Allow me to join preceding speakers in
congratulating you, Sir, on your election as President of the current session of the United Nations General Assembly.
I should also like to pay a tribute to His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally for his successful leadership as President of the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session.
Taking advantage of this opportunity, I should like to express our gratitude to His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and I should like to thank him for his substantive contribution to enhancing the authority of the United Nations and his efforts with a view to the maintenance of peace in various regions of the planet.
For me, it is a great honor to address the Assembly today from this lofty rostrum on behalf of the Government of the Republic of Uzbekistan.
Just recently, Uzbekistan marked the third anniversary of the proclamation of its independence. During this time, our country has undertaken significant efforts to strengthen the sovereignty of the States based on the principles of democracy and to set up a free market structure.
Profound economic and political transformations are taking place in the Republic with a view to the formation of a socially oriented market economy.
Today, a process of reform in Uzbekistan has reached a new qualitative level. The Parliament and the Government have adopted a number of significant and fundamental laws and decrees which are now opening the way to developing entrepreneurship and privatization. New legislation guarantees the protection of private property. A number of legislative and economic incentives for potential foreign investors have been provided, and an extremely favor
favorable environment has been created for their activities in the Republic's markets. For example, all limitations on the importation and exportation of foreign investments have been lifted. Customs duties for goods imported into Uzbekistan have also been canceled. Joint ventures are exempt from taxes for five years.
The process of privatization of State property is under way in the Republic. Commodity, currency and stock exchanges, as well as real estate markets, are being set up.
The most important process of introducing the national currency was recently completed in Uzbekistan. Implementation of the measures jointly agreed upon with the International Monetary Fund will make it possible to have a firm fiscal policy and will strengthen the national currency.
Perhaps there is no country in the world that has sufficient experience to extend ready advice on how to change social and economic structures smoothly. The complicated and very often controversial processes of the transition to democracy and a market economy are being carried out mainly on an empirical basis, and sometimes in a highly contradictory situation.
An extremely complicated task for the people of Uzbekistan is the perception of the basic principles of democracy and the socially oriented market economy, while at the same time preserving the development of its own rich history and unique culture and traditions. This is assuming today a decisive significance in the successful realization of the task of renewing our society and in the construction of an independent State.
The steps the Government of Uzbekistan has been undertaking in order to reshape the political structure of the State have one more important aspect. They are not a goal in themselves; they are aimed at establishing conditions of social justice. In fact, in many countries, social justice has already long been recognized as a fundamental principle of social life. In essence, if we look at the future in the long term, without justice there cannot be any kind of stability, peace or security. There cannot be any social development, any freedom for the individual, human dignity or an acceptable quality of life for all.
The Constitution of Uzbekistan grants to all citizens of the Republic basic rights and freedoms and provides for their equality before the law without distinction as to sex, race, nationality, language, religion, social standing, or personal beliefs.
The number of political parties and social movements which are operating on the basis of the laws and decrees that have been adopted and incorporated into the political system is gradually increasing. They will be taking part in the parliamentary elections which will be held in Uzbekistan in December 1994 on a multi-party basis.
Speaking about political processes, I should like to touch upon the issue of human rights. First of all, allow me to point out that the modem concept of the basic rights and freedoms of individuals was formed mainly on the basis of a Western system of values and elaborated over a long period of time, under specific cultural and social conditions, and developed as part and parcel of economic growth and better standards of living in Western countries. This experience is hardly one that could be mechanically transferred to other countries.
We do believe, however, that universally accepted human rights concepts should be adapted to the national, religious and historical characteristics of different countries. International practice has in many cases demonstrated that unless society has reached a sufficient level of maturity and sustains it, it will be compelled to a certain extent to constrain the freedom of the individual for the sake of the preservation of the constitutional order.
Today we live in a multidimensional world. Each nation is eager to establish its own political, social and cultural systems on the basis of respect for the national sovereignty of other States and the principle of noninterference in their internal affairs. Therefore, we consider the question of human rights in close connection with that of the need to guarantee to the country stability and peace as the primary conditions for democratic development.
I hope that the recent seminar of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) on general issues, held in Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan, provided an opportunity to the international observers and its participants to see the gradual evolution of our society towards democracy. At the same time, the seminar has deepened our knowledge on possible ways to make progress in the field of human rights.
Unfortunately, the end of the confrontation between two social and political systems, which reached its peak in the military sphere, has not brought about universal peace. The threat of global thermonuclear war has been reduced. Yet the world has encountered the emergence of several regional military conflicts. In this regard, I would like to make known Uzbekistan's position on the situations in Afghanistan and Tajikistan.
First of all, we consider that settlement of these conflicts is solely the internal affair of Afghanistan and Tajikistan. At the same time, one should keep in mind the fact that these States are the geographical neighbors of Uzbekistan and that there is a potential danger of the regional escalation of these conflicts. That is why we view the situation in these countries with great concern and we are interested in the earliest possible settlement of these conflicts by political and diplomatic means.
I should particularly like to emphasize that today this region is becoming a dangerous zone of open production of and trade in drugs and weapons. These conflicts are exacerbated by the fact that certain forces are secretly seeking to maintain tension in order to strengthen and expand their influence by making use of various religious and nationalist slogans. Moreover, there are some influential groups of drug and weapon dealers interested in continuing the military confrontation for the sake of the preservation of their illegal profits.
In general, crises of this nature have revealed the inadequacy of the existing instruments to settle them through traditional means, given the new security demands of the post-cold-war era.
In this context, Uzbekistan welcomes any initiative by individual countries or groups of countries, as well as by the United Nations, aimed at settling the conflicts. The new possibilities of the United Nations could expand the spectrum of military-political measures for stabilizing situations in such explosive regions, including within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). At the same time, taking into consideration the importance of ensuring the sovereignty of countries that have recently achieved independence and embarked on their own path of development, we believe it would be expedient to have recourse to such measures, with the agreement of Governments interested in such United Nations assistance or with the agreement of the parties to the dispute to a mediating role by the United Nations.
For its part, Uzbekistan has been taking steps to improve the situation in the region. At the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, President Karimov of Uzbekistan proposed the convening in Tashkent of a standing seminar on security issues under the auspices of the United Nations. Today, plans for this idea are becoming clearer. About 15 States have already expressed their interest in participating in the seminar. We hope that in the near future the first seminar of this kind will take place. We are ready to welcome its participants to the ancient and peaceful land of Uzbekistan.
Uzbekistan is also proposing for consideration at one of the forthcoming meetings of the Security Council the question of imposing an embargo on the sale of weapons and ammunition in zones of regional conflict.
I should like to take this opportunity to note that there are certain groups in some countries which are intentionally spreading false information about ostensible interference by Uzbekistan in the internal affairs of Afghanistan by taking sides with one of the conflicting parties. In fact, the only support Uzbekistan is rendering to this neighboring country is humanitarian aid for its suffering people, as requested by the Government of Afghanistan, as well as to Tajik refugees who fled to Afghanistan. This assistance is extended through the representation of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the City of Termez.
I should like to pay tribute to the active role the United Nations and the CSCE are taking in this process through their special envoys. We also highly appreciate the productive activities of the regional representation of the United Nations in Uzbekistan.
I should now like to touch upon one more problem which is a threat for many countries - illegal drug-trafficking. In the Republic of Uzbekistan, on the basis of the laws of Uzbekistan and according to Conventions of the United Nations of 1961, 1971 and 1988, preventive measures to cut off illegal activities related to the drug trade are now being undertaken.
In general, narcotics come to Uzbekistan through neighboring countries, where, owing to unstable political situations, control over the drugs business has been weakened. Moreover, most of these narcotics are in transit to European countries.
In 1993 more than 14 tons of narcotics, with a value of more than $600 million, were seized from criminals in Uzbekistan and were destroyed. The majority of these were intended for sale in Russia and in European
countries. In this connection, we call for the imposition of effective measures to prevent the illegal trafficking in drugs and to coordinate international efforts. An example of the successful cooperation between law-enforcement institutions is the Agreement signed in 1992 by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Uzbekistan and its counterparts in Russia, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Belarus and Ukraine.
Since October 1993 the Republic has been maintaining close cooperation with the United Nations International Drug Control Program. The visit of the Deputy Executive Director of this United Nations Program, Mr. Georgio Giacomelli, to Uzbekistan was an important event in the development of cooperation on this issue. A document defining a long-term program of collaboration against narcotics was signed during the course of that visit.
I should like especially to draw attention to the important role that regional representatives involved in the United Nations Program have been playing in the coordination of international efforts to solve this global problem. This process was begun in Tashkent at the invitation of the President of Uzbekistan.
We shall do our utmost to cooperate with all interested countries and organizations to bring the narco-business to an end.
I must not miss this opportunity to refer briefly to environmental issues. We are grateful to the United Nations and to the specialized agencies concerned with environmental control and with the prevention of global ecological disasters. We are ready to provide all possible assistance in this noble task.
Central Asia, like many other regions of the world, has experienced ecological disasters of global dimensions. I refer, first and foremost, to the tragedy of the Aral Sea. Over a period of several years the volume of water has dropped more than three times, the area has diminished two times; and the shoreline has receded 80 kilometers. Owing to these factors the desert has eaten up more than 2 million hectares of arable land. The dust-storm radius has increased by more than 300 kilometers. These developments have had a negative effect on the sanitary situation in the region. It is the opinion of United Nations experts that, in terms of ecological and socio-economic implications, the Aral Sea tragedy is one of the greatest disasters of the twentieth century.

