On behalf of the Government and people of Sierra Leone, I congratulate you most warmly, Sir, on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Your country's philosophy of humanism and your considerable personal skills as a diplomat assure us that under your leadership the General Assembly will further the cause of peace and justice in the world.
205.	Allow me also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, now President of the Republic of Panama, who served as President of the thirty-eighth session with distinction and exemplary skill.
206.	Let me also congratulate and welcome into our midst Brunei Darussalam, whose accession brings us closer to the ideal of universal membership.
207.	Ten years ago, the General Assembly convened in a special session to examine the economic relations between developed and developing countries. After weeks of long and exhaustive debate, the Assembly adopted a resolution recommending the establishment of a new international economic order. That historic recommendation reverberated around the world and ignited the hopes of many poor, developing countries. A new optimism was born, as many countries were led to believe that the United Nations was on the march towards the indispensable goals of economic justice and fair play.
208.	The flurry of activities which followed on the heels of this new optimism led many commentators to call the 1970s "the decade of negotiations". Although those negotiations must now seem like the beginning of a false dawn, title Assembly's sixth special session itself did provide a set of bold recommendations in its Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, which, fully implemented, might have saved the world from the present disastrous recession. To the dismay and bitter disappointment of the developing world, the Programme of Action has been rendered ineffectual by the refusal of certain Members of the Organization to allow any worthwhile action to be taken towards its implementation. The failure of the international community to rise to the challenges and the opportunities of the time seem to us to have led to the present dire economic consequences that undermine social order in rich countries and threaten the very survival of .much of the third world.
209.	Today, the stark economic reality of the African condition is that millions of people are afflicted by hunger, malnutrition, illiteracy and abject poverty. Over the last few years, the economies of African countries have suffered severe declines in growth and output of goods and services. This trend, already apparent in the 1970s, has worsened over the last three years, leading to depressing growth rates or total stagnation. The result is a dangerous fall in already precarious living standards, mass starvation and widespread decay of the small, but vital, infrastructure and even the environment.
210.	The reasons for this decline are many and varied. Foremost among them are the recent severe world recession, which has had such a damaging effect on the economies and productive capacity of many African countries, and the stubborn refusal of our trading partners to pay fair and remunerative prices for our commodities and raw materials.
211.	Moreover, in an international trading system that requires developing countries to negotiate the prices they receive for their major raw materials and commodities, while they must pay the ever-increasing prices that are set by the manufacturers of those same raw materials and commodities, it is inevitable that the weakest members of the system should be driven into bankruptcy.
212.	For Africa, these various factors have been further aggravated by the most severe drought the continent has suffered in this century, resulting in a catastrophic fall in food production and the consequent loss of human lives through famine and starvation.
213.	The acute debt burden of third-world countries, particularly those in Latin America, has preoccupied the international community over the last two years. The harsh conditions attaching to those debts are today hampering economic recovery and development in many of the afflicted countries.
214.	Given the magnitude and severity of the problems that I have just been describing, it is clear that the African people cannot on their own prevent the imminent economic collapse that threatens many of their impoverished nations. While we recognize that African Governments must continue to bear responsibility for the well-being of their people, we expect the international community, in a spirit of solidarity and a reaffirmation of our mutual interdependence, to help to avert the catastrophe that now threatens Africa.
215.	What is required, therefore, is a bold, imaginative and generous response to this crisis so that together we can find lasting solutions to the continent's perennial problems.
216.	Specifically, the international community would have to come to grips with the continuing adverse terms of trade which now plague the economies of much of the third world in general. In this connection, reform of existing financial institutions, a reduction in the present crippling rates of interest and liberalization of world trade must be considered imperative.
217.	Furthermore, it is the view of the Sierra Leone delegation that, in seeking solutions to the manifold problems now facing the African continent, intensification of economic co-operation within the multilateral and specialized institutions, especially the World Bank, FAO and UNDP, cannot be overemphasized. These institutions must be given increased financial support and provided with the necessary resources to enable them to perform their tasks more effectively.
218.	It was, therefore, a matter of deep regret to my Government that, giver, the gravity of the African economic situation, the Economic and Social Council was not able to take decisive action when this matter was considered at its second regular session, last July. We hope that when the General Assembly considers this matter it will see the necessity of recommending appropriate remedial measures.
219.	The critical shortage of foreign exchange has halted industrial development, and existing capacity is either idle or only partially engaged. All these factors have combined to create instability in some of our countries. It is imperative, therefore, that the international community and the African Governments make joint efforts to reverse this dangerous trend.
220.	While on the theme of international co-operation, I would like to make some brief remarks on two international conferences which have recently been concluded. I refer to the second International Conference on Population, held at Mexico City last August, and the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna, also in August. In doing so, may I once again express the gratitude of the Sierra Leone Government to Mexico and Austria for hosting these two important meetings.
221.	Population issues are, today, assuming ever- greater importance. Almost every Government has become increasingly aware that its greatest resource is human.
222.	For us in Africa, developmental problems have been identified as those of disturbingly low levels of literacy, low levels of technical skills, poor performance of middle-level manpower, little or no attention to research and development, weak infrastructure and a chronic shortage of capital.
223.	It is evident, therefore, that if we are going to solve these problems urgent measures will have to be taken to improve and develop our human resources.
224.	For its part, the Government of Sierra Leone continues to hold the view that the issue of population development cannot be divorced from that of general socio-economic development. My Government firmly believes that all economic activities should be geared towards the improvement of the individual so as to enable him to contribute meaningfully to national development. We therefore trust that the results of the Mexico City Conference will generate the necessary impetus and political will for accelerated and fruitful international co-operation in this all-important domain.
225.	For this reason, I would like to say how highly my Government appreciates the role which UNDP and UNFPA are playing in assisting developing countries in implementing their policies and programmes. My delegation renews its appeal for greater resources to be made available to these agencies to enable them to achieve their objectives.
226.	Industrialization, like population, is central to the economic and social development of every country. My delegation has taken note of the report of the Executive Director of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization but regrets that the question of promoting industrialization in developing countries has continued to be clouded by political judgement on the part of the advanced countries. Thus, in spite of its modesty, the target of $50 million for the United Nations Industrial Development Fund has remained unattainable.
227.	Furthermore, the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization was unable to agree on a common declaration because of resistance on the part of certain delegations. We trust, however, that what little progress was achieved at Vienna will be built upon through our common endeavours in order to achieve the targets set in the Lima Declaration and Plan of Action on Industrial Development and Cooperation.
228.	My delegation notes with satisfaction the stress laid by a cross-section of delegations at the Vienna Conference on the subject of the Industrial Development Decade for Africa. It is clear that, since Africa has the greatest number of least developed countries, the international community must make special efforts towards the industrial development of Africa in order to lift that continent from the state of poverty in which it is currently trapped.
229.	I now wish to reflect on the political state of our world.
230.	Over the past few years, the United Nations has been confronted by a number of complex and menacing challenges, many of which threaten the very survival of mankind. The most dangerous of these challenges is the accumulation and accretion of nuclear weapons with the attendant danger of nuclear annihilation. Today we watch with growing concern as the arms race enters the sphere of outer space.
231.	It is the considered view of the Sierra Leone delegation, guided by historical evidence, that an unbridled and perennial arms build-up, the perfecting of weapons of mass destruction and the acquisition of nuclear capability by many nations inexorably lead to war, either by design or through accident or miscalculation.
232.	Like other members of the General Assembly, my country has a vested interest in the prevention of a nuclear catastrophe. This, more than anything else, explains our demand for a cessation of the present unprecedented and menacing arms build-up. We also renew our appeal, particularly to the Soviet Union and the United States, and to all those other nations which have accumulated nuclear weapons, to resume negotiations in an endeavour to contain and reduce the escalating tensions resulting from the arms build-up. We also urge them to resume negotiations to remove the threat of annihilation which the militarization of outer space entails. Therefore, we welcome the resumption of contacts between the Governments of the Soviet Union and the United States and we hope those contacts will produce positive results.
233.	The persistence of many regional but potentially dangerous conflicts in some parts of the world also threatens international peace and stability. This situation is continually aggravated by the use of armed force to solve international disputes, contrary to the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
234.	One such conflict which has continued to cause great concern to the Government of Sierra Leone is the ongoing fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq. This war, which has now gone on for too long, has taken a severe toll in human lives and constitutes a serious drain on the economic and human resources of those countries. Its continuation is a threat to international peace and stability. The Sierra Leone Government, therefore, renews its appeal to both Iran and Iraq to heed the call of the international community to bring that conflict to a speedy end and resume constructive dialogue, so that mutual trust and confidence can be revived.
