At the outset,
allow me, on behalf of the Government and people of
Solomon Islands, to convey to you our warm and
sincere congratulations on your election as President of
this session of the United Nations General Assembly.
May I also take this opportunity to pay tribute to your
predecessor, our colleague, the Honourable Julian
Hunte, Foreign Minister of Saint Lucia, for his able
and sterling stewardship in making the Assembly’s
fifty-eighth session proactive and responsive to the
challenges it has faced over the last 12 months.
I also wish to express our deep appreciation to
the United Nations Secretary-General, His Excellency
Mr. Kofi Annan, for his focused leadership in steering
the work of the Secretariat through difficult and
sometimes uncharted waters over the past year.
Only four years into the new millennium, the
complexity of ongoing and new challenges has
redefined the international system, resulting in
uncertainty and imbalances in certain parts of the
globe. Ensuing debates over multilateralism versus
unilateralism in the resolution of crisis situations have
epitomized the complex nature of events during the
past year. This makes the call two years ago by our
Secretary-General for institutional reforms more urgent
now than ever before.
Solomon Islands looks forward to the
recommendations of the High-level Panel of Eminent
Persons, in particular, to proposals that will revitalize
and give new momentum to the United Nations. These
reforms must ensure that the United Nations is flexible
and responsive to the needs of our time. To this end,
Solomon Islands fully supports the proposed
enlargement of the Council and reaffirms its call for
Japan and Germany to become permanent members of
the Council. We believe that the enlargement should
affect both the permanent and non-permanent
membership categories. It is also our fervent hope and
desire to see that the Secretariat reflects the diversity
of its membership. In this regard, while it should
continue to recruit the best available candidates,
opportunities within the Secretariat must be made
available to small island countries on the basis of in-
country, rather than externally conducted, assessment
examinations.
As you are aware, this year the United Nations
family marked the tenth anniversary of the ethnic
15

genocide in Rwanda. The occasion called on the United
Nations to play a more proactive role towards ensuring
that such tragic events are never allowed to happen
again.
No more than four years ago, my own country,
Solomon Islands, experienced the hardship of a
conflict situation when tensions erupted between two
of the many ethnic groups in the country. In response,
Solomon Islands sought assistance from every possible
institution, including the Security Council. In this
regard, I am pleased to say that my region, through the
Pacific Islands Forum under its security mechanism as
enshrined in the Biketawa Declaration, responded to
that “911” call.
The Pacific Islands Forum regional security
mechanism is in harmony with the spirit of Chapter
VIII of the United Nations Charter. The Regional
Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI), led
by our bigger regional neighbour, Australia, strongly
supported by New Zealand and other Pacific Islands
Forum member countries, went beyond the mere
restoration of law and order and security. In a spirit of
Pacific cooperation and partnership between Solomon
Islands and Pacific Islands Forum member countries, a
long-term approach of strengthening the country’s
State institutions was set in place, thus allowing the
process of healing, reconstruction, rehabilitation and
nation-building to continue the course of unifying the
country and its less than half a million, but diverse,
inhabitants, who speak some 80 different local
languages.
The success of the Regional Assistance Mission
to Solomon Islands in promptly stabilizing the country
within a period of three months, collecting some 3,700
weapons without a shot being fired, presents a fine
example of the importance of regional cooperation in
resolving conflict situations. On this note, I wish to pay
tribute to all our Pacific neighbours and to the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the
Commission for Human Rights, the World Health
Organization (WHO), the European Union (EU), the
Republic of China, Japan, the United Kingdom, the
International Red Cross and the civil society; they have
assisted and are continuing to assist in the process of
our country’s ongoing recovery and rehabilitation.
I must also underscore my belief and conviction
that in order for peace to be achieved it must be
desired; moreover, I would add, there must be a
workable mechanism to ensure its realization and
sustenance. In this regard, my Government is fully
convinced that the positive results of our partnership
with RAMSI could be sustained through our recently
adopted National Economic Recovery, Reform and
Development Plan (NERRDP), which provides a
blueprint for an integrated process of development and
nation-building for the common good of our people.
I am further convinced, that the Pacific Plan
recently adopted by the Pacific Islands Forum leaders
in Apia, Samoa, represents a regional road map for
cooperation that could complement national efforts
aimed at building an improved and secure livelihood
for the diverse people of the region. Through its
creation of stronger and deeper links between countries
in the region and resource-sharing, including
governance and aligning of policies, the Pacific Plan
could assist our countries to address challenges and
issues that sovereign member States may lack the
ability and capacity to address individually as a result
of our countries’ smallness and inherent limitations
caused by economies of scale.
Solomon Islands notes the positive developments
that have taken place in the peace process on
Bougainville. We recognize the important role played
by the United Nations in the peace process there and
would urge its continuing involvement to see the
process through. Solomon Islands, for its part, has
signed a number of bilateral agreements with Papua
New Guinea, which will support the good work that
has already been undertaken towards peace.
On the issue of Palestine, my delegation
subscribes to the view that the resolution of the Middle
East conflict can only be possible through negotiations.
It is in this spirit that we call upon all parties to abide
by the Quartet’s road map for peace, and we urge a halt
to all acts of aggression.
Turning to the global fight against terrorism, the
recent terrorist attacks, especially in Iraq, Indonesia,
and the Beslan school in southern Russia manifest the
continuing menace and evil of terrorism at large. We
have witnessed many innocent lives, including those of
women and children, being lost due to these senseless
terror attacks. My delegation offers its deepest
condolences to those who have lost loved ones during
these unforgivable incidents. Solomon Islands
condemns in the strongest possible terms such acts of
terror and fully support international efforts to combat
this scourge. In this regard, I wish to join others in
calling on the global community to support small
States to build their national capacities towards
ongoing efforts aimed at combating transnational
16

crimes, such as arms smuggling, drug trafficking,
people smuggling, money laundering and terrorism.
The United Nations Charter promotes the
economic and social progress of Member States,
especially those facing special development problems.
For a country recovering from a post-conflict situation,
Solomon Islands considers international frameworks
such as the Brussels Programme of Action for the
Least Developed Countries, and the Barbados
Programme of Action for Small Island Developing
States as vehicles for enhancing peace and achieving
the Millennium Development Goals. Solomon Islands
is a small island developing State and a least developed
country, where its development challenges are
multifaceted in nature. Unfortunately, the level of
international cooperation envisaged for the
Programmes either have not materialized or have been
minimal. Despite this, my Government is undertaking
reforms that include the appointment of a national
focal point for the Brussels Programme of Action.
Hence, we are hopeful that, with better coordination,
Solomon Islands can take full advantage of and
maximize all opportunities the Programme has to offer.
The issue of debt-servicing continues to present
challenges, and even obstacles, to the development
programmes of many poor developing States. Debt
burdens continue to divert attention in national budgets
away from the development of necessary
infrastructures and the delivery of basic and essential
social services. Solomon Islands therefore calls on the
international community to give greater attention to
debt issues.
Solomon Islands attaches much importance to the
Millennium Development Goals, and these have been
mainstreamed into our NERRDP. While we will use the
2005 high-level event mentioned in the Secretary
General’s 2004 report on the implementation of the
Millennium Development Goals to take stock of our
progress, we are confident that NERRDP can serve as a
road map for the medium to long-term implementation
of our commitments. NERRDP provides a useful
framework within which important issues, such as
economic and institutional reform, good governance,
upholding of democracy and its values of freedom, and
respect for the basic principles of human rights can be
nurtured and harnessed for the betterment and
improvement of the livelihood of our people and
society, including the sustenance of peace in our
country.
Solomon Islands would like to pay closer
attention to the emerging health threats it faces. In
particular, malaria remains the predominant cause of
death of among children in Solomon Islands. The lack
of data on HIV/AIDS presents a threat to the country
and has the potential of creating a devastating impact
on its economy and social structure. With the support
of WHO, the Global Fund to fight AIDS and Japan, we
are determined to put in place appropriate preventive
actions.
Solomon Islands, which is geographically
scattered across some 1,800 kilometres, comprising
almost 1,000 small islands and atolls, has an
agriculture-based economy that is dependent on the
environment. Sustainable management of resources is
essential for guaranteeing the security of future
generations.
The hurricanes that hit the southern United
States, the Bahamas, Grenada, Haiti and Jamaica in the
Caribbean in the recent past; cyclone Heita, which
devastated Niue in 2003; flooding in Fiji; and
continuous heavy rains in Solomon Islands all bring
home the stark reality of our world’s vulnerability to
natural disasters. We realize the great difficulty and
pain that smaller island developing States face in
mitigating the magnitude and impact of such disasters.
To this end, we extend our condolences and sympathy
for the loss of life and property caused by the recent
hurricanes in Grenada and Haiti and would urge the
international community to assist in relief efforts to
those who are affected.
Generally, Solomon Islands strongly feels that
more could be done by the international community
towards safeguarding our environment. Hence, we
acknowledge the partnership of the Global Fund in
assisting environmental programmes globally, and we
would encourage that the focus of further assistance
should extend to other sectors of sustainable
development, such as energy, water and sanitation.
My delegation has closely followed the review of
the Barbados Programme of Action and the
development of a Group of 77 strategy paper. While
negotiations are still ongoing, Solomon Islands, as a
member of the Alliance of Small Island States
(AOSIS), acknowledges that the strategy paper
strengthens the Barbados Programme and places it as
an action-oriented programme with which we can all
identify. We are hopeful the Mauritius meeting will
revitalize our efforts towards protecting the
environment and enhancing sustainable development.
17