The death of the Aral Sea, which is possible, could have unpredictable consequences for the whole world. This is why we are appealing to the international community to help to save the Aral Sea and the Aral region.
One possible means of solving this global problem is the creation of an international commission of experts under the auspices of the United Nations, which would initiate projects and make recommendations. The Government of Uzbekistan, for its part, would provide all possible support for the activities of the commission.
The profound changes that have taken place in the world over the past half century require adaptation to new realities. There are now about 200 States, and the roles of many countries have changed. Some now have the right to be regarded as great Powers. Huge economic unions are being formed by States. Regional and global cooperation is an increasing trend. Because of the need for effective management of the processes of economic integration Governments are voluntarily transferring some of their sovereign rights to newly created joint political institutions. On the other hand, these trends underline the fact that a State should be recognized as a sovereign member of the world community so that such cooperation may be possible.
The time is now ripe for the full realization of the fundamental principles of the United Nations, which were set down when the Organization was founded nearly 50 years ago. The United Nations procedures must be rejected; these procedures came into being largely under the influence of the spirit - which until recently had prevailed within these walls - of the cumbersome, often ineffective and over-bureaucratic confrontation between the United States and the USSR.
The necessary reforms are already producing results. I refer in particular to the recent decision to establish the Office of Internal Oversight Services. As an Under- Secretary-General, the head of this Office will be able to initiate a more substantial discussion on the impending phases of reform of the Organization.
There is no doubt that the evolution of the Security Council is still the most important and most complicated issue. How are we to reconcile the need to increase the number of permanent members, so that they are representative of all the regions of the world, with the need to make the Council more effective towards the solution of urgent international problems?

Flow can the desire to reduce the level of bureaucracy in the United Nations be reconciled with the efforts to increase the number of permanent members of the Security Council? And will the exercise of the right of veto remain predominant, or should consensus become the main means of adopting decisions?
These and many other issues are multidimensional and complex. They affect the interests of many countries, which often have quite different points of view, both in terms of the internal procedures of the United Nations and in terms of the means of settling international problems. It is obvious that this process will be difficult and time- consuming. We have no doubt that, ultimately, the question of increased membership of the Security Council should be considered in the context of the principle of rotation. Countries that now have the necessary capacity and sense of responsibility in respect of the maintenance of peace and security throughout the world, and at the same time are representative of the various regions of the world, should become additional permanent members of the Security Council.
Our country bases its foreign policy on the realities of the contemporary world. It aims for integration with the world community through equal partnership with all other countries. Of course, our current capabilities are limited, for a number of understandable reasons. None the less, we are ready to contribute whatever is necessary for the resolution of global problems. We are eager to cooperate with countries that are interested, and we are prepared to do so both at the bilateral level and within the framework of the United Nations. We believe that the greater the number of parties involved in the discussion of international problems and of the question of increasing the effectiveness of the international institutions, the more fruitful will be the outcome. Harmonization of the rights of individuals, nations and people, together with a common interest in securing peace and development in the world, should become the main tool for resolving problems.


Allow me to extend to Mr.
Amara Essy my delegation’s warmest congratulations
upon his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its forty-ninth session. He may rest assured
that the Hungarian delegation stands ready to assist him
in carrying out his responsible tasks. Sincere words of
recognition should also go to Ambassador Insanally, the
outgoing President, for the outstanding and
forward-looking manner in which he conducted the work
of the previous session of the Assembly.
As a representative of the newly elected coalition
Government of the Republic of Hungary, may I be
permitted first to assure this Assembly of nations that in
its foreign policy Hungary will continue to serve the
cause of international peace and stability, with special
regard to the Central European region. We are committed
to further developing our political and economic
transformation in order to consolidate democracy and
stabilize the market economy in Hungary.
Our foreign policy rests on three closely interrelated
main pillars, which we treat on an equal footing. First,
we are determined to promote the full integration of
Hungary into the Euro-Atlantic institutions. Secondly, we
seek genuine good-neighbourly relations with all the
countries in our region, especially with countries
bordering ours. And, thirdly, we advocate respect for
human rights, with particular emphasis on the minority
rights of the millions of Hungarians who live beyond our
borders. All in all, we intend to conduct our foreign
policy in a most pragmatic and realistic manner and will
act accordingly in our bilateral relations and in
multilateral forums as well.
10

