It gives me particular pleasure to address the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, meeting as it is under the presidency of Ambassador Salim. The Australian Government and successive Australian representatives to the United Nations have known his capacity, his energy and the vitality of his ideas, assets which we are confident he will be able to employ in the coming year for the benefit of the Organization as a whole. Australia's membership in the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in particular, has provided us with the privilege of co-operating closely with him in the important work of the United Nations in the field of decolonization. Through this work Australia and the United Republic of Tanzania continue to demonstrate a mutual concern to extend basic human rights to all peoples. My delegation offers him its full co-operation in discharging his many responsibilities as President of the General Assembly.
199.	It is always a pleasure to welcome new Members to this- Organization and, on behalf of the Australian Government, I was happy to become a sponsor of the admission of Saint Lucia, a fellow Commonwealth country.
200.	The end of a decade is an occasion for reflection and for the drawing up of balance-sheets. In many respects the 1970s marked a turning-point in international affairs. It was a decade in which many of the assumptions of the past were found to be inadequate. The international agenda has been drastically altered and new issues have come to the fore.
201.	Energy problems emerged as one of our most serious concerns. Demands for the establishment of a more efficient and more equitable international economic order have been among the more compelling pressures for change. International concern to limit the catastrophic potential of the arms race has continued unabated. Particular emphasis has been given to human rights and the issues of social justice.
202.	These issues will also dominate the agenda of the 1980s. However, whereas in the 1970s we began to grasp and to adjust to the changing realities involved, in the 1980s we will face the daunting task of finding solutions.
203.	As we move into the 1980s it would be reckless to ignore the difficulties which now cloud prospects for global economic growth. It would be reckless and inhumane to overlook the fact that some 800 million people in the developing world still live in absolute poverty.
204.	The challenge we now face is that after some 25 years of unprecedented growth—a process in which many developing countries shared—the economies of most countries are now faltering. Steady rates of growth have been broken and governments are hard- pressed to restore them to the previous levels. Growth in trade, which had been running at 8 per cent in the 1950s and the 1960s has fallen by half. Inflation, unemployment and protectionist measures have emerged as major problems for the developed market-economy countries. This has had serious consequences for the developing countries. Australia has shared these problems, understands their impact on developing countries and is committed to their resolution.
205.	The international community must face these problems squarely. We must not shrink from the responsibilities we all share. Next year's special session of the General Assembly will provide a major opportunity to come to grips with the constraints on growth to which I have referred, and that opportunity must be grasped.
206.	We expect the special session to undertake a thoroughgoing assessment of the lessons of the 1970s and to initiate a bold and imaginative response to the challenges of the 1980s. That response must entail a renewed interest in a more efficient and more equitable international economic order.
207.	The international development strategy for the third development decade will be a particularly important matter for the special session. We owe it to our own people to ensure that the special session produces a practical and action-oriented strategy. Ways of giving impetus to the real factors of growth must be found. The strategy must identify national efforts and commitments and clearly establish objectives in relation to economic and social development. Above all, it must present realistic ways in which all countries can work for the achievement of these objectives.
208.	Australia, for its part, has been taking stock of how these relationships, and in particular the North- South dialogue, can be made more productive. This has been the basic concern behind our practical approaches at the fifth session of UNCTAD and our initiative at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries meeting in Lusaka to have a study made of constraints on growth. The stalemate in the present dialogue must be broken.
209.	Australia has considered carefully the proposals put forward to launch global negotiations in the United Nations, open to all Members, in certain important areas which are central to the North-South dialogue. We are prepared to accept in principle the proposals for global negotiations. This is on the understanding that the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 will be able to draw up a programme for negotiations setting out, in an acceptable form, the priorities and the modalities for the negotiations and their relationship with ongoing negotiations on these issues in other forums. We would want to be sure that the projected global interrelated negotiations should be carefully approached so as to ensure, as far as possible, practical progress on the complex issues involved. Such progress will inevitably come by stages and not necessarily in an interlocked, interwoven fashion. We must seek to move forward wherever we can, and some areas will of course be more susceptible to forward movement than others. We are naturally concerned, in particular, that the opening of any global negotiations on a wide range of interrelated issues should not hold up ongoing negotiation on them in other more specialized forums—for example, in UNCTAD on the Common Fund and on international commodity agreements.
210.	In addressing the constraints on growth, my Government has put special emphasis on the current high levels of inflation, with its damaging effects on development, on employment, on exchange rates and on trade flows. Unless controlled, inflation brings in its wake economic disruption and social disintegration. Its worst effects weigh most heavily on the poorest members of our communities.
211.	The failure of many developed countries to control domestic inflation has unquestionably had a severely adverse impact on developing countries, which look to the developed world as the market for 70 per cent of their exports and as the major source of capital and development assistance. Sound anti-inflationary
policies—a necessity if we are to achieve sustained economic growth—must be adopted by all countries.
212.	There is, I believe, a fundamental link between inflation, protectionism and the relative lack of progress in structural adjustment in many of our economies. Higher inflation rates have led to defensive protectionist policies. Such policies bring with them distortions through misallocation and inefficient use of labour and capital. They frequently involve wage and export subsidies and supports, instead of positive adjustment measures. They lead to efforts in both the manufacturing and agricultural sectors to maintain inefficient and unproductive operations and obsolescent industries.
213.	The task of dismantling protectionist measures is quite formidable; adjustment cannot be instantaneous. But we should not be deflected by narrow sectional interests. We must recognize that adjustment measures also open up new opportunities.
214.	In Australia's view the developing countries must be given greater access to world markets for their exports. Only last week my Government announced a new series of initiatives aimed at improving the developing countries' share of Australian trade. These measures include the further expansion of the Australian system of tariff preferences.
215.	A significant number of developing countries— several of them in Australia's region—have now emerged as important exporters of manufactures and services. The increasing diversification of those countries' economies and their movements away from import-substitution strategies have laid a basis for large-scale expansion of output and increasing trade specialization. While this development presents a major competitive challenge to the industries of many developed countries, there are also substantial opportunities mixed in with it. We should all be seeking to associate ourselves with their growth and together aim to share the benefits of the expanding trade flows that they are generating.
216.	An open world trading system needs the dynamic of increased trade flows based on comparative advantage—flows which have been most noticeably stimulated in recent years by the newly industrializing countries. If the international trading system is to realize its full potential and bring benefits to the international community as a whole, we must prevent the erection of further obstacles to trade. At the same time, we must make progress in dismantling existing protectionist barriers.
217.	Australia will continue to press these items in the relevant international forums. We see these issues as essential elements in the establishment of a better and more just international economic order. For this reason Australia will be asking the UNCTAD Trade and Development Board to consider a draft resolution— similar to the one that we introduced at the fifth session of UNCTAD—on the related issues of inflation, protectionism and structural adjustment.