Trade remains a significant source of economic
growth and development for many developing States.
Regionally, Pacific island countries have gradually
begun the process of regional integration. South-South
trade cooperation among Forum island countries
culminated in the entry into force of the Pacific Island
Countries Trade Agreement last year, and the
Melanesian Spearhead Group trade agreement is being
reviewed with a view to further broadening its scope
and its markets 10 years after its inception. The Pacific
members of the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific Group of
States are negotiating an economic partnership
agreement with the European Union in the framework
of the Cotonou Agreement. Those developments
manifest continuing preparations by small island
developing economies in the Pacific Islands Forum
region for gradual adaptation into the broader process
of the globalization of the world economy.
Solomon Islands notes that the eleventh session
of the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development, convened in June this year in São Paulo,
built confidence and consensus on ongoing multilateral
trade negotiations. Solomon Islands supports that
process and urges making it more participatory and
inclusive so that no one is left behind, especially the
small and vulnerable island developing economies and
the least developed countries. We are mindful of the
need to recognize the inherent structural problems of
geographical size, isolation from markets and the
constraints resulting from a lack of supply-side
capacities and economies of scale, especially in the
case of small island developing States such as Solomon
Islands. However, as a member of the World Trade
Organization, we are pleased that the Doha round of
multilateral trade negotiations embraces a development
dimension, in particular the recognition of the principle
of special and differential treatment, in its work
programme on small island developing economies.
One of the principles of the United Nations
Charter is to open membership to all States that accept
their Charter obligations. The Republic of China on
Taiwan has registered its interest in being part of the
United Nations family. Solomon Islands once again
calls for the Republic of China to be made a full
Member of the United Nations. Solomon Islands
enjoys warm and cordial relations with the Republic of
China and is mindful of the threats facing the world
today. Threats such as severe acute respiratory
syndrome (SARS) are transnational and transborder in
nature and require the cooperation and engagement of
all countries of the world. To deny one country the
right to participate weakens global mechanisms and
jeopardizes the security of all.
The Republic of China on Taiwan is democratic,
and its vibrant economy is ranked seventeenth globally.
It has the third largest foreign exchange reserves. Its
development experience offers important lessons on
the need to embrace freedom, respect for the basic
principles of human rights, respect for freedom of the
press and the uninhibited functioning of democratic
institutions. The Republic of China’s ability and
capacity to contribute to strengthening the United
Nations should be seriously considered, especially at a
time when the Organization could do with all the help
it can receive.
Solomon Islands calls upon the Assembly to find
a process that will allow the Republic of China on
Taiwan to become a full and equal Member of the
United Nations. The Pacific Islands Forum has a
mechanism that engages both Chinas in our dialogue
process, and we have continuously benefited from that
rich interaction.
To conclude, I call upon the Assembly to get real
and confront the increasingly varied and complex
challenges we face today. The purpose and the role of
the United Nations are ultimately to create a peaceful,
just and prosperous world that offers hope to all. That
requires making the Organization flexible, innovative
and responsive to ever-changing global demands. Thus,
the onus is on us to make bold and tough decisions that
breathe new life into our Organization.


It is
a great pleasure to have Mr. Jean Ping presiding over
the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. I am
confident that his wealth of experience and the friendly
ties that his sisterly country enjoys with all countries of
the world will be a major asset for the Assembly as it
discharges its tasks.
The success of the present session will build upon
the accomplishments of the fifty-eighth session under
the leadership of the previous President, Mr. Julian
Hunte, who made an important contribution to the
revitalization of the role of the General Assembly in
various fields.
I would also like to express our appreciation to
the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts to enhance
the status of the Organization and to strengthen its role
in the international arena, in particular in the area of
regional and national development.
At the outset of the fifty-ninth session we must
scrutinize the international environment in which it is
being held. We have to consider world events to
determine their direction, to decide where we stand on
them and to understand their impact, whether positive
or negative, on the achievement of our shared goal: the
promotion of international peace and security.
18

Indeed, we need to pause to see where this world
and this international community are heading. Is it and
are we ascending towards upholding the values of
democracy, justice and the rule of law, or are we
descending into tyranny, the law of the jungle and the
imposition of the policies of fait accompli? Can it be
said that events in the world today emanate from a
genuine belief in the might of right, or do they, most
regrettably, represent a consolidation of the arrogance
of power?
The events witnessed by the world today are a
cause of grave concern to all those who believe in the
tenets and principles on which the international system
was established. We are witnessing the collapse of
noble values and the disintegration of principles once
thought unassailable. National sovereignty and
territorial integrity are no longer sufficient to prevent
interference in the internal affairs of States. Indeed,
those internal affairs have themselves become pretexts
for those who wish to impose their policies on others.
The international situation forces us to consider
the critical question of what we seek from this world
and what we have offered in return. We claim that we
want a world free from conflict and wars, but what
have we done to create such a world? We claim that we
want an international community governed by legality
and the rule of law, as the Secretary-General said on
Tuesday, but are we seriously upholding the values of
legality and law? We claim that we wish to see all
peoples enjoying democracy, but should States not
practice democracy in the conduct of their foreign
relations as well?
Relations among States are by nature volatile and
easy to break, but they are reparable. It may be difficult
at times to repair them, but the calculations pertaining
to constantly changing interests will eventually make it
possible to do so. Relations among peoples, however,
are different. Their wounds are readily inflamed and
heal slowly or hardly at all. It is therefore incumbent
upon us, in our feverish attempts to achieve our own
interests, to take special care to avoid flashpoints
between peoples, civilizations and cultures. Their
memories store all of their experiences and
tribulations. Nothing stored in their collective memory
fades or disappears with time.
For more than a decade now, Egypt has called
and continues to call for the convening of an
international conference under United Nations auspices
to consider the phenomenon of terrorism and to agree
on means to combat it through effective collective
international efforts. Proceeding from our belief in the
importance and centrality of the role of the United
Nations in the coordination of international efforts to
combat terrorism, as exercised through the General
Assembly and the Security Council, we propose that
the Assembly establish an open-ended working group
to consider proposals to increase the effectiveness and
efficiency of the United Nations and its ability to
achieve international anti-terrorism goals. That could
be accompanied by the convening of regional
preparatory meetings to catalogue regional needs and
areas conducive to international cooperation, which
could in turn ultimately lead to the adoption at an
international summit of a draft comprehensive
framework convention to combat terrorism.
I should like to take this opportunity to describe
the situation in our part of the world and the threats
and challenges it faces.
The main threat to the Middle East flows from
the continued acquisition by some of nuclear weapons.
While we all agree on the dangers posed by those
weapons and on the need to halt their proliferation as
one step towards eliminating them and freeing
humanity from the threat they represent, the
international community continues to address the
question of weapons of mass destruction selectively.
While the international community seeks to impose a
strict system to monitor the imports of all Member
States within the non-proliferation regime — which,
incidentally, includes all Arab States — it turns a blind
eye to the ongoing stockpiling of nuclear capabilities
by one party in the region.
I invite all to question whether it is acceptable for
the threat of nuclear proliferation to continue to loom
over the Middle East. I leave it to all to decide whether
the international approach to the question is fair or is
one of double standards; whether it is capable of
addressing those dangers and threats, or whether we
are in need of urgent radical change. The ongoing
application of double standards will not only
exacerbate the risks of nuclear proliferation and
weaken the belief in the credibility and centrality of the
relevant international regime, but also aggravate the
tense situation in the Middle East. In order to ease that
tension and to avert those dangers, in 1990 President
Mubarak launched the Egyptian initiative to create a
19

