I congratulate you, Sir, on
your election as President of the General Assembly at its
fifty-second session. We have no doubt that your
diplomatic tact will steer the deliberations of this
important session to a fruitful conclusion. My delegation
will lend you its full cooperation as you embark on the
difficult task ahead of you.
Let me now pay tribute to His Excellency Mr. Razali
Ismail, your predecessor, who conducted our work during
the fifty-first session in a highly remarkable manner.
Our tribute goes also to the former Secretary-
General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his distinguished
leadership during his tenure. We are most grateful to him
for his tireless efforts in upholding the objectives of the
Organization.
The present Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
hails from a country that paved the road towards freedom
and national independence in our part of the world. The
first leader of his country, Mr. Kwame Nkrumah, was a
main catalyst in Africa’s fight against colonial
domination. We have no doubt that all these attributes,
together with his long-standing experience in the affairs
of the United Nations, will contribute to the revitalization
and democratization of the Organization. We congratulate
him on his election as Secretary-General, and we assure
him of our full support and cooperation.
At the fiftieth session of the General Assembly,
world leaders recaptured the vision of the founding
fathers of our Organization. They did so in recognition of
the need to map out the institutional framework and
operational parameters necessary to forge the
effectiveness and continued relevance of the United
Nations in this ever-changing international arena. It is that
momentum that must be the driving force in our quest for
a reformed, revitalized and democratized United Nations.
Reform is a process. As long as the United Nations
exists and the world continues to change, reform will be
necessary. Namibia therefore welcomes the Secretary-
General’s report of 16 July 1997 on the reform of the
United Nations. Let me place on record that Namibia
welcomes and supports reform which enhances the
capacity of the United Nations to effectively address the
critical development concerns of developing countries. In
4

this context, let me emphasize that we attach utmost
importance to the operational activities of the United
Nations, for they complement our development efforts. Any
reform in this area must strengthen their scope of
excellence. As the Secretary-General rightly puts it in his
report on the work of the Organization, “times of
transformation can be times of confusion” [A/52/1, para.
20]. Managerial issues, therefore, must not and cannot be
confused with policy matters. We have long recognized that
it is the General Assembly that is best equipped by the
Charter to provide the necessary representative leadership.
And this authority of the General Assembly my delegation
shall seek to uphold.
Reform must not be retrogressive. It must continue to
enhance and build on those gains we have made over the
years. And, therefore, savings to be realized from reform
measures should be channelled — and rightly so — to
“the Organization’s highest priority, alleviating
poverty and enhancing the prospects of developing
countries”. [A/51/950, letter of transmittal]
The recent reform proposals by the Secretary-General are,
in our view, part of an ongoing process. We must not resist
change; nor should we lose sight of the long-term
implications of our actions of today. We need to do it now,
but we must do it right.
In his address to the General Assembly, the current
Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU),
President Robert Mugabe, reiterated the position of the
OAU on the reform and democratization of the Security
Council. Let me supplement his remarks by emphasizing
that Namibia is opposed to categories of permanent
membership of the Security Council. As we continue to
seek ways and means to reform the Security Council, we
must not replace a speedy process with haste. Hence, the
Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable
Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the
Security Council and Other Matters Related to the Security
Council should be the forum to search for and reach a
consensus on the matter.
What besets the United Nations today is not merely an
unmanageable structure. The Organization is subjected to
financial limitations. Reform cannot supplant the Charter
obligation of Member States to honour their financial
obligations. Voluntary contributions, therefore, must not be
seen as a means to pave the way towards resolving the
current financial crisis. My Government welcomes the idea
of the establishment of a revolving credit fund, capitalized
at a level of up to $1 billion through voluntary
contributions or through other appropriate means which
may be agreed. However, our Organization can execute
its mandate to the fullest only when all Member States
equip it to do so. We all must honour our assessed
contributions in line with international agreements, not in
line with unilateral decisions.
The creation of a development account is viewed by
my Government as a good idea. However, all mandated
programmes and activities should be implemented,
including reimbursement to troop contributors for United
Nations peacekeeping operations. Furthermore, any
reduction in posts must not compromise the effectiveness
of the United Nations; more important, it must be carried
out on the basis of geographical equity.
Since 1996 we have witnessed positive progress in
the field of disarmament. A Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty (CTBT) has been concluded, and the
Chemical Weapons Convention has come into force. In
addition, an agreement was reached by the parties to the
Convention on the Prohibition of the Development,
Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological)
and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction to intensify
efforts to negotiate verification provisions. However,
despite these developments, nuclear weapons and their
proliferation continue to be a cause of concern to the
international community. With the conclusion of the
CTBT, it is still our hope that serious negotiations will
begin on the elimination of nuclear weapons.
In this connection, we call upon the nuclear-weapon
States to undertake, within the shortest possible time
frame, to carry out effective nuclear disarmament
measures. The total elimination of these weapons is the
only genuine guarantee for non-nuclear-weapon States
against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons.
Namibia is among many countries still facing the
bitter experience of the effects of landmines, which have
claimed and continue to claim human lives, and which
pose serious obstacles to the reconstruction and
development process. Thus, we support the international
community’s move towards a total ban on the use of anti-
personnel landmines and its continuous and tireless efforts
across the globe to clear minefields.
In this connection, we welcome the treaty recently
concluded in Oslo, Norway, to ban anti-personnel
landmines. Namibia is ready to sign the treaty in Ottawa.
Let me express our profound gratitude and great
5

