As Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, I appear before the Assembly for the first time to speak on behalf of my country. I am very happy to address these few words to the Assembly.
Mr. President, on behalf of the Government and people of Sri Lanka, I wish to extend to Mr. Joseph Garba our warmest good wishes and congratulations on his election as President of the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. Sri Lanka has close and cordial relations with Nigeria, not only at the bilateral level but also in the forums of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Commonwealth, in which we have closely co-operated. I should also like to express our appreciation for the manner in which his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, the Foreign Minister for Argentina, presided over the forty-third session.
May I take this opportunity to convey to Ambassador Garba the greetings and good wishes of His Excellency Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa, the President of Sri Lanka, and the people of Sri Lanka and, through him, to all the representatives assembled here today.
We live in a time of change, a time of uncertainty, as well as a time of promise and hope. Each of us, the powerful and the weak alike, must respond to the challenge of change. As individual independent States we must provide, in our domestic context, the equality of opportunity, the freedom and the support essential for our citizens to fulfil their aspirations. As a global community, we need to respond collectively to the challenge of rapidly evolving international developments and conduct our political and economic relations with each other to ensure the benefit of the entire world community.
The nexus between day-to-day occurrences in our own nations and broader global developments is dramatically brought into focus at the General Assembly each year. Here each representative brings before this parliament of nations the hopes and expectations that motivate his people as well as the fears and frustrations that blight their security and well-being. It is evident in these presentations that what most of us are unable to achieve through our individual and separate endeavours we need to approach as joint ventures in international co-operation. Our national options are often circumscribed by factors that lie beyond our national boundaries. That is equally true of political and economic matters.
Developing countries like my own are affected by the momentous transformations taking place at the present time in international economic relations. Science and technology are revolutionizing traditional patterns of industrial activity and production. Centrally planned economic systems are being radically restructured, with decision-making being decentralized and economic freedom being encouraged. A process of integration or globalisation transcending national frontiers is
fundamentally transforming financial and other markets. Integration of some key sectors of the world economy has led to a diffusion of economic power and the emergence of new centres of influence. 1992 will usher a new economic force into operation. As part of the relaxation of political tensions, co-operation between systems previously thought to be irreconcilable is further enhancing the process of integration. World economic output in 1988 expanded more than had been expected. International trade and investments grew vigorously.
The number of developing countries with growth rates in excess of 5 per cent increased as well, but for most developing countries whose economies have felt the ripples of these trends the economic environment has remained unfavourable, even hostile. Growth rates have stagnated or registered a decline. Prices for the products of developing countries have fluctuated to their detriment. While our products have indeed been competitive, many have nevertheless sustained losses in overall returns, having to contend with forbidding obstacles of quotas, tariff and non-tariff barriers and other restrictions which limit access to markets.
One can argue about the rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and commitments undertaken in the Uruguay Round aimed at an equitable global system of trade exchanges. The telling reality is, however, that the percentage share of the developing countries in international trade exchanges has deteriorated from about 25 per cent at the beginning of the 1980s to below 20 per cent last year. Trade is a vital life-line for developing countries.
At the summit conference of the non-aligned countries in Belgrade, which I attended, the leaders of over 100 States emphasized the vital need for the interests of the developing countries to be adequately reflected in sectors of special importance to them, such as textiles and clothing, agricultural products, tropical products and natural-resource-based products.
It is essential that sustained efforts be exerted, including those within the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), to stabilize commodity prices at an adequately remunerative level. Reasonable commodity prices and fair market access for developing countries' trade would be more welcome than infusions of aid. What is required is steady, predictable export earnings for developing countries which they could deploy to combat poverty and want.
Sri Lanka has initiated innovative methods for the alleviation of poverty by seeking to tap the latent productive energies and rich creativity of the very segments of our population that are most adversely affected. These segments of our population have for too long been considered dependent. The Janasaviya movement - as it is called - has been set in motion to encourage about a million poor families to participate in the national productive endeavour, which could eventually involve even their entry into the export sector as well.
One of the main factors in society that makes poverty especially intractable is homelessness. Shanties, slums and other sub-human dwellings: they are the lot of countless millions of people in the developing world today. It is his deep awareness that investment in housing necessarily means disinvestment in poverty that led my President, His Excellency Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa, then Prime Minister, to propose to the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session that an international year be designated to advance the cause of shelter for the homeless in the world. The international community responded to his call, and 198? became the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless.
As part of our own response to the challenge of alleviating poverty in Sri Lanka, we have taken many strides forward in our housing programmes. A programme for constructing 100,000 houses was completed. It was followed by a programme of building 1 million houses. We are now engaged in developing and implementing a programme of building an additional 1.5 million houses. We shall continue to build on these programmes. We shall constantly raise our targets. As the country that proposed international action for ending the scourge of homelessness, we are committed to achieving the United Nations target of shelter for all by the year 2000 ahead of that year.
A further initiative being considered by Sri Lanka concerns the development of the resources of the oceans. Despite the rich promise of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, many developing countries have still been unable to reap its full potential owing to insufficient awareness and the lack of national capabilities in the ocean sector. My delegation hopes to present an initiative at the session this year with the objective of launching an endeavour at the global level aimed at the realization of the benefits of ocean development. Sri Lanka looks forward to the suggestions and support of other members.
In an adverse economic climate, developing countries faced with the political and social imperative of providing for the well-being of their people have slipped into the deeper and more deadly snare of debt. The external debt of developing countries is new over 31,320 billion. Such astronomically high debts and debt service ratios have exhausted the economies of many developing countries. The situation has indeed deteriorated to such an extent that the net outflow of resources from the developing world to the developed economies exceeds the much-vaunted aid transfusions. At the level of the aggregate of the capital- importing developing countries, 1989 will mark the seventh consecutive year of such negative transfers. Sri Lanka, relatively better placed, nevertheless has a rising debt service ratio of 28.7 per cent. This negates what advances have been made in promoting export earnings. It restricts resources for investment, holds back the maintenance and development of infrastructure and inhibits long-term improvements in the economy.
Developing countries have also negotiated assistance and support from the major multilateral financial institutions for agreed economic programmes of a remedial or development-oriented nature. Such support, which has undoubtedly brought relief, has not always been available without a heavy price tag to be paid in political and social currency. Assistance and support has been forthcoming only on the basis of prior assent to certain policy prescriptions to be faithfully followed by the recipient State. The formula is familiar: restructuring of sectors of the economy, submission to realistic exchange rates - that is, effective devaluation? liberalization of import regulations? budget austerities compelling reduction or removal of consumer subsidies and other welfare benefits which have cushioned the poor? rationalization of the State sector and perhaps privatisation.
Stringent conditionally has been an inevitable element in assistance from multilateral institution::. Compliance often entails the imposition of unbearable economic and social burdens on the people and the real prospect, consequently, of political agitation, unrest and even violence. Nan-compliance, on the other hand, can possibly mean an interruption, or even a cut-off, in support from the institutions concerned. It could also involve a diminution in the country's image of "aid-worthiness", with attendant consequences in its bilateral relations with donor countries. Here too, the nexus between political realities and economic exigencies becomes acutely evident. The multilateral institutions would do a major service it they took fuller account of the political and social fallout that awaits a country whose burden of conditionality weighs heaviest on its people.
Sri Lanka, with a population of 17 million projected for 1990, won its independence 41 years ago. Its population then stood at 7 million. The decisive leering of the infant mortality rate from 140 per thousand before independence to 39 per thousand in the period 1980-1985 and the rise in life expectancy from 42 years before independence to over 70 years now are indices of the progress made by independent Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka's immunization programmes among children, supported by the United Nations Children's Fund, will achieve their targets well before the stipulated date of December 1990. An advanced system of welfare facilities has been available to the population. These include free education, free medical services and subsidized food essentials and transport. A partial scaling-down of some of these facilities, partly brought about by the external environment I have described, a revolution of rising expectations and a complex of other political and social factors have led to frustration and unrest, particularly among our politically articulate youth, who account for about 44 per cent of Sri Lanka's population. Such frustrations have fuelled strong radical views. This has in turn led to a tragic state of violence in our society. A political dialogue to which all parties have been invited is now in progress to reconcile differences in approach to our current problems and to effect a speedy return to normalcy in the island. This situation needs to be differentiated from the developments which painfully forced Sri Lanka into world headlines in the early 1980s.
