82.	 First of all, Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly of the United Nations and to wish you success in carrying out the responsible tasks which lie before you.
83.	The international situation in which the twenty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly has been convened is complex and variegated. There is undeniably much in it; which is new and which meets the aspirations of the peoples; but the opposite trends are strong and the world is not free from danger. The situation is shaped by the policies of States and is by no means simple.
84.	In analyzing the foreign policy of any State, what we have to determine above all else is whether that State regards the task of strengthening world peace as the focal point of its policy, or whether it gives preference to other objectives which may not correspond to the interests of peace and may even run counter to those interests,
85.	The position of principle of our socialist State on questions of foreign policy was already determined at the time of its inception. Since then, for over half a century, it has never deviated from that policy. It has always done everything in its power to consolidate the security of the peoples and to ensure respect for their rights. It has condemned wars of aggression and annexation and holds the banner of peace firmly in its hands. The Soviet Union will continue to use all its authority, all its resources, its policy and its ideology to influence the course of international events in the direction of peace among the nations.
86.	A policy aimed at worsening the situation and leading to tension, conflicts and international crises is organically alien to us and is rejected by the very nature of the socialist order. At the same time, we shall continue to resist all attempts to pursue such a policy against our country and against our allies and friends.
87.	The general line of the foreign policy of the USSR, which was evolved and bequeathed to us by Lenin, was confirmed and adapted to the circumstances of today by the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Congress carefully weighed and appraised the most important directions and trends of world developments and advanced a broad program of peace and peaceful co-operation.
88.	This program covers all the main aspects of the task of maintaining peace, from the elimination of existing hotbeds of war and the prevention of new conflicts between States to the implementation of the principle of collective security, from measures to ensure a military detente in the areas of the most dangerous confrontations to the prohibition of ail types of weapons of mass destruction, and from the final elimination of colonialism and racism to the development of mutually advantageous co-operation between States in solving major economic, scientific and technological problems.
89.	We make no secret of our feelings of satisfaction at the world-wide acclaim given to the program of peace and co-operation advanced by the Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. All those who show concern for peace, irrespective of their class and ideological outlook, consider this program to be constructive and realistic and to meet the interests of all, peoples. The Soviet Union's efforts in the sphere of foreign affairs are being concentrated on the preparation and execution of measures to give effect to the proposals contained in the program.
90.	Our country is acting in concert with the other socialist States in solving the problem of building a more stable world. Our alliance with them is firm, and the policy of its members is directed towards securing the most advantageous conditions for building up socialism and communism in their countries, a task for which the main prerequisite is peace.
91.	The foreign policy objectives of the socialist alliance coincide with the interests of all peoples and with the purposes solemnly proclaimed in the United Nations Charter. No one is more concerned than we are to ensure that the lofty principles of the United Nations are brought into effect through peaceful relations between States and peoples, .irrespective of their social systems and political structures.
92.	But the socialist countries neither claim nor want to monopolize the policy of peace. On the contrary, the wider the circle of States defending the cause of peace and actively helping to find solutions for acute international problems, the mora opportunities there will be to forge ahead and the greater will be the confidence in success, however difficult the road to stable security may be and whatever obstacles may have to be overcome.
93.	This circle of States has now widened, because the facts of our times are forcing all States into the realization that in spite of the social, political, economic or cultural differences between them, it is in their common interest to ensure that people can live in peace.
94.	The ways in which States express this realization may vary, but its meaning is always the same. It underlies the foreign policies of the socialist States. It is the main guideline of the policy of countries which call themselves non-aligned. It is manifested in the trends towards realism which have recently become more evident in the policy of a considerable number of other States which only a short time ago automatically adjusted their attitudes to the positions of the military blocs into which they had been drawn in the past. That is why in recent years the alienation and even antagonism between States belonging to different social systems has in a number of cases given way to relations based on mutual understanding.
95.	None of this can in any way eliminate the historic confrontation between socialism and imperialism or make less acute the struggle between the two opposing directions in world politics to which we have often referred from this important world platform. But the strengthening of the principle of peaceful coexistence as a real force of international development and the further redeployment of political forces on the international scene in favor of peace can shape to a large extent the relations between States.
96.	If the development of the situation in different parts of the world is compared from this point of view, then it is Europe that attracts most attention. On that continent, where both world wars began, where in the post-war years a dangerous and prolonged confrontation took place between two opposing political systems and two armed camps emerged, 'there are now signs of developments and trends towards a relaxation of tension.
97.	The recently signed Quadripartite Agreement on problems concerning West Berlin will serve to eliminate one of the most dangerous sources of tension and friction and to improve the atmosphere in an unhealthy area of European politics. The Soviet Union has long and consistently pursued this objective.
98.	As we know, neither of the German States participated directly in the negotiations between the four Powers,
but they were constantly consulted and much depended on them. It is now for the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany to complete the negotiations between them which are provided for in the four- Power agreement. We should like to express the hope that this stage of the settlement of the question of West Berlin will also be successful.
99.	Mutual understanding and agreement between two continental European Powers, the Soviet Union and France, has become one of the main pillars of peace in Europe. These relations were given considerable impetus by the Soviet-French Protocol on Consultations, which was signed a year ago  and which during this short time has proved to be an effective instrument of political co-operation. We are in favor of raising the relations between the two Powers to an even higher level, in the interests of European peace and international security.
100.	In the Federal Republic of Germany, the forces which evaluate the situation more soberly and have declared themselves in favor of a policy of peace and a peaceful future are showing more confidence than in the past and gaining the, upper hand. The objectives consistently pursued by the socialist States of Europe in their relations with the Federal Republic of Germany have thus become attainable.
101.	The treaties concluded with the Federal Republic of Germany by the USSR 3 and the Polish People's Republic,  which are based on recognition of European realities, especially on the inviolability of frontiers, meet the interests of all European States. We expect them to be ratified and to enter into force in the near future.
102.	Next on the list is the settlement of relations between the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, based on the recognition of the invalidity ab initio of the Munich agreement, and on the normalization of relations between the two countries on the basis of respect for the principles of sovereignty and equal rights in their relations among themselves and with other States.
103.	If the Federal Republic of Germany makes a final break with the disastrous legacy of its past in favor of a peaceful future, no one can cast doubt on the place it should occupy in Europe and in European policy. Another reason why this should be mentioned is the unceasing activity in the Federal Republic of Germany of those forces which look to the past instead of to the future and desire above all to turn West German foreign policy back to its former course of hostility against other countries and peoples, a course which endangers peace and holds oiit'fRT" prospects for the Federal Republic of Germany itself.
104.	We must dwell on yet another aspect of the question, one that has a direct bearing on the United Nations. The, fact that the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany are still not Members of the United Nations is a political anomaly. The reason for this does not
lie in any objective difficulty in solving this problem, but in the unrealistic, discriminatory attitude of certain Powers towards the German Democratic Republic. But the time is definitely past when some people pretended that this State did not exist and that they did not know what its correct name was.
105.	The German Democratic Republic has firmly established itself as a real and active component of the European system of States. To be more precise, it is no longer possible to imagine modern Europe without it. But since that is the case, it is time to remove the artificial obstacles which lie in the way of the admission of the German Democratic Republic to the United Nations. We are also in favor of the simultaneous admission of the Federal Republic of Germany to the United Nations.
106.	As we know, in the communique on the recent meeting between Leonid Dyich Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and Mr. W. Brandt, Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic declared their intention to promote that very solution of the problem.
107.	What has been and is being done in Europe is significant, but by no means exhausts all the outstanding problems. There are questions which all the European States must settle together, and that is the underlying idea of the well-known proposal of the socialist countries on the convening of an all-European conference on problems of security and co-operation, in which the United States of America and Canada could also take part.
108.	On meeting together, the participants in such a conference could achieve a great deal in the interests of consolidating peace in Europe. Renunciation of the use of force in relations between European States and the expansion of economic, trade, scientific and technical and cultural ties between all these States are requirements dictated by our times, and the solution of these problems should be within the capacity of the conference. This is now recognized by everyone, or nearly everyone, in Europe.