On the threshold of the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations, and in the present post-cold-war era,
mankind is facing enormous challenges. The euphoria we
felt and the great expectations we entertained only
yesterday, when a new and promising world seemed to be
emerging, have now taken on a bitter quality.
As the bipolar world was falling apart and freedom
and democracy were sweeping across the globe we had to
recognize some negative aspects of those fundamental
changes, such as the outbreak of violent nationalism and
ethnic hatred fed by economic and social tensions. The
international community, and notably the United Nations,
has proved sometimes unable - and on a number of
occasions its Member States unwilling - to meet the
dramatic challenges of our times.
New and violent manifestations of intolerance, which
caught the world unprepared, aggressive wars and bloody
ethnic conflicts accompanied by crimes against humanity
and the abhorrent practice of "ethnic cleansing" are today
unanimously considered issues that ought to have been
tackled in a timely and resolute way. It is with deep regret
that we note that the United Nations, together with other
relevant international organizations, instead of preventing
the outbreak of crises in a number of areas of the world,
has, rather, been trying to react to them, either without the
necessary determination or by belated action. Indisputably,
the means available to the Organization for coming to grips
with the many international problems were stretched far
beyond existing capacities. We believe, however, that the
time has come to take a good hard look at the role the
United Nations is called upon to play and to devise new
ways and means by which it can fulfil its raison d’être in
our troubled contemporary world.
We therefore reinforce our support for the Secretary-
General’s Agenda for Peace and continue to regard it as a
forward-oriented plan of action for the years to come. In
this regard, we consider that special efforts should be made
to resolve the problems facing United Nations
peace-keeping operations, with a view to improving their
efficiency and capability.
In the event we are unable to find adequate answers to
our failures and missed opportunities, we may well be on
the verge of losing the precious benefits we have gained
and the potential prospects that opened up at the end of the
cold war for the international community, including the
United Nations, to create a qualitatively new, cooperative
world order.
As has often been stated, we live in a time of great
contrasts that are also reflected at the United Nations.
We welcome the momentous results and encouraging
progress in South Africa just outlined by His Excellency
President Nelson Mandela, as well as those in the Middle
East. The assumption of office by the first democratically
elected President and Government of South Africa and its
normalization of relations with its neighbours, the signing
of the Declaration of Principles by Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) and the beginning of its
implementation, the breakthrough in relations between
Jordan and Israel and the hopeful evolution of talks
between Syria and Israel, are all truly historic
achievements and bode well for the future.
The forthcoming 1995 Conference of the Parties to
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
will be an event of cardinal importance which can further
enhance the aforesaid positive tendencies. Hungary is
keenly interested in ensuring the indefinite and
unconditional extension of the Treaty and is ready to
contribute to achieving this important goal. Recent events
have once again reinforced our conviction with regard to
the critical significance of such an act.
If the United Nations wants to live up to the
promising processes, it must, first of all, adjust itself to
the new realities. It would, therefore, do well to get rid
of outdated, anachronistic resolutions which have nothing
more to do with present-day developments.
It must, however, be admitted that attempts to tackle
crises in the former Yugoslavia, in Somalia, in Rwanda
and elsewhere have not yielded conclusive evidence of
the ability of the United Nations to find the right answers
to major hotbeds of tension.
Because of its geographical proximity, Hungary has
followed with particularly grave concern the devastation
and suffering across its southern borders, first and
foremost in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Croatia. We
have supported to the best of our abilities the efforts of
the international community aimed at finding a just
solution to that human drama. The basis for the solution
of this unprecedented crisis in the heart of Europe exists.
The principles of the United Nations Charter and those
adopted by the International Conference on Yugoslavia
are there. They include respect for the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of countries, the inadmissibility of
acquisition of territory by force, the elimination of the
consequences of "ethnic cleansing", the return of refugees
and displaced persons and the protection of human rights,
11

including the rights of minorities. These principles should
never be ignored if we are to reach a just and lasting
settlement in Bosnia, Croatia and elsewhere.
Hungary has a vital stake in the restoration of peace
and international legality in the former Yugoslavia. The
volatile situation of the sizeable Hungarian ethnic
community in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia
and Montenegro), the interruption of traditionally close
economic ties with our southern neighbours, the serious
losses we have suffered as a consequence of the sanctions
regime imposed by the Security Council on the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, all inspire us towards an active
involvement in the search for a durable and equitable
settlement in those tortured lands. In achieving that goal
we expect the international community to uphold the
principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to
enforce the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.
We also expect that appropriate ways will be found in the
course of post-conflict peace-building there to alleviate the
burden of losses incurred as a result of the sanctions regime
by the countries most directly affected, such as Hungary.
Hungary is following with keen interest the
encouraging process of the revitalization of the United
Nations. In this respect, I wish to reaffirm that we attach
particular importance to the question of the reform of the
Security Council with a view to ensuring its transparency,
representative character and effective functioning, in order
to better reflect the realities of our contemporary world. In
this context we fully concur with others in supporting
permanent membership in the Security Council for
Germany and Japan.
Hungary welcomes the ever-growing recognition that
in maintaining international peace and security regional
organizations should be given a more decisive role. In our
view, the time has come to work out the necessary
arrangements whereby regional organizations can effectively
contribute to conflict resolution, namely, preventive
diplomacy, peace-keeping, peacemaking and post-conflict
peace-building. We endorse the proposition that by
involving the regional organizations under the umbrella of
the United Nations, and in particular of the Security
Council, in the safeguarding or restoration of international
peace and security, our world can indeed be made a much
safer place. We, for our part, are prepared to share in
efforts at securing wider participatory action.
This autumn Hungary is honoured to act as host in
Budapest of the next Review Conference and summit
meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE). We expect the Conference and the
summit meeting not only to contribute to the better
functioning of this important regional arrangement but
also to serve as a useful vehicle in the efforts towards a
democratic and integrated Europe where rationalism may
prevail over nationalism. Furthermore, we are convinced
that success within the CSCE is not only beneficial to the
peoples living in the CSCE region but that it can also
underpin efforts at conflict prevention and crisis
resolution in other parts of the world. In this context we
believe that the realization of the Dutch-German proposal
to establish a genuine and practical division of
responsibilities between the CSCE and the United Nations
in the settlement of conflicts within the CSCE region,
while upholding the principles and provisions embodied
in the relevant chapters of the United Nations Charter,
could well be a major step forward.
Following the Budapest Summit, when Hungary is
to take over for a year the duties of the
chairmanship-in-office of the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), I personally intend to pay
particular attention to the consolidation of mutually
advantageous cooperation between the CSCE and the
United Nations which is so promisingly unfolding.
Promotion and protection of human rights and
fundamental freedoms are a high priority of Hungary’s
foreign policy. In this connection, I would like to recall
that in the Vienna Declaration of the World Conference
on Human Rights it was solemnly stated that the
promotion and protection of all human rights is a
legitimate concern of the international community.
Consequently, we find it indispensable that, in this spirit,
the United Nations should act in the defence of human
rights, irrespective of where violations of those rights
occur.
In our world of interdependence and growing
interaction, Hungary calls for the development by the
United Nations of an integrated response-capacity to
combat the repeated waves of human rights violations.
We view with serious concern the alarming increases in
the reported cases of gross violations of human rights, as
well as the frequent occurrence of such violations in
situations of internal armed conflicts or ethnic strife.
These developments have serious repercussions affecting
peace, security and stability in the given region and
beyond. In this regard, we should be mindful of the
requirements laid down in the Vienna Declaration for all
Governments to promote and protect human rights in their
own countries, regardless of their political, economic and
12

cultural structures. On the one hand, an open and active
dialogue, simultaneously constructive and critical, needs to
be established and sustained in order to promote the
protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. On
the other hand, a stronger commitment to economic and
social development in various areas of the world would
considerably facilitate the observance of these universal
values.
By the same token, we believe that the United Nations
has not yet exhausted the means available for the
international protection of human rights. We urge the
international community to seek new and innovative means
and methods to safeguard the rights and freedoms of our
fellow human beings, wherever they may live. We wish to
see the United Nations embark in a timely manner - within
the framework of preventive diplomacy - upon the road of
international protection of human rights and fundamental
freedoms. Rather than responding only to reported human
rights violations, the United Nations should build effective
preventive mechanisms into its activities whenever the need
arises. The notion of preventive protection should also
include adequate international monitoring.
Following decisions of the competent organs of the
United Nations, such as the Security Council or the
Commission on Human Rights, civilian human rights
monitors could be deployed if in any part of the world the
human rights situation so warranted. Hungary, for its part,
is prepared to participate with monitors in joint actions of
the international community in this field.
In these endeavours, we also count on the effective
participation of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
The High Commissioner has had our full support ever since
he assumed his office, and we pledge our cooperation in the
carrying out of all aspects of his mandate. We would like
to reiterate that adequate financing of the human rights
activities of the United Nations should be ensured through
the regular budget.
I cannot conclude without mentioning the issue of
sustainable development, with its many aspects covering
industrial and agricultural development, trade, human
resources, regional cooperation, protection of the
environment, and so forth. Clearly, what is at stake here is
our ability to tackle these global issues without delay. The
growing sensitivity with regard to these questions cannot
but be welcome. We consider the work of the United
Nations Conference on Population and Development, held
recently in Cairo, to be an important step in that direction
at a time when contrasts between requirements of human
development and limited resources are becoming more
and more evident.
In conclusion, I would like to reaffirm that Hungary
continues to be a strong supporter of multilateralism.
Nations are looking to this Organization for protection
and assistance. We must not let them down in these
critical times. In spite of failures, we should keep faith
with the United Nations and meet the challenges which,
in the final analysis, will determine mankind’s destiny in
the new millennium.