Coupled with ethnic considerations, a dangerous situation had arisen in the northern portions of the island. Violent militant groups within an ethnic minority, the Tamils, sought recourse to terrorism and violence to achieve their ends. It had reached a point in 1987 when, to deal with aspects of the problem which lay beyond our shores, Sri Lanka signed the Indo-Sri Lanka Treaty of July 1987. A measure of stability was felt in the immediate aftermath of the Treaty, when the militant groups agreed to eschew violence aid commence peaceful negotiations to redress their grievances. This period was all too short-lived. Despite the presence of peace-keeping forces sent to Sri Lanka in the context of the Treaty, a period of senseless violence and brutality recommenced in which civilians suffered a terrible toll.
An appeal was addressed to all militant groups by the President of Sri Lanka that they enter the mainstream of the peaceful democratic process. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Belam have responded positively, and the Sri Lankan Government is now in the process of pursuing negotiations with its representatives.
The Sri Lankan Government has studied with interest the initiative of the Government of the Republic of Maldives in proposing that some mechanism should be devised within the United Nations to support the independence of small States in the event their security is threatened. The threat to small States nay be an external one; more usually, it comes in the form of involvement or intervention in
the internal affairs of small States. As developing countries, most of us face problems of national integration and consolidation. Ensuring social cohesion and harmony is another of our challenges. These problems we must face and resolve by the evolution of our own national life. External inputs dangerously inflame issues. Indeed, what served to aggravate the violence and insecurity of life in the north and east of Sri Lanka in recent years was the external support received by dissident groups. It militarised their campaign. It converted an essentially domestic conflict into one with international ramifications. It added new dimensions to the agony of the peoples of the region.
The non-aligned summit conference in Belgrade considered the question of international terrorism in all its forms. Heads of State at the summit noted that terrorism endangered the very territorial integrity and security of States. They called upon all States to fulfil their obligations under international law: obligations to refrain from organizing, instigating, assisting or participating in terrorist acts in other States, or acquiescing in activities within their territories which encourage the perpetration of such acts. An insidious link exists between international terrorism, drug trafficking and the illegal arms trade. Colombia's very survival as a State has been jeopardized by the evil plague of drugs. We applaud the efforts made by the President and Government of Colombia in combating this curse. The community of nations must, on a continuing basis, attack the unholy trinity of terrorism, drug trafficking and the illegal arms trade. The Belgrade summit of non-aligned States supported in principle the convening of a United Nations conference which would, inter alia, define terrorism to distinguish it from the legitimate struggle of peoples for national liberation - a struggle which resolutely continues in Palestine and South Africa.
As violence and insecurity continue in the region of the Middle East, support is universal for the convening of the International Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations. The question of Palestine remains at the crux of the prevailing unrest in the Middle East. A comprehensive settlement is not possible without the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and the withdrawal of Israel from occupied Palestinian and Arab territories. Only then could arrangements be guaranteed for the security of all States in the region within secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
In southern Africa, the hated system of apartheid perpetrates its vicious acts of violence and repression against the majority black people of South Africa. The racist regime continues to destabilize its independent African neighbours. Apartheid cannot be reformed. Only decisive action by the international community, not excluding the imposition of mandatory sanctions, can bring down the evil edifice of apartheid.
In Namibia, after facing several obstacles, we ate able to welcome the commencement of steps this year for the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence. Sri Lanka looks forward very much to receiving independent Namibia as a full Member of the Organization in the very near future.
Nearer home, in South-West Asia, we welcome the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan. We note with concern, however, that peace has not been completely restored to that country. The free exercise of the right to self-determination by all the Afghan people and the return, in conditions of safety and honour, of Afghan refugees are indispensable to any comprehensive political settlement of the problem. In South-East Asia, we believe that conflict and tension can be eased only on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign forces and the exercise of the right of the people of Cambodia freely to determine their destiny without outside pressure.
The continued presence of foreign occupation forces in the Republic of Cyprus obstructs the achievement of a lasting solution to all aspects of the question. Sri Lanka strongly supports the independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Cyprus. We encourage the Secretary-General to continue his mission of good offices, and we appeal to all parties involved to co-operate with him in a constructive spirit.
I have touched briefly on a number of issues which have been on the Assembly's agenda for several years. Despite the many obstacles which continue to hinder their solution, there is much that offers hope and promise.
In a broad sense, the new co-operative relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union has eased tensions, particularly in Europe. We non-aligned States have had the opportunity to assess these developments at the summit conference held in Yugoslavia.
 In the field of disarmament, the prospect of progress is more than illusory. The Treaty on the Elimination of Inter mediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - is an important step in a long journey which has just begun. The threat of nuclear annihilation has not been eliminated, and we are following with interest the negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on reductions in their strategic offensive nuclear arsenals. It is essential that the process be widened to include other nuclear-weapon States as well and eventually lead to the complete elimination of these weapons of extinction. An immediate and comprehensive ban on nuclear testing meanwhile remains one of the highest priorities of disarmament, and Sri Lanka is one of over 40 States which have taken action to convene an amendment conference to convert the 1963 partial test-ban
Treaty into one that is comprehensive. That would also help to enhance the credibility of the nuclear-non-proliferation regime on the eve of the Review Conference.
As a member of the Conference on Disarmament, Sri Lanka firmly maintains that this single multilateral negotiating forum should not delay the commencement of substantive negotiations on all issues relating to nuclear disarmament and on the prevention of the arms race in outer space. We urge the Conference to conclude its work on a comprehensive and global convention banning the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction. Sri Lanka welcomes the initiative announced by the United States President, Mr. George Bush, to destroy all chemical weapons within a decade. Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze has the same desire to be rid of these barbaric weapons. That augurs well for all humanity.
Finally, let me briefly refer to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. The General Assembly has by a consensus decision called for the convening of the conference on the Indian Ocean in 1990 in Colombo, Sri Lanka, to fulfil the objectives contained in the Declaration and considered by the littoral and hinterland States at their meeting in 1979. The Heads of State of the non-aligned countries at their ninth summit conference, in Belgrade, called for the full and active participation in the Conference by the permanent members of the Security Council and the major maritime users of the Ocean, whose co-operation is essential for the success of the Conference. We urge all States concerned to finalize preparatory work for the Conference to ensure its convening in 1990.
The agenda for this forty-fourth session covers a wide and varied diversity of items, including those of an economic, political, cultural and humanitarian character. Yet there is an intrinsic relationship between most of these items which makes difficult their consideration in complete isolation. A recurrent theme in our debate has been that many of our concerns require co-ordinated, global approaches that transcend national frontiers. For example, the children of the world are the hope and the future of the world. The concept of a world summit for children, endorsed by a number of world leaders, including my President, calls for global commitment and universal support. The possibilities and options open to an individual State for unilateral action are being increasingly circumscribed. All this emphasizes human interdependence.
Despite disparities in size and power, we are, all bound, therefore, to share a single planet and its resources. This requires that affairs among nations be so ordered as to ensure at least our very survival, not to speak of our development and progress. The cynical pursuit of myopic national interests through the inequitable deployment of political, military or economic muscle will negate our shared goals. Interdependence must therefore be a catalyst for co-operation on the principle of the sovereign equality of States on which our Organization is based.


It is my great pleasure to convey to Ambassador Garba, on behalf of the Tunisian Republic delegation, my sincere congratulations on his election as President of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Through this election the international community has expressed its deep appreciation and admiration for his brotherly country, Nigeria, aid the African continent at large has acknowledged its prominent standing on the international scene. We are fully confident that his great diplomatic skills, wide experience in international natters, and deep knowledge of the functioning of the United Nations, where he has so ably represented his country for many years, guarantee the success of our work at this session. On this occasion I should like to state again our readiness to co-operate closely with him throughout his term at the helm of this session.
