It gives me great pleasure, Sir, to join my colleagues who have congratulated you on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that your wisdom and experience will stand you in good stead in your search for solutions of the many problems which this General Assembly will discuss.
2.	Allow me also to join in the welcome to the new Members of our Organization, Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
3.	It is a special pleasure for me to have this opportunity to address the General Assembly. In 1946 I was a member of the Icelandic delegation to the second part of the first session of the General Assembly here in New York, when Iceland was admitted as a Member of the Organization. There was optimism in the air then. No doubt the most optimistic idealists have been disappointed. They have not seen all their hopes realized. But the words and deeds of visionaries often bring results, although they themselves do not live long enough to see those results. Ideals can have wings to fly into the future and across borders.
4.	When we look at the progress of the United Nations, which in the beginning raised such high hopes, we see both a bright and a dark side and many changing shapes. For more than a third of a century the United Nations has successfully accomplished a great deal for the good of all mankind. However, we are obliged to note that a number of the items of the agenda of the first session of the General Assembly, held in 1946, are still under discussion 34 years later. That shows us that, even with the greatest of effort, there are often many difficulties to be overcome before attaining a goal.
5.	However, we also have in this Assembly hall evidence of the great changes in international society which have taken place in this short period in the history of the world. Since I first attended the Assembly session in 1946, the membership has tripled, and by far the greatest number of new Members are former colonies which have now become full participants in the community of nations.
6.	Unfortunately, it is not overstating the case to say that the atmosphere in East West relations has deteriorated since the conclusion of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. This turn of events, along with other occurrences on the world scene, now throws new shadows on the development of international relations.
7.	The situation in Afghanistan stands out and casts the darkest shadow. A vast majority of the nations represented in this distinguished body strongly deplored the armed intervention in Afghanistan in a resolution adopted in January of this year by the sixth emergency special session. That resolution clearly states that respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States is a fundamental principle of the Charter of our Organization. A violation of this principle on any pretext is contrary to the aims and purposes of the Charter. Therefore, all foreign troops should be withdrawn from Afghanistan immediately and unconditionally.
8.	Now, more than eight months after that resolution was adopted by the General Assembly, nothing has so far been done to comply with it. Consequently, I consider it my duty as a representative of a small nation State, which puts its trust in full respect for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, to remind the Assembly here and now of the provisions of the resolution passed at the sixth emergency special session. It is necessary to start implementing them without delay.
9.	This situation in Afghanistan which I have referred to has, in my opinion, been the major cause of cooler relations and increased tension between East and West, although other events have no doubt also had their influence.
10.	The policy of detente in Europe, which had its origin in the latter part of the 1960s and was formalized by the Final Act of Helsinki, has certainly taken a step backward. Nevertheless, I am of the opinion that there is .no acceptable alternative to detente. If international peace and security are to be maintained, we have to continue to work towards reducing tension. Technical development in communications and armaments increases the danger of a cold war turning into a nuclear holocaust, and then nobody would be safe, anywhere in the world. Therefore, although I have discussed relations between only a small part of the nations represented here, this matter concerns each and every human being.
11.	Relations between the superpowers and their actions on the world scene have truly tremendous influence on the development of all international matters. However, we should not forget that the small nations also carry a heavy responsibility in the world. By their firm policy they can have decisive influence on both the fortunes and the future of mankind. In our Charter and other fundamental documents, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we find the most important basic principles, which every State has to carry out both internally and externally, if we aim sincerely at the prosperity and progress of all mankind. Unfortunately, we have in many instances made regrettably little headway towards actual implementation of the policies we decided upon. However, this does not mean that we should give up. On the contrary, this performance should incite us to work harder at promoting our policies and advancing towards our goals.
12.	As I just mentioned, the situation in international affairs is now more serious than it has been for a number of years. This fact is reflected in particular in the field of disarmament. Experience has showed us that mutual trust is the basis for successful agreements in these important and delicate matters. It is therefore today our urgent and pressing task to try to re-establish this mutual trust. In order to do so, all parties concerned have to show by word and deed their will to respect the basic principles which we agreed upon in the Charter of the United Nations.
13.	A few days ago there was convened at Madrid the preparatory meeting of the second review session of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. It is of the greatest importance that that session of the Conference succeed in reawakening as much as possible the cooperative will and trust which was originally the basis for the Helsinki Final Act. Here, I should like to express my hope that all participants in the Conference at Madrid try earnestly to regain what has been lost recently and prove their good intentions by making an extra effort.
14.	One of the most serious problems our Organization has to deal with is the situation in the Middle East. I do not intend to discuss these grave issues in detail or analyse their causes. I should only like to stress that the Middle East conflict has to be resolved as soon as possible. A comprehensive peace settlement has to be found on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Peace in the Middle East requires that both the right of Israel to exist within secure and recognized boundaries and the national rights of the Palestinians be accepted and respected by all parties concerned. In accordance with the rights of the Palestinians to self-determination, they must participate in the negotiations on a lasting and just solution.
15.	The North South disparity, or rather the broad and widening gap between rich and poor nations of the world, constitutes another set of problems with which our Organization has been dealing, most recently at the eleventh special session, just concluded. Unfortunately, in spite of the intensive search for agreements at the special sessions on international economic relations, progress has been slow. It remains, therefore, a primary task of the United Nations to achieve realistic agreements on international economic: issues which would improve greatly the standard of living of the low-income nations. A major effort in this matter is necessary, not only to eradicate the shameful situation where a large number of the people of the world live in dire poverty and hunger but also to prevent the danger of war which would otherwise result from this intolerable situation.
16.	Respect for human rights is one of the fundamental principles of the nation I have the honour to represent. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted by the General Assembly almost a third of a century ago. It is. Therefore, regrettable to have to say that the civil liberties and fundamental freedoms of the individual are being trampled on in the world today. This dismal situation has to be corrected. Each and every State represented here in the General Assembly is morally bound to do its utmost to make the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the guiding principle in its relations with individuals,
17.	When I mention here the increasing use of violence and lack of respect for life and liberty, I come inevitably to a related matter. I refer to the shocking increase in acts of violence directed against embassies and consulates and their staff. Only last year, no fewer than 20 such violent acts were committed, and obviously the attack on the United States Embassy at Teheran and the seizure of the hostages constitute the most serious case in question. On account of these developments, the Nordic countries requested that a new item be inscribed in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly entitled "Consideration of effective measures to enhance the protection, security and safety of diplomatic and consular missions and representatives." I should like to express the hope that the deliberations of the General Assembly under this new item will result in increased confidence that diplomatic and consular relations, a fundamental requirement for the normal functioning of the international community, will not break down when most needed.
18.	Before concluding, I should like to refer to one matter which Iceland considers among the most important tasks undertaken by the United Nations: the preparation of a treaty on the law of the sea. After seven years of conference work and extensive preparations prior to the Conference, it now appears that agreement is possible on a comprehensive treaty on the law of the sea. If this convention becomes a reality it will be one of the greatest achievements of the United Nations since its beginning. It will be a shining example of what our Organization can accomplish if the will is there.


