I would
like to start by congratulating Ms. Haya Rashed Al-
Khalifa on her election to preside over this session and
to wish her success in achieving the objectives of the
United Nations, which are accepted by all nations of
the world, which believe that the Organization was
created to safeguard international peace, human rights,
and the right of peoples to self-determination. Indeed,
as President Woodrow Wilson said in his first inaugural
address:
 “Nowhere else in the world have noble men and
women exhibited in more striking forms the
beauty and the energy of sympathy and
helpfulness and counsel in their efforts to rectify
wrong, alleviate suffering, and set the weak in the
way of strength and hope.”
 I hope, therefore, that this session will promote
cooperation between nations and peoples in pursuit of
their common interests, namely the principles
enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, which
form the basis for membership in this Organization.
 We must commend highly the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, for the effective role he has played
and the considerable efforts he has deployed, as well as
for his wise leadership in enhancing the United Nations
and reinvigorating its role. We also commend him in
particular for his efforts in respect of the Arab-Israeli
conflict, the core of which is the question of Palestine.
 Only a few weeks ago, the fires of war stopped
raging in Lebanon. Despite the gravity of the losses,
the destruction and the tragedy, the international
community expeditiously, effectively and successfully
intervened to put an end to the war and to provide
support to the people and the legitimate Government of
Lebanon in order to safeguard its security and
independence and to put an end to the era of wars on
its land. I commend the role played by the international
community, and I hope that that positive and effective
intervention will be extended, politically and
practically, so as to resolve the root causes of all the
conflicts and wars that have plagued our region for
many decades.
 Indeed, I need not reconfirm the fact that, after
the experiences of war and suffering that we have been
through, unless the question of Palestine and that of the
continuing occupation of Palestinian and Arab lands
since 1967 is resolved, the elements of tension and
conflagration will keep the conflict alive and leave the
door wide open to all forms of violence, terrorism,
regional confrontations and global crises.
 It is unfortunate today to see that international
plans and initiatives, foremost among them the road
map, which was endorsed by the United Nations
Security Council, have reached a state of stagnation,
even regression. Calls for the resumption of
negotiations are faced with preconditions. Despair and
frustration thrive in the midst of the roar of the
bulldozers that are preparing for the construction of
illegal settlements, changes in the demographic nature
of Jerusalem and erection of an apartheid separation
wall inside our occupied land and between its various
parts. They thrive on the continuation of the frightful
siege, through military checkpoints that have turned
our cities and provinces into reservations, on the
continuous saga of killings and assassinations that have
claimed hundreds of civilian lives, on the demolitions
of homes and on the ongoing arrests of more than

06-53005 52

8,000 Palestinians, including parliamentarians and
cabinet ministers. Some of the detained have been
languishing for three decades, and their release and
freedom are still eagerly awaited by their families and
their people.
 Under such conditions, I can reasonably ask: how
can the international community expect extremism to
retreat or the waves of violence to ebb? How can we
and all the forces of moderation and peace in our
region forcefully intervene and convince our public
opinion that there is hope on the horizon? Or that the
option of dialogue, negotiation and international
legitimacy — which is our strategic choice and the
path which we relentlessly advocate and which we will
never abandon — will be fruitful and has a real chance
of success?
 Living in the midst of this tragedy, I am not the
only one who must answer this fundamental question.
The whole international community, particularly
influential Powers, is called upon to provide tangible
evidence that it will support an unconditional
resumption of negotiations and provide those
negotiations with true international support to ensure
their success through the cessation of settlement
activity, collective punishment and separation walls.
This would provide a positive atmosphere for
relaunching the negotiations and reaching the
objectives of a just peace based on a two-State
solution, as called for by President George Bush of the
United States of America. Such a solution must be
based on international legitimacy, as stressed in the
Arab Peace Initiative, through the establishment of the
independent State of Palestine on the 4 June 1967
borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and in
reaching a just and agreed solution for the problem of
the refugees — who constitute more than half of our
Palestinian people — in accordance with United
Nations General Assembly resolution 194 (III) of
11 December 1948.
 Lately, we have heard from the Government of
Israel that it will abandon its policy of unilateralism
and one-sided actions. This is encouraging, provided
that the alternative is not stagnation or the imposition
of faits accomplis on the ground, but rather a return to
the negotiating table and to reaching a comprehensive
solution to all of the permanent status issues in order to
ensure a secure future for our children and theirs.
 Recently, in tandem with all the strands and
persuasions of the Palestinian political spectrum, I
have sought to establish a Government of national
unity that is consistent with international and Arab
legitimacy and that corresponds to the principles
established by the Quartet. Based on our commitment
to these criteria, I would like to reaffirm that any future
Palestinian Government will commit to and abide by
all the agreements that the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) and the Palestinian National
Authority have committed to in the past, particularly
the letters of mutual recognition dated 9 September
1993 exchanged between the two late, great leaders,
Yasser Arafat and Itzhak Rabin. These two letters
contain the mutual recognition by Israel and the PLO,
the renunciation of violence and the adoption of
negotiations as the path towards reaching a permanent
solution leading to the establishment of the
independent State of Palestine alongside the State of
Israel.
 Any future Government will commit to imposing
security and order, to ending the phenomenon of
multiple militias, lack of discipline or chaos, and will
commit to the rule of law, since this is primarily a
national Palestinian need. The efforts that we have
exerted are for the sole purpose of establishing national
unity that has real substance in order to achieve
national Palestinian consensus around our national
objectives, which comply with international legitimacy
and the Arab Peace Initiative and call for peaceful
means for the realization of these objectives. When
such a national consensus is reached and a new
national unity Government has been established
according to it, it must be viewed as a qualitative
achievement —  not a step backwards or a limited
regression from the path to which we have always been
determinedly committed — even in the face of the
bleakest of conditions.
 I would like to reiterate that negotiations with
Israel have been and will remain under the jurisdiction
and responsibility of the Palestine Liberation
Organization, which I chair. The outcome of these
negotiations will be presented to the Palestinian
National Council, the highest Palestinian national
body, or to a national public referendum.
 What we have achieved in this regard should
suffice to lift the unjust siege imposed on our people.
That siege has inflicted extensive damage on our

53 06-53005

society, our livelihood and the means to our growth and
progress.
 Madam President, I come to you bearing the
wounds of a people who are bleeding on a daily basis.
We are a people who seeks normal life, where our
children can go safely to school, where children are
born to live, not die; where youth can find honourable
and decent work that provides them with a dignified
path to a secure future so that they can be partners in
formulating their history, rather than be victims to the
cruelty of history; where women give birth in hospitals,
not at the checkpoints of the occupation; where
families gather in the evening to dream of a new day, a
day without killing, imprisonment or arrest.
 I simply want tomorrow to be better than today. I
want my homeland, Palestine, to be a homeland, rather
than a prison — independent and sovereign, like
homelands of all other peoples of this world. I want
Jerusalem to be the point of convergence for the
dialogue of all prophets and the capital of two States
living side by side in peace and equality.
 Thirty-two years ago, from this rostrum, the late
President Yasser Arafat issued his famous and
resounding call: “Do not let the olive branch fall from
my hand” (A/PV.2282, para. 82). I now reiterate that
call. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand. I
repeat: do not let the olive branch fall from my hand.


My delegation associates
itself with the compliments extended to Ms. Haya
Rashed Al-Khalifa, on her election to the presidency of
the General Assembly, to her predecessor, His
Excellency Mr. Jan Eliasson, and to the Secretary-
General. It would be remiss of us if we did not express
our delight at the fact that our proceedings are being
led by a lady President this year.
 We meet in the aftermath of the worst conflict in
the Middle East. This conflict has brought untold
misery and has resulted in unnecessary loss of life,
displacement of people and wanton destruction of
property. In the midst of all this, the Security Council
remained pitifully helpless.
 The delay by the Security Council in reacting to
the Israel-Lebanon conflict graphically demonstrated
the Council’s extreme inadequacy in responding
urgently, with prompt and decisive action, to
international armed conflicts. It is precisely such

