195.	I am indeed gratified to see an illustrious son of Iraq, with which my country enjoys the most cordial relations, assuming the high office of the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I offer to Mr. Kittani my Government's warmest congratulations. His election is a testimony to the special position and respect that he enjoys in the international community and a tribute to him as an outstanding diplomat.
196.	In welcoming his election, may I express at the same time our heartfelt thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, for the outstanding manner in which he conducted the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and the emergency special session on Namibia to a successful conclusion.
197.	I should also like to take this opportunity, on behalf of the Government of Malaysia, to congratulate warmly General Carlos Romulo, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Philippines, who earlier this month was bestowed the highly honored and much coveted United Nations Peace Award. It is indeed most fitting. As a member of the Association of SouthEast Asian Nations [ASEAN], my Government considers this a matter of pride and glory.
198.	We have at this thirty-sixth session one new Member of the Organization. It is a great privilege for me to welcome on behalf of my delegation the Republic of Vanuatu, and Malaysia looks forward in delightful anticipation to the admission of Belize. By joining us in this august body as a full-fledged Member, Vanuatu has, like all new Members, made an important contribution towards the universality of the United Nations. Malaysia pledges its commitment to work together with our new friends in everything to which the Organization is dedicated.
199.	Nearly four decades ago, following the deliberations in Dumbarton Oaks, 50 countries gathered in San Francisco to draft the Charter of the United Nations. Having just witnessed the ravages of the Second World War and the suffering that mankind had undergone, they manifested in the Dumbarton Oaks deliberations a new spirit infused with the ideal that they should be united in their determination to ensure positive cooperation in the cause of peace and social justice.
200.	Since then the world has undergone major changes. While the ranks of independent developing nations grow each year, we do not see a corresponding advance in development and social justice. Hence the just demands of developing countries for an equitable share of the wealth of the world, access to the benefits of modern technology and scientific knowhow and participation in decision-making on global issues that affect the general wellbeing of mankind. Unfortunately, the realization of those demands has been entwined with the complexities of EastWest relations. Herein lies the challenge of our times: the solution of the NorthSouth dichotomy must be isolated from the vicissitudes of EastWest relations.
201.	In the complexity of the situation, should we not now ask ourselves, where is the spirit of Dumbarton Oaks, which inspired the authors of the Charter? It would seem to me that the progress, wealth and power acquired during the postwar years by the industrialized nations of the East and the West alike have neutralized the moral and ethical values which the authors of the Charter tried to espouse. Even now, this Hall echoes with the reiteration of their commitments which, however, stand in sharp contrast to the reality in the world today.
202.	Instead, there is the increasing tendency to use force in international relations. Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, the Vietnamese intervention in Kampuchea, the Chinese incursion into Viet Nam, that of South Africa into Namibia and of Israel into Iraq and Lebanon provide only a few, but nevertheless glaring, examples of this, though more subtle interventions have taken place in other parts of the world. Only yesterday we witnessed the violent overflow of the Afghanistan problem into the streets of New York, in front of this building, this magnificent edifice. This is a clear testimony of one of our failures.
203.	These developments, amidst longstanding conflicts in West Asia and southern Africa, further heighten international tension. Indeed, the breakdown of detente and the revival of the cold war will certainly have destabilizing effects in the global context. This could well increase the danger of the developing nations being sucked into the vortex of superPower conflict, with grave ramifications for their peace, their security and their economic wellbeing. These are our fears and our concerns. Are these not issues that we, States Members of the United Nations, must continue to reflect upon and must continue to face squarely?
204.	Both solutions are called for. Suggestions have been made for a return to detente. But the detente of the 1960s and the 1970s, which essentially sought to stabilize EastWest relations in Europe through a policy of mutual restraint and accommodation, failed to regulate the behavior of major Powers in the third-world countries. Herein lies the weakness of detente, a concept so different in meaning and so different in objectives as held by one or the other Power, which limited its applicability to a narrow part of the globe, leaving the other parts open to unrestrained political and ideological pressure. Detente or peaceful coexistence as a method is continuously being deployed to further ideological aims, creating disaffection and rebellion in order to overthrow legitimate governments. This is being done surreptitiously. Not only do we in SouthEast Asia have to reckon with such problems, which drain our resources and energy, but we also face a rather bizarre situation, wherein our hands are being shaken by a Government in the name of friendship, yet the political party from which that Government is formed as if there were a real dichotomy declares to us openly to our faces its commitments to continue to support, albeit morally and politically, illegal and terrorist groups that are striving daily to overthrow by violent means our respective Governments. Such a blatant declaration and unashamed admission is made in the name of honesty and ideological rivalry as if we were all nincompoops. We in Malaysia regard this as a policy of serving rotten fish in the specialized recipe of a sweet and sour dish. O spirit of Dumbarton Oaks, hast thou .become a ghost?
205.	The failure of detente also drove home the point that besides needing common understanding and a common interpretation among its so-called adherents, any formula for longterm global stability must necessarily include the participation of the third-world countries. Their role in the scheme of global stability can no longer be ignored. Their participation in decision-making is a prerequisite for the solution of all those pressing problems confronting us today. This is all the more relevant in the context of finding solutions to the many economic and political issues besetting the United Nations.
206.	On the economic front, in the developing countries the spectrum of increased unemployment and little or negative growth in an already difficult situation is more than worrying. But when such difficulties coincide with what is perceived as renewed intransigence on the part of the developed countries in opposing the urgent need of the developing nations for a more equitable economic system, the result can only be a sense of betrayal. A feeling of hopelessness arising out of the lack of progress in the NorthSouth dialog could breed desperate acts. This dangerous dimension is something which all of us must constantly bear in mind.
207.	However, desperate acts are not the solution for the current economic ills of the world. A framework has already been laid with the adoption by the Assembly in 1974 of the Declaration and the program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (SVI) and 3202 (SVI)] and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. The various plans of action and codes of conduct and the targets envisaged for the International Development Strategy that we have collectively adopted in the last few years would be a good basis for meaningful international economic cooperation. What is needed is the will to translate the program into reality. This is oUr collective responsibility. We must have the courage to fulfill that responsibility.
208.	Very often the best intentions of Governments to assist developing countries are frustrated by built in domestic constraints. This must be overcome. As one idea, Governments of developed and capital surplus countries, as well as other developing nations able to do so, might consider depositing a capital sum, the interest on which should be pledged to the human resources program of UNDP. The capital sum so deposited anywhere would continue to belong to the donor countries and could be withdrawn for some compelling reason. It is the interest accruing that would be pledged. The focus of the activity would be the development of human resources, which is the essential prerequisite for any longterm development. Malaysia has recently proposed such a scheme and indeed has committed itself to contributing to the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation. One main advantage of this proposal is that donor countries could contribute to this program without the need to go through the rigmarole of seeking fresh annual allocations from their respective Parliaments. I should like to suggest most humbly that this thought be studied seriously.
209.	While such endeavors must go on, our attention will have to focus also on the other pressing political problems which have eluded solutions year in and year out.
210.	The situation in West Asia, of which the question of Palestine forms the core, has long defied solution. Contrary to the spirit of Dumbarton Oaks, the aspirations of the people concerned have not received the recognition to which they are entitled. Any solution that fails to take into account the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and national independence will not succeed in bringing about peace in West Asia. Negotiations to resolve the problem must include the most responsible party, in this case the PLO. We are gratified that, except for a handful of countries, the international community has come to accept and recognize the PLO for what it is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. As our contribution, my Government has decided to grant full diplomatic status to the representative of the PLO in Malaysia.
211.	Apartheid, an inhuman system imposed on the people of South Africa, is yet another example of the gross violation of the principles of the Charter. Despite universal condemnation of such a despicable colonialist system at its worst, a handful of Governments still continue to defy the most basic obligation to demonstrate their abhorrence of the system. For instance, their unwillingness to discourage their own citizens from making contacts with the sporting organizations of South Africa is symptomatic of this attitude. Of course, no one is expected to violate the individual constitutional right to play whatever games are allowed by law or to prevent citizens from going abroad to contact South African teams in the field of sport. But if a Government were serious enough about showing its abhorrence of apartheid, it could perform a meaningful political act of discouragement by exercising the absolute right of its executive to deny visas to citizens of South Africa as members of visiting teams coming into the country with the advertised aim of making contact with the citizens in sporting activities. Governor Carey of New York aptly said a couple of days ago, as I read in the newspapers, that sport in South Africa is an arm of the system of apartheid. Therefore, any Government which provides visas to any individual or sporting team from South Africa is, to say the least, merely paying lip service and standing in the chorus line against apartheid.
