33.	Mr. President, first I should like to congratulate you on your election to your high office. I can assure you of the all-out support of my delegation in your efforts to lead this session of the General Assembly to a successful conclusion.
34.	I should like also to avail myself of this opportunity to .welcome the one hundred and fiftieth State Member of the United Nations, Solomon Islands, to which I extend my congratulations.
35.	Major international developments took place on the eve of this General Assembly affecting two of the most dangerous conflict areas in the world: the Middle East and southern Africa. The impact of those events will be a major theme in the present general debate.
36.	In this context it is also relevant to discuss the various aspects of the United Nations peace-keeping activities.
37.	We are at present confronted with a grave crisis in the world economy. Future prospects have become more uncertain. Within the United Nations this serious situation has a negative impact on the North-South dialogue, in which progress is lacking.
38.	The achievements and short-comings of the United Nations are bound to come up for scrutiny at each session of the General Assembly. The report of the Secretary- General on the work of the Organization [A/33/1] offers most valuable comments and suggestions on this subject. Particularly, I have in mind the Secretary-General's comments on the role of the United Nations: what the Organization can and ought to do. Rhetoric may create expectations of immediate over-all solutions to intractable issues, but progress is hardly made in such a, way. Practical results can be achieved only through a realistic and pragmatic approach. In order to make proper use of the potential inherent in this Organization we must also recognize its limitations.
39.	The Secretary-General focuses also on our work patterns and procedures-and rightly so. It is a question that is technical in nature but one that in the modern world will have political implications. The point is well taken by the Secretary-General when he states: "Once having arrived here by jet aircraft, however, the procedures adopted are much the same as they were in 1919" [See A/33/1, sect. X]. We should therefore seriously contemplate how CT work patterns can be adjusted to the requirements of today.
40.	I will now address myself to the situation we are facing as a result of South Africa's decision to break off further co-operation with the United Nations regarding a peaceful transition to majority rule in Namibia. This step by South Africa has created a new and serious situation in southern Africa. South Africa's decision is an arrogant challenge to world opinion. The United Nations must react against this affront to our persistent efforts in pursuit of the liberation of Namibia. During this session of the Genera] Assembly we must make it understood that the international community cannot accept a solution which does not embrace all political groups, including the South West Africa People's Organization. Norway, for its part, will not recognize an arrangement established on such a basis. Should it become dear that South Africa has irrevocably rejected further co-operation with the United Nations regarding a peaceful settlement in Namibia, new measures must be taken against South Africa.
41.	Midway through International Anti-Apartheid Year we cannot but note that South Africa has not changed its policy of racial discrimination and oppression of the black majority of the people. In this situation the world community has, in our opinion, no choice but to increase the pressures against South Africa. An international mobilization against apartheid is imperative. Norway has, together with the other Nordic countries, already implemented certain measures against South Africa on a bilateral basis. We are considering further steps as an expansion of the joint Nordic programme of action against South Africa, which was adopted by the Nordic Foreign Ministers at their meeting in Oslo earlier this year.
42.	We are also prepared to lend our support to measures aimed at stepping up the international pressure against South Africa, including mandatory economic sanctions. Through concrete action the international community must demonstrate its solidarity with the peoples of southern Africa in their struggle against racism and apartheid.
43.	South Africa's position on the question of Namibia may also have negative effects on the possibilities for a negotiated settlement in Zimbabwe. My country shares the view that a settlement in Zimbabwe that does not include the Patriotic Front will not lead to a peaceful transition to majority rule. A solution is possible only if all parties are brought to the negotiating table at the earliest date. We believe also that the United Nations sanctions against the Smith regime must be maintained until a settlement acceptable to all parties concerned has been found.
44.	Lately regional or local conflicts in Africa have increasingly added to the tension between the big Powers. This must be avoided not only for the sake of the African countries themselves but also because of the relations between the big Powers. In our opinion conflicts on the African continent must be resolved by the African States themselves, if necessary with assistance from the United Nations.
45.	The greatest threat to world peace has for many years been the situation in the Middle East. Today our attention is focused on the Camp David agreements  and their implementation. Different views have been expressed on these agreements. The Norwegian Government welcomed the initiative of the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, and his efforts in this matter. I would also like to express our hope that the results achieved at Camp David will prove to be a milestone on the road to a lasting peace in the Middle East. I express this hope because we consider inflexible positions to be the greatest threat to peace in the Middle East. It was against this background that the Norwegian Government supported President El-Sadat's bold initiative last fall, an initiative that has now been followed up by the Camp David agreements. We fully realize that the most important problems are still unresolved. It remains to find a way to bring the other parties-involved into the peace process.. That is a necessary condition for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace.
46.	I would hope that the momentum which now may have been created will be utilized so that the peoples of the Middle East, who for years have been the subject of conflict and confrontation, may soon be able to live in peace .and freedom. The Norwegian Government remains of the view that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) offer the best foundation for peace in the area.
47.	The situation in Lebanon calls for particular attention, in the light of the recent fighting in the country and because the United Nations forces in the south have met with considerable difficulties in the implementation of the mandate given them by the Security Council. The task entrusted to the forces has therefore been only partly fulfilled. We attach decisive importance to the full cooperation of all parties in the-implementation of the United Nations mandate and to the restoration of normal and peaceful conditions in the area. We fully support the Security Council decision to renew the mandate of UNIFIL, and we have taken all the necessary steps to continue our participation in the Force.
48.	The Nordic Foreign Ministers have recently expressed their support for the efforts of the Lebanese President and Government to preserve the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon and to re-establish peace and security in the country. We consider this to be of utmost importance also for future development in the Middle East.
49.	In a long-term perspective, bridging the widening gap between the rich and the poor countries represents the greatest challenge to the international community. Although the existing social and economic imbalance cannot be redressed overnight, the need for immediate action is imperative. Thus my Government shares the concern of the developing countries over the present impasse in the North-South dialogue. Progress has been slow in coming. Four years after its adoption, the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order /resolution 3202 (S-VI)] remains largely unimplemented. The expectations arising out of the consensus of the seventh special session have not been met. The global economic crisis has been adverse consequences. One main reason for the dismal picture has, however, been an absence of the necessary political will.
50.	The most compelling reason for renewed and increased efforts in this field is the intolerable situation of the developing countries themselves, characterized by mass poverty and conditions which represent an affront to human dignity. But in the view of my Government the presence of great unutilised productive capacity in the developed world, on the one hand, and the great unfulfilled needs of the developing countries, on the other, also make a convincing case for the new international economic order.
51.	We have witnessed over the last few years a growing acceptance of the concept of global interdependence. Now is the time for concrete action. The proposals submitted during the first session of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, the so-called Committee of the whole, for a massive transfer of resources to the developing countries [see A/'33/34, part two J should thus be pursued resolutely. A revitalization of the global economy is in the interest of all countries.
52.	My country would like to re-emphasize its support for the Committee of the Whole, which has an important political role to play in the North-South dialogue. It is our sincere hope that the present impasse can be overcome, enabling the Committee to attack the many urgent problems awaiting bold action from the world community through the United Nations.
53.	Only through progress on substantive issues can new impetus be given to the North-South dialogue. The reconvening by UNCTAD of the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities later this fall is of particular importance. A break-through on the main outstanding issues at that Conference would create a new and positive climate for the North-South dialogue and hold out promise for the future of the Committee of the Whole and for the upcoming fifth session of UNCTAD.
54.	It was hardly to be expected that the General Assembly's tenth special session, on disarmament, should be able to provide a final answer to issues which have preoccupied humanity for generations. In spite of different points of view, agreement was, however, reached on a comprehensive programme of action. This may herald a new era in the work towards disarmament. In the years before the next special session our joint task must be to make full use of the momentum thus created so that we may reach the objectives now pointed out for us.
55.	The most important direct result of the special session was the strengthening of the international negotiating machinery through the reorganization of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament and the re-establishment of the United Nations Disarmament Commission. We hope that these decisions will lead to broader participation in the work for disarmament by big and small countries, which have a contribution to make in this field.
56.	The dangers inherent in the enormous consumption of resources for military armaments are abundantly clear to us all. In this connexion I would draw attention to the expert study on the relationship between disarmament and development which was initiated by the special session. The objectives of this study are to identify concrete measures which may make it possible to arrive at a more rational use of the world's scarce resources and in this way contribute towards eliminating some of the underlying causes of armed conflict.
