I am particularly pleased at this time to extend to you, Mr. President, on behalf of the Government of Liberia, heartiest congratulations on your unanimous election as President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. You have for many years demonstrated astute statesmanship and unwavering dedication not only to the cause of international peace and global understanding but also to our common world Organization, the United Nations, in your capacity as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria. Please accept our very best wishes and be assured of our fullest co-operation as you discharge the grave and historic responsibility of guiding the important work of this twenty-ninth session.
33.	I should like also to express our most genuine appreciation to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Leopoldo Benites of Ecuador, who presided with calm and wisdom over the work both of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly and of the historic sixth special session.
34.	Significantly, a little more than one year ago, on 24 September 1973, the courageous people of Guinea-Bissau declared the independence and sovereignty of their country, having liberated the greater part of their national territory. Today they have won the battle which, against great odds, they had fought to consolidate their independence and to free every inch of their land from the grasp of an oppressive colonialism. The Republic of Guinea-Bissau has now been accented- as a State Member of the United Nations. Liberia once again whole-heartedly welcomes this sister African State into this world forum and celebrates with it the hard-won freedom of its people to enjoy self-determination and national independence after so many years of difficult and self-sacrificing struggle.
35.	More than 127 years ago, on 26 July 1847, the people of the Republic of Liberia declared their national independence. Since that time, moved by the most remarkable determination, they have preserved the independence of Liberia despite numerous threats and acts of aggression by foreign Powers, to which an independent African State was completely unacceptable. They endured that, as well as the taunts, insults and falsehoods, all deliberately designed to discredit Liberia in an attempt to prove that Africans were incapable of self-government. Because of that historical experience, Liberia attaches the greatest importance to the struggle against colonialism and minority rule anywhere, but most particularly on the African continent. It was the Liberian Government, through its representative on the Security Council, which, on 15 February 1961, first brought to the attention of the Organization the deplorable situation in the Portuguese Territories.2 We are therefore particularly gratified that, the Republic of Guinea- Bissau having entered our midst as a Member of the United Nations, we can anticipate with pleasure both the independence of Mozambique and its entry into the Organization within the next year.
36.	We feel certain that the Portuguese Government, consistent with the progressive attitude and good faith it has already demonstrated, will continue with even greater intensity its efforts designed to arrive at an acceptable arrangement with the African nationalists in Angola so that that Territory may, within the shortest possible time, enjoy the right of self-determination, independence and sovereignty.
37.	The decision taken by the Government of Portugal to bring to a close many centuries of Portuguese colonial domination in Africa represents primarily a victory for those valiant freedom fighters who, in Guinea-Bissau, in Mozambique and in Angola, have never wavered in their determination to attain national independence and forge their own national destinies. It represents also a victory for the people of Portugal themselves, for it frees them from the burden of waging what the Foreign Minister of Portugal has referred to as "a long, useless war" [2239th meeting, para. 102], so costly in precious human lives. It has also gained for Portugal a respected place in the world community.
38.	That frame of mind which welcomed and sup-ported the most blatant exploitation of one people by another, which created colonialism and continues to feed apartheid and other systems based on racial prejudice, must give way entirely to the demands of a new age. The peoples of Africa still subjected to such exploitation and discriminatory treatment are determined to be free, to enjoy human dignity and to take their rightful place in the life of their respective countries and of our world. That will cannot be defeated. We have embarked upon a path from which there can be no turning back. Apartheid and alien minority rule, whether in Zimbabwe, Namibia or South Africa itself, cannot long survive. The torch of freedom has reached the very doorsteps of the most evil of the oppressors. Doubts and insecurity are bound to affect their national life and, in desperation, they can be expected to engage in ever more oppressive measures and to employ greater violence. But all that, in the end, cannot change the inevitable: the majority of the people of those countries will play their full role in political, economic and social affairs and come to enjoy all their rights as citizens. Whatever excuses are advanced, whatever subterfuges cm- ployed, the stark reality is that the South African Government and the illegal Ian Smith regime are maintaining and expanding systems designed to enhance the well-being and ensure the special privileges of a minority, while denying the African majority their basic, elementary and inalienable rights as human beings.
39.	There is an alternative route they could pursue: they could do what is right and just. They could turn with all sincerity to the obliteration of racism and to the establishment of equitable multiracial nations in which the rights of each individual are secured, cultural differences are respected, and special privileges are eliminated. They would thereby ensure, we believe, the peace and harmony of all the people of those countries. They would also contribute to the spirit of reconciliation, co-operation and common purpose which is beginning to take hold among the nations of the world. Otherwise, it may be that the only answer will lie in a greater resort to armed struggle by the African peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe.
40.	Such a development would be extremely regrettable to my Government because of the incalculable cost in human lives which would result and because of the greater threat such a situation would present to international peace and security. But the peoples of those areas may decide that they are left with no other choice. And in that event, those nations which through their trade and investment activities directly or indirectly strengthen the hands of the South African Government and of the Smith regime and stiffen their resolve will then have to bear their full share of the responsibility.
41.	We witnessed yesterday [2248th meeting] the action taken by an overwhelming number of States Members of the Organization rejecting the credentials of the delegation of the minority racist South African regime and adopting by an almost unanimous vote a resolution calling upon the Security Council to review the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa [resolution 3207 (XXIX)]. There has never been a greater show of solidarity by the inter-national community against South Africa's arrogant disregard for every requirement of morality, decency and justice, and for the principles of the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the many resolutions adopted by this world body.
42.	Liberia believes that because South Africa has been intransigent in pursuing its evil, racist and repressive policies, and impervious to the numerous condemnations of those policies by the international community, it is South Africa which has now raised the most serious doubts as to its right to continued membership in the United Nations.
43.	The struggle for national independence has in recent decades achieved remarkable progress, although, regrettably, it has not been entirely successful. Nevertheless, there is now nearly universal acceptance of the principle that every people has an inalienable right to political freedom, national self- determination and independence. And yet, the experience of recent years has shown that these rights cannot be entirely meaningful unless all peoples come to enjoy the freedoms which economic progress makes possible: the freedom from want, from hunger, from endemic disease, from ignorance and from poverty. Many representatives have already addressed themselves to this problem from this rostrum.
