71. On behalf of the Government of Brazil, it gives me great satisfaction to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I am certain that I express the confidence that all delegations present here in this Hall place in your experienced and balanced guidance for the success of our labours. I also take the occasion to greet you as a representative of Zambia and the African continent, with which my country has strong cultural, historical and political ties.
72.	At this point, allow me also to pay a well- deserved tribute to Mr Jorge Illueca for the competent and able manner in which he presided over the work of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
73.	It is a privilege to congratulate the people and Government of Brunei Damssalam upon their new membership in the United Nations, and I hereby renew my best wishes for the peace and prosperity of that country, with which Brazil already has diplomatic relations.
74.	It is our daily experience to live with international tension and crises. Clearly the crises overlap successively in a vicious and self-reinforcing process. More than ever, orderly change is required.
75.	To face this challenge, Brazil believes in the commitment to the fundamental principles of inter-national life contained in the Charter of the United Nations. My country reaffirms that its foreign policy adheres to the high aim of seeking solutions consistent with the universal causes of peace and development. It maintains a balanced approach to current international issues.
76.	We understand that only confidence can create a lasting basis for dialogue and co-operation among nations.
77.	These values and this will to change guide my words in opening the general debate.
78.	Epochs of crisis, such as the one we are going through, evidence themselves not only in facts but also in ideas and in the political culture. The United Nations cannot remain immune to the crises of our times.
79.	From the generation that founded the United Nations we inherited a message that repudiates double standards in judgements. More than ever, it is necessary to recover the meaning of that message. The strong and the weak, the allied and the adversaries must understand and abide by the criteria that govern international life. Only thus can dialogue become truly possible. This is one of the fundamental reasons for the work performed at the United Nations.
80.	Although authoritarianism may assume many guises, it does not seem right, in this year of 1984, to confuse the ideal of peace with the obsessive proclivity to war. Freedom, justice or progress should not be invoked to cloak a desire to dominate. There can be no quibbling about respect for the universal principles of the Charter. Equality means equality; sovereignty means sovereignty; non-intervention means non-intervention. Those who give in to expedient temptations to the detriment of the values essential to the credibility of the United Nations are only deluding themselves.
81.	Brazil has taken clear, well-known positions on the great foci of political tension that continue to challenge the international community's capacity for action. After years of debate and negotiation on some of these questions, sizeable margins of consensus have been reached.
82.	It will not be denied that the best road to self- determination and independence for Namibia is the implementation of Security Council resolution 433 (1978). As long as this directive is followed, the recent signs of flexibility on the part of South Africa are auspicious for dialogue and negotiation. In addition, the conscience of the international community has remained unequivocal in its repudiation of racial discrimination, and for that very reason the United Nations cannot compromise nor waiver in its absolute condemnation of apartheid
83.	Time has shown that a comprehensive, just and lasting solution in the Middle East cannot be foreseen outside the parameters originally established by the United Nations. A succession of crises resulting from the non-acceptance of those parameters has for more than a generation been preventing the building of peace in that disturbed area.
84.	In the Middle East as in other regions, Brazil condemns the persistence of a policy of faits accomplis in defiance of the Charter of the United Nations. Among the many victims of the recent and persistent crisis in Lebanon, we must mourn the loss of many soldiers of the multinational forces operating there. This should make us all, even the most powerful, reflect on the role that the United Nations can and should play in the conduct of peace-keeping operations in fulfilling the mandates of the international community with the full backing of the Security Council.
85.	In all areas of tension, such as Afghanistan and Kampuchea, the principle of non-intervention should admit no exceptions to its application. Wherever attempts are made to interfere in national political processes, whether by force or by infiltration under the cover of technical excuses, they will deserve the condemnation of the international community. It is no longer possible to believe that public opinion can still be deceived by facades of legitimacy for acts of real intervention which seek strategic advantages or mere prestige.
86.	In Central America there will be no long-term solutions without whole-hearted observance of the basic principles of self-determination, mutual respect among all nations and democratic life. For that reason it is vital that the work of the Contadora Group should go forward and be carried to a successful conclusion, since that Group is best able to promote awareness of the problems of the region in all their historical, social, political and economic complexity. Good relations in the hemisphere today depend, in a very critical way, on stability in Central America.
87.	The spirit of the Charter must prevail so that we may have dialogue and negotiation. In this regard, it behoves us to express our thanks to the Secretary- General, who, whenever called upon, has given his good offices and played the role of mediator, even under adverse circumstances, with a sense for the opportune and a discretion appropriate for each occasion.
88.	The same applies to the question of the Malvinas. The contribution of the United Nations continues to be indispensable for reaching a positive solution and should include providing encouragement for diplomatic understanding between the parties. This is a question that directly affects the Latin American countries, which have a solid position on the merits of the case, recognizing the rights of Argentina and desirous of dispelling the risk of tensions in an area that has a vocation for peace and harmony. This is the time to demonstrate consistency and authenticity, to honour the principles of the Charter by implementing Security Council resolution 502 (1982) in its entirety.
89.	For all the critical problems I have just mentioned, the United Nations has not failed to take stands and prescribe cures.
90.	But the scarcity of effective solutions does not derive from flaws in assessment: the problems persist because of fragmentation in the political will of the international community. While the decision-making machinery and even the implementation of decisions of the United Nations remain stalled, painfully negotiated formulas for consensus are subject to a process of erosion. The practical result is, very often, a lamentable retreat from the bases of understanding officially endorsed by this forum. To use an eloquent example, I recall the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament.
91.	Thirty-nine years ago, still under the impact of a conflict without precedent, the United Nations was born under the sign of universality and equality among nations. The Organization, in its very name, mirrors the ideal of solidarity and union and, in addition, the recognition that no longer can any nation afford to live in isolation. If there was a generous utopianism apparent in this vision, there was also a lucid grasp of the real needs for mankind's survival and well-being.
92.	In our century, no nation, however powerful, can defy the international community as represented here, nor can it cut itself off from dialogue with other nations. No single State can enact laws for the whole world. In other words, to be effective, international leadership must be vested with real democratic meaning. It will be strong as long as it maintains this intrinsic value.
93.	The international system should not be vertical and centralized. Whatever affects everyone must be decided upon by all. This argument applies specifically to two themes of global interest that cannot be dealt with separately: peace and development. But it is precisely in these themes of such vital importance for humanity that the political deadlock makes itself felt and equations of power override democratic dialogue.
94.	Last August I had the opportunity to address the Conference on Disarmament, where I reiterated my country's growing apprehension at the acceleration of the arms race. I then announced Brazil's endorsement of the Joint Declaration issued on 22 May 1984 by six Heads of State or Government to the nuclear Powers, and I quoted the following excerpt from it: "It is primarily the responsibility of the nuclear weapons States to prevent a nuclear catastrophe, but this problem is too important to be left to those States alone"
95.	In order to discharge such a task, which is of first priority, international decision-making must effectively incorporate broad and representative participation by the community of nations. This will curtail the current monologue of intransigence which has replaced the negotiating process among those who through dialogue should have the primary responsibility for the security of us all. Under such a paralysing influence, discussions on "arms control" run the risk of completely missing their mandatory final objective: general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
96.	The dynamics of confrontation, in its various doctrinary disguises, only lead to higher levels of terror, not of security. Political intelligence has already identified this tragic rationalization of the will to power.
97.	Peace must not be turned into a mirage; it must not fade in the spiralling arms race. There is no substitute for peace, and peace emerges from a just and credible international order, not from a balance of mistrust. That is a fundamental lesson of the Charter of the United Nations.
98.	It is on the economic plane that the contemporary crisis has its most sensitive dimension, but its dynamics are essentially political. The roads to peace and development cannot fail to be parallel. We are in an extreme situation which forces us to examine its roots without illusions or pretences.
