It is an honour for me to convey to Mr. Hollai on
behalf of the Gabonese delegation and on my own
behalf, our warmest congratulations on his
election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh
session of the General Assembly. Aware as we are
of his wealth of diplomatic experience and his
brilliant qualities, to which all previous
speakers have paid a tribute, I am convinced that
under his enlightened, fair and balanced
guidance, our work will be conducted in an
atmosphere of calm and dignity and will yield
useful results, thus living up to our
expectations. I should therefore like to assure
him at that the Gabonese delegation will always
be ready to co-operate with him in any way he
wishes, to assist in achieving his goals. To Mr.
Kittani, Deputy Foreign Minister of Iraq,
President of the thirty-sixth session of the
General Assembly, I wish to say how highly we
esteem his judiciousness, effectiveness and sense
of moderation which he demonstrated throughout a
tenure of office during which he had to deal with
many difficult and delicate questions within the
framework of a seriously declining international
situation. The Government of Gabon has already
had occasion to convey its official
congratulations to Mr. Perez de Cuellar, the new
Secretary-General, on his election to the chief
office of the Organization. r wish here to repeat
our profound satisfaction at his appointment,
which is an honour not only to Peru but also to
the whole third world, and to assure him once
again that he can always count on the Gabonese
Government for the necessary understanding and
support in the accomplishment of his difficult
and delicate task.

130. There is now a well-established tradition
that we, the representatives of Member States,
should meet here each year to review the
international situation. By evaluating the
accomplishments since the last session and
exchanging views on future prospects, we attempt
to define together the objectives to be attained
and the tasks to be performed for the coming
period.

131. The thirty-seventh session of the General
Assembly has opened in a very dramatic climate,
marked by the tragic events in Lebanon, the
fratricidal war between Iraq and the Islamic
Republic of Iran, the aggression against Angola
by South Africa, the presence of foreign
occupation troops in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea
not to mention other sources of tension which
imperil security and peace in other parts of the
world.
132.	The peaceful settlement of conflicts
through negotiation, the very basis of detente
and inter-national co-operation, is increasingly
giving way to the use of naked and blind force, a
phenomenon that is becoming more and more
frequent and indeed seems now to be the rule in
diplomatic practice.

133.	The right of peoples to decide on their
own destiny, although universally recognized, is
far from being accepted and applied by those
Powers which hold sway over them.

134. New forms of political and economic
domination are emerging and developing,
aggravating injustice and imbalances, a source of
tension and conflict which imperil international
peace and security.

135.	There is no denying that international
relations are now going through a difficult
period and the persistence of these tensions and
conflicts is subjecting the Organization to a
considerable ordeal and exposing the
international community to new perils.

136.	In the Middle East the recent invasion of
Lebanon by Israel with all its disastrous
consequences has even further complicated a
situation that was already explosive in that
region. The recent massacres committed in the
Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut have filled
us all with shock and horror. The international
community has unanimously condemned that odious
crime, which sounds the death knell of a certain
morality which hitherto had compelled respect for
non-combatants' right to life. Let us hope that
that criminal act will not open the way to a new
cycle of blind and murderous violence, whose
first victims are liable to be more innocent
people.

137. The situation in the Middle East has now become
so serious that the United Nations, with the
total support of the great Powers permanent
members of the Security Council, must more than
ever before do everything in its power to halt
war and to look for a comprehensive, just and
durable solution that will restore peace to that
sorely troubled region. Such a solution can never
be based on force and must there-fore be accepted
by all, because it has become clear that there
can be no solution to the Middle East crisis if
it fails to take account of the interests of all
parties. This entails the restoration by Israel
of the Arab territories occupied in 1967, the
participation by Palestinians in the peace
negotiations, and, of course, all necessary
international commitments guaranteeing to all the
right to existence within secure and recognized
borders.

138.	Furthermore, Gabon is profoundly
concerned over the bloody and prolonged conflict
between Iraq and Iran which is jeopardizing peace
and security in that so sensitive and vital part
of the world.

139.	On the strength of its close and friendly
relations with the two States in question, Gabon
once again appeals to the sense of responsibility
and real-ism of their leaders to put an end to
that fratricidal war so that dialogue and
negotiation may commence, in accordance with the
spirit of the Charter and the principles of
non-alignment to which both countries have
subscribed.

140.	The situation has become even more
explosive in that part of the world through the
existence on the borders of Iran of another
source of tension: Afghanistan, a country rent by
a terrible internal war.

141. The United Nations must continue its past
actions and its efforts to secure the withdrawal
of foreign troops fighting in that country. It is
only after that withdrawal that the peoples
concerned will be able freely to express
themselves and to determine the regime of their
choice, which alone can guarantee the sovereignty
of Afghanistan and safeguard its non-alignment.

142. The same applies to Kampuchea, where the
legal, internationally recognized regime is not
able to exercise its authority throughout the
territory because of the presence of foreign
troops. We wish to encourage the initiatives
aimed at restoring legitimacy and democracy to
Kampuchea taken by the free political forces of
that country as well as by the independent States
of the region.

143. With regard to the Korean peninsula, the
division of the country into two distinct
antagonistic States because of differences in the
political options of the present regimes is a
sequel of the cold war of a bygone era, a time of
confrontation of the rival ambitions of East and
West. Faithful to its motto-dialogue, tolerance,
peace-Gabon has always recommended that the two
parties should sit down at a negotiating table
and together, without foreign interference, seek
ways and means of permitting the reunification of
the country. This position was recently once
again reaffirmed by the Gabonese head of State,
El Hadj Omar Bongo, who stated:

"It is through dialogue and dialogue alone, in
the spirit of the joint communique issued on 4
July 1972 whereby the two Koreas announced to the
world their wish to work peacefully for
unification, that the peninsula will achieve this
end in the interest of peace and security, rot
only in Korea but also in the world at large.

144. The violence of the conflicts which we have
just described b    s its consequence, it would
appear, that of polarizing and attracting the
concern of the international community, which
gives the impression of being less attentive to
what happens in Africa. Are we to believe that
the problems of Africa arouse only secondary
interest and that compassion and fraternal
solidarity are aroused only by what happens
outside the black continent?

145. Nevertheless, in Africa people are dying by
the thousands and continuing to die in the south
of the continent-in Namibia, Angola and
elsewhere-because of the aggressive acts of the
South African racists dictated by their inhuman
policy of apartheid. In spite of the unanimous
censure of the inter-national community, in spite
of the appeals and condemnations of the United
Nations, the racist Government of Pretoria
continues imperturbably and I with impunity its
disgraceful policy of segregation and continues
to subject the black community to terror and
violence. Expeditious methods of physical
elimination have now become common practice. The
arsenal of unjust laws is constantly being
strengthened and ever more sophisticated in order
better to neutralize and subjugate the black
people, whose sons, within the African National
Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress, are
being imprisoned, tortured, martyred and murdered
every day in their heroic resistance struggle.

146. This heinous policy, which everyone has
utterly censured and condemned, can be carried on
only thanks to the massive support of major
international capital and the proved complicity
of the Governments of countries which possess in
South Africa powerful and varied interests. Once
again we call upon those Governments to cease all
co-operation with the racist Government of
Pretoria, in accordance with United Nations
resolutions, and to exert on that Government all
appropriate pressure to prevail upon it to
abandon its apartheid policy and to permit the
black majority finally to occupy in dignity and
equality of rights and duties its proper place in
national life.

147. With regard to Namibia, the South African
government does not appear to wish to give way
and to comply with the will of the international
com-munity. The independence of Namibia, which
should have been achieved long ago, is constantly
being postponed from year to year because of the
refusal by Pretoria to put an end to its illegal
occupation of that country. The South African
army, which is meeting with heroic resistance
from the valiant people of Namibia, is not only
sowing terror and desolation among the innocent
civilian population but also attacking, now
openly, neighbouring countries, particularly
Angola. It is inadmissible that the great Powers,
which bear responsibility for peace in the world,
should countenance this arrogant policy of
aggression, which is a violation of international
law and flouts international morality. The
Governments of the five Western States of the
contact group must impose on the Pretoria
Government the settlement plan contained in
Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which is
the only valid basis for negotiation.

148. The manoeuvres of Pretoria to justify its
illegal occupation of Namibia by the presence of
its forces on the territory of Angola cannot
possibly deceive anyone, and blackmail aimed at
establishing a link between the withdrawal of its
troops from Namibia and the presence of Cuban
troops in Angola is inadmissible and must be
rejected. Indeed we are all aware that South
Africa is illegally occupying Namibia, an
international Territory under the sovereignty of
the United Nations, while the Cuban troops are in
Angola on entirely legal grounds, by virtue of
agreements negotiated and concluded in full
independence and liberty by two sovereign States.
Consequently, there can be no question of linking
the two facts, and the Governments of the five
States of the contact groups must make the South
African government see this. Africa-indeed the
whole international com-munity-demands that South
Africa withdraw from Namibia so that the people
of that country, fighting so heroically, can
exercise freely its right to self-determination
and accede to national sovereignty with
territorial integrity.

