Mr. President, I thank you for the opportunity given to me to address the Assembly. I bring to you and to the eminent personalities gathered here the warm greetings of the Government and people of Mauritius. We welcome Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member of the United Nations.
38.	Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you very warmly on your election to this high office. The Assembly could not have made a better choice—a choice which bespeaks your proved personal abilities, your diplomatic skills and your commitment to the high ideals of the Organization. Indeed, Sir, it is a tribute to your great country and an acknowledgement of Africa's role and importance in world affairs.
39.	I should like also to express the whole-hearted appreciation of my Government and myself to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of Panama, for the highly distinguished manner in which he presided over the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. He marked our last deliberations with the stamp of wisdom, justice and fair play. I salute this noble son of the third world.
40.	I pay a tribute also to the Secretary-General for his untiring and unflinching efforts in the cause of international peace and, in particular, for his patient and ceaseless endeavours to complete the process of decolonization in Africa. In the exercise of his duties, onerous certainly, but so vital for mankind, Mauritius stands firm behind the Secretary-General and is ready to co-operate in the search for lasting peace. To this end, we are fully committed and we shall strive within our capabilities to ensure that the United Nations is in a position to perform the tasks entrusted to it under the Charter.
41.	It is a matter of deep regret that this thirty-ninth session still faces many of the problems which bedevilled previous sessions. The world, which our forebears sought to create in order to protect succeeding generations from the scourge of war, is altogether different now. Man holds in his hands the power to annihilate all forms of life on this planet. And the existence of weapons of mass destruction has sown the seeds of discord and distrust amongst us and has struck terror into the hearts of mankind. War machines have far outpaced the instruments of peace.
42.	The world situation today is more than ever fraught with danger. The spectre of a thermonuclear holocaust becomes more and more haunting, while the renewed escalation in the nuclear-arms race continues unabated. Resources of an unprecedented scale are being expended by certain countries while elsewhere drought, famine and diseases have claimed a heavy toll in lives from the undernourished, the old, the weak and the newly born.
43.	We have no moral or other right to stand by and witness the slow death of mankind. We can all live only if we are courageous enough to combine our efforts and resources in the struggle for peace. We have already made a step in the right direction by tacitly recognizing our capacity for self-destruction. We are also all too aware of how massive military expenditure delays and inhibits the elimination of poverty, hunger and economic inequity. Let us therefore be bold enough to engage in meaningful talks for general and complete disarmament. Let us start now, for we all desire peace and security. Let there be a renaissance in values that characterize international relations. If we are truly men of dedication, then let love, mutual understanding, co-operation and trust be our guiding principles. Let us build anew a world where the strong are just and the weak secure and where peace is sacred.
44.	In the name of humanity, I call upon the nuclear Powers fully to assume their responsibilities towards mankind so that tomorrow's world may be free from threat, conflict and greed and free from the terrors of mass destruction. Only general and complete disarmament can provide such credible guarantees. We therefore propose that disarmament negotiations resume promptly and continue without interruption until meaningful agreement is achieved.
45.	I speak today in an hour of international peril, at a time when the world is being held ransom by the protagonists of war, neo-colonialism, imperialism and hegemonism. Peace, which should have been a vital part of mankind's heritage and a dominant element in our interdependent world, remains as elusive as ever. We have, instead, a situation of greater international rivalry and tension and conflicts. Nations tend to belong to specific spheres of influence, established and nurtured by the superpowers. And more and more often, regional conflicts, armed intervention, foreign interference and occupation are the direct results thereof. These in our view constitute the most dangerous threats to world peace and international security.
46.	We firmly believe that peace and freedom are inseparable. One cannot exist in the absence of the other. Any denial of this basic concept cannot but lead to confrontation, tension, instability and a total lack of faith in man. We have no doubt in our minds that the threats that loom large on our horizon and the catastrophe that threatens us can be averted. We have only to show courage by fully assuming our responsibilities and by standing firmly by our obligations under the Charter of the United Nations. It is because of our deep-rooted belief in such principles that we favour a world of free and equal States.
47.	It is disappointing and, indeed, alarming to see how our efforts to achieve lasting peace are being frustrated by power politics. The continuous flouting of international norms of behaviour by the superpowers, their lack of respect for their obligations under the Charter and their constant endeavour to strengthen their spheres of influence have brought about regional conflicts, tension, aggression and war. Not far from our shores, southern Africa offers a spectacle which is repulsive and abhorrent. No one can, in his heart of hearts, remain insensitive to the ordeals of the downtrodden and oppressed peoples of South Africa and Namibia, whose legitimate aspirations for freedom, equality and dignity are being stifled and trampled upon.
48.	We view with grave concern the events taking place in that part of the world—events which will weigh heavily against us when we stand trial in the high court of history. For years now, we have condemned the inhuman policies of apartheid practised by the immoral regime of South Africa. We have repeatedly affirmed the right of the South African people to accede to full independence and sovereignty. It is now most disheartening to note that those were mere words, hollow and devoid of significance, uttered with characteristic cynicism and hypocrisy by those who hold the key to this thorny issue.
49.	Let us resolve now to do away with the shameful situation prevailing there. Let us heed the cry of the oppressed. Let us combine our efforts to bring home to those concerned that the continued denial of fundamental rights and freedoms to the people of South Africa cannot but push us further towards disaster.
50.	The illegal occupation of Namibia, the unlawful exploitation of its natural resources and the repressive policies of the racist regime against its people constitute further grave threats to regional as well as international peace and security. We want the Namibian people to know that we fully support their heroic struggle for freedom, equality and justice. We stand committed to their noble cause and to the war of liberation that is being waged by the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]. Our aim is to see a stable and prosperous southern Africa and this cannot be achieved as long as the occupying administration violates the Charter of the United Nations and flouts the basic principles of international law. The prevailing situation is one of grave anxiety and calls for united and determined action.
51.	Mauritius stands firmly by Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. We deeply regret the inability of the Western Powers to ensure the early implementation of the independence plan. And we consider the linkage between Namibia's independence and the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola as a lame argument, trumped up by the racist regime and supported by vested interests. We appeal to the world body to join us in our struggle to secure the early independence of Namibia.
52.	It seems that the lot of mankind is one of misery, threat, tension and anxiety. From Africa to the Middle East, the ugly head of confrontation, aggression, occupation and war is reared. The explosive situation in the Middle East threatens our existence and is central to the political, economic and military stability of the world. As long as uncertainty, discord, distrust, frustration and violence prevail in that region, the world will continue to live with a profoundly destabilizing element in its affairs. A just and lasting peace can be achieved only through a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the question, including, and in particular, the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people.
53.	All States in the region should live within secure and recognized international frontiers. Aggression and occupation of the land of others will not guarantee the security of any State or nation. The crying need of the hour is therefore negotiation, accommodation and recognition.
54.	The Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] has our full support in its valiant struggle to secure the inalienable and fundamental rights of the Palestinian people. We call upon all parties concerned to review their positions and seriously engage in meaningful negotiations for a lasting settlement of this problem.
55.	As I said before, the world is so closely knit and interdependent that conflicts or tensions anywhere affect us all because we are citizens of one world.
56.	The situation in Cyprus continues to threaten peace and international security and is a cause of deep concern to us. We strongly urge the peace-loving countries of the region and others to desist from any action that may further aggravate the explosive situation that prevails in Cyprus.
57.	We fully support the people and Government of the Republic of Cyprus and we condemn any effort aimed at changing its demographic situation. We strongly favour the immediate withdrawal of all occupation forces and the resumption of intercommunal talks. We are convinced that settlement of this issue must be based on Security Council resolution 365 (1974).
