Mr. President, I should like to offer my sincere congratulations to you, a representative of neutral and non-aligned Malta, which is making active use of its standing in the world to promote peace and international co-operation, on your election to the important post of President of the General Assembly at its current session, which will mark the forty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations.
We are very glad to see in the United Nations family Namibia and Liechtenstein, which have joined the United Nations during this memorable year for the Organisation.
First of all, I should like to express my deep respect for the United Nations, which has done so much to strengthen confidence and understanding among peoples. By its many activities and initiatives, the United Nations has convincingly proved how indispensable it is to the world community of States.
I feel obliged to emphasise that, under- the influence of objective processes, our complicated and diverse world is becoming ever more interrelated and interdependent, and it is in ever greater need of a mechanism capable of constructively looking into its common problems and searching for mutually acceptable solutions. The role of this mechanism was assigned to the United Nations from its very inception, but only now, when there have been truly great changes in world events, when the idea of the supremacy of the interests of all mankind over all other interests is being more and more widely accepted, can the United Nations carry out fully and with the necessary effectiveness its mission as the greater unifier of the world's peoples.
It can be said without exaggeration that in recent years a rebirth of the United Nations has begun, and it is gratifying that this process is continuing to gain momentum. I am firmly convinced that this unique Organisation can see opening before it abundant new possibilities for a successful harmonisation of the interests of individual States and those of the community of nations as a whole. The time has surely come for the United Nations to become in fact the collective intelligence of all mankind. All of us are greatly in need of this. A pressing need for international support is certainly being felt by our Republic, which has started on the path of a fundamental reordering of all its social, political and economic structures. That path will undoubtedly lead it to the highway of genuine democracy.
In July of this year the Parliament of Byelorussia, which had been formed as α result of free democratic elections, adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty. As a result of that extraordinarily important document, our people is becoming the true master in its own house and is opening great possibilities for full participation by Byelorussia in the activities of the international community, whether in the political, economic, cultural or other areas of co-operation. The Declaration states "The Byelorussian SSS has set itself the goals of making its territory a nuclear-free zone, and the Republic a neutral State." We understand that it will not be easy to attain these goals. Many factors are involved here, and we shall need considered, realistic and stage-by-stage measures.
I should like to inform members that one of the first steps in this direction has already been taken. A month ago the Byelorussian SSR took part for the first time, as an observer, in the Conference of States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
Of course, for such a State as Byelorussia the question of neutrality is no less complex, and perhaps even more so. That is why the Republic is vitally interested in the success of international efforts at all levels which can ensure the creation of the conditions necessary for it to acquire the status of a nuclear-free zone and a neutral State, Fro  this rostrum, I wish to declare that we are ready to take an active part in this process in order to create a safe future for our own people and for other peoples. That is the reason why our Republic intends to watch closely the development of processes on the European continent. Byelorussia is situated at the crossroads of Europe. Therefore front time immemorial it has been doomed to be an area of military activities in most major conflicts.
There is no need to remind members of the plight of our people during the Second World War, suffering all the horrors of enemy invasion. Deadly flames burnt out our soil and left their tragic mark on literally every family. That is why for Byelorussia the idea of an "all-European house''' is a guarantee for the safe future of its peace-loving people, which has suffered so much.
We intend to take an active part in building that house and in creating common economic, ecological, cultural, legal and informational spheres on the continent. The signing in Moscow on 12 September of the Treaty on the Final Settlement with respect to Germany concludes, in my opinion, one of the most important primary stages of construction and creates favourable conditions for further efforts.
Byelorussia is particularly interested in the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of Europe, in rapid progress towards a continent completely free from such armaments and, naturally, in the establishment of nuclear-free zones in other regions of the world.  We believe that the most important way to reduce military confrontation is through the firm establishment of the ideas of purely defensive military doctrines and armed-forces structures and through the widespread practical application of the principle of reasonable sufficiency of defence.
In our view, military factors in security should increasingly be replaced by non-military ones. The creation of all-European political structures, the transition to a new Europe and from mutual understanding to interaction, mutually beneficial trade, joint efforts in various spheres for the benefit of peoples, including co-operation in preserving their national identity - all of those constitute the basis which will make the all-European house safe and stable. That way is the way of the future.
I must emphasise that this is the path that Byelorussia is going to take. We are ready to develop constructive co-operation with representatives of all countries end systems. We should like to establish particularly close contacts with our neighbours in Europe, including the countries of Central Europe - in other words, that region to our west with which Byelorussia has had historical ties.
Endeavouring to ensure security and prosperity for its people, our Republic is no less interested than other States in preventing a global nuclear conflict or any other armed conflict. Such conflicts, aside from being destructive of the foundations of security and ruinous for the participants, place an additional burden on those States which bear the financial costs of peace-keeping operations. Of course, those expenditures are necessary. However, they constitute a very heavy burden for various States, including ours. It is surely tine to formulate this question in a different ways those States which are guilty of illegal actions should reimburse to the world community the cost of restoring the peace.
In Byelorussia, as probably throughout the world, the events in the Middle East are a cause of extreme concern. In my opinion, the unprecedented solidarity shown by members of the Security Council during this crisis is an encouraging sign for a safe future in this region and everywhere on our planet. It is quite clear that this requires careful attention on the part of ail countries of the world community.
The Byelorussian SSR supports the Security Council resolutions aimed at a peaceful settlement of the crisis in the Persian Gulf region. We believe that the United Nations has the right to expect the Government of Iraq to comply with the Security Council's demands, the most important of which is the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all Iraqi troops from the State of Kuwait in order to restore that State's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.
I should like to point out that in recent years Byelorussia has done much to consolidate the efforts of States aimed at preventing the creation of new weapons of mass destruction. We intend to continue our active work in this important area, and we are convinced that avoiding the danger of introducing new military technologies, especially in the field of weapons of mass destruction, is more reasonable than painful efforts to eliminate new weapons from military arsenals. How dangerous even the peaceful use of nuclear technologies are is something that we unfortunately have learned by our own bitter experience. Four years age Byelorussia fell victim to the consequences of a horrible disaster - one that did not take place in our territory.
The accident at the nuclear power plant in the small town of Chernobyl became a great calamity shared by the Byelorussian people as well as the Ukrainian and Russian peoples, a tragedy of truly planetary proportions. The malfunctioning of one single nuclear reactor contaminated enormous areas and endangered the health of the population in many countries. But the heaviest burden is that borne by the people of Byelorussia. Seventy per cent of the radioactive fall-out appeared in the territory of the Republic. Not just a narrow strip of land adjacent to the reactor, as was thought initially, but the entire - and Ī emphasise this - the entire territory of the Republic has become a zone of national ecological disaster.
