I should like at the outset, on behalf of the
Indonesian delegation and on my own behalf, to
extend heartfelt con-gratulations to Mr. Hollai
on his election to the presidency of the
thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
His vast experience and the competence that he
has exhibited in the realm of multilateral
diplomacy give us the assurance that under hi
guidance solid and substantive progress will be
achieved during this crucial session.
206.	With one regular session and no less than
four special and emergency sessions, the past
year has indeed been an exceedingly busy and
demanding one for the outgoing President, Mr.
2smat Kittani. He has discharged his manifold
responsibilities with great skill and patience
and has contributed substantially to what has
been achieved in difficult circumstances. We wish
to register our deep appreciation of his
leadership.
207.	In the course of the past year the cause
of international peace and security has,
regrettably, suffered further serious setbacks.
Compounding this trend, the world economy
continues to deteriorate and global economic
co-operation has been stalemated, while the
United Nations itself has been repeatedly
bypassed. Resort to force to settle disputes,
despite the Charter provisions to the contrary,
has continued unabated and has even increased.
Detente, always fragile and too limited in scope
and substance to begin with, is now a shambles
and each local conflict now potentially poses a
greater threat to world peace than ever before.
In South-West Asia, South-East Asia, the Middle
East, Africa, Central and South America and other
regions people continue to suffer the
consequences of violence and conflict. Yet,
despite the devastation and hardship that are
visited upon both the victor and the vanquished
in war, States persist in their preparations for
military confrontation.
208.	Local and regional conflicts have become
increasingly intractable owing to the marked
tendency of the major Powers to view those
conflicts from the perspective of their global
rivalries and to link eventual solutions to their
wider strategies of mutual containment. As a
result, the risk of the lesser Powers and the
countries of the third world being dragged into
the East-West polarization have grown
correspondingly.
209.	It is manifest that in an increasingly
insecure and perilous world the present
international system has proved to be incapable
of dealing effectively with the multitude of
problems. Indeed, the international community has
long recognized this reality by calling for the
restructuring of the prevailing system and the
establishment of a new international order.
However, despite the new political realities in
the world and the growing consensus on change,
the present system is being perpetuated, to the
detriment of the newly emergent States. It is
only by recognizing the interests of the
developing countries and their vast potential for
contributing to a more peaceful and prosperous
world of genuine independence that we can begin
to address the global problems before us.
210.	It is our deep conviction that as long as
the great Powers seek to enhance their security
in disregard of the interests of the smaller
Powers, the question of universal collective
security envisaged in the Charter will continue
to elude us. One of the cardinal features of the
new international system must be greater equality
and a greater voice in decision-making on vital
issues for all members of the international
community.
211.	The multiple crises afflicting our world
today and the perception of a growing paralysis
on the part of the United Nations in the attempts
to find effective solutions to them have further
deepened the crisis of authority in which the
Organization has found itself for quite some time.
212.	In this context, I should like to express
my delegation's great appreciation of the frank
and lucid report of the Secretary-General, which
highlighted the alarming erosion of the
Organization's influence over issues of world
peace and progress. My Government shares his
concern for whathe has rightly called the crisis
of the multilateral approach in coping with the
myriad of problems that confront us. It is only
through a renewed commitment and dedication to
the multilateral approach through the United
Nations, through dialogue and negotiation, that
we can reverse the dangerous drift towards global
disorder, heightened polarization and the revive
of blatant power politics.
213.	It is imperative to restore the capacity
of the United Nations to fulfill its mission as
outlined by the Charter, and our first task must
necessarily be to ensure a strengthened role for
the Security Council in settling conflicts. One
essential component for such a strengthened role,
in our view, should be the establishment of
workable machinery for the conciliation of
disputes and the diffusion of crises before they
become full-blown wars. But for this and other
improvements in the operational procedures of the
Security Council to become possible, there should
first be a conscious readjustment in the nature
and extent of the commitment by Member States,
especially by the permanent members of the
Security Council, to the wider global
responsibilities inherent in our common
acceptance of the Charter.
214.	In his report, the Secretary-General has
gone beyond analyzing the difficulties the
Organization is facing and has suggested a number
of pertinent ways in which Governments of Member
States could assist, in particular, in developing
a more viable system of collective security, in
strengthening United Nations peace keeping
operations and in enhancing the validity and
utility of United Nations organs as negotiating
forums. It is appropriate, therefore, that at
this critical juncture in the life of the
Organization we, the Member States, likewise move
beyond the perfunctory expression of praise and
support for the Secretary-General's initiative
and make active conceptual and concrete
contributions to the elaboration and the early
realization of the required reforms. As far as
Indonesia is concerned, it stands ready to extend
its full co-operation towards this end.
215.	It cannot be said that the past year has
witnessed any impressive progress on the main
issues confronting us. Indeed, the lack of
progress is distinctly disappointing and is in
strong contrast to the obvious urgency of these
problems.
216.	Among the central issues confronting the
international community, particularly in my own
region of South-East Asia, is the plight of
Kampuchea.
217.	The situation in Kampuchea has not
changed substantially and remains a matter of
serious concern to all of us. Indeed, no
meaningful progress has been achieved in seeking
a political solution of the problem. Foreign
troops are still in Kampuchea, despite repeated
calls by the international community for their
total withdrawal. The United Nations supervised
election to enable the people of Kampuchea to
determine their own future has not taken place.
The efforts by the United Nations and the
International Conference on Kampuchea to seek a
political solution have yet to yield meaningful
results.
218.	Despite the lack of progress, however,
the national forces of Kampuchea have formed the
Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea
under the leadership of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk,
which is a clear expression of the will and
determination of the Kampuchean people to regain
their sovereignty, independence and territorial
integrity. It is important to note that the
Coalition Government has pledged to work for the
implementation of all decisions of the United
Nations and the International Conference on
Kampuchea. It remains the sincere conviction of
my Government that it would be in the interest of
all the parties to seek a peaceful and negotiated
political solution to the Kampuchean problem and
that the United Nations and the International
Conference on Kampuchea provide the best forum to
seek the achievement of such a political solution.
219.	The Association of South-East Asian
Nations  is committed to seek a just political
solution to the conflict. Once the Kampuchean
question isresolved, we are confident that
suspicion and mistrust will be removed from the
area, thus paving the way for the resumption of a
meaningful dialogue and co-operative relations
among the States in the region. We could then
look forward with greater confidence to the
establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and
neutrality in South-East Asia, thereby fulfilling
the hopes and aspirations of all peoples in the
region for stability, progress and prosperity.
220.	The crisis in Afghanistan has also
affected the process of detente. Indeed, it has
exacerbated tension and anxiety throughout the
world and has hindered the resolution of a number
of issues of world-wide concern. In line with
United Nations efforts, the non- aligned movement
and the Organization of the Islamic Conference
have reiterated the urgent need to seek a
comprehensive political solution to the problem
on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign troops
and respect for the independence, sovereignty,
territorial integrity and non-aligned status of
Afghanistan. The Secretary-General has also taken
constructive steps in seeking a solution of this
problem. We believe that any such solution should
ensure that the Afghan people wilt be able to
determine their own future, free from foreign
intervention and interference.
221.	Since June 1982, the world has witnessed
with anger and dismay the Israeli invasion of
Lebanon. We were shocked at the toll in human
lives, especially all the Chilean population and
the incalculable deduction it has wreaked on
Lebanon. My Government has strongly condemned
Israel's aggression against the Lebanese and the
Palestinian peoples and demanded the restoration
of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and
political independence of Lebanon. In his
National Day speech on 17 August President
Soeharto reiterated.
'Our stand remains as clear and unambiguous as
before: that is, we continue to be on the side of
the Arab nation in its struggle against Israeli
aggression and stand should 2r to shoulder with
the Palestinian people in their legitimate quest
for self- determination and to regain their
homeland .'
222.	The appalling massacre of the Palestinian
civilians in west Beirut, which is a direct
consequence of Israel's invasion, has evoked
universal condemnation. The resumption of the
seventh emergency special session last week and
the adoption by consensus of resolution ES-7/9,
in which the Assembly calls on the Security
Council to investigate the circumstances and
extent of the massacre, was a reflection of the
world's horror over the massacre, for which
Israel cannot evade responsibility.
223.	It is clear that the aim of the Israeli
invasion was to destroy the national identity and
aspirations of the Palestinian people and their
sole and legitimate representative, the PLO, as
the standard bearer of Palestinian rights to
sovereignty and statehood. Israel cannot take
upon itself the function of a policeman in the
Middle East, violating as it pleases the
territorial sovereignty of its neighbors,
destroying the people of Palestine and imposing
its will on the Arab world. Israel's expansionism
and arrogance must be stopped.
224.	My delegation believes that the only hope
for peace is for Israel to accept Palestinian
independence and sovereignty as called for and
supported by nearly all mankind. The question of
Palestine remains at the heart of the conflict in
the Middle East, and without a solution to this
problem no comprehensive settlement can ensure
peace in the region. The realization of a just
and lasting peace requires the unconditional
withdrawal of all Israeli forces from all
occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem.
225.	We commend the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference, held Fez this month, which has
demonstrated the unified approach of the Arab
States to the problem of the Middle East. The
meeting enumerated /4/J7/6P6] serious and
reasonable proposals to achieve a solution of the
Palestinian question. On the other hand, as a
power which could restrain Israel's aggression,
intransigence and expansionism, we believe that
the United States should continue to insist on
Israel behaving in a more responsible and
peace-loving manner, befitting a Member of the
United Nations. It is our sincere hope that the
proposals of the Fez Summit will receive a
positive response from all the parties concerned
so that the long-standing conflict in this region
will soon be resolved, thereby inaugurating a
new era of peace for the region as a whole.
226.	The second special session on disarmament
which was convened, with great expectations, to
follow up the decisions of the Final Document of
the Tenth Special Session of the general
Assembly, adopted in 1978, has become a casualty
of the present climate of distrust and tension
and has degenerated into a series of platitudes,
devoid of substantive commitments. The inability
to adopt a comprehensive program of disarmament
at the session, regarded by many States,
including my own, as crucial to our efforts for
an integrated approach, was a great
disappointment. It was, moreover, regrettable
that some of the leading Powers disregarded their
commitments undertaken in the 197% Final
Document and were unwilling to use the United
Nations as an instrument for genuine disarmament
effort. These developments have prevented
meaningful progress in stemming the tide of the
arms race.
227.	Despite that failure, however, the
session has served as a focal point for