zone free from weapons of mass destruction in the
Middle East.
In the year that has elapsed between the opening
of the fifty-eighth and the fifty-ninth sessions, the
suffering of the Palestinian people has continued. The
Palestinian people has been subject to acts of
aggression and its legitimate rights have continued to
be violated. The tragedies visited upon Palestinians
have become a permanent item of newscasts and
newspaper headlines. A new report emerges every day
of the demolition of homes, the destruction of
infrastructure, the targeting of unarmed civilians,
assassinations, collective punishments, and the
imposition of curfews and closures. There is no end in
sight to such policies. All this suffering has been met
by an inexplicable international silence, with the
exception of some timid expression of dissatisfaction
or, at best, displeasure at events unfolding there. Such
responses entrench, rather than change, the situation of
fait accompli.
Israel also continues to build the separation wall
on Palestinian lands. The wall separates students from
their schools, workers from their factories and farmers
from their fields. Had Israel’s objective in the
construction of the wall truly been to ensure its own
security, it would have built it on its own land. The
advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice
declared the wall’s construction illegal and called for a
halt to construction activities and for the removal of
the sections already constructed. The opinion sent a
strong message to the international community in
general, and to Israel in particular, to the effect that the
torch of justice still burns bright. It may have seemed
to flicker, but it has not been extinguished. The scales
of justice still prevail. They may seem to have been
upset, but they have neither fallen nor been tipped.
Our region needs the construction of bridges that
connect, not walls that separate. Our region needs a
channel for the hopes for a promising future, not
barriers that hold the region captive to the past and its
tribulations. Our region needs the serious action and
sincere cooperation of all in order to dislodge the
political peace process from its current impasse and put
it back on track.
The way out of this bloody dilemma is well
known. It was laid down by the international Quartet in
the road map that enjoys the support of the entire
international community. The ultimate destination of
that path is also well known. It was enunciated by
United States President George Bush in his vision of
the establishment of two independent States, Palestine
and Israel, living side by side in peace and security.
That is the road before us; those are its landmarks
and its goals. There is neither time for waiting nor
room for foot-dragging. Prompt and effective action is
needed to break the cycle of violence, to restore calm
and to resume the process of political negotiations.
Such negotiations are the one and only way to end the
Arab-Israeli conflict.
In that regard, Israel’s intended withdrawal from
the Gaza Strip could be a significant step. If the
withdrawal takes place in a rational, disciplined and
orderly manner, it could enable us to begin to
overcome the crisis and to put the peace process back
on track. However, if it is carried out in an attitude of
stubbornness and short-sightedness, it will lead only to
tension and further violence.
In order to achieve the goal of an Israeli
withdrawal, a number of elements must be ensured. In
particular, the withdrawal must take place as an
integral and clear part of the road map, and it must be
full and complete. The withdrawal must include all
crossing points, the seaport and the airport; otherwise,
it will be just another way to impose a blockade on and
confinement of the Palestinian people. A complete
Israeli withdrawal means not only the departure of
occupation forces from the Gaza Strip, but also an end
to the policy of incursions, raids and assassinations,
which must be followed by a withdrawal from all the
occupied Palestinian territories in the West Bank.
Despite all the efforts and appeals for peace, the
bloodshed continues unabated in the Middle East. We
had pinned our hopes on the transfer of sovereignty to
the Iraqi people at the end of June and on the formation
of an Iraqi Government and National Council. It was
hoped that those would be the first steps towards the
restoration by the Iraqis of their full sovereignty on
their own national soil and towards ending the foreign
presence in that long-suffering country. However, the
events of recent months and days have shown — and
current events continue to show every day — that the
Iraqi people continue to live in conditions that are far
from stable.
We wonder whose interests are served by the
events in Iraq. Who is to benefit from the destruction
of that country, with its age-old civilization? Will the
20

events taking place in Iraq remain confined to that
country, or will they spread beyond its borders like
fire, causing destruction and desolation in the region as
they have done in Iraq?
We call upon all parties to respect Iraq’s
sovereignty and territorial integrity. The people and the
State of Iraq desperately need a breathing space for
calm reflection on the best way to bring the country out
of the devastating spiral of violence. We call upon the
United Nations to continue its pivotal role in helping
the people of Iraq to rebuild their constitutional and
legislative institutions as a first step towards the
rebuilding of Iraq by the Iraqis themselves.
Moreover, there is an urgent humanitarian
problem in Darfur — indeed, a real humanitarian
tragedy that requires urgent international action to
contain it. But is it inevitable that such an effort take
the form of interference in the Sudan’s internal affairs
and violation of its sovereignty? Can we not provide
humanitarian assistance and relief to Darfur’s
inhabitants without encroaching upon the Sudan’s
national sovereignty? Are there enough military forces
in the world to be dispatched as invaders to every area
that is afflicted by a humanitarian crisis?
The affairs of the Sudan, with its ethnic
composition and its religious and cultural heritage, are
by nature complex. It is our duty to help solve those
complex and difficult problems, not to make them
more so.
The Sudan has signed, with the United Nations, a
framework for cooperation to solve the problem in
Darfur and to ensure humanitarian access to the
civilians in the region. That augurs well for the early
alleviation of this humanitarian tragedy, which
threatens to have dire consequences for the entire
region. We call upon the international community not
to confine itself to criticizing one party or another and
not to lay the blame on one set of policies or another.
What is more important and useful is serious action to
help the Sudanese people to overcome the crisis.
Egypt believes that, in order to effectively face
the challenges and threats to international peace and
security, we must improve the working methods of the
United Nations. Therefore, we have participated
seriously — and will continue to do so — in the
exercise of strengthening and revitalizing the United
Nations and its organs. It is our hope that that exercise
will be comprehensive, balanced and transparent and
that it will be carried out in full respect for the
mandates that established the various organs of the
United Nations. In that context, we need to reaffirm the
need to revitalize the role of the General Assembly and
to ensure respect for and implementation of its
resolutions by establishing an effective follow-up
mechanism.
I now turn from the wider context of United
Nations reform to the most sensitive reform issue:
reform and expansion of the Security Council. The
sensitivity of that issue clearly stems from the
Council’s increasing role in international affairs and its
effect on many vital interests and on the international
balances of power.
Here, I should like clearly to state Egypt’s
position, which is based on our membership in the
Group of African States and the fact that we have the
honour to coordinate the Non-Aligned Movement
(NAM) working group on this issue. Egypt hopes that
the deliberations on this subject will result in both
reform of the Council and expansion of its
membership. The United Nations and the international
community as a whole will not gain much if the
process is limited to expanding the Council’s
membership without truly improving its working
methods so that it can better represent the general
membership of the Organization and have greater
capacity to maintain international peace and security.
Egypt is fully committed to the Declaration of the
1997 Harare Summit of the Organization of African
Unity (OAU), which affirmed Africa’s right to two
permanent seats and three non-permanent seats on an
expanded Security Council. We are also committed to
the positions of the Non-Aligned Movement with
regard to increasing the membership of the Council to
at least 26 member States. Such an expansion could be
confined to the non-permanent category should the
expansion of both membership categories prove
difficult.
What about the composition of the Council? We
call for guaranteed representation of all cultures and
civilizations in an expanded Security Council on the
basis of the current geographical distribution in the
United Nations. We believe that the Council will not be
able to effectively carry out its duties in the
maintenance of international peace and security unless
it is more aware of the nature and circumstances
prevailing in all societies and of the cultural and
21

historical heritage on which they base and formulate
their policies.
Here, we must reaffirm the legitimate right of
more than 1 billion Muslims and more than 300 million
Arabs to be represented in the Council on an equal
footing with those who represent other cultures and
civilizations. In that context, I wish to recall the
significant contributions made by Egypt at the regional
and international levels and its central role in the
African, Arab and Islamic spheres. Also noteworthy is
Egypt’s role in the Middle East and among developing
and emerging economies. As a founding Member of the
United Nations, Egypt has made well-known
contributions to the implementation of the purposes
and principles of the Organization and to United
Nations peacekeeping operations. Egypt also played a
pivotal role in establishing the League of Arab States,
the OAU, the African Union, NAM and the
Organization of the Islamic Conference. In addition, I
wish to recall that Egypt possesses the components of a
regional Power in its comprehensive sense, be it
economic, military or human. Egypt also enjoys social
and political stability. Its diplomatic outreach is among
the largest, and over the years it has developed strong
international ties throughout the world.
Egypt has in the past expressed its conviction that
it is eminently qualified to assume the responsibility of
a permanent seat in an expanded Security Council, on
the basis of the Harare Declaration. We reiterate that
the considerations to which I referred demonstrate that
Egypt is clearly eligible, and has the capacity, to take
on the responsibilities of membership of the Security
Council, in accordance with Article 23 of the Charter.
We believe that such membership could be based on a
system of rotation with our African brothers, whereby
we would fill the additional seats that would be
allocated to our continent, in accordance with any
newly established status in the Council and with the
geographic distribution as would be worked out by the
United Nations.