109.	The problem of convening an all-European conference is ripe for solution; this is now obvious, no one questions it, and the problem now is to move from the preparatory to the practical stage of the work.
110.	The problem of relaxing military tension in Europe also insistently demands solution. This is one of the most important problems. The military potential of the opposing sides in Europe has been growing for many years, and though neither the Soviet Union nor the socialist countries were responsible for this, 'they have been obliged to participate in the race. The existing political tension has been adduced as the reason, but we have always regarded this argument as dubious. Now that a certain relaxation may be observed in Europe, there is no longer any room for such assertions, if we wish to face the truth rather than try to base our policy on deception of the peoples.
111.	Reactions to the Soviet Union's proposal to begin negotiations on the reduction of armaments and armed forces in Europe show that many are in favor of this proposal. Accordingly, what we must do is set to work.
112.	The convening of an all-European conference and the progress made towards a military detente in Europe should bring us closer to the solution of the problem of eliminating military blocs in Europe. This would lead to a thorough and comprehensive improvement of the situation. Let the fervent advocates of the policy of military blocs not faint at the thought of such a proposal. While such blocs continue to exist, the danger of a military confrontation between States will also continue to exist.
113.	It may be difficult to achieve this goal at once, although the socialist countries have stated on more than one occasion that they would be prepared to agree forthwith to the elimination of military blocs, or, to begin with, of their military organizations. But even if we have to proceed step by step in this direction, the elimination of military blocs in Europe now seems to be attainable in principle, and this too is something new on the horizon of European politics.
114.	Of course, the task of improving the international situation is not limited to Europe. For all the importance of the relations between States in Europe and for all the influence of European events on the general world situation, the prevention of a new world war depends not only on them, but also on relations in general between States in all regions. When the United Nations Charter speaks of the obligation "to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples", it does not distinguish between European and Asian nations or between American and African nations. Universal peace can be based only on peaceful relations between all nations.
115.	The settlement and development of friendly relations between any countries calls for good will, mutual interest and common peaceful intentions on their part. When these conditions are present and when countries entering into closer relations with each other do so in the context of a common concern for the strengthening of international peace, it is possible to achieve results which benefit not only the countries in question, but the world as a whole.
116.	The treaties of friendship and co-operation which the Soviet Union recently concluded with the Arab Republic of Egypt  and with the Republic of India  may serve as examples. Both instruments are widely regarded as important stages in the development of friendly Soviet-Egyptian and Soviet-Indian relations, as well as significant factors in the general construction of a more stable peace. We are convinced that this is a correct appraisal.
117.	We attach great importance to the development of our relations with Italy, Canada, with which we have concluded a Protocol on Consultations, Algeria, Iran, Afghanistan and Finland, with such an important Asian Power as Japan and with other countries of Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America and Oceania. We make no exceptions for anyone and our attitude towards the development of contacts and ties between other countries is the same: the closer these are, the more purposefully they are integrated in the general system of efforts to strengthen peace, the more the forces of aggression will be held in check and the greater will be the benefit to the peoples.
118.	Much has been said recently about the intended normalization of relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China. In principle we regard this as a natural development. Normal relations should exist between all States. So far as the position of the Soviet Union is concerned, we have always consistently opposed any unlawful action in respect of the Chinese island of Taiwan, any deprivation of the People's Republic of China of its legitimate rights in the United Nations, the concept of "two Chinas" and any notion of a "dual representation of China". This is our position of principle, and we shall uphold it at this session of the General Assembly.
119.	But the Soviet Union opposes now as before any policy which is directed against the legitimate interests and security ,of other States, including the Soviet Union, however such a policy may be camouflaged. In the past, States combined into many antagonistic groups, which led to international complications and sometimes even to wars. Yet in the end such actions always backfired against those States which had initiated and participated in them, whether they were large States or small. The generation of people who saw such combinations has not yet died out.
120.	The Soviet Union's approach to its relations with the United States of America is also based on the strengthening of peace. We attach due importance to these relations, being aware that they affect international affairs as a whole. The Soviet Union is willing to develop its political contacts and economic, trade, scientific and technical and cultural ties with the United States of America, just as it is with any other State. We are prepared to seek mutually acceptable solutions. But in doing so we are not prepared to adapt our principles in international matters, our firm policy of peace, to any considerations of the moment. The steps we take in our relations with the United States of America are always in keeping with our general line of action in the interests of peace. Speaking at the Twenty-fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev laid special emphasis on the following:
"We proceed from the premise that it is possible to improve relations between the USSR and the United States. Our position of principle with regard to the capitalist countries, including the United States of America, lies in the consistent and comprehensive practical implementation of the principles of peaceful coexistence, the development of mutually advantageous relations and, in the case of States which are prepared for this, co-operation towards the strengthening of peace, by making our relations with them as stable as possible. But we have to consider whether we are confronted by a sincere wish to solve problems at the negotiating table or by attempts to pursue a policy from a 'position of strength'."
121.	However great the power of the Soviet Union may be, we have never used it and never will use it to place our country above others. Nor do we generally accept the division of States into categories according to their sign or military might. The Charter of the United Nations is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of its Members and we fully subscribe to this principle.
122.	Violation of the principles of equal rights, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and non-interference in their internal affairs and attempts by more powerful States to impose their will on those which they consider to be weaker inevitably lead to critical situations and conflicts. This is the course which is always followed by aggressors.
123.	Is this not essentially what is going on in Indo-China and the Middle East, which have been hotbeds of war for many years?
124.	Statements have been made recently in Washington concerning the intention to withdraw American troops from Indo-China. Information is published practically every week about the number of thousands by which the American forces have been reduced. But the war in Viet-Nam, Laos and Cambodia is continuing, and the scope of military operations even expands from time to time. The United States of America and its hirelings are continuing the war.
125.	The point is not the percentage of American soldiers in the area, but the number of local troops, and whether they are being trained, armed and sent into battle under orders from Washington. The point is that the United States of America should cease its military and political interference in the affairs of Indo-China and its efforts to impose an order of its own choosing in that area Ly force of arms.
126.	The world now understands full well that from the very outset, right was on the side of the patriots of Viet-Nam, Laos and Cambodia. Now that information which was formerly carefully concealed has become known, there is simply no more room for discussion about who unleashed the war in Indo-China and with what ends in view. It is also obvious whose fault it is that the Paris negotiations were brought to a deadlock.
127.	In these circumstances, the new proposals for the establishment of peace which have been advanced by the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam and have been supported by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam acquire even greater importance. These proposals are imbued with a constructive spirit and are directed towards finding a rational solution for the practical problems which arise.
128.	Not only the friends of the Viet-Namese people, but all those who can assess the situation objectively see these proposals as a realistic way out of the prevailing situation. But what is it about them that the United States of America does not like? Why does the United States of America continue the war when all the conditions for peace are there? Why is the bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam continuing and being intensified of late, although as we know the cessation of this bombing in 1968 was a prerequisite for the beginning
of the Paris negotiations for. a political settlement? These are questions which arise from the logic of events, and they require an answer.
129.	Where the Soviet Union is concerned, our country, resolutely supporting the proposals for a peaceful settlement and pursuing its international duty, will continue to provide all the necessary support to the fraternal VietNamese people and to the peoples of and Cambodia in their legitimate struggle for their rights.
130.	Events in the Middle East centre round the same problem: will the legitimate rights of the Arab States which have suffered aggression be respected, will the territories annexed by force be returned, or will the policy of aggression be allowed to triumph?
131.	Israel and its protectors are obviously counting on the latter alternative. That is why they have paralyzed the mission of the Special Representative of the Secretary- General of the United Nations, who was entrusted with the task of promoting a political settlement in accordance with the well-known decision of the Security Council. That is why the consultations between the four Powers which are permanent members of the Security Council are just marking time, since to be effective they require the co-operation of all the participants.
132.	But Israel has miscalculated. The policy-makers of that country have made their expansionist schemes too evident to receive any support on the international scene. Now no one can believe the claim that Israel is defending its "existence". One by one, the false arguments with which Israel's rulers have tried to cover up the real objective of their policy have fallen to the ground.
