Mr. President, in addressing this Assembly for the first time, I am conscious that you have given long and distinguished service to the United Nations. My delegation is confident that your knowledge and wisdom will contribute to the success of our deliberations and pledges its full co-operation to you in carrying out your duties.
55.	May I also welcome the newest Member of the United Nations-Seychelles. Canada looks forward to establishing friendly relations with the people and Government of that new Commonwealth country.
56.	I take this opportunity to express to the delegation of China the condolences of the Government and people of Canada on the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung. The world has lost a great man.
57.	This is a time of difficult adjustment for the United Nations. Our membership, with some notable exceptions, is virtually complete, yet there are pressures to define more strictly the obligations of membership. Efforts to adapt the procedures and structure of the United Nations to accommodate new policy priorities introduce new tensions in some traditional bodies and activities. Agreement on standards and principles of human rights is not matched by an equal determination to implement those standards without discrimination. The Security Council meets more frequently than before, but there is no comparable increase in the number of agreed resolutions. Acts of piracy and terror, both within and between States, undermine the principles of international law and behavior on which the United Nations Charter is based. The ideal of greater economic and social equality between nations is still far from translation into practice. And, finally, the choice between anarchy or order on the seas stands out before us in unmistakable clarity.
58.	Canada supports the objective of universality of membership. The Charter, it is true, speaks of certain conditions for membership, but my Government takes the view that all States which apply for membership ought to be given the benefit of the doubt, if such exists. Any question about the degree of independence of such States should be resolved on the basis of the opinion and practice of the majority of Member States.
59.	But Canada also believes that a Member, once admitted to membership, should remain a Member. We hold that it would be a dangerous precedent to recommend expulsion of a Member State on the grounds of violation of the principles of the Charter, unless that is the consensus of the whole membership. To purge this Organization of so-called unpopular Members could lead to the withdrawal of support by others and the paralysis of our activities. That is too high a price to pay.
60.	We also hear threats from time to time to suspend the right of Israel to participate in the General Assembly. Canada would oppose such action. To deprive Members of their rights in the General Assembly on grounds not justified by the Charter makes a mockery of the Assembly. Our purpose is to debate the issues, not to stifle them.
61.	One implication of universality of membership must be a willing acceptance of the obligations of membership, especially by those States which play a major role in the Organization. A responsible measure of participation in United Nations activities, especially those voluntary programs which relieve suffering or help to maintain the peace, is a sign of such willingness. As a matter of principle, Canada will maintain its full and complete support for all United Nations organs of which it is a member. We would regret any trend towards the boycotting of United Nations institutions, or the unilateral reduction of assessed contributions to United Nations agencies, even though certain of their activities may be regarded by some States as harmful or irregular.
62.	Nevertheless, we believe it is unwise to press resolutions to a vote on issues which deeply divide the membership. Canada regrets, tor example, that the campaign against racial discrimination, on which there is wide consensus, should be associated with Zionism, about which there is profound disagreement. If this link is maintained, my Government will not participate in the conference to be held in 1978 on racial discrimination.
63.	The structure of our Organization and the priorities which it follows from time to time must reflect change in the world situation and in the membership. The shift over the years towards economic and social priorities is therefore desirable and understandable. We hope that some restructuring of the economic and social sector of the United Nations will take place as a result.. We see merit in proposals to give a more central role to the Economic and Social Council and for arrangements in the Secretariat designed to support that role. It is not too soon to envisage the Economic and Social Council in permanent session, taking up groups of issues in some orderly fashion and giving close attention to the implementation. of decisions taken at United Nations social conferences. The recommendations of the Habitat Conference,  for example, of which Canada had the honor to act as host, require thorough and expert scrutiny.
64.	We recognize as well that many Members believe the Charter reflects better the world of 1945 than the world of today. We agree that useful changes might be made. But here, as in other matters, the best may be the enemy of the good. Canada takes the view that the present balance of power between the General Assembly and the Security Council, which is the central issue of the Charter reform, is preferable to any alternative. The question of the Council's membership may be debatable, but its powers and structure still serve us well. So, too, does the principle of equal rights in the General Assembly. If the United Nations is to evolve gradually into a body capable of making decisions which affect the vital interests of all States, it must follow procedures which give confidence to its Members that those interests are secure.
65.	The coming into force this year of the International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and on Civil and Political Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex] is a major step forward for the United Nations. As a member of the Commission on Human Rights, Canada will now direct its efforts principally towards the protection of the rights defined in the Covenants and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. One obvious means is to make effective the investigative and appeal mechanisms that are now established. These mechanisms require that States be willing to accept impartial examination of their alleged failure to abide by their commitments. A court of human rights, as proposed by my German colleague, is a step we should consider. None of us has a perfect record. To fall short of the aspirations inscribed in the Covenants and the Declaration of Human Rights is not a matter for partisan polemics, but for sober assessment.
66.	The obstacles ahead are formidable. Appeals against violations of human rights can be a threat to the legitimacy of some Governments and an embarrassment to others. No State is immune to criticism in this regard, although some manage to deflect attention, while others become the center of attraction. Canada will speak out to the best of its knowledge without regard for power or favor. We attach particular importance to the full implementation of the terms of the Declaration on torture which the General Assembly adopted in 1975.
67.	Our experience with peace-keeping has been different from our experience with human rights. The concepts and principles of United Nations peace-keeping have been the subject of strong disagreement, whereas the practice has been modestly successful.
68.	Threats to peace and security vary from year to year, but we are rarely able to claim that none exists. This year we have been shocked by the continuing loss of life in Lebanon. The United Nations has not been able to contribute to peacemaking efforts there but should remain ready to respond if the situation so requires.
69.	A few weeks ago southern Africa was on the verge of disaster. It may still be so. But I am sure we are all encouraged by the developments of recent days. I pay a tribute to the patient diplomacy of the Secretary of State of the United States and welcome the apparent change of mind in Pretoria and Salisbury which his efforts may have achieved. My Government agrees that the early independence of both Namibia and Rhodesia on the basis of majority rule and racial harmony is essential to the peace of Africa. It believes as well that South Africa must meet the legitimate political, social and economic demands of the majority of South Africans, supported by the virtually unanimous opinion of this Assembly, if such peace is to endure.
