Mr. President, at the outset, I should like to extend to you,
brother Minister Amara Essy our congratulations on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Allow
me also to extend through you our congratulations to the
sisterly country Côte d’Ivoire, with which Egypt enjoys
bonds of friendship and cooperation. I take this opportunity
also to commend your predecessor, Ambassador Insanally,
the representative of Guyana.
I would be remiss if I did not pay special tribute to
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who is conducting with his
well-known acumen and ability the work of this
Organization amid turbulent political waves and rapid
international changes, and in the face of rising expectations
regarding the role that the United Nations could play in the
world of today and tomorrow.
As we know, earlier this month, the International
Conference on Population and Development was held in
Cairo. We in Egypt are greatly satisfied that the
Conference concluded with a Programme of Action that
deals with population questions from their cultural and
development perspectives, on the basis of a profound
understanding of the various dimensions of this problem.
Undoubtedly, the clamour that accompanied that
Conference was justified. Quite rightly, some have called
attention to the fact that as the cultures of various nations
differ from each other, there is no justification whatsoever
to the imposition on any nation of a way of life it does
not approve of, a way of thinking it does not palate or
practices which it does not accept. On top of all that,
there is the need to respect all religions, and to take into
account the virtues they preach and the guidelines they
embody for the conduct of individuals and nations.
It might be important in this connection to refer to
the consecutive conferences that have been held in the
1990s to deal with the social aspects of development. We
believe that henceforth, the attention of developing
countries and of all other societies should be focused on
dealing with these aspects. This is what all peoples of
the world have aspired after throughout the long years of
international conflict which led to social and economic
convulsions that resulted in backwardness, misery and
untold suffering for millions of people.
While we emphasize our interest in this approach
that relates to social development and its global character,
we also believe that the role of the United Nations therein
is highly significant. Undoubtedly, the United Nations
sponsorship of international conferences to this end
consolidates its role in shaping the world of tomorrow,
which must be a world of equitable development,
collective security and social stability.
I have made a point of beginning my statement by
addressing the social dimension, in order to underline a
new tendency and a renewed awareness of this significant
aspect of international life. I call upon all countries to
accord that aspect the high priority it has denied for
decades, during the cold war with its international
conflicts that impacted negatively, not only on the social
agenda, but also on international action in that respect and
beclouded people’s awareness of its significance and
effects.
During the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly, Egypt called for a new international social
17

contract, to be formulated by all the world cultures and
societies, so that it may act as a safety valve for the
international community both now and in future.
Realization of this vision will require, first and foremost,
the creation of an appropriate international social
environment, that would be inspired by the specific and
distinctive characteristics of all societies and that would
enrich the heritage of mankind. This could be done only
through awareness of and respect for the integration and
interaction of cultures.
Proceeding from its awareness of the movement of
history, Egypt was the first to sow the seeds of peace in the
Middle East. Today, Egypt is determined to continue to
assist all parties to overcome the obstacles that impede
negotiations, and to lay the foundations of new, just and
secure conditions in the Middle East.
You may recall that last year, on behalf of my
country, I called on the Governments and peoples of the
Middle East to reflect on the future of our relations after
the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. My call was
based on the deep-seated Egyptian conviction that the only
guarantee of a durable and stable peace in the Middle East
is organically linked to the extent of the parties’ success in
working out and laying the foundations of a new
relationship between the countries of the region that would
be based on a threefold foundation of political settlement,
socio-economic development, and regional security and
arms control.
In dealing with our vision of a new Middle East, I am
going to deal with each of those underpinnings in a context
that has to do with the creation of a new situation which
would allow all the creative energies of the region to be
unleashed in a climate of security, stability and confidence
in the future.
I speak first of political settlement. Last year, we met
here a few days after the signing of the historic agreement
between President Arafat and Prime Minister Rabin in
September 1993. Under that agreement, the Israeli and
Palestinian parties mutually recognized each other and
agreed on a Declaration of Principles regarding the
arrangements of interim self-government. The wave of
optimism that was generated at the time was tempered by
the customary caution which lasted until an agreement
enforcing the Declaration of Principles was signed in Cairo
on 4 May 1994. That agreement constituted a significant
step on the long road of peace towards the exercise by the
Palestinian people of their legitimate national rights.
The sight of the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat
entering Gaza on 1 July 1994 has thus epitomized the
long history of the Palestinian people’s sacrifices and
steadfastness, with which they gained the support and
sympathy of all peace- and justice-loving peoples
everywhere. President Arafat’s return was the first
dividend of the peace option that heightened international
respect for the Palestinian people’s responsible position
and courageous decision at this historical and crucial
juncture in their long struggle.
Allow me to pay tribute from this rostrum to the
advocates of peace, on both the Palestinian and the Israeli
sides. At the same time, I call upon both sides to
continue to tend the shoot of peace until it becomes
stronger and more deeply rooted. Moreover, I call for the
expeditious adoption of new concrete measures that would
assure the Palestinian people in the occupied West Bank
that the peace dividends will embrace all the Palestinian
territories occupied since 1967.
One of the most important of such measures is the
alleviation of the burden of occupation and mitigation of
the daily suffering of the Palestinian people. The
organization of Palestinian elections in all the Palestinian
territories would enable them to move from the first step
of self-government in Gaza and Jericho towards the
exercise of their full political rights, in the framework of
self-determination that is the appropriate and genuine
resolution of this conflict. Moreover, I appeal to both
sides, in equally strong terms, to confront all acts of
violence and practices of terrorism firmly and persistently
to ensure safety for all and guarantee that peace will have
the upper hand.
Egypt has commended the progress achieved on the
Jordanian-Israeli track. The 25 July 1994 agreement to
put an end to the state of war between the two countries
is a positive landmark on the road to peace. Egypt
welcomes this significant step and is confident that the
rising momentum will soon help achieve tangible progress
on the Syrian and Lebanese tracks, based on full
withdrawal from the occupied territories of both countries.
Secondly, I wish to speak of economic development.
Scrutiny of the Middle East situation makes it clear that
there is an organic link between peace and development
in that region, whose peace and security are pivotal to the
world’s peace and security. The laying of the
groundwork for the social and economic development of
the countries of that region is a necessary step, without
which peace will remain meaningless and pointless. At
18

