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2.	Mr. President, allow me at the outset to express our immense pleasure in seeing you elected to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly and to assure you of our great confidence in your ability to guide the deliberations of this important session to a successful conclusion.
3.	As this session follows on that presided over with wisdom and able leadership by Mr. Mojsov, we are confident that your efforts, in continuation of his, will be such as to guide its deliberations to the desired success and accomplishments.
4.	The loyalty and perseverance which the Secretary- General, Mr. Waldheim, has adequately displayed in shouldering the great responsibilities entrusted to him lead us to believe that all the prerequisites for success have thus been provided to guarantee what this Assembly looks forward to accomplishing.
5.	We gather here in this great city of New York, which hap. witnessed great efforts for the realization of the expectations of the human race in a world where justice would prevail, a world where relations among peoples would be founded on freedom and human dignity and would be based on co-operation inspired by the sincere and genuine desire to serve the common interest. If efforts from within this hall and from outside its walls are directed

today towards achieving and maintaining international peace and security through the establishment of equitable international relations and the guarantee of the right of all States to progress and to develop without interference in their affairs or infringement upon their sovereignty, and through the containment of disputes, then the history of this Organization in living up to its responsibilities will provide an eloquent witness to a continuing international need for the prosperity and well-being of the United Nations.
6.	In this respect, I wish to congratulate the delegation of the State of Solomon Islands for having secured its membership in this Organization, thus contributing to the achievement of one of the most important objectives of this Organization, that of the universality of the United Nations.
7.	My country had the honour, last July, of acting as host to the fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Khartoum from 18 to 22 July. African leaders met in a brotherly gathering that was characterized by an intense awareness of the historical responsibility laid upon its shoulders and an unblurred vision of the problems and anxieties of the African continent. Their deliberations on those issues became an embodiment of African wisdom inspired by a heritage deeply rooted in history and a manifestation of the ability of Africa to overcome the obstacles that hinder its path. The Khartoum summit meeting was a sincere and persistent effort on the part of those leaders, an effort in which the wills of their peoples converged and formed solid and unwavering convictions based on the solid foundation of the principles of the Charter of their organization.
8.	I am indeed honoured and proud to have been entrusted with the presidency of the OAU for the current year. Hence, if I were to address myself briefly to the African positions and stands, it would be only in such a way as to reveal the extent to which the OAU has progressed in its endeavours to attain the desired degree of effectiveness in handling the various African and international issues included in the agenda of this session. .
9.	As the principles of the OAU were drawn from the same lofty and noble ideals as the United Nations Charter, its establishment, as envisioned by the pioneer-leaders of Africa 15 years ago, came to represent a major tributary of the international Organization that aims at augmenting and upholding the same ideals and principles. The summit meeting in Khartoum commemorated a decade and a half in the life of our organization. This, indeed, is a young and tender age counted in years, but chronicled in afflictions and crises our organization reached a very early maturity and acquired tremendous seasoning. Its creation coincided
with that stretch in the stride of Africa's history that witnessed the awakening of the continent and the realization by its peoples of their right to freedom and independence. Hence it chartered for itself the most difficult course where precious blood was spilled and effort and sweat were spent in pursuit of the realization of its peoples' aspiration in dignity and pride. The last 15 years were a difficult and painstaking march as, notwithstanding the heavy burden left behind by colonialism in Africa, they also coincided historically with the ailments that our world suffers from today. The organization could not afford to extricate itself from these dilemmas or afford to play the role of the spectator when it opted to become an integral part of this sphere by way of action and reaction. Hence the various afflictions and crises that befell the continent served only to strengthen its solidarity and unity.
10.	The decisions emanating from the Khartoum summit meeting came to emphasize our strong will to protect the organization and uphold its lofty principles and as a renewal of the pledge we made to our peoples to mobilize our resources and intensify our struggle. They emphasize also our commitment to solidarity, unity, respect for sovereignty and to the maintenance of good neighbourliness and brotherly links through the exploration of all avenues of co-operation between our peoples to speed up the process of social and economic development.
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11.	The Khartoum meeting signifies a commitment on our part to preserve our sovereignty, which we forcefully retrieved, and to close the door against foreign intervention, emphasizing a declaration of unwavering determination to repel any danger threatening our countries, our peoples and our continent. It signifies also an affirmation of our solidarity with Arab peoples in their struggle and in the establishment of an African Arab front to confront the political and. economic challenges which face these two peoples.
12.	The Khartoum summit meeting has culminated in directing African efforts towards the resolution of African problems in a manner reflecting the recognition by Africa of its responsibility towards the international community. Hence, being entrusted with the task of conveying to this gathering the decisions of that summit meeting, I find it appropriate to dwell on them in some length in order to be able to properly convey the mood of the meeting and its understanding of the international responsibility it shoulders.
13 What we are persistently seeking to establish through our bilateral, regional and international relations is a new era of hope and accomplishment. Hence our attention and efforts have been directed towards anticipating events rather than passively awaiting them, initiating steps, saving our strength and advocating our line of thinking by rallying support to it.
14. It was on this understanding that the African countries based their meetings with the countries of non-aligned movement and with those countries that shared with them the task of laying the foundation of African-Arab co-operation. It is with this same understanding that we join hands with the world community represented by you here today, our responsibility and obligations towards which we fully recognize.
15.	After Africa's voice, with all clarity and determination, had echoed strongly within the continent and the whole world announcing its firm intention, to uphold the principles and unity of the non-aligned movement and pledging to spare no effort to maintain and increase its effectiveness, African delegations moved towards Belgrade to continue their international effort under the banner of their organization and guided by its decisions and by the understanding I have alluded to earlier. The African voice was an expression of the continent's adherence to the principles of non-alignment as the only framework within which the African struggle to liberate territories under foreign domination and to preserve national independence could be effectively mobilized. It was also an expression of the strong African conviction that the creation of a new international order, first and foremost, entails strict adherence to the main principle of non-alignment that calls for independence in relations with power blocs, the non-use of force and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States.
16.	African delegations effectively participated in the deliberations of the Belgrade meeting  with the strong conviction that strengthening the non-alignment movement augments the efforts of their organization. This participation was also an expression of their full cognisance of the role entrusted to African peoples in maintaining unity and solidarity among non-aligned States. With this positive and constructive attitude of sympathy and understanding, the meeting in Belgrade looked into the problems and anxieties of the African continent. It was only natural that the non-aligned countries, which share common aspirations and destinies with the African countries, should consider those problems and anxieties within the same context and from the same viewpoint as Africa. Their decisions coincided with the African decisions emanating from the capital of my country and Africa's voice was echoed in Belgrade in a spectacular unison.