218.	Energy issues are now also recognized as crucial to economic growth. Significantly increased prices of certain energy resources and doubts about their supply have hindered economic development and have set back efforts for economic recovery. This is a matter of particular concern to all energy-deficient countries, particularly the non-oil-producing developing countries.
219.	Recent events have re-emphasized the urgent need to implement policies aimed both at conserving oil and at adapting economies to the necessity for using alternative energy resources. This transition is bound to be protracted and, in many countries, quite painful. But the need to embark upon it is imperative.
220.	I am convinced that we will fail in the task that confronts us if energy producers and consumers adopt confrontational attitudes. Interdependence is a basic and intractable feature of the global energy scene. Indeed, if the so-called energy crisis taught us any thing at all it is that we must establish a realistic basis upon which a consensus can be built.
221.	No country can ignore the world-wide consequences of what is happening. There is now, as ministers of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development have recently warned, a real danger that, without responsible policies by oil consumers and producers alike, the energy situation will seriously damage the world economy.
222.	Australia is prepared to bring a constructive and realistic attitude to the issues involved. We see ourselves as having particular responsibilities. Australia is well placed as regards indigenous energy resources, and we are a net energy exporter. We have abundant coal and natural gas reserves, and our vast uranium deposits are now being mined. While developing these resources, we have also increased support for energy research and development and have promoted energy conservation and inter-fuel substitution. We have been active in furthering international cooperation in a variety of bilateral, regional and international arrangements.
223.	Australia has given particular attention to the needs of the developing countries of our region. We are working actively in ESCAP and in the Commonwealth Regional Consultative Group on Energy. We are also co-operating closely with other countries of the region on a bilateral basis. Emphasis has been placed on the possibility of establishing energy systems suited to the particular needs of these countries. This entails developing available conventional resources and appropriate alternative technologies.
224.	My earlier reference to uranium was in the context of its use as a valued energy resource. But Australia is deeply conscious that there are alternative and awesome uses to which it can be put. With substantial resources of uranium, Australia undoubtedly has a special responsibility to ensure that it is used for the betterment of mankind and not for its annihilation,
225.	The continuing imperatives of maintaining peace and security must remain uppermost among the challenges facing the world community in the next decade. The creation of conditions which will strengthen international security and give the world the confidence that it can live in peace is vitally important.
226.	The continuing process of strategic arms limitation between the United States and the Soviet Union is absolutely fundamental to the maintenance of the global balance and the prevention of nuclear war. The signing of the second SALT treaty was the most important step forward in arms control during the last year. We still look forward to its early ratification and implementation. We expect it to provide a basis for further quantitative and qualitative controls on the nuclear arsenals of the super-Powers in a future agreement to be reached at the third round of SALT.
227.	Australia also attaches great importance to the earliest possible conclusion of negotiations among the United States, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom on the terms of a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. The submission of the text of a treaty to the Committee on Disarmament before the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1980 would advance consideration of the issues and make a significant contribution to the success of that Conference, and we urge the three negotiating Powers to work towards this end.
228.	A test-ban treaty will inhibit the further development of existing nuclear arsenals. It will be an additional pillar of the international non-proliferation regime by providing a new avenue through which countries can renounce nuclear weapons. It will also give further reassurance that nuclear programmes in non-nuclear-weapon States were directed exclusively to peaceful purposes.
229.	The second Review Conference will provide a timely opportunity to lend weight to the objectives of the Treaty, to review its operation and to take account of the concerns of new parties. Australia, as a firm adherent to the principles of non-proliferation, will continue to play an active role in the preparations for the Conference.
230.	Australia is encouraged by the fact that the Treaty continues to display its relevance and its value by attracting new States parties. The accession of Indonesia and Bangladesh was a welcome development. Increasing membership contributes to the benefits which the Treaty provides for regional and international security and, of course, for stable international trade and co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
231.	The global non-proliferation scene and international nuclear co-operation could, however, be seriously damaged by the emergence of a situation in the Indian subcontinent, which shattered the fragile constraints against proliferation in that region. Australia regards this with very great concern. The risks of proliferation in southern Africa and the Middle East are also most disturbing. We hope that countries which have not acceded to the non-proliferation Treaty will reassure the international community by affirming their acceptance either of full-scope safeguards on their nuclear industries or of some other binding and verifiable commitment.
232.	Non-proliferation objectives have also been enhanced by the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation, which concludes early next year. There has been significant agreement on a range of problems previously the subject of controversy. Useful ideas have emerged which could lead to important new institutional barriers to proliferation, including, for example, schemes for international plutonium storage and international spent-fuel management. We also believe that the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation study, which examined supply assurances, has put forward some useful ideas on possible common approaches to non- proliferation conditions to apply in nuclear trade.
233.	The Committee on Disarmament in Geneva, during its first year of operation, has devoted considerable effort to elaborating possible new arms control instruments. Australia, as a member of the body since the beginning of this year, has welcomed the opportunities that membership has conferred to bring new perspectives to the work of the Committee. We look forward to helping the Committee produce concrete results as it pursues its work. In particular, we hope that 1980 will see agreement obtained on measures of nuclear arms control and on radiological and chemical weapons.
234.	We further hope that, once work has been completed in the Committee on a comprehensive test-ban treaty, the nuclear-weapon Powers will give serious consideration to proposals for a cut-off in the production of fissionable materials for nuclear weapons. This would be a major step to ending the nuclear-arms race and reinforcing non-proliferation, and would represent further real progress in the search for conditions in which mankind can be freed from the threat of devastation and destruction.
235.	In considering the conditions for maintaining international peace and security, we must pay particular attention to the areas of conflict and tension. Through its peace-keeping machinery the United Nations has played an important role in containing otherwise dangerously volatile situations. Peace-keeping machinery not only protects future generations from the horrors of war, it protects people now from the threat of conflict caused by rivalries and fears from the past.
236.	Australia has maintained a firm tradition of sup-port for the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations. We see our contributions to peace-keeping, in Cyprus, the Middle East and Kashmir, as direct contributions to the cause of peace. Our offer to contribute to the proposed United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia has been made with quite the same conviction. But peace-keeping forces do not of themselves generate lasting peace. Parties to conflicts must be persuaded to negotiate, as they are now doing in London in relation to Zimbabwe, as certain of them are doing in the Middle East, and as they must continue to do in Cyprus.
237.	I now want to consider some of these issues in more detail. We are all familiar with the long history of the Middle East conflict and with the disappointments which have characterized it. Australia has supported the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel.  We see it as a first step towards a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement in the Middle East. We understand the fears and concerns of others and appreciate that a solution of that region's problems depends on factors not yet settled or dealt with in the current negotiations. In this context, Australia regrets the current policies of the Israeli Government in relation to the establishment of settlements in the occupied territories.
