26.	 Let me first offer you, Sir, a warm welcome and hearty congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. In you I greet a prominent personality of the Latin American continent, whose peoples, culture and achievements are highly respected and appreciated in the Hungarian People's Republic. I assure you of my delegation's full support in your carrying out of your important duties.
27.	It was the horrible experience of two world conflagrations that led to the great determination of nations to establish the Organization, which is destined, in the words of its Charter, "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". Man's centuries-old desire that nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more" was also engraved on the wall of this palace of deliberations. But I wonder if we can claim to have come any closer to this lofty goal.
28.	I consider this question to be illusory at the present moment of history, which is regrettably characterized by a sharpening of international tension. Confrontation is on the increase and attempts are made to upset the balance of power which is the guarantee of world peace, to obtain military superiority and to reverse the process of peoples' national and social liberation. All this constitutes a source of concern to the people and Government of the Hungarian People's Republic.
29.	We see the stepping up of the arms race as the root cause of this dangerous situation. Not only does the unprecedented level of armament threaten our civilization directly, by raising the spectre of a nuclear catastrophe, but it also threatens it indirectly, by squandering mankind's material and intellectual resources, depriving peoples of a considerable part of the results of their labour, and perpetuating economic backwardness in a great number of developing countries. I? this not an absurd contradiction in the century of science and technology, in the era when we seem to be on the verge of solving global problems through such achievements as the exploration of new sources of energy, the exploitation of the wealth of the oceans, the peaceful conquest of outer space, the eradication of hunger and of widespread devastating diseases, and the protection of the rapidly deteriorating natural environment? Can taking advantage of such really tremendous possibilities be imagined without global co-operation? One cannot help wondering, for by the very act of adopting the Charter of the United Nations we solemnly pledged to live in peace as good neighbours and to promote social progress and better standards of life.
30.	The Hungarian People's Republic has declared its faith in the peaceful coexistence of States with differing social systems. By that we mean not only the absence of war, although that would be no small achievement either. For us, coexistence means active co-operation and a constant strengthening of mutually advantageous political, economic and cultural relations among peoples and governments. During the past 10 or 15 years, we have gained considerable experience in this regard, and it is my understanding that our partners have no reason to feel disappointed either.
31.	Let us look at this in a broader perspective. When, in the 1960s and early 1970s, detente continued its upward trend, important agreements were reached between the great Powers and other States on the prevention and limitation of the proliferation and quantitative and qualitative development of weapons of mass destruction on earth, in outer space and on the sea-bed. The Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which was attended by 35 heads of State or Government, laid a lasting foundation of principle for further cooperation in Europe. Political, economic and other contacts gained momentum. The consolidation of new States liberated from colonial bondage in Asia, Africa and Latin America continued at a rapid pace. Has any people seen its interests damaged by that process? Does any people feel itself the loser because of detente? The answer is no. There is no such people.
32.	The Hungarian People's Republic, acting on the mandate of the Hungarian people, still considers preservation of the results of detente and the maintenance and extension of international dialogue and co-operation to be the prime concerns of its foreign policy, both in its bilateral relations and in international forums. For us as for other countries there is no reasonable alternative to peaceful coexistence.
33.	That is why we feel concern about any sign of an increase in the mood of confrontation, about any act jeopardizing normal relations among States and about any development adding to the strains of the already tense international situation.
34.	The Hungarian Government is convinced that the course of resorting to a war of rhetoric, to smear and innuendo, to discrimination and to the policy of force is wrong and that, in any event, it has been shown by experience to be ineffective. It is an old truth that anger is a bad counsellor. Only reason and regard for one another's interests can be good counsellors, even in relations between countries having differing social systems.
35.	I can note with satisfaction that our policy of peaceful coexistence has been reciprocated by the governments of all countries which have a sense of responsibility regarding the development of the international situation. We shall continue to seek wider contacts and more successful talks and political consultations with other countries with a view to increasing mutual trust and improving the international climate.
36.	We are glad to see that the General Assembly intends to devote much of its attention to the increasingly urgent question of disarmament talks. During the past years the Hungarian People's Republic has itself taken an active part in the elaboration of several important disarmament proposals, which still stand. Those proposals seek to ensure that strategic parity, guaranteeing world peace, is maintained at the lowest possible level of armaments. Regrettably, however, our proposals have not yet received any substantive response from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
37.	Pending disarmament problems are numerous, and each of them is important. If I single out some of them, it is because I think that they are of particular significance in the present tense international situation.
38.	I refer to the limitation and reduction of conventional armaments and the prohibition of chemical weapons and other weapons of mass destruction.
39.	But nuclear disarmament is the most pressing task of the day. It must be tackled in order to bring about a radical improvement in the international climate and to avert the danger of war. The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic therefore attaches paramount importance to the Soviet Union's commitment not to be the first to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances. I am sure that a similar commitment by the other nuclear Powers would be received with great relief by international public opinion.
40.	Implementation of the proposal that the nuclear- weapon States should mutually freeze their nuclear arsenals would, in our view, be a significant first step forward on the road to nuclear disarmament. Furthermore, we believe that an agreement on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests should be reached as soon as possible and that the development of new types of weapons and the upgrading of existing ones should be halted. The emergence of new and more sophisticated systems of weapons raises the danger that those weapons will go beyond the scope of existing agreements and will become ever more difficult to limit and control.
41.	Also, we hold that strengthening the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which is intended to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and, in conjunction with it, the creation of security safeguards for non-nuclear-weapon States are tasks closely related to nuclear disarmament.
42.	The Hungarian People's Republic is directly interested in an agreement that would provide that nuclear weapons should not be stationed in countries where there are no such weapons at present and should not be increased in number where they are already deployed. The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace in Europe and in other parts of the world would greatly enhance trust and international security.
43.	I should like to underline in particular the great importance of the proposal made last January by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty at their Prague meeting to the countries of NATO to conclude a treaty on the mutual renunciation of the use of armed force and on the maintenance of peaceful relations. Since the overwhelming majority of weapons and the most destructive types are possessed by those two alliances, I think that the conclusion of such a treaty would be an effective measure to prevent acts threatening peace.
44.	The Hungarian People's Republic attaches the utmost importance to the Soviet-American negotiations on the limitation and reduction of strategic weapons and is earnestly hopeful about their successful outcome.
45.	The peaceful future of mankind would be gravely threatened by extending the arms race to outer space, the prevention of which is sought by the highly important Soviet proposal now submitted to that effect, which enjoys the full support of the Hungarian Government.
46.	In common with many other European countries, Hungary is concerned at the planned deployment of new types of American nuclear weapons in Western Europe. Upsetting the existing strategic parity is bound to entail far-reaching consequences for peace and security not only in Europe but also in the whole world. We believe that the best solution would be the complete denuclearization of Europe, an objective which we will not stop pursuing. Until the international situation permits attainment of that goal, we believe that reducing, and by no means increasing, the number of medium-range nuclear missiles is the most acceptable solution.
47.	After three years of negotiations, the Madrid meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe has finished its work with the adoption of a substantive and balanced Concluding Document. That document is the first essential and broad East-West accord in many years, and I hardly need to emphasize its special significance in the prevailing international situation. We think that the decision of the Madrid meeting to convene a Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe is of exceptional importance.
