I should like first of all to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I hope that with your talents and extensive experience your leadership of this session will result in many fine accomplishments.
34.	I also warmly congratulate Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of the Republic of Panama, for the diligent and excellent contributions he made to the thirty eighth session of the General Assembly.
35.	My heartfelt congratulations also go to the Secretary General of this important international Organization, who has worked tirelessly to promote greater understanding among peoples. His dynamic contributions deserve our profound appreciation.
36.	I extend a warm welcome to Brunei Darussalam on its admission to the United Nations as its 159th Member.
37.	We are all greatly concerned about the present frenzied arms race and the danger of a nuclear war which, scientists unanimously agree, would completely destroy life on this planet. Who then is responsible for this situation? Some put the blame on the Soviet Union; others, on the United States; and still others point an accusing finger at both. What, in fact, is the truth?
38.	It is well known that immediately after the Second World War, while still maintaining a nuclear monopoly the United States had already proclaimed loudly the so-called danger of aggression from communism and the Soviet Union as a pretext for accelerating the arms race. Then, in 1957, when the Soviet Union successfully launched the first satellite into outer space, the United States kicked up a row about the so-called missile gap so as further to speed up the arms race. And, ever since 1978, the United States has continued to raise a hue and cry about so called Soviet superiority in nuclear weapons in order to extend the arms race to an extremely dangerous level.
39.	In fact, ever since it came into existence, more than 200 years ago, the United States has never been invaded by anyone. On the contrary, it has acted as an international policeman, engaging in intervention and aggression everywhere, culminating in its war of aggression against Viet Nam. Since it was founded, more than 60 years ago, the Soviet Union has twice been the victim of imperialist intervention and aggression. During the Second World War, it suffered the worst destruction at the hands of German Nazism. Soviet troops have never invaded the United States, but, in the early days of Soviet power, the United States sent its troops to intervene in the Soviet Union, and since then it has posed a constant threat to the Soviet Union's security and territorial integrity. Over the past four decades, the United States has forged various military alliances and established overseas military bases in an attempt to encircle and threaten the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union, for its part, has undertaken no such activities aimed at encircling and threatening United States territory.
40.	Since the beginning of the Second World War, the United States, with its absolute military and economic superiority, has never concealed its ambition to impose on the world a United States order—a "pax americana”—and to make this century the United States century. To this end, the United States has used two familiar instruments: the carrot and the stick aimed at ensuring lasting military and economic superiority so as to threaten and subjugate other countries and compel the Soviet Union to engage in an arms race which would result in its economic collapse. That is why, even in the 1950s when the United States enjoyed absolute military and economic superiority over all the other Powers combined, it still accelerated the arms race and adopted a policy of massive retaliation and brinksmanship. Even though the United States has to this day remained the number one Power in terms of strategic forces, ever since the early 1960s it has continued to clamour against the so-called missile gap.
41.	The past 40 years have witnessed a struggle that changed the military and economic balance of forces between the big Powers of the world. In order to deal with the United States threat, the Soviet Union has endeavoured to narrow the economic gap between itself and the United States and, at the same time, to catch up with the United States in terms of strategic weapons. Because it was bogged down in and weakened by the Viet Nam war, since the early 1970s the United States has not enjoyed the same military and economic strength it had in the 1950s. But there is still no country stronger than the United States in military and economic terms. From the early 1970s to date, the world has witnessed the emergence of a rough balance in strategic weapons between the United States and the Soviet Union. This rough balance led to a period of detente between the Soviet Union and the United States, and improved East West relations and detente in Europe. But, since the late 1970s, the United States has considered detente and improved East West relations as not conducive to its ambition for world hegemony. That is why it concocted the so-called Soviet military threat, thus provoking international tension, undermining East West relations, accelerating the arms race, and pushing mankind to the brink of a world nuclear disaster, with the intention of intimidating and subjugating the peoples of the world and, through the arms race, exhausting the Soviet Union economically.
42.	The realities of the last four decades raise the following question for people of conscience: if the United States had continued to maintain its monopoly of nuclear weapons, what would be the fate of other nations today? It will be recalled that the United States used the atomic bomb while it had a nuclear monopoly, and that it has still refused to commit itself not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. It is obvious that the Soviet Union's attainment of parity with the United States in strategic forces constitutes the firmest guarantee of world peace and the independence of all nations.
43.	Like all peace-loving peoples, the Vietnamese people favour the elimination of all types of weapons, which alone can ensure a peaceful life for all people. That is why we support the efforts of the Soviet Union and other forces for peace to maintain the present strategic balance between East and West, as well as the initiatives aimed at the gradual slowing down of the arms race and at eventual disarmament.
44.	Another burning issue that must be solved is the economic situation of the developing countries. The serious economic difficulties that Asian, African and Latin American countries are facing are due, first of all, to the consequences of prolonged colonial domination and imperialism's onerous exploitation. These difficulties have been aggravated by the arms race and the heavy burden of the economic crisis of the past 10 years, which the imperialist countries have placed on the backs of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The gap between the Western and the developing countries grows wider every day. That is why it is imperative to struggle to establish the new international economic order and gradually to improve the economic situation of the developing countries, as called for at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Nonaligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983. The struggle of the developing countries to acquire an independent economy and establish the new international economic order is long and arduous.
45.	The global negotiations and the North South dialogue of the last few years show that we cannot count on the goodwill of some Western countries. This is natural, for, after being forced to grant political independence to the Asian, African and Latin American countries, they intend to use the economic weapon to maintain their hold on those countries and keep them in their sphere of influence and domination.
46.	In Viet Nam, having failed to subjugate our people by force of arms, the forces of imperialism and international reaction have tried by hook or by crook to destabilize Viet Nam through an economic blockade and have carried out acts of sabotage in order to bleed Viet Nam white. They want to destroy Viet Nam economically so that they can teach the Asian, African and Latin American countries the lesson that the peoples of the world may win a war of national liberation but will be beaten on the economic front.
47.	Despite this, we have, step by step, achieved some success. In spite of numerous difficulties, Viet Nam's economy has not collapsed, as some had hoped. It has survived the most difficult years and is now gradually and steadily improving. We have some balance of payments problems, but our external debt is small and almost negligible. We must do all we can ourselves and also rely on the assistance and cooperation of the socialist and nonaligned countries and other countries.
48.	The friendly cooperation between Viet Nam and India in the last few years has brought some positive results. In particular, the visit by the General Secretary of the Party to India has opened up new possibilities for cooperation between the two countries in many fields. India is a great country, with rich experience in building an independent economy and a national culture and raising its people's standard of living. The friendly cooperation between Viet Nam and India, based on a spirit of equality and mutual interest, is a good example of economic cooperation between two nonaligned countries as well as of South South cooperation.
49.	Since the Second World War, the United States has assumed the role of international policeman, and in playing that role it has intervened and committed acts of aggression throughout the world. In so doing, the United States has always used the anti-communist, anti-Soviet argument, slandering the victims of its aggression as agents of communism and the Soviet Union, and declaring one part of the world after another to be a sphere of interest vital to its security.
50.	What is the truth? The 100 or so acts of intervention and aggression by the United States in the last four decades have been directed against independent countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. As a pretext for its aggression against Viet Nam, the United States slandered Viet Nam as the agent of the Soviet Union, China and international communism and declared Southeast Asia to be an area vital to its national interest. But the whole world knows that the struggle of the Vietnamese people was a struggle for national independence against United States aggression. Now similar slanders are being used against Cuba, Nicaragua, Grenada, Lebanon, Syria and other countries to justify United States intervention and aggression in Central America, the Middle East and other parts of the world.
51.	The present anti-communist and anti-Soviet policies of the United States cannot fail to remind us of the Monroe Doctrine advocated by United States expansionist elements in the nineteenth century. The difference is that the United States previously applied the Monroe Doctrine only to Latin America, while it is now imposing it on the entire world, under the anti-communist banner, regarding the entire world as a zone of interest vital to the security of the United States. Just as the Latin American peoples frustrated the Monroe Doctrine by their united struggle, today the peoples of the world will certainly defeat neo-Monroeism. The peoples of the world united with the Vietnamese people to defeat the United States in its war of aggression against VietNam; they must now unite with the peoples of Central America, the Middle East and other parts of the world to stop the United States policy of intervention and aggression.
