Mr. President, I wish to express my sincere congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of this historic thirty- first session of the United Nations General Assembly. With my congratulations I bring the brotherly greetings of His Majesty King Sobhuza the Second, and of the Government and the people of the Kingdom of Swaziland. We have complete confidence that a man of your caliber, who has already proven his leadership qualities and skills as a diplomat, a statesman and, a symbol of his country's commitment to non-alignment, will successfully guide our deliberations.
3.	In congratulating you, Mr. President, we wish also to express our heartfelt gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Gaston Thorn, for the efficient and brilliant leadership which he demonstrated throughout last year's session of this Assembly. '
4.	My delegation warmly welcomes the admission of Seychelles to an Organization founded to harmonize the actions of nations", 'and is confident that as a non-aligned nation Seychelles will always prove a worth-while ally of peace. But peace and harmony in the world can be attained only by harnessing the collective will and co-operation of all nations, large and small.
5.	My delegation has confidence, hope and faith that in such an august gathering of peace-loving, peace-seeking and peace-motivated Member States substantial progress towards removing the obstacles that lie in the way of freedom, peace, justice, progress and the pursuit of happiness and international understanding can be achieved.
6.	I should like to express my country's condolences to the People's Republic of China, a Member State of our world community, on the death of its great leader, the late Chairman Mao Tsetung. His great achievements are admired and respected by us all. It is now our hope and prayer that the Chinese people will continue to prosper in an atmosphere of peace and stability.
7.	An unfortunate problem concerning our Organization is that some Member States do not seem to take it seriously. Over the last 30 years we have discussed world peace, justice and progress as pillars of a new generation that should "learn war no more", but our world is constantly being racked by war, including local wars, and by division, oppression, poverty, hunger, disease, inflation, unemployment and financial crises. So, at the fifth non-aligned Conference, held in Colombo,  a majority of the nations of the world once again clearly called for a more equitable world order. It is time that call was taken seriously.
8.	Our experience over the last eight years since we regained our independence has been that every major social or economic problem is also a political problem, and that the central political problem of mankind is how a balanced mixture of economic growth, social justice and democracy can be achieved.
9.	It is in that context that His Majesty's Government has continued to support and to work for the achievement of a new international economic order, in which power and wealth would be more equitably distributed around the world. Here we should spare no effort to accelerate the balanced transfer of resources from the developed to the developing world.
10.	The past year has taught us that rhetoric is not enough. At present world trade and development is controlled and financed mainly by a small group of privileged countries. The economic fortunes of these nations determine the fortunes of the rest of the world. The past year has been no exception to that rule; growth prospects for the non-oil-producing developing world have worsened, per capita incomes have fallen in real terms, and the gap between rich and poor has widened.
11.	It is for those reasons that the Government has taken special note of the failure of the dialog between the rich and poor nations in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTADJ and in other bodies. Concrete results have yet to be achieved, and until such time as the developing world can be united in common action to achieve a common goal, the meetings and talks will have little effect. Until such time as it is possible for the developing world to confront the developed world on more nearly equal terms the Government of the Kingdom of Swaziland will continue to work relentlessly for vital reforms of the international economic and financial systems. Trade flows must be increased; international purchasing power must be created for the use of the poorer nations; debt must be rescheduled; and schemes must be introduced to stabilize commodity prices. We shall strive to achieve these ends through the years ahead.
12.	It is the opinion of my delegation that the third world could normally and more effectively achieve development by the sale of their processed products, in addition to receiving assistance. This would mean that developing countries would increase their exports and rely more on stable and equitable remunerative prices in world markets. It would also mean that collective action would be an indispensable factor in complementing national efforts and bilateral assistance.
13.	In this regard natural resources and permanent sovereignty over those resources are considered to be the highest exponents for development, and Swazi national participation in the development of industries emphasizes this aspect.
14.	Since natural resources are not only scarce but also non-renewable, the development of natural resources is based on certain strategies in order to obtain maximum financial and social benefits for the nation.
15.	A few weeks ago, when the Swazi nation celebrated its eighth anniversary of independence, my Head of State said:
"A new and vigorous approach to the problem of peace and war is needed. The time has come when the destiny of mankind should cease to hang so dangerously on the aims and ambitions of great Powers."
16.	Swaziland believes that if people have no stake in a society they can become a threat to tint society. Peace and stability are threatened by divided societies, yet all of us are very much aware that this division continues to introduce into the modern world unnecessary disharmony and conflicts of interest which disastrously divide mankind at a time when unity of purpose and action are so vital for peace, justice, order and progress in the service of man.
17.	Swaziland's policy remains strongly that of non- racialist democracy, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, good neighborliness, non-alignment and respect for peace, justice and equality. We practice and cherish these concepts as principles enshrined in both the Charter of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity [OAUJ. These are principles clearly irreconcilable with any form of denial of the fundamental human rights and degradation of the human person.
18.	In this regard my country is greatly distressed and perturbed about the situation across our border in the Republic of South Africa, where recent events have resulted in the tragic deaths of innocent people including children.
19.	We remain more convinced than ever before that racial and discriminatory policies militate against the essential dignity and quality of all human beings, and we hope that efforts to find a peaceful solution to the problem of racial discrimination in South Africa will be fruitful.
20.	The people of Namibia, like any other people, are entitled to self-determination to lead them rapidly to complete independence and majority rule so that justice and human dignity can be the elements of peace in that international Territory.
21.	At different conferences the "homeland" policy of the Government of South Africa has been a subject of great concern and debate. Swaziland remains deeply committed, as it must, to the resolutions of OAU and of the United Nations on a matter such as this.
22.	In April of this year my Government, acting as a loyal Member of the United Nations, fought and won a case in the High Court of Swaziland in which an effort was made by a South African firm to obtain an order against the Government of Swaziland and its Commissioner of Police for the return of a consignment of arms which the South African firm had unsuccessfully tried to import into the Republic of South Africa by using Swaziland as an address. My Government took the line that no court of Swaziland would issue an order which would result in Swaziland's being a party, even if indirectly, to a breach of the arms embargo against South Africa imposed by the Security Council of the United Nations. My Government has also passed a law known as The Prevention of the Violation of International Obligations Order, which imposes heavy penalties against any person who in any manner what-soever, inside or outside Swaziland, breaches or is a party to a breach of a resolution adopted by the General Assembly or Security Council of the United Nations.
23.	Speaking from this very podium two years ago,  my delegation expressed the view that so long as the privileged white minority in Rhodesia was allowed the monopoly of political power it would not voluntarily give it away.
24.	It is the desire for peace and justice that we once again observe in the constructive role being played with regard to a peaceful settlement of the Rhodesian problem. We have not been proved wrong on the inevitability of majority rule there, and we shall not be wrong in our conviction that it is the authentic people of Zimbabwe themselves who must together work out their salvation and shape their destiny in an atmosphere of dedication, unity and reverence.
25.	Rhodesia must return to legality forthwith. It is with regard to that act that Britain is urged to convene a conference on Rhodesia to deal with the immediate problems of an interim Government and to plan for a constitutional conference.
26.	The maintenance of international peace and security is one of the principal aims of the Charter. My delegation believes in man's vigorous quest for the common ground of unity and peace. Deliberations of this Assembly with that ultimate objective in mind will make compromises possible and so prevent the involved Member State from transferring problems and disputes from the table of detente to the battlefield of despair.
27.	An uneasy calm still reigns over the panorama of the Middle East as an attempt to secure lasting peace in the region is being frustrated by intransigence and narrow vested interests.
28.	The absence of peace in the Middle East means the absence of peace in the world, as the stability of our society is based on reciprocity and interdependence. It is in this spirit that my delegation would like once again to express appreciation and admiration to all the parties concerned in the Middle East conflict for showing restraint and human understanding and for seeking a solution through negotiation. It is the view of my delegation that a peaceful solution in that region will continue to demand political will and commitment and can endure only if the principles of justice, territorial integrity, sovereignty and the right of each State to exist are scrupulously observed.