238.	It is essential to devise a peace which satisfies all interested parties—and which puts an end to terrorism. We therefore base our policies on the need for negotiations starting from the principles of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Israel's right to exist within secure and recognized boundaries must be accepted. The legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to a homeland alongside Israel, and their corresponding responsibility to live peacefully with all their neighbours also must be recognized.
239.	In this spirit the Australian Government continues to offer its support to any efforts to reach a settlement acceptable to all parties concerned. We hope that all will turn away from statements, actions and policies which are prejudicial to the search for a comprehensive peace.
240.	In thinking about the Middle East we should not ignore the sufferings of the people in the ravaged and divided land of Lebanon. The Australian community has been enriched by the arrival of large numbers of immigrants and refugees from Lebanon and other parts of the region and we share their heartfelt concern that no effort should be spared to bring peace to the region.
241.	The plight of the people of Cyprus is also a matter of the greatest concern to the Australian community. We whole-heartedly support the continuing role of the United Nations and of the Secretary-General in particular in efforts to bring peace to all the people of Cyprus. Australia welcomed the resumption of intercommunal talks in June 1979, following the agreement between President Kyprianou and Mr. Denktag, itself based on the Makarios-Denktas guidelines,16 but we greatly regret that those talks have not progressed. We hope that debate on the Cyprus issue at this General Assembly will provide the impetus for further progress.
242.	Australia is deeply concerned at the continuing tragic loss of life as a result of the conflict in Zimbabwe. There have been too many wasted years and wasted opportunities. The agreement reached at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka in August provides a new opportunity which must not be lost. Australia fully supports that agreement which we hope will carry the parties to settlement.
243.	The presence of the principal parties to the dispute at the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference recently convened by the United Kingdom Government is encouraging. We urge the parties to carry their negotiations to fulfilment and to bring an end to the present tragic situation which has brought the whole of southern Africa to the brink of ruin and war.
244.	As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Australia has actively sought a peaceful and lasting solution to the question of Namibia. The Australian Government gives its full support to the consultations being carried on between the representatives of the five Western countries and the South African Government and strongly hopes that those consultations will resolve the current impasse. It is crucial for stability in southern Africa that agreement be reached on the Secretary-General's proposals.
245.	There remains, of course, the problem of the policies of the South African Government. Australia will continue to work for the end of the deplorable policy of apartheid. The point is approaching when patience will run out within South Africa itself and when increasing resort to violence will be seen by many as their only option. Let us hope that that point will not be reached. Let us hope that reason and responsibility will prevail.
246.	Australia is deeply concerned by the problem of refugees throughout the world—in Africa, the Middle East and South-East Asia. We give full support to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in his efforts to alleviate the distress and to promote the resettlement of the dispossessed peoples. My own country has a proud and continuing tradition in settling refugees from many continents and countries.
247.	In South-East Asia, the plight of the "boat people" from Viet Nam and the land refugees from Kampuchea has assumed tragic proportions. Innocent men, women and children have been displaced and rendered homeless on a massive scale. They have been forced to flee from war, famine, disease and the abhorrent pressure of political coercion. A major humanitarian crisis exists. This has precipitated serious political and economic problems and tensions in the region. The exodus has been of such proportions as to jeopardize regional stability.
248.	The financial, political and social burdens involved have fallen particularly heavily on the countries of first asylum that is the States of the Association of South-East Asian Nations. The international community must recognize the very real limits on the ability of those countries to cope with a crisis of such massive proportions. Important new steps towards meeting that crisis were taken at the meeting convened by the Secretary-General in Geneva in July.  We in Australia have from the beginning taken in a substantial number of refugees and we are also providing substantial financial assistance.
249.	At the same time, Australia believes it is vitally important to recognize that the underlying causes of the refugee exodus have yet to be tackled. We have noted that since the Geneva meeting there has been a diminution in the numbers of those leaving Viet Nam. We look to the Government of Viet Nam to abide by the undertakings it gave at Geneva and to make sustained and serious efforts to resolve this problem in all its aspects.
250.	The tragedy of widespread starvation and disease in war-ravaged Kampuchea also demands our immediate attention. Whatever one's political persuasion, whatever one's views on the causes of the present havoc in Kampuchea, one cannot ignore the desperate plight of several million of the Kampuchean people. It is vital that massive international relief should reach the Khmer people immediately. They must be saved. It is essential that the practical problems of organizing necessary relief measures be overcome quickly. In the name of humanity, it is imperative that all parties fully co-operate in this emergency. The international relief agencies and voluntary organizations must be allowed to carry forward this task as a matter of the utmost urgency.
251.	Australia for its part is prepared to do all within its power to assist in international relief efforts. We have already agreed to provide, through the World Food Programme, 3,500 metric tons of rice for humanitarian relief in Kampuchea. We are also completing arrangements for a special charter flight to carry emergency food and medical supplies to the people of Kampuchea. Australia fully supports the appeal to the international community made by the Secretary- General on 27 September for funds and supplies for Kampuchea.
252.	Against this background, my Government is also deeply concerned by the intensified hostilities in Kampuchea. An increase in the scale of the fighting can only add to the already intolerable suffering of the people of Kampuchea, swell the flow of refugees and complicate still farther the difficulties of organizing relief operations. Wider conflict within Kampuchea also carries risks of escalation and so endangers the security of the South-East Asian region as a whole. We must do immediately whatever we can to alleviate the misery and want of millions of human beings. But we must also recognize that there can be no lasting solution to the problems of Kampuchea until peace is restored, all external forces withdrawn and conditions created in which the Kampuchean people can decide their own future for themselves, free from outside interference of any kind.
253.	A recurring theme of many of the conflicts to which I have referred is the disregard for basic human values and rights. It is therefore particularly appropriate that at this time His Holiness Pope John Paul II—a great humanitarian, a great defender of freedom, of faith and of the human spirit—should be attending this session of the General Assembly. His presence tomorrow will remind us all of the commitments we have all made in supporting the Charter of the United Nations—commitments to the achievement of real improvements in the condition of individual men, women and children.
254.	The United Nations has embarked upon a number of action-oriented programmes. The International Year of the Child, the United Nations Decade for Women, the two United Nations Development Decades, the Disarmament Decade and the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, have all aimed to improve the lot of individual men and women.
255.	Much has been done to bring comfort and hope to the dispossessed and the deprived peoples of the world. Major instruments in the field of human rights have entered into force and new instruments are now being framed. The validity of the claims of the nations and people suffering economic and social hardship have been increasingly recognized. Energetic attempts have also been made to confront the problems of terrorism and refugees. But, having said that, I recognize that major problems of human rights and social needs remain.