May I congratulate Foreign
Minister Essy of Côte d’Ivoire on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth
session. I am confident that he will steer our work to a
successful conclusion, and I pledge him the full support of
my delegation.
I wish also to take this opportunity to express my
Government’s satisfaction that South Africa, which now
takes its place as a full and respected member of the
community of nations, has been reinstated in the General
Assembly.
It is a much-vaunted truth that the end of the cold war
has released the United Nations from the bondage of a
world obsessed with military security. But there is another
change at work - perhaps less abrupt but equally
epoch-making - in the international system which has far-
reaching implications for our world Organization. I refer
to the progressive intertwining of the destinies of the
different peoples of the world, the globalization of the
world economy, the communications revolution and the
increasingly transnational nature of the issues of human
survival, be they environmental problems, poverty,
refugees or population pressures, and the eroding capacity
of the nation-State to address them single-handedly.
Global interdependence is causing greater demands
to be made on the United Nations than at any previous
time. The will to cooperate is gradually replacing the
spirit of confrontation throughout the world. At the same
time, it is not clear that we have created an organization
equal to the task of meeting the host of new demands.
Though adept at analysing their sources, we are still
inclined to deal with conflicts only after they arise instead
of preventing them. The dangers we face may be novel,
but the structures we draw on to cope with them derive
from a world that has largely vanished from view. Last
but not least, we saddle the United Nations with new
responsibilities without providing adequate resources to
tackle them. In this way, a discrepancy has come about
between our expectations of the United Nations and the
ability to deliver on them.
While our main challenge should be to seek to
transform the United Nations into a more effective
instrument for dealing with issues that truly are beyond
the compass of the nation-State, we should also bear in
mind that the United Nations was not designed to be a
substitute for national Governments. Wherever possible
the United Nations should work with its Member States
in areas where they are competent and draw to the
maximum extent possible on regional organizations. In
so doing, we reduce the burden on the United Nations and
facilitate the setting of priorities.
Looked at in this perspective, a number of
developments over the past 12 months give the United
Nations reason for encouragement. Democracy and the
principles of the free market are making new inroads, and
the protection of human rights is gaining momentum in
many parts of the world. In Eastern Europe the process
of democratic change is now irreversible. The negotiated
withdrawal of Russian troops from the Baltic States has
removed from the European continent one of the last
vestiges of the cold war. In Northern Ireland there is for
the first time since early this century a realistic chance of
lasting peace and stability. In the Middle East the
breakthrough achieved last year has been consolidated
with the Gaza-Jericho Agreement and a peace accord
between Israel and Jordan, hopefully paving the way for
a comprehensive peace settlement in the entire region.
18

In South Africa, the spirit of dialogue has finally
triumphed over the forces of hatred and racism, offering a
model of tolerance for other countries on the troubled
African continent. In Western Sahara, there are brightening
prospects, provided that all the relevant parties do their part
in creating the necessary climate of confidence to enable
the people of Western Sahara to decide their own destiny
in a democratic election.
But there have also been setbacks. Gross violations of
human rights have continued in places as far apart as Haiti
and East Timor. The tragic injustice in the former
Yugoslavia, the chaos in Somalia, as well as the terrible
carnage inflicted on the people of Rwanda by their own
compatriots, demonstrate the intractable nature of many of
the conflicts that our Organization is being called upon to
deal with. Unlike the inter-State conflicts which
traditionally have preoccupied the United Nations, these are
conflicts taking place within the confines of the nation-
State, where legitimate authority has either collapsed or
been emaciated by civil strife. As the Organization adapts
itself to the new demands of the post-cold-war era, ways
must be found to address such internal crises in full
conformity with the United Nations Charter.
To heed this call, greater attention must now be
concentrated on the preventive dimension. Much effort has
in recent years been devoted to peace-keeping, which now
extends to non-military operations, including electoral
assistance, the provision of humanitarian relief and human
rights monitoring. This is as it should be, and countries
contributing substantially to such peace-keeping operations
certainly deserve both our gratitude and respect. At the
same time, we must make sure that the necessary resources
are also allocated to development.
One of the lessons we have learned in recent years is
that we must focus more intently on the link between peace
and development. Increasingly, we have come to
understand that peace and security require solutions to
social and economic problems, that without development
there can be no peace. In this connection, I wish to pay
special tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, whose agenda for development, submitted
two years after his pathbreaking Agenda for Peace, has
sharpened our awareness of the need for creating an
infrastructure of peace.
For there to be a stable and lasting infrastructure of
peace, a number of elements must be in place: a
commitment to democracy and respect for human rights, a
sound social fabric, a growing economy and a sustainable
natural environment.
As a representative of one of the world’s oldest
democracies — one which celebrates the fiftieth
anniversary of its second republic this year — I cannot be
accused of underrating the redeeming virtues of
democracy, which, as was pointed out earlier in this
debate, fosters the greatest force behind social and
economic progress: individual creativity. Democracies,
as a rule, also tend to honour human rights. By
promoting tolerance and respect for the dignity of the
individual, we contribute to preventing cultural, ethnic
and territorial conflicts. For good reason, human rights
are therefore increasingly being considered as an integral
part of the notion of extended security. It is thus to be
regretted that the efforts of the United Nations in this
important field continue to be strained due to lack of
financial resources.
The effective implementation and monitoring of
human rights standards, not least with respect to
vulnerable groups, should be a matter of priority for the
United Nations. The plight of children in some parts of
the world gives cause for grave concern. Four years ago,
the largest gathering of world political leaders assembled
here in this Hall of the General Assembly and endorsed
the principle that children should have the first call on the
resources of society essential to their survival, protection
and development. Next year we will assess how far we
have come in honouring the commitments undertaken by
the Summit for Children. At the same time we will be
celebrating the half-centenary of the United Nations. In
the view of my Government, this milestone event should
be used to give new impetus to efforts to ensure that
children are given the best social conditions the world
community can offer.
As it happens, the fiftieth anniversary celebrations
will coincide with the Beijing Conference on the status of
women. The timing is significant as the goals of
achieving equality, empowerment and security for women
are key to the social agenda of the United Nations as it
makes the transition into its second half-century.
Improving the status of women is of paramount
importance for the well-being of the family, and has
positive multiplier effects on overall levels of education,
health and population growth in society as a whole.
Conversely, where society has broken down or social
safety-nets are inadequate, women assume the largest
burden. There is therefore a direct link between the
19

