72.	Let me at the outset sincerely congratulate Mr. Kittani on his election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the Assembly. His election is a fitting tribute to him personally and an honor to his great country, with which my own country enjoys very cordial and friendly ties. His personal role, contribution and accomplishments in international affairs are a matter of public record. We are therefore confident that he will successfully guide the Assembly in all its deliberations. The delegation of the United Republic of Tanzania pledges to him its full cooperation.
73.	May I also congratulate his predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, who presided over the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly with such dedication and distinction. We have noted his persistent efforts during his presidency to seek solutions to the major and pressing problems of our time, particularly in the area of international economic cooperation. We wish him well in his new assignment and hope that he will continue to devote himself to these issues.
74.	I wish also to pay a tribute to the SecretaryGeneral for his commitment and tireless efforts in pursuit of the noble goals of the Organization. I am particularly happy to express our appreciation for his dedicated services, since I had the opportunity to work closely with him during the period that I was privileged to represent my country at the United Nations.
75.	My delegation takes particular pride in welcoming into our midst the newly independent Republic of Vanuatu. The emergence of new countries from colonialism will always be a source of great joy to my country.
76.	In the same spirit, therefore, we warmly welcome the accession of Belize to independence and its membership in the Organization.
77.	The agenda before the thirty-sixth session of the Assembly is long and, in most cases, not new. Many items have remained on the agenda and have been debated over and over again. As solutions to these problems elude us, tensions continue to rise. In turn, these tensions make it even harder to search for lasting solutions; Problems that plagued the 1960s and the 1970s are still with us in the 1980s and have led to the creation of new and hitherto unknown problems which not only have added new dimensions to the old ones but have, in fact, compounded them. The world continues, to witness the worsening state of the international political and economic situation. The welfare of all nations and the wellbeing of all peoples are at stake. Amidst these disquieting developments, there is mounting disillusionment and even resignation among the peoples of the world.
78.	There are today dangerous signs symptomatic of the cold war and reminiscent of the early postwar period. The danger of polarization of the world has again cast the world into a state of extreme uncertainty.. The spirit of detente, which served to lubricate the relations between East and West, seems to be fading fast. An era of confrontation, with its imponderable consequences,. appears to be superseding dialog and tolerance; there is a monumental escalation of the arms race; and regional conflicts and areas of tension are multiplying. Unless the 'present trend is arrested, the threat to the very survival of the present and succeeding generations is very real indeed.
79.	That the world situation is so disquieting and the future so worrying is no longer subject to disagreement. Nor does anyone doubt that there is need for urgent action. Therefore it is a sad paradox that, notwithstanding the reality of the threat to its own existence, and having demonstrated great ingenuity in science and technology, mankind still appears to be helpless and, as it were, at a loss when it comes to solving problems which are essentially of its own making. In fact, there is no doubt whafJ soever among us all as to the capacity we have to change the course of many things, nor is it a case of ignorance of where the solutions are to be found.
80.	The problems of the arms race and disarmament are much too familiar to all of us, and I therefore need not give a lengthy account of the issues involved. Perhaps the time has come when a mere restatement of the problems is not sufficient. There is a need to explore new ways and means to cope with the problems of peace and security in the world. We must ask ourselves whether saving the world from a nuclear holocaust is not a fair price to pay for our tolerance in diversity. The promotion of the principles of peaceful coexistence among all nations, ideological differences notwithstanding, can be an important development in the process of conflict resolution. Whether it be in the consideration of the comprehensive test ban treaty, the Indian Ocean or outer space, solutions will continue to elude us unless there is a firm commitment to peace through the restoration of confidence among States and a mutual respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of all States.
81.	There can be no peace for people who continue to live in the darkness of humiliation or suffer the indignities of racism, colonialism and other forms of domination. History teaches us that people who have been denied their fundamental rights have invariably stood up defiantly in defense of such rights. Their resistance has taken different forms. To those millions who are oppressed, who suffer the ordeal of colonial domination or foreign occupation, or who face the nightmare of racial discrimination, the United Nations must be a source of hope and inspiration.
82.	While the decolonization process has perhaps been one of the most remarkable achievements of the United Nations, the final stages of this process seem to be the most difficult and painful. In Namibia, for example, we continue to witness colonial oppression and suffering which its people has gallantly resisted for decades. Oppression and suffering are rapidly being extended to peaceful independent States through aggression and provocation by a racist minority regime.
83.	The numerous meetings at which the question of Namibia has been considered, culminating m the eighth emergency special session of the Assembly, are testimony to the importance which the international community attaches to this problem. This underlines the need for an urgent solution before peace and security in the region are put into further jeopardy.
84.	As we had occasion to state during the Security Council debate on the issue in April, 4 as well as during the eighth emergency special session [9th meeting], we remain committed to the scrupulous implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). In this process, we have insisted and shall continue to insist that first the five Western States, as the authors of the plan which the Council endorsed by that resolution have the obligation to see it implemented. In this context, we have noted with interest the joint communique issued by the Foreign Ministers of those five Western States following their meeting yesterday. Secondly, further prevarication serves only to strengthen the intransigence of South Africa. Thirdly, the central role of the United Nations in the implementation of the plan must be maintained. Fourthly, for as long as the path of a negotiated settlement continues to be blocked by Pretoria's recalcitrance, the people of Namibia and its liberation movement, SWAPO, should be effectively assisted in its liberation struggle.
85.	South Africa's continued intransigence and illegal occupation and use of the international Territory of Namibia as a springboard for repeated acts of aggression against the neighboring front-line States of the region ate a matter for serious concern. Its recent massive aggression against and occupation of part of the territory of the People's Republic of Angola was carried out in total disdain for the reaction of the international community, as well as for its consequences for international peace and security. Tanzania, in concert with other African States, will continue to render all the necessary assistance and support to the people of Angola.
86.	In South Africa apartheid constitutes a constant crime against that country's people and seriously threatens international peace and security. The General Assembly would be talking in rather abstract terms of blatant violation of human rights if it were found lacking in its commitment to the elimination of this evil. We say so because nations have not been lacking in expressions of verbal outrage against apartheid. Yet apartheid is still with us, certainly not because of its invincibility, but because of the failure of the international community to back condemnations with effective action. On our part, we will spare no effort in supporting the struggle against apartheid. In doing so, we are bound by our conviction that the system of apartheid is an affront to the dignity of man. Tanzania is also convinced that the process of total isolation of the Government of South Africa until it abandons its apartheid policies is aimed at averting consequences harmful to peace and security.
87.	The explosive situation in the Middle East remains a source of serious concern to the world community. Tanzania continues to stress that peace in the region will continue to elude us if the root cause of the conflict is not resolved. While the observance of the principle of the non-acquisition of territory by force and respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all the States in the area are conditions necessary for the attainment of a genuine, viable and lasting solution to the problem, the core of the Middle East problem remains the continued denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to establish a homeland of their own.
88.	We cannot make reference to the Middle East situation without voicing our concern at the anguish and suffering of Lebanon and its people. We support that country's legitimate aspirations for the safeguarding of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
89.	It is a matter of profound regret to my country that despite the efforts of the United Nations, the nonaligned movement and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the war between Iran and Iraq continues, imposing enormous suffering on the peoples of the two States in the process, besides endangering peace and security in the region. We shall continue to support all efforts aimed at bringing to an end that unfortunate conflict.
90.	We note with hope the possibility of a solution to the question of Western Sahara. As the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, Mr. Daniel T. Arap Moi, President of the Republic of Kenya, reported yesterday [11th meeting], the session of the Assembly held recently at Nairobi adopted important decisions which, inter alia, provide for a fair and free referendum in the Territory which wiL enable the people of Western Sahara to determine their own future. We are gratified that through the Organization ofAfrican Unity [OAU] it has been possible to establish a framework within which this problem can be settled. As a member of the Implementation Committee, Tanzania will continue to work for the successful implementation of the recommendations adopted by the Committee at its session at Nairobi in August.
