It gives me great pleasure on behalf of the
delegation of the Syrian Arab Republic to congratulate
Ambassador Insanally on his election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I take this
opportunity also to commend the role of his friendly country
in the Non-Aligned Movement and the positive contribution
to the United Nations made by the friendly countries of
Latin America.
I should also like on this occasion to voice our esteem
to the President of the Assembly at its forty-seventh session,
Mr. Stoyan Ganev, for the success he achieved during that
session. We extend to him and to the friendly country of
Bulgaria all best wishes for progress and prosperity.
I wish also to welcome the new Member States that
have joined our international Organization. It is our hope
that they will make a contribution to the work of the United
Nations with their active input.
The end of the cold war has faced the international
community with immense challenges and substantive
questions most of which have remained without satisfactory
answers while others have been left to the judgement of
history and to the vagaries of time. It has become clear to
many people in various parts of the world that facing up to
these new challenges has not been an easy task for any
individual country, regardless of its power or wisdom.
The international climate has been rendered yet more
complex and difficult by the reactions of those who have
considered themselves to be the victors of the cold war.
Their reactions have reflected their narrow short-term
interests rather than the elements of the new reality which
would have served better both their long-term interests and
those of other countries - or which, in the very least, would
not have done harm to those interests.
This is one of the basic reasons which, to date, have
prevented the emergence of a new world order. It was not
reasonable to expect the countries and peoples of the world
to support a system in which they have no say and from
which they have no tangible expectations. This might
explain why from one day to the next and year after year
there has been less talk and lower expectations of the
emergence of a new world order on the ruins of the old
order.
On today’s international scene we see little construction
and few new breakthroughs; we see many ruins, much chaos
and numerous unanswered questions. Has the world of
today become more secure and stable? Have the causes of
social tension and the many forms of regional conflict
receded? Has the number of refugees and displaced persons
decreased? And has the life of ordinary people in the South,
and even in the North, grown more prosperous or
comfortable?
These are legitimate questions, but detailing the answers
before this Assembly will not be a source of joy or comfort
to many of us, especially in view of conflagrations in
various parts of the world which warn of increased human
suffering, ranging from killing and deportation to "ethnic
cleansing", and real hunger. Of such things, world public
opinion knows but very little. Suffice it to say that the
number of conflicts which figure on the agenda of the
United Nations is far smaller than those which are queuing
up in the wings.
When we say this, however, we do not wish to give the
impression, by such a graphic objective description of the
new international situation, that the past was better than the
present. Far from it. For such is not the logic of my
country, Syria. Nor is it the logic of life, itself which, we
believe, tends to move towards the better, inevitably and as
a matter of necessity, even if it sometimes stumbles here and
there or appears to be static at certain times.
Our real aim in describing the post-cold-war
international situation is to attempt a serious assessment that,
we truly believe, we share with many other countries which
aspire to correct the course of international relations in both
the political and the economic spheres, in order to make
them more democratic and equitable.
In this context, we find no better framework than the
United Nations to promote international dialogue and
cooperation. In order for such dialogue to have positive and
fruitful results in the interest of all concerned, it is necessary
to introduce democratic reforms that would restructure the
decision-making process in the Organization so that it may
reflect the views of the majority. It is not reasonable, for
instance, to allow the United Nations machinery to be
manipulated, sometimes, in order to intervene in the internal
18 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
affairs of countries under one pretext or another, before the
Member States themselves are given the chance to introduce
the necessary reforms that would restructure the United
Nations in such a way as to guarantee equitable
representation in its main organs and prevent the use of
selectivity and double standards in addressing the issues that
are of vital importance to Member States.
But how can the majority of Member States expect that
such needed reforms of the structure of the United Nations
would be introduced at a time when some countries that
pride in ending the cold war resort to launching covert and
overt cold wars against countries which would preserve their
independence and stand up for their national sovereignty?
We feel it is our duty to draw attention to the fact that
failure to introduce the required reforms will render the
United Nations incapable of addressing the regional conflicts
that multiply daily. It is to be feared is that the important
role of this international Organization might change in the
course of time to one of dealing with the problems of tens
of thousands of United Nations soldiers entrusted with the
mission of preserving a lost peace. This would drain the
Organization’s resources and distract it from the many tasks
with which it is entrusted.
The multifarious feelings of concern prevailing among
most peoples in the world, particularly in developing
countries, are deeper than might at first be apparent. We, as
Arabs and Muslims, might well have become more sensitive
than others recently regarding what seems to be designed to
undermine our interests and distort our history, which,
during its most glorious phase, was never racial or
aggressive towards other peoples and religions. Rather, it
was humane and civilized, as all objective Western historians
attest.
We have the right to wonder about the reasons behind
the ongoing unjust campaign against the Arabs and Muslims,
who are slandered merely because some individuals have
allegedly committed a terrorist act against Western targets,
while not a word is uttered against those who are truly
responsible for terroristic acts against thousands of Arab
victims both in the occupied territories and southern
Lebanon. The time has indeed come for an awakening of
the Western conscience and for addressing objectively the
sensitive issues which affect the dignity of peoples and the
sovereignty of States. The objectivity of the strong cannot
possibly be interpreted or understood, by any ethical
standard, as a concession offered to the other party. Rather
it often promotes the strong’s status and prestige.
It is well known to everyone in the world that the
Arab-Israeli conflict is one of the oldest, most complex and
most dangerous conflicts in the world. That is why the
United Nations has been seized of it since it first started. It
is also no secret to anyone who follows developments in the
region that Syria, under the leadership of President Hafez al
Assad, maintained for 20 years its deeply rooted belief in the
necessity of establishing a just and comprehensive peace in
the region on the basis of United Nations resolutions and
international legality.
Although many peace initiatives were put forward
during the 1970s and 1980s in an attempt to address the
Arab-Israeli conflict, Syria objected to those initiatives only
because the solutions they proposed lacked
comprehensiveness and because they ignored participation by
the Palestinians and lacked the guarantees that would
safeguard their national rights. Once it received American
guarantees for the participation of the Palestinians and a
comprehensive solution on all fronts in accordance with
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425
(1978) and the land-for-peace formula, Syria has played a
positive and fundamental role in the long and arduous
negotiations with the United States over the convening of a
peace Conference in Madrid.
By responding positively to the American initiative,
Syria, as the whole world has acknowledged, made the
convening of a peace Conference possible. In so doing,
Syria acted on the basic of its deep conviction that, or order
for peace to be acceptable to our peoples, it has to be a just,
comprehensive peace that would result in returning return all
the Arab occupied territories and ensuring stability and
security for the whole region. Without such elements, peace
can neither survive nor become a true and stable peace in
which and with which the people of the region can coexist.
For any peace to receive broad and continued popular
support, it must be honourable for us as well as for the
others. The sons and mothers of our martyrs must feel that
their dear ones who fell in the battlefields also contributed
to establishing this peace on the basis of right and justice,
and that with their sacrifices and blood they saved the nation
from being forced to capitulate.
Syria, which consistently believed in a just and
comprehensive peace and demonstrated its earnestness and
determination to reach such peace through the Washington
talks and the constant coordination with the Arab parties and
co-sponsors, is, in fact, more serious and keen in its efforts
to achieve peace than those who deviated from the path of
Arab coordination and through their unilateral signing
opened the doors of the region to all kinds of options.
Forty-eighth session - 4 October 1993 19
Unless serious and urgent efforts are made to achieve
substantive and tangible progress on the Syrian and
Lebanese tracks, peace might be the weakest of those
options.
We in Syria do not exaggerate the value of this
Palestinian-Israeli agreement because each and every one of
its provisions needs new negotiations. At the same time, we
do not underestimate its probable repercussions, especially
on the Palestinian arena, where it has created sharp
divisions. Regardless of all this, however, we think that the
most serious threat the peace process faces lies in Israel’s
attempts to give the impression that the signing of this
agreement has achieved peace in the region, and that the
international community, and particularly Arab countries,
must behave accordingly.
The judgement of history on the Palestinian-Israeli
agreement since the secret Oslo talks has become the
responsibility of the Palestinian people and their institutions.
No one should think that Syria is going to obstruct this
agreement, nor does Syria need to do so. But at the same
time, no one should expect that Syria is going to prevent the
Palestinians from criticizing the agreement, while the Israeli
Prime Minister has not been able to prevent Israeli
opposition from doing so despite his repeated assurances that
he has made no concession to the Palestinians.
Yet in spite of all this, Israel still claims that it needs
enough time to digest the Israeli-Palestinian agreement in a
blatant attempt to evade the serious follow-up of the peace
process launched in Madrid two years ago. In the meantime,
the international community, the United States at the fore,
has seen the necessity of capitalizing on the momentum
generated by this agreement to continue the peace process on
other tracks, particularly on the Syrian and Lebanese tracks.
The Arab States have also stressed, in the communiqué
issued at the meeting of their Foreign Ministers in Cairo on
20 September 1993, that this first step:
"must be completed by urgent steps on all tracks and
must guarantee the withdrawal of Israel from all the
occupied Syrian Golan and from the Lebanese lands ...
for the Arab League Council believes that, for peace in
the Middle East to be lasting, it has to be just and
comprehensive and must be based on Security Council
resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978) and
on international legality."