235.	The occasional but persistent sound of fire in the Middle East is a brutal reminder that the whole area is liable to erupt into widespread violence. Our collective responsibility is to ensure that another eruption does not occur in that area. Our joint endeavours must seek to reconcile the understandable rage of the Palestinians who continue to be denied their just demand for a homeland and the need by Israel to live within secure and internationally recognized borders. The Sierra Leone delegation, therefore, supports the call for an international conference on the Middle East with the full and equal participation of all the parties to the dispute.
236.	The problem of Cyprus, a nation divided against the will of its people, has continued to engage the attention of my Government. The United Nations, as the custodian of the security and integrity of all nations, particularly small nations, cannot remain silent and allow the present division of Cyprus to become permanent.
237.	My country, therefore, renews its call for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Cyprus and for the two communities to get together and find suitable solutions to their problems without violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of an independent and non-aligned Cyprus. We note and welcome the initiative of the Secretary-General in using his good offices to bring together all the parties involved in the dispute.
238.	While on the question of divided nations, it is a matter of regret and concern that the continuing division of the Korean peninsula has prevented its dynamic people from assuming their proper role in the international community. We are aware of the proposals which have been made for negotiations by both parties but regret the introduction of pre-conditions which serve only to pre-empt a solution to the problem. The Sierra Leone Government has the firm belief that the Korean problem, like those of other divided nations, should be peacefully resolved by the Korean peoples themselves through dialogue and negotiations.
239.	While we seek a peaceful solution to the numerous challenges facing the United Nations today, it is a matter of grave concern and deep anxiety to my Government that the racist Pretoria regime, in total disregard of its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and of world opinion, has continued to kill, maim and brutalize its own people and menace the peace and security of the whole of southern Africa. That is state terrorism, which the United Nations, particularly the Security Council, is committed to opposing and uprooting wherever it may occur.
240.	Some six years ago, the Security Council adopted resolution 435 (1978) as a basis for Namibia's attainment of independence and statehood. Regrettably, the injection of extraneous issues and preconditions has held up the independence of Namibia. As a result, the negotiating process over the past six years has been protracted and inconclusive.
241.	Let me say that those who champion the cause of freedom at home but deny its extension to the Namibian people will not succeed, for freedom is indivisible. Therefore, the world is not wholly free if any of its parts is subjugated through the connivance or the indifference of some Member States. Nor is the defence of freedom a national task only. It is a global enterprise to which the United Nations is irrevocably and solemnly committed.
242.	My delegation, therefore, calls upon all Governments and all men of goodwill vigorously to condemn the Government of South Africa for its oppressive policy and urges the Security Council to take all measures within the Charter of the United Nations to bring about the abandonment of the policies of apartheid in South Africa, for it is only in this way that we can reduce the endemic and pervasive tensions that so seriously endanger international peace and security in southern Africa.
243.	A small country like Sierra Leone is particularly aware of the value of international co-operation. During the current economic crisis, my country has enjoyed the benefits of co-operation with the European Economic Community, the World Bank and UNDP, among others. Among the many friendly countries that have reacted to our current economic difficulties, the Federal Republic of Germany and the People's Republic of China have responded to our needs with more than accustomed generosity. We thank these friendly nations most sincerely.
244.	Let me, in conclusion, express my Government's profound gratitude to the Secretary-General for exhorting the entire membership of the United Nations to rededicate itself to the principles of the Charter and for alerting the international community to the social and economic catastrophe which now threatens the African continent. We have also noted with a great deal of satisfaction the eloquent pleas of other Members of the Organization from this rostrum. We hope that those pleas will be translated into concrete measures.


Mr. President, allow me at the outset to congratulate you on your election to this high office and to greet you as a distinguished son of our dear continent, Africa, as well as the representative of our sister country, Zambia, and a dear friend with whom I have been privileged to collaborate in promoting the causes of freedom, development and peace.
93.	I take this opportunity also to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, and to pay a tribute to him for the skilful way he conducted the proceedings of the thirty-eighth session, which was characterized by high-level participation by a number of Heads of State and Government, particularly from non-aligned countries.
94.	I wish also to welcome Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations and to stress our willingness to co-operate with this sister country in pursuit of our common aims and objectives.
95.	It gives me immense pleasure to come back to this rostrum and to my dear colleagues. I look forward to continuing with them, in my new position, our endeavours towards the realization of the noble principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
96.	I am all the more pleased to speak again today in the name of Egypt in the wake of an exemplary experience that Egypt has had on the road to the exercise of democracy. I should like to pause here and reflect on this outstanding, bright landmark in our contemporary history.
97.	The democratic process in Egypt is in consonance with the ongoing and persistent efforts we are making to cope with and respond to the challenges of the age. It also reflects our conviction that only a free individual is capable of promoting peace and forging progress and development.
98.	This significant development in Egypt, which is an integral part of the Arab nation, is an achievement for Arab human rights and particularly for the right to participate in shaping the present and the future in complete freedom and security.
99.	In this regard, I should like to express our gratitude to King Hussein of Jordan and to the fraternal people and Government of Jordan for the positive and wise step they have taken to re-establish diplomatic relations with Egypt. That action testifies to the firm will of the people and Government of Jordan to bring about a meeting of brothers so as to open up prospects for the future of Arab solidarity and to add momentum to the common action in order to achieve the objectives and aspirations of the peoples of the Arab nation.
100.	We are meeting this year on the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations, which was born in the aftermath of the most dreadful scourge mankind had yet experienced, the Second World War. The peoples of the world, in their resolve to make that war the last war, were determined to establish a system that would govern relations between States and peoples based on freedom and co-operation rather than oppression, domination and belligerency.
101.	Tremendous transformations and changes have marked the last four decades. New energies once undreamed of have been released, adding to mankind's potential. Man has explored hitherto inconceivable horizons. The great Powers have managed to avoid drifting into armed confrontation.
102.	At the same time, this period has witnessed a stockpiling of arms that is without precedent in the history of mankind Despite great developments in the means of production, the third world finds itself encircled by ever-increasing impediments and obstacles and, therefore, unable to keep pace with other countries. The picture becomes more gloomy when we reflect upon conditions in the part of the world in which we live, namely, the Middle East and Africa, where issues of liberation, self-determination, peace and security remain unresolved and constitute a threat to international peace.
103.	For more than two decades the peoples and countries of the third world have responded to those challenges facing them by their commitment to the principles and objectives of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries, which has provided them with a positive and historic alternative. That Movement has taken a leading role in the rejection of blocs and polarization and has played and is still playing a historic part in reshaping the pattern of contemporary international relations with a view to establishing a new international order based on respect for the sovereignty, independence and cultural identity of States, on adherence to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of others, on the moral values of peoples and on making an effective contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security.
104.	Egypt, m keeping with its responsibilities as a non-aligned country, calls upon the international community to reflect seriously on the issues that are of grave concern to all of us.
105.	The Middle East has gone through a series of tragic conflicts. Egypt, inspired by the world-wide consensus on the need for the peaceful settlement of those conflicts and to spare the peoples of the region and the world the dire consequences and grave complications they entail, was prompted to launch its historic peace initiative in the hope that a just and honourable peace encompassing the whole region might be achieved, a peace that would usher in a new era of coexistence in accordance with the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations, the framework for civilized relations between States and peoples.
106.	It is regrettable, however, to note that the persistent Israeli policy of tightening its grip on the occupied Arab territories and denying the Palestinian people their right to self-determination and to choose their own representatives and spokesmen has shaken hopes for peace. Feelings of frustration and bitterness continue to exist because of the continuation of Israeli policies designed to perpetuate domination over the occupied Arab territories and their populations. We have witnessed measures designed to annex Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, as well as the bombardment of an Iraqi nuclear reactor used for peaceful purposes and the invasion and continued occupation of southern Lebanon.