57.	On 10 December this year we shall celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. By their acceptance of this Declaration and the subsequent conventions, the States Members of the United Nations have committee themselves to respect and protect the fundamental human rights of their citizens. However, we must all admit that there is still much to be done to achieve the fulfilment of these commitment.
58.	There are also positive developments in the present situation. In his report the Secretary-General points to a distinct improvement in the co-operative efforts of Member States to deal with alleged violations of human rights.
59.	In this connexion there is every reason to welcome the fact that_ the United Nations—with broad support- succeeded in establishing and dispatching to Chile a fact-finding mission to examine the question of missing prisoners. We see this initiative as having ramifications beyond this one country. The decision to send such a fact-finding mission implies that the world community has accepted the principle that violations of human rights by Member States cannot be regarded as an internal matter outside the competence of the United Nations.
60.	In its work to promote the international protection of human rights, my Government emphasizes especially the following points of view.
61.	We shall work to strengthen the machinery of the United Nations for the protection of human rights. This includes continued support for the proposal to establish a United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights.
62.	We shall work to ensure the establishment of the most consistent and effective procedures possible for dealing with human rights issues in the Commission on Human Rights and in the Human Rights Committee.
63.	We shall work to reinforce the view that gross and persistent violations of human rights are the concern of the entire world community. The principle of non-intervention cannot today be seen as constituting any legal obstacle to such violations being dealt with in international forums.
64.	We shall put great emphasis on the endeavours to strengthen human rights in the regional context.
65.	And we shall attach particular importance to the efforts to combat racism and racial discrimination within the framework of the United Nations Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, and we hope that this work can be carried out without the introduction of extraneous elements.
66.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea continued its efforts to find agreed formulas on major unresolved issues. During the seventh session the Conference produced new compromise texts on many of the controversial points holding up the final convention. If we are able to maintain the degree of progress shown in Geneva and New York this year, it should be possible to reach solutions on the hard-core issues facing the Conference. We cannot afford to fail, having reached this stage. In this connexion the possibilities of informal, inter-sessional discussions before the Geneva meetings in March and April next year—if conducive to early completion of the treaty—should be explored.
67.	At the closing of the seventh session of that Conference opposition was expressed to unilateral legislation affecting the mining of the international sea-bed area. The Norwegian Government shares this concern. This was expressed also in the joint declaration by the Governments of Finland, Sweden and Norway on that occasion.
68.	In concluding, I should like to say a few words about the necessity of strengthening the peace-keeping role of the United Nations.
69.	The United Nations involvement in Lebanon is an example of an extremely difficult situation which could be solved only through the help of this Organization. In Namibia a strong United Nations presence during the transition period represents more than ever the only alternative to a violent solution. Thus, there are indications that the United Nations peace-keeping role is becoming increasingly important.
70.	The most obvious task, and the one that is perhaps easiest to accomplish, is to strengthen the existing United Nations machinery for peace-keeping operations. Here, several measures should be considered.
71.	First, we may reinforce United Nations preparedness by means of stand-by forces which may swiftly be deployed when the need arises. Norway and the other Nordic countries have long had such stand-by forces specially earmarked for United Nations service.
72.	Secondly, we must find adequate solutions to the problem of financing. States Members of the United Nations have a collective responsibility for strengthening the Organization's capacity to undertake the functions provided for in the Charter. Consequently, these States also have a collective responsibility for the financing of the United Nations peace-keeping operations. The notion that the costs of a United Nations operation should be borne by the parties directly involved or by the so-called guilty parties is untenable. This very view would, if accepted, result in no one being able to afford to ask the United
Nations for help . It is also untenable because, in practice, it puts the financial responsibility on the troop-contributing countries.
73.	Thirdly, we must also give the Secretary-General increased powers to handle the day-to-day problems which arise for the United Nations forces in the field. This will of course have to be done within the terms of reference laid down by the Security Council.
74.	The United Nations today can assist in a number of ways in reaching peaceful solutions to conflicts between States. It is for the States Members of the world Organization to make better use of these possibilities.
75.	As a consequence such measures will strengthen the capability of the United Nations to prevent the use of force in international conflicts, and thereby a climate of confidence will emerge. Such a development in its turn could be conducive to disarmament, to strengthening the United Nations also in other fields and to enabling the world Organization to play its full role in the creation of a more secure and just world order.


235.	Generally speaking, our annual assessment of the world situation requires that we reaffirm the aims of the Charter, analyse the means that have been used to achieve those objectives and redefine our priorities, if necessary.
236.	One might be tempted to say that this is, in fact, a repetitive, if not futile, exercise, an accepted formality and ritual, since certain segments of international opinion want to regard the United Nations only as a forum for dissension;
and furthermore the items on our agenda have been practically the same for a good number of years.
237.	It is difficult for us to go along with that opinion, because we feel, quite sincerely, that the United Nations must, above all, be a centre for thought and for concerted action, and not a framework for the promotion of a retrograde view of the world. At each of our annual sessions it is essential for us  o take account of the profound changes in the world since the adoption of the Charter, the positive trend in international relations towards the creation of a new world and the increasingly preponderant attention devoted to the concepts of justice, social progress and liberation. It is precisely here that we can discern the value of our exchanges of views, enriched by the way in which we defend our respective positions.
238.	In point of fact, our general debate goes beyond a simple evaluation and becomes a crucible from which emerges gradually a revolutionary vision of the world; it becomes the point of departure for an awareness which, because of its positive and realistic nature, stands out in contrast to pure speculation and passive contemplation. That is the spirit in which the Malagasy delegation intends to make its contribution to the work of this session.
239.	A developing country like the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, resolutely committed to a socialist revolution, cannot but be disturbed by the constant deterioration we have observed in the world economy, affected as it has been by crises of increasing acuteness and by a lack of vision and political will. Unfortunately people have been content with simply proposing short-term and often sectoral solutions to these problems.
240.	For more than a decade the world has been painfully survived by dint of following the course of expedients and it is not surprising that the image that it now presents to us is that of a cloak that is tattered and patched in many places.
241.	Most of the industrialized countries have acquiesced in that policy of doom since it makes it possible for them to continue to misuse the established system to strengthen their hold over world development and to continue to pursue with profit their practices. of domination and exploitation. That mere crumbs are left the so-called developing countries which have not been given any serious chance of real development is only to be expected from the advocates of expansion at any cost.
242.	After the recession of 1974-1975 it would have been possible to correct the various structural imbalances and thus to ensure the regular growth of the world economy. But at present what we are witnessing is an accumulation of unresolved problems and the deliberate preservation of a climate of -uncertainty which has been engendered by delays in multilateral negotiations.
243.	It is not surprising, therefore, that an economic crisis is once again threatening the world; and attempts are being made to counter that crisis by methods which we have denounced previously, as if the intention was deliberately to ignore the indications given and the commitments undertaken at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly.
244.	It is hardly necessary to rehearse the outcome of those two sessions because each and every one of us must now be aware of his own responsibilities and of the most appropriate way of discharging those responsibilities. But do we have to wait for the energy crisis which has been predicted for 1985 before some political will is finally evinced by the industrialized countries? When will they give up their policies of uncontrolled consumption and agree that, if only in their own interests, they must agree to some reduction albeit small, of their prosperity, which has become a scandal in a world that is growing poorer and poorer? When will they face the fact that some middle way has to be sought between the requirements of internal order and the needs of developing countries?
245.	Efforts for adjustment, however realistic, are far from being responsive to the urgency of the situation, and we can perceive no real progress , towards a restructuring of the world economy. On the contrary, as in the worst hours of the most recent recession, we can see that there is a diminution in growth rates, an increase in unemployment and an aggravation of underemployment; there is galloping inflation which is sometimes controlled but never stopped; there is a return to protectionist measures; and there are chaotic trends in monetary and financial relations.
246.	Those who are most affected by this set of negative factors are still the developing countries. Unfortunately they are subject to terms of trade, whose cyclic deterioration, sometimes deliberately maintained, has adverse repercussions on their balance of payments, their capacity to service debts and their investment capacity.