149. The United Nations will thus have succeeded
in putting an end to an anachronistic colonial
situation that is unacceptable in the world
today, where all men, all peoples, all countries
must be free, equal and sovereign.

150. The violence, conflict and war which trouble
peace and security in the world are all part of
the absurd logic of man's self-destruction, to
which the folly of the arms race is inexorably
leading-an arms race which is assuming a pace and
proportions that are more and more alarming. The
continuance of the manufacture and accumulation
of increasingly sophisticated nuclear weapons and
other weapons of mass destruction and the
development of biological and chemical weapons
with terrifying effects are leading inexorably to
a wholesale conflagration.

151. This real danger of a planetary catastrophe,
although everyone is aware of it, is.
Unfortunately, not sufficient to halt the arms
race in which the great Powers are engaged. It
has become commonplace to describe the vast sums
spent on armaments, just as it has become
commonplace to denounce the wastage of all the
resources spent in that way-resources which could
have been devoted to development needs-but, such
is man's nature that, blind to the obvious, he
pursues his course imperturbably, even if it is a
path that leads to the abyss.

152.	The failure of the second special session
of the General Assembly on disarmament, held here
last June, is a sad example of that blindness. At
that session representatives of the
non-nuclear-weapon States as at the first special
session on disarmament, vigorously denounced the
mad arms race and the wastage of resources and
urged the great Powers to put an end to the
policy of over-armament, to abolish weapons of
mass destruction and to embark on a process
leading to general and complete disarmament. We
must recognize, unfortunately. that that appeal
fell on deaf ears and at that session the
Assembly was unable to come up with any positive
measure.

153.	Nevertheless. Gabon believes that we
should not lose hope and that the efforts already
begun should be continued, to prevail upon the
great Powers to adopt a more co-operative
attitude towards the United Nations which must be
in a position to play its full and proper role in
disarmament negotiations.

154.	General and complete disarmament is a
vital necessity. not only because it will put an
end once and for all to the ever-growing risk of
a planetary conflict but also because it will
free the huge sums of money now being swallowed
up in the arms race and enable them to be used
for reviving the world economy which. as we can
see is today in a state of general collapse.

155.	Indeed many studies undertaken recently
both by the World Bank and by UNCTAD present a
very gloomy picture of the economic situation in
the world. The slowing down of economic expansion
has spared no region no group of countries
whatever the level of development or economic
structure. This slowing down has been
particularly clear in the' developing countries
where we have witnessed a sizeable increase in
unemployment and a significant and constant
decline in national income.

156.	It is unlikely that the international
economic situation will make possible any revival
of growth in the developing countries in the next
few years. The export of these countries will
continue to decline until there is a clear
revival of the economies of the industrialized
countries. Similarly. the decline in the terms of
trade, which is reflected in the increase• in the
prices of capital goods and the decline in the
prices of commodities, the malfunctioning of the
inter-national monetary system engendered by the
abandonment of fixed parities and the increase in
interest rates, which has now placed an
intolerable burden on debt servicing, do not give
grounds for optimism; they are all reasons for
the general economic recession we can see in the
developing countries.

157.	The industrialized countries do not seem
to be concerned about this situation. On the
contrary, they are multiplying protectionist
measures in the name of their national interests,
in flagrant violation of the international norms,
which are in any case unfavourable to the
developing countries.

158.	It is to deal with this situation,
pending a restructuring of the world economy,
that we have found it necessary to call for an
increase in bilateral aid, particularly official
development aid. Similarly, multilateral
institutions should adopt more flexible methods
in this regard. It would, for example. be
desirable that the share of the resources of the
Inter-national Monetary Fund [IMF] allocated for
co-operation for developing countries be granted
on more favourable terms and for the World Bank
to increase Hs loans to those countries, which of
course presupposes a strengthening of its means
of intervention.

159. In my statement to the General Assembly at
its thirty-sixth session [27th meeting]. I said
that I placed great hopes in the International
Meeting" on . Co-operation and Development at
Cancun, which was supposed to launch the process
of global negotiations. Unfortunately. those
negotiations have not yet got under way. and
millions of people who are calling for the
establishment of a new international economic
order fail to understand how this year again 'We
have been unable to reach an agreement that would
make it possible for the negotiations to begin. .

160. It is in order to mitigate the effects of
this momentary failure in the North-South
dialogue. a failure we all deplore, that the
developing countries have been trying to organize
regionally and sub-regionally. In our own
sub-region, for example, on the initiative of El
Hadj Omar Bongo, President of the Gabonese
Republic, 11 heads of State and Government met
this year in Libreville, Gabon, and, in keeping
with the spirit of the Lagos Plan of Action;5
laid the foundations of an economic community -of
Central African States, an organization that
should provide us with structures to expand and
promote trade and economic development among
member States and stimulate and. consolidate
regional solidarity and co-operation.

161. This need for solidarity and co-operation,
noted in the economic plan. has also been felt on
the cultural• level with just as much force. It
is clearly a vital imperative in the fight for
development, fulfilment and assertion of the
identities of the peoples of these States. which
have a profound awareness of their common
identity. That is why in the cultural field
-again on the initiative of President Bongo-the
representatives of the States of the Bantu world,
which embrace some ISO million persons,' met in
Gabon to attempt more closely to identify the
cultural dimension of development and to examine
the possibility of creating an international
centre for Bantu civilizations, a project agreed
upon by the UNESCO World Conference on Cultural
Policies, known as MONDIACULT, held last July in
Mexico City.

162. In the face of all these problems, all these
difficulties both economic and political, one
question naturally arises: how to create a more
favourable climate for international relations
and hence how to propose solutions likely to
satisfy the aspirations of States and peoples.

163. In the view of the Gabonese delegation, the
United Nations must enjoy increased effective
support from its Members if it is to become an
effective instrument in the service of the
community of nations in the consolidation of the
independence and sovereignty of all States, the
safeguarding of international security and the
strengthening of world peace.


):  I take pleasure in congratulating you,  Sir, on your election as
President of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. Your
effective contribution to the work of the United Nations and your
long service to your country, the Hungarian People's Republic, have
won you the confidence of the delegations participating in this
session. We hope that your work will be crowned with the success to
which we all look forward, so that the resolutions of this session
may reflect the aspirations of the inter-national community and deal
with the most important questions and issues on the international
scene. I am pleased also to pay a tribute to your predeces-80r, Mr.
Kittani, for the constructive efforts he made and the ability and
great skill with which he led the work of the last session and the
special sessions of the General Assembly this year.

72.	I take pleasure also,  on  behalf of the  State of  Bahrain,
in congratulating Mr. Perez de Cuellar on his election as
Secretary-General. His election to this high international position
is a recognition of his outstanding skill and experience in the work
of the United Nations. I should like here also to commend him on the
valuable report he submitted to the General Assembly at this session.
It contains a useful analysis of current international relations and
the challenges confronting the Organization, and it will assist us in
dealing with the questions and issues on the agenda.

73.	Since the last session the world has witnessed exceedingly
dangerous developments in international relations, where methods of
conflicts and confrontation have pre-empted those dialogue and
negotiation. Rivalry between the combatant groups has intensified,
increasing the number of wars and disputes and undermining
international peace and security, as has happened in Asia, Africa,
Latin America and the Middle East. Israel invaded Lebanon and
destroyed Beirut, the way in the Falkland Islands broke out, the
Irano-Iraqi war continues and Afghanistan is still suffering from
foreign military intervention. The situation in Kampuchea is still
serious and no settlement of the question of Cyprus has been reached.
We live today in a world dominated by selfishness and force, the
imposition of the will of the victor on the vanquished and the
reaping by the aggressor of the fruits of his aggression. This
situation constitutes a serious change in international relations,
which further intensifies disputes and regional and inter-national
crises.

74.	In our review at the twenty-sixth session of international
events, we referred to the establishment of the Gulf Co-operation
Council as a viable and constructive institution for collective
regional co-operation to meet the aspirations and ambitions of the
people of the region. The six member States have agreed in the
Charter of the Council to abide by their obligations under the
Charter of the United Nations, to act together to preserve peace,
security and stability in the region without foreign intervention,
and to develop political, economic, cultural and social relations
among themselves and with other States in the world for their benefit
and that of the world as a whole. As a result of the continuous
efforts and work of the leaders of the Gulf Arab States, the Council
has been able, within the short period that has elapsed since its
establishment in May 1981, to co-ordinate the efforts and policies of
the States of the region in regard to international issues. The
unified economic agreement which was concluded in November last year
laid down sound bases for economic self-sufficiency among these
States and for the co-ordination of their commercial and economic
policies with those of other States and other regional economic
groups. The establishment of the Council is a living example of
constructive regional co-operation and co-ordination based on the
common interests of the people of the region, to provide them with
security, stability and prosperity.

75. The Middle East region witnessed this 'year the recurrence of
serious events which threaten to undermine world peace, as a result
of the criminal Israeli invasion of Lebanon, which constitutes a
dangerous precedent in international relations and takes humanity
back to the law of the jungle. Lebanon is exposed now to the ugliest
forms of aggression, occupation and destruction. The Palestinian
people face- the danger of physical liquidation and mass
extermination by unprecedented means.