Fifty-nine years ago the
United Nations was established by nations determined
to work collectively to find alternatives to conflict as a
means of resolving disputes and to create a stable,
secure and more just and prosperous world. Devastated
and exhausted by world war for the second time within
25 years, nations put their faith in multilateralism and
in this body in order to avoid future wars. The name
'United Nations' evoked the unity of humankind, in
which our shared needs and common humanity were
more important than our differences.
It is obvious as we consider the world today that
we have achieved that vision only in part. Yes, world
wars have been avoided. International covenants have
set out universally agreed human rights standards
against which the performance of governments can be
measured. International law has been developed and
strengthened. As Kofi Annan emphasized this morning
(see ), putting the rule of law into effect at
home and internationally is essential to achieving a
fair, just and civilized world. Cooperation has achieved
advances in meeting social, economic and
environmental needs.
But much more remains to be done. War, more
often within than across the boundaries of States, has
taken the lives of tens of millions of people since 1945,
most of them civilians. Weapons of mass destruction
have accumulated and access to them has spread to
more countries. New diseases such as HIV/AIDS have
emerged, with devastating consequences. The gap
between rich and poor countries has widened, not
diminished.
This year the Secretary-General's High-Level
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change will put
forward proposals for reforming and strengthening the
United Nations, aimed at ensuring its relevance and
effectiveness in addressing these issues. It is critical
that we seize this unique opportunity to institute
positive reforms and not squander it by adopting
narrow, self-interested and inflexible responses. Nor
will a lowest-common-denominator approach achieve
what we all require.
Reform is long overdue. The composition of the
Security Council cannot go on reflecting the world as it
was in 1945. An expanded Security Council and reform
of outmoded electoral groupings is necessary for the
Council to be representative of the international
community as it is today. Those changes will
strengthen the Councilís mandate and enhance its
credibility as the pre-eminent organ of the United
Nations. No solution, of course, will satisfy the
viewpoint of every Member nation. A willingness to
compromise on a package of proposals will be
essential. But clearly, enhancing the representation of
areas such as Asia, Latin America and Africa must be
an objective, and account must be taken of the
significant contributions to the United Nations of
nations such as Japan.
While the High-Level Panel will focus on reform
of the United Nations and security considerations,
development goals to create a fairer world and promote
economic and social progress in the developing world
are further vital considerations for the United Nations
in the year ahead. For hundreds of millions of people,
starvation, disease and poverty are more immediate
threats than the concerns others of us have about
terrorism and security.
We are now at a turning point in achieving the
Millennium Development Goals. Improving the quality
and quantity of development assistance is crucial.
However, real and lasting progress to meet
development challenges is also dependent on building
a fairer, more open and equitable global trading
system. Countries of the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) spend
$360 billion each year on subsidizing agricultural
47

production in a way that excludes opportunities for the
developing world to export - not only to OECD
countries, but to third markets as well. That sum
dwarfs the amount the OECD countries provide in
development assistance.
New Zealand welcomes the progress made at the
World Trade Organization General Council meeting in
Geneva in July, which put the Doha Development
Agenda back on track. Agriculture is at the heart of the
round; the European Union and United States
agreement to eliminate all agricultural export subsidies
is particularly welcome.
The United Nations must also adapt itself to the
changing nature of security and humanitarian concerns.
The concept of national sovereignty being paramount
and standing in the way of international intervention in
local conflicts cannot be sustained. As the Secretary-
General has challenged us,
'if humanitarian intervention is, indeed, an
unacceptable assault on sovereignty, how should
we respond to a Rwanda, to a Srebrenica - to
gross and systematic violations of human rights
that offend every precept of our common
humanity?' (A/54/2000, para. 217)
The International Commission on Intervention
and State Sovereignty concluded two and a half years
ago that sovereign States have the responsibility to
protect their own citizens from avoidable catastrophe:
from mass murder and rape, from starvation. When
they are unwilling or unable to do so, that
responsibility must be borne by the broader community
of nations.
We are today witnessing a humanitarian and
human rights catastrophe in Darfur. The World Health
Organization reports that up to 10,000 people a month
are dying or being killed. The very young and the
elderly are most vulnerable.
A few days ago, by its resolution 1564 (2004), the
Security Council resolved to support an enlarged
African Union monitoring mission, demanded that all
parties cease all violence and human rights violations
and threatened further steps against the Government of
the Sudan if it fails to disarm the militias and protect
civilians.
Within the General Assembly, countries must
work together in a united and determined way to
enforce those provisions and prevent the tragedy that is
unfolding. History will not forgive those who stand in
the way of protecting 1.5 million refugees in that
region and allowing them to return safely to their
homes. It is also important that those responsible for
the mass murders and the abuse of human rights there
be held to account for their actions. There must be no
impunity for such crimes.
That is true in Darfur, and is also true of those
responsible for the destruction of East Timor and the
murder of people there in 1999. The ad hoc tribunals in
Indonesia have failed to bring to justice those who are
responsible. That failure can only encourage such
people to commit further atrocities, believing that they
will never be held responsible for their actions.
New Zealand welcomes the establishment of the
International Criminal Court and the role that it will
now play in dealing with genocide, war crimes and
crimes against humanity. It urges all countries which
have not yet done so to accede to the convention
establishing that body and to recognize its jurisdiction.
In the area of conflict resolution, we face today
two major challenges: in Afghanistan and in Iraq. New
Zealand has strongly supported efforts to bring security
and stability to Afghanistan. As a small country we
have contributed more than NZ$80 million in military
and development assistance. We welcome progress
towards presidential elections next month and the
essential democratic mandate that they will provide to
the Government.
Strong international support, however, will be
necessary to meet the challenges which lie ahead. That
includes ending the production and trading of drugs.
Afghanistan provides about 75 per cent of the world
trade in opiates. The money derived funds warlords
and organized crime and undermines the ability of the
legitimate Government to function.
New Zealand deplores the violence in Iraq, which
continues to harm or take the lives of so many people,
and the circumstances which have contributed to that
violence. We call on those responsible for taking the
lives of innocent people to end their violence. They
now have access to a political process which they
should use to promote their views and interests. A
credible election process is vital to creating an Iraqi
Government which has a popular mandate. The United
Nations has a key role to play in that process, but
adequate security and a safe environment are first
necessary for that to occur. New Zealand will continue
48

to support the interim Iraqi authority and the United
Nations in their efforts to restore security, peace and
prosperity to the Iraqi people, who have suffered for so
long.
In Iraq and elsewhere, close attention also needs
to be given to the protection of United Nations staff.
The General Assembly this year will consider an
integrated security strategy for the United Nations,
which will incorporate a system-wide review of the
United Nations security apparatus, accountability and
resources. The Convention on the Safety of United
Nations and Associated Personnel must be
strengthened and supported by all States Members of
the United Nations.
New Zealand condemns all acts of terrorism and
will continue to contribute strongly to the campaign
against terrorism. In particular, we condemn the
inhumanity of terrorists in Beslan who sacrificed
children as pawns in pursuit of their political
objectives. However, attempts to suppress terrorism by
force will not by themselves be enough unless we also
address the causes which drive people to support,
finance or be recruited into terrorism.
In that regard, no action will be more important
to the undermining of terrorism today than finding a
just and sustainable solution to the conflict between
Israel and the Palestinian people. The international
community must work with those countries to
overcome the failure of leadership, the lack of resolve
and the cycle of violence and retaliation which stand in
the way of solving that conflict.
Finally, in the Pacific region, New Zealand's own
neighbourhood, we can celebrate the progress which
has been made in Bougainville and in the Solomon
Islands in ending conflict and re-establishing the rule
of law. In both cases, a concerted regional response
with the support of the United Nations has been
effective. In Bougainville, that response created peace
from a situation where a 10-year civil war had resulted
in widespread devastation and the loss of thousands of
lives.
In the Solomon Islands, the intervention of the
Regional Assistance Mission has restored the rule of
law by its elected Government in place of the anarchy
created by armed militias. More than 3,500 weapons
have been collected and destroyed, social services and
a credible budgetary progress restored and militiamen
and corrupt elements from the police and Government
arrested and charged.
Much however, remains to be done to meet the
wide-ranging challenges which confront the Pacific
region, including environmental threats, ethnic
conflict, poor law enforcement and governance and the
threat of disease. Regional solutions are being applied
by the Pacific Islands Forum through greater
collaboration and integration in addressing problems.
International cooperation through processes such as the
10-year Review of the Barbados Programme of Action
set to take place in Mauritius next year will also help.
In conclusion, 59 years from the end of the
Second World War and the establishment of the United
Nations, the world continues to face major challenges
to its security and well-being. The opportunity exists
this year for us to consider and improve the ways by
which the Assembly can address the problems faced by
humanity and make a difference. Success or failure to
do so will be the collective responsibility of all of us.


On behalf of my
delegation, the people of Uganda, and on my own
behalf, I would like to congratulate you, Mr. Jean Ping,
from the sister African Republic of Gabon, upon your
election to preside over the General Assembly at its
fifty-ninth session. I have every confidence in your
stewardship in steering the session to a successful
conclusion.
I thank the Secretary-General for his excellent
leadership, especially during these trying times for the
United Nations. I note with satisfaction that, after a
year in which the centrality of the United Nations in
the maintenance of international peace and security has
come under serious challenge, there seems to be a
return to the more widely accepted multilateral
approach to resolving global challenges.
Terrorism continues to be one of the biggest
threats to international peace and security. Since
11 September 2001, thousands of innocent people,
including women and children, have been killed or
maimed as a result of indiscriminate terrorist acts. This
year, the world has witnessed many innocent civilians
massacred in cold blood, hostages beheaded in the
most barbaric manner, children mutilated by suicide
bombers and terrorist groups, very often in the name of
extremist and misguided causes and ideologies.
Whether it is the recent appalling attack on school
children in the Russian town of Beslan, or the massacre
of civilians in Balonyo in northern Uganda, the
intention of terrorists is the same: to undermine and
divide our societies, overthrow elected Governments,
and to strike at the heart of international peace and
stability.
The Uganda delegation condemns those terrorist
acts in the strongest terms. We do not accept that any
cause, however genuine, warrants the indiscriminate
destruction of human life or property.
In Uganda, we have been fighting against a
terrorist organization known as the Lord’s Resistance
Army, based in southern Sudan. That organization has
killed, maimed and abducted tens of thousands of
Ugandan children in the northern part of Uganda. The
acts of plunder and destruction by those criminals have
laid to waste entire villages and driven helpless
villagers into camps for internally displaced persons.
The Government of Uganda is sparing no effort, with
the cooperation of the Government of Sudan, to end
that situation and restore peace and stability in this
area. We are confident that soon the remnants of those
terrorists will have been eliminated or captured.
Despite amnesty legislation and a standing offer of
pardon by our President, very few have responded.
However, recently some improvement in reporting has
been observed.
Uganda welcomes the recent restoration of
sovereignty to the Iraqi people. We call upon the
United Nations, in particular, and the international
community as a whole, to do everything possible to
assist the interim Government in the rehabilitation of
Iraq and re-establishment of the physical and political
infrastructure to allow the holding of scheduled
elections in that country.
The conflict between Israel and Palestine, often
driven by rigid positions, continues to pose a serious
threat to peace and stability in the Middle East. Uganda
supports the Quartet-led road map for a comprehensive
peaceful settlement in the Middle East. We support the
establishment of a Palestinian State existing side-by-
side and in peace with Israel within secure and
recognized borders, in accordance with relevant United
Nations Security Council resolutions.
After more than 50 years of violence and
bloodshed, both the Israelis and Palestinians must
rethink their positions. New, creative approaches to a
comprehensive peace should therefore be sought for
the sake of their peoples. Every year we adopt
resolutions which remain mere paper. Resolutions are
not solutions in themselves; it is high time we engaged
constructively in the serious search for a solution, for
the future of humanity and the Middle East.
Turning to the Great Lakes region, we note with
satisfaction the positive developments with regard to
the peace processes in various conflict situations. In
31

