Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are particularly gratified to see you, a distinguished son of Africa and an eminent representative of a country with which India has traditionally close and cordial relations, preside over the proceedings of this Assembly. We are confident that under your able stewardship we shall be able to deal effectively with the many important questions on our agenda.
186.	I should like to take this opportunity also to place on record our appreciation of the effective and statesmanlike leadership provided to the Assembly's thirty-eighth session by your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Illueca, of Panama.
187.	I wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for the indefatigable energy and quiet competence he has displayed in his stewardship of the United Nations during the past year. His patience and perseverance are characteristic of a style of functioning that has added much prestige and honour to the office of the Secretary-General. He has won our admiration for his skilful handling of several crisis situations. We wish him every success in the future.
188.	We welcome to the United Nations family its newest member, Brunei Darussalam. Its admission as the 159th Member is a reaffirmation of the principle of universality of membership of the Organization. We look forward to working in close co-operation with that country's delegation in the United Nations.
189.	We are at the threshold of the fifth decade of the United Nations. As the United Nations approaches its fortieth anniversary it is but appropriate that we pause to review the historic role the Organization has been playing. This is also a time for introspection and reflection so that we can improve our own performance and make the Organization more effective.
190.	In November 1948, the first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, addressing the General Assembly'" on behalf of newly independent India, stated that the Charter of the United Nations, in noble language, had laid down the principles and purposes of that great Organization, and he thought it would not be possible to improve upon that language. The objectives were clear, he said, and yet it had often happened that the main objectives had been lost sight of amid matters of secondary importance. He further stated that he was convinced that the best of objectives could not be reached if men's eyes were bloodshot and men's minds clouded with passion. The lesson of history, he noted, and more especially the lesson of the last two great wars, which had devastated humanity, was that out of hatred and violence could come only hatred and violence. The Assembly was in the midst of a cycle of hatred and violence, he said, and it was obvious that if that cycle persisted and war, which the Assembly was specially intended to prevent, broke out, not only would there be tremendous devastation all over the world, but no individual Power or group of Powers would achieve its objective.
191.	The words of Jawaharlal Nehru are valid even today. The optimism that was generated in the early years of the United Nations has in recent years been sadly dissipated. We are facing not only an acute and troubled international situation but, more important, a period when faith in the world Organization appears to be weakening. There is today in some quarters a cynical disregard of the role and contribution of the United Nations, as, indeed, a profound suspicion of all multilateral approaches where these do not coincide with or directly promote the interests of these countries. We are facing the danger of a retreat from multilateralism which can only adversely affect the prospects of international peace and security and undermine the very foundations of this unique Organization. India and other non-aligned countries are determined to reverse this trend. As India did at the outset of the establishment of the United Nations, I would like now once again to reaffirm, on behalf of the Government and people of India, our undiminished faith in the United Nations and our continued commitment to the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter.
192.	In his thought-provoking report on the work of the Organization [A/39/1], the Secretary-General has reiterated the need to preserve and strengthen the Organization for harmonizing the actions of nations and to enhance the concept of multilateralism, which is a basic premise of our activity in the United Nations. He has rightly asserted that the realization of the full potential of the United Nations depends upon a willingness to take active steps to experiment with new approaches on the assumption that our common and agreed objective is human survival in reasonably decent conditions. We need to ponder over this issue. The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations should provide us with a unique opportunity for rededication, but also for a reassessment, some soul-searching and, above all, concrete remedial action. Our commitment to the multilateral approach is important and must be strengthened if we want the vision of the founding fathers to be realized.
193.	Throughout the years of our freedom struggle, India's leaders viewed independence not merely in national terms but as a part of the struggle of oppressed peoples everywhere for justice—political, economic and social. In the course of its transformation, India has built up a vast industrial infrastructure which has enabled it to keep pace with the scientific and technological advancements taking place in the world. Our democratic institutions, evolved over the years, have given the people of India a deep sense of participation and commitment in determining the nation's economic, social and political priorities. India's economy envisages a predominant role for the public sector in areas of basic industry as well as a flourishing private sector consistent with our socio-economic philosophy, which aims at prosperity and growth with social justice. The planning process adopted by India as an indispensable instrument for the development of all sectors of our economy involves the full participation of our people.
194.	In our international relationships, adherence to the policy of non-alignment has been both instinctive and inevitable. Even before the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries held its first summit in 1961, the essential principles of non-alignment had become the basis for the conduct of our foreign policy.
195.	Today the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, with its membership of 101 countries, constitutes the vast majority of the membership of the United Nations. It is an indication of the intrinsic appeal and relevance of this Movement, as well as its significance and its achievements to date, that almost every newly independent nation seeks membership.
196.	As Prime Minister Indira Gandhi said in her address to the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983:
"Its significance is not to be measured by the number of divisions or the megatons of destructive power we command, but by the intensity with which we desire peace and freedom, development and international justice.
"Other Governments may have conflicting opinions on right and wrong. We the non-aligned have chosen peace, which surely is the right and inevitable choice. We have sought and continue to seek friendship with all, except Governments which are racist or threaten the hard-earned freedom of others. Non-alignment is not vague, not negative, not neutral.
"Non-alignment is national independence and freedom. It stands for peace and the avoidance of confrontation. It aims at keeping away from military alliances. It means equality among nations and the democratization of international relations, economic and political. It wants global co-operation for development on the basis of mutual benefit. It is a strategy for the recognition and preservation of the world's diversity."
197.	The question of disarmament has always remained a basic concern of India and other countries of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Governments and peoples all over the world are becoming increasingly aware of the grave threat posed to the very survival of mankind by the development, accumulation and deployment of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems. Two special sessions of the General Assembly have been devoted exclusively to this question. Yet new weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems are continuously being researched, tested, produced and deployed. A new arms race has begun in the chemical weapons field. New technologies are being developed which would make space, which has hitherto remained largely peaceful, a dangerous arena of military confrontation. Striking advances are also being made in conventional weaponry, giving it a versatility and lethal quality unknown in previous years.
198.	The escalating arms race, the rise in international tensions and the absence of willingness for constructive dialogue among the major nuclear- weapon Powers have increased the risks of the outbreak of a nuclear war. Clearly, the dangers of the total annihilation of mankind, indeed, of any life on this planet, are so great and increasing with such inexorable rapidity that we cannot permit ourselves the luxury of either indifference or despair. Dangerous doctrines, such as those of nuclear deterrence and of limited nuclear warfare, are being propounded. No country will remain unaffected by the horror of nuclear conflict once it is unleashed. By the same token, none of us can remain indifferent to the need to speed up disarmament negotiations. It is ironical that the principal justification for adding new and costly weapon systems to the arsenals of the great Powers has been that it provides better negotiating positions for those countries in any arms limitation talks. The logic of this position is that disarmament can commence only after countries have armed themselves fully. Such bizarre logic cannot be expected to serve as a basis for any serious arms limitation exercise.
199.	A fresh and concerted world-wide effort must therefore be made to halt the arms race. Nuclear- weapon States bear the greatest responsibility and must adopt urgent, practical measures to prevent a nuclear war. Specific proposals have been made by India and other non-aligned countries for a convention under United Nations aegis prohibiting the use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances. The idea of a freeze on the production and deployment of nuclear weapons is gaining popular support and needs to be given a practical shape in order to break the present impasse in arms negotiations. Efforts for a comprehensive nuclear-weapons-test-ban treaty must be expedited. Existing arms limitation agreements must be observed and new ones negotiated. At the same time, a concerted effort ought to be made to prevent a new and potentially more dangerous and destabilizing round of the arms race in the area of space-based systems. Diplomats and experts engaged in arms limitation and disarmament negotiations must now take due note of the mass popular upsurge in the world against nuclear weapons.