Today Chernobyl is beating in our hearts. It beats with the radioactive discharges in Geiger counters in our fields and in the streets of our cities and towns. It is in the deceptive tranquil beauty of those forests and rivers that no one may enter. One must see the despair of a peasant unable to cultivate the land on which his ancestors had grown crops for centuries, the grief and helplessness of a mother who sees her children dying before her eyes, the silent sorrow of old people forced to leave forever the beloved villages and towns where they had spent their entire lives and where their families are buried.
Our Republic suffered and is continuing to suffer enormous damage. More than 2.2 million people, that is every fifth resident of the Republic, 18 per cent of the most productive farmland and 20 per cent of all forests are in the zone of long-term radiation. The external and internal radiation doses absorbed by Byelorussia's population at the time of the accident from short-lived radionuclides and still being absorbed from long-lived radionuclides are the highest known in practice anywhere in the world. According to the most conservative estimates, the direct economic loss alone amounts to about 10 annual budgets. Restoration will require more than financial resources. There is a need, an immediate and pressing need, for equipment, modern medicines, state-of-the-art know-how and technology. There is even & need for food because we have been forced to stop agricultural production on a large part of our territory. Unfortunately, the true scale of the tragedy did not become dear to us immediately, since it was the first time in world history that such an event had occurred. How it is evident that the grave consequences, which will be felt for centuries, and the extent of the radioactive contamination make Chernobyl, without exaggeration, the greatest disaster in the history of mankind.
The Chernobyl tragedy has spread far beyond our frontiers. There is an inescapable spread of radionuclides. We must stop it. We must acquire experience for mankind on how to cope with the consequences of such a disaster. That is why I appeal in my grief, on behalf of our people, to the entire world community. Today our borders are open to receive help, and we hope that a growing awareness of the scale of the disaster will step up this help. We must eliminate the threat to the health of people in dozens of countries.
Our people has always borne its burdens on its own shoulders. We are doing everything in our power to eliminate the consequences of the disaster. However, I wish to stress once again that its dimensions are so vast that without concerted international efforts the task will be impossible. From this lofty rostrum I should like to express the deep gratitude of the Parliament and Government of Byelorussia to all States, all organisations and all people of good will who, responding to our appeal, have extended a helping hand at this painful time for our people. We thank them all most sincerely for their great and noble actions. Our special gratitude goes to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his efforts and to all members of the Economic and Social Council for the unanimous adoption of the resolution on co-operation to eliminate the consequences of the Chernobyl disaster.
In this hall, whose walls have heard descriptions of the grief and the tears of millions of people who have fallen victim to various disasters, I make an appeal, on behalf of the Government of Byelorussia, for the solidarity of peoples and States at a time of unprecedented disaster, that of radioactive contamination with direct global consequences. Any support, any offer of help will be welcomed with gratitude. Byelorussians as a people are facing Hamlet's dilemma not in a merely philosophical but in a horrifyingly literal sense.
The Declaration of State Sovereignty of the Byelorussian SSR states:
"The Byelorussian SS5 shall use its freedom und sovereignty first and foremost to save the people of the Byelorussian SSR from the effects of the Chernobyl disaster."
We believe that the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session will take major measures. In our opinion, it is necessary to adopt a special resolution reflecting an understanding of the planetary scale of this disaster and spelling out specific measures to co-ordinate the activities of the United Nations specialized agencies aimed at overcoming the global and local consequences of the disaster.
No would also consider it justified to transfer Byelorussia, for the period of recovery, from the category of donor country to that of receiving country in respect of United Nations technical assistance. We hope that this proposal will be met with understanding and support by States Members of the United Nations and the members of other international organisations.
We have no intention of becoming totally immersed in our own problems and will continue to be open to the problems and sorrows of the entire planet. For example, the Byelorussian SSR, together with the world community, is now involved in setting up effective international co-operation for environmental protection, for the acceleration of the economic and social development of developing countries and for the observance of human rights and freedoms. We support the idea of convening in 1992 a United Nations Conference on Environment and Development.
In order to ensure decent living conditions for our people and to survive in this difficult, even critical, situation, we must change over to a democratic State structure that emancipates the thought, initiative and energy of people and focuses on the individual and on his rights and interests.
We also need a much more efficient economy. In search of a more socially oriented and efficient economic way of life, we are moving towards a market economy. Such a rapid transition from one economic model to another is a difficult matter. Now we are engaged in a careful study of world experience. Naturally, we are interested in the models that have produced good results within relatively short periods of time.
However, there is a problem in applying useful world-wide experience to our circumstances and adapting our circumstances to that experience. Therefore we are keenly interested in expert opinion, consultative services, effective joint ventures, capital investments and the creation of export potential. For these purposes, my Government is ready to work with foreign partners in bold and innovative ways.
We are prepared to trade in industrial and agricultural products and to engage in more complex forms of economic co-operation. And I am sure that you, as plenipotentiary representatives of your States, will convey to your Governments our readiness for the closest and most diversified kind of co-operation. In turn, I wish to assure you that we will spare no) efforts to make such co-operation mutually beneficial and fruitful.
The people of Byelorussia, which underwent many ordeals and enormous suffering during the Second World War and whose vitality has once again been sorely tested by the Chernobyl disaster, wants good relations with all. It wants peace, stability and prosperity.
It is the duty of us all, the duty of the world community, to justify the aspirations and hopes of our peoples, to ensure that the end of the second millennium is recorded in history as a time of seized, not missed, opportunities.
I wish the President and the Secretary-General success in their difficult but noble work.


On behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, allow me to express warmest congratulations to Mr. Guido de Marco upon his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this forty-fifth session. Given his personal qualities, his presence here is a guarantee of even-handedness and fairness.
Allow me also to pay a tribute of admiration and support to Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar and, through him, to the United Nations and its specialized agencies.
We wish on this occasion to welcome to our Organization the Principality of Liechtenstein, confident that it will make a valuable contribution to the continuing efforts of the United Nations and its Members for a better world.
We likewise hail the presence in our midst of a free and independent Namibia, which throughout its struggle enjoyed the support of my country.
We are living in amassing times, when unusual, sometimes unforeseeable, changes have occurred and continue to occur - changes that are of the greatest import to the history of mankind. We have seen the collapse of anachronistic political confrontation, a vigorous resurgence of democracy, broader respect for human rights, and other positive developments that allow us a glimpse of better times for future generations. But, unfortunately, we are far from living in an ideal world. There persist enormous inequalities between the developed and the developing countries, and, despite the new climate of detente and dialogue, we can still see conflicts bringing destruction and suffering to some regions. Moreover, political liberty still requires the firm underpinning of economic liberty.
Just when we thought that the new mood of dialogue and detente would finally hold sway in international relations we were taken unawares by Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. Bolivia - a country long dedicated to peace, supported the resolutions of the Security Council.
Consistent with its tradition of pacifism and strict compliance with the principles of the Charter, Bolivia believes that the time has come to address regional problems in a climate marked by rational and constructive dialogue. In this regard, we call upon the parties to the Cambodian problem to spare no effort to arrive at a peaceful and negotiated solution under the auspices of the Organization.
