Allow me, Sir, to
congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the
General Assembly. Your election is a well-deserved
tribute to the role that Namibia is playing in the
international arena. Your human, professional and
intellectual qualities will certainly ensure positive
guidance of our work.
Allow me also to take this opportunity to pay tribute
to the outgoing President, Mr. Didier Opertti, for the
dedicated and competent manner in which he conducted
the work of the fifty-third session of the Assembly. I
reserve a special word of appreciation and esteem for the
Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the notable way
in which he has been fulfilling his difficult task at a
moment when so many and such complex challenges face
the United Nations and so many hopes are placed on the
Organization’s capacity to act.
I address the Assembly still under the impact of the
wave of emotion, indignation and revulsion that swept
over the entire world as a result of the tragedy that befell
the people of East Timor after the announcement of the
results of the popular consultation on the future of that
Territory, which was conducted in an exemplary manner
by the United Nations on 30 August.
Anyone who saw the pictures of the Timorese on
voting day — clutching their registration cards, waiting in
orderly lines for the long-awaited moment to express
freely their will — must have reacted with strong emotion
and surely perceived, on those faces and in those gestures,
the universal appeal of democracy, freedom and justice.
The striking contrast between the example of silent
courage and civic sense given by the Timorese when
massively participating in the ballot and the barbaric acts
of revenge that followed clearly reveals what was at stake
in this process.

I do not wish to dwell on the history, unfortunately so
little known, of the struggle for independence waged by the
people of East Timor over the last 24 years. Nor will I
recount the procession of horrors they had to suffer and,
unfortunately, are still suffering to win their freedom.
History teaches us that the birth of a new nation is usually
a conquest by its people, achieved as a result of a painful
process. The case of East Timor is not an exception. By
their courage, determination and willingness to fight and
suffer, the people of East Timor have earned the right to
become an independent nation. I wish to pay tribute to
them, as well as to their leader, Xanana Gusmao, whose
human and political qualities have commanded the respect
of all who have met him. And on behalf of the Portuguese
people, I would like here to bow before the memory of all
the Timorese who paid with their lives for the dignity of
their people.
The events of the last few weeks in East Timor have
rocked the conscience of the international community and
force us to reflect on the responsibility of the United
Nations, as the representative organ of that community, for
the construction of a more just and humane international
society. As universal awareness of the inalienable value of
the dignity of the human being takes hold at this end of the
century, an increasingly heavy responsibility is falling to
the members of the international community to articulate
principles and interests, in the knowledge that for interests
to be legitimate principles must be upheld. That awareness
demands, from all those holding public office, prompt and
firm responses to moral and juridically unacceptable
political behaviour, as well as to the humanitarian tragedies
and cycles of regional instability that these provoke.
World public opinion, which takes shape before our
eyes as a result of the globalization of the means of
communication, expects those answers from us and has
trouble understanding why double standards are so often
used in situations where identical principles are at stake.
We all know that the international community has not
always been able to rise to meet these challenges. Suffice
it here to recall the tragedy of Rwanda, the cases of the
Sudan and Somalia, the delay in reacting to the conflicts in
Bosnia and Kosovo, and so many other situations of human
suffering that, tragically, were inadequately addressed.
We should therefore pay tribute to the energetic
reaction of the international community to the wave of
violence and terror that struck East Timor in recent weeks
and to the resulting mobilization of a multinational force
tasked with guaranteeing the peace and security of that
territory, protecting and supporting the United Nations
Mission in East Timor and facilitating the humanitarian
assistance operations for the people of that territory. Let
me offer my thanks to all those who have contributed to
this outcome and, in particular, to the countries that have
been willing to constitute this force.
In this instance, and beyond the dramatic human
aspects, the very credibility of the United Nations was at
stake. How could the United Nations, having organized
the popular consultation, betray the confidence placed in
it by the people of East Timor? Although the reaction was
not as prompt as the Timorese deserved and Portugal
would have wished, the adoption of Security Council
resolution 1264 (1999) shows the world that the Council
does not remain indifferent to challenges to its authority,
nor does it allow them to go unanswered.
Let this case be not an exception, but rather an
example for the future. Swiftness of reaction by the
Security Council is a condition of its authority and
effectiveness.
Much of what has happened is irreparable and
cannot be forgotten. I say this with great bitterness, and
may I add that in this as well as in other cases, we cannot
encourage a culture of impunity.
Nevertheless, the arrival of the multinational force in
East Timor is opening up a horizon of hope, and now we
must take care of the living and attempt to save whatever
can be saved.
I consider the following to be immediate priorities.
First, guaranteeing security in East Timor is the priority
task before us so as to ensure respect for the individual
rights of the Timorese and to allow them at last to live in
peace without the threat of violence and persecution.
Without security we will not be able to undertake with all
the necessary vigour and amplitude the urgent tasks of
humanitarian assistance to the population of East Timor.
Secondly, we must channel humanitarian aid to East
Timor with the utmost urgency, to feed, to treat and to
provide shelter to the tens of thousands of displaced
people scattered all over the territory; to take care of all
those whose belongings have been systematically
plundered; to bring comfort to those who have lost
members of their families and friends and who helplessly
witnessed scenes of horror that will be forever engraved
in their memories; to reunite families — in brief, to come
to the rescue of a population traumatized by an orgy of
violence to which it fell victim.
12

Thirdly, we must attend to the situation of those
Timorese, well over 100,000 of them, who have been
deported to Indonesia or have fled the Territory and who
are now mostly in West Timor. The continuous access of
humanitarian assistance to those populations is urgent and
indispensable, including by the Office of the United Nations
High Commission for Refugees and other institutions for
the protection of human rights, to safeguard the life and the
dignity of the refugees and to ensure their unimpeded return
to East Timor.
Fourthly, we must accelerate the transfer of effective
authority in the Territory to the United Nations, as foreseen
by the Agreements of 5 May, as a consequence of the result
of the popular consultation held on 30 August. Any delay
whatsoever would be unacceptable. It is also important to
define a timetable for the complete withdrawal, in the
shortest possible time, of the Indonesian forces in the
Territory. That is the only way to restore peace and stability
in the region and to lay the foundations of a healthy
relationship between the future State of Timor and
Indonesia, a country which we hope will be able to
consolidate the democratic promise heralded by its current
transition process.
Finally, there needs to be an enormous reconstruction
effort in the Territory, which was totally devastated by
pillaging, looting and destruction during recent days. To
this end, the generous commitment of the international
community will be indispensable.
Portugal has expressed its full willingness to contribute
to all of these tasks. Owing to the responsibilities it has
towards the brotherly people of East Timor and the
unconditional solidarity that unites both peoples, Portugal
has expressed, from the first hour, its readiness to join the
multinational force. To avoid any delay — since every
minute counts, in terms of lives and in terms of
suffering — we agreed, while ready to participate
immediately, to defer our presence in the force to a later
stage.
With regard to humanitarian assistance and
reconstruction for East Timor, we are doing, and will
continue to do, our utmost. I would like here to appeal
vigorously to the international community, to the
specialized agencies of the United Nations and to the non-
governmental organizations to contribute to this effort.
With the Territory under occupation, and the attempt
at annexation by Indonesia never recognized by the United
Nations, the people of East Timor waited a quarter of a
century to exercise the right of self-determination to
which they were entitled as the people of a Non-Self-
Governing Territory, as prescribed by the United Nations.
Within the framework of resolution 37/30 of 1982,
Portugal, as the administering Power of the Territory,
Indonesia and the United Nations at last arrived at an
Agreement on 5 May.
The popular consultation was agreed upon, with
explicit reference, both in the Agreement of 5 May and in
Security Council resolution 1236 (1999) of 7 May, to the
resolutions of the General Assembly that have represented
and continue to represent the Magna Carta of the right of
colonial peoples to self-determination: resolutions 1514
(XV), 1541 (XV) and 2625 (XXV).
In spite of all the intimidation, the people of East
Timor democratically exercised on 30 August their right
to self-determination and chose, by a clear and
unequivocal majority, their collective future, thereby
acquiring, unconditionally and irrevocably, the right to
constitute an independent State at the end of the
transitional administration period that the United Nations
will soon initiate.
East Timor is reaching freedom with wounds and
scars of past suffering; but it is carrying the embryo of
hope, and it will now, I sincerely hope, arrive, free of
resentment, as a member of the community of States.
(spoke in English)
The question of East Timor is about a people and
about fundamentals: human dignity, international law and
moral and universal conscience.
In spite of all the terrible events of the past, let us
salute, at the end of the International Decade for the
Eradication of Colonialism, the self-determination of East
Timor.
Allow me to end by formulating a vow and a hope:
that as soon as possible the General Assembly of the
United Nations may hear the free and sovereign voice of
Timor Lorosae.