99.	Brazil will not give up its development prospects; it cannot accept a reduction in the place it has gained for itself in international trade within legitimately agreed rules. For a long time my country has been fighting in the proper forums for correction of the defects in the world economic structure, of which we are today one of the chief victims.
100.	Several times in the General Assembly I have voiced Brazil's concern at the course the international economy has been taking during the last few years. In many different ways I have reiterated a call for a determined international effort to overcome the effects of the grave world crisis. I have reaffirmed the need to reverse a growing tendency towards the erosion of a most valuable asset, something for which we all worked hard during the post-war period; namely, international co-operation in the service of development as an indispensable factor for the management of a trade and finance system that is undoubtedly precarious and unstable.
101.	At a certain stage I stated that "when the world economy becomes highly diversified and the problems are universal in scope, the challenge is no longer that of how to obtain unilateral advantages but is that of how jointly to define viable ways to govern an increasingly unstable system."
102.	Recent occurrences, such as the reduction of inflation and the resumption of growth in some developed countries, seem to demonstrate the validity of recourse to unilateral policies by one or other of the main developed countries. However positive the recovery now taking place in some developed economies may be, it cannot be denied that it is limited and that it is leading to an excessive escalation of the coefficient of instability in the international economic system.
103.	Nor can it be denied that, because of recourse to unilateral policies, perverse mechanisms have come into existence whereby debtor countries are led to transfer resources that subsidize the prosperity of wealthy nations. Worse still, those debtor nations see their prospects for development stultified under the impact, often overwhelming, of actions taken by the great industrial Powers.
104.	The solution of the pressing problems of the international economy cannot be found in individual actions or short-term approaches; nor can it be ensured as a by-product of the recovery of one or other developed country. This is all the more true when such recovery, which is subject to strong elements of uncertainty and risk, has a restrictive effect upon the possibilities of expansion of other countries, particularly those most deeply in debt.
105.	The way to a sustained and healthy recovery of the international economy cannot, therefore, be through the precarious reactivation of a few economies and an attempt, inevitably doomed to failure, to maintain an economic policy with restrictive effects upon the prospects for development of the nations of the third world.
106.	The social and political tensions to which those countries have been subjected cannot continue much longer, nor can their peoples continue to live indefinitely at the mercy of abrupt fluctuations in the already intolerably high interest rates, in the availability of financial flows and in the conditions of access to international markets.
107.	Over the past few years there have been recurrent episodes of resistance to concerted international action on the part of the developed countries, as shown by the lack of results at the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, held at Cancun in 1981; the obstacles posed to the launching of global negotiations; the failure of the latest session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; and the non-compliance with the principles and commitments of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. In view of the extremely adverse situation confronting us, the time has come to open new avenues in the direction of the objectives which President Figueiredo defined—when addressing the General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session [5th meeting]—as the need to restructure the international economic order.
108.	The rejection of dialogue and concerted action among Governments has had particularly harmful consequences over the past two years, which were characterized by the emergence of the debt crisis, with devastating results for Latin America. Countries whose efforts to maintain adequate rates of growth in the 1970s, which were important at that time to sustain the level of economic activity in the developed world, today see themselves, because of events beyond their control, punished by severe recessive pressures. This is certainly not the reward they deserve for the important contribution they made to the prosperity of the world's economy.
109.	The developing world has not failed to give clear indications of its willingness to enter into a realistic and constructive dialogue, as evidenced by several statements delivered in such varied forums as the Economic and Social Council, UNCTAD, GATT and the IMF. Their willingness to do so has been strengthened by a growing internal movement at the level of South-South co-operation and of interregional contacts.
110.	As regards Latin America, three important steps in search of a dialogue with the developed world were taken this year with the holding of the Latin American Economic Conference at Quito in January and, more recently, the meetings held at Cartagena in June and Mar del Plata earlier this month by 11 countries particularly affected by the question of indebtedness.
111.	At Quito, Cartagena and Mar del Plata, Latin American countries, acting in a moderate, objective and pragmatic manner, put forth a body of political principles which, in their view, should govern the relationship between debtors and creditors. They laid emphasis on the need for the creditors to recognize their share of responsibility in the solution to the debt problem, as well as the importance of symmetry and equity in sharing the burden of the adjustments required.
112.	At Cartagena, especially, the participating countries took a significant step by clearly and strongly expressing their political will to act together in search of a dialogue with the Governments of the creditor nations on the general aspects of the debt issue. As indicated in the Cartagena Consensus, the question of the debt requires adequate political consideration at the international level, as it has obvious political and social consequences. Only the will of the governments of creditor and debtor countries will make it possible to modify the conditions which hamper the attainment of lasting solutions to problems which cannot be dealt with exclusively through a dialogue with the banks, by isolated action on the part of international financial institutions or by the mere behaviour of the markets.
113.	The Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Ministers of Finance of the 11 countries that had met at Cartagena gathered at Mar del Plata, on 13 and 14 September to call for a dialogue with the Governments of the creditor nations. In the Mar del Plata Communique, they stressed the need for a meeting dedicated to the debt question and the means to alleviate the burden now faced by indebted nations. This dialogue, which will of course take into account the interests of all parties involved, is considered indispensable for the solution of problems that cannot remain subject to the vagaries of a highly unstable international economic environment. Let us hope that this time our appeal will not be in vain.
114.	Like peace, development also threatens to become a mirage in the eyes of the weaker countries. If I insist on this correlation, it is to stress that in the political sphere, as well as in the economic, the difficulties we face arise from the very structure of the international system, resistant to change not mediated by power.
115.	We can no longer avoid recognizing that if current distortions persist, the existing crisis will culminate in decisively hurting everyone, poor and rich, debtors and creditors alike. As we approach the end of the century, the economic world, like the political world, has become indivisible. Interdependence is not a rhetorical image: it is a historical necessity that demands political action in the sense of co-operation and not of regression or isolation.
116.	To conclude, I should like to return to my initial remarks on the role of the United Nations in the present-day world.
117.	Too frequently, the Organization has seen itself transformed into a "forum for sterile confrontation", as President Figueiredo stated when he addressed the General Assembly in 1982. In acknowledging the virtual paralysis of the machinery of multilateral diplomacy, Brazil seeks a higher objective: the preservation and perfection of the United Nations, to make it what it should be, the forum par excellence for settling controversies between States and promoting international co-operation.
118.	Brazil does not subscribe to the allegation that the United Nations is condemned to becoming an anachronism. What would be more properly anachronistic would be the rejection of democratic dialogue within the community of nations; the rejection of genuine aspirations and formulas of consensus resulting from lengthy and wearing negotiating efforts; the prospect of the geometrically expanding gap in the distribution of wealth between the nations of the North and South.
119.	There will be reason for comfort and optimism if we profit from the lessons of accumulated experience. As the United Nations approaches its fortieth anniversary, it has a more sorrowful, albeit clearer, perception of its limitations. This perception is courageously reflected in the reports on the work of the Organization submitted to the Assembly by the Secretary-General in the past three years. His suggestions for improving the potential of the United Nations are both timely and valuable. This notwithstanding, his warning that we are "perilously near to a new international anarchy" remains frighteningly vivid.
120.	Never has humanity been so indissolubly associated in destiny, and yet, to our peril, the International community's capacity to act is weakening every day.
121.	The United Nations is once again suffering acutely from the corrosive effects of the rivalry between the super-Powers. It would be unwise to ignore the realities of power in international life. None the less, it is also realistic to note that the justification of coercion is, in fact, the acknowledgement that political intelligence and creativity have failed. A greater threat is in the offing: that of a tragic doctrinal retrogression with regard to the rules governing relations among nations. Times of crisis always foster national egotisms.