the same time, the process of development can be
successful only within the context of balanced and well-
planned strategies that take into account the interests of all
parties. In this regard, hopes are high and prospects are
spacious enough. Nevertheless there is no room in all this
for the domination by one economy of another. The
Middle East can accommodate a comprehensive process of
the production and marketing of all that each country of the
region can excel in.
Egypt, which is undergoing at present a stage of
radical economic reform that aims at ensuring for its trade,
industry and private sector a significant breakthrough, is
qualified to play a leading role in the economic
development of the region. This should enhance the image
of the Middle East as a region that attracts increasing
tourism, flourishing trade and thriving investment, side by
side with an advanced productive capacity. We nominate
the Middle East to be the cradle of new economic giants.
Egypt does not seek opportunities of rapid gains, but
rather an advanced economic framework that would
contribute significantly to changing the climate of the
Middle East and reshaping the region’s ability to contribute
to the interactions of the developed world economy.
Thirdly, I speak of regional security and arms control.
Comprehensive peace, in its wider sense, will never be
upheld in the Middle East unless we change our old
perceptions. These were the products of years of wars and
enmity that engendered the belief that security could be
assured only through the acquisition and stockpiling of
weapons of mass destruction. This regional arms race, that
plagued the region and accelerated in a climate of mutual
suspicion and hostility, must be tamed in order that we may
adapt to the new realities prevailing in the region. Egypt
believes that peace in the Middle East must be strengthened
by taking arms-control measures, of which the first would
be a reduction of the levels of armaments.
The region’s experience has shown that a higher level
of quantitative or qualitative armament, in the case of any
country has never deterred aggression nor guaranteed
security. If such experience is reason enough for
reassessing our policies in this respect, the political
achievements which have put us squarely on the road to
peace make us question the wisdom of escalating armament
under conditions of peace.
If the first prerequisite is arms reduction, the second
is the achievement of a better security balance amongst the
countries of the region. The emergence of a new more
stable Middle East will never take place unless we
renounce the concepts of military superiority and agree to
rid the region of the weapons of mass destruction. The
persistence of such concepts can only jeopardize the
existent possibility of creating a new and different Middle
East. Any disruption of the security balance in the
region, is bound to generate suspicions that may cause the
region to slide once again into competition, escalation,
dispute, conflict and confrontation.
If we are seeking normal relations between the
parties, we have to ensure the co-equality of the
obligations of all countries in the region. It is
unacceptable that one party, to the exclusion of all others,
should be accorded a special exceptional status. Unless
this is addressed, serious cracks will develop in the
foundations we are laying which may deepen and widen,
and undermine the whole edifice.
Proceeding from this, the Egyptian initiative
launched by President Mubarak in April 1990, in which
he proposed that the Middle East should be declared a
zone free of weapons of mass destruction, was
commensurate with the concepts of the new international
era at the regional level and came as a natural extension
of Egypt’s 1974 initiative to declare the Middle East a
nuclear-weapons-free zone.
In this regard, Egypt strongly urges all countries of
the region to accede to the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and accept the
application of the safeguards regime of the International
Atomic Energy Agency. This, if it takes place, will be a
major step towards peace and reconciliation in the Middle
East that would safeguard against any setbacks in future
regional relations. Egypt attaches great importance to
Israel’s rapid undertaking of this step as we approach the
date of the Conference for the Review and Extension of
the non-proliferation Treaty in 1995. Otherwise, the
extension of this Treaty, which aims at halting nuclear
proliferation, would lead to the consecration of an adverse
reality that is neither balanced nor proper and which runs
counter to the principle of universality. We would find
the persistence of such an exceptional situation strange
and unacceptable.
Egypt takes this opportunity to urge Israel to respond
positively to this extremely earnest call which safeguards
the region against the evils of an unnecessary arms race.
It is a step that would help strengthen regional security.
In this era of peace, we should rethink our priorities and
view the prerequisites of security from a different point
19

of view based on the new relations of peace instead of from
considerations which had the upper hand at a time of
regional conflicts. Israel should also conform to, rather
than depart from, the international way of thinking that
calls for universal adherence to the non-proliferation Treaty.
We adamantly insist on this in order to avoid a race in this
dangerous field.
While discussing issues of general concern to our world
and its problems, I must also refer specifically to the
prevailing situations in our region that create turbulence,
problems, hopes and pain. Brotherly Yemen is healing its
wounds after discord and strife. We are hopeful that
sufficient patience will be demonstrated to bring about
national reconciliation in accordance with the values of the
Yemeni people and in such a way as to ensure their
continued march towards development and prosperity.
In Iraq, the brotherly Iraqi people remain in the grip
of the tragedy that befell them and we look forward with
them to the day when their suffering will come to an end.
This would require the Government of Iraq to respond to
the demands of international legality and the unambiguous
and formal recognition of the identity of Kuwait, its
sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence.
While addressing the issues of the Middle East, we
call on Iran to extend good-neighbourliness to its Arab
brethren. In this regard, serious work is needed to resolve
the problem of the occupied Arab islands in the Gulf. This
would represent a positive indication that relations in the
region can be conducted on the basis of a positive dialogue
dealing with the political tendencies that are a source of
concern in various parts of the region.
I turn now to Egypt’s closest neighbours in the region.
In this connection, I may say that the people and
Government of Libya have now the clear political will to
put an end to the Libyan-Western crisis concerning
Lockerbie by putting the accused on trial and attempting to
reach practical solutions for the implementation of the
relevant Security Council resolutions. An objective view of
the problem confirms the importance of respecting
international legality since the trial of persons accused of an
international crime is a necessity and the more
expeditiously it takes place the better it is for the process of
justice.
Similarly, in addressing the issues pertaining to its
neighbours, we must also mention Sudan, with which we
have had very special ties since the dawn of history.
Today, Sudan is suffering from a challenge to its
sovereignty in the south as well as an impediment to the
development and prosperity of its people. In both
instances, Egypt stands firmly and clearly in support of
the unity and territorial integrity of Sudan. We cannot
accept its fragmentation or division. With the same
strength and clarity, Egypt supports the right of the
Sudanese people to a tranquil and stable life that would
afford them the opportunity to look to the future. In this
framework, Sudan has a well-known history of tolerance
and cordial relations amongst its people and with all its
neighbours and brethren. There is no doubt that Sudan’s
implementation of policies in this direction would ensure
a change in the strained relations in that region.
During Egypt’s chairmanship of the Organization of
African Unity, which expired in June, the African
continent witnessed a number of important achievements,
the most important of which was the success of the
organization in creating a mechanism for the prevention,
management and resolution of African conflicts. This is
a development that contributes to the international efforts
deployed in that area. It also complements the role of the
United Nations within the framework of the principles
and objectives of the Charter.
Over the same period, Africa has also witnessed the
entry into force of the convention establishing the African
Economic Community. This represents a significant step
by the African continent towards the realization of
economic integration, which will enable it to deal with the
new international economic realities and to face up to the
potential consequences of international economic
developments that may not be entirely in the interests of
the African States. Moreover, we in Africa are currently
studying, in all earnestness, the social and economic
situation in the continent. We are fully aware of the high
priority of this problem to Africa’s present and future
generations. This will be the subject of a special meeting
of African foreign ministers soon to be held in Cairo.
The African continent’s share of human tragedies
has been abundant enough, as demonstrated by the
horrendous events in Somalia, Burundi and Rwanda.
While Africa reaffirms its principal responsibility to deal
with such sorrowful events by providing the necessary
troops to undertake peace-keeping and peace-building
operations, experience has shown that the humanitarian,
political and economic dimensions of such events require
a positive contribution by the entire international
community, primarily within the context of the United
Nations. Such contribution has been forthcoming and
represents a unique international and regional solidarity.
20

