We congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the office of President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, welcoming in your person a prominent representative of a friendly, non- aligned country with which we have been developing broad, constructive and fruitful relations. We wish you as well as the Secretary-General every success in your demanding work. We also appreciate the work of your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Enrique Illueca.
86.	We welcome Brunei Darussalam as a new Member of the United Nations. We extend to that country our sincere congratulations on its accession to independence.
87.	This highest forum of the United Nations meets at a time when peoples of the world are getting ready to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the victory over fascism and militarism and the end of the Second World War. The combined will of nations not to allow a recurrence of such a cataclysm gave birth to the Organization. Czechoslovakia, one of the founding Members of the United Nations, has, since the first moments of its existence, been consistently striving for the implementation of the lofty ideals of its Charter in the interest of maintaining and strengthening world peace and developing all-round co-operation among nations. As early as the first session of the General Assembly, we resolutely advocated the very first general control and reduction of armaments and armed forces, the prohibition of the use of atomic energy for military purposes and the elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons and of weapons adaptable then or in the future to mass destruction. At that time, in December 1946, the Czechoslovak delegation stated that it supported without reservation or scepticism the entire relevant resolution and expressed its conviction that the state of the world called for disarmament which would promote the necessary co-operation between all countries of the world.6
88.	Throughout the ensuing four decades, we have been actively supporting the United Nations in its irreplaceable peace-promoting activities and continue to do so.
89.	During this year's successful visit of the Secretary-General to the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, we expressed at the highest level our commitment to the cause of the United Nations, as well as our readiness to strengthen its activities and confidence in it. We emphasized that in the present volatile international situation, the peoples need the United Nations as a universal institution of a world system of collective security no less than they did at the time of its establishment. We also stressed that the Organization requires the determination of nations to find just solutions to momentous problems because, as history teaches us, there is no other road to peace but peace. Peace itself is the road, and it can be achieved only through patient, collective efforts every day, through gradual, deliberate building of all- round co-operation among States and consistent strengthening of their mutual confidence and security.
90.	Seen from this point of view, this year's general debate so far has been a demonstration of justifiable concern about international developments, which are full of adverse tendencies. Within the short period of the last year, the spiral of the arms race has climbed to unprecedented levels. The stockpiles of nuclear weapons have reached such a tremendous quantity that they are sufficient to bring about multiple general destruction; consequently, there is no reason whatsoever for their further accumulation. The remaining disarmament talks have hardly made any progress. The dialogue has continued to falter. Mistrust among States has increased. There has been open interference in the internal affairs of countries; there have been acts of aggression. The pursuit of the policy of proceeding from a position of force has been intensified. International relations have been further destabilized. Liquidation of so many of the positive achievements from the years of detente has continued.
91.	It is the most reactionary circles of imperialism, primarily those in the United States, that we hold directly responsible for such a course of events— those circles which reflect most clearly the interests of the military-industrial complex, those which have been asserting, instead of the much-needed preservation of the military-strategic balance and a gradual reduction in its level, a policy of force, hegemonism, diktat, State terrorism, striving for military superiority, fanning hotbeds of tension, imposing their imperialist demands on other countries and non-compliance with agreements which have been concluded.
92.	This truly dangerous situation has been particularly aggravated by the installation of new United States intermediate-range missiles hi Western Europe. The reason for this was the fact that these were weapons of a new quality, first-strike weapons with strategic effects. Their deployment has created a completely new military-strategic and political situation. The Geneva talks have been blocked. The prospects for limiting and reducing nuclear weapons have been substantially worsened. If I had to say from this rostrum last year, at the thirty-eighth session, that "the Pershing II missiles are to be deployed a mere 180 kilometres from our borders", then, unfortunately, I have to state now, much to my regret, that they have already been deployed. I must also add that there was nothing for us and our allies to do but to adopt appropriate defensive countermeasures in deploying systems of operational tactical missiles with increased range—which resulted in the fact, for which we are not to blame, that the European continent has only suffered a loss without making any gain. The balance has been restored at a higher and more dangerous level. The presence of new weapons in Western Europe has not brought any increase at all in security; quite the contrary, it has caused a general decrease in security, prompted the growth of mistrust and tension in relations among States, created further complications on the way to agreement and posed a threat to other regions also within their striking radius and, in the long run, to the whole world.
93.	International relations have been considerably aggravated by the continued pursuit of plans aimed at achieving strategic superiority and preparing for a nuclear war in outer space, by the programme to develop and produce means for the militarization of outer space. This space project with "defensive" or "preventive" purposes to be achieved by the envisaged anti-ballistic and anti-satellite systems has in fact shifted the question of war in outer space—in that ‘sixth ocean", as it might be called today—from the realm of theory to that of practice. However, a war in outer space would not be an alternative to a war on earth, as some people foolishly believe, but rather a prelude to it.
94.	The overall state of affairs, furthermore, has been unfavourably affected by the dangerous statements casting doubt on the post-war settlement in Europe in connection with the Yalta and Potsdam Conferences. The authors of these irresponsible utterances, which in essence amount to a refusal to recognize the status quo in Europe, have taken an extremely dangerous step, placing in jeopardy the very foundations of European peace. Everybody knows, after all, that any attempt to revise European borders guaranteed by the entire potential of the community of socialist States is in advance condemned by history to failure.
95.	Further deterioration in the situation has been caused by the impact of these utterances on those forces that have not reconciled themselves to the defeat of Nazism and the post-war arrangements in Europe. In fact, we could see what an encouraging effect they had on West German revanchism: how it has been conspicuously revived; how it has defiantly raised its head; how, deplorably, contrary to the agreements concluded by the Federal Republic of Germany with Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, Poland and the German Democratic Republic, it has raised demands at rallies in Munich and elsewhere for a revision of the post-war arrangement of Europe and its borders; how, arrogantly, it claimed a "right to a homeland" or the solution of "an outstanding German question"—all this with the patronage of the highest representatives of State and Government and in conditions marked by the presence of new medium-range missiles, by the growing military strength of the Bundeswehr and the lifting of limitations on the production of certain types of weapons, including strategic ones.
96.	What is required is wisdom, far-sightedness, composure and the ability to look at matters not from the position of force and ideological illusions but in the light of political realities in order to restrain such confrontational steps, eliminate their impact and place barriers in their way—whether it be the threat of missiles, war in outer space, attempts to question the post-war settlement or the growth of revanchism.
97.	Thus, what is needed is not only a change of tone in the rhetoric but a change of approach; not only gestures but actions; not words but deeds. After all, confidence, too, is indivisible. In other words, in the spirit of the best traditions of the anti-Hitler coalition, it is necessary to display an ability to subordinate ideological prejudices and problems in mutual relations which can be solved to the primary objective criterion—the fundamental concern of mankind as a whole and of one's own nation for a return to the policy of detente, lasting peace and constructive co-operation.
98.	Czechoslovakia, in co-ordination with the other socialist countries, is always ready to contribute to such a course.
99.	Unfortunately, the situation is such that for the time being we do not see any indications that imperialism is ready to give up its current policy of force; nor do we perceive any readiness on the part of the United States to undertake concrete action for the solution of current problems and for the sake of a policy of stable, mutually advantageous co-operation.