122.	Once again it must be stated that the Charter of the United Nations is a common heritage of political wisdom. The United Nations is not the monopoly of any country or bloc of countries, nor is it committed to immobility. Efforts to attain harmony must respect differences between individuals as well as between peoples. To reaffirm this philosophy, which is the responsibility of all, rich and poor, strong and weak, is also to preserve an arduously gained spiritual legacy, one to which Brazil remains faithful.


At the outset allow me to convey to you, Sir, congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. It gives me personal pleasure to see you assume that high office, for you are a friend who represents a fraternal country that is part of the great African continent that has made such a great contribution to mankind and that is still engaged in a bitter struggle against apartheid and neo-colonialism in order to lay the foundations for justice and peace. I am confident that your vast experience and well- known wisdom will guide the proceedings of this Assembly to the best results possible. I should also like to pay a tribute to the role of your country and its President in our struggle on the African continent.
162.	I should like to express my delegation's appreciation to Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of Panama, who so brilliantly guided the deliberations of the Assembly's thirty-eighth session.
163.	I also wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General for his efforts and dedication in seeking to reinforce peace and stability in the world and in promoting the United Nations, strengthening its role in the service of peace and freedom.
164.	My delegation takes pleasure in congratulating Brunei Darussalam upon its accession to independence. We welcome its admission to membership in the United Nations.
165.	Nearly four decades have elapsed since the founding of the United Nations and the promulgation of its Charter. There can be no doubt that enormous efforts have been made since then to realize the purposes enshrined in the Charter—for the ending of colonialism, for the maintenance of peace and for economic development. However, as the Secretary-General states in his report on the work of the Organization:
"... for all of the accomplishments of the past decades, and they have been major, the fact of the matter is that the three main elements of a stable international order—an accepted system of maintaining international peace and security; disarmament and arms limitation; and the progressive development of a just and effective system of international economic relations—have yet to take hold as they should."
166.	Now, on the threshold of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, we must consider the obstacles that hinder its work and *he reasons why it is impeded in the effective discharge of its duties in keeping with the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter.
167.	The international community is passing through a critical and difficult period characterized by the escalation of tension and the exacerbation of international crises as a result of the policy of confrontation being pursued by the colonial countries, which are seeking by all means and methods to return to their old spheres of influence or to acquire new ones.
168.	We have witnessed the frenzied show of strength that has recently dominated the conduct of the United States. That country has deployed its forces throughout the world; it has sped up the production and deployment of new weapons in many parts of the world; and it has "Hexed its muscles" and stepped up its aggressive military provocations against States members of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries. All of this has created distrust regarding its intentions and has renewed the nuclear and strategic arms race among the great Powers, which has in turn led to a quest by the small, non- aligned countries to acquire weapons in order to defend their own sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, to the detriment of their economic and social development.
169.	When speaking of the deteriorating state of international security, I must refer to one of the foreign military activities that is being carried out in one of the most sensitive of the world's areas, namely, the Mediterranean, a region we believe should be free from any factor that might lead to a worsening of tension, which could in tum lead to a catastrophe in the area. Proceeding from a belief in the importance of security in the Mediterranean to international peace, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya intends to consult with other non-aligned States and with other States concerned with a view to reaching an international agreement that would ban the holding of military manoeuvres in the international waters of the Mediterranean. The presence of foreign fleets and colonial military bases in the Mediterranean constitutes one of the major factors for instability in the region and a threat to the security and safety of the States in the area. We want the Mediterranean to be a sea of peace and co-operation. We call for the evacuation of foreign bases, the departure of foreign fleets and the dismantling of all lethal weapons, especially nuclear weapons, in the area.
170.	The fact that the problem of Cyprus has not yet been settled directly influences security in the Mediterranean. We hope that the two communities, Turkish and Greek, may reach a just solution through direct negotiations so as to ensure the rights of both communities and reinforce the independence of Cyprus, as well as its territorial integrity and non- aligned status. We support the efforts of the Secretary-Genera! and his Special Representative in this regard. My country has contributed its good offices to the two communities and stands ready to make further efforts in order to achieve a peaceful solution as speedily as possible.
171.	We have recently witnessed an increase in the campaigns of destabilization waged by the United States throughout the world, campaigns aimed at compromising the security and sovereignty of peoples who attempt to follow an independent and non- aligned policy and refuse to yield to the pressures and threats of the United States Government, which aims to dominate those States, usurp their riches and use them as a tool for achieving its political and strategic goals.
172.	As a result of its boldness and steadfastness in resisting imperialism and supporting freedom and world liberation movements, the Libyan people and its leaders have been subjected to a long and virulent series of military provocations, acts of aggression and clandestine operations, as we!! as economic conspiracies and pressures on the part of the United States.
173. This campaign is illustrated by the acts of provocation of the United States Sixth Fleet dose to Libyan waters in the Gulf of Sidrah and the repeated violations of Libyan airspace by AW ACS spy planes; the dirty operations of the Central Intelligence Agency aimed at the assassination of the leader of our revolution; and the training of saboteurs who are sent from other countries to strike at important goals in our country and thus destabilize it. AH possible means have been used—including an almost total boycott—to hamper the Libyan economy. AH of this was described on 30 August 1984 by John Hughes, a spokesman for the United States State Department, as being more stringent than that imposed on any other country, including the Soviet Union.
174. Needless to say, the United States refuses to carry out the boycott imposed on the regime of South Africa, despite all international resolutions. It stands by that regime and supplies a!! its needs, including highly destructive military equipment.
175.	The Foreign Ministers of the Mediterranean member countries of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, meeting at Valletta on 10 and 11 September 1984, studied the United States acts of provocation against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and, in their Final Declarations, stated the following:
"The Ministers expressed profound concern at the many provocations by the United States of America that violate the sovereignty of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and its territorial integrity and that constitute a threat to international security and peace and a factor hampering the efforts of the non-aligned countries to strengthen peace and cooperation in the Mediterranean region. They expressed their support for the Jamahiriya's efforts to resist the various pressures arising from these provocations.
176.	United States acts of aggression against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya have not stopped there. It has gone as far as slander and media campaigns aimed at tarnishing the image of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and preparing world public opinion for the possibility of military aggression against it in collaboration with the reactionary regimes in the area.
177.	The United States, which threatens peace and security in the Mediterranean region, has not confined itself to installing bases in and sending a fleet to the area and using them against the Arab nation and in the interest of its Zionist allies. It has gone further and deployed its fleet in the Red Sea after fabricating what it called the "mine operation". These mines were planted there by the United States and its Zionist ally as an excuse for their collusion against the Arab nation and for the presence of their fleet in the region.
178.	The United States, within the framework of its virulent attack against the Libyan Arab people, has resorted to vile tactics that are contrary to international laws and norms. The harassment of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya's Mission to the United Nations and of the members of the Mission is a violation of the Agreement between the United Nations and the United States of America regarding the Headquarters of the United Nations and other relevant international agreements. Its aim is to hamper the activities of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya's Mission to the United Nations.
179.	The serious situation in the Arab region resulting from the usurpation of Palestine, the displacement of the Palestinians and the implanting of an alien racist entity in the area is still a source of concern to the entire international community. Despite the fact that more than 36 years have elapsed since the usurpation of Palestine and the displacement of its people, the international community has so far not been able to take any concrete measures that would re-establish the rights of the Palestinian people and enable them to return to their homeland. This is because the imperialists that created the Zionist racist entity in Palestine pledged themselves to support it both in the United Nations and with weapons and money, so that it could not only strengthen its bastion in Palestine but also continue its aggression against the Arab countries and its expansion at their expense, with a view to establishing a greater Zionist State reaching from the Euphrates to the Nile.
180.	No further evidence is necessary of the complete support of the United States for the racist Zionist entity, especially following the strategic agreement between them. The United States has given the Zionist entity more than $2.5 billion up to now, and it is possible that next year it will give more than $3 billion and as much as $5 billion in the following year.