As regards Somalia, the tragedy is still unfolding,
despite strenuous African and international efforts to
achieve national reconciliation between the warring Somali
factions. The crisis remains elusive owing to tribal rivalries
and self-centered interests. The persistence of this situation
has further frustrated the international community, to the
extent that a number of States have decided to withdraw
their troops from the peace-keeping operation or to call for
the complete termination of the United Nations Operation
in Somalia.
We are fully aware of the motives that have led to
such decisions and proposals, and we emphasize that the
responsibility for putting an end to the current deteriorating
situation in Somalia and for reaching a solution to the crisis
rests essentially with the leaders of the warring factions.
We are of the view that it is unacceptable and unwarranted
that the major Powers should impose a certain solution or
a particular leader in Somalia. At the same
time, we cannot wash our hands of this problem. There is
still an obligation on the part of the United Nations, the
Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab
States to assist in achieving a just settlement to the crisis.
From Somalia we turn to Angola, in which recent
developments indicate a glimmer of hope that a final and
peaceful solution may be close at hand. Egypt welcomes
the official acceptance by the Government of Angola of the
proposals concerning national reconciliation. We call for
the intensification of efforts to achieve peace in order that
the Lusaka Conference may succeed and for the full
implementation of the peace agreement, as well as Security
Council resolutions 864 (1993) and 932 (1994). We also
strongly urge UNITA to show its goodwill by negotiating
constructively to reach a peace agreement without delay.
It was our hope that a just solution to the Bosnian
crisis would be found before the commencement of this
session. Unfortunately, the painful reality is that the crisis
is still with us. While we accept the position of the
Contact Group in its proposal of the peace plan which has
been accepted by the Bosnian Government regardless of its
shortcomings, yet we demand the most basic level of
rationality and justice in managing this crisis. Frankly
speaking, we believe that lifting or easing the sanctions
imposed on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia - Serbia
and Montenegro - without deploying credible and capable
international observers along its borders with Bosnia and
Herzegovina or securing its recognition of Bosnia as a
sovereign State amounts to a negative development that is
bound to hinder a just settlement, that bespeaks
acquiescence in considerations that run counter to the norms
of justice and is tantamount to surrender to the policies of
aggression and racism.
A few days ago, the Security Council adopted a
rather hasty resolution easing the sanctions imposed on
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia - Serbia and
Montenegro. It would have been more useful if the
Council had given priority to a review of the extent of the
implementation of its many previous resolutions, adopted
under Chapter VII of the Charter. Those resolutions
contain provisions and requirements that should have been
implemented prior to any consideration of the easing or
reviewing of sanctions.
The rules of international justice should not be
twisted to reward the aggressor for mere promises that
lack credibility or effectiveness. Moreover, the
effectiveness of the observers currently deployed on the
Bosnian-Yugoslav border is highly questionable. Indeed,
in our view, they are ineffective and insufficient.
Egypt, as a country contributing troops to the United
Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), reiterates that
the purpose of the presence of these troops is to provide
genuine protection for those areas until such time as the
Bosnian armed forces would be in a position to undertake
the task of defending their territory.
The withdrawal of UNPROFOR while the power
vacuum continues - an idea that is being floated - would
be a further step towards handing the protected areas to
the aggressors, who have the necessary power to control
them. This would certainly have negative implications for
international relations as a whole.
We are at a unique juncture in history: our
generation has been afforded an opportunity to lay the
foundations of a new era. Today, as we approach the
fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we feel that all
nations, industrial and developing alike, must contribute
to the development of a common vision of the new world
order - a vision that will consolidate the foundations of
our common future on the principles of democracy,
humanity and equality, arrived at through consensus by all
members of the international community.
We wish to make it clear that any attempt to
marginalize the role of the developing countries in
formulating the global vision for the coming era would
involve the risk of drawing new lines of confrontation in
place of those that existed during the cold war. Those
new lines of confrontation would be ruled by economic
21

and developmental criteria and considerations that may ring
down a curtain thick enough to separate the North from the
South, deepen disagreement between them, and give rise to
a situation inconsistent with the interdependence and
cohesion of the present era. In this connection, I refer to
demands of the developing countries voiced during the
meeting held in Cairo this summer under the umbrella of
the Non-Aligned Movement.
The celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations coincides with the flagging of initiatives and
proposals for the restructuring of the Organization’s
mechanisms. Such efforts will never rise to the level of
expectations unless they are preceded by an effort to reform
our thinking, to bring it into line with the changes in the
international situation and thereby to translate the new
collective vision into a concrete programme of action that
would be based on genuine consensus and that would afford
us a real opportunity to ensure the stability of international
relations.
In this context, it is needless to point out that such a
process of thought reform as the one I have just referred to
must impact on our efforts as we embark on the process of
restructuring the United Nations and, in particular, of
reforming the Security Council with its extensive
competence.
We must emphasize several points regarding the
process of reforming the work of the Security Council.
First, it must be carried out on a regional basis, not on a
specific-country basis. Secondly, the new seats - and there
may be two additional ones each for Latin America, Asia
and Africa - must be allocated on the basis of the criteria
stipulated in the Charter. Thirdly, it is not essential at this
stage to specify the two States from each region that are to
occupy the additional seats. The principle of rotation could
be applied to several States satisfying the criteria agreed
upon, taking into account the specific characteristics of each
region. Fourthly, agreement must be reached
simultaneously on a number of issues concerning reform of
the Council’s working methods and procedures and the
need to increase its transparency. Fifthly, the framework
within which the right of veto is used should be reviewed
and defined.
We should not pursue our work in this regard under
pressure of time or on the assumption that consideration of
the matter must be concluded by the time designated for the
celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations.
Finally, it must be emphasized that rational
restructuring is infinitely preferable to what might result
from a hasty decision that may please some States, upset
the overwhelming majority of States that suffer from lack
of representation in the Security Council and put the
Council itself in a position of extreme lack of credibility.
In this regard, I wish to state that a number of
countries are eligible for membership of the Security
Council in accordance with the criteria to which I have
referred. One of those countries is Egypt, which has
made significant contributions to the maintenance of
international peace and security in all the political,
economic and social fields, and which continues to
contribute to the cause of peace and prosperity at the
regional level and in the context of its various affiliations.
Economic clout has become the principal tool of
competition and the determining factor in the distribution
of power and influence on the political and economic map
of the globe. At the same time, social development has
become a goal which we all pursue and technological
development has become a prerequisite of economic
progress and social advancement. It is a challenge that
must be faced by those who aspire to progress and
development.
Recent international developments have highlighted
the strong link between peace, stability and development.
Global stability cannot be achieved without balanced and
sustainable development. The existing structural
imbalances in international economic relations will
continue to cause the social turmoil and conflicts that turn
under our eyes to disputes which threaten international
peace and security.

