I ask the President to accept our congratulations on his election and elevation to his most illustrious and profoundly important position. We are not unaware of his formidable credentials, and I am as confident as we all are that this session will be as fruitful as any.
After several years of being shunted into the shadows, of having its moral authority undermined, and consequently driven into decline, the United Nations is again on the ascendancy, though still threatened by the ultimate modern Damoclean sword of financial strangulation. Once again, the phoenix rises from the ashes, as it rose some 43 years ago from the burning heat and debris of conventional and nuclear conflagration, man's greatest folly.
Four and a half decades ago we fought the war to end all wars. But the result left us angry and bitter, locked in a new cold war and frightened, because the result of that war was the birth of a new weapons system that in itself had the power to end all wars. But to end all wars - indeed to end it all - we should have to use the new weapons system, whose use would end everything, would end us all. But the solution had itself created a new problem. So we created the United Nations to do for us what we could not do for ourselves: stop the ridiculous carnage.
But the Organization quickly got in the way of ambitious men, men of power> so we sidestepped it, emasculated it, asked it not to interfere, and turned to it only when convenient to seek maximum propaganda value for our cause. We thus created a vast dichotomy between what we say within the Organization and what we do without. That is a fact.
Thirty years ago, while still standing in the rubble of the Second World War, we joined, with alacrity, in adopting a General Assembly resolution calling for general and complete disarmament and charged this Organization to oversee it. Yet, since that time we have more than quadrupled our military expenditure in real terms to over $1 trillion a year, all the time adopting more resolutions, now almost 1,000, calling for serious measures towards disarmament. That is also a fact.
The paramount raison d'être of the United Nations really must be that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. We all share this view. Nevertheless, we have stockpiled over 13,000 megatons of them, just in case. And since a nuclear war cannot be won, those whose ambition it is to win wars roust fight conventional ones, and so we have had more than 150 in the last 40 years, killing more people than those that died in the last great war. That is yet another fact.
Upon the Organization we piled indignity upon indignity, and allowed it to become nothing more than our best excuse. When we looked into the mirror of the United Nations we saw not ourselves, but a giant piece of machinery, infused with energy to do work. So the United Nations should keep the peace, we said; and our citizens believed it.
It is no wonder that they began to lose hope not in their Government, but in the United Nations ~ faith misguided. I am proud to say that Saint Lucia was not among those who had lost hope, and we will never lose hope in the importance, effectiveness, or continued viability of this Organization.
From the initial use of the term "United Nations" by the American President Franklin Roosevelt, through the San Francisco Charter, to the official dawn of this Organization on 24 October 1945, the United Nations as an organization has been locked in a battle for supremacy of will over the always parochial, often bellicose, actions and intentions of nation States. We are often reminded by our Secretary-General that the United Nations is not a supranational authority. It cannot, without the combined will of all the members of the Security Council, impose its own will upon its Members. It is an Organization made up of independent and sovereign nations. But the Organization has no sovereignty of its own, so it can only initiate, harmonize and encourage its Members to take effective actions which are in keeping with the spirit of the Charter.
In many respects, then, this remarkable Organization, despite the machinations of Member States, has proven to be exceedingly resourceful in meeting the challenges that daily confront it. So, once again, exhausted by the international tribulations of our own creation, we turn to it in a desperate search for respite.
We have always looked to the Organization in the social and economic spheres, but now it seems that we have returned to it in attempting to solve our political problems. For the past eight years Saint Lucia has been among those countries that have called for the preservation of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and non-aligned character of Afghanistan. We have also repeatedly reaffirmed the right of the Afghan people to determine their own form of and to choose their economic, political and social system free from outside intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint of any kind whatsoever. We also called for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan, and urged all parties concerned to work for the urgent achievement of a political solution in accordance with the spirit of the Charter, and the creation of the necessary conditions that would enable the Afghan refugees to return voluntarily to their homes in safety and honour.
Thanks to the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, and his representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, we witnessed the conclusion of the Geneva Accords last April as a major point of departure in the long effort to find a peaceful solution to the situation in Afghanistan. We therefore urge all parties to live up to the letter and spirit of the Geneva Accords so that we may soon realize the outcome which we all desire.
The fratricidal eight-year-long armed conflict between Iraq and Iran has been among the bloodiest in this century. From the start of the war in 1980, the United Nations has been active through various channels in trying to get the parties to compose their differences. Saint Lucia is gratified by the cease-fire that was finally secured on 20 August this year. We urge both parties to bring the necessary political will and flexibility to the table to assure the effectuation of a just and lasting peace in the region.
The question of Cyprus, too, has for long been a troubling one. We have dealt with this question, in one aspect or another, for the past 25 years. The decision by the leaders of the two sides, upon an initiative of the Secretary-General, to meet without any pre-conditions and to attempt to achieve by 1 June 1989 a negotiated settlement of all aspects of the Cyprus problem is particularly welcome at this time.
Also in South-East Asia there has been positive movement. Nine years ago, the General Assembly called upon all States to refrain from any interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and resolved that the people of Kampuchea should be enabled to choose democratically their own government without outside interference, subversion or coercion. Saint Lucia has actively supported this principle every year since then. We are therefore heartened that, encouraged by indications that all parties concerned are now interested in achieving a political solution to the problem, the Secretary-General has presented to the parties a number of specific ideas intended to facilitate the elaboration of a framework for a comprehensive political settlement. We urge them to consider those ideas seriously.
Since 1946 we have dealt with the question of Namibia at 42 successive sessions, at three special sessions, and at one emergency special session of the General Assembly. We have repeatedly demanded that the apartheid regime of South Africa immediately and unconditionally withdraw its illegal administration, occupation army and police force from Namibia, but the racist regime has persisted in its refusal to comply with the resolutions and decisions of the Security Council, thus violating the principles of the Charter and defying the authority of the United Nations.
After more than four decades of intransigence on the part of South Africa, there are now some signs of movement in the right direction. Saint Lucia fervently hopes that the Brazzaville agreements will be successful.
The South African regime has thumbed its nose at the international community for so long. We hope, however, that these first steps in the right direction ate merely the beginning of a journey which will lead soon to the release of Nelson Mandela and the dismantling of the heinous apartheid system.
Saint Lucia is encouraged by the atmosphere of conciliation which seems to surround the peace plan of the Secretary-General and the head of the Organization of African Unity that was submitted to the concerned parties in Western Sahara. We hope that this spirit of conciliation will lead to a speedy, just and lasting negotiated solution to this problem.
The situation in the Middle East remains our most intractable problem. Saint Lucia wishes to reiterate its view that the question of Palestine is at the core of the conflict in the Middle East and that no comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the region can be achieved without the full exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable national rights and the immediate withdrawal of Israel to internationally recognized and secure boundaries.
In the Korean peninsula, the problem of a divided Korea is also still with us, and Saint Lucia looks forward to the peaceful reunification of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Saint Lucia therefore welcomes the continuation of dialogue among all parties concerned with a view to achieving this objective, and we believe that, in the interim, membership of the United Nations for both Koreas will not hinder the attainment of that goal.
Saint Lucia is concerned that there seems to be a reduction in momentum of the Esquipulas II agreement of the five Central American Presidents signed on 7 August last year. We continue to support a peaceful, negotiated solution to the conflicts in Central America.
In the Caribbean itself, we have been concerned at the developments that have occurred in our sister country of Haiti. Over the past year, Saint Lucia has repeatedly called for a return to the democratic process, for selection by election, and not by dictation, for the fulfilment of the provisions of the new Haitian Constitution, and for the creation of an opportunity for the re-flowering and rebirth of the spirit of a people whose forefathers pioneered the path to freedom in this hemisphere. It is not too late. We urge the new leaders in Haiti to seize the time to launch their country firmly on the path of democratic process, as so many other dictatorships in the hemisphere have recently done. Those who first lit the revolutionary torch so many decades ago should not now be lagging behind in the wake of change. The region awaits a new and democratic Haiti. The people of Haiti desire it. The moment is in their hands.
