It is my pleasure to convey to you, Mr. President, on my own behalf and on that of my Government, our warm congratulations on your election to preside over the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly, which brings us together to discuss all international and regional issues that are of concern to all the international community. You, Sir, are a highly experienced diplomat who has served the Organisation for many years. Ma have known you as a friend to all and as a brother from a fraternal country to which we are bound by ties of blood and the Islamic religion as well as by a common culture.

Above all, we have known you to be a courageous and experienced diplomat in dealing with many of the intractable questions addressed by the Organization over the years. We congratulate you on your accession to this high post and we have full confidence that you will conduct the deliberations of this session in an exemplary manner.
I also wish to express the deep appreciation of my delegation to your predecessor, Ambassador Guido de Marco, the Foreign Minister of Malta, who conducted the affairs of the last session with wisdom and efficiency.
We also renew our thanks to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his outstanding efforts in consolidating the foundations of international peace and security in a difficult year that witnessed the eruption of thorny problems which threatened to undermine international and regional peace and security.
It is also my pleasure to express the happiness of my delegation at the accession to the membership of the United Nations by the Republic of Korea and the People's Democratic Republic of Korea. We hope that this positive tendency will lead to further efforts to unify peacefully and through negotiations the two Koreas with a view to achieving stability, security and prosperity in the region.
We also express our happiness at the accession to the membership of the United Nations by the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia and the three Baltic Republics of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania. We are confident that with the accession of this group of friendly nations, the Charter of the United Nations is entering nowadays upon a new era and is being rejuvenated. The events in East; Europe have highlighted the sanctity of two of the principal foundations of the United Nations Charter, namely, the right of self-determination and respect for human rights wherever man may live.
At the beginning of this session, we must pause and consider what happened at the last session, namely, the tendencies that prevailed in that session and the effects they had on the deliberations that took place in the General Assembly, its Main Committees and subsidiary bodies.
We believe that the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly was one of the most important in the history of this Organization. That session witnessed the postulation, for the first time, of the so-called new world order. This, in our view, means the radical reconsideration of the relationships that used to prevail in the world on all the strategic, military, economic, social and human levels. In other words, this means that the international community is at the threshold of a new phase in the history of humanity in the course of which many of the concepts that used to prevail in the past will be changed. We do hope that that change will be positive and imbued with lofty humanist ideals like the prevalence of justice for all, the application of one standard to all, and the preservation of the human dignity of all peoples, by allowing them to exercise their right to self-determination and refraining from interfering in their internal affairs. Above all, this Organization should be enabled to play a constructive and positive role and should not be used as a mount to achieve the narrow interests of any one nation or group of nations and should not be driven away from its principles and objectives which ensure justice for all.
The establishment of a new world order should not be the exclusive prerogative of the developed and militarily strong countries. It is a major transformation in which every nation should take part, in the interest of the small countries. The destiny of the world should not be shaped by an elite group of States which enjoy having great economic, industrial, technical and military power. We should not revert to the days of old colonialism, no matter how it may change its skin, or its techniques in imposing its influence on others. In the contemporary concept, we are all partners that bear a shared duty and a common responsibility to enable future generations to lead a decent life and to enjoy the fruits of human creativity and the blessings of an advanced civilization, whose goal is the happiness of mankind and not its continued material and spiritual wretchedness.
On the basis of the foregoing we call for enlarging the permanent membership of the Security Council, with members of the non-aligned countries being given a place by rotation. In that way, this important group of nations will be able to take part in the preparation of resolutions which have a bearing on international peace and security. He call for this as we are convinced that the Non-Aligned Movement has become more important to its members than ever before in view of the rapid changes that are sweeping over the world these days and the talk in international forums regarding the emergence of a new world order that does not seem to pay sufficient attention to the interests of the small countries.
In this respect, we cannot but express the hope that, this time, the post of Secretary-General will be given to one of the sons of Africa. This would demonstrate the international community's respect for and confidence in the African continent and its devoted sons, many of whom have exerted great efforts towards preserving international peace and security.
We hope that this session will be inspired by this constructive spirit in pursuing its work and shouldering its responsibilities. This would emphasize the partnership of the entire international community as a whole in shaping a better future for future generations. We hope that this session will thus enhance the importance of the United Nations and make it the main fulcrum that shapes the destiny of the world.
A few months ago, Sudan celebrated the second anniversary of its National Salvation Revolution. In those two years, Sudan has witnessed radical transformations which have helped the country to break out from the sphere of the old power-hungry forces and their strife. The revolution continues its determined march towards building a new society, enhancing national unity, and expanding and stabilizing the democratic process through consultation and dialogue. The revolution is moving resolutely towards power sharing and wealth distribution after the application of the federal system to the provinces. We hope very soon to establish the constituent national congress. We have already made adequate preparations for that congress and have organised a conference in which all parties participated in order to eliminate the problems that were left behind by previous regimes. These problems will be dealt with on a sound basis.
The overriding concern of our revolution is to bring about peace to all parts of the country. My country has witnessed an armed conflict that was imposed on it after it gained its independence in 1956. Therefore, the revolution, from day one, made a point of establishing contact and is still in contact with the rebel leaders. At present, we maintain high-level contacts through the good offices of Mr. Ibrahim Babangida, the President of the Republic of Nigeria, in his capacity as the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), with the aim of ironing out the differences between fellow countrymen in a spirit of African fellowship.
While thanking Mr. Babangida from this rostrum, we wish him every success in his good offices. He also call upon the rebel leaders to heed the voice of reason and the mother country and desist from being tools in the hands of foreign Powers so as to spare the people of Sudan and further suffering. He should work hand in hand to develop every part of the country and ensure its progress on the economic, social and human levels.
The central Government in Khartoum is quite prepared, at all times, to negotiate in good faith and put an end to this conflict which has bled the country for long enough. The only way to do this is to adhere to the spirit of the Conference of National Dialogue on Peace Issues, which convened in Khartoum in September of 1989.
Here we should point out that the recent developments in Ethiopia have led to positive tendencies which must reflect favourably on the prospects of peace in Sudan, and bring it nearer than ever before. However, this can only happen through concerted efforts and sincere intentions.
This year has witnessed rapid, dramatic international and regional changes which have amazed many and put paid to many of the theories and strategies which prevailed in the past. As I said before, we are now at the threshold of a new era in the history of the world.
