I should like to begin by congratulating Mr. Dante Caputo on his well-deserved election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. His election is a tribute to- the important sole that Argentina, with which Tanzania enjoys excellent relations, continues to play on the Latin American and international community scenes in furtherance of international co-operation, understanding and peace. Mr. Caputo brings to the office a great wealth of' political and diplomatic skills and experience. I assure him of my delegation's support in bringing those skills to bear fully on the critical agenda before this session.
I wish, at the same time, to convey the deep appreciation of my Government to his predecessor, who, with such dedication and competence/ so effectively guided the work of the last session. We greatly distinguished himself as we tackled the various major and pressing problems of our time. I wish him good health in the continued service of his country.
Allow me also to pay a deserved tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and to the Organization as a whole. The last few months have been as engaging as they have proved challenging. The perseverance, dedication and sheer energy involved deserve commendation. It takes imagination, resourcefulness and commitment not only to ensure the smooth operation of the Organization but also to tackle the challenges before it, especially when it is experiencing such daunting financial problems.
I should like to welcome enthusiastically the award of the Nobel Peace Prize for this year to the United Nations peace-keeping forces. The main mission of the United Nations is the safeguarding of peace and the prevention of war in the world. The award of this Prize serves as a timely reminder of this United Nations 'role. May it give hope and encouragement to the thousands of uniformed men and women involved g often in desolate places and on hazardous missions to keep belligerents fit bay, and facilitate dialogue between adversaries conducive to peaceful coexistence. The Peace Prize is a deserved, noble and global tribute to this United Nations work.
The activities and programmes of the United Nations system can be fruitful only if they are promoted from a strong financial basis. The current financial crisis of the United Nations works directly towards reducing its authority, operations and reputation. My delegation therefore appeals to Member States to honour their legal obligations under the Charter and make timely payment of their assessed contributions to the regular budget of the Organization. If we do not undertake these corrective steps we shall be rightly judged as retreating from the spirit and the cause of multilateralism, which is the corner-stone of the United Nations.
Since last year we have witnessed the evolution of a new political atmosphere world-wide. There is an air of political optimism in all regions of the world. The thaw in the international climate is in large measure a result of the improved relations between the two super-Powers. The signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - last year, together with the follow-up summit in Moscow in June, has proved instrumental in acting as a catalyst to negotiations on a broad global agenda for resolving many regional problems. We note as a sign that the super-Powers are now willing to undertake co-operative action in the interests of peace.
Whether it be in southern Africa, the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, Cyprus, Western Sahara or, Kampuchea, there is hope built around the conviction that the parties involved are now prepared to try the peaceful alternative, and that the super-Powers are willing not only to encourage them but also to make the political choice of guaranteeing that the peace will hold. We commend all those involved in the ongoing contacts and negotiations in all the regions. We wish to underline, however, the need to address the root causes of the problems. It would be an exercise in futility to address ourselves only to the symptoms of the diseases and gloss over the diseases themselves.
Perhaps nowhere is such attention more called for than in southern Africa. While we are encouraged by the current contacts regarding the settlement of the Namibian question and the restoration of peace to Angola, we need to emphasize that these developments and contacts must serve as a curtain-raiser to an overall settlement in the region. They should not, therefore, be interpreted as a process of negotiating permanent arrangements for, coexistence with apartheid.
The genesis of conflict, war and general chaos in southern Africa is apartheid. The fact that, today, the apartheid regime has been forced to talk should not be taken as meaning that the South African Government has decided to abandon apartheid in South Africa or the politics of force against its neighbours. Rather, the apparent change of stance is a direct result of military defeats of its occupationist forces in Angola and the resulting political and economic pressures inside South Africa, and of the relentless pressure of external sanctions against the apartheid regime. The uprising by the black majority and some enlightened white elements, including those who now refuse to be drafted, has exerted combined pressure on the regime to abandon the war in Angola. This is the reality. We must remain vigilant and not fall prey to the apartheid propaganda or to that of the regime's allies and benefactors, which claim that it is on the road of reform. The regime remains racist; it remains aggressive. Its victims inside South Africa have seen no respite from its violence. Its victims in the neighbouring countries continue to suffer from acts of destabilization and outright military aggressions
Tanzania is deeply disturbed that the detractors of African freedom are seizing on the Current artificial atmosphere of movement in southern Africa to give solace to the apartheid regime and to undermine international political pressure against it. The situation in southern Africa represents the negation of our common humanity, which we seek to protect and foster by our subscription to the Charter and ideals of this Organization.
There can be no neutrality over apartheid, and we cannot leave the fight against it to the people of South Africa alone. The United Nations in particular must not just distance itself in pronouncements from apartheid; it must take concrete action to undermine it. It is equally important that it do everything possible to give encouragement to those inside South Africa struggling for the destruction of apartheid and victimized by its perpetrators. Now is the time to widen and deepen our reach into South Africa and to South Africans.
For this reason, my delegation is distressed at the prospect of the United Nations information system reducing its programmes targeted at the oppressed people of South Africa. It is the contention of my delegation that such curtailed programmes by the Department of Public Information, (DPI) on apartheid and on Namibia should not be implemented without the approval of the Assembly, which, in the first place, gave the mandate for the present DPI programmes on apartheid and Namibia.
That the apartheid regime is ready to talk to Angola and Mozambique and solicit the embrace of leaders of independent African States far from South Africa should not blind us to the reality that it continues to refuse to change its internal policies and to talk to the genuine leaders of the African majority in South Africa. Its peace overtures to Angola and Mozambique are not matched by similar overtures to its victims inside South Africa. Moreover, South Africa's aggression against its neighbours has not diminished. It follows, therefore, that if the regime wants to talk peace it should not talk peace only to Mozambique and Angola, but must seek fundamental peace with the black majority inside South Africa. Ito this end, it must repeal its apartheid laws, lift the state of emergency, end the ban on political parties and release Nelson Mandela and other political detainees, with whom it should discuss the future of a democratic, non-racial South Africa.
South Africa's sudden enthusiasm for dialogue and negotiation should not induce an international relaxation of the various pressures mounted against that evil regime. Readiness to talk by the apartheid Government does not herald a conversion to civilized principle. The so-called new mood of the South African Government, therefore, calls for a stiffening of sanctions. The South African regime has exposed the hollow equivocation of those who, in their unbridled pursuit of profits, claimed the inefficacy of sanctions against South Africa.
Only last week the head of the apartheid regime expressed the hope that his latest diplomatic dissembling would serve to avert or blunt sanctions against South Africa. South Africa is saying that sanctions do work. It is the responsibility of the international community to make them work better. For this reason, my delegation calls on the Security Council to undertake a better enforcement of the arms and oil embargoes against South Africa and on, individual Governments to broaden, intensify ,and-make more effective the sanctions they have put in place nationally. There is no question but that comprehensive mandatory sanctions would be the quickest, most .effective and least hurtful pressure on South Africa, and my delegation renews its call on the Security Council to impose them.
The damage done to property and infrastructure in the countries neighbouring South Africa by its active pursuit of a policy of destabilization has been estimated at between 325 billion and 330 billion. Those countries need substantial assistance to rebuild their infrastructures and economies. A number of countries have been forthcoming in this regard, and I wish to place on record my delegation's appreciation of this support. It helps those countries to reduce their dependence on South Africa and to increase the isolation of the apartheid regime.