We approach the end of the third United Nations Development Decade with many of the developing countries poorer now than they were 10 years ago. International political gains cannot be sustained without concomitant international economic development. With decreasing per capita gross national product in many countries, deteriorating terms of trade in others, and still others staggering under Tolstoyan debt burdens, the developing countries face an uncertain future. These problems are compounded by an alarmingly high level of net transfers of resources from the developing to the developed countries, and a sharp fall in resource flows to the developing countries. In Latin America and the Caribbean, chronic poverty still plagues more than 130 million people, or over one third of the aggregate population. And the debt burden hovers at $400 billion.
We need to deal with these problems quickly and effectively. My delegation therefore strongly supports both the convening of an international conference on money and finance for development, with universal participation, and the convening of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to the reactivation of economic growth in the developing countries.
We are all in sympathy with the peoples of Jamaica and Mexico who suffered so terribly from the devastation of hurricane Gilbert. We in Saint Lucia consider ourselves fortunate by comparison, having escaped with only a few million dollars' worth of damage, caused by flooding and landslides. We urge the international community to support the resolution on emergency assistance to Jamaica to be introduced later this year.
In the past 20 years, natural disasters have claimed the lives of over 3 million people and caused more than 323 billion in damage. We in the small island developing countries are particularly prone since natural disasters show a marked concentration in tropical and sub-tropical climates. Hurricanes, tropical cyclones and typhoons are essentially a feature of warm oceans and coastal regions. Over larger land masses and temperate seas their violence decreases rapidly.
In this century alone, in my own sub-region, hurricanes have struck Barbados, Cuba, Dominica, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica and my own country. Many of these Islands have been hit several times. Volcanic eruptions have devastated Guadeloupe, Martinique and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. Earthquakes have caused damage in Antigua and Barbuda, the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Puerto Rico.
The effects of any disaster are more pronounced for a small island than for a larger country with a wide variety of products, back-up facilities and resources for recovery. We therefore eagerly lend our support to the adoption of General Assembly resolution 42/169. Last year, the 1990s were designated as the international decade for natural disaster reduction, a decade in which the international community, under the auspices of the United Nations, will pay special attention to fostering international co-operation in the field of natural disaster reduction. We commend the Secretary-General for his efficiency in establishing an international ad hoc experts group for the international decade.
But, as if natural disasters such as Hurricane Gilbert were not enough trouble for the island developing countries of the Caribbean, we in this region are being threatened with man-made catastrophes, potentially more devastating. Over the past year, Caribbean countries have been alarmed at reports that a number of companies, particularly in the United States, were making arrangements to dump tons of hazardous industrial and nuclear waste in the Caribbean. In fact, in one recent particularly callous incident, a ship dumped such waste on a beach in Haiti after Haitian authorities had denied it permission to enter its territory. A few months later, the Caribbean was placed on the alert for another such ship which seemed headed for our waters with another shipment of that horrible cargo.
The dangers of toxic waste for the Caribbean are enormous, even more so than for those countries of affluence which refuse to accept their own industrial effluence. Given the porous nature of the soils in the tropical Caribbean, the toxins contained in the waste can spread rapidly through the food chain. The threat therefore is not merely to our tourism industry from the damage to our beadles, but to life itself - to marine life, the environment, to human life. In the small islands of the Caribbean, life as we know it can therefore easily disappear.
We call upon those countries whose companies are engaged in this nefarious activity to take action to halt this trend. We are particularly concerned where secret deals and arrangements are worked out between some companies and Government officials, where waste is shipped under false labels, and we urge our sister Caribbean countries to be vigilant In this regard and to preserve the integrity and purity of our environment. We are encouraged that the United Nations In the spirit of General Assembly resolution 42/183 (1987) which condemned waste trafficking, is attempting to regulate the trade, and we hope that the international community will adopt the proposed global Convention on the control of trans-boundary movements of hazardous waste when it becomes ready for signature in 1989.
In general, as we approach a thirteenth-year review, as it were, of the special needs of island developing States, we are pleased that there is a growing recognition of the special problems and needs of island developing countries as reflected in the resolutions passed unanimously in the General Assembly over the past decade on island developing countries, and in the Declaration of the twelfth Annual Meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of Seventy-Seven.
Since the early 1970s the work of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) has contributed to a better understanding of island developing countries and has been a determining factor in assisting the international community to recognize their specific problems. Numerous analytical and descriptive studies have shown that small island developing countries have characteristics distinct from those of developing countries in general. As a result, the type of development strategy regarded as appropriate in general is, in many respects, inappropriate for those countries in particular.
As we undertake the long-overdue review of the question of island developing countries this year, my delegation hopes that we can move from the stage of the purely academic to one of putting in place specific mechanisms to assist those countries in particular and effective ways.
We now have, so to speak, a second chance to make this Organization what it was supposed to be, In 1969, U Thant, then Secretary-General, warned us that we had little time left in which to subordinate our ancient quarrels and launch a global partnership to curb the arms race, to improve the human environment, to defuse the population explosion and to give the required momentum to development efforts. And, to be sure, it is a truism, as laid down in the principles of the Inter-Allied Declaration of 12 June 1941 that: "The only true basis of enduring peace is the willing co-operation of free peoples in a world in which, relieved of the menace of aggression, all may enjoy economic and social security. It is up to us."
Ά second dawn has broken and a new opportunity arisen to take a truly global approach to solving hat, in the final analysis, are all global problems. Let us not waste this second chance.


The delegation of the People's Republic of Benin welcomes with great satisfaction the election of Mr. Dante Caputo to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. We ask him to convey friendly and brotherly greetings to Argentina from the Government and people of Benin r which is happy to see the representative of a country with which it shares the sane aspirations to peace and social justice preside over the General Assembly of our irreplaceable world Organization.
I should like to take this opportunity to convey the heartfelt congratulations of our delegation to Mr. Peter Florin, the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the German Democratic Republic, who, throughout the work of the forty-second session of the General Assembly, showed such competence wisdom and statesmanship.
Our congratulations also go to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations. I should like once again, on this solemn occasion, to say how much the people and the National Executive Council of Benin admire him for the dynamism, patience, tenacity and competence, with which he has served the United Nations, and in particular for the professionalism - each day more decisive - that he has shown in finding solutions to the various crises that our world has been witnessing. On behalf of Benin, we wish to extend to him our full support in the discharge of his onerous and delicate responsibilities.
The award this year of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations Peace-keeping Forces is a well-deserved tribute to the work of the Organization and the Secretary-General. This great honour conferred upon our Organization has created a new climate of optimism and confidence in the search for ways and means that might lead to peace.
The forty-third session of the General Assembly has opened in an atmosphere of détente and hope, indicating that international peace and security, which our Organization has been striving to attain, should be understood as a pre-condition for promoting development in all fields and for ensuring the right of peoples to life, freedom and dignity.
When they adopted the principles set forth in the United Nations Charter in San Francisco, in 1945, or when they acceded to them later the States represented here showed their determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to promote social progress and better standards of life in fuller freedom. We thus proclaimed our faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity of the human person, in the equal .rights of men and women and of nations large or small.
Three years ago we commemorated here, and in our country, the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Charter in a political climate that was marked by many areas of tension and by the mad rivalry between the nuclear Powers.
This year we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in an environment marked by glimmers of hope, thanks to the determination of the two nuclear super-Powers to reduce and gradually eliminate nuclear weapons, which are a real threat to international peace and security. It is therefore ray honour and pleasure to state before the Assembly that may government is preparing to implement, within the context of the celebration of this fortieth anniversary, a diversified programme of events, ranging from a national seminar on human rights, which will follow :p the international seminar on human rights and economic and social progress hosted by my country in May-June of 1988, to a number of cultural and sporting, events in all parts of our country, information meetings about this Declaration, and its publication in French and in most of the national languages of our country.