29.	In the spirit of non-alignment, my delegation applauds the processes whereby the fabric of national unity is being woven and a pattern of national existence developed, though not with ease, in countries still divided and torn by conflicts. In such circumstances my delegation will not take any action that may be seen to prejudice the fuller development of these objectives.
30.	Past history reveals that Africa has been a continent of drama and tragedy. The scars of slavery, the wounds of imperialism and exploitation are but too fresh to have been forgotten. But the future is different. It is a future of hope; a future of a socio-political evolution towards a larger community of a united Africa; a future that will ultimately banish big-Power patronage in a continent that is being rebuilt from the ashes of colonialism; a future without the indefensible status quo and white domination; and indeed a future of inspiration that we shall, for certain, triumph at the end of it all and regain our glory as a free continent.
31.	It is for these reasons of hope that my country, together with the non-aligned countries of the third world, has consistently demanded the withdrawal of any naval or military presence from the Indian Ocean by the great Powers because we, who rightly regard the Indian Ocean as being on our doorstep, also regard it as a zone of peace.
32.	Turning now to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea-a Conference which has benefited greatly from your able and wise guidance, Mr. President-it is our conviction that members of the international community must eschew narrow national interests and exert the necessary political will to utilize this unique opportunity to establish international norms to regulate 70
. per cent of the earth's surface. We believe that at the last session of that all-important Conference there was some progress in ensuring that land-locked States like Swaziland were granted the right of access to and from the sea and
that, together with other developing, geographically disadvantaged States, they would have the right to exploit the living resources of the economic zones of coastal States in the same region or subregion on an equitable basis.
33.	Much, however, remains to be achieved at the next crucial session in May 1977. This is especially so with regard to the establishment of an effective international sea-bed authority to give practical effect to the concept of the common heritage of mankind and the establishment of a comprehensive system for the settlement of disputes. Compromise and a pragmatic approach are essential if a new convention is to be acceptable as it must be to all segments of the international community.
34.	The problems of war and peace are not an adventure. War is our destruction. Peace is our salvation. Let us strive to create a climate of peace in our world, and not of war. Let us build bridges to span the gulfs created by diverse and conflicting interests so that freedom, unity and equality can provide the promise for future prosperity, democracy and justice. Let this Assembly lay emphasis on deeds rather than mere words deeds that are calculated to further the objectives of a durable peace in our tin.e.


Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the current, thirty-first, session of the General Assembly. We greet you as a representative of a country linked with Poland by relations of long-standing co-operation.
34.	Considerable work was done by the previous, thirtieth, session of the General Assembly presided over by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn.
35.	We are happy to welcome in our midst the Republic of Seychelles as a new Member of the United Nations.
36.	We favor the prompt admission to the United Nations of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which has paid dearly for its right to independent existence. This
State satisfies all the requirements for membership set out in the Charter and should take its rightful place in the United Nations family.
37.	We also support the admission of the People's Republic of Angola to membership in our Organization.
38.	Since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly further progress has been made in restructuring inter-national relations on the basis of the principle of peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems. Poland, together with other States of our socialist community, is taking an active part in consolidating that positive trend through the expansion of bilateral relations, constructive participation in the work of the United Nations and other multilateral efforts aimed at the strengthening of international security, the ending of the aims race, the making of progress in disarmament, the removal of centers of tension and the expansion of all-round international co-operation. Such a policy is in conformity with the vital interests of our people as well as those of all the States and peoples of the world.
39.	We attach great importance to the continuation of the Soviet-American dialog, the results of which are of great significance for the maintenance of world peace. Particularly important in this latter respect are the talks on strategic arms limitation.
40.	There is an ever-growing conviction that situations of conflict in the world of today have to be solved through negotiations. It is through discussions and negotiations, and not through increasing tensions in international relations, that we should seek solutions for the pressing problems of the modern world.
41.	The network of agreements on bilateral and multi-lateral co-operation among States with different social systems is being expanded, thus forming a lasting foundation for peace. The climate of relations has improved, and there is growing understanding of the vital need to respect the interests of all parties.
42.	On the European continent a start has been made on the implementation of the provisions of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe signed by the leaders of 35 States of Europe, the United States and Canada in Helsinki on 1 August 1975. The 10 principles of inter-State relations embodied in the Final Act of that Conference are being consolidated to serve as a foundation of international relations. They are reflected in numerous agreements and statements covering different fields of international endeavor. They have also been reaffirmed in bilateral documents agreed to by Poland with France, the United States, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Portugal and other countries.
43.	The practice is taking shape of holding regular political consultations pertaining to bilateral relations as well as to matters of a regional and global nature. This is illustrated by numerous meetings at the highest level.
44.	An important contribution to the easing of tensions in Europe has been made by the agreements concluded between the Polish People's Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany during the recent visit to Bonn of Edward Gierek, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party. Originating in the Treaty of 1970,  the agreements have opened up a new phase in co-operation between the two countries.
45.	We are witnessing a marked expansion of Poland's relations with the Nordic countries, as is shown, inter alia, by the very recent talks of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Poland and Iceland in Reykjavik. We evaluate highly the state of our relations with Finland, Denmark and Norway. We also count on the further expansion of Poland's traditionally fruitful co-operation with Sweden, our partner and neighbor across the Baltic.
46.	The recommendations of the Helsinki Conference are gradually being carried out in different fields of inter-national co-operation. Confidence-building measures, as recommended in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, are taking practical shape.
47.	Full implementation of the Final Act ought to be the paramount and long-term objective of all its signatories. The results of the Conference have created a climate conducive to the adoption of all-European initiatives, furthering the continuation of the venture initiated in Helsinki. Of special importance is the Soviet initiative to convene all-European congresses devoted to such matters as the protection of the environment, transport and energy. This, initiative harmoniously combines the strengthening of the climate of political co-operation with the solution of economic problems which are important for all European States and with the expansion of broad scientific contacts.
48.	The socialist States have put forward a proposal designed to provide a solid basis for co-operation between the two big economic groupings of Europe and the respective members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance [CMEA] and the European Economic Community. We hope that, in accordance with that proposal, it will prove possible to begin business-like discussions and without undue delay conclude a relevant agreement. Also, co-operation in the field of culture and education is becoming ever broader in scope.
49.	At the same time, bilateral relations, including those in the economic field, have become wider ranging and richer in content. Trade exchanges have increased. Of growing importance are agreements on co-operation in industry, which, following the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, are becoming a significant stabilizing factor in economic relations. A notable role is played by agreements on scientific and technological co-operation. Yet, in order fully to ensure long-term and lasting foundations for the development of economic relations, there is a need to eliminate, wherever they still exist, limitations and barriers in international trade and to create further conditions for a growth of trade turnovers beneficial to all States.
50.	As one of the signatories of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference, Poland is determined to implement its
3 Treaty on the Bases for the Normalization of Relations, signed at Warsaw on 7 December 1970.
provisions consistently, and counts on a similar approach on the part of its partners.
51.	There are reasons to believe that the Vienna talks on the mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe will produce results which will take into account the security interests of the States concerned. Poland stands ready to take further joint action towards the prompt conclusion of an appropriate agreement.
52.	We strongly believe, therefore, that we are fully justified in assuming that an historic break-through has taken place in relations among the States of Europe. There are realistic chances that these positive trends will embrace all the regions of the world.
53.	We have studied with close attention the decisions of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries.  .We are particularly appreciative of the appeal of the Colombo Conference for "the global relaxation of international tension and for the participation of all countries on an equal basis in the solution of international problems" [See AI31I197, annex I, para. 25].
By the same token, the strengthening of detente, and its extension, in all spheres of international relations, to all regions of the world, is in the interest of all States. Consequently, all States must adopt an active stance and be willing to come half way in considering different initiatives for strengthening peace and intensifying co-operation; they must regard the world as an organic community of the destinies of all mankind.
54.	The progress of detente in the world is not automatic. It does not depend on objective conditions alone, but also on specific political actions by the forces which are jointly shaping international relations.