107.	Today we are witnessing the emergence of a wave of detestable fanaticism that should not be underestimated. Although it has not galvanized a broad constituency, it has the potential for becoming menacing and setting off a chain of actions and reactions. We therefore commend those Arab and Israeli men and women who have bravely voiced their revulsion to fanaticism and who have stated their belief that peaceful coexistence between Arabs and Israelis and mutual tolerance are the only civilized alternative norms of behaviour worthy of the history of this region, one that has inspired the loftiest moral values.
108.	We deem it our duty to continue to proclaim the need for a just political settlement of the Palestinian problem and of the Middle East crisis. Only thus can the Middle East live in peace and the world be spared those complications.
109.	It is our view that in order to reach such a settlement a number of indispensable facts, arising out of the experience gained by the parties to the conflict, should be highlighted.
110.	First, peace and territorial expansion are irreconcilable. Israel must therefore relinquish the occupied Arab territories so that genuine peace can be attained. This applies equally to the West Bank, including Jerusalem, to the Gaza Strip and to the occupied Syrian Golan Heights.
111.	Secondly, the question of Palestine must be resolved through negotiations, with the participation of the Palestinian people, the party directly concerned, and Israel.
112.	Thirdly, these negotiations should be based on the principle of mutual recognition and reciprocal acknowledgement of the right to exist.
113.	Fourthly, the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination is a sacred and inalienable right. The history of the question of Palestine teaches us that denial of this right or failure to recognize it has been the main cause of all the blunders, with the ensuing complications and wars. When we mention the right to self-determination, this necessarily entails the right of this people to establish an independent State on its national soil, as well as its right to join with any other entity through the free expression of its own will.
114.	Fifthly, in the light of these premises, the Palestinian people, as the party directly concerned, is entitled to choose its representatives and its spokesmen. The Palestinian people has already chosen the PLO as its representative and spokesman.
115.	We note that there is a new coalition cabinet in Israel, and we hope that its options and orientation will be directed towards a genuine and just peace which responds to the national rights of the Palestinian people. This is the only way to ensure real security for Israel.
116.	In this context, we are not lacking in peace initiatives or proposals. There are now several peace proposals, including the draft resolution submitted to the Security Council by Egypt and France on 28 July 1982. we also have the Arab peace plan, contained in the Final Declaration of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, adopted at Fez on 9 September 1982, President Reagan's initiative of 1 September 1982 and other proposals. Now, we have the United Nations initiative as represented in the call by the General Assembly for the convening of an International Peace Conference on the Middle East, to which we have responded favourably and which we have supported. We wonder why such a call should be rejected or ignored. All of us should reflect deeply on the implications of the positive response by the PLO in accepting this initiative. This is a great step towards peace.
117.	The events in Lebanon have once again attested to the futility of invasion and of the imposition of peace through force. The need to ensure its security has been advanced by Israel as an excuse for invading Lebanon. We were among the first to warn against the futility of such an approach, which could only result in more victims and foment more hostility and bitterness. The events in Lebanon have confirmed the validity of our views. We therefore consider the decision taken by the new Israeli Cabinet to withdraw from Lebanon a sound one. We hope that this decision will be implemented without delay, putting an end to the series of acts of aggression against Lebanon, a country for which we cherish every hope of stability, reconciliation and prosperity in an atmosphere of freedom, unimpeded by foreign interference.
118.	I should like to deal with one of the aspects of the situation prevailing in the occupied Arab territories, namely the humanitarian aspect, particularly the constant violations of the provisions of international humanitarian law, especially the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and the challenges such violations pose for us as States parties to this Convention, and parties also to an international system in which the issue of respect for human rights represents an integral part of its legal structure.
119.	Violations of the provisions of international humanitarian law inside the occupied Arab territories have assumed appalling dimensions as manifested in the perpetuation and consolidation of settlement policies in those territories and in the terrorist, oppressive and punitive measures perpetrated against the Arab population in those territories. These practices constitute serious violations of the provisions of that Convention, to which almost all States have acceded, including Israel.
120.	While we are fully appreciative of the efforts of the International Committee of the Red Cross to ensure security for the Arab population in the occupied territories, we are equally aware of the constraints and limitations imposed by the nature of the activities of that Committee, which could curtail those efforts and render them inadequate to address an increasingly deteriorating situation in the occupied Arab territories.
121.	At the same time, the Geneva Convention is part of a contractual legal system which is not confined to the parties to the conflict. Rather, it is a global legal system encompassing all States parties to the Convention, conferring on them an interest and a responsibility to ensure full respect for the provisions of the Convention.
122.	In view of this concept, and given the failure of all attempts to terminate such violations, it is our view that it is highly propitious to consider convening a diplomatic conference comprising all States parties to the Convention to review the deteriorating situation in the occupied Arab territories. Such a conference should envisage measures conducive to ensuring respect for the provisions of the Convention. We call upon all States parties to the Convention, as well as the Secretary-General, the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the President of the Independent Commission on International Humanitarian Issues, to study this proposal and start consultations on how best to implement it.
123.	I move now to the grave and explosive situation in the Gulf region resulting from the continued armed conflict between Iran and Iraq, with both of which Egypt maintains the closest spiritual and historical ties. This conflict, which is exacting a high toll of human lives and material resources which should have been devoted to life rather than devastation and death, is a source of profound sorrow and regret to us.
124.	The position of Egypt vis-a-vis this conflict has been unequivocally spelled out from the very beginning and remains unchanged. We are exerting maximum efforts within the framework of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to reach a peaceful settlement to this conflict. Such a settlement would put an end to this senseless war and reinstate the rights of each party, in keeping with the basic principles of international law, the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. In this regard, Egypt will spare no effort to pursue those endeavours until the appeal of the international community has been fully responded to and hostilities have been halted and negotiations started to reach a peaceful settlement.
125.	In this respect, we wish to express our deep appreciation of the continuing efforts made by the Secretary-General with a view to putting an end to this war. We support those efforts and wish him success.
126.	This position taken by Egypt emanates from its option for peace not only as a principle of its foreign policy but also as an overall pattern to be established in the entire region to which we belong and in the world at large.
127.	In this context, recent developments in the Red Sea region have underscored the importance of Egypt's previous call that the Red Sea countries should make concerted efforts to ensure the safety of navigation in the Red Sea. We welcome and wholeheartedly support the Sudan's initiative to this effect. Such an initiative, launched as it was by the sister country of the Sudan, with which we are linked by inherent ties of integration, promotes the prospects of peace for the region and for all our peoples.
128.	I should like now to touch upon certain pressing conditions in our African continent whose peoples have suffered injustice, colonialism and exploitation as have no other peoples of any continent. Our continent has braved all odds to gain its total independence, a fact which should have prompted special international attention to support Africa's endeavours to achieve total liberation and development.
129.	Unfortunately, we still see our brothers in the south of the continent living the tragedy of the age, which brands with disgrace not only the racist clique in Pretoria but also all those who aid that regime and refrain from opposing its practices both in word and in deed.
130.	That regime has recently undertaken certain measures in a desperate attempt to introduce some changes to the repugnant face of	through the so-called constitutional reforms, which in fact only mean more camouflage and codification of that racist policy. Therefore, it was only natural that the African majority—with its astute political perception—should have boycotted the elections conducted last August in implementation of the so-called constitutional reforms. The Security Council acted in perfect wisdom when it condemned those elections. Egypt reiterates its support for the struggle of the people of South Africa to eliminate racist policies and establish a non-racial democratic system in that cherished part of the African continent.
131.	At the same time, the racist regime in South Africa persists in its occupation of Namibia, although six years have elapsed since the Security Council adopted resolution 435 (1978), which endorsed the framework for a just settlement within which Namibia could gain its independence. There is no doubt whatsoever that the only obstacle to the implementation of that resolution lies in Pretoria's insistence on linking implementation with other factors totally alien to its substance and content.
132.	Recent developments in southern Africa, particularly concerning the Namibian question, have made clear the positive attitude and sense of responsibility of SWAPO, as well as its sincere wish to achieve the independence of Namibia peacefully through negotiations. That conciliatory attitude was met with arrogance and intransigence on the part of the South African regime, which sought only to delay Namibia's independence as long as possible. Such procrastination leaves SWAPO with no alternative but to continue its legitimate and just struggle, which Egypt will support until Namibia achieves its independence.