By signing the agreements to dismantle nuclear weapons, both medium-range and shorter-range, the USSR and the United states of America established a basis for a real nuclear disarmament process and detente. On behalf of my country, I salute the initiatives taken by the President of the United States of America and the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and I wish the leaders of those two countries ever greater success in following up their negotiations with a view to the gradual reduction of strategic weapons until they are completely eliminated.
The peoples of the whole world want peace. They want all other nuclear Powers to follow the example of the United States and the Soviet Union, to stave off, once and for all, the risk of a nuclear war, which would be the last one.
Consensus with regard to the means of achieving nuclear disarmament seems to be emerging. Out the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament showed what a long way we have yet to go to establish the basis of general and complete disarmament. We must therefore reverse intransigence, national selfishness, differences and ideological barriers, in order to promote the primacy of the United Nations in disarmament.
We must recognise that there is a logical link between disarmament and development, almost a mathematical ratio between them, as the special session of our Organisation, held from 24 April to 11 September 198?, established so eloquently.
So we have grounds for hope. Remarkable progress has been made in settling various regional conflicts, all of which are deadly and run counter to our aspirations for peace and progress. There is no doubt that the path leading to peace is long and difficult, but there is no alternative to peace except peace itself, Accordingly, it is good that, instead of confrontation the enemies of yesterday have today chosen the way of dialogue and negotiation, like in the Persian Gulf, the Middle East, Western Sahara, southern Africa, Central America, Afghanistan or Kampuchea.
Zn Africa the apartheid system of the Pretoria regime, which our universal conscience condemns vociferously and which no country or Government could justify or legitimise, is at the very core of the tragedy suffered by the blade peoples of Southern Africa· The racist regime continues, despite common sense and reason to divide the international community in its quest for peace, security and social progress.
The policy of apartheid of the South African regime is still very much a crime against humanity and an affront to the universal conscience. The assassination of September, in Paris on 29 March 1988, shows that the leaders of that country will stop at nothing even at the most heinous crimes.
Pretoria is being obstinate, despite the protests of the whole world, in insisting on keeping Nelson Mandela in its gaols, thus seriously damaging his health. It continues to impose a state of emergency on black South Africans in order to further suppress their legitimate aspirations to dignity and well-being.
In its solidarity and unswerving support for the struggle of the African National Congress all other democratic anti-apartheid forces, my country appeals to the reason and common sense of all States Members of the United Nations to see to it that at this forty-third session the General Assembly will once again demand the imposition of comprehensive, mandatory sanctions against the racist regime of South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter.
It is our collective responsibility - and one we must shoulder - to work to restore all the inalienable rights of the South African people and the independence of Namibia, and to guarantee to the front-line countries the enjoyment of security, stability and territorial integrity. The front-line countries, the South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the ANC, and all other democratic forces defending their inalienable rights in southern Africa can be assured of the solidarity and support of the entire people of Benin until their cause triumphs - the cause of justice and freedom for which they have been shedding their blood.
We hope that the dialogue that is now going on and that is developing in the negotiations between Angola, South Africa, Cuba and the United States, will result in a just peace in that part of Africa which has been ravaged by so many years of armed conflicts. In the Western Sahara, the People's Republic of Benin is pleased that the two parties to the conflict r Morocco and the POLIS ARIO Front, have finally chosen the path of dialogue in accepting the peace plan of the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, relating to conditions for the organization of a referendum on self-determination for the Sahraoui people. However, on this question, as on so many others, the international community must remain vigilant in order to avoid bitter disappointment.
We are pleased that relations between Chad and Libya have been improving. The return to peace between these two fraternal countries will enable the Chadian people to start the work of national reconstruction and economic recovery for the greater well-being of all Chadians.
Like other peoples, the Palestinian people is entitled to an independent homeland. Hence a stop must be put to its suffering by way of the restoration of all its national rights in a Middle East that is reconciled and at peace.
The Palestinian question is one to which my country hopes the General Assembly will attach special importance this year, especially since we shall be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Hence Benin looks forward to the convening as soon as possible of the international conference on the Middle East, under the auspices of the United Nations, and with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (РLO), on an equal footing.
In the Persian Gulf, reason and dialogue have finally replaced the language of violence in a war that foe eight years has ravaged that part of the third would.  We welcome the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq and hope that the Secretary-General's tireless efforts will be successful, so that the people of that region can finally enjoy peace.
In Afghanistan, we hope that the normalization process will continue on course, thanks to the full implementation of the Geneva Accords by all parties concerned. This will permit the reconciliation of all the country's people, foe it is high time to end the suffering and the dispersal of men, women and children in refugee camps.
The trend in international relations is towards dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the talks that have been started by the political forces in Kampuchea must also lead to the establishment of a democratic, political and administrative system in keeping with the interests of a free Kampuchean people on a territory free from any hint of a return to the notorious past, as well as the return of any foreign troops.
The withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean peninsula is a guarantee for the peaceful reunification of the two Koreas. The international community should work to ensure that this divided people can recover its unity and greatness.
In Central America, the peoples and the States of that region have the right to live in peace, harmony and mutual respect, free from interference or foreign intervention, and, above all, with each respecting the political, economic and social choices of the others. In this context, the hopes raised by the Arias plan and the Esquipulas agreements should be supported, as well as the efforts of the Contadora Group to establish lasting peace in the region.
In contrast to the relief brought about by the positive developments we have seen in various war-torn parts of the world, the rather grim picture of the international economic situation is, to say the least, distressing. Indeed, the international economic climate is now characterized - particularly with regard to the developing countries and mere specifically, the African countries - by increasing protectionism by the industrialized countries, a sharp drop in commodity prices, and the inverse transfer of financial flows. The combined cumulative effects of these trends have seriously affected development prospects for our countries and have made any efforts at economic recovery highly unpredictable.
Wars and prolonged tension have disorganized the economic and social life of many countries to such an extent that no security can be guaranteed for any length of time. In many regions of Africa and elsewhere food production has fallen below survival needs, thus bringing about a situation of permanent hunger and, in some cases, famine of catastrophic proportions in the warring countries.
Natural disasters of incalculable consequences have often added to these scourges. Following the recent torrential rains experienced in the People's Republic of Benin, entire regions were flooded, causing considerable material damage and seriously disrupting the lives of many people. Out of the six provinces in Benin, four were particularly badly hit and declared emergency areas by the Government. Given the magnitude of the disaster, the major national effort we have made - despite my country  difficult economic situation - will not be enough to put an end to the tragedy of the people concerned. Therefore, the Government of the People’s Republic of Benin made an urgent appeal for international solidarity in providing emergency assistance to the affected peoples and towns.
On behalf of my country I should like to seize this opportunity to thank all friendly countries and governmental and nongovernmental organizations which, in a burst of solidarity, have started to provide valuable assistance to the victims of this disaster.
In the circumstances to which 1 hove just referred, the determination of the developing countries to implement meaningful and economic social reforms is coming up against exogenous constraints connected with the hostile international and economic climate. In order to deal with this situation, a large number of countries have established special recovery measures through structural adjustment programme which do not often lead to any significant improvement in the lives of their peoples
With regard more specifically to the critical economic situation in Africa, it is appropriate to point out that two years after the adoption by our Organisation of a Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 the economic and social situation of all African countries continues to deteriorate. It must be said that the international community has not kept the pledge it made at the special session of the General Assembly devoted to Africa to provide sufficient resources to back up and supplement Africa's development efforts. The aid-terms review of the Programme our Organization has just carried out should prompt Africa's partners to increase their efforts to enable us to achieve our goals.
