I would like to begin by
joining with my colleagues in congratulating Ms. Haya
Rashed Al-Khalifa on her election to the presidency of
the General Assembly at its sixty-first session. I am
also delighted to welcome Montenegro as the 192nd
Member of the United Nations.
 I also note that this will be the tenth and, indeed,
the final General Assembly for the Secretary-General. I
want to congratulate him on his important contribution
to the United Nations over his term and also
throughout his United Nations career. He has been a
very good colleague of Australia throughout that time.
He has been a determined advocate for peace,
development and United Nations reform, and we wish
him well in the future.
 Earlier this month, on the day before the fifth
anniversary of the 9/11 attacks against the United
States, a man called Hakim Taniwal was murdered by a
suicide bomber in Afghanistan.
 Mr. Taniwal was the Governor of Paktia province
in eastern Afghanistan. He was a scholarly, gentle-
spoken man of integrity — a good man, with a
reputation as a highly capable administrator. As well as
being an Afghani, Mr. Taniwal was an Australian. He
lived in exile in my country for some years and built a
new life for his family.
 But when Afghanistan was liberated from the
Taliban in the wake of 9/11, Mr. Taniwal returned to
help rebuild his homeland. He worked for the
betterment of his fellow Afghans by adopting a
forward-looking model of public administration, far
removed from the Taliban narrative of rule by fear. For
his trouble, the Taliban had him killed. His nephew
died alongside him. A few days later, compounding
atrocity upon atrocity, a second suicide bomber
attacked Mr. Taniwal’s funeral ceremony, killing and
injuring many more people.
 The task of rebuilding Afghanistan, in the face of
such atrocities, is demanding great sacrifices on the
part of tens of thousands of brave men and women. It
is a country in which many of the great challenges of
our time intersect: how to free its cities, towns and
villages from the daily threat of violence; how to
ensure that an extremist ideology never again
subjugates the country’s institutions; and how to create
the conditions for stability and good governance so
necessary to economic renewal and so crucial if its
people are to escape poverty and oppression.
 Afghanistan represents a fundamental test for
each of us. If we are not resolute and steadfast in
supporting Afghanistan against the scourge of
terrorism, and if we are not prepared collectively to
stand up against the extremists, we will deliver to
coming generations a weak international system and a
far less secure and stable world.
 Iraq is another of the front lines in this battle. I
acknowledge here the divided views of United Nations
Member States over the military action against the
regime of Saddam Hussein in 2003, yet today there is a
very clear choice that should unite us all.
 The extremists have chosen to make Iraq a
battleground. Osama bin Laden has said that Iraq is
“for you or for us to win”. We know what will come of
Iraq if it is won by the extremists. As in Afghanistan,
we must all commit to securing its future. Iraq is not
America’s burden alone, and Afghanistan is not
NATO’s burden alone, because if terrorism prevailed,
the consequences would be catastrophic for each of us,
wherever we may live.
 This struggle will be protracted. Our challenge is
not just to keep our citizens safe from terrorist attack;
it is also to defeat an ideology that allows for no ideas
or belief systems other than its own. It is imperative we
see this ideology clearly for what it is: a mindset every
bit as brutal and uncompromising as its totalitarian
predecessors in centuries past. It is an ideology that

06-53005 34

directly challenges the principles and values of
modernity — the flourishing of open markets, open
societies and open minds. To defeat this evil, we must
harness the collective strength of the international
community.
 I welcome the recent agreement on the United
Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, but I am
disappointed that the Strategy’s illustrative list of
conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism did not
include extremist ideologies.
 Ms. Grabar-Kitarovic (Croatia), Vice-President,
took the Chair.
 We need to do much more. States should
conclude a comprehensive convention on international
terrorism. That would demonstrate an unambiguous
commitment, ensuring that all terrorist acts are
criminalized in international law. It is disappointing
that the United Nations still cannot agree on the scope
of such a convention.
 More disturbingly, some countries continue to
sponsor terrorist groups to promote their own political
agendas. In the Middle East, it is essential that all
countries, including Iran and Syria, use their influence
over organizations such as Hezbollah to stop terrorist
assaults, including those directed at the State of Israel.
Any viable resolution of the conflict must include
Hezbollah’s disarmament, its renunciation of violence
and a recognition of Israel’s right to exist in peace.
 In all of this, the United Nations has a role to
play. But, as I have said before in this Hall, the United
Nations is not the answer to all the problems of the
world. Where the United Nations cannot act, individual
States must. Our membership in the United Nations
does not absolve any of us from the responsibility to
show leadership and to pursue practical solutions.
 Too often in the world of politics, the temptation
is for Governments to strike an attitude and then leave
the substantive action for another day, or to offload the
responsibility onto others. We can make solemn
pledges — as we should, and we do — to work much
harder to assist developing nations in confronting the
ravages of poverty and disease. We can sign high-
minded manifestos to protect our environment from the
risk of climate change. Alongside global security, these
are two issues crucial to our collective future. But so
much of the talk is mere artifice unless backed up by
resolute, practical and well-constructed policy
responses.
 In Australia’s region, practical and effective
cooperation has exemplified the counter-terrorism
response. A regional training centre jointly established
by Indonesia and Australia is helping South-East Asian
law enforcement agencies develop the capabilities they
need to destroy terrorist networks. Other recent
initiatives, such as interfaith dialogues, are promoting
tolerance and mutual understanding.
 Practical and effective cooperation has also been
the hallmark of our commitment to East Timor.
Australian Defence Force personnel and police worked
with their counterparts from New Zealand, Malaysia
and Portugal to restore order after the April riots. We
remain ready to continue to provide a significant
“green helmet” military contingent in East Timor to
complement the United Nations police force mandated
under Security Council resolution 1704 (2006).
 Elsewhere in our region, Australia has joined in a
partnership with 14 other Pacific countries in a
Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands
(RAMSI). RAMSI is not just about restoring law and
order; some 150 advisers are working with the
Solomon Islands Government, helping to stabilize
finances, revitalize the public service and strengthen
the justice and prison systems. None of these tasks is
easy, and much more remains to be done, but the hard
work has begun, and we are making headway.
 In contrast, the tragedy of Darfur poses a
grievous challenge to the international community.
Darfur is a litmus test of the responsibility of the
United Nations to help people who desperately need its
protection. It is a test of the most basic principles of
civilization. We all know this. We also know it is a test
that, so far, the United Nations has failed.
 In this Hall last year, we assumed a solemn
responsibility to protect those who have no means of
protecting themselves. The United Nations itself must
now redouble its efforts to try to prevent any further
bloodshed in Darfur, which has already claimed well in
excess of 200,000 lives and brought about the
displacement of millions of persons. The United
Nations must keep its promise to the people of Darfur.
It is no less than they should expect and no less than
we would demand.

