My delegation would like first
of all to congratulate the President on his assumption of
the presidency for this session. We know full well that
the tasks that lie ahead are indeed challenging, but we are
confident that with his vast experience and wisdom he
will discharge his responsibilities successfully. Whilst we
wish him luck, let me also reassure him of the full
cooperation of our delegation at all times.
In the same vein, we would also like to congratulate
his predecessor, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, for the
admirable manner in which he conducted the activities of
the Assembly during the fifty-second session.
My delegation is very proud of Mr. Kofi Annan, our
able Secretary-General, for the efficient manner in which
he has been running the affairs of our Organization. His
impressive contributions in the field of preventive
diplomacy, as amply demonstrated on numerous
occasions, are worthy of praise. Likewise, in the delicate
business of reforms he is equal to the task, for no sooner
did he assume office than he embarked on the reform of
the United Nations. His success is our success, and
therefore we will lend him our full support in our
common endeavour to revitalize the Organization and
make it more relevant to the realities of these changing
times.
We in the Gambia have also been busy with the
transformation of our own society under the dynamic and
enlightened leadership of President Yahya A. J. J.
Jammeh, whose ideal it is to serve the youth and people
of Africa by endeavouring to help them to realize their
23

aspirations for peace, stability and justice and progress in
socio-economic development. Since we renewed our new
democratic tradition, every effort is being made to
consolidate this process in an orderly way, mindful of the
fact that better and lasting results will be achieved only
through a systematic approach.
Moreover, cultivating democracy in the midst of
poverty is not an easy task because democracy is, after all,
about participation. If the basic needs of the people are not
satisfied, they are simply not interested in any political
process. Conscious of this hard reality, the Government of
President Jammeh quickly put in place a programme of
socio-economic development to empower the people and
their families, placing great emphasis on social sectors such
as health, education and agriculture. In this way, an
impressive number of schools have been built around the
country, and now we can boast of providing schools for all
communities in the Gambia. Health facilities are within
reach of all Gambians and are also affordable.
May I at this juncture, on behalf of my Government,
express our most sincere gratitude to the Governments of
those friendly States — in particular, the Federal Republic
of Nigeria, Cuba, Egypt and the Republic of China on
Taiwan — for the medical assistance they continue to give
us during these times of need. This is a meaningful SouthSouth cooperation worthy of emulation.
I am only attempting to share our perception of what
inter-State relations should be: caring, sharing, consulting
and cooperating for the mutual benefit of all. I cannot think
of a better way of cooperation between States for mutual
economic development in a world in which the gap between
the rich and the poor continues to expand. Now, whilst we
are concerned with bridging this gap, we are overwhelmed
by another hurricane-like phenomenon, called globalization
and liberalization.
Globalization and liberalization were recognized by
many to hold many attractions. They were perceived to be
the gateway to the integration of developing countries into
the global economy. We however observe that while they
are yielding ample benefits for developed countries, they
have further widened the gap between developed and
developing countries, as well as the inequality gap between
rich and poor. Their impact on employment and socioeconomic development in general has been largely negative.
We are concerned at this growing marginalization of
the least developed countries in world trade. The volume of
our total exports continues to be under 0.4 per cent of
global exports. Increased globalization is further
worsening the situation. This negative trend merits
coordinated action to alleviate the situation. In this
context, we welcome the General Assembly’s decision to
hold the first high-level dialogue for two days earlier this
month on the theme of the social and economic impact of
globalization and interdependence and their policy
implications. We hope that this meeting will have brought
about active engagement of both developed and
developing countries, in a spirit of genuine partnership,
with a view to reaching a meaningful and successful
conclusion and strengthening international economic
cooperation for development. Globalization and
liberalization must be managed through concerted
international effort in order to avoid the further
marginalization of developing countries.
The overwhelming burden of external debt today
poses one of the most challenging and daunting problems
for developing countries. Much has been said about this,
and very little has been done to alleviate the problem. We
believe that there is a dire need for new financial flows to
debtor developing countries, in addition to debt relief
measures that include cancellation and concessional
financial assistance to enable developing countries to
reduce their debt overhang.
In this context, we welcome the Heavily Indebted
Poor Countries Initiative and encourage early and urgent
application of its measures. We would also encourage any
refinements of the initiative to reduce the structural
adjustment period to three years, to increase the debt
reduction level to 90 per cent and to ease the terms for
reduction of multilateral debt.
The least developed countries have always received
the attention and support of the international community,
particularly with the adoption of the Paris Declaration and
Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries
for the 1990s. The realization of the primary objectives of
the Programme — to arrest and reverse the deterioration
in the socio-economic conditions in the least developed
countries — so far remains elusive. The lack of progress
in this regard is attributable in the main to the failure of
the international community to fulfil its commitments. We
hope that the declaration of the ministers of least
developed countries at this year’s session will encourage
our development partners to come forward and work with
us in a genuine partnership.
Poverty, deprivation and environmental degradation
are the greatest evils facing developing countries today.
24

We agree with the analysis of the Secretary-General in his
report on the causes of conflict and the promotion of
durable peace and sustainable development in Africa, in
particular with regard to the interrelationship between
development and peace.
Today, the world is besieged with conflicts, both interand intra-State. From the Balkans to the Great Lakes
region, human beings continue to prey on one another with
guns and knives, machetes and all other sorts of weapons.
Unfortunately, women and children suffer the most from
these conflicts. We cannot continue to allow this to go on.
The time has come when people have to take individual
responsibility for crimes they have committed against
humankind. Ethnic violence and human rights abuses, a
common feature of present day conflicts, cannot be
countenanced and cannot be committed with impunity.
My delegation supports fully the resolve of the
international community to deal with the problem, and in
this context welcomes the establishment of the International
Criminal Court. We share the philosophy of Benjamin B.
Ferencz, a former Nuremberg prosecutor, that
“there can be no peace without justice, no justice
without law, and no meaningful law without a court to
decide what is just and lawful under any given
circumstances”.
The establishment of the International Criminal Court
will ensure that henceforth humanity’s response to crimes
against humanity will be swift and will be just. Henceforth,
no army, no ruler, no junta anywhere can abuse human
rights with impunity. The people and the Government of
the Gambia look forward to the coming into effect of the
statute of the International Criminal Court.
One of the most cherished aspirations of our
Organization is to ensure that all men live in peace. The
attainment of international peace and security therefore
remains one of the most vital preoccupations of our noble
Organization. It is for these reasons that my delegation
joins the rest of the international community in supporting
the efforts of the United Nations to ensure peace and the
resolution of conflicts around the world.
My delegation would like to take this opportunity to
commend the members of the Economic Community of
West African States (ECOWAS) and its Military Observer
Group (ECOMOG) and other regional and subregional
arrangements in Africa and beyond for the good work they
continue to do in their bid to ensure peace and security. My
delegation is particularly thankful to ECOWAS for the
restoration on 10 March 1998 of the legitimate and
constitutionally elected Government of Sierra Leone. We
are still concerned that the rebels have up to this moment
refused to lay down their arms. We urge the international
community to assist the Government of Sierra Leone in
its effort to restore control over all its territory and to
concentrate its energies on national reconciliation,
reconstruction and economic development. In this regard,
my delegation welcomed the holding of the Special
Conference on Sierra Leone that was held here in New
York at the initiative of the Secretary-General and which
we hope will contribute to the process of national
reconciliation.
In neighbouring Guinea-Bissau, we hope that the
joint peace initiative of ECOWAS and the Community of
Portuguese Language Countries will bear fruit, leading to
a final settlement of the dispute. In this context, we
recognize the need to respect the ceasefire agreed upon in
Praia, Cape Verde, on 26 August 1998, which we
consider to be an important step in enhancing peace and
security in the West African subregion.
The Government of the Gambia is concerned over
the number, intensity and interrelationship among
conflicts in Africa, and especially at the emergence of
new conflicts during the past year. The border conflict
between Ethiopia and Eritrea, the resurgence of conflict
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the impasse in
the peace process in Angola, the continued violence by
the rebels in Sierra Leone, and the complex humanitarian
emergencies in Guinea-Bissau, Somalia and Sudan,
among other problems, cause grave concern to us.
In addition to what I have just said, we are also
concerned at the difficulties attendant upon the present
conflict situations in Africa, in particular human rights
abuses, refugee outflows and the humanitarian needs of
innocent persons affected by such conflicts, in particular
women and children. The international community, in
responding to these conflict situations, must address these
issues and the root causes of the conflicts, including in
particular the troubling issues of children in armed
conflict and the flow of small arms. In this context, my
delegation welcomes the actions taken by the Security
Council to address these issues following the report of the
Secretary-General on Africa. We hope that there will be
a United Nations-wide approach to tackle these important
issues.
25

