I am very pleased to have the opportunity to address the General Assembly this afternoon on behalf of my country, Ireland. My address will be framed under the overall theme of migration, an issue which in itself is a huge challenge for the global community today, but also an issue that intersects with so many of the other challenges we continue to grapple with as a community of nations.
As I stand at this rostrum in the great city of New York, I am acutely aware of my own country’s long experience — over several centuries — with emigration. Indeed, on the newly restored lawn just outside this building, a haunting bronze sculpture by acclaimed Irish sculptor John Behan, entitled Arrival, depicts a huddled group of Irish emigrants ready to disembark in New York after fleeing starvation and poverty in their native Ireland. Our own history as a people forms the enduring backdrop to our foreign policy agenda. That part of our past is unfortunately the tragic present for so many.
The origins of the migration crisis are complex and diffuse. Many migrants and refugees are fleeing conflict and violence; many others are fleeing poverty and deprivation. The vast scale and sustained nature of the movement is at times bewildering and threatens to overwhelm our rules-based migration systems. It confronts us with a wide array of problems to overcome all at the same time: the harrowing violence in Syria, the barbarism of Da’esh, the collapse of order within Libya and the practices of ruthless people-smugglers. The continuous poverty and inequality in many parts of Africa is also a significant driver of the mass movement of people. These are challenges that no one country can resolve alone. These are challenges that must all be tackled at the same time. These are challenges that require the international community of nations to work in close cooperation to overcome them.
Ireland is responding to the migration crisis in a variety of ways. We have given priority to funding humanitarian relief. We have provided over €60 million in support of the Syrian people in the region, most of it through United Nations organizations. We have deployed ships from our naval service to the Mediterranean to assist with vital search-and-rescue missions. Ireland is participating in the European Union programme to resettle refugees fleeing conflict. Here, at United Nations Headquarters, Ireland has acted as a facilitator, together with Jordan, to deliver the agreement on the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (resolution 71/1).
I wish to take this opportunity to commend Ireland’s team at the United Nations, led by Ambassador David Donoghue, and our Jordanian colleagues, for their stalwart efforts over five months of negotiations among 193 Member States. Ireland accepted this leadership role at the United Nations because we know that no country can by itself resolve the vast challenges the world currently faces.
In my address, I wish to set out why I believe a multilateral approach is the only one that can work and why the United Nations must demonstrate its capacity to really deliver on solutions. I will set out how the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) — which the United Nations agreed one year ago following a successful facilitation process shared by Ireland and Kenya — have the capacity, when implemented, to address many of the root causes of migration, by ending poverty, reducing inequality and responding to climate change.
Ireland is seeking election to the Security Council in 2020. We believe that our values and principles and our steadfast commitment to the United Nations will enable us to make a valuable contribution if we are successful in that election. Today, I am asking for support from the nations that share these vital values.
Last year, the United Nations marked 70 years since its establishment. At that time, we in Ireland celebrated 60 years of active membership. On the occasion of that important anniversary, two things were clear: first, the global challenges confronting the United Nations were more complex than ever before, and secondly, the United Nations and the international community have the potential to respond to these challenges in a comprehensive way. We demonstrated this potential through the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, including the SDGs, which were greatly significant in that they embody commitments by Member States to working across a range of issues to eliminate poverty and achieve sustained development over the next 15 years.
The determined implementation of the SDGs will enable us to address many of the root causes of migration. Lack of economic opportunity is a substantial driver of migration. To provide those opportunities, the SDGs set out an approach that involves investment in health care, education, water and sanitation and other essential services.
As States Members of the United Nations, we are now called to meet our obligation to implement the SDGs domestically within our own borders, bilaterally with our development partners, and multilaterally within regional and United Nations forums. Long-term action on underlying causes must be complemented by urgent steps to address the daily suffering arising from the refugee and migrant crisis. Ireland is committed to honouring pledges made at the World Humanitarian Summit in Istanbul.
We must collectively ensure that in addressing crises closer to home we do not allow the more protracted crises, those that do not appear in the headlines on a daily basis, to be forgotten. The United Nations has a central role in humanitarian action. Ireland strongly supports the efforts to reform the United Nations system and coordination mechanisms to ensure a more effective response to the complex humanitarian needs around the world, including the protection of vulnerable groups in emergencies, most notably women and girls.
The most immediate trigger of mass migration is violent conflict, which forces great numbers of people to flee their homes and leave their communities. The horrific human toll of the grinding conflict in Syria mounts daily, and many countries in the region and far beyond are grappling with the large-scale displacement of people that this conflict has created.
No two conflicts are comparable. However, I can say that on my own island, on the island of Ireland, for many years we experienced conflict, terrorism and loss of life. And with the support of a wide array of stakeholders, we eventually and painstakingly managed to build a sustainable peace process. Our lived experience of building peace and the ongoing process of reconciliation on the island of Ireland mean that we are particularly conscious of the persistent and determined commitment required to overcome conflict. We therefore give priority to investment in conflict prevention and post-conflict reconciliation.
We recognize the importance of the empowerment of women so that they can have a visible and recognized role in the decision-making process. Gender equality and women’s empowerment are key cross-cutting priorities for my country, Ireland. We are committed to strengthening our engagement on these priorities during our membership in the Commission on the Status of Women, which commences on 1 January 2017. Ireland calls for the implementation of the conflict- prevention and peacebuilding aspects of the three high- level reviews of the United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding systems, which took place in 2015, and for a sustained commitment to the women and peace and security agenda.
We in Ireland know all too well that negotiating lasting political solutions for conflicts is often a lengthy task, with many stops and starts and setbacks along the way. Ireland welcomes and is actively participating in the initiative led by France to revive the stalled Middle East peace process, with the aim of leading ultimately to a negotiated two-State solution. The United Nations must play a central role in efforts to create the conditions for finding a political solution.
Six years into the horrific conflict in Syria, Ireland reaffirms its full support for the tireless efforts of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, to bring about an end to the devastating conflict through dialogue and diplomacy. We urge everybody in this Hall to play his or her part.
The continent of Africa is of course the source, but also the host, of the largest number of migrants and refugees, many of whom are fleeing war and poverty. Ireland calls for a transparent, accountable and human-rights-based resolution to the numerous conflicts in African countries, such as South Sudan, Somalia, Burundi, Mali and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Those conflicts are severely hampering sustainable development on the continent and creating enormous humanitarian burdens for the affected countries, indeed for neighbouring countries as well, and the wider international community.
On a positive note, Ireland warmly welcomes the historic peace agreement reached in Colombia last month following five decades of conflict, four years of talks and, tragically, the killing of over 225,000 people. Each of these deaths represents a horrendous loss to their families and their loved ones and to their communities. We look forward to the signature of the final peace accord later this month, and we welcome the vital role played by the United Nations in monitoring the implementation of that process. Ireland is committed to actively supporting the Colombian peace process. We are pleased to offer whatever assistance we can to the process of rebuilding the country after decades of violence, including through the sharing of our experience in Northern Ireland. We wish the people of Colombia well at this time of hope.
As part of our commitment to conflict prevention and resolution, we have championed, over many long years, the matter of disarmament and non-proliferation, which must be placed at the fore of our collective efforts to prevent or minimize the impact of future conflict. We must all be mindful of the grave humanitarian consequences of any nuclear detonation, as well as the devastating impact of conventional, biological and chemical weapons. We have seen this year — in fact, we have seen this month — how a State Member of the United Nations can show in stark terms the reality of the risk of a nuclear detonation.
Ireland wishes to see genuine progress on multilateral nuclear disarmament, building on the work of the Open-ended Working Group. We are also concerned at evidence of harm to civilians from the use of explosive weapons with wide-area effects and consequences in populated areas. The disproportionate gender impact of nuclear weapons and of illegal arms transfers and illicit trafficking in small arms and light weapons is also a matter of great concern to us, as is the need to ensure greater gender balance in all disarmament discussions.
