I take special pleasure in
congratulating you, Sir, on your assumption of the
presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth
session. The unanimous election of the smallest State
ever to hold that post speaks not only of the confidence
which Member States place in your own ability, but
also of their recognition of the critical role which small
States play in the multilateral process. We are delighted
at your elevation to this high office, and we wish to
assure you that, in carrying out your responsibilities,
you will be able to count on the unequivocal support
not only of Saint Lucia, but also of the entire
Caribbean fraternity. I wish also to thank your
predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, who very ably guided the
work of the fifty-seventh session of the General
Assembly during a most trying and tumultuous year.
On 19 August, the world was again plunged into
shock and despair as we witnessed the heinous attack
on the United Nations Office in Baghdad and the loss
of life of United Nations personnel stationed there. A
second attempt this week added to the toll of casualties.
I extend to the United Nations family, as well as the
delegations represented here, whose compatriots were the
victims of that violent attack, the deepest condolences of
the Government and people of Barbados.
We pause especially to pay tribute to Mr. Sergio
Vieira de Mello, an international civil servant and
diplomat of the highest calibre. His death comes at a
time when the world can least afford it. We join with
Members in mourning his passing as we mourn all
those who perished at his side in the service of the
people of Iraq.
Amidst the turmoil and carnage that has become a
dismal feature of the daily life of so many millions in
12

our global society, this assault on the United Nations
was particularly startling in its cruelty and distressing
in its intention. As our Secretary-General has affirmed:
“This was the most deliberate and vicious attack
against the United Nations in its history.” It is the
cruellest of ironies that such an attack could have been
conceived and carried out against an Organization in
which we all have a stake, and one which epitomizes
the principles and ideals to which we all ascribe, and
whose primary purpose is peace.
The global environment, over the past year, has
teetered on the brink of chaos. We have witnessed
increased instances of the pursuit of violence and
retribution as first responses to the resolution of
conflict, and we have experienced the relegation of
diplomacy and multilateralism to afterthoughts.
Some of the most intractable problems facing the
international community, in the year 2003 and beyond,
are the divisions, uncertainties and doubts that have
emerged since the United States-led invasion of Iraq.
Our duty as members of this family of nations is to
ensure that we remain committed to the United
Nations, as the only organization that can move us past
the current cycle of retribution to a path of sustainable
peace. As we search for adequate collective responses
to the non-traditional threats to human security, the
task ahead will be to bring to bear a comprehensive,
multidimensional approach to security, in all its
aspects, and to reiterate the continued relevance of this
concept to the global agenda.
The challenges to small States in such an
uncertain environment are numerous and at times
overwhelming. We lack the financial dexterity to
respond to economic crises as swiftly and decisively as
is necessary. We have no military might and so our
only avenue for handling traditional threats to security
rests squarely within a multilateral framework, which
resorts to military action only when, despite our best
efforts, peace cannot be achieved through diplomacy.
Since the end of the conflicts of European
empire-building, our region, the Caribbean, has had a
history of peace and stability, which is sustained
through a simple but sure formula: celebration of our
commonalities; tolerance of our differences; mutual
respect for each other’s sovereignty; and adherence to
the principles of democracy, good governance and the
rule of law. We would wish to commend this formula to
those who find the key to peaceful co-existence elusive.
Barbados remains unwavering in its commitment
to the precepts of multilateralism, and to the belief that
no other international institution is better suited or
equipped to meet the diverse demands for global peace,
security and development than the United Nations. As
members of this Organization, we are assured that our
voice will be heard regardless of our size or economic
power. Therefore, while we may not have the capacity
to influence situations by way of exerting military,
economic or even political power, we do cherish our
right to express our opinions about any issue of
concern to us, without let or hindrance.
The United Nations is not a third party separate
from the Member Governments but is rather the sum of
its Members; it belongs to them and they share all the
benefits, problems and collective responsibilities of
ownership. Barbados shares the view so eloquently
expressed by the Secretary-General that: “The United
Nations exists, not as a static memorial to the aspirations
of an earlier age, but as a work in progress — imperfect,
as all human endeavours must be, but capable of
adaptation and improvement.” We are all accountable for
its shortcomings and must all strive for its improvement.
To the extent that the United Nations represents
our collective effort at a mechanism for global
governance, it is amenable to the benefits of good
governance practices. For we believe that good
governance is as important at the international level as
it is at the national level. It is perhaps the single most
important factor in promoting development, reducing
inequalities and advancing the cause of peace.
We should therefore seize this moment in time to
recommit ourselves to making the United Nations more
effective and efficient. Bold and serious reorganization
initiatives, including the revitalization of the General
Assembly, and the reform of the Security Council are
urgently needed. We must also find effective coordination
modalities to give new impetus to the follow-up to the
major conferences and summits of the last decade,
which, in most instances, have simply been reduced to
standing items on the annual agenda of this body and
rhetoric-filled resolutions reaffirming the status quo.
We must resolve, during this session and
henceforth, to take concrete actions towards making the
Security Council more representative and transparent and
towards ensuring that the General Assembly moves
beyond the symbolic politics of passing resolutions to
the hard work of negotiating change.
13

For it is a source of the greatest continuing concern
to us that too many of the premier multilateral institutions
— which are charged with the fundamental responsibility
of shaping the rules by which global society is
governed, whether in the area of peace and security, or
trade, or finance and development — are constrained
by structure and tradition to carry out their mandate in
a manner that is patently devoid of democracy or
transparency. Reform must therefore extend beyond the
confines of New York to reach deep into the operations
of the international financial institutions, the World
Trade Organization, the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development, the Financial Action
Task Force on Money-Laundering and all other bodies
that seek to prescribe the norms of behaviour for the
international community without the full participation
of that community in the decision-making process.
If the International Conference on Financing for
Development had one failing, it was its inability to
conceive of a new system for financial governance to
redress the deficiencies and imbalances of the past — a
system that is durable enough to serve for generations
to come. In this regard, I wish to reiterate the call made
at Monterrey by the Prime Minister of Barbados, The
Right Honourable Owen Arthur, for the creation of a
rules-based world financial authority to supervise
today’s complex global financial and capital markets
better than the Bretton Woods institutions can, and for
an international tax organization to oversee global
cooperation in cross-border tax matters.
Despite a commitment made by all States at
Monterrey towards the development of a universal
framework to facilitate all-inclusive dialogue on
matters pertaining to international tax cooperation,
sufficient progress has not been forthcoming. While we
are encouraged by and supportive of recent proposals
to strengthen the United Nations Ad Hoc Group of
Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters,
these efforts are insufficient to provide for a truly
universal, transparent and legitimate intergovernmental
framework to promote cooperation among all States on
tax matters.
Equally, Barbados believes that the all-important
fight against money-laundering must now be waged by
the international community as a whole, led by a
genuinely representative international body, drawing its
membership from all the countries of the world, within
the family of the United Nations. While we are most
appreciative of the vital work that has been done in this
regard by the Financial Action Task Force, that body
remains what it has always been, a task force with a
limited role, and an even more limited membership of
only 31 countries.
An important step would be the adoption of an
international convention against money-laundering,
under the auspices of the United Nations. Such a
convention would establish a genuine international
consensus on the issue of money-laundering within the
universal ambit of the United Nations, where the
interests and concerns of all Member States would be
fairly and equally served in a common endeavour
against international crime. The proposed convention
would complement the work of the United Nations
under the 1988 Convention against Illicit Traffic in
Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, as well
as the more recent Convention Against Transnational
Organized Crime.
In this connection, we believe that the greatest
lesson to emerge from the experience of Cancun is the
clear understanding that strategies and solutions that
ignore the concerns and needs of the developing world,
or that fail to analyse the implications of those
solutions for the most fragile and vulnerable, are
doomed to failure. The special needs of small States
that have no capacity whatsoever to distort world trade
must be taken fully into account in fashioning the new
rules of trade liberalization. To do otherwise would be
to condemn the most vulnerable groups of our global
family to the real threat of marginalization by a
multilateral system that is supposed to provide benefits
for all. It is vital that focus be restored to the Doha
Development Agenda and its work programme on
small economies.
Next year marks the tenth anniversary of the
Global Conference on the Sustainable Development of
Small Island Developing States. Out of that conference
emerged the Barbados Programme of Action, which
today still remains the essential blueprint for the
sustainable development aspirations of all small island
developing States (SIDS). As de facto custodian of the
name attached to the SIDS process, Barbados accords
great importance to the convening of an international
meeting next year in Mauritius to review the
implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action.
We are convinced that the vulnerability and
sustainable development challenges of SIDS, as
expressed in the Barbados Programme of Action, in
14

Agenda 21, the Millennium Declaration and the
Johannesburg Plan of Implementation are now better
understood by the international community. According
to estimates, since 1994 small island developing States
themselves have carried out approximately 70 per cent
of the required actions and measures contained in the
Barbados Programme of Action. The Mauritius review
will present an important opportunity for us to take
stock of new and emerging challenges and identify
additional resources to advance implementation.
The World Summit on the Information Society is
conceived as a high-level dialogue leading to achieving
a new kind of society, characterized by universal access to
and use of information for the creation, accumulation and
dissemination of knowledge. It implies the use of
traditional and new technologies, especially information
and communication technologies, as an essential tool
for the enhancement of services and the promotion of
dialogue among diverse cultures towards the attainment
of a more peaceful, prosperous and just world. We
support the principle that the new information society
must serve the best interests of all nations and peoples.
It must seek through the available technology to
empower the most vulnerable sectors of society and
eradicate existing disparities within and among States.
The issue relating to the passage through the
Caribbean Sea of ships bearing nuclear material is still
unresolved. We are, from time to time, presented with
studies and analyses that seek to assure us of the safety
of the ships and their cargo. Despite these assurances,
we all know that there is no guarantee that international
terrorism will continue to ignore such a significant
target or that an unthinkable accident would not occur.
A major explosion on board one of these ships
traversing our region would threaten the survival of
surrounding States. The most acceptable solution to the
problem is cessation of the trans-shipment of nuclear
material through the Caribbean Sea, since, on this
issue, any risk is too high.
In your address, Mr. President, upon the opening
of the General Assembly, you called for action rather
than inaction. This moment in global affairs will
require courage and determination as we face the
enormous challenges awaiting us. We may not be
expected to complete the task, but then, neither are we
at liberty to abstain from it.