35 06-53005

 The desperation of Darfur reminds us also of the
immense challenges of development. Members of the
United Nations have recognized this through the
Millennium Development Goals. Aid is important, and
last year Australia committed itself to doubling our
annual aid budget to about $4 billion a year by 2010.
Australia has recently sharpened the focus of our
development assistance programme on supporting good
governance, basic social services and security in
developing countries. In the South Pacific, we will
sponsor new programmes to train people in technical
and entrepreneurial skills.
 But increasing aid and reducing debt burdens
alone will not reduce poverty. Economic growth is
central to poverty alleviation. The World Bank
estimates that the number of people living on less than
$2 a day in East Asia fell by around 280 million
between 2001 and 2005. The policies and actions of
developing countries in creating an enabling
environment for economic growth are fundamental to
advances on this front. Likewise, free and open trade
and investment are pivotal. The failure of the Doha
Round of multilateral trade talks would be a cruel
rebuff to the world’s poor. The World Bank estimates
that a strong outcome of the Round could lift an
additional 32 million people out of poverty by 2015.
 We cannot underpin sustainable economic
development without protecting the environment on
which we depend. Biodiversity loss, land clearing,
deforestation and climate change present threats to the
common good that can best be overcome through
collective action.
 But collective action entails much more than
adopting resolutions and signing treaties. Fine words
and high aspirations may give us a sense that we are
acting to stop environmental degradation, but they are
of little benefit unless backed by practical action.
Domestic implementation of environmental
commitments has not been sufficient, and the gap
between words and action remains too wide.
 Climate change is an area where we must move
beyond blind faith in a single multilateral approach.
The great challenge is to address climate change
without jeopardizing economic growth, particularly in
developing countries. We need to work towards a more
inclusive and effective international approach to
climate change. The existing efforts are not enough; we
need to bring forward new ideas, not constrained by
ideology.
 The focus of the Asia-Pacific Partnership on
Clean Development and Climate is the development
and transfer of cleaner energy-generating technologies.
The Partnership brings together Australia, the United
States, Japan, China, India and the Republic of Korea.
Together, those countries account for about half of the
world’s gross domestic product, population, energy use
and greenhouse gas emissions. The aim of the
Partnership is to bring developed and developing
countries together with the private sector to deploy
technologies — be they renewable energy or carbon
storage — to help reduce the dangers of climate
change, while not stalling economic growth and
development.
 Effective international action on the great global
challenges of our time requires more than resolutions
at the United Nations. It requires the exercise of strong
leadership by individual nations. It requires proactive
policy, not political posturing or personal abuse from
this rostrum. It requires a rigorous search for sound and
practical long-term solutions.
 As Members of the United Nations, we have
pledged to unite our strengths to maintain international
peace and security. But, equally, we cannot abrogate to
the United Nations the responsibility that we have, as
individual States, for security and good governance
within our borders and within our regions. History will
judge us harshly if we do not shoulder that
responsibility.


Five years after the
destruction of the Twin Towers and just a few days
after the commemoration of that terrible tragedy, I
would like to extend my deepest sympathy to the
people of this great city, which serves as mankind’s
meeting point.
 Last year, I stressed our collective responsibility
to protect tolerance from intolerance. I spoke of
freedom of expression and freedom of religion. Today I
should like to revisit that theme. But, in addition, I will
discuss the relationship between fighting terrorism and
respecting human rights, the search for peace in the
Middle East and reform of the United Nations.
Moreover, I will renew my call for intensified
dialogue. Only dialogue at all levels of society leads to
more knowledge about one another — and often to
more mutual understanding.
 The threat of terrorism has not subsided. To fully
understand the nature of the challenge we face, we
have to ask ourselves what terrorists are aiming for.
They aspire to undermine a society based on
democracy, fundamental freedoms, human rights and
the quest for progress. In their view, there is no place
for the principles and tenets of our free society.
Instead, they try by means of terror and violence to
impose their views of the world on others.
 As to the means used by terrorists, there can be
no doubt that large-scale and systematic terrorist acts
qualify as crimes against humanity under international
law. While civilized societies uphold international legal
and moral standards in defending themselves, terrorists
completely reject the central principles of international
law. Our campaign against this threat must be fought
with great determination by all of us. Indiscriminate
violence must be countered by the collective will to
defend our values, in order to protect our civilization
and human dignity.
 In order for this campaign to be successful in the
long run, we must also place great emphasis on
development, fair trade and dialogue. Unlike those who
have prospects for a better life through access to
education and jobs, people without prospects and
without a voice are more easily lured by the siren call
of hatred. To deal with that issue is one of the core
missions of the United Nations. We — all nations of
the United Nations — have a collective responsibility
to give people a future and a voice so that they can
improve their lives.
 Extremists cleverly seek to exploit the freedom of
open societies with the aim of destroying that very
freedom. This confronts us with a dilemma: do we
close our societies in self-defence, thus becoming more
like the evil we face, or do we remain open societies
and accept a certain degree of vulnerability? Anti-
terrorism measures can be effective only if adopted
within the context of the human rights commitments
we have undertaken. Ultimately, our defence should
not come at the expense of the very values upon which
our societies are founded. Our citizens must be able to
distinguish between the societies in which they lead
productive lives and the terrorist movements for which
human life has little value. I am happy with the
agreement we reached on the United Nations Global
Counter-Terrorism Strategy (resolution 60/288). But
now, we must see to its implementation. It is also in
our collective interest to conclude a terrorism
convention as well.
 The need for interfaith and intercultural dialogue
is as great as ever. During and after the so-called
cartoon crisis, I engaged in discussions with colleagues
and the media in Asia and the Middle East. We talked
about freedom of expression and freedom of religion,
and I discovered that such personal efforts are crucial
in finding common ground. One of the initiatives we
have taken is to host the annual Asia-Europe Meeting
conference on interfaith dialogue in Amsterdam in
2008.
 For any interfaith dialogue to be meaningful,
respect for diversity is a precondition. In our view, all
of the world’s nationalities, religions and beliefs
should live side by side, united by a tradition of
pluralism, democracy and the rule of law. According to
international instruments to which we all subscribe,
respect for diversity means, for example, freedom of
religion and belief. That includes the freedom to adhere
to any religion, or to no religion at all. In my country
— and in many others as well — an individual is free
to be a Christian, Muslim, Jew or Hindu or to adhere to
any other belief. This philosophy includes the right to
change one’s belief, as the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights clearly states.

06-53005 32

 We believe that the separation of Church and
State and the independence of the courts are the best
guarantees that nobody has the power to impose his or
her beliefs on others. Freedom of religion and freedom
of expression are two sides of the same coin. Does this
mean that people can say whatever they want? No. The
right to free speech does not entitle a person to insult
others. But restrictions on the freedom of expression
must never go further than what is necessary within a
democratic society. In individual cases where freedom
of expression conflicts with legitimate restrictions, it is
up to the courts, not the Government, to decide which
principle should prevail.
 Peace in the Middle East would reinforce a global
spirit of dialogue. We have reason to be optimistic.
Security Council resolution 1701 (2006) ended
hostilities between Hizbollah and Israel, unfortunately
only after many innocent civilians had lost their lives. I
commend the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts
to promote the resolution’s effective implementation.
 The renewed United Nations Interim Force in
Lebanon (UNIFIL) is an important symbol of hope.
Peacekeepers of different religious and cultural
backgrounds are working together under the sky-blue
banner of the United Nations, as they have been doing
in the Great Lakes region in Africa and will hopefully
soon be doing in Darfur, the Sudan. I am proud of the
fact that several States members of the European
Union, together with Turkey, China and Indonesia,
provide the backbone of UNIFIL. The Netherlands is
actively considering contributing to UNIFIL’s maritime
component. Practical implementation will depend on
the cooperation of all parties and countries in the
region, and beyond, including Syria and Iran. I call
upon them to act in accordance with Security Council
resolution 1701 (2006).
 Regional peace also requires resolution of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Israeli-Syrian
dispute. I call upon all parties involved to seize the
political momentum created by Council resolution
1701 (2006) and engage in serious dialogue. The
Quartet could, at the request of the Security Council,
outline a comprehensive Middle East settlement.
 In this world, we need the United Nations to
manage change, rather than lag behind. We need to
renew and reinvigorate the United Nations. Last year’s
Summit was devoted to that very task. We have made
substantial progress since then, but more needs to be
done. My country’s vision of an effective United
Nations includes less fragmentation, more
concentration and more synergy. We need a United
Nations that cuts red tape, rather than one that creates
more bureaucracy. For example, in an interdependent
world, it makes no sense to have 38 different United
Nations humanitarian and development agencies. That
is why we have suggested one office, one programme,
one representative and one financial mechanism at the
country level.
 My vision of the United Nations encompasses a
Peacebuilding Commission that focuses on critical
peacebuilding needs and a Human Rights Council that
is the single most authoritative voice on human rights.
It is a United Nations led by a Secretary-General with
greater authority to determine the optimal use of
human and other resources than is the case at present.
 As an active Member of the United Nations, the
Netherlands will continue to contribute to the best of
its ability to turn this vision into reality. The
Netherlands does not just preach; it delivers. For more
than 60 years, ever since the foundation of the United
Nations, we have provided means, ideas and people.
And, of course, we remain committed to its cause.
 Security Council reform is a difficult part of the
overall United Nations reform agenda. A pragmatic
approach would be to opt for a temporary solution that
could be modified after, say, 10 years. The world is
dynamic and the Security Council’s composition
should reflect this. The geopolitical realities of today
might not necessarily be the geopolitical realities of
tomorrow.
 We should focus on the longer-term gains we all
benefit from, rather than on short-term progress at the
expense of others. Let us work to make the United
Nations operate in a less antagonistic way. We have
successfully tried this approach in the Group of Friends
for the Reform of the United Nations, in which
different countries, including the Netherlands, engage
in constructive debate to arrive at solutions that are
acceptable to all.
 The United Nations is beset by problems that
require major reforms. We are united by the
opportunities and challenges of our time. In promoting
peace and stability, in debating human rights issues, or
in combating extreme poverty, we are compelled to
work together and to coordinate our actions. Let us
adopt a twenty-first-century mentality to address

