It is a great pleasure for me to extend to ambassador Choudiury of Bangladesh, on behalf of the delegation of Mali, our warmest congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. We believe that his talents as an experienced diplomat will enable us to arrive at the wise and perceptive decisions
that our peoples expect of us. My delegation assures his of our full co-operation and support as he carries out the difficult task entrusted to bin.
I should like to extend to Mr. Jaime de Pinies my delegation's appreciation for the tact and devotion with which he presided over the last regular session of the Assembly and for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the work of the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly.
I wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who is energetically endeavoring to promote the ideals of peace and justice in this world and ensure that the United Nations remains the leading forum for the convergence, conciliation and symbiosis of the interests of all. peoples.
At the last session we were worried by the upheavals in the world economy, which affect international relations. Today we have to say that the international climate is still suffering from crises, fear and disarray. The imbalances in the economies of the developing countries continue. Indeed they have even been exacerbated in some parts of the third world, assuming very disturbing dimensions following natural disasters, including drought and desertification, with their tragic consequences for the human population and for cattle. We much appreciated the contribution made by the international community in this emergency situation. Unfortunately, lasting solutions are still uncertain because official development assistance is shrinking and drying up and the external debt is becoming an increasing burden.
Since its thirty-ninth session the General Assembly has recognized the gravity of this situation and the need to promote concerted international action to remedy it. It was in that spirit that at its fortieth session it decided to convene a special session on the critical economic situation in Africa. Mali was pleased that that session was held. For the first time the General Assembly gave special attention to the vital needs of one continent. It was because Africa believes in the unity of the destiny of all peoples that it decided to submit the serious problems impeding its development to this important forum of international harmonization. At that session Africa expressed to the international community its desire and willingness to deal responsibly with these problems, toe solution of which is was recognized by all the participants - is to be found basically in promoting the agricultural sector. It was encouraging that the final Declaration approved at that session endorsed the firm resolve of Africa to restructure its economy, and that this was welcomed by the donors, which undertook to support the continent in this undertaking, in particular by contributing to an increase in food production. Fulfillment of the commitments altered into would be the donors response to the requirements of international solidarity and proof of a responsible approach to history.
In a world of close and growing interdependence in the economic sphere the reforms that the African countries intend to undertake cannot attain their objectives as long as Africa suffers from the accumulated effects of the deterioration in terms of trade, protectionism and the crushing burden of external deb to External debt has attained a critical threshold in Africa. Negotiations leading to agreement between Africa and its creditors are more necessary than ever before. Because Africa is convinced of the relevance of this approach, it calls for the convening of an international conference to consider this burning issue.
Recent years have been marked by the collapse of attempts at dialog between the industrialized and the developing coin tries on some matters of vital interest to the human race. This is true of the global negotiations, which have been marking time for six years now. The future of international economic co-operation, which necessarily involves the establishment of the new inter national economic order, will depend on the ability of the international community to promote those negotiations. If we are to build a better world and provide appropriate solutions to serious economic problems it is essential that multilateral economic co-operation be preserved and strengthened, for it offers one of the promising avenues of our time.
The deterioration in international economic relations extends to international political relations. The human race is prey to political crises which create insecurity and mistrust in inter-State relations.
The frenetic, massive build-up of nuclear weapons has become a source of fear, anxiety and anguish for mankind: fear because of tensions in the international situation today; anxiety because of the sombre prospects for the future> and anguish because of the traumatic memories being awakened in the collective consciousness by today's nuclear arsenals. Faced with the enormous dangers now facing mankind, Mali supports negotiations on nuclear and space weapons and calls on the nuclear Powers to cultivate among themselves trust and political will, the two prerequisites for successful negotiations. As was said 30 years ago, we have to choose not between peace and war but between life and annihilation.
We hope that the profound desire of peoples to live and be happy will shift the gloomy appeal to chaos, that the will to create and maintain moral, social, cultural and economic values will overcome and repulse the forces of destruction, that the curtain of hope will block the window of disaster and apocalypse and temper the desire for conquest of so-called supremacy, which today we can recognize as being outdated and suicidal. We hope that the Reykjavik summit meeting will lead to dialog and echo our deepest aspiration to peace. It is more necessary than ever before for the international community to understand that our world will find in true economic and social development the best possible material, moral and spiritual resources for ensuring peace and security. Unfortunately, the arms race does not promote economic growth, because it reduces productive investment.
It is regrettable that the usefulness of the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development has not been understood equally by everyone. That Conference should lead the international community to become more aware of the links between the need for security and the need to satisfy the aspirations to well-being of two thirds of the human race. The Head of State of Mali, President Moussa Traore, in this very forum stated very relevantly:
"There is no development without peace, just as there is no peace without development. There is no conscience when millions of human beings are dying of thirst, hunger and disease while increasingly lethal and expensive weapons are reinforcing ever more destructive arsenals."
The delegation of Mali takes this opportunity to urge the nuclear Powers to co-operate in ensuring the convening and the success of the Conference.
Another very serious threat to peace and international security is the situation in southern Africa. Appeals to reason have not led the racist regime of Pretoria to abandon its inhuman policy of depriving the black majority of its most elementary rights. The racist minority of Pretoria, in its obsession with perpetuating the regime of apartheid, is carrying out acts of aggression and armed provocation against the front-line States. The recent attacks against Zimbabwe, Botswana and Zambia bear witness to the determination of those that practice this odious system of apartheid to continue as long as possible its acts of destabilization and intimidation against neighboring states.
The blade people of South Africa, despite the repression imposed by the racist police and army, are expressing with ever greater intensity their determination to free themselves from the net of enslavement and alienation in which they are being kept. This denial of justice and liberty is an insult to the international community. The violent confrontations resulting from it are a serious threat to world peace and security.
My delegation trusts that the unanimity recently achieved at the International Conference on Sanctions against Racist South Africa, which called for comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against the racist Pretoria regime, will induce the Security Council to impose the measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter.
As in South Africa, the racist regime in Namibia is carrying out brutal harassment against an innocent population determined to live in freedom and dignity
Along with acts of repression, the racist Pretoria minority, in its obstinacy in perpetuating the illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia, is trying to install puppet political institutions that can in no way mislead the international community or detract from the will of the Namibian patriots under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people. As was recalled at the fourteenth special session, the only peaceful path to Namibian independence is full incrementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
In addition to the situation in southern Africa, other hotbeds of tension continue to be of concer to us in Africa.
In Western Sahara, my country supports the efforts undertaken jointly by the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to find a lasting and acceptable peaceful solution to the problem. The OAU is also in search of a peaceful solution that would preserve the unity and territorial integrity of Chad, and it has the support of my country.
In the Middle East, the tragedy of the Palestine people has lasted for more than 40 years. Israel continues to deprive the Palestinian people of their legitimate and inalienable rights. We shall never stop saying that the prerequisite for a solution to the Palestinian problem is recognition of the national rights of the Palestian people and the effective exercise of their rights
under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), their sole authentic and legitimate representative. In this connection Mali supports the efforts to organize an international conference on the Middle East.
As for the situation in Lebanon, the people of Mali, in solidarity with the people of Lebanon, support initiatives to bring peace back to that country.
Mali is also distressed over the continuing war between Iran and Iraq, two Muslim peoples that aspire to live in peace. We would therefore repeat our appeal to those two countries to put an end to their fratricidal war.
In Afghanistan and Kampuchea crisis and tens ion persist, threatening peace and security. The Republic of Mali believes that only a negotiated political solution can guarantee an improvement in the situation in those two countries.