Burundi, the transitional Government has been
consolidated with almost all the fighting groups
subscribing to the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation
Agreement for Burundi. We call upon the groups still
remaining outside the peace settlement to cease their
military operations and join the peace process. We
congratulate the African peace mission for its
contribution to the peace process and we welcome the
deployment of United Nations peacekeepers to
Burundi. Election dates may change, but the elections
must be held sooner or later. Elections, a new
Government and good proposals relating to the
question of representation — all must work for peace
for Burundi. It is therefore important that the
international community extend the necessary
assistance for the consolidation of peace, stability,
rehabilitation and development of Burundi.
Uganda remains committed to supporting the
peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(DRC). We urge all parties in the Government of
National Unity in Kinshasa to remain committed to the
Pretoria Peace Agreement and to resist any temptation
to resume hostilities. We also call upon the Security
Council to strengthen the United Nations Organization
Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(MONUC) under Chapter VII of the Charter to
consolidate its peacekeeping operations. A robust
MONUC force would be critical for the enforcement of
Security Council resolution 1493 (2003) on the arms
embargo against militias, as well as the disarmament,
demobilization, rehabilitation, resettlement and
reintegration of all armed rebel groups and militias
operating on the territory of the DRC. That would also
serve to reduce, and hopefully to eliminate, inter-ethnic
clashes in the eastern Democratic Republic of the
Congo and help to reassure neighbouring countries
about cross-border security. It may also be important to
include other legitimate groups in the Government of
National Unity and Transition in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in order to enhance peace. We
believe that before democratic elections are held it is
important to create a consensus for peace and security.
Uganda believes that as a result of the positive
achievements in the peace processes in Burundi and the
Democratic Republic of the Congo there is an urgent
need to convene the international conference on the
Great Lakes region under the auspices of the United
Nations and the African Union. The conference, which
is scheduled to take place in Dar es Salaam, United
Republic of Tanzania, in November 2004, will bring
together a core group of the Great Lakes countries and
the neighbouring countries affected by the conflicts or
those that, by infection, contribute to them.
In order to consolidate the peace efforts, we hope
that the Great Lakes regional conference will involve
all stakeholders in the development of a strategic plan
of action on the key issues, including regional peace
and security, development, post-conflict reconstruction
and regional integration in the context of the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). I am
glad to note that countries of the Great Lakes region,
including Uganda, have already embarked on a
preparatory process for the conference involving youth
and women’s groups, non-governmental organizations
and local government officials from all border districts.
We believe that this inclusive process will ensure
national ownership and commitment to the
implementation of the recommendations of the
conference.
The delegation of Uganda welcomes the peace
accords recently signed in Nairobi between the
Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement and Liberation Army (SPLM/A).
We hope that those accords will lead to the end of the
long-running conflict, which has caused untold
suffering to the people of the southern Sudan and led to
insecurity in neighbouring countries — particularly my
own, Uganda. With the return of peace and stability in
the southern Sudan, we are confident that we will be
able to bring to an end the Lord’s Resistance Army
attacks against our people in the northern part of
Uganda.
My country is an active participant in the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development initiative
that has brought the various factions in Somalia
together to the negotiating table to end the conflict in
that country. We note with great satisfaction the
progress that has so far been made, and we salute the
people of Somalia for coming together to establish a
Parliament embracing all groups.
In 2005 the United Nations will observe the fifth
anniversary of the Millennium Summit, where we
pledged our political will and commitment to a number
of Millennium Development Goals, including the
reduction of poverty by 50 per cent by 2015. It is,
therefore, of great concern that in many parts of Africa
poverty levels are rising as per capita incomes continue
to decline and that infant and maternal mortality rates
are on the increase, while official development
assistance commitments remain unfulfilled.
32

In order to make progress in meeting the
Millennium Development Goals and ensuring the
equitable sharing of the benefits of globalization, the
General Assembly should focus on the following, inter
alia: effective follow-up to and implementation of the
various plans of action, declarations and strategies
relating to the Monterrey Consensus on financing for
development, the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation
on sustainable development, the Brussels Declaration
and Programme of Action for the Least Developed
Countries and the Almaty Programme of Action on
landlocked developing countries; restructuring of the
global trading system, especially in agriculture, mode 4
trade in services and increasing value-added export
products from the developing countries; mobilization
of adequate resources to fight malaria, tuberculosis and
the HIV/AIDS pandemic, covering prevention, care
and research and development to ensure the provision
of cheaper and more effective drugs and possibly the
discovery of an HIV/AIDS vaccine; strengthening of
South-South cooperation, including measures by the
more advanced developing countries to open their
markets to products from the least developed countries;
and stronger international support for NEPAD, which
reflects Africa’s priorities to address development,
governance and the security challenges facing the
continent. Critical support areas will include market
access, measures to encourage increased foreign direct
investment in African countries, higher levels of
official development assistance for infrastructure and
human resources development, ensuring sustainable
debt levels, regional integration, enhancement of the
African Union’s capacity to deal with conflict
situations and implementation of the African Peer
Review Mechanism.
As the United Nations approaches its sixtieth
birthday in 2005, the need for revitalization of the
General Assembly and restructuring of the Security
Council has never been greater. The need for reform of
the United Nations is imperative if we want to enhance
the role of the Organization and the effectiveness of
multilateralism to address emerging hard threats such
as terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and
genocide, as well as other challenges, such as
persistent poverty and HIV/AIDS. It is therefore fitting
that the report of the High-level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change will be discussed in 2005.
With regard to reform of the Security Council,
the restructuring should reflect the need for
democratization and ensuring a balanced and equitable
geographical representation. We believe that Africa
should be allocated no less than two permanent and
five non-permanent seats in the expanded Security
Council.
In summary, Uganda is calling for stronger
collective action against international terrorism and
support for the post-conflict rehabilitation and
development programme in northern Uganda. We have
noted the positive developments in the Great Lakes
region and stressed the importance of convening the
international conference on the Great Lakes region in
Dar es Salaam in November 2004. We have highlighted
the significance of 2005 — as the both the sixtieth
birthday of the United Nations and the fifth
anniversary of the Millennium Summit — as a key
time to focus on meeting the Millennium Development
Goals and the revitalization and restructuring of the
United Nations to enhance the role of the Organization
and to ensure the effectiveness of collective
multilateral action.