17.	Accordingly, the decisions taken at Belgrade [see A/33/206] came to lend unlimited international weight and support to the African views expressed at the Khartoum summit meeting. Therefore, if I were to convey to this Assembly Africa's viewpoints on the issues of today, it would only be to emphasize the fact that those views, having met unlimited international' support, are no longer regional stances inasmuch as they are established on a basis of solid international understanding.
18.	What is now going on in South Africa in the way of consistent violation of basic human rights is a disgrace to humanity and an affront to the moral codes of the world community that deserves complete eradication. The inhuman practices of the racist regime in Pretoria, which are the most repulsive practices ever witnessed in human history, represent only one of the columns supporting that regime's structural entity. The resources of our African people in that part of our continent are not only readily available to an alien minority and inaccessible to the indigenous population, but also offer an inexhaustible source on which the racist regime draws in strengthening its economic influence and the repressive machinery it directs against the African population. It draws on these African resources to increase its military capabilities in order to carry out brutal military campaigns against front-line States and, indeed, against all independent African States.
19.	The Fascist regime of South Africa is obsessed with the false idea that it can, by its consistent aggression against these African States, obstruct their development programmes and thus dissuade them from living up to their responsibilities in supporting the struggle of their heroic brothers in South Africa. The Pretoria regime, which founded its racist entity on false racist concepts, conveniently forgets, in a typical manifestation of callous disregard and arrogance, that African States-no matter what the sacrifices and price they have to pay—will remain faithful to the struggle being waged in that part of the continent, a struggle which is supported by the peoples of Africa and„indeed, by the peoples of the whole world. The strong winds of liberty that have demolished colonial fortresses in the wake of the momentous African awakening will keep on blowing in forceful gusts towards southern Africa, and are certain to eradicate that abhorred, cancerous regime.
20.	While Africa remembers with appreciation and gratitude the stand taken by the world community represented here in the United Nations when it condemned racial discrimination as a crime against humanity and a danger to international peace and security, it would like to remind this Assembly of the numerous resolutions and decisions that have emanated from this Organization recognizing the legitimacy of the struggle against racial discrimination, including armed struggle. It would also like to reiterate what it has emphatically stated in the past, namely that no option remains open other than resorting to a tight siege against, and direct armed confrontation with, that racist regime. There is no need to review options or to select alternatives if we recognize Security Council resolution 418 (1977) and proceed to the strict implementation of its provisions by imposing a complete arms embargo upon South Africa and severing all forms of military and economic co-operation with it.
21.	It is only fitting on this occasion to salute the front-line States of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia for the great sacrifices they are making in shouldering the responsibility of joint struggle against the racist regime for the complete emancipation of the continent. It is in accordance with the various decisions of the international community, represented by this Assembly, that these countries should be afforded moral and material support to strengthen their defensive capabilities and to enable them to offer secure bases for the liberation struggle being waged in southern Africa.
22.	It is indeed saddening to witness today the collusion of some Powers with this degenerate regime, which is thus strengthening its military and economic capabilities, while at the same time those same Powers boast that their charters and constitutions cater to and embody the basic principles of human rights. How compatible are those charters and constitutions with this conduct which not only infuses blood into, and offers a lifeline to, the racist regime but also enables it to have access to nuclear technology and nuclear weapons of destruction in order to safeguard its interests at any price? How harmonious with their charters and constitutions are their practices which enable South Africa to continue its repressive measures and systematic genocide aimed at the perpetuation of the abhorred settler- colonialism in southern Africa?
23.	It was on the basis of these premises that the Khartoum summit meeting called for a strict oil embargo on the racist regime of Pretoria. It went further in expressing a strong demand for the establishment of highly effective standing machinery for the proper implementation of this embargo on the racist regime in southern Africa.
24.	The present critical stage of the heroic Namibian people's struggle, under the banner of the South West Africa People's Organization SWAPO, which steadfastly lived up to its commitment to struggle until that struggle was crowned by the Security Council's latest resolution on the subject—resolution 431 (1978)—was only a natural outcome of SWAPO's able leadership and political maturity. This stage is equally critical in the whole African struggle against the powers of evil and aggression in the southern part of Africa. The utmost vigilance is required in the face of the various plots being concocted by the Pretoria regime against that region.
25.	The international community represented by the United Nations, which supported the Namibian people materially and morally throughout its struggle, is now called upon to continue to provide stable and sustained material aid to SWAPO to enable it effectively to counter those plots being hatched against it by the very Powers which harbour evil intentions against the welfare of our continent. While expressing gratitude for the past efforts of the United Nations by offering unlimited support to the United Nations Council for Namibia, Africa views with mounting appreciation the recent efforts of the Organization to give the needed momentum to the noble international endeavours directed towards the achievement of the complete emancipation of the Namibian people under the flag of SWAPO and towards preserving the territorial unity and integrity of Namibia, including Walvis Bay. It is particularly pertinent in this respect to refer to the report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Namibia,  prepared pursuant to Security Council resolution 431 (1978), and to point out that South Africa is again resorting to manoeuvres aimed at preventing the convening of the Security Council and its adoption of the recommendations contained in that report. The Assembly is hereby called upon to put an end to those manoeuvres and go ahead with the final steps towards the attainment of independence by the Namibian people.
26.	In Zimbabwe the Patriotic Front is leading a heroic popular struggle to liberate the country from the yoke of the minority racist regime, which is staggering under the Front's heavy blows. Already so close to collapse and annihilation, this racist regime came out with the so-called Salisbury agreement of 3 March 1978,  whereby it desperately tried to bestow a politically representative character on some opportunist elements which had been rejected and which represent no national entity or sector of the population. The Khartoum summit meeting rejected that Agreement, emphasizing that it amounts to no more than a treacherous and wicked attempt to strengthen and consolidate the military and political establishment of the racist regime. It also condemned it as a feverish attempt on the part of the Salisbury regime to consolidate its grip on the resources of the country and as a devious plot to suppress the heroic aspirations to freedom and to complete emancipation of the people of Zimbabwe. We reiterated in Khartoum the strong African conviction that a just solution to this problem is attainable only if it embodies and caters for the wishes of the majority of the people, represented by the Patriotic Front. A lasting solution of the problem must be to recognize the right of the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination and independence through the transfer of power from the minority to the people of Zimbabwe and their authentic representatives.
27.	The legitimate struggle undertaken by the Patriotic Front as the sole legitimate liberation movement in Zimbabwe meets with full support and solidarity from the African peoples as a struggle that is certain to achieve its objectives of liberty and sovereignty.