My country, a member of the Contact Group of the Non-Aligned Movement on Cyprus, would appeal to the Cypriot communities to resume the talks that are undeniably essential to a solution that will safeguard the unity, territorial integrity and non-alignment of that island.
In Central America, my country reaffirms its devotion to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and the right of peoples to choose for themselves a political and economic system in keeping with their identities, and we would urge States of the region concerned and interested in this crisis to adhere to the Contadora Agreement for peace and co-operation in Central America.
As regards those countries that are divided, the United Nations Charter recognizes the right to seek through negotiation, and without outside interference, a solution that enables them to regain their unity. It is on the basis of that principle that my country supports the independent and peaceful reunification of the Korean nation.
The establishment of a true atmosphere of peace in the world will be possible only when countries, in their day to day life, scrupulously abide by the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. We must convince ourselves that peace depends on the will to negotiate and to strengthen mutual trust and collective security, and not on confrontation and violence.
Mali, for its part, reaffirms that it will in its relations with other States, and in particular with its immediate neighbors, rigorously abide by negotiation and the principles of good-neighborliness set forth by our Organization.
The concern that led to the report of the Group of 18 doubtless reflects an awareness of the international community regarding wastage and an erosion of the credibility of our Organization. It will be a working tool to enhance the effectiveness of this Organization, provided it does not promote the progressive paralysis of the United Nations, provided it does not sidetrack it from its essential task, and provided "savings" do not kill all its activities and the United Nations does not depart from its responsibility and its fundamental objectives.
The United Nations must continue its work to take up those challenges facing us: the international economic crisis, hunger, disease, ignorance, armed conflicts local and regional, and the arms race. These challenges mean that we must remain active and vigilant so that peace, which will come from order based on justice, can be consolidated and reinforced.


First of all, Sir, I should like to extend my warm congratulations to Mr. Choudhury on his election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I wish him every success in his important task. I also express our deep appreciation of the fruitful efforts made by the Secretary-General of our Organization in the cause of international peace and security and friendship and co-operation among nations.
As we entered the year 1986 there were hopeful signs of a relaxation of international tension. That dawning hope, however, is still clouded by the specter of extermination.
At this session of the General Assembly, in this International Year of Peace, apart from a broad range of questions included in the agenda there are many new problems of major significance that concern the survival and development of mankind. These problems require from the international community appropriate answers and common efforts to bring to a satisfactory conclusion the final years of this century and cross the threshold of the third millennium of our history with a new position and in more favorable conditions.
The history of our time since the Second world War has proved ever more clearly that while the struggle for peace, freedom and happiness becomes as ever keener and fiercer, peace and peaceful coexistence between different socio-political regimes have become an irrepressible objective law as a result of the growing awareness of States and peoples of issues concerning their survival and development. That awakening has truly become an unassailable spiritual and material force, whose most striking result is that mankind has been able to live free of a world war for the past 40 years. Europe, in spite of several decades of extreme tension caused by the cold war, has been able to establish and maintain a framework of peaceful coexistence in the face of numerous challenges. The recent success of the Stockholm Conference has once again confirmed this. However, no one can forget the continuing presence in that continent of the world's two strongest opposing military blocs, or that the arms race, intensified by the United States, constantly threatens to upset the strategic balance and provoke a nuclear conflagration that would mean the annihilation of mankind.
In the region of Asia and the Pacific, where for the past 40 years the peoples have never really known peace, but instead have had to face a succession of the longest, bloodiest wars, and which today remains a turbulent region, the solid beginnings of progress towards the establishment of a zone of peace, friendship and co-operation have emerged.
The successive great victories in the struggle of the peoples of Asia and the Pacific for independence, freedom, peace and social progress and the exceptional growth of peace-loving, revolutionary forces have brought about profound changes in the character of the region, compelling certain ruling groups to accept, tardily, but more fully each day, the evident reality and the course of historical development.
The will of the peoples of Asia and the Pacific for peaceful coexistence, co-operation and friendship is becoming increasingly urgent*, generates the strength to guarantee peace and security in their own region and in the whole world. The initiatives of the People's Republic of Mongolia concerning a treaty on the non-use of force or the threat of the use of force between the States of the region and the initiative of the Soviet Union cm the establishment of a general system of security in the Asia and the Pacific, as well as the efforts to make the Indian Ocean a zone of peace, are all realistic initiatives. The same is true of the initiatives aimed at making South-East Asia a zone of peace, stability and co-operation and South-East Asia, the South Pacific region and the Korean peninsula nuclear-free zones.
All those initiatives create enormous possibilities for assuring regional peace and security on the basis of national independence and sovereignty and for strengthening mutually beneficial co-operation in the economic, commercial and scientific and technical spheres among the nations of the region and between them and States outside the region.
The world rejoices, with a note of caution, at positive developments in recent years in the Asian-Pacific area and particularly at the prospect of a brighter and healthier political atmosphere in that part of the world. However, because of the policies pursued by certain imperialist and militarist circles, which continue to intensify the arms race, to cause tension and to attempt to turn Asia into a theater of military and political confrontation, explosive and destabilizing factors nevertheless remain in the region, such as the presence of American troops in South Korea and attempts to perpetuate the division of Korea - including the use of the United Nations to legalize the division of that country; the presence of foreign military bases; the moves to form bilateral or trilateral military alliances; the many obstacles to the convening of a conference to make the Indian Ocean a zone of peace; the undeclared wars waged against the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan; the attempt to partition Micronesia and to turn it into a neo-colony; the delay imposed on the process of decolonization of New Caledonia and the continued occupation of East Timor, and so on.
Having been the victim of several foreign aggressions, the Vietnamese people earnestly desire peace in order to rebuild their country. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, like the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, want to seek through dialog a political solution to the problems concerning South-East Asia, including the question of Kampuchea. Developments in and around South-East Asia have shown that confrontation is in the process of being replaced by dialog and that differences are gradually being narrowed. Besides Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, many other concerned parties have, either openly or tacitly, agreed that the two basic questions for a political solution to the Kampuchean question are the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops and the elimination of the genocidal Pol Pot clique. The remaining differences concern means of implementation as regards those two questions.
Some people clamor for the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea without, however, referring to the need to end all support for the genocidal Pol Pot clique, which is living in exile in a neighboring country and nurtures the hope of returning to power in Kampuchea. A certain individual claims to be a friend of the Kampuchean people, a defender of human rights and the right to self-determination and a champion of the struggle against terrorism and colonialism, while deliberately ignoring the fact that Pol Pot and his clique, now under the deceptive cloak of the democratic coalition, have committed genocidal crimes unprecedented in the annals of history.
In barely four years in power - from 1975 to 1978 - they massacred nearly half of their compatriots and instigated armed conflicts with all the neighboring countries, the one with Viet Nam turning into a bloody border war aimed at expanding their monstrous civilization to the very doors of Ho Chi Minh City. As he consigns the tragic past of the Kampuchean people to oblivion, that same individual should ask himself whose friend he is. Is he defending human rights and the right to self-determination for the Kampuchean people and other ethical principles or is he defending the genocidal clique?
