85.	On this particularly auspicious occasion I should like to present to all the members of this Assembly and to the peoples of the world so ably represented here the best wishes of the people and the Government of Honduras.
86.	I wish in particular to offer my sincere congratulations to Mr. Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia, on his well-deserved election as President. We are well aware, Mr. President, of the dynamic role your country has played in the international arena in the past few decades, and we are familiar with your personal contribution. Our congratulations go also to Mr. Amerasinghe, who so ably carried out his important functions as President of the General Assembly in a year which was particularly important for the United Nations.
87.	My country welcomes the admission of two new Members to the United Nations: The Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. We greet them warmly and wish to express to them our feelings of friendship and solidarity.
88.	The United Nations came into being at the end of the Second World War and unquestionably it has been an expression of the fondest hopes of the peoples of the world for the creation of lasting peace for everyone on the basis Of sovereign equality and international co-operation. The United Nations today constitutes the best forum for raising and solving the problems besetting nations. It offers us eloquent proof of what can and should be achieved through dialogue for the benefit of mankind.
89.	We have faith in the United Nations. By strengthening it we are laying the groundwork for world peace and we are giving substance to the hope for a better future for the peoples of the world. All countries represented here have an excellent opportunity to realize fully their potential, to join forces to prevent war and to strengthen international justice.
90.	My Government believes that within this Organization the nations of the world must direct their efforts to two fundamental and indissolubly linked objectives: peace and development.
91.	There must be world harmony, but it will be difficult to achieve without high levels of economic growth and social well-being for the more than two thirds of the people of the world who are living in a state of abject poverty. The United Nations must therefore maintain peace with justice and, faced with this immense task, its role as a great conciliator will increase, and in future years its success will largely depend on the progress made in the area of justice among nations and development.
92.	There have been many changes in the international arena in the past few years, and in this constantly changing world of ours there must be respect for the principles which should underlie international relations and which have been often proclaimed by our Organization over the past three decades. Not only is this the right time to reaffirm our faith in the principles of the Charter; this is the time for performance and for achievement. It is a matter of urgency that we overcome the economic and political obstacles to a climate of peaceful coexistence based on a harmonious and balanced development of the international community that will end situations of great inequality, substitute dialogue for confrontation, recognize the interdependence of the peoples of the world and associate the developed and developing countries in prosperity and freedom. We believe that it is only by overcoming economic and political obstacles that we can guarantee peace and well-being for present and future generations of the world in which we live. It is towards these goals that we must strive.
93.	Honduras is a peace-loving nation and it respects its international commitments. We hope that in our part of the world, Central America, renunciation of the use of force as a means of settling differences will be a guiding principle in our international conduct.
94.	I should like to reiterate on this occasion our determination to achieve an early and satisfactory settlement of the dispute that has in the past few years divided my country and the Republic of El Salvador. We believe that the mediation agreement concluded under the auspices of the Organization of American States on 6 October 1976 will be a decisive element in a final settlement, if both sides so agree. We expect that on 22 November next the procedure laid down will be initiated and can lead us eventually to the restoration of the peace and the cordial relations which should exist between peoples that are linked together by history and geography. We shall go to the negotiating table without any prejudgement and with our minds open to whatever solutions may be proposed for the settlement of the dispute, and we invite the nations represented here, and the Organization itself, to follow closely and support our efforts to bring back peace and harmony to Central America.
95.	That has been our traditional position. That is also our hope with regard to other conflicts dividing friendly countries.
96.	It is with good reason that my Government has viewed with concern the crisis which has recently arisen between Guatemala and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland over the territory of Belize. My country wishes to express its support for a negotiated settlement of the problem.
97.	Honduras believes that in the solution of this problem the historical and legal data on which the Guatemalan claims are based and the universally recognized principles of international public law that guarantee for the parties a solution that will take account of their fundamental interests, must not be disregarded.
98.	In accordance with the Guatemalan statement of 25 August of this year, my Government reiterates its satisfaction at the decision of the Governments of Guatemala and the United Kingdom to resolve the problem of Belize in accordance with the method of the peaceful settlement of international disputes established by international law in such a way as to find a negotiated solution which will reconcile the rights of Guatemala and the interests of the people of Belize.
99.	Pursuing the same line of thought, I must say that the Government and people of Honduras welcomed with satisfaction the signing of the Panama Canal treaties between the United States of America and Panama. Honduras interprets this as the expression of a new attitude and a new desire on the part of the United States of America to understand Latin America sympathetically, to work with and respect us in meeting the challenges of the world of the present day. Force must no longer be used but must be replaced by interdependence and considerations of mutual benefit.
100.	It is our earnest hope that the dispute between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland concerning the Malvinas Islands will be resolved taking account of the historical and legal rights underlying the position of the Argentine Republic. We are confident that the talks which took place in Rome in May of this year between the representatives of the two nations will make a positive contribution to the settlement of the problem. The reopening of the dialogue is proof of the mature and responsible manner in which the Governments concerned have approached the settlement of the problem. We also hope that Spain, rejuvenated and vibrant, will conclude its negotiations on Gibraltar with the United Kingdom.
101.	For the reasons already stated, my country has followed with interest the negotiations between the Governments of Bolivia, Chile and Peru relating to the land-locked status of the first. While sympathizing fully with Bolivia's predicament, we believe that the countries concerned will be able to reconcile their positions so that, in accordance with the historic Declaration of Ayacucho, the dialogue will continue and lead to the best possible solution in accordance with the aspirations of those brotherly peoples.
102.	The efforts which have been made to maintain peace throughout the American continent strengthen our confidence in the inter-American system and its machinery for the peaceful settlement of disputes. We note that similar arrangements exist in other parts of .the world with regard to pending problems, the solution of which is not impossible.
103.	Consequently my Government views with satisfaction the prospects for the resumption in Geneva of negotiations on peace in the Middle East. The diplomatic actions of friendly nations lead us to hope that there will be at the negotiating table representatives of all the parties concerned. The United Nations has played and should continue to play an important role in the maintenance of peace in the Middle East, and resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) adopted on the subject by the Security Council take account of the interests at stake and should serve as a basis for lasting peace in that part of the world. Honduras cannot fail to reaffirm its hope that in regard to this international problem as to others the principles of the United Nations Charter will be respected.
104.	My Government joins the international community in urging the provision of assistance to the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe in order to ensure that they speedily obtain majority government and independence by peaceful means.
105.	We also hope that there will be genuine progress in the talks on Cyprus which are being held in Vienna with the participation of the United Nations. The best tribute to the memory of Archbishop Makarios would be the achievement of an equitable solution of the complex problems of that country, which relate to its territorial integrity.
106.	Today more than ever before the future of mankind depends on our being able to reconcile the different interests in the international community. Honduras places its faith in continuous negotiations, open dialogue and permanent co-operation. No matter how widely separated positions may seem to be, my country believes that at the present time no international conflict can remain unresolved indefinitely.
107.	Reviewing the principal international problems, Honduras is particularly pleased that in most cases the world has chosen the only acceptable civilized way of settling disputes among nations—namely, the peaceful way, which my country traditionally, clearly, sincerely and unswervingly supports.