I
should like to congratulate you, Sir, upon your election
as President of the General Assembly, and to wish you
every success in the performance of your duties.
Despite the anxiety that we feel in the face of the
terrorism that is affecting so many countries, we
reaffirm our commitment to fight that scourge until we
have defeated it. Colombia reaffirms its faith in
multilateralism as the most effective system through
which to seek peace, security and human, economic
and social development. The United Nations is
irreplaceable, even if, for the good of the humanity, its
structure and procedures must be constantly updated so
as to increase the efficiency of its anti-terrorism
activities.
The United Nations itself recently suffered a
terrorist attack, an act that resulted in the death of
Sergio Vieira de Mello, a tireless campaigner for the
coexistence of peoples. We deeply regret the loss of
those who have sacrificed their lives as they worked to
put an end to terrorism. Our obligation to reciprocate is
all the greater as a result of the solidarity expressed by
the United Nations towards Colombia.
A year ago in the General Assembly I set out my
democratic security policy, developed to free the
Colombian people from terrorism. That policy is
designed to protect the rights of all citizens, regardless
of their social or economic status, political ideas or
religious beliefs. The policy affords equal protection to
business and union leaders as well as Government and
opposition politicians. It is based on the dream of a
pluralist nation that shares in an ongoing constructive
debate in a spirit of brotherhood and without hatred.
In an area of Colombia covering almost 1.2
million square kilometres, about 400,000 of them
consisting of jungle, terrorists have taken advantage of
the absence of a State presence in many places. A year
ago, out of a total of 1,100 municipalities, 170 did not
have a police presence. That number has been reduced
to 151, and we hope to extend coverage to all the
municipalities within a few weeks. Hundreds of smaller
towns, however, lack a police force. We now have
soldiers and marines — known as soldiers of the
people — in 439 municipalities, under a programme
that allows them to carry out their military service in
their home town. The results thus far have been
positive, and when the soldiers have completed their
active duty, we hope to rely on them as permanent law-
enforcement leaders.
Such efforts, together with others that we have
undertaken in similar areas, must continue so that the
Government can rid the country of terrorism.
I would like to share with the Assembly some of
the achievements of my Administration during the first
nine months of this year. The murder rate has
decreased by 22 per cent when compared with the same
period in 2002 — down from 21,253 to 16,531. The
total of 1,485 kidnappings represents a reduction of
34.7 per cent over the same period last year; the
number of victims of illegal road blocks decreased by
49 per cent, and the number of operations to rescue
kidnapped people increased by 22.8 per cent. But what
country could accept 1,485 kidnappings in nine
months?
The number of massacres and the number of their
victims have decreased by 35 per cent and 41 per cent
respectively. We will be able to claim victory only
when we have completely eliminated these attacks.
Every terrorist act brings suffering to the whole nation.
FARC carried out the car bombing of the club El
Nogal, used a bomb in a boat in the rural town of
Puerto Rico and exploded a truck bomb in the small
town of Chita. These bombings together killed 47
people and injured 233. And just a few hours ago, in
Florencia, another bomb has left 12 dead and wounded
46.
The number of union members assassinated has
declined from 120 to 36. Several of those responsible
are now in jail, as a result of our determination to fight
impunity. Sixty teachers were murdered in 2002. This
year, 24 such cases have been reported. The number of
journalists murdered has dropped from 9 to 5.
The decrease in overall crime is significant, but
the numbers are still staggering. No country could feel
safe under such circumstances. I reaffirm our
democratic desire to protect, in particular, our teachers,
union leaders and journalists.
9

I acknowledge with great sorrow that the number
of indigenous people murdered has increased from 72
to 75. Illegal self-defence groups were responsible for
33 of those cases, with various guerrilla groups being
responsible for the remainder.
During the first six months of 2003, 73,586 cases
of forced displacement were reported. This represents a
decrease of 66 per cent. We are beginning successfully
to return families to where they came from. I reaffirm
our commitment to fight to protect the indigenous
communities and to put an end to forced displacement.
Of the 246 mayors who in August 2002 were in
exile from their municipalities as a result of threats,
191 have now returned, thanks to the improved security
situation. The progress we have made in regard to the
protection of our citizens encourages us to continue
making efforts in that direction.
Between 7 August 2002 and 7 August 2003,
2,544 members of illegal self-defence groups were
captured, which represents an increase of 146 per cent.
The number of those killed in combat by the armed
forces has increased by 38.7 per cent, the number of
guerrillas captured has increased by 126.3 per cent and
the number of those killed in combat has increased by
78 per cent.
Because of my pure democratic conviction, I
reaffirm our commitment to human rights. We have
extended the stay of the Office of the United Nations
Commissioner in Bogota. We agree with many of its
recommendations. We have no doubt about seeking
their implementation, and we will discuss the cases on
which we disagree.
Our requirement for the soldiers and the police is
efficiency and respect for human rights. We encourage
and care for our armed forces, as we demonstrated
recently with the improvement of our social security
system. However, we will not hesitate to send to jail
those who break the law.
The sacrifice of our soldiers and policemen has
been enormous. This year, because of anti-personnel
mines alone, 109 soldiers have been killed and 334
have been wounded, many of them mutilated for life.
If we request international support, it is because
we are open to international monitoring. We respect the
human rights organizations and their workers who
proceed seriously and we respect their criticism and
constructive suggestions. Those organizations
contribute to improving democratic conditions. That is
why we agree with the Human Rights Watch report on
the recruitment of children by terrorist groups. We
reserve the right, however, to disagree with false
reports which distort our efforts to consolidate a
democratic concept of security.
As the United Nations has acknowledged, we
have made substantial progress in destroying illicit
drugs. We have eradicated 70 per cent of illicit crops,
and we will not stop until we rid our country of that
serious scourge. We have authorized the extradition of
94 persons for drug-trafficking crimes.
We have hired 5,400 families as forest rangers, as
part of our goal to recruit 50,000 families. They receive
economic compensation to replace illicit crops for the
purpose of replanting and taking care of the rainforest.
A more effective law designed to confiscate illicit
drug wealth has allowed for the increase in the number
of rulings in one year from 5 to 68.
In Colombia’s current situation, terrorism, illicit
drugs, violence and insecurity are really the same
thing. We plead for a commitment from the world so
that we are able to completely defeat drugs. We
implore the world not to harbour our terrorists, to help
us confiscate their goods and to open their doors only
to help peace processes.
Our country is a State based on law. We want to
overcome terrorism and be able to look to the
international community with the certainty that we
have acted in strict compliance with the law. In order to
fight impunity, we have incorporated the accusatory
penal system and oral procedure, which will begin in
2005.
At the present time we are introducing a
constitutional change to allow the armed forces to
proceed with specialized personnel, in cases of
terrorism, to carry out raids, conduct property searches
and undertake interceptions. Those actions will be
conducted with democratic safeguards, allowing for an
independent attorney to intervene quickly. The
attorney’s office and Congress will be informed. The
proposed measures are infinitely less rigorous than the
current laws of democracies that do not have the high
levels of terrorism that we have in Colombia.
10