70.	In the Middle East the United Nations has no choice but to continue the peacekeeping duties authorized by the Security Council. We are encouraged at this time and were at this time last year, by the interim agreement reached between Egypt and Israel on the withdrawal of their forces from Sinai. We look forward to further negotiations which could lead eventually to a peace settlement on the basis of the principles agreed upon by the Security Council in its resolution 242 (1967), and which would take into account the legitimate concerns and interests of the Palestinian people. Whether negotiations are resumed bilaterally with the help of third-party mediation or whether they take place multilaterally in the presence of all the parties directly affected is less important than a joint determination by the States concerned to accept the necessity of establishing and maintaining peaceful relations between them. Pending the achievement of this objective, Canada will continue to contribute to United Nations peacekeeping operations and will oppose actions or initiatives which imperil the security and independence of States in the area, or make it more difficult for the United Nations to help in achieving a settlement.
71.	In Cyprus the United Nations Peace-keeping Force still faces a difficult situation. The parties to the dispute are no
closer to agreement now than before. The situation on the ground remains tense and dangerous. It is generally agreed that the United Nations Force plays a vital role, but the costs of the Force are running $40 million over the contributions collected. We believe strongly that all Member States, in particular the permanent members of the Security Council, should make appropriate contributions to duly authorized United Nations peace-keeping operations. The fact that only a dozen or so Governments have made payments to the United Nations Special Account for the first sue months of this year is not a record of which we can be proud. I can only conclude that, unless the dispute moves towards settlement soon, my Government will have to review its position as a troop contributor in Cyprus.
72.	We are concerned as well about continuing acts of terrorism throughout the world and about innocent people who have been threatened or killed.
73.	The General Assembly established a Committee four years ago to study both terrorism itself and its underlying causes.  The Committee came to no conclusions, and the Assembly has not even studied its report. We believe the Assembly should now concentrate on a single aspect of the problem in an effort to achieve concrete results.
74.	I therefore support the proposal of my colleague from the Federal Republic of Germany [7th meeting] that priority should be given to action against the taking of hostages, and that international agreement should be reached to ensure the punishment of those who engage in such acts wherever they seek refuge. But we must not forget that conventions against aerial hijacking already exist. If all States were to ratify them we could be more confident that such hijackings would stop.
75.	My predecessor spoke last year  of the "totally unsatisfactory rate of progress in achieving disarmament measures" and said that the General Assembly must continue "as a spur to action in the field of disarmament". A year later the record is little better. In the words of our Secretary-General, "the problem of armaments continues to present the most serious threat to a peaceful and orderly future for the world community" [see A/31/l/Add.l, sect. V]. We should be ready to explore new avenues, and in this spirit my Government is prepared to consider sympathetically a proposal to convene a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament in 1978.
76.	We must not delude ourselves, however, that the principal obstacles to progress on disarmament will be removed by discussion in this Assembly. These obstacles are the differences of view among States as to the best ways of ensuring their security. Our examination of ways of improving the role of the United Nations in the field of arms control and disarmament will have achieved little unless Member countries redouble their efforts to overcome those differences.
77.	At this mid-point in the Disarmament Decade the responsibility to address ourselves to the real obstacles to progress is shared by ail Members of this Organization. But this responsibility falls most heavily on the nuclear-weapon States and other States of military significance. Progress will be meager, , unless we re-examine traditional assumptions, take adequate account of the security concerns of others, and seize all opportunities for concrete action.
78.	All of us acknowledge that the money spent on weapons might be put to better use. Few of us reduce our defense budgets. To do so requires better understanding and mutual confidence. Such understanding and mutual confidence is difficult to achieve in the best of cases and not least in a world divided between wealth and poverty. That is why a common effort to accelerate the process of development and to reduce disparities is in the interest of all States.
79.	The fourth session of UNCTAD has now taken place. The Conference on International Economic Co-operation, of which my predecessor, Mr. MacEachen, has the honor to be Co-Chairman, along with Mr. Perez Guerrero of Venezuela, has been meeting since the conclusion of last year's General Assembly. It has not been an easy year. The results of the fourth session of UNCTAD were achieved with difficulty and the Paris Conference is not assured of success.
80.	Yet, our difficulties should not obscure the fact that we have made significant progress towards agreement on the nature of our agenda and priorities, despite the apparent lack of concrete achievement. If our preparation is thorough, and our approach to it sincere, achievement will be more likely to follow, provided that the requisite political will exists on all sides. It is now my earnest hope that the present phase of the Paris Conference will bear fruit.
81.	The work of the Paris Conference is proceeding in parallel with work in the larger international bodies associated with the United Nations system. Its participants are aware that they must retain a global perspective on the problems before them if non-participants in the Conference are to have confidence in its results, and if these are to influence the actions of Governments in the longer term.
82.	The Conference is part of a continuing process of negotiation aimed at narrowing the gap between rich and poor. The process is complex and it is permanent. Old problems will not disappear quickly and new problems will emerge. In the pursuit of a more equitable international economic system, Canada is prepared to commit its efforts and its resources.
83.	The fifth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea ended here in New York a little while ago without agreement except to meet again for a further session in the spring of next year. Significant progress has been made on many issues, but the Conference remains deeply divided on other issues to a point where a strong sense of impatience and even despair has set in about the seemingly endless nature of these negotiations.
84.	Canada is strongly committed to the objective of the Conference-a new legal order for the oceans based on equity and sound management principles. As a major coastal State Canada is acutely conscious of the inadequacy of the old order, based largely on the concept of freedom of the seas, which developed 300 years ago but which has become, with the force of modern technology, license to foul the shores and ravage the fisheries of the oceans. As a Canadian from an Atlantic province, Newfoundland, which is heavily dependent upon the resources of the sea, I wish to leave this Assembly in no doubt about the strength of Canadian concerns on this matter.