widespread expression of public concern about the
arms race, and in particular about the danger of
nuclear weapons. The proposals for a ban on the
use of nuclear weapons, and for a freeze on their
development and production, and the renewed call
for a comprehensive ban on nuclear- weapon tests,
fully reflected world opinion. It is our hope
that the bilateral talks between the United
States and the Soviet Union will be pursued with
a sense of urgency and lead to meaningful
limitations and significant reductions in nuclear
weapons. The nuclear Powers should, moreover,
recognize that it :s no less important to pursue
multilateral negotiations, by enabling the
Committee on Disarmament to discharge its
responsibilities and renew efforts to negotiate
on the priority issues.
228.	There is a growing apprehension that the
region of the Indian Ocean is rapidly become the
focus of a new cold-war rivalry between the
super-Powers. As a littoral State, Indonesia is
convinced that the convening of the
International! Conference on the Indian Ocean is
ar\ essential step towards the establishment of a
zone of peace. We are fully aware of the
ramifications of the conflicts and tension that
engulf the region. It is precisely for this
reason that the Conference, as stipulated in
relevant General Assembly resolutions, should be
the forum to discuss all relevant issues, with a
view to opening the constructive dialogue that
heretofore has eluded us. It is a truism that the
convening of one conference might not suffice to
resolve all the problems pertaining to the Indian
Ocean. However, the Conference should be a first
step towards improving the political and security
climate in the region.
229.	In recent months the international
community has witnessed renewed large-scale
military operations by South Africa against SWAPO
in a desperate attempt to eliminate the sole
authentic and internationally recognized
representative of the Namibian people. It should
be noted that there is nothing new in these South
African tactics. The racists in Pretoria have on
numerous occasions used their military forces to
thwart any progress in the negotiations to
implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
230.	South Africa has clearly demonstrated
that it is prepared to use every maneuver, and to
exploit every opportunity to employ force, to
undercut all efforts towards a negotiated
settlement leading to the establishment of an
independent Namibia.
231.	The most expeditious means to bring about
Namibian independence is contained in the Arusha
Declaration and Programme of Action on Namibia
adopted by the United Nations Council for Namibia
in May this year. It urged the Western contact
group to accept SWAPO's constructive proposal
for the early implementation of the United
Nations plan and to exert firm and genuine
pressure on South Africa. In this regard, my
delegation will firmly oppose any effort by South
Africa to impose any fraudulent electoral,
constitutional or political schemes, and any
pretext to link the solution of the Namibian
problem to any other issue that would be in
contravention of resolution 433 (1978), all of
which are designed to perpetuate South Africa's
domination of the Territory. Furthermore, at the
Arusha meeting my delegation endorsed the call
for a Geneva-type conference at which all
outstanding issues should be discussed and
resolved together in a comprehensive manner. The
early scheduling of such a conference may help
intensify current efforts to overcome South
Africa's intransigence. Despite the many
obstacles that continue to block the way to
securing Namibia's independence, the negotiating
process has shown some signs of progress, as
noted in the Secretary-General's report. Every
effort should be made, however, to compel South
Africa to negotiate in good faith and within the
guidelines established by resolution 435 (1978).
232.	It is disturbing to all of us that,
despite the condemnation of the system of
apartheid by almost all Member States, South
Africa continues to ignore the repeated appeals
of the international community to end the
practice of
233.	Guided by the important decisions adopted
at the International Conference on Sanctions
against South Africa, held in Paris in 1981, my
delegation is convinced that the international
community should intensify its solidarity with
the people of South Africa by maintaining and
strengthening the agreed set of sanctions
designed to isolate South Africa in all spheres
of international relations.
234.	On 30 April 1982 the Third United Nations
Conference on the Law of the Sea adopted a
comprehensive Convention on the Law of the Sea.^
This was a monumental achievement in multilateral
negotiations under the auspices of the United
Nations. The fact that the draft Convention was
adopted by 130 countries and was opposed by only
4 indicates that each provision is acceptable to
the overwhelming majority of the States in the
world. It is conceivable that, taken separately,
all provisions of the Law of the Sea Convention
are not acceptable to a particular country. But
taken as a whole, being a compromise text in a
package, the text is obviously acceptable to the
world community. My delegation believes that the
Law of the Sea Convention is extremely important
to maintaining law and order in ocean affairs as
well as to promoting national development and
management of ocean uses and resources. My
delegation therefore would like to appeal to the
small number of countries which have not adopted
the Convention to reconsider their position, so
that the Law of the Sea Convention, being the
product of long years of negotiation, can become
truly universal in nature and application.
235.	Concurrent with the continuing critical
climate in international politics, the
international economy has plunged to one of the
lowest depths in several decades.
236.	Aggravating the situation is the serious
erosion of multilateral economic co-operation,
mainly through the regressive policies of some
developed countries, which run counter to the
basic goals and objectives of an increasingly
interdependent world.
237.	The seemingly hopeful signs generated at
the Cancun and Versailles Economic Summits in
seeking a breakthrough in the stalemated global
negotiations have proved to be illusory. It has
to be acknowledged that there was indeed some
movement towards launching the global
negotiations through an enabling resolution.
However, the informal consultations so far have
regretfully not yielded any substantive
progress. My delegation endorses the search for
new initiatives to reach a consensus on some
crucial procedural issues. These efforts can be
successful only if some developed countries
demonstrate the political will to take positive
step towards an early launching of these
negotiations.
238.	An important feature underlying the
economic system today is that of interdependence.
We believe that interdependence does not imply
only a mutuality of benefits for both the rich
and poor countries. It also means that the
self-sustained economic development of the
developing countries could contribute towards the
economic well-being of the developed countries.
239.	We are pleased to note that there has
been a gradual increase of understanding by some
developed countries on the inevitability of
interdependence. It is our sincere hope that
these countries would be willing to undertake the
adjustments needed to achieve this concept.
240.	We are convinced that piecemeal,
domestic- oriented and bilateral remedies for our
global problems are a futile exercise in a world
of increasing interdependence. Restructuring,
therefore, under the aegis of our universal body,
the United Nations, should no longer be deferred.
241.	Having said that, I wish to emphasize
that this does not mean that the global
negotiations or the efforts to launch them should
in any way divert our attention from the ongoing
negotiations in other sectoral forums.
242.	The restructuring of international trade
is a vital vehicle for achieving self-sustained
development. And above anything else, access to
markets is crucial. Regretfully, the escalation
of protectionist measures practiced by some
developed countries has seriously eroded the
efforts of the developing countries to expand
their exports. The sharp deterioration of their
terms of trade continues to aggravate their
already serious economic plight.
243.	In this context, the forthcoming
ministerial meeting of GATT provides an excellent
opportunity and a historic turning point for the
establishment of fair international trading
practices. Such action is imperative for the
expansion of trade of the developing countries.
244.	The sixth session of UNCTAD, scheduled
for late next spring at Belgrade, will, we
believe, be of crucial importance for remedying
the central problems and the current disruptions
in world trade and development which could lead
to the revival of the world economy. If, however,
the impasse continues with no concrete results
emerging from these important meetings, we will
once again be witnessing another lost chance in
which the international community will have
failed to grasp the opportunity for progress.
245.	Given the slow pace of the North-South
negotiations, the measured progress of
collective self-reliance among developing
countries is more indispensable now than ever.
Indonesia is committed to this process, not only
because it is transforming the patterns of
development, but because it constitutes an
essential ingredient for the rapid advancement of
the developing countries.
246.	In this connection, we endorse the
results of the meeting of the Intergovernmental
Follow-up and Co-ordination Committee on economic
co-operation among the developing countries held
in Manila in August. Its recommendation to start
negotiations on a global system of trade
preference among developing countries and the
development of food security reserves deserves
our particular attention. In our opinion, the
implementation of the global system of trade
preference, through a gradual approach, will
ultimately help the efforts for trade expansion
among developing countries.
247.	In so far as co-operation on food
security reserves is concerned, we believe that
it can best be implemented through sub-regional
and regional arrangements, which could then be
extended on a world-wide scale. We in ASEAN have
initiated such an arrangement and are in the
process of trying to develop further the ASEAN
food security reserve co-operation.
230. Turning briefly now to some social aspects
of the United Nations activities, the
preparations for the International Youth Year in
1985, which are now in progress, are commendable.
An increased participation of non governmental
youth organizations in the International Youth
Year would greatly encourage them to share in the
responsibilities of solving global youth problems
and thereby help to promote world peace. Such an
exercise would also increase their ability to
participate in the national youth development
program. The Indonesian Government, therefore,
fully supports the Specific Programme of Measures
and Activities.
251.	With reference to the status and role of
women, there is an increased recognition of their
contribution towards development as reflected in
the Mexico, World Plan of Action for the
Implementation of the Objectives of the
International Women-Year. This positive trend is
further stimulated by the adoption of the
Convention on the Elimination of AH Forms of
Discrimination against Women. We sincerely hone
that the 1985 World Conference on the United
Nations Decade for Women will be able to review
and appraise constructively the implementation of
the Plan of Action.
252.	This year that has witnessed its abundant
share of world-wide turbulence and tragedy, and
the inca-pacity of the United Nations to prevent
them or to provide timely redress, and there is
always the temptation to lapse into cynicism and
disaffection. But the reforming impulse, the
hopes and yearnings of peoples everywhere for a
more peaceful, just and prosperous world order
based on the ideals and principles of the Charter
remain alive and cannot be quieted.
253.	Indonesia remains convinced 'hat despite
its present inadequacies, the United Nations
still represents the best instrument to
transform these hopes into reality and to fashion
at least the minimum conditions for a better
life for all in the decades to come. Therefore,
if the Organization is to fulfill its role as the
focal point for the global management of the
critical problems of our time, it is imperative
that a new sense of purpose be instilled in its
mechanisms and procedures so as to prevent it
from degenerating into a sterile debating forum.
My delegation further believes that in this
effort the non-aligned movement to which
Indonesia belongs could and should make an
important contribution, both at the conceptual
level and in initiating concrete proposals, as it
has consistently done in the past on the global
issues of peace, security and international
economic co-operation.
254.	In a rapidly changing world of disparate
interests and contending visions, the only
alternative to re-storing the United Nations as a
relevant organization capable of meeting the
challenges of our time is to allow an unmanaged
and uncontrollable slide into international chaos
and anarchy. As the Secretary-General has warned, we appear to be perilously close to that point.
255.	Thus, for once, the task before us should
not be seen in terms of a demand by one side and
an act of generosity by the other. For it may not
be just our mutual interest that is at stake, but
our common survival, and none of us can afford to
evade this challenge and refuse to bear this
responsibility.