My warmest thanks go as well to his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, former Minister for Foreign Affairs and Worship of the friendly Republic of Argentina, for the great wisdom and competence with which he conducted the work of the last session and for his positive contributions to the activities of the United Nations during his term as President of the General Assembly. It is also my pleasant duty to express our warm appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the invaluable services he has rendered and continues to render in the efforts to attain the goals of our prestigious Organization, based on the principle of universality. In bringing its noble principles to bear on international relations he is serving the cause of freedom, justice and peace in the world. The success achieved by the United Nations in moving gradually towards peaceful solutions of most of the regional conflicts is to a large extent the result of the wisdom, patience and perseverance of the Secretary-General. His efforts deserve our praise aid appreciation.
Tunisia, which has constantly benefited from the support of the United Nations and the Security Council, both in its struggle for independence and in its defence of its sovereignty and territorial integrity, once again affirms its deep attachment to the Organization and its firm commitment to the purposes and principles set out in the Charter. Tunisia confirms that it will dedicate itself whole-heartedly to work for the attainment of the ideals of the United Nations both in the area of its international relations and in the line of action it has set for itself after the historic change that took place in our country on 7 November 1987. At the national level, these ideals and principles have become a living fact of our everyday life, as is clear from the deeply rooted, comprehensive institutional and political changes we have made in order to consolidate individual and collective rights; promote freedom, democracy and tolerance; aid build a society based on national harmony and social peace.
The National Pact drawn up and adopted by all political parties and currents in the country constitutes a remarkable achievement. Suitable conditions were established for the rapid holding of presidential aid legislative elections, on the basis of democracy, pluralism and freedom of expression. These elections gave the Tunisian people, at all social levels, the opportunity of rallying round the architect of the event of 7 November 1987 - President Zine A1 Abidine Ben Ali - aid freely to elect a house of representatives truly reflecting its choices and its will.
Above all, the people chose to engage in a constant endeavour to reassert our Arab-Islamic identity and to consolidate our civilization and cultural heritage while remaining constantly open to other civilizations as a source of fruitful interaction and enrichment.
We are proud of the positive response by world public opinion to these achievements, as well as the growing support we have had for the democratic process to which Tunisia is committed in this new era.
In the same context, we have worked diligently with our brothers in the region to promote the establishment of the Arab Maghreb Union - a regional group designed to meet the historical aspirations of the peoples of our area to solidarity aid complementarity. Vast prospects have thereby been opened for growing co-operation and integration in all fields of activity. That is an example of what South-South co-operation should be.
Tunisia has welcomed the growing climate of detente in international relations and has followed with optimism aid satisfaction the efforts to achieve disarmament, as well as the progress made towards the long-hoped-for solutions to most international and regional conflicts. It is our most fervent hope that this process will be maintained and developed further, in view of its vital importance for all mankind aid the powerful stimulus it provides by helping to eliminate tension, paving the way towards the solution of so-far-intractable issues, and channelling efforts towards mankind's development aid well-being, everywhere in the world.
It cannot be denied, however, that detente - which we have long sought to restore to international life aid whose early signs have, to our great satisfaction, begun to appear - has not had a positive effect .on the most complex international issues. Consequently, it is incumbent upon the international community and all peace-loving nations to shoulder their responsibilities by exerting greater efforts and taking initiatives to help solve these issues, for the sake of preserving world peace and ensuring that the principles of justice, freedom and international concord prevail and endure among all peoples.
Foremost among those chronic conflicts is the Palestine issue and the ordeal of the Palestinian people, who for many decades have been subjected to campaigns of expulsion and oppression, under the yoke of Israeli occupation.
We hail the courageous stand of Palestinian leaders in calling for a just and peaceful solution and express our respect and admiration for the Palestinian people's valiant intifadah, which has confirmed to the world over the last two years its iron will and heroic determination to fight on in defence of its rights, dignity and very existence. At the same time, and with equal vehemence we condemn the various forms of violence and repression perpetrated by the Israeli occupation forces, as well as Israel's adamant determination to thwart all chances for peace.
We believe that recognition of the Palestinian State by more than 100 Member nations of the General Assembly and other favourable responses from world public opinion are clear signs of the soundness of the clear-sighted and responsible course of action pursued by the Palestinian leadership. This is a good reason for the international community, in this period of growing detente, to redouble its efforts to hasten the convening of the International Peace Conference and thereby pave the way for a just, lasting and comprehensive solution to the Palestinian problem.
Tunisia has the honour of acting as host to the headquarters of the fraternal Palestinian leadership and has welcomed all positive developments in the question of Palestine, in particular the United States-Palestinian dialogue that is taking place on its soil. We wish to reiterate our hope that that dialogue will continue until its anticipated results are achieved.
The Middle East region is beset with another bloody tragedy: the brotherly people of Lebanon is paying a heavy daily toll in human and material losses amidst a complex political crisis that threatens to doom the country to utter devastation. I wish here to make a solemn appeal to all our brothers who are parties to the conflict to place the higher interests of their country above all other considerations and to marshal all their efforts to save Lebanon.
We do not believe that can be done without a resolute call to reason, by responding to the Arab Tripartite Committee's efforts towards peace and reconciliation - totally supported by us - so Lebanon may remain an Arab, united, independent and sovereign country on its own territory.
We were greatly relieved when a cease-fire was reached between Iraq and Iran in conformity with Security Council resolution 598 (1987). A long and bloody war that had exhausted the resources of the two neighbour countries was thus brought to an end, thanks in large part to the strenuous efforts exerted in an internationalist spirit by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. Yet the situation of neither war nor peace now prevailing in the area, with all its potential threats, remains a matter of serious concern to all of us. Hence the urgent need for the international community to support United Nations efforts to ensure the full implementation of all the provisions of the Security Council resolution both in spirit and in letter. Only thus will it be possible to reach a true peace that will put an end to the war and restore security and stability to the Gulf region.
Colonialism in all its forms is now a thing of the irrevocable past, thanks to the awakening of peoples and their steady striving for emancipation and liberation. The progress of Namibia, the last Bastion of colonialism in Africa, along the road to independence clearly shows that the national struggle for liberation, with due support and backing from the international community, is the surest way for oppressed peoples to fulfil their legitimate aspiration to live in freedom, security and dignity.
On behalf of Tunisia, I wish to reiterate our deepest appreciation of the efforts of the Secretary-General end all the other parties that took part in formulating the United Nations plan contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and in working for the full implementation of ail its provisions with as many guarantees as possible. In the case of the fraternal African country of Namibia and its national leadership, the South West Africa People's Organization, such guarantees are all the more imperative in view of the disinformation campaigns and other suspicious manoeuvres that the South African regime is capable of concocting. We reaffirm our active solidarity with the brotherly people of Namibia and our support for its struggle for freedom and independence, and we pay a tribute to the position of the front-line States, inspired by genuine African solidarity, in their support for the Namibian cause, despite the vengeful reprisals against them and the flagrant violations of their territorial integrity.
While the hour of deliverance seems near at hand for the people of Namibia, our brothers in South Africa are still exposed to the most hideous forms of racial discrimination and to campaigns of repression aimed at stifling the struggle for equality and for the establishment of a democratic system in which the rule of the majority would prevail. The plight of the people of South Africa remains a source of constant concern to us, and arouses our indignation and shame at this abominable behaviour which tramples under foot the most elementary human values and contravenes international conventions. Tunisia, which has constantly and unfailingly stood by the people of South Africa in its noble struggle, once again vigorously condemns the policy of apartheid and the obstinacy with which the minority regime continues to pursue the same practices despite hollow promises of change.
