Mr. President, I wish to congratulate you on your election as President of this session of the Assembly. This marks the Assembly's recognition of your unique contribution to its work over the years and the regard of the international community for the constructive role played by the United Republic of Tanzania in world affairs.
2.	I am honoured to have the opportunity today of addressing this Assembly as President-in-Office of the European Community and of European Political Co-operation.
3.	A world-wide political system of independent nations has come into being since this Organization was founded, and each year the Member States come together in this universal forum to debate the problems of our global society; for mankind now sees itself increasingly as one.
4.	Our task now is to order our affairs globally in a manner that measures up to the economic and political objectives of a global society. This requires that we come to grips both with the problems of inequity within the world economy and with the need to resolve conflict and tension without resort to war.
5.	Injustices of which we may have previously been only partly aware must, in a global society, be redressed, if dangerous division and dissension are to be avoided. Conflicts which in the past could be seen as local and limited now have an impact on all of us.
6.	The need for wisdom and understanding in the management of human affairs is clear, as we face these clangers and come to see the limits of our resources and our environment. We have the framework in which to apply this wisdom. The United Nations and its family of
organizations provide a forum in which interests can be accommodated and reconciled if we accept the implications of our interdependence.
7.	What is needed is a determination to make a full use of the opportunities thus provided to act together in the interests of the human family. This means seeking to resolve actual or potential conflict, to organize the world economy more equitably, to relieve human suffering and to promote respect for human rights. On behalf of the nine countries for which I speak, I repeat that we are actively committed to the United Nations as the "centre for harmonizing the actions of nations" envisaged by the Charter.
8.	We nine countries, as member States of the European Community, feel that we exemplify in a particular way the aim of "harmonizing the actions of nations" because our Community grew out of the determination to make a new beginning in a continent so often torn by war. In building that Community we do not seek to impose a static and rigid order on our diversity, but rather, be a slow and patient process of growth, to move towards a closer union between our peoples.
9.	Two developments in the past year illustrate this process. First, our peoples have voted together in the first direct elections to send representatives to a common parliament. This was, I believe, the first such international election in history. It is important to us because it is evidence of our commitment to democracy and because it involves the citizens of the Community in a new and more direct way in shaping its future. Secondly, a decision was taken to enlarge our Community further. Greece signed the treaty by which it will become the tenth member in 1981; negotiations are continuing for the accession of Portugal and Spain; and we are, of course, continuing to develop our relations as a community with other associated States in our region.
10.	It is on behalf of this growing Community and its member States—a Community where old enemies have become friends and partners in a movement towards closer integration—that I speak to you today in this wider world forum. We accept fully the responsibilities that go with our economic weight and we seek to develop with the rest of the world a relationship of friendship and co-operation that will take full account of the interdependent nature of our global society.
11.	The world economic situation is extremely difficult. For 1979, the Community is likely to register a reduced economic growth rate of 3 per cent and in 1980 this may fall to 2 per cent. We have been less successful than we hoped in dealing with inflation and unemployment. In facing up to this state of affairs, the Community looks not only to its own interests but also to international economic well-being.
12.	Last December the European Council agreed to establish the European monetary system. This was a means of bringing about a greater measure of monetary stability within the Community. But it was also intended to have a stabilizing effect on international economic and monetary relations in the interests of industrial and developing countries alike. The adjustments, made during the past week-end, took place within the rules of the system and proved that the system works effectively.
13.	The European Council's determination in Strasbourg to frame new energy guidelines for the Community to deal with present and future needs made a significant contribution to the outcome of the Tokyo Economic Summit in June and more particularly to the adoption of energy-saving measures and plans for developing new forms of energy. At the same time, the Community is looking forward with particular interest to the forthcoming United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy. The Community has also noted with great interest Mr. Waldheim's proposal for a world energy institute.
14.	On trade questions we have opposed protectionist tendencies and we have confirmed our commitment to an open system of international trade. I would recall that, despite the recession, the Community has consistently increased its imports from developing countries especially imports of manufactured goods.
15.	In the view of the Community, the recent successful conclusion of the multilateral trade negotiations held under the auspices of GATT, is a decisive step towards the greater liberalization of international trade. The substantial tariff and non-tariff concessions made by the Community and its partners, which were directed to the developing countries to a significant extent, should encourage those countries to participate more fully in the GATT system. The Community has always supported legal recognition of the right of developing countries, and especially of the least developed, to special and differential treatment Moreover, in the post-multilateral trade negotiations phase, the Community will participate actively in the matters developing countries on trade matters.
16.	The Community's relations with the developing countries have intensified considerably in recent years, reflecting the growing interdependence of the world economy. Through its own development cooperation programmes and through its involvement in the global dialogue on international cooperation for development, the community has committed itself to the goal of establishing a more just and equitable international economic order, We are determined to continue the promotion of close and harmonious relations with the developing countries, taking fully into account their urgent need for economic and social development. We attach great importance to the work towards a new international development strategy for the 1980s. In the same spirit at the recent session of the committee of the whole established under general assembly resolution 32/174, the community undertook to be ready to consider constructively any proposals which may be made with a view to promoting a more effective and fruitful dialogue.
 17- It is in this context that the Community and its member States are studying the proposal of the Group of 77 concerning global negotiations relating to international economic co-operation for development. Numerous questions on the precise implications of this initiative remain to be clarified. The answers to these questions would considerably assist us in our consideration of this important initiative.
18.	It is understandable perhaps that developing countries should express dissatisfaction at what must seem to them to be the slow pace of developments in the North-South dialogue. The widespread conditions of hunger and deprivation which still prevail among large sections of the population in many developing countries are a particular source of concern and must continue to receive urgent and priority attention from the entire international community. Following the Ottawa Con-ference,1 the Community reaffirms its commitment to fight the dramatic problem posed by world hunger by facilitating and encouraging food production in developing countries and by taking the necessary measures to accelerate the implementation of the various food aid programmes adopted by the Community.
19.	None of the issues of the dialogue, however, lends itself to easy solution, while many which are structural in nature can only be gradually pursued. Nevertheless, the Community does not feel that the achievements in the dialogue to date can be lightly dismissed. For example, we welcome the March 1979 compromise on the fundamental elements of the Common Fund. It is also our sincere belief that the results of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the multilateral trade negotiations contain worth-while advances for developing countries.