85.	Gravely depleted fisheries resources off our coasts led to a decision by Canada to extend our fisheries jurisdiction out to 200 miles as of 1 January 1977. This action is being taken within the framework of a system of sound conservation and rational management which we have negotiated on a bilateral and regional level with major fishing States operating off the Canadian coast. This action is also consistent with a growing consensus among nations reflected in the provisions of the single negotiating text that emerged from the Conference on the Law of the Sea last year and which has been confirmed in this year's revised text.  Other States, including our immediate neighbors, have taken or announced similar action.
86.	There are positive features and areas of progress in the work of the Conference which, I must add, Mr. President, are in significant measure due to your own skillful and tireless efforts as President of the Conference. Although unduly protracted, because of differences on a narrowing list of unresolved, hard-core issues, the Conference process has seen the emergence of a growing international consensus on a variety of important matters, in addition to the fisheries provisions that I have mentioned. The concept of a 200-mile exclusive economic zone with important coastal- State powers has achieved broad acceptance. There is general recognition of the need for special controls against marine pollution in ice-covered areas such as the Canadian Arctic. The rights of States in respect of the mineral resources of their continental shelves extending out to the continental margin are widely accepted in the Conference, although differences remain on the definition of the margin and on proposals for revenue-sharing in areas beyond 200 miles.
87.	A major remaining obstacle to further progress has been the deadlock on the question of mining the rich resources of the deep sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. On this and other unfinished business we must find internationally agreed solutions to avert a serious risk of conflict and for the benefit of all mankind. The process may be long and many are weary, but we must not flag in the effort to achieve agreement on an overall regime for the oceans at the moment when, finally, success may be within our grasp.
88.	I have spoken about our hopes and disappointments as Members of the United Nations. I conclude with the pledge that Canada will continue to be a loyal and, I trust, constructive Member. The United Nations suits Canada. We are a country of many peoples and cultures. We understand the meaning of compromise and consensus. We prize the opportunity to cultivate relations with near and distant friends. We remain committed to the purposes and principles of the Charter.


Mr, President, your election to the presidency of the General Assembly is the crowning of long and distinguished service at the United Nations, and a most deserving tribute to your personal qualities as a diplomat. It is a matter of particular satisfaction for the Iranian delegation to see so distinguished a representative of our continent elected to guide the counsels of this Assembly. We are confident that your proven qualities of leadership will be a great asset to the success of the work of this Assembly during these troubled times. I also take this opportunity to express our sincere gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, who so ably guided the work of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. For the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, we once again re-iterate our support and wish him well in the discharge of the challenging responsibilities of his high office which he has performed with dedication.
55.	We are delighted, also, to welcome into our midst the delegation of Seychelles. Its presence here brings our Organization even closer to the goal of universality.
56.	In the period since we last met there have been new setbacks in areas affecting world peace. It is indeed distressing to observe that the situation in most of the major problem areas was either kept stagnant or allowed to deteriorate. Such was particularly the case in the Middle East, where a new tragic war threw confusion in the already complex and untenable situation.
57.	In Africa, however, following a traumatic experience, a wave of diplomatic activities had produced encouraging signs of a break-through.
58.	The lack of progress was striking in the economic field. Hopes raised at the seventh special session have not yet been translated into action, and this was particularly evident at the fourth session of UNCTAD and at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation.
59.	I do not propose to deal with the entire range of problems confronting the world today. I would rather confine myself to areas of more direct interest and concern to my Government.
60.	In the Middle East, we find that this troubled area, already the victim of perennial crises, is now thrown into further chaos and turmoil.
61.	The initiatives taken last year in the Sinai had made us hope for a brighter future. Nevertheless, the very core and substance of the Middle East problem remains unresolved. Whatever the modalities and the specifics of the eventual settlement, one thing remains abundantly clear: no one can harbor the illusion that a lasting peace will return to the area until such time as Israel withdraws from the Arab territories occupied by force.
62.	We commend the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Emergency Force and the acceptance by Syria of the renewal of the mandate of the United, Nations Disengagement Observer Force. But the role that the United Nations peace-keeping forces can play in this situation, however useful, must of necessity be interpreted to be of limited scope and duration. This instrumentality for preventive action must not be allowed to perpetuate the uneasy and unacceptable status quo in the area.
63.	In this respect, we wish to reiterate our conviction that the key to the solution of the Middle East problem lies in the full implementation of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), together with other relevant decisions, including those dealing with the status of Jerusalem. It is evident, furthermore, that any proposed solution of the Middle East problem should fully take into account the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Palestinian people.
64.	I cannot leave this subject without mentioning that yet another distressing situation has emerged in the Middle East. No responsible nation, especially States enjoying close and historical ties with Lebanon, can ignore the tragedy that has befallen this land, which had symbolized for the world the tradition of peaceful coexistence. Courageous and just action must therefore be forthcoming to put an end to the agony and bloodshed. Peace must be restored before it is put beyond reach.
65.	The situation in Cyprus remains stagnant and still fraught with serious potentials for armed conflict. My Government has always urged the continuation of inter-communal talks with a view to arriving at a just and durable solution in conformity with the aspirations of both ethnic communities. We regret that these talks that have been conducted under the auspices of the Secretary-General have not yet yielded results. In the political climate now prevailing in that region the Aegean problem between Greece and Turkey last summer demonstrated how any dispute can reach crisis level.
66.	In recent years, Iran's co-operation with other countries situated to its east has assumed ever-increasing importance. It is only natural that peace and stability in Asia and the Indian Ocean littoral should be one of the major concerns of Iran's foreign policy. It is, therefore, no small cause for rejoicing when we perceive the recent developments towards the normalization of relations among the countries of the subcontinent, especially the restoration of diplomatic relations, communication links and the resumption of private trade between India and Pakistan. In the same vein, we welcome also the establishment of diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Bangladesh and the improved relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan.
