58.	  Sir, we take pride in your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, particularly since you belong to our Arab homeland and Arab nation, a nation that has contributed to the development of human civilization and is still fighting fascism and Zionism because of its awareness of the dangers those political movements pose to humanity and progress.
59.	I take this opportunity also to commend the efforts of your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, the representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, during whose presidency the General Assembly engaged in such intensive activities and carried out such difficult work.
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60.	I also have the pleasure of commending the efforts being made by the SecretaryGeneral to strengthen the role of the Organization in promoting peace and security in our turbulent world. My delegation wishes also to extend congratulations to Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu on their accession to independence and to welcome them to the United Nations.
61.	My country is aware of the threats to international peace and security, and the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya shares with the countries of the third world and the nonaligned movement their concern over the deterioration of the situation in the world. At the same time, however, my country realizes that the causes of that deterioration lie in the policies pursued by the big Powers.
62.	The United States under President Reagan's Administration plays the major role in destabilizing peace and security in the world and has reverted to the cold war and the scramble for spheres of influence. Clear evidence of this is the letter sent recently by the American President to the Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, in which he underlined the legitimate interests of the superPowers and his readiness for mutual respect of those interests.
63.	This course of American policy clearly illustrates the nature of the American Administration, which is seeking to partition the world into spheres of influence. The refusal of the United States to ratify the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty and its production of the neutron bomb, which has for its target the human race, are only two of the many' pieces of evidence of the United States premeditated aggressive intentions, which are fully in keeping with its ambitious designs for hegemony over the resources of peoples and which constitute a flagrant threat to international peace and security.
64.	The goal of the United States today is to militarize the world and to divide it into two factions, drawing one of them into its imperialist reactionary camp and compelling the other, which includes basically the neutral countries, to join either its camp or the communist camp. In its campaign to force the nonaligned countries to relinquish their nonalignment, the United States pursues various policies, the most prominent of which is that of economic blockade, as is the case with Nicaragua and Cuba, or that of direct aggression. Probably everyone has followed the news of its aggression in the Gulf of Sidra in Libyan territory, where American planes operating from an aircraft carrier violated Libyan airspace and committed the well-known act of aggression of 19 August 1981.
65.	American statements have revealed that the aggression was premeditated and had been approved at a meeting of the United States National Security Council. This reveals also that theAmerican forces sent to the Gulf of Sidra were not on routine maneuvers, as American officials have claimed, for routine maneuvers have never been given this aura in the United States.
66.	The Reagan Administration's allegation concerning the extension by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya of its territorial waters to 200 miles is a blatant lie, because we are committed to the internationally recognized 12-mile limit. As for the Gulf of Sidra, it is an integral part of Libyan territory. My country will support any international agreement that can be reached at the third United Nations Conference on the Law of Hie Sea. That Conference has not come to a conclusion yet because of the position taken by the United States itself. Whatever the differences on the demarcation of territorial waters, we call upon the international Organization and peace-loving peoples to stand up against the American acts of aggression and not allow the United States to bestow upon itself the role of a policeman who imposes his will upon others.
67.	The United States aims at pressuring the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya into abandoning its nonalignment and joining the other camp. The delegation of my country calls upon the international community, in particular the nonaligned movement, to confront those pressures with all means available so that my country may not be compelled to ally itself with the friend that aids it in resisting this premeditated American aggression.
68.	American aggression against the nonaligned countries has reached a point that reveals the terrorist nature of the American Administration, and there are other recent examples of this. The physical liquidation of the African leader Patrice Lumumba by American intelligence services is evidence of the hatred harbored by the United States towards everyone who is nationalist and progressive in Africa. The United States plot against the progressive Government of Chile and the assassination of its leader, Salvador Allende, confirm the hypocrisy of the American Administration in its claim to democracy. Allende had come to power through democratic elections, in which he was supported by the people of Chile and all sincere people in Latin America and in the world.
69.	The latest act of terrorism on the part of the new American Administration, which has been revealed by the American press and confirmed by some officials, is the existence of a plot to assassinate the leader of the First of September Revolution, Colonel Muammar Al-Qadhafi.
70.	That plot confirms that physical liquidation and terrorism have become one of the pillars of United States policy in resolving its disputes with everyone who does not follow in its footsteps or obey its will.
71.	My country resists and condemns the terrorist policy of the United States, and we therefore condemn the bacteriological war it is waging against the friendly people of the Republic of Cuba. We also condemn the terrorism practiced by the United States against Nicaragua and Grenada through using grain supplies, loans and economic pressure as weapons to subjugate the struggling peoples of those countries. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya also condemns the support by the United States for the Fascist regimes in Latin America against the will of their peoples „ as is the case with El Salvador. We declare our solidarity with the people of El Salvador in their struggle against imperialism and fascism.

72.	For all those reasons we believe the United States is no longer fit to serve as host to the United Nations. The least we can ask of the international community is that it should transfer the Organization's Headquarters to a country that respects the Organization and pursues its goals.
73.	The struggle of the Namibian people and their right to independence bring the United Nations face to face with its responsibilities. On the one hand, we find that the international community has acknowledged the right of that friendly African people to freedom and independence, and on the other hand we witness the racist regime, backed by the United States and some Western nations, impeding the will and the resolutions of the international Organization under the pretext of ensuring the rights of the racist minority.
74.	That adamant position on the part of the racist regime in South Africa and of the United States makes Us wonder what steps could be taken by the nonaligned movement and its friends to ensure that the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, gain their freedom and independence.
75.	The independence of the people of Namibia can be achieved only through adherence to the following principles.
76.	First, there is the support for the armed struggle of the people of Namibia, bearing in mind the fact that the liberty of a people is not granted but has to be won, especially within the framework of the Organization where the right to use the veto plays a major part in protecting the interests of imperialist, Fascist and racist countries.
77.	Second is the reaffirmation of the inalienable rights of the people of Namibia to self-determination, freedom and national independence in a unified Namibia, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV).
78.	The third principle is emphasis on the fact that SWAPO, as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Namibia struggling for the independence of that Territory, is a main party to the dispute.
79.	Fourthly, there must be decisive and speedy implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. The implementation of that plan should ensure the full independence of Namibia and the sovereignty of its people under the leadership of SWAPO over all their lands, including Walvis Bay and all the islands off the Namibian coast.
80.	Fifth is the imposition on the racist regime of South Africa of the sanctions provided for in the resolution adopted at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly [see resolution ES8/2], in order to compel that racist regime to pull its administration out of Namibia and thus speed up Namibia's independence.
81.	The practices of the racist regime of South Africa are sustained by the backing which it receives from the American Administration and some Western countries. That continuous support has enabled the racist minority to monopolize the power, wealth and weapons in the country and to control the destiny of the indigenous population of South Africa. That situation constitutes a flagrant disregard for human rights and a challenge to the conscience of humanity. The international community should therefore assume responsibility for putting an end to these crimes.
82.	My country will continue to support the struggle of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa for freedom and self-determination. The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya also stands by Angola and the other front-line States in their resistance to the barbaric aggression perpetrated against them by the racist regime of Pretoria.
83.	The situation and racist practices in southern Africa are the same as those achieved by the Zionist entity in the Arab land. The international community is now aware of that similarity and of the close ties which exist between the Zionist entity and the South African regime.