52.	The Vietnamese people has consistently sided with the fraternal peoples of Cuba and Nicaragua in their just struggle against United States intervention, aggression and threats of aggression. We strongly condemn the United States invasion of Grenada. We fully support the peoples of El Salvador, Puerto Rico and other Latin American countries in their struggle for peace, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
53.	We wholeheartedly support the struggle of the Arab peoples, especially that of the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], its authentic and legitimate representative, against the Israeli aggressors and for the establishment of its own State on Palestinian soil. We express our complete support for the important initiative of the Soviet Union to convene an international peace conference on the Middle East. We fully support the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic in its struggle to exercise its right to self-determination. We resolutely support the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya in its struggle against any threat of aggression by the United States.
54.	We resolutely demand that South Africa immediately restore independence to Namibia. We express our full solidarity with the struggles of the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], of the South African people, under the leadership of the ANC and of the other peoples of southern Africa for national independence and social progress. We attach the greatest importance to strengthening solidarity and mutual assistance among the African countries.
55.	We unreservedly support the struggle of the Afghan people to defend and consolidate the fruits of their April revolution. We support the position of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea regarding tripartite talks on the withdrawal of United States troops from South Korea and the peaceful reunification of that country. We support the struggle of the Cypriot people to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity. We support the right of the peoples of East Timor and of Micronesia to self-determination.
56.	Although Europe was the battleground of two world wars and is currently the site of the world's* most formidable arsenal, for the past 40 years it has been the only region not to experience a local war. In sharp contrast, Asia and the Pacific are the only places in the world where, during the same period, three massive and lengthy local wars have taken place: the Korean War and the two IndoChinese wars. That does not take into account the wars unleashed by China against many of its neighbours. After having established in Europe the biggest military alliance ever—the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]—the United States went on to set up an enormous number of military alliances in the Asian and Pacific region, including the Central Treaty Organization, the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and the Australia New Zealand United States, United States Japan, United States Taiwan and United States South Korea alliances. However, the manoeuvres of the forces of imperialism and reaction have met with one setback after another, and Asia is the continent which has experienced the most fundamental upheavals in the world in the course of the past four decades.
57.	Despite repeated failure, the forces of imperialism and reaction have still not abandoned their aggressive hegemonistic designs concerning the peoples of Asia. The United States is at present working towards the creation of a military alliance with Japan and South Korea. Japan is on its way to becoming the unsinkable aircraft carrier of the United States in Asia. Today the peoples of Asia and the Pacific are gravely concerned at the increasing collusion between the United States and China and between China and Japan, which is directed against the peace and independence of the nations of the region. Washington has never concealed its intention of forming a NATO type military bloc in Asia.
58.	This situation demands that the peoples of Asia increase their vigilance and unite in the struggle for lasting peace on that continent. We welcome all efforts to that end. In this context, we greatly appreciate the initiative of the Mongolian People's Republic regarding signature of a treaty of mutual nonaggression and non-use of force in relations between the countries of Asia and the Pacific.
59.	The fierce struggles and profound changes in Asia find their fullest expression in the three countries of IndoChina. The so-called question of Kampuchea is nothing but a continuation of the evolution of the situation in IndoChina over the last 40 years. In order to find a just solution to this so-called problem, the true nature of the situation in IndoChina and Asia must be considered. That situation may be summed up as follows.
60.	First of all, Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea are the only countries in the world to have been ravaged by 40 years of uninterrupted war and to have been the target of a quantity of bombs and explosives five times greater than that used during the Second World War.
61.	Secondly, the three countries of IndoChina have been the main victims of aggression at the hands of the United States, China, Great Britain and France—all four of them permanent members of the Security Council, a body with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of world peace and the preservation of the sovereignty and independence of peoples. To ensure the success of their aggression against the three countries of IndoChina, the imperialist and reactionary forces have used the ploy of the thief who cries "Stop thief', accusing the three Indo Chinese countries of being tools of communist expansion and a threat to neighbouring States.
62.	Thirdly, the countries of IndoChina are the victims of a common enemy: imperialism and reaction. The aggressors have invaded the territories of these three countries simultaneously, with the aim of imposing their domination on all of them. Therefore, solidarity in the fight against the common enemy is a necessity for the countries of IndoChina. Their armed forces have always fought side by side for the independence of each and all of them. They have never gone beyond the borders of IndoChina, and the solidarity among the three countries has never threatened the interests of neighbouring States. Common solidarity is of vital importance for the three countries of IndoChina, as it is for the Arab countries, the African countries, the frontline States in southern Africa, and so forth. Imperialist and reactionary forces from outside have collaborated in making use of the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN]—except for Indonesia—and their territories to oppose the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea. These forces have tried to divide those countries, using the false concept of the so-called IndoChinese Federation, which was abandoned by the three countries following the dissolution by France in 1950 of French IndoChina.
63.	Fourthly, the aspiration of the three IndoChinese peoples to independence has crystallized into an invincible force. For the past 40 years, neither the successive long and brutal wars nor the sustained economic blockades and attempts at political isolation have been able to subjugate the three countries. The aggressors have finally had to agree to participate in international conferences ending the war and recognizing the independence and sovereignty of the three countries. Ours has been the only region of the world regarding which three international conferences have been held with the participation of the five permanent members of the Security Council. They resulted in the only international agreements recognizing the national rights of the countries of IndoChina.
64.	Fifthly, the struggle in Southeast Asia over the past four decades has resulted in the formation of two groups of countries, with differing political and social systems: the ASEAN countries and the countries of IndoChina. In pursuance of their policy of "divide and rule", the imperialist and reactionary countries have pitted the ASEAN States against the States of IndoChina. Peace and stability in Southeast Asia require both the peaceful coexistence of these two groups of countries and the end of all outside intervention in the region.
65.	Sixthly, during the past 40 years the majority of Members of the United Nations have remained silent in the face of the prolonged and most brutal wars of aggression waged against the countries of IndoChina. And today, again, the majority are siding with the expansionist forces by recognizing the Pol Pot clique, which is guilty of the genocide of 3 million Kampucheans and is now trying to impede the rebirth of the Kampuchean people. That is precisely why the settlement of the IndoChinese wars—the longest and bloodiest in the world—has taken place outside the United Nations framework.
66.	If the so-called problem of Kampuchea has dragged on for six years without being resolved it is because of an unwillingness to address the crux of the problem: the struggle of the three peoples of IndoChina to defend their independence and sovereignty against the hegemonism and expansionism of their neighbour to the north. Some have deliberately supported the aggressors against their victims. Similarly, there has been support for the Pol Pot clique, which massacred 3 million Kampucheans, launched wars of aggression against neighbouring countries, and is now trying to impede the rebirth of the Kampuchean people.
67.	During the past six years, the People's Republic of Kampuchea has become an undeniable reality. From the mass graves of the Pol Pot regime, the Kampuchean people have returned to life and regained their national unity and harmony. They have exercised, and are exercising, their right to self-determination, which, for them, is first and foremost the right to live free from the Pol Pot criminals. But, under the pretext of defending the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination, the imperialists and the reactionaries are trying to bring the Pol Pot clique back to power.
68.	Vietnamese volunteer forces have on three occasions gone to Kampuchea to fight alongside the Kampuchean people against their common enemy. Twice they have withdrawn from Kampuchea: the first time was in 1954, at the end of the French colonialists' war, and the second time was in 1975, at the end of the United States war. They will withdraw for the third time when China has ended its threat.
69.	The People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam categorically reject the demand for a unilateral withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteers, a demand designed to bring Pol Pot— either openly or in disguise—back to Kampuchea. The Kampuchean people's recovery has made possible a gradual withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteers from Kampuchea each year, starting in 1982. This has frustrated the design of those who would like either to demand the immediate and complete withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteers, opening the way for the Pol Pot clique to return to power in Kampuchea, or to keep these forces bogged down in Kampuchea unable to withdraw.
70.	All the military, economic, political and diplomatic measures that China and the countries of ASEAN have taken against the three IndoChinese peoples during the last six years have failed. All attempts to impose a unilateral solution on Kampuchea have come to naught. Now there is only one alternative: to engage in a dialogue, to consider jointly the proposals of both parties and to start negotiations on the basis of equality and mutual respect for each other's interests. We are of the view that if the parties concerned sincerely wish to settle their differences, the opportunity for doing so has presented itself. Such a development will conform to the interests of all parties in Southeast Asia and to the resolutions on Southeast Asia adopted by the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Nonaligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983, resolutions which were accepted by the countries of both ASEAN and IndoChina.
