153.	It gives me great pleasure to congratulate the Foreign Minister of Colombia on his election as President of the General Assembly. He is the representative of a country with which Austria feels linked by manifold close relations of friendship and co-operation. The experience of many years in foreign affairs is the best guarantee of successful work in the coming months.
154.	At the same time I should once more like to convey to his predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, our thanks and high appreciation. His tact, political understanding and tireless personal efforts in conducting the work of the thirty-second General Assembly and the three special sessions left their mark on the activities of our Organization.
155.	The first resolution of this session of the General Assembly concerned the admission of Solomon Islands as . the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. We most cordially welcome the representatives of our new Member State. Their presence is fresh proof of our Organization's claim to universality. I should like to add my sincere hope that next year we shall be able to welcome additional new members including, in particular, an independent Namibia and an independent Zimbabwe.
156.	Humanity has not yet learned how to resolve its problems and conflicts and how to avoid clashes of interest. The longing for peace and security is deeply rooted in man's nature. This Organization was created as an instrument to achieve that goal.
157.	However, despite the existence of the United Nations, force is still used as a means to resolve conflicts. History demonstrates that conflicts are and will be part of human life. What we need therefore are effective measures to resolve these conflicts peacefully. The traditional methods of international law for peaceful settlement of disputes, such as arbitration, have very often proved ineffective. New possibilities should be sought.
158.	Everyday experience and the evolution of science show that people and social systems can change, and indeed do change. However, such changes take much more time than the Utopians and impatient social critics would want us to believe. To suppose that man is infinitely malleable and ductile is just as untrue as to believe that his behaviour is predestined by nature and that he is incapable of adapting to new insights.
159.	For generations torture was accepted, even as a legitimate means of criminal procedure. Only in the last century has it been legally abolished. We should take this example as proof that the pessimistic outlook about the development of our civilization and culture that is so popular nowadays is not justified, but is merely a confession of lack of courage and imagination.
160.	The recourse to force, nowadays technically sophisticated; is a declaration of bankruptcy of man's ingenuity. With courage and determination man should be able to find and utilize alternatives to the use of force in settling unavoidable conflicts. I believe in man's creative potential. It is one of the priority tasks of this Organization to mobilize this potential.
161.	It is the duty of the United Nations to replace the recourse to the use of force-a crude method of solving conflicts by a different and more refined system for coping with international problems.
162.	In responding to this challenge, the United Nations has established a system for peace-keeping operations. These measures have proved to be effective under specific circumstances. We believe that there is much scope for their further development and for the widening of their field of application. We have therefore listened with great interest to the proposals for strengthening the United Nations machinery for peace-keeping operations which have been put forward from this rostrum by the Foreign Minister of Norway.
163.	Further efforts within the United Nations system to Advise, in addition to peace-keeping operations, alternative and complementary methods for the peaceful settlement of disputes are, however necessary. In this regard the proposal for the establishment of a university of peace submitted to the Assembly yesterday by the President of Costa Rica filth meeting, paras. 106-119] deserves our special interest.
164.	In a world which still regards force as a resort for settling conflicts in a. world which is armed to an unprecedented degree, no effort should be spared to avoid conflicts. The policy of detente has proved an effective means of achieving this goal. In recent years the relations between the most heavily armed States of the world .and their allies have been decisively influenced by this new policy.
165.	!t seems to me that, despite various setbacks which are at least partly the result of differing interpretations of the basic premises, the will to continue the process of detente between the East and West still represents a guiding factor for present-day foreign policy. Today the policy of detente seems to me the only realistic way to reconcile conflicting positions, which are unavoidable in our pluralistic world. The Final Act adopted at the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe four years ago was a highlight of this policy.
166.	It cannot be denied that the Belgrade review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which was held pursuant to that Final Act, has not fulfilled all these hopes. However, it was possible to conclude the Conference with a pledge by all participants fully to implement the Final Act of Helsinki.
167.	As a neutral State at the crossroad? between East and West, Austria has always perceived its role to be that of serving as a balancing and stabilizing element in the international community by promoting this process of detente.
168.	I have spoken of the process of detente between East and West. But detente is not a regional problem. It should be placed in a world-wide context. As I see it, the process of detente between East and West must be reflected throughout the world. It is inseparable from the vital challenges our world faces. Its continuation and expansion seems impossible in this interdependent world without the introduction of genuine disarmament measures. In addition, detente will not achieve its goal unless effective steps are taken towards a just international economic order.
169.	Efforts to halt the continuing arms race have increased at all levels over the years, and some-but only limited—success has been achieved. But, in recent years we have failed to see significant results. The nuclear and conventional arms race has reached such proportions and has developed such a dynamic of its own that each small step towards arms limitation is by far offset by greater advances in arms technology. The longer we delay effective measures the harder it will become to control these developments.
170.	The essential questions in the field of disarmament today lie in the area of qualitative developments. We must ask ourselves, therefore, whether the community of States can be successful in its endeavours to halt and reverse the arms race if it continues to concern itself mainly with quantitative restrictions.
171.	The tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, was of significance for the struggle for disarmament and arms limitation. It gave a number of smaller States, including Austria, the opportunity to express their profound concern over developments beyond their control.
172.	We certainly recognize the importance of the consensus reached on the basis of the Final Document.
Nevertheless we should not ignore the fact that that document contains for the most part only general statements and procedural decisions.
173.	It is a matter of great concern to me that today, several months after the conclusion of the special session on disarmament, an agreement at the second series of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks still exists only in our expectations. It is also to be noted that there is, unfortunately, little or no progress in the efforts to reach a treaty banning chemical weapons. The negotiations on a reduction of armed forces and armaments as well as related measures in Central Europe have not achieved any substantive success. The same is true in respect of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. It is an illusion to believe that an enumeration of desirable measures can of itself replace those measures. Austria is surrounded by enormous nuclear and conventional weapons potential. Therefore, in our view, concrete measurable steps for disarmament and arms limitation and a realistic approach to the disarmament question are indispensable. It is necessary in this context to recall once more the primary responsibility of the big Powers, and in particular the two leading nuclear-weapon States. We cannot expect any genuine progress towards disarmament at the global or even regional level unless those Powers agree to significant and concrete measures.
174.	In international economic relations we face two possibilities: national egoism and crises connected therewith or with the reconciliation of interests. If we opt for the second alternative, which indeed seems the only acceptable one, then we have to find new forms of co-operation.
175.	Therefore it is urgent that agreement be reached at the forthcoming debate in the plenary General Assembly on the functions and the mandate of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. The continuation of the North-South dialogue in the United Nations is vital, and the Committee must be in a position to carry out the important tasks assigned to it.
176.	In this connexion I should like to refer to the proposals put forward by my country concerning the establishment of a multilateral financing mechanism to promote a massive transfer of resources to developing countries.  The implementation of this initiative would enable those countries to achieve an accelerated development of their infrastructures. We note with satisfaction the increasing interest in this new development scheme. The basic idea of this initiative might provide the terms of reference for a mandate for the Secretary-General to examine and recommend the most appropriate measures for its realization.
177.	The preparations for the fifth session of UNCTAD, which will take place in May 1979 in Manila at the generous invitation of the Philippines Government, also warrant our special attention. We welcome the decision taken a few weeks ago to resume in November of this year the negotiations on a common fund within the framework of UNCTAD.  In my opinion, concrete progress in this field would undoubtedly have a favourable influence, not only on international commodities policy, but also on the continuation of the North-South dialogue.
178.	Science and technology also play an extremely important role in the promotion of growth and development within the framework of a new international economic order.