133.	Israel has refused to relinquish the occupied territories until the Arab countries agree to put an end to the state of war, yet the Arabs are prepared to agree to this.
134.	Israel has insisted that a treaty of peace should be concluded and the Arab States do not object to this either, provided, of course, that all the occupied territories are returned to them.
135.	Israel has expressed anxiety about its security. It is now clear that, as part of a political settlement in the Middle East, the appropriate guarantees, including those of the Security Council, can be given. These are the firmest guarantees that can be imagined in the modern world.
136.	No one can now have any doubts: Israel does not want peace, or if it does, then it must be an annexationist peace. But this is contrary to the United Nations Charter and to the most elementary principles of international law, and must therefore be rejected.
137.	Israel's rulers apparently believe that since they have been able to hold on to the occupied territories for four years, that situation can be maintained indefinitely. But they must be aware of the alternative to a political settlement in the Middle East!
138.	Is the United Nations capable of contributing to the solution of the problem of a Middle Eastern settlement?
Yes, it will be capable of this if it does not limit itself to adopting yet another resolution expressing pious hopes unsupported by practical measures and if it makes use of all the possibilities afforded it by the United Nations Charter.
139.	The Soviet Union wants to see peace in the Middle East. It will continue to support the Arab States which have suffered aggression and their efforts to liberate their territories. The just cause of the Arab peoples, including the people of Palestine, must prevail.
140.	Indo-China and the Middle East are not the only sources of military danger. In some other parts of Asia tension is not only not declining, but is even increasing. The situation in the area of the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent is becoming increasingly complex. It must be admitted that India has cause for concern at the turn which events have taken in East Pakistan. The flow of refugees into India has given rise to serious difficulties and problems which are not only economic. We are convinced that a political settlement of the problems which have arisen in East Pakistan is the only means of achieving a general relaxation of tension in that region. Moreover, all the States of the region must be associated with such a settlement. The refugees must be returned to East Pakistan, and this will become possible only when their safety there is ensured. The present situation in the area is acute, and this is not merely a domestic problem. The Soviet Government would like to express the hope that this situation will not lead to a military conflict between the States of the region an.: that restraint and reason will prevail.
141.	The peoples of Asia need lasting peace and a situation in which their resources and efforts are not dissipated in conflict, but are directed towards the solution of social and economic problems on which the raising of their standard of living, of their economy and culture, primarily depends.
142.	It will be recalled that the Soviet Union put forward the idea of establishing a system of collective security in Asia which would ensure a state of stability on that continent. Time and effort may be needed to put that idea into practice, but the situation which has arisen in Asia requires that such efforts should be made and should be pursued consistently.
143.	Another essential condition for normalizing the situation in Asia is to put an end to interference in the internal affairs of the Korean people. The United Nations, for its part, should stop serving as a screen concealing the foreign occupation of South Korea. That is the purpose of the proposals submitted to the General Assembly by a number of socialist and non-aligned States concerning the withdrawal of United States and all other foreign troops from South Korea and the dissolution of the so-called United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. We can only regret that the consideration of these questions, which require immediate solution, has been deferred until the next session of the General Assembly. Such an approach in no way helps to reduce tension in the Korean area. On the other hand, we note with satisfaction that during the discussion of the question whether the items concerning Korea should be included in the agenda of the current session of the General
Assembly, some 30 countries spoke against the clumsy maneuvers of those who are afraid of a broad consideration at this session of the topical questions of the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea and of the dissolution of the so-called United Nations Commission.
144.	If we are to choose an area of international relations in which the interests of all States coincide and in which an impulse by the United Nations is particularly necessary to speed up progress, such an area is that of questions relating to the cessation of the arms race and to disarmament.
145.	The arms race is fraught with new and unknown dangers and its adverse effects on the life of our society are now more profound and more dangerous than ever before. During the post-war years, the money spent on armaments has been several times greater than the total annual national income of all the developing countries in the world. This waste of material and intellectual resources is taking place at a time when many millions of people have no bread to satisfy their hunger and no roofs over their heads to shelter them from rain and cold and when over one third of the population of our planet are illiterate.
146.	It would be wrong to say that nothing has been done to check the arms race. Nuclear weapons tests in the air, in outer space and under water have been prohibited, the proliferation of these weapons among States has been stopped, and the siting of weapons of mass destruction in outer space, on celestial bodies and on the sea-bed and the ocean floor has been prevented. The conviction is growing that the solution of the problem of banning underground nuclear tests can no longer be postponed. The ideas of the creation of nuclear-free zones in various parts of the world and of the elimination of foreign military bases in the territories of others are gaining increasing support.
147.	Efforts for the prohibition and destruction of bacteriological weapons are proceeding in the right direction. Negotiations for an appropriate convention are nearing conclusion. This should be an important practical step not only in limiting the arms race, but also in actual disarmament. We are dealing here with the elimination of one specific type of weapon and, moreover, a weapon of mass" destruction. The task of also prohibiting and eliminating chemical weapons lies ahead.
148.	There has been growing awareness recently of the need to take measures to prevent the accidental occurrence or deliberate provocation of incidents involving the use of nuclear weapons. This purpose is served by the agreement reached recently between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America.
149.	The talks between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America on the limitation of strategic arms are continuing and are now concentrated on the preparation of an agreement on anti-missile systems. Unless the expansion of anti-missile defense is halted now, a chain reaction Of competition between offensive and defensive weapons will inevitably take place, as it did in the past between naval armor and the artillery shell, the difference being that this competition would be immeasurably more dangerous and more costly.
150.	The successful outcome of these talks would serve the interests of the peoples of both the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America, as well as the cause of strengthening universal peace. In view of the increasing importance of the talks, the Soviet side is intensifying its efforts to reach agreement, which must of course be based on the principle of equal security. But the success of the talks also depends to the same extent on the other side.
151.	Achievements in limiting the arms race are only the first steps towards disarmament. However important they may be, to stop there would be to shirk the solution of the basic problem. And we are convinced that, from the point of view of what is possible, it can be solved. The whole question is whether there Is a desire for such a solution.
152.	The Soviet Union recently advanced a proposal to convene a conference of the five Powers possessing nuclear weapons-the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United States of America, the People's Republic of China, France and the United Kingdom-with a view to examining questions of nuclear disarmament. One of the nuclear Powers we approached, France, supported this Soviet initiative. But then another announced its opposition, whereupon the remaining two hastened to declare that in the existing circumstances the convening of a conference of the five nuclear Powers had become an "academic'' question.
153.	The Soviet Union does not consider that the other nuclear Powers have said the last word. All those who view matters realistically understand that nuclear disarmament can be achkved only with the participation and agreement of all five iiuclear Powers and that they cannot absolve themselves of this responsibility.
154.	A radical solution of disarmament problems will, of course, call for the united efforts of all States, irrespective of the size of their territories and populations, the level of their military might and their economic potential. The Soviet Government believes that further intensification of efforts to achieve disarmament would be promoted by the convening of a world disarmament conference in which all the States in the world would participate, and that this question should be examined at the current session of the General Assembly. The relevant item has been included in the Assembly's agenda at our proposal fA18491J.
155.	In the not-too-distant past, States have already approached the question of convening a world disarmament conference, but for various reasons it has so far proved impossible to hold such a conference. The general political situation is now more conducive to this.
156.	It is essential to make the most of these developments, bearing in mind the fact that, although during the post-war years disarmament talks have been conducted in the widest variety of places, all States have never yet gathered together to discuss disarmament questions. Yet +his problem affects them all without exception.
157.	The universality of the world conference and the participation of all States might contribute to its success.
158.	The tasks before the world disarmament conference would of course be enormous. That Is why it should perhaps become a permanent forum, or rather one operating over a long period. Its sessions might be convened periodically, say, once every two or three years. In view of the fact that the nuclear arms race arouses the greatest concern among the peoples, first priority should be given, if the majority of the participants in the conference express this wiJh, to questions of the prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons, the use of which cannot be tolerated by the conscience of mankind.