71.	We welcome all initiatives by other countries to facilitate negotiations between the two groups of Southeast Asian countries to find a solution that ensures respect for each other's independence and sovereignty and guarantees peace and security in Southeast Asia.
72.	Attempts to impose a solution aimed at thwarting the rebirth of Kampuchea, which would result in the return of the genocidal Pol Pot clique and which would threaten Laos and Viet Nam, should be abandoned; otherwise peace and stability in Southeast Asia will continue to be undermined. In this context, with the growing strength of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, Vietnamese volunteers will continue their annual withdrawals from Kampuchea. Within 5 to 10 years, when most of the Vietnamese volunteers will have been withdrawn from Kampuchea, the People's Republic of Kampuchea will be able to shoulder its own defence, and the question of Kampuchea will thus resolve itself.
73.	As a people who have endured centuries of foreign domination and half a century of wartime destruction, the Vietnamese people long for a life of peace more ardently than any other people. We wish to entertain friendly relations with all countries and especially with neighbouring States. We are ready to let bygones be bygones and to look to the future in our relations with those countries which have caused and are still causing so much suffering to our peoples.
74.	A stable situation in Southeast Asia depends first and foremost on the relations between the two main groups of countries, those of ASEAN and those of IndoChina. There is no alternative to these groups settling their differences through negotiations on the basis of equality and mutual respect, free from outside interference. The peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea always respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Thailand and wish to develop neighbourly relations with its people. However, it should be pointed out that the main obstacles are the hostile policies pursued by the Thai authorities in collusion with the foreign reactionaries, using the Pol Pot clique to oppose the rebirth of the Kampuchean people, supporting acts of subversion against the Lao People's Democratic Republic, continuing their occupation of the three Lao villages as well as their hostile policies towards Viet Nam. We hope that the Thai authorities will soon realize this, for the sake of their national interest and for the sake of peace, stability and peaceful coexistence in Southeast Asia. We demand that the Thai authorities put an end to their interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. Thailand must immediately withdraw its troops from the three Lao villages it has illegally occupied since 6 June 1984, return the villagers it kidnapped, compensate the people for the loss of life and property it inflicted and allow the three villages to return to their normal way of life.
75.	The occupation by Thailand of the three Lao villages—at a time when the differences between ASEAN and the IndoChinese countries, having dragged on for six years, have not yet been settled and may or may not soon be settled—further points to the urgent need to reach some agreement on peaceful coexistence between ASEAN and IndoChina in order to defuse the explosive tensions which threaten to get out of control.
76.	While constantly consolidating and strengthening our relations with the Soviet Union and fraternal socialist countries, we always wish to restore traditional friendly relations with the Chinese people. It is our view that the normalization of Sino Vietnamese relations and the restoration of mutual friendship are in the interest of both peoples and at the same time constitute a very important factor Tor peace and security in Southeast Asia.
77.	Even though it will take us a long time to overcome the consequences of the war of aggression conducted by Johnson and Nixon against our people, the people of Viet Nam always consider the American people as their friends, the peoples of the two countries both being victims of that war. If the United States Government really wishes to contribute to peace and security in Southeast Asia, its efforts will be welcome. We once again reaffirm our willingness to settle with the United States all problems that concern our two countries including the questions of the Americans reported missing in action, the Amerasian children and criminals in re-education camps, and so on.
78.	The relationship between Viet Nam and the Soviet Union and other socialist countries is one of enduring fraternal trust that has stood the test of time. The Soviet Union is the only permanent member of the Security Council that has shown respect for Viet Nam's independence and wholeheartedly supported its struggle for independence. Thanks to the valuable assistance of the Soviet Union, Viet Nam has been able to overcome the most serious obstacles in defending and building its country.
79.	The United States, China, Japan and the ASEAN countries are now raising a din about the so called Soviet military base at Cam Ranh. I should make it clear that, at present, there is no such Soviet military base in Viet Nam but our country has the right to let Soviet aircraft and vessels call at its ports in Viet Nam. Soviet aircraft and vessels calling at Vietnamese ports do not pose a threat to any country. The only real threat to all Asian countries is posed by China with the largest armed forces of the world, as well as by the colossal United States military bases in the Philippines, in Thailand and in Okinawa and particularly by Japan's position as the United States' "unsinkable aircraft carrier". This fact can be underscored by the use of these territories and bases in the United States war of aggression against Viet Nam and the other IndoChinese countries. The outcry by China, the United States and the ASEAN countries about the purported Soviet military base in Viet Nam is simply aimed at obscuring the grave threat posed by China's gigantic military machine and by the colossal United States military' bases in Asia. If these countries are really worried about Soviet aircraft and vessels in Viet Nam, why then do they reject the resolution adopted in 1983 by the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries calling for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the Southeast Asian region? Why then do they refuse to accept the concept of a zone of peace and neutrality in Asia, proposed since 1971 by the ASEAN countries themselves? Viet Nam favours the idea of turning Southeast Asia into a zone of peace and neutrality, as called for in the Seventh Conference resolution and as proposed by the ASEAN countries.


Next year we shall commemorate with enthusiasm a double anniversary—the fortieth anniversary of the Organization and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
34.	At a time when we are drawing up balance sheets, we must note that the world is in crisis— political crisis and socio-economic crisis—which seems to arise from self-interest, the power complex and mutual fear. Never have men been dying in such numbers for freedom, or from hunger and malnutrition in this world of surplus food.
35.	Yes, the freedom fighters are still falling under the bullets of anachronistic colonial wars, and the apartheid system is persisting with ever more insidious, virulent and arrogant practices and the flagrant violation of the elementary human rights of peoples. At the same time, for most of the world population, the present and future are immersed in a situation of absolute poverty because of the absence of appropriate solutions to development problems. We are very far from achieving one of the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations, namely, the promotion of social progress.
36.	The peoples of the world continue to live in a nightmare of uncertainty and in growing insecurity, because there is no significant progress in negotiations on general, complete and controlled disarmament. Worse still, the nuclear danger raises the ever more threatening spectre of a new holocaust. The world is dumbfounded by crises and is virtually on the threshold of war. Diplomatic language has become more and more abrasive. The international situation is explosive.
37.	It is therefore comforting that, at a time when there is a growing tendency to turn away from this remarkable institution, the United Nations, a happy combination of circumstances has led to you, Mr. President, guiding the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. It is a pertinent symbol. The eminent President of the United Nations Council for Namibia is a worthy son of the southern part of Africa, which is in the vanguard of the African peoples' struggle against the bastion of apartheid. Your outstanding election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session is not only an honour to your country, Zambia, a friend of my country, but also a tribute to the entire African continent. There is no doubt that, thanks to your outstanding qualities as a man of dialogue, prudence, tolerance and compromise, the work of the session will be successful. It goes without saying, of course, that you can be sure of the full co-operation of the delegation of Mali in carrying out your delicate mission.
38.	It is also a pleasure for me to convey to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, now Head of State of his country, Panama, my respectful congratulations on the competence, dedication and calmness with which he guided the work of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
39.	It is also encouraging that, on the eve of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the Organization has welcomed to its midst the 159th Member—the State of Brunei Darussalam. My delegation offers this new Member of the Organization its sincere congratulations on the freedom it has gained and assures it of our readiness to seek frank, full and brotherly co-operation with it—co-operation which has already commenced within the Organization of the Islamic Conference.
40.	The United Nations has thus moved one step further towards the achievements of one of the fundamental goals set forth in the Charter signed at San Francisco, namely, universality. There is reason to hope that very soon Namibia will be able to join this great family of the United Nations, in accordance with the principles contained in the historic General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV).
41.	That would, in any case, be fair recompense for the untiring efforts made with great openness by the Secretary-General, to whom we pay a special tribute for his devotion to the cause of the Organization. I am very happy to express to him the gratitude of the people of Mali and its leaders, who will always remember his friendly visit to our country. The Secretary-General also visited other countries in the Sahel and saw the extent of the disaster there. Then, in New York and at Geneva and wherever he had an opportunity to do so, he found the simple, decisive words needed to awaken the international conscience further and, in agreement with the countries concerned, was able to define a new approach to the problems of drought and desertification and to formulate a global strategy for combating those disasters which, I can never repeat enough, constitute a universal calamity.