256.	Nothing is more pernicious in this regard than racism and racial prejudice. At the recent Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka, Australia joined with every other Commonwealth country in issuing the Lusaka Declaration of the Commonwealth on Racism and Racial Prejudice—a document which addressed itself to the problem of racism in all its forms, in every country. Racism is one among the many human problems that must be tackled in the 1980s. People will not accept nor should they be expected to accept fear, want and the systematic violation of their rights. The United Nations must organize itself to deal effectively with the pressing problems confronting so many in everyday life.
257.	We agree with the Secretary-General on the need to generate renewed public support in all countries for the United Nations and its work to fulfil its objectives on behalf of all mankind.
258.	Australia is moving into the 1980s with a strong desire to promote solutions to the many challenges which we face. We do so on the basis of a considered assessment of Australia's place in the new circumstances of today. I have, as recently as 18 September, submitted in the Australian Parliament a report on Australia's relations with the third world. So far as I know, no other developed country has undertaken so detailed an analysis of the question of its relations with the third world, yet it is a question which affects the prospects of peace, prosperity and progress for all mankind.
259.	Australia accepts the fact that it has serious responsibilities. We are not prepared to stand idly by at a time when drift and even stalemate hamper progress in key areas of international relations. This drift must be arrested and the stalemate, broken.
260.	We have no illusions that the next decade will be any easier than the last. The international community must approach the 1980s with renewed vigour and with a determination to develop practical and realistic solutions to the issues which we face. Above all we should avoid situations in which preconceived or outdated attitudes and ideological rigidities preclude progress. With goodwill, no problem is intractable.


Throughout the world people are wondering whether next year will succeed in being the year of justice for the peoples, since 1979 has been for the third world, and for Africa in particular, a year of disappointments.
160.	Embroiled in an accelerating evolution and precipitated into a series of crises—the energy crisis, the economic crisis, the moral crisis, the financial crisis— our world has probably never been so much a prey to self-doubt as it is now concerning its capacity to resolve the problems it faces.
161.	The fear distilled in various places by crises both profound and irrational has, as it were, forced human societies into a defensive posture in which they with-draw into themselves. In attempting to draw up the balance sheet—whether when dealing with UNCTAD or the North-South dialogue—we are inevitably led to note a record of failure: justice for peoples is still hard to find.
162.	Politically speaking, aside from the major catastrophes caused by the need of peoples to recover their liberty by bloodshed and armed conflict, other even more deadly catastrophes are being bred in secret because those who could still do something to change the course of events remain bent on their own narrow and selfish exclusive interests and are, as always, awaiting the advent of the irreparable before they begin timidly to grope towards a solution in the name of who knows what right of what people, whereas they have within their grasp the actual key to solutions for the crucial problems of our time: justice for peoples in order to bring about universal peace.
163.	While speaking of justice and universal peace, we wish to pay a respectful tribute to the memory of a man who devoted his whole life to the emancipation and well-being of oppressed peoples. Of course I have in mind Mr. Agostinho Neto, whose sudden death was a cruel loss to Africa and the world.
164.	Before I set forth in this Assembly the views of my Government on some of the problems that face the international community, which in varying degrees affect our peoples and dangerously threaten international peace and security, I should like to convey to Mr. Salim the very warm congratulations of the Togolese delegation on his election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. His distinguished personal and intellectual qualities, his well-known and highly appreciated tact, his vast experience and profound Knowledge of international affairs, hand in hand with his acute sense of impartiality, are in keeping with the importance of the tasks that await him and are an earnest of success for our work. I should like to assure him that the feelings of profound and sincere friendship of the Togolese people for the fraternal people of his great and beautiful country, the United Republic of Tanzania, as well as for the illustrious African leader Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, are abiding.
165.	I should also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the outgoing President, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, upon the particularly brilliant way in which he conducted the proceedings of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
166.	I should be failing in my duty if I were not to pay a particular tribute to our dynamic Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the indefatigable messenger of peace, for his tireless efforts to seek the best possible solutions to international problems that are so complex and at times so difficult. I am not unaware of his difficulties, but I know how much of himself he invests in all conditions and circumstances, and how he does his very best and uses his competence to the utmost in grappling with these problems. We should like him to see in these words testimony of our profound feelings of gratitude and admiration.
167.	We should like to congratulate Saint Lucia on its admission to our Organization.
168.	Once again, we have met in this temple of dialogue, of consultation and reflection in order to consider together the difficult problems of a troubled and disoriented world that is sliding irresistibly towards major tragedies—unless we all do everything in our power to see to it that this last quarter of a century does not become one of despair but rather a time when justice for men and peoples becomes actual fact.
169.	The events which have disturbed and shaken our universe, our values and our certitudes have woven an ever more inextricable web and have forced all of us to face up to the fact that we have an imperative duty, each nation having to do its best within the limits of its means and responsibilities, to contribute to the building of a new world revolving on an axis of the cardinal concepts of justice for men and justice for peoples.
170.	An illustrious thinker once said quite rightly that peace does not come about by chance. It is not just an idea in the mind. It is a creation that requires effort and patience. Nations are the midwives of peace, but peace is not delivered without effort. Peace cannot be the product of a benevolent order given from outside. It must be the end of a journey, of the determination of all to win it and to strengthen it; it is the fruit of justice for peoples.
171.	It is to indulge in understatement to say that the international political situation has never been so tense, so uncertain and so threatening. It is thus with sadness and bitterness that we observe that this peace, which we so ardently seek and about which we have spoken so much at each of our sessions, has not yet been brought about.
172.	These are the grim realities which embroil our troubled universe, rent as it is by convulsions of all kinds which augur nothing reassuring. In the face of these facts, we have no right to refrain from expressing an opinion on the situations of conflict, the most crying injustices or the gravest infringements of the rights of peoples and of States, because this state of permanent tension, of social injustice and profound economic imbalance comprises the factors that threaten international peace and security.
173.	On the African continent, the South African and Rhodesian colonialist and racist regimes, on the strength of the material, financial and military support of certain States, which are, incidentally, members of our Organization, are trampling underfoot with impunity, in a permanent attitude of defiance, the fundamental rights of millions of Africans. The active complicity of certain States still makes it possible for these political systems that are an outrage of the man of today to prosper in the shadow of a repressive and particularly ruthless apparatus,
174.	The situation prevailing in Namibia is one of the tangible manifestations of this. The Namibian people have constantly been subjected to acts of inhumanity of all kinds—arbitrary arrests, torture, murder, deprivation of elementary rights, intimidation and so forth. What is worse, the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa is continuing with the complicity and connivance so familiar to all of us, despite the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly of our Organization and of the Security Council. By its obstinate desire to destroy by every possible means the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia, the racist and retrograde regime of Pretoria is giving us additional evidence of a further escalation in its defiance of the international community by unilaterally organizing elections in this Territory in flagrant contradiction of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978).