The Lockerbie issue has dragged on for too long. It is
about time that a settlement was reached so that the people
of the great Libyan Arab Jamahiriya can be relieved of the
bite of the excruciating sanctions imposed against them. In
accordance with the position taken by the Organization of
African Unity, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries,
the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the League of
Arab States and other regional organizations, the
Government of the Gambia welcomes the concurrence of
the Governments of the United Kingdom and of the United
States of America to the proposal to have the two
Lockerbie suspects tried in a neutral country, the
Netherlands. Consequently, the Government of the Gambia
reaffirms its full support for the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya in
its bid to secure a fair and just trial for the two suspects.
In the light of the recent developments, in the quest to
alleviate the immense suffering caused by the economic
sanctions imposed on the Libyan nation by Security Council
resolutions 748 (1992) and 883 (1993), and to avert any
further tightening of sanctions on the Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya, the Government of the Gambia is desirous of
the urgent finalization of the arrangements for a lasting
solution to this long-drawn-out problem.
Following a review, therefore, of the latest
correspondence on the matter between the Governments of
the United Kingdom and the United States of America and
the Secretary-General, and the agreement concluded
between those two countries and the Government of the
Netherlands relating to arrangements for the transfer of the
suspects to the Netherlands and their trial there, the
Government of the Gambia is of the view that the Libyan
Arab Jamahiriya must be given the opportunity to make an
assessment of those documents in order to ensure that its
views and concerns are fully taken into consideration with
regard to the final arrangements.
Whilst acknowledging the great lengths that all parties
have gone to in order to ensure that justice is meted out —
and this at the earliest possible opportunity — my country
firmly believes that Libya should have a greater input into
the final arrangements regarding the hand-over of the two
Lockerbie suspects and, most important, that the appropriate
guarantees for a just and fair dispensation of justice should
prevail. This would be in the spirit of the decision taken in
Ouagadougou by the heads of State of the Organization of
African Unity at their last summit.
My Government would like to see justice done and the
real culprits in the Lockerbie bombing identified and
brought to trial very quickly. However, whilst we persist in
urging that Libya be associated fully in the quest for
mutually acceptable conditions of transfer of the two
suspects to the Netherlands and trial there, we will also
insist on the need to have all the proof of their direct
involvement in this tragic affair being provided to us in
the first place. As soon as a reasonable and acceptable
terrain d’entente is reached, the sanctions must be lifted
immediately and unconditionally.
The Gambia’s foreign policy is directed by its
national interest and that of the continent, as well as by
the quest for peace and justice in the world. As members
of the Security Council, we are obliged to ask some
pertinent questions when certain actions and initiatives
have a devastating impact on the lives of human beings.
One such issue for which we would want straightforward
and clear answers relates to the recent bombing by the
Government of the United States of a pharmaceutical
complex in Khartoum.
What my Government seeks to know in this respect
is whether, assuming in good faith that the complex was
indeed involved in the production of deadly and
prohibited substances, the Government of the United
States fully weighed the consequences of such a terrible
strike on the innocent people of the Sudan before
sanctioning the bombings. In other words, in the view of
the United States Government, did the satisfaction derived
from the destruction of the complex in the Sudan
outweigh the value and premium placed on the lives of
innocent men, women and children on the scales of their
moral values? This matter has to be investigated so that
the international community’s conscience may be at
peace.
About the Middle East, we are disappointed that the
peace process, which gave so much hope, has virtually
collapsed. This undesirable state of affairs does not
diminish our faith in the peace process. We recognize the
right of all peoples to self-determination. We therefore
respect the rights of the Palestinian people to emerge fully
as an independent sovereign State. In this context, we
welcome the adoption by the General Assembly of
resolution 52/250 on the participation of Palestine in the
work of the United Nations. We look forward to the day
when Palestine joins the ranks of other States as a fully
fledged Member of the United Nations.
It is the wholehearted belief of my delegation that
every people has a right to self-determination. This belief
inspires the Gambia’s strong support for the aspirations of
the 21.3 million people of the Republic of China on
26

Taiwan to exercise their right to share and participate in the
activities of the United Nations. The legitimacy of their
aspirations, both legal and moral, has been reinforced by
similar actions and measures taken by the United Nations
on the issue of parallel representation, which now stands as
a useful reminder.
We believe, in the same vein, that the people of Cuba
have an inalienable right to determine their destiny. The
practice of unilateral imposition of sanctions by one
Member State against another should end with the demise
of the cold war. As we enter the new millennium, all States
should be committed to shaping a better world, a world
wherein all States, big or small, are equal, a world in which
relations between States are based on mutual respect and
strict observance of international law.
The situation between Iraq and Kuwait continues to be
one of the most important issues before the United Nations.
We would wish to stress the need to have this matter
resolved expeditiously. We hope that those who have
influence on Iraq will be able to secure its compliance with
its international obligations and that it will resume
cooperation with the United Nations and its bodies.
In this respect, we urge the release of all prisoners of
war, including missing Kuwaiti nationals and third country
nationals. We encourage sincere cooperation with the
International Committee of the Red Cross for that purpose.
We also call for the return of the properties of the
Government of Kuwait, including official documents
removed from their national archives.
My delegation is also concerned about the
humanitarian situation in Iraq and the dire plight of the
Iraqi people. We encourage Iraq to cooperate fully with the
United Nations, which would end the present logjam and
pave the way for a comprehensive review of the sanctions.
All of us remain concerned about the ongoing conflict
in Afghanistan. We believe that there is no military solution
to the conflict there. We urge all Afghan factions to find a
political settlement to the conflict, under the auspices of the
United Nations, which addresses all the interests and
concerns of all the people of Afghanistan.
Let me at this juncture reiterate my Government’s
condemnation of the killing of Iranian diplomats in
Afghanistan. We hope that the perpetrators of this heinous
crime will be pursued and brought to justice.
As we approach the new millennium, we are
confronted with long-drawn-out conflicts and new ones
that are emerging. Our world is thus far from being a
peaceful and quiet place. At this stage in our history, we
must all strive to enter the twenty-first century as a
united, peaceful family that can proudly bequeath to
future generations a developed, secure world where
democracy, justice and equality are guaranteed to
everyone, irrespective of origin, race, religion or political
persuasion. We hope that the Proclamation of the year
2000 as the International Year for the Culture of Peace,
which was first suggested by the Gambia during the 1997
session, will bear fruitful results.
Apart from the numerous conflicts, old and new, my
delegation is also concerned about the drug menace,
which threatens the very fabric of our societies. This
problem has now assumed monumental proportions,
leaving no society safe from its lethal and tenacious
tentacles.
We believe that all of us have a stake in this
problem — big and small States alike. We must therefore
join forces as a common front in our battle against this
evil. The Government of the Gambia is committed to
curbing the problem of drugs in its territory and will
continue to cooperate with all countries in that regard.
The Government of the Gambia welcomed the
twentieth special session of the General Assembly on the
world drug problem held in New York from 8 to 10 June
1998. We also fully support the Political Declaration, the
Declaration of the Guiding Principles of Drug Demand
Reduction and the action plans adopted at the special
session.
We wish to reiterate our concern for the growing
and dangerous links between terrorist groups, drugtraffickers and their paramilitary gangs, which have
resorted to all types of violence, thereby undermining the
democratic institutions of States and violating human
rights.
In addition to the drug menace, the international
community is faced with another challenge: international
terrorism. The Government of the Gambia condemns
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. While we
again extend our sympathy to the injured and to the
families bereaved as a result of the recent bombings in
Kenya, Tanzania and South Africa, we call on all
countries to work together to fight against the scourge of
terrorism.
27

The issue of anti-personnel landmines and its attendant
consequences is of concern. My delegation welcomes the
coming into force of the Ottawa treaty banning antipersonnel landmines.
With the end of the cold war, nuclear disarmament
should be given priority in our efforts to ensure the safety
of humankind. In this context, my delegation is encouraged
by what India and Pakistan said about signing the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. We join those
who call for a negotiated and phased programme for the
complete elimination, by all countries, of nuclear weapons.
In order for us all to enter into the new millennium
with our collective vision for a better world, we will
obviously need to reform and revitalize our Organization to
make it more relevant and more responsive to the
challenges of contemporary times. This idea has indeed
taken hold, leading to the consideration of reform measures
proposed by Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his report
“Renewing the United Nations: A programme for reform”.
May I take this opportunity to pay tribute to our able
Secretary-General for his unswerving commitment to the
reform of our Organization and his cooperation in this
regard. It is our fervent hope that the success of any reform
programme for the United Nations will be judged by the
ability of the Organization to make a significant impact on
the lives of all people, in particular those of the developing
countries, as well as by real improvements in its
functioning.
In this context, we feel very strongly that reform
measures should focus mainly on strengthening the role of
the Organization in the promotion of peace and
development. Any such reform programme should address
the need to enable the Organization to meet the challenges
of modern times and preserve the sanctity and centrality of
the principles of the Charter.
The last session witnessed a lot of debate on this
issue. It is sad to note, however, that no substantial progress
has been made. As we pursue this important task, we hope
that the Assembly will defeat the hostile offensive which
seeks to portray it as a “house of words”. Any concrete and
workable decisions that may evolve out of our deliberations
on this issue will serve as the litmus test of the political
will of the membership to forge ahead with genuine
renewal and revitalization of the Organization.
No reform of the United Nations would be complete
without the reform of the Security Council — the main
organ responsible for the maintenance of international
peace and security. While some consensus has emerged
on a number of issues on the question of equitable
representation and increase in the membership of the
Security Council, important differences still exist on many
other issues. We urge Member States to continue to
negotiate constructively on the outstanding issues with a
view to arriving at a compromise that is agreeable, if not
satisfactory, to all.
Finally, as we continue to grapple with the reform of
the United Nations and its organs after 50 years of
operation, so must we also continue to address the
weaknesses, inequalities and inadequacies that plague the
international economic and social system, global trade,
finance, investment, international development, and so on.
We must continue to do this so as to achieve more
meaningful cooperation and partnership geared towards
the promotion of socio-economic development and the
preservation of human rights and fundamental freedoms
for all.
It therefore bears recalling that the important issues
of women in development and the rights of the child
should continue to be at the top of the international
agenda. In this endeavour, development must be given the
priority it deserves. Africa, Asia and Latin America must
be given the opportunity to emerge from their devastating
past into a future which guarantees for them all the
benefits of democracy and peace, respect for human
rights, development and the restoration of the dignity of
all their peoples.
This objective is realizable if we all work together,
drawing inspiration from the Charter of the United
Nations. North and South, rich and poor, together we can
do it — if we believe in it.
The United Nations provides the forum and the
necessary framework to achieve the objectives that we set
for ourselves on this small planet that we share. Before
the United Nations was founded, the world experienced
bitterly two devastating wars. When the United Nations
was founded half a century ago, it helped to avoid another
global war despite the cold war that ensued. Today, in
this post-cold-war era in which we are confronted with
localized ethnic and internal political strife, we need the
United Nations more than ever before.
This world body has withstood the test of time and
history. There is no alternative to the United Nations;
countries big and small, rich or poor, all have a vital
28