Let
me congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency
of this General Assembly, a truly global parliament where
all mankind is represented and finds expression in its
diversity and its fundamental unity. Your election and your
personal qualities honour your country and your region.
I would like to congratulate also the delegations of
Kiribati, Tonga and Nauru, and through them their
Governments and peoples, on their recently becoming
Members of this Organization. We are convinced that they
will contribute constructively and positively to the work of
the United Nations, and that their presence here reaffirms
the universal and democratic vocation of the General
Assembly.
We are holding this session at a transcendental
moment in human history. At the threshold of a new
century and a new millennium, it is timely for the peoples
of the world to reflect on the future of our countries and of
the international system. Facing the new millennium, we
must draw lessons from the era that we are leaving behind,
in which we learned all the good and all the evil that we
can do. We saw the first man walking on the moon, the end
of apartheid in South Africa and peace agreements signed
in Central America; but we witnessed also the consequences
of the nuclear mushroom cloud and the aberration of the
Holocaust, ethnic conflicts and local wars which in the last
40 years have caused more deaths than the two world wars
together. We have seen the bright-lights of democracy and
freedom, but also the deep shadows of poverty and the
violation of human rights.
This has been a century of great contrasts. While in
some parts of the globe peace is signed, in others war is
never ending. While thousands of millions live in poverty,
a small group lives in opulence. While we celebrate the
fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, in many parts of the world gross violations of
human dignity are committed. Yes, this has been a century
of many contrasts. It has given us plenty of reasons to be
proud, but it has also made us ashamed of the cruelty and
hardness of the human heart. For these reasons we should
never forget the lessons of the twentieth century.
In the context of these lessons, we, the 188 nations
gathered here — each with its own flag and symbols, each
with its own political, commercial and strategic interests,
each with its own problems, suffering, visions and
dreams — express our readiness to take up the challenges
of the new century, which must take shape, beginning
now, as the century of human rights and human
development.
For these reasons, we have to recognize that the
greatest failure of the United Nations and the international
community in recent years has been the persistence of
cruel armed conflicts and civil wars, which cause
continued humanitarian crises and prevent the peaceful
development of nations. The real victims of war are the
displaced and refugee children and elderly, the raped
women, the youngsters killed, the workers whose
workplaces are destroyed, the students whose schools are
bombed and the sick who cannot receive treatment. While
war persists, human rights cannot be respected.
In this sense, we condemn the atrocities committed
in East Timor against the civilian population, and we join
the whole world in demanding that its will, democratically
expressed, be respected. We view with satisfaction the
quick action of the Security Council, which will allow for
the deployment of an international peacekeeping force in
that Territory in order to prevent a greater humanitarian
crisis. In retrospect, this crisis teaches us that the
international community must be willing to actively and
promptly support the processes that it initiates.
Regarding the situation in the Middle East, we watch
with hope the progress in the search for a peaceful and
definitive solution on the basis of full compliance with
the Oslo accords. We acknowledge the tireless efforts of
President Barak, of Israel, and President Arafat, of the
Palestinian Authority, and their commitment to peace and
the future of their peoples.
I would like to express my condolences to the
people of the Republic of China on Taiwan for the tragic
earthquake that devastated its territory on Monday, 20
September, and the recent after-shock. My most heartfelt
sympathy goes to the families of the victims and the
injured.
Costa Rica has a firm relationship with the Republic
of China on Taiwan. We admire its shared economic
progress, its respect for human rights and its democracy,
much promoted by President Lee. Our deep commitment
to the cause of peace prompts us to view with concern the
growing differences and instability in the region during
the last year. We fear that these threaten peace and might
unleash a new armaments race. For this reason, we trust
that the differences will be resolved through constructive
8

dialogue and negotiation in good faith, with respect for the
interests of the whole Chinese people.
We must remember that the United Nations was
established with precisely the mandate of eradicating the
scourge of war, and it must again take the lead in the
maintenance of international peace and security. Costa Rica
therefore supports the efforts to reform the Security
Council, which cannot be limited simply to an increase in
the number of its members, even if this might be useful.
Rather, the reform effort must centre on the Council’s
revitalization.
Fifty years ago Costa Rica abolished its army. In line
with this example, it has advocated disarmament throughout
the history of the United Nations, in order to build a world
of progress and peace. The abolition of the army allowed
our society to become an example of dialogue, respect and
the peaceful coexistence of all social groups. Costa Rica
actively promotes demilitarization because it knows its
extraordinary benefits for human development; in this
context, we have proposed the creation of a fund for the
demilitarization of Central America, as well as the
strengthening of, and full compliance with, the mechanisms
of international law, in order to guarantee international
peace and security and respect for human rights throughout
the world.
Costa Rica considers that humanitarian crises are in
themselves threats to international peace and security. When
they arise, the United Nations and the Security Council
must not attempt to avoid their responsibility, whatever
reasons are invoked. Nowadays any massive violation of
human rights, any humanitarian emergency, requires the
coordinated action of the international community, through
this Organization. For there to be justice at the global level,
the rule of law and full compliance with the principles that
gave birth to the United Nations must prevail.
In this context, we recall the importance of the prompt
establishment of the International Criminal Court, and thus
call on all States that have not yet done so to sign the
Statute with a view to its prompt ratification, and we
reiterate the need to accelerate the negotiations on its rules
of procedure. Costa Rica hopes to receive promptly the
final text in order to proceed to its ratification.
Furthermore, we must recognize that conflicts and
crises are multifaceted and that they present a series of
political, military and economic problems. In this context,
action undertaken by the United Nations must be designed
not only to re-establish peace in military terms but also to
re-establish peace in terms of social justice, democracy
and development. The actions taken by this Organization
should not be centred only on the Security Council but
must actively include the General Assembly, the
Economic and Social Council and the United Nations
Development Programme as participants in the peace-
building process.
My people’s manifest desire is for the new century
to be truly the century of human rights and human
development. I would like to express to the international
community the desire of a people that, since the
nineteenth century, has been building the foundation of a
far-sighted society by balancing in a single equation
respect for human rights, freedom, peace, active tolerance,
fraternity, democracy and solidarity.
The end of the cold war, the knowledge-based
economy, awareness of gender issues, an understanding of
the rights of the persons with disabilities and of
minorities, respect for the rights of the future generations
and for environmental protection, and the processes of
globalization have all begun to delineate a new human
order: a twenty-first century with a more human mankind.
In this new context, which is just now showing its initial
characteristics, the human development agenda and the
human rights agenda must coincide and complement each
other. The twenty-first century is taking shape as that in
which individuals and peoples will demand the right to
human development, which is nothing more than the
appropriate implementation and effectiveness of the
institutions of freedom: human rights, the rule of law,
pluralism, competition, solidarity and harmony with
nature.
It is at once a right and a duty to take part, actively,
creatively and jointly, in the creation of such
development, because the twenty-first century is called
upon to be the century of high-intensity citizenship. Male
and female citizens are, together with the State and the
international community, the creators of their own
opportunities and the builders of their own development.
Passivity is a thing of the past.
We in Costa Rica who are part of this change
greatly value the foresight and sense of responsibility of
our forefathers, which have made of our small motherland
the second-ranking country in Latin America in terms of
human development and the oldest and most stable
democracy in the region. Even as early as the end of the
nineteenth century, Costa Ricans enjoyed the continent’s
highest levels of education and health, thanks to the
9