108.	I am expressing the feelings of the people and Government of my country when I say that it is our hope that the outstanding problems to which I have referred will be. solved speedily and appropriately in accordance with the principles of international respect and harmony.
109.	Any conflict requires the diversion to armaments of the resources needed to provide better living conditions for man. Unquestionably, the settlement of international disputes would release a large part of those resources. We are hoping for ever more radical changes in this field because never before has so much been spent on armaments in time of peace. But mankind must not only desire but must move firmly towards general and complete disarmament.
110.	Because it is contrary to our way of thinking, we are particularly concerned about the proliferation of nuclear weapons and the growing danger of the use of nuclear energy for warlike and destructive purposes. The security supposedly created by an arms race has in fact been destroyed by the very existence of these death-dealing weapons. The enormous sums of money spent on arms make us think that the world's development depends largely on halting the arms race. The world community can no longer continue to harness human genius to the invention of the means of its own destruction. With a quarter of the resources spent in one year on research on and the production of armaments we could carry on a significant struggle against under-development and social injustice in Asia, Africa1 and Latin America.
111.	My country hopes that at the next special session of the General Assembly while will be devoted to disarmament significant progress will be made and that the role of the United Nations in achieving this priority objective will be strengthened; otherwise the declarations and covenants which state that international society was created by and for man will have no meaning.
112.	In the sphere of human rights our position has been, is and will continue to be one of strict respect for those rights. We believe that the problem of human rights is a challenge to the international community. There can be no respect for human dignity when we do not fight hunger, low. levels of health, illiteracy, inequality and injustice. My Government is trying to bring about substantial! reforms with a view to furthering economic, social and political development in my country. We are particularly interested in social development-to benefit the overwhelming majority of the population of my country.
113.	In September Honduras became the fourth country to deposit with the Secretary-General of the Organization of American States its instrument of ratification of the American Convention on Human Rights, which was signed in San Jose, Costa Rica, on 22 November 1969. By so doing, my Government wishes to emphasize the importance which it attaches to this subject.
114.	We hope there will be an analysis of the situation of human rights throughout the world, with special reference to the close relationship between under-development and respect for human rights. We believe that respect for human rights is a problem which cannot be taken up solely from a national standpoint. We believe that international relations play a most important role in the observance of human rights and that both the industrial nations and those striving for development have a responsibility which cannot be avoided. For that reason, my country supports Costa Rica's proposal for the establishment of the office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
115.	Political terrorism, which is non-existent in our country, is a source of great concern to the Honduran people, particularly because of' the harm that violence has caused throughout Central America. Those acts, which have proliferated over the past few years, deserve a detailed and thorough analysis of their causes and motives and drastic action on the part of the international community.
116.	We are well aware of the efforts that the United Nations has made to arrive at decisions aimed at eliminating this problem completely. It is unquestionably a threat to the integrity of the human person.
117.	My country greatly regrets that, halfway through the second part of the twentieth century, the policy of apartheid continues to exist, for it negates the principles of the Charter and constitutes a real crime against humanity. The indifference with which the various resolutions of our Organization have been greeted should lead us to reconsider collective action against that particular odious form of segregation. For that reason, my country will continue unreservedly to support whatever action is taken to eliminate the policy of apartheid once and for all.
118.	Regarding the problems relating to the law of the sea, Honduras hopes that, with wisdom, nations will be able to remove the dangers that threaten the conservation and exploitation of the resources of the sea, which is the common heritage of mankind. In the coming years, we will have to resort more and more to the sea as an important source of food and mineral resources. The conferences that the United Nations has convened on the law of the sea should give the world rules and regulations ensuring the rational and equitable exploitation of such resources, the freedom of navigation, agreement on the delimitation of various maritime areas under national sovereignty and control, effective means to prevent the pollution of the seas, and the rights of States to conduct scientific research in the various zones. All such arrangements should, of course, have due regard for the inalienable right of the developing countries to dispose freely of their natural resources.
119.	My country established its sovereignty over the continental and insular shelf and superajacent waters out to a distance of 200 miles from our coast, in Decree No. 96 of 26 January 1950, which was issued during the administration of Mr. Juan Manuel Galvez. Our rights were reaffirmed in the Declaration of the Honduran Foreign Ministry of 17 June 1974, wherein Honduras' right was stated as follows: "to exploit the living and mineral resources in a 200-mile zone, in accordance with the principles proclaimed for the first time in the Galvez Declaration of 1950".
120.	This is perhaps an appropriate time also to say that recently the twenty-fifth anniversary of the historic Declaration of the South Pacific was put forward. While recognizing the special features of the position put forward by the brotherly countries of Chile, Peru and Ecuador, we must recognize their contribution to the fight being waged by developing countries to maintain their rights over the sea.
121.	This struggle cannot be separated from the international undertaking to bring about a new international economic order. We fully support the philosophy of the United Nations that there should be new relations of co-operation based on equity, sovereign equality and the common interests of States. My country hopes that effective action will be taken to rectify existing injustices. We must set aside whatever resentful feelings we may have which may cloud our action, and we must substitute co-operation for confrontation. The countries of the third world must speedily overcome the present vulnerability of their economies, the chronic deficits in their foreign trade balances, and the lack of funds they need for integrated development. These objectives can only be achieved in a climate of harmony and with the understanding of industrial countries. The, dialogue begun in Paris during The Conference on International Economic Co-operation should be pursued and continued within the United Nations.
122.	It would be disastrous for the world to close out the possibilities of discussion and effective co-operation concerning energy conservation, rational use of energy, energy supplies and the search for new sources of energy, as well as the help that should be given to the developing countries that do not. produce oil and whose economies have been seriously affected by the recent rise in the price of energy.
123.	The establishment of a common fund for stabilization of commodity prices might be one result of the Paris Conference. This co-operation should be extended to the search for effective means to ensure competitiveness between natural and manufactured products and to ensure better marketing and distribution of raw materials, diversification of exports, the opening of new markets for traditional products, and the improvement of the generalized system of preferences and of bilateral trade conditions.
124.	Negotiations regarding tropical products in the Tokyo round of GATT negotiations ran into the same sort of impasse as in other areas, despite the urgent-label attached to the conclusion and implementation of an agreement on the subject.
125.	Attention must be given to development aid programmes and to increasing co-operation in the areas of agriculture, food and health. Similarly, in the areas of industrial development, infrastructure and the transfer of technology, my country feels there should be machinery to make more flexible and regulate relations based on mutual advantage, bearing in mind the special needs of the developing countries.
126.	UNDP has fortunately overcome the crisis .which threatened it last year, but it cannot be said that its future is completely secure. It has done most useful work, for which Honduras would like to express its appreciation once again; it should continue to receive increased funds, to administer them judiciously, and to adopt new machinery such as joint projects and bilateral sources of assistance.