91.	The problem of Cyprus remains unresolved. It is, however, a source of hope th,:.t the inter-communal talks have now gained momentum with the submission of comprehensive proposals encompassing both the territorial and constitutional aspects. Those efforts deserve the support and encouragement of all of us so that they can culminate in a final and lasting solution which ensures the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non alignment of Cyprus.
92.	Developments in the Korean peninsula, IndoChina and Afghanistan continue to preoccupy the Organization. While we strive to search for viable solutions, we must continue to promote dialog and eliminate courses of action which may further exacerbate tensions.
93.	We witness also the deepening of the world economic crisis, which continues to have particularly severe consequences on the economies of the developing countries. That crisis has led to a further deterioration of the terms of trade of the developing countries, slow economic growth, imported inflation and a sharp deterioration in their balance of payments. That situation aggravates the already poor economic conditions of the third world.
94.	While the developing countries continue to bear the brunt of the world economic crisis because of the vulnerability of their weak economies to external conditions beyond their control, the impact: of that crisis is also increasingly being felt by the developed countries. The impact of the crisis on the economies of the developed countries is characterized by high rates of inflation, widespread unemployment, recession and fluctuations in exchange rates. Those conditions have led to widespread dissatisfaction and social tension in the developed countries. Unilateral efforts by some developed countries to seek national solutions to those global problems have not only failed to resolve such problems but have also had a severe cumulative impact on the economies of the developing countries.
95.	The failure of those efforts to find lasting solutions to those global economic problems confirms our conviction that the present world economic crisis is structural and institutional rather than purely cyclical in character. The world economy is in a state of structural disequilibrium characterized by, among other things, stagflation, unemployment, underutilization of industrial capacity, chronic imbalances in international payments, monetary instability, trade distortions and an energy crisis. Those problems have engulfed the entire world, and now more than ever before the imperative to act together on a global scale has become evident.
96.	The demand for the new international economic order is not simply a moral appeal. It is a call for the attention of the world society to the interdependence of countries in economic development. For the truth is that in a world of economic interdependence, it is unrealistic to think that a solution to the economic problems of one part of the world can be achieved in isolation from the rest of the world. Nor is it possible to deal with one issue in isolation from the rest, as there is always a direct link between all the various issues of development.
97.	The proposed global negotiations offer the best framework for the comprehensive, coherent, integrated and therefore effective treatment of the entire world economic malaise. It is the hope of my delegation, therefore, that all efforts will be made during this session of the Assembly to reach an agreement which would enable launching of the global negotiations as early as possible. Tanzania also looks forward to the forthcoming International Meeting on Cooperation and Development to be held at Cancun, which we hope will provide the necessary positive political impetus and create an atmosphere which would be conducive* to progress in the currently stalled NorthSouth negotiations on international economic cooperation.
98.	The United Nations provides the most viable forum for the promotion of freedom, peace, justice, international security and cooperation. We must therefore endeavor to make it well equipped to face the new challenges before us. The United Nations must truly become an effective instrument for the promotion of world peace and economic and social progress for all. If the Organization is to continue as an effective instrument for peace, the people of the world must place their confidence in it. Our commitment to its aims and principles must likewise never be in doubt.


Mr. President, your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly represents recognition of your unquestioned qualities as a veteran diplomat and just recognition of the constructive role played by the country that you represent in such a dignified manner, Iraq, on the international scene. On behalf of the People's Republic of Angola, we are extremely pleased to express our heartfelt congratulations and our sincere wishes for success in the discharge of your mandate.
251.	I should like to take this opportunity to extend to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar our sincere gratitude for his tireless work during the period in which he presided over the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and for the dignified and enlightened manner in which he discharged his high responsibilities.
252.	I should also like to pay tribute to the Secretary General for his considerable and significant efforts in the search for solutions to the thorny problems which the international community faces.
253.	It is with profound concern that we address the Assembly inasmuch as the international situation has worsened considerably to the very point of threatening the actual survival of humanity. The present crisis in the process of achieving detente has created a new danger for international peace and stability.
254.	Despite the praiseworthy and persistent efforts of the socialist countries and of the democratic and peace loving and just ice-loving forces throughout the world to achieve detente, general and complete disarmament and the worldwide prohibition of the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, notably nuclear and bacteriological weapons, including the neutron bomb, not only have conflicts between States and plots against the sovereignty and security of States increased, but also the arms race has proceeded even further in the escalation of the irrational. Moreover, the cold war has once again reappeared by virtue of the disastrous policies pursued by the present Administration in the United States, which is bent upon direct or indirect confrontation between East and West.
255.	Thus, forces hostile to the emancipation of peoples continue to attack the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of countries as well as the right of peoples under foreign domination to self-determination and independence. More and more they have resorted to the use of force, military intervention, occupation and interference, in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Thus, hotbeds of tension persist, above all in the Middle East, Africa particularly in its southern part—SouthWest and SouthEast Asia, the Caribbean and Central America. New conflicts between States have been further exacerbating the international situation. .
256.	A year ago [7th meeting], we drew the attention of the Assembly to the progressive deterioration of the international situation. It is regrettable to note that its causes have persisted and their effects have been aggravated by the policies of certain .Western Powers: the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the policy of nonalignment have npt been strictly respected; aggression of all kinds against independent States has been fomented and encouraged; military bases have been imposed or strengthened in all parts of the world; the serious moves repeatedly made by the socialist countries and progressive and democratic forces aimed at achieving detente, general and complete disarmament and a comprehensive ban on the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction have been blocked; the arms race has been deliberately and dangerously encouraged; the efforts of the developing countries aimed at a gradual reduction of the existing and ever-growing gap between the rich and poor countries have been impeded; resolutions clearly setting forth the imperative need to make the Indian Ocean a real zone of peace have not been respected; and the legitimate right to independence of the Namibian, South African, Sahraoui, Palestinian, East Timorean, Chilean, Salvadorian and Puerto Rican peoples, as well as many others, have been thwarted.
257.	In this alarming situation which clearly threatens the future of peoples, especially that of the peoples of the developing countries, and the growing tragedy of human beings subjected to exploitation, oppression and injustice, we are compelled to repeat our earlier words:
"It is time for the millions of human beings still without freedom or the right to choose their own future to be able to avail themselves of ways and means of fighting servitude, humiliation, tyranny, poverty, hunger, ignorance and disease.
"It is time for all developing peoples to take resolute action in the fight against imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism, Zionism, expansionism, apartheid and the exploitation of man by man so as to be able freely to choose their own economic, political, social and cultural systems free from intimidation or pressure. It is time for them to take into their own hands their own natural resources and to exploit them for their own benefit and not for the benefit of multinational corporations. It is time for them flatly to reject all forms of subordination and dependence on any Power and all interference and all pressure, be it political, economic or military. It is time for them to demand, in combined and concerted fashion, the dismantling of foreign military bases on the territories" of their countries which have been established against their will. It is time for them to make an effective contribution to the safeguarding of international peace and security and the easing of international tension. It is time for them to make a further effort to find effective means of mobilizing their human, financial, organizational and technological resources, thus laying a solid foundation for mutual economic cooperation [in a wide variety of fields]".
