First, I join other speakers in
congratulating my Ukrainian colleague upon his election to
his high office.
Last week in Oslo, almost 100 countries agreed to a
Convention text for a total ban on anti-personnel landmines.
Who would have imagined, only a year ago, such a
remarkable achievement in such a short time? Thanks to the
tireless efforts and model cooperation of Governments, non-
governmental organizations and civil society, we have
reached this milestone event. I would like to extend a
special tribute to the International Campaign to Ban
Landmines and the International Committee of the Red
Cross. They have been a driving force in our efforts to get
rid of the scourge that landmines represent in the lives of
men, women and children in conflict areas around the
world.
At the beginning of December we will meet in Ottawa
for the signing of the Convention. I appeal to all countries
engaged in this process to ratify the Convention. To those
who have not yet joined us, I say: “Please do so as soon as
possible”. Landmines cannot be allowed to terrorize, maim
or kill more innocent civilians. The United Nations and its
Members have an important role to play and responsibility
for bringing success to the Ottawa process. I appreciate the
support of the Secretary-General and welcome the fact that
he will be the depositary of the treaty. We all have a strong
moral obligation to increase our efforts to reduce the
suffering and prevent new casualties caused by landmines.
Norway intends to provide $100 million over a five-year
period for mine clearance and assistance to victims.
The spread of landmines, small arms and weapons of
mass destruction is unfortunately only one of the many
interlinked global challenges illustrating that the world now,
more than ever, needs the United Nations as a well-
functioning global Organization. At the threshold of the
third millennium, it is unacceptable that poverty and
pollution still dominate the daily lives of billions of people
all over the world; it is unacceptable that hostilities and
hatred still create deadly new conflicts and humanitarian
disasters, between and within States on all continents; and
it is unacceptable that basic human and individual rights
are still widely violated through injustice by Governments
and the negligence of the international community.
Only the United Nations can tackle these universal
and interdependent problems in a comprehensive and
integrated manner. But the world has surely undergone
radical changes since 1945, and so has the nature of the
tasks confronting us. Hence, the United Nations also
needs to change in order to do better what the Member
States want it to do. I was therefore very pleased by the
letter that Mr. Kofi Annan sent to all of our Governments
last month. In clear and concise terms, the Secretary-
General set out the elements of what is without doubt the
most comprehensive reform package in the history of the
United Nations.
Let me state clearly that Norway warmly welcomes
and fully supports the Secretary-General’s programme for
reform and renewal of the United Nations. Together with
the other Nordic countries, we have given our strong
political backing to his reform proposals. We will work
actively with other Member States to ensure that the
General Assembly endorses the reform package this
autumn. We want the reform plans to be implemented as
soon as possible. Norway urgently wants a stronger and
more efficient United Nations. Without such reform, we
will have an Organization less able to promote
development, peace and progress.
Norway is, as many know, one of the main
contributors to the United Nations system. We are one of
the group of countries that fulfil the aim of allocating
more than 0.7 per cent of our gross national product to
development. One out of every 100 Norwegians has
participated in peacekeeping operations around the world.
In terms of money, resources and personnel, our voluntary
assistance to humanitarian relief activities, is, I am proud
to say, second to none. But we want to make sure that
our contribution is put to good use. We want to see it
utilized by the United Nations to improve the lives of
people where the needs are the greatest. That is why we
support the Secretary-General’s reform proposals.
First of all, the reforms will ensure that more
resources are allocated more efficiently for development.
11

The Secretary-General’s excellent proposal to use
administrative savings for a “development dividend” is but
one element in the process. We encourage him to continue
further on the course that he has taken. United Nations
activities targeting sustainable development, poverty,
population, education, the promotion of the role of women
in development and the implementation of the results of the
Beijing Conference must be strengthened and integrated at
the headquarters and field levels. Health should be among
the main priorities. Increased international efforts are
needed to assist developing countries in improving their
national health policies and to combat emerging and
re-emerging diseases, such as malaria, tuberculosis and
AIDS. Member States must follow up by fulfilling their
obligations to increase their transfers of aid to the
developing countries and peoples that need it the most.
Hopefully, this will also have the effect of creating the
confidence needed to bring us forward in the Rio process,
towards renewed environmental commitments which can
pave the way for a successful meeting in Kyoto later this
year.
Secondly, the reforms will strengthen the ability of the
United Nations to manage conflicts. Too often, the United
Nations has shown a lack of capacity to act rapidly in the
face of emerging crises. Therefore, we believe it is high
time to establish a rapid-deployment mission headquarters
for peacekeeping and other operations. Norway has offered
to provide funding for personnel for this headquarters.
Furthermore, we encourage other Member States to
contribute to the Trust Fund for Preventive Action, which
was established this year. We are pleased to note that the
Fund has already facilitated the work of the Special Envoy
of the Secretary-General in Central Africa. We want to
cooperate closely on conflict resolution with our friends and
partners in Africa, including through our training
programmes for peacekeeping tasks in that region.
Thirdly, the reforms will extend the capacity of the
United Nations in the human rights field. Norway welcomes
the proposals to strengthen the human rights secretariat and
the excellent choice of Mary Robinson as High
Commissioner for Human Rights. We pledge to work
closely with her to ensure that the international community
increases its focus on human rights violations. Human
rights concerns must become an integral part of all core
areas of the Organization’s work, including at Headquarters
in New York.
We must follow up reform of the Security Council.
Our position is, I believe, well known: the Council must be
made more representative and should better reflect changes
in political and economic realities. We want new
permanent seats for Germany and Japan and for the
developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
At the same time, a limited number of new non-
permanent seats should be added.
We need financial reform and changes to the scale
of assessments. Some countries have experienced high
and sustained economic growth, but still resist reforms
which would better reflect their increased capacity to pay.
Other countries feel that they are paying too much. We
agree that the time has come to show flexibility in the
discussions on lowering the ceiling on the scale of
assessments to the United Nations budgets, as part of an
overall solution. It cannot be justified that some countries
unilaterally pay less than their legally binding share, or
nothing at all. Non-payment is unacceptable. How can
those of us who always make a point of paying in full
and on time, without conditions, expect our citizens and
taxpayers to continue financing free riders?
We need better integration and coordination within
the United Nations system and between the United
Nations, regional organizations, Governments, civil
society and non-governmental actors. For Norway, this is
not least important in the area of humanitarian assistance.
We welcome the proposal to enhance the capacity of the
Emergency Relief Coordinator to deal more effectively
with complex emergencies.
In Bosnia we are engaged in peace-building under
very difficult conditions. Men and women are serving a
wide range of different organizations: the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, the United Nations civilian police,
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) and humanitarian non-governmental
organizations. Without the excellent coordination and
cooperation that has evolved between the High
Representative, the United Nations Special Representative,
the Stabilization Force Commander, the OSCE Head of
Mission and others, the peace-implementation process
would have been in dire straits indeed.
Nationalist leaders in Bosnia are still inciting hatred.
Refugees are being denied their right to return to their
homes. Our personnel are being threatened. War criminals
are still at large. But despite the failure of local leaders to
fulfil their obligations, the recently held elections show
that the international community has given this country
hope for the future. We will stay the course and remain
engaged in Bosnia until peace is consolidated. We will
insist that wanted war criminals be brought to justice. The
12

convening of a United Nations conference to establish a
permanent international criminal court in 1998 must be
given priority.
Norway remains committed to the Middle East peace
process. While we will continue to work actively with other
donor countries to ensure the availability of funding, we are
extremely concerned by the current deadlock. The parties
must realize that there is no alternative to the peace process
and to the fulfilment of the spirit and the letter of the Oslo
accords. Further credible efforts to combat terrorism must
be undertaken. The current settlements policy is not
conducive to the peace process. We must redouble our
efforts to bring the parties back into dialogue about the
remaining issues.
We must not forget the success stories of United
Nations conflict resolution. Just since last year, for
example, the decades-long civil war in Guatemala has
ended peacefully. We have had the pleasure of working
with the United Nations and others, like the Group of
Friends for Guatemala, in seeing through the ceasefire
agreement signed in Oslo and the other peace accords.
I would like to take this opportunity to commend the
Government of Guatemala and the Unidad Revolucionaria
Nacional Guatemalteca for their courage and determination
to see the peace process succeed.
Finally, our experience in Guatemala and other
conflict areas corroborates the importance that the
Secretary-General attaches to the close interaction between
the civil society, Governments and the United Nations. We
must make use of the dedication, resources and
commitment to peace and progress that exist among
citizens, in non-governmental organizations and in the
private sector. Through the active involvement and support
of civil society, we can build a stronger and more effective
world Organization for the next century.