181.	The aid given by the United States Government to the Zionist entity has become one of the main campaign issues in the race for the United States presidency. Everybody takes pride in this, with each party pledging to support—more than the other party—the Zionist entity against the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. The United States is responsible for the plight of the Palestinian people. It bears full responsibility for the intransigence of the racists in Palestine and their rejection of all the relevant United Nations resolutions.
182.	The United States, which is helping the Zionist entity to create settlements by providing it with weapons with which to strike at the Palestinian people and at other Arab countries, cannot be an impartial party or play any role in the peace process, unless that peace is meant to be a device to enable Israel or the Israeli entity to occupy more territories. It has become clear that tension in the area has escalated since the signing of the Camp David accords. The Zionist entity has occupied southern Lebanon and annexed Jerusalem and the Golan Heights despite all the resolutions adopted in this regard.
183.	The General Assembly must reconsider its position concerning the Zionist entity in the light of the continuing racist, Zionist practices, the acts of aggression which are witnessed daily, the usurpation of property, the acts of genocide and the flouting of United Nations resolutions.
184.	We reaffirm that it is necessary to take the following actions: first, the Zionist entity must be expelled from the General Assembly as an entity that does not cherish peace, in accordance with the resolutions of the ninth emergency special session of the General Assembly; and secondly, there must be a complete boycott of that entity.
185.	No peace initiative will be successful unless it takes into account the right of the Palestinian people to return to Palestine and to establish its independent State on the entire territory of Palestine.
186.	The tragic fate inflicted on the Jewish people cannot be redressed through the suffering of the Palestinian people. The Zionist neo-Nazis cannot use against the Palestinian people the same practices that were once used by the Nazis against the Jews. Responsibility for the persecution of the Jews is borne by the persecutors and the persecutors alone. The world cannot accept a State based on religious discrimination and on the Nazi doctrine of Zionism.
187.	The Zionist aggression, supported by imperial-ism, has not confined itself to the occupation of Palestine and the displacement of its people; it has spread to Palestine's neighbouring countries. The continued occupation and the annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights should be condemned and rejected by the international community. The continued occupation by the Zionist entity of a considerable portion of Lebanon, in defiance of all the resolutions of the international community, confirms the nature and objectives of the racist Zionist entity.
188.	The Lebanese people, which has succeeded in forcing the imperialist invaders to withdraw and has been able finally to abrogate the shameful 17 May 1983 agreement—which Lebanon was forced to sign under pressure from the United States—will be able, through its valiant resistance, to achieve victory over the Zionist invader. The Lebanese people has proven the futility of imposing capitulatory solutions on Arab nations. The fate of the Camp David accords, imposed by the armed force of the United States and by United States-Zionist aggression, will be the same as that of the 17 May 1983 agreement.
189.	The Arab nation, which has known dismemberment and division, must now unite and play its role as one of the major forces in the world. Colonialism divided and dismembered that nation and it is trying to perpetuate that division and dismemberment by all means.
190.	Proceeding from its belief in the unity of the Arab nation, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has sought and continues to seek to bring that unity about, despite all obstacles. Historical and emotional factors make Arab unity an imperative necessity for the Arab nation so that it may face its enemies and strengthen itself. Arab unity will help to promote peace and security not only in the Arab region, but in the whole world. If unified and given the opportunity to do so, the creative Arab nation, which has contributed so much to mankind, will be able to contribute even more.
191.	Proceeding from that same belief the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Morocco, exercising free will and integrity, have signed an agreement to establish an Arab-African union. This union is not aimed against any country; it is not an "axis", but is a step towards the achievement of the unity of the Arab Maghreb and a foundation for the complete unity of the Arab nation. The fear of this agreement felt by imperialist and reactionary forces is testimony to its importance and its integrity. The agreement is open to all countries of the region, whether Arab or African, and it embodies the principles of the League of Arab States and of the United Nations.
192.	The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya welcomes any act conducive to unity and any step in that direction, whether in the West or the East of the Arab world, or in the African continent. We warmly welcomed the agreement signed by Algeria and Tunisia, to which Mauritania subsequently acceded, and we welcomed the opportunity offered by Tunisia for us to sign it also. We shall participate in any step towards achieving Arab unity in any part of the Arab homeland or the African continent. Any attempt to impede Arab unity or to exploit its noble principles in an attempt to cover up hegemony and the desire for domination is doomed to failure.
193.	The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, which firmly supported the people of Western Sahara in its struggle against the Spanish colonizer, supports the solution of the problem of Western Sahara in accordance with the resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations and in keeping with the concept of Greater Maghreb unity.
194.	The United States, which has adopted a position inimical to such unification, must stop its intervention in the Arab world; it must let the Arab nations achieve unity in accordance with their own free will. This United States position makes us even more determined to persist in our desire for unification of the Arab Maghreb and, more broadly, of the Arab world, and for unification of the African continent. In the meantime, we call on our brothers in the Arab Maghreb to join and support this union.
195.	The African continent continues to be a focus of the world's attention and a hotbed of tension. That continent is the site of some of the most complex problems of today.
196.	In Namibia, the South African racist regime continues its illegitimate occupation of the Territory and persists in its oppression of the black citizens of Namibia and in its usurpation of the country's wealth, in collusion with the Western transnational corporations, in defiance of the resolutions of the United Nations and other international organizations. With the help of the Western countries, that racist regime has continued its manoeuvres aimed at preventing the independence of Namibia and the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
197.	Linkage of the independence of Namibia to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola is but one more proof of imperialist collusion with the regime in an attempt to prevent the United Nations from achieving genuine independence for Namibia. This constitutes interference in the internal affairs of Angola and cannot be accepted as a pre-condition for independence. My country declares its complete solidarity with the People's Republic of Angola until the liberation of its territory and of the whole of Namibia.
198.	We cannot forget that colonialism created the racist Pretoria regime and helped to sustain it by providing it with various types of aid, including weapons. Consequently, we are certain that the Western countries cannot act as mediators in the resolution of the Namibian problem. Imperialism cannot be a mediator in that process because it is a party to the aggression against the Namibian people, by virtue of its material and political help to the regime and its usurpation, through its transnational corporations, of the wealth of Namibia.
199.	The problem of Namibia can be resolved only through the strict and speedy implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), with the full participation in any effort to resolve this problem of SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya proclaims its full support for SWAPO in its efforts to achieve independence and self-determination for the Namibian people. We call on the Security Council to take the necessary measures to implement its resolutions concerning Namibia and to put an end to the racist occupation of that Territory.
200.	In Azania, the fraternal African people of that country is still struggling against the apartheid policy of the Pretoria regime, which is daily reinforced by the Government with executions and arrests of national leaders. The people of Azania recently proved to the whole world that it will continue its struggle against the policy of racial discrimination, when thousands took to the streets in demonstrations, facing the bullets of the racists, who tried to deceive the world with what they called constitutional reforms—sham parliaments established for those of Asian origin and the Coloureds. Those were not constitutional changes, but final, desperate attempts to perpetuate and reinforce the policy of apartheid. They will enable the apartheid regime to conscript Asians and Coloureds into the racist army, to be used for the suppression of their black brothers, who represent the majority.
201.	We in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya believe that apartheid cannot be reformed but must be eliminated. We shall continue to help the people of Azania in its efforts to achieve majority rule and to eliminate the odious phenomenon of apartheid	which has been condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity.
202.	As I speak of the situation in Africa, I cannot fail to refer to one of the problems that has been a cause of concern to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya for a long time—the problem of Chad, a war-tom country which lacks stability owing to the negative policies left by imperialism, the effects of which have been felt at the political and social levels and which led to a civil war. That war is still raging, despite the attempts made by all the countries of the region, foremost among them the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, and recently by the OAU, to achieve national reconciliation in Chad and lay the foundation for a stable regime that would devote its energies to the country's reconstruction and development.