06-53005 12

failures that lend credence to the call for reform of the
United Nations, in particular, reform of the Security
Council. In this regard, the well-known position of the
African Group has never made more sense than it does
now.
 The African continent still experiences internal
armed conflicts. The African Union (AU), without
usurping the powers of the Security Council, has taken
the initiative to resolve some of those conflicts.
However, the African Union’s resources and capacities
are limited. It is against this background that the
African Union, through its Peace and Security Council,
resolved to hand over the Darfur mission to the United
Nations. It is our hope and earnest plea that the current
misunderstanding between the United Nations and the
Government of the Sudan will be resolved as a matter
of urgency. The United Nations, particularly the
Security Council, cannot afford to be a helpless
spectator to yet another genocide.
 My delegation calls for concerted efforts by the
international community, and by the United Nations in
collaboration with the African Union, to find a lasting
solution to the crises in Somalia and Côte d’Ivoire.
With regard to Somalia, the efforts of the Inter-
Governmental Authority on Development to broker an
agreement between the Transitional Government and
the Islamic Courts must be complemented by the
international community, specifically, the United
Nations. There is also an urgent need to lift the arms
embargo so that the Transitional Government may be
able to function.
 We congratulate the people of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, who, following decades of
undemocratic rule and civil war, recently exercised
their inalienable right to elect a Government of their
choice. It is our hope that with continued assistance
from the United Nations, particularly from United
Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, and other partners, the second
round of elections, scheduled for 29 October 2006, will
proceed peacefully.
 We likewise commend the people of Burundi on
the signing of a peace agreement between the
Government and the Forces nationales de libération
(FNL). This should enable them to focus on the
development issues of their country.
 Furthermore, we congratulate the Government of
the Republic of Uganda on the initiative aimed at
finding a political solution to the protracted war with
the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). That war has taken
its toll on the people of Uganda and has contributed to
instability in the region.
 We express our solidarity with the peoples of
Palestine and Western Sahara in their struggle for self-
determination and their quest for everlasting peace.
Surely, things do not have to deteriorate to the level of
the Israel-Lebanon conflict before the international
community snaps into action in these two volatile
situations.
 Following the 2005 World Summit, and in the
context of the reform of the United Nations, my
delegation notes with satisfaction the creation of the
Human Rights Council, the operationalization of the
Peacebuilding Commission and the establishment of
the Central Emergency Response Fund, among other
achievements. These are timely events that continue to
prove the relevance of this Organization in the twenty-
first century.
 My delegation also notes the efficient manner in
which the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs responded in some countries that faced major
man-made or natural disasters over the past year. That
can be attributed to the newly established Central
Emergency Response Fund. It is our hope that the Fund
will continue to live up to the expectations of Member
States.
 The United Nations was founded on the
interlinked and mutually reinforcing pillars of
development, international peace and security and
human rights. The issue of development deserves the
undivided attention and commitment of Member
States, just as do the issues of peace, security and
human rights. Hence the call at the 2005 World Summit
for a timely and full realization of development goals
and objectives agreed upon at major United Nations
conferences and summits in the economic, social and
related fields.
 My delegation is deeply concerned that Member
States were largely divided between the South and the
North regarding how to follow up on the development
section of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document
(resolution 60/1). We are indeed disheartened that, due
to a divergence of views on this important issue, the
General Assembly was not in a position to suggest
concrete actions to implement commitments made at
the relevant conferences and summits.

13 06-53005

 It is past time for the General Assembly to
suggest concrete actions on how to, among other
things: fulfil the commitments to address the special
needs of Africa; seriously address the uneven progress
made by the least developed countries, landlocked
developing countries and small island developing
countries in achieving the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs); address issues relating to trade,
agricultural subsidies and the transfer of vitally needed
resources to developing countries; and fully implement
the global partnership for development as set out in the
Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey Consensus, the
Johannesburg Plan of Action and the 2005 World
Summit Outcome.
 My delegation hopes that at its current session the
General Assembly will, among other things, finalize all
details regarding the convening of a review conference
on the implementation of the Monterrey Consensus.
Furthermore, we hope that all stakeholders will
reaffirm their commitment to the full implementation
of the outcomes of the recently held high-level
meetings on migration and development and on review
of the implementation of the 2001 Brussels Programme
of Action for the Least Developed Countries.
 There is definitely an inherent global benefit, for
all countries, in the pursuit of development cooperation
based on genuine partnership and mutually beneficial
arrangements. The realities of globalization,
liberalization and interdependence have demonstrated
the inadequacies of the traditional modes of financing
for development, such as official development
assistance, foreign direct investment, trade and other
forms of capital flows.
 If all Member States are to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals by 2015, certain
measures must be undertaken. First, official
development assistance must be doubled. It must also
be timely, predictable and dependable. Secondly, all
partnerships with New Partnership for Africa’s
Development must be linked to the Millennium
Development Goals and other agreed upon
development goals and targets. Finally, there must be
complete debt cancellation, not just for the highly
indebted poor countries, but for the least developed
countries as well.
 The suspension of the Doha Development Agenda
negotiations was a disquieting development for some
of our countries. While Africa had on various
occasions expressed concern on the limited progress
made in negotiations on issues of major interest to the
continent, our faith in the negotiations never wavered.
We truly believed, and we still do, that there is a
common understanding that trade is the most effective
route out of poverty, and that the prosperity and
security of all nations, rich or poor, strong or weak, are
dependent on, inter alia, free and fair trade.
 Much has been said about the HIV/AIDS
pandemic. Its consequences are now commonly
understood. Conferences at the highest levels have
been held, subregionally, regionally, continentally and
globally. These conferences discussed at length the
importance of economic, technological and medical
developments to subdue and defeat HIV/AIDS in
affected countries. It is now time for words to be
followed by concrete actions targeting, in particular,
infected and affected groups and lowering infection
prevalence rates.
 My delegation regrets the paralysis that has
befallen the United Nations disarmament machinery.
Also regrettable is the failure of the 2005 Review
Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to produce a
consensus substantive outcome document. Equally
regrettable is the absence of a section on non-
proliferation and disarmament in the 2005 Summit
Outcome Document. The coup de grâce, however, is
the failure to agree on an outcome document of the
2006 United Nations Conference to Review Progress
Made in the Implementation of the Programme of
Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit
Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons In All Its
Aspects, adopted in 2001.
 Thus, Member States should not run away from
the blatant truth that, during the sixtieth session of the
Assembly, the stalemate that, over the past four years, has
characterized negotiations regarding non-proliferation
and disarmament, finally became abundantly clear to
all nations. For small arms and light weapons remain
the weapons of choice that are indiscriminately used in
conflicts, as well as in other forms of violence,
including criminal behaviour. Yet they are still so
cheap and so easily accessible that, in some remote
villages, they are exchanged for chickens.
 Terrorism continues to pose the greatest threat to
human security. In this regard, I wish to welcome the
adoption by the General Assembly of the United

06-53005 14

Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy (resolution
60/288). However, it is unfortunate that the General
Assembly’s Ad Hoc Committee on International
Terrorism has still not been able to conclude a
comprehensive convention on an international response
to terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. The
fact remains that Member States have a moral
obligation to overcome their long-standing differences
on the definition of terrorism. Failure to agree on a
definition, however, cannot and must not be used as an
excuse for not decisively confronting the scourge of
terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.
 Following the adoption of Security Council
resolution 1696 (2006) on 31 July, and the subsequent
response by the Iranian Authorities, it is our fervent
hope that all parties to the issue will constructively
engage in seeking a lasting solution to avert possible
economic and diplomatic sanctions and to guarantee
Iran’s peaceful nuclear programme.
 Last but certainly not least, this session marks the
end of tenure of office for an illustrious son of the
African soil, a distinguished diplomat and statesman, in
the person of His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan. He
leaves a legacy for this august body which every one of
us must emulate in the best interests of the peoples we
represent and serve. It is therefore befitting to pay
tribute to him and to wish him and Mrs. Nane Annan a
well-deserved rest and a future filled with happiness.
He will, needless to say, be inundated with our calls for
his wisdom and advice in the service of mankind.
 Our standing ovation and the declaration made in
honour of His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan during the
last African Union Summit held in Banjul, Gambia,
said it all. With typical eloquence, he delivered a few
days ago in the Assembly before the world’s leaders a
rich statement filled with emotion. No wonder that
even the world leaders accorded him a standing
ovation. His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan has run his lap
with excellence. He deserves a medal of honour.