44.	At the sixth special session of the General Assembly on raw materials and development held in April, to which the President of Liberia attached such great importance that he attended it himself, these issues were discussed in great depth. President Tolbert said:
"If this special session is destined to achieve the same quality of response as has been forthcoming from all the foregoing meetings and 'paper' declarations, then I doubt that our coming here will have been worth the effort. But if this Assembly would in a concrete manner address itself to the pressing issues of organized global development today, then, as participating countries, we must all stand determined to elevate and to reshape that process which is necessary to translate into evident reality the collective will to accommodate."
45.	Vet effective follow-up measures have not ensued, and many industrialized nations have indicated their dissatisfaction with various aspects of both the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-Vl) and the related Program of Action [resolution 3202 (S-VI)]. The historic dialog which we began at that time must continue with greater vigor and be guided by a clarity of perception as to the ultimate goals we seek to achieve. Efforts must be undertaken to bring to reality the great objectives we expressed at that time. While emergency assistance is required on a priority basis for those developing nations most adversely affected by the existing economic crisis, in the longer run fundamental changes in the structure of the existing trade, monetary and investment systems must be made. New insight and study of means of reconciling in a just way the interests of developing and developed countries, consumers and producers, and rich and poor nations must be found. Mutually acceptable formulas to facilitate and expand greatly the inflow of capital and technological expertise to developing countries must be devised.
46.	In our common endeavor to ensure a better life for the entire family of man, it has become necessary that we look beyond narrow and short-term national interests. Ultimately, the progress and well-being of any one nation will depend on the ability of all nations to prosper. A world which continues to be so clearly divided between the wealthy and the poverty- stricken cannot for long remain a peaceful world. What We need at this time is a joint and firm commitment to address ourselves to the problems which face the world today and which loom ahead for the future. To avoid disaster, we must avoid meaningless rhetoric and sterile exchanges designed to apportion blame, to castigate, or to justify. Liberia is concerned, rather, with the formulation of guidelines and plans by which the quality of life in our world can be improved. Liberia desires to see mere words replaced with action, and meaningless expressions of concern with carefully considered proposals. Most. of all, there must be a determination to embark upon the new course which the times require and to engage in the construction of a more equitable world order before it becomes too late.
47.	During the sixth special session, the President of Liberia also uttered these words:
"Living in an interdependent world, it is important to distinguish between self-interest and selfish interest. Selfish interest contains the possibility of exacting retribution for past injustices, and of seeking equalization for past exploitation. It seeks to promote the betterment of a part, while remaining oblivious to the well-being of the whole. Similarly, nationalism can be a force for good in our one world if its vision remains clearly focused on the commonality of our interests; if its overall targets are outlined in a compromising synthesis of concepts; if its efforts are exerted in a pooling of resources in a genuine pursuit of peace and freedom, security and justice."
Are we continuously aware of this overriding commonality of interest? Can we now engage in a com-promising synthesis of concepts? Will we ever pool our resources for the common good?
48.	For perhaps the first time in history, national problems are, in most instances, world problems. The most fundamental difficulties faced by nations today can no longer be solved in isolation. Global efforts are necessary. Economic growth and development, the growth of the world's population, our concern for irreparable damage to the environment, the availability and price of raw materials, the expansion to all peoples of the benefits of technology, the dilemma of ever-spiraling inflation and the urgent need to assure an adequate supply of energy resources and of food are all problems to which we must collectively find solutions. More than that, they are all interrelated. Yet it is distressing that, despite ever-greater awareness of the interdependence of the nations of our world and the need for implementing a common plan of action to resolve these difficult problems, so very little has been achieved.
49.	Many developing countries remain locked into a world system which keeps them as, essentially, producers of raw materials in a world market system of generally declining prices over which they have no control. Increased prices both of energy supplies and of other necessary imports required for development, and, in some cases, for mere survival, remain unabated. If some nations are able, to a greater or lesser degree, to offset higher costs for certain imports with higher returns on exports and, in some instances, with expanded domestic production, most developing countries are not in a position to do either. All of the evils inherent in shortages and price increases are absorbed by the developing countries. We are bound on a path to economic disaster unless meaningful, effective and urgent action can be undertaken on a sufficiently massive scale.
50.	In recent times, despite the nearly universal commitment to co-operation rather than confrontation, despite the frequent exhortations against producers associations from certain quarters, despite the call for a rational system of distributing goods and services consonant with the expanded requirements of the peoples of the world and the availability of these items, we have yet to see any tangible example of an international will for real action rather than platitudes, declarations and resolutions.
51.	Is it naive to expect wealthy and powerful nations to do much more than they have done which, in some instances, has been meaningful even if grossly insufficient? We are therefore greatly pleased by the statement made by President Gerald R. Ford of the United States, while addressing this Assembly [2234th meeting], that his Government will increase rather than reduce the amount it spends on food and agricultural assistance to other countries. We also welcome the spirit of co-operation with which he called upon all nations to respond to challenges confronting the international community. It is indeed gratifying that this theme has been echoed again and again in these halls by many representatives. We are thus aware of how we need to proceed; what we must now show is the requisite courage and the will for positive action. And it is the responsibility of those nations possessing the capability to do so to take the proper initiative.
52.	The other related concern which permeates our debate is that of peace in our world lasting, genuine and just peace, without which nothing could be accomplished and the very existence of mankind would be exposed to the most serious peril. We have there-fore all welcomed with increasing relief the spirit of accommodation and detente which exists between the major world Powers. No cause, no perception of national interest, no differences in ideological beliefs should be allowed to disturb this process. Rather, in an age of nuclear weapons, the need for peace and co-operation is overriding. It is our hope that recent developments will lead to a reduction of armaments and, ultimately, to complete disarmament. We believe that the security which is to be obtained from armed forces alone, or from an emphasis on military or ideological blocs, is more and more illusory. Indeed, the continued expansion in numbers and deployment of such weapons endangers peace and threatens security. Moreover, the tremendous cost of implements of war could be turned to such peaceful purposes as technological research and development assistance. This is why Liberia supported the Soviet proposal last year for a 10 per cent reduction in the defense budgets of major Powers, with some savings therefrom to be applied to the development needs of third-world countries.5 It is also for these reasons, and because of the evident, perilous threat to the environment such weapons would entail, and the further danger to mankind they would represent, that Liberia supports the proposal put forward this year by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Andrei Gromyko, entitled "Prohibition of action to influence the environment and climate for military and other purposes incompatible with the maintenance of international security, human well-being and health" [A/9702 and Corr.1].