42.	The agony created among the people of the Sahel through the constant deterioration of the ecosystem—the causes of which do not yet seem to have been studied in depth and the scope of which is not fully understood—is due to a more disturbing phenomenon than that attributed to cyclic variations in the balance of the world ecology. Desertification has become a fact, one which presents a challenge to our knowledge and which is shaking our belief in our mastery over nature. The scope of desertification can be found in the frightful spread of the phenomenon, year after year, to the point where drought now afflicts every continent, without exception. It has been established that, in 1983, the vegetation line in Africa shrank by 230 kilometres in comparison with 1982. During that period, the food situation in Africa reached a critical threshold. Twenty-five years after independence, Africa is, alas, the only continent where per capita food production has shrunk. Thus Africa has replaced Asia as the main beneficiary of food aid. Indeed, per capita food production south of the Sahara is less than it was 10 years ago, and even 20 years ago.
43.	Mali, like other Sahel countries, has been experiencing this disaster for more than 12 years. My country has devoted the greater part of its resources to fighting the phenomenon through an appropriate restructuring of its development programmes, by mobilizing all its means of production and by an acute awareness of the phenomenon of desertification to the point where the Head of State, President Moussa Traore, called upon all Malians to live with the phenomenon and to integrate it into our economy. That appeal is universal in scope, for in the gigantic battle against drought that has become universal, the devotion of a single people, however courageous or determined, is not enough. Therefore, in dealing with this global vision of the preservation of nature, we talked from this very rostrum about the establishment of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, about its goals and the hope that animated its partners and its development programmes and about that Committee's hope of reviving affected regions of their countries. None the less, as is so correctly recognized in the World Economic Survey 1984:
"... in addition to the reforms which these countries can undertake on their own, others require investments which are beyond their capacity at the present time. Adequate external support is therefore essential to help sub-Saharan countries accelerate progress in what has become a painful adjustment process."
44.	Twenty-one African countries decided at Dakar, last July, to combine their resources to fight desertification, and once again they have appealed for international, action to counter predictions to the effect that African countries were running the risk of being wiped off the face of the earth because of the implacable desert creep.
45.	To be sure, in spite of its relative slowness, international support in the struggle against desertification has not always been lacking. Subsidies or assistance granted to the Sahel countries by friendly countries, international organizations such as the World Bank, the European Economic Community, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the United Nations system will never achieve the desired goals unless the volume and quantity of assistance are adapted more and more both to the rationalization of existing economic machinery and to the extent of the damage.
46.	The strategy for combating drought is essentially composed of two parts: emergency assistance and medium-term programming. Among the measures to be taken within the framework of emergency assistance is that of giving priority to restoring food supplies in order to meet the acute and pressing needs of the population. The appeal made in Rome, at FAO, last January by the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel is part of that strategy, although it also deals with the concerns for the future. In this context, the food strategy tends to transform food assistance into development assistance, and that depends on the political will of our people. Refusing to settle into a mentality of dependence, and convinced—as President Moussa Traore has constantly repeated—that the noblest and most useful assistance is that coming from themselves, the people have entered the fray, which involves a wholesale revision of our assumptions concerning desertification.
47.	The harmonious evolution of our society depends upon the attainment of progress by all. It is dependent also upon our capacity to assure a collective security, without which there is no development. The United Nations, which has been created precisely to weave strands of harmony and peace among peoples, is undergoing a crisis because of the fact that some negative attitudes are paralysing its essential organs and preventing them from realizing their ideals. At this time, when the Organization has reached the age of maturity, we call upon all nations present here to show a little more wisdom and determination so as to restore to our peoples all the hope they have in this remarkable instrument of close co-operation. I refer here to rehabilitating the world Organization in terms of scrupulous respect for the sacred principles of non-resort to force, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and abandonment of all forms of political or economic domination.
48.	One of the cardinal principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations is, in fact, the refusal to resort to war, in order to save succeeding generations from "untold sorrow."
49.	Refusal to wage war implies resorting to peaceful means in order to resolve conflicts. Last year, it was our task in this very Hall to insist upon the creative dynamics of dialogue in the search for solutions to disputes arising from the errors and vicissitudes of history. That is the keystone of Mali's foreign policy. Mali constantly cultivates and strengthens its good-neighbourly relations with all the surrounding countries on the basis of fraternal and fruitful dialogue.
50.	In Africa, a land of dialogue, this step is more than ever necessary to resolve the painful crisis of the Western Sahara, especially since the ways and means of resolving that question were carefully defined by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983. That dialogue, I say, is more than ever necessary at a time when the Organization of African Unity [OAU] needs to mobilize all its resources to preserve its indispensable unity and meet the difficult problems of development that beset the continent on all sides.
51.	It has already been our task to recall the deep historic wellsprings from which Western Sahara and Morocco have drawn their common civilization. That civilization, which is shared by our entire sub region, elevates man to his full grandeur, in all his dignity, with strict respect for his ideals—ideals which imply in particular respect for political and economic choices, and therefore the principle of self- determination for all peoples. It is only natural, therefore, for both parties to the conflict in the Western Sahara to have accepted the principle of the organization of a general, free and orderly referendum on self-determination.
52.	The African Heads of State, in adopting at Addis Ababa the resolution on Western Sahara, pointed out the path to the restoration of peace in the sub region to which Western Sahara belongs by urgently inviting the Kingdom of Morocco and the Frente POLISARIO4 to engage immediately in direct negotiations to define practical modalities, internationally recognized by the Organization, for a referendum on self-determination in the Western Sahara so that there will at last be a further clasping of hands in restored friendship and will for co-operation, hands which, in spite of the vicissitudes of history, have woven the fabric of brotherhood down through the ages. This urgent appeal which we reiterate to Morocco comes from our assessment of the outstanding role that country has had to play in its own liberation and in the liberation of other countries under foreign domination and of its capacity as a founding member of the African organization.
53.	In these times of grave uncertainties, the OAU, the pride and hope of all sons of Africa, needs to use all its resources in order to work towards the fulfilment of the aspirations for freedom and progress of its peoples—peoples who, in spite of the enormous wealth of our continent, remain the most disadvantaged peoples on earth.
54.	The principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes must also prevail in order to end the four- year fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq, two brother countries, Members of the United Nations, of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. It is time, high time, for those two countries to heed the voice of reason and wisdom and achieve a speedy settlement of that tragic conflict, which is constantly growing, in a region where the situation is already very worrisome.
55.	Similarly, unless care is taken, the Korean peninsula is again in danger of losing its peace. The artificially created barriers to reunification of that country are unacceptable. They oppose the will of the Korean people, they are contrary to all international commitments made at the end of one of the most painful wars ever fought, and they herald even bloodier conflicts.
56.	Fidelity to the Charter of the United Nations and commitment to its ideals therefore demand not only refusal to wage war but also, and perhaps above all, refusal to prepare for war. Unfortunately, the proverb that says "Let him that desires peace prepare for war" has not been disproved.
57.	Thus persists the dangerous illusion of maintaining security through accumulation of weapons, through possession of the ultimate weapon. In reality, the safeguarding of international security resides in confidence among nations. It is strengthened by the desire to bring peoples ever closer and not make them live in the nightmare of uncertain days. It is strengthened by a firm political will in negotiations on disarmament and not by research and the abusive stockpiling of weapons, the perfecting of which is constantly postponed by ever newer findings on the part of science and technology.
58.	Thus we see the perpetuation of the arms race with the development of anti-satellite and anti-missile systems. Dialogue has virtually ended in the Conference on Disarmament. Reciprocal accusations made by the major military Powers with regard to disturbing the balance of forces do not deal with the real object of disarmament, because this imbalance can exist only in people's imaginations. The appeals made by world leaders, and in particular by the Heads of State or Government of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries tends precisely to treat the question of disarmament on the basis of the real facts in a climate of confidence and collective responsibility, without which Star Wars will soon cease to be a game shown on the movie screen. It would be enough really for a slight error of calculation to take place or for some equipment suddenly to fail, and our planet would be transformed into the last volcano.