On its new journey - starting in New York, moving
on to Rio de Janeiro and Vienna, passing through Cairo
to be continued in Copenhagen and Beijing - the United
Nations has proved that it remains the global umbrella
under which different ideas and positions interact.
We call on the United Nations not only to contribute
to but to lead the process of formulating the new concepts
and ideas required to lay the foundations of the new
international order and the relations between the North
and the South, particularly in the area of social
development. This requires an overall process of
rationalization, as indicated by the Secretary-General. In
22

his current report on the work of the Organization he refers
to
"the common misperception of the United Nations as
an organization dedicated primarily to peace-keeping."
(A/49/1, para. 1)
He states that economic and social questions should be at
the forefront of United Nations efforts. That is what should
happen.


Mr. President, we welcome with great
satisfaction your election to preside over the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly in the certainty that your qualities as an outstanding and experienced diplomat, in addition to your well-known personal dedication, will guarantee that our work is fruitful and effective. Through you, your country and all of Africa will have the well- deserved opportunity to contribute to the deliberations that lie before us.
We should like to express our gratitude to your predecessor. Ambassador Insanally, for the able manner and constructive spirit in which he guided the forty-eighth session.
We should also like to express to the Secretary- General our appreciation for the far-sightedness with which he is performing the task of guiding the United Nations in the new era into which it has entered.
In recent years there has been broad agreement that the great events that have shaken the world, giving rise to great hopes of human progress, have led to different and in many respects contradictory changes and prospects, and that there has been a delay in forging a genuine consensus among nations.
Democracy as a way of life has been established in a large number of countries in every geographical area and is developing with obvious dynamism. We hope for a kind of rebirth, inspired by an ever-greater participation in the whole social fabric of national life. In this framework, the civic aspect is coming to the fore and taking on increasing vigor.
Long deemed indispensable to economic progress, private enterprise has seen its role considerably increased in many developing countries.
Unquestionably, there is an increased general awareness of the environment throughout the world, and the idea that the value of the planet's resources must endure as a condition of our very survival is gradually becoming a guide and a criterion for human activities. International action to combat violations of human rights in all forms and to encourage the exercise of those rights has become a constant, despite the distance separating us from the attainment of our desired objectives. The rejection of the social inequality of women is gaining ground, and we shall from now on be discussing the way this is reflected in practice.
Those are the salient factors, in addition to others of equal importance, that are among the positive trends which are at our disposal and which must be developed at all costs so that we can derive the full benefit of their great potential.
However, in the two major areas that constitute yardsticks for assessing mankind's well-being - those of peace and development - the present situation is far from satisfactory. Conflicts continue to proliferate, and positive settlements have been achieved to very few of them. Situations of poverty have assumed vast proportions and even critical levels in several regions, particularly in Africa. The persistence of these evils in the post-cold-war era reminds us that the community of nations still lacks a direction that might lead it towards the fulfillment of its own concept of genuine community. There has been a lack of vision to recognize the true scope of collective interests and the political will and ability to implement them. There has also been a lack of cooperation and tolerance as independent values untouched by the systematic quest for the upper hand.
Peace and development are closely linked. Moreover, we are convinced that the most complex challenge concerns development and that the most decisive influences on the relationship arise from that challenge. Indeed, collective security hinges on shared progress - shared within a framework that provides justice and equality. It is a fact that during periods of expanded economic growth the most visible effects of imbalance have, for better or for worse, been attenuated. However, the development to which we aspire cannot be limited by narrow so-called realism. Equality as an inherent element of progress cannot be described as an ideal today. It is, rather, a prerequisite.
The United Nations shouldered a very specific responsibility and role when, in its Charter, it solemnly committed itself to working towards a better world. The United Nations is a unique body and its indispensability in serving the interests of all is becoming ever clearer today. It is indeed in this universal forum that there is a need jointly to establish guidelines for the entire world, that the random developments we experience converge, and that mechanisms and measures commensurate with today's issues are promoted.
In order to increase its ability to carry out its mission in the present context, the United Nations has decided to reform its structure to make it more effective and stronger and to ensure greater participation: Under the dynamic and tireless coordination of the Secretary-General, the process is under way and we hope that at the present session of the Assembly new and fruitful progress will be achieved allowing the Organization further to promote economic and social development, prevent conflicts and eliminate their causes. In this regard, the Assembly will continue to make use of the guidelines set down in its "Agenda for Peace" and will have the opportunity to evaluate the report containing the draft of an Agenda for Development.
The strengthening of the legitimacy and authority of the United Nations will remain linked to an improvement of its democratic representativeness and to better regional balance, as well as to safeguarding the identity of all, including that of smaller States. In this context, Africa has recently formulated its current position on the reform of the Organization. This reform must provide genuine political and operational consistency to all the bodies and structures of the system, within whose framework the African continent must have an appropriately expanded representation.
In the meantime, the question of the expansion of the Security Council has been answered by some States with expressions of their readiness to assume increased responsibilities within it. As to the diversification of regional representation, we note with satisfaction and welcome with great fellow-feeling the announced candidacy of a Portuguese-speaking country, Brazil.
Since the opening last year of the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, several important political events have taken place in the world. We were particularly struck by the magnificent example of maturity and vision offered by the people of South Africa and its leaders, particularly President Mandela. We wish to share with them the pride of all Africa and the admiration of the international community.
Unfortunately, the lessons to be derived from this example have not yet been put into practice in some cases in our region. Recent events in Rwanda, which have brought such great pain to its people and especially its children, are a tragedy which our conscience demands never be repeated on our continent. Moreover, hostilities continue that could and should have been over by now, while opportunities for peace and reconciliation have been missed again and again, in particular in Liberia. The agreements already concluded among the Liberians must now be implemented and an end must be put once and for all to armed clashes and their repercussions on neighboring countries and the West African region.
The conflict that has so long afflicted Angola has passed through a stage of incredibly destructive, deadly violence following the failure peacefully to implement the results of the elections of September 1991, even though those elections were supervised and declared free and fair by the United Nations. We very much hope that the present stage of negotiations between the Government of Angola and UNITA will finally herald a cessation of hostilities in the near future and the opening of an era of peace, reconstruction and progress so long awaited by a people with which Cape Verdeans feel such brotherly solidarity.
The coming elections in Mozambique will doubtless close an era in which national interests have prevailed.