48.	The successful conclusion of the work of the Madrid meeting at the level of foreign ministers holds out the hope of continuing the multifaceted process started at Helsinki and confirms our conviction that the more favourable atmosphere of the 1970s will not have been a passing episode in the history of Europe and that the future will again belong to the policy of detente.
49.	For its part, the Government of the Hungarian People's Republic will continue to work in pursuit of that goal and will strive, as it has striven in the past, for the full implementation of the principles and recommendations embodied in the Helsinki Final Act and the Madrid Concluding Document. We feel privileged that Budapest has been chosen to be the venue for the cultural forum to be held in 1985, as decided by the Madrid meeting, and we shall make every effort to ensure the success of that important event.
50.	It is the earnest desire of the Hungarian Government to see that the success achieved at Madrid will make its favourable effect felt in other regions of the world as well. Unfortunately, however, the policy of extremist circles has an adverse effect on positive endeavours throughout the world, thus hampering the efforts to eliminate the hotbeds of crisis.
51.	In the present tense international situation a great role is being played by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, whose members represent the large majority of the world's countries and population. The Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March, is added proof that the non-aligned countries are actively engaged in promoting the quest for solutions to the pressing problems of our age. The further deepening of co-operation with them stands high in the foreign policy of the Hungarian People's Republic.
52.	The United Nations has from the outset contributed to the formulation of principles conducive to a settlement of the Middle East crisis. Nevertheless, we have for years witnessed efforts to bypass the United Nations, to make separate deals, to keep some parties out of the search for a settlement. That explains why, more than one year after the unanimous adoption of Security Council resolution 516 (1982), the Israeli occupation troops are still in Lebanon and the Palestinian Arab people continues to suffer and to be held in thrall.
53.	The lack of a solution to the question of Palestine as the key element of the Middle East crisis and the rejection of proposals for a just and lasting settlement are obviously liable to lead to further aggravation of the crisis. The Hungarian Government is convinced that the situation in the region can be settled only by an international conference held with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO].
54.	Recently, the anxiety felt by the forces of peace has been greatly increased by actions against the progressive countries of Central America and the Caribbean. We believe that those crises are equally impossible to solve if one thinks in terms of force and places the interests of certain Powers before everything else. A solution can only result from respect for the right of the peoples concerned to self-determination and from non-resort to interference in internal affairs, military threats, intimidation and economic and political pressure.
55.	The Government and people of the Hungarian People's Republic are in solidarity with the peoples of Latin America in their struggle for national independence, self-determination and social progress as well as against oppression and neo-colonialist designs. We lend support to the common actions by the countries of that continent to achieve a negotiated settlement and to find just and peaceful solutions for the conflicts that generate tension in the region.
56.	Similarly, the Hungarian People's Republic greatly appreciates the efforts by the countries of Indo-China to reduce tension in South-East Asia, and it supports the proposals formulated at the April and July conferences of their foreign ministers.
57.	The Hungarian Government attaches great importance to a peaceful solution of the question of Cyprus that will accord with the interests of both communities in the island country, guarantee sovereignty and the non- aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus and rule out any intervention from without.
58.	Hungary shares the indignation of international public opinion that the racist regime of South Africa continues its policy of apartheid in defiance of broad international condemnation.
59.	The intensification of the activities of the neo-colonialist forces amid mounting international tension is a particularly noteworthy feature of the situation with regard to Namibia. Despite the Security Council and General Assembly resolutions setting forth the principles of a settlement, Namibia is still prevented by the strategic and economic interests of the South African regime and its external supporters from acceding to independence. Some Powers impose arbitrary conditions not sanctioned by any United Nations resolution and try to have the South West Africa People's Organization the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, pushed into the background. The Hungarian Government condemns such attempts and calls for the implementation of the United Nations plan for a settlement in accordance with the Declaration of the Paris conference on Namibia.
60.	The worsening of international relations, the long- drawn-out crisis of the world economy and certain politically motivated measures exercise a steady adverse effect on nearly all areas of international economic, trading, financial and scientific-technical co-operation. This raises serious difficulties for countries which, like Hungary, have a particular interest in the international division of labour.
61.	Everyone knows that the Hungarian People's Republic is a member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, an open economic community, and enjoys the security and advantages offered by the co-operation of socialist countries. At the same time, however, Hungary is also seriously interested in strengthening economic relations with all countries, whatever their social and political systems.
62.	We are convinced that the disorders of international economic co-operation can be cured only by joint efforts, by expanding co-operation based on. mutual benefit and free from discrimination. We, for our part, intend to do our utmost to this effect. This pursuit is dictated by our national interests, and we think it provides the only basis for the establishment of the new and more equitable international economic order and the system of relations that are rightfully demanded by the overwhelming majority of the States Members of the United Nations.
63.	The Hungarian People's Republic maintains that mutual acquaintance with one another is the best means of combating the prejudices, national hatred and isolationism that do so much damage to international relations. The Hungarian Government starts from this premise also in respect of human contacts and human rights. Socialist Hungary has nothing to be ashamed of and nothing to conceal in this field either. We do not fail to include the fundamental rights to life and work in the sphere of human rights, and we disagree with those who limit the scope of human rights. Their propagandists considerations in this area are common knowledge. But are not the quality of life and the exercise of human rights most directly affected when masses of people are deprived of the possibility of becoming useful members of their society and supporters of their families?
64.	We maintain the position of principle that the international community should call attention primarily to massive and gross violations of human rights, particularly apartheid and other manifestations of unlawful discrimination on grounds of race, colour, nationality or religion. Such practices are unfortunately an everyday occurrence in a number of countries, and they are resolutely condemned by the Hungarian People's Republic.
65.	The Hungarian Government believes that our efforts should be concentrated on eliminating such phenomena rather than on mounting propaganda campaigns that reduce the lofty ideals of human rights to a device for political designs alien to them.
66.	The more tense the international situation, the greater the responsibility for peace borne by each and every State. The Hungarian Government, wherever its possibilities permit, assumes its share of responsibility and selects the alternative of dialogue and negotiations rather than confrontation. We hold the view that the United Nations should play an important role in this endeavour, as in the search for negotiated solutions to controversial issues. Consequently my Government takes a resolute stand in favour of strengthening the role and increasing the effectiveness of the United Nations in accordance with its Charter.
67.	The Hungarian People's Republic has worked and wishes to continue working in partnership with all Governments in international co-operative efforts to strengthen peace. We are convinced that there is no disputed issue that could not be solved peacefully, by way of negotiations. We most categorically reject the option of allowing weapons to have the final word, which would be a suicidal course in our time.
68.	The Hungarian People's Republic, whose foreign policy is consistent with the noble purposes and principles of the Charter, is ready to contribute its share to the efforts of the United Nations in pursuit of peace. Our delegation will be guided by this spirit in the work of the present session.