28.	So, if the Salisbury racist regime were to launch brutal aggression against the neighbouring African States, the least this international community could do would be fully to support the Zimbabwean people and the peoples of the front-line States by providing them with the necessary material assistance and strictly implementing the provisions of a total economic embargo on the racist regime in accordance with the contents and spirit of Article 41 of the Charter of the United Nations.
29.	It is a fact that colonialism, while retreating from our continent after having plundered its resources, has found it difficult to allow the African peoples to carry on with their processes of economic and social development, so vital after years of oppression and suffering. Since the awakening of Africa, colonialism has openly resorted to intervention in the internal affairs of the African States in order to safeguard its own interests.
30.	Furthermore, Africa is being subjected to persistent interference by foreign Powers which are sowing the seeds of dissension and disunity among our peoples in an attempt to widen and increase internal differences, stem the tide of African solidarity and suppress the aspirations and hopes of the African peoples for unity and fraternity. For that reason, the OAU, realizing that this intervention constitutes a direct threat to the very survival of the African peoples and their systems, has continued to monitor with concern and dismay the deteriorating situation resulting from the increasing foreign intervention in the internal affairs of the continent.
31.	The Khartoum summit meeting strongly condemned all policies of intervention in African affairs, whatever their source, since such policies would turn the continent into a battlefield, the effect of which would be the destruction of the socio-economic structures, leading ultimately to opening wide the door for the return of the colonialists.
32.	The meeting also reiterated the established African conviction that African security and peace are contingent on the strict observance of the principles of self-determination, independence, non-interference in the internal affairs of States, the rights of all peoples to protect their national borders, the settlement of disputes through peaceful means, and the illegality of the annexation of lands by the use of force.
33.	The OAU Assembly at Khartoum took full cognisance of the established fact that the solution of African problems is the responsibility of the Africans themselves. African determination and wisdom have seen the continent through many a difficult time before. It was in this spirit of revolutionary determination that the Khartoum Assembly adopted a resolution on the establishment of a common African contingent for the purpose of protecting the independence of member States and their sovereignty over their respective territories, and ensuring the total liberation of the African continent from the remaining pockets of colonialism and racism [see A/33/235, annex I, resolution CM/Res.635 (XXXI)]. The summit gathering also decided that this military force should be conceptually and administratively African and be deployed by African decision under the banner and in accordance with the principles and objectives of the OAU. That resolution emphasizes the seriousness and determination of the Khartoum summit meeting to seek the enhancement and consolidation of the unity, solidarity and strength of the organization. In that connexion, the summit meeting created conciliation and arbitration committees, as well as machinery for the containment of disputes.
34.	The past year in the life of our organization has seen sincere and relentless African efforts demonstrating the ability of the African continent to solve its problems without foreign interference or pressure. The African wisdom which characterized the efforts of African leaders such as Senghor, Houphoufit-Boigny, Sekou Toure and Tolbert was a demonstration of the effectiveness and authenticity of the African approach to solving the problems of the continent and one of the factors that contributed to the success of the Khartoum summit meeting.
35.	The Sudan is the cauldron in which the Arab and African civilizations converged and synthesized in wonderful harmony, complementarity and integration. Although our geographical position contributed to the achievement of this harmony and complementarity, it was not the only factor involved. What attracted Arabs to Africa was a long history of cultural relations and interactions that produced flourishing civilizations in the heart of Africa, such as the civilizations of Timbuktu, Benin and Meroe. Hence, afterwards, both Africans and Arabs were subjected to similar colonialist conditions, characterized by barbarous entities based on racism and racial discrimination seeking to replace the indigenous population. The unity of the African-Arab struggle was a natural and logical result of those difficult conditions that characterized the history of the Arab and African peoples.
36.	The African-Arab Conference held in Cairo in March 1977  represented a landmark in this common fight. That
Conference reinforced the sense of solidarity and laid the basis for co-operation in the political and economic fields which enjoyed the support of Arab and African peoples throughout successive meetings and led to the establishment of a number of economic and social institutions, structures and organizations which uphold and strengthen this solidarity.
37.	Naturally, this African-Arab solidarity, which presents a solid front and is a major pillar of the international liberation movement, provoked the forces of racism and colonialism on our African continent and in Palestine discreetly to co-ordinate their efforts and to join hands with the forces of darkness in what came to be known as the Pretoria-Salisbury-Tel Aviv axis.
38.	Sufficient proof of this is contained in what Mr. Robert' Mugabe, the co-leader of the Zimbabwean Patriotic Front, conveyed to the Khartoum Assembly, namely, that Uzi machine-guns made in Israel found their way into the hands of the forces of the JV regimes fighting the liberation movements.
39.	The Khartoum summit meeting was also a crowning of United Nations efforts to combat racism and racial discrimination and a continuation of its meetings during the United Nations Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, which started with the Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia,  the Conference for Action against Apartheid« and the recent Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination,  which was held following the Khartoum summit meeting.
40.	Africa, which had instinctively been aware, since the beginning of its awakening, of the-organic relationship between Israel and the racist regimes in the southern part of the continent and had discovered the essential nature of those regimes, once again affirmed that Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination which should be denounced and condemned by the international community.
41.	Our continent has continued to stress the fact that the problem of Palestine is the core of the present conflict in the Middle East, and that the persistence of Israel in occupying Palestine, its refusal to acknowledge the national and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, if persistence in following a policy of expansion based on racism and challenging the international community in utter disregard of the Charter of the United Nations and of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, constitute, in our view, a direct and very clear threat to international peace and security. At the same time, the persistence of Israel in continuing its occupation of the Arab territories, including holy Jerusalem, and in following a policy of colonial settlement in the occupied Arab territories further complicates the situation, which could lead to an armed conflagration in the region that might eventually develop into a global conflict, the dimensions of which cannot be perceived or envisaged by the human mind.
42.	The establishment of a permanent peace in the region can only be achieved through the solution of both of these outstanding problems at the same time. In this respect, I have to emphasize that it will not be possible to attempt to solve either of the two problems in isolation from the other. The meeting in Khartoum, in conformity with the other African meetings which preceded it, was especially conscious of the fact that the intransigence of Israel constitutes the stumbling-block to the attainment of a just and permanent peace in the region. It is therefore imperative that all forms of pressure be exerted on Israel by the international community, primarily by the adoption of effective measures to implement the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The international community is therefore called upon to take all the necessary steps to support and consolidate the Palestinian cause by extending the necessary and effective material assistance to the Palestinian Liberation Organization in its capacity as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The international community is also called upon to condemn and reject the changes introduced by the Zionist entity in the region to change its physical, demographic, economic, cultural and religious structure. Africa has confirmed its determination to participate positively and effectively in observing 29 November; of each year as an International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, and calls upon all peace-loving people of the world to support the just struggle of this heroic people to recover its territory and the right to return to its homeland.
