Mr. President, I wish at the outset to address to you our warmest congratulations on your unanimous election to the high and responsible office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I do so with special pleasure because you are a representative of a country whose successful socio-economic progress has been well known to and admired by us, a country with which Poland is developing mutually beneficial and fruitful co-operation. We are convinced that your remarkable diplomatic talents and your rich international experience will significantly add to the constructive work of this session.
150.	May I also be allowed to express our gratitude and respect to Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the outgoing President of the General Assembly, who conducted the work of the last session with great dedication and efficiency.
151.	Allow me also to assure Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, of our traditionally high regard of and support for his active efforts aimed at the implementation of the purposes of the United Nations.
152.	The important and at times tragic developments of the last year have not halted the trends towards ensuring lasting world peace and social progress and providing man with dignified living conditions. This gives reason for satisfaction to Poland and to all States that dearly cherish the cause of peace, and it justifies hope for progress in resolving the key problems of the day, to which this session of the General Assembly can and should make a significant contribution.
153.	Last year's record is, however, not totally positive. Tensions in various regions have been maintained, wars have continued, and new armed conflicts have emerged throughout the world. The tension, the wars and the conflicts stem from the obstinate denial of the legitimate rights of nations; they result from a policy of aggression, as has been the case in the Middle East and in southern Africa, or from the hegemonistic aspirations of a great Power in South-East Asia. Nor has success been achieved in effectively curbing the arms race. Disruptions in the global economic situation, notably in the field of energy and raw materials, as well as protectionist practices and other barriers to the development of international trade, have given rise to the justified concern of many of the nations of the world.
154.	All this poses difficult and responsible tasks for the United Nations and most importantly the duty of effectively settling controversial problems and developing international co-operation, the fundamental conditions for the maintenance and consolidation of world peace. I am stressing this latter point as representative of a people that 40 years ago was the first to stand up, weapons in hands, against the aggression by Hitler's Third Reich. In an unequal struggle the people of Poland gave proof of supreme heroism and a spirit of sacrifice. Under an onslaught of enemy forces, towns fell, divisions succumbed and entire armies perished. But, in spite of heavy odds, the Polish people never surrendered—quite the contrary; our people, through its movement of national resistance, in its struggle on all fronts in the Second World War, made a major contribution to the victory of the anti-Nazi coalition. In this fight it suffered enormous losses: 6 million killed and massacred and more than 40 per cent of the national wealth destroyed or plundered. The memory of the victims and the tragic experiences of the Second World War, which took a toll of more than 50 million human lives throughout the world, still remains vivid.
155.	Drawing as it does the right conclusions from these tragic experiences, in the 35 years of its existence the Polish People's Republic has consistently spared no effort to bring about a peaceful development of Europe and the world, enhancing understanding, mutual trust and friendship among nations, in keeping with the lofty purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations—that very Organization of which Poland was one of the founding Members. Its noble ideals have also been included in the Message of the Polish people to the peoples and parliaments of the world, adopted on 1 September of this year. They were referred to on the same day by the leader of the Polish people, Edward Gierek, who stated:
"Peace is the supreme and most sacred right of every man and of all nations. Peace is the right to life. That is the most important conclusion mankind should draw from the experiences of the last war, and from its entire history."
156.	Acting in that spirit, at the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, Poland proposed a draft Declaration on the Preparation of Societies for Life in Peace", a document which earned widespread support. I wish to note with satisfaction that during the past nine months since the adoption of the Declaration by the General Assembly, it has elicited a lively response from broad segments of the international community, including the young people to whom it is particularly addressed. The ideas of the Declaration have been endorsed by numerous international organizations, including UNESCO, governmental and nongovernmental organizations. I am taking this opportunity to thank most warmly all delegations which lent our initiative their valuable support. I am also glad to inform the Assembly that the Government of the Polish People's Republic is preparing a concrete programme for the implementation of the Declaration in Poland, to be presented to the United Nations in due course.
157.	Inspired by those ideas, the people of Poland are solemnly observing the year of Dr. Janusz Korczak, which has been recognized by UNESCO as one of the anniversaries of great personalities and events, in commemoration of an eminent thinker, moralist, educator and writer, who has devoted and given his life to the cause of children and youth.
158.	On Edward Gierek's initiative, a Janusz Korczak Memorial Institute will be built in Warsaw, to promote the ideals confirmed by the sacrifice of his life, the welfare of the child and the cause of peace. It is our earnest hope that both the Institute and the recently established International Korczak Society will be given recognition and support by the international community, commensurate with the humanistic values they represent.
159.	During his memorable pilgrimage to Poland, at the site of the former Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp, Pope John Paul II spoke of the atrocities and the senseless futility of war, which should be sternly condemned. He defended the right of man to live in peace and pointed out that the responsibility for wars does not only fall upon those who start them, but also on those who fail to do all they can to prevent them.
160.	Just as the co-operative effort of the great Powers, which made their decisive contribution to the defeat of fascism, was indispensable for the victory of the anti-Nazi coalition in the Second World War, today, too, progress in detente and disarmament invariably calls for co-operation of the great Powers, bound by the Charter to ensure peace and international security. Equally indispensable is the need for active participation in such efforts and co-operation on the part of other States.
161.	The very same principles and ideals which gave birth to the Declaration on the Preparation of Societies for Life in Peace have determined the Polish People's Republic's active stance in favour of disarmament. We believe that curbing the arms race represents a task the implementation of which is of paramount importance to world peace. The danger of the arms race is that it engulfs more and more States, that it is turning into a technological race that it involves more and more people and absorbs growing material resources and, consequently, that instead of strengthening international security, it undermines it.
162.	Preventing a further qualitative and quantitative arms race is becoming an ever-pressing imperative of the day. Special responsibility in that regard rests upon the great Powers and other States with significant military and economic potential.
163.	Guided by our sense of joint responsibility for international peace Poland, as in the past, so also today, is trying to make a contribution to disarmament negotiations by advancing constructive initiatives of its own or in concert with its allies. An important platform of tangible disarmament measures has been offered in the Declaration of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty adopted at the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee, held at Moscow on 23 November 1978.
164.	We are glad to note that numerous forums of disarmament negotiations are already functioning, that a considerable number of States are involved in them and that significant progress has been achieved on some of the issues. This justifies our hope that curbing the arms race is a realistic proposition and, once it has been achieved, it will serve as a point of departure for specific reductions of armed forces and armaments. What is badly needed is the goodwill, trust and co-operation of all the participants in the negotiations, combined with strict adherence to the principle of equal security of all States.