76. Israel, which claims to be a small State surrounded by other
States which surpass ~t in number and resources claims that it wants
peace with its neighbours. At the same time, it occupies Arab
territories one after the other, expelling and killing the legitimate
inhabitants in order to annex such territories to its racist
settlements. It subjects the rest of the inhabitants of those
territories to the worst forms suppression, injustice and torture in
an attempt to drive them out and replace them by Zionist settlers
coming from the four corners of the world. it builds settlements on
the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights, in addition to
annexing Arab Jerusalem and declaring it its permanent capital,
annexing the Golan Heights and attacking the Iraqi nuclear reactor
designed for peaceful purposes an attack contrary to the Charter of
the United Nations and many resolutions in this respect We ask the
Assembly whether such a policy, based on aggression and expansion,
implies in fact a desire for peace?

77. The tragedy of the Middle East arises from the denial of the
legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. The Palestinian question
is the core of the Arab-Israeli dispute. A just and comprehensive
peace in the Middle East region can be attained only by the
withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories and the
recognition of the legitimate and inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people, particularly their right to establish their
independent State on their national soil.

78. The question of Palestine which has existed since the
establishment of the United Nations is no longer unknown to anybody
in its dimensions and the tragedy of its people. It is the question
of a people expelled from its home and land, and denied for more than
34- years the exercise of its inalienable rights. That people, more
than any other people in history, is still suffering from
homelessnes3, deprivation and mass extermination at the hands of
world Zionism. In spite of the recognition by the United Nations of
the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to
their homeland, Israel denies them these rights and ignores all the
United Nations resolutions which acknowledge even part of the
inalienable and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.

79. The Israeli invasion of Lebanon aimed at the complete subjugation
of that peaceful country and the destruction of its independence and
sovereignty and the integrity of its territory. We warned from the
start of the consequences that such aggression could have on Lebanon
and the repercussions it would have on the situation in the Middle
East in general, and the Palestinian question in particular. To
inform the world public of the dangers of such aggression, the Arab
States have contacted all States permanent members' of the Security
Council urging them to contain this serious situation, put an end to
it and expose its dangers and repercussions. They have asked them to
shoulder their responsibilities under the provisions of the Charter
for the maintenance of peace and security, and to stop the massacre
and acts of genocide perpetrated by the Israeli forces against the
Palestinian and Lebanese people. They Have also asked for an
international move to' put an end to such unprovoked aggression save
the independence of Lebanon and the integrity of its territory.
implement Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 ,1982,
which call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the
invading Israeli forces from all Lebanese territories, and support
the efforts of the Lebanese Government to exercise its legitimate
authority and complete sovereignty within the internationally recognized
borders of Lebanon.

80. Terrorism has become the overt policy of Israel. as confirmed by
the tragic events which have taken place recently in Lebanon. The
world public has expressed its deep anger and disgust at the
appalling slaughter engaged in by Israel and its followers against
the unarmed civilians of west Beirut and the ugly massacres
perpetrated against the inhabitants of the Shatila and Sabra camps,
causing the death of hundreds of Palestinian families, mostly
children, old people and women. This brings back to our mind the
massacre carried out at Deir Yassin in Palestine in 1948 by the
terrorist Irgun Gang. led by the present Prime Minister of Israel.

81.	Israel, acting its violation of the agreement made with the
Lebanese government and the three States participating in the
multinational peace force in Lebanon, carried out these ugly
massacres after the departure of the Palestinian fighters from west
Beirut.
82.		At this crucial time, we appeal to the conscience of
the world, which is represented by the members here, to see to it
that the Organization moves from the stage of adopting resolutions of
condemnation to that of implementing those resolutions. We consider
that it is the duty of the General Assembly to request the Security
Council to reconsider the relations of the United Nations with
Israel, which is not a peace-loving Member and is bent on aggression
and expansionism, are shown by violations of international agreements
and persistent breaches of the Charter and resolutions of the United
Nations.
83.	Israel claims that peace and security are the reason for its
motivation of Lebanon, its annexation of the Golan Heights and its
inhuman practices against the inhabitants of the occupied Arab
territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, but it is in fact
bent on more expansion, aggression and domination. No Member of the
United Nations may invade and occupy the territory of another Member
on the pretext of strengthening and defending its borders, Israel has
made s security the excuse for perpetuating its expansionist policy
in Arab territories.

84. Israel's annexation of the Golan Heights, in spite of Security
Council resolution 497 (1981), means that it has no intention of
withdrawing from the Arab territories occupied since 1967 but is
aiming at the Judaization of those territories to serve the ambitions
and interests of zionism in the region.

85. Israel's occupation of Arab territories does not confer on Israel
any sovereignty over those territories however long that occupation
may last. Its attempt to legitimize its occupa6:m of those
territories i~ in clear breach of the principles of international
law, particularly the Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilian
Persons in Time of. War; of 12 August 1949.

86. It is indeed regrettable that the world has witnessed the
aggressive and criminal practices of Israel in Lebanon, the West Bank
and the Golan Heights without the Security Council having been able
to carry out its responsibilities and deter Israel from pursuing its
aggression. because of the use of the veto by the United States of
America time and time again to prevent the Security Council from
adopting deterrent measures under Articles 41 and 42 of the Charter.

87.	We believe that it is necessary to impose sanctions on
Israel, to compel it to respond to the will of the international
community. We ardently hope that the General Assembly will urge the
Security Council to carry out its duty of maintaining peace and
security in the Middle East by adopting the necessary measures under
Chapter VII of the Charter in order to compel Israel to stop its
aggression and end its occupation of Lebanon and other Arab
territories and its annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights. We al50
hope that the United States of America will take a stand in keeping
with its great responsibilities as a permanent member of the Security
Counsil.

88.	We support the international call for an investigation of the
atrocious crimes committed by Israel against the Lebanese and
Palestinian peoples and callfor an international trial of Israel for
the mass killings and criminal acts it perpetrated by using
internationally banned shells and weapons and destroying buildings
over the heads of their occupation in one of the harshest and ugliest
acts of genocide, which .vas witnessed daily by the whole world
through the mass media.
89.	The Palestinian people have proved their fighting ability by
their heroic stand against the Israeli invasion. They have prove to
the world that they are not merely a tiny group of terrorists, as
Israel claims but people struggling to retain their legitimate
rights. The Palestinian people s heroic struggle, under the
leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization has enhanced the
prestige of that organization as the sole and legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people and strengthened the loyalty
of the Palestinian people to the PLO.
90. Early last month, the leaders of the Arab States held the Twelfth
Arab Summit Conference at Fez. My country was one of those Arab
States that participated in the Conference. The Conference issued a
unified Arab plan for the solution of the Palestinian question. This
plan represents a genuine desire to find a durable solution of the
'Palestinian question and the problem of the Middle East. It consists
of eight points, which, in our view, are a good basis for the
solution of the problems relating to the situation in Palestine and
the Middle East. It is based on international legality as represented
by the principles and relevant resolutions of the United Nations,
starting with General Assembly resolution 181 (11) on the partition
of Palestine.
91. The plan ensures respect for international resolutions and
guarantees the Palestinian people the minimum of their rights as
prescribed in United Nations resolutions, including their right to
sovereignty, self-determination and the exercise of their inalienable
national rights on their national soil. It guarantees freedom of
worship to all religions in the Holy Places.
92. The plan consists of the following eight points. First, the
withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied in 1967,
including Arab Al Quds; secondly, the dismantling of settlements
established by Israel on Arab territories after 1967; thirdly, the
guarantee of freedom of worship and practice of religious rites for
all religions in the holy shrines; fourthly, the reaffirmation of the
Palestinian people's right to self- determination and the exercise of
its imprescriptible and inalienable national rights, under the
leadership of the PLO, its sole and legitimate representative, and
the identification of all those who do not desire to return; fifthly,
the placing of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip under the control of
the United Nations for a transitory period not exceeding a few
months; sixthly, the establishment of an independent Palestinian
State with Al Quds as its capital; seventhly, the guaranteeing by the
Security Council of peace among all States of the region, including
the independent Palestinian State; and eighthly, the guaranteeing by
the Security Council of respect for these principles.
93. This plan is in keeping with United Nations resolutions on the
question of Palestine and the situation in the Middle East. It
strengthens the role of the United Nations in establishing durable
peace in the region. It is in line with the? call of the Secretary-
General in his report of the work of the Organization to establish a
more stable system in the world based on international collective
security and to encourage the use of the machinery of the Charter for
this purpose. We believe that-his plan provides a good opportunity
for "the solution of a question which has proved difficult to solve
during the past three decades-a question which, if it remains
unsolved, will threaten the whole world with grave dangers.
Therefore, we appeal to all States to support this plan and work
towards its implementation, in order to maintain peace and security
in that sensitive part 'of the world.

95. The Iraqi-Iranian war has now entered its third year, since it
broke out in September 1:•80. This war has begun to take on new and
more dangerous dimensions threatening to create• an explosive
situation in the whole region. There is no doubt that if this war
continues, it will spread and drive the whole region into the turmoil
of an international conflict.