Fourth World Conference on Women, the recent
International Conference on Population and Development
held in Cairo and the World Summit for Social
Development, to be held in Copenhagen next spring. The
Copenhagen summit will afford us a much needed
opportunity to focus attention on the social ills that
compromise the ability of nations to develop their full
potential, be they poverty or disease, homelessness or
hunger, joblessness or social exclusion, crime or violence.
Fifty years after the United Nations avowed in its Charter
to promote social progress and better standards of living in
greater freedom, the time has come to put sustainable
human development at the top of the Organization’s
agenda.
In relieving the plight of the most underprivileged
segments of the world’s population, the role of economic
growth can hardly be overstated. The abolition of trade
barriers is the single most important factor for world
economic growth. Just as a rising tide lifts the boats, so an
increase in world trade will create new jobs and raise
incomes around the world. My Government therefore
strongly welcomes the establishment of the World Trade
Organization and urges other signatory States to ratify the
Uruguay-Round Agreement without undue delay.
Focusing on economic progress must not, however,
blind us to the need to keep an eye on other areas, which,
if neglected, might strip us of the harvest of increased
prosperity. One such area is the environment. Over the
past few years the United Nations has made significant
headway in its efforts to promote sustainable development
worldwide. The results of the Rio Conference on
Environment and development provide a sound basis for
further work. As we now assume the momentous task of
development, measures must also be taken to protect the
environment from detrimental patterns of production and
consumption.
While recognizing the need to take a balanced view of
the ecosystem as a whole, Iceland remains particularly
concerned over the deteriorating condition of the world’s
oceans. It is a hopeful sign that the international
community has shown increasing awareness of the
importance of the sustainable utilization of the living
resources of the sea. It has been estimated that the poorest
two-thirds of the world’s population get about 40 percent of
their protein from fish, and that food production must more
than double just to keep pace with the growth in demand in
the decades ahead. To meet this growth, it will be
necessary to rely not only on agriculture but also - and to
an increasing extent - on the sustainable utilization of the
living resources of the sea.
Such considerations notwithstanding, the ecosystem
of the sea is now in greater danger than ever before from
pollution and overfishing. Protecting the oceans against
the repercussions of economic and industrial expansion
will pose a major challenge to the international
community in the years ahead. Although much has been
accomplished, existing conventions aimed at containing
the pollution of the marine environment cover only a part
of the problem, as no global scheme addressing pollution
from land-based activities is in place. For this reason,
Iceland attaches great importance to the Conference on
the Protection of the Marine Environment from
Land-based Activities, to be convened in Washington next
year under the auspices of the United Nations
Environment Programme. We urge all States and relevant
international agencies to participate actively in the
preparatory process, commencing officially in Reykjavik
in March next year.
The responsible use of fisheries resources is,
however, no less important than combatting the threat of
marine pollution. The universal acceptance of the
sovereignty of the coastal State over its adjacent waters
was a necessary precondition of the effective management
by the world community of the living resources of the
sea. The application of the United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea, which extended the rule of law to
over two thirds of the Earth’s surface, has contributed
more than any single undertaking to the furtherance of
that goal. Against this background, Iceland particularly
welcomes the fact that this Convention, a crowning
achievement in the progressive development of
international law under the auspices of the United
Nations, will come into force in only a few weeks’ time.
My country remains strongly committed to the
establishment of an international regime governing all
aspects of the utilization of living marine resources,
including the high seas. For this reason, Iceland has
actively supported the drafting of a legally binding and
comprehensive instrument that would ensure the effective
management and conservation of fisheries outside the
economic zone of the coastal State. In Iceland’s view,
this goal could best be achieved by establishing regional
fisheries management organizations or arrangements open
to States with legitimate interests in the relevant fisheries.
Such provisions should not, however, be understood as
implying approval of existing forms of cooperation based,
in some instances, on unilateral decisions by a few States
20

aimed at excluding other neighbouring States,
notwithstanding the latter’s overwhelming dependence on
and proximity to the fisheries in question. Indeed,
unjustified discrimination would defeat the very aim of
establishing a new high seas fisheries regime for the benefit
of all nations.
The global challenge of development calls for bold
new thinking, backed by the solid commitment of the
international community to the goals enshrined in the
United Nations Charter. It also demands that we try to
establish consensus on the restructuring and reform of our
Organization in the near future. Efforts must be made to
improve the representational capacity and efficiency of the
Security Council and at the same time preserve the
constitutional balance between the various organs of the
Organization, not least between the Council and the General
Assembly.
We find ourselves on the threshold of a new era. Yet,
we are far from having rid ourselves completely of the
legacy of the cold war, which includes immense quantities
of armaments and the technology for producing them. It
would certainly be disastrous if the recent transformation of
the international security environment were to be
undermined by the growing proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction.
In this connection, my Government deems it of the
utmost importance that the Convention on chemical
weapons enter into force next year and that the Convention
on Biological Weapons be further reinforced. In addition,
the indefinite and unconditional extension of the
non-proliferation Treaty would be the single most
significant measure against the proliferation of nuclear
weapons. This should be followed up by universal
adherence to the nuclear-test moratorium and the conclusion
of a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
As we inaugurate the second half-century of the
United Nations, what better gift could the community of
nations bestow on itself? And in what better way could we
make a clean break with the cold war era?


Allow me at the outset to
extend to Mr. Amara Essy the warmest congratulations of
the Greek Government on his election to the presidency of
the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are
particularly pleased that his presence this year will provide
the African States, with which Greece maintains excellent
relations, with a further opportunity to make an essential
contribution to the successful outcome of our work. I
would also like to thank Ambassador Insanally for the
constructive and efficient manner in which he performed
his duties as President of the General Assembly during its
forty-eighth session.
I wish to take this opportunity to address sincere
congratulations to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who is striving with
courage, energy, political will, vision and perspicacity for
a new world, a world in which law and ethics will prevail,
and for the restructuring of the Organization to enable it to
meet the challenges of our time. He has our full support in
his efforts to fulfil his mission.
The Foreign Minister of Germany, in his capacity as
President of the Council of the European Union, delivered
a statement yesterday on behalf of the European Union and
its member States. My Government subscribes to its
content. However, I should like to address some issues of
particular interest to Greece which, apart from the statement
of my German colleague, Klaus Kinkel, are further
elaborated in the European Union’s memorandum.
The United Nations is facing the challenges and
preoccupations of our times. And now, more than ever, it
must become the forum to which all those who are
suffering injustice will naturally resort, knowing that justice
will be done. To this end, it is the duty of all to abide by
the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which
they have accepted of their own free will, and to observe
the rules, to the development and establishment of which
they have contributed. In this context, all must respect
United Nations resolutions, particularly those of the
Security Council, the body on which the international
community has conferred primary responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security. This is the
only way in which we can strengthen the moral stature of
the United Nations and contribute to the attainment of its
goals.
Bearing this in mind, we welcome and strongly
support the efforts of the Secretary-General in the area of
preventive diplomacy and the maintenance and promotion
of international peace and security, within a broader
framework which, in addition to the political and military
aspects, also has an economic and social dimension,
particularly with respect to the protection of human rights
and fundamental freedoms.
Respect for human rights constitutes one of the most
important factors for the maintenance of international
peace and security and must be regarded as a prerequisite
for development in all areas and for democratic existence.
The Vienna World Conference on Human Rights was an
important milestone, as was the establishment of the post
of High Commissioner for Human Rights, whose mandate
we fully support, and the mission of the Centre for
Human Rights. The principles of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the Vienna Declaration
and Programme of Action, as well as other international
acts and instruments, should guide the actions of all
Member States on a daily basis.
The international community is called upon to
confront many problems among the Members of the
Organization. Fortunately, considerable progress has been
achieved during the past year with regard to some of
them.
I should like first to refer to the case of the Middle
East. Greece, a neighbouring country and a traditional
friend of the peoples in the region, is particularly pleased
by the continuous and promising steps taken recently to
strengthen peace and security and to arrive at satisfactory
arrangements for the Palestinian people, steps which will
open up prospects for a final, generally acceptable,
settlement of the long-lasting Middle East crisis.
The other case I should like to mention is that of the
restoration of democracy in South Africa. Who would
not agree that the peaceful change achieved in that
country by leaders such as President Mandela and
Vice-President De Klerk, is an example to follow? This
change was made possible, however, only because both
men had the will to abolish the system of apartheid and
to establish a democracy based on tolerance and respect
for human rights.
In both cases Greece did its utmost to contribute to
the successful outcome of the efforts pursued to achieve
these results.
23