In the Arab region, there has been the Iraqi-Kuwaiti dispute and the resultant war that devastated the resources and capabilities of two sister States. This war opened wide the doors of the region to foreign intervention and paved the way for ushering in the so-called new world order, which we hope will not be applied selectively to certain peoples and Governments while others are left outside the realm of international laws and norms which they flout continuously. Indeed, we cannot understand why the new world order should mean, for example, the continued imposition of sanctions against Iraq, and the consequent continued deprivation of its people, its children, women and elderly citizens, of food and medicine. We cannot understand how a new world order could be ushered in through the total destruction of Iraq's infrastructures and the prevention of that country from enjoying its national wealth through a system of unfair and harsh control.
In the Horn of Africa, many developments have taken place and resulted in the uprooting of obsolete tribal regimes that had sold out to foreign Powers and betrayed the aspirations of their own peoples. Those major developments, which shook the region, were bound to have certain negative effects: such as the refugee problem, widespread suffering and the displacement of populations. However, these phenomena should not last forever.
From this rostrum, we congratulate the Ethiopian people on their admirable national achievement and assure them that we will always extend a helping hand in their march towards attaining their aspirations.
As for the developments in Somalia, we hastened, in cooperation with other sister States to do all we could to end the dispute there, in order to enable the Somali people to preserve their national identity and territorial integrity without leaving a loophole for any harmful foreign interference. We are fully confident that the people of the sister country of Somalia will be able to solve their own problems with wisdom and solidarity.
Given our keen interest in preserving the security of the region and ensuring the welfare of its peoples, we are intent on encouraging and enhancing dialogue between the countries of the region through regional and bilateral channels in order to improve the chances of peace and make optimum use of our material and human resources. The cancellation of visa requirements between Ethiopia and Sudan was meant to intensify exchanges for the mutual benefit of both countries.
The ongoing developments in Central and Eastern Europe are conclusive proof that peoples' aspirations and their desire to safeguard their traditions and human values should be respected. Such aspirations cannot be suppressed by the force of arms or by subjugation to theories and regimes that are dictated from the top and which are divorced from reality. Freedom is not divisible and people's capabilities should not be wasted in running after slogans that are divorced from human nature.
We sincerely hope that the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe will be able to solve their pending problems, through constructive dialogue, and preserve their economic, social and human achievements. We also hope that that region will remain, as ever, a safety valve that preserves international peace and security and the champion and friend of the small and developing countries that aspire to achieve their economic and social development without any unfair diktat, domination or spheres of influence.
In the same vein, we hope that the people of South Africa will realize all their aspirations after political equality and social and economic justice. Therefore, we still adhere to the Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa (resolution S-16/1) of 1989, and call for its full implementation together with its programme of action, in order to end apartheid.
Consequently, we believe that the lifting of all sanctions and boycotts against the Government of South Africa should be reviewed and dealt with cautiously, despite the promises made by the Government of South Africa and the steps taken by that Government towards the abrogation of apartheid laws. In the end, we hope to see the black and coloured people of South Africa enjoying all the privileges enjoyed in that part of the African continent.
Mention should be made here of the importance of the tripartite agreement signed recently between the leaders of the African National Congress, the Inkatha Movement and the Government of South Africa in order to end the violence in that part of the continent.
We have spoken about the right of peoples to self-determination and their right to preserve their heritage and human achievements. This leads us to the tragedy of the age, namely, the tragedy of the Palestinian people, who have been dispossessed and driven out of their lands and subjected to all kinds of repression and brutality by the occupying Power, Israel.
The question of Palestine has been and still is a severe test for the international community and the credibility of its organizations. For more than 40 years the Palestinian people have been subjected to the most brutal forms of occupation and oppression. Every single day, their human rights are being violated by the Zionist regime.
Furthermore, the Israeli tax policy imposed on the occupied Arab territories, since 1967, is contrary to all international laws and conventions both in its assessment and methods of collection. That tax system is one of the harshest measures of collective punishment. Its measures are decreed by the military authorities. They are based on exaggerated arbitrary assessments of tax liabilities and are implemented under the guise of a tax-collection system that is enforced, most aggressively and arbitrarily, by the army, security forces, customs authorities and military courts.
It is evident that the escalation of this type of repression through taxation is a further attempt by the authorities of occupation to blackmail the Palestinians, to wear them down, weaken their ability to make savings, deprive them of the means of livelihood and pre-empt any possibility of their building an independent national economy. It is also meant to tighten the noose further with the aim of breaking the spirit at their intifadah and forcing them to surrender or leave the country. Despite all this, the Palestinian people have shown great courage and heroism. The children of the intifadeh are still being martyred daily.
Peace and security will not be brought to the Middle East unless and until Israel withdraws from the occupied Arab territories, and unless and until the Palestinians achieve their full and undiminished rights, the foremost of which is the establishment of their own national State, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Meanwhile, the PLO has continued to adopt a positive and constructive stand from which it took many a positive and constructive initiative with the aim of achieving a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the area.
Despite all this, the entire international community can testify to the obduracy of Israel in continuing its occupation of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Syrian Golan and southern Lebanon. Israel continues to bring in tens of thousands of Soviet Jewish immigrants and continues to build settlements in the occupied territories. It continues to obstruct by every means the convening of the peace conference. It does so by imposing preconditions, preventing the Palestinians from taking their rightful place in the peace process and marginalizing the role of the United Nations, in naked defiance of international legality.
We strongly support all the sincere efforts being made to convene an international peace conference on the Middle East to be held on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), and from this rostrum we call upon the permanent members of the Security Council to force Israel to come to the negotiating table without arrogance or prevarication.
Eight must be upheld. Just as the international community implemented fully every single resolution adopted by the Security Council in the context of the new world order, we look forward to the same zeal in applying the same standards in the case of Israel which has uprooted the Palestinian people, usurped their land and violated every international norm and law.
Shall we keep silent forever? Shall we close our eyes forever? How long will favouritism continue at the expense of others? From this rostrum, we support the latest resolutions adopted by the PLO in Algeria. We do hope that the United States of America, the Soviet Union and all the other interested countries will be able to make a success of the forthcoming peace conference, and thereby restore the full rights of the Palestinian people and neighbouring Arab countries and re-establish peace, stability and security in the region.
Other international and regional issues are still in abeyance. The situation in Afghanistan is still unsettled. We still hope for a broad-based Government and for the noble Mujahideen to unite, frustrate all foreign conspiracies and thereby enable the Afghani people to choose freely the political and social system they wish to live under.
In Cambodia, we hope that the spirit of Jakarta will prevail and enable the Supreme National Council, headed by Prince Sihanouk, with the help of the United Nations, to bring about a lasting and comprehensive political settlement.
My country takes great interest in the problem of the environment, in view of its close links with development. We wish to voice our deep concern at the deterioration of the environment in many areas. We refer especially to the depletion of the ozone layer, the unsettled climatic conditions which prevail in the world, drought, desertification, other natural disasters, the poisons released into the atmosphere by certain industries in some developed countries and the resultant damage to agriculture and development. We pin great hopes on the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development scheduled to take place in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. We hope the Conference will achieve concrete results that would lead to the preservation of the environment and indeed of human life. We in Sudan have established a national committee to prepare for the conference and to participate effectively in its deliberations.