165.	This latter principle, today more than ever before, is becoming one of the basic foundations, not of disarmament negotiations alone, but also of progress in relations among States. It should therefore be adequately reflected in those United Nations documents which outline our Organization's basic activities in consolidating peace and strengthening international security and disarmament.
166.	Respect for the principle of equal security of States has made possible the signing by the USSR and the United States of a historic Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. We regard the signing as a political event of importance for world peace and the policy of detente, as an auspicious starting-point for the continuation of negotiations aimed at a further limitation, reduction and, eventually, elimination of nuclear weapons. The second round of SALT has been an encouraging example of how to seek realistic compromise solutions to other problems of disarmament and controversial political issues. Poland welcomed with appreciation both the Treaty in question and the meeting in Vienna between Leonid Brezhnev and Jimmy Carter, confident that the Treaty will soon enter into force, thereby enabling the third round of the SALT discussions to start and, we hope, providing favourable stimuli to other disarmament negotiations.
167.	At a time when nations are awaiting further progress in limiting armaments, on which they are pinning their hopes for more effective solutions to problems of economic and social development, it is particularly important that States refrain from taking any steps likely to increase military tensions and intensify the arms race, thus adversely affecting chances for disarmament agreements. This calls, first of all, for the prohibition of the development and the introduction of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction, particularly neutron weapons,
168.	In the context of disquieting reports that certain States intend to acquire nuclear weapons and are developing the technological facilities for their production, the strengthening of the regime of non- proliferation of nuclear weapons also takes on special significance. We believe that the time available before the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons should be utilized further to strengthen the non- proliferation regime and, at the same time, to develop broad international co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
169.	The drafting of an international agreement on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non- nuclear States, in accordance with the proposals submitted by the Soviet Union, would be of great importance for the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime itself and, in a more general context, the consolidating of world peace. Hence we firmly support the creation of nuclear-free zones and zones of peace in various parts of the world, a subject to which we have devoted and will continue to devote much attention.
170.	It is only natural that Poland, situated as it is in a sensitive central part of Europe, should manifest special interest in measures of a regional character. Together with its allies Poland last May submitted a number of new specific proposals, including in particular, an initiative to convene, at a political level, a conference of all European States, the United States and Canada aimed at easing military confrontation in Europe.  We note with satisfaction that these proposals have given rise to a broad positive response in a number of countries of Western Europe. A certain convergence of intent with other States—for instance, the well-known proposal on disarmament presented by France —seems to be a favourable element in the realization of the idea of such a conference.
171.	It is obvious—and nobody doubts this—that the process of political detente, if it is to be lasting and steadily growing and lead to increasing trust among States, must be complemented by progress in the sphere of military detente. An important role in that process should be played by broadly conceived confidence-building measures going beyond the traditional military notion of the term.
172.	The basic confidence-building measure which goes beyond the military aspects of the term is the full implementation in letter and spirit of the binding inter-national agreements—both bilateral and multilateral— that enrich international law. Indeed, that law should be adequately reflected in the respective domestic legislation of the signatory States, so as to give practical administrative effect to obligations under international agreements.
173.	We are also of the view that the provisions contained in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe should be included in the domestic legislation of States which have solemnly signed it in Helsinki. This unique "act of peace" constitutes an important European confidence-building platform which should have an increasing impact upon the limitation of armaments and accelerate the conclusion of disarmament agreements.
174.	We continue to attach great importance to the Vienna talks on the mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. Together with the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic, we have submitted a number of compromise proposals, the adoption of which would help to break the deadlock in the negotiations. We hope that our Western partners will reciprocate by responding to them in an equally constructive spirit.
175.	I should like to emphasize the special significance of the draft declaration on international cooperation for disarmament which has been submitted by our neighbour and friend the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. We are convinced that the adoption of such a declaration would serve to stimulate disarmament efforts and accelerate progress at various levels of disarmament negotiations. We 'give it our full support.
176.	The need for world peace, the concern to ensure coming generations a peaceful future, the necessity for more effective handling of global problems of economic and social development, including assistance to developing countries—all this speaks in favour of intensifying disarmament negotiations through the existing channels and opening up new forums for the creation of a political climate that would facilitate agreement. That is why Poland believes that conditions are ripe for holding a World Disarmament Conference and supports the convening of such a conference as soon as possible.
177.	We are particularly happy that, in spite of various actions on the part of cold-war and reactionary forces, the process of detente has made further progress, particularly in Europe. Poland is making its own contribution to this positive development of the situation, and the recent visits and meetings at the highest level between Poland and Western European States, including France, the Federal Republic of Germany and the Netherlands, attest to that. We genuinely hope that the meeting to be held in 1980 in Madrid will be fully in keeping with the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and, in particular, its Declaration of Principles Guiding Relations Between Participating States, and will give fresh impetus to the policy of detente. A particularly important task is to avert the threat of a new round in the arms race implied by the plans of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to expand and modernize its nuclear and rocket weaponry. It is equally important to begin new efforts towards intensifying economic, scientific and cultural co-operation in Europe, particularly in the fields of energy, the protection of the environment and transportation.
178.	While particularly concerned with ensuring the peaceful development of Europe, we also remain mindful of the significance of those positive developments for the whole world. It is well known that peace and detente are indivisible; hence these positive changes should include all regions of the world by assuming a lasting and irreversible character.
179.	We are convinced that Europe at peace can make a constructive and worthy contribution to the strengthening of security and the development of international co-operation. The more we strengthen security in Europe and deepen confidence between East and West, the more significant that contribution will be. The most urgent task of the moment must therefore be to strive to establish an effective security system in Europe based not upon the balance of fear and the existence of opposing blocs having developed military and political structures but on respect for political and territorial realities, mutual trust and respect in good faith for mutual interests and intentions. Such a vision of Europe focused on unity rather than division should, in our view and that of our allies, form the basis of the programme of action of the European States.
180.	Turning to the problems of Asia, I should like from this rostrum to express our heartfelt sympathy with the Vietnamese people, who have in the long years of struggle for their national and social liberation made an outstanding contribution to the global process of decolonization and national affirmation.
181.	We support the efforts of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which, resisting aggression and opposing constant external pressure, has undertaken the tremendous and arduous task of rebuilding the country destroyed by long and cruel wars. Like the peoples of Laos and Kampuchea, the Vietnamese people have, by their heroism and suffering, earned our understanding, support and assistance.