20. The Community is also pursuing its own development co-operation in favour of all developing countries, particularly the least developed. Recently, the Community concluded negotiations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific States on a successor agreement to the first Lome Convention, the provisions of which— particularly on trade, STABEX and financial and technical co-operation—contain appreciable improvements on the old one. We in the Community believe that this is a worthy successor. It retains and consolidates the progressive features of the first Convention and introduces a number of new elements based on the experience we have gained and designed to respond to the specific needs of our partners the African, Caribbean and Pacific States.
21. The future holds great promise. In the immediate term, however, the entire international community races an immense challenge and each of us must shoulder a fair share of the burden. The Community is ready for facilitating agreement in the field of disarmament and arms control. The first substantive meetings of the reformed and reactivated disarmament bodies, agreed upon in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, took place this year. The nine countries participated actively in the first substantive meeting of the Disarmament Commission. This meeting agreed by consensus on the elements of a comprehensive programme of disarmament and this will now be referred to the Committee on Disarmament. A number of the nine countries are members of the new Committee on Disarmament and they took an active part in its work. We welcome the intensive work which has taken place in the Committee, for example on questions relating to chemical weapons and to so-called negative security assurances.
23.	We also welcome the signature at Vienna on 18 June by President Carter and President Brezhnev of the recent Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. We strongly hope that this will give a new impetus to the detente process and make a positive contribution to the atmosphere in which international disarmament negotiations are pursued. We look forward to the early entry into force of the agreement and the prospects for further reductions of nuclear weapons afforded by the continuation of the process involved in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] between these countries.
24.	The nine members of the Community are deeply committed to the continuation and expansion of inter-national detente and we have played our full part in the process of relaxation of tension and the development of co-operation in Europe initiated by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. The Final Act of the Conference, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, is a unique document in that it covers not only relations between States but also those between individuals and between Governments and individuals. As its provisions are put into effect an improvement in these relations becomes apparent, which in turn reduces tensions in Europe. The first review session of the Conference, held at Belgrade in 1977 and 1978, afforded the signatory States an opportunity to review progress made in this respect. The nine countries are preparing for the second review session to be held in Madrid next year in a constructive spirit and in the hope that the meeting will be able to record an improved level of implementation of the provisions of the Final Act in all the signatory States.
25.	The nine countries continue to hope that it will be possible to achieve in the Middle East the just, lasting and comprehensive settlement to which this Assembly is overwhelmingly committed. They believe that such a settlement must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), applied in all their parts and on all fronts. It must also be based on the principles set out by them in their statement on 29 June 1977 and on several occasions subsequently.
26.	These principles are: first, the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force; secondly, the need for Israel to end the territorial occupation which it has maintained since the conflict of 1967; thirdly, respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of all States in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries; and fourthly, recognition that, in the establishment of a just and lasting peace, account must be taken of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians.
27.	The nine countries emphasize that it is essential that all parties to the negotiation accept the right of all States in the area to live within secure and recognized boundaries with adequate guarantees. Equally, of course, it is essential that there be respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. These include the right to a homeland and the right, through its representatives, to play its full part in the negotiation of a comprehensive settlement.
28.	Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), together with the principles I have mentioned, taken as a whole, set the essential framework for a peace settlement. In the view of the nine countries it is necessary that they be accepted by all those involved- including the Palestine Liberation Organization—as the basis for negotiation of a comprehensive settlement in which all the parties will play their full part.
29.	Such a settlement would win the endorsement and support of the international community and would meet the legitimate rights and interests of all parties. This includes Israel, which is entitled to exist at peace within secure boundaries that are accepted and adequately guaranteed, and the Palestinian people, who are entitled, within the framework set by a peace settlement, to exercise their right to determine their own future as a people.
30.	The nine members of the Community recognize of course that such a settlement is not easy to achieve. But they believe it must be the continuing aim of the international community to promote it. They are convinced that such a comprehensive settlement would bring peace at last to the region; and they recall that they have already expressed their readiness to consider participating in guarantees in the framework of the United Nations.
31.	The past year has seen some major developments to which our countries, in view of their close connexions with the region; are particularly sensitive. One of these was the signature on 26 March of the Treaty of Peace between Egypt and Israel. In their declaration of 26 March last,  they stated their position on these agreements.
32.	Since the signature of these agreements, which the nine countries see as a correct application of the principles of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) as far as Egyptian-Israeli relations are concerned, there has been progress towards improved relations between Egypt and Israel and there have been withdrawals of Israeli forces in Sinai. The nine countries note these recent developments and recall that one of the basic requirements of a comprehensive settlement is an end to the territorial occupation which Israel has maintained since the conflict of 1967. The nine countries will continue to follow the situation closely and will seek in every way they can to advance the aim of a comprehensive and lasting peace settlement involving all parties and dealing with all of the fundamental issues I have mentioned.
33.	It follows that the nine countries must view with the greatest regret any action or statement which aggravates the present situation or places an obstacle in the way of a peace settlement. Accordingly, they strongly deplore continued acts of violence by any of those involved. They are opposed to the Israeli Government's policy of establishing settlements in occupied territories in contravention of international law; and they cannot accept claims by Israel to sovereignty over occupied territories, since this would be incompatible with resolution 242 (1967). The security of Israel, which they consider essential, can be guaranteed, and the legitimate rights of the Palestinians given effect, within the framework of a comprehensive settlement.
34.	The nine states are fully aware, too, of the importance of the question of Jerusalem to all parties. They know that an acceptable solution to this problem will be vital to an over-all settlement on the basis I have indicated. They consider, in particular, that any agreement on the future status of Jerusalem should guarantee free access by all to the Holy Places; and they do not accept any unilateral moves which claim to change the status of the city.
35.	The problem of Lebanon is clearly related to the larger problem of the Middle East as a whole. The nine members of the Community have frequently reaffirmed their support for Lebanon's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. They did so most recently in a statement issued by the nine Foreign Ministers at their meeting in Dublin on 11 September. This statement also recognized the courageous efforts made by the Lebanese Government to promote the security of its people and the restoration of its authority over the whole of its territory.
36.	Violence has none the less continued in several parts of Lebanon, as is clear from current news reports. The members of the Community recognize that there has been some improvement in the situation, particularly in the south of the country, since the recent meeting of the Security Council requested by the Government of Lebanon. They are concerned however about the constant harassment of UNIFIL, of which certain members of the Community form part, and about the difficulties which have been placed in its way as it attempts to fulfil its mandate. They are particularly disturbed about the military and financial aid from outside Lebanon given to those who have made it difficult for the UNIFIL to carry out its mandate. They call on all parties to give full support to UNIFIL and to respect the decisions of the Security Council.