The rich countries must be seriously concerned about the external economic factors that have so obviously compounded Africa's present difficulties. In this connection, genuine auspices to relieve the enormous debt burden of sub-Saharan Africa and to increase the flow of resources to the region should be encouraged.
In spite of everything, we still hope that the present détente in relations between the two Powers and the rebirth of a climate of trust within the international community - because of the various ongoing peace initiatives on many war-fronts - can be considered as a prelude to a new era of co-operation and dialogue among nations. It is our duty to work forcefully and with faith our total commitment to the values that identify and underpin the ideals of our Organisation as we · celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is our duty to enhance these values to defend then whenever they could be violated, because in then lies the survival and grandeur of Mankind.


It gives me pleasure to join those who have spoken before me in extending to Mr. Dante Caputo, on behalf of the Malawi delegation, heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. Preceding speakers have eloquently spoken of his long experience of international affairs, his deep commitment to the promotion of: international peace and co-operation and his great diplomatic skills. On our part, we have already observed the effective manner in which he has been conducting the business of the Assembly. Ws are therefore confident that under his leadership and guidance the Assembly's deliberations will come to a successful conclusion. I therefore wish to assure him of my delegation's full co-operation at all times.
The forty-second session was perhaps among the busiest sessions in recent years, as the Assembly had to be called back so many times in resumed session. The Assembly was also called upon to deal with many very complex issues, some necessitating late-night sessions of the plenary in search of solutions.
Fortunately for us, we had in Mr. Peter Florin, Deputy Foreign Minister of the German Democratic Republic, a President whose outstanding fortitude, exemplary dedication to duty and inexhaustible patience, confidence and good humour made the work that was before the Assembly easier. My delegation extends its best wishes to Mr. Florin, and congratulates him on his successful accomplishment of his duties and responsibilities.
The Malawi delegation has pleasure also in expressing its best wishes to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. We have noted with much satisfaction the many achievements scored by the United Nations during the past 12 months. Among the most outstanding are the successful negotiations leading to the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan and to the cease-fire in the eight-year war between Iraq and Iran. Those achievements have clearly vindicated those who, despite the doubts expressed by some in recent years about the Organization's relevance to today's international political environment, continued to believe that the United Nations remained the most appropriate forum for the search for solutions to International disputes, and also that, given the opportunity, it could be a very effective instrument for resolving conflicts between States,
Mr. de Cuellar has never wavered in his belief in the efficacy of the United Nations, nor has he ever doubted the Organization's potential as an instrument for bringing about peace, we thus consider the award of this year's Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces to be a most fitting recognition of Mr. de Cuellar's personal efforts in keeping the United Nations at the centre of international affairs and a long overdue but welcome tribute to the outstanding contribution of the United Nations towards international peace during the past four decades. My delegation joins others in expressing to Mr. Perez de Cuellar and, through him, to the peace-keeping forces, well-deserved congratulations.
A writer in one of the local newspapers observed this past summer that "peace has broken out". Although his comment was made rather cynically, in fact it aptly designated the extraordinary phenomenon of the past few months. Indeed, throughout the summer we marvelled as almost everywhere came news of breakthroughs in deadlocks long considered intractable. For once it did seem as though peace had, finally, been declared.
We in Malawi welcomed the news of the successful conclusion of the Geneva Agreements, under which it was finally possible for foreign troops that had been in Afghanistan for eight years to withdraw from that country. We hope that the withdrawal of those forces will be completed as agreed in the Agreements so that the people of Afghanistan may move on to the important process of determining their country's political future and embark on the urgent tasks of rehabilitation and reconstruction.
In the Persian Gulf we note that, following acceptance of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) by both Iran and Iraq earlier this summer, a cease-fire came into force on 20 August. We further note that negotiations towards a permanent peace agreement between the two former belligerents are continuing under the auspices of the United Nations. The road towards that goal will not be an easy one, but we believe that the parties concerned understand the high cost of failure.
When the Malawi delegation addressed the Assembly last year, we noted with regret that the flurry of diplomatic activity earlier in 1987 centred on the question of Kampuchea appeared to have led to no change. My Government has therefore been encouraged by recent signs of the apparent beginnings of a genuine dialogue between the various parties concerned. We note, for instance, that following the meeting held in July, under the auspices of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), all the parties have indicated their readiness to continue the search for a mutually acceptable solution. Allow me to express my Government's full support for those efforts and its sincere hope for a positive outcome.
In the first direct political contact between the two countries in years, parliamentarians of North and South Korea met in August to discuss relations between the two sides of their divided motherland. My Government was pleased to learn that further talks could take place very soon. Malawi supports the decision by the two sides to keep their lines of communication open so as to facilitate the continuing search for a peaceful solution. We remain firmly convinced that through
honest dialogue between North and South Korea a viable solution can be achieved. Meanwhile, Malawi welcomes South Korea's call for the cessation of hostilities between North and South Korea. Malawi also welcomes the other proposals by the two sides for easing tension between them.
Malawi has followed very closely the quadripartite negotiations involving representatives of the United States, South Africa, Angola and Cuba with the ultimate aim of bringing about the independence of Namibia, within the context of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). In this connection, my Government has been greatly encouraged to learn that, if everything goes well, implementation of the transitional process envisaged in resolution 43 5 (1978) could begin as early as next month, with independence elections coming by 1 June 1989.
Whilst its optimism is tempered somewhat by the experience of the international community in having come to the well more than once before and drawing no water, my Government would like to look forward to Namibia's independence and to welcoming Namibia as a fully-fledged member of the international community. My Government therefore hopes to join other members in welcoming the new independent State of Namibia as a participant, in its full sovereign right, at the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly next year.
In 1986, for the first time in nearly 40 years, and also last year, the Assembly was seized of the question of the dependent territory of New Caledonia, where the indigenous people and the administering Power were deadlocked over the question of the territory’s political future. We now understand that the administering Power, having reviewed its policy on the Territory, has recently reached agreement with representatives of the indigenous people on a formula for a solution which envisages the early granting of independence to that Territory. My delegation welcomes these developments. We applaud the Government of France for its courage in not only conceding the right of the New Caledonian people to self-determination but also in acknowledging its obligations towards the realization of that right. Malawi looks forward to seeing Kew Caledonia take its rightful place as an independent and sovereign Member of the community of nations, we hope in the very near future.
We have followed closely the Secretary-General's continuing efforts to find viable formulas for solutions to the questions of Cyprus and Western Sahara.
With regard to Cyprus we have noted that the apparent emergence of a congenial atmosphere in relations between certain parties whose role would be most vital in assuring any solution has seemingly brought about a positive change in the attitudes of the leaders of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. In this connection we note that both parties have declared their readiness to co-operate with the Secretary-General in facilitating the resumption of the inter-communal talks and that formal talks have already been scheduled for early in 1909. My Government welcomes these developments, for Malawi remains convinced that only a formula arrived at by or through the participation of the Cypriot people themselves can produce a meaningful and permanent solution to that country’s political problems.
On the question of Western Sahara, my delegation wishes to reiterate Malawi's support for the right of the people of that territory to self-determination, whether as an independent sovereign State of otherwise. We therefore support the Secretary-General's initiatives on this issue and are pleased to note that the proposals which he recently presented to both the Government of Morocco and the POLISARIO provide for a referendum to enable the Sahraoui people to indicate their preference as to whether they should be part of Morocco or have their own independent sovereign State.
We have noted particularly the similarity between the Secretary-General's proposals and the formula adopted en the same question by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) almost 10 years ago. The OAU formula has as a main principle the holding of a referendum supervised by the United Nations. My Government is therefore happy to learn that both the POLISARIO and Morocco have now accepted the Secretary-General's proposals and we hope that this clears the way for the early holding of a referendum OR Western Sahara.