179.	The United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, which is to be held in Vienna in August 1979, is an excellent opportunity for steps to be taken in this field. Austria is doing its utmost to contribute to the success of the Conference and to ensure the best possible organization of this very important international meeting. I am confident that the General Assembly will give its special attention to the preparation of the Conference.
180.	Austria's commitment to the protection of human rights, including the fight against apartheid, is well known. Speaking of human rights, I have in mind political and civil rights as well as fundamental social, economic and cultural rights, which are indivisible. In supporting the cause of human rights it is our primary objective to help the individual. At the same time, we believe that we thus contribute also to the maintenance of world peace. Only in a world in which human rights are protected—and I mean all human rights—only in such a world will peace be guaranteed. It is not least for this reason that respect for human rights is today acknowledged to be an internationally recognized principle, enjoying equal status with other recognized principles governing international relations.
181.	Today, the scope and the content of human rights have been largely consolidated and codified. Of course, this fact should not preclude further development in specific fields, such as the campaigns against torture and the death penalty, which we firmly support. Now the time has come to .intensify our efforts to achieve the effective implementation of human rights. In this respect effective procedures and institutions, and also education, play an important role. The International Congress on the Teaching of Human Rights, held in Vienna from 12 to 16 September 1978, at the invitation of UNESCO, endorsed this view and proposed, inter alia, the establishment of a voluntary fund for the furtherance of knowledge in the field of human rights through education and information. The fact that we are celebrating this year the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights offers a very sound reason for translating that proposal into reality.
182.	I should like to emphasize Austria's readiness to support the establishment of such a fund and urge all interested parties to endorse the proposal.
183.	Last year in the General Assembly, Austria put forward a proposal  designed to increase the security of international civil aviation. That initiative culminated in the General Assembly's appeal to all States that have not yet

ratified the Conventions of Tokyo, The Hague and Montreal to do so at the earliest possible date. This resolution was adopted in the context of measures designed to combat the scourge of international terrorism.
184.	In this connexion permit me to make some basic remarks concerning terrorism. Austria has and has always had, great sympathy for all those who are denied fundamental rights. It is the task of the international community to help the oppressed to obtain their rights and Austria will continue to share this responsibility. The use of force is not an appropriate way to secure these rights. Not least for this reason, we believe that there can be no justification for terrorism. As a member of the Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism, my country has repeatedly urged that concrete measures be taken as speedily as possible to eradicate this dangerous threat to mankind.
185.	I should now like to refer to conflict areas considered by this Assembly.
186.	The efforts to solve the Middle East problem have taken a new and, we hope, positive turn at the Camp David talks. However, we are well aware that those talks have left certain essential questions unresolved. Further intensive efforts and negotiations and the involvement of all the parties concerned will be necessary for the peaceful solution, of this burning problem, a problem which, if it persists, will remain a threat to world peace. We recognize the will of the partners in the Camp David talks to achieve peace. This goodwill has generated new hope. Of course, this hope will only prove justified if negotiations are conducted in a spirit of mutual understanding and with an open mind. A successful outcome Of these negotiations would require the faithful application of the letter and spirit of Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
187.	In Lebanon thousands of innocent people have lost their lives and homes, a tragic situation which still continues. These events remind us of the urgent need to establish a lasting peace in the whole region.
188.	My country is also particularly concerned about the fate of Cyprus. It is therefore with disappointment that we have noted that the intercommunal talks have still not produced any result. I appeal to the parties to the conflict to continue to use the good offices of the Secretary-General and to give him every support in his quest for a lasting solution that will guarantee individual safety and the security of the communities.
189.	After a period of guarded optimism about developments in southern Africa prompted by progress on the question of Namibia, we must acknowledge serious setbacks which endanger a peaceful development in that area. Year after year in this body we have striven to guide Namibia one step further along the road to independence. This year we had thought we could register progress, and cherished the hope that as early as next year Namibia would be a sovereign Member of our Organization. In the light of the regrettable announcement of the South African Government of its intention to hold elections in Namibia without United Nations participation, that hope seems to have been premature. My country supported the proposal for a solution submitted to the Security Council because it was based on democratic ideas to which we are committed. We call on all parties concerned to let moderation and reason prevail, and urge the Government of South Africa to reconsider its decision. We are firmly convinced that the plan before the Security Council still represents a basis on which all the parties could and should unite. At this point, reference must be made to the responsibility, the enormous responsibility, that rests with the Government of the Republic of South Africa for further developments in southern Africa.
190.	We have always advocated that conflicts be resolved by peaceful means, by negotiation between all the parties concerned. Therefore, the developments in Zimbabwe, with the increasing escalation of violence, fill us with the deepest concern. It is imperative that an effort be made, at the eleventh hour as it were, to work out a solution with the participation of all the parties. In the difficult years that lie behind us, the leaders of the front-line States have displayed the wisdom of great statesmen. They and the other parties striving to achieve a peaceful solution carry great responsibility in this increasingly difficult situation.
191.	United Nations peace-keeping operations are today acknowledged to be the most important means to pave the way for the peaceful settlement of conflicts. As a neutral State, Austria views her participation in these operations as an opportunity for effectively contributing to the attainment of the purposes of the United Nations. It is in the light of this consideration that Austria has declared its readiness to take part in a United Nations operation in Namibia, which I hope is still a real possibility.
192.	In the field of peace-keeping, the Secretary-General deserves our special recognition for his tireless efforts to facilitate peaceful solutions in Cyprus, in the Middle East and in Namibia.
193.	Our thanks also go to the troops who, often in difficult conditions, have performed their duty splendidly under the United Nations flag. I offer a reverent tribute to the memory of all those soldiers who lost their lives in performing their duty in the service of the United Nations.
194.	Many nations participate in these United Nations operations either directly or with support measures, thereby helping to. enhance the Organization's image and credibility throughout the world. However, the current state of the financing of the peace-keeping operations is a matter for concern. I should like to call on all Member States to make their contributions to the United Nations peace-keeping operations.
195.	In conclusion, permit me to say a few words about two questions of particular and immediate importance to my country.
19 See Official Records of the Security Council, Thirty-third Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1978, document S/12636.
196.	In accordance with past practice, I should like to refer to the question of the South Tyrol, which is a matter of special concern in our relations with Italy. Concerning this question, on which the General Assembly adopted resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI), I can report that further progress has been possible with respect to increasing autonomy for the South Tyrol. However, we cannot conceal our disappointment that a number of measures, some of them very important, are bull awaiting implementation. We hope that continued efforts will soon lead to the solution of the remaining problems.
197.	The other issue of special concern to Austria is to ensure optimal use of the Donaupark Centre in Vienna. The construction of this Centre is a visible expression of Austria's active engagement in the work of the United Nations. The Centre will be inaugurated in August 1979 and will serve as permanent headquarters for IAEA and UNIDO as well as those units of the United Nations system which, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 31/194, will move to Vienna. It will be up to this General Assembly to adopt, on the basis of this resolution, the final steps to be taken to ensure optimal use of the Donaupark Centre. We are therefore looking forward with interest to the report of the Secretary-General which will be before this Assembly under item 103 of the agenda.
198.	Austria is confident that its considerable efforts resulting in the construction of the centre and its rent-free offer to the United Nations will find their recognition in a decision which will guarantee its full utilization by the United Nations system, thus ensuring considerable organizational benefits for the United Nations.
199.	On the agenda of this General Assembly are a great number of very difficult problems which await an urgent solution. I have attempted to elaborate on some of these issues. We see in the United Nations a most valuable and indeed indispensable instrument to meet the great and often interconnected challenges with which the international community is confronted. The General Assembly is probably the only forum where the co-operative efforts of all Member States can unite in order to find an adequate response to these challenges. Austria will continue making its contribution to these joint efforts.