I should like at the outset,
Mr. President, to hail your election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. I would
also like to extend to you our best wishes for success in
carrying out your mandate, a mandate which reflects
the honour bestowed on your country, the Republic of
Gabon, by the international community.
I would also like to take this opportunity to pay
tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations,
Kofi Annan, for his selfless commitment to the causes
of the United Nations and of Africa in particular.
I believe this is also an appropriate time to pay
tribute to and commend the actions of the former
President of the General Assembly, Mr. Julian Hunte,
for his considerable contribution to promoting the
universality of the United Nations.
My country, the Republic of Cape Verde, is
among the small island States. We believe that our
States, as a result of their specific characteristics,
deserve a special hearing from the international
community. In the economic, social and ecological
spheres, those States are confronting shortcomings and
restrictions specific to them, and these must be duly
taken into account.
Through its own efforts, but also through the
necessary contribution of the international community,
Cape Verde is now preparing to better itself and its
condition as a least developed country (LDC). My
country continues to suffer from a precarious situation
which cannot be ignored or minimized. In addition, the
small island States often represent unique physical and
human realities which form a genuine heritage of
mankind. For these and other reasons, I would like here
to launch an appeal in favour of the small island States.
The international community is going through a
particularly complex period marked by challenges of
many kinds. We are aware that it is only by focusing on
peace, stability, security, dialogue and respect for
diversity of interests and cultures, in an atmosphere of
freedom, that we can create an international
environment conducive to the just settlement of the
serious problems we are encountering today.
2

War does not have to be inevitable. Moreover,
given the very advanced stage of civilization which
mankind has achieved, I think it would be relevant to
ask whether it is time to leave behind the concept
formulated by the outstanding nineteenth-century
German military theoretician Clausewitz, who stated
that war is a continuation of policy through other
means. I think, rather, that it is by relying on
negotiations, dialogue and the acknowledgement of the
legitimacy of the interests and rights of all parties, that
we can tap the potential for avoiding the need for war
as a means of resolving national or international
disputes.
Finally, it is with respect for international law,
drawn up with the participation of all and equally
shared and respected by all — a respect which
permeates the principles and purposes of the United
Nations — that we can find a response leading to a
peaceful, prosperous and just world: the world which
mankind clearly wishes to see.
I would like to reiterate here and now our
absolute rejection of the unwarranted use of violence
and our unequivocal condemnation of the use of
terrorism as a way of resolving political disputes. The
trivialization of life and death, which is utterly
condemnable, also dehumanizes its proponents and
opens the way to the worst kinds of wrongs in relations
between human communities. This is why the struggle
for peace cannot be halted, and why everyone,
especially the United Nations, has the imperative duty
to contribute to breaking the cycle of violence and
opening the way to peaceful coexistence among nations
and human communities.
Among the other social ills afflicting our planet
which can be effectively combated are hunger and
poverty. Their eradication is in fact one of the
objectives of the Millennium agenda. I am convinced
that success in combating hunger and poverty will have
unquestionably positive global effects that would
promote unity and harmony within the human family,
and would strengthen human rights, including the most
sacred and vital right — the right to life. It would also
promote the material and moral enrichment of all of
human society. It would contribute to the creation of
conditions that are a prerequisite for improving
international security by lessening migration and
bridging the gap between rich and poor, thus
eliminating the reasons for the frustration of millions
of poor and hungry individuals throughout today’s
world.
Another tragedy that requires action is HIV/
AIDS, which is mortgaging the future of many
countries, particularly in Africa. There is an urgent
need to advance and guarantee effective international
solidarity in order to root out from the daily lives of
millions of human beings the spectre of hunger,
poverty and pandemic illnesses. It is my belief that
mankind has the resources and potential which will
allow us to realize this marvellous dream.
The African continent, of which my country and
your country, Mr. President, are a part, continue to be
faced with enormous and varied challenges. Regarding
the critical issue of peace and political stability, we
also note a genuine commitment on the part of African
States to resolve conflicts and eliminate hotbeds of
tension. But the political will of States, regional
organizations and the African Union is not enough, and
the international community’s commitment and its
indispensable contribution in the form of adequate
resources are necessary for peace and security to
become a reality for all our peoples within a reasonable
period of time.
Peace is not merely the absence of war. Genuine
peace requires sufficient time and confidence-building
among parties, as well as a strategy for building peace.
So too, peace and stability within States require
institutions and policies that are inclusive and that
respect and engage all sectors of nations and meet their
legitimate political and economic aspirations, while at
the same time ensuring the protection of their cultural
identity.
There can be no doubt that, owing to profound
changes in the scientific, technological and socio-
political fields, a huge movement of democratization of
human societies is under way, backed by the
institutions of the rule of law. However, mere political
democracy is not sufficient. The ordinary citizen must
be guaranteed participation in public affairs and a
decent, worthy and dignified life, since there can be no
freedom without dignity.
It must also be recognized that there are still
tenuous vestiges of the old orders, which must once
and for all be rooted out and eliminated from
relationships between individuals and communities,
such as racism, religious and cultural discrimination,
3

gender inequality, and scorn for the fundamental rights
of indigenous human communities in various countries.
We must also ask whether democracy within
States is reflected in relations among States,
particularly when we note the existence of an
imbalanced world in which the inequality of power
between the haves and the have nots continues to grow
day by day. Therefore, there is a critical need to
promote the democratization of international relations
by seeking better balance in relations among States.
International democracy based on dialogue and
cooperation among States and among cultures, on
tolerance and respect for cultural diversity among
communities and on human solidarity and respect for
the legitimate political and material interests of all
parties, of nations large and small would show itself in
the implementation of genuine multilateralism in
global governance. Herein undoubtedly lie the
foundations for triumph over today’s challenges and
the assurance of a safe, peaceful, predictable and
prosperous future for humanity.
In several months, the United Nations will mark
60 years of rich and intense life that has been filled
with challenges, upheavals and extremely complex
problems, but that has also been marked by
innumerable victories and hopes for humanity. My
country joined the community of nations in large part
because of the intervention of the United Nations to
promote the freedom and human rights of colonial
peoples, for which we shall always be grateful. I
believe that, in the light of the profound changes that
have occurred over the past six decades in all areas of
the international arena and the emergence of a new
balance of forces and extremely complex challenges
requiring urgent and immediate responses, it is
becoming clear that we need to move forward with
reform of the United Nations, particularly the Security
Council. In my view, the planned reform should, in
addition to reflecting new global geopolitical realities,
guarantee representativity and appropriate intervention
and participation for all continents and all
communities. From that perspective, we would then
have a more balanced international community and a
more equitable sharing of responsibility in the building
of humanity’s future.
Before concluding, I should like to highlight the
successful actions carried out in the past few years by
the United Nations under the leadership of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who has enabled
us to keep on the international agenda substantive
issues that confront many societies daily, which has
enabled this universal institution to be in direct contact
with concerns and challenges that are worrisome to all
members of the human family.
Here, I should also like to honour the memory of
all those who have served the United Nations and
fallen victim to senseless acts resulting from
intolerance and the terrorism of radical movements. I
emphasize the need for all countries and all formal and
informal institutions to guarantee and respect the
security of such noble men and women, for they are on
a mission to serve all of us.
I hope, Sir, that this fifty-ninth session of the
General Assembly, which is taking place under your
presidency, will provide new gains for peace, justice,
social progress and global stability.
Finally, I should like to reiterate the words of
Pope John Paul II, the unquestionable moral authority
of our time, in his appeal to world leaders on 1 January
this year:
“The United Nations ... needs to rise more and
more above the cold status of an administrative
institution and to become a moral centre where
all the nations of the world feel at home ...”


In
expressing to you, Sir, our great pride at seeing an
eminent representative of the Group of African States
preside over the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth
session, I wish to offer you, on behalf of
Mr. Gnassingbé Eyadema, President of the Togolese
Republic, and of the Government and the people of
Togo, which it is my great honour to represent, our
sincere wishes for your success in fulfilling your
mandate.
We also congratulate Secretary-General Kofi
Annan on his dynamic and unequivocal work at the
head of our Organization.
The present session of the General Assembly is
being held at a time when international peace and
security continue to be seriously threatened, requiring
our common Organization fully to shoulder its role and
mission with even greater determination and bolder
initiatives. Indeed, we are living in a world of
precarious balances arising from our collective
inability to establish genuine peace and shared well-
being in the framework of international legitimacy.
In Africa, the legitimate aspirations of people to
lasting peace, in particular in those countries and
regions where that peace is being sorely tested, have
yet to be achieved.
In Côte d’Ivoire, after numerous short-lived
hopes have been dashed, the implementation of the
Accra III Agreement remains today the sole hope for
the restoration of peace and stability in that country.
The Togolese Head of State, who from the very
beginning of the crisis committed himself to the path of
dialogue and reconciliation, will continue to be
involved in the peaceful settlement of that fratricidal
conflict.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
recently arisen obstacles to the peace process, which is
intended to lead to the holding in 2005 of elections for
the creation of new institutions, have required the
international community to spare no effort in
maintaining the gains won through the costly
deployment of the United Nations Mission in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) and in
launching, whenever necessary, such operations as
Artemis to nip in the bud any impulse towards a
resumption of combat wherever it may arise. The
Government of Togo therefore unreservedly supports
the Secretary-General’s proposal significantly to
increase the number of MONUC personnel.
It is to be hoped that the international conference
on peace, security and development in the Great Lakes
region, to be held in November, will be the appropriate
framework for finding lasting solutions to the problems
of insecurity and instability that continue to weaken
relationships among States of the region and to
jeopardize the emergence of a climate of good-
neighbourliness and mutual understanding.
In the Sudan, regarding the tragedy unfolding in
Darfur, the international community must urgently
assist the Government of that country and the Sudan
People’s Liberation Army/Movement to consolidate the
peace process through the signing of the
comprehensive peace agreement. In that regard, the
international community must provide consistent
support to the African Union’s peace operation.
In Burundi, Liberia and Somalia in particular, the
outburst of solidarity and renewed interest which the
international community continues to show in the
restoration of peace and the recovery of those
countries, battered by long years of war, should be
accompanied by more adequate financial and logistical
assistance. Togo, for its part, will continue to
contribute to conflict and crisis resolution in Africa
and to support the various United Nations
peacekeeping operations by supplying military
contingents or observers, as it is currently doing in
Côte d’Ivoire, Burundi, Liberia and Haiti.
The prevailing situations in the world,
particularly in Iraq and the Middle East, are a source of
major concern. In Iraq, the restoration of full
sovereignty to the Iraqi people and the recognition that
the United Nations has an important role to play in
rebuilding the country should give every element of
Iraqi society the opportunity to work with resolve to
11