At the forty-second session of the General Assembly, the Malawi delegation joined others in welcoming and expressing support for the peace plan for Central America initiated by the Costa Rican leader, President Oscar Arias, and agreed to by all the leaders in the region. Despite the promise held cut by the plan, it would now appear that some parties would have the plan abandoned, seemingly condemning it to the heap of so many other doomed initiatives. Notwithstanding the set-backs which may have been encountered in its implementation, we believe that the Arias plan still represents the best formula for achieving peace in that region. My delegation wishes therefore to express Malawi's support for those leaders who are continuing to seek ways of facilitating the implementation of the plan.
Preceding delegations have already observed that if today we can speak of breakthroughs with regard to the various international problems that once seemed insoluble it is because of the positive interventions, direct and indirect, of the two super-Powers, the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Significantly, it has been noted that these positive developments have occurred following the apparent improvement in relations between the United States and the Soviet Union.
We have always been of the view that whenever the two super-Powers agree to co-operate they can contribute immensely to the common good of the entire international community. That is why щ delegation wishes to take the opportunity to express the hope that the two super-Powers will find it equally possible to work together in the search for solutions to the other regional conflicts and areas of tension which continue to threaten international peace and security. The most urgent of these are the situations in South Africa and the Middle East.
While developments on the Namibia question have provided the most positive news to come out of the southern African subregion in almost a decade, the news from South Africa is that of a rapidly deteriorating situation, the root cause of the problems of South Africa is apartheid, but we believe that neither the use of force by the South African authorities to maintain the policy of apartheid nor the resort to violence by the opponents of apartheid will resolve this problem. That is why the Malawi delegation would like to reiterate its call to all the parties to the conflict to enter upon a genuine national dialogue. We are convinced that even at this late hour it would still be possible to achieve a peaceful solution if only all the parties concerned would have the courage to place the wider long-term interests of their country above the short-term interests of their respective constituencies.
Contrary to expectations of a possible movement forward - raised by the overwhelming support declared during the past two years by the majority of the members of this Assembly - towards the holding of an international conference on the Middle East, the past 12 months have seen the situation in the area deteriorate to perhaps its most precarious level in many years.
A sharp escalation of violence in the occupied territories, resulting from a campaign of resistance to Israeli authority, and the Increased use of force in order to reaffirm that authority on the part of the Israeli Government have led to great loss of life as well as a deepening of animosity and suspicion. Meanwhile the decision by the Government of Jordan to withdraw its authority over parts of the occupied territories which It had previously administered has increased the uncertainty and anxiety about future developments.
In our view, any solution to the Middle East conflict must necessarily focus on two central issues if it is to be viable, fulfilment of the right of the Palestinian people to an independent homeland on the one hand and a guarantee of the right of the Israelis to live within recognized and secure boundaries on the other. Those elements have been of primary importance in all the main resolutions on the Middle East question since the General Assembly adopted resolution 181 (II) in 1947.
Viable solutions to the questions of the Middle East and of South Africa must ultimately come from, or be found with the direct participation of, the respective peoples concerned. However, my delegation is also of the view that there are certain other countries which, through their special relations and influence, could facilitate the early achievement of such solutions. That is why my delegation wants to appeal to these countries, which include the two super-Powers, to use their influence positively with those parties which, because of mistrust or insecurity, have been reluctant to take measures that are necessary in order to move forward. The intervention of these countries on other questions has led to positive results. We are convinced that they could contribute to similar results with regard to the issues of the Middle East and South Africa.
last October the Malawi delegation joined others in welcoming the conclusion between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of the Treaty on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Nuclear Missiles - the INF Treaty. The Malawi delegation observed that that Agreement constituted the first major step towards the elimination of all nuclear arms. At the same time we expressed the hope that the Treaty would give an impetus to ongoing negotiations on other classes and types of arms, especially chemical weapons, so as to hasten the achievement of the ultimate goal - complete and comprehensive disarmament. The Malawi delegation, further, drew attention to the fact that international security is of concern to all States, big and small alike. In this connection, the delegation reaffirmed Malawi's belief in the need for a multilateral approach to disarmament and for the United Nations to be associated with all initiatives on disarmament.
We thus considered it a happy coincidence that the proposed date for the formal signature of the United States/Soviet Union agreement should have fallen just a month before the start of the General Assembly's third special session on disarmament, which was held here in New York in June this year.
However, my delegation regards it as a matter of deep regret that the third special session could not agree on the final document and thus adjourned without a formal conclusion. Nevertheless, we believe that the session was still useful in providing an opportunity to assess progress achieved since the two previous sessions. We are certain that the conclusions that were drawn from the session will prove invaluable as we plot the way forward.
My delegation has on several occasions declared the Malawi Government's conviction that international security cannot best be assured by the size or quality of the arsenals that countries may possess. Rather, we believe that genuine international security lies in all States respecting each other's independence and sovereignty, regardless of size or economic and political strength.
we have therefore been alarmed by certain developments during the last 12 months which seemed to suggest that some States might want to return the world to that era, long thought to have disappeared for ever, when might was right, and bigger States assumed for the themselves the right callously to intervene in the internal affairs of the small and weaker ones. My delegation wishes to reiterate its appeal for respect among States for each other's sovereignty, strict adherence to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of others, and respect for the principle of the non-use of force. Only in that way can we assure international peace and security.
Among the subjects which the General Assembly will consider during the current session is the critical economic situation in Africa. Before it will be the report on the mid-term review on the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. My delegation looks forward to the discussions on this report.
I should like, however, to express our disappointment at the fact that despite the solemn undertaking by the international donor community to enhance its assistance to Africa with specific regard to the implementation of the Programme of Action, and in spite of the efforts that African States have exerted in fulfilment of their own obligations, at times with great risk to national political stability, very little international assistance has been forthcoming. In the meantime, unfortunately, the economic crisis in Africa has worsened further, and more aid than was projected in 1986 will now be required to meet the Programme's original goals. It is our sincere hope that the results of the mid-term review will be taken seriously by Africa's partners and that concerted efforts will be made by them to fulfil their obligations during the second half of the Programme's projected five-year span.
Meanwhile, we have noted with interest the measures adopted recently by some of the developed countries with a view to helping ease the financial burden facing developing countries, especially the least developed countries. We welcome these moves. However, we would like to join others in reiterating that the economic problems of developing countries need to be addressed in a global manner if lasting solutions ace to be found.
Before concluding ray statement, I should like to take this opportunity to express my Government's gratitude to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other agencies of the United Nations foe the invaluable assistance they have provided to enable the Government of Malawi to cater foe our brothers and sisters from Mozambique who have come into Malawi during the past two years. These refugees now number over 600,000, which is equivalent to about 8 per cent of our national population. We are particularly grateful for the Secretary-General's timely initiative in sending last year a multi-agency team to study this problem with a view to determining how best to assist Malawi to deal with both the short-term and the long-term needs arising from this situation. Malawi's economic capacity is very limited and the sudden surge in population has seriously strained the country's socio-economic infrastructure.
Malawi is also grateful to the many countries and the other international organizations that have contributed so generously in various ways towards enabling us to provide for our brethren.
In this context, I should like to express Malawi's satisfaction at the outcome of the International Conference on the Plight of Refugees, Returnees and Displaced Persons in Southern Africa, held in Oslo, Norway, last August, with the full support of the United Nations. It is our hope that the principles enshrined in the Oslo declaration and plan of action will receive full international support. It is therefore my delegation's hope that the General Assembly will endorse the Oslo declaration and plan of action.


Allow me at the outset, Sir, to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. As a member of the Non-Aligned Movement and as a non-aligned member of tile Security Council Argentina has consistently played a significant and constructive role in the international arena. I therefore sincerely hope that during the present deliberations your leadership will render effective and decisive contributions to international peace and security.