With regard to the situation in the Middle East, Bolivia, as it has done in the past, will support every effort aimed at a negotiated solution - in particular, the proposal to hold an international peace conference, under United Nations auspices, in which all parties concerned would participate.
The fall of the Berlin Hall and the ensuing German unity are bound to give us great satisfaction. We believe these events to be indicative of the new course in relations between East and West, for this is the peaceful destruction, by the will of a people, of one of the last of the stigmas that are a legacy of the Second World War.
My country is observing with high hopes the process being pursued by the Governments of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic Republic of Korea in this new climate of detente and dialogue. We fraternally urge both parties to assert every effort towards reunification  for the benefit ultimately of the noble Korean people.
We the States Members of the Organisation, have other urgent problems to face on the heavy-laden agenda of the Assembly.
The scourge of drug trafficking and drug addiction continues to afflict all people. Its frightful prevalence  matched only by the arms race  has already spread all over the world. It is safe to say that no society is free from this evil.
The illicit profits from drug trafficking have found their way into the formal economic channels and are a source of corruption  violence and destabilisation of the democratic processes attained by our peoples at so great a cost.
Much remains to be done in our joint endeavour to eradicate drug trafficking and to save its victims. We should however, recognise that important  meaningful steps have been taken to that end. We hail the entry into force of the United Nations Convention on Illicit Trafficking in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances of which my country is already a signatory.
Bolivia has offered ample evidence of its political determination to eradicate this evil. Just a year ago  in this same forum  the President of Bolivia Jaime Pas Zamora presented to the international community the broad outlines of the thesis of "Alternative Development"  the key elements of which are the creation of new sources of employment  growth and diversification of exports, the attraction of increased capital flows  and the opening of new markets.
Bolivia approaches the resolution of the problems linked to coca and its derivatives through a national development strategy that seeks not just crop Bolivia substitution, but substitution of the coca economy, a task which requires the involvement of the producer countries and the rest of the world community.
We can afford no delay in introducing new patterns of production that will provide farmers employed in planting coca leaves with an alternative livelihood, and this implies a change in the structural process of socio-economic development.
Bolivia has put forward the thesis of alternative development on various occasions and in different forums. That thesis has been recognized and incorporated in various international documents, but we are still awaiting fruitful and realistic international joint action. Its full acceptance allows us to believe that its implementation will lead us to the resolution of this problem. We reiterate today that the success of alternative development will be the result not only of the efforts of the Bolivian people and Government, but also of the positive economic and trade response of the international community.
Another item that deserves priority attention at this session of the Assembly is the environment. Dire poverty brings environmental deterioration in its wake, and this in turn leads to a vicious cycle of ecological blight and human misery.
In Bolivia, environmental protection and conservation have taken on new dimensions and concrete measures have been adopted. We have declared an "ecological moratorium" throughout Bolivian territory for five years, beginning with the present administration, which will mark a milestone in the dynamic relationship between development processes and the protection of nature. Protection of the environment is the expression of the political will of the people and Government of Bolivia to break with the irrational past in the management of our natural resources. It also reflects Bolivia's response to the international community's concern with this issue.
As regards the environment and development, Bolivia holds that protection of the environment must be harmonized with the processes of development and economic growth so urgently needed by poor countries. Conservation of nature cannot imply condemning our peoples to backwardness, poverty and underdevelopment. On the contrary, the mechanisms that link the environment and development will have to be based on strategies for rational economic growth, always linked with respect for the interests of the international community and the region in question Bolivia views President Bush's Americas Initiative as an innovative alternative designed to mitigate the onerous burden of external debt while simultaneously bringing sufficient resources to bear on an active programme to preserve the environment.
We are confident that the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, in which Bolivia will take an active part, will give rise to practical, effective decisions with regard to the solution of this problem in conformity with the principles laid down by the General Assembly in resolution 44,228 and the preparatory process for the world Conference so auspiciously begun in Nairobi last August.
I must also mention a problem which weighs heavily upon my country and which has been the subject of numerous debates in this Organization as well as in regional organizations for many years. I refer to Bolivia's land-locked status.
In this same forum last year Bolivia's President recalled that when it lost its Pacific Ocean territory Bolivia also ceased to be a maritime nation, as it had been upon attaining independence. The President addressed an appeal to the countries involved to face this problem is the new integration-minded spirit that befits the twenty-first century.
It is in that spirit of fellow-feeling and integration that we turn to the Assembly. Bolivia once again calls upon the international community to grasp the importance of this problem, which the Organisation of America States (OAS) has repeatedly declared to be one with hemispheric implications.
In this period of major changes, when old differences are being overcome by political will and constructive imagination, it is incomprehensible to the Bolivian people that the problem of its land-locked status, rooted in the past century, should not be resolved on the basis of fraternal dialogue and commonality of interests.
Bolivia is convinced that the solution of many of the problems besetting Latin America can be found only through integration. It is in that spirit, and by virtue of our geographical position, which makes Bolivia a crossroads, that we are taking part resolutely and optimistically in processes of integration and co-operation such as the Latin American Integration Association, the Latin American Economic System, the Andean Group and the Plata Basin and the Amazon Pact, initiatives which are intended to focus efforts and harmonize action in pursuit of their respective objectives.
With respect to co-operation and development for the elimination of poverty, permit me to speak briefly about my country's economic and political situation and about the Bolivian people's efforts to achieve a better life within a democratic, pluralistic system with full respect for human rights.
The economic process in Bolivia has been examined in various forums and by various world leaders. The success o£ an economic and financial stabilisation policy has checked galloping inflation and instability has been acknowledged. This was no easy matter for the Bolivian people. Each citizen was required to make a great measure of sacrifice and to postpone the attainment of their most legitimate rights and aspirations for a better life. We have not yet resolved structural problems that are basic to socio-economic development. We have been unable to improve the level of employment, which has been further constrained by economic and financial adjustments. We have not alleviated the health problems affecting the inhabitants of my country, and the benefits of education are not reaching vast sectors of the population.
The necessary economic revitalization that was to follow the stabilization process is proving slow and difficult. Our development continues to be hampered by the adverse effects of the 1988, such as unequal trade relations and international finance, the collapse of commodity prices and, principally, the crushing burden of external debt.
I saw have the honour to address the Assembly on behalf of the Group of 77, since my country, Bolivia, is the current Chairman of that important group of 127 developing States Members of the United Nations.
The Group of 77 has on many occasions expressed its concern at the economic stagnation of our countries throughout the past decade. But it should be stressed that a new political turning-point has been reached by the members of the United Nations with the adoption by consensus of the historic Declaration of the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to international economic co-operation, in particular to the revitalisation of economic growth and development of the developing countries. That gave rise to new hopes.