182.	The Polish people was particularly shocked by the immensity of the misery and crimes inflicted by the Pol Pot regime upon the people of Kampuchea. The tragedy of that nation brings to mind our own experience in the not-too-distant past: the mass extermination of our people by the Nazi invaders. We therefore view the overthrow of the genocidal Pol Pot regime and the proclamation of the People's Republic of Kampuchea as political events of momentous consequence. We believe that the universal recognition of these facts is an indispensable premise for promoting the cause of peace and stability in South-East Asia.
183.	We regret that there is still no progress in the peaceful and just settlement of the Middle East conflict. The separatist agreement has failed to bring such a settlement any closer; rather, it has generated new tensions and difficulties. In our opinion, any steps taken in that regard must genuinely aim at a comprehensive solution to the problem, in accordance with the security requirements of all the parties concerned. They should above all take due account of the rights of the people of Palestine, including their right to form an independent State. That right, as well as the recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole authentic representative of the Palestinian people, is gaining ever wider international support and recognition.
184.	We likewise fully support the efforts of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia to gain genuine independence and we share in their rejection of any attempts at artificial solutions which in reality are meant to extend the rule of neo-colonialism and racism. We condemn apartheid in South Africa and that country's policy which threatens the independence of African States. We support the activities of the Organization of African Unity designed to eliminate the vestiges of imperialist and colonial domination and to liquidate apartheid and all forms of racism.
185.	We welcomed with satisfaction the news of the overthrow of the brutal dictatorship in Nicaragua. We salute the people of Nicaragua and wish them success in the reconstruction and progressive development of their country.
186.	Poland fully shares the concern at the international level over manifestations of the policy of domination and hegemonism. We therefore support the proposal submitted the day before yesterday by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Andrei Gromyko, to include on the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly an item entitled "Inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations". The Polish delegation believes that a debate on this pressing issue and the adoption of an appropriate resolution will represent an important contribution to the struggle for the elimination of obstacles to the process of detente and the strengthening of peace on the basis of the equal sovereignty of all States.
187.	Poland, as a socialist State, proud of its traditions of struggle, as we say,' 'for your freedom and for ours", has always stood and will continue to stand on the side of those States and peoples who must still fight for their freedom and independence, for their right to a sovereign national existence, for their economic independence, for a just place in the family of nations of the world with equal rights, for social justice, for human rights and for the true respect and promotion thereof. Faithful to these objectives and ideals, in the past 26 years Poland has frequently sent its political and military representatives to participate in missions of peace in various parts of the world. It is gratifying to see that an increasing number of States and political forces include these noble ideals in their programmes of action. The Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries recently held in Havana bears witness to that, inter alia. Poland welcomed the results of that Conference as a demonstration of the growing, constructive role of the movement of non- aligned States.
188.	The question of restructuring economic relations is awakening the lively interest of all States of the world, without exception. The current general debate at this session, as well as those in numerous other international organizations, is a pertinent reflection of this interest.
189.	The problem is important and indeed pressing, particularly because all countries of the world must confront, even though to varying degrees, multifaceted difficulties which hamper their economic growth.
190.	It is, at the same time, an extremely complex problem, which calls for the abolition of the old, unjust principles of international economic relations which make it difficult for a number of States to effect indispensable changes in their economic structure. Hence, under the circumstances, the road towards restructuring economic relations and overcoming the present difficulties leads first and foremost through development of international economic co-operation in all fields on the basis of the principles of equality, sovereignty, non-discrimination and mutual advantage. In our opinion, efforts towards that end could be greatly assisted by the examination of long-term trends in economic development. This research could reconcile the interests of all regions of the world, developed and developing alike, in harmonious co-operation. The Polish delegation to the current session of the General Assembly will submit an appropriate draft resolution on that question.
191.	Poland understands fully and views with sympathy the expectations of the developing countries in connexion with the new international economic order. We ourselves, for decades deprived of independence, inherited conditions of severe underdevelopment. Only quite recently, we, too, had to rebuild our country after the monstrous destruction brought about by the Second World War. We, too, attach great importance to the implementation of the progressive principles of the new international economic order and to the improvement in the over-all economic situation, which in the long term would serve the just interests of all States. Such an attitude should be reflected in the international development strategy for the 1980s, in the preparation of which Poland is actively participating.
192.	Today, more than ever before, there is need for a good deal of imagination and political goodwill in the concerted effort of all States to normalize the world economic situation. Such an effort should include all States. For the order to be effective, it must be based upon a realistic assessment of the contribution which each State, according to its industrial, scientific, technological or raw-material potential, can and should make for the benefit of all. It is only natural that the contribution of those who have for centuries amassed excessive profits from exploitation and discriminatory economic relations with other countries will have to be different from the contribution of those who not only have no such record but who in the past were themselves victims of foreign economic exploitation, or whose possessions were ravaged by wars, the biological and economic consequences of which have often endured to this day.
193.	Such an approach might well strengthen the principle of justice in international economic relations.
194. As part of the world economic system, Poland can hardly remain immune to its defects, particularly its protectionism and other forms of discrimination, the inflationary rise of prices on the world markets of the essential raw materials, fuels and finished products that we need.
195.	Consequently, we are actively seeking possible means of reducing the negative effects on the world market, in both our bilateral and our multilateral relations. We attach vital importance in that respect to our co-operation within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance. Our approach in this field goes hand in hand with our participation in world-wide efforts on the basis of the principles which I have just mentioned.
196.	In implementing the idea of partnership for development, Poland has recently adopted governmental programmes aimed at expanding co-operation with the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America. In particular, we declare our readiness to pursue and to develop co-operation through the use of our experts in the developing countries, as well as through the training of students and specialists in Poland. We fully support the recommendations and objectives of General Assembly resolution 33/135 on increasing the role of the specialized agencies in training qualified personnel for the developing countries, and we declare our readiness to co-operate in their implementation.
197.	We are constantly promoting and expanding our economic relations with developing countries. We are linked with a number of them by active trade exchanges and industrial co-operation that bring mutual advantages. Different and new forms are now emerging that includes joint enterprises, multiform scientific and technological co-operation and the expansion of activities in the field of personnel training at different levels for their national economies. Lack of qualified personnel is at present one of the principal difficulties being encountered by many developing countries, and it is one that must be overcome.