84.	The Palestinian cause has become one of the permanent problems that the United Nations has to deal with, as it represents a new form of colonialism. The occupation of Arab Palestine by the Zionist entity constitutes a new form of racist and expansionist colonialism, which has expelled the people of Palestine from their homeland and extended that entity's occupation to the territories of some Arab countries adjacent to Palestine. Thus, under the pretext of safeguarding so-called Israeli security, the new colonialism is posing a threat to the security and peace of the entire Arab world.
85.	The General Assembly has repeatedly confirmed its commitment to the rights of the Palestinian people and has recognized the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinians. Moreover, the majority of the members of the Security Council have acknowledged the rights of the Palestinian people and condemned the continual acts of aggression perpetrated by the racist Zionist entity against the Palestinians. However, in spite of that international endorsement of the Palestinian cause, we still find countries which support aggression and oppose the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and refuse to look upon the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
86.	Thus, on the one hand we see the United States providing the Zionist entity with weapons of mass destruction, enabling that entity to strike at the Palestinians everywhere, not sparing them even in their refugee camps, which are themselves a hateful result of the Zionist occupation declared illegal by the international community. On the other hand, we see the United States using its right of veto whenever there is a draft resolution before the Security Council in favor of the Palestinian cause or condemning the repeated acts of aggression perpetrated by the racist regime against Arab lands.
87.	Furthermore, the extent of United States disregard for the international community is most clearly shown by its complicity with the Egyptian regime and the Zionist entity in order to impose solutions of the Middle East problem through the Camp David agreements.
88.	The Camp David agreements have ignored the efforts exerted by the United Nations and have pushed the Middle East problem out of the framework of the United Nations. Besides, the parties to those agreements have deliberately sought to eliminate the role of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Moreover, those agreements have freed the Zionists to strike at the Arab nations. That is best evidenced in its repeated acts of aggression against Lebanese cities and villages and the Palestinian camps, as well as it? destruction of the Iraqi nuclear reactor, under the watchful eyes of the AWACS planes stationed in a part of the Arab world.
89.	The latest example of the American Administration's flouting of the international community is the strategic alliance which it has formed with the Zionist entity. Such an alliance can only be interpreted as an advanced stage in a longterm plan of aggression and terrorism carried out by a superPower which, as a permanent member of the Security Council, is supposed, by virtue of its position, to assume the major responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, instead of conniving with a terrorist racist entity which aspires to carry out the theory propounding Zionist occupation of the entire area.
90.	The American Administration's submission to Zionist pressures happens even at the highest-level policymaking bodies, at the expense of the vital interests of the American people. This submissiveness has the inevitable result of placing not only the Arab homeland but all the countries in the region in a state of direct confrontation with the United States, which persists in defying the will of these peoples.
91.	This pernicious alliance destroys completely the chances of success of any international initiative to reestablish peace in the region. Therefore, it is incumbent on the international community to discharge its responsibilities by denouncing and opposing this alliance and to put an end to imperialist Zionist adventurism.
92.	Those who believe in the role of the Organization cannot help asking themselves: Of what use are its resolutions? Why should the United States and the Zionist entity ignore them? In order to remedy this regrettable situation, the United Nations must not content itself with issuing resolutions condemning the Zionist entity, for such condemnation is no longer adequate. The United
Nations has to move forward and impose those sanctions provided for in the Charter, including the expulsion of the Zionist entity, since the presence of a Member which regularly violates its principles and its Charter renders the Organization less effective.
93.	The United Nations has an essential responsibility and a principal role in the field of disarmament, and we expect it to shoulder its responsibility in this regard. In spite of the efforts which it has hitherto exerted and which have resulted in a number of treaties banning nuclear tests and nuclear arms proliferation, and in the convening in 1978 of the tenth special session of the Assembly, on disarmament, the final objective, that of general and complete disarmament, still eludes it and will continue to do so as long as international relations are not based on equity but on persecution, oppression and the threat to use force.
94.	The responsibility for maintaining security and peace is shared by all nations, but we believe that the greatest responsibility should fall on the major nuclear Powers and other countries which are engaged in the arms race. Disarmament should be achieved in accordance with the priorities stated in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the Assembly [resolution S10/2].
95.	In this respect, the delegation of my country condemns the decision by the United States to produce the neutron bomb and to deploy nuclear missiles in Europe, which will result in an accelerated escalation of the arms race and jeopardize international security and peace.
96.	The human race is today faced with many areas of tension which threaten international peace and security. In regard to northern Africa, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has been following the issue of Western Sahara since the Sahraoui people started fighting colonialism. My country has already welcomed the initiative of Morocco, which has agreed to the holding of a referendum on the question and has supported the decision adopted at the latest session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Nairobi in August, on organizing this referendum [see A/361534, annex II, resolution AHG/Res. 103 (XVIII)]. We hope that the referendum will take place in favorable circumstances so as to enable the Sahraoui people to express its desire and decide its own destiny.
97.	We see that on the Asian continent the situation in Afghanistan is a source of worry. It has become obvious that the imperialist camp, under the leadership of the United States, is trying to exploit this situation in its struggle against the Soviet Union. This emphasizes the fact that the United States has no intention of accepting a peaceful solution of this issue. We in the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya reiterate our insistence that Afghanistan remain neutral, and we express our opinion that the international repercussions of the Afghan issue should be remedied and that the acts of aggression against Afghanistan should cease, so as to enable the friendly Government of Afghanistan, acting on it own, to reestablish peace and security in the country.
98.	As for theKorean issue, my delegation reaffirms its support for the unity of the Korean people and praises the peaceful efforts carried out thus far, especially if these efforts result in a nonaligned unified Korea uninvolved in any international conflict.
99.	Bearing in mind militant imperialism and in conformity with the principles of the nonaligned movement, and in an effort to promote cooperation among the countries of that movement, my country signed, in Aden on 19 August 1981, a treaty of cooperation and friendship with both Ethiopia and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. This treaty aims at promoting the economic potential of its signatories and consolidating the political cooperation among them so that they can maintain their neutrality and nonalignment.
100.	The deterioration of the world economy and the symptoms of this deterioration that we witness in inflation, unemployment and economic stagnation can be attributed to the economic order that has prevailed since the Second World War.
101.	It is clear that the major shortcoming of the current economic order is that it was established without the participation of the developing nations whose economy constitutes a major portion of the components of the world economy. Furthermore, the current economic order favors the interests of the developed industrial nations, which has prompted these nations, headed by the United States, to obstruct any serious step toward the establishment of a new international economic order: Though the General Assembly has defined the features of the new international economic order in its sixth and eleventh special sessions, and though more than a year has elapsed since the convening of the eleventh special session, a small group of capitalist countries still wrangles over a starting date for the global negotiations on development and international cooperation, in order to serve their own interest and in accordance with their conditions.
102.	Economic cooperation among developing nations is a primary and necessary component for achieving a new international economic order, as well as one of its main objectives. Economic cooperation among developing nations cannot replace the NorthSouth dialog; it is complementary to it. Economic cooperation among developing nations has achieved tremendous progress during the past few years, particularly since the conferences at Arusha and Mexico and the High-level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries, held last May at Caracas, which adopted a comprehensive, ambitious program for economic cooperation among developing nations [A/36/333 and Corr.l, annex]. This program will be a significant factor in achieving collective self-reliance and economic development of developing nations. The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, as a developing nation, wholeheartedly supports economic cooperation among developing nations and seeks the achievement of its objectives through the aid it provides to other developing nations, either bilaterally by establishing joint companies and banks, or in the form of the assistance provided by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries or through trade and the exchange of experts or information in the scientific and technological fields.