During the past year the world has witnessed some new developments which have shown a prospect for a new movement in the international arena. Preceding speakers have all expressed their satisfaction at seeing the course of international relations directed towards mutual understanding and finding peaceful solutions to regional and international conflicts and crises. This fresh atmosphere is imbued with new hopes for the future as well as new and more serious expectations among all nations. As a forum for the international community, virtually embracing all the countries in the world, the United Nations has now become the focus of attention. As such, it is now facing a momentous and valuable litmus test. Given the fresh hopes, however, it is too early now to pass a final judgement on the role of this massive and complex Organization. We are fully aware that political expediency has been and will continue to be a determining and often negative and destructive factor in the activities of the United Nations. Admittedly, these unfortunate considerations cannot be expected to disappear easily from the United Nations.
Should internationally recognized norms and principles guide our efforts, the ill effects of political expediency would of themselves subside, facilitating the promotion of understanding and the search for just solutions to complex international problems. Following this very guideline, the Secretary-General has admirably succeeded in providing the global community with a new perspective for substantial achievements by the United Nations. In dealing with complex international crises, such as the questions of Afghanistan, Namibia, Kampuchea, Cyprus and the war imposed by Iraq on the Islamic Republic of Iran, the constructive endeavours of the Secretary-General and his representatives are evident, endeavours inspired by realism, impartiality and integrity. These sincere efforts have deservedly met with global appreciation for the Secretary-General.
Given the extensive domain of the Organization's activities and the expectations aroused by its recent achievements in dealing with various international problems, the present session of the General Assembly is Inevitably faced with some momentous tasks. Here, we cannot, and should not, fall back upon past practice and simply remain content with the mere adoption of a few resolutions. A slow, conservative pace at the United Nations will no longer be acceptable to the international community.
The means and capabilities required for the shared responsibility o£ conducting international affairs with a view to the enhancement of peace and security are all available to us. Today, it has been demonstrated in practice that the era of a bipolar world, the era of dominance by super—Powers over the destinies of the world and the oppressed nations is very much a closed chapter. A quite new era has been ushered in, an era in which peaceful coexistence and mutual respect for the rights of nations must inevitably replace the old policies of domination. The struggle of oppressed nations and the efforts exercised by non-aligned and neutral countries have significantly contributed to the inculcation of this new trend and attitude.	.
What is needed at present to guarantee the success of this new trend is to treat the root causes of regional crises which have distressingly turned into protracted, chronic diseases in many parts of the world, so as to preclude the resurgence of crisis and acts of aggression, or at least render them too costly for the potential perpetrators. This goal may be achieved only through the establishment of justice and the restoration of the principles stipulated in the United Nations Charter in dealing with international problems.
Undoubtedly one of the most sensitive crises which has put to the test the United Nations capability in dealing with international problems is the war imposed by Iraq against the Islamic Republic of Iran. The blatant aggression by Iraq on 22 September 1980 against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the newly established government of the Islamic Republic of Iran - in the course of which even the most basic standards of human, decency and universally recognised norms of international law have been violated by Iraq# sparing no one from atrocities ranging from massive bombardment of residential quarters, massacring- innocent women and children to the deployment of chemical weapons against Iraqi civilians - provides international public opinion with a roost obvious case of aggression and war crimes.
Unfortunately  the indifferent and unprincipled approach displayed during these eight years by international bodies vis-à-vis abhorrent acts of aggression and violations of recognized rules and norms of international law have set a dangerous precedent in political expediency  shaping responses to acts threatening international peace and security.
Notwithstanding this approach  the Islamic Republic of Iran, ever since the inception of the imposed war, has sincerely continued its co-operation with the Secretary-General in pursuing a political solution to the conflict. This was recently made quite evident in the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), a resolution in whose adoption we had no role and which was even used as a lever of pressure by certain quarters against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Official acceptance of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) by the highest authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran virtually removed the last Iraqi pretexts aimed at obstructing the implementation of the Security Council resolution, thus providing a litmus test for the political will and capability of the international community  and particularly the Security Council, in contributing to the realization of a just  comprehensive and honourable peace.
As also confirmed by the high office of our honourable leader the Islamic Republic of Iran has on many occasions declared its solid intention of securing a lasting and honourable peace in the region and has in practice proven its sincere commitment in this respect by displaying flexibility good will and co-operation with the Secretary-General and his representatives. Members are certainly aware that during the interval spanning the acceptance of the resolution by the Islamic Republic of Iran and the official establishment of the cease-fire, the Iraqi regime, despite its past deceitful propaganda paying lip-service to peace, embarked upon a series of attacks against our industrial and economic centres, repeatedly committed acts of aggression deeply penetrating our territories and, in contravention of the letter and spirit of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) and the Secretary-General's implementation plan, resorted to raising certain illogical and unacceptable pre-conditions which undoubtedly had a restraining impact on the Secretary-General's activities.
During the 10 rounds of official discussions with the Secretary-General in New York during July and August 1988, the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, explicitly delineating its position and proving its good will, showed a clear perspective for securing a comprehensive and lasting peace, while the other party opted for seeking excuses and negativism in its politics.
The precondition for direct talks before the cease-fire so seriously raised by Iraq in the first round of talks was in fact nothing but a ploy to continue the war and prevent implementation of the very resolution which Iraq had verbally accepted a year before. During the two weeks of talks in New York, the Iraqi delegation even refused to hold any substantive meeting with the Secretary-General, who plays the primary role in the implementation of resolution 598 (1987). However, since these Iraqi excuses received widespread international criticism and owing to the International pressure created against Iraq, the latter was finally compelled to give up this precondition.
The declaration of 20 August 1988 as the day for the cease-fire was in fact the result of the Iranian delegation's good will and the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General and his aides. As a result of Iraqi-instigated obstacles as well as the absence of a decisive approach by the international community, however, finalization of the timetable for implementing all the provisions of the resolution was postponed to take place in the course of talks in Geneva.
Reaffirming its good will by accepting direct talks, the Islamic Republic of Iran, in a letter dated 7 August 1988 addressed to the Secretary-General, stated·. "It is our understanding that, in the agenda for direct talks, the procedure and items will be set in accordance with the provisions of your implementation plan. In this context, substantive negotiations between Iran and Iraq can only be entered into for the implementation of paragraph 4 of the resolution. The implementation of other paragraphs of the resolution will be carried out as planned by the Secretary-General." (S/20094, p. 1)
This position of the Islamic Republic of Iran fully corresponds with both section 1 in the Secretary-General's implementation plan dated 15 October 1987 and his public official positions taken in the course of discussions held in New York in July and August 1988. This position therefore constitutes the basis for any further endeavours in this regard. In his letter of 8 August 1988, addressed to the Foreign Ministers of Iran and Iraq, the Secretary-General stated that:
"In pursuance of the official contact I had with Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran, I should like to inform you that both Governments have agreed to direct talks between their Foreign Ministers which shall be held under my auspices, immediately after the establishment of the cease-fire, in order to reach a common understanding of the other provisions of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) and the procedures and timings for their implementation."
It was on the basis of this understanding that we entered into direct talks at Geneva, expecting to agree on the time-table for the implementation of the other provisions of the resolution, beginning with the immediate withdrawal of force to the internationally recognized borders.
It is not my intention to reveal here the details of the direct talks held at Geneva. It is, however, necessary to express the views of my Government as related to the general aspects of these talks. At Geneva the Iraqi delegation unfortunately resumed its old negative methods from the very first session of the talks, as in New York. By raising certain issues outside the agenda, such as preconditions for the implementation of the remaining provisions of the resolution, it diverted the talks from the course set for them by the Secretary-General, dragging them into irrelevant discussions with no substantive results bearing on the implementation of the resolution.