Peace cannot be built on lands under occupation, nor
can it be achieved through the usurpation of the rights of
others. Those who are trying to make people believe that
the Middle East has suddenly been transformed into an oasis
of peace and prosperity know better than anyone that peace,
stability and prosperity cannot possibly coexist with
occupation, arrogance and the denial of the rights of others.
It is about time Israel stopped misleading world opinion
and portraying itself as a victim. Is it reasonable that a
country should continue to claim that it is the victim while
it continues to produce and stockpile the most sophisticated
of weapons, including all kinds of weapons of
mass-destruction, and continues to occupy the lands of others
by force, in defiance of United Nations resolutions?
My country, Syria, which declares its positions candidly
and clearly to the whole world without fear of blame, will
not give up an inch of its occupied territories. It is
committed to continuing the peace process in earnest and is
also committed to doing all that is required of it in
compliance with Security Council resolutions 242 (167) and
338 (1973), as well as the "land for peace" formula. Syria
will also continue to work with the co-sponsors of the peace
process with a view to achieving a genuine, just and
comprehensive peace so that the Middle East may indeed
become an oasis of peace, stability and prosperity.


Mr. President, allow me first of all to express, on
behalf of the delegation, Government and people of
Equatorial Guinea, our most sincere congratulations on your
well-deserved election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its forty-eighth session. Your undeniable
personal prestige and your recognized adherence to the
ideals that inspire our Organization will ensure the success
of our work. Your country, Guyana, is a faithful contributor
to and participant in the United Nations, and offers us today
your great experience and diplomatic skill; these ensure the
success of any decisions that may be taken at this session.
Through you, we should like to extend our congratulations
to the other members of the Bureau in the conviction that
their collaboration will be decisive.
I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate the
outgoing President, Mr. Stoyan Ganev of Bulgaria, and his
Bureau for the contributions and guidance they provided to
the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-seventh
session.
I should also like to convey to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the profound appreciation and
gratitude of His Excellency Obiang Nguema Mbasogo and
the Government and the people of Equatorial Guinea for his
dedication and the efforts he has exerted in discharging the
great responsibilities with which he has been entrusted in a
manner that is a source of pride not only for Egypt but for
all Africa. In carrying out his mission to promote the
peaceful emergence of a new world order and the
maintenance of peace, I assure the Secretary-General that he
will be able to continue to rely on our full cooperation and
support.
To the new States that have joined our Organization we
extend a very warm welcome. Their presence here
strengthens the United Nations vocation towards universality,
and should contribute to the efforts of the international
community to maintain peace and promote progress and
justice for all nations.
My presence in this world forum should be interpreted
as a clear demonstration of the importance that we attach to
the United Nations, its principles and its noble task of
constantly strengthening the safeguards over the maintenance
of peace and social and economic progress for all peoples.
This task is of singular importance to Equatorial Guinea,
which is engaged in overcoming underdevelopment and
achieving dignified standards of living for its people.
The common denominator of the many statements that
have been made has been the vast changes that have taken
place in the world since the mid-1980s, a trend towards
transformation the pace of which, far from decreasing, has
accelerated considerably.
With the disappearance of the East-West bipolar
structure, which has been replaced by dialogue and
cooperation, we find ourselves - and this is no exaggeration -
faced with a new configuration in international relations

characterized by a certain degree of progress in
disarmament, at the global and regional levels, and an easing
of some regional conflicts.
Equatorial Guinea firmly supports the intensification of
the work of the United Nations through preventive
diplomacy. Measures such as the sending of missions of
inquiry, the use of early-warning systems and the
strengthening of the role of regional and subregional
organizations can be effective in avoiding conflicts which,
once they break out, could require subsequent, much more
costly intervention for peace to be restored.
Peace-keeping operations have also undergone
qualitative change and now cover increasingly varied
activities transcending the traditional sphere. In this respect
I should like to underscore the efforts of the United Nations
in many parts of the world in the humanitarian field, in
providing aid to refugees and in monitoring elections.
Progress and efforts at the subregional level are
commendable. Hence we support General Assembly
resolution 46/37 B, establishing the Standing Advisory
Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa, which
is working for peace and confidence-building among the
States of our subregion. As a popular saying goes: "An
ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure." With that
Committee we are trying to prevent the emergence of
conflicts in the subregion by developing measures to
alleviate situations of conflict.
None the less, despite these positive steps and
endeavours, at the global level we look to the future with a
certain degree of concern because we still see certain
positions that prevent equitable economic relations and
impede developing countries from exercising international
free trade. The sound of the machine-gun and the cannon is
still dashing the hopes of many innocent peoples to live in
peace and tranquillity. The present international situation,
we might say, fluctuates between uneasiness and hope. We
hope that the global changes and the end of the cold war
will bring renewed life to countries of the third world.
The industrialized countries must understand the need
to resolve, on mutually agreed terms, the external debt
problem of underdeveloped countries. The weight of that
debt is another serious difficulty standing in the way of their
achieving a better standard of living.
My country hopes that the new world scene will be
conducive to the implementation of procedures for sincere
international cooperation for those nations that most need
such cooperation, countries that are now struggling not just
for a standard of living but for their very survival. Poverty,
the sad fate of many States in our world, requires that united
action be taken by the other States in order to remedy the
situation. The gap between rich and poor is widening at an
alarming pace; that disparity can not leave the international
community indifferent. Hence it is necessary to strengthen
the Economic and Social Council and the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in order
to meet the new realities.
The problem of preserving the environment and the
struggle against illicit drug-trafficking are questions that
require our reflection. With the 1992 Stockholm Declaration
we laid the foundations of certain universal principles to
preserve the global environment and made efforts to stem
pollution, desertification and deforestation. But the situation
required new initiatives, and these culminated in the
Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio
de Janeiro.
We hope that these results will have positive effects
overall and that it will be possible to ensure sustainable
development and the future well-being of mankind.
None the less, I wish to emphasize the obligation of the
developed countries, which bear the greatest responsibility
for the deterioration of the global ecosystem, towards those
other countries that are today being asked to make enormous
sacrifices by limiting their legitimate right to use the assets
given them by nature. There is a need to seek the necessary
compensation for this situation, in particular by the financing
of alternative projects and through technological cooperation.
Within its modest economic means my Government has
always been, and remains, prepared to take action in order
to improve its national environment as a contribution to the
task of preserving the global environment.
We condemn the illicit traffic in drugs and are prepared
to support any international initiative aimed at its
suppression.
The Government of Equatorial Guinea is unflagging in
its struggle against the acquired immune deficiency
syndrome (AIDS) pandemic, and it will spare no effort for
its effective control, thanks to the deep awareness of our
people and the assistance we receive in this connection from
international organizations.
To reflect the noble ideals of peace and justice of the
people of Equatorial Guinea, my Government has embarked
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 3
on a progressive democratic process that guarantees to every
citizen of the country the exercise of fundamental rights and
freedoms.
The firm democratic process begun in the country has
been well-received by the people of Equatorial Guinea and
by those countries that set aside mere rhetoric and concealed
political interests, love Equatorial Guinea and hope that it
will progress. The aspiration of the people and the
Government of Equatorial Guinea is that our process will be
carried through in a climate of national concord without
upheaval, without disturbances that could threaten the peace
and stability prevailing in the country.
That is why, following the massive adoption of the new
fundamental law which enshrined our multiparty system, in
the context of Law No. 3 1992 on political parties, the
following political organizations have been made legal.
First, the Popular Union submitted its application on
24 April 1992 and was recognized on 17 October 1992.
Second, the Liberal Democratic Convention submitted
its application on 1 April 1992 and was recognized on 17
October 1992.
Third, the Social Democrat Party submitted its
application on 8 June 1992 and was recognized on 17
October 1992.
Fourth, the Progressive Democratic Alliance submitted
its application on 9 July 1992 and was recognized on 4
September 1992.
Fifth, the Social Democratic Union submitted its
application on 8 June 1992 and was recognized on 17
October 1992.
Sixth, the Progress Party submitted its application on
18 May 1992 and was recognized on 17 October 1992.
Seventh, the Social Democratic and Popular
Convergence submitted its application on 18 May 1992 and
was recognized on 5 February 1993.
Eighth, the Social Democratic Coalition Party of
Equatorial Guinea submitted its application on 4 November
1992 and was recognized on 5 February 1993.
Ninth, Convergence for Social Democracy submitted its
application on 7 November 1992 and was recognized on
5 February 1993.
Tenth, the Equatorial Guinea Popular Action submitted
its application on 28 December 1992 and was recognized on
5 February 1993.
Eleventh, the National Democratic Union submitted its
application on 29 March 1993 and was recognized on 10
May 1993.
Twelfth, the Socialist Party of Equatorial Guinea
submitted its application on 23 March 1993 and was
recognized on 10 May 1993.
Thirteenth, the Liberal Party submitted its application
on 23 March 1993 and was recognized on 12 July 1993.
In addition to other provisions, such as the law
guaranteeing freedom of association and freedom to
demonstrate, and the law on the right to protest and to
petition, the determination of the Government to establish
democracy peacefully in the country has taken concrete
shape in the signing of a document - called the National
Pact - between the Government and the opposition, which
reflects the combined aspirations of all the political forces
and is a channel for ensuring the success of the
democratization process.