I wish to congratulate Ambassador von Wechmar on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that, with his vast experience and skill, he will guide our deliberations to a successful conclusion.
224.	We highly appreciate the important contribution of his predecessor. Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim, in guiding the work of several sessions of the Assembly.
225.	The dedicated efforts of the Secretary-general. Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to strengthen the role of our Organization in preserving peace and promoting cooperation in the world deserve our full recognition.
226.	At the last special session we welcomed with particular joy the admission of the Republic ol Zimbabwe to our community of nations. Today we rejoice equally on the occasion of the admission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership of our Organization.
227.	This has been a year of grief for the peoples of Yugoslavia. Implacable death took away our President Tito. At that moment of trial, we found great consolation in the fact that the world sincerely shared our sorrow.
228.	We wish to convey our profound gratitude to this Organization and to the representatives of Member States for their expressions of sympathy, the words of encouragement extended to us and the respect paid to President Tito and his lifework. That showed that Tito, his ideas and his achievements do not belong to Yugoslavia alone but to all mankind. This is a source of pride and adds to our obligation to follow his path.
229.	We are gathered here to examine the situation in the world and to see what should be done to improve it.
230.	The problems and challenges are so pressing that we need more than ever before a high degree of political realism and shared responsibility if we wish to survive on our turbulent planet. We have to face the fact that the vast majority of mankind refuses to reconcile itself to the existing situation, which is more and more intolerable.
231.	We are entering an era in which people and nations insist on the right to take an active part in shaping world development. Numerous contradictions have piled up in our world: the question of war or peace in various parts of the globe; poverty and hunger; privileges and exploitation; problems of development and the dangerous arms race; and various forms of domination. But there is also resistance to such a state of affairs.
232.	Today we can communicate only in the language of equality and independence. Solutions that do not take into account the interests of all are not acceptable any longer. That is the only basis on which the new international relations can be built.
233.	The policy of nonalignment is a quintessential expression of the aspirations of peoples to full independence, freedom, and a life worthy of human beings. Almost two thirds of the membership of this Assembly have found in the principles and objectives of the policy of non-alignment the broadest common denominator in their striving to build a new international order.
234.	Nonalignment offers a vision and a concept of the world in which we shall live tomorrow. Today few would deny the great contribution that nonalignment has made to mankind. In this respect may I recall the words of President Tito at the Sixth Conference of the nonaligned countries. During the past two decades. President Tito emphasized, we have reaffirmed the original principles and objectives of nonalignment as permanent values: we have resolutely fought for peace, security and freedom in the world: we have made a substantial contribution to the successful outcome of the anticolonial revolution: we have opposed the policy of force and foreign interference in all their forms: we have codified the principles of active and peaceful coexistence, and resolutely advocated their implementation; we have initiated long-term actions for the establishment of the New International Economic Order; and we have contributed to the goal of the universality of the United Nations and to the strengthening of its role.
235.	The policy of nonalignment has asserted itself as a vital and independent factor of stability and positive changes in the world. We note with satisfaction that it is gaining ever wider acceptance, in the name of political realism.
236.	Experience has long taught us that the existence of a balance based on fear and the absence of global conflict between the great Powers is hot likely to secure lasting peace. On the contrary, it often gives rise to further rivalries, obstructs the emancipation of peoples and prevents them from freely choosing their own way of life. All this engenders local wars and conflicts in various parts of the globe in which thousands of lives are lost daily, immeasurable suffering is inflicted on people, and tremendous material damage is done.
237.	The past year has shown that the only possible solutions to existing crises, and the only realistic answers to the major issues, are those based on the aspirations of nations to live and work in freedom, aspirations which are firmly rooted in the Charter of the United Nations.
238.	The victory of the people of Zimbabwe, attained after a long and arduous liberation struggle, confirms that there is no power that can thwart the determination of a people to achieve its freedom and become the master of its own destiny. This victory is one of the greatest contributions that the peoples of southern Africa have made to the liquidation of colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid.
239.	The colonialist and racist policy of South Africa is untenable and unacceptable from the political, social and humanitarian standpoint. It is inconceivable that a certain number of States continue to cooperate with the racist regime in Pretoria while the latter flouts the decisions of the United Nations, launches aggressive attacks against neighbouring countries and perpetrates brutal acts of violence against the oppressed people of Namibia.
240.	It should be recalled that the United Nations—and that means every Member State—is directly responsible for the liberation of Namibia. From that stems our obligation to adopt at the present session decisions calling upon the Security Council to ensure the full implementation of its resolution 435 (1978). and to apply all possible measures at our disposal, including the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, thus supporting the just struggle of the people of Namibia headed by SWAPO.
241.	At this critical juncture we must demonstrate our readiness to bring to an end the era of colonialism, one of the most shameful pages in human history.
242.	Let us turn to another global crisis. In the Middle East, by its permanent aggression and usurpation of the rights of Arab peoples, by the annexation of Jerusalem, as well as by constant attacks on the independence of Lebanon, Israel persistently violates the principles of the Charter and the decisions of the United Nations.
243.	No one with a sense of political realism can any longer deny that the Palestinian question is at the core of the Middle East crisis and that the PLO is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Without its equal participation there can be no just, lasting and comprehensive solution of the crisis. It is our duty to secure for the Palestinian people its basic rights to self-determination and to the establishment of a State of its own, as well as its right to make sovereign decisions about its destiny. This calls, in the first place, for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967.
244.	In recent times the world has witnessed a growing tendency towards the use of force in international relations. Sovereignty, territorial integrity and the right to free national and social development have constantly been jeopardized.
245.	We consider that the only way out of this situation would be a return to consistent implementation of the norms of international life, from which force, pressure and interference must be resolutely excluded. Our approach to all the crises in the world is guided by those ideas.
246.	One such crisis has been developing in Southeast Asia. There is a serious threat of its escalation into a conflict of wider proportions. We wish to reiterate that, in our opinion, a way out of this danger would be through an urgent search for a political solution. That of course implies the withdrawal of foreign troops and the creation of conditions that will enable the people of Kampuchea to decide on its socio-political system and to re-establish the independent and nonaligned status of its country.
247.	We also view with anxiety the developments in the region of Southwest Asia, the Gulf and the Indian Ocean. They warn us that rivalries aimed at extending spheres of influence threaten to turn that region into an arena of constant instability and new global conflict.
248.	We wish all disputes to be solved by peaceful means, and in this regard we are ready to exert maximum efforts within the framework of the United Nations. We believe that in the case of the Afghanistan crisis, which is fraught with great danger, a political solution will be sought too. That means that a solution should include the withdrawal of foreign troops, ensuring normal relations and strengthening the independence and security of all the countries in the region.