100.	Together with Our allies, we have already expressed our willingness and readiness for such negotiations in a wide-ranging set of important peace initiatives aimed at reaching agreement on the most vital current problems.
101.	First of all, there are the proposals contained in the Political Declaration of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty, adopted at Prague on 5 January 1983, the joint statement issued in Moscow on 28 June 1983, and the Declaration by the member countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance at their high-level Economic Conference, held in Moscow from 12 to 14 June 1984. As the President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Gustav Husak, stated recently "through their initiatives and proposals, the States of the socialist community are striving for constructive solutions of international problems, for a return to the path of detente and the settlement of crisis situations and hotbeds of tension in various parts of the world, on the basis of honest and equal negotiations, on the basis of equality and equal security".
102.	At the same time, we are ready to consider and accept any idea, any proposal that leads us away from the nuclear abyss. In the struggle against the danger of war, against the arms race, we are ready to ally ourselves with all peace-loving countries.
103.	Our approach is based on the well-founded assumption that the international situation can be restored to health only through a serious and creative dialogue imbued with a spirit of responsibility for the fate of humanity. Precisely that kind of dialogue may lead to the fulfilment of the pressing and most vital task of averting the threat of nuclear war, a task in which today the very existence of mankind is at stake. To that end, all States without exception must unite. The entire capacity of the United Nations, too, must be used for the same purpose. What must be achieved is that relations among nuclear Powers be governed by certain principles. Above all, averting a nuclear war must become the principal objective of their foreign policies, as envisaged in the extremely important proposal submitted by the highest Soviet official, Mr. Konstantin Chernenko, on 2 March 1984, which is rightly referred to as the code of conduct for nuclear Powers. Its adoption would contribute to a considerable reduction in the risk of military confrontation and to the strengthening of security and stability in the relations among States possessing those most horrible weapons ever created by man.
104.	Czechoslovakia is emphatically advocating an immediate halt to the nuclear arms race and the adoption of effective measures to reduce the stockpiles of nuclear arms until they are completely liquidated. In this context, we also appreciate the appeal made by the Heads of State or Government of six countries, in their Joint Declaration of 22 May 1984, addressed to the nuclear Powers. An exceptionally important step towards reaching those objectives, in our view, would be the freezing of nuclear-weapon arsenals by nuclear Powers possessing such weapons at both quantitative and qualitative levels, as envisaged in the highly topical proposal by the Soviet Union adopted at last year's session of the General Assembly.
105.	Also, the adoption by the nuclear Powers which have not yet done so of the obligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons would constitute a very important measure towards reaching a positive political turn in confidence-building throughout the world.
106.	A milestone would be set on the road to nuclear disarmament by drafting and adopting a treaty on a complete and universal nuclear-weapon- test ban.
107.	We are in favour of strengthening the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and of achieving its universality. In this context, Czechoslovakia attaches great importance to the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty, to be convened at Geneva in 1985. We shall work for the success of the Conference, so that it might contribute to the further strengthening of the regime for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
108.	We do not regard as irreversible the situation that has been created in Europe following the start of the deployment of first-strike United States weapons; solution is possible. The deployment of those weapons must be immediately discontinued and the situation must be returned to the status that existed in the fall of last year.
109.	We support the proposals for the establishment of nuclear-free zones in various parts of the world. We are willing and ready to consider any constructive initiatives for their establishment, especially in Europe.
110.	Together with nuclear disarmament, an exceptionally timely and truly urgent task, in our view, is to prevent an extension of the arms race to outer space before it is too late and before the space surrounding our planet is filled with new types and systems of first-strike weapons—conventional, nuclear, laser or beam weapons. The use of force in outer space and from outer space against the earth, as well as from the earth against objects in outer space, must be prohibited once and for all. We are convinced that people throughout the world would welcome with relief a speedy start to Soviet-United States talks on these questions, as proposed by the Government of the Soviet Union in its statement last June. We also give our full support to the new and important Soviet initiative taken at this session by Mr. Andrei Gromyko for the adoption of an historic undertaking by all States to safeguard the use of outer space exclusively for peaceful purposes for the benefit of mankind, which might lead in the future to the establishment of a world organization to that end.
111.	At the Conference on Disarmament, at Geneva, we actively advocate the speedy drafting of a convention on the prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons. In that respect, a good foundation was provided by the proposal submitted by the Soviet Union in 19829 at the twelfth special session of the General Assembly, the second session devoted to disarmament, and supplemented by further constructive Soviet proposals, including the latest one concerning verification of the destruction of chemical weapons. The achievement of a general ban on chemical weapons may also be significantly facilitated by the proposal made by the States members of the Warsaw Treaty Organization addressed to the States members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] for the elimination of chemical weapons from Europe.
112.	We believe it is extremely important to give new impetus to efforts for the limitation of the conventional arms race. The urgency of this task is further increased by the fact that through the fault of the NATO militarists a new generation of conventional weapons is coming into being, whose capabilities are approaching those of the most destructive weapons. For a number of months now, a response has been awaited to one of the important joint initiatives by the Warsaw Treaty countries, namely, to begin talks with the NATO countries on the question of a freeze on military expenditures and the subsequent reduction of such expenditures. It would be useful if States not belonging to either of those two military-political groupings were also to participate in the implementation of the proposed measures.
113.	At the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, meeting at Stockholm, we are striving in particular to achieve the implementation of proposals relating to important military-political measures. First, there is a draft treaty on the mutual non-use of military force and the maintenance of peaceful relations. The conclusion of such a treaty would provide a legal and political guarantee of an improvement m the strengthening of confidence and security. It was with this in mind that on 7 May the Warsaw Treaty member States addressed an appeal to the member States of NATO to begin multilateral consultations on that proposal.
114.	The deliberations at the Stockholm Conference thus far have clearly shown that an agreement cannot be attained without constructive consideration of the basic important questions of confidence and security and without ensuring consideration on an equal footing of all proposals submitted. We are convinced that the Conference can reach positive results. What is needed, however, is better mutual understanding, a responsible approach and political will on the part of all the participants.
115.	At the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments, we have endeavoured, together with our allies, to overcome the profound deadlock reached in those talks through the fault of the West. The approach set forth in the proposals submitted by the socialist countries in 1983 provides a simple and mutually acceptable way to implement the mandate of the Vienna talks in its entirety. The appropriate use of that approach would facilitate overcoming the numerical barrier and would speed up the adoption of a mutually acceptable agreement that would make possible a substantial reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe.
116.	In the interest of progress in the solution of all disarmament questions, Czechoslovakia will continue its efforts of previous years and will also at this session of the General Assembly further elaborate on the ideas of the Declaration on International Cooperation for Disarmament, which was adopted at our initiative in 1979.
117.	We believe that the General Assembly should give new encouragement to the efforts aimed at safeguarding the peaceful nature of relations among States and strengthening mutual confidence. Were it not for the policies of States that arrogate to themselves the right openly to destabilize the independent existence of other countries and to subvert their social and political order, the situation in the world would undeniably be more tranquil and less dangerous. It is precisely for this reason that we support the new and most timely proposal by the Soviet Union that the United Nations categorically condemn the policy and practice of State terrorism, which is in total contravention of the fundamental norms of international law embodied in the Charter of the United Nations.