200.	A major peace initiative in this regard was taken recently by the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, together with the Heads of State or Government of Argentina, Greece, Mexico, Sweden and the United Republic of Tanzania. This five- continent initiative, launched on 22 May 1984, states, inter alia, in the Joint Declaration [A/39/277]:
"As leaders of nations, States Members of the United Nations, we have a commitment to take constructive action towards halting and reversing the nuclear-arms race. The people we represent are no less threatened by nuclear war than the citizens of the nuclear-weapons States. It is primarily the responsibility of the nuclear-weapons States to prevent a nuclear catastrophe, but this problem is too important to be left to those States alone."
201.	The Joint Declaration urges, as a necessary first step, the five nuclear-weapon States to halt all testing, production and deployment of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, to be immediately followed by a substantial reduction in nuclear forces. This first step must be followed by a continuing programme of arms reduction leading to general and complete disarmament, accompanied by measures to strengthen the United Nations system and to ensure an urgently needed transfer of substantial resources from the arms race into social and economic development. The essential goal must be to reduce and then eliminate the risk of war between nations. The six- Power peace appeal has received the overwhelming support of the international community. People all over the world have an overriding interest in collective security and the avoidance of nuclear war. The appeal represents a significant step in mobilizing wider world support for the objectives of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries on disarmament, as set out by the New Delhi Conference.
202.	Non-aligned and like-minded nations must now think of other forms of action. The bulk of the global military expenditure of $1 trillion a year is accounted for by a handful of industrialized countries. A significant reduction in this enormously wasteful expenditure would not only help ease tensions the world over but also contribute to recovery and growth in the world economy and could be used to augment the currently decreasing levels of assistance to developing nations. The proposal for a world conference on disarmament and development de-serves to be taken up seriously by Member States.
203.	India attaches great importance to general and complete disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, and the prevention of nuclear war. A number of proposals submitted by my delegation to begin a serious nuclear disarmament programme are already before the General Assembly. It is our earnest hope that during this session our proposals, as well as others in this field, will be considered in all seriousness and that meaningful decisions will be taken.
204.	In our own neighbourhood, the Indian Ocean continues to be an area of competitive attention and mounting great-Power military presence, posing a direct threat to the security and integrity of the littoral and hinterland States. The increasing militarization of the Indian Ocean and its use as an arena for strategic power-play is a matter of immense concern to us. The establishment of new command structures has been accompanied by the introduction of sophisticated weaponry into the area. The 1971 Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace remains unimplemented.
205.	Ever since the expansion of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean in 1979, it has been the earnest hope of the littoral and hinterland States that the permanent members of the Security Council and the major maritime users of the Indian Ocean would contribute towards the early convening of the Conference on the Indian Ocean and to the early realization of the objectives of the 1971 Declaration. The evidence of the last few years has belied this expectation. On the contrary, efforts are afoot to distort the fundamental structure and elements of the 1971 Declaration. We believe that the Conference, to be held at Colombo, should be convened urgently to begin the process of elimination of great-Power military presence from the Indian Ocean in realization of the objectives of the Declaration. During the current year, the non-aligned countries have made serious efforts to complete necessary preparatory work for the Conference and have submitted a framework for its agenda. We hope all members of the	Ad hoc Committee will display the necessary political will and address themselves to this question in a constructive manner.
206.	The countries of South Asia are currently engaged in an active search for regional co-operation on the basis of mutual benefit. This is in consonance with our own policies over the years of reinforcing the fabric of understanding and co-operation among the countries of the region. At the South Asian Regional Co-operation Meeting of Foreign Ministers, held at Male on 10 and 11 July of this year, a detailed review of the implementation of programmes was undertaken. We recognize that this will be a long process and will call for much patience and perseverance. Even now the induction of sophisticated arms in our neighbourhood serves external strategic interests and is complicating the task of peaceful co-operation in our region. Notwithstanding that, we have no doubt that the process of regional co-operation will continue to gain strength in the months and years ahead and will not only assist the economic and social development of the countries of South Asia but also ultimately promote good-neighbourliness and harmony in the whole area.
207.	While on the subject of South Asia, it is with considerable regret that I find it necessary to refer to recent developments in Sri Lanka which have taken a turn for the worse, have caused us deep anguish and have aroused global concern. There has been a recrudescence of indiscriminate violence and killing by the armed forces on a scale which recalls the tragedy of July 1983. Reports indicate that the armed forces in that country have conducted large-scale operations in areas where the Tamils constitute the overwhelming majority of the population, resulting in heavy loss of life and property of the innocent Tamil population. If the spate of violence in the northern province continues, it is bound to have serious repercussions in other parts of Sri Lanka and precipitate an influx of refugees into our country. We already have 40,000 Sri Lankan refugees in Tamil Nadu.
208.	The ethnic problem in Sri Lanka cannot be solved by military action. It is a political problem involving the just rights of the Tamil minority, md only the determined pursuit of the political process of consultation and mutual accommodation can lead to a constructive way out.
209.	After the communal violence of 1983, the Prime Minister of India offered her good offices to help find a political solution to the problem. President Jayawardene of Sri Lanka accepted that offer, and the efforts of our special envoy to promote the process of dialogue have been undertaken with the full concurrence of the Government of Sri Lanka. While talks within the framework of the All Party Conference are continuing, innuendos and insinuations are repeatedly being made against India.
210.	We have reaffirmed our stand in favour of Sri Lanka's integrity and unity and have expressed opposition to all forms of violence and separatism. Because of the large number of Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu and because of the many age-old links between the Tamil populations of the two countries, the repression and denial of human and political rights of the Tamils in Sri Lanka give rise to repercussions in our country with which we are trying to deal as best we can. But it is a travesty of facts to suggest that we are in any way responsible for Sri Lanka's problems. The problem exists right there in Sri Lanka and it has to be resolved there. For our part, we do not and will not permit any activities directed against Sri Lanka from our soil. It is therefore regrettable that leaders of Sri Lanka continue to make baseless allegations against India that it is providing sanctuary and support to Tamil militants. India is doing no such thing. I should like to reiterate that such false and unfounded allegations can only create unnecessary and avoidable difficulties and misunderstanding in the relations between the two countries.
211.	The Prime Minister of India has categorically stated that India does not intervene in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka or, indeed, of any other country. India does not support any separatist movement; it does not support or condone resort to violence of any kind. It is our sincere hope that, through consultations, a viable political solution will soon be found assuring the safety and legitimate rights of the Tamils as full and equal citizens, so that the people of Sri Lanka can live together in peace and harmony.
212.	I cannot over-emphasize the necessity for the utmost restraint on the part of all concerned and a determined pursuit of the political process to find a viable and acceptable solution in which the fundamental human and civic rights of the Tamil population of Sri Lanka will be safeguarded.
213.	The efforts for a political settlement in Afghanistan are continuing, though progress has been slow. While there is universal reaffirmation of the inadmissibility of interference in the internal affairs of States, as also of the induction of foreign troops in any country, there is no doubt that the situation in South-West Asia can be resolved only through an overall political settlement based on principles set out in the Political Declaration adopted at the New Delhi Conference.' The efforts of the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General in past months have sought to impart momentum to this process and deserve our support.
214.	Of equal concern to us are the continuing difficulties that have come in the way of peace in South-East Asia. The events of the past year have made us only more conscious of the opportunities, as well as the pitfalls, that lie in the search for a solution of the problems afflicting that region. India is convinced that there can be no military solution to this question. What is needed is a balanced approach that takes into account the security and other considerations of all the countries in the region and eliminates outside interference. We are hopeful that the new processes of dialogue opening up between the countries of Indo-China and ASEAN will yield positive results in coming months and make for a much-needed sense of trust and reconciliation among the countries of the region.
215.	The futility of war as a means of settling disputes has been highlighted in the tragic fratricidal conflict between Iran and Iraq. The continuing war has involved great sacrifices by both sides, resulting in enormous losses not only of material wealth but also of precious and irreplaceable human lives. The critical situation in the region threatens not only the security of the Gulf but also the safety and economic well-being of much of the world. As Chairman of the Movement of the Non-Aligned Countries, India has remained in touch with both sides to bring an end to this conflict which weakens the Movement's unity and solidarity. We are heartened that the Secretary- General's call for a halt to bombings in the civilian areas has met with a positive response from both sides. We hope that the two sides will continue to show restraint and see the inevitability of getting down to negotiations for the settlement of their differences. We are convinced that there can be no victor or vanquished in a conflict of this nature. Its continuation will only weaken the ability of the two countries to meet the challenges that face them as developing countries.
