It has been four years since the end of the
cold war and the fall of the old ideological order. Four
years ago we were told that war and global confrontation
had ended and that history itself had come to an end, giving
8 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
way to a new age. Today, yesterday’s hopes and illusions
are confronted by a reality with which we are all familiar.
What is keeping us from turning our world into a fertile
field and a common abode for all human beings?
These meetings are taking place at a time when a
feeling of hope animates the hearts of men. The agreements
signed between Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization have shown that peace is possible and that
living in harmony does not require portentous events, but
only awareness and willingness. We all know that these first
agreements, if respected by both parties, can lead to a new
dawn not only for Israel and Palestine but for all the
countries of the Middle East - a new awakening of peace
and prosperity in which this sublime teaching of the Koran
can be made real:
"Those who believe (in the Qur-an),
And those who follow the Jewish (scriptures),
And the Christians and the Sabians,-
Any who believe in God
And the Last Day,
And work righteousness,
Shall have their reward
With their Lord: on them
Shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve." (Surah II, 62)
But while Israelis and Palestinians are shaking hands
and demonstrating their good judgement, the tragedy of
Bosnia and Herzegovina continues to fill the world with
shame. A Member State of the United Nations which is not
expressing ethnic or religious intolerance is trying to survive
the bloodiest harassment witnessed by Europe since 1945 -
nations respond with passivity and indifference. It is
shameful that an international community rejoicing at the
end of the cold war has not been able to take more decisive
and effective action in respect to the inhuman aggression
against Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Decade after decade, the echoes of that cold war were
heard in this Hall. The East-West confrontation was viewed
as the supreme obstacle facing the countries of the world in
attempting to respond to their peoples’s common yearning
for liberty, justice and development. The ideological
division, we were told, hampered the efforts made to ensure
that all humanity benefited from development.
Today we no longer talk about the cold war, nor about
ideological conflict, nor about the balance of terror.
Nevertheless, the reality of what happened during those
years continues to brand us. Some walls have come down
but still others have been built. The peoples of Asia, Africa
and Latin America remain forgotten, marginalized, second-
class human beings. The technological gap has become an
abyss. Material progress is increasingly remote from our
countries, and cooperation is decreasing before our very
eyes. The North-South dialogue has once again been
reduced to an implacable monologue or, in the best of cases,
a rhetorical exercise to which justice and equity are rarely
invited. And when we speak of new initiatives for
cooperation, such as those recently announced for the people
of Palestine, thought is given not to a global increase in aid
but, rather, to cutbacks in other programmes. As an old and
graphic Spanish proverb puts it: "You undress one saint so
that you can dress another ".
What does the new peace mean for the countries of the
third world? The assurance that their children will not be
killed by bullets, but will continue to die of hunger or
endemic diseases? The certainty that they will no longer
have to go to war, but will continue without schooling,
without a dignified life, decent jobs or proper medical care?
Sometimes ironic statements are made about the
optimism of the diplomacy of the 1920s, with its agreements
to renounce war and its naive faith in the capacity of the
League of Nations to resolve every difficulty. We all know
what happened in the end to optimism and that League, but
it seems that we have not really learned the lesson. If the
international community of the 1990s does not translate the
end of the cold war into a true effort to build one world, in
which there are no first- or second-rate countries, we shall
very soon experience realities more tragic than those we
have already known.
My country was overjoyed at the General Assembly’s
decision to choose you, Sir, to preside over the forty-eighth
session. You have the most sincere congratulations of Costa
Rica, a country that, like Guyana, forms part of the great
Caribbean brotherhood. We are certain that, under your
guidance, the General Assembly will be able to fulfil
mankind’s hopes for peace and development.
We should like to express our sympathy to the
Government and people of India at this time of grief for
them.
The present situation is especially critical for the
Central American and Caribbean States, which, because of
their territorial dimensions, demographic situations and weak
economies, are of little significance to the developed world.
When the small, peripheral nations like ours try to unite our
efforts, we are immediately faced with the locked doors of
the international financial organizations, the large economic
blocs and the transnational corporations, which even try to
create apprehension and confrontation among us.
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 9
We are not asking for handouts. Begging is not part of
a realistic and wide-reaching international policy. What our
countries need is greater understanding of our realities,
greater openness for our products, and more sincere and
effective support for our desire to live in peace and
democracy. What developing nations need is a change in
attitude originating from a sense of the inalienable identity
of humankind, a change in that amazing effrontery shown by
the developed world for our tragedies.
The case of Central America clearly demonstrates the
direction in which this widespread indifference is taking us.
It is taking us into a prolonged and difficult effort, in which
the international community is providing wide support. The
people of Central America left behind many years of bloody
convulsions. They decided to embark with enthusiasm on a
new life, cemented in peace, democracy and freedom. But
that joyful Central America, reborn for its children, has seen
how the doors close one after another. Those who were
interested in a Central America full of bloodshed and
trenches do not want to deal with a Central America of the
poor, the Central America that calls for cooperation for
development, for understanding of its human and economic
tragedies.
Figures can be deceiving. For example, it is said that
Nicaragua receives $500 million in foreign aid. That sounds
very good. What is not stated is that $450 million of the
$500 million goes back to where it came from to service the
external debt. In the meantime in that sister country even
more disturbing outbreaks of violence flourish, reflecting its
distressing situation. Recently an attempted coup d’état in
Guatemala failed, but that failure did not translate into
greater external support for the consolidation of Guatemalan
democracy in the sectors most needed.
We do not know in which Central American country
the next crisis will come, but it will not be long before it
happens. It is regrettable that those who said so much about
democracy and freedom and about peace and development
in Central America are no longer being heard from. Today
my delegation asks where is that support. What of the
promises, the golden offerings, the abundant talk of a few
years ago?
For example, let us take the case of banana production.
Throughout the bloody crisis in Central America the
European Community time and time again expressed its
support for a peaceful and negotiated solution. It effusively
supported the initiatives to transform Central America into
a land of freedom and democracy, to keep our countries
away from the strategic interests of the large hegemonistic
blocs. Now that results have been achieved, the same
Europe is placing strong barriers to the entry of Central
American bananas to its markets, without stopping to think
about the thousands of humble families that depend on this
activity. Other Latin American democracies are facing the
same attitude. As if that was not enough they are trying to
provoke a conflict between the banana-growing countries of
the Caribbean and those of Latin America, as if, following
the custom of colonial times and invoking a non-existent
antagonism between brothers, promoting divisions to hide
the barriers that in other cases they themselves denounce as
unjust.
Costa Rica believes that the time has come for frank,
open dialogue that will permit a fair and adequate solution
to this serious problem. For this reason we invite the
member countries of the European Community and the
producer countries of Latin America and the Caribbean,
without exception, to enter into political talks which,
together with the talks already under way at the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), will facilitate a
rapprochement between the positions of the only two parties
to the problem, namely the producer and consumer countries.
These contacts should have as a basis the recognition of the
rights of the Latin American countries to sell their fruit in
the Common Market and the reaffirmation of preferential
treatment given to the Caribbean countries in the context of
the Lomé Conventions.
While democracy endeavours to put down roots in
Central America, markets for Central American products are
being restricted by developed countries, cooperation
programmes are being decreased or canceled, and attitudes
of inexplicable severity are being adopted in commercial and
financial negotiations, and even in diplomatic relations. The
Central America of peace and freedom is being dealt with in
a way that the Central America of violence was never
treated.
My country, which for many decades has not suffered
from the Calvary of dictatorship and civil war, which has
maintained intact its tradition of effective respect for human
rights, has also had to face the same attitudes of indifference
and lack of awareness. In this matter we draw attention to
the disturbing decision of the United States Government to
admit an administrative action brought before it against
Costa Rica in which it is argued that the Costa Rican
workers are not being guaranteed internationally recognized
rights. This claim ignores our labour legislation which deals
with rights and guarantees for workers and has gone further
in more than 50 years than those of many developed
countries, including the United States. The threat of
excluding Costa Rica from commercial preference systems
is not only a clear interference in its internal jurisdiction but
10 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
also ignores the basic principles governing coexistence
among nations, and, more specifically, respect for sovereign
rights, and that attitude is at variance with traditional
democratic principles and values which have always existed
between both peoples and Governments.
The task of consolidating the achievements of the
Central American peace process is everyone’s responsibility.
In the first place, as a new political commitment, the
securing of peace and democracy and making human
development a priority require a true national consensus
sustained by a broad and participatory commitment, one that
involves Governments and the organized sectors of civil
society.
Secondly, a renewed and creative attitude on the part of
Central American Governments is needed, an attitude that
will rework and update the regional political agreements and,
from a new point of view, will direct regional efforts
towards creating a new Central America. We want a Central
America where peace, freedom, democracy and development
will prevail and this requires national and regional consensus
on fundamental subjects such as enforcing the rule of law,
strengthening democratic institutions, developing a
democratic political culture, promoting and enforcing human
rights, economic and political decentralization, decision-
making at the local level, the modernization of production,
guaranteeing equality of opportunity, widening the
possibilities for economic participation, social development,
and, finally, preserving our heritage for the society of the future.