Effective and responsible United Nations peacekeeping is an important means of preventing forced displacement at a time of conflict or uneasy peace. Ireland is strongly committed to its active role in United Nations peacekeeping operations. We are proud of our unbroken record of service extending over almost six decades.
This year we marked 100 years since our own Easter Rising, which set Ireland on the final phase of our path to independence, a highlight of our ongoing commitment to peace, development and freedom. Our commemoration included a parade of our defence forces marching through the streets of our capital city, Dublin. Many of those marching proudly wore the blue berets of the United Nations, as an emblem of their service with this great Organization. I take this opportunity to commend Irish soldiers and police participating in seven United Nations peacekeeping missions around the world for their courage, their bravery and their sacrifice.
An Irish Major General assumed the role of Head of Mission and Force Commander of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon in July, and in November, we will assume the leadership of its Irish/ Finnish battalion. We also remain actively committed to the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force. I recently visited troops in the Golan and was very struck by the greater challenge of their operating environment today, compared with that of when the mission was established some years ago. I therefore urge colleagues in the United Nations to ensure that our troops are adequately supported as they go about this important, challenging and often dangerous work.
In Ireland, service with the United Nations is rightly regarded as both noble and important. The effectiveness of the United Nations depends on its positive reputation as a force for good in the world. Therefore, it is critical that the performance, behaviour and reputation of troops or civilians engaged in United Nations operations be held to the highest possible standard. Sexual exploitation and abuse by United Nations peacekeepers sent to conflict zones to protect innocent civilians from harm is totally unacceptable. Ireland calls for an end to impunity for these crimes. We absolutely commit to holding our own troops fully accountable for their behaviour when they are deployed overseas.
Human rights abuses are among the root causes of migration. Moreover, migrants, refugees and internally displaced persons, in particular women, children and vulnerable people, can also be at risk of human rights abuse both during their journey and on arrival at their destination.
Ireland is committed to defending those who defend the human rights of others, including journalists and other civil-society representatives who face increasing restrictions and threats in many parts of the world. Our leadership in the adoption of Human Rights Council resolution 32/31, on civil society space, last June enabled the international community to send a strong message of solidarity to those at risk. Ireland will always speak out to defend minorities who continue to suffer persecution because of religion, belief, ethnicity or gender, or a host of other reasons. We will continue to work on the European Union resolution on freedom of religion or belief during this session of the General Assembly.
On the matter of United Nations reform, I am pleased that the agreement reached on the SDGs has showed what the United Nations can achieve when working at its best. We call for all members of the Security Council — in particular China, the United States of America, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and France — to refrain from voting against credible draft resolutions on action to halt the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes, including conflict-related sexual violence.
Ireland believes that the Security Council membership should be more balanced and ensure wider regional representation, particularly with regard to Africa. The more open, transparent and inclusive process taking place this year to select the new Secretary- General is a positive step in the right direction.
We must collectively do all that we can to ensure that the 65 million people currently displaced, whether by conflict, natural disaster or oppression, are provided with the essential services to which they are entitled. We need to uphold on all occasions the values, purposes and principles of the United Nations. These are the values, purposes and principles that Ireland has stood up for throughout our engagement with the United Nations regime, and which will inspire our contribution to the Security Council, should the membership entrust us with that responsibility in the 2020 election.


It is always an honour for me to address the General Assembly. It is also a responsibility — above all given the serious and worrying situation in the world. I stand before those present on behalf of France to issue several appeals. First, I would like to ask all members to do everything possible to implement the historic Agreement that was signed in Paris on 12 December 2015. The Agreement was historic because the conference was held at a time when Paris, the capital of France, had been struck by terrorist attacks. The Agreement was historic because, for the first time, the assembled international community agreed to make a commitment to reducing global warming and mobilizing financing, while allowing the most vulnerable countries to make an energy transition.
And yet, standing before the Assembly, let me state once again that despite the momentous nature of the Agreement, there is no time to lose. The past two years have been the hottest known to humankind since records began. Admittedly, in April 2016, right here with Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, an agreement was signed with 175 countries. But everyone here knows that it will come into force only if it is ratified by 55 per cent of countries, representing 55 per cent of greenhouse-gas emissions. The United States and China have announced their decision to ratify, which is very important. Nothing would have been possible without the participation and the commitment of those two countries, which are the largest emitters of carbon dioxide. France itself will notify the United Nations tomorrow that it has completed its ratification procedure. I appeal to all members to speed up their ratification procedures so that the goal is met by the end of the year.
The twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP-21) was a conference of decisions. The twenty-second session, to be held in Marrakech, should be a conference of solutions. It is a question of implementing the International Solar Alliance, fighting desertification, protecting the seas and also setting a carbon price.
However, the appeal I want to issue to the Assembly, following this climate agreement, is an appeal for Africa. Africa is a continent full of promise, but its development could be hindered by climate change, migration, conflict, war and terrorism. The continent has a bright future; however, it may also be the one to cause growing insecurity, and that insecurity targets, first and foremost, Africans themselves.
That is why, on behalf of France, I am proposing a 2020 agenda for Africa. The plan should make it possible for all Africans to gain access to electricity. Two thirds of Africans today are deprived of it. That is an injustice, but above all it impedes sustainable growth in Africa. What is at stake, therefore, is responding to the needs of 15 per cent of the world population. What is at stake is enabling Africans to benefit from their immense potential for development. What is at issue here is reducing population displacements, that is, migration, which leads to the destabilization of both countries of origin and destination.
That is why, at the Paris Conference, I launched the African Renewable Energy Initiative. Ten donors — and I want thank them here — pledged to donate $10 billion by 2020. France has assumed 20 per cent of that amount, or €2 billion. Europe has decided on an external investment plan, which could reach — still with a view to providing Africans with access to electricity — nearly €40 billion, and even double that amount if European Union member States contribute as well. I call on all countries to join that effort. I am not just calling for solidarity here — for this is a mutual investment that will benefit the whole world — I call for this to happen as soon as possible.
But there will be no development in Africa unless the continent’s security is ensured. When I committed France to acting in Mali, it did so with an awareness of its responsibility. We had to prevent terrorist groups from taking over an entire country and destabilizing an entire region. Today, that threat has been rolled back and Mali is regaining its territorial integrity. But other groups, including Boko Haram and Al-Qaida, are emerging to threaten the security of many countries in West Africa, the Sahel and the Lake Chad region. There too, France is supporting military forces with training, information-sharing and assistance in the fight against terrorism. We are doing so, for instance, in the Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Benin and Cameroon. We should expand such efforts along with the United Nations and the African Union.
Let us be clear — the security of Africans has to come from Africans themselves if we want to avoid external intrusion and interference. My appeal for development and renewable energy is also a call for the security of Africans, for equipping their armies and giving them the means to respond, and for these African nations to organize their own development in a free and sovereign manner.
The last call I wish to make here is perhaps the saddest of all. It is for Syria. The Syrian tragedy will go down in history as a disgrace for the international community if we do not end it quickly. Aleppo is today a martyred city, and this is how it shall remain in historical memory. Thousands of children have died in bombings, entire populations are starving, humanitarian convoys are being attacked, and chemical weapons are being used.
I have one thing to say in this regard — enough is enough. Just like in February, the ceasefire held for only a few days. It ended practically the day after its announcement, before its terms were even understood. The regime is responsible for its failure and cannot be exonerated for mistakes that could have been made by others. I would say to its foreign supporters — and we all know who they are — that they need to compel the regime’s hand to peace. If they do not then they, alongside the regime, shall bear responsibility for the division and chaos in Syria.
The Security Council must meet as soon as possible. It should not be a theatre of fools — in other words, a place where responsibility can be evaded and where some can impede its work in order to protect a regime while they should be seeking a solution with us. France has four demands. First, we must first impose the ceasefire in line with the decisions that have been taken. That is the precondition. Secondly, we need to ensure the immediate delivery of humanitarian aid to Aleppo and other martyred cities. That is the priority. Thirdly, we must ensure the resumption of political negotiations along the lines of the transition established in 2012. That is the solution. Fourthly, we must sanction the use of chemical weapons. That is justice.