59.	Impediments to the launching of decisive negotiations on general and complete disarmament will remain so long as measures to ensure collective security are perceived as the special preserve of those who, thanks to the strength and quality of their weaponry, only threaten that security.
60.	Disarmament is dependent on trust and acceptance of responsibility for saving and enriching our common civilization. The incredible waste of resources in the service of war thus becomes more than disturbing. I need make no comment on the ever- rising spiral of expenditure on weapons, but we must highlight the fact that, in this world which longs for social justice, 30 children—I repeat, 30 children— die from hunger each minute while during that same minute $1.3 million is spent on weapons. The cost of a single nuclear submarine is the equivalent of the operations and equipment budget of the world's 23 least developed countries. All the studies on the world economic and social situation have shown that senseless expenditure on arms is one of the direct causes of the present world crisis, which is itself the cause of so many nightmares both in the developed countries and, in particular, in the developing countries.
61.	It seems to my delegation that, in the light of the disturbing developments in the international situation, rejection of preparations for war should be as much a duty as non-interference in the internal affairs of other States.
62.	Regarding this principle, the conflict in Chad— which for us is a cause for great concern and distress—can only, we repeat, be settled nationally. Therefore, we urge the people of Chad to resume the path of negotiations to reconcile their differences— differences which can arise in any society but should not be allowed to destroy it—and not to stray from the path of wisdom and honour. We support them in this noble initiative, for the sovereignty of Chad can be maintained and remain inviolable only by the will of the people of Chad, free from all outside interference. The withdrawal of all foreign forces from Chad, which is now under way, should make a positive contribution to national reconciliation. Then the sons of Chad will be reconciled and the external aspect of the crisis will be more easily dealt with, because with unity peoples have always known how to respond to threats to their sovereignty, integrity and independence.
63.	Outside Africa, after long years of wastage of energy and resources in terms of human lives, peace has yet to be restored in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. The intercommunity talks have been suspended in Cyprus. Central America is more deeply engulfed in armed conflict. We must accept the fact that these unfortunate situations cannot be resolved by military means.
64.	We had hoped that after the glorious sacrifices made in South-East Asia a new era of fruitful and fraternal co-operation would begin for the peoples and the age-old culture of that sub region, through respect for the principle of good-neighbourliness and through joint efforts. Unfortunately, however, that has not been the case. Mali calls on the countries concerned to embark on and broaden the path of dialogue in order to settle the conflicts which only expose them to interference of all kinds.
65.	We call upon the sons of Kampuchea to undertake such negotiations, without outside interference. They would gain much by joining together to face the priority tasks of development. For its part, the Government of Mali will support any action towards a political—and therefore negotiated—settlement of this tragic question.
66.	It is impossible to overemphasize the fact that the solution to the tragedy of the Afghan people must be a completely political one. Only peaceful negotiations carried out with a true political will to achieve a genuine solution can enable Afghanistan to regain its unity and its status as a non-aligned country. Mali pursues the same objectives regarding the disturbing situation of the Cypriot people. My country is a member of the contact group of non-aligned countries on the Cyprus question, and, while welcoming the Secretary-General's tireless efforts, we invite the two communities to negotiate and engage in fruitful dialogue so that this conflict, the source of international tension, may be resolved in a way that is just and will protect the unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus.
67.	In Latin America and the Caribbean, just as in South-East Asia, interventionist activities are also taking place. In the Final Communique adopted by the Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the Coordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Countries held at Managua from 10 to 14 January 19835 on the situation in Central America and the Caribbean, among other things, and, more recently, in the Quito Declaration, adopted by the Latin American Economic Conference held at Quito from 9 to 13 January 1984, the attention of the international community was drawn to the fundamental problems facing South America and the Caribbean. To the problems of development, unfortunately, another must be added. I refer to interference of all kinds. Here, as elsewhere, this is a matter for the peoples alone. They demand only to live in peace, with respect for their chosen political, economic and social systems, the differences in which sometimes show originality and are a source of further progress.
68.	Reason always triumphs in relations among men of good will. It is on the basis of reason and understanding of the true interests of Latin America and the Caribbean that the Contadora Group is attempting, with remarkable patience, to put an end to futile conflicts over boundaries and sovereignty between countries which are the heirs of Simon Bolivar, who considered them all to be one and the same homeland.
69.	Year after year, in the face of the many problems that we have just outlined, we end up believing that the United Nations is incapable of resolving the crises that break out in various places and spheres.
70.	In Africa, racism is becoming increasingly insidious and virulent. Colonial wary continue.
71.	Only one year after its establishment, the United Nations came into conflict with South Africa over the political future of Namibia. For 18 years, the people of Namibia, under the banner of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], its sole authentic representative, has faced with increasing success, despite extremely difficult conditions, the army of South African invaders. SWAPO would have been easily crushed had it not genuinely embodied, expressed and defended the deepest aspirations of its people. SWAPO has consistently fulfilled its national responsibilities. Its political maturity and its devotion to the ideals of peace need no further proof. It is a model for authentic national liberation movements: it shows firmness and persistence in struggle and openness to dialogue and concessions without capitulation. We, in Mali, would like to believe that Africa is incapable of betraying an African cause, and that the great diplomatic activity seen recently between South Africa and some of its immediate neighbours is explained only by irresistible economic necessity brought about by the timid support of African States for the front-line countries, division in the OAU, a lack of effective and active support from friends of Africa, and the requirements of the long and complex struggle of the peoples of southern Africa.
72.	Thus, the war for the independence of Namibia is more than a national liberation struggle. Its nature and scope can be compared to those of the determined, universal struggle against racism, Nazism and fascism, the triumph of which led to the drafting of the Charter of the United Nations and the founding of the Organization. That fact is clear, and it explains why, despite much resistance and much culpable accommodation with the apartheid regime, the United Nations has associated itself with the liberation struggle of the Namibian people while constantly pointing out the peaceful paths that could lead to its success. The most recent initiative is reflected in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the implementation of which, six years after its adoption, is still being blocked by the simple fact of South Africa's ingrained hostility to the principles that are the glory of the United Nations: democracy, freedom and respect among peoples.
73.	The stumbling-blocks placed in the way of the rapid and proper implementation of resolution 435 (1978) are therefore serious and of great concern because they are highly prejudicial to international peace and security. While such acts of procrastination can delay Namibia's accession to independence, they can never prevent it. Such dilatory manoeuvres exacerbate tensions in southern Africa rather than reducing them in the interest of peace. Respect for the ideals enunciated in the Charter calls for the full implementation of resolution 435 (1978), which was adopted with the favourable vote of four of the Powers that have the right of veto. The United Nations cannot be indifferent to the agony suffered by the Namibian people.
74.	You, Sir, who have presided tactfully and effectively over the United Nations Council for Namibia, know that the history of decolonization teaches us that negotiations entered into in good faith have often been long and arduous. They have, none the less, made it possible to resolve many colonial conflicts.
75.	In the past, prior to the holocaust, people believed that Nazism was merely an epiphenomenon. They were wrong and, alas, mankind paid dearly for it. Today, in southern Africa, the strategy of the Nazi leaders is resurfacing: we see the deliberate violation of the borders of neighbouring countries and racist confiscation of fundamental freedoms. Today, here and there, we can still see shields being raised up in defence of human rights, sometimes on behalf of peoples that have not even asked for that much, but, on the other hand, powerful information media, the most modern weapons and facilities of every kind are, with inadmissible complicity, being placed at the service of apartheid.
76.	Last June, the fortieth anniversary of the Normandy landing was celebrated in Europe. We reverently recalled the glorious sacrifice of millions and millions of men deprived of their lives in order that liberty might prevail, in order that racial hatred should not be handed down to future generations. The apartheid leader took part in those commemorative ceremonies. He most certainly must have taken advantage of the occasion to spit upon the graves of the non-whites who lie in the far-distant soil they helped save from tyranny.
77.	The electoral farce that was quite rightly and widely boycotted by the Indian and coloured communities is part of the same strategy of revamping apartheid in order to make it look presentable.