37.	The Community remains convinced that United Nations peace-keeping operations can play a particularly useful role in helping to prevent violence between parties to a conflict, thus facilitating a peaceful settlement. Its members are ready to contribute to such operations in the future, as they have done in the past.
38.	A problem which is particularly close to us in the Community is that of the intercommunal conflict on the island of Cyprus. When the 10-point communique agreed to between President Kyprianou and Mr. Denktas, was published,  following their meeting with the United Nations Secretary-General on 18 and 19 May last, the members of the Community were hopeful that this heralded a break-through in the stalemate in the intercommunal talks which has existed for so long. In particular, we welcomed the commitment by the two parties to carry out intercommunal talks in a continuous and sustained manner, while avoiding any delay, and to abstain from any action which might jeopardize the outcome of the talks. It was with considerable regret that we noted the suspension of the talks within such a short time of the resumption on 15 June. We continue to believe that the best means for achieving a solution to the question is to be found within the framework of the intercommunal talks under the auspices of the Secretary-General, whose efforts to further the progress between the parties concerned we have consistently supported.
39.	Africa has witnessed in the past year a number of developments which have been the focus of world concern. We should not underestimate the dangers arising from political tensions and from the economic difficulties that confront many African States.
40.	The Charter recognizes the possibilities for action at the regional level. The countries of Africa have come together in a number of forums to co-operate and to seek a common approach to African problems. In this context, the Organization of African Unity has a preeminent role. Our nine countries, for their part, share the view that African problems can best be resolved through African solutions. They reject the concept of the establishment of spheres of influence in Africa by outside Powers. The nine do not themselves seek to impose their political and social system on Africa; rather than reaffirm their desire to co-operate to the fullest extent possible with Africa in promoting its economic development in a spirit of partnership.
41.	The situation in southern Africa remains a source of deep concern.
42.	The oppressive system of apartheid in South Africa is of particular concern. The nine members of the Community condemn and reject this system of institutionalized racism, which is an insult to human dignity and which denies to the majority of the people the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. They reaffirm that the purported independence of so-called "homelands" such as Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda is a false solution to the problems of apartheid. The nine have repeatedly stated their belief that a peaceful future for South Africa necessitates the creation of a society which permits the full participation of all the inhabitants of South Africa in the political, social and economic life of their country. They believe that change in South Africa is as inevitable as it is essential. They note and welcome the internal debate on this subject within South Africa, and they hope that this debate may lead to concrete and positive results. The nine countries have sought to encourage this process of change in a number of ways, including the adoption of a code of conduct for all their firms with subsidiaries, branches, or representation in South Africa.  They will continue their efforts to promote the process of peaceful change in order to bring about the ending of the system of apartheid and the establishment of a society with freedom and justice for all. They reaffirm their commitment to use the collective weight of the European Community to influence South Africa to this end.
43.	On Namibia, one cannot help but feel disappointed at the very slow progress in resolving the remaining difficulties in the way of a peaceful settlement. The nine members have supported the efforts made by the Secretary-General, the five Western States and the front-line States to implement the plan adopted by the United Nations  and they have rejected unreservedly ail efforts to impose an "internal settlement" in Namibia. Such a settlement would not gain international recognition and would merely delay the day when the people of Namibia achieve genuine self- determination. In May this year, in this Assembly,  the nine States again expressed their grave concern at the lack of progress and drew the attention of the South African Government to the consequences that could result. They urgently requested the South African Government to accept without delay the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and to permit the deployment of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group. This remains their view.
44.	Since the Assembly's meetings in May, efforts to reach agreement have been renewed. The outcome will depend on the political will of the parties involved— particularly South Africa which has a responsibility in this regard—to overcome the points of difficulty which do not justify the failure to implement the United Nations plan. Accordingly, the nine countries express the earnest hope that all concerned will now agree to the very early implementation of the plan in the light of the arrangements now being discussed. This will avoid the very grave consequences of failure and secure great benefits for the people of Namibia and for all the people of Southern Africa.
45.	The nine members of the Community, in their statement on Rhodesia of 11 September, welcomed the understanding reached by the Commonwealth Heads of Government in Lusaka and the action of the United Kingdom Government in inviting the parties to attend the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference in London. They trust that this will make possible a solution to the conflict on the basis of genuine majority rule. Continued bloodshed will only serve to prolong the suffering of all the people of Zimbabwe. They therefore reaffirm their support for a peaceful settlement acceptable to all the parties involved. Once such a settlement has been achieved the Community is ready to play its part in assisting the development of independent Zimbabwe.
46.	The attention of the world has been focused during the past year on the suffering and death caused by large-scale movements of refugees in South-East Asia. This problem does not exist in isolation—it is a consequence of the instability and widespread unrest in the region. I have already outlined on 20 July at the Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, in Geneva, the views of the Community on the refugee problem. We believe that everyone should enjoy the right to leave his country freely and re-enter freely, but should not be obliged to leave because of fear or because conditions have been made intolerable. We note with satisfaction the measures agreed at the Geneva meeting and the proposed expansion of the programme previously established by the Government of Viet Nam and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. We hope that all concerned will honour the understandings given there. Our Governments await with interest the report of the Secretary-General on the situation and on the implementation of the action plan agreed at Geneva. We are well aware, however, that the measures already agreed are only partial remedies. The problem of refugees can best be resolved if there is a settlement of the wider problems of the region.
47.	The nine members of the European Community are also gravely concerned about the situation in Cambodia. It is a matter of utmost urgency that effective humanitarian relief be given to the people of that country. We are ready to support in appropriate ways relief efforts which are already under way, or which may be launched in the future. If such relief efforts are to be effective and to benefit the Cambodian population, they should be properly supervised, independently administered, and directed to help ail those in need.
48.	A solution of the political problem of Cambodia is essential to the peace and stability of South-East Asia as a whole. Any such solution must, in our view, be based on an independent Cambodia with a genuinely representative Government, free from any foreign military presence, maintaining friendly relations with all the countries of the region, and having the benefit of international assistance for reconstruction.