Tunisia continues to follow with keen interest and great appreciation the efforts of the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity aid the Secretary-General of the United Nations to implement the United Nations peace plan for Western Sahara, which is of course a matter of concern to us. We firmly believe that these efforts will in the near future bring about the desired settlement, whereby peace and security in our region will be preserved so we can mobilize all our efforts in the service of development in an environment where co-operation, complementarity and harmony prevail.
We are greatly satisfied at the success of the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan in bringing about the total withdrawal of all foreign forces from that brotherly country. We applauded that withdrawal, and we hope that our Afghan brothers will reach national reconciliation that will stop the bloodshed and put an aid to the suffering of a people which has had more than its share of the scourge of war and destruction.
Tunisia likewise followed with interest the work of the Paris Conference on Cambodia, in which all the parties concerned and their allies took part. Even though the Conference did not lead to the positive results that, perhaps a little too optimistically, had been hoped for, we hope that the future of the country will not be negatively affected by these results. We continue to hope that the parties to the conflict and other nations concerned will return to the negotiating table in another attempt to deliver the Cambodian people from its tragedy and enable it to exercise its natural right to freedom and sovereignty on its land, free from all foreign intervention.
In Central America, the conclusion of the Esquipulas Agreements is another sign of the general climate of detente and an expression of the desire of the peoples of the area to build a regional environment where peace and co-operation will prevail over tension and confrontation.
International concord, as illustrated by the various agreements and meetings on ways to reduce the arms race and eliminate the arsenals of mass extermination, has given rise to justifiable hopes that, at least in the long term, we shall achieve general and complete disarmament, especially in the nuclear field. The recent agreement reached by the two super-Powers on nuclear weapons is certainly a positive move in the direction of detente and is likely to reduce the level of international tension and reallocate the huge sums of money earmarked for the nuclear build-up to the financing of development projects to make the world a better place to live in.
While insisting on the need for disarmament as a radical means to avert the dangers to human life resulting from the accumulation of destructive weaponry, we cannot forget another threat to the human race hanging over us, namely, the pollution of the natural environment and the deterioration of life-sustaining elements, with all the disasters this can entail, such as the decay of the ozone layer, which can have dire consequences - indeed some have already begun to appear. We look forward to the 1992 United Nations conference on the environment and development, a most important event that will open up prospects of strengthened international co-operation and the implementation of concerted and equitable joint endeavours aimed at protecting the environment and ensuring a safe future for generations to come. Similarly, attempts at dumping toxic waste and other industrial residue by various arbitrary means are a crime against nature, cause serious damage to the environment, and represent deliberate tampering with man's right to a safe and secure life. narcotic drugs constitute another crime that is taking on extremely grave proportions: they have a negative effect on human beings and society that is so terrifying that it hardly needs to be underlined. The international community as a whole must as a matter of urgency aim at eradicating this scourge through redoubled joint efforts. Obviously, putting an end to the production and use of drugs, and
trading in them, is the first concern, but the deep roots which have given rise to this serious problem in certain societies must also be analysed. These causes appear to be mainly economic and social: poverty, misery, unemployment and ignorance. We have all welcomed the growing spirit of detente and concord in international relations and the positive steps made towards resolving various crises. Yet, for all their worth, such achievements will remain fragile as long as
fundamental and structural reforms are not introduced in world relations, which continue to be marked by imbalances and injustices detrimental to the least developed countries.
We in Tunisia believe that progress towards desirable solutions of these problems depends essentially on reviving the paralysed North-South dialogue by injecting into it the kind of real political will so necessary to attain positive results that would rekindle the hopes and aspirations of developing peoples and bring about a fairer distribution of the fruits of their endeavours and a better balance in world trade.
In point of fact, the deterioration of the terms of trade and the fall in raw-material prices, to say nothing of the volume of debt, excessive servicing charges and the ensuing transfer of wealth to creditor countries, constitute so many heavy burdens encumbering developing countries and crippling their development efforts.
As regards international monetary relations, it is worthwhile pointing to the negative trends that have recently emerged as a result of changes introduced in the system of financial aid transfers to developing countries and, in particular, the drying up of capital flows in the direction of medium-income countries - a Phenomenon at once surprising and deplorable when we consider the efforts to ensure those countries' recovery and the bold measures they have taken, imposing enormous sacrifices upon their peoples, in order to emerge from underdevelopment by relying mainly on their own means and resources.
It goes without saying that the bold decisions recently taken by a number of industrialized nations to cancel the debts of sons least-developed countries constitute a large and praiseworthy step towards alleviating the third-world debt
burden. We can only hope that the advanced countries will also pay heed to the interests and concerns of the developing medium-income countries.
By way of contributing to the serious quest for adequate solutions to the debt problem, and aware of the need for a coherent strategy, which would meet with the support of all parties concerned, to handle this thorny issue, President Ben Ali submitted to the industrial summit of the group of seven at Toronto, last year, a set of practical proposals based on workable formulas likely to give an impetus to international co-operation and to stimulate development efforts in our country. In his regard we call upon the international community to consider in depth, through dialogue and concertation, ways and means of setting up an effective plan of action likely to lead to the achievement of those objectives. We consider that here the United Nations has a distinct determining role that it must play. We believe that a special session of the General Assembly - scheduled to be held in the near future - on international co-operation, and particularly on the revitalization of economic growth in the developing countries, will provide a valuable opportunity to start this dialogue and intensify concerted efforts between North and South.
		International life in recent years has witnessed various high-level activities meetings. I shall mention in particular the extraordinary Arab summit session Casablanca, the twenty-fifth summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), at Addis Ababa, and the ninth summit meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, at Belgrade. To us, these events constituted so many useful opportunities to exchange views on the situation now prevailing in the world and to arrive at a set of resolutions and recommendations essentially aimed at consolidating peace and detente and strengthening international co-operation.
Today, the eyes of the world are turned, with optimism and hope, to our organization as it assembles for the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. The world is expectant of the conclusions we shall reach and our possible future efforts to achieve detente and strengthen world peace and security by creating conditions propitious to impartial, fruitful co-operation between nations based on mutual solidarity, concord and harmony, for the benefit of the entire human race.
Allow me in conclusion, on behalf of Tunisia, to convey to the President and to the Secretary-General our warmest regards and best wishes for the success of this session in attaining the noble goals of the Organization and in fulfilling the legitimate aspirations of our peoples to security, peace and progress.


It is a great pleasure, Mr. President, to congratulate you upon your election as President of this session of the General Assembly. I feel confident that you will guide our work to a successful conclusion.
The challenges that we face together are enormous. On the threshold of the last decade of this century, we shall have to wake choices and take decisions that will determine the course of human progress far into the next millennium. The unparalleled speed and scope of the changes now facing us are the most striking characteristic of our time. We are witnessing rapid globalisation.
Changes involve uncertainty. But change also involves opportunity. We must seize this opportunity. We must agree and act on a global agenda for the management of change. If we fail to act, or if we act wrongly, we may soon face a threat to our future.
We are living in a transitional period. The awareness of the conflicts between human activities and environmental constraints is literally exploding. Even today, the number of poor, illiterate or unemployed people in the world is growing. This finite world of ours will have to provide food and energy for a troubled world population sometime in the next century. It may have to sustain a world economy which is five or ten times larger than the present one. This cannot be done by perpetuating present patterns.
We have made some progress in our efforts to prevent war. But while nuclear war remains a long-term threat to our survival, the process of ecological degradation constitutes a clear and present danger. We are experiencing it in our daily life. It is increasingly visible everywhere. People all over the world are not just worried about their own and their children's future: they are deeply anxious about the future of this planet.
As we approach the third millennium, we must fashion a global concept of security that will embrace the notion of sustainable development, the need to combat underdevelopment, the unequal distribution of wealth, the degradation of our environment and the depletion of our resources. We are facing a new era which will have to be shaped by responses to common challenges which unite mankind, rather than the conflicts which have divided nations in the past. Nations can no longer attain security through competition and at each other's expense. They have to seek co-operation in order to enhance their common security.