58.	Yet another problem, which is assuming alarming proportions and to which we must address ourselves, is the unresolved conflict between Iran and Iraq, a conflict that has weakened both countries economically and has claimed a heavy toll of human lives on both sides. This fratricidal war should be stopped forthwith. We therefore call upon both parties to show restraint and to cease all hostilities. Any further escalation of this conflict cannot but disturb regional stability and peace. We urge both Iran and Iraq to engage in serious and meaningful negotiations with a view to ending this dispute peacefully.
59.	The world is still plagued by localized wars. The complex situation in Afghanistan is yet another example of the flagrant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a sister country. We want the Assembly to know that we strongly oppose external interference of any kind and from any source in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, or of any country for that matter. We fully support the Secretary-General in his efforts to secure a peaceful solution acceptable to all parties concerned, and we eagerly await the day when Afghanistan will resume its non-aligned status.
60.	The smouldering crisis in Central America continues to threaten peace in that region and is an impediment to the efforts of countries of the area aimed at strengthening their unity, solidarity and cooperation. The traditional repressive power structure has further aggravated the situation. We firmly believe that every effort should be made to facilitate the necessary dialogue between the parties concerned for the achievement of a political and negotiated solution of the problems of the region. Such dialogue and negotiations should take place within the Contadora framework.
61.	The continuing state of affairs in South-East Asia is precarious and explosive. While much effort and time has been lost in superficial matters, the tragic plight of the peoples of the region has been lost sight of. The untold sufferings of the people of the area, bearing witness to the further escalation of tensions in the region, are all the more aggravated by external interference and the use of force against sovereign States. We condemn such action, and we strongly urge the international community, in particular the countries concerned, seriously to work for a comprehensive political solution which would provide for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from the area, thus ensuring full respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all States, including Kampuchea. We applaud the efforts being made in this direction within the framework of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, an association we fully support.
62.	The international community has for some time been discussing the question of Korea. We once again reiterate our firm belief in the urgent need for direct negotiations, without any outside interference of any kind, between the two parties concerned for a realistic and lasting solution to their problems. We call upon both North Korea and South Korea immediately to resume inter-Korean negotiations for the peaceful settlement of issues impeding the reunification of the two Koreas.
63.	We have always upheld the principle of universality of membership of the Organization. We feel strongly that, for the sake of peace and international security and also because of the larger interest of the peoples of both Koreas, we should seriously consider the admission of North Korea and South Korea to the Organization.
64.	I do not want to appear to be a prophet of doom, but threats, tensions and conflicts cannot but hamper political and socio-economic development, peace and international security. My own country, Mauritius, is in the midst of it all. The activities of the big Powers and the arsenals of death and destruction they have deployed in the Indian Ocean constitute one of the major threats to the countries of the region—countries which are still vulnerable to external influences. This continued refusal to implement the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace is highly indicative of their avowed policy of establishing spheres of influence in the Indian Ocean and of continued domination. We strongly condemn such policies and attitudes, and we call upon those concerned not to vitiate efforts aimed at the complete demilitarization of the Indian Ocean. We urge them to give their full support to the United Nations so that the Conference on the Indian Ocean may be convened as early as possible.
65.	Finally, I should like to address myself to yet another problem which is fast assuming alarming proportions, a problem which transcends political barriers and which is at this very moment threatening more than two thirds of mankind. I am referring to the economic plight of the developing countries, taking into consideration the world economic situation in the period 1980 to 1984.
66.	The world economic scene in the 1980s has been characterized by persistent recession in the developed countries, high rates of interest and the appreciating dollar. Growth in the industrial market economies, as a group, slowed down sharply in 1980 and remained sluggish during the years 1980 to 1983. There are evident signs that, in spite of the fact that the international economic scene is picking up, the monetary market continues to be severely perturbed. Major industrial countries are pursuing restrictive monetary policies to restrain inflation. This has resulted in declines or low rates of growth in gross domestic product among almost all developing countries of the world. Unemployment rates have also reached alarmingly high levels.
67.	This continuing recession in the industrial world has severely constrained growth in the developing countries through a series of direct and indirect interactions. The drop in demand in industrial countries resulted in declines in both the prices and the volumes of primary exports of both oil-exporting and non-oil-exporting countries. Growth in these countries was therefore affected by monetary, trade and fiscal policies adopted by the industrial countries to combat the recession.
68.	The restrictive monetary policies pursued in a number of industrial countries, to control inflation, for example, maintained interest rates at high levels, thereby greatly increasing non-oil-producing developing countries' debt-service payments on their floating rate. The current account deficits of the oil-importing developing countries have continued to increase, from 2.3 per cent of gross domestic product in 1978 to 4.4 per cent in 1980 and this trend has kept increasing in the early 1980s.
69.	The balance-of-payments position of oil-importing countries was severely affected by increases in the price of oil, coupled with increases in interest payments. A number of countries were therefore unable to meet their loan repayment obligations and, indeed, many had to pursue drastic deflationary policies to contain their growing current account deficits, with all the accompanying evils of reduced demand, lowered standard of living and higher unemployment levels. Therefore, although the long- term solution for these countries lies in the recovery in the world demand and a determined restructuring of their own economies, their immediate requirement is for continued inflows of capital to ease their liquidity shortage.
70.	This need has been recognized and various formulas have been proposed, but these have not, unfortunately, proved adequate to meet the requirements of the developing world. During this period, several countries have had recourse to debt rescheduling, although this is not the solution for countries with deep-set economic and financial problems. There is, therefore, an urgent call for better and closer collaboration among creditor Governments, and for a better understanding of our commercial banking system and among international financing institutions. It is this and only this which can facilitate our long-term adjustment and pave the way for a quicker world recovery. While steps are being taken to ease the debt difficulties of the main middle- income borrowers, too little has been done to assist the low-income countries seriously affected by the recent recession, the effects of which have not yet left our doorsteps.
71.	The continuing appreciation of the United States dollar and the resulting weakness of our currencies has further fuelled inflationary tendencies in most countries, and in particular developing countries, which would normally have benefited from the gain in competitiveness of their exports. This comparative advantage has been mitigated by the extremely low levels of economic activities in most developed countries and in the pressures for restrictions on imports. The benefits of the recovery in the world economy have not been felt in any significant manner by the underprivileged of this world. Industrial countries continue to resort to protectionist measures and to invoke safeguard clauses in the various agreements—some of which were held out to be models of co-operation only a few years earlier—thereby threatening the very survival of the developing countries. The developed countries are not playing by the rules of the game and often use flimsy arguments to resort to protectionist measures. Such an approach was reflected in the outcome of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade in 1983.
72.	The debt problem of developing countries needs to be emphasized. Of all constraints facing us today, none is as damning in its consequences as the burden of debt. We continue to reel under the burden of successive increases in oil prices, recession, high interest rates and decreases in the price of our raw materials. Our exports to world markets have suffered drastically because of the growing surge of protectionism. And, to crown it all, debt servicing has brought development in all spheres of economic life to a grinding halt. As far back as 1981, Luis Echeverria Alvarez, former President of Mexico, gave a pertinent diagnosis of the reasons for the tensions and conflicts in the third world, emphasizing the formidable dangers of inequality.
73.	In fact, at no other time in history—living as we do in the nuclear age—have the problems of humanity been so severe in their causes and in their consequences. Inequality has become for us the most outstanding institutional form of conflict among nations and peoples.
74.	Above and beyond possible and foreseeable changes that might take place in the East and the West, it seems impossible to speculate regarding peace and development in the absence of an adequate solution to the traumas of the South. In short, although the East-West confrontation could lead to a nuclear war and the general destruction of civilization, on the other hand, a fruitful dialogue between the North and the South could mean a stage of reconstruction, as well as bringing about the most important change that mankind has witnessed in recent centuries—that is, the creation of a new international economic order, the only logical outcome of the North-South dialogue. The only alternative is a yearly get-together for rhetorical discourse, a dialogue of the deaf.