For example, the fallacy involved in raising the argument of enjoying equally the fruits of cease-fire, geographical comparisons of Iran and Iraq and the consequences of the geographical differences between the two countries, was in fact a direct invitation to engage in lengthy economic, political, military and social comparisons, opening the Pandora Box of never-ending obvious inequalities between the two countries. Employing such false logic to achieve rights outside the norms of international law for Iraq in the Persian Gulf and Arvand Rood and extending the same logic to all paragraphs of the resolution has been a dangerous and destructive ploy, which if combined would inevitably direct the process of talks towards virtual futility and indefinite stalemate.
In the first round of direct talks in Geneva, the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Iran expressed its resolute conviction of the need to finalize the time and procedures for the implementation of the other provisions of the resolution, most significant among which are the immediate withdrawal of the forces to internationally recognized borders and the formation of an impartial body for the identification of the aggressor. It further emphasized that raising irrelevant issues would stall the process of the talks on secondary matters.
However, the Islamic Republic of Iran, continuing its co-operation with the Secretary-General in his discharge of the most crucial role assigned to him by the resolution and attempting to improve the atmosphere of talks, continued its co-operation with the personal representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Eliasson, and his colleagues so as to achieve an acceptable principled formula concerning shipping in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz. In this context a very positive attitude was displayed, without any attempt to divert the talks from their true objective, and the Iranian delegation considered and evaluated the suggestions made by the Secretary-General and presented its own constructive comments without the least ambiguity.
Regrettably, during the course of direct talks it was once again demonstrated that Iraq, rather than following the discussions within the established framework so as to reach an understanding, was attempting to seize the opportunity to use the talks as a means to achieve certain illegitimate political and military objectives, suffering from the illusion that whatever was not gained through the war of aggression and its use of inhuman and illegal resources would be secured through the peace talks. With such a goal in mind, the Iraqi delegation therefore spared no effort in obstructing the Secretary-General's activities and in manoeuvring to change the spirit of his proposals and the resolution.
In other words, Iraq's efforts all along the course of the Geneva talks were aimed at distorting the spirit of the resolution and the implementation plan, changing the limit and scope of relevant rules of international law, securing International approval for its expansionist designs and using the cease-fire to weaken its very foundations.
Iraq's Insistence on its preconditions and its lack of preparedness to accept the Secretary-General's proposals and to evaluate them constructively all contributed to the failure at the Geneva talks to achieve their objective, which was to finalize the timing and procedures for the implementation of all remaining provisions of the resolution from the withdrawal of forces to internationally recognized boundaries to paragraph 8 of the resolution. Most typical of Iraq's intransigence and obstructionism is its objection to the Secretary-General's proposal for continuation of talks in New York which had already won the approval of all members of the Security Council. It is, however, necessary to point out here that the procrastinate attitudes originating in undue political expediencies, as displayed by certain members of the Security Council, lent encouragement to Iraq in its show of Intransigence all through the talks.
That, in effect, is needed for the success of the talks that ate currently under way under the auspices of the Secretary-General is the immediate implementation of the remaining paragraphs of the resolution, which is binding under Articles 39 and 40 of the United Nations Charter. In the same vein, the text of the resolution and the Secretary-General's implementation plan should constitute the basis of talks, and the Council members' understanding of the spirit of the resolution could also contribute to its implementation.
Now that, despite Iraq's numerous violations, the cease-fire has been established, it is urgently necessary that the withdrawal of forces to internationally recognized boundaries be begun without further delay and completed within a short period, to be determined solely by technical considerations. A withdrawal of forces should have been effected immediately after the cease-fire, as stipulated in the resolution. It would constitute a significant step towards the decisive consolidation of the cease-fire.
Furthermore, in spite of the provisions of the Secretary-General's implementation plan, repeatedly reaffirmed by the Security Council# the formation of an impartial body for the identification of the aggressor has also been delayed. This body should begin its work with no further delay so as to pave the way for the achievement of a just peace.
We are fully prepared for the implementation of all the paragraphs in the resolution, within the framework of the Secretary-General's plan. While Iraq continues its obstructionist policies, we have even carried out unilaterally measures aimed at facilitating the implementation of other paragraphs of the resolution, as exemplified by the recent release of 72 Iraqi prisoners of war and 16 Egyptian prisoners, on the other hand, according to reports confirmed by the United Nations observer forces, Iraq, in violation of the cease-fire, has taken captive at least 700 Iranian military personnel and, more recently, it kidnapped two Iranian reporters in the presence of the representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. These cases well suffice as a demonstration of the two countries' real intentions regarding the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987).
We stress once again that the achievement of a comprehensive, just and honourable peace will not be possible without scrupulous observance of international law and, in particular, the legal instrument which governs the frontiers between the two countries, namely the 1975 Treaty of State Frontier and Neighbourly Relations between Iran and Iraq. Furthermore, the political will and practical goodwill of the two parties to the conflict is imperative for the achievement of peace. As before, the Islamic Republic of Iran will demonstrate its will for the establishment of lasting peace in the region. It will, however, resist with all its ability and strength any effort aimed at the emasculation of its indisputable, legitimate rights. It will never permit the Iraqi Government to achieve its aggressive designs by resorting to destructive manoeuvres in the peace talks, and as it attempted to do through its acts of aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran and its violations of all the rules of international law during the imposed war. Iraq must have learned its lesson from the eight-year-long heroic resistance of the Iranian Muslims well enough to have second thoughts about repeating whimsical, illegitimate aspirations.
It is also necessary to make a few remarks about paragraph 8 of the resolution, whose manner of implementation is to be drawn up by the Secretary-General in consultation with the two parties and other countries in the Persian Gulf region. Because of its strategic location and the possession of almost half the proved oil reserves in this part of the world, the Persian Gulf region is a critical and significant factor in international equations. Therefore developments in the region closely affect international peace and security.
The common religious, cultural and economic grounds shared by the countries in the Persian Gulf area constitute a firm basis for their solidarity and their gathering together within a single regional system to guarantee and safeguard their common interests. Nevertheless, the arrogant global Powers, which have fixed their greedy eyes upon the riches in this region a- found a guarantee of their interests in the lack of unity and solidarity among these countries, continually sow the seeds of discord and hostility among them so as to preclude the fulfilment of their long cherished aspirations.
We have on many occasions declared our readiness to establish firm, friendly relations with the countries of the region in order to provide long-term strategic security for the area. In this context, the Secretary-General's eight-point plan of 21 March 1985 received our positive response, and on 8 May 1986 we proposed a plan for regional security based on the joint co-operation of all parties in the
Persian Gulf region for all-inclusive security.
The Islamic Republic of Iran strongly believes that failure to gather within a coherent regional system, and the void created by the absence of such a system, would entail grave consequences for the regional States in terms of their sovereignty and inalienable rights.
It is worth emphasizing in this connection that the presence of United States naval forces in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman, which contravenes the purposes and principles set out in Articles 1 and 2 of the United Nations Charter, concerning respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence and the sovereign equality of States - has seriously jeopardized the peace and security process in the region. The roost vicious consequence of the presence of foreign forces in the Persian Gulf was the criminal shooting down by the United States of the Iranian airliner flying along an internationally recognized air corridor on 3 July 1988, which cost the lives of 290 innocent people, including 100 women and children. That act was a blatant violation not only of the rule about refraining from aggression but also of the territorial integrity of a United Nations Member State.
After the acceptance of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) and the measures undertaken by the Secretary-General towards the attainment of a lasting peace in the region, there remains no further excuse for the continued presence of the United States Navy. Therefore it must leave this region as soon as possible so that peace and tranquillity may be restored to the Persian Gulf nations, with no further foreign intervention.
The war waged by Iraq against the Islamic Republic of Iran, the longest conventional war in the twentieth century, has provided some significant and noteworthy experiences that can be used in the further development and codification of international rules on the conduct of war.