appreciation to those countries which are supporting
Namibia’s demining activities, thus enhancing our
development prospects.
Our world is merging into one globally encompassing
dynamo of change, or so it is perceived, characterized by
inter alia economic integration. Are developing countries to
become victims or beneficiaries of this process? Suffice it
to emphasize that globalization and liberalization are not
ends in themselves. They are means to greater efficiency,
higher growth and increased welfare. It is common
knowledge that the much talked about benefits of
globalization and liberalization of the world economy
continue to elude the majority of developing countries,
particularly those in Africa. At the same time, while the
debt burden continues to hamper many of the development
efforts of our economies, official development assistance is
on the decline. Instead, new and innovative ideas for
generating funds for globally agreed commitments and
priorities are being brought into play, some of which are
clearly shifting the overall burden of financing development
to the developing countries which already have limited
financial resources.
Namibia is strongly of the view that if the twin
process of globalization and liberalization of the world
economy is to benefit all countries, developing countries
must have free access to world markets without conditions.
It should not be a matter of the survival of the fittest. The
limitations of many of our countries to compete should be
compensated for by maintaining preferential treatment of
developing countries.
Much has been said about global development trends,
of Africa’s efforts to carve a larger slice of the world
economic cake, of our striving for economic empowerment
and competitiveness, of our movement towards regional
integration and harmonization, and of our efforts to put in
place an enabling environment for trade, investment and
capital flows on a national and regional level.
At the same time, at the recent International Monetary
Fund Economic Forum it was said that over the decade
spanning 1985 to 1995 developing countries increased their
share of world trade from 23 per cent to 29 per cent. They
also diversified their trade linkages in response to major
changes in trade and exchange regimes in the direction of
more outward-looking and open policies.
While it is stated that developing countries have more
than doubled their real per capita income over the last 30
years, in reality only Asia has made relative progress; thus,
the gap in living standards between the advanced
economies and Africa continues to widen.
The distribution of gains from increases in both trade
and foreign direct investment remains very skewed, with
a few getting the most. Africa still participates in world
trade with foreign direct investment flows of less than 4
per cent.
Therefore, as we continue to welcome the bright
projected global outlook, we should not lose sight of the
wide divergence across nations and regions. Today, for
many African nations, global optimism coexists with local
pessimism. There is a need, then, to open and expand our
economies, to increase our competitiveness, to empower
our people and to improve their well-being. To this end,
the international community should support Africa’s need
to effectively participate in multilateral trade discussions,
with a strengthened capacity for negotiations in such
forums. Full implementation of the United Nations New
Agenda for the Development of Africa is one effective
way of addressing Africa’s limited capacity to take
advantage of the global outlook.
We in the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) have long recognized that the path
to globalization is regional integration. To equalize power
relationships in the global setting, regional integration is
a strategic imperative. To this end, all the members of
SADC have embarked upon a common strategy to
promote the region as an attractive trading and investment
partner, and they are actively working towards: deeper
economic cooperation and integration on the basis of
balance, equity and mutual respect, providing for cross-
border investment, trade and movement of production
factors and services; common economic, political and
social value systems, enhancing entrepreneurship,
competitiveness, democracy, good governance, rule of
law, human rights and the eradication of poverty; and
strengthened regional solidarity, peace and security.
While admittedly our region has not yet attracted a
high share of foreign direct investment, political and
economic risks have greatly reduced over the past years,
and increasing trade and investment flows are being
witnessed.
Namibia, as a member of SADC, believes in the
region’s potential, the opportunities for joint development
and the power of collective advocacy. This will enhance
efforts towards the ideals and objectives of the African
Economic Community. Together we can strengthen our
6

productivity and competitiveness in the global economy. By
pooling our resources and skills, we can create a far greater
market for all of us than any of our nations has.
For the accelerated development process of developing
countries to take place, a strong industrial base is
indispensable. In this regard, we continue to underscore the
role of the United Nations Industrial Development
Organization (UNIDO), which is an agency with a clear,
vital and indispensable mission. UNIDO has successfully
carried out its reform, and this should be recognized and
supported. At this juncture, let me express Namibia’s great
appreciation to the Government of the United Kingdom for
its decision to rejoin UNIDO. We have no doubt that this
exemplary decision will be rightly emulated by other
Member States.
This year during the month of June major events were
witnessed here at the United Nations. The adoption of the
Agenda for Development and the review and appraisal of
the implementation of Agenda 21 are cases in point. We
view the outcome of these two events as complementary.
Neither replaces the other. The commitments we made in
Rio remain valid and need full — not selective —
implementation.
The United Nations has a major role to play in
promoting international cooperation. It took the Ad Hoc
Open-ended Working Group of the General Assembly on an
Agenda for Development four years to reach consensus.
Mobilization of resources for its implementation is of the
utmost importance, for those who are to benefit from it
cannot wait another four years. Development must be one
of the centrepieces of United Nations activities. In this
context, we welcome the proposal to appoint a Deputy
Secretary-General. In our view the Deputy Secretary-
General should concentrate on United Nations development
activities.
Namibia is one of those countries seriously affected by
desertification and drought. In a few days, the first
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Convention
to Combat Desertification in Those Countries Experiencing
Serious Drought and/or Desertification, Particularly in
Africa, will take place in Rome. We underscore the utmost
importance of establishing an independent financial
mechanism to make arrangements conducive to the
implementation of this Convention. To this end, we look
forward with great expectation to the outcome of the first
Conference of the Parties.
Namibia supports the establishment of an
international criminal court, with its jurisdiction being
limited to “hard-core crimes”: crimes of genocide, serious
violations of the laws and customs applicable in armed
conflict and crimes against humanity. The principle of
complementarity should be clearly spelled out in the
statute. The international criminal court must complement
and not supplant national criminal jurisdictions. A balance
between the international criminal court and the national
jurisdictions will therefore have to be struck in order to
make the international criminal court fully functional.
We are two years from the end of this century and
the beginning of a new millennium. We have the
opportunity to reflect on how we have fared in elevating
the human race to greater heights. In this context, my
Government would like to congratulate both Mrs. Mary
Robinson, the new High Commissioner for Human
Rights, and Mr. Olara Otunnu, the Secretary-General’s
Special Representative to study the impact of armed
conflict on children. Both of them have challenging
responsibilities to assist Member States in very important
but difficult tasks.
In 1998 we will commemorate the fiftieth
anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. The Government and people of Namibia have
embraced the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
inasmuch as our Constitution embodies those principles
and values that we were denied for so long and that we
will cherish and pass on to new generations to come.
Furthermore, 1998 will mark the fifth anniversary of the
World Conference on Human Rights. This will be a time
to reflect and to rededicate ourselves to our collective
responsibility to save successive generations from the
scourge of massive and grave human rights violations.
It is also our responsibility to redouble our efforts
towards the implementation of the Declaration on the
Right to Development as well as to pay equal attention to
the implementation of economic, social and cultural
rights.
No country has been spared the onslaught of drug
trafficking and the alarming geographical spread of
organized crime in its various forms. This undermines our
development process and threatens human rights and
fundamental freedoms, and thus causes regression in the
quality of our lives. In this context, my Government
supports the convening of the special session of the
General Assembly on the question of drugs next year.
This will provide the international community with an
7