175.	It is our impression that the retrograde regime of apartheid and racism wants, in defiance of the will of all mankind, to stifle the voice of justice which rang out from the hearts of Soweto and Sharpeville and which was echoed by all southern Africa. Where is justice for the Namibian and South African peoples?
176.	This situation, which is, to say the least, inadmissible, flouts the moral authority of our Organization and constitutes a constant source of concern for all States that prize peace, justice and freedom.
177.	Today, the forces of oppression are still able to contain the anger of the young people within certain limits, which are illusory because they are transient, by trampling underfoot elementary rights and human dignity, but they will not be able to go on doing this indefinitely. If they continue in their obstinacy, tomorrow the youth of Africa, over-exploited as it is, will choose the path of desperation and mobilize itself on the model of the international brigades of 1936 to demand in an historic trial of strength that the right of the peoples of Namibia, of Zimbabwe and of the blacks of South Africa to dignity, liberty and independence be finally recognized.
178.	If it is this that is sought by those who are so stubborn in sustaining apartheid, those who obstinately refuse independence to Namibia and Zimbabwe, those who obstinately reject elementary justice for all, it is to be feared that our Organization will tomorrow find itself on the horns of a formidable dilemma. It is high time to practise equity and justice for peoples in order to avoid the inevitable social explosions with their incalculable consequences.
179.	South Africa will, sooner or later, have to face the fact that the inalienable rights of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence can be effectively established only by means of free elections held under the auspices and control of the United Nations. Similarly, the transfer of powers can take place only within the framework of the relevant resolutions of our Organization and in respect for the integrity of that Territory, which includes Walvis Bay.
180.	It was, therefore just that the international com-munity rejected the so-called elections of December 1978 organized by South Africa with a view to perpetuating its abominable policy of apartheid, racism and bantustanization. In order to thwart the annexationist designs of the racist regime of Pretoria, our Organization should hesitate no longer in taking against Pretoria the energetic measures prescribed in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. All the required conditions already exist. We no longer have the right to remain indifferent to this painful and tragic problem, which is liable, by reason of its insupportable and explosive nature, to plunge us all inevitably into open warfare, with all the attendant suffering. It goes without saying that the destiny of Namibia will be decided on only by its true and authentic representatives—in other words, by SWAPO, and not by the henchmen of apartheid.
181.	Never, I am sure, has it been more urgent for the international community to demonstrate its solidarity with the liberation movements in southern Africa, to render increased and more sustained material, military and financial assistance to SWAPO and at the same time to step up its pressure in order to facilitate the peaceful settlement of this problem by the speedy realization of the inalienable rights of the Namibian people to self-determination and true national independence in a Namibia that includes Walvis Bay, in conformity with General Assembly resolution 33/206.
182.	With regard to Zimbabwe, does the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference now under way in London, which is following up the commitments recently made by the United Kingdom, the administering Power, open up any fresh prospects?
183.	At all events, the administering Power, the United Kingdom, and all participants must realize that no solution apart from the actual effective and complete transfer of power to the black majority under international control is liable to settle the problem of Zimbabwe, and this transfer will always remain a fiction if a solution is sought without the participation of the Patriotic Front.
184.	In the meantime, it is our duty to condemn all the numerous attempts on the part of certain Powers and of transnational corporations aimed, on the one hand, at violating or neutralizing the sanctions against Rhodesia and, on the other hand, at according a semblance of legitimacy to a regime that would exclude the Patriotic Front.
185.	It is therefore important that all States Members of our Organization work together to create the necessary conditions for the accession, in security and dignity, of Zimbabwe to independence. In this way, we will be giving proof of our will for peace, justice and freedom to be established finally in this country.
186.	In this regard, the 19-member Committee on Assistance to Front-line States set up by the OAU at its most recent meeting in Monrovia will study specific solutions to the numerous problems facing the peoples of the region and will have as its primary objective the consolidation of the economies by initiating a process of breaking the isolation of the front-line countries with a view to increasing and strengthening their collective autonomy.
187.	Along with this series of initiatives, which will quickly be set in motion, it is the duty of us all to help to train young people from these countries in distress. Each of our countries should in the future consider offering facilities for the training of these young people. My country, whose actions for peace require no further proof, considers as an honour and a privilege the trust vested in us once again by the OAU by confirming us in the chairmanship of this committee. We will therefore do everything in our power to make our modest contribution to this historic action on which the whole of Africa has embarked with courage and determination.
188.	With regard to the Western Sahara, the agreement recently signed between Mauritania and the Frente POLISARIO constitutes a new basis for a peaceful settlement of this distressing problem. The Togolese delegation, while congratulating Mauritania and the Frente POLISARIO for their efforts, expresses the hope that this agreement, which ushers in a new era of peace in international relations, will be followed by others.
189.	In this regard, we wish to make a pressing appeal to Morocco to join this movement for peace. My country feels that self-determination through universal suffrage is the only path to peace in the region. Decolonization by means of a so-called referendum—which has never actually been organized—is, to say the least, surprising, disturbing and unacceptable. Also, since the problem of Western Sahara is a clear-cut problem of decolonization, the situation calls for a global approach—especially in view of the fact that decolonization by a tacit referendum is unprecedented and inconceivable; nor is it in keeping with the rules of international law, with the right of peoples to self- determination or with the requirements of justice for peoples.
190.	My delegation remains, therefore, convinced that the States of the region will succeed in finding a satisfactory solution to the problem of Western Sahara which will take into account the aspirations and the legitimate interests of the Saharan people.
191.	In the Middle East we can detect a faint glimmer of hope. But there remains along way to go before a just and lasting peace is achieved. As the old Chinese proverb says, "Even the longest journey begins with the first step—and I would add that the essential thing is that the first steps should be in the right direction. That is why any search for a lasting solution must of necessity be free of tangential preoccupations and must be resolutely oriented towards peace; that is why it is necessary to face all the facts or we risk falling prey to the greatest of illusions. The Middle East problem must be rightly identified.
192.	To say that settlement of the present problem of peace in the Middle East must take account of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people is merely to acknowledge the simple truth. It is a matter of justice, of justice for the Palestinian people,
193.	We wish to reaffirm to these people our unreserved support in the valiant struggle which they are waging under the aegis of the Palestine Liberation Organization, their sole and authentic representative, for the exercise of their inalienable and imprescriptible rights to self-determination, to a homeland and to national sovereignty.