It gives me great pleasure to congratulate Mr. Illueca on his election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that his vast experience in this forum and in world affairs will be of great help to him in guiding the Assembly towards solutions of the many problems to be dealt with at this session. I am particularly pleased to see a distinguished representative from the Latin American region presiding over this session, and I sincerely hope that the United Nations will be able to contribute significantly to current efforts aimed at resolving burning issues in that part of the world. I should like to take this opportunity to welcome to the Organization the 158th Member State, Saint Christopher and Nevis. I should also like to see this opportunity to commend the Secretary-General and his staff for their unselfish but too often unrewarding efforts in helping to solve the manifold problems which beset the world community and fall within the scope of the Organization. Earlier this year, members of the Icelandic Government and government officials had the opportunity to discuss some of these questions with the Secretary- General during a most useful official visit that he undertook to the Nordic countries. Ever since Iceland became a Member of the United Nations in 1946 our participation in the Organization has been a cornerstone of our foreign policy, and this was recently reaffirmed by the new Government which took power at the end of May. In the beginning it was our hope that the Members would have the good fortune to make the Organization strong and influential enough to ensure the peaceful settlement of disputes and prevent conflicts. This hope has unfortunately not been realized, as demonstrated by the current state of world affairs. It is for this reason and because of a constant threat of war that Icelanders have been obliged to adopt a security policy based on the inherent right to self-defense, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. More than three decades ago the Icelandic Government deemed it necessary to join NATO and to conclude a defense agreement with the United States. By doing so we joined an alliance of friendly nations which share the same ideals of freedom and democracy. We still need this alliance. It is therefore untimely, in the opinion of a large majority of my countrymen, to contemplate any change in policy in this respect. All of us look forward to the day when such special defense arrangements will no longer be necessary, but we are determined to maintain our vigilance as long as necessary while also supporting the United Nations in fulfilling the role which we originally expected the Organization to discharge. We wish to add our small but sincere contribution to the efforts to create a basis for peace and freedom for all nations. To be sure, the situation around us is not bright, and any solution seems distant. There are violations of human rights in Eastern Europe and elsewhere around the world. There is a war in Lebanon which we hope will end following the cease-fire. A war between Iraq and Iran goes on. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan continues, in spite of United Nations resolutions, and the Vietnamese still remain in Kampuchea. South Africa maintains its policy of apartheid and completely disregards decisions by the United Nations. Central America is threatened by war. And the cruel act of the Soviet Union in shooting down a Korean passenger aircraft has demonstrated the use of methods which must not be tolerated or repeated. While this state of affairs continues, it is estimated that $800 billion will be spent on armaments this year— which certainly could have been better used for other purposes. It is estimated that that sum of money equals the income of 1.5 billion people in the world's poorest countries. Although it is unfortunate that the United Nations has not been as successful as we originally had hoped, we must not give up. These fateful issues that concern war and peace must continually be under discussion and consideration by the United Nations in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The nations of the world must continue to consult, and arms and might must not be allowed to resolve the issues. It is particularly important for small nations like ours that the United Nations act decisively, even though it may take a long time before the rule of law and order is respected in relations between nations. The United Nations must be successful in avoiding the dangers of armed conflicts and must change its methods to resolve disputes. The difficulty lies in resolving the mutual distrust that reigns among the nations of the world. Some States— fortunately few—appear to be building up their military potential to follow up the "policy of domination and expansion, and others, as a result of this, are compelled to take corresponding defensive measures. The crux of the matter is the increasing policies of domination and interference by States in the affairs of others, coupled with widespread disrespect for human rights and an unequal distribution of the wealth of nations. Soon the thirty-fifth anniversary of the signing of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights will be celebrated. Recently, many of us who are gathered here agreed to the Concluding Document of the Madrid meeting, which reiterates the Helsinki Final Act 7 and adds several provisions regarding human rights, human relations and measures to ensure trust among nations and peoples. Our belief in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person is confirmed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. These declarations must not continue to be a dead letter, as has been the case in most parts of the world. The gap which separates solemn obligations and their implementation must be bridged. This will best be achieved by instituting and strengthening the system of democracy, in which the rights of the individual are observed and secured and government is the servant of the people and not their master. I once visited one of the greatest zoos of the world in the company of its director. 1 asked the director which animal was most difficult to keep. Even though such an answer gives food for thought, we do not want a world where people are kept behind bars. We do not want closed borders that turn whole countries into prisons. We believe that freedom of information and human interrelations across borders remove suspicion and that democracy gives protection against those who govern. In democracies, the leaders must obtain a majority to appropriate funds for armaments, as opposed to the practice of dictatorships. Democracy '.s therefore a means toward disarmament, but democracy must not become its own undoing, while dictatorships continue their arms buildup. We must maintain our demand for mutual and complete disarmament under effective international verification. The development of the arms buildup has been such that arms reduction and disarmament will not be a simple matter. There is some argument as to how a balance may be defined and achieved in this respect. And the possibility that a scientific breakthrough in this field may alter the overall situation as did the atom bomb in the Second World War encourages the superpowers to spend huge amounts on military research and development. These facts should further demonstrate the dire need for tangible results in the ongoing negotiations between the super-Powers in Geneva relating to strategic weapons and intermediate-range missiles. We welcome indeed the new United States proposals which President Reagan explained earlier today. Now it is up to the Soviet Union to respond in a positive manner. We Icelanders base our economy first and foremost on the resources of the sea. We are therefore deeply concerned about the military buildup in the oceans. A minor mishap, not to mention any major disaster, could have the gravest consequences for our fish banks, and thus on the whole on our economy. But not for us alone. The oceans as a foodstore for mankind, millions of whom are starving, makes their preservation our common concern. Let us bear this firmly in mind and act accordingly. Iceland and the other Nordic countries, Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden, all regard the United Nations as having a key role to play in our efforts to improve the international situation. The noble goals set out in the Charter have as yet to be realized, but the Charter and its goals remain nevertheless valid. We, individually, must all renew our vows to fulfil in good faith the obligations assumed by us under the Charter. Some measures are also required to strengthen the ability of the United Nations to play its key role, and in particular to act effectively to halt conflicts and settle crises in order to preserve peace in the world. This last question has of late been the subject of a study undertaken jointly by the five Nordic countries. That study produced a report which was transmitted to the Secretary-General on 10 June last and, at the request of the five countries, circulated by him as an official document of the General Assembly. I shall cite here two points we consider especially important in the conclusions of this Nordic report, which we hope will be closely studied by other delegations: "The efficiency of the Security Council should be improved. The Council should develop procedures for initiating action in an early stage of conflicts in order to prevent the use of force. The Council should also devote more attention to the implementation of its decisions. Periodic meetings of the Council in accordance with the Charter should be seriously considered. "Relations of trust and co-operation between the Security Council and the Secretary-General are of crucial importance for the ability of the United Nations to prevent or to solve conflicts. The Secretary-General should be given all possible support in his endeavours to make full use of the role assigned to him by the Charter in this field." Our hopes will, however, not be realized unless the atmosphere of hostility which now exists is improved. These strained relations are reflected in the work of the Security Council and, indeed, in that of the whole United Nations system, and they impede the efforts to find solutions to immediate as well as long-term problems. I have deliberately dwelt on issues that our nations and the Organization have not been able to solve. I have chosen to discuss the issues generally and on a wide basis, rather than to go into particular matters. But in spite of disappointment and near desperation over the many unresolved issues with which the world community is faced, let us not forget the progress that we have made on the issues we have been able to solve. One of the most notable accomplishments of the United Nations is the conclusion of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea signed in Jamaica nine months ago, after long and arduous negotiations. This result is a matter for great satisfaction, and it is hoped that the Convention will enter into force as soon as possible. It not only marks an end to numerous disputes over the law of the sea but offers a framework for the settlement of such conflicts. It also stands as a monument and as proof, reminding us that with patience and endurance complex problems facing the world community can be peacefully solved. As such, the Convention is a source of both satisfaction and encouragement, and holds out promise for the future. We all hope that the United Nations may prosper and grow in influence in years to come.


