133.	I should like, on behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Iraq, to extend our sincere congratulations to Ambassador Hambro on his election to preside over the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
134.	His election to this high office on this very historic occasion is an acknowledgment by the international community of his excellent qualities and high ability, which will no doubt be of great service to this Organization and will contribute to the success of this important session. It is also an appreciation of the qualities of his country, Norway.
135.	I would have liked to begin my statement at this historic session, in which we are evaluating the achievements of the United Nations through a quarter of a century of its life, with a tone of optimism that could refresh the hopes which the various nations pinned on the Organization when it was set up. But the atmosphere of anxiety and danger, and the tragedy suffered by oar part of the world in particular as a result of the imperialistZionist aggression, do not leave us with such an opportunity, unless we choose to speak at the expense of ignoring the actual state of affairs.
136.	During the past few days our part of the world has witnessed tragic events, the consequences and echo of which transcended its boundaries and thus became the focus of world attention and concern. Despite the dangerous implications and the heartrending aspects of these events, they are no more than another link in the chain of tragedies which the people of Palestine is going through.
137.	We are at a great historical turning-point which will determine for coming decades the extent of the ability of international society and the world Organization to restore usurped rights and permanent and just peace instead of allowing war and destruction to go on. It is imperative to put the Middle East problem into its correct perspective if we are to achieve a complete understanding of the dangerous crisis and seek a just solution.
138.	There are two aspects to this crisis, the differences between which can clearly be distinguished if one is objective, despite attempts to confuse them.
139.	The first aspect is the Zionist aggression on the rights of the Palestinian people, which originated under British colonial rule more than sixty years ago, and which, thanks to the forces of imperialism led by the United States, was crowned with the establishment of the Zionist imperialist enclave on the land of Palestine, whose people were consequently evicted from their lands, and thereby deprived of their right to self determination.
140.	The second aspect is the Israeli aggression on 5 June 1967, which resulted in the occupation of Arab territories, of three United Nations Member States, namely, Egypt, Syria and Jordan   an occupation which has continued up to the present day. This Israeli aggression, which is an inevitable consequence of the expansionist nature of the Zionist enclave, is a flagrant and grave violation of the United Nations Charter, which deplores and condemns aggression and does not recognize any gain resulting from the threat or use of force. Thus, the condemnation of Israel, and the ordering of its complete and unconditional withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, is the sole action which the United Nations and the Security Council should have taken to protect international peace and security and ensure compliance with international law and the Charter of the world Organization. But such has not been the case, although more than three years have elapsed since Israel occupied Arab lands and began to establish new settlements therein. This lawless action led to the displacement of more Arab populations in addition to the hundreds of thousands of people of Palestine who have already been living in wretched conditions for over twenty- years. The failure of the world Organization and the Security Council to adopt a resolution in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter stems from the deplorable fact that a superPower, a permanent member of the Security Council, firmly supports aggression and impedes its liquidation.
141.	When the United States continuously declares through its highly responsible officials that it intends to preserve the present ceasefire lines between Israel and the Arab States, that means that it will protect Israeli aggression lines and Israel's aggressive gains.
142.	When the United States declares that it will preserve the present balance of power between the Arab States and Israel, this means it will preserve the Israeli military superiority which protects Israel's expansionist designs in the occupied Arab territories. By the same token the United States is responsible for the eviction of more of the people of Palestine and participates in preventing their return to their homeland.
143.	When the United States supplies Israel with fifty Phantom jet planes and promises to give more, and when, as it did recently, it grants Israel a loan for military equipment of 450 million dollars, it means that the United States is directly and effectively responsible for the massacre of Arab workers in their factories and Egyptian children in their schools.
144.	Thus the Arab nation, in defense of its rights, not only is dealing with Israel but has to confront the colossal war machine of the United States.
145.	The United States and Israel intend to use the acquisitions of the 1967 aggression to force the Arab nation to accept and submit to the crime of 1948, when the people of Palestine were evicted from their homeland and prevented from exercising their right to self determination and sovereignty.
146.	Standing strongly and decidedly by the side of sister Arab States in their effort to liberate their territories, Iraq reaffirms once again that the continuation of the so-called "Middle East crisis", and the dangers to international peace and security resulting therefrom, are a direct consequence of the debarring of the Palestinian people from the exercise of their natural rights in their homelands. Iraq is firmly determined to support unreservedly the struggle of the Palestinians for their legitimate rights.
147.	The Iraqi Republic, being fully conscious of the importance of the present situation in the Middle East to international peace and security, believes that a just peace   which is aspired to not only by the Arab nation but by all nations of the world   is unattainable without the full recognition of the rights of the people of Palestine, and their participation as a direct party in the solution of a problem which they alone have the inalienable right to decide upon. Plans that seek to impose the consequences of aggression upon our nation and ignore the right of the people of Palestine to a natural existence will only bring further tragedies and will end in total failure.
148.	The recent massacres which Amman and the rest of Jordan have witnessed, in which thousands of innocent lives were sacrificed, bear tragic witness to the consequences and fate of such plans. The suspicious role of the United States in this massacre was fully and clearly shown when it alerted its troops and navy and began to issue threatening announcements of its intention to intervene. These events abundantly vindicated our belief that a fundamental price of the so-called American peace initiative is the complete liquidation of the people of Palestine and their heroic resistance.
149.	The Palestinian problem has been an item on the United Nations agenda for the last twenty- years. Numerous resolutions, varying in the depth of their understanding of the problem, have been adopted. However the twenty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly took an important and fundamental step in understanding the reality of the Middle East crisis by adopting resolution 2535 B (XXIV), which reaffirms the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine. Despite the fact that a year has elapsed since the adoption of that important resolution, no positive measures have been taken to implement it, as is the case with all the resolutions concerning the rights of the Palestinians. But the mere adoption of this resolution represents a turning point in the understanding of the Palestine question by the world community. It has put the Palestine question in its proper perspective because it has dealt with both cause and effect instead of merely concentrating upon the consequences. The affirmation of the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine was an eloquent and humane expression of the appreciation and recognition by the international community of the long process of struggle and sacrifice endured by the Palestinian people and their valiant resistance.
150.	Needless to say, the Republic of Iraq considers the Palestine issue a cornerstone of its foreign policy. It is, in fact, participating fully and effectively in the exorbitant price which the Arab nation is paying for Zionist-imperialist aggression. Therefore, Iraq declares its firm determination to continue to render every possible assistance and support to the brave and valiant Palestine resistance. Moreover, the resistance movement proved under all circumstances its ability to grow, to perpetuate its struggle and to deepen its roots in the conscience of the Palestine people. In the view of the Iraqi Government, this movement is the sole legitimate representative of the aspirations of the people of Palestine, and the only party which has the right to speak on their behalf. The delegation of Iraq to the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly appeals from this rostrum to all States and nations valuing freedom and striving for peace and justice to foster the legitimate aspirations of the people of Palestine to self-determination and sovereignty in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter.
151.	I intimated to the General Assembly during its last session [1777th meeting] the positive dangers arising from the crisis created by neighboring Iran in its attempt to abrogate the IraqiIranian Boundary Treaty of 1937. This Treaty decided once and for all the status of the riparian and land boundaries between Iraq and Iran in order to put an end to any controversy or dispute in this respect.