49.	Our Charter reaffirms faith in "the dignity and worth of the human person". To fulfil this we must continue our efforts to promote respect for and observance of human rights. Since the adoption in 1948 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the effort to promote these rights has had mixed results.
50.	On the one hand, human rights have been defined in an extensive, if not yet complete, series of international instruments. An ever-increasing awareness of these concepts has developed. No State can now hope to avoid criticism where gross and consistent violations occur.
51.	On the other hand, the gap between ideal and reality is, too often, distressingly large. Millions suffer from hunger and oppression. Torture, though few admit responsibility, is still practised. Individuals are still imprisoned or exiled because of their political views. Others disappear without trace. Executions take place, apparently without full respect for judicial process.
52.	We, in the Community, see all human rights and fundamental freedoms as interdependent. Political and economic rights are not in contradiction. They reinforce and complement each other. Freedom from want without freedom from torture and ill-treatment is not enough. Likewise, the right to participate as a citizen in the political process cannot be easily exercised by the starving. The realization of each category of rights needs to be vigorously pursued.
53.	While human rights have been defined, it has not so far proved easy to devise means by which they may be safeguarded. Our nine countries believe that agreed procedures accepted by States under existing instruments should be fully and effectively used. A continued international dialogue is needed on ways and means of securing greater respect for human rights. Further progress can be made in regional organizations. We will continue to contribute actively to the debate and to seek support for proposals to promote respect for human rights and for their implementation.
54.	I should now like, as Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ireland, to touch on a number of issues of particular concern to us in Ireland.
55.	We in Ireland have fully supported the development by the United Nations of peace-keeping forces as a practical means of defusing tension. Peace-keeping operations are by their nature of a temporary character. If they are to be successful in reducing tension, they require, as the Secretary-General has pointed out in his report on the work of the Organization, the co-operation of the parties concerned. Peacekeeping operations are no substitute for a political solution; the need remains to seek political solutions actively.
56.	As a small nation, Ireland has never had any ambition to involve itself directly in local or regional conflicts elsewhere in the world. We have recognized the value of international involvement in peace-keeping and have contributed actively to it for over 20 years. We have participated in the effort to improve the peacekeeping capacity of the United Nations and to ensure the equitable sharing of the cost.
57.	Ireland at present has a contingent with UNIFIL, and some men with UNFICYP and UNTSO. I have already indicated the concern of the nine countries about developments in the Lebanon and the difficulties faced there by UNIFIL. These difficulties have been the subject of frequent consideration by the Security Council over the past year, and on two occasions Ireland felt obliged to express its concern in statements to the Council.
58.	A particular concern to my Government has been the harassment of UNIFIL by the de facto forces, which have been assisted by Israel, which prevented the full deployment of the Force in the first instance, and which continue to encroach on the territory held by UNIFIL. The situation thus created has been compounded by the efforts of armed elements to infiltrate and to establish themselves in the UNIFIL area. This has led to serious incidents and casualties. Even as I speak these difficulties continue. I hope that all concerned will respect the cease-fire and assist the Force in achieving its objectives. They should reflect carefully on the possible consequences of any failure to do so.
59.	I would wish to express my appreciation for the courage and restraint shown by the men who participate, under the expert direction of the Force Commander and the Secretary-General, in a Force which, as the Secretary-General has pointed out,
"is performing an absolutely essential task of conflict control in one of the most sensitive and explosive parts of the world" [ibid.].
60.	I would endorse the appeal of the Secretary- General to Member States that have not paid their contributions to reconsider their position, and I hope that ways may be found to improve the financial position in the coming months. My country is naturally concerned that those contributing to this difficult operation are not fully reimbursed for the extra costs they incur.
61.	But a commitment to peace is not enough. It must be paralleled by co-operation which helps the developing countries to provide for their peoples the basic conditions for the enjoyment of peace. The Irish Government is committed to co-operation with some of the least developed countries and to sharing the knowledge we have acquired in our own process of development.
62.	Although we are still short of the target set by the United Nations, we have doubled our allocation to development co-operation in the last two years and hope to maintain this momentum. In our co-operation programmes we hope we can help to meet some of the fundamental needs of our partner countries, particularly in areas where we may have specific skills and experience to offer.
63.	The United Nations is an act of faith in mankind's ability to resolve even the most intractable conflicts through dialogue and negotiation, respect for the rule of law and a common dedication to peace. It is in this spirit also, with an overriding commitment to peaceful processes, that my Government approaches the Northern Ireland conflict, a problem of the deepest and most urgent concern to us.
64.	The Northern Ireland conflict continues to exact an intolerable and mounting toll of innocent lives and to cause massive physical destruction. The indirect effects of the conflict are also severe, They are evident in the deterioration in the quality of life and in lost opportunities for economic development. Habits of lawlessness are becoming ingrained, and the outlook for young people in Northern Ireland is blighted because they cannot look forward to a future free from recurring violence. There is an urgent need to create the conditions for peace in Northern Ireland, and the Irish Government is ready to give the utmost co-operation in this task.
65.	We recognize, as have all Irish Governments since the foundation of the State, that the only way in which this can be achieved is through peaceful means and by consent. Violence anywhere in Ireland is an act of aggression against the Irish people as a whole and must be dealt with as such. Throughout Ireland there is deep anger and outrage at the repeated atrocities of a callous few. Among their victims have been eminent statesmen and young children, and they have shown that they will shrink from no crime in their deliberate campaign of provoking polarization and confrontation. The Irish Government is committing its full resources to protect the basic human right of every person to life and security against terrorism and to defend the political process against the usurpation of a ruthless minority. We have passed and implemented stringent legislation to meet this threat and to provide that those who perpetrate violence in any part of Ireland may be made answerable before the courts for their crimes,
66.	Our expenditure on security has been increased to the point where the direct cost of countering violence emanating from Northern Ireland now represents a heavier economic burden per head of all population than is the case in the United Kingdom. There is the closest co-operation between the Irish and British security forces in dealing with violence, and our two Governments consult constantly to enhance the effectiveness of the effort against this common threat.