I urge the international community to take the steps needed to put into practice without delay the commitments and policies set out in that Declaration. Likewise we appeal to the international community to adopt and implement the International Development Strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade, which is now in the final phase of negotiation. The Group of 77 views the Strategy as eminently suitable for finally overcoming the economic lag with which the majority of our countries are grappling today.
I wish also to express our concern over the possible impact on the economies of developing countries of the series of structural changes taking place in the world economy.
We are witnessing important political and economic changes which, together with the international community's growing awareness of the common problems we face, are bringing about a new pattern of international relations.
Those changes and transformations are leading to an increasing globalisation of the economy and to greater interdependence among countries. While each State, Bolivia and each nation is responsible for adopting its own policy for economic development, such policies depend also on the existence of a favourable international economic environment. Because interdependence has different effects on different countries depending on their capacities and their impact on the world economy, it can advance the development policies of developing countries, or it can hamper them and cause them to fail. Accordingly, that process must be handled with greater equity and justice in order to avoid the increasing marginalisation of developing countries, especially in the financial, trade and technological spheres. Such marginalisation could have grave consequences with respect to improving the possibilities and standard of living of more than three quarters of the world's population.
My country, Bolivia, wants fervently to ensure that all these statements may help strengthen the universal task of ensuring peace, development and integration in the democratic world, which made this a historic century through the establishment of the United Nations.


As the doors of the General Assembly open on the forty-fifth session, the international community is experiencing a time of great concern and tension as it finds itself on the brink of a confrontation which, if it became a war, would have incalculably harmful effects, a situation which is in contrast with the new spirit of understanding and harmony in which the present session of the General Assembly has opened.
It is in this contest that, with a sincere spirit and will, the delegation of Equatorial Guinea appears before the Assembly in order to join in the efforts already made to confirm and support the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter that were enshrined 45 years ago. We regard these ideals and principles as the appropriate way to strengthen international peace, security and stability.
Like previous speakers, I wish sincerely to congratulate the President and say bow pleased we are at his wise, unanimous election to conduct the proceedings of the forty-fifth session. His skill and dedication combined with the ideals and principles of non-alignment that characterise the country he represents, Malta, ensure the best possible treatment of the important end delicate items on our agenda as well as the success of our work.
We also congratulate the members of the General Committee. We know their experience, skill, and spirit of sacrifice will lead us to decisions and resolutions that not only reaffirm the authority of the provisions of the Charter, but also strengthen the machinery of the entire United Nations system to meet our present needs.
To Ambassador Garba of Nigeria and the other members of the General Committee of the forty-fourth session and subsequent special sessions, we extend sincere congratulations for the competence, seriousness and dedication they demonstrated during their term of office.
To the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, we express profound gratitude for the high sense of responsibility which characterises him as he meets his commitment to enforce the ideals, principles and authority of the United Nations. For the first time in the history of this Organisation, we have had the honour of a visit by the Secretary-General to Equatorial Guinea. This step opens the way to a dialogue which could lead to combined, multilateral efforts for the socio-economic, political and cultural development of Equatorial Guinea. For this gesture, which will be indelible in the minds of the population of Equatorial Guinea, on ¡behalf of His Excellency Obiang-Mguema Mbasogo, President of our Republic, we extend our deepest thanks to the Secretary-General.
The recent admission of the Principality of Liechtenstein to the international community in also a source of satisfaction because it is the realisation of an ideal expressed 45 years ago.
We also have among us a reunified Yemen, and a reunified Germany. This increases our hope and conviction that we are on the way towards a genuine United Nations m we distance ourselves from those outdated behaviours enshrined in treaties and conventions that disregarded the dignity and rights of the person and of the family.
In this contest, and in this direction, Equatorial Guinea is pleased at the beginning of a high-level dialogue, the first in approximately 40 years, between North and South Korea with a view to the country's reunification. We hope that in the framework of this necessary and important dialogue, whose common denominator is unification - the expression of the Korean nation - all aspects will be raised and decided through agreement and without foreign intervention until we have the opportunity to see the Korean people wall represented here in the world Organisation.
Equatorial Guinea is pleased to see the end of the cold war, characterised by the rapprochement between the two super-Powers and the sequel of changes in the course of history, which opens up new horizons of peace, understanding and co-operation on the basis of the principles of freedom and independence.
While we commend the achievements just mentioned - the emergence of the winds of democratic change in Eastern Europe and in Central America, and other changes that have an effect on the complete application of the principle of self-determination and independence of peoples - some clarifications are necessary.
In South Africa, the release of Nelson Mandela has not meant the dismantling of the system of apartheid.
The much-desired and urgent solution to the crisis in the Persian Gulf and the recovery of the State of Kuwait must not overshadow the urgent need to find a fair solution to the Palestinian problem. Equatorial Guinea, while it supports and reaffirms the right of Israel to exist within secure and internationally-recognised borders, regrets having to note that the territories of certain Arab countries, which have the same right to a free and independent existence, remain occupied by Israel, and that the people of Palestine remain homeless. We continue to believe that as long as occupation by force of arms persist in that part of the world it will be difficult to see peace on the horizon for the populations of that region so long afflicted by the horrors of war.
In open and flagrant violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, of international law and of International conventions whose provisions have been implemented by the international community for decades, two months ago, Kuwait - a sovereign and independent State, a Member of the United Nations - was invaded and occupied by Iraq, another independent, sovereign State and a Member of this Organisation, which, not content with being in flagrant violation of international law and the norms of international coexistence, has gone even further by stripping the Kuwaitis of their nationality on their own territory. Equatorial Guinea rejects this invasion, which was crowned by occupation, and completely supports the Security Council resolutions on the crisis in the Persian Gulf. At the same time we make a firm appeal to Iraq to leave Kuwait unconditionally. In this way, it will respond with gratitude to the United Nations, which in the past expressed support for it when it was occupied by another foreign force.
Equatorial Guinea supports and welcome the positive steps which have been taken in South Africa – the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners and the start of direct negotiations between the South African authorities and the leaders of the African Congress. We recognize the importance of these actions and the courage of the South African President in his choice of a direction contrary to that usually followed by the apartheid regime.  We therefore hope that the United Nations will follow closely the developments in that country with a view to achieving our common objective of a South Africa free from the system of apartheid and headed by a democratically elected Government.
From this rostrum I appeal to the people and leaders of Liberia to reassess their attitudes and put an end to the fratricidal war which so far has achieved nothing but the unnecessary loss of innocent lives and considerable material damage. This situation is unacceptable, particularly at this critical stage of general economic deterioration, and given the widespread natural and man-made phenomena which pose serious danger for mankind - disease, hunger and illiteracy.
In the hope that Liberians can subordinate selfish tribal and other interests to higher national patriotic interests, we praise the efforts made to far by other countries of the subregion with a view to restoring peace in Liberia.