This Government found approximately 30,000
people who belong to illegal terrorist organizations,
defined in this way because of the nature of their
actions. Consideration and reflection on that figure
dictates the need to continue with a strong authoritarian
policy and of opening avenues for negotiation once
hostilities have ceased.
I welcome the efforts made by the Secretary-
General this past year to seek paths to peace with the
FARC. The Government supports his good offices,
which, until now, have been unsuccessful because of
the lack of willingness on the part of the terrorists.
That group has kidnapped hundreds of Colombians and
some foreign citizens, most of whom are kept in
concentration camps that recall the Nazi era. I reaffirm
to the Secretary-General my commitment to find a
solution, to be recommended by him, to free the
hostages, under conditions that are in keeping with
legal norms and that do not intensify violence.
Since the last Colombian Government, we have
sought, through Cuba, on the one hand, and several
additional Governments on the other, a peace process
with the National Liberation Army (ELN). We have
made every effort, which, to date, has been futile. The
leaders of that group who are in jail have received the
best treatment possible. On 30 June, through a
facilitation commission, I offered to examine an ELN
prisoner release proposal, in exchange for their
renunciation of armed activity and their dedication to
help achieve peace. I did not get a positive response,
but I will continue to insist on this.
The ELN is holding seven foreign citizens whom
it should release, in keeping with its promise to cease
its crimes during the current electoral process.
Since the last Government, we have also sought a
peace process with the illegal paramilitary groups, with
the mediation of the Catholic Church. The condition is
the same — the cessation of hostilities. Groups of those
organizations, which represent 10,000 or more people,
have expressed the willingness to demobilize. The
Government is making progress in that process.
During my Administration, 2,250 members of
terrorist groups have been demobilized; 70 per cent of
them belong to the FARC, 18 per cent to the ELN and
12 per cent to illegal paramilitary groups. To
reintegrate members of the various groups into civilian
life, Colombia requires a judicial framework that
realistically defines how to achieve justice, repair
damage to the community and ensure peace. The
alternative sentence proposal, submitted by the
Government for congressional consideration, sets forth
a legal and transparent procedure that will allow for
progress towards a negotiated peace solution with the
illegal paramilitary groups, the FARC and the ELN.
I understand the concern raised by offering
diminished sentences for grave crimes. But, in a
context of 30,000 terrorists, it must also be understood
that a definitive peace is the best justice for a nation in
which several generations have never gone through a
single day without experiencing an act of terrorism.
The proposal has prompted national and
international controversy. We are looking for the
broadest possible consensus. We invite everyone to
examine the various options and to achieve, through
the process of amendments, the best final text.
We have no doubt about defeating terrorism.
However, there are times that call for adjusting the
equation between justice and peace in order to reach a
consolidated peace.
We agree with what was expressed by Secretary-
General Kofi Annan, who has proposed an excellent
balance between the need for justice and the need to
save innocent lives. To protect our communities, we
need to pursue terrorists relentlessly and not miss
opportunities to obtain peace agreements with them,
provided that, through their actions, they convince the
Colombian people and the world of their good faith and
their desire for rectification.
Our problem is an international threat. If
Colombia does not destroy illegal drugs, illegal drugs
will destroy the Amazon Basin. If Colombia does not
stop terrorism, it will jeopardize the democracies of the
region. The President of Ecuador, Lucio Gutiérrez, and
the Rio Group, have understood that. The Rio Group
endorsed the proposal that the United Nations continue
to make efforts for negotiations with the Colombian
terrorists, or, if that is not possible, to seek alternatives
to overcome the problem.
Our rule of law calls for a social commitment.
Poverty and inequality have worsened as a result of
terrorism. We are making progress with limited
resources in applying the seven tools for equality: an
educational revolution, expanded social protection, an
economy based on the principle of solidarity, rural
social management, management of public services,

building a country of owners and improving the quality
of urban life.
As examples of this, we have created new
capacity for 500,000 children in schools, but we still
have 1.5 million children who do not have access to
primary education. Microcredit has increased by 50 per
cent, but we are still far from being a country of
owners. The social task is arduous, but with our
characteristic determination we will overcome every
obstacle in order to build a just society.
Security is the most important human right of the
poor, who need our policy to be successful so that there
can be peace, confidence, investment, employment and
equity.
Amidst tragedies, the Colombian democracy is
vigorous. On 25 October, our citizens will decide
whether to accept a referendum to defeat corruption
and to strengthen social investment. And the following
day the people will elect 30 governors from among 133
candidates; 914 mayors from among 3,441 candidates;
398 deputies from 373 lists composed of 2,723
candidates; approximately 9,000 municipal council
members from 6,105 lists with 56,590 candidates; and
local administrative boards from 3,156 lists with
13,387 candidates. Today, we live in a pluralistic and
enthusiastic democracy, despite the challenge of
terrorism.
It would be a tragedy if the civilized world does
not unite its efforts once and for all to defeat terrorism
and to support the democracies that are fighting against
it. We need the unity of all democratic people in order
to defeat terror.


I wish to
begin by congratulating the President, on his election
as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth
session and wish him every success with his work. I
also wish to thank his predecessor, President Kavan,
for the dedication with which he presided over the
fifty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
I also wish to endorse the statements made by the
Italian presidency on behalf of the European Union.
This year is a special one for Germany’s work
within the United Nations. History is both a reminder
and a guide for us. Thirty years ago, on 18 September
1973, the United Nations welcomed Germany back into
the fold of the family of nations. My predecessor,
Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, paved the way for
that move. His standing as an anti-fascist inspired
confidence for Germany. His passionate commitment to
internationalism went far beyond the policy of détente
in the then East-West conflict.
In 1980 he made an urgent appeal to the
community of States with a report entitled “North-
South, A Programme for Survival”. He wrote:
“The globalization of the dangers resulting from
wars, chaos and self-destruction calls for a
domestic policy that goes far beyond national
borders.”
We are strongly committed to this task, and I
think that we Germans are not the only ones who are
committed to it, because, as I said, history is our guide.
It guides us towards intensive international
cooperation, of course under the auspices of the United
Nations, that we must strengthen through courageous
reforms. It guides us towards a universal order based
on the rule of law and human dignity, on good,
responsible governance and prosperity that is truly
shared by all people. It also guides us towards security
and peace through comprehensive prevention. We must
act resolutely by pursuing an effective multilateral
strategy wherever peace is threatened and human rights
are violated. But we must act just as resolutely to
prevent conflict and create stable structures so that
people can lead their lives in freedom and tolerance
with one another.
Thirty years ago, Germany was a country with
limited sovereignty, divided by the Iron Curtain. Today,
Germany is a sovereign nation, a civil Power in the
heart of a united Europe. We live in a common area of
freedom, the rule of law, prosperity and social
responsibility. This goes to show that development
towards justice and peace is indeed possible and we
shall not cease to support endeavours to that end
anywhere in the world, be it in the Middle East, in
Africa or in any other crisis area. Bearing in mind our
own history, we are indeed assuming responsibility for
a cooperative policy of peace. This we do by
employing economic, political and humanitarian
means.
But we are also assuming military responsibility,
shoulder to shoulder with our partners in NATO and
the European Union, where there is absolutely no other
way to secure peace and protect human beings. Today,
more than 9,000 members of the German armed forces
and police are deployed on international peace
missions. Our top priority is our commitment to peace
in Afghanistan. Germany is willing to maintain its
commitment there in the long term and we are ready to
increase it beyond its present scope. The basis for such
commitment is the Charter of the United Nations.
In the Unification Treaty, Germany vowed that it
would only deploy its armed forces within the
framework of this Charter. The Charter provides us
with “the necessary building blocks to ensure that our
common humanity is an inclusive one, built on values
such as tolerance and dignity”. These were the words
of Sergio Vieira de Mello, who on 19 August 2003 fell
victim to an underhanded criminal attack in Baghdad.
He was killed along with 22 others, including many
members of the United Nations staff working for the
people of Iraq and their hopes of a better future.
We are deeply affected by their deaths and must
honour them by taking on their legacy. Our response
must be to strengthen the role and commitment of the
United Nations in Iraq. Only the United Nations can
guarantee the legitimacy required to enable the people
of Iraq to speedily rebuild their country under an
independent, representative Government. Germany
stands ready to support such a process. We are ready to
24

provide humanitarian, technical and economic
assistance and could also train Iraqi security personnel.
International terrorism, failing States and the
dangers posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction all threaten our joint security. The obvious
question is: What must be done to truly enhance
security? We must capture the terrorists and their
masters and destroy their infrastructure. There can be
no doubt that we must prevent any further proliferation
of nuclear weapons. We must strengthen the
inspections regimes and pursue a policy of controlled
disarmament.
But as we know from history, as well as our own
experience, to follow any strategy focused narrowly on
the military and the police would be a recipe for
failure. Rather, what is needed is to address the root
causes of terrorism and insecurity. To combat
fanaticism, we must ensure social and material as well
as cultural security. That can only be achieved on the
basis of a broad concept of security. If we want to
outlaw infamy we must put an end to lawlessness. That
is the core task, indeed, of the international courts of
justice and especially the International Criminal Court.
In order to win hearts and minds for freedom,
peace and an open society, we must help people to
acquire a greater stake in society, build better lives for
them and provide them with a secure environment.
Afghanistan is a good example of this. There, the
international community succeeded in liberating the
Afghan people from the scourge of the Taliban and
al Qaeda.
At the same time, the Petersberg Conference on
Afghanistan, held in Bonn under the auspices of the
United Nations, created a political framework for
rebuilding the country. This process needs our
continued support. There must also be sustained
international commitment to the task of strengthening
security. In the long run, the fight against terrorism can
be won only if people see that it produces tangible
benefits in their everyday lives. They need to
experience at first hand that being once again part of
the international community means not only greater
freedom and more security, but also entails better
development opportunities and a greater stake in
society.
There is no doubt that we have already made
major strides towards realizing our common goals
enshrined in the United Nations Charter. More
countries than ever before now have democratic
Governments. Our concerted efforts have enabled more
people than ever before to put poverty behind them.
But we must note that the gap between the world’s rich
and poor has still not been closed and the fight against
hunger, injustice and oppression is still far from won.
For this reason, eradicating poverty remains an
imperative of our policy for peace and stability.
There has been a drastic reduction in the number
of wars fought between States. In the Balkans, for
example, resolute action by NATO and the United
Nations enabled us to put an end to certain wars and
prevent others from breaking out in the first place.
Nevertheless, our world has become — and not just
since the barbaric terrorist attacks in New York and
Washington or indeed Bali, Casablanca, Moscow or
Djerba — a dramatically more insecure place. New
threats that no country in the world can tackle
effectively on its own, make international cooperation
more vital than ever before. Such threats also require
new strategies and that is why we are all called upon to
review whether the instruments available to the United
Nations are still appropriate for tackling these new
challenges. We all have a responsibility to ensure that
people and their rights are also protected in situations
other than inter-State wars. They must be protected
from genocide and the consequences of random
violence as well. A political commitment to
comprehensive prevention must further strengthen the
United Nations monopoly on the use of force as well as
the institutions of international law.
Within the United Nations we need to muster the
strength to launch overdue institutional reforms. My
Government fully and wholeheartedly supports the
proposals made by the Secretary-General. We must
agree how to ensure in the future an even better
allocation of abilities, skills and scarce resources. I
also share the view of the Secretary-General that the
legitimacy of the Security Council depends on how
well it represents all nations and all regions. It is true
that the Council must be reformed and enlarged. First
and foremost, it must also include more representatives
of the developing countries. Let me reiterate that in the
context of such reform Germany is ready to assume
greater responsibility.
The world of the twenty-first century offers us, its
inhabitants, ample scope for change, for better or
worse. Given the wealth of opportunities and the
immense dangers ahead, we have no choice but to
25