43.	The just peace that is so necessary for our world today is a complicated matter, but it can still be achieved through our persistent determination, effort and constructive dialogue in an atmosphere of confidence and hope. This Organization has studied the Middle East question more than once and has adopted several resolutions, including Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which form the basis for peace and set out the minimum rights of the Palestinian people.
44.	We have heard of the initiative undertaken by the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, at the Camp David meeting and this is something that we must welcome from the point of view of principle, because it is an historical attempt to secure pa ace in the region. While we do not attempt to evaluate the results' of that attempt, whether positive or negative, we believe that we should not jump to conclusions in evaluating them or undermine that initiative. We should undertake a thorough and positive study and analysis of those resets in the light of like resolutions adopted by the United Nations and the Arab summit conferences. We should also throw light on the positive elements of that initiative so that it may be seen as a basis and a pillar for the attempts of others to achieve peace. We should not deviate from our main objective, which is a just and durable peace in the Middle East.
45.	The time has come for the OAU to play a more active role in global development efforts and in combating the social and economic problems from which the countries of the third world continue to suffer. If that organization has not addressed itself fully to these issues over the past IS years, it is not because of a lack of interest or a belittling of the importance of this vital sector, but rather because it had to direct all its attention and apply all its abilities to combating colonialism and supporting liberation movements until colonialism had shrank to the remaining three pockets in the southern part of our continent.
46.	Notwithstanding what I have just said, the African group of States participated within the Group of 77 in advocating the need to change the structural form of the prevailing economic relations, which is characterized by an aspect of economic and commercial hegemony by the developed industrial countries over the resources of a majority of third-world countries. Consequently, it. is important that this imbalance in the international economic field be corrected by introducing an element of balance and compatibility as between developed and developing countries. A number of resolutions have been adopted in the respective international organizations which constitute an acknowledgement on the part of developed countries of the dimensions of the problem facing the developing world. Unfortunately, this acknowledgement has not been followed by the necessary implementation of those resolutions. Furthermore, the developed countries were not able to honour their commitment in the respective international bodies to provide the new international economic order with an opportunity to prove its viability in correcting the imbalance which characterizes the international economic system. The positive resolutions which were adopted in  the interest of the developing countries concerning debts, the common fund for commodities, the special fund for the least developed countries, which emanated from the Paris dialogue between the North and South,  besides not measuring up to our expectations, were
not implemented positively by the industrial countries.

47.	I wish to declare on behalf of Africa our complete commitment to the resolutions of the sixth special session of the General Assembly, in that we are left with no alternative but to change the prevailing international economic order and consequently to implement the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3202 (S- VI)].
48.	We have suffered in Africa, and we continue to suffer from many dangers that loom over our development programmes, mainly because the economies of the African countries depend in the first instance on their exports of raw materials. These exports lack the very much needed stability and fairness in prices to such an extent that, unless they are protected from the serious fluctuations that characterize their markets, our country, along with other third-world countries, will continue to move in a vicious circle. It is our sincere hope in Africa that the developed industrial countries will eventually be prevailed upon to put an end to this state of affairs by honouring their commitment in respect of the establishment of the common fund advocated by UNCTAD. We look forward with much interest to the convening of the second negotiating conference for the common fund,  which is due to take place in Geneva next November, and we earnestly hope that the participants will be able to reach final results and that the industrial countries will at last assume their responsibilities by approaching and dealing with the economic problems of the third world in a positive manner.
49.	Africa is largely composed of a great number of the least developed countries that typically suffer from the burden of foreign indebtedness, which is further aggravated as a result of the growing complexity and the impact the servicing of these debts entails—to the extent that in some cases our countries have to devote half of their foreign- exchange earnings to this aspect. We believe that the time has come to take immediate action to alleviate the burden of these debts and to set up organizational machinery that would comprehensively deal with the various aspects of this problem.
50.	In their persistent striving towards a better future the developing and the least developed countries of Africa have committed themselves to plans for economic and social development, to which they have devoted most of their capabilities and limited resources in order to emerge from the stage of backwardness and to be able to meet the aspirations of their peoples in freedom and pride. This, we believe, entails a moral responsibility on the developed and industrialized countries to participate directly and effectively in the development of those poor countries. In this respect I should like to express our appreciation and gratitude to those countries that offer developmental aid in the size and volume recommended by the United Nations. I take this opportunity to appeal to the developed industrialized countries and capital-exporting oil countries that contribute to the resources of IDA in the IBRD. On the occasion of the current annual meeting in Washington, I appeal to them to initiate urgent negotiations on providing the sixth replenishment to the resources of the IDA. We consider this of special importance for the poor and least developed countries because of IDA's appropriate and easy terms. I al 3 call upon those countries this time to increase their contributions to an extent that would reasonably meet the requirements of those poor countries in soft loans needed to develop and promote their economies and to establish the economic structural set-up to spare them the stiff conditions of the money market, which they cannot afford to bear.
51.	Africa believes it has a duty towards the rest of the world of advocating that the key to progress and development lies in the realization of a great deal of self-reliance both individually and collectively. Africa is firmly convinced that it is imperative that the countries of the third world consolidate their respective national self-reliance, at the same time striving to lessen their collective dependence on others. With this understanding Africa is looking forward with great optimism to taking part in the deliberations of the forthcoming fifth session of UNCTAD to be held in Manila next year. Meanwhile we shall try to rally our fellow members in the Group of 77 around this central point at the forthcoming meetings of the Group to take place in Arusha, United Republic of Tanzania, prior to the Manila Conference.
52.	Reference to international development will remain devoid of any meaning or impact if we fail o link it integrally with the pathetic reality faced by our contemporary world, in which poverty, hunger and disease continue to prevail at the very time when expenditure on armaments continues to grow at an astronomical rate. Large resources are wasted on armaments, resources that would better be directed towards the cause of international development and raising the standard of living of the human race as a whole. We believe that the convening last June of the tenth special session of the General Assembly on disarmament, which was the culmination of the efforts and initiatives of the non-aligned movement, constituted a step in the right direction since it highlighted the international awareness of the magnitude and dimensions of the armaments race and drew the attention of world public opinion to the danger posed by continuation of this serious situation. Although the decisions adopted by the special session on disarmament fell short of our expectations, it is our considered opinion that the moral support and momentum it created should provide us with the incentive and drive to generate maximum efforts in pursuit of these definitive objectives: first, negotiation and completion of a general and comprehensive agreement to ban all kinds of nuclear tests; secondly, the adherence of all countries to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; and, thirdly, the establishment of nuclear-free zones.