With the same objectives and the same fervour we call upon the governments of Chad and of Libya to place the higher interests of their subregion and of Africa above national claims and to accept an international solution to the territorial claims the two countries have prosecuted for several decades.
We welcome the positive steps made with the co-operation of the international community in general and the Secretary-General, in particular towards peaceful settlements of the problem of Cambodia and of Afghanistan. We hope final solutions to those problem will reaffirm the sacred principles of the Charter the restoration of peace, respect for the sovereignty and independence of the countries in question, the right and the freedom of their nationals to return voluntarily to their countries of origin, and the formation of governments and the choice of social, economic and political system of their choosing on a democratic basis.
Although situated on the opposite shore of the Atlantic, Equatorial Guinea is closely following developments in Latin America, because of a long historical tradition. We welcome the responsibility and realise that are guiding Central American leaders, who now see that sincere and direct dialogue is more powerful than the roar of cannon and machine-guns, and that understanding and co-operation are the most effective way of solving problem and socio-economic disputes.
In contrast to that encouraging picture, we regret to note the persistence of certain hotbeds of tension, where violence continues to be the order of the day. We are convinced that the tireless efforts by leaders in the southern hemisphere of the Americas will lead to peaceful and equitable solutions to the problem behind  those hotbeds of violence and of disregard of human rights. Bilateral and subregional treaties and declarations and the restoration and preservation of the identity of Latin American peoples will make a positive contribution to the attainment of these objectives.
Now more than ever, the international community aspires to peace and development, both of which simultaneously constitute cause and effect. But peace and development, while hard to define, can be attained in many and various ways. The urgent need for general and complete disarmament and for an end to the arms race is generally endorsed by the international community. These are the corner-stone of peace and development.
Many inhuman practices have been ended over the centuries as human history has developed. But unfortunately the ancient art of war is still very much on the mind of present generations, which gives rise to the fear and distrust that have motivated the establishment of ideological and military blocs and which impedes the necessary co-operation and improved interdependent relations among peoples and nations.
Now that the cold war has ended, Equatorial Guinea hopes also for an end to the fear and distrust still so evident in the negotiations on the establishment of a new international economic order.
We hope too that, as a hallmark of the new era, the developing countries in general and the least developed among them in particular will have the full support of the international community in reducing the heavy burden of foreign debt and the undervaluing of their commodities, in accordance with the Paris Declaration, the Programme of Action for the 1990s for the benefit of the least developed countries and other bilateral and multilateral instruments adopted previously.
Equatorial Guinea is concerned at the deterioration of the environment, because we feel this is a grave threat to human survival. We therefore supported the consensus on the convening in 1992 in Brazil of the World Conference on Environment and Development, and have recently established a national commission to examine natural phenomena in this sphere and their impact on human, animal and plant life.
For the first time in the history of the United Nations, leaders from all continents assembled to discuss a subject of enormous importance, a timeless subject decisive for the future of the human race. I am referring to the recent World Summit for Children. That important and unique event, which gave rise to the formulation and planning of important activities and efforts for the survival, protection and development of the child, was nothing less than a recognition of our own reality, and the payment of a debt to generations past. It committed us to bequeath the results of our work to a future generation that will be able to overcome our difficulties and shortcomings. Equatorial Guinea will soon make a modest contribution to consolidating the instruments adopted for the benefit of the child.
I cannot fail on this occasion to express my profound and sincere thanks to each and every friendly country which, directly or indirectly, has assisted and continues to assist Equatorial Guinea in its complex endeavours to achieve a better Equatorial Guinea. We are equally grateful to the entire United Nations system, particularly the United Nations Development Programmes, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the World Health Organization, the United Nations Fund for Population Activities, the United Nations Children's Fund, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the International Labour Organisation, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and others, for their assistance and their direct contributions to a wide range of development projects with a direct or indirect impact on improving the life of our people.
She Republic of Equatorial Guinea sincerely welcomes the results of developments in various parts of the world, which have been propelled by the winds of democracy, and which have resulted in the establishment as a preliminary step of unity, peace and justice as national objectives incorporated in our basic law and set as priorities in the political programme adopted by our people. We are aware of the danger of repeating the same errors, of forgetting the past; any institution or society that is resistant to change - which cannot fail to cause phenomena, in time and in space, that run counter to the will of the people - is doomed to disappear as soon as it appears on the scene.
During the period before its independence, Equatorial Guinea experienced the climate of a multi-party system; for obvious reasons, and although it democratically represented the body of opinion, this unfortunately ended in a struggle for political power and a quest for supremacy based on tribal and ethnic criteria, a few years later, having gained national sovereignty. Equatorial Guinea knew the horrors of a single party system whose be-all and end-all was the sanctification of a cult of personality.
Given that sad experience, we sow perceive the benefits of a return to a multiparty system as the authentic expression and manifestation of democracy. The fact that Equatorial Guinea still has only one political party is not a contradiction and should not be viewed as unwillingness to allow the popular will to express itself. Rather, it represents a preliminary educational and formative phase for the population to ensure that we do not repeat sorry past experience and that we mature in the process and interplay of democracy. In Equatorial Guinea for the time being there may be only one political party, but it is not a single party.
Thus do we perceive and thus are we implementing human rights and fundamental freedoms, which are legally guaranteed in our basic charter. The recent release of many detainees and the total or partial pardons granted to others on 3 August this year are only two out of many examples of the efforts that are being made to restore the dignity of the human being and achieve respect for human rights and freedoms.
In this connection we regret that the analysis and judgement made with regard to the violation of human rights in certain countries does not make use of legal, equitable and universal criteria. In our opinion the lack of functioning democratic institutions and freedom of the press, information and opinion, although such things are fundamental, is not sufficient grounds to determine that those rights are being violated in a given country unless one can also demonstrate that the country is financially able to maintain such infrastructures.
The people of Equatorial Guinea, aware of their past and their present and of the direction they must take to future prosperity, cannot realise their political goals and full development in isolation from the outside world. In carrying out their political programme they therefore attach a special importance to the implementation of a policy of good-neighbourliness and to the establishment of good relations with all countries based on principles of equality and mutual respect. We attach great merit to the policy of international co-operation, provided that such co-operation does not restrict our inalienable rights of freedom and sovereignty. This is evidenced by our continued membership in various bodies and our continued ratification of various international conventions.
In conclusion I should like to state that the United Nations was founded in response to the imbalances and imperfections within the societies that existed 45 years ago. Hence the existence of the United Nations, and the lasting confidence placed in it, continues to be functions of the persistence of imbalances and imperfections in certain societies at the present time.


Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to offer you the felicitations of my delegation on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. Your unanimous election is a well-deserved recognition of your many accomplishments in the service of your Government and of the international community. I am confident that under your stewardship, we will make substantive progress in our work.