75.	The contemporary world's greatest challenge indeed lies ultimately in the discovery of a formula to integrate science and technology into the struggle against misery, poverty and the misuse of economic and military power. This can take place. It is not a third world Utopian dream, for the world possesses outstanding and significant human resources and a great reserve of human wisdom. We have more educated people living today than during the whole of human history. Are we really to dedicate such an immense potential for creativity and change to the agony of a perpetual and implacable arms race? This undoubtedly would be a senseless tragedy.
76.	Today's economic disorder, in which inequality has become the dominant institutional form of development, has changed the problems inherited from colonial times into dilemmas that are more far reaching than those involving East and West, North and South, and calls for the return to one of the most outstanding periods in international life in recent years, 1974—the year in which the United Nations condemned the old international economic order and proclaimed as imperative the establishment of a new international economic order.
77.	The current world situation should make us comprehend the impossibility of maintaining an economic, monetary and institutional structure founded upon the equilibrium of terror or the explosive disarticulation of zones of influence. Such a disarticulation would affect all geopolitical fields and means of control stemming from the international division of labour.
78.	The problems of the third world have assumed calamitous proportions which affect all cultures, ideologies and economic systems equally. The resulting turmoil has adversely affected the development strategies of the developing world. All nations must now take an interest in seeking a rational answer to a crisis which can no longer be resolved in the old way, one that is now impossible and unworkable, the way of areas of influence and the balance of terror. It is essential to find practical, concrete and humane solutions that will bring about a new order in the face of world economic disorder. This challenge will determine the future path of our civilization.
79.	May I also state that we are anxiously awaiting the Secretariat's comprehensive study on Antarctica. I am sure the study will help the international community to fathom Antarctica. I hope that the Assembly will take the necessary and appropriate measures for the review of the existing regime. Antarctica must become part of the common heritage of mankind.
80.	Before concluding, I should like to make two points which are of particular significance to Mauritius. I would like first of all to commend the work of the specialized agencies of the United Nations family and, in particular, to say a few words about the IMO. For developing countries, and especially for island countries, maritime transport is of crucial importance. Recently Mauritius has had the benefit of valuable practical help from the United Nations system by way of advice and assistance from the IMO in respect of the efforts of Mauritius to update and revitalize its shipping and related maritime programme.
81.	The work of the IMO in relation to shipping, and in particular to the technical co-operation programme of that organization, is of great importance and increasing relevance to my country and to other developing countries, both in our efforts to participate more effectively and equitably in world maritime transport and also in considering new and improved programmes arising from the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
82.	The financial support that UNDP gives to the programme of technical assistance of IMO is therefore of special significance to developing countries, and any action taken by the General Assembly to maintain and increase that support will be greatly appreciated by my country.
83.	This year and next, we in Mauritius are organizing a series of activities to mark the one-hundred- and-fiftieth anniversary of the abolition of slavery and of the beginning of Indian immigration. We are confident that the Assembly will wish without hesitation to acknowledge the contributions of those innumerable men, women and children to the struggle for freedom and dignity and, at the same time, at the cost of their sweat, tears and tribulations, to the prosperity and wealth of the then colonial Powers. Mauritius wishes to recommend strongly to the Assembly that we celebrate in a resounding fashion the abolition of slavery.
84.	Let us pledge here and now our whole-hearted support to humanity, and let us work towards change and improvement in the quality of life for all peoples. Let us have a more humane world system. Let us resolve to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, be it political or economic.


The General Assembly's choice of Mr. Paul Lusaka to preside over the work of its thirty-ninth session gives us cause for real pride, because the recognition of his distinguished qualities is a tribute paid not only to his country, Zambia, but to Africa as a whole. We assure him that the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar will exert every effort to support the actions he will take under his mandate and on behalf of our common ideals.
173.	We express again to Mr. Jorge Illueca our thanks for the responsible, clear-sighted and committed way in which he presided over the thirty-eighth session, despite the strains involved in his lofty duties.
174.	Finally, my Government is particularly aware of the initiatives taken by the Secretary-General for the benefit of Madagascar and Africa as a whole, and we once again express to him our support and our confidence in his mission of peace and in his determination to return multilateralism to its place of honour.
175.	The exchanges of view that have been taking place during the general debate confirm our belief that, despite certain signs that in other circumstances might have been encouraging, uncertainty persists and disquiet and pessimism are the order of the day. Indeed, in analysing, as we must, the causes for the divisions in our world, we must note that the North and the South are not getting down to a dialogue on the establishment of a new order; the organization of the developing countries is still in an embryonic stage or is split up; there has been a chronic blockage of East-West relations for five years now; and outmoded and inadequate solutions to regional conflicts, the by-products of that tension, are envisaged.
176.	There are some who have settled down into this state of generalized deadlock, and peoples might have adapted to this if it could have been proved to them that the world in which they were living was the best reflection of their rights and aspirations. But during the past few months we have witnessed an onslaught of phenomena, the mere listing of which gives an idea of the insecurity all around us: the repetition of rigid positions; the quest for unilateral advantage; the strengthening of the policy of blocs; the refusal of concessions or compromise; displays of force alternating with appeasement; the diplomacy of brinkmanship and preparation for confrontation. Everything that is happening makes it appear that the three pillars of international co-operation—peace, security and justice—have been reshaped to justify actions motivated by the utmost egotism and a kind of Messianism.
177.	As a non-aligned but committed country, we believe that in East-West relations the natural differences of interests cannot be disregarded and, hence, that nothing can replace peaceful coexistence and detente, which can re-establish peaceful conditions without confusing myth with reality. Much has been said this year about confidence- and security-building measures. Some advocate a global approach based on principles; others prefer a selective, and therefore limited, method. But the peoples, whose consciousness has been raised by the peace movement, need above all the confidence that can replace entrenched positions, deterrence and balance.
178.	Is it not true that if the security interests of everyone, and not merely the great Powers, were taken into account, nuclear deterrence would lose its raison d'etre? Is it not true, too, that confidence would make it possible to emerge from a process which, in the name of balance, has accelerated the race in nuclear and conventional weapons? Finally, is it not true that a commitment to collective, rather than polarized, security could induce peoples to subscribe more frequently to negotiations and to hope for their success, denouncing all provocations that could derail them?
179.	On many occasions we have said that we cannot blindly follow the experts and technicians on their ground. In the United Nations we are obliged to reason in terms of policies that are responsible and designed to ensure the survival of civilization. That is why we wish to lend our support and solidarity to any undertaking that would bring us closer to the fundamental aspiration of the peoples—that is, the restoration of peace. That holds true for the proposals on the prohibition of the militarization of space, the halting of the course of naval armament, the banning of chemical weapons, and a nuclear freeze.
180.	Argument about the complexity of the problems does not justify avoidance of their consideration. Declarations of intention must necessarily be followed by action. Negotiations will be difficult, and the obstacles along the way cannot be minimized. Negotiations will have the merit of making international public opinion better aware and will facilitate application of our collective intelligence to the solution of conflicts in the South.
181.	But let us not be misunderstood. The relaxation of tensions in the North can be brought about only through the reduction of conflicts, and such reduction will be meaningful only if it takes place within the framework of a global approach. We cannot merely say that the solution of regional conflicts depends on the will of the great Powers alone. We all intend to shoulder our responsibilities.
182.	If one thinks about it, the situation in southern Africa would not be what it is if, apart from spheres of influence, some of us were not tempted to be led by the notion of traditional strategic responsibility. Despite our protests, our denunciations and our condemnations, extenuating circumstances are always found for the apartheid regime, which it would seem it would be best to control in order to stabilize the region, putting aside, if need be, black consciousness. Is this not tantamount to ensuring the survival of the minority racist Power in order better to defend values some label democratic in an environment that is viewed as hostile?