I have the honour to convey to
all representatives the warm greetings and good wishes of
His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, King of Bhutan, for
the success of the fifty-second session of the United
Nations General Assembly.
May I express, Sir, my heartfelt congratulations on
your election to the high office of the presidency of the
General Assembly. We are confident that with your vast
personal experience and in-depth knowledge of the United
Nations you will lead our deliberations in this important
session to a fruitful conclusion.
I would like to express our deep appreciation to
Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia for the bold and
innovative manner in which he led the fifty-first session of
the General Assembly.
I would like to take this opportunity to pay a special
tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his
dynamic leadership of our Organization. I wish to
congratulate him on his comprehensive report on the reform
of the United Nations and also to express our appreciation
to the Executive Coordinator for Reform and his team for
their valuable contribution.
This session of the General Assembly has been widely
regarded as a session for the reform of the United Nations.
I shall therefore confine my remarks to this subject. The
question of United Nations reform is not a new issue and
has been the subject of ongoing discussions. We share the
view that concrete steps must be taken this year so that the
feeling of uncertainty can be put behind us and we can
concentrate on other important challenges that confront our
Organization.
Before we embark on the task of reforming the United
Nations it is important that we first understand what the
United Nations means to different Member States. The
United Nations is certainly unparalleled in history as a
forum for international dialogue and cooperation, as well as
for the maintenance of international peace and security.
However, for many of the larger Members it remains but
one of several means of pursuing their national interests.
For smaller Member countries, however, the United Nations
remains the primary Organization for the protection and
expression of their sovereignty. Many of them also rely
heavily on the United Nations for their economic and social
advancement. Any reform of the United Nations must
therefore take into account the needs and aspirations of
the majority of its Members, which are small developing
countries. The United Nations must be able to protect the
political independence of its smaller Members and support
their social and economic development in order to enable
them to meet their aspirations for peace and development
without undue pressures or interference from outside.
The proposal for reform submitted by the Secretary-
General is significant in that he has not only sought the
views of Member States but has also taken into account
the perspective of the United Nations staff, for the
changes would have a direct bearing on their functions
and responsibilities. In our view, this effort to involve
Members States as well as the United Nations staff will
provide a congenial atmosphere in which to discuss
reforms and their subsequent implementation.
With regard to the reforms, there are clearly areas
which fall within the mandate of the Secretary-General.
It is our view that reforms which are already moving
ahead in some areas must be allowed to do so. We find
merit in clustering together various divisions within the
United Nations Secretariat in the core areas of peace and
security, humanitarian affairs, economic and social affairs
and human rights. We also find the various coordination
and planning mechanisms being put in place among the
new broad clusters necessary and useful.
We look forward to receiving from the Secretary-
General his report on the measures he is taking to
implement the organizational changes which are within
his mandate. While the General Assembly and some of
the existing consultative mechanisms exist and will no
doubt be used for interaction with the Secretariat, there
should be mechanisms by which the general membership
can interact with the newly formed divisions.
The new post of Deputy Secretary-General is
necessary in our view, given the formidable number of
responsibilities that the Secretary-General currently has to
shoulder. The role of the Deputy Secretary-General
should, however, be clearly defined in the larger interests
of the Organization.
The question of refocusing the work of the General
Assembly itself is an interesting proposal which we fully
support. The long debates in the Assembly, as well as in
numerous Committees, and the large number of issues
and resolutions, are well beyond the capacity of many of
the smaller Member countries to handle. We support the
4

idea of dealing with thematic issues, both within the
plenary and the Committees, during the annual sessions.
We also support the view that the follow-up to all
global conferences should be properly tied to the work of
the General Assembly. The resolutions and other decisions
adopted during the General Assembly must be organized in
such a manner that they will have a direct bearing on the
work of the Secretariat, providing both guidance and
direction.
The proposed Development Group that has been
constituted, bringing greater coordination of the three key
United Nations development agencies — namely, the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the United
Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) — is of special interest
to the majority of small developing countries to which the
activities of these agencies provide significant support. It
must be recognized that the coordination among these three
agencies must support the ongoing programmes which these
agencies have arrived at with individual countries and that
the changes should be brought about without any disruption
to the current programmes, both in financial and
programming terms.
As a country which has benefited greatly from the
activities of UNDP, UNICEF and UNFPA, we express our
gratitude to these and other United Nations bodies and
specialized agencies for their assistance to my country. The
experience of Bhutan and many smaller developing
countries clearly indicates that there is a continued role for
these United Nations bodies and agencies. It is our hope
that with better coordination within the Development Group
and field-level implementation of their activities there will
be enhanced financial support by the donor community.
The proposal by the Secretary-General to have a high-
level ministerial commission to review the work of other
United Nations agencies and their relationship with the
General Assembly and the Secretariat is timely. The work
of the specialized agencies is extremely important, and it is
time their methods of work and their activities were
reviewed so that all United Nations programmes are better
synchronized.
All the efforts to reform and revitalize the United
Nations will not be possible if the United Nations does not
have a sound financial position. The financial health of the
United Nations must be restored. All members must work
earnestly towards meeting this objective. We welcome the
Secretary-General’s proposal to create a revolving credit
fund to meet the Organization’s funding. However, the
primary requirement must be met from the assessed
contributions of Member States. In this regard, it is our
view that the negotiations on the scale of assessments
must proceed and be resolved at an early date in a
manner that is acceptable to all Member States. We also
firmly believe that all Member States must meet their
financial obligations to the Organization through the
unconditional payment of their assessed dues in full and
on time. The United Nations must also institute more
dynamic means of fund management, including utilization
of the financial market in a prudent manner. All legal
restrictions to such management should be reviewed.
One of the most important issues relating to the
reform of the United Nations remains the membership of
the Security Council. It is our view that the discussions
on this issue, emanating from complex and fundamentally
inequitable premises, have led to the current difficulties.
However, the continued status quo does not benefit the
vast majority of Member States. Bhutan fully supports the
Non-Aligned Movement’s position that there must be
expansion of the permanent membership to include the
developed and developing countries and that there should
be additional non-permanent seats. The expansion must
take into account the new security needs and the objective
criteria, of who would best be able to shoulder the new
responsibilities. We believe that on the basis of objective
criteria, Japan, as one of the foremost economic and
political powers in the world today, qualifies for
permanent membership. Among developing countries,
India’s case merits serious consideration for permanent
membership due to its massive population — one out of
nearly six people on our planet is an Indian — and its
great economic potential, in addition to the fact that India
has played an active role in all United Nations activities.
Discussion on the expansion must continue, and we
should not be deterred by the complex nature of the
subject. We remain confident that an early and equitable
solution can be found.
It is our hope that the reform of the United Nations
and the renewal of the United Nations can be completed
in the two remaining years of this century, so that during
the millennium session of the General Assembly, in the
year 2000, we can concentrate on the vision and
aspirations of mankind for the twenty-first century.