If we take these decisions and act now, there will be a solution for Syria. In fact, it will be more than a solution; there will finally be hope for refugees and displaced persons. There will finally be action that will allow Syria to maintain its territorial integrity. We are also determined to see an intervention in Iraq that will help to free the entire country from the Da’esh occupation of its territory. If we decide to act effectively against terrorism, we can prevent further terrorist attacks around the world. The risk is chaos and division, and it exists beyond Syria. It also exists in Libya. Our priority must be to re-establish the State around the Government of National Accord led by Prime Minister Al-Sarraj — a goal for which France is working with its partners and the United Nations.
We cannot sit back and do nothing. That would be playing into the hands of the forces, terrorists in particular, that aim to destabilize the world. France shall never resign itself, even if it is difficult — especially if it is difficult — and that is why it has taken the initiative to contribute to seeking a solution to the conflict between Israel and Palestine. Of course, no one can impose a solution on the parties, but once again, resigning ourselves to the status quo involves taking a risk. It means allowing settlement to take place once again. It means once again allowing unjust, unfair and unacceptable violence to take place. The objective, therefore, is to meet here at the end of the year and hold a conference at which Israelis and Palestinians can assume their responsibilities to negotiate.
This same spirit led me, along with Chancellor Merkel, to seek a solution in Ukraine. It led to the creation of the Normandy format, which allowed us to come to an agreement in Minsk. Today, we must do everything we can to ensure that the agreement is implemented; if we do not, there will be renewed violence and perhaps even the resumption of war. I recall that this conflict has claimed more than 6,000 victims. I have therefore taken the initiative, along with the Chancellor of Germany, to bring together the Russian and Ukrainian Presidents in the weeks to come to promote progress in the implementation of the Minsk accords.We will not abandon that goal. We will renounce no initiative that we think may be useful.
I have raised the issue of terrorism, which threatens every country of the world. Long is the list of all those whom it has impacted in Africa, the Middle East, Asia, Europe and even Oceania. No country can claim to be immune to the threat of Islamist terrorism, fundamentalism and fanaticism, which have seduced and radicalized lost individuals within our societies. There is no sea or wall that can protect a country from this tragedy and the scourge of terrorist action, attacks or aggressions. Terrorism thrives on open conflicts that have remained unsolved for too long. It has provoked a wave of refugees and undermined international order, borders that we thought fixed, law that we thought we could maintain and the collective security that was the very principle of the United Nations.
In the face of these dangers, France once again turns to the United Nations. The United Nations has shown its effectiveness with the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, which many thought was impossible. United Nations peacekeeping operations have never been as numerous as they are now.
However, if we want to act to eradicate terrorism, we will need to make decisions and not merely talk of solidarity when a friendly country is attacked or merely express compassion for the victims. We must shoulder responsibilities whenever that can be useful. That is what France does. Not because it is attacked — today, as I have said, every country is a target for terrorism. No, France does it because it is a permanent member of the Security Council and its role is about acting, not creating obstacles. France does it because it has one great idea, the idea that it has upheld throughout its history — bringing freedom, democracy and justice to the world. It is because France puts its policies at the service of a single goal — peace — and talks to everyone involved. It is because France is an independent nation that respects the law and has no enemies other than the forces of hatred and intolerance that use a betrayed religion to create fear. It is because we must fight the populists who exploit distress in order to divide, separate, stigmatize and pit religions against one another, risking confrontations that would have terrible consequences for cohesion in our societies. France is a secular country that proclaims itself as such but that speaks to every religion and guarantees freedom of worship on its soil, because the only interests we have in the world are stability, development and the future of our planet.
That is why France is so committed to the United Nations and demonstrates it every day. I want to pay tribute to the President of the General Assembly, to all who dedicate themselves to the United Nations, beginning with Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who for 10 years has led this difficult mission on behalf of all of us and enabled us to advance its cause. And that is also why, in the face of the major challenges I have mentioned, especially Syria and the fight against terrorism, I expect the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council, to shoulder its responsibilities. There comes a moment for every generation and public official when the only question worth asking is whether we have made decisions — and whether they are good decisions. The countries here are all different sizes, at different levels of development and with different sensitivities and beliefs, but they should have only one goal and one demand, which is that the world should rise to the challenges facing the planet.
That is why I want to appeal to all those here — to call for implementation of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, for ensuring that Africa and all Africans have electricity and better development, and for peace in Syria, because it is so urgently needed. That is why I believe in the United Nations, and that is why both France and I are sending a universal message.


I would like to begin by extending the hearty congratulations of the delegation of Mali to the President on his election to lead the General Assembly at its seventy-first session, and on his outstanding stewardship of our work. I would like to assure him of our full cooperation in those efforts. I would also like to acknowledge and commend the excellent work of his predecessor, Mr. Mogens Lykketoft, President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session.
We cannot but pay tribute to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon as he prepares to pass the torch after 10 years
entirely dedicated to the cause of humankind. History will remember not only the Secretary-General’s efforts to resolve many conflicts throughout the world, but also his personal involvement in the success of the summits on climate change and humanitarian action, the former having led to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. More particularly, I would like now, in this Hall, to thank the Secretary-General for his strong support of the Malian people and his laudable efforts in favour of peace and stability in my country and the Sahel region.
Peace and security are the conditions sine qua non of progress and development, to which we aspire on behalf of the peoples of the United Nations, whom we have the honour of representing here. With respect to Mali, one year ago, before the General Assembly, I presented the Agreement on Peace and Reconciliation in Mali emanating from the Algiers process, which was signed in Bamako between the Government of Mali and the armed movements in the northern region of the country (see A/70/PV.15). Today, 15 months later, from this rostrum, I can assure the Assembly that hostilities have effectively ceased between the Government and the signatory movements. To date, significant progress has been made in the implementation of the Peace Agreement, which eloquently demonstrates my Government’s will to honour its commitments and has generated tangible progress in all areas.
At regular intervals throughout the year, when the reports of the Secretary-General on the situation in Mali are published, the Government of Mali has briefed the Security Council on its progress in the execution of the plan of action for implementing the Peace Agreement.
Among the initiatives and actions undertaken by the Government, I would particularly like to emphasize those related to political and institutional reforms, as well as to defence and security issues. Indeed, these issues and reforms are fundamental and have an impact on the rest of the process.
It is also important to note the following policy and institutional reforms: the appointment and swearing in of governors in the new regions of Taoudenni and Ménaka, where delegated project-management agreements for construction and equipment for the two regions’ general administration, in the amounts of $1.7 million and $1.36 million, respectively, were signed; and the enactment of the law establishing the interim administrations, which followed a modification of the law codifying territorial authorities and the adoption of a decree on modalities for swearing in interim administrations. In that connection, I would like to mention that the timetable for the swearing in of the interim authorities, developed by the Malian Government in cooperation with the groups and movements signatory to the Peace Agreement, was set for between 15 July and 25 August 2016. Unfortunately, due to ongoing insecurity and clashes among some armed groups, especially in Kidal, it was not possible to complete the process for the deadline. In that respect, I emphasize that the effective implementation of Security Council resolution 2295 (2016) will allow for the progressive recovery of Mali’s sovereignty throughout its territory, thanks to implementation of the Agreement on Peace and Reconciliation in Mali.
With respect to security and defence issues, the Government of Mali has established an institutional framework for reforming the security sector and for undertaking the process of disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and resettlement (DDRR). In that context, among other things, the Government decided to take charge of the signatory groups’ combatants prior to the launch of the DDRR process, with the attendant increase in the budget. The Government also created an operational coordination mechanism for vehicles for the purposes of setting up the first joint vehicle patrols. I hasten to note that, in addition to those measures, which aim to bring about a return to lasting peace and the restoration of State authority throughout the national territory, the Government has continued its development activities on the ground, in places where the security conditions allowed it, through the implementation of sector projects and programmes.