ample opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to combat
this global problem.
Time and again we have all affirmed the link between
peace and development. In this context, we are pleased that
the United Nations has decided to discuss the concept of
the “culture of peace” during this session of the General
Assembly. We support the current efforts before the United
Nations for a comprehensive strategy to be adopted towards
this end.
My delegation remains deeply perturbed by the
situation in Angola. In this regard, we feel strongly that the
phasing out of a United Nations presence in Angola must
hinge on the situation on the ground. The United Nations
Observer Mission in Angola was established to keep the
peace in that country. It should not break the fragile peace
through premature withdrawal. In this respect, the
commitment of the parties to the full and unconditional
implementation of the Lusaka Protocol is paramount.
UNITA must therefore rise above the present impasse to
contribute to a final and lasting solution to the problem in
Angola.
We commend the Secretary-General’s efforts in the
Republic of Congo, and we are keeping our hopes alive for
a speedy resolution to that problem.
We welcome the new Government in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, and we call upon the international
community to render all necessary assistance to the
Government and people of that country as they embark on
the road to national reconciliation and reconstruction.
After seven years of tragic civil war in Liberia, my
delegation hails the peace which has finally dawned in that
country. It is our hope that it will be a lasting peace. We
salute the people of Liberia for their good sense. Peace
cannot sustain itself. It is therefore incumbent upon the
international community to support the Government and
people of Liberia in their national reconciliation and
reconstruction efforts to keep and consolidate peace and
stability.
Our hearts bleed when we consider the situation that
has unfolded in Sierra Leone, which has been responsible
for the regression of the reconstruction efforts in that
country. The Government of the Republic of Namibia
condemned the coup d’état in Sierra Leone then and does
so now. Namibia calls for the continued isolation of the
military regime in that country. We therefore welcome the
appointment of the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General.
We note with satisfaction the progress made during
the recent negotiations between the parties on Western
Sahara. We encourage them to continue to search for a
final solution to that problem. We reiterate our call for
the early exercise by the Sahraoui people of their right to
self-determination on the basis of a free, fair and
transparent referendum in Western Sahara, under the joint
supervision and control of the United Nations and the
Organization of African Unity (OAU).
We reiterate the concern of the OAU about the
conflict between Libya and the United States of America
and the United Kingdom over the Lockerbie tragedy.
While we regret the loss of life as a result of this tragedy,
other innocent people continue to suffer as a result of the
subsequent sanctions imposed on Libya. We call for an
urgent solution to this problem.
The Government of Namibia has reiterated on many
occasions that the United States of America and the
Republic of Cuba should start to walk the distance of 90
miles towards reconciliation and peaceful coexistence. We
hoped to see our aspirations come about. However, these
aspirations are being shattered by the new escalation in
the economic, commercial and financial embargo against
Cuba through the application of the Helms-Burton Act.
Notwithstanding this, we shall keep our hopes alive.
The construction of new settlements in the occupied
territories of Palestine is not conducive to peace in the
Middle East. We therefore call on the Government
authorities in Israel to desist from such acts. Peace in the
Middle East is in the interest of all parties concerned. We
call on the parties to resume negotiations.
Let me conclude by stating the obvious: Peace is
cheaper than war. Let us all unite our efforts to make the
world a haven of peace.


Allow
me to express my felicitations to the President on his
election and express the confidence that, with his wisdom
and diplomatic skill, he will ably guide the fifty-second
General Assembly towards tangible results. Let me also
express my appreciation to his predecessor for his excellent
work.
Due to lateness of the hour, I will present a brief
version of my statement. The complete text will be
distributed.
At the threshold of the third millennium and under the
circumstances of unfolding interplay among not one or two
but various powers in the shaping of new global decisions,
international relations need a new doctrine, commensurate
with the evolving conditions and emerging needs. The main
objective of this doctrine is the gradual realization of a
global civil society, a society where liberty and salvation
harmoniously coincide to meet the spiritual and material
needs of humanity in an institutionalized manner, and
where comprehensive, balanced and sustainable
development lies at the foundation of universal
cooperation and participation.
The doctrine of global civil society is predicated on
two major principles, the first being the
institutionalization of the rule of law in domestic and
international relations. The international community today,
like its constituent Member States, simply cannot provide
a peaceful and prosperous life for people through
coercion, autocratic decisions and a cultural domination
and hegemony. Therefore, the rule of law, as the very
foundation of order and the relations among individuals
and States, should be institutionalized.
The second major principle is that of empowerment
and participation. Similar to the process of participation
at the national level — where all individuals, regardless
of colour, race, opinion, wealth or social status have an
inalienable right to determine their own destiny —
countries and regions with differing cultures and resources
should enjoy the right and be empowered to participate at
all stages of decision-making and policy implementation
at the global scale.
Today, North and South constitute two
complementary domains in a single global arena.
Equilibrium and stability of the future world order
depend, in large measure, on the South’s contribution to
the shaping of the norms governing future international
relations.
In our view, we can move towards the gradual
realization of a global civil society through
institutionalization of these two fundamental principles
and by committing ourselves to pluralism, tolerance,
dialogue among civilizations, promotion of human rights,
comprehensive, balanced and sustainable development,
justice and equality of opportunities as the governing
norms in our interactions.
The political philosophy of the Islamic Republic of
Iran is in full accord with these fundamental foundations
of the prospective global civil society. The domestic
programme of the new administration is geared towards
strengthening the foundations of civil society.
The main features and priorities of the new
administration’s foreign policy include the following: the
expansion of relations with all countries on the basis of
mutual respect, common interest and non-interference in
the internal affairs of others; emphasis on the
23

institutionalization of international law as the foundation of
global order and as the final arbiter among States; the
establishment and strengthening of mechanisms of mutual
confidence-building and security through regional
cooperation and the negation of the presence and influence
of foreign powers; the protection of all human rights and
the rejection of attempts at selective and discriminatory
abuse of human rights as instruments of policy; emphasis
on the fundamental rights of oppressed individuals and
nations, particularly the Palestinian people; the arresting of
the arms race at the regional and global levels, the
elimination of weapons of mass destruction and the control
of conventional weapons; the strengthening of the bonds of
amity and solidarity among Islamic and non-aligned
countries; an active presence and constructive participation
in the United Nations and other international organizations,
with an effective contribution in international efforts on
global issues such as arms control and disarmament,
comprehensive and sustainable development, human rights,
peacekeeping and combating terrorism and illicit drugs, as
well as the reversal of unjust international arrangements;
and, finally, defending the rights of Iranian citizens all over
the world.
The Islamic Republic of Iran has adopted concrete
measures at the regional and international levels in pursuit
of these principled policies, and it is fully prepared to
cooperate with all countries towards achieving common
objectives in accordance with the principles of the United
Nations Charter.
The question of Palestine, which lies at the very heart
of the Middle East crisis, represents the most vivid and
persistent case of disregard for international law and the
systematic violation of fundamental human rights of
individuals and peoples. The Middle East crisis can be
solved only through the full realization of the rights of the
Palestinian people, in particular their right to self-
determination, the return of refugees and the liberation of
all occupied territories, including Al-Quds al-Sharif,
southern Lebanon and the Syrian Golan. The experience of
the past few years has made it abundantly clear that any
scheme or proposal which fails to take into full account the
realities in the region or the infamous Israeli patterns of
behaviour is bound to fail.
It is indeed unfortunate that some outside powers
deliberately misconstrue or misrepresent Iran’s frank, open
and objective exposé of the realities as support for terrorism
and as opposition to peace and security in the region. I
reiterate once again that the Islamic Republic of Iran also
seeks peace and stability in the Middle East — a just and
lasting peace that would receive regional consensus and
that would cure this chronic crisis once and for all.
Our region has witnessed for nearly two decades the
crisis in Afghanistan. There is, undoubtedly, no military
solution to this tragedy; yet some warring factions have
yet to realize this evident truth. Only through the
establishment of a ceasefire, the cessation of foreign
intervention, negotiations between all Afghan groups and
the formation of a broad-based Government representing
all Afghans can the crisis in Afghanistan find a lasting
solution. My Government is determined to continue its
humanitarian and peacemaking endeavours in Afghanistan
in tandem with the United Nations Secretary-General and
the Secretary-General of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference. I must draw the attention of the international
community to the dire need for and the urgency of
humanitarian assistance to the people of Afghanistan.
The cold war generated a tendency in internal and
external relations which required the existence of a real or
imagined enemy. Escaping this state of mind and building
a new world based on cooperation and the rule of law
requires not only political will, but careful planning in
order to foster confidence and to mitigate economic,
security and social concerns at national and regional
levels.
Confidence-building at national, regional and
international levels, as an essential strategy to transform
human relations, will not succeed in the absence of
transparency in decision-making and the participation of
all concerned. The antithesis of universal participation in
decision-making and law-based cooperation at the
international level is unilateralism. This phenomenon finds
its manifestations in various areas, including arms control,
development, international trade, the environment and
codification of new human rights norms.
The first and most effective step towards building
confidence is the elimination of weapons of mass
destruction, the reduction of conventional weapons,
transparency in the field of armaments and the
establishment of security and cooperation schemes in
various regions of the globe. This endeavour requires the
full and non-discriminatory implementation of existing
undertakings in the area of disarmament and security and
the development of new rules to address universally
accepted priorities, as well as security requirements of the
international community and its members.
24