183.	But this is only one of many contradictions. We want to put an end to the cycle of violence, yet some discreetly or openly applaud when the cycle of injustice is coupled with the adoption of so-called constitutional reform. Very little importance is attached to the military and economic pressures on the apartheid regime, but these are included in a strategy that should presumably lead to mediation and negotiation. Some advocate pragmatism and patience, but in the name of the struggle against international terrorism they want to do away with SWAPO and the ANC, whose authenticity, representational character and historic role in the liberation of Africa need no longer be demonstrated. The front-line States are being subjected to intolerable blackmail, and none can be fooled as to its purpose. Who could for a single moment believe that the Pretoria regime has suddenly seen the light and the virtues of dialogue, non-aggression and good-neighbourliness? In truth, the only possible answer is an immediate increase in support and international assistance for the front-line States in order to give them the means to face up to aggression that is all the more pernicious since some might support it.
184.	For us, as for the great majority of the Members of the United Nations, the course to be followed is clear. Whatever stratagems may be used, Namibia will become independent. The democratization of political, economic and social relations in South Africa will bring about the day when the black, the white, the Coloured and the Asian populations are free of the apartheid regime and its collaborators. Our dignity as Africans is incompatible with the continuing detention of Nelson Mandela, and we demand his immediate release. We affirm that southern Africa can be an area of true harmony, peace and co-operation only when an end has been put to the political and economic hegemony of the racist regime and to foreign interference.
185.	We also continue to believe that the interplay of strategic and political interests has made decolonization go astray in Western Sahara. After years of bitter discussions, confrontations followed by accommodation, at its last summit conference, Africa succeeded in achieving unanimous agreement on ways and means of restoring peace in the region. Is the scheme proposed by the OAU perhaps not fully in keeping with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and respect for the inalienable rights of the Saharan people? Has the United Nations perhaps been wrong in supporting it, with the few reservations we are all familiar with?
186.	Such a thesis cannot be sustained, nor can it explain the intransigence of Morocco, the ostracism of certain circles vis-a-vis the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic or the rumours designed to give credit to the argument that the OAU should drop this case in favour of other bodies. The application of the African solution to the Saharan problem should not be unduly delayed by considerations that would mean our shirking our responsibility vis-a-vis the Saharan people. Because we intend to meet this responsibility, we maintain the common African position, which is that there should be a cease-fire and withdrawal of the Moroccan troops from Western Sahara so that there may be a peaceful and fair referendum.
187.	In this connection I should like, on behalf the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, to hail the withdrawal of foreign troops from Chad, which will make it possible for the various factions and groups to meet and try to find a solution that will be in the interests of the people of Chad and in keeping with the resolutions of the OAU, without replacing African and even international solidarity with paternalism.
188.	Finally, as a representative of my President, Mr. Didier Ratsiraka, and of my Government and as a son of that great continent that is the object of so much greed and struggles for influence, I cannot fail to invite my brothers and sisters to settle our political problems first and foremost among ourselves.
189.	The Democratic Republic of Madagascar would be failing in its duty if it did not appeal for awareness of the solidarity and affirmation of the identity of African men and women and their ability to contribute to the solution of the problems afflicting our continent.
190.	The similarities between the situations in southern Africa and western Asia have been mentioned on several occasions, and in such precise and objective terms that it seems unnecessary to revert to them in great detail. I shall therefore confine myself to certain considerations that might help bring about understanding of our position and lay the foundations for analysis.
191.	In 40 years, the fundamental facts of the question of Palestine, at least as regards the United Nations, have remained unchanged. Arbitrariness, domination and exploitation persist in that region, while adjustments introduced following various tensions but with disregard for law and equity have hardly contributed to an acceptable solution. At the same time, the PLO, like every liberation movement, is going through a difficult period which the play of powers in the region have not helped. Thus, there is osculation between solicitude and ostracism, between sympathy and indifference, between ambiguity and support. Finally, the programme drawn up by the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People is relegated to dead-letter status, as is the international conference proposed by the non-aligned countries. Prospects for negotiations at the Security Council level are hampered by the exclusion of the PLO.
192.	The result is a diplomatic void on the international level, one that cannot be filled by reaffirming Security Council resolution 242 (1967)—at this point largely outdated—nor by the increasing number of unilateral or bilateral initiatives. Such negative factors reflect the internal and external tensions in the region and are being used either to force us to accept faits accomplis or to make us better accustomed to the state of latent war, or even to accept the worst of paradoxes in which a people who have been promised a homeland now have a State, while another people, whose right to a State has been expressly recognized by the United Nations, find themselves being offered a homeland as a kind of consolation prize. In the face of this impermissible disparity, the only solution is the restoration of the rights of the Palestinians and an international guarantee of those rights in order that an end may be put to the suffering and devastation to which the Lebanese and the Palestinians have been subjected for so long.
193.	For the same reasons, in the Iran-Iraq conflict we are following very closely the response to the Secretary-General's three-part appeal for the protection of the civilian populations victimized by a frenzied fratricidal struggle that is casting an unnecessary shadow over the image of non-aligned unity.
194.	In other parts of Asia, we find peoples being caught up between present and past interests that pursue their course without regard to those peoples. From Afghanistan to Korea, the peoples' aspirations to normal relations, to peace, to co-operation and to stability are constantly being frustrated by ideological or strategic considerations.
195.	No one can accept a situation such as that in Cyprus, where a succession of faits accomplis and unilateral steps have taken us ever further from a solution that should have been freely accepted by both communities, equal in rights and obligations. No one can be against the idea that the situation around Afghanistan should return to normal and that the Secretary-General's mediation in that matter should be allowed to continue and lead to direct negotiations. No one thinks of thwarting the joint efforts being made by the States of Indo-China and the States members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations to narrow their differences and to organize co-operation and coexistence among them in accordance with respect for each party's freedom of choice. However, we can demand that in all such actions account be taken of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of non-alignment, and, in particular, the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference.
196.	Those are also the principles to which we appeal when we assert the need to normalize the situation in the Korean peninsula and to bring about peaceful, independent reunification there, free from outside interference. In that connection, the proposals recently put forward by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for tripartite talks constitute a positive contribution towards the resumption of dialogue between North and South Korea.
197.	In Central America and the Caribbean, events in recent months have sounded a note of alarm for the development of international relations. We believed that the proposals of the Contadora Group had been accepted by the parties concerned, and we were already gratified at the fact that Nicaragua had risked the alternative of peace by subscribing to the terms of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America. Unfortunately, other pre-conditions have been raised, and we very much fear that the opportunity to find a peaceful political solution to all the problems in Central America and the Caribbean may have been frittered away.
198.	Before ending my remarks on this subject, I should like to refer to the question of the Indian Ocean and the Malagasy Islands. My Government reaffirms its determination to continue, within the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, to work for the implementation of General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI), containing the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. Any demonstration or escalation of great-Power presence in that area, such as foreign military bases and installations, logistical support services and the stockpiling of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction, contrary to the oft-expressed will of the States of the region, would constitute a flagrant violation of that Declaration. Such activities are liable to jeopardize the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and peaceful development of the States of the region.
We are convinced that the immediate convening of the Conference on the Indian Ocean, scheduled to be held at Colombo in the first half of 1985, is the only way of reducing tension in the area. In this connection, the Government of Madagascar regrets that some States, through their negative attitude, have tried in an unwarranted manner to delay the convening of that Conference and, thereby, the summit meeting of interested and concerned States proposed by the President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar.
199.	As to the Malagasy Islands in the Mozambique Channel and the Indian Ocean, their status as belonging to Madagascar has been confirmed by relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the OAU, as well as by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. My Government hopes that the exploratory talks recently held in Paris will be pursued and will contribute to drawing up a solution in keeping with respect for the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and mutual advantage.
200.	Lastly, as an island State that contributed to the negotiation and conclusion of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, Madagascar wishes to reaffirm its support for that legal instrument and to state, further, that the resources of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction are and remain forever the common heritage of mankind. It is for that reason that we deplore any arrangement or mini-treaty, past, present or future that may be prejudicial to the provisions of that Convention.