194.	We remain convinced that in the Middle East there can be no valid or lasting solution if it does not settle the central question of the plight of the Palestinian people. A just and lasting solution can only be found with the participation of all the parties concerned and can only be based on a general consensus inspired by justice, a consensus which would make it possible for all the peoples of the area to have their place in the sun and to live as good neighbours in a climate of mutual respect, concord and solidarity.
195.	The Zionist policy of allowing the wanton establishment of settlements on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip is hardly a positive sign on Israel's part with regard to the Palestinian question. For our part, we continue to believe that sooner or later Israel will shed its outmoded ways of thinking and face the fact that peace in the Middle East necessarily entails the implementation of the relevant resolutions of our Organization, particularly those relating to the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, for, fundamentally, a solution must be found which will ensure justice for all the peoples of the region. It is only this justice which can serve as the solid basis for a lasting peace.
196.	The Government and the people of Togo cannot bring themselves to concede that these essential elements—the right to self-determination and a home-land for one group and the right to existence and tranquillity for the other—should be sacrificed on the altar of arrangements which are liable to complicate the situation even further.
197.	Much has been said and without doubt much will be said in the course of this session about the Camp David agreements.
198.	With regard to my own country, Togo is neither a zealot nor an unconditional supporter of agreements to which it is not a party, but neither is it willing to be a fanatical opponent of them.
199.	The fact is that the Togolese Government is firmly devoted to the settlement of conflicts by peaceful means and is moved by any initiative leading to that end. That is why Togo has stated its position by expressing satisfaction at the peaceful orientation of the approach to the Middle East problem, while indicating that these agreements would be a good thing if considered as only a beginning: a point of departure for a solution to the fundamental problem constituted by the essential elements which I have just outlined.
200.	Who would dare to deny that these agreements have gaps and pitfalls in them? Aware as we are of the reflexes which inspired certain of the clauses, it does not seem to us positive consistently to condemn those who are making attempts at finding peace. The weight of our Organization should serve to create the conditions of trust needed to fill the gaps and avoid the pitfalls.
201.	For our part it is not possible for us to concede the argument that Egypt has embarked on a process of peace with the clearly defined intention of betraying the Arab cause, a cause which it has defended for more than 30 years in conditions familiar to us all, and of cynically sacrificing the Palestinian people.
202.	This, too, is a question of justice to the authorities and people of Egypt. Surely it is premature to charge them with deliberate betrayal.
203.	We further refuse to believe that the hostility expressed towards the Camp David agreements is the result of a plot hatched against peace by those who would view with favour, and would in some way profit from, a war. Nor are we convinced that attempts to bring about a settlement of the Middle East problem can stem from a vicious and cynical intention to involve any one of the peoples of the region in a conspiracy against any other.
204.	We understand and profoundly respect the sensibilities and reactions of all the parties and, rather than giving ourselves over to the unfair exercise of putting people on trial for their intentions, we invite all peoples of the area to a new communion so that together, in a spirit of tolerance and solidarity, they may once again find the conditions for a lasting and fraternal peace.
205.	This peace which we all so ardently desire will only be effective if it extends also to all parts of the world in which there are unfortunately still hotbeds of tension which could tomorrow become real powder- kegs.
206.	In this regard, the Togolese delegation regrets that concrete initiatives have not been taken with a view to creating the objective conditions needed for the peaceful reunification of Korea in accordance with the South-North joint communique' of 4 July 1972, that is: the withdrawal of all foreign military forces stationed in South Korea and the transformation of the Armistice Agreement into a peace agreement.
207.	The Togolese delegation hopes that the true aspirations of the Korean people will prevail without foreign interference because throughout the world justice for peoples can only be brought about and guaranteed in so far as negative external influences are removed.
208.	With regard to the Comorian island of Mayotte, note should be taken of the wish expressed by the Comorian and French authorities to abide by the recommendations of the OAU and the United Nations, which call upon them to discuss the problem of that island and thus to find a solution in keeping with the requirements of justice and the principle of the territorial integrity of colonial entities at the time of decolonization.
209.	The excessive accumulation of nuclear weapons and the strengthening of military bases, particularly in the areas of the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf, Southeast Asia and in other parts of the world continues quite rightly to arouse tremendous concern and to constitute a dangerous threat to international peace and security.
210.	As in the past, the Togolese delegation will continue to support and endorse all positive initiatives with a view to making of those regions true zones of peace, free from the presence of all foreign military forces.
211.	We must, however, recognize that peace can only be effective if it leads to complete and general disarmament. That is why the convening in 1982 of a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations devoted to disarmament is in that regard most timely. We wish to express the hope that concrete measures will be adopted to that end. The Togolese delegation wishes to take this opportunity to express once again to the United States of America and to the Soviet Union its satisfaction at the most praiseworthy efforts which they have undertaken in the SALT negotiations and it calls upon them to conduct those negotiations, under the authority of the United Nations, until complete disarmament has been achieved.
212.	A distinguished African head of state, known for his wisdom and his lucid appraisal of the events which disturb our world, declared quite rightly with regard to military expenditures:
"Is it possible for us to contemplate without bitter-ness the unequal weight respectively accorded in the world to expenditures for life and death? Surely it is a matter of infinite sadness that the most costly and most often followed course is not that of international mutual assistance, but rather that of military armaments and budgets which each year swallow up more than $US 200 billion."
To waste money in order to acquire deadly weapons which are used to hold in check and maintain in destitution the poor people who are being exploited—such is the tragic formula of deterrence adopted in our time to perpetuate injustice. This is at once revolting and shocking, especially when we realize that more than 2 billion human beings live in conditions of total deprivation; and that, furthermore, more than a billion suffer from hunger and malnutrition. These figures express the grim reality of every day that the Lord gives. When will justice shower its blessings on human beings in distress? It is high time, because anger is at its apogee and there are rumblings of revolt.
213.	Today less than ever can the developed, industrialized countries which persist in wasting the wealth of the planet continue to shroud themselves in a veil of modesty, the better-to hide from themselves the deprivation of the rest of the world, because it is certain that deterrence will result rather from a democratic sharing of abundance than from the bogey man of the bomb.
214.	The risks of revolution by those who are hungry and exploited will be eliminated rather by the practice of justice for all and solidarity than by the diversions of scientific exploits in outer space. Peace in the world will result from the establishment of justice for the people and this justice itself resides in the equitable distribution of abundance rather than in the unbridled arms race and subversion throughout the world.
215.	The economic problems with which we are con-fronted contain within themselves elements of genuine confrontation, and thus permanent danger. Hence they are liable at any moment to lead to breaches of the peace, if we do not in common devise means of overcoming those problems, which are born of profound imbalances in the unfair and iniquitous structures of economic international relations.