but also in which the United Nations and the international community have rendered praiseworthy assistance. We wish Mozambique all success in these elections, during which Cape Verde will be present as part of an observer team from the United Nations Operation in Mozambique. It is essential that the parties continue rigorously to observe the rules of the democratic game by unequivocally accepting the outcome of the elections once these have been declared free and fair by the international community.
We are gratified by the way in which the recent first legislative and presidential elections in Guinea-Bissau took place and by the peaceful respect shown for its results. This attests to the sense of responsibility of the political leaders of the country.
In Sao Tome and Principe, the established democratic system was reaffirmed by the calm that prevailed during the electoral process that was completed at the end of last week.
We also wish to declare our support and encouragement for the continuation of the talks which are taking place under the auspices of the Secretary-General between Portugal, Indonesia and representatives of East Timor. We hope that they are taking place on the basis of forms of participation that respect the fundamental rights of the citizens of East Timor.
As regards the maintenance of peace, it must be recognized that in recent times notable progress has been made on the international level, in the United Nations in particular. The improvement of this capability must continue, and this will require even greater cooperation and complementarity with the regional organizations. Africa is showing what it can do in this area, but obstacles to maximizing this potential remain in the form of gaps that must be filled through more consistent, predictable and timely support by the United Nations and the partner countries.
The prevention of conflicts remains, in any case, the primary objective to be sought. The action to be taken to this effect finds its reference points in the recommendations in "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277). However, the ultimate success of prevention will continue to depend on the longer-term task of eliminating the deeper causes of the conflicts, which, of course, are many. In addition, it will be crucial to tackle them simultaneously, not only to produce synergy but also so that the relevant lessons can be learned concerning these causes and the relations between them.

One of the major causes of the instability that generates conflict is poverty, to which we referred earlier. That in itself would be sufficient to lend urgency to the eradication of poverty. However, the scope and nature of the phenomenon require of us a reaction based on the moral aspects of the heritage of mankind.
Today, it is understood that all peoples must live in dignity; that is their basic human right, and we must guarantee them the realization of that right. This need must transcend the present stage of mere words, and a program must be implemented to transform the situation. A particularly valuable contribution to this is in the works: the World Summit for Social Development, for which preparations are now under way. Within this framework, there will be a need to analyze the development of the human being in society, and not just some reduced concept of the social element as an objective. We still have enough time, and it is our duty to muster the necessary will to achieve the goals set for this important Summit.
The fact that for countless individuals it is impossible to benefit from contemporary parameters of well-being has resulted in the major migrations of our era, which reveal the critical imbalances which continue in certain regions of the world. The solution can, clearly, come only from development and from the rejection of scenarios in which some parts of the world or groups of people are excluded or marginalized. In the meantime, we emphasize the need to see implemented the recommendations of the International Conference on Population and Development concerning refugees, displaced persons and migrants, a timely instrument which has been made available to us.
Within the framework of global development one of the major questions that arises is that of Africa. This question must continue to be given very high priority on the international agenda and on the agenda of the United Nations. The seriousness of the situation prevailing on our continent, the longstanding nature of the problem and the observation of indicators for future prospects deserve to be met as a particularly complex challenge and should never be considered as a pretext for showing lassitude or indifference. The lack of progress in Africa would be a set-back for all, not just for the Africans. We are convinced that this fact will become increasingly clear to us.

In the 1990s in particular, Africa undertook, in rather difficult conditions, reforms and economic adjustments as well as political and managerial transformations. The African achievement certainly has not yet reached its optimal goal, but it must be said that on many occasions it was not adequately supported by external measures and resources, which are, after all, indispensable complements.
The African economic and political systems doubtless still have a long way to go, and they must become more effective and be based on the participation of all. African regional cooperation must increase its pace and must obtain increased benefits. However, the continent must be the beneficiary of, inter alia, a major reduction in its debt burden, the elimination of obstacles to its exports, vigorous foreign investments and increasing international assistance better adapted to national policies.
Referring again to the constraints that are affecting Africa in particular, we reiterate the need to mobilize adequate and sufficient resources to allow for the implementation of the International Convention to Combat Desertification, in particular concerning the Sudan and Sahel region and in cooperation with the Inter-State Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel. For Cape Verde, which is coordinating the activities of this Committee, it is particularly important that this event be crowned with success.
Next year, as we approach the end of the twentieth century, we shall be marking the fiftieth anniversary of our Organization. There are numerous reasons to celebrate this event, especially if we were to try to imagine what the world would be like without the United Nations. My country cannot forget the role which the Organization played in its political emancipation and in its development efforts following that emancipation, nor do we forget that it offers a forum in which small countries can have their say and participate in the deliberations. We welcome in this context the holding of the United Nations Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States, and we hope that the results of the Conference will be fully implemented.
The time has come to consolidate the feeling of a shared destiny among the diverse nations that are today gathered together within the Organization. We must no longer put off the task of setting out on those re-charted paths which our aspirations require.


I wish to join my fellow Heads
of State who have spoken before me in congratulating you
most sincerely on your well-deserved election as President
of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. As a
distinguished son of Africa, you bring to this high office
valuable experience, diplomatic skill and wisdom, all of
which equip you superbly well to lead this Assembly - an
assembly in which the faith and hopes of our people are
reposed. Let me assure you, Mr. President, of Tanzania’s
whole-hearted cooperation and support as you execute your
noble and immense responsibilities to humanity.
I should also express the great appreciation which
my delegation feels for the dedication to duty and great
leadership displayed by your predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Samuel Insanally of the Republic of Guyana, who
very ably led the forty-eighth session of the General
Assembly to its successful conclusion.
I wish also to acknowledge the untiring efforts of
another son of Africa, our Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, who, together with his Secretariat, has
continued to serve our Organization very well indeed.
The Secretariat needs, and deserves, the support of all
Member States in facing the challenges of their
day-to-day work, often under very trying circumstances.
This is my second appearance before a session of the
General Assembly since being elected President of the
United Republic of Tanzania in 1985. I had the honour
to address the forty-second session of the Assembly on 8
October 1987. I used that occasion, as the new President
of my country, to reaffirm our faith in the United Nations
and our commitment to the principles of the United
Nations Charter.
Today, I am addressing this Assembly for the last
time as President of my country. As members may well
know, Tanzania has embarked on extensive political and
economic reforms, which are proceeding very well, in
peace and in harmony.
As part of the political reforms, the constitutional
term of a president is limited to a maximum of two five-