33 06-53005

twenty-first-century problems. Now is the time to align
our agendas and shoulder our responsibilities together.
A strong United Nations strengthens us all.
 Finally, I would like to express my deepest
appreciation to Secretary-General Kofi Annan for the
commitment and determination he has shown in pursuit
of a better world, with a United Nations that works
effectively for the security, safety and well-being of
people everywhere. Even the rocks of which he spoke
seemed a light burden under his stewardship. We
commend him for achieving tangible results in the area
of crisis management and conflict prevention and for
furthering the Millennium Development Goals.
Secretary-General Annan’s personal performance has
brought hope and optimism to the hearts of citizens all
over the world.


388.	It is my pleasure to convey on behalf of my Government, and on my own behalf, warmest congratulations to Mr. Lievano of Colombia on his well deserved election to the honourable post of President of this General Assembly. His election is a universal recognition of his high qualities as a statesman and a diplomat and a tribute to the noble nation which he so worthily represents, as well as an honour for the whole of Latin America.
389.	I wish also to congratulate his predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, on the way in which he conducted the work of the previous regular session and the three special sessions held this year. I should like also to convey my respects to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose intense and untiring work deserves the gratitude of all of us who share his concern for the attainment of the purposes of our Organization.
390.	I want, too, to take this opportunity to welcome the delegation of Solomon Islands, which is taking part in this Assembly for the first time. The admission of that recently independent nation to our Organization gives practical application to the principle of universality.
391.	A few days ago we received with great satisfaction news of progress towards peace in the Middle East which had been achieved in the Camp David talks. We sincerely believe that the efforts of President Carter, President El-Sadat and Prime Minister Begin deserve every praise. It is quite certain that, although there are still many agreements to be reached, through these talks a way has been opened towards a total and final solution. We hope that all the parties interested and concerned in the Middle East situation will continue to seek a just and lasting peace which would eliminate the danger of recourse to violence and its possible extension to other areas.
392.	We have followed with due attention the situation in Lebanon and have viewed with great concern the difficulties which the United Nations forces have met with in striving to fulfil their noble mission, but we hope that the events I referred to earlier will have a decisive impact on a forthcoming settlement soon to be achieved.
393.	In Cyprus, stagnation has been reached and all the efforts of the United Nations to find a solution have remained fruitless. It is our greatest wish that negotiations should be resumed and, with the goodwill of the parties to the conflict, that a just solution to the problem should be found.
394.	On the other hand, we are very pleased to note the progress made in the question of Namibia, which, of course, is a very difficult one. Encouraged by the results thus far attained, we should spare no effort now until the situation has been finally resolved.
395.	We regard disarmament as closely linked to the maintenance of world peace and security; and the same applies to economic development.
396.	A few months ago the General Assembly held a tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, the results of which can be judged as contradictory in the light of the preconceived idea which people had of them. My country considers that the result is a step forward. The very fact that the Final Document [resolution S-10/2] was adopted by consensus shows the existence of a political will to achieve general and complete disarmament.
397.	Of course, there are still many difficulties to be overcome, but the Final Document establishes the negotiating bodies and the back-up activities that we regard as suitable for its achievement. We should all express our desire to co-operate to the best of our ability in order to smooth the way so that such praiseworthy aspirations become reality in a short time.
398.	In economic matters the world outlook is not favourable. Last week the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 reached the end of its session without agreement on the mandate entrusted to it.
399.	Meanwhile, the position of the developing countries is daily worsening. Fluctuations in the prices of raw materials produced by them, prices which are always on the downward trend, accompanied by the rise in the prices of manufactures produced by the developed countries, result in an imbalance in the balance of payments of the former, the loss of their reserves and an increase in their foreign indebtedness. In turn, this has the effect of preventing development and infringes the right to health and education of the peoples concerned.
400.	As developing countries, we are aware of the injustice of the situation and believe that we must find a solution. In our view, the solution lies in the so-called North-South dialogue, but for this dialogue to produce practical results it is essential for the developed countries also to recognize the injustice of the situation, to be willing to give up the undeserved advantages that they have enjoyed and to accept the establishment of a new international economic order that would regulate with greater equity economic relations between countries.
401.	Similarly, we believe that technical and economic co-operation among developing countries should be increased, though this should not be a substitute for the co-operation that the developed countries are obliged to give.
402.	I turn to the question of the law of the sea. We note that in the second part of the seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea very little progress was made. In particular, there are still serious differences between the developed and the developing countries over the regime for the exploitation of the sea-bed. We are concerned about the statement by one of the developed countries that it will introduce unilateral legislation on this matter. It seems to us that that will make it even more difficult to reach a compromise on the matter of the sea-bed, which, according to a statement of this General Assembly, is the common heritage of mankind.
403. A new session of the Conference has been convened for next year. We hope that it will be more successful and that negotiations will focus on the differences that divide us, without reopening discussions on points that have already been	agreed. That is our most fervent desire. We do
not want even to think about the alternative: that the developed countries should be able to exploit the sea-bed exclusively for their own benefit, thus widening even more the difference between them and the developing countries.
404. Nicaragua is continuing its unchanging policy of respect for human rights, and firmly believes in the need to promote them at the international level, a principle enshrined in the Charter of our Organization.
405.	In accordance with that conviction, my country has invited the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the OAS to visit Nicaragua and is most willing to give all the cooperation that the Committee feels useful for its work.
406.	In order to check subversive terrorist activities, of which I stall speak a little later, my Government was forced temporarily to suspend constitutional guarantees and safeguards, but it was done only for that end, and was done with the greatest moderation. In any event the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights has been invited to visit Nicaragua as soon as possible. This visit might take place on 5 October, a date agreed upon with its President, Mr. Andres Aguilar; this Commission will go to Nicaragua any day now to observe how human rights are respected in my country.
407.	The Government of Nicaragua is a democratic Government, and our current President, General Anastasio Somoza Debayle, received his mandate in popular elections as a candidate of the Nationalist Liberal Party. The Conservative Party, traditionally the opponent of the Liberal Party, also took part in those elections. The presidential term ends on 1 May 1981, and before that date new popular elections will be held.
408.	Despite what I have just said, there are groups in Nicaragua which seek to change the constitutional order by force-some because they are not sufficient numerous to organize themselves as a political party and take part in the election, others because they do not believe in the democratic principle under which the majority elects the Government. Some of those groups have received assistance from abroad for their subversive purpose.
409.	Last month a group of terrorists in a surprise attack seized the National Palace 5 where the national Congress was in session and where the offices of the Ministries of the Interior and the Treasury are situated. The terrorists took hostage members of parliament, the Minister of Government and officials and employees who were doing their work, as well as members of the public who were there-in all, almost 3,000 persons, including many women and children. In return for the release of the hostages the terrorists demanded of the Government that 59 people who were in prison for crimes committed, such as murders, kidnappings and armed assault, and whom they described as political prisoners should be allowed to leave the country and that a ransom should be paid. For humanitarian reasons and to save the lives of so many innocent persons, the Government acceded to those demands.
410.	In the following days, possibly owing to this humanitarian gesture being taken for weakness, terrorist attacks were carried out in many cities throughout the country, causing great loss of life and destruction of property.
411.	In order to carry out its duty to maintain public order, the Government was obliged to use force, relying on the support of the majority of the Nicaraguan people, who are peace-loving and repudiate the use of violence for the purpose of subverting the constitutional order.
412.	The Government of Nicaragua considers that international action is necessary to prevent and put down terrorism, and is taking part in both of the Committees set up by the General Assembly for that purpose. None the less we believe that the action undertaken thus far should be stepped up and made specific: furthermore, we favour
25Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism; Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against the Taking of Hostages.
renewal of the mandate of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against the Taking of Hostages.
413.	I am therefore pleased to inform this Assembly that yesterday the report of the Ad Hoc Commission of Observers of the Permanent Council established to verify border incidents brought to its attention by the Governments of Costa Rica and Venezuela was completed. That report, which was read yesterday afternoon, and in which both parties have set forth their views, was found satisfactory by the Council. In such circumstances, I was surprised by the statement of the President of Costa Rica to the effect that there had been aggression on the part of Nicaragua. The aforementioned report makes reference to that situation, and I repeat that that report was considered yesterday as the result of the impartial efforts of the Ad Hoc Commission. I stress my surprise at the statement made by the President of Costa Rica at this meeting because, as an important statesman of his country, he has been in a position to observe that before this year, in which we have been torn asunder, there had been attacks against the territory of Nicaragua. I had the honour to witness his inauguration. In his message the President declared:
"Costa Rica will no longer be a haven for outlaws and international brigands. We will not allow our country to be a staging ground for extremist groups of any political tendency."
414.	I listened with rapt attention to that promise uttered by the President of Costa Rica implying acknowledgement of the fact that before that date invasions had been mounted against my country by organized terrorist groups from the territory of that sister Republic. None the less, 18 days after the President had taken office, a pardon was issued to the detained Communist chief -- Communist, extremist or "Sandinista", as he likes to call himself. That pardon was granted by the Government Council, despite the fact that it had previously been refused by the Supreme Court, pursuant to a ruling of which I have a copy in this file but which it is not convenient to read out because of its length.
415.	We are awaiting the fulfilment of all international agreements that we have signed and, indeed, favourable reports have been received to the effect that calm has been restored in Nicaragua. Yesterday it was ordered that all the political detainees who had been arrested because of the recent events which caused bloodshed in our homeland should be released.
416- We understand that we have, in Costa Rica, a fraternal neighbour which has always managed to find peaceful solutions to our differences. But we cannot but regret that the terrorists operating from Costa Rica, who recently attacked my country, have gone unpunished.
417. Nevertheless, everything is returning to normal, and I hope that with the visit of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which will be arriving in my country at the beginning of next month, all of our current problems will be settled, since my Government and the President of the Republic are committed to the maintenance of relations of the greatest friendship with all nations of the American
continent, particularly with the friendly countries of Costa Rica and Honduras.
418.	I am making no reproach; I am simply stating what has happened, and there is no lack of respect on my part for the sister Republic of Costa Rica, which is making all possible efforts for the restoration of peace between our two countries.
419.	I would conclude by thanking this Assembly for its attention, and with the fervent promise that Nicaragua is committed to the maintenance of peace in the Republic and to the restoration of constitutional order after these days of unrest and bloodshed on our national soil.