152.	Needless to say, such a treaty cannot be unilaterally abrogated on any of the grounds authoritatively established in international law. I informed the Assembly of the Iranian military buildup along our boundaries and the violations of Iraqi territorial sovereignty. Moreover, I demonstrated that such acts constitute a grave breach of the principle of respect for the sanctity of treaties, international obligations and the United Nations Charter. Good neighborliness between Iraq and Iran requires that our neighbor should disclaim its illegal acts and demonstrate respect for its international obligations. I also stated last year that the Iraqi Government, which firmly believes in the peaceful settlement of international disputes, is ready to accept a decision from the International Court of Justice in connexion with any controversy that might arise from the application of the 1937 Boundary Treaty. But, instead of responding to this reasonable logic and responsible attitude, Iran persisted in its illegal acts and violations of Iraq's sovereignty. What is more, our eastern frontier witnessed last year a dangerous and explosive situation due to the increasing Iranian military buildup aid the flagrant and dangerous violations of Iraq's sovereignty.
153.	Iraq, nevertheless, has adhered to the policy of self-restraint in the face of these continuous provocations, in the hope that Iran would take a responsible attitude commensurate with its international obligations and State practice. Accordingly, Iraq approached the United Nations SecretaryGeneral and requested him to send a special representative to see the provocative character of the Iranian military and other measures, and to assess directly the unfounded nature of Iranian allegations of a similar Iraqi military buildup on our side. But Iran, which had the opportunity to prove its respect for the office of the SecretaryGeneral and the role of the United Nations in preserving international peace and security, rejected our offer on various pretexts.
154.	The Middle East suffers from more than its share of the consequences of provocation and aggression. It is incumbent upon neighboring Iran to realize that territorial aggrandizement, by means of threats to use force or by violating the rules of international law, is neither acceptable nor destined to meet with success.
155.	Once again I call upon neighboring Iran, as I did before, to adhere to the provisions of the permanent and valid Boundary Treaty, and to have recourse to the International Court of Justice in connexion with any dispute which may arise regarding the interpretation of its provisions. Such attitudes would restore good neighborly relations between our countries and enhance the opportunity for cooperation in the best interest of our two nations.
156.	The foreign policy of Iraq emanates from the progressive and humanitarian principles of the Baath Arab Socialist Party. Consequently, the liquidation of colonialism in all its forms, the support of the rights of peoples to liberation and national sovereignty and the elimination of all forms of racial prejudice and discrimination are firm directives in the foreign policy of the Iraqi Republic.
157.	The Arab Gulf area, which suffers from colonial presence and the domination of foreign monopolies, engages our special and continuous attention. In his statement during the celebrations of Iraq's national day last July, the President of the Republic outlined Iraq's policy towards that very important part of the Arab world, and emphasized the importance of its future for our national interests. President Ahmed Hassan Al-Bakr urged the prompt evacuation of all British forces in the area, and the liquidation of all imperialist bases. He also emphasized that Iraq absolutely rejects all allegations of a "political vacuum" in the area as a pretext for continuing the imperialist presence or as a justification for foreign intervention and exploitation. Allegations of "political vacuum" are but the Trojan horse of foreign imperialist interests, which has brought nothing but exploitation, restlessness and dangers to the people of the area. Securing peace and stability in the area, in the words of President Al-Bakr, is "subject to the will of its Arab people in cooperation with brotherly Arab countries of the Gulf". The Arab Gulf belongs to its rightful people and not to intruders and colonial settlers. Iraq rejects the substitution of one foreign presence in the Arab Gulf with another.
158.	Iraq reiterates its demands that the British forces be withdrawn and that all colonial bases, not only in the northern part of the Gulf but also in its southern part, including Oman and Muscat, be liquidated. Moreover, Iraq draws the attention of the United Kingdom Government to the negative and dangerous consequences which may result from any delay, hesitation and indecision regarding its withdrawal from the area. The indigenous Arab population of the Gulf demand its complete independence from the foreign imperialist presence and the domination of foreign monopolies, and rejects all allegations of interest or influence, from whatever source they emanate. Palace plots, such as those recently staged in Muscat and Oman in order to neutralize increasing popular discontent and thwart the revolution declared by the people of Oman for independence, progress, and the liquidation of foreign bases and monopolies, will never deceive the people of the Arab South.
159.	The struggle of the Arab nation for independence, freedom, and unity makes it a natural ally of all peoples struggling for freedom and progress. Our nation, which offers martyrs and sacrifices to confront the ZionistAmerican aggression, finds itself naturally allied and sympathetically bound to the people of VietNam in their just struggle against the United States military aggression and the stooges of Saigon. The sacrifice of the people of VietNam for independence and unity has gained them the admiration of all the peoples of the world and has become a source of inspiration to all peoples aspiring to freedom.
160.	The Republic of Iraq, which has extended complete diplomatic recognition to the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South VietNam, supports fully the just struggle of the VietNamese people. We believe that the unconditional and complete withdrawal of all American forces from South VietNam, enabling the people of VietNam freely to exercise their right to self-determination, is the only guarantee of permanent peace in SouthEast Asia.
161.	American designs have not been confined to VietNam and the Middle East, where Israel carries them out on behalf of the United States, but have also extended to the peaceful people of Cambodia, which has preserved its unity, neutrality and independence under the leadership of Prince Sihanouk. But American intelligence, which has mastered the techniques of plotting in order to install its clients in power, engineered a coup d'etat against the legitimate Government as a preliminary step for the United States military intervention in Cambodia. The armed American aggression against Cambodia is another act that the United States has added to its miserable record of antagonizing nations and threatening their peace and security. The Government of the Republic of Iraq considers the Government of Prince Sihanouk as the sole legitimate Government of Cambodia, and calls upon all freedom loving Governments of the world to take a similar step as an expression of opposition to the policy of the United States and in support of the struggle of the Cambodian people.
162.	Despite the fact that ten years have passed since the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, many areas are still suffering from colonial domination and oppression. The people of Iraq strongly support the liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) and the struggle of the people of Zimbabwe and Namibia.
163.	The Government of the Republic of Iraq calls upon the United Nations to exert all possible efforts in support of the struggle of peoples under the colonial yoke and the liberation movements. It also calls upon all Member States and the United Nations specialized agencies to implement the resolutions of the world Organization supporting the struggle against colonialism and racial discrimination.
164.	The celebration by the United Nations of its twenty-fifth anniversary particularly reveals the outrageous gap in the application of a most fundamental principle upon which the Organization is based, and that is the principle of universality. To deny the People's Republic of China its legitimate seat in the United N? ions, although it represents a quarter of the world's population, demonstrates positively one of the reasons for the failure of the Organization to promote international peace and security, which is a prime duty of the United Nations.
165.	American maneuvers, which are responsible for the creation of this abnormal situation, do a great disservice to the reputation of the international Organization and constitute an important factor in its failure to achieve its lofty aims.
166.	While referring to the United Nations reputation and prestige, it is worth remembering that the continuation of American occupation of South Korea under the United Nations flag greatly contributes to their decline. My Government feels that it is high time for the United Nations to rid itself of a situation that makes it an impediment to the aspirations of the Korean people to unity 'and independence, and which serves to cover up the illegal American occupation of South Korea.
167.	The importance of this session bestows a special importance upon the items on its agenda. Foremost among these items is the consideration of measures for strengthening international security. The Republic of Iraq, which shares with the international community a desire to strengthen international security, deems it necessary for the General Assembly to adopt a declaration relating to the strengthening of international peace and security on the basis of respect for the United Nations Charter and the principles of international law, emphasizing repudiation of the threat or use of force against the political independence and territorial integrity of the States of the world, placing due emphasis on respect for recognized boundaries between States, the nonintervention by States in the internal affairs of others, the inadmissibility of territorial expansion or occupation of the territory of a State through aggression and respect for the equal sovereign rights of States.