78.	The Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations calls for redressing assaults on its purposes and principles through peaceful means, and states that armed force shall not be used—save, as it makes clear, "in the common interest". The presence of South Africa in Namibia is an insult to history, to logic and to the lofty purposes set forth in the Charter. It is in the common interest to isolate and destroy the hateful system of apartheid by all available diplomatic, cultural, economic and, above all, military means, in keeping with the relevant provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. Thus, history will one day reproach us for having tolerated this abject system for so long and in so shameful a way, and mankind will not have to suffer another mistake with incalculable consequences.
79.	In view of the ethic that has served to support the Pretoria-Tel Aviv axis, the Palestinian people, too, continue to carry their heavy cross. Having failed to find an equitable solution to the question of Palestine, the Middle East ceased decades ago to be one of the privileged meeting grounds for different races and cultures. The Government of Israel has waged war there on the pretext of protecting the Jewish homeland, but to the detriment, none the less, of the Palestinian people's right to preserve their own identity and draw strength from the teachings of their age-old history, to build their own future on the basis of their own values and aspirations. However, like all wars of liberation, the war forced upon the Palestinian people will also end with the triumph of right over injustice, with the triumph of faith in fundamental human rights and with the advent of an era of reconciliation among all the children of Palestine. This is inevitable and will come to pass notwithstanding the occupation of Arab territories by force or the proliferation of settlements and the systematic and savage bombardments of Palestinian refugee camps.
80.	We shall never tire of repeating that the question of Palestine lies at the heart of the Middle East crisis. Its solution is not to be found in an augmented arsenal of armaments but in recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, especially its right to independence and national sovereignty.
81.	Despite the difficulties inherent in the protracted state of tension, Lebanon has entered a new phase of national reconciliation, the success of which depends primarily on the total and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from that territory.
82.	Peace derives strength from movements towards peace. The glimmer of hope that has appeared in Lebanon could extend to the whole of the Middle East if the reality of Palestine prevails. In recognizing, in its various resolutions, the right of the Palestinian people to a national existence, the United Nations has faithfully reflected international public opinion.
83.	The Organization has called for a new dialogue to re-establish confidence in this troubled and highly sensitive region of the Middle East by advocating, in General Assembly resolution 38/58 C, the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East. The reactions of Governments to that sound recommendation have demonstrated the need for such an initiative, one that has also been advocated by many international organizations. The people of Mali, a people of peace, will spare no effort to ensure that that conference takes place—a conference that will be responsible before history, one representing hope to all the peoples of the Middle East who are victims of endless and bloody wars that lay waste their legitimate aspirations to security and economic progress.
84.	Obviously, the holding of such a conference would be pointless without the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people. Its agenda will be limited if it does not include the root causes of the graving deterioration in the situation in the Middle East, namely, and in particular, the recognition of the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people, withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, and non-interference in the internal affairs of States of the region. A decisive step towards peace will be made if the largest possible number of countries can participate in that conference and, obviously, all those Powers to whom the Charter has given special responsibilities in the area of safeguarding and maintaining international peace and security.
85.	In addition to these serious political crises that are tearing the world apart, one of the major threats to international peace and security is posed by the overall world economic situation, which continues to be alarming. In its deterioration, the economic social crisis has passed through several critical stages. It represents a kind of structural violence that is becoming endemic.
86.	The economic situation in the developing countries is disastrous. For some of them, even that word is a euphemism, since negative factors affecting world economic growth are compounded in those countries by additional climatic and ecological factors that are depriving them of the meagre resources from which they already derive paltry benefits. For most of the poorer countries, we are unfortunately witnessing so-called bad development, since their development is being blocked by the weakening in the flow of official development assistance, the crushing burden of debt servicing, which forestalls any improvement in the standard of living, the rise in interest rates, the relentless collapse in raw commodity prices with the concomitant deterioration in terms of trade and, lastly, the alarming reduction of the share of developing countries in world trade.
87.	For the developed countries, the announced economic recovery becomes a mere assumption with the collapse of the world economic structures. The development and intensity of the present economic crisis rest on many factors which have been amply described in many manuals and publications, and we therefore do not need to dwell on these. If we cited too many figures, we might mask the tragedy which lies behind this situation.
88.	The scientific studies on the chronic balance-of- payments deficits, the uncontrolled rise in the cost of borrowing and the foreign debt burden hide a simple reality, namely, that our economies are at a standstill. While the burden of indebtedness—$800 billion— prevents any economic progress or improvement in the standard of living of the developing countries, the repayment of this debt is gradually becoming impossible. This explains the awesome words of one exasperated leader, who asked: "How can that debt be repaid except through the hunger of our people?” Already, $500 billion has been deemed lost—that is, more than the total capital of the Western banks. Chain reactions are taking place which endanger the economic and social system in the so-called developed world, and it is impossible to forecast what can emerge from this chaos except greater poverty and violence. The world economy will remain at a standstill because of the absence of the co-operation needed to take the necessary action. This situation will persist until a responsible dialogue taking into account mutual interests is begun on the establishment of a new international economic order which will safeguard the sovereignty of States over their resources.
89.	Renewed co-operation between the North and the South is an absolute necessity if we wish to maintain a climate of peace and understanding in the world.
90.	The African States, in adopting the Lagos Plan of Action demonstrated their desire to contribute to the building of a world in which the progress and happiness of all would be promoted. The Lagos Plan, based on the strategy of collective autonomy and designed to encourage and strengthen South-South co-operation at the sub regional and regional levels, is one of the main components of the new international economic order which must be built in a spirit of harmony and solidarity in order to respond to the deeply felt aspirations of man. That is also the strategy of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Indeed, the non-aligned countries, noting that the exacerbation of East-West confrontation not only threatens world peace but also dangerously jeopardizes co-operation between nations, decided, surmounting the problem of blocs, to build a new international economic order which would ensure peace and justice for all. The global negotiations, which have not yet gone beyond the stage of exploratory contacts, must be continued. The present world economy, because interdependence is a fact, cannot be adapted to the natural order of things simply by willingness to do this. As we have stated, the harmonious development of international society hinges on the achievement of progress for all. It can be maintained only by our ability to deal with international problems in their entirety and to find global solutions for them.
91.	The third world, the Group of 77, must continue to demonstrate open-mindedness in order to achieve steady progress.
92.	The world horizon is dangerously uncertain. The international situation is one of growing insecurity, injustice and human tragedy. Monetary and financial chaos, the slowing-down of trade, poverty, social deprivation—particularly hunger—desertification and poor employment prospects for coming generations are the ills which threaten to destroy our international society. In the face of these real dangers, I wish, on behalf of the people of Mali and President Moussa Traore, to make an appeal to reason and unity of action. Indeed, while we fear that the developing countries are headed for disaster, we doubt very much that they will be alone.


It gives me great pleasure to congratulate Mr. Lusaka on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session. My delegation is particularly happy that this office is being held by the representative of a country with which Pakistan enjoys close bilateral ties and shares common views. His unanimous election as President is a tribute to the constructive role that Zambia has consistently played in the quest for a just international order. It also recognizes his personal qualities of statesmanship and wisdom and his dedication to the cause of decolonization, freedom and justice. Let me assure him that he will have the full co-operation and sincere good wishes of my delegation.
178.	I would also like to express the deep gratitude of my delegation for the great skill and dedication with which Mr. Jorge Illueca guided the deliberations of the Assembly at its thirty-eighth session.
179.	It is a special pleasure for me to extend my warmest congratulations to Brunei Darussalam on its accession to membership in the United Nations and to welcome its delegation to our midst. As a fellow Asian and Islamic country, Pakistan has already established a cordial and fraternal relationship with Brunei and we look forward to working in close cooperation with it in the United Nations and in other international forums.
180.	Allow me to express our deep gratitude to the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts in the pursuit of international peace and security. Since he assumed office, we have admired his annual reports to the General Assembly not only for their evaluation of the achievements of the Organization but, equally, for their candid analysis of its inadequacies and recommendations for remedial measures.
181.	This year again, as we undertake preparations to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, the Secretary-General's important report on the work of the Organization emphasizes the imperatives of strengthening multilateralism and revitalizing the role of the United Nations as mankind's only institution for the preservation of international peace and security.
182.	The thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly has had an auspicious beginning because, after a long night of confrontation between the major Powers, we may well be witnessing the first light of a new dawn. It is our earnest wish that the hopes of a thaw in relations among the major Powers may not only be sustained but become a prelude to a new phase of detente in the interest of global peace and progress.