There are those in this forum who used to be satellites of imperialism in the war of aggression against Viet Nam and accomplices of those treacherous puppets Nguyen Van Thieu and Lon Nol and who subsequently provided sanctuary to the remnants of Pol Pot's forces or served as the spawning ground for the so-called coalition of Democratic Kampuchea - that anomalous hybrid created to serve as a cover for the Pol Pot clique, thus continuously fostering the danger of renewed genocide in Kampuchea. Is it not shameful for them now to lecture Viet Nam on anti-colonialism and to demand that Viet Nam engage in a strange dialog with the clique of perpetrators of genocide, supposedly to realize the right to self-determination of the Kampuchean people?
The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, prompted by a full understanding of their responsibilities, have agreed and many times declared to their own peoples and those of the world that the voluntary withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea, which has been partially carried out every year for the past five years, will be completed by the year 1990, when the Kampuchean revolutionary armed forces will be strong enough to ensure the security of their own country.
Thus, the highly important task that remains to be undertaken - a task more realistic and useful than clamoring for something that is already being done - is to endeavor to find a satisfactory solution to the Kampuchean problem. That solution must be based on the guaranteed withdrawal of Vietnamese forces and, at the same time, the elimination of the Pol Pot clique, as well as on a guarantee for the process of national reconciliation in Kampuchea without the danger of further acts of genocide. Such a solution would allow Viet Nam to withdraw all its troops before the scheduled 1990 deadline. On the contrary any solution which demands that Viet Nam withdraw its forces before that deadline without reference to the cessation of all aid to the genocidal clique, will in fact have the effect of hindering Viet Nam's troop withdrawal plan and blocking the search for a political solution. Thus it is clear that no appropriate solution can be based on the so-called eight-point proposal, which was supported by only three Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries and one ncn-ASEAN country, at the recent summit Conference of the non-aligned countries in Harare.
Those eight points are in fact merely an attempt to use the pretext of a political solution to bring the criminal Pol Pot clique back to power in Kampuchea, an attempt that has failed in spite of all efforts - military attempts included -during the past eight years.
In the course of the past seven years the United Nations, misled by the item entitled "The situation in Kampuchea" included in the agendas of successive sessions of the United Nations General Assembly at the request of the ASEAN countries, and under direct pressure from certain parties whose hands are not altogether clean, has adopted erroneous resolutions in total contradiction of the resolutions on South-East Asia adopted by consensus by two thirds of the countries represented here at the seventh summit Conference of the non-aligned countries in New Delhi and the recent eighth summit Conference in Harare. While the objective and constructive resolutions of the non-aligned movement on South-Bast Asia have encouraged the process of fruitful dialog in the region, the mistaken United Nations resolutions on the situation in Kampuchea have given a distorted picture of the situation there and provided support for the Pol Pot clique, thus conflicting with the vital interests of the Kampuchean people and hindering and undermining the current process of dialog. Moreover, as the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has stated on many occasions, the discussion of the item, "The situation in Kampuchea", without its consent constitutes gross interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign country, in brazen violation of the United Nations Charter.
In the present situation, a turning point is necessary in the United Nations approach to questions relating to South-East Asia, including that of Kampuchea, so that this Organization can play its full role in promoting the process of dialog which has already started between the parties concerned outside the United Nations framework.
In the search for a political solution to the question of ensuring peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, and also throughout the Asian-Pacific region, relations of friendship and co-operation between the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of China could play a very important role. The Vietnamese people greatly treasure their traditional friendship with the Chinese people. In the past the two peoples supported each other and were united in the struggle against imperialism and colonialism. The two countries have common interests*, in peace, independence and development. Wishing to restore normal relations with China, Viet Nam has, on many occasions, declared its readiness to negotiate with China at any level, at any time and anywhere, so as to resolve the substantive questions concerning relations between the two countries and other natters of mutual concern in the higher interests of peace and co-operation between the two peoples and in the region as a whole.
We believe to solve differences through dialog without pre-conditions would be easier, more realistic and more fruitful than to try to solve them without any dialog in a hostile atmosphere.
We share the view of certain political circles in the ASEAN countries that the so-called Kampuchean problem will sooner or later solve itself with the growth of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. What is of more far-reaching, decisive significance is to have a broader vision - in terms of time and space - which allows us to perceive now a comprehensive solution for South-East Asia and for the Asian-Pacific region as a whole. This will be essential in the "post-Kampuchea" period, a period which will have begun by 1990 at the latest, with or without a political solution regarding Kampuchea.
The United States has an important role to play with regard to peace, stability and co-operation in Asia and the Pacific, and should therefore have found an appropriate way to assume that role in a constructive manner. The Vietnamese people are ready to turn to a new chapter and to facilitate the development of relations of friendship and co-operation between the two peoples.
Time waits for no man. Artificial obstacles should be removed as quickly as possible, and the process of dialog should be given new impetus, and we should co-operate in resolving together, in this International Year of Peace, the problems before us in response to the demands of our times, as our turbulent century draws to a close.
In other regions of the world, especially in Africa, the Middle East, and in Central America and the Caribbean, as a result of profound changes brought about by the march of history, but against the wishes of the imperialist forces, the situation has become more and more turbulent. While the imperialists persist in attempting to maintain the old order imposed by them, a series of young States have come into being, ridding themselves of colonial domination and freely choosing their own path of development in the very areas considered to be imperialism's strategic positions. At the same time, liberation movements are surging forward with unprecedented vigor, striving to eliminate the last bastions of colonialism and puppet regimes which are traitors to their peoples. No longer able to have things their own way, these in imperialist and colonialist circles are at times compelled to declare their readiness to negotiate political solutions, but they have in i>o way renounced their policy of using for us to serve their hegemonic ends. While anxious to avoid another Viet Nam, they are prepared to undertake direct armed intervention whenever and wherever they can. More particularly, they engage in war by proxy. State terrorism, political and economic coercion and the instigation and organization of subversive activities against countries that refuse to submit to their diktat, notably the Republic of Cuba.
Viet Nam fully endorses the common position expressed at the eighth summit Conference of non-aligned countries, held recently in Harare, categorically condemning the criminal activities of imperialism, colonialism, apartheid, Zionism and other reactionary forces and affirming the most resolute support for struggling peoples. Now more than ever, it is the duty of all mankind to show solidarity with and give assistance in all spheres to the peoples of South Africa, under the leadership of the African National Congress of South Africa, and of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, and to the front-line States in southern Africa with a view to the elimination of apartheid. Our vigorous support and effective assistance must also be extended to the people of Nicaragua in its struggle in defense of its independence and sovereignty-, to
the Palestinian people, whose authentic representative is the Palestine Liberation Organization, and other Arab peoples in their struggle against the Israeli Zionists and their masters; to the Libyan people in their struggle against the policy of State terrorism practised by certain imperialist forces; to the Saharan people in its struggle for the full exercise of its right of self-determination; and to the peoples of El Salvador, Puerto Rico and other lands striving for independence and freedom.
In addition to political and military threats, the developing countries are confronting serious economic challenges which are the result of colonialism and the present unjust economic order. Because of that economic order and in conditions of the increasing internationalization of the forces of production and growing international trade, the developing countries, which have already been heavily exploited, will be exploited even further. These economic challenges not only hinder the development of those countries but threaten their very existence. In a world of economic interdependence, economic challenges affect not only the exploited countries but the entire world economy. That is why the relevant decisions of the Non-Aligned Movement and the United Nations on the establishment of a new international economic order are in keeping with the interests of all States. In this new situation we need not only a new long-term approach but also urgent action by the international community.
It is time for those that enriched themselves thanks to the old order, that are in the habit of exploiting others by means of unfair co-operative relations and the use of economic coercion as an instrument of hegemony and domination, to reconsider their policies and play a constructive part in the implementation of the economic programs and strategies adopted by the United Nations, in the common interest of all peoples and in their own interest.