strive for greater international partnership and expand
and strengthen multilateralism. We will only be able to
make our world a more secure place if we can also
make it more fair and equitable. It was for that very
purpose, after all, that the international community
created the United Nations. That is its mandate. Let us
join together to make the United Nations even stronger.
Let us make sure that it can fulfil its mandate to
maintain international peace and security and that it
can achieve greater justice for all.


At the outset,
allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to
preside over the work of this session of the General
Assembly. We are confident that you will draw on all
your experience and wisdom to conduct successfully
the work of this Assembly. I assure you of all the
support and cooperation of my delegation and wish you
success in your task.
I would also like to congratulate the former
President, Mr. Jan Kavan, for the exceptional way in
which he presided over the work of the fifty-seventh
session.
I speak today with a mixture of happiness and
sorrow. I am happy to address the Assembly for the
first time in this plenary in my capacity as Prime
Minister of my young country, after more than two
decades of having sought understanding and support
for the cause of my people and having often lobbied for
support in the corridors of this building. I am also
deeply saddened, however, for having lost, just over a
month ago, an old friend — Mr. Sergio Vieira
de Mello — an innocent victim of intolerance,
extremism and terrorism. I wish to pay tribute to his
memory and to all those who have served the United
Nations and lost their lives in Baghdad and other
turbulent regions of the world.
It was under the guidance of Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, represented in Timor-Leste by
Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, that exactly one year ago
the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste became the
191st Member of this Organization. The President of
the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste,
Mr. Xanana Gusmão, and I bore witness to that historic
act.
Since then, our country has experienced
significant progress in the consolidation of our nascent
democracy. My Government has presided over the
strengthening of national cohesion and has given
priority to the unequivocal affirmation of the Republic
as a democratic State founded on the rule of law by
taking normative measures in governance to implement
the provisions of a modern Constitution drafted by the
Timorese and adopted by an Assembly democratically
elected by the people.
Open governance is one of the programmes of my
Government. Based on the principles of good
governance, inclusion, participation of the individual
and collective responsibility, open governance was
initiated in January this year. It consists of bringing the
Government to the people in the remote areas of the
country to hear first hand their priorities, problems and
needs, as well as to clarify to the people the national
development plan, the Government programme,
available resources and the challenges ahead. It also
seeks to instil a greater sense of responsibility in the
people and to make them better understand the need for
their participation in the reconstruction of the country
vis-à-vis the implementation of the national plan, the
methods of achieving the objectives of economic
growth and of the reduction and eradication of poverty.
In relation to the legislative process, we have
prioritized the adoption of laws for the foundation of
6

the State, above all in order to avoid taking
discretionary and subjective measures that are without
legal foundation. Hence, more than 30 decrees and
laws have been adopted by the Government for
approval by the National Parliament. In this manner,
we will create an institutional culture of democracy,
giving basis to a democratic State founded on the rule
of law and the principle of good governance.
The challenges are enormous, however. Of the
900 schools destroyed in 1999, around 700 have been
rehabilitated and more than 30 new schools
constructed. Despite this, 25 per cent of our children
remain without access to education.
In the tertiary sector, we have a national
university with more than 7,000 students. Hundreds of
candidates are frustrated that their expectations of
graduating from the national university have not been
met. We now have a proliferation of institutions of
higher learning that are not officially recognized by the
Government. To deal with this situation, the
Government has assumed the responsibility of
preparing rules.
In health care, similar challenges are being faced.
Much of the infrastructure has been rehabilitated and
more is being built, but the people want more
assistance and means of support. They ask for more
doctors, more nurses, more midwives, more
ambulances and health centres closer to their villages.
A national health policy has been adopted by the
Government. We hope soon to be able to reduce the
difficulties in this area with the cooperation of the
People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Cuba
in the provision of doctors to operate in the rural areas.
In agriculture, more than 60 per cent of the
irrigation system has been repaired and new systems
have been built. It is important now to instruct farmers
in the best methods of use for their systems and to
make them responsible for the maintenance of those
systems while the remainder is being repaired.
In infrastructure, in general, the repairs and
maintenance have been slow and difficult. There are
6,000 kilometres of roads to be rehabilitated and
maintained, and our people are demanding the opening
of many others. Many bridges need to be rebuilt,
completed or built outright.
We also are facing problems in the electrical
sector, which is in deficit. We have re-established
electricity production in all districts and in 55 of the 65
sub-districts. Dili, the capital, has power 24 hours a
day. In the meantime, it is the policy of my
Government to identify and develop alternative sources
of energy that are more accessible and sustainable.
Currently, we are conducting a feasibility study of such
resources, in particular in the area of hydropower.
Access to running water for consumption is very
limited. However, it is undeniable that the number of
people with access to running water is increasing daily,
more so than in 1999.
In the area of telecommunications, we are
implementing an ambitious project overseen by Timor-
Leste Telecom through a concession in the build-
operate-transfer system.
At the end of this year, all district capitals will
have at their disposal fixed and mobile telephones, for
both domestic and international purposes. With the
completion and installation of the telecommunications
system, we will also create the technical conditions
necessary for the development of television and radio,
delivering the best service in the media sector, which is
free, vibrant and responsible.
The process of reconstruction is taking place in
an environment of peace and stability. However, areas
that are key for guaranteeing the sustainability and
credibility of the entire process, such as the judicial
system, defence and security, will continue to require
substantial assistance and support for some time to
come.
In other sectors of the Administration, we need
qualified people to assist in the development of the
capacity of the Timorese, in particular in the
consolidation of the financial and banking systems,
border control, legislative drafting and the definition of
a national policy, promotion of investment and
technology transfer.
With this in mind, I would like to reiterate that, in
order to guarantee the sustainability of the entire
process and to meet two major aspirations – that of our
people for peace, democracy and development, and that
of the international community to continue to promote
Timor-Leste as a success story, we must not forget to
say the following.
To our people, we would say — as we have been
doing — that they should be more patient. Above all,
7

we must demand their participation and that they
shoulder their responsibilities.
We ask the international community for
consistency, continued dynamic partnership and
support.
To the General Assembly in particular, we ask
that it endorse the Economic and Social Council’s
decision to include Timor-Leste in the list of least
developed countries.
In keeping with its history of struggling for
human dignity, my country has ratified a number of
important international human rights treaties. We are
aware that the ratification of these international
instruments creates legal obligations, and the Timorese
State will do its utmost to implement its commitments
under those instruments.
With regard to external relations, we continue to
develop ties of friendship and cooperation with our
neighbours, namely, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia,
Japan, South Korea and New Zealand, and in particular
with our two closest neighbours, Indonesia and
Australia.
As Prime Minister, I have made official or
working visits to Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines,
Indonesia, Thailand, New Zealand, Mozambique,
Angola, Portugal and the People’s Republic of China.
At the beginning of this month, a meeting of the
Joint Indonesia-Timor-Leste Ministerial Commission
was held with a view to resolving a number of residual
issues of recent years, as well as to promoting new
cooperation in the areas of commerce, investment,
development, education, health and security. The
meeting had a positive outcome. We hope to finalize
the demarcation of our land boundary this year in order
to begin negotiations on our maritime boundaries.
Boundaries, whether land or sea, define the territory of
a country. Within a territory, one can exercise powers
of sovereignty or jurisdiction. For this reason, Timor-
Leste, having as its neighbours two large and friendly
countries — Indonesia and Australia — hopes to see its
borders with both countries demarcated or delimited by
the end of my Government’s mandate, so that all the
resources belonging to the people of Timor-Leste can
be exploited in a free and sovereign manner, for the
benefit of present and future generations of Timorese.
The relationship between Timor-Leste and its
neighbours is developing in a constructive and dynamic
manner at the bilateral, trilateral and multilateral
levels.
Timor-Leste enjoys special observer status in the
Pacific Forum and has participated as a guest in the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).
Timor-Leste is a fully fledged member of the
Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries; the
African, Caribbean and Pacific-European Union; the
World Bank; the International Monetary Fund; the
Asian Development Bank; and various specialized
United Nations agencies.
The fight against terrorism, organized crime and
trafficking in human beings, drugs and illegal arms is
at the top of the agenda, regionally and in Timor-Leste.
We will make every effort to contribute to the
eradication of these ills, which are turning into a real
epidemic with the development of new technology.
Timor-Leste is a country of South-east Asia
which is linked to the Pacific by geography, history and
culture. Our people are proud to be part of this great
geographical region of Asia and Oceania — rich in
history, culture and civilization, and comprising more
than one fifth of humanity. We are deeply grateful to all
our Asian brothers — Japan, the People’s Republic of
China, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, India,
Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand — who have
responded without fail to our appeal for assistance, on
a major or modest scale, depending on the capacity and
experience of each country. We are grateful to all of
them.
I have just concluded a visit to the People’s
Republic of China. Within weeks, Timor-Leste will
receive the Prime Minister of Malaysia,
Mr. Mahathir Mohamad. In December, we will be
honoured with a visit from the Prime Minister of the
Kingdom of Thailand.
We continue to strengthen our relationships with
other countries in South-east Asia, in particular Brunei
Darussalam, Cambodia, Laos and Viet Nam.
We deem it regrettable that the process of
dialogue and national reconciliation in Myanmar is at a
standstill. Timor-Leste associates itself with the
concerns and disappointments of our friends in
ASEAN, and we join our voice with those of others in
the international community to appeal for the
immediate release of Mrs. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and
of all others who are being detained, and for the
8