55.	It is with concern that we are following the actions of those who ate bent on reversing the course of history. In an attempt to increase tensions and step up the arms race, they are trying to undermine the process of detente, building up armaments, keeping tensions and conflicts alive, resorting to acts of aggression, discrimination, economic exploitation and interference in the internal affairs of States which are instituting progressive reforms. These circles and their objectives are served, inter alia, by a widely expanded apparatus of Subversive propaganda, such as the so-called "Radio Free Europe" or "Radio Liberty". Their activity, representing as it does a flagrant interference in the domestic affairs of States, is contrary to the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, the principles of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation and universally accepted rules of international relations.
55. Developments in the Middle East, including the tragedy of Lebanon, pose A direct threat to peace. The only effective way to settle the problem is by the return to the Arab countries of the territories occupied by Israel in 1967 and by a comprehensive political settlement which would take due account of the interests and rights of all States and
peoples of tho reason, including Israel, as well as the right of the Palestinian people to its own statehood.
57.	The removal of dangerous tensions in Cyprus calls for the safeguarding of the independence and territorial integrity of the island and for solutions in conformity with United Nations resolutions.
58.	We lend our support to the efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to secure a peaceful and democratic unification of Korea and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean peninsula.
59.	The time has come, in keeping with United Nations resolutions, finally to put an end to the racist regimes in Namibia, Rhodesia and South Africa. The struggle of the people of Zimbabwe and Namibia for independence, the question of the liquidation of all the remnants of colonialism and the elimination of apartheid require the resolute support of the entire international community. The ration-ale of historical justice makes it compelling that the inalienable rights of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe to their sovereign statehood be secured unconditionally and without delay.
60.	The persecution of Chilean patriots by the Fascist regime gives rise to the strongest condemnation. We demand the immediate termination of terror and violence, which extend also beyond the frontiers of Chile.
61.	Threats to the peaceful future of nations originate from lack of respect for the principles of peaceful coexistence. Violation of these principles leads to international conflicts. Poland, together with other socialist States and all the forces of peace, will act with perseverance for the removal of such threats, for the further improvement of the political climate and the creation of conditions favoring lasting security and co-operation among nations.
62.	This determination to work consistently towards detente has found its expression in the resolutions of the Seventh Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party and in the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as well as in the documents of the Congresses of other communist and workers' parties of the socialist States.
63.	There is every indication that among the important and urgent tasks of our Organization which first and foremost should attract our efforts is the question of eliminating the threat or use of force in international relations, ending the arms race and entering upon the road of disarmament.
64.	The prohibition of the use of force has been embodied in the Charter of the United Nations, Li numerous bilateral and multilateral international documents and in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. The practice of international relations reveals, however, that further collective efforts are necessary to turn this principle into a universally binding and practically applicable rule of international law. All this in fact concerns the focal problem of our times: that of war and peace.
continuing faster than ever and becoming more and more dangerous. It is imperative that the pace of disarmament efforts be harmonized with that of the processes of detente. Without concrete progress in the task of disarmament, the process of positive political transformation in the world may become inhibited or. even suppressed. This cannot be allowed.
66.	We welcome the elaboration by the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament of a draft of an important convention on the prohibition of military or any other hostile use of environmental modification techniques [see A/31/27, annex I]. This draft convention amply testifies to the existing feasibility of achieving progress in the field of disarmament. It also confirms the fact that the Geneva Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, which through its painstaking efforts has already brought about the conclusion of several important agreements, remains a valuable negotiating forum.
67.	We have welcomed the Soviet-American Treaty of 28 May 1976 on limitation of underground nuclear expositions for peaceful purposes. We hope that this Treaty will bring closer the prospect for a comprehensive test-ban treaty and will help in the peaceful utilization of nuclear energy for the benefit of man.
68.	I should wish to draw the Assembly's special attention to the proposal concerning the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons [see AI31/27] as a most outstanding and far-sighted initiative. It is certainly by far easier to prevent the introduction of new weapons than to remove them from the already existing stockpiles. Here, too, negotiations can and should be accelerated. Hence, and taking into account the great significance of the problem for the international community, we propose that the General Assembly should call upon the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament iii Geneva to intensify the efforts already initiated with this end in view.
69.	We wish to advance an analogous idea with regard to negotiations concerning the complete elimination of chemical weapons. Poland, as is known, was one of the authors of the draft convention on the matter. Speeding up work on the convention is a vital imperative.
70. We reaffirm in full our support for the proposal to convene a world disarmament conference with the participation of all States and declare ourselves in favor of initiating without delay concrete preparatory work to this end. Previous sessions of the General Assembly adopted a number of resolutions also supporting other disarmament proposals. The time is ripe to give the ideas contained in them the tangible form of international agreements.
65. Putting an end to the arms race is the concern of 5 Sec Official Records of the General Assembly, Twenty-sixth peoples and the responsibility of Governments. The race is Session, Annexes, agenda item 97, document A/8491.
71. We have often called attention in this forum to the inseparable relationship between strengthening detente and progress in disarmament, on the one hand, and the acceleration of the socio-economic development of all countries, on the other.
72.	It is correctly assumed that in the world of today war and hunger are the most dangerous enemies of mankind. Peace, as the only foundation of development, is the sine qua non for their elimination.
73.	By strengthening peace and security and consolidating the processes of detente, the international community is building a political infrastructure for the establishment of a new and just division of labor in the world economy.
74.	What is involved here is the creation of conditions making it possible to implement all progressive and legitimate recommendations of recent important international conferences, particularly the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and the fourth session of UNCTAD. In performing the tasks stemming therefrom, we shall thus be reinforcing the material basis of peaceful coexistence and strengthening international security.
75.	All interested States should participate in solving problems arising along the path towards the establishment of the new international economic order in the world economy. The solutions to be adopted have to take due account of the differences in their socio-economic systems as well as in the levels of their economic development. They ought to include the main flows of international economic relations and areas in those relations pertaining both to the developing countries and to east-west co-operation.
76.	Within the United Nations system, Poland participates in the formulation of new principles and mechanisms to govern international economic relations. Allow me at this juncture to recall the significance of the resolution on the examination of long-term trends in the economic development of the regions of the world /resolution 3508 (XXX)], adopted on Poland's initiative at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. We trust that the studies in question will reveal the growing interrelationships in the development of individual regions as well as new vistas for the acceleration and expansion of economic co-operation among all States.
77.	The growing economic potential of Poland and of other members of CMEA favors the expansion of all-round international economic co-operation. This should develop ever more harmoniously, since any disruptions resulting from world market fluctuations and other impediments adversely affect the economic situation of individual countries. Therefore, Poland is vitally interested in the further stabilization of conditions for economic co-operation. Long-term agreements on economic, scientific and technological collaboration represent a valuable instrument in this regard.
78.	My country attaches substantial importance to the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Indeed, its success depends on a readiness to seek compromise solutions which would take proper account of the interests of all States and groups of States in such basic matters as the exploitation of the sea-bed, the status of the economic zone, fishing, and scientific research.
79.	The issues of the contemporary world cannot be solved without creatively tackling questions of social progress and acute social problems, and especially without adopting measures to satisfy elementary human needs. That is why Poland has put forward an initiative in the International Labor Organization for the elaboration of an international convention on the universal right to work.
80.	One of the important premises for the socio-economic progress of each country is that of cultural values which therefore, too, require special protection. As is known, Poland has made a proposal that this important topic be taken up by the United Nations.  We welcome with appreciation the report on the subject submitted by the Director-General of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [A/31/111], in accordance with resolution 3148 (XXVIII), concerning the initiation of a program of studies in that field. We wish to propose that at the present session the General Assembly adopt a resolution recommending continuation of the studies.
81.	It is not progress alone but the peaceful future of our globe as well that depends upon the upbringing of young generations. The importance of this question was eloquently stressed two years ago from this very rostrum by Edward Gierek, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party.  This idea should never escape the attention of the United Nations.
82.	Detente calls for persistent efforts by all States Members of our Organization. More concerted action is necessary to achieve its further progress. The first and foremost requirement is respect for the principles of peaceful co-operation between States and a renunciation of all action from a position of strength. This is, in fact, indispensable for equitable international co-operation and the progress of mankind.