247.	Frequently, we have been told to have patience in order to turn us into reasonable-or rather resigned-partners. Nevertheless, if we wish to give some meaning to equal interdependence and international co-operation in the economic, financial and monetary fields, we will have to cease circumventing those problems which have already been set forth in clear and unambiguous terms since the very first session of UNCTAD,
248.	What we must do above all is to abandon the idea that the participation of developing countries in international trade depends in some way on their growth which, in its turn, is conditioned by the economic expansion of industrialized countries. It is much to be feared that, according to a distorted interpretation of interdependence, we might arrive at postulating the principle that the growth of the poorer countries is desirable only in so far as it promotes the expansion of the rich countries. The cynicism inherent in such a principle must be obvious to all. Nevertheless everything seems to indicate that it is being practised in two key sectors, namely, that of primary commodities and that of industrialization.
249.	From the declarations of intention which have been made here and elsewhere, we have learned that, in order to redress the present imbalance, it is important to plan production and investment efficiently, to provide the developing countries with adequate export earnings in real terms and also to stabilize markets in order to benefit the consumers. That programme, which is far from being innovative since it reproduces the claims which have been put forward for some years now, has not been followed up
by any decisive action and the few timid and traditional measures that have been taken are hardly likely to remove our scepticism.
250.	In effect, nothing would suggest that the Integrated Programme for Commodities which was adopted at the fourth session of UNCTAD will finally be accepted. Nor does anything give us the assurance that significant negotiations will be entered into on the common fund. So far as primary commodities are concerned, we can see that, of the 15 agricultural exports which are of interest to Africa, only three have been the subject of agreements. After so many promises, so many consultations and so many negotiations, such a situation requires no comment.
251.	In the sector of industrialization, the fate which the developing countries have met is hardly more enviable. The institutional framework for the implementation of the decisions and recommendations of the Second General Conference of UNIDO was defined almost five years ago. Nevertheless, the negotiations on the various components of that framework are foundering in the uncertainties and mysteries of a deliberate desire to maintain a certain monopoly, while the panoply of protectionist measures directed against our countries is being reinforced. In those circumstances we cannot see how the industrialized countries intend to fulfil the commitment to bring up to 25 per cent the participation of developing countries in world industrial output.
252.	In connexion with all these points it may be said that necessary adjustments are in fact being studied; that corrective measures will have to be taken in a certain order of priority and that with time they could become part and parcel of the new international economic order.
253.	We might still harbour illusions but we have to understand that the economic security for which we are, after all, plainly responsible, cannot be guaranteed simply by the proliferation of special funds, by the redefinition of the ways and means of aid and by the increase of direct transfers under public assistance for development.
254.	Nor can it depend on a third strategy which is only a reflex of the first two and which is the outcome of the former system. We have to have the honesty and the courage to recognize that, in order to ensure the success of the new strategy, in order to offset the effects of the world economic crisis and, above all, prevent its recurrence, it is essential to bring about as soon as possible fundamental modifications required by the institution of the new international economic order.
255.	The establishment and strengthening of world economic security, which remains one of our major concerns because of its implications for the maintenance of international security, will depend on such action. What we need is no longer rhetoric or to see1 to demonstrate on every occasion that our countries share common interests, because if we try to insist on it too much we often finish by
proving the contrary. The crisis is upon us, gentlemen. The developing countries are not responsible for it.
256.	There is not a single delegation that is aware of the interdependence of our problems that can fail to recognize that the security of the world is indivisible. This notion, which has progressively but irreversibly become self-evident, might in certain cases not satisfy all the requirements that have been engendered by national or international constraints.
257.	However, it cannot be denied that almost everyone now agrees-albeit in a provisional manner—that it is necessary to preserve a dynamic equilibrium between security, development and disarmament; and this was recently borne out at the tenth special session of the General Assembly.
258.	We will not rehearse the various aspects of disarmament which we analysed during that session. Some items do, however, deserve to be stressed, in the light of the Declaration and the Programme of Action, and particularly in view of the political and moral approach which was favoured by a majority among us in order to face up to the challenge of the arms race
259.	Indeed, while We have not been entirely satisfied as far as concerns the commitment of the military Powers effectively to bring about general, complete and immediate disarmament under international control, we should welcome the fact that finally the concept of world security has prevailed over the needs of national security and so-called policies of deterrence and superiority.
260.	It seems, therefore, that we have, in different degrees, agreed to work for the advent of a world civilization that will be free from the constraints of war, of weapons and of the arms race. However idealistic it may be this vision can and must be part of the disarmament strategy that we have drawn up. The positive aspect of certain principles which have been advocated for the implementation of this strategy is rather encouraging.
261.	In particular, we should refer to the central role to be played by the United Nations; the balance of responsibilities between the nuclear and non-nuclear States; the integration of partial or parallel measures in negotiations on a disarmament treaty; the fact that qualitative factors have to be borne in mind; the search for a universal acceptance of bilateral and multilateral agreements; and, in particular, the recognition of the close relationship between disarmament, the relaxation of tension, respect for self-determination and independence, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the strengthening of international peace and security.
262.	Whatever may be the virtues of this strategy, the most urgent task remains the elimination of the threat of a nuclear war. Collateral steps have been taken or planned, whether we refer to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] the draft World Treaty on the Non-Use of Force in International Relations, the tripartite draft of a complete
prohibition of nuclear weapons or the creation of denuclearized zones.
263.	In this connexion, the Declaration that emerged from the tenth special session of the General Assembly recognized the legitimacy of the concerns expressed by non-nuclear States about their own security. It is therefore quite logical that the provisions of the Treaty on non-proliferation are no longer regarded as adequate, and that we should seek for more appropriate legal guarantees. It is in this context that we support the Soviet initiative on the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States [see A/33/241].
264.	The progress that we make in carrying out the measures advocated, in the disarmament strategy will undoubtedly help to strengthen detente and to improve the atmosphere of trust that is so essential for conducting international relations.
265.	We find it difficult to agree that detente should be confined to one single area or should remain the monopoly of certain Powers. Detente, in order to be acceptable and to produce its full effect, should be an irreversible and generalized process, and should thus induce all States, without exception, to make a contribution to safeguarding and maintaining international peace and security.
266.	Detente can no longer be regarded as an end in itself, because we must recall that our world is, in essence, a world of confrontation, and that to try to make this disappear immediately would probably smack either of Utopianism or of an unavowed desire to impose on others our own individual attitudes and policies.
267.	It is distressing, however, to note that detente has been used as a pretext in order to foster confrontation, in order to justify intervention and interference, which has meant that there has been a real reversal of values which can only be prejudicial to genuine co-operation among States.
268.	The severity with which we have come out against this regrettable, tendency in international relations is a result of the fact that quite recently certain parts of the world, including Africa, have been selected in order to test a policy that smacks of. something we have always denounced—that is, of domination, exploitation and the search for spheres of influence and interest-a policy that is designed to make us forget that the struggle that has been waged for the total liberation of Africa and for the preservation of processes freely accepted by our people should be pursued by all means in our power and should brook no concessions.
269.	When we speak of collusion between neo-colonialism and imperialism, some may be offended; but we would not have reached that conclusion had the principles of noninterference and mutual respect been strictly applied.
270.	How often have we issued a warning against the unfortunate effects of certain principles that have been put forward in the search for solutions of those problems that are of direct concern to Africa? Whether it be in Namibia,
' in Rhodesia, in the Sahara, or in South Africa, apparently sometimes certain realities are deliberately overlooked; there is a tendency to remain unaware that the legal and political framework laid down in the United Nations essentially meets the aspirations of the peoples concerned.
27L. But since the principles of the United Nations are not always easily or universally accepted, an attempt, is being made to think up all sorts of half-measures in order to appease the swelling indignation of the Africans and to maintain the direct or indirect hold of imperialism over our future.
272.	After the arrogant reactions of Pretoria and Salisbury, it is easy to disclaim responsibility for the failures in Namibia and in Rhodesia over the racist minority regimes, as if we were hot already aware of the limits of their good faith. Rather than asking the Security Council to draw the necessary conclusions by applying Chapter VII of the Charter in its entirety, once again we will have to ask the liberation movements to make concessions.
273.	A sense of-moderation makes it imperative, I think, that all these so-called internal agreements should be irrevocably condemned, and since we are here in the United Nations it must be seen that only the resolutions of our Organization are valid and that a return to the principles set forth in Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which are very far removed from the principles put forth by the five Western members of the Council, is the only way to have the rights of the Namibian people respected.