67.	But a common effort is also needed to eradicate the root-cause of violence and the factors which prompt its growth and persistence in Northern Ireland. As in all such conflicts, the conquest of violence in Northern Ireland cannot be achieved by security means alone. Political failure, economic and social deprivation and the lack of respect and trust between the two communities are all factors which are exploited by the men of violence in a deliberate strategy of hatred and confrontation. The Irish Government believes that it is necessary to counter that strategy by a resourceful, consistent and imaginative strategy of reconciliation. The determination of the men of violence to impede progress and destroy each impulse for reconciliation must be met by an even stronger resolution on the part of Governments and constitutional parties to work out a political solution based on respect for the aspirations and concerns of both communities in Northern Ireland. If this can be accomplished the strategists of violence will face something they fear more than the most Draconian security measures—the elimination of those political, economic and social factors which they so successfully exploit for their purposes.
68.	My Government does not underestimate the difficulties in the way of reaching such a political solution. But if there are difficulties in the way, so too there are resources that can be drawn upon. There is a close relationship and a fund of goodwill between the Irish and British peoples. This must be developed in both countries by informed policies of government. Stories of violence emanating from Northern Ireland have perhaps obscured the many activities on the non- political or personal level which down the years have made a great contribution to the growth of trust and good-neighbourliness between the two communities and between North and South. It is fitting that I should pay a tribute in this forum to the work of the churches, of sporting and cultural organizations, of business and financial organizations and of the trade-union movement. All these transcend political divisions, and they foster a wealth of personal links which have consistently contributed to mutual understanding. The challenge which must be taken up is to mobilize and use these resources of goodwill and solidarity. The deep yearning for peace and stable progress is overwhelmingly more representative of the feelings of the great majority of Irish people than are the actions of a violent few. It is a tragedy that these positive forces have not yet been focused through acceptable political structures in Northern Ireland.
69.	The newly elected Government of the United Kingdom has given repeated indications that it is aware of the need for a fresh political initiative in relation to Northern Ireland. Such an initiative is essential and urgent if constructive politics are to prevail there.
70.	The absence of such politics in recent years has left a void which has all too clearly served the strategy of the men of violence. It goes without saying that a political initiative, to be fruitful, must take adequate account of the rights and aspirations of both communities and lead to partnership in political institutions acceptable to both communities. In face of the tragic history and cost of the Northern Ireland conflict, every move along the road that contributes, even to a small degree, to the growth of trust and reconciliation is an important gain and cannot be neglected.
71.	The Irish Government welcomes the recognition by the United Kingdom Government of the need for political progress in Northern Ireland. We are at present engaged in extensive studies of ways in which such progress can be encouraged and enhanced and we are confident that the insights and conclusions emerging from our studies will make an important contribution to this objective. The interrelationship between the traditions in Ireland is a fact. What is at stake is the form it will take. There is a duty on all those concerned for peace in Northern Ireland to ensure that this interrelationship moves along the path of partnership and reconciliation.
72.	There is an urgent need for an initiative on the part of the United Kingdom Government to mobilize the constructive political energies of both communities in Northern Ireland. My Government, for its part, will be ready to respond to such a development. Our policy is clear and I would like to restate it here. We want to see partnership in Northern Ireland and reconciliation between the people of Ireland, and we will do everything open to us to help to bring this about. I believe that an effort now to promote this would have the support of all our friends, the friends of Britain and Ireland, in Europe and in North America—and indeed of all the nations represented in this Assembly.


The international community has welcomed the election of Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania to the presidency of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly with hope and satisfaction. As far as Africa is concerned, it is indeed proud, and I congratulate him. His election is a fitting tribute to a career which has been devoted largely to the noble cause of the emancipation of peoples, as typified by his brilliant chairmanship for a number of years of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. It is a tribute also to his country, with which mine has excellent relations, and which has been making invaluable efforts on the ' 'front line'' for the triumph of justice and freedom. Lastly, it is a tribute to Mr. Salim's personal attributes of even-handedness, tact, good humour and constant goodwill.
270.	Niger, a founding member of the OAU, has never wavered, since its accession to sovereignty and its entry into the United Nations, from a code of conduct in keeping with group ethics and international law.
271.	Scrupulous respect for the rights of others is the corner-stone of our foreign policy. In fact we revere the principle that every nation has the inviolable right to choose the political, economic and social structures which best respond to the aspirations and nature of its people. By the same token, however, we demand similar respect for our historical values, and the same tolerance for our national options. This foreign policy, which categorically rejects any selectivity, justifies, among other things, the place my country occupies in the great family of non-aligned nations.
272.	Our non-alignment is dynamic and objective, free of any complicity or complacency. Our policy of co-operation with all countries stems from it; thus we are certain that that co-operation will exist within the framework of respect for our personality and will lead to the development of our mutual interests.
273.	This loyalty of Niger's in its international relations, and its conviction that a sense of balance must always prevail in the settlement of disputes and conflicts among States, have earned it the trust of its partners in the OAU and the esteem of most Members of this Assembly. This is something we appreciate, and which encourages us to persevere.
274.	However, while my country does not wish to preach, we cannot help reiterating our indignation that resolution 1514 (XV), of 1960, on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, in certain respects continues to be flouted. Similarly, we find it scandalous that, at a time when there is constant talk everywhere about respect for human rights, the denial and neglect of the basic rights of the black majorities in southern Africa continue to be tolerated.
275.	My country, which for 16 years has constantly joined its voice to those of other members of the OAU to denounce and condemn that state of affairs, cannot but rejoice to see the entire international community reject the sham elections of 20 April 1979, which installed in Rhodesia a regime in the pay of the white minority Power.
276.	That is why, while reiterating our support for the Patriotic Front, we are following with interest the current London Conference, which we hope will lead to the final establishment of legality and so bestow upon the people of Zimbabwe their rights.
277.	With regard to Namibia, my country's position has been known for a long time. We have never spared our support for the courageous Namibian people and their fighting movement, SWAPO, which are struggling against South African colonialist and racist oppression. In this connexion, we wish to make it clear to the international community that as far as we are concerned, Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibian territory.
278.	As for South Africa, everything has been said again for more than a quarter century about its loathe- some policy of apartheid. But we repeat once again that the Government of Pretoria would long ago have ceased flouting the international community had it not enjoyed outside support, whether overt or covert. On Niger's behalf, I can only launch an urgent appeal to all those countries which consider themselves friends of the continent of Africa and of African peoples, and who uphold and defend the concept of human rights, to put an end to such interference and duplicity as soon as possible.
279.	It is in the same spirit that we fervently hope that the other Members of the United Nations will work actively for the adoption of appropriate measures in accordance with the relevant provisions of our many resolutions, recommendations and other solemn declarations in order to put an end to colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination in southern Africa.