2.	It gives me great pleasure to extend to you, Sir, warm congratulations on your unanimous election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. Your country, Colombia, with which my country maintains very friendly relations, has always played a. prominent role in international affairs. Your distinguished record as a statesman gives us the assurance that under your experienced leadership the present session, which has so many important items on its agenda, will be guided constructively and skilfully to a successful conclusion.
3.	I should like also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, for the excellent manner in which he discharged his difficult duties through the regular session of the Assembly last year and the three special sessions this year.
4.	I wish to express our very warm welcome to the delegation of Solomon Islands, a fellow Commonwealth member which has joined the Organization at this session as its one hundred and fiftieth Member and with which we look forward to developing close ties of co-operation and friendship.
5.	When in the general debate we review global problems and international conflicts with reference to the  relevant role of the United Nations it is, I believe, our common
purpose to contribute to the effective maintenance of international peace and security through the Organization.
6.	In that sense, the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [A/33/1J is a most significant document. Its review of world developments and its assessment of situations should be given full consideration and attention as a basic premise for discussion in the general debate. The need to make the United Nations central in the policies of Governments is felt more impressively than ever in these turbulent times.
7.	Increasing manifestations of insecurity and near anarchy at the international level threaten the very foundations of human society. To arrest those ominous trends, recourse to the system of legal order and security prescribed in the Charter is becoming a compelling necessity.
8.	To that end, determined steps must be taken to bring into operation the provisions in Chapter VII of the Charter for the effective implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council, thereby giving effect to' its decisions and restoring the authority of the United Nations.
9.	In the face of a sharply deteriorating world situation the Secretary-General in his most recent reports has dealt with this problem in a bold and pragmatic manner. In a reference to the non-implementation, of the Security Council's resolutions, this year's report pointedly notes that this situation has
. . tended to downgrade the prestige and effectiveness of the Organization... as the ... guarantor of international peace and security... [with the result that of late] some small States .no longer turn to the United Nations as the protector of their sovereign rights." 10.	The Secretary-General warns of the seriousness of such developments and adds that:
"A more reliable and generally accepted international security system [through the United Nations] is the only logical answer to this fundamental problem." [Ibid.]
11.	It thus becomes clear that the mere adoption, often unanimously, of resolutions by the General Assembly and the Security Council without their implementation will in fact have the effect of discrediting the Organization and of encouraging the party in default to continue its attitude of contemptuous disregard towards those resolutions. It is high time that the crucial issue of the implementation of Security Council resolutions should, at an appropriate time, be placed on the agenda of the General Assembly for careful consideration and remedial action. I would go a step
further and formally propose the holding of a special session of the General Assembly to deal with this vital issue alone.
12.	The report emphasizes the fundamental truth that:
"The United Nations was intended, among other things, to be the guarantor of justice and peace for all nations, and most especially for defenceless or small countries which would otherwise have no recourse in a world dominated exclusively by power politics." [Ibid.]
The Secretary-General also rightly stresses that:
"We must strive to reach a point where the system and the principles of the Charter, and not the rivalries of great Powers, are the decisive and dominant elements of the international order." [Ibid.]
13.	Those observations are indeed very significant. If they could be translated into practical action—and it is up to the States Members of this Organization to do so-they would provide the solution to nearly all the problems facing the world today, whether they be problems of international peace and security, problems of economic relations between States, problems of human rights or problems of international law. It is only through the faithful application in practice of the letter and the spirit of the Charter that the world can be made safer, more just and more peaceful than it is today.
14.	What adds significantly to the importance of international security through the United Nations is that it is closely linked and interdependent with the burning world problem of the arms race and disarmament.
15.	The convening for the first time of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament demonstrates the frustrations involved in all disarmament efforts. The tenth special session, although it did not fully live up to the aspirations of humanity, was nevertheless a major event in our world Organization. It focused world public opinion as never before on the primary need to deal effectively with the arms race. In the words of paragraph 18 of the Final Document of that session [resolution S-10/2] "we must halt the arms race and proceed to disarmament or face annihilation."
16.	The special session laid the foundation for an international disarmament strategy which, through the  coordinated effort provided for in the Final Document, aims at general and complete disarmament, thus halting the arms race. It has almost imperceptivity emerged from the special session that there can hardly be any prospect of halting the arms race as long as the security of nations continues to be dependent upon the anachronistic concept of balance of power or, rather, "balance of weapons". The resulting competition to attain or maintain such a balance inevitably spurs on the arms race and leads to its rapid and continuing escalation, as experience for over three decades has amply demonstrated.
17.	The vital prerequisite for the cessation of the arms race, allowing progress towards disarmament, is to provide for the security of nations otherwise than through the
balance of weapons. Such alternative security can come only from the effective application of the relevant provisions of the Charter.
18.	In this connexion I wish to reiterate the proposal of my country, made at the special session, for the establishment of an organ of the General Assembly for the peaceful settlement of international disputes that would give meaning and substance to the provisions of Article 33 of the Charter.
19.	A positive contribution to the effort to establish international security is the study prepared by the Centre for Disarmament on the interrelationship between disarmament and international security,2 which was presented by the Secretary-General to the special session by virtue of a consensus General Assembly resolution [resolution 32187 C] introduced by Cyprus and sponsored by it and 10 other non-aligned countries.
20.	It is very comforting that in its Declaration, the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, referring to the arms race as a major threat to the survival of mankind, emphatically stated:
"This situation is mainly due to the lack of adequate international security as provided for in the United Nations Charter, and the failure to replace the outdated concept of balance of power as a means of security " [See A/331206, para. 147.]
With reference to the strengthening of the role and effectiveness of the United Nations, strong emphasis is given in the Declaration to the need to apply "a system of international security as expressly provided in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations" [ibid., para. 161].
21.	Turning now to the crucial issue of the new international economic order, I would like to observe that the existing inequality between the rich and the poor is constantly growing and has become another source of tension in the world. As a developing country we have long advocated the adoption of a new and fairer international economic order which, seen in the long term, is bound to benefit the developed countries as well. It is very worrying that the ongoing North-South dialogue has so far yielded no significant results. There is an evident need for a reappraisal of the whole situation and for a reorientation not only of specific policies but also of fundamental thinking. We firmly believe that increased co-operation between developing countries should be encouraged as it will not only stimulate and foster collective self-reliance but also positively contribute, to the establishment of the much sought after new international economic order. For our part, in our modest way we have taken concrete steps to promote technical co-operation with neighbouring and other countries through agreements providing the framework for and encouragement of such co-operation.
22.	Peace-keeping by the United Nations, in the form in which it has repeatedly been carried out in recent years --
that is, based on the consent of the Government of the State concerned, though this is not expressly provided for in the Charter—has come time and again to provide a temporary answer to situations in which containment is necessary while efforts are under way to solve the underlying causes of such a situation.
23.	The complaint is sometimes voiced—with a considerable degree of justification—that such operations can be counter-productive in the sense that by containing existing conflicts they tend to remove the incentive for the radical solution of the problems which necessitated those operations, with the result that peace-keeping operations of the kind, instead of being temporary palliatives, are converted into near-permanent features of indefinite duration. Yet it should also be borne in mind that peace-keeping operations exist not in a political or legal vacuum but in the context of the Security Council resolutions, the proper implementation of which—by the parties concerned in the first place, and by the Security Council through enforcement action in the last resort if one or more of the parties is unwilling— would indeed radically solve the problem on the basis of such resolutions and the Charter, thus rendering such operations no longer necessary. It is, therefore, in the failure of the Security Council to exercise its responsibilities under the Charter and to take the necessary steps to implement its own resolutions that the reason for this anomaly exists.