189.	Mr. President, I wish to join the previous speakers in congratulating you on your unanimous election to the high office you now occupy. My delegation is confident that under your able leadership and guidance this thirty-third session of the General Assembly will be a successful and fruitful one. I should also like to take this opportunity to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Mojsov of Yugoslavia, on the efficient manner in which he performed his duties during the last session of the General Assembly .
190.	Year after year we gather here in order to express our concerns over the issues facing our world today. These issues are so numerous that one could not possibly discuss all of them in this world forum at one time, let alone find
solutions to them. Therefore, I propose to highlight only those issues which my delegation considers are in urgent need of positive action by this world body. These issues are human rights; the situations in southern Africa and in the Middle East; decolonization; disarmament; and the new international economic order.
191.	The question of human rights, being an important issue, has occupied a central position for my Government and indeed for many other Governments represented here today. It is particularly pleasing to my delegation to note that in some countries adequate measures have been taken to restore basic human rights. However, in others there still exist inhuman practices and an appalling denial of the human rights of people living there. It is the hope of my Government that the international community will condemn those who insist on perpetrating these activities.
192.	We note that this year the international community will be celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This will provide us with a unique opportunity for assessing the records of the United Nations and the international community in the human rights field. My Government hopes that each Member of the United Nations will do the same.
193.	My delegation is pleased to note that there has been progress1 on the question of Namibia. We understand the people of Namibia will attain their independence in December this year. Papua New Guinea will not accept anything less than that. The United Nations should be proud of itself for not letting up on the racist regime of Vorster. We hope the free elections will ensure equal participation in the running of that new nation. We shall certainly be looking forward to seeing Namibia among us in a very short time.
194.	I turn now to the question of Zimbabwe. In view of the mounting unrest and violence in Zimbabwe, my Government is convinced that there can be no acceptable solution until majority rule is established in accordance with the principle of "one man, one vote". Unilateral action will not bring about a lasting solution; it will only make the situation worse. Initiatives taken by the front-line States together with the United Kingdom and the United States have be helpful.
195.	In relation to apartheid, institutional racial discrimination in South Africa still causes concern to my Government. We have stated in the past and will state once again here and now, in the strongest terms, that the policy of apartheid in southern Africa is abhorrent. There is no indication whatsoever that the racist Government of South Africa is moving away from its policy of separated races. Opponents of apartheid are victimized; African leaders and organizations are banned; basic human rights are denied to fee black African people. We know, too, that leaders such as Steven Siko have been gaoled and murdered by the racist regime. How long will these inhuman acts go on? The time bomb is ticking. Unless we defuse this bomb, it is going to explode.
196.	The situation in the Middle East causes grave concern, not only to those who live in the region but also to all peace-loving peoples of the world. My delegation
supports 'the efforts being made by Egypt and Israel towards a workable solution in that region. We understand the issue is a very complicated one, and a solution will not come overnight. However, we do believe that there should be some compromises and concessions. Papua New Guinea has always remained neutral on this question because deep in our hearts we sincerely want to see peace and security in that region. We hope that what has been achieved at Camp David will give impetus to the process of peace in the Middle East.
197.	Papua New Guinea is an ardent supporter of decolonization. My Government has, therefore, earlier welcomed with great pleasure our nearest neighbour, Solomon Islands, to this Organization of nations. I am particularly happy to see representatives of that country take their seats here. I am also happy to say that another island territory in the South Pacific, namely, Tuvalu, will become independent on 1 October this year. The Gilbert Islands expects to achieve its independence next year. In the years to come other small island countries in the Pacific will achieve self-determination.
198.	My Government welcomes the progress of decolonization that is taking place in the South Pacific and looks forward to the day when the remaining Territories under colonial administration become independent. Some colonial Powers represented here today have seen fit not to give people under their colonial rule the chance to express their views in line with the various United Nations resolutions on decolonization. As a country in that region, Papua New Guinea hopes that these metropolitan Powers will change their attitudes towards decolonization in the South Pacific and will ensure that the people in those Territories under their administration will be given the opportunity to exercise their rights to self-determination and independence. With that in mind, my delegation endorses the statement made at the previous meeting by Mr. Owen, the British Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, concerning Tuvalu, the Gilbert Islands and the Anglo-French condominium of the New Hebrides.
199.	It is my Government's sincere desire that these Pacific neighbours of Papua New Guinea should attain the status of full independence, as this will greatly increase the number of sovereign nations in the South Pacific region.
200.	On the question of disarmament, my Government is deeply concerned at the fact that the arms race consumes some of the most precious resources which we believe could be better used in the social and economic development of mankind.
201.	Man has always sought a peaceful existence within secure boundaries; in order to achieve this, he has always had arms. However, man has, through the arms build-up, particularly that of nuclear weapons, created a situation where he is no longer secure. Each State now seeks to have more advanced and sophisticated weapons in case of attack by others. As we all know, this process is threatening the existence of mankind.
202.	The time has come for this world body to act positively towards reversing this dangerous trend. We should call a halt to the arms race immediately. We agree
with those who say that political will is needed to achieve real disarmament. However, we also say that a certain amount of trust and perhaps faith in each other is needed in our endeavours towards the achievement of this complicated task.
203 Ending the arms race and achieving real disarmament are very important and urgent tasks facing us today. The desire of a small nation such as mine is for the peoples of this world to have peace and security. This could then leave us free to concentrate our efforts on bettering the lives of our people-that is, eradicating disease, improving standards of living and providing enough food for the starving masses.
204.	Those of us in the developing world are faced with problems of not having enough resources for the development of our peoples. Needless to say, there are people starving, people in need of medical care, people in need of education, people in need of good housing. We are not saying that resources saved in the disarmament process would solve all problems; what we are saying is that it would lighten our burdens if some of those resources could be used for those purposes. This would also contribute to the realization of some of the goals of the new international economic order.
205.	There are those who argue that an end to nuclear testing would not bring about disarmament. We disagree. We are opposed to nuclear testing because, first, we strongly believe that such opposition is a step towards disarmament and, secondly, no one has been able to tell us—at least up to the present time-what are the effects of radiation on mail and his environment. The latter point concerns us most because we are situated in that part of the world—the South Pacific—where nuclear testing is taking place. There is one fact that we know for sure, and that is that man and his environment will never be the same. We have been told that radiation effects are insignificant. This we find hard to believe. We in the South Pacific have repeatedly expressed our opposition to testing in our region. However, our protests fall on deaf ears and testing still continues. We therefore call on those who are responsible for this unforgivable state of affairs to cease their irresponsible activities.
206.	The international community today recognizes the need to move quickly towards a new international economic order, even though there exist differing views on some specific aspects of the major proposals being put forward. My delegation is deeply concerned at the slow pace of the long-awaited world economic recovery. Unstable commodity trade, persistent world inflation and a chaotic international monetary system are still the order of the day. If meaningful progress is to be achieved, developed industrial nations must address themselves to the question of improved access to their markets for the goods of developing countries.
207.	It is a recognized fact that developing countries are an important market for the exports of industrialized countries. If these markets are to remain open, greater efforts must be made to enable third-world countries to increase their export earnings.
208.	Primary commodities are the mainstay of our economies. We are therefore very concerned to see the
negotiations on a common fund move forward. We are also watching with interest the developments in the commodity agreements, and we are hopeful that these negotiations will contribute to freer trade, particularly in agricultural products.
209.	The development of an international marketing system, which provides reasonable returns to primary producers in developing countries—particularly to smallholders-is of the utmost importance to the economies of the developing countries.
210.	We should also address ourselves to the question of the reform of the world monetary system as soon as possible. We support the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system. We note that during the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly it was decided in resolution 32/174 to convene a special session of the General Assembly in 1980, at a high level, in order to assess the progress made in various forums of the United Nations system in the establishment of the new international economic order. We hope that we can then take some positive action for the promotion of the advancement of developing countries and international economic co-operation. In the meantime, we should not spare any effort to keep the dialogue going. The Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 should be used as the focal-point for keeping the North-South dialogue alive.
211.	As my Prime Minister stated in his statement at the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly last year, the South Pacific region is often thought to consist of many small island-nations without a regional identity. This is no longer true. The region now has an identity with the coming into being of the South Pacific Forum seven years ago. This is an organization which strives to solve problems that confront our peoples in the South Pacific region and to consider various ways in which economic growth can be achieved in the region. The proper utilization of our natural resources, in particular fish, is one such way by which this goal can be reached. The South Pacific contains what may be the world's only under-utilized supply of tuna fish, and for several South Pacific nations this represents the only natural resource available. As such, it is vital to their future economic growth. It is for this reason that the South Pacific Forum is seeking to establish the South Pacific Region Fisheries Organization, which would ensure that maximum benefits from the vast stocks of tuna that live in our waters would go to the peoples of the South Pacific and not the major distant-water fishing nations.
212.	I should like to draw the attention of the United Nations to the question of East Timor. My Government recognizes East Timor as an integral part of Indonesia. I visited East Timor earlier this year and I was convinced that, during the long period when that Territory was under the previous administration, there was little or no development in the social, economic or political field. However, while acknowledging the fact that East Timor is now an integral part of Indonesia, Papua New Guinea would like to
reiterate its previous position, that is, that the people of East Timor were not allowed their right to self-determination. My Government would have also liked the international community to have had more say in the matter. We regret that this did not happen and that the international community was not properly consulted.
213.	The question of refugees has been preoccupying my country during much of the last year and is still doing so. 1 should like here and now to thank the United Nations for agreeing to give us financial support through the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, to help feed and provide medical care for Indonesian citizens crossing into Papua New Guinea territory. My Government is not in a position to look after everybody, as these people in the last couple of months have been coming in larger groups. This includes the last group, which numbered 700 persons. As a Member of the United Nations and acting within the spirit of the various United Nations conventions on refugees, we are committed to helping these people by utilizing our limited resources, which could more effectively be spent elsewhere.
214.	1 have briefly touched on a few of the issues which my delegation considers in need of urgent and positive action by this body. It is my delegation's hope that during this session some positive steps towards solutions will be found.