133.	In reviewing the pressing problems confronting our African continent, I should like to emphasize the exceptionally grave situation the continent faces—a situation which cannot be described as simply an "economic crisis". Indeed, it has turned into a serious crisis, both economic and humanitarian. To realize the proportions of this crisis, suffice it to know that an estimated 5 million children will have died in 1984 as the result of the food shortage, that more than 150 million people will face famine this year, that per capita food production has decreased by 11 per cent compared to 1970 figures and that per capita national income in most African countries has been steadily declining throughout the past few years.
134.	In the face of this grave situation, the international community must earnestly embark on a serious plan—whether in the short or long term—to contain it.
135.	The developed countries cannot shirk their responsibilities, because, in the final analysis, we find that the crisis in Africa is largely due to current international economic conditions. Moreover, we live in an international community which should be characterized by interdependence. We also believe that an economically viable and strong Africa can contribute greatly to the achievement of economic and political stability in the world.
136.	Against this background, Egypt raised the issue of the economic crisis in Africa in meetings of the Organization of African Unity and called for consideration of this issue in the Economic and Social Council during its second regular session, held at Geneva. However, we cannot conceal our disappointment at the failure of the Council to approve a declaration on this issue. Therefore we raise the question once again and hope that a more comprehensive international awareness of the crisis and its serious dimensions can be mustered in such a way as to enable us—during the current session of the General Assembly—to adopt concrete, clear-cut measures to tackle this crisis. I should like on this occasion to place on record our sincere thanks to the Secretary-General, who has launched an initiative in this respect and spared no effort to follow it up.
137.	If our world today is still afflicted by a number of grave and diverse problems, the group of non- aligned countries and the group of Islamic countries have laid down a practical framework for coping with most of those problems. We may well look forward, with sincere hope, to the success of the tireless efforts exerted by the Secretary-General with a view to reaching a settlement of the situation in Afghanistan in such a way as to ensure the rights of that brotherly people to peace, freedom and stability. We equally commend his efforts towards resolving the Cyprus problem through fulfilment of the aspirations of the Cypriot people—including both the Turkish and Greek communities—to solve their problems and find an appropriate formula for coexistence and cooperation m accordance with their will and traditions.
138.	We continue to underscore the importance of sincere efforts to implement United Nations resolutions on Kampuchea and to pave the way for appropriate international conditions to enable the Korean people to achieve their aspirations and realize their hopes in unity. We are confident that efforts to find just and peaceful solutions to those problems will result in easing international tensions and strengthening the progress of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries.
139.	Egypt voices its support for the efforts of the Contadora Group to extricate Central America from the circle of violence and enable the peoples of the region to achieve peace, stability and development.
140.	Twenty-five years have elapsed since the General Assembly adopted, at its fourteenth session, a resolution which stressed, that the objective of general and complete disarmament was the most important and most pressing issue our world confronted. Agreement was reached on setting up the Disarmament Commission at Geneva. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was concluded in 1968, and a large number of non- nuclear-weapon States thereby renounced the nuclear option and placed their nuclear installations under international control. Despite efforts by the non- aligned countries in the Conference on Disarmament at Geneva and here in the General Assembly at two special sessions devoted to disarmament, we note not only an absence of any progress in disarmament negotiations but also, unfortunately, a further accumulation of nuclear weapons, which has brought the stockpile of nuclear warheads to 80,000, enough to destroy the world several times over. Nuclear weapons are proliferating in new locations and domains, and legal freedoms, such as the freedom to use outer space and the high seas, are used for more nuclear militarization. The rate of expenditure on the production of instruments of mass destruction is on the increase and has reached astronomical levels at a time when there are people starving to death, as is the case in Africa. This is the appalling image we have of the world, one which haunts the life of man today with a new type of anxiety and fear of annihilation and self-destruction which could occur unintentionally through a miscalculation or a misreading of data.
141.	Therefore, we cannot but persist in urging the nuclear-weapon States to heed the voice of reason and to respond to the plea of millions of people to halt the nuclear-arms race by reaching agreements conducive to the gradual elimination of weapons of mass destruction and the possibility of a nuclear war.
142.	As preparations for the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons are already under way, we are fully entitled to call urgently for the fulfilment by the nuclear-weapon States of their commitments in accordance with article VI of that Treaty, by starting negotiations in good faith to reach agreement on effective measures to stop the nuclear-arms race and achieve a complete ban on nuclear tests.
143.	In other words, it is our view that the Conference should consider measures which would commit nuclear States to non-use of their nuclear weapons against States that do not have nuclear weapons and have renounced the nuclear option. It should also support any country that might be the victim of aggression against its nuclear installations devoted to peaceful purposes.
144.	As far as the region to which we belong is concerned, Egypt has for several years called for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East and, in February 1981, it ratified the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The General Assembly, for its part, reaffirmed at the thirty-eighth session its previous resolutions calling upon States of the region to desist from producing or acquiring nuclear weapons or allowing the positioning of such weapons by a third party on their territories and to subject all their nuclear activities to IAEA safeguards.
145.	The ministerial meeting of the Mediterranean members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Valletta on 10 and 11 September 1984, reiterated in its Final Declaration the necessity of establishing such a nuclear- weapon-free zone in the Middle East and requested the General Assembly and the Secretary-General to take specific steps to bring this concept into being.
146.	I have already highlighted the acute economic and human crisis afflicting the African continent. Needless to say, this crisis stems basically from prevailing economic conditions which hinder the developing countries, particularly in Africa, from surmounting the barriers of underdevelopment and accelerating the development process.
147.	In this context, we emphasize the serious debt problem and the escalating interest rates, the continuous fluctuations in exchange rates, the persistence of protectionist trends in international trade, accentuated by a sharp decline in the prices of raw materials exported from the developing countries, and the deterioration of the terms of trade of these countries.
148.	We had entertained the hope that meetings recently held, such as the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983, would have provided an opportunity to reach agreed solutions for international economic problems and reactivate the North-South dialogue. It is regrettable that that session could not accomplish concrete results. Also, the outcome of the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna from 2 to 19 August 1984, provided yet another example of the stalemate being encountered at present in the North-South dialogue.
149.	The Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983, adopted a flexible approach to extricating global negotiations from the persistent deadlock. However, that initiative has not received its due response from the countries of the North.
150.	We share with many the conviction that the world economy is so complex that it is indispensable to strengthen interdependence and dialogue in order to find solutions to all these problems.
151.	In this regard, I wish to recall the appeal made by President Hosni Mubarak, of the Arab Republic of Egypt, before the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development last year, which was intended to instil a new spirit of international co-operation, when he called for regular consultations between the Heads of State or Government in the North and the South to review the international economic situation, agree upon policies which would spare the world further acute crises and ensure the sound functioning of the economic cycle for the common benefit of mankind.
152.	We call upon countries of the North to approach the dialogue with a new outlook based on the conviction that we share the same destiny and that comprehensive solutions through dialogue and understanding are the only option available to us.
153.	Last year, at the thirty-eighth session, when President Hosni Mubarak addressed the Assembly, he underlined the necessity of convening a special session of the General Assembly to be devoted to the subject of enhancing the role of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security.
154.	We have recently received the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, in which he made a detailed analysis of the set-back suffered by the collective system and the need to restore confidence in and credibility to the United Nations and to enhance its effectiveness. We share the Secretary-General's views and conclusions on the causes of this crisis and the necessity for them to be redressed.
155.	It is our view that, as we are on the eve of commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, it is a highly propitious time to initiate practical steps to convene such a special session.
156.	On the eve of celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations, let us close our ranks in solidarity in the interest of peace and prosperity for our peoples. Let us make this anniversary a unique opportunity to achieve for future generations real victory over ignorance, poverty, starvation, fear, oppression, terrorism and injustice.


Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election. When Africa's problems are looming so large, it is appropriate that an African should once again preside over the General Assembly. We are confident that your presidency will help make this session a fruitful one. New Zealand will do all it can to assist you.
3.	We welcome the newest Member of the United Nations, Brunei Darussalam, a country of our own part of the world, with which we have long-standing ties. New Zealand has long believed that the membership of the Organization should be universal. We welcome every step in that direction. We would not want to see the principle of universality compromised in any way.
4.	I would not adequately reflect the views of most New Zealanders if I did not, right at the beginning of my first address to the General Assembly, talk about an issue that has become very prominent in public debate in our country. New Zealanders—not just a few of them, but people from all sectors of the community—have become gravely concerned about nuclear weapons and the continuing and deadly competition in their production, their refinement and their deployment.