216.	That is why we should like to be able to interpret General Assembly resolution 32/174, which convenes for 1980 a special session to evaluate progress towards the establishment of a new international economic order, as the sign of that determination to accelerate the advent of a new kind of economic relations which would finally lay the groundwork for justice for the peoples.
217.	In the face of the repeated failures of development strategies, the failure to adapt objectives of growth to the actual concerns of developing countries, and the lack of political will and generosity on the part of industrialized countries, it is more than ever urgent and indispensable to reformulate the fundamental conditions which should be met by the whole complex of relations between the third-world countries and a renovated international system.
218.	Since 1973 the energy crisis, by aggravating the international economic situation in other respects, has given a new dimension to the problems of inflation, to the imbalance of payments and to the evolution of the cost of living. The deficit in the balance of payments of the developing countries jumped abruptly from $US 12 billion in 1973 to more than $30 billion in 1977 and it is expected that it will be in the neighbourhood of $35 billion in 1979. For the end of 1977, the external debt accumulated by the developing countries which do not export oil was estimated at about $US 300 billion. Behind these figures lurks the spectre of poverty, starvation, malnutrition, of endemic disease and illiteracy from which the majority of the people of Asia, Latin America and Africa suffer. Behind these figures, where does one find justice for the people?
219.	Social injustice in the affluent countries has created a category of misfits, incapable of integrating themselves within the global society, a category of alienated people without ideals, who believe that they have to drown their troubles in alcohol, in drugs and in vice. Thus in the so-called developed countries we find those who have become the exporters of a product of a completely different kind: mercenaries. This scourge mobilizes men of no scruples whatsoever, hired killers, and sends them to developing countries—the very countries which have the least need of this kind of product and which rightly do not ask for these mercenaries. In this field, too, the affluent countries impose by force merchandise unfit for consumption while the developing countries seek nothing other than justice and peace for their people.
220.	In the final analysis, it is the whole complex of international economic relations which is in crisis, just as is energy. The failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD has served only to aggravate further the already worrying situation, and has obstructed the process which should lead to the establishment of a new international economic order. In the face of this tragic situation which is liable, unfortunately, to last for a long time to come, the international community should define as quickly as possible a global approach likely to give a concrete and achievable content to international economic co-operation, assuring prosperity for all, and according particular attention to the specific needs of the most seriously affected developing countries: the least advanced, the land-locked and island countries, as well as those affected by natural catastrophes. The industrialized world must demonstrate more willingness to listen, more understanding, a greater spirit of solidarity. It is a matter of reason; it is a question of justice, justice for all people. Peace and tranquillity depend on this, and therefore the salvation of us all.
221.	A ray of hope was born with the recent conclusion of the negotiations concerning a new Lome convention. In many respects, the new convention certainly proved to be less innovative, reflecting in its provisions a kind of contained fear in the face of the uncertainties of the future. In spite of this weakness, the second Lome convention does clearly and unequivocally express the will of the 57 African, Caribbean and Pacific States and the 9 States members of the European Economic Community to contribute to bringing about a new order of more balanced and closer relations between the industrialized and third-world countries. Our country which, in 1975, was the host for the signing ceremonies is honoured that it has once again been chosen to play host to this historic event. Togo, land of peace, working as it does with determination and consistency to bring about a world of greater justice and solidarity, is not indifferent to this mark of confidence.
222.	As we see, tremendous tasks await our Organization. For them to be carried out fully the increased support of all its Members, large or small, rich or poor, weak or powerful, will be needed. It behoves each and every one of us to make a contribution, however modest, to the performance of these noble tasks. There can be no doubt that this is a long-term enterprise. The road is strewn with traps, with conflict, with contradictions, which must be overcome. However, our constant readiness to envisage change which will recognize and guarantee the right of peoples to live in freedom, decency and dignity should encourage us to transcend our differences in the name of the necessary complementarity and interdependence of us all, in a world which is shrinking more each day.
223.	How true it is, in the words of the President- founder of the Rassemblement du peuple togolais, His Excellency General Gnassingbe Eyade, President of the Togolese Republic:
"It is up to us to allow hope to spring anew in the breast of man by our determination to remain what we are, to find our own road and to follow the paths which we must trace ourselves’’
224.	May all States Members of our Organization, acting in a spirit of firm solidarity, join forces to combat the growing threats to our collective well-being, and unite in order to establish the framework of a world order where all destinies will draw upon the physical and intellectual energies available to build in common a world more in keeping with the profound aspirations for peace, justice for men and justice for peoples.


May I begin by conveying to Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania the warm congratulations of the delegation of Burma on his election to the presidency of the thirty- fourth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that his wide knowledge and experience of world affairs will stand us in good stead in guiding our deliberations to a successful conclusion.
209.	We wish to pay a tribute also to our former President, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for his distinguished services in conducting the affairs of the last session of our Assembly.
210.	To the delegation of Saint Lucia, we extend our friendly greetings on the occasion of its admission to the family of the United Nations.
211.	We meet at this session this year amid developments which, since our last session, have affected significantly the pattern of international relations. The course of events that have taken place has brought about a fundamental realignment of forces in world affairs, We are faced with a situation where the interplay of political, economic and social problems has greatly exacerbated international relations. This calls for the highest degree of collective responsibility on the part of all of us in this family of nations to contribute to the solving of the major problems which confront us and trouble the world today.
212.	The world will recall that the United Nations was founded on a commitment and a hope: commitment to the maintenance of peace between nations, and hope that the essential community of interests and aspirations, even between States differing in their political, economic and social systems, would strengthen that commitment through mutual co-operation and mutual endeavour.
213.	The present session of the General Assembly is a most timely occasion to appraise the gravity of the world situation. It offers us a favourable opportunity to seek solutions to the major international problems, in keeping with the purposes and principles of the Charter, so as to achieve the peace and well-being of mankind by meaningful universal consensus. The nations of the world will therefore welcome the fresh vigour with which the United Nations measures up to the task before it as the co-ordinator of man's efforts for his betterment, and not for his destruction.
214.	Interference in the internal affairs of other States is one of the main causes of present international tension and its escalation into armed conflicts in many regions of the world. No State has the right to interfere, directly or indirectly, in the internal affairs of any other State. Consequently, armed or other interference, or threats, open or concealed, against the personality of a State or against its political, economic and cultural system is inadmissible.
215.	Every nation has the inalienable right freely to choose its political, economic, social and cultural system without interference of any kind by another State. These principles have been adequately elucidated in the Charter and other relevant declarations of the United Nations with a view to promoting friendly relations and co-operation among States. Accordingly, any violations of these norms of international relations can only be of disservice to the community of nations.
216.	May I take this opportunity to report on how and why Burma has ended its participation in the non- aligned movement, and explain our thinking on the subject. I led the Burmese delegation to the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, recently held at Havana and placed the views of Burma very clearly before it. May I be permitted to reiterate the gist of them here?