build a stable and prosperous country free of all
violence.
In the Middle East, the ongoing escalation of
violence between the State of Israel and the Palestinian
State may definitively compromise the continuation of
the peace process and the implementation of the
various agreements that have been signed. In that
respect, the international community and the Quartet
must strive to persuade the two protagonists to avoid
unilateral action and to return to the negotiating table
on the basis of the road map and the relevant
resolutions of the Security Council.
Furthermore, we wish to emphasize, again with
respect to crisis issues, that post-conflict situations
clearly demonstrate the importance of providing
adequate financing, not only for humanitarian
assistance but also for other vital programmes to
promote peace and sustainable development. There is
thus a need for the financing of disarmament,
demobilization and reintegration programmes for ex-
combatants and other long-term instruments for
ensuring peace — such as education, health care and
job creation for young people — to be made a priority
of post-conflict peace-building.
In the same context, the troubling financial
situation of the three Regional Centres for peace and
disarmament call for more attention from the Assembly
if they are to enjoy the financial resources necessary to
fulfil their mandates harmoniously. In that regard, and
on the basis of the relevant Secretary-General’s reports,
the delegation of Togo firmly believes that it is high
time for the General Assembly seriously to review the
financing of the Regional Centres in order to provide
them with adequate financial resources under the
Organization’s regular budget. In so doing, the General
Assembly would demonstrate its genuine support for
the Organization’s goals in the area of arms control and
disarmament and its appreciation of the active role
played to date by the Centres. For its part, my country,
which hosts the United Nations Regional Centre for
Peace and Disarmament in Africa, will do its utmost to
ensure the Centre’s continuity and long-term viability.
Terrorism is the other major danger of our times
because it continues seriously to threaten our States
and is thus a scourge in the face of which failure to act
effectively means giving way to the forces of evil.
Having endured terrorism in the past, Togo once again
condemns the heinous terrorist attacks perpetrated
recently around the world and keenly hopes that more
decisive action will be undertaken to eradicate that
disease of the human conscience.
From that perspective, while it is up to each State
to take the measures necessary to strengthen security
within its own borders, we must strive above all to
enhance regional and international cooperation among
States and to ensure that the poor States can enjoy
adequate assistance in the implementation of effective
national mechanisms to combat terrorism.
Economic and social development is a corollary
of peace and security. We all recall that, at the dawn of
the twenty-first century, the Millennium Summit was
convened here in this very Hall. Following the Summit,
at which the problems of poverty and development
were debated, the heads of State and Government
adopted the Millennium Declaration, an unprecedented
affirmation of international solidarity in which the rich
and poor countries together undertook firm
commitments whereby they forcefully reaffirmed their
will to reduce by half, by the year 2015, the proportion
of the world’s population touched by poverty. World
leaders voiced the hope at that time that other major
meetings also held early in the new millennium would
serve as a framework for the birth of genuine
partnership between the countries of the North and
those of the South.
Several years later, however, we note with regret
that the Millennium Development Goals have been
hard to achieve. Indeed, the necessary resources to
finance sustainable development and to combat poverty
and hunger in the developing countries have not been
mobilized and, contrary to expectations, only a small
number of developing countries have been able to
make progress in the elimination of poverty.
The critical economic situation in Africa requires
a collective awakening and introspection. What has
happened to our myriad commitments? What has
happened to our many promises?
Regarding the rules of international trade, which
remain unfavourable to the poor countries; regarding
the long-awaited debt relief; regarding the fact that the
goal of 0.7 per cent of gross domestic product for
official development assistance has been met by only a
small fraction of donor countries, we may well ask
ourselves what happened to the solidarity so loudly
proclaimed at the Millennium Summit.
12

Last year’s failure of the World Trade
Organization trade negotiations in Cancún — designed
to settle the critical issues of eliminating agricultural
subsidies and providing access to the markets of the
industrialized world for the products of the countries of
the South — highlighted yet again the North-South
division and evoked real fears for the future of the
multilateral trade system.
On the basis of those questions and concerns, the
delegation of Togo reaffirms the need for all
international partners to reflect in deeds the political
will they proclaimed at the International Conference on
Financing for Development and the World Summit on
Sustainable Development so as to give new impetus to
efforts to increase official development assistance, to
provide debt relief and equitable access to markets, to
protect the environment, and to combat malaria,
HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and other infectious diseases.
2005 will be a crucial year for our Organization.
Indeed, in 2005, we shall engage in in-depth
consideration of the implementation of the Monterrey
Consensus. In 2005, we shall hold a high-level debate
on the implementation of the Declaration of
Commitment on HIV/AIDS. In that regard, we need to
bear in mind that the twenty-sixth special session of
the General Assembly set specific goals to be met for
2003 and 2005 towards the eradication of HIV/AIDS
pandemic.
Above all, 2005 will be the year of the high-level
plenary meeting to engage in a comprehensive review
of progress made in the implementation of all of the
commitments undertaken in the Millennium
Declaration and at the major United Nations
conferences and summit meetings in the economic and
social fields.
We therefore await those meetings with interest.
They will give us the opportunity to reaffirm our
political commitment to building a world of greater
solidarity and prosperity in order to give hope once
more to that significant segment of the world’s
population that lives on less than $1 a day, suffers from
hunger and malnutrition and has no access to drinking
water.
The peace and economic and social development
that we desire for our countries cannot be achieved
without the effective participation of peoples in
managing public affairs. Democracy in Togo, based on
a multi-party system and the rule of law, has become a
vibrant reality, inter alia, through the adoption of
important legislative and administrative texts and the
establishment of virtually every institution provided for
by the Constitution. With faith and determination, the
Government of Togo, under the impetus of the Head of
State, is striving to build a genuinely democratic
society that also takes the sociological realities of our
country into account.
In order to complete its task, the Government has
declared its openness to any constructive contribution
from the national political class and civilian society, as
well as from our development partners. In that context,
on 14 April it opened consultations with the European
Union, in conformity with article 96 of the Cotonou
Agreement of partnership linking that organization to
the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States. At
the outset of the consultations, the Government
endorsed a number of commitments whose
implementation is currently near completion and
should ultimately lead to a better foundation of
democratic culture and the consolidation of the rule of
law.
The Government intends to strive to bring the
consultations to a successful conclusion, the ultimate
objective of which is the resumption of cooperation
between the European Union and Togo. The political
zeal of the Togolese authorities — reflected in the
implementation of an ongoing inclusive national
dialogue; the adoption of a press and communications
code; the drafting of an improved electoral code and a
financing law for political parties; and the decision
taken by the Head of State on 11 August to release
more than 500 common-law prisoners — is a guarantee
of the Government’s resolve to create favourable
conditions for the citizens of Togo to enjoy their
fundamental rights, and in particular their political and
economic rights.
We take this opportunity to launch an urgent
appeal to all our development partners to assist the
Government of Togo in the process of strengthening
and consolidating democracy and the rule of law.
I cannot conclude without returning to the
recurrent issue of United Nations reform. The
Government of Togo wishes to propose that bold
decisions be taken at this session to accelerate the
process of reform of the system, and of the Security
Council in particular, so that the issue can be more than
a mirage. Indeed, the numerous challenges confronting
13

today’s world require a strengthened and more
effective Security Council, which only a more
representative and more democratic membership can
ensure. In that respect, Africa deserves an appropriate
place within that vital United Nations body.
The Security Council must therefore be enlarged
in both the permanent and non-permanent memberships
so as to meet the democratic requirements of our times
and to allow various groups of countries to provide
their valuable assistance in achieving the objectives of
our Organization, which include peace and security,
working for freedom and democracy, guaranteeing
global prosperity through free and equitable
international trade, preserving a healthy environment
and creating stable international relations based on
dialogue. If we truly seek to achieve all this, we must
give our common Organization the resources
commensurate with doing so.
May this session serve to strengthen cooperation
among our States and peoples and assist us in
consolidating peace and in achieving security and
lasting development for all.