But assistance to the front-line States, necessary though it is, should not be made a substitute for practical measures to fight apartheid. There are those who in giving aid to the front-line and other neighbouring States portray that assistance as a substitute for involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle. We in the front-line States resent being used as an excuse for inaction and as an apology for policies of economic self-aggrandizement. A balanced policy to combat apartheid must combine measures directly aimed at its dismantlement in South Africa with measures aimed at alleviating the burden borne by the front-line and other neighbouring States.
Tanzania has followed with keen interest the various rounds of talks regarding the future of Namibia and the security of Angola. We welcome those talks, while regretting that South Africa did not give way sooner. The people of Namibia have been denied their independence for too long.
The uniqueness of the Namibian situation lies not only in the United Nations responsibility for the Territory, but also in the host of factors which have converged to complicate the situation. Namibia is a case of colonialism, institutionalized racism, economic plunder and military occupation. Namibia's freedom and independence continue to be made hostage to ill-conceived political judgements on the part of South Africa and the United States administration.
As we meet here, and even as the talks continue, South Africa continues to entrench the apartheid system Inside Namibia. There is evidence of stepped-up direct police and military action against the civilian population. Including indiscriminate detentions, imprisonment without trial, and even summary liquidation of those suspected of sympathizing with the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). Even as talks about practical steps to Implement Security Council resolution 43S (1S78), embodying the plan for the independence of Namibia, continue. South Africa has not relented in its bid to assemble a coalition of internal surrogates, with a view to fraudulently denying SWAPO victory in the elections.
Even as we nurture guarded optimism over the prospects of a Namibian settlement we should not be complacent. Agreement on Implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is still predicated on meeting many extortionist demands. Linkage is still in place and Namibia remains in colonial bondage. South Africa remains obdurate and its allies remain unwilling to prevail on it. The history of the negotiations reveals South Africa as a past master at prevarication and duplicity. It is not, 10 years since, resolution 435 (1978) was adopted. They have been years of raised expectations and frustrations, as the apartheid regime and its allies have constructed one impediment after another, with such a history of diversions, procrastination and retreats, we cannot pretend that all is well.
Whatever the outcome of the ongoing negotiations, let me underline that Tanzania considers the talks as primarily aimed at negotiating modalities for implementing resolution 435 (1978) and guaranteeing the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola against South African expansionism. We urge the Security Council, and in particular the United States, which is serving as broker for the talks, to ensure that South Africa does not seek to undermine those basic legal and internationally promulgated goals. We salute the gallant forces of the People's Republic of Angola and the internationalist Cuban forces, who have triumphed over the racist regime's occupationist forces and have decisively determined the source of the war, culminating in the defeat of the South African army of invasion in southern Angola.
As in southern Africa, there is optimism in other areas. We welcome the acceptance by Morocco of United Nations mediation in an effort to bring peace and settlement of the Western Sahara problem. We hope that the Secretary-General will be given all the necessary support in putting into place arrangements for implementing the United Nations formula for the self-determination and independence of the Sahraoui people. For this process to succeed, we urge the parties to the conflict to muster the necessary political will and enter into direct negotiations, as provided for in the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations, Every effort must be made to ensure that the projected referendum in Western Sahara is, and is seen to be, an unqualified process of decolonization.
In the Middle East, we are outraged at the carnage being perpetrated by the Israeli forces against the Palestinian and Lebanese people, in contravention of Security Council resolutions and the Fourth Geneva Convention. Tanzania believes that, ultimately, the long-term interests of the region will be better served by political real ism on the part of all the parties concerned, a comprehensive and lasting peace can be ensured only by an unconditional withdrawal by Israel from all occupied Arab territories and recognition of the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to establish an independent State of their own. Equally, a secure peace must be built upon the inviolable right of all States in the region, including Israel, to live within secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
In expressing our unyielding solidarity with and support for the Palestinian people, we commend the role played by the Palestine Liberation Organization in guiding the struggle for freedom. The uprising, intifada, which has lasted for a year new, demonstrates once more that no price is too dear to pay for freedom and liberty. The situation remains explosive  it calls for urgent action. We endorse the call for an international conference on the Middle East, as we must insist that such a conference stands a better chance of securing peace for the region if only it recognizes the centrality of the Palestinian question in the overall Middle East problem. And, with this objective in view, the Palestine Liberation Organization must be allowed to play a key, definitive part in the Conference.
Tanzania welcomed the acceptance of Security Council resolution 598 (1988) and the cease-fire agreement between Iran and Iraq. We are gratified that a destructive war, which has claimed millions of lives and billions of dollars in property, is now finally being brought to an end. We commend the political courage of the leaders of both countries in agreeing to give a chance to a peaceful settlement of their dispute. By accepting a United Nations mediation role, the two countries have rekindled the spirit of the United Nations Charter and ushered in a new era of tolerance and, we hope, negotiations in the near future on permanent arrangements for peace and co-operation. We must urge them to remain committed to the restoration of peace and stability in the Gulf. The road to reconciliation and economic reconstruction will not be easy. We urge perseverance and call upon the international community to assist in these efforts, especially in ensuring that the United Nations Iran-Iraq Military Observer Group (1Ш1М0С) discharges its responsibilities effectively.
We are encouraged by the resumption of the in intercommunal talks in Cyprus within the framework of the good offices of the Secretary-General, The continued division of that country and the mounting tension can only precipitate fratricidal conflict. We call upon the leaders of both the Turkish and the Greek communities to exercise restraint and assist the Secretary-General in his mediation efforts to bring about a lasting solution within the framework of the territorial integrity, independence and n on--aligned character of Cyprus.
We note that in Afghanistan the withdrawal of foreign troops has continued as scheduled. We hope that the same spirit will be demonstrated in the coming and more complex task of elaborating mechanisms for national reconciliation, national economic reconstruction and the restoration of peace, territorial integrity and the country's non-alignment. Ws urge the parties to the Geneva agreement, as well as the guarantors, to ensure that the agreement is implemented in its entirety and that permanent peace quickly returns to that country.
The Korean peninsula continues to be an area of simmering conflict. Occupation forces remain, yet 40 years of occupation have not diminished the fighting spirit and longing for unity of the Korean people. Tanzania calls for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the area and the promotion of a climate which will lead to the reunification of Korea.
Regarding Kampuchea, my Government has been encouraged by the resumption of dialogue as evidenced by the recent Jakarta Informal Meeting. In commending the efforts of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), we call upon the different factions involved to place first ¿he interests of their country and people and agree on a Government of national unity.
The problems of Central America continue to defy solution. Conditions in the region have continued to deteriorate as internal conflicts, foreign interference and aggression have increased. Indeed, despite sustained diplomatic efforts by the countries of the region and the international community, peace is not in sight; rather, we are witnessing the flame of hope lit by the signing of a cease-fire agreement in Nicaragua, and the understanding on a comprehensive peace settlement in the region early this year, flicker in the face of opposition by the United States Government. Naturally we share the anxiety and anguish of the Central American people for they have been unduly subjected to gratuitous suffering and deprivation for too long. In the search for peace it is imperative that the politics of force and threats of confrontation and war to abandoned. The countries of the region must seek solutions that take into account the real nature of their problems and reject prescriptions grafted from outside or imposed through economic pressure and military or other force.