The Islamic Republic of Iran, on the basis of Islamic
principles, considers weapons of mass destruction inhumane
and illegitimate. Officials of the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) have repeatedly confirmed the fact
that Iran’s nuclear activities are performed within the
framework of the Agency’s regulations and that they follow
peaceful objectives. Despite these clear facts, some
Governments have embarked upon a barrage of false and
baseless accusations against Iran during the past few years.
Yet propaganda campaigns of public deception will
certainly not change regional realities on the ground. It is
self-evident that the lack of security in the Middle East is
rooted in Israel’s militarism and its arsenal of weapons of
mass destruction, which have thwarted all disarmament
initiatives and mechanisms in the region.
Furthermore, the unabated race for the acquisition of
conventional weapons exacerbates the atmosphere of
anxiety and mistrust. The foreign policy of the Islamic
Republic of Iran is founded on peace, self-restraint,
confidence-building and the reduction and elimination of
tension, particularly within our region. I wish to inform the
Assembly frankly and sincerely that of all the countries of
the Middle East, Iran allocates the lowest percentage of its
budget to its military. In 1995 and 1996, only 3.3 per cent
of our gross domestic product was spent on defence. We
continue to be ready for any regionally acceptable
understanding on further reductions in defence budgets such
that the security concerns of large and small countries alike
are fully addressed.
The highest foreign policy priority of the Islamic
Republic of Iran is to make every effort to strengthen trust
and confidence and to build peace in our immediate
neighbourhood, which in cases such as Tajikistan has
achieved encouraging results. In our region, the Economic
Cooperation Organization has also contributed to the
expansion and consolidation of relations among its member
States through the adoption of common positions and by
playing an active role in the field of economic and technical
cooperation.
In the Persian Gulf area, only cooperation and
collective participation can bring about security and stability
for all countries in the region. Taking full advantage of
historical affinities, cultural ties and religious bonds and
sparing no effort to utilize in an efficient and coordinated
manner the human and natural potential and resources of
the region constitute the single best long-term guarantee of
security and tranquillity. Iran — as the biggest country in
the region, enjoying a historical depth of several millennia
combined with the richness of Islamic civilization — does
not need to engage in any arms build-up or competition.
Our message to our neighbours is one of friendship and
fraternity, and we shall warmly welcome any initiative to
strengthen the foundations of confidence and cooperation
in the region.
The Islamic Republic of Iran, which in December
will be hosting the eighth Islamic summit, is of the view
that on the threshold of the twenty-first century, the
primary task of the summit will be to foster mutual
confidence and establish mechanisms for cooperation and
coordination in various fields among Islamic countries.
This will undoubtedly contribute to the further
strengthening of the foundations of lasting international
security and stability.
Terrorism is the wicked result of widespread
lawlessness and the violent obstruction of public
participation, which in its various forms and
manifestations threatens human societies at the national,
regional and international levels. The political exploitation
of this international problem, through hurling unfounded
allegations in order to advance certain ulterior motives or
cover up deficiencies in domestic or external policy, is no
less dangerous than terrorism itself. These two elements
together diminish trust, stability and security at the
regional and the international levels.
Resolution of this destructive problem requires a
determined avoidance of sensationalism and demagoguery
on the one hand, and a concerted international attempt to
find practical measures to combat terrorism that are
reasonable, objective and realistic on the other. More
important, our collective success requires the non-
selective, universal and law-based application of agreed
measures by relevant international organizations.
As a country that has suffered immensely from the
inhuman phenomenon of terrorism in the post-revolution
years, the Islamic Republic of Iran is prepared to take an
active part in any international effort to combat this
problem in a serious, comprehensive and principled
manner.
The resolution of complex international problems
and the realization of post-cold-war opportunities require
the participation of all members of the international
community in the decision-making process, on the basis
of the rules and principles of international law. The
United Nations is the institutional embodiment of both
universal participation and the rule of law on the global
scale. It is the only universal organization which, with the
25