201.	Like the continued existence of so-called regional conflicts, the economic problems afflicting developing countries remain a subject of great concern for the future of international peace and security. The tentative recovery to be observed in certain industrialized countries has not restored order to monetary and financial markets, nor has it halted the wild fluctuations of exchange rates or brought interest rates down to tolerable levels. The prices of raw- material commodities have continued to fall and the terms of trade have continued to decline, while the spectre of protectionism has arisen.
202.	When the crisis got under way, the third-world countries were urged to carry out economic adjustments, and most of them did so with courage and logic. Their sacrifices, however, have not been recompensed. How, indeed, can the conditions for a sound and lasting economic recovery be re-established when the international environment is not propitious, when the minute growth in exports is swallowed up by the burdensome weight of indebtedness, when the real flow of capital to the developing countries has never been as low as it is today, when so-called austerity measures have increased domestic social tensions and when structural problems inherited from a lengthy colonial period remain? If we add to that the effects of disasters of all kinds, we find we have very little ground for hope and perseverance.
203.	Of course, at times we do see signs of encouragement. The international community seems to have awakened to the daily tragedy of our countries. Africa, which is at the very bottom of the scale of development, is now the focus of attention of assistance organizations. There are many programmes of action, and so-called emergency assistance measures are proliferating.
204.	Without underestimating the need for these measures, we cannot overemphasize, as was done in the Special Memorandum on Africa's Economic and Social Crisis, adopted by the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa, the importance of producing in the United Nations a general, consistent and concerted framework for action to rehabilitate and revitalize African economies. At the same time, we must pursue a global approach to the problem of indebtedness, which cannot be dissociated from that of interest rates.
205.	Indeed, if the industrialized countries refuse to take the necessary measures, or claim that they are powerless to bring down these rates to more tolerable levels, they should at least agree that their effects should be mitigated for the developing countries. Moreover, all of us on both sides must be realistic. Through realism, we can conceive of machinery which would preserve the interests of both the creditors and the debtors, by establishing, for example, a link between debt-servicing and the level of export earnings. This would have the effect of revising certain rules applied by the Club of Paris. Through realism, we should also recognize that the developed countries have something to gain by increasing the flow of assistance for development to the least privileged countries. Through realism once again, we should concede that the conditions attaching to the assistance rendered by Bretton Woods organisms often leads to results contrary to those sought. Through realism, finally, we should not seek to camouflage the asymmetrical and inequitable nature of the processes of adjustment and multilateral control.
206.	These thoughts should not be allowed to obscure the importance of South-South co-operation. Within this context, we recall the proposal of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar for the creation of funds for the development and stabilization of commodity prices. Five years after it was put forward, this proposal remains as relevant and as urgent as ever, because far from wishing to replace arbitrarily international monetary and financial organizations, the machinery proposed would be complementary to them and would represent the contribution of the South to the necessary reform of the current system. A summit conference of third-world countries on economic questions would undoubtedly enable us to go into further detail on our commitment to South-South co-operation.
207.	The solution to our economic problems remains, first and foremost, the responsibility of each country and each Government. For our part, in spite of the political, economic and social costs of adjustment programmes, we have taken important measures for adjustment which have made it possible to obtain encouraging results: reduction of the budgetary deficit, increase of the gross national product, and improvement of current accounts and the trade balance.
208.	An analysis of the conduct of States Members of the United Nations demonstrates that some see the Organization merely as an idea, an abstraction, and would deny it a role in the promotion of harmonious international relations. But this is a paradox which verges on contradiction. Those very States that would deny an institutional role to the United Nations attach disproportionate importance to the votes cast here, instead of considering them, if those States wish to be consistent, as having a purely indicative value with regard to a given situation. Others, however, rise above the essentially evanescent nature of ideas and are struggling to confer on the Organization a positive role of vigilance and monitoring which would reflect the international conscience and make of it a true assembly of peoples, a privileged forum for the exchange and clash of ideas and views among nations.
209.	Our position on all the questions debated at the United Nations is in keeping with the principles of sovereignty, mutual respect and non-interference. We respect the diversity of opinions and divergence of interests which are manifested in this body. We understand that a country can, without necessarily being hostile to us, adopt a mode of conduct different from our own, because outside the bilateral context it acts in accordance with its own principles, its particular commitments and specific priorities.
210.	A member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, we remain true to ourselves by our refusal to become a pawn in the East-West confrontation. Our determined devotion to multilateralism and internationalism reflects our allegiance to the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, and we share the views and concerns expressed on the subject by the Secretary-General. In the final analysis, the goal of the United Nations, as set forth in the provisions of the Charter, is not to provide a convenient forum for the venting of differences between Member States, or crystallizing their differences; rather, its purpose is to guide us towards the necessary common will to respond to the fundamental aspirations of all our peoples for a world of peace, security and justice. For our part, we assure anyone sharing these views of our readiness and, indeed, our commitment to meet this challenge.
211.	Next year we shall be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. We should mark this event by making of the Organization the symbol of hope for a desperate mankind threatened with sudden annihilation by unbridled technology; the symbol of a better world where man, having finally restored his dignity, will be able to devote himself increasingly to the service of the common good, that is, the good of the peonies; in short, the symbol of responsibility genuinely shared among nations working together for the most noble causes.


1.	It is with pride and a sense of profound gratitude, Sir, that I have the honour, on behalf of the delegation of Swaziland, to address the Assembly during the presidency of a man who not only hails from our part of the world but is a true son of Africa. Your beloved country, Zambia, and the Kingdom of Swaziland share the best of relations in harmony with our common historic and cultural heritage. As Members of the United Nations, members of the OAU, of the Commonwealth and of non-aligned organizations, our sister nation States continue to share identical views and aspirations in the international arena. We are both founding member nations of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference, a united group of southern African States that seek to widen the scope of their economic development.
2.	Congratulations, Sir. Your election to the high post of President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly is clear testimony to your outstanding ability, pleasant personality and diplomatic skills. The delegation of Swaziland is convinced that under your stewardship the proceedings of the General Assembly will be conducted in a constructive manner, and wishes to assure you of its wholehearted co-operation.
3.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express our warm appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, of Panama, who presided over the deliberations of the thirty-eighth session with skill and competence.
4.	Let me also convey my delegation's appreciation to the Secretary-General and the entire staff of the United Nations for the excellent work they continue to render the international community through the United Nations system in the maintenance of global peace and security.
5.	My delegation is pleased to welcome into this great family of nations the newly independent State of Brunei Darussalam. We look forward to its contributing to the success of the Organization.
6.	Today we live in an unstable world, a world threatened by all kinds of conflicts, whether interstate or global. It is therefore incumbent upon us as Member States of the United Nations to uphold the Charter and to implement its provisions with utmost care. Peace and security seem to be illusive nowadays. Many nations tend to be indifferent to General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. Should such a trend persist, the world will soon find itself in Armageddon, and peaceful co-existence and good- neighbourliness will be things of the past.
7.	The world is in dire need of complete disarmament. The accumulation of dangerous weapons for mass destruction by both large and small nations threatens the very existence of humanity. While many people are concerned more about a "nuclear holocaust of some sort, let us remember that many of the wars fought in the past, and those that are being waged today, have resulted in the loss of millions of lives by the use of conventional weapons.
8.	It is common to hear complaints about the inability of the United Nations to deal with armed conflicts around the world. Indeed, such criticism is disquieting, and it is the duty of all Member States of this Organization to abide by the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and to implement the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions without fail. The United Nations is not a world parliament. It does not enact laws but recommends appropriate action by means of resolutions. Thus, peace and security can be upheld only if Member States respect such recommendations.