Out of our constant desire to give greater political
transparency to the process, we have postponed until 21
November 1993 the legislative elections originally planned
for 12 September 1993. We have done so in order to take
into account and meet the wishes of certain political groups.
The political spectrum for the forthcoming general
legislative elections now looks like this: there are political
parties that have decided to participate in the legislative
elections, political parties that intend to participate in the
legislative elections, and political parties that have not yet
decided whether to participate in the legislative elections.
The political parties that have decided to participate in
the legislative elections are: the Democratic Party of
Equatorial Guinea, the Liberal Democratic Convention, the
Social Democratic Union, the Liberal Party and the Social
Democratic Party. This very morning, my Government
informed me that the Party of the Convergence for Social
and People’s Democracy has also decided to participate in
the legislative elections.
4 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
The political parties that have expressed their intention
to participate in the legislative elections are: the Progress
Party, Tomás Boi Cheky Division; and the Social Democrat
Coalition Party, Massoko Division.
With regard to the political parties that have not
decided whether to participate in the legislative elections, the
Government of Equatorial Guinea has received no official
notification of a decision to participate in the legislative
elections of 21 November from the following political
parties: the Progress Party, Severo Moto Division; the
Social Democratic Convergence; the Progressive Democratic
Alliance; the Social Democrat Coalition Party, Buenaventura
Monsuy Division; People’s Action of Equatorial Guinea; the
National Democratic Union; and the Socialist Party of
Equatorial Guinea.
In connection with the revision of the electoral law
proposed by the opposition political parties, on 19 October
and 13 and 18 November the Government extended an
invitation to these parties to participate in some meetings,
but they did not come to the meetings or give any reason for
not doing so.
In view of the opposition parties’ inexplicable refusal
to participate, and in order to avoid any stagnation in the
political democratization process, the Government used its
legislative initiative, under our Basic Law, to adopt a draft
law, which was sent to the House of Representatives and
approved with amendments by that legislative body. The
text of the law was approved and promulgated by our Head
of State in January 1993.
It should be pointed out that the electoral law now in
force is based on comparative law - mainly the electoral
legislation of Spain, France and Gabon. For that reason, the
Government is firmly convinced that the rejection of the
electoral law by the opposition political parties that have not
expressed their intention to participate in the legislative
elections of 21 November 1993 is nothing but a pretext for
delaying or blocking the process that has been set in motion.
There is no doubt that the implementation of the democratic
process in Equatorial Guinea has been made possible by the
selflessness and determination of His Excellency Obiang
Nguema Mbasogo, who, after freedom had triumphed on
3 August 1979, overthrew the dictatorship and began the real
march of the country towards democracy in a climate of
peace and harmony, which the advocates of violence wish to
destroy with their provocations and their contemptible plots.
We in Equatorial Guinea totally reject the views of the
apologists violence and their attempts to undermine national
peace and stability. We reject those who do nothing but
defame our country and our Government, denigrating the
actions that have been undertaken thus far in the country.
A democracy imposed by foreign interests becomes
corrupt and falls apart. A democracy that denies the
genuine, traditional and sacred values of a people not only
hurts the feelings, the pride and the honour of that people
but is also doomed to failure. "Man is what circumstances
dictate", affirmed the great Spanish philosopher Balmes.
That is why only a democracy that can respond to the sacred
interests of the people of Equatorial Guinea will be viable in
the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. In documents A/48/307
of 12 August 1993, A/48/330 of 19 August 1993, and
A/48/357 of 31 August 1993, our Government presented
information on the interference of certain foreign interests in
my country’s internal affairs. From this rostrum, we are
holding the countries responsible for that interference
responsible for the consequences.
We reaffirm that only in an atmosphere of peace is it
possible to achieve the progress and well-being to which all
peoples aspire. To the governmental and non-governmental
organizations and friendly countries that, with their support,
have contributed to the efforts of our Government, we
express our deepest appreciation, and we urge them to
continue to lend their support and cooperation at this
decisive stage in our democratic process.
Intelligent action in this new global society must be
based on the exercise of the firmest solidarity. If that is
done, we shall be able to say with pride, "We the peoples,
for a better world."


I should like to extend greetings to the President
of the General Assembly, Ambassador Samuel Insanely of
Guyana, to the former President, Stoyan Ganev of Bulgaria,
and to Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali. I
congratulate them on their active commitment to the
principles of peace, justice, human development and
international law.
I should also like to greet the Heads of State and
representatives of Member States who are gathered here in
this historic Hall.
Despite having the seventh highest rate of
hyperinflation in the history of mankind, Bolivia has been a
pioneer in the structural reforms that began in 1985 with the
advent of democracy and freedom - reforms that were
carried out without limiting human rights but by making
major sacrifices. I should like to take this opportunity to
pay a tribute to the President of our country during that
period, Dr. Victor Paz Estenssoro and, on behalf of all
Bolivians, to pay a special tribute to his statesmanlike
leadership.
In retrospect, this may not seem so great a task:
Reining in the economic crisis and bringing about peaceful

change in conditions of freedom and liberty are activities
that are being accomplished in many countries in Latin
America and elsewhere in the world. The situation in
Russia, for example, reminds us of the difficulty of
achieving consensus and legitimacy in governing a society
in crisis, a society in which change is necessary.
Bolivia’s course has required daring and imagination.
We have not shrunk from calling upon our people to make
sacrifices and shoulder additional burdens. But we are
profoundly alarmed, however, when we see so many
countries embarking on the road to democracy and change
and attempting to achieve stable growth and development
with social justice and when we then note that no
corresponding efforts are being made in the developed
world.
The end of the cold war lit a beacon of hope, but we
are surprised that it has not engendered an increase in
international cooperation and solidarity. There was greater
cooperation during the era of confrontation because of the
desire to defend third-world countries against the communist
threat and to replace the cold war with relations built on
solidarity and development. Today, on the contrary, poor
countries are faced with cuts in assistance, the prices of our
raw materials continue to plummet, and protectionism is on
the rise. Indeed, in real terms the current prices of tin,
tungsten, antimony, coffee, rubber and petroleum are even
lower than they were in 1930, during the great depression.
It is difficult to see on this bleak horizon how we are
going to solve our problems: the migration from rural to
urban areas, and from cities to the developed world; the
increase in drug trafficking and the phenomenon of poor
people being virtually forced to destroy nature in order to
survive. That creates a vicious circle, with ever-deepening
poverty.
The paradox of our times is that, in a world that is
growing ever richer in overall terms, poverty is on the
increase. There is a wider disparity between the "haves" and
the "have nots". The precarious stability born of internal
social and economic deficiencies must be tackled by all of
us. There is also an urgent need for basic changes in how
we face the problem of solidarity and the development of the
community of nations and human societies.
Developed countries must realize that sooner or later
the present situation rewards no one and injures everyone.
I truly believe that we must have a clear awareness of the
fact that population growth, the doubling of the population,
the destruction of the environment, the production of illegal
drugs and the trafficking in them, the migration from poor
countries to rich countries are problems that will affect not
only those countries but the world at large.
The solution is greater development. We know that
when people’s incomes rise, when women are educated and
when there is social justice, population growth rates also
change.
We know that in order to restore balance between the
environment and society we need educated people who can
put to use their special heritage and knowledge of living in
harmony with nature - as is the case in our country.
Just as we had to learn that nature can punish us when
we harm it, the time has come for all of us, developed and
undeveloped, to become aware that it is unacceptable that
the rich of the world should become ever more wealthy
while the poor are becoming poorer.
As we know, the solution is not just to hand out money
or aid. But there is no other way to achieve our goal if we
do not change old ideas. The motto should be "Trade, not
aid". Yet it would seem that the fate of the underdeveloped
world is "no trade and no aid", which is absolutely
unacceptable to us all if we wish to create a new, more just
and peaceful society.
With the passing of time solutions will be even more
costly and more difficult in human terms and in social and
economic terms. What we need, I believe, is greater
foresight on the part of those who are guiding the world’s
destiny. They must find solutions that are truly effective.
I am not saying that we should repeat the past. But in
the past there were plans such as the Marshall Plan that
helped donors and recipients alike. We need similar
approaches. We look forward with great expectation to the
free trade agreement among Canada, the United States and
Mexico. We congratulate President Clinton on his
commitment to struggling against the forces of protectionism
in his country and elsewhere in North America to trying to
forge ahead.
As a small developing country, Bolivia views all this
with hope, and as a commitment that we will be able to sell
our products to the developing countries rather than only
sending them people.
We look forward to a speedy and successful conclusion
of the Uruguay Round, as we believe that the freedom of
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 3
opportunity to produce is the only hope for our societies.
The children of the world ask only that their parents be able
to work and bring home their daily bread. But that happens
only when a country - a society, a world - stands together
and gives everyone equal access and opportunity.
We are not asking for special treatment; we are not
asking just for help. We are asking to be allowed to work
and to export, and not to be obliged just to export the most
talented and vigorous people of our societies to the
developed world.
In Bolivia we are trying to forge ahead with projects
using foreign capital and the participation of our people. We
are a very poor people. Our country knows that it needs
technology and capital, and during the coming years we
hope to embark on an ambitious but feasible plan.