We note positively that those countries, through the Contadora process and in particular the Guatemala peace plan, have recognized the importance of a regional approach to the problems of the region. By rejecting the ideological fixations which place the problems of the region in the arena of East-West confrontation and seeking instead solutions more in tune with their needs, those countries have taken a new direction towards a more stable and lasting peace. We commend the perseverance of all parties involved and call upon the international community to help these countries sustain the dialogue that has been initiated. In particular we call upon all those interested in the region to desist from actions which undermine the peace process and place its future in jeopardy.
As the world attempts to grapple with these regional problems, other problems of an economic and security nature have persisted, and while in some areas we have recorded encouraging signals the situation overall regains delicate.
In the field of armaments the world stands to record the highest military expenditures, at a time when the majority of the world population is threatened by economic problems, arising from a multitude of economic factors, a handful of countries are spending more than a trillion dollars on instruments of war alone.
Last year the world was at one in welcoming the signing between the United States and the Soviet Union of a Treaty on the elimination of their intermediate-range and shorter-range nuclear forces - the INF Treat/. It did so because of the promise the Treaty held for the future. Insignificant as it was in terms of the numerical count of the warheads covered, the Treaty was applauded for Its political value. It was judged to be important in enabling the two super-Powers to cross an important psychological barrier. The Treaty demonstrated that, given political will, it is possible not only to halt the arms race but also, in a sense, to begin the process of reversing it. Given the optimism generated by the INF Treaty, much was expected of tee Moscow summit meeting. But despite what was obviously a favourable political climate It proved impossible to expand on the gains of the Washington summit meeting and agree on more concrete and substantial reductions. № note none the less that there was an expression of commitment want to a 50-per-cent reduction in strategic offensive systems and to the negotiation of a nuclear test-ban regime - even though on a phased approach, ,a urge the two super-Powers to take advantage of the current political warmth to negotiate deeper cuts and to broaden the scope of their negotiations to cover other areas.
My country, together with Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico and Sweden, continues to co-operate in the six-nation peace initiative. Our countries have united in a common belief that the non-nuclear-weapon States have a duty and a right to demand a halt to the arms race. We can no longer be satisfied by repeated promises, which have only moved the world closer to a nuclear war. In their Stockholm Declaration of January this year the leaders of the six countries reiterated their call for a comprehensive nuclear-test ban and the prohibition of the extension of the arms race into outer space.
We believe that verification has a central role to play in all disarmament agreements. In particular if such a role were entrusted to the United Nations it would enhance mutual confidence among the parties and encourage the exploration of expanded areas of agreement. The proposal of the Six for the establishment of an integrated multilateral verification body within the United Nations system remains. We hope that more countries will come around and accord it the necessary support.
While there has been co-operation on the bilateral level we regret that the multilateral forum - namely the Conference on Disarmament - has been hamstrung. The paralysis now gripping the Conference, largely camouflaged behind the rule of consensus, has prevented the initiation of negotiations on crucial matters such as a comprehensive test ban and the prevention of the arms race in outer space. We must express our deep regret that despite public expressions of support some countries have steadily undermined the efficacy of the United Nations multilateral- negotiating forums on disarmament,
Tanzania believes that our pursuit of peace, is closely linked to the struggle for development. These two ideals, which are among the pillars of our political philosophy and foreign policy cannot be fruitfully pursued independently of each other. We need peace to develop, as we need development to preserve peace. That is why we continue to affirm that there is an organic link between disarmament and development.	..
In June this year the General Assembly convened in a third special session devoted to disarmament. I need not labour the point that the failure of the session was the direct result of active Opposition on the one hand and permissive silence on the other by some developed countries. But the smokescreen of the so-called new realities cannot avail and procrastination simply multiplies the risks of an escalating arms race. Disarmament cannot be prescribed as the prerogative of a few countries, however powerful their arsenals. Certainly effective disarmament can be realized only by the participation and co-operation of the whole community of nations.	·
We have in recent months witnessed the phenomenon of the dumping of nuclear and industrial toxic waste in the African continent. We deplore the callous action of those companies or individuals from the industrialized countries who have sought to turn Africa into a garbage dump for hazardous toxic and radioactive, wastes. It is morally wrong to take advantage of the economic weakness of the least developed countries, the majority of which are in Africa, and we call upon the international community, and in particular the International Atomic Energy Agency, to institute a regime of measures end norms to arrest this dangerous development not only in Africa but throughout the world.
From Tanzania's standpoint, it is a matter of regret that the progress witnessed in the last few years on the diplomatic and political fronts has not been reflected in the world economic climate. This continues to be characterized by the imbalances and instabilities illustrated by growth in the industrial economies' and decline in the third-world economies. The sum result of these trends is the accelerated impoverishment of the third world.
Africa provides the starkest contrast. As the mid-term review of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, 1986-1990 indicated, African countries are generally poorer today than they were two years ago. Their debts continue to rise as do the interest rates attendant upon them, commodity prices continue to fall and there is the incredible spectacle of a net outflow of resources from Africa.
We in Africa can no longer be faulted on the old grounds. As the Secretary-General's report has indicated, many African countries have embarked upon the necessary policy reforms and financial adjustments. We have bought all the prescriptions but our health has further deteriorated.
The facts and the logic are incontrovertible. The internal factors inexorably called for Africa's Priority Programme for Economic Recovery. We believe the experiences of the last two years just as inexorably call for the tackling of the external factors. There is now a clear case for a global structural adjustment programme leading to a new international economic order - or whatever we may choose to call it. Third-world economic disenfranchisement cannot for long sustain first-world development.
There is yet opportunity to correct these imbalances and inequities. In addition to individual national adjustment programmes calling for external support; African countries have called for the holding of an international conference on African debt. The initiative of last June's economic summit on the debt of the poorest developing countries needs to be carried further. The Uruguay Round roust be negotiated with greater concern for the trading needs of the developing countries. Effective attendance at the debt conference and the Uruguay Round negotiations will produce solutions which will not only arrest the decline in the economic fortunes of the poor countries, but will also give a human face to the concept of international co-operation and interdependence.
Attempts to monopolize the search for solutions of global and regional problems in the last few years have failed. This experience underscores all the more the centrality of the United Nations in world affairs, for it has reminded us that the United Nations offers a unique forum within which to evolve strategies for coexistence, accommodation and mutually beneficial co-operation. In this worthy and common enterprise Tanzania will continue to give its unqualified support to the United Nations and its agencies.	'


It is a pleasure, Sir, for my delegation to see you presiding over the forty-third session of the General Assembly. We are certain that with your experience in international affairs and your personal qualities you will lead and guide our work with skill and diplomacy. We congratulate you on your election and assure you of our fullest support and co-operation.
Our thanks go also to His Excellency Mr. Peter Florin, who so ably guided the work of the forty-second session.