103.	Pursuant to its concern for social and humanitarian causes and inspired by the lofty ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya proposed during the thirty-first session of the General Assembly that the year 1981 be designated the International Year of Disabled Persons, with the theme "Rill Participation and Equality".
104.	As we celebrate this International Year of Disabled Persons, and as we endeavor to implement its theme, we are delighted to commend the sincere response to all the plans national, regional and international to help accomplish the objectives of the International Year. It is a true indication of the importance bestowal by the international community upon more than 500 million disabled persons. We appeal to the international community to consider this Year as a starting point in meeting the concerns of disabled persons in the long term.
105.	The Advisory Committee for the International Year of Disabled Persons, over which my country is honored to preside, played a positive part in the activities relevant to the objectives of the International Year. Moreover, the longterm world plan of action, which the Advisory Committee will complete next year, will be of special importance in implementing the future policy of the international community in caring for disabled persons and promoting their participation in the economic, social, political and cultural life of their society equally with their fellow citizens.
106.	We take this opportunity also to emphasize the importance of the World Symposium of Experts on Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries and Technical Assistance in Disability Prevention and Rehabilitation, which is scheduled to be held at Vienna from 12 to 23 October 1981. We hope that this Symposium will have positive results leading to laying the foundations for technical collaboration in this humanitarian cause, thus contributing towards the realization of the objectives set out for the International Year of Disabled Persons.
107.	Among the activities undertaken by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya at the national level was the convening last May of the National Conference on Disabled Persons living in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya to consider the programs that would best assist them. Subsequently, Bill No. 3 for the year 1981 was promulgated, which is considered a progressive law in the field of preventing disability and of rehabilitation. At the international level, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya organized ah international symposium recently, from 27 September to 4 October, the theme of which was "Rill Participation and Integration". A great number of countries and international organizations, governmental and nongovernmental, participated.
108.	Although it is now more than 35 years since the Second World War ended, its economic and social effects are still felt in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and other countries. In addition to the total and direct destruction inflicted on the cities and villages of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya during the war itself, my country still suffers from the remnants of this destructive war because of the minefields planted by the belligerent forces, which cover vast areas of our territory. Thousands of innocent victims among the Libyan people have been killed or mutilated as a result of the mines, which have sown death and destruction across Libyan territory. Barely a day passes without a mine explosion causing the death or mutilation of an innocent citizen whose contribution to the process of economic and social transformation is so desperately needed. The belligerent countries which were immediately responsible for the minefields know very well what is happening. Those countries, moreover, have not yet carried out their international obligations, foremost of which is to provide the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya with the maps, information and other necessary data which would help in solving this problem.
109.	Although this problem has been before the international community for some time, and despite the adoption of numerous resolutions, the latest being General Assembly resolution 35/71, which provides for compensating the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya for the material and human losses arising from this problem, no noticeable progress has been made, because the countries involved have not honored their obligations.
110.	We demand that these countries and the whole international community take the necessary measures to solve this problem and stop the bloodshed among innocent victims.
111.	With regard to the Charter of the United Nations and strengthening the role of the Organization, the great majority of nations have noticed in the past few years that the decline in the role of the United Nations in general, and the Security Council in particular, is primarily the result of the existence of the privilege entailed in the right of veto. The misuse of this privilege by some of the great Powers hampers the attempts of the United Nations to find peaceful and just solutions to world problems. The United States used this privilege during the voting on the draft resolution before the Security Council condemning South Africa's racist regime for its aggression last month against the People's Republic of Angola. It is clear that the right of veto has been used on issues of concern to the national security of some States that are permanent members of the Security Council without regard for the objective with which they justified their enjoyment of this right the protection of world peace and the maintenance of the balance of power.
112.	The time has come to look thoroughly into the role of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization [General Assembly resolution 3499 (XXX)}. During the seven years since it was established as the Ad Hoc Committee on the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 3349 (XXIX)], it has failed to accomplish the task entrusted to it. We are now faced with the option of either seeking an alternative to this Committee or reorienting its work in the right direction so that it will have specific objectives, including a reexamination of the rule which requires consensus of the permanent members of the Security Council, taking into consideration the following: the principle of equality among nations, maintenance of international peace and security as a responsibility shared by all Member States, the strengthening of the role of the Security Council in preserving international peace and security and an increase in the number of members of the Security Council to reflect the new forces that have emerged in the international arena.
113.	The right of veto in its present form is one of the spoils of war, as it was exclusively appropriated by the victorious nations in the Second World War. The establishment of the United Nations as an international organization embracing the entire international community should have been geopolitical reason enough to make the right of veto a balancing element among groups and continents. However, the continuing monopoly of the right of veto in the prevailing manner will prompt us to question the effectiveness of the United Nations and its resolutions.
114.	In conclusion, on behalf of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, I wish to express our sincere hope that the Organization will be successful in promoting good relations among peoples and achieving prosperity, as well as international peace and security.


Sir, as the first speaker in the general debate, it is my privilege to extend the first words of congratulation to you upon your election as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-sixth session.
3.	Relations between Iraq and Brazil, based on the solidarity between our two nations and strengthened by our converging action towards common objectives, fit into the broader context of co-operation between developing countries on an equal basis.
4.	Your election is certainly a tribute to your country, but just as certainly a tribute to your personal and professional qualifications. I am confident that under your leadership the work of the present session of the General Assembly will be conducted with the greatest skill and efficiency.
5.	I should also like to express our appreciation for the able and confident manner in which Mr. von Wechmar presided over the thirty-fifth session. His performance fully justified the international community's decision to entrust him with this important role in such particularly difficult times.
6.	On the occasion of Vanuatu's admission to membership in the United Nations, I should like to express a cordial welcome to this new Member of our Organization.
7.	In the Latin American tradition of support for decolonization, I congratulate Belize upon its accession to independence. Brazil wishes for that country a future of peace and prosperity.
8.	Conflicts and tensions of both a political and an economic nature exist in various parts of the world, adversely affecting the Organization and the functioning of the international system. Beyond those tensions and conflicts, which are almost inevitable given the present state of relations among nations, what causes us even greater concern is the perception that the international order's ability to contain and resolve those conflicts is diminishing. The ideal of a community of nations is being gradually replaced by an attitude of conformity and the acceptance of perpetual conflict. The strategy of mutual challenge tends to limit the efficacy of the means for peaceful solutions of international disputes. Purportedly for the purpose of strengthening peace and security, the arms race has resumed, particularly in the nuclear field, to the detriment of essential priorities for the building of the future.
9.	For some years now we have been living in the age of overkill. What was once to have been the final absurd chapter in a spiraling race has now proved to be only the groundwork for building new nuclear arsenals. Nevertheless, no country is more secure now that it was then. Despite the fact that the stockpiled capacity for nuclear destruction has now reached the equivalent of two tons of dynamite for every living human being, the diversification and sophistication of strategic weapons continue. But the risk of war is as great as ever. Hundreds of billions are spent on activities which are, at best, unproductive. International co-operation to improve living conditions and to create a more equitable international society receives a lesser priority, as if the problems of development should, or even could, wait for a better opportunity.