It should also be noted that the effective implementation of the Peace Agreement requires us to mobilize external resources to support national efforts. In that regard, I thank the partners that have honoured their financial commitments to Mali, and I would reiterate the call of my Government to the technical and financial partners to release the resources pledged at the international conference for the economic recovery and development of Mali, held in Paris on 22 October 2015.
Despite the efforts by the signatories to the Peace Agreement, the peace process still faces serious challenges related to the activities of terrorist groups in the northern regions that are indiscriminately expanding their asymmetrical attacks against peaceful civilians, the Malian defence and security forces, and the troops of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) and of the French-led Operation Barkhane. I reiterate my gratitude to the Security Council for the adoption of resolution 2295 (2016), which renewed MINUSMA’s mandate and authorized, inter alia, the adoption of a more proactive and robust posture so as to fulfil its stabilization mandate in Mali.
I call for strengthening the operational capabilities of the deployed troops in order to ensure the safety and security of MINUSMA personnel and apply the innovations set forth in resolution 2295 (2016) on the ground. I would also stress the need to accelerate the process of cantonment and DDRR, aimed at isolating the armed groups that are not signatories to the Peace Agreement that are affiliated with terrorist networks whose actions undermine ongoing efforts.
For its part, the Government of Mali will fully assume its responsibility under the new mandate. The Government is already working with MINUSMA to swiftly arrive at a shared vision of the implementation of the mandate by establishing measurable benchmarks. Accordingly, I welcome the agreement among all the stakeholders participating in high-level meeting on Mali held this morning concerning the importance of accelerating the implementation of the Peace Agreement, in particular the imperative of correcting the remaining gaps in MINUSMA’s operational capabilities.
I cannot end this part of my address without expressing once again the sincere thanks and profound gratitude of the people of Mali for the United Nations and its Member States in providing multifaceted support for the peace process in Mali since January 2012. On behalf of a grateful Malian nation, I would also like to pay tribute to the memory of all of the victims, both civilian and military, Malian and foreign, who have fallen on the field of honour in Mali in the defence of human dignity, freedom and democracy.
It is difficult to imagine the eradication of poverty and keeping our promise to leave no one behind in a context where armed conflict has become a new normal. The proliferation of attacks perpetrated around the world is a sufficient reminder that no country is immune to terrorism and that there is no cause that justifies deliberate violence against innocent civilians. Mali, which unfortunately continues to suffer the horrors of terrorism, encourages and joins Member States in their shared efforts to neutralize the hydra of terrorism and its avatars, including Da’esh, Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, Boko Haram, Ansar Eddine, the Movement for Unity and Jihad in Western Africa and Al-Mourabitoun, especially in the Middle East and Africa.
The Malian delegation welcomes the choice of the theme of this session — “The Sustainable Development Goals: a universal push to transform our world”. As the first session of the Assembly since the adoption of 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development by the Heads of State and Government, the seventy-first session will undoubtedly allow us to take stock of a full year of efforts to implement the Agenda, by conducting a thorough analysis of the difficulties met with a view to finding the best ways and means to ensure the achievement of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDGs, which build on the success of the Millennium Development Goals, exhort us to go further and faster, if we want to put an end to all forms of poverty and change the lives of people in a substantial and inclusive manner by 2030.
We in Mali are convinced of the need to adopt strategies that strengthen economic growth and respond to the vital needs of the population, including combating climate change, protecting the environment and providing education, health care, social protection and jobs for young people, while also empowering women and ensuring their involvement and that of young people in the management of critical issues relating to the socioeconomic development of the country. In that context, we have adopted a law setting aside 30 per cent of elective positions for women. The adoption of that law will undoubtedly contribute to increasing the participation of women in national institutions. In addition to other equally important measures, the development of the strategic framework for economic recovery and sustainable development for the period 2016-2018 will serve, in the medium term, as the sole reference point for the design, implementation and monitoring of different development policies and strategies at a sectoral level.
Climate change is one of the major challenges affecting the survival and development of humankind. As a prime example of a country of the Sahel, Mali is bearing the brunt of the effects of climate change. That is why the delegation of Mali welcomes the strong commitment on the part of the international community in adopting and signing the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, which marks a decisive turning point in the preservation of the environment. In that regard, I am particularly pleased to announce that this very morning Mali deposited its instruments of ratification for the Paris Agreement, the implementation of which I am convinced will contribute to saving our environment.
Now more than ever, it is high time that the recourse to weapons and deadly conflicts give way to the imperative of dialogue in order to establish lasting peace throughout the world. In Africa, despite the remarkable progress that has been made in the promotion of peace and security — particularly in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau and Côte d’Ivoire — the fact remains that the situations in Libya and South Sudan continue to be of major concern. In the Middle East, we are following with the utmost concern the developments in the situations in Syria, Turkey and Iraq — and we reaffirm our strong condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.
On the question of Palestine, which has been at the heart of United Nations concerns for more than 70 years, Mali reiterates its call for a two-State solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. I take this opportunity to reiterate that the people and the Government of Mali extend their solidarity and full support to their brother people in Palestine in their legitimate fight to exercise their inalienable right to sovereignty.
I would like to conclude by reminding the Assembly that it is our primary responsibility as world leaders to provide the necessary impetus to transform the planet and to ensure sustainable and inclusive development for future generations so as to safeguard them from the scourge of war and misery. Millions of men, women and children are impatiently waiting for us, scanning the horizon with hope. We have no right to disappoint them. To that end, Mali is determined to play its role to the full extent of its abilities. Long live the United Nations at the service of a world for peace and justice.


We congratulate Mr. Peter Thomson on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. We agree that the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development should be the focus of the session. We also pay tribute to Mr. Lykketoft for his able stewardship of the seventieth session.
Today, three decades after the end of the Cold War, our multipolar world is more free and vibrant, yet still chaotic and turbulent; more interdependent, but more unequal; more prosperous, yet still afflicted by poverty. We see spectacular progress, but also unprecedented human suffering. The world is at a historic inflection point. The international order established after the Second World War is passing away, but a new order has yet to emerge. Competition between the major Powers is becoming more confrontational. This can pose serious threats to peace across Asia. A new cold war threatens to engulf Europe, where the momentum towards greater union has already been reversed. Barricades and walls are going up, especially against the tide of misery flowing out of a turbulent Middle East. In many countries, intolerance has revived the ghosts of xenophobia and Islamophobia.
Turmoil is intensifying in the Middle East. International efforts to defeat Da’esh are therefore urgent. For this, it is essential to reconcile the divergent objectives and priorities of regional and external Powers. Peace cannot be built when injustice prevails. The long- festering tragedy of Palestine demands determined action on the part of the international community.
After decades of strong growth, the world economy has reached a plateau. Yet despite the adverse international economic environment, in the past three years my Government has moved the country towards robust growth. We have fully integrated the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development into our own economic and social strategy, based on our conviction that people are the true wealth of our nation and that human development will determine our future destiny.
Our priority goal of economic development requires internal peace and stability. My country has been the principal victim of terrorism in our world, including terrorism supported, sponsored and financed from abroad. We will not allow externally sponsored terrorism and threats of destabilization to cause turbulence in Pakistan. Tens of thousands of our citizens and thousands of our security personnel have been killed or injured in terrorist attacks. That has only reinforced our resolve to eliminate the scourge of terrorism. Our comprehensive strategy of law enforcement and targeted military operations has produced remarkable results and enabled Pakistan to turn the tide against terrorists. Our Zarb-e-Azb operation is the largest, most robust and most successful anti-terrorism campaign anywhere in the world, deploying 200,000 of our security forces. Our comprehensive national action plan is fully endorsed by our people and our Parliament as well as by our security forces, all of whom have made heroic sacrifices to defeat terrorism.
Terrorism, however, is now a global phenomenon that must be addressed comprehensively and in all its forms, including State terrorism. The international community must coordinate its efforts if we are to accomplish that. Such efforts should be approached collectively, not through the unilateral enactment of laws with extraterritorial provisions that target certain countries. We will not win the fight against terrorism and violent extremism if we do not address their root causes. They lie in poverty and ignorance, political and social injustice and oppression, foreign intervention and occupation and denial of the legitimate rights of peoples and nations, especially the right to self-determination. Until those underlying causes are addressed, it will be difficult to counter the twisted narrative of violent extremists and terrorists.