resumption of talks and of the process of reconciliation
and democratization.
My Government takes note of the commitments
undertaken by General Khin Nyunt, Prime Minister of
the Union of Myanmar, in his speech of 30 August
2003. We would like to express our deep concern at the
abandonment by the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and its stated intention to
produce nuclear weapons. The Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea has three countries as its neighbours
that over the years have demonstrated friendship and
solidarity. None of those three countries presents any
threat to its security or sovereignty, thus the production
of nuclear weapons cannot be justified.
Timor-Leste is a small country with a small
population. Nonetheless, it has coastlines on two
oceans and is linked to two continents. Historically, we
were for five centuries the only Portuguese colony in
the region, and, during a quarter century, a territory
occupied by Indonesia. More than 90 per cent of the
population of my country is Catholic, and there are also
two minority religious groups — Protestants and
Muslims.
History determined that we would be different.
Our geographical situation conferred on us conditions
for converging and relating. We remain different and,
within that difference, we find our identity and sense of
openness and tolerance. We know that we have
something to give, but we also have much to receive.
I am a Muslim of Arab descent and the Prime
Minister of a country with a Catholic majority. Our tiny
Muslim community lives in peace and tranquillity,
integrated into society in general without losing its
identity and without feeling alienated or discriminated
against. The Timorese Catholic leadership has been
exemplary in preaching respect and tolerance in
relation to all religious faiths, constantly searching for
dialogue, cooperation, participation and mutual respect.
My country does not intend to put itself forward
as a model of tolerance, mutual respect and coexistence
between religions. I am speaking about our experience
only to say that in this world of hate, violence,
intolerance and extremism, there are some oases of
tolerance, peace and tranquillity that deserve to be the
source of new energy.
Fanatics and extremists have existed throughout
history and no region or civilization in the world can
claim exclusive rights to virtue or truth. In this
globalized world, there is no place for racial or
cultural, much less religious, superiority. Extremists
and terrorists have always existed. The fundamental
difference is that the terrorists of today benefit from
globalization and make use of modern technology as a
means of achieving their objectives.
It is rhetoric, and unacceptable, to define different
civilizations and religions as a target. The fundamental
reason for violence in the world is inequality in
development and, in particular, the injustice of the
international economic order. The target of extremists
and Islamic terrorists is not the West, its culture and
dominant religions. Rather, it should be stated that the
West is a target as a consequence of the global order.
We are witnessing a new reality. The agenda of
the extremists is primarily the toppling of moderate and
elite regimes and the imposition of theocratic systems
in which the universal values embraced by a
democratic State are called into question, as they
contradict their views. Such an agenda would mean a
return to the Middle Ages, with the Islamic extremists
determining the fate of their citizens.
The fight against extremism, fanaticism and
terrorism must be waged on all fronts. One is the
military front, where action must be seriously thought
through and always implemented with great caution
and clear-sightedness. The other fronts include the
political, economic and social. The fight against
poverty and exclusion must be integrated into our
global strategy in the war against terrorism.
My Government congratulates the people of Iraq
on the end of one of the bloodiest dictatorships in
history. The people of Timor-Leste know only too well
the significance of a dictatorship. In order to be free of
it, we sacrificed hundreds of thousands of our children
in decades of unequal struggle.
During our struggle for independence and
democracy, we always believed that our efforts should
be focused on re-establishing international legality in
our country, ensuring that the United Nations take
responsibility and demanding that the international
community respect the Charter and United Nations
resolutions on Timor-Leste.
9

My Government defends the concept that the
central role of the United Nations must be respected by
all countries, in particular those with the means and
resources to strengthen the role of our Organization.
With regard to the situation in Iraq, it is urgent
that international legality be re-established in that
country. The only legitimate means of transferring
sovereignty to the people of Iraq is to hand over power
to their democratically elected representatives.
We believe that the Arab League must be a
privileged partner of the United Nations in the process
of transition and reconstruction in Iraq. As it is a
regional organization representing more than 200
million people who mostly profess the same religion,
speak the same language and are of the same cultural
and historical origin, it must not be ignored or
bypassed when its own interests and that of the region
are at stake.
My country is a good example of the kind of a
partnership that can develop when the United Nations
and its obvious natural role in the resolution of
conflicts and the mobilization of international
consensus is recognized. Each process is unique and
has its own dimensions and characteristics, but our
positive experience can be repeated in other places, and
can serve as a reference point for Iraq.
I would like to comment on two issues related to
the Middle East, beginning with Palestine. We express
our deep disappointment that the peace process has
regressed and that violence has escalated in that part of
the world. We feel encouraged by the presentation of
the road map, and hope that it can assist in accelerating
the peace process.
We reaffirm our support for the road map and for
the right of the people of Palestine to self-
determination, independence and the establishment of
an independent and sovereign State. We appeal to all
the parties in that bloody conflict to cease all forms of
violence, to resume dialogue and rigorously to respect
the road map as agreed to with the Quartet.
With respect to Western Sahara, the Arab and
Muslim people of that former Spanish Territory
continue to wait patiently for the holding of a
referendum on self-determination, as agreed to by all
parties in 1994. We appeal to the General Assembly,
the Secretary-General, the Security Council, the Arab
League and the African Union to encourage both
parties to return to direct dialogue with a view to
establishing a definitive date for the holding of the
referendum on self-determination in the territory of
Western Sahara.
My Government is closely following the situation
in Guinea-Bissau. While deploring the military coup
that toppled the elected President, we are relieved that
there was no bloodshed or loss of life. My Government
supports the holding of new elections with a view to
the restoration of a constitutional democratic order, if
possible within the framework of the United Nations
and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries,
to achieve the necessary support for the bringing of
peace, stable government and economic recovery.
We regret the breakdown in talks during the most
recent round of the World Trade Organization
Ministerial Conference held in Cancun. The
industrialized nations must understand that the
international trade systems must be rectified. It is
neither ethical nor moral for the rich countries to
preach democracy, human rights and the dogma of a
free market, while practising protectionist policies that
condemn hundreds of millions of human beings to
perpetual poverty and dependency. It is less than
ethical when they teach the rules of the free market
while subsidizing their farmers with billions of dollars,
making the products of our countries, which have a
greater comparative advantage, increasingly less
competitive.
Timor-Leste has benefited from international
solidarity, and we are grateful for that. But we cannot
remain silent in the face of injustices and anti-
economic policies that impoverish the rest of the
world. We appeal for the renegotiation of debt and for
debt relief for the poor and indebted countries. But we
also believe that debt relief must be proportional to the
measures taken by each country in adopting strategies
for sustainable development and focusing on the
eradication of poverty. This means increased
expenditure on public health and education, reduced
military expenditure, the strengthening of democratic
institutions, the promotion of human rights and the
independence of the judiciary. Those are conditions
that are indispensable for peace and prosperity.
In conclusion, I would like to touch on the theme
of reform of the United Nations. The creation of this
institution was the result of the collective experience of
humankind, victim of the greatest scourge in history.
10

We congratulate the founders on their vision, but we
are conscious that the institution reflects the reality of
that period. In 1945 there were merely 51 Members,
and it was viewed as a club for the rich and powerful, a
“white man’s club”. But the United Nations today is a
truly global institution, with 191 Members.
The recent experience of Iraq provoked a new
debate on the need for the structural reform of our
institution, beginning with the Security Council, which
is increasingly being called upon to provide opinions
and to intervene in many regions of the world. We
support an increase in the number of permanent
members of the Security Council to reflect the current
demographic reality and the new world balance.
Many people are frequently asking themselves,
and asking out loud, a few questions, such as “Is it fair
for the Western Group to have three permanent seats in
the Security Council, while Asia has only one and
Africa and Latin America have none? Is it possible that
India, the largest democracy in the world, with more
than one billion inhabitants, does not have the same
status as others? Is it possible that Brazil, with the
world’s ninth largest economy and Latin America’s
largest, a crossroads of races and civilizations — Ibero-
Latin American, African and indigenous people —
does not have status as a permanent member of the
Security Council?” Throughout its history, Brazil has
shown prudence and balance in the conduct of its
foreign politics, an active and constructive engagement
at the regional and international level and always a
voice of moderation and dialogue.
There are certain procedures that may have been
understandable during the cold war period. But today
the way must be made for principles of democratic
decision-making that are acceptable and universally
practiced. We must question these paradigms.
We also believe that the term of the mandate for
non-permanent members must be reduced to between
six months and one year. That will give the 191
members of our Organization the opportunity to serve
in this organ. Besides, a shorter period will allow the
less privileged to feel the desire to invest their human
and financial resources to serve on the Security
Council.
The reform and the democratization of a number
of organs of our Organization are necessary and urgent.
The errors and failures of the past, when the Security
Council was powerless and indifferent to human
tragedy, should compel us all to have the courage to
accept a fair share of the decision-making that affects
us all.
Let the big, rich and powerful know that humility
is the greatest virtue. Leadership means knowing how
to dialogue, persuade and build alliances and
consensus. There are challenges ahead. There are many
threats. The resources of 191 countries are represented
in this huge Organization. To respond to these
challenges and threats, we must unite and build bridges
of consensus and active cooperation.
Allow me to conclude by saying that the future
belongs to the optimists. We are here today because we
favour optimism. That is why the struggle must
continue.