83.	The decisions that we are bound to take at the thirty-first session should contribute to the acceleration of the processes of detente in the world and to turning them into durable and universal phenomena. In the new international situation, circumstances are becoming more and more propitious for the United Nations to play its constructive and increasing role. But at the same time the Organization's tasks and responsibilities grow in scope.
84.	Hence there is a need for a greater effectiveness of the Organization. May we again point out that the strengthening of the functioning of the United Nations does not lie in the revision of the Charter but in a fuller utilization of its provisions, especially with regard to actions for the consolidation of world peace and the establishment of more equitable economic relations and co-operation in the social area.
85.	While on the subject of the role of the United Nations, I cannot fail to express our appreciative recognition of the activity of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, who spares neither diligence nor devotion in implementing the tasks of the Organization.
86.	I wish to reiterate our assurance that Poland will continue its steadfast support for all the efforts of the United Nations, in consistency with its statutory purposes and principles.


Since he assumed the post of Foreign Minister of Algeria, this is the first time that Mr. Bouteflika has been unable personally to take part in the general debate of the General Assembly. Of course, there were such compelling reasons for this, that Mr. Bouteflika had to break with the tradition that he had always valued extremely highly. Algeria, as representatives are aware, is now involved in an extremely active stage of the political reorganization and establishment of its State institutions. Just a few months ago a new national charter was adopted by the Algerian people; a draft Constitution is now being prepared; and Mr. Bouteflika has highly important responsibilities in the work and discussions made necessary by those preparations. Those are the reasons why Mr. Bouteflika has asked me to be his spokesman here and to express to the President and representatives his regrets for not having been able, as he would have liked, to address the Assembly himself. Consequently, he has asked me to read for him {he text of the statement he had prepared. I shall do my best to carry out that delicate task.
153.	I have many reasons for satisfaction at Mr. Amerasinghe's elevation to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. My feelings of personal friendship towards him are one reason, as is the fact that he represents a country linked to mine by so many common concerns and common concepts in our international outlook. But my satisfaction and that of my delegation is based, above all, on our conviction that the abilities he has already so often demonstrated are of themselves a guarantee of the success of the work of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
154.	Mr. Gaston Thorn, his predecessor in this important office, without doubt has earned our gratitude for the way in which he conducted the proceedings of the thirtieth session. The talents he displayed-though, of course, not a surprise to us-have won him our admiration, to which I should like to add an expression of my own personal friendship.
155.	The discreet and silent presence of our Secretary- General on this podium clearly belies the always active, often stimulating and sometimes decisive role which he has played for five years at the head of our Organization. We have all appreciated his tireless efforts to perform a task which at. times has almost been impossible, efforts to ensure that the United Nations enjoys influence and prestige worthy of its mission in the world today. I should like to take this opportunity to extend to him our gratitude and thanks.
156.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express once again to the representatives of the People's Republic of China our sympathy and most sincere condolences on the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung. His loss has been felt not only by the Chinese people; he is mourned also by all those who have found in the example, wisdom and teachings of Chairman Mao the courage, perseverance and faith to wage their own struggles for a future of justice and dignity. No tribute could be adequate for someone who will remain a giant of our time and whose memory will, I am sure, long illuminate the evolution of our time.
157.	I would not wish to continue my statement without first of all extending the warm congratulations of my delegation to the young Republic of Seychelles, which has just become a new Member of the United Nations. To that young African State which has just acceded to independence we wish every success, happiness and prosperity.
158.	We should have liked also to welcome in the same way the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Angola, to which no one should deny the obvious right of membership in our Organization. The Security Council has, however, not been able to recommend their applications on account of the use of the veto against their admission by the United States of America. As we .did last year, we deplore what we deem to be the abusive and irregular use by a permanent member of the Security Council of a privilege which is itself already difficult to accept. That privilege becomes quite inadmissible when it is used to serve considerations which have absolutely no connexion with international! peace and security.
159.	Each session is for us an occasion to look back briefly over the past year, to take stock of the problems that are in the forefront of our concerns and to suggest the ways and means which may lead to their solution. A superficial analysis of the international panorama, as with a review of the agenda of this session, could lead us to believe that today we are faced, as we were yesterday, with the same difficulties, which our efforts seemed powerless to overcome. With regard to most of them, the positions that have been described during the general debate have not adduced any radical change from those positions with which we are already familiar, and they do not give the impression that we are moving towards a solution.
160.	On Lie basis of that observation we might easily allow ourselves to slip into facile pessimism, explaining our past failures and apologizing for our future weaknesses. However, fortunately the situation is quite different and, without trying to provoke any undue optimism, it does nevertheless allow us to see an evolution in thinking and in behavior which can only be seen after a global appreciation of the movement of those past years.
161.	Indeed it would appear that we have passed an important phase since the calling into question of the structures of the international community by a third world which is obviously much more aware of its rights, more able to define its aspirations and more skillful in defending its interests. The crisis which was fermenting through the imbalances and the injustices of a world order built up by the major Powers in order to serve and conserve their supremacy  as a surprise only to those who wished to ignore the transformations-slow, perhaps, but far-reaching of international society following the Second World War, or to those who felt secure in the complacency of a fictitious security or those who were too sure of their prosperity to be concerned by their environment.
162.	The last sessions of the General Assembly were marked by the appearance of that new phenomenon which, chipping away some of the old certainties, sometimes gave to our debates the character of a confrontation whose real significance was not always clearly perceived by all. In point of fact we have lived through a period of transition and adaptation which has replaced the former pattern of international relations by a system which takes more account of the preoccupations of all and which gives a more reasonable, if not a more equitable, share to everyone in the settlement of our common affairs. I should like to recall, without dwelling on them, the controversies arising from the spectacular revelation of a new majority in the taking of our decisions. I should also like to remind members of the resistance that was met by our concept of the new international economic order. >
163.	That shock was perhaps necessary in order to awaken consciences and to highlight the true priorities which face us. The acceptance, even the unwilling acceptance, of that new order of affairs is the first condition for a better understanding in relations among members of international society. The discussions at this session undeniably testify to such an evolution, which allows us to believe that perhaps we are using the same language in speaking of the same problems. That, however, does not mean that we have found an end to our concerns or that our misgivings have vanished. The problems are still there, as a challenge to our will, to our wisdom and to our intelligence. But once we cease to try to hide the true facts or to shirk our responsibilities, there can be joint efforts, rather than a stalemate, in the search for solutions.
164.	The credit for this change must to a very large extent be attributed to the movement of non-aligned countries, which simultaneously crystallized the collective awareness of developing countries and led the industrialized world progressively to take account of the new requirements and demands of international life. The pursuit of that dual aim is perfectly well illustrated by the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Algiers, which produced a precise definition of the common objectives of the non-aligned countries, and also by the Fifth Conference which recently took place in Colombo, and which traced the major lines for a co-operation that would bring together the developed and the developing partners in the building of a new world order. The decisions adopted in Colombo [see A/311197] demonstrate the willingness of the countries of the third world to participate in constructive action based on the broadest understanding of the painful necessities of an adaptation to the constraints of a new world that is sometimes difficult. In any case, they give the lie to the allegations of those who incorrigibly persisted in seeing in our steps only the characteristics of an aggressiveness to be combated with the blindest obstinacy.
165.	The maintenance of this situation and the pursuit of a fruitful dialog between partners equally interested in going beyond the present-day difficulties demand scrupulous respect for the new rules of the international game, as mutual confidence can be based only on everyone displaying goodwill in the defense of his own positions and in his appreciation of the interests of others.
166.	We have already had the opportunity of expressing our satisfaction at the progress achieved in the relations among major Powers. We would have been even more gratified if the relations between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China had followed the same trend towards normalization and detente, not only for a better international equilibrium but also because of the sincere friendship we have for these two great countries and their peoples.
167.	The many delegations which praised the results of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe could not, however, be unaware of the fact that the policy of detente will be meaningless if it remains limited in geographical application and in scope. Peaceful relations among major Powers ere certainly an essential precondition for international peace and security; they do not, however, suffice to guarantee them unless they are supplemented by peaceful relations between the major Powers and the under-developed world.