We are witnessing amazing changes in East-West relations. Old tensions are abating. As stated by the United States Secretary of State, James Baker, only two days ago, the United States and the Soviet Union have moved from confrontation through dialogue to co-operation, and we all heard this in the statement by President Bush in the Assembly this morning.
We welcome the commitment of the United States and the Soviet Union to cut their arsenals of strategic nuclear weapons by half. We are heartened by the progress made during the recent meeting in Wyoming. Success would serve as a recognition of the fact that nuclear weapons are not the solution to genuine security: their competitive accumulation leads to the insecurity of nations. This message is of fundamental importance to our efforts to stem the further spread of nuclear weapons.
We should urge the nuclear weapon States to further strengthen that message by concluding a comprehensive test-ban treaty. In the meantime, we welcome the progress made towards ratification of the threshold test-ban treaty and the treaty on peaceful nuclear explosions. A ban on chemical weapons is an urgent requirement. I therefore warmly welcome the new initiative presented by the United States President this mornings it is my sincere hope that this new step, and the understanding reached between the Soviet Union and the United States, will pave the way for a total ban on chemical weapons.
For the first time, the nations of East and West in Europe have sat down to deal with the dangers of their military confrontation, which have divided that continent for more than four decades. Again, it is the recognition of common interests which provides the engine. We now see the opportunity to reduce instabilities and to prevent military dispositions from blocking a promising process of peaceful change. Our task should be the construction of an open, equitable and co-operative political order where nations enjoy equal security at the lowest possible level of military force. We are intent on contributing actively to this all-important process of transformation, which is now fostering co-operation among all the nations which make up the security order in Europe.
By lowering and moving the military walls in Europe we are opening ourselves to a new era of co-operation. We must seek expanded economic relations on the basis of commercially sound principles and open economies. We must seek practical co-operation and common approaches to environmental protection. We must expand scientific and technological co-operation and broaden our cultural exchanges.
Countries in eastern and central Europe have embarked on a new course. They are engaging in a process of reform and democratisation in their internal policies as well as in their approach to the common challenges which confront us. We welcome - and we support - these efforts. We cannot guarantee their success. They must forge their own future. They must shape their own societies. Nevertheless, we shall convey in tangible and substantive ways our will for co-operation and indeed our solidarity with the peoples of eastern Europe, who have embarked on a new quest for freedom.
Political change reflects and creates new social energies and aspirations. The quest for human freedom defies oppression. Our commitment to the protection of the universal human rights recognizes no boundaries of State. It is a transnational commitment which transcends borders in Europe and in the world at large.
I welcome the declaration from the ninth non-aligned Summit in Belgrade, with its emphasis on human rights and the rights of women and their role in development. The declaration bears witness to the broadening support for these ideals. I strongly endorse what the Secretary-General observes in his report: "...it is becoming increasingly plain that no Government can expect immunity from international exposure to criticism if it flouts human rights in trying to overcome political dissidence or ethnic unrest." (A/44/1, sect. VII) This year's General Assembly will consider the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Norway has taken an active part in the process, and we urge the Assembly to adopt the Convention. We have seen significant progress in the resolution of regional conflicts over the past year. My Government will present its view on these conflicts later during this General Assembly. One of the most hopeful changes has been the renewed trust in the United Nations, in viewing United Nations peace-keeping as an alternative to intervention.
Norway fully supports the Secretary-General's observations about the serious consequences of the financial shortfall affecting United Nations peace-keeping operations. Let me also stress the need for stronger political support for present operations. A special responsibility lies with the Security Council, which, in some cases, inter alia, in southern Lebanon, has failed to bring the weight of its authority to hear on those parties which defy the will of the international community and prevent the peace-keepers from fulfilling their mandate.
In Namibia, the foundation is being laid for a new independent State in Africa. Although the difficulties are manifold, we trust that the parties involved, with the assistance of the United Nations, will bring independence, and that process, forward on schedule. Norway, for its part, is ready to contribute its share to this historic development on the African continent.
The international community must rally to the task of combating the many challenges to our common security: the proliferation of nuclear and chemical arms, as well as their means of delivery; poverty; terrorism; and drug trafficking.
Let me call your particular attention to the serious international problem of drug abuse. There are no simple solutions: we need a broad strategy encompassing the control of supplies, the reduction of demand, the suppression of trafficking, and the prevention and treatment of addiction. Resources are needed at all levels: to assist producer countries in reducing the export of illicit drugs to the largest markets, to control the demand for drugs in the major "consumer" countries, and to establish effective international co-operation, in the field of law enforcement also. Illicit drug trafficking is indeed an international problem. It solution requires global co-operation. We need to strengthen the United Nations by committing funds and vesting decision-making authority in United Nations institutions.
Since the publication of the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development two and a half years ago, we have witnessed a surge in awareness concerning the environment. Several factors have contributed to this change. Reports of severe and lasting ecological degradation because of atmospheric, water or soil pollution are coming in from many regions of the world. Our scientists warn us that we may be facing a general global warming and significant changes in world climate.
The stratospheric ozone shield may be in danger. Scientific and technological developments are continuously opening new possibilities for modifying nature, for example through advances in biotechnology. At the same time, we are in the process of losing global biological and genetic diversity at an unprecedented rate, particularly through the rapid reduction of tropical rain forests.
If we look at the agenda of international conferences and negotiations on environmental questions for the next three years we find an impressive level of activities. At this session we have before us the consolidated report of the Secretary-General on the follow-up to the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development. We are pleased to note that most of the United Nations organizations and many Governments are in the process of giving effect to the recommendations of the report. It is encouraging that the recent Western economic summit meeting, as well as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the World Bank and others, called for the integration of environmental concerns in day-to-day economic decision-making. Similarly, the non-aligned countries have called for urgent co-operative measures to ensure a sustainable and environmentally sound development.
A key principle in that process has been sustainability, a clear recognition and admission that economic development has, so far, not been sustainable. We need a green agenda. We need growth that respects the limitations set by nature. However, growth itself should not be limited. Poverty alleviation does not compete with sustainable development. Environmentally sound investments are necessary to sustain development. The industrialized countries carry a particular responsibility for securing growth in the world economy and opening markers to exports from developing countries. Developing countries have declared their readiness to undertake necessary policy reforms. I believe they should pursue and strengthen those efforts. However, to succeed we need the support of the international community.
Devastating debt burdens have for too long hampered growth and development in third world countries. It is now vital that the debt burdens be reduced to sustainable levels. We therefore fully support the view that debt reductions must occupy centre stage. The international community now recognizes the need to reduce the debt overhang. However, our strategy will succeed only if it is fully implemented. The readiness of commercial banks to play their part remains vital. We are concerned about reports that the banks are now failing to make new capital available for developing countries and thus to live up to their responsibilities under the Brady Plan.
We must agree on measures to restore development in the debt-ridden countries. Financial transfers to developing countries must be increased. The growth in aid volume has stagnated deplorably. The United Nations target of a 0.7 per cent ratio between official development assistance and gross national product is far from being met. Many countries both could and should do much better. I see no reason to conceal the fact that, while Norway has given around 1 per cent of its QJP in official development assistance to developing countries, we are disappointed that the OECD average has declined to a meagre 0.34 per cent.
But aid alone will not suffice. The importance of increased export earnings for the economies of developing countries cannot be overemphasized. Protectionist tendencies must be halted and reversed.
The question of energy is also in fact intimately linked both with economic growth and with environmental protection. We have lacked an energy dialogue in the past. We have felt the shock waves that sharply fluctuating oil prices have sent through the world economy. Norway sees the need to start a new dialogue on energy issues that will also address related environmental concerns.
Regional action is a central part of the processes of follow-up to the World Commission. African Ministers of Economic Planning, Education and Environment met at Kampala in June to set priorities for action to implement the recommendations of the report. In the Kampala Declaration they frankly state that economic development that is not sustainable should no longer be called development. We look forward to similar action from the conferences scheduled for Asia and the Pacific and for Latin America in 1990.

