Allow me to start by congratulating Mr, Dante Caputo of Argentina on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. This attests to his proved diplomatic skills and tact as a statesman and to the important role that his country  Argentina, continues to play in promoting international understanding, peace and co-operation. With his wisdom and experience, I have no doubt that he will guide our deliberations with distinction.
Last year we elected Mr. Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic to preside over the meetings of the Assembly. We discharged his onerous duties with outstanding competence and dedication. I should like, therefore, to take this opportunity to thank him for his contribution to the work of our Organization.
I wish also to express Zambia's appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, for the leadership he has provided to the United Nations and for his patience and tenacity in bringing peace to areas of tension.
Until recently, the United Nations, and indeed the entire multilateral system, have been subjected to severe strains and challenges because of the continuing threat of nuclear war, regional conflicts and the most difficult economic crisis facing the developing countries.
However,  as we move closer to the beginning of the 1990s, hope and promise are beginning to emerge in the sphere of international political relations. The most important indication of changed perspectives and policies is the improvement in the relations between the Soviet Union and the United States signified by the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - in a concrete and significant step towards disarmament.
The hope that we all now share is that the United States and the Soviet Union will build on this foundation and cut back on the remaining nuclear stockpiles, on chemical and biological arsenals and on conventional arms, with a view to their eventual elimination in pursuance of general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
The convening of the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament here in New York earlier this year represented yet another multilateral effort to advance the cause of disarmament. The failure of that session was a source of great disappointment to many of us because it was a blow against multilateralism as well. We had hoped that progress at that conference would give further encouragement to the Soviet Union and the United States to undertake further disarmament efforts. We should, however, not relent in our efforts to bring about general and complete disarmament under effective international control. It is our considered view, therefore, that another attempt should be made in the not-too-distant future to hold a fourth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament to address the urgent issues facing mankind today.
Another area where there has been co-operation between the Soviet Union and the United States is the Treaty negotiated by the United Nations aimed at ending the conflict in Afghanistan. It is a matter of regret, however, that although the Treaty was intended to bring peace to that long-suffering country, the reality is that the provisions of that Agreement are not being fully observed. Zambia urges all those involved to give teal and practical meaning to the Treaty so that peace may quickly return to Afghanistan. Zambia also wishes to compliment the Soviet Union for observing its side of the Agreement.	.
For a long time, we have been greatly distressed by the war between Iran and Iraq. The heavy loss of life and property, the danger that the war might spread beyond the borders of the two combatants and the presence of foreign fleets in the Gulf have all underlined the gravity of the situation. We are delighted that both Iran and Iraq have now accepted Security Council resolution 598 (1987) which provides for ending the war. Zambia commends both countries for their courage and statesmanship in adopting diplomacy as a substitute for war. It is a historical fact that conflicts end at the negotiating table. For this reason we are encouraged by the recent report that the two parties met in direct talks under the auspices of the Secretary-General at United Nations Headquarters. We urge them to move rapidly towards the implementation of the remainder of resolution 598 (1987).
In urging Iran and Iraq to move towards the cease-fire, the United Nations has played a singular role demonstrating since again that the world body and its Charter remain important instruments of peace.
The United Nations has also been active in Western Sahara. The fact that the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic and Morocco have accepted in principle the Secretary-General's proposal that a referendum be held to determine the future of the territory is an important step towards resolving this problem. However, a number of important issues remain to be resolved. Only when these are resolved can there be a free and fair referendum in the territory. Furthermore, in carrying out this process, it is important to ensure that the credibility and image of the United Nations remain untarnished.
The Middle East remains an area of tension. The central issue has always been whether the Palestinian people will be free, like any other people, to attain and exercise their inalienable rights, their self-determination and their right to national independence. But there are, in addition, the questions of occupied Arab lands and the status of Jerusalem, in our view, these issues require to be addressed if peace and security for all are to return to the Middle East.
Recently the Palestinian people stepped up their resistance to Israeli rule and occupation. Instead of resolving the underlying problems, Israel has responded with an iron hand, resulting in great loss of Palestinian life. It is our belief that a just and comprehensive peace in the region can only come out of an international conference on peace in the Middle East in conformity with paragraph 6 of the Geneva Declaration, General Assembly resolutions 38/58 C of 1983, 42/66 D of 1987, and other relevant resolutions.
The Palestinian people and the people of Israel both desire peace and security. That is why it is important that both peoples be represented at the proposed conference by their genuine leaders. The Palestine Liberation Organization (РLO) represents the Palestinian people and must therefore attend as a full member. The security of Israel lies in negotiating peace with the genuine leaders of the Palestinian people.
Last month I joined my colleagues of the non-aligned countries at out conference on the island of Cyprus. We saw for ourselves the reality of the division of the island into two separate communities. My delegation to that conference was heartened by the Secretary-General's efforts which culminated in the Geneva meeting last August between the President of Cyprus, Mr. George Vassiliou, and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot Community, Mr. Rauf Denktash.
Zambia hopes that the negotiations under way will result in the reconciliation of the two sides, the withdrawal of foreign troops and settlers, and the voluntary return of refugees to their homes. May I be permitted to make a few remarks about Kampuchea and the Korean peninsula? Zambia welcomes the recent statement by Viet Nam about the withdrawal of its troops from Kampuchea. We also support the results of the Jakarta informal meeting by the various factions of Kampuchea, We believe that the road to peace lies in the withdrawal of foreign troops from that country and in a political settlement by the various factions.
Tension continues in the Korean peninsula. The issue is the peaceful reunification of that land through dialogue and consultation between the North and South. Zambia welcomes the recent moves aimed at reducing tension and increasing trade between the two sides. These must be seen as initial steps towards the political reunification of Korea.
Central America is another troubled region that requires serious attention. Peace will never return to that region until foreign interference and destabilization cease.-. Nicaragua, in particular, is one country that has been and continues to be a victim of externally sponsored acts of destabilisation.