53.	Africa earnestly hopes that the new Committee on Disarmament that Was set up at the tenth special session will be able to follow up implementation of the resolution adopted at the special session [resolution S-10/2]. It welcomes with enthusiasm the establishment of a new negotiating body in which all nuclear Powers and a number of non-nuclear Powers will participate on the basis of equality.
54.	Permit me to reiterate that Africa's confidence in the United Nations is unlimited and that its determination to support and' strengthen it is firm and unwavering in recognition of the Organization's role in providing the vital moral and material support to the continent's struggle against colonialism and racism. On behalf of the African peoples I should like to reiterate from this rostrum our pledge to spare no effort in supporting the United Nations in upholding its lofty principles and ideals, in the process antagonizing whoever antagonizes or undermines it, and rallying to whoever shares with us this attitude of devotion and gratitude. Guided by the content and spirit of our Organization's resolutions, our delegations will participate in the work of this session bearing in mind the principles of the United Nations Charter in a spirit of generous devotion.
55.	If Africa draws attention to the fact that its representation in the Organization's Secretariat is inadequate compared to its numerical weight, it is only to emphasize its desire to be at the service of this Organization and to shoulder its responsibilities towards it. This spirit is very evident in the resolution adopted by the last African summit, which was held in my country's capital and commended and expressed appreciation to the Secretariat of the United Nations, under the leadership of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for having selected one of the sons of our sister country Ghana, Mr. Kenneth Dadzie, for the post of Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation [see A/33/235, annex 1, resolution CM/Res.652 (XXX)]. The resolution also paid a tribute to the capabilities and qualifications of Mr. Dadzie and his devotion to his responsibilities, which it considered a great honour to Africa and its sons.
56.	At the same time the. Khartoum summit meeting recognized and supported the United Republic of Tanzania's nomination of one of its sons for the post of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, and expressed its hope that this auspicious choice would meet with the blessing of the international community [ibid., resolution CM/ Res.626 (XXXI)]. Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the Permanent Representative of the United Republic of Tanzania to the United Nations, is one of the illustrious sons of our generous continent in whose hands lies the fulfilment of Africa's expectations and aspirations, and those of the world in general. I need not introduce him as the Assembly, I am certain, is well aware of his knowledge, experience and competence as regards the work and business of this Organization.
57.	As I reflect here on the history of my country and its place in Africa, through which it has been privileged to share a deeply-rooted heritage and civilization, I recall our conviction that words, whether designating conduct or a decision, were an effective weapon among the various weapons we deployed in our struggle for freedom and emancipation. This is particularly true in a gathering such as this since words are still considered by Africa to be a highly effective and powerful factor in shaping the destinies of our individuals and groups.
58.	The responsibility we recognize to participate effectively in the successive sessions of this Assembly will continue to be influenced by the reflections of the past and our experience in this Organization, which produced much evidence of the inherent ability to achieve success in every endeavour whenever good will and confidence exist.
59.	It is my considered belief that nothing surpasses the greatness of commitment to the principles of freedom, equality and respect for the common interests of the peoples of the world. Consequently persistent and progressive efforts towards the development and consolidation of international solidarity have become a prerequisite for overcoming the obstacles facing the peoples in this decade of the twentieth century, characterized as it is by numerous preoccupations, worries and uncertainties regarding a series of complex and intricate problems. I see no way of overcoming those problems other than by positive action and constructive optimism.
60.	I am very confident that the statements of the representatives of the peoples of the world delivered in this hall will continue to guide our deliberations at this session, for they are the expression of the conscience of their peoples and of the real worries and preoccupations of the human race.
61.	I should like to praise all the constructive efforts which have emanated from the ideas expressed in this hall and which have proved to carry weight and be effective. I sincerely pray that the Almighty God will guide us towards the achievement of the goals of our peoples and that He will preserve those who are behind every endeavour aimed at the establishment of a new world order based on equality, international co-operation and peaceful coexistence.
62.	In the interest of international peace let us all remember that, while our common interests may contribute greatly to guaranteeing peaceful coexistence, our hopes will never get us to our destination unless they arc augmented by equal and sustained effort by all.
63.	Thank you, brothers, and thank you, Mr. President, and may peace go with you on your path.


129.

130.	Mr. President, the message which the People's Republic of Mozambique wishes to address to this Assembly is the message of struggle: struggle which has been imposed on us by the persistence within our borders of aggressive colonialist and racist regimes; struggle for the affirmation of our independence, our militant internationalism, our dignity and our African personality; struggle for the elimination of the vestiges of colonial exploitation and for the reconstruction of our ravaged country; struggle against the encirclement imposed by imperialism.
131.	We shall therefore be devoting particular attention to live positions of the People's Republic of Mozambique concerning the problems of southern Africa and the fight against colonialism, racism and imperialism. These positions of ours are dictated by our loyalty to the cause of the liberation of oppressed peoples  by our firmness in the affirmation of our revolutionary ideals in the service of peace, progress and the well-being of mankind,
132.	The existing circumstances in southern Africa are a source of great concern to the People's Republic of Mozambique and constitute a serious threat to international peace and security: Those circumstances stem from the colonial situation which prevails in Zimbabwe and Namibia, the oppression exercised by the minority racist regimes and the unbridled exploitation of the resources of those countries by capitalism and imperialism.
133.	Minority and racist regimes in southern Africa have always enjoyed the support of imperialist Powers. However, thanks to the success of the armed liberation struggles we haw witnessed in that area an offensive by means of initiatives-said to be in the cause of peace—whereby those same Powers seek, if not to rescue these regimes, at least to preserve their political and economic domination.
134.	We must be clear: the proposals and initiatives of the imperialist Powers are aimed fundamentally at eliminating the armed struggle for national liberation, because imperialism, after its defeat in Mozambique and Angola and after the establishment of people's democracies in those two countries, has learned the lesson of the consequences of a prolonged people's war.
135.	In order to attain its ends, imperialism resorts to a wide variety, of means. It seeks to divide the liberation movements and the African countries, particularly the front-line States; it tries to represent the national liberation struggle as a racial war between black and white; and, on the pretext of contributing to peace, it undertakes activities which reek of racism and are aimed exclusively at perpetuating and consolidating its hegemony.
136.	In Zimbabwe imperialism is pursuing with diabolical perseverance a policy which offers two solutions, one internal and the other international, both always available and ready to be used when the time comes either to neutralize international action which might bring about a solution or to save the situation when the progress of a national liberation struggle indicates that there is an impending victory over the minority regimes.
137.	It is in this context that we should analyse the so-called agreement on internal settlement" and the Anglo-American proposals.