I bring to you all warm
greetings from the President, Government and people
of the Republic of Kiribati, on whose behalf I am
honoured and privileged to address this Assembly this
evening.
 Allow me, Sir, to offer my heartiest
congratulations to Ms. Al-Khalifa on her election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-first
session. I am confident that under her able stewardship
this session will successfully deliver constructive and
productive outcomes that will benefit the membership.
I wish also to offer my congratulations to her
predecessor for his successful guidance of the work of
the Assembly during the past year.
 May I also express to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, my warmest congratulations on his
sterling leadership of the Organization during his
tenure in office. We are grateful for the excellent work
he has done in navigating the Organization through the
challenges of the past decade. We wish him well in his
future endeavours.
 We continue to be confronted with major
challenges. Those challenges affect each of us as
individual countries and as members of the
international community. Peace and security remain
elusive in this world of ours, given the ongoing
conflicts and the threat of new conflicts around the
world. Terrorism continues to plague us, despite the
best concerted and collective efforts. Still more needs
to be done to remove the threat posed by the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. And
while some progress has been made towards addressing
the threat posed by the continuing illicit trade in small
arms and light weapons, further work is needed to
eliminate that threat.
 For the least developed countries and the small
island developing States, the challenges of economic
development remain at the forefront of our agendas.
Marginalization in the global economy is a feature
common to many least developed countries and small
island developing States. The record high price of oil
has done little to ease the burden on our small
economies.
 In Kiribati, our remoteness and insularity, narrow
economic base, small population size and high
population growth rates are factors with which we must
contend. We must also deal with the HIV/AIDS
pandemic and tuberculosis, among other diseases,

06-52737 50

which require the diversion of the already meagre
resources at our disposal to finance development.
 With those daunting challenges looming, we are
forced to operate in an environment of uncertainty. I
say “uncertainty”, because our very survival as a nation
and as a people with a distinct culture and way of life
is being threatened by global warming and sea-level
rise.
 These are challenges that we, as individual
countries and as Members of this collective body, need
to continue to work together to address. In this
increasingly interdependent world of ours, ripples
emanating from one part will ultimately reach out to
touch the shores of others.
 Kiribati consists of low-lying coral atolls and is
particularly vulnerable to the impact of global warming
and sea-level rise. For countries such as ours, global
warming and sea-level rise are critical security issues.
While we welcome the support that has been
forthcoming in developing adaptation strategies to
these phenomena, there is a limit to the extent to which
we can adapt. Rising sea levels will affect our
groundwater supply and gradually erode whatever land
is available on our 33 islands. Yes, we could always
move inland to avoid the rising sea levels. But, given
the narrowness of our islands, if we move inland too
far, we risk falling into either the lagoon or the ocean.
 We will continue to call on the international
community to agree on a unified global response to
these phenomena. We will continue to work with like-
minded countries in pushing the case for such a
response. We have been disappointed at the lack of
consensus on these critical environmental issues.
Indeed, we deplore the notion that economic growth
should take precedence over environmental issues
when the quest for such growth threatens the very
survival of some Members of the Organization.
 Kiribati is a strong supporter of environmental
conservation efforts. In that regard, we have announced
the establishment of the Phoenix Islands Protected
Area, which is recognized as the third largest marine
protected area in the world. We are pleased to have
been able to contribute to global environmental
conservation efforts through the Protected Area. We are
prepared to work with those willing and able to ensure
its sustainability.
 We note the progress that has been made with
regard to reforming the United Nations.
Understandably, we would have liked to see greater
progress made by now, but we fully recognize the need
for more discussions on the various relevant issues.
 Indeed, that is multilateralism in practice. The
debate on unilateralism versus multilateralism in world
affairs continues unabated. We see multilateralism in
full play in the debate on United Nations reform. We
consider that to be a reflection of the healthy interest
that each Member country has in the Organization.
Indeed, in this day and age, multilateralism would
seem to be a more appropriate approach than
unilateralism.
 Consensus has yet to be reached on reform of the
Security Council. We note with interest the report of
the Working Group. While acknowledging the very
strong interest in the issues raised and the need to forge
a consensus, we believe that perhaps there is also a
need to consider how much more time will be required
to move this forward.
 Our position on the issue remains unchanged:
those Member States that are major contributors to
United Nations programmes — especially with regard
to the maintenance of global peace and security —
should be accorded permanent membership of the
Security Council. In our view, Japan, as such a
Member State, qualifies for permanent membership.
 Regional cooperation in the Pacific has been
effective. In the recent past, we have had a number of
examples of success in regional cooperative efforts.
The Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon
Islands has made substantial contributions to securing
peace and law and order in that country. Kiribati is
pleased to have been able to contribute civilian police
personnel to the Mission. We will continue to support
its work as long as the people and the Government of
the Solomon Islands wish it to continue.
 The Pacific Regional Assistance to Nauru
programme has made positive contributions to Nauru.
In view of the historical ties between our two
countries, we have worked closely with Nauru on a
bilateral basis and remain committed to considering
other options through which we can extend our
collaboration.

51 06-52737

 Our leaders will be meeting next month to
discuss, among other things, progress on the Pacific
Plan. We are satisfied with the initial progress. The
success or lack thereof of the Pacific Plan will depend
on a number of factors, including the political
commitment of each member country to the Plan and
the Plan’s ability to deliver tangible benefits over and
above what is available, on a bilateral basis, to its
membership.
 We extend a warm welcome to the Republic of
Montenegro, which joined the Organization as a
Member this year. Montenegro’s membership brings to
192 the total United Nations membership. The
continuing desire on the part of many to join the
Organization attests to the value and continued
relevance of the United Nations.
 Therefore, I note with much disappointment and
regret that the desire of the 23 million people of
Taiwan to join this Organization of ours continues to
be rejected, despite Taiwan’s demonstrated ability,
willingness and commitment to contribute to
international collaborative efforts in the pursuit of
global peace and security. In recent years, there has
been much talk of good governance, of democratizing

nations. Should we not also talk about adopting a
policy of good governance in our multilateral
organizations? Should we also not talk about
democratizing our multilateral organizations? We
deplore the sad state of affairs in which a nation of 23
million people is deliberately exempt from
participation as an equal member of the international
community.
 The President of the General Assembly has our
full support as she carries out the duties of her office.
We commit ourselves to working closely with her as
we collectively seek to address the challenges facing
us.
 Allow me to close by conveying to all members
of the General Assembly our traditional blessing: to
mauri, to raoi ao to tabomoa — health, peace and
prosperity.


I wish to offer you my
congratulations, Madam President, on your election to
the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-
first session. Your experience in international affairs is
the best guarantee of the success of your term. At the
same time I express to your predecessor, Mr. Jan
Eliasson, our sincere thanks for his effective and

06-52879 16

balanced leadership of the sixtieth session. My special
appreciation goes also to Kofi Annan for having
dedicated his life to the Organization, particularly in
the past 10 years as Secretary-General, leading it
through difficult challenges and laying the groundwork
for its reform. Thank you, Kofi.
 It was in this city on 11 September five years ago
that the dramatic realization was forced upon us of just
how dangerous the world has become. On that day we
knew that the new millennium would hold
unpredictable and complex threats extending beyond
national borders; global threats against which notions
of protection inside national borders are illusory;
asymmetrical threats that are difficult to counter
effectively with the instruments previously used to
settle conflicts.
 Terrorism and weapons of mass destruction have
changed traditional society and its values. They have
rendered obsolete systems of collective defence and
security based on deterrence. The old solutions to the
world’s problems — the logic of balance and
hegemony — are no longer enough to guarantee
stability and security. These new threats add a new
element to a list that includes regional conflicts in the
Middle East, Asia and Africa; pandemics; problems of
development and the gap between North and South;
human rights abuses; mass migrations; and issues
concerning energy and the environment. These are
phenomena that it is also impossible to resolve without
a collective assumption of responsibility.
 If we wish to govern these phenomena we need to
be equal to their dimensions. No country, however
strong and powerful, can take on such complex
challenges single-handedly. Global threats demand a
global response. In the final analysis, this means
collective partnership. To have chosen as the theme of
the sixty-first session “Implementing a global
partnership for development” was thus particularly
appropriate. Without collective action by the countries
in the northern and southern hemispheres, international
organizations and institutions, the public and private
sector and civil society, it will be impossible to achieve
the goals we have set.
 First and foremost we need to reinvigorate
multilateralism, by which I mean above all restoring
the central, fundamental role of the United Nations.
The recent experience in Lebanon and the
strengthening of the United Nations Interim Force in
Lebanon (UNIFIL) is one example of how the United
Nations can regain its crucial importance in the
resolution of international controversies. Above all, it
demonstrates — and this is the key point — that if the
stakeholders are willing to confer upon the United
Nations a strong, central role, the Organization is well
able to fulfil it.
 In Lebanon we are still at square one, and much
remains to be done. To underestimate the risk of this
mission would be a serious mistake. We must,
however, be pleased with how the United Nations, its
Member States and — allow me to add — the
European Union have addressed a situation that only
two months ago risked getting out of hand, but which
today presents a series of opportunities for the Middle
East as a whole. We should be pleased to have set up a
mission that represents the entire international
community, a tangible expression of the very global
partnership that we are discussing today. For, while it
is true that Europe provides the backbone of UNIFIL,
it cannot carry out its mission effectively without the
contributions of China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Russia, Turkey and the many other non-European
countries participating.
 The question we must ask at this point is this:
what do we need to do in order to continue the work
just begun in Lebanon? More generally, in view of the
crises and emergencies that surround us, what does the
United Nations need in order to fulfil the principles of
the Charter? It needs two things: first, quick
completion of the reforms, and, secondly, the strong
and unconditional support of its Members.
 On the issue of reform, last year, after an intense
series of negotiations, a moment of summary allowed
us to lay the groundwork for giving the United Nations
a more incisive role, to the benefit of the international
community. The Peacebuilding Commission is the first
major result, because it highlights the indestructible
bond between development, security and human rights.
A priority commitment to human rights and their
safeguarding should be the goal of any country that
wishes to lend greater ethical authority to its foreign
policy. The results achieved by the reform on this
point, through the establishment of the new Human
Rights Council, are still being examined. The other
significant outcome is the affirmation of the principle
of the responsibility to protect, so that the international
community will no longer be indifferent to acts of
genocide.