198.	We fully understand that, in addition to mobilization of their own forces, which are the determining factor of development, most developing countries are in need of outside assistance. This is especially true of States with the lowest national income. Within its own capabilities and in keeping with its system of economic co-operation with foreign countries, Poland is making specific efforts in this direction, paying particular attention to scientific and technological co-operation. We therefore view favourably the objectives set forth by the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development held in Vienna. In order to seek new and effective technological solutions, conserve energy, engage in a more rational utilization of existing coal resources and find new, alternative sources of energy we need an unobstructed flow of scientific information and the pooling of the creative efforts of all States.
199.	We reject pessimistic or catastrophic visions of the future of the world. The harmonious economic development of the world is a feasible goal, and this implies increased expansion of international economic co-operation. In that respect, Europe offers opportunities for intensifying economic co-operation through a broader utilization of that important instrument—the ECE.
200.	The experience of many countries and of developing countries in particular, demonstrates that appropriate economic growth is dependent on social factors. For this reason, in the opinion of the Polish delegation and in conformity with our draft resolution, more attention should be given to the social aspect of this problem in the preparations under way for the third development decade. Included in this are essential matters affecting man's living conditions and dignity, such as a just division of national income, guaranteed access for all to education and medical care, the granting of equal rights to women and expanded child care.
201.	The observance of the International Year of the Child, which has been marked in Poland by the inauguration of the Child Health Centre in Warsaw, a symbolic memorial erected in memory of the children who died during the Second World War, should in our opinion contribute to accelerating work on the drafting of an international convention on the rights of the child, as Poland has proposed.
202.	We attach great weight to providing the best possible conditions of life and development for that basic unit of society, the family. Our concern has been embodied in a special governmental organ, the Council for Family Affairs, which has been established and is functioning under the auspices of the Council of Ministers of the Polish People's Republic.
203.	From what I have said here and from what we have heard in other statements given from this rostrum, a rather simple conclusion flows: we are living in a world that is full of difficult problems, but one that is at the same time full of hope and prospects. As we do each year, we have come here not only to draw up a balance- sheet of those difficult problems, but primarily in order to attempt to solve them through the joint efforts of all of us—to solve them in a just and constructive manner, mindful of a better future for all mankind.
204.	I took the liberty of beginning my statement with a reference to the fateful outbreak of the Second World War 40 years ago. In conclusion, let me say that since that event, the world has become a better and a more secure place in which to live. Let us do all we can further to promote and broaden this positive trend, in the name of peace, progress and prosperity for all nations. It is in this spirit that the delegation of the Polish People's Republic also intends to work at this current session of the General Assembly.


Mr. President, it is with a deep sense of satisfaction that I add my voice to the swelling chorus of congratulations to you on your election as President. With your election the world affirms the validity of the United Nations as the parliament of man, where every nation, weak or strong, rich or poor, stands equal before all the rest. With your election the world honours Africa, which has long been and still is, a symbol of the continuing struggle against racism. You have long stood on the ramparts of that struggle. The Philippines, I am proud to say, has stood and will continue to stand side by side with you in fighting for this noble cause. We wish you every success.
64.	More than 2,000 years ago, the greatest of Greek historians, Thucydides, provided mankind with some of the deepest insights ever given into the nature of the human condition and of relations among men. In this effort he has not been surpassed; the lessons of the Peloponnesian wars are as relevant to our times as they were to his troubled era. The causes of human conflict, he said, are rooted in the motives of fallible man. But the management of conflict depends on the faint spark of wisdom which, as a gift of the gods, inheres in the very frailty of mankind.
65.	It is not inappropriate to recall this thought at this time, for while the correspondence between the world of ancient Greece and ours is not exact, Thucydides provides us with an ancient guideline to the management of modern conflicts in our complex era.
66.	Last year in this Assembly, there was general agreement on the complex nature of the present world. Three things stood out. The first was a scrupulous avoidance of direct confrontation among the great Powers. The second was the diminution of ideology and a renewal of emphasis on national interests. The third was a shift from military competition to economic competition.
67.	All these were, as we saw them, hopeful signs of a better and more peaceful world to come. Some began to think it possible for mankind someday to be free from the ever present threat of war. We chose to read in these signs the beginning of an age when all mankind would be guaranteed its basic needs.
68.	But gifts are not always all good. The bitter comes with the sweet; thorns hide among the most fragrant flowers. The encouraging trends which we noted last year are still there, but along with them are the unwelcome. If we were to portray the world today, the following would stand out: first, the revival of wars by proxy as an alternative to direct confrontation; secondly, and as a corollary to the first, the exploitation of the instabilities in many third-world countries; thirdly, the pursuit of national interests at the expense of weaker States; fourthly, the growing alarm at the possible fragmentation of the world into political and economic spheres of influence.
69.	As our discussions in this Assembly proceed, we cannot ignore these trends which, unless arrested, will certainly pose new threats to world peace and stability. The great Powers in particular bear a heavy share of the responsibility for their solution. We invite the superpowers to assist in this search.
70.	In connexion with the items in this year's agenda, we note with necessary caution the progress achieved in the corollary disarmament studies that are at present under way as a result of the mandate of the tenth special session, held on disarmament. On the question of disarmament itself, we view with continuing regret the profound inability of the human community to come to grips with what is at the heart of the problem. Even on the question of arms control, there has been no progress and, indeed, very little constructive discussion. While recognizing the difficulties of a practical and technical character in arms control agreements, we should always keep in view the unassailable fact that the larger interests of mankind, particularly its survival, outweigh all other considerations. The life of a single human being has a value far above the mightiest arsenal in the world. But we think so little of humanity that we persist in the mindless pursuit of our destruction.
71.	We welcome the signing of the agreement reached at the conclusion of the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks in full expectation that it will lead to a reduction of current world tensions. We hope further that this measure will be followed by a succession of other agreements, including a complete ban on the testing of nuclear weapons.
72.	In the Middle East, much has been accomplished to pave the way to a solution of this generations-old problem. Yet the fabric of peace in that troubled land continues to be fragile. We maintain the view that, unless the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people is upheld, the chances for durable and comprehensive answers to one of the most puzzling riddles of our time will be diminished.
73.	A great statesman once said that compromise does not necessarily mean a concession. If a memorable dictum was ever out of place, that surely is the case in relation to the Middle East. In our view, the needed compromise has been set by the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, and they remain the guidelines for solving once and for all a problem which, unless solved, will continue to bear grave implications for the peace of the entire world.