212.	The Charter of the United Nations holds the promise of freedom and independence for all peoples, and yet today we see a conglomerate of interest groups deliberately obstructing the process of decolonization. But the United Nations must be true to its purposes. We must exert greater efforts to hasten the completion of this process so that all peoples still under colonial rule can enjoy their inherent and legitimate rights without further impediments. In this context, Malaysia would be satisfied with any decolonization program, in certain circumstances, where power was returned to the authority from which it had been wrestled.
213.	In Namibia, we witness South Africa clinging to the Territory in defiance of the clear ruling of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 197110 and the demands of the international community. Efforts by the United Nations to bring about a peaceful transition to independence for the Territory have so far failed because of the continuing intransigence of South Africa, which continues its policy with impunity only because it feels confident that those Governments or countries in a position to exercise the necessary pressure will not, in the final analysis, do so, as we have just seen in the gambols and frolics of the Springboks.
214.	The Indian Ocean is another potential area for big Power conflict. In their desire to retain the strategic advantages that the/ possess in the area, the big Powers are unwilling to respond positively to the call of the littoral and hinterland States for the early implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. This must surely be a matter of concern to all peace-loving States.
215.	West Asia, South Africa, Namibia and the Indian Ocean are but a few examples where progress in the direction of peace has been hampered because major Powers choose to act in defiance of the principles of the Charter and the expressed will of the international community. This is hardly surprising when solutions to these problems continue to be viewed in the context of EastWest global strategy, as opposed to the national and regional interests of .he countries concerned.
216.	Coming from SouthEast Asia, where dealing with external pressures has become a fact of life, as I mentioned earlier, we have shown our conviction, by our espousal of the concept of the zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, that regional peace and security are best assured by recognizing the legitimate interest of all major Powers in maintaining peaceful relations with the countries of the region. It is within this framework that we are pursuing our efforts to ensure peace and stability in SouthEast Asia.
217.	The recent International Conference on Kampuchea, held in this very Hall in July this year on the initiative of the member States of ASEAN, in order to pave the way for a comprehensive political solution of the Kampuchean situation, represents a collective effort by the five SouthEast Asian States to ^contribute to regional peace and security within the framework of the zone of peace, freedom and neutrality and the principles of the
if Charter of the United Nations. The Declaration and the resolution adopted by the Conference sought neither to punish nor to ostracize any State. On the contrary, the Conference wished to ensure that the fears and threats, real or imagined, that led to the events in Kampuchea were removed, so that the situation in that country could return to normal. The Declaration and the resolution represent a consensus that Viet Nam cannot ignore and provide a basis for further negotiations that could obviate the concern of all.
218.	In the search for an early solution to the problem, we are encouraged by the recent meeting in Singapore of Mr. Son Sann, Prince Sihanouk and Mr. Khieu Samphan, who have declared their intention to form a coalition government. The fact that they have been able to come together is an important development. It represent a vital Step towards the early political settlement of the problem. We are gratified to note that the three parties are now seriously discussing the implementation of their Singapore declaration. We are confident that if patience and sincerity are shown by the parties concerned, these efforts will pave the way for a comprehensive political solution.
219.	If ASEAN has been taking a strong lead in the search for a solution to the Kampuchean problem, it is because we see the issue, in the context of the zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, as central to the larger issue of peace and security in the region. The escalation of the conflict in Kampuchea, and in particular its spillover to neighboring countries, can have grave ramifications for international peace and security. For us, a divided SouthEast Asia is an unstable SouthEast Asia, for it will continue to be an open invitation to external interference and manipulations. The removal of the seeds of discord and suspicion is uppermost in our mind.
220.	It is in the context of ensuring peace and stability in SouthEast Asia that we seek a solution to the Indochinese refugee problem, which has burdened neighboring countries. The "push and pull" factors that have brought about the current boat people problem must be tackled at the source. Countries of first transit that are already burdened with all kinds of difficulties should not be allowed to suffer residual problems by the unwillingness of third countries to absorb refugees for final settlement. We seek concrete measures both at the source and in countries of final settlement.
221.	It must be apparent to the source country that it is being drained of its best manpower and therefore should prevent such an exodus instead of driving the people out. On the other hand, other countries and their mass media should do nothing to encourage such an exodus. The pull must be replaced by some measures which could serve as a humane deterrent. In this context, I should like to express, on behalf of my Government, our deep appreciation to UNHCR for doing sterling service in this thankless job. Also I should like to thank countries of final settlement for their understanding and generosity. In this regard the final settlement of refugees has become one of the strong pillars in the relationship between ASEAN and those countries.
222.	While Malaysia is concerned with the question of regional peace and security, we are not unmindful of other dangers that sap the energies of nations and threaten their very political, social and security fabric. The wide spectrum of issues on the agenda of this session reflects in varying degrees the dimension of the dangers that we face today. An area that is of concern to Malaysia and one that impinges on our general wellbeing and security is drug abuse. It has become a global problem that no nation can ignore and no nation alone can tackle. It is time the United Nations adopted a new conceptual approach to this problem.
223.	In my address at the sixth special session of the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs, held at Vienna from 11 to 20 February 1980, I emphasized the grave danger of drug abuse to national security, stability and resilience and said that it was not just a neighborhood problem. The time has come to rethink the approach that the international community must take in dealing with this menace. It must be given a high priority and seen in the right perspective. Such an approach demands that the question of drug abuse be looked at as a security problem that has the potential of destabilizing societies and nations and not merely as a social and humanitarian problem.
224.	In this regard, I welcome the item proposed by Bolivia, entitled "International campaign against traffic in drugs" [item 129]. It is our view that while the Commission on Narcotic Drugs and the Economic and Social Council can continue to look at the humanitarian and social aspects of the problem of drug abuse, the political and security aspects of the problem could best be considered by the Special Political Committee. Let us invite the Assembly to give serious and urgent attention to this problem.
225.	With reference to international relations, these are our hopes, our fears and in many ways our disappointments. We, for our part, will continue to be earnest in our approach and serious in our endeavors. Our hope for the future lies not in paying lip service or just standing in the chorus line, but in the honest implementation of practical programs in the spirit of Dumbarton Oaks, which inspired the Charter of the United Nations that we are all pledged to uphold.


115.	 It was with shock that we learned yesterday of the heinous and brutal death of the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt. Mankind as a whole must feel in the very depth of its soul and heart this great and irreparable loss. Africa has lost one of its great political figures. Sadat was a man of history, and history has claimed him. The delegation of the Central African Republic wishes to associate itself with the feelings that have been expressed in these sad circumstances and to offer its most heartfelt condolences to the delegation of the Arab Republic of Egypt.
116.	I should like at the outset of my statement before this gathering of persons bearing immense responsibilities for the destiny of mankind to transmit the wishes for full success and signal achievement addressed to it by General of the Army Andre Kolingba, President of the Military Committee for National Reconstruction and Head of State, who has full confidence and great faith in the future of the United Nations.
117.	It is a message of peace and hope that he sends through this political gathering to the whole of the international community, so that tomorrow's horizon may be clearer, more serene, more peaceful and more promising for the total fulfillment of all peoples in freedom, justice and independence. It is a message of peace and hope encompassing the concerns of mankind, with which the Assembly is dealing for the purpose of finding, in the spirit of consultation and of resolve typical of it, timely solutions to the conflicts and tension which threaten the stability of our world.
118.	In keeping with custom and tradition, I should like now to express the proud satisfaction of the Central African Republic at seeing a great and worthy son of the Republic of Iraq presiding over the present meetings of the General Assembly.
119.	Mr. President, your efforts and your personal action to ensure that our debates will proceed with tolerance and in harmony are a valuable and encouraging contribution to the success of this session.
120.	The Republic of Iraq and the Central African Republic are maintaining relations woven and strengthened through their membership in the group of States that were formerly oppressed and, therefore, are present at all the struggles for political, cultural and economic emancipation.