22.	Mr. President, previous speakers have spoken in glowing terms of your ability and wealth of experience and of the satisfaction they have derived from your election as President of this session of the General Assembly. My delegation, even at this ate hour, wishes to be associated with those who have spoken previously in congratulating you. We also congratulate your country and Latin America for having given to the service of the United Nations a person of your eminence and distinction
23.	At the same time, we are not unmindful of the contributions made by your distinguished predecessor,- Mr Lazar Mojsov, of Yugoslavia, who presided over the thirty-second session and the subsequent special sessions.
36 Like Africa and Asia, the Pacific was, and continues to be, a victim of colonialism. It, too, has not been spared the agonies, frustrations and vicissitudes of domination by foreign Powers. It is a matter of great satisfaction, therefore, to my delegation to welcome Solomon Islands into our midst and to extend to it our co-operation and support.
37.	Although we come from a region far removed from the main centres of trade, the growing interdependence of the developed and the developing countries makes it necessary for us to follow closely the various discussions on economic issues affecting the international community.
38.	We therefore note with regret and some concern the growing trends towards protectionism. We do not merely view this trend as unhealthy; it also makes us wonder as to the sincerity of those in the developed countries who have been loud in their assurances and commitment to a more equitable distribution of the world's wealth. The statement by the President of the World Bank during the annual meeting of the Bank and the IMF in Washington recently, raises a serious doubt in our mind as to the prudence of protectionism as a policy. Mr. McNamara said:
"The truth is that throughout the industrialized nations this trend towards protectionism is gathering momentum. There is an increasing readiness for OECD Governments to extend assistance to domestic industries at the expense of developing country exports. And producers of a wide variety of products in the industrialized world-ranging from petrochemicals and ships to bicycle tin s-are now demanding relief from import competition.
"The popular rationale for this protectionist posture in the developed nations is, of course, that the growth in developing country exports eliminates jobs.
"But while the impact on jobs in specific firms, or in particular product lines, can sometimes be serious, it is important to recognize that the negative effect of developing country exports on overall employment in the developed world has been negligible.
"The fact is that developing countries today supply only a tiny portion of the manufactured goods consumed in developing countries. Less than 2 per cent.
"Even in the case of clothing, which contributed the most to developing-country export growth, the ratio of imports to total consumption in 1976 was less than 8 per cent in the United States. In 1974, developing country textiles and clothing together constituted only 8 per cent of the market in Germany, 6 per cent in the United Kingdom, 5 per cent in Canada, 4 per cent in japan and in the United States, and 2 per cent in France.
"These low levels of market penetration have clearly made only a minuscule impact on the overall industrial structure of the importing countries, and the impact on the occupational pattern is even smaller since a number of industries share a common need for specific occupational skills.
"Further, the number of workers displaced by imports from developing countries is only a fraction of those displaced by shifts in technology and demand in the industrialized countries themselves."
39.	We welcome the steps taken by those industrialized countries to give preferential treatment under the generalized system of preferences scheme to products from developing countries. We hope that other developed countries will have the courage and the foresight to join the scheme.
40.	We share the concern expressed by other speakers concerning the suspension of the Committee of the Whole. While there are still areas of difference, we feel that the extensive informal discussions which the Committee has been holding since May have been useful. We urge that the General Assembly maintain the momentum with a view to reaching some agreement.
41.	The population of the island countries of the Pacific is a mere 5 million. We are spread over a huge expanse of ocean. Though isolated and bereft of resources, we are nevertheless buffeted by the changing fortunes of the world's economy. There have been sharp fluctuations in both demand and prices of our commodity exports. Increased prices of manufactured goods and petroleum merely make a bad situation worse. As far as our largest export commodity—sugar—is concerned, we were fortunate to avoid any serious fluctuations, because, as a member of the Lome Convention, we benefited from the assurance of a guaranteed minimum price.