217.	Burma went to Havana with hopes that the principles which had inspired the founding of the movement could be preserved and given new life. What happened at the Conference only disappointed and disillusioned us, and we saw that something decisive needed to be done if those principles were to be saved.
218.	Burma therefore decided to submit to the Conference an urgent motion: to appoint a drafting committee charged with the task of defining the inviolable principles of the movement, the qualifications for and rules of membership, the functions and powers of the principal organs of the movement, and the procedures. After the draft was done, Burma suggested, it could be discussed and adopted, and the movement could start again, purified and renewed.
219.	The Burmese delegation submitted the motion to the Conference, explaining that otherwise the movement would continue to exist only in name and be ever vulnerable to exploitation. We also reported to the Conference that, if it reached no decision on the motion but let things drift, we would withdraw and Burma's participation in the non-aligned movement would end. That was a decision made after serious thought,
220.	The Burmese delegation left Havana on the day it had originally planned to leave, before the Conference was extended. The Conference, in any case, failed to take heed of our motion, and concluded without even a mention of it. Burma's decision to end its participation in the non-aligned movement therefore became operative from the end of the Conference. And Burma stands by that decision.
221.	It may well be asked if Burma intends to organize a movement and has the ideas and invitations ready. That would be a pertinent question, but the straight and simple answer is No. As I have already stated, we submitted our motion to the non-aligned Conference at Havana with the sincere intention of preserving the true original principles of the movement, and not with any other motive or plan. If, however, like minds should move one day towards a community of nations sharing similar views and values, and willing to dedicate themselves to clear principles of non-alignment, Burma might feel persuaded to take its place as a member of that community.
222.	May I reassure the members of the General Assembly that Burma will continue to practise the independent and active foreign policy which has been a constant article of faith with it, to cultivate its existing friendly relations with all countries, and to remain pledged to the principles of the United Nations Charter and the universal principles of peace and mutual respect.
223.	The establishment of peace in the Middle East region is essential for all the peoples of that area, the security of the Mediterranean basin and the maintenance of world peace.
224.	Burma is of the view that any solution to the Middle East problem, to be viable, should be comprehensive in nature. The basic prerequisite for the establishment of a just and lasting peace is the restoration of the rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish their own State. Another requirement is the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Arab territories occupied in 1967, as any acquisition of territory by war is inadmissible. It is also clear that the state of belligerency should be effectively terminated in the area. Further, the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries should be respected. These principles also apply equally to Israel.
225.	The Palestinian question is the key to the solution of the entire Middle East problem, and without the settlement of this issue there can be no just and lasting peace in the area. Therefore, it is imperative that in any negotiations for a comprehensive settlement, the Palestinians should be represented with all other parties.
226.	For the achievement of progress in negotiations and an ultimate settlement, there must be a sense of political will and reciprocal accommodation. Intransigence on the part of parties concerned will not be helpful in any way in the quest for a lasting settlement.
227.	The struggles against colonialism, imperialism and racism continue to mount in Africa. Burma has consistently supported all struggles against colonialism, imperialism and racism, and I wish to affirm once again that Burma continues to support with fullest sympathy the struggles being waged today by the African peoples. Should this deteriorating situation persist there exists a real peril that Africa will emerge as a zone of tension endangering international peace and security. It is therefore evident that the relevant resolutions of the United Nations must be implemented in goal faith to improve the situation. If the existing resolutions are found to be inadequate in resolving outstanding issues, it might perhaps be necessary to seek more appropriate formula for adoption.
228.	Burma has consistently supported the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of States as stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations. We stand strongly for the solution of all outstanding problems by peaceful means rather than by resort to the threat or use of armed force.
229.	The situation in Indo-China is a source of deep concern to Burma. In principle, if the overthrow of an existing Government of a country by forces opposed to it, with the armed intervention of an outside Power, were to be condoned, the elementary rules and accepted norms of international relationships would be greatly impaired.
230.	In common with other Member States, Burma views disarmament as a matter of universal concern and therefore does not, in principle, favour the rigid bilateralization of negotiations on any disarmament issue. However, given the complexity and the unique nature of the problem of strategic weapons, Burma shares the view that direct negotiations between the two principal nuclear-weapon Powers could be more effective.
231.	Accordingly, at the General Assembly, we welcomed the opening of bilateral negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States in 1969 on the limitation and reduction of strategic weapons. Subsequently, we were gratified at the successful conclusion of the first round of SALT in 1972.
232.	We welcome the recent second SALT Treaty as another significant step towards complete nuclear disarmament. We are particularly glad to know that the agreement would also place qualitative restrictions on the strategic arsenals of the two parties. However, we cannot help feeling that the agreed numerical ceilings are still far too high. Therefore, we hope earnestly that further negotiations will be undertaken without delay directed towards achieving a phased, balanced and significant reduction in the quantity and quality of strategic arms with a view to the ultimate elimination of all nuclear weapons from the arsenals of States.
233.	To reinforce the viability of the SALT agreements, the conclusion of an underground test-ban treaty has clearly assumed greater urgency. Such a measure can help arrest the further qualitative development of nuclear weapons. Besides, it would complement the 1963 partial test-ban Treaty and lead to the final achievement of a comprehensive test-ban.
234.	The Second United Nations Development Decade is coming to a close but the expectations it had roused have been largely unfulfilled. There is still a wide gap between the rich minority of developed countries and the vast majority of developing countries. Gaps in income between the rich and the poor, and between the urban and the rural populations, still continue to exist. In fact, these gaps have become wider.
235.	We believe that the entire international community, both developed and developing, shares the view that these gaps should be narrowed as soon as possible. To this end we should all work together to achieve a more equitable sharing of the growth of world output, which in fact is the primary aim of the new international economic order. Experience has shown that this task involves long, tedious, protracted and often exasperating negotiations between the developed and the developing countries. Furthermore, the current international economic situation does not provide us with cause for being optimistic about achieving significant results from these negotiations in the near future.
236.	To be more fruitful and constructive, we wish to suggest that our immediate objective should be to achieve a just relationship in the world market, namely an improvement in the terms of trade between the prices of main exports of the developing countries and those of their imports. Our endeavour should also include promotion of processing of raw materials and expansion and diversification of exports, particularly to developed countries, and the improvement of the share of developing countries in transport, marketing and distribution of primary commodities. In seeking the goals of the new international economic order it will be necessary for all countries, developed and developing, to work together in greater economic co-operation, and on the basis of collective responsibility.
237.	On the basis of what has been said, the Burmese delegation hopes that the thirty-fourth session will bend its energies towards meeting the many challenges before the international community.