The industrialized countries account for the bulk of the world's accumulated pollution and resource depletion. Next May the countries of Europe and North America will meet at Bergen, Norway, for the regional follow-up meeting for "Our Common Future" in the region of the Economic Commission for Europe (ECE). We expect that conference to adopt a strong ministerial declaration that will reflect the commitment and political readiness of ECE Governments to set new national and regional targets for concrete action.
Next year the Second World Climate Conference will convene at Geneva. The spectre of global climate change is increasingly emerging as the most alarming environmental problem facing us. The abnormal variations in weather patterns we have witnessed during the 1980s and the human suffering and the enormous damage caused by floods, drought or hurricane in the course of the past few years have only underlined the need for action.
The Hague Declaration in March of this year called for new and wide-ranging principles for international co-operation to protect the atmosphere. Some 40 countries have now signed the Hague Declaration, and many others have indicated their support. The Declaration defines the need for new institutional authority, either by strengthening existing organizations or by creating a new institution, but within the framework of the United Nations. It calls for specific emission standards and targets, as well as for dispute settlement procedures binding on the parties. The establishment of new mechanisms to secure genuinely additional financial resources is a matter of priority. Such financial compensation would enable poor countries to adjust their economies more successfully to a sustainable development pattern.
The Norwegian Government has proposed the establishment of an international climate fund with individual industrialized — country contributions in the order of 0.1 per cent of GNP.
The work of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), under the leadership of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), is of crucial importance in the elaboration of strategies for combating global warming. The Panel's report, which is due by September of next year, will form the main basis for the preparation of a global convention on climate. I urge full support of the work under way in the IPCC. We are encouraged that an increasing number of developing countries are now taking part in that process. There is no competition or conflict between the Hague initiative and the IPCC process. On the contrary, the Hague Declaration is intended to strengthen and supplement processes already under way internationally to protect the world climate.
The follow-up process of the report and the intensive research and negotiations now in progress concerning climate both point forward to the 1992 conference on environment and development. The forty-fourth session of the General Assembly will take important decisions on the preparatory process leading to the 1992 conference. We have noted the support of the Belgrade non-aligned summit for the candidacy of Brazil to host the conference. We feel confident that this would be a good choice, and we support it. It underlines the message that the conference should be addressing the vital linkage between environment and development.
Let me briefly outline my views on what we should aim for during our preparations for 1992.
First, the 1992 conference should he based on the concept of sustainable development. There is no way that we can solve the global environment problems now facing us without a direct linkage to a broader economic and social development process.
Secondly, and for those reasons, the preparatory process should address the need for additional financial resources. Cleaning up accumulated pollution and reversing present processes of ecological degradation are clearly going to be expensive. The alternative of doing nothing or too little, however, will be even more expensive. The developing countries will need increased assistance to help them avoid making the same mistakes that the industrialized world has made over and over again. I welcome the proposal made by Prime Minister Gandhi at the last non-aligned summit conference in Belgrade for the establishment of a planet protection fund. Several other financial mechanisms could also be explored, such as a system of consumer tax on non-renewable resources and users' fees on harmful emissions. We must he willing both nationally and internationally to apply such rules and principles.
Thirdly, we should set a timeframe for the negotiations on a global climate convention which would enable us to sign it during the 1992 conference, if at all possible.
Fourthly, we should make a new and committed effort to strengthen our institutions. Here, again, I attach particular importance to the creation of effective instruments which can deal with the challenges to the world climate. Perhaps that could be done through a strong monitoring mechanism for the forthcoming climate convention.
The 1980s have been characterized as a lost decade for development. This is true, even if there are notable exceptions. At the same time, we have experienced a crisis of multilateralism as nations have turned away from international institutions when concerted action has been most needed. The global vision has given way to fragmented outlooks and unilateral impulses.
But we have also seen economic globalisation on an unprecedented scale. The revolution in information, biotechnology and other technologies, the liberalization of capital markets, and the ensuing integration of trade and financial movements constitute but a few examples. Governments run the danger of losing control. National Governments are increasingly unable to cope with a situation of global interdependence, and our international institutions are still not given sufficient authority or resources to meet the new generation of problems. We face the reality of a global economy that is unbalanced, fragmented and interdependent at the same time.
We support the idea of convening a North-South summit under the aegis of the United Nations, with the aim of moving towards a more equitable and effective system of co-ordination and co-operation between industrialized and developing countries in linking economic and environmental tasks of global importance.
The time has come for a recommitment to multilateralism, to the search for global solutions. And we need to adopt new approaches. I believe we face an era in which the new threats to our security must be given the same high-level attention as the traditional issues concerning war and peace. Our founding fathers saw the need for a strong institution to deal with threats to international peace and security. I believe that certain elements of supranationality should now be considered at the global level. The challenges from the environment are a case in point. In regional co-operation, nations are gradually learning to accept majority decisions that on occasion may be viewed as contrary to narrowly defined national interests. The long-term view must come to prevail also in our global co-operation.
The international community is rediscovering the United Nations, how indispensable it is and how useful it can be, provided nations furnish it with the means to function as required. A global agenda for the management of change requires a strong United Nations.
 Collective management of global interdependence is no empty slogan. It is, very simply, the only acceptable formula for enlightened statecraft as we move into the last decade of this millennium.


On behalf of the delegation of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, I have the pleasure to address to you, Sir, the representative of a friendly African nation, our congratulations on your election to the high office of President of the current session of the General Assembly.
I would also extend my congratulations to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, on his efforts and his commitment to strengthening the role of the United Nations in coping with the acute problems of our time in the cause of peace and security.
The Albanian delegation, like the delegations of the overwhelming majority of the States Members of the United Nations, has come to this session of the General Assembly with the sincere desire to join its efforts with those of other States for the improvement of the international atmosphere and the promotion of international security. There is no doubt that an open and constructive debate free of reservations and preconceptions about present world developments would contribute to the success of this debate. The Albanian delegation believes that the present-day international situation is complex. In many cases, developments are as contradictory as they are fluid and unstable. They are characterized by a relaxation of tension in some areas and an increase in others, while the settlement of a problem in one region is accompanied by the emergence and exacerbation of problems in another. The current political dialogue in the relations between the two super-Powers, which has found concrete expression in their agreements on a number of minor arms reductions or in their steps to eliminate certain hot-beds of regional conflict, have led to a relative easing of tension. Efforts are frequently made to portray this as a qualitative change in present-day international relations or as an irreversible trend towards international peace and security, a new era. But past experience and present developments force us to recognize that the present relaxation of tension between the United States and the Soviet Union is no guarantee that threat of war has been eliminated. Today, interference in the internal affairs of others has increased under various pretexts and threatens to upset the balance, with incalculable consequences.
Albania is in favour of improving the atmosphere and easing the tension in Europe. It is for peace and the strengthening of security cm our continent. The ways these problems are regarded and the paths leading to their solution may differ from State to State, but it is essential that the policy and concrete actions of each of these States help to attain that goal. We feel that Albania, by pursuing a fully independent policy outside all blocs and permitting no foreign bases and troops on its territory, has done and continues to serve the cause of security and peace in Europe.
In the field of disarmament, too, the agreements between the two super-Powers are minimal and have not affected the enormous arsenals of weapons of every sort in their possession. Declarations of impressive proposals and counter-proposals concerning deep cuts of up to 50 per cent in strategic weapons cannot conceal the arms race, which continues, or the manufacture of new generations of ever more modern and sophisticated weapons. So true is this that we now have good reason to state that the dividing line between the dangers of nuclear arms and the dangers of conventional arms has almost disappeared. We believe that the problems of disarmament can be confronted and set on the road to solution through the collective and individual efforts and actions of all States.
At a time when the arms race continues, when hot-beds of tension and crisis persist, the interests of peace call for the adoption of effective measures towards disarmament, the dismantling of political and military blocs, the removal of foreign bases and the return of foreign armies within their national borders, and the cessation of all interference in the internal affairs of other States.