159.	The world conference should be convened outside the United Nations, so that it can be attended by all States, irrespective of whether or not they are Members of the United Nations. It is self-evident that Its convening should in no way detract from the significance of those forms of, and channels for, disarmament talks which are now being used, Including the Committee on Disarmament. On the contrary, the Committee on Disarmament should intensify its work.
160.	Both the existing channels for negotiations and any which may be created in the future would contribute to preparations for the convening of the world disarmament conference, and later to the actual drafting of specific agreements on disarmament in pursuance of the decisions of the world confoiencc.
161.	States must obviously be given some time to conduct the necessary consultations on questions relating to the convening of the world disarmament conference. In this connexion, we consider that the General Assembly might address an appeal to States to agree not later than 1972 on the date of the conference and on its agenda.
162.	In view of the above considerations, the Soviet delegation hereby submits the following draft resolution for the consideration of the General Assembly:
(The speaker then rear? out the text of a draft resolution which was subsequently circulated as document A/L.631. For the text, see Official Records of the General Assembly, Twenty-sixth session, Annexes, agenda item 97.]
163.	We believe that this draft speaks for itself. We call upon all delegations to give it due attention.
164.	In considering all these questions, within the United Nations or outside it, no one should forget that disarmament negotiations are being conducted in circumstances where the arms race is not only continuing, but is being accelerated. This may appear to be a vicious circle, but it can and must be broken. This is demanded by the most vital interests of mankind.
165.	Disarmament is the most reliable means of strengthening international security and ensuring peace, this is clearly expressed in the United Nations Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security which was adopted at the twenty-fifth, anniversary session of the General Assembly [resolution 2734 (XXV)], at the initiative of the Soviet Union.
166.	The Declaration has been correctly assessed as a program of specific measures which, taken together, can
radically change the international situation for the better. Some of its particularly significant features are that it reaffirms the principle of the inadmissibility of acquiring territories through the use of force and strongly emphasizes the obligation of all States Members of the United Nations to carry out the decisions of the Security Council and to do everything in their power to enhance the authority and effectiveness of this organ, on which the Charter confers the main responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security.
167.	In this connexion, we should like to state frankly that the Security Council is by no means carrying out its functions as it should under the Charter of our Organization. The founders of the United Nations envisaged the situation rather differently. They envisaged it in such a way that no one should paralyse the Council's activities and that all the States which have been trusted to become members of that organ, especially its permanent members, should carry out their obligations with a sense of responsibility, so that no violator of peace should go unpunished and so that the activities of the Security Council should be based on the agreement reached during the Second World War, when the foundations of the United Nations were laid and its structure was elaborated. We believe, however, that this situation can be remedied, if the policies of States particularly of the great Powers, are directed to the pursuit of genuinely peaceful goals.
168.	The twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly will have to consider the question of how the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security is being implemented [item 34]. It is not enough to adopt even the best possible declaration: every effort should be made to ensure that it does not become a dead letter.
169.	Yet such a danger exists, because not all States Members of the United Nations are in practice acting in accordance with the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security for which they voted. Many of the considerations I expressed earlier can serve as examples of this.
170.	There are yet other facts of the same kind. For example, let us take the clause of the Declaration which calls upon all States to desist from any forcible or other actions against peoples still under colonial rule and to render them assistance in their just struggle. This requirement is not being fulfilled by those very States to which it is primarily addressed.
171.	There are different forms of colonialism and racism, but none of them is better than any other, be it the Portuguese kind, supported and sustained by the NATO military bloc, the South African kind, with its policy of hatred-apartheid, or any other kind.
172.	And now, when the great torrent of national liberation movements has destroyed nearly all the strongholds of colonial empires, there are still people and even governments which vaunt the pseudo-civilizing action of the colonialists and are trying-in one form or another and on some pretext or other-to maintain their rule over the last colonial territories. If they think that the peoples have forgotten how much blood and sweat the policy of certain
States has cost the peoples of Africa, Asia and other parts of the world and if they think that they will be allowed further to oppress and exploit those who still remain under their domination, they are mistaken, and history does not forgive such mistakes. The United Nations has done a good deal to help peoples in their struggle for freedom and independence. It must do even more. Colonialism must be finally eradicated.
173.	The Soviet Union is in favor of the full and unconditional implementation of United Nations decisions on the elimination of remaining colonial and racist regimes. We shall continue to provide material and political assistance and support to all the peoples striving towards that goal.
174.	The United Nations must of course take vigorous action in all the areas provided for in its Charter. We can only welcome the fact that a number of questions arising from developments in the scientific and technical revolution will be considered during this session of the General Assembly. The Soviet Union introduced one such item into the agenda of the session, the question of the preparation of a treaty concerning the moon [A/832* J.
175.	The time has come to reach agreement on universally mandatory rules which would be binding on all States and which would ensure the study and utilization of the moon in the interests of the present and future generations for peaceful purposes only. We hope that our proposal on the conclusion of a treaty concerning the moon will receive the support of all States Members of the United Nations.
176.	Preparations are being made for two important international conferences, one on problems of the human environment and the other on the law of the sea. The United Nations must make its contribution to these conferences, since they will be discussing questions which in modem times are closely linked with conditions of human life and the further progress of civilization.
177.	These are new problems, arising from life itself. The United Nations is also faced with not a few old problems, which have not, however, lost their urgency for its Members, especially for the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The problems of international economic co-operation have been discussed in the United Nations for many years, but this has not led to any improvement in the economic situation of most developing countries. That situation remains serious.
178.	The struggle of the developing countries against one-sided, agreements and other forms of neo-colonialist oppression and lawlessness is constantly expanding. It is being conducted both by the young States which have recently gained political independence and by developing countries which ceased to be colonies long ago. The United Nations cannot stand aside from this struggle. It is in duty bound to support those who are defending their legitimate rights to liberation from economic oppression, to free national development and to labor for the well-being of their peoples, not for the profit of foreign monopolies.
179.	More than a quarter of a century has passed since the United Nations was founded. This is a considerable period.
During this time the Organization has experienced some failures. It has not always acted with sufficient resolution in cases where it should have shown firmness and energy. But on the whole it has proved that it can serve as a useful instrument of peace and development of international co-operation if it follows the right course and strictly observes the United Nations Charter.
180.	Nevertheless, even now the question sometimes arises of the priority that should be given to certain United Nations activities. The answer was given in the days when the foundations of this Organization were established, when the Charter of the United Nations was signed. The principal task of the United Nations', the basis of all its activities, is the maintenance and strengthening of peace and the prevention of a new war. The United Nations was established for that purpose and that is its very first priority in its work. The peoples of the world evaluate the results of every session of the General Assembly and of every meeting of the Security Council by considering whether effective steps were taken towards the attainment of that essential goal. The Soviet Union, for its part, will do everything in its power to ensure the success of this session of the United Nations General Assembly.


157.	According to certain "realists", in order to succeed a statesman must have heart without weakness; he must be as hard as rock, as cold as a calculating machine, have no feelings of friendship, and must not be carried away by enthusiasm-a kind of robot. If that were true, Mr. President, you would have made a very bad statesman and our Assembly would have made a poor choice in electing you to preside over our debates and to guide our work. In any case, the representative of Tunisia, together with his distinguished colleagues from friendly countries, are honored to have chosen in you a man with heart and spirit and who, in addition to distinction, has both serenity and wisdom and the calm determination of faith.
158.	That President Hambro, a Norwegian, should be succeeded by President Adam Malik, an Indonesian, is more than a happy coincidence; it is a fine symbol, a comforting sign which we should like to see always there, constituting a whole program of mutual assistance and solidarity: the tore' being passed from the North to the South; Europe strengthening forth its hand to Asia in order to associate it with its hopes.
159.	In associating your name in the same tribute, Mr. President, with that of our distinguished colleague, President Hambro, we should like at the same time to pay a tribute to the tremendous efforts made by Europe in its policy of political detente and co-operation, and to bow before martyred Asia, which a tendency to intolerance and hegemony has plunged into the warlike tensions of the Middle East, the absurd war in Viet-Nam and the fratricidal confrontation in Bengal.