It is a great and significant honour for me to come to this rostrum
representing my country before the world.

38.	My first words go to you, Mr. President, to congratulate you
on your well-deserved election as President of this session of the
Assembly. Your unmistakable gifts as an experienced diplomat
guarantee the success of our work. It is a pleasure, and not merely a
formality, for me to convey the thanks and congratulations of my
Government to Mr. Kittani of Iraq for the wise and successful way in
which he carried out his duties as President of the thirty-sixth
session.

39.	Recently the United Nations has seen its mission even further
enriched by the appointment as Secretary-General of one of its most
distinguished officials, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, a most worthy
representative of Peruvian diplomacy. Bolivia reiterates its pleasure
at his appointment and its congratulations and best wishes to him,
the first Secretary-General representing Latin America, and the
brotherly and ancestral ties between Bolivia and Peru and the Andean
countries are well known. His presence as Secretary-General is a
sound guarantee for the fulfilment of the purposes of the
Organization.

40.	For years we have been expressing our faith and reiterating
our purposes. Every year we come here and repeat our intention to
carry out the purposes and principles of the Charter. We announce
optimistic outlines for the future and the definite achievement of
our aims. However, realistically and objectively I think we must now
pause on our way to see whether we have really moved beyond mere
statements to concrete achievement.

41.	Peace is still an unachievable goal and perhaps, sad to say,
a nostalgic dream of Utopia. Colonialism still seeks to broaden its
areas of domination, with aggressive and even bloody usurpation;
hegemony and the use of pressure by the powerful still persevere and
indeed show a disturbing tendency to increase. Inequalities and
injustices continue to show their ugly faces. Terrorism and new
treacherous forms of aggression, under cover of the advocacy of
change, disrupt every form of coexistence. Racial discrimination
continues as a flaw of mankind in our time. Territories conquered by
force of arms remain in foreign hands.
Arms manufacture and the development of new and powerful means of
destruction cast gloom over the positive achievements of our
civilization, and now there is a real danger that tomorrow, just as
the twenty-first century is about to begin, we may find ourselves
with a world in ruins unless common sense prevails.

42.	These are some glimpses of the realities of today's world,
which persist despite the efforts of the Organization. My delegation
would like to state certain views on these matters, as an expression
of the unswerving Bolivian position on principles and international
policies.

43.	Bolivia is one of the non-aligned countries, for compelling
reasons of principle and also because we advocate the elimination of
dogmatic compartmentalization and hegemonic bonds and because
self-determination and the inviolability of sovereignty are the
proper response to the efforts of the various forms of imperialism to
absorb others. The non-aligned countries advocate a role of balance
in defence of the rights of the weaker countries in the face of the
cold struggle by the great Powers for supremacy.

44.	Those who supply raw materials and make great sacrifices in
their struggle to achieve their development have their spokesmen in
the non-aligned countries. The demands and claims made by many of our
peoples have received a positive echo in the voice of the non-aligned
countries. That is the case, forexample, with Bolivia's demand for
the restoration of its sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean. Only an
equidistant position between the imperialist forces, avoiding
subjugation and imposed conditions, can grant a country moral
authority and consideration in international affairs, and that is
precisely the position which the non-aligned countries seek.

45.	It is this unswerving support for the principles of self-determination
and sovereignty which has led the Government of Bolivia, presided
over by General Guido Vildoso Calderon, to apply a policy of a return
to democratic institutional rights for our people.

46.	In Bolivia we have set in motion the pre-electoral process,
with the scheduling of a general election for April 1983. The
consensus achieved among the political parties on the basis of the
invitation to participate made by the Government without any
discrimination has led to the constitution of a National Electoral
Court. We have also started on the study of a plan for economic
recovery in order to apply emergency provisions to overcome the
situation of deficit and the serious crisis inherited by the present
Government. As a result of a study, the economic plan was, also on
the basis of consultations, brought to the notice of the political
forces and the trade unions; a political and economic dialogue thus
took place.

47.	Giving effect to the general feelings expressed by the
political parties and labour representatives, who requested an
immediate transition to a democratic system, the Bolivian Government
has decided to convene the representative Parliament elected in the
1980 elections, which had been suspended by a military coup at the
time, so that that Parliament will, in accordance with the norms of
the political Constitution of the State, appoint the new office
holders who will have charge of the nation from 10 October next. For
them and their arduous task in government we request the solidarity
of all nations, particularly on account of the grave economic crisis
that my country is experiencing. The new constitutional authorities
will have to overcome that crisis and will need all the co-operation
that they can possibly obtain from friendly countries-combined, of
course, with Bolivia's own efforts-in order that Bolivia may progress.

48.	All this process of transition to democracy has taken place
within the framework of an unchanging respect for human rights and
the prerogatives of the citizens and on the basis of the fulfilment
of the treaties and international commitments entered into by Bolivia.

49.	On 10 October next the armed forces of Bolivia will restore
the political control of the nation to a civilian Government. This
voluntary gesture, in keeping with the wishes of the Bolivian people,
is worth emphasizing in this international forum.

