First of all, I would like to
extend to you, Sir, my warm congratulations on your
election to the helm of our General Assembly at its fifty-
fourth session. We are confident that, in view of your
long experience in the affairs of our Organization, we
may look forward to a fruitful and constructive year for
the work of the General Assembly and its Main
Committees.
Allow me also to thank Mr. Didier Opertti, who led
the General Assembly at its fifty-third session with
remarkable distinction and efficiency.

To the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, we wish
to express our sincere gratitude for his dynamic leadership
and his continued efforts to promote durable peace and
security.
Furthermore, I would like to join previous speakers in
welcoming the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru
and the Kingdom of Tonga as new Members of the United
Nations family.
The ongoing globalization process has increased the
influence of markets, benefiting a small group of countries,
their corporations and people. At the same time, it has
marginalized the majority of developing nations, in
particular the small and vulnerable ones, undermining
decades-long efforts by these countries to create economic
well-being, social justice and sustainable human
development.
It has, furthermore, eroded trade preferences and
challenged and undermined the basic principles of
international cooperation. It has also eroded international
commitments to financing for development through the non-
fulfilment of agreed targets of official development
assistance and through the reduction in contributions to the
core resources of the different programmes and funds of the
United Nations system.
The drop in prices of primary commodities to their
lowest level in a century and a half and the reduction of
official development assistance have brought many
Governments in developing countries face to face with the
dangers of not being in a position to address in a
satisfactory manner the just socio-economic demands of
their respective peoples. In many cases, this has triggered
social unrest and political instability and hampered efforts
to achieve sustainable development.
Access to financing for development has been
rendered more difficult, since the flow of private capital
resources has been limited to certain regions and to a few
developing countries, resulting in a further widening of the
gap between developed and the majority of developing
countries. As a consequence of this widening gap, poverty
continues to rise, leading to increased migration,
environmental deterioration, political conflicts and
instability, which eventually will have long-term negative
consequences not only for developing, but for developed
countries as well.
The international community therefore has a moral
obligation to ensure that these negative influences of
globalization are contained so that the benefits of
globalization are shared among all nations. It must also
guarantee special and differential treatment to small,
vulnerable developing countries in the international
system. Such treatment must, specifically, extend to the
financial, monetary and trading system, in order to
support these countries in successfully adjusting to the
demands of globalization.
The traffic in illegal drugs has become a serious
threat to the national security of many nations, in
particular the small and vulnerable ones such as
Suriname, because it promotes violence, corruption,
money-laundering and illegal arms trafficking. In this
way, countries can be manoeuvred into dangerous waters
and be accused of interference in the internal affairs of
others. It has become practically impossible for Suriname,
with its limited resources, to combat this scourge on its
own. We are therefore actively pursuing bilateral
agreements with friendly nations to assist us in this
difficult task. In this context, I would mention the
agreement on cooperation in maritime law enforcement
which we recently signed with the Government of the
United States of America. We will continue to work
closely with our neighbours, with friendly nations and
with the relevant regional and international institutions to
contribute to the ongoing fight to eradicate this evil from
our region.
The information superhighway, the Internet, is
nowadays the means of choice for the exchange of
information, with a great impact on the social and
economic life of the international community. This new
form of technology offers great possibilities for
accelerated development in many fields. At the same
time, however, we should note that the development of
this technology involves the risk of further marginalizing
vulnerable economies.
In addition to the positive effects of the Internet, we
see that the adverse effects on trade, the ever widening
gap in the field of education, the threat to social and
cultural values and the abuse of this technology by people
with malicious intentions often cause great concern in
third world societies. I am convinced that in applying
innovative technology, equal attention should be given to
the negative effects for societies with limited or no access
to it.
I therefore urge the United Nations to ensure that
this disparity, with its far-reaching consequences in the
socio-economic, educational and cultural fields, is
12

eliminated by augmenting the availability of and access to
this technology. Furthermore, it is of great importance to
set up a legal framework to prevent the abuse and crime
which can emanate from use of the Internet.
The Surinamese Government is of the opinion that its
foreign policy must be fully at the service of its social and
economic development. In our view, the State should no
longer fulfil the role it has traditionally performed of
bearing full responsibility for development strategies and
acting as a dirigiste and sometimes even as a welfare State:
development requires a State which is effective, fulfils the
role of catalyst and facilitator, and encourages and
complements the activities of the private sector.
Good governance is not a luxury, but an absolute
necessity. In addition, I should say that without an
effectively operating State it would be impossible, from
both the economic and the social points of view, to
implement a policy for sustainable development. For
development does not presuppose that there will be only the
appropriate economic, social and technical inputs: in today's
world, sustainable development and welfare can be attained
only if regulations in a country are supportive so that the
State can contribute to the effectiveness of the intended
development.
It is my Government's objective to develop our natural
resources in cooperation with identified partners in the
international community in such a manner that the
environment and the ecosystem will be preserved for future
generations. In this light, may the unique decision by
Suriname to offer almost 10 per cent of its territory as a
gift to humankind by creating a nature reserve of nearly
1.16 million hectares, serve as an example. The
environment and its biodiversity shall, especially in this
nature reserve, always be fully protected.
The Government of Suriname is convinced that
effective democratic structures are fundamental to a
satisfactory enjoyment of democracy, so conditions have
been created for the fullest development of Suriname's
citizens. Since the beginning of its period of administration,
the Government has devoted itself to strengthening
democratic institutions and anchoring the rule of law. Law
and justice, and effective institutions to implement them,
are the basis for the comprehensive and balanced
development of the nation.
My Government's policy is aimed also at promoting
and safeguarding fundamental human rights and freedoms.
Thus, we are creating ideal conditions for the optimal
employment of human and natural resources in the
interests of the development of our nation. We realize that
democracy, development, peace and social progress do
not enjoy special attention only within the borders of
Suriname, but that the international community, more
particularly the United Nations, thoroughly examines,
promotes and safeguards them.
On 25 May 2000, the Surinamese people will decide,
through general and free elections by secret ballot, on the
appointment of a national Government at the highest level
of State. My Government and the independent institutions
designated by law are engaged in preparations for the
approaching elections. In this respect, we know we have
the support of the Organization of American States and
the United Nations, as well as other international
organizations. Talks on possible financial assistance by
the European Union are in a phase of conclusion. The
primary goal of the Government is to hold general and
free elections, with the greatest possible care, by secret
ballot, and once again to confirm to the world Suriname's
excellent reputation in this field.
Our world is closing this millennium, in which
humankind has made enormous progress in science and
technology, enhancing its capacity for its own security
and survival. The millennium has been an era of untold
human suffering caused by wars waged between and
within States, with the means capable of destroying all
that which the human race has so far achieved. It has also
been an era in which many developing countries gained
constitutional independence. Unfortunately, however, it
has not brought them economic independence and hence
actual decolonization. Consequently, their full
participation in developments relating to the formation of
economic blocs was seriously impeded.
This millennium has also seen the birth of a unique
world Organization, the United Nations, to assist us in
overcoming the threat of complete destruction. Let us
allow this unique instrument to assist humanity in
achieving its noble desire for a peaceful world — a world
with equitable economic, trade and development systems;
a world with a protected and safe environment and
ecosystem; a world in which human rights and
fundamental freedoms are protected, promoted and
guaranteed to all its citizens; a world with adequate
development opportunities for everyone; a world in which
human potential can be fully developed, irrespective of
race, sex, creed or religion; and a world from which all
tendencies and signals regarding recolonization originating
from former colonizers are banished.
13

Let us all, upon entering the new millennium,
contribute wholeheartedly to these noble goals.