5.	New Zealand is a small and remote country, perhaps a little distant from the mainstream of world affairs. We are fortunate enough to live in a region that constitutes a pocket of tranquillity in a deeply divided and troubled world. Like many members of the international community, New Zealand faces serious economic problems and some social ones as well; but we are at least able to come to grips with these problems without having our attention diverted by those immediate worries out security that are all too familiar for many Members of the United Nations. We are not occupied; we are nobody's client; we have excellent relations with all our neighbours; in 1984 no other country has New Zealand in its sights. For our longer-term protection we rely on our membership of the Western Alliance. That membership is formally expressed in a security treaty with the United States and Australia which for 33 years has been a central feature of the foreign and defence policies of successive New Zealand Governments, including my own.
6.	Against this background, why is it that New Zealanders are becoming increasingly worried about a contest that is centred in two capitals half a world away? With no more immodesty than many others, New Zealanders like to think of themselves as practical and sensible people. They are simply alarmed at the continuing build-up of nuclear arsenals, because they can see no sense in it. How does it make sense continually to augment and refine an existing capacity to make the rubble bounce and bounce and bounce again? New Zealanders have felt deepening frustration at the inability of the States that hold nuclear weapons, in particular the two super-Powers, to agree on practical measures to halt and reverse the process of building more and "better" nuclear weapons. If ordinary people everywhere can see the irrationality of that race, they ask, why cannot the super-Powers see it also? And, if they can see it, why do they not do something about it?
7.	Quite recently, another dimension has been added to these concerns. Our people, like others round the world, have known for a long time that the possibility of nuclear war is a terrible and frightening one. They have known for very many years that if the countries that have these weapons eventually descend to hurling them at each other, then those countries and their peoples will be destroyed. They have also recognized that other countries, including New Zealand, would suffer very severely indeed. But New Zealanders had not previously supposed that the direct physical consequences for them could be overwhelming. If common humanity and concern for others dictated anxiety about nuclear war, it was thought, perhaps we could afford to be slightly less anxious than others.
8.	Within the last year or so, New Zealanders have been told that even that last tattered shred of reassurance is probably no longer available. Reputable scientists from east and west have told us that the global, climatic and long-term biological consequences of a nuclear war would be much more severe than had been previously thought. What is more, that would be the case if even a relatively small part of existing nuclear arsenals was used or if the weapons were used only against so-called counter-force or military targets. The scientists have also told us that nuclear war in the north may generate a nuclear winter in the south as well. They have gone further and advised us that there is a possibility of the self- inflicted extinction of the human species. That, we are told, is what could flow from the deliberate, if irrational, act, the mistake, the miscalculation or the accident.
9.	To New Zealanders this is a truly appalling state of affairs. Refinements or modifications of the predictions which the scientists have made about the consequences of nuclear war may be made as a result of further work, but they will concern only the exact range of utter disaster.
10.	What the scientists have already made entirely plain to all of us—plainer than ever before—is that the nuclear weapons that may have helped to maintain an uneasy peace between two great countries for more than three decades have become a threat to the security and survival of countries and peoples everywhere. The situation we are facing is quite unlike any other with which the international community has had to grapple before. It is one from which, unpalatable though it may be to think about, no country— and, for that matter, no individual—can back away. We shall not escape from it if the traditional prescriptions of great-Power politics are applied.
11.	What the scientists have not demonstrated, of course, is that nuclear war will occur or that it is more likely now than it was in the past. But the question how close we may be to falling into the abyss does not take account of the essential point. The fact is that a nuclear war is possible, whether it is half a year or 100 years away or whether, as we all hope, it never occurs.
12.	None of the nuclear-weapon States can tell us that it will not occur, that they will never do what they have in their power to do. The results of the use of nuclear weapons would be so grave that it is absolutely incumbent upon the nuclear-weapon States to do everything possible to avoid their use. And that would remain the case even if the consequences of nuclear war should be shown later to be only half or a quarter as bad as the scientists have predicted.
13.	My Government can find no encouragement in the recent response of the nuclear-weapon States to this situation. The refinement and deployment of nuclear weapons continues apace. There are disquieting indications that the military competition between the super-Powers may, in the coming years, move to the new environment of outer space. Multilateral arms control negotiations are stalled and, in some cases, in danger of being discredited. I would ask the Soviet Union to respond positively to the United States invitation to resume key bilateral arms control talks in order to get a dialogue under way again.
14.	My Government hopes that the two super-Powers will take a long hard look at the course of developments in the nuclear arms race. It is clearly in their own interests and in the interests of all of us to make a new and very much more determined attempt to reach agreements that will enable them to change direction. None of us underestimates the complexities involved in reaching agreements that will permit a mutual, balanced, verifiable—and very large—reduction in existing levels of nuclear weapons. We are aware that it will not be easy to manage safely the transition to a more secure world where, as a stage in the road to their elimination, the number of nuclear weapons is drastically reduced and where innovations in weaponry, if they are to occur at all, are not of a kind that cause instability. That process will require trust and good will. It is also likely to require the taking of risks. But the most dangerous risk of all is to do nothing: to allow compulsive competitiveness to continue indefinitely.
15.	We ask, in addition, of the Soviet Union that it reflect on the fact that many countries, of which New Zealand is one, have the greatest difficulty in under-standing its current reluctance to take part in bilateral arms control negotiations with the United States. The events that occurred between 1939 and 1945 gave the Soviet Union every reason to be concerned about preserving the peace. It will advance that cause by returning to the bargaining table and looking at ways and means of beginning the process of de-escalation.
16.	Countries such as my own have to recognize that the contribution we can make to assist this process is limited; but we are bound to continue to try. There are several things we want to emphasize. The most urgent of these is the need for massive reductions in strategic nuclear arms. There are other things as well. New Zealand has, for many years, argued the case for the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
17.	It needs to be understood that our advocacy of that measure is not prompted solely by the fact that one of the nuclear-weapon States continues, despite repeated pleas from all the countries in the region, to test its weapons in the South Pacific. We see a prohibition of the testing of nuclear weapons by any country in any environment as a critical first step in halting and then turning back the arms race. We have been disappointed at the lack of progress made in securing such a prohibition. My delegation will again at this session of the General Assembly sponsor a draft resolution which seeks to encourage and speed up that work.
18.	A comprehensive test ban will also be of the greatest importance in preventing the further spread of nuclear weapons. Everything possible must be done to stop that from happening. My Government will want to take an active part in the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons next year. We see that Treaty as fundamental to world security.
19.	There are, of course, other techniques of modern warfare which are not much less unpleasant than nuclear weapons. Biological weapons have already been outlawed. The need for a comprehensive agreement to outlaw the manufacture and use of all chemical weapons is another matter of concern to New Zealand. During the past year there appears to have been some prospect of progress in that direction. We urge the Conference on Disarmament to get on with the task.
20.	If the international community is to chart a way out of the current impasse on nuclear weapons, this will be done through global measures in which the nuclear-weapon States will play the major role. But regional initiatives can also make a contribution. My Government regards the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco) as a significant regional advance. We are also fully committed to, and will vigorously defend, the Antarctic Treaty, which demilitarized a whole continent to the south of New Zealand and prohibited the basing or testing of nuclear weapons and which, for more than 20 years, has effectively guaranteed the stability of that region.
21.	Very recently, a new initiative has been taken in our part of the world. On the proposal of Australia and with the full support of my Government, the heads of Government of the 11 countries that make up the South Pacific Forum agreed on 28 August of this year, at a meeting in Tuvalu, on the desirability of establishing a South Pacific nuclear-free zone at the earliest opportunity. The heads of Government spelt out the principles that will be applied in the construction of such a zone. It was agreed that there should be no use, testing or stationing of nuclear devices in the South Pacific; that no South Pacific country would develop or manufacture or receive from others or acquire or test any nuclear explosive device; and that nuclear activities in the South Pacific would be conducted in accordance with applicable international principles and treaties, notably the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The meeting acknowledged the need for a South Pacific nuclear-free zone to respect the principles of freedom of navigation and overflight. It was accepted that South Pacific countries would retain their unqualified sovereign right to decide for themselves, consistent with the objectives of the zone, on their security arrangements and on such questions as the access to their ports and airfields by vessels and aircraft of other countries. It was agreed that in the course of the next year a draft of a treaty to establish the zone should be prepared.