Thirdly, the collaboration and commitment of Central
Americans in the creation of this new Central America is
necessary, but at the same time the participation of the
international community is indispensable in order to fulfil the
commitments made by the region in its transition to peace,
freedom, democracy and development. In this perspective
Costa Rica urges the General Assembly to decide in due
course to offer its political and material support to this new
challenge that is Central America at the end of this century.
In the present state of affairs the role of international
and regional organizations as promoters and guarantors of
peace and supporters of harmony and cooperation among the
nations of the world is particularly decisive. For many long
years lamentations were heard about the problems created
for the United Nations by ideological conflicts which
hindered the Organization and made it impossible for it to
act dynamically and effectively. We have left such sombre
hours behind and without doubt there have been important
signs that this and other international organizations can and
must provide many valuable and decisive contributions to the
international community as a whole. Precisely for this
reason we find ourselves at a key moment and we must now
redefine and transform the United Nations and the regional
organizations and make them vital mechanisms so that a life
of peace, freedom and development will illuminate all the
countries of the world.
A little more than a year ago the Secretary-General
presented us with a series of important ideas regarding the
restructuring of the United Nations. My country has
expressed support for these wise proposals but at the same
time we consider that the present circumstances are
especially important and that this is an opportunity to
meditate profoundly on the appropriateness of emphasizing
more the role that international organizations should play as
builders of a world of peace and development for all
peoples.
My country considers that the United Nations cannot
continue to ignore the question of the Republic of China in
Taiwan. The existence of that exemplary country and the
future of its 21 million inhabitants demand a revision of its
relations with the United Nations. We firmly support the
establishment of an ad hoc committee to study and find
satisfactory solution to that problem in accordance with the
fundamental principles of international law.
For many years we have urged that the two important
instruments of the United Nations system be created and
start functioning. These two instruments - so indispensable
to the attainment of that system’s aims of peace and defence
of fundamental human rights - are the University for Peace
and the post of High Commissioner for Human Rights. We
ask for support for both institutions, which are true pillars
for the realization of the principles of the Charter.
My delegation applauds the efforts made by the United
Nations in situations like those that exist in Haiti and
Somalia. The defence of international peace and security
continues to be a basic responsibility. We therefore support
all efforts accepted in the cause of disarmament and arms
control, and we view with special concern the case of
countries that, like the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea, object to controls that are directed towards ensuring
the non-proliferation of nuclear arms. At the same time,
however, Costa Rica considers it of fundamental importance
that States Members of the United Nations not lose sight of
the Organization’s role in the task of making peace productive -
a "sublime task", to borrow the term used by Amilcar
Cabral to define the progressive advancement of mankind
towards dignity and infinite growth.
The world is one. Our shared concerns for peace and
the deterioration of the environment are an ample
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 11
demonstration of this. Why not also acknowledge that
mankind is one and that all who form part of mankind have
a right to development and freedom?
The commitments undertaken last year in Rio de
Janeiro at the United Nations Conference on Environment
and Development to join in the search for sustainable
development, in all its economic and environmental as well
as its political, social and cultural dimensions, constitute a
fundamental requirement if we are to achieve true peace and
a dignified life for all the peoples of today’s and tomorrow’s
world. The convening of the Conference and the agreements
reached there, notwithstanding their limitations, are major
achievements for the Organization. In this connection, the
fact that many countries, including my own, have engaged
in activities to carry out the commitments entered into there
is of great importance. We also welcome the actions taken
by the United Nations at the International Conference on
Population and Development, the World Conference on
Women, and the Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States, aimed at
broadening discussions about the hoped-for development.
But if those efforts are to be successful, it is indispensable
that the promises made by the industrialized countries at the
Rio Summit be fulfilled - that is, that they provide new and
additional financial aid, something they have so far done on
a fairly meagre scale.
For nearly half a century, we have been living amid
division, struggles about ideologies, worries over
hegemonies. To a large extent, those sterile years are now
behind us, but so much remains to be done. We are still
confronted by hatreds of all kinds, by a polluted world, by
natural disasters, by illiteracy and by peoples suffering from
hunger and disease. However, if the international system
managed to avoid allowing the cold war to lead to military
catastrophe, surely it can find solutions to these other
catastrophes that are afflicting mankind. If we do not want
the military and ideological alliances of past years to re-
emerge, we must replace them as soon as possible with a
solidarity that is not founded on economic interests. My
delegation firmly believes that the Organization can and
must effect, as a priority, the qualitative transformation
required by the international community - that is, the
creation of a great family, without East or West, North or
South. Brothers and sisters know nothing of the points of
the compass.
In his book entitled Things Fall Apart Chinua Achebe
tells of a community in Nigeria where the harvest was poor.
Attempting to encourage a young man, his father tells him:
"Do not be disheartened. I know you will not be
disheartened. You have a brave and dignified heart. A
dignified heart can survive a serious problem because the
problem does not impinge upon his dignity. But it is more
difficult and more bitter when you face it alone."
Hope resides in solidarity and in union. Mankind is
one. All the peoples of the world must understand that we
share the same future, that there are no longer problems that
affect only others or differing destinies for mankind.
Working together with goodwill and in one spirit, we
will be able to transform our world into a common home,
into a fertile ground for the promotion of and respect for the
dignity of all human beings, joined to face a common future
of peace, justice and freedom.


At the outset I should like warmly to congratulate
you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the current
session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that given
your proven talent and extensive experience, and with the
cooperation of all delegations, you will steer our session to
full success. I also wish to express my sincere thanks to
your predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev, for his remarkable
accomplishments during the last session. I would like to
take this opportunity to extend a warm welcome and
congratulations to the new Members which have been
admitted to the United Nations this year.
The world has moved into a transitional period towards
multipolarity since the disintegration of the bipolar structure.
It had been hoped that the end of the cold war would bring
peace and prosperity to the world. Indeed, the prospects of
avoiding another world war and ensuring a lasting peace
have improved. However, contradictions that had lain
dormant during the cold war have begun to emerge, and
manifestations of hegemonism and power politics in
international relations are on the rise. Peace and development, so ardently aspired to by mankind, still face grave
challenges.
The relative stability Europe once enjoyed has been
upset. Many countries are plagued by severe economic
slumps or by political upheaval. Some regions are torn by
ethnic or religious feuds exacerbated by territorial disputes,
leading to intermittent conflicts and armed clashes. A
regional war is raging at the southern end of the Eurasian
land mass. All this can only have a negative impact on
Europe and on the world at large.
In the meantime, a number of developed countries have
developed a "post-cold-war syndrome". Some have sunk
into the longest recession since the Second World War. In
the new setting, internal contradictions have sharpened,
political scandals are rife, racism has reared its ugly head,
trade protectionism is on the rise, and xenophobic violence
is spreading. Public disaffection has been manifest, and the
entrenched political establishment has been shaken. This
trend has adversely affected the stability of the countries
concerned and complicated international relations.
The new international environment has led to an even
more dire plight for many developing countries. Increasing
foreign intervention has heightened various internal factors
of instability, thus compounding their difficulties. Their
rights to independence, subsistence and development have
been neither duly respected nor safeguarded. Therefore,
interference from the outside should cease, and the
international community should give top priority to helping
those countries achieve political stability and overcome
economic difficulties. Lasting world peace and stability will
remain elusive if the developing countries are still beset by
persistent political unrest and if the North-South gap
continues to widen.
There is no denying the fact that peace and
development remain the overriding issues of our time. To
preserve peace and accelerate development has become the
pressing demand of the people of all countries, but especially
of those in the developing countries.
The world we live in is as diversified as ever. There
are now more than 180 independent sovereign States, which
differ not only in social systems but also in stages of
development. Moreover, they have widely diverse
ideologies, cultural traditions, ethnic identities and religious
faiths. We should recognize and respect those differences
and diversities, and treat each other as equal members of the
international community. We should promote interchanges
in the spirit of seeking common ground while setting aside
differences. We should oppose any attempt to impose a
particular model on large numbers of countries, as diverse as
they are.
We believe that there can be genuine peace,
international harmony and common development among
States only when international relations strictly conform to
the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter
and are based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence
and other accepted norms of international conduct.
Increased economic and cultural interchanges between States
have deepened their interdependence. It is absolutely
necessary that States open up to each other; enhance
exchanges, mutual understanding and cooperation; and share
the benefit of complementarity. But all this will be possible
only on the basis of mutual respect, equality and mutual
benefit.
In order to attain the overall objective of peace and
development, the Chinese Government has on many
occasions called for the establishment of a new international
political and economic order of peace, stability, justice and
rationality based on the Five Principles of Peaceful
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 19
Coexistence and on the recognition of the diversity of the
world and of the differences among States. Under the new
order, mutual respect and cooperation between States on an
equal footing will replace hegemonism and power politics;
peace talks, dialogue and consultations will replace the use
or threat of force; and equality, mutual benefit and
accommodation of each other’s needs will replace trade
protectionism and unequal exchanges. The Chinese
Government is ready to cooperate extensively with all other
countries and will continue to make unremitting efforts for
the establishment of such a new order, and for peace and
development of the world.