9.	Over the years, we have witnessed gross violations of the Charter, particularly of Article 2, paragraph 4. Interference in the internal affairs of others runs counter to civilized conduct and is a direct cause of tension around the world. My delegation hopes that those nations that have fallen into the temptation of not respecting the Charter will reconsider, for the sake of international peace and security.
10.	Article 1, paragraph 3 of the Charter of the United Nations states:
"To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion".
11.	Respect for human rights is of cardinal importance in the world. It is unfortunate that we still learn of torture, disappearances and wanton killings in some parts of the world. The international community has a fundamental duty to encourage respect for human rights and freedoms. Practices such as racism and racial discrimination, apartheid, exploitation of child labour and the like are all violations of human rights which are to be condemned and discouraged.
12.	Efforts to restructure the international economic order continue to be thwarted by theories tending to favour the haves and not the have-nots. Many of the industrialized countries continue to hide behind economic theories and monetary policies which place very little or no value on the lives of other people.
13.	My delegation views with intense shock the fact that in our present world many millions of people in Asia, Africa and Latin America continue to live in abject poverty, with unemployment and mass starvation. The problem of economic subservience is not the only humiliating constraint which faces the developing nations.
14.	As a member of the OAU and of the United Nations, my delegation strongly believes that the harmonious development of the African continent and its bargaining power would be greatly enhanced by closer economic co-operation and development between African States and the rest of the third world countries, particularly in the fields of trade, industry, agriculture and natural resources. My country therefore welcomed the Treaty establishing the Preferential Trade Area for eastern and southern African countries, negotiated under the auspices of ECA.
15.	Allow my delegation to place on record the mention of one of our vital contemporary economic institutions in Africa, the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference. The international community should not lose sight of its importance. It is an expression, in practical terms, of the political will of the Governments and peoples of the nine member States to improve their development and eventually assert their economic independence. It is through the Conference that we shall be able to dictate the course of our socio-economic development on the basis of the profound knowledge of our needs and actual conditions and inspired by our own ethics of development.
16.	It may well be said that over the past three years our country has suffered the worst economic set-backs in history as a result of the years of severe drought and a catastrophic cyclone, Domoina, evidence of which is well documented in a recent United Nations study dated 17 August 1984. In that report, the Secretary-General observed that:
"The total losses to the Swazi economy represent an amount equivalent to 45 per cent of total annual government expenditure or 12 per cent of the country's gross domestic product. This is a major set-back to Swaziland after many years of substantial developmental progress and represents a burden that in proportional terms would jeopardize the growth of even the most developed country."
17.	These two calamities left an indelible mark of devastation on our fragile economy, to say nothing of all the great works of post-independence Swaziland that were completely washed away in less than three days of heavy rainfall—our modern, technologically constructed roads and bridges, houses, schools, offices and intensive agriculture networks, and to say nothing of the loss of precious human lives and of livestock. Economic experts have also stated that over $100 million will be needed for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of our roads and bridges that were badly damaged by cyclone Domoina.
18.	On the other hand, the disastrous situation of my country's economy was compounded when Swaziland was inundated with an unprecedented influx of refugees early this year. It is a fact that maintenance of the refugees places a heavy burden on the country's resources, already exhausted by years of severe drought and by cyclone Domoina.
19.	However, these multiple problems have not deterred the Kingdom of Swaziland from honouring its international obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, for we are still committed to offering all possible humanitarian assistance to all genuine refugees. We are also grateful to the United Nations and other organs that continue rendering assistance to the fragile economy of Swaziland.
20.	It is now a known fact that it was not only Swaziland that sustained drought conditions recently, but 23 countries of Africa. This has led to acute shortages of food and medicines, which have resulted in the deaths of millions of people, more especially children and the elderly. A good number of countries have come to the aid of Africa, and we thank them for their efforts. However, the problem is far from being solved. My delegation urges those that have food and money to lend a helping hand. The countries affected are trying their best to improve their economies, difficult as that is. As time goes on, we hope to be in a position to stand on our own feet and to feed our people.
21.	Permit my delegation to reaffirm my Government's policy, the modern foundations of which were laid down by our late beloved King Sobhuza II. Our policy is based on concrete factors of pragmatism rather than narrow political and ideological expediency. The Government of the Kingdom of Swaziland remains committed to the sacred principles enshrined in the charter of the OAU and the Charter of the United Nations respected by the non-aligned countries, particularly the principles concerning the self-determination and independence of peoples under colonial rule and all other forms of oppression. We wish to reiterate Swaziland's commitment to the settlement of disputes by peaceful negotiation and non-use of force as wisely advocated by our late King. Thus, we salute the salient features of Chapter VI, in particular Article 33, of the Charter of the United Nations which advocate the pacific settlement of disputes.
22.	Therefore, my Government is inspired by the noble principles of peace, democracy, freedom and justice. It is my Government's objective to enhance the economic and social welfare of our people, in unity, freedom and love for one another. Our people are resolved to ensure that our generation enjoys the fruits of peace, unity and stability while respecting the dignity and freedom of the individual.
23.	My delegation wishes to state that, as a peace- loving nation, the Kingdom of Swaziland is greatly perturbed by the major conflicts that characterize the contemporary international political scene.
24.	My country views with great alarm the continued conflicts in the Middle East. We recognize the difficulties in attaining international peace and security, and wish to appeal to the conflicting parties to exercise both moral and political constraint.
25.	My delegation is very much concerned about Lebanon. We commend the people of Lebanon for their untiring efforts towards the continuation of their socio-economic and political development. My delegation remains firmly convinced that peace in Lebanon can be brought about only through the complete withdrawal of all foreign forces from its territory. Only then will the Lebanese be in control of their own destiny.
26.	The ongoing war in the Persian Gulf is also a cause of great concern to the international community. My delegation humbly urges Iran and Iraq to exercise moral restraint and resolve their differences through peaceful contacts. My country calls upon Member States of that region to adhere to Article 2, paragraph 3, of the Charter of the United Nations, in order to safeguard international peace, security and justice.
27.	In pursuance of world peace and security, it is important that we refer to the sensitive political situation that continues to divide North and South Korea. My delegation submits that the reunification of Korea is a matter to be decided by the Koreans themselves, in direct inter-Korean negotiations. It remains for the United Nations to continue to encourage the resumption of those talks without preconditions or external interference.
28.	With regard to the conflicts in South-East Asia and South-West Asia, the Kingdom of Swaziland firmly supports the urgent call for all States concerned to exercise both political and moral restraint to avoid any further endangerment of peace and security in that troubled region. We call for respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity and for non-interference in the internal affairs of States. Above all, we are convinced of the urgent need to bring about a relaxation of tensions through a solution providing for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from that region.
29.	My delegation fully shares the grave concern over the unresolved problems and continuing conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean. Further, we make an appeal to the parties involved to respect the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Above all, it should be clearly noted that history shows that violence, apart from being a true exercise in self-destruction, has never profited anybody. We welcome the efforts of the Contadora Group in seeking a permanent solution to these problems.
30.	The situation prevailing in Africa, particularly in those areas which are of major concern to the OAU, continues to disturb us profoundly. My Government is deeply perturbed by the conflicts in Chad and Western Sahara. We share the agony of our brothers and sisters who continue to suffer the terrible scourge of the bitter conflict. Above all, the Kingdom of Swaziland wishes to commend the good efforts of the OAU and the international community in their endeavours to find a genuine and permanent solution. We also wish to add our voice to those that have requested all the conflicting parties to exercise both moral and political restraint, for violence has never served as a basis for the peace and security of nations.
31.	Regarding the thorny problem of the serious contention prevailing in southern Africa, my delegation wishes to reaffirm its known policy based on the Kingdom of Swaziland's commitment to the noble principles and objectives of self-determination, national independence and majority rule for all peoples.