203.	Chad being at the southern border of my country, the unstable situation there is naturally a source of grave concern to us, especially as it was at different times the pretext for foreign intervention and the presence of foreign troops from outside the continent at our border, which gives us grave security problems. We were gratified by the recent agreement concluded with France, which we hope will be an important step towards solving the Chad problem in accordance with the Lagos Accord on National Reconciliation in Chad, of 18 August 1979," and with the participation of all the Chadian parties that signed it. The Government of National Unity, headed by Goukouni Oueddei, has always been willing to achieve national reconciliation, but the rebellious elements in N'Djamena, supported by the forces of imperialism and reaction, have rejected all the serious efforts made by the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity for national reconciliation.
204.	Basing itself on its belief in international peace and security, and the conviction that they are indivisible, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya supports all the efforts of the countries of the Indian Ocean to turn that ocean into a zone of peace, free of all foreign fleets and bases. We therefore call for the evacuation of United States troops from the island of Diego Garcia and the dismantling of all the military installations on that island so that its indigenous people can live there in peace.
205.	The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya supports the aspiration of the Korean people for the reunification of its country, and calls for the establishment of the necessary conditions to bring that about—non-interference m its internal affairs and the withdrawal of United States troops from Korean territory.
206.	My country reiterates its solidarity with all countries subjected to imperialist provocation and acts of aggression, countries such as Afghanistan and Iran.
207.	Certain territories in the world are still under the yoke of colonial domination despite the achievements on the path towards decolonization. They include the territory of Puerto Rico, whose people is still struggling for decolonization and the establishment of its own independent State. The United Nations must help it and support its efforts.
208.	The continued tension in Central America is also a cause of concern to the international community. It results from intervention by the United States and that country's failure to respect the right of the peoples of the region to choose their political and economic system without any foreign intervention or pressure. My country supports all the efforts of the Contadora Group to find a comprehensive and lasting solution to the problems of the region and to restore peace there. We maintain that it is possible to have peace and security in the region only if the United States stops interfering in the affairs of the States of the region and ceases to support dictatorial regimes against their peoples. Other requirements for peace and security in the area are the withdrawal of United States forces, the dismantling of its bases in Cuba and an end to its aggression.
209.	The world economic order is still suffering from the crisis that has dominated it since the end of the 1960s. The measures taken to reform it have so far failed, because they are like tranquillizers; they are attempts to ease the crisis, but not to reform the system. The system can be reformed only by restructuring it so that it is in keeping with the international economic and political indicators of our time. It should take into account the interests of the developing countries, which were for the most part dominated by foreign forces when the present system was set up. Unfortunately, we note that the developed countries still impede the efforts of the international community to change the international economic order, despite all the concessions made by the developing countries as a whole.
210.	The international monetary system also is unable to respond to the needs of the developing countries and to the aspirations of the present age. It should be changed so that it may be in keeping with today's economic and political realities. The system, which collapsed in August 1971 when the United States ceased to exchange the dollar tor gold, has played a negative role instead of being effective in international economic co-operation and, more particularly, in the development programmes in the developing countries. Depending on a single currency, the system is an anachronism in an age of equality and mutual respect. It is not only politically but also economically unacceptable. All attempts at reform have failed for the simple reason that reform has taken place through an institution still dominated by certain developed countries. We do not expect any serious attempts to be made within the framework of such an institution. Reforms are still being considered without the developing countries, which are still passive onlookers, unable to play any role. Reforming the international economic order should be considered within the framework of global negotiations, in a forum where representation is universal, where all voices may be heard and all points of view taken into account.
211.	I should like now to refer to a matter directly related to economic development in my country: the mines and other explosives planted in Libyan territory during the Second World War. We still suffer from their detrimental effects in the economic, social and environmental fields. Hundreds of innocent people have lost their lives as a result of this problem and thousands have been incapacitated. It has also obstructed the implementation of development projects and increased their costs. It is the responsibility of the imperialist countries that planted those mines to solve this problem; they must offer adequate compensation to the countries that have suffered damage and provide them with topographic charts and all assistance needed to remove them. We hope that the United Nations will take the necessary practical steps for an inventory to be taken of the total damage that has been inflicted on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and to have compensation paid in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly.
212.	Like many other countries, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya was subjected to occupation and colonialism during long years and it has the right to ask for reparation for the damage caused as a result of colonialism. Japan apologized to Korea for its occupation of that country and announced its willingness to offer compensation. We welcome that action and we hope that the other colonial Powers will follow suit.
213.	The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya fully supports strengthening the role of the United Nations and promoting its effectiveness. Therefore, as we have done in previous years, we shall submit certain proposals concerning the abrogation of the right of veto, or amending that right, and granting more authority to the General Assembly. We shall continue to press for such action this year because we are convinced that the right of veto is in contravention of democratic rules. The will of the Members of the United Nations should not be at the mercy of each of the five permanent members of the Security Council, particularly in view of the fact that some of them have abused the right of veto. The Security Council has thus been deprived of its effectiveness and left unable to perform the role entrusted to it.
214.	The prevailing international situation—the tension and the economic anarchy in the world— may lead to catastrophe. All this confirms the role the United Nations should play and the need to strengthen that role so that the Organization can discharge its responsibilities. But the United Nations, which must face these international problems as a result of acts of imperialist intervention, is confronting a direct threat as a result of the policy of the United States, which continuously and categorically defies this international Organization.
215.	A serious manifestation of that policy is the pressure it has brought to bear against UNESCO and other international humanitarian organizations of the United Nations system. Last year we witnessed insults directed against that organization by the United States Government. We see constant harassment of this Organization and certain of its Member States that are not satellites of the United States, including my own country. It is time for the United Nations to put a stop to blackmail and threats directed against peace-loving countries. After having suffered so much from wars, destruction and colonialism, the countries of the world must not now compromise the United Nations and allow any country to destroy it. It is time to take the necessary practical steps to move the United Nations Headquarters to a peace-loving country. If the United Nations cannot do so, it faces ruin. Then the countries that suffer from intervention and terrorism will have to form a wide front against imperialist intervention. Such steps would strengthen the role of this international Organization and enhance its effectiveness.
216.	Having said that, we do not harbour any aggressive intentions with respect to the American people or the United States. We extend a hand of friendship within the framework of mutual respect and non-intervention in the internal affairs of others.
217.	As a non-aligned country pursuing an impartial policy, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya strongly supports the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. It reaffirms its unshakeable belief in the role of that Movement in achieving international peace and security. As a non-aligned State, we freely determine our own policy and we extend a hand to all peace- loving States—large or small, strong or weak—in order to forge relations of friendship and co-operation devoid of any form of hegemony or intervention. We do not harbour any enmity towards any people or nation. We seek only friendship and co-operation with those who agree to co-operate with us in the context of mutual respect and non-intervention in the internal affairs of others and within the framework of the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.


On behalf of the Ethiopian delegation and on my own behalf, Sir, I should like to congratulate you on your unanimous election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Your election is not only a recognition of your personal qualities as a seasoned diplomat, but also a fitting tribute to the positive role your country, Zambia, and your distinguished Head of State, President Kenneth Kaunda, play in international affairs. While wishing you every success in the discharge of your weighty responsibilities, I should like to assure you of the full co-operation of the Ethiopian delegation in your endeavours.
141.	I should like also to take this opportunity to express Ethiopia's appreciation of the wise and effective leadership provided by your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of Panama.
142.	We also welcome Brunei Darussalam into this family of nations.
143.	The quest for peace, progress and justice has been the most constant factor in human history. Neither the stage of development attained by societies nor their cultural idiosyncrasies could permanently alter this immutable yearning which springs from the very depths of man's conscience. Indeed, this nobility of spirit still continues to animate the thoughts and actions of the great majority of mankind.
