And in
response to the Secretary-General’s stated desire to
develop better gender balance in these missions,
Palau’s contingent is entirely female.
When the world develops important conventions,
often with burdensome reporting requirements, Palau
steps up and signs them, as was the case last week
when Palau’s President Remengesau signed the
International Convention for the Suppression of Acts
of Nuclear Terrorism. And when natural disasters
strike, Palau responds willingly, making significant
financial contributions to remit suffering caused by the
tsunami and by Hurricane Katrina. I submit that in both
of these cases, Palau’s contributions were, on a per
capita basis, among the highest in the world.
Palau asks for very little. But now it asks for
help, and that help should be forthcoming. As our
President Remengesau stated in the Assembly’s 4th
meeting, last week, in his address to the world summit:
“It is therefore time for the international
community, and the United Nations as its
representative, to begin to move beyond studies
that recognize past failures to achieve sustainable
development in our island nations, and to move
aggressively forward and to establish a specific
programme agenda that recognizes our unique
smallness, that appreciates our distinctive
diversity, and that respects our island cultures as
equal to those in other nations of this world.”
Palau’s development challenges are different
from those of many of our friends around the world
who have taken this podium. Hunger is not an issue at
present in paradise. But the challenges that confront
the small island nations of the Pacific may ultimately
be every bit as devastating as famine.
Climate change and sea-level rise threaten to
obliterate our islands. The very poignant and moving
statement of His Excellency Anote Tong, Beretitenti of
the Republic of Kiribati at the 15th meeting last week
contained a chilling preview of what the unchecked
scourge of carbon emissions could mean to all of the
countries in the Pacific, and of course to many other
oceans of the world. The President acknowledged that
the Government of Kiribati needed now “to seriously
consider the option of having to relocate our peoples
when necessary”. In this understated Pacific way, the
President forces us all to confront a world where whole
countries simply disappear from the globe. Is there a
more compelling call to action than that?
The period leading up to such a catastrophe is
upon us. Palau must rely on the maintenance of its
extraordinary reefs and waters and its unparalleled
biodiversity to attract tourists. Without these assets, it
will be unable to develop a sustainable economy and to
create jobs, which will allow its children to live and
work in their homeland.
The other pillar of Palau’s development is its
fisheries. For countless generations, our people have
relied on their waters for their sustenance. Now,
foreign fishing fleets, which have denuded the waters
proximate to their own harbours, have come to the
Pacific and threaten to do the same. The very food
chain is threatened by new fishing practices that,
though in their infancy, have begun to damage Pacific
seamounts in ways that the scientific community deems
alarming. It is for this reason that Palau has called for a
moratorium on deep sea bottom trawling until the
scientific community can gauge the long-term impact
of that practice. We renew that call today and applaud
Costa Rica for its leadership on this important issue.
We take this opportunity and we are grateful for
this opportunity to commend Palau’s bilateral partners
and friends who have overcome our new nation’s
27

remoteness to become involved and knowledgeable
about our needs and aspirations. The United States has
provided in-country diplomatic representation and
years of support for our vital democracy.
Japan has also provided in-country diplomatic
representation and invaluable assistance. Like the
United States, Japan has been steadily involved in
Palau’s development, and I would submit that this
special familiarity with Palau’s people has enhanced
Japan and the United States every bit as much as it has
aided Palau.
Palau has been disappointed by the failure of the
General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session to
accomplish Security Council reform, particularly
because Japan’s deep knowledge of our region would
inform Council members who have less familiarity
with the situation of the Pacific islands. We supported
and continue to support therefore the Group of Four
resolution and hope that the sixtieth General Assembly
will finish this critical work that was begun last year.
A third steady supporter of Palau’s development
has been the Republic of China on Taiwan. We
continue to assert that the world would be benefited by
Taiwan’s membership in this august body. This year
Palau was a sponsor of a resolution calling for a
proactive role for the United Nations in addressing the
rising tensions in the Taiwan Strait. We regret that the
debate on that important resolution was foreshortened
in the General Committee and that we were prevented
from expressing our views on this topic; however we
are glad that we have an opportunity to do that now.
The people of the Pacific, and the Pacific island
nations themselves, are under-represented in the
Secretariat and in the governing bodies, commissions
and tribunals of the world. Our cohesive and effective
regional group, the Pacific Islands Forum, is most
fortunate in having Australia and New Zealand among
us. But it is time, we submit, for the new island nations
to take a more active role and to share their unique and
graceful Pacific way with the rest of the world. It is
quite possible, I submit, that the islands are
marginalized in part by the irrational composition of
the regional groups. Strengthening the United Nations
should include a realignment of the groups to better
reflect the proliferation of Pacific countries, which has
occurred in the last 20 years, and the actual geography
of the world. This would allow the island nations to
compete more effectively for seats on major bodies.
For this reason, Palau suggests the reform of the
system and the creation of an East Asia and Pacific
Group and that this group include, of course with their
consent, our friends in Australia and New Zealand.