118.	The settlement of persisting conflicts and hotbeds of tension is one of the most pressing tasks of the United Nations. In this regard, I wish to emphasize the timeliness and importance of the Soviet Union's appeal of 29 July of this year to resume without delay collective international efforts for a settlement in the Middle East. We view this appeal as a realistic proposal for a comprehensive settlement of the dangerous situation in that region caused by the aggressive expansionist policies of Israel and by imperialist interference. In this connection, we reaffirm our support for the just struggle of the Palestinian people for national self- determination and the establishment of its own independent State.
119.	We favour the speediest possible termination of hostilities between Iran and Iraq and the settlement of the conflict by political means in the spirit of the relevant United Nations decisions, in particular Security Council resolutions 540 (1983) and 552 (1984). At the same time, we oppose any external attempts at military interference, whether they are undertaken in the guise of "protection" of oil routes or under any other pretext.
120.	We strongly reject interference in the affairs of Cuba and escalation of aggressive militarist actions against Nicaragua, and we condemn once again the aggression against Grenada.
121.	We agree with those who see the cause of the explosive situation in Central America and in the Caribbean not in a global East-West confrontation but in the deep political, social and economic crisis created as a result of the interference and gross exploitation practised by imperialism. It is these causes that must be eliminated. We fully support the efforts of the Contadora Group to bring about a peaceful and just settlement of the conflict situation in that region.
122.	We value and fully support the proposals of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan for an improvement of relations in the region. We believe that the steps taken by the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative will also contribute to finding realistic ways of achieving that goal. A prerequisite is the halting of foreign imperialist interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan.
123.	Czechoslovakia fully supports the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea in the defence of their freedom and independence and in their efforts to restore peace, stability and co-operative relations among States of the region. We demand that the General Assembly assume a realistic approach to the question of the representation of the Kampuchean people in the United Nations by their true representatives, that is, the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which has been consistently pursuing a peaceful foreign policy and striving for the development of co-operation with all States.
124.	We support the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for a peaceful reunification of Korea on a democratic basis, preceded by the withdrawal of United States troops from the southern part of the country.
125.	We will continue to extend our full support to an equitable settlement of the question of Cyprus so that Cyprus will remain an independent, sovereign, united, territorially integral and non-aligned State, free from any foreign military presence.
126.	We continue to feel full solidarity with the just struggle of the people of Namibia, led by SWAPO, for their freedom. Namibia must be granted independence without any pre-conditions or obstructions. We also support all forms of struggle against the inhuman policy of apartheid and racial discrimination carried out by the Pretoria regime.
127.	We attach great importance to the activities of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and to its positive role in current international relations. We welcome its stand in favour of the halting of the arms race, the peaceful settlement of conflict situations in the world and the strengthening of peace.
128.	We fully support the demands of the developing countries and their efforts aimed at restructuring international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. We condemn the aggravation of neo- colonialist exploitation of the developing countries and the practice of the imperial States of shifting onto the shoulders of the developing countries the burden of the consequences of the economic crisis by means of both political and economic pressure.
129.	In the Declaration adopted at the Economic Conference of the member States of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, held in Moscow last June, the participants advocated the adoption of effective measures designed to do away with any kind of exploitation. We confirmed our steadfast commitment to the development of fruitful economic, commercial, scientific and technological contacts with all States so motivated.
130.	It is in this spirit that we continue to develop our relations with the Western countries through all existing channels, while consistently applying the well-tested principles of peaceful coexistence. Under conditions of orderly relations, we continue to conduct with most of them a dialogue which produces undisputed constructive results. We regard this as a positive feature of the overall international climate. At the same time, however, we say quite frankly that the deployment of the new first-strike weapons in certain countries of Western Europe could not leave our relations with them unaffected.
131.	The present day demands of us urgently that we rededicate ourselves to all the positive aspects of the activities of the United Nations, that we develop them and defend and strengthen, consistently and tirelessly, the foundations of world peace and security as a prerequisite and condition for the solution of the other pressing issues and problems faced by mankind. For our part, we are ready now as we were before to continue along that road.


Allow me to congratulate Mr. Lusaka on his election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. His abilities and reputation for integrity and goodwill are widely known, as are also his wide experience of the United Nations and his tireless commitment to the Organization. We shall all be well served by his presidency. I am confident that under his leadership the ability of the Assembly to further the objectives of the United Nations will be enhanced.
232.	As we approach the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, the imperative need to strengthen the effectiveness of the Organization and enhance international peace and stability has been underscored by the continuing turbulence in international relations. New conflicts have arisen, while old problems are still unresolved. My delegation finds it difficult to identify any political problems or situations where there are prospects for an early settlement, or even a glimmer of hope that there will be early willingness to enter into negotiations.
233.	In the Middle East, the situation remains serious. A resolution of the Palestinian issue is still far off, and the Palestinian people continue to be deprived of a homeland of their own. Lebanon continues to be occupied by foreign forces, and all diplomatic efforts to persuade them to withdraw have proved unsuccessful. The war between Iran and Iraq continues to fester, with no end in sight.
234.	The armed forces of the Soviet Union and Viet Nam are still in illegal occupation of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. The nationalist resistance forces, however, have taken a heavy toll of the invaders and, by their vigorous and determined opposition, are ensuring that the occupation forces continue to suffer heavy casualties. We urge the Soviet Union and Viet Nam to heed the calls of the international community to withdraw their occupation forces.
235.	The Namibian question is stalemated, owing to the intransigence of South Africa, which continues its illegal occupation of Namibia, in defiance of numerous United Nations resolutions. My Government believes that the Namibian question should be solved within the framework of United Nations resolutions—in particular, Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
236.	In South Africa, the recent elections to fill the mixed race and Indian chambers of the three-chamber Parliament have, as predicted, attracted little support. Only 20 per cent of those eligible to vote for both groups cast their ballots. This attempt by South Africa to dress up a token political voice in the Parliament as progress towards equality has been a resounding failure. South Africa's 20 million black majority are continuing to be deprived of their legitimate rights to be included in the political process and to determine their own future.
237.	In addition to these political problems, the African continent is experiencing a serious economic and social crisis. As a result of widespread and prolonged drought, accelerated desertification and the effects of the world recession of the past three years, these problems have threatened the very survival of millions of Africans. The situation re-quires a concerted effort by the entire international community, working with relevant international organizations, to reverse a potentially catastrophic situation. The Special Memorandum on Africa's Economic and Social Crisis,'" adopted by the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa, meeting at Addis Ababa in May of this year, clearly sets out the views and recommendations of the ministers responsible for economic development and planning. These views should be given due attention and proper support in working out programmes and prospects to alleviate the plight of those millions of Africans.
238.	This year we welcome Brunei Darussalam into the United Nations. Brunei is the seventh new Member to be admitted in this decade. In the 1970s there were 26 new Members; in the 1960s, there were 43. As more and more States have become independent, the pace of admissions has clearly slowed. Independence for nations is almost universal. To be sure, there are anomalies. The peoples of Palestine and Namibia are still struggling for independence. Cambodia and Afghanistan have become new victims of imperialism. But independence for the majority is part of the new international reality.