96.	We have on more than one occasion expressed great concern and
deep sorrow at the continuation of the dispute between Iraq and Iran
and called for a stop to this long and bloody conflict in order to
avert more bloodshed and rescue both countries from the ravages and
destruction of war.

97.	We earnestly hope that these two neighbour States will be
able to negotiate a just and durable solution to their dispute,
particularly after the withdrawal by Iraq of its forces from the
international border and its declaration that it is ready to
negotiate with Iran and solve the differences existing between them
by peaceful means. We also hope 'ha' the good offices of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, the non-aligned countries and
the United Nations will succeed in securing a cease-fire between the
two countries and finding a solution to their differences by peaceful
means. We continue to welcome, as we did before, the response of the
sister country of Iraq to the mediation efforts of the Good Offices
Committee, particularly its readiness to observe a cease- fire and
withdraw its forces to the international border. We hope that the
Islamic Republic of Iran will also respond to the mediation efforts
of that Committee in the same manner as Iraq has already done.

98. The situation in the Horn of Africa is still a source of concern
and instability. We hope that disputes and differences in that region
will be solved by peaceful means within the framework of the OAU so
that a peaceful settlement that will be just for all parties may be
reached so that the people and States in that region of the world may
be enabled to Jive together in peace, security and amity.

99.	As regards Western Sahara, we regret the failure of the
efforts of the OAU to settle that question peacefully, and we hope
that collective efforts will be made to find a just solution to this
dispute so that peace and stability may prevail in the region.

lOO. We welcome the efforts for the independence of Namibia made by
some Western States in the contact group. We welcome the positive
steps taken to implement the United Nations plan for the
independence of that country pursuant to Security Council resolution
435 (1978), which is the proper legal frame-work for the peaceful
settlement of the Namibian question. We should like to reaffirm
Bahrain's support for and solidarity with the just struggle of the
people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO. We appeal to all
States Members of the United Nations to put pressure on the
Government of Pretoria and to impose sanctions against it under
Chapter VII of the Charter in order to compel it to abandon the
detested policy of apartheid it practises against the black majority
of the people of South Africa and to support the struggle of that
majority to regain its legitimate rights to freedom, equality and
human dignity.

101. Faithful to the principle of non-intervention in the domestic
affairs of States, the State of Bahrain has called for an end to the
Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. We have made clear before the
Assembly our stand with regard to the settlement of the Afghan
question. We are still convinced that there should be a political
solution to this question in accordance with the United Nations
resolutions that ca)) for the withdrawal of foreign forces from
Afghanistan, for respect for Its sovereignty, independence and
non-aligned status and for respect for the right of the people of
Afghanistan freely to choose their political, economic and social
system free from any foreign intervention in their domestic affairs.

102. With regard to the Korean question, the State of Bahrain,
respecting the will of the Korean people, welcomes the efforts made
to settle peacefully the dispute between North and South. We hope
these will lead to the establishment of peace and security under a
unified State free from any foreign intervention.

103.	The world economic situation is no better this year than it
was last year. The world economy still suffers from recession and
inflation. The gross national product of some developing countries
has diminished because of the scarcity of national resources and the
decrease of financial aid and loans from developed to developing
countries, particularly to those of low income. The global
negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic
order still face difficulties that are caused by the policies and
positions of the developed countries. The hopes that were pinned on
the International Meeting on Economic Co-operation and Development,
which was held at Cancun in 1981, to establish a just and fair new
international economic order have been dashed. No tangible Progress
has been made in the global negotiations between the developed and
the developing countries in narrowing the gap between their policies,
although both are equally convinced of the fact of the
inter-dependence of interests in world economic relations. We cannot
conceive of a just and fair international economic order that would
solve the problems and meet the needs of the world without changing
current international economic   relations   to   remove   the
injustice and. inequality that exist in the present international
economic order.

104.. It is indeed regrettable that the second special session on
disarmament, held last June, ended without any appreciable results in
the efforts of the United Nation to adopt a comprehensive programme
of disarmament valid to the end of this century. The failure to adopt
effective measures at that session is the result, in our view, of the
deterioration of the international situation, regional conflicts and
the policy of confrontation in the relations between the great
Powers, shrouded as they are in suspicion as well as rivalry, the
arms race and non adherence to the concept of collective security
prescribed in  the Charter.
105.	In this context, we applaud the report of the Independent
Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues prepared under the
chairmanship of Olof Palme and entitled "Common Security-a program
for disarmament. That report stresses the Importance of survival,
rather than the annihilation that threatens humanity, in objective,
impartial and independent way and points out the fatal dangers in the
manufacture and trade in arms. It emphasizes the need for confidence
among States before an attempt is made to achieve international
disarmament.

106. We hope that the General Assembly will consider the report with
the attention it deserves so that the huge amounts of money spent on
armaments may be rechanneled to projects for economic and social
development, for the maintenance of security and for affording
prosperity to mankind.

107. After nine sessions of negotiations and exhaustive discussions,
the Third United Nations Conference of the Law of the Sea was able to
adopt a comprehensive convention which IS regarded as a great
achievement by the United Nations in the field of the regulation and
codification of the rules of the law of the sea and the exploitation
of the resources of the seas and oceans, which are the common
heritage of mankind. We hope that all States participating in the
Conference will accept the Convention4 after it is signed at the
final session of the Conference.

108. In spite of the failure of the United Nations to accomplish many
of the purposes and principles for which It was established,
particularly those having to do with international disputes and
crises, it has been able to do great and positive things in many
fields--economic, cultural, humanitarian and others. This emphasizes
the importance of its existence and the need to support its
principles and activities and to act for the implementation of its
resolutions so as to strengthen its role in international life.

109. My country's delegation hopes that at this session the General
Assembly will adopt appropriate resolutions to strengthen confidence
among Member States and to meet the aspirations of the people of the
world. I have the honour to state from this rostrum, on behalf of the
Government and people of Bahrain, our complete readiness to act in
this direction, with the other peoples and States represented in this
international forum, for the achievement of peace, justice and
prosperity. Bahrain will continue to abide by its obligations to the
United Nations and to be faithful to the Charter, for the
accomplishment of the goals for which the Organization was
established in 1945.