76.	 Mr. President, for me and for my country it is a source of genuine satisfaction to see you, the Vice-President of friendly, non-aligned Panama, with which Yugoslavia maintains-the best of relations, guiding the work of the General Assembly this year. Your rich experience and your high personal qualities give us ample assurance that the proceedings of the General Assembly will be conducted efficiently. I assure you that in this the delegation of Yugoslavia will give its full support.
77.	At the same time, I wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to the President of the thirty-seventh session, Mr. Imre Hollai of friendly, neighbouring Hungary, who has ably guided the Assembly's deliberations during the past year.
78.	I wish also to express from this rostrum our appreciation to the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts in strengthening the role and effectiveness of the world Organization.
79.	At the same time, I should like to congratulate the delegation of Saint Christopher and Nevis on the admission of its country to the United Nations.
80.	We fully agree that there has been a serious deterioration in world political and economic relations. Contradictions in all fields of international relations have been sharply exacerbated. This is a great burden and threat to mankind today.
81.	The present crisis in political and economic relations —perhaps the gravest since the Second World War—is reaching the critical boundary of risk. This is the consequence of inequalities and disparities and is further aggravated by the policy of bloc rivalry and the arms race. The independence and social development of peoples and nations are increasingly threatened by the use of force and pressure. Interference in internal affairs of other States, military intervention and other forms of encroachment upon the sovereignty and territorial integrity of countries are in the process of becoming common practice. The flaring up of the emergence of new foci of crisis, most frequently in the regions of non-aligned and developing countries, are among the most adverse consequences of such a development, threatening world peace and security.
82.	None of us should acquiesce in the situation in which, almost 40 years after the adoption of the Charter of the United Nations, many peoples have not yet achieved freedom and independence and still find themselves under colonial and foreign domination. The prolonged plight of the peoples of Palestine and Namibia provides a striking example in this respect.
83.	The economic situation in the world is characterized, above all, by the shifting of the bulk of the burden of the economic crisis on to the shoulders of developing countries, especially the least developed among them. The economic problems are of global proportions and can therefore be solved only by the joint effort of the entire international community. What is needed is comprehensive support on the part of developed countries and international institutions for the efforts of developing countries to overcome the stalemate in their economies, enormous debts and other problems.
84.	The arms race is increasingly getting out of control —even out of the control of its own proponents—and is leading mankind to the verge of an abyss. Never before have so many resources and efforts and such know-how been invested in the production and development of armaments. All this creates an atmosphere of uncertainty and fear and fosters the use of force, thus jeopardizing democratic achievements and developments in the world. This is particularly evident in Europe, divided between the blocs, where the largest arsenals of nuclear and conventional weapons are already concentrated, and there are threats of new means of destruction as well.
85.	It is encouraging that the awareness that exacerbations have reached the upper limit—a limit which it would be dangerous to overstep—is also increasing. Although the dialogue between the big Powers is being conducted on a narrow front—and, first of all, I have in mind here the Geneva nuclear talks—we are convinced that it could contribute to the alleviation of confrontation and to the relaxation of tensions. This is exemplified by the successful outcome of the Madrid meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, where the neutral and non-aligned countries of Europe played a significant and constructive role. We hope that these hints of positive development, coupled with the efforts of the largest number of countries, can lead to universal detente. This would constitute a significant step towards the establishment of confidence, equitable co-operation and the solution of key international issues.
86.	The Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi, launched numerous initiatives in this regard. It also proposed the gathering of world leaders at this session of the General Assembly; Mrs. Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India and Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement, spoke very convincingly about this.
87.	Mankind is dramatically faced with the question: peace or war? The answer to the dilemma is found in the policy of peaceful coexistence and broadest international co-operation, which is also the essence of the policy of non-alignment. Therefore, at this critical hour our Movement is calling upon the international community, and upon the big Powers in particular, to prevent the world from sliding towards a nuclear catastrophe.
88.	The non-aligned countries are ready to assume their share of responsibility and to co-operate with others with a view to improving the general international situation. As a movement of sovereign States and peoples from all continents, with different social systems, we are united in the efforts aimed at safeguarding peace and security, at the establishment of equitable international relations, the promotion of free economic and social development and the consistent implementation of the Charter of the United Nations. These are, at the same time, the aspirations of the majority of States and of the influential political forces of the world at large.
89.	The peace that we advocate is not a state without war, nor is it peace at any cost. It is a peace in which all nations can freely enjoy the fruits of their independence and freedom of development in conditions of equal security. As an independent factor outside blocs, the non- aligned countries are making a substantial contribution to the attainment of that common goal. We expect that the constructive co-operation of all the Member States of the world Organization, particularly of the nuclear Powers and developed countries, will be displayed at this session with a view to finding acceptable ways out of the present crisis.
90.	It is high time to adopt measures to halt the arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race, and to launch a process of genuine disarmament. The emphasis placed on nuclear disarmament should by no means cover up the fact that, in terms of destructive power, the distinction between nuclear and conventional weapons is becoming increasingly blurred. Millions of people all over the world demand that reason should prevail over arms and that the potential of mankind should be used for the purposes of peace and progress, since peace cannot be secured by a constant rise in the level of the balance of armament. So far, unfortunately, there has been no adequate response on the part of those most responsible for the present dangerous developments.
91.	We consider that the solution of certain specific disarmament issues should be approached without delay. Here we have in mind primarily the conclusion of an agreement on strategic arms reduction and on medium- range missiles, as well as a treaty on a comprehensive nuclear-test ban and a convention on chemical weapons. Furthermore, we believe that comprehensive negotiations on nuclear and conventional disarmament, on the prohibition of all weapons of mass destruction and on measures to prevent nuclear or any other war should start as soon as possible. We welcome all constructive proposals to that end.
92.	We attribute special importance to the decision of the Madrid meeting to convene a new conference on security- and confidence-building measures and disarmament in Europe. This conference would, in our view, have wider international implications.
93.	The United Nations can fulfil its mission of safeguarding international peace and security if it becomes a bulwark supporting the peoples in their struggle against colonial and any other foreign domination and protecting them against force and aggression. Therefore, the world Organization should engage itself more resolutely in the resolution of acute crises. There is today what is termed a "crisis arc", stretching from the Mediterranean and the Gulf across southern Africa and South-East and Southwest Asia to Central America. Just and lasting solutions of these crises require the elimination of the policy of faits accomplis and of positions acquired by force, the withdrawal of occupation troops, the cessation of all intervention and interference in the internal affairs of other States and, of course, the exercise by peoples of their right to free development. There can be no peace and security as long as there are oppressed peoples.