To achieve that, perhaps all that is necessary
"is for all the nonaligned countries without exception decisively to put into effect the final Declaration and the Program of Action for economic cooperation approved at the historic Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of NonAligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979, for the serious problems besetting the world today to be properly resolved. That is our hope and our conviction".18
258.	Directly faced with the provocations, acts of aggression and challenges of the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime, the People's Republic of Angola expects from the international community further commitment and decisions commensurate with the requirements of the moment, so that the Angolan people can, for its part, make greater efforts to expel the racist invaders, to retaliate against future acts of aggression and to ensure the defense of its national sovereignty and territorial integrity. In the crucial situation facing southern Africa, any passiveness, any abdication of duty on the part of the international community would be a reward for illegality, a substantial encouragement for criminal acts of aggression and even a contribution to the consolidation of the minority racist and terrorist Pretoria regime.
259.	No one here is unaware of the magnitude or the intent of the recent armed invasion perpetrated by the Pretoria regime against the People's Republic of Angola, or the enormous sacrifices already made by the people of Angola and the extremely high price it is paying, virtually alone, in thousands of human lives and in material damage, in the accomplishment of its internationalist duty and in the implementation of the relevant resolutions of international bodies concerning the independence of Namibia.
260.	At that time, the head of State and Government of Angola took care to bring to the attention of the competent international bodies and forums the facts of the brutal aggression and its disastrous consequences. He requested the. convening of an emergency meeting of the Security Council so that the Council could take effective measures commensurate with the situation, once it had recognized a flagrant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola and a grave threat to international peace and security.
261.	Despite the condemnations of the South African invasion made in firm and unequivocal terms by nearly the whole of the international community, the Government of the United States of America unscrupulously resorted to the use of the veto to oppose the adoption of a Security Council resolution that would have condemned the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime. That was clear proof of its close alliance with the shameful system of apartheid, and undeniable testimony to its denial of human rights and its insolent scorn for the African community in particular.
262.	Ever since the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia in May of 1967 as the legal Administering Authority of Namibia until independence and the decision-making body of the United Nations for that Territory, the Pretoria regime and its allies have endeavored to thwart the discharge of the mandate of that Council and have orchestrated a series of maneuvers aimed at impeding or delaying as long as possible the inevitable independence of the Namibian people and, notably, the coming to power of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole legitimate representative of the people of Namibia.
263.	In Security Council resolutions 428 (1978), 447 (1979), 454 (1979) and 475 (1980) on the numerous premeditated, persistent and prolonged armed invasions perpetrated by South Africa, in flagrant violation of the airspace, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola, the Security Council, among other things, in condemning South Africa's aggression against the People's Republic of Angola,
"... demands that South Africa scrupulously respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola" [resolution 428 (1978), para. 4]',
"Demands that South Africa cease immediately its provocative armed invasions against the People's Republic of Angola ..." [resolution 447 (1979), para. 3];
"Requests Member States urgently to extend all necessary assistance to the People's Republic of Angola and other frontline States ..." [ibid., para. 5];
"Calls for the payment by South Africa of full and adequate compensation to the People's Republic of Angola for the damage to life and property resulting from these acts of aggression" [resolution 475 (1980), para. 6];
"Decides to meet again in the event of further acts of violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola by the South African racist regime, in order to consider the adoption of more effective measures in accordance with the appropriate provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, including Chapter VII thereof' [ibid., para. 7],
264.	As can be seen, the Security Council decided on numerous occasions to envisage the adoption of more effective measures against the Pretoria regime. And we have been awaiting those measures patiently to this day.
265.	Thus, faced with the intransigence of the Pretoria regime in regard to putting an end to its illegal occupation of Namibia, faced with its refusal to observe the relevant resolutions of competent international bodies, faced with the continued criminal aggression perpetrated against the People's Republic of Angola and other front-line States, which undeniably represents a serious threat to international peace and security, a particularly serious question arises: how many new acts of violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola, how many invasions or acts of premeditated armed aggression, how much loss of human life and how much more material damage must we suffer before the competent international bodies adopt the really effective measures that are available to them?
266.	Everybody knows that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the United Nations plan elaborated and negotiated by the Western Powers within the contact group are being challenged by the present North American Administration, concerned as it is with providing protection to the apartheid regime and the latter's illegal interests in Namibia.
267.	The contact group having expressed in Rome its "belief that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) provided a solid basis for the achievement of a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question, Africa is waiting for the foreign ministers of the member nations of that group to establish, at their forthcoming meeting to be held on 24 September here in New York, the modalities and the timetable for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), without amendment of any kind, so that Namibia may become independent during 1982.
268.	In South Africa itself, the situation continues to deteriorate progressively, to the extent that the internal contradictions of the apartheid regime have been aggravated and the heroic fighters of the African National Congress [ANC] tirelessly pursue their political and military activities, the effects of which have been recognized by the Pretoria regime and by the South African press. Our tributes and confirmation of our steadfast solidarity go to the ANC militants.
269.	In Western Sahara, the heroic Sahraoui people, led by the POLISARIO Front 20 its sole legitimate representative, is victoriously continuing its armed struggle against Moroccan occupation to recover its independence and its national sovereignty. It is with new, justified hope that we are awaiting the necessary political solution in the wake of the recent deliberations of the Implementation Committee on Western Sahara of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], which met from 24 to 26 August at Nairobi. We hope that the decision of that Committee to organize and conduct a general and free referendum on self-determination may become a reality as soon as possible, once a ceasefire has been established between the parties to the conflict, namely, the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic and the Kingdom of Morocco, and once the withdrawal of the Moroccan forces has been assured.
270.	As regards the development of the situation in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, we reaffirm that the specific proposals contained in the declarations of its Government since 15 May 1980 constitute a valid basis for the search for a negotiated political solution. What is essential is that the neighboring countries, that is, Pakistan and Iran, heed these words, in line with the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes, because that would result in the normalization of relations among three neighboring nonaligned countries and would favor the restoration of a climate of harmony and stability in the region.
271.	For its part, the valiant people of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has won appreciable success since last year in consolidation of its revolutionary process and in gaining control of its territory, as well as in the economic and social fields. It is, however, regrettable and inconceivable that the legitimate representatives of the people of Kampuchea still do not occupy their rightful place in all international bodies.
272.	Despite the persistent efforts of the heroic people of Korea to reunify its country peacefully and without any foreign interference in its internal affairs, we note with indignation the continued imperialist* maneuvers aimed at establishing two Koreas. It is imperative that there be an unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops stationed in the southern part of Korea, that the armistice agreement be replaced by a lasting peace agreement and that existing military bases there be dismantled, in order that the people of Korea in its entirety may make a reality of the three principles that are essential to its future: independence, peaceful reunification and national unity.
273.	As regards the situation that prevails in East Timor, it is deplorable and unacceptable that foreign armed forces belonging to a member nation of the nonaligned movement should have occupied a part of the Territory namely, the capital of the Democratic Republic of East Timor ever since the proclamation of its independence in 1975, following the withdrawal of the former administering Power without its having defined or established the legal and political status of the Territory.
274.	Last year the Portuguese Government decided to re-assume its obligations and responsibilities with regard to East Timor, and it formally reaffirmed the right of the people of East Timor to self-determination. We permit ourselves to hope that the Portuguese Government will effectively, with firmness and courage, make every effort to end the Indonesian military occupation and ensure the transfer of power to the people of the Democratic Republic of East Timor, in so far as it bears responsibility for finding a solution to this problem.
275.	In this context, we appeal to the international community to note the verdict of the Permanent People's Tribunal on East Timor, which met in Lisbon from 19 to 21 June 1981. The verdict has been circulated as document A/36/448. That verdict clearly shows that the Indonesian Government has been guilty of the crime of war and genocide in East Timor and that the Government of the United States is guilty of complicity in the aggression.