country’s far-sighted devotion to education, the rule of law,
democracy, social solidarity and international trade. Since
the early days of our independent and republican life,
solidarity and human rights, in their fullness, have been a
way of life for us Costa Ricans. Not in vain was our first
Constitution called the “Covenant of Harmony”. Thus, last
year when hurricane Mitch devastated Central America, in
the midst of the pain over the loss of Costa Rican lives and
the serious economic damage, we also took on the suffering
of our Central American brothers and sisters. We were side
by side with them, sharing with them our food, medicine
and territory.
Faithful to its humanitarian tradition, Costa Rica
implemented the most generous immigration policy put
forward by any nation in recent years, giving hundreds of
thousands of illegal immigrants from the region —
amounting to more than 10 per cent of our population —
the opportunity to normalize their situation with a minimum
of requirements, as well as the opportunity to enjoy full
equality with our nationals in access to our social welfare
institutions. We hope that other countries that are sought
out by immigrants because of war, poverty, natural
catastrophes and ethnic conflicts will follow this example.
Our country is making great efforts to look after these
hundreds of thousands of immigrants; therefore, we reiterate
our need to be helped so that we can strengthen the health,
education and basic-services systems that we use in order
to meet their needs.
At this end of the century, it has been my task to
promote vital transformations for the future of our small
nation. We are protecting human beings even before they
are born. We are fighting against child labour and the
sexual exploitation of minors. We are opening havens for
our adolescent mothers, and we are fighting the aggression
suffered by women in many homes the world over. We are
strengthening the family, providing it with more and better
opportunities. We are working in favour of the rights of
elder adults and those of workers, in order to deepen our
social achievements of the 1940s and to guarantee a
retirement pension in old age as a universal human right.
Costa Rica is today acknowledged to be the healthiest
society in Latin America, with high levels of computer
literacy. It is the oldest democracy on the continent and a
leader in the conservation and protection of the
environment. Its human development levels are comparable
to those of developed countries. Nevertheless, we face
serious problems that prevent us from indulging in
misguided self-congratulation.
We are aware that progress in the field of
development depends on our own actions and on the
international context. Human, civil, cultural, economic,
political and social rights have equal importance and
complement one another. Having acknowledged the
indivisibility and interdependence of these rights, it is a
matter of concern that there is still some reluctance to
accept the right of all nations to human development.
The awarding of the Nobel Prize to Amartya Sen for
his work on the welfare economy and on the
understanding of poverty, inequality and hunger reminds
us that global development must include the fight against
inequalities and extreme poverty. This, however, must not
be a struggle in which developed countries take part only
out of a feeling of human solidarity; rather, it must be a
struggle that involves the entire system of nations through
the creation of appropriate instruments and mechanisms
for action that offer opportunities for development
through trade and investment. We welcomed the views of
Harvard University economist Jeffrey Sachs — published
recently in The Economist and supported yesterday by
President Clinton and today by Vice-Chancellor Fischer
of Germany — regarding the urgent need to establish new
mechanisms to ensure the necessary resources for the
purchase of medicines and vaccines to combat tropical
diseases, thus securing their development and ensuring
their distribution to the poorest and most helpless sectors
of mankind.
Costa Rica has spoken out to have the international
economic order allow the development of those countries
that are lagging behind. If we do not take action in this
direction, the conditions necessary for the long-term
maintenance of international peace and security will not
be created. We have constantly advocated a more just and
equitable economic and commercial order, one that will
provide all nations with access to the benefits of the
globalization process and that will provide small
developing States with better opportunities to enter into
commercial agreements. Before the European Union we
have also advocated secure and tariff-free access for Latin
American agricultural products to the European Union
markets, whose protectionism costs Latin America $4.223
billion dollars annually.
In order to promote the development of small States,
it is indispensable to establish open trade systems so that
trade and investment can become engines of economic
growth and so that more and better opportunities for
employment will be created in a region that suffers
poverty and unemployment.
10

The developed countries' trade restrictions are barriers
to our human development, as are the policies of the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries to restrict
supplies of oil and to raise its price artificially at a time
when the traditional exports of Latin America are suffering
a dramatic slump in prices.
On the other hand, the nations gathered here face the
challenge of building an international financial system that
will protect small States from economic crises. Small
economies do not cause the crises, but we do suffer their
adverse effects and we have not received the necessary
support to face them. To correct this situation, Costa Rica
proposes the creation of a precautionary fund with a
flexible and speedy financial mechanism to solve the
financial emergencies of small and vulnerable States, which
are frequently forgotten by the international financial
community because of their limited global impact.
As a country that has succeeded in building a culture
of protecting and preserving the environment, we stress, as
we did at the summit between Europe and Latin America
held this year in Rio de Janeiro, the urgent need to build an
international system that will reward those who protect the
environment and penalize those who contaminate or destroy
it. Currently, my country is developing a system of
payments to the owners of forests for environmental
services and more than one fourth of our territory is
protected in reservations or national parks. Costa Rica
reiterates the need to take action to better apply the Kyoto
Protocol; to make greater use of new markets; and to
determine efficiently the costs of pollution and the profits
of preservation in order to maintain the sustainable use of
natural resources.
Jointly with Norway, we performed the first global
transaction of certificates of greenhouse-gases reduction.
This mechanism should receive the support of all countries,
not only in order to apply the right to human and
sustainable development in each country, but also to extend
the life of the human species on our planet. Let us recall
that, in this task, the obligations are shared but
differentiated. It is time to move from words to deeds.
It is clear that, if financial systems of broader
coverage are not established; if more open trade schemes
are not implemented; if protectionism by developed
countries, which limits our access to their markets, is not
reduced; and if the global benefits of our forests are not
recognized, developing countries will see a decline in their
opportunities for economic growth; inequalities will
increase; poverty will further deepen; political stability and
social peace will be threatened; the loss of natural
resources will rise; and illegal immigration towards
developed nations will intensify, all creating an
environment of instability and uncertainty harmful to the
new millennium.
Wanting the developed countries to recognize the
right to human development of small countries is not
utopian. It is the real aspiration of those peoples that have
faced with meagre resources the tragedies of wars and the
wrath of nature. Solidarity and fraternity among nations
must be genuine. The twenty-first century awaits us. Let
us all join hands. Humankind must enter this new age
united. The twenty-first century must be the century of
human rights — the century of human development.


I take great
pleasure in congratulating the President on his well-
deserved election, which honours him personally and his
great country, Namibia. On behalf of the Ecuadorian
Government and on my own behalf, allow me to greet
him most cordially and wish him every measure of
success.
I warmly welcome the three new members of this
Organization, Nauru, Kiribati and Tonga, and congratulate
the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Uruguay, Mr. Didier
Opertti, for the intelligent way with which he conducted
the work of the previous session of the General
Assembly.
The border conflict between Ecuador and Peru that
had prevailed since the very foundation of our republics,
during the first part of the last century, was concluded on
26 October 1998 by means of a negotiation process begun
22