The groundwork has been laid for a world in which mankind can live in equality and freedom, working and co-operating in peace and friendship, free of the danger of nuclear holocaust*, a world in which regional conflicts are settled not by force but through dialog and where ideological differences do not impede co-operation for the well-being of mankind.
With the aim of achieving that noble ambition, the participants in the eighth summit Conference of Heads of State or Government of non-Aligned Countries, meeting at Harare, made the following appeal*.
"In fact, today the choice is no longer between war and peace, but rather between life and death. Thus, the struggle for peace and against nuclear war is the principal task of our time."
We must respond with goodwill to peace initiatives from various sources, which are vital for the future of mankind. I am thinking in particular of the initiative concerning the elimination of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction by the year 2000, the initiative on the establishment of a general system of international security, and the New Delhi appeal by the Heads of State or Government of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Sweden and Tanzania. There must be an immediate, appropriate response to the Soviet Union's repeated extension of its unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests.
The time has come to translate the fine words about a desire for peace into deeds. it is also time for those in the most warlike ruling circles to reconsider their persistence in a position which runs counter to that of all peace-loving mankind - that is, their continuing intensification of the arms race on earth and in outer space and their attempts to abrogate important disarmament treaties concluded after long and difficult negotiations. In a world that must choose between life and death, any rejection of peace initiatives that could be decisive for the survival of our planet constitutes a crime against humanity.


 Mr. President, may I first join those who have already expressed their genuine pleasure at seeing you preside over our work. Your outstanding dualities will be sorely tested during this session, in which a number of decisions will have to be taken to ensure a future for our Organization. I am convinced that your wisdom, calm and patience will ensure the success of this important session.
While congratulating you on your unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly and the fourteenth special session devoted to the question of Namibia, my delegation welcomes the fact that the Assembly should have chosen a national of a country renowned for its devotion to the principles of non-alignment. I can assure you of the whole-hearted co-operation of my delegation.
I should like also to pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, for his work as President of our Assembly. His term of office, which coincided with the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of our Organization, was marked by the onset of a financial crisis which risks shaking our Organization to it foundations unless an appropriate solution is found. It was also a time when we experienced events which were as serious as they were unexpected. Suffice it to recall the natural disasters which occurred around the world, particularly in Africa, and the serious armed conflicts between States Members of our Organization which have tarnished that period, not to mention the problem of terrorism.
We are pleased to note that throughout those tragic events which loomed over the international scene the Secretary-General was unsparing in his efforts to seek greater stability, peace and justice the world over. I believe this is the time to pay a well-deserved tribute to him for the many initiatives which he has launched.
For some days now we have been hearing a series of analyses offered and themes developed by outstanding orators who have spoken from this rostrum. They have, with clarity, precision and awareness of the gravity of the situation,, broached the various political and economic topics of particular urgency.
At the united Nations, as in other international and regional organizations in which we are involved, the Republic of Burundi strives to contribute to all deliberations and every initiative involving our commitment to justice and peace. After all, it is the noble duty of the Assembly to inspire hope and find solutions for the various conflicts, wars and other disputes that are, alas, the daily lot of our time. Burundi will strive to make its modest contribution.
If we are not careful, our world will find itself on the brink of total conflagration.
The first powder-keg is to be found in southern Africa. That part of the African continent is the epicenter of numerous upheavals that have spread beyond the borders of South Africa and Namibia, engulfing the neighboring States. The international community has denounced the scourge that is at the root of this situation and that bears the name apartheid. South Africa is the only country in the world in which the military machine is used almost exclusively for the purpose of harassing peaceful people, incapable of containing the explosive situation that exists within its own borders, the Republic of South Africa is planning and exporting war and desolation in the neighboring countries. It professes and practices the policy of recourse to force.
The world, stunned, recently denounced the incursions for the purpose of destabilization by the Pretoria regime into Botswana, Lesotho, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Those acts of aggression have added complication to the covert war it has been imposing on the peoples of Angola and Mozambique ever since they won their independence. No neighboring independent country has been spared Pretoria's armed adventurism The recent intimidating declarations by the Pretoria regime regarding the possible imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions have increased our fears as to that regime's true intentions.
To meet this situation of permanent war the front-line countries are compelled to devote considerable resources to self-defense, at the expense of their urgent development needs. The price paid by those peoples to sustain the liberation struggle in South Africa and Namibia has become a crushing burden. Vie take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the courage and determination of the peoples of that part of the world. The international community must redouble its efforts and give further proof of its solidarity by helping to reduce the impact of Pretoria's acts of sabotage.
In this context we appeal to the international community to support and contribute generously to the fund set up at the Eighth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries to help the front-line countries resist invasion, colonialism and apartheid.
The question of Namibia is the second subject of concern on the African continent. We welcomed with understandable hope the unanimous adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) establishing the United Nations plan foe the independence of Namibia. For once, those that truly have the power to check South Africa's arrogance and are capable of persuading it to co-operate with the international community joined the ranks of those States that want to see Namibia take its place among free, sovereign nations.
However, to the great disappointment of peoples that cherish peace and freedom. South Africa's major political and trading partners have since had recourse to various tactics to delay the independence of the Namibian people. The Government of Burundi has always said, and now repeats that the question of Namibia is one of decolonization pure and simple, that the illegal armed occupation by South Africa and the plundering of the resources of Namibia by that country and its allies seriously jeopardize international peace and security. We have always
denounced, and again denounce, any tendency to analyze and define the Namibian question through the distorting prism of a confrontation between ideological blocs. We must not put the Namibian people between the hammer and the anvil of the of vain East-West rivalry and the ephemeral quest for commercial profit, when what is really at stake is the independence and future of an entire people.
The nations of the world will appreciate that the alleged risk of the spread of communism in southern Africa cannot be overcome by the installation of destructive, reactionary fascism.
The international community has long been calling for the imposition on racist South Africa of comprehensive mandatory sanctions in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. We remain convinced that this is the only way of breaking the spiral of violence and initiating genuine dialog among the peoples concerned with a view to bringing about a lasting settlement of the problems of that tormented part of Africa.
Notwithstanding our many attempts to deal with the matter, the most recent of which were in Paris last June, in Vienna at the beginning of July and at the fourteenth special session, which concluded its work some two weeks ago, a certain number of countries with special responsibility in the realm of peace-keeping and the maintenance of international security obstinately refuse to envisage comprehensive mandatory sanctions and evade the question of the independence of Namibia. Happily, the position taken by the international public has provided some degree of hope and encouragement.
The Government of Burundi reaffirms its total support for the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people, whose persistence in the struggle compels our admiration. The people of Burundi have no doubt whatsoever that our brother people of Namibia will attain victory in the end.
In north-west Africa the just and determined struggle being waged by the Saharan people for the exercise of its right to self-determination and the enjoyment of its other fundamental rights will lead inexorably to victory. It is regrettable that so far the relevant resolutions of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations recommending direct negotiations between the parties concerned, that is, the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIO Front, have not yet been implemented. However, we welcome the talks, even though only indirect, taking place under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General in consultation with the OAU.
Elsewhere in the world the scene is no more reassuring. Certain conflicts persist and are taking on alarming proportions.
In the Middle East, the Palestinian people has not yet regained its homeland and is continuing its heroic struggle to achieve self-determination. It is clearly established that the Palestinian problem is at the heart of all the upheavals shaking that part of the world and that until a just and equitable solution has been found for it there will be no lasting peace in that part of the world.