17 06-52879

 But it is on the General Assembly and the
Security Council that we must focus our attention, by
restoring the central role of the General Assembly as
the main decision-making, representative and policy-
making body of the United Nations; and by renewing
efforts to reform the Security Council, in terms both of
its working methods and its composition. In the current
situation Member States thus need to send a strong
political signal that will help us to begin a new chapter
and open the way to an innovative approach.
 In other words, we need to enter a period of
negotiation which has thus far eluded us, a period in
which, rather than seeking to impose positions and
models, we can undertake a true comparison of
positions for the purpose of achieving solutions that are
not divisive but, rather, enable the widest possible
consensus. But a word of caution: everything is
negotiable except for the ownership of the
Organization by the Member States, by all of us, an
ownership that represents the true pillar on which
United Nations multilateralism must rest.
 Another way for the United Nations to regain the
forcefulness and credibility it needs to fulfil its mission
is by strengthening the role of its great regional
stakeholders. I am thinking first of the European
Union, because if Europe is stronger the United
Nations will be stronger. The world and the United
Nations do not need a Europe that hesitates. Rather,
they need a Europe that is able to play its part in
meeting the challenges that await us. Europe, in turn,
must become more aware that only by contributing to
the resolution of global tensions can it give greater
security and prosperity to its citizens.
 The conditions for performing this role are there.
The numbers alone make the European Union a global
actor — 25 countries with a total population of more
than 450 million, representing one fourth of the world’s
gross domestic product and every month allocating
€500 million to third countries. Yet these numbers do
not correspond to a comparable ability for the
European Union to make a difference outside its own
borders.
 In the work of the Assembly and its various
committees, the European Union is becoming a key
actor. At every debate and on every resolution its
position represents a point of reference in shaping the
attitudes of the other regional groups. Our goal should
be to acquire a similar ability within the Security
Council. It may be a slow process, which will have to
take into account points of resistance and stubborn
legacies, but it should be pursued with determination.
Only if Europe wields a more incisive influence on the
issues of peace and security can it be considered a true
global actor. The Balkan tragedies in the early 1990s
were the result of an absent Europe. But when it is
present, and when it is united, Europe can make the
difference. That is what we are seeing in the Lebanese
crisis. During the sixty-first session of the General
Assembly, and in the course of its biennium in the
Security Council, Italy will make a special effort to
increase the commitment and role of the European
Union at the United Nations.
 Our aim is to make the Organization more
effective in the areas and on the issues in which, by
history and vocation, it can provide the most added
value. The proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, in particular nuclear weapons, has to be
seen today in the context, above all, of the negotiation
under way with Iran. But it is our duty to look further
ahead and to strive, all together, to consolidate the
general non-proliferation system. That principle will
inspire the action of Italy when it enters the Security
Council.
 With regard to the Iranian nuclear file, we are
ready to make our contribution to a negotiated solution
that promotes regional security and stability.
 In the Middle East, as I mentioned earlier, we
need to seize our opportunities and openings , aware
that there will be no peace until the Palestinian
question has been resolved, with an independent,
sovereign, vital and contiguous Palestinian state next to
the state of Israel, and both within secure and
internationally recognized borders.
 That grave regional crisis should not lead us to
forget Africa — long suffering, prey to ongoing crises,
and even poorer than it was two decades ago. The
situation in Darfur is critical. We cannot stand by and
watch, for the simple reason that time has run out. We
need to act quickly and strive for a gradual assumption
of responsibility by the United Nations, in compliance
with the decisions of the Security Council. The
situation in the Horn of Africa is also a source of
concern. Here a strong commitment is required from
the Security Council, where, starting on 1 January
2007, Italy will make its contribution also, on the basis
of its experience in the region. When I speak of Africa,

06-52879 18

I mean primarily the gap between the northern and
southern hemispheres, the phenomenon at the root of
almost all the ills afflicting our era. It is that gap,
above all, that causes the massive migratory flows that
we cannot ignore and that we must address with
realism, responsibility, equanimity, and especially
solidarity.
 In the Mediterranean we are working with our
partners to address immigration on the basis of those
principles, and seeking to facilitate legal flows and to
counter both the illegal flows and the parties that profit
from them, seeking to facilitate the integration into our
countries of those who have immigrated legally, filled
with hope and the desire to work.
 But there is another dangerous gap that risks
leaving an even deeper gash in the world. I am
referring to what until a few years ago was called a
clash of civilizations and religions between the
Christian and Islamic worlds. I refuse to believe that
such a clash exists. Extremists and fanatics do exist,
but civilizations and religions were made for the sake
of dialogue, exchange and mutual enrichment. We can
promote, and we want to promote, this relationship by
building new policies to bring us closer to the countries
on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, with the
goal of making that sea a basin of peace and
harmonious coexistence among diverse civilizations
and religions.
 Let me return to the central issue of this session,
the global partnership for development, in order to
clarify one point. There is a risk that the reinvigoration
of multilateralism, United Nations reform, and a
collective commitment to the various theatres of crisis
will produce no lasting effect unless development
issues are treated as priorities. It is up to the United
Nations as the driving force, the glue of solidarity
among peoples, and the fullest expression of
multilateralism, to keep development at the top of the
international agenda. For it is in the connection
between security, solidarity and development that the
added value of the United Nations lies, in the full
awareness that there can be no peace without
development and no development without peace.
 It is not enough to enunciate at this rostrum, as
speakers have been doing for six years now, the words
“Millennium Development Goals”. We must get to
work and carry them out, starting with the adoption of
the financial, trade, technological and environmental
steps required and aiming for a very specific, ambitious
goal that responds above all to a moral duty: to
guarantee a dignified life for every human being.
 I wish to conclude with a few considerations on
the fundamental principles and values that inspire our
action when we deal with multilateralism, the search
for peace, security and development, and north-south
relations. All these issues coalesce in a defence of life
and struggle against all forms of hatred, violence,
discrimination and marginalization, undeniable values
that, together with democratic principles, are the
foundations of coexistence among peoples and should
inspire the action of the world’s nations. Today, sadly,
these values are still denied and trampled upon, as if
we had learned nothing from the horrors of the past.
We cannot sit by watching indifferently in the face of
barbarous acts. We are for peace and solidarity. We are
against the death penalty, injustice and human
suffering. That is something we must always
remember, especially on the eve of major decisions.
That is what is expected of us from those who
sacrificed their lives for peace, for a righteous cause,
for an ideal, to defend freedom, the same freedom that
we enjoy every day in a democracy.