Mr. President, I wish to express
my warm congratulations to you upon your election to the
presidency of this fifty-fourth session of the United
Nations General Assembly. Your unanimous election to
the presidency is not only an attestation to the confidence
we in Africa have in your leadership ability, but is also
an affirmation of the faith the international community
has in you to steer this organ successfully into the twenty-
first century. You take up the helm of this body at a
critical juncture, when we are here taking stock of where
we stand on the eve of the new millennium.
Let me avail myself of this opportunity to express
our sincere gratitude to your predecessor, His Excellency
Minister Didier Opertti of Uruguay, who presided over
the affairs of this Assembly in a diligent and exemplary
manner. We thank him for his conscientious efforts and
sterling contribution.
May I also express our great appreciation of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who, having
recognized the great opportunities and challenges ahead
of us, has worked tirelessly to help us map a noble vision
for the future of our Organization.
6

We are also witnessing another historic moment for
our Organization, as we admit into our midst three new
members: Nauru, Kiribati and Tonga. We welcome them to
our brotherhood of nations and wish them all the best as
they chart their own destinies and make their contribution
within our community of nations.
On our African continent, the holding of free and fair
elections in Nigeria has ushered in a democratic
dispensation worthy of our attention. This transformation
serves as a monument erected to inform the international
community that Africa has said "No" to the
institutionalization of the route map from barracks to the
State House, which hitherto the military has traversed with
impunity. Further, the return to peace and democracy in
Liberia and Sierra Leone bears ample testimony to Africa’s
renewed quest for democracy, peace and stability. It is,
therefore, our fervent hope that the implementation of these
peace agreements will lead to the restoration of normality
in the region.
In the same spirit, the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) alliance intervened in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo to uphold one of the most
fundamental tenets of the United Nations Charter: respect
for the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Aggression, under whatever pretext, should be condemned
and opposed by the United Nations. We are, therefore,
encouraged by the eventual participation of the rebels in the
peace process.
We wish to register our most sincere gratitude to His
Excellency President Chiluba of Zambia for his untiring
efforts that succeeded in bringing the rebels on board this
peace process. It must be emphasized, though, that the
success or failure of a peacekeeping mission to the
Democratic Republic of the Congo will be determined by
the availability of both human and material resources. We
are, however, worried that an inadequately funded
Democratic Republic of the Congo peacekeeping operation
would be a clear manifestation of Africa’s increasing
marginalization in the new world order. We trust, therefore,
that the United Nations will now render the requisite
support to sustain this achievement.
We find this an opportune moment to call upon the
international community not only to put its full weight
behind African peace initiatives, but also to assess and
buttress the institutional and operational capacity of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) in the prevention,
management and resolution of conflicts in Africa. In this
vein, we hail the European Union’s declaration that its
future engagement with the belligerents involved in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo conflict would depend
on the latter’s fulfilment of their obligations as spelt out
in the Lusaka ceasefire agreement.
Sadly, the gains that we registered in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo peace process are being negated
by the renewed bloodbath in Angola, where, for the
second time this decade, UNITA has resumed war,
disregarding the 1994 Lusaka Peace Agreement. We
therefore call upon the international community to put in
place effective mechanisms that tighten the embargo
against UNITA, particularly in the light of the recently
concluded mission of Ambassador Robert Fowler,
Chairman of the Security Council sanctions committee on
UNITA.
Zimbabwe hails the acceptance by Eritrea and
Ethiopia of the OAU Framework Agreement to end the
war in the Horn of Africa. Zimbabwe, as a member of the
high-level committee that coordinated the effort to end the
war between the two African States, calls upon the United
Nations to undergird this successful regional peace
initiative with the necessary technical and other resources
to make the process irreversible and permanent.
Since its inception the United Nations has had on its
agenda a concern for economic and social development.
The follow-up to the implementation of the goals of the
World Summit for Social Development is currently being
assessed, and it has become evident that a potentially
explosive social situation confronts the world today. The
soaring levels of unemployment, the deteriorating
standards of living, the abject poverty in most
developing countries, especially on our continent, Africa,
are cause for serious concern.
We note that Africa’s fortunes have continued to
worsen despite the continent’s best efforts. Growth
slowed in the majority of African countries and, at 2.6 per
cent in 1998, average gross domestic product for all of
Africa fell far short of the eight per cent annual growth
rate envisioned by the World Bank as the level capable of
significantly reducing poverty levels on the continent.
Adverse factors that contribute to this decline include
slower growth of the world economy, declining
commodity prices, the contagious effects of the Asian
financial crisis, the El Niño weather pattern, civil strife
and political turmoil in several spots.
At a time when greater challenges and opportunities
are emerging within the context of globalization, it is
7

crucial that Africa’s nagging vulnerabilities are highlighted
and addressed. Total African export revenues fell by nearly
$14 billion in 1998, to just $112 billion, an 11 per cent
drop from the 1997 level, mainly due to price declines.
That negative trend has continued in 1999.
We are concerned that at a time when prospects for
aid effectiveness in Africa are improving significantly,
official development assistance to Africa has fallen to its
lowest level. Between 1993 and 1997, total aid receipts in
Africa fell by nearly 13 per cent, from $21 billion to $18.7
billion. At this rate, official development assistance flows
have fallen far short of the $30 billion a year that
economists estimate is needed to reduce poverty in Africa.
The net rate of return on investment in African
countries remains higher than in other developing countries.
It was estimated at 20 to 30 per cent during 1990 to 1994,
on average, as opposed to 16 to 18 per cent for all
developing countries. Yet in contrast to this great potential,
Africa has not been a significant beneficiary of the dramatic
increase in global foreign direct investment flows.
Africa’s debt is essentially non-payable and certainly
unsustainable under any sensible growth-oriented
macroeconomic scenario. There is an urgent need to release
more resources from debt servicing to financing
development and creating conditions that encourage inflows
of private foreign investment. Although the Heavily
Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC) Initiative constitutes
an important mechanism for debt relief, its eligibility
criteria are rather restrictive. While the need for better debt
management by Africa in the future is acknowledged, any
credible solution to Africa’s debt problem must indeed
entail substantial debt cancellation.
We in Africa are therefore fully persuaded that it is
time the international community deliberates on the
substance and prospects for new aid modalities which
emphasize a holistic and comprehensive approach. There is
need for us to share views on how best to foster a new
donor-beneficiary relationship in which multi-donor
programmes focus on supporting an African-driven agenda.
In our own region of southern Africa, we are at an
advanced stage of setting up a trade protocol meant to
maximize our earnings from trade. With a majority of our
members having ratified this protocol, only a couple more
remain before it is operational.
We are also keenly aware of the critical role of
telecommunications as an effective vehicle for successful
international trade. Accordingly, my country only recently
agreed to be a subregional host for the AFRITEL, an
African regional telecommunications centre. We trust that
international investors will see this as positive
preparedness on the part of our continent not only to
attract them and their investments, but indeed to
concretely ensure that they also prosper in their
endeavours on our continent.
The United Nations decade for the progressive
development and codification of international law is
coming to a close on an important note, with the
establishment of the International Criminal Court.
However, the Court can be successful only if it is
universally accepted. We must, therefore, lend our
unwavering support to this process so that we can
complete this important milestone in the history of our
Organization.
As we look into the new millennium, let us aspire to
have an international order that espouses the twin
objectives of universal peace and security on the one
hand, and an improved quality of life for all the earth’s
inhabitants on the other. It must be an order characterized
by justice and respect for international law. Such
international law must surely have the effect of restraining
both regional and international belligerent countries. We
should join enthusiastically in the promotion of the
achievements of the decade for the development of
international law.
Zimbabwe is greatly disturbed at the cataclysmic
turn of events in East Timor following the self-
determination referendum there. The crisis chronicled in
the report of the Security Council Mission to Jakarta and
Dili was most disquieting. Zimbabwe therefore welcomes
the deployment of the multinational force to restore peace
and security in East Timor and to facilitate the delivery of
humanitarian assistance. We sincerely hope that the
Security Council will soon authorize the deployment of a
United Nations peacekeeping force whose financial and
other resource requirements are vouched for by the entire
membership of this Organization.
It would be remiss of me not to mention how
inequitable it is that the membership of the Security
Council should remain unreflective of the vastly altered
international circumstances. The need for the reform of
the Security Council is no longer just a lofty ideal we
strive to achieve, but a prerequisite for the very existence
of this Organization. The Security Council, as a principal
organ of the United Nations, is entrusted to act on behalf
8

of the entire membership, which to date has risen to 188
countries. The stark realities of the situation in the world
must be reflected not only in the sheer increase in numbers,
but also in consideration of the democratic principle of
equitable geographical representation and participation.
It is grossly unjust that we, the developing countries,
should remain totally unrepresented in the permanent
membership of a body entrusted with such power and
authority. The powers and privileges that the current
members of the Security Council enjoy should be extended
to all new members if the Council is to be effective.
And so, as we hold the last session of the General
Assembly in the current millennium, it behooves us to
make one giant leap into the future, not only in terms of
wise and bold decisions, but also in terms of the
commitment to implement them and see them bear fruit for
us and for posterity.