168.	This presupposes first of all an end to interference in the internal affairs of our countries, an end to using our countries for strategic purposes in which our national interests count for very little. I should like everyone to share our indignation at interferences aimed at provoking or encouraging internal disorders in certain countries of the third world or at overthrowing their Governments or their regimes. This short-sighted policy obviously does not lead to the establishment of a climate of confidence necessary for any genuine detente; on the contrary, it leads to a radicalization of opposition which would render any peaceful approach in the solution of our disputes even more difficult.
169.	It would be highly regrettable if the willingness of third world countries to curb their impatience and to enter into a frank and sincere dialog with the developed world were to be interpreted as a change in the objectives of our countries or as a sign of the resignation of our peoples to a fate which they would be powerless to alter. It is perhaps clever, or even a good ploy, for some to try to exploit the differences which necessarily appear in the positions of the developing countries and, through the granting of minimal and astutely calculated concessions, to wish to bring about a discussion of our efforts and confusion in our priorities. This would not, of course, be a new tactic. It would also not be profitable, first of all because the developing countries know full well that the stakes are now far too high to sacrifice them for immediate and partial gains but also because it would mean that our partners are not yet convinced of the need squarely to face up to the true problems in order to find satisfactory and lasting solutions to them.
170.	No one could still doubt that the present system governing international economic relations is experiencing a severe crisis greatly affecting the vulnerable economies of the third world and threatening the prosperity of the developed countries themselves. This situation, which is intolerable for all, demands that radical solutions be arrived at by common agreement in order to lay the foundations for a new international economic order better adapted to the requirements of our times.
171.	This crucial task is a matter for all the members of the international community; it requires a global vision which truly takes into account the needs and interests of all peoples! and effective decolonization of the relations imposed by the wealthy countries on the rest of the world. Whereas most of the developed countries have now reached the post-industrial stage, our peoples have not yet seen a technological take-off, because they are subjected by the capitalist countries and the big monopolies to an industrial and technological blockade which condemns them to a dependence that is practically without recourse.
172.	The conduct of the developed countries has not been completely in keeping with the good intentions that they professed during the seventh special session of the General Assembly. That goodwill has been neutralized by the maneuvers designed to turn developing countries away from their essential aims and to weaken their solidarity by creating contradictions among their interests. To realize that that is true one need only note the unenthusiastic reception given the legitimate and reasonable proposals formulated by the third-world countries at the fourth session of UNCTAD at Nairobi or at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, particularly with regard to debt rescheduling and the protection of earnings from the export of raw materials. The industrialized countries do not limit themselves to delaying tactics in connexion with the modest and constructive proposals of the developing countries; they formed an exclusive club and strengthened their position by setting themselves up as an international board of directors during the monetary Conference at Kingston  and the Rambouillet and Puerto Rico conferences. The result has regrettably and inevitably been tension and increased misunderstanding, distrust and confrontation between developed and developing countries.
173.	The countries of the third world obviously must draw the necessary conclusion from that disappointing experience and must be wise enough not to have too high hopes about the true extent of the willingness of the industrialized world voluntarily to agree to the sacrifices necessary to the re-establishment of minimum justice in international economic relations. The Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries at Colombo demonstrated a clear awareness of that situation and, not wishing to get bogged down in useless recriminations about a state of affairs which is regrettable but which must be faced up to, it called on the developing countries to maintain their solidarity by making clear the priorities of their common program and defining the immediate aims of their common action. The Colombo discussions also stressed the importance of a rational management by the developing countries of their own resources and capacities, and the necessity of making the most of the complementary nature of their economies by developing their mutual exchanges in all sectors.
174.	It is thus clear that, while stressing the responsibility of the developed countries and the great Powers in this undertaking to change the present international order, the developing countries have an accurate assessment of their own responsibility and of the obligations they must assume to ensure the achievement of their aspirations. Their achievement of maturity and of a real ability to take part in the settlement of international affairs is in direct relation to their capacity to distinguish what is vital from what is secondary and not to confuse the true problems with their spin-offs/Our sincerity in regard to ourselves and to the principles that we proclaim is the prerequisite to our acceptance as a serious partner on the international scene. More than others, we must be aware of the need to understand that our common good imposes certain limitations on our national concerns. More than others, we must demonstrate our respect for international morality and the rules that we are attempting to impose on the conduct of the most powerful members of our community. Any hope for the triumph of our cause would be irremediably compromised if we were again to witness the re-emergence of that selfishness which in the past doomed all our efforts at common action to failure. This applies not only to economic questions which, despite appearances and the crisis which gives them a character of immediacy and urgency, remain, after all, auxiliary problems within the political framework in which they must be solved. The principle of non-interference in the affairs of other countries must obviously be applied first and foremost in the relations among countries of the third world. Respect for the right of peoples to self-determination, which we have so energetically defended against the hegemony of the colonial Powers, must be the corner-stone of our mutual conduct and our attitude of support for the peoples struggling for their liberation. The policy of faits accomplis, which we vehemently denounce in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world, must not be excused when it is practiced by countries whose membership of the third world makes such a violation of the most elementary rules of international law even less acceptable. Such deviations do, however, exist. We know of them and we regret them because they are so many additional obstacles to our common progress towards the attainment of our most vital aspirations. Obviously it is up to the third-world countries themselves to find a solution to this dramatic situation and to-become more aware of the price they will have to pay to benefit from solidarity based on free acceptance of a code of ethics we ourselves have clearly defined.
175.	I should like to turn to several special problems to which my Government attaches particular importance. The deterioration of the situation in the Mediterranean basin and around the Mediterranean, where conflicts are degenerating or taking on broader dimensions, disturbs and preoccupies us. In particular, the Middle East crisis was already serious and complex enough without the present tragedy in Lebanon, which is so dangerously affecting that country's national unity, its territorial integrity and, perhaps, in die final analysis, its very existence as an independent nation. It is not possible to arrive at a clear picture of the situation there arising from the forces and influences enmeshed there, some of which obviously, bear the stamp of imperialism and Zionism, Efforts are being undertaken, in particular in, the framework of the League of Arab States, at least to bring to an end the murders and the unleashing of violence, while awaiting the moment when the Lebanese, listening to the voice of reason, give up the fatal madness which seems to have taken hold of that people, who were so well known for their peace-loving character, and face the real problems of their common future. We give our total support to these initiatives in reiterating our conviction that no solution imposed from outside will have any real possibility of leading to a just and lasting settlement of the Lebanese drama.
176.	As we are aware, this tragedy is closely linked with the struggle of the Palestinian people, which a particularly cruel destiny appears to have pursued throughout its history. However tragic and deplorable the upheavals in Lebanon may be, they cannot jeopardize the right of the Palestinians to pursue their liberation struggle, nor can they impose on their necessary freedom of action any abusive constraints designed to do no less than thwart their efforts and weaken their ranks. The Lebanese crisis should not lead us to close our eyes to the seal facts of the Palestinian problem, solution of which is inconceivable outside the context of recognition and satisfaction of the inalienable rights which our Assembly itself has recognred as belong¬ing to the Palestinian people.
177.	Whatever imperialist and Zionist attempts are made further to confuse these facts and to confuse priorities, the evolution of the Middle East problem shows without a shadow of a doubt that a global solution is essential, a solution comprising both the total evacuation by Israel of all occupied Arab territories and the satisfaction of the national aspirations of the Palestinian people. This is a truth that has today finally been recognized by the international community. Its implementation, however, is something else again, since it will involve both the determination of the Palestinians to defend their rights and their ability to do so competently and responsibly, as well as the? readiness of our Organization and its Members to give their decisions sufficient force to ensure their execution.
178.	Still in the Mediterranean context, the problem of Cyprus continues to resist all attempts to settle it, and the talks between the two Cypriot communities, which have been held'
hardly	of them. We believe that the principles contained in resolution 3212 (XXIX) of the General Assembly are still a valid basis for a satisfactory solution which would guarantee the rights, particular requirements and security of each community while at the same time maintaining the political unity, the territorial integrity and the non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus. Algeria will continue to make its contribution, particularly in the contact group set up for that purpose by the non-aligned group, in order to investigate, in close co-operation with all parties concerned, the possibilities of effecting a. reconciliation of views and a basis of agreement for the urgent settlement of the primarily humanitarian problems that have been a source of so much pointless suffering, which it is the duty of us all to allay immediately.