At the economic level, the deterioration of the economies of the African continent has reached a critical stage. The important changes that have taken place in international relations have not led to a parallel detente in international economic relations. We know that the poor countries still suffer from their usual problems of indebtedness, adverse trade conditions and sluggish economic development. Africa has suffered one natural disaster after the other over the past few years. Those continuing national disasters have led to a severe plunge in its export revenues at a time when the continent stands in dire need of the resources required to finance imports whose prices have been inflated. Unless and until the terms of trade improve in a fair and equitable manner, the economic situation of the African countries will deteriorate further as most of them have to earmark about 90 per cent of their export earnings to finance the importation of absolute necessities at the expense of their ability to invest in development projects.
The debt burden has plagued both developing and developed countries alike, and has had a very negative effect on the development efforts of the developing countries. Foreign debts continue to swallow up most or even all of the revenues of those countries in many cases. Five years have passed since the United Nations adopted the Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development.
We now notice that the African countries have adopted the required policies and taken the necessary measures to make structural changes, despite the heavy social and political cost involved. However, the requirements of economic reform are not confined to austerity measures and structural reforms. It also requires financial inflows that measure up to the size of the problem.
My delegation is in complete agreement with the final review and appraisal of the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development. Following the failure of the said programme, we call for the adoption of the proposal with regard to the implementation of the international agenda on cooperation with Africa in the 1990s. We also hope the current negotiations in Uruguay will succeed.
The Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries was held last year in an atmosphere of understanding and resolve to cooperate with those countries and assist them in overcoming their economic troubles through the implementation of the programme for revitalizing their economic development. The programme is based on a sound and comprehensive scientific understanding of the problems involved. All parties should be committed to participate in its implementation.
My delegation wishes to commend the Paris Declaration and calls upon on the least developed countries, the international community and the secretariat of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UHCTAD) to play their full and positive roles in the implementation of the programme of action on the basis of shared responsibility and the consensus reached at that Conference.
My delegation would like to commend the programme for special economic and disaster relief assistance. The United Nations has contributed, through the assistance given by the donor countries and various organizations, in relief operations. In Sudan, the international community, as represented by the donor countries and organizations, has continued to play its humanitarian role in relief operations in some parts of the country, as well as for those who were uprooted and forced to leave their homes. In this respect, I can only hail the resolution adopted by the General Assembly in its last session with regard to the third phase of Operation Lifeline Sudan.
Mention should be made also of the visit to Khartoum by Mr. James Ingram, Executive Director of the World Food Programme and of the subsequent visits to Khartoum and Nairobi by Mr. James Jonah, Under-Secretary-General, Department for Special Political Questions. The purpose of those visits was to provide foodstuffs to the area of A1-Nasser and the Sudanese nationals who had returned to it after the collapse of the Mengistu regime in Ethiopia.
The Government of Sudan has shown its readiness to enable the World Food Programme, international and non-governmental organizations and donor countries to provide that aid on humanitarian grounds, despite the fact that most of those returnees still carry arms against the State of Sudan.
The rebel movement still holds tens of thousands of children in camps with a view to training them to carry and use arms and uses them in transporting munitions and materiel in complete disregard of the repeated appeals by the international community. We must point out here the dangerous nature of such practices which should be unmasked so that the international community may be made aware of the acts perpetrated by that rebel movement.
The Government of Sudan has expressed its willingness to assist in the relief operations and agreed to United Nations proposals on phase three of Operation Lifeline Sudan. Up to the present and regardless of the non-compliance of the other party, the Government of Sudan, given its responsibility towards its people, has responded, now as in the past, and met all the requirements for the successful implementation of that important humanitarian programme. This will continue to be its policy.
While we welcome the report on the United Nations programme on emergency assistance in the Horn of Africa and commend the implementation of part of that programme, we call upon the donor countries and organizations to continue to finance the programme for the present and the coming year.
We must reiterate here the readiness of the Government of Sudan to discuss all questions of emergency relief with all the Governments concerned, but without compromising the sovereignty of our country which has always cooperated in showing respect for the dignity of the people of the Sudan. In this context, I must refer to the statement of the Foreign Minister of the Netherlands, who spoke on behalf of the European Economic Community, in which he expressed concern about the economic and the human rights situation in Sudan. I would refer in this respect to what I have already said a few moments ago, namely that the Government of Sudan is eager to allow relief to reach all those who need it throughout Sudan. This is a fact that the United Nations officials attest to and it proves that what was said in the statement by the Foreign Minister of the Netherlands was without foundation and not supported by factual evidence.
As for the comments by the representative of the United Kingdom at the pledging conference for the Horn of Africa, specifically with respect to the Darfur area, I wish to state that the food situation there is good; it is just that the state lacks an adequate transportation network. We would refer in this respect to the huge project of rehabilitating the railroad sector under International Monetary Fund auspices which could have been carried out were it not for the obstacles that some of the donor countries continued to put in its way even after the contracts were signed. The same type of obstruction has impeded our efforts in the area of agricultural inputs. Notwithstanding, the allegation that half of Sudan's population will starve is not to be believed; it is groundless. I am pleased to say that such over-pessimistic predictions will not come true and are without basis. The people of Sudan are alive and well.
We also wish to point out that some of the donor countries whose voices have been the loudest in criticizing us are those who have donated least: their donations which do not exceed a thousand tons of food have not reached us to this date.
There are many other human and social issues of great importance which continue to be in abeyance and which call for lasting stable solutions. One of such issues is the question of political asylum, a negative phenomenon which has been before us since the Second World War and the hotbeds of tension and political and military conflict that that war spawned in many of the countries of the developing world. If certain political, economic, social and climatic circumstances have contributed in the past to the intensification of the phenomenon in Africa, recent developments in the Horn of Africa have caused huge numbers of refugees to flee to neighbouring countries. Sudan has had a large share of that tragedy. We have received tens of thousands of our brethren from Ethiopia. Despite our limited resources and despite the fact that we are accommodating tens of thousands of refugees, we have spared no effort to give them refuge. We have entered into an agreement with Ethiopia and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) on accommodating those refugees, which proves our good intentions with respect to permanent cooperation with all our neighbours.
That agreement is a sign of the importance we attach to humanitarian cooperation in several fields. We wish to thank the Government of Ethiopia, the UNHCR and all the States and economic groupings that have contributed to the success of this humanitarian effort. The status of refugee is ft blot on the dignity of man, and is an anachronism in an age when we have achieved great progress in other areas. We hope that Mrs. Sadako Ogata, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, will visit the Sudan to see first-hand the situation there rather than depending for information on certain donor countries and non-governmental organizations. That would block the way in the face of the current attempts at justifying interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States under the pretext of protecting human rights.