249.	With regard to the Korean question, we welcome the position of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea calling for the solution of that question by peaceful means, without foreign interference, and the readiness of that Government to resume the dialogue on unification is a constructive contribution which is in keeping with the legitimate aspirations and the right of the Korean people to be united.
250.	With respect to the crisis in Western Sahara, we wish to emphasize that that is, to our mind, a colonial question which can be solved justly only on the basis of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the relevant United Nations resolutions. This implies the realization of the right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination. Therefore, we welcome the efforts exerted within the OAU aimed at finding a peaceful solution to this problem.
251.	In our view, prolonging the Cyprus crisis perpetuates a constant hotbed of conflict and instability in the eastern Mediterranean. The resumption of intercommunal talks is, we believe, the right way to reach a solution acceptable to both parties. The framework for this was laid down in General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and in numerous documents adopted at conferences of the nonaligned countries which show that a lasting and just solution can be based only on the withdrawal of foreign troops and the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and nonaligned status of Cyprus.
252.	Bearing in mind the dangers arising from a continuous multiplication of global crises, we attach particular attention to the initiative of the nonaligned countries in elaborating a declaration on the inadmissibility of intervention and interference in the internal affairs of States." We believe that its adoption by the General Assembly would contribute to more responsible behaviour by States in their mutual relations and would reduce the danger of intervention.
253.	Let us bear this responsibility together and act in a spirit of constructive cooperation and mutual confidence. Ideological differences or differences in our socio-political systems should not, we are deeply convinced, be an obstacle to the consistent application of active and peaceful coexistence as the basic characteristic of international relations and the common responsibility for the future of the world in which we live. In this regard we wish to stress the responsibility of all countries, including the nonaligned, strictly to observe the principles of international behaviour enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
254.	At this point I should like to express our deep regret and serious concern over the armed conflict between Iraq and Iran. We sincerely hope that those two countries, which belong to the nonaligned movement, will find a peaceful solution to the conflict on the basis of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the policy of non-alignment.
255.	I should particularly like to emphasize our conviction that the policy of nonalignment is a universal concept whose spirit and basic values can also be successfully applied to intra-European relations and cooperation.
256.	The maintenance of a bloc approach to the decisions of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, held at Helsinki in 1975, would amount to a lasting endorsement of the division of Europe, with grave consequences for the whole world. Therefore, we feel that the time has come when the bloc concept of detente, which to a certain extent is prevalent in Europe, must increasingly evolve into genuine all European detente. We feel that the neutral and nonaligned countries of Europe can play a significant role in the strengthening of this process. We hope that the review session at Madrid of the Helsinki Conference will successfully overcome all obstacles.
257.	Europe cannot keep peace for itself alone and close its eyes to what is happening in the rest of the world. It cannot ensure its own economic progress without contributing to the solution of the economic problems of the world. It cannot successfully control armaments on its own soil, if it does not contribute to the process of general and complete disarmament. There can be no lasting relaxation of tensions in Europe in the absence of solutions to crises on other continents.
258.	I should like to lay particular stress on the fact that the arms race serves to strengthen various forms of monopoly and domination. There is no need to point out that such practices constantly threaten the vital interests of the independence, security and development of the developing and nonaligned countries.
259.	Preparations for two important conferences in the next few years are before the General Assembly of the United Nations: first, the new special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, scheduled for 1982; and, secondly, the international conference to be held by 1983, under the auspices of the United Nations, aimed at finding a political solution to the question of unhindered realization of the nuclear energy programmes of all countries for peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Yugoslavia is of the opinion that all States should actively contribute to the success of those conferences.
260.	International economic relations are going through a deep crisis and the developing countries are its first victims. The existing system of old privileges is a source of a number of major disruptions in the world economy and of inequality in political relations which cause chronic instability in the world. We also believe that new realities make it imperative for international economic relations to be organized on the basis of equality, interdependence and mutual interests.
261.	Precisely for that reason we attach exceptional importance to the recently concluded eleventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to problems of economic development. Regrettably, the special session did not adopt a decision on the launching of global negotiations owing to the absence of political will on the part of some of the most developed countries. However, we have avoided complete failure and thus have preserved hope for tomorrow.
262.	In saying that, we bear in mind the fact that the consensus reached on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade is a significant admission of the interdependence of the world and opens avenues for international cooperation.
263.	We also consider the adoption of resolutions on assistance to the least developed countries to be a positive result of the special session. That constitutes a step forward by the international community in dealing with this important question. We hope that this regular session will successfully complete the unfinished work of the eleventh special session and thereby give expression to new needs and realities.
264.	The overall work of the special session, both by what it has done and by what it has not done, has dramatically shown the close interconnexion of the political and economic dimensions of international relations. No one can dispute that any longer; unfortunately, not all behave in a way that confirms their acceptance of that fact. The historic merit of the nonaligned countries is that they have generated awareness of this linkage. Our next step should be directed towards overcoming the major paradox of our time: the simultaneous existence of interdependence and the division of the world economy. Only the New International Economic Order can bridge that chasm.
265.	We see in its establishment a way for the developing countries to embark on the road of accelerated economic development, which is a prerequisite for the emancipation of peoples and developing countries from subordination. This is also a precondition for general stability in the world.
266.	We attach great importance to human rights, which we consider a serious international issue to which our Organization should devote due attention. It seems to us that the treatment of this problem in the United Nations so far has reflected, despite certain shortcomings and digressions, a dynamic process of enrichment of the content of human rights and of the ways of protecting them.
267.	This positive evolution is primarily reflected in an ever-increasing awareness that, in solving this complex question, one must proceed from the fact that people and nations cannot be free socially and politically unless they are free economically and nationally.
268.	Proceeding from these principles, we attach particular importance to the realization of the rights of all nations and national minorities and ethnic, religious and other groups. In our view, the position of national minorities is not only an important internal issue for a country; it is also of vital importance for strengthening cooperation, good neighbourly relations and peace and security in various parts of the world.
269.	We believe that the adoption of the draft declaration on the rights of persons belonging to national, ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, which is before the Commission on Human Rights, would make a significant contribution to the promotion and protection of the rights of national minorities, as an important aspect of the realization of human rights in general.
270.	This year marks the thirty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Throughout this period, the United Nations has been an active participant in the positive transformation of international relations, a scene of great effort and an arena of struggle for a better and more just world.
271.	We cannot, however, turn a blind eye to the fact that the United Nations has been restricted in solving crucial problems.
272.	We wish the United Nations to be a forum for an enlightened exchange of ideas and for effective negotiations on the most important international issues. This makes it incumbent upon the United Nations to reflect aspirations for the democratization of international relations.
273.	Let us not betray the hopes that we have aroused by our work so far. If we want a new world in which peace, security and prosperity for all will be a constant and stable condition, we must realize that this world will not come about by itself.