168.	The agenda of this session contains many important items, particularly those relating to disarmament and the reservation exclusively for peaceful uses of the seabed and the ocean floor outside the limits of national jurisdiction, and the exploitation of their resources for the benefit of mankind, and also the question of the breadth of the territorial sea and related subjects.
169.	The Iraqi delegation attaches considerable importance to the development of the principles of the Charter relating to friendly relations and cooperation among States.
170.	Since the Special Committee on friendly relations  has reached agreement on a number of important principles it is necessary for the General Assembly to adopt at this historical session a declaration on friendly relations among States.
171.	Among the important topics to be dealt with in the present session of the General Assembly is the launching of the Second Development Decade. Despite our great disappointment that the First Development Decade has failed to achieve its modest goals, there are hopeful signs that the Second Development Decade will achieve better results, the most important amongst which is the declared intention of the socialist countries to participate in the Second Development Decade. The delegation of Iraq welcomes this step, which will have far-reaching consequences on the future economic development of the developing countries. Moreover, although it is very important to plan a world strategy for the Second Development Decade, this alone will not be sufficient unless all States act in full cooperation and in a spirit of self-denial to achieve that strategy. The developed States are asked to render all assistance to developing countries, and particularly to transfer 1 per cent of their gross national product to the latter.
172.	In addition, the developing countries must realize that they bear prime responsibility for developing their national economy and increasing their production. Perhaps the most important aspect of this policy is that the developing countries should control their natural resources and exploit them nationally, as emphasized in numerous United Nations resolutions.
173.	Iraq realizes full well that it is its primary responsibility to develop its economy and raise the standard of living of its people. Thus it has embarked upon the exploitation of its natural resources through direct national means, in an effort to defend its legitimate national rights and interests vis-a-vis foreign monopolies. This is in addition to the strenuous efforts exerted to develop industry and agriculture. During the First Development Decade Iraq has achieved a rate of growth in gross national income which greatly exceeds the rate anticipated for developing countries.
174.	In addition, the national development plan for the years 1970-1974 has set a target for increasing the gross national income by a rate of 7.1 per cent annually. This equals twice the increase in population, and will, in turn, double the gross national income in ten years.
175.	In concluding my statement, I should like to point out that I have not embarked upon evaluating what the United Nations has done and achieved during the last quarter of a century, setting this aside for the commemorative session which is due to begin in a few days.
176.	I consider it important to affirm that Iraq, as one of the founders of the United Nations, has always been faithful to the letter and spirit of its Charter and dedicated to cooperation with all freedom  and peace loving nations in making the principles of the Charter the foundation stone of international relations, so that the hopes pinned by the peoples of the world upon our international Organization can be realized.


1.	  Mr. President, I hardly need to emphasize the unanimity surrounding your election to preside over these meetings. Impartiality, competence, clear-sightedness and discernment these are the master qualities which my colleagues and I believe to be essential for a President of the United Nations General Assembly, and we are convinced that you have the outstanding privilege of possessing them in large measure. It was easy for you, therefore, to promise to work dispassionately, with maximum objectivity and to adopt a working method that would enable us to reach both concrete and valid results.
2.	I would be failing in my duty were I not to congratulate the outgoing President, Mrs. Angie Brooks Randolph, UnderSecretary of State of the Government of Liberia, an old hand in the United Nations where she has been militant for a number of years, interested in all questions, including social and women's problems. The second representative of black Africa Ambassador Alex Quaison-Sackey of Ghana was the first to have presided over the General Assembly of the United Nations, she was a credit to her country, to the race and to the sex which she so worthily represents. Her qualities as a diplomat and her sense of authority, as well as her respect for the opinions of others, her direct and smiling frankness, have made their mark in the annals of the Presidency of the General Assembly. She can withdraw satisfied at having brilliantly accomplished the mandate that was entrusted to her by Governments and her colleagues. Glory and honour be to her.
3.	And, to you, Mr. President, my best wishes for success in your task, as well as those of the Haitian people and the Government of His Excellency Dr. Francois Duvalier, Life President of Haiti.
4. I shall now read out a declaration of His Excellency the Life President of the Republic of Haiti on the occasion of the commemoration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations.
"twenty-five years ago, on 26 June 1945, in San Francisco, nations differing both in race and culture, but animated by a spirit without frontiers which restored them to their original vocation, which was so noble, of peoples united for the wellbeing of man, resolved 'to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind'.
"Twice in the space of one lifetime! How can we fail to see the tremendous impact it has had and the confusion it has generated in the world, which is always looking for conditions of survival for humanity? How many times have the crises and the audacity of temperament increased man's anxiety as he is confronted with the problems of his destiny?
"How much suffering, how many refusals multiplied by the risk of bloody confrontations which simply serve to increase universal distress and always bring home to man the extent of his frailty?
"To these confused appeals, thrown out in the endless night of suffering, and misery, full of horror and terror, to these appeals which have become so urgent, the Charter of the United Nations  brought and will continue to bring the reply that of the aspirations, the principles, the truths which make man greater in stature, which liberate him from all the constraints and all the prejudices which he has, and make him a citizen of the world devoted to seeking peace, justice and progress.
"Thus, the Charter of the United Nations, by proclaiming the imperative necessity for achieving these objectives as prerequisite for international equilibrium, has left on all geographical areas the mark of an organization of planet wide dimensions.
"It is precisely the facility of communications which is making the world smaller and smaller, all frontiers now touching each other, and making it a place where disturbances, wherever they occur, necessarily concern all communities,
"The fact is that man, by exploring all space, has become the giant of civilization and, by reason of his great stature and mental powers, by dominating the physical universe he can glimpse in the error and paralyzing fatality of the spirit of hatred and division the tragic prospect of disintegration. And today no one who is truly committed to universal association, now more closely knit than ever, can believe that he is not involved in the success and the failure of what it does.
"What responsibility can override that for peace?
"For some time now the peoples have believed that the risk of war could be removed only by intensive rearmament and by effective alliances consisting of a leadership whose existence would involve heavy dependence, when it is not dearly bought by the slaughter of human life and the loss of wealth.
"Enumerating the apocalyptic scourges involving the massive production of arms and modern engines of destruction, which are only waiting for the right moment to sow death and destruction, has not removed the desire for power on all fronts where the diplomacy of presence, far from strengthening the conditions of coexistence among States, rather run over a spirit of division and competition, which are so favorable to the war industries.
"Thus polarization has hardened spheres of influence which are maintained in a continual state of potential confrontation, aggravated by local conflicts, by aggression, by occupations, by brutal interventions and all other forms of interference. The column of peace, to this extent, has been shaken; international security has thus been threatened.
"Thus, when will peoples learn from the luminous thoughts traced in the Charter of the United Nations, and when will they be able to preserve the international community from the scourge of war, which has been defined in all the conscience of man as the breakup of the immutable order of the world, the order of peace, which is the necessary fulcrum for the realization of man's ideals.
"It is equally striking that in the hours of major crisis, in those hours where folly reigns and the least false step would cast humanity to the bottom of the abyss, all eyes are turned towards this world Organization.
"Whether it be the powder barrel of the Middle East, whether it be the unfortunate war of VietNam, the threats of thermonuclear, chemical or bacteriological warfare, men of goodwill, and those peoples who are wedded to peace, expect from the United Nations a solution to their anguish.
"One is astonished, one is irritated at its slowness, at its spirit of caution. These are undeniable signs of its moral prestige and its vocation as a guardian of our ultimate hopes of peace.