Human rights, the right to live in peace and security and enjoy unhampered economic, social and cultural progress, should be among and no less than any of the major questions on the international agenda, such as the questions of disarmament, the granting of independence to colonized countries, technology transfers and the establishment of an equitable international economic order. The best resource on Earth is man; man is God's guardian of the planet. Because of economic, strategic and social circumstances, millions suffer from starvation and ignorance and are prevented from exercising the right to self-determination. Many people cannot lead a decent life or practice their religion because of policies imposed upon them.
Things that may be valid for one society do not necessarily apply in the case of another; every system of thought and value should spring from the society itself. It should not be imposed from outside. Sudan has been accused of certain human rights violations; we want to make the truth known. We have established positive relations with the Commission on Human Rights and reported to it fully on the human rights situation in Sudan. Though we believe that the decision reached by the Commission is neither fair nor objective we shall cooperate with it as we have nothing to hide. We are committed to all human rights conventions to which we are signatories.
How can Sudan be accused of human rights violations when we have in fact brought dignity to the people of Sudan? We have applied the law, and have created circumstances favourable to the application of the rule of law. We have released all political detainees and have demolished the largest of detention camps, that which the colonial power built in the heyday of empire.
We ask all our critics to hear us out, to listen to the testimony of parliamentarians and representatives of humanitarian groups and to be willing to see the facts. We are proud that for the first time in the history of armed conflict we applied the concept of the right of safe passage with a view to saving many lives. The world can also see that we contributed food and medicine to the victims of torture who have fled to Sudan after the recent developments in Ethiopia, even though most of them were up in arms against the country. Their own country.
The application of Islamic shariah in the Sudan does not deprive non-Muslims of their rights. Nor does it compromise the dignity of non-Muslims or prevent them from enjoying all their human rights. The application of the shariah system enables everyone to enjoy his rights and submit to the will of God.
At this very important juncture in human and world history, we express our conviction that the new world order should be based on justice, non-interference and respect for self-determination. This system should be the means to preserve the dignity of man and it should be done through the international Organisation because it is universal and the only body capable of preserving international peace and security. We will spare no effort in upholding this system which we await impatiently.


Sir, at the outset I take pleasure in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the forty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly. This election is a token of appreciation both to your person and to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia which is a founding Member of this world Organization and continued to be a fervent supporter of its objectives. The role that the Kingdom plays in the area of Arab and Islamic affairs, being the host country to the Secretariat of the Islamic Conference Organization and the Secretariat of the Gulf Cooperation Council, are indications of the significance of your having been elected to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly. We are confident that your leadership of this session will effectively contribute to the realisation of the goals to which the international community is looking forward.
I take pleasure, too, in commending Mr. Guido de Marco, the President of the forty-fifth session, for the efficient manner, the capability and wisdom with which he conducted the affairs of that session. I should also like to express our appreciation and thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his unstinting efforts to achieve peace, security and the well-being of all the peoples of the world under difficult international conditions.
It is only fair to record here that the Secretary-General has striven earnestly to restore to the Organization its credibility and effectiveness in its role as the guarantor of international peace and security.
My delegation welcomes the admission to membership of the Organization of the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia. We hope that their accession to the membership of the United Nations will contribute to enhancing the effectiveness of the world body.
The work of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly is being conducted in a new international climate in which the credibility of the United Nations in dealing with crises and conflicts which threaten peace and security has been enhanced. This in turn has led to confirming the faith of the peoples of the world in the importance of the world body and the effectiveness of its role in preserving the peace and security of the world.
This development was particularly evident during the Gulf crisis, in which the world Organization undertook the most decisive role, which resulted in reversing aggression and returning legitimacy to the sister State of Kuwait under the relevant Security Council resolutions. The fact that the permanent Members of the Security Council acted unanimously to reverse aggression restored to the Council the fullness of its authority in preserving world peace and security. This development presages a new era in international relations and a continued effective role for the Security Council, thanks to the concord between the great Powers.
The responsibility for removing the remaining hotbeds of tension and conflict in the many parts of the world is that of the Security Council. It is highly desirable that the Council should persevere along the lines of its action in response to the Gulf war and resolve with the same positive approach the remaining international problems, foremost among which is that of Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict which has continued for far too long and which can be settled fairly and justly through the application of the principles of the Charter and the relevant resolutions in particular Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). As far as we are concerned, the Palestinian cause is at the forefront of our preoccupations. This problem cannot be resolved without recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. Similarly, the Security Council is called upon to implement its resolution 425 (1978), which called upon Israel to withdraw its forces from all Lebanese territory.
We are fully confident that the Security Council has every intention of fully implementing all its resolutions with regard to the Middle East conflict, the Gulf conflict and other problems of the world in the same determined spirit which characterized the implementation of its resolutions on the Iraqi act of aggression against the State of Kuwait.
The events of August of last year confronted the Arab States of the Gulf region with their collective responsibility to preserve peace there and to ensure their territorial integrity. Those States have determined unanimously to work out, in participation with some other Arab and friendly nations.
security arrangements that would ensure the non-recurrence of what happened last year.
My country welcomes the serious and untiring efforts of the United States of America to reach a resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. We command the joint call of the United States and the Soviet Union to convene a peace conference on the Middle East. He look forward to the convening of that conference on time and to its success in establishing in the region a stable peace based on justice and equal treatment. Only thus can the peoples of the region live in peace and strive towards the realisation of the hopes of development, progress and well-being, which they all share.
The remarkable recent developments on the world scene have resulted in radical changes in international relations and are truly among the most important developments we have witnessed in modern history. For the first time since the end of the Second World War, the nations of the world have realized that they share the same destiny and that the concept of collective security is indivisible and requires adequate common security mechanisms to deal with the political, economic and social problems which still confront our world.
The peoples of the world look forward to the formulation of a new world order that brings peace to the world on the basis of the rules of international law and the principles of justice, equality, cooperation, tolerance and fraternal relations. However, the new world order must avoid the negative aspects of the old order, which resulted in the formation of competing blocs and in polarization and which impeded international action in the fight against poverty, hunger, ignorance and disease in many parts of the world.
The framework of the new world order must also Include international cooperation in trade, in economic development, in disarmament, in dealing with the problem of third-world indebtedness, in the preservation of the environment and in the resolution of social problems. As the new world order it intended to govern all political, economic or social international relations, all the nations of the world have to participate on an equal footing in its formulation, so that it will be a truly universal, just and fair order.