53.	Liberia will always uphold the sovereign right of every nation to a secure existence and decry the use of aggressive force against any nation, or any interference in its domestic affairs by any other nation. As an African nation, we support, foremost, greater co-operation and unity on our continent. We believe that through discussions problems can be resolved and the energies of all African nations can be harnessed for the common benefit of the peoples of Africa and of the world. We shall therefore continue to attach the greatest importance to the Organization of African
Unity [OAV], and to all efforts aimed at promoting bilateral, regional and continental economic co-operation and co-ordination among African States.
54.	At the same time, Liberia believes in the underlying principles of non-alignment and will continue to play an active role in the furtherance of the objectives of the movement of the non-aligned nations.
55.	Liberia reaffirms its dedication to, and support for, the lofty ideals and high purposes prescribed in the Charter of the United Nations, However, Liberia feels that certain provisions of the Charter should be reviewed in the light of present-day realities.
56.	Despite the generally favorable trend of events in international politics and the greater consolidation of detente among the major Powers, it is most regrettable that the peace, security and internal stability of smaller States may still be disturbed by more powerful States. Detente and the climate of accommodation, to be truly meaningful, must apply to relations among all States, be they large or small. The case of Cyprus, which a few minutes ago was so eloquently stated from this rostrum by His Beatitude Archbishop Makarios, President of the Republic of Cyprus, illustrates an unfortunate example of the imperfections in the international system. I would echo the words of Secretary of State Kissinger of the United States:
. . tolerance of local conflict tempts world holocaust" [2238th meeting, para. 46], But that is one aspect of the problem. The other is that, regardless of whether or not any particular conflict remains localized, the people of that area are exposed to the horrors, the tragedy and the devastation of war. Moreover, the sacred principles of peaceful resolution of disputes and of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States are thereby trampled upon. These are firm and immutable principles absolutely necessary to an ordered and just world society. All nations must observe and respect them, or no nation will find security. I therefore hope that the people of Cyprus will be allowed the opportunity to resolve their difficulties peacefully and without undesired interference.
57.	The cease-fire and disengagement agreements in the Middle East constitute an extremely hopeful beginning. I pay tribute to the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Henry Kissinger, for his tire-less and highly effective diplomatic initiatives. The role of the United Nations, and, in particular, that taken by the Secretary-General, who consistently demonstrates his total devotion and dedication to the cause of peace and the ideals of the Organization, merit our highest commendation. Yet dangers still persist. Portions of Arab territories are still held by Israeli forces. But we fervently believe that a just and durable peace can be obtained through patience, determination and good faith. Such a peace can only be guaranteed by complete Israeli withdrawal from illegally occupied Arab territories and by a firm commitment by all concerned to respect the legitimate rights of all nations in that region to a secure national existence within well-defined and acceptable frontiers. But genuine peace will not be possible if the aspirations of the Palestinian people and recognition of their legitimate rights are not taken into full account. We also believe that the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East should be resumed as early as possible, and that the Palestinians should be accorded representation. But those are complex issues which should be carefully considered and discussed in this forum, for the fate of the Middle East surely is of the greatest importance to the peace and security of our world.
58.	The hopes that the resources of the sea-bed and ocean floor will in reality become a common heritage for mankind, and that a fair and just determination will be made of national rights as regards territorial waters and exclusive economic zones, found expression in the important Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Caracas last summer. Despite its less-than-successful results, these hopes will be disappointingly unfulfilled if, in Geneva next March, compromise and conciliation do not prevail. We would then have lost a golden opportunity to set the world on a course of justice and peace in a very vital area.
59.	We have reached the cross-roads. The path which we must follow, if a future of peace and plenty, brotherhood and understanding is to be assured, is clear. We are challenged at this momentous time to translate the ideals long expressed by so many of us into concrete reality. Should we fail to do so, it is evident that this good earth which we all share will be engulfed by unmanageable difficulties. In such circumstances, peace among nations will at best be meaningless and, at worst, virtually impossible to obtain, as each nation scrambles to assure its own survival. Our sacred task as members of the family of man and as representatives of a community of nations existing in the world must be, through co-operation, with a sense of common purpose and an acute awareness of the fragility of human existence, to undertake the construction of a rational and just world order in which all peoples can enjoy a life in larger freedom void of the ravages of disease, of violence and war, of hunger, of numbing oppression, of hatred and prejudices, of extreme poverty and of want.
60.	I believe that we of this world community are capable of achieving these goals. Let us therefore recognize the interdependence of our world, carefully observe the pitfalls which lie before us, and with conviction foresight, strength and courage totally involve ourselves at this session and in the years to come to the noble and arduous task of creating a "new progressive age" for all mankind, and for all times.


 For many years, from this rostrum and others, the non-aligned countries have constantly called for peace and detente -a far-reaching general detente which would lead to international understanding and co-operation. As pointed out by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work' of the Organization [AI960llAdd.l], it is comforting to see that here and there in the world there is continuing progress towards detente.
47.	One serious threat to international peace and security, as we have never ceased to condemn, is the persistence of colonialism and racial discrimination in Africa. However, there are very promising developments in the Portuguese colonies of Africa. History teaches us that a people which oppresses another cannot be free, and this truth has been amply confirmed in Portugal. The Portuguese people, subjugated by one of the last Fascist regimes of our century, was unable to liberate itself so long as the Portuguese Government was bent on pursuing overseas and by force of arms a policy of colonial occupation which history, the determination of the colonized peoples and world opinion condemned to inevitable failure.
48.	As things turned out, in their heroic and just struggle against colonialism, the valiant liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies contributed substantially to the liberation of the Portuguese people itself. The glory for this is theirs. Today, after half a century of Fascist and obscurantist dictatorship, the Portuguese people can at last live as a free people, devoting itself to the urgent task of development and resuming its place in the community of nations.
49.	But if the events of April 1974 are to become a genuine revolution worthy of the great humanist traditions of Portugal, if they are to become part of the logic of detente, the dialectical process must proceed to the very end. In other words, the political liberalization which has been taking place in the metropolitan country and which is no more than a necessary prerequisite must be followed by the rapid accession to independence and freedom of the Portuguese colonies as well.