144.	Yet history has never been one-dimensional. The pursuit of the lofty objectives of peace, progress and justice by the preponderant majority of the peoples of the world has throughout history been opposed by a minority which single-mindedly pursues the policy of domination, oppression and plunder. This minority considers aggression, intervention and war as legitimate instruments to realize its obnoxious policy. Indeed, the history of the world has been and continues to be, in large measure, a reflection of the struggle between these two opposing forces.
145.	The victory over fascism and militarism in 1945 stands as a brilliant landmark in this continuing process of the struggle between good and evil. The founding of the United Nations in the same year symbolizes not only the unity of purpose, which was unmistakably manifested through the joint efforts of mankind against fascism and militarism, but also the universality of the hopes and aspirations of peoples throughout the world for peace, progress and justice.
146.	It is this universality of man's cherished values that we have committed ourselves to protect and promote when, in the Preamble of the Charter of the United Nations, "We the peoples of the United Nations" unequivocally expressed our determination to put an end to war, to preserve the dignity of the human person, to maintain justice and to promote social progress. The United Nations has thus become the repository of the nobler instincts of mankind and the sole representative of its collective conscience.
147.	In this connection, and on the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, therefore, I feel duty-bound to affirm once again Ethiopia's unswerving commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter and to the goal of further strengthening the United Nations as the only universal forum for the harmonization of the actions of nations in the attainment of the fundamental objectives of peace, progress and justice.
148.	In reviewing the current international situation, we find that the world of 1984 for the most part is still confronted by the same problems with which the United Nations has been seized for decades. The arms race, international economic problems, the challenges posed by racism and apartheid, the question of Namibia's independence, the problems of the Middle East—to name just a few—are still with us. That these and other international problems have remained unsolved for so long cannot be attributed, as some might claim, to the shortcomings of the United Nations. They are due in large measure to the breakdown in the international legal and political order, as evidenced by the behaviour of some Member States which increasingly violate the rules and norms of international law and frequently disregard the United Nations as the universal forum for the resolution of international problems.
149.	The problem in southern Africa, which has its genesis in the baser instincts of a few to dominate the many and which has been gnawing at the conscience of humanity for so long, is a case in point. The racist Pretoria regime, aided and abetted by its imperialist allies, intransigently persists in its illegal occupation of Namibia, and the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, as endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978), so far remains a dead letter. To our utter dismay and frustration, the apartheid regime and its allies, in particular the United States Government, while intensifying their plunder of the human and material resources of Namibia, continue to raise extraneous issues in order to delay further the exercise by the Namibian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and nations independence. At the same time, they leave no stone unturned in their search for a group of puppets which could ensure the perpetuation of their dominant role in the affairs of post-independence Namibia.
150.	There is no doubt that such futile attempts by racists, colonialists and neo-colonialists will be foiled by the heroic people of Namibia, under their sole and legitimate representative, SWAPO.
151.	Within the Republic of South Africa itself, the racist regime is doing everything in its power to consolidate the obnoxious system of apartheid. While continuing to deny the African masses their fundamental human rights and freedoms, the apartheid regime is attempting to entice the Coloured and Asian population with "constitutional" subterfuge and meaningless "political reforms". Ethiopia is convinced that this age-old imperialist stratagem of "divide and rule", to which the preponderant majority of the population of South Africa, including the Coloureds and those of Asian origin, are opposed, will, like all the other evil designs of the apartheid regime, be totally rejected by the international community.
152.	Not content with the repressive measures continuously meted out to the African population of Namibia and South Africa, the Pretoria regime, with the full support of its imperialist allies, has carried out with impunity repeated acts of armed aggression against the front-line States, in particular Angola and Mozambique. Those same States have also been victims of subversion and destabilization by the Pretoria regime, which has infiltrated into their territories mercenaries, fifth-columnists and agents to cause death and destruction.
153.	In the warped logic of Pretoria and its friends, the armed aggression against and destabilization of the front-line States are justified as a genuine search for regional peace and stability. The international community is, however, cognizant of the fact that the objective of that policy on the part of the apartheid regime and its allies is but to buy time for Pretoria and to gain a respite from the armed struggle so gallantly waged by SWAPO in Namibia and the liberation movements, in particular the ANC, in southern Africa.
154.	As the Final Communique of the Summit Meeting of the Front-line States, which was held at Arusha on 29 April 1984, so eloquently stated:
"Peace is incompatible with racism and colonialism. . . . Neither military might nor devious political machinations . . . can defeat the idea of freedom and racial equality."
We in Ethiopia earnestly hope that this self-evident and historic truth will be heeded by those few countries which consider that fortress of apartheid as a natural ally and a bastion of Western civilization. It is, however, gratifying to note that the international community continues to consider apartheid as a crime against humanity and to reject the illegal occupation of Namibia and institutionalized racism in South Africa.
155.	While pledging to redouble their efforts to render moral and material assistance to both SWAPO and the liberation movements in South Africa and the ANC, the Government and people of Ethiopia appeal to all nations of goodwill to do likewise until the torch of freedom and racial equality is fully ablaze in both Namibia and South Africa. The United Nations also cannot continue indefinitely to be satisfied with condemnatory declarations; it must adopt and enforce mandatory sanctions against the racist regime until the United Nations plan is implemented in Namibia and apartheid is dismantled in South Africa. At the same time, the front-line States should be given all-round assistance to reconstruct their economies and better to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity.
156.	It is also our hope that those countries which recently hosted Mr. Botha in their capitals with a view to helping Pretoria break out of its isolation will realize that no amount of public relations and diplomatic charades can alter the true nature of the pernicious system of apartheid.
157.	We also hope that the United States Administration will abandon its policy of linking the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban internationalists from Angola. This policy has been instrumental in delaying the independence of Namibia. It must be realized that, as far as the Namibian people are concerned, independence delayed is independence denied.
158.	In addition to the intractable problems in southern Africa, there are other serious challenges, such as the question of Western Sahara and the conflict in Chad, with which Africa is concerned today. Despite the complex and delicate nature of these problems, the search for solutions by the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and other African leaders still continues. However, so far progress has not been achieved towards resolving the question of Western Sahara as a result of the difficulties encountered in implementing in their entirety the provisions of resolution AHG/Res.104 (XIX), adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983. It is Ethiopia's expectation that the forthcoming session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity will break the impasse and resolve this problem.
159.	As regards the situation in Chad, I welcome the agreement recently signed by France and Libya and call upon our Chadian brothers and sisters to take advantage of this opportunity to bring about national reconciliation, peace and prosperity to their country.
160.	The difficulties Africa is facing in the political arena are more than matched by the alarming economic and social condition in which it currently finds itself. Africa's present sorry situation is not a sudden phenomenon but, rather, the result of the cumulative impact of a number of adverse factors that have plagued the region. The wounds that colonialism inflicted on African countries and the ravages of neo-colonialism in its many guises have adversely affected prospects for socio-economic development in Africa.
161.	Today, Africa suffers, on the one hand, from serious internal and external structural deficiencies, including, in particular, slow economic growth and global economic rigidities, and, on the other, from the devastating effects of natural disasters such as persistent droughts, recurrent cyclones, earthquakes and floods. The current social and economic crisis of the continent, therefore, encompasses two important dimensions—namely, the emergency situation that constitutes an immediate threat to human survival, and the deep-rooted domestic and international structural problems that have hitherto thwarted and continue to thwart Africa's development efforts.
162.	A cursory perusal of international economic and social data reveals that the nations of Africa are suffering the full brunt of the world economic downturn. The recession that has engulfed the inter-national economy during the last few years has had a reverberating effect on African economies. Its attendant evils, such as the collapse of commodity prices, increased protectionism, unfavourable terms of trade, balance-of-payments deficits, decline of official development assistance and mounting external debt, have negatively affected both the present well- being and the prospects for the future development of the peoples of Africa. As a result, the average growth rate of gross national domestic product has declined by almost 300 percent; from 4.4 per cent in 1980 to 1.1 per cent in 1982, which, I must underline, is far below the population growth rate. Per capita output in 1983 declined by 10 per cent as compared to that of 1980.