In Lebanon, the various protagonists have turned that country into a veritable battlefield. The people of Lebanon too is entitled to peace. It desires only to heal its wounds without outside interference in its strictly internal affairs.
Not far from Lebanon, the war between Iraq and Iran has lasted for six years and has already taken a heavy toll in human lives and material damage. The people of Burundi firmly believes in the virtues of moderation, the efficacy of negotiation and the search for peaceful solutions to all disputes between nations. It come again exhorts our Iranian and Iraqi brothers to turn to peaceful means compatible with the Charter of our Organization to put an end once and for all to their present conflict.
Just as we preach moderation and concord, we have always refused to sanction invasion and the occupation of any country by foreign troops. The people of the entire world should rather set out on crusades against hunger, poverty, ignorance and disease. The only battles we can admire are those that are waged for the development of nations and for the full development of the potential of the individual.
We remain convinced that the crises afflicting Afghanistan and Kampuchea, like the precarious and rapidly deteriorating situation in Central America, would give way to restored normalcy if all States again made it their business to abide by the norms of international law.
For that reason we support the efforts of the Secretary-General with regard to the questions of Cyprus and Afghanistan, the talks aimed at the peaceful reunification of the two Koreas, and also the initiatives of the Contadora Group.
By the same token, the States Members of this Organization should resolve to keep their defence systems within reasonable limits, establishing a sensible balance between resources used for armaments and those devoted to development; but above all they should avoid the geographical proliferation of nuclear weapons with massive destructive potential. We welcome the convening of the forthcoming meeting at the highest level between the two super-Powers to relaunch disarmament negotiations. We also exhort the other nations with advanced nuclear technology to dedicate themselves to utilizing the potential of the atom exclusively for peaceful purposes and for social and economic development.
The imperative need to consolidate peace and stability in order to ensure social and economic development in our countries is undeniable. Indeed, the conjunction of particularly disadvantageous political and economic factors is undermining the efforts of many countries to extricate themselves from the current crisis.
Stricken harder than others, the developing countries in general and those in Africa in particular have been compelled to undertake painful reforms to restructure their economies to overcome their economic difficulties and crushing external indebtedness. In this connection, the recent special session on the critical economic situation in Africa, held last May, allowed for detailed discussion of the dimensions of the economic crisis on that continent. It made it possible to establish and adopt priority recovery measures. Burundi, along with other African countries, counts on the support and solidarity of the international community for the implementation of the priority Program for the economic recovery of Africa.
Along these lines, the international community must urgently examine the more and more damaging effect of Africa's external debt. Precisely because of the critical economic and financial situation of that continent, it should be given special treatment. For that reason the Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity decided at their recent meeting to pursue efforts to increase general awareness with a view to bringing about the convening of an international conference for the consideration of this particularly alarming issue.
Burundi knows, from its own experience, that the task of development involves a slow and difficult process for many developing countries, particularly the most disadvantaged among them. Certain development-related constraints have already severely impeded the efforts of my country. We are referring to our land-locked status, our high population density, the limited development of our human resources, the small size of our market and our weak capacity for financing from within. For all these reasons, we continue to need aid from abroad in order to complete the task we are striving to accomplish within our borders. In view of my country's scarce resources, it is vital that priorities be established. Accordingly, the Government of the Second Republic, headed by President Jean-Baptiste Bagaza, ascribes the highest priority to rural development,
There is an imperative need for the relaunching of the global negotiations, which are now frozen, so as to achieve a consensus on the establishment of a more just and better balanced new international economic order, one which will put art end to the many elements of maladjustment in the current situation. Today there ia no reliable alternative to the North-South dialog, either for the developed countries or for the developing ones. Therefore it is appropriate at this time to launch negotiations that fit directly into the pattern of the interdependence of our respective States.
Our Organization is a useful instrument, tested by time, for the promotion of fruitful dialog among nations. Above and beyond the criticisms - which are not always pertinent but which have the effect of putting the Organization's credibility in question - all nations, great and small, agree in acknowledging the importance of the noble mission set forth in the Charter.
Dedication to the ideals of the Organization has often been reaffirmed by all States, particularly at the time of the commemoration of .its fortieth anniversary. We would, therefore be acting in a responsible manner if we gave it all the support it needs, particularly at a time when it is going through the most serious financial crisis in its history.
We are grateful to the Secretary-General of the Organization for having initiated a series of arrangements which have made it possible to cope with the crisis for the time being. The General Assembly, for its part, is preparing to consider the report of the Group of High-level Intergovernmental Experts it entrusted last December with the task of analyzing the ways and means of improving the administrative and financial efficiency of the Organization. My delegation welcomes all recommendations and proposals for reform designed to strengthen our Organization's capacity to carry out better its imperative mission and thus preserve this forum for dialog and the concerting of views, which I hope no one is thinking of abolishing.
Together, inspired by the firm determination to consolidate our achievements, we have always overcome obstacles. At this time, once again, history calls upon us, and we do not have the right to fail it.


 I should like to assure you. Sir, that the Mongolian delegation associates itself with the warm words of congratulation that have been conveyed both to you and to the President by preceding speakers in connection with your unanimous elections to your respective offices to preside over the forty-first session of the General Assembly. We are hopeful that the President's rich diplomatic experience, competence and high sense of duty will greatly promote the success of this session.
On behalf of the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic, it is also my pleasure to extend a cordial greeting to the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and to wish him every possible success.
The present session of the United Nations General Assembly is a particularly meaningful one. It is being held in the year proclaimed by common consent as the International Year of Peace. That important decision reflects the growing anxiety of the world community over the current complex international situation and its resolve to exert every effort to check further deterioration of the situation and the escalation of the nuclear threat.
Prevention of a nuclear war end safeguarding peace is a difficult but attainable objective. The current world situation demands the removal of the old stereotypes such as the doctrines of "containment" or "deterrence". They have become outdated. It is essential to undertake without delay concrete and effective measures leading to radical changes from nuclear rivalry to a nuclear-free world, from confrontation to co-operation, from the arras race to disarmament.
What is the stunting-block to such a change in international relations so vital for mankind?
The root cause of the evil lies primarily in the policy aid practical actions of the most aggressive circles of imperialism, first and foremost the military-industrial complex of the United States of America. They seek to attain a military-strategic superiority and to achieve their neo-global is tic objectives through blackmail, sanctions and acts of State terrorism, including armed intervention against countries and peoples who refuse to submit to their diktat.
The militaristic and revanchist approach to such fundamental issues of the day as questions of war and peace and the right of peoples freely to decide their own destiny is fraught with the most disastrous consequences for the whole of mankind.
Imperial policy is counterbalanced by the growing peace potential represented by the world socialist community, the non-aligned countries and other peace-loving States, the anti-war and anti-nuclear moves and the forces of common sense. The year 1986 is marked by active endeavors and fresh initiatives aimed at preventing a nuclear war, ending the arms race and improving the international situation.
The proposal on the question of establishing a comprehensive system of international security, submitted by the socialist countries for consideration at this session, represents the most rational approach to ensuring universal peace. It is designed to lay down the bases for collective security in the military, political, economic, social and humanitarian fields.
The way to establish the most decisive component of such a system 'is proposed in the concrete program worked out by the Soviet Union to deliver mankind from nuclear and other types of mass-destruction weapons by the end of this century. This program has been complemented by the Budapest Appeal by the Warsaw Treaty States addressed to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) States and all other European countries. It envisages a wide range of concrete measures for reducing the armed forces and conventional armaments in Europe, a matter which is also of global importance.