183.	In an age in which the very survival of civilization is threatened, it is imperative that a beginning be made to break away from the pursuit of global domination and regional hegemony, which have so often brought countries of the world into apocalyptic conflicts.
184.	The international community has before it a clear agenda which must be addressed in the interest of a peaceful and secure future. There are regional conflicts awaiting peaceful settlement and situations of colonial and alien domination that need to be rectified. There is the arms race, particularly the growth of nuclear arsenals which cast a shadow over the future of mankind. Accompanying these grim realities of the international situation, misery and deprivation afflict a vast section of humanity and an inequitable international economic order persists as a legacy of the past and continues to accentuate the gap between the poor and the rich.
185.	International peace will remain elusive so long as powerful nations continue to resort to the use of force with impunity and until the frontiers of smaller nations are secure and their right to seek freedom and self-determination is fully respected.
186.	Pakistan firmly believes that the security of smaller and medium-sized nations can be assured in an international environment of peace, stability and progress. In pursuit of these objectives, Pakistan has made unremitting efforts to promote co-operative and good-neighbourly relations and to seek peaceful solutions to the problems in our region. This attitude is clearly manifest in the sincere efforts made by Pakistan to find a peaceful settlement of the grave situation created by the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan, which continues to be a cause of deep concern to us and to the international community.
187.	Ever since our independence, successive Governments of Pakistan have sought to develop fraternal relations with Afghanistan based on the historic ties that bind our two peoples and on the imperative of mutual co-operation dictated by geography, economic interdependence and political realities. Consistent with these objectives, Pakistan has continued to extend its hand of friendship to whichever Government was in power in Afghanistan.
188.	The foreign military intervention in Afghanistan in 1979, however, brought about a fundamental change in that country. An indigenous national movement, directed against the presence; of foreign troops and the regime imposed by them, began a struggle for liberation throughout the length and breadth of Afghanistan. The ensuing conflict has witnessed ruthless military operations to stamp out the heroic struggle of the Afghans and has forced millions of Afghans to leave their homeland in order to seek shelter in neighbouring countries.
189.	As a neighbour, Pakistan has been affected by these convulsions and has given refuge to over 3 million Afghans who have fled their country. We have provided them with shelter and with means of sustenance in accordance with our Islamic and humanitarian obligations. We shall continue to do so within our limited resources until conditions are created inside Afghanistan that will enable these unfortunate people to return to their homes in safety and honour.
190.	Apart from the human suffering it has caused, the military intervention in Afghanistan has radically altered the environment of security in the region. It has created a potentially dangerous situation and has contributed to the heightening of international tension. The persistence of military intervention in this non-aligned country constitutes stark defiance of respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States and the non-use of force in inter-State relations.
191.	For Pakistan, the danger is direct and tangible, as is evident from the continuing violations of our territory from the Afghanistan side, which have resulted in tragic loss of innocent lives and damage to property. Recently, there has been a sharp escalation in the intensity and frequency of these violations. Last August, 54 innocent lives were lost in incidents involving shelling and bombardment of our territory. The latest such attack, which occurred only last Thursday, took a further toll of 32 lives. The Government of Pakistan takes an extremely serious view of these wanton attacks, which have aggravated the situation on our northern borders. Pakistan has so far acted with restraint, and it hopes that the concern of the international community over the continuation of such attacks and their dangerous consequences will compel those responsible to desist from further aggression.
192.	For Pakistan, therefore, as indeed for the entire international community, the continued occupation of Afghanistan by foreign forces is a matter of utmost concern. We are deeply aware that the situation in Afghanistan does not admit of a military solution and can only be resolved through political means. We have, therefore, been working sincerely for a political settlement that would restore peace and stability to the region.
193.	In our search for a solution to the Afghanistan problem, we have recently concluded another round of indirect talks through the intermediary of the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General. This round has marked a further step forward in the diplomatic process initiated two years ago. We remain confident that this dialogue will ultimately lead to an honourable negotiated settlement. For our part, we will continue to extend our full co-operation to the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General in his search for a comprehensive settlement based on the principles enunciated by the United Nations.
194.	The establishment of tension-free and good- neighbourly relations between Pakistan and India is clearly of crucial importance in bringing about a secure and tranquil environment in which peoples of these two countries can devote themselves fully to the urgent tasks of national development. Pakistan has, therefore, assiduously endeavoured to build up a climate of confidence, understanding and mutual trust with our neighbouring country. We are fully aware that the path we have chosen for ourselves may be long and arduous, but we shall remain undaunted by temporary set-backs in pursuing the charted course of peace and good-neighbourly relations.
195.	Our offer to India in 1981 of a non-aggression pact remains an important initiative designed to remove mistrust and fear. We have also given constructive consideration to the proposal of a treaty of peace and friendship. Negotiations between the two Governments to evolve an integrated text made encouraging progress last May, and we remain confident that the gaps between the respective positions of the two sides can be bridged.
196.	In accordance with our established policy of promoting good-neighbourly relations with India, we remain prepared to revive and intensify the negotiations and to take concrete steps to build mutual confidence and promote co-operation between the two countries. In the same spirit, we seek a just and honourable settlement of the Jammu and Kashmir question, which will ensure lasting harmonious relations and durable peace between the two countries.
197.	The seven nations of the South Asian region, which together constitute a quarter of humanity, are today engaged in a vigorous and determined effort to increase and institutionalize their mutual co-operation for the economic and social progress of their people, in accordance with the principles of sovereign equality and mutual benefit. Pakistan has participated actively in this process because we believe that it will help to improve the living conditions of our people. It will also promote an atmosphere of confidence, stability and harmony in our region. Considerable progress has already been made in setting up a framework for South Asian regional co-operation, and we look forward to the summit conference next year, which would in itself be a landmark in the promotion of peace and understanding in the region.
198.	As a littoral State on the Indian Ocean, Pakistan is fully committed to the goal of a zone of peace in the area, which it regards as an important element in the quest on the part of the Indian Ocean States for peace and security. We view the convening of a conference or the Indian Ocean as a step in that direction. We believe that the establishment of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean area requires practical measures that would lead to the elimination of great-Power rivalry and military presence and the prohibition of nuclear weapons from the Ocean and from the territories of the littoral and hinterland States. States in the region would also have to commit themselves to settle peacefully all outstanding disputes and to ensure that a climate of confluence, peace and security should exist among themselves.
199.	In our relations with the major Powers, we have adhered scrupulously to the policy of non- alignment, consistent with the interests of peace and security in our region. We will not be party to any military blocs or alliances, nor will we grant any military bases to outside powers or engage in collusion with one against the interest of the other. Development of our relations with the major Powers, as with other States, is on the basis of bilateralism and mutual benefit, and we desire to see the major Powers help in the promotion of peace in our region.
200.	The tragic conflict between Iran and Iraq, now in its fifth year, has already taken a vast toll in human life and has caused massive destruction of national wealth. The people of Pakistan are deeply anguished at the continuation of this conflict, which serves the interest of neither the belligerents nor any other country in the region.
201.	If the conflict continues unrestrained, the flames that consume Iran and Iraq today are likely to affect other States in the region and to attract the involvement of outside Powers in this strategic part of the world. Pakistan has, therefore, made incessant efforts by using all its resources, bilaterally or as a member of the Islamic Peace Committee, to bring about an early end to this fratricidal conflict. We deplore its continuation and we deplore its expansion in the form of the use of chemical weapons and attacks on international shipping. We once again urge the belligerents to respond to the desire of the international community to end the hostilities and support all international efforts towards achieving peace, including the mediatory role of the Secretary- General, which deserves a rich tribute, particularly for its success in securing an agreement on the cessation of attacks on civilian population centres.
202.	The Middle East question has been on the Assembly's agenda for more than three decades and remains the most explosive issue threatening international peace. At the heart of the issue are the Israeli occupation of Arab and Palestinian lands, the denial of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and the relentless Israeli expansion against its Arab neighbours. Instead of responding to the opportunities offered by peace, Israel has persisted in its design to annex territories occupied by it since 1967 and has embarked on a systematic policy of changing the historic character of these territories, especially through the establishment of settlements.
