On behalf of the Government and people
of Papua New Guinea, I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the
forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that with your able
leadership and guidance the Assembly will deal with its work in a positive and
constructive manner. I also wish to place on record my country's appreciation of
the contribution made by your predecessor, Major-General Joseph Garba of Nigeria,
to the work of the Assembly last year.

We acknowledge that the world of today is highly volatile and interdependent,
and the need for an organization such as the United Nations is more important today
than ever before. New challenges are now being faced within the framework of the
United Nations system. The United Nations, we believe, provide the appropriate
forum ,or the international community to solve problems through consultation and
dialogue, without the need to resort to violence. The achievements, over the
years, of the United Nations system are commendable, particularly in the areas of
disarmament, decolonisation, the environment, economic development, social justice and the maintenance of world peace. The United Nations can contribute further to
international stability and social harmony, but this can occur only through
goodwill and with the tolerance and understanding of all member nations. Papua New
Guinea is committed to the United Nations and what it represents, and will continue
to play its part in achieving world peace and harmony.

Complex problems and challenges continue to face us this year, but the
Assembly is convening at a time of great hope, a time of profound changes in
relationships between nations. We have witnessed a marked improvement in East-West
relations, particularly between the Super-Powers. The era of the cold war is
vanishing, bringing hope, opportunity and, for some, uncertainty. Massive shifts
in the world political order will invariably be reflected in changing economic
relationships.

We acknowledge with satisfaction the comprehensive report by the
Secretary-General, particularly with regard to the United Nations involvement in
the achievement of independence for Namibia and progress in negotiations for
peaceful settlements of regional conflicts in Cambodia, Afghanistan, Western
Sahara, Central America, South Africa and, more recently, the Persian Gulf. The
report also addresses other pressing issues such as human rights, drugs,
disarmament, the environment, trade, finance and debt servicing.

Although major conflicts and tensions may appear to be peripheral to us in the
South Pacific, we are not immune to their effects. We feel their impact on our
economy, our international obligations, and our moral convictions.

I speak today in full awareness of the international media publicity, both
positive and adverse, that Papua New Guinea has attracted over the past two years.
The increased activity in our petroleum and mining sectors, the closure of the
Bougainville copper mine in May last year and the subsequent unrest in that
province of our country have focused attention on Papua New Guinea. Unfortunately
for Papua New Guinea, the Bougainville and law-and-order crises have tended to
attract more attention than the many positive developments taking place in the
country. Like many developing countries we have our share of problems, and we are
addressing them with energy and determination. Initiatives have been taken by my
government to promote economic growth, to further develop education and training
opportunities, particularly in tertiary and technical areas, and to generate
employment and income opportunities. At the same time. we are developing the
capacity of the public service and strengthening law-enforcement agencies.

As a result of the closure of Bougainville mine, my government, with the help
of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other international and
national aid agencies, has developed an integrated structural adjustment programme
to assist Papua New Guinea through a difficult series of short-term problems.
Among other things, the programme will ensure that major resources are
progressively developed for the benefit of the country and its people.

A first round of negotiations with Bougainville leaders produced an accord and
the basis for the restoration of services by the national Government to that
troubled island. My Government is committed to continued peaceful dialogue with
the people of Bougainville that together we can achieve an amicable settlement
of the crisis and a return to normalcy.

The South Pacific Community is made up predominantly of small, island States,
scattered throughout a vast ocean. For a long time our interests and well-being
have been accorded the lowest priority by world military and economic Powers. We
are vitally concerned about our region. Like others, we in the Pacific wish to
develop under conditions of peace and security. Most Pacific nations depend on a
small number of agricultural and marine products for their livelihood and export
income. For these reasons we concluded the South Pacific Nuclear-Free-Zone Treaty,
The Convention for the Protection and Development of the Natural Resources and
Environment of the South Pacific region, and the Convention for the Prohibition of
Drift-net Fishing in the South Pacific. We therefore strongly deplore nuclear
activities and the dumping of toxic waste , which threaten our fragile ecosystems.
We also view with deep concern wanton exploitation of our resources.

This year marks the thirtieth anniversary of the historic Declaration on the
Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. It also ushers in the
International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism. Papua New Guinea urges
that the progress of decolonisation should be accelerated and strengthened as part
of the present favourable disposition surrounding the work of the United Nations.
We are pleased that positive measures are continually being pursued in New
Caledonia by the French authorities to provide a framework for a peaceful evolution
of the Territory towards an act of self-determination and independence. We urge
that any act of self-determination should be consistent with United Nations
principles and practices, and that all options, including independence, should be open.

In order that a well-informed decision may be made, the Administering Authority and
others should further expand their assistance for education and training, in
particular for the Kanak population.  New Caledonia is on the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories. Therefore, it is incumbent upon the United Nations to continue to
monitor developments in New Caledonia. It is our express hope that the Administering Authority will facilitate regular visits to New Caledonia by inviting visiting missions of the United Nations.

Apart from New Caledonia, there are other Pacific islands still under the
shackles of colonialism. It is our hope that the Administering Authorities
concerned will accord genuine self-determination to these countries.

We in the Pacific have always been aware of the importance of protecting the
environment. Indeed, the cultural and physical survival of many of our countries
depends on the proper management of that environment. The Convention for the
protection and Development of the Natural Resources and Environment of the South
Pacific Region, to which I referred earlier, is a clear indication of the
importance we attach to this issue.

We are greatly concerned that, in spite of ominous warnings about the future
of this Earth, expected climatic changes and predictions of dramatic rises in the
levels of the sea, gases responsible for the greenhouse effect continue to be
emitted without strict regulation. It is our fervent hope that countries, particularly industrialized countries,  will effect significant cuts in the emission of greenhouse gases, including the establishment of obligatory emission reduction standards.

We continue to oppose the disposal of toxic waste at sea unless it conforms
with standards Prescribed under the London dumping convention.

The United States has taken stringent precautions in destroying chemical
weapons on Johnston atoll. We take little comfort in suggestions that Johnston
atoll should be the permanent disposal site for the American chemical weapons
destruction programme. We urge the United States not to use the facility as a
permanent site for the disposal of chemical weapons and toxic waste, and I express
our firm belief that it should be closed done once the current operations have been
completed. We will also continue strongly to oppose French nuclear testing at
Mururoa and Fangataufa atolls.

Pacific islanders have close affinity to the sea, and their dependence upon
its resources needs no emphasis. Papua New Guinea is, therefore, pleased with the
progress made on the elimination of driftnet fishing.
We welcome the decision taken by Japan to cease drift netting a year in advance
of the date stipulated in resolution 441225. We urge the Government of Japan and
other distant water fishing nations to enter into negotiations with us on acceptable
arrangements.

Papua New Guinea's desire to participate meaningfully in the resolution of
regional problems brings us into regular interaction with member countries of the
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). ASEAN has taken many important
initiatives, particularly in the South-East Asian region, which we have fully
supported.

We would like to acknowledge with satisfaction the leading role that both the
Soviet Union and the United States have played, in recent years, to reduce tensions
in the world. Their efforts and those of other States in the United Nations
Security Council deserve our full support. Papua New Guinea is aware that progress
made in the search for solutions to problems in Cambodia, Afghanistan, Western
Sahara, the Middle East, the Korean peninsula and southern Africa is directly
related to the convergence of views between the super-Powers and the permanent
members of the Security Council.

Papua new Guinea welcomes the announcement by Viet Nam to withdraw its troops
completely from Cambodia. we commend the efforts of the ASEAN group of countries, Australia and the United Nations Security Council, in devising the united formula for the resolution of the Cambodian problem. Papua New Guinea believes that United
nations involvement is necessary in order to ensure free and fair elections in Cambodia.

In the Korean peninsula, my Government looks forward to the re-unification of
North and South Korea. We support initiatives by both nations to reach a peaceful
re-unification of Korean people, and urge them to continue on the path of
reconciliation. In the same time, we support the admission of both North and South
Korea to the United Nations as full Members. We believe this will facilitate
dialogue and hasten the re-Unification process.

The question of northern Sahara appears to be nearing resolution. The
Secretary-General's settlement proposals, announced  on 11 August 1988, offer the
chance to resolve this thorny issue once and for all. Members of the United
Nations have a responsibility to see that the people of Western Sahara are able to
exercise their right to self-determination. Thus, the organization and the
supervision of a referendum by the United Nations in co-operation with the
Organization of African Unity must be allowed to take place.

The situation in the Middle East continues to cause us grave concern. My
Government has always maintained that the Palestinians have a right to a homeland,
just as much as Israel has a right to exist within secure borders. These two
conditions appear to be prerequisites if a lasting solution to this problem is to
be achieved.