Peru has no doubt that multilateralism is the best
instrument for confronting global challenges, as well as
for guaranteeing peace and international security. For
that reason, the United Nations is indispensable. All
Member States must have the conviction to strengthen
it, to contribute to its institutional regeneration and to
reform it. With a reformed United Nations, we will
continue our struggle against poverty; we will maintain
the world development agenda; we will assure
democracy; and we will fight decisively against drug
trafficking and international terrorism.
The terrorist attacks taking place in different
areas of the world and the threats to peace in several
regions create an international climate of instability
and insecurity that calls for urgent solutions. Terrorism
conspires against the democracies of the world.
Terrorism conspires against the health of the world
economy. Terrorism contributes to making the poor
even poorer. Peru strongly condemns the terrorist
attack on the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad
and wishes to pay sincere tribute to all the victims, in
particular to Sergio Vieira de Mello, Special
Representative of the Secretary-General.
We cannot accept terrorism as a political tool. In
our case, the 20 years of violence bequeathed by the
Sendero Luminoso is a hard lesson to cope with.
According to the final report of the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission, recently submitted to my
Government, thousands of lives were lost and more
than $30 billion in losses were reported. This report is
13

the result of a resolute political decision of our
Government to make sure that Peru never again has to
face irrational acts of terror.
Truth must also be a means to prevent impunity
and to lead us to reconciliation with justice. My
Government is firmly struggling against impunity. That
is why we consider that the fugitives who fled Peru
when the corrupt regime of the past decade was
overthrown should answer to justice for the gravity of
the crimes they committed. We will insure these people
a fair trial and all the guarantees of due process, within
the framework of the Inter-American Convention on
Human Rights and Peruvian law.
That is why we hope that our requests for
extradition will be taken into account. Democratic
States have the responsibility to avoid impunity. In this
regard, the Peruvian State wishes in this Assembly to
thank the 20 friendly countries that have announced
their decision to detain anyone on the list of
extraditables if they enter their territories.
Poverty, social exclusion and fundamentalist
ideologies are among the causes of the current crises.
The hopes of our countries to be part of an inclusive
globalization are not bearing fruit. Despite some
achievements at the national level, there is a wide
chasm to bridge if we are to build such an inclusive
globalization. For example, in the case of Peru, despite
an unfavourable international environment the
economy grew by 5.2 per cent last year, one of the
highest rates in Latin America. Inflation was below 1
per cent, international reserves rose to their highest
level yet, and exports reached unprecedented figures.
However, we must concede that all these
indicators are not enough to make the common people
feel the benefits of such macroeconomic achievements
in their own pockets. Today, it is necessary for the
global economy to reach an annual average growth of 7
to 8 per cent if we wish to reduce poverty and to create
employment. If we in the developing world,
particularly in Latin America, grow by 6 or 7 per cent,
it will barely be enough to recover the per capita
income of 1970. We have to achieve adequate growth
as soon as possible. The poor cannot wait another 15
years for their economies to grow in a sustained
manner that will reduce poverty.
Democratic governance in Latin America is at
risk. There is no doubt that there is a correlation
between the health of the world economy, social
inclusion and democratic governance. World leaders
cannot close their eyes. There is no possible
governance without a reduction of poverty. We must be
creative and courageous in order to ensure that Wall
Street's macroeconomic requirements meet the
expectations of Main Street.
Last year before this Assembly, I highlighted the
need to defend democracy from market turbulence by
creating innovative financial mechanisms. We said that
the time had come to build a new global consensus to
reaffirm democracy and re-evaluate development with
social equity. Since then, Peru has been working on a
series of initiatives in this regard. Last May, 19
democracies of Latin America and the Caribbean,
members of the Rio Group   over which I have the
honour to preside   approved a key document that we
call the Cusco Consensus. This document comprises
four Peruvian initiatives on innovative financial
mechanisms that allow us to finance democratic
governance in the region; to increase public investment
in roads, hospitals and schools; to create jobs; and to
supplement private investment.
In relation to one of these proposals, last August,
jointly with the President of Brazil, Luiz In·cio Lula da
Silva, we decided to work together on the
establishment of the South American Infrastructure
Authority project, which will operate as a fiduciary
agency to facilitate the financing of investment projects
for the integration of South America. I am sure that
that experience can be duplicated in other parts of the
world.
Likewise, we have signed a memorandum of
understanding on physical and economic integration to
set into motion three axes of development
integration   in Peru, Bolivia, Brazil and Ecuador
on the road to South America's integration.
Accordingly, Peru signed an agreement that will lead to
the creation of a free trade zone with MERCOSUR.
From this international forum, we would like reiterate
that those efforts and achievements in the area of
integration constitute decisive steps on the path
towards building a South American community of
nations. However, I wish to point out that, beyond the
decisions that two or more countries of the subregion
may take, it will be essential for the international
community to commit itself to the initiatives emanating
from an exercise in collective reflection.
14

Developing nations are concerned about the
alarming increase in external vulnerabilities resulting
from instability in financial flows and their impact on
investment levels and economic growth in our region.
Those countries also perceive the presence of
protectionism in the area of trade, in particular on the
part of certain industrialized nations. I would like to be
frank in this connection: we ask developed countries
not to demand that we open our markets while they
protect their products with billions of dollars in
subsidies every year, especially in the agricultural
sector. Our countries can no longer withstand
asymmetrical relations in the area of trade. The time
has come to build a two-way business highway that is
more transparent and predictable. We are being asked
to open up our markets in the agricultural sector while
there are still countries that are investing billions of
dollars every day to subsidize their own products. Do
not ask us to practice something that you do not
practice yourselves. Our countries are aware of the fact
that we have to be competitive, but we must build that
two-way commercial highway.
Peru is especially concerned about the negative
results of the recently held ministerial conference of
the World Trade Organization in Cancun, which,
despite some progress, was unable to reach consensus.
There is a continuing desire for multilateralism and
free trade in Peru. We therefore trust that there will be
a return to negotiation in the next few months so as to
realize the goals set out at Doha, which placed
development foursquare on the agenda of the WTO.
We have an obligation to build a more just, secure
and humane world. That is why today I ask the United
Nations and our great friend of peace, Secretary-
General Kofi Annan, to exercise their great authority
and prestige to promote within the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund, the Inter-American
Development Bank and the member countries of the
Group of 8 a wide debate on the innovative financial
mechanisms that will make it possible to finance
democratic governance in the region; increase public
investment in schools, hospitals and roads; generate
jobs and promote private investment. That is the only
way by which globalization can be inclusive, and by
which governance can be strengthened. May God bless
peace in the world.