10.	That irrational allocation of resources and the very international order that endorses it neglect the real problems that beset most of mankind. This state of affairs only favors the perpetuation of inequality among nations.
11.	We do not face a purely moral or ethical issue. What is at stake is the future of the international system itself. A new sense of direction is urgently needed in order to reverse this trend. The second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament scheduled for next year therefore takes on a very special significance.
12.	Even though the nuclear-weapon States bear the responsibility of reversing the arms race, the search for satisfactory and lasting solutions must take into account the aspirations of the international community as a whole. Full use should therefore be made of the negotiating machinery provided by the United Nations, which plays a vital role with regard to disarmament.
13.	The present world economic crisis has been with us now for a decade. Yet no clear signs of recovery are m sight. This lack of progress is in itself the strongest evidence of the international community's incapacity so far to adapt to changing circumstances and to react in a creative way to new realities.
14.	Besides the very complexity of the economics involved, perhaps the worst crisis we face is one of management. What is still lacking is due recognition of a basic fact: that however traumatic its immediate consequences may be, the meaning of the rapid and unique process of change in the world economy is essentially positive.
15.	The new, more dynamic, and increasingly diversified role played by developing countries in all areas of international trade is a healthy event. Its overall effect has been to expand opportunities for growth in the world economy as a whole. The maintenance of relatively high rates of growth by several developing countries in the 1970s was an important factor in sustaining basic rates of expansion in certain highly industrialized countries, which otherwise would have been in even greater difficulties than the ones they currently face.
16.	What is missing now, particularly on the part of the developed countries, is the recognition of the need properly to manage the process of change so as to maximize the numerous opportunities for creative partnership between developed and developing countries. That process of change, I might add, cannot be halted and should not be hampered, because it is healthy and desirable for us all.
17.	The unprecedented expansion in trade and capital flows over the past decades, together with the increasing trend towards the internationalization of the factors of production, far outstripped the resources and managerial capacity of the structure devised at Bretton Woods to carry out an orderly evolution of international trade.
18.	As regards the third world, there was a widening of the gap between its needs for external support and the resources available for development co-operation. Insufficient progress in the improvement of the rules and mechanisms of multilateral agencies has made even more acute the inadequacy of the institutional framework to meet the new, larger, and often more complex needs of developing economies.
19.	The international agenda has thus been broadened to include new issues. In many cases, linkages have become apparent between problems that formerly seemed amenable to topical, isolated treatment. In a complex and increasingly diversified world economy, it is not enough to proclaim the fact of interdependence. A serious attempt must be made to resolve the problem of underdevelopment, which affects nearly two thirds of mankind.
20.	For too long the third world countries have been told that development in the South must come about as a by-product of prosperity in the North, as if high levels of demand in the industrial world for products from the developing countries would by themselves ensure the solution of problems that are qualitative in nature and are directly related to the unequal patterns of trade with the highly developed countries.
21.	Almost three decades of accelerated growth and hard, though mostly fruitless, work on the North-South issues have demonstrated that prosperity in the central economies does not necessarily lead them to a higher pie- disposition towards progress in redefining obsolete and unfair patterns of trade with the third world. Recent events have shown that difficulties in those countries tend immediately to harden their position vis-à-vis the developing world, while the remedies resorted to often have a strong negative impact on the situation of the latter.
22.	We think it would be a mistake, besides being a waste of precious time, to hold the North-South issue in abeyance until the major economies succeed in recovering. On the contrary, we hold that what the international community needs in the present circumstances is a concerted effort to draw up, for the first time in history, an integrated, comprehensive set of principles and measures capable of sustaining world trade, finance and technology flows on a sound course, while paying due attention to the needs of the developing countries.
23.	The North-South issue has passed the stage of confrontation which, incidentally, was never inherent in the exercise but it has yet to move on to the stage of true dialog. This will come about only when the developed world shows itself ready to engage in a negotiating process with the third world. Moderation is, after all, required on both sides, and its expression by the North will have to take the form of a constructive position on development issues as a whole.
24.	The basic premise underlying the whole North- South issue is that it affects all nations, rich and poor alike, In this context, differences of perception need not stand in the way of negotiations about what ultimately are common interests, provided that issues are tackled in a broader, longer-range perspective. The North-South exercise is not a win-or-lose game; it is not a matter of redistributing existing wealth, but, rather, an attempt to define a framework of relations that will provide all countries, developed as well developing, with greater opportunities for growth.
25.	An inescapable conclusion should be drawn: the time is over when benefits in the economic sphere would be best assured by continued additions to a country's power. When the world economy becomes highly diversified and problems assume global dimensions, the challenge is no longer how to gain unilateral advantages, but rather how jointly to define viable ways, of managing an increasingly unstable system. It is our hope that the major developed countries, precisely because of their global responsibilities, will not fail to acknowledge the need for multilateral action on global issues.
26.	The international community has at its disposal a vast heritage of concepts and ideas to use as a basis for a serious commitment to settle the North-South issues. It is high time to take a decision to that effect. The meeting of 22 Heads of State or Government of North and South* to be held in Cancun, Mexico, next October, will provide a unique opportunity for t'" major Western Powers to regain the trust of the third world by showing that there will
be no relapse into unilateral attitudes and negative judgments on the relevance of North-South problems. It is essential that this exercise be conclusive. We expect it to result in a clear-cut commitment to contribute to the early launching of the global negotiations, to be conducted in the universal forum of the United Nations. We also hope that a basic consensus will be reached on principles and premises to inspire thereafter what will only then become worthy of the term "North-South dialog". I am instructed to assure this Assembly that President Figueiredo has a deep personal commitment to the success of the Cancun meeting, and that he will spare no effort to help bring about the results we all look forward to.
27.	The prospects for concluding this year the long work of codification of the new law of the sea were frustrated by the sudden decision of one country to revise its entire position on the draft convention. This setback, with its serious implications, gives rise to real concern among all those devoted to the success of the multilateral cooperation effort. However, it served to demonstrate that the vast majority of the countries represented at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea firmly adhere to the principles subscribed to in the Declaration incorporated in resolution 2749 (XXV) and show no disposition to reopen the fundamental points in the draft convention.

28.	Thus the Conference succeeded in advancing its mandate and formalizing the draft convention. A sign of the firm determination of the international community to adopt the convention and to open it for signature next year was the selection of the headquarters of the International Sea-Bed Authority and of the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea. I take this opportunity to congratulate' once again Jamaica and the Federal Republic of Germany which were chosen, respectively, to host those two international bodies.
29.	At this time, when there is so much international instability, the movements being made by developing countries towards regional affirmation must not be wasted, since they may well be one of the most efficient means of containing international differences. Regional affirmations supply a basis that cannot be dispensed with if we are to safeguard the complexity and variety of the international scene and to relaunch the drive towards peace, justice and development, in all their aspects.
30.	The efforts of Latin American countries to act on the international scene on the basis of their own national profiles fit perfectly into this larger movement effectively to reduce the levels of international tension.