I should like to pay tribute to your predecessor, Major-General Joseph Garba, for the exemplary manner in which he guided our deliberations during a very busy year – chairing the forty-fourth session; the sixteenth special session, on apartheid; the seventeenth special session, on illicit narcotic drugs; and the eighteenth special session, devoted to international economic co-operation. His decisive and enlightened leadership has gained him the admiration of the entire Assembly.
On behalf of the Government and the people of Indonesia, I extend a warm welcome to Liechtenstein upon its accession to membership of the United Nations. My delegation looks forward to close co-operation between our two countries.
We live at a time of extraordinary flux, a time of great promise as well as grave challenge, a time of opportunity amidst pervasive uncertainty – in short, a time of profound contrasts and contradictions. On the bright side of the spectrum, rapid and fundamental change continues to transform the global political and economic landscape, ushering in a refreshingly new phase in international relations. The trend towards conciliation and concordance among nations, especially among the major Powers, gathered further momentum during the past year. We are heartened by the new spirit of co-operation among the permanent members of the Security Council in concerting their endeavours towards the peaceful resolution of conflict situations.
On the continent of Europe the political, the economic and even the physical barriers are coming down and the East-West divide is progressively losing its ideological connotation. The imminent unification of the two German States signifies both the symbolic and the actual end of an era in European history. In Africa we have welcomed with deep satisfaction Namibia’s accession to independence and have noted the salutary effect this landmark event has had on developments in South Africa, where the Pretoria regime appears to be moving with greater seriousness to meet the legitimate aspirations of the majority of its people. Encouraging progress is also being made in resolving the question of Western Sahara. In Central America, the processes of national and regional reconciliation have moved forward opening the way towards greater harmony and common progress in that strife-torn region. In Asia the past year also witnessed yet another instance of erstwhile divided States drawing together when the two Yemens decided to merge into the new Republic of Yemen. My delegation congratulates the Government and the people of fraternal Yemen on their historic union. Indonesia has equally welcomed the initiation of high-level talks between the two Koreas at Prime Ministerial level, in the hope that it may foster an atmosphere conducive to the realization of  their shared aspirations for peaceful reunification. In South-East Asia there is renewed hope that, with the recent breakthroughs in the ongoing negotiating process, a comprehensive settlement of the Cambodian conflict may now be within our grasp.
On the global plane the easing of East-West tensions and of ideological contention and competition has opened up new possibilities for substantial progress in disarmament and arms reductions. At the same time, some seminal trends are making their impact felt in the economic sphere, offering enhanced opportunities as well as challenges to our question for an international economic order of greater equity and generalized prosperity.
While these developments indeed bolster our hopes for the attainment of a more peaceful, secure just and tolerant world, we cannot but be acutely aware also of the darker side of this picture. Despite the palpable improvements in the global political climate, despite the emergence of new and more enlightened perspectives on the solution of old and new problems, the international scene today is still beset by unresolved tensions and conflicts, by rampant violence and widespread instability. Deeply rooted inequalities and imbalances continue to afflict inter-State relations, especially between developed and developing countries, where North-South polarization is becoming accentuated as the major issue of our time. The politics of power, political domination and economic coercion still feature all too prominently in present-day international relations, and the remaining vestiges of colonialism and institutionalized racism have yet to be erased from our vision of universal emancipation.
Against this backdrop it is deeply disturbing to note that States continue to resort to armed force and military intervention in the settlement of disputes, thus gravely threatening regional peace and global security and undermining all impulses and efforts to shape a world of greater harmony and mutual tolerance.
It is in this context that Indonesia has viewed with growing alarm and deep distress the recent events in the Gulf region. As a United Nations Member committed to uphold the sanctity of the Charter and as a country which unswervingly adheres to the 10 principles of Bandung and those of the Non-Aligned Movement, Indonesia has always firmly opposed foreign intervention, aggression and the use or threat of force in inter-State relations. Hence, Iraq’s invasion and declared annexation of Kuwait cannot be condoned, and my Government fully supports and abides by all the Security Council resolutions adopted in that respect.
It is particularly saddening to us that the present conflict involves two fellow members of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), with which Indonesia has long maintained close, brotherly relations. It is, moreover, profoundly regrettable that, as a result of these developments, efforts to achieve a just and comprehensive settlement of the wider problems of the region causes by Israel’s aggression and continued illegal occupation of Arab lands and persistent denial of the inalienable national and human rights of the Palestinian people appear to have been eclipsed.
We therefor concur with the Secretary-General that, once we succeed in putting the present crisis on the road to resolution, the longer-term, underlying problems of the region must be addressed. Towards this end, solutions cannot and should not be sought through military means or by unilateral action. Only a political settlement under the auspices of the United Nations or within the framework of Arab mediation, can avoid further aggravation and enlargement of the present conflict. Meanwhile, Indonesia calls upon all countries involved to exercise self-restraint and to refrain from actions that would only exacerbate a situation already close to boiling point.
Other focal points of tension and conflict persist in many parts of the globe, notably on the continents of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Although they are now being addressed with greater vigour and more receptivity towards dialogue and negotiation, the pace of progress in their comprehensive resolution unfortunately remains excruciatingly slow.
Armed strife in Afghanistan continues, with no clear prospect of a political settlement yet in sight. Likewise, on the question of Cyprus it is regrettable that no advance could be made towards an overall agreement despite the untiring efforts of the Secretary-General. In the context of Iran-Iraq relations, welcome progress has recently been made in the implementation of some key aspects of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), involving troop withdrawals and the repatriation of prisoners of war. We fervently hope that all the other elements of the resolution can now be fulfilled, thus leading to a just and durable peace.
Namibia’s accession to independence represents not only the culmination of the heroic struggle of the Namibian people against colonial domination and racist oppression but also a clear vindication of the role of the United Nations as the unique multilateral forum to bring freedom and justice to oppressed people everywhere. But the total liberation of Africa will remain unfulfilled until the universally condemned system of apartheid in South Africa has been dismantled and replaced by a non-racial democratic government based on majority rule.
Indonesia welcomed the lifting of the ban on the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) and other political parties and organization and we rejoiced at the release of Nelson Mandela. We note, however, that the basic structures of the apartheid system still remain in place. We therefore shall continue to demand that the Pretoria regime take the more fundamental steps of revoking the bulk of its repressive security legislation, freeing all political prisoners and engaging in a genuine negotiating process with the authentic leaders of the South African people. Meanwhile, sanctions must be maintained until the process of fundamental transformation – not more cosmetic reform – has become irreversible.