The year 1988 and the forty-third session of the General Assembly will probably go down as the most momentous in the history of the United Nations. Perhaps never since its founding has the Organization played such a dramatic role in conflict resolution, and that at a time when it faced the most acute financial crisis of its life. The Secretary-General and his staff deserve our highest praise for their tireless, painstaking efforts. We are confident that they will be rewarded even more for their work before the final gavel falls at the closure of the forty-third session in September next year.
The cessation of hostilities between Iran and Iraq on 20 August last after one of the longest wars of the century - and perhaps the bloodiest - brings relief to two embattled nations and their peoples. My delegation hopes that the peace process currently under way will lead to a lasting solution to the differences which separate those two proud nations. Peace between there will mean so much less turbulence in a region important to the economic and political stability of the world.
As is evident from the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq brought about through the patient mediation of the Secretary-General, the United Nations can play a major and positive role in conflict resolution. The cessation of hostilities in the Gulf war was not the first success of the initiatives undertaken by the Secretary-General within a period of a few months. Before that came the accord that led to the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. Those developments prove that, irrespective of the numerous resolutions the General Assembly might adopt, there can be little hope of resolving conflicts without accompanying positive steps towards mediation. The intervention and good offices of a third party with no motive other than the promotion of international peace and security, appear to constitute an acceptable avenue. The United Nations, through the good offices of the Secretary-General, is the third party which, as has been proved, can play that vital role most effectively.
My delegation is confident that the best of intentions will continue to be displayed by both parties in the Iran-Iraq conflict during the peace negotiations and that they will soon establish the basis for a just and acceptable long-term solution to their differences. Likewise, we also hope that the parties to the Afghanistan accord will do nothing to jeopardize the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan.
Let us hope that progress towards peace in those two areas will impel the parties involved in conflicts elsewhere to accept the good offices of the Secretary-General to help resolve their differences. The signs are favourable in Namibia, Cyprus and Western Sahara. We urge all the parties concerned not to allow the opportunity to pass, but rather, using the Afghanistan and Iran-Iraq settlements as beacons, to add momentum to mankind's most cherished hope of a peaceful world. We are certain that the Secretary-General, who has an open mandate from all Member States to denote international peace and security, will be ever willing, ready and available to use his good offices in the cause of peace.
For small countries like my own, one way of demonstrating our commitment to the ideals of the United Nations is to contribute to peace-keeping operations. We are pleased to note that some countries which had withheld payments for many years are now meeting their commitments. Regrettably, a major contributor has become a defaulter. We urge all Member States not to cripple the Organization at a time when it is poised to make its most significant contribution to peace and security since its founding. Here I should like to reiterate that my country will continue to support the United Nations in all its peace-making and peace-keeping endeavours. We shall continue to contribute troops, as we do to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and the United Nations Good Offices Mission for Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNGOMAP) and to any other peace missions which might arise. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces is a fitting tribute to the Organization and the various troop-contributing countries, including my own.
The events in Fiji last year which necessitated a review of our constitutional basis retrains a major preoccupation for us. We are grateful for the support which many countries have expressed for our efforts to devise a solution relevant to our circumstances. As those familiar with our part of the world will know, we are determined to pursue a course of action which will be fair and just to all our people.
The Interim Government has pursued two major objectives since it took office on 5 December 19Θ7. Those objectives are the reconstruction of the economy and the preparation of a new constitution. On 15 September 1988 the Interim Government released the eagerly awaited draft constitution, which contains guarantees for the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms, including protection of the right to life and personal liberty; protection from slavery and forced labour protection from inhuman treatment·, protection from deprivation of property·, protection for privacy of homes and other property, protection of freedom of conscience, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and association and freedom of movement·, and protection from discrimination on the grounds of race or religion. It is envisaged that a consensus will emerge on the draft constitution, enabling the Interim Government to fulfil its promise to hold a general election within two years of taking office - that is before the end of 1969.
Fiji is a multiracial country, where all ethnic groups live in harmony without any systematic harassment. We will never institutionalise racism, as was alleged recently. At the same time it is vital that the needs and fears of the indigenous community be addressed if long-term peace and stability are to be assured. We need to take affirmative action as a matter of urgency to ensure that the indigenous community does not become an underprivileged minority in its own country.
The issue of decolonization still occupies a prominent place on the Assembly's agenda every year. There are now only a few colonial Territories left. We remain fully committed to the principle of self-determination for all the colonized peoples. The option of which choice to accept must be left to the people. Once they have made their decision the administering Power and the international community Rust respect their choice and assist in the implementation of their decision.
Among the few Non-Self-Governing Territories now remaining, none is of greater international concern than Namibia, which is being illegally occupied by the minority racist regime of South Africa. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) provides the basis for the just settlement of the Namibian question and we would like to see it implemented in its totality. The agreement reached last month is a positive and welcome sign and the international community must now use all its endeavours to give it momentum, so that the people of Namibia may be granted their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. The good offices of the Secretary-General may be vital in the pursuance and achievement of that goal.
On the opposite side of the world there is another people yearning for self-determination. There, too, we now see more hope than was evident a few months ago. My Government welcomes the positive measures that the new Government of France has adopted in its policy towards New Caledonia. The reopening of dialogue with the people of the Territory has resulted in the formulation of a timetable for a genuine act of self-determination.
It was with cognisance of those positive developments that my delegation, with the full support of other South Pacific Forum members, put forward a resolution on the question of New Caledonia which the Special Committee on decolonization adopted by consensus. That same resolution will come before the General Assembly. We believe it reflects the developments now taking place. It is positive and constructive in language and forward-looking in scope. We are confident that the General Assembly, taking note of the current situation in the Territory, will also adopt the resolution by consensus.
The reunification of the two Koreas remains the hope of the people of both those countries, ardently supported by much of the international community, but it can become a reality only given the determination of both parties to resolve outstanding difficulties. Until that happens my Government sees no reason why either erne should be denied its rightful place in this Organization. We support the admission of both North Korea and South Korea as full Members of the United Nations pending reunification. For the present, however, if one is unable or unwilling to take its seat, the other should not be penalized by being prevented from joining the Organization.
While some positive developments give us reason to be hopeful, my Government once again voices its strong support for the Kampuchean people in their struggle to restore peace and stability to their war-torn country. The independence and territorial integrity of Kampuchea must be restored and this can coma about only through the withdrawal of all foreign forces. The people of Kampuchea have a rightful claim to peace and security. While problems and conflicts between countries can be resolved through mediation, nothing can restore dignity and equality to a people who are oppressed by a regime which is bigoted in its thinking and dogmatic in its policy. The minority regime in South Africa continues to fly in the face of international opinion and persists with its policy of apartheidЂ Regrettably, it is emboldened in pursuing its oppressive racist policy because some influential Member States lack the political will to apply appropriate pressure. If all Member States that strongly condemn and abhor the policy of apartheid had exerted consistent and firm pressure on the Botha regime, the oppression of the majority in South Africa would not have gone on for so long. If the international community continues to vacillate and not take effective measures against the apartheid regime, it must accept the responsibility when the volcano of suppression erupts. That day does not appear to be far away. Let us therefore act collectively and effectively so that bloodshed and violence can be avoided.