After 15 years of the current war in Afghanistan, the international community agrees that the only road to a lasting peace in that country is through a dialogue between the Government in Kabul and the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan has long proposed this as the most viable way to end the decades of conflict and suffering in Afghanistan. Based on that belief in a negotiated peace, and in response to requests from President Ashraf Ghani, we have been facilitating the process of reconciliation in Afghanistan. There have been setbacks, but they are not a sufficient reason to abandon the path of peace and rely on the military option, which for the past decade and a half has failed to stabilize Afghanistan. Progress will be assured only when the Afghan parties themselves conclude that there is no military solution to the war and begin to work assiduously, through a meaningful dialogue process, to achieve reconciliation and peace at home.
More than three and a half decades of conflict and chaos in Afghanistan have had grave security and economic consequences for Pakistan. Almost 3 million Afghan refugees, to whom we have opened our homes and hearts, remain in Pakistan. We hope to see them return home voluntarily and with dignity. Until they do, the international community must shoulder its responsibility for helping to sustain them.
Confrontation should not be our destiny in South Asia. Pakistan wants peace with India and we have gone the extra mile to achieve it, repeatedly offering to hold a dialogue to address all outstanding issues. But India has posed unacceptable preconditions for engaging in dialogue. Let us be clear that talks are not some special favour for Pakistan. They are in the interest of both countries. They are essential to resolving our differences, especially in the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, and to averting the danger of any escalation.
Peace and normalization between Pakistan and India cannot be achieved without a resolution of the Kashmir dispute. That is an objective evaluation, not a partisan position. Our predictions have now been confirmed by events. A new generation of Kashmiris has risen spontaneously against India, demanding freedom from its illegal occupation. The young leader Burhan Wani, murdered by Indian forces, has emerged as a symbol of the latest Kashmiri intifada, a popular and peaceful freedom movement led by Kashmiris young and old, men and women, armed only with undying faith in the legitimacy of their cause and a hunger for freedom in their hearts.
As usual, the indigenous Kashmiri uprising has been met with brutal repression by India’s occupation force of more than half a million soldiers. More than a hundred Kashmiris have been killed; hundreds, including children and infants, have been blinded by shotgun pellets; and more than 6,000 unarmed civilians have been injured over the past two months.
The Indian brutalities are well documented. I would like to inform the General Assembly that Pakistan will share with the Secretary-General a dossier containing detailed information and evidence of the gross and systematic violations of human rights committed by Indian forces in occupied Jammu and Kashmir. The brutalities will not suppress the Kashmiris’ spirits; they will only intensify their anger and fortify their determination to see India end its occupation of Kashmir. From Srinagar to Sopore, the men, women and children come out each day, defying a curfew, to demand freedom.
Pakistan fully supports the demand of the Kashmiri people for self-determination, as several Security Council resolutions have promised them. Their struggle is a legitimate one for liberation from alien occupation. International law and the declarations of the United Nations on self-determination give them the right to struggle for their freedom. Every year, the General Assembly unanimously adopts a resolution that reaffirms the right of all peoples to self-determination and calls on the States concerned to immediately end their occupation and all acts of repression.
On behalf of the Kashmiri people; on behalf of the mothers and fathers of the innocent Kashmiri children; on behalf of women and men who have been killed,
blinded and injured; on behalf of the Pakistani nation, I demand an independent inquiry into the extrajudicial killings and a United Nations fact-finding mission to investigate brutalities perpetrated by the Indian occupying forces so that those guilty of such atrocities are punished. We demand the immediate release of all Kashmiri political prisoners, an end to the curfew, freedom for the Kashmiris to demonstrate peacefully, urgent medical help for the injured and abrogation of India’s draconian laws.
The Security Council has called for the exercise of the right to self-determination by the people of Jammu and Kashmir through a free and fair plebiscite, held under United Nations auspices. The people of Kashmir have waited 70 years for the implementation of that promise. The Security Council must honour its commitments by implementing its own decisions. The General Assembly must demand that India deliver on the commitments its leaders solemnly made on many occasions.
To that end, steps should be taken by the United Nations to demilitarize Jammu and Kashmir and undertake consultations with India, Pakistan and the true representatives of the Kashmiri people to implement the resolutions of the Security Council. In that context, we welcome the offer of his good offices by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. We will also open consultations with members of the Security Council to explore the modalities for the implementation of the relevant Council resolutions on Kashmir.
The international community ignores the danger of rising tensions in South Asia at its own peril. For its part, Pakistan is committed to the establishment of strategic stability in the region. It neither wants nor is engaged in an arms race with India. But we cannot ignore our neighbour’s unprecedented arms build-up, and we will take whatever measures are necessary to maintain credible deterrence. We have consistently urged the conclusion of bilateral arms control and disarmament measures between Pakistan and India to prevent conflict and avoid wasteful military expenditures.
We are open to discussing all measures of restraint and responsibility with India in any forum or format and without any conditions. We are ready for talks to agree on a bilateral nuclear test ban treaty. Today, from this rostrum, I would also like to reiterate our offer to India to enter into a serious and sustained dialogue for the peaceful resolution of all outstanding disputes, especially Jammu and Kashmir.
As a responsible nuclear-weapon State, Pakistan will continue to cooperate with all international efforts that seek to promote fair and equitable solutions to disarmament and non-proliferation challenges. We have introduced state-of-the-art measures to strengthen the safety and security of our nuclear materials and facilities. We have adopted a comprehensive export control regime that is fully consistent with international standards. Judged on the basis of objective criteria and without discrimination, Pakistan is fully eligible for membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group.
In our turbulent and interdependent world, the United Nations remains an indispensable organization in terms of restoring order and ensuring global peace, stability and prosperity. Its principles remain the crucial pillars of international legality, the guide for the conduct of Member States and the guarantor of the legitimate rights of all nations and peoples. The United Nations must regain its credibility as the central instrument for the promotion of peace, prosperity and liberty. To that end, it should become more representative, transparent and accountable. A comprehensive and democratic reform of the Security Council, which Pakistan supports, should enhance its relevance and representation. Creating new centres of privilege will do the opposite.
Pakistan’s unwavering commitment to the United Nations is well established. We have played a pioneering and consistent role in United Nations peacekeeping. Despite our own security requirements, we will remain one of the world’s largest troop-contributing countries and maintain our record of success in multiple United Nations peacekeeping operations.
Pakistan has a vital stake in ending conflicts, fostering peace, fighting terrorism, strengthening democracy, promoting human rights, generating global growth and overcoming the challenges of environmental degradation. We can achieve those goals and create a new and peaceful world order, solely through the United Nations and with strict adherence to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.


I congratulate Mr. Peter Thomson on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. I am confident that his wisdom, leadership and experience will guide our session to success. Allow me also to thank Mr. Mogens Lykketoft, President at the seventieth session, for his important contributions to the work of the Assembly. My special gratitude extends to Secretary- General Ban Ki-moon for his leadership, commitment, tireless efforts and tremendous contributions during his ten years at the helm of the Organization.
Last year, 2015, we established a common vision for the world we live in. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Addis Ababa Action Agenda on Financing for Development, the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction not only seek to address short-term challenges, but also to present a vision for greater partnership for people, the planet, peace and prosperity. The theme chosen for this session, “The Sustainable Development Goals: a universal push to transform our world”, is therefore very opportune as we embark upon realizing our vision and turning our commitments into concrete results for our people.
I believe that achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is within our grasp. Our people, our children and grandchildren, expect us to deliver on our commitments. The implementation of the Millennium Development Goals has laid a solid foundation. Opportunities are plenty. Reform, innovation, creativity and economic restructuring are setting countries on a path to prosperity. The internationalization of production is making possible global and regional cooperation and integration for sustainable development. New advances in science and technology are paving the way for the fourth Industrial Revolution, which promises to bring humanity to a new, higher level of development.