year terms. My second and last term, therefore, will come
to an end towards the end of next year, a time when we
will hold our first general elections under a multiparty
democratic system. It is my great wish that I should
bequeath to the Tanzanian people a functioning democratic
system that will allow them to choose their own leaders in
a free and fair atmosphere.
As I prepare to pass on the baton of the leadership of
my country to someone else, I can only reaffirm the faith
and confidence my country has always had in the United
Nations system. All its imperfections notwithstanding, the
United Nations remains the only hope for poor and weak
countries like mine, for it is only through the United
Nations that we can raise our concerns for human
development, world peace, justice and equality without fear.
The imperfections of the United Nations system have
nothing to do with the principles set forth in the United
Nations Charter; rather, they are a product of the action or
inaction of the Member States.
In this connection we are pleased to extend to all the
new Members a warm welcome and sincere congratulations.
Their admission has brought us much closer to our
cherished goal of universal membership of the United
Nations. We pledge to continue working closely with all
nations to make our world a much better place for all
humanity.
During my time as President of Tanzania, fundamental
changes have occurred in the world. Some of these
changes have given us reasons for hope; others have not.
Our hopes that the post-cold-war era would bring a new
impetus in our Organization for peace and development in
all corners of the world have not yet been realized. The so-
called peace dividend is not reaching those who need it
most, that is, the poorest sectors of humanity. It is a pity
that global tensions have been replaced by regional and
national conflicts, with devastating consequences for
innocent men, women and children. Whether on
development questions or security issues, the developing
countries, which constitute the vast majority, have seen
little respite following the end of the cold war.
The collective security system envisaged under the
United Nations Charter has not always worked to the
satisfaction of many Members. This is because some
Member States have, in the past, been reluctant to
implement both the letter and the spirit of the Charter.
Instead, loopholes and pretexts have often been used to
justify action contrary to the spirit of the Charter. Today,
as we approach the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations, we all need to rededicate ourselves to the goals
and ideals embodied in its Charter. This includes the
need to make the United Nations and all its organs more
representative of all its Members and more democratic.
It is both hypocritical and a mockery of the ideal of
democracy that some Members should preach democracy
to the rest of the world and yet not accept the full
democratization of the United Nations system.
This matter is particularly urgent in this post-
cold-war world era. The emerging new power relations
in the world can be either an asset or a liability,
depending on whether all Members have the political will
to enhance the representative nature and the democratic
traditions of this world body. If such political will exists,
I am sure we can make rapid progress on the expressed
desire of many Member States to look again at the role,
powers and membership of the Security Council. I am
equally sure that if we all have the political will to reform
the United Nations system for the better, we can quickly
agree on enhancing the powers of the General Assembly
and the Economic and Social Council. It is these two
organs that are important agents in focusing our
Organization on the real and urgent issues confronting the
overwhelming majority of humanity.
In his comprehensive report to the General Assembly
at its forty-eighth session, the Secretary-General drew our
attention to the peace-keeping role of the United Nations
in the changing international context. While United
Nations peace-keeping and peacemaking responsibilities
have been on the increase, the means to implement those
responsibilities have hardly kept pace with these new
requirements. With more than 80,000 civilian and
military personnel serving in 17 peace-keeping operations
worldwide, the Organization requires new commitment
towards meeting the costs involved.
We should all strive to honour our financial
obligations as assessed to meet United Nations
peace-keeping expenses. We must not reach the point
where training and deployment of personnel will be
undertaken only by those Member States who can afford
such expenses on their own. Such an eventuality will not
only make peace-keeping the monopoly of a few rich
countries but will also deal a fatal blow to our cherished
principle of universality of participation. In this
connection, we entirely support the proposal made by
Canada last week in this Assembly for the establishment
of a permanent United Nations peace-keeping force. This
idea has been with us for a long time, and now is the
time to act.
2

My delegation takes this opportunity to salute all
United Nations personnel in the field for their devotion to
duty and their perseverance under increasingly dangerous
situations. Many, including Tanzanians, have died in
action. We mourn them. Many more have been wounded.
They deserve our heartfelt sympathy. The safety and
security of United Nations personnel must continue to be a
priority, and we support every initiative taken to establish
an international treaty for their protection.
As a neighbour of both Rwanda and Burundi,
Tanzania has found itself deeply involved in the search for
peace and reconciliation in those two most troubled
countries. Last year in Cairo, we, the African Heads of
State, decided that the time had come for Africans to take
charge of preventing, managing and resolving conflicts in
their continent, for our countries may be poor, but our
poverty does not extend to the realm of humanity, dignity
and wisdom.
In both Rwanda and Burundi, there was a time when
our hopes rose high, when we thought that at last a
permanent solution had been found to their endemic
problems. In the case of Burundi, the high point was the
election of July 1993, which was declared by international
observers to have been free and fair. The transition of
power from President Buyoya to the late President Ndadaye
was equally impressive. That man, whom the people of
Burundi had chosen to lead them, personified not only hope
for peace, unity and reconciliation in Burundi, but also the
dawn of a new era of peace, stability and cooperation in
our subregion.
But some people in the military establishment decided
to put their private and parochial interests above the wishes
of the ordinary people of Burundi. What the Burundi
people got through the ballot was taken away by the bullet.
The attempted coup that followed in October 1993 resulted
not only in the death of President Ndadaye but also in the
death of many innocent people of Burundi. No one knows
exactly how many died; estimates range from 100,000 to
200,000. But statistics alone are unimportant, as not a
single life should have been lost in the first place; above
all, behind these cold statistics are real people - husbands
and wives, sons and daughters, all of whom perished
leaving behind widows and widowers, as well as orphans.
In addition to those who died, over 700,000 others fled
their country in order to save their lives; about 500,000 of
them fled to Tanzania alone. Another 200,000 or more
were displaced internally. With those events of October
1993, our hopes for peace and reconciliation in Burundi
were dashed to the ground; since then we have been
waiting anxiously for new developments that could
rekindle our hopes.
We are encouraged by the efforts of moderate
elements in Burundi to create a transitional government of
unity, based on the concept of power sharing. It is
incumbent upon those of us neighbouring Burundi and
upon the international community as a whole to support
and encourage the Government of President Sylvestre
Ntibantunganya during this transitional period.
In the case of Rwanda, the event that gave us hope
was the signing of the Arusha Peace Agreement on 4
August 1993. The Agreement provided a comprehensive
framework for the permanent solution of the political and
security problems in Rwanda. But the Agreement, which
had been so painstakingly negotiated, was held hostage by
those who were keen to protect their own interests rather
than the interests of the ordinary citizens of Rwanda. For
eight months, the timetable agreed upon for the
implementation of the Arusha Agreement was not
followed. The only transitional institution provided for in
the Agreement was the presidency. The death of
President Habyarimana, therefore, denied us the only legal
transitional authority in Rwanda at that time. Then began
the worst carnage in African history - which, even as I
speak, is still claiming the lives of innocent people, not to
mention having been the cause of over 1.5 million
refugees in neighbouring countries. Most of those who
participated in the Arusha negotiations on behalf of the
then Rwanda Government were massacred.
Following its military victory, the Rwandese
Patriotic Front (RPF) established in July 1994 a fairly
broad-based Government of National Unity. Tanzania
was among the first countries to recognize this new
Government. We recognize and appreciate the efforts and
good intentions of this new Government to restore peace
in Rwanda, to rebuild State institutions and to bring about
genuine national reconciliation. In particular, we
encourage and support all efforts of the Rwandese
Government to create conditions within Rwanda that will
give Rwandese refugees the confidence to return home as
soon as possible. Rwanda needs to revert to a state of
normalcy as soon as possible. A country from which its
own citizens run away to save their lives cannot be
normal. Even as I speak, some Rwandese refugees
continue to enter Tanzania. This means that the
Rwandese people, especially the Hutus, still feel
insecure - whether for valid reasons or as a result of the
3