help of an efficient and capable system, can move towards
finding solutions to the problems of human society and
responding to post-cold-war challenges. The magnitude of
this task clearly points to the need to improve the efficiency
of the Organization and to enhance its role by embarking
on the transformation and reform of the major bodies,
programmes and modes of operation of the Organization.
I should like to express appreciation for the Secretary-
General’s efforts to reinvigorate the Organization, and to
assure him of our earnest desire to cooperate with him in
the process of restructuring the United Nations into a more
efficient, capable and reliable institution responsive to the
needs and views of all its Members. In our opinion, the
extensive scope and implications of the measures envisaged
in the Secretary-General’s report of 16 July make it
imperative for the General Assembly to establish working
groups to examine the report thoroughly and in detail so
that the views of all Member States are identified and
taken into account.
There is no doubt that the current composition of the
Security Council is remote from the state of international
affairs today and is not acceptable to the overwhelming
majority of the international community. In our opinion,
any increase in the membership of the Security Council
or reform of its working methods will have to take the
true role and concerns of the developing countries into
account. Moreover, reform of the working methods of the
Security Council should not be contingent upon resolution
of the question of the increase in the membership of the
Council; they are two distinct subjects and thus require
two separate decisions.
The General Assembly is undoubtedly the highest
and most representative organ of the United Nations,
where all Members of the Organization enjoy an equal
right to participate. This body, which comprises the entire
membership, certainly has the right — and indeed the
responsibility — to address each and every issue of global
concern, including in particular those relating to
international peace and security.
Expansion and broadening of the participatory base
of the future global order on the basis of norms
acceptable to all cultures and peoples is most conducive
to building a better tomorrow, and to ensuring freedom,
security, stability and sustainable development at the
national, regional and international levels. The General
Assembly, providing all Member States with the
opportunity for full and equal participation in decision-
making, is the most appropriate venue for dialogue,
understanding and the adoption of coordinated
international measures to build a better and a more
equitable tomorrow.
As the new Government of the Islamic Republic of
Iran assumes its responsibilities, I reiterate the willingness
and full preparedness of my Government to take a
constructive part in this collective endeavour through
promoting dialogue, understanding, trust and solidarity.


I am
particularly honoured to have the opportunity to address
the fifty-second session of the General Assembly of the
United Nations on behalf of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
I would like, first, to extend my warm
congratulations to our respected friend and colleague, His
Excellency Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Ukraine, on his accession to the presidency of
the fifty-second session of the General Assembly. Mr.
Udovenko’s rich experience and extensive knowledge of
United Nations affairs are telling proof that this General
Assembly session has outstanding leadership.
The destiny of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been
closely linked to the United Nations since early 1992,
when my country became a Member State. Bosnia and
Herzegovina’s struggle to survive as a sovereign state
within its internationally recognized borders lasted four
years. We believe we won the major battle in preserving
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country, but
we know we still have a long way to go.
The role of the international community and the
involvement of the United Nations in the Bosnia and
Herzegovina crisis were overwhelming. Month after
month, the United Nations, led by the Security Council,
stood firmly behind internationally accepted norms and
principles in order to make possible a negotiated and
peaceful solution in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Unfortunately — for subjective and objective
reasons, most of which are well known to all of us — in
spite of all the resolutions and decisions the tragedy in
Bosnia and Herzegovina continued to take what was
probably the heaviest toll of any modern conflict.
The events also proved that the United Nations was
not ready to deal effectively with what was certainly one
of the most complex crisis in our times. The conflict in
Bosnia and Herzegovina was, and still is, an important
22

case study which should be carefully analysed in the
context of the United Nations involvement mandate and its
role in crisis situations.
But we respect the help and tireless efforts of the
members of the United Nations mission in Bosnia and
Herzegovina to help the civilian population survive. I would
like to use this opportunity to say that we remember and
greatly admire the members of the international community
who lost their lives in the peace mission in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. We were deeply saddened by the recent tragic
accident which took the lives of 12 brave peace promoters,
among them the Deputy to the High Representative,
Ambassador Gerd Wagner.
We cannot forget the tens of thousands people who
were killed or wounded, the thousands of missing and
hundreds of thousands displaced persons and refugees.
Heavy damage was inflicted on the economic, social,
cultural and other sectors of life in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. But ultimately it was the social tissue of
Bosnia and Herzegovina that suffered the greatest damage.
The striving for national domination, exclusivity and
xenophobia, and also autism, have destroyed bridges of
communication and have deepened the gap between various
ethnic groups.
Given that the tragic consequences of the conflict
remain, it will require a lot of wisdom, patience and hard
work to overcome the many obstacles in our way. But we
believe that it is time to turn resolutely towards the future.
We must use this precious time to rebuild confidence and
establish relations between different ethnic groups and
among all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These
relations should be based on internationally accepted
standards and norms of behaviour. In that context the
promotion and protection of human rights is one of the core
issues. Human rights are universally accepted and inherent
to all human beings, and they must be respected.
Two years after the signatures on the Dayton
Agreement stopped the negative current of events and
marked the beginning of the peace process, Bosnia and
Herzegovina is facing enormous tasks: rebuilding the war-
torn country and simultaneously establishing a democratic
system of governance and administration. In spite of a
variety of problems and shortcomings, we feel that the
positive energy necessary for such an endeavour is
accumulating. Besides the continuous attention and support
of the international community, we need the parties
concerned in Bosnia and Herzegovina to show additional
political goodwill if they want to see the peace process
progress and lead, ultimately, to results.
The legal framework for this exceptionally complex
goal was established in the Dayton Agreement. The
Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina was drafted,
taking into account the political reality and using as the
point of departure the only possible formula: three
peoples, two entities, one state. To make this rather
unique arrangement viable, in accordance with the
provisions of the Dayton Agreement, institutions at the
state level have been established.
The Presidency, Council of Ministers and Parliament
of Bosnia and Herzegovina are functioning but they have
not yet reached the necessary optimal rhythm and
performance. This represents a serious obstacle and must
be overcome without any delay because of its direct
influence on the functioning of the entire State system,
and on the external relations of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
as well as on the key development programmes.
At the lower level, the system of cantonal power and
administration is taking shape. It encompasses a number
of important duties and activities but also responsibilities,
since through it equal representation and participation of
different ethnic groups in power-sharing should be
secured. This represents one of the pillars of the multi-
ethnic, democratic State of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
But what is most important is full and unconditional
compliance with all the provisions of the Dayton
Agreement. That must be understood by all those who put
their signatures on the peace agreements, and those who
do not honour their obligations must face the
consequences. I would also like to say that the successful
organization of the municipal elections in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, held just a week ago, is of great
significance. Imperfect as they may be, these elections
represent a milestone on our complex and often difficult
journey towards stable peace and in the building of the
modern, democratic State of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The
fact that the elections took place throughout the territory
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with hardly any problems or
any major incidents, demonstrates the readiness of all
parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina to comply with the
provisions of the Dayton Agreement.
The very fact that the majority of the population in
this war-torn and exhausted country responded in an
orderly fashion and presented themselves in large
numbers at the voting stations speaks for itself. It is a
23