127.	Other United Nations funds should also co-ordinate their policies with those of UNDP, and all of them should always adhere to the principle of universality in their allocations. The specialized agencies of the United Nations should not only be able to use the resources of UNDP, but they should begin really to supplement them with funds from their regular budgets which, despite the financial difficulties affecting them at the present time, should be more oriented to development assistance.
128.	We cannot fail to mention the importance which Honduras attributes to co-operation among developing countries, especially to forms of economic integration based on a just distribution of benefits and sacrifices. We also attach importance to achieving broader objectives and broader membership, and this would apply to the Latin American Economic System, from which my delegation expects great achievements.
129.	We believe that the time has come for the peoples of the third world unhesitatingly to increase their efforts to improve their future in the economic and social areas. We hope that they will in this way play their part in the concert of nations. The results of this would be that the new human spirit we all hope for. will indeed emerge and there will be a respect for man wherever he may be in the world.
130.	I should not like to conclude my statement without expressing warm and respectful appreciation to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for his wisdom and dynamism as Secretary- General.
131.	I wish to express the hope of the people and Government of Honduras that the debates of this Assembly will be directed towards the finding of solutions which will guarantee peace among nations, so that man's great adaptability and imagination will be used to overcome the obstacles to the development of all the peoples of the world.
132.	Today, when we no longer believe that negotiations on a world-wide basis should be marked by sterile rhetoric; today, as we try to go beyond the more inglorious moments of human history, using our knowledge of what we have been and of what we are and with faith in a future that will confirm the prodigious changes wrought by man for man through progress in science and technology, we wish to reaffirm our adherence to the principles of the legal equality of States, of territorial integrity, of the self- determination of peoples and of respect for human rights. We proclaim our belief in the peaceful settlement of international disputes, in non-intervention, in international co-operation, in the permanent and full sovereignty of each State over its natural resources. We condemn the use of force and armed aggression. We repudiate foreign domination and occupation, discrimination in any form and the exploitation and degradation of man by man. That is our credo.


60.	Mr. President, may I, on behalf of my Government and the delegation of Singapore, congratulate you on your election to the important office of President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. Your election is a tribute to your personal qualities as well as to your country, Yugoslavia, a leading member of the non-aligned group, of which Singapore is a member. Your election to this high office is the culmination of your brilliant career in law, journalism, diplomacy and government service. The realistic and pragmatic approach you advocated in your presidential statement for this session.
61.	I should also like to thank the previous President, Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, who presided over the difficult thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly with his customary flair, intelligence, eloquence and fairness.
62.	The Secretary-General has again steered the United Nations through a difficult year and our thanks and felicitations are extended to him once more. I would especially highlight the skill and tact with which he has presided over the Cyprus talks and the unpublicized good work he has undertaken in specific human rights cases and in the improvement and streamlining of the international civil service that supports the functions of the United Nations. We are indeed fortunate to have Mr. Kurt Waldheim, a man of great experience and few illusions, to hold this most difficult and thankless job.
63.	This year we welcome two new Members: the first, the Republic of Djibouti, yet another new nation from Africa that is joining our ranks. I should also like to welcome the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which happens to be a member of the region in which we live and a neighbour of ours. We extend to both our best wishes for peace and prosperity.
64.	My Government welcomes the joint statement of 1 October of the American and Soviet Governments on the Middle East. We have long been convinced that the solution to the Middle East problem lies in the willingness of the Government of Israel to recognize the right of the Palestinians to a homeland of their own, and the reciprocal willingness of the Palestinians, including the PLO, to recognize the State of Israel and to respect its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The issue of borders must be settled by negotiations on the basis of the principles of the non-acquisition of territory by the use of force and the right of States to live within secure and recognized borders. My Government remains convinced that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) provide the framework for the search for peace in the Middle East.
65.	As for the question of southern Africa, my Government welcomes the Security Council's decision in its resolution 415 (1977) to authorize the Secretary-General to appoint a commissioner for Zimbabwe. We share the view that the United Nations should co-operate with the administering Power and the United States to help to bring about a negotiated settlement in Zimbabwe. We hope that this effort to bring about a non-violent transition to majority rule in Zimbabwe will be successful. We also hope that the ongoing talks between the Government of South Africa and representatives of the five Western members of the Security Council will lead to an internationally acceptable solution in Namibia. As for South Africa itself, the abhorrent system of apartheid should give way to a new polity in which the minority will recognize the rights of the majority and the majority will respect the rights of the minority.
66.	Overshadowing the issues I have briefly touched upon and, in the long run, pertinent to their resolution, is the world economic crisis which shows no sign of receding. There is a responsible body of opinion which contends that a second great depression, far more catastrophic than that of the 1930s, is possible within the next few years.
67.	If this prognosis is correct, then no nation in the world can escape its consequences, and the first casualties will be among the 100 or so Members in this Assembly listed as poor and developing. For a number of the poorer countries-the so-called "fourth world"-the consequences could be permanent crippling, economically as well as politically. The effect of the recession on the developed world so far has appeared in the emergency of some 15 million unemployed. However, without underestimating the seriousness of this to the developed world, it is nevertheless necessary to put this distress of rich nations in proper perspective. In the developed world unemployment does not entail starvation or subhuman distress. The unemployment relief conferred in the developed countries exceeds by far the normal earnings of some 30 per cent of the world's population, who are estimated to earn SUS 100 or less per year.
68.	Moreover, the 15 million unemployed in the rich countries are far outnumbered by the hundreds of millions of workless who existed, and whose numbers have increased in the third world, even in the boom years.
69.	In making this point, I am not minimizing the distress that unemployment is causing in the rich developed world. But whereas unemployment is a question of distress in the developed world, for some 50 per cent of mankind, employment or unemployment represents the difference between barely living and dying slowly. This is the prospect. Since the restoration of health to the world economy would require considerable self-discipline and sacrifices on the part of all nations, the point I have just made is relevant when it comes to apportioning the burden of responsibility for curing an ailing world economy.
70.	I am fully aware that highlighting the greater measure of suffering in the poorer countries is not going to heighten moral sensibilities in the developed countries to a point where they would be willing to undertake sacrifices on behalf of their more desperate brethren. This is as true of rich countries as of the richer developing countries: nobody wants to help anybody else at their own expense. It is a sad fact of life that in lean times—such as those we are going through—the milk of human kindness dries up. Moral appeals make greater impact only if they are also empirically valid. Therefore the main thrust of my thesis and argument is not that the rich nations should help the poorer nations as a moral obligation but that, by helping the developing countries, they would in fact be helping themselves.
71.	Clearly there is a multiplicity of causes responsible for the present crisis but, in my view, the most fundamental of all, and one which the developed countries have tended to gloss over, is that a world economy where the ratio of per capita income between rich and poor nations is about 13 to 1, where less than a third of the world's population, comprising the rich nations, generate over 70 per cent of its income, must be intrinsically unsound.
72.	What is described as a global economy in fact consists largely of trade and exchange between a third—only a third—of the world's population. In 1972, before the advent of the so-called oil crisis, rich countries, with less than 30 per cent of the world's population, carried out 53 per cent of world trade among themselves.