280.	It is also fitting to pay a warm tribute to the front-line countries, which have borne and continue to bear a heavy share in the liberation struggle which, tragically, is today deprived of the leadership of one of its most courageous freedom-fighters, President Neto, who was prematurely snatched from our midst, and whose active militancy had given Africa one of its most rousing victories over colonialism and foreign domination.
281.	I would ask the fraternal delegation of Angola to accept this renewed expression of the deep compassion of the people and Government of Niger,
282.	I could not close this chapter without mentioning the volatile situation currently prevailing in Western Sahara, which, if we are not vigilant, may deteriorate into a serious conflict which could engulf our entire sub region. My Government believes that everything must be done to promote the advent of a new era of peace and fraternal co-operation in that sub region, in conformity with the resolutions adopted at the OAU Assembly in Monrovia, which, inter alia, called for recognition of the inalienable rights of the Saharan people to self-determination.
283.	Niger's geo-political situation and the historic relations, cultural as well as economic, which have always united us with Islamic peoples, explain why my country remains deeply concerned over the situation in the Middle East.
284.	In severing all relations with the Zionist State following the 1973 October War, all of Africa condemned Israel's policy of aggression and its occupation of Arab territories and Palestine. Unfortunately, that aggression and occupation continue, in disdain of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Faithful to its principles, Niger will always stand firmly behind the Arab countries and the PLO in their just struggle to recover their occupied territories and to gain recognition for the Palestinian people's right to a homeland.
285.	For my country, no just and lasting solution to the Middle East problem could be conceived of without recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to a homeland; the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories; the cessation of Zionist desecration of Jerusalem, which cannot be considered Israel's property; and full participation of the PLO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, in all negotiations aimed at restoring peace and security in the Middle East.
286.	Furthermore, my delegation wishes to express its deep concern at the escalation of Israeli aggression against Lebanon. Our Organization must urgently adopt the necessary measures to end such flagrant violation by Israel of the principles of the Charter and resolutions of our Organization.
287.	This year we have noted encouraging events in terms of the consolidation of international peace and the reign of harmony among nations. Among others, we wish to mention Panama's recovery of full sovereignty over the Canal and the establishment in Nicaragua of a regime that satisfies the profound aspirations of the Nicaraguan people.
288.	With regard to Asia, we wish to see in that part of the world, which has suffered from so many wars and so much destruction in the past, a new era of peace, in which its peoples and countries can work for reconstruction, as well as a better future for coming generations. I therefore wish to appeal most urgently to the major Powers to exercise wisdom and magnanimity so as to contribute to the realization of that noble objective.
289.	Many other subjects are the source of grave concern for our young nations, because they could hamper our efforts at building a worthy and stable national society. Disarmament is among those concerns. Indeed, over a year ago this Assembly held a special session devoted to disarmament, its tenth special session, which drew up a programme of action, including in particular measures for nuclear disarmament. My country, which took active part in that session's work, had an opportunity to express its views on that important question.  However, my delegation could not omit to mention here the lack of enthusiasm among militarily powerful countries at translating into action the commitments that they freely undertook at that historic session. That is why we favourably welcome—though without too much optimism— the signing by the USSR and the United States in Vienna of a second agreement on strategic weapons. Indeed, while the Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms is a step in limiting armaments, it does not mark any de-escalation in the production and sophistication of nuclear weapons. The major Powers, as in the past, continue to cherish a fragile hope of maintaining peace in the world by cultivating terror.
290.	While attentive to the civil spirits of domination those same Powers, to ease their consciences, prefer to check up on the small countries whose primary concern is the exploitation of their national resources in conditions of peace and harmony. For our part,
"We have condemned unequivocally, wherever it seemed necessary to demonstrate this, not only proliferation but also the possession of nuclear weapons . . . . Our concern is over development."
That was the reply given by President Seyni Kountche on this subject to those who intimated that because Niger was a uranium-producing country it might shortly join the club of nuclear-weapon States. It that not clear proof of Niger's commitment to building a world of peace and prosperity in which man can live free from the obsession of a nuclear holocaust?
291.	After these few words on disarmament we naturally come to the problems of security. The people and Government of Niger spare no effort to establish and consolidate with their neighbours in the countries of the sub region a peaceful climate of understanding and harmony, an atmosphere of peace that will be both an earnest and a guarantee of our common desire to ensure for our peoples the necessary tranquillity and stability for their economic and social development.
292.	It is in that context that we have made efforts on behalf of Chad, a country which, like ours, shares the concerns of a developing country, a Sahelian landlocked developing country. Its peoples, like ours, has suffered from implacable droughts and in recent years has known regrettable internal turmoil and fratricidal struggles which have compromised their ideal of building a united and prosperous nation of Chad. However, today we are proudly and with relief witnessing in that brotherly and friendly country the beginning of a real labour of national pacification and a dynamic and evolutionary process of reconciliation and reconstruction.
293.	Those results were recalled by President Seyni Kountche in the following statement to the Conference of non-aligned countries at Havana:
"We must draw on the goodwill of which there is no lack in conducting negotiations of reconciliation; because it is harmony, mutual aid and constructive co-operation we need to solve our development problems. It is on the confusion of our enemies that we should erect the city of our solidarity, not over the ruins or the corpses of some of us,"
294.	Thus, as in the case of Chad, my country will spare no effort to bring about peace and unity among peoples and harmony and solidarity among brothers who may be temporarily divided by conflicts. In this we shall act with strict respect for sovereignty and national identity and without any selfish or vainglorious motives; because our country and people love peace and are jealous of their sovereignty and intransigent when it comes to their security. Naturally, what they wish for themselves they also wish for others.
295.	The thirty-fourth regular session of the United Nations General Assembly is beginning its work in the midst of a sombre world economic context. Years of efforts have been devoted to bringing about better order and justice in international economic relations, but we are not yet able to see light at the end of the tunnel. The world economy is experiencing a serious crisis which can be attributed to the inability of developed countries to overcome their internal difficulties. In their confusion those countries increase their protectionist measures, thus accentuating the imbalance in world trade and in the international monetary and financial system.
296.	It is that egocentric attitude of advanced countries, leading to a hardening of their position in international economic negotiations, which undermined the results of the fifth session of UNCTAD and led to conclusions that fell short of the minimum acceptable to the vast majority of the participating States. The eighth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea suspended its work some weeks ago without any notable progress to justify the long months of negotiation.