239.	The experience since independence of most of this majority has not been bright. The future looks no better. The gap between the rich and the poor nations has grown. To the traditional burdens of low technology, weak institutions, disunited peoples and huge populations have been added crippling levels of international debt. They have learned the harsh lesson that freedom from alien domination does not necessarily secure a better life. "Independence" is a misnomer in nations where ordinary people are forced to live on the precarious margin of subsistence, where fratricidal disputes have killed millions and where flood, famine and drought still take thousands of lives.
240.	If we want to be honest, we must admit that man-made disasters have taken a greater toll than natural calamities. The withdrawal of colonial authority has opened a Pandora's box of ill-defined boundaries, floating populations, ideological differences, ancient rivalries and vaulting ambitions that have caused a welter of disputes and conflicts among the newly independent.
241.	Since the end of the Second World War, there have been more than 100, armed conflicts, including about 40 major wars, which have killed more than 26 million people. Most of these conflicts have been in third-world countries. Such conflicts have been fuelled and complicated by the global contests of the great Powers as well as by the pretensions of smaller Powers.
242.	Poverty has made independence a Pyrrhic victory. Without economic development, freedom for many has come to mean no more than having nothing left to lose, political independence reduced to the yearly exercise of the United Nations vote.
243.	We are not foredoomed to poverty and conflicts. But the situation will not rectify itself. However justifiable the moral outrage over past wrongs, it is not a sufficient basis for us to build a better life for our peoples. The rich countries, the ex-colonial Powers, are no longer easily moved by our cries. Even the goodwill or guilt that led them to give assistance to the third world has diminished in the light of the recipient countries' failure to help themselves. With the rich countries facing their own economic problems, strong protectionist currents have been generated in those countries, threatening to stifle development in the third-world countries that have achieved some initial success in industrialization.
244.	The adoption of thinly disguised protectionist measures, often to protect industries that are inefficient and unproductive by comparison with those in the third world, has exposed the hypocrisy of the rich. The rich seek to assuage their conscience by assurances of concern, but they are obviously not prepared to make any sacrifice in order to enable the third world to succeed. The third world can generate economic growth and development only by production and exports. But the rich are not prepared to trade with the third world on the basis of equity and fair play. They insist on consuming a disproportion-ate amount of the world's resources by keeping the terms of trade to the disadvantage of the poor.
245.	Short-term economic and domestic political interests in the developed countries inevitably take precedence over the long-term interests of all who live in one interdependent world. A classic illustration is the unwillingness of rich countries to adopt policies to reduce rapidly their huge budget deficits which distort international capital flows. At the same time, the poor countries are urged to adopt policies that are tantamount to being asked to commit suicide in order to escape starvation.
246.	We have also learned that even appeals to the self-interest of the rich countries is not a successful strategy. That we cannot be consumers of their products unless our production is purchased by them is self-evident. Unless we earn, we cannot buy. The prosperity of the North depends on the viability of the South. But while the poor are sometimes recognized as important consumers, the economic nexus between production and consumption is in itself not enough to ensure a flow of capital and technology from the rich countries.
247.	Technological developments have also whittled down the importance of cheap and abundant labour in the competitiveness of production. Production know-how is poised on the brink of new breakthroughs in areas such as robotics and biotechnology of which only the more mature economies of the North can take full advantage. Products of the new technology also threaten to displace the primary products of third-world countries. The flow of investment from rich to poor is, for these reasons, now less attractive than it used to be. Changing patterns of trade and comparative advantage between the developed countries themselves have made it more expedient for the rich to invest in each other's markets in order to secure access. All these factors mean that the gap between the rich and the poor nations will widen rather than narrow.
248.	In order  to do anything about this trend, we must face certain realities. The great economic Powers will continue to determine the direction of the international economy. Political independence has not changed the power relationship between big and small, rich and poor. This reality has to be accepted as the starting-point for any action. The world will not change simply because it is unfair. The dilemma which all of us face is how the weak and poor can muster the means of reshaping this international order.
249.	There have been, in my opinion, two general approaches by the poorer countries for breaking out of this cycle of weakness and poverty. The first has been reliance on expanding the network of international organizations, a notion inspired by the big Powers themselves when they created the United Nations system after the Second World War. Since the first session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Geneva in 1964, we have had five sessions of the Conference, the most recent at Belgrade last year. Over the same period, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries also held their own meetings on economic issues at Dakar, Lima, New Delhi and elsewhere. We have made attempts at United Nations-sponsored global negotiations between North and South on a new international economic order. This year the General Assembly will again adopt resolutions on economic issues. The record of such attempts, with few exceptions, is a failure.
250.	A second approach is ideological. There are those who contend that the root cause of the impoverished state of the majority is not merely the structure of the international system, but rather the fact that it is a neo-colonialist and capitalist international system with an exploitative centre sucking wealth from an exploited periphery. Revolution, according to this viewpoint, will set us free. This is a fallacy. The belief that the common interests of the working class would transcend national boundaries and that class struggle could replace the struggle between States and consequently lead to an era of harmony and co-operation has proved to be obviously false.
251.	As the peoples of Cambodia and so many other countries have found to their cost, there is no superior virtue in one kind of ideological system or another. Starvation, misery and poverty do not discriminate on the basis of ideology or recognize the class principle. Socialists exploit each other too. The socialist international system is also divided into an exploited periphery and an exploitative centre. All third-world countries, regardless of social system or political belief, must recognize this fact. Not to do so is to invite exploitation by what is just another kind of imperialism. Ideology, no more than moral outrage or wishful thinking, cannot alter the political structure or exorcise economic realities.
252.	This is not a philosophy of despair. Realism for the small and the weak does not only consist of accepting constraints but also of recognizing opportunities. We have to accept the existing structure of the international economic and political system. But that structure is a dynamic one in a state of constant evolution. Looking back, it is evident to me that the small and the weak have succeeded when they have had the will, ability and flexibility to take advantage of opportunities thrown up by the changing pattern of relations between the strong. We have to learn to use the existing structure of the international economic system and to change it in order to break the vicious cycle of poverty and to secure a better life for our peoples.
253.	How can this be done? Large international organizations that mobilize third-world countries, such as the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Group of 77, can provide the political strength to achieve tangible results if skilfully guided. Together the third world can do what none of its members has the strength to do individually. But, for the most part, both the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Group of 77 encompass too many diverse and conflicting interests and irrelevant objectives to act decisively or be constructive. To overcome the weaknesses of such large groupings, we should first organize ourselves into smaller regional groups which share more similar characteristics and common interests. We must create many smaller areas of security and common action on the larger international scene. Such regional groupings can serve as building blocks that would provide a firm foundation for larger international organizations and thus enable those organizations to play a more effective role in furthering the interests of the third world.
254.	Secondly, we should not allow the progress of our peoples to be hostage to the vanities of national-ism, the blindness of xenophobia or the seductions of ideology. We have to dare to plug into the international economic system, because that system is the only source of the capital, technology and management skills that we need to pull ourselves out of poverty. We must admit what we do not know, not in a spirit of submission or dependence, but in order to become independent and meet the challenges of a competitive and evolving international economic system. We must participate in that system, learn its rules and use its rules to our best advantage. We can do this without undue risk only if we are first united.