In the course of this imposed war Iraq not only blatantly violated the norms and principles of the conduct of war on numerous occasions, including the use of chemical weapons and attacks against residential quarters, but also resorted to other measures totally alien to the spirit and objective of such rules of war. These fresh cases include threats to civilian airliners, attacks on commercial shipping in international waters and attacks on oil platforms. Such practices have in the past been condemned by the international community and international organizations.
Such attacks, made possible by recent developments in military technology and methods of warfare, would not have been feasible in the past, since these inhumane measures were unheard of and were never raised when past conferences were convened for the codification of laws on the conduct of war. Therefore, no codes of conduct have been provided to deal with suds war crimes as have been committed by Iraq, although those crimes have been explicitly rejected by international forums.
In view of its experiences during the imposed war, and in order to preclude any repetition of such crimes in the future, the Islamic Republic of Iran proposes that the United Nations, on behalf of the international community, enact at an appropriate time certain restrictive legal measures to curtail the future commission of such crimes and thus contribute to the codification of a new set of international rules on the conduct of war.
Undeniably, the most significant incident deserving the utmost international attention, since it poses the most serious threat to the international community, is the extensive and unsparing deployment of chemical weapons by Iraq against both the Iranians and its own people, in contravention of all humanitarian rules of international law.
The use of those evil, dreadful weapons, which sporadically began from 13 January 1931 against our military forces, gradually grew to such extensive and indiscriminate dimensions, mostly owing to the silence of international organizations, that they were not only used against Iranian civilians, but also claimed the lives of thousands of Kurdish women and children in Iraq. The United Nations has on five different occasions dispatched to the area expert missions, which have documented the extensive use of chemical weapons by Iraq.
I should like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the everlasting memories of all the innocent victims of those horrific weapons, and to reiterate my proposal that 18 Mardi - the day when Iraqi chemical attacks against the city of Halabja claimed the lives of 5,000 innocent Iraqi civilians and left thousands of others critically injured - be designated the international day of the campaign against chemical weapons.
While the Security Council dealt in two different resolutions, 612 (1988) and 620 (1988), with the Iraqi use of chemical weapons, the mild nature of those resolutions in fact encouraged Iraq to continue on a massive scale its horrifying use of chemical weapons.
Iraq's audacity in the use of those weapons is such that even after the commencement of the cease-fire between the two countries Iraq used chemical weapons on a large scale against its own Kurds in the northern part of the country. Only the extreme nature of this incident led to the breaking of the long-standing silence observed by many, who now declared the extent of the tragedy of the use of chemical weapons and even demanded an investigation into the matter.
In view of the massive international outrage against those horrific crimes by Iraq, as well as the related positions of different countries and international organizations condemning such inhuman acts against the innocent Iraqi Kurds, it is not sufficient now merely to issue statements and pass resolutions reprimanding the perpetrator it is absolutely essential that international organizations take serious preventive measures immediately to halt this trend of genocide and seriously punish the perpetrator.
During the current year the international community has witnessed the old scar on the heart of the Middle East  which has created moral and material turbulence and difficulties  once again  as it has hundreds of times before  greatly disturb the very spirit of the Muslim and Arab communities by becoming further infected. The regime occupying Quds has for years been expelling Palestinian residents from the occupied territories  but when the Palestinian people intensified their struggle to free themselves from the oppression of the occupiers  the occupying regime, in an unprecedented manner  enacted the most oppressive and savage measures to curtail the Palestinians. Those measures continue to this day.
The savagery of the occupying Zionist regime in repressing the people of the occupied territories  who fight with empty hands and resist the occupiers with no weapons, and the regime's confrontations with the Islamic combatants in southern Lebanon undoubtedly demonstrate its anxiety about the growth and further expansion of such deep-rooted resistance movements.
Today the regime occupying Quds, supported by global imperialism and having continued its occupation of the Palestinian homeland and part of the other Islamic and Arab lands, resorts to new acts of savagery at whim. The repeated crimes perpetrated by the regime against southern Lebanon and the massacre of innocent civilians and Palestinian refugees once again prove the claim that the crisis in the Middle East will not be resolved unless this racist regime is eradicated and the rights of Palestinian to self-determination and the establishment of an independent government within their own territory are restored.
Dangerous global and reactionary conspiracies consistently attempt to compromise the Palestinian objectives. Ito da y the Palestinian people face another such attempt to confront and undermine their heroic uprising against the regime occupying their territories.
The Islamic Republic of Iran, on the basis of historical precedents and experience, is of the opinion that any flexibility and retreat vis-à-vis the occupying regime will simply carry within itself the seed for future acts of aggression by the regime. We therefore warn against conspiracies currently in the making, and, while supporting the heroic struggle of the Palestinian people, we ask other Islamic, progressive and non-aligned countries fully to support this epic uprising and thus discharge their responsibilities and duties relating to the sacred goals of this oppressed people.
In another part of the Islamic world, Afghanistan, which bears the heavy burden of aggression and occupation, the struggles of its peoples once again prove that struggles against foreign aggression do not fade with time. More particularly, Islamic liberationist ideology lends greater intensity to the struggle against aggression in Afghanistan.
The withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghan territories, which commenced in mid-Nay 1988, is an initial step in solving the problems in Afghanistan. The Islamic Republic of Iran, while welcoming the withdrawal of foreign forces from the Islamic territory of Afghanistan, reiterates its long-standing conviction that the right to choose its own destiny and its future government is an inalienable right of the people of that country. We further emphasize that no regime can survive there without the full support of the Afghan people and the Maslira Mujahidin. The only final solution of the problem of Afghanistan lies in non-intervention by foreign forces in the nation domestic affairs and allowing the indigenous population to manage affairs. The substitution of one foreign element by another presents no solution.
The Islamic Republic of Iran hopes that, as socio-political conditions in Afghanistan improve, the way will be paved for the voluntary and honourable repatriation of the Afghan refugees who, driven from hearth and home, have for a number of years now been the respected guests of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
It is with the utmost chagrin that I have to point once again to an unsolved problem that constitutes a protracted crime against humanity and an insult to its common conscience. The international community still suffers from the disgrace of racism and the ensuing discrimination. Since the Second World War, the most blatant institutionalized racism has been practised by the regime in Pretoria.
This regime, in total disregard of the most basic principles of humanity and international law, continues to this day its racist policies and its Illegal occupation of Namibia, and in so doing enjoys the support of Western countries and the full co-operation of the Zionist regime.
We have always insisted that support for the righteous struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa, and those of Namibia, led by the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), together with a serious effort by the international community to bring all-round pressure to bear upon the Pretoria regime and its supporters, constitutes the sole means of ridding the world of the very roots of this regime - this shameful product of human failures. In this context, we hope that the efforts of the Secretary-General, which have gained a new momentum recently, will succeed in paving the way for the independence of Namibia and the removal of this dark page of racial supremacy from the history of the contemporary world.
With regard to Western Sahara, we have readied a stage at which, by supporting the efforts of the Secretary-General to resolve the question, we may be optimistic about a peaceful future for that region, based on respect for the legitimate rights and desires of the people.
The positive developments in the international community, a number of which have been referred to, and the role of the United Nations and its Secretariat in the betterment of the international political atmosphere - which has been acknowledged by the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize for the Organization's activities in the maintenance of peace - have placed United Nations organs in a position to discharge its most crucial and historic duty. This is the duty to prepare the way for securing lasting, not piecemeal, peace and stability by ensuring observance of the principles and roles of international law and of the United Nations Charter, and respect for the rights and wishes of nations in areas where the achievement of such peace has always been sacrificed to the unwholesome expansionist rivalries of imperialist Powers.
The Islamic Republic of Iran wishes the Secretary-General and his colleagues the utmost success in discharging their important duties in this critical domain.