160.	In greeting you, Mr. President, we should like to voice the hopes that your presidency will mark for Asia the end of this long journey through blood and stormy weather, and the beginning of a new ear of concord and peace.
161.	This wish which we all share has, as we know, always encouraged U Thant, our Secretary-General, who is a credit to Asia because of his origins and to humanity because of his qualities.
162.	In the midst of the tempests, pitfalls and difficulties which arise repeatedly; despite the great Powers, which are not always encouraging, and small Powers which are often defiant, and though budgetary vexations continue to add to your daily worries, you have been able, Mr. Secretary-General, undoubtedly by sacrificing your health, to keep our Organization on the right path. For that, Tunisia expresses its gratitude. The exceptional role of guardian and guide which, for 10 years, you have played is something, you owe, which we all owe, in fact, to your exceptional
qualities, We also owe it to the devotion of your co-workers and lastly, we own it to the value of this institution, our Organization,
163.	Entering into this year of grace after 25 years of continuous striving for peace and progress, the United Nations remains the most effective instrument for bringing man to man, and endowing him with an ever-growing universal conscience and public spirit. With its specialized agencies, which constitute as it were its skeleton, with its membership, which is as it were its flesh, and with its peoples and their profound aspirations, which form its soul, it is growing stronger from day to day, and will soon, we hope, gain renewed strength with the admission of the People's Republic of China, and will be recognized everywhere as the universal expression of modern democracy.
164.	Thanks to your tenacity, Mr. Secretary-General, and your calmness, the action which you initiated 10 years ago is beginning to yield fruit. The concern for peace is becoming more and more pressing both in South-East Asia and in the Middle East where, unfortunately, the results of your efforts have not been very encouraging. Europe is becoming more and more wedded to a policy of collective security and co-operation,
165.	The People's Republic of China will shortly be taking its true place in our Organization in order to assume its role as a great Power, which is justified by its history, its geography and the extent and virtues of its population.
166.	The Second United Nations Development Decade, by sharpening the will of small nations and arousing the competitiveness of the great, constitutes the spearhead of progress-some fruit at last, after so much effort.
167.	In view of these and many other facts, it would be only right that you, Mr. Secretary-General, should be able to taste the fruits of your numerous efforts. In requesting, in beseeching, you to sacrifice yourself again in the service of the United Nations, I am aware, of course, that I am going too far and demanding too much of your strength, but we all know that when you serve, you always rise to the challenge and serve well. I am not the only one to address this appeal to you, Sir, and I hope you will accept it as a tribute and an expression of the friendship and gratitude which Tunisia feels for you.
168.	I should like to make a few comments in relation to the situation in the Middle East, which, by deteriorating is rotting the peoples and countries of a very sensitive area.
169.	For half a century Zionists and Arabs from Palestine and elsewhere have been in a state of warlike tension, the one faction defending its recent conquest, the other awaiting its revenge, alternating thus between arrogance and hatred. The Palestinians, the Arabs, bloodied but unbowed, and the Israelis, carried away by the strength of their arms but not victorious, continue in the face of the uncertainties of tomorrow to contemplate violence. Even those who mention the Israeli-Arab conflict here or elsewhere are looked upon with suspicion if they do not speak a certain language. One is obliged to use certain words, as one uses a certain currency, a currency which has been coined for war and which serves only to peddle hatred and to bring together men who are devoid of feeling and imagination. It is a counterfeit currency which continues to circulate, however, and falsifies discussions, human relationships and the entire situation in the Middle East.
170.	Those who believe they can settle the Israeli and Arab conflict according to the accepted rules of war or in accordance with the requirements of our era, with the logic of the calculating machine and in the manner of a sporting gentleman playing the game and probably having to pay up are deluded. The problems of the Middle East are specific; they are too emotional; they cannot simply be turned into punched cards. In every facet of the situation and at each step of the solutions envisaged, the complexity, density and intensity of the problem becomes apparent. Let us not forget it is in this region that heaven has met earth in order to touch it with its grace, that there has been a longstanding rivalry which continues to err against the spirit, to commit crimes towards men and sacrilege towards God. Let us be on our guard; this is the time when faults are committed through pride, prestige, self-love and overheated passion, and, in such cases, the degree of error, particularly that of the great Powers, could be commensurate with their colossal size and, when it is fatal, it is always the small nations which fall victim.
171.	It is true that ways of tackling the problem go completely astray when they touch upon this sensitive area. It is true that they can seem disordered, always heated, and often merely superficial. It is true that they are more metaphysical and mythical than real. The fact is that problems in this part of the world are essentially matters between men in the full sense of the words, matters of the heart where the requirements of dignity and pride, of honor and generosity, and of privation as well arise spontaneously and almost in their pure state. One should not be contemptuous of this approach. One must have enough humility to realize that fortunately many problems of our planet are emotional ones and that the heart still has its reasons and its requirements in the lives of men.
172.	Above all, let no one believe that, in the Middle East, we are unmoved by reason and solutions which appear to be logical. But let not pride delude us into thinking that logical solutions will always succeed. Let it not be believed that everything falls into place according to the calculations of the computer. It is true that the Arab countries give the appearance of chaos, with extreme abundance in certain cases and extreme wretchedness in others. There is a tendency for both to try to seek protection from the great in order to perpetuate their quarrels, or to shelter from the blows of fate. It is also true that the great Powers believe that they can ensure their domination by having proteges, nay, even clients. It is quite obvious today that the great Powers are opposing each other, goading each other and getting each others' measure through small countries, sometimes foisting on them their surpluses of out-of-date arms or by trying out on them new forms of conventional arms.
173.	If in the past the Arab countries have been frequently guilty of errors and failures let us at least have the courage to say that it is in their camp that the right can be found today, and a sincere readiness to abide by the rules of the international game.
174.	Let us be honest enough to notice that it is the unreasonableness of Israel which stymies decisions in the United Nations, clouds all prospects and encloses us in a sort of dialectic of despair, which incites some to commit the folly of hijacking aircraft, some to mortgage their development effort by channeling the major portion of their energy and resources into armaments, others even to risk disorganizing the State by legitimately trying to inculcate respect for it, and still others to change regimes by a military coup d'etat because they are unable to change events any other way.
175.	Yet, never have the Arabs in the Middle East found themselves so oppressed, so misunderstood and in such a completely hamstrung situation as they are now. If, for them, the worst is never certain, the best seems, unfortunately, for the time being, to be escaping them-the best, of course, being the prospect of peace. This dead-end situation is particularly serious because the Arab countries  mainly Egypt-have- done everything they can to create objective conditions which would put an end to tension and which would set peace-making machinery in motion.
176.	At the same time, in the position of Israel, there is such a lack of reason, such an excess of contempt, such excessive arrogance, such a desire to flout this Organization, its Secretary-General, its Security Council, its General Assembly, its bodies, the four great Powers and each and every one of us at the same time, that it is really enough to move whole mountains of indifference and inaction. The great Powers may be very touchy about affairs of amour propre and prestige but how can they let the authority of the United Nations and public opinion become so degraded? This is what is really shocking and, when the time comes, this wit sot fail to bring changes in trends, policies and even alliances.
177.	In the case of Israel and South Africa, certain great Powers just let things take their course, even seem to desert the United Nations; its recommendations have no effect and its moral authority fluctuates and becomes devalued like common currency.
178.	There is a sort of unintentional aptness when certain great people in America, Europe and elsewhere consider the United Nations as the image of passing youthfulness, the refuge of certain nostalgic memories of a long departed bitter-sweet era. What leaves us nonplussed about Israel is its nature, its policy, its tendencies. What gives us pause is this attitude of constant defiance, which is constantly displayed by the Israel leaders towards this Organization, which brought them into being by arbitrarily, in 1947, imposing on the Palestinians the creation of this land in a country which was undoubtedly under British Mandate, but which had its own nationals, the Palestinians, including Moslems, Christians and Jews. The fact that the roles have, today, been reversed to such an extent that the victims of yesterday, the Arabs, are now committed to respecting the resolutions and recommendations of the United Nations and the Israelis, those who were favored in 1947, consider the United Nations as I quote what certain people are saying in the Israeli press the "burial-ground of aborted
resolutions" says a great deal about the way the minds and customs have evolved on both sides. In the case of the Israelis we cannot refrain from thinking of the type of a spoiled child-mentioned by Montsigne -who are plump and spoon-fed and who spit on the breasts of their mother and yell their anger in the face of those who gave birth to them.