94.	The Middle East crisis is a continuous cause of concern for us. The Israeli policy of aggression is constantly in the ascendant; the Palestinian people has now been suffering from it for decades. The latest victim of this expansionist policy is Lebanon. However, the recent cease-fire there, which should open up prospects for a solution, through an agreement among all national forces, aimed at preserving the independence, integrity and non- aligned status of Lebanon, is an encouraging sign. Peace in the Middle East can be secured only through a comprehensive and just solution which must ensure the withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab and Palestinian territories occupied since June 1967. There can be no peace without the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights to self-determination, to return to their homes, to independence and to their own State, or without the exercise by all countries of that region of their right to develop in safety and independence. The peace process in the Middle East is not possible without the equal and independent participation of the PLO, the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held recently at Geneva, has reaffirmed once again these principles and the basis for the resolution of the Middle East crisis.
95.	In view of the fact that security in the Mediterranean is inextricably linked to security in the Middle East, Africa and Europe, Yugoslavia has for a number of years pledged itself to the strengthening of all-round co-operation in eliminating the hotbeds of crisis in the region, as well as to the creation of an atmosphere of trust, in order to transform the Mediterranean into a region of peace, security and equitable co-operation.
96.	The situation in southern Africa is becoming ever more explosive because of South Africa's aggressive policy towards the front-line States, its illegal occupation of Namibia and the racist policy of the Pretoria regime. The aggressive acts against Angola and Mozambique have assumed the proportions of a real war The broadest action is indispensable to achieve urgent implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia; it is indispensable in ensuring support for the struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole authentic representative, in eliminating the policy of apartheid, and in providing support for the front-line States in their resistance to aggression. The efforts of the OAU to that effect deserve our full recognition and assistance, as do the decisions of the Second World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination The people of Western Sahara should be permitted to exercise their right of self-determination, in compliance with the decisions of the OAU.
97.	The United Nations has also laid a foundation for the resolution of the problems of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, as well as those of Cyprus and Korea. It has called for the withdrawal of foreign troops, for non-interference in the internal affairs of those countries, for full respect for their national unity, territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence and non-aligned status, and for respect for the right of peoples to decide their own destinies.
98.	We pledge ourselves as well to promote the exercise by the peoples of Central America of their right to free development without any foreign interference or pressure. Full support for the initiative of the Contadora Group, aimed at checking further critical developments in the region and at seeking peaceful solutions, is of paramount importance.
99.	It is with deep concern that we note the prolongation of the war between Iran and Iraq. This affects most seriously those two countries, but also peace and security in the region and elsewhere. We support the appeals and initiatives of the United Nations and of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and we call once again on those two non-aligned countries, with which we have friendly relations, to withdraw their troops to the internationally recognized borders and start negotiations.
100.	The solution of economic problems is one of the priorities of the international community. Lasting answers can be found only through structural changes conducive to the establishment of the new international economic order based on equitable co-operation and for the benefit of all.
101.	The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development failed to fulfil the hopes and expectations of developing countries. No relevant conclusions were drawn from the broad agreement on difficulties in the world economy, growing interdependence and global responsibility for taking appropriate action towards changing inequitable economic relations, revitalizing economic activity and stimulating development, first and foremost of the developing countries. Furthermore, there is a desire to integrate the developing countries into the existing system.
102.	It is high time to overcome narrow interests and really tackle world economic problems for the benefit of the entire world community and therefore of each individual country as well. That is why, more than ever before, we need today a political decision on launching the process of global negotiations within the framework of the United Nations which could be conducted in stages, proceeding from the relatively simpler problems to the more difficult ones. In this context we also attach particular importance to the initiative of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries concerning the convening of an international conference on money and finance for development.
103.	Post-war developments have amply proved that the destiny of the world cannot be decided by a few States alone, regardless of their size or power. Bloc policy remains constrained and burdened by the outdated system of balance of power based on rivalry from a position of strength.
104.	The United Nations has an irreplaceable role and obligations in the search for solutions to problems of peace, security, disarmament and development. Therefore the world Organization must be not only a forum for effective negotiations but also the initiator and the protagonist of the democratic transformation of international relations.
105.	The aspiration of peoples to develop in peace, freedom and independence is the basic feature of our epoch. They are with ever greater resolve resisting domination, hegemony, occupation, interference and intervention. This shows that the situation, although very difficult, is not hopeless. The direction of future development will depend to a great extent on our common and continuous action. This implies active co-operation in the struggle against everything that usurps or denies the rights of nations and States and fundamental human rights and freedoms.
106.	That is why the relations among the nuclear Powers and the most developed countries, as well as their relations with other countries, are not only their concern. The international community is vitally interested in the normalization of relations and in a substantive dialogue between the great Powers on the basis of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and active and peaceful coexistence.
107.	The current session of the General Assembly offers us an opportunity for a constructive dialogue and an agreement to embark, through the broadest possible consensus, on the road leading out of the crisis, to make a turn away from confrontation towards universal detente, to the solution of acute crises, to halting the arms race and to the resolution of international economic problems. This is neither simple nor easy, but there is no other alternative for the maintenance of peace and security, as well as for the promotion of general development. Yugoslavia, pursuing the policy founded by President Tito, will do everything it can, together with all those striving towards the same objectives, to ensure that the spirit of mutual respect, co-operation and democratic dialogue prevails, thus opening up better prospects for the benefit of the international community.


120.	 It is no mere formality, Sir, for me to convey to you the satisfaction of my country and my personal pleasure at your election as President. This is not simply because you are a Latin American, because your country is abundantly qualified for that distinction or because you have demonstrated in your every action competence and a vocation to serve which guarantee the successful conduct of our work. Beyond all these relevant facts, it is of very special significance to us that a Panamanian is presiding over the General Assembly in the year when we are commemorating the bicentennial of the birth of the Liberator, Simon Bolivar.
121.	Panama M a permanent testimony to the political genius of Bolivar. The Amphictyonic Congress, convened by him on the Isthmus of Panama in 1826, was the forerunner of this international Organization and of the formulation of the basic rules for the maintenance of international peace and security.
122.	It is appropriate also to convey, on behalf of my country, the sincere gratitude of Venezuelans for the interest shown by this Organization and the representatives of Member States in the commemoration of this important anniversary. Today, more than ever, in the midst of the conflicts and uncertainties which darken the international outlook, the tireless struggle of the Liberator Simdn Bolivar for the freedom of peoples and the dignity of man should be an inspiration to us.
123.	Imbued with this spirit, the heads of State of Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, and you, Mr. President, as the representative of Panama, meeting in Caracas on the anniversary of Bolivar's birth, signed a Manifesto to the Peoples of Latin America, which has been duly distributed to the States Members of the United Nations	It is a reaffirmation of the Bolivarian ideals, as applied to the main current problems of our region.