67.	Speaking of this region, we continue to view with great interest and concern all developments related to the Indian Ocean. My country has consistently stressed the necessity of keeping this area free from great Power rivalry and tension. In our opinion, it is up to the littoral States themselves to assume the responsibility for the peace and security of the region. We wish, therefore, to reiterate our abiding faith in the value of positive co-operation on the part of the littoral States. Furthermore, such co-operation, we believe, can assume greater depth and significance if supplemented by arrangements designed to foster trade and economic relations among the countries of the region.
68.	With respect to the Persian Gulf, my Government's policy is based on our belief that there should be in this region the fundamental stability in which the nations of the area can pursue their goals of development and progress. And, in our opinion, friendly and productive relations among the countries of the region is a prime element for the existence of such stability. It is with this purpose in mind that we have repeatedly stated that we consider the maintenance of security in the Persian Gulf to be exclusively a responsibility of the littoral States and that such peace and stability should be safeguarded by co-operation among these States, free from any outside interference. In this context, we are gratified to note that our neighbors in the Persian Gulf have, during the past year, demonstrated keener interest in closer co-operation among the littoral States designed to promote closer ties in various fields and to buttress the safety and security of the entire region.
69.	While on this subject, allow me to report that following my announcement at the last General Assembly session that all outstanding differences between Iran and Iraq had been settled as a result of the Algiers agreement of 6 March 1975,  the two countries have now succeeded in building even more solidly on the foundations laid last year. As a result, a treaty and final agreements have been concluded on a whole range of issues which had for so long been points of contention between the two traditionally friendly countries.
70.	The continent of Africa has been the scene of much turmoil in the recent past. Largely as a result of this state of affairs intensive diplomatic activities were undertaken which in recent days have produced interesting developments with a potential promise of a settlement in Rhodesia. My Government sincerely hopes that, following the acceptance of the principles of majority rule and the establishment of a transitional government, prompt and meaningful dialog will now commence to determine the form and modalities of a peaceful transfer of power to the black majority in Rhodesia.
71.	We also look forward to a parallel progress with respect to the question of Namibia and towards a final eradication of the evil policy of apartheid in South Africa. My Government does not minimize the complexity of the issues involved. We nevertheless find the policies of racial discrimination not only abhorrent and unacceptable, but also self-defeating. My Government has undertaken a basic review of its policy to determine in what way it can most effectively contribute to the efforts of those African Governments which strive with political realism to eradicate apartheid, promote majority rule and remove the last vestiges of colonialism in southern Africa and turn their region of the world into one of peace and prosperity free from alien domination and interference.
72.	In reviewing progress in the field of disarmament, we find that, although we continue to draw encouragement from ongoing negotiations and well-intentioned efforts, the over-all situation leaves much to be desired. General and complete disarmament remains an elusive goal for the international community. Confidence-building and partial arms-control agreements, while steps in the right direction, cannot provide a substitute for genuine measures to reverse the nuclear arms race. And while the dangers of horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons are pointed out frequently and with undiminished vigor, we believe that a genuine, general and complete disarmament cannot be achieved unless the major Powers which have themselves stockpiled an arsenal of nuclear and other sophisticated weapons work more actively towards this goal. In this connexion it is encouraging to note that the Soviet Union has taken the initiative of proposing the conclusion of a treaty designed to prohibit the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction. We express the hope that such a treaty may be elaborated in the near future.
73.	As far as my Government is concerned, we will continue to play an active role in efforts to achieve the vital objective of general and complete disarmament. But as long as this goal eludes us and as long as there Is no secure machinery to guarantee peace and international security, nations have no other recourse but to provide for their own security needs.
74.	I would be remiss in my duty if I moved on from my discussion of disarmament without mentioning how greatly encouraged we are by the near unanimous support received at the last General Assembly session by the draft resolution, originally sponsored by Iran and Egypt, on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East, which became resolution 3474 (XXX). The basic concerns that underlay our proposal when we first made it have not diminished over the intervening time. On the contrary, subsequent developments have exacerbated the turbulent political atmosphere of the region. And this has reinforced our conviction that the introduction of nuclear weapons into the area would undoubtedly have the most ominous consequences for the entire region and indeed for world peace.
75.	In the past two years we have witnessed an increasing focus on the need for ending the obsolete scheme of dependence and dominance and the need for its replacement by a new international economic order in which the legitimate interests of all countries-particularly the developing ones- would be met.
76.	In assessing the prospects for the implementation of the specific decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions, we had expressed doubts whether some of the industrial nations would ever translate their promises at the United Nations into effective and concrete action. Unfortunately, subsequent events in the intervening period have done little to dispel these misgivings. In fact, the meager response of the industrialized nations to the problems of the developing countries have reinforced our apprehension.
77.	This is not to deny that much effort and some progress have been made towards the achievement of the goals and objectives of the new order. Nevertheless, the outcome of the strenuous work and intensive debate conducted within and outside the United Nations framework has not so far been commensurate with the gravity or magnitude of the problems facing the world.
78.	For instance, the results of the fourth session of UNCTAD were by no means encouraging. A certain amount of limited progress was achieved in Nairobi in areas related to primary commodities. However, the session failed to come to grips with the needs and aspirations of the developing countries in other substantive areas.
79.	And to compound our disappointment, the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation has not, to date, achieved positive results, mainly due to the preoccupation of the developed countries with energy- related problems and to their lack of interest in other items on the agenda of the Conference.
80.	The Assembly will recall that the idea for the Paris Conference was initiated at the time when most of the industrialized countries were severely hit by a largely self-inflicted economic crisis. Hence the genesis of the Conference lies not only in the developing countries' desire to terminate past injustices and inequities in their economic relations with the industrial countries but also in the developed countries' anxiety to resolve their own energy and other problems. However, as far as the developed world is concerned the situation has to a large extent been transformed. During the interim period the industrial world has managed to emerge from its economic crisis and is now launched on the way to recovery. In contrast, the situation in the poor countries has gone from bad to worse.
81.	The world-wide inflationary spiral, accompanied by the decline in commodity prices, las continued to erode the purchasing power of the developing countries, and the terms of trade of their primary commodities relative to manufactures, services and technology which they import from the industrial world have continued to deteriorate.