I should like first of all to express the
heartfelt congratulations of the Senegalese
delegation to you, Sir, on your brilliant
election to the presidency of the Assembly. Your
long experience in the United Nations, your
unanimously recognized competence, your solid
intellectual and moral qualities is all a
guarantee of the success of this important
session.
84.	It is also a great pleasure for me to pay
a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for
the remarkable way in which he conducted the
debates at the thirty- sixth session. We express
these feelings to him, with pride and
appreciation, convinced that the results attained
at the many sessions that took place this year
are due in large measure to the expertise and
intelligent authority that he demonstrated in
accomplishing his delicate task.
85.	I wish to pay a tribute also to the
Secretary- General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, for his
tireless efforts and to congratulate him warmly
once again on behalf of Mr. Abdou Diouf,
President of the Republic of Senegal, and on
behalf of the Government and people of Senegal,
on his election as Secretary-General. For almost
a year now, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, through his
repeated initiatives and courageous actions, has
been engaged in the promising beginning of work
that Will be remembered in history as
particularly positive for the peace and security
of the world.
86.	The thirty-seventh session of the General
Assembly is opening at an especially disquieting
time in international affairs with an increase
and intensification of hotbeds of tension and
various conflicts as well as an ever-worsening
imbalance in political and economic relations
among nations. Thus relations between the major
Powers are steadily deteriorating, the prospects
for effective disarmament seem to be receding and
throughout the world the problems dividing
peoples are multiplying dangerously. Moreover,
progress in reorganizing the world economy on a
more just and agreed basis is perilously slow.
87.	We must therefore determine how to use
the framework, structures and procedures provided
us by the United Nations to improve, in peace and
stability, the situation of the world.
88.	In contributing to this debate, we should
like to express first of all, on behalf of Mr.
Abdou Diouf, head of State, and of our country,
Senegal, the fervent hope that at this session
the Assembly will not shy away from the need for
a lucid analysis of the problems confronting the
international community nor from the courageous
and persistent search for the most appropriate
solutions, so that mankind may at last come to
experience an era of peace, security and
prosperity in the very spirit of the Charter of
the United Nations.
89.	Indeed, the situation facing the
community of nations is but a sign that the
international order which was established after
the Second World War has run its course. Among
the anomalies in this international order,
colonialism and apartheid have shown exceptional
longevity. Outlawed by the international
community for many years now for its odious
system of government, South Africa, supported
materially, financially and militarily by certain
industrialized States, still arrogantly ignores
the resolutions and recommendations of the
Organization. Today, four and a half years after
the adoption of the settlement plan which was to
have led Namibia to independence, the Pretoria
racist regime is still trying, through
unspeakable maneuvers, to promote the
establishment of a so-called internal
Settlementóas though the edifying example of
Zimbabwe had not demonstrated the fate that
history unfailingly reserves for that type of
undertaking. Not satisfied with trampling
underfoot the resolutions and decisions of the
United Nations, the Government of South Africa
persists in its use of violence and repression
against Namibian patriots while perpetrating ever
more acts of aggression against neighbouring
States in general, and in particular, against
Angola, part of whose territory remains occupied
illegally by Pretoria's troops.
90.	It is none the less a fact that the mobilization
of South Africa's political and military
apparatus can in no way affect the outcome of the
freedom fight waged by our brothers of the South
West Africa People's Organization.
91.	A year ago, during the eighth special
session of the General Assembly, devoted to the
question of Namibia, a good number of us still
harbored the hope that 1982 would be the year of
independence for Namibia. Those hopes were
dashed, basically because of the delaying tactics
of the Pretoria leaders. In fact, in response to
the responsible and courageous attitude taken by
SWAPO in the negotiations initiated by the
contact group of the five Western countries,
South Africa, running out of pretexts, is today
attempting to give an East-West dimension to a
strictly colonial-type problem by making new
demands of certain sovereign States in the region
at every stage.
92.	My delegation wishes once again to appeal
to the group of Western countries that initiated
the settlement plan to bring more pressure to
bear on the Pretoria regime to induce it, in the
negotiations under way, to comply with the
provisions of Security Council resolution 435
(1978), the only valid framework in which a
solution in accordance with the legitimate
aspirations of the Namibian people can be founds
93.	In this respect, it is fitting to
underscore the efforts undertaken, in sometimes
difficult conditions, by the five countries of
the contact group. May they find in our words
renewed encouragement to continue these efforts,
because a solution to the Namibian problem will
be an important stage towards peace and stability
in that part of the world?
94.	We say "stage" because genuine peace
cannot be established in southern Africa so long
as the racist minority continues to deny the
majority in South Africa itself the fundamental
right to a life of dignity and freedom. The
condemned system of apartheid, which has created
a dangerous and explosive situation throughout
southern Africa, calls for active solidarity on
the part of all of us with the oppressed majority
of South Africa. I take this opportunity to
reaffirm here, on behalf of my country, the
determination of the Government and the people of
Senegal to continue to provide aid and support
to our brothers in South Africa organized in the
African National Congress and the Pan Africanist
Congress.
95.	At the other end of the continent,
Western Sahara is today the basis for problems
which Africa couM and should have been able to
avoid. We in Senegal continue to hope that a
dynamic African-style compromise will be found
soon in order to extract the continental
organization from the present dangerous impasse.
96.	As for the Comorian island of Mayotte, we
shall continue to encourage the parties concerned
to engage in constant dialogue and we reiterate
our readiness to do everything within our means
to help them to do that.
97.	It often happens that on the eve of a
session an important event moves to front stage
on the international scene. This applies today
to the Middle East crisis. The deterioration of
the situation in that part of the world has now
reached alarming proportions. The problem before
us in that region is all the mote alarming
because the Security Council has still not
managed to obtain the implementation of the
measures it has adopted to achieve the
restoration of a just peace in that area through
respect for the immutable principles of
international law.
98.	Since the last three sessions of the
General Assembly, the Israeli leaders have not
confined themselves to making further claims on
the occupied Arab territories: they have again
moved into action with the annexation of the
eastern part of the city of Jerusalem in June
1980, action which the international community
condemned in the most categorical terms and which
my country, Senegal, continues to oppose within
the Al Quds Committee of the Organization of the
Islamic Conference.
100. Thus, after having annexed the Syrian Golan
Heights last December, the Tel Aviv authorities,
deaf to the repeated appeals of the international
community, seem today to have decided to
accelerate the process of annexing the occupied
territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip,
while the occupation of part of the Lebanese
territory continues. The criminal massacre just
a few days ago of innocent Palestinian
civiliansówomen, children and the
elderlyóunfortunate once again demonstrates a
policy which is immoral and categorically
condemned by international law. By that new act
of blind violence, Israel has once become an
outlaw in our communally, which has M down its
rules for peaceful and sound coexistence based on
philosophical and political principles that have
constituted and still constitute the positive
extension of all that is lofty and great in the
history of human endeavor.
101.	Need we recall the bloody premeditated
invasion of Lebanon by Israel in June 1982, with
the avowed purpose of drowning the resistance of
Palestinian patriots in blood? The military
liquidation of the PLO, in Israeli logic, was
designed to allow the Tel Aviv authorities to
impose on the inhabitants of the occupied
territories an ' autonomous" status which would
only facilitate the final annexation of the
territories occupied by force since 1967. The
blind massacre of Lebanese id Palestinian
civilians therefore compounded the most serious
challenge that has ever been posed to the
authority of the Organization.
102.	Thus defying with impunity the authority
of the United Nations, Israel continues to demand
that the legitimate rights of the peoples of the
region be sacrificed to the imperatives of its
so-called security. It is clear that the United
Nations could not and cannot accept the dangerous
prospect of such a situation.
103.	The Palestinian nation exists; it is
built on suffering and frustration and seasoned
by years of struggle for freedom and
independence. As it hails the courage and
determination with which the valiant Palestinian
patriots continue to resist the repeated assaults
of the Israeli aggressor, my country, Senegal,
wishes solemnly to reaffirm here its constant and
unswerving support of the Palestinian cause,
under the guidance of its authentic and
legitimate representative, the PLO, courageously
led by Yasser Arafat, to whom I wish here, on
behalf of my country, to pay a heartfelt tribute
for the admirable and victorious way in which for
several weeks he organized the heroic Palestinian
resistance in west Beirut. To that I add the
support of the Senegalese people for the brother
people of Lebanon which, through its dignity and
spirit of self-sacrifice, is providing the world
a living example of its genius and capacity for
survival.
104.	The Committee on the Exercise of the
Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People,
over which my country has the honor to preside,
long ago outlined the framework for a just and
comprehensive solution of the Middle East
question. In the past as today, our basic
objective must be to implement the
recommendations of that Committee, as well as
those of the
Security Council, so that the Palestinian people
will not lose hope in the triumph of
international law, for, if it did, that would
only pointlessly prolong a tragedy whose outcome
in the short or long run is perfectly clear:
nothing can be imposed on a people which refuses
to submit.
105.	The stakes are high. At issue is the
credibility of the United Nations in small
countries and with oppressed peoples, which, like
the Palestinian people, are only claiming their
right to freedom and independence.
106.	It makes our countries very bitter to
note that the indifference to the appeals of the
community of nations has become almost deafness
today when problems directly affecting the
freedom and dignity of third-world peoples are
involved. Like the peoples of South Africa,
Namibia and Palestine, the peoples of Kampuchea
and Afghanistan remain subject to laws imposed
upon them by foreign Borders in defiance of the
principles of the Charter, in all those cases the
Nations has repeatedly demanded the withdrawal of
the occupying troops and the restoration the
sovereignty of those States by the formation of legitimately
chosen government. My country, Senegal with
continue to support law and justice, which are on
the side of those who are subjected by force to
intolerable situation, as is the case today of
Kampuchea and Afghanistan.
107.	With respect more particular to the
problem of Kampuchea, the Net/ Committee Mel's