121.	Hence the Central African Republic for its part remains convinced that this session will provide another opportunity to demonstrate the vitality and the depth of that will to collaborate and to cooperate that have always been the hallmark of the friendship and fraternity between the two countries.
122.	I should also like to express to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, the outgoing President, our total satisfaction with the competence and effectiveness with which he guided the work of previous sessions.
123.	I wish also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the SecretaryGeneral for his dedication to the service of the United Nations.
124.	Finally, I wish to affirm here the constant readiness of the Central African Republic to establish the conditions of beneficial cooperation with Vanuatu and Belize, whose admission to the United Nations, which we warmly welcome, increases the Organization'' ability to deal with the various problems confronting it.
125.	As I have just emphasized, the theme of the message which the Central African Republic wishes to transmit to the General Assembly is a triptych the three panels of which are freedom, security and development.
126.	Freedom, security and development are three essential concepts for us because they inspire all political action based on nobility and generosity; three concepts which today are acquiring by their relevance a special character and by their gravity a singular tone.
127.	Freedom is an expression whose depth, nobility and grandeur are mingled and frequently confused in mythology. It has inspired and continues to inspire every reappraisal of an economic and socio-political order. It sets its indelible seal on many of our mottoes, constitutions and coats-of-arms. It is to be found at the beginning and at the end of all our actions.
128.	And yet, how fragile it remains in our hearts and how precarious in our spirits, threatened and violated by our actions! Subtle confiscation of political and economic power, violence, terrorism, moral poverty all are constants which daily infringe the freedom of those who are powerless in the face of the uncertainties of a disorganized, conditioned and mechanized world.
129.	Deriving all profit possible from an international order fundamentally in their favor, the rich are skilfully channeling their disorders and aggressiveness towards others abroad.
130.	Threatened and violated at home, our freedom is daily the object of manipulation, constraint and domination. Our poverty, which is maintained by legend, is the convenient support for legitimizing the constant violation of our freedom, which is always supervised, always precarious. In the name of a world stability established without us and against us, we are daily the victims of blackmail, destabilization, aggression and annexation.
131.	In Africa, in Asia and in Latin America, none of our lands, none of our waters, none of our skies, is sheltered from threat or from force.
132.	Angola, Lebanon, Cyprus, Korea, Afghanistan, Democratic Kampuchea are so many sad and tragic examples of the human conscience trampled on and violated by dangerous external interference with no other justification than the aggressive resurgence of ideological propensities to subjugation and moral, political, economic or racial domination.
133.	Our unswerving attachment to the freedom we have won at the price of great sacrifices, and the scrupulous preservation of our diversities but also of our complementarities, demand of us more insistently than ever not to yield to bargaining and intimidation. Nevertheless, this conviction must not give the impression of the defense of a refuge, of an illusory retreat into ourselves.
134.	We sincerely and profoundly believe in international solidarity and in the virtues essential for world dialog, on the one and only condition that there is strict respect for our respective values and our identities. A dialog that ignores this precondition is synonymous with domination; it destroys understanding, sows distrust, produces confrontation and engenders war.
135.	This freedom we seek for our independent States is something we claim even more insistently for the peoples of Namibia, East Timor and all those that in sweat and blood accept martyrdom for the liberation of their homelands. Our freedom will have real value and genuine significance only when it is extended and amplified by that of the peoples still under colonial or racist domination.
136.	In the same context, we most earnestly call for a speedy solution to the problems of Western Sahara, Mayotte and the conflict between Iran and Iraq. Upon our capacity to solve those crises by dialog, and within appropriate regional or international institutions, depend our strength and credibility in all negotiations that we conduct for our survival and our collective security.
137.	Security is another panel of the triptych which has always underlain all action, peaceful or, otherwise, inspired the founding States of the United Nations at San Francisco, and today remains the primary concern of all our States. And yet many great clouds are still darkening the sky of security and peace.
138.	Aggressive and unbridled rivalry in the world leadership is no longer held in check by the precarious but highly salutary balance of peace and security. The growing control of the seas and oceans for strategic purposes, allied to an unprecedented proliferation of military bases, the increase in expenditure resulting from the dangerous refining of the concept of balance of power, the impasse in international negotiations on disarmament and on the rational use of the common resources of mankind, the brutal recourse to violence and the unacceptable interference in the internal affairs of weak States these are some of the dangers that must be averted as we approach the dawn of the new century.
139.	The delegation of the Central African Republic considers that Democratic Kampuchea and Korea are, among others, two obvious cases of a most alarming situation which endangers international peace and security.
140.	It is therefore essential for any. satisfactory settlement to be based on the withdrawal of all foreign forces from those countries, the preservation and restoration of their sovereignty and territorial integrity and the determination of their destiny solely in accordance with the will of their peoples.
141.	It is hardly necessary to point also to the grave threats to international peace and security in southern Africa, Cyprus, Lebanon and Afghanistan. To ignore these situations would be a capitulation by the universal conscience which we represent and to turn aside from it would be to risk a holocaust that would spare none.
142.	Ear be it from us to plunge into excessive pessimism and fatalism. We profoundly believe in the moral capacity of man and in his striking ability to look back into his past in order to exercise more control over his future. That is how to measure the progress, Uneven but amazing, which mankind continues to achieve.
143.	I should like now to deal with the third panel of the triptych, which concerns development. Since the sixth special session of the General Assembly, in 1974, the international community has been growing more aware of the phenomenon of the economic interdependence of States and their common destiny.
144.	The collapse of the present monetary system, inflation, and the energy and food crises have in these past few years highlighted the reality of this interdependence and have led to the convening of numerous conferences whose purpose was to install a new framework for economic relations based on the principles of equity and the sovereignty of all States.
145.	To be sure, the international community has taken action-oriented decisions intended to trigger the process of correcting existing injustices, reducing the growing gap between developed and developing countries and facilitating the economic and social advancement of the latter. But even today, at the beginning of the Third United Nations Development Decade, we see that unfortunately very little has been done, because of the selfishness and lack of political will of most of the industrialized countries.
146.	Thus, various uncertainties continue to loom over the economy of the countries of the third world: the instability of the international monetary system constantly and seriously disrupts their balance of payments and constantly puts their exports at a disadvantage on the world market, while their import prices are increasing disproportionately. In addition there are obstacles of all kinds imposed by various protectionist measures.
147.	The absence of financial means and the insufficiency of the real transfer of resources and technology further increase the dependence of developing countries and their debt-servicing costs. Today this situation has deteriorated to an extent that calls for the immediate implementation of the decisions already adopted to remedy the inequalities of the present economic system.
148.	The Central African Republic accordingly welcomes the adoption last year by the General Assembly of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56], and the adoption of the Substantial New program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries by the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which was held at Paris from 1 to 14 September 1981. The Government of the Central African Republic wishes to appeal to the conscience of the rich countries to implement fully the important measures decided on as a result of those meetings.
149.	Yet I cannot conceal my country's concern at the delay in the launching of the global negotiations which should, in principle, have started last January but which have not, as a result of continuing differences on questions of procedure and timetable. Nevertheless, I hope that the forthcoming International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, at Cancun, will produce a useful compromise capable of satisfying all the parties concerned in the NorthSouth dialog.
150.	The Central African Republic, for its part, will make its contribution to all the noble battles for equality, social justice and development.
151.	And now, before concluding my statement, 1 should like to draw the General Assembly's attention to the situation prevailing in my country, two years after the fall of the empire and the restoration of the Republic.
152.	Since the historic date of 1 September last, the Central African people, still suffering in body and spirit from the nightmare of 14 long years of a vile and wretched dictatorship, has called on its army to shape a new destiny which is more in keeping with its basic concerns. It could no longer remain silent and accept politicians who for two years had left the country bogged down in a serious economic, social and political crisis, in anarchy and disorder, with inevitable inclinations to destabilization. Nor could it any longer agree to shed its blood once more in face of the total incompetence of the last decaying regime, and the stupidity and irresponsibility of the various political parties.
153.	That was why, in response to an urgent and distressed appeal, the Army, which was the sole remaining guarantor of the nation's vital interests, took power without any bloodshed. Invested with this mission for a limited period, the Army suspended the Constitution of 2 February 1981 and the activities of all the political parties and undertook a vigorous program of national reconciliation, made essential by the dangers and tensions that were tearing our country apart and that contained all the. seeds of an inevitable civil war. The improvement thus undertaken is designed to produce a new framework for a genuine democratic society where freely accepted consultation will ever remain the ideal of all Central African citizens.