clear signal that they want to take the destiny of Bosnia and
Herzegovina in their own hands. It is also a testimony to
their readiness to pursue the noble goal of healing the war
wounds and starting to rebuild the bridges of cooperation,
tolerance and mutual respect.
The post-war experience in Bosnia and Herzegovina
underlines the importance of democratic reforms, the
introduction of rule of law and the administration of justice
in accordance with the highest standards, respect for human
rights and the strengthening of public institutions. For a
truly democratic society, it is of particular importance to
open the space for free activities of civil society, citizens
associations, various non-governmental organizations and
religious communities. During the elections process, the
significance of open, objective and truthful information
delivered by free media was confirmed once again.
In order to achieve all of this, the presence of the
international community is of critical importance. Help and
support from the various organizations and agencies within
the United Nations system is invaluable to Bosnia and
Herzegovina and we are grateful for it.
Socio-economic development and the building of a
democratic State are closely interrelated. Only with properly
targeted help from the outside will Bosnia and Herzegovina
be able to create a sustainable economic system and thus
achieve a stable environment that is less exposed to crisis
and conflict situations. Here we are talking about a close
and mutually conditioned relationship between development,
democracy and peace. The realization of this paradigm
holds the key to the door for Bosnia and Herzegovina to
catch up with the fast developing world.
Therefore, I am convinced that we all share the
opinion that this should continue in order to implement a
common long-term vision for a prosperous and stable
Bosnia and Herzegovina. We have to move down this road
swiftly and urgently. And this applies beyond the borders
of Bosnia and Herzegovina; we cannot afford to delay
stability in the region. In that context, I would like to
underline one growing phenomenon of our time which is
particularly relevant for Bosnia and Herzegovina: the
interaction between the foreign and internal factors in the
countries in transition. Only the combined efforts of the two
can yield the desired results; yet the international factor
must never forget that the case of each country is specific.
Instead of a schematic and stereotypical approach, a new,
inventive and flexible methodology and pattern of activities
should apply. This would certainly contribute to a better
focus for programmes and a higher degree of coordination.
It would also prevent overlapping and inadequate
spending of resources.
The purpose of my brief overview was to share with
this body the recent experience in consolidating peace in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. I am convinced that by the end
of this debate we will be enriched with valuable ideas and
proposals on how to continue and improve the peace
process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. As the Secretary-
General stated in his address, the international community
must ensure that its collective investments — military,
political and financial — have not been made in vain. We
in Bosnia and Herzegovina share this approach entirely.
As a Member State, Bosnia and Herzegovina is
closely following the ongoing process of reform of our
Organization. The fifty-second session of the General
Assembly is taking place at a time when the main
features of the global political scene are rapidly changing.
The new political and strategic structures are taking
shape, with far-reaching consequences. With the cold war
behind us, new prospects, with new fears and new
challenges, are looming over the world. In such an
environment, we attach the greatest importance to the
place and the role of the United Nations.
We would like to commend the Secretary-General of
the United Nations and his collaborators for the immense
efforts in preparing a comprehensive report that contains
a programme of action for the reform of the United
Nations system. We cannot but agree that it is high time
for the United Nations to respond properly to the
changing world and thus confirm the irreplaceable role of
this universal Organization.
We go along with those who insist on a modern,
streamlined efficient Organization, ready to respond to the
demands of the new times. The United Nations must
reach out to the world with new vigour and offer all of its
assets in order to prevent threats to international peace
and security and also to address the ever-growing number
of universal problems. By breaking bureaucratic
sediments, the United Nations must became a source of
great intellectual power capable of offering a visionary
perspective on the future.
We would like to state that one of the pressing tasks
is the reform of the Security Council. However, we must
be prudent in dealing with this question. A balance
between more democratic representation in, and full
mobility of action for, this important United Nations body
has to be found.
24

Before concluding, I would like to touch upon the two
questions which are of particular relevance for Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
The first question relates to that abhorrent and
immoral weapon — anti-personnel landmines. Bosnia and
Herzegovina is unfortunately one of the largest fields
infested with this dangerous killing device. We strongly
support the conclusions of the Oslo Conference and hope to
see the international community united in supporting a
comprehensive ban.
The second question has to do with our first-hand
experience with the most horrible violation of human rights
that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are
therefore strongly raising our voice in favour of the
perpetrators of genocide and war crimes being brought
before justice and prosecuted. We welcome the idea of the
establishment of an International Criminal Court, and we
are convinced that the experience with the International
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda will be taken into account
during the preparation process.
In conclusion, I would like to underline our feeling
that the exchange of views and experiences during the fifty-
second session is of great importance. It will certainly bring
new inspiration and, I hope, vision for the overall
development of our planet. It will also contribute to our
preparations for the encounter with the third millennia, its
challenges but also its new chances and possibilities. We
must be ready for this historic opportunity.


It gives me pleasure to convey to the President the
greetings of His Excellency Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-
Jaber Al-Sabah, Acting Prime Minister and Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the State of Kuwait, who profoundly
regrets being unable to participate personally in the debate
at this session due to some pressing matters. He has
requested me to deliver the following statement by Kuwait
on his behalf:
“On behalf of the State of Kuwait, it gives me
pleasure to congratulate Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko on
his election as President of the United Nations General
Assembly at its fifty-second session. We are confident
that he will be able to lead our deliberations
efficiently towards a successful conclusion. The
extensive experience he has gained from service at
this important international institution together with
the high posts he has assumed will no doubt prove
valuable. Let me also underline the good relations
existing between our two countries, based on mutual
understanding and common interest.
“I wish to take this opportunity to pay tribute
to his predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, the
former President of the General Assembly, who
demonstrated an impressive sense of purpose,
dedication and deep perception. Under his
stewardship, the Assembly reasserted its genuine
importance and relevance in international relations.
“I wish to pay tribute to our new Secretary-
General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, who took
the helm of the Organization at the beginning of the
year. Apart from being a long-time career insider at
the United Nations, Mr. Annan to us now stands as
a good example of the executive manager enjoying
wisdom and prudence, together with integrity and
commitment, that make him a living embodiment of
dedication to the ideals and mission of the United
Nations.
“In the same vein, I wish to set on record our
recognition of the significant contribution of
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the former Secretary-
General, in leading the Organization with efficiency
and confidence. Kuwait will always recognize his
contributions with a deep sense of appreciation.
“Two years ago, the United Nations celebrated
its fiftieth anniversary. The mood then was
optimistic about the role and capability of the
Organization to cope with the lingering issues that
remained without a solution over the first half
century. This was due to the nature of these
problems, which was aggravated by the major-Power
polarization during the cold war. The sense of
optimism emanated from our deep conviction that
the global understanding that swept the world would
eventually generate the firm will to address the
outstanding problems that jeopardize international
peace and security. Also, the widespread public
awareness of the relevance of the United Nations
would also help the Organization in resolving
pending matters. Furthermore, the impressive track
record of the United Nations has earned it collective
credibility regarding the vitality and flexibility of the
machinery at its disposal.
“Kuwait has examined with great interest the
measures and recommendations contained in the
report of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
18