216.	The events in West Asia continue to arouse our anguish and indignation. The continued denial to the Palestinian people of their basic and inherent right to self-determination and nationhood, Israel's arrogant defiance of the will of the international community, the critical situation in Lebanon, the consolidation by Israel of its stranglehold over the occupied territories, including its settlements policy—all constitute sordid chapters in a seemingly endless tragedy.
217.	The turmoil in West Asia remains a most serious threat to world peace today. Recent months have witnessed deterioration in the situation, resulting in further acts of aggression and intimidation by Israel against the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples. We remain firm in our support for the brave homeless and harassed Palestinian people, led by the Palestinian Liberation Organization, their sole authentic representative. Occupation of the territory of neighbouring States will not guarantee Israel security; it can if anything, only have the opposite effect. A comprehensive solution comprising the total and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national and human rights, including the right to establish an independent State in their homeland, and mutual guarantees of security among States of the region must be achieved.
218.	We support the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East under United Nations auspices for finding a comprehensive, just and lasting solution in accordance with well-established principles laid down in United Nations resolutions. The situation in the region does not brook any delay, and urgent preparatory measures should be undertaken so that the conference can be convened at the earliest possible time. In this context, India is appreciative of the efforts being made by the Secretary-General towards the convening of the conference and the process of consultations initiated by him with the parties concerned to find a comprehensive solution. We stand ready to extend our full support and co-operation in this connection.
219.	It is now a century since Namibia fell prey to colonialism at the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885. For the larger part of the period and up to the present day, this Territory and this valiant people have suffered a particularly brutal and repressive colonial presence, an extension of the abhorrent system of eighteen years of direct United Nations jurisdiction over Namibia have brought the Territory closer to independence only in theory, as the United Nations plan for Namibian independence remains unimplemented in spite of its universal acceptance as the basis for a peaceful settlement. Sadly, the question of Namibia has become embroiled in the web of East-West tensions, with entirely irrelevant and extraneous considerations being introduced into what is, and must essentially remain, a question of decolonization. The South West Africa People's Organization	the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people, has shown admirable restraint, flexibility and statesmanship. South Africa's answer has always been characterized by arrogance, defiance of world opinion, and prevarication. The non-aligned believe that only sanctions can force Pretoria to pay heed.
220.	We believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the only basis for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian question. India, along with other non-aligned countries, rejects any kind of linkage or parallelism in regard to the implementation of this resolution. The Security Council must consider more resolute action in the exercise of United Nations responsibility over Namibia to ensure the implementation of its own resolutions. Meanwhile, we remain steadfast in our support for the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and authentic representative, and in our resolve to assist them in all possible ways in their valiant struggle for liberation.
221.	We are being increasingly confronted with the proposition that racist South Africa is moving towards reform of its policy of apartheid. Mr. Botha found platforms to proclaim this to the world during his visits to several Western European countries, visits that should never have been permitted to take place and have had the effect of undermining the international campaign to isolate Pretoria. The charade of elections on the basis of a "new dispensation" was organized in an attempt to confirm this impression. A country known for its indiscriminate and repeated acts of aggression against neighbouring independent States is projecting itself as a votary of peaceful coexistence. This propaganda, which emanates from Pretoria and finds an echo in capitals of some of South Africa's powerful friends and allies, will deceive no one. South Africa's attempts to hoodwink the world will not succeed.
222.	The root cause of all the problems in southern Africa is the policy and practice of apartheid. The international community must not let flag its vigilance against apartheid or its efforts to counter it by every possible means. In this context, we are happy to note the clear-sightedness shown by the Coloured and Asian communities in rejecting, despite pressures of all kinds, the so-called constitutional reforms mooted by the racist regime. As the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, stated in a recent message: cannot be reformed; it must be ended."
223.	The front-line States of southern Africa have long been a bastion of resistance against racist South Africa, though it has meant great suffering and sacrifice on the part of the peoples of those countries. The world must take urgent and resolute action to fortify the front-line States and strengthen the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference so that those States could better withstand Pretoria's repeated acts of aggression and destabilization and its threats and blandishments.
224.	The adoption of a resolution on Central America by consensus in the Assembly last year [resolution 38/10] augured well for peace and reconciliation in that troubled region. So also have the untiring endeavours of the Contadora Group of nations. The non-aligned countries have pledged full support to the Contadora exercise. We commend the Contadora countries for their perseverance and dedication and for the progress so far achieved.
225.	Nevertheless, the situation in Central America remains tense and delicate, capable of explosion at the next spark. Again this year, Nicaragua felt compelled to take recourse to the Security Council following continuing hostile acts directed against it, in particular the mining of its ports and harbours. We would like to see the endemic problem of the region resolved by its own peoples without meddling from outside quarters. We hope that accord will be achieved before long on a comprehensive agreement along the lines contained in the draft Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America.
226.	Efforts to resolve the vexed question of Cyprus have received a serious set-back in the last year following the proclamation of a so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and subsequent steps taken with a view to consolidating that unilateral declaration of independence. The Government and people of India have deplored the unilateral declaration of independence and firmly support the unity, territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence and non-alignment of Cyprus, a country with which we have traditionally had friendly and co-operative relations. We believe that the unilateral declaration of independence must be rescinded and intercommunal talks resumed under the auspices of the Secretary- General with a view to arriving at a lasting settlement, taking due account of the rights and aspirations of both the Greek and the Turkish Cypriot communities. In this context, we welcome the steps recently taken by the Secretary-General aimed at a resumption of the intercommunal dialogue as well as the positive response of both sides to the call of the Secretary-General.
227.	The international economic situation continues to cause great concern. When we met here in 1983 there were claims that respite from the severest recession in post-war history was in sight. The industrialized countries may be experiencing some recovery, but it remains uneven in its spread and there are doubts about its durability. The vast majority of the developing countries have not experienced any improvement. As a group, their gross national product has remained stagnant and many of them have experienced declining growth rates. Falling commodity prices, adverse terms of trade, rising debt burdens, barriers to trade and declining financial flows continue to affect them adversely.
228.	These conditions have resulted in sharp reductions in imports and postponement of investment in projects and human resources development programmes which may have set back their growth prospects for years to come. Austerity measures compelled by circumstances over which they have had little control have precipitated social disruption and political instability in a number of countries. The net effect of these measures has been to attract a transfer of resources from these countries to the financial institutions of the developed countries. The appalling costs in terms of human misery and destitution that these measures have implied are not brought out in the adjustment figures put out by international agencies. These adjustments, as the Committee for Development Planning has put it, have taken place "at the margin of life and death".
229.	The gravity of the economic situation in Africa is a cause of particular concern to the international community. The critical conditions there have been further aggravated by adverse climatic factors leading to widespread hunger and malnutrition. In the clearest sense, this represents a test of the will and ability of the international community to meet this challenge through international co-operative endeavour and to make it a part of the overall struggle of developing countries against hunger and poverty.
230.	It is common wisdom to say today that, in an interdependent world, the progress of the rich cannot be achieved at the cost of the poor. This interdependence was again acknowledged and emphasized at the London Economic Summit of the industrialized countries in June this year.
231.	The test of the faith in interdependence lies in the willingness to take co-operative action. As a group, developing countries are larger markets of the European Economic Community, the United States and Japan than each of these three is for the other two. When import volumes have had to be reduced by as much as 50 per cent in many developing countries, its dampening effect on recovery in some industrialized countries should be evident. Sustained economic recovery of the developed countries is dependent on the reactivation of the economic development of the developing countries. But the actual policies pursued by many developed countries seem frequently to reflect a rejection of the concept of interdependence and the policy measures that this would entail.