154. Deeply aware that nothing lasting can be done without freedom, security and peace, the Military Committee for National Rehabilitation, set up by General of the Army Kolingba, has likewise proclaimed its faith in the principles and ideals of the United Nations, in the QAU, in the nonalignment movement and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
155 That is why it has undertaken to respect all international obligations entered into earlier, thereby showing its permanent readiness to pursue and deepen the relations of friendship and cooperation with all the States which love peace and justice, with due regard for its national sovereignty. It sees therein the essential conditions which could contribute to the rehabilitation and rapid development of the Central African Republic.
156.	As members are aware, the reign of the dictator Bokassa, which was characterized by irrational exploitation, a systematic plundering of our natural resources and an anarchic management of public property, plunged the country into an unprecedented economic and financial crisis. Thus production as a whole has fallen by about 50 per cent as compared with 1971.
157.	The transport and communications networks have deteriorated completely for lack of maintenance, thereby bringing about, especially in the case of the road networks, the paralysis of collection and marketing systems for agricultural products.
158.	With regard to the financial situation, poor management caused by uncontrolled withdrawals and unproductive expenditures has led to a budgetary deficit of more than $46 million, out of a budget of $108 million, while the cumulative debt now amounts to $248 million.
159.	The social and educational sectors have not been spared. Together with the constant depreciation in purchasing power and the continuous impoverishment of the population there has been a total degradation of the health and educational services and infrastructure, which were already inadequate, thereby leading to an increase in disease, a rise in the rate of dropouts and a growing deficiency in the training of technicians.
160.	Although a biennial plan for economic and social improvement for 19801981 was established by the previous regime, the situation has scarcely changed. Indeed, it has deteriorated as a result of the inadequacy of financial means and the failure to carry out the program set up.
161.	That is why the primary task assigned to the Military Committee for National Reconstruction is the reordering of the economy, with the following principal objectives: the improvement of public finances, agricultural and pastoral development to ensure food self-sufficiency and the necessary income for the rural population, the reconstruction of the road network to ensure permanent communication between the provinces and between the provinces and the capital and the rehabilitation and establishment of educational and health institutions.
162.	It goes without saying that, to enable the Military Committee to carry out this minimum emergency program, and taking into account the dire situation which I have just described, external assistance is essential. Accordingly, I should like to address an appeal from this rostrum to the international community in general, and to friendly countries in particular, for financial and technical assistance, so that the Central African Republic may be able to achieve its priority goals.
163.	It is in this context also that I think it very useful to recall resolution 35/87 of 5 December 1980, in which the General Assembly:
"Urgently appeals to all Member States, the specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system and international economic and financial institutions to contribute generously, through bilateral or multilateral channels, to the reconstruction, rehabilitation and development of the Central African Republic".
164.	The Military Committee strongly hopes that the international program of financial, technical and material assistance advocated in that resolution will be established as soon as possible.
165.	Lastly, I should like to thank all the States Members of the United Nations and international organizations which have already made their contribution to the implementation of that resolution.
166.	The irony of fate is such that my country, which is classified among the least advanced countries of the world, is moreover also landlocked and thereby is confronted with enormous difficulties. But fate has also made it a land of the future, thanks to its great economic potential, the greater part of which is as yet untapped. It is for this reason that the Central African Republic is opening its doors to all investors and urges them to come in large numbers to exploit the enormous possibilities which it offers to them.
167.	thirty-six years after San Francisco, we must reflect on the future of the Organization and define the new course which the Member States must follow in order to correct the errors of the past. Our hope is to establish a new world, a world of peace, free from all anxiety and all threats of war. It is a hope as well as faith in the future of mankind, which must convince the strong as well as the weak, the rich as well as the poor, of the indissoluble nature of the common destiny of man.


Mr. President, please accept my warm congratulations on your election to this responsible office. I wish you and the SecretaryGeneral success in your endeavors.
182.	We also thank the President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, Mr. von Wechmar, for his work, which was certainly not an easy task.
183.	Our good wishes go to Vanuatu and Belize, as new Members of the United Nations.
184.	International events since the preceding session of the General Assembly have alerted the peoples to the urgent need to defend world peace with all determination. A wave cf escalating armament and militarization in international affairs is flooding the world and is threatening to wash away the still uncompleted foundation for a stable peace. War has become a real danger again. Reactionary quarters are taking even nuclear war into consideration as an aspect of their policy. It is therefore imperative for all peace-loving people and for the United Nations to steer international developments into the calm waters of dispassionate and mutually beneficial cooperation in the interests of coexistence and of humanity's survival.
185.	Today there is nothing more important than the prevention of a global conflagration, which would be a nuclear one. That means stopping the arms race, reducing tensions and, through patient dialog, seeking solutions to the complex problems facing humanity.
186.	The German Democratic Republic remains committed to peace, peaceful coexistence and international detente. The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity forty of Germany and Chairman of the Council of State of the German Democratic Republic, Erich Honecker, said at the Party's tenth Congress:
"The peoples . . . should not have to go about their daily business under the threat of war, but in a secure atmosphere of peace, which should finally become their normal way of life."
Thus, my country's position is in harmony with the Charter of the United Nations and the fundamental resolutions of the Organization.
187.	There is no acceptable alternative to the policy of detente. That is borne out by contemporary developments. Detente stood its practical test in the 1970s; it proved useful to the peoples and put neither side at a disadvantage. Confrontation and preparation for war make all States and peoples suffer, irrespective of their social system.
188.	In the late 1960s and during the 1970s, international relations moved towards normalization on the basis of an approximate military balance between the States of the Warsaw Treaty and those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. That balance, born out of a need for equal security, continues to exist and it is an irresponsible and dangerous exercise to seek strategic nuclear superiority. It is well known that socialism sees the guarantee of world peace not in the accumulation of more and more horrible weapons, but only in the reduction and elimination of armed forces and armaments as a result of determined negotiations.
189.	In view of the fact that stockpiles of nuclear weapons now exist with a destructive power 1.5 million times that of the bombs the United States dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, the decision in favor of a responsible policy that will strengthen peace should not be difficult to take. Indifference would be fatal.
190.	The magnitude and diversity of the challenges require great efforts and comprehensive approaches by the United Nations. Particularly now, the specific significance of political dialog on all levels and in all fields is highlighted. Meetings of statesmen at the top level are desirable and useful. For a long time it has been proved that that is the suitable way to reduce distrust, to gain confidence and to find understanding. The socialist countries are prepared for that, as they have always been, provided there is respect for sovereign equality.
191.	Now, more than ever, the peoples expect the United Nations to exploit all the potential of the Charter to settle international problems. Hence the German Democratic Republic supports the Soviet Union's proposal that a special session of the Security Council be convened at the highest level. We believe that it would be rewarding to all sides and all peoples for there to be frank discussion in the Security Council of the global political issues.
192.	It should be stated here that the willingness of States to strengthen international peace and security by way of negotiations and international agreements is not and cannot be a favor by one side to the other, and therefore it cannot be the object of any deals, let alone a means of extorting accommodating conduct. The point is to fulfill a legal duty which flows from the Charter of the United Nations and a host of international instruments. Negotiation is the highest moral imperative for everybody who does not want to shoot.
193.	dialog and negotiation should primarily be oriented towards halting the arms race in all its dimensions. This means ceasing to develop and produce nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and reducing the existing arsenals of weaponry; this means preventing the geographical spread of armaments and reducing them in the individual regions. Finally, this requires the strengthening of the confidence between States and the! buttressing of international! security politically and legally for instance, by concluding a world treaty on the non-use of force, which has been on the agenda for a long time.
194.	Regrettably, all pertinent negotiations are interrupted or stalled at present. That is no wonder, because he who calculates nuclear war as a means of his policy, he who undertakes the manufacture of the neutron bomb, he who intends to keep increasing his arsenals of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, will reject even partial agreements such as the complete prohibition of nuclear weapon tests. He who claims large parts of the world as his exclusive sphere of interest and acts accordingly, he who converts entire regions into military staging areas, he who seeks hegemony, obviously lacks the genuine will to strengthen regional and international security by establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones or zones of peace.