However, in the dawn of this new era of detente in International relations, we must recognise the fact that there are still intractable regional disputes which may not threaten international peace and security but are nevertheless obstacles on the road to the peace which all the world's people should enjoy in this post-cold-war era.
My country strongly encourages and appreciates the efforts of the United Nations and its Secretary-General in reaching solutions to these persistent regional disputes.
The international community still faces an ongoing arms race, compounded by the proliferation of chemical and biological weapons in an increasing number of countries.
In my country's view, the proliferation of chemical and biological weapons poses a danger that is in no way less than the danger posed by nuclear weapons. We therefore call upon the international community to reach agreement on the prevention of the manufacture, possession and proliferation of chemical and biological weapons. Speaking of the danger posed by those weapons leads us to the topic of general disarmament. My country wishes to voice its satisfaction at the progress achieved in the area of disarmament, including conventional weapons.
Here we must commend the recent initiative of President Bush aimed at affecting major reductions in nuclear arms. We hope that other nuclear powers will follow suit and emulate the United States.
The positive developments we are now witnessing in international relations will enhance the collective efforts being made in the area of economic and social development. There is undoubtedly a close link between the rates of economic growth and disarmament. Any progress towards disarmament will create positive opportunities for accelerating the process of economic development.
The problem of external debts which have overburdened the developing nations has impeded the progress of those countries towards achieving the goal of a better life for their peoples. This problem, as well as that of the terms of trade and the problem of transfer of technology to developing countries must be dealt with so that such problems may no longer obstruct and frustrate development efforts in the developing countries.
The problems of environmental pollution are a source of great concern to my country. We look forward to the convening of the United Nations Conference on Development and Environment to be held in Brazil next year. My country is all the more concerned because the Gulf war has aggravated the problems of the environment in our region due to the setting on fire of the oil wells, the resultant pollution of air and water and the threat to marine biology in the whole area of the Gulf. Similarly, the dumping of dangerous wastes and toxic materials in the developing countries has negative implications for the efforts of those countries in the areas of environment preservation and economic development.
We view with great satisfaction the international community's interest in social problems. My delegation is very much concerned at the increase in drug abuse by young people. We support all International efforts aimed at fighting drug abuse and hope that those efforts will lead to positive results.
Last year's unfolding of events augured well for a new epoch in international relations. It behoves the international community to seize the opportunity of detente to grapple effectively with the numerous challenges posed by ignorance, poverty, backwardness and the deterioration of the environment. Then, and only then, will the lofty principles of justice, freedom and the equality of nations prevail and true peace and security for all the peoples of the world finally achieved.


I am honoured to speak with you as you open the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I should first like to congratulate the outgoing President, Guido de Marco of Malta, and salute our incoming President, Samir Al-Shihabi of Saudi Arabia.
I also want to salute especially Secretary-General Javier Peres de Cuellar, who will step down in just over three months. But let me say, Secretary-General Peres de Cuellar has served with great distinction during a period of unprecedented change and turmoil, and for almost 10 years we have enjoyed the leadership of this man of peace, a man that I, along with many Members, feel proud to call friend, and so today let us congratulate our friend and praise his spectacular service to the United Nations and to the people of the world, the Secretary-General.
Let me also welcome new Members in this Hall, two delegations representing Korea, particularly our democratic friends, the Republic of Korea, the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, and new missions from the Marshall Islands and Micronesia. Twenty years ago, when I was the Permanent Representative here for the United States, there were 132 United Nations Members. Just one week ago, 159 nations enjoyed membership in the United Nations, and today the number stands at 166. The presence of these new Members alone provides reason for us to celebrate.
My statement today will not sound like any you have heard from a President of the United States. I am not going to dwell on the super-Power competition that defined international politics for half a century. Instead, I will discuss the challenges of building peace and prosperity in a world leavened by the cold war's end and the resumption of history.
Communism held history captive for years. It suspended ancient disputes; and it suppressed ethnic rivalries, nationalist aspirations and old prejudices. As it has dissolved, suspended hatreds have sprung to life. People who for years have been denied their pasts, have begun searching for their own identities, often through peaceful and constructive means, occasionally through factionalism and bloodshed.
This revival of history ushers in a new era teeming with opportunities and perils. Let us begin by discussing the opportunities. First, history's renewal enables people to pursue their natural instincts for enterprise. Communism froze that progress until its failures became too much for even its defenders to bear, and now citizens throughout the world have chosen enterprise over envy, personal responsibility over the enticements of the State, prosperity over the poverty of central planning.
The United Nations Charter encourages this adventure by pledging to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples, and I can think of no better way to fulfil this Mission than to promote the free flow of goods and Ideas, frankly, ideas and goods will travel around the globe with or without our help. The information revolution has destroyed the weapons of enforced isolation and ignorance. In many parts of the world technology has overwhelmed tyranny, proving that the age of Information can become the age of liberation, if we limit State power wisely and free our people to make the best use of new ideas, inventions and insights. By the same token, the world has learned that free markets provide levels of prosperity, growth and happiness that centrally planned economies can never offer.
Even the most charitable estimates indicate that in recent years the free world's economies have grown at twice the rate of the former communist world. Growth does more than fill shelves; it permits every person to gain, not at the expense of others but to the benefit of others. Prosperity encourages people to live as neighbours, not as predators. Economic growth can aid international relations in exactly the same way.
Many nations represented here are parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The Uruguay Round, the latest in the post-war series of trade negotiations, offers hope to developing nations, many of which have been cruelly divided, cruelly deceived, by the false promises of totalitarianism. Here in this Hall, we hear about North-South problems. But free and open trade, including unfettered access to markets and credit, offers developing countries means of self-sufficiency and economic dignity.
If the Uruguay Round should fail, a new wave of protectionism could destroy our hopes for a better future. History shows all too clearly that protectionism can destroy wealth within countries and poison relations between them. Therefore, I call upon all members of GATT to redouble their efforts to reach a successful conclusion for the Uruguay Round. I pledge that the United States will do its part.
I cannot stress this enough: Economic progress will play a vital role In the new world. It supplies the soil in which democracy grows best. People everywhere seek government of and by the people, and they want to enjoy their inalienable rights to freedom and property and person. Challenges to democracy have failed. Just last month, coup plotters in the Soviet Union tried to derail the forces of liberty and reform, but Soviet citizens refused to follow. Most of the nations in this Hall stood with the forces of reform led by Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin, and against the coup plotters.