We have strongly condemned the use of force as a means of solving
disputes and, in this context, Papua New Guinea continues to be alarmed at and
condemn Iraq's invasion and continued occupation of Kuwait since 2 August 1990.
As a member of the United Nations, my Government is committed to supporting the
trade and economic embargo against Iraq sponsored by the United Nations Security
Council. We urge all members of this Assembly to continue to co-operate in seeking
a peaceful solution to this crisis.

My Government believes strongly that international pressure and sanctions have
resulted in the gradual dismantling of the apartheid system. Developments in South
Africa offer reason for guarded optimism. After years of oppression and injustice,
the creation of a genuine non-racial democracy may at last be a real possibility.
We have a continuing responsibility to encourage the process of reconciliation and
democratic reconstruction.

We are saddened by the recent riots in the black townships involving the rival
groups of the African National Congress (ANC) and Zulu Inkatha movements, which
have left so many people dead. It is our firm conviction that sanctions should be
continued until apartheid is completely dismantled.

Papua pew Guinea applauds the achievement of Namibia's independence and
commends all patties who were involved in this exercise.

There are many changes taking place in the world economy today. The move
towards a single-market Europe in 1992, regional initiatives such as the
Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation Group and the shift by Eastern European countries towards market-oriented economies have serious implications for developing countries.

The continuing global economic recession have had a considerable adverse impact
on the economic and social well-bring of all nations. Inflation, high interest
rates, a change-rate instability, rising unemployment, slow growth and
protectionism have all taken their toll on our national economies.

On a positive side, Eastern Europe's economic transition could offer new
opportunities for developing economies through increased demand for their
commodities. We believe that closer co-operation between developed and developing countries
now are more important than ever. The benefits from new markets in Eastern Europe need to be evenly shared if open trading relations are to be
maintained. The possible harmful impact on the financial resources available to the developing world must be minimised.

The formation of the Asia-Pacific economic co-operation group is intended to
develop closer co-operation between countries in the Asia-Pacific region, and also

to accommodate developments taking place in Eastern Europe and elsewhere.

The Lome IV Convention, which was signed on 15 December 1989, contains new concepts and ideas, which make it different from the three preceding arrangements.

Lome IV contains increased financial packages for Africa, Caribbean and Pacific
(ACP) countries, and includes now provisions for structural adjustments and
assistance to ACP countries facing severe balance-of-payments difficulties.

It is of considerable importance to ACP countries that the levels of
development assistance agreed to in Lome IV remain unaffected by the opening up of
Eastern Europe's wider contacts in the rest of the world. Any adjustment or restructuring of the world trading and financial system must not adversely affect   the position of the developing countries. The shifting of focus as well as the
diversion of financial resources for developed countries to Eastern Europe, would
greatly disadvantage the economies of the developing countries, whose claims to a more equitable distribution of the world's resources have been outstanding for decades.

It is important that an open world trading system be maintained if economic prosperity is to be distributed  fairly.

A strengthened general Agreement on tariffs and trade (GATT) is essential if
we are to provide a stable framework for the expansion of trade, and to make
possible the full integration of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as developing
countries, into the global economy. we believe that the highest priority on the
international economic agenda is the need for a successful outcome to the Uruguay
Round of talks at the end of this year. Difficult political decisions will have to
be taken in order to achieve far-reaching and substantive results from all the
items to be discussed at the Uruguay round.

The remarkable political and economic changes that are taking place between
the super-powers in respect of Central and Eastern Europe, and those that are
taking place in the Asia-Pacific region, the Middle East and elsewhere, point to
the emergence of a new world order , with shifting alliances and economic groupings.

Papua New Guinea is confident that the United Nations will address these issues and
devise measures that will allow member States to cope with the uncertainties that
lie ahead.

We continue to support the United Nations in its unique role in the resolution
of conflict, and in the building of a strong framework for international
co-operation. Over the years we have supported the work of the United Nations
because we believe it to be vital to the continuing development of a peaceful and
prosperous world community.

Finally, we assure you, Mr. President, and the Secretary-General of our
continued support for efforts to maintain end develop the work of the United Nations.