73.	As against this, the growth rate of exports of developing countries—the poorer countries-as a percentage of world trade has declined steadily since the end of the war. It fell from 31.2 per cent in 1950 to 17.4 per cent in 1972, whereas that of the Western countries rose from 60 per cent to more than 72 per cent over the same period.
74.	There are as many explanations as there are economists for the present economic crisis, but it is generally agreed that the main element in the crisis is the inability of the industrial economies to expand further. The crisis is attributed to saturation of world markets and a decline in demand.
75.	This is true if the world market is conceived of as being confined only to a third of the world's population. Their market has possibly reached the saturation point, and the world economic crisis will persist and worsen so long as rich countries regard the global economy and world markets largely in terms of 30 per cent of the world's population. The remedies applied so far have in fact been postulated on the basis of this fallacy, and predictably, inflation and unemployment continue to bedevil the international economic system.
76.	The present economic crisis has its fundamental cause in the developed world—the rich countries—and predates the fivefold increase in the price of oil. The oil price certainly aggravated the crisis, but it did not originate the crisis.
77.	The genesis of the present economic crisis antedates the oil crisis. The Bretton Woods Conference is the conventional starting-point of post-war world economic history. That Conference was certainly not perfect, but it is also true that the crisis began and intensified as the world, for political rather than economic reasons, departed from the spirit and underlying principles of the Bretton Woods agreement". The Bretton Woods arrangement worked from the end of the war to about 1958, and it worked well. In retrospect, it is clear that the Bretton Woods arrangement was accepted, not out of deep convictions about its validity, but because in the circumstances then prevailing there was no conflict between national self-interest and its principles.
78.	After the end of the Second World War, only the United States wars in a favourable position for providing the necessary international economic leadership. It had the vision and foresight to formulate policies with an international perspective based on the premise that world prosperity was indivisible. The United States made available capital and liquidity, directly and through multilateral institutions, while its industries provided the hardware for European and Japanese post-war reconstruction. In the process, American trade policies were liberalized. The most spectacular results of American aid were produced in the more advanced societies. By 1958, partly as a result of United States aid, Europe and Japan had not only fully recovered from the devastation and destruction of war, but had developed the capacity to compete with the United States.
79.	The turning-point was when the dollar shortage developed into a dollar glut and the first cracks appeared in the Bretton Woods arrangement. In August 1971, the United States removed the convertibility of the dollar into gold. That was the start of the crisis. Devaluation of the dollar followed in December of the same year. In February 1973 the second dollar devaluation took place, and by March 1973 the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates had broken down.
80.	Another factor responsible for expansion of the world economy until recently was the explosion of technological innovations in major industrialized countries, particularly in the United States. Those innovations brought about increases in productivity, and therefore in living standards, and further resulted in the creation of spectacular new industries like television, jet travel, digital computers, wonder drugs and synthetics. Those new industries in turn created new and better-paid jobs in industrialized countries. Unemployment therefore virtually vanished and labour shortages developed.
81.	One consequence of this for the third world was the transfer from the developed to the developing countries of bio-technology industries. This transfusion was largely initiated by transnational corporations, which, in the process, forged new links in global interdependence. Investments- flowed from the industrialized countries to the developing countries, whose products were in turn exported to the industrial North.
82.	Between 1965 and 1973, industrial output as a result of this in the developing countries grew by 7.3 per cent, the comparable figure for the industrialized rich countries being 4.7 per cent. So the poorer countries, despite many disappointments and blunders, were by the 1970s responding to the Western exhortation to modernize, industrialize and go in for trade—not aid.
83.	Today, however, instead of congratulations and encouragement being extended to the developing countries, the cry in the rich countries now is that they must be protected from the cheap-labour products of the developing countries. Pressure is now being exerted to prevent international corporations from investing in the developing countries on the grounds that transnational are morally evil and bent on exploiting the wretched in the developing countries. Unfortunately, some third-world countries were sufficiently confused as to join this campaign to liberate the developing countries from the alleged ills caused by transnational corporations. The odd thing, however, about this campaign is that, although the transnational corporations are situated in the developed rich countries, not a single one has been shut down, either by law or industrial action.
84.	The thesis that is dearly projected to the developing countries is that transnational corporations are all right for developed rich countries but bad for developing countries. However, to judge by the experience in my own country, transnational have on balance been economically beneficial. They have brought new jobs, higher earning capacity, increased skills and management expertise which we would not have been able to acquire on our own.
85.	Today, new jobs are fewer in the rich countries. Among other reasons, it is because of the slackening of technological and productivity. Economic measurements of growth suggest that something like one fourth to one half of gross national product growth is attributable to technological progress. The petty world of quotas, tariffs and neo-protectionism is not going to provide the needed jobs that technological innovation can create. According to some economists, were the countries of the European Economic Community to put up trade barriers, for example, their current total of 5.5 million unemployed, far. from decreasing, would be likely to double.
86.	The argument that the jobs of the workers in the developed countries are being threatened by cheap labour from poor countries is a myth. By the standards of workers in the affluent countries, wages are certainly lower in the third world. But for the workers in the poor countries, the transfer of low-technology industries has meant jobs for people who had none and the acquisition of skills that vastly increase their earning capacity. Their wages may not provide them with butter, but they do get bread.
87.	So protectionism is not a defence against cheap labour; it is protection for high-cost industries. It does not create new jobs, but deprives poorer countries not only of jobs but also of the opportunity through free and fair competition to provide inflation-plagued consumers in the rich countries, with cheaper goods and therefore higher incomes. Increased earnings in the poor countries would in turn provide the incomes to buy the sophisticated industrial products of the richer countries. It is ridiculous to chant piously about interdependence and a global economy when the developing countries are denied even the opportunities to compete in the markets of the developed world on the basis of merit, quality and price. Third-world industries can survive only by selling cheaper. So protectionism is an attempt to shift the burden of unemployment on to poor nations that cannot afford even to put their jobless on the dole.
88.	It is even more ridiculous that high-technology societies with highly trained labour forces should, in addition to producing jet aircraft, rocket engines, computers and other complex industrial marvels, also fight the poorer countries tooth and nail in order to produce unnecessarily expensive plastic buckets, T-shirts, shoes, undergarments, and pyjamas on the basis of protected markets. As stated by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 in their declaration issued at their meeting in New York on 29 September 1977:
"The renewed trend towards protectionism in the developed countries is a cause of deep concern because of its negative impact on the export earnings of developing countries and on their terms of trade, employment policies and development efforts." One passionately hopes that in the not-too-distant future, and well before the probable great crash, there will be an explosion of technological innovation in the developed world that will reverse trade policies whose effects would be to wipe out in the countries of the third world the pitiful advance in industrialization they have made during the last 30 years.
89.	But technological innovation alone cannot restore vigour to the international economic system. If the world economy is defined in terms of, and limited to, the economies of the rich North, then there is no way out of this crisis. The capacity of the North to absorb the products of its industries and enterprises has reached the point of near saturation. The debate about the limits to growth is applicable only to the handful of rich nations. Their economies possibly can grow no further. But if the world economy is defined to include the third world, then it is only in the initial stages of growth. As I pointed out earlier, the present crisis has its origins in the fierce competition among the industrialized nations for shrinking northern markets. After all, 70 per cent of the commerce of the countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development is among member States.