Zambia welcomes' and supports the Peace Agreement signed by the five Presidents of the area in Guatemala in August last year and calls upon the rest of the international community to endorse those efforts whose aim is to bring peace to Central America. At the same time, we urge the Governments of the region to continue their efforts by complying with the terms and conditions provided for in the Agreement. We also appeal to the United States to cease its support to the contras and efforts to undermine the economy of Nicaragua. This will enable the process of dialogue between the Government of Nicaragua and the contras to move forward and make progress. The situation in southern Africa continues to be grave. The South African apartheid regime, though still entrenched, is shaken by the general opposition to apartheid by the international community and by the courage and determination of the black population in the fight against the evil system.
State terrorism against the black population remains the cornerstone of apartheid, with the South African army playing the leading role in the campaign of repression and violence. The number of organizations and individuals banned keeps growing as the opposition to apartheid increases.
Evidence available indicates that the economic and financial sanctions already in place are working. South African leaders have themselves admitted this, thereby disproving those who have said that sanctions do not work. There is, however, evidence to show that a small number of countries in the Far East, Europe and Latin America, is taking advantage of the situated created by the sanctions. We appeal to them to cease aiding South Africa and to join the rest of the international community in opposing apartheid. In this respect we commend those countries which are faithfully observing the existing sections against South Africa. We appeal to the rest of the international community to apply more sanctions and to tighten the existing ones. In this regard we commend those countries and institutions which have taken and are taking measures to further isolate South Africa economically.
There is also evidence to show that arms in various forms are still flowing to racist South Africa in contravention of the arms embargo against that country. South Africa must be denied the means to wage war against its own people and its neighbours. We appeal to the Western countries involved to strictly observe the mandatory United Nations arms embargo against South Africa enshrined in United Nations Security Council resolution 418 (1977) and in subsequent resolutions. We appeal to the United Nations Security Council finally to give real meaning to its resolution 421 (1977) and make the Committee established under that resolution more effective. As a further means of isolating the apartheid regime, we also strongly urge the strict observance and enforcement by the international community of the United Nations oil embargo against South Africa. The time has come for the United Nations Security Council to institute a mandatory oil embargo against South Africa. Moreover, in order to intensify dissemination of information against apartheid, the United Nations should expand its anti-apartheid programmes to combat racist South Africa's censorship measures and disinformation campaign.
The additional pressure on South Africa we are calling for is intended to persuade the regime to hold talks with the genuine leaders of the black population so that together they can chart a new future for their country and their people. It is our firm belief that the best way of moving forward is for the genuine leaders of the oppressed majority and their white counterparts to be present at the negotiations. That is why we have called for the release from prison of Nelson Mandela and his colleagues and the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azanla (PAC).
Ten years after the adoption of United Nations Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the situation in Namibia remains unchanged. South Africa continues its illegal and armed occupation of that territory despite the efforts of the international community to end such occupation and the gallant efforts of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAFO), the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. We continue to reject "linkage" as irrelevant to the issue of Namibia's independence.
As in South Africa, the apartheid regime employs terrorism as the cornerstone of its policy in Namibia. The regime also uses the territory of Namibia for the purpose of carrying out aggression against the neighbouring independent African States, especially Angola and Mozambique. We call on the international community to Intensify its pressure on the Pretoria regime until Namibia is free. We also call on those concerned to cease exploitation of the natural resources of Namibia.
South Africa's aggression against the neighbouring independent States continues unabated. Angola and Mozambique have suffered the most from this aggression, which has been perpetrated in collaboration with local bandit groups. The rest of our countries in the region have also suffered direct aggression by South Africa.
The economic cost of apartheid to us has been extremely heavy. An estimate of physical damage in Angola between 1975 and 1985 totals $US 17 billion. Mozambique has estimated its losses between 1980 and 1985 at 3US 5.5 billion. If damage in the rest of the region were added, the total estimated cost would be between $US 25 billion and $US 30 billion. Against this background the front-line States and other neighbouring independent African States need urgent assistance, including military assistance, to enable them to withstand the effects of South Africa's destabilization and aggression.
Last August, in Oslo, we tried to address the humanitarian dimension of destabilization. At the International Conference on the Plight of Refugees, Returnees and Displaced Persons convened by the Organization of African Unity and supported by the United Nations we discussed how the international community can best assist the more than 1.3 million refugees, 5 million displaced persons and the countries of refuge. The immediate requirements are basic: food, medicines, water, sanitation, shelter and clothing. Parallel with the provision of these necessities, is the need to resettle all these people and to rehabilitate the economic and social infrastructure, mainly in Mozambique and Angola.
One aspect of destabilization that continues to concern us is the ongoing supply of arms to the UNITA bandits. We appeal to the United States to end this support so that the Angolan people themselves can commence the process of restoring peace to their country. Let me refer briefly to the ongoing negotiations involving Angola, Cuba, South Africa and the United States. While we welcome these developments, we remain cautious about South Africa's credibility in negotiations involving self-determination and the peaceful settlement of disputes. South Africa's record is replete with failed commitments to international agreements. The Nkomati and the Lusaka Agreements come readily to mind. With regard to the recent diplomatic offensive by South Africa, it is our conviction that this is merely a ploy designed to buy time for apartheid and to enhance South Africa's tarnished image in order to pre-empt further sanctions.
At the outset I referred to the crisis facing the third world economy. Let me now turn to that issue and speak specifically about the economic crisis facing Africa.
This session of the General Assembly is taking place against the background of a continuing economic crisis in Africa despite the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development. This crisis has revealed itself in poor economic performance and falling standards of living among the people of Africa. The political and social consequences of the crisis are alarming.
A combination of domestic, external and natural factors accounts for this situation. The domestic factors are essentially structural and include the following: low saving ratios, narrow export base, shortage of key skills and rapid growth of population. Under the ongoing reform programmes in many African countries, these problems are being addressed, often at a very high social and political cost. However, it is in the external sector that Africa's problems are greatest. The fundamental issue is the unequal economic relations between the rich North and the poor South and the persistent refusal by the former to establish a new international economic order based on the principles of equity and mutual interest. The fact that the South has no role whatsoever in fixing the prices of its exports and imports is the central problem.
The inevitable outcome of these relations is that invariably the prices of our conditions are almost permanently depressed while those of industrial goods are always on the rise. No wonder our terms of trade are always against us. This, in turn, affects our capacity to import the raw materials and spare parts we need. Nor has this trade imbalance been made up by sufficient capital flows to Africa. During the early 1980s, deficits in our current account were financed by net capital flows. These flows have since declined and what we now have is net outflow of resources mainly to the multilateral financial institutions.