The report "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277)
submitted by the Secretary-General contains many important,
thought-provokinq recommendations and ideas that deserve
careful consideration. We commend the Secretary-General
for his efforts therein. As a permanent member of the
Security Council, China has always supported the positive
endeavours of the United Nations in preserving world peace
and stability, promoting global development and resolving
international disputes. We support the further enhancement
and strengthening of the United Nations constructive role in
preventive diplomacy, in peacemaking and peace-keeping on
the basis of the purposes and principles of the Charter.
As the frequency and scope of United Nations
peace-keeping operations is growing, we deem it important
and relevant to stress such basic principles of the Charter as
respect for the sovereignty of, and non-interference in, the
internal affairs of Member States. Those principles must be
strictly observed at all times when undertaking preventive
diplomacy, peace-keeping operations or post-conflict
peace-building. Prior consent and pledges of cooperation by
the parties must be obtained, and strict impartiality should
prevail in all peace-keeping missions. Only in this way can
United Nations preventive diplomacy and peace-keeping
operations fulfil the underlying purposes of the Charter and
achieve the desired positive result.
The peaceful settlement of international disputes is an
important principle of the Charter, one which we deem to be
the essence of preventive diplomacy. Everything should be
done to bring the opposing parties to the negotiating table
before the outbreak of conflicts, so that they can start
consultations to achieve a peaceful settlement. All disputes
between States, regional conflicts or even internal conflicts,
however complex they may be, should be amenable to a
political solution, and nothing should be done to aggravate
the situation.
Not long ago, the Palestine Liberation Organization and
the Government of Israel signed an agreement on mutual
recognition and on the question of self-government for
Palestinians. Although just a beginning, the move was a
major breakthrough in the settlement of the Middle East
question, which has dragged on for nearly half a century.
This agreement was the result of efforts by the international
community and by both Palestine and Israel to settle an
international dispute by peaceful means. We sincerely
welcome and wish to express our congratulations at this
development. We can see from this that as long as a
glimmer of hope remains, one must not give up the pursuit
of a peaceful settlement.
Needless to say, one should adopt a very serious
attitude towards, and firmly oppose, any act of aggression
that tramples on the sovereignty of another country, such as
larger States bullying smaller ones or the strong lording it
over the weak in the international arena. We disapprove of
the indiscriminate use of sanctions or force in the name of
the United Nations. We also believe that humanitarian
missions must not be transformed into military operations
and that a war cannot be stopped by
expanding it.
It must be noted that in a world troubled by recurrent
regional conflicts and interwoven contradictions, the United
Nations alone cannot hope to resolve all international
disputes. It has the duty to undertake this task and
maintain international peace and security. But regional
organizations should also be taken into account and
encouraged, as provided in Chapter VIII of the Charter, to
assume greater responsibility and play a more active role in
this regard. In view of the proliferation of United Nations
peace-keeping operations and the concomitant demands on
the Organization and Member States in terms of manpower,
finance and material resources, we deem it essential that the
United Nations act within the limits of its means and
enhance the cost-effectiveness of such operations.
Peace and development are inseparable. Economic
development cannot get off the ground without the
prerequisites of peace and stability. On the other hand,
unless there is sound economic development, there can
hardly be secure or enduring peace and stability. We
maintain that the United Nations should meet the demands
of the developing countries for social and economic
advancement and should give this very high priority. This
is the way to make the United Nations an Organization that
all the countries of the world will support and count on.
This is also the way to enhance further the role and prestige
of the United Nations. Proceeding from this consideration,
20 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
we in China have stepped up preparations for the fourth
World Conference on Women in Beijing, scheduled for
1995. We also give vigorous support to the convening of
the World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen
the same year.
It must be pointed out that unless the international
community helps the developing countries break loose
quickly from poverty and backwardness, there can be no
sustained growth or prosperity for all. Hence, we call upon
the developed countries to do more to curb trade
protectionism, contribute more funds for development and
environmental protection, cut back debt burden, increase
official development assistance, reduce restrictions on
technology transfer and open their markets wider so as to
create a favourable environment for the economic recovery
and revitalization of the developing countries. This will
prove a boon to the developed countries themselves. At a
time when the world economy has become increasingly
interrelated, the revitalization of the developing countries
will be a boost to the world and will spur to the economic
recovery and growth of the developed countries.
Since the founding of the United Nations, tremendous
changes have taken place in the world and in the
Organization itself. United Nations membership has
increased from the original 51 to 184 now, the majority
being developing countries. The Chinese Government is of
the view that, in keeping with developments, the United
Nations should be restructured, and the composition of the
Security Council could be appropriately enlarged to enable
the Organization better to respond to the changes in the
world, meet the concerns and wishes of the membership and
enhance its own role in international affairs. Reform of the
Security Council should enable it better to discharge its
mandate in accordance with the purposes and principles of
the Charter. It is the collective will and common aspiration
of the membership that in the new circumstances the United
Nations should be better equipped to address major
international issues vigorously and effectively and in a fair
and balanced manner. Therefore, the reform of the Security
Council and other United Nations organs should take due
account of the principle of equitable geographical
distribution and should accommodate the interests of the
developing countries which make up the overwhelming
majority of the membership. Since any reform would affect
the interests of all Member States and involve a revision of
the Charter, views from all quarters must be heard. The
reform plan should undergo extensive discussions and
consultations by the membership and should be generally
acceptable to all.
The Chinese Government has stated on many occasions
that China stands for the non-proliferation of all weapons of
mass destruction. At the same time we hold that the
ultimate objective of mankind should be the complete
prohibition and thorough destruction of those weapons. Now
that the Conventions banning biological and chemical
weapons have been concluded, we deem it high time that the
complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear
weapons were put on the agenda.
The international community has expressed concern
over the issue of a nuclear-test ban. The Chinese
Government has always stood for a total test ban within the
framework of the complete prohibition and thorough
destruction of nuclear weapons. We support an early start
to negotiations for a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty
and will work in common with other countries towards a
comprehensive nuclear-test ban at an early date.
China has always exercised great restraint in nuclear
testing. The number of our tests is the smallest among all
nuclear Powers. While a nuclear test ban is necessary, to
undertake not to use nuclear weapons at all is far more
crucial, because this will not only make their testing,
development, production or deployment devoid of any
meaning, but will give great impetus to nuclear disarmament,
which will contribute tremendously to world peace and
security. If, however, complete prohibition and thorough
destruction of nuclear weapons cannot be achieved soon
enough, then let the nuclear Powers reach an agreement not
to be the first to use nuclear weapons and not to use them
against non-nuclear-weapon States or nuclear-free zones.
This is entirely feasible and should be done as soon as
possible. This will put nuclear Powers to the test to see
whether they are genuinely willing to treat non-nuclearweapon States as equals. China long ago unilaterally undertook not to be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time
or under any circumstances, and not to use or threaten to use
them against any nuclear-free zone or non-nuclear-weapon
State. We call upon all the other nuclear Powers to make
the same pledge and conclude an international convention to
this effect as soon as possible.
Now there are international arrangements and
conventions that are designed to control arms transfers and
ban certain types of weapons of mass destruction. Such
conventions are aimed at maintaining international and
regional peace, security and stability. The arrangements
designed to control transfers of missile technology should
also take into account such elements as the arbitrary use of
missiles for attacks on other countries. Otherwise, such an
arrangement will become a means by which certain Powers
Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 21
can maintain military superiority or play power politics. That
is morally unjustifiable. We oppose the all-too-frequent
arbitrary use of sanctions by one country to bring pressure
to bear on another under the pretext of controlling arms
transfers while engaging in massive arms sales of one’s own
which jeopardize the sovereignty and security of the country
concerned. We also denounce the hegemonic conduct of a
self-styled "world cop" that tramples upon international law
and norms of international relations by endangering another
country’s navigational safety and normal trading under the
pretext of enforcing the ban on chemical weapons and in
disregard of the provisions of the relevant international
conventions.
Thanks to the policy of reform and opening to the
world, China’s economy has expanded considerably over the
past 15 years and is now in high gear. Our gross national
product rose 12.8 per cent last year, and the current year’s
growth rate will again be in double digits. Our foreign trade
and economic cooperation have been expanding rapidly.
Total trade volume in 1992 was a 5.2-fold increase over
1978, the year before the start of the reform and opening-up,
and represents an annual growth rate of 13.9 per cent.
Investments from overseas have flowed in rapidly. Nearly
50,000 overseas-funded projects involving $58 billion were
approved in 1992. The momentum has continued into the
current year. High-speed growth has helped basically solve
the problem of feeding and clothing a population of over 1.1
billion and put China on the road towards prosperity. It has
also boosted economic exchanges and cooperation with other
countries. This is good for both China and the world.
But we have encountered some problems as our
economy has picked up speed. These problems will be
resolved by accelerating and deepening our reform. We
have taken a number of measures to strengthen
macro-control and readjust the economic structure to ensure
healthy, rapid and steady economic growth. We are fully
capable of attaining our objective. We are full of confidence
in the future of our development programme.
It is an objective reality that China has indeed achieved
impressive economic success. But it does not tally with the
facts to exaggerate our economic strength. Given China’s
vast land area, huge population and uneven economic
development in different parts of the country, our per capita
gross national product is still quite low. Ours is still a
developing country. It will require several generations
working very hard for many decades before we can attain
the level of an average developed country.