The easing of tensions and the resolution of regional conflicts has been given a greater impetus by the recent improvement of relations between the two super-Powers, leading to enhanced prospects of a more lasting peace through arras reduction. But much more remains to be achieved if the world is to be spared the scourge of another war. If the world is to be saved for succeeding generations, the elimination of nuclear weapons must remain our principal concern and steadfast goal. Until agreement can be readied on this score, however, we believe that the time has come to cease all nuclear testing. In this regard, my delegation condemns in the strongest possible terms the continued testing of nuclear devices in the South Pacific region, which, under the Treaty of Rarotonga, has been declared a nuclear-weapon-free zone. We urge Prance to respect that Treaty and desist from defiling our part of the world. We would go further and urge the three nuclear-weapon States - Britain  France and the United States - which have not yet done so to accept and sign the Protocols t, the South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone Treaty.
The impact of the continuing international financial turmoil has a particularly devastating effect on the third world, and more so on island developing countries such as ray own. The vulnerability of such States means that when the world economy is healthy we are unable to take full advantage of the boom. But when conditions are difficult we suffer the greatest penalty. The escalating debt crisis, worsening of the terms of trade and rising protectionism will mean a grimmer future unless comprehensive steps are taken to cushion their impact on the developing world. Much is made of partnership between developed and developing, but this has to be reflected in more equitable policies and a greater willingness to share.
Through its numerous social and economic programmes the United Nations has given dignity and self-respect to millions of people in every corner of the world. Now it is embarked on a major task - to improve international peace and security. Yet the Organization is faced with a worsening financial crisis which today is more critical than it has ever been in its 43-year history. Every Member State has the right to criticize the Organization, to point out its shortcomings, to ask for reforms and greater cost-effectiveness. But no Member State should expect to be able to exercise that right when it does not honour its financial obligations.
The Organization continues to face a critical financial situation. Repeated requests by the Secretary-General for timely and full payment of assessed contributions continue to go unheeded, taking the Organization nearer to the brink of bankruptcy. We support and join the Secretary-General in his plea to all Member States to honour their financial obligations under the Charter.
The United Nations has long been accused of being ineffective. The events of the last few non the prove that when Member States show the will to support it the Organization can play an important role in helping to build a more peaceful and better world. Let us therefore give it the support it deserves. Let us make it an Organization to be proud of and one under whose aegis we can build a better world for our children.


I congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the important post of President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. My delegation shares the confidence that the members of this body have placed in you. Let me assure you of my delegation's full co-operation in the discharge of the high duties entrusted to you.
May I also take this opportunity to place on record my country's appreciation of a job well done by your predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin.
I have had the honour of addressing the General Assembly on two previous occasions in my capacity as Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea: on 10 October 1975, shortly after my country gained independence, and in 1983. I sun especially honoured to be able to represent Papua New Guinea as Foreign Minister at the forty-third session of the General Assembly, an occasion which marks the fortieth anniversary of the adoption by the General Assembly of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
As I stated on those two previous occasions, Papua New Guinea regards the United Nations as having a special role in working for the resolution of tensions and conflicts and for building a stranger framework for international co-operation based on mutual respect and understanding.
Papua New Guinea remains committed to playing its part in contributing to this objective. As in previous years, the agenda for this session of the General Assembly is a complex one. Many pressing issues remain unresolved, and many uncertainties still exist in international relations, uncertainties which have a direct impact on the development processes of a great number of developing countries, including Papua New Guinea. But despite these uncertainties, there can still be some cause for hope and optimism. It can be said with a measure of confidence that a number of positive steps have been taken in tackling problems which are the subject of this session's attention.
My delegation highly commends the Secretary-General,
Mr, Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his unwavering efforts in upholding the purposes and principles of the Charter. We also commend the comprehensive report he has presented to the Assembly. It is especially pleasing to note the progress that is being made in respect of the situations concerning Afghanistan, the Iran-Iraq conflict, Namibia, Kampuchea and Cyprus.
But his report also underlines other pressing issues, including disarmament, trade, finance and human rights, where more resolute international action is required. We remain convinced of the need for a strengthened United Nations system to play a central role in promoting peace and security and more equitable economic relations between developed and developing countries.
Our own region in the South Pacific is comparatively free of major conflicts. Indeed, the region continues to enjoy peace and stability. But there are some changing trends and, unlike the past, more countries and organizations beyond the South Pacific are showing an interest in engaging actively with the region. The South Pacific is not immune from the effects of international tensions and many of the worrying trends in the world economy. Our region is one where in some parts colonialism has not been brought to an end, where in other parts nuclear activities continue to be conducted, despite strong protests from Governments of South Pacific nations, and one where there are growing tendencies for big-Power rivalry.
The South Pacific community is made up of many small island States scattered in a vast expanse of ocean, which depend on only a small number of agricultural and marine products for their livelihood and export income. I am pleased to be able to say that there have also been some positive trends in the South Pacific since the last session of the General Assembly.
In New Caledonia, constructive progress has been achieved by the French administration in re-establishing dialogue between different ethnic groups in the Territory. One year ago, my predecessor drew the Assembly's attention to the presence of a large number of French security personnel stationed in New Caledonia which, among other things, served to intimidate the Kanak people in their just struggle to seek independence from Prance.
In April this year, Papua New Guinea and other island nations were outraged by the merciless killing of 16 Kanaks by French security forces and the build-up of tension in the Territory. We are pleased that the Rachard administration has now set in train a process that will bring about positive changes for the better. The framework agreement concluded in Paris in August provides a basis on which the different communities in New Caledonia can work together in a spirit of reconciliation and understanding to achieve independence. But not all causes of tension have been removed. New Caledonia is on the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories. The Assembly, therefore, has a responsibility to continue monitoring developments in New Caledonia. We also hope that the administering Power will live up to all its responsibilities and obligations as provided for in the Charter of the United Nations.
Papua New Guinea has also closely followed developments in other Territories in the Pacific. In the case of the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of Marshall Islands, we believe that the people of those States have expressed their wishes on their political future. Political evolution in those States has been consistent with United Nations principles and practices. Papua New Guinea has therefore established full diplomatic relations with the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of Marshall Islands. We urge other Member States of the United Nations to do the same. We hope that the way will be clear for the people of Palau and the United States Administration to resolve outstanding matters affecting Palau's political future.
Papua New Guinea is a full and active member of the South Pacific Forum, the major regional organization of the South Pacific. We continue to work with other member States of the South Pacific Forum in opposing nuclear testing and the dumping of nuclear wastes in our region.
The South Pacific Nuclear-Free-Zone Treaty and the South Pacific Regional Environment Protection Convention are the two most important instruments established to safeguard the environment of our region. Papua New Guinea will shortly ratify both these Treaties. The decision by the Governments of the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China to ratify Protocols 2 and 3 of the South Pacific Nuclear-Free-Zone Treaty is a welcome development. We urge other nuclear Powers similarly to ratify the Protocols and to respect the operation of the Treaty in the South Pacific.