However, during the same period of time, mankind
has had to endure crises which have caused incalculable
loss of human life and tremendous suffering.
Unfortunately, there are many such examples that could be
mentioned in Africa, Asia, Central America and Europe.
Rwanda, whose tragedy borders on genocide, is one of the
most telling cases. Greece, as a member of the European
troika, took part in a mission of the European Union to
Rwanda and its neighbouring countries, in order to assist in
the task of finding solutions to this tragic political conflict
and to the problem of the refugees.
As a representative of a Balkan country that has a
primary interest in stability in the Balkans, and contributes
decisively to its consolidation, I will now refer specifically
to the conflict in the former Yugoslavia, which continues to
be a source of serious concern to the international
community, and to European countries in particular.
In spite of the major efforts of the international
community, war is raging in the region for the fourth
consecutive year. The victims on all sides are countless
and the number of refugees is increasing dramatically.
Greece actively participates in all international
peace-making efforts. During the first part of this year
when Greece held the presidency of the European Union,
my country undertook a series of initiatives, aimed at
arriving at a political solution of the conflict through
negotiations.
The proposals of the contact group constitute a
realistic basis for a settlement and must be accepted by the
Bosnian Serb side as well. President Milosevic’s decisive
stance vis-à-vis the Bosnian Serbs strengthens this
approach, and we hope that it will lead the Bosnian Serbs
to accept the peace plan. In this context, we welcome
Security Council resolutions 942 (1994) and 943 (1994).
The concentration of efforts aimed at ending the war
in Bosnia and Herzegovina does not mean that less
attention should be paid to a solution of the problem of the
Krajinas, nor that its importance should be underestimated.
Greece is willing to contribute actively to the
rapprochement of the parties involved, so that a mutually
acceptable settlement might be achieved.
We have, however, inherited yet another problem since
the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia, that of the Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. It lies in the fact that
the new State insists on calling itself "Macedonia". The
Greek people and the Greek Government cannot accept this
denomination because, together with provisions of the
Constitution of Skopje, of the Former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia, the propaganda against our country, as
well as the appropriation of Greek national and historical
emblems on their flag, it indicates irredentist claims
against Greece. We hope that the good offices of Mr.
Vance, on the basis of Security Council resolution 817
(1993), and the ensuing negotiating process within which
Greece has demonstrated its good will and constructive
approach, will soon bear fruit.
Another serious international and European problem,
which is of considerable interest to the United Nations,
the European Union and Greece in particular and which,
unfortunately, remains unsolved, is that of Cyprus. More
than 20 years after the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and 20
years after this body, in this very Hall, demanded the
immediate withdrawal of all foreign occupation troops, a
considerable part of Cyprus is still under occupation.
Basic human rights are still being violated, and the
tragedy of the refugees and of the missing and enclaved
persons persists. Furthermore, in spite of the relevant
United Nations resolutions, the mass establishment of
Turkish settlers continues unabated, thus distorting the
demographic composition of the island.
The Secretary-General, in his latest report to the
Security Council, unequivocally acknowledged that it is
the lack of political will of the Turkish Cypriot side that,
over a number of years, has impeded any progress in the
peace process. In spite of the many face-saving efforts
being made, the Secretary-General’s conclusion cannot be
questioned. But even if some would wish to deliberately
hide from the truth, the recent decision of the Turkish
Cypriots, which rejects the very basis for a settlement -
namely the Federation - that had been agreed and sought
from the start, as well as the unequivocal and
unconditional support that this decision received from
Ankara, revealed the true Turkish sentiments and
objectives: contempt for the United Nations resolutions
and the preservation of illegally acquired territories
following the invasion and the occupation.
There can be no doubt that this Turkish attitude of
provocation is supported by the Turkish military presence
on the island, which has gone unpunished for so many
years. That is the reason why we believe that the efforts
of the international community should focus, as a matter
of priority, on the withdrawal of the Turkish occupying
troops. In this context, President Clerides’ fair and
balanced proposal for the demilitarization of Cyprus
should be duly taken into consideration.
24

The Secretary-General’s recent efforts are in progress,
and we are awaiting their results. However, mere verbal
support by the international community for the Secretary--
General’s initiative will not suffice. The time has come to
assist the Secretary-General with concrete actions aimed at
Ankara, which is, of course, the key factor for
developments in Cyprus. If, however, those efforts are not
successful, as has happened in other cases, the international
community will have to consider new, alternative methods
and measures that will ensure the implementation of United
Nations resolutions calling for the restoration of the
sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of the Republic
of Cyprus, together with respect for the rights and freedoms
of all its citizens.
The strengthening of good-neighbourly relations on the
basis of respect for international law, national sovereignty,
human rights and non-intervention in the internal affairs of
other States is the cornerstone of Greek foreign policy. The
implementation of those principles bears particular
importance with regard to the relations between Greece and
its neighbours. In this context, it is the sincere wish of the
Greek Government that relations between Greece and
Turkey be normalized.
It goes without saying that such a normalization of
Greek-Turkish relations presupposes a just and lasting
solution to the Cyprus problem and the restoration of the
rule of international law with regard to Cyprus. Moreover,
respect for international law and human rights, in
conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United
Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris, is
the only possible basis for the establishment and
consolidation of a climate of mutual trust between Greece
and Turkey.
Greece abides by the same principles in its foreign
policy towards Albania. We aspire, through a dialogue
which we have repeatedly sought, to the development of
good-neighbourly relations and cooperation in all areas,
within a framework of mutual respect for territorial
integrity and national sovereignty and of the unconditional
implementation of international instruments that safeguard
respect for human rights.
Ample evidence of this policy is provided by the
extensive and multifaceted economic and humanitarian
assistance that my country has extended to Albania in
recent years, in support of that country’s reconstruction
following a long period of totalitarian rule and in support
of its economy by various means, including, inter alia, the
massive flow of remittances from illegal Albanian
immigrants, hundreds of thousands of whom live and
work illegally in Greece.
On the other hand, the large Greek minority in
Albania had been deprived by the previous regime of all
its fundamental rights and had hoped that a change in
Government would lead to a change in their conditions.
Unfortunately, however, the new Albanian Government
has pursued the same policies of its predecessors.
Members of the minority are persecuted, and many
internationally recognized fundamental human and
minority rights are being violated in practice and not
admitted to, in spite of the verbal assurances to the
contrary of the Albanian Government. This is the case,
for instance, in the field of education, with which the
High Commissioner for National Minorities of the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Mr.
Van Der Stoel, with whom the Greek Government is
harmoniously cooperating, has been especially concerned.
The oppressive policy of the Albanian Government
has culminated in the harsh sentences delivered against
five leading members of the Greek minority, after a
parody of investigation and judicial procedure, as
witnessed by unprejudiced observers from international
organizations. All the above justifies the impression that
the Albanian leadership is promoting a climate of
harassment against the Greek minority, so as to force its
members to abandon their ancestral homes.
Greece reaffirms that, as it has assured the
Secretary-General, it sincerely favours the development of
good-neighbourly relations and constructive cooperation
with Albania, and calls on the Albanian Government, in
conformity with its international commitments, to respect
the human rights and the individual freedoms of the
Greek minority, so as to create the conditions necessary
to ensure the development of such relations.
There are many other problems on which I would
like to express the views of my country. However, time
is limited and I will constrain myself to addressing those
we deem particularly important.
Significant and daring steps have been taken in the
area of disarmament. In spite of the end of the
confrontation between East and West, however, arms
control and disarmament remain issues of primary
importance due to the appearance of new sources of
tension which jeopardize our efforts towards the
non-proliferation of arms.
25