Indonesia is gravely concerned that at a time when rapprochement and conciliation between erstwhile adversaries prevail in many regions of the world, the Middle East remains the vortex of violence and explosive tensions. Efforts at resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict, with the Palestinian people’s struggle for justice and freedom at its core, continue to stagnate. The peace process remains blocked by   Israel’s intransigent refusal to reciprocate the courageous peace initiatives by the Palestinian leadership and to adopt a rational negotiating position capable of advancing that process. On the contrary, it has persisted in its policies and practices of brutal repression against the Palestinian people and in its universally censured settlement schemes in the occupied territories. The situation has been further aggravated by Israel’s most recent attempts at forcefully changing the demographic equation by allowing the influx of Soviet Jewish immigrants to settle in the West Bank and Gaza in blatant violations of international law. If not stopped, this unacceptable development will have far-reaching and disastrous effects on the problem as well as on the peace process itself.
In these circumstances and with the heightened tensions engendered by the present crisis in the Gulf, it is now more urgent than ever to press for an equitably conceived and comprehensively negotiated political settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict in all its complexity and dimensions. The International Peace Conference under the auspices of the United Nations remains, in Indonesia’s view, the most effective framework for negotiations on all the essential elements of a just solution. The alternative can only be mounting frustration and despair and an inexorable drift towards further violence.
In South-East Asia, the situation in Cambodia remains a major focus of concern to Indonesia and to the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Over the past year, continuing efforts have been expanded in the long and arduous search for a just, comprehensive and durable settlement of the conflict. A number of meetings have taken place and valuable contributions have been made by many sides, which have all combined steadily to push the peace process forward. Particularly noteworthy in this regard has been the agreement reached by the five permanent members of the Security Council at their recent meeting in New York on a framework and on key elements of a comprehensive political settlement based on an enhanced role of the United Nations. Prior to this, some basic understandings were also reached among the Cambodian parties and regional countries in meetings held in Jakarta, Bangkok, Tokyo and elsewhere.
Most recently, a significant breakthrough was achieved at a meeting in Jakarta earlier this month, convened by France and Indonesia as co-Chairmen of the Paris International Conference on Cambodia (PICC) and attended by the four Cambodian parties as well as by the representatives of the United Nations Secretary-General. At this meeting the Cambodian parties agreed to accept the framework document formulated by the five permanent members of the Security Council in its entirety as the basis for settling the Cambodian conflict, and they committed themselves to co-operation with all the other participants of the PICC to elaborate this framework into a comprehensive political settlement through the processes of the PICC. They also agreed to form a Supreme National Council as the unique legitimate body and source of authority in which, throughout the transitional period, the independence, sovereignty and unity of Cambodia would be embodied. The Supreme National Council will henceforth represent Cambodia externally and occupy the seat of Cambodia at the United Nations and all its specialized agencies and in other international institutions and international conferences.
The achievement of those two agreements, taken together, indeed represents a major step forward, imparting a decisive impetus to the negotiating process. With the ground thus prepared for the early reconvening of the Paris Conference, it is our fervent hope that all parties to the conflict and other concerned countries will now marshal the required political determination to pursue the process and to elaborate and conclude a comprehensive political settlement. That path ahead may still be rocky, but I am confident that we have now come to the final stretch on the road to a just and enduring peace in Cambodia and an end to the immense suffering of its people.
The cold war has ended. But as we assess its implications let us not entertain the rather simplistic notion that it has resulted in the victory of one side and the defeat of the other. I would like to believe that rationality and a growing awareness of the need for common security have won over the military and political doctrines which for so long have threatened to lead the world to the bring of collective self-destruction.
The current international scene impresses on us the sobering reality of how little progress has been made in disarmament and how marginally we have moved in stemming the arms race. A more effective strategy is therefor needed to reverse the arms race and to accelerate the process of arms reduction and disarmament, especially in the nuclear field. In the context of START, the prospects for concrete agreements are within reach and we urge their rapid adoption. Further negotiations should seek even deeper reductions in nuclear forces and limitations on qualitative improvements. The conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty should continue to be accorded high priority and, as such, should be clearly reflected in the forthcoming amendment conference on the partial test-ban Treaty. It is a source of great disappointment for Indonesia that the recently held Fourth Review Conference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty did not succeed in articulating a consensus concerning the cessation of the nuclear arms race. The failure to achieve a final declaration is all the more regrettable against the background of the present improved global situation.
It is our fervent hope that the attitudes demonstrated by the major nuclear Powers during the Review Conference will not be reintroduced at the forthcoming conference to amend the partial test-ban Treaty, as this would only serve to confirm the untenable position that the complete cessation of nuclear testing can only be negotiated bilaterally between the two super-Powers.
As regards regional disarmament, my delegation believes that efforts to expedite the realization of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia, and the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia as its integral component, should become increasingly relevant. Purposeful progress in this regard would constitute a concrete contribution by the regional States to the establishment of greater peace and stability in their part of the world.
Rapid change and transition, the distinctive hallmarks of the global political situation, are of equal pertinence to the economic and social sphere. Lasting peace cannot be sustained in isolation from socio-economic progress. Both are inextricably linked. As in increasingly being recognized, peace needs to be securely anchored in the solid bedrock of economic development and social justice worldwide.
The decade of the 1990s has ushered in a remarkable and promising new era. With the end of the cold war and the amelioration in East-West relations, vast new opportunities for economic development have opened up. At the same time, the world economy and international economic relations are moving towards ever greater interdependence and integration. The globalization of economic activities, the emergence of new and powerful economic centres, and major shifts in comparative advantage, have drastically altered the patterns of production, consumption and trade. In addition, innovations in science and technology, and the revolution in communications, have also resulted in enlarged possibilities for the common progress of nations and peoples.
Yet, it is also true that given the asymmetries in present-day international economic relations, some of these trends could present major challenges and constraints to the developing countries. The past year has witnessed the dramatic transformation of the Eastern European centrally planned economies, leading to their progressive integration into the world economic system. Indonesia welcomes this development, for its own sake and for the prospects it offers of new opportunities, such as expanded markets for exports from developing countries. Nevertheless, there is also genuine and justified concern that financial, trade and investment flows of considerable magnitude from the developed North might now be rechanneled to Eastern Europe. In addition, we are carefully assessing the possible impact of the formation of powerful economic groupings among developed countries, as exemplified by the prospective single European marker and the United States-Canadian Free Trade Agreement. Certainly, such regional economic integration could be a major stimulus to the global economy, provided however that it remains outward-looking and does not result in additional external barriers.
In light of these circumstances, we are gratified with the consensus outcome of the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly on international economy co-operation. Its Declaration provides the international community with a coherent blueprint for overcoming the crippling legacies of the past and meeting the challenges of the 1990s. At the same time, we are fully aware that if the provisions of the Declaration are not translated into concrete measures, the acclaimed spirit, aspirations and homes generated at the special session may prove illusory. What is needed is to build upon this important first step and to ensure the success of our collective endeavours in those undertakings, as already set out on the international agenda.