297.	The results obtained after many years of cooperation and dialogue are all too eloquent: the rich become richer and the poor remain poor; the gap widens hopelessly between the nations although they are linked by constant interaction in many spheres, within the framework of an anachronistic international division of labour.
298.	Africa's position in this whirlwind of distress is, unfortunately, well known: our continent, the cradle of mankind, which symbolizes the hopes and failures of our world, is experiencing more dramatically than any other region the conflicting effects of development ill- adapted to its environment; it still has 18 of the poorest countries in the world.
299.	The gross national product throughout Africa represents only 2.47 per cent of the world product. At an average of $365 per capita, Africa's annual income is the lowest in the world and infant mortality reached the record level of 137 per 1,000 in 1978. There is still in Africa only one physician for 25,000 inhabitants.
300.	The facts show that today, after 20 years of political independence, the African economy is still under-developed: low per capita incomes, an excessively large rural population, a low level of productivity, an economy dependent on only a few primary commodities and directed towards un-remunerative exports, a complete split between traditional and modern sectors of production, a high percentage of illiteracy.
301.	These results are scandalous and repugnant: thousands of human beings still die of hunger while others have too much. Humanity is suffering from an imbalance which can be overcome only if there is political determination to triumph. For the establishment of a new international economic order is a stroke of luck for the industrialized countries, since their economies, very often affected by acute supply problems, cannot be restructured without the development of the developing countries.
302.	In addressing myself to the representatives of my sister nations of Africa, I wish to recall the pledge of our respective peoples to make our Africa a haven of peace, harmony and well-being. These noble objectives can be attained if we undertake the patient construction of integrated economic regional entities.
303.	These noble objectives, I should like to stress, can be attained only if, in spite of our enormous potential, brought to fruition by our own efforts and our creative imagination, our Africa continues to depend more on external influences than on itself. In this connexion, the Assembly of the OAU in Monrovia, which brought together in July important African researchers, leaders and leading African economists, is a positive contribution to the definition of a global strategy within the context of a future structural improvement of African economies and societies. I wish to congratulate those researchers and also the OAU and ECA on their initiative and their militant fervour in accomplishing their task.
304.	Those were the few remarks we wanted to make on the world economy in general, and the situation in Africa in particular. It is up to our Organization, on the basis of repeated statements of intentions—which have unfortunately remained dead letters—urgently to envisage ways and means necessary to ensure that our intentions take specific form.
305.	The problems of development are many and dis-quieting. Niger, the link between the African and the Arab worlds, considers that the question of dissemination of information among peoples is an essential component among development priorities. Therefore we must study the means of ensuring a well-balanced and continuous dissemination of information among our countries.
306.	My Government is pleased to see that the problem of information today is a basic concern in the United Nations and in certain specialized agencies, particularly UNESCO. We are pleased that the last General Conference of UNESCO, held in Nairobi, devoted a major part of its discussions to that question and, in collaboration with the Committee to Review United Nations Public Information Policies and Activities is working towards the establishment of a new world information order.
307.	Along the same lines, my delegation wishes to express the hope that the international Conference on the distribution of radio frequencies, which is being held in Geneva, will meet the hopes which our young nations have placed in it, that justice and the need for balance and harmony in the international mechanism for the broadcasting and reception of information will inform the work of the participants.
308.	On behalf of my Government, I wish to express our pleasure at seeing the admission of Saint Lucia as the one hundred fifty-second Member of the United Nations. In welcoming this new State to our family, we receive an independent and sovereign nation which shares with us the ideals and principles embodied in the Charter.
309.	This opportunity given to the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly to work for the progress of the Organization towards the aim of universality makes it appropriate for me to proclaim once again the commitment of Niger, its people and its Government to the decisive and highly appreciated contribution of the United Nations and its specialized agencies to the building of a world of solidarity, justice and equality among peoples and to the establishment of a new era of peace and co-operation among nations.
310.	In this connexion, I wish to greet the Secretary- General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose competence, dynamism and devotion to the service of our common cause evoke in us feelings of profound admiration and esteem. He may be assured of the confidence and support of my Government in the accomplishment of his important and noble task.
311.	At this crucial time, when the United Nations is committed resolutely to waging a collective struggle to ensure for mankind a world of order, justice, peace and security, I wish to assure this Assembly of the unswerving commitment of Niger and its President to working tirelessly to promote a better balance in international relations and thus to fulfil the lofty dream of our shared destiny.


I bring to the representatives and the United Nations the warm greetings of the people of Mauritius.
3.	May I, on behalf of the Government and people of Mauritius and on my own behalf, sincerely congratulate you, Mr. President, on being elected to preside over the present session. It is our earnest hope that the world is now moving into a period that will see the resolution of many of the questions that have preoccupied us for years past, and in this connexion the high office that you have courageously accepted to occupy will place you in many hazardous situations in the front line of the battle for the peace, security and well-being of mankind. Your long and rich experience in government and diplomacy will enable you to guide this Assembly with tact and wisdom. In this arduous task that lies ahead of us you can rely on the entire support of my delegation and of all men of peace and goodwill.
4.	May I also express our esteem for you, Mr. Secretary-General, and for your untiring and constant efforts to uphold the United Nations and the vision enshrined in its Charter. You have had to draw upon your inner reserves of faith, wisdom and patience. It is our fervent wish that you will continue to lead this Organization for many more years.
5.	Before I go further, I should like to welcome Saint Lucia as a sovereign and independent State in the com-munity of nations and to express our joy and happiness to its people and Government.
6.	Franklin Roosevelt declared that the United Nations spelled:
"...the end of the system of unilateral action and exclusive alliance, and spheres of influence and balance of power and all the other expedients which have been used for centuries and which have failed."
He went on to say:
"...we propose to substitute for these a universal organization which all peace-loving nations have a chance to join."
Yet, the principle of the universality of United Nations membership has not been established to the satisfaction of all, nor has the system of unilateral action and exclusive alliance been abandoned. We have a long way yet to go. A country like Mauritius has great and loyal attachment for this Organization and a special concern for its successful functioning. I have come here to reiterate my country's deep commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter.
7.	Given our geo-political appurtenance to Africa, it is but natural that all that happens there is of primary concern to us.