90.	If the world economy is to be truly global, then the developed world must turn its attention to the 75 per cent of the world's population that remains poor but with vast untapped resources and potential markets for the goods and services of the rich countries. But, so long as that 76 per cent account for less than 20 per cent of the world's income, the markets remain potential rather than actual.
91.	The development and modernization of that 75 per cent could well perform the functions that the post-war reconstruction of a war-devastated Europe and Japan performed for the world economy up till the 1970s. It is estimated that about 7 million more Americans will need to find jobs between now and 1981. France will need a million and a quarter new jobs; Japan, some 3 million new jobs. I do not know how many millions more will enter the labour market in other developed countries. Crippling the economies of the third world through protectionism will not provide new jobs in developed countries. It is more likely to increase unemployment. And at the moment the developing countries import nearly 70 per cent of their requirements from the countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. If the earnings of the developing countries are reduced through protectionism, there must be a corresponding decrease in imports from the developed world.
92.	The way to overcome the economic crisis, then, is for rich countries to pursue policies which will convert the great and almost unlimited needs of the developing majority of mankind into effective monetary demands. This can be done by permitting them to earn more by selling freely, and by encouraging the flow of investments into the third world to set up industries which produce goods far more cheaply. Such a policy will reduce living costs by making available cheaper goods to consumers in developed countries.
93.	Equally, the increased incomes that poorer countries will earn would be spent quickly on imports from industrialized countries. In a very real sense, growing prosperity in the poorer countries will not only bring life to the listless economies of the North, but will also create demands for skilled personnel and expertise from the developed countries.
94.	This, of course, requires a new sense of realism and a more responsible approach on the part of developing countries to economic development. They must accept the fact that the road to prosperity is paved with rocks rather than roses. Co-operation between the rich and poor nations should not be on the basis that the former has a moral obligation to the latter, but on the basis that each must benefit fairly from the endeavour, though not necessarily equally.
95.	But my address is directed primarily to the developed nations. My criticism of their current policies is not inspired by a spirit of sterile confrontation but out of a realization that they, as well as we of the developing world, have a common interest in preserving an international economic system which is essentially sound, but which has got into difficulties largely because those who operate it have the wrong instruction manual.
96.	In short, we have for the first time in human history the foundations of a world economy—not simply a Western economy. We lack the vision and the courage to think and act according to the imperatives of a world economy. Basic to a world economy is an international division of labour, not on the basis of masters and serfs, but as partners. The world economic system falters simply because those who exert the greatest influence on it are forcing it to work on behalf of the privileged nations by applying to it ancient precepts like protectionism and a kind of neo-mercantilism.
97.	The world economy as now constituted requires an international division of labour it is to move forward. As one economist said recently, "The international division of labour also comes under the law of evolution of the species."
98.	This plea to the rich nations for enlightened economic leadership may be, as one third-world leader put it at the end of a conference, a dialogue between the deaf. The capacity of the poorer nations to retaliate is limited. But their weakness — the weakness of the third world- constitutes a sort of perverse strength. Despite their powerlessness, they have the potential ability to disrupt the international economic order by simply becoming poorer and poorer. They will inevitably be pushed over the brink if the rich nations persist in their present economic policies. If and when this happens, given the logic of an interdependent world, the rich nations too must, not long after, be dragged into the abyss. Should this happen, the only bitter consolation I can offer is that a people inured to poverty and suffering for many, many decades can better endure their vicissitudes than can those accustomed to better things.


55.	 Mr. President, your election is a great tribute to you personally and to your country, with which Kenya maintains very cordial relations. Yugoslavia has been in the forefront of the struggle for non-alignment in international affairs and is a champion of freedom, equality and dignity. Kenya is proud to be its friend. My delegation is satisfied to work under your enlightened and wise leadership and I should like to assure you, Sir, of our full co-operation.
56.	I wish also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your eminent predecessor Ambassador Amerasinghe, who
guided the General Assembly so ably during a difficult session. It was thanks to his calm wisdom and vast experience that we were able to deal effectively with many difficult problems, and we owe him a debt of gratitude for all he did for the United Nations and the world.
57.	Our sincere thanks go also to our untiring Secretary- General and his staff for their devotion to duty and loyalty to the Organization. They have our support.
58.	My delegation is very happy to welcome among us the two new Members of our Organization, namely, the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. I extend to them a most sincere and warm welcome and I should like to assure them of our co-operation in the deliberations and work of this Organization.
59.	The admission of Djibouti and Viet Nam is a significant milestone on the road of the struggle against all forms of colonial domination. The heroic struggle waged by those two States against colonialism is well known to all of us. Their triumph is indeed a bright light for those still under colonial domination and oppression. It is a significant step in rendering irreversible the trend towards ridding this world of the inhuman practice of colonialism. We are confident that they will always jealously guard their sovereignty which has been won at such great human and material cost.
60.	As we are meeting here, a savage war is ravaging the Horn of Africa, with all the ramifications that entails for international peace and security. My country cannot but be very concerned and it is for this reason that we draw the attention of this august body to a most dangerous situation developing in that area. If all members of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations respected the principles and charters of the two bodies, perhaps dangers to international peace and security posed by the war and the risk of external interference in the internal affairs of member States in that subregion would not have arisen. We must all agree to respect the territorial integrity of each member State.
61.	Southern Africa continues to constitute a main centre of tension in the world today, threatening peace and international security. The white minority regimes continue to oppress and exploit the black majority with increasing brutality and ruthless savagery. As I pointed out last year, it is not sufficient for us to recognize that the racial policies of these regimes constitute a threat to international peace and security. What is needed most is agreement on a programme of practical steps and measures to be taken to put an end to this threat.
62.	The International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo, and the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos, were clear indications of the determination of the international community to grapple with the problems of the area. My delegation pledges Kenya's full and unswerving support for the declarations and programmes of action of
Maputo and Lagos and calls for their implementation without delay.
63.	In complete disregard of the opinion of the international community, the racist regime in South Africa continues to intensify the application of the diabolical and inhuman policies of apartheid with greater determination. The indignation of the world community over the barbarous murders of innocent children in Soweto last year did nothing to jolt the conscience of the racists in South Africa. Instead, the racist regime continues to maim and kill innocent children whose only crime is to demand their inalienable rights to dignity and equality. The barbarity of the regime has been exposed further by the murder of peaceful and young Steven Biko. They have told us that they have no intention of relenting. We have pointed out on numerous occasions that the tree of freedom is watered with blood, and Vorster is determined to see it flow. So let Vorster and his clique know that no amount of murder or intimidation will reverse the hands of the clock of freedom in Azania. Africans have avoided blood thus far, but let white South Africans reflect. They can only continue with their acts at their gravest peril. Their blood can also be shed.