274. Yugoslavia will continue to contribute to the realization of these noble aims. In this it will be constantly guided, as it has always been, by the principles and objectives of the policy of nonalignment.


The unanimous election of Ambassador von Wechmar to the presidency of this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly is a source of great pleasure to me and to my delegation. I congratulate him most warmly. Guyana pledges its full support and cooperation to him in the exercise of his stewardship, confident that he will conduct the affairs of this Assembly with the efficiency which is one of his manifest characteristics.
157.	Let me also seize this opportunity to pay a special tribute to his distinguished predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. Upon Ambassador Salim's broad and eminently capable shoulders fell the work not only of the thirty-fourth session but also of the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions as well as the eleventh special session. It is to his lasting credit that he bore these unprecedented responsibilities with cheerful fortitude and consummate skill. In the discharge of his duties, Ambassador Salim not only reflected the values which his country and his continent espouse but also upheld the principles of equity and justice advocated by the movement of nonaligned countries in pursuit of the fulfilment of the highest and finest sensibilities of man. We are greatly indebted to him.
158.	At this session it is with satisfaction that we record a further advance in the historic march against colonialism. We do so as we welcome into our midst the new State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with which Guyana has a shared historical experience. Bound as we are by close cultural, political and geographic ties, we look forward to continuing within this Organization the fraternal cooperation which characterizes the relations between our two leaders, our two Governments and our two peoples.
159.	As we contemplate the international agenda for action in the 1980s, it is not inapposite for us to reflect on the nature and the evolution of the international system which was constructed in 1945 and to assess its achievements no less than its failures. In that analysis it is relevant, I suggest, to recall the assumptions which underpinned that system.
160.	Is it not an effective commentary on the capacity of that system to be consistently in step with the reality of change that in today's circumstances there is retained in the Charter of the United Nations a reference to "enemy State"? The present enemies of the vast majority of mankind are those forces which have made a permanent investment in the maintenance of relationships which derive from domination, hegemony and control.
161.	It is a truism to assert that our world is more complex than that of the mid1940s. Nothing more strikingly demonstrates this change than the rise of the postcolonial States and their clamant and sustained endeavour to exercise their right to participate as equals in the management of their present and the determination of their future. The dramatic increase in the number of State actors in the international system is not only a statistical reality; it is also a factor of qualitative significance. In this Assembly, Africa is represented by as many Member States as our Organization had at its creation—51; and Asia and Latin America, since those early days in San Francisco, have also advanced the principle of universality by contributing, respectively, 32 and 10 Member States to our Organization.
162.	Also of significance has been the increased role of transnational corporations, which today are responsible for 35 per cent of all world production and account for more than 30 per cent of world trade, and which in essential areas lie beyond the reach of both national and international direction and supervision.
163.	Nothing, no single act, so starkly illustrates the contradictions in the workings of the international system as the failure of the recently concluded eleventh special session to reach agreement on the procedures for a new global round of negotiations on international economic cooperation for development—and this, despite the fact that the necessity for such negotiations had earlier attracted consensus.
164.	In this regard, no analysis of the present international system can fail to take account of the role of the movement of nonaligned countries. The policy of nonalignment places that movement in the vanguard of the struggle for democratic international relations, including new equitable forms of international economic cooperation. Such is the strength, the efficacy and the influence of the movement of nonaligned countries that some States which are not within its ranks seek to win its support or to deflect it from the resolute pursuit of internally agreed policies.
165.	Clearly there have been since 1945 changes in the international system and adaptation of the rules that govern relations between States. But generally these changes have not occurred as a result of the recognition by those who created the system of the need for them and the adoption of consciously determined action. In the main, such changes have been generated in response to pressures from actors like the developing countries and other forces.
166.	The critical question therefore is the extent to which the changes fall short of the objective requirements of the global policy. The simple truth is that those who created the system still seek to maintain dominion over it.
167.	As we survey the situation which confronts mankind at this particular juncture of history and undertake our analysis of the evolution of the international system, it becomes difficult to express unequivocal satisfaction with what has been achieved with regard to the establishment of conditions for a secure and lasting peace. This is palpably evident in the field of disarmament, which has always been a primary goal of this Organization. The present environment of tension and crisis provides a chilling dramatization of failure to control the escalation in arms and to move towards genuine disarmament.
168.	Central to the question of arms control and disarmament and the attendant impact on peace and security is the relationship between the dominant military Powers and the blocs with which they are associated. The net result is that, in so far as there have been global efforts to deal with the issue of disarmament, an asymmetrical relationship has been established between the two militarily dominant blocs and the much larger category of developing countries. Thus, because of the manner in which disarmament diplomacy has until now been conducted and the rules of exclusivity which it encompasses, this latter group, as representative of the majority of the world's people, has not been enabled to play a role corresponding to the stake which it has in international peace and security. In the result, the diplomacy of arms control and disarmament has largely been the function of major Power relationships and the less than global strategic perceptions that inform those relationships. Even where the major Powers have ascribed responsibility to themselves in limited response to a global need, they have not always carried out their obligations. They have, for example, failed to adopt effective measures for ending the nuclear arms race and for nuclear disarmament, as required by the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Who can therefore take issue with a cynic who asserts that continuing inaction in this respect supports the objective of maintaining a nuclear status quo?
169.	In the general area of relaxation of international tension we need to assess the prospects of the much vaunted detente. In its essence, detente was embraced as an instrument for regulating the relations between the major Powers. It derived from recognition that uncontrolled military competition between the major Powers could be mutually self-destructive and that there can be meaningful bases for productive cooperation between them. Detente therefore assumed the character of an agreed policy for antagonistic collaboration between the major Powers.
170.	The general understanding and expectations of detente when it acquired political legitimacy were positive and favourable. That is why the movement of nonaligned countries has always encouraged and supported it and called for its extension to embrace the relations of all States in all their dimensions.
171.	We have however been witness to several attempts at imposing unilateral interpretations of the nature and scope of detente. Any interpretation which, in the context of contemporary realities, encourages hierarchical relationships and spheres of influence is therefore unacceptable.
172.	Integrally linked to any genuine new effort to globalize detente must be a renewed commitment to respect the sovereignty and independence of States and to refrain from interference in their internal affairs. In this regard, Guyana and other nonaligned countries have since 1976 sought to persuade the international community to adopt a declaration on non-interference in the internal affairs of States. We shall continue with our efforts at this session.
173.	In proceeding with our assessment of the international system, let us applaud the outstanding contribution which this Organization has made to the struggle against colonialism. It was in 1960 that General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) was adopted, a resolution which represented a concrete elaboration of a right enshrined in the Charter— the right of peoples to self-determination. More than that, resolution 1514 (XV) defined operational perspectives for the implementation of that right. I suggest that that resolution be regarded as the "freedom charter for colonial peoples". This year, therefore, as the twentieth anniversary of that charter is celebrated, let us be reminded that there were some at the time of its adoption who stood aside from endorsing the provisions of that resolution, thereby signalling a reluctance to be in the mainstream of efforts to assert the right of colonial peoples to self-determination and independence.