At this juncture, I would like to draw attention to
assertions recently bruited about on the international scene:
that China’s economic success would entail a military
build-up, or that China would move to "fill up the vacuum",
thus constituting a threat, and so on and so forth. This is
utterly groundless. A China with a burgeoning economy is
an important factor contributing to the economic well-being
of Asia and the world at large. The Chinese people had
long suffered under imperialist aggression, and it regained
independence only after horrible sacrifices in countless grim
struggles spanning more than a century. Nothing can make
us forget the episodes of our history when our country was
subjected to foreign aggression, dismemberment and
enslavement. Our ancient sage Confucius, that great thinker
and statesman, admonished: "Do not do unto others what
you would not like others to do unto you".
Even when China becomes more developed, we will
never engage in aggression or expansionism; nor will we
ever seek hegemony. This is a pledge which has been
enshrined in our Constitution and which has become part of
our consistent and firm basic State policy. It has been borne
out by facts that China is a staunch force for world peace
and stability. Our limited defence capability is solely for
self-defence purposes. Many of our military industrial plants
have been converted to civilian production. Our military
expenditures are the lowest among the major countries. We
have neither troops nor military bases on foreign territory.
We are immersed in economic construction. Therefore, we
need an international environment of enduring peace as well
as long-term amicable relations with our neighbours. We are
ready to cultivate and strengthen similar relationships with
all other countries on the basis of the five principles of
peaceful coexistence.
No matter how the wind may change its direction on
the world scene, China will unswervingly play its part in
preserving world peace and promoting common prosperity
and development.


The direction that international relations have
taken today, although to some extent decided upon by States,
reflects, none the less, the limited ability of States to bring
the condition of the world into line with the new
international social realities. If the problems that face the
international community because of this international social
dynamic are to be resolved they must be tackled through
collective, concerted and appropriate action that goes beyond
the national framework. My country is happy that there is
among States a growing awareness of these needs. We
welcome this new direction as the forty-eighth session of the
General Assembly begins.
But before stating my delegation’s views about how to
encourage States to share this new approach - and as we
work in this direction we shall be calling on you, Sir, to
demonstrate your great qualities - we should like to extend
to you the warm congratulations of the Central African
Republic on your election as President of the General
Assembly. We pledge to you our full cooperation, and
express the hope that your work will be crowned with
success.
The wisdom and spirit of compromise with which your
predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev, conducted the proceedings
at the last session earned the full appreciation of my
delegation.
The renewed authority of our Organization is due, of
course, to the determination of Member States but also to the
conviction and methodical, rational and pragmatic action of
the Secretary-General, who has always, and in all
circumstances, endeavoured to work for the purposes and
principles of the Organization. To
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali we pledge the renewed support
of the Central African Republic.
My delegation also welcomes the admission to our
Organization of the Czech Republic, the Slovak Republic,
Eritrea, the Principality of Monaco, the Principality of
Andorra and The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Their admission fulfils the oft-expressed desire of the
international community to see all the countries of the world
as Members of our Organization and thus strengthen its
universal character. All States, individually and collectively,
must come together to defend the purposes and principles of
the United Nations. It is unacceptable for some States still
to be excluded.
For this reason, in the view of the delegation of the
Central African Republic, today it is important that the place
of the Republic of China in our Organization be
reconsidered. The immense progress made by the Republic
of China in Taiwan in the political, economic and social
spheres has now earned it the right to resume its place here
so that it can contribute, better than it did in the past, to the
flourishing of international cooperation through its active
participation in the United Nations system.
The developments in the international arena we are
witnessing today arise from the process of transformation
that the world has undergone, especially in the last few
years. These transformations affect all areas of international
life, and, fortunately, States are taking them into account as
they manage their international relations, which, to a large
extent, determine the direction our world takes. There is
also an emerging tendency for problems to have world-wide
effects, prompting States to become the guardians of world
interests. This phenomenon is clearly illustrated in
cooperation and concerted action among States in the spirit
suggested by our Secretary-General in "An Agenda for
Peace" in efforts to contribute to laying the foundation for
real peace in the world. Indeed, notwithstanding certain
reflexive and automatic responses the relics of the cold-war
conditions, States today are increasingly determined to do
what they can, on the foundation of the principles of the
United Nations and in cooperation with the United Nations,
in order, if not to eliminate, at least try, to reduce prevailing
tensions in other areas of the world.
My delegation is happy that this approach has now
made it possible for the situation to evolve as it has in
Cambodia, South Africa - where the Central African
Republic supports the appeal by the President of the African
National Congress (ANC), Mr. Nelson Mandela, to lift
sanctions against South Africa - and, finally, in the Middle
East, in respect of which my country pays a hearty tribute to
Mr. Yasser Arafat and Mr. Yitzhak Rabin for their courage,
vision and lucidity in signing recently the historic accord on
mutual recognition. This same desire for cooperation is
needed in order to bring about a positive and speedy
settlement of the problems of the former Yugoslavia,
Western Sahara, Angola and Somalia.
The international gatherings recently held in Vienna and
Geneva, while making it possible to take the measure of the
sad reality of human-rights violations throughout the world,
provided at the same time an opportunity for States to
reaffirm the need for concerted international action with a
view to guaranteeing more securely these values. In
addition, since the Rio Conference, States have shown
greater interest in the question of the environment, and they
have now made Agenda 21 a real platform for cooperation
in this area, which will make it easier to ensure better
16 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
protection of the common heritage of mankind while
maintaining conditions for sustainable development.
This tendency for problems to have world-wide effects,
if systematically managed, would usher in a new era, that of
the triumph of multilateralism, an era in which the United
Nations would bring its authority to bear - as it is trying,
with varying degrees of success, to do today in certain
peace-keeping operations - in other areas of cooperation,
such as cooperation for development. Inadequacies in the
area of cooperation are in sharp contrast to the declared
determination of States to contribute to maintaining balance
in the world in the post-cold-war period. It is, then,
desirable that real solidarity be cultivated among Member
States, which might induce developed countries to support
efforts for development in developing countries, in particular
in Africa.
The economic condition of these countries is constantly
deteriorating from year to year, and they have often come
before this and other bodies to bring their problems to the
attention of the international community, whose response
has, unfortunately, not removed any of the obstacles to those
countries’ development. Those obstacles are, in short, the
continuing decline of prices of commodities, the heavy debt
burden and debt-servicing, negative net financial flows and
strengthened protectionism. If these factors persist, there is
no doubt that the African countries will have increasing
difficulty in overcoming their situation. But these countries
must not be excluded from development, and everything
must be done to encourage their efforts at development.
The duty of solidarity calls for dialogue and cooperation
between the developed countries and the developing
countries in order to ensure fairer remuneration for
commodities and an easing of the debt burden and debt-
servicing. Coordinating efforts at the level of the United
Nations system, among international economic and financial
institutions and organizations and among
non-governmental organizations is required to improve the
situation of the developing countries.
Such activity would be in keeping with the new spirit
that characterizes international relations today and that has
made it possible for some developed countries to support the
democratization process that has begun in some of our
countries, including my own. I should like, in this regard,
to express our deep gratitude to all the countries and
institutions that have so kindly provided us with material and
financial support and sent international observers to help the
cause of democracy in the Central African Republic. We
hope we shall continue to enjoy their concerned assistance
in our endeavour to lay the foundation of our young
democracy, and, from this rostrum, I wish to appeal for
understanding.
My delegation believes that the time has come to bring
about genuine democratization in the decision-making bodies
of the United Nations, the Security Council in particular, the
membership of which must be adapted to the new realities
of the world.
The great developments in science and technology have
today reduced our world to a global village where each and
every one of us must feel directly affected by all the
problems that exist on the various levels of international life.
The trend towards the globalization of problems that has
become evident as a result of this ought to be maintained so
that States can take up the challenge of defending peace by
promoting the development of human rights.
Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 17
For the Central African Republic, this challenge can be
successfully taken up if we fully respect the principles of the
United Nations.


Before making my statement I should like to take this
opportunity to express my country’s deepest sympathy with
the Government and people of India as they mourn the
thousands of lives lost during last week’s earthquake.
I wish to congratulate you on your election,
Mr. President; to thank the outgoing President for his
contribution to the work of the United Nations; and to
welcome all the new Members of our Organization.
Much has been expected of the United Nations in the
past year. Its priority has been to ensure that the profound
political and economic change does not result in global
conflict. This has sometimes meant coordinating
international efforts. On other occasions the United Nations
has had to take the lead in these operations. At the same
time, it has continued to take up the challenges presented by
the many far-reaching social, humanitarian and
Forty-eighth session - 6 October l993 7
environmental problems of our day. These have proved
more and more difficult to contain within national or even
regional boundaries.
The United Nations responsibilities have often been
undertaken under most unfavourable conditions. I am
therefore pleased that our Secretary-General and the
countries representing the United Nations have always
responded positively to the situations they have faced. I
hope that they will continue to do this, even after such
distressing events as those which have occurred in Somalia
this week.