in February 1995. This historic event, reached by the
signing of the peace agreement in Brasilia, allowed the two
countries to change their relations entirely and to transform
the conflict into peace and, now, to transform peace into
development.
Immediately upon the signing of the peace agreement,
Mr. Jamil Mahuad, President of the Republic of Ecuador,
put an end to the acquisition of war materials, reduced
mandatory military service and, in close collaboration with
Ecuadorian soldiers, reoriented the action of the armed
forces toward tasks linked to development and internal
security.
The comprehensive peace formula, reached with the
assistance of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States,
included not only the delimitation of the border, but also a
treaty on navigation and trade, a broad-ranging agreement
on the integration of borders and the establishment of a
commission on building trust and security, among several
other peace measures.
In accordance with the agreement, Ecuador and Peru
have established an institutional structure that is now fully
operational in order to attain the goals of an ambitious
programme that includes the construction of five bi-national
roads, joint development of our river basins, the building of
physical infrastructure and the achievement of a human
development programme designed to improve the living
standards of the residents along our borders, who during so
many decades of stagnation in their territories were victims,
paralysed by fear and uncertainty.
To reach this goal, we have combined our efforts,
convinced, at the same time, that we will be able to count
on international cooperation. We hope that the border
between Ecuador and Peru will serve as an example of the
fruits of peace for the world. We want to see highways
instead of trenches, irrigation canals instead of
fortifications, hospitals instead of combat airplanes and
electric plants instead of missiles and anti-personal mines.
In the name of Ecuador, I call upon the international
community, on each one of the member countries, on
financial and development cooperation organizations and on
non-governmental organizations to contribute their aid,
small or large, to this new peaceful and friendly space our
two Latin American nations have built.
Having resolved its long-standing border dispute,
Ecuador reiterates its traditional commitment to continue a
permanent search for mutual agreements through the
peaceful settlement of disputes and its firm decision not
to become involved in any international war conflict.
Within the framework of these principles, Ecuador
recognizes the gravity of the armed confrontation that is
searing its neighbour the Republic of Colombia, but
considers that fight to be of an internal nature. Hence, it
fully supports the efforts of the Government of President
Andrés Pastrana to reach peace by negotiating with the
rebel groups in that country. In that regard, any intention
to internationalize an armed conflict whose solution
concerns only the people of Colombia could be counter-
productive and dangerous.
The struggle for development and the efforts to
combat poverty undertaken by Ecuador during the past
year have been severely affected by multiple crises in the
international arena and by natural disasters that strongly
hit many places of the world, and Ecuador in particular.
The violence of climatic phenomena makes it imperative
to urgently implement a strategy for international
cooperation to prevent the disastrous consequences of
those natural disasters on the population, the economy and
the environment. With the support of the United Nations,
Ecuador has proposed the creation of an international
research centre on the El Niño phenomenon that would
contribute to improving the world capacity for prediction
and early warning and to facilitate the adoption of
protective and precautionary measures to mitigate the
effects of the phenomenon.
The aftermath of the El Niño phenomenon cost the
equivalent of one half of our annual export revenues. In
addition, the severe impact of the sharp price deterioration
of our main export products, particularly oil, has caused
economic stagnation, the closure of production units and
the rise of unemployment. The crisis in the financial
markets of Asia and Latin America has also spread its
negative effects over our country, while the prosperity of
other, developed areas did little to mitigate the effects of
that crisis. Within that context of great difficulties, the
conditions under which Ecuador renegotiated its foreign
debt became extremely difficult to comply with. On 28
August 1999, the national Government used the legal
mechanism of deferring for one month the payment of its
Brady bonds debt service and at this time it is preparing
to commence a process of restructuring these obligations
that will enable it to share in a more equitable way the
debt load among all the actors of this financial
relationship.
In 1999, poverty affects 61.3 per cent of the
Ecuadorian population. Last June the unemployment rate
23

was 15.6 per cent. Four out of ten Ecuadorians have a daily
income of less than $2, and two out of ten earn less than $1
per day. Global malnutrition affects more than 40 per cent
of the children; one out of three do not complete the sixth
grade, and 40 per cent of all children and adolescents are
school drop-outs. These imbalances break social cohesion,
limit the possibilities for the exercise of an effective
democracy and reduce the validity of citizens' rights. The
economic readjustment measures that the Government of
Ecuador intends to apply will necessarily be conditioned by
social development objectives, such as the reduction of
poverty and malnutrition, the improvement of health
indexes, the increase of access to better education, the
reduction of unemployment and the increase of family
income.
Ecuador strongly believes that market mechanisms
stimulate competitiveness and efficiency, but also that the
institutional framework within which these processes take
place must be capable of correcting distortions, putting
limits on financial speculation and contributing to putting
in place more stable and predictable systems of pricing, so
that the living conditions of millions upon millions of
human beings are not put at risk, and the stability and
longevity of democratic regimes are not threatened by
social discontent and economic crises.
In Ecuador, President Jamil Mahuad and his
Government have maintained democracy with a strong grip
despite difficult circumstances. Social discontent from the
contraction in output, natural disasters, the financial crisis,
the drop in international prices for raw materials and
commodities caused an increase in poverty and unleashed
extensive manifestations of social discord.
In facing situations such as these, we need to have an
institutional economic order that gives a way out,
particularly for countries with small economies, which are
the most vulnerable to and most likely to be affected by
extreme economic crises.
On the eve of a new millennium, humankind is
developing one scenario alone, a scenario not only of
interdependence but also of globalization. In this global
environment, all countries are involved in huge processes
of market integration, liberalization of trade barriers,
standardization of norms and adaptation and establishment
of institutions so that they can cope.
Nevertheless, globalization has so far not generated an
equal distribution of prosperity, scientific progress, human
health or cultural benefits. Right now, more than ever,
when humankind is a single whole, we must establish
shared ways to preserve, first and foremost, human
dignity and well-being, the basic requirements of the
human being, which are based on security and human
development.
One example of the effects of human insecurity are
the great migratory waves that we are presently
witnessing. Ecuador calls upon the General Assembly to
orient cooperation strategies in terms of the human
security perspective in dealing with shifts in human
population that demand a better distribution of prosperity
far from the extremes of opulence and destitution.
Ecuador eagerly welcomes the new focus on providing a
model for international policy including the notion of
human security, especially at a time when the scourge of
violence, drug trafficking, terrorism and environmental
deterioration have become more acute and when we have
witnessed armed conflicts around the world during the
past year.
Combating transnational crime is a shared endeavour
for all civilized peoples. In particular, controlling the
traffic in drugs and illicit drug consumption warrants
coordinated, universal action. Ecuador has made its
contribution and is prepared to continue making its
contribution towards this end. It has therefore acceded to
many international treaties and undertaken many
international obligations, which it has fulfilled faithfully.
Our country is looking forward to the Millennium
Summit with great anticipation. The summit will be a
historic opportunity for the community of nations at a
time when the challenges of the twenty-first century
oblige us to define and to affirm a common commitment
to a universal project of understanding and cooperation
that will inspire the United Nations in the coming century.
The Millennium Round negotiations of the World
Trade Organization, and other continental and regional
rounds, should be processes that open up to the
opportunities and challenges for creativity and effort and
enable us to narrow the gap between the prosperity of just
a few countries and the poverty of the great majority.
Ecuador firmly believes in open markets, economic
integration, foreign investment and strengthening the
multilateral trading system. For this reason it has worked
within the Andean Community on improving relationships
with the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and
the European Union on negotiations for the Free Trade
Area of the Americas, and on its growing links with the
24

Pacific basin, but it believes also that these processes must
not ignore the individual features of the smaller countries
and must strike a balance that will enable them to achieve,
soon, an international system that is equitable and based on
solidarity.
Ecuador was the second country in Latin America to
promulgate a national human rights plan, and it did so from
a broad-based and democratic perspective. The plan was
conceived and prepared on the basis of a consultation
process in which civil society and the State participated
fully. This fact has earned special recognition from the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights, which described the Ecuadorian plan as a
model for other countries.
Our country gives national priority to the project
entitled “Towards a culture of peace”. In this context, under
a presidential initiative, Ecuador is promoting wide-ranging
activities linked to international efforts in accordance with
the United Nations culture of peace project and the
proclamation of the Year 2000 as the International Year for
the Culture of Peace.
Over the past year the international community has
witnessed an aggravation of regional conflicts: war has left
deep scars in various parts of the world. In this context, the
United Nations has had to play a special role in resolving
international conflicts, and its concerted and decisive action
has enabled it to resolve some of them successfully.
Nevertheless, strengthening our world Organization's
activities in this field must be carried out in such a way
that all measures taken under the Charter follow its
principles faithfully so that the United Nations keeps the
necessary international credibility and continues to be the
legitimate mouthpiece and manager for collective action to
maintain international peace and security.
As a party to the Ottawa Convention on anti-personnel
mines, and given that it has been directly affected by the
problem of anti-personnel mines, the elimination of these
weapons of war is of particular interest for Ecuador. Since
the signing of the peace agreement with Peru, our two
countries have begun removing and destroying the mines
along the border. We are sure that the international
community will continue to offer its cooperation in carrying
out our two countries' demining programme. On behalf of
Ecuador, I thank the States and organizations that have
contributed or pledged to contribute to this cause.
In the light of the realities of the situation facing
humankind, Ecuador reaffirms its unwavering support for
the multilateral system and, consequently, for the United
Nations which, since its creation, has been the universal
meeting place of all nations to work for the ideals and
goals shared by all peoples inspired by the purposes and
principles of the Organization. Ecuador draws its
inspiration from the ideal of achieving a world of peace
and freedom, of social justice and development, of fruitful
coexistence of peoples and nations, a world in which
Governments work together to solve the complex
problems besetting humankind.