The debt problem has contributed very significantly to the economic difficulties of Africa. The debt burden, as measured by such indicators as the ratio of debt-service payments to export receipts, has readied alarming proportions. In an increasing number of African countries, such ratios are well in excess of 100 per cent. In such countries, the resolution of the debt problem is a necessary condition for the resumption of growth. That is why Zambia expresses its thanks and appreciation .to those countries that have agreed to forgive part or the whole of the outstanding debt by African countries.
A number of other proposals have been made on ways and means of assisting Africa to overcome its economic difficulties and especially the debt problem. While these proposals are welcome, it is necessary to observe that they have often been made without any input from Africa itself. As a result, many proposals have not taken into account the political and social conditions prevailing in our respective countries. These conditions affect our capacity to implement the proposed solutions.
It is against this background that Africa has proposed a meeting with the creditors on the issue of the external debt so that measures to resolve the problem take into full account the realities of the situation.
Another external factor that has affected some of our economies is political and economic destabilization such as that carried out by South Africa against the neighbouring independent African States. As I have shown, the cost of destabilization is very high indeed.
In addition to these domestic and external factors, Africa has suffered from natural catastrophes. The most important of these ace floods, drought, desertification, and more recently, locusts. All these impact our economies negatively. In these circumstances, Africa's plea has been that its reform programme be supported by greater inflows of real resources, from Africa's own exports, from increased bilateral and multilateral assistance and from debt relief. In this way, the international community will be responding adequately to Africa's current economic crisis.
Finally, with the lowering of tension between the East and the West, the world has an opportunity to create a safer and better future for all through genuine disarmament and co-operation in resolving all other global, regional and indeed the economic crises facing the third world. As has been demonstrated in recent years, the multilateralism that the United Nations represents remains the key to world peace and progress. Therefore, it is my country's fervent hope that all Member States will renew their commitment and continue to render full and unconditional political and financial support to our Organization for the common benefit of mankind as a whole.


On behalf of the Government and people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, I have great pleasure in offering sincere congratulations to Mr. Dante Caputo on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. We ate very confident that in the discharge of his duties, his illustrious career and his fine statesmanship will contribute significantly to the progress and success of the work of this session.
Permit me to express my appreciation to the outgoing President,
Mr. Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic, for the manner in which he performed the task entrusted to him during the forty-second session. During his presidency he demonstrated great faith in the Organization and contributed significantly to the successful conclusions of that session and of the several resumed sessions. Once again, I should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his untiring efforts and his stalwart performance during the recent turbulent years of our Organization's history. His devoted efforts to the pursuit of peace and security and his firm defence of the principles of the Charter are characteristics of his commitment to the preservation of the goals and ideals of the United Nations,
The award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces is tangible recognition of the effectiveness of the United Nations system. My delegation wishes to pay a tribute to all those at present serving and those who have served for their achievement and their contribution to the United Nations peace-keeping operations and, by extension, to world peace and security.
This session takes place against the background of improved relations between the super-Powers and some decrease in the level of global tension. The recently concluded Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America, the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan, the cease-fire in the Gulf war, and the progress towards the peaceful solution of conflicts in Western Sahara, Kampuchea, Namibia and Cyprus have all attested to this fact. A great deal of the credit for these achievements undoubtedly belongs to this Organization. In spite of the retreat from multilateralism on the part of some, the Organization has not wavered in its commitment to seek solutions within the global framework. The Secretary-General must be complimented on his indomitable will and the sincerity of purpose displayed in the execution of his mandate.
In his address at the commemorative session of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, the Right Honourable James Fitz-Allen Mitchell, Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, reminded this body that the purpose and principles of this Organization remained as valid then as they were in 1945. The Charter, he said, had withstood the test of time, and, whatever the shortcomings in its implementation or the limitations of the United Nations institutions, they did not derive from the Charter. We called for a rededication to the principles so ably set forth by the founding fathers of the Organization. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines remains committed to this position.
It is my firm belief that we ate at the threshold of a new era, an era in which the differences that have divided us for so long are less significant than the difficulties we have to face together. Man's greatest hope today is to live in a secure world with a protected common environment. The INF Treaty between President ¡Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev is a historic achievement in the process of disarmament. That is why Saint Vincent applauds this agreement.
Disarmament and arms control are matters of global concern. Our Prime Minister, in his address to the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, supported the view that savings from disarmament should be channelled into development, and proposed that funds thus saved should, as a matter of priority, be devoted to reforestation in Africa. While we welcome what has been achieved so far, we realize that international peace and security is the common concern of all mankind, so that the United Nations has an indispensable role to play in this regard. We cannot rest on our laurels) the hope for a nuclear-free world is our ultimate goal.
In other areas of conflict progress is desperately needed. Independence for Namibia comes readily to mind. In this direction, we have always supported Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We remain cautiously hopeful, however, for a positive outcome of the talks between the Governments concerned to bring an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia. It is our fervent hope that, come 1989, this time around, Namibia will be a fully-fledged Member of this Organization.
On the question of South Africa can anything more be said, except of course, to reiterate that the diabolic system of apartheid continues to be paramount among the human rights concerns of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. The movement in favour of human dignity is now irreversible. There can be no doubt that fundamental change will come to South Africa. The only questions are, when and how and at what cost in human life.
The problems of the Middle East have preoccupied this Assembly since the creation of the United Nations. Peaceful solutions have proved elusive and in their absence violence and extremism have increased. But that is an argument for redoubled effort, not for despair. There is today growing support for a properly structured international conference based ort Israel's right to exist and recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians.
As we reflect on the problems which beset the troubled regions of the globe, and our own region, Latin America and the Caribbean come readily to mind. We continue to support the efforts of the Contadora Group. We also believe that there is much merit in the Esquipulas agreement and all other regional efforts aimed at bringing peace to that afflicted region. We believe that socio-economic deprivation is the root cause of the conflict, and any effort aimed at finding a solution must take cognisance of this factor.