74.	Africa south of the Sahara is still to be a storm- centre of unrest. It will continue to be so until the universally accepted principle of rule by the consent of the majority is accepted in precept and in practice and until the evil of rampant racism is removed from its midst. The problem of South Africa appears obdurately resistant to solution, and a parallel situation is found in Namibia. South Africa remains beyond the pale, a moral outcast from the community of nations and from peoples everywhere, who hold fast to the norms of human decency and respect for the dignity of the human person.
75.	We are at a crucial juncture in our march to economic and social progress. Since the founding of the United Nations, never has there been such disparity in the living standards of peoples and in the wealth of nations. The data of 1978 tell us that nearly 2.5 billion people — the population of 74 countries, or 60 per cent of the world's population — are classified as poor. Only 32 countries with a total population of only 645 million-—or 16 per cent of the world's total — are considered rich and have per capita incomes ranging from $US 5,000 to $US 15,000. For the peoples of the poorest 20 countries with about 6 percent of the world's population, or 260 million people it is a question of bare survival, as they are subsisting on per capita incomes averaging 5 per cent or less of those of the rich countries. Yet there is so much wealth in the world, wealth so heavily concentrated in a minority of rich countries, that grinding poverty and hunger need not stalk so many lands. Indeed, this is the irony—and tragedy—of our times,
76.	During the year, the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization continued its work towards fulfilment of its mandate to list proposals for the improvement of the United Nations, identifying those which awaken special interest for later action by the General Assembly or other appropriate bodies. The potential usefulness of that Committee is high, and its value can be very great, depending upon the interest of the Members and their seriousness in implementing steps to improve our world Organization.
77.	I now wish to invite your attention to our own corner of the world. For the last several years, the greatest single concern of my country and our partners in the Association of South-East Asian Nations has been to encourage a balance among the Powers in the region, as well as among external Powers with interests in the area. There are two fundamental reasons behind this effort. First, we wished to avoid a situation in which rivalry among the Powers with ambitions for undue predominance in the region would involve our countries in such an ambition or embroil us in other people's wars. And, secondly, we wished to improve the climate within which our countries— generously described as the area with the greatest potential for development—could attain our ambitions of economic development and political and social cohesiveness.
78.	I can say with pardonable pride for my own country and without undue presumption also for our ASEAN partners—Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand—that we have advanced far towards our goals. Equally important, our individual progress has benefited from the collective effort; the past year particularly has seen the growth of a tangible unity among us and an increasingly common stand in our relations with the rest of the world.
79.	The context of our common efforts in the region has, unfortunately, taken a turn for the worse. We never did entertain any illusions that the onset of a balance of power in Asia, as well as in South-East Asia, would be tranquil or swift. It was bound to take time, because readjustments in relationships in the wake of the second Indo-Chinese war were likely to be a long and complex process. Indeed, the realignments have been more painful and more fateful than anyone expected.
80.	The stark underlying fact of life in South-East Asia today, with dire implications for us and most assuredly the rest of the world, is the build-up of the rivalry among the great Powers, but particularly the Sino-Soviet rivalry. It has of late reintroduced tensions fully as dangerous in their consequences as any that have ever existed in the region. We simply seek to state a fact and trace its consequences, not to impute any motives. The Philippines is and will remain a friend to all parties involved. Neither do we say that the events that we speak of are wholly to be ascribed to this rivalry. The tracing of cause and effect is never a complete process in human affairs, but that such a rivalry did play an important part in or behind these events seems to be an inescapable conclusion.
81.	Two equally disturbing developments began this year. The first was the armed intervention in Kampuchea. Profoundly disturbed by this break-down of peace in South-East Asia, ASEAN immediately issued a joint statement in Bangkok expressing its serious concern at the armed intervention in the internal affairs of another country and affirming the right of the people of Kampuchea to determine for themselves the form of government which they desired. This statement became the substance of a draft resolution introduced in the Security Council by friends in the non-aligned group of nations, though defeated by veto, the draft resolution was supported by all but two members of the Council. The statement was reaffirmed by the Foreign Ministers of ASEAN at their subsequent meeting in Bali.
82.	The second development is the unceasing flow of refugees from the Indo-Chinese countries. By land and sea, men, women and children fled Indo-China in countless droves: many to their death, most to a life of uncertainty and deprivation, to a temporary though safe haven in makeshift camps in countries barely able to support them.
83.	No event in recent memory has so stirred—as it still does—the conscience of the world as the plight of these refugees. Among them are the boat people. Believing in a better life elsewhere they risk life itself by setting out in unseaworthy boats for destinations they know hardly anything about. The estimates of the numbers of those who did not make it run into the hundreds of thousands and this must horrify all of us. Just as in the case of mass involuntary movements elsewhere in the world, how long can mankind live with such instances of man's inhumanity to man?
84.	But the suffering of the refugees is only half of the story. There is the other side of the picture—the misery and the serious social, economic and political repercussions on the countries of first asylum, the majority of which belong to ASEAN.
85.	This was why all the ASEAN countries responded speedily and gratefully to the Secretary-General's call for an international conference in Geneva earlier this year.  At that Meeting President Marcos of the Philippines offered to house 50,000 of those refugees who had already been accepted for resettlement. In addition to a similar offer also made by him and subject to similar conditions—namely, that they will be funded by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other interested parties, and that we shall not be saddled with residuals—the Philippines will be in a position to provide temporary shelter to a total of 60,000 Indo- Chinese refugees.
86.	In the East we say that what affects my brother affects me equally, that indeed we are our brothers keeper. Although we cannot be more than a country of first asylum, although we cannot risk our development at the present stage by assuming the burden of refugees, President Marcos made these two offers in the ASEAN spirit of assisting another at a time of great need. We made the offers because we feel strongly that the spirit of humanitarianism should prevail, and because we wished specially to recognize the fact that the right of survival is the most basic of human rights.
87.	We await the Secretary-General's report on the refugee question this session with particular anxiety because a second generation of problems may soon be upon us. The rampant country-wide famine in Kampuchea; the possibility of the revival of conflict in that country with the end of the monsoon season; the threat of another massive tide of refugees as a result of both war and famine—these are problems which we cannot dismiss lightly and whose consequences, unless we act in time, can be far more terrible than we dare to imagine.
88.	I cannot close this statement without paying a tribute to the unceasing and unfaltering efforts of the Secretary-General to uphold the validity of the United Nations ideal in the face of growing odds, to increase its potency and improve its efficiency in solving the world's problems, and in bringing these efforts to bear on the flashpoints that threaten everywhere the flowering of what he calls "a global civilization and order unprecedentedly wide in its scope and diversity".