274.	Why must we let the situation in Rhodesia deteriorate even further in the search for a so-called multiracial and democratic society, whereas the Europeans in Rhodesia no longer believe this and are leaving in order to pitch their tents elsewhere?
275.	We could ask so many questions, which, unfortunately, would receive evasive replies because the West is imprisoned in its own machinery, in which South Africa is a major cog. It is a fact that the territorial integrity of Namibia has been sacrificed to strategic considerations. There will continue to be a modest turning away from the iniquity represented by the policy of territorial separation, and there will be a continuation of ritual pronouncements about the immorality about the practice of apartheid at a time when this problem remains an eminently political one, quite apart from any humanitarian and economic considerations, and to the extent that it has to be regarded in terms of liberation and social progress, which is something to which the peoples of South Africa are quite naturally entitled.
276.	Members will therefore understand our indignation in the face of the numerous manoeuvres which have been designed to save the illegal and racist minority regimes.
277.	We are tempted to believe that the same policy of force in the case of the Sahara, Cyprus and Korea has not laid down its arms but is striving to maintain confusion in order to make prevail interests which unfortunately are contrary to those of the peoples directly concerned.
278.	Our position on the Sahara has always been unambiguous. We were the first to recognize the Saharan Arab
Democratic Republic. We have always denounced in all forums the collusion between the Spanish, former colonial Power and ..the Moroccan-Mauritanian annexationists, and the sham juridical arguments which have been put forward have in no way convinced us.
279.	It is claimed that there is now a new situation, conducive to a reasonable approach to the problem. We are aware of what interests certain international circles intend to preserve, and to speak of reason when the fate of a people is at stake seems to be most improper. That is why, whatever initiatives are taken in the OAU, we are of the opinion that the United Nations, which has particular responsibilities to the Saharan people, has a duty to take up this problem, which remains above all one of decolonization.
280.	In Cyprus the lack of progress in negotiations has been imputed to the bargaining between the two communities. But is it not also true that this bargaining is further aggravated by the internal contradictions inherent in a military alliance which, since it has no idea of non-alignment, is using Cyprus as a hostage and by its veering is in no way conducive to an honest search for a lasting solution acceptable to all? It is high time for us to react to this laissez-faire and to request that alliance to put an end to its seesaw tactics and give proof of its desire to respect the sovereign choice of the Cypriot people.
281.	The Korean people is still the victim of a policy of presence and of ideological dissuasion which is both-obsolete and illusory, and also of the so-called realism exhibited by certain interested Powers more interested in the requirements of their military and industrial complexes than in making it possible for the Korean people to live in peace and regained unity. Any action along these lines has encountered dilatory manoeuvres provoked and sustained by an alienated regime. For us, the only solution which is worthy of being discussed necessarily involves the independent reunification of the country of Korea without foreign interference, and the implementation of the principles laid down in the joint communiqué of 4 July 1972.
282.	In Palestine - a martyr country if ever there , was one —in our desire for peace we find ourselves witnessing an attempt to put the people of Palestine once again under trusteeship, without regard for the years of suffering, sacrifice and struggle. It has not been enough to deny their very existence: they have had also to be stripped of their most legitimate aspirations and humiliated by having imposed on them a form of unprecedented and unusual colonialism. We cannot see any settlement of this question without the effective participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the only authentic representative of the Palestinian people. The international community has affirmed and reaffirmed the existence of the inalienable rights of these people to return to their homes and to achieve self-determination, independence, and national sovereignty. Any efforts, any agreements, which overlook these fundamental principles or try to subordinate them to other considerations can only be doomed to failure.
283.	Finally, in the Indian Ocean it is with great concern that we have witnessed the rivalry among the major Powers.
Far from becoming an area of peace, demilitarized and denuclearized, the Indian Ocean remains an amphitheatre of various manoeuvres and the struggle for influence.
284.	As regards the Comorian island of Mayotte more particularly, we reaffirm that that island belongs to the whole of the Comoros and we desire the rapid application by the interested parties of the relevant resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations. The withdrawal of all foreign bases from this nerve-centre of the world will contribute to a reduction of the tensions which are already being maintained by the conflicts taking place in southern Africa.
285.	At a time when we are celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we can see how the rights of peoples are overlooked or are even subject to flagrant violations over which, for many reasons, people are anxious to draw a modest veil. We could maintain a lengthy discourse on the distinction to be drawn between the rights of peoples and those of the individual, on the priority to be attached to a particular right and on the need for the United Nations particularly to look after their implementation. We should not shirk this discussion or question anything, since we have freely adhered to various covenants on civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. However, we must remove any misunderstanding resulting from the "morality race". May we be permitted to express doubt about the sincerity of certain reactions, particularly when they come from sectors which have fought against the granting of civil rights and which are prepared to show the greatest spirit of conciliation regarding the unreasonable demands of the racist regimes, which have denied entire peoples their right to live in peace according to their choice and their own principles, and which have even been guilty of genocide. O temporal O mores! But if so, why seek to have all societies in the same mould? Why impose on societies like ours, in which the community traditionally takes precedence over the individual, attitudes and conduct which are contrary to our view of human and social relations? Much-vaunted universalism may be a form of Pharisaism, and that is the precise danger for those who seek at all costs to guide our consciences.
286.	There is no reason to oppose the effective enjoyment of human rights, but it will be pointless as long as the rights of peoples are neither assured nor respected, as long as the social and economic rights of those peoples are not satisfied.
287.	At the beginning of my statement I tried to define the purposes of our annual meetings, in order to meet the need to organize our world and to give some pattern   our reflections and our actions on subjects which are universally accepted. We wish to remain faithful to the spirit of the Charter. Nevertheless, we must acquiesce in certain realities imposed by agreements, by regional alliances, by a regrouping of interests and also by the affirmation of differing ideologies. It is therefore inevitable that our exchanges of views should sometimes and in certain areas take on the aspect of veritable confrontations, which will not have been pointless to the extent that everyone will have been able to gain in truth and sincerity. We do not preclude the possibility of looking for areas of agreement in order to harmonize our actions. However, it must be admitted that
confrontation is not always a sterile exercise. It should enrich our debates. It can awaken in us a sense of responsibility and put the United Nations in a more realistic perspective.
288.	Because of the limitations which I referred to previously, we should not fear that the United Nations will reflect our differences. The essential point is that, in strict respect for the aims and principles of the Charter,, we should be able to discuss anything, without any exception, both honestly and openly.
289.	When we reach that stage, we shall perhaps realize that the solutions to the problems involved in disarmament, development and the rights of peoples were within our grasp, and that we have let go of peace and security because we neither wanted, nor knew how, to profit from a certain form of confrontation, concomitant, it is true, with dialogue.
290.	The Democratic Republic of Madagascar is very pleased to present here its warm welcome and its wishes for success and prosperity to Solomon Islands, which we have just welcomed as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of our Organization.
291.	I should be remiss in my duty were I not, on behalf of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, to convey to Mr. Lievano our congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of this session. We are quite certain that he will put at the service of the Organization with which he has been associated for some years now the statesman-like qualities that are one of his distinctive attributes.
292.	To his predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, we would express our gratitude for the laudable way in which he directed the work of four sessions of the General Assembly. Finally, we should like to reiterate to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our deep felt appreciation for the way in which he is discharging his mission which has become more and more delicate and more and more difficult in a world which is more and more troubled.


65.	It is with sincere and deep-felt emotion that Jordan shares the sorrow .of the world on the occasion of the death of a great man, His Holiness Pope John Paul I. We consider it to be a loss not only for the Catholic world but also for mankind in general. We avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our condolences to the world at large.
66.	With sincere and deep feeling I join the speakers who have preceded me at this podium in congratulating you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election to the esteemed presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. Your outstanding qualities of statesmanship and as a dedicated son of friendly Colombia and Latin America have deservedly been accorded universal recognition.
67.	Jordan cherishes the close ties which bind our two countries and regions together, because so many of our people are proud and dedicated citizens of Colombia and of Latin America as a whole. Likewise, we share a wide spectrum of ideals, approaches and objectives within the framework of the United Nations which lead to proximity of policies and attitudes in our common striving towards their fulfilment.
68.	I wish you, Mr. President, every success in steering this session to a satisfactory conclusion.
69.	I wish also to pay the highest tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov of friendly Yugoslavia, whose outstanding achievements as President of the four sessions of the General Assembly during 1977 and 1978 have earned him profound acknowledgement and respect.