entitled Renewing the United Nations: A Programme
for Reform', which was submitted to the General
Assembly in mid-July last. In this connection, we
would like to register Kuwait’s support for this
programme and its appreciation of the efforts made by
Mr. Kofi Annan and his assistants to produce this
impressive achievement. The report is analytical in its
approach and pragmatic in its outlook, focusing on
performance efficiency without partiality. It also
focused on improving the financial situation of the
Organization through the institution of better internal
control mechanisms and practical suggestions. The
ultimate goal of all these measures is to enhance the
performance of the United Nations, which would be
more innovative in its operational modalities and more
focused on its global concerns.
“We have noted, with appreciation, the reports
submitted by a wide array of working groups on
restructuring the organs of the United Nations and
improving their efficiency in order to adapt the entire
system to the new era following the fiftieth
anniversary of the United Nations and the post-
confrontation environment. The United Nations seems
poised to embark on addressing in a more
comprehensive manner humanitarian, cultural,
demographic and environmental issues which were not
prominent on its list of priorities previously.
“Moreover, as we recognize the realities of
contemporary life, we understand that the world order
continues to be quite fluid, and it is indeed difficult to
predict its future shape. The current stage is not a
unipolar power era, as some might imagine. It is a
multipolar arena, where military might is no longer the
final arbiter in the definition of polarity. In fact, there
exists immense technological superiority, which may
enable some States to make an outstanding
contribution to the shaping of global strategies. There
is also the economic power that has brought together
the major industrial nations in a collectivity which has
a significant influence on the implementation of world
strategies. This is not to mention the giant economic
groupings which exist in the world of today.
“Accordingly, the Open-ended Working Group
on the Question of Equitable Representation on and
Increase in the Membership of the Security Council,
and other Matters Related to the Security Council,
which has been examining the question of reform and
expansion of Security Council membership for the
past four years, should take these new facts of life
into consideration. Once agreed upon, the new
membership composition should reflect a collective
and emphatic will to address adequately the issues at
hand. Permanent members of the Council should be
politically capable and should be financial and troop
contributors. They should also be adept at crisis
management, and able to act decisively, without
hesitation, when the situation warrants such action.
“In the final analysis, membership of the
Security Council is not a privilege as much as it is
a responsibility. It should not be a means for
visibility, but a product of conviction. Our view is
that the Security Council in its forthcoming
composition should be a mirror reflecting a world
shifting towards universalization and transparency in
order to instil a better sense of security in all
members of the world community, both North and
South, East and West. Membership should not be
divided between diverse security concepts, some
favouring the North, while others are appropriate for
the South.
“In this context, Kuwait affirms its full
commitment to the common Arab position and to the
stand of the Non-Aligned Movement, both of which
were elaborated time and again in several meetings
of the Open-ended Working Group.
“Undoubtedly, agreement on the concept of
unconventional and common security requires in the
first instance recognition of some crucial facts. The
first element is the conviction that the security of
humankind is universal and, in the final analysis,
indivisible. The interests of members of the world
community have become more and more
interdependent, while civilizations and cultures are
drawing closer. The daily concerns of individuals are
universal in nature, requiring complex solutions, and
are multidimensional in their negative impacts. The
second element is the emphasis on the concept of
economic and social development as a crucial factor
in ensuring conventional security and collective
handling of development requirements. This also
calls for the involvement of international institutions
in contributions to the improvement of living
conditions in the poor nations that face severe
impediments in their development efforts.
“The third element is a firm belief in and
commitment to the dignity of the human person as
being the essence of human relations both within a
19

given society and among nations. In effect, this means
upholding the dignity of the human person in the face
of bloody regimes which flagrantly violate the
principles of human rights and destroy their own
nations to arrogate power to themselves. This brings
us to the necessity of safeguarding the principles set
forth in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and in the Charter of the United Nations.
“Fourthly, all members of the world community
should adopt peaceful policies which renounce
violence, recognize the legitimate interests of others
and respect their rights, expand the zones of mutual
interests, give due priority to development and reject
the arms race. Such peaceful policies should also
abstain from behaviour and political expressions which
disturb peace. They should observe civilized conduct
in relationships among peoples, without the pursuit of
any party’s privileges at the expense of others. No one
should claim an imaginary historical role outside the
parameters of justice, equality and the rule of law.
“The world today is indeed a small planet whose
problems interact and overlap. Its pressing problems
are a global responsibility. When viewed through a
human and global prism, we can see that the
prosperity of the North pales in the shadow of the
poverty of the South. The security of Europe will not
be assured against a background of a marginalized
Africa. There will be little peace of mind in America
in the face of a population explosion in Asia, and with
the widening gap between those with an abundance of
wealth and those who suffer in deprivation. Dealing
with the new developments in the world environment
requires the evolution of a comprehensive concept of
security. Any such concept must be anchored in
understanding, coexistence, common interests, and the
utilization of the universal technological revolution in
managing vital national projects. This concept should
replace the outdated concepts of security based on the
balance of power, mutual deterrence and military
presence.
“The achievements made by the United Nations
should provide the Organization with a further impetus
to pursue the same course it has charted since the end
of the cold war.
“We welcome the movement towards the
prohibition of the production, stockpiling and use of
landmines. This would be yet another positive step
added to similar measures, such as the Chemical
Weapons Convention, the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty and the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Despite such
instruments, some States continue to export weapons
of mass destruction as a vital source of increased
national income. We welcome the regulations that
have been concluded to control arms, to reduce the
level of nuclear threat, to tighten controls over the
arms trade and to increase transparency regarding
weapons expenditures.
“In the same vein, we cannot underestimate the
achievements made in the area of peacekeeping
operations, where the United Nations has managed
to contain dangers and defuse crises in several
instances, although many regional problems remain
unresolved and constitute flash-points of tension.
“In this regard, we in Kuwait cannot but recall
with admiration the firmness with which the Security
Council responded to the aggression by the Iraqi
regime against the State of Kuwait in August 1990.
The Council’s response was characterized by
firmness in rejecting aggression, resoluteness in its
confrontation, and decisive action to abort the
aggression through a series of resolutions that made
the Council’s position perfectly clear. It started with
rejection of aggression, then moved to deterrence,
and culminated in decisive action. In all its
dimensions and ramifications, that case has become
a historical precedent that might constitute the basis
for a solid background for dealing with any similar
aggression, irrespective of its origin, against any
State.
“But Iraq, despite the dire need of its people
for the lifting of economic sanctions imposed by the
Security Council, has not yet fulfilled basic
conditions required for ending the sanctions. There
is the question of Kuwaiti and third-country
prisoners and detainees. This is a humanitarian issue
that affects several hundred families who still do not
know the whereabouts of their loved ones. Young
children continue to cry, appealing for help to rescue
their missing fathers. The ad hoc Tripartite
Commission continues to meet in Geneva while its
technical sub-group still convenes in the border area
between Kuwait and Iraq. Despite the formal nature
of such regular meetings, which attract media
attention, there has in effect been no progress in
20