232.	At a time when financial resources for development are needed by developing countries, net private flows of resources to them have in several cases become negative. Official development assistance has declined in real terms, as is evident from the fact that, in the case of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries, aid as a share of their gross national product has fallen from an average of 0.38 per cent to 0.36 per cent in 1983. Multilateral financial institutions are facing the worst crisis of resources since they were created. A case in point is the IDA, which is of paramount importance to the poorest countries. The level at which it has been possible to agree on its seventh replenishment is 20 per cent less m nominal terms and 40 per cent lower in real terms over that of its sixth replenishment.
233.	Protectionism is steadily on the increase. The United Nations World Economic Survey 1984 estimates that over half of world trade is now subject to some form of non-tariff barrier. The practical effect of protectionist measures is particularly intense in sectors like textiles, in which developing countries are the most efficient producers. We are thus blamed for our alleged inefficiency and penalized when we are efficient.
234.	We cannot but express our disappointment at the attitude demonstrated by some developed countries during meetings of the Economic and Social Council and at the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna from 2 to 19 August 1984, in their approach both to substantive issues and to the conduct of negotiations. It is difficult to avoid the impression that this was part of the systematic and persistent efforts by certain countries to make the United Nations system the scapegoat for their lack of political will. We strongly urge the developed countries to reconsider their positions and to work to restore the norms and consensus on the basis of which the United Nations system can continue to play its rightful role as a central forum for joint action for mutual benefit.
235.	It is legitimate to expect that now that recovery in developed countries has started, even though in an uneven and limited way, Governments in developed countries will deal in a more comprehensive and co-operative manner with the deeper structural problems of the world economy. It is necessary to adopt and implement a comprehensive set of measures for reactivating growth in developing countries. We must recognize the realities of the situation and work towards the establishment of a real dialogue between the North and the South. Policies which are recognized to stand in the way of the resumption of the development momentum in the developing countries need to be rectified. The ultimate objective of any good policy must be the contribution it can make towards the removal of existing inequalities and in achieving better growth rates for all.
236.	Deliberate measures have to be taken now to attain more normal levels of growth. This cannot be achieved merely by the trickle-down effect. The agenda for global economic recovery and development suggested in the Economic Declaration of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries" provides a balanced set of actions. Intensive consultations have taken place on the two-phase approach towards global negotiations put forward by the non-aligned and developing countries, but agreement on its launching has been impossible to obtain. While this matter is being pursued, we propose in the meantime that at this session of the General Assembly serious negotiations take place to provide action-oriented content to the Programme of Immediate Measures contained in the Declaration. Particular attention would have to be given to an improvement in the terms of trade of the developing countries and to a roll-back of protectionism. We have to tackle the crushing debt burden of developing countries in its global context and in a comprehensive manner, dealing with both the financial and the developmental aspects. Agreement needs to be reached for a substantial increase in the net flow of financial resources, particularly official development assistance, to developing countries. The resource position of multilateral development institutions would need to be considerably strengthened to meet the growing needs of developing countries.
237.	This session of the General Assembly has several other important tasks ahead of it. In its most fundamental sense, development has to be achieved in human terms. The prevailing imbalance in which 47 per cent of the world's population has only 5 per cent of the world's share of resources has grave implications for the future of humanity. The close link between population policies and economic and social development has been long recognized. The International Conference on Population, held at Mexico City from 6 to 14 August 1984, adopted useful recommendations for the further implementation of the World Population Plan of Action. My delegation attaches great importance to its quick and effective implementation, and we urge the international community to give full support to the national efforts of the countries in attaining its objectives. Similarly, in a related field, we welcome the support extended by the child survival and development strategy of UNICEF to national efforts, including those of my own country.
238.	Access and acquisition of modern scientific and technological knowledge is essential to carry out the economic and social transformation of developing countries. Because of our colonial past, many of our countries missed out on the industrial revolution. We have no intention of being left out of the technological revolution. We think that the area of science and technology is particularly suitable to devise new and imaginative mechanisms of international co-operation for mutual benefit. In this respect, we attach great importance to the establishment of the long-term financing system for science and technology for development. My own country is fully prepared to meet its responsibilities in this regard, and we urge all other countries, particularly the developed countries, urgently to finalize the financial arrangements which would enable the launching of the United Nations Financing System for Science and Technology for Development.
239.	It is more than a year and a half since the Heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries, at their New Delhi Conference, called for the convening of an international conference on money and finance for development. Since then, the idea has gathered further momentum and gained w\der support. It has been pursued in a number of forums both within and outside the United Nations system, such as the Economic and Social Council; the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at its sixth session, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983; the General Assembly; the Conference of the Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held at New Delhi in November 1983; and the Williamsburg and London Economic Summit Conferences of the major industrial countries, held in May 1983 and June 1984. Recently, a group of five eminent experts appointed by the Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, completed a detailed study of the substantive and procedural issues that would arise in the context of convening such a conference. This report has been made available to the member Governments of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, as well as those of other countries. The need for improvement in the system, whether it be described as evolution or adaptation, reform or restructuring, is now widely recognized. It is now time to set in motion the preparatory process, with the participation of all interested parties, for moving towards serious negotiations on the subject. We sincerely hope that a consensus in this direction will soon evolve. It would be in keeping with the urgency of the situation and the international community's commitment to the multilateral process for these consultations to conclude in a preparatory process to coincide with the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations.
240.	India's commitment to the purposes and principles of the United Nations is firmly grounded in the traditions of our foreign policy. As the Prime Minister of India said at the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly on behalf of the non-aligned countries: "Firm faith in the United Nations is central to the non-aligned". The observance of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations next year should provide us all with an opportunity for rededication to the ideals that have animated the founders of this Organization.
241.	The non-aligned countries will be in the fore-front of preparations for the commemoration of that anniversary. It would be fitting if participation in the commemorative session by Member States was at the highest level, in order to enhance the significance of the occasion.
242.	The non-aligned countries also suggested at the New Delhi Conference that 1985 should be observed as the Year of the United Nations. Such an anniversary should not become an occasion for mere celebration. Member countries and their peoples need to consider carefully the contribution of the United Nations system over the past four decades, its continuing relevance in the current international situation, and the ways and means by which the Organization can be strengthened in order to meet more effectively the challenges facing contemporary society. Its procedures and methods of work should be improved in order to enhance its overall performance.
243.	Human institutions may and do face temporary set-backs. Rather than give way to despair and allow things to drift, we should make relentless efforts to reinvigorate the United Nations. In this endeavour, the abiding faith in it of the peoples of the world remains its strongest support, and we should do all we can to mobilize it.
244.	The year 1985 will also mark the silver .jubilee of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, enshrined in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). That the membership of the United Nations has grown so impressively in recent decades is due in no small measure to the endeavours of the Organization in the field of decolonization. We hope that the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration will be appropriately observed. As a country with a deep and abiding commitment to decolonization, India looks forward to participating in that exercise.
245.	The year 1985 will also be observed as International Youth Year. Youth, which constitutes a crucial segment of the population, can make a valuable contribution to the development process and to the promotion of international understanding, co-operation and peace. It is therefore imperative that the younger generation be provided with all the necessary conditions for participating in national development activities and in the study and resolution of major national, regional and international problems. The observance in 1985 of International Youth Year is indeed timely, as it will serve to draw attention to the specific needs and aspirations of the future generation.
246.	In her address to the General Assembly last year, at its thirty-eighth session, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi referred to a new order struggling to be born amidst the upheavals of the present-day world:
"For us, the non-aligned, and for all who are deeply concerned with the future of humanity, the question is whether we help the birth of this new creation or throttle it before it can draw breath. The matter is not simple, because history has proved time and again that ideas and movements can be obstructed, but not stopped. How long can a few pockets of affluence continue to exert influence on the large populations, the natural resources, the cultural strength of the others? How long can allies and supporters, who may not have a base in their own countries and who are not in tune with the changing times, be perpetuated? You cannot kill an idea by killing its adherents. The new-born will not die; the birth can be delayed but the cost will be much higher and the affluent will have to pay. When peaceful change is thwarted, violent upheaval occurs. Previously, the end of a civilization brought destruction and trauma in its trail. If we keep to past trends, we too will be engulfed by circumstances. But today we have the opportunity, which may well be the first in human history, for humankind to bridge the transition from the old to the new in a conscious way, to build a new era, to move together to a new future."