This plan has three pillars: capitalization,
democratization and popular participation.
First, we wish to invite foreign capital to come to
develop technology and use fresh resources in order to
enrich the heritage of our State enterprises. We do not want
to sell our heritage, and we do not want only the
participation of States.
Secondly, 50 per cent of those enterprises and
50 per cent of the stock must be owned by all Bolivians so
that these Bolivians can participate in the enterprises and
feel included in the process of economic development.
Thirdly, many people ask "How can we give free goods
to uneducated people who do not know how to read or write,
who have different ethnic and cultural backgrounds?" The
truth is that in Bolivia many people do not know how to
read but do know how to count. They know what it means
to participate. They know what it means to feel they are
taking part in the fortunes of the country. With their
participation we wish to bring to poor neighbourhoods and
communities the health and education the people there need
so that they can share in management.
The coming millennium will no longer find that
representative democracy is enough. It must be participatory
democracy. People want to participate and they will do so
very well when it comes to matters that directly affect their
lives and futures.
We believe that with participation of this kind our
societies’ meagre resources will yield greater productivity.
Demand will grow, which will make it possible for our
societies to forge ahead.
But in Bolivia participation is not a mere word. For the
first time in 500 years, a man has emerged from an
indigenous ethnic group to become Acting President of our
country. To the Bolivian people Victor Hugo Cárdenas is
not only an Aimara Indian, a person from the countryside,
but a great professional and outstanding intellectual. He
typifies our desire that all of our citizens take part in our
society. We want to do away with age-old injustices. We
want to bring about change - to bring people in, not keep
them out. We want to create unity while respecting the
diversity of opinion not only on ecology and the
environment but also on cultural, geographical and racial
problems.
We believe that this determination to include - not
exclude -people is helping build a society in which there is
change with order, and order with change. And although we
are among the poorest countries in Latin America - indeed,
in the world - we believe that we stand as an example of the
fact that it is possible to live with social peace and to regain
stability, growth and social justice within the general
framework of a democratic society. In Bolivia, democracy
works because people seek consensus; they seek respect;
and they are accepting of diversity.
This process should allow us to arrive at a situation
conducive to dealing with employment, education and health
care, and, most importantly, the rural sector, where the
greatest degree of poverty prevails and where the people are
among the poorest in the world.
Dynamic growth would, of course, reduce the need to
cultivate coca leaves. We in Bolivia have succeeded in
reducing by 50 percent the amount of land used for the
cultivation of these leaves. We accomplished this without
the guerrilla violence that accompanies narcotrafficking, and
without the cartels that are in place in the country. While
we are undoubtedly making progress in this area, we are
well aware of the fact that the only alternative development
activity to this is light industry for export purposes. There
is no use telling the Bolivian peasant, as I said earlier, to
stop producing drugs and instead plant coffee when the price
of coffee has dropped to half its former price, or to produce
cacao when no one wants cacao - or rubber. Experience of
alternative crops emphasizes the vital importance of enabling
countries such as Bolivia - especially Bolivia - to export
their products to the developed countries in the form of
manufactured goods, rather than having them export the
scourge of harmful drugs to the rest of humankind. We will
4 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
continue, nevertheless, to fight against drug trafficking
because we have made a commitment not only to our people
but also to humankind. Though we are poor, we are very
happy to see that new efforts are being made to reduce
demand. What we want to do is reduce supply. We wish
to eliminate this business, with all its attendant dangers -
social, moral, legal and institutional. Indeed, we have
chosen the zero-option. We expect to be successful, with or
without help. But we are more likely to be successful if we
enjoy the support, cooperation and understanding of the rest
of the world, which is, after all, affected by this terrible
scourge.
Ours is an ambitious project, to be sure, but it is
feasible. We recognize that the principal responsibility for
this plan rests with Bolivians. We are not just waiting for
someone to help us. No, we know what all the peoples of
the world know, that hunger cannot wait, that solutions have
to be found by oneself. But, in all sincerity, I think it will
be very difficult to overcome these problems without
international cooperation. There must be some signal from
the outside that assistance will not come to an end as
barriers to trade mount.
Bolivia has made a great commitment to the
environment. We have done so because our poverty stems
partly from our neglect of this problem. We have allowed
poverty increasingly to justify destruction of our natural
resources in our daily activities. We do have a great plan -
a plan of international significance, not just to resolve our
balance-of-payments problems, not just to create an
industrial centre that could be the basis of the energy that we
need, but to see to it that environmental pollution is reduced.
That plan calls for construction, with Brazil, of a pipeline
that would bring Bolivian gas to the San Pablo market.
With cheap, non-polluting energy, used in industry and in
cars, we can contribute to fundamentally reducing pollution
in Latin America at its source, for the benefit and
development of Bolivia, Brazil and the entire world.
Human rights must be the emblem of the new world
community, and we must see to it that the right to
development within social justice is achievable. It is not just
a gift that we are asking for. We are asking for an
opportunity. The United Nations is changing. It has to
change; the world has changed. After the great
confrontation of the cold-war period, we must deal with all
the harm this war caused, especially in the Third World.
We have to reorient global solidarity, not just in terms of
assistance, but we must accept a concept that is truly very
simple and logical. Some countries become rich when they
do business, when they engage in trade with other rich
countries. To believe that a man is rich because everybody
else is poor is a holdover from the past. The great lesson of
our time is that the only way to generate wealth is to help
people break the shackles of poverty.
We welcome the agreement between Israel and the
Palestine Liberation Organization. It marks the beginning of
a new era of peace and of a new spirit of global justice and
dialogue between nations facing historic circumstances. The
mutual recognition of the inadmissibility of acquiring
territory through war is a great stride forward, as is the great
and historic lesson that, even in regions where territorial
disputes so stubbornly persist, civilized dialogue, common
sense and humanity can yield results and can bring people
together rather than keeping them apart.
Recently, in the heart of Latin America, we reunited
two countries - Paraguay and Bolivia - that 61 years ago
were split apart by war and have now decided to forge a
common destiny. This has had a great impact on us,
because, since the handshake - since the agreement between
the two countries - in our country the veterans of the Chaco
war have marched carrying the flag of Paraguay. If those
who fought, whose comrades died, are prepared to forget,
how could we not do likewise?
These enlightening examples of how the most bitter
conflicts can be resolved evoke in us a sincere desire that
the same spirit should guide the search for a final solution
to Bolivia’s land-locked status, which has lasted 114 long
years. Many people say: "How can you be claiming
something that you lost 114 years ago?" I reply that we
have a great deal of patience; our people waited 500 years
for their lands to be given back to them, for them to win
back their country and their right to participate in society.
I believe that injustice is not prescribed for us; we shall
continue to make our claim, through the use of reason and
never by force. We shall continue to claim our right of
access to the sea until it is granted, until the sea runs dry.
When it does, there will be no further problem and we
shall make no further claims, but I believe that it really
would be an affront to go on blocking this historic coming
together - which two fraternal peoples are demanding - if at
the Government level, at the level of leadership, we continue
to discuss something to which both countries already want
to find a solution. Solutions are possible; miracles do
happen, but we have seen that miracles are the result of
work and imagination, and in this we are committed, without
aggressiveness, coolly and calmly, to doing whatever we
can, as creatively as we can manage, to find solutions that
will meet the challenge and the expectations of this new
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 5
world in which we are living, and to bring about the change
that we require.
In these times of change, we must rely on our own
creativity. We know the importance of one’s own efforts.
But at the same time we want others in this world to stand
by us in solidarity, and at least give us the opportunity to
show what we can do.
And we must move ahead in security along the new
paths required by history, and we ask, and shall try to
ensure, always and with renewed vigour, that the path
chosen is the path of solidarity, well-being, and fraternal
relations between peoples and countries.


Let me first offer my
delegation’s congratulations to Ambassador Insanally of
Guyana on his election as President of the General Assembly
at its forty-eighth session. His elevation to this high office
is a fitting tribute to his personal qualities and record of
distinguished service to his Government and to the
international community. We are confident that under his
able guidance we will achieve substantive results in our
work.
I also wish to express our deep appreciation to his
predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev of Bulgaria, for the dedicated
manner in which he presided over our deliberations during
the last session.
24 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
On behalf of the Government and people of
Indonesia, I extend a warm welcome to the Czech Republic
and the Slovak Republic as well as to Macedonia, Eritrea,
Monaco and Andorra upon their accession to membership of
the United Nations. We look forward to closely cooperating
with them.
Before proceeding, I should like to convey Indonesia’s
profound sympathy and solidarity with the Government and
people of India in the wake of the massive human suffering
and destruction visited upon them by the recent devastating
earthquake.
This forty-eighth session of the General Assembly is
convened at a time of sweeping global change and transition
such as has rarely been experienced in modern history. It
has given rise to revived hopes and new opportunities as
well as to new risks and uncertainties. As the rigidities of
the bipolar world have dissolved, earlier expectations for the
emergence of a new world order have now given way to the
sober realization that, instead, a new world disorder will be
with us for quite some time - a disorder characterized by
continuing turbulence, instability and unpredictability and
offering an often perplexing panorama of mutually
contradictory phenomena and processes.