determining the fate of these missing persons. In fact,
the Iraqi regime has been exploiting their fate as a
bargaining chip in its diplomatic manoeuvres. Iraq also
continues to refuse to return a great deal of Kuwaiti
property taken from the public and private sectors, the
most important of which is an air defence system and
other military equipment, in addition to the principal
State documents, which have been referred to in the
Security Council as State memory.
“Among the other key obligations the Iraqi
regime has failed to fulfil is the elimination of
weapons of mass destruction, a subject that is being
handled by the Special Commission. In this context,
even after seven years of formal acceptance of
relevant conditions, Iraq continues to indulge its hobby
of procrastination, subterfuge and deception. Iraq hides
certain weapons only to acknowledge later their
existence after the Special Commission secures
definitive proof of Iraq’s ownership of such weapons.
It denies having certain types of missiles and
biological components only to recant its assertions
once the international teams of inspectors discover
those items.
“Kuwait welcomes Security Council resolution
1111 (1997) regarding the extension of the
implementation of the provisions of resolution 986
(1995), which aims at alleviating the suffering of the
brotherly people of Iraq. Indeed, the hardship faced by
the people of Iraq has long persisted, due to the
failure of the Iraqi regime to meet its obligations, and
to its pursuit of a policy of procrastination and
trickery. Iraq is called upon to follow a peaceful
policy with neighbouring States in order to prove its
good intentions. This is a substantive condition for the
maintenance of regional security, which was shattered
by the Iraqi regime.
“We in Kuwait have gone through bitter
experiences with regard to the intentions of the Iraqi
regime, which seeks territorial expansion, regional
supremacy, and military superiority at the expense of
neighbouring countries and of their peace and stability.
“In the light of our eager interest in the
maintenance of security and stability in the region, we
affirm the need to preserve the unity and territorial
integrity of Iraq.
“The supreme goal is to build a solid regional
system firmly rooted in common understanding among
neighbouring States which seek to expand avenues
of mutual interests. This can be achieved through
respect for and non-interference in the internal
affairs of others, and through civilized coexistence
among neighbouring peoples. In this respect, I
should point out that my country is concerned over
the continued existence of the problem of the
occupation by Iran of three United Arab Emirates
islands. Here I wish to emphasize Kuwait’s full
commitment to the decision taken by the Gulf
Cooperation Council on this subject.
“I wish also to call upon the Islamic Republic
of Iran to respond favourably to the peaceful
initiative launched by His Highness Sheikh Zayed
bin Sultan Al Nahyan, President of our sister United
Arab Emirates, to engage in a serious dialogue that
would take into account the inalienable rights of the
United Arab Emirates to the islands in question, in
accordance with the principles of good neighbourly
relations, international law and the United Nations
Charter.
“The question of the Middle East and the
success of the peace process there are crucial
matters for world peace and security. You follow
with us with deep regret the paralysis which befell
that process and the increasing frustration and
tension throughout the region. The current stalemate
has touched off a flurry of threats and
recriminations. All this is the net sum of the
concepts put out by the Israeli Government
regarding the frame of reference underlying the
peace process in the region.
“The Government of Israel has backtracked
from the rules and principles of the Madrid Peace
Conference and has replaced them by extraneous
elements which contravene the rules unanimously
agreed upon by the international community as a
framework for the peace process, namely Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973),
together with the “land for peace” principle.
Furthermore, Israel has not committed itself to
implement bilateral agreements reached with the
Palestinian Authority, including withdrawal from all
occupied territories, including Jerusalem. Also, Israel
has not desisted from its policies of annexing Arab
Jerusalem, its Judaization and expansion of its illegal
settlement in order to change the demographic
composition of the Holy City which lies at the very
core of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In this regard,
21

we call upon the co-sponsors of the peace initiative to
maintain even-handedness while doubling their efforts
to revive the peace process in order to achieve a
lasting, comprehensive and just resolution of the
question of Palestine.
“The people of Palestine have suffered for too
long the excruciating pain of oppression, homelessness
and neglect. It is the inherent right of the Palestinian
people to exercise self-determination and to establish
their own independent State, with Jerusalem as its
capital, similar to other peoples who gained
independence, so that they may contribute, within their
own capacity, towards building world peace.
“Along similar lines, Kuwait emphasizes the
importance of Israeli withdrawal from the occupied
Syrian Golan, which has been under occupation since
1967. This question cannot be ignored if we desire the
peace process to be complete. Indeed, the peace must
be comprehensive, covering all tracks. It should be
anchored in good faith, in respect for the rights of
others and in mutual confidence. In this regard, we
support Syria’s position that negotiations with Israel
should resume from the point where they halted
instead of starting new rounds of talks whose terms of
reference have not been defined. Kuwait also supports
Lebanon’s firm stand that Israel is duty-bound to
implement all provisions of Security Council
resolution 425 (1978) and to preserve Lebanon’s
sovereignty and territorial integrity. This can be
achieved only by full, unconditional Israeli withdrawal
from southern Lebanon, so that Lebanon could resume
its traditional role in consolidating development and
prosperity.
“Kuwait notes with deep regret that ethnic,
factional and civil conflicts among tribal chiefs in both
Afghanistan and Somalia still continue. We remain
hopeful that the United Nations will take more
effective steps to address these problems that have
torn asunder those two countries and have continued
to undermine regional security. We also appeal to all
parties in these two countries to put an end to acts of
violence and to put overall national interests ahead of
their tribal and ethnic interests.
“Kuwait lauds international efforts to implement
fully the Dayton Agreement, which aims at achieving
security and stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina and
upholding international legitimacy at this stage. In this
respect, we applaud the Security Council resolution to
indict and prosecute certain political and military
leaders in Bosnia and Rwanda for their crimes
against humanity.
“We live in a world bursting with events.
Distances have shrunk, interests have grown, and
security dimensions have become more interlinked.
Adverse developments in the South worry the
population of the North. Failure of development
efforts has given impetus to chaotic waves of hungry
migrants. Threats resulting from peoples’ frustrations
have become interwoven. But, in our common
pursuit of a better tomorrow, we must act on the
basis of a universal conviction that armaments by
themselves do not guarantee full security, that
development is the core of progress, that dialogue is
the bridge to understanding and that serious work
gives birth to hope. Giving is an obligation, not an
act of charity. Respect among nations is a key to
stability, and self-improvement is a motive for work.
Participation is the path to cooperation. Monopoly is
one of the evils of bygone days, and openness is the
road to a better future. Investments are the tools of
development. Bigotry is repugnant to contemporary
international relations. People prosper in a civilized
environment that imbues them with the virtues of
doing good and giving, reaching out towards those
in need and moving against the odds in efforts to
create a world that exudes friendship and amity, a
world resting on the rules of international legality, a
world enjoying security, peace and prosperity.
“Our last prayer is to bless Allah, the lord of
the universe.”