82.	We have been saying all along that the erosion of the purchasing power of our depleting assets cannot be allowed to continue. None the less, last year the countries members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries f OPEC/ agreed to freeze the price of oil in the hope that the industrial world would put its economic house in order.
83.	But inflation in most of the developed economies continues to pose new hardships for us and we can hardly be expected to follow the present policy in the face of soaring inflation and currency fluctuations. Therefore, it is the developed countries which will have to shoulder the responsibility for any new adjustment of the price of oil.
84.	In spite of the financial difficulties that we have recently experienced we have continued to lend our assistance to needy countries. Our bilateral and multilateral assistance has continued more or less at the same level as in previous years. In the past few years, Iran's foreign aid has amounted to nearly 6 per cent of its gross national product. Moreover, last year we proposed the setting up of a special fund by OPEC to grant assistance to the less privileged countries. The proposal materialized last January, though with a lesser contribution than had been originally proposed. I am, none the less, happy to note that the $300-million fund has now become operational.
85.	It is worth noting that, while OPEC aid has increased in the past few years, official assistance by the developed countries has been progressively declining. It is only natural to expect that the industrial countries should make every possible effort to live up to the expectations in this respect.
86.	As we go over such a disquieting balance-sheet we cannot fail to note that the yearning of the third world to catch up with the industrialized nations is in the long run a struggle for survival. What this awareness means in practical terms is that the failures of the past efforts should not discourage new initiatives. In this connexion, I wish to note the proposal made by Prime Minister Bhutto of Pakistan to hold a summit conference of all the developing countries.
87.	The negotiations conducted within the framework of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, have been among the momentous diplomatic activities of the past year. The participation of 150 nations in this important international enterprise attests amply to the significance of the issues involved and the complexity of the task at hand in drafting a single comprehensive global convention.
88.	It is our firm conviction that, in order to capitalize on the momentum already generated, efforts must continue to resolve contending claims on the basis of an equitable balance between the legitimate rights and interests of the international community as a whole. In this connexion, I find it pertinent to reiterate my Government's view that, while it is essential that transit through international waterways be ensured to facilitate international trade and communication, it is equally imperative that the legitimate rights and interests of the strait States be respected as well.
89.	I wish now to refer to an item which deserves particular attention: that of international terrorism, which continues to be a source of major concern for the world community.
90.	During the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth sessions of the General Assembly I had occasion to express my feeling of dismay and abhorrence at acts of violence involving threats to, or loss of, lives of innocent people. We have repeatedly reiterated our position calling for strong international action. Recent developments- which have pointed up the new ramifications and additional dimensions of this question strengthen our belief that, if unchecked, this problem threatens to throw the whole fabric of international order into disarray.
91.	The rule of law must prevail in the interest of the entire international community, and every available resource must be mobilized to rid the world of this cruel malaise. It is in this spirit that we have supported action to combat all manifestations of terrorism including its underlying causes. It is in this same spirit that we now whole-heartedly welcome the initiative on the part of the Federal Republic of Germany in urging the preparation of a convention on international measures against the taking of hostages [A/31/242].
92.	Allow me to say in conclusion that, while we look upon the present gloomy panorama of world events, we should not lose our faith in the prospects of international harmony and co-operation. Let us therefore hope that our endeavors at this Assembly, as well as the intensive diplomatic efforts which are being exerted outside its framework, would bring us closer to the objectives we all pursue -those of universal peace, progress and prosperity.


Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you upon your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. I am confident that, as an eminent representative of a friendly Asian country, you will greatly contribute to the success of this session of the General Assembly, because of your wide experience and dedication to the United Nations.
2.	I should like also to express my appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Waldheim, for his untiring efforts in the search for a more effective role for our Organization in its efforts to achieve international peace and harmony.
3.	At the outset of almost every session of the General Assembly of the United Nations history registers new victories for the peoples of the- world-victories against colonialism and imperialism in all their manifestations. The admission of an increasing number of independent States to the United Nations is symbolic of the progressive changes that have taken place and are still taking place in the international arena since the establishment of the United Nations. We were greatly looking forward to the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and Angola as Members of our Organization this year, and this hope could have been realized had it not been for the United States vetoes, which were not based on any logical justification. On this occasion we should like to welcome Seychelles to the United Nations.
4.	The struggle of peoples for political independence has given the United Nations its universal character by increasing its membership; but that struggle has, at the same time, brought about new challenges, because independence from the colonial yoke is not an end in itself. The aim for which millions have sacrificed their lives has always been and still remains human progress, human dignity and human freedom. The achievement of those noble objectives for which people are striving is hindered by some economic, social and even cultural problems and by the manifestations of neo-colonialism, which constitutes a real obstacle to genuine independence. The inequitable international economic relations and the undemocratic patterns of existing relations among States in which the sovereignty of the small nations is not respected and attempts are made to impose colonial values and cultures on those peoples are all clear signs of the dangers of neo-colonialism to the existing international situation.
5 Despite certain developments here and there, and particularly in the Middle East, traditional colonialism is fading away and the system of apartheid is being violently shaken in southern Africa, while zionism has been internationally condemned as yet another racist and exclusivist ideology. Since the great victories achieved by the peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos, international imperialism has resorted to a new system-one which assigns the role of combating national liberation movements and progressive forces to local sub-imperialist Powers, which have jointly undertaken the task of consolidating its influence and domination.
6.	In our part of the world a national liberation movement, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman, has been struggling for genuine independence and national sovereignty since 1965. Today, it is not only facing an expatriate army and a host of international mercenaries in the pay of the Sultan but also the military intervention of a neighbouring State, which is acting as a military gendarme in our area. The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen strongly condemns all military intervention in Oman and reiterates its firm support for the just struggle of the Omani people against foreign intervention and for self-determination-a principle which we unequivocally uphold, whether it be in Oman or elsewhere in the world.