255.	The approach I have described is not an academic one. I know this approach can work because it has already worked. The organization to which my country belongs, ASEAN, is in many ways a microcosm of the diversity of the third world. It would be difficult to find a more disparate group than Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. We are divided by religion, by system of government, by history, by culture, by ethnicity and by language. In the post-war period, all the present members of ASEAN have, at one time or another, been engaged in conflicts and disputes with each other. But we have been able to put the past behind us. Historical rivalries have been set aside. Instead, we have emphasized a positive vision of our common future. We have learned to accept each other as equals on the basis of our real differences as well as our common interests. We do not live in fear of one another.
256.	The largest member of ASEAN, Indonesia, has played a special role in this respect. Indonesia has not tried to impose its views on the organization, but has worked with all members on the basis of equality and mutual consultation. We have all adopted export- oriented economic policies essentially based on market forces. We have not been too proud to learn from others and to allow a relatively free inflow of private capital, know-how and personnel. We have not allowed destructive ambitions or sterile ideology to divert us from what we regard to be our common interests.
257.	Perhaps most important of all, we have not allowed ASEAN to become a crutch for any of us. Ultimately we all recognize that it is national action that determines national well-being. The basis of collective resilience is national resilience. We do not look to ASEAN as the panacea for our individual problems. The unity and collective action of ASEAN provide a framework within which each member can determine its own future. The stability of relations among member countries of ASEAN provides an environment of confidence that is conducive to development.
258.	The hard economic reality is that the way to get ahead is to be more efficient, more competitive and more productive, and thus to enhance the competitiveness of our products on the world market.
259.	By combining and directing efforts towards trying to shape as open and as liberal an international economic order as possible, ASEAN's collective economic diplomacy has influenced the political and economic policy decisions in the industrial centres of the North which affect our interests. We would not have been able to do this if we had acted alone.
260.	The self-confidence that we have created through collective and pragmatic action has enabled us to resist external pressures, to take our future into our own hands and actively try to influence the environment around us. We have changed the structure of international politics in South-East Asia. We have gained a measure of control over forces that will influence our future. This is the broader significance of the actions we have taken on the Cambodian issue, in our economic relations with the developed countries and the major Powers and on a host of other issues.
261.	I have dwelt at some length on the experience of my country and our partners in ASEAN not in a spirit of arrogance or because I believe that our experience is unique. Indeed, I have used ASEAN as an example of what the third world could do, precisely because I do not believe our experience is unique. We have done what some have done and what the majority of the international community can also do, if only they can summon up the will to do it


We are on the eve of a great celebration. In 1985 an organization which was set up to respond to the highest ideals of mankind will celebrate its fortieth anniversary: an organization created to strengthen international peace and security, to develop the links of friendship and cooperation among States, to promote respect for the fundamental rights and freedoms of all human beings, to be the crucible in which all nations might work together to achieve their common objectives.
159.	A great deal still remains to be done if we are to bring to perfection a legal community of States governed by an order that effectively ensures the attainment of the objectives of the United Nations: the establishment of "an order for the promotion of peace", as envisaged by the Viennese master, constitutes "one of the most urgent matters of our times, one on the outcome of which depends the destiny of civilization".
160.	In an era characterized by uncertainty, we are obliged to reflect on the facts that prevent us from rising above a legal order which is still primitive, in spite of the advances achieved in the past 39 years. The extremely dangerous situations confronting mankind at large make it essential that we not only speak of disarmament but that we also disarm; that we not only speak of democracy but also democratize; that we not just speak of cooperation, but actually cooperate; that we not just talk of respect for the dignity of man, but dignify him.
161.	Our world has changed radically since 24 October 1945. Fifty nations participated in the San Francisco Conference. The admission of Brunei Darussalam, which we are now pleased to welcome, reflects the universal calling of the United Nations with its 159 Members. The world population has doubled since 1945, in just 39 years. The Organization and the world have changed radically. While the borders of the international community have been extending at a dizzying pace, the means of sustenance of the peoples of the world are being reduced in a distressing way, a fact which strikes our conscience and causes us to reflect deeply on the world of tomorrow. The 1980s have been characterized by the worst world economic crisis in three decades, with incalculable social suffering.
162.	Our third world, in particular, has been severely affected by fiscal deficits, by the servicing of the foreign debt, alarming unemployment, the high price of energy and of manufactured goods, a decline in our exports and in the prices of raw materials, a decrease in the level of savings and investment, the outflow of capital, natural disasters, the population explosion, hunger and war.
163.	As though all this in itself were not extremely disquieting, at the same time the natural resources on which we count are decreasing or deteriorating, warning us that economic expansion at any cost imperils the future of mankind since it undermines the bio-systems which serve to sustain the economy.
164.	Together with all these misfortunes, specialized sources report that during the recession in the world economy, from 1979 to 1983, global military expenditures increased from $554 billion to $663 billion, an increase of 20 per cent in barely five years, with world military expenditures reaching an average of $145 per person. The same sources give the discouraging information that in 1980 the third world allocated greater resources for the import of weapons than for grain, in spite of the fact that those countries are agricultural in structure and require the basic means of subsistence.
165.	Our world and the world of tomorrow are faced with a dramatic reality, responsibility for which cannot be evaded by any Member of the United Nations or by the Organization itself. The celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations should serve as a starting point for an examination of the world's conscience. We must assess the achievements and failures, identify the pitfalls and find ways to overcome them, re-examine plans and policies and redefine them with a view to attaining the higher objectives of internal and international peace, of economic and social development, of world security and cooperation, with mutual respect and interdependence.
166.	In this necessary assessment of our conduct as States, we must not fail to consider the unilateral, piecemeal interpretation that we often put upon the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The international obligations stemming from it cannot be distorted in their application on the basis of an odious policy of blocs that distort the common purposes of the United Nations.
167.	Hegemonistic ambitions must not render nugatory the principles that determine the conduct of this world Organization. The interests of the North must not prevail over those of the South. The well-being of some must not, and cannot, be based on the poverty of others. The principles of the rule of law among nations must not be separated from one another nor from the obligations of each State towards its own people.
168.	It is a matter of a need to return to the sources, to return to the original worldwide vision that inspired the attempt to design a different world. It is also a matter of the will to persist in strengthening the effectiveness and impartiality of the United Nations and the confidence in it as the main international organization, the best means to protect the interests of the community of nations, placing international norms above and beyond the particular interests of any of its Members, with everyone observing those international norms, without any discrimination on the basis of political, economic or social systems.
169.	I shall now speak about Central America, about a tragedy of burning concern taking place within the framework of an obsessive confrontation in that strategic strip of land, lapped by the waters of two oceans, which joins the north and the south of the western hemisphere.
170.	The Central American region is suffering the consequences of a longstanding, painful abandonment of the principles of justice, freedom and solidarity, which should always inspire its leaders and be the constant inspiration of its peoples. Central
America is suffering the consequences of unequal and disadvantageous relations with the most developed nations, which have exercised their hegemony or influence in the region. It is suffering the consequences of the predominance of economic interests over essentially human interests, which have been overlooked in the selfishness of the dominant domestic and foreign sectors, because greed has no dignity and knows no frontiers.
171.	Central America is also suffering today from brutal external aggression, directly sponsored in a desire to acquire positions of political predominance and special strategic value, taking advantage of the conditions of political, economic and social crisis affecting the region.