50.	Another subject which I cannot refrain from mentioning is
that of the progress of integration. Happily, we are living in a time
of integration and economic co-operation, of interdependence. All
nations-literally all-need something from others. There is inevitably
a need for raw materials, goods and services, technology, credits and
assistance of all sorts. What is important is that the prices should
be fair, exchanges just and that co-operation have but one aim-to
secure the goal of shared development and common benefit. ..

51.	In the regional and sub-regional spheres Bolivia has been
taking part in all the programmes of integration and co-operation.
Its special geographical location in South America and the fact that
it is a country with tributaries of three of the four major river
basins of the continent has given it a unique status as a signatory
country of all the sub-regional agreements as well as the regional
treaties of the Latin American Integration Association and the Latin
American Economic System. For example, we are a member of the
Cartagena Agreement, binding on the Andean nations, and a signatory
of the Treaty for Amazonian Co-operation and the Treaty of the River
Plate Basin.

52.	The Bolivian position with regard to the process of
integration is clear. We uphold the need to preserve, expand and
improve the machinery of the integration process. Integration and the
programmes and actions for co-operation are only a means towards the
ends of development and the harmonious progress of our nations. We
must also nurture, strengthen and improve those instruments of
economic and social progress, whose sole beneficiaries must of course
be our peoples and their future.

53.	We must also make the North-South dialogue a reality and seek
ways to give viable form to the new international economic order.
This scheme has so far not had the acceptance, the solidarity and
particularly the political will of the industrialized nations, which
it needs if its basic objectives are to be met.

54.	These problems, therefore, should be seen as part of the
struggle for economic, political, social and cultural liberation of
peoples who, like those of Bolivia, are currently engaged in their
own development. If manifest unwillingness and delaying tactics
continue to be shown, it will be impossible to intensify the
co-operation which at the international level should promote the
development of nations in a setting of justice and equity. We
therefore look forward very much to the prompt initiation of the
global negotiations.

55.	Understanding, co-operation and the processes of integration
have another requirement in order to be perfect-the redressing of
injustices and inequalities, I must refer once again, before the
world community assembled here, to our geographical condition-the
fact that we are landlocked, a fact that has been forced upon us for
the past 103 years. This reference also derives from the imperative
mandate given by my people, who for more than a century have pressed
for their rights to return, with sovereignty, to the shores of the
Pacific.

56.	We all know that when they have the stamp of legitimacy the
rights of nations are never exhausted. Therefore, the return of
territories which have been usurped in so many latitudes of the world
is essential.

57.	With regard to the maritime problem of Bolivia, the time of
our return to the Pacific Ocean is bound to come. But good faith is
necessary for this, together with a clear readiness by the other
party to make reparations. We also need action and the encouragement
and support of the international organizations, particularly if, as
is fortunately the case, we have the firm support of the majority of
the world community for our just cause.

58.	Humanity has virtually put an end to one of the most
degrading and odious systems adopted by man in the past-slavery. But,
late in the twentieth century, still other grievous vestiges of the
past remain as an affront to mankind-colonialism and racial
discrimination.

59 Twenty-two years have elapsed since the general  Assembly adopted
the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries
and Peoples. Each year we revert to the terms of that declaration and
the general  Assembly adopts new resolutions on specific cases.
Nevertheless, new forms of colonialist aggression can be clearly
seen, not simply disregarding the principles and purposes of the
Charter but clearly violating them. A recent example was the case of
the Malvinas Islands, with its bloody epilogue, leading to the
restoration of colonialism, which should give us food for serious
thought.

60.	Faithful to its position of principle on the rejection of any
form of colonialism, Bolivia supported the Argentine cause and will
continue to support the demands for repossession of its territory
made by our brother nation of the River Plate, as we have done since
1833, when the President of Bolivia at that time was the first to
speak up against the British usurpation of that era.

61.	We can never try hard enough in the Organization to put an
end to colonialism and all forms of seizure of territories and the
imposition of tutelage and foreign rule on peoples. On the day we
dispose of these last vestiges of colonialism mankind will be able to
take pride in having taken an enormous step towards a world of truly
free communities, such as those for which the Liberator Bolivar
fought. His bicentenary is to be commemorated next year, and I am
sure that the Organization will wish to participate in commemorating
that anniversary, thereby confirming the universal nature of
Bolivar's thinking and deeds.

62.	With regard to racial discrimination and apartheid my
country's consistent attitude has been one of opposition and
condemnation of thatsituation and system, which are a breach of the
elementary principles of equality and human rights.

63.	Man holds certain rights even before his birth. if we commit
a breach of those rights; we offend God, who modelled our spirit on
His image and in His likeness.

64.	1 said at the beginning of this statement that peace was an
objective that the wortd had not yet achieved. The recent distressing
events in the Middle East, particularly those in Lebanon, give some
idea of the deplorable situation.

65.	I must express here the deep concern of the Bolivian
community and its Government over the now long-drawn-out crisis in
the Middle East, which has so grievously affected various peoples in
the region. We must strive to find there an understanding which, with
recognition of the rights of the countries involved, will bring about
a return to peaceful coexistence and mutual respect.

66.	Violence can only give rise to greater violence and peace is
not a free gift; it must be built carefully, with sacrifice and
magnanimity.

67.	The mission of the United Nations with regard to the problems
of the Middle East and of the world in general  is still an arduous
one requiring unswerving commitment. We must all be committed to this
task if we want to show that man is capable of thinking of the
future, using his intelligence to coexist and to build, to reconcile
differing views and not to hate, thus overcoming a shameful recent
past, which paradoxically encompassed the greatest examples of
barbarity and tragedy as well as the greatest achievements of the
technological era. The answer to the challenge of the years to come
ties within us; it is the possibility of offering the coming
generations a world of harmony, peace and justice.

68.	These difficult problems concerning peaceful coexistence lead
to another major theme of our age. I am referring to the problem of
disarmament. A Bolivian writer has said:

  Two of the greatest mistakes made by mankind were to condemn
Socrates and to manufacture the atomic bomb. The first did violence
to, the meaning of justice; the second showed man the road to his own
destruction.

69.	Instruments have been adopted by the United Nations and at
the multilateral and bilateral levels on the need for disarmament and
the prohibition of nuclear weapons including resolutions banning test
explosions in the atmosphere and under water. In open contradiction
with these commitments, however, the arms build-up, the
sophistication of weapons and the production of new and menacing
means of destruction have continued. Unfortunately, each conflict
gives rise to improvements in and new uses for the means of warfare,
as was the case in the recent painful conflict over the Malvinas.

70.	Perhaps what is needed to stop the arms build-up is in the
first place spiritual disarmament: the elimination of hatred and
prejudice; the liquidation of barriers of ideological animosity; the
promotion of fellowship, bearing in mind that mankind is after all a
single entity and that fraternal understanding is possible.

71.	The period of multiple crises which mankind is once again
experiencing is straining our capacity to face up to the challenge it
presents and our courage. The Organization is again being put to the
test and we the Members must not evade this tremendous challenge but
meet it head on. The principles of the Charter and all the
resolutions and declarations generated by the problems of the word
form a basic body of norms accepted by all the word. We must now show
that we can go beyond the spirit and the letter of those documents
and are capable of establishing peaceful coexistence, with freedom,
bread and love for all the people of our earth.