The end of the cold war has led to a new climate in
international relations and a number of encouraging trends
and developments. Renewed confidence in multilateralism
as a viable approach to the resolution of the crucial issues of
our time has opened up vast new opportunities for the
United Nations and a more positive phase in international
cooperation. Better prospects have emerged for substantive
progress towards solutions to many regional problems long
considered to be intractable. In this context, fruitful
cooperation has been established between the United Nations
and various regional organizations, which have acted as
partners in facilitating the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
I therefore wholeheartedly agreed with our Secretary-General
when he recently observed that multilateralism today is
working more effectively than ever, as it should, for in
essence
"Multilateralism is the democracy of international
society." (The New York Times, 20 August 1993,
p. A 29, "Don’t Make the U.N.’s Job Harder")
In South Africa the new round of negotiations which
began last April has now yielded agreement on the
establishment of a multiracial Transitional Executive Council
and is progressing towards democratic elections early next
year. Elsewhere in Africa, despite formidable difficulties
and obstacles, practical frameworks for the resolution of
issues have begun to take shape. In Latin America we are
gratified to see an end to conflicts and the strengthening of
security as well as political, economic and social
development. In the Middle East a historic breakthrough has
been achieved in the Arab-Israeli peace process. And in the
Gulf region, there has been demarcation of the land border
between Iraq and Kuwait, under the auspices of the United
Nations, which we hope will be a further contribution to the
improvement of the political and security environment in that
region.
Recent developments have brought about a distinct
improvement in the overall political climate in the
Asia-Pacific region as well. Relations between countries that
were once at odds with each other have normalized and are
being continually enhanced. In Cambodia the final phase of
the peace process based on the Paris Agreements has been
consummated and has led to the rebirth of a revitalized and
democratic Cambodia.
With the dissipation of the East-West confrontation,
questions relating to disarmament and security have acquired
a totally new dimension. Scenarios of deterrence have
become irrelevant, while strategic premises that once guided
nuclear-arms control and disarmament efforts have lost their
validity. This quantum change has occasioned other
encouraging developments. The successful conclusion of
START II between the United States and the Russian
Federation has significantly reduced the world’s two biggest
nuclear arsenals. Last January more than 130 countries
signed the Convention for the elimination of chemical
weapons, thus proscribing the military use of these
instruments of death and mass destruction.
Last month, as we observed the thirtieth anniversary of
the signing of the partial test-ban Treaty, I was privileged to
preside over the special meeting of the States Parties to the
Treaty in the context of the Treaty’s Amendment
Conference. There it was resolved that the pursuit of a
comprehensive nuclear-test ban now taking place in the
Amendment Conference and the Conference on Disarmament
should be mutually supportive and complementary. We have
also welcomed recent positive developments concerning
nuclear testing, particularly the de facto moratoriums on
nuclear tests observed by the nuclear-weapon States and
their renewed commitment to work towards a comprehensive
test ban. Especially laudable were the decision of the United
States to extend the moratorium on nuclear tests until 1994,
the commitment of France not to be the first to resume
testing, and the declaration by the Russian Federation of its
Forty-eighth session - 1 October l993 25
refusal to resume testing even if others did. We hope and
expect that China will wish to do likewise.
It is indeed of critical importance that steps be taken
towards the expeditious conclusion of a comprehensive
test-ban treaty, for without it our efforts to extend the
Non-Proliferation Treaty at its forthcoming 1995 Review
Conference may well be in jeopardy.
As the threat of nuclear confrontation between the
major nuclear Powers has receded, the dangers of nuclear
proliferation now appear to be their major preoccupation.
But, surely, the issue of non-proliferation should be
addressed in both its horizontal and vertical aspects. It is for
this reason that Indonesia has unceasingly stressed the urgent
need for a comprehensive nuclear-test ban as the litmus test
of our sincerity in securing non-proliferation, apart from the
necessity for States to submit themselves to the safeguards
of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
Another heartening development is the growing
prominence of regional dialogues on security. The Regional
Forum of the Association of South-East Asian Nations
(ASEAN), for one, will afford the ASEAN member States
and other South-East Asian nations, as well as the
extra-regional Powers, a regular opportunity to exchange
views and consult on security issues of common concern.As
is pointed out in the Secretary-General’s report, "An Agenda
for Peace", such regional action for peace and security, as a
matter of decentralization, delegation and cooperation with
the United Nations could contribute to a deeper sense of
participation,
consensus and democratization in international affairs.
These encouraging trends and developments offer
unprecedented opportunities for enhanced international
cooperation for peace and development. But we should
realize that these opportunities are fragile and fleeting in
nature and, if not resolutely grasped, may soon be
overwhelmed by the plethora of new problems and adverse
trends simultaneously emerging on the world scene.
Persistent conflict and violence, both between and within
States; the virulent resurgence of ethnic strife, both ancient
and recent; the menacing rise in religious intolerance; new
forms of racism and narrowly conceived nationalism; and the
alarming resort to terrorism and blatant aggression: all these
combine to obstruct the building of a more peaceful, secure,
just and tolerant world. These problems and trends have
also caused the disintegration of States and societies, which
stands in poignant contrast to the integrative trends, based on
growing interdependence, which at the same time have led
to the coalescence of States into larger groupings for
common economic and political benefits. Moreover, peace
and security cannot be sustained unless the very concept of
security itself is expanded to embrace such non-military
threats as structural underdevelopment and mass poverty,
acute resource scarcity and severe environmental
degradation, which together with prolonged natural disasters
conjure up the looming spectre of massive and
uncontrollable cross-border migrations.
It is a matter of grave concern that while the United
Nations is called upon to shoulder ever-expanding
responsibilities in the face of these new challenges, it is at
the same time shackled by a deepening financial crisis. If
this perennial financial crisis is not quickly resolved, the
consequences could be catastrophic for the international
community and all its aspirations to peace and development.
It is Indonesia’s ardent desire that the United Nations
should become fully effective as the central instrument for
a new and revitalized international order. Steps must
therefore be taken to ensure not only the financial viability
of our Organization, but also its fidelity to the dynamics of
democracy which demand the fullest participation and
engagement of all Members in the work of the Organization.
Along with all the non-aligned countries, Indonesia holds
that balance is essential in the relationship between the
General Assembly, the Security Council and the
Secretary-General, in conformity with their respective
mandates as enshrined in the Charter. Indonesia and the
other non-aligned countries have therefore done their utmost
to contribute to the consultations leading to the adoption of
General Assembly resolutions 47/120 A and 47/120 B on
"An Agenda for Peace". The Non-Aligned Movement will
continue to contribute to the ongoing consultations on the
other aspects of the "Agenda for Peace" and on the
rationalization of the Committee structures of the General
Assembly in order to enhance its efficiency and
effectiveness.
Furthermore, Indonesia believes that restructuring and
reform of the Security Council have become imperative in
the light of the profound changes that have taken place on
the international scene. We realize, however, that such a
process should be carried out with caution and
circumspection as it impinges upon some of the fundamental
aspects of the Organization’s purposes and functions. In
1946, the United Nations had 51 Members, six of which
were non-permanent members of the Security Council. In
1965, when the membership had grown to 113, there was a
corresponding increase in the non-permanent membership to
10. But despite the fact that more than a quarter of a
century has elapsed, during which the membership of the
26 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
United Nations has increased to 183, there has been no
proportionate increase in the Council’s membership. A
serious review and reappraisal of the Council’s membership
is necessary to ensure a more equitable and balanced
representation. An expansion of the Council would
strengthen it, making it more responsive and relevant to
prevailing geopolitical realities and more open to the
participation of small and medium-sized States, which
constitute the majority in our Organization.
Indonesia is also firmly of the view that an increase in
membership of the Council should allow for new members
which, if they are not to be given the veto power, should at
least serve as permanent members. They should join the
Council on the basis of a combination of appropriate criteria
that would adequately reflect the political, economic and
demographic realities of the world today in Asia, Africa and
Latin America. Such a judicious approach, in addition to
one based solely on equitable geographic distribution, would
enhance not only the Council’s representative character but
also its moral authority and practical effectiveness.
The peace process in the Middle East has finally
overcome the paralysis that has gripped it over the past 10
negotiating sessions. Indonesia has welcomed the signing of
the Declaration of Principles on Palestinian interim
self-government arrangements in the occupied territories as
a historic breakthrough in efforts to put an end to decades of
armed conflict and confrontation and to achieve a just,
lasting and comprehensive settlement. My Government has
equally welcomed the agreement on a common agenda in the
context of the Jordan-Israeli peace negotiations, as well as
the act of mutual recognition by the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) and Israel. It is also clearly understood
that these first steps on the Palestinian question are an
integral and non-prejudicial part of the entire peace process,
which envisages a transitional period not to exceed five
years and continuing negotiations leading to a permanent
settlement based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967)
and 338 (1973) in particular.
We applaud the fact that, with the implementation of
these arrangements, almost half a century of Arab-Israeli
confrontation and Israeli occupation of Palestine will finally
be coming to an end, and that the national and political
identity of the Palestinians will at last be universally and
irrevocably recognized.