174.	Guyana takes this opportunity to salute the sterling work of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. It is a matter of public record that that Committee, allied with progressive forces, has lent valuable support to the colonial peoples and their liberation movements in the struggle for the recovery of their freedom. The victories have been great and they have been many; but the work is incomplete and there are still some vestigial remains. On this important anniversary of resolution 1514 (XV), let this Assembly, in the name of human dignity and in the interest of freedom everywhere, resolve to bring a speedy end to colonialism and thus promote the cause of decolonization.
175.	It is undoubtedly in southern Africa that the colonial impulse has been most enduring. The recent victory of the people of Zimbabwe, who are now properly represented in this Organization, helps to sharpen the focus of our attention on the problem of apartheid in South Africa and the situation in Namibia, rendering more propitious the moment for generalized efforts to terminate colonialism and apartheid once and for all in the southern Africa subsystem.
176.	We can no longer put up with the unparalleled effrontery of South Africa. We musk resolutely implement the plan so carefully and elaborately devised for the early independence of Namibia—for Namibia is decidedly next on the calendar of political freedom. Let us reserve its place in this Organization now.
177.	In North Africa, Western Sahara represents a new dimension in colonial relationships. We again call on Morocco to respect the legitimate aspirations of the people of that territory. For our part, Guyana recognizes and has established diplomatic relations with the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic. Let us also reserve its place in this Organization now.
178.	In my own hemisphere, Belize is still held at the threshold of nationhood, despite the overwhelming support given by the United Nations to its people's legitimate aspirations. Guyana reiterates unequivocally its support for the inalienable and imprescriptible rights of the people of Belize to an early and secure independence with their territorial integrity intact. Let us, with Belize, fix a date for its freedom. Let us reserve its place in this Organization now.
179.	There are two issues which have been with us from the beginning of this Organization's work and which have remained flashpoints for global conflict. The first relates to what has historically been an arena of competing strategic interests. It is the Middle East. I do not need to recount the history of our consideration of that question in all its aspects. Suffice it to say that any mature reflection on the evolution of the Middle East situation and the Palestinian question in the United Nations and elsewhere would reveal a distinctive and decisive shift within recent times in favour of the Palestine liberation forces and the cause of the Arab nation. The shift has involved widening support for the Palestinian people. It has also involved increasing recognition of their liberation organization, the PLO, and of its vanguard role in the legitimate struggle for the restoration of the national rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to a homeland in an independent State in Palestine. The Palestinians have thus returned to centre stage, and no contrary assertion can invalidate that reality.
180.	The continuing manifestation of intransigence and lack of sensitivity by Israel increases instability and tension and serves to impose further constraints on the search for a comprehensive solution. The purported annexation of East Jerusalem and Israel's flagrant interventions in Lebanon only frustrate that search.
181.	The centrality of the rights of the Palestinians is beyond question, and so too are the other requirements for peace in the Middle East—the no acquisition of territory by force, implying and involving the withdrawal of Israel from all territories occupied since June 1967, and the right of all States in the area to live within mutually recognized boundaries.
182.	Peace is also urgently required on the Korean peninsula. The people of Korea, in a South North Joint Communique of 4 July 1972 expressed their desire for the peaceful reunification of their fatherland without outside interference and involving the withdrawal of foreign troops. In this connexion Guyana takes note with satisfaction of the more recent proposals advanced by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and its expressed readiness to resume meaningful talks. Let us determine to make that resolve an early reality.
183.	Similarly, we must make a concerted effort to bring a lasting peace to Cyprus on the basis of a framework of action long established by this Organization. In this regard we take note of the resumption of the intercommunal negotiations. We should give every encouragement to those talks in order to ensure their successful conclusion.
184.	Beyond those specific issues, the potential for regional conflict remains a danger to global peace and security. In this respect the movement of nonaligned countries has consistently supported the creation of zones of peace, in the Indian Ocean and in the Mediterranean, for example. In my own region, the Caribbean, the peoples of the area are increasingly demanding that it should be a zone of tranquillity, an area in which the various nation States can pursue freely their own independent paths of political, social and economic development. We believe in non-interference and ideological pluralism. The Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Commonwealth Caribbean, meeting in Saint Lucia in February of this year, acknowledged that ideological pluralism is an irreversible fact of international relations. It is now time for the adoption of appropriate measures to make the Caribbean truly a zone of peace.
185.	Like the zone of peace, regional organization not only can serve to develop economic and other forms of functional cooperation between States but can foster political understandings, thereby contributing to peaceful and harmonious relations. The peoples of the Caribbean and of Latin America have been prominent in the search for such new forms of organization.
186.	Inspired by those objectives, Guyana and other States in the Caribbean have since 1965 been pursuing the elaboration of practical steps to promote regional cooperation and integration. Those efforts are aimed at maximizing cooperation and integration within the region and at laying a more secure basis for its survival and development.
187.	In the wider context of Latin America, we have, through the creation in 1975 of SELA, sought to promote arrangements for beneficially utilizing our complementaries and for the elaboration of common policies in the global search for just and equitable economic relations.
188.	More recently, in 1978 eight States of South America which embrace the Amazon shield have concluded a treaty to promote the harmonious, rational and mutually beneficial use of the vast resources of the Amazon region. In many senses the Amazon is one of the last frontiers of mankind. Similar frontiers have in the past been rapaciously and unscrupulously despoilt in the pursuit of policies informed by considerations which were other than global in their scope and humanistic in their effect. A tremendous responsibility therefore devolves on the States involved. They should make recompense both in terms of the restoration of renewable resources such as forests, which have been recklessly utilized, and the sensible and rational exploitation of new frontiers in the sea and the seabed.
189.	For its part, Guyana will not allow any derogation of its sovereignty with regard to the development of its part of the Amazon shield. We urge those who at present seek through seemingly humanistic and altruistic motives to pontificate on the development of the Amazon shield to channel their not inconsiderable energies and influence in the direction of the reconstruction made necessary by past excesses elsewhere.
190.	Next month the countries of the Amazon basin will meet in their first substantive consultations in Brazil. It is Guyana's expectation that those consultations will represent a watershed in the efforts of States collectively to pursue cooperative arrangements for their development.
191.	Thus it is important that, as we welcome the positive developments on the recently concluded ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, we remain cognizant of what is yet to be accomplished. A good basis for an international law of the sea treaty does exist. If in the concluding session full account is taken of the legitimate interests of all States, the agreement reached will mark a turning point in our collective efforts to make a reality of our acknowledged interdependence. That is why Guyana views with apprehension the unilateral promulgation of deep-sea mining legislation while negotiations are in progress and an agreement for mutual benefit appears to be within our grasp.