The statement of the Soviet Government of 23 April this year and the speech in Vladivostok, by Mr. Gorbachev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, outlined a host of practical measures designed to improve the international situation in Asia and the Pacific, consolidate mutual confidence and promote good-neighborliness and co-operation between the countries of the region. Last, but not least, it should be recalled that at the previous General Assembly session the socialist countries submitted a comprehensive proposal on international economic security.
Thus, the new proposal by the socialist countries is built on the solid asset of their previous proposals related to reducing the nuclear threat and military confrontation and promoting detente and peaceful co-existence through the active interaction and co-operation of States.
A comprehensive system of international security envisages that the collective security of all nations on a mutual and eouitable basis will be ensured. The co-sponsors proceed from the premise that the security of a State or a group of States cannot be safeguarded at the expense of others.
This initiative of the socialist countries further strengthens the relevant provisions of the United Nations Charter on the system of collective security. Its objective is to give practical effect to these provisions, duly talcking into account the realities of the nuclear-space age. The Mongolian People's Republic has co-sponsored this new initiative.
At the nineteenth Congress of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, held in late May this year. Comrade Jambyn Batmunkh, General Secretary of the Party Central Committee and Head of State, pointed out that a comprehensive system of international security is designed to make peaceful co-existence the highest universal principle of relations between nations. As a co-sponsor we have also borne in mind the provisions of the United Nations Declaration on the Right of Peoples to Peace, which makes it incumbent upon every State to take concrete measures for the implementation of this basic right of peoples. The delegation o£ the Mongolian People's Republic appeals to all Member States of the United Nations to give thorough consideration to the ideas contemplated in the new proposal of the socialist countries and to contribute to their practical achievement.
The Mongolian delegation notes with satisfaction that the spirit and content of the Harare Declarations adopted by the Eighth Summit Conference of the non-aligned countries are consistent in many respects with the objectives of the proposal of the socialist countries. Here I wish to quote from the report of the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, regarding an idea which is along the same lines as our:
"... in a world where the destinies of all countries are almost certain to become ever more closely linked, there can be no substitute for an effective multilateral system in the maintenance of international peace and security and in the co-operative management of global problems." (A/41/1, pp. 2-3) Every practical step that promotes the achievement of the important goal of comprehensive security is indeed of great importance.
The Mongolian People's Republic, like the overwhelming majority of States, highly values the widely acclaimed unilateral moratorium on all nuclear explosions declared by the Soviet Union over a year ago and extended until the beginning of next year. Were it to become mutual and multilateral, a reliable barrier would be placed in the way of the further qualitative improvement of nuclear arms. My delegation calls upon all other nuclear-weapon states, above all the United States, to join in the moratorium and to start wording out an agreement on a comprehensive ban of nuclear-weapon tests. It welcomes the readiness of the Soviet Union, reaffirmed at this session, to sign such an agreement at any time.
The Mongolian People's Republic highly appreciates the efforts of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Tanzania and Sweden, which have offered practical proposals to contribute to the banning of nuclear tests and the adoption of other measures aimed at curbing the nuclear arms race.
A tangible step towards preventing the outbreak of a nuclear war would be for all nuclear-weapon Powers, following the example of the Onion of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Chinese People's Republic, to undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. Such a step would certainly contribute to strengthening the atmosphere of trust between States, and also enhance the security of non-nuclear-weapon States.
The Mongolian People's Republic supports all proposals and practical steps aimed at creating nuclear-free zones and corridors in Europe, Asia and other regions, and views them as important measures promoting the goals of nuclear disarmament.
While welcoming the progress achieved in the talks at the Conference on Disarmament on banning chemical weapons, my delegation would like especially to emphasize the need for the earliest achievement of an agreement on banning that barbaric means of the mass annihilation of human beings.
The international community should not allow existing treaties and agreements in various fields of arms limitation to be undermined. Strict observance of the obligations undertaken by all sides constitutes an indispensable perquisite for achieving agreements in new fields.
We note with satisfaction that despite the existing real difficulties, as well as obstacles, that are often artificially erected by certain quarters, the contacts and dialog between the USSR and the united States, the two leading Powers, are becoming of a more active and practical character.
The Mongolian People's Republic welcomes the forthcoming Soviet-American summit meeting on 11-12 October of this year in Reykjavik. We hope that this summit meeting will pave the way for achieving practical agreements in the field of the limitation and subsequent elimination of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction as well as in preventing the militarization of outer space.
Facts show that progress would depend upon the extent to which the United States side displays the necessary degree of responsibility commensurate with the importance of the measures to be agreed upon.
In this age of scientific and technical progress the uses of its achievements for the benefit of man has become an objective of top priority. In the first place, this relates to the exploitation of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and the peaceful uses of outer space. Mongolia supports the convening of an international conference to consider material, political, legal and institutional bases for concerted action in peaceful uses of outer space. My Government endorses the efforts being made within the framework of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to ensure the safety of nuclear energy use. It will accede to the two important conventions adopted at the recent special session of the IAEA General Conference.
My Government welcomes the outcome of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe as a real contribution to the reduction of military confrontation, to strengthening security in Europe, and as an example of reasonable compromise and realism. We hope that the spirit of Stockholm will have a favorable impact on the work of the forthcoming November follow-up meeting of the representatives of the countries at the Conference and likewise on the Vienna negotiations on the reduction of armed forces and armaments.
International peace would be considerably strengthened if hotbeds of tensions and crisis situations were eliminated in various parts of the world. It is regrettable, however, that regional conflicts in various parts of the world not only persist but sometimes even aggravate and threaten to undermine the basis of universal security.
Many of the regional conflicts are taking place in the Asia-Pacific region. The Middle East cr is is, the Iran-Iraqi conflict, the undeclared war against Afghanistan and the provocations against Kampuchea sow death and devastation and poison the atmosphere on the continent and throughout the world.
The Mongolian People's Republic supports the convening of an international conference on the Middle East under United Nations auspices with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (FLO). To this end we deem it desirable to reach agreement, at this session of the General Assembly, to establish a preparatory committee which would include all the permanent members of the Security Council.
The crux of the Middle East settlement lies in the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to the establishment of its own independent state and in the complete liberation of all Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967. Mongolia supports the strengthening of the national independence and Territorial integrity of Lebanon.
We add our voice to appeals by the world community to the Governments of Iran and Iraq to put an immediate end to their military actions and to enter into peaceful negotiations aimed at resolving the outstanding disputes between them.
Our Government firmly supports the proposal on a comprehensive solution of the Cyprus problem on the basis of full respect for its independence and territorial integrity.
We consider that a favorable prerequisite for political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan has been created by the decision of the Governments of the Soviet Onion and the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to withdraw this year a considerable part of the Soviet military contingent from Afghanistan. We hope that this act of good-will will meet with a positive response. A necessary guarantee for the cessation and non-recurrence of outside interference in the affairs of Afghanistan should be worked out. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic duly appreciates the efforts by the United Nations Secretary-General and his Special Representative towards bringing about a political settlement to this problem.