203.	Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon represents a new dimension in Israeli expansionism and its attempts to assert its diktat in the area. While compounding the Middle East conflict, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon has given rise to a new wave of violence in the area.
204.	In spite of Israeli intransigence, the international community has repeatedly made proposals that could lead to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Last year, the General Assembly called for an International Peace Conference on the Middle East. In September 1982, Arab leaders offered the elements of a peace plan at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez. Proposals were offered by President Reagan, and the most recent proposals were made by the Soviet Union last July. All these initiatives demonstrate that the avenues of a just settlement remain open. What is required, however, is a concerted effort by the international community to compel Israel to respond positively to these initiatives with a view to recognizing the imperatives of peace and security in the region.
205.	The principles on which a Middle East settlement must be based are clear and have been affirmed repeatedly. These include: withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the territories occupied by it since 1967, including Jerusalem; attainment by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights, including the right of an independent state in Palestine; the right of the PLO to represent the Palestinian people and to participate on an equal footing in all peace efforts.
206.	The fulfilment of these conditions alone can ensure peace and security for every State in the Middle East. Any effort to achieve this objective by circumventing the essential imperatives for peace is destined to prove counter-productive.
207.	Pakistan's commitment to the principle of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States is also reflected in the position adopted by it on issues concerning regions located far away from us. Accordingly, we have consistently supported the international call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea and the restoration of the right of its people to determine its own destiny free from external interference or pressure. Pakistan supports the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, the lawful Government of the country, in its struggle for national liberation and independence. It remains our hope that Viet Nam, whose people themselves suffered deeply from the privations of war, will recognize the futility of its presence in Kampuchea and respect the world demand for the unconditional withdrawal of its forces.
208.	We also oppose any meddling by outside Powers in the affairs of the countries of Central America, whose peoples are engaged in a struggle to overcome deep-rooted socio-economic problems inherited from the past. The peace initiative of the Contadora Group offers the best hope for harmony and progress in the region and deserves the support of all countries.
209.	It is an affront to mankind that vestiges of colonialism and racism should survive in southern Africa. We are convinced that, before long, the valiant people of Namibia and South Africa, who are waging a heroic struggle against colonialism, racism and apartheid, shall be free. Pakistan fully supports their struggle and will rejoice with them in their final triumph.
210.	In South Africa, the racist Pretoria regime is pushing a new racial constitution in a sinister attempt to perpetuate the system of apartheid in new forms. In Namibia, it continues to resort to a combination of subterfuge and aggression to deny independence to the people of Namibia.
211.	Pretoria has sought to obstruct the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia by linking it to extraneous issues and by intensifying its brutal repression of the people of the territory. As the just struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, continues, it is vital that the international community bring maximum pressure on Pretoria to secure early and faithful implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We also affirm our solidarity with the front-line and neighbouring States, which have been frequent victims of Pretoria's aggression because they uphold the cause of justice and freedom in South Africa and Namibia.
212.	In this nuclear age, disarmament is a moral imperative. In an absolute sense, the arms race threatens the survival of mankind and, while it continues, it represents a sinful waste of human and material resources. The build-up of nuclear stockpiles and the new dimensions of the arms race now reaching outer space have outgrown the logic and rationale of deterrence and only serve to bring closer the stark prospect of the extinction of human civilization. The arms race cannot continue unrestrained. It must be halted and reversed.
213.	We are convinced that the absence of negotiations would only fuel, rather than control, the nuclear arms race. We therefore regret the continued breakdown of bilateral talks between the United States and the Soviet Union on intermediate-range nuclear forces and the suspension of the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks, and we earnestly hope for an early resumption of negotiations.
214.	The issue of the arms race concerns all peoples and, accordingly, the United Nations must play a central role in advancing the collective international thinking on disarmament for the promotion of its objectives. The lack of tangible progress on disarmament issues within the United Nations framework, therefore, remains for us a source of concern. Within the world body and also outside it, pressure must be maintained to outlaw the further development of weapons of mass destruction and to prevent the extension of the arms race to outer space.
215.	The specific initiatives taken by Pakistan within the framework of the United Nations for negative security guarantees for non-nuclear States and the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia stem from a comprehensive approach that we pursue in matters relating to disarmament. We feel that all efforts in the field of nuclear or conventional disarmament, whether global, regional or bilateral, or whether long-term or interim, are worthy of support by the international community. Similarly, we discern a valid co-relation between disarmament and the global security environment, and we stress the need for confidence-building measures, as experience has shown that goals of disarmament cannot be achieved in a political environment of tension and conflict.
216.	Pakistan's abiding commitment to nuclear non-proliferation is reflected in our unqualified support for disarmament measures advanced in the United Nations framework, our consistent pursuit for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia, our initiative for a joint declaration for non-acquisition of nuclear weapons by the States of the region, our offer to our neighbour India concerning inspection of nuclear facilities on a reciprocal basis, as well as our preparedness to explore ways to keep our area free of nuclear weapons. As repeatedly affirmed by President Zia-ul- Haq, Pakistan is committed, and shall remain committed, not to develop nuclear weapons or allow their deployment on its soil.
217.	The deepening international economic crisis is evident in the world-wide phenomena of a steep decline in the level of economic activity by diminishing investments, increasing protectionism and a high level of unemployment. The developing countries have been its worst victims. Their vulnerable economic and social systems have been ravaged by the crisis, which is compounded by deterioration in their terms of trade, a reduced level of external demand for their goods, high interest rates, a reduced flow of official and private resources and a crushing and unprecedented burden of external debt. Efforts to improve this intolerable situation have been thwarted by the absence of political will on the part of the industrialized countries to engage in a meaningful dialogue on finding long-term solutions to the problems of the international economy.
218.	The failure of successive gatherings, such as the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on. Trade and Development, held at Belgrade from 6 June to 2 July 1983, and the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna from 2 to 19 August 1984, is yet another reminder of the negative attitude of the developed countries, whose apathy towards the plight of two thirds of the world's population is reflected in the fact that even the Committee on the Review and Appraisal of the Implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade failed to reach any agreement. Yet another example of this negative attitude is the failure of the Economic and Social Council, at its second regular session this year, to agree on measures in favour of the African countries, whose critical economic situation, aggravated by drought and famine, is recognized by all.
219.	Claims of recovery by certain developed countries are of no solace to the developing countries which continue to suffer from present recessionary trends.
220.	The undeniable interdependence between the economies of the developed and developing countries and the recognized need for an orderly and stable international economic system make it imperative that a dialogue commence in the interest of equitable economic relationships.
221.	For five years now, the international community has been considering a proposal for a simultaneous, coherent and integrated examination of international economic relations by launching "global negotiations". It is indeed regrettable that these negotiations have not yet been launched in spite of broad agreement reached in 1979 at the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, when it adopted resolution 34/138, and in 1980 during the eleventh special session.
222.	The developing countries have made efforts to satisfy the concerns of the industrialized countries in regard to certain aspects of these negotiations. They have also shown flexibility, as is evident from the proposals of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983. We hope that the industrialized countries will show sensitivity to the need for a more stable and equitable international economic system by adopting a flexible and positive attitude towards these proposals.
223.	The promotion of co-operation among developing countries is an important element in their endeavour to improve the well-being of their populations and rationalize their own economies. The efforts in most of those countries to bring about the necessary economic adjustment have often been undertaken at great economic, social and political cost. Though their achievements may have been uneven, their commitment cannot be faulted. While those efforts are important, they are not an alternative to a healthier and more co-operative relationship between the developed and developing countries.
224.	We hope that the present session of the General Assembly will prove to be a turning-point in the impasse in the dialogue between the developed and the developing countries and provide the setting for the adoption of measures leading to the restoration of confidence in international economic cooperation and to the establishment of the new international economic order.
225.	The international community today faces issues of a magnitude never faced by it before. The spectre of nuclear annihilation, the deprivation suffered by a vast section of humanity and the stunning pace of contemporary technological advance present unprecedented dangers, challenges and opportunities. The question that confronts us today is whether we have the imagination and the courage to act in concert to ensure an era of peace and progress for this generation and those succeeding it. Peace and survival cannot be taken for granted in the present age. Left to itself, our world will drift towards war and self- annihilation. A conscious, determined and collective effort is imperative to fulfil the vision of the United Nations for a peaceful, just and prosperous world.