24.	Turning to another subject, I wish to express and stress the importance we attach to the successful outcome of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, where for five years a systematic effort has been under way to arrive at a comprehensive and generally acceptable convention. Such a convention should include adequate provisions, on the basis of just and objective criteria, regarding the delimitation of the maritime zones between States the coasts of which are opposite or adjacent to each other, as well as an effective system for the peaceful settlement of disputes arising there from.
25.	As the Secretary-General has pointed out in his report on the work of the Organization, the main, political problems regarding which the Organization has specific responsibilities are the Middle East, southern Africa and Cyprus. All three have common elements, and in all of them the non-implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions has rendered them a threat to inters national peace and security.
26.	With regard to the very sensitive region of the Middle East, we reiterate our firm support for the objective of a just and lasting settlement of all aspects of the Middle East conflict within the framework of the relevant United Nations resolutions. The Palestine Liberation Organization should fully participate in the efforts aimed at a solution based on the United Nations resolutions and on the establishment of a Palestinian homeland, as well as on recognition of the rights of all States in the region to exist in peace and within recognized boundaries.
27.	The sad events in Lebanon give rise to concern and anxiety. We fully support the efforts of the Government of Lebanon assisted by UNIFIL to restore its sovereign rights over ill its territory. The territorial integrity of Lebanon must be safeguarded at all costs.
28.. Cyprus has been consistent in its full support of the right of the people of Zimbabwe to determine their destiny in accordance with their sovereign will. Cyprus will continue to observe strictly the sanctions imposed by the Security Council against the Salisbury regime until genuine majority rule and true independence have been reached with the agreement of the leaders of the Patriotic Front. I wish also to reiterate our solidarity with the fellow non-aligned countries of Zambia and Mozambique in their determined resistance against repeated acts of aggression by the Smith forces.
29.	As regards Namibia, we express the hope that the Pretoria regime will comply with all Security Council resolutions and no longer impede progress towards Namibia's independence. Cyprus stands firm in its solidarity with the South West Africa People's Organization SWAPO, the legitimate representative of the Namibian people.
30.	We unreservedly condemn the policy of apartheid practised in South Africa; and we have, in this connexion, consistently advocated more determined action by the Security Council.
31.	The current session takes place in the course of a year that marks the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. During the last 30 years a comprehensive series of conventions, declarations and recommendations have been developed under the guidance of the United Nations system.3 Thus, human rights standards have been set end the fundamental freedoms of individuals and of peoples have been established in detail, foremost among them the right of peoples to self-determination and to economic and social advancement in greater freedom. Also, the right of every individual to freedom of movement in his own country, his right to own property and his right to choose his place of residence were irrevocably established.
32. The separation of ethnic groups on the basis of race was deplored, and racial discrimination and the theory of racial superiority were declared scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and politically dangerous. And yet we still see a flagrant denial of human rights and a wanton and declared policy of racial discrimination practised in a number of cases.
33.	What is needed, therefore, is for the international community not simply to theorize about human values and fundamental freedoms but rather to concentrate on ways and means of implementing them.
34.	That is why we .are gratified that, at long last, the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights have become binding through the entry into force of the two International Covenants on Human Rights and the establishment of the Human Rights Committee last year.
35.	Likewise, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)] provides the necessary machinery for the
purpose of the application of its provisions in the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination established under article 8 of its provisions. It is noteworthy that
decisions of that Committee relate to the situation in Cyprus in 1974.

36. Before I deal with the Cyprus problem, I wish to
express to the Secretary-General our deep appreciation of
the keen interest he has been showing and for his efforts to
find a just solution to our problem. Our sincere thanks go
also to his collaborators in Cyprus and in the Secretariat. I
should similarly like to express our appreciation to all
countries that participate with military or police contingents
in the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in
Cyprus, as well as to those which, through financial
contributions, make its functioning possible.

37. As was stated by the Secretary-General, one of the
most serious problems in the world today is that of Cyprus.
No one can disagree with him. Four years have elapsed
since the summer of 1974 when an unprecedented crime
was committed at the expense of my country, a small,
defenceless and non-aligned independent State, a Member
on an equal footing with others of the United Nations.
Cyprus was invaded by Turkey and as a result thousands of
people lost their lives, 40 per cent of its territory was
occupied, and one third of the population of Cyprus
became refugees in their own country having been uprooted
from their ancestral homes and lands by the invading forces
of the Turkish Attila.

38.. That aggression was described at the time by the Prime
Minister of Turkey as a "peace operation" aiming,
allegedly, at the restoration of constitutional order. That
most peculiar "peace operation" was carried out with the
use of the most brutal methods-cold-blooded murder,
rape, robbery' and destruction. Forty thousand troops were
used, with heavy artillery, and for several days the Turkish
air force bombed the cities and villages of Cyprus with
napalm bombs. Repeated resolutions of the Security
Council calling for the cessation of the armed intervention
were ignored by Turkey. The atrocities that were committed by the Turkish troops in that infamous "peace
operation" are beyond description. Those who could have
prevented that crime did not do so, nor did they do
anything to stop it.

39. Four years have elapsed since then, but nothing at all
has been done to restore justice to the suffering people of
Cyprus. In the meantime, Turkey-as part, I suppose, of
this so-called "peace operation" supposedly intended to
protect the rights of the Turkish Cypriots-implanted
settlers from the Anatolian depths of Turkey in massive
numbers in the areas under the occupation of the Turkish
troops. Four years have elapsed, and we are still trying to
find a way to trace the fate of 2,000 missing persons.

40. Four years have elapsed since the General Assembly of
the United Nations by its unanimously adopted resolution
3212 (XXIX) demanded the withdrawal of foreign troops
from the Republic of Cyprus and called for the return of
the refugees in conditions of safety to the homes from
which they had been brutally uprooted. That resolution,
which also called for the cessation of the intervention- in
Cyprus and for respect for its independence, sovereignty
and territorial integrity, was unanimously endorsed by the
Security Council in its resolution 365 (l974). I suppose
 that four years are enough to prove that the intentions of
Turkey in carrying out its aggression against Cyprus in 1974
Cyprus had nothing to do with the restoration of constitutional
order. Four years are enough to establish beyond any doubt
that the intentions of Turkey were, and still are, the
destruction of the unity of Cyprus and the changing of its
demographic structure for the purpose of promoting
partition; and this was officially confirmed by the partition
proposals of Ankara in April 1978.

41. During all those four years various efforts have been
made to find a just and viable solution to the problem of
Cyprus in conformity with resolution 3212'(XXIX) and
subsequent General Assembly and Security Council resolutions.
It is argued that the Cyprus problem can be solved
only through negotiations; and some go further and allege
that the Government of Cyprus is not interested in
negotiations and that it is not in a hurry for a solution. All
such assertions are wrong and absurd, to say the least.