31.	The Latin American inclination for international co-operation stems from no artificially created option. Attitudes that favor the peaceful settlement of disputes are deep-rooted in Latin America. These attitudes define the mechanisms of international co-operation and demand from Slates mutual respect, equilibrium and equity in bilateral relations.
32.	Just as deeply implanted in Latin America is the disposition towards multilateral efforts, towards working together to mould the international system, on the basis of the principles of justice and progress. In fact, the Latin American contribution is its understanding that acceptance of change is the minimum prerequisite for the construction of peace. The processes of change must be democratic, open to participation and based on freedom. The objectives of change must be generous, shaped by ideals of justice and the contours of tolerance.
33.	I do not wish to paint an idealized portrait of Latin America. The countries of Latin America have differences of opinion since areas of controversy still remain. There are still disputes over boundaries. The political processes are subject to difficulties. There are structures of dependency that have not been eliminated. Painful problems of development cry out for urgent solution and our countries lack the immediate means to deal with them.
34.	Nevertheless, through all this diversity there is a clear perception that we must work together. We are proud of the values we have forged from our rich historical experience, in which the defense of the principle of non-intervention is outstanding. Our efforts are inspired by our own ideals and do not attempt to repeat what may have been successful elsewhere. Our major contribution to the international system, a disposition towards negotiation and peace, has never been denied, even in the most difficult and controversial situations.
35.	Brazilian diplomacy has always been faithful to these ideals. One of the cornerstones of our foreign policy has been the stimulation of dialog with our neighbors at every opportunity and at every level. President Figueiredo has had meetings with his Latin American colleagues, accepting as his own the responsibility for promoting the ideals of regional co-operation.
36.	Brazil views the situation in EI Salvador, as well as in any other part of Latin America, in the same spirit of full respect for the principle of non-intervention. It is the hope of the Brazilian Government that all States will respect the sovereignty of that country and the right of the people of El Salvador to solve their own problems without foreign interference. Brazil believes in the importance of intensifying consultations among the countries of the region so as to avoid the weakening of the fabric of Latin American unity and solidarity by specific issues to the detriment of our common interests.
37.	Brazil is proud of its African roots and, faithful to them, is open to co-operation with the developing countries on the opposite shore of the South Atlantic. I should have preferred to confine my remarks to the accomplishments in the process of bringing Brazil closer to Africa. However, one cannot speak of Africa without dealing with two crucial questions which remain unresolved those of apartheid and of the independence of Namibia.
38.	Brazil emphatically condemns the institutionalized practice of racism which characterizes the regime of the Republic of South Africa. The universal conscience of mankind, and more specifically the Brazilian national conscience, totally rejects such a way of life, which is incompatible with any idea of justice and equality. Brazil associates itself with the community of nations in the renewal of efforts to ensure South Africa's total compliance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, to which we are all committed.
39.	The question of the independence of Namibia has been dealt with by the international community on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and of the
plan drawn up by our Organization which the Council has embraced by that resolution and which has been internationally accepted. Brazil fully supports the independence and territorial integrity of Namibia founded on the efforts of the United Nations. The problem, however, has not yet been solved, owing to the intransigence of South Africa, which persists in its illegal occupation of Namibia and deliberately undermines international attempts to achieve a negotiated solution, in sharp contrast to the flexibility and willingness for negotiation shown by the other parties involved. And that is not all. Using illegally occupied Namibia as a base for operations, South Africa carries out systematic acts of aggression against Angola which culminated recently in the invasion and prolonged occupation of areas in the south of that country. These violations of the United Nations Charter, international law and elementary rules of international behavior have been compounded by acts of aggression against other countries that border on South ^Africa.
40.	The attitude of the South African regime constitutes a flagrant disservice to the cause and interests of the West which it absurdly claims to defend. It is a permanent source of tension and polarization in southern Africa, contributing towards turning it into one or more areas for East-West confrontation, to the detriment of the freedom of the peoples of the area. These South African acts of aggression must stop immediately. The illegal occupation of Namibia must cease at once so that it can achieve its independence forthwith and so that all countries of the region, freed at last from the tensions of war, its burdens and commitments, may devote themselves, in Favorable circumstances, to the just cause of their own development and to the authentic expression of their national existence in independence and sovereignty.
41.	In the Middle East a succession of crises bears witness to the deterioration of the general situation. The issues relating to the future of the Palestinian people, that is to say, to the creation of the State of Palestine, and to the conditions that exist in the occupied Arab territories, seem to perpetuate themselves. Furthermore, we have had to witness the aggression against the nuclear reactor of Tamuz and the renewed aggression against the territory of Lebanon.
42.	In the face of such a worsening of the situation, it becomes more and more urgent to implement the resolutions of the United Nations that reflect the international consensus regarding the search for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. My Government firmly holds to the proposition that the condition? indispensable for peace are the complete withdrawal of occupation forces from all Arab territories; the exercise of the right of the Palestinian people to return to Palestine and recognition of their right to self-determination, independence and sovereignty; the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] in the peace negotiations; the recognition of the right of all States in the region to live in peace within recognized borders.
43.	The absence H)f a comprehensive solution helps to increase tension and provokes localized crises. By the same token, it lessens the possibility of resorting to means for a peaceful solution provided for in the Charter and leads to further violation of its principles. The attack on the nuclear plant in Iraq comes within this context. Despite the attempt made to classify this act as "preemptive", the attack on Tamuz was a flagrant example of the use of force incompatible with the Charter of our Organization.
44.	Although the position and reactions of my Government in this case have already been expressed, I should like to reaffirm our solidarity with the Government and people of Iraq in the face of the act of aggression they have suffered, in violation of their sovereignty. Moreover, I cannot fail to convey the anxiety we feel about the turmoil and violence in Lebanon, which has so often been the victim of aggression. I reiterate our support for the preservation of the independence, sovereignty and integrity of Lebanon, which has made such a great contribution to the progress of Brazil through the efforts of its emigrant sons.
45.	I could not conclude my remarks on the Middle East without expressing my concern about the status of Jerusalem, particularly the steps most recently taken by the Israeli Administration regarding the Holy City.
46.	Our position concerning events in Afghanistan is clear, and coincides in essence with that of the broad majority of the developing countries. We are opposed to the violation of the principles of non-intervention and the self-determination of peoples. We are equally in opposition to the manipulation of domestic political conditions in a country in order to create a facade of legitimacy for acts which amount to foreign intervention. Legitimacy cannot be imposed from the outside, and any attempts in that direction only aggravate the situation they purport to resolve. Our support for these 'principles is universal in scope. Any attempt to interfere in internal political processes in Asia, in Africa or in Latin America, as well as in Europe, will forever be the object of unconcealed, open condemnation by the international community.
47.	-	Looking back on the year just past, we see once again that events give us no reason to be optimistic. Serious problems continue to plague international relations, due less to an inability to balance them properly than to an absence of the political will to make use of the mechanisms designed to resolve them. In these circumstances, we should lose neither our confidence nor our analytical spirit, neither our creativity nor our realism. We reaffirm that the international system, to be both just and efficient, must allow for broad, effective and representative participation by the entire community of nations in the decision-making process on world issues. We reiterate our respect for the United Nations Charter, for its purposes and principles, to be equally observed by all. We renew our pledge of confidence in the Organization under the Charter, for which there is no substitute as the legally competent instrument for the achievement of our highest aims.