Please allow me to warmly congratulate you, Sir, on your
assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at
this session. I am confident that with your wisdom and
experience, you will be able to accomplish your lofty
mission successfully. At the same time, I would like to
express my appreciation to Mr. Opertti for the
contribution he made as President of the General
Assembly at its previous session. I also wish to take this
opportunity to extend my sincere congratulations to the
Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the
Kingdom of Tonga on their admission to the membership
of the United Nations.
The current session of the General Assembly is of
special significance, as it is the last one of this century. A
review of the past may help us predict the future. In
retrospect, during the past century humanity, on the one
hand, created unprecedented material wealth and culture
and, on the other, suffered from the scourge of two world
wars and the ordeal of the cold war, which lasted for
almost 50 years. Since the end of the cold war, the world
has been moving towards multipolarity and the overall
international situation has started to relax. The
maintenance of peace, the pursuit of stability and the
promotion of development have become the common
aspiration and demand of the people of all countries.
Nevertheless, the harsh reality suggests that the world is
far from tranquil. The cold-war mentality still lingers on.
Hegemonism and power politics have manifested
themselves in new expressions. Military blocs are being
expanded and reinforced, and there is an increasing
tendency towards military intervention. Triggered by
ethnic, religious and territorial issues, regional conflicts
and disputes continue to emerge one after another. The
conflict between the North and the South has become
ever more acute. The gap between the rich and the poor
continues to grow. World peace is still elusive, and
development faces even more serious challenges.
Hegemonism and power politics are the root causes
of the turmoil in today’s world. The outbreak of war in
Kosovo sounded a resounding alarm. A regional military
organization, in the name of humanitarianism and human
rights, bypassed the United Nations to take large-scale
15

military actions against a sovereign State, thus creating an
ominous precedent in international relations. This act was
a violation of the United Nations Charter and other
universally recognized norms governing international
relations. It has eroded the leading role of the United
Nations in safeguarding world peace and security and
gravely undermined the authority of the United Nations
Security Council. During that war, the Chinese Embassy in
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was bombed, which
caused heavy casualties and much loss of property. It was
an incident such as has rarely been seen in diplomatic
history, and naturally roused the utmost indignation of the
entire Chinese people and the strong condemnation of the
international community.
As a permanent member of the Security Council,
China has held a clear and consistent position on the issue
of Kosovo. We seek no selfish interests and are only
upholding justice. For the sake of peace, we maintain that
the Kosovo issue should be resolved through peaceful
negotiations on the basis of respect for the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
and with guarantees of the legitimate rights and interest of
all ethnic groups in Kosovo. We are opposed to the use of
force under any pretext.
Mankind is on the threshold of the twenty-first
century. Where should the world go? What kind of new
international political and economic order should be
established? These are urgent questions facing the
Governments and the peoples of all countries.
The world is undergoing significant and profound
changes. A changed world calls for a corresponding new
international political and economic order. World peace and
development demand the establishment of a just and
reasonable new international order, which is the common
aspiration of the international community. It should be
based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence, the
purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and
other universally recognized principles governing
international relations. In this connection, I wish to
highlight the following points.
The first relates to sovereign equality and non-
interference in the internal affairs of others. Such arguments
as human rights taking precedence over sovereignty and
humanitarian intervention seem to be in vogue these days.
Some countries have even put such arguments into practice.
We believe that it is the sacred duty of all Governments to
promote and protect human rights and fundamental
freedoms, and that all countries have an obligation to
promote and protect the human rights and fundamental
freedoms of their own peoples in accordance with the
purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and
international human rights instruments, and in the light of
their respective national conditions and relevant laws. But
as political systems, levels of economic development,
history, cultural background and values vary from country
to country, it is only natural that countries should have
different interpretations and even diverging views on
human rights. Countries should engage in dialogue and
exchanges on the basis of equality and mutual respect so
as to better understand each other, expand common
ground and handle their differences properly, rather than
resort to confrontation or interference in the internal
affairs of others under the pretext of human rights.
The issue of human rights is, in essence, the internal
affair of a given country, and should be addressed mainly
by the Government of that country through its own
efforts. Ours is a diversified world. Each country has the
right to choose its own social system, approach to
development and values that are suited to its national
conditions. The history of China and other developing
countries shows that a country’s sovereignty is the
prerequisite for and the basis of the human rights that the
people of that country can enjoy. When the sovereignty
of a country is put in jeopardy, its human rights can
hardly be protected effectively. Sovereign equality, mutual
respect for State sovereignty and non-interference in the
internal affairs of others are the basic principles governing
international relations today. In spite of the major changes
in the post-cold-war international situation, these
principles are by no means out of date. Any deviation
from or violation of these principles would destroy the
universally recognized norms governing international
relations, and would lead to the rule of hegemonism; if
the notion of “might is right” should prevail, a new gun-
boat policy would wreak havoc, the sovereignty and
independence by virtue of which some small and weak
countries protect themselves would be jeopardized and
international peace and stability would be seriously
endangered.
The Kosovo crisis has proved that to engage in so-
called humanitarian intervention in a sovereign State with
neither a mandate from the Security Council nor the prior
consent of the country concerned will cause a greater
humanitarian catastrophe instead of resolving the problem.
In view of this, under the current circumstances, the
principles of respect for State sovereignty and non-
interference in the internal affairs of others must be
16