179.	Despite the importance of the problems to which I have alluded, it appears, none the less, that this session of the Assembly will continue to be dominated by the way the situation in Africa is developing, particularly in southern Africa, where the hour of decision appears to have finally arrived. So spectacular a change is by no means due-to a sudden awakening of international public opinion, since it was already well-informed of events in that region. It is, first and foremost, something which has been wrought by the Africans themselves, who, with the passing of the years, have learned how better to defend their rights in order to regain their freedom in dignity and equality. It is that struggle which is now yielding its fruit, and which shows that the dead in Soweto, Alexandra and elsewhere did not lay down their lives in vain; nor have the sufferings of those who have languished for years in the prisons of Vorster and Ian Smith been in vain. The interest which is now being shown by the Western countries in bringing about a satisfactory solution to the African claims, while at the same time preserving, albeit partially, the privileges of the white minorities, is not based on any humanitarian considerations or on a sudden upsurge of sympathy for the African peoples-not that the African peoples are in any way demanding that. As we know, this interest-and, to a certain extent, we find this quite logical is more aroused by the desire to safeguard economic or strategic advantages, which were linked with the existence of the apartheid regime and which are threatened, as the regime is, by those transformations which are occurring or which are now taking shape in that area. We in Africa would like to be better convinced that the calculations of the Western countries are sufficiently accurate for them to conclude that their interest, properly interpreted their long-term interest does not lie in the survival at all costs of the apartheid system and of the political regime which is the embodiment of that system, but rather in the friendship which they can preserve with the African peoples of the region, which, in the final analysis, are the masters of the future of that part of Africa.
180. The problems of Namibia, Zimbabwe and apartheid in South Africa are closely interrelated, and the ways in which they evolve must necessarily go hand in hand. This means that any progress achieved in settling any one of them will have its effects on the others, and may well make their solutions easier. That also means that it would be dangerous to tackle these problems in isolation from one another, and particularly to believe, or to give the impression, that the problem of Namibia, or even the problem of Rhodesia, can be settled in order simply to give a brief respite or a certain aura of international respectability to the die-hard upholders of the system of apartheid, when, in the final analysis, it is the survival or demise of the apartheid system which is the very focal-point of the crisis which has for so long now beset all of southern Africa.
181.	At all events, the final decision is up to the Africans concerned themselves. We have confidence in their sense of responsibility and in their awareness that they are passing through a crucial period in the history of their countries. We hope that they will be able to transcend their differences or their divergent views in order to concert their efforts in this ultimate stage of their struggle. The African countries of the region, since they are better aware of the situation and know the people involved, undoubtedly will be able to play a decisive part in guiding the leaders of the liberation movements and in helping them to overcome their difficulties and differences. But there can be no doubt that, as in the past, we will continue to give total and unflagging support to the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa until their aspirations have been completely fulfilled.
182.	Finally, I should like to say something about the Western Sahara. This is a problem which has been, and remains one of decolonization, in the same way as those which our Organization has had to settle during the last quarter of a century, and which it has invariably solved by opting for the exercise by colonized peoples of their right to self-determination.
183.	This is by no means a new problem for our Assembly, which, over many consecutive years, has in various resolutions traced the pattern for the decolonization of the Sahara, and which, furthermore, was able to complete its familiarity with the background of this affair through the report of a commission of inquiry  sent by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and also through the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice  on this matter.
184.	It is not my intention to hark back to all these facts, which must be quite familiar to all Members of our Assembly, but I would like to dispel certain confusions which have crept into this discussion.
185.	It is, first of all, obviously false to claim that the problem of the Sahara has been solved and that the Saharan people have exercised their fight to self-determination by accepting the partition and annexation of their country. This claim is contradicted by daily events, which prove, on the contrary, that never has this problem been so acute, never has it so completely overshadowed the situation in that region. It would be difficult to make anyone believe that the procedure used at El Aaiun can in any way be regarded as an authentic consultation of the Saharan people. Without even dwelling on the spurious representative character of the members of a Jema'a which was initially appointed by the Spanish Administering Authority, it is quite obvious that the guarantees spelled out by our Assembly have not been respected, nor has there been any guarantee of the presence and supervision which should have been exercised by the Secretary-General. I would add that the Spanish Government itself, although a signatory to the Madrid agreement of 14 November 1975, disavowed its responsibility and clearly proclaimed that the Saharan people could not be considered as having in fact exercised their right to self-determination.
186.	The second element of confusion which an attempt was made to introduce into the discussion concerns the Saharan refugees who are now in Algerian territory in the Tindouf region. An attempt was made to give the impression that these exiles had been detained against their will, Shat they had even been forcibly kept and that they would be pleased to return immediately to their homes if they were not prevented from doing so. I have no doubt of the burning desire of these exiles to return to their country; what prevents them from doing so is certainly not any barriers erected against them by the Algerian Government but rather a situation which was created by the mOitary occupation of their Territory and the threats it has presented and continues to present to their security and liberty. It may be comforting to those occupying a country to believe that those who have been forced into exile by their occupation are ready to welcome them as liberators were they mot in the grip of a hostile foreign Power. It would, perhaps, be wiser for them, and more positive, to come to grips with reality and to realize that absorbing a territory is not that easy without the consent of its population. The material conditions and the morale of the Saharan refugees in Tindouf cannot be a secret to anyone, and the numerous visitors who have had an opportunity to see them, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and journalists of various nationalities, are well aware of the trials that they have undergone with courage and resignation in order to keep alive their ideal and to preserve their identity and recover their freedom. The Algerian' Government is giving this uprooted population all the humanitarian aid that it can afford to giVe, and it appeals to international solidarity to do likewise to improve the lamentable conditions in which the refugees find themselves. This mass of refugees is, of course, not anything directly to do with the Algerian Government, but it is proof, if proof were needed, of the fact that in the Western Sahara there continues to exist a decolonization problem, a problem which, there can be no doubt is far from being solved.
187.	The third element of confusion, which some have tried to inject into this discussion, is the advancing of the view that the problem of the Sahara has been solved but that it has been supplanted by a dispute between the States of that region. Far be it from me, of course, to overlook the tension which in fact exists in that region of ours, but we should not confuse cause with effect. Tension exists because the problem of the Sahara has not been solved, and if it were solved there is every reason to believe that this tension would likewise disappear. To assert, therefore, that the only problem which exists at present is that of the relations among the countries neighboring the Sahara is deliberately to fail to see the central crucial point of the situation and to disguise, by presenting things in this light, the essential and paramount fact, which is precisely that of the military occupation and annexation of the Sahara. The Heads of State of the Organization of African Unity gave a masterly analysis of the situation as.it now stands when they decided to convene a special summit conference, not to study -as has been wrongly stated here the tension which prevails in North Africa but, rather, to consider the question of the Western Sahara and try to find a way to settle it in association with the neighboring countries and the Saharan people themselves.
188.	I feel, therefore, that I must reiterate here that the Algerian Government will not let itself be drawn in by these attempts to distort the problem of the Sahara by promoting the idea of some conflict among neighboring countries, because Algeria has continued to state most solemnly that its fundamental position is not inspired by any territorial designs, even less by any feelings of hostilities towards its neighbors. This position of ours is based on the profound conviction that the only guarantee for a true and lasting solution to the problem of the Sahara resides in the exercise by the Saharan people of their right to self-determination on the basis of the territorial integrity and inviolability of frontiers and by means of an authentic referendum monitored and guaranteed by the United Nations.
189.	During this session there can be no doubt that our. Assembly will have to consider how events are developing in the Sahara and to gage, particularly through the report that is to be presented by the Secretary-General, the extent to which the decisions that it took last year have been implemented. My delegation continues to believe that responsibility for the decolonization of the Sahara lies squarely with the United Nations, and we reserve our right to develop the ideas which I have just touched upon during the specific discussion devoted to that item.