276.	It is incumbent upon the international community to render all possible assistance to the people of East Timor.
277.	In the Middle East the problem remains the same, although its consequences are becoming even graver for the Arab peoples. As long as the legitimate right of the Arab people of Palestine to recover their homeland, usurped by Israel, and to establish an independent State is not fully recognized by all, as long as Israel does not withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, as long as it does not stop its criminal raids and aggression against Lebanon, as long as it continues its policy of establishing settlements in Palestinian or occupied Arab territory, as long as the United States of America does not stop supporting Israel in all possible ways in its plans for annexation, as long as Jerusalem is not fully restored to the Arab nation and as long as the so-called Camp David agreements and the EgyptianIsraeli peace treaty represent a partial and separate commitment which does not take into account the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, thus constituting a gross violation of resolutions adopted by numerous international bodies, a just and lasting peace will never be achieved. However, we are convinced that the solution of the Palestinian problem and of the Middle East situation is in the hands of the Arab countries if they decide, together, to use all the means available to them against all those that support Israel.
278.	We reaffirm our steadfast support for the Palestinian people and their sole legitimate representative, the PLQ.
279.	We also take this occasion to reaffirm our tireless support for the people and Government of the Republic of Cyprus in their just struggle to protect their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non alignment.
280.	In Latin America appreciable and positive changes have taken place thanks to the courageous struggle waged by the peoples there. We commend the victories won by the people of El Salvador and their front-line organizations, the Frente Democratico Revolucionario and the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación Nacional Farabundo Marti', in their legitimate struggle against the present regime, as well as the successes achieved by the Puerto Rican and Chilean peoples in their struggle against imperialism and its agents to bring about a transfer of power to them and so that they may freely decide their own future.
281.	It is with particular satisfaction that we welcome the Republic of Vanuatu on its becoming a Member of the United Nations. We also welcome the proclamation of independence of Belize, which we hope soon to see a Member of the United Nations.
282.	The people of Angola will soon commemorate the sixth anniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola. Under the enlightened leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, President of the MPLA—the Labor Party—President of the Republic and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, the Angolan people are fully mobilized to expel the armed forces of Pretoria from the southern part of the national territory and thereby to guarantee the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic and to devote the necessary means to its economic and social development.
283.	We wish to express our deep gratitude to all those who, in one way or another, have shown their solidarity with us following the criminal invasion carried out by the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime. We hope that the People's Republic of Angola will be able to benefit from the urgent provision of material and financial assistance so that it may overcome the present grave situation and ensure our national reconstruction. The struggle goes on. Victory is certain.


134. Mr. President, first of all, I should like to convey to you the warmest congratulations, on behalf of the Italian Government and on my own behalf, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It is for us a source of deep satisfaction that this honor has been conferred upon the representative of a country with which Italy maintains relations of close friendship and fruitful cooperation. Your long experience in the activities of the United Nations and the eminent qualities you have displayed in the service of your country are guarantees of the balanced and efficient guidance of the work of the Assembly.
135.	I should like to take this opportunity to express to your predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, our deep appreciation of the important contribution he made throughout the past year to the affirmation of the ideals of the United Nations and to the search for a solution to some of the most urgent problems which the Organization has to tackle. It is a particular pleasure for me now to wish him every success in his forthcoming post as Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany to my own country, Italy.
136.	I also wish to reaffirm my Government's deep respect and full support for the praiseworthy actions undertaken by the SecretaryGeneral in the interests of peace and of the settlement through negotiation of some of the most complex problems of our time, in a particularly delicate phase of the international situation.
137.	Finally, I wish to convey a warm welcome to the delegation of the Republic of Vanuatu, whose country, in keeping with the universal vocation of the United Nations, has just been admitted as the one hundred and fifty-fifth Member of the United Nations.
138.	It is not without emotion that I address the General Assembly, which represents the community of peoples of the earth, while thinking of the complexity and dramatic nature of the problems which make the state of international relations uncertain and precarious.
139.	Besieged as we are these days by problems that are all apparently urgent and critical, we run the risk, in the tumult of our everyday lives, of failing to grasp the full significance of events. I believe that this Hall, in which nearly all the nations of the world are represented, is the most appropriate place for trying to work out a synthesis designed not only to provide a better understanding of the course of contemporary history but, above all, to make more effective and incisive the contribution that all of us, as Governments, are called upon to make in order to create the conditions for a better future for mankind.
140.	That is why I feel it necessary to take an overall view of the individual problems which face us, reducing them basically to two common denominators, namely, the East-West relationship and the NorthSouth relationship. These relationships, while maintaining their own individuality and special characteristics, are not really separate but affect and influence each other.
141.	We must bear in mind this close interrelationship. It would be unrealistic to ignore the fact that the slowing down in the East-West negotiation process has brought about a situation of general insecurity and has exercised a negative influence on the orderly development of international relations. At the same time, we are convinced that a fairer distribution of world resources, through a transfer of wealth from the more prosperous to the less favoured countries, would help to reduce the tensions which exist in so many parts of the world, to promote stability in the more afflicted areas and, indirectly, also to improve the state of East-West relations.
142.	Closely connected with the East-West relationship and the NorthSouth relationship are the specific roles which Italy, taking into account its international position, its vocation and traditions and its geographical Ideation, can and intends to play in order to make a positive contribution of its own to the cause of security and peace k; the world.
143.	That contribution is reflected in Italy's membership in the Atlantic Alliance. That Alliance, because of its defensive character, has proved to be an essential prerequisite to security, peace and detente in Europe and therefore to world equilibrium. In this context must be viewed the resolute participation of Italy in the construction of the European Community, which, as it develops, is increasingly aimed at ensuring security and peace. Italy is convinced that the building and strengthening of the European Community is necessary. In its growth it will consolidate and ensure the strengthening of cooperation on our continent, a more fruitful opening, on a basis of equality, towards the States of other geographical areas, and a reaffirmation of the fundamental importance of human rights. Therefore we are convinced that the process of European integration must now acquire a new momentum, overcome the obstacles arising from the current prevalence of economic interests and seek, in a political union, the path to a more effective contribution to the evolution of the contemporary world towards a better equilibrium and hence towards peace. The voice of Europe must not be underestimated in a process of stabilization and peace that will be truly consistent and constant.
144.	Italy, precisely because it is an expression of the civilization of the Mediterranean, has always been especially aware of the problems and crises of that area, which, in its turn, remains central to world balance. In that region old tensions seem to become more entrenched while new tensions are making the old ones more threatening, thus imposing on all the countries concerned a common responsibility to eliminate the sources of danger.
145.	As regards relations between East and West, with all their historical and political complexities, Italy is following a policy which reflects responsibility and firmness but also an effective desire for dialogue. This has been our attitude in the consultations held with the Western nations with which we are linked in a defensive alliance, as well as in our contacts with the Soviet Union and the other countries of Eastern Europe.
146.	The cardinal points of the Italian position are well-known. They are based on the search for a balance of forces, linked with a gradual reduction of those forces to the lowest possible levels, and on the commitment to negotiations without preconditions, but founded upon mutual recognition of the essential requirements of security and peace. We also believe that a policy of detente cannot be conducted within watertight compartments, but requires a renunciation of adventurous policies and the adoption of coherent and responsible ones, simultaneously and in all geographical regions. The degree of interdependence of our world is so great that we cannot hope to be able to guarantee oases of' peace and stability while elsewhere tensions increase and the basic rights of nations and States are violated.
147.	Concerning tactical nuclear forces, a particularly serious imbalance has occurred in the very heart of Europe, an area where the concentration of military forces is extremely high. This imbalance must therefore be corrected through the adoption of the necessary decisions and the active use of negotiation. Accordingly, Italy has worked with its allies and with the potential negotiators to bring closer the prospect Of negotiations and is now awaiting the initiation of talks; to which we will be ready, as in the past, to make a constructive contribution.