48.	Mr. President, I wish every success for the work of this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly under your able guidance in dealing with the issues on our agenda. The Brazilian delegation will always stand ready to give you its best and most attentive co-operation to help make that success possible.


94.	M: Nearly 36 years ago, the United Nations was founded on the ashes of fascism with the lofty objective of saving "succeeding generations from the scourge of war". Unhappily, the same evil forces which this world body was set up. to suppress, and to which my country was the first to fail victim, are today seen rearing their frightful heads again.
95.	Even as we gather here in solemn conclave, sabre-rattling warmongers are, either directly or through their paid agents, engaged in a savage massacre of men, women and children around the world, and all in the name of justice and democracy. Hypocrisy echoes in these hallowed halls. Are we, under these circumstances, to regard ourselves as helpless victims of these messengers of doom and destruction? Are we to succumb to them? We say no.
96.	In the light of the gravity of the problems confronting the world today, we should resist the temptation to view the current session of the General Assembly as an annual ritual to be marked by the usual pious expressions of commitment to United Nations principles, utterances which in practical terms mean precious little.
97.	It is against that background that the special meaning and significance of our deliberations here must be viewed. We must address ourselves resolutely and courageously to the challenging problems of our time. Our destiny is in our own hands to make or mar; the choice is ours.
98.	Mr. President, you are burdened with a heavy and onerous responsibility. I should, therefore, like to congratulate you on your accession to the presidency of this important session. We are more than confident that our proceedings are in safe hands under your able guidance.
99.	I should like also to take this opportunity to express the appreciation of the Ethiopian delegation to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar for his outstanding performance in guiding the thirty-fifth session and the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly to fruitful conclusions.

100.	I should further like to express the appreciation of my delegation to the Secretary-General for his untiring dedication to the promotion of the cause of the Organization.
101.	My delegation also wishes to congratulate the newly independent States of Vanuatu and Belize on their joining the Organization. The family of independent nations is growing, and this gives us added comfort and solace.
102.	The world today finds itself in a most precarious state. We are passing through a tense and traumatic period. Not only does the international situation leave much to be desired, but it also gives rise to serious misgivings about the very survival of mankind. Ours is a period that is increasingly plagued by a host of pressing problems. The spectre of a holocaust of hitherto unknown proportions haunts us daily.
103.	We are witnessing the perpetration of the vilest forms of crime by those who have arrogated to themselves the role of champions of human rights and justice abroad, while many of their own people at home suffer from poverty in a society that otherwise wallows in affluence as far as the privileged masters are concerned. Nor should we overlook the fact that this sad state of affairs stems from deliberate racist policies.
104.	International imperialism and the forces of reaction are at work today much more diligently than ever before. They are bending over backwards to translate into deeds their bizarre vision of the world, a world they want to fashion in their own image so as to make it amenable to their grand design of total domination. Millions of people are today deprived of their inalienable rights to freedom and independence. Nowhere is this made more manifest than in southern Africa, where racists, in close collaboration with their patrons in the West, are keeping Africans in bondage. Take the case of Namibia.
105.	Time has long been running out as regards Namibian independence. It has become more than evident that the racist and terrorist regime in Pretoria cannot reconcile itself to the course that history inexorably takes. It does not heed common sense either. Armed struggle is the ultima ratio, the only language the bigots are able to understand.
106.	International imperialism, spearheaded by the United States, has today more than ever before intensified its futile efforts to halt and reverse the process of national liberation and social emancipation in southern Africa. As a result, the independence of Namibia has long been overdue. The succor and comfort provided by imperialism are keeping racist Pretoria strong and alive.
107.	The people of Namibia today find themselves in a tragic state of affairs. Solemn statements of support for them have been reverberating in these halls for years, but they have meant little in practical terms. What was needed was to bring the racists to their senses. That having failed, the bigots must now be brought to their knees.
108.	It is imperative, therefore, that Namibia regain its independence by early 1982 at the latest. That is a must. Otherwise there will be no more talks. The so-called contact group of five Western countries has so far been skilfully employing delaying tactics to make Namibia in particular and southern Africa in general safe for apartheid. We deplore and condemn these evil machinations. An end has to be put to them.
109.	Recent events indicate that the alliance between racism in southern Africa and imperialism is being further strengthened. Internationally recognized national liberation movements that are struggling for freedom and independence are being unabashedly dubbed terrorists, ironically by the same forces as have all along aided and abetted terrorism and raised it to the level of State policy in southern Africa. The prevailing trend has undoubtedly emboldened the terrorist regime of Pretoria to go to the extent of openly invading the sister People's Republic of Angola, thereby threatening the other countries in the front line of the African struggle. The United Nations has been purposely rendered inactive in the face of such lawlessness by the veto power of the United States, which has come out openly and shamelessly in support of racism and the heinous policy of apartheid. The United States has unmasked its true character and exposed its violent opposition to the freedom of Africans by vetoing in the Security Council on 31 August 19814 a draft resolution condemning South Africa's invasion of the People's Republic of Angola. That was a demonstration of arrogance and refusal to abide by the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
110.	South Africa's invasion and occupation of Angola was, by any standard, savage and barbaric. The support given by the United States to that criminal act is no less shameful and deplorable. The marriage of interests between the United States and apartheid South Africa has become glaringly clear in that it is aimed at strengthening terrorist mercenaries in Angola and creating a buffer zone for the destabilization of that independent African State.
111.	It has been stated ad nauseam that apartheid is an affront to humanity and as such is contrary to the principles of the Charter. It has also been said time and again that that wretched system should be brought to an end. How? Those who claim a monopoly over wisdom repeatedly tell us that what is needed is time. Time until when? The answer is, naturally, until the extermination of Africans is effectively completed. The candor of the advocates of such a strategy is disarming.
112.	The United States is a country that prides itself on having overthrown colonial rule through armed struggle. However, this same country today labels freedom fighters in southern Africa, who happen to be black, as terrorists. The founding fathers of this land must today be turning in their graves in agony and anguish. It is quite evident that the present Administration in the United States has struck a deal with the enemies of humanity.
113.	We should all strengthen and augment our support for and solidarity with all those struggling for their inalienable rights to freedom in South Africa and Namibia. The terrorist regime of Pretoria should be evicted from Namibia by every means possible. The international community owes it to itself to support in every possible way the struggle for racial equality and majority rule within South Africa. The international community cannot escape the responsibility of assisting morally and materially Angola, Mozambique, Zambia and all the other front-line States in their struggle to ensure respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity, It is therefore imperative that the Assembly not only strongly condemn the apartheid regime of Pretoria for its wanton act of aggression but also demand immediate, effective and adequate payment of reparations to Angola for the damage inflicted on that country. An aggressor should not be allowed to get away with it. Ethiopia, for its part, will not fail to meet its obligation in that struggle.
114.	Socialist Ethiopia will continue to extend support and assistance to SWAPO, the sole legitimate' representative of the Namibian people, and to the ANC until the final elimination of colonialism and racism from both Namibia and South Africa.