190.	The problem that I have just outlined, like the many other questions which require decisions by our Assembly poses in even more acute terms the problem of the responsibility of our Organization and its ability to secure the implementation of its resolutions: I am not only speaking here, of the General Assembly. We know, how limited its powers are in regard to Sanctions. I am also speaking of the Security Council, which the Charter has provided with methods of constraint that allow it to enforce its decisions. I hardly need to stress the extent to which the credibility of our Organization might suffer because of the impotence of its major bodies and their inability to implement their decisions. It is quite obvious that this is a question of authority , and if it is to be solved it means necessarily that every Member State will have to give up a portion of its prerogatives of sovereignty and agree to submit to the higher will, which is that of our Organization. Such accommodations are never easily accepted, but perhaps it would not be redundant or otiose to encourage the widest-ranging exchange of views possible on this aspect of the activities of our Organization.
191.	These somewhat theoretical considerations are intimately connected with the desire, largely expressed here, to strengthen the role of our Organization in maintaining international peace and security and in helping to bring about ever growing co-operation among all peoples. These ideas at least express our attachment to this institution which, despite the weaknesses which still beset it, still appears as the most appropriate instrument for bringing about understanding among men and friendship among nations.


We, the delegation of the People's Republic of China,
have come to attend the present session of the United Nations General Assembly today at a time of immense grief for the people of all nationalities in China. Chairman Mao Tsetung, the most esteemed and beloved great leader and teacher of the Chinese people, passed away on 9 September The passing of Chairman Mao Tsetung is a loss beyond measure to the 800 million Chinese people. But for Chairman Mao, there would have been no victory of the Chinese revolution. But for Chairman Mao, there would have been no new China of today. Without the victory of the Chinese revolution under the leadership of Chairman Mao the world would not have changed so vastly as it has. Hie extremely sorrow-stricken Chinese people are determined to turn grief into strength, to carry out Chairman Mao's behests and to carry through to the end the cause of the proletarian revolution in China which Chairman Mao pioneered. The Chinese people's revolutionary cause has worthy successors. Chairman Mao Tsetung has left us forever, but the magnificent contributions he made in revolutionary theory and practice are immortal. The radiance of Mao Tsetung thought will always illuminate our road of advance.
21	Here I Wish to express once again, on behalf of the Chinese Government and people, our deep gratitude to the representatives of many countries who have at various meetings of the United Nations tendered condolences on the passing away of Chairman Mao Tsetung.
22	Chairman Mao Tsetung drew a whole series of profound conclusions from the contemporary international situation The complete correctness of these conclusions is being more and more corroborated by the developing situation.
23. Back in the early 1960s, Chairman Mao Tsetung vividly portrayed the contemporary world situation in these verses:
"The Four Seas are rising, clouds and waters raging, The Five Continents are rocking, wind and thunder roaring."
The world situation has been in a stats of great turmoil. All the political forces in the world have undergone drastic division and realignment as a result of prolonged contests of strength and struggles. On the one hand, there is the rise of the third world; on the other hand, there is the rivalry tor hegemony between the two super-Powers-the Soviet Union and the United States. Countries want independence, nations want liberation, and the people want revolution -this has become an irresistible trend of history. Looking around the globe, one cannot find a single place of tranquility. "The wind sweeping through-the tower heralds a rising storm in the mountains." The factors for both revolution and war are increasing. As Chairman Mao Tsetung pointed out, the current international situation is characterized by great disorder under heaven, and it is excellent: this great disorder is a good thing, and not a bad thing, for the people. It throws the enemies into disarray and divides them, while awakening and tempering the people, thus pushing the international situation to develop further in a direction favorable to the people and unfavorable to imperialism and social-imperialism.
24. Making a penetrating analysis of all the basic contra-dictions of our time and the division and realignment of all the political forces in the world, Chairman Mao Tsetung advanced his great strategic concept of the three worlds. He pointed out that the United States and the Soviet Union make up the first world; the developing countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and elsewhere constitute the third world; and in between the two is the second world composed of Europe, Japan, Canada and other countries. Lenin once said: "Imperialism is the progressing oppression of the nations of the world by a handful of great Powers; it is an epoch of wars among these Powers for the extension and consolidation of national oppression." At present, the Soviet Union and the United States, the two super-Powers constituting the first world, are the biggest international oppressors and exploiters of our time and they are the sources of a new world war. While the developed countries of the second world oppress and exploit third-world countries, they themselves are at the same time subjected to super-Power oppression, exploitation, control or threats. The numinous third-world countries are most heavily oppressed and exploited by colonialism and imperialism; they are the main force in the fight against imperialism, and particularly against super-Power hegemonism.
25. Chairman Mao Tsetung pointed out: "Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution."' Chairman Mao s concept of the three worlds provides orientation for the workers and oppressed nations and oppressed peoples of the world in their fight in the realm of international class
struggle.
26 In the past year, the struggle against colonialism, imperialism and hegemonism waged by the people of the third-world countries has made great progress, though it suffered temporary setbacks in individual places These people have further awakened and have strengthened their unity in struggle. The heroic people of Egypt, unable to bear social-imperialist bullying and oppression any longer, resolutely abrogated the Egyptian-Soviet treaty. The Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries withstood outside pressure and maintained the position of opposing imperialism, and particularly super-Power hegemonism. The people of Asia, Africa and Latin America have come to see more and more clearly the true colors of social-imperialism. The great African people are now launching an offensive on barbarous racism, and the handful of colonialists have been cornered m southern Africa. The situation there is complicated owing to the meddling of the two super-Powers. But the long- tempered African people are clear-headed. They do not believe the nice words of imperialism and social- imperialism, nor are they intimidated by their bluster. They will surely win their liberation by relying on their own armed struggle, strengthening their unity and persisting in this course. Chairman Mao Tsetung said:
"The evil system of colonialism and imperialism arose and throve with the enslavement of Negroes and the trade in Negroes, and it will surely come to its end with the complete emancipation of the black people."
The future of Africa is infinitely bright.

27. Strategically, Europe is the focus of contention between the Soviet Union and the United States for world hegemony. The so-called "European Security Conference" was in fact a "European Insecurity Conference". There are always some people in the West who want to urge social-imperialism eastward and divert this peril towards China, thinking it best if all is quiet in the West. The "European Security Conference" reflected such a Munich line of thinking. After the Conference concluded last year, these people thought that henceforth there would be peace and tranquility in Europe. But since that Conference, the military threat posed by the Soviet Union against Western Europe and its political subversion there have been on the increase, and Europe is not more secure, but in greater danger. The desire of the European people for peace is understandable. But the Soviet Union has played up the "European Security Conference" with ulterior motives. It attempts thereby to put Western Europe off guard, divide and crush it piecemeal and ultimately seize the whole of Western Europe. The fact that strategically Europe is the focus of contention between the two hegemonic Powers, the Soviet Union and the United States, is determined by their fundamental interests. Some people take the lead hi appeasing and making concessions to the expansionists, attempting to shift this strategic focus by recognizing their sphere of influence and giving them small favors. But such an attempt cannot be realized. The continued pursuit of such a policy will result in lifting a rock only to drop it on one's own feet. Forces opposing appeasement are now rising in the West. The unity of the West European countries has made new progress. We support the unity of Western Europe and wish to see Western Europe grow strong.
28. The rivalry between the two super-Powers, the Soviet Union and She United States, extends to all parts of the globe. The United States has vested interests to protect around the world, and the Soviet Union seeks expansion. This state of affairs is unalterable. In this world-wide rivalry, the expansionist activities of the Soviet Union are all-pervasive. A Soviet leader has openly declared that there is no corner of the earth that is not taken into account by them. Now more and more people have come to realize that the so-called "irreversible process of detente" constantly peddled by Soviet social-imperialism is but a fraudulent and hollow phase; every day it talks "peace" but practices expansion; every day it talks "disarmament" but practices arms expansion. Soviet social-imperialism is the biggest peace swindler and the most dangerous source of war today. The continued fierce rivalry between the two super-Powers is bound to lead to war some day. This is independent of mail's will. The so-called "balance of power" is only a temporary, superficial and even deceptive thing. It cannot be relied upon to maintain peace. As Chairman Mao Tsetung pointed out, in an era when classes exist, war is a phenomenon between two periods of peace. The danger of a new world war is visibly growing, and the people of all countries must get prepared.