138.	In a recent statement that will be distributed as a United Nations document the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, Samora Moises Machel, exposed in detail the skilful operation stage-managed by the imperialist Powers. This document indicates how imperialism wishes to preserve the political and economic structures of colonial capitalism in Zimbabwe; how imperialism is aiming at encouraging conflicts between the front-line countries and sowing confusion within the ranks of the OAU; and how it is trying to misrepresent +he national liberation struggle as a civil war and is inventing pretexts on which to intervene militarily in our region.
139.	In the meantime, the odious Ian Smith regime survives and seeks to recruit accomplices for its massacres, hangings and acts of aggression perpetrated against peaceful neighbouring States.
140.	The imperialist world exhibits the greatest possible indifference to the daily murders of defenceless people, political prisoners and nationalist fighters. But the death of a single white man is sufficient to arouse tremendous agitation and give rise to threats of intervention.
141.	Furthermore, the greatest possible scorn is evinced as regards-the. international community. We should like to remind this Assembly that the United Kingdom encouraged meetings of the Security Council and that a resident commissioner and a military commander of United Nations forces have been designated, for Rhodesia, But where are they and what are they being used for?
142.	Furthermore, we are well aware of the correctness of the intentions underlying the appeal to the international community, but who set the example of the violation of sanctions against the rebel regime of Ian Smith? Who organized the conditions and made it possible for petrol to continue to flow into the Rhodesian economy?
143.	These stakes of imperialism, the advances and. the retreats, the apparent indecision, particularly on the part of the colonial Power, represent direct support for the minority, racist and illegal regime of Ian Smith in his war against the people of Zimbabwe and the neighbouring States.
144.	In the various proposals that have hitherto been made known with a view to bringing about a solution it is possible to discern certain constants that indicate to us the imperialist manoeuvres against Zimbabwe. The proposals and solutions are always represented as initiatives for bringing about a peaceful settlement of the question of Zimbabwe without ever taking account of the progress of the armed struggle and refusing to establish any cause-and- effect relationship between that struggle and the proposals;. Those proposals seek to legitimize the Ian Smith regime and hence to maintain the power structure and the economic and social privileges of the privileged minorities, thus catering for the interests of the settlers without evincing the slightest concern for the rights and interests of the people of Zimbabwe, According to those proposals, independence flows from an act of concession on the part of either the colonial Power or Smith's rebel regime, but never from anything done by the people of Zimbabwe. The proposals always introduce alien elements into the Zimbabwean process—in particular, South Africa, which has suddenly become a decisive element in the agreements proposed.
145.	The People's Republic of Mozambique is keenly aware that all these manoeuvres are not only aimed at perpetuating fee domination and exploitation of the people of Zimbabwe but are also directed against the independence and success of the Mozambican revolution.
146.	Constant acts of aggression on the part of the minority racist regime of Ian Smith against our Republic, against the neighbouring peoples and against the economic objectives of four countries have found appropriate response from our people's defence and security forces.
147.	We should here like to pay a tribute to the friendly African and to the socialist countries, which alone, with resolution 411 (1977) adopted by the Security Council on 30 June 1977, have supported the strengthening of our country's defence capacity.
148.	Nothing can divert us from consistency of principle and our internationalism, and we should like to reaffirm the steadfast support of the People's Republic of Mozambique for the people ©f Zimbabwe In their aimed national liberation struggle under the leadership of their sole and authentic representative, the Patriotic Front,
149.	As President Samora Moises Machel said in the statement I have already mentioned:
"We reject the theory that claims armed struggle and negotiation to be mutually exclusive, to be contradictions in the process of national liberation.

We do not like war, but we realize that when the contradiction is unsolvable, war is the only solution to bring about peace.

150.	it is high time for the imperialism to understand that it can no longer dupe us, that we will no longer allow ourselves to be misled. The Powers which have assumed responsibilities, particularly the Power that has colonized Southern Rhodesia, should clarify their position and choose possible terms for the only true solution. In other words, they should either participate in the process of genuine and immediate independence or openly declare that they have assumed and adopted the positions of the racist and illegal Smith regime.
151.	Imperialism is repeating in Namibia the procedures and manoeuvres that it practices in Zimbabwe. There again South Africa has been allowed, in flagrant defiance of the international community, to prevent the genuine Independence of the country.
152.	The so-called willingness of South Africa to negotiate has now been completely exposed with the decision announced by Vorster to reject the proposals made in the Secretary-General's report to the Security Council and to continue with his own plan for an internal solution.
153.	In fact, if we look back at the events that led to the Vorster declaration, there can be no doubt as to the bad faith of the so-called willingness to negotiate on fee part of South Africa. Throughout all these months South Africa has continued to raise new obstacles in an attempt to prevent the emergence of a solution to the problem of Namibia, whether by trying to make SWAPO responsible for any possible failure in negotiations or by invoking absurd rights to Walvis Bay or by having recourse to the pretext of the evolution of the liberation struggle to threaten rupture. In the meantime, South Africa has reinforced and .consolidated its military arrangements and has prepared plans for conceding a puppet independence.
154.	The question of Namibia has reached a point where prompt, energetic and decisive action by the international (community is necessary.. The five Western States members of the Security Council must discharge their responsibilities in the process leading to the independence of Namibia. The international community and the Security Council must ensure that the racist regime of Pretoria does not go unpunished and should take the necessary measures to make irreversible the process already begun, which will bring true independence to the Namibian people.
155.	We wish to pay a tribute to the struggle of the Namibian people, led by its sole legitimate representative, SWAPO, and to the victories they have won. We reaffirm here the support of the People's Republic of Mozambique for SWAPO and the Namibian people in their struggle for their just aspirations to sovereignty and complete independence.
156.	To speak of the situation in southern Africa is tantamount to speak also of the situation of oppression, poverty and humiliation into which the vast majority of the people of South Africa has been plunged.
157.	The minority and racist regime of South Africa is committing the gravest possible crimes against mankind and against the South African people: it threatens, invades and attacks neighbouring countries, defies the decisions of the international community, and thus constitutes a threat to world peace and security.
158.	The existence of the cruel and inhumane policy of repression and discrimination of South Africa is an outrage not only to the peoples of South Africa but also to all the peoples of the world who love peace, liberty and democracy.
159.	The long struggle of the South African people for dignity and respect for the human person merits our profound admiration and calls for condemnation and constant support so that the degrading system of apartheid may be finally eliminated.
160.	On behalf of the People's Republic of Mozambique and its delegation, we should like to pay a tribute to the President and to congratulate him on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We wish also to pay a tribute, through him, to the Colombian people, who, like us, lived through a long night of colonial domination, against which they waged a victorious struggle.