stake in strengthening the United Nations rather than
weakening it. The United Nations is more relevant today
than it has ever been, and we all should strive for its
vitality and the respect of its decisions. We can do this only
when it is clear in the minds of all that it is the common
house of all the States of the world and that it should be
perceived as being just and fair to all, in particular in the
resolutions adopted by its Security Council. These
resolutions should always be in the spirit of fraternal
cooperation and understanding that prevail here in this
General Assembly Hall.
We in the Gambia remain very optimistic, and we
know we share this optimism because the General
Assembly is the asylum of humanity at large against the
cruelty and pain of the outer world.


I am pleased to express my sincere congratulations
to Mr. Didier Opertti on his election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its fifty-third session. As much as
his election reflects the esteem in which he personally is
held, it is also reflects our appreciation of the positive role
played by his country, Uruguay, in the international arena.
I am confident that his presidency will be an effective
factor in achieving the objectives to which the
international community today aspires.
I would like to take this opportunity to convey to
His Excellency Mr. Hennadiy Y. Udovenko, President of
the Assembly at its fifty-second session, our appreciation
and esteem for having conducted the Assembly?s work
effectively, wisely and objectively.
I am also pleased to express my appreciation and
esteem to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi
Annan, who is managing the affairs of the international
Organization with high competence and experience, and
who is making continuous efforts and persistent
endeavours to achieve peace and security in today?s
world, which continues to face many kinds of conflicts
and various forms of crises and challenges.
A hundred years ago this year, the late King Abdul
Aziz Bin Abdulrahman Al-Saud began the initial stages
of rebuilding and uniting the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on
the principles of tolerant Islamic beliefs. In that process
of unification, the late King Abdul Aziz was also laying
the groundwork of a modern State which combines, on
the one hand, adherence to Islam as a belief, a system and
a way of life and, on the other hand, advanced forms of
development and modernization. Since then, the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia, which adheres to the religion of Islam,
has played a significant international role, because it
follows a foreign policy which conforms to the
fundamental principles of the United Nations and with the
noble objectives for which the Charter was formulated.
These are in accordance with Islamic law in matters
pertaining to the conduct of relations between States. The
eternal message of Islam unites and does not divide,
establishes justice and does not inflict injustice, promotes
equality and does not discriminate. It urges everyone to
work and cooperate to propagate these sublime principles
and to achieve security, peace and prosperity for all
humanity.
Abiding by these principles, the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, since its establishment, has continued to believe
in constructive dialogue and peaceful coexistence among
nations and peoples. It endeavours to cooperate and to
respect the principles of international law and
international legitimacy, it rejects violence and terrorism
in any shape or form, and it does not interfere in the
affairs of others or allow others to interfere in its own
affairs.
10

On the basis of the same principle, the Government of
the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Fahd Bin
Abdul-Aziz Al-Saud, is intent on performing its role in the
international arena in such a way as to assist in creating the
most favourable conditions for realizing the aspirations of
the international community to security, peace, stability and
prosperity.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is proud that it was one
of the original signatories of the San Francisco Charter,
which founded the United Nations, and it is proud also that
it constantly adheres to the principles and purposes of that
Charter. It also consistently endeavours to put these
principles and purposes into practice. On the basis of those
considerations, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reaffirms that
it earnestly supports the United Nations and its specialized
agencies, for it views the Organization as a viable
framework for cooperation among nations and peoples, an
important forum for dialogue and understanding, and an
effective means to settle disputes and defuse crises.
My Government wishes to emphasize a basic fact: the
ability of the Organization to play all its roles and to carry
out all those tasks depends on the political will to put those
Charter principles and provisions into practical effect.
In this regard, my Government is well aware of the
importance of modernizing the United Nations agencies to
enable them to play their required role, and on a level that
enables them to deal with the new developments in modern
international relations. The Security Council, which bears
primary responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security, remains the focus of the various reform
proposals that have been put forward. In this regard, my
country?s point of view has been based on a deep
conviction that any restructuring of the Security Council
must be aimed at improving the Council?s ability to
perform its role effectively, in accordance with the Charter,
and at making more active in implementing its resolutions
and in dealing with international crises. The Council must
also cooperate with the General Assembly in a manner that
achieves the required harmony and the desired objectivity.
As we seek greater cooperation, we have to look to
the lessons of history to identify the obstacles which the
United Nations has faced and which have hindered it from
enhancing the cooperation that has become a requirement
for peace, stability and growth. We have to hold the
countries which base their international relations on
principles that contradict the Charter basically responsible
for creating those obstacles, and to make use of the means
contained in the Charter to oppose such practices. Insistence
on violating the principles of the Charter and refusal to
comply with the resolutions of the General Assembly and
the Security Council signal a blatant challenge to the
Charter, which we must firmly confront in a manner that
is consistent with its provisions and purposes.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, in line with its
objective of achieving peace, security and stability in the
Middle East, has supported the peace process from the
very beginning and participated as an observer in the
Madrid Conference. It has also participated actively in the
multilateral negotiations, and will continue to support the
peace process in its international activities and contacts.
In addition, the Arab countries, in conformity with
the conclusions of the Arab Summit held in Cairo in June
1996, have unanimously adopted a firm position
stipulating that peace is a strategic Arab option. This
affirms that there has been no Arab retreat from that firm
position.
What is regrettable, and a cause of grave concern, is
that, after a glimmer of hope for peace in the region and
after the optimistic feelings that peace was possible, the
peace process — which started in Madrid on the basis of
the principles of international legitimacy, United Nations
resolutions and the principle of land for peace — has
suffered repeated setbacks at the hands of the present
Israeli Government. This Government has endeavoured to
pursue policies that are based on retreating from the
principles of the peace process endorsed by the Madrid
Conference, as well as from the agreements signed with
the Palestinian National Authority, and it continues to
refuse to resume negotiations with Syria at the point that
had been reached previously.
In striving to destroy the peace process, the Israeli
Government has continued to build settlements on
Palestinian lands in order to alter their character and
create new realities. It is also adopting a policy of
Judaizing Holy Jerusalem by planting more settlements in
and around it, as well as annexing areas with Jewish
settlers and emptying Jerusalem of its Arab residents. It
also enacted a law to enlarge the municipality of Holy
Jerusalem to include neighbouring settlements so as to
preempt the negotiations on the final status of Holy Jerusalem.
These Israeli practices have resulted in aborting the
efforts of the international community to achieve a just
and comprehensive peace based on Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and on the land-
for-peace principle. Such practices have led the peace
11