89.	In the name of my country we salute the Secretary-General for his report on the work of the Organization, a report which clearly demonstrates the breadth and scope of his insights into what ails the human community today and—despite the commanding heights from which he views the human condition— for his grasp of the problems on the ground, among them the multifarious concerns of running an Organization that now includes 152 nations, a host of special instruments and even armies in the field. I must commend the Secretary-General for his report, a report which must be read by all members of this Assembly if they are to be loyal to their trust, a masterful document which I feel deserves to be read by all the peoples of the world, so that every man, woman and child whose lives are affected by public events can share the spirit that animates our United Nations.
90.	All of us are indebted to the Secretary-General for presenting an excellent summary of what should concern all of us. He has outlined specific problems of instability, poverty and economic weakness in various regions and we are gratified by the prominent place he gives to the New International Economic Order, UNCTAD, the North-South dialogue, the Indo-China situation, the refugees, the law of the sea and the energy problem and their impact on and relevance to the developing countries of the world. We applaud his unflagging concern for human rights. Above all we are impressed with his determination to make the United Nations a better and more effective instrument to achieve the collective goals of mankind and to arouse worldwide the proper attitudes and responses to it that are so essential to its continued usefulness to all of us, for we believe that the United Nations stands alone as an institution available to mankind to reconcile national and global interests, and without such an institution, we are all in peril.
91.	Because we are facing perilous times, the Secretary-General holds an office unique in the annals of mankind, for never has one office had the influence and the responsibility to mould human affairs on such a global scale and to convert the potential contained in the coming together of mankind into a force that solves rather than palliates human problems. The world wishes him well.


Upper Volta, through me, wishes to express its great satisfaction, Mr. President, at seeing you presiding over this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. In your capacity as Permanent Representative of the United Republic of Tanzania, you have ably defended the cause of the liberation of peoples and the establishment of a new international economic order. We have no doubt that, as President of the General Assembly, you will prove able to conduct our debates with equity and justice.
219.	Allow me to associate in this tribute the President of the thirty-third session, who conducted our proceedings to the satisfaction of all.
220.	I also wish to pay a tribute to the work of our Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, who has shown he is able to dedicate himself with equal success both to the protection of peace and international security and to the many-faceted cause of the third world. Upper Volta wishes to convey to him its full appreciation of the fact that he is so constantly available and to thank him for the courageous decisions he has taken.
221.	Our Assembly has just been enriched by the ad-mission of Saint Lucia as a Member. I wish to welcome it here on behalf of Upper Volta. There can be no doubt that the new energy it will bring to our Organization will prove a valuable asset to our common quest for peace and progress.
222.	In my statement last year I described my country's anxiety about the crises through which the world was passing: the economic crisis, the political crisis, the moral crisis. Those who, like us, persist in believing that evolution should bring progress are obliged to note that the worsening of the world situation in the past year is capable of endangering the very existence of the international community. The economic crisis is reaching such a level of sensitivity that anything could happen unless we move without delay to deal the cards again on a basis that is more reasonable, if not more just.
223.	The present session is of particular importance, because it coincides with the end of the Second United Nations Development Decade. This is therefore more than ever the time for stock-taking. We must say this clearly and distinctly: by comparison with the objectives set by the International Development Strategy for the Second Development Decade, we have recorded little progress which would justify satisfaction, and we have little reason for hope. The world economy is just drifting. According to United Nations statistics, in 1978 the growth in world production slowed down very markedly, particularly in the developing countries whose global gross domestic product advanced by only 4 per cent. There is a very striking difference between this rate and the 6 per cent which was recorded in the period 1971 to 1975. At any rate, we are very far from the objective of 6 per cent stipulated by the current Development Decade.
224.	The slow pace of economic growth of the least advanced countries is even more dramatic and disturbing. In the case of most of these countries, the average rate of growth of the per capita gross domestic product was below 1 per cent during the period 1976 to 1978. This is indeed a gloomy picture, which makes one even more pessimistic about efforts now being undertaken to formulate a strategy for the third development decade, particularly when one witnesses more and more negative manifestations of international co-operation. In fact, the developing countries have had bitter experience of the lack of understanding and disillusionment that accompany the various negotiations between the North and the South—or, to paraphrase an eminent modern economist, between the centre and the periphery.
225.	It was the same story at the recent United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, and again at the fifth session of UNCTAD, which was held last May in Manila. That session, in which millions of human beings had placed their hopes, constituted crystal-clear proof of what one might call the deterioration of the terms of negotiation. The evasions, almost amounting to outright rejection, employed by our partners, the developed countries, in systematically opposing virtually all our proposals lead us to wonder whether there is still any will to co-operate and, in particular, what future there may be for the attainment of an agreement on a new international economic order.
226.	We are not unaware of the current difficulties of the developed countries. We know that they are confronting an economic recession and an inflationary trend of unprecedented dimensions—an inflation aggravated still more by monetary disorder and unemployment. We are all the more keenly aware of this in that we have to suffer the consequences, since we depend so much on the economic situation of those countries. It is more than regrettable, at the end of the Second Development Decade, to see the vital interests of three quarters of the world's population being treated as unrealistic and unreasonable.
227.	What we are asking for is not the generosity of the richer countries. What we are calling for forcefully is a more just and more equitable distribution of the surplus wealth which the developed countries squander every day in vain pleasures and the frenzied pursuit of futile desires, in the purchase of weapons and other sophisticated arsenals. We are not opposed to the greater growth of the countries which are already economically powerful. We simply ask that this should not have as its consequence further setbacks for peoples that live in conditions on the fringe of the benefits of progress.
228.	Need I remind members that the most glaring fact at the close of this century is that more than a quarter of mankind still suffers hunger, malnutrition, illiteracy and disease? Need I emphasize more forcefully that for 800 million people the first priority continues to be the satisfaction of the elementary needs for food and drink, and that for them development is a matter of sheer survival?
229.	The food production of the developing countries is growing only at a rate of about 2 per cent, which is half the objective set by the World Food Conference. At the same time, those countries have a population growth of about 2.4 per cent. Statistics show that each year the world's population increases by 70 million. This means that the population of the world will total 6 billion by the end of the century.
230.	Even if, as we have seen, the results obtained by world food policy do not yet meet the needs of the developing countries, we must pay a tribute to FAO for its tireless efforts in the field of food aid, and also for its assistance in the sector of agricultural development. These efforts were made notwithstanding its very limited resources. A food strategy should be worked out under the auspices of FAO so that the developing countries will by the end of the century achieve self- sufficiency in food. Such a strategy, in our opinion at least, involves the transfer of agricultural technology to the developing countries and far-reaching action in the sphere of reforestation, environmental planning and development and the rehabilitation of arable land.