161.	Yesterday as today, our peoples, the peoples of Africa and Latin America, were united in a single effort to put an end to imperialist domination and exploitation. The concern which the President expressed at the opening of our session regarding the establishment of a new international economic order which would be just and advantageous to our peoples is a guarantee that economic problems will be among the priorities of the United Nations and that we shall be devoting our efforts to achieving significant progress in the solution of those problems.
162.	We should also like to associate ourselves with previous speakers in congratulating our friend, Lazar Mojsov, the outgoing President of the General Assembly, on the wisdom and far-sightedness with which he conducted our proceedings. During his term of office, sessions of great importance took place for the political and economic liberation of peoples and for the peace and security of the world. His election constituted a tribute to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and a victory for the non-aligned movement, with which the name of Yugoslavia is intimately linked.
163.	The People's Republic of Mozambique, having emerged victorious over the age-old domination of Portuguese colonialism, is gratified at the independence of Solomon Islands and congratulates that State on its admission to the community of States Members of the United Nations.
164.	The independence of Solomon Islands is an encouragement for all peoples still under colonial domination in the Pacific region; it gives a new momentum to the irreversible march of peoples struggling for their liberation and total emancipation from the colonial yoke.
165.	Colonialism and imperialism, the prime enemies of the peoples of the world that love peace and freedom, are not present in southern Africa alone.
166.	An alarming situation of conflict also exists in the north of our continent, where the people of Western Sahara are continuing their difficult fight against attempts at the annexation and partition of their territory. We denounce most vehemently the expansionist designs which are a most flagrant violation of the principles of the Charters of the United Nations and of the OAU.
167.	We cannot pass over this struggle in silence unless we wish to run the risk of becoming accomplices of the colonialist schemes of foreign domination. Today the dimension of the struggle being waged in the Sahara is a subject of concern within the international community.
168.	The victories which have been won, politically and militarily, by the Saharan people and the revolutionary avant garde Frente P0LISARIO deserve our admiration and make it incumbent upon the United Nations to assume responsibility for implementing its principles, particularly that of the recognition of the right to self-determination and independence of colonized peoples.
169.	Within the same context of problems regarding the annexation of territory by violence, there is the question of East Timor, where the occupation of the country and the cruel genocide of the Maubere people still continues.
170.	The People's Republic of Mozambique appeals to the international community to demonstrate its support and solidarity with the Maubere people in their struggle under the leadership of FRETILIN,  and also to reaffirm their right to self-determination and national independence.
171.	In the Middle East, imperialist intervention has gained fresh momentum and divisive manoeuvres are increasing with the clear objective of destroying the liberation movement and the fight for emancipation of the Arab peoples. Imperialism, faithful as always to its strategy, wishes to perpetuate the exploitation of the peoples of that region and to ensure control of its resources and communication lines.
172.	By dodging the solution of the fundamental questions of the Middle East, imperialism is accentuating the instability there and creating conditions conducive to increased suffering and destruction. Lebanon is a tragic example of this.
173.	By fomenting conflicts between the Arab States and seeking to isolate progressive forces, imperialism will enjoy the transient illusion of having been successful. But until the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to a free, sovereign and independent fatherland under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, its sole legitimate representative, is implemented, and until the territory occupied by force in 1967 is returned, there will be no true peace in the Middle East.
174.	In Korea and in Cyprus, division and the presence of military forces persist. We reaffirm our whole-hearted support for the Korean people and the people of Cyprus in their just struggle for the restoration of their unity and territorial integrity.
175.	We should like, to draw the attention of States Members of the United Nations and of all peace-loving forces to the fact that as part of a new strategy, imperialism is setting up more and more military bases in the Indian Ocean, thus creating a dangerous situation in the area. Thus the occupation of the island of Mayotte continues and a mercenary coup has been carried out in the Comoros. All this falls within the plan of action of imperialism for the recolonizing of Africa.
176.	The OAU, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations have adopted several resolutions reiterating the need to keep the Indian Ocean free of foreign military bases to ensure international peace and security. The People's Republic of Mozambique vigorously condemns the establishment of new military bases and demands the dismantling of those already in existence.
177.	We are living at a time when the progressive forces and the forces of socialism are winning remarkable successes. However, while, on the one hand, thanks to the courageous struggle of the peoples, such progress has been made, on the other hand, ever more subtle and more perfidious manoeuvres are being resorted to in order to ensure domination and exploitation, in flagrant violation of the most elementary human rights, and in flagrant defiance of the deepest and most just aspirations of peoples.
178.	Imperialism is embarking upon concentrated acts of interference, which are nothing but a form of aggression against our peoples, and an attempt to keep us under constant domination, in a state of economic dependence and of social and cultural alienation.
179.	These interventionist actions are not only exemplified by attempts at destabilizing newly-independent countries, but are also taking place within organizations to which the majority of the developing countries belong.
180.	In accordance with its new tactics imperialism is resorting to economic pressure on countries where penetration has proved difficult, in order to provoke economic, financial and social instability.
181.	Demands by the developing countries for the establishment of more just and equitable economic relations are not new.
182.	From Bandung to Buenos Aires, the developing countries have not ceased to put forward concrete proposals and feasible programmes of action with a view to defining and implementing international economic relations of a new type which will make possible the elimination of poverty, of the exploitation of man by man, of injustice and of domination.
183.	When the developing countries call for the establishment of a new international economic order, they do so as an expression of their political will and of their determination to free themselves on the basis of principles of national and collective autonomy that will reduce their dependence on the developed countries.
184.	In the present world economic context, international economic relations continue to be dominated by the same dialectic, with the result that the poor countries become ever poorer and the rich countries richer. Exploitation is carried out continuously in the developing countries in the most diverse and sophisticated forms.
185.	Capitalist countries never tire of preparing long studies and inventories of the debts of the developing countries and making projections of. the amount of these debts in future years, but so far we have not seen in these studies any accounting for the total sums involved in the exploitation carried out by the developed countries in the developing countries..
186.	The conclusions to be drawn from the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris in 1977 and from the so-called North-South dialogue are more than obvious, as are the embarrassing results so far achieved.
187.	This situation of deadlock cannot go on. That is why we consider it necessary, even essential, that immediate resolutions should be adopted in the light of proposals made by the developing countries on economic questions, international trade, monetary matters, the development of productive forces and international co-operation.
188.	The present situation of dependence and economic exploitation, together with the specific problems inherent in each of our countries, can only curb the progress of our respective economies.	.
189.	With regard to our specific case, the economy of the People's Republic of Mozambique has suffered great losses as a result of its application of sanctions against the British colony of Southern Rhodesia in compliance with a decision of the international community. The situation has been aggravated by the fact that the racist forces of Salisbury have massacred our people and undermined our economy. All this has made it necessary for us to establish other priorities, with the grave consequences that entails.