We are heartened by the welcome news coming out of Seoul to the effect that the Government of South Korea is willing to end the situation of confrontation between it and its brother to the north so that the way can be paved for the establishment of relations between the two countries based on a spirit of co-operation. We hope that this welcome gesture can be built upon so that the process of accession by both countries to membership of the United Nations can be expedited.
My delegation applauds the Government and people of the Republic of Korea on the successful completion of the Seoul Olympics, which were conducted in an atmosphere of friendly rivalry and peace. We trust that the co-operative spirit generated throughout the games will contribute to the relaxation of tension in that region.
The view is held in some quarters that the economic recovery in the powerful economic centres of the world could provide the stimulus for renewed economic growth in the rest of the world. But the evidence to the contrary is there for all to see. The accompanying view that the remedies for the economic ills of the South lie in individual national efforts cannot be substantiated. Third-world development efforts have nothing to do with the unfavourable terms of trade, the capricious nature of the markets for the primary products of the South, the high interest rates levied by banks and the fluctuations in the parity between the major currencies. All of these are variables which have an adverse impact on our fragile economies and over which we have absolutely no control. Add to this our vulnerability to natural disasters and one gets a true picture of economies in danger.
While we are thankful to those that assist in alleviating the difficulties faced by these economies we ate mindful that the assistance target of 0.7 per cent of gross domestic product is not met by all those that are eligible.
My Government realized quite early that Vincentians had to make painful sacrifices, and embarked on a programme of structural adjustment aimed at avoiding cost over-run on its recurrent budget so that there could be funds available from local revenue to be utilized in the capital budget sector. This had to be done because the Vincentians are proud people who do not wish to rely solely on the generosity of others.
It is a fact of life that the problems faced by poor and developing countries are the more harsh and intractable the smaller the country. These problems have been frequently reiterated and roust by now be familiar to everyone. Allow me to repeat by way of reminder, however, that they are a mixture of the problems emanating from smallness in general and island characteristics in particular.
These characteristics can be identified as non-viable internal markets, diseconomies of scale, a narrow range of resources, and lack of opportunity to take advantage of external economies by way of linkage with the service networks of neighbouring States and thereby reduce the relative costs of infrastructure. There is the further disadvantage that many of these States, like Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, ate archipelagic - a phenomenon which poses enormous problems, accompanied by their consequential economic and social costs. In view of their small overall size and the relatively small size of their commercial debt, these States do not constitute a priority group for private commercial banks. The simultaneous ineligibility for commercial and concessionary financial flews poses the real possibility of these countries' losing whatever advances they have made towards improving their standard of living and raising their economies from the category of the poorest. In order to save them from the economic retrogression to which they may be doomed, it is important that adequate resources be made available to them on appropriate terms.
We are living through an era of rapid change. Generally speaking, the peoples of the industrialized countries have experienced a rapid improvement in their living conditions. For the developing countries that is not so. While the 1980s may be a remarkable decade, marked by real progress in respect of international peace and security, the decade can be considered as one of lost opportunities for the third world. Very little has been done to prevent the gap between the rich and the poor countries from widening. As we approach the twenty-first century we are faced with the major challenge of overcoming the global development crisis. We must fight the battle against poverty together.
Poverty undermines security, compromises equality and denies hope and opportunity. Alleviating poverty must be given a new priority on national and international agendas. We must work to achieve social justice for the poorest of our world and initiate economic growth where there has been stagnation, revitalization where there has been despair, hope where there has been hopelessness. There must be a spirit of sharing, of giving where there have been surpluses.
The future will depend on how successful we are in harnessing our common attitudes with our limited resources to combat the common challenges. Stability, prosperity and social and economic justice are coming to different parts of the world at different speeds. We must implement corrective measures so as not to create an irreversible imbalance. The challenge is economic and political as well as ethical. We can safeguard the future only by working together. We cannot

safeguard it at each other's expense.
The critical economic situation for the developing world is characterized by unsustainable external debt. It is obvious that the heavily indebted low-income countries will never be able to repay their debts. We must fully recognize the nature of the problem and create the solutions to deal with it. The lending policies of our institutions should not be cast in stone so that they run the risk of bringing about political destabilization which might ultimately lead to increased human suffering and degradation.
The dangers which are likely to be caused through short-sightedness or deliberate environmental practices are many and varied. The issues of toxic wastes, deforestation, desertification, acid rain, the widening gap in the ozone layer, the climatic changes and the greenhouse effect are some of the environmental hazards which must be addressed by the international community before irreversible damage is done to the environment. These issues mast be placed on the priority list of the United Nations and swift and workable solutions must be found if mankind is to survive. They must not be relegated to the back burner, as time is not on our side. The world must be preserved for succeeding generations.
As an archipelagic State and a link in the Caribbean chain, with its unprotected borders on the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines must be conscious of its vulnerability as a potential transhipment point for drug traffickers. We are also conscious of the ever-increasing use of illicit drugs the world over, especially among the young. My Government, in  co-operation with our neighbours, our friends and the international community, will never relent in its efforts to eradicate the illicit trafficking in narcotics and to end the tragedy of drug abuse.
The next decade will be crucial. The United Nations role will be to harness the irreversible forces of change to ensure a more peaceful, more prosperous and more humane world. Vital and difficult decisions will have to be taken. We have the capacity to destroy life on this planet, but we also have the capacity to make this world a better place for all future generations. We look in the future for a more humane world in which the rich nations will be more generous·, where the strong nations are just, the weak nations are regarded as equals, the poor nations are treated as crown jewels and human dignity is enshrined in the image of our Divine Creator, because together we must preserve this earth for all our children's children.


The forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly has elected Mr. Dante Caputo to preside over its work as President. Accordingly, on behalf of my delegation, I should like to extend to him, in these happy circumstances, our most sincere and warmest congratulations.
Zaire, which co-operated very closely with Mr. Peter Florin, President of the forty-second session of the General Assembly and also of the third special session devoted to disarmament, would like, as outgoing Chairman of the First Committee, to express our great esteem for him and our appreciation for the outstanding success achieved throughout his term of office, which has just recently ended. To the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar - a tireless pilgrim in the service of international peace and security - my delegation extends all its gratitude for having found time, despite his many international obligations, to make an official visit to Zaire from 16 to 18 February 1988, in order to become personally acquainted with the facts about my country and its people. The people of Zaire as a whole were able to appreciate the significance of this official visit, which followed logically on those made earlier by the late Dag Hammarskjöld and the late U Than t during the crucial period of our history.