42.	It is not usual in a statement of this nature to dwell on matters which appear to be of regional interest. However, we believe that the emerging Pacific Island community merits special mention for several reasons. We are isolated from the main centres of population; we suffer from limited domestic markets, scarce raw materials, heavy dependence on imports and high transportation costs. At the same time, we do not wish to be unduly dependent on the generosity of others. We have made an earnest attempt to develop co-operation on a regional basis and have been moderately successful in this regard. Although our developed neighbours participate fully and actively in regional activities, it is our hope that they will progressively turn and identify themselves more closely with the South Pacific, of which they are a part.
43.	In any comment on the world's economy, it goes without saying that there is some relationship between economic and political situations. It therefore behoves all of us, and more especially the developed countries, to muster the requisite courage and political will for the resolution of outstanding economic and political issues.
44.	In terms of political issues, the Middle East problem continues to appear on our agenda. We believe that, because of the danger it poses to international peace and security, advantage should be taken of any initiative aimed at resolving the Middle East dispute, no matter how tenuous the chances of success may be. My Government applauds the bold and courageous initiative taken by President Anwar El-Sadat of Egypt. It applauds the statesmanship of President Jimmy Carter of the United States in bringing Egypt and Israel together. We have been encouraged by the response of the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Begin, and the readiness of the Israeli Knesset to approve the Camp David proposals. Whatever the short-comings of the Camp David agreements  may be, we cannot but emphasize its importance in the quest for a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem-a settlement that year by year appears more and more elusive.
45.	While we believe that the United Nations has an important role to play in the settlement of the Middle East dispute, we sense that only at times our own Organization itself appears to discourage a settlement, only too frequently by the use of extreme and bellicose language. We express the hope that the United Nations will play a more positive role in the settlement of this dispute.
46.	We continue to view with concern the situation in Lebanon. Though separated by an immense distance, my country shares certain characteristics with Lebanon. We are a multiracial, multicultural and multireligious country. We understand the many stresses and strains that such a society is subjected to, and we sympathize with it. We have tried, with some measure of success, to build a community in which we identify and build on what we have in common. At the same time we encourage the development of those features that help to enrich and give added colour and diversity to our society.
47.	We ourselves must work, and work hard if such a society, rich in its diversity, is to be developed. External influences or pressure will not help. We hope, therefore, that Lebanon will be left unhindered to rebuild itself, and thereby to re-establish peace and harmony in what was once a vibrant and dynamic community. Our participation in UNIFIL has been a useful experience both to our troops and to our country. We hope that our modest contribution will go some way towards restoring to the Lebanese people the peace that they have been denied for so long.
48.	Our involvement in peace-keeping in Lebanon prompts us to make one or two further observations. First, we view with some concern the continued presence of independent groups in southern Lebanon. The external support given to those groups has blunted to a considerable degree the effectiveness of UNIFIL. Moreover, this has also meant that the restoration of control and sovereignty to the Lebanese Government has been rendered more difficult. Secondly, we believe that the United Nations has a vital role to play in peace-keeping. There are those who have declined to support this particular and useful role of the United Nations. We regret the reluctance of those who are unwilling to support the peace-keeping efforts of the United Nations. We express the hope that there will be a change in their attitude.
49.	There has been steady progress in decolonization, as evidenced by the continued growth in the membership of the United Nations from 51 in 1945 to an impressive 150 today. The latest addition to the international community is Solomon Islands, whose accession to membership in the world community is a particular source of satisfaction to us, not least because both our countries belong to the same region.
50.	Moreover, my delegation has noted with interest and satisfaction that some other Territories in the South Pacific will also be able to realize their freedom soon. In this regard, we welcome Tuvalu's accession to independence on 1 October and we have noted with interest the arrangements for the independence of the New Hebrides, as indicated by the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom [10th meeting]. We also note the forthcoming independence of the Gilbert Islands. Beyond the South Pacific, we have noted with interest the imminent independence of the Caribbean island of Dominica. These positive trends serve to reinforce our conviction that the United Nations is indeed progressing towards the total elimination of colonialism.
51.	While we welcome these developments, it is discouraging to note that there remain a number of Territories that are still ruled by foreign Powers. Some of these are progressing towards independence, while others including some in our part of the world, appear to have been forgotten, either by design or otherwise. We believe that the United Nations should ensure that all those that are under any form of foreign domination be given every opportunity to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. For our part, through our membership of relevant international organs, including the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we shall continue to see to it that this indeed is the case.
52.	However, political independence alone is not sufficient. The onus is on the administering Powers concerned to ensure that, concomitant with political development, socio-economic development is also encouraged. Only too often, socio-economic progress lags behind political developments. The unfortunate result of such a situation is that a politically free people is invariably condemned to a situation where it has to depend on massive hand-outs-a situation that, if allowed to continue indefinitely, cannot but destroy initiative, self-reliance and self-respect.
53.	In turning to southern Africa, where it is evident that aspirations to majority rule remain unfulfilled, 1 shall cite the case of the international Territory of Namibia, the- prospects for the independence of which appear to have considerably improved, despite the unhelpful announcement made recently by South Africa that it will pursue its own plans for elections for the Territory in isolation from the United Nations. We hope that South Africa will abandon this unilateral approach and will be guided by the recent Security Council decision-resolution 435 (1978)- concerning the Territory's independence. It is important that the people of the Territory, including SWAPO, should be fully involved in the electoral processes leading to the independence of Namibia. My delegation reiterates its support for the Territory's freely determining its own future through elections to be held under the supervision and control of the United Nations.
54.	The people of Zimbabwe, too, have yet to decide their destiny freely. We have noted with deep interest the diplomatic efforts that are being pursued to bring genuine majority rule to a people that for too long has suffered in the pursuit of its freedom. My delegation is of the view that the search for an internationally acceptable solution could be facilitated through continued dialogue and discussions between the parties concerned Measures such as an all-parties conference embracing the representatives of the people could facilitate the early attainment of majority government through peaceful means.
55.	Because of our commitment to international peace and security, we welcome the successful conclusion of the tenth special session, on disarmament. The adoption of the Final Document [resolution S-10/2] by consensus merits special mention. Though encouraged by this development we are concerned by the continued existence of important differences, particularly on nuclear issues. Thus, for example, there continue to be differences regarding the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various geographical regions.
56.	In that regard we support the call for wide adherence to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the speedy conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. The trilateral initiative taken by certain nuclear Powers in this regard is to be commended, and we call upon other nuclear and militarily important States to join this initiative. Until a comprehensive test-ban treaty is concluded, we call for a moratorium on all nuclear testing in all environments.
57.	Regrettably, we must as we have done on previous occasions register our opposition to the continuing use of the South Pacific region as a testing-ground for nuclear devices. The repeated protests by the Governments and peoples of the South Pacific to those responsible for these tests have been of no avail.
58.	Though we have been given assurances that the tests being conducted in the South Pacific are harmless, we continue to wonder—if that is so—why these tests are not conducted nearer to home. Recent reports that the inhabitants of an island in the northern Pacific which was used as a nuclear testing-ground by yet another metropolitan Power are facing difficulties, years after the tests were conducted, makes us doubt the veracity of the assurances which presumably are meant to assuage our feeling of concern and outrage.
59.	Our preoccupation with urgent nuclear issues does not mean that we should relegate non-nuclear issues to secondary importance. On the contrary, we believe that appropriate agreements on such questions as the prohibition of the use of chemical and radiological weapons must be concluded as soon as possible. Similarly, we feel that urgent measures are required to curb the ever-increasing transfer of conventional arms.
60.	A Conference of great importance to the international community has still not concluded its work. I refer to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has dragged on for some years. What is disturbing to us is that the bulk of the work has been completed but as to the remaining- portion there are divergences of views and positions which appear almost insurmountable. We believe we must guard against the possibility that this small but important part of the negotiation might ruin the monumental and far-reaching work on which agreement has already been reached by the Conference. The protracted negotiation associated with this Conference has led some States to lose patience and, to a degree, confidence that there will ever be a successful conclusion. We appeal to those who have decided to enact unilateral legislation which is not consonant with the present negotiation to think again. Such a step could only impede the successful conclusion of the Conference. Moreover, it would merely add to the widening gap in our dialogue towards the establishment of a New International Economic Order.
61.	Fiji, like many other countries in the South Pacific, is highly dependent on the resources of the sea because of its limited land area and its limited resources. Keeping strictly within the present development in the Conference on the Law of the Sea, our Government took the first step to bring into effect the Marine Spaces Act passed by our Parliament in December 1977, by declaring the establishment of an archipelagic regime for Fiji. The archipelagic regime has restored to us the geographic unity of our country. In declaring such a regime, the Marine Spaces Act guarantees the right of navigation in and flight over the archipelagic waters.
62.	The final step in the completion of the implementation of the Marine Spaces Act will be the declaration by my Government of a 200-mile exclusive economic zone. The present declaration is limited to the establishment of an archipelagic regime. However, it is the intention of my Government to declare a 200-mile exclusive economic zone as soon as it is in a position where full effect can be given to our right to explore, exploit, conserve and manage the natural resources, both living and non-living, of Fiji's exclusive economic zone, including its sea-bed and subsoil. Among preparatory actions my Government is now taking is the initiation of consultations with neighbouring Pacific countries with which Fiji will have overlapping exclusive economic zones.
63.	Moreover, the countries members of the South Pacific Forum are at present involved in difficult negotiations to establish a South Pacific fisheries agency to manage and give advice on the living resources within the jurisdiction of the Forum countries. It is our sincere hope that, with the co-operation and understanding of major fishing and other metropolitan interests in the SoJth Pacific, the Governments of Forum members will be able to conclude a-treaty which will serve the best interests of the region.
64.	Fish are one of the most important resources in the economy of the island countries of the South Pacific. The negotiations for a regional fisheries agency started with high hopes. However, we have now reached a situation where the formation of such an agency is threatened. The main reason for this sorry state of affairs has been the wish of a dominant Power foreign to the region to join the agency on its own terms.
65.		In our statement last year we referred to the fact that colonialism is not dead but has merely taken on new forms and new manifestations. We view this attempt of a foreign Power to join the South Pacific fisheries agency as yet another attempt to dominate our region and to dictate to us the terms and conditions in which we should run our affairs.
66.	It remains for me to express my Government's appreciation to Secretary-General Waldheim for his untiring efforts in the cause of peace and to assure him and his colleagues of our support.
67.	As we observe the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, my Government pays a tribute to the United Nations for its efforts in this important field during the past three decades. This expression of felicitations is tinged with some measure of regret and concern and some disappointment at the continued and unabated violations of human rights in so many parts of the world. It expresses the hope that the next 30 years will see a vast improvement in this regard. I believe that it is appropriate that I should conclude this statement by quoting from the late Pope John XXIII, who in his Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris, had this to say:
"An act of the highest importance performed by the United Nations Organization was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, approved in the General Assembly of December 10, 1948 ...
".. .the Document represents an important step on the path towards the juridical-political organisation of the world Community. For in it, in most solemn form, the dignity of a person is acknowledged to all human beings; and as a consequence there is proclaimed, as a fundamental right, the right of free movement in the search for truth and in the attainment of moral good and of justice, and also the right to a dignified life.