Although the significance of these developments cannot
be overemphasized, we in Indonesia are aware that obstacles
and ambiguities still abound on the long and arduous road
towards a just and comprehensive settlement. Above all, the
scrupulous implementation of everything that has been
agreed upon will be of crucial importance. Hence, there is
an obvious need for the United Nations to play an active and
effective role throughout the ongoing peace process.
Indonesia reiterates its unflinching support for the struggle
of the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the PLO,
to secure their inalienable rights to self-determination, full
sovereignty and independence in their own homeland.
Equally, we call upon Israel to withdraw from all illegally
occupied Palestinian and Arab lands, including Jerusalem,
the Syrian Golan Heights and southern Lebanon.
In the tragedy that has engulfed Bosnia and
Herzegovina, the international community is faced with the
abysmally disturbing prospect of the forcible dismantling of
a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious society, the
brutal decimation of its people and the gradual diminution of
the territory of an independent and sovereign Member State
of the United Nations. The Security Council failed to stop
aggression and the abhorrent practice of "ethnic cleansing"
because it was unable to defend Bosnia’s sovereignty and
territorial integrity while preventing the Bosnians from
defending themselves by refusing to lift an ill-conceived
arms embargo; as a result, two-thirds of Bosnian territory
has now come under Serbian and Croatian occupation. This
refusal to allow Bosnia to defend itself and to protect its
people from being slaughtered cannot but be regarded as a
denial of the right to self-defence under the Charter.
Under threat of a continuation of the unequal war,
Bosnia today is being coerced into accepting a settlement
that would partition its territory along ethnic lines and would
practically reduce Bosnia to a cluster of small, incontiguous,
landlocked and perpetually vulnerable Muslim enclaves
within a so-called union of the republics of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. Having initially steadfastly opposed this ethnic
partition, its Government under President Izetbegovic has
now reluctantly agreed to such a division. However,
President Izetbegovic has done so conditionally, as part of a
comprehensive agreement that would ensure the legitimate
interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of its basic
territorial, economic and security needs, as well as with
regard to secure access to the sea and between the
Republic’s component parts.
We cannot but view these developments as representing
a blatant case of negotiation under duress and of enforcing
peace without justice that may well lead to continuing
violence, human suffering and a lack of security. The force
of law should not be surrendered to the law of force.
"Ethnic cleansing" should not be rewarded, and we should
beware of establishing dangerous precedents that will haunt
Forty-eighth session - 1 October l993 27
the international community in the future and in other
regions of the world. My Government, therefore, will
continue to give its full support to the Government and the
people of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their legitimate
struggle to attain a just and viable settlement, with adequate
international guarantees as to the political and territorial
integrity of the country.
In Somalia, it is gratifying to note that normalcy has
been restored in the greater part of the country and that the
overall situation has undergone a major transformation. But
chaos and anarchy continue to persist, especially in
Mogadishu; this has imperiled the success of concerted
international efforts to establish a stable and secure
environment. We therefore sincerely hope that the leaders
of Somalia will expeditiously seek to agree on viable
transitional arrangements leading to political reconciliation
and to the establishment of a broad-based government.
In South Africa, it is heartening to note the determined
efforts by the leaders of the majority to engage in peaceful
dialogue and negotiations with the minority Government. In
a historic step towards ending decades of oppression and the
evil of apartheid, the multi-party negotiating forum has
scheduled 27 April 1994 as the date for the nation’s first
democratic elections leading towards the establishment of a
unified, democratic and non-racial South Africa.
In Cambodia, in spite of the myriad difficulties it
encountered, the peace process has now successfully
completed the final stage of implementation of the Paris
Agreements. We have wholeheartedly welcomed and
endorsed the outcome of the elections conducted under the
auspices of the United Nations Transitional Authority in
Cambodia (UNTAC). We have also welcomed the
completion of the work of the elected Constituent Assembly
with the promulgation of a new democratic constitution
establishing a constitutional monarchy. And just a few days
ago, the Government and people of Indonesia shared the
sense of joy and deep satisfaction at the official inauguration
of His Majesty King Norodom Sihanouk Varman as Head of
State, and the formation of the new Government of
Cambodia.
We all realize, however, that even after the expiry of
UNTAC’s mandate and the installation of the new
Cambodian Government, the United Nations and the
international community should continue to support the
people of Cambodia in the reconstruction of their country.
Indonesia, together with the Association of South-East Asian
Nations (ASEAN), stands ready to contribute its share to this
effort.
Indonesia wishes to pay a tribute to His Majesty
King Norodom Sihanouk for his visionary leadership in
achieving this historic watershed in Cambodia’s history, in
unifying the Cambodian people and in bringing about
national reconciliation. My delegation would like to express
its gratitude to the Secretary-General and his Special
Representative, Mr. Yasushi Akashi, for their contributions
to a just and comprehensive settlement of the Cambodian
question. We also pay special homage to all UNTAC
personnel and volunteers who sacrificed their lives in the
performance of their mission to bring peace to Cambodia.
Increasingly, the international community has come to
recognize that, in a world dramatically transformed since the
end of the cold-war era, lasting peace and security can never
be assured in the absence of economic growth and
development. Yet despite the profound and positive changes
wrought in the political sphere, no corresponding
improvements have been registered in the world economy or
in international economic relations. It is therefore imperative
that international economic cooperation and development are
accorded top priority on the international agenda. The
crucial development challenges for the 1990s continue to be
the reinvigoration of world economic growth, the
acceleration of the socio-economic development of the
developing countries on a sustainable basis and, above all,
the eradication of poverty from the face of the earth.
By all accounts, the world economy has failed to
achieve substantial improvement over the past year. Belying
almost all official forecasts, recession in the developed
countries and stagnation in the developing countries have
persisted. According to the 1993 World Economic Survey,
world output will be outpaced by world population growth
rates for the third year in a row. These negative
macroeconomic developments have exacted an enormous toll
on the developing countries. Consequently, poverty and
underdevelopment remain the distinguishing features of the
majority of the developing countries. In the most vulnerable
economies, these have reached crisis proportions. Of
especially grave concern is the prolonged critical situation in
Africa, where tens of millions of people remain trapped in
abject poverty and social deprivation.
In this era of increasing interdependence among nations
and escalating globalization, issues and problems, especially
those relating to growth and development, have become
global in nature and therefore cannot be solved through
short-term relief measures or through piecemeal reforms.
Therefore, all nations, both in the North and in the South,
should forge a new compact on development and, through a
democratic partnership, fashion global solutions to these
28 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
problems. Only in that way can we hope to restructure the
international economic system, redress its imbalances, and
render international economic cooperation more equitable
and thus more viable and more mutually beneficial.
The non-aligned and other developing countries
therefore call for the reactivation of a constructive dialogue
between the North and South. But this time, such a dialogue
should be based on genuine interdependence, mutuality of
interests and of benefits and shared responsibility. The
developing countries have expressed their readiness, both at
the non-aligned summit in Jakarta last September and in the
Standing Ministerial Committee for Economic Cooperation
in Bali last May, to engage the developed countries actively
in a dialogue on the key issues of the world economy. In
this context, President Soeharto of Indonesia, as Chairman
of the Non-Aligned Movement, in his meeting with then
Prime Minister Miyazawa of Japan as Chairman of the
Group of Seven on the eve of the G-7 Summit last July,
seized the opportunity to convey the non-aligned message,
entitled "An Invitation to Dialogue", to the developed
countries.
At that meeting, the Chairman of the Group of Seven
and the Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement concurred
on the need to pursue a comprehensive approach to the
integrated issues of trade, investment and debt strategies,
including the review of the latter through the Paris Club. In
this encouraging first step the initiative by the Non-Aligned
Movement to establish a more constructive approach on
issues of mutual concern and interest was welcomed by the
Group of Seven, a fact that was subsequently reflected in the
Tokyo summit economic declaration.
Indonesia strongly believes that these positive
developments have bolstered the spirit of partnership already
articulated and demonstrated at such meetings as the eighth
session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD VIII) and the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED).
This evolving spirit of partnership should now be further
fostered and built upon during this session of the Assembly.
Obviously, both developed and developing countries have a
shared interest in jointly promoting this process across a
wide spectrum of key economic issues of common concern.
It is important that we in the Assembly carry the process
forward in concrete terms, and for this purpose the
non-aligned and other developing countries intend to submit
a draft resolution aimed at the reactivation of dialogue
between the developed and the developing countries. In this
context, the Secretary-General should be requested to prepare
a report on the modalities and ways and means of
reactivating such a dialogue. We believe that this would
complement his forthcoming report on an agenda for
development, which will contain an analysis and substantive
recommendations on ways to enhance the role of the United
Nations in the promotion of international cooperation for
development.
Such a spirit of partnership, lamentably, is conspicuous
by its absence from some other forums, particularly the
Uruguay Round negotiations, which are still mired in an
obdurate impasse. In this regard we sincerely hope that the
commitment made by the major developed countries at their
recent summit in Tokyo will translate into effective action
that will break the stalemate and bring about an equitable
and balanced conclusion to the Round.
Among the most urgent issues on the global economic
agenda is the external debt crisis of the developing countries
which, contrary to perception in some quarters, is still far
from being resolved and indeed continues to be exacerbated
by volatile exchange rate fluctuations in the major
currencies. Here too there is an obvious need for a
coordinated approach, in the spirit of partnership, involving
debtor and creditor nations as well as the international
financial institutions. Such an approach should aim at
decisive reductions in the bilateral, multilateral and
commercial debt burdens, especially of the least developed
and other severely indebted developing countries, in a way
that would at the same time allow sustained recovery and
growth.