I should like first of all to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. Your election is a well-deserved recognition of your personal qualities and record of great distinction, as well as a fitting tribute to the role and stature of your country, Malta, in world affairs. My delegation is confident that under your presidency the forty-fifth session will make a decisive contribution to the promotion of world peace and security. While wishing you all success, I wish to assure you of my delegation's full support and co-operation throughout the session.
I should also like to place on record our sincere appreciation and thanks to your predecessor, Major-General Joseph Garba of Nigeria, for the exemplary manner in which he directed the work of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
I also wish to pay a special tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his tireless efforts geared towards achieving durable solutions to the numerous and seemingly intractable conflicts that threaten international peace and security.
Let me also use this opportunity to welcome in our midst the Principality of Liechtenstein and the Republic of Namibia. The admission of Namibia into the comity of nations after decades of struggle against the illegal occupation of the country by South Africa is an occasion for self-congratulation by the United Nations, which had persistently championed the cause of freedom and independence for Namibia.
Twelve months ago a wave of optimism was blowing through this Hall when delegation after delegation hailed the new era of rapprochement. Détente and co-operation among nations, particularly between the two super-Powers. That optimism had since been validated by the agreements between the United States of America and the Soviet Union to reduce their stockpiles of chemical weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and to work towards resolving regional conflicts that threaten world peace and security.
But today the optimism end hopes of 12 months ago have been replaced by fear that the world is on the edge of a precipice. There is a serious danger of an eruption that can engulf many countries with military destruction and cause severe disruptions to the economies of all countries the world over. I am of course referring to the crisis in the Gulf region caused by the brutal and unprovoked invasion by Iraq of the small State of Kuwait.
The Iraqi invasion and annexation of Kuwait constitute naked aggression and a flagrant violation of the basic principles of civilized behaviour. It is, indeed, disheartening that, as we stand on the threshold of the twenty-first century, a country in dealing with its neighbours would resort to practices and actions that are reminiscent of the Dark Ages by using brute force to try to subdue and eradicate a weaker neighbour. Those practices are abominable and in this day and age unacceptable to the international community. The Gambia therefore condemns the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq, and from this rostrum I would like to renew our call for the total and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait ^id the restoration of the legitimate Government of Kuwait. The tragic developments in the Gulf region have caused dismay and anxiety in the entire international community and, without a doubt, constitute a threat to world peace and security.
The response of the United Nations system to the crisis in the Gulf region has been laudable and the unanimity or near-unanimity on the various resolutions adopted by the Security Council augurs well for the United Nations as the only machinery for the maintenance of peace and security and for ensuring that all countries conform to acceptable patterns of behaviour in inter-State relations. With renewed optimism and faith in the relevance and role of the United Nations system, my delegation hopes that progress will be made in the resolution of long-standing disputes and conflicts that have long beset the international community.
The Middle East remains an area of tension with the question of Palestine as the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The people of Palestine continue to languish without a homeland of their own. Israel, in flagrant defiance of the international community, continues to consolidate its hold on the occupied Arab territories.
No positive developments have taken place since the Palestinian people, in the face of oppressive measures by Israel, decided in December 1987 to launch the heroic intifidah and thereafter, out of sheer good will, made many concessions in the search for genuine peace and security. In this regard we cannot but remain deeply concerned over the continued denial by Israel - in spite o£ General Assembly and Security Council resolutions - of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independent nationhood. He therefore share the belief that a just and comprehensive settlement resides in the speedy convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East, under United Nations auspices, with the full participation of the Palestine Liberation Organisation as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 38/50 C.
For a long time the situation in South Africa has been in the forefront of main concerns of the United Nations. It is a fact that a glimmer of hope had been generated by the measures taken last February by President De Klerk, including the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, as well as the partial lifting of the state of emergency. The commencement of a dialogue between the South African authorities and the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) is another development that offers a reel opportunity that could lead to a negotiated settlement.
It must be emphasised, however, that recent developments are just a beginning and that A lot more remains to be done to reverse the situation in South Africa, for the main pillars of apartheid remain intact despite the apparent show of good WÍ72 to move away from that criminal and violent system. It is for this reason that sanctions and other pressures which have so far succeeded in compelling the Pretoria regime to make concessions should be maintained and intensified. My delegation believes that it would be premature to relax tensions at this stage as that would send the wrong signals and abort the process towards negotiations which has already commenced. As stated is the Harare Declaration, sanctions and over pressures against the apartheid regime must be maintained until change is clearly irreversibly secured and a non-racial, united and democratic society is established in South Africa.
It is, however, unfortunate that the process towards dismantling the system of apartheid seems threatened by an upsurge in violence between rival black organisations in South Africa. That state of affairs will not only divert attention from the main struggle against а common enemy, but can also play into the bands of those who are bent on perpetuating racism and the exploitation of the black man in South Africa. My delegation therefore appeals to all progressive and democratic forces in South Africa to put an end to the internecine violence that threatens to derail the campaign for the total eradication of apartheid.
Elsewhere in the African continent we are faced with a very serious situation in the Republic of Liberia, where a civil war erupted in December last year. The international community has watched with horror and dismay the degeneration of the conflict into tribal warfare with massive destruction of property and the massacre of thousands of civilians, some of whom had sought sanctuary in churches, hospitals and diplomatic missions. The civil war has also trapped thousands of foreign nationals without any means of escape or protection.
The result of all this has been a state of anarchy and a total breakdown of law and order. These developments have traumatized the Liberian population and greatly shocked the people of the subregion and led to hundreds of thousands of Liberians being displaced and made refugees in neighbouring countries.
The last summit of the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which mat in Banjul, the Gambia, last May, reviewed the situation in Liberia and expressed grave concern over the conflict and called on all parties concerned to agree to an immediate cessation of hostilities. At the same time, the Authority established an ECOWAS Standing Mediation Committee as an instrument for encouraging the peaceful settlement of disputes in the subregion.
Soon after the May summit and with the situation in Liberia rapidly deteriorating, the Chairman of the Authority, Alhaji Sir Dewda Rairaba Jawara, President of the Gambia, convened a meeting of the Mediation Committee at the ministerial level, and after all parties to the conflict had indicated their acceptance of mediation by ECOHAS a series of meetings were held in Freetown, Republic of Sierra Leone, to try to seek a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Liberia.
Despite the great effort made at the various meetings at the ministerial level, it did not produce the result desired by the people of Liberia and the international community.
It is against that background that the Heads of State and Government of the ECOWAS Standing Mediation Committee met in Banjul in August where they decided to assume their responsibility of ensuring that peace and stability was maintained within the subregion, for they believed that the tragic situation in Liberia posed a threat to the peace and stability of the area. The outcome of the deliberations was the ECOWAS peace plan which has three basic elements: first, the observance of a cease-fire by all the parties to the conflict; secondly, the establishment of a cease-fire monitoring group (ECOMOG) to supervise and ensure compliance with the cease-fire; and, thirdly, the formation of an interim government to administer the country and organise free and fair elections under international supervision leading to a democratically elected government.
When the Committee met and adopted those proposals, every Member State of ECOHAS was duly informed and requested to support the initiative. There were no contrary views at that time. It must also be pointed out that at the time of adoption of the peace package to which I have referred, two of the warring parties had accepted both a cease-fire and a peace-keeping force. Thus, the ECOMOG force was sent to Liberia after the acceptance of the cease-fire and it was only against that background and in view of the rapidly deteriorating situation that ECOMOG went in. It must however be made very clear that the situation would have been far worse if nothing had been done at the time. In other words, the effect of not doing something would have been disastrous. Since the arrival of the ECOMOG force thousands of foreign nationals have been evacuated, a hospital rehabilitated and relief supplies made available to the population.