8.	After 14 years of illegality and dark despair we now see a distant glimmer of hope for Zimbabwe. All nations belonging to this great Organization have throughout the years struggled for democracy, freedom and the rule of law. In this spirit we welcome the prospective changes to be effected at the London Constitutional Conference on Rhodesia, changes which will bring sovereignty and independence to Zimbabwe and peace to that vast continent.
9.	My Government also fully supports the untiring efforts of the five Western Powers members of the Security Council and those of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to find a solution to the Namibia question. But, while we endorse such positive steps and promising initiatives, we are also growing more apprehensive day by day, because we know that the patience of the Namibian people has limits and we are already very near the point of no return when human logic abdicates in favour of relentless armed struggle.
10.	It is only too natural that we who live in a multiracial country where equality of opportunities, freedom of conscience and the spirit of brotherhood prevail should, particularly, find apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination repulsive. The policy of separate development is dehumanizing and makes of man man's worst enemy. The delusions of superiority of race and colour exist only in a diseased mind. Ail steps taken to wipe out the evil of apartheid must, overtly and manifestly, be seen as genuine endeavours towards its eradication.
11.	I have dealt with the problems facing the southern part of our continent because they are the most glaring instances of injustice and require our most urgent attention. Unfortunately, the problems of Africa are not restricted to white domination; the south is but a visible manifestation of what is true of the rest of the continent. Africa still suffers from inequality and dependence in its economic relations with the industrialized world. There have been no real African conflicts on the continent, but we realize painfully that our only war is against time and under-development and, in this, mass unemployment, inflation, mass poverty and our own security are the main constraints to hamper our efforts to achieve economic independence, and that our sole interest is in moving to catch up with the twentieth century before the twenty-first is upon us. May I remind representatives of His Holiness the Pope's statement on Tuesday that a great solidarity among all the peoples is necessary for the achievement of peace and prosperity.
12.	I should like also to state that we staunchly believe in and uphold the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a Member State. In this connexion, we believe that the populations of dependent overseas territories have the right to decide its future freely, without outside interference.
13.	The first phase of our emergence is almost over. We have by and large acquired political independence which we are in the process of consolidating while we move into the next phase of our fight for freedom—the struggle for economic independence and against underdevelopment, inflation, ignorance, poverty and disease. We can eradicate those ills only if there is full participation by the people themselves in such a gigantic task. The North-South dialogue, the efforts made by UNCTAD and the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development have not come up to our expectations, but we keep on struggling in the hope that those who can will eventually realize that they must co-operate fully and sincerely in uplifting the standard of living and the quality of life of the peoples of the world.
14.	Since I addressed this Assembly last year1 certain events have occurred which give us cause to believe that the world is moving towards greater respect for human rights and better understanding of human obligations. We can only welcome the emergence of a universal charter of human rights and obligations in the near future.
15.	We in the Indian Ocean are making serious efforts to develop regional co-operation with our neighbours. We are embarked on some regional projects aiming at the economic development of our countries. We therefore invite the great Powers to reduce their military presence or capabilities in this part of the world. That is why we call upon all interested parties to ensure that the Indian Ocean really becomes a zone of peace. We urge all nations of the Indian Ocean to adopt a more positive attitude with the United Nations Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean so that a conference on the Indian Ocean may be convened shortly. In view of the importance Mauritius attaches to this question we have already indicated our intention and willingness to host that Conference.
16.	We in Africa and in the Indian Ocean are not alone in appealing for the denuclearization of this part of the world. States in the Middle East and Asia have the same view regarding their region.
17.	My Government is happy to note the first steps that have been taken towards a solution of the Middle East conflict. The Palestinian issues unfortunately remain unresolved and no solution of the Middle East question is possible while 3 million Palestinians are denied their basic human rights. Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] must recognize each other and only then can a global, durable and peaceful settlement, negotiated within the framework of the United Nations resolutions, be achieved. Any steps taken by anyone, in the Middle East or elsewhere, in the direction of peace has our unreserved support.
18.	The destabilization process taking place in Southeast Asia is a matter of great concern to us. We can only hope that it will not be a repetition of the Mesopotamian style of dismemberment and the annihilation of its people. We are faced with a pressing humanitarian problem that brooks no delay, for while we procrastinate, innocent people are either dying of starvation in Kampuchea or drowning in the South China Sea.
19.	We continue to believe that the reunification of Korea will be realized through the North-South talks even if these talks have unfortunately proved fruitless so far. There is so much in common between those two parts of the country that we are confident the fraternal desire for unity will overcome the present political differences. In the meantime, we believe that the cause of reunification will be best served by the representation of both Koreas in this international Organization.
20.	We earnestly hope that the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations towards a solution of the Cyprus problem will prove successful in the long run.
21.	It was indeed a happy decision to declare 1979 the International Year of the Child. The hopes we have for a better world tomorrow are based on the faith that the children of today will one day be happier and, God willing, better men than we have been. Towards this end my Government made education free at the secondary and tertiary levels over two years ago with the intention of making equal opportunities available to every child irrespective of his social or economic background. Measures have also been taken in the health, social security and labour fields to ensure the happiness of our children and the opportunity fully to realize their human potential.
22.	We also hope that the coming International Year for Disabled Persons will be as successful as the Inter-national Year of the Child and will bring about a heightened awareness of their plight, of a greater need for consideration than that of other men.
23.	In spite of sharp international conflicts and setbacks, the nations of the world are drawing closer and closer together. The world has become a unit and demands that it should be treated as one. Today this is not only possible but it is necessary for our survival. Whoever may be the stronger Power, no one will survive a nuclear holocaust. Power undermines itself from within and turns into impotence. As Gautama Buddha said: "Iron turns to rust and rust devours iron."
24.	The interdependence of nations has become so close that no nation can be hurt without injury to the rest. Belief in the practice of coexistence is not the outcome of expedience or of weakness but rather leads to a better code to rid the world of misunderstanding and intolerance.
25.	Peace, which we all so much desire and cherish, is not the absence of war. It is the presence of feelings for one's fellows and the respect of man for man regardless of his race, nation, colour or creed. What is really called for is the disarmament of minds. We should not grieve that rose-trees have thorns but rather rejoice that thorny bushes bear roses.
26.	We in Mauritius are convinced more than ever before, that the United Nations remains the only means for the achievement of a stable and peaceful world and we pledge our continuing and unflinching support.