"But will the unhappy years of the cold war, during which the United Nations served as a platform for recriminations among the great Powers, only remain a bad memory, and will the Organization resolutely turn itself towards those decisions which have been taken in the light of the principles of its Charter, and will it succeed in realizing them?
"Seen from this angle, the indirect talks which have been marked by a number of vicissitudes which have been undertaken by the parties involved in the conflict in the Middle East, constitute the touchstone of the effectiveness of the new direction taken by the Organization. Will it be able victoriously to emerge from this test?
"In the matter of building for peace, the blue helmets of the United Nations have also played an important part in a number of difficult parts of the world, where their actions prevented major confrontations. The United Nations has to its credit also the elaboration of peace treaties designed to ensure that peace reigns more than ever indivisibly. One example from many could be quoted: a timid step has been taken towards disarmament. The Moscow Treaty prohibiting tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water  was signed and ratified by more than 100 States.
"My Government, for its part, will never cease, in the case of racial and international conflicts, to launch appeals for conciliation and understanding. For how much more love and brotherhood will be needed to build a world based on peace and also a more just world?
"Faith in the fundamental rights of man, faith in the dignity and value of the human personality, and the equality of rights of men and women, as well as those of large and small nations, all this would bring about a new era if the authority of the Organization were to become more luminous, stronger and better defined at every succeeding step it takes as it continually draws its inspiration from the actions and legislation of peoples and their governments.
"The monument of the new form of international law, the so-called United Nations law, is being enriched by the work of the bodies and the commissions of the world parliament, which are of inestimable value for the international community.
"The membership of the Organization has been swelled by new Members, the number of which has tripled in less than a quarter of a century. Could we seek a better illustration of the principle of equality of men and peoples, whatever be their color, whatever be their race or their religion.
"Should we not also here recall, for the benefit of those who preach inequality of races, a certain number of important conclusions which were formulated on 26 September 1965 in a declaration devised by experts in social science and the humanities, working under the auspices of UNESCO:
"(a) All men living today belong to the same species and descend from the same stock;
"(b) The division of the human species into 'races' is partly conventional and partly arbitrary and does not imply any hierarchy whatsoever...;
"(c) Current biological knowledge does not permit us to impute cultural achievements to differences in genetic potential ... The peoples of the world today appear to possess equal biological potentialities for attaining any level of civilization.
"The world Organization, of course, has not succeeded in eradicating certain scourges, such as apartheid. But it has been able to mobilize, against these scourges, the universal awareness of the world and victoriously to combat the most grievous forms of discrimination, and to prevent the continuation of age old injustices, and it has contributed to the downfall of colonialism, which was based on the false concept of the inequality of the races and assertion that people had unequal aptitudes for self government.
"Regarding the progress of the United Nations, an Organization which is essentially political in its purposes, we have seen its vigorous promotion in a number of specialized agencies: FAO, with its green revolution, has been able to remove the specter of famine, which is a corollary of the extraordinary demographic explosion which is seen in our days; WHO, always anxious about the health of populations, always ready to undertake action to combat the least threat of an epidemic, does not neglect combating those endemic diseases which are the formidable legacy of a less fortunate past; UNESCO, equally, is working in the field of culture and education.
"Furthermore, can we overlook the work which has been done by financial organizations for aid and development and the economic and commercial groups: the Economic Commission for Latin America, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, the International finance Corporation and the laudable efforts made by the Economic and Social Council, one of the Councils enjoying most prestige in the Organization and which is in charge of development planning and the economic and social wellbeing of Member States?
"Much more than this, the United Nations, by acting in a constructive and dynamic way, has already decreed a first Development Decade, that of the sixties, the objectives which have not yet been completely achieved, unfortunately.
"The Second Decade, that of the seventies, draw ing impetus from the first one. will, we hope, meet with fewer setbacks, provided that it encounters international cooperation which is devoid of sordid self-interest, and fixed goals may be achieved: an
annual development of a minimum of 6 per cent for the gross national products of the developing countries, an increase of 3.5 per cent in the gross national product per inhabitant and fixed development targets in agriculture, savings, imports, exports and the various social sectors.
"After its 25 years of life as an institution, compared with the life of a people, or that of certain human institutions, this may seem little, but it counts for a lot at the level of international organization which is caught in the crossfire of antagonistic forces. The United Nations can consider with some pride what has already been accomplished.
"With remarkable constancy it has applied itself to achieving the noble goals which it assigned itself, and we cannot blame it for the fact that it has been feeling its way sometimes and has not finished all it has started. Man is imperfect and is drawn towards the heights, but sometimes he is kept at the lower reaches of the foothill of the mountain because of the heavy past heritage of selfishness, violence and ill-controlled compulsions.
"Haiti, the first independent black republic in the world, the second is.dependent State of the continent, and elder daughter of the French revolution, entered into history with the noble influx of the ideals of 1789. Never in its existence has it ceased to proclaim its attachment to the freedom, brotherhood and equality which, during the strife torn epoch of 1804, galvanized the suffering classes of Santa Domingo, slaves who had been taken out of Africa and those who knew that freedom from slavery existed. Eloquent proof of this is Savannah, in the state of Georgia, where 600 Haitians, among them Henri Christophe, future king of Haiti, paid in blood for the cause of the liberation of the thirteen British colonies in America, and the generous assistance given to Simon Bolivar, the immortal liberator, by the fathers of our independence, Jean Jacques Des salines and Alexandre Petion, during the great adventure of becoming emancipated from the Spanish yoke of the so-called Bolivarian peoples.
"Haiti is proud of belonging to the United Nations and to the Organization of American States, which in their different spheres are working towards the emancipation of man from fear and constraint. It has endorsed their principles, norms and noble objectives and unreservedly cooperates in their achievement.
"Regarding public and individual freedoms, they have, during an evolution covering 166 years of history, been written into a legislation which completely guarantees essential rights in all areas. It is embodied in the administration of social justice of the immortal Dumardais Estime and it reached full maturity under the present Government. Both those Governments were installed in power by the social revolutions, of 1946 and 1957, carried out for the benefit of the majority.
"The conquests of these two revolutions were crystallized in the labor code of François Duvalier, which is a genuine monument of labor legislation, the rural code of Francois Duvalier, and in a number of advanced social institutions such as the Institute of Social Insurance, the Institute of Old Age Pensions, a number of reeducation institutions, and the Organization for National Literacy and Community Action all enshrined in the Constitution of 1964.
"This Constitution defines the State of Haiti as an indivisible republic, sovereign, independent and social. It guarantees, under Title II, the rights of all classes of citizens; under Title III, the duties corresponding to those rights; under Titles IX and XIII, the economic and social system; and it organizes the harmonious functioning of the chief authorities of the State and their respective prerogatives.
"Briefly, that is the state of social legislation and human rights legislation in a country whose enemies, egged on by political exiles, genuine exiled princes, have tried to depict as a country of arbitrariness erected into a system, so true is it that underlying their iniquitous actions one can see some and perhaps a lot of the latent racism that prevents people from attributing the least merit, the last virtue, to colored or black people.
"The Duvalier revolution, which has constantly been carried on by the people and by its leader, became anchored during the first decade on indestructible administrative and socio-political bases, and the great leader of the nation, in profound concord with the popular conscience, decided to dedicate the second decade to the promotion of the Haitian economy in order to ensure that economic independence without which political independence is just a fantasy.
"In his welcoming speech to the members of the International Development Bank, when it visited Haiti from 20 to 24 July 1970, the lifetime President of the Republic declared:
" 'In your search for investment opportunities I recommend that you follow the main guidelines of the strategy for economic development of my Government, based on the climate and natural beauty of the country, its proximity to the large American centers and its abundant and cheap labor.'