115.	In the region to which my own country belongs, United States imperialism is feverishly engaged in stifling progressive movements and undermining sovereign States and their leaders. Each and every spot on the map of the region is supposed to be within the sphere of influence of the United States. We are being daily threatened by United States imperialism. There are some 10 United States military bases in and around our region alone. These keep a constant watch on countries in the region which are not amenable to Washington's diktat. The now all-too-familiar bogy being employed is, of course, the Soviet threat. None, except those who worship the demigod in Washington, will be fooled by such a smokescreen.
116.	We are in constant danger. It is no mere threat; it is a fact of daily life. Those wishing to regain lost spheres of influence are endangering our very survival. We have to put up with such arrogance of power in order to survive.
117.	My country has just celebrated the seventh anniversary of the eruption of its epoch-making popular revolution. As my head of State, Comrade Chairman Mengistu Haile Mariam, noted in his nationwide address on the occasion: ^
"Ours is a revolution that has ushered in an era of prosperity, equality and justice by dismantling the age old oppressive monarchical system by means of the finest heritage of valor, heroism and revolutionary struggle in the fight for freedom."
118.	With respect to the conflict in the Horn of Africa, it is gratifying to note that the OAU has given its final verdict. It is, therefore, up to the parties concerned to abide by that decision and faithfully implement its provisions.
119.	Ours is a region which has been tormented for far too long. In contemporary history, just as in previous centuries, Ethiopia has been the chosen victim of repeated waves of aggression. The OAU, at the eighteenth session of its Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held at Nairobi, emphatically pronounced itself on the persisting conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia. In his report to this Assembly on the activities of the OAU, the current Chairman of the OAU Assembly, Mr. Daniel T. Arap Moi, President of the Republic of Kenya, said:
"The report of the Good Offices Committee which had been established by the OAU was received and endorsed at the Nairobi summit meeting, and all of us are now fervently hoping for an era of peace. This would not be hard to introduce and to sustain if both sides would formally recognize and apply the fundamental OAU principle in regard to the sovereignty of independent States, respect for boundaries as existing at the time of independence, and noninterference in the internal affairs of other States." [11th meeting, para, 34.]
120.	It is my distinct honor to declare to the General Assembly here and now, as the delegation of Ethiopia unequivocally did at the OAU Assembly meeting at Nairobi, that Ethiopia fully accepts the decision and is ready to implement its provisions. But the new era of peace and stability in the region can become a reality only when there is an equal commitment on the part of Somalia to respect accepted principles and norms of international behavior. This calls, first and foremost, for the abandonment of the policy of war as an instrument for the advancement of parochial self-seeking objectives. Furthermore, a new era of peace and stability cannot be ushered in by the rearming of a belligerent State and the establishment of military bases, or by the deployment of a rapid intervention force in that country.
121.	Our efforts at lifting ourselves up from abysmal poverty are being bedeviled at every stage by obstacles placed in our way by imperialist forces which are constantly fomenting instability and insecurity in our part of the world. We have therefore had little or no time to address ourselves in earnest to the crucial task of economic development and social transformation. Indeed, our detractors have been showering us with lectures on the wisdom of self-help. Despite their prophecies to the contrary, I am glad to state here that we face a bright future,
122.	Nor has Ethiopia's constructive role been confined to the national domain. My country has actively contributed to the strengthening of peace by ceaselessly fighting against imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism, racism, expansionism, oppression and exploitation in all its forms. To this end, apart from the amicable understanding it has forged with almost all its neighbors, my country has signed a treaty of friendship and cooperation with the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen and the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. Various sinister interpretations have been placed on this amicable accord of cooperation among the three peace-loving fraternal countries. The treaty aims at promoting cooperation, peace and stability in our region. It is not directed against anyone. What the three countries have resolved to do is to work in close collaboration on the basis of an anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist and anti-racist stand. It is as clear as that. By no stretch of the imagination can this be interpreted as anything other than a major contribution to the strengthening of peace and the promotion of AfroArab cooperation.
123.	The thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is taking place against the disturbing background of rapid escalation of tension, the reversal of detente and a resurgence of the cold war, bringing the world closer than ever before to a nuclear conflagration. The crisis of consensus, consciously cultivated, advanced and utilized by the Reagan Administration in the United States, has reached new and increasingly dangerous heights, resulting in the stalemate we now face in nearly all international endeavors, including the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the independence of Namibia, the elimination of apartheid in South Africa, the restoration of the rights of the Palestinians, the demilitarization of the Indian Ocean, all disarmament negotiations and the launching of global negotiations for the establishment of the new international economic order.
124.	In these and in other areas of collective international endeavor, we find ample and vivid demonstrations of imperialists' attempts to impose their will on each and every corner of the globe. The massive military buildup, the stockpiling and deployment of nuclear weapons, the acquisition of new military bases and the expansion of existing ones, the formation of rapid intervention forces, interference in the internal affairs of States, the use or threat of force and provocative military maneuvers characterize the present international scene.
125.	The danger inherent in the production, stockpiling and deployment of nuclear weapons is rendered more acute by the advancement of absurd military doctrines advocating the feasibility and even the desirability of limited nuclear war. The decision to go ahead with the production of the most inhuman weapon, the neutron bomb, and the deployment of mediumrange nuclear missiles in Europe have further increased the danger of nuclear conflagration.
126.	The imperialists' practice of arrogating to themselves the right to dominate and to declare any part of the world an area of vital interest to themselves has been coupled with a massive military buildup in and around the Mediterranean, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean, threatening not only the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the States of the region but also international peace and security as a whole,
127.	There is no doubt today that the new Administration of the United States is bent on dominating the peoples of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean and that to this end it has diverted vast resources from the social needs of its own people for the purpose of producing ever more deadly weapons of mass destruction, thus opening a new round in the arms race. Moreover, the United States' arrogant attempt to ensure its domination over our part of the world has been made clear by its strategic alliances in the Middle East and with racist South Africa. We derive comfort from the fact that the American people are opposed to such an anti-peace policy,
128.	There have been many open provocations and outright interventions. One such incident with regard to which Ethiopia expresses its profound indignation and strong condemnation is the recent wanton and premeditated aggression committed against a fellow African State, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. Military maneuvers, whether conducted in the Mediterranean or the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, the Indian Ocean or the Caribbean, can be viewed only as intolerable provocation that increases the anxiety of the peoples of the region; for these hostile activities have grave implications for the security and independence of small nations on which new and critical defense requirements are thoughtlessly imposed.
129.	The pursuit of military superiority at any cost will result not in the attainment of the goal cherished by the cold warriors, but rather in the senseless escalation of the arms race, bringing mankind closer to the brink of annihilation. The choice before us was spell-out in 1978 at the first special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, the Final Document of which stated: "Mankind is confronted with a choice: we must halt the arms race and proceed to disarmament or face annihilation." [Resolution S10/2, para. 18.]
130.	Clearly, the choice the new Administration in Washington has made for mankind appears to be the one leading to annihilation. The imminent danger with which the world is faced is unmistakably the danger of nuclear war. For this reason, J wish to express the Ethiopian delegation's strong support for the Soviet proposals aimed at the prevention of a nuclear catastrophe, We regard this as an extremely important and timely proposal, for now is the time to act in the interest of mankind; it may soon be too late.
131.	With regard to the problem of Western Sahara, it is our sincere desire that the parties concerned will implement the decision of the OAU Assembly at its latest session at Nairobi this year.