effectively strengthened rather than weakened in order to
maintain world peace and stability.
The second principle is the pacific settlement of
international disputes. This principle, initiated by the Hague
peace conference 100 years ago, is now an important
principle of the United Nations Charter and a basic
principle of contemporary international law. History shows
that deviation from this principle over the past century has
led to, “the scourge of war, which twice ... has brought
untold sorrow to mankind”, and to foreign aggression,
which has inflicted tremendous suffering on the peoples of
a number of countries. In the current international situation,
adherence to the principle of the pacific settlement of
international disputes is still highly relevant to the
contemporary world.
The pacific settlement of international disputes is
predicated on the non-use and non-threat of force in
international relations. We maintain that handling State-to-
State relations with the mentality and modalities of “hot”
wars, cold wars, power politics or bloc politics will get
nowhere. All international disputes and regional conflicts
should be resolved in a fair and reasonable manner through
peaceful negotiation and consultation on the basis of
equality, rather than through the arbitrary use or threat of
force based on the power of military superiority. Only in
this way can fundamental solutions to disputes or conflicts
be found without complicating or aggravating them or
leaving behind a hidden peril. And only in this way can
States coexist in harmony and achieve common
development. This is the only way to lasting peace and
stability in the world. Otherwise, the world will never be a
tranquil place.
The third principle relates to strengthening the role of
the United Nations and preserving the authority of the
Security Council. The role of the United Nations is
indispensable for the achievement of genuine peace and
development and for the establishment of a just and
reasonable new international order. Strengthening the role
of the United Nations is in line with the historical trend; it
meets the needs of the times and conforms to the shared
aspiration of all the world’s peoples. In order to strengthen
the role of the United Nations, efforts should first be made
to uphold the sanctity of the purposes and principles of the
Charter. The most important reason why the United Nations
has been able to grow from 51 founding Members to its
current size is that it has acted according to these purposes
and principles. Those purposes and principles of the Charter
of the United Nations have already taken deep root in
international practice and form a legal basis on which
peaceful and friendly relations between countries are
guided. It is the view of the Chinese Government that
despite the great changes that have taken place in the
international situation, the purposes and principles of the
United Nations Charter are still relevant. We are opposed
to any irresponsible interpretation or revision of them,
with whatever excuse.
If the United Nations role is to be strengthened, the
authority of the Security Council must be preserved.
According to the provisions of the Charter, the Security
Council shoulders primary responsibility for safeguarding
international peace and security. It has been proved that
the role of the Security Council is irreplaceable. Given
the current circumstances, it is imperative to preserve its
authority and leading role. Any act to weaken this
authority or to impose the will of an individual country or
a group of countries on the Security Council is very
dangerous. Instead of contributing to the maintenance of
peace, it will further breed power politics and
hegemonism and will give rise to endless troubles.
If the United Nations role is to be strengthened, it is
essential to ensure that all Member States have the right
to equal participation in international affairs, so that their
reasonable propositions will be fully reflected and their
legitimate rights and interests protected by the United
Nations. Decisions adopted by the United Nations must
give expression to the common will of the majority of its
Member States. Any attempt by a few countries or a
group of countries to monopolize world affairs and decide
the destiny of the people of other countries goes against
the trend of the times and will never succeed.
Fourthly, we must foster a new security concept and
safeguard international security. The old security concept
is based on military alliance and arms build-up and does
not help safeguard international security, still less build a
lasting peace in the world. In today’s world it is
necessary to foster a new security concept that satisfies
the needs of the times and to explore new ways of
maintaining peace and security. The core of the new
security concept should be mutual trust, mutual benefit,
equality and cooperation. The Five Principles of Peaceful
Coexistence and the purposes of the United Nations
Charter are the political foundation for the maintenance of
international security, while mutually beneficial
cooperation and common development constitute its
economic guarantee. Dialogue on an equal footing, full
consultation and peaceful negotiations are the right way
to maintain international security.
17

Relaxation in the international situation and the
disarmament process are complementary to each other. It is
regrettable, however, that some recent negative
developments in the international situation have seriously
hindered the healthy development of the disarmament
process. How to promote the disarmament process, prevent
an arms race and safeguard international security have
become pressing concerns for the international community.
We are opposed to any attempt, on the basis of excuses that
are not genuine, to seek military strength that goes beyond
a country’s legitimate defence needs. We are also opposed
to any attempt to restrict and weaken other countries in the
name of disarmament and non-proliferation in order to seek
absolute, unilateral security supremacy for one country or
group of countries. We call on the international community
to take the new security concept as a guideline and
wholeheartedly promote the healthy development of the
disarmament process, in the interest of world peace and
security.
Fifthly, we must reform the international economic
system and promote the common development of all
countries. The old and irrational economic order has
seriously impeded the sound development of the world
economy, further widening the wealth gap between the
North and the South. The East Asian financial crisis that
broke out two years ago has affected many countries in the
world. To prevent financial risks and ensure economic
security has become an urgent task facing many countries,
especially the developing countries. The world economy is
an interrelated and indivisible whole. All members of the
international community should take a responsible approach
and, in a spirit of risk sharing, strengthen their cooperation
and jointly promote a steady growth of the world economy.
Therefore, it is necessary to reform the current
international economic and financial systems. The United
Nations and the international financial institutions should
earnestly construct a framework to prevent and overcome
financial and other economic risks. Accordingly, the
developed countries should take on more obligations. The
developing countries have the right to equal participation in
world economic decision-making and the formulation of
relevant rules. In the new round of negotiations that will
soon begin in the World Trade Organization, the reasonable
demands of developing countries should be fully reflected.
Cooperation should be strengthened on the basis of mutual
benefit. No country should prejudice other countries’
economic security and development by virtue of its
economic, technological and financial advantages. We
should all oppose trade discrimination, the rich bullying the
poor and the arbitrary resort to economic sanctions or the
threat of sanctions against other countries. The developed
and developing countries both have their own advantages
and should learn from each other to make up for their
deficiencies so as to achieve common sustainable
development.
Moreover, on such global issues as the environment,
population, poverty and debt the developed countries
should not shirk their responsibility and obligation; rather,
they should take the lead in providing technological and
financial assistance to the developing countries. We deem
it necessary for the United Nations to hold a special
conference at an appropriate time to discuss the
globalization of the world economy, in order to promote
international cooperation in this field and to achieve
common prosperity.
The People’s Republic of China will soon celebrate
its fiftieth anniversary. For half a century, especially in
the last 21 years of reform and opening-up, earth-shaking
changes have taken place in China, and the Chinese
people have scored tremendous achievements in socialist
economic, political and cultural development as well as in
diplomatic and other endeavours. Following Hong Kong’s
return to the motherland the year before last, the Chinese
Government will soon resume the exercise of sovereignty
over Macao. At present, China enjoys political stability,
sustained economic growth, national unity, social
tranquillity and progress. Although difficulties and serious
challenges still lie ahead, we are confident and capable of
overcoming the difficulties, rising to the challenges and
forging ahead with every aspect of the socialist cause of
building a strong, prosperous, democratic and culturally
advanced country.
In the face of international vicissitudes, the Chinese
Government will steadfastly take up economic
development as the central task, resolutely press ahead
with reform and opening up, consistently maintain social
stability and unswervingly pursue an independent foreign
policy of peace. We are willing to continue to develop
friendly relations and cooperation on the basis of the five
principles of peaceful coexistence with all other countries
in the world and to make our due contribution to
safeguarding world peace and promoting common
development.
The Chinese Government and people will, as always,
resolutely safeguard China's sovereignty and territorial
integrity and will continue to advance the great cause of
national reunification. It is a fact universally recognized
by the international community that there is only one
18

China in the world, that Taiwan is an inalienable part of
Chinese territory and that the Government of the People's
Republic of China is the sole legitimate government
representing the whole of China. China's territory and
sovereignty are absolutely indivisible. The ultimate
reunification of the motherland represents the common
aspiration and firm resolve of all the Chinese people,
including our compatriots on Taiwan. No force can hold us
back in this great cause.
The Chinese Government will continue to adhere to its
established policy for settling the question of Taiwan. We
are firmly opposed to any efforts to create “independence
for Taiwan”, “two Chinas”, or “one China, one Taiwan”.
All moves to divide the motherland are doomed to failure.
China's great cause of national reunification can and will be
accomplished.
A few days ago a powerful earthquake shook China's
province of Taiwan. This earthquake caused heavy loss of
life and property damage for our compatriots in Taiwan.
We are extremely concerned about this catastrophe and
express our sympathy to our compatriots on the island. We
also express our condolences to the families of the victims
of the earthquake. People on both sides of the strait are
brothers and sisters in one big family. The disaster that hit
Taiwan and the pains of our compatriots on the island are
shared by the entire Chinese people. We will provide every
possible support and assistance to alleviate the harm caused
by the earthquake.
I take this opportunity to thank the President of the
General Assembly and the international community as a
whole for their sympathy, condolences and assistance.
The twenty-first century is dawning. The future of the
world is bright, and the new century is bound to be a more
splendid one than this. The Chinese people stand ready to
work with the people of other countries for the
establishment of a just and rational new international order,
for peace and development in the new century, and for the
overall progress of human society.