192.	Interdependence is frequently invoked in this forum and elsewhere. Less frequently, however, is a conception of interdependence espoused which takes account of the critical requirements for a democratic international order. Indeed it would be apt to observe that interdependence as proposed by some States amounts to nothing but a facade for the status quo. In our view that kind of interdependence perpetuates inequitable relations, and fosters contradictions. Such a situation is decidedly not conducive to global peace and security.
193.	Properly defined and applied, interdependence can be one of several important and positive bases for the 1980s. It is in this context of interdependence and mutual benefit that we must view the need for a new international economic order and a new information order.
194.	The twin prerequisites of genuine peace and security are decolonization and international economic democracy.
195.	Colonialism has left a most pervasive legacy. Its effects are felt no less by the former oppressed than by the oppressors. Decolonization is a process, and the colonizers themselves need to be decolonized if they are to fully comprehend and meaningfully respond to the objective conditions of today's world.
196.	The new international economic order is an essential foundation of international concern for the promotion of human rights. To the extent that one of us stands aside from full participation in the implementation of such an order or seeks to frustrate its achievement, to that extent is our commitment to human rights diminished. Let us therefore use the opportunity which this thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly provides to continue the search for agreement on the procedures and agenda for a new global round of negotiations on international economic cooperation. Let us also demonstrate our commitment to the rights of the hungry, to the rights of the destitute and to the rights of the poor by giving careful consideration to the serious proposals put forward by our Secretary General for an early action programme on the critical economic situation of many developing countries.
197.	A desideratum for the 1980s is the quickening of the pace of economic cooperation among developing countries. It is both a requirement for the development of the developing countries and an impetus for effecting structural change in the international system. In these efforts the United Nations must play an enhanced supporting role.
198.	Allied with the effort for a new international economic order is the necessity to alter the present information system which reinforces attitudes and perceptions that have their origins in hierarchy and domination. Equally, a new information order must eschew the use of the media as a tool of subversion and destabilization.
199.	Though there are attempts to reinforce relations based on power, the international system is in a process of transition. At the beginning of the 1980s we have entered a period of heightened and generalized tension and involving increased interventions and interferences. Therefore all the more reason exists for the adoption of democratically determined arrangements for managing the transition to new and more egalitarian norms of international behaviour.
200.	In the programme of action we devise for the 1980s, let us collectively agree to halt the development of underdevelopment and show our appreciation of the narrowing margins of safety into which mankind is being drawn.
201.	The Director General of FAO observed recently: "We are on the verge of simultaneous human disaster in many countries of an unprecedented character, with all the terrible implications of the consequences of inaction". It is an observation, I suggest, which has a relevance and validity wider than the immediate cause which inspired it.
202.	Finally, if we are to respond adequately to the challenges of this decade, there must be etched in the political consciousness of all of us the imperatives of true peace and the need for such mechanisms as would make it a lasting reality. The prospects of success will be accelerated if those who in the past have been reluctant to be part of the vanguard will, in their own interest, take a leap into what will be tomorrow's history


Mr. President, the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, over which you have the honour of presiding, is for me a pleasant opportunity to associate the Rwanda delegation with those delegations that have spoken before from this rostrum in conveying sincere and warm congratulations to you on your unanimous election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly.
3.	Your election constitutes a tribute to your outstanding statesmanlike and diplomatic qualities and, through you, confers a signal honour on your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, which ever since its admission to the United Nations has constantly displayed its political maturity and its determination to contribute to the strengthening of its relations of cooperation, both political and economic, with all countries that love peace and justice.
4.	I take the greatest pleasure, therefore, in the fact that you are a national of a friendly country, with which Rwanda maintains special and historical links of dynamic cooperation.
5.	You may rest assured, Sir, that my delegation will spare no effort to make its modest contribution to the success of your lofty and noble task.
6.	I should also like to extend my gratitude to your predecessor, who, with such remarkable competence, conducted the proceedings of the thirty-fourth regular session, the sixth and the seventh emergency special sessions and the eleventh special session of the General Assembly of our Organization. I mean, of course, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the worthy representative of the United Republic of Tanzania. He deserves the congratulations and the expression of the highest esteem of my delegation for having, once again, contributed to enhancing even further the credibility of Africa in the family of nations.
7.	It is also my pleasure to make special mention of the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Wald heim, for having measured up so ably to the task with which he has been entrusted.
8.	Rwanda has always appreciated his numerous initiatives to find appropriate solutions to the various situations of conflict that have arisen in different places, the repercussions of which have come so near to endangering international peace and security.
9.	The presence among us of the delegation of independent Zimbabwe is for my delegation a genuine cause for joy and satisfaction.
10.	Rwanda warmly welcomes the admission of this youngest African nation to the family of the United Nations and we associate ourselves most willingly with the other nations of the world in once again conveying congratulations to the Government and people of Zimbabwe, who are now engaged in the task of national reconstruction under the enlightened leadership of their illustrious Prime Minister, Comrade Robert Mugabe, who has shown such fighting spirit and great strategy in the course of the national liberation struggle.
11.	The victory of the Zimbabwe people without any doubt constitutes a victory for free Africa over colonialism and the exploitation of man by man, outmoded systems which unfortunately still afflict part of southern Africa.
12.	We should also like to welcome to our community the State of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, whose accession to national sovereignty is a further step in the struggle for the granting of independence to peoples and territories under colonial domination.
13.	With regard to the distressing problem of colonialism in general and colonialism in Africa in particular, there is nothing original in stating that the role of the United Nations was decisive in the process of the accession to independence of the African States that have now become full Members of the United Nations.
14.	One should, however, recall the adoption on 14 December 1960 of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) which launched our States' great independence movement, thanks to which the African presence in the international arena has now become a reality.
15.	Rwanda, which assumed its own independence on 1 July 1962, has been a Member of the United Nations since 18 September of that same year. Ever since its admission, my country has worked for the creation of conditions that favour respect for the noble ideals contained in the Charter of the United Nations, whose focal point is the maintenance of international peace and security.
16.	My present visit gives me another pleasant opportunity to reiterate the determination and readiness of Rwanda to contribute within its means to that global task of preserving international peace and security, something that has been advocated by the United Nations ever since its foundation.
17.	In the work of creating conditions favourable to the building of a better world, Rwanda remains on the side of those struggling for their political and economic emancipation.
18.	It is on the basis of this same concern that we deplore the negative attitude of those countries that continue to defy the international community by pursuing, often arrogantly, their odious and inhuman policy of apartheid, racism and domination, thus scornfully and insolently flouting the spirit and letter of the Charter of the United Nations, to which nonetheless they have themselves subscribed.
19.	The Rwandese Republic has always unambiguously condemned the anachronistic nature of those barbaric practices, whether they be in Africa or in other parts of the world. It is highly regrettable that in those parts of the world the most elementary rights are denied to a whole people, are indeed trampled underfoot, despite the appeals issued from all quarters for an end to such practices.