195.	Driving up military expenditure to unprecedented levels, as is done in this country, means obstructing international agreements on the reduction of arms budgets. That is the logic of things, and it is reflected in all disarmament negotiations.
196.	By contrast, the proposals of the socialist countries say what needs to be done and what can be done at this moment. They are a solid bridge for understanding, an offer of goodwill and an indication of readiness to negotiate. Thus socialist foreign policy lives up to the supreme responsibility, that is, the responsibility for peace. Fresh and convincing proof of this is the Soviet proposal that has been expounded in this forum [see 7th meeting, para. 116] that the General Assembly should adopt a declaration solemnly proclaiming that States and statesmen who would be the first to use nuclear weapons would commit the gravest crime against humanity. The Soviet Union's proposal that the arms race not be extended to outer space [see AI361192, annex] also underscores that commitment to world peace. We view it as a new chance to prevent the outbreak of a nuclear war and to establish an international legal barrier to territorial arms proliferation. Therefore the General Assembly should at this session work with all its authority for such an agreement.
197.	The German Democratic Republic considers that at its thirty-sixth session the General Assembly should moreover make every effort to ensure that the SALT process will be continued, safeguarding all the positive achievements made; that military doctrines apt to facilitate nuclear war will be outlawed; and that the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva will reach agreement on the cessation of all nuclear-weapon tests, the prohibition of chemical and radiological weapons and the strengthening of security guarantees for non-nuclear-weapon States, thus providing a solid basis for the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament.
198.	What is necessary is to check the arms competition, to reduce the danger of war by establishing nuclear weapon-free peace zones, to halt the arms buildup in the world's oceans and to prevent the militarization of outer space.
199.	Steps against the danger of nuclear war in Europe are a matter of particular urgency. It is a historic accomplishment of the States of that continent that they have set in motion the process of detente, though what has been achieved is now seriously jeopardized. The planned deployment of the most modern United States medium range nuclear missiles which, it is proposed, are to be equipped with neutron warheads, is, whatever the pretext, calculated to acquire the capability to attack socialism in Europe, practically without any advance warning.
200.	Hence the goal is to attain a so-called first-strike capability. The concept is to nourish the belief that a nuclear war is not all that terrible, that it can even be won. That is an illusion, but an extremely dangerous one because it imperils mankind's existence. For this reason, more and more people are opposing that arms mania. Across political and ideological boundaries, they share a deep sense of responsibility for the destiny of nations and a firm will to avert a nuclear holocaust. This movement has our full respect.
201.	The deployment of new medium-range missiles would force the Warsaw Treaty States to take the necessary military countermeasures. To avoid that necessity and to avert a new boost in armaments, the arms drive must be halted and negotiations that will yield tangible results held without delay.
202.	It would be good if things were seen as realistically everywhere and if constantly repeated declarations of intent to engage in a dialog were finally followed by deeds, as the socialist countries, as the Soviet Union, have demonstrated again and again. We welcome the joint Soviet UnionUnited States communique on the talks held on 23 September and expect tangible results.
203.	The moratorium proposed by the USSR on the deployment of new medium-range nuclear missiles would facilitate such negotiations. Freezing the existing capability for an agreed period of time would not result in disadvantages for anybody; the climate for negotiations would be improved and the possibility of achieving tangible results increased.
204.	My country's profound commitment to peace is self-evident. The German Democratic Republic now finds itself faced with immense stockpiles of all kinds of death dealing weapons, and the territory to the. west of my country's frontier already has the highest concentration of nuclear weapons in the world. There are plans to expand and modernize this capability and to increase the personnel and move them even closer to our western frontier. That this will not serve detente is obvious. Only with political goodwill on all sides is a dynamic continuation of the process of detente possible. For this reason the German Democratic Republic expects that the Madrid meeting will agree to convene a European conference on confidence building and disarmament.
205.	Stable security in Europe includes a reasonable relationship between the two German States; peaceful coexistence alone can provide the basis for it. That is the purpose of the German Democratic Republic's policy.
206.	Ideas that are unrealistic and incompatible with international law, as have also been pronounced here from this rostrum, are not helpful to a good neighborly relationship. On the contrary, they are bound to encourage revanchist and right-wing extremists to disturb indeed, to poison the atmosphere. This is bound to put obstacles in the .way of the necessary normal relationship.
207.	A sense of realism in the conduct of policy has nowadays become essential for international security. In the national interest, that means above all respect for the legitimate concerns of other States, dependability, a responsible attitude in fulfilling accepted international obligations and correspondence between words and deeds.
208.	A realistic and calculable policy means, first and foremost, a policy serving mankind's fife and objectives, that is, a policy which promotes peace. He who wishes to work for peace in Europe must not erect walls of super armament against, the possibility of coexisting in peace based on sovereign equality and in prosperity. Further more, he must not contribute to the establishment of a staging ground for a devastating nuclear war. Such policies will not be welcomed by the peoples.
209.	The improved political climate of the 1970s also visibly invigorated international economic exchanges. Is it not remarkable that in the last decade EastWest trade more or less quadrupled? Regionally and globally, common concerns were being addressed, the beginnings of solutions were emerging and new forms of mutually beneficial cooperation were proving their worth. But in this area, too, reactionary forces resorting to boycotts, embargoes, economic pressure and threats now intend to extend their confrontationist course into international relations. This impedes a democratic restructuring of international economic relations. No one who wants to exploit economic exchanges in the interest of power and a policy of strength can be interested in settling those problems on the basis of sovereign equality.
210.	The German Democratic Republic's policy is to contribute to prosperous international economic cooperation. All States should base their actions on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [General Assembly resolution 3281 (XXIX)].
211.	The German Democratic Republic's position, based on principle, invariably implies support for the developing countries in their struggle for the new international economic order and against neocolonialism and foreign exploitation.
212.	We have always promoted to the best of our ability the extension of detente to all regions of the globe, as the United Nations has urged. To that end we have also worked as a member of the Security Council. Certainly not all the conflicts were eliminated in the 1970s, but conditions for further progress became more favorable. The confrontationist course and the territorial spread of the arms race, however, jeopardize those achievements and encourage anew aggression, terrorism and subversion, which in the case of Israel and South Africa, with the support of certain other States, have been declared State policy.
213.	Strengthening the international authority of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] is therefore all the more important. The right of the people of Palestine to establish a State of its own is being increasingly recognized. A lasting Middle East peace settlement will be possible only if any action is based on the notion that no solution is possible without or against the PLO.
214.	In southern Africa, the racist regime is increasing its efforts to make Namibia a neocolonial satellite State. While the group of five Western States has been showing understanding for South Africa's position, it seeks to force the South West Africa People's Organization [SMPO] to capitulate. There is an effort to invalidate Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
215.	The German Democratic Republic declares its solidarity with the decisions on the question of Namibia adopted by the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity [fMl/1 at its meeting at Nairobi [see A/36/534, annex I]. It voted in favor of General Assembly resolution ES8/2 adopted at the eighth emergency special session, condemning the continued occupation of Namibia and calling for mandatory sanctions to be taken against South Africa. SWAPO can be sure of our continued firm support.
216.	Also from this rostrum, the German Democratic Republic condemns the attack of the South African racist regime on sovereign Angola and demands the immediate cessation of all military aggression.
217.	The arms race has now also reached the Indian Ocean. Concerned at this development, and because of the naval presence and feverishly reinforced systems of bases, the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean are striving to set up a zone of peace. The German Democratic Republic supports that effort and holds that the planned conference on that subject should be convened very soon. We have made proposals for its proceedings in the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, and we hope that they will be helpful in the matter.
218.	The German Democratic Republic resolutely supports the demand for the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea and is in favor of the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the country's reunification.
219.	The peoples of the Middle East and of SouthEast Asia are making great efforts towards collective security in their regions. We are in accord with Afghanistan's proposals for the solution of the situation around that country, and sympathize with its struggle against the counterrevolutionary forces that are being steered and armed from outside. The willingness of that country's Government to have the United Nations participate in relevant negotiations is fresh evidence of a constructive accommodation in the interest of a political solution to the problem. Important proposals have come from the USSR for detente in the Gulf area.