179.	May I tell Mr. Abba Eban whose courtesy, whose skill is equaled only by his tremendous oratory which he has pleasure in so frequently exercising in this Assembly-of the position we Tunisians hold, who although we are nowhere near the frontiers of war are touched in our very hearts by the fact of an Arab-Israeli war. Mr. Abba Eban, as you know we have no hatred for you, we Tunisians, nor do the Palestinians, whom you have deprived of a homeland and homes and whom you have destined to be eternal refugees; nor do the Arabs, whose territories you have seized, nor do the Christians, nor do the Moslems, in whose case you have been guilty of violence by continuing to desecrate Jerusalem. No, none of these harbours resentment towards you. In Tunisia, thanks to what has been done by President Bourguiba, we, who were forged in the white heat of solidarity for the love of our cause, we are making a constant effort to banish odium, which is so sterile, to avoid red herrings, and to look reality in the face in order to see it closely, to know it better and to reach properly to it.
180.	The reality of the present situation in the Middle East is not in accordance with what you have said in your statement [1946th meeting/, Mr. Abba Eban; to offer to see Mr. Riad, on the basis of what you proposed, is something, I think, which you did much more to produce an oratorical effect than to arouse any response which Mr. Riad might be prepared to give you and which it is not fitting for me to speculate about. But to use up your tremendous mental energy over wretched squabbles about meetings, refugees and procedure and all this in order to open the canal that really takes the cake! Really, this is not up to the standard of the great Arab-Israeli debates with the extent and complexity of which your are well acquainted. You are still very wide of the mark, Mr. Abba Eban, I say this to you simply and calmly.
181.	It is also true that you have a large helping of unreasonableness and excess, but the danger which threatens you, which threatens us all in this region, is your tendency to overlook realities. It is your tendency not to think about the future or, rather, to think about it like a miser, and to make small cheeseparing proposals. Unless it be that you want to treat as an inferior one who is your enemy in the present state of human law, namely , the one upon whom the United Nations imposed you in 1947. Oh, I know quite well that during those 25 years you have been hardening your heart. It is even said that your 'hawks' are so savage and so exclusive that the 'doves' have deserted Israel.
182.	Please do not always be so quick to show arrogance, contempt. Do not be slow in seeking reparation, in offering a reasonable initiative if you sincerely want peace. You are being oppressed, you are being tortured because you do not want to change, because you do not even allow yourself to take the least step, you hold yourself in check by being formal and confining yourself to a rigid procedural frame-work. To hold territories occupied as direct sureties to bring about a fait accompli, here, to move people out there and to mobilize oppression against Palestinians everywhere is to ensure for yourself and the region future misfortune, to thwart from the outset any efforts towards peace it is to opt for the enforced maintenance of this exaggerated nationalism. In fact, it is also to opt, both inside and outside, for a type of man and society which feeds on chauvinism, which preaches intolerance and fanaticism, which inside the country carries out witch hunts against those who do not share the same opinions and multiplies threats against those outside who do not accept their conditions.
183.	You have referred to international ethics. You have made much of the scale of values which leads the antagonists to negotiate with each other. But did you not think that in your dealings with the Palestinians and the Arabs all values have been destroyed and flouted? In your case, as in the case of the Palestinians, humble shopkeepers, workers, even women, have been turned into killers. Have not you given some thought to the fact that the content and the significance of ethics has changed, that the scale of values has been turned upside down: robbing, smuggling, lawlessness, armed attack, political assassination, violation of property and quite recently the hijacking of planes have been considered as acts of patriotism? Did you not give some thought to the fact that hatreds have germinated 25 times, that during the three wars which have been won all Palestinian families have been dismembered, dispersed, discarded, ruined? And this is true also of many other Arab families? And these seeds of revolt are scatter throughout the region? So, what scale of values are you speaking about? What precedents are you referring to? To meet with you? Sc. what. Of course we could meet, but why? To what end? To confirm your attitude of arrogance, which has so often been proclaimed and made public?
184.	Leave to one side, I beg you, Sir, the Americans, the Russians, the Chinese, Mr. Jarring and the United Nations. Tell us, you, yourself, if you are prepared to leave Jerusalem. Come right out and tell us that you never accepted the Security Council resolution and that the day before you spoke it was even announced that you would reject it. Tell us here and now if you are prepared to accept a Palestinian homeland, a Palestinian State. How do you intend live in this Palestine? What form of coexistence with the Palestinians would you choose? Are you objectively considering the possibility of peace? Actually, Sir, your errors, all your errors are essentially errors of the mind. Your principles, your conditions, you enunciate them for yourself. They have no effect because they lack that touch of universality and generosity which affects men's hearts, which guides them towards a solution. They do not concern man but 9 category of man, the elect, Zionists.
185.	A mental error cane seen in this trend which you have to construct a society on the caste of the elect to the detriment of the Palestinians and the Arabs, who are perhaps the pariahs. As you cannot find in the principles of reason, in the teaching of civilizations, any justification for your supremacy you have sought them therefore in mythology. As you could not support yourself with law you have supported yourself with military force. You know
that it is impossible to build anything valid on myths and brute force. It is also a mental error because there can be no lasting peace and valid coexistence without consent and adherence on the part of those who accept it, and experience has shown that those who accept it only act like whipped dogs because they undoubtedly find themselves closer to the whip. This is true of certain Palestinians whose territories continue to be improperly occupied by you. No. You cannot go on indefinitely and with impunity acting against religion, reason, morality and faith. I think, Mr. Eban, that you are sincere in your five-point Declaration. I even think that this is perhaps the worst and most disquieting thing about it. We are beginning to wonder more and more whether it is in the nature of your regime to be able to bring about peace. Please do not say that the Arabs, the Palestinians themselves, are balking at peace talks. In the conditions of war the parties can only speak war to each other. Propose conditions for a valid peace and you would be astonished yourself by the sense of responsibility and constructive spirit of the most adamant of Arab leaders, including the Palestinians.
186.	The meetings, direct discussions, international precedents, logic, scale of values, are all merely words. And it is not because you use these words that we should necessarily fear them henceforth; it is not because you lack peace that we should not make a further bid for it and it is not because you want to exclude the Palestinians who are essential partners that we necessarily have to exclude you.
187.	Only an open, tolerant Palestine which would see both Jews and Palestinians coexisting in forms to be determined, which would give us a society with common laws and a power assumed by its lifelong members the Christians, Moslems and Jews, would ensure that you no longer sow the seeds of hatred in the Middle East, and be the powder-keg which is always on the point of exploding.
188.	A question of dates? Perhaps , But also and above all it is a question of behavior and of commitment. Let the Israelis conduct themselves in a manner permitting coexistence between Jews and Arabs, as was and is still the case in Arab and Moslem countries. The only way to reach this is to agree to commit oneself to a de-zionization, as Germany earned coexistence with the European countries and the rest of the world when it pledged itself to denazify the country. And we believe that those who helped the Germans to exorcise the demon of nazism, the Americans, the Russians and the Western allies particularly, could help the Jews to exorcise this demon of Zionism. In doing so, they would contribute to peace in the Middle East. They surely would not help to bring about a just and lasting settlement of the problems in this region by spying on one another, testing each other, seeing each other's hand behind the antagonists and playing hide-and-seek of a new type, which is more dangerous than the cold-war because it is more underhand.
189.	In point of fact, under the pretext of having the detestable principle of the balance of strength between belligerents maintained, the great Powers have created an explosive situation throughout the Mediterranean, which is all the more explosive because it feeds on the state of war between the antagonists. The attempt to balance the strength of the belligerents has led to two equally detestable results: gradually there has been an unwitting escalation of armaments among the great Powers and at the same time there has been escalation among the small Powers.