190.	Calamitous floods have sorely afflicted our country and made difficult the accomplishment of our development plans and projects.
191.	In certain cases our requests to the international community for aid have met with a response, but that response has not always measured up to what we might legitimately have expected, as a result of our efforts to apply the embargo imposed by the United Nations upon the British colony of Southern Rhodesia.
192.	One of the essential objectives of our policy in the economic and social field is satisfying at all times the fundamental needs of our people in accordance with the level of development of our productive forces.
.282. Immediately following the achievement of independence, the People's Republic of Mozambique initiated certain measures to cope with the serious situation of the time, measures which later created conditions for the application of our course of development.
283. Thus began the process of recovery of the land and the collectivization of life and production in the countryside, where the greatest concentration of manpower and of our principal resources is to be found. We also developed communal villages in order to improve the living conditions of our people and socialize productive relations. Important measures have been taken in the economic field which has made it possible for our Party and Government to exercise more effective control over the economic sectors.
284.	At the same time, by the socialization of education and health, fundamental progress has been achieved for the well-being of our people.
285.	In order to emerge from a state of under-development we have been drawing on the revolutionary experience acquired during the armed liberation struggle and we seek to pursue our development by adopting solutions of and for the people.
286.	The growing, but gradual and balanced, socialization and mechanization of agriculture, the promotion of the development of our natural resources, the creation of conditions for the establishment of heavy industry and the consolidation of the role of the State in the economy at this stage constitute the bases for the building of socialism.
287.	Until independence was proclaimed, the key sectors of our economy were controlled by international financial groups and the existing infrastructure essentially served the interests of neighbouring racist regimes. All the established colonial machinery favoured the export of profits and the provision of outlets for surplus production. Our country was fundamentally serving as a producer of primary commodities and a consumer of finished products, a fact which served only to promote the accumulation of international capital and to intensify our commercial and technological dependence.
288.	In view of the situation we inherited from colonial and Fascist domination and consequently the concrete conditions in which our present struggle for national reconstruction is taking place, international co-operation is proving of the greatest importance.
289.	Within the sphere of technical and economic cooperation, the People's Republic of Mozambique has already had some rich and fruitful experiences, particularly with African countries and with socialist countries. That co-operation takes place on the basis of equality and mutual advantage, and in relations of peaceful coexistence, of respect for sovereignty, and of non-interference in the internal affairs of any of the parties concerned. Those conditions are fundamental if co-operation is genuinely to achieve its objective: socio-economic development.
290- Our relations of co-operation with regional and international organizations and those with capitalist countries also respect those conditions.
291.	With the developing countries our co-operation represents the union of our forces in order to face the economic imbalance we inherited from imperialism.
292.	Our ties are those of our former subjection to exploitation and the pillaging of our natural resources. This is the tradition and the common experience of resistance and struggle, against colonialist-capitalist domination. We are united in the defence of our peoples and countries against external attempts to establish neo-colonialism and new forms of domination and exploitation.
293.	Such co-operation is particularly necessary from the standpoint of our economic and social situation and also from that of the economic and financial phase through which the international community is at present passing.
294.	As a means of overcoming those difficulties which we, the developing countries, suffer at present, day after day, the concerting of common efforts and the creation of a united front will make our just struggle for the implementation of more equitable international economic relations ever more productive.
295.	Within this context, we are pleased with the action that we, the developing countries, have taken with the aim of preserving experience, expertise and national capacity for the service of all of us as well as for our mutual development and for expanding this regional co-operation to the international level.
296.	We are gratified also at the results recently achieved at the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries and we are sure that this will mark a new stage in co-operation. We are sure that this Assembly will unanimously adopt the Buenos Aires Plan of Action for Promoting and Implementing Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries and that every effort will be made to find appropriate machinery for the application of that plan.
297.	While on the one hand we can take pleasure in the progress achieved by developing countries in their will and determination to see their economic and social development problems resolved, progress at the international level is jeopardized by the policies of imperialism, by the attitude of the industrialized and capitalist countries in their systematic refusal to comply with the conditions necessary for the establishment of a new international economic order.
298.	The capitalist countries are striving to preserve rules and terms of trade which are advantageous to them in their attempts to consolidate their monopolies in the economies and the external trade of developing countries. But the present system of international economic relations is disjointed and can no longer stand up to the constant pressure of the recently independent countries.
299.	The strategy pursued by the imperialist Powers on the question of the restructuring of international economic relations is one of delaying and reducing the-numerous necessary changes, making only minor and individual concessions while representing them as privileges granted to the "third world", and avoiding the repetition of an open confrontation with developing countries similar to that which was set off by the petroleum-producing countries.
300.	The capitalist countries are striving to preserve as" long as possible the present basis of international economic relations. That is the kind of restructuring proposed by the imperialist States.
301.	Such manoeuvres are aimed also at deterring the co-operation of developing countries with the socialist countries. In that way imperialism is attempting to ensure more stable conditions for the development of the capitalist economy and at the same time continuing to keep the countries of the former colonial periphery oriented towards the industrialized centres of the capitalist world.
302.	With regard to the law of the sea, the imperialist Powers are once again opposing a decision of the international community, threatening to take unilateral measures with the aim of embarking right away on the exploitation of marine resources, thus frustrating the consensus of the negotiations which are under way.
303.	The main concern of imperialist strategy consists in preventing the movement towards a new international economic order becoming a struggle against the foundations of imperialist exploitation. That is why the imperialist Powers are seeking to conduct the dialogue within the capitalist framework.
304.	The international community is on the eve of the third development decade, which will soon begin. The progress we had hoped for has not been made in the achievement of the stages and the objectives we set ourselves.
305.	Faithful to the policy of the non-aligned movement and reaffirming its commitment to that movement, the People's Republic of Mozambique hopes that, in the defining of die strategy for the third development decade, the proposals formulated by that movement will be taken into account for the establishment of a new, just and equitable international economic order, based upon political independence, equality and economic justice, not forgetting that its fundamental objective is the accelerated development of the countries of the third world. Within this context, the adoption of appropriate measures to bring about true disarmament will make it possible to free vast resources which now are being wasted in the arms race and which could well be used for the benefit of the development of the developing countries. At the same time, it would contribute to international peace and security.
306.	We have brought before this Assembly the expression of the main concerns of the People's Republic of Mozambique with regard to the major problems which affect the world. The paths leading to the liberation of man are arduous and difficult. But we are firmly convinced that with every passing day decisive progress will be achieved towards the transformation and improvement of the life of the peoples of the world and that only with the total commitment of the whole of mankind in the struggle for these just causes will it be possible to achieve new and glorious victories.
The struggle continues.