Mr. President, please accept my warm congratulations on your election
to your high office. It is a great pleasure to see the representative
of the fraternal Hungarian People's Republic presiding over the
thirty seventh session of the General Assembly and we wish you every
success in your work.
The period since the last regular session of the Assembly has been
filled with complex and contradictory events. The peoples have
persistently demanded that the threat of nuclear war be averted, the
arms race curbed and disarmament achieved, but those in the
belligerent circles of imperialism have been accelerating the arms
race and pushing the world towards nuclear catastrophe. Mass anti war
demonstrations have gained in strength, and we have been deafened by
the explosion of the bombs of the aggressors. The national liberation
movements have broadened in scope, and the colonialists and racists
have mounted ominous plans for suppressing, those movements. Peace
loving peoples have won new and constructive victories, while the
forces of imperialism and reaction have developed monstrous doctrines
and programmes for the mass extermination of human beings and to
undermine the process of detente and co operation. In this new tense
international situation the peoples of the world are once again
realizing that there is no task more important or more urgent today
than that of defending peace and averting the threat of nuclear war.
That cannot be refuted by those whose statements at this session have
constituted merely another routine attempt to distort the real
picture of the present day world and to shift all the blame for its
troubles from themselves to innocent parties.
As has already been noted during this session of the General
Assembly, the current aggravation of the international situation and
the mounting threat of war are due to the fact that some Western
States, above all the United States, persist in policies inimical to
the interests of peace. The situation is all the more alarming in
that some of those States are permanent members of the Security
Council and their policies are totally in conflict with the
particular responsibility for international security and the
preservation of peace that the Charter places upon them.
A close analysis of statements by leading United States officials on
the substance of the military and political problems, in the world
today and a careful analysis of the goals of the intensive rearmament
programme that has been launched in the United States and of the
strategic concepts being put forward cannot but show that
Washington's present course is by no means peace oriented. We have
all heard the frank statement at the 11th meeting by the United
States Secretary of State, Mr. Shultz, that the United States is
guided in its actions by the principle of the position of force and
will be unswerving in its use of it. Is this not an express policy of
military and political confrontation, a policy of seizing dominant
positions on a global scale is it not making this all part of a
fundamental principle
It would be difficult to imagine a political credo in greater
opposition to the requirements of the Charter. The policy of
discarding in practice the principle of equality and equal security,
which, in this nuclear age, is an absolutely vital principle, erodes
the mainstays of the structure of relations between States and
contributes to the threat of war.
The United States is provoking tension and protracting conflicts; it
acts on its own behalf and through proxies in order to justify the
further buildup of arms and its growing demand that its allies toe
the line. The United States is instigating an anti communist crusade
and is spreading lies about an alleged Soviet threat and other
fabrications in order to impose its latest missiles on the
territories of others and to cause an impasse in disarmament talks.
Those provocative actions are camouflaged by demagogic utterances
about a commitment to peace through strength; to the prevention of
wars in general. But the legitimate question arises of whether the
authors of those pronouncements did not indeed have an opportunity,
for example, to prevent or halt the Israeli aggression in Lebanon.
Acting at variance with the commitment to prevent nuclear war they
entered into in the 1970s, Washington's strategists are now
proclaiming the admissibility and even the acceptability of a nuclear
conflict. The world has been subjected to cynical bombast about
first, second and subsequent nuclear strikes, about nuclear
escalation in doses, about demonstrative and selective use of nuclear
weapons, and so forth. Over the past year and a half, the United
States has put forward more different concepts of the use of force
primarily in a nuclear context than in any preceding decade. They
talk about a secured nuclear war, then they talk about limited war,
about blitzkrieg, and about protracted war.
All these statements and actions are permeated with the idea of the
first use of nuclear weapons and an insane reliance on winning a
nuclear victory. Such notions are the sheerest adventurism, fraught
with enormous dangers for mankind. They constitute nothing but naked
war propaganda. There can be no doubt that any use of nuclear weapons
will cause a chain reaction. That being so, strategic planning of
this kind, in any of its versions, represents in actual fact planning
for a nuclear catastrophe. But those so called planners ought to be
reminded that planning and preparation for of aggression are
qualified in international instruments specifically in the Charter of
the United Nations, in the judgment of the Nuremberg International
Military Tribunal, and in the Definition of Aggression and other
United Nations documents as a crime against peace and against
humanity. Military political stereotypes inherited from the time of
the former monopoly on the atom bomb are now outmoded. In his message
at the twelfth special session the second special session of the
General Assembly devoted to disarmament, the General Secretary of the
Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and
President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Mr.
Leonid Brezhnev, described as indisputable and determinant the fact
that nuclear war, should it break out, could, in the current
international situation, mean the destruction of human civilization
and perhaps  en the end of life on Earth.
Such is the harsh imperative of this nuclear age: there can be no
security for anyone through nuclear adventurism. A nuclear Power can
be secure only if its foreign and military policies pose no threat to
any other country. As to notions that one's own security can be
strengthened by chasing the phantom of military supremacy, plans to
achieve such supremacy simply cannot be carried out, and measures
undertaken to that end can only aggravate military nations and lower
the level of security for all.
While, in this nuclear age, strategic stability based on an
approximate balance of forces is an extremely important basis for
universal security, it is no guarantee of that security. Mankind can
free itself from the deadly threat only by gradually lowering the
level of military confrontation, through the implementation of agreed
measures on the limitation and reduction of armaments and on
disarmament. There is no other way, for security and disarmament are
inseparably linked.
Today's realities demand the adoption of urgent and effective
measures for the prevention of nuclear war. Particular responsibility
for that lies with the permanent members of the Security Council
which are in addition nuclear weapon Powers. In present conditions.
the commitment by each nuclear weapon Power not to be the first to
use nuclear weapons would be of key significance for removing the
threat of nuclear war. That is the express duty of the nuclear
Powers; it is their primary responsibility towards mankind.
As is known, the USSR, which takes a. very serious view of its status
as a nuclear Power and as a permanent member of the Security Council,
has already shouldered that responsibility. The step taken by the
USSR is a powerful stimulus for the drastic of the threat of nuclear
war and for the strengthening of trust in relations between States.
The exclusion from international relations of force in all its
manifestations, both nuclear and conventional, would be fostered by
early completion of the work on a world treaty on the non use of
force in international relations, a draft of which was submitted by
the Soviet Union in 1976 for consideration by the United Nations. A
set of specific and constructive proposals set out in the memorandum
of the USSR on Averting the growing nuclear threat and curbing the
arms race, which was submitted to the Assembly at its second special
session devoted to disarmament creates possibilities for making
progress along all avenues leading to the limitation and radical
reduction of armaments, whether nuclear weapons, other weapons of
mass destruction, including chemical weapons, conventional weapons,
or naval activities. There is no kind of weapon which the Soviet
Union would not be prepared to limit or ban on a basis of
reciprocity. Further evidence of the readiness of the USSR to reduce
the nuclear threat, to curb the arms race and to make our planet
safer for life and for constructive work is provided by the proposals
aimed at the speedy cessation and total prohibition of nuclear
weapon testing; these were formulated with due regard for the views
and suggestions of many countries, including suggestions regarding
verification and regarding an appeal to all the nuclear Powers to
declare, within an agreed time frame, a moratorium on all nuclear
explosions, pending the conclusion of a treaty banning them
completely.
The USSR initiative entitled Intensification of efforts to remove the
threat of nuclear war and to ensure a safe development of nuclear
energy is also of vast significance. That proposal develops further
the work already begun on questions of preventing nuclear war and of
nuclear disarmament ranging from a simultaneous freeze on the
production and deployment of nuclear weapons and their delivery
vehicles to the elimination of existing nuclear capabilities as well
as of strengthening the security of non nuclear countries. It is
designed to ensure the safe development of nuclear energy for
constructive purposes in all countries. Any destruction of non
military nuclear facilities should unquestionably be qualified as a
nuclear attack, which, in the definition of the United Nations, is
the gravest crime against humanity.
The aggressive actions of the imperialists and their henchmen even
today are leading to bloodshed in many flashpoints on our planet. A
typical example of this reign of bloody terror a war of annihilation
which is nothing short of genocide is the aggression launched by
Israel against Lebanon and the Arab people of Palestine. The tragedy
in Lebanon has shaken the entire world and provided yet further
evidence that in this latest criminal adventure, in addition to all
the others, the strategic allies, Israel and the United States, acted
hand in hand.
Scores of thousands of human beings and the destiny of hundreds of
thousands more, have fallen victim to the most sophisticated American
military technology, tried out with the help of Israel in Lebanon. In
shamelessly arming the aggressor, which has repeatedly been condemned
by the United Nations, and overtly and covertly acting as its
accomplice, the United States contrary to its obligations as a
permanent member of the Security Council is doing everything possible
to establish in that area an order which would enable it and its
henchmen to do as they please in other people's territories.
However, they should know better than to labor under such a delusion.
Attempts to rule the destinies of the peoples of the Middle East from
Washington or Tel Aviv are inevitably doomed to failure. The selfless
struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the
Palestine Liberation Organization, the courage and determination of
the Syrians and the Lebanese, have clearly demonstrated this. The new
plan for a Middle East settlement which has been announced by the
President of the United States and widely publicized does not contain
anything new. The United States proposals are flawed in their very
essence. They fail to provide for the liberation of all Arab
territories seized in 1967, deny the right of the Palestinians to
create their own State and disregard the PLO, This is nothing but a
continuance of the treacherous Camp David policy of acquiescence,
designed to enslave the peoples of that region.