I should like first of all to congratulate Mr. Paul Lusaka, of Zambia, on his election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. I also wish to take this opportunity of warmly welcoming Brunei Darussalam as a new Member of the United Nations and to extend to it my country's sincere wishes for a peaceful and prosperous future.
278.	Among the items raised at the first session of the General Assembly in 1946 were two issues that merit our special attention today. One was the elimination of atomic weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. The other was South Africa's claims to what was then known as South West Africa, that is, Namibia. Now, when we are approaching the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, these issues are still with us. On the agenda of the General Assembly we find the questions of the accelerating nuclear arms race and the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa. These sad facts should be a cause for deep reflection.
279.	There has been no improvement in the international situation over the past year. Relations between the superpowers are marked by deep distrust and there has been little dialogue between them. At the same time, the economic gap between industrialized and developing countries is growing. The debt crisis continues to be a serious development problem. No region can escape being affected by the tensions created by this negative climate.
280.	For almost a year, no negotiations have been going on with regard to the reduction of nuclear weapons. Despite the insights presented by scientists about the catastrophic consequences of nuclear war, as a result not only of the immediate destruction but also of the nuclear winter, both superpowers are investing in more and more advanced systems. Warning times become shorter and the risks of a conflict breaking out by accident are increasing.
281.	The current climate of confrontation must be replaced by increased dialogue. This dialogue should embrace both the armaments situation and the many regional conflicts which, under the influence of the great Power rivalry, tend to become increasingly difficult to solve.
282.	It is a deeply regrettable fact that almost 40 years after the founding of the United Nations we are still far from living up to the basic principles laid down in the Charter of the Organization. The United Nations has all too frequently had to play the part of a passive onlooker. Its interventions m conflicts, when at all possible, have often come late and have been directed towards the external symptoms of the conflicts rather than their causes.
283.	In spite of their obligations under the Charter, States still to a great extent resort to force to resolve problems. The international community has been unable to rid itself of the scourge that the violations of human rights constitute. The programmes of the United Nations for the promotion of economic and social development have not been assured sufficient resources.
284. The authority of the United Nations can be maintained only if Member States fulfil the obligations they have assumed under the Charter. The basic provisions of the Charter are and must remain the foremost principles of the international community. They must be our common guidelines for peaceful relations and cooperation between States. Disputes must be solved by peaceful means. The threat or use of force must not be tolerated. States must respect each other's territorial integrity and political independence. They must recognize each other's right to security. Every State chooses, in its own way, how to achieve security, but this must not be done at the expense of another State. At a time of increased interdependence, security must ultimately be ensured in common.
283. In no circumstances can violations of the fundamental principles of the Charter be tolerated. No country should have to be subjected to such acts. In pursuing its traditional policy of neutrality, Sweden has upheld and is determined to uphold its territorial integrity and national sovereignty. Only by respecting the fundamental rules of international law and through international cooperation can a lasting peace be ensured. A special responsibility rests on the permanent members of the Security Council. If they themselves, in contravention of international law, disregard the principles of the Charter, a dangerous breeding ground is created for international anarchy.
286.	For Sweden, membership of the United Nations and the obligations this involves remain a comer stone of our foreign policy. For the Swedish Government, it is of the greatest importance that the United Nations be given the opportunity to fulfil as intended its primary purpose—the maintenance of international peace and security.
287.	The debate ensuing from the Secretary General’s clear-sighted analyses during the past two years has resulted in a number of practical suggestions to strengthen the United Nations. Last year, the Nordic countries made a concrete contribution to this discussion in a joint report to the Secretary General.
288.	The Security Council should find working methods to make it easier to deal with conflicts at an early stage and to prevent the resort to violence. With this objective in view, there is room for improving the cooperation between the Council and the Secretary General. Better methods must be found to ensure that the Council's decisions are implemented. The Council should consider meeting at ministerial level on some occasion in order to consider the dangers threatening peace and to discuss methods of containing them at an early stage.
289.	The principle of collective responsibility for the financing of the expenditures of the Organization, including all peacekeeping operations, must be upheld.
290.	As Member States, we must all be responsible for ensuring that we utilize the Organization in the proper manner. In his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary General draws our attention to several tendencies with respect to working methods and resolutions which are contrary to this aim.
291.	It is of vital importance that the universal character of the United Nations be maintained. Differences of opinion will not be brought any closer to a solution if States are excluded from the Organization.

292.	It is also important that States do not turn away from the work of the United Nations but instead participate in efforts to carry out from within the reforms of the United Nations system that may be called for.
293.	The United Nations offers a well formulated code of conduct, well tested negotiation machinery and an indispensable meeting place.
294.	The concern of peoples and Governments at the accelerating arms race, in particular the nuclear arms race between two superpowers, is reflected in the widening involvement of the United Nations in the area of disarmament. Initiatives, proposals and recommendations for confidence-building measures in the military field, arms control and disarmament have increased in number. Studies are carried out on questions of fundamental importance for the disarmament efforts. The nonnuclear weapon States— that is, the great majority of the United Nations Member States—try in different ways to find methods to break the deadlock in negotiations between the two major nuclear weapon States and to halt the arms race. Sweden continues to attach great importance to this work within the United Nations and at the Conference on Disarmament, meeting at Geneva.
295.	On 22 May of this year, six Presidents and Prime Ministers from five continents, including the Prime Minister of Sweden, made an appeal for the nuclear arms race to be stopped. They urged the nuclear weapon States to proclaim a nuclear arms freeze. Also, a broad section of public opinion in many countries increasingly demands of the nuclear weapon States a nuclear arms freeze. This is reflected in the work of the United Nations by the resolution on a nuclear arms freeze initiated by Mexico and Sweden in 1982 and approved by the General Assembly by an overwhelming majority [resolution 37/100 B]
296.	However, it has been possible to implement United Nations disarmament resolutions to a limited extent only. This cannot fail to weaken the authority of the United Nations. A great responsibility for this situation rests on the two leading nuclear weapon States.
297.	Those with the power to decide on the use of nuclear weapons are not only gambling with the survival of their own countries but also putting our lives in jeopardy. For this reason, we who do not possess nuclear weapons must do our utmost to assert our interests and to persuade the nuclear weapon States to realize that they also have a responsibility to us.
298.	Today, less than one year before the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, there are no ongoing negotiations, either bilateral or multilateral, on nuclear disarmament. At the Conference on Disarmament, meeting at Geneva, it has proved impossible even to establish a committee on the question of a nuclear weapon test ban. This failure of the nuclear weapon States to fulfil their obligations under the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons gives rise to serious misgivings for the future of that Treaty. Against this background, it is of particular importance that a comprehensive test ban treaty be negotiated and that negotiations in the nuclear arms field are resumed.
299.	A decision to observe a moratorium on the deployment of additional nuclear weapons would be a valuable contribution in this connection. It is also urgently necessary to initiate multilateral negotiations in order to prevent an arms race in outer space. The major space Powers can lay the foundation for progress on this question bilaterally.
300.	In our work at the United Nations, at a time marked by tension and mistrust between the two superpowers, we must seek practical ways to contribute to building up the minimum of mutual confidence required for progress in the field of disarmament. Progress in the negotiations on the prohibition of chemical weapons at the Conference on Disarmament indicates that this is not impossible.
301.	Since the beginning of 1984, Stockholm has hosted the Conference on Confidence and Security building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. It is a positive and significant fact that practically all the States in Europe, as well as the United States and Canada, are now negotiating confidence and security building measures to promote detente in Europe and prepare the ground for negotiations on disarmament.