Thus today Zaire is able, more than any other country, to appreciate the cost of the peace, so dearly won thanks to the determination of the United Nations to strengthen our independence and ensure our unity.
The many successes that have been achieved so brilliantly by our Secretary-General in the peaceful settlement of some international conflicts of the present time demonstrate the effectiveness and the relevance of his action and also enable us fully to appreciate his great talents as a superb diplomatic and a skilled negotiator. The Nobel Peace Prize awarded today to the United Nations peace-keeping forces is indeed moving and eloquent proof of the contribution our international Organization is making to the cause of international peace and security.
May I say how happy the delegation of my country, Zaire, is to find itself once again here at this international gathering, the greatest forum of all times, which we all regard as the conscience of the world. We, the representatives of peoples, Governments, States and various communities, are given another opportunity to think aloud, together, about the situation of the human race.
A feature of the present international situation is the resolve of the majority of States to settle their disputes by peaceful means, as provided for in Article 33 of the United Nations Charter. Thus, the Organization is continuing to play its primary role in the maintenance of international peace and security. It now has increased importance as the universally recognized body seeking, through negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation or any other peaceful means, solutions to the conflicts pitting Member States one against the other. The relaxation of tension in, inter alia, Afghanistan, Democratic Kampuchea, the Persian Gulf and Western Sahara, thanks to action taken by the United Nations - symbolized by its Secretary-General - and with the valuable support of the two super-Powers, whose interests seem to be converging, is a tangible example of that.
These far-reaching changes that are progressively taking place hold the promise that relations of trust will develop between East and West, and we hope that this will help to strengthen North-South relations as well.
Recently the international community has been witnessing a more or less positive development in regard to conflicts in the world. Indeed, the efforts made by the Security Council that led to the adoption of resolution 598 (1987) enabled the Secretary-General to continue his consultations and negotiations with the Foreign Ministers of Iraq and Iran, following the Iranian Government's acceptance of that resolution, and those consultations finally led to the cease-fire in the war that had lasted since 1979 between Iraq and Iran - two brother countries and, moreover, members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. The dimensions that the so-called oil war in the Persian Gulf were assuming had become a matter of increasing concern to the international community, with so many human lives being lost on both sides, so many ships being sunk and so many aircraft being shot down. My country, Zaire, sincerely hopes that the commitments entered into by the two parties will be scrupulously respected so that peace and security may be restored to that sensitive region of the world.
The international community is glad to see that the Afghan people is now about to exercise fully its sovereignty and control over all its national territory, pursuant to the Geneva agreements of 14 April 1988, which entered into force on 15 May 1988 and which are based on the total withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. That is fully in keeping with the aspirations of that people, whose country is also a member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries.
My delegation believes that this example being set by the Soviet troops should be followed by the Vietnamese troops in Democratic Kampuchea so that the people of that country may be able to regain its dignity, freedom and unity.
The talks which were held at Bogor from 25 to 28 July 1988 between the Foreign Ministers of the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Viet Nam and the representatives of the four political factions in Kampuchea led to the establishment of a working group of high officials of all those countries, which the mandate of studying in depth all aspects of a political solution to the Kampuchean problem.
It can be hoped that the wind favourable to dialogue that is blowing through Asia will reach the two Koreas. In that connection, my delegation feels that the admission of those countries to membership of the United Nations could only strengthen the role they are already playing on the international scene.
While the spirit of harmonization and concertation prevails in the Far East, the same cannot, alas, be said of the Middle East, where there is still fierce antagonism and hostility which constantly fans hatred. Despite the efforts made by some States directly involved in the conflict, and despite the efforts of the United Nations, no progress seems to have been made on the road to a comprehensive, peaceful settlement of that issue. So far as my country, Zaire, is concerned, the State of Israel exists and is a Member of the United Nations, just as the Palestinian people is a living reality that should also have a State and become a Member of our universal Organization.
That is why my country appeals urgently to all the parties involved not to listen to the sirens of discord but, rather, to adopt a more conciliatory attitude that would be more favourable to dialogue. For it is by recognizing everyone's inalienable right to existence within a nation that all the Member States of our Organization can demonstrate their devotion to the purposes and principles of the Charter.
The United Nations has adopted many resolutions calling on the white minority regime to put an end to the political system of apartheid in South Africa, which has been almost unanimously regarded as a crime against humanity. The Republic of Zaire, linked by geography, history and culture to southern Africa, is following with particular interest the developments in that part of the continent. The quadripartite negotiations currently under way between those mainly concerned should be encouraged by the international community, because the process augurs well for the independence of Namibia and because the resulting withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola and Namibia would set that region on the right road, so that an atmosphere of peace and trust could develop between the protagonists.
My delegation also takes a positive view of developments in Western Sahara and Chad, where the consultations that have now begun between the parties offer the prospect of a lasting, peaceful solution.
It is also encouraging that in Central America substantial progress has been made in the peace process since the signing of the Esquipulas II and Sapoa agreements.
Turning to the economic situation, I should like to begin by presenting some food for thought from a recent publication called "Pour l'Afrique", which says among other things:
"The subsoil of Africa has a very high mineral content. We already know that it contains 97 per cent of the world's reserves of platinum, 64 per cent of manganese, 25 per cent of uranium. Copper in Zambia and Zaire, lead in Namibia, cobalt in Zaire and Zambia, nickel in Botswana and Zimbabwe, phosphates in Morocco, Senegal and Togo, gold, silver and diamonds throughout southern Africa ... Iron is perhaps the most promising·, while world reserves are being exhausted, there are enormous deposits in Gabon, Senegal, Guinea and Mauritania. For a world industry that is hungry for raw materials, Africa is the continent of the future."

Completing the picture, the author adds:
"Commodity prices today in real terms represent only 20 per cent of what they were in I960. In 1985 international trade in manufactured goods increased by 6 per cent while trade in agricultural and mineral products dropped by 2.5 per cent. Increased competition, protectionism, monetary disorder, the high cost of energy ... Africa has been hit by them all."