Mr. President, allow me
first to congratulate you on your election to the

presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth
session. It gives me great pleasure to see the international
community honour both you and your country through your
election to this high office. I am confident that, given your
vast experience and diplomatic skills, you will be able to
steer the proceedings of the Assembly to a successful
conclusion.
I join other speakers in expressing our gratitude to
your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti, for the
dedicated and effective manner in which he had guided the
work of the General Assembly at the last session.
I would also like to take this opportunity to commend
the Secretary-General for his great dedication to the
Organization and the many contributions he has made in the
service of the international community.
Malaysia would also like to join other Member States
in welcoming, most warmly, the Republics of Kiribati and
Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga as new Members of the
United Nations. We look forward to working closely with
them, particularly on issues of common interest to the Asia-
Pacific region whence we come.
The twentieth century is coming to an end. Before we
enter the twenty-first it is useful to review the events of this
century so that we may learn from our experience and
hopefully we will know how to conduct the affairs of the
twenty-first.
This century saw the most destructive wars which
destroyed billions of dollars of property and killed millions
of people. It saw the most inhuman dictatorship in Germany
where six million Jews were tortured and killed. It
witnessed the first nuclear bombs that killed hundreds of
thousands instantly and many more due to the after-effects.
When the greatest war in human history ended, this
body, the United Nations, was founded. We thought there
would be peace as the great Powers worked together in the
United Nations. But that was not the case. Immediately the
victors divided themselves into two camps and initiated the
cold war. However, it was the threat of a hot war that kept
the war cold. Each side built huge arsenals of nuclear and
non-nuclear weapons and glared at the other across deep
chasms of misunderstanding as they threateningly fingered
their nuclear triggers.
For the colonies of European nations there was an
up side. Fear of defections to the other side forced the
two camps to relax their grips on their colonial territories.
Countries gained independence, but their survival
depended on their skills in playing the Western bloc
against the Eastern bloc.
Unfortunately this choice to defect to the other side
did not last. Suddenly the Communist side collapsed.
Lured by the apparent wealth of the Western free-market
liberal democracies, the Eastern bloc jettisoned their
authoritarian centrally planned economies and adopted the
liberal democratic free market overnight. They thought
that since they would now have a system similar to that
of the Western bloc they would get the friendship,
cooperation and help from the Western countries.
They were naive enough to think that after 70 years
of command economy and dictatorship they could
overnight switch to the free market economy under the
liberal democratic system. They soon found out that they
knew nothing about how to make the system work and
that they would get no help from the Western nations.
Instead the Western nations saw in their incompetent
floundering an opportunity to destroy the Eastern bloc, in
particular the principal flag-bearer, forever.
Even as the inability to manage a free market
resulted in galloping inflation, destruction of State
enterprises and massive unemployment, the hedge funds
and the Western financial institutions moved in to devalue
the currencies and make debt defaulters of this once
powerful enemy. Despite knowing that these people could
not manage a free market liberal democracy
at all, they were nevertheless urged and threatened into
continuing anyhow. There was no going back for the
Eastern bloc countries.
The destruction of the Eastern bloc was complete. It
could never again militarily challenge the Western liberal
democratic free marketeers. Now there would be only one
choice for the world, and no defection would be possible
for the countries of the world, big or small. With this the
liberal democratic free market capitalists saw no more
need to be gentle in spreading their systems or in
profiting from them. No one would be allowed any other
political or economic system except what was prescribed
by the sole dominant bloc. The true ugliness of Western
capitalism revealed itself, backed by the military might of
capitalism's greatest proponent.
4

For the small countries, the demise of the Eastern bloc
is a major disaster. Now they are exposed to pressures
which they cannot resist, and very quickly they learned that
the free marketeers intend to milk them dry. As for their
politics, the instability of the liberal democratic system,
which comes with a lack of understanding of its intricacies
by the leaders as well as the people, meant that they would
stay in a state of continuous turmoil, verging on anarchy.
A few countries apparently managed to grow and
prosper, but not for long. The currency manipulators and
short-term investors of the rich soon impoverished these
countries through devaluing their currencies and share
prices. Impoverished and politically unstable, they were
forced to borrow from the International Monetary Fund
(IMF). Whether by design or through sheer lack of
understanding, the economic regime imposed by the IMF
further destroyed their economies. Soon their political
freedom was also subverted, and many had to accept
political direction by the IMF, or the loans would not be
made available. For practical purposes, there was no more
independence.
So for the small independent countries of the world,
the future looks bleak. They are now being told that the
world should be borderless, that capital, goods and services
should flow freely between countries. There should be no
discriminatory taxes to protect local industries or products.
Local banks, industries and products must compete on the
same footing as imported products, and their banks and
industries must compete with foreign banks and industries
set up in their countries. No conditions must be attached to
foreign banks and businesses which want to set up
operations in their countries. They must have national status
like those given to local businesses. This way, it is said, a
level playing field will be created and competition will be
fair.
But can competition between giants and dwarfs be fair
even if the playing field is level? The giant banks,
corporations and industries from the rich countries, with
huge local markets, can afford to lose money in a small
foreign country when they make huge profits at home and
elsewhere. The small businesses in the small countries will
go bankrupt if they lose money repeatedly. In the end they
will have to sell to the giant foreign companies or close
down altogether. There will be no more big local
companies; there will be only branches of large foreign
companies who will indulge in transfer pricing and will
repatriate most of their profit.
The efficient may produce better and cheaper goods,
but if a country does not export its own products to earn
foreign exchange it will not be able to pay for imports.
Cheap high-quality goods mean nothing if you have no
money to pay for them.
The markets of the poor countries may not be big,
but impoverishing them would result in lost sales for the
rich. That was what happened when the currency traders
impoverished the countries they attacked. These countries
could not buy the products of the rich; that is, the rich
lost their markets, and world trade contracted. Free,
unrestricted flow of goods and services across borders
may be good for a while, but eventually it will destroy
markets and result in contraction of world trade. The
world would actually become poorer because of free
trade.
After the last war, the confrontation between East
and West led to most of the colonies being liberated and
becoming independent countries. Being independent
meant the right to govern their countries themselves.
Unaccustomed to wielding so much power, many of these
Governments failed. They became hopelessly indebted to
the banks of the rich countries. Their people suffered
from incompetent and frequently oppressive rule. But the
principle that prevailed in the third quarter of the
twentieth century was that no one should interfere in the
internal affairs of a nation. That, in fact, was the essence
of independence.
As long as the world was divided into Eastern and
Western blocs, this principle was respected. But then a
president decided that his country had a right and a duty
to see that human rights were not abused anywhere in the
world, irrespective of borders and the independence of
nations. No one conferred this right on this crusading
president. But small things like that were not going to
stop him.
The claim to victory of the West in the Gulf War
was regarded as a moral endorsement of the right of the
powerful to interfere in any country’s internal affairs.
Soon, it was not just human rights. Systems of
government and of the administration of justice and the
financial and commercial systems came under scrutiny of
the powerful countries. They insist that there must be
only one way of administering a country, and that is the
liberal democratic way. They insist that there can be only
one economic system for the whole world, and that is the
free market system. They insist that there must be
openness in everything, transparency, separation of the
5