Mr. President, it is my
pleasure to congratulate you on your election, to share the
confidence expressed in your leadership, and to pledge the
cooperation of the Barbados delegation in the work of the
fifty-second session of the General Assembly.
I also wish to convey our deep appreciation to His
Excellency Ambassador Razali Ismail for his outstanding
stewardship of the fifty-first session. My delegation
welcomed the firm management and dispatch of the
General Assembly agenda which characterized his tenure as
President. We would wish that this businesslike approach
reflect the new direction of a reformed United Nations,
more efficient and more effective, to face the challenge of
rapid global change.
The Assembly meets again for its review of the global
political scene against a background of recurring strife and
conflict in many parts of the world. The increasing
demands on the resources of the Organization continue to
hamper implementation of its priority mission in the post-
cold-war world, namely, promoting sustainable
development and, in particular, the elimination of absolute
poverty.
My delegation believes that the United Nations must
remain the conscience of the international community in
the fight against poverty and misery, which afflict so
many of the world’s people. Yet we face the stark reality
that without peace, the fruits of development and the
goals of economic and social justice will remain for them
a distant dream.
The numerous conflicts, both old and new, which
darken the global political scene underline the need for a
new urgency in the quest for peace, so wherever conflict
exists we call on all concerned parties to redouble their
efforts towards reconciliation and to accelerate the
conditions for stability and economic and social progress
for their people.
But, as we look to the new millennium, we believe
that prospects for an era of lasting peace must extend
beyond traditional responses to conflict after they have
erupted. The promotion of a “Culture of Peace”, launched
by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO), holds considerable promise. It
focuses greater attention on prevention and addresses the
cause of conflict at its roots. We share the view of
UNESCO that this challenge is broad and far-reaching
and would require priority commitment by the United
Nations system, non-governmental organizations, and civil
society.
Institutional reform and restructuring at both the
national and multilateral levels in response to rapid global
change is an imperative, not an option. Barbados strongly
supports the United Nations reform process, and has
followed with deep interest the progress of the various
Working Groups.
The Working Group on an Agenda for Development
has completed its task. We now have a comprehensive
document which embodies the main development
priorities contained in the various programmes of action.
But if the Agenda is to be implemented, it must claim
wide ownership, not only among the organs and
specialized agencies of the United Nations system, but
among the operational Ministries of Governments as
well — in particular, Ministries of Finance. Here we
remain concerned that the critical question of the future
11

financing of development has not been resolved. This has
heightened uncertainty about the international commitment
to development cooperation, through which the United
Nations system has played such an important supportive
role in developing countries.
Negotiations taking place in the Working Group on
reform of the Security Council should facilitate, not limit,
opportunities for membership of developing countries, and
reflect the altered structure of the Organization since 1965.
Barbados attaches particular importance to the principle of
openness and transparency in the work of the Council and
welcomes the steps already taken in this direction through
regular briefings and monthly assessments by Council
Presidents.
Difficult negotiations remain on key issues, including
the size of the Council, the nature of its enlargement and
the use of the veto. We must now step up consultations,
drawing on the useful proposals submitted by Member
States and the Co-Chairmen of the Group. We hope such
negotiations can be conducted in a timely and open manner,
in a spirit of compromise, and to the general satisfaction of
all.
The report on the strengthening of the United Nations
system contains many important recommendations for
improving the role and functioning of the General
Assembly and the accountability and efficiency of the
Secretariat. Some may argue that these proposals do not go
far enough. In the view of my delegation, however, they
constitute a firm basis on which the effectiveness of these
organs can be built. We look forward to their
implementation.
My delegation remains deeply concerned about the
prolonged financial crisis facing the Organization and the
serious implications for its long-term viability. We believe
that the United Nations is at the crossroads. Payment of
assessed contributions in full, on time and without
conditions is a hallowed treaty obligation of Member States.
Unilateral conditions, however convenient, constitute a
dangerous precedent which could hobble the United Nations
and the reform process for many years to come. We urge
the Working Group concerned to step up its efforts to put
the Organization on a more secure financial footing.
Against this background of United Nations system
reform, we welcome the second phase of the Secretary-
General’s reform programme “Renewing the United
Nations: A Programme for Reform”. It contains many far-
reaching proposals designed to streamline the organizational
and management structure of the United Nations and to
improve its overall effectiveness. My delegation will
participate actively in the relevant forum which will
consider this report, and seek greater clarification and
specificity on a number of key recommendations.
In principle, however, we believe that as chief
executive officer, accountable to Member States for the
Organization’s performance, the Secretary-General must
be able to implement those management actions within
his immediate authority. At the same time, we would
caution that reform should not be driven by staff
reduction targets, nor predetermined by budgetary
constraints. We believe reform should be guided by the
mandated objectives and priorities set by Member States,
as reflected in the various programmes of action of the
global conferences, and the financial and human resources
required to implement them.
The scientific achievements of this century have
been truly spectacular. We have visited the Moon and
lived in outer space for months. We have made great
advances in medicine and genetic engineering, in
information technology, in high-speed mass transport and
in food production, to mention only a few. Yet so much
remains to be done. Abject poverty, disease, illiteracy and
ill-health still afflict far too many fellow inhabitants of
this planet as we approach the new millennium.
This Organization has done much to alleviate
suffering. But it can continue to do so, and do so more
effectively, only if Member States, according to their
capacities, give unselfishly of the financial and technical
resources necessary for the execution of its social
programmes.
In Barbados, our own national development
programmes underscore the Government’s assignment of
highest priority to the social sectors, which at present
account for almost 40 per cent of total Government
expenditure. Through sustained economic growth,
supplemented by an effective social safety net, the
Government aims to spread the benefits of development
to all its people. Among new major programmes are Edu
tech 2000, a five-year education-sector programme aimed
at enhancing the use of information technology by
students and teachers, and the Youth Entrepreneurship
Scheme, known as YES, which provides training,
business counselling, mentorship and access to finance for
young entrepreneurs.
12

While our strong commitment to social policy has paid
rich dividends, as illustrated by the successive high
rankings of Barbados in the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) human development index, emerging
problems largely associated with poverty, particularly
among youth, are of critical concern.
The Government has therefore launched a major
initiative in collaboration with UNDP to elaborate a plan of
action for poverty alleviation including the feasibility of a
social-investment funding scheme. It will target pockets of
poverty throughout the country and provide funding for
programmes submitted by local non-governmental
organizations and community groups, focusing on skills
acquisition and community empowerment. Through related
policies, the Government is implementing measures to
promote gender parity and the full integration of women
and youth in the development process.
Barbados enjoys a robust democracy and so recognizes
the increasing influence of civil society in shaping national
policy. The Government has taken a number of actions to
foster and to strengthen this participatory process, including
the establishment of National Commissions on Social
Justice and on Reform of the Constitution. This underscores
the highest priority we give to social justice and democracy
and the importance we attach to keeping these fundamental
rights under periodic review.
Barbados participated actively within the Alliance of
Small Island States (AOSIS) during the nineteenth special
session of the General Assembly, which reviewed the
outcome of the United Nations Conference on Environment
and Development. We consider the Rio Conference to be
one of the great achievements of the United Nations. It
underscored the integration of environment and
development policies through a comprehensive programme
of action — Agenda 21 — which speaks to the very
survival of our planet. More particularly, it called the
attention of the international community to the special
vulnerabilities of small island developing States through the
follow-up Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of the Small Island Developing States, and
the Barbados Programme of Action which it adopted.
Barbados shared with other developing countries the
expectation that the special session would rekindle the spirit
of Rio and reaffirm the commitments made for the
financing of sustainable development. The special session
clearly fell short of these expectations. Since Rio, progress
has been made in enacting international law and
conventions in the areas of biodiversity, the seas, climate
change and desertification, and in implementing
environmental policies at the national level. But the
failure of donors to honour commitments on finance and
technology was clearly the most crucial factor limiting
further implementation of Agenda 21.
We welcome, however, the decision to hold a two-
day special session to review the Barbados Programme of
Action in 1999. It is our hope that this review will
reinforce the long-term viability of this Programme and
underscore the vital role small island developing States
play as a laboratory for the study of environmental
change in the interest of all countries. While recognizing
that, through self-help, small island developing States
must do more to revitalize the Barbados Programme, we
urge the international community to provide greater
financial support to strengthen its implementation,
especially its information network and technical assistance
components. The upcoming Caribbean ministerial meeting
on the plan of action, scheduled to be held in Barbados in
November, will give strategic direction to our preparatory
work over the next several months.
I wish to turn briefly to specific developments of
major concern to the Caribbean region. The vulnerability
of our region, both environmental and economic, is a
daily reality. On the emerald isle of Montserrat, nature
has dealt a most cruel blow. There the people face not
just the effects of a natural calamity, but the distinct
possibility that their island home and way of life could be
obliterated. The eruption of the Lange Soufriere Hills
Volcano shows no signs of abating. Barbados has joined
its Caribbean Community (CARICOM) partners in
providing financial and material assistance to the people
of our sister isle in this time of crisis. We urge the
international community to come to the assistance of this
beleaguered island.
Man-made disasters can be no less cruel. The recent
decision of the World Trade Organization panel on the
banana question has threatened the very lifeline of the
exporting countries of the region. We know that
diversification is the long-term answer. But such
economic transformation cannot be achieved overnight or
without consistent support from the international
community. Barbados joins affected countries in appealing
for such support.
Last June Barbados and the other CARICOM States
welcomed Haiti as the fourteenth member of our
Community. Haiti’s future is now linked to CARICOM’s
future.
13