64.	This world Assembly rejected the antics of Vorster when it rejected the so-called independence of the Transkei. No sooner had this resounding defeat been inflicted on the policies of apartheid than Vorster instigated a blockade of land-locked Lesotho. We condemn such acts as illegal and call on all peace-loving countries to assist Lesotho and Botswana in their predicament.
65.	The entire world was treated recently to contradictory statements from officials of the same regime regarding the reported preparedness of South Africa to explode a nuclear device. Africa had issued a warning against giving any technological assistance in the field of nuclear know-how to South Africa, but its warnings, unfortunately, fell on deaf ears. In pursuit of short-term economic gains, some countries had aided South Africa to arm itself to an extent that is obviously dangerous to peace and security, not only in the region, but in the world as a whole. All previous pretensions that these arms were given for the defensive needs of South Africa had been unconvincing. No one else in Africa has nuclear capability and it would be sheer hypocrisy .for anybody to argue that South Africa needs to defend its territory by the use of nuclear weapons. We are convinced that South Africa wants to use this capability to intimidate black African States in their efforts to aid the freedom fighters in Azania. But even nuclear bombs will not deter the African fight for freedom. Those who helped South Africa with knowledge and nuclear fuel should advise against its ideas; it will burn itself as it tried to burn the rest of us. In any case, the rest of Africa might be driven to seek the same capability in time, so the nuclear club would expand instead of shrinking, which would be a real disaster.
66.	Because of appalling conditions in South Africa for our people, despite United Nations resolutions which have remained unheeded, Kenya has resolved to assist the freedom fighters of Azania further and to a greater extent materially, both through bilateral and multilateral avenues. We call upon all Member States to increase their support for the cause of freedom and dignity. The prolonged misery of the oppressed black majority has increased their bitterness with the inevitable consequence of terrible racial conflagration. We call upon all Member States to implement the United Nations resolutions against South Africa as a lever to persuade it to change its dangerous course. We appeal especially to those countries that have economic influence in South Africa to use their power to ensure that this weapon is used to force the short-sighted white minority to change their attitude and -share the fruits of self- determination on an equitable and fair basis with the other communities in South Africa.
67.	Africa will not be satisfied with the token removal of petty racism in public places. What we are calling for is a complete removal of all racial laws and practices. Until that is done, Kenya calls for the total isolation of South Africa in all fields. That is the price we are asking the international community to pay for the cause of human rights and dignity in Azania, and we think it is a small price compared with the immense loss of human lives that will obviously occur if we sit back and do nothing, leaving the freedom fighters no option but to wrench their freedom from the hands of the minority regime in a violent confrontation..
68.	Last year, my country called upon South Africa to leave Namibia and to hand over power to the Namibian people. We rejected the so-called constitutional talks and the arrangement of hand-picked ethnic delegates not only as illegal and obnoxious, but also as delaying tactics by Vorster in surrendering power.
69.	Kenya has stated again and again that it does not recognize the authority of South Africa in Namibia. The international community has also stated on many occasions that it does not recognize the authority of South Africa in Namibia. What is needed therefore is not any more condemnations of the illegal regime for its illegal occupation of Namibia. What is needed is action to dislodge the illegal regime from that African territory.
70.	Since we last met a group of countries from the West has contacted South Africa and persuaded it to change its attitude and Hand over Namibia to the Namibians. While we cannot doubt the good intentions of those countries, my delegation would like to give a warning that Vorster can no longer be trusted on matters relating to the self- determination of Namibia. In 1974 he vowed that if he were given only six months the world would be surprised by the changes that he would effect in Namibia. It is now over three years since we were asked to listen to what appeared to be a  voice of reason . The situation in Namibia has not improved. Instead, Vorster has repeatedly found one reason after another to create impediments to the immediate transfer of power to Namibians. We should like, therefore, to caution the contact group to be wary of his tactics and not to rely on his promises alone as the basis for progress in the solution of the Namibian issue. We would, rather, call upon them to use all other available means, including military sanctions and economic measures that would force the regime in South Africa to act faster. All States should support and implement a total embargo on the sale, gift or transfer of arms to South Africa. We call upon all concerned to put respect for human dignity and rights above short-term economic interests and to cut their economic ties with South Africa as long as that country continues to defy the United Nations and occupy Namibia illegally.
71.	We have always maintained-and we shall continue to do so—that there can be no permanent solution of the Namibian problem unless the people of Namibia are consulted through their proper representatives. For this reason we insist that the South West Africa People's Organization should be fully involved at every stage of the- negotiations and progress towards independence. If no real progress is achieved the war of liberation should continue until freedom is won.
72.	We are meeting when again hopes for a negotiated settlement of the Zimbabwe situation are being expressed. Ironically, when the Assembly was meeting last year hopes were also high that at last a solution might be at hand for this intractable problem. Kenya was not convinced then that rebel Smith was honest when he said that he was prepared to accept majority rule in Zimbabwe. Events since then have proved that Smith was only buying time. He had no intention whatsoever of handing power to the black majority. As we sit here today he is still dreaming of, and trying to establish, a so-called responsible Government consisting of the whites and a handful of hand-picked African stooges. He calls it an internal solution.
73.	Kenya has stated on many occasions that there can be no sense or logic in seeking peaceful negotiations with an incorrigible rebel and that the only language such a rebel understands is force. We urged the United Kingdom Government, the administering Power, to take appropriate measures to remove the rebel from its colony. However, the present Anglo-American proposals attempt to restore the British presence in Rhodesia by the appointment of a British resident commissioner. While Kenya welcomes the return of British say in Southern Rhodesia, the United Kingdom and Smith cannot surely coexist, for the unilateral declaration of independence and legality are diametrically opposed. We are not convinced that Smith will step down voluntarily, however, and we therefore call on the Governments of both the United Kingdom and the United States to ensure that he is forced out. Until he goes Kenya will continue to support the armed struggle and the strict application of sanctions against the rebel Government. All peace-loving people should increase their material and moral support to the freedom fighters until genuine prospects for majority rule in Zimbabwe cannot be reversed. Our support for continued armed struggle should not be seen as obstruction, but experience has taught us that Africa's best guarantee of liberation is the freedom fighter and his gun.
74.	The Anglo-American proposals appear promising, but at no time should Smith have the last word or they would lose their value in the minds of many of us. Kenya is in agreement with the proposal to have the presence of the United Nations in the Territory through a representative of the Secretary-General. It is our strong view, however, that such involvement of the United Nations must not be viewed as in any way providing for a reduction in the ultimate responsibility of the administering Power to ensure a rapid and complete transfer of power to the black majority of Zimbabwe.
75.	Kenya, of course, is in favour of the proposal for the early holding of elections to choose the leaders that will guide independent Zimbabwe. We believe that the Zimbabwe people, given the opportunity and without interference, can freely choose their leaders on the basis of one man or woman, one vote. A Government so elected will have our supreme support but, as I say, Smith, his rebel and illegal Government and the Scouts must go immediately as a start. The mercenaries and other undesirable elements in the army cannot be trusted and similarly should go. It should become clear that in the event of insecurity the freedom fighters would have the upper hand. They are the Zimbabweans' best guarantee of safety and genuine independence.