70.	I need hardly reiterate Jordan's complete endorsement and support of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his dynamic, courageous and untiring efforts and initiatives in upholding the principles, objectives and resolutions of the United Nations in circumstances which can be described only as exacting, agonizing and oftentimes downright frustrating.
71.	Jordan is happy to extend a warm welcome to Solomon Islands on its admission to the family of nations as a sovereign, independent State. We wish it every success in contributing to the work of the United Nations.
72.	In assessing the world situation as it has unfolded over the past year, it requires a good deal of cynicism to express any meaningful optimism, or even to subdue the profound sense of unease and pessimism that pervades the world at large and sensitive areas of it in particular. This appraisal is almost as true globally as it is regionally or sub region ally. In any objective diagnosis of world issues—including the all-important issue of war and peace, wild economic turbulence, military balances and imbalances, detente as a positive element contributing to friendly and universal coexistence and not merely as a negative mechanism, hot spots, and stalled dialogues over unresolved but fundamental issues—all these and more leave no room for doubt that we are living in a troubled and divided world unable or unwilling to seek and attain real and realistic remedial action. The world is far from achieving its aspirations; to the contrary, it seems to be compounding its already perennial and inherent difficulties and to be drifting helplessly and complacently without positive and articulate direction, notwithstanding all the rhetoric and symbols to the contrary.
73.	A reading of the items included in the agenda of this thirty-third regular session is impressive indeed in the breadth, depth and pervasiveness of the issues which our world Organization is assiduously striving to tackle and resolve. These represent the Utopian's dream of a world organization of member States working towards transforming itself into a world community, with all the ramifications which such a transformation would bestow, exact and regulate in the variegated walks of life.
74.	The aim is laudable and so are the persistent efforts which Member States, large, medium and small, are exerting through the numerous conferences and the even more massive preparations which the executive branches, the specialized agencies and experts of Member States are shouldering to enhance their chances of success. But a meaningful break-through has so far eluded those efforts, and a great deal of time and endeavour is needed to attain the avowed objectives and aspirations of our world Organization. -
75.	In specific areas of paramount importance," the question of measured and gradual disarmament leading ultimately to general and complete disarmament under effective international control must be accorded pride of place, because, in the absence of progress in this field, the fate of the world will continue to be in precarious jeopardy. World-wide consciousness of this inescapable fact and the failure of the Disarmament Decade, solemnly declared in 1969 by the United Nations, prompted the convening at the highest level, of the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, from 23 May to 30 June of this year. In spite of differences in approaches, it emerged clearly that a consensus had been achieved and that consensus was embodied in a Declaration, a Programme of Action and recommendations concerning the international machinery for disarmament negotiations [resolution S-10/2, sects. II, III and IV].
76.	We must acknowledge with deep satisfaction the following areas of consensus: first, an emphatic recognition that a continuation of the arms race in the nuclear age is much more a threat to, than a protection of, the future of mankind; secondly, that there has not been any real progress that might lead to the conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament; thirdly, that security, peace and gradual disarmament are inseparably intertwined with the efforts, to accelerate the establishment of the New International Economic Order; fourthly, that appropriate machinery in which the United Nations system should play a pivotal role is imperative; and lastly, but most important, the existence of the political will of Member States, particularly the major States, to open a new chapter which, as all agree, would be to the advantage of mankind as a whole.
77.	No miracles were achieved at the special session, nor were any anticipated, but to kindle a light is far better than to curse the dark and the special session devoted to disarmament may well turn out to be that flicker of light.
78.	The imaginative and timely perception enunciated at the sixth special session [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S- VI)] of the General Assembly concerning the creation of a New International Economic Order based on a more equitable system of international relationships has still to witness the take-off stage in the vital subject of the transfer of resources in real terms, including the transfer of technology. We must express our appreciation of the serious efforts exerted by the developing countries at the Conference held in Argentina in the latter part of August and through mid-September.3 Those commendable efforts on the part of the developing countries were deployed in co-operation with UNDP in scientific and technological sharing and dissemination of the benefits of technology.
79.	However, as a member of the Group of 77 representing the developing world, Jordan shares the serious disenchantment at the very slow pace which has characterized the dialogue in the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 to bring about significant structural changes between the relatively small group of the rich and affluent and the two thirds of mankind who are poverty stricken, downtrodden and deprived. It had been hoped that the Committee, supplanting the small forum outside the United Nations system at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, would reflect the urgency, commonly agreed upon, of bringing about fundamental structural changes in the global economic system which would be consonant with the cherished new economic order. Unhappily, that has not proved to be the case, in spite of all the strenuous efforts made during the year.
80.	It would be redundant to repeat that a healthy global economy must have global dimensions in which the deprived two thirds of mankind can be transformed into dynamic producers and consumers of goods and services. It is only the short-sighted and the downright selfish who fail to see the benefits that would inevitably accrue to the developed as much as the developing countries in the wake of a real structural transformation of the world economic system.
81.	It is the earnest hope of my delegation that at this current session we shall resolve the stalemate which seems to have immobilized the dialogue of the Committee and enable it to fulfil its assigned task.
82.	The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, an equally formidable challenge, is still bogged down on many vital issues, as reflected at both the New York and the Geneva sessions. Its eventual success will require patience and persistence. In the meantime, and pending agreement, it is mankind's earnest hope that Member States will refrain from stampedes and scrambles. The sea should be a unifying factor, and not a divisive factor of discord. It has always been an artery for co-operation among nations. Let us not turn it into a new arena of struggle.
83.	Last year at the thirty-second session my delegation expressed the fervent hope that at this session we would all welcome into our midst a sovereign, independent Namibia and a sovereign, independent Zimbabwe. The hopes and expectations of this body have been thwarted by the racist regime of South Africa which, in addition to its abominable policy of apartheid, continues unlawfully to occupy South West Africa, and by the equally obdurate and reprehensible usurpation of the racist minority Smith regime in Southern Rhodesia.
84.	While the considerable efforts made by the five Western members of the Security Council, which culminated in an accord in Luanda on 12 July 1978 between the South West Africa People's Organization and the five Western countries,  are appreciated, it is clear that racist South Africa is trying to subvert and circumvent that accord. It is universally agreed that at this eleventh hour failure can result only in plunging the peace-loving peoples of Africa into indescribable destruction and untold suffering.
85.	Jordan unreservedly endorses the resolutions on Namibia adopted at Khartoum by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, at its fifteenth ordinary session from 18 to 22 July, as well as the resolutions of the Council of Ministers of the OAU at their thirty-first ordinary session from 7 to 18 July.
86.	As for friendly Cyprus, it is the earnest hope of Jordan that the two Cypriot communities and the citizens of Cyprus will speedily work out a modus vivendi which would be acceptable to both parties within a framework of the territorial integrity and independence of the island and a mutual recognition of the basic rights of the two communities.
87.	Lebanon, over the past three years, has suffered an absolutely catastrophic tragedy. Lebanon has one, and only one, legitimate Government under the presidency of Mr. Elias Sarkis.
88.	All the efforts which the President of Lebanon has been exerting, with the support of the overwhelming majority of Lebanon's peace-loving citizens, are being thwarted by a multiplicity of covert Israeli acts of interventions, which have nullified efforts to heal the deep wounds that have been inflicted on Lebanon and its people.
89.	In spite of the Security Council's categorical and unambiguous resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978), which have been reaffirmed recently by the Security Council, Israel persists, in the presence of UNIFIL, to frustrate the efforts of the legitimate Lebanese authority through its armed forces to restore its sovereignty over the whole of Lebanon's national soil; these efforts, if successful, would have paved the way for Lebanon's return to what we have always known it to be: a land of love, fraternity and prosperity.
90.	At the same time, we feel in duty bound to appeal solemnly to all Lebanese leaders and citizens to rally behind their lawful Government and to give it their full endorsement to enable it to carry out its historic responsibility to settle the manifold internal conflicts and restore security, stability and prosperity lo Lebanon. We are unanimous in requesting that an end be brought to Lebanon's tragedy, which has persisted for so long that it has become impossible to keep silent about its prolongation.