In a nutshell, that is the gloomy, negative and sharply contrasted picture of the international economic situation, particularly as regards relations between the industrialized countries of the northern hemisphere and the developing countries of the southern part of our planet.
In this connection, it should be emphasized that the depth of the crisis disrupting the world economy requires concerted action rather than timid sectoral, superficial and inconsistent patching up. Against that background, re-launching a true and sincere dialogue between North and South with a view to establishing a new international economic order, in the interests of all peoples, would be very timely, for such a dialogue could bring about the dawning of a new economic order based on justice and collective responsibility towards mankind. It could provide solutions to the major economic problems of today, one of which, clearly, is the external debt of the developing countries. That burden, now amounting to several billion dollars, jeopardizes all prospects of developing our countries and undermines all possibility of growth.
Our countries' export earnings are diverted to the payment of external debts, instead of being used to finance development; our countries have become net exporters of capital and reservoirs of financial resources for countries that are already developed. Therefore, an agreed approach based on the principle of shared responsibility between debtors and creditors is necessary, for the imperatives of economic development and growth must be given precedence and be among the top priorities.
We should highlight the dichotomy between the speedy enrichment of some and the equally speedy pauperization of others, although they ate linked by relations of interdependence. My delegation believes that it is worth expressing the hope that the world will finally become aware of the situation and provide the necessary remedy before it is too late. My country, Zaire, attaches great importance to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, whose fortieth anniversary the United Nations will celebrate on 10 December this year. We are also happy to note that today, 29 September 1988, is the tenth anniversary of the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), containing the plan for Namibia's independence, and is also the date chosen by the two super-Powers at their recent Moscow summit to draw up a schedule for the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola.
In accordance with resolution 41/129, which encourages all Member States to take appropriate steps for the establishment of national institutions for the protection and promotion of human rights, a Department of the Rights and Freedoms of Citizens was set up in Zaire in 1986. Its mandate includes in particular gathering and considering the complaints and grievances of any citizen whose rights and freedoms have been unjustly violated by the public authorities, by any decision of the courts or in any other way, when all other legally authorized remedies have been exhausted or found ineffective, and when the injustice has been declared to be flagrant. Apart from Africa's physical and moral suffering, some parts of the continent also suffer from drought, desertification and the invasion of locusts, while the resulting famine strikes millions of human beings.
The difficult issue of toxic and radioactive waste is a matter of major concern to third-world countries, and particularly to Africa, at the present time. It was therefore with good reason that on 4 October 1973 Marshal Mobuto Sese Seko, President of the Republic of Zaire, said from this very rostrum? "In Zaire we are flattered when we are considered as the champions of the protection of nature. But what is the use of this national effort if our efforts are cancelled out by people thousands of kilometres away from us?" (A/PV.2140, p. 76) The true import of those words can indeed be felt today.
From 31 May to 26 June 1988 the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament was held here in New York. At that time the international community hoped that the new atmosphere of understanding that had developed between the two major nuclear Powers would extend to other Member States following the signing in Washington on 8 December 1987 and the ratification in Moscow on 1 June 1988, of the Treaty on the Elimination of Medium-Range and Shorter-Range Nuclear Missiles. The General Assembly at that time hoped that that joint action by the nuclear Powers would have a positive impact on other nuclear Powers. However disappointing the resolutions of the third special session devoted to disarmament may be, this cannot in any way weaken the resolve of the international community to follow the new path that has been traced out by the super-Powers with a view to general and complete disarmament under effective international control. A British philosopher said:
"Those who do not act together cannot act fruitfully. Those who do not act in trust cannot act together. Those who are not bound by shared views, shared feelings and shared interests cannot act in trust."
Since the international community has shared interests it must act in trust so as to act fruitfully to ensure the survival of the human race.
As an African thinker said:
"It is at this price, and this price only, that we can avoid despairing of ourselves, for in this way we will have acted as men - men of peace, men of dialogue, men of magnanimity, men of a generation that has not lived for nothing and that, after exploring the Moon, having passed by the planets Mars and Saturn, touched on Venus, admired Orion, has come back to Earth, its head ' held high, to take charge of its own fate - the fate of mankind."


It is a happy and memorable coincidence that at this forty-third session two Latin American citizens hold posts of honour: one is President of the General Assembly and the other is Secretary-General. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Argentina, Mr. Dante Caputo, and the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, are distinguished representatives of our people, heirs to the best ideological and republican traditions which created the Latin American nationality.
When we joined the international community, after the historic changes generated by the French Revolution - now nearing its bicentennial - there was in our continent a feeling of identity, unity, mutual interest in solidarity, and brotherhood in the face of the sufferings of the war of emancipation and of outside threats.
Today, after many difficult years of being divided by foreign interests, of inflamed prejudices among ourselves, of painful interruptions to our expression of the democratic will as peoples, Latin America, almost in its entirety, is able to present itself to the world once again, as it is doing at this Assembly, with a feeling of solidarity and a community of ideals. I have no fear that I may be mistaken, or arrogating the right of another, when I affirm that we, the nations of America, are undergoing a period of far-reaching changes which we cannot, nor shall, this time leave to the vagaries of circumstance.
"Security" is usually defined in terms of custody, preservation and promotion of a country's basic interests. For Venezuela, together with what is inherent in our national being, its security also means democracy, by virtue of the provisions and mandate established by its Constitution. It means the freedom of its citizens to dissent, under the rule of law, to be able to prosper and satisfy their material and spiritual needs with autonomy and independence. Nevertheless, in a contemporary world such as ours, our security and the security of our countries are threatened from outside. So it is high time to make this charge, and there is no more appropriate forum in which to do so than this, at this rostrum open to all the peoples of the world.
Today, the legitimacy of our fundamental tights as nations and peoples, as communities and individuals, is being challenged. There is no other way to explain the lack of definitive solutions to problems such as the problem of external debt, which drains our countries' economies and deprives them of the tight to a stable future.
The external debt problem acts as a stranglehold today on the economic and social development of the vast majority of the peoples of the world. It is essential to overcome it if we ace to achieve more just and humane social development. We must begin to tackle it recognizing that we shall find a lasting solution only when we face up to its true causes and admit the failure of the strategies so far followed in our attempt to manage it.