process down a dead-end road. What we perceive of the
behaviour of the present Israeli Government does not make
us optimistic about the possibility of achieving the peace
which the peoples of the region aspire to unless these
practices are met by firm measures to compel Israel to
completely implement its agreements with the Palestinians,
respect the principles on which the peace process was
founded and enter into serious negotiations with the
Palestinian Authority, with Syria and with Lebanon. We
urge the international community, and the United States of
America in particular, to continue making all possible
efforts to save the peace process and to act resolutely to
stop Israeli tampering with the most sensitive issue in the
peace process — Jerusalem, which should be dealt with on
the basis of its being the most important case in the Arab-
Israeli conflict. Adhering to the rules of international
legitimacy and fulfilling commitments is the best way to
achieve peace and security.
If the present Israeli Government is serious in its
efforts to achieve peace with the Palestinian side, all it has
to do is to affirm its adherence to the provisions of the
signed agreements and resume the negotiations on the
unresolved issues. If the Israeli Government intends to
achieve a state of mutual security with its neighbour, Syria,
the Syrian Government has spared no effort in declaring its
readiness to resume negotiations with Israel from the point
at which such negotiations had stopped. As for tension and
the cycle of violence in southern Lebanon, its end is
contingent upon immediate Israeli withdrawal from that part
of Lebanon and the western Bekaa valley in accordance
with Security Council resolution 425 (1978).
The position of the Government of the Custodian of
the Two Holy Mosques towards Iraq has two fundamental
bases: first, guaranteeing the comprehensive, total,
indivisible and non-selective compliance by the Iraqi
Government with the resolutions of international legitimacy;
and secondly, insuring the preservation of the independence,
sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Iraq, as well as
alleviating the sufferings of the Iraqi people.
Our feelings of pain and sorrow for the sufferings of
the brotherly Iraqi people, because of the hard conditions
which they endure, contribute to our insistence on Iraqi
compliance with all relevant international resolutions in
order to get the sanctions lifted. In this context, it is with
deep sadness that we received the news of the Iraqi
Government?s decision not to cooperate with the United
Nations Special Commission established by the Security
Council. This will result in the continuation of sanctions on
Iraq. We call upon the Iraqi Government to annul that
decision, and we stress that the quickest means for lifting
the sanctions is faithful and meticulous responsiveness, in
letter and spirit, to the requirements of the Security
Council resolutions. The Iraqi Government should stop
the policies of prevarication and delay aiming at impeding
the implementation of these resolutions, especially those
concerning the release of prisoners and detainees, the
return of property, commitment to a modality for
compensation and full cooperation with the efforts of the
United Nations Special Commission to eliminate weapons
of mass destruction.
Saudi Arabia and its sisters, the members of the Gulf
Cooperation Council, place great importance on the
bettering of relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran.
We have been particularly pleased at the recent positive
indicators from the Iranian Government which could have
a positive impact on Iranian-Gulf relations and on the
climate of peace and stability in the region. In this
connection, we welcome the positive implications —
regarding both Gulf-Iranian relations and the issue of
armaments in the statement by President Mohammad
Khatami before the General Assembly last week. We look
forward to resolving the outstanding problems between
the two sides — foremost among which is the issue of the
three United Arab Emirates islands, Greater Tunb, Lesser
Tunb and Abu Musa — by peaceful means, in accordance
with the principles of international law, including the
option of referring the matter to the International Court of
Justice.
We also express our concern regarding the current
tension between Iran and Afghanistan. We call upon these
two countries to exercise restraint and resolve their
dispute by peaceful means.
The continuing fighting in Afghanistan during all
these years is a cause of sadness and sorrow. Saudi
Arabia has done all it could since the beginning of the
fighting to stop the bloodshed and to restore peace and
security to Afghanistan. We support the efforts of the
United Nations and the Organization of the Islamic
Conference to stop the fighting. At the same time, we
strongly deplore the manipulation of the present situation
of Afghanistan to make it a haven for the sheltering and
training of terrorists, which destabilizes security and
brings further suffering to the Afghani people.
Shortly after the Serbs terminated their aggression
against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, they
ignited the flames of a new war, aiming this time at our
brothers in Kosovo. The Serb forces are daily committing
12

in Kosovo the same inhuman practices which they
perpetrated in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including ethnic
cleansing, coerced deportation, terror and oppression in full
view of the whole world. It would be truly tragic if silence
in the face of these appalling actions was to continue over
this long duration. Therefore we call upon the international
community to shoulder its responsibilities by promptly
taking all requisite measures to put an end to these
practices.
Terrorism, which is striking every corner of the world
mercilessly and indiscriminately, has become a very serious
international phenomenon and requires an international
effort to combat it. The Government of Saudi Arabia has
regularly condemned terrorism and has joined its efforts to
other international efforts to confront it with all possible
effectiveness. We stress in particular that terrorism and
violence are universal phenomena rather than the
characteristics of a certain people, race or religion.
Precisely because of the comprehensiveness and
universality of terrorism, the only way to combat it is
through unified international action within the framework
of the United Nations, with a view to ensuring an end to
terrorism, saving the lives of the innocent and preserving
the independence and sovereignty of States. But combating
terrorism would also require international cooperation
against sheltering terrorist elements and groups and
preventing them from exploiting the territories and laws of
the States in whose territories they live in order to practice
their destructive activities, regardless of any pretexts.
The conflict in Jammu and Kashmir remains a threat
to peace and security in South Asia. We call for finding a
peaceful solution to this problem in accordance with the
relevant United Nations resolutions and for allowing the
people of Jammu and Kashmir to exercise directly their
legitimate right to self-determination.
The Government of the Custodian of the Two Holy
Mosques pays maximum attention to the ongoing efforts to
eliminate weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East,
including the Arabian Gulf region. This is undertaken
through its support of the efforts of the League of Arab
States in accordance with the resolution adopted by the
League?s Council during its 101st session which called for
making this sensitive part of the world a zone free of all
weapons of mass destruction: nuclear, chemical and
biological.
We are greatly concerned by Israel?s refusal to accede
to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT). Israel thus keeps its nuclear programmes outside the
ambit of international inspection, which constitutes a
serious threat to the region?s security and stability. While
we completely reject the international community?s
double standard that allows Israel an exception from
nuclear disarmament efforts and thus encourages the arms
race, we also express our concern at the nuclear tests
carried out in South Asia, begun by India and followed by
Pakistan, in view of the dangers these tests present to the
security and peace of the region.
While believing there is urgent need to increase the
effectiveness of the NPT through the activation and
universalization of the system of guarantees of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), we also
consider it of the utmost importance to establish controls
and criteria that would assist in achieving the desired
progress in all fields of disarming weapons of mass
destruction, in conformity with General Assembly
resolution 1 (I) of 1946. In this context, we urge all States
that have not yet done so to take the necessary steps as
early as possible to accede to the NPT and place their
nuclear installations under the international safeguards
regime, thereby contributing to international peace and
security.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia considers
environmental issues and environmental protection of key
importance, to the degree that it has assigned to them a
prominent place in our domestic and foreign policies. We
believe that a decent life for mankind is directly
connected with environmental and climatic conditions.
Therefore, the Kingdom has effectively participated in all
relevant conferences, forums and international
organizations concerned with environmental protection. In
addition, we have become a party to several regional and
international agreements relevant to this issue.
We only hope that international efforts relating to
the problems of the environment will be characterized by
the necessary degree of balance and of objectivity, as
based on serious and rational studies and buttressed by
scientific facts that take into account the needs of
development in the developing world. In this regard, we
call upon all States to abide by Agenda 21. We also urge
the industrial States in particular to live up to their
obligations regarding the transfer of environmental
technology to developing countries.
The emerging forces of globalization and their
seemingly rampant nature which cause geographic,
political and sovereignty barriers to recede, force upon us
the need to tame and channel these energies. Therefore,
13

we are now called upon more than at any other time before
not to confront this phenomenon, but to act cohesively in
its formulation, in conformity with our religious beliefs, our
cultural and civilizational values, and in the interests of our
peoples. This should also be accomplished in a manner that
would accord with the diversity and pluralism of social and
political systems that have prevailed after the bipolarism of
the cold war. The objective would be to build a balanced
world based on mutual interest, reciprocity of advantages
and equality of opportunity to live free from fear, secure
from hunger and poverty. It would be a world in which
principles of justice, prosperity and peace predominate.
It is important to stress, in this regard, that the
principles of free world economies and open markets are
not an end in themselves. They are but a means to growing
the economies through the increase and expansion of
exports. The developing countries cannot attain these
objectives without greater flexibility in the varying
opportunities afforded to them in the form of human
resources, infrastructure, and financial, administrative and
procedural regulations. Consequently, the developing
countries are required more than ever before to intensify
their internal development efforts in order to be integrated
in the international economy. This calls for closer
cooperation in international fora in order to deal with the
issues of development and to draft a considered and
comprehensive agenda that fulfils the ambitions and
aspirations of the peoples of developing countries within the
framework of the new economic order.
In this context, we cannot ignore the important role
that needs to be played by the developed countries, who
must fulfil their international commitments to the
developing and less developed countries either by direct or
indirect aid as well as through cancellation and rescheduling
of foreign debt. Developed countries must also allow free
and easy access to their markets for the exports of
developing countries and must refrain from adopting unjust
trade measures that impede the flow of such exports to their
markets.
In this regard, it must be noted that the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia has been very keen on contributing, within the
limits of its means, to the development of developing
countries, whether at the bilateral or multilateral levels.
Because of its desire to participate in the efforts to achieve
a better future for the international economy, Saudi Arabia
has applied for membership in the World Trade
Organization. God willing, and with the support of friendly
countries, we hope to finalize the accession procedures as
soon as possible.
The issues just mentioned, with their political,
economic, security and social dimensions, confirm the
need for our Organization to assume its role in the
maintenance of international peace and security and to
realize the aspirations of all peoples to live in security
and enjoy stability and prosperity. Our firm belief in the
role that the United Nations can play in dealing with
crises, as well as our efforts to avoid the horrors of war
and to prepare for international cooperation, make us
more determined than ever to support this Organization
and emphasize its constructive role. The United Nations
must have a larger role in dealing with crises before they
occur by exercising preventive diplomacy in order to
maintain stability and preserve international peace and
security. We have great hopes that the Organization will
continue its march towards these goals with strong steps
and firm determination.
I cannot find more suitable words to end my
statement than this verse from the Holy Quran:
“Work, soon Allah will observe your work, and His
Messenger, and the Believers.” (The Holy Quran,
IX:105)