It gives me pleasure, on behalf of
the delegation of the United Arab Emirates, to extend
to you, Madam President, and to your fraternal country,
the Kingdom of Bahrain, our heartfelt congratulations
on your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-first session. We are confident
that your wide experience will enable you to deal
wisely and competently with the issues on our agenda,
and we wish you every success. We also take this
opportunity to commend your predecessor, Mr. Jan
Eliasson, for the skilful manner in which he managed
the work of the sixtieth session, and to thank Secretary-
General Kofi Annan for his outstanding efforts, which
have significantly contributed to strengthening the role
of this international organization in addressing the
challenges the world has faced during his term of
office.
 In spite of all the expectations that we hoped
would be fulfilled in the areas of establishing peace
and collective security, development, strengthening
human rights and the rule of law, and reform of the
United Nations, we meet today amid extremely serious
security, political and economic conditions that have
resulted in increasing poverty and epidemics and have
prevented the sustainable development mechanisms
from achieving the desired development goals of the
2005 Summit. Instead of intensifying our efforts to
strengthen international relations and enhance positive
investment in economic globalization, we had to direct
our efforts towards finding temporary solutions for the
grave security threats facing our world today in many
regions.
 The major weakness demonstrated by the
performance of some bodies of this international
organization, especially in those entrusted with
maintaining international peace and security, requires a
reconsideration of the ways to reform its main

06-52879 28

structures and working methods, particularly for the
Security Council. Most recent events have proved its
inability to take the immediate and effective measures
needed to stop acts of aggression and to end
occupation.
 Therefore, as we study the proposals by the
Secretary-General for developing the work of the
Organization, we must ensure that reform is based on
the principles of equality among States in rights and
duties in order to ensure that developing and small
countries are increasingly and effectively represented
in the Security Council in accordance with the
principle of equitable geographical distribution. It is
also necessary to strengthen the working methods of
the Security Council to ensure that it does not infringe
upon the competencies of the Secretariat, the General
Assembly and the Economic and Social Council, so
that the performance and effectiveness of those bodies
can be strengthened and increased.
 The United Arab Emirates — which collaborates
with the sisterly countries of the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC), the League of Arab States and other
groups in supporting all possible diplomatic and
mediation efforts aimed at containing the hotbeds of
tension and conflicts in the Middle East region,
including the Arabian Gulf — reiterates the importance
of resolving differences through peaceful means and of
strengthening confidence-building measures based on
the principle of respect for the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of States and non-interference in
their internal affairs. All this falls under our common
responsibility to maintain the requirements of regional
and international peace, security and stability.
 Therefore, we ask the Islamic Republic of Iran to
demonstrate its goodwill towards finding a just and
lasting settlement for its occupation of the three United
Arab Emirates islands, Greater and Lesser Tunb and
Abu Musa, by responding to our country’s repeated
initiatives, which were endorsed by the Arab Gulf
Cooperation Council, the Council of the League of
Arab States and the international community. Those
initiatives call for initiating direct and serious
negotiations on this issue or referring it to the
International Court of Justice for legal arbitration.
 We support the right of countries to use nuclear
energy for peaceful purposes under the safeguards of
the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). We
optimistically look forward to continuing the Iranian-
European talks on Iran’s nuclear question in order to
reach a lasting and peaceful settlement and to ensure
that the safety and security of the peoples and countries
of the region are not exposed to any threat, danger or
unnecessary new confrontations.
 We also stress that the international community
must deal with this question with utmost transparency
so as to ensure the implementation of all relevant
resolutions of the United Nations, in particular those
calling for the establishment of a zone free from
weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear
weapons, in the Middle East and the Arabian Gulf.
That makes it incumbent upon Israel to accede to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
and to subject all of its nuclear facilities to the IAEA
safeguards regime.
 The United Arab Emirates supports the political
process in Iraq and efforts for its reconstruction, and
hopes that the efforts of the Iraqi Government will lead
to achieving national unity, consolidating security and
stability in Iraq, and implementing the
recommendations of the Abu Dhabi Declaration and
the New York conference on the International Compact
for the Reconstruction of Iraq.
 We also reaffirm our full support for all regional
and international measures to combat terrorism in all
its forms and manifestations, as it constitutes a grave
threat to the security and sovereignty of States and
causes unjustified depletion of civilian lives and
properties. We also support international efforts aimed
at convening an international conference to define this
phenomenon, address its causes and set the standards
for differentiating between terrorism and the right of
people to self-determination.
 As we all strive to create a suitable environment
for promoting dialogue among civilizations and
strengthening religious tolerance, we heard with regret
and surprise the recent statements by Pope Benedict
XVI, which gave an opportunity to the extremists to
deepen the gap of intolerance and to raise doubts about
the intentions of others. That makes it incumbent on us
to avoid repeating such statements in future in order to
promote further understanding between religions and
civilizations.
 We are deeply concerned at the continued
inability of the international community to solve the
Palestinian question and establish peace in the Middle
East. That has encouraged Israel to continue its
occupation of the Palestinian territories, the Sheba’a
farms in Lebanon and the Syrian Golan, and to repeat
its aggressions on various levels. Therefore, we urge
the United Nations to respond today to the recent

29 06-52879

initiative of the League of Arab States, which calls
upon the international organization to play an effective
role in reviving the peace process in the Middle East
and resume direct negotiations on all tracks, in
accordance with resolutions of international legitimacy
and the Arab Peace Initiative.
 We also affirm that consolidation of peace and
stability in the Middle East region cannot be achieved
through military power or the continued and deliberate
destruction of the infrastructure in the Palestinian
territories and in Lebanon, but through compelling
Israel to ensure its full compliance with international
resolutions, including the resumption of negotiations
with the Palestinian Authority and the release of
Palestinian funds and the thousands of Palestinian
detainees and prisoners. Israel is further requested to
open the crossing points to secure delivery of
emergency humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian
people, to remove settlements and the separation wall
and to withdraw fully from all the Palestinian
territories occupied since 1967, including East
Jerusalem, so that the establishment of an independent
Palestinian State, with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital,
can be declared.
 We welcome the considerable efforts by the
Lebanese Government to extend its control throughout
its national territories, with the support of the United
Nations Interim Force in Lebanon. In this regard we
demand that the international community intensify its
pressures on Israel to compel it to fulfil its legal
obligations, as provided in Security Council resolution
1701 (2006), including its full respect for Lebanon’s
sovereignty and territorial integrity, handing over maps
of landmines and entering into negotiations on the
exchange of prisoners. We also affirm the importance
of doubling the international assistance directed to the
reconstruction of Lebanon.
 As for the Sudan — and following up the
circumstances relating to Security Council resolution
1706 (2006) — we had hoped that the Sudan would
have been given sufficient time to resolve the Darfur
question internally. We declare our support for the
efforts of the Sudanese Government to find a lasting
solution to this question. We hope that the United
Nations and the African Union will continue their
positive role in this regard, in conformity with the Arab
League’s efforts, in order to maintain the sovereignty,
territorial integrity and independence of the Sudan.
 We also call for strengthening of the efforts and
endeavours to reconcile political differences and
disputes in regions such as Somalia, Afghanistan, other
African countries and troubled regions of the world in
order to contain tensions and conflicts in those regions
and assist their peoples to realize their aspirations
towards permanent peace, stability and prosperity.
 The United Arab Emirates, which incorporated
the Millennium Development Goals in its national
development policy and has come a long way in the
process of achieving economic and human
development, has extended generous assistance to
many poor and affected countries. In this regard, the
United Arab Emirates would like to stress that with the
ongoing problems of poverty, infectious diseases and
unemployment, in addition to other economic, social
and environmental problems, the international
community must develop a firm and effective
international mechanism that ensures a continuous flow
of assistance to developing countries so as to enable
them to improve their living conditions and build their
national economies.
 It is incumbent upon the advanced States,
especially the Group of Eight, to fulfil their
commitments as agreed at international conferences,
especially in easing the onerous commercial conditions
imposed on developing countries’ trade, on their efforts
to attract foreign capital and investment and on their
use of advanced technology for peaceful purposes, in
order to avoid marginalizing those countries and to
ensure better participation for them in international
trade.
 Finally, we hope that our deliberations on the
agenda items during this session will have a positive
outcome that will contribute to addressing the critical
issues we face today, and that they will enhance our
common efforts to create a world based on the
principles of the rule of law, justice, tolerance and
peace.