172.	In these very trying times, the Central American people has paid a very high price in blood and tears in its valiant struggle against dictatorship and totalitarianism, inequality and plunder, dependency and alignment.
173.	The peoples of Central America share the feeling that such difficult circumstances must give way to a promising future, in a Central America free from foreign interference, whatever the source. The region must not be subject to exploitation, intervention or servitude. It must not fall prey to the expansionism of extra continental Powers that seek to deny for all time its democratic and pluralist future, in a tolerant and open society, to which its peoples aspire with hope and resolve.
174.	There is a path open to mutual benefit, respect for one another and honourable cooperation, genuinely democratic and participative, with no room for chains or violence. It is a path that can once and for all eliminate the spectre of totalitarian domination and reconcile peoples with their leaders in seeking freedom, justice, peace and progress.
175.	This widespread feeling has found expression in most of the countries of the region, which, in spite of suffering a deep economic crisis and social imbalances, have chosen with wisdom the course of historic reform—representative, pluralist and participative democracy.
176.	Of course, this is only the beginning of a journey that should have begun long ago. It is the manifestation of a political will struggling to be translated into new economic and social opportunities, but it is significant that when the peoples of Central America have had the freedom to choose they have chosen freedom.
177.	The United Nations recognizes, as an essential part of the general order that is the basis of peace, the right to self-determination of peoples. All the peoples of Central America must be able freely to determine their present and future, without decisions being imposed on them, without the force or pressures of the apparatus of the State continuing to violate their right freely to decide their political, economic and social organization through the exercise of their sovereign ability to choose their leaders. This is a prerequisite for the establishment of lasting peace in the heart of that hemisphere.
178.	Another requirement for the return of peace is that the Central American States commit themselves firmly and in good faith to reducing their military arsenals to limits strictly compatible with the maintenance of public order and national defence. The establishment of offensive forces in Central America, the introduction of new, heavy armaments and the alienating militarization of society, together with secret, threatening military commitments and the establishment of impressive armies—these are all elements that unsettle international peace and security in Central America. They prevent the creation of a climate of detente and trust, and at the same time oblige neighbouring States to find compensating formulas for defence, thus tending to divert huge human" and economic resources to maintain a balance of security, which implies large social sacrifices and political costs that could be avoided, to the benefit of those that have little or nothing and need so much.
179.	The Honduran Government stresses that it is essential to end the arms race in Central America, to limit the number of weapons and troops and to begin immediately general disarmament, under strict and effective international controls. My Government appeals to the conscience of Central American countries and calls on them to declare before the international community their formal commitment to the objective of disarmament as an indispensable condition for peace. At the same time, we urge all Member States to discuss appropriate measures that might be adopted by the United Nations to focus its disarmament efforts on the establishment of an arms regulation system applicable to the countries of the third world, which have an important moral obligation to their peoples to check the arms race and an international obligation to their neighbouring countries to reduce their arsenals and the numbers of their troops, in order to promote the establishment and maintenance of peace and security among nations.
180.	Since April 1983 we have been actively participating in the negotiations sponsored by the Contadora Group. Our contribution has been aimed primarily at promoting the establishment and development of democratic, pluralistic and participatory systems in the five Central American countries, at establishing a system of regional security based on the reduction and control of armaments and troops, at eliminating the foreign military presence, and at achieving mutual observance of the principle of non-intervention. We have also advocated cooperation for economic and social development with a sense of deep-rooted solidarity.
181.	On 7 September last, the Foreign Ministers of the countries of the Contadora Group submitted a revised version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America. That comprehensive draft text provides for the establishment of a series of legal obligations to be assumed by us, the States of Central America, as regards political, security, and economic and social matters and machinery for international verification and control of these obligations.
182.	The Government of the Republic of Honduras accepts the substantive obligations in the Act and, as it has already stated, it reaffirms that it is ready to assume each and every one of the responsibilities deriving from the negotiating process which must continue, until the signing of that important document, for the present and future of Central America.
183.	Honduras does not shrink from any of the legal commitments it will enter into under the strictest compliance with the principle of the reciprocity of obligations and their fulfilment in good faith by all the Central American States.
184.	Honduras is prepared to have its political conduct governed by the tenets of representative, pluralistic and participatory democracy, as established in the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America.
185.	Honduras is prepared to accept onsite international verification and control of its electoral processes and of the other political commitments it makes.
186.	Honduras is prepared to promote and respect human rights because it is deeply convinced that the guarantee by the State of the dignity of the individual is a moral and pragmatic duty.
187.	Honduras is prepared to begin negotiations immediately to limit, reduce and control its arsenal, its troops under arms and its military installations, within 90 days, as proposed by the Act, or sooner, and to agree on applicable timetables for reductions.
188.	Honduras is prepared to submit to a strict system of onsite verification and control of all the security obligations ii undertakes.
189.	Moreover, Honduras is prepared to demand of any State that undertakes the same obligations that it faithfully fulfils them, for Hondurans are not seeking a truce which, through the kind of deception with which we are familiar, would only mask an opportunity to legitimize a system of oppression. We will not tolerate use of the Contadora initiative to conceal the madness of the arms race, or the preparation of campaigns of domination, or terrorism and sabotage, or intervention, or trafficking in arms. Honduras does not want a truce that merely meets the needs of the instant; it seeks rather a stable and lasting peace based on justice and nourished by freedom.
190.	Therefore, we shall insist on three basic points: security in the implementation of any agreement; effective verification and control in respect of the fulfilment of obligations; and determination of the fate of the irregular forces once they lay down their arms and once a solution is found to the internal conflicts in which they are engaged. Those who have already affirmed their acceptance of the Contadora Act must prove their good faith in the negotiations to take place among the five Central American States, so that the Act may become a binding agreement, one that can be fully implemented and verified.
191.	Some have already said—while swearing fealty to the Contadora Act—that they are not prepared for any arms reduction, but rather intend to continue to arm themselves. There are indications that the claimed commitment to democracy is but a new and disgusting publicity stunt. These positions are nothing less than a violation in advance of what they are hypocritically claiming to accept, only to ignore it later in bad faith.
192.	In spite of all this, my Government completely shares the view of the Foreign Ministers of the Contadora Group that: "The Central American Governments should now display the political will needed to give legal force to the commitments formulated during this process and should therefore adopt whatever realistic and equitable formulas for conciliation they deem appropriate" In this respect, my country and my Government will spare no effort to help reach agreement on the 21 objectives8 so painstakingly identified by the Contadora Group in its endeavour to promote peace, security and cooperation in Central America, an endeavour which we hold in high esteem and which compels us to reiterate our deep thanks to the Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela.
193.	Today, we have extended, on behalf of Honduras, a cordial invitation to the Foreign Ministers of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua to meet with us on 19 October at Tegucigalpa in order to analyse the Central American situation and to give real momentum to progress towards the signing of the Contadora Act.
194.	As a discordant note, just a few days ago from this rostrum bold accusations were made, attempting to involve my country in a supposed invasion of Nicaragua. For three years now we have been hearing that alarmist outcry, whose falseness and inaccuracy are clear.