Of great importance on this agenda is the International Development Strategy for the 1990s. The proposed strategy, as discussed at the recently concluded fourth session of the Ad Hoc Preparatory Committee, is an ambiguous yet realistic undertaking. It should promote the achievement of its principal aim, namely, that of accelerating the development of the developing countries. In this connection, we certainly appreciate the emphasis being placed on new issues of common concern, including environmental protection, human development and the alleviation of poverty. At the same time, it is important to make sure that our preoccupation with these concerns does not obscure the urgent need to address and resolve the perennial problems confronting the developing countries, especially the interrelated issues of money, finance, debt, trade and commodities.
The Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, now in its final and critical stage, is another even of the utmost importance on the international agenda. Let us be clear that the ultimate objective of the Round is to strengthen the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its rules, so as to ensure an open and fair international trading system. It should not therefor be construed as legitimizing the vested interests of the strong. In this context, it is vital that these negotiations should lead to an equitable and balanced outcome, taking fully into account the specific concerns and needs of the developing countries. This should in essence mean creating an international trading environment that will permit the developing countries effectively to pursue their development process, while benefiting from their comparative advantage in the production, processing and export of their commodities and manufactures.
Beyond the Uruguay Round, the eighth United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VIII) in 1991 should provide us with an excellent opportunity to address international co-operation in trade and development, such as the revitalization of international commodity co-operation and other trade related development issues.
As the Secretary-General mentioned in his report on the work of the Organisation, the foremost problem in the context of renewing the process of growth and development requiring an adequate international response is that of external indebtedness. In this regard, we are encouraged by the appointment of Mr. Bettino Craxi as the Secretary-General’s Personal Representative on debt. We sincerely hope that his findings and recommendations will contribute to our collective search for more innovative, comprehensive and effective responses to the external debt problems of all categories of debtor developing nations.
As a country acutely conscious of the vulnerability of the world’s ecosystem and of the resultant threats to future development that its destruction may cause, Indonesia attaches particular importance to the preparations for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held in Brazil in 1992. The world’s blemished environment obviously calls out for redress. The responsibility for this undertaking should be equitably shared amongst all nations, taking fully into account the existing disparities between developed and developing countries. More specifically, the developing countries should not be penalized for the development excesses of the industrialised countries. Rather, the linkages between environmental concerns and the legitimate development needs of developing countries should be fully recognized. It is out sincere hope that the preparatory process for the Conference recently launched in Nairobi will succeed in forging consensus on an effective programme of action to address this major concern of humanity.
The importance increasingly attached by the international community to human development is further reinforced by the Human Development Report 1990 recently released by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). This report reflects the growing recognition of the human factor as central to the success of development policies and the alleviation of mass poverty.  In addition, it spells out strategies for human development as measured by the human development index. We welcome this additional dimension as a means for complementing, rather than replacing, the traditional parameters of development. At the regional level, the Jakarta Plan of Action, adopted by the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) more than two years ago, was specifically designed to enhance the human dimension of development. Now already in its operational phase, the Plan of Action is demonstrating its great significance to the development processes in the region.
The common aspiration of mankind to decent living conditions, adequate shelter, respect for fundamental human rights and the health and well-being of our children is moving to the forefront of international consciousness and is reshaping the international agenda. The forthcoming World Summit for Children is a manifestation of this shift in priorities and will be a significant occasion for focusing the attention of the international community on the plight of its most vulnerable members. Although only a beginning, the goals of the Summit with respect to child survival, protection and development must be given full force. It is surely within our collective capacity to do so.
In that connection, the Convention on the Rights of the Child has been ratified by the requisite number of Member States and has entered into force. Indonesia, having signed the Convention earlier this year, has now completed the ratification with the United Nations. Having assumed the legal as well as the moral obligations of the Convention, we shall work diligently to fulfill this commitment and shall continue to enhance and protect the lives of children.
In other areas as well our common resolve must continue to be strengthened. Illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs and the dilemma of drug abuse continue to take a prominent place on our agenda. The seventeenth special session of the General Assembly, on international co-operation against the illicit production, supply, demand, trafficking and distribution of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, testified to that. The Political Declaration and the Global Programme of Action adopted at that session strengthened the inventory at our disposal to counter this threat to society and again signaled our collective commitment to effective action and the unity of purpose. Significantly, the need to address issues of both supply and demand has been reconfirmed, along with the underlying social causes that generate the use of narcotics. Indonesia remains fully committed to the international campaign against illicit trafficking and drug abuse, and pledges its best efforts to contribute to its success.
The assault on society by those who traffic in and abuse illicit narcotics must be turned back. The death of 25,000 young people each day from preventable causes can no longer be tolerated. Yet these issues cannot be divorced from the questions of overall development. Indeed, the new international agenda must be shaped with the broad context of socio-economic development, guided by a moral conscience. The fundamental human rights of all people and the equal treatment of women and their inclusion as equal partners in the development process must be ensured. Poverty and despair must be overcome. Education must be enhanced. In sum, the overall quality of life for all people, and particularly for our children, must be improved so that we may build a better future for all mankind.
As we enter the last decade of the century we are again being presented with a unique opportunity to construct a radically new, more peaceful, just and prosperous global order. This opportunity should not be missed. Yet if the pursuit of that objective is to achieve tangible reality, a renewal of confidence in multilateralism and a recognition of the irreplaceable value and role of the United Nations are imperative.
In his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General advanced a number of proposals to strengthen further the functioning of the United Nations. We believe that in view of the Organization’s steadily expanding role in peace-keeping and peace-making, the search for ways and means to ensure broader and more stable support for such activities has indeed become essential. The need is now also being felt for periodic meetings of the Security Council at a high political level to survey world political developments and to identify potential conflict and crisis situations, thereby enhancing the Council’s capacity for preventive diplomacy. Such meetings should be supported by an improvement in the Secretary-General’s capacity for timely and unbiased information gathering. At the same time, the central functions of the Economic and Social Council in policy guidance and monitoring and co-ordinating system-wide action in the economic, social and humanitarian fields should be equally strengthened.
But we should always bear in mind that all efforts to strengthen the role, improve the functioning and increase the efficiency and efficacy of the United Nations will remain inadequate unless they are matched by the consistent support, including financial support, of all Member States. I wish also to underscore the Secretary-General’s observation that the Organisation will be in danger of being bypassed and sidelined if Member States, especially the major Powers, choose to act outside the ambit of the purposes and principles of the Charter. We fully agree with him that
“It is the willing endorsement of the decisions of the Security Council by the international community that can best counter any impression…. or world affairs being run by a directorate”.
The world is at a crossroads. The forces of change are relentlessly pushing it into uncharted waters. While opportunities abound, so too do uncertainties and dangers. To meet these unprecedented challenges effectively, multilateral co-operation and genuine interdependence are critically importance. Nor is it a viable alternative to advance the interests of any State or region at the expense of others. It is only though shared responsibility and a shared commitment to global co-operation and solidarity that we can hope to manage the massive changes that are transforming the shape and substance of international relations for the decades ahead.