At a recent meeting of Heads of Government of South Pacific nations in September it was decided to put in place а number of new arrangements to facilitate more constructive dialogue and exchanges with other countries and organizations. A Forum institutional network has been created to bring together all regional bodies operating in the South Pacific for improved co-ordination and collaboration. Regular high-level consultations between the nations of the South Pacific and interested third countries are proposed to take place each year immediately following the annual meeting of Heads of Government. These arrangements are intended to draw greater international attention to the development needs and constraints of the island nations of the South Pacific to draw attention to our resource potential and to mobilize appropriate resources to contribute to economic development, self-reliance, capacity building and the social progress of our people. The entry into force in June this year of the multilateral fisheries arrangement between the Government of the United States and the Governments of Pacific islands nations has been an important step forward not only for the development of the region's principal resource - fisheries -- but also for the expansion of economic relations in our region. Papua New Guinea would welcome similar fishing arrangements with other major fishing nations. We urge the Government of Japan to continue the dialogue with island States with a view to concluding a multilateral fishing arrangement soon.
The South Pacific region is relatively unknown among the majority of the States Members of the United Nations, and to0 many United Nations agencies. The needs of the island communities in the South Pacific are great. The South Pacific Forum has taken important initiatives to encourage other nations and organizations to contribute to the development of our region in fields where they are able to assist. Other important regional initiatives are to follow, in arrangements dealing with trade, transport and telecommunications.
Regional co-operation has been a corner-stone for the development of many United Nations programmes. We see a pressing need for many of the United Nations organs to be more sensitised and reoriented to the real needs and aspirations of the island nations of the Pacific.
Papua New Guinea's interests extend beyond the South Pacific region. We seek to strengthen our ties with the countries members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Our ties with ASEAN have steadily expanded in recent years. We continue to value our special observer status at the annual meetings of ASEAN foreign ministers. My Government is pleased also that the ASEAN nations have agreed to our request to be allowed to accede to the Treaty of Amity and Co-operation in South-East Asia.
The situation in Kampuchea continues to give cause for concern. My delegation notes with guarded optimism the developments and initiatives seen in the past 12 months relating to the Kampuchean problem. The informal talks held in Jakarta, Indonesia, by all the parties concerned with the Kampuchean issue ace a welcome development. My delegation believes that the Kampuchean problem will be resolved not only by the unconditional withdrawal of Vietnamese forces but also by the prevention of the return of the genocidal policies and practices of Pol Pot and the Khmer Ruge. Papua New Guinea commends the efforts of the ASEAN group of countries to resolve this outstanding problem of our region.
The situation of the Korean peninsula is also of concern to my Government. We appeal to the Governments of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea to continue to seek ways whereby dialogue and reconciliation can prevail. My delegation notes favourably the recent initiatives contained in the July 1988 Declaration issued by the President of the Republic of Korea aimed at enhancing the prospects for reunification. We urge the Governments of both countries to reflect the wishes of their people, who earnestly hope for early reunification. My Government is of the view that the admission of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea to the United Nations has the potential for opening up an additional avenue for dialogue. My Government associates itself with the growing number of Governments that wish to see North and South Korea join the United Nations.
The Iran-Iraq war represents one of the most unfortunate and saddest mobilizations of people in recent times. The unnecessarily prolonged conflict has cost so many lives and inflicted misery on so many persons. My delegation joins other delegations in welcoming the 20 August cease-fire. In that connection we commend the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar. The members of the Security Council have demonstrated the necessary political will to find an early solution to the Iran-Iraq war, and we commend them also. The leaders of Iran and Iraq owe it to their people to restore peace and harmony as soon as possible. Security Council resolution 598 (1987) provides a sound basis for the early resolution of the unfortunate conflict.
Recent events in the Middle East call for nose efforts to be made to address the underlying causes of tension and conflict. My delegation believes that the Palestinians have a right to a homeland. Israel; too, has a right to exist within secure borders. Those two conditions are fundamental to any lasting solution to the problem.
The situation in Central America, especially in Nicaragua, deserves the understanding of the leaders of that region and those who are in a position to influence the outcome. We commend those leaders in that region who have demonstrated foresight and sensitivity to the problems in their midst. My delegation recognizes the value of the regional approach to the problems there.
Every year we have come to the General Assembly with expectations that some concrete measures would be taken in response to the problem of apartheid in South Africa. But, despite many resolutions by the United Nations, the problem still exists. My delegation believes that the option of mandatory sanctions against South Africa holds some prospects for success. We acknowledge that such a course of action, if adopted, could create economic hardship. But what other options are there? Economic hardship can be corrected over time, but left unattended apartheid will continue to create oppression and suffering.
Recent signs that the people of Namibia could regain their freedom and sovereignty give us some hope. Papua New Guinea urges all parties that are in a position to bring about a favourable outcome to spare no effort to facilitate progress towards Namibia's long-awaited achievement of independence.
We in the Pacific are made up of mainly small States·, yet we are linked with the international community in many significant ways. Our environment may be less troubled than perhaps that of others, but we continue to be highly vulnerable to influences of the international environment.
Keeping our region free of big-Power rivalry and of nuclear activities is an issue to which Papua New Guinea continues to attach considerable importance. The conclusion last December by the United States and the Soviet Union of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles is an important step forward in disarmament and arms control. But more can and should be done in this area by all those who possess nuclear weapons. Like other representatives who have addressed the Assembly, we believe there is a pressing need for further steps to be taken if effective disarmament, arms reduction and arms control ate to be achieved.
As I have sought to set forth earlier, vulnerability stems also from limited opportunities to promote economic development. Papua New Guinea attaches importance to international efforts aimed at dealing with the growing problems of trade protectionism, debt-servicing and the slow-down in financial transfers to developing countries. We have taken full account of the many comments that delegations have made in relation to the role and effectiveness of the United Nations at the present time. While the Organization has not been able to deal with all problems affecting the international community, there are positive signs that the United Nations machinery has been given a chance to work. Some momentum has developed in tackling a good number of problems for which solutions have been sought for a long time. Let us not waste this opportunity.


I should like to begin by congratulating our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for the Nobel Peace Prise which has been awarded to the United Nations. Ho regard that lofty distinction as recognition of the noble task carried out by the troops in "blue helmets", but also, of course, as a gesture of appreciation for the heroic endeavours of the Secretary-General in defence of this Organisation, on behalf of peace and for the successes achieved within this last year.
From 1981 to date, we have witnessed the emergence of an extremely powerful campaign against multilateralism, in general, and against the United Nations and the rule of law in international relations, in particular. Armed unilateralism has set aside the United Nations Charter and sought to have itself recognized as lord and master of the universe. Such is the extreme reached by the self-deification of the United States and the pretensions of its leaders,
A loss of identity end delusions of grandeur are not unknown phenomena. Psychiatric hospitals are full of patients who believe they are Napoleon or Superman and demand to be treated accordingly. It is difficult to deal with such people; it is impossible to please them.
Nothing, however, can compare with the difficulty involved in dealing with a powerful State that believes itself to be God and requires all of us to burn incense at its altar and acknowledge its right - its non-existing right - to do whatever it may please regardless of all divine, ethical and legal precepts. We know what we are talking about, because we have experienced it directly. That is why we applaud the way our Secretary-General has succeeded in keeping the United Nations afloat amid the storm of economic pressure and campaigns to undermine the effectiveness of the Organisation.