91.	Jordan's position concerning the question of Palestine and the situation in the Middle East is inspired by principles and basic rights which cannot be compromised. Since 1967 Jordan has been striving to achieve a comprehensive settlement and the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region. Jordan participated in 1967, in the most- trying conditions, in the adoption of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and has worked incessantly for its implementation in the international arena as well as within the Arab area. It had done so prompted by the urge to spare the region the calamities of continuing wars and to enable our people to live in peace within the framework of a peaceful settlement based upon reciprocal obligations. In accordance with those obligations, Israel would withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories and the people of Palestine would exercise their right to self-determination, in total freedom, in exchange for the termination of hostilities, the establishment of peace and the establishment of mutual security guarantees, with the support of the international community, which has repeatedly called for such guarantees. But Israel, as revealed through its practices over the past 11 years or more of occupation and the repeated declarations of its leaders, has rejected the principle of withdrawal and the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. On the contrary, it has actively pursued a policy of "planting" colonies in the occupied lands and has striven assiduously to erase the Arab Identity of the occupied Arab lands, particularly in holy Jerusalem, the heart of the Palestinian cause, the focal point of all the faithful and the symbol of Arab rights and faith in peace, goodness and fraternity.
92.	The practices of consecutive Israeli Governments have changed the connotations and meaning of the term "occupation" as laid down unambiguously in international law, because Israeli occupation, compared with military occupation by others, is far more devastating and ominous, in that it has been accompanied by a deliberate, calculated and continuing policy of colonizing the remnants of what remained of Palestine in the aftermath of 1948.
93.	The Government of Jordan has repeatedly declared its support for a just peace and a comprehensive settlement based on clear objectives and substantive issues. It should include categorical indications that Israel has genuinely altered its real policy concerning withdrawal, the cause of the Palestinian people and the prerequisites for a just peace. We seek an honourable peace with which we can live and with which future generations can live too.
94.	We support any reasonable formula for common Arab and international action, which is acceptable to all the parties concerned during the coming decisive phases, including the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. We say this to the world community, at whose behest the Security Council adopted resolution 242 (1967) and gave it its correct interpretation. It is the interpretation which stems from the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by means of occupation by force. It is incumbent upon this international community to impose its will, halt aggression, prevent any breach of international law and precepts and, furthermore, implement the resolutions of the United Nations.
95.	Jordan reiterated anew after the publication of the results of the Camp David talks that it stands for a just peace and supports all efforts designed to achieve a comprehensive settlement.
96.	Jordan has also expressed to the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, its deep appreciation of his courage and his persistent efforts and perseverance in the cause of peace. The Government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has studied most carefully and with an open mind the agreements  which emerged from the Camp David meetings, to which it was not a party and to the results of which it is not committed. It wishes to reiterate anew the principles which will determine Jordan's position in assessing the results of the Camp David meetings in their totality and in taking whatever steps and positions flow there from. Those principles are the following.
97.	First, Jordan believes in a comprehensive settlement which tackles the manifold dimensions of the Palestinian cause and the Arab-Israeli conflict to which it has given rise. It should also ensure the restoration of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people over Palestinian soil, as well as Arab rights in a comprehensive form, on all fronts and with the participation of all the parties concerned.
98.	Secondly, any forthcoming final settlement must be based upon complete Israeli withdrawal from all the Arab countries occupied in 1967, including the West Bank, Gaza and Golan, and the restoration of Arab sovereignty over Arab Jerusalem. It must also include the right of the Palestinian people to determine their fate in total freedom, and the attainment of security and peace by all the parties.
99.	The Jordanian leadership was recently visited by Mr. Cyrus Vance, the Secretary of State of the United States of America. There were frank and useful exchanges of view in the course of which the American Secretary of State explained the agreements which had emerged from the Camp David meetings and the United States interpretation of them. The Jordanian side, in turn, sought clarifications on a number of basic issues relating to total withdrawal from occupied Arab lands, the future of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the restoration of Arab sovereignty over Arab Jerusalem, the principle of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, the cause of the Palestine refugees, the presence of Israeli colonies in the occupied Arab lands and other issues connected with a peaceful settlement.
100.	Jordan will not close any doors which might lead to the termination of occupation, but will continue to knock on - all doors in order to deliver our people from their bondage. We wish to reiterate that we shall not sacrifice our principles and our national rights. And, while Jordan regards the people of Palestine as the principal party in the issue, it will not shirk or evade its national and international responsibilities in the cause of peace.
101.	Jordan stands for a just peace and will continue its dialogue with the Government of the United States with a view to finding a modus vivendi for co-operation in the peace efforts, which ensure the achievement of a comprehensive and just settlement in accordance with the principles which we have outlined. Jordan will also conduct parallel, extensive and comprehensive talks within the Arab and the international arenas, in pursuit of these avowed objectives.
102.	As we witness the region of the Middle East entering a new and most delicate phase in the process of peacemaking, we cherish solid hopes and strong faith that Jordan's clear-cut basic position will meet with a positive response from the international community and that this will bring to an end the prolonged agony of the Palestinian people, ensure security and stability for the peoples of the Middle East and contribute to peace in the world as a whole.


46.	Barbados conveys to you, Sir, sincere congratulations on your election as President of this thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your distinguished record of achievement eminently qualifies you to guide the deliberations of this body and my delegation pledges its full support to you as you discharge the responsibilities of your high office.
47.	Fully subscribing to the principle of universality of membership in the United Nations, Barbados warmly welcomes the admission of the Solomon Islands to membership iii this Organization. The independence of this new State is but another manifestation of the inexorable process of self-determination and decolonization, which represents the most outstanding achievement of the post-war era and of the United Nations.
48.	But there is still much left to be done to rid the world of colonialism in accordance with the landmark resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960. The situation in southern Africa continues to be a deadly threat to world peace. There, particularly in South Africa, minority governments without the support of millions of Africans continue to maim and murder and commit acts of repression against their citizens, both black and white. Time and time again that conduct has met with the verbal disapproval and condemnation of all reasonable people in our community of nations, as shown by the various resolutions of the United Nations. Yet, year after year, the United Nations is thwarted in its attempts to rid the world for all time of these senseless acts of criminality and this deliberate defiance of the conscience of the world.
49.	If the world is to be rid once and for all of the evil doctrine and practice of apartheid, then we must change from being a forum for talk and inaction to being an Organization fully intent on enforcing all the provisions of the Charter. As part of our programme we must be prepared to impose full economic and military sanctions against South Africa and the illegal regime in Rhodesia. Over three decades ago, Barbados was first among the nations of the world to show in a practical way its abhorrence of the doctrine of apartheid by invoking total economic sanctions against South Africa. We continue to enforce such sanctions and we urge all Members of this Organization to follow our example.
50.	Nothing that has happened within the past year convince j us that the racist Government in South Africa will willingly desist from its uncivilized course of action. We must reflect that it is only the continued pressure exerted by international opinion and by the five Western members of the Security Council and the courageous efforts of the liberation fighters under the leadership of SWAPO that have forced the South African Government reluctantly and half-heartedly to concede the right of the United Nations to participate in bringing Namibia to independence.
51.	The Government of Barbados is in complete agreement with the establishment of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and the appointment of a United Nations Special Representative to ensure that free and fair elections on the principle of adult suffrage should take place as a preliminary to Namibian independence. The Security Council should not hesitate to use the full strength of the enforcement provisions of the Charter to ensure that South Africa fully complies with the decisions agreed upon by the Council for the early independence of Namibia. Barbados repeats its call, uttered a year ago, for the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa.
52.	The Western Powers especially have a duty to the international community not to resile from principle in their approach to this matter. Too often the impression is given by those countries that morality in world affairs takes second place to their own economic interests and advantages. Barbados is fully aware of the importance of South Africa as a major source of supply of mineral resources for some of the Western industrialized nations. Their reliance on that country, based as it is on purely economic considerations and naked self-interest, should not provide a pretext for an abandonment of principle and for delaying the true independence of Namibia and the final liberation of the black people of South Africa.
53.	In the case of Zimbabwe, too, Barbados feels equally strongly that pressure must be brought to bear on the illegal Smith regime so that early independence can be achieved. The Anglo-American plan  still offers a real hope for the achievement of genuine majority rule. Here, too, the Western Powers have a duty to ensure that a satisfactory solution is achieved. For our part we will continue, wherever possible, to give support to the front-line African States and the Patriotic Front in their heroic struggle for the eradication of colonialism from Zimbabwe and the establishment of genuine democratic government and fundamental freedoms there.