50.	We are following and we welcome all the efforts being made by the new Portuguese regime in this direction. We hope that nothing will arrest its progress along the honorable road upon which it has embarked, at the end of which it will And the respect and friend-ship of the African countries and of all the peoples of the world who love peace and justice.
51.	We also hope that the Portuguese example will inspire all the other colonial Powers to speed up the inevitable decolonization of the colonial territories they still occupy. To this effect, we support the efforts of the French Government to speed the process of decolonization of the Comoro Islands.
52.	We also take note of the recent statements of the SpanisL Government concerning what is called Spanish Sahara, and we are closely watching political developments in that territory in the light of the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity [iOAU] and the United Nations which should lead to effective and genuine decolonization,
53.	Finally, we hope that there will soon be a happy outcome in the case of Zimbabwe, that of Azania and that of the international territory of Namibia. In other words, and in accordance with United Nations resolutions, Pretoria must put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia. The Government of the United Kingdom, the administering Power, must restore legality in Rhodesia by establishing a genuine democracy, resulting from negotiations with the liberation movements, which are the sole authentic representatives of the people of Zimbabwe. As for apartheid, which is a disgrace to our century, the United Nations must stop at nothing in order to bring to heel the South African racists who have made racism a State policy.
54.	My delegation unreservedly supports the decision taken recently by the Assembly [resolution 3207 (XXIX)] to invite the Council to consider frankly the relations between South Africa and the United Nations, and will spare no effort in the Security Council to ensure the triumph of the just cause of the African people of Azania.
55.	I take this opportunity of paying a well-deserved tribute to all the friendly countries which so far have given their material, financial or political support to the African liberation movements. As I did in the course of the good-will mission which I have just carried out in some of thole countries at the head of a delegation of the Co-ordination Committee for the Liberation of Africa, on the express instructions of the OAU, I wish to reiterate to all those countries the deep gratitude of Africa.
56.	The encouraging prospects we have just mentioned concerning decolonization should not, however, make us forget that detente remains fragile so long as hotbeds of tension or bones of contention continue to exist in Viet Nam, Korea, Cambodia, the Middle East or Cyprus and so long as brutal or covert interference by foreign Powers in the internal affairs of other States continues to spread. That is why our desire has always been that a lasting and just peace should rapidly return to those regions.
57.	As far as Viet Nam is concerned, we look for the complete withdrawal of foreign troops so that the Vietnamese people, within the framework of the Paris agreements, may bind up their wounds in freedom and set about rebuilding their economy laid waste by long years of war.
58.	Similarly, we consider that following the dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea the time has come to withdraw all foreign troops still stationed on Korean territory. It is only in a situation free from outside interference that the people of Korea will be able freely and effectively to resolve the problem of the independent and peaceful reunification of their country.
59.	In Cambodia, powerfully and firmly united behind its President, Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, in the National United Front of Kampuchea, the Cambodian people are successfully combating aggression. More than 90 per cent of the territory of Cambodia with more than 80 per cent of the population is now liberated and under the direct administration of the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia. My delegation accordingly considers that the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia must resume its rightful place in the United Nations without further delay.
60.	We welcome all the efforts of the United Nations and on a bilateral basis to restore peace to the Middle East, but we still say that, in order to bring about a just and lasting solution, these efforts must be based essentially on the withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab territories and the restoration of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
61.	In the island of Cyprus the constitutional edifice erected so laboriously in 1960 has been taking terrible punishment which reached its peak in July 1974 and has already cost thousands of innocent lives. The guarantors of the island's status -the United Kingdom, Greece and Turkey -have been unable, and with good reason, to find immediate ways and means of restoring peace, which is a prerequisite for the search for a negotiated solution to this problem, the implications of which, by endangering an established system, could threaten world peace.
62.	Confronted with this impasse, the world was in good conscience obliged to react and to call for an end to human suffering and the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops, with the praiseworthy objective of creating conditions favorable for the final settlement of the question by the establishment of the independence, unity and territorial integrity of the island. Those were essentially the concerns of the Security Council in its resolution 353 (1974) of 20 July 1974. As a non-permanent member of the Council, Cameroon was happy to contribute to those efforts, which must be continued.
63.	Much remains to be done in this direction, in as much as that resolution of the Council and the other subsequent resolutions, the Geneva Conference and other initiatives in the same direction have not produced the desired effects. One of the things the Assembly must do at this session is to seek an appropriate solution to this problem, in which humanitarian considerations must take precedence over political aspects.
64.	That is why my delegation, aware of the tense situation which continues to prevail in Cyprus and, if truth be told, throughout the eastern Mediterranean, will look favorably upon and support any initiative from no matter what quarter tending definitively to restore peace to the island and to resolve no less definitively, in the interests of the Greek and Turkish communities of the island, the political problem posed by an untoward arrangement whose failure all deplore.
65.	I should like now to address myself to a matter of concern which is crucial to detente, and I refer to international co-operation. The sixth special session of the General Assembly, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held at Caracas, and, most recently, the World Population Conference held at Bucharest, revealed the importance of the subjects they dealt with, the urgent need for fair solutions, and at th« same time the stubbornness of selfish national interests that render all efforts of cooperation practically useless.
66.	Twelve months ago, when the energy crisis be-came widespread, we realized how precarious our situation was; but our problems did not begin yesterday. For several years now, world prices for certain commodities have been continuously rising. According to the economists, the relationship between prices and incomes is direct, which is to say that high living standards are matched by high wages which in their turn lead to rising prices. But this situation does not prevail to an equal degree everywhere in the world.
67.	It is true in the developed countries, where the majority of the people earn salaries above the average. But when the developing countries, whose active population must content themselves with low wages, are caught up in the machinery of inflation, their purchasing power undergoes a sharp decline. Thus, the poor become every day poorer and the Governments, destitute of resources, encounter insurmountable difficulties which can jeopardize the functioning of essential institutions.
68.	It has been said that today 15 per cent of the human race possesses 85 per cent of the world's wealth; and the majority of those people live in Western Europe and North America, while hunger, ignorance, disease, poverty and natural disaster are the lot of the countries of the third world.