20.	In southern Africa, the independence of Zimbabwe has tightened the ring surrounding apartheid and racial domination, policies pursued by the white minority of South Africa, and has revived the hope of a rapid solution in Namibia in spite of the obstinacy of the Pretoria regime, which continues to refuse to evacuate this Territory.
21.	Rwanda persists in believing that the Western countries have the power to exercise considerable influence, both political and economic, on Pretoria, in order to prevail upon it to take more realistic positions, positions that will be more favourable to the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia and the democratization of its inhuman regime of apartheid and racial discrimination.
22.	The Rwanda Government, for its part, will continue within the limits of its resources to provide unswerving support to the Namibian and South African peoples for as long as the most fundamental rights and the most elementary justice continue to be denied them.
23.	Rwanda has repeatedly expressed its unswerving support for the just cause of the Sahraoui people, which, like other peoples, must be able to exercise its right to self-determination and freely to choose its own destiny. The tragedy in Chad is for us in Africa highly alarming, and the disintegration of that brotherly country, which unfortunately is liable to ensue, would constitute a severe blow to the unity of our continent.
24.	The Rwanda delegation again makes an urgent appeal to the good sense, patriotism and wisdom of the warring brothers in Chad to put an end to their hostilities and reach a peaceful settlement of their conflict. It is becoming both alarming and clear that this fratricidal struggle will lead to the total destabilization and, indeed, the extinction of the Chad nation. Obviously this can only be to the detriment of the whole people of Chad, which is already tired of that futile war.
25.	The situation in the Middle East is becoming ever more precarious. The persistent refusal of Israel to evacuate the occupied Arab territories and recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people blocks any hope of the solution of a problem which has lasted far too long. For its part, Rwanda remains profoundly convinced that that tragic conflict will find no just or lasting solution without the unconditional withdrawal of the Zionist troops from the Arab territories occupied since 1967 and total respect for the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish their own State. We also believe that the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], recognized as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, must be intimately involved in any search for a solution to this grave problem.
26.	The Korean question is one of the major concerns of the international community. Rwanda, for its part, believes that any foreign interference in this problem seriously jeopardizes the objective search for a broadly acceptable solution. The Government of Rwanda is convinced that the unification of the Korean nation can be brought about only by the withdrawal of all foreign troops from that area, thus making it possible for the Korean people to find a peaceful solution to the problem of its reunification.
27.	This position reflects the general attitude of the Rwandese Republic with regard to the situation of all divided nations. Those nations have an absolute right to find ways and means of bringing about their peaceful reunification, because they are indivisible.
28.	It is in this context that the Government of Rwanda also appreciates the spirit of detente which has motivated both German States for some years now and which has been reflected in a series of arrangements in various fields with a view to diminishing as far as possible the effects of the division of the German nation. We are convinced that it is in the interests of all for that dialogue to continue and to go as far as possible towards the free and peaceful reunification of the German nation and the consolidation of peace in the area concerned.
29.	In other parts of Africa and the rest of the world the international community is witnessing helplessly upheavals which are due mainly to struggles for influence between the great Powers. We have therefore been following with concern the development of the situations currently prevailing in the Horn of Africa, Afghanistan, Southeast Asia and, in particular, IndoChina and Lebanon.
30.	The innumerable and distressing consequences of those conflicts, the origin of which often lies outside the areas concerned, include hunger, massive destruction of socioeconomic infrastructures, loss of human life and the outflow of refugees who are forced to live in subhuman and intolerable conditions, without food or housing.
31.	International solidarity demands that aid be given to those who have been driven out against their will and continue to wander outside their own countries without any means of subsistence, housing or means of defence. One of the solutions to this distressing problem lies in the search for peaceful coexistence among nations. The only road to this ultimate objective is that of mutual respect and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, interference often being the underlying cause of such conflicts.
32.	World peace is therefore increasingly threatened by all these sources of tension which are being maintained unnecessarily at the expense of the noble objectives of international security and understanding. Instead of encouraging detente among all nations, great and small, rich and poor, these conflicts encourage the great Powers to intensify even further their competition in the arms race and disregard the political and economic rights of other States. It is the small and the weak that are more often than not the victims of these manoeuvrings of the great Powers.
33.	The proliferation of weapons of all kinds is becoming every day a subject of pressing concern. Fabulous sums of money are being spent on the search for new weapons of mass destruction.
34.	Permit me to mention in this regard a poignant truth uttered by the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. In his address at the seventeenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], on 1 July last, he said:
"There exists in the world today more explosive power than food measured in pounds per person. Military expenditures are taking a toll of a million dollars per minute. They thus impose a cost which far exceeds what would be required to control disease and reduce hunger."
35.	It is indeed shocking to observe that, at the very time when the international community has embarked upon an era of detente and a disarmament programme, military expenditures have grown, according to known figures, from $225 billion in 1974 to more than $400 billion at the present time. Responsible and competent sources have also declared that $100 million, or in comparative terms the annual budget of my own country, are being devoted every day to the expansion of nuclear arsenals.
36.	I am firmly convinced that such sums should be devoted, rather, to assistance to the least developed countries and economic and social projects such as the development of agriculture and cattle raising, education, the building of hospitals, the development of road and energy infrastructures and the improvement of means of communication and transport. I also continue to believe that this problem is the responsibility of the great Powers, who alone can play a decisive role.
37.	Realistically, the Members of our Organization ought to cultivate understanding and peaceful coexistence among themselves, without any distinction as to political or ideological preferences. Only then can peace and international security, the only preconditions of economic development, be preserved and our peoples be spared all the vicissitudes of the spectre of war, which haunts and disheartens us.
38.	The Rwandese Republic is proud to belong to the nonaligned movement, which has as its objective the achievement of a balance among the nations of the world and serves as a stabilizing element between the two blocs of influence.
39.	In this regard Rwanda encourages all the nonaligned countries to safeguard the objectives of the movement by avoiding the risk of falling into the grip of either bloc at the risk of weakening and diminishing the role and the mission of our movement.
40.	I should like to take this opportunity to recall here the glorious memory of the late President Broz Tito, the great champion of the nonaligned movement; he and his work serve as a model for us all. He was a great man who, more than anyone else, left an imprint on the political life of the twentieth century. Even in death Marshal Tito is and will remain a living symbol of concern for and courage in the defence of the noble ideals of the nonaligned movement and in the struggle to safeguard the independence of his country, Yugoslavia.
41.	I have spoken of the turmoils and political conflicts which are tearing apart many parts of our planet at this very moment. However, there exist other problems, even more serious because they are so lasting, which are rife in the majority of our countries: hunger, malnutrition, poverty, disease and other scourges which threaten to be more destructive and devastating, making still more precarious the existence of our populations. In Africa, for example, in areas spared the ravages of floods, the drought is devastating everything in its path as it advances in an alarming manner over vast extents of territory, visibly reducing the acreage of arable land. The damage caused by natural catastrophes is incalculable. In particular, they upset development programmes and cause famine in the affected regions. The domestic effort of each nation and international solidarity and cooperation remain beyond doubt the most effective tools for stemming these courses.