"That strategy's aim is to create an infrastructure electric power, roads and agricultural programs which will serve as a basis for private enterprise in those fields favored by the above mentioned comparative advantages: tourism, processing and assembling industries for reexport, the export of fruits, vegetables and other products.
"Some of these projects, thanks to the vigor of the Head of State and the sacrifices gladly made by Haiti, have already begun to take root in the soil of our land. I quote with pleasure:
" 'Your revolution has given rise to every hope for the rural and urban masses and also for the middle classes deriving from these masses. The great awakening continues. The Haitian masses and middle classes are in process of psychological change. I have considered that fact pertaining to our revolution, and have continued to organize it. The great awakening continues, accompanied by a desire for development and a desire for change.'
"And, later in the same message:
" 'If, when peace is sought, it were to be found and strengthened and not jeopardized either by the deeds of men or acts of God, then I shall undertake with the Haitian people this tremendous new work of development, building the infrastructure of the Gonaives plain and its development.'
"Prophetic words, as it turned out. A military traitor, in his unbridled ambition for power, took to the sea on the morning of 24 April 1970 with three Haitian naval units, and from the road stead of Port auPrince bombarded the capital.
"In an ultimatum, he had already demanded that the Head of State put the reins of power into unqualified hands. What were the targets of this bombardment? The national palace, markets, public buildings and schools. There were a number of victims among the civilian population; houses were destroyed, and there were direct hits on the left wing of the national palace.
"The treacherous soldier was only a link in the chain of conspirators who, being outside, had tried to seize command posts simply in order to reestablish their caste privileges to the detriment of the interests of the real country.
"They had forgotten that true revolutions are irreversible and that it is impossible to turn back the course of history or to shake the faith of a people in its destiny.
"There was in the enemy camp none of those good souls, so easily moved to indignation, to condemn the criminal actions of rebels and mourn the civilians and schoolchildren who were victims. No commission of human rights asked them to account for their acts.
"The development and economic progress of the nation may have been thwarted but it has not been compromised. The results of the present financial year, from the financial and economic points of view, far exceed those of previous financial years and make it possible to enter with some optimism upon the battle of the future.
"In this year, which commemorates the twenty- fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, a year which has been darkened by so many international as well as national tragedies, should we not at this time ask humanity to scrutinize its
own conscience? Should it not be hoped that, by abandoning the road to death and moving towards progress, it will be able to increase love and reason according to the principles of the Charter and to revitalize the Organization by hearing a continuous dialog about the objectives of peace and progress; a dialog which would presuppose a better approach to these problems and would generate solutions safeguarding the progress of man as a whole and help to satisfy his material needs, to enrich his faculties,' and make available to him a continuous dialog replacing the unjust notion of cooperation imposed by that of an enlarged and liberated cooperation in order to preserve essential values, the originality of cultures and ways of life, and respect for the political structures appropriate to the various peoples; a necessary dialog for the evolution of societies which are only seeking for an improvement of physical and human resources by enriching the infrastructure and the quality of those persons who are called upon to use them?
' 'A citizen of the world, which is close to my heart, a man of the present, who participates in the destinies of all peoples, I have always proclaimed the strength and transcendental value of the noble principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which the first black republic of the world together with other nations which met at San Francisco, held up to the baptismal fonts of the cathedral of hope.
"Thus I hope that all Member States, thanks to the virtues of participation, understanding and concerted action, will help to bring about an era of universal solidarity and will reestablish for the United Nations the ever urgent task of bringing about a better future for men wherever they may be.
"Dr. François Duvalier "President for Life of Haiti"


The General Assembly is fortunate indeed to have as its President, in this year of anniversary, a distinguished citizen of Norway, a country that gave the United Nations its first Secretary General and has always made a constructive contribution to our work here. As the General Assembly knows, our President is a member of a family that for half a century or more has played an active part in international organizations. I wish you well, Mr. President, in your new responsibilities and assure you of the active support of the Canadian delegation.
35.	I would also like to congratulate the retiring President, Mrs. Angie BrooksRandolph, who fulfilled her responsibilities with grace and distinction, bringing to her task long experience at the United Nations and special knowledge of the African questions which occupied so much of our attention during her year of office.
36.	Only a few weeks ago, the ceasefire in the Middle East and the proposals for negotiations to settle the conflict there gave cause for some cautious optimism. Today we are faced with a deadly serious situation in the Kingdom of Jordan, a situation which has already manifested itself in new violence and bloodshed. The struggle between forces within Jordan threatens to involve neighboring countries and there is a constant risk of widening conflict involving more distant Powers. In the course of these events we have seen new dimensions added to what is already a growing threat to world order. I refer to acts of air piracy. In the Middle East a significant new dimension is the holding of innocent people hostage for ransom for political and other purposes, one of these being to compound the difficulties already surrounding the ceasefire.
37.	No Government in the world today can fail to be concerned about the far-reaching implications of this kind of international lawlessness. It is my strong conviction, and the strong conviction of my Government also, that legal and technical arrangements such as those being discussed in the International Civil Aviation Organization, necessary as they are, cannot produce the whole solution. Air hijacking must come to be regarded as abhorrent, never to be condoned or justified, regardless of the motives of the hijackers.
38.	Even without these new complications the peace talks in the Middle East are stalled because of substantial charges and counter-charges of ceasefire violations. The parties and the sponsoring Powers that brought about the ceasefire must be aware of the dangers implicit in this situation of deadlock and deterioration.
39.	I believe that the United Nations is on trial in the face of an obvious threat to the peace in the Middle East. This means that all of us, the Member nations, are on trial. If we are to meet this challenge we must stand behind and support the efforts Ambassador Gun nar Jarring and others are making to bring peace to that troubled area.
40.	If the Middle East conflict, with all its new dimensions, were the only threat facing the world, that would be sufficient to occupy fully the energies, imagination and resources of the world community. But in other parts of the world there are formidable obstacles to peace and security.
41.	We have found no answers to the continuing race conflict in southern Africa. It continues to smolder more and more dangerously and if nothing is done might end in a conflagration engulfing the southern half of the continent.
42.	In IndoChina, war burns with varying degrees of intensity while the talks Paris show little sign of coming to grips with the real issues.
43.	Europe remains divided but there have been some encouraging developments. We can be thankful that deteriorating situations in other parts of the world have not been used to impede the movement toward the relaxation of tension between the superPowers. The strategic arms limitation talks continue, rapprochement between West Germany and the Soviet Union has been taking places, and similar improvements are foreshadowed.
44.	While international conflicts, and especially outbreaks of violence, of necessity occupy the attention of many Member Governments, they must not be allowed to overshadow equally important developments of concern to the entire world community.
45.	Developing nations see a crisis in the international development programme. Canada shares their concern and is making an increasing contribution.
46.	Environmental issues are looming larger each day. The United Nations, I am happy to say, is responding. Canada has made available the services of a distinguished public servant, Mr. Maurice Strong, to be Secretary General of the 1972 conference .
47.	All around the globe nations are in a state of uncertainty about the economic outlook.
48.	World prosperity and world security are indivisible and depend upon the strength of the world economy. Over the years the United Nations has set up partly in anticipation of needs, partly in response to demands a large and impressive family of intergovernmental bodies and other international instruments for strengthening cooperation in important fields such as finance, trade, and economic and social activity. Their contributions to better world conditions rank high on the record of United Nations achievement. The continuing need is to keep them effective.