At about the same time as ECOMOG was deployed, a national conference of all Liberian political parties, professional and other interested groups was held in Banjul from 27 August to 4 September to deliberate on the crisis in Liberia and to establish an interim government. And it should be noted that this conference was attended only by Liberians and its deliberations were conducted solely by Liberians. The representation at the national conference was broad-based and two of the warring factions took part in the deliberations. After six __ of extensive discussions and negotiations, the conference established an Interim Government of National Unity comprising representatives of a cross-section of the entire Liberian population and provided openings for the participation of groups which had net even attended the national conference. After the national conference, a delegation of the Interim Government was dispatched to meet the warring faction which refused to take part in the deliberations, with a view to persuading them to accept and participate in the Interim Government. For this reason the composition of the Interim Government has not been officially announced pending the outcome of these consultations.
At the level of ECOWAS, there have been calls for the convening of an extraordinary summit. The Gambia as Chairman has no objection to the holding of an extraordinary summit but, according to the ECOWAS rules of procedure, a majority of two-thirds of the members is required before an extraordinary summit is convened. The Chairman of the Authority is currently carrying out consultations with his colleagues on this issue, and an extraordinary summit will be convened soon after and the required number of countries have indicated their consent.
ECOMOG has now embarked on its important and historic mission and it is concerned not only with enforcing the cease-fire, but also with ensuring that the necessary conditions are created for much-needed humanitarian assistance to reach the people of Liberia. I therefore wish to make a solemn appeal to all Liberians, especially the leaders of the warring factions, to co-operate with the ECOMOG force and to give it all the assistance and co-operation it needs in the fulfilment of its mission. Similarly, I wish, on behalf of the Chairman of the Authority of ECOWAS, to appeal to all countries that have any influence on the national Patriotic Front of Liberia to urge the leadership of that group to join their fellow Liberians in the ongoing dialogue aimed at implementing the ECOWAS peace plan formulated in Banjul so that the suffering of the people of Liberia can be brought to an end and peace and stability restored in Liberia.
It is also our fervent hope that the international community, particularly the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity, will continue to support the BCOHAS peace plan, which is the only viable alternative to continued bloodshed and destruction of property. I also wish, on behalf of ECOWAS, to appeal to the entire international community to contribute to the Special Fund for ECOMOG Operations in Liberia as well as to respond generously and expeditiously to the various appeals by the Chairman of the Authority of ECOWAS for the provision of humanitarian assistance in the form of food and medicines to the suffering peoples of Liberia.
Only a few days ago we witnessed the reunification of Germany, which indeed is the final act announcing the end of the cold war. We congratulate the German people on this historic occasion and hope that it will usher in a new era of peace, understanding and closer co-operation in Europe and beyond.
The Gambia welcomes the current efforts of the two Koreas geared towards the speedy reunification of that divided country in accordance with the legitimate aspirations of their peoples. It is the view of the Gambia that the admission of the two Koreas to the United Nations, in accordance with the principle of universality, will facilitate the eventual peaceful reunification of North and South Korea.
With regard to Afghanistan, we are deeply distressed that despite of the withdrawal of foreign troops the situation remains charged with tension affecting international peace and stability. We therefore urge all the parties concerned to abide by the Geneva Agreements and make every effort in the guest for a peaceful settlement of their differences.
Although the international political scene has been showing SOME positive trends, we are very Much concerned that international economic prospects remain somewhat bleak. Slow or negative growth and the persisting debt problem, are causing a further deterioration in the quality of life in developing countries. Despite a healthy 3.6 per cent growth in industrialised countries in 1989, external imbalances remain critical. Growth in developing countries slowed to 3.3 per cent in 1989, compared to the decade's 4.3 per cent average. Present international economic and trade arrangements, fluctuating commodity prices and unresolved monetary issues perpetuate severe inequalities and continue to promote an unfair and inequitable transfer of resources from the developing countries to developed countries. Many governments have undertaken structural reforms in order to revitalise their economies but their efforts have been impeded by severe social and political obstacles, as amply highlighted in the consensus Declaration adopted by the General Assembly's eighteenth special session.
The development crisis is dramatised by the plight of the least developed countries, which have been facing formidable structural difficulties end experiencing extreme deterioration in their overall socio-economic situation.
The targets set out in the Substantial New Programme of Action adopted by the General Assembly in 1981 have not been attained. In this connection, we would like to underscore the significance of enhanced international efforts to reactivate growth and development in the least developed countries. We fully support the recommendations of the second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris last month, aimed at assisting these countries to place their economies on the path of sustained growth and development.
The development and protection of children are other important issues on the global agenda. She Gambia, at the very onset, fully endorsed the initiative of the United Nations Children's Fund (UMXC8F) for convening the World Summit for Children this year. May I therefore take this opportunity to extend our congratulations to the organisers for the success of the Summit, at which the Gambia was represented by a high-level delegation led by President Jawara, whose Government’s solemn commitment to accord the highest priority to the protection of the rights of the child and the mother is well known.
We therefore remain hopeful that the adoption of the historic Declaration of the Summit and of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child will undoubtedly lead to and enhance the development and protection of the rights and needs of children.
The issue of human rights t has assumed great importance and prominence in world affairs. We in the Gambia have always been deeply rooted in our declared commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We cannot therefore remain indifferent to the violations to which these rights are being subjected in other parts of the world. In view of the widening gap between the universally accepted norms of human rights and the stark reality in many parts of the world, the Gambia, motivated purely by special concern for the individual and his freedom and dignity, holds the considered view that a world-wide and forceful campaign should be mounted with the support of the appropriate United Nations machinery to intensify our efforts in order to achieve a better and more effective compliance with the generally accepted norms in the field of human rights. In this regard, specific steps within each region should be encouraged towards the institutionalisation of the observance and enforcement of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
In the same vein, the Gambia would like to register its total support for the convening of a world conference on human rights in accordance with decision 1990,110 of the Hunan Sights Commission. The Gambia Government, meanwhile, will continue to co-operate fully with the human rights agencies within the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU)·
We would in this context like to acknowledge with deep appreciation the assistance being rendered by the United Nations Commission on Human Sights to the African Centre for Democracy and Human Sights Studies, which since its establishment has actively collaborated with the African Commission on Hunan and People's Sights, as well as to those who share the Gambia's concerns for respect and protection of both individual and collective liberties. Furthermore, my delegation would also like to renew its support for the proposal made by the Federal Republic of Germany last year to appoint a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Sights.
Let me now conclude my statement. As we draw closer to the advent of the twenty-first century mankind is witnessing a unique period in relations among States, a period of peace characterised by international co-operation and solidarity. The emerging order, however, appears to be limited so far to international political relations. My delegation is concerned that this dynamic process will be incomplete if it is not accompanied by profound changes in international economic relations. The two must go together, to reflect the interdependent nature of our world. Multilateral diplomacy is one way, if not the best way, to achieve this goal. It is not superfluous to reiterate that the United Nations serves that purpose best not because it fulfils the role of the world's parliament but because it achieves results in the sole and supreme interests of peace and security. We hope that the forty-fifth session will be notable for its achievements and will continue to serve as a beacon of hope and inspiration for the primary purpose of advancing peace and harmony among nations.