163.	Africa's performance in the international trade sector also leaves much to be desired. The collapse of the prices of our principal export commodities has drastically reduced our foreign-exchange earnings. Export values in 1983 declined by 32 per cent below those of 1980. Africa lost over $2 billion from its export of five primary commodities alone during the period 1979-1981 as a result of the continuous decline in the prices of raw materials. This phenomenon has aggravated the balance-of-payments deficit, which stood at $2.7 billion in 1982 for Africa as a whole.
164.	The sad fact is that this constant deterioration of foreign-exchange earnings, coupled with stagnant flow of official development assistance, has left Africa in a situation where it cannot generate additional income sufficient enough even to cover debt- servicing, let alone undertake new development programmes. Indeed, the outstanding external debt balance of African countries rose from $143 billion in 1982 to $150 billion at the end of 1983. This sum represents 180 per cent of the value of goods and services exported by the continent for the same year. External debt servicing also rose to 22.4 per cent of export of goods and services, compared to 10 per cent in 1980.
165.	Worse still is the sharp decline of net capital inflow, from $14.2 billion in 1982 to $7.8 billion in 1983, forcing African countries to resort to commercial borrowing at high interest rates.
166.	As I have intimated earlier, one of the major factors that accounts for the current economic problems of Africa is the legacy of the economic structure that the continent inherited from colonialism. African countries, after the attainment of political independence, were forced to continue the pre-independence economic development patterns which were based predominantly on production and export of a small range of agricultural and mineral products. This narrow economic base and dependency on foreign markets has left the level of development of the required capabilities of infrastructures and other factor inputs at a rudimentary stage in the majority of our countries.
167.	Thus, the growing malaise in the economies of African countries is far from being a result of a simple cyclical phenomenon emanating from the current global recession. I submit it is rather a result of the underlying structural maladjustment inherited from colonialism.
168.	Any remedy to redress the immediate and pressing problems of the continent, therefore, calls for measures that deal with the underlying causes. Such measures, in our view, should not be limited to the containment of immediate crises through stopgap measures of a reactive character, but should seek to overcome them by creating conditions for robust growth.
169.	Over and above the critical economic crises, Africa is at present facing the spectre of drought and desertification. The drought, which in the early 1970s was localized in a few Sudano-Sahelian countries, has now spread to other regions of Africa, afflicting more than half the member States of the OAU. This persistent and widespread drought has led to environmental degradation and progressive desertification. Millions of hectares of productive and fertile land of yester-year today lie waste through desertification.
170.	As a result, most African countries which were once self-sufficient are now net importers of food, with 25 per cent of all the concessional aid that flows into the continent being spent on the purchase of food. Should the present trend persist, food-import bills will continue to rise, claiming perhaps as much as 60 to 70 per cent of all concessional aid and loans and leading to further curtailment of development activities. Indeed, the situation has become so critical that most or almost all of our socio-economic development projects have to be shelved for the moment. Indeed, this prolonged drought, besides retarding our development efforts, poses a long-term threat to the very survival of the African peoples and their civilization.
171.	As is well known, Ethiopia is one of those that has been hit by the current drought. I need not take much of the precious time of the Assembly in explaining the prevailing grim situation in which more than 5 million of my compatriots are facing the threat of famine and starvation as a result of the prolonged and persistent drought that has afflicted the country since the early 1970s. My Government has all along tried to keep members of the Assembly—and, indeed, the international community at large—fully informed of the plight of the drought victims in Ethiopia. At this point, I should only like to underline the fact that the current situation is so serious and the cumulative effect of past droughts so devastating that the Ethiopian people need urgent and massive international assistance.
172.	In this connection, I should also like to express the sincere gratitude of the people and Government of Ethiopia to all donor Governments, specialized agencies and other United Nations organs, as well as voluntary agencies, for their humanitarian concern and relief assistance.
173.	I should like at this juncture to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General for his initiatives to focus the attention of the international community on the critical situation in Africa and for his efforts to bring an integrated and coherent approach to the solution of the crisis.
174.	Ethiopia is also gratified by the report of the Secretary-General on the critical economic situation in Africa, which gives a vivid and detailed account of the African situation, including a precise assessment of the emergency needs in the most seriously affected countries within an integrated framework of African development. We hope that, in the course of the deliberations of the Assembly at this session, that document will receive the attention it so much deserves and, more important, the necessary response of the entire international community in terms of concrete measures.
175.	We in Africa have spared no efforts to respond to the crisis, using all the means and resources at our disposal. This, of course, is as it should be, for we recognize that the primary responsibility for the development of our region rests with us. But because of the magnitude and complexity of the problems, Africa could not realistically be expected to cope with the situation single-handed. In some cases, certain aspects of Africa's crisis lie beyond the capacity and possibilities of the African countries individually or collectively, and many of the basic elements of our crisis are either under the control of nature or in the arena of international economic relations. In both cases, Africa's capacity to influence or change decisively the direction of events is obviously very limited.
176.	Nevertheless, we have not failed to try to find solutions. Indeed, not only did the fortieth ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, held at Addis Ababa from 27 February to 5 March 1984, address itself fully to the crisis but, as a follow-up to the resolution adopted at that session, the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa, at its tenth meeting, held at Addis Ababa from 24 to 28 May 1984, adopted a Special Memorandum on Africa's Economic and Social Crisis. That Memorandum was submitted to the Economic and Social Council at its second regular session in 1984 with the conviction that its consideration would lead to concrete action by the international community. In that Memorandum, as well as in the Addis Ababa Declaration on Africa's External Indebtedness, adopted by the African Ministers of Finance, Africa has stated its well-considered and collective opinion on the crisis, with specific recommendations as to what role it expects the international community to play.
177.	Regrettably, however, the debate in the Economic and Social Council, although it showed an understanding of and sympathy for the African crisis, ended without any agreed declaration. It is my fervent hope, therefore, that, at this session, the General Assembly will succeed where the Economic and Social Council has failed and come out with a declaration pledging the full support of the international community in solving Africa's economic crisis on the basis of the proposals contained in the Special Memorandum of the Economic Commission for Africa. It is also my hope that the international community will demonstrate once and for all its real commitment to complement the efforts of the African countries in facing both the struggle for survival and the challenge for development. The needs of the countries in terms of emergency and development assistance are well known. What is needed is a concrete framework for meeting such needs.
178.	However, one cannot fail to ask whether this framework can be evolved in the prevailing unjust international economic system, which itself is gripped in a pervasive and perilous crisis. Indeed, the present international economic system continues to be a cause of profound concern, not only because of its devastating impact on the economic and social life of the peoples of the developing countries, but also because of the tension it generates among nations, thus negatively affecting global peace and security.
179.	While the gravity of the crisis demands bold vision and constructive dialogue, as well as innovative and collective efforts, the absence of political will on the part of developed countries has so far impeded the necessary common endeavours to seek solutions to global economic problems. Instead, the developed world seems to have resigned itself to doubts, mistrust and, most damaging of all, inward- looking tendencies.
180.	For almost three decades now, the developing countries have made a continuous appeal for common prosperity. They have persistently and earnestly advocated the restructuring of the present lopsided and inequitable international economic order. Nevertheless, all efforts to seek structural adjustment in the system and to adopt measures required to alleviate the conditions of the developing countries have met with stubborn resistance from some developed countries.
181.	This failure to act in concert to deal adequately with the alarming global situation has, in turn, further aggravated the international economic climate. In this connection, it must be realized that each time the international community fails to take measures commensurate with the seriousness of the problem, not only the poor but also the rich are bound to be affected.