302.	Respect for human rights must be an indivisible part of the international legal system and of the work for peace. Violations of human rights are not the internal affairs of individual countries and must be condemned wherever they may occur. An alarming discrepancy remains between the real situation in many parts of the world and the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenants on Human Rights. Sweden welcomes the increasing attention now being paid to this serious problem by the United Nations. We appreciate the involvement of the secretary General and support his efforts.
303.	An important step forward is that a draft convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment^ has been submitted to the General Assembly for consideration at this session. Reliable information indicates that this shocking violation of the integrity of the individual is being committed systematically in a large number of United Nations Member States. In the view of the Swedish Government, it is of great importance that the Assembly accord this draft the highest priority. We hope that it can be adopted, if possible this year, in such a form that its implementation can be monitored in an effective way.
304.	The urgent question of abolishing the death penalty is now being dealt with by the Commission on Human Rights. It is the Swedish Government's hope that the work can be carried out with the greatest dispatch.
305.	Outside the United Nations system as well, significant work is being carried out for the promotion of human rights. It is of great importance that the commitments in this field which were made in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, should be given substantive content.
306.	We share the Secretary General’s view that increased and better coordinated multilateral efforts are required to deal with the serious drug problem.
307.	We must also strengthen the role of the United Nations in the management of the earth's common resources. Ever since the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment took place at Stockholm
12 years ago, we have gradually realized that it is a matter of survival for the human race to find international solutions to the central problems of the environment. However, at the international level this realization has so far led to rhetoric rather than to concrete action. It is our hope that the World Commission on Environment and Development, recently established by the United Nations and chaired by Mrs. Brundtland, of Norway, will prove successful and strengthen the work of UNEP.
308.	The United Nations has a particular responsibility to contribute to a settlement of the conflict in the Middle East. T le absence of positive steps in a peace process is disturbing.
309.	The parties concerned must meet in direct negotiations on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Also the PLO must take part in these negotiations on an equal basis. A peace settlement must meet the legitimate demands of the Palestinian people for self-determination, including the right to establish a State of their own in the West Bank and Gaza. The same applies to Israel's right to exist in peace within secure and recognized borders. A possible way to speed up a settlement of the question would be to convene an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations, as proposed by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983. Israel's policy of establishing illegal settlements in the occupied territories must cease; it constitutes a serious impediment to a solution of the conflict.
310.	The Israeli occupation forces must leave Lebanon without delay. The Swedish Government supports the Lebanese Government in its efforts to create peace for the Lebanese people and restore the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon.
311.	The Iran Iraq conflict has now entered its fifth year. My Government expresses its appreciation of the Secretary General’s initiative with a view to terminating attacks on civilian population centres and the use of chemical weapons in the war. The effect of the war with regard to free shipping in the region is also a source of concern. It is the earnest desire of the Swedish Government that it will be possible to bring this tragic conflict to an early end by peaceful means.
312.	As was noted at the meeting at Stockholm in June of this year between the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Nordic countries and of the frontline States in southern Africa, the apartheid policy remains unchanged. South Africa continues its endeavours to weaken and dominate the neighbouring States in order to maintain and strengthen the system. In its indiscriminate killings and its imprisonment of members of the political opposition, in particular the United Democratic Front, the regime has shown its true face.
313.	Against this background, we must again—and with renewed vigour—urge the Security Council to decide upon binding economic sanctions against South Africa.
314.	Six years after adoption by the Security Council of resolution 435 (1978), the United Nations plan for Namibia remains unimplemented, as a result of continued delaying tactics on the part of South Africa. We find this unacceptable. Extraneous issues, such as the presence of Cuban troops in Angola, must not be used as an excuse to obstruct Namibia's independence. The Security Council should now enforce its plan for Namibia and finally bring about a solution to this question.
315.	The Soviet troops still remain in Afghanistan. In violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international law, the people of Afghanistan are still denied the right to independence and the opportunity to determine their own future. A similar situation exists in Kampuchea, where the Vietnamese occupation continues. Although the years pass, we must not accept these conditions. We support the efforts to resolve the conflicts. The foreign occupation troops must be withdrawn. The suffering of the civilian populations in both countries must be brought to an end.
316.	The situation in Central America is still tense. The conflicts in the region have their origin in economic and social injustice. Sweden fully supports the efforts initiated by the Contadora Group to prevent further spreading of the conflicts and to find peaceful solutions. Only through respect for the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the countries in the region can foundations be laid for political solutions and the danger to international peace and security be eliminated. Progress in the entire region towards democracy and respect for human rights is of decisive importance. The peoples of Central America must be given a chance to build up their societies in peace and freedom without external intervention. The United States has a great and undeniable influence in the region. The Swedish Government is of the view that the United States should act with restraint and use its influence to promote negotiations.
317.	The people of Chile are still deprived of their civil rights and liberties. The United Nations must untiringly continue to press its demands for the restoration of democracy and respect for human rights in Chile.
318.	My earlier remarks on the importance of strengthening the United Nations also apply to a very high degree to international economic cooperation and to North South relations. We must seize every opportunity to strengthen the multilateral dialogue in the economic field.
319.	Unfortunately, the discussions in the United Nations on the problems of development have made practically progress lately. The International Conference on Population, held at Mexico City from 6 to 14 August 1984, constitutes a noteworthy exception. It is our hope that it will lead to concrete results.
320.	If the recovery of the world economy is to be sustained, the developing countries must become more actively involved in the process. Among other things, this requires increased access for those countries to the markets of the industrialized countries. This is necessary, not least in order to cope with the debt problems. At present, the developing countries make interest payments at the rate of approximately $60 billion a year to the industrialized countries. They receive only approximately $30 billion in grants from the industrialized world.
321.	In spite of the economic upturn, however, protectionist tendencies appear to be on the increase. This development must be countered. All countries should work to strengthen and expand free trade. A new round of multilateral trade negotiations, carefully prepared, can contribute to that end. It is also extremely important that the decisions taken at the Sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983, be followed up.
322.	The developing countries' own struggle against economic and social crises must be supported by increased aid, not least through multilateral channels. UNDP must be strengthened, and the coordination between the various aid organizations within the United Nations system must be improved. The largest multilateral development body, IDA, whose undisputed competence has been of decisive importance to the poorest countries, must be ensured sufficient resources. We therefore regret that some of the largest donor countries have not shown willingness to contribute to the reinforcement of IDA.
323.	The critical situation in sub-Saharan Africa, which is characterized by drought and starvation, must be met with prompt and decisive action. Meanwhile, it is encouraging that the African States themselves are attempting to reverse the development through regional cooperation. Sweden has supported, and intends in the future to increase its support for cooperation within the Southern African Development Coordination Conference.
324.	UNICEF's work for the survival of children is also of the greatest significance we welcome the Fund's initiative in taking up the question of support for children in especially difficult circumstances, such as children living in situations of war. In this connection, attention should also be drawn to the draft convention on the rights of the child, which is under consideration in the Commission on Human Rights.
325.	The countries of the world need the United Nations. We need the United Nations in order to eliminate the risk of armed conflicts and to achieve international disarmament.
326.	We need the United Nations in order to be able to deal with the pressing common problems of environment and resources, which no one country can tackle alone.
327.	We need the United Nations in order to follow through our efforts to improve the economic and social conditions of the third world.
328.	The United Nations must not be allowed to degenerate into a forum for confrontation. The United Nations must be a forum for constructive deliberation and cooperation.


Mr. President, since this is the first time that I have had the honour and privilege of addressing this Assembly on behalf of the Second Republic of Guinea, allow me to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, which came as a surprise to no one. We would also like to pay a well- deserved tribute to your country, which happily has solid ties of friendship and mutual trust with the Republic of Guinea. Your outstanding qualities, Sir, as a seasoned diplomat and your wide experience in the affairs of State, together with your admirable wisdom, guarantee that the work of this session will proceed in the serious and tranquillity required in view of the present disquieting international situation.
49.	It is also a pleasure for our delegation to express its congratulations to Mr. Jorge Illueca for the brilliant way in which he led the work of the thirty- eighth session.