148.	To be realistic a disarmament policy must be aimed at a global balance, not just a regional one. For this reason, Italy has consistently stressed the validity of the SALT process, which, in our view, remains a basic point of reference in the Held of disarmament.
149.	At this point I should like to stress that every result achieved in the field of disarmament can have positive repercussions on development aid.
150.	For its part, Italy has helped, in a spirit of responsibility and moderation, to keep open the prospects for an interEuropean dialogue, and it intends to accord the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe the importance that it deserves. Throughout the course of the. Madrid negotiations we have refused to abandon the hope of achieving substantial and balanced results, including the convening of a conference on disarmament in Europe. Moreover, we have agreed that next autumn a further attempt should be made in that direction. It is in the interests of all that that attempt should yield the hoped for results.
151.	A great European country, Poland, has experienced in recent months and is experiencing at present difficulties deriving from its internal evolution. We fervently hope that this country may carry out its chosen action with full respect for the inherent values of its culture and its sovereignty.
152.	Here I should like to point out that the major failures of the United Nations, when they have occurred, are to be attributed to the lack, at the world level, of the political will for peace and progress based on a careful, balanced and realistic assessment of regional conflicts within a global perspective.
153.	I said earlier that the precarious nature of the East West relationship, because of the indivisible nature of security and hence of peace, has had inevitable repercussions on existing world tensions and that, conversely, the elimination of those tensions becomes an important means of reducing the difficulties which stand in the way of the stabilization of East-West relations.
154.	For their part, the 10 members of the European Community have tried and are still trying to contribute to this stabilizing action by proposing formulas aimed at removing the various causes of tension and restoring peace to suffering peoples, thus contributing to stabilization.
155.	In the Assembly, at the eighth meeting, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, Lord Carrington, described the European Community's position on the major sources of conflict and tension. I take this opportunity to give Italy's full support to the views that he voiced.
156.	for its part, the Italian Government notes with deep concern that more than 18 months have elapsed since Afghanistan was invaded by Soviet forces, in flagrant violation of international norms and the Charter of the United Nations. In the meantime, no attention has been paid to the requests and appeals made by the overwhelming majority of the members of this Assembly, the members of the non aligned movement, to which we give great importance, the countries of the Organization or the Islamic Conference and those of the European Community that those troops, whose presence constitutes the only real interference in the area, should be withdrawn and that the Afghan people should be given back the right to determine freely their own future and recover the traditional position of their country as an independent and nonaligned State. I am confident that the Assembly will at this session reaffirm the position previously adopted on this question.
157.	There is another case of military occupation the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia that violates the basic principles of coexistence among peoples. The appeals made by the United Nations and by the nonaligned movement for a solution based on those principles have so far remained unheeded. The Italian Government feels that the International Conference on Kampuchea, held in New York last July, should be given credit for having worked out a balanced and constructive basis for negotiation. My government hopes that Viet Nam will recognize the serious and reasonable nature of the proposals put forward by the Conference and decide to take part in its future deliberations, thus fulfilling its obligations to the United Nations and contributing to the cause of stability in SouthEast Asia.
158.	I turn now to the African continent and I should like, first of all, to express the full solidarity of the Italian Government with the Angolan Government, victim of recent bloody aggression by South African forces. Violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a State Member of the Organization, from whatever source, must give rise to the strongest condemnation by the international community.
159.	Once more, the aggression against Angola was launched from Namibian territory, which is still subject to an illegal regime of occupation. This cannot but further emphasize the urgent need to solve a problem which has been dragging on for years, that of the independence of Namibia. Italy maintains that it must be solved without recourse to force, but rather by political means and through negotiations, on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Hence, the Italian Government addresses the most urgent appeal to all the parties directly concerned, including the countries belonging to the Western contact group, to make every constructive effort to ensure that Namibia rapidly achieves its independence and can occupy at our next session, as a sovereign State, the place to which it is entitled hi our Assembly id in international community.
160.	The accession of Namibia to independence would favour the development of the entire region, increase the stability of all the countries concerned and primarily Angola and eliminate every justification for the presence of nonAfrican troops in the region.
161.	Still dealing with the problems of southern Africa, we must note with regret the absence of any significant progress towards the abolition of apartheid in South Africa, an iniquitous system which constitutes an intolerable insult to human dignity and which my Government firmly condemns, as reflected in our scrupulous observance of the military embargo decreed by the Security Council.
162.	With regard to the other African crises, Italy considers that the 0AU is the forum best qualified to promote the stability of the continent and to settle its disputes without dangerous external interference.
163.	We are strengthened in this conviction by the recent favourable development in the dispute over the Western Sahara where, under the auspices of the OAU, the basis for an acceptable solution has been laid down. We hope that similar progress will soon be achieved in Chad with the deployment of the interAfrican force which is to replace, under the auspices of the OAU, the foreign military contingent now present in that country in a different capacity.
164.	Turning finally to the problems of the Horn of Africa, while we note with satisfaction the signs of improvement in the relations between Kenya and Somalia, we are bound to express our deep concern at the continuing tension between Somalia and Ethiopia, two countries with which Italy is linked by ancient historical and cultural ties. Within the limits of its possibilities and with respect for the independence of both countries, Italy awaits with interest and is ready to contribute to every effort which may help to produce a just solution of this crisis and which will allow the peoples of the Horn of Africa to end the present dangerous spiral of confrontation and concentrate their energies on the fight against their common enemy, namely, underdevelopment.
165.	I would like to express in this Hall my gratification at the recent return of some countries of the Latin American continent to democratic normality and at the trends in that direction which may be noted in certain countries. Italy hopes that such trends will be further intensified and will yield concrete results, because it is convinced that a substantial affirmation of the principle of the respect of the popular will and of the ideals of pluralism and democracy can only strengthen the cause of peace on the continent, particularly in Central America, and prevent the resurgence of fratricidal struggles such as those which, linked to the pressure of external destabilizing factors, are tearing apart the people of El Salvador.
166.	At the beginning of my statement I observed that the Government of Italy devotes particular attention to the problems of the Mediterranean.
167.	If the objective to be pursued is that of the security of the area, its attainment requires the solution of the various crises that afflict the region, and, above all, the establishment of peace in the Middle East. This area has too 'neat a need for peace and justice for us to sit back and conclude, with facile pessimism, that we have exhausted the possibilities for seeking a political solution. On the contrary, we feel that important and positive factors are emerging which, together with the effort the European Community is making, gives us reason to believe that today in the Middle East the starting point is no longer zero. Italy will continue to support any progress towards a political settlement of these disputes and remains committed to the contribution which the Ten feel able usefully to offer. May I add, in this respect, that we have noted with interest the proposals put forward by Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia because they reveal the readiness of that country for a negotiated solution of the Middle East problem and because there is an interesting principle implicit in them.
168.	Our action is based on certain essential principles which may be summed up as follows: the right to existence and the right to security of Israel, a great people to whom mankind owes a considerable cultural debt, are for us facts which we cannot renounce; we recognize as well the right of the Palestinian people to self determination and, if it so decides, 10 the creation of a State entity. This leads us to the conclusion that whatever the operational modalities of the implementation of a peace process, such a process must pass through a compulsory and fundamental stage, namely, mutual recognition between Israel and the Palestinians. In this respect, we feel that the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], which we recognize as a significant political force of the Palestinian people, should be given an opportunity to prove its readiness to contribute to a peaceful solution of the ArabIsraeli dispute.
169.	Crises such as that in the Middle East require realism, but also courage and hope. We must encourage moves towards detente by both parties so as to prepare the ground for direct dialogue since, in this case also, any lasting solution finally depends on the will of all directly concerned parties.