49.	In my speech on behalf of Canada last year [1769th meeting], I drew attention to the need for renewal of the United Nations. Events in the past twelve months, some of which I have spoken of, have brought a new sense of urgency to this need. Procedural improvements can help, and I will have something to say about this in a few moments. They cannot in themselves meet the need.
50.	In its work for mankind the United Nations is today facing new threats, new constraints and new obstacles. The very assumptions upon which the Organization operates must be reexamined if the aims of the Charter are to be advanced. This advance will depend on the readiness of Members to exploit opportunities, to bring new attitudes to bear and to set practical objectives for the Organization.
51.	The Canadian delegation believes that in this year of anniversary we should seek practical ways of improving the United Nations capacity for converting common purpose into common action. It is ever more difficult for this Assembly to cope with the number and complexity of international programs and projects it has set in motion. Important work is often postponed or left incomplete. This compounds organizational and administrative problems and imposes additional expenses, burdens and obligations .
52.	This is the time, in our opinion, to follow up the improvements in the Second Committee last year and, rather than proceeding piecemeal, to take a comprehensive look at the General Assembly's procedures and organization. This is neither an original nor a new idea, but at this quarter-century mark in United Nations history we in this Assembly face again the task of self improvement.
53.	It was this belief that led my Government, with the support of twelve countries, to request the inclusion in the agenda of an item for consideration by the Assembly entitled "Rationalization of the procedures and organization of the General Assembly". This proposal [A/7992 and Corr.1], which will have a number of additional cosponsors from various regions, envisages the establishment of a committee with equitable representation from all groups.
54.	The committee would report its findings and recommendations to the General Assembly at its next session, thus allowing the committee time to give thorough study to the problems before it. My delegation has in mind that any reforms to be effective, must attract the widest possible support and be based on a consensus to be endorsed by the Assembly, hopefully at the next session.
55.	In terms of the material and operations to be studied, the committee's mandate should be wide. This study would take into account the nature of the Assembly's work, its priorities and organization and the effectiveness of its machinery. At the same time, the committee's mandate should be narrow in that it would restrict its recommendations to the procedure and organization of the Assembly as envisaged within the limits of the Charter.
56.	Our proposal is a modest one, but I believe that even limited changes could have a very beneficial effect on our working methods and on the results achieved. Areas to be studied would obviously include documentation, rules of procedure and related questions. The proposed committee would also study the ways in which items are allocated to the main committees of the Assembly, Recommendations would take into account the need to ensure that all important political items were properly placed and adequately considered in future Assemblies.
57.	The effectiveness of the General Assembly and the United Nations will always depend upon the will and determination of the Member States. Changes in procedure and organization cannot of themselves improve the quality of the General Assembly's performance. They can enable the will of the Assembly to be translated into action more swiftly, accurately and effectively. We should not underrate such improvements, and the Canadian delegation does not.
58.	There is no need to call into question the basic structure of the Organization. But the fact that we do not wish to rebuild the house does not mean that we should delay essential repairs to the plumbing and the wiring. For this reason I call upon Member States to give urgent and continuing attention to the essential detailed work that is required, without losing sight of the fundamental need for all of us to reexamine our own attitudes to our responsibilities under the Charter.
59.	The relevance and the competence of the United Nations are being called into question all over the world. The world community needs the United Nations. It needs a United Nations that has renewed itself, that has transformed itself from an arena in which Governments jostle for transient political advantage into a place of action where issues are faced, solutions are found and problems resolved. Such a United Nations would do more than serve the ambitions of member Governments, it would begin to meet the needs of the peoples of the world in whose name the Charter was proclaimed. Canada's faith in the United Nations ideal is unimpaired, and we will continue to work with others to strengthen and renew this great body upon which so many of man's hopes are fixed.


81.	  Mr. President, on the threshold of this twenty- fifth session of the General Assembly, which we hope will be not just a commemorative anniversary, but a pause for deep and fruitful reflection in order better to assure and adapt the progress of the international community towards peace, justice and progress, my delegation is glad to welcome warmly the unanimous choice which has brought you to the Presidency of the Assembly at this historic session.
82.	This choice is undoubtedly an indication of the will to seriousness and the intention to succeed. Your thorough skill in international law, your long experience of this Organization, and the fact that you belong to a family and a country which have given distinguished statesmen to service in the League of Nations and the United Nations should assure us, that we have indeed chosen, for exceptional circumstances, a man who will raise our debates to the level of the hopes that the international community justifiably places in this twenty-fifth session of our General Assembly.
83.	May I, Mr. President, add my personal satisfaction in addressing these words to the representative of a country whose relations of friendship and cooperation with Morocco are marked with an exemplary spirit in international cooperation, in esteem and in mutual respect.
84.	Our Organization is completing its first quarter century of existence and embarking on the last decades of a century during which mankind has lived through what are perhaps the most decisive events of its destiny. The international community must courageously take stock of this Organization's years of existence, not to lament what it has not done or what it should have done, but above all to seek ways and means of ensuring effectively the realization of the hopes to which it gave expression 25 years ago, some of the most legitimate of which are far from having been brought to fruition.
85.	Our Organization has undoubtedly been an adequate instrument for preventing or stopping grave crises in the postwar years. It is also true that the Organization has gone far toward eliminating the concept of the supremacy of force, of the hegemony of power, and toward introducing into international relations certain concepts that were unknown or that were deliberately ignored before its creation.
86.	During the many international crises of the past 25 years, the United Nations has provided a meeting place, direct or indirect, for antagonistic forces whenever confrontation interrupted dialog and led the parties to the edge of the abyss. It has, above all, been platform and tribunal, a hearing place and also a factor of encouragement in the face of persistent colonialism, whose conscience it has stirred and whose grip it has weakened in the greater part of the world where it held sway. It has attempted to be a court of appeal, a guide and a helping hand to States whose first steps in the international community have been difficult. It tries, as part of the restoration of national sovereignty and the equality of States, to reduce persistent injustices and to close the real gap that still exists between the privileged part of mankind and the rest, whose poverty and ignorance still remain, and will remain into the indefinite future, the lot that the selfishness of the great Powers continues to inflict on them.
87.	One of the paramount future tasks of the Organization must be a continuing concern to ensure the ever increasing primacy of law and international morality, to ensure all States the means to secure respect for the prerogatives of their sovereignty in international equality, and to ensure all citizens of the world peace, freedom, prosperity and justice.
88.	What our Organization has already accomplished is undoubtedly immense when one considers the anarchy that international relations might have been if power and violence had been the only law. But if we consider the present state of international affairs and what the situation is likely to become, we realize with anguish what the fate of mankind would be if the Organization should fail to awaken to the imperative need to be more dynamic, more firm and more scrupulous as to the validity of its principles.
89.	Most of the international crises now confronting the Organization are chronic crises that began years ago. Solutions to these crises, found for better or worse at the time they arose have remained a dead letter   a fact that, with the passing years has increased their gravity and correspondingly weakened the authority of our Organization.
90.	Three years have passed since the Israeli aggression of June 1967 and it is an illusion to suppose that the war in the Middle East lasted only six days. In actual fact it has scarcely ever ceased. Indeed, Israel has almost constantly intensified military operations inside the occupied territories, against Jordanian territory, has carried the war across the frontiers and into the villages of Lebanon, and has undertaken a series of aerial bombardments against the towns and industrial installations of the United Arab Republic. The war has continued without surcease on both sides of the Suez Canal and the opposing artillery batteries in that zone have caused more damage than on certain fronts in the Second World War.