69.	In recent years we have drawn the attention of the international community to the many and grave problems of the third world. Perhaps we were not understood. It seems to me that the petroleum-producing countries, in their frustration, have merely burst the abscess of a crisis which had long been gathering. Their position is well known. But did the developing countries have to go so far before the international community finally woke up to the situation and decided to come to the aid of our frail economies, by setting fair prices for our raw materials?
70.	All of us in this Assembly have an idea of the way in which bilateral and multilateral aid is granted to the developing countries. While the gratitude of those countries should be emphasized here, we may ask for how much longer this aid will continue to be forthcoming, and what is its real impact on our economies, when all the other factors necessary for harmonious, accelerated, extensive and lasting development are lacking.
71.	We have noted that since the end of the Second World War the prices of manufactured goods have increased year after year. With these rising prices, the level of living in industrialized regions has substantially improved, and the populations of Western Europe and North America have thus entered an age of luxury and even waste. The developing countries can only look on helplessly while this is happening for, while our production increases thanks to energetic development efforts, the income that we derive from it continues to decline.
72.	Until a. just and proportionate relationship is established between the prices of manufactured goods and those of raw materials, we shall never be safe from technological aggression. In other words, the real problem facing mankind is that of a better distribution of resources, services and technology, and this can only be achieved by a vigorous policy of international co-operation, which was what the Second United Nations Development Decade seemed to be aiming at with, among other objectives, the transfer of technology.
73.	We are not asking for charity from the wealthy countries, even though history tells us that those countries in large part built their colossal fortunes and ensured their own development by the exploitation of our peoples and the plunder of our natural resources. What we are asking is merely a new and more equitable economic order.
74.	The General Assembly at its sixth special session showed the way to avoid the errors of the old economic system which led to the present crisis. One of the most important results of that session was the unanimous recognition of the interdependence of the industrialized countries and the countries of the third world that provide raw materials, and the interdependence of problems of trade, development financing and the international monetary system. To solve those problems we need co-ordinated solutions, both on the national and on the international level. The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and, above all, the Program of Action for the establishment of this new international economic order, indicate both the objectives to be attained and the means of attaining them.
75.	My delegation particularly welcomes the Special Program established by resolution 3202 (S-VI), in which the General Assembly calls on the whole United Nations family to undertake immediately an emergency assistance operation in order to aid those of the developing countries most deeply affected by the present world economic crisis. My delegation notes with satisfaction that many countries have already clearly indicated their willingness to make voluntary contributions to that Special Program.
76.	Where tLsre has been some progress towards political detente it has often been outside the United Nations, Similarly, in the field of co-operation we cannot seem to find, inside our Organization, a platform acceptable to both industrial and third-world countries whereas, outside the United Nations, in a bilateral, subregional, regional or multilateral context, some positive action is possible.
77.	Can we therefore conclude that the United Nations has failed in its mission? Not at all. Over the 29 years of its existence the United Nations, because it is unique and universal, has emerged as an outstanding forum for contacts, for the exchange of views, and for collective reflection on the common problems of all mankind. Furthermore, in the specialized agencies major efforts have been made and positive results achieved. We hope that with the distinguished and dynamic encouragement of the Economic and Social Council, and with the assistance of our tireless Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to whom we should like to reiterate our congratulations, the work of the specialized agencies will continue and expand.
78.	It is therefore under the banner of hope that we come to take part in the work of the twenty-ninth session. It is, of course, a qualified hope, but a hope that will one day be realized through the determination of some, the understanding of others and the firm purpose of all who bear the name of man. Our hope is a world where peace, justice and human solidarity will prevail.
79.	When we speak of human solidarity, our thoughts naturally go to Honduras and Peru, whose peoples have been so sorely tried by a terrible hurricane. I hope that the delegations of Honduras and Peru will accept the deeply felt condolences of the delegation of Cameroon in this painful hour. Far from being discouraged, such trials should, on the contrary, strengthen our solidarity and shore up our hopes for a better future.
80.	You will, therefore, understand, Mr. President, that my delegation, moved by this hope, appreciates the three-fold tribute represented by your enthusiastic and unanimous election to the presidency of the twenty-ninth session. This is, first of all, a tribute to the people of Africa who, thanks to the dynamic and resolute stand of OAU over the past few years, particularly since the last session, have played a considerable role in reaffirming and strengthening the ideals of freedom, independence and solidarity set forth in the Charter of the United Nations.
81.	It is also a tribute to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, whose valiant people have won imperishable laurels not only through its heroic struggle against colonial oppression, but also because of its continuing fight against the injustices of imperialism as denounced at the last special session, convened in fact on the initiative of your famous head of State, President Houari Boumediene.
82.	And it is a tribute, finally, to yourself, a diplomat of consummate skill, a tireless freedom fighter and impassioned defender of the dignity and independence of the peoples of the third world. Beyond the mere ritual of congratulations, believe me, Mr. President, my delegation feels itself directly touched by these tributes paid by the most noble world Assembly to the head of the delegation of a friendly sister country.
83.	We should also like to extend this tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Benites, who so wisely and responsibly directed the difficult proceedings of the twenty- eighth session and, above all, the sixth special session.
84.	A sign of the times: it is under your presidency that we joyfully welcome for the first time the delegation of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, that brother State whose independence, proclaimed on the field of battle a year ago, tolled the knell for the last and oldest of the colonial empires. We welcome the admission to this Assembly of our brothers from Guinea- Bissau and of our friends from Bangladesh and Grenada, and we extend to them our warmest congratulations.
85.	The admission of three new Members is part of the thrust towards universality, which must be one of the objectives of our Organization if it really wishes to be the major center for harmonizing the actions of all the nations of the world so as to maintain international peace and security, to develop international relations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character. In a word, to usher in a genuine world civilization in conformity with the provisions of Article 1 of the Charter.


28.	Mankind is approaching a memorable date the thirtieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War. The years that have passed since then have been filled with a persistent struggle for the prevention of a new military catastrophe, for the strengthening of international peace and security. We can say with satisfaction that much has been achieved. The international situation today is increasingly characterized by important processes connected with the consolidation and deepening of detente and the extension of its sphere of influence. These processes affect a growing number of countries and continents and are beginning to exert a favorable influence on the advance of peoples towards socio-economic progress.