50.	We welcome, too, the new State of Brunei Darussalam on its admission as the 159th Member of the large United Nations family and assure its Government and people of the readiness of the Government and people of Guinea to co-operate with it.
51.	We would also like, on behalf of Colonel Lansana Konte, President of the Republic of Guinea, to take this opportunity to express to the Secretary- General the deep gratitude of the Military Committee of National Recovery and the Government of the Second Republic for the commendable and tireless efforts he has made for the peaceful settlement of the international problems facing the United Nations.
52.	As the Assembly is aware, as a result of its categorical and historic "no" in the referendum of 28 September 1958, the courageous people of Guinea achieved full sovereignty on 2 October 1958 in a great outburst of enthusiasm and hope—enthusiasm at having broken the chains of colonialism and hope for a future that held every promise of brilliance.
53.	Unfortunately, little by little, as time went on, the Guinean citizen, who had fought like a lion, who had made so many sacrifices and suffered all manner of deprivations to lead our country to independence, saw the noble objectives for which he had fought betrayed. Since then, unfortunately, the people of Guinea, powerless under the burden of a totalitarian and bloody regime, suffered body and soul, shed tears for the thousands of innocent victims, including the finest of its sons, who were assassinated in cold blood, and witnessed the inevitable deterioration of all its values and socio-economic conditions.
54.	A people stifled, oppressed and confounded; a people discouraged by the prospect of a future without food; a people lacking hospitals and medicines; a people lacking viable schools, much less decent housing; a people without means of transport and good roads; a people whose needs are immense and whose misfortunes are many—this is the legacy of 26 years of a reign whose cynicism vied with its cruelty; this is the true face of the martyred people of Guinea following its long and painful desert passage, which, thank God, came to an end on 3 April 1984, when the Guinean armed forces came to power.
55.	On 3 April 1984, the Republic of Guinea turned a new page in its history. The armed forces, responding to the appeal of the people, without any bloodshed, assumed their historic responsibilities to save the peace-loving people of Guinea from an imminent civil war into which the former administration would inevitably have led it, inspired by racial and ethnic considerations.
56.	The extraordinary outburst of joy, the many expressions of satisfaction throughout the country welcoming the fact that the national army had taken over the destiny of the nation, clearly demonstrated that the tragedy which had been played out for more than a quarter of a century in Guinea had reached tragic dimensions which were no longer bearable.
57.	The immense hopes aroused by the events of 3 April 1984 went far beyond our national borders, and the positive reactions registered on the continent and throughout the world make it possible for us, while relying first and foremost on our own strength and our own potential, to appeal for international solidarity which could help us quickly to establish the well- being of the Guinean citizen and, therefore, that of all people, since every individual is part of humanity at large. Full light will be shed on the Guinean tragedy so that the necessary lessons will be learned to ensure that never again will an individual or individuals enslave a people, as was the case in Guinea.
58.	Right after taking power, the Military Committee of National Recovery found itself facing a most disastrous economic situation, with the public treasury depleted and the economy at square one. Aware of that burdensome heritage, the result of a quarter century of waste and chaos, the Military Committee of National Recovery and its Government decided to do everything in its power for the rapid development of the immense potential which nature so generously bestowed on our country. Therefore, since 3 April 1984, Guinea has been a vast work-yard, open to all countries that want to co-operate with it in the framework of sincere, open and mutually beneficial co-operation. In this respect, we are pleased to point out that a new investment code which provides sufficient incentives has just been prepared and published.
59.	Need we state that what prevails now in Guinea is freedom, the real freedom of which our people dreamt on that fleeting dawn of 28 September. What prevails in Guinea is democracy, genuine democracy and fruitful dialogue, which can give freedom to hearts, minds and initiative. Guinea is now a haven of peace, tranquillity and security, open to the world at large and where human rights and individual freedoms will be zealously defended and completely respected.
60.	From this rostrum we reaffirm our complete adherence to the Charter of the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, the non-aligned countries and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. We extend our unconditional support to all national liberation movements in Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America.
61.	We are determined fiercely to combat foreign domination, racism, apartheid, Zionism and any use of force to resolve international problems. We shall participate fully in the quest for peaceful solutions to the many conflicts confronting our world.
62.	The thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, like the preceding session, has opened in the midst of a highly disturbing international situation. A simple list of the conflicts engulfing our world, and particularly those in the African continent, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America, which unceasingly multiply and develop, is enlightening. The constant and tragic worsening of those conflicts in the world is the painful and dangerous consequence of the ideological and military confrontation of the hegemonistic Powers that wish to divide the world into exclusive zones of influence.
63.	This dangerous policy of tension is compounded by the serious and trying economic recession which strikes with full force at the developing countries and, above all, at those African countries that are already in the grip of famine, malnutrition, disease and all the effects of drought and other natural disasters.
64.	As we consider the situation in these crisis areas, we must observe with concern that it is always the same ones that are responsible for the increasing tension in international relations.
65.	Africa, for its part, has enjoyed no respite, given the conflicts and challenges that disturb it and compromise its development. Our continent remains confronted, first and foremost, with the intolerable policy of apartheid, established as a system of Government by a Fascist and arrogant minority regime.
66.	The intransigence of Pretoria in the search for an immediate solution to the Namibian question stems completely from the support that it receives from its allies, whose anachronistic views underlie the calculated delays which prevent the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
67.	Furthermore, armed aggression, political pressure on neighbouring independent African States and the complicity of several Member States from which South Africa benefits have led to a dialogue of the deaf and a deadlock, making it possible for the apartheid regime to repress the South African people from within by force of arms.
68.	The enemies of African freedom count on others being lulled by the continuation of this dangerous situation so that they may prevent the exercise by the Namibian people of its inalienable right to independence, a right admirably defended by the valiant freedom fighters of SWAPO.
69.	Given the tragedy of Namibia, the United Nations cannot afford to be the passive instrument of base individual interests without losing its credibility in the eyes of public opinion. It must demand that all its Members strictly respect its decisions so as to induce racist South Africa to accept the complete implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which is the only way of leading the Namibian people to self-determination and national independence.
70.	In the past, in the present and in the future, the Republic of Guinea opposed, opposes and will continue to oppose with increasing energy, resolve and determination the manoeuvres of those who want to link the freedom of the fraternal people of Namibia to problems relating to the sovereignty of an independent African State, Angola.
71.	Our delegation wishes once again to take this opportunity to reaffirm to SWAPO, its valiant leadership and its freedom fighters, the unconditional support of the people of Guinea.
72.	Our delegation once again assures the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC] and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania of the unconditional support and active solidarity of the Government of the Republic of Guinea in their liberation struggle, as well as the considerable efforts made by the front-line States.
73.	The explosive situation prevailing in southern Africa is unfortunately not the sole concern of the delegation of Guinea. Our continent has other hotbeds of tension, the two principal ones being Chad and Western Sahara. There again, the destructive effects of a serious deterioration of international relations and the prevalence of individual selfish interests have fuelled the flames of division and paralysed the efforts of our continental organization, the OAU. For the sake of the credibility of that organization, we must strictly respect its resolutions and implement them to the letter. It therefore seems to us essential that conditions be created for the implementation of resolution AHG/Res. 104 (XIX) on Western Sahara, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983.
74.	With respect to Chad, our delegation is pleased at the new developments in that situation and strongly affirms that it is for the people of Chad and for them alone to find a solution to their problems. Of course, all the efforts of the international community should focus on helping the people of Chad to recover national peace and unity in a sovereign Chad whose internal security and territorial integrity will be definitively guaranteed. In this respect, we welcome the efforts being made to gather together around the same table all the representatives of the sons of that martyred nation.
75.	The Republic of Guinea makes an urgent appeal from this rostrum to the international community to give its complete support to the OAU in its delicate search for a peaceful and lasting solution to all the conflicts which confront the continent, seriously imperil the survival of its organic unity and dangerously curb the harmonious and balanced development of each of the African nations.