32.	My delegation wishes to thank and congratulate the Secretary-General, the front-line States and all ethers concerned for their relentless efforts in seeking a peaceful solution of the Namibian question. We stand committed to urgent implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) concerning the independence of Namibia.
33.	The position of my country regarding the apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa remains unchanged. My delegation has stated our stand in previous years, and we continue to reiterate our Government's position that the Kingdom of Swaziland is unswervingly committed to the noble principles of non-racial democracy, non-alignment and complete respect for human dignity, justice and peaceful coexistence with all.
34.	Once again, it is my country's humble submission to the Assembly that the problem in South Africa can be solved only if all concerned, irrespective of the colour of their skins, their creeds or their ideological affiliations, will come to the negotiating table. Indeed, my country has deep-rooted faith in and commitment to the mission of peace, and adheres firmly to Article 1, paragraphs 2 and 3, of the Charter of the United Nations.
35.	We appreciate the efforts of the United Nations and the international community, the concern they show with regard to the problems of southern Africa and their clear understanding of the major handicaps facing the independent States which are neighbours of South Africa.
36.	The Government of the Kingdom of Swaziland welcomes the expression of the need to relax the tension between the two super-Powers and we support the call to resume these vital negotiations.
37.	In conclusion, my delegation wishes to reaffirm the Kingdom of Swaziland's trust and uncompromising faith in the United Nations. It is our sincerest belief that the United Nations remains the only apposite and appropriate international forum for finding solutions to major problems that beset contemporary international relations. It is therefore incumbent upon all of us as Member States to renew our commitment to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.


2. Mr, President, I wish first to express my personal congratulations to you on your unanimous election to your important position. We have two reasons to be pleased—that your well-known human and professional qualities represent an invaluable contribution to the success of the endeavours of the General Assembly, and that you represent Zambia and Africa, a brother continent of Latin America, whose hopes and demands we share.
3.	I also wish to express our gratitude to Mr. Jorge Illueca, Head of State of Panama and an eminent Latin American diplomat, who so skilfully presided over the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We Argentines have special reasons to be grateful to him.
4.	At the same time, we welcome Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations. Its admission emphasises once again the universality of the Organization.
5.	Ten months ago, when Argentina was regaining its democratic life, I told the Congress of my country that our foreign policy would be the natural extension of our domestic policy. Both must be based on the same aspirations and, above all, on an identical system of values. Since we do not have two different moral codes, we do not have two different policies
6.	All the reasons that drove us to political struggle, the heartfelt convictions that guided and supported us throughout the years, were based on a set of values that my country needed. Those values transcend a people and a territory. They can be applied to government actions that regulate domestic political life, to the way in which we approach our relations with other States and to the positions we adopt with regard to the problems of the international community.
7.	However, defining an ethical system as the source of political action, which is, after all, the issue, is not simply an option that soothes the conscience of those who govern or a way of avoiding the practical, concrete problems of our time. This is not an abstract or idealistic position; rather, it is essential. It is to know why one governs, to know what type of society we seek for our countries, and what kind of world we want for mankind.
8.	This thought stems from my conviction that the world order is dangerously distorted, the most obvious proof of which is that some countries seem not to wish for the rest of the world what they wish for themselves. In my opinion, this is the result of having replaced the moral view of the world order by a concept of power. It might be said that this is a naive thought. But let us examine where the so-called pragmatic ideas have led us.
9.	Two types of problems affect our world as a whole: the crisis in the political order and the crisis in the international economic order.
10.	We are witnessing today the extent to which strategic purposes tend almost exclusively to define relations between States. On the basis of these strategic ideas, a new phase in the nuclear arms race has begun, one that makes the boundary between peace and war very much more precarious and frail. I am speaking of the boundary between the life and the death of mankind. This is a tragic prospect, for which the strongest hold each other responsible, while the majority of the countries of the international community are made to stand idly by.
11.	Bystanders and actors appear to follow two kinds of logic: the logic of peace, which is susceptible to ethical arguments, and the logic of the arms race, which is the result of a political concept of power based on threats. The worrying thing is that those who hold to one logic do not listen to or hear those who hold to the other.
12.	What good are our arguments if they cannot penetrate the logic of others, in particular the logic of those who are truly capable of altering the situation?
13.	What means are available to us to moderate, with our ethical reasoning, the reasoning of power and threat?
14.	Sometimes, everything seems to indicate that our role is limited to making demands, or possibly to denouncing this state of affairs. None the less, we shall continue our anguished clamour, because we know that our voice must be raised unceasingly in defence of peace. That is why I ratified the 22 May 1984 Joint Declaration, together with the Heads of State or Government of Greece, India, Mexico, Sweden and the United Republic of Tanzania. In that Declaration we stated that we share the conviction that there must not be another world war and that the advance towards global suicide must be restrained and halted. The world cannot oscillate between a devastating nuclear war and peace. We must work together to influence present and future events.
15.	That position with regard to peace has been held consistently by all the democratic Governments of my country. Thus, in accordance with the policy which had been developed previously by President Hipolito Yrigoyen, another of my predecessors, President Arturo Frondizi, said in 1961, at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly: "invariably, with exemplary consistency, Argentina’s international policy has been based on the three fundamental principles of international life—the legal equality of States, non-intervention in domestic affairs, and the self-determination of peoples . . ."... We have opposed foreign intervention and any kind of pressure, whether political, economic, legal or ideological, by one nation upon another.
16.	I further believe that the maintenance of peace involves a wider reality, in which we are not mere spectators. Indeed, in our world, it is not only arms that endanger peace. The international political order is not only increasingly a strategic military order, but is also increasingly dependent on the world economic order.
17.	Over the decades we have related political questions to East-West tension, while, in connection with the economic order, we have referred to North- South relations. But I believe that even if we can identify two distinct kinds of tension—one among equals and the other among those who are not equal—these are not isolated from one another. Indeed, today we can assert that peace and security alike could be seriously affected by the enormous disparities between the rich countries and the developing countries of the world.
18.	In a developing world characterized by instability and social tension, national conflicts have increasingly attracted the attention of those with strategic interests. The evolution of the social and economic conflict in the South has attracted the interest of the super-Powers. Our territories have thus become the victims of harassment by both Powers. This results, first of all, in the exacerbation of local conflicts; in this way, although the suffering continues to be national, the conflict becomes more and more a foreign one. Secondly, this interference intensifies the strategic conflict itself; in this way, the balance of the North—unstable and dangerous as it is—is reflected in clashes in the developing world.
19.	We have seen and continue to see this phenomenon whereby a national conflict is intensified by strategic conflict to the point at which a nation is broken down. Hence, to our own problems is added the problem of a confrontation—covert or overt— between the big Powers on this third ground, in this third arena provided by the countries of the so-called South.
20.	In sum, I believe that there are two things which threaten peace. On the one hand, there is the arms race and the direct strategic confrontation between the big Powers, and, on the other hand, there is the instability, injustice and poverty in the South. There is very little we can do about the first, but the second involves us directly.
21.	It will suffice to note as an example of the second cause the extremely serious economic situation now obtaining in certain regions of Africa owing to a persistent drought and the lack of the material resources necessary to achieve self-sustaining growth and development. Africa must have the support and solidarity of the whole international community if it is to overcome this crisis, with all its unforeseeable consequences.
22.	It is a question not only of putting forward arguments favourable to the developing countries, but also of showing that the destiny of those countries directly affects the industrialized world.
23.	The ethical reasons that make us call for a more equitable international order unite with practical reasons, for an unjust world is today more than ever before an unstable and insecure world. Justice in the South is today more than ever before a necessary prerequisite for peace in the North.
24.	The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Group of 77 have clearly pointed out the unjust and unstable situation which I have described. The international community as a whole, and the developed countries in particular, must show their willingness to listen to the economic and political proposals formulated by these groups of States, which represent two thirds of mankind.