42.	The United Nations, apart from the safeguarding of international peace and security, has set itself other objectives, including that of achieving international cooperation by resolving international problems of an economic, social, intellectual or humanitarian nature and developing and encouraging respect for human rights and basic freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex or religion.
43.	In this context the economic difficulties with which our economies are now confronted lead me to refer here to the plight of a great number of developing countries which continue to eke out their existence in a desperate economic situation. It is useless to try to seek the underlying reasons and causes for this economic stagnation through which the majority of our countries are passing, for the positions of the various parties differ to such an extent that in our international meetings our delegations cannot succeed in coming to an agreement.
44.	We are, nevertheless, all in agreement in observing that for more than a decade the economies of the third world countries, instead of improving, are becoming further bogged down in stagnation and are in fact even in retreat. There is no need to demonstrate the continual decline in the prices of raw materials. It has reached the point where it is for the moment difficult, even impossible, to reconcile the export income of raw materials and the ever-growing expenditure which we have to make for the importation of manufactured goods.
45.	The commercial deficits which flow from this have forced and will continue to force the developing countries to have recourse to other measures not less dangerous for their political and economic viability. Among those measures I would mention indebtedness, which seems unfortunately now to have been set up as a golden rule in the relations between the still underequipped countries and the industrialized countries. It is not certain that our problems will be solved by the continual piling up of debts. What we should do, rather, is to introduce austerity into the management of the scanty means of which we dispose and to create conditions favourable to the growth of international confidence in financial matters.
46.	Above all, it is the inadequacy of financial assistance which is likely to deepen the gulf between the rich and poor countries, since the latter expect from the former more solidarity and bounty in their economic difficulties. It is, indeed, the duty of the wealthy countries to come to the aid of the poorest countries, especially when one must take into account the fact that it is often nature itself which favours some countries and frowns on others.
47.	It is in this context that I recall the particular conditions of my own country, Rwanda, which is situated far from shipping lanes and whose subsoil seems lacking in natural resources. The little we have of raw materials does not even suffice to cover our import expenses. Similarly, in spite of the goodwill and constant effort made by the Government and people of Rwanda to free our country from underdevelopment, our landlocked condition imposes on us a permanent stranglehold so tight that without outside support it would be impossible for us to accomplish the difficult task of national development.
48.	The situation of landlocked countries deserves more care and attention from the whole international community. Apart from the effects of the present economic crisis which afflicts them much more acutely than others, these countries are also faced with the problems of lack of access to the sea which forces them to pay very high costs for international transportation of their goods.
49.	What is even more serious is that in some cases the economies of these countries are often victims of situations beyond their control, with the consequence that the sources of their supply and the marketing of their products are disrupted. I dare to hope that the current negotiations on the law of the sea will take into account this quite special situation of the landlocked countries.
50.	Furthermore, we must stress that in order to halt the present economic crisis which is marked by a decline in the terms of trade, ceaselessly galloping inflation, disruption of the international monetary system and the energy crisis, which continues to lead to increases in the price of oil, all countries must unite their efforts to establish new rules for international economic conduct. International forums have made it clear that it has become unthinkable to continue to conduct international economic affairs in a system which no longer responds to present conditions.
51.	Rwanda, for its part, thinks that the moment has come to be frank and to speak the truth. In fact the developed countries have every interest in seeing the developing countries become viable partners. In consequence, the developing countries must have access to the management of international affairs on an equal footing with the developed countries; otherwise the gap between them will continue to widen. Unless this happens, the fashionable slogans of "international cooperation" and "North South dialogue" will remain empty words.
52.	If we genuinely wish to establish a new international economic order, we must renounce the spirit of confrontation and selfishness and seek common ground for mutual concessions in our positions, always with mutual respect. The means to build a new world are not lacking; it is the will to combine our efforts which is still absent. The developing countries possess impressive amounts of raw materials and constitute in addition a considerable market for manufactured products; the developed countries have at their disposal enormous amounts of capital and a very advanced technology; and so the pooling of all this potential would give rise to a symbiosis that would be profitable for all and that would do a great deal to reduce the gap which marks present North South relations.
53.	But until that hoped-for moment comes, the developing countries have a stake in embarking without delay upon horizontal cooperation at all levels, bilateral, sub regional and regional, and in all fields; and they should pursue such cooperation where it exists at the moment. This is the only possible means of access to rapid and integrated development. This cooperation among developing countries demands, above all, good organization and an exhaustive inventory of the potentials and possibilities of each, as well as of the needs to be met.
54.	The members of the [OAU] for their part already took an important step last April at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU with the adoption of the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa  which outlines the priorities for development until the year 2000, including food, agriculture, industry, science and technology, as well as transport and communications.
55.	Particular stress is placed on the urgency for the African countries to achieve self-sufficiency in food as a socioeconomic imperative, bearing in mind that the food situation in Africa is on the brink of catastrophe and that the wolf of hunger is prowling ever closer to our door.
56.	This concern with economic integration which animates the African countries certainly constitutes the living expression of the political will of all parties to establish a new type of economic relations among all States on the basis of active solidarity and frank collaboration in a spirit of mutual respect for the political or ideological options adopted by each State.
57.	The role of the United Nations would then consist in serving as a catalyst and a framework for concertation to establish that new system which would be characteristic of the economic relations of the international community.
58.	The holding in this very hall of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which concluded its work just a few days ago, speaks eloquently of that political will to concertation of States Members of the United Nations. Although the results of that eleventh special session of the General Assembly, devoted to economic questions, did not live up to the hopes placed in it by our peoples, I should like for my part to call for a continuation of negotiations in a spirit of constructive dialogue, even if it is true that we shall have to wait quite a while longer before they produce useful results.
59.	The developing countries are well aware that their road to progress is a long one and that they must persevere in the search for solutions acceptable to all their partners.
60.	The Rwandese Republic would finally encourage a more emphatic and more concerted commitment on the part of developing countries, within the circle of the Group of 77, in the negotiations with the developed countries, with a view to the establishment of a new international economic order. We remain convinced that such unity of action of the Group of 77 will sooner or later prevail upon the developed countries to adopt more flexible and more positive positions on the questions which are the subject of global negotiations.
61.	Once again it is appropriate to repeat unambiguously that international economic relations need to be made more dynamic and to be directed towards equity, sharing and distributive justice, and that we need to be complementary in our international relations in order to reach that sublime objective.
62.	It is within that context of interdependence that we shall build a contemporary society that we hope will be more just, more sound and imbued with a greater degree of solidarity. We count on the United Nations to channel our efforts, and we count on it also as the focal point for heightening, by dialogue and consultation, the awareness of all the peoples of the world.