I wish to begin my address to the Assembly, Sir, by saying how pleased I am at your election to preside, with your usual skill and wisdom, over the difficult work of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly, the highest forum at which the world's problems are discussed. In congratulating you, we also wish to express our gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Joseph Garba, for his work during the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly; this makes it clear that the Organisation - to which we are so proud to belong and to which we feel such a sense of commitment - is continuing its consistent efforts to the benefit of the higher interests of the international community.
We also wish to make special mention of the significant and important role played by the Secretary-General at this crucial tint· in history, when more than ever before, the function of diplomatic understanding requires the contribution of experienced men of vision. Zn particular, as far as BÍ Salvador is concerned, we wish to express our sincere and profound gratitude to the Secretary-General for his efforts and those of his personal representative, Dr. Alvaro de Sote, to find a political solution to the Salvadoran conflict, which for over a decade has inflicted tremendous suffering on the people of my country.
This is the second time I have spoken from this rostrum from which the representatives of all the peoples of the world make their voices heard. I must candidly say that I have been greatly struck by the extraordinary magnitude and pace of the changes that have occurred in the world in the last year. The transformation now occurring in the consciousness of humanity is so significant and so far reaching in its implications that I would even go so far as to say that it is an unprecedented development in the history of the last few centuries. I wish to emphasise that it is a phenomenon of consciousness that is in question, because it seems beyond any doubt that what we are seeing is not merely a change of ideologies but the emergence of a much more dynamic and broader conception of liberty in the political, economic and cultural spheres.
After a traumatic century in which virtually the entire intelligentsia of the world allowed itself to be seduced by the mirage of radicalism, sacrificing freedom on the altar of equality, the totalitarian utopia bas collapsed, leaving it quite evident that no equality and no progress have been achieved and showing that freedom, despite all the chains, is a fundamental and invariable force. The most exemplary and beautiful phenomenon we have noted in recent months is that freedom eventually prevails over any ideology that tries to adulterate or destroy it, and the individual will survives even the most sophisticated collectivist aberrations.
That is true mot only for the industrialised world, but also for the developing world. Freedom is not the exclusive privilege of anyone, nor is democracy anyone's exclusive patrimony. All humans have the right and ability to be free. All peoples have the capacity to live and to develop in democracy. In the new era of human history that we are now entering, there is no longer any room for paralysing authoritarianism or destructive totalitarianism. The change that is taking place in history belongs to all of us and commits all of us.
Fortunately, the simplistic catch-phrases of ideology have lost all their spurious magic. What is now prevailing is a healthy pragmatism that will make it possible to restructure the systems of ideas in a healthier way more in keeping with the dynamism of the creative spirit of humanity. The dreadful wars and bloody revolutions hove taught us a lesson that is as old as history itself but more valid and more vigorous than even violence and hatred cause only destruction, because they are the greatest enemies of life.
As those responsible for the conduct of the affairs of our nations, we are meeting here precisely to work for life. The renewed interest in the protection of children is evidence of that. The widespread determination to save and protect the natural environment is also evidence of it. The universal repudiation of all forms of war and aggression testify to that end. The powerful re-emergence of the methods of peace to confront even the most difficult problems of our age demonstrates this point in a practically unanimous manner.
The unanimity of the civilized world in response to the crisis in the Persian Gulf is the best sign that the world requirement of security for peace is being strengthened much more rapidly than the most optimistic forecasts could have estimated. It is vitally important that we should avoid war through all diplomatic and political means available. The international machinery is being put to the test and our Organization now has a very crucial challenge facing it. If the civilised methods prove able to resolve the crisis brought about by the repugnant and offensive act of aggression against the sovereign State of Kuwait the international order will have emerged unscathed from the supreme ordeal. If not, it will be more than ever evident that a new international security order is required and that all international machinery needs to be revised. Cur Government resolutely supports the resolutions of the Security Council relating to the crisis and fervently appeals for the effective implementation without delay of those and any other resolutions that may be necessary to resolve a crisis that so seriously jeopardises world peace and development.
In this phase of contemporary history our terrible and yet so promising Central America has gradually emerged as s concrete reality in the eyes of the international community. One can safely argue that before the 1980s Central America was practically an unknown area from which only sporadic news emerged and always with an exotic overtone. In the middle of a world that is rapidly being modernised Central America seemed doomed to irretrievable historical ostracism such that it was not considered worthy of involvement in the future of civilisation. The profound political crisis of the traditional institutions, together with the major effort made by totalitarianism to seize the region - which was strategically so important in the patterns of the cold war - caused Central America to make a leap into the void. It found itself propelled from endemic anonymity to the forefront of the agenda of the world Powers and onto the headlines of the world press.
The last great confrontation of the cold war occurred in Central America. Central America was the last act of the drama on which we now see the final curtain coming down. And that result of gainful conflict whose effects we are trying to overcome at the national and regional levels has also given us an international dimension that we must now put to good use in order to establish peace and consolidate our democratic processes.
Contrary to all adversity and expectations, democracy is now a functioning reality in all the countries of Central America. But we cannot and must not lose sight of the fact that nascent democracies are fragile and depend to a considerable extent on international understanding and support. From this rostrum, I reiterate our request to the international community for resolute, concrete and substantial support for the Central American democracies and for Salvadoran democracy in particular.
We also realise that our democracies cannot request support without at the same time earning the world's credibility. Two factors are essential in that regard. We must show that we Central Americans are actually engaged in a serious process of integration amongst ourselves for peace and development. We must also show in tangible terms that each of our societies is working courageously for democratic institutional reform and the full guarantee of human rights.
We also reiterate a cordial and respectful plea to our friends, the Presidents of Central America, including Panama, for us to rise even more resolutely and energetically in the near future to meet the challenge of integration, not just economic but also social and political integration.
It is not my intention to repeat the advocacy of union, as was characteristic of the past. Bather, I seek to form the outlines as soon as possible of a Central America of nationalities, which will make it possible to preserve our individual characteristics and at the same time come to terms with the reality of a world that does not forgive isolation or acknowledge self-sufficiency.
If great blocks of nations can unite in a new type of nationality whose prime component is a common destiny, it would be absurd for us Central Americans to fail to find suitable formulas to confront in a united way the challenge of modernity, which is increasingly complex and competitive. The world already tends to see Central America as a block, and Central American cannot shirk that vision of itself from the outside world without running the severe risk of retaining a marginal status in history.
Our priority task is to achieve general peace in Central America, which will make possible permanent democratic stability. In reference to peace, the case of El Salvador cones to mind first and foremost.
Speaking about El Salvador from this rostrum of the United Nations provides an extraordinary opportunity as always and allows us to reiterate with truth and sincerity our commitment to what we Salvadorians are doing to change our society in order to make it more prosperous and more united in the immediate future. In that regard peace is now the top priority for our Government in accordance with the most profound and urgent aspiration of the national community and with the expressed sentiments of the international community.
I take this opportunity to refer to peace in El Salvador as something quite concrete and feasible which is important to all of us and incumbent upon all of us. We must exclude no one from this peace effort unless we are to commit the same error as in the past that is leaving certain sectors out of the construction of our national destiny or in a marginal status.
As I have insistently stated since assuming the presidency I regard myself as the legitimate representative and servant of the interests of all Salvadorians even those who do not share my pattern of values and my views concerning the country. We Salvadorians are learning - and our apprenticeship is difficult and arduous but necessary - that in order to deserve to live in peace must work seriously for tolerance and mutual respect beyond ideologies and sectoral interests. Our country is historically moving in that direction as are our daily efforts. In this respect we attach great importance to the role of the political parties regardless of ideology and turn proud to inform the international community that there is now in El Salvador inter-party machinery which has come about in the climate of negotiations now prevailing in the country and in which all the political parties, of various schools of thought, are working together.
This inter-party effort, which has never been so broad or self-sustained in the history of our country, has already borne its first fruits a consensus agreement to carry out reforms and take the necessary measures to guarantee that the legislative and municipal elections of next March will be to the fullest extent possible secure and clean and have massive voter participation, so that no one can objectively call them in question.
For this purpose, the inter-party commi8aion has agreed to international monitoring of the electoral process from its initial stages. My Government, with its firm commitment to endorsing the consensus agreements resulting from the elections, expresses before this universal forum its determination to ensure that the international monitoring of the forthcoming elections will begin functioning immediately with sufficient scope and freedom to leave no doubt in anyone's mind of our will to achieve democracy.
In the light of the foregoing, we invite the Organization and its Member States to give us their full co-operation and to set in motion immediately, in a consistent and effective manner, the machinery for international monitoring of the forthcoming electoral process. In our country clean and honest elections are an important part of the democratization that has been under way since 1982.
Peace in Б1 Salvador is not going to come out of the barrel of a gun. Peace has to be gradually forged in the political understanding of the various forces involved. Xs part of that national understanding, the negotiations between the Government of the Republic and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Force (FMLH) are a crucial factor, and they must be promoted and conducted in a reasonable manner so that they may yield permanent results for the benefit of all our people.
Throughout the year that has elapsed since I had the honour of speaking from this rostrum, we have made constant efforts on behalf of political negotiations with a view to ending the conflict. I do not wish to dwell on the regrettable fact that the FMLN broke off negotiations in November last year and launched a very violent offensive which struck unjustly at the civilian population, already severely battered by war. We have come here not to complain about what has happened in the past but rather to explain the positive things that are going on.
At the beginning of this year we came to the United Nations to request its assistance in restoring the negotiating process. This came about in April, under the auspices of the Secretary-General, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, who has at all times been eager to bring all his wisdom and energy to bear in the service of the cause of peace in El Salvador. Through his worthy representative, Mr. De Soto, we have succeeded in re-establishing the negotiating process, and this is now moving forward at such a pace that concrete results are already being achieved. Last July a substantive agreement was signed between the Government and the FMLN on the crucial aspect of respect for and guaranteeing of human rights in the country. As a consequence of that the Security Council has authorised the Secretariat to establish in El Salvador an office to do the preparatory work dealing with the verification of the agreements in all spheres that the process will produce.
I wish to emphasise that our Government places the highest possible value on the verification to be carried out by the United Nations in every aspect of the agreements resulting from the peace process. We are firmly committed to ensuring that this verification will be timely, broad and sufficient, without short-cuts or ambiguities.
The first guarantee for peace in El Salvador is, of course, the determination of the people to achieve peace, as indicated by the serious and constant functioning of the peace machinery, both at the negotiating table and away from that table. The other guarantee is international verification, for the effectiveness of which we are prepared to give our full support and the assurances required, now and in, be future. The verification model we have supported and agreed upon in order to end this conflict once and for all is unprecedented, and this in itself is a way of demonstrating to the world our determination to achieve harmony and our absolute sincerity with regard to the free and peaceful future of the country.
Our view of peace in El Salvador comprises three fundamental elements: the strengthening of unrestricted political pluralism, in the terms guaranteed by the Constitution of the Republic; the consolidation of democratic institutions, with the unequivocal pre-eminence of the civilian branch of authority, deriving from the will of the people; and sustained and balanced economic and social development which will make it possible for El Salvador to build a model of prosperity in which everyone will have an opportunity for advancement.
We are opposed to the paternalism which causes peoples to become stultified and the populism which impoverishes them by deceiving them, and also to simplistic economic formulas which fail to take into account the human dimension of development. We believe primarily in the creative productive spirit of the human being and his inherent freedom, and that is why we have designed and put into effect a pattern of measures which, while gradually improving the economy, will make possible the realistic and accelerated reconstruction of the country. This obviously has a high political cost, but we are prepared to confront that, because we are guided by the interests of our nation. We also know that this way of thinking and this type of economic action now prevail in the world and this encourages us to move ahead without vacillation although we are prepared to make corrections and changes as necessary when the objective reality of our country so requires.
We are aware that in El Salvador a radical change is taking place, the outcome of the most profound crisis in our history. National salvation, which is the ultimate goal of my Government involves the purification of practically all our institutions and of course the armed forces are no exception.
In all honesty we can say that the civilian branch of authority is becoming stronger and stronger in our country and that, within the present process of institutional modernisation, each sector is taking its place within the orderly framework of a functional democracy.
Those who want to see El Salvador as it was in 1979 want to live in the past because they are either biased or blind. The decade of the 1960s has taught us in El Salvador more than we could have learnt in all the previous decades since independence. In the first place it has taught us the irreplaceable value of democracy, which is the best school of moderation. In democracy only the moderate prosper and the best proof of moderation is strict compliance with the laws. That is why our struggle is one on behalf of rationality and understanding and the peaceful coexistence of brothers - because we have already seen for ourselves the madness of war and we do not want even the slightest root of that fratricidal madness to remain in our soil.
Our Government is a full-fledged member of the civilised community of nations and in this respect we assume the international responsibilities incumbent upon us. El Salvador is at this time making legitimate use of this status by having recourse to the International Court of Justice together with our sister Republic of Honduras in order to seek a settlement to a century-old frontier dispute which we hope will be terminated once and for all in mid-19Sl. Our country as we have undertaken to do and as indeed is our obligation, by virtue of our voluntary acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Court, will comply with the Court's ruling on this frontier dispute. Moreover El Salvador is fully confident that the Secretary-General of the United Nations through the Security Council, and at the request of the Presidents of Central America, particularly the President of El Salvador will continue to pursue his active mediation to resolve by political negotiations, the internal conflict still affecting our people.
Ha uphold international law absolutely and unequivocally. Our confidence in international machinery to foster the peaceful settlement of all kinds of conflicts is total. As regards the domestic conflict which is afflicting us, and which we feel now is completely out of date and totally unwarranted, our position is quite clear. We want a comprehensive solution to this conflict. We hope that the FMHŁ, having become a totally political force, will participate with all the guarantees which all political parties have in the democratic life of the country, and we trust that the solution to be found to the conflict will serve, as Mr. Perez de Cuellar rightly observes in his annual report to the Organisation, to lead "to a positive transformation of Salvadorian society". (A,45,1. p„ ft)
We look towards the past only to learn positive lessons from it, not to try to reproduce it in any way, shape or form. The responsibility of Salvadorians for this decisive phase of our history is so great that we do not believe in the simplicity of superficial solutions. All our programmes and goals look forward