I take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Theo-Ben
Gurirab on his election to the presidency of this session of
the General Assembly. I am confident that his vision and
energy will guide this session to a successful conclusion.
I also thank Mr. Didier Opertti, who led the fifty-third
session of the General Assembly with remarkable
distinction and efficiency. I commend Mr. Kofi Annan, the
esteemed Secretary-General of this Organization, of whom
the people of the Caribbean are particularly proud for his
vision and managerial skills as he heads the United Nations,
in precarious financial circumstances, responding to
increased demands with diminishing resources. I wish to
assure the Secretary-General of the continued support and
cooperation of the Government of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines.
I join previous speakers in welcoming the Republic
of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of
Tonga as new Members of the United Nations family.
Their membership strengthens the universal character of
our Organization.
I extend condolences to the families of the victims
of the earthquakes in Turkey, Greece and, more recently,
the Republic of China on Taiwan. I reiterate the
sentiments of sympathy already transmitted to the
Government and people of the Bahamas, a sister country
in the Caribbean Community, and to the United States of
America in relation to the devastation wrought by
Hurricane Floyd.
The fifty-fourth anniversary of the founding of the
United Nations, coming at the end of a century that has
seen war and destruction on the one hand and
unprecedented developments in science and technology on
the other, provides a timely opportunity to reflect on the
Organization's achievements, assess its continued
relevance in a radically changed environment and chart an
appropriate course of action for the future. Many
powerful forces believe that the United Nations has
perhaps outlived its usefulness and exists now only as the
world's most expensive debating club. Ministers of
Finance are presently convened in Washington, D.C., at
the annual meeting of the International Monetary Fund
and the World Bank Group. There, too, the opinion can
no doubt be heard that circumstances have now overtaken
the Bretton Woods institutions.
The big and powerful nations of the world can
afford to argue thus, but for small, vulnerable, developing
countries such as Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, these
institutions are important buffers in the interplay between
finance and politics in the international arena. The
operating budgets of many transnational corporations are
far greater than the national budgets of developing
countries such as mine, and we are painfully aware that
the international development agenda is controlled by
these corporations.
Despite the technological advances of the last decade
and the tremendous increase in worldwide commerce, the
benefits of globalization have not been evenly distributed
and it is abundantly clear that developing countries
continue to be marginalized. While we acknowledge and
25

respect the general thrust towards open markets,
competition and free trade, I must reiterate my country's
position regarding our vital trade in bananas. Even as we
move to diversify, improve quality and pursue alternative
strategies and options for development in tourism, financial
services and informatics, our economic survival and social
stability remain closely linked to the banana trade and the
income it provides for our farmers. Indeed, there is a strong
and persistent correlation between the rate of economic
growth and the performance of the industry. This is further
illustrated by the following facts: in Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, the contribution of the banana industry to direct
employment is 40 per cent; in the Windward Islands as a
whole, banana export earnings account for over 50 per cent
of the gross domestic product; and windward Islands
exports account for only 1 per cent of the world trade in
bananas.
The imminent collapse of our major banana market
demonstrates just how powerless small developing States
continue to be against powerful countries and mega-
corporations. The disregard for our interests and, indeed,
our survival, by the United States of America, which does
not export a single hand of bananas, is truly inexplicable.
The inevitable consequences of this stance will be economic
and social dislocation, manifested in increased
unemployment, impoverishment for our farmers, crime and
the erosion of basic human rights and dignity.
The iniquitous and restrictive immigration policies of
certain developed countries have served only to exacerbate
the social disintegration of our societies, which are already
under severe stress.
If small developing economies are to be able to attract
investment, expand production, improve product quality and
meet standards — in short, compete effectively and grasp
the opportunities presented in the World Trade Organization
agreements — it is imperative that recognition should be
given to their need for support and for adequate transitional
periods to fully liberalized world trade, which should apply
also to the banana trade.
As a corollary to our overall economic development
strategy, the Government of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines continues to explore, with the assistance of
friendly nations, options for enhanced airport development
on mainland Saint Vincent. The requirements for
agricultural and economic diversification make this
endeavour even more urgent.
We are exceptionally grateful to the European Union
for the support which it is continuing to give to ensure
our survival, even in the face of threats to its own
economic prosperity. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is
involved, with other members of the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM), in a fundamental process of
deepening regional integration through the establishment
of a single market and economy by 2001. We are taking
important steps to facilitate the free movement of goods,
services, capital and people in the countries of the
Community. We are doing this at a time when the
momentum of trade liberalization and economic
globalization has never been greater.
The region is also committed to the establishment of
the Free Trade Area of the Americas by 2004.
CARICOM has established regional negotiating
machinery to coordinate the region's participation in
external trade negotiations, including the Seattle Round of
multinational trade negotiations.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is resolute in its
opposition to the international trade in drugs. To this end,
my Government is moving bilaterally and with member
countries of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States
and CARICOM, to establish agreements with third
countries on mutual assistance in criminal matters. The
Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines,
recognizing its own limitations in confronting the
enormous power and resources of drug traffickers, has
signed a “ship rider” agreement that gives authority to
pursue such criminals in the territorial waters of our
archipelagic State.
Governments in the small developing countries of
the Caribbean pay a high political price for cooperating
with the developed countries in the fight against drugs.
There were loud protests from certain sections of the
population against the Government when the security
forces of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, in
collaboration with the Regional Security Service and
contingents from other friendly countries, launched an
eradication campaign in our mountainous interior: they
questioned the Government's cooperation at a time when
access for bananas and other products from the Caribbean
to the European market was being challenged.
My Government will continue to honour its
commitments under all international agreements to which
we are signatory. We have enacted appropriate stringent
measures in our financial regulations to ensure that
proceeds from the illicit drug trade are not laundered in
26

our financial system. The efforts of economically vulnerable
countries such as ours in combatting the scourge of drugs
must be recognized and supported by the international
community in general, and by traditionally friendly
countries in particular.
Our countries do not wish to be forced out of the
world trade in legitimate products, causing our peoples to
turn in desperation to trafficking in illegal products. In
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and in other countries
members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), we
believe in stability based on a solid foundation of
democracy, respect for human rights and the creation of
economic and other opportunities for the development of
our peoples. CARICOM has built an outstanding record in
this regard. The recent mission to Haiti headed by our own
Prime Minister, The Right Honourable Sir James Mitchell,
to examine that country's readiness to conduct general
elections, is another example of CARICOM's commitment
to those principles.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines places very high
priority on education, training and human-resource
development. These are a very important part of the
declaration of principles adopted by the leaders of the 34
countries of the western hemisphere at the second Summit
of the Americas, held at Santiago, Chile, in 1998.
I take this opportunity to reiterate the gratitude of the
Government and the people of Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines to the Government and the people of Cuba,
which despite their difficult economic circumstances,
caused by the continuing trade embargo against that
Caribbean country, have offered numerous scholarships to
the young people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines places great value on this
unmistakable act of friendship and assistance.
Small island developing States such as Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines attach great importance to such issues
as the integrity of our coastal and marine resources, solid-
waste management and natural-disaster preparedness,
because we are conscious of the negative repercussions that
can result if effective measures are not put in place. We run
the risk of damaging our fragile ecosystems to the
detriment of development and tourism, and moreover
compromising their sustainable use and enjoyment by future
generations. It is for that reason that CARICOM condemns
in the strongest terms the shipment of hazardous material
through the territorial waters of the Caribbean countries.
Without the benefit of scientific proof of the origins and
reasons for the recent fish kill in our waters, there is cause
for serious concern; investigation in this regard is
ongoing. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines shares the
concerns expressed by other small island developing
States and strongly supports the adoption of a draft
resolution on small island developing States recognizing
the Caribbean Sea as a special area in the context of
sustainable development.
The vulnerability of small States has been made
more acute because of lack of capacity, declining aid
flows, graduation from concessionary financing, the
disappearance of trade preferences, and a lack of
competitiveness. The implementation of the Barbados
Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of
Small Island Developing States is therefore imperative for
our survival.
My delegation fully supports the efforts of the
international community in addressing the conflicts in
Kosovo and in East Timor. We look forward to lasting
peace and stability in those areas.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines also applauds the
efforts and commitment of Prime Minister Barak of Israel
and Chairman Arafat of the Palestine Liberation
Organization to bring peace and security to the people of
their region.
A draft resolution on the readmission to this body of
the Republic of China on Taiwan was once again
defeated. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, however,
strongly supports the aspiration of those 21 million people
to exercise their right to share and participate in the
activities of this community of nations.
My country has consistently expressed its views in
relation to reform of the United Nations in general and of
the Security Council in particular. I will not revisit them
now, but I wish to reiterate that Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines strongly favours reform of the United Nations
to give more equitable consideration to the concerns of
the majority of countries comprising the General
Assembly. Let us remodel it along more democratic lines
to address the realities of the world today.
As we approach the new millennium, my delegation
would like to urge all Member States to demonstrate their
unwavering support for the goals and ideals enshrined in
the Charter of the United Nations: peace, security, human
rights, fundamental freedoms, international cooperation,
and development for all mankind.
27