But challenges are by no means few. Developing countries in particular continue to suffer from the weak global economic recovery, rising protectionism in major economies, climate change, natural disasters and epidemics. Food and water security, the depletion of natural resources, and the humanitarian and migration crises also have negative and far-reaching implications for many countries and regions. Development and income gaps are widening at the national, regional and global levels. The instability and tension, violence, conflicts, terrorism and violent extremism that are plaguing many regions are of particular concern. Power politics and the use, or threat of use, of force in international relations continue to be a threat to international peace and security.
That is the reality of our world today, and it compels us to work together to promote multilateralism and adherence to international law for peace, cooperation and sustainable development. As has been demonstrated, multilateral cooperation has a growing role to play in international relations. We are seeing multilateral institutions expand, both in numbers and in strength. Multi-tiered cooperation and integration are taking shape. Multilateral solutions to common challenges prove to be the most effective and long-lasting, since no country, large or small, rich or poor, can afford to address those challenges alone. Multilateral institutions are also venues for countries to promote their interests, effectively manage disputes and differences and expand their development opportunities.
That is why Viet Nam believes that multilateralism must be strengthened and the operation of multilateral institutions, particularly the United Nations, must be improved. The United Nations has an indispensable role to play by coordinating international responses to global challenges and facilitating development cooperation. No other organization is better at fostering partnerships and assisting countries to successfully implement the SDGs.
Accordingly, to ensure greater equality, democracy and transparency, the United Nations, including the Security Council, must undergo reform. The United Nations development system must have better resources and be more effective and efficient. We must ensure the broadest participation of all countries in discussions and formulations of resolutions and decisions, so that no country will be left behind.
International law remains the linchpin of a stable international security architecture and a strong multilateral system. Unfortunately, the role of the fundamental norms and principles of international law is underestimated. Unfair demands, unilateralism, power politics and the use of force to address international security and political issues have been creating tensions and confrontation, hindering efforts to peacefully settle disputes and conflicts.
This is where the United Nations can and must play a stronger part. The Organization must take the lead in promoting adherence to international law and the Charter of the United Nations as the foundation for international peace and security. No country, big or small, can be exempt from the law. The United Nations should also work to strengthen preventive diplomacy and the peaceful settlement of disputes, utilizing all tools, as provided in Article 33 of the Charter.
Above all, I believe that each country should align its national interests with those of humankind and immerse itself in the community of nations. A policy of humanity, peace and friendship will enable us to eliminate hatred, narrow gaps, manage differences and open up opportunities to find lasting solutions to all disputes and conflicts. Having suffered from decades of war, Viet Nam treasures peace and will spare no effort to maintain or achieve peace. We believe lasting peace can be secured only by long-term vision and a comprehensive and inclusive approach that harmonizes
16-29811 19/52 the interests of all stakeholders. We welcome recent positive developments in the relations between Cuba and the United States and support resolutions on ending the economic embargo against Cuba.
Multilateralism, international law, peace, cooperation and development are the key elements for building a peaceful, stable and prosperous Asia- Pacific region. Regional countries are working to promote initiatives for political, economic, social and cultural cooperation and integration, including new- generation free trade areas. However, the Asia-Pacific region contains risks of conflict, especially on the Korean peninsula and in the South China Sea — all and any of which can threaten regional and international peace, security and prosperity. With regard to certain recent complicated developments in the South China Sea, we call upon all parties concerned to exercise self-restraint and solve disputes by peaceful means in accordance with international law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, fully respect diplomatic and legal processes, implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and expedite the completion of the code of conduct for the South China Sea.
Viet Nam is strongly committed to the SDGs and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. A plan of action for the implementation of the SDGs has been developed, and we are working with United Nations agencies to craft the strategic plan 2017-2021, as part of the Delivering as One initiative, to assist Viet Nam in the implementation of the SDGs. For us, implementing the SDGs is part of and also encompasses our efforts to restructure the economy and transform the growth model, develop sustainable infrastructure, ensure social justice, address inequalities and protect the environment. As one of the countries predicted to be hardest hit by climate change and sea-level rise, Viet Nam is expediting procedures for the early ratification of the Paris Agreement and is planning its implementation.
Experience has shown that success comes only when we take our development into our own hands. To transform the world, we must start with transforming ourselves and leave no one behind. Viet Nam believes it essential to bring its domestic resources into full play and mainstream sustainability into our development vision, strategies and policies, with the people at the centre. We also believe that we can succeed only with stronger global partnerships, in which the United Nations plays the convening and coordinating role. Viet Nam calls on developed countries to uphold their responsibility to take the lead in assisting developing countries, including Viet Nam, to realize the SDGs, especially in financing, capacity-building, technology transfer and trade facilitation.
As a peace-loving and friendly nation, Viet Nam always pursues the foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, peace, cooperation and development. We strive to be a friend, a reliable partner and a responsible member of the international community. Our commitment to multilateralism and international law is unwavering, and we will spare no effort to contribute to peace, cooperation and development.
Viet Nam has decided to present its candidacy for non-permanent membership of the Security Council for the term 2020-2021 and will continue to increase its participation in the United Nations peacekeeping operations. Viet Nam looks forward to stronger partnership and collaboration with the United Nations and Member States to realize the vision of transforming our world and ensuring a better future.


I would like to thank our Lord, who has watched over us on our journey and enabled us to be here for this important meeting of the United Nations.
On behalf of Mr. Pierre Nkurunziza, President of the Republic of Burundi, and of the entire Burundian people, I would like to congratulate Mr. Peter Thomson, a worthy son of Fiji, on his election on 13 June to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. He will always be able to count on Burundi’s full cooperation during his tenure. I also commend
16-29817 13/34 Mr. Mogens Lykketoft for his excellent work in presiding with brio over the seventieth session, which he brought to a delightful close on 13 September.
I would also like to reiterate our confidence in Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. Burundi will cooperate fully with him during the remainder of his term and wishes him health, happiness and every success in his future work. We would also like to convey our best wishes to the new Secretary-General, who will be starting at a very important moment for the world.
Regarding the inter-Burundian dialogue, the Government of Burundi has participated in every meeting held at the invitation of the facilitator of the East African Community (EAC). I would like to inform the Assembly that on 8 September, the facilitator, Mr. Benjamin Mkapa, former President of the United Republic of Tanzania, presented his report to the EAC summit, calling for a renewed commitment on the part of all stakeholders to engaging in the EAC-led dialogue. The Government of the Republic of Burundi is of the view that the dialogue should not replace or undermine the democratic tenets of the country’s Constitution, while it reaffirms its commitment to the dialogue, as expressed at the last EAC summit.
We believe that peaceful political stakeholders, in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolutions 2248 (2015) and 2279 (2016), are welcome to discuss the future of Burundi. By the same token, and with a view to opening up to greater inclusivity, our national commission for inter-Burundian dialogue has submitted its report on six months of discussions with Burundians from all walks of life, from grassroots communities to the upper echelons of society. Our citizens have called for a number of major reforms for improving Burundi’s stability that cannot be ignored, and the Government has taken note of them.
I stand before the Assembly today to reiterate Burundi’s unwavering commitment to human rights. A well-regarded national commission and fully fledged ministerial department are in charge of human rights, and we should support them. The Government wishes to reaffirm its commitment to ensuring the security of all our citizens, regardless of their ethnic origin. None of the three ethnic groups is above the others, nor is any group a pariah. As established in our Constitution, all our citizens have equal opportunities.
Currently in Burundi, we are working to consolidate security gains in the face of numerous actors with only one goal — regime change — and whose methods are uniformly violent. It is crucial to ensure great caution in assessing the situation. The fact is that rumors, false information and social media, have all been used to portray Burundi in a bad light. I would therefore like to take this opportunity to categorically reject the deliberattely politically exaggerated reports of alleged human rights violations in Burundi. Some cases have been taken out of context and others blown out of proportion, with no mention of the security personnel who have been killed while on duty. The report I refer to (A/HRC/32/30) is marred by its controversial selection of victims, while the method of collecting testimony through WhatsApp messages is a departure from United Nations practices. Our Government will take the opportunity to present a comprehensive counter- report in Geneva in the next few days.