towards the immediate future and the more remote future. It would be suicidal to cling to vices, shortcomings and arbitrary behaviour or archaic privileges. Life is evolving, and minds must evolve also so that actions will respond to deeds and not to ideological mirages of any sort.
We want to live in peace. We are working to ensure that a firm and lasting peace will take root, in which there will be no type of oppression, no type of impunity and no type of exclusive fanaticism. Democracy is our ideal, and we dedicate our full energy every day to strengthening it. Democracy is built each day more with simple facts than with spectacular posturing. In that simple, natural and democratic way, we exercise power. We also nurture power in that way, because it is not our power and not anyone else's. It is the power of the people. This may seem mere talk but, in fact, it really represents our maximum challenge and, eventually, it will be our greatest conquest: affirming civil authority, not as an arbitrary type of rule, but as the authority leading the destiny of a pluralistic society, which we already are and which we shall increasingly be, in a peaceful manner.
There is no longer any reason for war to exist in El Salvador. We do not want war in El Salvador. Interpreting the mood of the people, from this rostrum, which is the highest rostrum of the nations, we would say to all the national forces, the Government of the Republic El Salvador is prepared to do its utmost, with flexibility and serenity as necessary, in order to continue to seek an exemplary peace such as the Salvadorian people deserves. In this respect, we have only two unswerving principles to uphold: the fundamental principles of representative democracy and respect for law. As regards respect for the law, we realise that it may change, of course, in accordance with the needs of the time, but change must be carried out on the rails established by the law itself. Political and social reason can motivate such change, but it can never be motivated by arbitrary wishes or the caprice of individuals or groups.
Particularly, we address the FMNL and urge it to make a mutual exercise of flexibility and realistic understanding at the negotiating table. We have repeatedly said that the mere fact that we have proposed, from the first days of our tern in Government, a permanent dialogue to seek a lasting peace in our country already moves us away from the fruitless and sterile, quarrelsome notion of victors and vanquished. Rather, we believe that this war has left us all with great lessons which we should learn so that we can put into practice these lessons to secure the peace which we want and which the country needs.
No one is trying to destroy anyone else, neither at the negotiating table, nor away from the negotiating table, nor after the negotiating table. Far from it. The greatest responsibility we have is to lower the level of individual and collective passions and to make a supreme effort of tolerance. Political and moral reasons provide abundant support for this attitude.
In accordance with the trend in today's world, and interpreting the mood of the international community, which has been set forth from this rostrum by the morally powerful voice of our sister Republic, Costa Rica, an example of democracy in the world, we are prepared to declare a unilateral cease-fire, to be put into effect as soon as the FMNL decides likewise - and this to make it possible for negotiations to move forward in an atmosphere marked by less tension and greater trust and, in particular, to provide real signals to the Salvadorian people that the political will of both parties is now firmly and permanently addressed to peace. That would be a temporary measure of effective good will, not intended to gain breathing space in the war, but rather to cement credibility and peace until the political agreements leading to a definitive cessation of armed confrontation can be arrived at.
We are sure that a cease-fire decided on unilaterally by each one of the parties, which would enter into force at the same time, would speed up the negotiations because, in the phase that we are in now, violence merely impedes that process. Violence has many times been used as an alleged means of pressure to bring about a final solution, and all it has done is aggravate the war. Let us begin to use the resources of progressive peace-making, which are those which reality demands of us, and which the people, universally, in its suffering and stoicism yearns for.
As to the agreement on human rights entered into by the Government and the FMMŁ in San José, for us its validity is immediate, and we are prepared to welcome international verification by the United Nations when the Organisation so agrees. Let us hop, that this will be as soon as possible.
This session of the General Assembly will be remembered for very varied reasons. It is the first which has occurred since the dismantling of the cold war. However, it is taking place at a time when there are serious prospects for a regional conflict in the Middle East in which, at this very time, there is extreme tension between the forces of reason and right and those of outrageous arbitrary behaviour and barbarity.
In Europe, an impressive phenomenon is occurring. It will reach a culmination on 3 October, with the unification of Germany, which until only a few months ago seemed such a remote possibility. We welcome it and we congratulate its protagonists. This general situation of renewal and rapprochement in Europe on the threshold of 1992, when united Europe will give a new face to contemporary history, is another vivid lesson for the peoples. Two new Members have joined our Organisation - Liechtenstein and Namibia. Ha welcome both of them with deep satisfaction. In the special case of Namibia, we wish to emphasise the role played by the international community, particularly the United Nations, in the satisfactory and civilised culmination of the lengthy struggle of the noble Namibian people to achieve their independence. This is a step that provides well-founded hope to trust that definitive stability is possible in the short-term in southern Africa in the light of the principles of equality and freedom, which are necessary for a lasting solution to national and international conflicts in today's world.
We viewed with pleasure the current dialogue between the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and we fervently hope that it will come to fruition for the benefit and prosperity of the noble Korean nation. None the less, we believe that there is no need to delay any further the acceptance of the Republic of Korea as a member of the United Nations, since it meets the prerequisites for membership and since, moreover, its participation would be of great value for attaining the purposes of the Charter.
In another connection, this Assembly will also be remembered for the unprecedented Presidential Summit for Children and for the unanimous concern of Governments about the catastrophic dangers of environmental deterioration, the drug traffic and drug addiction. The subject of the protection and restoration of life is now very much in the forefront of mankind's consciousness, and that fact is reflected as one of the principal concerns of this body. We join in this great effort in behalf of life on our turbulent planet and we declare our endorsement now for any initiative agreed upon in this respect. In our country, we are working pragmatically for the benefit of children and are firmly committed to bringing about a drastic reduction in the levels of malnutrition and disease and in the rate of school drop-outs during our remaining years in office. We are making a frontal assault on drug abuse and are determined to save the environment, for which we have designed, inter alia, a programme of national parks that will constitute inviolable reserves for the future.
The United Nations has been playing and will continue to play a primary role in bringing peace to Central America. We reiterate in this Assembly the need for the United Nations Observer Group in Central America to remain active, now more than ever, in order to guarantee the security of the region and eventually help to give final form to the peace agreement in El Salvador.
We view the development of Central American and Salvadorian events with hope and realism. Our Government has declared the year 1990-1991 the Tear of Peace. Peace is on the move. We say this with firm conviction. In the last year we have worked tirelessly for peace. The Salvadorian people fervently prays and eagerly hopes that war will disappear from our land. From this rostrum, we wish to ask God to enlighten all of us so that we may soon find the only path that will lead us to the future national reconciliation.