124.	In our time, those ideals of unity and freedom take on new forms in a variety of links that unite the peoples of the Bolivarian republics; they are to be found with fresh force in relations among American nations; they place us among the developing countries; and they provide the banner under which the final end of colonialism and the prevention of acts of aggression and interference by the great Powers will be achieved.
125.	The ceremony commemorating the bicentennial of the Liberator, held last July here at United Nations Headquarters, was very gratifying to Venezuelans. A former President of Venezuela, Mr. Rafael Caldera, delivered an address, as did representatives of the other countries liberated by Bolivar, and representatives of all the regions of the world.
126.	The wide participation which this commemoration attracted in this Organization' 1 is irrefutable proof that the Bolivarian ideals of independence, self-determination and equality have become realities based on the same aspirations to self-betterment and justice in the brotherhood of peoples of other continents, especially Africa and Asia. It is a clear expression of solidarity among the peoples of the third world.
127.	For us, the accession to independence of the new American nation of Saint Christopher and Nevis and its admission to membership in the United Nations are similarly a source of special satisfaction.
128.	It is profoundly disturbing that situations of force tenaciously persist, without regard for the rights of peoples and individuals.
129.	No objective progress has been achieved regarding the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea or Afghanistan. Furthermore, Chad has now been added to the list of African countries in the internal problems of which foreign troops are intervening. And the world public seems to have forgotten the existence of an open state of war between Iran and Iraq, although it is now in its third year and could still potentially provoke an uncontrollable conflagration.
130.	The situation in Lebanon gets worse by the hour. It is therefore necessary to assist and support the suffering people of that country to bring that long and tragic quarrel to an end and create an atmosphere conducive to dialogue and detente, so that their most intrinsic values and rights may become effective realities and their nation may regain its territorial integrity and enjoy the free exercise of its sovereignty. To this end, peaceful coexistence and reconciliation must be sought among the various groups which make up the Lebanese nation, and outside influences must be suppressed, since they tend rather to deepen and exacerbate the differences between those groups.
131.	In the mean time, the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people are no nearer realization, and South Africa maintains its artificial obstacles to the independence of Namibia.
132.	Understandably, international public opinion is profoundly conscious of these open breaches of world peace, which involve various countries or groups of countries. But we should not forget that peace 3s not just the absence of war. It is far more than that; it is the total absence of any kind of violence. Thus, it would take forever to list every kind and focal point of violence existing within certain States which lead to the proliferation of further major conflicts and in the end reach the international arena.
133.	It is important and useful to use all possible means to prevent these internal disputes since experience has shown that once they reach major proportions there is much less likelihood of finding effective solutions.
134.	In these circumstances, action by the Secretary- General, however energetic and persistent, is not enough to quench all the trees, seeing the scantiness of the means available to him.
135.	The international community must overcome what appears to be a growing indifference to these constant breaches of the peace and the law and give its most resolute support to action by the Organization to restore the disrupted normal conditions.
136.	All Member countries, large and small, individually and collectively, have a contribution to make in this endeavor. Indifference or resignation or the belief that only the super-Powers have solutions to the problems inevitably leads to an aggravation of the conflicts and increases the danger of a final catastrophic confrontation.
137.	What is known as the Contadora initiative, in which joint action is being taken by Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela to prevent the territory of our Central American brothers from becoming a battlefield for contending blocs, is the peaceful outcome of our conviction that members of the international community must participate in the solution of regional and world problems.
138.	In my opinion there are solid grounds for optimism about the possibility of satisfactory and permanent solutions being found.
139.	In their endeavors, the countries of the Contadora Group have adhered strictly to the principle of nonintervention. Without preconceived ideas or self-seeking, the countries of the Group, always with objectivity and impartiality, have tried to foster the search for solutions which are acceptable to the countries concerned, through dialogue and negotiation.
140.	Non-intervention attains its true expression when it is based on the full exercise of self-determination. Self- determination is the foundation of non-intervention, because, starting from the principle that man is free, it follows that peoples must be free also. There can be no excuse for invoking non-intervention in order to deprive peoples of their freedom, since universal solidarity, whose roots lie in one and the same human condition, prevails over national differences.
141.	If we, the peoples of the third world, have been the most active defenders of non-intervention as a fundamental principle of international order and of coexistence between nations, it hay been precisely because intervention practiced by powerful nations has prevented the will of our peoples from being unreservedly expressed.
142.	Today we consider the principle of non-intervention to mean that every people may exercise its right to self-determination. We cannot accept non-intervention as a rhetorical expedient under the cover of which some people or groups of people thwart the will of the peoples.
143.	In 1979, when the situation prevailing in the Nicaragua of the Somoza dictatorship was being debated in the Organization of American States, Venezuela, in joint action with the other countries of the Andean Pact, pushed for recognition of the principle of solidarity among peoples, superseding national barriers, because what was at stake was the fight for respect for human rights and for the very principle of self-determination of peoples.
144.	Repeated and periodic expressions of the will of the people, free and untrammeled, is a prerequisite for peace among nations. Accordingly, we believe that the establishment of a stable peace in Central America presupposes a sustained thrust to institutionalize democracy in the region.
145.	The Contadora Group, in its efforts, has taken into account the social and economic conditions of the countries in the region. To lessen tensions in the area it is essential to work constantly to overcome the conditions of social injustice.
146.	Political difficulties, the arms traffic, armed uprisings, border tensions, and mistrust heightened by all these  factors, spur on the arms race, which in turn raises the level of tension and absorbs resources which would be better channeled into economic and social development.
147.	The strengthening of democratic institutions in all the countries of the region seems to us to be the way to break this vicious circle; hence our insistence on considering the process of establishing democracy and respect for pluralism as the first step to consolidating peace.
148.	Peace will not necessarily bring freedom; rather it is freedom which will serve as the foundation for peace.
149.	Peace among and within the nations of Central America will be consolidated through an expression of the will of the people. In exercising their right to self- determination, the peoples will find a way to co-exist. Doing away with this consultation of the will of the people, falsifying the results of such consultations or merely ignoring them, are factors which undermine faith in democracy and impel peoples to seek solutions by force.
150.	One cannot therefore invoke the difficulties which in any given situation argue against the practice of consulting the will of the people, because postponement, far from helping to improve the situation, will tend to worsen it and hence to increase the probability of widespread violence.
151.	In the Manifesto to the Peoples of Latin America mentioned earlier, the Presidents of the Bolivarian republics expressed that concept very clearly, pointing out that:
"The systematic and recurrent practice of holding elections not only represents the sole means of legitimizing the exercise of power, but also—through the natural alternation characterizing this system, when accompanied by the necessary safeguards to ensure that the will of the people is effectively expressed through those elections—constitutes the most effective means not only of enabling pluralism to provide a vehicle, for the expression of ideas, tendencies and opinions in the utmost freedom, but also of ensuring that respect for the rights of others on an equal footing with one's own is instilled in the hearts of men and
becomes a permanent way of life, since this is the only means for society to develop in peace."
152.	The Contadora initiative is an interesting example of sub regional co-operation in an endeavor to solve locally problems of common interest in the face of strong tensions and attempts by power centers outside the sub- region to bring pressure to bear.