On the other hand, Burundi would like to reiterate its openness to the African Union’s human rights monitors and military experts. The financial and structural challenges that the African Union Commission is dealing with, which have stalled the generation of the necessary personnel, are not our fault. Regarding the memorandum of understanding between Burundi and the Commission, my Government calls on the Commission to uphold fully and in good faith the terms of the agreement reached in Bujumbura during the meeting in February of the six African Union Heads of State and Government.
Regarding Security Council resolution 2303 (2016), adopted under Chapter VI of the Charter of the United Nations, Burundi was shocked by the lack of consensus and the surprise manner in which it was adopted. While the consultations before the adoption did not result in full approval of the penholder’s proposal, some Council members thought that Burundi’s consent should be obtained before creating a fait accompli. Resolutions under Chapter VI of the Charter are predicated on the consent of the Government concerned.
Where the humanitarian situation is concerned, our Government has made the return of refugees a priority. We are aware of the extremely difficult conditions they are living in, mostly in neighbouring countries, and we will spare no effort to enable every one of them to return home. We have guaranteed the security of their goods and property, and around 90,000 refugees have voluntarily returned home over the past four months.
I would like to urge all our neighbours to help to facilitate their voluntary repatriation. The Government of the Republic of Burundi is in discussions with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees on launching tripartite negotiations with the host countries.
Also in line with the relevant provisions of resolutions 2248 (2015) and 2279 (2016), and in order to comply with the 2013 Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region, the Government of the Republic of Burundi calls on all its neighbours to refrain from aiding and abetting the violent schemes of some groups, especially those that failed in their bid on 13 May 2015 to overthrow Burundi’s democratic institutions and attacked us on 10 July 2015. The report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (S/2016/466), submitted to the Security Council a few months ago, is comprehensive and clear on the activities of those groups, which have attacked Burundi more than once, and my Government urges the Council to act on those findings.
Regarding United Nations reform, Africa, along with other regions of the world, has called for reform of our Organization’s bodies, particularly the Security Council, again and again. Decision 62/557 paved the way for instituting negotiations on reform. As countless delegations have pointed out, it is absolutely unacceptable that, more than seven decades after its creation, our Organization is still functioning with the same post-war mindset, with a few Members claiming more rights than the rest. The Government of the Republic of Burundi fully supports the African Union position outlined in the Ezulwini Consensus.
Our Organization needs a new impetus. However, there are some steps that can be taken even before that goal is reached. For instance, the three African non-permanent members of the Council should be given more responsibilities and allowed to work independently. If more than 70 per cent of the situations under consideration by the Council originate in Africa, it is not too much to ask that the so-called penholders be African countries, especially in light of the sometimes biased views of Africa entertained by some Council members.
The shock and horror of the images we have seen of migrants seeking refuge in Europe are a constant reminder to all of us that while the world we live in may be one of shared opportunities it is also one of shared challenges. While we call on countries of destination to demonstrate more humanity in catering to migrants, we believe it is important to analyse the deep- rooted causes of such mass exoduses of the young men, women and children who find it necessary to risk their lives on the open sea in search of better opportunities. One way of reducing the problem is by supporting well- intentioned development programmes undertaken by the countries of the South. As their social and economic situation improves, more people will find reasons to stay in their own countries, but that can happen only if we all understand that we must respect the political, social, economic and cultural fabric of every country. Unfortunately, that is not always the case today.
This year’s general debate is taking place at a time when terrorism is affecting the entire world and has hit every region. Some progress has been made, but we have to recognize the fact that efforts to develop a common strategy have not yet yielded the hoped-for results. Terrorist attacks have shaken countries in every corner of the world and touched all of us. My country is concerned about the surge in such attacks, and my Government, as always, condemns terrorism in all its manifestations and sympathizes with its victims. We believe that we must wage the fight against terrorism with greater determination.
Matching its words with deeds, Burundi has been sending troops to fight terrorism and violent extremism in many parts of the world since 2007. More than 5,000 Burundian troops are in Somalia fighting Al-Shabaab as part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Our continued presence there is proof of Burundi’s firm commitment to combating terrorism, in full solidarity with our brothers and sisters on the continent and beyond. We believe that the fight against terrorism anywhere is a contribution to global peace.
Despite the fact that two formed police units from Burundi were not rotated into the Central African Republic for politically motivated reasons, we remain committed to peace and security, and our men and women in uniform are still prepared to serve in the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic with the same zeal that has been shown by our police units in Côte d’Ivoire, Haiti and Darfur. Our only interest is in helping our brothers and sisters to recover their dignity and freedom. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the partners that have continued to support such missions. As a troop-contributing country, Burundi urges the United Nations to fill the gap left by the cuts in the European Union’s budget for AMISOM.
Burundi has also participated in other initiatives, such as the European Union action plan on chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear security, aimed at preventing terrorist groups and non-State actors from acquiring substances that could be used for terrorist purposes. However, none of those initiatives can help us defeat terrorism if structural causes such as inequality and poverty are not dealt with. People need to be able to put bread on the table.
My delegation would like to note here how essential it is that all Member States incorporate the 17 Sustainable Development Goals into the design of their policies, programmes and budgets. For its part, Burundi is committed to putting its citizens at the centre of its development policies. With its partners’ valuable support, the Government of Burundi is working to respond to the needs of its most vulnerable citizens as inclusively as possible. We are working together with every country on the planet to promote and implement a sustainable, durable regime on climate, as well as a legally binding instrument, and we must make sure we consolidate the gains achieved on that epoch-making day of 21 December 2015. In a few months, Burundi will join those countries that have already ratified the Paris Agreement on Climate Change.
On 13 October 1961 in Bujumbura, our then Prime Minister, His Royal Highness Louis Rwagasore, the hero of our independence, was assassinated by elements close to the colonial administration as he presided over his first and last cabinet meeting. On 15 January 1965, Pierre Ngendandumwe, our Prime Minister, was gunned down in Bujumbura by a local embassy staffer. On 21 October 1993, Melchior Ndadaye, the first democratically elected President of Burundi, was assassinated by army troops from one ethnic group. On 13 May 2015, a bid to overthrow Burundi’s legitimate institutions failed. What all those sad events have in common, however, is the unhealthy and obvious involvement of foreign elements. And we should not forget that President Ntaryamira died in a foreign land when the plane carrying him and the then-President of Rwanda was shot down on 6 April 1994.
In that regard, it is important to remember that African societies are highly complex. What Burundi is asking for is to be seen fairly, on its own terms, not through the lenses of other situations in other countries. We do not welcome any kind of foreign interference in our affairs, because Burundi has been flying the flag of a sovereign State since 1 July 1962, however difficult that may be for some to understand.
Three communities live in our beautiful land, bordered on the west by majestic Lake Tanganyika, the world’s second deepest, and by two other countries to the north and east. The Hutu, Tutsi and Twa peoples live in harmony in Burundi and have an equal say in the affairs of Government, as provided for in the Constitution of the Republic of Burundi. No group is above or below another.
It is crucial to take into account the suffering and pain that our people endured as a result of bad leadership in the past. The wounds left by the massacres of the past remind us to treat all our citizens the same way, with no distinctions between classes or groups. Victims know no majority or minority — their pain is the same. We therefore refuse to manipulate or falsify history. Our citizens continue to mourn their loved ones, lost to ignorance and the barbaric practices of the military regimes that overthrew the monarchy and proclaimed a republic. For more than 40 years, the various Burundi Administrations in Burundi busied themselves segregating and killing citizens on the basis of their ethnicity.