Among the basic causes of the external debt crisis are the serious errors made by banks and lenders when they set aside the very principles on which private credit activities operate and try ineffectually to supplant the development financing institutions and take over the functions assigned to them.
Secondly, immediately following this, there occurred another very important change: the Governments and monetary authorities of some of the countries in which the creditor banks operated, to defend their currencies and fight inflation, took the political decision to raise interest rates to levels far above the average inflation rates, without taking into account the devastating effect that this step would have on the debtor countries.
The result has been that some loans that were contracted at interest rates at a level in balance with inflation rates have to be serviced at an almost impossible level of interest, because there is no economic activity that can generate enough wealth to cover that imbalance, which is the result of a political decision taken by the Governments of developed countries.
The logic of international financial capitalism is unethical and immoral. An economic system cannot function indefinitely on the basis of such a mechanism. Nor can it be claimed that it is reasonable for the expectations of our peoples to be subordinated to the covetousness of the most crass mercantilism. And it is far less reasonable that nations which profess to be our allies and friends should seek not only to justify but to impose such logic, using the most blatant euphemisms.
We have seen, in the schemes so far presented, one refinancing negotiation following another, with adjustment policies in the debtor countries and protective policies for the financial systems in the creditor countries; interventions by the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the regional development banks; one international conference following another, with specific plans from developed countries - all with no practical result. The fact is that for both the countries that have paid and those that have not, the situation is untenable.
Debt can never be repaid by means of more debts. The traditional scheme is bankrupt and the old timetable appears to us now to be a harmful and grotesque ritual.
Where do we expect this road to lead us? Let us remember that there are limits which cannot be crossed with impunity, and the limits include that concept of security and that right to development and social justice which we shall never tire of claiming to be inalienable. The dramatic, compelling fact of the matter is that social problems are becoming more acute and that there are no more adjustments to be made; the net flow of capital from debtor to creditor countries continues; countries service their commitments and, with very few exceptions - and so far Venezuela has been one of them - debts rise, interest is paid on interest, and the dilemma of the debt is further compounded.
The policy of gaining time, hoping for a financial miracle that will make it possible for the debt to be serviced under current terms, has had its day. We have to grasp this fact and act accordingly, and very quickly. Let us recall the crisis of the 1930s when more than half the countries which were then in the League of Nations filed for moratoriums on their debt; and let us also remember all the consequences, with the world-wide effects that sprang from not having acted in time. It is therefore our duty to try agreed solutions that will lead to international agreements under which the debtors will obtain conditions that are reasonable in relation to the size of their debts; and real schedules and interest rates will be established that will enable them to pay and at the same time develop their economies.
There is no other solution. Let us not delude ourselves. If we are not able to devise a multilateral mechanism to meet these objectives, we shall become passive witnesses to an economic and social disaster that will embrace all countries, whether developed or not.
It is not possible to remain wealthy for long if that wealth is based on the ruin of others; far less so in today's interdependent world.
The economist and university professor Carlos Diaz Alejandro once said:
"To blame the victims is a tempting way to shirk responsibilities, especially when the victims themselves are far from virtuous." We have repeatedly maintained that debt is a joint responsibility and that, accordingly, seeking solutions to overcome its traumatic effects must necessarily also be a joint decision, one that is rational and equitable, agreed to by creditors and debtors.
We, the developing countries, are the victims: of that there can be no doubt. It is likewise true that we are not virtuous. We are not virtuous victims. Yet, in this case, the sins are not the sins only of just some but the sins of one and all. We cannot therefore accept that our people should bear the punishment. They most certainly are not to blame.
Nor is this a unilateral plea for our peoples. We are certain that the perils of the future will not spare those who now have the power to take the major decisions. This is the message that Î wish to place on record here before this forum on behalf of the people of Venezuela, a message which is, or should be, the sum and conscience of mankind.
A few days ago, meeting at the Regional Conference on Poverty, Latin American representatives observed that 61 million Latin Americans lived in a state of poverty which did not even allow them to satisfy their basic need for food. Faced with this reality, which could easily be observed even more dramatically in other developing regions, it is fitting to ask oneself: What right can be invoked, what obligations can be adduced, that transcend fundamental human rights? It can, of course, be argued that it is up to each Government to deal with the problems of the society it represents and that its responsibilities cannot be transferred to others. True, yes, but only when those responsibilities are theirs alone.
No one can claim that it is so. The existing interrelationship between the development of our economies and the international economy is a fact of life which, instead of leading us on to progress, seems to lead us to backwardness. Is this, or is it not, a collective responsibility?
A very recent diagnosis of the Latin American economic situation produced by the Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) , indicates that since the region has had to make thorough adjustments which give priority to the balances in external accounts, the end result is that we may be in a position to overcome the stagnation in growth and recover greater price stability; but in order to so, it is vital to put an end to, and reverse, the transfer of resources to which our economies have been subjected. In our view, this situation can be achieved only if the debt problem is approached and managed in a radically different way.
Venezuela - and I am saying this on its behalf with full moral and political authority - considers that the efforts made have been more than enough.
We cannot envisage staying where we are as the scenario for our society in the future. We have reached the point at which development and foreign debt have become the antithesis of each other in a contradiction which we cannot evade indefinitely.
Venezuela has made praiseworthy efforts to restore to its economy a stable and predictable frame of reference. The internal reorganization and adjustment which it has carried our have been beneficial in so far as they have been able to stimulate the strength and reserves of our society. To be able to bring this to fruition now, we must avoid the risk of inflation, reactivate investment processes, improve productivity, and raise the standard of living of our people, all of which depend on the level of resources we can invest in our own progress and on whether or not we are able to guarantee stability and predictability, which every economic activity and social advance require.
Like the majority in our region, we stand a chance of coming out of this crisis successfully. It is accordingly imperative that we should not allow ourselves to slump in inertia and that we should take advantage of this transition. In order to do this, we need full understanding on the part of the international community and of the developed countries in particular, of what is at stake. It is impossible to imagine that their exercises in co-ordinating their economic policies are in themselves efforts which we could consider to be consonant with the circumstances facing the rest of the world; nor to imagine that our problems will be solved in this way.