190.	This situation has turned the Mediterranean into the focal point of antagonism between two of the great world Powers; it directs energies towards military preoccupations rather than economic ones, which eventually is a disaster in so far as inadequate progress and development thus open the door to political adventures within the country, to instability, to chaos and to misfortune.
191.	Henceforth, it is less important for the Russians and the Americans to quit this bubbling morass of intelligence and counter-intelligence than that Europe should be there in full view as an effective and exemplary presence in order to show that it has a more dynamic, more peaceful, more edifying and more attractive viewpoint to offer. With Europe and the great Powers, we should like to return to the spirit of solidarity and magnificent mutual assistance which has made it possible for Aswan to be brought about and not that which enabled Malta to polarize the military Powers, because Malta is considered more as a strategic fortress which it is important to control than as a human community which should be assisted in its action for development.
192.	In this Mediterranean, which is the mother of civilization, the cross-road of races, ideas and religions, where the East meets the West, the North with its technology and its terrifying requirements meets the South with its under-development and its no less terrifying consequences, the profane, the sacred, liberalism and its fascinating allurements, dirigisme and its no less formidable over-simplifications. In this Mediterranean which has become the eye of the hurricanes the arena of despair, we should like to find a new source of inspiration, a new reason for acting together with the Europe is and those who would like, throughout the world, to see the Mediterranean reflecting the world about which our youth is dreaming, a Mediterranean where relations would be based on the exchange of ideas, experiences and men, a Mediterranean where we prefer peaceful emulation to rivalries, and co-operation to confrontation and massive assistance and technical aid to the machines of war .
193.	Thus we are following with particular interest the remarkable efforts which have been made by Europe, which is now coming into its own as a community . We see there the advent of a reassuring force; and, however unaware it is that it is not its sole mission to bring together the Atlantic and the Urals but also to unite the Baltic and the Mediterranean, we are sure that it will radiate so much human warmth, peace and solidarity that it will contribute to illuminating and marking out the roads of the future. Provided that the matters to be taken up in Helsinki relative to Europe's security and to co-operation are not restricted to the problems of yesterday those of Berlin, wartime frontiers, military pacts, etc., but extend instead to the burning issues of the present day those of the Israel-Arab conflict, the tension in the Mediterranean, solidarity between North and South-we welcome that conference of hope and express the wish that it will be held as soon as possible and that it will be successful.
194.	There is another event which is being awaited by the world with some impatience-impatience or curiosity mixed with hope and a certain anxiety, as if to underline the importance of that event. I am referring to the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations as a great Power with the same prerogatives and the same rights as the other four great Powers.
195.	For some time its admission appeared to be an event involving a principle; today it appears to be an event which could prove to be a source of something further: it could be the first in a whole series of acts and consequences hitherto unthinkable.
196.	We of Tunisia envisage the entry of the People's Republic in the spirit of those who are setting out on a long, difficult and hazardous voyage; with it here in this Organization we will undoubtedly discover new shores, and perhaps a new source of inspiration and a fresh reason for working which will be different and will permit the United Nations to launch itself into this new quarter-century with fresh vigor and authority.
197.	With the admission of China into international society, there will of necessity be a new deal, a reassigning of roles, a better adaptation of the Organization and its organs to the changes through which we are living, and a better balanced, more diversified and therefore richer international life. We believe that that Power, which possesses the atomic bomb, will be much more at home in the United Nations, which is so concerned with disarmament, than outside it.
198.	The United Nations, if it admits that country, will undoubtedly gain a second wind, both politically and morally, in its role as the most, authentic expression of the most elevated thoughts of men and of peoples.
199.	Thus carried along by the wave of the future, the People's Republic of China will fly its flag over Manhattan, with all its mysteries, with all its breadth and with all its tremendous reservoir of moral energy and new values. If it is now perhaps a cause of uncertainties and excesses, it could also equally be the hope of more light and restraint. It could also be the shipwreck of authority and hope. Absent today, without any obligations or responsibilities in international life, it fascinates people; it has a charismatic effect on our minds and excites our imagination with its view of man and the role which man should play in society.
200.	There, in the fervor of Maoism, a new kind of man, a product of the Long March, the red book, the cultural revolution and a monolithic society, is beginning to emerge. If for many he is not the model to be followed, he does nevertheless embody the essence of rejection of the so-called consumer society-the industrial society, where the machine and the computer have taken over power and where man tends to be thrust aside.
201.	For the allegation of Tunisia, the admission of the People's Republic of China constitutes an essential matter; the question of Taiwan, an important one. It might be unfair, perhaps, from the ethical point of view, and incorrect politically, for us to yield to the requirements of one candidate for admission to the United Nations and
expel another which is a Member. But is Taiwan that other one? Would it have any existence once the People's Republic of China has its rights restored: That is the question.
202.	Tunisia, faithful to its traditions and its approach, if called upon to choose between an essential matter and an important one, will choose the essential matter, hoping that what remains, that is the "other", will not, as Sartre said, prove to be the "hell" of the United Nations, We, at any rate, will always find some way of reconciling the forces of rejection and the tendency to schematize things which seems to characterize the People's Republic of China, and we shall also find some way of adapting ourselves to society and modern life to its requirements, with all the subtleties inherent therein. Our path will be one of creative imagination-innovation, and not simply in the systematic rejection which, as I say, seem to characterize China, nor in the alienating indiscriminate acceptance so often imposed by present-day systems and the so-called consumer society.
203.	With the forces which are gaining strength in Europe and elsewhere; with the emergence of Africa and of many Asian countries, with the ethic of non-alignment, which we hold dear, we are struggling to attain the only dreams of which we can conceive; for the meaning of life, for us, is the struggle for man, because our air, our land and our sea do not yet know the problems of pollution which are changing the whole form of life and which are the lot of the developed countries. It is because our people, for all its wretchedness and its blemishes is an inexhaustible source of freshness, spontaneity and purity. It is for this reason that we can envisage a future in which we realize our dream of development in a spirit of solidarity, dignity and independence, of course within the international framework of a more effective United Nations-a more flexible, more universal, more human Organization, a United Nations whose spirit we shall continue to glorify and whose action we shall continue to uphold.


113.	 Mr. President, on behalf of the Norwegian Government I wish to congratulate you on your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I can assure you that the Norwegian delegation will extend its full co-operation to you in your efforts to make this session successful.
114.	I should also like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to our distinguished Secretary-General, U Thant. for his dedicated service to the United Nations during the last decade,
115.	The world has lately witnessed two developments which could lead to a positive evolution in international politics. I have in mind the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin and the new development in Chinese-American relations. The Norwegian Government welcomes these developments, which could lead to solution of many of the problems of Europe and Asia. At the same time we regretfully note again that no significant progress has been made in the Middle East; nor is there any change in the situation in southern Africa.
116.	One of the problems that have tended to freeze old positions m post-war Europe has now, to a great extent, been removed. We trust that the agreement on Berlin reflects a genuine will to establish more normal conditions in that vital part of Europe. We also feel that the main obstacle to a conference on security and co-operation in Europe has been overcome. My Government attaches great importance to such a conference.
117.	Since the end of the Second World War Europe has lived in a state of tension. Money and energy have been spent to avoid armed conflicts rather than to promote co-operation and development. It is our fervent hope that we are now at the threshold of a new era in inter-European relations. A Europe no longer harassed by wars and disunity should be able to make a larger and more constructive contribution to world-wide co-operation within the frame-work of the United Nations.
118.	The lack of normal relations between two of the greatest world Powers-the United States and the People's Republic of China-for more than two decades has been an unnatural state of affairs. We hope that the steps now taken will lead to the elimination of distrust between those Powers and contribute to a peaceful future in South-East Asia. We are aware that this is not achieved overnight, but we have the feeling that a vicious circle of long standing has finally been broken.