The Mongolian People's Republic is in favor of turning South-East Asia into a zone of peace, stability and co-operation. Cessation of encroachments upon the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the bellicose acts against the other countries of Indochina would greatly benefit the efforts made to create an atmosphere of mutual understanding and confidence in the region. My delegation reaffirms again the continuing support of its Government to the constructive approaches taken by Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea and to their consistent efforts to stabilize the situation in south-East Asia. My Government, as before, lends its consistent support to the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on €t*s withdrawal of American troops and armaments frost the south of the Korean' peninsula, on the creation of a nuclear-free zone there, and to this end the initiation of tripartite negotiations. Realization of these measures would create an atmosphere conducive to the peaceful reunification of Korea and would substantially help to improve the situation in the Far East.
The situation in the Asia-Pacific region has been aggravated by the growing United States military presence and the build-up of its nuclear arsenals there, especially in South Korea and around Japan. The latter is being increasingly drawn into the orbit of the military-strategic schemes of Washington, including participation in research on the so-called Strategic Defense Initiative. Attempts to turn the Asia-Pacific region into another arena of military and political confrontation are being accelerated. To halt and reverse the negative development of events in Asia and the Pacific, it is imperative that a common search for ways and means of promoting the idea of a comprehensive system of regional security be intensified. In that connection, I should like to draw the attention of the Assembly to the proposal of the Mongolian People's Republic for the creation of international machinery that would proscribe the use or threat of force in relations between Asian and Pacific States. Consistent compliance with that principle as an accepted norm in relations among States of the region would undoubtedly contribute to the stabilization of the situation and the consolidation of the foundations of peace and security.
The nineteenth Congress of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party underlined the fact that the complexity of the current situation calls for all States of the region, large and small, to explore together means of achieving regional security and to take collective action to solve crisis situations and outstanding problems. We believe that the time is ripe for engaging more actively in political consultation and dialog on a bilateral and multilateral basis and assessing the feasibility of convening, at some later date, an Asian-Pacific forum devoted to problems of regional peace and security.
The threat of armed intervention against Nicaragua is becoming ever greater. Attempts are being made to export counter-revolution with the help of traitors to the Nicaraguan people, to stem its revolutionary gains and to compel it to retreat from its chosen path.
The Mongolian People's Republic supports the constructive approach of the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua with regard to a peaceful solution to the Central American problem. The Mongolian people will continue to stand by the Nicaraguan people, which is defending its independence and freedom with great courage. We support the efforts of the Contadora group and the Support group aimed
at lessening tension in Central America and the Caribbean and finding political solutions to the urgent problems of the region.
The explosive situation in South Africa poses a serious threat to world peace. The people and Government of the Mongolian People's Republic resolutely condemn the racist regime of South Africa, which seeks to perpetuate at any cost the inhumane system of apartheid. We fully support the Declaration of the World Conference on Sanctions against Racist South Africa, which called for the immediate imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the Pretoria regime under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Apartheid has no place in our world and it should be eradicated once and for all. We demand the immediate release of Nelson Mandela and other patriots in South Africa and reaffirm our solidarity with the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC).
The South African regime, relying on the United States policy of so-called constructive engagement, is pursuing an expansionist policy in southern Africa. Our Government strongly condemns the armed aggression and acts of destabilization ceaselessly committed by the Pretoria regime against Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and other front-line States.
The problem of granting immediate independence to the Namibian people continues to focus the attention of the international community. This is evidenced by the results of the International Conference held in Vienna as well as the special session of the General Assembly which has just ended its work. Full implementation of the decisions adopted at those important forums will undoubtedly help to boost the efforts of the international community to put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia and to speed up the granting of independence to Namibia, in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions. The Mongolian People's Republic supports the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people.
My delegation fully supports the decisions of the eighth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries on the problems of southern Africa and on intensifying the struggle against apartheid.
The Mongolian People's Republic is in favor of granting unconditional and immediate independence to the peoples of Micronesia, Puerto Rico and other dependent Territories.
The Mongolian People's Republic most resolutely condemns acts of terrorism, no matter what their motivation. At the same time, we assail the actions of those who, under the guise of fighting terrorism, resort to brute force and armed aggression against other sovereign states, as was the case with regard to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.
The struggle of peoples for their national liberation has now entered a new phase in their fight to achieve genuine economic independence and social progress.
He fully support the intensification of efforts to establish a new international economic order based on justice and equality. Such a need is particularly overriding in the light of the deteriorating economic conditions in the developing countries. Their growing external debt, which now exceeds $1 billion, has become an awesome challenge. There is an urgent need to introduce basic and structural changes in the economic relations between the leading Western Powers and the developing countries and to carry out practical measures aimed at ensuring genuine economic security for all States. It is quite natural to expect this issue to become a central point in the deliberations of this session of the General Assembly.
Twenty-five years have passed since my country's admission to the united Nations. The Mongolian People's Republic has done its best throughout that period to contribute to the improvement of the effectiveness of the United Nations as an instrument for maintaining international peace and security. On the initiative of the Mongolian People's Republic, the United Nations adopted a decision to observe every year a week devoted to fostering the objectives of disarmament. The Declaration on the Right of Peoples to Peace has also been adopted. Me try to take an active part in the activities of the Organization in social and humanitarian fields. Our delegation intends to propose at this session of the General Assembly the proclamation of a United Nations campaign for the eradication of illiteracy. The campaign could cover a period lasting to the year 2000.
We share the opinion that the root cause of the difficulties the United Nations is at present undergoing is first and foremost political and for that very reason has implications for the Organization far beyond the state of its finances.
The role of the United Nations as a multilateral forum for broad co-operation among States is acquiring even greater significance. Therefore, those who attempt to undermine it are assuming a serious responsibility before world public opinion.
From this high rostrum, my delegation would like to reiterate the commitment of the Government of the Mongolian People' s Republic to the purposes and principles of this most prestigious world body.


 I should like to express, on behalf of the delegation of Oman and on my own behalf, our deep satisfaction at the election of Ambassador Choudhury of Bangladesh to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. The fact that he represents Bangladesh, a country from the continent to which we too belong and with which we have close and strong relations, increases our pleasure. We are confident that the valuable experience he brings to his task will be of great help in ensuring the success of the session. I wish also to congratulate his predecessor, Ambassador Jaime de Pinies of Spain, on the way in which he conducted the business of the fortieth session of the General Assembly, and, above all, the special session on the critical economic situation in Africa. The efforts being made by African countries to deal with their difficult economic situation deserve the attention and support of the international community.
I reiterate on behalf of the Government of the Sultanate of Oman our gratitude and appreciation to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his tireless efforts and the admirable manner with which he handles the work of the international Organization, especially bearing in mind the acute financial crisis faced by the Organization, which makes it imperative for Member States to honor their commitments to the Organization by paying their contributions to the budget as soon as possible.
The large number of world leaders who attended the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations proved beyond doubt that the United Nations is indispensable to mankind as a forum for the solution of disputes by peaceful means. If anything mars the performance of the Organization in its attempt to bring about peace and security, it is the fact that its resolutions frequently remain unimplemented. Were those resolutions to be implemented, friendship and co-operation would prevail among all States, thus giving effect to the principles of the Organization, which in turn would bring to the peoples of the world well-being and stability.
Thus, it is now more than ever necessary to redouble our efforts to ensure implementation of the resolutions of the Organization so that it may remain strong and play its pioneering role in the maintenance of international peace and security and in formulating permanent and just solutions for the many problems threatening international peace.