231.	Anticipating this vast programme, Upper Volta has suggested at previous sessions of the General Assembly the establishment of the United Nations decade of the tree. At the risk of repeating myself, let me reiterate this proposal which, if followed up, as I hope it will be, would help to resolve one of the most awesome problems of the modern age—hunger, the scourge which degrades mankind and causes the degeneration of our society.
232.	Generally speaking, development assistance needs to be reconsidered both in quantity and quality.
233.	From the point of view of quantity, development assistance falls far short of the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product, which was decided by common agreement in New Delhi in 1968.  Ten years later, with 0.31 per cent of gross national product for the countries members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and 0.05 per cent for the socialist countries, international development assistance is falling behind. However, the effort made by certain countries, such as the Netherlands and the States of northern Europe, whose official development assistance exceeds the 0.7 per cent target, should be highlighted. Yet the developed world could do even more if it simply agrees to convert a part of the amount allocated for the purchase of weapons to official development assistance. It is estimated that $400 billion are spent annually by the countries of the world on armaments and military expenditure. This is 150 times the total budget of the eight countries of the Sahel, whereas all that would be needed would be one fifth of that amount in order to replant the Sahel area, establish a reforestation programme, provide for the irrigation needs of the eight Sahelian countries in the framework of a policy of food self-sufficiency, bring literacy to all the populations of that sub region, which contains 25 million illiterates, provide for the public-health needs of these countries as a whole, and virtually wipe out unemployment.
234.	As for the qualitative level, the forthcoming United Nations development decade should to the extent possible ensure that aid really will promote development. This means that the donors should allow the beneficiaries to set their own priorities because what is good for one is not necessarily good for another. The return on an investment should be measured above all in terms of the well-being of the population concerned.
235.	In regard to the third United Nations development decade, since we are at the important stage of preparation for it, I appeal to all those involved in this new gamble on the future, whether they are rich or poor sovereign States, or regional groups or international organizations. Before we embark on this new phase we must learn the lessons of the last two decades—in other words, to draw a moral from history, as it were. Twenty years ago the international community decided to manage its future and to try to reduce the gap between rich and poor. The objective still remains valid and it must be the basis for the coming decade.
236.	In 20 years much has been done and some results are beginning to appear. For example, in the area of public debt in the developing countries there has been a certain amount of relief. At present 11 countries have already converted their debts into grants. Other decisions are expected in this sphere. On the subject of commodity agreements, negotiations have been successful in respect of sugar, olive oil and rubber. Similar results are expected for cocoa and jute. A most encouraging development in this respect was the agreement reached last March on the basic features of the Common Fund, but only after, it is true, some long
negotiations. The Common Fund is primarily a victory for the developing countries. It is intended not only to finance commodity stocks for the benefit of the poorer countries, but it continues to be the institution by which those latter countries, in adopting decisions, will carry more weight than they do in other financial organs. However, the few successes which have been achieved in no way diminish the general disappointment which has been felt in regard to international economic relations.
237.	Protectionism is re-emerging at a period which is characterized by major economic groupings which claim to be open. Protectionism itself is then added to economic recession to create harmful consequences for the exports of countries with weak markets. The industrial output of the third world, which is already inadequate compared with the objectives agreed upon, is handicapped because it lacks outlets.
238.	Trade-balance deficits grow worse from one year to the next. Between 1977 and 1978, for example, the developing countries suffered a further loss of $10 billion in their trade balances, the deficit increasing from $23.5 billion to $34 billion.
239.	This is the common lot of the developing countries. But what is one to say when one turns to the fate of the least advantaged among them? There are countries, such as mine, which have grave geographical disadvantages: they are land-locked; they also suffer from the handicaps of history; they were colonized to serve essentially as reservoirs of labour; they have been hard hit by nature; they have suffered natural disasters which are all the more difficult to control in the sense that one does not know within what cycle they belong.
240.	The whole world is aware of the situation of the Sahelian countries which have been gravely hit since 1973 by the most severe drought ever, the repercussions of which continue to keep their economy and development in a precarious balance.
241.	Our country, Upper Volta, thus expects a great deal from co-operation, both international and regional.
242.	We had the good fortune to have the benefit of this flow of solidarity from the international community, whether it be in our capacity as a country of the Sahel or within the framework of efforts made for the benefit of the least developed or geographically disadvantaged countries.
243.	The most positive result of these two Decades is the interdependence of inter-State relations which has become evident. Regardless of their political choices, their size or power, whatever their divergence of interests, all States without exception are obliged to cooperate.
244.	This coming together of peoples can take place only through fruitful dialogue, a dialogue which takes into account above all the multidimensional nature of man—his background, his ethics and his social and cultural values. It is only thus that we shall succeed in transforming our national selfishness into world-wide solidarity, a transformation which must, of course, be accompanied by moral uplift. Having understood the need for real solidarity among peoples, Upper Volta, ever since its independence, has resolutely turned to its neighbours to promote with them exemplary regional co-operation of benefit to our different peoples. Accordingly, within the Council of the Entente and the Common African and Mauritanian Organization, and through the implementation of a programme of integrated development of the Liptako-Gourma region and the establishment of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, the West African Economic Community, and the Economic Community of West African States, we are working in a realistic and positive way towards the development of our economies through the maximum use of regional resources.
245.	At the national level, my Government, relying on the dynamic forces of the nation and with the help of friendly countries and organs, has drawn up a programme of agricultural development the primary objective of which is self-sufficiency in food by the year2000. The chief means to be used for that purpose are the combat against desertification, the recovery of land in zones infected by onchocerciasis, the improvement of the quality of water and progressive mechanization.
246.	To this priority of priorities we have added a policy of breaking out of our land-locked situation by the' construction of roads and railroads. Finally, we have embarked upon a process of economic diversification through the exploitation of our mining resources and the processing of both agricultural and mineral products.
247.	All of these efforts stand a chance of success only if they have the benefit of an atmosphere of peace and security, which is the very basis of the United Nations Charter. Yet in that respect we have to note that we have not observed a significant improvement in the international situation and that our world today continues to be marked by the interplay of relations of force and ideological conflicts.
248.	The situation in southern Africa, which has frequently been condemned from this rostrum by peoples who cherish justice; the disturbing situation which is developing in the northwest part of the African continent; the internal struggles which are sustained with such damaging effect in certain States—these, inter alia, count among the most disturbing problems for my country, Upper Volta.