7.	In the Middle East, too, the Palestine liberation Organization [PLO] is being subjected to an unprecedented military and political assault. While expressing our increasing concern over those regrettable developments, we strongly condemn all actions designed to stifle, weaken or circumvent the political and military integrity of the PLO-for the liquidation of the PLO would be tantamount to the liquidation of the Palestinian cause as a whole. Without a strong and viable PLO any solution to the Palestine question is simply inconceivable. The warm welcome shown by the Governments of the United States and Israel to the realization of the murderous plans to annihilate the Palestinians and the progressive Arab forces is living proof of the extent of the conspiracies that aim at the liquidation of the Palestinian people and their just cause together with that of the entire Arab liberation forces. History will record that the unfolding tragedy in Lebanon has only bred more violence and instability, not peace.
8.	If the Palestine problem is the core of what is called the Middle East conflict, the PLO is the sole legitimate leadership of the Palestinian people. Without the satisfaction of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to establish an independent secular State in Palestine, peace will be elusive. But without the consolidation of the PLO genuine peace will be unattainable.
9.	The recent Israeli plan for a peaceful solution of the conflict, proposed by its Foreign Minister, & indeed a mockery, when unremittingly new colonial settlements are established in the occupied territories and when the comer-stone of the Israeli policies is the increase of its immigrant population and the displacement and dispossession of the Palestinian people. Now, more than ever, it is clear that no solutions or resolutions can force Israel to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories; neither will the national rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and statehood be implemented unless they are backed by force. For what has been taken by force can be retrieved only by force.
10.	In southern Africa, the long and arduous struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania is beginning to bear fruit. The minority rebel regime in Rhodesia is staggering; Namibia is on the verge of drastic changes; and the apartheid regime in South Africa is profoundly shaken by popular revolt. No pacifying moves or delaying tactics can deprive the African peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania of the attainment of their final goals. We salute their struggle and call for their unreserved international support.
11.	At long last, the African continent is ridding itself of the yoke of colonialism. In two areas, however, the process of decolonization should not be delayed. We call upon France to respect the national unity of the Comoros and to return the island of Mayotte. In East Africa, we look forward to the earliest independence of the territory of Djibouti, and call for the removal of all military bases or installations from that territory.
12.	In Korea, we call for the unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops from South Korea, so that unity can be achieved by peaceful means and a unified Korea may be admitted to the United Nations.
13.	And in Cyprus, too, we call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops and bases and for the full respect of its sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence.
14.	In the Latin American continent, we salute the Cuban revolution, which is proving to the world that a small nation can resist all sorts of imperialist pressure and economic blackmail, thanks to the determination of the Cuban people and its leadership. We fully support the struggle of the people of Puerto Rico for self-determination and national independence. We also support the just demands of the people of Panama to assert their sovereignty over the Panama Canal. In Chile, we strongly condemn the Fascist junta, which is not only suppressing the heroic Chilean people but is extending its terrorism beyond its borders.
15.	At the outset of the fourth decade of the United Nations, we are faced with new problems and issues, such as the new international economic order, the law of the sea, and organized State terrorism on an international level. But some of the old problems still remain with us. Although the imminent danger of large-scale war has subsided, partly because of the policy of detente, the arms race and its qualitative destructive capacity is ever increasing. Almost simultaneously, the gap between the developed and the developing countries is widening, thus creating an unbalanced international growth, which in itself is not conducive to peace and stability. It is in this sense that the new international economic order is seen as yet another necessary condition for international security and harmony. For, without collective economic security, international peace is illusive. The new international economic order, whose guidelines were laid down by the sixth and seventh special sessions, is not only intended to redress the economic grievances of the developing nations; it is primarily an important condition for genuine international co-operation and peace.
16.	The maintenance and promotion of international peace and security is a prerequisite for progress and prosperity. Permanent peace cannot be realized through a state of no war accompanied by temporary tranquility and stability; it can be realized only when it is established on principles of justice and equality. We notice with satisfaction the easing of tension in some parts of the world; yet the continuation of foreign occupation and imperialist aggression in other parts, the arms race and the economic imbalance pose a threat to international peace and security.
17.	The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen supports all measures to curb the spiraling arms race. The declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] should guarantee the security, sovereignty and independence of both the coastal and land-locked States and the reduction of huge expenditures on arms by the States of the area, thus releasing those amounts for the purpose of their economic and social development. The security of the coastal and land-locked States in the Indian Ocean is not only endangered by the establishment of foreign aggressive military bases, such as the base in Diego Garcia, but also by the expansionist ambitions of certain States in the area through their direct military interventions in the affairs of the others.
18.	The role of the United Nations in preserving international peace and security is indispensable. That role can be enhanced only when the Charter of the United Nations, its principles and its purposes are fully respected and when its resolutions are implemented. "Before we set to review the Charter, we should ask how its principles and purposes are being observed by Member States.
19.	Democratic Yemen once again reaffirms its firm support for the United Nations and its commitment to its ideals and purposes.


Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to express to Mr. Amerasinghe, on behalf of the Government of the State of Kuwait, heartfelt congratulations on his election to his high office. I should like to commend the high status he enjoys in international circles as a diplomat with wide experience and an outstanding reputation. The confidence the General Assembly has reposed in him is not only a recognition of his exceptional qualities but also a token of the international community's appreciation of the role Sri Lanka has played in international affairs. Many of us returned recently from the Colombo Conference  where we were able to admire the indomitable spirit and determination which characterize the efforts of his countrymen to uphold the principles of equality and justice among all nations. I should like also to pay a tribute to his predecessor Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, for the able manner in which he presided over the deliberations cf the thirtieth session of the General Assembly.
49.	Kuwait advocates respect for the principle of universality within the United Nations. We believe that any applicant that meets the requirements laid down in the Charter should be admitted without delay. In this respect, I would like to congratulate the Republic of Seychelles on its admission to the United Nations and at the same time express the hope that Viet Nam will be admitted very soon to this Organization, as it possesses all the qualifications set out in the Charter.