Foremost among those problems is that of the Middle East, of which the question of Palestine is the core. The United Nations has a special responsibility in connection with this problem, for it has been on the agenda of the world Organization since its inception and has a negative effect on international peace and security. We reaffirm that any solution to this problem that fails to take into account the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to live in peace and security on its own land and Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories will be incomplete. There is no doubt that had it not been for the intransigence of Israel and its refusal to respond to any peace initiatives or to implement the resolutions of the United Nations, a just peace would now prevail in the Middle East, peace that would guarantee all the peoples of the region the right to live in security, friendship and peace.
We believe that it is high time for the international community to play its proper part in persuading Israel to accept a just peace. The Middle East will not enjoy stability or security while Israel continues to ignore the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to occupy the Arab territories and continues to violate the sovereignty and security of neighboring States.
In this respect the Sultanate of Oman believes that an international conference would provide the most acceptable forum for seeking a permanent, comprehensive solution of the whole problem and that all the parties concerned should participate on an equal footing in such a conference.
The war that is raging between Iraq and Iran has now entered its seventh year and continues to deplete the energies and resources of two Moslem peoples. It recently experienced a serious escalation, at a time when the States members of the Gulf Co-operation Council were using their good offices, based on the resolution of the Muscat summit, to help bring that war to an end by peaceful means in a way that would guarantee the interests of both parties.
We welcome the responsive position adopted by our brother Iraq towards peace initiatives and continue to hope that the Islamic Republic of Iran will respond similarly to the initiatives taken to end that destructive war.
The Sultanate of Oman, faithful to the principle of the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, supports all the efforts made by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Non-Aligned Movement and the United Nations to end this tragedy.
In spite of the fact that there has been no progress in finding a way to bring both parties to the conflict to the negotiating table, we still believe that the United Nations is the most appropriate and acceptable forum for the conduct of a dialog between them on their conflict. We believe that the eight-point proposal submitted by the Secretary-General could represent an acceptable common ground for such a dialog, even though a direct dialog may not be possible during the first stages of the negotiations. However, it could take place initially through the Security Council, which bears the primary responsibility for international peace and security.
Since January 1980, the General Assembly has adopted many resolutions on the situation in Afghanistan. Regrettably, those resolutions remain unimplemented because of the continued foreign presence on the territory of Moslem Afghanistan, in violation of the principle of respect for the sovereignty of States and non-interference in their internal affairs.
In this respect, we should like to support the efforts made by the Secretary-General through his Special Representative, Mr. Cordovez, to bring about a solution of the Afghan problem. We hope that those efforts will lead to a solution to that problem that would guarantee that the people of Afghanistan can exercise its right to self-determination and that would ensure the right of the refugees to return to their homeland and to live in peaceful coexistence with neighboring peoples on the basis of mutual respect and non-interference in the internal affairs of others.
There is another similar problem which requires the special attention of the international community, namely, the problem of the continued presence of Vietnamese forces in Democratic Kampuchea. Those foreign troops remain there in spite of the fact that the international community has called for their immediate withdrawal so as to enable the Kampuchean people to determine its destiny and choose its own system of government.
In calling for the immediate withdrawal of the Vietnamese forces from Democratic Kampuchea, we are bound to express our support of and pay a tribute to the efforts made by the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to find a just solution to that problem. The latest of those efforts is represented by the eight-point plan which resulted from the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Association held in Indonesia in April 1986. This plan has met with the support of many countries throughout the world. We also support the plan presented by the Government of National Alliance under the chairmanship of Prince Norodom Sihanouk
to find a just solution for this problem.
Because of our friendship with so many of the African countries, the Sultanate
of Oman shares with those States their legitimate aspirations, and denounces the policy of racial discrimination of the Government of South Africa, a policy that violates all ethics and principles of international human conduct. My country likewise condemns all the repressive practices of the Government of South Africa against the black majority. At the same time, we should like to associate ourselves with those who call for the immediate independence of Namibia through the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions, in particular Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which includes the United Nations plan for the
independence of Namibia.
The Government of South Africa is called upon now to co-operate with neighboring African States in finding a formula that could put an end to the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination and bring about the independence of Namibia with a view to achieving the well-being of the African peoples in peace and stability.
The Sultanate of Oman, in view of its geographical location and on its policy of keeping the Indian Ocean free from the rivalry of the great Powers and free from all forms of tension, has since 1971 supported the General Assembly Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.
The Sultanate has also participated, as it still does, in the work of the Ad Hoc Conraittee on the Indian Ocean, which undertook preparatory work for the International Conference on the Indian Ocean which was originally scheduled to convene in 1981. we regret that so far that Conference has not been held. It has been postponed from one year to the next, and it is now scheduled to take place during the first half of 1988. We hope that the member countries of the Ad Hoc Conraittee will summon sufficient political resolve to complete the preparatory work; thereby assuring effective participation in the conference when it takes place. This is an important step that has to be taken in order to declare tne Indian Ocean a zone of peace.
The situation in Central America is a source of concern because of the tension that prevails among the countries of the region. We are confident that the Central American countries fully realize that their national responsibilities dictate mutual respect for the rights of all peoples, for the sovereignty of States, and for their desire for economic stability and development, in this context, we should like to support the efforts made by the Contadora Group to settle the differences in the area. We believe that the efforts of the Contadora Group offer the best guarantee for achieving the peace and security desired by the States of the region.
One of the main challenges faced by mankind at this time is the control of the arms race, particularly the nuclear-arms race, and arms reduction. This has been confirmed by the Final Document of the first special session on disarmament, which states: "... effective measures of nuclear disarmament and the prevention of nuclear war have the highest priority. To this end, it is imperative to remove the threat of nuclear weapons, to halt and reverse the nuclear-arms race until the total elimination of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems has been achieved ..."
My country supports all efforts to stop the arms race on earth as a necessary step towards a return to detente, and to the establishment of a comprehensive system of international security and co-operation as well as the implementation of development for all peoples.
We hope in that respect that the detente that has started to take place in relations between the two super-Powers will b? reflected in their forthcoming summit meeting, so that the two countries may achieve results that will help the disarmament negotiations, and thus lessen international tension, and help find appropriate solutions to the crises that the international community faces today.
The success of the efforts made at the fortieth session, manifested in the adoption of the resolution on terrorism, and the success of the special session on the critical economic situation in Africa, from 27 to 31 May this year, demonstrated that international will could solve the most complicated problems if guided in the right direction. We hope that the positive impression created by that success will lead to action being taken to correct the drift of the world economy, which can be achieved only by a constructive North-South dialog to establish a new international economic order that is more equitable to all States. That will not happen unless the industrialized and developed countries redouble their official development aid to the developing nations, reduce the burden of those nations' external indebtedness, eliminate discriminatory protective measures, help the transfer of advanced technology and stabilize the prices of those countries' main commodities at a fair level especially since the allegation by the industrialized and developed countries that the deterioration of the world economy was caused by the crisis high oil prices no longer has any validity.
While the world faces economic recession, the developing countries which are hardest hit do not receive enough assistance from the affluent countries, particularly the industrialized nations. The economies of the oil-producing countries, which gave generous assistance in the past, now face difficulties because of falling oil prices on world markets, affecting the assistance they are able to extend to the developing countries.
We believe that all of us should regard the difficult problems we are facing as an incentive to strengthen and promote the role of this international Organization so that we may enable it to find appropriate solutions. That will not be possible unless every Member State shoulders its responsibility, as stated by His Majesty Sultan Qaboos bin Said of Oman on 18 November 1982. He said:
"It is time for every State to assume its responsibility within the framework of the international family with a view to promoting and reaffirming the role of the United Nations, making it more forcefully and positively effective for the sake of international peace and security."