We welcome the apparently greater clear-sightedness of the discussion at the Toronto meeting regarding the realities facing the developing world, but since there has been no constructive dialogue or short-term operational measures, we believe that we are entitled to reserve for ourselves the right to explore the possibilities that may prove to be needed.
In Latin America a group of countries have been thinking along these lines. The Acapulco Commitment to Peace, Development and Democracy, which we eight Latin American Presidents signed last year, is the expression of our shared concerns and our common purposes. We have set ourselves the necessary goals in the three fields covered by our commitment, and we intend to further and enlarge them. We shall soon be meeting again in fraternal Uruguay to refine our perceptions and take note of the degree of acceptance and understanding which our assessments have received.
Venezuela is prepared to make its contribution to ensure that Latin America will not be relegated from the world which, it seems, is being forged at the current time.
The relaxation of tensions and the beginnings of solutions to grave international conflicts in various parts of the world are not fortuitous, just as the tensions and confrontations which provoked them were not.
The great Powers have entered into a process of dialogue and disarmament. We congratulate them and trust that this will be sustained. Countries in confrontation, zones in conflict, ate beginning to feel the results of those agreements, and at last recourse is being made to the multilateral institutions which were created to promote peace. In this context, allow me to congratulate the Secretary-General for his efforts and convey our sincere wishes that they may be supported and sustained by all in this Organization.
From this process, which we trust will be successful, there will emerge once again the possibility of channelling more resources to development. It is inconceivable that material backwardness and human misery should continue to exist; and there is no possible justification for their increasing in a world whose global wealth is unprecedented. Will the international community ever be able to channel its resources in a constructive direction? When we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, we all had in mind the tragic economic, social and political conflicts from which the Organization was born. To date, however, we have for the most part been incapable of overcoming the lack of understanding which prevails as to how to bring prosperity within the reach of all.
The economic conflict still remains unchanged and is growing steadily worse. Imbalances in the world economy will lead us to disaster if the main countries involved do not assume their responsibilities with a full sense of obligation towards the international community.
Perhaps the time has also come for the Secretary-General to take in hand the quest for a dialogue that will ensure that the international community takes a definite course of action to meet this unsatisfied need, a course of action in which external debt would occupy a prominent place. We certainly cannot go on having these kinds of parallel monologues in which the developed and the developing worlds have become entrenched. Perhaps we should renounce our traditional procedures and, through the Secretary-General's activity, bring the item before the highest political bodies and attempt to revive the philosophy and practice of co-operation to ensure development through joint agreement.
Economic problems are not unrelated to a host of others which we could begin to tackle in the same context. It has been said that Latin America is being absorbed by the underground drug economy. Radical measures have been required to deal with the crop areas, and, with increasing emphasis, relations between countries are to be made conditional on the eradication of this activity.
Venezuela, which has earned an authoritative position in the anti-drug struggle, is determined to act on all fronts, as we demonstrated in 1984 when we placed before the General Assembly the idea of adopting a convention against the traffic and consumption of illicit drugs - a convention that was subsequently approved unanimously. But we notice that no-one has taken the trouble to point out the existence of and to act against an economic situation that is nourished by and profits systematically from the drug economy, which fosters the creation of economic power centres and consolidates them and, in practice, serves as its financial agent.
It would certainly be relevant for the United Nations to reveal the linkage between some members of the international financial world and the underground drug economy. We might likewise explore the traffic in toxic wastes, which has now taken on special dimensions in that attempts are under way to transport to earth-based reservoirs - for the most part in the territories of developing countries - the garbage of a wasteful consumer society imposed on us as a model j transferring, hand in hand with that, habits of corruption to facilitate the continuance of this illicit, repugnant business.
As members will have been able to appreciate, my message to the General Assembly endeavours to take up again, on an ethical basis, some of the challenges we face. We should never lose sight of this, because civilization and its progress are inconceivable if they are not linked with the most intimate aspirations of our Individual and collective being. In this constant pursuit of the most elementary rights of States and men, we have all relied on the United Nations - as the appropriate forum not only for conveying our concerns but, what is more important, for channelling resources and establishing competent bodies and mechanisms.
United Nations efforts have made progress possible in matters to which we are particularly attached. I should like to mention some items which perhaps the distortion of priorities has downgraded to routine questions but which are still fully valid from our point of view. As is well known, Venezuela recognizes and promotes the interdependence of all human rights; political, economic, social and cultural. There are situations which constitute a permanent threat to those principles. Venezuela confirms it rejection of racial discrimination in South Africa - of which the classic example is Mandela's martyrdom - and affirms its solidarity with the people of Namibia, while urging that the talks and negotiations now under way should bring about the independence of that country.
For all those reasons, and because of the outstanding role the United Nations has played in bringing about peaceful solutions to international disputes, I reaffirm our solidarity with the Organization, express renewed faith in its principles and offer our best efforts in the service of the cause of peace and the coexistence of peoples.
Along those lines, I should like to emphasize the achievements of the United Nations in its endeavours to put an end to conflicts in regions that are particularly dear to us - such as the peace agreement in Afghanistan and the end of hostilities between Iraq and Iran, countries with which we maintain cordial and constructive relations.
It has been made evident that it is only the resolute will of the States involved that is capable of ending conditions favouring the attainment of specific objectives. For that reason, noting that in other regions there are definite prospects for peace, we urge the five Central American countries signatories of the Procedure for the Establishment of a Firm and Lasting Peace in Central America to devote themselves to complying with their commitments, regardless of the interference of elements alien to the area. The political dialogue between them should be restored genuinely and promptly, with a large dose of determination and with each party doing its share to put an end to a conflict that is being needlessly prolonged. We trust that reason will prevail, that peace and friendly coexistence in freedom and democracy will be the symbols of that cherished region.
We know that all United Nations organs are prepared to continue performing the tasks entrusted to them and to face in a constructive way any situation that threatens the well-being of mankind. Nevertheless, it is fitting to recall the serious financial difficulties which the United Nations has undergone - difficulties that require our utmost attention. It is clearly understood that it is the duty of all its Member States to contribute to supporting it on a permanent basis.
My final words today, as the representative of a country that is democratic in spirit and in action, ace to wish the United Nations success in its primary purpose of ensuring peace and security for the world. Venezuela will always stand by the United Nations, devised and created for the sake and the benefit of universal mankind.