153.	We, the Contadora Group countries, are aware of our abilities and our limitations. We want a sub-regional solution, but we are aware of the existence of an East- West confrontation and of the impossibility of bringing it to an end. We are making a great effort to mobilize every country in the sub region, although we realize that we have no power to impose measures or to bring pressure to bear to have them accepted. This is our weakness and at the same time our strength. The Central American countries are beginning to rebuild their confidence, encouraged by the presence of witnesses of good faith who cannot, indeed have no wish or claim to, achieve positions of hegemony.
154.	In this connection, the four heads of State of the member countries of the Contadora Group stated in the Cancun Declaration on Peace in Central America:
"It is also necessary that other States with interests in and ties to the region should use their political influence in helping to strengthen the channels of understanding and should unreservedly commit themselves to the diplomatic approach to peace."
155.	However, it is not sufficient for the States of the region to act in a constructive manner. It is also essential for all States to refrain from any actions that might further aggravate the conflict. In this sense it is highly regrettable that countries which have never had any major links with the countries of the sub region, and whose interest in it has always been as remote as their geographical position, should display a growing presence on one side or the other, for reasons which are apparently far from real concern for the welfare of the Central Americans.
156.	I should like to express the sincere gratitude of the Government of Venezuela, which is doubtless shared by the other members of the Contadora Group, for the broad support we have received from other Member countries of the United Nations for the efforts being made under the guidance of the heads of State of the four republics.
157.	At the very time when the world is celebrating the 35th anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the persistence of that insult to human dignity which is the policy of apartheid, enshrined in the legislation of the South African regime, is particularly painful. Recently my country had the honor of being host to the Latin American Regional Conference for Action against apartheid, organized by the Special Committee against in which Governments, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations and eminent public leaders and experts participated. The Declaration, adopted at that Conference, states that
"is an inhuman system of racist domination and exploitation, a negation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and, indeed, a crime against humanity" . It also proclaims "the
solidarity of the Governments and peoples of Latin America with the Governments and peoples of Africa in their struggle for the total emancipation of their continent and for peace, freedom and justice".
158.	We are proud that this solidarity was proclaimed at Caracas, and we are proud to have been of use to a cause which we defend and understand, because reason and truth are its foundations and because we do not understand how the stability of a society can be based on the" degradation of human dignity. 15. in reiterating our determination to continue a constant fight against racism and racial discrimination, and to give our firmest co-operation to the international and regional crusade against apartheid, we recall with admiration a man who is today the symbol of the struggle against racial prejudice and who is for that reason serving a sentence of imprisonment in South Africa— Nelson Mandela, who is under detention for fighting the apartheid regime and for advocating justice and human rights and the rights of peoples, and who was denied permission to participate in the ceremony conferring upon him the Simon Bolivar International Prize of UNESCO.
160.	The South African regime's scorn for world public opinion is not limited to its practice of racism. In addition, it includes a recalcitrant attitude to the demand for the independence of Namibia. The Secretary- General's efforts to achieve progress in this difficult situation have our fullest support.
161.	The lack of progress on disarmament causes Venezuela grave concern. We view disarmament as the necessary means to ensure and maintain international peace and security, since the present balance of power, based on the possession of the largest possible number of weapons, far from bringing us the security that we all seek, is leading us step by step towards an ever more precarious situation, which could end in the outbreak of a nuclear war, with the devastating results that we fear. Unfortunately, the present situation is characterized by a deadlock in the negotiations intended to achieve partial agreements on disarmament, and indeed it even seems that we have lost ground in comparison with the slight advances achieved earlier.
162.	The growing confrontation between the two most powerful countries on earth is a drama that is being watched with alarm by the other countries of the world, whose only means of action is to raise their voices to call for the return to sanity. This anxiety-ridden atmosphere has just been tragically emphasized by the destruction by the Soviet air force of a passenger aircraft of Korean Air Lines. This act, totally unjustifiable in any circumstances, might have been avoided had there been a different climate in relations between the main power centers.
163.	The world economic crisis, which has a particularly serious effect on the developing countries, has impelled those countries recently to undertake intensive efforts in the Held of international economic relations. The need to deal with this situation is being urged at many forums and meetings, and there are insistent calls for appropriate study and action on what is now the decisive question for the future of mankind and for world peace.
164.	It has been pointed out repeatedly that the present crisis is structural. It has been demonstrated that it is neither the result of temporary conditions nor a cyclical phenomenon and that there is no chance of recovery— perhaps even of survival—unless consistent emergency and long-term measures are taken to bring about profound changes in structures and to transform the whole economic system.
165.	The efforts made by the developing countries have been seriously affected. We are facing simultaneously a fall in the prices of raw materials, a rise in the prices of manufactured imports, intensified protectionism and high interest rates in the developed countries. High interest rates in particular have been a determining factor in the loss of equilibrium in the balance of payments of the developing countries, with a corresponding effect on their possibilities of economic and social progress.
166.	There has been repeated condemnation of the fact that the minimum targets for international co-operation have not been met. This failure, among other things, has led increasingly to recourse to international loans, which today amount to the overwhelming sum of 630 billion United States dollars, with the result that about 40 per cent of the export earnings of developing countries is absorbed by the servicing of that debt.
167.	Furthermore, production growth rates have fallen, both in the developing countries and in the industrialized world. In 1982 the value of world trade fell by 6 per cent. In addition, commodity prices fell further to record low levels, and their real value fell to the lowest level for the past 50 years; this helped to lower inflation, but only in the developed countries.
168.	Added to this were protectionist and discriminatory policies which have created a concentration of power, thus preventing the developing countries from exercising their right to participate on an equal basis in international trade.
169.	During the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade, a set of measures was proposed which could have made a significant contribution to the restructuring that we are discussing. We all know that once again an opportunity has been lost. That is why we feel impelled to point out to the Powers which bear the most responsibility, which exercise the most influence, that they made a mistake in not understanding the urgency of the situation or the pressing need for multilateral action as the only sensible and effective way to find solutions.
170.	Nor have we succeeded in launching the global negotiations, because of the negative attitude of the greatest economic Power in the world. This attitude has precluded any move towards a harmonious and coherent outcome of the crisis, towards a scheme based on the co-operation and understanding which is the very spirit of the world Organization and of the system of specialized and regional agencies.
171.	The developing countries, on the other hand, have shown great flexibility, and have changed many of their own proposals with a view to undertaking joint coherent action to assist national efforts. But national efforts cannot replace a global approach, with full and responsible participation by both developing and developed countries.
172.	A major part of our collective efforts has been devoted to strengthening and implementing the Caracas Programme of Action of May 1981.7 We have singled out many fields in which there are both opportunities and complete readiness to co-operate: trade, food and agriculture, energy, raw materials, financing, industrialization and technical co-operation.
173.	One can envisage the immense possibilities for mutual assistance offered by complementarity both now and in the future. While at Caracas we believed that the potential was already there, two and a half years after our fruitful meeting we have not only confirmed this fact, but have also realized that there is an extraordinary and deep-seated will not only to strengthen co-operation, to have closer links, but to translate our decision to achieve solidarity into reality.