I say this because the past year has seen so many
valuable achievements. The success of the United Nations
Transitional Authority in Cambodia has shown what can be
done through responsible regional efforts and patient
multilateral action. In South Africa, national, regional and
international efforts in support of United Nations resolutions
have brought new hope. In the Middle East, the United
Nations has been a positive influence in reducing tension
after the Gulf War.
We also welcome the agreement between the Palestine
Liberation Organization and Israel. This is the first step
towards a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian question.
There have also been several initiatives aimed at
improving the world economy and developing better trading
arrangements in regions. At the same time, the United
Nations has continued to give essential assistance to people
in developing countries. It has also maintained its peace-
keeping operations in a number of problem areas. The
United Nations has also organized important international
conferences where nations have been able to exchange views
on many matters of international concern. This represents
a considerable contribution to preventive diplomacy and
peace-building. In each case, I hope these achievements will
be consolidated by national and regional authorities.
In Cambodia, we wish the new Government every
success as they go about the task of bringing lasting stability
to their nation. Like all the countries in our region, we look
forward to seeing the Cambodian people enjoying peace and
prosperity again.
In South Africa, I believe conditions now exist for
national leaders to encourage restraint and seek consensus.
The countries in the Gulf region are also in a position
to work towards peaceful solutions to the remaining areas of
difficulty.
In the Middle East, current developments should start
a process that will restore all legitimate Palestinian rights
and should lead to a comprehensive settlement in the region.
In terms of the world economy, objectives have been
set. What we hope to see now is equally clear progress in
strengthening linkages between the North and the South and
in creating conditions that promote cooperation and
sustainable growth. To do this, we need to improve the
existing mechanisms for preventing economic disagreements
from turning into open conflict. Each nation has a
responsibility to promote fair trading arrangements
throughout the world.
Today’s overall situation presents many challenges. I
feel that we can continue to turn them into positive
developments if we note carefully the circumstances under
which the United Nations appears to achieve its greatest
successes. These occur when the special responsibilities of
national Governments, non-governmental organizations and
regional associations are recognized and agreed upon before
the world body is asked to act.
Where those responsibilities have been in confrontation
with each other, the effectiveness of United Nations
operations has been hindered. This is clearly illustrated in
Somalia and in Bosnia. In those countries, the United
Nations initially acted in order to guarantee safe and
effective humanitarian assistance. There have been
considerable successes in these operations, and I thank those
who have achieved them for their humanitarian work.
However, these efforts and the fact that conflict has not
been allowed to spread outside the regions concerned should
not divert our attention from the deep matters of principle
involved.
That is why we wish to express our strong support for
the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We believe
that the United Nations Charter would be severely
compromised if the Organization became a party to any
arrangement which forces a sovereign nation and fellow
Member of the United Nations to submit to aggression. Not
only would this condone terrorism - it would reward it.
In seeking to ensure that the United Nations does not
become merely another factor in a local political equation,
there are a number of proposals for reform. These are
intended to give confidence to Members that United Nations
decisions reflect the widest possible spectrum of world
opinion. If they also assist in solving the world body’s deep
8 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
financial problems, I see merit in considering them
favourably.
We all have our different views on how the United
Nations should best operate. Whatever they are, I hope we
will make every effort to encourage our regional and
subregional associations to play a crucial supporting role.
Ideally, each region will be working on its own agenda for
peace and development which will complement the work of
the world body. The more this is done, the more the United
Nations will be able to act in the way in which it is most
effective - as the authority of last resort. In this way, I
believe we can make considerable progress towards
establishing what the Secretary-General has described as a
workable international system.


Before I begin my
statement, I should like to extend, on behalf of the
Government and people of Malaysia, our deepest
condolences to India for the devastating earthquake that
resulted in the loss of thousands of lives and massive
destruction of property.
I would like to join other speakers in extending my
congratulations to Mr. Insanally on his election as President
of the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session. His
election to that important office is an honour to his country,
with which Malaysia enjoys warm and friendly relations.
With his experience and ability, I am confident that he will
discharge his responsibilities well and lead this Assembly to
a successful conclusion of its work.
I would also like to express my appreciation of his
predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev, who discharged his duties
with dedication and earnestness and successfully guided the
efforts to revitalize the work of the General Assembly.
I also take this opportunity to welcome, on behalf of
Malaysia, the six countries which have joined the United
Nations since last fall: Andorra, the Czech Republic,
Eritrea, Monaco, the Slovak Republic and The Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Their membership will
help to strengthen the United Nations in the execution of its
increasingly complex role in the maintenance of international
peace and security and the promotion of international
economic cooperation.
Malaysia is a developing third world country. We
should, according to the stereotypical Western concept of a
third world country, be politically unstable, administratively
incompetent and economically depressed. But we are not
quite typical. We have actually made progress. We are
16 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
quite stable despite a multiracial time bomb we inherited
from our colonial past. We are fairly competent in the
running of our affairs. Such is our progress that we actually
contemplate building buildings which should be the
preserves of our betters. And we dare to speak our minds.
These are unforgivable sins and we are for ever being
reminded that we should not be too ambitious. We are told
that our achievements are temporary, that next year we will
go the way of their preconception of third world countries.
Of course, last year and the years before we were told the
same. But so far we have not obliged. We are, however,
humbly aware that nothing is permanent. Our detractors
may yet prove right.
That we do well and are not in dire need of their
development aid is apparently not praiseworthy. Yet, when
other developing countries perform badly they are chastised
and told to do better or they will get no more aid or loans.
But we will soldier on. We really should not care about
what is said of us. Unfortunately, these negative remarks
make life that much more difficult for us.
We need foreign investments and to get them we need
a reputation for stability, competence and predictability. But
when investors are told repeatedly that we are about to
explode in racial violence, and so on, they are likely to
invest elsewhere. Of course, what is said about us is
untrue - lies. But these people apparently subscribe to the
dictum that a lie repeated often enough will be believed.
We care for the well-being of our people. We want to
develop so as to give them a reasonable standard of living.
But we cannot be cowed into not speaking our minds. If the
powerful nations do wrong, we will speak out against them
even if they say we are unduly suspicious, that we have an
exaggerated sense of our own importance, and so on. We
can be belittled but we will continue to speak the truth.
Here at the United Nations we will say what we feel we
should say. Of course, the controlled "free" Western media
will not publish it. But the few here will hear us. In any
case, it is what we achieve that counts with us. We can do
without Western approval.
Four or five years ago the world was celebrating the
impending collapse of the "evil empire". The Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics was still intact then, but all
indications were that it had given up the fight; that it was
coming to terms with its main adversaries, the countries of
the Western so-called free world; and that the cold war was
drawing to a close.
Peace was breaking out all over the world and there
was much talk of peace dividends. The arms race would
end, there would be nuclear disarmament and, as the saying
goes, swords would be turned into ploughshares. A brave
new world would emerge: equitable, just and prosperous.
There would be no oppression, no terror and no poverty or
starvation. Everyone would embrace democracy and the
market economy, moving from authoritarian rule and
command economies without a hitch. And a global
policeman would see to it that every country stayed in line
or faced the consequences. There was no end to the good
things that would make up the peace dividends.
It would be wrong to say that there were no peace
dividends at all - the Iran-Iraq war, the Soviet occupation of
Afghanistan, the war in Cambodia, some of the Central
American wars, and now the violent Palestinian-Israeli
confrontation and South Africa’s apartheid were all resolved,
partially or completely. But the world has not become a
safer or a better place for a great many.
The Soviet Union did not just become a democratic
practitioner of free trade, working with the good guys for a
better world. It broke up into a number of republics and
Russia has become dangerously unstable and ungovernable.
The respected great reformer of perestroika and glasnost
fame was ousted and disgraced and has been replaced by
another, who seems to fare no better. The "evil empire" is
no more. But the price in human lives and the displacement
of people has been very high. And the price is still being
paid.
In Georgia, Moldova, Armenia, Azerbaijan and
Tajikistan, much destruction and many killings have taken
place and are still taking place. The old economic structure
has been destroyed but the new one is far from being in
place. Chaos, bloody chaos, prevails in many places.
Far from achieving universal peace, the world is treated
to a spectacle of unparalleled brutality by the Serbs in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. In many countries of Europe,
fascism has once again reared its ugly head. Houses are
torched and people burned to death. And the voters actually
approve.
During the cold-war days the protagonists constantly
tried to provoke uprisings against Governments of the
countries they were opposed to. They would provide
financial and material help and would promise that they
would protect the rebels or provide them with asylum.
Forty-eighth session - 1 October l993 17
With the collapse of the Communist bloc, the people
there expected help when they overthrew their Communist
Governments and established democratic, free-market
societies, or they sought independence for their countries.
In some instances they found their expectations justified.
The Slovenes and the Croats enjoyed the full support of the
Europeans and were able to mould new nations. But the
Iraqi Kurds and the Bosnians learned that they thought
wrong. It is only coincidental that both are Muslim
communities.
The most tragic case is that of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The crime of the Muslims is that they wish for a nonMuslim, religiously heterogenous State. They were viciously
attacked by the Serbs, who openly declared that they were
doing so - and they are still doing so - to ensure that Europe
remains Christian. And they are not being prevented from
proceeding in this way by the Europeans.