First
and foremost, Madam President, on behalf of my
delegation and on my own behalf, permit me to convey
to you our heartfelt congratulations on your
outstanding election to the presidency of the sixty-first
session of the General Assembly. We are certain that
due to your qualities, talent and experience, you will
lead us satisfactorily in our work. Our congratulations
are also directed to your predecessor, Mr. Jan Eliasson
and his team, whose dedication and fervour have
enabled us to accomplish an enormous amount of work
that has been appreciated by all and was carried out
within an especially troubling international context.
 In addition, we would like to pay a well-deserved
tribute to His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, the
Secretary-General of our Organization, whose
extremely important role in promoting the
implementation of our ideals will be engraved in the
annals of our Organization.
 We have unceasingly, before this same Assembly,
condemned all forms of violence and intolerance,
especially in its most terrible manifestation that has
been most visible in our time — terrorism. We have
committed ourselves to respect the United Nations
Charter, which was created precisely to save

33 06-53323

succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to
maintain international peace and security.
 Our responsibility requires that we work together
in order to eliminate the major scourges that threaten
humanity. With regard to fighting terrorism, I reiterate
that my country has signed and ratified most of the
international instruments pertaining to that scourge,
and that it is cooperating with different countries and
relevant United Nations institutions in order to
continue that fight. Furthermore, along with terrorism,
the past year has seen alarming situations in many
young States that are victims of war and serious armed
conflicts, taking place throughout the world, and that
cause instability and challenge the efforts made by
those States to establish democratic institutions and
foster socio-economic progress for their peoples.
 As far as my country is concerned, despite
attempts to destabilize and anti-constitutional seizures
of power — problems that it continues to experience —
we organized free and transparent presidential elections
for 3 May 2006, in which the Chadian people renewed
their confidence in His Excellency President Idriss
Deby Itno. Subsequently, a political dialogue took
place from 28 July to 2 August 2006 in N’Djamena.
There, 54 out of the 78 legally recognized political
parties took part in that important forum, whose
conclusions will, undoubtedly, lay the foundation for
the consolidation of the rule of law and the
strengthening of the democratic process in our country.
 It would be an illusion to think that my country
will enjoy the necessary stability, without difficulties,
needed to consolidate the democratic rule of law, if it
continues to suffer the pernicious effects of the Darfur
crisis. We have just normalized our relations with the
Sudan, after we had been compelled to break off
diplomatic relations because of the subversive plotting
against us in connection with Darfur. We hope to renew
the bonds of friendship and good neighbourliness with
that fraternal country that we have had in the past.
 Nevertheless, we continue to be concerned about
the Darfur crisis, which threatens not just our security,
but also that of the entire subregion. The Darfur
conflict has caused enormous harm to Chad and the
Chadian people since it began in 2003, including a lack
of security, economic loss and environmental
destruction. Incursions of the Janjaweed into Chadian
territory brought the fighting in Darfur into the eastern
part of Chad, resulting in the displacement of more
than 50,000 Chadians, the deaths of hundreds and the
plundering of thousands of heads of livestock, among
other problems.
 Chad was the first country to receive and assist
refugees from Darfur — more than 300,000 — before
the international community intervened. In addition to
those refugees, we have an increasing number of
Central African refugees. Central Africa is, after Chad,
the next biggest victim of the Darfur crisis, which risks
spreading — if we are not careful — throughout the
entire subregion of Central Africa.
 In that connection, we welcome the extension to
the end of December 2006 of the African Union
mission in Darfur. It is better than nothing.
Nevertheless, faced with the difficulties of the
Government of the Sudan and the African Union in
containing the crisis, we reaffirm our position that is
well known and not new. The United Nations must take
over from the African Union, pursuant to Security
Council resolution 1706 (2006). We say that in
friendship with our Sudanese brothers, while
respecting their sovereignty. Our position should in no
way be construed as hostile to the fraternal
Government of the Sudan. It has nothing to do with
what some are calling an international conspiracy
against the Sudan. It is based simply on common sense
and is aimed at providing assistance to the innocent
victims of the war. Furthermore, Chad has more to gain
than any other country from the restoration of peace to
Darfur, if only because that would enable the hundreds
of thousands of Sudanese refugees located on our
territory to return to their country and thus put an end
to the sacrifices being made by the Chadian host
population.
 Furthermore, we are finding it difficult to ensure
the security of the refugee camps, which, as they are
open and located not very far from the border, are used
by some Sudanese rebels as safe havens, resupply
stations and recruiting grounds. That is why we had
hoped that international forces would be sent to the
eastern part of the country to help us to secure the
refugee camps and guarantee their neutrality, as well as
to ensure the security of the common border and to
prevent the crisis in Darfur from spilling over.
 At this time of rapid globalization, which many
thought would be inclusive and beneficial, the gap
between rich and poor countries is growing. Despite
the efforts being made by our States — which are

06-53323 34

weakened and subjected to abusive constraints by
international institutions and other partners — the
integration of our economies within the globalization
process aimed at achieving harmonious and sustainable
development still seems remote, while the current rules
and regulations of the market economy undermine the
competitiveness of our economies. How can our beset
countries achieve the Millennium Development Goals
given our ongoing lack of income, the heavy debt
burden and the scourges of HIV/AIDS and malaria?
 My country had a disagreement with the World
Bank following our revision of Law 001 pertaining to
oil revenues. We are therefore pleased with the fruitful
dialogue that we have had with the Bank, which has
led to a mutually acceptable compromise and to the
resumption of our cooperation with that great
institution.
 In the same vein, with regard to the defence of
our interests so that our people can benefit from the
natural resources of our country, it should be pointed
out to the international community that there has been
a recent deterioration in our relationship with two
members of the oil consortium that is active in our
country because they have refused to pay a profits tax
to the Chadian authorities. Furthermore, we have
expressed the outrage of the people of Chad at the fact
that they benefit from only 12.5 per cent of the fees
associated with the exploitation of their oil resources.
We have denounced the fact that three years of the sale
of our oil yielded us only $588 million, while the oil
companies amassed $5 billion. We ask that justice be
done. Indeed, we demand our legitimate right to
participate directly in the production and marketing of
our resources. If we cannot, the sovereign rights of our
country will be trampled underfoot, its objective of
poverty reduction will come to naught and our dream
of economic and social progress will remain an
illusion.
 Beyond our own problems, we are concerned
about conflict situations elsewhere on the continent and
in other parts of the world. We welcome the efforts
made within the African Union and the United Nations
to find lasting solutions, and we express our readiness
to provide assistance to the extent possible.
 For example, we believe that the national
reconciliation process in Côte d’Ivoire is on the right
track, although some minor problems have been
encountered. We note that both the African Union and
the United Nations are playing a major role there. All
Ivorian political stakeholders must acknowledge the
pain and suffering of the people and understand that
there are limits to the patience of the members of
international community. They must make a
determined effort to put an end to the conflict — a
conflict that has had grave consequences for the
stability of the subregion.
 In the Middle East, including Palestine, we were
appalled and outraged by the recent events that took
place in southern Lebanon, resulting in the massive
destruction of the infrastructure of the country and the
loss of life among civilians. We hope that the
provisions of Security Council resolution 1701 (2006)
will be respected with a view to a favourable outcome.
 We also remain concerned about the continuing
deterioration of the situation in the Palestinian
territories, especially the Gaza Strip and the West
Bank. We call on the international community to
involve itself more fully in the resolution of the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict, which has for too long been a
source of instability in that region.
 Anti-personnel landmines and unexploded
ordnance are a legacy of armed conflict, and my
country continues to pay a high price for armed
conflicts and other wars conducted on its territory. As a
State party to the Ottawa Convention, it is in the
process of destroying them in cooperation with friendly
countries, international organizations and non-
governmental organizations and I would like to take
this opportunity to thank them for their ongoing
support. I request those friendly countries and
institutions to continue to provide assistance so that the
programme to combat those deadly devices can be
strengthened.
 The structures of our Organization are neither fair
nor democratic. In this regard, my country continues to
align itself with the African position with regard to the
restructuring of the United Nations, including the
expansion of the Security Council, with a view to
ensuring equitable representation for all regions of the
world. The reforms undertaken in the past year,
especially in the framework of the implementation of
the recommendations and decisions of the 2005
Summit, have the unswerving support of my country,
which is looking forward with interest to the outcome
of the various consultations currently under way.


Allow me to begin by congratulating the
192nd Member State, Montenegro, upon its accession
to membership of the United Nations.
 On 5 November, elections will be held in
Nicaragua to elect its new Government. This session is
therefore occurring at an appropriate moment for
taking stock, before our own people and before the
peoples of the United Nations, of the Nicaragua that
could be achieved if the work carried out during the
five-year term of the current President Enrique Bolaños
Geyer is continued.
 It has been our lot to fight tirelessly for a value
which was recently consolidated in its universal
dimension: the defence of democracy, which includes
as essential components the rule of law, the balance of
powers, the strengthening of State institutions and
combating corruption.
 Nicaragua has not travelled this difficult road
alone. A new collective spirit has been present which
has assisted its efforts, making it possible to overcome
and punish corruption. Thanks to this same collective
solidarity it was also possible to counter the partisan
division of the State and the still-latent attempts to
break with the cardinal rule of separation and
independence of the public authorities. I must mention
here that whenever anti-democratic forces sought to
break with the constitutional order, they encountered
the joint response of the people of Nicaragua, the
private business sector, organized civil society and the
international community.
 Our first words of thanks go to all those
Governments and organizations that, through their
support, helped to protect in Nicaragua the principles
of freedom and democracy that have today emerged as
the new basic values of a renewed international society.
 We thank our brother countries of the region and
the Secretary-General of the Central American
Integration System, the Secretary-General of the
Organization of American States (OAS) and his Special
Envoy in Nicaragua, the Member States of OAS, the
Rio Group, the Andean Community of Nations, the
Ibero-American Summit, the Caribbean Community
and Common Market, Japan, the United States of
America and the European Union.
 But the time devoted to defending democracy has
not prevented us from working to achieve the goals of
development, law and order, security and stability.
 Between 2002 and 2005, a period of barely four
years, tax revenues increased more than three-fold,
which clearly demonstrates the confidence of our
citizens in their Government and also reflects the
transparency of our public administration. This
increase is continuing at the same pace in 2006. At
their annual meeting concluded the day before
yesterday, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
the World Bank stated that tax earnings in Nicaragua