propaganda war waged by the ousted regime and its agents.
In this connection, the Government of Rwanda needs
the encouragement and practical assistance of the
international community to restore essential services and to
re-establish the rule of justice and law and order. The
traditional discipline within the ranks of the RPF needs to
be maintained, and individual acts of vengeance must be
contained. Innocent Hutu refugees must feel secure and
confident that no reprisals will be meted out to them for
previous atrocities associated with their tribe. On the other
hand, all those guilty of the genocide in Rwanda must face
justice. In this respect, we urge the United Nations, in
collaboration with the Rwandese Government, quickly to
make operational the international tribunal that will
investigate and put to trial all those suspected of
committing these atrocities. This, we hope, will reduce the
motivation for individual acts of revenge.
The urgency of stemming the tide of refugees, and of
effecting their subsequent repatriation, is of paramount
importance. The refugee camps must not be allowed to
acquire the character of permanency, as this would create
an environment conducive to the political and even military
mobilization of the refugees. In the meanwhile, we who
are hosts to these refugees have a duty to disarm them and
take whatever action is necessary to make it impossible for
them to be mobilized, whether for political or military
purposes.
Neighbouring countries and the international
community should also warn the deposed regime and its
army not to entertain thoughts of a military return to power.
We cannot allow another chapter of this tragedy to be
written in the history of Rwanda. For, as an English
political philosopher, Edmund Burke, said two centuries
ago:
"The use of force alone is but temporary. It may
subdue for a moment; but it does not remove the
necessity of subduing again; and a nation is not
governed, which is perpetually to be conquered."
In this connection, I wish to emphasize the need for
the Rwandese Government to proceed on the basis of the
framework of the Arusha Peace Accord, which in my view
remains the best hope for a permanent solution to the
problems facing that country. As Facilitator to the peace
process in Rwanda, I wish to commend the Secretary-
General of the Organization of African Unity (OAU),
Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, and the OAU Secretariat for the
outstanding commitment they have shown to the resolution
of this problem, despite the many disappointments along
the way. I also wish to use this opportunity to thank the
United Nations, as well as Belgium, Burundi, France,
Germany, Senegal, Uganda, the United States of America
and Zaire, which acted as observers to the Arusha peace
negotiations.
I wish also to thank the United Nations agencies and
all Governments and non-governmental organizations that
joined hands with my Government in providing relief to
the Rwandese refugees in my country. But the relief
work is far from being over; new refugees are still
coming in. The local communities which have hosted the
refugees need to be compensated for the food and other
services and supplies they have shared with them. The
environmental damage caused by the huge and sudden
influx of refugees also needs to be addressed as soon as
possible.
The people of Ngara district in Tanzania have
themselves been forced to live like refugees in their own
country. The local population has been outnumbered by
the refugees by a ratio of one to two. They face
overcrowding in social service centres and endure
tremendous price hikes, sometimes reaching 300 per cent
over a short period, for all their requirements. And to
this must be added increased security risks and
criminality.
As for environmental damage, the influx of refugees
into Ngara and Karagwe in Tanzania, between April and
June 1994 alone, caused a loss of 18,000 tons of trees,
with an estimated value of $12 million. The 400,000
refugees living in Ngara have since April consumed
200 tons of firewood daily, with far-reaching
consequences for the environment. The international
community needs to continue to be seized of this matter
and increase its support to those of us hosting this huge
influx of refugees.
It is only honourable for us as Members of the
United Nations to accept that the role of our Organization
in Rwanda has been far from honourable, and has been
quite contrary to the principles of our Charter. While aid
agencies and non-governmental organizations can do
wonders on the ground, Governments wring their hands
and wait for one another to lead the action. The crisis in
Rwanda was made worse by political indecision within
the international community. My delegation can only
agree with the OAU Secretary-General that, by our failure
to act promptly, we too stand to be blamed for the loss of
innocent lives and the suffering of an entire people.
4

African troops pledged at the OAU Summit in Cairo
last June should quickly be given the necessary logistic
support to enable the redeployment of the United Nations
Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) at its full
strength to start without undue delay. The enlarged
UNAMIR should then create safe zones along the Zairian
and Tanzanian borders, which should be fully stocked with
relief supplies so as to encourage refugees to enter these
safe zones as a first step towards returning to their own
homes.
Since my country became a member of this
Organization, there has perhaps been no issue before this
Assembly which has preoccupied us like the question of
decolonization and the struggle against the apartheid system
in South Africa. It is therefore a matter of tremendous
satisfaction to us that decolonization is now almost
complete and that apartheid has finally landed where it
belongs - in the dustbin of history. South Africa’s return
to the membership of the United Nations is a victory for all
the people of that country, whatever their colour, a victory
for the United Nations and certainly a victory for the
international community as a whole.
The political and economic reintegration of South
Africa into the rest of Africa is one of the biggest triumphs
for Africa for many years. We in the southern African sub-
region are happy that at last our people can sleep peacefully
without fearing a surprise attack or a destabilization
campaign from South Africa. We are happy that the
emerging peace and security in our region can now release
scarce resources for the development of our people. On the
economic front, we have quickly begun to reverse the years
of disengagement from South Africa and to work together
to integrate our economies through the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), in which the new South
Africa will play a very important role.
This, unfortunately, does not mean that all our
problems in southern Africa have been resolved. Events in
Angola continue to cause us a good deal of anxiety.
Through its endless intransigency, UNITA continues to
create problems for the Angolan peace talks in Lusaka
under United Nations mediation. I think the time has come
for the international community to exert final pressure on
UNITA to stop it from continuing to obstruct these peace
efforts. We must not forget that the MPLA party won the
elections sponsored by the United Nations in September
1992. Yet, regardless of its victory, the MPLA has been
generous in inviting UNITA to join a government of
national unity. We cannot see why certain foreign
Governments should continue to pamper UNITA as it
comes up with new excuses to delay the process of
national reconciliation in that country. Our Organization
should tell Mr. Savimbi that he cannot have his own way
forever. We therefore call upon all those with influence
on Mr. Savimbi to ask him either to cooperate or face the
consequences of the full sanctions promised in resolution
932 (1994).
In Mozambique, thanks to the determined efforts of
the Secretary-General and the United Nations Operation
in Mozambique (ONUMOZ), most of the difficulties have
since been overcome. We look forward with anticipation
to the national elections later this month in the hope that
they will not only be free and fair, but also that all parties
will respect and abide by the election results. We hope
that the lessons from the Angolan experience have now
been learned well and that the people of Mozambique will
be spared the menace that Mr. Savimbi continues to
present in Angola. We commend, in particular, the
outstanding goodwill and generosity of the Government
of President Chissano, which was demonstrated
throughout the negotiating process.
Despite overall economic growth in the world, and
the creation of numerous developmental and social
institutions, poverty has been on the increase in most
parts of the developing world, particularly in Africa.
A supportive international environment is crucial if
we are to attain sustained economic growth in developing
countries, especially in the least developed ones. The
United Nations must be able to play a much greater role
in this matter because, unlike the Bretton Woods
institutions, the United Nations is universal; its
programmes operate everywhere; and it does not ignore
countries. But I must add that the United Nations has to
be strengthened, as mandated by its Charter, to enable it
to play a complementary role vis-à-vis the other
international organizations involved in development.
Most of the least developed countries, including
Tanzania, remain among the most debt-distressed
countries. It is true that the magnitude of our debt is
marginal by international standards. Indeed, the
indebtedness of the least developed countries does not
have a substantial effect on the international financial
system. But in relation to the size of their economies, the
debt burden is far too heavy and constitutes a major
obstacle to sustained growth. In the light of an already
grim financial flow situation, caused by declines in
official development assistance, the crippling burden of
5