Allow me, first of all,
to congratulate the President on his assumption of the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth
session. I am fully confident that his wisdom and
diplomatic skills will guide our deliberations to a
fruitful outcome. I would also like to take this
opportunity to convey my appreciation to Mr. Julian
Hunte for his able leadership and contributions to the
success of the previous session. My delegation would
also like to pay tribute to the Secretary-General for his
selfless dedication to the cause of the United Nations.
The world today faces many daunting challenges.
Most ominous and threatening among them are issues
related to peace and security. Under those
circumstances, it is worth recalling the Five Principles
of Peaceful Coexistence, which were enunciated 50
years ago by Myanmar, along with China and India, to
provide the basic principles for inter-State relations.
The Principles were subsequently adopted by Asian
and African leaders in the Bandung Declaration of
1955. The 1961 Belgrade Conference of the Non-
Aligned Movement also adopted the Principles as basic
tenets of the Movement. The United Nations itself
endorsed the Principles. Founded on the premise of the
essential unity of humankind, the Five Principles
remain as relevant and valid today as on the day they
were proclaimed.
Myanmar considers the United Nations, which
represents international legitimacy and near-universal
membership, as the sole multilateral forum for
addressing urgent global issues. Recent events remind
us of the futility of unilateralism and the danger of
resorting to the use of force without the authorization
of the United Nations.
Threats to the international system and the
rapidly evolving international situation demand a
thorough reform of the Organization and its
mechanisms, structure and working methods. In that
context, we would like to reiterate our views on the
reform of the Organization, including that of the
Security Council. The expansion and reform of the
Security Council must be an integral part of a common
package. If it is to become more representative and
reflect contemporary political and economic realities,
the Council should be expanded in both categories of
membership. An ideal solution in the democratization
process would be the abolition of the veto. Until that is
done, its application should be limited. It is also our
view that new permanent members of the Security
Council should enjoy the same rights and privileges as
current members.
Myanmar notes with interest the ongoing work of
the Secretary-General’s High-level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change.
In this highly globalized world, regional
cooperation, including South-South cooperation, can
well complement international cooperation. As a
member of the Association of South-East Asian
Nations, Myanmar is actively involved in the
Association’s activities aimed at promoting regional
13

peace, stability and prosperity and at enhancing
cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Terrorism is one of the most serious challenges
that the world faces today. It threatens national
sovereignty and violates human rights, including the
right to life. Last year, terrorists carried their war to the
doorstep of the United Nations. They cruelly
extinguished the lives of 22 innocent persons,
including that of Special Representative Sergio Vieira
de Mello, at United Nations headquarters in Baghdad.
More recently, we have seen wanton acts of terrorism
in diverse parts of the world, from Beslan to Jakarta to
Madrid. Myanmar unequivocally condemns terrorism
in all its forms and manifestations and joins the
international community in calling for concerted action
to combat the menace in accordance with the United
Nations Charter and international law.
We have never permitted the use of our territory
for hostile acts against any State. We have neither
provided assistance to those involved in terrorist acts
nor safe haven to them, and we never will.
Myanmar is doing its utmost to combat this
menace at the national, regional and international
levels. Myanmar has signed, or acceded to, 11 of the 12
international legal instruments related to the
suppression of terrorism. It is also actively involved in
the Bali Process to combat transnational crime,
including international terrorism.
The illicit trafficking in drugs is another
challenge that is closely linked to other transnational
crimes. Success in the war against drugs will contribute
to a successful outcome in the fight against
transnational crime. Myanmar accords topmost priority
to the suppression and eradication of narcotic drugs. A
15-year national plan is targeted at the eradication of
narcotic drugs in the country by the year 2014. In the
last decade, Myanmar seized and destroyed drugs
valued at more than $14.5 billion.
Figures from the United States Drug Enforcement
Administration show that over a span of eight years,
from 1996 to 2003, poppy cultivation declined steadily,
by 71 per cent, while opium production decreased by
81 per cent. The United Nations Office on Drugs and
Crime has acknowledged Myanmar’s commitment to
the anti-drug campaign.
In recent years the problem of synthetic drugs has
also surfaced. The illicit drugs chain begins with
inadequate control of the trade in precursor chemicals.
It bears repetition that my country does not produce
precursor chemicals used in the production of narcotic
drugs. We would like to urge countries that produce
precursor chemicals to institute effective regulatory
controls. Without precursor chemicals there can be no
amphetamine-type synthetic drugs.
Myanmar is determined in its fight against drugs.
It has established bilateral, trilateral, regional and
multilateral cooperation to rid the world of this
scourge.
Some Western countries allege that Myanmar is
not adequately addressing the issue of trafficking in
persons. Nothing could be further from the truth. In
fact, Myanmar views trafficking in persons as an evil
that must be suppressed through concerted action. In
that connection, Myanmar acceded to the United
Nations Convention against Transnational Organized
Crime on 30 March of this year. A national law against
human trafficking is being drafted in accordance with
that Convention. Next month, Myanmar will host the
meeting of the six-nation Coordinated Mekong
Ministerial Initiative against Trafficking.
Allegations of human rights violations in
Myanmar are aimed at discrediting the Government for
political purposes. Myanmar believes that the question
of human rights is an important issue. It should be
addressed with objectivity and impartiality, and
without selectivity. Myanmar has consistently
cooperated with the United Nations on human rights
issues. In that context, a national Human Rights
Committee has already been established and human
rights awareness is being introduced in school curricula
nationwide, as well as through workshops.
An interview conducted by a politically
motivated non-governmental organization with 25 or
so insurgents inside a neighbouring country became the
basis of a report that there are 70,000 child soldiers in
the Myanmar national armed forces. That is a far-
fetched conclusion. The falsehood found its way into
the report of the Secretary-General on children and
armed conflict in 2002 (S/2002/1299). The report
subsequently became the resource document in the
Security Council’s ensuing thematic debate on children
and armed conflict.
I wish, first of all, to firmly reiterate that
Myanmar is not a nation in armed conflict. It is a
nation at peace. Secondly, I wish to clearly state that
14

children not permitted to be recruited into the armed
services in Myanmar, either by law or in practice. A
preventive programme was in place in my country even
before Security Council resolutions were adopted on
this theme. In that regard, the Chairman of our
Committee on the Prevention of the Recruitment of
Child Soldiers recently received the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF) representative in Myanmar
to explore ways and means to enhance cooperation.
The representative was afforded the opportunity to visit
the army recruitment centre near Yangon, and
subsequently the army recruitment centre in Mandalay
together with the United Nations Resident Coordinator.
Myanmar is finalizing an action plan and is
cooperating with UNICEF in that regard. It will also
continue its cooperation with the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General for Children
and Armed Conflict.
Allow me to turn to developments in my country.
Peace and stability have been restored. We are taking
steps to ensure a smooth transition to a peaceful,
democratic modern State. Myanmar places the highest
priority on national reconciliation to achieve unity
among its 135 national races. In order to strengthen ties
and promote the economic and social development of
the national races inhabiting the border areas, the
Government has expended 58 billion kyats and more
than $550 million in infrastructure development that
includes communication networks and education and
health facilities, thus promoting the quality of life of
those citizens.
Notwithstanding the unilateral sanctions of some
Western countries, Myanmar has been able to develop
its economy and promote the well-being of its people.
We have achieved this by relying mainly on our own
resources, and with the assistance and cooperation of
our neighbours.
Noteworthy advances have been made in the
health and education sectors. The country now has 757
hospitals, with 140 hospitals having been added in the
last 15 years. In the past year alone, 22 new hospitals
were commissioned. Over the same period, the number
of colleges and universities in the country has
increased from 32 to 154. Enrolment has risen
dramatically in those institutions, from 120,000 to
890,000 students.
The President returned to the Chair.
Allow me now to turn to recent political
developments in my country. In August 2003, the
Prime Minister, General Khin Nyunt, announced a
seven-step road map for transition to democracy. The
road map has been well received in the country, as well
as by our neighbours. The Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit last November
welcomed the commitment of the Myanmar
Government to effect a transition to democracy.
The first and most crucial step of the road map,
the reconvening of the National Convention, was taken
on 17 May of this year. The current Convention is
being attended by 1,088 delegates from eight strata,
representing all walks of life. It is more inclusive than
the previous Convention, which was attended by only
about 700 delegates.
Moreover, 60 per cent of the delegates to the
current Convention are from the national races. Over
100 delegates represent 17 major armed groups and 17
smaller armed groups, which have returned to the legal
fold. In the previous Convention, representatives of
three or four armed groups which had just returned to
the legal fold were present as observers.
During the first session, the sensitive issue of
power-sharing between the central Government and the
states and regions was the main focus of discussion.
Indeed, power-sharing is a vital and delicate issue, as
the country is now evolving from a unitary
Government structure to a union structure, where states
and regions will have their own executive and
legislative bodies. Delegates held extensive discussions
on that issue. Because of the complex and sensitive
nature of the deliberations, discussions were time-
consuming and sometimes intense. After a successful
first session, the Convention adjourned on 9 July.
Myanmar is a union of 135 national races, and
unity is key to achieving our vision of a prosperous
democratic State. We are greatly encouraged by the
results of the first session. The common desire to
ensure the success of the seven-step road map was
evident. Preparations are under way for the second
session, which is to be convened in the forthcoming
open season. Once agreement is reached on the
fundamental principles in the National Convention, a
new constitution will be drafted. The draft text will be
put to a referendum for the people of Myanmar to
decide upon. After the adoption of the new
15

constitution, there will be free and fair elections, in
which the people will elect leaders of their choice.
The new political structure needs to be strong and
resilient, and the country united. The future of the
nation cannot be determined by one individual or one
party acting alone. There is no alternative to the
National Convention. It is the sole process through
which the aspirations of the people of Myanmar to
establish a modern and democratic nation can be
fulfilled. We cannot allow the National Convention to
be derailed under any circumstances. Failure would
plunge the nation into the abyss of anarchy. That is the
reason why we set such store on the successful
outcome of the National Convention. We are
determined that this vital national endeavour will be
crowned with success.