220.	We have great respect for the people of Kampuchea and its Government. The German Democratic Republic strongly rejects all designs of imperialist and hegemonist quarters to disturb peaceful" reconstruction. The seat in the Organization belongs to the representatives of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which has amply demonstrated its constructive policy by making far-reaching proposals to the States in the region.
221.	It is necessary, we believe, to intensify the struggle against the mass violation of human rights by imperialism, colonialism and fascism. Moreover, the Organization should do everything in its competence to promote solutions to basic social problems.
222.	The German Democratic Republic submitted at the previous session of the General Assembly a draft resolution against ideologies and practices of fascism and neo-fascism. I wish to take this opportunity to thank all the delegations that supported it.
223.	I trust that representatives will agree with me when I say today that meanwhile a great deal of new evidence of Fascist terror, in El Salvador and elsewhere, has come forth. The interrelation between that phenomenon and the described negative trends in international affairs is evident.
224.	The German Democratic Republic therefore believes that it is essential to take appropriate measures in order to oppose with even greater determination the extremist proponents of war and hatred between nations.
225.	Finally, let me assure the Assembly that the German Democratic Republic is firmly resolved to contribute in a businesslike and constructive spirit to such results of this session of the General Assembly as will help promote world peace and preserve the detente process as the dominating trend in international life in the 1980s.


95.	 Before I begin my statement, I wish to make reference to the news this morning of the attempt to assassinate President Sadat. I wish to convey our regret to the Government of Egypt, with our hope for his speedy recovery. It is unfortunate that the world should again be traumatized by such an act of violence against a man perceived as a man of peace.
96.	Sir, it is a pleasure for me on behalf of the Bahamian delegation to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. You assume office with high qualifications for the post, and with the acquired experience and stature which you possess you are especially well equipped to guide the affairs of this troubled session. I wish you success in that demanding office and pledge the support of my delegation to you and your colleagues in the General Committee, and I add to that wish our hopes for a realistically productive thirty-sixth session.
97.	I also wish to pay a tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Rudiger Von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, who presided over the thirty-fifth session, which at times appeared unending. We are indebted to him for the tact and skill, the patience and tolerance with which he carried out the functions of his office.
98.	I wish to take this opportunity to express the profound appreciation of my delegation and of the Government of the Bahamas for the unceasing efforts which the SecretaryGeneral has exerted in the pursuit of the goals and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations over the past years. Within the limits imposed upon him by institutional restraints as well as by an absence of either will or desire on the part of some States to reach the consensus which I believe the peoples of the world want in the pursuit of peace, economic security, self-determination and racial dignity for all people, he has preserved the integrity of his office and the credibility of the Organization.
99.	It is a pleasant duty to welcome the new Member States of Vanuatu and Belize. Their admission is further evidence of the universality which the Organization is approaching, albeit at a "glacial" pace although that goal is resisted, sometimes fiercely, by a powerful minority that would still deny men freedom. In the case of Belize, particular pleasure is experienced by us in the Bahamas because of the small part which we were able to play in the final stages of its attainment of independence. It is to be expected that it will not be long before the lingering shadow cast over the universal acceptance of Belize by the international community, with one exception, will be dispelled by that one* which, though bigger and more powerful, was itself once an object of colonialism, a colonialism long since removed.
100.	I wish to recall the following words spoken at the twenty-eighth session, on the occasion of the admission of the Bahamas to membership of the United Nations, by the Prime Minister of the Bahamas then and now, the honorable Lynden O. Pindling:
"We believe that we can make a contribution to a better international understanding by sharing our experiences in human relations, in effecting change without disorder and revolution without bloodshed, and in developing a stable economic and social order. We of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas are aware that it is indeed unrealistic to think that nationStates can exist in isolation. No man is an island unto himself, nor is any nation. There is need for perpetual interdependence of the big and the small which will guarantee the perpetuation of the United Nations as the center for the harmonization of the actions of nations concerned with international peace and security, equality and freedom, economic and social justice, for all peoples.
"While man is reaching dramatically into the infinite limits of outer space and the fascinating confines of ocean depths, he is also prosaically reaching into his own mind to reassess .his global value system, which has yet to acknowledge that a world dominated by power politics and calculated alignments of self-interest and fear is less important than a world morality as expressed in the Charter of the United Nations. The Commonwealth of the Bahamas subscribes to the concept of alignments of States having in common respect for human and spiritual values rooted in belief in the absolutely indivisible freedom of the mind of man." [2119th meeting, paras. 179 and 180.]
101.	Those sentiments, expressed eight years ago, en capsuled then and continue to encapsulate the morality by which we in the Bahamas believe the international community ought to be guided.
102.	It is not inaccurate to suggest that there are some few States which would prefer that the United Nations did not exist at all and there are some which do not care whether it exists or not those to. which it would not matter whether it existed or not. All of those collectively are fortunately in a minority, but unfortunately they constitute a minority which includes those who are rich and those who are powerful and those who are both rich and powerful.
103.	It would riot be accurate to suggest that the United Nations has failed to satisfy the objectives of its Charter, neither would it be accurate to suggest that it has succeeded. But in the scales of assessment, we must weigh the fact that the Organization has provided a forum which has helped to avert a major world conflict for over 30 years; moreover, the major positive feature of world affairs must be recognized to be the continuing functional cooperation of the organizations of the United Nations system with its Member States in the pursuit of practical solutions of social, educational and economic problems with the aim of improving the qualify of life for all the world's people. But it also needs to be said that, in our experience, it is evident that a disproportionate part of the total assistance provided is allocated to administrative costs which help to maintain the enormous administrative establishment of the United Nations, with too little being allocated to technical assistance in each recipient country.
104.	It is also a very unfortunate reflection on some Member States that some of those that are best able to carry a less disproportionate share of the cost of technical assistance persist in deferring their obligations to bear the level which they ought to be bearing. The level of such contributions needs to be increased in direct relationship to the legitimate demands being made for technical assistance and economic development, without which there will be no stability in the world. Yet those who ought to be in the forefront of the battle, leading the way, invite us to stand still and to be patient, thereby encouraging the political forces of extremism of both the political right and left.
105.	However, the scales of assessment must ?Jso take into account the fact that the agenda of the present session faithfully reflects political and ideological conflicts that have characterized the United Nations for over 30 years, the intransigence of Members, and the failure collectively to recognize that all the people of the world are not yet free.
106.	It is a geopolitical fact which is recognized in few places apart from the Bahamas that we occupy a peculiar geographical position in the world in which our closest neighbor to the south is the Republic of Cuba and our closest neighbor to the north is the United States of America.
107.	No country in the world prizes its freedom, independence, sovereignty and parliamentary democracy more fiercely than the Bahamas. The legacies of the former colonial slave societies which also evolved as multiracial societies have implicit in their existence some fundamental cultural contradictions and problems which have yet to be eradicated. The Bahamas is not unique in this; neither is it peculiar to us that the most urgent post-colonial task of our society is its economic and social reconstruction and development. It is therefore to be expected that our priorities must of necessity be somewhat different from the priorities of those countries whose colonial histories are different and more remote or countries that never really had any.
108.	Ideological conflicts which to some seem vital, tG us take on less awesome significance as the difficulties to be overcome in the course of economic and social development are further impeded by ideological conflicts, which do the greatest damage to the preservation of sovereign independence in our region.
109.	Unless there is agreement by all relevant States to accept the ideological plurality of the Caribbean region, including both its island and mainland States, our region will be plagued by friction, potential military conflicts and the constant threat of political instability.
110.	We are rightly proud of the level of liberty and freedom enjoyed by the peoples of the Bahamas, but we are not unmindful of the fact that that level of sovereignty is still denied large numbers of persons in the world. Yet everywhere there is today some movement, sometimes overt and sometimes less open, where people are attempting to secure a larger measure of political freedom and more real control over their own affairs. No superPower, armed might or economic authority can defer indefinitely the peoples' movements, which we support everywhere, in which, man claims freedom from minority rule and economic oppression. These movements may take the form of peaceful revolution, such as we were able to achieve in the Bahamas; others may be less fortunate and may choose a separate route. But so long as the ultimate objective is greater freedom through giving the people the unfettered right to choose their own form of government, who could find fault with that?