I should
like at the outset, Sir, warmly to congratulate you on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly, which
marks the opening of the regular annual session. Your wise
and dynamic leadership will determine the scope and
outcome of our work.
I would like also to thank Mr. Didier Opertti for his
dedication and commitment throughout the fifty-third
session of the General Assembly.
Let me also reiterate Luxembourg's confidence, given
our Secretary-General's characteristic tireless determination
to promote dialogue, knowledge and mutual recognition,
that his efforts will lead to greater mutual understanding.
The respect accorded to, and the effectiveness of, our
Organization will depend on the strong cohesiveness of its
membership. Within its modest means, my country intends
to contribute to this key objective. Luxembourg is proud of
having participated in the definition of the European
Union's core positions. These were explained to the
Assembly by Mrs. Tarja Halonen, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Finland, in the statement she made in her
capacity as current Chairman-in-Office of the European
Union.
This fall will mark the tenth anniversary of the end of
the cold war, which for more than four decades hampered
the harmonious development of international relations.
Among other things, it prevented our Organization from
fully discharging its mandate to maintain international
peace and cooperation. This anniversary is definitely a
happy one, even if much of what had been hoped for in
1989 has failed to materialize and the consequences of
certain upheavals are still being felt.
Nonetheless, today's international environment has
seen far-reaching changes, and the international
community is now in a position to tackle very complex
challenges. My country hopes that this historic
breakthrough at century's end will be further consolidated.
Today is my first opportunity to represent my
country from this rostrum and to address the Assembly,
which comprises nearly all the countries of the world.
Luxembourg is one of the founding Members of our
Organization, and in October 1945, it was the smallest.
Our presence in San Francisco was due to our
determination to cooperate with the international
community and to reaffirm our sovereignty. Today I
would reiterate the commitment of the people of
Luxembourg to our Organization, which is called upon to
play a pivotal role in an international environment that is
becoming increasingly globalized yet, at the same time,
more and more fragmented.
While the first aspect of this process, globalization,
is most apparent in the economic field, the second,
fragmentation, is more clearly felt in the political arena,
as social inequities are increasing. This process will
undoubtedly result in very complex tensions, heightening
those that already exist and creating new ones. These will
have to be analyzed and dealt with; to do this we will
need imagination, clear-sightedness and, above all, an
effective resolve and capacity to act. Our security and
prosperity will depend on the way in which our
Organization confronts these challenges.
It would be unrealistic to expect a solution from the
Organization every time humanitarian disaster strikes or
a conflict breaks out. There is no such thing as a world
government, and it would be a disservice to the United
Nations to fail to acknowledge this obvious fact.
Nevertheless, the United Nations is a platform and
a forum for negotiations at the global level, and we
should therefore exert every effort to ensure its smooth
functioning. To do this it must have adequate funding to
duty bound to respect their Charter obligation to pay in
full, unconditionally and on time the amounts they owe to
the Organization. This also means that increasingly, the
13

major political orientations of the Organization are decided
upon by consensus, thereby ensuring the support of all
States for its actions. It also means that the effort to update
and reform the United Nations mechanisms still remains
fully relevant.
It is only through cooperation, understanding and
solidarity, together with respect for commitments entered
into and for the rule of law, that progress towards a true
cohesiveness will be possible. All the Members of our
Organization are directly responsible for ensuring that their
contribution to the common undertaking and to its progress
is not lacking. This was the case during the decision to
create an International Criminal Court. We have thus
reached an important stage in the field of international
ethics and morality by providing ourselves with an
instrument through which those responsible for atrocities in
time of war and for crimes against humanity will be held
to account. The international community will henceforth be
more vigilant and will no longer allow those who have been
found guilty of such crimes to continue to enjoy impunity.
My country will ratify the Statute of the Court as soon as
possible, and we hope that it will soon become a reality.
My country's profound commitment to the European
Union, which is preparing to enlarge its membership, is a
sure reflection of our strong aspiration to strengthen both
the internal cohesion of the countries of the region and to
promote cooperation at an international level. The
contribution of the European Union to the life of our
Organization is intended to be a driving force for its further
development.
Small countries like mine tend to develop an acute
awareness of their own vulnerability. This is often further
aggravated by a considerable difficulty: that of making
known to our foreign partners a little-known national
reality. That explains our commitment to the vitality and
smooth functioning of intergovernmental organizations. For
us, the United Nations represents an irreplaceable forum for
the exchange of ideas and experiences, but to an even
greater extent it must be a tool for the maintenance of
international peace and security, development and respect
for universal values.
A new Government has just taken office in
Luxembourg. Its first task will be to ensure the continuity
of our foreign commitments. But it also intends consistently
to develop our policy of demonstrating our presence,
participation and solidarity at the international level. This
determination will be expressed through the major
intergovernmental organizations, which define the rules of
coexistence between nations and peoples. The United
Nations unquestionably takes pride of place among them.
My Government also intends to further develop its
relations with the more remote regions of the world. This
is an effort to respond to a real deficiency, which can be
explained by our size and our limited human resources. It
is important for us to remedy that situation through a
balanced programme of contacts. The United Nations, and
the presence of numerous delegations at United Nations
Headquarters in New York and at Geneva, will doubtless
provide us opportunities conducive to achieving that end.
The United Nations Development Programme
Human Development Report this year undertakes an in-
depth analysis of the phenomenon of globalization. It
clearly brings out the beneficial aspects and the
opportunities provided by this process, while at the same
time showing the negative consequences, which are very
serious and worrying: instability in financial relations,
high unemployment, an unsteady job market, the ravages
of AIDS, the increasing inequalities between North and
South, the extension of those inequalities to the field of
knowledge and the constantly growing marginalization of
a large number of developing countries.
The political and social effects of these
developments are no less worrying: increased
impoverishment, new forms of crime and violence,
increased migration, the destabilization of States and the
growing number of conflicts. Faced with these issues, the
States Members of this Organization have a major
responsibility to assume. The proposals contained in the
report therefore deserve constructive examination, and my
delegation is ready to take part in it. Ensuring that there
is a social and ethical dimension to globalization, agreeing
on new rules for good world governance and protecting
the environment are some of the major issues to be
agreed on in forthcoming discussions. That is why we
intend to deepen our commitment in areas related to
human development.
The fight against poverty, which the United Nations
has declared to be a priority objective, cannot be
conducted only in the economic sphere. It should be part
of an overall plan that also deals with related factors such
as the lack of family care facilities, shortcomings in
education and health and insufficient administrative
structures. A reallocation of resources is also required as
part of this effort. In that spirit, Luxembourg is now in
the process of meeting the targets of our Organization.
Starting in the year 2000, it will be devoting 0.7 per cent
14

of its gross national product to official development
assistance. The Government of Luxembourg has decided to
increase that contribution to 1 per cent of its gross national
product over the next five years. Education and health will
be priority areas for our cooperation.
During the negotiations in the Millennium Round in
the World Trade Organization we must take account of that
context and pay particular attention to the interests of the
developing countries. We also support all the efforts
designed to alleviate the debt problem, particularly in the
case of the least developed countries.
The vast majority of the people of Luxembourg uphold
a model of society that strikes a fair balance between free
enterprise and social justice. This model of a social market
economy ensures development and social cohesion, even if
it may require periodic adjustment. This should prove an
inspiration at the regional and international levels.
Through the experience that we have gained over one
and a half centuries of independence, Luxembourg is
convinced that the principles of democracy, respect for
human rights, the functioning of the rule of law and the
transparent and ordered management of public affairs are
the essential elements that help to promote development.
The major conferences that have taken place during the past
decade on the subjects of human rights, social development,
population, the advancement of women and human
settlements have opened a new era of constructive dialogue
and shared responsibility, which has made a major
contribution to defining and redefining the action of the
United Nations in the field of development. We must
ensure that henceforth there will be coordinated, integrated
and effective follow-up to the steps that have been taken.
Those who represent civil society, the non-
governmental organizations, are essential partners of our
Governments in the implementation of the programmes and
action plans developed and adopted during the major
conferences. It is those people who work in the field in
direct contact with women, men and children who are at the
very centre or our efforts. We therefore attach great
importance to their close association with the follow-up
process for the conferences and the preparations for future
activities.
Other meetings are in preparation, notably those on the
subjects of racism and development financing. Each of
these initiatives is part of our effort to promote a fairer and
more equitable society, both internationally and within our
own national societies. The United Nations serves as a
catalyst in this process. It is undeniable that in this field
our Organization has found an innovative and useful role
to play.
It is indeed paradoxical that a decade that was
originally marked by a desire for openness has ended with
a disturbing new outbreak of bloody conflicts and
practices that we thought had become things of the past.
How can we overlook the growing number of
humanitarian tragedies and fail to see the increasing
expressions of nationalism, intolerance and refusal to
accept those who are different? They highlight the
historical or newly erected barriers which have made
impractical any dialogue between majorities and
minorities.
In these circumstances, there is a new requirement.
As the Secretary-General has said, strict adherence to the
traditional concept of State sovereignty is no longer
sufficient to meet present-day realities. We must
investigate new ways to live together in society that will
respect the character of each individual. We must find
ways to improve the functioning of democracy so that it
will be better able to accommodate internal diversity.
This Organization, especially the organ responsible
for the maintenance of international peace and security,
has not been given sufficient means to adapt to new
situations. The structures of the Security Council are
inadequate after several decades during which it has been
impossible to carry out a thorough review. Although
discussions on Council reform have been under way for
more than five years, there is a prevailing feeling of
powerlessness. It seems unlikely that any new movement
can result from the repeated clash of known positions.
Since last autumn, Security Council action has been
hamstrung by the reemergence of schisms harking back
to a bygone age. Now as then, the result is an inability to
act, so the matter of Iraq has been bogged down. For
more than a year, Council members have been unable to
work together and formulate a viable monitoring system
that would guarantee that the Iraqi regime no longer
possesses weapons of mass destruction. This dispute
benefits only those who continue to flout international
law. The credibility of the United Nations can hardly gain
from this prevarication.
The recent political and humanitarian crisis in
Kosovo has shown that the community of nations no
longer has either sufficient determination or sufficient
means to prevent tragedies of that scale. In the face of the
15