international debt has seriously hampered development
prospects for most of our countries.
As an illustration, if we in Tanzania were to apportion
our total national debt of $6.3 billion to each of our
citizens, every poor man, woman and child would be
indebted to our rich creditors by the equivalent of their total
earnings for over two years. Put differently, even if the
Tanzanian Government were to devote all its foreign
exchange earnings to paying off this debt, it would still take
us over 12 years to do so. With a debt burden of this
magnitude dragging us down all the time, it will be difficult
for our economy to take off.
There is an urgent need for the international
community to adopt a unified and coordinated approach
towards a durable solution of the external debt position of
countries like mine if we are serious about reducing poverty
in the world. To achieve this, there should be a full
cancellation of all bilateral and official debt, as well as a
substantial reduction of the debt stock and the debt service
burden owed to multilateral financial institutions and
commercial creditors.
Nowhere in the world today are the social conditions
more desperate and calling for more urgent attention than
in the least developed countries. Declining income
aggravates poverty and threatens the social fabric of entire
societies.
It is our hope that the forthcoming World Summit for
Social Development in Copenhagen will be an important
forum for the world community to focus on the social and
developmental concerns of developing countries in an
attempt to free them from the vicious circle of poverty.
The protracted Uruguay Round of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) finally came to a
conclusion in December 1993. We then met at Marrakesh,
Morocco, on 15 April 1994, to sign the new agreement that
establishes the World Trade Organization. We from the
developing world, and especially those of us from
Sub-Saharan Africa, signed that agreement not because we
were happy with it or because we thought it took care of
our interests. We signed it because the alternative was
equally tragic. In truth, this new agreement will only mean
the entrenchment of poverty in our countries unless
compensatory measures are urgently taken in our favour.
It is already being estimated that Africa is the only
continent that will actually lose rather than gain from this
new agreement. Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to lose
about $2.6 billion a year by the beginning of the next
century. The cause of this loss is largely the
entrenchment of unfavourable terms of trade, and the
opening up of African markets to transnational
corporations based in the rich countries, which will now
have wider and unhindered access to markets in Africa
and elsewhere. We will therefore continue to demand
better terms of trade for our products in international
trade, as well as preferential treatment where this is felt
to be necessary.
It is now two years since we assembled at Rio de
Janeiro to bring to its conclusion the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development. The
implementation of the agreements reached at that world
summit has been extremely slow and in most areas
non-existent. The world is still far from the concept of
sustainable development. The Agenda 21 document
remains an academic masterpiece while the issues
involved remain unresolved. Among other things, the
United Nations, through the Commission on Sustainable
Development, should assume a major role in helping
developing countries to build their indigenous capacities
in science and technology and in promoting access to
existing technology on favourable terms.
We are none the less gratified that the desertification
Convention has been concluded. This is a great relief for
the 900 million people world wide affected by this
phenomenon. We look forward to the signing of the
Convention later this month.
We commend our development partners that
supported the negotiations on this important Convention
for Africa. The African annex to the Convention contains
our commitments to implement the programmes of action
in an effort to contain the processes of desertification and
drought, which are exacerbated by poverty and
underdevelopment. Unless there is a serious commitment
by developed countries and multilateral financial
institutions to extend the financial resources required to
implement the Convention, the social and economic
consequences of desertification and drought will be
irreparable.
We welcome the timely initiative taken by the
Secretary-General in preparing the Agenda for
Development. The Agenda provides an appropriate
framework for dealing comprehensively with the
interrelated issues of economic and social development,
the environment, peace, justice and democracy.
6

Development is a shared concern of all nations and the
acceptance of this fact by the entire international
community will result in great success in dealing with this
Agenda.
While we recognize that States must assume
responsibility for their own socio-economic development,
we must also recognize that this will be increasingly
difficult without the assistance of the international
community. The solutions to the problems created by
poverty, rural-urban migration, the degradation of the
environment and the complexity of the refugee situation
will require an integrated approach. It is our hope that the
Agenda for Development will project a coherent strategy
for achieving a new and inclusive vision of world
development. Such a strategy must bind all countries, both
small and large, rich and poor, in a planned and
implementable programme for human progress.
Tanzania attaches great importance to the full and
effective participation of developing countries in decision-
making for the resolution of economic problems facing our
common planet. In addition, the Agenda should incorporate
the various agreements and strategies for international
development already adopted over the years in different
forums and conferences. We must also identify the reasons
why so many of these commitments and agreements,
especially those related to developing countries, are still on
paper only.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate our faith in and
commitment to the United Nations. In this post-cold-war
era, the temptation to bypass, or dictate to, this world body
might be quite high. We must not allow that to take place.
We must instead work to strengthen the United Nations and
its agencies and to entrench their democratic tradition. We
must, at the same time, recognize that poverty, like the
environment, knows no borders. It is in our collective
interest that, as we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations system, we dedicate ourselves in practical
terms to the eradication of poverty the world over. We
must agree that poverty is as much a threat to peace and
security and as much an affront to humanity as injustice,
oppression and discrimination.