54.	Those of us who do not resile from principle in the conduct of foreign relations must be deeply disturbed by the implications of yesterday's announcement that the Government of the United States has decided to issue a visa to the Rhodesian rebel Ian Smith to enter the United States. It is to be hoped that that is not the first step towards compromising the rights of the people of Zimbabwe. That decision constitutes, in our view, a grave departure from Security Council resolution 253(1968) and is another instance of the contradictory behaviour of great Powers which are critically placed to bring an early end, if they so choose, to acts of illegality and treason in Rhodesia.
55.	Barbados continues its principled support for the struggling Maubere people of East Timor. We deplore the decimation of large segments of the population of East Timor by Indonesia. As a small State, Barbados feels a special abhorrence at the way in which a more powerful country is trampling upon the rights of the people of a small and weaker one. We are appalled that so many people, so many nations, have chosen to be silent regarding the plight of the people of East Timor on grounds of political expediency. We are confident that the people of East Timor by their courage and pertinacity will emerge victorious from their grim struggle for independence. Barbados calls on Indonesia to adhere to General Assembly resolutions 3485 (XXX) of 1975 and 32/34 of 28 November 1977 and Security Council resolutions 384 (1975) and 389 (1976) and to terminate the invasion of East Timor at once.
56.	In other areas of the world, manifestations of colonialism still continue. In the Caribbean, for instance, we witness the wilful obstruction of the independence of Belize by Guatemala. The Government of Guatemala persists in its intransigent postulation of a spurious claim to the Territory of Belize, in defiance of world opinion and United Nations resolutions. The Government of Barbados cannot concede that Guatemala has a right to so much as a square inch of the Territory of Belize. There is grave danger that the yielding to Guatemala of any part of the Territory of Belize, no matter how small, would trigger a plethora of other territorial claims in Latin America resulting in instability and threats to the peace and security of Latin America and the Caribbean.
57.	While some colonial Powers have at last accepted the historical imperative to push forward with plans to lead Territories under their administration. to independence, there are others which hesitate to recognize the right of self-determination. Some also persist in acts of recolonization, while others maintain the illusory position that overseas Territories are part of their metropolitan centres. Those attitudes are prevalent in the Caribbean. They pose the danger that that area, which was first on the path to decolonization with the attainment of independence by the Republic of Haiti, may well be the last bastion in the world to be rid of colonialism.
58.	This Assembly should not be lulled into believing that the seeming semblance of somnolent tranquillity in the sunny Caribbean is a sign that the area is truly free and rid of the inevitable tensions arising from colonialism. Those of us who live in the Caribbean must renew our call to the colonial Powers and the neo-colonialists as well to hasten
the process of decolonization in the area and to desist from attempting to re-establish or perpetuate areas of influence which undermine genuine democratic freedom for Caribbean peoples.
59.	Very often when countries achieve formal independence they inherit institutional structures bequeathed by the departing colonial Power—structures which the ex- colonial Power continues to use to manipulate the decision-making of its erstwhile colony. These imperialist and neo-colonialist structures often stunt the economic development of third-world countries. Proposals for a transformation of these structures have been made and discussed at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the United Nations, at UNCTAD and at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, and, recently, in the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, otherwise known as the Committee of the Whole.
60.	Barbados deplores the lack of progress in those bodies and attributes this to a dominance of obsolete mercantilist thought. We cannot accept that relations among nations should continue to be conducted on the basis of a "zero-sum" principle, which assumes that the extent of a country's increase in the enjoyment of goods and services is equal to the loss of goods and services enjoyed by other countries. These assumptions, while dismissed by modern economic thought, still continue to motivate the behaviour of negotiators from the developed countries.
61.	Developed countries, in the negotiations for a new international economic order, are still preoccupied with looking at quantifiable variables. Consequently they conclude that, since the relationship between the developed and the developing countries is asymmetrical, with a preponderance of economic power weighted in favour of , the developed countries, then it is possible to continue ad infinitum an international system of dependency without full and fair participation by the developing countries of the third world.
62.	This myopic view amounts to a serious miscalculation on the part of the developed countries. Harvey Leibenstein in his book Beyond Economic Man  has reminded us of Tolstoy's -critique in War and Peace of those military experts who predicted the outcome of battles by looking at the quantifiable elements of the strength of the opposing systems only. Historically, however, it has been proved that in such situations fighting spirit and morale often prove to be the more decisive factors.
63.	By the same token, developing countries, fired by the desire for better living standards, will ensure by their efforts that there is a transformation of the world economic order; but it will be a transformation whereby the terms of trade are more equitable, whereby technological development becomes the common property of all mankind and whereby those countries now overburdened by debt—the result of a system which places producers of manufactures in a superior position to the producers of primary products and raw materials—will be relieved of their anxieties. We third-world countries must ourselves," however, recognize
that we cannot wait for some deus ex machina to yield the result which is so anxiously sought by all of us in the developing world. We must renew our commitment to examine the problems thoroughly and to work patiently and systematically towards achieving at the earliest possible moment our goal of a new international economic order. Self-reliance and third-world solidarity and economic cooperation are important planks on which to build the strategy and foundation for such an order. Any division in the ranks of the developing countries will only be used by the industrialized nations for maintaining the wide and dangerous "economic divide" between North and South and between the industrialized and the non-industrialized.
64.	The Government of Barbados acknowledges the inestimable benefits which the presence of the United Nations in a troubled world has brought to all the peoples of the world. Its role in preventing another international conflagration within the past three decades is well known and recognized by all. Its specialized agencies have rendered yeoman service which has not attracted the same attention and publicity as certain political issues which the United Nations has been seized. The Government of Barbados believes that, despite these achievements, there is still room for improvement and that the specialized agencies of the United Nations could have been more effective in solving certain problems permanently had different approaches to the allocation of technical assistance been employed.
65.	As is well known, the quantum of assistance which a country receives is largely determined by its gross national product per capita. This results in a totally artificial and unrealistic evaluation of a country's wealth, with the absurd classification of certain countries with vast natural resources as poor and others with limited resources as wealthy. The application of this criterion to countries such as Barbados militates against the achievement of relative self-sufficiency, since, on the attainment of a certain level of development, vital assistance is withdrawn or inadequately distributed.
66.	Barbados recognizes that the financial resources at the disposal of the United Nations agencies are not boundless, but my Government contends that they may be more efficaciously and rationally used if criteria such as the size of the country, its potential for development and the finite nature of the problems confronting small island developing countries are properly taken into account in determining the quantum of assistance a country receives. Let us concentrate on curing, and not merely on alleviating, problems.
67.	Like other small island countries which have spoken before us, such as Iceland, Barbados places the greatest emphasis on the importance of the sea to the future of its economic well-being. The sea constitutes one of our most vital resources. That is why the Government of Barbados, despite a heavy financial burden and limited human resources, has faithfully participated in all sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. It is therefore cause for regret that progress at that Conference has been slow. Too many issues still remain undecided.
68.	The position of Barbados is and always has been that the resources of the sea beyond national jurisdiction represent the common heritage of all mankind and that the exploitation of the sea-bed must not be conducted in a chaotic fashion, with multinational corporations engaged in a predatory scramble for the lion's share of the wealth of the sea. The development of sea-bed minerals must be regulated by a regime of law that reflects the just interests of all the peoples of the world. The resources of the sea-bed must be placed under an international authority so that the benefits may be shared by all, for the equitable distribution of the wealth of the sea-bed is another important element in the establishment of a new international economic order.
69.	Barbados accordingly supports the view of the Group of 77 expressed during the resumed seventh session of the Conference on the Law of the Sea,  which pointed to the dangers of uncoordinated action by individual countries. Barbados therefore categorically rejects plans now being hatched in the legislatures of certain developed and industrialized countries to take unilateral action in exploiting the resources of the sea-bed. We reiterate our conviction that the current deadlock between parties to the negotiations on the law of the sea must be ended to the satisfaction of the peoples of the world if we are to move one step further towards the achievement of an environment of peace and security.
70.	The appropriate specialized agencies of the United Nations also have a duty to assist small disadvantaged States to prepare adequate plans and take appropriate steps for policing and safeguarding the limited resources within their national jurisdictions. Many States in the developing world have passed legislation for the regulation of fishing and the exploitation of other resources within their territorial waters and exclusive economic zones and yet are unable to enforce such laws because of the absence of machinery to monitor adequately the areas of national jurisdiction.