25.	I have stated that one of the characteristics of the present day is that international relations are increasingly relations among Powers rather than relations among societies. But I must say too that another disturbing fact of our day is that the economic order is increasingly becoming an exclusively financial order.
26.	These are severe distortions that we must avoid, because a world in which politics is replaced by arsenals and economy by finance is simply a world in danger. We cannot accept that the future we seek for mankind should be based on and motivated by weapons and money. That is why I insist on the fact that ethical rebirth is a vital enterprise for our civilization.
27.	It is painful to note the backward motion of our countries. Until some years ago, we were calling for the improvement of commercial and technological conditions in order to lessen the gap between our countries and the more advanced countries. Today, the objective of our claim is that of no longer being exporters of financial resources to the industrialized countries.
28.	In Latin America, in 1983, the per capita gross national product was 10 per cent below the level of 1980. We have slipped backward six years, since we had already reached that level in 1977. This has greatly affected the welfare of our peoples, as has also the deterioration of our earnings brought about by the decline in the terms of foreign exchange.
29.	The crisis of our foreign debt lies precisely in this deterioration of our economies, which are^ hindered from utilizing their productive potential, and in the reduction of employment and welfare. Last year, this debt meant, in terms of interest alone, the allocation of almost a third of the exports from the region.
30.	Forgotten now are the international commitments agreed to during the first and second development decades—launched by the United Nations in 1961 and 1971—which obligated the most advanced countries to transfer 1 per cent of their national product to the developing countries.
31.	Paradoxically, these commitments are reversed today. The developing countries are now the ones that must transfer part of their national product to the developed countries; and it is not an annual 1 per cent, but an annual 3 per cent and sometimes more.
32.	Owing to this overwhelming reality and to the attempt to restore rationality and good sense in the financial order, we in Latin America have proposed dialogue as a necessity—a dialogue between the richer countries and our countries, a practical dialogue about one of the questions that most upsets the financial order and stability of our countries; the question of foreign debt. We believe that this debt not only affects the debtor countries, but, because of its political impact, also directly involves the creditors.
33.	We think that if everything depended on the manner in which the problem was being dealt with at present, we would not find a permanent and dependable solution. This is a subject that no longer has anything to do with the problem as it was in the early 1970s. Nevertheless, the solutions proposed are still the same. Only a joint political will can now give rise to new solutions for a problem that is no longer traditional.
34.	Today, the question of debt is inextricably linked to the political and social destiny of our countries and, since it affects the whole region, it jeopardizes global stability in Latin America.
35.	The meetings at Quito, Cartagena and Mar del Plata this year have been the best expression of the gravity of the situation. They also expressed our caution and moderation, which was translated into a call for a dialogue with the creditor countries. We hope that there will be a positive response to that call. Dialogue is not confrontation, as some people have alleged. Rather, confrontation arises when dialogue is precluded. I believe that both political logic and experience show this.
36.	Perhaps on the basis of this concrete subject the aspiration for the North-South dialogue may materialize. It has been formulated many times, but up to now practical results could not be achieved.
37.	This call for peace by the Argentine democracy is valid because we acted decisively for its preservation in the events in which we participated directly.
38.	In one of those disputes—between us and the Republic of Chile—my country took resolute steps. In the framework of the mediation of His Holiness Pope John Paul II, whose assistance we highly value and appreciate, my Government showed its firm will to find an equitable solution that would put an end to a century-old controversy. What we can present before the international community are words of peace translated into peaceful actions through dialogue and negotiations.
39.	In the other conflict, the one which continues between us and the United Kingdom over the Malvinas, South Sandwich and South Georgia Islands, our negotiating will and decision have encountered intransigence.
40.	For almost 150 years, a portion of Argentine territory has been subjected to the colonial regime imposed by the United Kingdom. This unjust and illegal situation, which Argentina has never accepted, permanently affects our national life.
41.	The mission of recovering the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands for our heritage is a mandate that has been transmitted by successive generations of Argentines up to our day, and this process will continue until the attainment of that objective. There should be no doubt about this, as this is a cause with which my people identifies deeply. We have the law on our side. The failure to understand it in this way is tantamount to ignoring one of the most important facts of the problem that exists between my country and the occupying Power.
42.	It is a national cause, but it is also a Latin American cause inasmuch as Latin America has come forth in solidarity to defend a national integrity that it considers its own. Latin America now also views with alarm the presence in the South Atlantic of a military force equipped with the most sophisticated armaments, threatening the interests and stability of the entire area and constituting a dangerous intrusion of the East-West conflict into the region.
43.	Argentina is firmly committed to seeking the restitution of the Malvinas Islands only through peaceful means. This my Government has stated, and it will fulfil this aim. There should be no doubt in anyone's mind about this. Our concept of democracy, which my country has now fortunately recovered, has two facets: a domestic one and one that looks outward. The first one is related to the full exercise of the Constitution—with the concomitant limitations upon the exercise of State powers—and respect for human rights. The second one, as I have already mentioned, involves relations with other countries. This outward projection of the democratic way of life translates into a behaviour that is civilized and law-abiding and may be summed up as respect for the prevalence of legal rules in relations among States.
44.	The Charter of the United Nations, a true constitution of the international community, imposes on Member States the obligation to solve their disputes by peaceful means. Consistent with this legal duty, my Government has taken steps towards attaining the maximum flexibility compatible with national rights and has sought to reinitiate negotiations with the United Kingdom to solve this conflict. Naturally, we also seek the normalization of the friendly relations which Argentina has traditionally had with that country. But that cannot be achieved if, from the very beginning of the attempts at normalisation, we lack the certainty that a mechanism will be established to allow negotiation on the sovereignty dispute, which represents the main obstacle on the path leading to that normalization.
45.	Unfortunately, judging by recent bilateral contacts that culminated in the meeting at Berne in July of this year under the auspices of Brazil and Switzerland, up to now we seem to be left with nothing but the intention, clearly stated by the United Kingdom to postpone sin die the fulfilment of the urgent call by the General Assembly for the parties to sit down at the negotiating table. Together with my gratitude to Brazil and Switzerland and to the Secretary-General for their laudable efforts, I wish to express my ardent desire for that request of the General Assembly to be carried out as soon as possible for the sake of law and justice.
46.	Next year the international community will commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. There is no doubt that the Organization has fulfilled an essential role in the search for international peace and security, the economic development of peoples and the eradication of colonialism. Its work is not over. I am convinced that the overwhelming majority of Member States will lend their assistance and best endeavours to achieve an international system based on justice and on the social, cultural and material progress of the peoples.
47.	Mindful of these objectives, today we cannot fail to express our deep preoccupation with the situation in southern Africa, where the structures of colonial and racial discrimination still exist, in violation of international law and morality. Namibia must be made independent once and for all. The unjust system of apartheid must be eliminated for ever. Those who suffer under it can continue to count on the support of the civilized world.
48.	There are areas of tension and armed conflict in the Middle East and the Gulf region; the United Nations must continue to give them special attention so that quick, just and peaceful solutions can be achieved.
49.	My country also views with serious concern—as do, I am sure, all the other nations—the situation in Central America. In our opinion, the proposals and actions of the Contadora Group, expressly supported by the General Assembly, offer a suitable alternative to achieve the sought-after peaceful solution to this very painful conflict for all of Latin America.
50.	I believe that if power relations replace relations among men, we shall have lost the ethical motivation that ensures progress and peace for mankind.
51.	No one should doubt, in reviewing history, that civilizations live and thrive when they are based upon moral premises and that, by contrast, their extinction systematically stems from ethical confusion.
52.	I believe that the fact that the world order is increasingly defined by the arms race and financial greed is an ethical confusion. Were these motivations to persist, there would be no well-being for the majority of our countries. It is also well to recall that what affects the South will sooner or later affect the welfare of the more advanced countries.
53.	I have the firm conviction that, as recently stated by Pope John Paul II, today development is the new name for peace