111.	One of the cultural and social phenomena of some States of our region is that their unique history has produced some special ethnic mixtures. It is an embarrassment to some and an affront to others that it is still true that, while the descendants of the sons of Africa in our part of the world are always among those for whom the greatest measure of social and political freedom and justice needs to be attained, they continue to be denied them because of the social and ethnic intransigence of both the ideological right and left.
112.	It is not trite to inquire here who speaks with a powerful, clear and credible voice for human rights today. The old order of the world of the ideological right and left has failed to provide either leadership or hope for mankind. SuperPowers feed us unrelentingly with a morality of physical confrontation, and our hope for peace and tranquility is balanced on the scales of nuclear parity and deterrence. I do not believe that mankind is ennobled or that the people of the world are impressed or their lives enriched by the magnificent means of world destruction which are being accumulated, but I do believe that all people are dismayed, frustrated and frightened by them. Those who value power over principle and; political ideology over ideas and reason occupy the seats of the controllers of our destiny. Freedom and democracy are on the defensive.
113.	Those who have the voices, the power and the riches to mobilize those forces which do exist and which are in pursuit of democracy, political freedom, territorial integrity and economic and racial justice are silenced completely or subdued.
114.	The recognizable power centers of the world are locked in the bondage of power politics as they are held hostage by their histories and cultures, which time is passing by.
115.	Is it too much to hope that during this thirty-sixth session of the Assembly of the nations of the world some tangible signs will be evidenced that will touch the conscience of mankind, inspire in the mighty some vision, reason and courage to promote and encourage and indeed lead those who cry out for mote freedom, more democracy, more regard for human rights and more economic and racial justice?
116.	In the view of the Government of the Bahamas, the most intractable and urgent issues which have to be approached during the 'Jiirtysixth session of the General Assembly include decolonization; disarmament; persistent international conflicts, especially in the Middle East, Kampuchea and Cyprus; development and the need for international cooperation without discrimination in the related fields of human rights, economic and social development, energy and the environment, the law of the sea, drag control and refugees. Indeed, for the Bahamas, drug trafficking, economic refugees and the threat of economic discrimination are of crucial importance as they represent at this time immediate obstacles to our continued development.
117.	How much longer will South Africa be allowed to violate the dignity of the Namibian people and the directives of the United Nations, which embody, inter alia, some of the most sacred principles of the Charter? South Africa not only continues to practice with virtual impunity a colonialist policy over the people of Namibia but is prepared with similar impunity to pursue a militaristic aggression adding a new dimension to the problem. The Bahamas further condemns, once again, the apartheid policy of the Government of South Africa. The Bahamas also wholeheartedly supports military, economic and cultural sanctions against South Africa. The Government of the Bahamas further reiterates its support for the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) as the basis for democratic rule and independence for Namibia.
118.	Nothing in modern world history has affronted the dignity of so many people in the world as the racial policies of the Government of South Africa. The overwhelming majority of the people of the world are at war with the soul of South Africa as it is at present governed. Outside the African continent, there is a perception that in South Africa a white racist minority discriminates against and oppresses a black South African majority. That part of the picture is, to be sure, true, but it is incomplete in so far as it is a perception which does not recognize that apartheid goes beyond discrimination and oppression. For the Government of South Africa, locked as it is in the cocoon of its perversity, apartheid is a religion, the soul of their nation which gives it strength, the psychology of its people which gives them courage and a culture which gives meaning to their existence. We ought also not to underestimate the extent to which the Government of South Africa and the philosophy which it promotes represents an acceptable symbol to powerful ethnic forces in the world that cling to the belief that some men are more equal than others.
119.	Nothing which I say ought to be interpreted in such a way as to weaken our resolve to persist until this unique evil is destroyed, but the philosophy of apartheid and its fellow-travelers will not be destroyed unless we are collectively prepared Jo revise some of our tactics in order to achieve our objectives. Most important of all, we have to destroy the illusion which it is seeking to create that South Africa is governed by normal people capable of conventional reason and intelligence and that in the fullness of time their own enlightened self-interest will force chaise upon them, for it will never happen that way. We ought never to indulge in the self-delusion that there are conventional means by which apartheid will be renounced and abandoned voluntarily by South Africa because that regime will ultimately come to the conclusion that that is the right thing to do.
120.	This South African Government's religion and philosophy can only survive, too, because it has so many friends outside South Africa to give it aid and comfort. The war against apartheid must therefore be intensified outside South Africa against people who are capable of reason and intelligence and who ought to know what enlightened self-interest is.
121.	As the Assembly is aware, the question of disarmament has been before the United Nations since its first session. While it would be unfair to say that no progress at all has been made towards reduction in arms buildup, both nuclear and conventional, it is clearly evident that this world body and its constituent Member States have a long way to go before the theory that a world without arms is a world without war can even be a credible proposition.
122.	However, because of the circumstances in which we find ourselves today, the current Disarmament Decade is, in the final analysis, an expression of hope, a new opportunity which we ought not to miss. It is in this spirit that the Bahamas looks forward to the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. For the hopes underlying the Disarmament Decade to become realities, it is imperative that the second special session devoted to disarmament build on the solid foundation of the Program of Action contained in the keystone Final Document of the first special session devoted to disarmament [resolution S10/2]. The second special session must also fashion a structure for armament control and peace which faithfully reflects the important and laboriously obtained compromises and solutions affecting disarmament arrived at in the resolutions of the First Committee between States of varying stages of development, with or without nuclear capacity.
123.	Unfortunately, man's perception of himself and his surroundings has not changed much in the years since his principal weapon of destruction was a bow and arrow. Those superPowers and others who take such pride in their nuclear weapons and other means of national destruction have absolutely no idea how the rest of us feel about them. It would be a lot less frightening if it were possible for them to use their magnificent weapons on one another and if their wars affected no one else but unhappily this is not to be. Sovereign as such Powers are, it is a vain hope to expect that what they perceive to be their needs will be unduly influenced by what the rest of the nations of the world perceive their own needs to be.
124.	Our age is at present consumed in a contest between the major Powers and their allies for the allegiance of the world, either through friendship or through feat At the core of the contest are the competing ideologies of the major Powers, which they see as representing the sources of their cultures and civilizations. Grossly oversimplified, this is no more than a perception of the need for self preservation. That which sovereign nations conceive to be their needs, in the interest of their national security, will continue to constitute a serious obstacle to disarmament. This does not mean that the goal of disarmament is impossible to attain, but rather that a fuller realization is needed that armaments are the effects of other perceptions which may in the end not be too difficult to overcome.
125.	The situation in the Middle East is another part of our collective efforts towards international peace and security, which has taxed the energies of the Organization since its inception. The right Jo self-determination of the Palestinian people and of Israel remains the major issue of this complex conflict. A peaceful settlement in which the United Nations is a principal actor is therefore all the more urgent. Following from this basic premise, the position of the Government of the Bahamas, as has already been stated before this Assembly, consists of the following points: the acquisition of territory by force is unacceptable; Israel must end the occupation of territories it has held since the 1967 war; the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of each State in the region must be respected, as well as the right of the citizens of each State in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; and the establishment of a just and durable peace must take account of the inalienable rights of the Palestinians.
126.	The situation in Kampuchea represents a further test of the will of the Organization to uphold the principles, enshrined in the Charter, of sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence, non-use of force and nonintervention. The Government of the Bahamas again condemns the violation of these principles in Kampuchea and further reiterates its call for the implementation by all Member States, particularly the principal parties to the conflict in Kampuchea, of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and endorses the establishment and aims of the Ad Hoc Committee called for by the recently concluded International Conference on Kampuchea.3
127.	Cyprus is another area of tension which the Organization has an obligation to defuse. In this context, my delegation concurs with the statement and even warning of the SecretaryGeneral when he observed in his report on the work of the Organization with respect to the situation in Cyprus that "continued delay [towards an agreed solution] . . . only serves to consolidate the status quo, which both parties have found to be unsatisfactory" [see AI36I1, sect. IV]. My delegation therefore exhorts the parties concerned to intensify their negotiations via the inter-communal talks. It also calls for full respect for and implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations on this question, particularly those provisions which affirm the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Cyprus, demand the withdrawal of foreign troops and urge the voluntary return of refugees to their homeland in safety.