This year we are
commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the proclamation
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I should like
therefore to congratulate Mr. Opertti very warmly upon his
election to the presidency of this session. Finland will give
him its full support in his demanding task.
Finland aligns itself with the statement made by my
Austrian colleague, Mr. Wolfgang SchÃ¼ssel, on behalf of
the European Union.
As has been mentioned in other statements, one of the
catchwords of our time is globalization. We all should be
ready to contribute to a constructive international dialogue
aiming at improving the joint global responses to the
various challenges emanating from this globalization.
We have also done a lot. The United Nations has in
the 1990s convened global conferences to enhance
development in the fields of human rights, sustainable
environmental development, population policies, social
development, the advancement of women, food security,
human settlements and the rights of the child.
These conferences have set an ambitious global agenda
to which Governments are committed. These commitments
form a road map which guides the Governments, non-
governmental organizations and individuals as well as the
United Nations system. The question remains: can the
United Nations deliver? Do we, the Member States, want
our Organization to be able to deliver? And do we make it
our own responsibility to realize our commitments? Then
and only then can the United Nations deliver.
And are we also able to see good partners?
Democratic Member States and free, capable citizens and
their organizations form a good basis for an international
network of safety in the world of globalization.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights has been
and is the basis for developing human rights. We should
commemorate the Declaration in the daily activities of our
Governments and common international institutions.
Secretary-General Kofi Annan has emphasized that human
rights are the basis for sustainable human development and
for the sustainability of any community. I subscribe to his
words and endorse his objective of knitting human rights
into all United Nations activities. Adequate resources
should be secured for this process.
The universal nature of human rights should be
beyond question and doubt. All women, men and children
who enjoy or are demanding those rights are equal
regardless of their nationality or cultural identity.
This year, human rights are being made more widely
and better known because there are still women, men and
children who are not aware of their rights. Yet
consciousness of oneâs rights is the basis for the rule of
law, democracy, good governance and full enjoyment of
human rights. Awareness-raising is the key to concrete
results in the field of human rights.
The Criminal Court will become an effective
mechanism for the trial of war criminals, as well as a real
deterrent against genocide, crimes against humanity and
war crimes. It is particularly important that the Court
make sure also that those individuals who are responsible
for atrocities in connection with internal conflicts will be
brought to justice.
It is important that special provisions for the
protection of women and children were included in the
definition of war crimes and crimes against humanity as
well as elsewhere in the Statute. The Criminal Court
should keep this in mind in its everyday work. As the
experience of the two ad hoc tribunals shows, special
expertise is needed for that purpose.
In this connection, let me emphasize that Finland
also strongly supports the finalization of an optional
protocol on children in armed conflicts based on an age
limit of 18 years. The suffering inflicted on children by
conflicts is intolerable. It is high time to act.
We have once again been reminded that terrorism
constitutes a growing threat to human beings, internal and
international security and the functioning of democratic
institutions. Within the framework of the United Nations,
important work has been done in the fight against
terrorism. A sustainable response to terrorism can be
found only through intensified efforts within the United
Nations and improved operational cooperation between
States. In this regard, I want to stress that the fight
against terrorism should be carried out in accordance with
relevant international instruments, including those related
to human rights.
Finland calls for ratification and full implementation
of the international conventions on the suppression of
terrorism and an early finalization and acceptance of the
convention on the suppression of acts of nuclear
terrorism.
25

Another way to secure our global neighbourhood is to
continue disarmament and non-proliferation efforts. The
ongoing efforts of the international community were
challenged by the nuclear test explosions by India and
Pakistan. Finland deplored these actions. Now it is
important to prevent a nuclear arms race in South Asia. We
call on India and Pakistan to confirm their promises not to
test again through adherence to the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). The CTBT remains a strong and
dynamic cornerstone of the global security system. It serves
the interests of all States.
Finland welcomes the agreement to begin negotiations
at the Conference on Disarmament on a treaty banning the
production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. A cap on
the production of fissile material will serve both nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation.
Conventional weapons are increasingly included in
disarmament efforts. Finland warmly welcomes this
development. In several conflict areas, the accumulation of
weapons is threatening the very existence of nations. We
welcome the entry into force of the Ottawa Convention on
anti-personnel landmines following the fortieth ratification
last week.
The issue of small arms is acute. Readily available and
easy to use, small arms are the main tools of violence in
todayâs conflicts. The world community needs to respond
to the problem of small arms through both enhanced global
and regional cooperation. Member States need to control
their exports and other transfers of small arms. But that is
not enough. An integrated approach involving measures
addressing both security and development of societies is
required. Finland supports a lead role for the United
Nations on the issue of small arms. We look forward to the
recommendations next year by the United Nations panel on
small arms.
On the opening day of this session due tribute was
paid to the women and men who have served during the
past 50 years in United Nations peacekeeping operations.
The Organization has a unique role in peacekeeping.
Finland reiterates its firm support and commitment to this
essential function of the United Nations in global collective
security. The world needs the peacekeeping and peace-
building capability of the United Nations. We have to
strengthen the capacity of the Organization in these fields.
Finland calls upon Member States to secure financing for
this purpose.
Attacks against unarmed United Nations personnel
and humanitarian workers are increasing. This trend has
to be reversed. Parties to any conflict must respect
international humanitarian law.
We have the global agenda, and the commitments
are there. For implementation we need a strong United
Nations. The Secretary-Generalâs reform package must be
implemented without delay. The proposals for reform in
the economic and social sector need to be realized. It is
also high time to enter into real negotiations on the
reform of the Security Council. All we need is political
will. The reform process must lead to a strengthened and
more efficient United Nations.
Finland values the reforms undertaken by the
Secretary General, Kofi Annan. We highly appreciate his
leadership as the head of this Organization, and we
continue to support him in his endeavours. Member States
must provide the United Nations with sufficient means.
They must fulfil their financial obligations towards the
United Nations, in full, on time and without conditions.
Without a sound financial basis even the efforts at
reforming the United Nations are bound to fail.
Finland also calls for better cooperation and
coordination of development activities both within the
United Nations system and between the United Nations
and the Bretton Woods institutions. An efficient
implementation of the global agenda requires more
coherent approaches from the different actors in the field
of development.
Todayâs global, regional and local problems have
their economic, environmental and social dimensions. A
large-scale problem of a developmental, ecological or
humanitarian nature may even turn into an armed conflict.
Intertwined problems call for integrated responses. We
have good examples of integrated approaches in southern
Africa, as well as in Guatemala and in El Salvador. Peace
agreements and operational agendas include agreements
on human rights, identity and the rights of indigenous
people, social and economic aspects and strengthening of
civilian power, as well as defining the role of the armed
forces. Constitutional reforms and electoral regimes are
also essential, as is monitoring of the functioning of the
courts as a prerequisite for the reform of judicial systems.
We also see the importance of good governance.
We must secure the future of the United Nations, in
terms not only of finance but of political support as well.
Here Governments and the Organization can benefit from
26

public interest in the United Nations. We attach high
expectations to the Millennium Assembly and to the role
and participation of civil society in the Millennium Forum.
The Forum can give us guidance from all sectors of our
societies on which way to continue.


Allow me to congratulate
you, Sir, on your election to the high office of President
of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session and to
assure you of the full support of the delegation of
Kazakhstan in your work.
Kazakhstan, in welcoming the efforts of the
Secretary-General to reform the United Nations, supports
the decisions adopted by the General Assembly at its last
session. The steps taken in that direction will undoubtedly
facilitate the renewal of the Organization in the changing
historical conditions.
On the threshold of the twenty-first century, the
world is becoming an integrated and interrelated system
in which there is no room for autarchy and self-isolation.
Globalization, which embraces the main spheres of human
activity, has radically altered the accustomed assumptions
about the realities of modern life. Globalization also
compels us to reassess the nature of international
cooperation from the standpoint of strengthening
multilateral mechanisms for taking decisions on the urgent
problems that are of concern to the entire world
17