The cruelties committed by the Serbs defy the
imagination. In one case, which caused officials in one of
the powerful countries of the West to resign in protest over
their Government’s passivity, a six-year-old child was
repeatedly raped in front of her mother, who not only had to
watch but was prevented from giving any help, and the little
child died after two days of exposure. That is not an
isolated incident. Muslim women, old and young, and little
girls have been raped, brutalized and killed by the tens of
thousands at the hands of the Serbs, and now the Croats.
Hundreds of thousands of Muslims have died and are dying,
and some 2 million have been forced to flee from their
burning towns and villages.
And what do the erstwhile champions of freedom and
democracy do? They actually prevent the victims from
defending themselves. Instead, they try to force the victims
to accept the partitioning and surrender of their territories,
which have been ethnically cleansed by the Serbs and the
Croats. Thus are the rapists and murderers to be rewarded.
Only the most gullible will still believe that the vociferous
champions of freedom and democracy will risk their necks
for other people’s freedom and democracy.
Malaysia would like to record its satisfaction over the
acceptance of Malaysian troops to serve in the United
Nations forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We regret,
however, the exclusion of certain Muslim countries from
participating in the United Nations Protection Force
(UNPROFOR). Apparently, the distrust of Muslims is quite
widespread. Malaysians are prepared to serve under
whoever is appointed by the United Nations in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. We hope that our troops will be well
supported. We will not protest if the United Nations decides
to increase pressure on the Serbs, even through the mounting
of a military offensive, provided due preparations are made.
When we add things up, the peace dividends accruing
from the ending of the cold war have not been really
substantial. If there has been any change, the debit side is
much bigger than the credit side. The most glaring example
is the reneging on the much-needed development assistance
to poor developing countries.
Still, when drawing up the balance sheet since the end
of the cold war one cannot but highlight two significant
items on the credit side. The recent signing of the peace
agreement between the Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO) and the Israelis and that between blacks and whites
in South Africa must be regarded as the biggest
achievements of the post-cold-war period. Admittedly, there
is still a great deal to be negotiated before justice can be
rendered to all sides and before true peace becomes
permanent. But the most crucial obstacles have been
cleared. I should like to congratulate all the parties
concerned for their good sense and their boldness. The
extremists on both sides will not be happy. There will be
more violence. But I am sure that those who are for peace
and good sense will be as brave in peace as they have been
in war.
I commend these accords to the good people of
Northern Ireland. It is brave not to surrender even one inch,
but it takes real bravery to compromise.
One may well ask why, in the face of the muchpublicized failure of the United States-sponsored peace talks
between the PLO and Israel, there should be this sudden
breakthrough. The answer is to be found in the press
statements. Good sense cannot prevail when the media
demands that statements be made by each and everyone
before and after each negotiating session. The negotiators
are forced to take public stands, to demonstrate how tough
they are and that they will not give even an inch. Having
taken those stands, they were no longer able to accommodate
good sense.
At the peace talks in Norway, there was no press, and
good sense was able to prevail. There is this great
democratic principle of "the need to know." But do we all
really need to know every detail of every negotiation? Does
every Israeli settler or Gaza Strip Arab, or, for that matter,
every Tom, Dick and Harry in every part of the world, need
to know everything about the negotiations? Must
18 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Palestinians continue to be killed and be made homeless
because everybody needs to know what was said by whom?
This need for transparency, this right to information, is
an invention of those who want to make money from the
information industry. We should know about the bestiality
of the Serbs in Bosnia so that we may react, but that
knowledge is largely denied us. On the other hand, day in
and day out we are shown this parade of negotiators to a
peace conference. Can the average man do anything
worthwhile as a result of seeing the daily TV report?
We live in the information age. There has been and
there will continue to be an unending explosion in the field
of information technology. Today, we can sit in our homes
and watch and hear a war as it is being fought, witness with
eyes and ears a beauty contest as it is being judged, and look
through a microscope at a bug as it swims, all via the TV
screen. We see all these things as they are, where they are,
without a second’s delay. We can watch murder as it is
being committed, in all the gory details, and we can be
shocked by it. But, then, we can also watch
Michael Jackson doing his moon walk at the very moment
mass murder and massacres of the most brutal kinds are
being committed.
What we see and hear and witness is what the media
decide we should see and hear and witness. If the media
wants us to be shocked by a massacre, it can broadcast lurid
details of that massacre. But if it chooses to broadcast
Michael Jackson at the time the massacre was taking place,
we will be stomping our feet in total enjoyment.
Clearly, the people who decide what we should see and
hear hold terrible power. They can have us dancing in the
streets or they can have us rioting in the streets with
firebrands in our hands, burning, looting and killing. Can
we doubt that such people are powerful? Make no mistake:
the people who control the media control our minds, and
probably control the world. They can make or break
presidents, and they have done so. Countries can be isolated
or accepted despite violations of human rights, depending on
how the media present them.
And who controls the powerful world media? Not the
national governments of tiny developing nations; not even
the governments of powerful nations. A very few people in
the West control all the international media. Some are
journalists, but quite a few are not. Collectively they are
Big Brothers.
Now they have an even more effective weapon in the
form of the worldwide television network. Today they
broadcast slanted news. Tomorrow they will broadcast raw
pornography to corrupt our children and destroy our culture.
They are already doing that in Europe.
Today we can still control the reception. The day is
fast approaching when only a coat-hanger will be needed to
receive television broadcasts from across the world. We will
have nowhere to retreat. Already the small nations are being
accused of being undemocratic and limiting freedom because
we do not allow reception of international television
networks. We hope this is because our accusers believe in
the freedom of the press, but we suspect it is because they
monopolize the world media and stand to profit substantially
from the freedom they insist every nation should have.
Malaysia believes in press freedom. But that freedom,
as with other freedoms and rights, must be accompanied by
responsibility. We will continue to expect the Malaysian
media to be responsible. We will not forgo the need to
enforce that responsibility. But as to the international press,
we can only hope and pray that they will realize the damage
they are doing. We will not interfere with them. They are
free to report and to write any number of lies but we hope
that occasionally they will cover the truth as well. Power
corrupts, but power without responsibility is the most
corrupting influence of all.
We have heard often enough of the need for
restructuring the United Nations. We need this because the
world has changed. It is not the world of the immediate
post-Second-World-War period that we have today. The
people who plunged the world into a horrendous war are
now the good guys, telling the world how to be humane.
The rapacious invaders of the past are now the good
Samaritans, distributing aid to the needy. Will there always
be no room for the reformed?
We talk of democracy as the only acceptable system of
government. It is so good that we cannot wait for the
democratic process to bring about its own acceptance by
every country. It must be forced upon everyone, whether
welcome or not. Yet when it comes to the United Nations,
we eschew democracy. And the most undemocratic aspect
of the United Nations is the veto power of the five
permanent members of the Security Council. We can accept
some weighting in their favour, but for each of them alone
to be more powerful than the whole membership of the
United Nations is not acceptable; it was not before, it is not
now, and will not be in the future.
Forty-eighth session - 1 October l993 19
For the time being, there can be some permanent
members. But the veto must go. A formula must be found
for new permanent members of the Security Council.
Whatever the other qualifications may be, they must include
a genuine and sincere interest in international welfare.
At the ministerial-level World Conference on Human
Rights held at Vienna this year, a more comprehensive
definition of human rights was presented. Many countries
like Malaysia were smeared in Vienna for allegedly refusing
to accept the universality of human rights. We subscribe to
the universality of human rights, but not to the irresponsible
variety propounded by the West. Human rights is not a
licence to do anything without regard to the rights of others.
The rights of the majority are just as valid as the rights of
the minority or the individual. A society has a right to
protect itself from the unbridled exercise of rights by
individuals or a minority, which in the West has contributed
to the collapse of morality and of the structure of human
society.
If individual and minority rights are so totally
inviolable, then you must allow the resurgence of nazism
and its violently racist activities in Europe and elsewhere.
But it is apparent that the West at least still thinks that racist
violence is wrong. We hope they will also accept that
freedom from poverty and the wish to develop are essential
elements of human rights.
Finally, countries like Malaysia must take exception to
preaching on human rights from people who willingly
condone, and to a certain degree aid, "ethnic cleansing" in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. Until they redeem themselves
there, all their talk of human rights will sound hollow.
This litany of the woes of the developing countries and
the world may seem endless. Actually, the list is far from
complete. Trade and protectionism, aid and debts, the
United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development and pressures on environmental issues,
Antarctica and many more have not been touched upon.
The world of the post-cold-war period is not a
thoroughly bad place, but for the developing countries,
including Malaysia, there is really very little to crow about.
A statement in the General Assembly is not going to
change the world. But there is really nowhere else that the
woes of the third world can be aired. Not to air them is to
encourage supercilious arrogance on the part of those who
are most responsible yet who still presume to extol their own
virtues and to preach to others. Even if the benefit is
minimal, the truth must be told sometimes.


 Let me extend to
you, Sir, the warm greetings of my Government and the
people of Solomon Islands. We congratulate you on your
election as President of the General Assembly at this forty-
eighth session. Your experience, diplomatic skills and
leadership assure us of a successful and fruitful session.