Our position on the Middle East problem has always been and continues
to be crystal clear. The complex problem of the Middle East can be
resolved only by the concerted efforts of all the parties concerned,
which must certainly include the PLO, the sole legitimate
representative of the Arab people of Palestine. This problem cannot
be resolved without strict observance of the principle of the
inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by forces; the
recognition and exercise of the right of the Arab people of Palestine
to self determination and to create their own independent State on
Palestinian soil, which must be freed from Israeli occupation; and
ensuring the right of all States of the region to a secure existence
and development in conditions of mutual respect for sovereignty,
independence and territorial integrity, with appropriate
international guarantees.
This is the only course that will lead to a settlement, as envisaged
in the Soviet proposal on the convening of an international
conference on the Middle East. The results of the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference at Fez constitute a constructive contribution to the
settlement process. We take a positive view of the principles that
were adopted at that Conference for the solution of the Palestinian
question and the Middle East problem as a whole.
Nowadays it is more necessary than ever before for political leaders
to demonstrate common sense, clear sightedness, prudence and genuine
realism in their approach to the problems that arise. We should also,
of course, be guided always by the fact that international detente
calls for peaceful co operation with other States, not military
preparations or hostility toward other States. Detente is a
conscientious observance in good faith of the norms of international
law and the principle of non intervention in the internal affairs of
others. It also implies a constant desire to contribute by practical
action to curbing the arms race in the world and strengthening
security by gradually building up mutual confidence on a just and
reciprocal basis. This is exactly what the States of the socialist
community are doing. Unfortunately, this cannot be said for the
United States and its partners in aggressive blocs.
Yet another example of the fact that the Washington Administration
adheres to diametrically opposite principles is its policy with
respect to Afghanistan, South East Asia and the Caribbean. They are
trying to achieve their aim of barring the way to social reforms by
staging military adventures against peoples seeking freedom and
progress. This is clearly demonstrated by the continuing hostile
actions of the United States of America against Cuba, Afghanistan,
the countries of Indo China; Nicaragua and other States of the world,
and this should serve as a warning. It is also shown by its support
for reactionary anti people regimes in Chile, South Korea, El
Salvador and other countries.
The long chain of irrefutable facts indicative of the dangerous
course followed by the foreign policy of the United States, which is
a threat to peace and social progress, includes the well known action
of that country against the anti colonialist struggle of the peoples
of the world. When in August 1981 the racists of Pretoria launched
their large scale aggression, which is still going on now, against
the People's Republic of Angola, the United States chose to act as a
forthright advocate of that naked act of aggression. In the Security
Council it vetoed the draft resolution strongly condemning the
aggression and calling for its immediate cessation. The veto was in
no way accidental; it constituted the implementationof what had
earlier been proclaimed the new regional strategy of the United
States regarding southern Africa.
The basic tenets of this strategy, which in its very essence is a
doctrine of recolonization, amount to nothing less than a naked
threat to use South Africa to bring about the destabilization of
independent African States. As regards the Namibian problem, the so
called new doctrine basically encourages the South African racists to
retain Namibia as a colony of South Africa and to impose on the
Namibian people conditions that are advantageous to Pretoria. The
Apartheid regime is allowed to use force in pursuing its colonial
policy, to employ the piratical methods of the Israeli militarists in
Lebanon, and to attempt to destroy the South West Africa People's
Organization and to exclude it from participating in decisions on the
future of its homeland. The task of the United Nations is to prevent
this and to work for the early attainment of independence by the
people of Namibia.
Washington is known never to have fulfilled its obligations as
regards the developing countries. When the conflict between the
United Kingdom and Argentina erupted as a result of the stubborn
opposition of the United Kingdom to the decolonization of the
Falkland Islands (Malvinas), the United States ignored its
obligations as far as Argentina was concerned, extended the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization to Latin America and took advantage of
the situation in order openly to assist in the colonialist plunder
and to penetrate the South Atlantic region.
A vivid example of the policy of force and blackmail as a means of
carrying out imperialist plans on a global scale is provided by the
actions of the United States aimed at undermining the regional
organizations of the developing countries, nullifying the United
Nations decision to convene the Conference on the Indian Ocean,
opposing the drafting of a world treaty on the non use of force in
international relations and refusing to sign the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea.
The same strategy of force is being carried out by the United States
in the realm of international economic relations. It is precisely
those in the ruling circles of that country that impede by every
means available the implementation of United Nations decisions on the
establishment of a new international economic order, obstruct the
launching of global negotiations and defend in every possible way the
activities of transnational corporations, which are detrimental to
the sovereignty and the economies of the developing countries.
The policy of blackmail and threats is being employed not only
against socialist States but also against those developing countries
that have chosen the road of independent development and social
progress. Attempts are being made to split the non  aligned movement,
to play down its significance as a major factor in improving the
international situation. The weapon of coercion is being used also
against the developed countries allies of the United States. One
recent example of this in addition to the constant demands for an
increase in their military budgets, is the unseemly efforts of the
United States Administration directed against a mutually advantageous
project for a gas pipeline between Siberia and Western Europe. We
almost have the impression of hearing a cowboy's lasso whistle over
some countries of Western Europe. AU this is a significant lesson for
the young developing countries, which should indeed think twice
before developing ties, especially economic ties, with the United
States.
The Soviet Union and other socialist States oppose that policy of
diktat and blackmail by a clear and unequivocal policy of developing
international economic co operation on a basis of equality and in the
interest of all the participants and with due regard for the special
interests of the developing countries, at the same time providing
them with assistance on a scale greater than that recommended by the
United Nations.
Given the deterioration in the international situation caused by the policy of imperialism,
of overriding importance for the destiny of mankind is the positive
implementation of the Leninist strategy of peace, the Peace Programme
for the 1980s worked out by the twenty sixth Congress of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union and promoted by the Soviet Union,
which is celebrating its sixtieth anniversary. The creation and the
successful development of the Soviet Union are of undying
international significance and an important historic landmark in the
age old struggle of progressive mankind for equality, the progress of
nations and world renewal.
Faithful to the principle of peace and friendship among peoples, to
which it pledged itself at the hour of its birth, the Soviet State
takes this as the basis of all its activities in the international
arena. It underlies all its successes and achievements. Leninist
ideals and principles embodied in the decisions of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union and the highest State bodies of the Land of
the Soviets and in the Constitution of the USSR determine the
approach of the Soviet State to all problems of relations between
countries and peoples.
The sixtieth anniversary of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
is clear testimony to the triumph of the Leninist national policy and
to the historic achievements of socialism. The workers of the
Byelorussian SSR cherish the fact that they belong to the unified
family of Soviet peoples. They realize that everything we have done
and achieved has been brought about by the concerted efforts of all
the peoples of our multinational homeland. We have every reason to be
proud of our achievements in political, economic and social
development. In this period Byelorussia has become a Republic with a
highly developed industry and intensive agriculture. At present our
industry produces 30 times more than in the pre war year, 1940,
despite the fact that it was almost totally destroyed by the Hitler
aggressors in the Second World War and that those aggressors murdered
a quarter of its population. Education, science, health care and
culture have made great strides in the Republic. We live and work in
a socialist democracy which guarantees genuine rights and freedoms
for every human being. In order to continue their successful and
constructive work the Byelorussian people, like other peoples of the
USSR and of the entire planet, need above all lasting peace.
Deadlocks in the international arena do  not occur of themselves. It
is well known that they are created deliberately. This can be said
about almost every situation of conflict and outstanding problem the
continuing conflict between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran,
opposition to the peaceful reunification of Korea free from outside
interference, and to the withdrawal of foreign troops from South
Korea, the refusal to take part in, or the obstruction of,
disarmament talks, the desire to put weapons into outer space and
other pressing problems.
Let us take as an example the problem of Cyprus. Here again we see
who is doing what to impede United Nations efforts to defend the
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic
of Cyprus and to demilitarize the island by withdrawing all foreign
troops and eliminating all foreign bases; how attempts are being made
to impose on the Cypriots a solution alien to them. In those
circumstances United Nations efforts should be directed towards
making the intercommunal talks a success, while fully respecting the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Cypriot State and its
policy of non alignment.
Thus in the final analysis underlying all these deadlocks there are
selfish imperialist interests and a reluctance to take account of the
real situation in an evolving world and of the will of the peoples.
Today political wisdom lies in concerted, persistent and patient
efforts to solve the problems threatening universal peace. In that
way, even if not all the problems are solved at once, many will be.
It is particularly important, of course, to solve the most pressing
problems of our time: that of averting a nuclearwar, curbing the arms
race and achieving disarmament. If we do not, the wise sphinxes to
which the United States Secretary of State recently alluded in
justifying Washington's policies will no longer be there.
The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR, guided by the testament of
Lenin that the Soviet State wishes to live in peace with all peoples
and directs its efforts to the building of its own State, will
actively promote the preparation and adoption of measures designed to
avert the threat of nuclear war, strengthen peace, bring about co
operation among peoples and solve other problems on the agenda of
this session of the General Assembly in accordance with the Charter
of the United Nations.