170.	The best proof of the validity of this approach has been provided by the truce and cessation of hostilities in southern Lebanon, achieved through diplomatic efforts that Italy fully supported. That development has opened the way to the beginning of a pacification process in that long suffering country. It is now more than ever necessary to guarantee, with the help of all countries, the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, thus avert ing a recurrence of the sufferings endured in the past by that defenseless people. Italy is cooperating in the pursuit of that objective by its participation in the peace mission of the United Nations in southern Lebanon, which we hope will be allowed to play an increasing role in that country.
171.	A speedy cessation of the hostilities between Iran and Iraq would put an end to the material and human losses involved and thus remove a serious obstacle to the peaceful progress of those peoples.
172.	In addition to the crisis in the Middle East, recently in the Mediterranean region there have been signs of a disquieting restlessness which seems to make even less attainable the dialogue and cooperation that we would like to see built up in the area. During this delicate phase we must appeal to all concerned to show a sense of responsibility, to maintain attitudes compatible with the goals of peace full coexistence and to renounce claims that conflict with international norms.
173.	It was in the context of a policy aimed at further increasing the stability of the central Mediterranean region that the Italian initiative was taken with regard to the declaration of neutrality issued by Malta, which can only prove to be a useful instrument in favor of peace and progress. In order to help strengthen this new status, when registering its agreements with Malta in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, Italy requested the SecretaryGeneral [see A/36/348, annex] to draw the attention of Member States to that part of the Italian declaration in which all the States concerned were invited and I repeat that invitation now to take note of Malta's declared neutrality.
174.	Another Mediterranean island, Cyprus, has unfortunately been experiencing a difficult situation for many years. However, the negotiations between the two communities, which the United Nations can use its authority effectively to encourage, now have a greater chance of leading to a solution to the problem. Again, for its part, Italy has done and will do everything possible to assist those negotiations.
175.	It is an essential function of the United Nations to monitor the imbalances in the armaments sector, both conventional and nuclear, and the increasing spread of weapons of all types among the less developed countries.
176.	The Italian Government attaches particular importance of the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament to be held in 1982, which will offer a unique opportunity to review the results so far achieved and to outline the programs to be followed in the future.
177.	Unfortunately, it must be said that the Committee on Disarmament, at Geneva, has not yet been able fully to carry out the tasks entrusted to it by this Assembly. At the same time an increasing need is felt within the Committee to avoid abstract generalizations so that negotiating activities can concentrate primarily on subjects that offer realistic possibilities of agreement. Accordingly, Italy continues to demand a ban on chemical weapons and the destruction of stockpiles thereof in order to avert the serious threat posed by the proliferation of these weapons, which are indeed weapons of mass destruction.
178.	In the nuclear field, Italy, which is a party to the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons, views with sympathy the demands of certain nonaligned countries for security guarantees on the non-use of nuclear weapons by the nuclear-weapon States. Italy is making a direct contribution to their efforts in its capacity as chairman of the pertinent Ad Hoc Working Group at Geneva.
179.	In the field of conventional weapons, while understanding the security requirements of many countries regarding the protection of their independence and territorial integrity, we feel that the Assembly must none the less redouble its efforts to regulate such weapons.
180.	Still on the subject of disarmament, Italy has for some years put forward proposals aimed at limiting the potentially destabilizing aspects of an arms race in space and has consistently affirmed the need to continue to work on a global program of disarmament as an appropriate basis on which to ensure the achievement of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.
181.	As regards the important work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, Italy is firmly convinced that the exploitation of the mineral resources of the seabed must benefit all mankind.
182.	During the past year, in despite of the difficulties arising from the present crisis, international economic cooperation has made modest but significant advances. An authoritative and inspired voice, that of Pope John Paul II, has recently been raised in the context of that comprehensive review, the encyclical Laborem Exercens, to encourage that cooperation. It recommends a profoundly innovative vision of labor problems as well as a new relationship between institutions and labor. I believe that all men of good will should carefully study those lofty pronouncements.
183.	The United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy has given positive indications as to the road we should follow in order over the long term to solve the energy problems of the non-oil-producing developing countries. As for the short and medium terms, these problems could be tackled effectively if we could finally reach a consensus on the establishment of an energy affiliate of the World Bank, a proposal that Italy has supported on numerous occasions.
184.	The recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries was also successful in adopting the Substantial New Program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries. That program will now constitute the basic reference point for the initiatives of the international community. I should like to stress that these are countries to which Italy is already devoting a substantial percentage of its official development aid and for which it plans in the future to develop a more effective and differentiated policy of cooperation which will allow us to achieve the target amounts set in that program.
185.	Italy is also playing an active role in the field of science and technology for development. As I had occasion to stress to a delegation of ministers from developing countries with whom I recently met in Rome, we hope that the United Nations Interim Fund for Science and Technology for Development, to which Italy has made a substantial contribution, will have sufficient resources to achieve its objectives.
186.	In the trade sector, we are convinced of the need, reaffirmed by the seven main industrialized countries at their meeting in Ottawa, for a vigorous joint effort to fight against the resurgence of the spectrum of protection ism and to keep open the system of world trade. Next year, the GATT Ministerial Conference, welcomed by the Ottawa summit, will provide us with a valuable opportunity to consider in depth the obstacles which already impede the orderly development of international trade, as well as those which threaten to arise. But the most serious challenge concerns the launching of global negotiations, since it affects the very negotiating ability of the international community.
187.	The Italian Government maintains that the problems of the NorthSouth dialogue can only be tackled within the framework of the global negotiations which this Assembly will be called upon finally to launch after appropriate and careful preparation. Moreover, our awareness of the urgency of these questions has led us to take an initiative designed to help in the solution of the tragic problem of word hunger.
188.	After having substantially increased in recent years its contribution to the major organizations and programs of the United Nations operating in the agricultural and food sector, Italy, true to its civil and Christian traditions which other cultures reflect as well, has just suggested the organization of an operational meeting for the purpose of achieving, through the action of the United Nations specialized agencies located in Rome, certain concrete objectives to be given immediate effect relating to the struggle against hunger and malnutrition and cooperation in the field of agriculture and food production. This initiative, which was put forward by Italy at Ottawa and approved in the final communique of that meeting 10 has been endorsed by the countries of the European Community and is now in the course of preparation and development. We trust that that initiative, besides offering prompt solutions to the international scourge of malnutrition, will help to strengthen confidence in the possibility of advancing along the path of economic growth through cooperation, which is one of the basic aims of the United Nations.
189.	In concluding my statement, I should like to refer to the important dual responsibility of the United Nations in the field of human rights: the definition of principles and related standards of conduct, and vigilance as to their effective implementation.
190.	As regards the first objective, the Organization has already achieved substantial and indisputable results. But in the matter of vigilance and respect for the norms and principles adopted by the Organization, the United Nations has not shown appreciable progress. Policies which disregard the essence of human rights have continued to be practiced, and we are still faced with extensive violations of human rights as a result of local conflicts or situations of instability or intolerance. Italy is ready to cooperate fully in this respect with the world Organization, convinced as we are that wherever the value and dignity of the human person is at stake no obstacle must be allowed to stand in our way. Only thus can we give effectiveness and incisiveness to United Nations action in the field of the international protection of human rights. This is perhaps one of the most difficult challenges that the United Nations will face in the years to come,
191.	As we tackle the specific objectives facing this Assembly in the political and economic fields and discuss the best means of achieving those goals, we must not lose sight of the basic consideration that this Organization is, first and foremost, the supreme body at the service of mankind. Beyond the diversities of tradition and culture, man is in effect the subject of rights and freedoms, who through dignity attains a universal value. The mission of the United Nations thus becomes universal only to the extent to which the Organization proves capable of promoting and protecting these rights and freedoms.