The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement of 2000 and our 2005 Constitution defined the place of all citizens in the country’s administration, in what was seen to be an equitable way of ensuring peace and stability. Those tenets are still in place today, and the Arusha Agreement is fully respected in our institutions. Similarly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission envisaged in the Arusha Agreement has now been established. We therefore call on the United Nations to support the Commission’s work. The Barundi people now have a forum that can address the sad events in their history. They need to know why their nation changed from being one in which different ethnic communities lived in harmony to one in which citizens lost their lives because of their ethnic origins. The process will enable us to tap into the knowledge resources of the United Nations, which entrusted the administration of Burundi to a third country.
Lastly, our people — the Hutu, the Tutsi and the Twa — want only to live in peace and harmony. They unanimously reject genocidal rhetoric. They form one single society, one nation. They share a faith in their common future, which they want to be peaceful and prosperous, one of equal opportunity. As President Pierre Nkurunziza has said time and again, there will be no genocide in the Republic of Burundi. That is our faith and the faith of all our people. And we, the people of Burundi, will fight that evil with every possible means.


I bring to the General Assembly greetings from my President, General Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan, who would have loved to be here but who, owing to other national commitments, has asked me to represent him at the seventy-first session of the General Assembly. Allow me to congratulate Mr. Peter Thomson on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. I also want to commend his predecessor, Mr. Mogens Lykketoft, for a job well done.
More important, I wish to pay tribute and extend my appreciation to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his global achievements and for his interest in, and attention to, South Sudan. In my culture, a white bull is a symbol of peace. South Sudanese President Salva Kiir Mayardit once gave His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon a white bull as a gesture of peace. The bull has now grown enough to be ready for delivery to the Secretary- General, to whom we wish all the best in his future endeavours.
Every year we try to remind ourselves of the cardinal principle of global peace. Although the theme of this year’s debate is “The Sustainable Development Goals: a universal push to transform our world”, we still understand that without peace we will not be able to achieve that noble objective. Indeed, we need to transform our world in order to collectively and specifically respond to the many challenges that we are facing today. Bringing human suffering to an end and ensuring that human dignity for all is achieved and respected around the world are noble goals that we must all strive to attain.
My country, South Sudan, which was admitted to the General Assembly five years ago, in July 2011, has once again descended into conflict. Today South Sudan has been struck by civil war because we, the leaders of the country, have failed to agree on how to address the internal challenges of governance and leadership within our political party, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). After nearly two years of protracted fighting, we were able to reach a decision and sign the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan, in August 2015, which we are currently and steadily implementing, with support from our region’s regional body, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), as well as the African Union (AU), the Troika countries — the United States of America, the United Kingdom and Norway — the European Union (EU), China and the rest of the world.
However, in the course of implementing the Agreement, one of our leaders, the former Chairman of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army-In Opposition (SPLA-IO), triggered renewed fighting on 7 to 11 July, which brought about new instability. This time the fighting took place inside the presidential palace itself, with the primary objective of taking power by force. Fortunately, the SPLA-IO forces were defeated in the ensuing battles, and their leader decided to flee from Juba and abandon the process of implementing the August 2015 peace agreement signed in Addis Ababa. This man has resorted to fighting the very Government he served as first Vice-President.
After this departure, our party, the SPLA-IO, which is the leading party to the agreement, met and agreed to replace him as a leader of SPLA-In Opposition. The official leadership of the SPLA-IO took that decision after having established that the position of the first Vice-President was vacant and that it was not an option for the country and the people to go back to war. It took this decision in order to allow peace and stability to prevail in the country, as well as for the SPLA-IO to have a partner in the implementation of the peace agreement. To that end, a new leader for SPLA-IO was elected. Accordingly, I am here representing my country as its first Vice-President. We are determined this time — more than before — to move our country forward in peace and development with a view to averting the suffering of our people.
At this point, I would like to express our sincere gratitude to the United Nations for the humanitarian assistance it has rendered, and continues to render, to our people. I would like also to thank IGAD, the AU, the troika, the United Nations, the EU and China for their tireless efforts in ensuring that an agreement was reached to end the conflict and return South Sudan to a peaceful and stable path.
At the moment, I can report to the members of the Assembly with confidence that the situation in my country is stable and peaceful, my Government is functioning and life is returning to normal. The Transitional National Legislative Assembly is operational. Furthermore, it has been reconstituted and is continuing with its work, and cantonment areas for armies have been established. However, the effect of the conflict, coupled with the low global oil prices, has put our economy under unprecedented fiscal stress, thus creating hardship for the general public. Nevertheless, together with our development partners and friends, we are making every effort to address the economic shocks by stabilizing the security situation, streamlining our fiscal policies, improving income from non-oil revenue, engaging in agricultural, mining, tourism, including ecotourism, activities, and encouraging investors to come to South Sudan.
Another important milestone is that South Sudan and the Sudan are now moving quickly to ensure the reconciliation of the two States and that their relations are normalized, so that the two States are able to better serve their citizens. There shall be no more harbouring of negative forces from either country. The Sudan and South Sudan are also working closely with other countries in our region — especially Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda — to realize the vision of sustainable development by building infrastructure, such as power grids and roads, in order to improve the lives of citizens.
More often than not, we have taken decisions individually, and sometimes collectively, to try to address such situations as preventing a country from slipping into conflict, while urging reforms and democratization, promoting respect for human rights and so on. But sometimes the results of such actions may actually contribute to the very things we were trying to avoid in the first place.
Some leaders who may not agree with those efforts assert that those actions are unhelpful. The point I am trying to make in this regard is that efforts in some of our countries, which we are taken with the supposed intention of protecting civilians, advancing democracy and promoting respect for human rights and justice, have not always produced the intended results. Rather, in most cases, we end up causing displacement and refugees. I have the inclination to believe that our problem as a global Organization is that we have in many cases failed or refused to listen to views from the countries whose peoples’ lives we want to improve.
The universal push to transform the world through the Sustainable Development Goals cannot be achieved without us listening to one another — whether we are large nations or small, whether we are rich countries or poor, developed nations or developing ones, like mine, South Sudan. What happens in one part of the world affects other parts of the world. Therefore, it is imperative that we work together to resolve critical issues that affect our planet, such as, inter alia, terrorism, conflicts, migration, climate change, nuclear proliferation, racism and food insecurity. These issues require collective and cooperative action if we are to make the world a better place for all of us. If we want to transform our world, then all of us must be made to feel that we all belong to it, as a matter of right and obligation, and we must work as true partners in its transformation. The attitudes of superiority and patronage, disguised as promoting democracy, human rights and freedom and justice, can easily lead to serious crises in the form of resistance from affected parties.
We in South Sudan believe in dialogue and respect for each other as we engage in resolving problems. And as the Security Council continues to strive to maintain world peace and order, as provided for in Articles 23 and 24 of the Charter of the United Nations, we in South Sudan want to be active participants in the achievement of these noble goals. We want peace in South Sudan and the world at large, not only for the present generation but also for future generations. Our actions as individual countries or as States Members of the United Nations should therefore be seen to promote peace, and not create more conflicts. In our recent history, our actions have created more suffering than it has solved problems. That should not be the case if we want to be true to the ideals and principles set forth in the United Nations Charter.
I want to assure the Assembly that our Government has consented to Security Council resolution 2304 (2016). The resolution’s implementation is being discussed by the United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS), the South Sudanese Transitional Government of National Unity and other countries in the region. My Government’s position is that we have to engage more with the United Nations on the details of the resolution’s implementation in order to avoid derailing national healing and reconciliation. External intervention often negatively affects internal reconciliation. The tasks of the Regional Protection Force can be advanced through collaboration and cooperation with the Transitional Government.
Last but not least, the Republic of South Sudan will cooperate with UNMISS, regional bodies, IGAD, the East African Community, the AU, the troika, the EU and all of our friends in our journey towards recovery from the tragedy that befell us. We promise to bring peace and justice and to rebuild strong and credible institutions in our country. It is our plan to move the country forward on its major development projects — roads and bridges, new cities, power grids, education and health — and in modernizing agriculture, so that we can feed our people. We are going to commit our endowed resources of oil, minerals, human capital and others to the development of the youngest nation in the world. We call upon our partners for support, cooperation, consultation and dialogue as we partner together in transforming our world through the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030.