132.	The Middle East remains a thorny problem. Israel's continued occupation of Arab lands and its defiant denial of the rights of the Palestinian people, as well as its repeated acts of aggression against peaceful Lebanon, cannot but be attributed to the boundless support it receives from Washington. The strategic alliance between the United States, Israel and South Africa is nothing but the consolidation of an imperialist-racist axis threatening the freedom and independence of the States of the region and preventing the restoration of the rights of millions. Ethiopia will continue to extend its solidarity to the Palestinian people in order that they may be able to regain their inalienable right to independence and establish their own State. We also uphold the view that the Arab territories occupied since 1967 should be vacated immediately by Israel.
133.	It is sad to note that repeated crimes are being committed against peaceful Lebanon by a neighbor that is armed to the teeth. A free and sovereign State has been subjected to naked aggression. As a victim of similar aggressions, both in the distant past and in recent years, my own country views these criminal acts with indignation. The unity and territorial integrity of Lebanon must be duly respected.
134.	Ethiopia welcomes the resumption of the inter-communal talks in Cyprus and earnestly hopes that those talks will lead to the restoration of unity and stability, as well as to the strengthening of the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and nonaligned status of that country.
135.	With regard to the situation in SouthEast and SouthWest Asia, it is our considered opinion that peace and amity could be achieved among the peoples of the regions concerned if only the forces of imperialism and reaction were to cease their self-serving interference. Afghanistan has become a clear victim of an international conspiracy that is being orchestrated into an immense crescendo. This is no wonder. The interests of imperialism are at stake. A proposal has been put forward by Afghanistan for the peaceful settlement of the political problem in that region. Let us give the people directly concerned a chance to solve the problem. Let us not pretend to be more qualified to speak on their behalf.
136.	Viet Nam and Kampuchea are two other countries that today are targets of aggression by international imperialism and hegemonistic forces. It is regrettable that after having struggled hard for so long and after having won a decisive victory against United States imperialism, the heroic people of Viet Nam have today been called upon to put up yet another fight against forces of international reaction and expansionism in that part of the world. Startling revelations have just been made about the extent of the harm done that country as a result of the biological and chemical warfare employed by the United States in the vain hope of vanquishing the patriots of that gallant land. We again condemn those acts. We are of the view that lasting peace can be restored, both in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea, if only the people concerned are left on their own, without any form of imperialist meddling. For its part, socialist Ethiopia extends its solidarity and support to these fraternal States.
137.	Ethiopia supports the peaceful reunification of the two Koreas and welcomes all initiatives to this end.
138.	In Latin America, imperialism has publicly expressed its determination to isolate and stifle the revolutionary and progressive States of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada. Fraternal Cuba, in particular, has been blockaded for over 20 years and is daily threatened and bullied by the United States. We deplore this blockade and call for the liquidation of the Guantanamo base. Cuba is also being subjected to an inhuman form of warfare which has unleashed a major epidemic in that country leading to the death of many, among them innocent children. This is hauntingly reminiscent of fascism's use of poison gas against the Ethiopian people on the eve of the Second World War. It is being claimed that the epidemic in question has been brought to Cuba from Africa by Cuban internationalists returning home. This is not only a patent lie, it is also vividly racist in its overtones. No less an authority than WHO has come out with a conclusive verdict that no such disease exists in Africa.
139.	The imperialist policy being pursued by Washington has provoked the anger and indignation of all peace-loving and freedom-loving peoples everywhere. It is our inescapable duty to warn against the threats to peace posed by the policy of imperialist resurgence and domination. This threat must be fought, and fought with courage and determination, if we are to build a new world order based on peace, freedom, democracy and justice.
140.	It is therefore incumbent on all of us, especially the nonaligned countries, to exert every effort to stop the further deterioration of the international situation resulting from the policy of imperialist expansion and domination. We are confident that, consistent with its fundamental anti-imperialist character, the nonaligned movement, which has just commemorated its twentieth anniversary, will redouble its efforts in the pursuit of peace based on freedom and justice.
141.	In the economic sphere, the relationship between the developing countries and the industrialized countries is still suffering from the consequences of the existing unjust and inequitable world economic order. The current global economic crisis is nothing more than a reflection of underlying structural maladjustment and the persisting lack of equity in international economic relations.
142.	My delegation, for one, believes that as long as the industrialized world persists in the maintenance of an international economic relationship based on the old hegemonic order that perpetuates injustice, inequality, exploitation and dependency, it will certainly continue to affect adversely the development prospects of the developing countries, as well as the future of the world as a whole.
143.	In this connection, we note with regret that the long-awaited completion of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has been stalled owing to lack of cooperation on the part of the United States. Nevertheless,, the international community cannot and should not allow any country, however powerful it may be, to scuttle the most important international conference ever convened by the United Nations. It is therefore our firm conviction that the Convention on the Law of the Sea should be finalized as soon as possible.
144.	According to studies conducted by various United Nations agencies, the economic performance of the least developed countries in the last decade was very pathetic. Gloomy as the picture of the past performance of these countries has been, the international community still continues to witness today an even more disquieting picture.
145.	The least developed countries have not only become the primary victims of the convulsion that has rocked the world economy but have also remained victims of the major natural and man-made disasters that have constantly visited our planet during the last 10 years. A phenomenon of this kind certainly jeopardizes the development efforts of these countries by forcing them to divert funds and other resources from development programs to food imports and rehabilitation. The international community, therefore, has an urgent and special responsibility to redress the plight of these countries before the situation reaches the breaking point. We therefore urge all countries, especially the developed countries, to implement speedily the Substantial New program of Action for the 1980s for the least developed countries, which, we hope, will ameliorate the situation to a certain extent.
146.	Failure on the part of the international community to do so will manifest itself not only in the continued suffering and deprivation of our peoples but also in dire political terms, the responsibility for which will lie with us. If we abandon our endeavor to rectify the existing injustice in international economic relations, we shall have all failed in our moral and political responsibilities.
147.	Viewed from whatever angle, the world is uneasily poised on the brink of a major disaster which can be avoided only if the situation is quickly rectified. Our part of the world in particular is being increasingly plagued by a host of problems which are deliberately fomented and fanned by international imperialism and the concomitant forces of reaction. Imperialist military bases designed for aggression are mushrooming daily in the area. The chariots of war, let loose and rampant, are arrogantly parading from all directions with characteristic bravado. Referring to the grave danger facing the world today, my Head of State, Comrade Chairman Mengistu Haile Mariam, stressed that:
"The peace of the world is today more than ever before seriously endangered. Instead of the advancement of human welfare and civilization, we observe heavy war clouds on the horizon. The basic aim of imperialism being the obstruction of human development, it manifests itself in the local wars it unleashes from time to time. It is the standard tactic of imperialism to create confusing situations in order to give these wars a semblance of legality."
148.	The people of Ethiopia, having consolidated the gains of their popular revolution and having attained stability and tranquility, have now embarked on a relentless war against poverty, disease, ignorance and backwardness. My country is thus firmly committed to the promotion of peace and security in our region in particular and throughout the world in general.
149.	The peoples of the world have the paramount duty to join hands and stand together in the honorable crusade against backwardness and the threat of war. The hour is grave and the challenge formidable. The choice, is clear: we either survive or perish together. Happily enough, hopes have not been entirely dashed. Given good will, common sense can prevail in the supreme interest of mankind survival.