The challenge facing the Soviet peoples now, that of building political systems based upon individual liberty, minority rights, democracy and free markets, mirrors every nation's responsibility for encouraging peaceful, democratic reform, but it also testifies to the extraordinary power of the democratic ideal. As democracy flourishes, so does the opportunity (or a third historical breakthrough, international cooperation. A year ago, the Soviet Union joined the United States and a host of other nations in defending a tiny country against aggression and opposing Saddam Hussein. For the very first time on a matter of major importance super-Power competition was replaced with international cooperation. The United Nations, in one of its finest moments, constructed a measured, principled, deliberate and courageous response to Saddam Hussein. It stood up to an outlaw who invaded Kuwait, who threatened many States within the region, who sought to set a menacing precedent for the post-cold-war world.
The coalition effort established a model for the collective settlement of disputes. Members sat the goal - the liberation of Kuwait - and devised a courageous, unified means of achieving that goal. Mow, for the first time, we have a real chance to fulfil the United Nations Charter's ambition of working "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war ... to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small ... to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom". Those are the words of the Charter.
He will not revive these ideals if we fail to acknowledge the challenge that the renewal of history presents. In Europe and Asia, nationalist passions have flared anew, challenging borders, straining the fabric of international society. At the same time, around the world many age-old conflicts still fester. We see signs of this tumult right here. The United Nations has mounted more peace-keeping missions in the last 36 months than during its first 43 years, and although we now seem mercifully liberated from the fear of nuclear holocaust, these smaller, virulent conflicts should trouble us all.
We must face this challenge squarely - first, by pursuing the peaceful resolution of disputes now in progress; secondly, and more importantly, by trying to prevent others from erupting. No one hare can promise that today's borders will remain fixed for all time, but we must strive to ensure the peaceful, negotiated settlement of border disputes.
We must also promote the cause of international harmony by addressing old feuds. We should take seriously the Charter's pledge to practise tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours. United Nations General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX), the so-called "Zionism is racism" resolution, mocks this pledge and the principles upon which the United Nations was founded, and I call now for its repeal. Zionism is not a policy; it is the idea that led to the creation of a home for the Jewish people, to the State of Israel, and to equate Zionism with the intolerable sin of racism is to twist history and forget the terrible plight of Jews in the Second World War - and indeed throughout history. To equate Zionism with racism is to reject Israel itself, a Member in good standing of the United Nations. This body cannot claim to seek peace and at the same time challenge Israel's right to exist. By repealing this resolution unconditionally the United Nations will enhance its credibility and serve the cause of peace.
As we work to meet the challenge posed by the resumption of history, we also must defend the Charter's emphasis on inalienable human rights. Government has failed if citizens cannot speak their mind, if they cannot form political parties freely and elect governments without coercion, it they cannot practice their religion freely, if they cannot raise their families in peace, if they cannot enjoy a just return from their labour, if they cannot live fruitful lives and at the end of their days look upon their achievements and their society's, progress with pride. Politicians who talk about democracy and freedom but provide neither eventually will feel the sting of public disapproval and the power of peoples yearning to live free.
Some nations still deny their basic rights to the people, and too many voices cry out for freedom. For example, the people of Cuba suffer oppression at the hands of a dictator who has not got the word, the lone hold-out in an otherwise democratic hemisphere, a man who has not adapted to a world that has no use for totalitarian tyranny. Elsewhere, despots ignore the heartening fact that the rest of the world is embarked upon a new age of liberty.
The renewal of history also imposes an obligation to remain vigilant about new threats and old. He must expand our efforts to control nuclear proliferation. We must work to prevent the spread of chemical and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them.
It is for this reason that I put forward my Middle East arms initiative, a comprehensive approach to stop and, where possible, reverse the accumulation of arms in that part of the world moat prone to violence. We must remember that self-interest will tug nations in different directions, and that struggles over perceived interests will flare sometimes into violence. We can never say with confidence where the next conflict may arise. And we cannot promise eternal peace - not while demagogue peddle false promises to people hungry with hope; not while terrorists use our citizens as pawns and drug dealers destroy our peoples. He, as a result, must band together to overwhelm affronts to basic human dignity. It is no longer acceptable to shrug and say that one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter. Let us put the law above the crude and cowardly practice of hostage-holding.
In a world defined by change, we must be as firm in principle as we are flexible in our response to changing international conditions. That is especially true today of Iraq. Six months after the adoption of Security Council resolutions 687 (1991) and 688 (1991), Saddam continues to rebuild his weapons of mass destruction and to subject the Iraqi people to brutal repression. Saddam's contempt for United Nations resolutions was first demonstrated back in August 1990, and it continues even as I am speaking. His Government refuses to permit unconditional helicopter inspections, and right now is refusing to allow United Nations inspectors to leave inspected premises with documents relating to an Iraqi nuclear weapons programme. It is the view of the United States that we must keep the United Nations sanctions in place as long as he remains in power. This also shows that we cannot compromise for a moment in seeing that Iraq destroys all of its weapons of mass destruction and the means to deliver them. And we will not compromise.
This is not to say - let me be clear on this point - that we should punish the Iraqi people. Let me repeat: our argument has never been with the people of Iraq. It was, and is, with a brutal dictator whose arrogance dishonours the Iraqi people. Security Council resolution 706 (1991) created a responsible mechanism for sending humanitarian relief to innocent Iraqi citizens. He must put that mechanism to work. Ma must not abandon our principled stand against Saddam's aggression. This cooperative effort has liberated Kuwait. Now it can lead to a just government in Iraq. And when it does - when it does - the Iraqi people can look forward to better lives, free at home, free to engage in a world beyond their borders.
The resumption of history also permits the United Nations to resume the important business of promoting the values that I have discussed today. This body can serve as a vehicle through which willing parties can settle old disputes. In the months to come, I look forward to working with Secretary-General Peres de Cuellar and his successor as we pursue peace in such diverse and divided lands as Afghanistan, Cambodia, Cyprus, El Salvador, and Western Sahara. The United Nations can encourage free market development through its international lending and aid institutions. However, it should not dictate the particular forms of government that nations should adopt. It can, and should, encourage the values upon which the Organization was founded. Together, we should insist that nations seeking our acceptance meet standards of human decency.
Where institutions of freedom have lain dormant, the United Nations can offer them new life. These institutions play a crucial role in our quest for a new world order, an order in which no nation must surrender one iota of its own sovereignty, an order characterized by the rule of law rather than the resort to force, the cooperative development of disputes rather than anarchy and bloodshed, and an unstinting belief in human rights.
Finally, you may wonder about America's role the new world I have described. Let me assure you, the United States has no intention of striving for a pax americana. However, we will remain engaged. We will not retreat and pull back into isolationism. We will offer friendship and leadership. In short, we seek a pax universalis, built upon shared responsibilities and aspirations.