29.	The favorable changes in the world have led to increased trust between countries and contributed to the creation of an atmosphere of mutual under-standing of the interests of other countries and peoples. The adherents of dictatorial and coercive methods in international relations are becoming increasingly isolated. Changes are taking place in the very thinking of those whose lives and feelings have been inhibited for so long by the cold war.
30.	For all these development; history will pay tribute to the Soviet Union, the States of the socialist community, the non-aligned and other peace-loving countries and realistic political circles, which are striving together to strengthen peace and security and embark on the high road of constructive discussion and the solution of outstanding problems.
31.	An important role in the process of the relaxation of international tension is being played by the development of peaceful relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. The important agreements concluded between them in the past two years represent a major contribution to the cause of peace, and their implementation will undoubtedly promote the solution of many controversial problems.
32.	It can now be stated with the utmost certainty that the new climate which is emerging in international relations is contributing to the settlement of various situations of conflict and making it possible for people to resist aggressive actions more effectively and defend their interests more successfully.
33.	The conclusion of the Paris agreements on Viet Nam, the first steps towards a Middle East settlement, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the talks on the reduction of armaments and armed forces in Central Europe, the negotiations on the limitation of strategic arms between the United States and the Soviet Union -all these important historical events have been and are possible only as a result of positive changes in the international situation. It should also be emphasized that it was precisely as a result of these changes that it became possible to discuss the timely questions raised by the developing countries at the sixth special session of the General Assembly on the establishment of just economic relations among States.
34.	Notwithstanding all the complications and difficulties on the road to peace, and the roughness of that road, it is still fair to say that it is the process of relaxation of tensions that determines the development of current international relations. As was stressed by the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukraine, V. V. She her- bit sky, at a meeting with voters on 6 June this year in Kiev, "Detente is standing the test of stability, making constant headway and becoming ever more irreversible".
35.	At the same time, it would be unforgivably naive and misguided to suppose that in these new conditions the contradictions of the present-day world will settle themselves or that the threat of war has become an illusion. We must not forget that influential enemies of detente -military-industrial complexes and monopolies growing rich on the arms race- are still at work. Political adventurers from imperialist military blocs which thrived in the favorable climate of the cold war think even now in terms of a policy from a position of strength, provocations, military revolts and coups d'etat. They try to use the tensions which still exist in relations among some States in order to poison the international atmosphere. A shameful contribution is made to this futile exercise by international zionism, the anti-Soviet emigre rubbish which has installed itself in the West and those bourgeois ideologists and journalists who have been so busy at the feeding trough of the cold war—a trough which for them remains to this day a source of sustenance.
36.	In this unsavory company we find certain politicians -politicians rather than statesmen -who under the guise of pseudo-revolutionary phraseology are actually doing damage to the national liberation movements, the cause of peace and international co-operation. As at previous sessions of the General Assembly, the delegation of the Chinese People's Republic, headed by Mr. Chiao Kuan-hua, is repeating all kinds of malicious anti-Soviet fabrications. We still find in the arsenal of the utterances of this gentleman the trumped-up slanderous theory of the superPowers, the so-called regional super-Powers, and appeals to what he called revolutionary action, which, in fact, amounts to the fanning of the flames of military conflict. Doing everything he can to oppose detente, the Chinese representative still rejects all the constructive proposals of the Soviet Union, the socialist and other peace-loving States for the sake of the strengthening of international peace and security.
37.	It is precisely the Maoists who are opposing proposals approved by the General Assembly, such as the convening of a world disarmament conference, a reduction of military budgets and the use of part of the funds so saved for assistance to developing countries, the non-use of force in international relations, the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, the calling of a halt to the testing of these weapons, and much else.
38.	Now, what concrete proposals does Peking have for us for the solution of the questions of the strengthening of peace and disarmament which are so vitally important for the state of mankind? Nothing —apart from approving chaos in international relations, which is essentially the same as intensifying confrontation and stepping up the arms race.
39.	In his statement yesterday [2252nd meeting] the Chinese representative once again attempted to cast the shadow of slander on the role of the Soviet Union in the granting of assistance tcf national liberation movements and the struggle of the Arab peoples for liberation from Israeli occupation of Arab territories. But we know that slanderous verbal outpourings cannot diminish the significance of the vast political, material and military assistance: being given by the Soviet Union to the fighting peoples.
143o To paraphrase the Chinese proverb which we were offered by Mr. Chiao Kuan-hua, I could say that the flowers of slander wither, but the inexorable facts remain, and these facts are not in favour of the Chinese leadership.
144.	To resist the forces of reaction and the opponents of the easing of tension is possible only through the adoption of concrete decisions and measures which would really lead to a consolidation of peace. Therefore, the United Nations must intensify its efforts in what is the key direction of all its activities—the maintenance of peace and the strengthening of international security. We must promote this at this session by discussing the question of the implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)]. In recent years this document of fundamental importance has been reinforced by a number of new constructive proposals embodied in new decisions and resolutions of. the United Nations which are currently in force in interstate relations.
145.	At the same time it should be pointed out that the effectiveness of the strengthening of international security has been decisively influenced by the consistent implementation of the Soviet program of peace mapped out by the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and by the practical initiatives of the States of the socialist community.
146.	In this connexion, I would like once again to stress the importance of the declaration on the non- use of force in international relations and permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons contained in General Assembly resolution 2936 (XXVII) adopted on the initiative of the Soviet Union. At the present time there are favorable conditions for further progress in settling the question of the renunciation of the use of force by means of all types of weapons, including nuclear weapons. In our opinion, the time has come to take practical steps for the complete implementation of this declaration and to make the most important principles contained in it binding on all Members of the United Nations. We express the hope that the Security Council, in accordance with the recommendation of this resolution, will take an appropriate decision.
147.	Recent events in the eastern Mediterranean reaffirm the necessity to fight ever more energetically for the renunciation of the use of force in international relations. The dangerous course of events in Cyprus provoked by certain circles of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] runs counter to the measures designed to strengthen international security and therefore affects the interests of all peoples. The vital interests of the people of Cyprus have been seriously threatened. The issue is nothing less than the very existence of this non-aligned State.
148.	The Ukrainian SSR calls for a cessation of all outside interference in the affairs of Cyprus, a Member of the United Nations, for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from its territory, for the restoration of constitutional order, and for granting the Cypriots themselves a real opportunity to settle their own domestic affairs.