71.	Within the Caribbean, we have had to stand idly by while rich nations, such as Japan, exploit our scarce sea resources without making any contribution to the economic well-being of the region and without any regard to the ecological and environmental damage to the area. We urge all Caribbean countries to take cognisance of the urgency of devising adequate combined protective measures to ensure the proper exploitation of the region's resources for the benefit of the region's peoples. We call on the world community to assist us in these endeavours.
72.	Barbados welcomed the convening of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was the largest and most representative meeting ever convened to consider the problem of disarmament. That session demonstrated the recognition that the arms race is a problem for all mankind and that its solution requires the widest range of inputs from every region in the world. This principle must be applied with vigilance, for all too often there will be the temptation to treat the problems of armaments as a private matter between nuclear States. The Final Document emanating from the tenth special session took cognisance of the role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament, although it represented a potpourri of suggestions reflecting divergences of opinion among the countries participating in the tenth special session.
73.	Despite the high-sounding words uttered at the special session, some nations are still proceeding with a build-up of arms. This gives cause for grave concern. The policy of Barbados is and always has been that disarmament should be general and complete, so as to create a situation where resources now wasted on non-productive military activity can be used for purposes of development.
74.	Barbados believes that the establishment of the Disarmament Commission as a deliberative body and subsidiary organ of the General Assembly is a significant advance towards the achievement of the goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control. A blueprint for general and complete disarmament must be implemented without delay. This requires a supreme act of statesmanship on the part of the countries of the world. We must work through the United Nations to rid the world of the kind of insecurity that propels nations into the arms race under the misapprehension that the more arms they acquire the greater the security they will enjoy.
75.	Many developing countries have unfortunately been caught in the vortex of a race for the acquisition of armaments, albeit conventional. A major cause of the arms race in the developing world is the attempt by superior Powers to treat developing countries as spheres of influence. It behoves us all in the United Nations to strive to eliminate outdated geo-political concepts, such as the theory of the spheres of influence, by ensuring that the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of countries is respected.
76.	In this connexion, small States, such as Barbados, must view with alarm the proliferation of mercenaries recruited from abroad, sometimes with the connivance of a foreign Government, to disrupt and dislocate governmental functions in other countries. Barbados deplores the use of mercenaries in certain parts of Africa and in Nicaragua not only as unwarranted interference in the affairs of those countries but as an attempt by undemocratic and unwanted regimes to silence the voices fighting for human rights and true liberation.
77.	We in the developing world should ourselves be aware that the sale of conventional arms is another means by which the transfer of resources is effected from the undeveloped to the industrialized and developed world. It is the self-interest of the latter group of nations that continues to lead to the misuse of scarce resources and to a still greater widening of the gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots". Developing countries should not mistakenly continue to believe that their true interests are served by ready access to military assistance. For these reasons, we support the initiative of the Government of Mexico in undertaking a study of the. build-iv of conventional arms in an effort to arrive at a convention for their limitation.
78.	Barbados believes that nations cannot fulfil the aspirations of their people in an atmosphere of violence, and that is why the Government of Barbados has resolutely supported action to eliminate international terrorism of all kinds. Barbados therefore subscribes to the Montreal, Hague and Tokyo Conventions, which were designed to create an orderly international environment. However, Barbados feels that the international environment can be secure only if the rule that there is "no safe haven" is applied to international criminals. We recognize that small countries, while subscribing to the principle of aut dedere aut judicare, might not have the capacity to implement this principle effectively. In such cases bigger countries must be prepared to assume responsibility for bringing international criminals to justice, thus assisting the smaller countries, which do not have the capacity to do this, to comply with international law without sustaining reprisals from criminal groups with greater resources than the small States themselves.
79.	There are other areas of the world where the attainment of peace and security is still an intractable problem. I now make mention of two in particular.
80.	In the Middle East, disorder remains of the kind that can easily spread to the rest of the world. The Government of Barbados believes that negotiations should take place between all the parties involved to bring a just, comprehensive and lasting peace to the region. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) constitute the basis of any such solution.
81.	Barbados applauds the efforts made at Camp David by Egypt and Israel, because we are convinced that any dialogue helps to increase the possibility of understanding between the protagonists in the Middle East. However, the Camp David talks in themselves cannot bring in the region the peace that is hoped for, for just as it is unrealistic to talk of a solution that does not include the recognition of the right of Israel to exist within secure boundaries, so it is equally idealistic to contemplate a solution that does not recognize the rights and aspirations of the millions of Palestinians at present forced to live in other countries, on the West Bank and in Israel, without a real homeland of their own. Barbados believes that the Palestinians and their just claims cannot be wished out of existence, and that their right to determine their destiny is inalienable and must be respected.
82.	I am sure that everyone in this Assembly who listened this morning to the eloquent and moving speech by Mr. Kyprianou, the distinguished President of the Republic of Cyprus [22nd meeting], must have been moved by the sincerity of his remarks about his country's problems. His challenge to the world community to assist in re-establishing a demilitarized Cyprus, with its independent sovereignty intact, is one that this Assembly should accept. Barbados regrets that that country remains occupied by foreign troops, with its two great communities still locked in antagonistic - postures. Barbados supports the United Nations resolutions on Cyprus and hopes that negotiations between the two communities will lead to the development of an understanding that will result in the early withdrawal of foreign troops from Cypriot territory, for only in this way will tension be eased and peace and security in this area secured.
83.	The Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization [A/33jl] stresses the importance of a highly efficient impartial international civil service, when; men and women of ability from every region perform their duties with impartiality and integrity. Barbados subscribes to this ideal, but we should be completely disingenuous if we did not assert clearly and unequivocally that we are a long way from attaining the ideal wished for by all countries. My delegation also wishes to point out that the weaknesses evidenced in the structure of the Secretariat are not limited to the external political pressures adverted to in the report. To be sure, Barbados deplores the unseemly pressure exerted by certain States and the sometimes veiled intimidatory tactics that are employed.
84.	But within the bureaucracy itself the lofty principles adumbrated .in the Secretary-General's report often seem not to be applied. There are far too many Secretariat employees who tiptoe in fear around the corridors of the United Nations whispering that they are victims of racism -and sexism but are afraid to seek redress because they are terrified of any reprisals that such action may incur.
85.	The Secretary-General's report refers to difficulties in recruiting women at senior levels in the Secretariat and explains that the problem stems from finding "suitable and available women candidates" [see A/33/1, sect. XI]. Barbados is flabbergasted at this claim, inasmuch as my Government has submitted the names of well-qualified Barbadian women to the United Nations Office of Personnel Services during the past year and up to now there has been no positive action taken by the Secretariat to recruit these women. Barbadian and Caribbean women have successfully completed their studies at some of the most reputable universities in the world, work in all of the professions in our countries and have demonstrated the capacity to shoulder responsibilities as well as any man. I make bold to say that there is no work in the Secretariat for which vacancies exist that women in the Caribbean cannot undertake.
86.	My Government believes that the time has come for the United Nations to work our precise guidelines to be used in the recruitment of women and other persons from developing countries in order to ensure the elimination of the cultural bias which has historically minimized the chances of candidates from the developing world. The Government of Barbados stands by the principles in General Assembly resolution 32/17 B of 1977, which Barbados took the initiative of sponsoring at the thirty- second session of the General Assembly, as the most effective way of ensuring that regional imbalances in the Secretariat are corrected and the principle of equitable geographical distribution fully implemented.
87.	With these qualifications, my Government thanks the Secretary-General for the excellent report he has produced. The world is grateful for the characteristically outstanding services he has rendered throughout the past year.
88.	Let me, in conclusion, restate some of the principles which my country applies in the conduct of foreign affairs. Small as we are, we are irrevocably committed to morality in international affairs. We reject duplicity, double-talk and subterfuge as constituting a primitive approach to diplomacy. The practice of primitive diplomacy is one of the major obstacles to the solution of the world's problems.
89.	We call on this body to make a new start at this thirty-third session of the General Assembly and to rededicate and recommit itself to fairness, equity, rationality and truth in world affairs. This is our inescapable obligation to the millions of diverse peoples whose hopes depend on decisions made here in this United Nations. History will never absolve us for failing them.