249.	The Tenth Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries at Lusaka attempted a last- minute rescue of Zimbabwe. We have been following with the greatest interest the proceedings of the London conference which has assembled—around the United Kingdom, the administering Power responsible for the rebel colony—Rhodesia, the representatives of the racist minority system of the illegal Salisbury Government, and the legitimate representatives of the people of Zimbabwe grouped in the Patriotic Front.
250.	We hope that the London conference will make it possible to achieve the ground for understanding among the parties involved so that Zimbabwe will at long last be able to enjoy internal peace in full and complete independence.
251.	The situation in Namibia has become intolerable in more than one sense: because the illegal South African occupation is continuing; because the Territory has been serving as a base for the ignominious regime of Pretoria in its murderous attacks launched against the populations of neighbouring African States; and lastly, because this constant challenge to the United Nations is possible only through the complicity of certain States Members of the United Nations.
252.	We can say that at long last there is a glimmer of hope now that Namibia, with its proud, intrepid and persevering people, will be able to take its legitimate place in the assembly of nations.
253.	We call upon the Western Powers members of the Security Council to show greater political will in finding a definitive solution of this question. We call upon them, in particular, to drop their opposition to the application of Chapter VII of the Charter since all means which have been tried outside that framework have proved to be futile. The Western countries, the main economic and military partners of Pretoria, by refusing to apply sanctions against the racist regime, have enabled it to develop, under the cover of their protection, a military potential which can eventually be used only against independent Africa. The time has come for us to confront them with their responsibilities, because it is thanks to their indulgence that South Africa has always mocked our Organization.
254.	All negotiations to bring Pretoria to its senses having failed, what can the international community now do except to apply the relevant sanctions provided for in the Charter? We must denounce any collusion with the system of apartheid, which, despite many resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, continues arrogantly to prosper and to intensify its repressive efforts against the black population which has now become a foreign population in its own territory and in its own country.
255.	The peoples of the Middle East, who endured more than their fair share during the last world war, have since that time known neither peace nor security.
256.	The creation of the State of Israel and the armed conflicts which have pitted it against its neighbours are less the source of the ills which have ravaged that region than is the disregard of the rights of the Palestinian people.
257.	We believe that all the States of the region have the right to existence and to secure and recognized frontiers.
258.	We also feel that the people of Palestine have the right to set up a viable national State. That is the condition essential to the establishment of a lasting peace in the region, just as no just and valid peace can be achieved without the direct involvement of the Palestinian people.
259.	Since the end of the Viet Nam war, we have witnessed a re-dealing of the cards in South-East Asia. This process is all the more disturbing in that it involves to the utmost the two neighbouring great Powers.
260.	While the political objectives of successive armed interventions, offensives and counter-offensives in that area will be left for the future to reveal, their consequences are already apparent: the dislocation of the economies of the region, the exodus of thousands of men, women and children, and the jeopardizing of individual and collective freedoms in the region.
261.	These wanderers, involuntary stars in an unexciting year, provide through their tragedy a striking symbol of the moral crisis of our age.
262.	The conscience of mankind cannot fail to be disturbed by the multitude of questions which must be asked, even if few answers are found. And it is here in this forum that these questions must be raised; it is here also that they must be answered.
263.	After a third of a century of existence for the United Nations, must we conclude that our Organization has failed in confrontation with the sovereignty of Member States? That sovereignty seems to know no limits, either internally when it brings its weight to bear upon the citizens of the State or abroad, beyond its boundaries, for today, countries large and small set themselves up one by one as policemen, and whether in Asia, Africa or elsewhere, we have helplessly witnessed these interventions which dare not speak their names.
264.	Here again we must reaffirm the principles of the Charter and adhere to them tenaciously if we truly want to bring about the triumph of the noble objectives of the United Nations. We must condemn without reservation all Member States which are guilty of subversion and armed aggression against other States.
265.	The two super-Powers have just signed the Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. At the same time, they have planned negotiations with a view to concluding an agreement as the outcome of the third round of SALT. Allow a small, peace-loving country to rejoice that a new step forward has been taken in the quest for disarmament. We in Upper Volta believe that the great Powers, in the light of their position in the world and the excessive powers conferred upon them by the United Nations Charter, are accountable to the international community with regard to the achievement of general and complete disarmament. However, in this precise sphere of international peace and security, we of Upper Volta believe in all sincerity that all decisions, to the extent that they concern the existence of mankind as a whole, must be made on the basis of mutual agreement between the great and the small countries, for it is true that the value or credibility of an initiative, suggestion or proposition does not depend solely on the size or economic power of a nation, but on its ability fully to meet the responsibilities that go with its international sovereignty.
266.	In Upper Volta, we firmly believe in the need for a common strategy to resolve our common problems. It seems essential, then, that all countries should be fully associated with all discussions which have a bearing on the fate of the world. In view of its practical mission in the search for peace and its multidimensional nature, the United Nations should be the appropriate framework for this.
267.	Still on the subject of disarmament, we wish to repeat our position that our African continent must be free of nuclear bases. This is the appropriate place yet again to draw the attention of the countries that co-operate in nuclear matters with the racist regime of Pretoria to the danger to which they are exposing the African continent by enabling South Africa to equip itself with atomic weapons.
268.	As responsible people of conscience, we have wanted our continent to be protected from nuclear bar-gaining. What could be more natural than for us to consider any aid to racist South Africa in the nuclear sphere as an unfriendly gesture to the peoples of the continent? We deplore this all the more as the countries concerned are friendly countries which are helping us in our efforts towards economic development.
269.	May we dream, may we imagine a better world, in which the selfish interests which now engender the desire for power will yield to the common quest for the well-being of the greatest number?
270.	Let me reply on behalf of President Lamizana and of all of Upper Volta, that it would have been impossible to cherish such dreams if it had not been for the wise and edifying words that the Holy Father, His Holiness Pope John Paul II, spoke here before us only a few days ago, words which I am sure will strike a favourable chord with all men of goodwill.
271.	As the United Nations advances up the hill, it is our duty to keep it always inclined towards justice and peace: justice for the disinherited and the hungry; justice for the weak; justice for the oppressed and the exploited; and justice for all those who are still fighting for their dignity as free men; peace for our age and for future generations; peace for the rich and for the poor; peace for the suffering; peace in Africa; peace in the Middle East; peace in South-East Asia; and peace for all those who nave faith in the future and in the progress of mankind.