43 06-53323

had been strong, with an increase in revenues that bore
witness to the success of the fiscal policy and reforms
implemented by the Government.
 On the economic front, we have achieved radical
change: there is an economic upturn, and we are
regaining the confidence of the international
community.
 Through transparency and good governance, the
completion point of the Heavily Indebted Poor
Countries (HIPC) Debt Initiative was reached. A year
ago, we were selected to receive the support of the
Group of Eight, as well as forgiveness of the
multilateral debt owed to the IMF, the World Bank and,
very shortly, the Inter-American Development Bank,
amounting to a reduction of approximately $800
million in our foreign debt. These two initiatives mean
that over 85 per cent of our foreign debt has been
forgiven. Nicaragua can now concentrate on reducing
its domestic debt, which resulted from the fraudulent
collapse of banks that occurred five and a half years
ago.
 It was President Bolaños Geyer who, in
December 2001, spoke of the need for a trade
agreement, what turned into the Central American Free
Trade Agreement, between the countries of Central
America, the Dominican Republic and the United
States. This Agreement came into force in March 2006,
opening up a new era of opportunity for our region. As
a result of this treaty, the volume of exports from
Nicaragua to the United States has increased by 20 per
cent during the eight months it has been in existence.
 We have achieved three consecutive years of
economic growth on the basis of private investment.
Since President Bolaños took office, direct foreign
investment has led to the opening of a new company
every month in the tax-free zones, and total exports
have increased by 100 per cent in less than five years.
 We have succeeded in turning tourism into a new
engine of the economy on account of the revenues it
generates, and for the first time it has become the
greatest source of foreign currency earnings in our
trade balance. Nicaragua is ranked third among the 10
must-visit destinations, according to the prestigious
Lonely Planet travel guide. Similarly, Nicaragua has
been classified by the World Tourism Organization as
one of the best emerging markets at the world level and
the best kept secret for retirees and for real estate
development. We are considered to be the country that
has made the greatest progress on the economic
freedom front. For its part, the World Bank report,
“Doing Business”, places Nicaragua in 67th place
worldwide and states that it has the best business
climate in Central America and one of the best in the
hemisphere. We are one of the safest countries in the
hemisphere. Our murder rate is less than half the world
average.
 I am proud to say that we are now experiencing a
new political, economic and social reality. Keeping his
campaign promise, President Bolaños has virtually
doubled the salary of primary and secondary school
teachers and has doubled in absolute terms the budget
allocated to post-secondary education.
 In the area of health, the infant mortality rate fell
from 35 per 1,000 live births in 2001 to 31 in 2006.
The mortality rate for children under the age of 5 fell
from 45 in 2001 to 40 in 2006, and the maternal
mortality rate fell from 96.6 per 100,000 in 2003 to 83
in 2006. Immunization coverage increased between
2004 and 2006 by over 10 per cent.
 We are developing a State policy for our
emigrants, with a view to guaranteeing that they have
full enjoyment of their political, social and civil rights,
providing them with legal advice and with the
protection to which the Constitution entitles them. We
are doing all we can to defend their rights in any
country where they may be found. That is the least we
can do to repay the sacrifice they make in sending back
remittances to improve the economic situation of their
families. These remittances are equivalent to almost
50 per cent of our goods exports.
 The Assembly will recall that President Reagan,
when addressing the Soviet Premier on the subject of
the Berlin Wall, said: “Tear down that wall”. The
President of the Dominican Republic, Mr. Leonel
Fernández Reyna, once observed that in a globalized
world where there is free movement of capital, goods
and services, it is the human beings who do not enjoy
freedom of movement of labour.
 Thanks to the special law on migratory incentives
for Nicaraguans living abroad, nationals who have
lived for at least five years outside the country can
come home with their household effects, their car and
their work tools.
 The results we have achieved in protecting our
nationals abroad are substantial and have been

06-53323 44

recognized by the international community. At the
beginning of this month, the United States Under
Secretary for Democracy and Global Affairs brought to
the attention of the international community the efforts
made by Nicaragua through its diplomatic
establishment to protect, assist and repatriate
Nicaraguans who are the victims of human trafficking.
We have built the material, human and technological
infrastructure that will gradually generate a new
political culture strengthened by the values of
democracy.
 Nicaragua does not see its future as being
separate from that of Central America. This is why we
are endeavouring to form a customs union and to
further the integration process in all directions and at
all levels, because this is the best way for a region
which deserves prosperity and development to move
forward.
 Very soon, we shall start talks on an association
agreement between the European Union and Central
America, which will include a free trade agreement. It
is an initiative that embodies the vision of two regions
which, from different continents, view the future with
similar values and institutions and common aspirations.
 The Nicaraguan proposal to limit arms at the
regional level has made substantial progress in matters
relating to the submission of inventories of weapons,
armed forces and public security personnel and in the
generation of confidence-building measures.
 According to the International Institute for
Strategic Studies, per capita expenditure by Nicaragua
on defence is $5.2 per year. In the list of 132 countries
studied, Nicaragua is third among the countries which
spent least on defence.
 Nicaragua was the first independent country in
the history of the United Nations to benefit from the
presence of electoral observers. This time, too,
Nicaragua will comply with the sacred duty of holding
free and transparent elections which reflect the
sovereign will of the people. On 5 November, the
Nicaraguan people will have to decide between the
caudillismo of the past and a future devoted to
development, between corruption and transparency. We
are sure that the international community will help us
through this process by extending to us unwavering
support at this critical moment of reaffirmation of
democracy by a nation which has defended its right to
freedom with its life.
 The fate of our individual States is closely linked
with that of our international system. The current world
situation is testing the response capacity of our
international system as a whole.
 The problems faced by mankind are increasingly
complex and tragic and call for our involvement to
ensure that they are promptly and effectively dealt
with. The recent crisis in the Middle East, the
situations in Iraq and Afghanistan, the tensions in Iran,
the problems arising in the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea, the social and political conflicts
being experienced in Haiti, the situation in Darfur and
the threats of international terrorism demonstrate that
neither the appeals of Secretary-General Kofi Annan
nor the proposals to reform the United Nations system
can be put off.
 The United Nations must be reformed to provide
a ready, efficient and effective response to the immense
threats to world peace that also extend to the
environment and health. Nicaragua maintains the
position that these reforms should be comprehensive in
nature since that is the only way of overcoming
bureaucratic problems that stand in the way of prompt
implementation of the resolutions of the General
Assembly.
 The reform process should cover the Secretariat,
the General Assembly and the Economic and Social
Council, as well as the Security Council. The
membership of the Security Council should better
reflect current geopolitical realities, allowing for a
more equitable and democratic representation of
developing countries in both permanent and non-
permanent categories. This expansion should serve to
enhance multilateralism, strengthening the capacity to
respond to world threats and challenges with a Council
that has more authority, representativity and
effectiveness.
 In 2003, the Government of Nicaragua arranged
the nomination and recognition of the Río San Juan —
Nicaragua Biosphere Reserve in the Programme on
Man and the Biosphere of the United Nations
Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) — recognition which was approved on
15 September of that year, when it became part of the
World Network of Biosphere Reserves. This reserve
was added to the Bosawas Biosphere Reserve, which,
at 2 million hectares, covers 14 per cent of our national
territory and is the largest continuous forested area in

45 06-53323

Central America. In early 2006, President Bolaños
established a preserve for 10 years, banning the export
of six forest species in danger of extinction.
 Nicaragua also restates from this podium its
support for the cause of the Republic of China in
Taiwan, which should achieve the legitimate
representation of its 23 million inhabitants. It also calls
for renewed and proactive efforts by the United
Nations to maintain peace in East Asia.
 We launch a humanitarian appeal for the freeing
of the kidnapped persons in the Far and Middle East,
and worldwide. The States Members of the United
Nations have a duty, both individually and collectively,
to protect the world population against any action that
seeks to harm the life or dignity of any human being,
from the time of conception to the time of death, or to
undermine his or her aspiration to live in a democratic
environment and to take advantage of opportunities for
development. We should devote our best efforts to
giving effect to this mandate.