community. Despite all the diversity of national interests,
such decisions need to be taken through joint efforts on the
basis of goodwill and consensus, and here the role of the
United Nations cannot be underestimated.
On the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, we again note the permanent
significance of that instrument in affirming democratic
values and the rule of law.
Kazakhstan, seven years after making its choice of
democracy and an open society, is today taking tangible
steps to intensify its political reforms. Our country is
embarking on a comprehensive programme of
democratization that covers such important spheres as
elections, political parties, Parliament, civil society, the
judicial system, the advancement of women and the mass
media. The President of Kazakhstan, Mr. Nursultan
Nazarbaev, will be taking decisive steps to solve acute
social problems, combat corruption and optimize the State
administration.
All these measures are aimed at further protecting and
guaranteeing the rights and freedoms of every citizen of our
multi-ethnic society. We shall do everything within our
power to preserve such values as inter-ethnic harmony and
the diversity of the cultures and customs of each of the
nationalities that make up the people of Kazakhstan. We
shall strengthen pluralism in society in order reliably to
guarantee the freedoms of conscience, speech and the press
and further to strengthen the foundations of a secular
democratic society.
Kazakhstan does not believe that it is possible to build
its own statehood without successful integration into the
world economy and world politics. In this context, we are
developing and strengthening our national financial
institutions, which has enabled us to cope, at lower cost,
with the consequences of the crisis affecting Asia and the
countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS).
As a proponent of a policy of integration, our head of
State is a constant advocate of creating the appropriate
economic conditions for this to take place and has
proposed, as Chairman of the Customs Union, the
conclusion of a treaty on the creation of a unified economic
space within the CIS.
Kazakhstan, which pursues a policy of constructive
cooperation, has created a zone of security and goodneighbourliness around its borders. We are not in
confrontation with any State in the world. As a Eurasian
State, Kazakhstan sees the development of friendly,
equitable and mutually beneficial relations with the
countries of the East and the West as a priority of its
foreign policy.
We believe that Kazakhstan’s voluntary renunciation
of its nuclear heritage and its firm adherence to the nonproliferation regime constitute important prerequisites for
the attainment of this strategic objective. A few days ago,
the second International Conference on the problems of
non-proliferation was held in the town of Kurchatov,
which is within the territory of the former nuclear testingground at Semipalatinsk. During the conference, the last
strategic missile launch silo was shut down.
Kazakhstan consistently advocates the creation of
security structures on the Asian continent. We note with
satisfaction that the initiative of our country’s President to
convene a conference on interaction and confidencebuilding measures in Asia is taking solid shape and
becoming a tangible factor in present-day international
life. This is attested to by the meeting which took place
in Almaty in July of the leaders of Kazakhstan, China, the
Russian Federation, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on issues
of cooperation and confidence-building measures in the
region. We believe that the agreements signed with China
on the delimitation of the Kazakh-Chinese border will
make a major contribution to strengthening regional
security and stability. The Kazakh-Russian Declaration on
eternal friendship and alliance for the twenty-first century
and the Treaty of eternal friendship between Kazakhstan,
Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan are also of great importance.
Kazakhstan, as a firm proponent of strengthening
regional and global security, strongly condemns any
undermining of the non-proliferation regime and calls on
India and Pakistan to heed the views of the vast majority
of the world community and accede without delay to the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We support
the call of the Secretary-General of the United Nations for
those countries to join in the negotiations on prohibitions
of the production of fissionable materials for nuclear
weapons and to refrain from deploying such weapons in
their territory. In the context of strengthening regional
security and the non-proliferation regime, Kazakhstan will
continue to work for the creation of a nuclear-weaponfree zone in Central Asia.
The demonstrations of our country’s involvement in
the peacekeeping activities of the United Nations include
18

the formation of a peacekeeping battalion in Central Asia
and Kazakhstan’s participation in the United Nations standby arrangements system.
From this high podium, we cannot fail to pay attention
to the current situation in Afghanistan. The events taking
place there, which are accompanied by mass violations of
human rights and the fundamental norms of international
law, have become a subject of profound concern to us.
Kazakhstan has made and will continue to make its
contribution to the achievement of peace in that country.
The task of the world community is to convince all the
parties to the conflict to cease military action right away
and sit down at the negotiating table with a view to
establishing a Government of national reconciliation. We
are convinced that no military solution to the Afghan
problem exists. A peace process in Afghanistan is possible
only if interference from outside is halted and full support
is given to the efforts of the Secretary-General. Not only
immediate neighbours, but all interested countries, must
take an active part in the search for ways of solving the
Afghan problem.
One of the most difficult present-day problems is
international terrorism and organized crime. Kazakhstan
rejects terrorism in all its manifestations and is ready to
participate in international efforts to combat this evil. On
the threshold of the next century, a handful of madmen
cannot be allowed to blackmail and endanger the lives and
well-being of people who uphold the ideas of creation and
peace. This is doubly dangerous in the case of nuclear
terrorism.
International organized crime is associated in one way
or another with illegal drug-trafficking. Most unfortunately,
the scale of the drug business is constantly growing. Drug
addiction, moving freely across borders, is undermining
statehood and the moral foundations of society.
Increasingly, more young people are becoming addicted to
drugs. We are witnessing a new phenomenon of drug
production becoming a leading component of national
economies. Drugs from Afghanistan are to be found in
virtually all countries of the world. Accordingly, we support
the decisions of the twentieth special session of the General
Assembly on international drug control and will participate
actively in their implementation.
In speaking of the main problems that ail mankind, we
cannot forget separatism. Kazakhstan has more than once
stated its position that it does not accept ethnic separatism.
Given the calamities it is inflicting on many States, now is
the time to declare unambiguously that separatism must be
proclaimed outside the law. The right of nations to selfdetermination cannot under present historical
circumstances play the role that it played at the beginning
of this century.
Yet another global problem which casts a cloud over
the future of mankind is the ever deteriorating
environmental situation. Kazakhstan has in all truth
experienced the consequences of environmental disasters.
From this high podium, the President of Kazakhstan has
more than once called on the world community to unify
and coordinate efforts to protect the environment. We are
grateful to the General Assembly for the support that has
been extended to our country, as reflected in the
resolution on assistance in overcoming the consequences
of the nuclear tests in the Semipalatinsk region.
The Aral Sea disaster has become genuinely global
in nature. Deposits of salt from the exposed bed of the
Aral Sea have been found in the Arctic Ocean and in
Western Europe. While noting with gratitude the
assistance from the United Nations, we nevertheless call
on the States Members of our Organization to pay greater
attention to this serious problem and to take more active
and specific steps to solve it.
The peculiarity of the geographical situation of
Kazakhstan, and of Central Asia as a whole, confronts us
with an acute problem of access to world markets,
including the transport of hydrocarbons. Kazakhstan
therefore attaches great importance to cooperation with
the United Nations and its specialized agencies to develop
transit transport systems in the landlocked Central Asian
States.
Reviving the traditions of the Great Silk Road,
Kazakhstan is interested in expanding and developing
transportation networks in Central Asia and beyond. Our
country, with its vast territory, is an important link
between Asia and Europe. Our participation in the
Transport Corridor: Europe-Caucasus-Asia (TRACECA)
project will undoubtedly facilitate an increase in the
effectiveness of the transport system in the vast area of
the Eurasian continent.
We place great hopes in the United Nations Special
Programme for the Economies of Central Asia (SPECA),
recently adopted by the Economic Commission for
Europe and the Economic and Social Commission for
Asia and the Pacific.
19

Kazakhstan, as the Chairman of the Economic
Cooperation Organization (ECO), intends to make a real
contribution to stepping up the activity of this important
regional forum. The Declaration and other documents
adopted at the ECO summit in Almaty creates good
prerequisites for the creation of a favourable trade climate
in relations between the ECO member countries and their
potential partners in Europe and Asia. We believe that ECO
is a promising organization and has great potential for
expanding economic ties in the territories of 10 States with
a total population of more than 300 million people.
Kazakhstan will work for the further strengthening of
cooperation between the ECO and the United Nations.
Another issue that must be included among today’s
urgent problems is the legal status of the Caspian Sea. We
note with satisfaction the progress made in reaching
consensus on this complex and delicate subject, which
affects the interrelations among the five littoral States. The
agreement signed between Kazakhstan and the Russian
Federation in July this year on the delimitation of the
northern part of the Caspian Sea lays the foundations for a
complete settlement of the Caspian problem. It is now
important to take concrete steps for the implementation of
this instrument, which is in conformity with the provisions
of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
A solution of the Caspian problem is of strategic
importance for Kazakhstan. We are interested in reliably
ensuring the export of our mineral resources through
multiple-option oil-gas pipelines. We expect early
implementation of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium project,
and we believe that the construction of an oil pipeline from
western Kazakhstan to China offers promising prospects.
We support the trans-Caspian project for an oil and gas
pipeline, Baku-Ceyhan, and we view the project for an oil
pipeline through the territory of Iran as very promising.
It must be noted with regret that mankind will be
entering the next century burdened by many serious
problems. But, at the same time, there are no grounds for
unrelieved pessimism, since the passing century, which
witnessed two world wars, the development and testing of
lethal types of weapons and a multiplicity of regional and
ethnic conflicts, has developed reliable mechanisms — our
Organization first among them — for preventing and
settling international problems. The cause of peace, security
and development is of concern to all States. We must,
therefore, all act as a united whole. Kazakhstan is ready to
take part in this work for peace and cooperation.