128.	There has never before been a greater need to find the means to reconcile the perceived needs of sovereign nations and the known needs for greater international cooperation in economic development. But there has never been a time for greater cooperation, not confrontation, in finding the means to such a reconciliation. There are powerful voices in the world which would, perhaps without understanding, lead us to confrontation. The Bahamas firmly supports the launching as soon as possible of the global negotiations relating to international economic cooperation for development on the basis of the consensus to be found in resolution 34/138, in which the General Assembly emphasized "the imperative need to establish a new system of international economic relations based on the principles of equality and mutual benefit and also to promote the common interest of all countries".
129.	There is an obvious relationship between political independence and economic independence, and there is an equally obvious relationship between political independence and the global ideological conflict in which, willingly or not, we are caught up. So it must follow that a failure to reach agreement on the means by which economic independence will be achieved is bound to influence political and ideological considerations. Hence it requires that those of us who wish to preserve our freedom and our political independence persist by means of the reconciliation of legitimately conflicting points of view among developed and developing countries.
130.	Freedom and political independence are rich harvests to reap, but they become a poor feast at the table of economic dependence. The economic philosophy of development which dictates that the rich should get richer and let riches trickle down to the poor is an affront to national dignity and sovereign independence. It is a philosophy of dependence worse than colonialism. The evolution of a more equitable system of economic relations among nations must not be deferred by those who fail to realize that total interdependence of the world requires, paradoxically, that the road of self-sufficiency and economic independence is called cooperation.
131.	I wish to state that my Government has been encouraged by the progress made at the last session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, particularly by the adoption of a program of work which envisages the completion of the work of the Conference next spring, and by the choice of Jamaica and the Federal Republic of Germany as the seats of the future International SeaBed Authority and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, respectively. The Bahamas regards the compromise text submitted by the President of the Conference on the delimitation of the exclusive economic zone and the continental shelf between States with opposite or adjacent coasts as a major step towards the settlement of the complex issue of delimitation.
132.	The problem of drug control and, in the case of the Bahamas, that of trafficking in drugs are among the primary social problems facing the Bahamas today. The geography of the Bahamas itself and its geographical location are contributory factors in the incidence of the traffic in drugs through our archipelago. The Bahamas covers an area of almost 100,000 nautical square miles of water with many isolated islands where ships and aircraft engaged in drug trafficking may seek haven to elude detection. The geographical location of the Bahamas also makes it a convenient transit country for illegal drugs destined for the big and profitable markets in North America.
133.	The Bahamas is not now and has never been a producer of drugs and is not, in the international context, a major consumer, but consumption in the Bahamas has increased in direct relation to the volume of traffic passing through. Producer countries are generally south of the Bahamas; a major consumer country is to the north. This puts us in an unenviable position. Drug trafficking through the Bahamas is straining the economic, moral and social fabric of the islands of our Commonwealth. What is important to the Bahamas is the effect the traffic in drugs is having on small Bahamian communities where a high percentage of the adult male population may find it economically advantageous to become involved in this illicit business. This is a moral and cultural threat the long term ramifications of which could be devastating to us.
134.	The major participants in this trade are not Bahamian nationals. They are almost all nationals of producer and consumer States. It can therefore be readily understood why the primary concern of the Bahamas in this matter is for greater involvement of the United Nations system to internationalize the approaches to these problems of trafficking so that those who contribute the most to the traffic, that is, producer and consumer countries, should be required to bear a greater share of the burden of law enforcement and eradication.
135.	The resources of the Bahamas, a developing country, are not unlimited. Narcotics control should not have to be in competition v <h social services for funding from the national budget. What is urgently needed is adequate international cooperation among all States: the producer States, the consumer States and transit States such as the Bahamas. To this end, my Government supports the inclusion in the agenda of the Assembly at this session of the new item entitled "International campaign against traffic in drags" [item 129].
136.	The Bahamas wishes to see the problem of international drug control in all its aspects given priority in the United Nations system. As a new member of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, my Government pledges itself to do its utmost to work for the speedy implementation of the suggested international measures which have been discussed and recommended in this and other bodies.
137.	Successive Governments of the Bahamas over almost 30 years, before and since its independence, have had to contend with the social and economic problems associated with the continuing movement of economic refugees. We are not unmindful of the problems of refugees and displaced persons in other parts of the world perhaps m even more distressing circumstances. But after having had to deal alone with this problem for such a length of time, It is not inappropriate for us to draw attention to the urgent need for the United Nations system to reappraise the criteria now used to define refugees and to determine eligibility for emergency assistance for refugees. Some nations have the capacity to absorb large numbers of immigrants, whether as refugees or as illegal immigrants, and among big nations some are more generous than others. But it is evident that, even among the physically big and exceptionally endowed nations with skill and re. sources in abundance, some remedies must be found and
some limits placed upon the influx of refugees.
138.	In Latin America and the Caribbean, the problem has assumed and will continue to assume proportions which place enormous burdens on developing countries attempting to improve the quality of life for their people.
139.	We in the Bahamas have had more than our tolerable share of economic refugees, who have come to our shores in flight from despair and desperately dehumanizing economic circumstances. The record will show that over almost 30 years we have provided a safe haven for numbers greater than our small country ought to have been required to accept, but we have done so with tolerance. Nevertheless, the problem remains and persists, and with varying degrees of intensity it will continue to impinge upon the development of countries in the area. Those countries from which such persons are refugees are in the unhappy position of not being able to keep pace with their own needs, which requires a separate international effort, but I am concerned here with drawing international attention to the urgent need to reexamine the role which the United Nations ought properly to play in the relief of the human tragedies which plague these people.
140.	The tourist trade is the virtual lifeblood of the small country which I have the honor to represent here. Indeed, we have been the pioneers in travel and tourism in our part of the world? and such progress as we have made in the economic development of the Bahamas can be attributed for the most part to the success which we have achieved in an industry which was begun in the Bahamas in the last century.
141.	That industry has served to create in the Bahamas a positive awareness of the need for better human relations between people of different nationalities. We have a reputation for tolerance and the acceptance of foreign nationals and foreign cultures in the Bahamas. We know that contact and communication at the level of the individual human being does more to build a world of understanding than political or diplomatic speeches, or even resolutions of the United Nations. We have come to regard tourism as a bridge for understanding between people. It is also the principle source of our national income. The example which we have set has been an inspiration to the States of the Caribbean region, which have taken heed of the success we have made of the travel and tourist industry as it has become, at the same time, an international industry of the twentieth-century world.
142.	Freedom of travel in a nondiscriminatory fashion has therefore not only made us a leader in the industry, aided the economic and social development of our people and made us a community of many nationalities but also created in us an international consciousness and made us a promoter of one world. The Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations enjoins, us "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors". How better to live as good neighbors than to know one another; how better to know one another than to meet one another; how better to meet one another than to travel?
143.	We have therefore to reject as inconsistent with the purposes for which the United Nations was founded any attempts which have the effect of restricting peoples' freedom to engage in lawful travel and any measures which have the effect of discriminating between one tourist destination and another.
144.	The Bahamas therefore hopes that the United Nations system will give high priority to the promotion of the travel and tourist industry as the most effective means of developing better understanding among people and at the same time giving greater stimulation to international trade and economic development.
145.	I am aware of the hymnal direction to "beware of easy speeches", so during the course of this session the Bahamian delegation will seek to put to the relevant committees of the Organization, where appropriate and possible, those ideas for practical implementation which may contribute to the production of realistic solutions to our many problems.
146.	My delegation wishes to reaffirm its full support for the United Nations system, which for us represents the only international hope for the honorable resolution of the problems of mankind, which, after all, are not of the making of the majority of States represented here.
147.	In conclusion, I would refer to some words spoken at the eighteenth session by a former representative of our host country to the United Nations upon the death of his President, in November 1963, which I respectfully commend to the Assembly:
"We shall not soon forget that he held fast to a vision of a world in which the peace is secure; in which inevitable conflicts are reconciled by pacific means; in which nations devote their energies to the welfare of all their citizens; and in which the vast and colorful diversity of human society can flourish in a restless, competitive search for a better society.
"We shall not soon forget that by word and by deed he gave proof of profound confidence in the present value and the future promise of this great Organization, the United Nations." [1264th meeting, paras. 193 and 194.]