91. Yet in the United Nations and in several capitals many efforts have been made to ensure respect for the ceasefire and to start things moving towards the quest for a solution.
92.	The Tel Aviv Government and its military chief of staff have continuously opposed all these initiatives and have often created political and military situations which made the quest for peace even more difficult and more remote.
93.	The Security Council resolution of 22 November 19671242 (1967)] nevertheless defined the framework within which this quest for peace might be successfully pursued. But through its rhetoric the Israeli Government, which has chosen to give that resolution as many interpretations as it has members, has blocked the numerous efforts that the international community optimistically attempted to maintain.
94.	During these three years of continuous warfare and tireless efforts, the Israeli Government's policy has revealed at least one constant: rejection of peace and determination to consolidate its present conquests as one stage in an expansion that some of its members unabashedly proclaim from time to time.
95.	Early in August this year the international community welcomed with hope the latest initiative the result of great and concerted efforts. It may be said today, with deep conviction and in the light of the latest events, that the dilatory maneuvers of Tel Aviv are the source of the deteriorating situation in the region. Since the acceptance of the Security Council resolution by the Arab States concerned, nothing has been forthcoming from the Israelis to encourage them in their will to peace. Indeed, the intensification of military operations on the one hand, and diplomatic intransigence on the other, have justified the Arab world in its substitution of despair for hope.
96.	The new situation created by the tragic death of President Nasser at a time when he was courageously doing everything possible to bring peace closer renders still greater the responsibility of the Tel Aviv Government, which has done everything   and in the most irresponsible fashion   to delay any move towards a political solution. In paying tribute to the statesmanship of President Nasser the whole world has unanimously recalled his desire to restore peace in the region and his courage in having tried to do so. The Egyptian leader's death is not only a profound sorrow for the Egyptian people; in him, the Arab world has lost one of the most outstanding figures of its recent history; the international community, too, has lost one of the most dedicated architects of the policy of peaceful coexistence and international cooperation.
97.	The trial period of the ceasefire is now drawing to a close. Must we again let it pass, to the satisfaction of Israel? If so, what future might be expected after 7 November? Must the international community be a helpless witness first to aggression, then to provocations compromising all peace efforts, and tomorrow, perhaps, to the resumption of a war that could only be more violent still? But we must however repeat here what we for our part have constantly emphasized at all times and what His Majesty the King has also repeatedly reaffirmed, namely, that the quest for a just and lasting solution in the region must necessarily be built on respect for the rights of the Palestinian people as such.
98.	The principles set forth in the Security Council resolution and in the latest peace initiative should indeed make it possible to eliminate the consequences of the aggression and to secure respect for the principles of the Charter. But any peace effort, no matter how praiseworthy, would remain inadequate if it ignored one of the most pertinent realities of the Middle East situation, namely, the existence of the Palestinian people and their legitimate determination to shoulder their own destiny.
99.	It is because the peacemakers persist in regarding the Palestinian factor as a mere refugee problem, to which a so-called humanitarian solution could be found by assembling them in camps and assuring them, for better or worse, of a marginal existence, that they were more or less taken by surprise by the tragic events that lately rent Jordan. It would be criminal, above all after that tragedy, to fail to recognize that the refugees have become combatants and that those combatants are a people who wish to recover their native land.
100.	Resolutions that approach this problem with euphemisms and peace plans that try to ignore it will remain futile endeavors. If it is really desired to bring back peace in the Middle East, the restoration of the rights of the Palestinian people must necessarily be envisaged.
101.	The rapid and dangerous development of the situation in the Middle East requires lucid and energetic decisions in the days ahead. Our Organization has a legal and political framework within which to seek a solution; the SecretaryGeneral has a personal representative whose qualities have been acclaimed throughout the world; the great Powers are aware of what is at stake in this development; must Tel Aviv alone insist on perpetuating a territorial occupation which is incompatible with the restoration of peace, and must the international conscience continue to disregard the rights of the Palestinian people whose tragic fate no longer allows their existence to be ignored?
102.	As crucial as the crisis in the Middle East is the situation prevailing in Africa, where thousands of Africans are still undergoing the most backward and degrading forms of colonialism and of racial discrimination entered into a system of state.
103.	In the years immediately following the Second World War the United Nations played a remarkable role in accelerating the process of decolonization and the accession of many countries to independence and sovereignty. But progress in this field has been halted by the systematically negative attitude adopted towards the United Nations by those who practise colonialism and apartheid, particularly South Africa and Portugal.
104.	Despite the universal condemnation of apartheid by the United Nations as a crime against humanity, despite resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960 on the granting of independence to countries still under colonial domination and resolution 2145 (XXI) terminating the South African Mandate over Namibia, despite the economic sanctions ordered against Rhodesia, South Africa and Portugal, these countries continue with impunity their work of exploitation and oppression in South Africa, Namibia, Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau).
105.	The most alarming factor in this situation is the economic and military assistance that certain States Members of the United Nations continue to extend to South Africa and Portugal. This economic and military assistance, and more particularly the increase in foreign investments in the territories under colonial domination in southern Africa, are helping politically to strengthen the colonialist regimes and constitute a more and more specific threat to the independent African countries and Africa generally.
106.	The alliance between Portugal, South Africa and the Salisbury regime confirms that the colonial regimes in power in southern Africa are attempting to encircle independent Africa.
107.	Two years ago our SecretaryGeneral called attention to the gravity of the situation and addressed the following remarks to the African Heads of State:
" I must recognize that the destiny of the world will be influenced greatly if not decisively by the future development of events in Africa. Peace and progress throughout the world depend on peace and progress in developing Africa."
108.	It is a fact that the force and authority of the principles of the Charter - which brought about the decisive event of this century, namely the emancipation of many peoples of the earth - have lost some of their hold on much of world opinion. Whether in South Africa or other parts of Africa still under colonial rule, the tide of colonialism in that part of the world, so far from ebbing, is clearly gaining strength.
109.	On the occasion of its twenty-fifth anniversary, our Organization should reaffirm the spirit and principles of the Charter and strengthen the world's confidence in it by taking specific steps to impel all States to support it in its struggle against racist and colonialist regimes and its material support of peoples still, struggling to recover their freedom and independence.
110.	The process of decolonization as defined by the United Nations has in the course of the last decade helped many peoples of the third world more or less peacefully to recover their nationhood, to reconstitute their territorial integrity and to join the international community, bringing to it their deep conviction as to the primacy of peaceful settlement for all problems - even where their rights are self-evident and their highest interests directly at stake.
111.	Morocco has completely endorsed the value of this process and the virtues of this method. Since the proclamation of its independence, my country has patiently pursued the settlement of outstanding problems, particularly with Spain. In so doing, we have been prompted by the desire to maintain our age-old historical links with our neighbor to the north and to build the closest possible cooperation for the future, in respect for our many mutual interests. No one was happier that we were to see Spain in its turn quit the dwindling group of Powers opposed to the freedom of colonial peoples and formally give its support to the principle of self-determination, which it has actually implemented in Equatorial Guinea. Unfortunately, so called Spanish Sahara continues to be denied the benefits of this principle. Nevertheless, for several years now the United Nations has been adopting resolutions on the future of the Territory and has urged Spain to apply these resolutions which it has always supported.
112.	In the spirit of these resolutions and the better, to facilitate their implementation, Morocco and its neighbors concerned for the peace of the region and development of cooperation among themselves have decided to do everything possible to facilitate the application of self-determination to the Sahara, in collaboration with the United Nations and the administering Power. But we deeply regret the negative attitude of the Spanish Government whose policy in the Sahara gives ground for daily growing anxiety and ever increasing doubt as to its sincerity about applying the resolutions. Spain is called upon, within the framework and the terms repeatedly specified by the General Assembly, to hold a referendum giving the populations of the Sahara an opportunity freely to express their choice.