49.	 Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure and honor to extend to you, on behalf of the United Arab Emirates, my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office exemplifies the international community's confidence in your country's leading and constructive role in international forums, particularly the United Nations. It is also an expression of confidence in your ability and wisdom to carry out the important tasks entrusted to this session. The close and intimate relationship that we have with fraternal Iraq makes us share the same sentiments of satisfaction in the confidence that has been shown in you.
50.	We should like also to take this opportunity to express our deepest gratitude and appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, who presided over the previous session and subsequently the eighth emergency special session with a competence and objectivity that earned him the respect of us all.
51.	We wish also to take this opportunity to reiterate our appreciation to the Secretary-General for his endeavors aimed at enhancing the role of the United Nations in the solution of problems confronting the contemporary world, the continued existence of which, without just and radical solution, will threaten the peace and security of mankind.
52.	The delegation of the United Arab Emirates has the pleasure of welcoming Vanuatu and Belize to the United Nations. In expressing our sincerest congratulations on their independence and admission to membership in the United Nations, we look forward to the realization of the universality of the Organization, when all territories under colonial rule and foreign occupation will be liberated and admitted to the United Nations.
53.	The international situation, on both the political and economic levels, has steadily worsened since the last session. The Secretary-General referred to this situation in his annual report on the work of the Organization by stating that EastWest relations have once again become severely strained as a result of the abandonment of the policies of detente [see A/36/J, sect. 7]. This has been aggravated by emphasis on the arms race; by consideration of military superiority as the main factor in relations among the great Powers; by the use of arms in certain areas or the threat of the use of arms in others, in violation of the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of States as well as of the right to self-determination, particularly on the part of certain great Powers; and by non-respect for human rights and basic values.
54.	We observe with great concern the interference, direct or indirect, by certain great Powers in the internal affairs of other countries and even military aggression against them. This interference represents a violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international conventions and treaties which embody the principle of noninterference and the right of every State to choose the form of government it desires. We therefore deplore and denounce such interference in all its forms. The consequences of this interference are not borne by the victimized countries alone but affect us all, and in particular the countries of the third world. An example of this reality has been the escalation of the military presence of the great Powers in our region and in the region of the Indian Ocean.
55.	Because of its Arab commitments and its status as a member of the nonaligned movement, the United Arab Emirates firmly believes that the security of the Gulf is the sole responsibility of the countries of the Gulf. Consequently, it refuses to join any military alliances. It also rejects the interference by any foreign country in its internal affairs, including the imposition of any form of protection over its territory. My country also considers the creation of any foreign force entrusted with the so-called protection of the Gulf's security as a violation of the sovereignty of the region's States and a threat to their integrity and stability.
56.	The political will of the Arab States of the Gulf has resulted in the formation of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The creation of this Council is an expression of the aspirations of the peoples and Governments of the area and their determination to create a viable framework designed to promote coordination, cooperation and integration among member States in all fields. The Council will enable its members to deepen and strengthen ties as well as unify their economic, social, informational and administrative systems. The establishment of the Council conforms to the Charter of the United Nations, which encourages coordination and cooperation among States of the same region.
57.	As regards the Indian Ocean, which involves us, my country has supported and will continue to support the General Assembly resolution on the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. In this context, we regret the position adopted by certain States and in particular by the major Powers, which has led to the postponement of the conference which was scheduled to meet at Colombo in 1981 for the purpose of prescribing the necessary measures for the implementation of that Declaration.
58.	The ongoing war between Iraq and Iran is to us a source of grief and sorrow. This war has lasted too long and has resulted in enormous human and material loss. Its continuation is not in the interest of either party. It must stop, not only to save lives and restore peace and security in the area, but also to exclude any external interference by the great Powers and others. Iraq's response to initiatives for peace has earned the admiration of the international community. We urge the continuation of the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the nonaligned movement for a ceasefire and the elimination of the causes that triggered the war.
59.	Deterioration in the policy of detente has led to a similar deterioration in disarmament negotiations and in attempts to end the arms race. In 1980, armaments cost almost $500 billion, that is, 6 per cent on the world's gross national product. In addition to that, the stockpiling of more and improved weapons has continued, specifically in the realm of nuclear, bacteriological and neutron weapons.
60.	In view of this explosive situation, we express our concern over the escalation of the arms race, which endangers international peace and security and leads to the great squandering of resources that could have been devoted to the service of mankind if employed for the purpose of economic and social development,
61.	We also appeal to the big Powers to put an end to the deterioration in detente and not to think of security only in military terms. Otherwise, the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament will be doomed to failure.
62.	Recent developments in South Africa and Namibia arouse our gravest concern. The minority regime is still striving to maintain its domination over the indigenous African people and to undermine their dignity by denying them the exercise of their political rights, including the right to self-determination. The racist regime in South Africa persists in the practice of the policy of apartheid and in the establishment of Bantustans in defiance of the United Nations and world public opinion, both of which have condemned that policy as a violation of human rights and values and of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
63.	In Namibia, the racist regime of Pretoria persists in its defiance of the United Nations by rejecting its resolutions, consolidating its own racist colonialist regime and preventing the attainment of independence by this Territory and the exercise by its people of its right to self determination under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole legitimate representative. The support rendered by certain Western countries to South Africa is the main factor that has encouraged the Pretoria regime in undertaking its aggressive colonialist policies.
64.	Consequently, last April the Security Council considered the Namibian question and the obstructionist role of the racist regime in order to determine what steps should be taken with regard to this. Regrettably, three great States, permanent members of the Council, vetoed the four draft resolutions submitted to the Council. It was therefore necessary to convene an emergency special session of the General Assembly, in accordance with resolution 377 (V), entitled "Uniting for peace". My country supported the convening of that session, participated in its debates and strongly supported the resolution adopted with regard to this question.
65.	We strongly condemn the repeated acts of aggression committed by the racist regime of Pretoria against the front-line African States. We urge the Security Council to apply against that regime the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter.
66.	We nurture the hope that the countries which support South Africa will learn the lessons of history and realize the inevitability of the emancipation of all peoples from the yoke of colonialism and racism, We also hope that those countries will abandon their current policies under which priority is given to their economic and strategic interests over human principles and ideals and the rule of international law.
67.	This also applies with regard to Kampuchea, whose people have suffered for so long from foreign interference and aggression.
68.	We believe that the time has come to settle the conflict between North Korea and South Korea through dialog, with a view to eliminating the causes of disagreement between them and satisfying the desire of their people to unite.
69.	We welcome the report of the Secretary-General regarding the development of the current negotiations between the Greek and Turkish communities in Cyprus, which have entered a more constructive stage. We express our hope for the success of the intense efforts being exerted to enable the current negotiations to culminate in an agreement providing for the security and coexistence of the people of the island and guaranteeing the territorial integrity and neutrality of the Republic of Cyprus.
70.	We all expected that at the last session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea a convention would be concluded during 1981. However, such expectations were not fulfilled, owing to the reevaluation by the new United States Administration of some of the provisions of the draft convention, in particular those pertaining to the exploitation of the seabed.
71.	My country, as a member of the Group of 77 developing countries, concurs with that Group's rejection of the American attitude and considers it an obstacle to what had been agreed to following lengthy negotiations among all participants, including the United States. In hoping for the removal of these obstacles, we insist on the conclusion of the convention no later than 1982. We see the conclusion of such an agreement as enhancing the role of the United Nations in finding practical solutions to the other major global problems.