To all assembled: We have an opportunity to spare our sons and daughters the sins and errors of the past. We can build a future more satisfying than any our world has ever known. The future lies undefined before us, full of promise, littered with peril. We can choose the kind of world we want: one blistered by the fires of war and subjected to the winds of coercion and chance, or one made more peaceful by reflection and choice. Take this challenge seriously. Inspire future generations to praise and venerate you, to say, "On the ruins of conflict, these brave men and women built an era of peace and understanding. They inaugurated a new world order, an order worth preserving for the ages."
Good luck to each and every one of you.


I should like to begin by extending our warmest and most heartfelt congratulations to the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Argentina, Mr. Dante Caputo, upon the occasion of his election to the post of President of the forty-third regular session of the United Nations General Assembly. We consider him to be a friend of our Government and of our people and we recognize his great experience and ability. We can therefore say that his presidency represents an assurance that the work of this Assembly will proceed in an orderly fashion.
It is also my pleasure to think Mr. Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic for his brilliant and efficient work as President of the Assembly during the previous session. I should also like to express our admiration for the Secretary-General for the efforts that he has been making for peace. His activities, intelligent, prudent and, at the same time, bold, notwithstanding the institutional and financial constraints upon the Organization, have represented an invaluable contribution to the resolution of various regional conflicts and they sure eloquent testimony to the value of the United Nations as a forum and instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security.
The lengthy agenda of this session of the General Assembly reflects all the major issues of concern to mankind today. Taken as a whole, it shows that in fulfilling the purposes and principles laid down in Articles 1 and 2 of the Charter 43 years ago, we are continuing resolutely to search for and to safeguard international peace and security, which continue to be the raison d'être of the Organization and which determine all its other activities and objectives.
Peace has been declared to be a human right. Consequently, all the efforts made to preserve and to restore it are simply the consequences of this right, and the attainment of its objectives becomes a duty for the Organization and all its Member States.
Today, as in the past, the efforts for peace call for direct action by the United Nations, which presupposes, in turn, that States must respect certain principles, such as non-intervention, renunciation of the use or threat of force, self-determination, and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Ever since the early years of the United Nations, Uruguay has complied strictly with those principles which underlie the Organization and has promoted respect for them. It has also done everything within its modest means to contribute to the success of the United Nations peace efforts. At this time, as we celebrate the well-deserved awarding of the 1988 Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces, I cannot but recall with pride that Uruguayan officers have been present since 1948 in the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UMOGlP), and recently in the Iran-Iraq Military Observer Group (UNIIMOG). Our effective participation in these efforts reflects our unswerving faith in the Organization as an instrument for peace.
The progress that the United Nations has made in the cases of Afghanistan, Angola and Namibia, in the Iran-Iraq conflict, and in the question of Western Sahara, must be hailed as a happy resurgence of the capacity for action and the negotiating ability of the organs and mechanisms operating within the framework of the United Nations. We earnestly hope and trust that the processes currently under way will culminate in a just and lasting peace for the nations currently embroiled in conflict.
Unfortunately, we cannot be so optimistic with respect to the present situation in Central America and that in the Middle East. In the case of Central America, Uruguay believes that only by full compliance with the Esquipulas II agreements and the Arias Plan, and by strict compliance with the principles of non-interference, self-determination and non-use of force, combined in a process of international democratization in the countries in conflict, will it be possible to achieve a stable peace in the region.
Our country has participated in the efforts of the Contadora Support Group with sincere enthusiasm, encouraging the parties to comply with the Esquipulas II agreements, and it is willing to continue to do so because it feels that the pacification and democratization of Central America are essential objectives for the harmonious development of all of Latin America, which is, in the end, an objective that is shared by all.
As for the Middle East, it is clear that there can be no lasting peace in the region without recognition of the right to exist of all the States in conflict, and without recognition of the full validity of the principle of self-determination of peoples. But at the same time, we must remember that the rights of those peoples are inexorably linked to the establishment of adequate safeguards, that the borders that have been set, or are to be set in the future, will be duly respected by all. Likewise, the continuation of artificial political divisions, such as those affecting the Korean people, do not contribute to the attainment of lasting peace in the region.
At the special session devoted to disarmament, Uruguay confirmed its conviction that the arms race could lead to a world war, and that we must continue the efforts already under way to bring about general and complete disarmament. This is essential for the creation of a climate compatible with the search for peace, in the hope that when this is achieved the resources that today are spent on weapons may be put to constructive uses, such as the economic development of the non-industrialized countries and their technological modernization.
Latin America has given the world the example of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which proscribes the proliferation of nuclear weapons among developing countries, without affecting the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes and scientific and technological progress, in this respect, we emphasize our support for the Declaration of the South Atlantic as a Zone of Peace and Co-operation, and we hope that the zone of peace in the South Pacific will soon become ą reality as well. We think that the establishment of these zones of peace constitutes a promising attempt to preserve vast stretches of sea and ocean free from the tensions and conflicts that arise from the threat or use of force or from the dangers resulting from the deployment of nuclear weapons.
Among the conflicts that are still unresolved, we should like once again to emphasize our position with respect to the Malvinas Islands. Uruguay has supported Argentina's claim of sovereignty over the Islands. But we also are mindful of our historic ties with the United Kingdom, with which Uruguay has maintained relations of friendship and co-operation for over a century. We should like now to reaffirm our willingness to co-operate in the search for solutions to a conflict that, with its recent military events, opened a painful breach throughout Latin America. The wounds must as a matter of urgency be healed through negotiation and dialogue.
The world is currently undergoing an unprecedented process of rapid change. We have fully entered the information age and are witnessing the end of the so-called industrial age with no sense of loss. The United Nations must adapt to this process of change in order to be able to continue to fulfil its mission and to ensure the equitable distribution of technological resources and the enjoyment of their benefits by all States. The monopoly of advanced technologies in the hands of a few countries is turning a majority of nations into compulsory purchasers of imported technology. As a result of this, their political sovereignty is as much endangered as it would be by an act of war. Consequently, we need to universalise the availability of the new resources that are being produced through science and technology. This means an attitude of universal openness, on the part of all countries of the world, industrialized and developing, to the free circulation, not only of goods and services, but ultimately of ideas and knowledge.
If this objective is not faced with all its political implications, any attempts to overcome the world's current economic and financial crisis will be impossible.
Today, we cannot think of the work of the United Nations without thinking of the question of human rights. These never were - and certainly are not today - a matter within the jurisdiction of States. The international promotion and protection of human rights, on the basis of the Charter and of many international instruments is an objective to which mankind as a whole is committed. In this context, we once again repeat our condemnation of apartheid, a shameful doctrine based on inequality and racial discrimination, which is a clear, institutionalized violation of human rights. In this connection there are other scourges in the world today such as terrorism and drugs. Terrorism is not merely a factor that contributes to - international insecurity and a form of action that violates fundamental principles of civilized coexistence·, it is essentially a flagrant violation of human rights, an attack upon the freedom and dignity of man, and especially on his right to life. Ws consider that the action by the United Nations against terrorism must be firm and clear, based on the view that terrorism is a crime against humanity, one that calls for the co-operation of all States.