I take great pleasure in seeing you, Sir, a distinguished representative of the Republic of Malta presiding over this session of the General Assembly. Finland has been in close co-operation with Malta both in Europe and in the United Nations. We know that our countries share fundamental convictions about world order and world organisation. I wish you every success in your responsible task. I wish to take this opportunity also to thank your predecessor. His Excellency Mr. Joseph Garba of Nigeria, for the outstanding services he rendered to the General Assembly during the last session.
In Europe the year 1989 will be remembered as a year of momentous change and a breakthrough of popular will. The year 1990 has been a year of consolidation and of elections confirming the course of change. We welcome these developments. We welcome in particular the spirit of freedom and democracy that has animated peaceful change both in Europe and elsewhere.
It is all the more tragic that mankind in 1990 has had to witness a singularly blatant act of aggression by Iraq against Kuwait. Therefore the year 1990 has for the United Nations become a year of collective action is the face of aggression. The international community has shown solidarity and determination in allying the sanctions mandated by the Security Council because of the occupation of Kuwait.
The response by the United Nations represents great progress in the ability of the world Organization to live up to its ideals and act in defence of the freedom, sovereignty and integrity of one of its Member States.
Finland is strongly of the view that political problems everywhere must be solved peacefully and that social and political change also must come about peacefully. This principle applies to the Middle East, to the Persian Gulf and to other crisis areas just as well as to Europe.
Europe is heading towards a new existence, without confrontation and without the cold war. We are not yet sure what the new Europe will be like in all its details; but we trust that it will offer all its inhabitants opportunities to live in dignity and freedom without discrimination and without fear.
What is sure and, indeed, gratifying is that Germany will be unified the day after tomorrow. German unification will be an essential building block in the new undivided Europe within the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE;, λ milestone in this process will be the summit of the CSCE countries to be held in Paris in November.
Much remains to be done in order to meet the aspirations of the peoples of Europe. At the same time, the new Europe cannot be oblivious of the needs of the rest of the world. On the contrary, Europe needs all the other continents, and Europe must be open to all of them.
The building of a new structure of peace in Europe is under way, but the underlying ideas and principles are already in place. In fact they are in evidence right here in this Organization, for they are universal. The new process in Europe flows directly from the principles of national self-determination, political freedom and social justice.
We believe that there are important lessons to be drawn from the recent events in Europe. First of all, it has become clear that the ideas of freedom, democracy and human rights are so powerful that sooner or later they will reassert themselves. This does not mean that mankind is thereby brought to the end of history, as some have claimed. There are important and difficult challenges to face both in individual countries and in co-operation on a global scale.
Secondly, the abandonment of the totalitarian regimes in a number of European and other countries also helps enhance international confidence and security. The easing of the military confrontation is well under way in Europe. In the long run, this should make it possible to devote growing resources to other pressing needs instead of armaments.
Thirdly, an emerging awareness of global priorities seems to have been prominent in the dynamic movement for change. This is important for the new directions that must be given to international co-operation in the nineties and beyond.
This new awareness is strongly felt in Europe, but it is in fact global, present in all parts of the world. This very awareness moved the General Assembly five months ago to agree unanimously on the Declaration of International Economic Co-operation. It is one of the forces driving the preparations for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to take place in Brazil in 1992. The ides of sustainable development should now direct the preparatory work for that Conference as well as the preparations for the new international development strategy which will be formulated by the General Assembly during the present session.
The problems that will be on the agenda of the 1992 Conference require urgent action by Governments. They require action now and they require long-term policies. I am thinking, for example, of policies to reduce emissions of carbon dioxide and other substances that have a direct impact on the climate of the Earth as a whole.
For decades Governments have rallied to the idea of development, and development has been interpreted largely as the combination of growth and change - sometimes maybe only as growth of the gross national product. Today, we know that a more comprehensive concept is needed. We welcome the combined emphasis on environmental protection and development in the preparations for the 1992 Conference, for in the long run, one is not possible without the other. We welcome, too, the emphasis on human development, which should lead to freedom from disease, ignorance and political repression.
However, it is more and more difficult to envisage how the resources of the Earth can sustain a steadily growing world population. Human development and dignity cannot be achieved with the present rates of population growth. All individuals should be able to enjoy equally the benefits of development, human rights and peace. In this general debate it is not enough to speak only about general trends and global challenges. Some specific issues and problems must also be addressed.
Let me first express my country's satisfaction at the continuing trend towards universality of membership in the United Nations. Less than two weeks ago, we welcomed the most recent Member State, the Principality of Liechtenstein, a country with which Finland has closely collaborated in the process of advancing security and co-operation in Europe.
This year, we have also welcomed the Republic of Namibia as a Member of the United Nations. Namibia's independence - after a long process culminating in free and fair elections - bears witness to the ability of the United Nations to promote peaceful change. Namibia's Constitution based on pluralism could serve as a model for other countries in Africa and elsewhere.
More attention will now be focused on South Africa where far-reaching political Change is called for. We recognise the real change that has already taken place in South Africa. The measures taken to remove some parts of the apartheid system are steps in the right direction, and we welcome them. We are encouraged by the assertions of the South African Government that the process of change is irreversible.
Guided by their commitment to a peaceful process of negotiation, the Government of South Africa and representatives of the majority population should now lay the basis for giving all South Africans, regardless of the colour of their skin, a common responsibility, a common stake in the future of their country. As avenues to peaceful change are being opened, there is a concomitant need for all to renounce violence as a means of dealing with South Africa's pressing problems. The dialogue should help to build confidence and overcome fear. Progress will require mutual moderation as well as mutual understanding. Finland keeps the situation in South Africa under close and constant review. We do not regard it as opportune to lift the sanctions that Finland imposed on South Africa some years ago in accordance with the Nordic programme of action against apartheid, since apartheid is still there. In recognition of the change that has occurred we have, however, modified the guidelines concerning the issuance of visas to South African citizens. Thus, we want to facilitate contacts that may contribute to further dialogue in South Africa. If the reforms in South Africa continue as we hope they will, we shall review our Finnish policies towards South Africa accordingly.
There is one region in the world which is not yet a part of the trend towards peaceful political change - the region of the Middle East.
Every State Member of the United Nations is now affected by the aggression against Kuwait and its occupation which has continued since the beginning of August. Every Member State is engaged in our common efforts to dislodge the aggressor and achieve a complete withdrawal of Iraqi forces from the occupied country. One cannot but be concerned at the fate of hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians, of both Kuwaiti and other nationalities, many of them fleeing in a state of destitution and panic, as well as at the shocking news that is seeping out from occupied Kuwait itself.
All of this shows that international efforts to end the occupation are not enough. Solidarity and generosity are required of all of us, both to help the suffering people and to re-establish order and well-being. Finland's own experience tells us that we must work, above all, for the strengthening of the principles of international law which protect the interests of all nations, in particular those of the small ones. Respect for these principles is essential for our own existence and independence. The independence and integrity of Kuwait are matters of vital importance to Finland.
If necessary, the United Nations should not shrink from taking further steps to overcome aggression and uphold the principle of collective security.
The search for international peace and security has also prompted Finland to serve the United Nations elsewhere in the Middle East where the need for peace, stability and the end of occupation is no less urgent. The tension in the region is also continuously experienced by almost 1,000 Finnish soldiers, on duty as peace-keepers for the United Nations. Here the world has already waited too long for decisive steps to be taken from peace-keeping to peace-making.
It is clear to us that Israel and the Palestinians must live peacefully as neighbours with full respect for the rights of each other, including, of course, the right of Israel to exist within secure and recognised borders, as well as the right of the Palestinians to national self-determination. The well-known resolutions of the Security Council must be implemented. The road to progress may include elections, negotiations and an international conference of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization. The present policies of Israel in the occupied territories have exacerbated the situation instead of laying the basis for progress towards a comprehensive political settlement.
This Organization was created in order to help nations change themselves and the world peacefully. That is still the aim of the United Nations. That is the kind of change I have spoken about and welcomed today. At the same time, we are committed by the Charter not to tolerate change imposed by violence. These are the two challenges now facing the United Nations. Let us meet them together.