195.	On 19 March 1982, Commandant Daniel Ortega Saavedra, Coordinator of the Junta of the Government of National Reconstruction of Nicaragua, affirmed in a letter to the Security Council9 that an invasion of his country was "imminent". The Washington Post, on 20 March 1982, reported that the Sandinist Government was continuing to prepare its people to face possible invasion. It reported that on that same day a programme was being initiated for the building of air raid shelters and that the 70,000 troops which at that time composed the armed forces of that nation were in a state of alert.
196.	Subsequently, on 25 March 1982, the Commandant again stated that Nicaragua had called for a meeting of the Security Council, given the "imminence" of intervention in Central America, since "events painted a picture which made it clear that intervention was on the way".
197.	On 10 November 1982, the Financial Times referred to a note which the Nicaraguan Foreign Ministry had circulated on 8 November 1982, in Managua, stating that "those actions were indicative of an imminent invasion of Nicaragua".
198.	On 19 January 1983, an official communique from the Foreign Ministry of that country, transmitted to the Security Council, announced that preparations were under way "for the launching of even more far-ranging acts of aggression" against Nicaragua.
199.	In another letter addressed to the Security Council on 5 May 1983, the Deputy Foreign Minister of Nicaragua announced "the launching of a new stage of the invasion" of Nicaragua." Four days later, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Nicaraguan Administration said that he could confirm the existence of an invasion which was continuing to spread terror in the country. On 19 May of that year, the Nicaraguan Foreign Minister told the Security Council that an immoral and unjustifiable arms invasion of his country was taking place.
200.	In contrast with what, in the view of the Government of Nicaragua, was already a fait accompli, on 8 November 1983, during the debate on the situation in Central America during the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly , the Nicaraguan Foreign Minister stated that at the very moment clear preparations were under way for an invasion of Nicaragua. Similar assertions were made at the Assembly's thirty-seventh session.
201.	The Financial Times of 18 November 1983 reported that "an invasion psychosis had taken over the Nicaraguan nation" and that "the Sandinist leaders were preparing the population for what they considered to be an imminent invasion by the United States and its Central American allies".
202.	Once again, on 3 February 1984, the representative of Nicaragua stated in the Security Council13 that a war between Honduras and Nicaragua was being provoked by the United States to justify intervention.
203.	Then again, on 2 April 1984 in the Security Council, the representative of Nicaragua stated that in the next few days another invasion was expected from Honduran territory.14 Months later, on 7 September, he stated again that the political terrain for the invasion was being prepared.15
204.	It is because of all these unfounded assertions that it comes as no surprise to me that once again an attempt has been made to take advantage of the credulity of States represented here with a paranoic statement of a much announced but never realized invasion of Nicaragua.
205.	A consideration of the dates when these accusations were made clearly draws attention to the link between them and some of the meetings in the peace making process of the Contadora Group, and, curiously enough, the invasion which is now claimed to be "imminent" coincides precisely with the date when we, the Central American States, are due to decide on a revised version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America.
206.	None the less, we must acknowledge that there is a basic difference between earlier affirmations and the most recent one made, since, in the latter, in addition to a date being given—15 October—we were told the number of invaders, the number of planes and helicopters, the types of weapons that will be used and the routes that will be followed. There was one thing missing—an indication of the exact hour when the operations will begin and the places where, in the generous land that nourished the inspiration of Ruben Dario and encouraged the now frustrated ideals of Sandino, the new pass of Thermopylae in these imaginary Spartan battles will be.
207.	In clear contrast to this attitude, on the date for which this hypothetical invasion of Nicaragua is announced, the President of the Republic of El Salvador paid tribute yesterday, in this forum, to the efforts of the Contadora Group in convening the armed opposition to a dialogue of internal reconciliation in his country. That example should be followed by those who proclaim unconditional acceptance of the Contadora Act but who offer to negotiate in the language of weapons.
208.	Since international peace is an asset that links us closely with the nations of other continents, Honduras has promoted closer relations between Central America and other regions of the industrialized world so that, through international cooperation, tension in the region may be reduced.
209.	In September 1983, representatives of the Central American Governments attended a meeting at Brussels so that, together, before the representatives of other Governments and international organizations, we might reflect on the needs and expectations of the countries of our region. That gathering was a palpable demonstration of the fact that the countries of Central America share common interests with the world outside and that intraregional cooperation may establish solid links between us and provide benefits for all our peoples.
210.	That belief in joint action prompted the President of Honduras, Roberto Suazo Cordova, in March of this year, to propose to the President of Costa Rica, Luis Alberto Monge, the promotion of a cooperation agreement between the European Economic Community and Central America. The President of Honduras stated to his Costa Rican counterpart:
"I feel that Central America should avail itself of your visit to Belgium to express, on behalf of our countries, the great importance we attach to the negotiation and signing of a cooperation agreement with the European Communities. . . .
"I need not enumerate all the advantages that the entry into force of such an agreement would have for Central America. ... It would widen and deepen the already significant level of aid and make it possible to extend it to new sectors, thus enabling the extension of its benefits to those countries of the region now receiving little or no aid. . . . Your action in an area of common interest for all Central Americans is a factor that could contribute to a relaxation of tension in the area."
211.	The response of European democracy has been positive, and a political and economic dialogue has already begun which we hope will continue and provide short-term benefits.
212.	Indeed, only a few days ago, on 28 and 29 September, an historic meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the member States of the European Community, of Spain and Portugal and of the countries of Central America and the Contadora Group was held at San Jose. On that occasion, Western Europe emphasized its interest in contributing to democratic development in Central America as the best way of achieving the stability of the isthmus. This is clear evidence of international solidarity, for which Honduras pays a tribute to the European nations that attended that meeting. At the same time, my country expresses its fervent hope that permanent formulas for mutual benefit between the two regions, which have historic links and share growing expectations, may be achieved.
213.	In Latin American economic and financial matters, Honduras supports the provisions of the Declaration of Quito, adopted at the Latin American Economic Conference, held on 12 and 13 January 1984, and the Cartagena Consensus, signed on 22 June 1984 by the representatives of 11 Latin American countries, which reflect the progressive strengthening of Latin America's capacity to respond to the international economic crisis and to buttress their systems of cooperation in order to promote and encourage the economic development and social progress of our countries.
214.	The Latin American efforts cannot be dissociated from the efforts that have been made and are being made by the Group of 77. On the occasion of the celebration of one more anniversary of the establishment of that body, we must insist on the need to bring about closer cooperation among the developing countries and to promote global negotiations, making it possible to find appropriate solutions to the problems hindering the establishment of a world economic system based on justice. We must begin to overcome the most harmful effects of the economic crisis, which calls for urgent responses— above all, from the industrialized countries, since, to a great extent, external factors beyond the control of our countries seriously limit our capacity to overcome them.
215.	My country attaches particular importance to the activities of the Economic and Social Council, whose fundamental role is to contribute to the creation of conditions of stability and wellbeing, which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations. Honduras believes in the need to promote the principle of multilateral cooperation, which has provided so many benefits for our countries. To that end, we must re-examine the existing instruments of cooperation so as to adapt them to the dynamics of contemporary society and to isolate them from any attempt at politicization which could adversely affect the positive and multifaceted work done by the specialized agencies of the United Nations.
216.	I should like also to emphasize the humanitarian work carried out by ICAO. In particular, I should like to stress the agreement to amend the Chicago Convention so as to include a rule recognizing categorically the principle of non-use of force against civilian aircraft in flight.