The results achieved by the United Nations in promoting peace this year have finally forced these senseless circles to modify their attitude somewhat and to agree to face up to their economic obligations to the Organisation. We applaud this development as a victory for common sense. We should like to see this extend also to respect for the sacred principles of the Charter; otherwise, it would be futile to spend money to keep the Organisation alive. The Charter is the soul of the United Nations. The very reason for its existence lies in respect for the Charter and in making sure that others respect it.
We wish also to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of this important forty-third session of the General Assembly. As a representative of our Latin American and Caribbean region, as Foreign Minister of a country that belongs to the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and to the Contadora Support Group, and as a tireless champion of international peace on both the political and economic fronts, you. Sir, are particularly well qualified to help us take the fullest possible advantage of the opportunities offered by the progress that has been made towards solving a number of regional conflicts and in negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union.
Nicaragua has followed the development of this general debate most attentively. Manifest throughout the debate has been the optimism inspired by the new atmosphere of understanding between the United States and the Soviet Union, the most tangible evidence of which has been the agreement on the elimination of intermediate nuclear forces. Beyond any doubt, we share the belief that this understanding has had a positive effect on international relations. Nevertheless, the optimism and expectations created by this new age of detente should not make us lose sight of the very  rave problems that continue to confront mankind. As the Secretary-General acknowledges in his report on the work of the Organisation:
"The international situation is still, of course, marked by points of strain and danger, visible or lurking. Complacency about the resolution of complex problems that still face us is impermissible." fA/43/l. p. 2>
These new circumstances should be the starting point for a substantive change in international relations. We aspire to genuine international democracy, based on strict adherence to the principles and norms of the United Nations Charter, which is the only way to guarantee that just solutions will be found to the central problems of peace and development.
In pursuing this goal, the poor and the non-aligned countries must be more united than ever and must act judiciously and resolutely in terms of an agenda of our own making. The agenda for an international peace which can only be achieved through the development of peoples and the recognition of the sovereign and legal equality of all States.
The role of the United Nations is fundamental in the process of democratizing international relations. Here we must pay a tribute to the patience and determination shown by the Secretary-General, Javier Peres de Cuellar, who, over the years, has been able to cope with very serious difficulties and who, at this very moment, is playing an increasingly active and key role in the solution of a number of regional conflicts.
An essential ingredient in the strengthening of the United Nations Is an unflagging political will on the part of the permanent members of the Security Council as well. Genuine support, by which I mean the kind of support that is really needed to strengthen our Organization, is not the kind that arises from political propaganda interests of the moment, but the kind that comes from a profound conviction that the United Nations is the key to carrying forward the changes needed to guarantee peace. The pressing problems of disarmament cannot be resolved outside the framework of this Organisation. To prevent a nuclear catastrophe is a responsibility shared by us all. The Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles (the INF Treaty} signed by the United States and the Soviet Union is of tremendous importance, but we must not forget that it involves the elimination of only 4 per cent of current nuclear arsenals.
Bilateral negotiations between the two super-Powers should continue with a view to reducing strategic nuclear weapons and at no time should those talks be allowed to become an obstacle to multilateral negotiations. Unfortunately, this is what has been happening up to now. There are aspects of disarmament which are of vital importance to all States, such as the urgent need for a treaty on the comprehensive banning of nuclear testing, the prohibition of the production and use of chemical weapons, the prevention of the arms race in outer space and the reduction of conventional weapons.
Nor must the priority of nuclear disarmament be allowed to be an obstacle to progress in reducing conventional weapons. This is an area of the utmost interest to the developing countries. Reduction of the third world's military expenditure, which would help us to deal with the grave economic problems of the present time, nevertheless strict adherence to the principles and norms of international law and a climate in which hostility, force and intervention are replaced by respect for international pluralism, peaceful coexistence, co-operation and friendship among peoples.	.
The main responsibility for disarmament in all its aspects continues to lie with the militarily significant Powers, which must reduce their military expenditure and increase the amount of their official development assistance. The idea of establishing a United Nations fund for disarmament and development remains valid. It is significant that the total debt of the developing world, which now exceeds $1 trillion, is equivalent to the current level of world-wide military spending. The outgoing capital transfers from Latin America and the Caribbean in 1987 amounted to 45 per cent of the defence spending of the United States and 66 per cent of its fiscal deficit. The price of financing, promoting and developing the arms race has been the poverty and hunger of our peoples.
One consequence of today's unjust economic order, the problem of debt, which affects the vast majority of the world's peoples, is today an insurmountable obstacle in the way of development. The starting-point for solving this problem is the recognition that our peoples have a right to development. Partial solutions by means of bilateral negotiations have been exhausted. The debt problem simply cannot be solved by means of more debt. Adjustment policies have been taken to their limit. The strategy of buying time and waiting for an economic miracle is not merely evasive but also suicidal. The consequences of a world-wide economic collapse would be suffered by all, debtors and creditors alike. Global solutions and consensus are therefore imperative.
An extremely important step in this direction is the decision recently taken in Caracas Venezuela by the countries that make up the Latin American Economic System (SELA) to hold the first Latin American conference on foreign debt next year. We believe that the conference should be held as soon as possible and that the participants should include representatives of other regions that also suffer the consequences of this grave problem.
But it is not enough to recognise the gravity of the debt problem and arrive at a just solution on the basis of recognising the shared responsibilities of debtor and creditor. The new international economic order must also become a reality. If it does not, little or nothing will be gained by resolving the debt problem temporarily, because problems are resolved not by addressing their effects but by attacking their causes.
The wealth of the few must not continue to grow in an unrestrained manner at the cost of the impoverishment of the vast majority. To the extent that we are capable of finding a just and comprehensive solution to this pressing problem we shall be laying the foundations for a reorganisation of the current system of world economic relations. A now international economic order continues to be one of our most important objectives and priorities, and the pragmatism called for by some should not be allowed to become a pretext for abandoning the struggle and irresponsibly giving way to the immoral logic of extreme mercantilism that today prevails.
The new momentum which the United Nations has acquired in solving various regional conflicts, represented by the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan, the developments concerning the independence of Namibia, the end of the war between Iran and Iraq, the dialogue in Cyprus, and the self-determination of Western Sahara, is to a great extent the result of the work undertaken by the Organisation and its Secretary-General on behalf of world peace. Although it is trying to take credit for these achievements, the credit certainly does not lie with the United States, the action of whose Government over the past eight years has been characterised by systematic blocking of this Organisation and its specialised agencies and the promotion of such theories as linkage, constructive engagement and low-intensity warfare, all invented to prolong the suffering of peoples and postpone the dawn of freedom.
If today we are witnessing a resurgence of the United Nations, it is precisely because this policy of overt and covert war against multilateralism has been defeated.
If today we can hope to see solutions to various regional conflicts, it is because throughout our resistance struggle we have succeeded in firmly defending our principles and have persevered in proposing solutions based on them.