Mr. President, like my colleagues who preceded me
on this rostrum, 1 should like, on behalf of my
Government and of myself, to convey to you our
most warm congratulations on your election to the
presidency of the present session of the General
Assembly. Your dedication to the multilateral
ap¬proach to international relations, to the
authority and prestige of global and regional
intergovernmental institutions and to the unique
role of the United Nations constitutes the best
guarantee that this session will take place in a
most propitious atmosphere. May I convey to you
my good wishes for the success of your endeavors
and assure you of the full co-operation of my
Government and myself.
232.	The efficiency of your actions may be
much enhanced by the fact that they take place
within an exceptional framework: that of the
report sub¬mitted to us by the Secretary-General
to guide us in our work. Mr. Secretary-General,
the Belgian Govern¬ment has in the past conveyed
to you the importance it attaches to the fact
that you have been called upon to assume these
high functions. It told you that Belgium was
ready to assist you to the best of its ability in
the difficult but vital task that you were
assuming. Today, the Belgian Government is
familiar with your report on the work of the
Organization, which I would not hesitate to term
a milestone for the Organization. It has come at
the right moment. It reflects the uneasiness
created by the growing tendency to seek solutions
to crises outside the framework of the United
Nations and the inability of the Organization to
have its decisions implemented. We must thank you
for having put on the agenda the central problem
of the Organization, that is, its "capacity to
keep the peace and to serve as a forum for
negotiations.... its evident difficulties in
doing so, difficulties related to conflicts
between national aims and Charter goals and to
the current tendency to resort to confrontation,
violence and even war in pursuit of what are
perceived as vital interests, claims or
aspirations". I can tell you, Sir, that from the
outset my country can sub¬scribe to every
statement contained in your report.
233.	Belonging to the generation which spent
its youth during the tragedy of the Second World
War, I am among those who, 37 years ago,
enthusiastically greeted the birth of the
Organization. At the end of the nightmare during
which humanity suffered every possible anguish to
an extent previously unequalled, States—from the
largest to the smallest, from the strongest to
the weakest, from the wealthiest to the most
deprived, belonging to different systems— pledged
to work together to free mankind from all the
horrors it had just experienced, to free it from
war and genocide, to free it from torture and
hunger, to free it from discrimination, to free
it even from the fear of all those horrors.
234.	However, at a time when the shortcomings
of the Organizations are being denounced, it
seems important to me to recall its positive
aspects. The work that it has accomplished is
considerable. One could recall the part that the
United Nations has played in decolonization. But
I could also refer to its action on behalf of
economic development of the so-called "new
countries", the efforts it has made in the field
of control, limitation and reduction of armaments
as well as in nuclear non-proliferation and its
initiatives to assure better understanding among
nations or between groups of States from East to
West and from North to South. Under its flag, the
"blue helmets" have tried to come between hostile
forces and to prevent the escalation of
conflicts. Despite the dif¬ficulties they have
encountered, their importance and the unique
character of their role have not changed.
235.	None the less, the essential goal that
the sig¬natory States set for themselves at San
Francisco and to which those that joined later
adhered has still not been attained. I ask myself
why it is that, despite its important partial
successes, the United Nations has not fulfilled
the hope its founders placed in it. For my
compatriots, for the Government 1 represent and
for me personally, this Organization is and
remains the most courageous and generous attempt,
and the only adequate one that has been launched
since the dis¬appearance of the League of
Nations, to assure the world of a modicum of
order, understanding and co¬operation, without
which it would not be able to survive.
236.	Moreover, I share the hope expressed by
the Secretary-General when he states that "we now
have potentially better means to solve many of
the major problems facing humanity than ever
before". Nevertheless, we find that not enough
use is being made of these means. The fundamental
problem does not lie in the functioning of the
institutions of the Organization, nor does it lie
in the application of one or another Article of
the Charter or in the work methods of its organs
or the actions of the Secretary- General. No—the
fundamental problem rests with us, the Member
States. We have too often let ourselves be
swamped by immediate problems and taken advantage
of by interests which are often purely national
in character.
237.	We have forgotten that the Organization
was not created by us in order to perpetuate in a
new institution the habits and practices which
had led to the failure of the former one. We nave
forgotten the fact that we did not create it in
order to have it serve as a forum for our
diplomatic games, for the defense of our own
interests, or for the confrontation of our
rivalries.
238.	What is worse, we have forgotten that we
created the Organization for mankind, not for
those of the East or the West, not for those of
the North or the South, but regardless of
frontiers, for all mankind.
239.	Mankind is today the victim of three
types of scourges, which unfortunately are often
combined. The first is war, or the threat of war,
including civil war, which has become
increasingly cruel and deadly through the
ever-greater sophistication, multiplication and
wider commercial distribution of armaments. Then
there are poverty and hunger, which are, to be
sure, characteristics of underdevelopment, but
which—let us not delude ourselves—are not the
exclusive domain of those countries which we call
the poor countries. Finally, there is oppression
and the violation of the most elementary human
rights.
240.	The existence of these three types of
scourges seems to me to call for the
establishment of three orders of priority, which
incidentally are interde¬pendent. The first order
of priority seems to me to include essentially
the following: first, the solution of so-called
"local" conflicts, which are so numerous and on
such a scale that they are turning our planet
into a planet at war, together with an effort to
end the civil strife which is tearing so many of
our countries apart; secondly, an increased
effort in the limitation, control and reduction
of all kinds of arms and of the arms trade;
thirdly, the prevention of international
confrontations.
241.	The second order of priority is aimed at
developing between our States the mutual aid and
co-operation which alone can provide a stable
basis for international understanding and peace.
We must act vigorously to reopen the North-South
dialogue in order to establish among ourselves
efficient interna¬tional co-operation which will
ensure for all the fruits of economic
development. We must improve and adapt our
programmes of action and of economic development
in the light of the critical evolution of the
world economic situation. We must also fight
poverty, wherever it is rampant. We must concern
our Iives not only with those who are the poorest
in the poorest countries but also with those who,
in each of our Spates, do not have access to the
benefits of society, to schooling, to
participation in the production process, health
benefits and housing, who have been described as
the "fourth world".
242.	The third order of priority has the
following aims: first of all, scrupulous respect
by each of our States for the Universal
Declaration of Human Right; then, the acceptance
and the implementation by the same States of all
of the rights generally accepted as indispensable
for the political, moral, cultural, social and
economic fulfillment of human beings—I have in
mind here, inter alia, the freedoms and rights of
trade unions—and lastly, there must be resolute
co-operation among all countries against
terrorism, whose blind violence threatens all
people.
243.	The definition and the implementation of
these tasks have to take place in the context of
a determined effort to ensure respect for the
Charter and to allow the machinery of the
Organization to function as it should. Only this
type of effort will allow us to achieve that the
Secretary-General has assigned to us as the most
urgent aim: the return to the principle of
collective action for peace and security which is
enshrined in the Charter, so as to make the
United Nations better equipped to carry out its
essential task. I wish to state this forcefully,
because I, too, believe that without an efficient
collective security system, the small and the
weak will have no secure means of defense or
protection.
244.	In the light of these considerations
should like to deal with a few aspects of the
international situa-tion. In view of the
remarkable statement made at the 8th meeting by
our colleague, Mr. Elleman-Jensen, the Danish
Minister for Foreign Affairs, on behalf of the 10
member States of the European Community, I need
deal only briefly with four questions. The first
one, based on the specific proposals advanced by
the Secretary-General, concerns the functioning
of the Organization. The three others relate to
the essential aim of combining our efforts to
defend man and his dignity. I shall address
myself to questions of disarma¬ment, the
promotion of the North-South dialogue and the
global negotiations, and the monitoring of
respect for human rights.
245.	With respect first of all to the
universal task of the United Nations and the
active role it must play in the Held of peaceful
settlement of disputes, it seems to me highly
desirable that the simultaneous admission of the
two Koreas to the United Nations be con¬sidered.
That decision would be likely to promote a
dialogue directed to a peaceful reunification of
the Korean peninsula. There was, moreover, a
proposal made to that effect in January 1982 by
the President of the Republic of Korea, which
could constitute an adequate and equitable basis
for discussion.
246.	The question of the functioning of the
Security Council deserves our full attention
also. You, Mr. Secretary-General, in your sombre
but accurate analysis of the present evolution of
the international situation particularly
emphasized the main obstacles to the activities
of the Organization anxious to redress this
situation, you informed us of the steps you
intend to take and of the remedies you would like
to see applied. I support those proposals. I
should like to take this opportunity to
congratulate you on the constructive role you
wish to play, which is fully in accordance With
the Charter. Indeed, Article 99 of the Charter
provides that the Secretary-General "may bring to
the attention of the Security Council any matter
which in his opinion may threaten the maintenance
of international peace and security".
247.	I also believe that reactivation of the
preventive role entrusted to the Security Council
by the Charter, together with the prerogatives of
the Secretary- General, constitute the most
appropriate measure to ensure that increase in
tension in certain parts of die world does not
lead to confrontation, violence, or even war. The
initiative that the Security Council should take,
by virtue of its preventive role under the