217.	At the thirty-eighth session, I expressed my Government's indignation at, and strong repudiation of, the downing of a Korean civilian aircraft and the deaths of 269 innocent persons. This year the national conscience of Honduras has been greatly concerned over a similar event, in which, without prior notice, the Nicaraguan army downed an unarmed Honduran helicopter which was carrying a group of civilian professionals. That condemnable act was praised by the Government concerned when it declared itself responsible for that odious crime.
218.	Two recent conferences, the International Conference on Population, held at Mexico City in August, and the Fourth General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held at Vienna also in August, recalled to us the close links between development, population and industrialization. My country urges the continuance of the efforts in these fields of vital importance, particularly for the developing countries, and we are encouraged by the interest that is increasingly shown in finding solutions to these very complex problems.
219.	On 9 December, the time for the signing of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea will expire. So far, 135 countries have signed it. That Convention constitutes an outstanding example of renewed international cooperation. We urge those States that have not yet signed the Convention to do so and to respect its contents and its unity.
220.	For some years, Central America has been experiencing a distressing phenomenon caused by prevalent instability and violence in the region. This has led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of persons from their places of origin. In view of the tragedy dividing families in our region, my country and my Government have accepted the obligation, imposed by humanitarian feelings, which have always characterized Hondurans, to give refuge to more than 50,000 refugees and displaced persons of various nationalities. These are being cared for by Honduras, with the valuable assistance of international organizations and specialized agencies, such as UNHCR World Relief Refugee Services, Caritas Internationalis, Medecins sans frontieres, Catholic Relief Services, the Mennonite Church, the International Red Cross, the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration and many others that are contributing directly or indirectly to improving the living conditions of the refugees and displaced persons. My Government is deeply appreciative of all these efforts.
221.	In recent days, and because of political change in El Salvador, which now has a democratic, freely elected Government, my Government has provided for the voluntary repatriation, under international supervision, of 18,000 Salvadorians now in my country. This will be done with respect for the relevant criteria and norms established at the international level. None the less, Honduras will keep its borders open to all human beings who feel insecure and seek protection outside their own territory.
222.	I should like to express just and well-deserved appreciation to the United Nations for its invaluable assistance, to the specialized agencies and to the Governments that have supported us in meeting the needs of refugees. I appeal to all Members of the United Nations to maintain and increase their economic and moral cooperation with the agencies that assist in mitigating the plight of these unfortunate people.
223.	We have followed with concern the development of situations of tension that threaten peace in other regions of the world. We share the anguish and suffering that conflicts cause to other peoples and nations.
224.	My Government reiterates the need to find a just solution, negotiated in good faith, to the South Atlantic conflict. It is of the utmost importance for the strengthening of peace that comprehensive negotiations be resumed in respect of the sovereign, historic claim of Argentina to the Malvinas Islands. We ask the Secretary General to persevere in the use of his good offices to promote understanding on the basis of justice.
225.	We reiterate our forceful condemnation of the foreign occupation of Kampuchea and of Afghanistan. Their peoples must be enabled to exercise their right freely to determine their own destiny. We appeal to all free nations to repudiate the barbarous foreign intervention in those suffering regions of the world.
226.	With regard to the question of Korea, my country believes that the remaining manifestations of the cold war must be ended calmly and fairly. The Republic of Korea, like any other State that meets the conditions set out in Article 4 of the Charter of the United Nations, has a right to be admitted as a Member of the Organization. The South and the North of Korea should resolve their differences purely by peaceful means and direct negotiations. The international community should encourage an approach designed to establish trust and bring about reconciliation between the two parties so that the barriers of fear and controversy may be overcome.
227.	Honduras rejects the presence of foreign troops in Namibia and deplores the delay in establishing an independent, sovereign State. The United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia is the basis for a lasting, peaceful solution.
228.	Similarly, we reject the racist policy of apartheid applied in South Africa and deplore the recent violence that caused further loss of life in that tormented region of the world.
229.	Our conscience has been shocked constantly by the bloody and irrational struggle that continues in Lebanon. The recent tragic, senseless acts of terrorism against the forces entrusted with maintaining the peace and against diplomatic representatives in Beirut cost hundreds of lives, creating an international problem to which the United Nations should pay particular attention and which should be repudiated by all its Members.
230.	In this context, I remind the General Assembly of an event that shocked the entire civilized world. I refer to the attack on United States diplomatic staff in Teheran by armed elements, who occupied the embassy and held the officials hostage in the building for many months, making their release conditional on the payment of an infamous ransom. This was a challenge to the most fundamental principles of diplomatic law and conduct. There has also been a wave of international violence against the embassies of Honduras in different countries. The embassies have been dynamited, causing material damage and physical injury to diplomatic officials. Such cruel acts must be severely condemned by the community of nations.
231.	The causes and extent of the reckless war between Iraq and Iran are incomprehensible. This is war which must come to an end, a war between two partners in the Movement of Nonaligned Countries which, instead of opposing each other, should strengthen their cooperation, for the benefit of the third world countries. This struggle of unheard-of fanaticism leaves fields desolate and interferes with important strategic channels of communication and international supplies.
232.	The President of this session of the General Assembly is an outstanding representative of Africa, that vast region of the world which is still experiencing the fever of emancipation which derives from the establishment of the United Nations. A representative of Zambia, he will have the responsibility of guiding our debates at what is a dramatic time for the human race. In this he can rely on his efficiency and skill, as well as the support of the international community.
233.	As we review the present state of international relations, our spirits are indeed troubled. There is hardly a region in the world which is not affected by the scourge of war, by lack of respect for human rights, by the negation of the right of peoples to self-determination, by hunger, injustice and oppression.
234.	We must together undertake the task of regaining the faith that has been lost—faith in mankind, faith in its future, faith that history will be able to forge nations free from blindness and hatred.
235.	We hope that that deep feeling of faith in our ability to overcome our problems will illuminate the work of the President, as head of the General Assembly, so that the purposes and principles decided upon almost four decades ago will give strength to our debates, thus increasing understanding and hope.
236.	Let us therefore reflect on assessments that have been made by experts on the historical development of the United Nations on the essence and importance of this forum of universal debate.
237.	Thus, it has been said that the two minutes of meditation or prayer at the beginning and the end of the session every year are too short "to acknowledge how much this vast undertaking, with all its complications and difficulties, must rely on divine assistance". We have also been invited to imagine what a revelation it would be "if we could in some way form a joint impression of what is going on in those many minds at that extremely important moment" when the General Assembly is beginning or ending its sessions. "What hopes are contained therein, what determinations, what destructive intentions and what legitimate calls for assistance and guidance? A glance would be enough to reassure the fearful minds outside of the sum total of patience, valour, loyalty with respect to what is right and pure integrity that go into this common effort which perhaps represents the sole hope left to mankind."
238.	It has also been said that that "would be the faithful reflection of the United Nations, but only God sees that". We might see the true and final design of peace, visible thus far only as an incomplete outline, but taking shape as the message of the United Nations is brought to the world. The disbelievers will see how many hearts are echoing the words of Saint Paul to the Corinthians: "For a great door and effectual is opened unto me, and there are many adversaries".