149.	The wrongfulness and the failure of the attempts to solve the Cyprus problem within a narrow circle and in the interests of NATO, without regard to the will of the Cypriots themselves, only reaffirm the importance and the timeliness of the proposal of the USSR to convene, within the framework of the United Nations, an international conference on Cyprus. Such a representative forum could prepare decisions which would really ensure the existence of Cyprus as an independent, sovereign and territorially integral State, something which corresponds to the interests of the entire people of Cyprus.
150.	There must be no further delay, either, in a political settlement of the Middle East problem, which for decades now has been poisoning the international atmosphere. The key conditions of such a settlement were and remain as follows: the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Arab territories occupied in 1967; the protection of the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine in accordance with their national aspirations; the ensuring of the security, territorial integrity and sovereignty of all the States in this region. In the meantime, Israel continues its saber-rattling. It is making attacks on Lebanon, attempting to freeze the situation which arose following the agreements on troop disengagement on the Golan Heights and in Sinai, and is trying to replace radical political solutions by half-measures in order to entrench itself in the occupied territories.
151.	But such a policy has no future. It can lead only to further exacerbation and conflict. The interests of peace, the interests of all the peoples of this region urgently require the immediate resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East.
152.	Recent events have made it ever more obvious that a Middle East settlement is impossible without a solution of the Palestinian problem and the ensuring of the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine. For this reason, the delegation of the Ukrainian SSR supported the inclusion of that item in the agenda of this session.
153.	The draft resolution submitted by a group of countries aimed at the withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed in South Korea under the flag of the United Nations [Al9703lAdd.3] is also one of the measures aimed at strengthening international security. The presence of these troops is a major obstacle to the unification of Korea by peaceful means; it represents a source of constant military and political tension in this area and encourages the dictatorial regime of South Korea to carry out repression of democratic forces.
154.	The Saigon rulers, who enjoy support from the outside, are continuing their bloodshed and their systematic violation of the Paris agreements. At the same time, it is absolutely clear that strict observance of these agreements is the major condition for the establishment of just and lasting peace in Viet Nam. The peoples of Asia are striving for peace, for the creation of a situation propitious for economic and social development, and conditions are becoming ever riper here for the establishment of a collective security system.
155.	The memorable change which has taken place in the international situation from cold war to mutual understanding, from confrontation to negotiation, to the solution or the beginning of a solution of a number of the most important problems which only yesterday seemed insoluble, is creating real prospects for progress in the field of disarmament. The need to intensify efforts in this direction is dictated by the fact that in spite of the favorable changes in the world, the arms race continues. Swallowing up more than $250,000 million every year, it is not only having an adverse effect on the security of all States but also diverting vast amounts of material and human resources from peaceful creative work. Therefore, the task of supplementing political detente with military detente is extremely timely. The well-known initiatives of the USSR and other socialist countries are designed precisely to achieve this goal.
156.	Another important and concrete measure in this field is that contained in the item entitled "Prohibition of action to influence the environment and climate for military and other purposes incompatible with the maintenance of international security, human well-being and health" [item 103], which has been submitted at this session of the General Assembly by the Soviet Union [A/9702]. This proposal is based on due regard for the real situation in the world and the prospects opened up by science and technology for creating new means and methods of warfare so far little known but potentially catastrophic for all man-kind. The time has come to work out and conclude an appropriate international convention to outlaw action designed to influence the environment and climate for military purposes. Raising a new barrier to the arms race, such an agreement would also be an important contribution to the performance of the global task of protecting the human environment. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR fully and wholeheartedly endorses this valuable initiative of the Soviet Union and calls upon the General Assembly to give it the necessary support.
157.	We should like particularly to stress that constructive and positive participation of all States possessing important military potential and, above all, all the nuclear Powers, is extremely important for progress in the field of disarmament. The favorable trend in international development cannot of itself replace goodwill and the concrete contribution of each State to the cause of disarmament.
158.	The purposes of uniting the efforts of all States in the world in this area would be served by the convening of a world disarmament conference, something which the General Assembly has repeatedly favored. Under present conditions, the timeliness and need for the earliest possible convening of such a conference are more than ever obvious, and the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the World Disarmament Conference submitted to the General Assembly [AI9628] says precisely this.
159.	The Ukrainian SSR is in favor of the convening of a world conference with the participation of all States of the world at the earliest possible time and calls upon all States to make a constructive contribution to its practical preparation and convening. All kinds of tricks aimed at slowing down and frustrating the preparations for such a conference can only be regarded as reluctance to participate in preparing measures of disarmament.
160.	Consolidation of the multilateral agreements already attained and making them more universal is an extremely urgent task in the field of disarmament. Indeed, without the positive participation in these agreements of all militarily significant Powers, especially the nuclear Powers, it would be difficult to talk about ensuring complete and effective realization of the measures designed to limit the arms race and bring about disarmament contained therein or about further progress in this field. We have in mind such important agreements as the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water, signed in Moscow on 5 August 1963,3 the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]; the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction [resolution 2826 (XXVI), annex], the Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, signed at Geneva on 17 June 1925,4 and others.
161.	The prohibition of chemical weapons and the comprehensive prohibition of nuclear-weapons testing, the reduction and freezing of military budgets and many other measures are urgent problems in the field of disarmament which could lead to the bringing about and achievement of the purposes of general and complete disarmament. There are really quite a few problems in the field of disarmament and all of them are important problems. But however difficult they may seem, they can be solved given the goodwill and the maximum exertions of States.
162.	Each year is marked with new victories of the national liberation struggle of peoples. In this regard the delegation of the Ukrainian SSR welcomes with special satisfaction the new Members of the United Nations—the People's Republic of Bangladesh, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau and Grenada. We wish the peoples of these countries success in the strengthening of their national independence and in their economic and social development.
163.	New prospects are now being opened up in the world for the complete and final liquidation of colonialism and racism. The successful liberation struggle of the peoples of Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mozambique is further proof of the importance and effectiveness of the solidarity and unity of action, particularly in the United Nations, of the forces of national liberation, peace, democracy and socialism. The task of finally eradicating colonialism and racism requires further strengthening of this unity and cohesiveness. Attempts to undermine or split the united anti-imperialist, anti-colonial front by means of false slogans and theories of all kinds can only harm the cause of complete liberation of peoples from the shackles of colonialism and racism.