In supporting Haiti during its critical hour, CARICOM
countries cautioned then, and we do so again now, that the
task ahead would be long and difficult and that progress
would be uneven, and urged the international community to
stay the course with Haiti. We are therefore grateful not
just to the Security Council for agreeing to a United
Nations Transition Mission in Haiti whose mandate extends
to 30 November 1997, but also to the Friends of the
Secretary-General for Haiti, and to other concerned
delegations that made this compromise possible. This
extension will further professionalize the National Police
force and enhance its capacity to secure the stability on
which democracy and development can flourish.
In May 1997 Barbados had the honour to host the
CARICOM/United States summit on partnership for
prosperity and security in the Caribbean. It underlined our
mutual economic and security interests and opened a new
chapter in the CARICOM/United States partnership,
consistent with the changing global economy.
The summit adopted the Bridgetown Declaration of
Principles. It will guide an ambitious action plan designed
to promote sustainable development and foster democracy,
peace, and economic and social progress in the region.
Barbados considers the summit an important landmark in
CARICOM/United States cooperation. We look forward to
monitoring the action plan at annual meetings of
CARICOM Foreign Ministers and the Secretary of State of
the United States of America, starting early in 1998. We
trust that this process of consultation will embrace the
concerns of Caribbean countries over a number of critical
issues, such as the adverse impact of recent immigration
policy on the very fabric of Caribbean society.
Barbados and the CARICOM States have been
particularly concerned with the threat to democracy and
society posed by drug trafficking, crime and violence,
money laundering and corruption. Our efforts to rid the
Caribbean of those scourges have centred on increased
cooperation and information sharing and on the
strengthening and training of our police and coastguard
forces. We welcome the valuable support for these efforts
by our bilateral partners as well as by the Regional Office
for the Caribbean of the United Nations International Drug
Control Programme. The special session of the General
Assembly on the issue of drugs next year will provide a
valuable opportunity to share our experiences and also to
learn from those of others.
Let me comment briefly on the phenomenon of
globalization, which has reshaped the development
landscape, with far-reaching implications for the
Caribbean Community. The reordering and strengthening
of CARICOM-United States cooperation are an integral
part of our adaptation to this powerful impulse. Through
the liberalization of trade, finance and services and the
rapid expansion of telecommunications and information
technology, developing countries have become a driving
force in this process, although the level and pace of
integration differ widely among countries. Barbados
shares the anxiety of small developing States, which are
highly vulnerable to marginalization in this fiercely
competitive environment given our sparse natural and
human-resource base and limited administrative and
technical capacity.
Globalization presents new opportunities for trade
and investment — witness the performance of East Asian
economies. But the gains have been largely reaped by the
stronger countries, leaving the weak even more
disadvantaged and the inequality between and within
countries even more pronounced. It is for this reason that
we urge the United Nations to play a greater advocacy
role on behalf of vulnerable States in the policy dialogue
on globalization.
The CARICOM States recognize that we must
strengthen our technical capacity to negotiate effectively
our integration into the global economy. Accordingly,
regional negotiating machinery has been established to
manage these crucial negotiations, which will determine
our future relations with major trading blocs.
This fifty-second session of the General Assembly
has before it many critical issues. It must guide the
reform process, which, in effect, will determine the very
future of the Organization. It must come to terms with the
chronic and grave financial crisis that threatens the
Organization’s integrity and viability. It must redouble its
efforts to foster reconciliation and stability in the many
strife-torn countries where millions of people remain
trapped in poverty and deprivation.
Barbados believes that this indispensable institution
can meet these challenges. But it must expeditiously put
its house in order so that it can intensify its efforts with
regard to the priorities that define its unique mission of
peace, development, democracy and social justice.
Barbados pledges its full commitment and support.
14


I sincerely
congratulate the Foreign Minister of Ukraine,
Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly, a most crucial task
which I trust he will execute in a most productive and
creative manner.
Let me also record my admiration and praise for the
way in which his predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail,
performed his demanding mission during the whole of the
fifty-first session of the General Assembly. He laid a
unique foundation on the basis of which we must now
make advances towards a better United Nations.
I refer to the statement made yesterday by the
Foreign Minister of Luxembourg on behalf of all
20

members of the European Union; my Government fully
subscribes to that statement.
On the threshold of the new millennium, profound
changes are affecting the lives of nations and individuals.
Many are benefitting from open international relations.
Others feel marginalized politically and economically. And
all too many countries are still threatened by persistent
poverty, social injustice and domestic strife.
We need a strong United Nations to counter these
forces, which separate nations and tear them apart. We need
a renewed United Nations to focus on the tasks for which
it was established, and to meet the new challenges of today
and of tomorrow.
This is why we need fundamental United Nations
reform: not piecemeal improvements, but major change.
This is why Sweden wholeheartedly endorses the reform
proposals presented by the Secretary-General. We give our
support as an active participant in all spheres of United
Nations activity and as a major contributor to its
development funds and programmes.
United Nations reform is not a cost-cutting exercise.
Its aim must be to make the Organization strong, effective
and efficient, focusing on its core activities and ready to
meet its future challenges. The Swedish Government
supports the proposal that efficiency savings should be used
for development.
The United Nations cannot be reformed under the
threat of political and financial crisis. It is simply not
acceptable that Member States should set conditions for
fulfilling Charter obligations. The Swedish Government
urges all debtors — including the main debtor, the United
States — to settle their accounts before the end of this year
and to pay their assessed contributions in full, on time and
without conditions.
Securing a sound and viable financial basis must be an
integral part of reform efforts. The idea of establishing a
revolving credit fund could be considered as an emergency
step. We should also enact measures to reverse the current
trend of late payment. Article 19 of the Charter should be
applied more strictly. It is also time to agree on a new scale
of assessments based on capacity to pay. A realistic
proposal has been presented by the European Union.
We, the Member States, should provide political
direction for the reform process. We should take an overall
view of United Nations reform, and avoid getting trapped
in details. We are fully aware that there will be further
steps: reform is a process, not a one-time event.
Today, I will emphasize the need to strengthen and
reform the United Nations in four key areas: peace and
security, sustainable development, human rights, and
disarmament.
First, the United Nations must be strengthened and
reformed to effectively prevent and settle armed conflicts.
This is the purpose for which the Organization was
established. This is where success or failure will
ultimately be determined. Long-term prevention should
address the root causes of conflict: poverty, social
injustice, oppression and violations of human rights. The
United Nations world conferences have established the
close relationship between security and development. The
United Nations must continue to build on this political
platform.
Conflict prevention is a task which requires
coordinated action by the United Nations system as a
whole, including the international financial organizations,
and also by non-governmental organizations. Cooperation
at the regional and subregional levels is increasingly
important for building a security environment based on
common values and norms.
It is equally urgent to strengthen the ability of the
United Nations to act on the threat of an erupting conflict.
The whole range of United Nations instruments, including
those mentioned in Article 33 of the Charter, should be
developed and used to their full potential. Sweden wishes
to cooperate with other Member States to enhance the
United Nations capacity for early warning and early
action. The new generation of peacekeeping operations
must combine political, military, humanitarian and civilian
United Nations action, and strike the right balance
between various forms of response. The United Nations
Humanitarian Coordinator plays a key role in fostering a
response to humanitarian crises. This should lay the
groundwork for post-conflict reconstruction and long-term
recovery of war-torn nations.
The Swedish Government supports efforts to set up
a rapidly deployable mission headquarters within the
United Nations. Together with Austria, Canada, Denmark
and Norway, we are creating the multinational Stand-by
Forces High-Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) to enhance
the United Nations capacity for rapid deployment. In
many situations United Nations civilian police can help
prevent conflict and restore ravaged societies. I therefore
21