76.	Our delegation sincerely deplores the steady worsening of the situation in the Middle East, as well as the inadmissible fact that it has been impossible to find appropriate ways and means of putting an end to the pointless bloodshed and massive destruction of the property of the peoples of that region.
77.	It must be recognized that the main factor of instability in the region is Israel, whose responsibility in prolonging and exacerbating tension is unquestionable. By persisting in its policy of occupying Arab lands, by using force to establish and maintain its domination in the region, by adopting an attitude of superiority bordering on disdain and arrogance, Israel is hardly working towards the establishment of peace, a sine qua non for peaceful coexistence and fruitful co-operation between Jews and Arabs.
78.	We are firmly convinced that nothing solid, lasting and effective can be accomplished towards solving the problem of the Middle East unless account is taken of the fact of the Palestinian nation and unless Israel recognizes the inalienable and imprescriptible right of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State under the leadership of the PLO, its sole and authentic representative.
79.	I repeat that the Government of Guinea has no quarrel with the existence of the Israeli State. We have said that what we cannot accept is the acquisition by force of the territory of another State. History has taught us that what is acquired by force will be lost by force, and that two wrongs do not make a right.
80.	With regard to the painful conflict between two brother Muslim countries, Iran and Iraq, the Republic of Guinea believes that this terrible war, in which all means of destruction are being used, thus endangering economies that had good prospects, has lasted too long. It is high time for the leaders of those two fraternal countries to listen to the voices that everywhere clamour for an end to the hostilities, an end to the nightmare that has cost hundreds of thousands of human lives and led to the destruction of a number of towns and very important industrial installations. It is time for genuine negotiations leading to peace and reconciliation. It is high time to stop an escalation that would inevitably result in an extension of the zone of conflict and thus to an internationalization of hostilities whose devastating effects on the region and the rest of the world would be difficult to contain.
81.	Our delegation welcomes the agreement reached by the two belligerents under the auspices of the Secretary-General to protect the civilian populations against indiscriminate bombing. In the hope that that small and very fragile step may be respected and strengthened and lead to a genuine cease-fire— an indispensable prelude to any peace negotiations— our delegation reaffirms to the two parties its complete readiness to continue within the Islamic Peace Committee its mission of friendship and reconciliation so that at last peace and solidarity may prevail in the relations of those two fraternal countries, which history, geography and religious faith have determined must live together.
82.	Since the thirty-eight session of the General Assembly, the problem of Cyprus has developed considerably in dangerous ways. Today, the country's independence, national unity and territorial integrity seem to be threatened. The Government of the Republic of Guinea encourages and supports ail efforts to bring about national reconciliation through direct dialogue between the Turkish and Greek communities of the island, aimed at respect for the unity of the Cypriot people and the maintenance of the country's territorial integrity.
83.	In the Korean peninsula, as in many other parts of Asia, peace remains precarious. The Government of Guinea reiterates its appeal to the international community and to all people of goodwill to support the sincere efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to begin a constructive dialogue between the peoples of the north and the south of the Korean nation with a view to creating a confederal republic. The Korean people, whether of the north or of the south, aspire only to peace and the reunification of their homeland. The international community must support its efforts to attain that objective by expressing its support for the final withdrawal of all foreign forces and the transformation of the armistice agreement into a peace agreement.
84.	Our delegation is also still concerned about the situation in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. We believe that it is for the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples themselves, and for them alone, free y to decide their political direction in domestic and foreign policy, without foreign pressure or interference.
85.	As for the crises shaking Latin America and the Caribbean, we favour respect for the territorial integrity and security of all the States of the region and non-interference in their internal affairs.
86.	With this survey, incomplete as it is, of some of the problems relating to world peace and stability, it is only right to observe that the General Assembly is unfortunately again meeting against the background of an alarming deterioration in the international situation, characterized by confrontation, military intervention, foreign occupation, an acceleration of the arms race and economic stagnation.
87.	When it is estimated that world military expenditure in one week is equivalent to the yearly financial effort needed for the complete recovery of the economic situation of the least developed countries, we can only conclude that there is a pressing need to put an end to the dangerous paradox of the arms race.
88.	We believe that during this Second Disarmament Decade, the international community must ensure the effective implementation of the Programme of Action adopted at the tenth special session of the General Assembly and resolutely prevent any action that might change its objectives and imperil its results.
89.	The deterioration in the international political situation is, unfortunately, reflected in international economic relations, where the situation does not inspire optimism. The crisis in international economic relations and the ever-widening gap between the developing countries and the industrialized countries threaten the stability and independence of our States.
90.	The imbalance designed and maintained by the rich countries tends to continue, to the detriment of our nations, thus creating a basically anachronistic situation in which the rich become richer and the poor become poorer.
91.	It is therefore fitting to stress the injustice of the present international economic system, which brutally affects the developing countries, obstructing all their attempts to escape the tragic situation in which they are struggling.
92.	Initiatives aimed at getting the rich countries to participate in negotiations on the global development of all the present problems—raw materials, energy and trade, money, finances and industrial and agricultural development—have been met with reluctance by some developed countries. Yet, the many discussions between the North and the South, the various agreements and the adoption of General Assembly resolution 34/138 had given a glimmer of hope to some.
93.	For years now, a point has been made in all international forums of the importance of North- South co-operation. It is a theme which has merely caused a great deal of ink to flow.
94.	That is why it is desirable that today the international community should make a reality of that co-deration, so that our peoples, which are facing a distressing economic situation, may at last benefit from the fruits of their labour, thanks to our receiving a just return for our products.
95.	A global programme aimed at international co-operation, with the participation of all countries, is urgently needed in the present international economic situation.
96.	Furthermore, concrete measures must be taken, measures which reflect a political will to establish a new world system which ensures for all mankind a fair share of the accumulated wealth and the fruits of scientific and technological progress.
97.	In May 1974, the General Assembly, meeting in its sixth special session, concluded that the system of international economic relations was incompatible with the historic changes that had taken place and with the economic and social development needs of peoples. It therefore proclaimed the need for us to work together to establish a new international economic order.
98.	And what have the developing countries seen happening since then? A deterioration in their terms of trade, an inability to achieve self-sufficiency in food or to increase their participation in world industrial production, enormous difficulties in gaining access to technology, and an alarming increase in their foreign debt.
99.	Our delegation is convinced that the only possible way to restore equal opportunities in North- South co-operation is to establish fruitful relations of co-operation based on justice and mutual interests, with the United Nations as a framework for the negotiations.
100.	In addition to economic difficulties, in some cases our countries are facing natural disasters; this remains the sorry plight of the third-world countries.
101.	In a grim world situation, fraught with crisis, it should be mentioned, among other things, that more than half of the African countries are afflicted by drought. A rapidly increasing population growth contrasts with the vertical drop in food production. In these conditions, it can easily be understood why, on our continent, about 150 million persons are victims of famine, according to FAO estimates.
102.	That is why my delegation believes that by giving massive assistance to put into effect the programme to combat desertification in Africa, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 34/184, the international community can fulfil one of its duties of solidarity, in the framework of international co-operation.
103.	The solution to the complex problems facing our world today requires, more than ever before, the consolidation of the role that the United Nations must play in the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security and in the promotion of respect for international law in inter-State relations. The United Nations must become a dynamic and effective forum so that major international problems can be tackled from the global point of view and so that thereby the most complex problems of the world can be settled. If those objectives are to be attained, an assessment of United Nations activities is necessary in order to increase its effectiveness and to adapt its structures to the international community's present-day and future requirements and realities. It is also important that, in its international conduct, every State should respect the norms of law and of ethics.
104.	In conclusion, my delegation repeats from this rostrum that the Government of the Republic of Guinea is ready to co-operate closely with all other Governments in the quest for the most appropriate ways to achieve all our objectives, so that, by its results, this session of the Assembly may live up to the important responsibilities of the United Nations in regard to the attainment of the noble and legitimate aspirations of all peoples to peace and progress, in the framework of balanced, sincere and fruitful co-operation.