As for the fight against the illegal use of drugs, international action roust be greatly expanded in order to confront this plague, which is particularly severe today. The United Nations is the appropriate setting for the adoption and promotion of economic, social, cultural and legal measures for its prevention and sanction. But such measures should not be considered as negating the responsibility of producer countries, nor of consumer countries since, if there were no large consumer market, there would not be any drug-producing market. We should also call attention to the responsibility of the countries that allow their territory to be used for drug trafficking. Our country confirms its determination to co-operate in the International fight against the narcotics trade and pledges its support to any co-ordinated effort at the regional or international levels.
Conservation of the environment is a matter of growing concern for the international community. The quality of man's life on Earth and his very existence are at stake.
We reaffirm our support for the recommendations in the report entitled "Our Common Culture", prepared by the World Commission on Environment and Development, and we agree with the basic principles of maintaining the steady productivity of the ecosystems and the biosphere as a whole. We are convinced of the need to increase efforts and to act in a co-ordinated fashion to avert the grave danger of altering the ecological balance and the progressive and rapid physical and chemical deterioration of the environment that is affecting the infrastructure of planetary life.
The achievement of full economic development has been the basic challenge of the last years of our century. Without balanced and global economic development, there can be no firm and lasting peace; the existence of both highly industrialized countries and countries hindered by underdevelopment is, over the medium- or long-term, a constant source of instability and tension and a threat to world peace.
Even if one recognizes that development is also the responsibility of the developing countries themselves, at this time in our century it seems clear that, even in those developing countries that are willing to absorb the social and political costs of painful adjustments in their economies, there eventually comes a time when national instruments of economic rationality are exhausted.
Hence there arises the indispensable need for greater international solidarity, which starts with clear and stable trade regulations - free from irritating protectionism - and greater flexibility and co-operation in solving the financial problems caused by the current foreign debt crisis, the weight of which is frustrating the efforts of the debtor countries to promote their economic growth and placing the stability of their democratic institutions at risk.
Nevertheless, it must be said that the overwhelming debt burden is monopolizing international attention, pushing into the background the urgent need to discuss new resources necessary to promote the scientific and technological modernization and development of the non-industrialized countries.
Naturally, the problem has transcended the mere economic nature of the issue. It is now time to recognize that the world's financial problems - the past debt and the future debt - are also political problems that must be faced from an international perspective based on a faithful and honest commitment by creditors and debtors alike, in which both recognize their due share of responsibility for the past and the future. To this end, I believe that it is constructive to highlight the recent commitment of the President of the Spanish Government at the close of the twenty-fifth meeting of Latin American Governors, Spain and the Philippines before the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
It is useful to recall this here because it shows that the sensitivity which we have been calling for is starting to emerge among the leaders of industrialized creditor countries as well.
President Felipe Gonzalez began by recognizing the failure of the strategy thus far pursued to resolve the debt crisis and recognized that from 1982 to date the situation of the banks and creditor countries has improved sufficiently for them to assume a more realistic and flexible attitude in this matter,. Consequently, he feels that the time has come for the creditors to redefine their debt strategy by specifically proposing the capitalization of interest and the reduction in outstanding debt, along the lines, I suppose, of explicitly recognizing the devaluation of the debt in the securities market.
I believe that this is the appropriate forum and time to welcome views such as the one expressed by the President of the Spanish Government, which tend to bring balance into international attention by recalling that, in spite of the progress in political terms observed at the international level, at this level there still persist serious problems - with no clear solutions - affecting not merely the quality of life of millions of inhabitants of the world but also the possibility of building a world at peace.
Soon, two international events will occur expressing our active commitment - Uruguay's - at the regional and international levels.
The first is the meeting of Latin American Presidents of the Group of Eight to be held at Punta del Este. This group, which was created in Rio de Janeiro, emerged out of the conviction of its democratic Governments that it is important for Latin America as a whole that there be a mechanism for co-ordination and consultation enabling it to harmonize its international activities, promote regional democratization and act in unity in analysing all the problems affecting the region. There can be no doubt that this group has acquired clear international standing and can now play its part in maintaining relations with other international organizations and countries outside the region. The forthcoming summit meeting at Punta del Estė will undoubtedly provide a timely opportunity to analyse what has been done since the Acapulco Declaration and to define a realistic plan of action to pursue in the future in the political, cultural, educational and technological fields.
The second is the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), a result of the Punta del Este conference, where discussions were held which, we hope, will serve as an example of international wisdom, promoting international trade free from discrimination and protectionism and capable of promoting international trade exchanges on the basis of which the shared objective for development of all States on Earth can be solidly established.
Within this broader picture, the importance of multilateralism and the transcendental role of the United Nations is clear. But for our Organization to be active and respected, it is necessary that it have the wherewithal necessary for the attainment of the goals assigned to it by the Charter and the resources efficiently to conduct the operations for which its machinery was established.
We recognize, therefore, that in order to revitalize the Organization once and for all, we need to start with honest self-criticism aimed at eliminating inefficiencies, lessening bureaucracy and improving existing systems.
In saying that, we also realize that the way to achieve this objective is surely not by suffocating it financially to the point of undermining not only its functioning but also its very existence. Hence it is the duty of all Member States particularly the large industrialized countries, to reconsider their position as contributions to the United Nations budget and to make the necessary efforts to keep the Organization going and functioning.
In summary, my country reaffirms its commitment to the United Nations. Uruguay is today living in peace, free from conflicts with other States. It maintains relations of friendship and co-operation with States of all political and economic systems in the world> it has developed a strong democratic life that fully respects human rights and is governed by leaders elected through the free expression of the will of the people.
That is why we come before the Assembly today and express our views on foreign policy as the result of national consensus on the basis of which the country is participating at the regional and international levels in the search for the reaffirmation of the fundamental principles that gave birth to the Organization. In closing, while confirming my country's confidence in the results of this session, let us recall that the difficult challenges we are currently facing and will have to face in the future can only be overcome through decisive and clear international action without unrealistic rhetoric or expressions of one-sided intent.
This call for pragmatic and rational action includes strict observance by all Members of the Organization of the fundamental principles of the San Francisco Charter, because these principles are not merely rhetorical phrases but rather inescapable legal duties that all States must observe in order to ensure the credibility and efficiency of the United Nations in accomplishing its basic objectives.