I also join in the tributes paid to your distinguished
predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev of Bulgaria,
for the excellent manner in which he presided over the
affairs of the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
We join, too, in acknowledging and commending the
report (A/48/1) of the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, His Excellency Mr. Boutros-Boutros Ghali, on the
work of the Organization. The report is a comprehensive
catalogue of the achievements of the United Nations, its
strengths and weaknesses, the threats and opportunities the
Organization faces and the challenges it has before it. All
these point to one common truth: there is an undeniable
disparity between idealism and reality, between the mounting
responsibilities of the Organization and its capacity to
achieve pragmatic, focused and specific goals. The gap
between promotion of the ideals of the Charter and
realization of them continues to widen.
Over the last three weeks, we have heard Member
States renewing their support for, and commitment to, this
body. It is clear that the Organization is calling out for our
attention. It needs us all, just as much as we need it;
perhaps it now needs us more than ever before to strengthen
6 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
it and enhance its performance in its delivery of services and
goods to our many peoples around the globe.
Mr. President, your opening statement 22 days ago
concluded with the visionary challenge, "We the peoples -
united for a better world" (A/48/PV.1). In the spirit of a
family of nations, the United Nations will be celebrating this
theme at its fiftieth anniversary in 1995. While Solomon
Islands shares this vision, it counsels against extravagance,
waste and mere symbolistic ceremonials which do not reflect
long-term substantive benefits. To mark the occasion with
serious reflection, education and communication, careful
planning and a wider consultation programme at all levels of
the international community will be essential. Awareness
programmes and activities aimed at promoting the principle
of unity in diversity should be a key to strength and wealth,
both for nations and for the global community. A goal
which can be promoted during the fiftieth-anniversary
celebrations is that of world citizenship, or citizens of planet
Earth.
The basis for this should be very simple: everyone
living on this planet has a responsibility for its sustainable
growth. Everyone must be aware of, and feel concerned at,
the possibility of our destroying the planet. Individuals
make up communities. Communities make up nations.
Nations make up the global community. The global
community lives on this planet.

Citizens of Planet Earth, or world citizenship, is a
unifying vision of a peaceful, prosperous global society.
This emerges from a sense of responsibility and the
acceptance of the oneness of humanity. To embrace this
vision of world citizenship into the twenty-first century,
leaders and Governments must change their attitudes to take
on the greatest challenge facing the world community -
releasing the enormous financial, technical, human and moral
resources required for the sustainable development of our
planet. Can we collectively face this challenge in order to
implement the various components of Agenda 21? The
answer lies in the hands of the people and the nations of the
world. How can we make this theme a reality - a reality not
only for us at this time but also for future generations on
this planet?
I was heartened to hear the President of the United
States, Mr. Bill Clinton, say these words on the first day of
the general debate:
"The United States intends to remain engaged and to
lead." (A/48/PV.4, p. 8)
He also went on to say:
"... we must and will serve as a fulcrum for change and
a pivot point for peace." (ibid.)
The Solomon Islands is currently working with the
United Nations Development Programme on a pilot
programme called "Children of Planet Earth" (COPE).
COPE is an environmental educational-awareness
programme aimed at primary-school children. It will be
incorporated into the school curriculum as a module
compulsory for all children. There will be no pass or fail
grade, but any child who completes the module will get a
United Nations badge or a certificate. The module will
focus on the environment and on sustainable growth, and
national, regional and international perspectives will be built
into it. The Solomon Islands strongly believes that
education with regard to the environment is important and
deserves priority investment. The target group is the
children, because they will be the leaders of tomorrow.
Two weeks ago, His Excellency Shimon Peres, Israeli
Foreign Minister, described war and peace in this way:
"In war, the old bury the young, and in peace, the
young bury the old."
I thought this was quite revealing. It tells of a reality,
a reality which has written a new chapter with a change of
heart. The handshake between Palestine Liberation
Organization leader Mr. Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister
Mr. Rabin on Capitol Hill symbolized a major milestone in
Middle East history. The Solomon Islands welcomes this
great advancement in human relations between these two
nations. It is hoped that the process of creating forgiveness
and trust will pave the way for lasting peace in the Middle
East. I applaud the countries that have pledged financial
assistance or assistance in kind to Palestine.
The forty-eighth session of the General Assembly
opened at the dawn of a new era in South African history.
African National Congress leader Mr. Nelson Mandela,
renowned for his struggle against apartheid, made a moving
statement at this very rostrum requesting the lifting of
economic sanctions against South Africa. To see Mr.
Mandela and President De Klerk moving towards South
Africa’s first non-racial elections is an immense and
promising change. At last, both leaders have decided to
travel in the same bus of democracy. We too join the rest
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 7
of the world in welcoming this first historic step towards
majority rule in South Africa.
The parameters for the global agenda of the United
Nations General Assembly have evolved slowly over the
years. However, not only have agenda items changed from
time to time, but they have increased in number as well.
The issues before the forty-eighth session of the General
Assembly fall into the following broad categories: first,
making and keeping peace; second, arms controls and
disarmament; third, economics and development; fourth,
global resource management; fifth, human rights and other
social issues; sixth, international legal issues; and seventh,
financing and administration of the United Nations.
Each of these broad headings receives a thorough
survey and analysis at every session of the General
Assembly from both the developed and the developing parts
of the globe. Some speakers focus specifically on certain
issues, such as making and keeping peace, or arms control
and disarmament; others draw the General Assembly’s
attention to such matters as economic development, global-
resources management, human rights and other social issues.
The debate so far has been interesting.
A quick overview of what has been said so far from
this rostrum reveals a global picture that is both bright and
gloomy. One truth, articulated by almost every speaker in
the area of world peace and security is that the threat of
conflicts between States has not diminished, even after the
super-Power rivalry has been eroded. Senator Gareth Evans,
the Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs, captured the
question of world peace and security in a more imperative
way when he addressed this Assembly at its 5th meeting, on
27 September. He referred to the resurgence of
ethno-nationalism, which often takes a violent form, giving
ethnic groups a claim to minority human rights protection as
well as a claim to self-determination.
Speaking on behalf of the European Communities,
Mr. Willy Claes, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Belgium, patrolled the
major trouble spots of the world in a memorandum attached
to his statement. The Solomon Islands appreciates the
efforts of the European Communities in resolving regional
conflicts throughout the world and welcomes its commitment
to world peace and security. The Balkan crisis has become
a cryptic jigsaw puzzle. Human suffering continues.
Peacemakers and peace-keepers have tried, and are still
trying, to find a solution. The Solomon Islands deplores the
atrocities committed and appeals to the nations with ways
and means to bring peace to this region. As peace is being
given a chance in Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Latin
America and the South Pacific regions, so may it be given
a chance in the Balkan region.
In his address to the General Assembly on 28
September, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian
Federation referred to the Bosnian conflict and remarked:
"... the key to the settlement of many conflicts has not
yet been found." (Official Records of the General
Assembly, Forty-eight Session, Plenary Meetings, 6th
Meeting, p. 15)
He also said:
"In any case, it is surely time to think of establishing
closer contacts between the United Nations and the
world’s leading religions." (ibid., p. 15)
It appears that there is a missing dimension to the
approaches employed in conflict resolution.
As we consider the growing number of problems
confronting our world, we cannot escape the feeling that the
solutions will not simply be political, economic or social. In
many cases, the problems are so complex and so deep-seated
that we need superhuman help. A new prescription for true
peace must include the development of the spiritual and
pastoral well-being of all peoples around the world.
To this important extent, my Government recognizes,
as its first principle,
"the sovereignty of God as the basis of
righteousness, justice and dignity in the
development of the Solomon Islands and its
people."
We realize that neither the individual nor society can achieve
full potential without the help of Almighty God. If God is
sovereign in the affairs of our world, would we not be wise
to bring Him into the planning process as well as give Him
a place in the resolution of conflicts, whether national,
regional or global?
The question of New Caledonia, in the South Pacific,
has been on the agenda of the United Nations for some
time - but not for much longer, I hope. Solomon Islands
joins its colleagues in the South Pacific region in endorsing
the recent report on New Caledonia of the Ministerial
Committee of the South Pacific Forum. As a member of
8 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
that Committee, I hereby humbly express our appreciation
and gratitude for the cooperation and support of the French
and territorial authorities in facilitating the recent visit of
Ministers to the Territory. My Government also reaffirms
its strong support for the Committee’s recommendations and
renews its firm support for the aspirations and goals of the
people of New Caledonia, including the Kanak community.
We note the progress of the Matignon Accords, and, while
sensitive to the varying and conflicting interpretations and
expectations, we urge all parties to maintain their
commitment to the Matignon process and to the promotion
of economic, political and social development in New
Caledonia.
The United Nations is a strong supporter of peace.
This noble world body has, to date, supported the
reunification of the two Germanys and of the two Koreas.
In this context, reunification means only one thing - the
uniting of people. Unification means peace and coexistence.
Conflicts in areas around the world should be resolved
through dialogue. Thus, we believe that the United Nations
mechanism that was used in the case of Germany and in the
case of the two Koreas should be applied to the situation
involving the Republic of China and the People’s Republic
of China.