42. In fact, during the past four years and in the course of
the intercommunal talks under the auspices of the Secretary-
General, the Greek Cypriot side has tried hard, but in
vain, to secure meaningful negotiations. It has proved
impossible because of the intransigence of Turkey and the
Turkish Cypriot leadership. Negotiations between the
Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots cannot really be
freely conducted, as experience has demonstrated, while
.. the occupation troops remain on the island. This has the
effect of making the negotiations nugatory, as has been
confirmed by the official proposals prepared in Ankara and
submitted to the Secretary-General in April 1978. These
proposals render manifest the design of partition and the
concern of the. aggressor to legalize the faits accomplis
created by the. aggression. We would have been entitled to
refuse any negotiations until the occupation troops were
withdrawn from Cyprus in conformity with the United
Nations resolutions. We would have been entitled to refuse
to talk to anyone until the United Nations resolutions were
implemented. We would have been entitled to refuse to do
anything at all until at least paragraph 2 of resolution
3212 (X?,IX), calling for the. withdrawal of the foreign
troops from Cyprus, was implemented. But in a spirit of
goodwill, we did not do so. On the contrary, we went well
out of our way in our earnest desire to see a speedy settlement to the Cyprus problem, because who would
really be more anxious to see a speedy settlement to the
Cyprus problem than the Government of. Cyprus and the
people of Cyprus? Who would be more anxious to see an
end to the tragedy than the victim of the aggression? But
despite all our efforts and all our sincere endeavours in the
course of the last four years, there has been no progress
whatsoever. And there are still no signs of any change in the
attitude of

43. Turkey, under whose military control the Turkish
Cypriot leadership operates, does not aim at ensuring the
independence and territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus
as a sovereign and non-aligned State Member of the United

Nations, but at its demolition and dismemberment. The two sides, therefore, are at cross-purposes. How can negotiations on such premises succeed? How can the intercommunal talks-or indeed any other talks-succeed as long as Turkey imposes its will on the Turkish Cypriots through the presence of its troops, and as long as Turkey pursues its partitionist policy?
44.	All the resolutions of the United Nations, both of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, have been completely disregarded by Turkey and we have come once again this year to the United Nations to protest this continued violation of the Charter and of the resolutions of the United Nations. The human rights of the people of Cyprus are being continuously violated. And, in this context, I must stress that when I speak of the human rights of the people of Cyprus, I speak of the Human rights of the Turkish Cypriots as well, who now ",  conditions of poverty, misery and terrorism, and mercy of the Turkish troops and the settlers from l—key. When I speak of justice and freedom for Cyprus, I speak on behalf of the entire people of Cyprus, whether they are Greek or Turkish or Maronite or Armenian or Latin.
45.	It is no longer a secret that the Turkish Cypriots-with the exception of a few favoured by the invader, as is usually the case-are fed up with the present situation, and we know very well how they feel and what they want: they want exactly the same thing that the Greek Cypriots want. There is a common desire on the part of both the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots for relief from military occupation and for reunification; for deep in their hearts they both feel that security, prosperity and happiness lie in unity and co-operation, and not in cultivated separateness and adversity imposed from outside by military force. There can be little progress towards co-operation and peace unless opportunities for trust through association are freely offered to the ordinary people from both sides. Both such opportunities are denied them by the presence of the occupying forces.
46.	There can be no lasting peace in Cyprus and there can be no happiness for its people unless the occupation forces are withdrawn and unless Cyprus is reunited-and unless t&« people of Cyprus also are reunited. The stumbling block to a solution to the Cyprus problem is the presence of the occupation troops.
47.	During the special session on disarmament, I put forward a proposal,5, which I should like to repeat today. I propose that the Republic of Cyprus be completely demilitarized: that all foreign troops be withdrawn from Cyprus, and that all Cypriots, whether Greek Cypriots or Turkish Cypriots, be disarmed and that the security of the citizens of Cyprus be the responsibility of a mixed Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot police force under the supervision, guidance and control of a strong international police force of the United Nations for as long as necessary. Those who want a peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem cannot but see the merit of this proposal, because its implementation would remove all the obstacles to a peaceful solution of the Cyprus problem.

48.	I wish today to put forward another proposal, in addition to the previous one: if it is considered necessary, we would be willing to accept the establishment of any machinery of international supervision, through the United. Nations, for the protection of the human and political rights of all citizens of Cyprus within the context of a just solution based on the resolutions of the United Nations. A similar proposal was put forward some years ago by the late President of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios, in his desire to provide additional guarantees for the rights of the Turkish Cypriots.
49.-	We are full of goodwill and are anxious for an early and peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem. But we are firm in our position that it must be just and viable, in compliance with the resolutions of the United Nations, which contain all the necessary elements and prerequisites for such a solution, in the true interests of the people of Cyprus as a whole, both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. But Turkey does not seem to be interested in that, and consistently refuses to comply with those resolutions.
50.	It is high time that the United Nations, and in particular the Security Council, considered very seriously what steps should be taken in order to implement-its own resolutions. It is high time for the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities and to meet the test and the challenge. That would be good not only for Cyprus but also for the United Nations, for it would revive, the trust which all Member States should have in the ability of the Organization to deal with situations brought to it on the basis of the principles of the Charter, and would thus justify the hope which small countries, especially, have always reposed in the United Nations.
51.	Cyprus has always been devoted to the principles of the United Nations, in which it has placed its faith. But four years after the aggression and the violation of these principles, we are, I believe, justified in expressing our deep disappointment at the lack of any progress towards the implementation of the United Nations resolutions. And we are, I believe similarly justified in strongly urging concrete action by the United Nations to obtain the implementation of its own resolutions.
52.	The present situation should not be allowed to go on indefinitely. Turkey has been flagrantly defying the resolutions of the United Nations. Chapter VII of the Charter provides the answer, and it was pointed out also by the recent Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade, that the Security Council must start considering action in conformity with its provisions and especially Chapter VII, which would include sanctions /see A/33/206, annex I, para. 77]. There is no justification for reluctance to point firmly to the aggressor and compel him to withdraw his troops from Cyprus. Why are the Turkish troops still in Cyprus? If Turkey is interested in the well-being and security of the Turkish Cypriots I am sure it can put faith in the United Nations in conformity with the proposal which we have put forward. The continued presence of the Turkish troops in Cyprus is a threat to international peace and security and it proves beyond any doubt that Turkey wishes through its presence and occupation to impose a solution to its own liking.
53.	It is also high time for those Powers which are in a position to exercise effective influent on Turkey to act decisively, and compel Turkey to abandon its expansionist and partitionist designs. If the Security Council and its members remained idle, it would not only mean condoning the crime against Cyprus, but it would also mean the sacrificing of the principles of the Charter for the sake of expediencies totally alien to morality and justice. There can be no selective morality and there can be no selective justice. There can be no double standards.
54.	We all rejoiced at the determination of the Security Council to act effectively in the case of Namibia, as well as in other cases. And we are entitled, I believe, to expect the same consideration as a Member of the United Nations whose independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity have been and continue to be flagrantly violated by another Member State.
55.	I convey to the Assembly the agony of the suffering people of Cyprus. I convey the agony of the thousands of relatives of the missing persons and their demand that effective action be taken to trace the fate of their loved ones. I convey the agony of those who are in enclaves. I convey the voice of the 200,000 refugees and their demand to return to their homes. I convey the voice of the entire people of Cyprus who long for justice, freedom and peace.
56.	The Cyprus problem is not in its essence a difference between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots. The Cyprus problem is a problem of occupation and aggression. It is a problem of freedom, a question of respect for human rights and for the principles and the resolutions of the United Nations. The internal aspects of the Cyprus problem, including the constitutional issue, could easily be dealt with in a manner satisfactory for all under the aegis of the United Nations if the occupation troops were to be withdrawn. Is that so difficult for those who are in a position to take effective action to understand? The arrogant attitude of the aggressor is a challenge to the United Nations. It is a test case for all those who would like to be regarded as the champions of freedom and justice and for those who wish to uphold the principles of the United Nations and of human rights.