was created by the International Conference
convened on the question in July 1981óa Committee
ever which my country presidesóis continuing it?,
efforts to formulate concrete proposals so Chat
negotiations may at last take place, to the
benefit of the Kampuchean people, which has
suffered so much from this tragedy. True, a
solution is certainly not yet in sight, but there
is reason for hope, as attested to by the
formation last June of coalition government
composed of the various components of the heroic
resistance of the people of Kampuchea.
108.	With regard to Afghanistan, my country
has been following with sustained interest the
efforts made by the Secretary-General to achieve
an acceptable solution to this problem in the
true interest of this sorely tried brother
people. We remain ready, in the name of
solidarity among nations and the principles
contained in the Charter, to contribute to these
peace efforts within the limits of our modest
possibilities, convinced as we are that a
stubborn desire to find a solution by force will
simply pointlessly prolong the tragedy of the
people of Afghanistan and serve only to increase
tension among the States of the region.
109.	As for the distressing Iraq-Iran
conflict, the international community should show
greater tenacity by increasing and strengthening
the efforts already undertaken under various
auspices to induce the two belligerents to settle
their dispute by peaceful means, within the
framework of a comprehensive, just and honorable
solution. The Islamic Peace Committee,
established in January 1981 at Taif, the
mediation committee of the movement of
non-aligned countries, and the United Nations
have made praiseworthy efforts in this
connection; the international community should
encourage pursuit of those efforts in order to
put an end to a conflict with many repercussions
for international security.
110.	We should also give our attention to the
question of Korea. The principle of
reunification, which has been accepted by both
countries, should be encouraged by the
Organization.
111.	Peace through law, the basis for 4he
foundation of the United Nations, has not yet
been established as a guarantee of international
security. Quite the contrary, peace through
terror seems to have replaced the rule of law in
a world now more than ever before dominated by
clashes between the interests of Powers and
ideologies.
112.	While many decisions of the Organization
remain unimplemented, 3th race for destructive
power continues inexorably, posing an increasing
threat to the pea e and security of our planet.
113.	The difficulty of changing this
situation, which is so dangerous for the future
of mankind, has just been demonstrated once again
by the failure of the second special session of
the General Assembly devoted to disarmament,
which had inspired legitimate hope in all those,
like us, for whom halting the arms race is one of
the major concerns of our time. It is
disquieting, to say the least, the sum
international situation which is constantly
deteriorating, at that session it was not
possible to achieve some minimal results; this
points to a lack of genuine political will to
achieve progress. But the fact that that session
did not lead to concrete results only strengthens
our attachment to the historic validity of the
Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of
the General Assembly and to the comprehensive
program of disarmament prescribed therein, which
has become more imperative than ever. That
failure, however regrettable it may be, must not
win out over our determination to redouble our
efforts to succeed in the task of disarmament,
which remains one of the essential keys to
international peace and security.
114.	Important items on the agenda of that session ófor
example, those concerning studies, the
improve-ment of the effectiveness of
institutional machinery for disarmament and new
initiativesówere not considered substantively.
Along with other delegations present here, we
hope that this thirty-seventh session will
provide us with the opportunity to go more deeply
into these matters in our debates; they have the
highest priority of any, for on them depends the
security of the world.
115.	While current political events are a
source of preoccupation for the international
community, the economic situation, too, points to
the need to mobilize all possible political will
to make genuine progress. Indeed, if there are
anomalies in international political relations,
these exist alsoóand certainly to a greater
extentóin economic relations among nations. It is
good that everyone has realized this and that
there is unanimous agreement that one of the
great problems of our day is the revision of
economic relations, particular between the rich
countries and the poor countries.
116.	That problem is all the more crucial
because the disparities in the world economy,
especially between North and Southóand their
consequences for international co-operation for
developmentófoster a practically chronic
instability in world political relations.
117. Within nations, revolutions have always
resulted from injustice, abuses and social
inequalities But this time the shock-waves could
affect the international order itself, for we are
heartened by a vast worldwide confrontation
which could bring the rich of the world into
dangerous collision with the poor.
H8. Unfortunately, this year, like past years,
has provided a significant illustration of the
inadequacy of the efforts made by the developed
countries on behalf of the developing countries.
119.	There is, of course, some cause for
satisfaction, such as the successful outcome of
the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of
the Sea. But the various summits of the countries
of the North have not lived up with the
expectations of the countries of the South. They
have not resulted in the necessary decisions,
which would have been such as to lead to a
resumption of the North-South dialogue.
120.	In our view, the thirty-seventh session
of the General Assembly is all the more important
because of the solutions it must strive to find
for the many imbalances at present facing the
international economy. In that connection, this
session should promote the launching of global
negotiations, which will provide a long-term
framework for changing the present irrational and
unjust system of international economic relations.
121.	The head of State of Senegal, President
Abdou Diouf, has constantly emphasized the
special im-portance attached by my country to the
launching of global negotiations in order to
promote the international co-operation they are
bound to foster. For three years the General
Assembly has been adopting by consensus
resolutions concerning the global round of
negotiations. It is urgent; we feel that the
necessary political will will finally emerge in
order to bring about the consensus needed to open
the negotiations on an acceptable and just basis.
122.	I now come to a question to which my
Government attaches very great importance. I
refer to the drafting by the Organization of an
international convention against the
recruitment, use, financing and training of
mercenaries.
123.	The Government of Senegal, indeed, has
always defended here and elsewhere, on every
occasion, the principles recognized by the United
Nations, including those regarding the
independence, national sovereignty and equality
in law of States, non-interference in their
internal affairs, and the non-use of force in
relations between States. There is no need to
stress that respect for those principles is an
important condition for the establishment of
international peace and security.
124.	In that spirit, my Government believes
that no consideration of any kind can justify the
recruitment, use, financing and training of
mercenaries, or armed support for the actions of
certain groups which rise up in rebellion against
the legal Governments of sovereign States.
125.	It will be recalled that my country was a
sponsor of the text adopted as resolution 35/48
and played an active part in its adoption by the
Assembly. That resolution established the Ad hoc
Committee on the Drafting if an International
Convention against the Recruitment, Use,
Financing and Training of Mercenaries. We played
that role because Senegal believes that an
international convention on the subject would
make a contribution to the elimination of a major
cause of disturbances and destabilization in
relations between States.
126.	The threat posed by the activities of
mercenaries in the third world in general, and
in Africa in particular, has been growing.
Unfortunately, despite the impressive number of
resolutions adopted by the Security Council and
the General Assembly, as well as by the
Organization of African Unity [OAU] condemning
the activities of mercenaries, it can easily be
stated that the recruitment and use of
mercenaries, with orders to take destabilizing
action in independent African countries, has not,
it seems to us, noticeably diminished.
127.	In the face of that situation, the
African countries, through the OAU, have adopted
a convention on the elimination of mercenarism in
Africa. But that legal instrument is of only
regional scope and cannot solve the problem
throughout the world. To do that, there must be a
contribution by all the States members of the
community of nations, for most of those
mercenaries come from non-African countries.
Thus, only rational international co-operation
can rid the African continent and the rest of the
third world of the constant grave threat posed by
that danger.
128.	It is therefore the responsibility of the
Organization, and more specifically the General
Assembly, to draw up and adopt as swiftly as
possible the text of an international convention
against the recruitment, use, training and
financing of mercenaries in order to respond
adequately to the hopes the international
community has placed and continues to place in
the Organization.
129.	In this connection we should like to
welcome the draft convention that has been
introduced by Nigeria. We would venture to hope
that the Ad Hoc Committee will continue to give
this document all the attention its urgency and
importance merit. Furthermore, it is to be hoped
that the Ad Hoc Committee will not fail in its
mandate and that, after the recent adoption by
the General Assembly of the International
Convention against the Taking of Hostages, a
convention on mercenaries will complement the
range of legal instruments adopted by the United
Nations in order to provide effective protection
of human rights and the rights of peoples
throughout the world.
130.	The confidence which we place in the
United Nations has prompted us at this session to
reaffirm with all sincerity our earnest
commitment to seeking a permanent solution to the
burning issues of the present day. If relations
among nations are to be based on genuine peaceful
coexistence, it is essential that conciliation
rather than conflict, co-operation rather than
confrontation, be the general rule in these
relations. Only thus can our ultimate goalóto
bring about world peace on a total basis and in
perpetuity, together with prosperity and
justiceóbe achieved. To that end, a restructuring
of the Organization is more necessary than ever.
131.	In the state of restless change that is
the fundamental law of our present-day worldóand
never has change been as swift as it is todayóit
is essential that peoples and institutions adapt
to new conditions. The United Nations, our
Organization, can be no exception.
132.	The revision or, rather, the adaptation
of the Charter to the present international
situation is essential if we are to enhance the
effectiveness of the United Nations in settling
problems relating to peace and security
throughout the world. In this connection the
delegation of Senegal, in accordance with
instructions received from its Government, would
like to reiterate its support for and confidence
in the Special Committee on the Charter of the
United Nations and on the Strengthening of the
Role of the Organization and would encourage it
to pursue its work actively so as to conclude its
mandate as expeditiously as possible.
133.	It should not be forgotten that, by
virtue of the role it has played and continues to
play in the major turning-points in the history
of mankind, the United Nations remains the
support and hope, the refuge and benchmark for
nations in their ceaseless quest for peace and
happiness. It is for that reason that Senegal
Supports it and pledges its co-operation in its
historic, noble and inspiring work for the
survival of mankind.