22.	This initiative represents, I believe, a major advance for the region. It would net, we know, spare us from the consequences of nuclear war but, when in place, it would significantly strengthen the existing measures, both global and regional, to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. It would also, I believe, convey a clear signal that the South Pacific countries do not want their region to become an arena for rivalry involving nuclear weapons.
23.	New Zealand would hope to be in a position to report to the General Assembly next year and, before that, to the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons that good progress has been made in creating a South Pacific nuclear-free zone. New Zealand and the other countries of our region naturally expect that, when the necessary work has been done within the region, all the nuclear-weapon States will co-operate with us to ensure that the zone becomes a reality.
24.	The recent meeting of the South Pacific Forum turned its attention also to the evolving situation in New Caledonia.
25.	The question is not really where that Territory is going. Rather, it is how it gets there, and at what pace. The French Government has, I believe, made a clear and irreversible commitment to self-determination for the peoples of New Caledonia. There is a particular mix of interests and problems that must be resolved carefully and by the people most directly concerned, that is to say, by all the ethnic groups that have a legitimate stake in the future of New Caledonia.
26.	All members of the Forum agreed that the changes that are to come in New Caledonia—and they must and will come—should be made speedily and peacefully, that is to say, without violence and without external interference. It is up to all parties concerned to exercise moderation. They must work together to achieve the kind of political future that satisfies the demands of a truly democratic and harmonious multi-ethnic society in New Caledonia.
27.	A significant amount of progress has been made. A lot remains to be done. That was recognized at the Forum. There we were agreed that the process of decolonization would be advanced by a public statement from France about its commitment to independence for New Caledonia. We gave it as our view that the referendum planned for 1989 should be brought forward; 1989 was, we felt, too distant a date. And we suggested some intensification of preparation for the country's eventual independence to ensure the full and active participation of the Kanak people in the country's educational, vocational and administrative life.
28.	We called too, at that Forum, on the Independence Front to play its part in the early and peaceful evolution of New Caledonia to independence by recognizing the need for independence to reflect fully the multiracial nature of New Caledonia.
29.	What we stressed above all was the crucial role of dialogue—that those involved should keep talking to each other. That was the message which the Tuvalu Forum sought to convey to France and to the Independence Front. I am hopeful that an initiative taken by the Forum to foster the process of dialogue will soon get under way and that a group of Ministers from Forum countries—including New Zealand— will be able to talk to the leaders of the Independence Front and to the French Government to tell each of them about the concern of the countries in our part of the world that New Caledonia should move through conference and dialogue, not through confrontation and dispute, to independence. We in the South Pacific have always found solutions to problems through dialogue, discussion, consensus; and it is through dialogue and consensus that we wish to see New Caledonia take its rightful place soon in the community of the nations of the South Pacific.
30.	Neither we nor our South Pacific partners want to see unwelcome external influences intrude upon events of New Caledonia, nor to see the transition to independence marred by an outcome that is not in accordance with the wishes of all those in New Caledonia who have made that country their permanent home. Our part of the world has been fortunate in that it has been free from the conflict and violence that have so often accompanied decolonization elsewhere. We do not want that record to be blemished. I am confident that it will not be.
31.	If it is important to all of us living in the South Pacific that our region remain free from conflict, we are equally concerned to ensure that our backyard, the Antarctic, does not become an area of international rivalry and discord. I have already noted that the Antarctic Treaty demilitarized Antarctica. What is even more important, the Treaty provides the only possible guarantee that the region will continue to be free from international rivalry and conflict. The study on the question of Antarctica, submitted by the Secretary-General should help countries more remote from the region to understand the contribution the Treaty has made and continues to make to the achievement of the purposes of the United Nations. I hope it will convince them that the Treaty system, which is open to all Members of the United Nations, must be preserved and strengthened.
32.	I referred a moment ago to a conviction that there has been an irrevocable commitment to self- determination for the people of New Caledonia. I wish I could say the same about the situation in southern Africa. Namibia continues to be unlawfully occupied by South Africa. The United Nations has had no choice but itself to accept a special responsibility for the Territory. It has guaranteed to its people that they will be able to exercise their right of self- determination. But that promise has been subverted by South Africa's determination to accept no settlement except on its own terms, and by the military power which reinforces the obstinacy and aggression that South Africa has also shown towards its other neighbours.
33.	I wish, too, that it could be said that the agreements South Africa has recently concluded with neighbouring States signified a new era in the region. Regrettably, they do not appear to be agreements made willingly in order to resolve difficulties and develop closer working partnerships, or agreements in which peace and justice were equally sought by both sides.
34.	Nor can it be said that the South African Government has offered justice to the people of South Africa in its new constitutional arrangements. There is not the slightest indication that it is ready to share political power with the black majority. Nor is there any sign that it is willing to dismantle the system. The essence of that system is unchanged. In recent and separate elections the Coloured and Indian communities have spurned the South African Government's attempt to draw them into an alliance and, by so doing, have confirmed their rejection of the apartheid system.
35.	New Zealand likewise rejects apartheid and all it stands for. We are committed in our country to building a multiracial society based on freedom, justice and consent. The South Africans have already learned that my Government will not compromise with a system that rejects those values.
36.	If my Government believes that there is today more reason than ever before to keep the basic issue of war and peace right at the top of the agenda of the United Nations, we also see an urgent need to move quickly and firmly to tackle the economic problems facing the world.
37.	The world economy is just beginning to emerge from the worst trial it has known for over 30 years. Investment and production have increased, inflation is down and world trade is increasing. But doubts persist. Unhappily, even now many countries have yet to benefit significantly from the recovery in some of the leading industrial economies. The international financial system has shown enough flexibility to survive the recent crisis. That is a relief. But it is hard to feel very optimistic about the future when many countries are still struggling to meet their financial obligations and in many others large numbers of people are actually facing starvation.
38.	The protracted debates in international forums during the past few years have not done much to alleviate the real problems confronting us. New Zealand would like to encourage the development of a gradual movement towards pragmatism and compromise. New Zealanders have never seen much prospect of resolving the world's economic problems through confrontation. Dialogue and consensus are the techniques that we are trying to use in our own country, and they seem to us to hold out the best chance of success on the international scene.
39.	The recent economic crisis has had at least one good result. During the past year or so, it has become widely recognized among industrialized as well as developing countries that, despite the role that international financial institutions have played in supporting the adjustment and development efforts of individual countries, the present international system is not working well. If proof is still required it can easily be found in the debt problem, on the one hand, and the problem of protectionism, on the other. More and more, international trade is escaping the multilateral rules that should safeguard the interests of all countries, including the smaller among them. The need for an overhaul is pressing. The task now is to find the right technique for the job—that is, a technique that will work. New Zealand has been active in the search for an acceptable and effective procedure for dealing with the problem. New Zealand supports a comprehensive review of the trade and payments system.
40.	Before I finish I want to reaffirm my faith and my country's in the United Nations. Nowadays there are many people who question the usefulness of the Organization for their own countries if not for the world at large. I am not one of them. I believe that the Charter of the United Nations is the foundation of the system of international relations under which we have all lived for nearly 40 years. I believe that the essential function of the United Nations under the Charter is to discourage the use of force by one State against another. I believe that the Organization has played a part in saving us all so far from the catastrophe of a third world war. I belong to a generation in my country which has never experienced at first hand the ravages of war in the sense of the amount of fear that war brings, and throughout my lifetime the United Nations has symbolized, as it has coexisted with a level of peace for which we yearn, the fact that multilateral arrangements can be of benefit to the human race. I believe that the United Nations has an important contribution to make towards bringing the nuclear arms race under control and freeing us from the fear of nuclear war. I believe that I and all New Zealanders and our children can rest more peacefully because of the work that is done within the United Nations, and I believe that that is true for all peoples on our Earth.


It is with great pleasure that, on behalf of the delegation of Cape Verde, I extend to Mr. Lusaka our warm congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. His experience in the sphere of diplomacy and, in particular, his deep understanding of the United Nations system and his known competence are for us a guarantee that he will successfully guide the General Assembly in the conduct of its work and the discussion of the items on its agenda, some of which are extremely complex and of vital importance for the harmony of the international community and for the very survival of mankind. His election is a cause of special satisfaction and pride for the African continent and, in particular, for Cape Verde, which maintains ties of solidarity and brotherly co-operation with his country, Zambia. We are therefore delighted to be able to assure him of the co-operation of our delegation in the fulfilment of his delicate task.