In greeting you, Mr. President, and in congratulating you on your well-deserved election in circumstances of special significance for international peace and security, I reiterate Peru's commitment to the United Nations system and to the norms and principles of international law.
It was no coincidence that the first action taken by Mr. Alberto Fujimori as President-elect of Peru was to approach the United Nations system with the firm intention of reintegrating Peru into the international financial community. President Fujimori intended that gesture also to express recognition of the decisive role the United Nations plays in maintaining international peace and security, the rule of international law, respect for human rights and the promotion of effective solutions to the difficult social and economic problems affecting the developing world.
The evolution of world political events over the past 12 months has taken on the pace characteristic of historical turning points: 1989 and 1990 symbolize changes in the international structure comparable only to those of 1789, 1914 and 1945.
The cold war has ended. Bloc politics is on its way out. The physical, political and economic geography of post-War Europe has also changed, promising unimaginable consequences - a situation that could not have been foreseen only a few months ago. Those changes, which affect the political, military and social structures of the European continent, go hand in hand with profound reformulations in the field of ideas and political and strategic doctrines. The dynamics of such changes are harbingers of the twenty-first century in our own time.
The changes in Eastern Europe are the expression of an essentially peaceful revolution that, along with the globalization of the world economy and the ongoing evolution in technological progress, entails the rise and consolidation of four principal peaceful trends in the new international situation.
First, the cold-war dichotomy based on the supposed inevitability of conflict, which pitted competing strategic doctrines against each other, is being replaced by realities that have made bloc-oriented dogmas obsolete. Those realities are finding expression in the rise of a more hopeful logic, one of conciliation, dialogue, understanding and co-operation among the great Powers. Thus, the so-called East-West conflict has evolved into a new system free from ideological antagonism in which the differences between socio-economic and political systems tend to diminish. Those factors, along with initiatives and agreements on the limitation of nuclear and conventional arms, clearly give the North a degree of stability unprecedented in this century. They represent the winds of a qualitatively new kind of détente that we salute and welcome in a spirit of solidarity with peoples that are rightly rejoicing in reunification, in reconciliation, in progress towards peace and security and in prospects of economic union and improvement of their standards of living.
Secondly, a dispassionate and well-balanced assessment of the world economic and social situation tells us that the end of the cold war has not yet had positive effects for developing regions. The international economy continues unable to bridge the gaps created by existing disparities. The impact of economic globalisation and interdependence is not yet balanced. The developing countries continue to face increasing and more radical marginalization.
For the first time in this century a well-co-ordinated system of guidelines for a truly macro-economic international policy has begun to be formulated among the industrialized economies, the international financial system and the competent international organizations, within the framework of structural adjustment.
However, the developing countries have so far been only passive actors in that process, despite the fact that their economic policies must necessarily take into account external factors that are, in many cases, basic to their own development. There is therefore an urgent need to integrate the developing countries, through an ad hoc mechanism based on consensus, into the international macro-economic decision-making process and, in particular, to introduce into comprehensive schemes for adjustment and stabilisation elements that can recast development theory and take account of goals for social progress designed to halt and reverse the spiralling and inhumane increase in dire poverty.
Thirdly, as the Secretary-General stresses in his annual report to the General Assembly, at the apex of those two trends - balance and detente in the North, on the one hand, and, en the other, imbalances and growing poverty in the South - we find a Janus-like international situation that wears both the face of hope and the face of dangerous unrestraint.
A number of complex factors have been added to the imbalances in the South and the legitimate despair to which the vicious circle of poverty and recession might lead. Such factors could unleash new and unforeseen conflicts in a regional context. Further contributing to that situation are the negative factors of uncontrolled and increasing arms transfers. While trends towards disarmament and détente grow stronger, the spread of technological and industrial know-how finds expression in the proliferation of centres of production of increasingly sophisticated weapons. The qualitative improvement in arms production has brought about the risk of new conflicts in this third world.
Lastly, looking at Janus' positive face, dogmatic ideologies are being rejected by peoples everywhere and we note that the sole ideology on which universal consensus exists is that of human rights. Individual liberties, political, social and economic rights and the rights of peoples - in short, all the inherent rights of the human being - have become universal. Democracy has become the common heritage of mankind.
The spectacular progress achieved in this essential field of political and social life in recent years, particularly with regard to individual liberties and civil and social rights in Eastern Europe, or, as in the case of Namibia, the right the people, stands in sharp contrast to Janus' other, pessimistic, face, reflecting as it does the deterioration of the economic and social rights of the peoples of the third world and the inadequate level of international co-operation in the fight against dire poverty. When we see increasing levels of hunger in a world producing food surpluses we know that humanism cannot remain a mere abstraction. We must also bear in mind that human rights should not be proclaimed exclusively for future generations of the developing world but also for all men, woman and children who at this very time are enduring the affront of poverty that is their daily lot.
At the same level of international social problems, nation States are facing new challenges, new forms and modalities of aggression, conflict and violence. Terrorism and the illicit traffic in drugs have become deadly factors in international relations. The illicit traffic in drugs is a phenomenon which affects most parts of the world: we are seeing the emergence of a veritable democracy, and we are suffering from this as much in producer countries as in those affected by consumption and illicit traffic. This is not just a matter of the dual danger inherent in drugs trafficking and narco-terrorism; it is a matter of an economic power threatening the very fabric of society and generating unacceptable pressures and imbalances in the economic and political structures of States.
Peru is one of the countries most affected by illicit production, and my Government is resolutely committed to intensifying the struggle to eradicate it. However, we are convinced that we will not win this battle by using repressive measures alone: there is a need for strategies to promote crop substitution and a drastic reduction in consumption. This is a struggle where international responsibility is shared, in which the international community and the countries most severely affected by consumption must play their proper parts, given the extraordinary scale of the problem.
The Cartagena Declaration, signed by the Governments of Bolivia, Colombia, the United States and Peru, is a substantive step forward, but if it is to become reality, all the undertakings made must be implemented as matters of urgency. Given that the United Nations Conference on the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances and the new Convention on drugs have made provision - as another substantive expression of the worth of multilateral concertation - for a wide range of measures to combat, as priorities, the production and illicit traffic in drugs, it is imperative that an international conference should be called on the subject of the consumption of drugs and the laundering of the income from the drugs traffic.
Peru in the present crisis in the Persian Gulf, the Security Council has defined international legality, and ray Government strongly supports the demand that Iraqi troops should withdraw from Kuwait. We hope that the consensus that international law must be respected will in the end make possible a peaceful solution to this serious situation.
In this progress towards strengthening the United Nations and increasing its effectiveness, the international community is finding new opportunities for dealing with complex situations in the economic and social fields. We do not expect the serious problems of the South to be solved only through multilateral action. That would be too much to expect. However, while it is acknowledged that the economic problems of developing countries will have to be solved essentially by their own means, it is equally true that there is a need for a multilateral approach to problems such as inadequate financing for the stabilisation process, depressed prices for commodities, trade restrictions, reverse resource transference, limited transfer of technological innovation and, basically, serious questions of poverty and the deterioration of the living standards of the people.
It is indispensable to reappraise, within a multilateral framework, the variables of social development and the role which a renewed strategy of co-operation for development must play in the new world economic situation. Multilateral definitions in this area cannot be too specific, but they must establish appropriate guidelines in order to make it possible for regional, subregional and bilateral agreements to produce effective solutions.
Peru has established a new Government, which was democratically elected by the majority of its people, despite the threat made by terrorists to violate the social and political rights of the Peruvian people and despite a serious economic and social situation. Heedless to say, the economic and social situation in Peru shows symptoms of an emergency of such dimensions that, above and beyond compromising its economic basis, has clearly expressed itself in social conditions that demand a concerted effort of national unity to overcome the crisis. Therefore, my country's new Government has appealed for a national consensus calling on all the political and social forces to join together to overcome the present crisis and to eliminate illegal drug trafficking and terrorism.
The seriousness of the situation we Peruvians face can be judged by certain clear signet in a region of the Andes, the poorest region in Peru, infant mortality has reached a rate of 114 out of 1,000 - between 1987 and 199C the total gross investment was less than the amount required to offset the depreciation of the infrastructure, factories and equipment in the country - between 14 May 1980 and 27 July 1990 the Peruvian people were victims of some 18,000 terrorist attacks and this same homicidal activity has violated the fundamental right to life of almost 18,000 persons who have died as a result of political violence.
Consequently, despite the inevitable stringency, the programme of economic stabilisation has been received with understanding by the Peruvian people, who, in their best ethical tradition, have decided to face the monetary cost of this stabilisation patiently, while maintaining their hope for better times and the trust engendered by a leadership that is seeking to restore a moral meaning to political affairs.
It is in such circumstances that nations emerge as agents of their own destiny. This is the case of the Peruvian people, who, in the arduous task of overcoming the crisis, act with the same dignity and the same sense of solidarity as that which characterised ancient Andean civilisations, which build societies where well-being, justice and efficiency were shared values.
In order to overcome the crisis, three programmes have been outlined and are being implemented in the most efficient way possible: a programme for economic stabilisation, a social emergency programme, and a programme to neutralize the effects of the drought. It is indispensable for the success of the stabilisation programme that the Government, the church and the non-governmental organizations should be able to carry out the social emergency programme effectively.
The social gap in Peru has widened 55 per cent of its population live in dire poverty and 32 per cent in conditions of deprivation.
This social gap has been worsened by the negative effects of the drought in the southern Andes and, for the time being, by the temporary impact that every economic stabilisation programme inevitably brings about at first especially when it is commensurate with the magnitude of the imbalances to be addressed. It is important to note that the social emergency programme reflects not only the demands and needs of the Peruvian people but also the international consensus that is emerging with regard to the Peruvian situation in its effort to establish stability, while at the same time preserving the human aspects of the Peruvian economy.
In a way that is in keeping with the political consensus and national unity, austerity measures have been proposed which involve an intense fight against corruption! an austerity that is understood not only as a reduction of government expenditure, but also as a means of restoring the ancient principles which are inherent in our Andean tradition and which are in keeping with a way of life that we must preserve in order to strengthen the traditional values of our people for the future.
This is the challenge which we Peruvians are ready to face in calling for a national consensus and through a moral and political commitment. We are convinced of the active support for these efforts by the international community and, most especially, by those friendly nations that are enjoying greater stability and prosperity as well as by international organisations, non-governmental agencies and organisations committed to co-operation for development and emergency assistance.
We are confident that we have the support of all of them. We hope the response will be commensurate with the needs and the enormous efforts of the noble and exemplary Peruvian people.
As a special request of the President of Peru, Mr. Alberto Fujimori, I would like to put on record the warm gratitude of the Government and the people of Peru for the valuable assistance and support given by the Secretary-General of our Organisation, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar. We firmly believe that the measures he has instituted to establish a broad scheme of co-operation with Peru will reach their lofty goal.
I also would like to extend our gratitude to the Governments and international organisations that have already given their co-operation and support, especially in regard to food. For the Peruvian people, overcoming this situation is not only a government responsibility, but also primarily an ethical and moral commitment of national scope.
This is the sum· commitment that, with regard to the struggle against terrorism, inspired President Fujimori to stress the respect for human rights, which is rooted in our historic traditions and recognized in our constitutional structure. President Fujimori was categorical when he stated: "The terrorist violence faced at this time by our young democracy cannot justify, in any case, the systematic or sporadic violation of human rights. The anti-terrorist fight my Government will wage will be framed by and carried out according to the principles of the Constitution and the laws of the Republic. This perspective will be applied with fairness and justice, both to those who presently commit offences against our- society and to those who protect it".
We are obviously familiar with the moral difference between them.
Mankind is on the verge of the third millennium of our era. In spite of events and situations that threaten the possibility of having a safer and more just world, there are global trends that make us more optimistic. Peace, justices and security are interrelated values. We hope that the new international situation now going shaped takes them into account in an unprecedented agreement of solidarity between the poor and the rich, the weak and the strong.