appreciated the opportunity I had, during Sweden’s
presidency of the Security Council in July, to deliver a
presidential statement on civilian police in peacekeeping
operations. It calls on Member States to make qualified
police quickly available to the United Nations through
better and standardized training.
We need a global security architecture: a web of
organizations capable of dealing quickly with a wide range
of threats and potential conflicts. Regional organizations
will further gain in importance. But the primary and overall
responsibility remains with the United Nations. Conflict
prevention, peacekeeping, peace-building and humanitarian
action to protect the victims of conflicts have to be at the
core of United Nations reform efforts. But the decisive
factor will not be the instruments with which we equip the
Organization, but rather our willingness to use them, to pay
for them and to accept the authority of the United Nations.
My second theme is that the United Nations must be
strengthened and reformed to combat poverty and promote
sustainable development. Fighting poverty, supporting
sustainable development and promoting economic
integration are part of the Organization’s mandate as set out
in the Charter. Sweden sees this crucial task as being in its
own best interest. Our own development has benefited
much from the multilateralism of this century.
The Swedish Government wholeheartedly supports the
proposals of the Secretary-General to reform the United
Nations in the economic and social fields. We want an
empowered and capable United Nations. We want a unified
United Nations presence in the field so that the United
Nations system can be a reliable and flexible partner for
developing countries. We want long-term commitments
from donors and more equitable burden-sharing for
financing development.
Sweden is one of the four countries fulfilling the
United Nations aid target. Over a three-year period, by the
year 2000, we undertake to further increase our aid budget,
challenging the international trend. In spite of a few
difficult years, we have kept up our voluntary contributions
to the multilateral system. In the coming years we foresee
increases. To support debt relief for the poorest countries
the Swedish Government will contribute 295 million
Swedish Krona to the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
and World Bank Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt
Initiative.
One of the greatest challenges facing the international
community in the coming years will be to achieve global
sustainable development. The industrialized countries
must take the lead and learn how to do more with less
input of resources and energy. Our goal should be to use
energy and raw materials 10 times more efficiently. In
our efforts to combat climate change, the developed
countries should, this December in Kyoto, agree to reduce
the emission of greenhouse gases.
My third theme is that the United Nations must be
strengthened and reformed to protect and promote human
rights. Sweden applauds the Secretary-General’s steps to
integrate human rights into all United Nations activities.
We welcome the appointment of the distinguished Mrs
Mary Robinson as High Commissioner for Human Rights.
Next year the United Nations will celebrate the fiftieth
anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. This historic document establishes the individual
as a subject in international relations, with her or his own
rights and aspirations. Violations of human rights are a
legitimate concern for the international community.
The Human Rights Year 1998 will be an opportunity
for celebration, but also for critical assessment. We
should reform human rights machinery and strengthen
assistance in this field. The implementation of
international human rights standards must be improved.
Public information and fact-finding on human rights
violations are crucial. It is particularly important to
expose any attempt by Governments to silence those who
bravely stand up in defence of human rights and basic
humanitarian principles in their own countries.
Sweden will continue to work hard to combat
torture. We will stand firm in our rejection of the death
penalty, wherever practised. It is an abhorrent practice,
unworthy of our times.
Cooperation must be enhanced to eradicate sexual
abuse, exploitation and trafficking in children and women.
Governments need to take firm action against
discrimination based on gender, ethnic origin or religious
belief.
Next year’s diplomatic conference will be a
milestone in the decades-long endeavour to establish an
international criminal court. The court will play a crucial
role in closing the gap of impunity for those who commit
genocide, serious war crimes and systematic or large-scale
human rights violations.
My fourth and last theme is that the United Nations
must be strengthened and reformed to build security
22

through disarmament. Disarmament, non-proliferation and
arms control are central features of any policy aimed at
preventing conflict, promoting peace and fostering
economic and social development. They must become fully
integrated elements in a coordinated policy for peace-
building.
The 1990s have seen impressive progress towards
disarmament, but much work lies ahead. The international
political and security climate now offers a historic
opportunity. It must be fully translated into concrete
actions.
It is imperative that the quest for a nuclear-weapon-
free world continue. Sweden urges the Russian Federation
to ratify the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks II (START II),
enabling the conclusion of START III. This should pave the
way for further reductions, on the part of all nuclear-
weapon States, with a view to the total elimination of
nuclear arsenals, in accordance with Article VI of the Non-
Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
The Canberra Commission on the Elimination of
Nuclear Weapons has proposed a series of measures to
achieve a world free from nuclear weapons. Its report
merits in-depth consideration in international disarmament
forums. Let me focus on two timely aspects.
The Commission proposes that nuclear forces should
be taken off alert and that warheads be removed from their
delivery vehicles. I urge the United States and Russia to
apply these measures without delay to all strategic weapons
covered by START II, and subsequently by START III.
Nuclear-weapon-free States have a legitimate right to
assurances that they will not be attacked or threatened by
nuclear weapons. The time has come to elaborate a legally
binding instrument under the NPT, giving such assurances
to non-nuclear-weapon States Parties.
Conventional arms — especially light weaponry — are
at the heart of today’s conflicts. They aggravate tensions,
provoke and prolong wars and inflict human suffering —
sometimes long after ceasefires and peace settlements. The
flow of conventional arms to areas of tension and conflict
must be stemmed. I welcome the high priority given to
such objectives in the Secretary-General’s reform
programme. There is a need for export control of
conventional arms as well as of dual-use products.
International cooperation in this field and the demand for an
international code of conduct for arms transfers are matters
of high priority for the Swedish Government.
From a humanitarian point of view, anti-personnel
landmines are in a category of their own: indiscriminate
by nature, crippling innocent children, women, men and
nations. I am proud to say that Sweden was the first State
to propose a total ban on this terrible type of weapon. I
warmly welcome the Oslo agreement on a convention on
such a ban. I urge all States to accede to it. We must now
make every effort to achieve universal adherence to this
ban.
Reform is necessary to build a stronger and more
relevant United Nations. I have outlined some major
aspects from Sweden’s point of view. As I have
emphasized, but must not look at United Nations reform
in isolation, we must consider why we need the
Organization and what it can do for all of us through all
of us.
Today’s international environment is rife with
contradictions. We have a globalized economy, but we
also have a periphery unable to benefit, and left further
and further behind. We have ever closer international
cooperation, but we also have aggressive nationalism and
xenophobia. We have growing support for democracy and
human rights, but we also have atrocities and blatant
disregard for international law.
In this situation, the purpose of the United Nations
should be precisely what is spelled out in its name and its
Charter: to unite nations and people.


It gives me great pleasure to begin my statement by
congratulating you, Mr. President, and the Government and
people of your friendly country on your election as
President of the fifty-second session of the General
Assembly. I am quite confident that you will conduct the
proceedings of this session efficiently and competently,
given your renowned skill and experience in both
diplomatic and international affairs.
I would also like to express our utmost appreciation
and gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Razali Ismail, for his
successful and distinguished management of the affairs of
the fifty-first session which has just ended.
It is also my pleasure heartily to congratulate the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, on his election to the
office of Secretary-General of the United Nations at the
beginning of this year. I wish him success and wish our
Organization progress and prosperity under his leadership.
Since the start of the peace process in the Middle
East, Jordan has carefully upheld the purposes and terms
of reference of this process, which began in Madrid in
1991 with the participation of all the concerned parties.
Since recovering its territory and water under the peace
treaty signed with Israel in October 1994, Jordan has
maintained its pivotal role in the process and continued its
efforts with the other parties to achieve the desired goals
of establishing a just, comprehensive and lasting peace
which will be accepted, preserved and protected by future
generations. We fully believe that the durability of peace
is closely tied to the need for it to be just and
comprehensive. We understand comprehensiveness in its
broadest sense, namely, all parties to the conflict without
exception must be involved and all aspects of the conflict
must be dealt with, whether its inherent causes or those
which have evolved and been aggravated over the years
and during the various phases of the conflict.
Jordan has always emphasized its adherence to
Security Council resolutions, particularly resolutions 242
(1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978), as the basic terms of
reference for the peace process, in addition to the
principle of handing back occupied Arab territory in
return for peace. Based on this and on relevant United
Nations resolutions, legitimacy and justice, we call for the
resumption of negotiations on the Syrian-Israeli track and
the Lebanese-Israeli track. We have also made and
continue to make our best efforts to achieve the
implementation of the transitional phase agreements and
go on to the final status negotiations on the Palestinian
track. We do this out of our firm conviction that the
peace process will not attain comprehensiveness nor
justice unless the Israelis and Palestinians arrive at a just
solution for the question of Palestine, including the right
of self-determination for the Palestinian people and the
establishment of their independent State on their national
territory.
Jerusalem, the city of peace, which is the seat of the
Holy Places of the three heavenly religions, and to which
the hearts of believers the world over turn, deserves our
utmost attention, with a view to reaching a satisfactory
solution that ensures to all freedom of access to the Holy
Places, preserves the holy character of the city and keeps
it as a symbol of peace among peoples across the world.
We affirm that East Jerusalem is an occupied Palestinian
Arab city to which Security Council resolution 242 (1967)
applies, as it applies to all occupied Arab territories.
If the security problem is a major obstacle to peace,
confidence-building and peacemaking are the best means
6