57.	The Cyprus problem is not a problem of details. The very survival of Cyprus is at stake. The basic human rights of its people are at stake. I appeal to all of you to listen with understanding to the voice of a suffering people. I appeal to all of you to do whatever you can in order to achieve a solution to the Cyprus problem as quickly as possible in conformity with the resolutions of the United Nations, the resolutions which you all have voted for and endorsed. I appeal to all of you to consider the Cyprus problem as your problem and take all necessary steps to remove the injustice done in Cyprus. I appeal to you not to allow any expediencies and short-sighted considerations to override the urgent need for a just solution in conformity with the resolutions of the United Nations. I appeal to you ill not to permit any attempt to legalize the results of the aggression and thus deny to the people of Cyprus their inalienable rights. I appeal to you not to tolerate any more the immense crime which has been committed against one of your small fellow Members. I appeal to the non-aligned countries and to all other small countries to accelerate their
efforts to help Cyprus at this, its critical time. I appeal to the great Powers to do whatever they can, in co-operation with each other or otherwise, to contribute effectively to the implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations. Tolerating the aggression is tantamount to upholding it.
58.	For our part, we are always ready to consider any constructive suggestion as long as it is within the framework of the resolutions of the United Nations. We also, as we have repeatedly declared, support the suggestion for a representative international conference under the auspices of the United Nations to deal with the Cyprus problem. But, as I said at the beginning, four years have elapsed since the time of the aggression and the occupation still continues. We realize that there are other problems also in the world that need the attention of the international community. But four years is a long time for the international community to be so ineffective in the case of Cyprus. We know and we can understand that its members cannot all fuel the way we do. But, on the other hand, we all have the same responsibility if we all really believe in the necessity for international order and in the principles of the Charter.
59.	I would like to express our sincere appreciation to all countries that have been supporting our just cause, but also bur deep disappointment to those who have not been doing so because of expediencies totally irrelevant to morality and to their obligations under the Charter, or interests based on short-sighted considerations.
60.	The rights of Cyprus and of its people are at stake, but as we see it, the authority of the United Nations is also at stake. The people of Cyprus are determined to continue their struggle for survival, freedom, justice and human dignity. Will the United Nations live up to their expectations? This is the big question.
61.	We are often asked, What do you expect? Why do you hope? Why have you placed your faith in the United Nations? We do want to believe in the-United Nations, and despite our disappointment we repeat our appeal to you because we believe that the Security Council is in a position to take the necessary action to remove the injustice which has been done to Cyprus. The Security Council is in a position to discharge its responsibilities because, as the Secretary-General has stated, Cyprus is the direct responsibility of the United Nations.
62.	Cyprus is a very small country. It does not possess the means to achieve its-goal-of complete freedom and justice or to achieve the restoration of its rights by the use of force. It is Unable to achieve its goals through any but peaceful means. We want a peaceful solution of the Cyprus problem. We want all the people of Cyprus-Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriote-to be free, and to enjoy their human and political rights in freedom, in conditions of security and in conditions of equality before the law and before the State.
63.	Cyprus can become a happy island for all its citizens if it is left alone. Cyprus can be a place of peace and not a source of permanent friction. The responsibility of all the countries of the world, and especially of the great Powers,
to see to it that division does not become entrenched and that division is removed is great, because the division of Cyprus can only lead to the destruction of Cyprus and can only be to the detriment of the people of Cyprus, both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. At the same time it will be the source of conflict in the area. The sooner the division is removed and the sooner justice is restored to Cyprus the better for the entire world and for the United Nations.
64.	I appeal to all of you. You may not consider the Cyprus problem critical, because there is no bloodshed at this moment. Therefore, we do not have Cyprus in the newspapers and Cyprus does not get the headlines in the newspapers. But the problem is there. The problem exists. The problem is serious for the future of Cyprus and for the prestige and authority of the United Nations. I appeal to all of you to consider it an urgent issue, before something worse happens. I appeal to you to do whatever you can to prove that when we speak from this rostrum of principles, of morality, of justice, of freedom, of democracy, of human rights, we mean what we say; that when we speak here of the necessity of the United Nations' being effective, we mean that; that when we speak of the necessity of adherence to the Charter of the United Nations and of the implementation of resolutions, we mean what we say.
65.	Let us at least try. Let the Security Council discharge its responsibilities. The agony of the people of Cyprus must be understood, must be felt, by the entire international community. That the people of Cyprus suffer such agony is a crime in the twentieth century, reminiscent of crimes in the past. It is an unprecedented crime that has been committed. Anything that tends to legalize this crime should be avoided. The United Nations must reply to the big question in the affirmative. The United Nations must give the answer that it will do what it can—and it can do a lot through the Security Council—to restore justice to Cyprus.
66.	We in Cyprus want to continue to believe and to place our faith in the United Nations. I hope that the. United Nations will not fail in its responsibilities towards one of its small Members; otherwise a dangerous precedent will have been created for all small countries in the world.
67.	I appeal to all of you to understand us and to do whatever you can, so that justice may be restored to Cyprus and so that the people of Cyprus may live in peace and harmony.


147.	I bring this Assembly the warm greetings of the people of Bangladesh. My delegation deems it a high honour to have the opportunity of participating in the deliberations of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and to share with other representatives our thoughts on some of the challenging problems facing the world community.
148.	It is with special pleasure that I extend to Ambassador Lievano our warmest congratulations on his election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. It gives my delegation particular satisfaction to work under the wise guidance of a representative of Colombia, a nation with which Bangladesh has many close ties, not the least of which are our common hopes and aspirations as members of the developing world. We have no doubt that the qualities of leadership and the wealth of wide-ranging experience that he brings to bear on his high office will be of immense value to this Assembly in achieving some concrete and fruitful results during the term of his office. We assure him our fullest co-operation.
149.	The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, deserves our sincere appreciation of his continuing efforts to serve the world community. The dedication and impartiality with which he has pursued the objectives and ideals of this Organization have evoked the admiration of all, including the people of Bangladesh.
150.	Bangladesh warmly welcomes the admission of the sovereign and independent State of Solomon Islands as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. It was a great honour for Bangladesh to join in sponsoring the draft resolution leading to its admission to membership. Bangladesh looks forward to working with Solomon Islands in close co-operation.
151.	Bangladesh mourns with the rest of the world the death of two outstanding personalities. Pope Paul VI enjoyed world-wide respect and esteem for the great concern that he showed for moral and human values and also the contribution he made in promoting understanding, tolerance and peace among peoples of the world. President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, a great leader and statesman, symbolized the spirit of resurgence in new Africa. The examples of courage, sacrifice and vision that he set as a freedom fighter and a nation-builder will remain a source of inspiration for generations to come.
152.	As we survey the crowded agenda before this session we are acutely conscious of the crucial issues before the world community: how to safeguard peace and resolve smouldering conflicts by peaceful and just means; how to achieve a disarmed world free from interference and spheres of influence; how to accelerate social and economic development, redress gaping disparities and move rapidly to a more stable and equitable international economic order; how to ensure world-wide respect for basic human rights —.economic, social and political; how to promote the fundamental right of self-determination and genuine independence; and, finally, how to foster recognition and respect for the rule of law and universal norms of conduct.
153.	For 33 years the United Nations has been grappling with those problems in their varying forms and aspects. Implicit in the search for their solution is the conviction that peace is indivisible. While the awareness grew that humanity did not necessarily share a single approach to this search, it was also recognized that peace through intimidation or peace through purchase was ephemeral. If there is any theme to which we in Bangladesh are wedded it is the basic one that only peace through justice can endure.
154.	For over three decades the United Nations has sought to manage the unprecedented changes in the political, military, economic, social and technological circumstances of our planet. This period has seen the thawing of the cold war, the dismantling of colonial empires, innovative efforts to contain potential and existing conflicts and pioneering initiatives to meet a vast array of global problems ranging from problems of population, industrialization and trade,- to the status of women, an order for the world seas and the utilization of scarce water resources. The most important challenge, however, lies ahead: how to harness and consolidate the willingness of nations to serve the long-term interests of all humanity and uphold man's positive and nobler goals.