50.	Kuwait highly commends the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations and to promote international peace and security. The Government of Kuwait welcomes the frequent visits of the Secretary- General to Member States to make direct contacts with their leaders and get some first-hand knowledge of their particular problems. Kuwait believes that the Secretary- General should take even greater initiatives to promote greater understanding and amity among nations. The limited powers assigned to him by the Charter have been largely expanded by the enabling resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. The decisive factor, however, has been sincerity, dedication, and his constant efforts to mobilize States behind the principles enshrined in the Charter.
51.	My Government would like particularly to commend the efforts of the United Nations to organize international assistance to provide relief in cases of natural disasters. Drought, floods and earthquakes have become a matter of frequent and regular occurrence in recent years; it must be a source of consolation to the innocent victims of such disasters to realize that they are not alone in their plight but can depend on the sympathy and material support of public-spirited people everywhere.
52.	International relations have been alternating between dialog and confrontation. A major dialog has been taking place for years within the United Nations over questions of decolonization and apartheid. Though the process of decolonization has made rapid strides there has been little success in inducing racist countries to abandon their outmoded policies of apartheid which are a crime against humanity. The near universality which the United Nations has achieved is in itself a tangible proof that the cause of freedom and independence has been largely successful. However, the violent events which agitate South Africa, Namibia, and Rhodesia are further proof that peoples cannot remain patient forever when the international community fails to take adequate measures to redress their grievances.

53.	The recent developments in South Africa attest to the fact that the will of the oppressed people in South Africa to resist the tyranny of apartheid cannot be suppressed. The uprising of the majority of the people of South Africa reveals the bankruptcy of the notion of the supremacy of one race over another. The continuation of the racist policy of South Africa is not only an act that degrades human dignity but constitutes a threat to the stability and security of the African continent in particular and the world in general. Kuwait salutes the people of South Africa for their
fearless resistance to the abhorrent policy of apartheid and their struggle for equality. The question of Namibia is a test of the ability of the United Nations to prevail over South Africa to withdraw its troops from Namibia and allow the Namibians to determine their own destiny without outside interference. The Government of Kuwait believes that mandatory sanctions against South Africa should be applied if that Government persists in its refusal to abide by the rule of law.
54.	The situation in Rhodesia also is very critical and fraught with danger. The white minority still dominates the majority and resorts more often than ever to force to terrorize the indigenous majority. In spite of recent developments in Rhodesia, the final aim should be the assumption of power by the African majority.
55.	Kuwait whole-heartedly supports the people of Zimbabwe in their struggle against discrimination and oppression. The only remedy to the explosive situation in the southern part of Africa is the acceptance of majority rule and all the consequences that flow from it; that is an essential prerequisite for the restoration of normal conditions in that Territory.
56.	The fabric of international security is very weak. Small countries do not feel they can escape from the evil designs of more powerful countries. There is nothing to curb the temptation of powerful countries to advance national interests through the use of force or to use military power to secure national objectives. The irrationality of the situation is revealed by the discrepancy between the action of the General Assembly and the apathy of the Security Council. The resolutions of the General Assembly reflect the determination of the peoples of the majority of Member States to eradicate the remnants of colonialism, create a more favorable political climate and establish a sound relationship between the developing and developed countries. The work of the Security Council has on the other hand been characterized by inaction and omission. Draft resolutions are constantly revised under pressure from the big Powers so that the final texts are lacking any authority or effectiveness. Frequent and irresponsible exercise of the veto by the big Powers has consistently prevented the Security Council from exercising a healthy influence in times of international crisis. The conduct of the Security Council has created great anomalies within the United Nations and in the conduct of international relations. During the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly in 1974 the contrast between the wishes of the majority within the Assembly and the minority in the Council was very vividly shown when, after a proposal to expel South. Africa from the United Nations had been vetoed in the Council by some big Powers, a majority of the members of the Assembly upheld the rejection of the South African delegation's credentials and thus forced it to withdraw from the session.

57.	The termination of the Mandate for South West Africa in 1966 was brought about by an Assembly resolution to establish a United Nations administration in Namibia [resolution 2145 (XXI)] which could not be implemented without action by the Security Council. Examples can be multiplied to show how the Security Council has not discharged the primary responsibility assigned to it by the
Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security. Nothing can be more harmful to the United Nations than to have two of its main organs working at cross-purposes. The Security Council has failed in its duty to condemn defaulting States and to enforce compliance with the wishes of the international community.
58.	No cause is dearer to the nations of the world than that of complete and general disarmament. It is a cause of great regret that disarmament negotiations are still being conducted in the form of a dialog between the two super-Powers. The negotiations being conducted during the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT} have so far failed to produce any real disarmament measures or impose any restrictions on the Soviet-American arms competition of a truly vital nature. They have merely transformed the arms race from one of quantity to one of quality. The major nuclear Powers have the capacity to destroy each other and the world. The small countries cannot be treated as curious bystanders. They have a vital stake in disarmament, which affects the well-being and survival of their peoples. Expenditures on armaments are diversions of resources that could better be employed in meeting social needs or coping with inflation.
59.	My country has from the outset supported the call for convening a World Disarmament Conference as the proper forum in which the views of all nations, big or small, will be taken into consideration. The preliminary work for holding such a conference has shown that the prospects are not encouraging, at least in the near future. My Government would therefore endorse the proposal to convene a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament as being & more practical measure at the moment.
60.	We have on many occasions welcomed detente between the two super-Powers. The least that detente can do is to preclude political competition among the super-Powers from spilling over into military conflict. However, detente has been hampered by the lack of progressive disarmament measures. Arms control can stabilize not only the military balance but also political relations which might otherwise be affected by uncertainties and suspicions concerning the intentions of the other side. Detente, however, as we have stated time and again, should in no way be used as a means of consolidating a big Power hegemony in international affairs or dividing the world into spheres of influence. The interests, needs, rights and aspirations of the developing and non-aligned countries are the pillars and mainstay of any international political order, and detente can only be seen as a necessary complement to this basic structure.