to achieve individual and regional security as well as
stability in the Middle East. There is no peace without
security and no security without peace.
Accordingly, we would like from this international
rostrum to call upon Israel — the State with which we have
concluded a peace treaty — to do everything possible to
build and consolidate confidence with the peoples of the
region in general and the Palestinian people in particular. A
first step toward that would be to abandon, in its dealing
with security matters, the language of force, the language
of siege and restrictions on the livelihood of the Palestinian
people. At the same time, Israel must abide by the Fourth
Geneva Convention by abandoning the settlement policy
and the policy of creating a new fait accompli on
Palestinian territory, including its attempts to change the
demographic structure and the religious, historical and
cultural character of the occupied territories, including
Jerusalem. We also call upon Israel to implement the
agreements concluded with the Palestinian side in letter and
spirit as soon as possible, for delay and siege will create a
state of despair in which it becomes impossible to control
extremism and prevent it from wreaking havoc on security
and stability. Extremism undoubtedly finds in these policies
a fertile ground for the achievement of its anti-peace
objectives.
On the other hand, in order to build confidence with
the Governments and peoples of the region, Israel has to
abandon the production and development of weapons of
mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons. All the
Middle East States, except Israel, have become parties to
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT). The whole world recognizes that the current
situation in the region is indeed a unique situation
unparalleled in other regions of the world. A single State
has a monopoly of nuclear capabilities, while the other
States of the region are bound by treaties and international
law.
Because the presence of nuclear weapons is a major
obstacle preventing the peace process from reaching its
goals, the ideal solution for this problem would be to
remove this obstacle by establishing in the Middle East a
zone free from all weapons of mass destruction.
In this context, permit me to announce the decision of
the Government of Jordan to accede to the Convention on
the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling
and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction.
This decision was motivated by Jordan’s belief that
weapons, including all weapons of mass destruction, do not
establish security nor restore stability to the Middle East
region or to any region in the world unless there is full
confidence among its Governments and peoples.
The Iraqis no longer see any ray of hope of ending
their continuous suffering caused by the embargo that has
been imposed on them for the last seven years. Iraqis
have suffered enough and tasted enough bitter pain. It is
high time that our international Organization moved to
alleviate their suffering and dress their wounds, so that
they may recover their livelihood and contribute anew to
the development and prosperity of the region.
In issuing this serious and sincere call for the lifting
of the embargo imposed on the people of Iraq, we would
like to reaffirm that it is necessary to preserve Iraq’s
sovereignty and territorial integrity. We also call upon the
Iraqi Government fully to implement all Security Council
resolutions and to do its best to reach a solution for the
problem of Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, to
pave the way for the reestablishment of normal and
friendly relations among the States of the region on the
basis of mutual respect for the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of all States.
Just as the Iraqi people are suffering from the
blockade, so are the Libyan people. Since the sanctions
were imposed on Libya, the Libyan people have been
suffering from a ban on flights. We therefore call for a
peaceful settlement of the problem arising from the
Lockerbie tragedy within a framework of international
law and legitimacy.
We call upon Iran to enter into serious negotiations
with the sisterly United Arab Emirates in order to reach
a peaceful solution, ensuring the return of the three
occupied islands, Abu Musa and the Greater and the
Lesser Tunb, to the United Arab Emirates, which would
effectively contribute to the establishment of peace,
security and stability in the Gulf region.
Since war began in the former Yugoslavia, Jordan
has joined its voice to those of all the States that called
for an end to the suffering of the people of the nascent
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, suffering that
shocked the conscience of the whole world and moved
the international community, which had held high hopes
following the conclusion of the Dayton Peace Agreement.
We now reaffirm that peace, security and stability in
Bosnia — and, indeed, throughout the Balkans — depend
largely on the full and honest implementation of that
Agreement. A strong international commitment is also
7

essential for making the peace process an irreversible
reality. The international community must do what is
incumbent upon it in this regard, including providing
effective assistance for reconstruction in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and ensuring the effective management of
public enterprises as provided in the Dayton Agreement.
This would have an important impact on the preservation of
Bosnia’s unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The problem of Palestinian refugees, the resolution of
which has been left to the final status negotiations, is one
of the most intricate problems faced by the Middle East
region. However, the international community, regrettably,
does not accord this problem the attention that it deserves.
The financial crisis which grips the United Nations Relief
and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East
(UNRWA) has been escalating year after year without a
solution being found. UNRWA has been forced this year to
announce austerity measures entailing a large reduction in
services offered to the Palestinian refugees, including the
immediate cessation of the scholarships funded from the
regular budget; the elimination of all medical compensation
and referral to hospitals during the last two months of this
year; the freezing of emergency cash assistance and shelter
rehabilitation from the regular budget; a freeze on the
creation of new posts, international as well as local; the
suspension of recruitment of international staff; the
suspension of appointments to local posts, with the
exception of those considered essential for the continuation
of operations; and a plan to consider collecting fees from
students in UNRWA’s areas of operation.
Although all those measures have been put on hold
following pledges by certain donor countries during their
meeting with UNRWA and host countries, held recently in
Amman, to increase their voluntary contributions by an
amount sufficient to cover this year’s deficit, which
amounts to $20 million, the danger of cutting services
remains as long as no final solution has been found, taking
into consideration the need to meet the requirements of
natural population growth among refugees and inflation
rates.
Since the beginning of the refugee tragedy more than
five decades ago, Jordan has borne the heaviest burden of
all the host countries. The number of refugees in Jordan is
1.5 million, 20 per cent of whom live in refugee camps
serviced by UNRWA and the rest of whom are scattered
throughout Jordanian cities and villages. Out of its sense of
humanitarian responsibility, the Government of Jordan has
provided all services needed by the refugees, including
infrastructure, education, health and welfare services and
financial support, in addition to public security and civil
defence services. Thus, Jordan, despite its scarce
resources and limited means, spends approximately $340
million annually on services provided to refugees, an
amount almost equal to UNRWA’s total budget. That is
not all. The Government of Jordan has also developed
this year a strategic plan, a so-called social security
package designed to develop infrastructure for refugee
camps and disadvantaged areas, to provide sustainable
development and to reduce poverty. The total share of
refugee camps in this plan comes to nearly $240 million,
which will be allocated to the rehabilitation of water
systems, solid waste treatment, sewerage systems, water
purification plants, road and electricity projects and the
provision of essential public services.
While Jordan affirms that improving the standards of
living for the Palestinian refugees does not diminish their
political right to return and compensation, as provided for
in General Assembly resolution 194 (III) of 1948, it
reaffirms that the support of UNRWA is a collective
responsibility of the international community. It also
stresses the legal, political and humanitarian dimensions
of the refugee question and considers that any failure to
discharge the humanitarian responsibility for this question
would negatively reflect on political responsibility.
My country therefore affirms from this rostrum the
need to take serious and sincere action and to make every
effort to continue the services provided by UNRWA to
Palestinian refugees until a lasting, just and
comprehensive solution to their problem is reached. We
also call for the abandonment of any attempts to abolish
UNRWA, suspend its operations, reduce the services it
provides to refugees or turn its mandates and
responsibilities over to any other agency, for that would
have a negative impact on the political and legal
dimensions of the refugee question. It would also have a
negative impact on the peace process and stability in the
region.
We call for compliance with the letter and spirit of
General Assembly resolution 194 (III) of 1948 on the
question of refugees, as well as with Security Council
resolution 237 (1967), which calls for facilitation of the
return of displaced persons. We call upon donor countries
to fulfil their commitments to UNRWA and increase their
contributions to an extent commensurate with the natural
increase in the numbers of refugees. We also call upon
the international community in general, and potential
donors in particular, to give due attention to this matter.
8