76.	The proposal can therefore only be considered as offering a basis for further negotiations and not as a package deal. We would therefore urge that the steps necessary for the commencement of such negotiations be taken urgently before the will and resolution of those involved are dampened again by Smith's obstructionist tactics.
77.	I turn now to the Middle East, which continues to be a region fraught with all the elements of danger to international peace and security. The hopes that had been raised at the beginning of the year that peace is possible in the region have been severely shaken by recent events there.
78.	Kenya has stated, and I want to repeat, that peace in the area can only prevail if the following three conditions are fulfilled: first, the recognition of the right of all States in the region to live in peace and within secure and recognized boundaries, in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338(1973); secondly, the withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab lands that it has continued to occupy since the war of 1967; and thirdly, the recognition of the human rights of the Palestinians as a people and their right to an independent and truly sovereign homeland.
79.	We have noted with much regret that Israel has continuously disregarded the resolutions of this Organization concerning the Arab territories it occupies. The Israelis, against all reason and international opinion, have been engaged in changing the demographic and physical aspects of the region. Therefore Kenya joins the world in condemning Israel for taking these measures that do nothing but threaten international peace and security. We call upon Israel to respect this august body and to desist from building permanent Jewish settlements on occupied Arab lands and the West Bank.
80.	I must say that recently we noted with some relief that Israel had agreed to the convening of the Geneva peace talks. As we have stated on many occasions, we consider that for the success of these talks the participation of the Palestinians on an equal basis with all the other parties concerned is essential. The Palestinians have chosen the PLO as their mouthpiece and we should respect that position. The time when the Palestinians were considered only as refugees is long gone. All discussions of the political issues affecting them must of necessity be conducted with them. We therefore urge all concerned not to put any preconditions on the participation of a people so central to peace and security in the region. Eastern Africa is very much concerned that there should be peace with honour in the Middle East. Let no one obstruct progress towards a conference that could bring such enormous advantages to those immediately concerned as well as to the rest of our countries in the Horn of Africa and south of it.
81.	It is now over three years since the fragile peace and tranquillity of Cyprus were once again shattered, first by the abortive coup engineered and executed by Greek officers stationed on the island and then by the massive invasion of the island by Turkish forces. The communal talks that have been going on since then have made very little and slow progress, primarily because of external interference.
82.	Kenya has always called and will continue to call for respect for and recognition of the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of Cyprus. We urge the people of Cyprus, with whom we have very cordial relations, to bury their sectional interests for the benefit of the entire population of the island. We urge them not to be discouraged by the many obstacles in their way and we call upon all external forces to stop interfering in the internal affairs of non-aligned Cyprus.
83.	It is now 32 years since the United Nations was founded with the fundamental desire to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to create conditions of peace and security in the world. While major conflicts have been avoided, we cannot but note with much regret that there still exist many areas of international tension in the world. We note with indignation the threat to international peace and security brought about by the continuation of the diabolical apartheid system and racism in southern Africa. Looking at other areas of tension we find flagrant disrespect for and violate of the territorial integrity of other sovereign States and the occupation of other people's territories by force of arms, contrary to the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. The continued failure to fulfil the basic daily needs of man in many parts of the world is not conducive to the creation of a climate of tranquillity in which man can spend his  time in pursuit of peace and happiness.
84.	The most serious of all the obstacles to peace and security in the world is the ever-escalating armaments race. While everyone agrees that there is an urgent need to halt this dangerous escalation, progress towards arms limitation and reduction is not yet in sight. The proposed special session on disarmament is a first step towards this objective and has my delegation's support. It is, however, the view of my delegation that this session should tackle all the problems of disarmament and should not only examine the question of limitation of armament escalation. It should also work out practical steps for the reduction and eventual elimination of armaments.
85.	It is not justifiable for the world to continue pouring billions of dollars into an industry whose sole aim is the development of the most sophisticated machinery of destruction while more than half of the world goes hungry. We once again urge the major manufacturers and countries to consider diverting the human, technological and financial resources which they use for producing arms to fulfilling the economic needs of mankind. Above all, we urge all countries to abide truly by the principles of good neighbourliness and peaceful coexistence as a positive contribution towards the elimination of tension that encourages the escalation of armaments.
86.	Kenya is seriously concerned  at the slow progress made by the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean and the reluctance of a number of States Members of this Organization to the convening of a conference on the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. The continued build-up of the naval might of the super-Powers in the ocean and the construction of naval and military bases in the region constitute flagrant disregard of the fears and sentiments expressed by all the littoral States that have solemnly declared that they would like the Indian Ocean to be a zone of peace. While we note some recent improvement in the willingness of the super-Powers to discuss this subject, we feel that it has not yet been accorded either urgency or the seriousness of consideration which it calls for. In particular, we are aware that during the period of delay in the convening of a conference the super-Powers have continued to expand and intensify their naval and military presence, thus increasing the level of tension in that area.
87.	Kenya once again calls on all States to respect this solemn declaration and to ask those that have bases in the zone to remove them so that the States in the region can pursue their development efforts without intimidation.
88.	Allow me now to turn to another important subject of vital interest to my country, namely, the on-going negotiations on the law of the sea. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has already held six sessions, the last one having taken place here in New York from 23 May to 15 July 1977.
89.	It will be recalled that Kenya's delegations to these negotiations have always played a constructive role in a spirit of compromise, in an effort to evolve a more equitable and just regime for the seas, whose immense resources have up to now been the preserve of the major maritime Powers. The negotiations have so far been lengthy and complex. The seas are of vital importance to each and every nation. Covering well over three-quarters of the surface of our planet, the oceans are vital for the very existence of life, and with the increasing world population they are becoming more and more important as a source of food.
90.	As a communications link, it is imperative and of vital importance that the seas shall continue to be open for innocent passage for all nations. At the same time we must arrest the misuse of the oceans as a cesspool for the dumping of wastes and other noxious substances, as the destruction of the seas will inevitably lead to the destruction of life on the earth.
91.	The General Assembly solemnly declared that the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction and its resources constitute the common heritage of mankind. For us in Kenya this is not a mere slogan. The common heritage concept is an imperative norm and must be translated into a regime which guarantees the developing countries' rights to participate in the exploiting of these resources and protects them against unfair competition from the maritime Powers, which at the moment have more technological capability for exploiting these resources.
92.	The Kenya Government is currently studying the results of the sixth session of the Conference on the Law of the Sea. Our preliminary view is that the informal composite negotiating text which was produced during the session represents a significant advance and provides a suitable basis for negotiating the final 1raft treaty during  the forthcoming seventh session in Geneva next year.
93.	While the informal composite negotiating text does not fully satisfy the wishes of all Member States, we nevertheless believe that if delegations go to the next session determined to work in the spirit of compromise, the text will be of great assistance in reaching the final conclusion. Kenya will go to the next session prepared to negotiate. We shall, however, completely reject any attempt by any State or group of States to dictate terms to others. The failure of the informal composite negotiating text to meet all the aspirations of such States should not be used as a pretext or justification for taking unilateral measures to plunder the resources which are the common heritage of mankind.