My delegation is proud
and honoured to see Mr. Julian Hunte, a fellow
islander, also from one of the smallest nations of the
world, presiding over the deliberations of this body. We
are well aware of his skills, experience and
competence, and we are confident that he will lead our
work to a successful outcome. Let me also pay tribute
to his predecessor, Mr Jan Kavan of the Czech
Republic, for his excellent work during the fifty-
seventh session of the General Assembly.
Our appreciation also goes to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his dedicated and
steadfast leadership of the United Nations during these
trying times. We commend him for his tireless efforts
to make the United Nations more effective and
responsive to the demands of its Members.
In recent months, some have questioned the
relevance and utility of the United Nations. For
28

Seychelles, the United Nations remains a unique,
indispensable and universal multilateral institution
where global issues affecting the entire international
community can be debated and addressed. We believe
that, despite its shortcomings, there is no other
institution that is better equipped and better suited to
meet the diverse demands for justice, peace, security,
development and international cooperation or to ensure
that the voices of its Members are heard, irrespective of
their size or economic power. We hereby reaffirm our
faith in the principles and purposes of the United
Nations in addressing the wide range of challenges
confronting the international community in the
globalized and interdependent world we are living in at
the dawn of the twenty-first century.
We acknowledge the fact, however, that the
United Nations system needs to be reformed and
modernized. We support the ongoing initiative to
revitalize the General Assembly to make it more
effective and efficient. Our Assembly ought to be
restored to its rightful place at the centre stage of
meaningful deliberations on problems and issues
common to all of its Members. We ought to strive to
ensure that debate in our Assembly is translated into
action. In this respect, my delegation calls for the
establishment of a follow-up mechanism to monitor
and implement decisions and resolutions taken by the
General Assembly, as well as those of the major United
Nations conferences of the past decade.
The reform process will be inadequate if the
transformation of the Security Council into a
democratic and representative organ, reflecting its
universal character and present-day realities, is not
achieved. My delegation supports an increase in both
permanent and non-permanent members to include
developing countries from Africa, Asia and Latin
America. After 10 years of debate, it is imperative that
we bridge positions and make progress. What is
required is political will by all the parties concerned
with a view to arriving at an acceptable solution.
We support the decision of the Secretary-General
to establish a high-level panel of eminent persons on
the reform question. We hope they will provide
inspiration and fresh ideas for the way forward.
My delegation holds the view that development
ought to be central to the renewed United Nations
agenda. The reform process should focus on
reinforcing the role of the United Nations system in the
commitment to international cooperation for
development. There should be closer collaboration and
coordination between the United Nations system and
the international financial institutions in elaborating
novel frameworks to address development funding. The
ongoing dialogue between the Economic and Social
Council and the Bretton Woods institutions should be
vigorously pursued.
We welcome the dialogue between the leaders of
the Group of Eight and their counterparts from the
developing world. Those consultations should be a
platform to engage the industrialized countries of the
North in fulfilling their commitments to the outcomes
of the major conferences, in particular the Millennium
Summit, the Doha Development Round, the Monterrey
Consensus and the Johannesburg Plan of Action. Our
development partners should realize that the
implementation of their commitments is vital if we, the
developing countries, are to achieve sustainable
development. Their words must, indeed, be matched
with deeds. The allocation of the agreed target of 0.7
per cent of their gross domestic product for
international development should be an achievable
objective.
This dialogue should also provide an opportunity
for us to candidly discuss issues that are of common
interest and concern. Problems requiring urgent
attention, such as HIV/AIDS, poverty, the root causes
of terrorism, the debt burden, refugees, trade terms,
trafficking in humans, climate change and
environmental degradation, to name just a few, should
be addressed as part and parcel of shared international
responsibilities.
The situation of small island developing Sates
will feature high on the international agenda next
August when Mauritius hosts the International Meeting
for the 10-year review of the Barbados Programme of
Action. It will be a timely occasion to reaffirm the
special characteristics, vulnerabilities and concerns of
small island developing States and to consider their
prospects for sustainable development. It will be an
occasion to remind the international community to pay
greater attention to the social, economic and
environmental vulnerabilities faced by small island
developing States.
The Mauritius review will present the opportunity
to assess implementation progress to date and establish
the appropriate framework for further partnership and
29

cooperation in achieving the sustainable development
aspirations of small island developing States. We will
need the required resources to advance implementation.
We therefore appeal to our development partners for
their fullest support in the review process and the
implementation of the outcome of the Mauritius
International Meeting.
My delegation notes with concern the breakdown
of negotiations at the recent World Trade Organization
ministerial conference in Cancún. Small developing
countries have no capacity whatsoever to distort world
trade. It is therefore imperative that their
vulnerabilities and special needs be taken fully in
account. Seychelles urges the international community
to heed the call for special and differential treatment to
be accorded to developing countries, in particular small
island States, that have structural disadvantages. This is
crucial to the integration of our countries into the
multilateral trading system so that we can achieve our
development objectives. Concessions to small,
vulnerable developing economies should include the
critical areas of market access and trade preferences.
The second pillar of my country’s economy —
tuna fisheries — faces a real threat. There will be
considerable social and economic consequences for us
if the preferential treatment on which the industry was
built is to be abandoned. After all, the trade regime is
meant to provide benefits for all, not to condemn the
most fragile and vulnerable groups of the international
family to marginalization and economic strangulation.
A subject of preoccupation to my delegation is
the adverse impact of climate change. Studies, as well
as experience, have revealed that extreme changes are
taking place in the climate patterns of the Western
Indian Ocean region. Over recent years my country has
experienced unusual periods of drought and torrential
rainfall, the latter causing floods, landslides, the
destruction of agricultural crops and infrastructure and
even loss of life. It is estimated the 75 per cent of the
corals in our archipelago have been bleached due to an
increase in sea surface temperatures.
Global warming is not an issue of our making.
Small island nations like mine are not responsible for
it, yet we have to bear the consequences. This growing
threat calls for renewed concerted international action,
as it is affecting the whole planet. All nations must take
steps to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions. The
industrialized countries have the prime responsibility
and must be the first to take action. We urge them to be
accountable under the Kyoto commitments and to
ratify the treaty, as this is the only appropriate
multilateral framework that can address and respond to
this phenomenal challenge facing all nations on earth.
Last year the General Assembly endorsed the
New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD),
as the framework for development for the continent.
International support for the implementation of this
home-grown initiative is essential. We appreciate the
pledges of support by the G-8 by means of their Africa
Action Plan. We hope that this will soon evolve into
the realization of concrete projects and programmes.
My delegation is of the view that there should be
provision in the NEPAD development agenda to take
into account the peculiar problems and specificities of
the eight island nations that constitute the African
family.
The 19 August attack on the United Nations
compound in Baghdad serves as the latest reminder to
all of us of the central importance of being vigilant and
prepared to combat terrorism. Seychelles reiterates its
condemnation of terrorism in all its manifestations.
We are in the process of finalizing our accession
to the 12 United Nations conventions and protocols on
terrorism. We are actively cooperating with the
Counter-Terrorism Committee in the implementation of
the obligations of Security Council resolution 1373
(2001).
Complying with the obligations of this Security
Council resolution is a daunting task for a very small
country like mine, with extremely limited capacity to
deal with the relevant requirements. We will do our
share as part of our responsibility, but to succeed we
need technical and financial assistance. There is also
the need to ensure that the capacities of small States
are enhanced through sharing of intelligence
information, training of personnel, and the provision of
appropriate technology and equipment, for example, to
deal with and handle the new challenges we have to
confront. We hope the international community will be
attentive and responsive to our predicament.
The conflict in the Middle East has brought about
too much suffering and destruction. My delegation
supports the road map for peace and calls on all parties
to the conflict to embark on genuine and substantive
dialogue and negotiations in the interest of durable
30

peace in the region. We reaffirm our belief in the rights
of the Palestinian people to their own independent
State, with clearly defined borders. We welcome all
efforts in facilitating the search for an enduring
solution to the conflict.
As regards the situation in Iraq, my delegation
hopes that full sovereignty will be restored to the Iraqis
as soon as possible, and that a credible and widely
accepted political road map will be drawn up and
implemented. We believe that the United Nations
should have a central role to play in the process.
When Assembly President Julian Hunte assumed
office, he appealed for an action-orientated and
proactive General Assembly. I give him the assurance
that, albeit in a modest manner, he will receive the full-
hearted support of the Seychelles delegation for a
productive and fruitful session.


The United
Nations is a great and good idea, born of human
suffering and the universal desire for a better world.
Despite the many difficult challenges it has faced
throughout more than half a century of its history, it
has always had an important role to play. It has
succeeded because it has been able to adapt and
because, on meeting new obstacles, it has found a modus
operandi to achieve its objectives, although not always to
the desired extent. Particularly worthy of mention are its
achievements in peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance
and the development of international law and the
universal values that international law upholds.
The role that the United Nations has played to
date is clear proof of the fact that not every issue
facing the international community can be resolved
unilaterally, or even bilaterally. In a time of growing
global interdependence there are more and more
problems that countries cannot solve alone, or even in
cooperation with a smaller number of other countries.
The multilateralism of the United Nations must
therefore not be built on values that promote the short-
term benefit of individual countries or interest groups.
Instead, it must be grounded in the awareness that no
one can be satisfied in the long term if we are
surrounded by people living in destitution and without
even the basic necessities of human dignity. Values
grounded in that awareness must become an inseparable
component of relations between countries as the global
interdependence of the human race increases.
That increasing global interdependence is also
evidenced in the sphere of security, the most
fundamental pillar of human welfare. Economic, inter-
ethnic and religious tensions are no longer limited to
single States or regions, but can now have potentially
2