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) has played an important role to this day,
and we believe that its unconditional and unlimited
extension at the coming Conference of 1995 will further
strengthen the overall legal status of non-proliferation.
We also hope that negotiations for a comprehensive
nuclear-test-ban treaty will soon yield positive results.
Moreover, Greece hopes to contribute to the entry into
force of the Convention on the Prohibition of the
Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical
Weapons at the earliest possible date by promoting without
delay the relevant ratification procedures.
Furthermore, my country is deeply concerned about
the problem of the increasing presence of mines and other
unexploded devices and has decided to declare a
moratorium, without exception, on the export, sale or
transfer of all anti-personnel land-mines. We call on all
States to adopt similar measures.
It is time to accelerate and strengthen multilateral
negotiations in the area of disarmament. The international
community should prove that it is ready and willing to take
the steps which will bring about practical solutions to the
problem of disarmament and international security. We
believe that an increase of the membership of the
Conference on Disarmament in Geneva would greatly
contribute to that end.
In addition, special attention should be given to the
African continent, not only regarding the settlement of
political disputes between various States but also with
regard to the establishment of the necessary political,
economic and social conditions for the restoration of peace
and security and the improvement of the economic situation
in all African countries.
The United Nations rightly places special emphasis on
the economic and social fields, which are so essential to
peaceful coexistence among peoples. We must all
thoroughly consider the Agenda for Development and
attempt to find a way for developing countries to benefit
from the achievements of industrialized States. We must
work together to find a new form of economic relations,
taking into account the difficulties with which we are all
confronted.
The International Conference on Population and
Development which has just taken place in Cairo, the
forthcoming World Summit for Social Development, in
Copenhagen, in March 1995, and the Fourth World
Conference on Women, in Beijing, in September 1995, as
well as all the other meetings that took place last year on
economic and social issues, are paving the way in the
right direction.
Moreover, I feel it necessary to underline the
importance that Greece attaches to the struggle against the
international scourge of terrorism. My country
unequivocally condemns all terrorist acts and actively
contributes - working within the framework of close
cooperation with third countries and competent
international organizations - to all actions and efforts
aimed at their elimination. However, I want to stress that
economic and social development, safeguarding the rule
of law and respect for human rights and individual
freedoms are the most efficient and radical means to do
away, once and for all, with this international scourge.
In concluding, I would like to express my country’s
interest in the future development of the institutional
aspects of the Organization, in particular with regard to
the Security Council, and to stress that Greece is willing
to contribute actively to the consultations currently under
way on these issues so as to achieve the best possible
result for all Members of the United Nations.
In the same spirit, I would like to reaffirm Greece’s
full and unwavering commitment to the purposes and
principles of the Organization within the context of
international cooperation and solidarity. We undertake to
contribute with all our means to the struggles and efforts
to create lasting conditions that will ensure, at the dawn
of the next millennium, that all peoples fully enjoy the
benefits of freedom and development within a peaceful,
democratic and creative environment.


At the dawn of the twenty-first century, our
planet is seeking a new world balance. Five years have
passed since the struggle for world hegemony came to an
end and the arms race became less frenzied. Unfortunately,
the problems afflicting mankind remain unchanged: death,
disease, war, famine, poverty, hotbeds of tension, and the
tragic wandering of entire populations. The East-West
blocs have been replaced by North-South blocs. The
wealthy North is worried because the poor South is a threat
to its serenity and comfort.
Far from making the international climate better, the
end of the cold war has unleashed instability in the southern
hemisphere. Our world is facing a threefold crisis —
political and economic crises and a crisis of human
society — which is sorely testing international solidarity
and the interdependence of States. The many hotbeds of
tension in Latin America, Europe, Asia and Africa arouse
anxiety and concern in our Organization. A number of
ideas have been put forward to check these evils on a
global scale, with greater or lesser degrees of success, but
we feel that the best approach lies in the old saying: “An
ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure”.
Preventive diplomacy seems to us to be decisive in
maintaining and promoting peace, as recent world history
shows. Indeed, it is clear that many current conflicts
might have been avoided had the international community
involved itself in time to prevent them from worsening.
For obvious reasons, I should like to dwell on the
crisis in Rwanda.
A review of the roots of this tragedy shows that the
implementation of preventive diplomacy could have
prevented it or at least mitigated its effects. If we go
back to the earliest manifestations of the ethnic conflict
between Hutus and Tutsis, we see many opportunities to
resolve it which the international community passed up.
But let us look at recent history.
It is clear that if the parties involved had respected
the Arusha Agreements, the Rwandese tragedy would not
have taken on its current dimensions. It is equally clear
that the international community could have guaranteed
respect for these Agreements. Moreover, the presence on
Rwandese soil of foreign and international troops shortly
before and during the massacres could have prevented
them.
The Zairian delegation has recalled the past so that
we can learn the lessons it teaches for present and future
problems. What are these problems?
Millions of Rwandese left their country and took
refuge in neighbouring countries. This mass exodus
caused immeasurable damage and created extremely
serious social and economic imbalances in those
countries. Zaire, for instance, had to absorb nearly 3
million people in less than three months. The little city
of Goma, with a normal population of 200,000, on 14
June alone took in 10,000 refugees a minute. The
modern world has never seen such an uprooting of
populations.
The effects of such a situation could only be tragic:
the swamping of infrastructures, the re-emergence of
endemic disease, housing shortages, the devastation of
crops, environmental destruction, disputes among people
living in close quarters, insecurity, and countless other
examples. In addition to all this, the nationality problem
is worsening — and it was already a matter of concern in
that part of Zaire.
The current situation in countries bordering Rwanda
meets all the preconditions for preventive intervention by
the international community. Of course, it is already
engaged in humanitarian operations on behalf of the
15

refugees. My delegation takes this opportunity to thank all
the countries and organizations involved in these operations.
France in particular deserves a special tribute for having
saved so many lives in “Operation Turquoise”. But it is
high time that the international community moved beyond
the humanitarian aspect towards a solution of the
fundamental causes of the Rwandese tragedy and its effects
on neighbouring countries.
These causes relate to the displacement and presence
of refugees in countries that are in no way equipped to take
in such human masses. Thus the solution lies in the return
of refugees to their country of origin. Yet we note that
none of the countries directly concerned by this
phenomenon can cope on its own with the situation without
assistance from the international community.
Let us take the case of my country and of Rwanda.
The tragedy of Rwanda, which occurred shortly before the
installation of our current Government in Zaire, could
benefit only from stop-gap measures on the part of our
Government, given the already disturbing situation of the
economy in Zaire — and the problems remain unsolved.
From this rostrum, Zaire issues a fervent appeal to the
international community for support equal to the difficulties
experienced by our population.
We know that the return of refugees to their countries
is being thwarted by various factors: their administrative
and political organizations were reconstituted in the camps;
the militia, who are difficult to identify, and the former
civilian and military authorities, are intimidating the
refugees; the commitment by the new masters of Kigali to
persuade their compatriots to embark on a voluntary, secure
return seems inadequate, to say the least; in an effort to
respect the spirit of the relevant Organization of African
Unity convention on refugees, the Government of Zaire,
with no means, is confronted with enormous difficulties in
trying to remove the former soldiers from the borders.
All of these factors should lead the international
community to realize the gravity of the situation —
particularly as the evolution of the Hutu-Tutsi conflict risks
swinging back and forth: today we are witnessing a mass
return to Rwanda of Tutsi refugees who were driven into
exile 30 years ago; if the international community is not
careful, however, tomorrow we will witness another tragedy
in Rwanda, this time tied in with the return of the Hutu
refugees.
It is thus urgent that the world help these two ethnic
groups to learn how to live together again in harmony.
We believe that solutions to the tragedy in Rwanda
should include the four following elements: power
sharing between the parties involved; the establishment of
a multi-ethnic army; the establishment of guarantees for
the safe return of refugees; and assistance by the
international community to the countries of asylum and of
origin.
Having sketched out the very dark and disturbing
picture of the situation that prevails in the Great Lakes
region, I would now like to turn to the situation in my
own country, Zaire.
Situated in the heart of Africa, Zaire is a country in
deep crisis. Since the beginning of this decade, Zaire has
been experiencing a serious institutional crisis, punctuated
by individual events which have contributed to destroying
all the basic balances of our economy.
Our country just barely averted a crisis which could
have been comparable to the one in Rwanda. As we
know, the democratization process initiated in Zaire on 24
April 1990 was one of the most tumultuous of the entire
African continent. A national conference which lasted
almost two years was unable to reconcile the political
actors. National unity was harmed by the reappearance
of centrifugal and sectarian movements. Ethnic tensions
erupted here and there throughout the country. In short,
we might well have experienced the same phenomena of
massacres and mass displacements of populations we
deplore in Rwanda.
Zaire succeeded in averting this great tragedy owing
in large part to the timely assistance provided by the
international community.
We do not wish to minimize either the wisdom and
the work done by the internal forces in Zaire, or the
ongoing support from what we call the troika: the group
of countries consisting of Belgium, France and the United
States of America.
We should also like to recognize that it was under
the good offices of the Secretary-General of our
Organization that meetings were held that brought
together all of the political trends in Zaire.
The results of these meetings were of major political
importance because they put an end to the duplication of
16