329.	We should like also to convey to his predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, our full appreciation and our gratitude for the capable and intelligent manner in which he guided the work of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly and for the sense of balance which he brought to the analysis of the questions debated by the Assembly during his term of office.
330.	To the Secretary-General we reiterate our deep appreciation of his commitment and dedication to the promotion of the ideals of the United Nations and for the dynamism which has inspired his action. This has contributed greatly to the strengthening and the effectiveness of the United Nations. We also want to thank him for the enlightened and responsible way in which he has undertaken new initiatives for the peaceful promotion of just solutions to the problems raised by the important questions of our time.
331.	Similarly, the admission of Brunei Darussalam as a Member of the United Nations is another step towards the achievement of the Organization's goal of universality. In welcoming this new Member, we are certain that our capacity for collective analysis in the search for peaceful solutions to problems will be enhanced.
332.	Cape Verde has been following with deep concern the systematic deterioration of the political climate and the progressive worsening of the international situation. The present climate m international relations and the recent alarming increase in tension between the major Powers have made the international political situation very precarious and disturbing. In several regions of the world we are witnessing the use of force as a means of resolving conflicts among States; military intervention and interference in the internal affairs of States are proliferating, in flagrant violation of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations; and attacks are being made on the right of peoples to decide freely on their own socio-economic system. The extreme gravity of the situation, which is reaching alarming proportions virtually everywhere, and its inevitable social and political consequences are threatening stability, progress and peace in the world.
333.	The arms race, especially the nuclear-arms race, is ever more increasing the possibility of a nuclear confrontation. At the same time, partly as a consequence of that situation, the economic and social gap between the developing and developed countries is widening. The enormous material and human resources consumed every year by the war industry could be used to contribute significantly to alleviating the hunger and underdevelopment affecting the majority of the world's population were they put at the service of the well-being and development of peoples. Given such a situation—which has not been experienced since 1945 and which some have likened to real anarchy—it is becoming more evident that in today's world there can be no alternative to the policy of peaceful coexistence, detente and co-operation among States, regardless of their economic and social systems, region or geographic location.
334.	Faithful to the principle of peaceful coexistence, Cape Verde has been advocating the practice of dialogue and entente as the only way to solve international conflicts, and it has been categorically and firmly rejecting the positions and attitudes of those who would build a system of international security based on strength.
335.	The current crisis situation has also contributed in large measure to the weakening, and now the vulnerability, of international institutions. The idea of an organized world, where war would no longer have a place, was at the root of all the declarations and all the plans developed since 1941, culminating in the San Francisco Conference. The hopes and aspirations of mankind, based on the will to avoid the catastrophe of a new war, led to the prohibition of the use of force in international relations and gave birth to the idea of a collective security system which, in turn, presupposed the renunciation of force by individual States whose protection against foreign aggression would continue to be guaranteed by the United Nations through its enforcement machinery.
336.	We are witnessing a blocking of that system by the unjustifiable use of the right of veto, with the consequent bipolarization and political instability of the world. In practice, the Security Council has been rendered incapable of meeting its responsibilities as the guardian of international peace and security.
337.	Ineffectiveness in the use of institutional machinery has led to an increase in criticisms recently directed against the United Nations, stigmatizing its incapacity, often even its paralysis, in resolving the great problems facing the international community. While some of these criticisms from certain sectors are meant to denigrate the role of the United Nations and to justify activities contrary to the Organization's goals, others legitimately voice the concerns and questions of a large part of the international community about the proper functioning and effectiveness of the United Nations as an instrument for development, co-operation and international peace and security.
338.	These criticisms reflect the difficulty and complexity of the present situation and show that, in spite of the difficulties and listlessness, the process of adaptation of the United Nations to new circumstances and requirements is of concern to all those who see in the Organization the best possible, if not the only, instrument for establishing a permanent political dialogue maintaining and strengthening international peace and security.
339.	Indeed, in spite of the difficulties and obstacles the United Nations faces, it has demonstrated its usefulness as an instrument available to the international community for pursuing collectively objectives; and it is through the United Nations that for the first time in history small countries have an input in the discussion of world issues.
340.	As the international community is preparing to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we think it is time to carry out an in- depth analysis of the system of international institutions. We are convinced that the United Nations constitutes the most valuable instrument for the creation of a climate of peace and co-operation among peoples. As indicated in the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization. Its role in this area, in spite of obstacles, has been crucial. Indeed, the results thus far show that the United Nations has become in today's troubled world an irreplaceable instrument for dialogue on the maintenance and strengthening of world peace.
341.	It is in that context that we view with concern the present trend to abandon the United Nations as the main instrument in seeking solutions to world problems, for there can be no doubt that the Organization is the appropriate framework for joint efforts and for harmonizing the interests of all, provided we accept the implications of our interdependence. For us, a world without the United Nations would be a set-back for international morality and legality and would give licence to the strongest to rule as they pleased.
342.	The survival of mankind and the acuteness of international relations at present make it incumbent upon all of us, without exception, to do everything possible to strengthen our commitment to the United Nations system. Common sense and the need to preserve peace in the world require all countries and the international community in general to be unyielding in defending the United Nations system.
343.	The fragility of international relations at present is having an impact on the African continent, worsening conflicts the solution of which must be found within a regional framework without foreign interference. Cape Verde, which is an integral part of that region, is making every effort, along with other African countries, to promote negotiated solutions to conflicts and to preserve our regional unity.
344.	The situation in the southern part of the continent remains especially sensitive. With regard to Namibia, South Africa is continuing to defy the international community and United Nations decisions relating to the independence of that Territory.
345.	Given its constant concern to make its contribution in the search for negotiated political settlements to international conflicts, the Republic of Cape Verde has done everything in its power to assist interested parties in finding a just and peaceful solution leading to the independence of the Territory of Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 433 (1978). It is within this framework and in this spirit that the efforts that Cape Verde has made to facilitate dialogue between South Africa and SWAPO must be understood.
346.	Recent developments in the situation in southern Africa can be analysed correctly only if we consider the impasse in the process of independence for Namibia and the attempts at destabilization that must be faced by the countries of the region, with resultant risks to their sovereignty and territorial integrity.
347.	Nor can those developments be dissociated from the sincere desire for peace and development on the part of the peoples and Governments of the frontline countries or from their urgent economic needs, which demand action now. The developments also reflect the acute sense of responsibility that motivates the peoples and Governments of those countries.
348.	We repeat our condemnation of the system, the baseness of which is repugnant to human conscience and dignity. The denial of their rights on the basis of race, which is the fate of most of the population of South Africa, can only get worse from day to day and lead to further violence such as that which recently brought grief to the martyred South African people.
349.	We think that any measure that does not have as its aim the eradication of apartheid and the creation of institutional conditions that would guarantee equality of rights and opportunities for every South African citizen, regardless of race, should be rejected by the entire international community.
350.	Decolonization will go down in history as one of the most valuable contributions of the United Nations to the building of a world of freedom and justice. History, none the less, also records in several regions of the world attacks upon the right to self- determination of peoples which have thus far been subject to foreign domination.
351.	We would like to express our concern over the situation in other parts of our continent, especially because of the repercussions those events have on regional solidarity.
352.	With regard to the situation in Western Sahara, the spirit of consensus which prevailed at the nineteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa in June 1983, must be maintained as the only way to achieve a just solution. Cape Verde renews its appeal to the two parties to the conflict, Morocco and the Frente P0L1SAR10 to join as soon as possible in the search for a satisfactory solution on the basis of respect for the principle of self-determination of the Saharan people.
353.	With regard to Chad, we still firmly hope that the urgent need for peace for the martyred people of that country will triumph over external influences and internal dissensions, regardless of their origin or reason. Cape Verde encourages every effort under way in the African context to find understanding among the different parties to the Chad conflict.
354.	The Middle East remains one of the most dangerous hotbeds of tension in the world because of the continuing bellicose and expansionist policy of the Government of Israel. Cape Verde reaffirms its conviction that peace can be found in that region only if we take due account of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and only if Israel withdraws from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem.
355.	In Lebanon, despite recent developments, there has as yet been no possibility of putting an end to the instability and violence that prevail throughout the country. We hope that the Lebanese people will succeed in overcoming that situation and return to a normal life.