horror of ethnic cleansing, a number of countries were
obliged to shoulder their responsibilities. The tragic
deterioration of the situation on the ground and the lack of
realism at the negotiating table made military action
inevitable. My country demonstrated its active solidarity
during that tragedy, because a passive response to such
crimes is no more acceptable in the international arena than
it is at home. Today, pacification is under way in Kosovo,
but minorities must be protected, respect for the law must
be guaranteed, and democratic institutions must be set up.
The Organization, in collaboration with other institutions,
has taken these tasks in hand.
The international community's commitment to build
multi-ethnic, multicultural, democratic societies in the
Balkans holds out to the Serbian leadership and the Serbian
population the prospect of a peaceful, secure and
prosperous future in the community of Europe. It is up to
them to seize this opportunity.
The Secretary-General has said that United Nations
action cannot stop until stability, security and peace return
to the entire African continent. That goal is far from having
been achieved, with serious conflicts taking place in central
Africa and in Angola. But there are glimmers of light in
Sierra Leone, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and
in the Horn of Africa. The crises there, while not yet
resolved, are at least on the path of negotiation. It is
encouraging to note that this progress has been achieved
thanks to the active participation of the countries of the
region.
We cannot allow the fate of Africa to slip out of the
field of action of the international community. We must
control the diverse situations relating to politics,
development and the democratization of society to enable
the continent to recover its proper place in the comity of
nations. That can be achieved only through sustained,
concerted medium-term and long-term action by the
international community and by the United Nations system.
My country will participate fully in these efforts.
In East Timor it seemed that, after 25 years of
injustice and oppression, there was a process that would
give the Timorese people an opportunity peacefully to take
charge of their future. Their desire for independence was
freely and clearly expressed under United Nations auspices.
Despite the Indonesian authorities having committed
themselves to guaranteeing order and security before and
after the popular consultation, grave violations occurred in
East Timor, followed by massacres and the large-scale
deportation of civilians. We welcome the dispatch of a
multinational force under United Nations authority to put
a rapid end to the violence and the atrocities, and to
repatriate people in decent conditions. We support the
efforts of the Secretary-General and of the United Nations
Mission in East Timor to continue the process leading to
the independence of East Timor. We must quickly
improve the island's humanitarian situation, which
continues to deteriorate, inflicting suffering on the
population concerned.
In the Middle East, after years of deadlock, Israelis
and Palestinians have resumed negotiations with the
participation of other parties to the peace process, with
the declared intention of concluding them by the autumn
of 2000, which would coincide with the Millennium
Assembly. Could anyone imagine a finer symbol of
concerted international action to restore peace and
security than lasting reconciliation in a land that is the
cradle of so many religions and so many civilizations?
The Millennium Summit will give us the chance to
take stock of what has been accomplished and of what the
complex decade of the 1990s has brought us, as well as
to chart the course for future action. The Secretary-
General has outlined this in his report on the work of the
Organization. We must give him effective tools to
forestall catastrophes, whether caused by the elements or
by the hand of man, and to coordinate our work to
minimize the consequences of tragedies we are unable to
avert.
In declaring its determination to tackle humanitarian
challenges in a spirit of prevention rather than of reaction,
the Organization has set itself an ambitious goal. It is up
to us to prove our will and our capacity to work
effectively to reach that goal.


Mr. President, I congratulate
you, the Foreign Minister of Namibia, on your election as
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth
session. Your experience as the Namibian people's chief
representative in New York during your country's struggle
for independence and your role in guiding Namibia into the
family of nations will serve you well in directing the
important work of this session.
Our thanks are also due to Foreign Minister Opertti of
Uruguay for his dedicated efforts in leading the Assembly
over the past 12 months. I, too, would like to warmly
welcome our three new Members to the United Nations, the
Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the
Kingdom of Tonga.
In January of this year, my Government had the
privilege of hosting a visit by Secretary-General Annan. As
the first United Nations Secretary-General to emerge from
within the international civil service, his personal
commitment to the United Nations and its founding
principles is evidenced in his efforts to steer the
Organization into the new millennium.
My colleague Foreign Minister Halonen of Finland
set out the views of the European Union on the main
challenges facing the international community today, and,
of course, Ireland fully associates itself with our respected
Finnish Presidency's remarks.
The responsibility of the United Nations to maintain
international peace and security has been severely tested
this year. In Africa, in the Balkans and, most recently, in
East Timor, we have seen bloody and vicious outbreaks
of violence which could have been avoided. At the same
time, the incidence and scale of natural disasters has
increased, adding to the pressures facing the already
overstretched relief agencies. We need to take up the
challenge which the Secretary-General set out in his
thought-provoking address earlier this week — to think
anew about how the United Nations and the Member
States respond to the political, human rights and
humanitarian crises affecting so much of the world. We
are all haunted by the collective failure to prevent
humanitarian disasters — including genocide — as well
as the outbreak of conflict in many regions.
The case for better prevention strategies is
overwhelming. Even the costliest policy of prevention is
far cheaper, in lives and resources, than the least
expensive use of armed force. It is simply unacceptable
that the United Nations should be starved of the resources
that are vital to this conflict prevention. Where conflict
prevention fails, more fundamental questions relating to
capabilities for crisis management arise. How is it
possible, for example, that the international community
finds itself repeatedly incapable of taking effective action?
How has it come to pass that questions are being raised
about the adequacy of the Charter itself? Or that the
constraints impairing the effectiveness of the Organization
have led to searching elsewhere for effective response? It
is indeed a paradox that, in a world of unprecedented
interdependence and technological capabilities, we should
be confronted by such a dilemma.
The Charter, I think, has been fairly described as a
“living document”. I believe that this provides the key to
resolving our dilemma. We have not used sufficiently the
possibilities that already exist under the Charter, not only
in the area of peace and security, but also in the social
and economic fields. I would suggest that we should
scrutinize its provisions and use them imaginatively. That
could make possible a reinvigoration of the United
25