174.	In Latin America we have worked hard to strengthen co-operation and broaden economic relations among the countries of the region, particularly in the Andean area, where we have established what is perhaps the most important integration scheme in the developing world.
175.	The Andean Pact seeks not only to improve the domestic standards of living in the member countries but also to prepare a collective position that will enable us to incorporate this group of countries into the scheme of international economic relations within more equitable parameters.
176.	The international crisis itself and the indifference of those who do not feel its adverse effects as we do compel us to redouble our efforts. This was placed on record in the Declaration on Sub regional Integration issued by the Andean Presidents, in July of this year, and I quote:
"We have decided to give fresh impetus to the process of integration by revising its goals, updating its programmes of action in the international and subregional contexts and improving its instruments, drawing on the experience gained in the 14 years since the signing of the Cartagena Agreement. We are convinced that the strengthening of Andean integration will significantly bolster Latin America's efforts to meet the challenges created by the crisis."
177.	The President of Venezuela, Luis Herrera Cam- pins, has devoted special attention to solving the economic and social problems we are facing today. His active participation in the most important efforts to correct North-South inequality is widely known. His view of the economic problems of development and of relations between the North and South has always been framed in a spirit of dialogue and understanding. His most recent statements on this important topic were made in Caracas at the opening of the conferences at the ministerial level of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council of the Organization of American States and of the Council of the Latin American Economic System. At these Conferences we were able to assess the efforts made to find solutions and make proposals for the solution of both regional and global problems. At the first of those meetings, President Herrera Campins said:
"We want concerted solutions, which should proceed from the need to determine the real causes— structural and circumstantial—of the crisis, so that the formulas for solutions approved here will have a more solid foundation, solutions which are to be transmitted to the Inter-American Economic and Social Council for final approval.
"We are not asking anything of the industrialized countries that would be beyond the realm of what is possible and proper."
178.	The results of that meeting offer a glimmer of light in the darkness that characterizes the attempts at a systematic North-South dialogue that would make it possible to lay the foundation for a more just economic order based on solidarity. This was emphasized by President Herrera Campins a few days later at the opening of the meeting of the Council of SELA to which we referred earlier, when, in summing up the achievements of the Special Conference on External Financing of the Organization of American States, he said:
"It is worthwhile recalling that it was the calm, firm and constructive presence of Latin America in that North-South hemisphere scenario which made it possible, albeit somewhat hesitantly, to pry open the doors to a dialogue with the United States of America which we believe is necessary and cannot be delayed. To achieve unanimity in approving the 'Bases for an Understanding', with all the conceptual burden of that formulation, represents a very important step which will have most far-reaching effects in the years to come, provided that we know how to conduct ourselves in unity and with flexibility in undertaking the major tasks the times demand of us."
179.	Along the same line of regional action, an important event was the meeting of personal representatives of heads of State and Government of Latin America and the Caribbean, which was held at Santo Domingo at the beginning of last month to prepare a Latin American economic conference that, on the initiative of the President of Ecuador, is to be held at Quito this year.
180.	If we arrive at an overview of the efforts that we Latin Americans are pursuing, we can see that to the aforementioned initiatives by Contadora, SELA, the Andean Pact and the coordinated activities within the inter-American organizations, we have to add other sub- regional efforts and initiatives, such as those carried out in conjunction with the Latin American Integration Association, the Caribbean Community, the Treaty for Amazonian Co-operation, as well as those of the River f ate Basin Treaty and the Agreement of San Jos6. All of this makes us aware of how our family of nations is setting an active example in its quest for solidarity and co-operation.
181.	We have noted with interest the documents submitted to us on the Malvinas Islands, which reaffirm the obligation of the parties to negotiate on the question of sovereignty.
182.	The outcome of the tragic confrontation in the South Atlantic should in no way lead the United Kingdom to think that the successful use of force has created the slightest right in its favor or has in any way obliterated the illegality of its possession of the Malvinas Islands. As the English themselves are wont to say, "Two wrongs do not make a right". For Venezuela, neither the passage of time nor any other circumstance can legalize the occupation by extra-continental Powers of any territory of the American republics which are already independent.
183.	For this reason of principle, Venezuela will never accept the consolidation of the plunder of which our territory was a victim after independence, at the hands of the British Empire. At the same time, Venezuela cannot lose sight of the fact that its principal interlocutor at present is no longer the British Empire, the perpetrators of the seizure, but the sister-nation of Guyana, whose people was likewise a victim of colonialism and which, like Venezuela, has to face the difficult problems which confront all developing countries.
184.	Venezuela has acted in this spirit from the very moment that Guyana acceded to independence. It has always sought to present its legitimate claims with a view to a peaceful settlement, in accordance with the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. Thus, in 1966, we signed the Geneva Agreement/ whereby both countries committed themselves to finding satisfactory solutions for the practical settlement of the territorial problem.
185.	It is regrettable that through the years which have gone by since then, the Government of Guyana has not had the breadth of vision to realize that sincere and frank negotiations with Venezuela on the final settlement of the problem which both countries inherited, besides being fair and right, would also be in the best interests of both peoples.
186.	The Geneva Agreement to which I have already referred made provision for the parties to request assistance from the Secretary-General of the United Nations in finding a peaceful means of solution. This procedure is now under way and the Government of Venezuela is particularly pleased to note that thanks to the efforts of the Secretary-General both personally and through the effective intermediary of the Under-Secretary-General for Special Political Affairs, there are positive signs which seem to warrant optimism regarding the establishment of a propitious climate in relations between our two countries for finally reaching a satisfactory practical settlement which will put an end to the dispute in a peaceful and friendly way.
187.	America and the world are commemorating the bicentennial of the birth of the Liberator Simon Bolivar. He gave us not only freedom and independence, but also an enduring ideal, which neither fades nor withers, which cannot be extinguished or altered. "Bolivar still has much to do in America", said Jose Marti. Proof of this lies in the splendid practical results of Bolivarian ideals. Bolivar is still present in relations between nations, in the promotion of equality and the prevention of subjugation. He is present in multilateral diplomacy on the side of the weak and developing peoples of the third world. Bolivar is here in the United Nations as the standard-bearer in the struggle to put an end to colonialism, prevent great- Power aggression and interference, seek a peaceful settlement of conflicts and defend human rights and public liberties. Bolivar is also present in the United Nations specialized agencies in the efforts to improve the terms of trade, prevent economic exploitation, defend industrial workers and farmers and improve health and education, because he anticipated the structure and philosophy of the organizations which sustain the progress and improvement of the human condition.
188.	When there is a tragic world crisis, a financial and economic crisis, a monetary and commercial crisis, crisis of political values and ideological concepts, a crisis of social and economic programmes, a moral crisis characterized by the weakening of ethical values and the invasion of pragmatic practices, a crisis of faith in the ideals of civilization and culture, an overwhelming crisis because of the technological supremacy of the most destructive offensive weapons man has ever devised, I invoke the name of Simon Bolivar as a shield, an ideal, a safeguard of the preservation of freedom, peace, order and progress for our peoples and for all mankind. Two hundred years after his birth, the Liberator is here, showing us the way and illuminating it with his example.