94.	The Conference has been going on for too long now and my Government, I believe with many other developing countries, is not in a position to continue these negotiations indefinitely. The cost in both manpower and financial resources is too great for countries which have many competing needs. We therefore, urge all Member States to work towards the conclusion of this treaty during the forthcoming session.
 I would now like to turn to some of the major economic issues which have become so pressing and which need urgent solutions in the interest of justice, equity and peace in the world. The Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation held earlier this year is the latest in a series of efforts to conduct meaningful and objective negotiations on these issues. Earlier, at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly, promises and declarations were made which appeared to indicate that the international community had now, at last, realized and fully recognized the realities of economic interdependence and the common destiny of the world. In particular, the sixth special session adopted the Declaration and Programme of Action for the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, giving further hopes of an early resolution of the problems of development and international economic co-operation.
95.	The developing countries had therefore expected that the Paris Conference would lead to the formulation of a practical programme of action which would lead to negotiations and some measure of agreement towards creating a more just and equitable economic order. In accepting the invitation to participate in this Conference, the developing countries did not expect miracles and did not expect that a new international economic order would be established overnight. However, they expected, quite justifiably, that the developed countries would agree to work positively towards the removal of those obstacles which have persistently been placed in the way of progress towards a more meaningful form of economic co-operation and partnership. These constraints, which have been discussed time and again, are all man-made and can be removed with a little more resolution and political will on the part of the developed countries. The problems were clearly defined in the meeting of the Group of 77 in Manila in 1975, and specific proposals for their resolution were made in the Manila Declaration which was presented at the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi in 1976.
96.	The recommendations included specific proposals with regard to the establishment of machinery for stabilizing the export earnings of developing countries. Practical measures were proposed for compensatory financing of export shortfalls, the reorganization of commodity markets and the writing off or rescheduling of debts which were already proving too great a burden and an obstacle to development. Suggestions were made as to how to accelerate the transfer of the relevant technology and management skills which are so much needed in the developing countries.
97.	After 18 months of discussion in Paris, little progress was made towards an acceptable solution to this problem. The developed countries still appear to believe that the problem can be solved within the traditional concepts of economic co-operation. They invariably point to their commitments to provide more bilateral and multilateral aid, although they know that any increase in aid is more than nullified by inflation and other economic factors beyond our control. They elaborate on the steps they have taken in order to increase private investment in developing countries. And yet we all know the unfortunate role which has been played by private investors in perpetuating the evils of economic domination over developing economies. We know the part they have played in maintaining unfavourable terms of trade and a regime of unjustifiable outflow of profits from the countries of their operation.
98.	In this context, we must once again state clearly our position regarding the transnational corporations. The developing countries are no longer prepared to have their destiny in the sphere of economic and trade relations subjugated to the interests of transnational corporations. It is for this reason that we have called upon the United Nations system to establish a code of conduct for those corporations and to establish a realistic capacity to assist developing countries in ensuring that their dealings with transnational corporations are on the basis of equitable sharing of returns from investments. Developing countries

are still awaiting the outcome of those two decisions but, sadly, little progress appears to have been achieved.
99.	On the whole, therefore, I feel obliged to voice the increasing disappointments and frustrations of developing countries at the lack of progress in the evolution of a more meaningful international economic order. However, in spite of the failures of those negotiations-not only in Paris but also at the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi, at the multilateral trade negotiations under GATT, and the discussions within the IMF—World Bank Group-the developing countries cannot give up hope. To do so would be to accept defeat and to condemn two thirds of mankind for ever to a short life of misery, hunger and social deprivation. We still believe in the justice of our cause and in our conviction that the developed world has the ability to resolve those problems, given more goodwill and political determination.
100.	The developing countries themselves have a role to play in furtherance of. this economic evolution. Kenya believes strongly in the promotion of economic and technical co-operation between countries of the developing world. The similarity of our resources as well as our problems, our wishes as well as our capabilities, and the identity of our aspirations and purpose all create a strong base for co-operation in technical, cultural and trade relations.
In considering the role of developing countries in a new economic order, we must refer to the question of the management of natural resources and the human environment. As producers of basic raw materials and agricultural commodities, developing countries cannot ignore the irresponsible and reckless way in which mankind has in the past exploited both renewable and non-renewable natural resources. Of the utmost significance at the moment is the whole question of the management of water resources and the halting of the encroachment of deserts on the human environment. This is a problem which has been ignored for too long, to the extent that it now constitutes a menace and a real threat to human life. In this context, my country supported the resolutions of the United Nations Water Conference and of the first United Nations Conference on Desertification, held in Nairobi from 29 August to 9 September of this year. Kenya was honoured to have been host to the latter Conference. We are convinced that the Plan of-Action adopted by the Conference is a milestone on the road to ensuring that appropriate remedial actions are taken to stop mankind from being wiped out by lack of water and food owing to the reckless use of land and its resources.
102. The Plan of Action, which is before this session of the General Assembly, reflects the combined efforts of professionals and others working in related fields. While commending their work, and in particular the role of the Secretary-General of the Conference, Mr. Mostafa Tolba, we call on all nations to give the practical support and commitment necessary for the implementation of the Plan of Action. In particular, we ask all nations to contribute generously towards a global effort to combat desertification and its related problems. We ask them to participate vigorously in the subregional and regional efforts recommended in the Plan of Action to ensure that man's habitat is not destroyed while we lethargically watch in a s rte of inaction by the encroachment of deserts.
103.	At this point I should like to make a short reference to the question of human settlements, now commonly known as  Habitat . This subject has been discussed at various levels of preparatory committees of the United Nations, the Habitat Conference,15 the UNEP Governing Council and the Economic and Social Council, as well as the General Assembly. Other numerous consultations and discussions have taken place at regional and subregional levels.
104.	This session of the General Assembly will be asked to make final decisions on the establishment of  Habitat , its institutional arrangements and its location. My delegation has taken a most active role in all discussions on this subject from the beginning, and we were honoured to chair the United Nations Preparatory Committee for Habitat. We are convinced that the views of all the delegations on this subject have now been fully expressed and examined and that a final decision should be taken at this session of the General Assembly.
105.	The problem of human settlements, particularly in the developing countries, is urgent and pressing. Millions of human beings are today living in subhuman conditions waiting for this Assembly to do something concrete to alleviate their misery. Suffice it to say therefore that my delegation, like the overwhelming majority of the members of the Economic and Social Council, will support the consensus recommendation of the sixty-third session of the Economic and Social Council on this subject.16 We fully appreciate that, in an organization like the United Nations -now with 149 Members—it is impossible to have a solution best suited to each Member State's aspirations. It was in the spirit of compromise that my delegation agreed to go along with the majority and adopt a resolution acceptable to most delegations. I should therefore like to appeal to all delegations at this session to adopt the Economic and Social Council recommendation by consensus so that the United Nations agencies concerned can embark of the urgent and difficult task before us of ensuring a more tolerable and meaningful life for the millions of people throughout the world who now know nothing but misery and abject deprivation.