I would like to
express my deepest appreciation and most sincere
gratitude to the Secretary-General, His Excellency
Mr. Kofi Annan, for the invaluable work and tireless
dedication with which he led this Organization into the
twenty-first century. The Secretary-General has led the
United Nations well and he will be remembered with
praise for it. May I use this opportunity also to state
our full support to his successor, who will have to deal
with the difficult challenges the United Nations is
going to face.
 Before proceeding to my remarks, I would like to
point out that Slovakia fully subscribes to the statement
delivered earlier by the President of Finland on behalf
of the European Union.
 It gives me great pleasure to address the General
Assembly today, even more so as it is the first time I
am speaking from this rostrum as the Prime Minister of
Slovakia. My Government — formed only three
months ago — is committed to a foreign policy that
emphasizes effective multilateralism and promotes
democracy, international peace and security, greater
respect for human rights — including the rights of
persons belonging to national and other minorities —
rule of law, social equity and environmental protection.
We are focused on building a social state where
economic growth goes along with the growth of the
standard of living of the people.
 All of us know that the United Nations is once
again at a crossroads, as we face the historic test of
multilateralism. The humanitarian disaster in Sudan,
recent conflict in Lebanon, continuing dispute over the
Iranian nuclear programme, violence in East Timor,
increasing military activity in Afghanistan and
Somalia, along with the negative developments in other
conflict regions, remind us that we live in a world of
evolving threats and challenges.
 Modern threats could not have been anticipated
when the United Nations was founded in 1945. In fact,
the United Nations is challenged, as never before, to
deal with ethnic and other inter-State conflicts, weak
and failed States, genocide and ethnic cleansing,
complex humanitarian disasters and poverty, along
with threats of nuclear terrorism, transnational
organized crime, infectious diseases and environmental
degradation. The major challenges of today cannot be
managed by sovereign States acting alone. Hence, the
key challenge for all of us is to learn how to
collectively manage the complex issues of the world of
today and how to ensure the relevance of the United
Nations and its leadership in the process.
 Slovakia, as a smaller country, is a strong
believer in multilateralism. Our present experience as
an elected member of the Security Council fully proves
that only through effective multilateral action can the
world community successfully address modern threats
and resolve current conflicts. But — and I underline
that “but” — as long as the international community,
acting through the United Nations, is unable to take

06-53005 18

decisive action to protect populations from genocide,
war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against
humanity, as in the case of Rwanda or Darfur, as long
as the United Nations ignores regressive developments
and violations of human rights in some parts of the
world, as long as it is unable to fight terrorism more
effectively and intervene in situations that do not yet
pose a threat to international peace and security but
have the potential to swiftly reach that stage, respect
for the United Nations will decline in the eyes of our
citizens.
 Slovakia is, therefore, a strong supporter of
United Nations reform. We must continue building on
what has been achieved so far, including the
establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission,
adoption of the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy and
progress in management reform. We need to focus on
reducing tensions between developed and developing
countries and on building consensus regarding the
future direction of reforms. It is unrealistic to expect
that all States will share and promote a single version
of United Nations reform. But we have to overcome
the zero-sum mentality and continue with the reform
debate, with a view to achieving mutual concessions
and compromises on specific issues.
 We particularly welcome the creation of the
Human Rights Council as a step towards realizing the
idea of three equal councils embodying three equal
pillars of the United Nations. But we ought to be
cautious and avoid slipping back into the old habits
that made its predecessor so dysfunctional.
 Revitalization of the General Assembly,
enhancement of the role of the Economic and Social
Council and reform of the Security Council remain
unfinished business. The reform of the Council should,
first and foremost, address the issue of increasing its
capacity to act preventively and to take decisive action
early enough to prevent conflicts. The Security Council
must become more representative, more effective and
more transparent.
 For its part, Slovakia is ready to engage
constructively in meaningful negotiations to achieve
those goals. Slovakia, as the co-chair of the ad hoc
committee on mandate review in the Security Council,
is working hard together with our partners to achieve
tangible results in the near future. We hope that visible
progress of the process within the Security Council can
inspire other United Nations bodies.
 Slovakia is concerned about the current situation
in the Middle East, in particular in Lebanon and the
Palestinian territories. We firmly believe that there is
no military solution to the Middle East conflict. The
only way to achieve a comprehensive and lasting
settlement is through peaceful negotiations and full
implementation of all relevant Security Council
resolutions, as well as the principles defined by the
Quartet. Also, only through negotiations and further
diplomatic efforts can we fulfil the vision of two
democratic States, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-
side in peace and security. New efforts must be
undertaken to revive the peace process based on full
respect for principles defined by the Quartet in the
adopted road map.
 Another source of our deep concern is the
alarming security and humanitarian situation in Darfur,
which continues to deteriorate in spite of numerous
efforts of the Security Council, the African Union, the
United Nations Secretary-General and the international
community at large. We are talking here about a
humanitarian disaster of large scale; we, therefore,
urgently need to intensify our efforts and break the
long-lasting cycle of violence.
 In particular, we need to make sure that the
Government of National Unity of Sudan finally gives
its consent to the planned transition to a United
Nations-led operation in Darfur. The concept of
“responsibility to protect” adopted at last year’s World
Summit applies to all Member States and to all
Governments. When peaceful means prove inadequate
and national authorities are failing to protect their own
citizens, the international community has the
responsibility to act collectively through the Security
Council to prevent another Rwanda or Srebrenica.
 As a matter of priority, Slovakia has been closely
following developments in the Western Balkans. Our
involvement there is based on the principles of
transparency and impartiality. Our priority is to
strengthen the stability of the region and to support the
processes of democratization and integration.
 As for the issue of the future of Kosovo, we
continue to believe that it is important to seek a
settlement through direct talks and dialogue and
compromise, from both Belgrade and Pristina. Only a
solution that reflects the concerns of all parties
involved and provides for the rights of members of all
communities, notably the Kosovo Serbs, can ensure

19 06-53005

lasting security and stability in the region. The Kosovo
issue is truly a sui generis case.
 We are also deeply concerned about the nuclear
programme of Iran and the proliferation risk it presents
to international peace and security. We urge the Iranian
authorities to respond positively to the proposed
package of incentives and to suspend its uranium
enrichment activities. For our part, we are ready to
continue the dialogue with Iran in a constructive and
open fashion. However, Iran, like any other Member of
the United Nations, must comply with Security Council
resolutions and with all relevant decisions of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and must
fully cooperate with them.
 The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
and related delivery systems technology continues to
threaten global security. This is a serious challenge,
and we must face it with all responsibility. It requires
joint multilateral efforts and a common and effective
response. In May of this year, Secretary-General Kofi
Annan told the Conference on Disarmament that the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT) regime, faces “a twin crisis, of compliance and
of confidence”. With regret, we have to acknowledge
that he was absolutely right.
 We should work together to overcome deadly
links like that between armament and proliferation and
to create a progress-friendly atmosphere. We need to
restore confidence through compliance with all
relevant obligations and commitments. As the
Chairman of the Security Council Committee
established pursuant to Council resolution 1540 (2004),
Slovakia tries to facilitate the process of the full
implementation of all measures to prevent the
formation of a nexus between the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. We hope
that agreement on the Committee’s programme of work
will be reached as soon as possible.
 We also preside over the Conference on
Disarmament, and we are working to intensify efforts
to reverse the process of repeated failure during the
recent period and undertake constructive dialogue,
which would bring about long-expected results. Our
aim is to help revitalize the Conference and give new
breath to that single multilateral disarmament-
negotiating forum of the international community.
 In conclusion, I would like to draw attention to an
issue which is increasingly important in shaping
international programmes for development assistance,
the promotion of democracy, security cooperation and
post-conflict peacebuilding. I am referring to security-
sector reform. Slovakia seeks to stimulate a broad
discussion on the role of security-sector reform in the
United Nations context, with a view to increasing
understanding of the topic and suggesting possible
options for the development of a comprehensive and
coherent approach. Our wish is to give an impetus to
developing a comprehensive policy framework that
would guide United Nations security-sector reform
programmes and projects in a coherent, consistent and
sustainable way.
 As Mr. Jan Eliasson stressed in his remarkable
speech at the conclusion of the sixtieth session of the
General Assembly (see A/60/PV.100), the test of
whether we have re-established the United Nations and
international cooperation as the best way to manage
our global affairs did not occur in the past year, but it
will occur in the years ahead.
 My wish is that all of us will pass the test and
create a United Nations that can live up to the
expectations and aspirations of our peoples.