Charter, presupposes, however that it would be
informed in time about the development of the
interna¬tional situation and that, in particular,
its attention would be drawn to the real dangers
that the existence of certain sources of tension
in the world might lead to.
248.	The Independent Commission on Disarmament
and Security Issues, under the chairmanship of
Olaf Palme, has produced a report which is
excellent. This report proposes that you, Mr.
Secretary- General, be entrusted with the task of
presenting periodically a concise report on the
evolution of the international situation with the
precise aim of indicating what action should be
taken to ensure that dissension among nations
does not lead to violent confrontations. I
subscribe to this proposal which moreover, meets
the purposes of the Organization without
requiring any amendment of the Charter.
249.	I should like to stress in that respect
the essential role which is vested in the
regional organizations. They are in a better
position to appraise and to judge the level of
tension or possible discord which exists in their
regions. If such be the case, they can help you
in preparing your informational report and advise
you on the nature of the actions that may be
con¬sidered and of the measures that may be
proposed to the Security Council.
250.	Thus it becomes clear that the right to
take preventive action should be considered as a
duty the better to serve the objectives of the
Organization.
251.	The problems that confront human society
today are numerous. Several are of such a scope
that solutions can only be found on a global
scale. Thus a heavy responsibility rests on the
shoulders of all of the Members of the
Organization, and particularly on the great
Powers which have special authority in the
Security Council. From their consensus and their
sincere understanding with other nations there
should emerge a better functioning of the
Organization and a better guarantee of the
establishment of an ultimate climate of lasting
peace.
252.	This joint action, supported by the
political will and commitment of all the Members
of the United Nations, should allow a
transformation of the present situation of
uncertainty and crisis into a climate of mutual
confidence, a necessary prelude to the
estab¬lishment of an era of peace and universal
justice.
253.	With the holding of the second special
session of the Assembly devoted to disarmament,
the year 1982 seems to mark a new phase in this
particular area, which is at the centre of our
endeavors and affects the universal conscience to
an ever greater extent. If the essentials of the
disarmament effort could have been preserved,
particularly the achieve¬ments of the first
special session, in 1978, whose Final Document
remains the solid basis on which to build our
future efforts, it would be vain to try to hide
the fact that the results of the special session
of 1982 fall far short of our expectations.
254.	We have tried to check and even reduce
the increase in arms at a time when the sense of
insecurity was increasing in the world. We have
attributed that insecurity to the enormous
over-capacity for mutual destruction, whereas in
fact its roots lie in the increase in tension, of
which the arms race is but a symptom. Our first
priority, to ensure the security of States, is
therefore the establishment of a more favorable
political climate based on confidence, a sense of
reality and good faith. Tension must be reduced
before nations are disarmed. That is essentially
a political undertaking, which is within the
purview of the General Assembly at the
thirty-seventh session; I urge it to succeed
where the special session on disarmament has
failed.
255.	Economic progress is also one of the main
objectives of the United Nations. The picture of
the international economic situation today does
not give rise to an optimistic outlook;
everywhere one hears only of stagnation,
unemployment, interest rates, fluctuations in the
exchange rates, and deficits in the balance of
payments. Peace and international security are
the primary goals of the United Nations, but we
should never forget that millions of unemployed
people throughout the world follow our debates
and wonder what the Organization is doing for
them.
256.	The economic crisis makes it incumbent
upon the Organization and the specialized
agencies to take all possible measures to
mitigate the havoc caused by this depression,
which is both cyclical and struc-tural, and to
use every means at their disposal to alleviate
the present situation as quickly as possible. One
cannot sufficiently underline that absolute
neces¬sity. My country is profoundly convinced
that the United Nations, and more specifically
the Economic and Social Council, could and should
undertake this task by making recommendations to
the General Assembly, to Member States and to the
specialized agencies concerned, in accordance
with the principles of the Charter.
257.	May I recall in this connection the
support that Belgium is giving to the action
undertaken by the Director-General for
development and international Economic
Co-operation, Mr. Ripert, to strengthen and
deepen the general economic debates in the
Economic and Social Council. Those debates, by
improving the co-ordination of economic policies,
could provide a new impetus to international
eco¬nomic activity.
258.	Underdevelopment was already one of the
scourges of our world; the financial crisis of
today makes its elimination even more difficult.
As far as the dialogue with the developing
countries and the global negotiations are
concerned, it should be noted that economic
interdependence in the world has steadily
increased. However, the slowing down of economic
activity and the disruption of the international
monetary system have seriously affected the
volume of transfer of financial resources from
the wealthy countries to the poor countries. That
has resulted in a further deterioration of the
economies of the least-developed nations, already
strongly affected by the rise in oil prices.
259.	That interdependence should lead each
group of countries to view the revival of the
world economy as a vital objective based on
mutual interest. That is why Belgium, together
with its partners in the European Community, is
wholly in favor of beginning the global
negotiations. A new North-South dialogue can
succeed only if it results in a satisfactory
outcome for all groups. Without such a dialogue,
that inter¬dependence in the future will be
accompanied by growing insecurity and antagonism
between nations.
260.	Belgium, for its part, would like to see
new forms of co-operation substituted for those
risks, allowing us to overcome the crisis and
bring about a common responsibility for world
interdependence.
261.	The establishment and the general
recognition of rights designed to protect the
fulfillment of the indi¬vidual and his
integration within the community are undoubtedly
a great victory for civilization over despotism.
Therefore, beyond doubt, the initial
responsibility for ensuring respect for these
human rights is primarily the duty of each State
within its own territory. Nevertheless, the
international com¬munity should not only endorse
those fundamental rights; it should also be able
to guarantee their observance.
262.	It is not enough for States to endow
themselves with the means to implement human
rights. They need also the political will to
employ these means and to allow a procedure of
recourse in cases of omission or shortcomings, or
what could be described as "errors" of
interpretation of international norms, by the
respon¬sible national authorities. The
international community has already established
different forms of monitoring with respect to
human rights. However, we must admit that in most
of the cases these safeguards produce only meager
results, either because they are not binding, or
because of the small number of those who have
adhered to them. The causes of that deficiency
are numerous, but I believe that they can be
narrowed down essen¬tially to two.
263.	In the first place, if it is true that
human dignity is universal and that each human
being has the right to enjoy his fundamental
rights without discrimination, it is also true
that the positive expression of this human
dignity may vary, depending on time and place.
Our sense of reality requires us to take these
dif-ferences into account and to achieve a more
effective protection of certain rights, a better
result based on concepts which are less vague. On
the whole, would it not be preferable to have a
well-defined number of rights accepted in the
different regions of the world that are
effectively and fully respected, rather than to
have a long list of theoretical rights?
264.	In the same context, one may wish to give
more extensive thought to the organic links which
should be established between on the one hand the
regional monitoring machinery over human
rights—and I am happy to see that they are
expanding not only in Europe but also in other
parts of the world—and on the other hand the
international monitoring devices, whose role
could be reviewed in relation to their new link
with regional mechanisms.
265.	Secondly, more effective protection of
human rights should, it seems to me, take into
account the diversity of the international
machinery. In a Utopia an independent body of
magistrates would be estab¬lished to ensure the
harmonious implementation of human rights all
over the world while taking local circumstances
into account. This body of magistrates would hold
itself aloof from the partisan interests that are
so dear to States, with their present egoistic
outlook.
266.	The way that co-operation between States
has evolved within the Organization makes this
vision still rather remote. I should like to
suggest, however, that a number of practical
measures could be taken progressively to bring us
nearer to that goal. I think it would be
desirable first of all for States to make an
effort to designate, within existing organs or
institu¬tions, internationally recognized
personalities in the field of human rights and to
give them a status that would, like that of the
magistrates I mentioned earlier, ensure their
total independence. Such personalities already
exist in those bodies, but their independence is
not always safeguarded. Furthermore, I think it
would be useful if some of those personalities
could participate in the work of more than one
monitoring body, in order to establish among them
a personal link of co-operation prior to the
establishment of institutional Sinks. Lastly,
could we not envisage the simultaneous
participation of such personalities in the
institutions of the regions from which they come
and in international institutions, or is this
Utopian?
267.	The Organization was created in the
aftermath of a ghastly war that was the result of
the dissemination of ideologies whose principal
characteristics were contempt for and enslavement
of humanity. Those ideologies plunged our
universe into a nightmare which lasted for 15
years. When it ended the world found itself rent
apart, bloodless and lifeless, and mankind was
for a long time traumatized by the horrors it had
perpetrated and suffered. It is not surprising,
there¬fore, that the primary concern of the
founders of the United Nations at its birth were
the protection, the dignity and the fulfillment
of man, and that in drafting the Charter and
establishing its institutions they made man the
centre of their concerns. We must remain faithful
to that original, basic concern, and we must give
priority to the accomplishment of this task that
has been bequeathed to us. Let us remember that
all of us here are the servants of mankind and of
its dignity, and that mankind must constitute for
all of us in our joint action the measure of all
things.