constitutional texts as well as of institutions of transition
towards a new democratic republic.
On 11 July 1994 the transitional parliament established
a Government which represents the majority of the people
of Zaire. This Government intends to conduct the nation’s
politics exclusively through parliamentary control.
In Zaire as elsewhere, democratization is a lengthy
process which requires considerable material and financial
resources. I am thinking not of the resources needed at
particular moments — for example to organize and hold
free and transparent elections. I am referring to the
substantial resources needed to stabilize the economic and
social environment, which will provide the framework for
democratization. This stability has long been ignored, but
today is increasingly being recognized as the prerequisite
for progress towards democracy.
If this is truly the case, then many countries in Africa
and throughout the world have small hope of completing
their democratization, or at least of completing it within a
reasonable time-frame. For in these countries, politics are
grossly distorted by ills such as poverty, malnutrition,
ignorance, violence and so forth.
When a country relies only on its national efforts to
resolve all of those ills, it very quickly gets locked into a
vicious circle which only exacerbates its problems.
The second crisis facing mankind is economic in
nature. This crisis dates back to the 1970s and derives
from fundamental inadequacies in the economic system
established at the end of the Second World War. The
granting of independence to countries that were colonies at
the time completely changed the international situation.
This crisis derives from structural lacunae and from
the imbalance in interdependent areas such as those of
commodities, trade, energy, currency and finance.
For this reason, we would propose that the concept of
preventive diplomacy be transposed into the economic area.
This would imply action being taken on the part of the
international community to deal with the imbalance in a
national economy before that imbalance leads to a
widespread social crisis.
Socio-economic conditions have worsened
considerably in Zaire since the beginning of
democratization. In the last five years, the basic balances
of the Zaire economy have been completely destroyed. As
a result, there is a particularly acute economic and
financial crisis.
This economic crisis has been accompanied by a
profound moral crisis, which has led to plundering and
systematic destruction of the economic fabric.
It goes without saying that such an economic
situation can hardly lead us to the blossoming of
democracy, due to its negative impact on the living
conditions of citizens.
It is equally obvious that Zaire cannot emerge all on
its own from this situation. The current Government has
of course included in its programme specific short-term
measures to slow down somewhat the continuing
deterioration of social conditions. But these measures and
the Government’s recovery plan as a whole can be
effective only if they are supported by strengthened
cooperation between Zaire and its bilateral and
multilateral partners.
However, as is known, this cooperation has been
suspended, and most of Zaire’s partners are making the
resumption of such cooperation conditional on tangible
progress being made towards democracy and progress in
economic management. Thus, we find ourselves faced
with a complex conditionality. The assistance my country
needs to move towards democracy and good management
is made conditional on the prior achievement of
democracy and good management.
My country is not an isolated case. This kind of
conditionality is increasingly a determining factor in
cooperation between developing countries, particularly in
Africa, and their multilateral and bilateral partners. In
other words, many countries today are confronted by a
vicious circle that obstructs their access to the resources
of the international community.
Our Organization must find some means of breaking
this circle because the survival of vast numbers of the
world’s citizens — if not that of the human race as a
whole — is at stake. It is important to note that the
search for these means must lead us off the beaten track
so we can find new and imaginative paths. In our search
we must create new solutions, such as those that made it
possible to rebuild Europe after the Second World War.
The third ill afflicting the world today is the crisis of
society. Human society is falling prey to the re-
emergence and supremacy of force and violence over the
17

rule of law in relations between States, in contempt of all
the rules of good conduct. Two thirds of the human race
suffers from hunger, endemic disease, malnutrition,
undernourishment, unemployment, lack of information,
acculturation — in short, total underdevelopment. The
political and economic crisis also has a negative effect on
society.
The Government of which I am the head is a
Government of transition between an old order and a new,
emerging republic in which we will recognize every
citizen’s right to freedom of thought, expression,
association and movement, a new republic where justice is
independent, where the police and the army must serve to
protect the citizen, a new republic where the press is free.
My Government intends to make respect for human
rights in Zaire one of its fundamental priorities of action.
From this rostrum I make an appeal to the specialized
agencies of our Organization to share their enriching
experience with us and to help us effectively in realizing
our aims.
The establishment of institutions for our new,
resolutely democratic republic will involve the organization
in the near future of free, transparent and honest elections.
My Government hopes to see the United Nations
community join Zaire in this last stage of our long journey
towards our goal — a State of law — by assisting in the
preparation, organization and monitoring of these elections
at all levels.
Before concluding, I would just like to express to you,
Mr. President, the great satisfaction my delegation feels at
seeing you presiding over the General Assembly at its
forty-ninth session. We are all aware that your election is
a tribute to your country, Côte d’Ivoire. But it also
represents the international community’s recognition of your
qualities as a statesman and knowledgeable diplomat. Your
competence and experience are without any doubt a
guarantee of the success in our work. We also wish to
congratulate all the members of the General Committee.
I would be remiss if I did not say how greatly my
delegation appreciates the way in which your illustrious
predecessor presided over the forty-eighth session.
We extend our best wishes and our support to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
commitment and his tireless efforts to promote peace and
respect for human rights.
I wish to take this opportunity to pay a warm tribute
to the people of South Africa for their political maturity,
which, along with the assistance of the international
community, made it possible to do away with apartheid
and to bring democracy to that country. It is with great
joy and genuine pleasure that, on behalf of the
Government and the people of Zaire, I congratulate the
new, democratic, multiracial Republic of South Africa on
its return to the United Nations.
Finally, I should like to congratulate the political
leaders of the State of Israel and of the Palestine
Liberation Organization, as well as all those who served
as mediators, for their contribution to a comprehensive
and definitive settlement to the conflict in the Middle East
and the question of Palestine.
To sum up, I would simply say that I came here
with three messages. The first one is that of the
interdependence of nations in mutually beneficial
cooperation and with no exclusions. My second message
is that, in its action, my Government attaches the highest
priority to the swift establishment of a new Zaire, a State
of law where fundamental freedoms and the rights of
citizens will be the major concern of those in power. My
third message is a call for the effective implementation of
the concept of preventive diplomacy to promote peace
and eradicate poverty in the world.