Nations, injecting a new sense of purpose and a new
dynamic.
I believe we should similarly look to see how we can
support the Secretary-General in his immense labours. His
report on the work of the Organization has diagnosed
accurately the challenges that exist and has genuinely
pointed out what needs to be done. He has powers under
the Charter, and he should be encouraged to use them to
the full. Greater empowerment of the Secretary-General is
one practical step that we, the Member States, should take.
We should seize the opportunity provided by the
Millennium Assembly next year to reaffirm our
commitment to the goals and principles set out in the
Charter, in a pragmatic, action-oriented and forward-looking
manner.
We can learn, as has been said by previous speakers,
from the crisis in East Timor. As the Personal
Representative of the European Union Presidency, I
witnessed at first hand the consultation process on 30
August. I wish particularly to pay tribute to the outstanding
work of the United Nations Mission in East Timor
(UNAMET). It has received criticism, and I reject that
criticism. I saw the work at first hand. They were an
unarmed force — a group of very brave men and women.
Men and women of my own country were among that very
brave group of people, and I salute them.
Ireland, together with our European Union partners, is
fully committed to seeing that the people of East Timor
enjoy the independence which they have freely chosen. The
poll itself took place peacefully in a fair and free
manner — we witnessed it first hand — and reflected, as
I understand it, the views of the people. It was, however,
followed by systematic and ruthless attacks on the
population. We have condemned these atrocities in the
strongest terms. The perpetrators of crimes against
humanity must be brought to justice. The United Nations
High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mrs. Mary
Robinson, has called for an international commission of
inquiry, and, of course, we all fully support this, as I
understand it.
Had those seeking to frustrate and overturn the process
initiated by President Habibie last January succeeded, they
would have denied the democratic rights of the people of
East Timor, posing a very serious challenge to the
credibility and authority of the United Nations. I welcome
the decisive action taken by the Security Council which led
to the adoption of its resolution 1264 (1999), although I
regret that this action could not have been taken more
speedily. I pay sincere tribute to all involved, and in
particular to the members of the Security Council mission
who went to Jakarta and Dili in very very difficult
circumstances. I pay sincere tribute to all involved. All of
the provisions of Security Council resolution 1264 (1999)
must now be fully implemented in all respects, as it says,
and as is required by it.
We fully support the deployment of the international
force for East Timor under the leadership of Australia.
Ireland is among the contributors to this force.
We are facing a humanitarian disaster in both East
and West Timor. All East Timorese refugees, wherever
they are, must be allowed to return to their homes. The
response that is now being made will go some way to
restoring the credibility and authority of this Organization
at a time when the restoration of that credibility and
authority is so urgently required. In Ireland we will be
continuing to support, in every way we can, the work of
the United Nations and, of course, the international
humanitarian agencies in East Timor.
The dilemma which I earlier described is also
illustrated clearly by the response to crises in many parts
of Africa, as has been outlined by so many other
speakers, and by the previous speaker in particular, my
colleague Foreign Minister Godana of Kenya. This
response has in the past been totally inadequate, leading
in turn to further conflict, human suffering and neglect on
an even greater scale.
I welcome the steps recently taken towards national
reconciliation in a number of the African countries,
including, as was mentioned by the previous speaker,
Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The patient diplomacy and determination of individual
African leaders has laid the groundwork for the resolution
of a number of recent conflicts. We received a timely
reminder of these efforts a few days ago from President
Chiluba of Zambia in his excellent address to the Security
Council. But these efforts deserve and require the support
and commitment of the international community. The
Secretary-General's report on conflict prevention in Africa
has set out clear goals and proposals on the promotion of
durable peace and sustainable development in Africa, and
we must all ensure that real progress is achieved on these
issues.
Countries emerging from conflict situations, in
particular, face the need to rebuild lives and livelihoods.
26

Many of these are among the poorest Member States. In
that context, I wish to highlight the extent of the debt
burden on developing countries, particularly on the heavily
indebted poor countries — the so-called HIPC countries.
Servicing this debt deprives many of these nations of scarce
resources, resources which are required to meet the most
basic human needs, and some of the debt repayments based
on the moneys given to some of these countries are nothing
short of disgraceful.
The launch of the joint World Bank/International
Monetary Fund Heavily Indebted Poor Country Initiative
two years ago gave hope that substantive action would at
last be taken to relieve the debt crisis, particularly the large
and growing burden of multilateral debt. Some progress has
been made, but, unfortunately again, in the nature of those
institutions — and I do not say it by way of great criticism
— there is a slowness in their movement. That is why the
Initiative has benefited so few of the countries to which it
is directed. We need to extend it to more countries, with a
greater degree of flexibility, and maybe a little bit of
imagination.
Ireland wishes to see the strongest possible link
between debt relief and poverty alleviation. It is the poorest
and most marginalized who have borne much of the burden.
I saw this in recent visits to a number of these countries in
Africa. We recognize the strength of international concern
about the debt of poor countries, including the urgent
demands for debt forgiveness. The Irish Government
decided last year to direct resources to both bilateral and
multilateral debt relief, and also to make it integral to
Ireland's overall development cooperation strategy. The goal
of poverty reduction, the primary focus of this strategy,
cannot be met without concerted international action to
stem the haemorrhage of resources caused by this burden.
Ireland regrets the decline in flows of official
development assistance to what can only be described as
historic lows. This situation must be reversed. Developing
countries, especially the poorest among them, need
international solidarity now more than ever.
The forthcoming special session on small island
developing States is an important opportunity to focus
international attention on countries with which Ireland has
a natural affinity. Remote from major markets and
ecologically fragile, they face the twin challenges of
globalization and climate change. Ireland recognizes their
unique situation and supports further work on an index
which would reflect their vulnerability.
The special session should give a renewed impetus
to the Barbados Programme of Action — a Programme
that I salute. The small island States, particularly the
poorest, must not be further marginalized. For our part,
we have placed a new emphasis on small island
developing States in our multilateral aid programme. We
are also working with our partners in the European Union
and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries towards
a successful conclusion — a just and equitable conclusion
— of the post-Lomé negotiations.
The scourge of drug trafficking is a global problem
which affects us all. Ireland is fully committed to the
fight against drugs and to supporting the efforts of those
countries which are already very much affected by this
heinous traffic.
Full respect for human rights is of fundamental
importance to the achievement of all our other goals. As
this millennium draws to a close, a series of the most
barbaric violations of human rights imaginable in Bosnia,
Rwanda, Kosovo and now in East Timor are testaments
to our inhumanity to one another.
The Secretary-General has produced a compelling
report (S/1999/957) to the Security Council on the
protection of civilians in armed conflict. We must
address, with the utmost speed and seriousness, the
Secretary-General's recommendations which are aimed at
creating, in his words, a “climate of compliance” with
international human rights and humanitarian standards, as
set out. The Secretary-General has rightly placed great
stress on the necessity to enhance efforts aimed at conflict
prevention. His recommendations offer us an opportunity
to redeem the pledges we made last year on the occasion
of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.
It is imperative that the Statute of the International
Criminal Court enter into force as soon as possible. A
global enforcement mechanism which addresses impunity
could also serve as a deterrent to genocide and crimes
against humanity, some of which I have just articulated.
Ireland will shortly assume the chairmanship of the
Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, an
important political forum for enhancing democratic values
and stability throughout the continent of Europe. We will
seek to promote further cooperation between the Council
of Europe and the United Nations in areas of common
interest.
27

The shadow of nuclear weapons hangs over us all as
we enter the new millennium. We can no longer remain
complacent at the absence of progress towards the early
elimination of nuclear arsenals. The limited steps that have
been taken to date — which we welcome — do not amount
to a determined process of elimination.
Intent on securing a new consensus on the way
forward, I and my colleagues from Brazil, Egypt, Mexico,
New Zealand, Slovenia, South Africa and Sweden last year
launched an initiative called “Towards a nuclear-weapon-
free world: the need for a new agenda”.
With the adoption of a resolution on the new agenda
in the General Assembly, the international community has
demanded a clear perspective for the closure of the nuclear-
weapons era.
The approach of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) 2000 Review Conference
underlines the imperatives of a fundamental change in
approach. We require a new commitment on the part of the
nuclear-weapon States. This would make the elimination of
these weapons an immediate objective rather than an
ultimate goal.
Earlier this year I had the honour of participating in
the first meeting of the States Parties to the Ottawa
Convention, held in Maputo. The conclusion of the global
ban on landmines is, of course, one of the striking
achievements of our time. In this I salute the leadership of
Canada, working with determined Governments, including
my own, and in cooperation with the non-governmental
community. It is the clearest demonstration of what can be
achieved when the political will exists.
The spread of small arms and the consequences for
civilian populations in armed conflict must be confronted
now. This traffic in arms is an obscenity and, in many
cases, totally and absolutely irresponsible; its brokers know
no morality. We must redouble our efforts to address both
the supply and demand sides of a threat to the security of
civilians that has reached epidemic proportions.
We in Ireland are proud of our contribution to world
peace through peacekeeping. Just under a year ago Ireland
became a full participant in the United Nations standby
arrangements system. We currently contribute to eight
peacekeeping operations, with over 700 personnel in the
field. Our largest commitment is to the United Nations
Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in southern Lebanon.
Our service has not, of course, been without cost. To date
78 Irish peacekeepers have paid the highest price in the
service of the United Nations.
The changing and more complex nature of
peacekeeping involves additional tasks, such as
humanitarian assistance, the protection of human rights
and civilian police work. Through our participation in the
multinational forces operating under United Nations
authorization in Kosovo, and soon in East Timor, Ireland
is already playing its part in these new arrangements. Our
commitment to United Nations peacekeeping remains, as
ever, strong, steadfast and loyal.
I will conclude by giving a short resume of the
situation in Northern Ireland. A number of speakers have
referred to the peace process in Northern Ireland during
the course of their contributions to this session of the
General Assembly, and I very deeply appreciate their
remarks in that regard. Their support and, indeed, all the
support of all the nations in the United Nations is very
deeply appreciated.
I will now turn to the evolving situation in that part
of my benighted land, Northern Ireland. When I spoke
here last year, I was honoured to be the first Minister to
be able to report that a comprehensive and broadly based
political accommodation had been reached, that is, the
Good Friday Agreement of April 1998. The Agreement
was reached by the British and Irish Governments and by
eight political parties in Northern Ireland following almost
two years of intensive negotiations. It was subsequently
endorsed by the people of the island with decisive
majorities in referendums held in both the north and
south, an average between the two parts of the island in
the nature of 72 per cent for a permanent peace on the
island of Ireland and in favour of the Good Friday
Agreement. As I say, it was subsequently endorsed by the
people of the island with a decisive majority in a
combined context, which I have just spoken about,
namely, referendums in the north and south. The
Agreement covers not just constitutional issues and
political institutions, but a wide range of other matters
essential to conflict resolution and the promotion of a fair
and just society.
All of us gathered here know, often from direct
experience, that, though it can be hard to reach an
agreement, it is often harder still to implement it. I doubt
very much if anyone in Ireland expected the path ahead
to be smooth and straight. While very substantial progress
has been made, there continue to be frustrations and, of
course, difficulties, and I would not seek to minimize the
28