119.	We hope -hat the General Assembly now will finally decide to restore the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in our Organization, We look forward to the active and constructive participation of the People's Republic in the work of the United Nations. This will add new strength and authority to the Security Council,
120.	Further efforts must be made to find a solution to the tragic conflicts in Indo-China. Lasting peace in that area can be achieved only through a political solution based on the rights of the peoples of Indo-China to determine freely their own future.
121.	Man is too often a slave of the past. Remnants of the cold war distort the perception of the present and prevent us from having a clear picture of the problems of today. The battles of yesterday keep us from moving forward with imagination and courage when conditions are ready for new policies. We are now in a period when the frozen positions of the past are breaking up. In this situation we must take care that new alignments do not create new antagonisms.
122.	Due to the lack of political will among Member States, the United Nations has not succeeded as we had hoped and wanted. Political circumstances might now be more favorable to a better use of the world Organization. At the same time there is a growing recognition that certain problems can be approached and solved only in a multi-lateral framework and in a pragmatic way. The very nature of these problems will in our view necessitate closer international co-operation, The United Nations family of organizations is the best framework for this development. Norway is ready to offer its full participation in this process and to share the responsibilities.
123.	Some of the problems on our agenda can be solved only through multilateral action. Prominent among these is the threat to our environment. In the course of this decade we will have to decide whether humanity is willing to take effective action to meet this challenge or let nature, and thereby the basis for life on this planet, be gradually destroyed. The forthcoming United Nations Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm offers a great opportunity to launch the first massive attack on this vital problem. Norway is determined to take an active part in that work.
124.	My Government has noted with concern the ever- increasing danger of maritime pollution. Together with the other Nordic countries, we are convening next month in Oslo a conference of the countries bordering on the North Sea and the North-East Atlantic, for the specific purpose of preventing pollution of the oceans. The recent dumping of poisonous waste in that marine area has made it imperative to develop stricter international rules in this field.
125.	At the August session in Geneva of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, Norway presented a draft resolution on preliminary measures to prevent and control maritime pollution [A/8421, annex V, sect 2], My Government proposes that the General Assembly make an earnest appeal to Member States to take appropriate preliminary steps to prevent and control marine pollution emanating from sources within their national jurisdiction. We deem such preliminary steps necessary and useful until adequate international instruments have been worked out in Stockholm in 1972 or at the forthcoming conference on the law of the sea. It is our intent to work for the adoption of a resolution along these lines during the present session of the General Assembly.
126.	The problems related to the regime of the ocean floor and to the preparations for the forthcoming conference on the law of the sea are of vital importance. We must seek practical ways to ensure that the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond national jurisdiction will in fact be the common heritage of mankind.
127.	Norway is committed to the task of finding equitable solutions to the other outstanding issues of the law of the sea. We hope that the third United Nations conference on the law of the sea will be convened at an early date, if possible during the spring or summer of 1973.
128.	Another important problem is the pollution of the human mind caused by the abuse of narcotic drugs. This problem has become of particular concern to an increasing number of nations. Vigorous and concerted international action to combat the illicit production of, traffic in, and abuse of, narcotic drugs is essential and the only effective way to cope with this social evil of steadily increasing proportions.
129.	My Government attaches great importance to the question of human rights in armed conflicts. The primary purpose of our Organization is the prevention of armed conflicts. Nevertheless, once such conflicts do break out we must have the rules and the machinery to ensure that basic human rights are safeguarded. This also applies to types of conflicts not traditionally covered by the Geneva Conventions. Developments have shown that the distinction between international and other armed conflicts is no longer relevant. This fact should be reflected in the elaboration of new rules of international law for the protection of war victims.
130.	However, rules and machinery are not enough. Equally important is the will to assume the financial burden :o alleviate the sufferings of the civilian victims of armed conflicts. For years we have lived with a problem of that kind. I have in mind the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East [UNRWAJ. Last year the General Assembly unanimously decided to establish a working group to look into the financial crisis of that Agency [resolution 2656 (XXV)/. We note with concern that, in spite of the dedicated work of the group and its able chairman, only a limited number of Member Governments have responded positively to the appeal for contributions. The Agency needs a more solid financial basis in order to continue its important humanitarian work.
131.	It is of paramount importance to find a just and lasting political solution to the problems of the Middle East. That is not possible unless due regard is paid to the rights of the Palestinians.
132.	It is the duty of humanity to alleviate the hardships of the East Pakistani refugees in India. This is a problem of such magnitude that it cannot but affect the international community. The Indian Government deserves credit and respect for the way in which it has handled the refugee situation. A political solution to the problem must be found. Other nations may ease the burdens of the refugees, but it is important that such conditions be established that the flow of refugees be stopped and the refugees return home.
133.	The Norwegian Government has contributed substantially to the United Nations relief program for East Pakistani refugees in India. My Government gives full support to the program now being undertaken by the Secretary-General for East Pakistan. It is imperative that sufficient financial resources be made available for these programs.
134.	Decolonization has in most instances taken the form of peaceful and orderly transition of power. Freedom and independence have been restored to formerly dependent peoples. But hard-core colonial problems remain. The peoples of southern Africa are still oppressed by colonialism and apartheid.
135.	We have presented our views on the question of Portuguese colonialism in the United Nations. We also raised this question at the Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Lisbon on 3 and 4 June of this year. Our position has been and remains the following: the Portuguese Government must bring an end to its colonial rule.
136.	The advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice* has confirmed the illegality of South Africa's presence in Namibia. We now have a new point of departure for our efforts to make freedom and independence realities in the life of the Namibian people.
137.	A solution must be found to the problem of compensation to those independent countries in southern Africa which are suffering economically or in other ways burdened by the sanctions against Southern Rhodesia and by the racial and colonial situation in southern Africa. Our major concern must, however, continue to be the dependent peoples in that area, They are struggling to attain the rights which have been established and confirmed in international declarations and countless United Nations resolutions. My Government will provide the peoples of southern Africa that are struggling for national liberation with humanitarian and other forms of economic assistance. The Norwegian Government will increase its efforts in that respect both through the United Nations and through direct contacts with national liberation movements in southern Africa.
138.	The financial crisis of the United Nations is even more acute today than when we last met. It is clear that this crisis is in its essence political. The budget of the United Nations is very small indeed compared with the enormous sums spent on armaments in the world of today. It is tragic that the nations do not attach a greater priority to our Organization. My Government sincerely hopes that the Members during this session will find means to place the finances on a sound footing. Also in this respect we must look forward instead of losing ourselves in debates about the past. We must show our faith in the political future of the United Nations.
139.	Structural changes and innovations are also called for in the world organization, especially in the context of the Second United Nations Development Decade. An appropriate evaluation machinery to review progress and performance during the Decade is essential. Adequate machinery to deal with the scientific and technological challenge facing us in the process of implementing the provisions of the International Development Strategy is of great importance.
140.	These development issues should be considered under the auspices of the Economic and Social Council, in accordance with the role accorded to that Council in the Charter. The Norwegian Government recognizes, however, that the present size of the Council does not make it adequately representative of a total United Nations membership of 130 countries. Consequently, Norway supports the enlargement of the Council and would express the hope that the so-called "package" resolution that was adopted by the Council last July [resolution 1621A (LI)] will serve as a useful basis for the Assembly's deliberations,
141.	In this Organization we are accustomed to think in multilateral terms. This will be even more so as the process towards multilateral action in international affairs develops. Let us not forget, however, that bilateral contacts have not lost their importance in the relations between States, But the instrument ought to be adjusted to the needs of modern times. Many of thg rules guiding traditional diplomacy are inherited from another era and seem pompous and out of date in the modern world. Very often they tend to emphasize ceremony at the expense of efficiency and reality. Is it not a task for the United Nations to break new ground in this field?
142.	Many of the questions I have mentioned have in common that they all call for international action. They can only be dealt with in a realistic and constructive way if nations are willing to co-operate and act together, some-times by surrendering part of their formal and traditional sovereignty. It is true that the United Nations is based on the sovereign equality of all Members. It should be remembered, however, that the most constructive use of sovereignty in this age is to pool national sovereignty in a steadily increasing effort to solve common problems, be it on a global or a regional basis. Thereby we can gain real control of developments.