If today it is possible to foresee the end of the hateful policy and practice of apartheid. which constitutes the most serious offence to the universal conscience of our time, it is thanks above all to the heroic struggle of the people of South Africa, as well as to international solidarity, first and foremost that of the front-line States, the heroic and disinterested assistance given by the Cuban people, backed by the entire Non-Aligned Movement, and the praiseworthy efforts of the United Nations. It is the admirable tenacity shown by individuals, peoples and institutions struggling for peace that will lead to recognition of the inalienable right· of the Palestinian people, to the reunification of Korea, and to the liberation once and for all of Central America for, the age-old scourge of United States intervention.
In Central America peace efforts continue to be sabotaged It has not been possible to give full effect to the Esquipulas agreements, signed by the Central American Presidents on 7 August last year. One basic aspect of the agreements concerns the essential verification mechanism. Nicaragua has insisted that this mechanism take the form of a United Nations peace operation under the direction of the Secretary-General and with the participation of a group of countries which have already stated their willingness and desire to take an active part in this noble task of making peace and harmony a reality in our region.
As is well known to all, Honduras has been unwilling to sign a request together with all the Central American countries asking the Secretary-General to organise the verification mechanism. Here, the Honduras Foreign Minister made much o£ presenting an alternative proposal to that discussed in the context of Esquipulas II, but, as always, he has refused to engage in serious talks with a view to agreeing on the setting up of an instrument to ensure security on the border between Honduras and Nicaragua.
We have been repeating this to the point of exhaustion, and it is not worth spending much time on it here. The problems in Central America has a first name and last name, and they are the same namely United States intervention. When the United States stops making war on Nicaragua and stops involving its lackeys in that war, then the international situation in Central America will be immensely eased.
We have spoken of the need to establish genuine international democracy. The foundation for this democracy is principles and norms of a legal nature, compliance with which ensures international peace and security.
In the defence of its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity in the face of United States aggression, Nicaragua, in addition to its heroic military resistance, has given top priority to international law and justice.
In its historic ruling of 27 June 1S86, the International Court of Justice agreed with Nicaragua, claim and ordered the United States immediately to put an end to its sordid and immoral war and make reparation for the damages and losses inflicted on Nicaragua.
The fact that the Government of the United States refuses to comply with the Court's decision does not affect the validity of the verdict one jot. One of Nicaragua's guiding principles has been and continues to be the defence of international law. It is precisely for that reason that we favour universal acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the world Court.
During the most recent ministerial-level conference of the Movement of the Non-Aligned Countries, held in Cyprus, Nicaragua proposed that nest year, in the Hague, a special non-aligned ministerial meeting should be held on peace and international law. The proposal was approved by acclamation.
The celebration next year of the ninetieth anniversary of the first Peace Conference, held in the Hague, at which the first international accords on the peaceful settlement of disputes were reached, constitutes an ideal framework for such an undertaking. It is our desire, given the importance of the subject matter, that this meeting be open to the participation of all Members of the United Nations and States party to the Statutes of the International Court of Justice who wish to take part.	. ,
The question of Nicaragua-and specifically the subject of the military and paramilitary activities organised, financed and directed by the United States against Nicaragua - is something that has occupied a central place in the awareness of all peoples of the earth over the last few years. In my travels throughout Africa, Asia and the South Pacific, as well as in Latin America, Europe and the United States itself, I have found that my small country has become a symbol of dignity and heroic resistance against those who seek to deny third world countries their rights to genuine self-determination and independence - the indispensable basis for the genuine democratisation desired by all peoples.
At the same time, we have witnessed the profound discredit into which the aggressor has fallen. In Latin America, the low prestige of the United States has reached bottom; some feel that it can no longer recover, or that at the very least a long time will have to pass before that prestige is regained.

All agree that the sordid, immoral and illegal policy against Nicaragua is the basic reason for this discredit. Secretary of State Shultz and a few of his Latin American friends may think otherwise, but that is another kettle of fish or perhaps another few hundred dollars. The facts tell another story.
Latin America's sentiments were clearly manifested by the masses of people that Secretary of State Shultz and Vice-President Bush saw in Buenos Aires, Montevideo, Brasilia, and recently Quito, places which were simultaneously visited by President Daniel Ortega. I do not think it is necessary here to repeat what those masses of people were shouting at Secretary Shultz, nor to state once again how warmly they greeted the Constitutional President of Nicaragua,
Daniel Ortega Saavedra.
Having failed in its attempts at a military overthrow of the democratically elected Government of Nicaragua, the Reagan Administration has been involved in promoting different acts of provocation in order to test my Government's willingness to apply the law and thus run the risk of suffering official reprisals from the United States.
The Nandaime incident, which caused much hypocritical rending of garments, is only one of the latest examples of what is known today as the Melton Plan, named after the former United States Ambassador to Nicaragua responsible for its implementation.
I think it is obvious to everyone here that no government worthy of the name can make the application of its laws subject to considerations of political expediency, and much less to forecasts as to how its enemies abroad, or the friends of its enemies, might choose to interpret its legal actions.
It is never proper to allow flagrant disregard of the law to pass with impunity. Nothing could be more damaging to the authority and credibility of a government. Nothing could be more effective in promoting anarchy and in inducing people to take justice into their own hands, than the demonstration of government weakness in the enforcement of the law.
The Reagan Administration is fully conscious of this fact, and its efforts are therefore aimed at causing an internal breakdown in the Nicaraguan Government as a result of inaction - inaction imposed on us by that Administration - in the face of domestic lawlessness.
In Nicaragua we have a popular Government, freely elected by the people, by means of one of the most exemplary electoral processes ever established in Latin America. We have laws. We have a Constitution. And those who choose to disregard those laws have to bear the consequences, even though they may seek to take cover under the official sponsorship of the United States for their criminal activities.
In the military struggle against the mercenary forces of the United States we were not intimidated - we have defeated them. Nor will we be intimidated by the ever-mounting political attacks and multi-million-dollar slander campaigns aimed at discrediting our nation. It is the United States that has seen fit to take fright and flee the impartial eye of the highest tribunal of justice in the world.
We will not be lectured to by a Government that lags far behind us in its own record on human rights and civil liberties, particularly in times of war. Neither, obviously, will we accept the shameless lectures of the Central American lackeys of that empire, who themselves have lost all credibility in the international community, especially in the United Nations, because of their disastrous record on human rights. For this reason, we shall not even bother to refute the unfounded accusations that were levelled against us here this morning by the Salvadoran Foreign Minister. Rather, we, for our part, will continue to oppose irrationality with reason, terrorism with law, intimidation with a guest for honest dialogue.
We shall continue to insist that the country that is host to the United Nations and to the Organisation of American States prove itself worthy of continuing to be the meeting-place of these organisations. This implies respect for the sovereign rights of member States and for the independence of the organizations.
In this connection, I just want to add that we reserve our right to take further action in respect of the improper denial of visas to members of the delegation that was to accompany President Ortega to this session of the General Assembly.
We believe in the United Nations and in the possibility of achieving international peace and security through the scrupulous observance of the norms and principles of its Charter. We believe also that it must be possible to reach an understanding with the United States and to normalise our bilateral relations with that country. We hope that, under the next United States Administration, that may be possible. Our banner is, and always will be, "A homeland free, or let us die." We shall continue to defend the right of our people to live in peace only to have their inalienable right to self-determination and independence respected.