61.	It is true that a halt in the arms race is a necessity in order to reduce the possibility of a military confrontation, but it is equally true that a halt in the arms race cannot be attained while uncertainty, .colonialism, denial of peoples' right to freedom and foreign occupation prevail. The world of today is replete with such cases. In the Middle East the situation remains as explosive as ever. Over nine years have elapsed since Israel launched its aggression against Egypt, Syria and Jordan. The people of Palestine in the West Bank and Gaza have been subjected to the most abominable form of foreign rule. I should like to take this opportunity to pay them a warm tribute for their glorious struggle against Israeli oppression, which captured the attention of the world. The Israeli authorities believe that through brute force they can breed in the Arab population of Palestine a feeling of fear, despair and submission. The Arab people in the occupied territories every day give fresh proof of their determination to resist oppression and to struggle for their civil and national rights. Like all other peoples they have a right to live in dignity and freedom. Israel has already built more than SO Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories. Piles of resolutions of this Assembly as well as other organs of the United Nations, including the Security Council, are net only ignored by Israel but treated with contempt. Yet Israel still enjoys membership in this Organization, whose injunctions and decisions it flouts defiantly. Kuwait submits that this anomalous situation has to be corrected in order to uphold the tenets and the principles of the Charter. The world recognizes more than ever that peace in the Middle East will remain elusive and that all efforts to obtain it will founder so long as Israel persists in its refusal to withdraw from the Arab territories it has occupied and as long as the people of Palestine suffer from the agony of displacement and the misery of the refugee camps.
62.	There are two basic conditions for the establishment of peace in the Middle East: the unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Arab territories under occupation and the exercise by the people of Palestine of its inalienable right to self-determination and independence, including the establishment of a homeland in Palestine. Without the fulfillment of these two basic and fundamental principles the Middle East will remain a hotbed of war and bloodshed and all the attendant dangers of a possible nuclear conflagration will continue. Kuwait believes that the international community must face its responsibility by invoking the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter relating to sanctions, the severance of diplomatic relations and collective condemnation of countries that have persistently violated the Charter and defied its principles and norms.
63.	Kuwait supports the efforts made for the achievement of a just and equitable solution of the crisis of Cyprus on the basis of equality between the Greek and the Turkish communities and believes that these efforts should aim at the preservation of the independence and the territorial integrity of Cyprus and the continuation of its non-aligned character.
64.	Kuwait believes that the problem of Korea should be resolved by peaceful means through a constructive dialog between the parties concerned. Foreign troops should withdraw from the Korean peninsula and foreign Powers should desist from meddling in the domestic affairs of the people of Korea.
65.	Kuwait supports the efforts made for the implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations which proclaimed the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. It is imperative that the riparian States should refrain from granting military and naval facilities to foreign Powers. The establishment of military bases in some islands of the Indian Ocean is by no means conducive to the relaxation of tension and the elimination of rivalry between major Powers in the Indian Ocean. Therefore, we are of the view that such bases should be disbanded and that the major maritime users of this Ocean should respect its character as a zone of peace.
66.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is an endeavor designed to prevent conflict or even wars from arising between States who rivalry is frequently based on unilateral declarations rather than on generally accepted norms of law. In the race for the control of the oceans and their vast resources there is a conflict between the ambitions of the State acting in its own self-interest and the common good. The main obstacles to the success of the Conference have so far been posed by the avarice of industrially advanced countries which wish to use their capital resources and technology to make a mockery of the common heritage of mankind and by some coastal States which wish to establish a creeping jurisdiction over increasingly larger parts of the oceans. Unilateral declarations by coastal States and unilateral action by industrially advanced countries to exploit the resources which belong to mankind as a whole can only lead to chaos and sow the seeds of further rivalries and conflicts. The only hope is in an international convention that will curb national ambitions and preserve the common heritage of mankind under a stable legal regime.
67.	The North-South dialog which has been going on in some form or other for the past two decades is a supreme test for the pattern of new relations to be established between the developed and developing countries. Developing countries will remember all too vividly their countries' experience of foreign domination and exploitation. The conduct of some developed countries shows that some of them still harbor some nostalgia for the lost days of domination over palm and pine. The disparities in the standards of living, know-how, productive capacity and bargaining power between the two groups have not only been responsible for their political rift; they have constituted some of the most forceful impediments to an orderly utilization of world resources for the benefit of present as well as future generations. The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI)] and the Program of Action designed to implement the Declaration [resolution 3202 (S-VI)J are the outcome of a dialog that continued over two decades and was frequently marked by recrimination, disillusionment and a widening gap of hopes and expectations which finally culminated in the first collective attempt to establish a North-South partnership. The major pillars of the new order are sovereignty over natural resources, improved terms of trade for the raw-materials producers and increased transfer of resources to the developing countries. Once the Program of Action has been agreed upon, why should it be difficult to agree on measures for its implementation? There are no defects either in the new order or the Program of Action. It is the political will, among the developed countries that is so desperately lacking. The Secretary-General summed up the situation very neatly in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization in this manner:
"Much of the necessary apparatus already exists both within and outside the United Nations system. But the mere apparatus is not enough to move things forward. The sails must be filled with the wind of political will and the desire of constructive change." [A/31fl/Add.l, sect. XIV.J
68.	In spite of its imperfections, the United Nations constitutes the moral conscience of mankind. Because it is not a world government, the United Nations cannot function properly without the co-operation of its individual members. If we are to build a world based on justice and moral Ian, we shall do well to heed the conscience of mankind as exhibited by the overwhelming majority of the States of this world. The United Nations represents the only realistic point of departure for the sustained effort of succeeding generations. The vocation of our age is to give man a mastery of his own lot comparable to that which he has attained over the world of nature. If we achieve this, the prospects before mankind are infinite. The crux of the problem is world order, which is the fundamental condition without which things more inherently good in themselves cannot be achieved or maintained. The Charter of the United Nations is the political constitution of mankind. There is still a wide gap between promise and performance, between the hopes and pledges of 1945 and the frustrations of 1976. We have yet to make a reality of our determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person, to establish conditions under which justice and respect for obligations of treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained and to promote social progress and better conditions of life in larger freedom.