Prom time to time the super-Powers set forth new theories and political doctrines, as well as ideas and models, which they seek to impose on others, presenting them as almost universal criteria for the development of democratic processes, and which they attempt to establish, in one way or another, as pre-conditions for relations between States. Albania maintains that peoples and States must be free to choose their own paths to sovereign development, to preserve their national identity, and to play their rightful role in the course of world events.
Albania is and always has been in favour of a democratisation of international relations that would allow all States, large and small, to make their voices heard. In light of that necessity, the role of the United Nations in international affairs becomes even more significant. As the experience of the past two or three years has shown, the commitment of the United Nations to solving certain critical problems is an indication of the potentials and importance it can have when it plays its true role in accordance with the Charter. We believe that the important problems of our time should not be left for discussion by only a narrow circle of States or to a dialogue by the super-Powers; rather, they must be brought to the United Nations. That would confirm the weight and power of the international community.
It is certainly in the international community's interest to avoid regional crises and conflicts, since these constitute hot-beds of tension exacerbated and manipulated by others against the interests of the peoples. Thus, it is the parties directly involved and concerned in these conflicts and crises, and not external forces, that should play the decisive roles in settling them. Short-term solutions, especially those imposed from without, cannot endure. In our view, the formula of "national reconciliation", applied under the tutelage of the super-Powers, leaves the door open for interference and destabilization; the case of Afghanistan is an example of that. In the interests of independent development and peace, interference in Central America and South-East Asia must cease, and the solutions to their problems must conform to the aspirations of the peoples concerned. Similarly, the Korean people must not be prevented from achieving the reunification of its homeland free from outside interference.
As a Mediterranean country, Albania considers that any step towards the creation of a favourable political climate in the Mediterranean requires the withdrawal of the super-Powers' fleets and warships. That step would help to make it a sea of peace and friendship among the peoples of the countries that border on it, and a bridge of co-operation with the other regions of the world.
When we speak of the Mediterranean, we cannot help thinking of Lebanon, which is living through a veritable tragedy. Israel and the forces of reaction have imposed on it a lengthy fratricidal war with extremely serious consequences. It is for the Lebanese people itself to establish its own national unity in all sovereignty. In the Middle East, the Arab peoples have been fighting against imperialist-Zionist aggression for several decades. Standing out in that context is the heroic struggle of the Palestinian people, bearing living witness to the dauntless efforts of a valiant people that cannot be conquered by violence or tanks, nor by the genocide practised by those that commit aggression against it.
The Albanian people and Government have always felt close to the fraternal Arab peoples and their just struggle. We regard the proclamation of the Palestinian State and its international recognition as a very important development, offering greater possibilities for the settlement of that key problem in the Middle East. The uprising of the Palestinian people - the intifadah - which has been going on for nearly two years in the occupied territories, enjoys the unreserved support of the Albanian people as a legitimate struggle. The Albanian people has also hailed the positive steps towards the strengthening of unity in the Arab world, which it considers to be a decisive factor in the just settlement of the Palestinian problem and of the Middle East crisis as a whole.
Against the background of developments and endeavours to achieve political settlements of conflicts and hotbeds of tension the cease-fire agreement in Angola and the agreement on the granting independence to Namibia cannot fail to have a considerable impact on the over-all situation in the southern part of the African continent. The Albanian delegation condemns the violence and crimes of the South African regime, which continues to persist in its detested colonialist policy of racial discrimination.
The Albanian people support the African countries in their just struggle against imperialist neo-colonialist exploitation. We associate ourselves with the efforts of the Organization of African Unity to strengthen its unity in support of the struggle of the Azanian people to put an end to the hated apartheid regime in South Africa, an anachronism in the modern world that constitutes a challenge to all mankind. Looking back over the development of events in the world since the last session of the United Nations General Assembly, we witness an intensification of internal contradictions in a number of countries, the negative consequences of which extend far beyond national borders. Multinational States, which are a reality in today's world, cannot speak of genuine democracy so long as they fail to achieve democratic relations among the nations, nationalities and minorities that comprise them, if an aggravation of inter-ethnic relations is being observed today, that shows that in those States ethnic or national issues have not been properly addressed.
Albania has always maintained that minorities, wherever they may be, should enjoy equal rights with the rest of a country's population, in keeping with the norms of international law. We have always maintained that minorities should be important factors for rapprochement and friendship between peoples and States. Recently a process of co-operation has begun among the countries of the Balkans. The meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Balkan States that was held last year has been followed by a number of other activities of a political, economic, scientific and technical character. That process constitutes a positive trend that reflects the fundamental interests of the peoples of the peninsula and the cause of peace in the region and in all of Europe. The peoples of our peninsula aspire to and need peace and understanding, co-operation and friendship, and not destabilization and mutual animosity.
The Albanian Government will work tirelessly to ensure that that process does not come to a halt but that it is, instead, advanced and consolidated. We hope and we wish that the other Balkan countries will do likewise, overcoming certain recent developments that run counter to the spirit of understanding and to the commitments undertaken within the context of Balkan co-operation.
Albania has never interfered - nor does it intend to interfere - in the internal affairs of other States. However, prompted by a sincere concern about the fostering of Balkan co-operation and confidence, as well as out of a sense of moral justice and on the basis of democratic and other humane considerations enshrined in the United Nations Charter and in other international instruments, my country cannot fail to mention the tragic events that occurred in Kosovo in the spring of this year, along with the repression of the Albanians and their national democratic rights, events that continue today and that are in defiance of every norm of freedom, of democracy and of social and cultural emancipation. The Albanian Government and people - along with world public opinion, including that of sound Yugoslav circles - have condemned and continue to condemn the killing and imprisonments of hundreds of thousands of Albanians who are calling for equality and for the same rights as are enjoyed by fellow-citizens in their federal state and for the retention of their autonomy, language, culture and national traditions.
White papers or yellow literature may be produced, but they cannot justify the fact that the law in Kosovo is made by tanks and policeman or that, following the constitutional amendments, the number of Albanian schools has been reduced aid the Kosovo intellectuals and youth are being persecuted. The so-called differentiation, which in fact constitutes isolation, an unprecedented and inhuman moral, economic and political boycott, has affected the best-known intellectuals, academicians and teachers, down to the school-children themselves.
Albania has been and remains directly concerned to ensure the stabilization of the situation in Yugoslavia, since the freedom and independence of both countries are linked. Any evil in one country affects the other. The normalization of the situation in Kosovo, the national and economic emancipation of the Albanians in Yugoslavia, where they make up an entity of some 3 million inhabitants, and recognition of their equality of rights with the other national groups and nationalities of the Federation, would serve to strengthen Yugoslavia itself.
The interests of the peoples of the region require that the bitter legacy of the past be overcome and that no new difficulties be added; instead, real efforts should be made to improve the friendly atmosphere and to strengthen fruitful co-operation. As has been announced, in the autumn of next year the second meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Balkan States will be held in Albania. It is our desire that, through the concerted efforts of all States of the region, facing up to present-day realities, that important meeting will mark a new and more advanced stage in our work towards multilateral co-operation and strengthened relations of good-neighbourliness. We are sure that that will be the case. We regard good-neighbourliness as the expression of mutual obligations and of the desire and interests of our peoples and countries to live in peace aid friendship with one another. Albania, which has sincerely committed itself to the process of Balkan co-operation, regards it as a realistic alternative for strengthening peace in the region. It considers that, as a part of Europe, the Balkans, which has suffered so much from feuds, upheavals and wars, needs peace, tranquillity and stability today more than ever in order to overcome the bitter past and the region's relative backwardness when compared with the rest of the continent, as well as to demonstrate our region's interest in, and contribution to, the development of positive European processes compatible with peace.
An important aspect of the democratisation of international relations which is making itself felt greatly today is that of economic relations or. the world scale. Inequality in trade exchanges, the imposition of protectionist measures and tariff barriers and the widespread use of the loan mechanism by the developed industrial countries have widened the economic gap between them and the developing countries. The fact that this situation persists and is worsening is directly affecting the stability of international relations, in which economic relations - more so today than ever before -- are inseparably intertwined with political relations.