Allow me, Mr. President, to offer you my
warmest congratulations on your unanimous election to
guide the work of the fifty-third session of the General
Assembly. The honour bestowed upon you attests to the
good relations which your country, Uruguay, has forged
over the decades with the nations that make up the
international community. The noble task which awaits
you, far from being merely prestigious or simply one of
protocol, frequently proves to be both delicate and
difficult.
It involves presiding over the most eminent forum of
debate for world affairs during a period in which, in
various places, one crisis follows another, such that
around the world neither peace nor war prevails. I am
convinced that your talents as a diplomat, your passion
for peace and development and your enthusiasm will
33

serve you well in dealing with the most complex debates
and the most tangled webs of procedure. Rest assured that
our best wishes will be with you throughout this session,
which, we feel sure, under your expert presidency, will be
crowned with success.
I wish also to pay tribute to your predecessor, H. E.
Hennadiy Udovenko of Ukraine, for the remarkable way in
which he guided our work in the last session and for the
personal touch with which he ensured and improved
coordination between the main bodies of the United
Nations. We feel certain that in his parliamentary career in
his country he will display the same efficiency and skill he
showed in this forum. Finally, allow me to pay an emphatic
tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who,
through his tireless commitment, has been able to restore
confidence in our Organization and make it an
incomparable instrument for international relations.
I wish to hail his efforts to bring peace to the world,
and particularly to Africa, and the special attention he gives
to the economic and political situation on our continent. I
also wish to take this opportunity, on behalf of my
delegation, to congratulate him sincerely on his excellent
report on the work of the Organization, the clarity and
conciseness of which will be very useful in inspiring our
debate during the fifty-third session.
During the past year, the world has entered a phase of
difficulties and uncertainties such as it had not seen for
almost a decade. The crisis born in the most dynamic
economies of South-East Asia has gradually reached other
regions. Today it seems to threaten all the countries of the
planet, from the richest to the poorest.
This shows very well the extent to which the
phenomena of globalization and interdependence among
States and peoples have spread. No country, no matter how
prosperous, can now hope to escape a crisis such as the one
South-East Asia has suffered and continues to suffer which
now threatens other regions. This shows that the fight for
development and the struggle against poverty concern all of
us.
Emergent economies, which are paying the price of a
crisis that, over these last months, has thrown tens of
millions of people back into poverty and insecurity, are
integral parts of a sort of a global economic and financial
puzzle. The jolts these economies are experiencing weaken
the whole system.
This risk, which everyone can see is real, should
lead us to reconsider our traditional notion of the division
between countries of the North and of the South. We
should not, of course, ignore here the gulf between North
and South or challenge the existence of the distinct forms
of poverty that make for starkly different conditions of
existence, and even survival, for the most destitute
peoples of the industrialized countries and those of the
developing countries.
What, on the other hand, is more and more
questionable with the advance of globalization is the idea
of a possible divergence of destinies, which could lead
some countries â€” the wealthiest â€” to continue their
march forward, while leaving the poor ones â€œalong the
side of the roadâ€, to quote a popular phrase.
The crisis we have been witnessing for a year now
should convince us that there is a common destiny which
binds together all Governments and all peoples of the
planet. The latter, whether they are richer or poorer, are
bound by the same necessity â€” that of progressing
together along the path of development. The current crisis
shows us another vital need â€” that of solidarity, for
which multilateral cooperation is the prime instrument.
The United Nations must once again become the natural
vehicle of this multilateral cooperation. Unfortunately, we
must note that this notion of solidarity, which has become
an agreed formula in official declarations, is acted upon
less and less in any concrete way.
We recall the famous objective â€” which a few
decades ago seemed quite modest â€” of establishing the
desirable level of official development assistance at 0.7
per cent of gross national product of industrialized
countries. In noting, as the Secretary-General has done in
his report on the work of the Organization, that official
development assistance has been steadily decreasing for
a decade and today represents only 0.22 per cent of the
gross national product of industrialized countries, we must
recognize that this call for solidarity is reaching
increasingly deaf ears in international forums.
Along the same lines, I would like to stress that the
strategies for development debated and agreed among
Governments, as well as the decisions adopted at the
major United Nations conferences, so far have not been
implemented to the desired extent, due to insufficient
financing. The mid-term evaluation of the outcome of the
Rio Conference on Environment and Development was in
this respect quite revealing of the present financial limits
for aid to development. An effort commensurate with the
34

problem would allow us to radically change its basic
elements.
The 1998 Human Development Report, published by
the United Nations Development Programme a few weeks
ago, makes some significant comparisons. It shows, for
example, that Americans annually spend $8 billion on
cosmetics â€” $2 billion more than the amount needed to
finance basic education for a large part of the world
population. To quote the Secretary-Generalâs report on the
work of the Organization,
â€œa bridge must be constructed between, in effect, the
Dow Jones index and the human development indexâ€
(A/53/1, para. 15).
We expect also that a new drive towards cooperation
and development will not only combat poverty and
exclusion but also promote international peace and security.
Conflicts frequently have social and economic roots,
and this dimension should be fully integrated into the
approaches devised by the international community in the
areas of conflict prevention, peacekeeping and post-conflict
peace-building.
I wish to reiterate, and express the support of CÃ´te
dâIvoire for, the proposal made by the Secretary-General in
paragraph 30 of his report on the work of the Organization
to better use the possibilities of Article 65 of the Charter of
the United Nations, which provides that the Economic and
Social Council may furnish information to the Security
Council upon a request from the latter.
With the exception of very limited applications in
1949 and 1959, this provision of the Charter has not been
invoked. Because it is based on fraternity, dignity and
equality between peoples and States, solidarity needs to be
the cardinal value in the new world that is emerging from
the ideological battlefields of the past.
Progress in communications technology has today
brought people closer than ever. Stepping outside of their
own cultures, men and women can experience the same
events at the very same moment. They are upset and
shocked by the pictures and consequences of a natural
disaster or a terrorist attack. They are impassioned by the
same sports events and are reduced to tears by exceptional
events such as the liberation of Nelson Mandela or the fall
of the Berlin Wall, which give true ethical significance to
the evolution of humankind.
During the past decade, we have witnessed
spectacular progress, in almost all countries, with respect
to the positive values that cement solidarity between
peoples. Almost all societies are now open and receptive
to pluralism. Every day I see that the peoples of the
African continent are hungering for participation. They
wish to have their say in national matters and to take their
future into their own hands.
Throughout the world, civil society is making its
claims and aspirations felt. Everywhere Governments, to
varying degrees, are becoming aware of this extraordinary
change and, in the context of diverse political formulas
and variable schedules, they are acceding to the demands
of the people with respect to democratization.
This new global focus on human rights and
pluralism is reflected increasingly in the international
order. Buttressed by the non-governmental organizations,
Governments have decided to ban barbaric weapons such
as anti-personnel landmines, whose principal victims are
civilians, especially children. The broad and massive
support given by the international community to the
Ottawa Convention on the Prohibition of the Use,
Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel
Mines and on Their Destruction, which has been signed
by 128 States and which will enter into force after the
deposit by the fortieth State of its instrument of
ratification, allows us to hope for success in the efforts
undertaken to fight against another scourge â€” small arms
and small-calibre weapons â€” which affects mainly
civilians and foster criminality and insecurity.
Global progress on the ethical level is evident also
in the adoption in July 1998 of the Statute of the
International Criminal Court, thus enshrining the progress
begun by the international criminal tribunals for the
former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda. In this respect, the
first judgments, handed down on 2 September last, have
a dual significance. Fifty years after its adoption by the
General Assembly, the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of Genocide has now seen a concrete
continuance: the appalling crime of genocide, repeatedly
carried out since 1945, will no longer go unpunished. The
second positive element of the judgments rendered by the
Arusha Tribunal is the recognition that sexual violence
committed systematically and on a broad scale in the
context of conflicts meets the definition of the crime of
genocide.
Another concern for my Government is the scourge
of terrorism, a true hydra-headed menace that is blindly
35