1. Mr. President,
on behalf of the Tanzanian delegation I offer you my
sincere congratulations on your unanimous election to and .
assumption of the high office of President of the General
Assembly. Your personal qualifications and experience
guarantee that you will guide the Assembly to a successful
conclusion. The Tanzanian delegation is glad to welcome
you, and pledges its co-operation in the smooth and
successful discharge of your responsibilities.
2. Allow me also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute
to your predecessor, Ambassador Mojsov of Yugoslavia, for
the distinguished service he gave this Organization as
President of the last General Assembly session and the three
special sessions over which he presided. We are both proud
of and indebted to him.
3. This year yet another nation was born, an important
event in the process of decolonization. The Tanzanian
delegation joins other members of the United Nations
General Assembly in rejoicing over the attainment of'
independence by Solomon Islands and in extending a warm
welcome to this one' hundred and fiftieth Member of the
United Nations.
4. I wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his succinct and penetrating survey
and analysis of developments in the period since the last
session which was contained in his report on the work of
the Organization. His statement provides a useful
starting-point for, an assessment of the international situation.
5. I wish to underscore in particular the timely warning of
increasing areas of frustration to which the world community
is daily subjected. We would like first to agree with

the Secretary-General that, in spite of the many frustrations experienced—and indeed because of them—we cannot afford to succumb to cynical pessimism, for our peoples want to live, and they aspire to the better life this Organization has promised them.
6.	Action to banish these frustrations can come if and when all concerned have woken up to the reality not only of the perilous precipice on which the very survival of .all mankind is delicately balanced but also of the general unhealthy physical and psychological conditions in which both poor and rich, powerful and weak, are being engulfed. The future is bright and secure either for all or for none.
7.	The international environment is at present most unfavourable for the development needs of the developing countries. The increasingly severe economic crisis—including widespread unemployment, galloping inflation, currency fluctuations, instability in commodity earnings, indebtedness and protectionist tendencies in international trade continues to place serious constraints on the development efforts of the developing countries. All evidence suggests that these problems are manifestations of the malfunctioning of the present international economic system and its inability to cope with the new realities of today's world of interdependence. These are structural problems which require structural solutions through the establishment of a New International Economic Order.
8.	Unfortunately, the urgency of the establishment of the New International Economic Order is not often felt by some developed countries because of their satisfaction with the inequitable world based on selfish and short-term interests, as can be clearly seen from the disappointing record of inconclusive negotiations on various aspects of international economic relations. Thus, although the international community has the capability of redressing world imbalances and inequalities and the prescriptions for such problems are known, lack of political will on the part of these few developed countries has prevented progress in various negotiations on the New International Economic Order.
9.	It is this lack of political will, for example, that is holding back progress in. the negotiations on both the individual commodity agreements and the common fund in "spite of general agreement on the integrated programme for commodities. The United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities has yet to be reconvened after having twice been suspended last year without reaching agreement on the basic elements of the fund. In the multilateral trade negotiations and in the negotiations on the reform of the international monetary system progress is also negligible because of increasing resistance to structural change. The
conference of plenipotentiaries on the conversion of UNIDO into a specialized agency,  failed to adopt a constitution for UNIDO as a specialized agency because of opposition from some developed countries.
10.	What is more disappointing, however, is that even where general agreement has been reached, procedural arguments are applied as a pretext for inaction. The most recent example of these delaying tactics was manifested during the inconclusive sessions of the Committee of the Whole or the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. While the contents of that resolution, including the mandate of the Committee, were negotiated by all interested parties and adopted by the General Assembly by consensus, some developed countries have chosen to associate the mandate of the Committee with only one function, to the exclusion of the other three. We are told that the Committee should merely engage in periodic exchanges of views on the problems of the world economy without reaching formal agreements. These negative attitudes have led to the inability of the international community to agree even on the mandate of the body for continuing the North-South dialogue.
11.	The North-South dialogue can produce concrete results only if all parties are prepared to engage in genuine negotiations with the necessary political commitment to establish just and equitable economic relations among nations. The disappointing results of the negotiations taking place in various forum?, dearly demonstrate that certain developed countries are not yet prepared to part with the privilege derived from the present unjust system.
12.	The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI)] recognizes the interrelationship between the prosperity of the developed countries and the growth and development of the developing countries and that the two can no longer be isolated. It also follows, therefore, that those who use political and economic barriers to delay or even prevent the establishment of the New International Economic Order are by their actions creating obstacles to growth and prosperity for all mankind. The international community will be justified in holding those people responsible for the lack of progress in the establishment of the New International Economic Order and for whatever consequences their actions may have on relations among nations and on the world community as a whole. In this respect it must be recognized that the tolerance of the masses of people condemned to the vicious circle of poverty and malnutrition has its own limitations.
13.	The struggle for the establishment of the New International Economic Order has been given new momentum by the conclusions and recommendations of the recently concluded United Nations Conference on Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries. My Government