The refugee problem reminds us of international
humanitarian law in general and the need for its full
application in particular. This subject has always been one
of interest to Jordan. Since 1981, Jordan has been
submitting a draft resolution to the Third Committee
entitled, “A new international humanitarian order”, which
calls for respect for the full application of international
humanitarian law. My Government has also amended
Jordanian laws to give priority and immense importance to
the application of this law. I would recall here the appeal
by His Royal Highness the Crown Prince of Jordan to work
hard with the international community to bring into
existence a new international humanitarian order.
The report of the Secretary-General entitled,
“Renewing the United Nations: A Programme for Reform”,
which he submitted last July, constitutes a good basis for
the reform process and a studied plan for the future,
embodying a serious and real desire for change for the
better.
The report reviews the main strategic functions of the
Organization and provides for each of them specific
proposals charting the way and making Member States real
partners in achieving an Organization better prepared to
deal with humanitarian and political crises; based on greater
efficiency; qualified to play a more vital role in the areas
specified by the Charter; and made imperative by the
changing security, economic, social and political
circumstances of this world. Jordan calls for opening
membership of the United Nations to all peace-loving
States, in accordance with Article 4 (1) of the Charter, in
order to achieve the universality of the Charter.
The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, while fully
appreciating the good efforts of the Secretary-General in
preparing his plan, stresses the fact that the purpose of
reform is not confined to cutting costs or dealing with
unwieldiness. It goes far beyond that to reactivate the role
of the Organization to discharge its responsibilities and
carry out its functions with a high degree of efficiency,
transparency and credibility. We agree with the Secretary-
General that reform is not an isolated event, but a
continuing process that does not stop at the implementation
of the proposals contained in the report. It extends to
encompassing the general direction in which the
Organization will evolve as a result of the implementation
of the proposals.
The coming century will witness deeper and quicker
global changes. The United Nations must be prepared to
deal with these changes in the five major areas
corresponding to the main mandates of the United
Nations: peace and security, economic and social affairs,
development cooperation, humanitarian affairs and human
rights.
In the area of international peace and security, we
find that the multiplicity and diversity of armed conflicts
in the post-cold-war era have made the Security Council
a hub of international efforts to establish peace and
security throughout the world. This makes it very
important to restructure and reform the Council. The
Security Council, established after the Second World War,
does not reflect the balance of power prevalent in today’s
world. It has become necessary to review its structure and
rules of procedure. The Working Group on the
restructuring and reform of the Security Council has made
tireless efforts over the past few years to achieve this
purpose.
There are many useful and feasible concepts that
have appeared in the context of reform. What has been
lacking so far is the collective political will to translate
these concepts into reality. In this regard, Jordan feels that
any new restructuring of the Security Council must take
into account the representation of the developing countries
throughout the globe. We feel that the Arab Group, in
view of its major and effective role, is entitled to a
permanent seat on the Security Council.
There is no doubt that the United Nations
peacekeeping operations will continue to be one of the
most important activities of the Organization in enhancing
international peace and security. Driven by its belief in
this noble aim, Jordan has, on the direction of its
Hashemite leadership, participated for many years in these
activities to the extent that, at one point, its contribution
ranked second among all the troop-contributing countries.
I must, however, point to the financial difficulties
faced by some troop-contributing States, including Jordan,
as a result of the financial crisis gripping the
Organization, because reimbursements have not been
made in a timely manner. I appeal from this rostrum to
all Member States to pay their assessed contributions to
the Organization without condition, in full and on time.
Moreover, Jordan has participated in the United
Nations stand-by arrangements. It was the first country to
sign a memorandum of understanding with the United
Nations under this system. It also participated effectively
in crystallizing the idea of establishing a rapidly
deployable mission headquarters to contribute to
9

enhancing the Organization’s ability to respond rapidly to
crises as they occur.
As for disarmament and arms control, the progress
witnessed by the world during the past few years is really
encouraging. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons has been extended indefinitely and is now
approaching universality. Last year, the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty was concluded, in addition to
other significant achievements in the reduction of the
nuclear-weapon arsenals of the United States and the
Russian Federation. All eyes are now set on the Conference
on Disarmament in the hopes of seeing it crown its
achievements with a treaty banning the production of
fissionable materials used in the manufacture of nuclear
weapons and another providing full security assurances to
non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use
of nuclear weapons.
Since development in the economic and social fields
is one of the primary objectives of the United Nations,
serious attention must be directed towards reform of United
Nations organs functioning in these two spheres, foremost
among them the Economic and Social Council. This reform
should enhance international cooperation in setting forth
effective national policies aimed at advancing growth in all
Member States with no exceptions.
The most important characteristics of the world
economy, as we stand on the threshold of the twenty-first
century, are two: first is the global transition to market
economy, and second is the rapid technical development of
communication and information technology, making
knowledge the most important factor of production. The
new world economy is also characterized by intense
competitiveness, speed, the intensive use of information and
increasing globalization.
We must, however, consider how we can find the
means to avoid the negative effects of globalization,
represented by the marginalization of some developing
countries, because of their declining exports and an increase
in their external indebtedness, and of social groups in these
countries as a result of the inequitable distribution of
income. Globalization is not concerned with the problems
of distribution, but with being a prime mover of economic
growth in general.
In view of this situation, the industrialized countries
are called upon to increase their official development
assistance to the developing world, to find comprehensive
solutions to the problem of external indebtedness, to
integrate the developing countries into the world’s free-
trade system and to improve these countries’ terms of
trade.
Jordan, as a developing country, has suffered
economic problems since the end of the 1980s, which
were aggravated by the Gulf crisis and the Gulf War early
in this decade. By pursuing structural adjustment policies,
however, with the assistance of the International Monetary
Fund, Jordan was able to achieve very good results that
exceeded expectations. The budget deficit was
substantially reduced, as was the size of external debt. All
macroeconomic indicators have improved.
Substantial progress has been achieved in the area of
privatization and the reform of internal financial
regulations and the banking sector, which gave the private
sector a chance to participate effectively. Jordan has gone
ahead on the way to development. It has initialled a
partnership agreement with Europe and is now taking the
preparatory measures needed to join the World Trade
Organization (WTO). To that end, we are doing our best
to adjust our economy and prepare it for full integration
in the global free-trade system.
In association with our Arab brethren and other
countries in the Middle East, we are making tremendous
efforts to widen the area of cooperation, trade and
investment in the region. We have succeeded in attracting
substantial investments in the stock exchange and other
industrial and tourist projects. The Government of Jordan
is working hard to remove the remaining restrictions
which limited the inflow of regional and global
investments, including lifting all restrictions on foreign
currencies.
The world recognizes the historical responsibility
that we assume towards future generations to preserve a
sound global environment, in compliance with the
principles adopted by the Earth Summit. In spite of its
scarce resources, Jordan is committed to applying the Rio
principles and is working hard to make its contribution as
a partner with other countries of the world in sustainable
development.
Although we are committed, as a developing
country, to doing what is required of us by virtue of this
partnership, we, along with other developing countries,
have noticed regression and procrastination by developed
countries in discharging their obligations under this
partnership. We have also felt that the nineteenth special
session of the General Assembly was held to consecrate
10

this regression in the discharge of obligations, rather than
to enhance them and to cooperate in carrying out those not
yet implemented.
In conclusion, if the establishment of peace, security
and stability in this world is one of the noble purposes of
our international Organization, we must provide the solid
ground for that, which is to reduce poverty, control
diseases, illiteracy and unemployment and work towards the
creation of a clean environment and sustainable
development for future generations.