attacking in places where we least expect it. It is no longer
enough to forcefully condemn this evil; we must try to
extirpate its roots as it stems, with rare exceptions, from
injustice or the intolerable humiliation of peoples. The fight
against terrorism is first and foremost a fight against
injustice in all its forms. CÃ´te dâIvoire reiterates its
sympathy for those States that have fallen victim to bomb
attacks. It reasserts its commitment to work in the context
of cooperation with all States to eradicate these crimes,
which cannot be justified regardless of their motivation.
The time has come, as was stated at the Non-Aligned
Movement Summit in Durban, to convene an international
conference dealing with all aspects of terrorism that would
lead to a convention allowing us to eradicate this scourge.
To strengthen cooperation for development and
promote democratization and pluralism are the two focal
points for the action which the international community
should take in order to allow peace and security to
progress, which is the fundamental mission of our
Organization.
This concern falls in line perfectly with the objectives
of the Government of CÃ´te dâIvoire, which, under the
leadership of our President, Henri Konan BÃ©diÃ©, is
committed to relaunching strong, sound and lasting
economic growth and to forge, in a spirit of solidarity, a
more united, homogenous society based on participatory,
peaceful democracy.
At the political level, the cabinet reshuffle that took
place on 11 August last resulted in greater openness and in
new political blood. At the institutional level, several
measures were adopted aimed at broadening and deepening
the regionalization and decentralization process.
Moreover, constitutional reform is being undertaken in
order to establish the rule of law, to consolidate State
structures and strengthen representative democracy. The
latter has given rise to the creation of a Senate, which will
help us to strengthen the democratic debate and give us a
more balanced representation of the regions.
At the economic level, let me stress that in 1997 â€”
and for the third consecutive year â€” the rate of growth of
our countryâs gross national product was 7 per cent. That
rate, I would underscore, is higher than the demographic
rate of growth of 3.8 per cent. Inflation was controlled at
5 per cent in 1997, whereas the rate of investment was 15
per cent of the gross national product, 70 per cent of which
was private investment.
It is noteworthy that the management of the Alliance
for Africaâs Industrialization, which held its first meeting
on 17 and 18 September last in Abidjan, reaffirmed that
industrialization is a necessity for the economic progress
of Africa and is the only means of transforming its
economy in order to integrate it positively into the current
context of globalization.
Africa will continue to rely for its industrial
development on its partners from friendly countries. We
wish here to welcome the initiative of the Government of
the United States on partnership and economic growth in
Africa which aims particularly to allow a number of
American products access to the American market.
We wish also to express our gratitude to the
Government of Japan for its continuing commitment to
the development of Africa, as evidenced by the upcoming
International Conference on African Development
(TICAD II), set to take place in Tokyo in October.
We also wish to congratulate and thank all the
Governments of the donor countries that have forgiven
debts to the African countries, especially the least
developed ones.
On the social level, I wish to take a moment to
mention some points relating to health, a vital element in
socio-economic development. Action in the field of
health, as the Assembly knows, contributes effectively to
the fight against poverty. CÃ´te dâIvoire has therefore
made this an absolute priority for several decades. Aware
that our world has become a global village, we have
tirelessly pursued these efforts within our country, while
putting more and more effort into the promotion of health
at the international level.
Several important recent events prove this
commitment: the participation of President Henri Konan
BÃ©diÃ© as the representative of our continent at the fiftieth
anniversary of the World Health Organization (WHO); the
adoption by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) last
June of two resolutions proposed by CÃ´te dâIvoire, one
relating to the African fund to combat AIDS and the other
on the African initiative to fight against malaria; and the
launching of the initiative on anti-retrovirus treatments,
for which CÃ´te dâIvoire has been selected as one of the
countries participating in the experimental phase. In order
to better mark our commitment to the success of this
programme, we have decided to allocate the sum of
$1 million to it.
36

Moreover, CÃ´te dâIvoire organized a regional meeting,
attended by the Presidents of Benin and Ghana, to promote
public awareness of, and the struggle against, Buruliâs
ulcer, a little-known but degrading and destructive illness.
The multiplicity of conflict situations in Africa has
become a real subject of concern for the entire international
community. Hence the Security Council met on 25
September 1997 at Foreign Minister level to consider the
need for concerted international action to promote peace
and security in Africa. At the end of that meeting, the
Council asked the Secretary-General to submit to it by
February 1998 a report containing concrete
recommendations regarding the sources of conflict in
Africa, way to prevent and address them, and how to lay
the foundation for durable peace and economic growth.
In response to this Security Council request, the
Secretary-General prepared an excellent report entitled â€œThe
causes of conflict and the promotion of durable peace and
sustainable development in Africaâ€ (S/1998/318), which
gives a straightforward assessment of the political and
economic situation in Africa and makes objective
recommendations, while indicating the mistakes made by
African leaders and the shortcomings in international
cooperation in this area.
The report essentially always takes us back to the
primary mission of our Organization: the maintenance of
peace, and the principal instrument for this, which is
collective security. The latter remains at the heart of the
United Nations Charter. The original idea, it should be
remembered, was that in the modern world, any conflict,
whether regional or local, could affect the whole of
international society, and that through alliances and
interventions it could well spread, with all the devastating
consequences imaginable.
It is in order to guard against these situations and to
provide every means to react to them that the 1945 Charter,
in Chapter VII, takes account of the regional character of
collective security. The regional mechanism is intended to
provide continuity and to strengthen the action of the
international community in the maintenance of peace,
without in any way challenging the primary role of the
Security Council, which, duly informed of the initiatives
undertaken by States bound by regional agreements, is the
only body which can authorize the use of force.
It is in this spirit, and always taking care to refer first
to the Security Council, that the system of regional security
has always functioned, be it in Africa or in Europe, even
though with the involvement of the Atlantic Alliance in
the former Yugoslavia the situation was somewhat
different.
The end of the cold war, with a backdrop of change
in the general international security situation and an
increasing will by the great Powers to limit themselves to
interventions in the context of the United Nations, has
undoubtedly contributed to the reactivation of regional
security. What was at stake, we must agree, was the very
survival of certain regions of the world, prey to violent
upheavals and mostly abandoned to their own fate.
Regrettably, this is the picture which we see in an Africa
torn apart by conflicts whose scope and gravity the
international community does not always grasp.
These are the realities which were in the minds of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Defence, the Interior and
Security of the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS) when they met recently in
Yamoussoukro, CÃ´te dâIvoire, and then in Banjul,
Gambia, to lay the foundations of a mechanism for the
prevention, management and resolution of conflicts and
for the maintenance of peace and security. The resulting
text, reached by consensus at the level of experts, will
soon be submitted for adoption by the conference of
heads of State and Government scheduled for the end of
October in Abuja.
West Africa has plenty of experience in this
connection, since in recent years it has had to mobilize
twice in order to settle two bloody conflicts in Liberia,
followed by Sierra Leone, and has thus acquired
considerable resources under the flag of the ECOWAS
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). The success of the
organization in carrying out such interventions prompted
it to institutionalize ECOMOG as its armed mechanism,
which is mainly preventive. This is a big step forward for
ECOWAS, originally created as a specialized subregional
organization with the goal of promoting economic
cooperation and eventually the integration of its member
States.
This subregional mechanism will of course become
part of the general system of the United Nations Charter
and the regional system of OAU. It will cover all aspects
of security, including natural disasters. Political
considerations cannot be forgotten, for experience has
shown that conflicts may well lead to the decay of
governmental institutions, the economy and social and
political institutions.
37

Under these circumstances, any intervention strategy
is designed first and foremost to deal with disarmament,
demobilization and the reintegration of combatants or
displaced persons, as well as the rehabilitation of
infrastructures and above all the reconstruction of society,
with democracy as the key word.
All in all, member States believed that it was precisely
because it was conceived for development and economic
integration that ECOWAS was particularly suited to
undertake peace-building in the region. The implementation
of the mechanism will depend above all upon the political
will of member States. For its part, CÃ´te dâIvoire will be
involved, as it was in the quest for peace in Liberia and
Sierra Leone, and as it is now in the case of mediation to
bring peace back to Guinea-Bissau.
I should like to take this opportunity to thank and
congratulate the Governments of the United States of
America, France and Great Britain for deciding to
harmonize their various initiatives to assist our armies in
order to enhance our peacekeeping capabilities.
In this connection, I am happy that we are
commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the first
peacekeeping operation in 1948, and I pay tribute to the
memory of all the men and women who have given their
lives in the service of the United Nations.
Assuring collective security in the context of credible
international cooperation and guaranteeing fair, sustainable
development is an ongoing challenge to the United Nations;
it must urgently provide appropriate, concrete answers.
In this regard, I believe that our action must be
conducted on three very distinct fronts.
In the first place, we must firmly recall, whenever
necessary, the fundamental principles proclaimed by the
San Francisco Charter concerning relations between States,
and in particular the independence and territorial integrity
of Member States of the United Nations. Since the end of
the cold war, conflicts between States have almost entirely
disappeared, and that fully reflects the legal force of the
principles I have just mentioned.
Let me stress that in Africa the principle of the
inviolability of borders is of capital importance, as the
OAU has emphasized since its establishment. The
upheavals in the Great Lakes region must be settled in
accordance with this principle.
Secondly, it is necessary to discourage and ban from
international society those regimes which violate the most
elementary principles of democracy.
Finally, it is vital to enhance international peace by
a clear delineation of the responsibilities of the United
Nations and regional organizations. In this connection, we
would like to note and hail the complementarity and
harmony of efforts made, within the context of the United
Nations, by the Non-Aligned Movement, the OAU and
the Southern African Development Community (SADC),
in order to put an end to the new crisis besetting the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Their combined
forces have secured the return to stability of several West
African countries.
Here, I would like to salute in particular the action
of ECOWAS and its military component, ECOMOG, and
invite the international community to provide them with
every possible support necessary for the accomplishment
of their mission. This interaction between the world
Organization and regional organizations must be further
strengthened in the future.
In conclusion, I would like briefly to mention the
veritable â€œsea serpentâ€ of the process of reforming the
United Nations and the United Nations system and to
express a certain disappointment at the very limited
results we have achieved after several years of effort. The
question of restructuring the Security Council seems to be
at a standstill, even though, in almost ritual fashion, at
one session after another we renew the mandate of the
Working Group charged with reaching an agreement
acceptable to all Member States.
As for the excellent reform programme that the
Secretary-General presented to us last year, it has
certainly been very positively received, but we have
postponed certain decisions that are ours alone to make
with regard to certain of his suggestions and
recommendations. I hope that the present session of the
General Assembly will enable us to enrich our thinking
on reform and finally move on to action in this sphere.