72.	At previous sessions of the General Assembly the United Arab Emirates has described in detail the principles and convictions upon which its policies regarding the Middle East problem and the question of Palestine are based. The most important of these principles are the following: first, recognition that the question of Palestine constitutes the crux and essence of the Middle East problem and that consequently the ArabIsraeli conflict cannot be resolved without the simultaneous resolution of the Palestinian problem; secondly, complete and unconditional Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories, including Al Quds Al Sharif; thirdly, the exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable rights, including the right of return, the right to self-determination without external interference, the right to national independence and complete sovereignty and the right to establish its independent and sovereign State in Palestine; and, fourthly, participation by the PLO, the sole representative of the people of Palestine, on an equal footing in any attempts or efforts made and any conference held to settle this problem.
73.	We consider that the principles enunciated by Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia constitute the basis for a just and comprehensive solution to the ArabIsraeli conflict. We welcome and support his statement as a constructive step towards the return of stability and security to the Middle East region.
74.	The period since the last session has been characterized by Israel's persistence in its aggressive policies and its violations of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the rule of international law, thus defying the world community and the international consensus.
75.	Israel continues to pursue its policy of Judaization of the Holy City of Jerusalem and the eradication of its Arab and Islamic character. It also continues to carry out excavations that threaten the survival of the holy Al Aqsa mosque, which has a unique significance for Moslems throughout the world. In reiterating our absolute condemnation and rejection of these aggressive Israeli measures, we reaffirm our adherence to the resolutions adopted by the Organization of the Islamic Conference with respect to Jerusalem and welcome the resolutions of the United Nations which firmly reject the annexation by Israel of Jerusalem and the transformation of it into the capital of Israel.
76.	In the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, the Israeli authorities continue to confiscate Arab lands and to establish settlements aimed at the imposition of a fait accompli, the obstruction of the return of those lands and the denial to the Palestinian people of the exercise of the right to self-determination and the establishment of its independent State. It is time for the United Nations, and in particular the Security Council, to impose sanctions on Israel for its policies, which contravene many of its resolutions as well as international rules and conventions.
77.	Israel has not confined its colonial practices to that phase but has engaged in other types of infringement such as expulsion of certain Palestinian leaders, including elected mayors, restriction of the civil rights of numerous leaders and even attempts to assassinate some of them, interference in educational affairs, imprisonment, demolition of houses, deportation of inhabitants to other areas and other methods of repression, oppression and terrorism.
78.	While condemning those measures, we believe that it is incumbent on the international community to put an end to them once and for all.
79.	In Lebanon, Israel has recently escalated its ferocious and barbaric attacks against civilian installations and Palestinian refugee camps. Israel even went so far as to bomb civilian quarters in Beirut, killing and injuring hundreds of civilians and completely destroying numerous buildings, bridges and other installations. The report of each of the two fact-finding committees appointed by the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the non aligned movement are graphic evidence of this.
80. Israel did not confine its aggression to neighboring areas but extended it to attacking Iraq. Violating the airspace of three Arab countries, Israel then bombed and destroyed Iraq's nuclear installations employed for peaceful purposes. The world condemned and deplored those two acts of aggression. We had hoped that the Security Council would go beyond condemnation and the demand for restitution to the application of Chapter VII of the Charter against that aggressive State.
81.	In this connection, we appeal to the States which support Israel, in particular the United States, to abandon their partisan policies by giving priority to the principles and purposes of the Charter. We expect them to participate in a concerted effort for this noble cause, which entails deterring the aggressor, terminating defiance of the United Nations and its resolutions, safeguarding the Organization and its prestige and exerting pressure on Israel to comply with United Nations resolutions.
82.	It is indeed regrettable that the Government of the United States recently announced a strategic alliance with Israel. That alliance, in our opinion, constitutes encouragement to Israel to persist in its aggressive and expansionist policies and its defiance of the international will.
83.	The world economy has been experiencing a progressive deterioration. The damaging outcome of that deterioration has affected the economies of all States in the world, but the damage done to the developing countries has been greater, and this has resulted in an additional burden on their endeavors for development. The continued manifestation of that deterioration is attributed to the deficiencies that still characterize the bases governing the world economic system. Those bases were established under conditions of absolute domination by the capitalist countries. Such a situation no longer exists, because of the drastic developments witnessed by the world in the past 30 years. Hence, there has been a need to introduce fundamental changes in the system to allow it to adjust to the new circumstances.
84.	That need has been expressed with increasing clarity through a series of important resolutions adopted by the General Assembly since its sixth special session, The most vital have been the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (SVI)} and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. Those resolutions contain firm bases on which a just economic system could be built. The international community has been unable to implement those resolutions because of the position of some industrial nations which consider that the developing nations could participate in international decision-making on a basis of equality only at the expense of the industrial nations' absolute control of the world economic system, and that failure has led to feelings of frustration and disappointment. As a result, world efforts have suffered a great setback. Those efforts were oriented towards establishing and implementing general guidelines for economic reform, but they have failed to bear fruit because some countries have not respected their declared commitments.
85.	We express our increasing concern over the suspension of those negotiations, and we share the confidence of the world community that their resumption and success will establish important components for the foundations of a viable economic system that will enable the international community to surmount its crises. We hope that the Cancun meeting will pave the way for the resumption of those negotiations.
86.	The experience of past years has demonstrated that certain regional methods, far from alleviating the impact of world problems, have created new problems. The conclusion to be drawn from that experience is that economic issues, though they may be regional in origin, have global effects. Hence the global character and the comprehensiveness of the impact of economic questions require collective participation by all in the effort to change the structure of the remedies currently advocated.
87.	In this respect, it is important to affirm that the final objective of establishing new international economic relations based on fairness and mutual respect is in the interest of mankind, since the health and prosperity of the industrial economies are to a great extent linked to the development of the developing world. The demands for change thus acquire a global and comprehensive dimension.
88.	Some sectors of the world economy require urgent global action. Thus, inflation, monetary instability, protectionism and other problems have paralyzed the world economy.
89.	Despite the fact that inflation is a phenomenon originating in the industrial countries, its negative effects have reached the developing nations and created new difficulties for their development. This calls for urgent international action that would curtail the impact of this phenomenon.
90.	The world economy also suffers from an unstable monetary system as a result of drastic fluctuations in the rates of exchange of major currencies. Those fluctuations have had damaging effects on the economies of many countries, in particular those of the developing countries whose export earnings have diminished. The world has the responsibility of reducing the impact of those fluctuations. A major step in that direction lies in the establishment of international supervision over the exchange rate of key currencies, as well as in the diminution of the dominant role of some of those currencies. Such measures would constitute an enormous step forward toward the establishment of a new world monetary system.
91.	In addition to this, world trade has recently witnessed an increase in the protectionist measures practiced by developed countries. Those measures impose new restrictions on the movement of international commerce and have victimized the developing countries by reducing their income from foreign trade, which renders them unable to rectify the deficits in their balances of payments. That leads to a great decline in international trade, thereby contributing to the continuing deterioration of the world economy.
92.	As an oil-producing country, and aware of its role in world economic relations, the United Arab Emirates has made a great contribution to the improvement of the international economic situation. Our policies on the production and pricing of crude oil and our program of development aid clearly demonstrate our great concern for the integrity of the world economy. Those policies also signify our sincere desire for the alleviation of the world economic crises, even at the cost of diminishing our oil reserves.
93.	In the field of international cooperation, my country has adopted ambitious aid programs which vastly surpass the percentages of gross national product prescribed in the new International Development Strategy. Through such programs, our revenues have been transferred to the developing nations in the form of grants and soft loans, as an expression of solidarity with the developing countries. That aid has been granted despite the fact that my country is itself a developing country, newly independent, and needs much of its resources to establish its economic and social institutions.