problems we face. But there is still much that is valuable
and encouraging.
It is true that the peace we have remains imperfect,
and there can be no tolerable or acceptable level of
violence. In places, tensions between the two communities
are worryingly high. But, overall, Northern Ireland is more
peaceful than it has been at any time for a generation.
Relationships between the two parts of Ireland, and between
Britain and Ireland, are closer and more relaxed than they
have ever been. And the longer it continues, it is peace
which becomes the norm. The people were always entitled
to peace. My belief is that now they are coming to expect
it. I am confident that no attempt to return to the full-scale
violence of the past would win any meaningful support or
could be sustained for long. We have turned the corner and
there can be no going back.
During the past year, much good work has been done
to carry the Agreement forward. For instance, its human
rights and equality provisions are being given concrete
effect, as are measures to promote cultural equality and
reconciliation and to assist the victims of violence. The
independent commission established under the Agreement
to make recommendations on a new beginning to policing
in Northern Ireland has recently produced an excellent and
thorough report on this very sensitive and important issue.
The Irish Government looks forward to playing our part in
its implementation.
Moreover, the Governments and the parties in the
north have completed all of the preparatory technical work
necessary to establish the new political institutions
envisaged by the Agreement. You can understand,
therefore, the disappointment we feel that it has not yet
proved possible actually to establish those political
institutions. While there is disagreement among some
political parties on the precise relationship between the
formation of an inclusive executive within Northern Ireland
and the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons, there is
no difference of view on the desirability of both objectives.
However, there is a persistent mutual distrust and lack of
confidence, with doubts about future intentions continuing
to linger.
Under the dedicated and committed leadership of the
Taoiseach — my Prime Minister, Mr. Bertie Ahern — and
the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, the Irish and British
Governments and all the parties have devoted enormous
energy to the task of seeking to find a generally acceptable
way forward. But so far, despite some progress, we have
not succeeded in bridging that particular gap. For that
reason, we have invited Senator George Mitchell of the
United States, who chaired with such skill and judgement
the talks which led to the Good Friday Agreement itself,
to act as a facilitator of a review. That review is now
under way. There is no good reason why it should fail. I
cannot believe that is in the interests of anyone that it
should fail.
The institutional blueprint sketched out in the
Agreement and endorsed by the people offers the only
rational basis for a lasting peace and for reconciliation
through practical partnership and common action. No
other conceivable course of action represents a remotely
satisfactory alternative. Whatever the short-term
difficulties, the Irish Government, in continued
cooperation with the British Government, will not cease
to work for its implementation.
It is not surprising that the stalemate of the past
months has led to some doubt and, indeed,
disillusionment. But I am convinced that there remains a
huge reservoir of support for the Agreement within both
the unionist and nationalist communities, provided each
can be confident that all aspects will be implemented in
full. People are open to persuasion if a reasonable
accommodation is on offer. There is therefore an onus on
all political representatives to be generous and creative
and to be prepared to offer leadership to their own
constituencies while reaching out to others — not
recklessly, but courageously and honourably.
I am convinced that there will be no return to our
often bitter past. But it will be possible to realize the full
potential of the future only when the Good Friday
Agreement is implemented as a totality. The Agreement
offers a bold and generous vision of tolerance and
partnership between those who together share the island
of Ireland. Moreover, it offers a framework within which
profound differences can be accommodated without
coercion and on the basis of consent. Those of us from
within the Irish nationalist tradition value the unionist
tradition. We have come to understand, to cherish and to
respect its authenticity and, of course, its validity. It is a
vital and irreplaceable strand of that diversity of cultures
and identities which makes up Ireland as it really is.
All over the world, we can see the tragic
consequences of policies of domination and exclusion.
The future of Ireland can be, should be and, I believe,
will be radically different. That is why the task of
implementing the Agreement should be completed now,
and not left to another generation.
29

In conclusion, as we go forward we know that we
retain the support and solidarity of the international
community. In this regard I would like to pay particular
tribute to the role of the United States and, of course, of
President Bill Clinton, who has stood steadfastly beside us
throughout the historic process in which we have been
engaged. As always, we are deeply grateful for the
encouragement of all of our friends, which is and will
continue to be hugely important to us.
As we benefit from the support of the international
community, I wish in turn to pledge Ireland's continuing
commitment to the fulfilment of the aims and principles of
the Charter of the United Nations.


I am
delighted to have the opportunity at this fifty-fourth
session of the General Assembly to share with the entire
international community the concerns — but also the
hope — that inspire the nation of Niger in the progress of
world events.
The Niger welcomes the new Member States — the
Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the
Kingdom of Tonga — to membership of the United
Nations community.
I would also like to say how proud and pleased we
are, Sir, over your unanimous election as President of the
General Assembly for this session. On behalf of the
delegation of the Niger, I wish to sincerely congratulate
you and the other members of the Bureau. Your
professional skills and your well-known human qualities,
as well as your unceasing commitment to your country,
Namibia, and to the defence of the noble causes of
humanity, guarantee the successful outcome of the
Assembly’s work.
My delegation also has the agreeable duty of paying
a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Didier
Opertti, for the excellent work done during his term of
office.
9

The presence at your side of Secretary-General Kofi
Annan, whose devotion and constant desire to serve the
causes I have mentioned are well-established, reinforces our
conviction that the outcome of this session will make it
possible to lay a sound basis for the future of a world that
is less unjust, more peaceful, more prosperous — and, in a
word, more human.
The Niger is a landlocked, heavily indebted country
which has for almost a decade suffered from chronic
institutional instability. This situation has seriously
undermined its people’s efforts to establish a viable
political, economic and social environment. Since its
accession to independence in August 1960 the Republic of
the Niger has experienced profound upheavals which have
affected its progress towards the establishment of a
democratic, harmonious and prosperous society.
But these upheavals, far from weakening the
democratic ideal of our people, have strengthened its
resolve to overcome these challenges. Strengthened by this
conviction, the Council for National Reconciliation and the
Government resulting from the events of 9 April 1999 have
made the strong commitment that the people of the Niger,
at peace with itself and possessing stable and durable
democratic institutions, will be able to meet the challenges
of the third millennium.
On 18 July, in a referendum, the people of the Niger
adopted the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, which will
lead to the establishment of lasting democratic institutions.
The timetable decided on by our Independent National
Electoral Commission sets the first round of presidential
elections for 17 October. The second round will be held at
the same time as the general elections, on 24 November.
The investiture and assumption of office of the President-
elect of the Republic will take place on 31 December 1999.
In this respect, every step has been taken to organize
the elections in the most transparent, honest and neutral
way possible. The measures taken include a ban on the
military’s submitting candidates for the presidential and
general elections, even if those candidates are on leave of
absence or have resigned from the military. The
Government will ensure that the elections are held in a
spirit of impartiality.
With this same aim, the Independent National
Electoral Commission was institutionalized and a national
communications monitor set up to guarantee equal access
to public media and to ensure that the press is free and
constructive.
Basically, therefore, our political transition is on the
right track, and the instruments for this transition will be
active until power is handed over to the duly, freely
elected authorities.
In view of all this, we hope that our traditional
external partners will help us establish true democracy in
the Niger. We expect their support, which is necessary to
help us in the process of establishing dialogue among all
parties concerned to guarantee the holding of credible,
honest elections.
But as the Assembly is aware, democracy does not
just mean holding a series of elections. A legal arsenal
and a different way of thinking are essential to
consolidate democracy, and this is why we have started
giving organized, concerted consideration to the drafting
of basic texts that will govern the future Republic.
Varied and burning issues, such as the
depoliticization of the administration, the electoral code,
the charter of political parties, the status of the opposition
and the role of the army in a democratic context have
been tackled.
In this context, I call upon interested States to take
part in the national workshop to be held next December
on the theme “The army and democracy in Africa: the
case of the Niger”.
I wish very sincerely to thank all bilateral and
multilateral partners of the Niger, in particular United
Nations agencies, and more specifically the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP), for having
continued to support my country’s efforts to create the
right institutional environment to restore social peace and
to enable men and women of the Niger to meet the major
challenges they face. This highly appreciated assistance
will continue to be necessary in this decisive phase of the
democratic process and the process of national
reconciliation.
The recurrent theme of post-conflict insecurity
deserves special attention from the United Nations
system. The Niger, resolutely committed to the process of
cantonment, disarmament and socio-economic
reintegration of elements of the former rebel army which
rampaged in the north and far east of the country a few
10