It is not easy to understand appeals for detente and for the strengthening of international security when some industrialized countries are becoming richer and richer by exploiting developing countries, among others, and the developing countries are becoming poorer every day. Nowadays, when the question of human rights has become a subject for concern and a burning issue to the extent that it has become politicised in the extreme, even in cases which involve individuals, can one really put any faith in the concern expressed when a blind eye is turned to the fate of the millions of people in various parts of the world under threat of famine? The demands of the developing countries - which are frequently referred to as the "poor men's club" although they represent an overwhelming majority of United Nations Member States - for equality to be established in international economic relations are legitimate, should be heard out and proper answer made to them.

The illicit trafficking in and the use of drugs have now become a social problem and social evil in many countries. The phenomenon has never occurred in Albania and is not occurring there now. A healthy tradition and educational measures apart, the State, through strict laws, provides for severe punishments for the illegal use, possession and sale of narcotics. At the same time, Albania has taken steps to block any possible traffic in drugs throughout its territory. We think that the fight against drugs should not be used as a cover for particular political designs.
In our time, ecological problems have become extremely acute, and the danger resulting from the pollution of the environment has increased even more. It is now an acknowledged fact that the most serious ecological damage due to pollution on the world scale is being caused by the super industrialized countries, which are the greatest consumers and processors of raw materials. The concern in this regard is all the greater when one is aware that some of these countries are dumping their technological wastes, some with radioactive content, in developing countries.
Albania, which is itself demonstrating the greatest concern to protect the environment within its own territory, including the Adriatic region, joins with those other countries which are rightly demanding that those who are most responsible for pollution should feel obliged to improve the situation and solve the problem.
For the Albanian people, which has had a centuries-long struggle for its territory, freedom and existence, the safeguarding of its independence and full national sovereignty is sacred. With the principle of independence at the foundation of its policy, Albania has at the same time made its modest contribution to the cause of peace and security. It has established and maintains fair, fruitful and friendly relations with the great majority of countries, which is why our country has felt and still feels that it is an integral and active part of the international community.
The reality of Albania in the 45 years since Liberation and the changes and progress made in many areas are the happy outcome of the socialist course it has taken. The fact that the population has tripled over these four decades while average life expectancy has increased from 38 years at Liberation to 72 years today is proof of the far-reaching economic and social changes that have been made in my country.
We are well aware that, despite everything our people has done in Albania through the labour of its hands and the sweat of its brow, we are not at the end of the road, but the important thing is that we are convinced that our road is the right one and opens up to us the prospect of continued progress.
Wishing that the work of this Assembly should be conducted in the most constructive spirit possible and to the benefit of peace, the Albania, delegation will not fail to make its contribution towards attaining this goal.


 May I start, Mr. President, by congratulating you most sincerely on your well-deserved election to the presidency of this, the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am confident that, with your outstanding diplomatic skills, proved experience and undoubted leadership abilities, the Assembly will meet the challenge of its global commitments. On a personal note, we Swazis are delighted that this vitally important job is in the hands of a fellow African, with whose country we have enjoyed excellent, long-standing relations.
I wish also to register my appreciation for all that your predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Dante Caputo, managed to achieve, while so ably guiding the proceedings of last year's session.
You will be aware that this is my first opportunity to address the General assembly. No other Swazi King has had such an opportunity. I am very conscious, as I stand before you, of the 44 years of illustrious history belonging to fee United Nations. It is a history which has shown, time and again, that the Organization remains the most important multilateral institution for resolving international conflicts. I, Her Majesty the Indlovukazi, and the whole Swazi nation are proud to be identified wife such a history, and I can assure you of my determination to lend Swaziland's full support to the Organization's fundamental principles and guiding tenets. The promotion of international peace and security, through full respect for human rights and the dignity of all citizens, remains elemental to our goals and purposes. I therefore note with relief and satisfaction feat we meet against a backdrop of a relaxation in the relations between the two super-Powers. I applaud fee role played by fee United Nations, in this, and in all its efforts in multilateral diplomacy.
Wife that in mind I should like at this point to pay tribute to our Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. The international community without question benefits from his outstanding devotion to duty and his boundless energy. His staff too deserve our gratitude. The specialized agencies, and particularly the United Nations peace-keeping forces throughout the world, continue to earn our gratitude and appreciation foe work well done in their mission for advancing the cause of human dignity and justice.
I must express Swaziland's concern at renewed evidence of fee economic imbalance between North and South. The latest offering of the world Economic Survey of 1989 holds out very little hope to us in fee South of any improvement. As a result, Swaziland is an active member of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) and fee preferential trade area. It is our aim to counter the imbalance by encouraging our economic community in eastern and southern Africa. Swaziland is a small, landlocked Kingdom. Our economic development depends on a healthy climate of international trade relations. An active regional economic community will provide essential markets and this, in turn, will encourage our producers to diversify and thus strengthen our agro-industrial base. I would welcome endorsement of this policy by our economic partners in development.
I should like to turn my attention now to areas of conflict current in the world today.
The problems in the Middle East continue to cause concern to the people of Swaziland. We sympathize with all involved and would appeal to all parties to exercise maximum restraint. We welcome the call for an international peace conference on the Middle East. We feel that participation should be on an equal footing, with no pre-conditions.
Close to home, I should like to reassert Swaziland's unswerving commitment to the principles of non-racial democracy, non-alignment and complete respect for human dignity, justice and peaceful coexistence with all.
We hope that the South African Government, under its new leadership, will respect the views and rightful expectations of all its citizens. We are encouraged by the new initiatives and can only hope that words are backed up by action.
This time next month Namibia will have elected its first democratic Government. My country prays for a peaceful election process, free from outside pressure, whatever the outcome, we trust that the monitoring force of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) will ensure that it is the will of the majority that prevails. We look forward to welcoming Namibia to next year's Assembly session.
En route to New York I paid a short visit to our neighbour Mozambique. During friendly and fruitful discussions I assured the President of my resolve to speak out clearly on his country's behalf. The continuing war affects Swaziland in many ways. The refugees fleeing the conflict are of particular concern to us, constituting at least 7 per cent of our total population. Fifty thousand refugees currently stretch our resources in land, finance and employment. While we are encouraged by the response of the international community as a whole, and of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in particular, we feel that the time has now come for the Assembly to give full attention to supporting the process started by President Chissano and carried on by Presidents Moi and Mugabe of Kenya and Zimbabwe, respectively. Let us give real assistance to the people of Mozambique and ease the alarming pattern of emigration, which is threatening to choke the countries playing reluctant host.
Sadly, many other situations of conflict persist throughout the world. Swaziland would welcome the guidance of the Secretary-General and United Nations agencies for their future settlement. I refer to the ongoing situations in Afghanistan, Iran-Iraq, Kampuchea, the Korean peninsula, Western Sahara, New Caledonia, Cyprus, Latin America and Senegal-Mauritania. Our previous successes should spur us on to address today's problems.
Swaziland was saddened to hear of events in Beijing earlier this year. We hope and pray that peace has returned to that city and that the spirit of youthful expression has not been entirely squashed.
It is heartening to be able to share in the enthusiasm of the United Nations for environmental issues. I am impressed by the deep concern of several Member States, which are working within the United Nations system on this agenda. Swaziland is fully prepared to play its part in this vital programme of action. Issues such as deforestation and desertification have particular relevance for us. We support fully all proposals made by the Assembly for an international conference in 1992, to focus on environmental awareness.
In conclusion, I should like to express my firm opinion that the United Nations continues to be the best hope for mankind. We the people of Swaziland are proud to be associated with this august Assembly. Our own policies are dictated by the realities of our situation, and cautious wisdom has always been the Swazi watchword. The Charter of the United Nations is one with which we identify most strongly. It is my privilege, then, on behalf of all the Swazi people, to pledge our continued co-operation with the United Nations system and its specialized agencies. God bless you all.