164.	Indeed, it is precisely right now that favourable conditions are being created for the complete implementation of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]. To this end, it is necessary to intensify the struggle against the racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury still remaining in Africa and against those who support. these regimes and help them keep the peoples in conditions of colonial slavery. We must implement the decisions of the United Nations on South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia. There must be no procrastination and no manoeuvres de-signed to perpetuate colonial domination if we want once and for all to settle the question of decolonization of the remaining colonial Territories both in Africa and elsewhere in the world. Racism, apartheid and colonialism must be destroyed once and for all as early as possible. Our country has always supported and is prepared to continue .providing comprehensive assistance and support to the peoples fighting for their freedom and independence, for the complete liquidation of colonialism, racism and apartheid.
165.	A year has now passed since the bloody coup staged by the military junta in Chile. However, the anger of peoples who resolutely condemned the crimes of the Fascist junta has not subsided. The terrorist regime in Chile has been condemned by all peoples and constitutes a threat to the progressive achievements of Latin America. The hysterical demagoguery that the protege of the hangmen of the Chilean people has been constantly resorting to here, under the pretext of the right of reply, will not wash from the hands of the Fascist junta and its henchmen the blood of President Allende and dozens of thousands of the best sons and daughters of Chile.
166.	It is our belief that the United Nations should raise the voice of protest against the suppression of democratic rights and freedoms, against the executions and the savage treatment meted out to the democrats and people of Chile, and demand that the Chilean junta immediately set free L. Corvalan and all other Chilean democrats and patriots languishing in the torture chambers of the junta.
167.	With the support of the socialist community and all progressive forces of the world, the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America are waging a struggle for genuine economic liberation, for the liquidation of neo-colonialism and the remnants of the colonial past to which the existing system of relations between developed capitalist States and the third world belongs.
168.	A significant step forward towards the establishment of new, more equitable international economic relations was made at the sixth special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, convened on the initiative of the developing countries with the support and active participation of the socialist States. The session demonstrated that the developing countries no longer intend to remain the object of exploitation by foreign monopolistic capital or the so-called multinational corporations. It is of special significance that, despite resistance on the part of the States to which those corporations belong, the Declaration and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order adopted at the special session embody the sovereign rights of each State to its own natural resources and to effective control over them and their exploitation, including the right of nationalization. In the course of the session the present system of plundering of the natural resources of the developing countries by imperialist monopolies was severely condemned. There are increasing demands for a consistent limitation to the intermediary role of international monopolies in world trade and the elimination from economic relations of all manifestations of neo-colonialist and imperialist exploitation.
169.	We are firmly convinced that economic relations among States must be built on the basis of the new principles promulgated in the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order "based on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and co-operation among all States, irrespective of their economic and social systems".
170.	Putting those principles into effect will promote the democratization of international economic ties. The present session, we feel, should take measures to put into practice the decisions of the sixth special session of the General Assembly on the strengthening of the economic independence of the developing countries. At the same time it must be stressed that the conquest of the economic backwardness and the economic dependence of young States will be facilitated if they carry out far-reaching socio-economic reforms with the aim of eliminating the obstacles to the development of their productive forces.
171.	The resources which could be released as a result of effective measures in the field of disarmament could make a substantial contribution to the acceleration of economic and social development in all countries, including developing countries. The economic progress of peoples would be facilitated by the practical implementation of the proposal, adopted on the initiative of the Soviet Union, to reduce by 10 per cent the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council [resolution 3093 (XXVIII)], since such a measure would signify both a curbing of the arms race and the allocation of part of the considerable resources thus saved for additional assistance to developing countries.
172.	The need to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations has been repeatedly stressed in the course of the general debate at this session. All the experience of the work of the Organization irrefutably shows that its effectiveness can be improved only on the basis of strict observance of the Charter and the implementation of decisions of the Security Council and other United Nations bodies.
173.	The Charter of the United Nations enshrines the most important basic principles of contemporary
174.	international relations, principles which throughout the existence of the United Nations have been generally recognized in international law and further confirmed in relations among States. The Charter of the United Nations has stood the test of time and proved its viability under present conditions. At times, critics of the Charter question the principle of unanimity in the Security Council, but anyone who feels that way is either deliberately discarding the idea or in the heat of the debate is forgetting the fact that the United Nations itself is based on the principle of unanimity of the permanent members of the Security Council and that the effectiveness of its actions depends precisely on that unanimity. The abolition of that fundamental principle could be used in the United Nations system to serve the narrow interests of individual major States or groups of such States, which would undermine the principles of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems at the very time when those principles are becoming ever more firmly established in international practice. We therefore resolutely oppose preparing plans for the revision- or what is known as the "correction" -of the Charter of the United Nations, which is the most outstanding international document of modern times.
175.	In these days of October, when the world, in accordance with tradition, will be celebrating United Nations Day, it seems appropriate to refer to the time when the foundations of the United Nations were laid. The very creation of the Organization became possible as a result of the historic victory of the United Nations over the dark forces of nazism and aggression. In the great battle for a happy future for mankind, enormous sacrifices were offered on the altar of victory by the peoples of the Soviet Union, including the people of the Ukraine, which is now celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the liberation of the Soviet Ukraine from the Fascist invaders. The heroic exploit of the Soviet people is of world-wide significance and will remain forever in the grateful memory of a mankind firmly resolved to prevent any recurrence of the horrors of the past.
176.	In these days we are continuously addressing ourselves to what is clearly and unambiguously defined in the Charter as the main and critical direction of United Nations activities: "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". Quite a lot has been done in this respect, and what has been done represents a powerful thrust forward towards an ever fuller use of the possibilities enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations towards truly effective and fruitful activities by the United Nations in strengthening international peace and security.
177.	We look to the future with optimism, for we are convinced that the forces of peace and progress are irresistible. All peace-loving peoples stand for detente, for rational forms of international relations on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence.
178.	We are convinced that the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly will make a weighty contribution to the noble cause of strengthening international peace and security and to the cause of eliminating the threat of war and the creation of a world in which all peoples can live without war or the alarms of war, enjoying the benefits of social progress.