On behalf of the people and Government of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria, I extend to Mr.
Hollai our warmest congratulations on his
election to and assumption of the office of
President of the thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly. His election is eloquent
testimony to his admirable personal qualities as
well as an honour to the Hungarian People's
Republic, with which, happily, my country,
Nigeria, enjoys very cordial relations. I am
quite confident that under his able and wise
guidance, our deliberations at this session will
be resoundingly successful. I assure him of the
full co-operation of my delegation in the
discharge of the heavy responsibilities of his
office. May I also pay a tribute to his
predecessor in office, Mr. Kittani of Iraq, who
presided over the thirty-sixth session of the
General Assembly with great dedication and
distinction. The able manner in which he guided
the proceedings of the thirty-sixth session when
grave issues of war and peace were at stake is a
credit to him and to his country, Iraq. I also
wish to congratulate Mr. Perez de Cuellar on his
well-deserved election to the exalted post of
Secretary-General. His election is thoroughly
deserved. It is not only a personal achievement
for him and for his country, but one in which we
of the third world can collectively take
justifiable pride. In the short time he has been
in office, Mr. Perez de Cuellar has already shown
great courage and a strong commitment to the
principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
We are indeed fortunate to have the services of
such a distinguished and accomplished
international statesman. He has assumed office at
a most difficult period in the life of the United
Nations, when confrontation has replaced detente
in relations between the super-Powers, when the
world economy is sinking into depression and when
naked aggression rather than peaceful coexistence
and respect for sovereignty has become the order
of the day in international relations. I pledge
to him the full support of my delegation in the
execution of the onerous task placed on his
shoulders.
The rapid and seemingly inexorable deterioration
in international relations is of great concern to
my delegation. Many of the global issues that
have plagued the Organization for many years have
persisted in the unwholesome atmosphere of
confrontation and repeated aggression. There is
no doubt that the great majority of nations are
dedicated to peace. Nevertheless, one is left
with the sad feeling that all our efforts are an
exercise in futility since none of the major
issues of our time appears to have been resolved.
The litany of political and economic crises which
now plague the world is formidable and spans
every region of the world.
Detente between the super-Powers has suffered a
severe setback. There has been a resurgence of
cold war attitudesóa situation which has been
further aggravated by the virtual state of
collapse of the international economic system.
The spirit of internationalism and the
interdependence of nations of the world have been
gravely impaired. Nations, particularly the big
Powers, are now resorting increasingly to the use
or threat of use of force in defense of what they
perceive to be their national interests. The
provisions of the Charter on the settlement of
international disputes and on the maintenance of
international peace and security are being
brushed aside and ignored by the big Powers in
pursuit of their narrow interests.
In this present climate of uncertainty, the
Secretary-General, in his report on the work of
the Organization, called Car measures to
strengthen the peace-keeping machinery of the
United Nations system and to develop the United
Nations as a more effective and viable instrument
for resolving disputes among States. He has
called our attention to the propensity of the big
Powers to bypass the United Nations whenever it
suits them and to the necessity to return to the
United Nations as the primary international
negotiating forum. His warnings are timely and
should be heeded by all Member States.
We are gravely concerned in particular about the
areas of tension which continue to exist in
Africa. We attach the utmost importance to peace
and stability in Africa, without which our
efforts to develop our countries will continue to
be frustrated. We are concerned about the
continued intervention in African affairs of the
big Powers and their attempt to turn Africa into
a cold-war theatre. Africa's efforts to solve its
problems in Western Sahara and the Horn of Africa
continue to be undermined by the intervention of
the big Powers. We deplore and view with
resentment these unwarranted interventions in our
internal affairs and the consequent
intensification of intra-African disputes.
Whenever it has seemed we are close to a peaceful
settlement of disputes among African States, the
process of peace has been gravely weakened and
undermined by the intervention of extra-African
Powers. Weapons of mass destruction continue to
find their way into our continent in the guise of
foreign military assistance. In order to maintain
their hegemony in Africa, the big Powers have
resorted to so- called military assistance, which
has increased sharply over all other forms of aid
in recent years. In addition, there has been an
insidious attempt by external forces to weaken
and destroy our continental organization, the
OAU, which they regard as inimical to their
dominant influence in our continent. The fact is
the OAU, now facing a serious assault by our
detractors, has contributed immensely to the
maintenance of peace and stability in the region.
By bringing Africa together and forging bonds of
unity within the continent, the OAU has
contributed to the fulfilment of provisions of
the Charter of the United Nations on the role of
regional organizations in resolving regional
disputes.
Let me assure our detractors now plotting daily
the demise of our organization that we will
emerge from our present crisis stronger than
ever. In the past our continental organization
has demonstrated its resilience and capacity by
withstanding several serious internal crises.
Africa remains committed to the maintenance and
continued stability of its continental
organization, and collectively we are determined
to repair the damage and the setback which it has
recently suffered.
My delegation is extremely disturbed and
distressed by the stalemate in the negotiations
on the independence of Namibia. I believe that we
have shown the utmost restraint and understanding
in the negotiations with the contact group. It is
not necessary to go over the ground covered in
those negotiations. However, it is necessary to
remind the Assembly that apartheid, South
Africa's Mandate over Namibia, has been
terminated by the United Nations and the
international Court of Justice. South Africa's
continued occupation of Namibia is illegal and in
defiance of the unanimous decision of the
Assembly, which gives protection to all nations.
The greatest threat to the survival of the United
Nations is the absolute disregard of its
decisions by a few recalcitrant nations. The
saddest aspect of the tragedy being played out in
the southern African region is that the apartheid
regime draws comfort, solace and support from the
same countries as arrogate to themselves the role
of defender of democratic freedoms. How can those
Western countries explain to the world why, in
spite of resolution 435 (1978), sponsored by the
contact group, adopted by the Security Council
and unanimously endorsed by the General Assembly,
effective pressure cannot be brought to bear on
South Africa to withdraw from Namibia as a
prelude to the implementation of the United
Nations peace plan for Namibia?
Last year the impression was created that the
Namibia issue was very near solution. It is now
crystal clear to all that a peaceful solution of
the Namibian problem is as far away as ever. It
is now obvious to us that the strategy is to wear
us down to a point where we shall throw up our
hands and say: "We have tried. Let Namibia fend
for itself." This strategy fails to take account
of the tide of history, of our resolve to rid our
continent of the last lingering vestiges of
colonialism and oppression, and of our rendezvous
with destiny.
A tenuous effort is being made to predicate the
independence of Namibia on the withdrawal of
Cuban troops from Angola. This is unfortunate,
and we reject this unwarranted and arrogant
demand; it has nothing to do with the legitimate
right of Namibia to self-determination. Right now
South Africa is occupying by force a portion of
the territory of the independent State of Angola,
which the foreign forces are there to protect.
But for the decision which Angola took, in the
exercise of its sovereignty, to invite the
foreign forces,	South Africa would have
recolonized it. We call upon the Western Powers
to support the principle of self-determination
for Namibia as a demonstration of their
sincerity. We maintain that South Africa's
occupation of Namibia is illegal, as well as
contemptuous of the United Nations. We believe
that the people of Namibia, under the leadership
of SWAPO, are entitled to their freedom and the
pursuit of happiness. We shall persist in this
belief and we shall continue to fight for this
belief until our brothers in Namibia are free.
Inside South Africa the racist regime has
intensified its reign of terror against the
blacks of that country, who are still being
denied their basic freedoms. Repression and
suppression of the blacks have continued with
unabated rigour. We have warned often enough that
the racist policies of the apartheid regime
represent a grave danger to peace and stability,
not only in Africa but throughout the world; for
peace and freedom are indivisible. The world
cannot be truly free and peaceful when parts of
it remain in bondage. Africa is committed to the
eradication of racism in South Africa. Nor will
it be deterred by the attempts of the racist
regime to destabilize and undermine the
independence of its neighbours. We call on the
Assembly to redouble its efforts and bring the
necessary pressure to bear on the apartheid
regime by imposing economic sanctions on it. Each
time we call for economic sanctions against South
Africa certain Western countries demur on the
ground that sanctions do not work. When, however,
the vital interests of the West are at stake
sanctions are invoked, as they have been over
Afghanistan, Poland and the Falkland Islands.
The present parlous state of the world economy is
a vindication of the warning that many developing
countries have issued for many years from this
rostrum. Today, in every country of the world,
the term "depression" is very well understood. At
this time last year we were describing the
economic phenomenon that we were experiencing as
recession. This year we call it depression. Very
few countries have registered any appreciable
growth in their economic activities during the
past year; as a matter of fact, the economies of
most countries have been badly ravaged. The
consequences of this decline in economic activity
are massive unemployment, incredibly high levels
of global inflation, high debt-servicing ratio
for many developing countries, sharp falls in
commodity prices, unstable exchange rates and
protectionism in international trade. The
slow-down in economic activity is global. The
present state of the world economy provides ample
proof that our economies are interdependent.
Agriculture has all but collapsed in many parts
of Africa, due in part to drought and, of course,
to the unreasonably low commodity prices,
including the high cost of agricultural
machinery. The fact is that many countries in
Africa spend a significant portion of their
meagre foreign exchange earnings on massive food
importations to stave off hunger. Very few
developing countries can afford, after paying for
food imports, to buy capital goods for
industries. The net result is that developed
countries are able to market only a small
proportion of their manufactured goods in these
countries, and so the vicious economic circle
persists.
The reluctance of the developed countries to
embrace the new international economic order so
necessary for combatting the global economic
crisis is deeply regrettable.
We are convinced that the present negative trends
in the world economy can be reversed. Since they
affect all countries, action should be taken
collectively to resolve them. It is therefore a
matter of deep regret that the prevailing mood in
the developed economies today is a negative one,
as illustrated by declines in the flow of
official development assistance, a clearly
expressed preference for bilateralism over
multilateralism which has seriously undermined
the integrity of the multilateral institutions of
the United Nations and, of course, the lack of
encouraging progress in negotiations on various