years ago, fully supports the programme for collecting and
destroying small arms.
It is in this spirit that my country submitted to the
Secretariat a plan to put an end to the illicit circulation of
small arms and light weapons. It endorsed the decision
taken by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in June
1998 and the declaration adopted by the heads of State and
Government of member countries of the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in October
1998 to deal with the destabilizing effects and the threat to
peace and security posed by the illicit circulation of small
arms and light weapons for the West African region and for
the entire continent.
We welcome the emerging concordance of views and
action regarding the priority nature of this question among
African organizations on the one hand, and other
international institutions — including those of the United
Nations system, the European Union and the Organization
of American States — on the other. This international
consensus will make it possible to take effective steps in
time for the upcoming international conference on all
aspects of the illicit arms trade, to be held in 2001.
The Niger has always sought to make its modest
contribution to the settlement of conflicts that threaten
peace and security in Africa and throughout the rest of the
world. Despite our limited resources, we sent troops to
Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau, as well as civilian
police officers to Haiti. In this regard, my Government
wishes to reaffirm its constant willingness to send military
and police contingents to all United Nations peacekeeping
operations when needed.
In Africa, thanks to the efforts of the international
community, we have reason to hope that the process
leading to the referendum on self-determination for the
Sahraoui people will soon lead to a final settlement of this
question.
The conclusion of the Peace Agreement in Sierra
Leone under the aegis of ECOWAS and the Ceasefire
Agreement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have
given us a glimmer of hope. These efforts must be
continued and must serve as an example for those involved
in other conflicts, such as in Angola, in Somalia or in the
armed confrontation between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
It must be acknowledged that these situations of crisis
and insecurity demand first and foremost that African
Governments and leaders of public opinion commit
themselves resolutely to dealing with factors of instability
on a consensus basis. In this respect, my Government and
my people would like through me to welcome the
individual and collective initiatives to create or
consolidate an environment of peace and security in
Africa, which is a sine qua non for development.
Outstanding and effective initiatives have been taken
in various places and should be welcomed. Among these
is the action initiated by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika
of Algeria, who had the praiseworthy idea of holding on
16 September last, a referendum on civil concord, which
was massively supported by the Algerian people. The
Government and the people of the Niger welcome this
genuine plebiscite and the prospects it ushers in for that
fraternal country.
The Niger also welcomes the positive developments
in the Lockerbie case. We believe that conditions now
exist for the total lifting of sanctions against the great
Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.
In the Middle East, the attention of the international
community is still focused on the Israeli-Palestinian peace
process, which, fortunately, seems to have been revived
with the change in the leadership of the Israeli
Government.
In Asia, the Jammu and Kashmir conflict remains a
source of great tension between two nuclear States, India
and Pakistan, and a persistent, serious threat to peace and
security in that part of South Asia.
The Niger, therefore, as a member of the contact
group established by the Organization of the Islamic
Conference, reiterates its appeal to both parties to step up
their negotiations in order to reach a peaceful settlement
of the conflict by recognizing the Kashmiri people’s right
to self-determination pursuant to the relevant resolutions
of the United Nations.
In Europe, my Government welcomes the return of
peace to the Balkans. The establishment of an
administration under United Nations control is a sure
guarantee for the safe return of the refugees.
It is more essential and urgent than ever to reverse
the decline in official development assistance which, it
must be recalled, is at its lowest level in 50 years. In
order to meet this challenge, the international community
must consider the possibility of mobilizing additional
resources. It is therefore urgent that progress be made

within the framework of the initiatives taken at world
summits. At the same time, we must pool our efforts to
increase the effectiveness of aid by reviewing its modalities
and through its sound and rigorous management.
It is on the basis of this experience that my
Government adopted a national strategy note and an
economic recovery programme that clearly defines the
coherent networks for action by our development partners.
Furthermore, the crucial problem of African countries’
debt — which is wiping out all development efforts —
calls for the international community as a whole to
implement, without delay or conditions other than good
public administration, appropriate regulatory policies and
mechanisms.
In this connection, the Heavily Indebted Poor
Countries Debt (HIPC) Initiative of the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), as well as the recent
initiative undertaken in Cologne at the Group of 7 Summit,
must be extended to all the least developed countries in
order to produce the effects we hope to see. This must take
the form of an outright cancellation of the debt.
Despite the outstanding efforts made by many African
countries in the area of economic reform, foreign private
investment flows are still meagre, notwithstanding the
enabling environment that has been established. We very
much hope that the positive initiative taken by the
Secretary-General at Davos will allow greater involvement
by the private sector in implementing adequate measures to
reverse that tendency. It is in this connection that my
delegation would like to appeal to all development partners
to help reinforce the institutional capacities of our States
and to create adequate infrastructures, which are guarantees
of balanced development.
The second special dialogue between the Economic
and Social Council and the Bretton Woods institutions held
here on 29 April 1999 reaffirmed the need to continue the
reform of the international financial system, bearing in
mind social imperatives and the external debt situation, that
is to say, the close link between settling debt, poverty
reduction and lasting development.
Niger belongs to the group of least developed
countries and has a population that is growing at an annual
rate of 3.4 per cent. It has a fertility rate of 7.4 children per
woman and a life expectancy of 47 years, and is ranked
among the poorest countries of the world. Despite all these
constraints, my country has made efforts to design and
implement initiatives in keeping with the
recommendations of the population conferences.
These various difficulties have exacerbated the
political instability I referred to before and have kept our
country at the bottom of the human development table.
Poverty affects 63 per cent of our compatriots, 34 per
cent of whom live below the extreme poverty threshold.
Those people are victims of continued declining maternal,
childhood and adolescent health standards — a critical
social and health situation marked by high mortality and
illiteracy rates, one of the lowest standards of education
and insufficient drinking water resources. They even lack
basic social services.
The economic and financial crisis that has hit my
country has, among other things, led to a drastic reduction
in public investment, particularly in the social sectors,
thus depriving 80 per cent of the rural population of
adequate living standards. With the valuable assistance of
international financial institutions we have initiated an
enormous economic recovery programme to confront this
situation. This programme includes, among other things,
a series of economic and financial reforms and framework
programmes to restore the macroeconomic balance,
reduce poverty and stimulate growth.
I wish, from this rostrum, to reiterate our great
appreciation for the ongoing support that the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United
Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations
Population Fund (UNFPA) and other development
partners have been steadily providing to implement our
national framework programme to combat poverty. This
programme we are implementing is one of the priorities
of the first country cooperation framework adopted by the
UNDP Governing Council last January.
I would like here to make a heartfelt appeal to the
United Nations system to allocate sufficient
supplementary resources to UNDP, UNICEF and UNFPA
so that they can complete their development activities in
the least developed countries. This appeal also goes out
to the international community to supply all the necessary
support to my country so that the major challenges we are
confronting can be met.
At the dawn of the twenty-first century, special
attention should be given to making a reality of the
universality of our world Organization. Peace, security
and development are too important to be the sole
responsibility of a club of military, economic and
12

financial Powers. Africa, which now figures prominently
among international initiatives and hopes to become an
active partner in those initiatives, must play an important
role within a reformed Security Council. Africa has
countries that can play a decisive role in that regard.
A large number of countries, including my own, that
share the use of French with other States of the world very
much hope that they can work in all United Nations bodies
and agencies in their official language. The member States
of the Organisation international de la Francophonie, which
is increasingly establishing itself as an essential actor in
world affairs, will make an additional contribution in the
give-and-take process in the third millennium.
In conclusion, I should like to express the confidence
that Niger and its people have in the United Nations, which
is trying very hard to be an institution that embodies hope
on the basis of justice, equity, peace, freedom and progress.
These values will build the coming twenty-first century we
are expecting if the United Nations is stronger and more
effective.