Regrettably, all too often there has been a one-sided
view of the causes of the debt crisis which tends to fault the
developing countries for excessive and imprudent borrowing
and for the misuse of the resources thus obtained. This view
tends to ignore the link between the debt crisis, the paucity
of resource flows on appropriate terms, and the adverse turn
taken by the world economy since the early 1980s. This in
turn explains the insistence on domestic policy reforms on
the part of the debtor countries as the principal remedial
instrument.
The truth is that the debt crisis of the developing
countries is a manifestation of the shortcomings of the
international system in providing access to adequate longterm resources on satisfactory terms. The gap was filled by
private banks, lending on inappropriate terms. The crisis
was triggered by deflationary policies introduced by the
developed countries. Debt-servicing became an oppressive
burden on the borrower countries when export earnings
declined following the collapse of commodity prices and
growing restrictions on market access to developed countries.
Forty-eighth session - 1 October l993 29
It is true that for a few middle-income countries the
debt crisis may be largely over. The same can be said for
the international commercial banks which in the past
provided these countries with huge amounts of loans.
However, for many low-income countries as well as lowermiddle-income countries the debt crisis is far from over.
Thus around 50 severely indebted countries continue to
experience great difficulties in servicing their debt, at a
terrible cost to their economies striving for recovery and
development.
Urgent action is needed and debt relief for these
countries should receive the highest priority, in particular for
those among the 50 countries which are the least developed
countries. To avoid any misunderstanding, Indonesia does
not regard itself as being among those 50 countries. The
Non-Aligned Movement has made this issue one of its
priorities in South-South cooperation and a programme is at
present being developed to extend concrete assistance to
these countries to augment their efforts at debt management.
The debt crisis must be considered as one of the factors
that led to the social crisis of the 1990s, for the latter is
clearly a function of poverty and underdevelopment which
in turn have given rise to internal political instability in
many countries.
In the efforts of the United Nations system and various
countries to address the social crisis, new and valuable
insights have recently been gained. It is irrefutable that in
developing countries structural changes have exacted an
exorbitant human cost. The developed countries too have
not been spared from this crisis, as the prolonged recession
has greatly strained their social security systems. Clearly,
therefore, the social crisis also calls for a global approach,
and indeed a consensus is growing that development and
international cooperation "should put people first".
Indonesia shares this view and fully commits itself to
the active participation of the people in the decision-making
processes involved in development, and to the protection and
promotion of human rights in all their manifestations,
including the right to development. We therefore look
forward to participating actively in such forthcoming
conferences as the World Summit for Social Development in
1995 and the World Conference on Women in the same
year. The World Conference on Population and
Development to be held in Cairo early next year should
provide an occasion for the international community to
cooperate on the basis of the essential linkages between
development, population and environmental protection. The
proposal to convene an international conference on financing
for development should be given serious consideration. We
anticipate the forthcoming report by the Secretary-General
on an agenda for development will mark an important
milestone in international cooperation for development.
With this report we hope that development will finally be
accorded as much emphasis as that given to the political
agenda.
A short time ago, the World Conference on Human
Rights was convened in Vienna. Surpassing most
expectations, the Conference adopted a Declaration and
Programme of Action which affirmed, among other things,
the principles of universality, indivisibility and
non-selectivity in the promotion and protection of human
rights. We are heartened by the fact that the Vienna
Conference recognized that in the promotion of human rights
and fundamental freedoms, the significance of national and
regional particularities and the various historical, cultural and
religious backgrounds of States must be taken into account.
Approved by consensus, the Vienna Declaration and
Programme of Action represents a new paradigm from which
to promote human rights in a non-selective, cooperative and
balanced manner. That being the case, the use of human
rights as political conditionalities for economic cooperation
is entirely against the agreements reached in Vienna.
This session of the General Assembly has been asked
to consider the establishment of a post of high commissioner
for human rights. It is Indonesia’s considered view that such
consideration should lay emphasis on the practical feasibility
of establishing this post and on whether such action would
in reality and practice enhance the promotion and protection
of human rights as called for in the United Nations Charter.
For it may be more beneficial to direct our attention to
enhancing the authority and efficacy of the existing
mechanisms and bodies, particularly the Centre for Human
Rights in Geneva.

The end of the cold war has opened a new chapter in
the history of humankind, a chapter full of portents as well
as bright promise. The essential text of this chapter is yet
to be written, in this Assembly and in the various
international forums where crucial issues are taken up. As
the principal international institution for multilateral
cooperation and negotiation, the United Nations has a central
role in the shaping and fulfilment of that promise. All
nations, developed and developing alike, can and should
have a part in realizing that promise through constructive
dialogue and democratic cooperation. In the course of this
30 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
endeavour, the vision and aspirations of the developed and
the developing countries can be forged into a broad and
dynamic partnership that would effectively address the
problems of today and successfully confront the challenges
of tomorrow. We hope that this process has now made a
modest but significant beginning.


Let me begin by
congratulating President Insanally of Guyana on his election
to the presidency of the forty-eighth session of the General
Assembly. I feel confident that under his guidance we shall
succeed in strengthening the United Nations and establishing
peace and prosperity.
The number and importance of the challenges facing
the United Nations after its almost 50 years of existence call
for reforms. The number of Members is increasing. Now
that the cold war has ended, the United Nations, and notably
the Security Council, is in a better position than ever to
function as foreseen in the Charter. The peoples of the
world are looking more and more to the United Nations to
solve their conflicts. The United Nations is expected to
bring political stability and economic prosperity to all parts
of the world. The United Nations is expected to play a
leading role in surmounting the poverty gap. It is expected
to secure ecologically sustainable development. The United
Nations is expected to provide development assistance,
Forty-eighth session - 28 September l993 29
environmental assistance and emergency assistance. It is
expected to play a leading role in securing democracy and
respect for human rights, including women’s and children’s
rights. It is expected to bring relief to refugees and
displaced persons. And the United Nations is expected to
prevent the spread of the means of mass destruction.
Reform of the United Nations is necessary to meet
these challenges. Let me concentrate on seven items on the
reform agenda.
First, Denmark attaches particular importance to the
role of the Security Council as stated in the Charter. The
efficiency of the Council in making decisions during the
recent past has raised new expectations as to its ability to
respond to crises.
It is therefore important to ensure that the Council
membership reflects the situation of today. The Government
of Denmark recognizes that the developing countries have a
case for improving their representation. We also recognize
that there are countries with global influence and
responsibilities that may wish to see this acknowledged in
the composition of the Security Council. Those Member
States will, I am sure, also assume a special responsibility
vis-à-vis the activities of the United Nations and, in
particular, to contribute politically, militarily and financially
to the implementation of the Council’s decisions.
As my second point I wish to recall that Denmark has
always participated actively in the peace-keeping operations
of the United Nations. Consequently, it stands ready to
discuss how to strengthen the Organization in the area of
peace-keeping, peacemaking and preventive diplomacy. The
Nordic countries intend to follow this question with
particular interest with a view to putting forward proposals
during this session of the Assembly.
The deployment of a largely Nordic peace-keeping
force in Macedonia is a concrete example of preventive
deployment. In addition, Denmark is setting up a reaction
brigade of 4,500 soldiers. They could be deployed in peace-
keeping, peacemaking and humanitarian United Nations
operations. We are ready to make part of that force
available for the United Nations stand-by force arrangement.
The stand-by force arrangement could be vital in improving
the planning, reducing the lead-time and increasing the
flexibility in the peace-keeping field.
Denmark supports a more active role for the United
Nations in conflict prevention and crisis management. I
welcome the fact that some of the recommendations in "An
Agenda for Peace" in this respect have already been
implemented.
Thirdly, the World Conference on Human Rights in
June this year in Vienna reaffirmed the universal character
of human rights. The conference also focused on the human
rights of women, and rightly so: women’s rights are human
rights.
The General Assembly should decide to establish the
post of high commissioner for human rights, as
recommended by that Conference. We should also take
steps substantially to increase the resources for the United
Nations human rights programme, including the United
Nations Centre for Human Rights.
There are times when the principle of non-interference
in the internal affairs of a Member State must yield to a
decision by the international community to secure respect for
fundamental human rights and freedoms, such as freedom
from hunger and protection from genocide. Furthermore, the
right of the civilian population to receive humanitarian
assistance must also be respected, regardless of national
frontiers.
Denmark fully supports efforts to secure the safety and
protection of United Nations personnel operating in areas of
armed conflict.
Fourthly, we also need a strong United Nations in the
economic and social fields. The United Nations must
respond effectively to the economic and social needs of the
developing countries. There can be no lasting peace and
security unless the growing inequalities are addressed. The
"agenda for development" to be drafted in the coming year
by the Secretary-General will, it is hoped, contribute to
setting the priorities for the United Nations for the twenty-
first century.
By attaining the accepted United Nations targets for
official development assistance - 0.7 per cent of gross
national product and within that 0.15 per cent to the least
developed countries - we would dramatically increase the
volume of support for the developing countries. That would
also clearly demonstrate the world’s commitment to deal
seriously with its economic and social problems.