356.	A war between fraternal peoples continues between Iran and Iraq, the grave consequences of which are reflected in the loss of thousands of lives and the destruction of goods and property acquired with such great effort by the peoples of those countries. Unfortunately, persistent efforts at mediation, which have taken place because of this war, have not yet achieved appreciable results. On the contrary, we see a trend towards the internationalization of the conflict, in view of the fact that it is taking place in a very sensitive region of the world.
357.	We view with concern the situation that has developed recently in Central America, and we therefore support the efforts of the Contadora Group to establish conditions that will permit the people of that region to come up with the best formulas for restoring peace and promoting economic and social development.
358.	With regard to Korea, it is our opinion that replacing the armistice agreement by a peace agreement would open the way to a negotiated solution between the parties concerned with a view to the peaceful reunification of the territory and re-establishment of the national unity of the Korean people.
359.	The situation in East Timor is a typical case of a people deprived of freedom. The territory continues to be occupied by Indonesia in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law. The occupation of the territory, which is an obstacle to the free exercise of the right of self-determination of the Maubere people, should be rejected by the entire international community. Many of us here have in the past experienced the situation which the fraternal people of East Timor are now going through. The most elementary rules of justice impose t n us the moral duty to co-operate in the creation of the necessary conditions for the free exercise of the right to self-determination in this territory. We would like to reaffirm our firm support for the cause of the Maubere people and its avantgarde, the FRETILIN, which has managed, at enormous sacrifice, to maintain a firm and courageous position in the face of the forces of occupation. We would like also to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General for the efforts he has made to carry out the mandate given to him by the General Assembly in its resolution 37/30. It is still our hope that in continuing his efforts with the parties concerned, especially with regard to Portugal, which has a special responsibility vis-a-vis the Maubere people and the international community, he will be able speedily to find ways of restoring justice and the rights of people which have been trampled upon by the invasion and occupation of the territory of East Timor by Indonesia.
360.	The present international economic situation is the consequence of structural unbalances the repercussions of which have a negative effect on the economy of the developing countries, especially the least developed among them. This situation is reflected in a whole range of negative manifestations which work against the growth and economic development of all countries and increase the vulnerability of the developing countries.
361.	This discouraging picture, to which the wide-spread deadlock in the North-South dialogue is no stranger—constitutes a harsh reality for the developing countries. The efforts of those countries to establish more just economic relations and to build a truly interdependent world have unfortunately not found a response in the attitude of some industrialized countries, which have not shown the political will that is desired in the situation.
362.	The most recent manifestation of this absence of political flexibility was found during the negotiations this year within the Committee on the Review and Appraisal of the Implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade and during recent activities in the process of launching global negotiations.
363.	The Group of 77, on the basis of the proposal of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983, guided by a spirit of cooperation and wishing to contribute to the creation of favourable conditions for launching those negotiations, proposed a two-phased approach. We deeply regret that despite this new demonstration of good will and flexibility on the part of the developing countries, no progress was made during the thirty- eighth session of the General Assembly.
364.	None the less, we have confidence in the sensitivity of our partners of the North so that we can work together in this difficult but indispensable process of negotiations, of which the North-South dialogue is a part. All of us need to find a common solution to the common problems which affect us all.
365.	As a representative of a developing country, I could not fail to express our deep concern over the low level of growth of the economies of the third world countries. The imbalance between economic reality in the developing world and the objectives laid down in the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade is a challenge to our collective capacity to resolve economic problems which affect a great part of the world population.
366.	Africa is the continent which is most dramatically undergoing the effects of the prolonged crisis affecting the world. It is immersed in internal contradictions which are typical of a phase of accelerated change. Africa is undergoing a phase in which it is laying foundations for an economy which will be in keeping with national realities and objectives and will satisfy the aspirations of its peoples. It is therefore no surprise that the crisis should be felt in Africa with special intensity.
367.	We are deeply concerned at the alarming proportions of the economic and social deterioration in the African region. It is becoming urgent to seek solutions to meet this situation. Although the main responsibility for solving these problems lies with the African countries themselves which are affected— because we are aware that realizing national objectives for economic development is a task which first of all lies with our countries—we think that, bearing in mind the collective effort required in the search for a global solution to the most acute problems in the underdeveloped countries, the international community as a whole must give them the necessary support so that they can, within the framework of their own development plans and priorities, get through the critical phase.
368.	The emergency situation, particularly in terms of food, requires joint action by the international community. The initiative of the Secretary-General and the appeal of the Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations to alert world opinion to the critical food situation in Africa are praiseworthy measures and deserve an adequate international response.
369.	The profound economic crisis in which the African continent has been plunged requires firm, coherent and immediate action at the national and regional levels, as well as at the international level, with a view to finding integrated solutions to the urgent problems and the development problems.
370.	There is no doubt that several factors which have given rise to the present difficult situation in Africa are to be found within Africa itself, but it is no less certain that the international situation has a profoundly negative impact there. We are thus witnessing in our continent an attempt to impose the strategic interests of countries or groups of countries in order to perpetuate relations of domination which are incompatible with the interests of the African countries.
371.	In the conviction that the present situation threatens peace and hinders the economic and social development of our countries, we think that Africa must grow stronger in order to overcome the crisis through a collective effort to make co-operation and dialogue the essential instruments in relations between States. But for this effort to be fruitful it must include above all a reduction in the intimal imbalances and distortions which affect the economic and social system of each African country.
372.	Last year, at the thirty-eighth session, the President of the Republic of Cape Verde, Mr. Aristides Pereira, in his capacity as Chairman of the Conference of Heads of State of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, made an appeal to the international community to increase its collaboration with the member counties of that regional organization in carrying out programmes for development and to combat desertification. In his statement, the President of Cape Verde hastened to point out, given the extent of the consequences of the drought and the extension year after year of the phenomenon of desertification, the serious dangers threatening the survival not only of the populations of the Sahel area but also, and more and more, of those countries in the peripheral zone which thus far had not suffered such disasters.
373.	Over and above an awareness and limited or sporadic interventions, the international community must acquire the necessary means to act effectively and in concert and to assist the peoples and countries affected to face these calamities and to protect other areas from their effects. This should be done by finding global, simultaneous and permanent solutions.
374.	In this context, there is clearly a need for the States concerned to define coherent development policies, to find adequate formulas for more active participation by the people, to adapt structures to development needs and, finally, to undertake important actions in the fields of training and research. These measures are necessary because they are decisive factors for diminishing the food shortage, which is going to increase, and also for favouring agricultural production, which has now become a priority for the Sahelian Governments.
375.	Several actions have begun for the purpose of mitigating the effects of drought and desertification. Resources have continued to be mobilized by the Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel and the Club of Sahel. Considerable efforts have also been made at the national, regional and international levels. Recently, more sustained attention has been devoted to the question of combating drought and desertification through the work of international meetings held at the initiative of FAO. Moreover, coherent food strategies, as well as integrated development plans, are being progressively implemented.
376.	The Inter-State Committee, the Institute of the Sahel, the Agrymeht Centre and other regional bodies are in this sense useful instruments for co-ordination, support and common thinking. They have been called upon to play a more and more important role in integrated regional development and in establishing the necessary conditions for food self-sufficiency and restoring the ecological balance in the Sahel.
377.	We firmly believe that, through a united will and solidarity at the local, regional and international levels, we shall succeed in breaking the circle of desertification and drought and bringing about a favourable change in the present situation.
378.	In Cape Verde, since independence, we have worked in this area to pursue a policy in harmony with our own concrete reality. To meet drought, which has now become endemic, our efforts have been directed not only towards the preservation of the soil and a systematic reafforestation policy, but also towards the development of our human resources. Popular participation in the fight against erosion and for reafforestation in our country has become a satisfactory approach, in spite of the difficulties created by the persistence of the drought.
379.	In this huge effort to overcome the great difficulties imposed by a hostile nature, international assistance has been a fundamental and an indispensable component. We are sure that this effort will continue to find generous support and international solidarity.
380.	The world today is a world of glaring paradoxes. One of the paradoxes is characterized by the persistence of hunger and underdevelopment at a time when world production is capable of meeting the needs of the population of the entire earth.
381.	The survival of mankind demands a peaceful, unified world in which man is the centre of the great political decisions and the ultimate beneficiary of the moral and material progress which all aspire to. The creation of this world requires the active participation of all.