182.	Ethiopia will therefore continue to urge the international community to take bold and concrete measures with a view to establishing the new international economic order. The interdependence of nations makes it imperative that this global challenge be met with a global response. We earnestly hope that the economic power centres concerned will reassess their present situation, bearing in mind that only effective and imaginative measures will create positive opportunities for fruitful co-operation, outweighing the short-term advantage of predominance.
183.	While the overwhelming majority of mankind is languishing in untold misery and squalor, billions of dollars and millions of man-hours are recklessly wasted each day on the production, testing and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction. Clearly, nothing demonstrates better than this stark fact that the world has lost its moral compass.
184.	The united opposition of the vast majority of mankind to the nuclear-arms race notwithstanding, new, more deadly and more accurate nuclear-weapon systems are being produced and stationed in several parts of the world with the objective of attaining nuclear superiority and, in fact, first-strike superiority, thus further increasing the risks of war.
185.	Last year more than in the previous year, this year more than last year, the macabre march towards apocalyptic nuclear confrontation has been gathering momentum. Indeed, the nuclear noose around the neck of humanity is further tightened with each passing day. The quest for peace and disarmament has therefore become the leading item on the agenda of mankind today. But peace cannot be manufactured. It is a product of creative thinking, reasoned discourse and statesmanship which aims at the humanization of man and the preservation of his civilization
186.	On behalf of the people and the Government of Ethiopia, therefore, I appeal once again to the nobler instincts and the common sense of all those concerned to halt, and indeed reverse, this blind rush into nuclear catastrophe and, instead, join the rest of humanity in a common search for a better tomorrow.
187.	Over and above this nuclear threat, the further militarization of outer space and of the hitherto peaceful regions of the globe is a source of anxiety to most of us. We in Ethiopia are particularly concerned at the intensification of military activities in the Indian Ocean region. Numerous declarations and resolutions by the United Nations and the non- aligned countries notwithstanding, the Indian Ocean region is far from being a zone of peace. Indeed, it is increasingly becoming a military zone.
188.	The presence of military forces, the establishment of imperialist military bases and the acquisition of military facilities, the setting up of new military command posts and structures and the show of military power through so-called military exercises not only pose a threat to the security of the littoral and hinterland States but also aggravate relations among nations both within and outside the region, endangering international peace and security. We believe that this dangerous trend of the militarization of the region must be stopped and reversed. In this connection, Ethiopia is convinced that the convening at Colombo of the long-awaited international Conference on the Indian Ocean can make a positive contribution towards this objective.
189.	The paradox that the absence of war does not constitute peace is more obvious today than at any time in the past, a glaring example of which is the situation in the Middle East. The quiet that pervades the Middle East today is more apparent than real, for the fundamental cause of all the conflicts in the region still remains unattended to. It is Ethiopia's long-standing position that no solution can be viable and long-lasting unless and until it addresses itself to the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State in their territory.
190.	Ethiopia is compelled, therefore, to reiterate its call for the exercise by the Palestinian people of its fight to self-determination, and to this end expresses its support for the holding of an international, peace conference on the Middle East in which the PLO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, will participate on an equal footing with all the other parties concerned.
191.	As in the Middle East, the quiet in Cyprus, in the Korean peninsula and elsewhere is deceptive. Cyprus is still divided. Since recent developments give no cause for optimism, we again call on all Cypriots to work towards a united Cyprus, with that country's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status fully respected. In this connection, we note with appreciation the efforts of the Secretary-General, which we support and encourage.
192.	Unlike in Cyprus, recent developments in Lebanon have been encouraging. We welcome the establishment of a Government of national reconciliation in Lebanon and wish the people of that friendly country unity, peace and prosperity.
193.	As regards the situation in the Korean peninsula, Ethiopia reaffirms its support for the peaceful reunification of the Korean people without any foreign interference. In this connection, we find the proposed tripartite talks most useful and the need for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from the area most urgent.
194.	No less urgent is the need to put an end to the Iran-Iraq war, in which the world has witnessed the atrocities and cruelties of war for the last four years. Both parties must put a halt to all hostilities and seek a peaceful solution to their differences.
195.	As regards the serious situation obtaining in Central America, the South Atlantic and South-West and South-East Asia, my Government's position is well known. However, I cannot but express Ethiopia's utmost concern and indignation at the situation in Central America, where the sister State of Nicaragua is being subjected to aggression from without and subversion from within, with the open assistance of the Government of the United States.
196.	In expressing Ethiopia's support for and solidarity with the fraternal and gallant people of Nicaragua and its Government, I once again call upon the United States Administration to abandon its hostility towards the Sandinist revolution and instead join the peace process initiated and pursued with so much wisdom and perseverance by the Contadora Group.
197.	Before I conclude my statement, please permit me briefly to apprise the Assembly of recent developments in my own country. As all members will recall, it is now 10 years since the Ethiopian revolution ushered in fundamental changes in the political, economic and social system of the nation. Most of these eventful years, however, were not years of tranquillity in which we were able to devote all our energies solely to the realization of our cherished goals of economic and social development. Those were years which, parallel to the restructuring of our society, were spent, to a large degree, in the defence of the gains of our revolution and the territorial integrity of our motherland. These preoccupations notwithstanding, appreciable advances have, however, been made to strengthen the social infrastructures of the country and to ameliorate the well-being of the masses.
198.	The achievements of the last 10 years in eradicating from Ethiopia the age-old enemies of mankind—namely, ignorance, disease and poverty— are a source of particular satisfaction to the Ethiopian people. Today, the scourge of illiteracy is fast disappearing from the face of our nation. The drive to expand formal education and primary health care is gaining momentum. Agricultural and industrial development is accorded nigh priority in order to provide our people not only with the basic necessities of life but also a higher level of material and spiritual well-being to realize fully their human potential. Indeed, this is the comer-stone of the 10-year development plan, which was adopted only a month ago by the Founding Congress of the Workers Party of Ethiopia.
199.	In today's Ethiopia, the basic human rights of every citizen are fully guaranteed. These rights are not only safeguarded by political and legal instruments but are also solidly reinforced by structural set-ups in which our people are organized and mobilized for effective participation in the national life of the country. Grass-roots democracy, unknown in the past, is now the moving force of our social, economic and political activities, enabling the masses to guide their own destiny in a manner that fulfils their needs and responds to their aspirations. As both a culmination and crowning achievement of this process of national organization, our people have now established the Workers Party of Ethiopia to guide the revolution and the destiny of the nation.
200.	We are convinced that the establishment of this Party and the adoption of its programme reinforce, more than ever before, Ethiopia's commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity and to the policies and principles of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. We will continue to be guided by the basic principles of sovereign equality of States, respect for the unity and territorial integrity of States, the inviolability of State frontiers, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, and peaceful settlement of international disputes.
201.	The failure of some States to observe these basic rules of international relations and their policy of irredentism and expansionism, subversion and terrorism, exploitation of natural disasters for self- serving and short-sighted political ends, malicious propaganda and aggressive wars have been the primary causes for conflict and tension in our part of the world.
202.	For peace, stability and co-operation among States to thrive in our region, it is imperative that irrational hostility must give way to reason. Intransigence must be replaced by compliance with regional consensus. The Charter of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity and international treaties must be fully respected.
203.	With our revolution 10 years old, we in Ethiopia face the future with increased confidence and optimism. We look forward to working with even more determination to attain our cherished foreign policy objectives. Our glorious history of struggle against colonialism and imperialism will be reinforced by our determined quest for peace, cooperation and understanding both within our region and beyond.
204.	All those who entertain vain territorial ambition and those who see their own strength only in a weakened Ethiopia, will never find us wanting in our determination to pay any price in the defence of our historic unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. But all those who want to reciprocate our policy of peaceful co-operation and good-neighbourliness will always find us willing partners.