global effects. The most drastic warning of that became
clear in the terrorist attacks on the United States. The
Iraqi crisis and other areas in turmoil offer further
warnings in that respect. There is no doubt that we can
only effectively fight international terrorism and the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction through
the broad cooperation of many countries. The United
Nations played a central role in building an
international coalition against terrorism, and it must
continue to play that role.
As we fight against the universal evil of
terrorism, we must ensure that our eyes remain focused
on upholding the great gains of our civilization. Human
rights take pride of place among those achievements.
Sometimes we cannot avoid the Hobbesian dilemma
between security and freedom. Still, we must be aware
that the sacrifice of freedom for security frequently
results in achieving neither. We must therefore ensure
that international commitments to respect human rights
are upheld.
The international community has taken an
important step in the protection of human rights with
the creation of the International Criminal Court. It is
our sincere hope that the most serious crimes against
humanity will not go unpunished and that the Court
will succeed in putting an end to such crimes through
its independent operation.
Over the past year, the international community's
focus has been on Iraq. At first the course of events
with regard to Iraq revealed the limitations of
multilateral cooperation and decision-making. Those
events now illustrate the limits of engaging unilaterally,
given the immense challenges in the area of
international security and the inherent limits of
unilateralism itself. The complexity of the post-conflict
reconstruction and revitalization of Iraq demands the
widest possible support from the international
community and Iraqis themselves. The United Nations
is the only body capable of serving as the embodiment
of such support. Its role in Iraq must become more
active while retaining its autonomy. Only a strong
United Nations with a broadly defined mandate will be
able to fulfil the role we require of it, namely, to serve
as a factor for stability in Iraq and in the entire region.
Performing that role would be the best means of paying
tribute to the representatives of the United Nations who
tragically lost their lives in Iraq, including Sergio
Vieira de Mello and his colleagues. They will live on in
our memories as well as in our actions.
We should not allow the focus on the most visible
crises and on the fight against terrorism to lead to the
neglect of other dangers to global peace and security. A
single example of that would be the areas of Africa that
require assistance in both ending conflicts and tackling
the root causes of such unrest. Even Afghanistan,
where so recently all eyes were focused, has faded
from our minds. Yet there is a clear danger that the
chronic instability of that country could revert to
devastating civil war. Nor can we neglect the region of
South-Eastern Europe, which posed one of the most
serious threats to global peace and security throughout
the 1990s. South-Eastern Europe is now peaceful.
However, the success or failure of its post-conflict
stabilization is still dependent on the active
involvement of the international community. We must
therefore devote sufficient attention to political and
social consolidation in that region.
The world cannot respond to the Iraqi crisis by
reducing that issue to one of military security, or even
by engaging in the increasing militarization of
international security. We must focus on the source of
threats to international security. We must work hard
towards responsible and sound development that does
not widen the gap between rich and poor. We must
move beyond a developmental pattern that worsens
differences and tensions. Instead we have to ensure
sound prospects for all, including those in the so-called
third world. In the same vein, we must have
international trade rules that enable less developed
countries to use their resources to the maximum
benefit. The collapse of negotiations in Cancun should
be taken seriously. Developed countries should respond
by accepting more of the requirements put forward by
developing countries. The Millennium Declaration and
its Millennium Development Goals are an important
response to those challenges. We must therefore
contribute what we can to achieving those objectives.
I would like, at this point, to make special
mention of the fight against HIV/AIDS. I warmly
welcome the special session of the General Assembly
dedicated to that issue.
The objective increase in global interdependence
requires a strengthened role for the global
Organization. To that end, we must revitalize the
United Nations and adapt it to meet new challenges.
Secretary-General Kofi Annan has accomplished a
great deal thus far in the area of rationalizing United
Nations operations and increasing efficiency. We
3

congratulate him on those achievements and will
support him in his continued efforts to that end. We
also welcome wholeheartedly his intention to establish
a high-level panel of eminent persons to look at current
challenges to peace and security and to review the
functioning of the major bodies of the United Nations
with a view to recommending ways of strengthening
the Organization.
A number of questions and proposals relating to
the revitalization and reform of the General Assembly
have already been identified, and they have the support
of the majority of Member States, including Slovenia.
They now need to be put into practice. Let me also
reaffirm Slovenia's belief that the Security Council
must be enlarged to include representation for the
countries that have the most responsibility for
maintaining international peace and security. At the
same time, there must be adequate representation for
the rest of the international community in order to give
the Council a satisfactory level of legitimacy.
Putting aside the changes required in the
functioning of the United Nations, it should be pointed
out that many misconceptions about the United Nations
stem from a lack of information about the Organization.
On the basis of the experience it has gained to date, the
United Nations may do well to consider expanding its
own global network of universities. Such institutions
would be subordinate to national legislation and would
offer a high quality education in the spirit of the United
Nations. Such a policy would have numerous benefits.
Students would learn a great deal about the United
Nations, while the United Nations would be
contributing to increasing the level of education, as
well as disseminating its core values.
Globalization has opened our eyes to the vital
realization that the whole human race is interdependent
in its very essence. We must respond to the new
challenges of globalization by strengthening our efforts
to ensure that the values that the United Nations has done
so much to develop are also globalized: international
peace and security, respect for human rights, solidarity
and environmental protection. The United Nations
must continue to play a leading role in that all-
important process. To that end, it is our responsibility
to make the United Nations capable of enacting those
values   and hence its admirable purpose   thereby
making the world a better place in which to live.


I would like first of all
to express my sincere gratitude to Mr. Jan Kavan for
his work as President of the General Assembly at its
previous session. We appreciate the knowledge and
skilful leadership of the current President, Mr. Julian R.
Hunte of Saint Lucia, and wish him a year of
constructive dialogue and cooperation.
This year was one of shocking news and human
tragedy. We lost a noble man and a distinguished
diplomat, our friend Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, and
many others who happened to be on duty at the United
Nations premises on that tragic day in Baghdad. More
recently, we paid a final tribute to Ms. Anna Lindh, the
late Swedish Foreign Minister and our good friend,
who fell victim to another act of human insanity. We
grieve for those lost, but we also remember their work
and unfinished missions.
Iraq is one such example of unfinished business.
The restoration of sovereignty and the implementation
of a political process leading to the establishment of a
fully representative Government through democratic
elections is our primary goal. State-building, however,
is not an overnight process. Only through coordinated
effort and close international cooperation can we
expect to rebuild a free and peaceful Iraq. The United
Nations, with its unique experience and legitimacy, is
essential to efforts to help the Iraqi people recover their
sovereignty. In Iraq, the first signs of recovery are
already visible, as demonstrated by the appointment of
a Governing Council and the formation of a
preparatory constitutional committee. These positive
developments should be supported and encouraged.
Thus we look forward to the forthcoming Madrid
conference, which will address many issues important
to Iraq’s future. International support is indispensable,
and sometimes even critical, to people coping with the
legacy of a fallen dictatorship.
The current setbacks in the conflict between
Israel and the Palestinians must not prevent the
implementation of the road map. The vision of two
States living side by side in peace and prosperity
remains the only viable option.
The real strength of our power as an international
community continues to lie in our resolve to deal
collectively with critical issues. The recent report of
the Secretary-General posed hard questions. We need
to find consensus on the conceptual and political
framework for the operation of the United Nations in
15

the coming decades. Lithuania firmly supports the
United Nations as it pursues the goals enshrined in the
United Nations Charter. We share the view that the
multilateral institutions must be updated and
reinforced. It is absolutely essential that the United
Nations and its principal organs be seen as relevant and
effective. Lithuania is ready to contribute to the goal of
building an international order based on effective
multilateral institutions and on the fundamental goals
of the United Nations Charter.
Lasting peace is our collective responsibility. The
Security Council must be able to take a leadership role
in maintaining international peace and security. Thus
Lithuania supports substantial reform to ensure a better
and more equitable representation in both categories,
permanent and non-permanent, through the inclusion of
Germany and Japan, as well as certain other leading
countries from other regions.
Lithuania welcomes the intention of the
Secretary-General to establish a high-level panel of
eminent personalities to address responses to current
challenges. The European Convention, which prepared
the draft European Constitution, is a good example of
how such fundamental policy questions could be dealt
with.
Regrettably, terrorism and the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction and their means of
delivery continue to be on the list of our chief security
concerns. The Thessaloniki European Council
Declaration on the Non-Proliferation of Weapons of
Mass Destruction, and the European Union’s (EU)
basic principles and action plan against the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are well-
defined responses. Lithuania associates itself with them
and will contribute to their implementation. I should
also like to recall the Hague Code of Conduct Against
Ballistic Missile Proliferation, which is yet another
result of multilateral efforts and is worthy of global
universalization.
Global stability also requires regional efforts. In
this context, I would like to note with satisfaction that
next year Lithuania and other Central and Eastern
European countries will join the EU and NATO, thus
expanding the zone of stability and democracy in
Europe. Moreover, our accession will have an
important positive effect on the nations at the new
borders of the EU and NATO. Lithuania is determined
to continue its good-neighbourly policies and to
develop closer relations with its new EU neighbours. I
should also like to draw attention to Baltic-Caucasus
regional cooperation, which is already developing a
number of successful initiatives.
We are witnessing the willingness to adopt more
effective measures to combat terrorism and weapons of
mass destruction. Invariably, more conventional
challenges can be dealt with by transparency and
confidence-building activities. As a new State party to
the Ottawa Convention, Lithuania is committed to
contributing practically to its implementation and
promotion. We feel that it is increasingly important to
facilitate regional dialogue and action that contributes
to the abolition of anti-personnel mines and the
clearing up of old unexploded ordnance. We have
already started working with interested parties in that
respect.
Democracy, the rule of law and respect for human
rights and fundamental freedoms are undoubtedly the
most important in our system of values. In view of the
process of globalization, securing this system is a great
challenge. Such global afflictions as poverty, hunger,
unsustainable development, disastrous massive
pandemics and grave violations of human rights raise
before us the vital task of standing together in order to
secure the future of our children.
Stable conditions for peace cannot be created
without addressing poverty and eradicating social
exclusion. We should, therefore, put all our efforts
towards achieving the goals that we agreed to in the
Millennium Declaration. Lithuania, as a future member
of the European Union, is also assuming its
responsibilities as an emerging donor in this regard.