In recent years we have, happily, drawn closer
to the ideals enshrined in the preamble of our Charter.
We have taken substantial strides towards the ideal of
peace and security; strengthened and broadened the
observance of human rights; enhanced and developed
international law and widened the scope of international
penal law, in particular; and laid the foundations for
greater responsibility by States in the advancement of
social progress.
However, even as we draw closer to these goals, we
see rapid changes in our countries and in the world which
present a new and complex challenge for the
Organization. The challenge begins when we note that the
benefits of globalization fall short of being able to
alleviate the situation of extreme deprivation from which
more than a quarter of the world’s population suffers.
Similarly, we see more clearly new threats to security and
development, such as drug trafficking, terrorism,
corruption, and irresponsible assaults upon the
environment.
The process of reform undertaken by Secretary-
General Kofi Annan must first and foremost identify what
is the essential role of the United Nations. We believe
that it unquestionably continues to be the maintenance of
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international peace and security. In order to achieve this we
must bring about a world where sustainable development is
possible and where the norm is the rule of law; respect for
human rights, including respect for the rights of indigenous
peoples and minorities; and non-discrimination by reason of
race, religion, gender or anything else.
The United Nations, through the General Assembly,
must continue to be in the vanguard on all these issues,
playing the role which in the past enabled it to overcome
the scepticism of the times and successfully to combat
colonialism, champion nuclear non-proliferation, and, even
more important, alert the world to the grave risks of
environmental pollution, marginalization, poverty and that
new form of moral pollution: corruption.
Although, on the whole, reform has aroused feelings
of hope, we must overcome the present climate of
scepticism and support the Secretary-General. In a world
which today is increasingly marked by globalization, the
autonomy which formerly characterized State action has
been considerably limited. This obliges us to reassess the
classical concept of sovereignty, by which I mean flexible
and dynamic — not static — reassessment. Argentina has
participated with conviction in the process of reform and
commits itself to continue to work actively in its
implementation.
The question of the Middle East is going through a
difficult phase. The peace process begun in Madrid in 1991
must necessarily continue, with fulfilment of the Oslo and
Washington Agreements.
We fully support the determined efforts made some
days ago by the Secretary of State of the United States of
America, Mrs. Madeleine Albright. We are certain that time
will show that those efforts were timely and well-directed.
Our country likewise firmly supports the system-wide
Programme of Action for the economic recovery and
development of Africa, as well as the United Nations
System-wide Special Initiative for Africa launched by the
Secretary-General in March 1996. We attach particular
importance to the mobilization of financial resources for the
African continent, and we note with satisfaction the first
signs of renewed activity in some very important areas of
that continent.
With regard to international security, we welcome the
adoption of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty,
which we hope shortly to ratify. Likewise, we extend our
unqualified support to the Ottawa process to ban anti-
personnel landmines. Our commitment to this noble
initiative was made manifest in 1994, when we offered to
assume the task of removing the mines laid in the
Malvinas Islands. We laid those mines ourselves and thus
felt a sense of responsibility. We hope that we shall soon
be able to achieve the agreement that will allow us to
complete that task.
A lasting peace requires United Nations contingents
endowed with the capacity to deploy rapidly and
effectively. Accordingly, Argentina, together with other
countries, is working to improve mechanisms of
deployment. In this context, allow me also to recall that,
next year, Argentina will mark the fortieth anniversary of
its participation in peacekeeping operations. That is a
great many years.
The magnitude of the adverse consequences for
individuals of current conflicts requires us to exert our
utmost efforts with regard to humanitarian assistance.
Such assistance constitutes an indispensable element in
peace-building. Accordingly, the “White Helmets”
initiative has made possible a growing mobilization of
human and financial resources, bringing about a healthy
reassessment of humanitarian assistance criteria and
procedures.
In order to consolidate a lasting peace, we must not
allow impunity to prevail for crimes that offend the
conscience of humankind. The creation by the Security
Council of tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and
Rwanda is a recognition that justice and law are
inseparable components of the system of collective
security. Argentina firmly supports the creation of a
general and permanent international criminal court. We
trust that the Rome conference in 1998 will make possible
the realization of this initiative.
Let me also say that the Argentine Government
firmly intends to pursue its struggle against the abusive
consumption of psychotropic substances and illicit
narcotics trafficking, as well as related offenses.
In the subregional context, we are proud that the
Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR) continues
to grow in both the commercial and political spheres,
which are interrelated, and to contribute to advancing
integration in the hemisphere. MERCOSUR is a clear
case of open regionalism. It has not resulted in the
distortion or diversion of trade but has, rather, generated
trade both between the countries of the region and with
countries outside it. Argentina, jointly with its other
15

MERCOSUR partners, is active in the formation of the
American Free Trade Area (AFTA). MERCOSUR has
introduced a proposal for negotiation of AFTA based on a
phased approach.
With regard to regional security, Argentina has been
a leader in reducing residual tensions in the area. It has
contributed to the attainment of such cherished goals for the
nations of South America as the resolution of border
problems in a climate of confidence with our neighbours
and by promoting common positions in support of
strengthened democracy and political and economic
stability. Accordingly, we have, through the Mechanism for
Consultation and Concerted Political Action of the Rio
Group, been promoting the Declaration on the Defence of
Democracy, to which we attach great importance as one
more means to advance peace and security — goals that
can be achieved only with representative democracy. We
also welcome the inclusion of Bolivia and Chile as full
members of the Mercosur Mechanism for Consultation and
Concerted Political Action.
With our neighbours, friends and partners, we are
pursuing a deepening of the dialogue on security and
defence. We are adjusting it to the new international and
regional reality, convinced that security is enhanced through
integration. Indeed, the basis of security in the Southern
Cone is the friendship and cordiality of its countries. In this
context, military cooperation has increased, with positive
results for transparency and mutual confidence-building. As
a result of these efforts, Latin America today can point with
pride to the peace and harmony that prevails among its
States.
There remains, however, in the South Atlantic, an
important unresolved issue: the question of the Malvinas
Islands. I reaffirm once again the legitimate rights of the
Republic of Argentina in that dispute and its appeal for a
peaceful and lasting solution.
In keeping with the repeated appeals of this General
Assembly and the Decolonization Committee, we believe
that it is imperative to resume negotiations on all aspects of
the question of the Malvinas Islands. No Member of the
United Nations should evade the obligation to resolve a
dispute by peaceful means as laid down in the Charter of
this Organization. We call for the parties to sit at the
negotiating table and discuss all the relevant issues.
We have made too much progress with the United
Kingdom to avoid addressing this issue. We have made
very important strides in building our bilateral relationship
with the United Kingdom, which are reflected in
heightened economic, commercial and cultural relations
between the two countries. We have recreated a climate
of mutual trust in the South-West Atlantic, which enables
us today to cooperate in the conservation of living
resources and in the exploration and exploitation of
hydrocarbons. Undoubtedly, these activities would gain
substantial impetus from the resumption of direct links
between the mainland and the islands, which have proven
to be most beneficial in the past. Nothing, however,
replaces human contact between individuals.
I trust that the new British Government will heed
our appeal and that of the international community to
pursue a dialogue without preconditions with a view to
finding a definitive solution to the sovereignty dispute
over the Malvinas Islands. To the islanders, I once again
reiterate our firm commitment to fully respect their way
of life, culture and institutions, as stated in our national
Constitution.
The Decolonization Committee, which has
historically played a decisive role in this sphere, has
shown itself to be the appropriate forum to continue
addressing the situation of the Malvinas Islands and other
dependent territories. Accordingly, the six countries that
make up the MERCOSUR Mechanism for Consultation
and Concerted Political Action have reaffirmed the
importance of the work of the Committee of 24 on the
decolonization process, which has not yet been completed.
We trust that the Committee will maintain its
effectiveness to the full.
Another fundamental issue is the composition of the
Security Council, which in 1945 was consonant with the
reality prevailing at the end of the Second World War.
That is no longer the case, however. On the eve of the
twenty-first century, we should not design a model that
only adds new discriminations to those we have inherited.
That would be a conceptual mistake. Argentina, while
understanding the position of each Member State on this
matter, is of the view that there is not yet a general
agreement concerning the increase in the number of
permanent members. We all agree that the reform of the
Security Council should make it a more democratic and
representative body. To reach that goal, each region will
need to arrive at a compromise without being pressured
or rushed.
In the case of Latin America and the Caribbean, the
Summit of Heads of State of the Rio Group has agreed
that the region itself will have to decide how to fill the
16

seats assigned to it. Argentina is of the view that an open-
ended mechanism of rotation should be established that will
enable the participation of all those States that have shown
their commitment to and respect for the Charter. This
would avoid discrimination against those States that, like
Argentina, bear greater financial responsibilities. In short,
the Argentine position is aimed solely at promoting the
ample participation of all States of the region, without any
exclusion whatsoever.
I must say, however, that there is more to this matter
than the increase in the number of members. Methods of
work and procedures also need to be updated. In this
context, I concur with the comments made by the
representative of New Zealand.
It is our firm conviction that reform of the United
Nations must necessarily be built upon two fundamental
pillars. First, it must respond to the requirements and
expectations of the international community. Secondly, it
must reflect a general agreement among the Member States.
It is only in this way that the Organization will retain its
relevance in the twenty-first century.