Fifthly, as is well known, Denmark contributes
substantially to United Nations development activities. Our
contributions must be used to the optimum benefit of
developing countries and not lost in bureaucracy and
inefficiency. We must convince donors that the United
30 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Nations and its funds and programmes can serve as efficient
channels for a large part of their development assistance. If
not, other channels will increasingly be used. Member
States must demonstrate their commitment to fundamental
reform - not just window-dressing.
During the past year a compromise solution for
restructuring and revitalizing the United Nations in the
economic and social fields was carefully negotiated, but
finally not agreed upon. The Government of Denmark
deeply regrets this situation. We sincerely hope that it will
be remedied by this session of the General Assembly.
Sixthly, it must be recognized that social peace is as
important as strategic peace. We see the World Summit for
Social Development to be held in Copenhagen in March
1995 as an opportunity to put people at the centre of
development. To us, democratic practices and fair
distribution of resources are closely related to dynamic
economic development.
The Copenhagen Summit and the fourth World
Conference on Women will both mark the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations in 1995. The preparations
for the women’s Conference should lead to a substantial
input for the Copenhagen Summit. Likewise, the outcome
of the Copenhagen Summit ought to be a strong message
from the world’s leaders signalling their commitment to
closing the gap between men’s and women’s social and
economic opportunities.
My seventh point concerns the Secretariat. Since he
took office the Secretary-General has carried out a number
of changes in the Secretariat. I commend the Secretary-
General for these changes and assure him of our support in
his efforts to make the Secretariat more efficient.
All efforts should be undertaken to eradicate corruption,
waste and mismanagement in the Secretariat. I welcome the
establishment of the post of Assistant Secretary-General for
Inspections and Investigations. This is the first step towards
the creation of the post of Inspector-General. But such
initiatives cannot of themselves solve the financial crisis of
the United Nations. That requires that Member States pay
their assessed contributions on time and in full. That is one
of the basic requirements for membership of the
Organization.
I fail to understand how Member States, including some
of the permanent members of the Security Council, can call
for United Nations assistance, including in peace-keeping
operations, and then not pay. This leaves the United Nations
unable to perform vital functions. It also leaves troop -
contributors such as Denmark with the problem that the
United Nations does not honour its financial obligations to
us - that is, to repay expenses for Danish United Nations
personnel and equipment.
Let me now turn to a few current problems facing the
world and the United Nations.
In the Middle East we are witnessing a historic
breakthrough. I pay tribute to the Israelis and the
Palestinians for having taken this step towards a
comprehensive, just and lasting solution. I commend
Norway for its role in bringing about this agreement.
I also welcome the fact that Israel and Jordan have
signed an agenda for further negotiations. I hope that
progress will soon be made in the Israeli-Syrian and
Israeli-Lebanese tracks of the peace process.
Ample support, both economic and political, is essential
to keep momentum, and must be provided by the
international community. Denmark, at an early stage,
together with the other Nordic countries, decided to pledge
a substantial amount. We have also demonstrated our
commitment to the developments in the Middle East region
through the European Community, the major donor in this
context.
In contrast, it is with dismay we see the developments
in the former Yugoslavia. The international community
should accept only a solution reached by peaceful means and
negotiations. In this connection, I pay tribute to the tireless
efforts of Lord Owen and Mr. Thorvald Stoltenberg.
The solution to the crises must respect the
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia
and Herzegovina. We cannot accept a territorial solution
dictated by Serbs and Croats at the expense of the Bosnian
Muslims. It is extremely important now that all parties show
the necessary flexibility in order to arrive at a solution they
all can freely agree to. Such an arrangement must ensure
the protection of human rights and the rights of minorities.
Sanctions will remain in place until conditions for their
lifting have been met. They should not be eased before a
peace agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina is under faithful
implementation by the Serbian side. Future attempts to
hinder humanitarian aid and the guaranteed free passage of
convoys are unacceptable and will have serious
consequences for relations between the party responsible and
the European Community.
Forty-eighth session - 28 September l993 31
By its resolution 827 (1993), the Security Council
decided to establish the International Tribunal for the
Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of
International Humanitarian Law committed in the Territory
of the Former Yugoslavia since 1991. Denmark strongly
supports this decision.
The conflict in the former Yugoslavia is probably the
most difficult task taken on by the United Nations in its
history. Denmark participates in the United Nations
Protection Force with almost 1,300 peace-keepers and has
made substantive contributions to the European Community
Monitoring Mission. Large numbers of Danes are also
involved in the humanitarian work carried out under the
auspices of the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees. In addition, Denmark has made
large financial contributions to the various international relief
programmes and through Danish non-governmental
organizations.
Responding to the calls for swift and effective
implementation of Security Council resolution 836 (1993) on
safe areas, the Nordic countries have decided to field a joint
Nordic United Nations battalion group of about 1,300 men
to protect the safe areas around Tuzla in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The force is expected to be ready for
deployment in October. That decision is evidence of the
willingness of the Nordic countries to make their
contribution to resolving the tragic conflict and protect the
civilian population from the horrors of war.
In the African continent, we see both hope and
continued distress, regional conflicts and violations of basic
human rights.
As Mr. Nelson Mandela eloquently told the Special
Committee against Apartheid last Friday, historic advances
towards democracy in South Africa have been achieved. I
welcome his call to lift the economic and diplomatic
sanctions vis-à-vis his country. I also share his view that
this will give added impetus to the process, and strengthen
the forces, of democratic change.
I wish to recall the decision of the European
Community and its member States on 8 June 1993 to adjust
their policy towards South Africa concurrently with
developments towards majority rule and democracy.
Denmark stands ready to support South African efforts
to normalize relations with the United Nations. The United
Nations, for its part, should support South Africa during its
difficult transitional period. An urgent priority should be to
support the first democratic elections. It is essential that
they be free and fair. I can only echo Mr. Mandela’s call
last week to the Security Council to consider how the United
Nations can best support South Africa in this endeavour. It
must be ensured that this last mile on the road to democracy
is successful. Denmark intends to make a substantial
contribution. We will also - once the Transitional Executive
Council has been established - initiate a programme of
transitional assistance to South Africa amounting to
approximately 600 million Danish kroner, or about $100
million.
The level of violence in South Africa remains
unacceptably high; it is the single most serious threat to the
process. We appeal to all parties to make every effort to
stop the violence. The international community should
continue to support such efforts.
In Somalia the situation is still very grave. The
deplorable actions in the form of continued attacks directed
against the United Nations Operation in Somalia forces and
relief and aid personnel cannot be condemned strongly
enough. All parties in the civil strife must understand that
violence does not pay in the long run. We support the
efforts by the United Nations to bring about a negotiated
settlement in Somalia as well as the efforts to relieve the
suffering of the people.
Civil strife and violations of the most basic human
rights have characterized the Sudan for far too long. The
Secretary-General has appointed a Special Envoy
Humanitarian Affairs for the Sudan. Denmark urges all
parties to seek political solutions to the problems of the
country. We fully support the work of the Special Envoy as
well as other steps to redress the prevailing situation,
including the violation of human rights.
Denmark congratulates the people of Cambodia on the
historic and successful elections for a Constituent Assembly
and on that Assembly’s presentation of a new constitution.
The impressively high voter participation and the Constituent
Assembly’s dedication in fulfilling its task constitute a
victory for democracy and for the peace process.
I also wish to thank the Secretary-General, the United
Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and
participating international polling-station officers for their
enormous effort and hard work.
The international community must continue its support
for the peace process and for the reconstruction of
32 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Cambodia. I can confirm Denmark’s commitment in that
respect.
This year, 1993, is the International Year of the
World’s Indigenous People. The Government of Denmark
wishes to promote indigenous peoples’ own organizations
with a view to their full participation in political, economic,
social and cultural life. In collaboration with the Home Rule
Government of Greenland, we support all efforts to increase
awareness of the special situation facing indigenous peoples,
including the Inuit of Greenland.
A particular concern of Denmark is that the indigenous
peoples who have been permanent residents of the Arctic for
millenniums are at risk from environmental degradation. On
16 September 1993 the Government of Denmark and the
Home Rule Government of Greenland hosted the second
Ministerial Conference on the Arctic Environment, at Nuuk,
the capital of Greenland. In the Nuuk Declaration, adopted
and signed at that Conference, the eight Arctic countries
recognized the special role of indigenous peoples in
environmental management and in development in the Arctic
and the significance of their knowledge and traditional
practices. The Government of Denmark will establish and
fund a secretariat to promote the indigenous peoples’
effective participation in the Arctic Environmental Protection
Strategy and in the achievement of sustainable development
in the Arctic.
In conclusion, let me state that there is no alternative to
our United Nations. Only the United Nations has the
necessary legitimacy to undertake humanitarian action,
peace-keeping operations, the creation of an international
tribunal, and assistance to suffering peoples around the
world.
At the same time, the need for reforms in the United
Nations is evident. The job facing all of us as Member
States is to agree in concrete terms on such reforms. We
must show that behind the words spoken from this rostrum
lies a will to enable the United Nations to serve the many
functions we the peoples are asking for.