155.	It is to that high ideal that the Government of Bangladesh is firmly committed. We believe that the United Nations constitutes a vital catalyst in the evolution of a new awareness in the international community. In early years the dominant influence governing international relations stemmed from the tension between the great Powers. Today that has been eroded and in its place has emerged the equally disturbing phenomenon of unequal relations among States posing a threat to peace, security and progress. Today, the United Nations are also vitally concerned in forging that necessary instrument of co-operation capable of harmonizing the national policies of 150 States. The challenge lies now in achieving that amalgam between national and international interests so that they may coincide, rather than conflict, in the larger interests of all mankind and in the undoubted recognition of their interdependence.
156.	For Bangladesh, this process of evolution has a crucial significance. Our commitment to the United Nations goes far beyond the mere formalization of the sovereign independent status inherent in our admission to United Nations membership. Adherence to the principles and obligations of the United Nations Charter is enshrined in our Constitution, and around it we have developed the fabric of our foreign policy. We cannot overlook the fact that the United Nations benefits the developing nations most of all, for the essential motive force of the Organization is safeguarding the interests of those countries through the generation of a greater sense of collective responsibility and the strengthening of collective capacity to deal with world problems. It is therefore imperative that the developing countries have an effective voice in the decision making organs of the United Nations.
157.	Another corner-stone of Bangladesh policy is its strict adherence to the principles of non-alignment. Bangladesh lays special emphasis on freedom from subjugation and exploitation, however subtle their form, the right of peoples to govern their own national destiny without pressure, intimidation or interference, the freedom to retain independence of judgement and, above all, the fostering of peaceful coexistence among all nations irrespective of differences of ideologies or socio-economic systems. The end objective is the creation of an environment of peace in which people could harness all available resources to combat the scourges of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy, so that economic freedom could be secured without sacrificing political freedom and economic growth could be achieved without jeopardizing social justice.
158.	It is in the broad context of these principles that we turn now to some of the specific issues on our agenda, particularly those which have a special bearing on international peace and security and, hence, call for urgent global co-operation.
159.	Despite several peace initiatives taken during the year, the international political situation continues to remain disquieting with many more crisis spots appearing on the political horizon than was the case a year ago.
160.	The Middle East continues to remain an explosive area of tension. If there is any substance to peace with justice, then three cardinal precepts must be recognized and enforced. No country can be permitted to enjoy the fruits of aggression. Secondly, no people can be denied their inalienable right to their homeland. Thirdly, no country can be allowed to embark on a policy of conquest and expansion through force to alter the political, demographic and cultural character of territories so occupied. There can thus be no lasting peace in the Middle East without Israel's withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish a State of their own in consonance with the resolutions of the United Nations.
161.	Bangladesh views with deep distress and dismay the fact that southern Africa still continues to bleed under the repressive rule of racist minority 'regimes. We express our total solidarity with the brave African people and reaffirm our full and unequivocal support of their heroic and legitimate struggle in Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania for independence and the immediate transfer of power to the true representatives of the majority people. Bangladesh believes that independence in these last remaining bastions of colonialism can and must be achieved without concessions to the principles already embodied in the resolution of the United Nations.
162.	The task of finding a workable balance between national fears, suspicions and preoccupations on the one hand and the long-term interests of the world community "on the other is clearly contingent on the pace of progress towards disarmament.
163.	The non-aligned movement can take justifiable pride that its overriding concern and incentives on this critical issue were to lead to the first historic special session of the General Assembly devoted exclusively to disarmament, and to the adoption by that session of a consensus document [resolution S-10/2] in spite of ingrained difficulties and deeply entrenched positions. It is difficult to measure the achievements of that historic session in terms of any tangible progress towards the limitation or reduction of arms. Nevertheless, the. most important success was a moral one—the initiation of a process of continuing dialogue and the acceptance of a comprehensive approach towards determining the essentials of a new strategy for disarmament—a strategy setting out goals and priorities governing future negotiations within a prescribed framework. Of crucial importance were the agreements of the machinery for such negotiations, particularly through the improvement of the United Nations deliberative and negotiating bodies on disarmament.
164.	Bangladesh's position on these issues is clear and unequivocal. Our endeavours must be directed along two parallel fronts: the first would aim at a warless world through a series of comprehensive measures not merely for the stabilization of armaments but for the substantive reduction and elimination of such arms through a phased programme with the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament; the second would involve simultaneous progress towards an adequate system of world security to fill the void-a system based on the rule of law and on the collective responsibility of all nations for maintaining peace, renouncing the use of force and settling disputes through peaceful means. We believe that increasing and overriding attention must be devoted to strengthening the capacity of the United Nations in this direction, particularly through the effective implementation of the relevant provisions of the United Nations Charter.
165.	Bangladesh has been unflinching in its efforts to promote peace and stability in the South Asian region through the creation of a climate of trust, understanding and co-operation on the basis of mutual respect for sovereign equality and non-interference in one another's internal affairs. Progress made in this direction is demonstrated by, first, the agreement with India on the 25-year old problem of sharing the Ganges waters; secondly, the agreement with India and Nepal on the use of the overland route through India between Nepal and Bangladesh; and thirdly, the agreement with Burma on the repatriation of the Burmese refugees. These agreements reflect the statesmanship of the leaders of these countries and their faith in the principle of peaceful settlement of all problems. Our friendly relations with our other neighbours in the region- Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan and Bhutan-continue to grow in strength.
166.	We have always considered Bangladesh as a bridge between South and South-East Asia and have sought by all means to strengthen the traditional ties of friendship and co-operation between Bangladesh and the countries of South and South-East Asia and the Pacific.
167.	Internally, Bangladesh is passing through an important phase of political and economic transition. The first presidential election was held in June this year on the basis of universal adult suffrage. The elections to the local bodies were held earlier and the elections to the National Parliament are scheduled to be held this coming December. The 19-point programme of President Ziaur Rahman envisages far-reaching political, administrative and economic reforms. The reorganization of the administrative and services structures is now under way with a view to gearing them for economic and social development. The two-year approach plan for economic and social development it also now under implementation and will be followed by a five-year plan within the frame of a 20-year perspective plan. Top priority has been assigned to achieving economic self-sufficiency through increasing agricultural production, rural development and population control. A key development strategy is to decentralize the planning machinery and generate the self-reliant efforts of the people through their direct participation in the formulation and implementation of development plans at local levels. A nation-wide campaign has been mounted for the mobilization and harnessing of the country's vast human resources for productive efforts.
168.	Bangladesh's experiences in the field of development, however, indicate certain constraints embedded in global factors which call for closer co-operation among the nations of the world.
169.	It has now become more abundantly clear than ever before that the problems of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy that plague the developing countries cannot be effectively resolved as long as those countries remain shackled to an economic order built during colonial times and oriented essentially to subserve the colonial system of production and trade. The existing economic system is both unjust and outdated. It is stifling the growth of the developing countries of the third world and impeding their progress in attaining their development potential by denying them fair access to world resources, world markets and world trade. It deprives them of a fair opportunity of, deploying their vast manpower for productive employment. It continues to widen the inequalities between the rich and the poor nations.