Solomon Islands recognizes the need for reunification
of the two Chinas through good will and in good faith. We
call on both to hold talks, on equal terms, on the basis of
this important United Nations principle. But the process can
be successful only if this world body considers the
exceptional situation of the Republic of China on Taiwan in
the international context, based on the principle of
universality of membership and in accordance with the
established model of parallel representation of divided
countries at the United Nations.
Solomon Islands fully recognizes and strongly supports
the wish of the people of the Republic of China to rejoin the
United Nations. As a small, friendly nation with a
population of only about 300,000, Solomon Islands firmly
believes that the desire of the 21 million people of the
Republic of China in Taiwan for their own representation in
this world body is reasonable and justified. We are sure that
the international community would benefit from the positive
contribution that the Republic of China is capable of making
to this Organization. Our own country has benefited, in the
past 10 years, from the economic development and
technological progress that the people of the Republic of
China have secured through achieving for their country such
a high position in the league of the industrialized nations.
Solomon Islands therefore supports the call from other
Member States for the establishment of an ad hoc committee
to examine the question of the Republic of China rejoining
the United Nations.
The mere existence of weapons of mass destruction
poses a big threat to global peace and security. However,
even more worrying is the potential proliferation of nuclear,
chemical, biological and ballistic missiles - the danger of
their falling into the wrong hands. We applaud the countries
that have taken positive steps towards the elimination of
these weapons. We also welcome the Secretary-General’s
report on new dimensions of arms regulation and
disarmament in the post-cold-war era. We believe in the
integration of arms-regulation efforts into the broader
structure of international peace and security, the
globalization of arms control and of the disarmament process
and the revitalization of arms control. We strongly propose
that the arms-control and disarmament agenda clearly reflect
the realities of the post-cold-war era. This is the challenge
for the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly.
Turning to nuclear testing in our region, I must say that
our continuing desire and concern is to ensure that the South
Pacific region remains a nuclear-free zone and a zone free
of all types of radioactive waste. Solomon Islands therefore
maintains its support for further suspension of nuclear testing
in our region. We warmly welcome the decisions of the
United States, Russia and France to extend their testing
moratoriums. In this vein, owing to recent developments,
we call upon China and the United Kingdom seriously to
consider declaring similar moratoriums.
Solomon Islands is gravely concerned about the
dumping of radioactive and other waste at sea. We therefore
urge the States parties to the London Dumping Convention
of 1972, when they adopt amendments in November this
year, to continue their active support for a total ban on such
dumping.
The shipment of plutonium, with the danger that it
poses to the fragile marine ecosystem of the South Pacific,
is a matter of major concern to the Governments of the
region. The highest international safety and security
standards must be adhered to. Any nation engaging in this
business must satisfactorily address all possible
contingencies.
There is a clear message in statements issued by States
members of the Group of 77. It points to the increasing
connection between environmental concerns and
developmental issues, to the delicate balance between the
environment and development, between population and
Forty-eighth session - 13 October l993 9
development, and between good government and
development.
Member countries of the South Pacific Forum were
well represented at the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development held in Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil, in June 1992. A principal outcome of the Rio
Conference is Agenda 21 - an action plan for the 1990s and
the twenty-first century. It sets forth strategies and
integrated-programme measures to halt and reverse the
effects of environmental degradation and to promote
environmentally sound and sustainable development in all
countries.
Once again Solomon Islands reaffirms its strong
commitment to sustainable development. We believe that
sound environmental practices constitute an integral part of
the development process. Thus, all development activities
pursued must be both economically and ecologically sound.
The collective voice of small island developing States is
heard through the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS)
which share unique circumstances, vulnerabilities and
limitations. These include their small size and relative
geographic remoteness, a narrow range of resources, severe
population stress, sometimes minimal renewable fresh water
resources, and high degrees of endemism. These pressures
and limitations underscore the need for careful and
sustainable management of resources to sustain future
generations. This point was highlighted in our country’s
statement last year.
Solomon Islands, like its other South Pacific
neighbours, continues to rely heavily, and in some cases
totally, on the sea, the land, the rivers, the forests and the air
around us for its livelihood and survival. Solomon Islands
therefore attaches great importance to environmental issues
and accords high priority to collective efforts in the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development
follow-up activities and the implementation of Agenda 21,
including other, associated principles and conventions.
Solomon Islands is a party to the Port Vila Declaration on
Population and Sustainable Development. We therefore
continue to support preparations for the forthcoming two
major Conferences in 1994 - the Barbados Global
Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States and the Cairo World Conference on
Population and Development.
Solomon Islands is one of the few countries in the
South Pacific that now has a national environment
management strategy endorsed by the Government. That
strategy is now in the implementation phase, in which
priority areas for action at the national level have been
identified.
Human-induced climate change and its subsequent
effect of sea-level rise is perhaps the most intractable threat
to human well-being and the survival of many species on
Earth. The South Pacific is no exception. Solomon Islands
is a signatory of the Framework Convention on Climate
Change and will soon complete the necessary requirements
for its ratification. The formalities for the ratification of the
Montreal Protocol are under way. We warmly welcome the
speedy action of the United Nations in establishing a
Commission on Sustainable Development and, in particular,
we welcome the acceptance of the South Pacific Forum
secretariat as a special representative to the Commission and
the South Pacific Regional Environment Programme
(SPREP) as an observer in the Commission.
Solomon Islands applauds the initiative taken by the
Government of Papua New Guinea in putting forward,
through the United Nations system, the agenda item on
opportunity and participation. The adverse economic
changes in recent years have created difficult circumstances
for many small countries. There is a need to identify
options in order to make possible participation by
Governments and peoples of developing countries on an
equal footing. Solomon Islands welcomes the proposal in
the Papua New Guinea initiative for the establishment of a
panel of experts to study and recommend ways of increasing
opportunity and participation for developing countries.
Speaking about Papua New Guinea, I should like to
convey Solomon Islands’ profound appreciation to the
United Nations for the goodwill mission it sent last year to
discuss the problems we had encountered at the border
between Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea. I am
happy to report that the new Solomon Islands Government,
through its six-point initiative, is working constructively with
its neighbour, Papua New Guinea, to find a lasting peaceful
solution to the problems at our border.
Proper management and good fishing practices are
essential for the sustainable use of marine living resources.
The major income earner of Solomon Islands is fisheries.
Solomon Islands supports the United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea. Preparations for its ratification are
being considered. The Solomon Islands Government
strongly supports the work of the Forum Fisheries Agency
(FFA) and appeals to distant-water fishing nations to
cooperate with the management and conservation measures
stipulated by that Agency.
10 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
The new Government of Solomon Islands has just
officially launched its blueprint document entitled,
"Statement of Policies". The Government’s philosophy of
where and how to steer the country over the next four years
is laid out in this document. The Government is embarking
on a major programme of economic and social reforms
aimed at attaining sustainable development. The ministries
responsible are currently discussing and putting together a
programme of structural adjustment. The programme
emphasizes the sustainable management of natural resources,
public-sector reforms and the promotion of private-sector
development. It devotes particular attention to the sizes and
costs of institutions, and outlines proposals for the
redeployment of resources to areas of production and need.
The preparation of this programme is expected to be
completed by November 1993.
While this exercise is considered to be a long-term
viable undertaking, it is necessary to seek external
assistance. The Government of Solomon Islands is fully
committed to this long-overdue reform, but appeals to
international financial institutions and donors to provide
financial assistance and advice.
On human rights, the Solomon Islands Government
fully supports the Vienna Declaration and Programme of
Action which were the outcome of the World Conference on
Human Rights held from 14 to 25 June 1993. Fundamental
rights and freedoms of the individual are listed in chapter II,
sections 3 to 19 of our national Constitution. We condemn
any violation of human rights anywhere in the world. We
also join the rest of the world in the promotion of human
rights and support those who have spoken in favour of the
establishment of a post of high commissioner for human
rights. Such a post would indeed be a worthwhile
investment.
Solomon Islands also salutes the work and courage of
those countries that contribute troops and humanitarian
assistance to trouble-spots all over the world. We pray for
the souls of those who have died in the field. We strongly
deplore the actions of those who have committed atrocities
against peace-keepers, Red Cross workers and associated
personnel. Solomon Islands therefore strongly supports New
Zealand’s initiative in requesting the inscription on the
General Assembly’s agenda of the critical item on the safety
of personnel in United Nations peace-keeping operations.
The United Nations Charter has now been physically
reduced to a pocket-sized booklet, but the demands the
nations of the world place on this global Organization
outstrip the limits of its capabilities and the resources at its
disposal. Perhaps this is a positive sign - a justification of
the need for its continuing existence.
A few more flags have been added at the United
Nations this year. We warmly welcome the new Members
of the United Nations family and congratulate their
Governments and peoples on taking this courageous step.
In 1945 the founders of the United Nations saw the
need to set up this body. Today, we are challenged in no
uncertain terms to ensure that the work that was begun 48
years ago continues, to keep the Organization alive, relevant,
meaningful and cost effective. It is the only hope for world
peace and security and for the promotion of democracy,
development and global-resource management. Member
States request the Organization to be accountable, and so we
Member States too must return to it our individual due
responsibilities.
May the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations bring
a new dawn to human relations between all peoples around
the world.