believes that implementation of the Plan of Action adopted by that Conference,  which we hope will receive the unanimous support of this Assembly, would contribute significantly to our search for peace, justice and equality.
14.	We recognize that the primary objective of technical co-operation among developing countries is to promote the development of the developing countries on the basis of national and collective self-reliance and thereby improve the living standards of the peoples of the third world. But we also view technical co-operation among developing countries as one of the important instruments which should be applied in the process of restructuring the present international economic system, which has been not only the source of the sharp contrasts between the affluent countries of the North and the poor countries of the South but also a major obstacle to the development efforts of the developing countries. It is because of this interrelationship between national development efforts and the external environment which affects such efforts that we consider collective self-reliance and the establishment of the New International Economic Order to be complementary.
15.	If change in the economic relations of nations is a problem because it involves some form of sacrifice, the same cannot be said of the refusal of the developed countries to place the wealth from minerals of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction at the disposal of an international institution to help the developing countries. Yet even over that common heritage of mankind there rages in the current Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea a desperate tug of war between the developed countries and the developing countries, because the developed countries will not give up the prospect of adding more wealth to their existing wealth, with almost total indifference to the plight of the millions of the destitute who make up the vast majority of the third world.
16.	The total liberation of our continent remains the overriding concern of Tanzania's external policy, and for this reason the deteriorating situation in southern Africa .has become an increasing preoccupation.
17.	There continue to exist two. paths to decolonization and the establishment of majority rule in southern Africa. The people there have' to take up arms and violently overthrow their oppressors in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, or, in the face of a disposition by the minority regime to agree to a transfer of power to the majority of the population, take the path of negotiated settlement. The two alternatives are not parallel and mutually exclusive; they may" in fact be complementary. We for our part have always pursued both.
18.	In Zimbabwe, the Anglo-American proposals  offered a framework for a negotiated settlement. The possibility of this was endorsed by the front-line States, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, which later authorized the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative. At present these proposals are seriously eroded, for negotiations within their framework have been either haphazard or unprincipled. Our support for them was contingent on two prerequisites. The first is that Smith has to go. He cannot be a part of the solution of the problem. Rather, he has been the problem. The second is that his power structure—and especially his army of oppression—has to be dismantled and a new army of an independent Zimbabwe built with the freedom fighters of the Patriotic Front as its base.
19.	Smith's response to the Anglo-American proposals was the internal settlement of 3 March, which denied those two prerequisites. In view of the orchestrated drama of momentum, vacillation and indecision of the past few months, I wish to stress that those two prerequisites are the key to a successful negotiated settlement. We do not that the participation of any black leaders in an in settlement will bring about independence based on majority rule and in conditions of peace and stability.
20.	We support the unity of the Patriotic Front. We shall work for the consolidation of its unity on the diplomatic front and that of the armed struggle against Smith's minority regime.
21.	In Namibia, the illegal occupation regime of South Africa, after months of pretending reasonableness in negotiations for a settlement, has defied the five Western authors of their proposals.  It has also defied the United Nations, which endorsed both the proposals and their implementation programme.  Much is at stake here: the earnestness of the five, the seriousness of the international community, the word of the United Nations Security Council. The people of Namibia and of Africa see this as a test case.
22.	There is no room for equivocation. There is an incontrovertible logic to these negotiations. South Africa must either comply with the will of the international community over an area of international jurisdiction or be made to comply with this will. For our part, we believe that this Organization has more than deferred to South Africa's sensitivities, to the extent that they legitimately exist. This time has come to resort to all the provisions of the Charter, especially under Chapter VII, to demonstrate to South Africa that the will and conscience of the international community must prevail.
23.	Inside South Africa itself, racial tension continues to mount, and by now not even the white population could claim to enjoy mental or physical security. If at this stage in history anyone can still imagine that the blacks there will give up and resign themselves to the inferior status to which the white man has attempted to condemn them, it must be the result of total ignorance of the trend of historic events.
24.	The only choice before all of us is between supporting the anti-racist struggle, which is sure ultimately to succeed, on the one hand, and equivocating, which only amounts to lending support, albeit by default, to the doomed regimes, on the other. However, the implications of our choice, it must be stressed, are far-reaching, not only with regard to peace and human life in South Africa itself but with regard to international peace and security. Even to appear to side with the regime lends support to the continued existence of the racist regime and with it a protraction and spreading of bloodshed and suffering within the beyond South Africa itself. We cannot cease to call on the Western countries, in particular, to reconsider their relations with that neo-Nazi regime.
25.	Beyond southern Africa, where undoubtedly colonialism and racism are in their most entrenched and ugly forms, there still exist a number of other countries and peoples suffering the indignities of colonialism. Tanzania's support for these peoples right to self-determination is equally firm, for the right of decolonized people to self-determination and independence is universal and must be respected as such. In this context, we reaffirm our support for, and solidarity with, the people of Western Sahara, under the leadership of Frente POLISARIO,  in their struggle for self-determination and independence and we pledge our unshakeable support to the Government and people of Belize in their legitimate struggle for self- determination and independence and the preservation of their territorial integrity.
26.	The Middle East situation continues to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The continued occupation of Arab lands, the denial of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the escalation of violence and civil strife in Lebanon, compounded by Israeli intervention there, have made the situation in the region even more explosive.
27.	In reaffirming our firm support for the just struggle of the Palestinian people, led by the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], for self-determination and the creation of an independent State, as well as our unequivocal support for the termination of the consequences of the 1967 war of aggression, we wish to underscore the fact that these two elements are prerequisites for a just and lasting settlement in fee Middle East. It remains our considered judgement that the key to the attainment of permanent peace and security in the Middle East lies both in the resolution of the real cause 'of the conflict, namely, the attainment by the Palestinian people of their legitimate national rights, and in the refusal to give any recognition to the enjoyment of the fruits of conquest.
28.	In the Mediterranean region, the problem of Cyprus has remained a source of anguish to us all, in spite of the serious efforts by the Secretary-General to help resolve it. Despite the setbacks that have so far always prevented movement towards a solution, we cannot afford to resign ourselves to total despondency, for in that problem principles of far-reaching implications are threatened, quite apart from the immediate threat to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of that country. Both communities have a stake in the defence of these principles and their nation. We cannot but hope that the two communities will finally come together for the unity, peace and prosperity of their nation.

29.	In the Far East, no solution appears yet to be in sight for the Korean problem. The Korean people, of both the North and the South, want the reunification of their motherland and nation, peacefully and without foreign interference. Tanzania will continue to lend its support to these efforts.
30.	In May this year the United Nations General Assembly began a special session devoted entirely to the most critical problem threatening mankind: the existence and further production of stockpiles of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, the tenth special session was a milestone in the dialogue on this problem. That session succeeded in drawing the special attention of the world to the peril of extinction that mankind faces and the critical choices the situation poses. But, beyond that, we are reluctant to attribute any substantive achievement to the special session.
31.	It is true that the special session was able to produce a Programme of Action [resolution S-10/2, chap. III]. But a Programme of Action is no substitute for concrete action. The true success of the special session will only be seen when and if actual disarmament starts. Previous experiences and the continued existence of the crisis demand that we do not yet congratulate ourselves.
32.	This has been a very eventful year in the United Nations' search for the resolution of many problems that bedevil our world. At the end of this year we shall be commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the historic Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Yet, despite all these efforts aimed at the resolution of conflict and promotion of a better and safer world, the state of international affairs leaves a lot to be desired. Indeed, at no time has there been a greater need to intensify our collective efforts to try to put an end to the injustice and tyranny that continue to afflict millions of people. At no time has it been more compelling to put an end to the escalating arms race. Indeed, at no time has it been more urgent to strive for a new political, social and economic order. More than ever before we must persevere in the search for a world of nations in human equality, prosperity and solidarity: a world at peace.