29. There is now a strange phenomenon in the world. Some people are terrified at the mention of the Soviet Union, thinking that it cannot be touched. This is superstition. Soviet social-imperialism is nothing to be afraid of. It is outwardly strong but inwardly weak. Alienated from the people, it is essentially feeble, it faces economic difficulties and ever-sharpening class contradictions and contradictions among its nationalities. Carrying out expansion everywhere and committing all sorts of evils, it has affronted the people of the East European countries and of the world. Its offensive posture bears the seed of defeat. Chairman Mao Tsetung pointed out long ago: "All reactionaries are paper tigers.""The revisionist Soviet Union is a paper tiger too." All the countries that are subjected to super-Power aggression, subversion, interference, control or threat should unite and wage a tit-for-tat struggle against it. "The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history." The destiny of mankind is definitely not to be decided by any super-Power.
"People of the world, be courageous, dare to fight, defy difficulties and advance wave upon wave. Then the whole world will belong to the people. Monsters of all kinds shall be destroyed."
30.	Following Chairman Mao Tsetung's teachings, the Chinese Government and people firmly and unswervingly support the just struggles of all oppressed nations and oppressed peoples. Now, I would like to state our consistent position on some of the issues to be considered by the current session of the General Assembly.
31.	We firmly support the people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania in their just struggle against white racism and for national liberation. We warmly support the relevant resolutions adopted by the recent Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries [see A/311197], We firmly support the people of Zimbabwe in their armed straggle against the Smith white minority regime. We firmly support the people of Namibia in their aimed struggle against forcible occupation by the reactionary authorities of South Africa ai d for national independence. We warmly hail the powerful mass movements of the people of Azania against racial discrimination and apartheid. We strongly condemn the Soviet Union for disrupting the unity of the Angolan national liberation movements and carrying out armed intervention in Angola. We are firmly opposed to the rivalry between the two super-Powers in southern Africa, and especially to social-imperialist attempts to seize the opportunity to sow discord and carry out armed intervention while pretending to support the national liberation movements.
32.	We firmly support the Palestinian and other Arab peoples in their just struggle for the restoration of their national rights and the recovery of their lost territories and against the rivalry between the super-Powers for hegemony in the Middle East. We sincerely hope that the various political forces in Lebanon, together with the Arab States concerned and the Palestinian people, will set store by the national interests of Lebanon and the militant unity of the Arab countries and find a reasonable solution to their temporary differences through peaceful consultations free from super-Power interference.
33.	We firmly maintain that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus should be respected. We earnestly hope that the Greek and Turkish communities of Cyprus and the countries directly concerned will guard against super-Power meddling and gradually eliminate their differences through patient consultations on the basis of equality and in the spirit of mutual understanding and mutual accommodation.
34.	We firmly support the Korean people in their just struggle for the independent and peaceful reunification of their fatherland. United States aggression and its interference in Korea are the main cause for recurrent tensions in Korea and for the failure to achieve an independent and peaceful reunification. The United Nations Command must be dissolved, and the United States armed forces must be withdrawn from South Korea. The division of Korea must end, and the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea must be realized. This is not to be hindered by any force on earth.
35.	We firmly support the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations. The United States threat to use the veto is utterly unjustifiable. We firmly support the just struggle carried on by the people of East Timor under the leadership of the Frente Revolucionaria Timor Leste Independente [FRETILIN] in defence of the independence and territorial integrity of their country chainst foreign aggression. We hold that the position of the Association of South-East Asian Nations for the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality free from interference by foreign Powers should be respected.
36.	We firmly support the proposal of the Government of Sri Lanka to declare the Indian Ocean a zone of peace.4 We firmly support the proposal of the Government of Pakistan to establish a nuclear-free zone in South Asia.s We firmly support the solemn statement of the King of Nepal declaring Nepal a zone of peace. We firmly support the reasonable position taken by Bangladesh on the question of sharing the water of the Ganges river.
37.	We firmly support the just struggle of the third-world countries for the establishment of the new international economic order. To attain this aim, the third-world countries have, since the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, made many efforts at various international conferences. But owing to obstruction by the super-Powers, these efforts have so far not achieved the progress they ought to have. Facts prove that the superPowers will never lightly give up their prerogative of exploiting and plundering the developing countries. We approve of dialogue, but first of all one must be strong. The developing countries can wrest back, step by step, positions on the economic front occupied by the super-Powers only if* they maintain independence and self-reliance, fully exercise their state sovereignty, take firm hold of their national resources, develop and expand their national economies, consolidate and expand the associations of raw material-producing countries and strengthen their mutual help and co-operation.

38.	As for the question of disarmament, our consistent position and views are known to all. The Soviet representative puts forward in this forum every year a sham disarmament proposal of one description or another to achieve a demagogic effect. It is not worth while here to comment on such old stuff in new concoctions.
39.	The Chinese Government and people are determined to carry on the cause left behind by Chairman Mao, to adhere to the basic line of our Party and to keep to Chairman Mao's revolutionary line and policies in foreign affairs. This has been solemnly declared in the message to the whole party, the whole army and the people of all nationalities throughout the country issued by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China, the Council of State of the People's Republic of China and the Military Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and in the memorial speech by Comrade Hua Kuo-feng, First Vice-Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Premier of the Council of State, at the mass memorial meeting to mourn our great leader and teacher, Chairman Mao Tsetung. The revolutionary line and policies in foreign affairs laid down for us by Chairman Mao personally are a beacon that has illuminated and will forever illuminate the successful advance of our external work. The Chinese Government will continue unswervingly to implement Chairman Mao's revolutionary line and policies in foreign affairs, keep the people in mind, place hopes in them, uphold proletarian internationalism, and never seek hegemony or to be a super-Power. We will strengthen our unity with the international proletariat and the oppressed nations and oppressed peoples the world over, our unity with the people of the third-world countries and our unity with all the countries subjected to aggression, subversion, interference, control or bullying by imperialism or social-imperialism so as to form the broadest possible united front against imperialism, and particularly against the hegemonism of the two superPowers, the Soviet Union and the United States. We consistently maintain that all countries, big and small, should be equal. The affairs of any country should be managed by its own people; world affairs should be managed by all countries in the world. As in the past, we will establish or develop relations with all countries on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence.
40.	Chairman Mao Tsetung taught us that "In our inter-national relations, we Chinese people should get rid of great-Power chauvinism resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely."  We will follow this instruction of Chairman Mao in handling all our foreign relations. China is still a developing socialist country. However great our future achievements in national construction, we will keep firmly in mind Chairman Mao's teaching always to be modest and never become arrogant, not even after a hundred years, and never become cocky, not even after the twenty-first century.

41.	China is a vast and richly endowed country with a population of 800 million. Chairman Mao Tsetung taught us: "China ought to make a greater contribution to humanity." At present, under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese people are taking class struggle as the key-link, keeping to the Party's basic line and policies for the entire historical period of socialism, persevering in the continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, consolidating the great unity of the people of all nationalities under the leadership of the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance, deepening the struggle to criticize Teng Hsiao-ping and repulse the rightist deviationist attempt to reverse correct verdicts, consolidating and developing the victories of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, combating and preventing revisionism, consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat, working hard independently and self-reliantly, to build China into a powerful socialist country, and striving to make a greater contribution to humanity. Following the consistent teachings of Chairman Mao, we are determined to strengthen our preparedness against war, heighten our vigilance and be ready at all times to wipe out any enemy that dares to invade China. We are determined to liberate Taiwan. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, we Chinese people are fully confident that we will triumph over domestic and foreign enemies, overcome all difficulties and achieve our objectives.
42.	Surveying the whole world, we see that there is great disorder under heaven and that the situation is excellent. The way ahead is tortuous, but the future of mankind is bright. The people of China are ready to join hands with the people of all other countries in our common endeavor.