questions relating to international economic
co-operation for development. These trends
undermine the development process of developing
countries, but events have also shown that the
short-sighted and unilateral policies pursued by
certain developed countries are self-defeating
even for those countries.
Without losing sight of the need for a
fundamental restructuring of the world economy,
my delegation would like to join in the call
already made for reviving the waning spirit of
international economic co-operation in the
interest of steady global development and in
particular the accelerated development of
developing countries. My delegation is of the
view that opportunities for further enhancing
international economic relations still exist. It
is auspicious that two international meetings on
trade and development are scheduled to take place
within the next few months, namely, the GATT
Ministerial Meeting next November and the sixth
session of UNCTAD in mid- 1983. My delegation
believes that these meetings can contribute
immensely to the reactivation of international
trade and improved trading prospects for
developing countries, if the countries of the
North will show a more positive attitude
regarding the evident need to make the necessary
structural adjustments.
Similarly, the present structure of international
monetary and financial institutions leaves much
to be desired and calls for urgent reforms. My
delegation does not underestimate the
contribution being, made by international
financial institutions, such as the World Bank
group, to the development of developing
countries; but there are also many areas
requiring a better response by these institutions
to the special needs of developing countries. The
very stiff conditionally of International
Monetary Fund lending, for instance, is resented
by developing countries. While we are not
suggesting that the principles of sound financial
management should be compromised, we can see no
advantage in the application of medicine which
leaves the patient either worse off than before
or dead.
With the present credit squeeze unlikely to ease
immediately, the need for expanding the capital
base of the World Bank has become more urgent. It
is also timely to underline the inadequacy of
present development aid, as the performance of
donor countries has not gone beyond one half of
the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national
product solemnly agreed to in the International
Development Strategy for the Third United Nations
Development Decade. We urge them, therefore, not
only to step up official assistance to the poorer
nations but also to ensure that an increasing
proportion of that assistance flows through the
development organizations of the United Nations
system, which are currently experiencing critical
resources problems.
The development problems which confront the
international community today call for prompt and
equitable solutions. Important initiatives need
to be taken with a view to alleviating the
critical food shortages in several developing
countries, the slow pace of their
industrialization, and the low level of
technological attainment, for which the speedy
conclusion of negotiations for the international
code of conduct on the transfer of technology and
the establishment of long-term arrangements of
the United Nations financing system for science
and technology for development acquire special
significance.
A feeling of despair and despondency must be
avoided, despite the present mood. We should not,
in fact, overlook the bright spots in
international cooperation which, happily, have
resulted from certain efforts by the developing
countries.
Last year, much was said about the epoch- making
event of establishing a systematic framework for
the promotion of economic co-operation among
developing countries, through the adoption of the
Caracas Programme of Action. My delegation is
gratified to note that that initiative has been
further consolidated over the past few months,
through concrete action aimed at the mutual
economic advancement of States members of the
Group of 77. We believe that this process will
contribute to the strengthening of the individual
and collective self-reliance of developing
countries.
All countries, developed and developing, must
show a positive determination to grapple with the
present economic problems in a global and
concerted manner. In this connection my
delegation recognizes the need for ongoing
negotiations in various international forums to
proceed unhindered and with the requisite good
will and understanding, particularly by the
industrialized countries. We hope it will be
possible to launch global negotiations at this
session of the General Assembly, especially as
much precious time has been lost over peripheral
issues, apparently to gain certain advantages,
when what is needed is for every party to go to
the negotiating table with an open mind. Now, my
delegation hopes that with the flexibility and
spirit of compromise shown by the Group of 77
through the proposal submitted last June, our
partners will be more forthcoming on the question
of launching the global negotiations without
further delay. Three years after the adoption of
General Assembly resolution 34/138, it is surely
time the international community took that
long-awaited step for laying the basis for a more
just system of international economic relations,
capable of supporting the steady growth of the
world economy and particularly the accelerated
and self-reliant development of developing
countries.
In June this year Nigeria participated in the
deliberations of the second special session of
the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, in
the hope that ways and means could be found to
halt and reverse the extremely costly and
dangerous arms race. After five weeks of
intensive negotiations we discovered to our utter
disappointment that the nuclear-weapon States, in
particular, were neither willing nor ready to
listen to the voice of reason and sanity. We
recall the massive demonstration last June in New
York against the immense danger which nuclear
weapons pose to human survival. We listened to
representatives of innumerable non-governmental
organizations voicing their fears that the
current trend of the arms race might result in
nuclear war by accident, miscalculation or even
design. We should not be insensitive to those
justified fears of humanity.
Yet what did we achieve after five weeks of
debate and negotiations? We have neither halted
the arms race nor set in motion a single
disarmament measure. It is true that at the
second special session devoted to disarmament the
General Assembly launched the World Disarmament
Campaign and increased the United Nations
Fellowship Programme on Disarmament from 20
annual awards to 25. Those modest achievements
scarcely touched the heart of the matter. Year
after year, we helplessly watch the world's
military budget leap to higher and higher levels.
It is now of the order of $US 650 billion
annually. Not one nuclear Power believes that its
nuclear and conventional stockpile of arms has
attained the optimum level necessary to guarantee
its security. It is obvious that the more
sophisticated and enormous the quantum of
armaments at the disposal of each State, the less
secure the State possessing such arms feels. What
purpose is there in pursuing at such colossal
cost an unattainable mirage? The world feels more
insecure today than at any other time in the past.
The increasing reliance of nations on force rather than on negotiations
and the good offices of the United Nations for
the peaceful settlement of disputes is the root
cause of our feelings of insecurity, coupled with
the economic disaster, which has afflicted all
nations. While the world spends more than $US 650
billion yearly on armaments, mass unemployment,
hunger, disease and ignorance take a heavy toll
on two thirds of the world's population. It is a
great indictment of our sense of social justice
that our fellow human beings in the third world
should die of hunger and of disease that we could
wipe out at minimal cost, just because our
misplaced sense of security compels us to spend
billions of dollars on armaments which breed more
fear and insecurity.
If those vast sums of money currently ploughed
into the unproductive arms race were channelled
into the economic and social sectors, their
multiplier effect would result in vast social and
economic activities that would provide millions
of jobs, demolish protectionism in trade, expand
demand and bring back prosperity to all parts of
the world.
Is it not grossly immoral for the nuclear Powers
to destroy us in a war intended to expand their
spheres of influence? Our greatest desire is for
peace in the world, especially on the part of
peace-loving peoples who have no expansionist
ambitions or designs. As we are firmly convinced
that it is impossible to limit a nuclear war or
to win it, we affirm that the only realistic
option is to prevent it. That is why we have
repeatedly advocated a nuclear freeze as a first
step towards significant nuclear disarmament. We
are motivated by the desire to halt the dangerous
arms race that is inexorably dragging the world
towards self-extinction. We are inclined to
believe that a measure of parity has been
achieved in the destructive power of the two
blocs and that neither side, fully aware of the
fact that it cannot win a nuclear war, will be so
propelled by a death-wish as to launch a nuclear
attack. My delegation therefore calls upon the
super-Powers to agree to a freeze, followed by a
verifiable comprehensive test ban leading to
talks on arms reduction. With good will and faith
neither side will find this process detrimental
to its national interests.
While we were busy deliberating on the great
threat to our survival posed by the rapid buildup
of lethal weapons, the devastating war machine of
Israel was reducing large areas of Lebanon to
rubble with disastrous consequences for the lives
of innocent human beings unfortunate enough to
reside in that region of the Middle East. The
Israelis, in an arrogant display of power,
callously ignored the pleas of the Organization
for a halt to that butchery. For four long
months, the Israelis laid waste the sovereign
State of Lebanon in utter contempt of the
resolutions of the Security Council calling for a
cease-fire. In historical perspective, that
barbaric act of Israel's is reminiscent of the
Nazi "final solution of the Jewish question". The
expansionist propensity of Israel and its
penchant for settling disputes by force are
inconsistent with the letter and spirit of the
Charter of the United Nations. The horror of the
massacre at Sabra and Shatila sends chills down
the spine. For a people that has gone through the
horrible crucible of a genocide to be associated,
even in a distant way, with the pogrom of Sabra
and Shatila is a sad irony of history.
We believe that the Israelis are entitled to
secure borders within the State of Israel.
However, Israel's persistent refusal to realize
that it cannot continue to enjoy legitimacy and
rights based on the Organization's Partition Plan
for Palestine and, at the same time, deny
corresponding legitimacy and rights of nationhood
under the same plan to the Palestinians is the
greatest obstacle to any lasting peace in the
Middle East. The Palestinian Arabs must and
should be enabled to have their own independent
sovereign State. Nigeria firmly supports the
legitimate right of the Palestinians to a
homeland of their own.
It is a matter tor regret that the fratricidal
and unnecessary war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic
of Iran, two non-aligned States, still lingers on
in spite of the efforts of the United Nations and
the Organization of the Islamic Conference to put
an end to it. We once again call upon our friends
in Iran and Iraq to throw aside the weapons of
war and strive to settle their differences by
peaceful means. . We are also gravely concerned
over the intensification of other local and
regional conflicts in Latin America and Asia and
the immense suffering imposed on the peoples of
those regions by the conflicts. As a non-aligned
country, Nigeria condemns all foreign
intervention in the internal affairs of the
States in those regions. We support fully the
efforts of the countries of Latin America and the
Caribbean to consolidate their national
sovereignty and to develop their political and
economic systems, without undue foreign
intervention or pressure on them.
In conclusion, let us resolve to adhere to the
provisions of the Charter by faithfully abiding
by the decisions of all organs of the United
Nations. Let us resolve to eschew force in the
settlement of our disputes. Let us strive to be
open and candid in our bilateral and multilateral
relations, so as to create an atmosphere of trust
in which peace will reign supreme and the
Organization will blossom.