private from the public sectors, non-discrimination between
ethnic groups, and no discrimination against foreigners in
favour of nationals.
All these and more sound very good. They have
apparently worked for the developed countries of the West,
making them rich and powerful, giving their people high
standards of living. But will they work for everyone? They
seem to have forgotten that they took centuries to make
their system work. Their transition from feudal oppressive
rule was based in copious blood. Both rich and poor were
massacred as reforms were forced by a succession of
uncaring tyrants, many elected by the people.
Even today their system has not brought freedom and
equity to large segments of their people, yet they insist that
all the countries of the world, new or old, must
immediately adopt the only system of government — their
system, their liberal democratic system. The newly
independent countries, which knew only the authoritarian
system of government, cannot but fail. The former
Communist countries in particular found themselves unable
to cope with the destabilizing challenges directed at
government authority in a liberal democracy.
But the new countries are not going to be allowed
time to learn and operate the system. They must change
now, immediately. If their countries are destabilized, if their
people suffer, if they regress economically, that is
irrelevant. The important thing is that they must
democratize and liberalize. If they fail to do so, they will
be forced to do so through arm-twisting, trade sanctions and
military action, if necessary.
That these measures are more oppressive than those of
the disapproved regimes and systems does not matter. The
adoption of the approved system would destabilize the
countries further and cause further suffering. All this does
not matter, because the most important thing is the adoption
of the system, not the benefit to be derived from it.
It is the same with economic management. There must
be liberalization and deregulation. The Government should
not help the business sector, should not give it any
protection. If businesses are attacked by outside forces,
fairly or unfairly, and they lose, then let them die. They
must be inefficient if they lose, and the world has no time
or sympathy for inefficient losers.
And so giant currency traders, their funds leveraged
one hundred times or more, are pitted against central banks
with limited reserves and without leveraging rights. The
economies of whole countries and regions are destroyed,
but the cries for protection by these countries are ignored.
The fields are level, and the free movement of capital is
a part of the secret free trade. Everyone must accept
whatever happens because it is free trade. All the
currency traders are doing is to discipline Governments so
that they conform to the system and do away with their
bad old system.
In the financial crisis, Governments may not help
businesses to recover. To do that means a bail-out of
cronies. Let them die; let there be blood. Only then will
Governments be considered serious in wanting to reform
their systems, to adopt best practices, world standards and
the only proper way to administer the economy. If the
Government becomes bankrupt in trying to do this, that
is all right. The important thing is to do things correctly,
even if the country is destroyed, the people starve to
death, anarchy reigns and the Government overthrown.
There is a touching concern on the part of the West
over human rights. But the definition of human rights
seems limited to an individual’s right of dissent against
the Government. Millions of people in a country will be
made to suffer through sanctions and even bombings in
order that a few dissenters may enjoy their rights of
dissent. Apparently the rest of the population, hundreds of
millions of them sometimes, have no rights. Their rights
are not considered human rights. Thus depriving millions
of the right to work as a result of currency trading is not
considered as a violation of human rights. In the Western
perception only individuals have rights; the masses do
not.
The concern over child labour and sweatshop
factories is expressive of a sense of caring. Unfortunately
the concern is shown only when the products of child
labour and sweatshops compete successfully with the
products of highly paid, high-living four-day-a-week
workers in the developed countries.
Child labour and sweatshops are not something
which anyone would defend, but consider the extreme
poverty of the people in some countries. They have no
capital, no technology or expertise, no markets at home,
no Harvard-trained managers. All they have is low-cost
labour. For the workers, the tiny wages that they earn are
far better than starvation and death. If we really care, then
invest and pay high wages. The sweatshops will disappear
and adults will earn enough to feed their children. Forcing
them to stop child labour and sweatshops will only cause
more suffering for their people. Telling them to stop
6

producing children is not a solution either. We know that
the poor have a higher birth rate than the rich. To stop the
population explosion which the West is worried about,
enrich these people. Closing their sweatshops and stopping
their children from working will only impoverish them
further and cause them to have more children.
With the end of the East-West confrontation, conflicts
have increased instead of decreased. The Palestinian
problem is still not resolved, but the sanctions against and
the bombing of Iraq, the sanctions against Libya, the
conflicts resulting from the break-up of the Soviet Union,
and the stirring up of unrest and rebellions, or near-
rebellions, by open support for insurrection go on. Before,
it was the Communists who stirred up rebellion everywhere,
including in Malaysia. Now we have the liberal democrats
doing exactly the same in the same manner, complete with
supply of arms. Whether it is a communist or a liberal
democratic insurrection, the people suffer not one bit less.
The United Nations seems helpless. Indeed, it is often
bypassed by the big and the powerful. Now groupings of
powerful nations or even one nation by itself seem to
decide when to step in and when to step out. While they
like to wield power, they are inordinately unwilling to pay
the price. “Tele-wars” are conducted using high technology,
such as the so-called pinpoint bombings, in order to avoid
body bags coming home. This unwillingness to face the
enemy often results in the unnecessary killing of innocent
people and the destruction of the wrong targets.
Unfortunately, no one should expect any change for as
long as the United Nations belongs to the permanent five.
The structure of the United Nations will continue to reflect
the glorious victory of these nations 50 years ago. For the
small countries, yearly speeches and various anniversary
speeches will be allowed. Occasionally there will be
membership in the Security Council. But despite the fact
that at least three of the permanent five are vociferous
advocates of democracy, there will be no democracy in the
United Nations. The only saving grace is the agencies and
their good work.
Unfortunately, some in the United Nations have rather
unusual principles. Normally a neutral or unbiased person
would be chosen to study, report on and give an opinion or
pass judgment on something. But the United Nations chose
a person well-known for his virulent attacks against the
Malaysian judiciary to report on that institution. The United
Nations then conferred on him total immunity with respect
to the laws of his country without reference to or consent
by the country. This immunity apparently extends beyond
his task of reporting his findings to the United Nations.
He may publish his opinions and defame people and the
subject of his study anywhere and everywhere. Is there no
limit to a United Nations Commissioner’s or Rapporteur’s
immunity?
We are told that Governments must not interfere
with the judiciary. Yet in this case the Government is
expected to instruct the judiciary not to act against this
United Nations Commissioner for breaking the laws of
the country. I am not blaming the Secretary-General for
this. It is the peculiar system and principles which guide
the choice of the United Nations Commissioner or
Rapporteur that I find unacceptable. Nor do I think it
proper to hint at dire consequences for the Malaysian
nation if this man is not freed from court action for open
contempt and defamation. There is something not right
here which the United Nations needs to look into.
But small countries lack a public forum to air their
views freely. The Western media distorts everything that
they say or do. Again we are expected to give immunity
to western journalists; they may break our laws, but no
legal action may be taken against them. I would like to
point out that in Malaysia not even the King and the
hereditary Sultans are above the law.
This then is the scenario in the last quarter of the
twentieth century. We will carry this baggage into the
twenty-first century and the new millennium. For the poor
and the weak, for the aspiring tigers and dragons of Asia,
the twenty-first century does not look very promising.
Everything will continue to be cooked in the West. Just
as communism and socialism came from the West, liberal
democracy, globalization, a borderless world,
deregulation, unfettered free flows of capital and their
flights to quality, the disciplining of Governments by the
market and by currency traders, and a host of other ideas
all come from the West. And what is from the West is
universal. Other values and cultures are superfluous and
unnecessary. If they remain, there will be a clash of
civilizations. To avoid this clash there should be only one
civilization in the world. Everything should be
standardized according to Western best practices. They
may change only if the West changes. Thus the globalized
world will be totally uniform. Variety is equal to
intransigence and must therefore be eliminated.
Malaysia has just gone through a very traumatic
experience. In a matter of weeks, 42 years of hard work
to develop the country was destroyed, in particular the
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affirmative action to reduce the enmity between races in
Malaysia.
We have devised our own formula for recovery. With
the blessings of Allah, we have turned around and are on
the road to recovery. But we are being pressured to
abandon our currency control. We do not understand why.
It has done us a lot of good. It has done no harm to
anybody except a few thousand rich currency manipulators.
Foreigners doing real business in our country have profited
from the so-called controls. But we are still being urged to
conform to an international financial system which has
enabled the unscrupulous to destroy the wealth of many
nations.
No serious attempt is being made to change the
international financial system. So far there is only talk
about intentions. But the threat of financial, economic and
political destabilization remains.
Malaysia wishes only to be allowed to manage things
in its own way, in the interests of its own people. We will
not harm others. We are not turning our backs on the
world. We have always cooperated with the rest of the
world, in particular with the United Nations. We will
continue to do our bit for world peace. Just as we accept
criticism, warranted and unwarranted, we hope others will
also tolerate our criticism of them. Free speech would be
meaningless if criticism could be directed only at the poor
and the weak and never at the rich and powerful. In
criticizing others, we are only exercising our right to
freedom of expression.
We are not too enchanted by the prospects we foresee
for the next century. But I can assure the Assembly that we
will be a responsible nation, friendly towards all who are
friendly towards us and harbouring no bad intentions
towards anyone.