113.	However, no steps have been taken to reassure the populations, their neighbors and the United Nations as to Spain's intention to hold this referendum in the required conditions, that is to say, under the guarantees specified by the United Nations and restoring conditions in the Territory in which the indigenous populations and all Saharans   now temporarily exiled from the Territory by a climate of fear and coercive measures   may freely choose their future.
114.	For our part, we have consistently reiterated our determination to foster the most peaceful solutions, facilitating the Territory's transition from the status of a colonial country to that of freedom, in which the whole region and Spain can establish sincere cooperation to preserve the interests that are vital to the future of the whole region.
115.	Turning to the Asian continent, the prospects for peaceful settlement of other vestiges of the past seemed at one point to hold out the possibility of peace in SouthEast Asia. Unfortunately, the Paris talks, begun after such patient international effort, are now bogging down almost without hope of results in the near future. Meanwhile the war has spread to other countries of the region, making an approach to a solution far more complex and for the moment creating a situation with unforeseeable consequences.
116.	It is deplorable and even tragic that during this session of commemoration and stocktaking the international Organization is being bypassed in the search for a solution. It is only fitting to pay tribute to the courage of the SecretaryGeneral who has tirelessly endeavored to remind everyone whenever necessary of what the logical outcome of this situation must be if peace in Asia is to be restored and international security strengthened.
117.	On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the problem of disarmament constitutes a stumbling block to an international relaxation of tension. As the delegation of Morocco is a member of the Committee on Disarmament, it will set forth its views at length on this particularly important question during the debates in the First Committee. However, I feel I must make the point, albeit briefly, that there is a contradiction between the general desire to stop the arms race and the increasingly alarming progress of technology which with the development and the stockpiling of ever more dangerous weapons poses a growing threat to the survival of humanity. That is why we believe that the problem merits greater efforts by everyone to bring home to the Powers directly responsible that competition in this area has brought about a very special kind of crisis of confidence in the international community.
118.	Of course, certain treaties on some aspects of disarmament have been signed and the dynamics of that process might, if we remain constant in our efforts, broaden agreement to other aspects of the problem, thereby realizing the universal desire to achieve agreement on general and complete disarmament in the course of this decade. In that spirit, the Government of His Majesty the King submitted the instruments of ratification to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] and acceded to the Geneva Protocol of 1925 banning chemical and bacteriological weapons. During the debate in the Disarmament Committee in Geneva our delegation, in a series of suggestions, contributed to the draft treaty on the partial demilitarization of the seabed , and we earnestly hope that the First Committee will endorse that draft treaty.
119.	The problem of international security seems to us to be increasingly related to progress on disarmament. Indeed, it is impossible to speak seriously of establishing international conditions favorable to security without eliminating, or at least reducing as much as possible, political considerations which have given rise to the arms race. It is true that that question is not the only one which requires an appropriate and rapid solution to speed up the process of reducing antagonism and to bring about conditions conducive to a universal dialog on the problem of international security. Last year the delegation of Morocco set forth in the First Committee [1667th meeting] certain considerations, which were brought to mind as the result of the present state of international affairs and potential conflicts which are serious obstacles to progress and need to be removed, to restore that confidence which is indispensable at all levels of the international community.
120.	In fact, however, an understanding between the great Powers alone is not sufficient grounds for optimism on the prospects of peace in the world. Even such an understanding, if it were based only on the idea of replacing the concept of confrontation with that of hegemony, would be not only inadequate but would also constitute a particularly serious danger to the rest of the international community. We can be justly proud of progress being made in any area of the world to put an end to a conflict or to reduce tensions. However, to be truly international a relaxation of tension must be contagious and encompass all continents. In that connexion and in so far as the situation in Europe directly after the Second World War constituted one of the major obstacles to the solution of problems arising from the war itself, we welcome the signing of the Moscow Treaty on the non-use of force between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union. That Treaty opens the door to the settlement of a number of problems which arose in the area in 1945 to which a peaceful solution now seems feasible.
121.	Is it necessary to say that a solution to political problems cannot alone bring about miracles and usher in an era of understanding and harmony after a quarter of a century of more or less constant crises? The existing economic and social disequilibrium between the continents continues, in our opinion, to be a fundamental obstacle to efforts to bring about a permanent relaxation of tension. Many Powers do not seem to give that reality the attention it nevertheless deserves. A minority maintains and still has in its hands the economic potential of the entire world and therefore determines the future of the rest of mankind. This situation requires permanent and effective action in order to ensure a change of direction in international relations.
122.	The disparity in economic and social development requires the same struggle as the one being waged to do away with political supremacy. It is not impossible that a widespread effort may ensure in the not too distant future the replacement of domination and exploitation by cooperation and assistance. We are convinced that such problems will find some of the necessary solutions within the framework of equal exchanges at the multilateral, regional and bilateral levels. We firmly believe that while such cooperation may seem remote at the international level, its realization on the regional plane would constitute an effective encouragement.
123.	We are pleased that this idea, which we have constantly put forward in all the organizations in which Morocco is a member, was clearly enunciated in the Organization of African Unity and the Conference of nonaligned countries at Lusaka.
124.	In this connexion, we believe that the question of the use of the seabed and the ocean floor for peaceful purposes must be an indispensable corollary to that international cooperation. The idea of a common heritage which is supported by most States is one which we also agree with, as indeed we agree with the principles that the resources obtained from the exploitation of the seabed and the ocean floor must be considered the heritage of all mankind. Although we are today pleased that those principles are broadly shared, it remains no less necessary to reach agreement on a clear and precise definition of the limits of the continental shelf and of the areas where sovereignty and national jurisdiction may be exercised. In this connexion, a reexamination of the 1958 Geneva Convention on the continental shelf seems to us to be necessary, and the delegation of Morocco would join many delegations which would like to see that international instrument brought more into line with present day realities of which the developing countries in particular have become keenly aware as a result of the progress made in the field of research and underwater exploration.
125.	The considerations I have just set forth on international security, disarmament, economic development and international cooperation were at the forefront of the Lusaka meeting of the Heads of State or Government of nonaligned countries. They underline the devotion of the participating countries to the conditions needed to ensure their unity and harmony in international relations. They also demonstrate their determination to make a broader contribution to the general effort to reduce the causes of international tension in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.
126.	The primary political result of the Lusaka meeting was to call in question again the present structures of the international community dominated as it is by the great Powers and characterized by political, economic and racial barriers which obstruct the determination of a large segment of the world's population to improve the quality of life for the individual and ensure that nations will develop free from oppression, insecurity and anxiety.
127.	It continues to be our profound belief that in spite of everything, the United Nations constitutes an instrument capable of protecting the international moral principles which were proclaimed 25 years ago.
128.	It is the special responsibility of the permanent members of the Security Council to be the first to maintain and promote the rule of law and to promote and ensure respect among States. Only such an attitude can encourage the small and medium-sized Powers, which form the majority in this Organization, to maintain their confidence.
129.	In spite of the wars and tragedies which beset our strife-torn world, we wish once again to express to our Organization, on the occasion of its historic commemoration, our confidence and our support. We wholeheartedly hope that the theme of this twenty- fifth anniversary, "Peace, justice and progress", will be henceforth the sole objective and the main source of inspiration of mankind, as much in its thoughts as in its actions.