170.	The iniquitous character of this system and the grotesque distortions it produces in the growth pattern will be evident from the following illustrative facts. First, despite the development efforts extending over two decades and a half, the world population living in absolute and abject poverty has risen to 800 million and constitutes 40 per cent of the 2 billion population of developing countries, according to a recent World Bank report. Secondly, for 1 billion of the world's population the annual per capita income remains as low as $US 150 in terms of 1976 prices—which will be much less in real terms—compared to the per capita income of over $US 6,000 for the population of the industrialized countries. Thirdly, the share of developing countries in world industrial production, which was a mere 8 per cent before, has now declined to 7 per cent. Fourthly, the debt liability of the low-income countries rose to 200 per cent of their export earnings in 1976 and the total external indebtedness of developing countries today stands at $US 220 billion. Fifthly, ironically enough the international assistance programme under the existing scheme of things also has a colonial flavour inasmuch as it is resulting in a net outflow of resources from the poor to the rich countries,
171.	Prisoners of this anachronistic economic system, the industrially rich countries are being increasingly driven to protectionism through tariff and non-tariff barriers in their agonizing struggle against inflation, recession and unemployment, with its deleterious effect on the quality of life of their people.
172.	The existing world economic order is, therefore, clearly unsuited to contemporary world needs. It is detrimental to the interests of both the poor and the rich countries. The restructuring of the existing economic system is, therefore, an imperative in the global interest, since the search for peace and political stability is intimately bound up with the settlement of the crucial economic issues of our time.
173.	It cannot be overstressed that the new international economic order aims at raising the quality of life of the peoples all over the world; its aim is certainly not to undermine the quality of life in the rich countries. To say this, however, is not the same as equating the quality of life with a life-style based on wasteful consumption, the predatory depletion of non-renewable resources, the pollution of the human environment and the creation of °n ecological imbalance.
174.	Despite two decades of persistent endeavour through dialogue and negotiation and the adoption of such significant instruments of co-operation as the International Development Strategy to the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)] and the consensus achieved at the seventh special session of the General Assembly [resolution 3362 (S-VI1)], only inconsequential progress has been made in meeting the crucial needs of the third world. Burgeoning hopes for a settlement engendered by the historic North-South dialogue have now all but receded on virtually every front, first in the 18-month long negotiations in Paris and subsequently in their resumption through the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. Wide divergences continue to be reflected as between the pronouncements and actions of developed countries.

175.	In renewing our commitment to the establishment of a just and new international economic order, we in Bangladesh have a vision for the future. It is a vision which embraces all nations. It is a vision of a world free of hunger, disease and illiteracy, a world free of fear. We believe that we can achieve such a world in this century. But this can come about only if all of us work in concert and with determination towards this goal. If we believe that peace is indivisible, we have to bear in mind that peace and prosperity are also indivisible. It has become more essential than ever before that the world community collectively prepare for the future and commit itself to a rational use of world resources, keeping in view the priorities on a global basis.
176.	What, then, are some of these priorities for the future? First, Bangladesh believes that a cardinal imperative is to ensure that sovereignty and genuine freedom of action should not be compromised by external interference from any source whatsoever. Secondly, we must together carry the unfinished revolution forward so that the great majority of people may emerge from bondage into freedom, from exploitation to economic emancipation, and from dependence to self-reliance. Thirdly, we must seek the integration of all nations into the decision-making process. No society, whether national or international, can ignore even its weakest link without affecting its cohesion. Fourthly, we must work for the consolidation of our unity and mutual co-operation, not merely by the affirmation of principles, but also by meaningful and practical programmes of action and the will to translate them into reality. Finally, it is our collective task to use our combined national power so as to create and not to destroy, to enter into dialogue and not confrontation, to build peace and 10 abjure war, and to advance human welfare instead of aggravating human suffering.
177.	Bangladesh believes that, among the essential elements that need to be incorporated in any future plan for the evolution of a new world order, specific attention must be devoted to the following factors. We believe that these factors are particularly relevant to the formulation of the international strategy for the third United Nations development decade.
178.	The first is scrupulous respect for the rule of law and the non-use of force in international relations, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations.
179.	The second is strict adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter by all Member States, and the observance of the resolutions of the United Nations.
180.	Thirdly, basic human needs must be satisfied in the comprehensive sense through the eradication of poverty, hunger, disease and Illiteracy, and the highest priority must be assigned to this task for concerted action by the international community.
181.	Fourthly, developing countries must strengthen their capacity for greater self-reliance, both individual and collective, not only in terms of self-sufficiency but with a view to broader diversification of resource use and as part of an integrated strategy to secure the transfer of resources and technology. The results of the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held recently in Buenos Aires, cannot be overemphasized in this connexion.
182.	Fifthly, the wasteful use of resources, including the mounting expenditure on armaments, must be eliminated and such resources must be diverted to developing countries for productive investments.
183.	Sixthly, international policy governing the transfer of financial resources  must be redefined with particular attention paid to the needs of the least developed countries and the most seriously affected developing countries. Crucial priority must be assigned to resolving the problem of the third world's accumulated debt, among other things by rescheduling existing liabilities and by tying debt repayment to real resource transfers and the conversion of outstanding debts into grants.
184.	The seventh factor is the need to find ways and means to improve the export-earning potential of developing countries through their own efforts and through the expansion of trade with each other as well as by giving them greater access to the markets of developed countries through the progressive liberalization of tariff and non- tariff barriers. Of primary importance is the stabilization of their earnings from the sale of raw materials by means of commodity agreements and the establishment of a common
fund. Equally important is the need to strengthen the arrangements for financing the balance-of-payments difficulties of the least developed countries by granting less rigorous terms and helping them to meet long-term trends, and particularly through the solution of structural problems. Finally, an important activity in this field is the facilitating of the growth and diversification of their export trade in manufactured and semi-manufactured goods.
185.	The eighth factor is the application of science and technology, which also lies at the root of the developmental process. The proper training of personnel to identify, select and manage future technology, the building of institutions adapted to indigenous technology and the transfer of appropriate technological processes are crucial priorities in this field. Of particular importance will be the preparations for and the holding of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, scheduled for 1979.
186.	Ninthly, there is the vital need to harness and mobilize the vast human resources of the developing countries for productive use, thus generating more employment and more production of goods and services to be shared by the world community and thereby enriching the quality of life of people throughout the world.
187.	Tenthly, socio-economic structures must be transformed, with particular stress on agrarian and rural development, the distribution of wealth and the means of production through greater decentralization at the grassroots level to ensure the democratization of the political and economic decision-making power and the promotion of self-management and local leadership.
188.	In the eleventh place, adequate emphasis must be placed on the role and status of women and on their full participation in national development and in the decision making process.
189.	Twelfth, there is a need to increase the availability of and access to food-stuffs through appropriate structural transformation and technological innovation. While the
v creation of the International Fund for Agricultural Development has been a remarkable achievement in the provision of necessary assistance to increase production, an area of major significance is the attainment of food security through the establishment of world-wide food and grain reserves, which could be tapped at times of sudden production short-falls and price increases.
190.	In the thirteenth place, international co-operation must be strengthened to prevent and alleviate natural calamities. The United Nations should explore the possibility of converting the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Coordinator into a full-fledged international disaster relief agency.
191.	Finally, the fourteenth factor is the expansion of international co-operation in the field of energy resources through both policy measures and institutional arrangements.
192.	In reaffirming our support for and commitment to the United Nations Bangladesh has submitted itself as a
candidate for election as one of the non-permanent members of the Security Council. We have done so in all humility and in the belief not only that the United Nations serves the interests of the developing countries but also that the latter have a conscious duty and a responsibility to contribute to the furtherance of its objectives. We also believe that the fundamental principle of sovereign equality stipulates that all countries be given equal opportunity to be represented in the organs of the United Nations.
193.	On this occasion Bangladesh reiterates its most genuine desire to participate constructively in the process of forging true co-operation and understanding, to maintain the most open and fruitful relations with all nations of the world and to strive together in the common task of ensuring for all countries—small as well as large, poor as well as rich—peace, security and progress based on the principles of freedom, justice and equality.