179.	  Let me first of all, Sir, express my warm congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly. As a colleague, I am familiar with your outstanding qualities and I am sure that your guidance will be a major factor in channeling our deliberations and work towards constructive ends.
180.	I wish also to express our appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. von*Wechmar, who earned the admiration of all of us by the manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the previous session. We wish him success in his new mission.
181.	I should like, finally, to express to the Secretary General our deep appreciation for the persistent efforts he is deploying in furtherance of our shared objectives.
182.	We warmly welcome Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu. I extend to the Governments and peoples of Vanuatu and Belize our sincere wishes for progress and prosperity.
183.	As we meet in the General Assembly each year we express our perceptions of world problems, our expectations, our concerns and our anxieties. As global problems have proliferated, the consensus that has emerged is that their solutions are possible only through universal cooperation. This interdependence should bring us closer together. On the other hand, we remain divided by parochial attitudes, prejudices and divergent interests, some real, some reflecting longstanding suspicions and mistrust. The nuclear holocaust haunts the human race. But this does not deter some countries from resorting to force and to threats of recourse to force. The awesome issues we face require understanding, tolerance and dedication to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. If our deliberations and the contacts which the United Nations meetings make possible can contribute, even in a modest way, to promoting progress in this direction, our efforts will not be in vain.
184.	For some years now an atmosphere of pessimism and gloom has pervaded our meetings. During the past year tensions have continued unabated and have been exacerbated by the reckless behaviour of some countries, particularly in the Middle East. The process of detente has been seriously undermined by the infringement of the ' principles of the Helsinki Final Act. The world economy, for developed and developing countries alike, is plagued by serious crises. It suffers from the absence of a determined move towards a more just international economic order.
185.	Many intractable problems are being discussed in the United Nations. The solution to them has been frustrated for many years. However, one glimmer of hope is that in some instances a breakthrough may be achieved if the parties involved can work out reasonable negotiating positions.

186.	One such example is the question of Cyprus. We all know the long history of the drama of that island since 1963, as well as the troubled course of the negotiations between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities.
187.	Recently an important, perhaps crucial, crossroads was reached in the intercommunal talks, which have been under way without interruption for over a year now under the auspices of the SecretaryGeneral and in accordance with his opening statement of 9 August 1980.3 That fact in itself augurs well for the future. The SecretaryGeneral's determined efforts towards a settlement in Cyprus are most commendable. I wish to reiterate my Government's full support for his mission of good offices in the intercommunal talks.
188.	The Government of Hirkey notes with much satisfaction that on 5 August 1981 [A/36/702] the Ibrkish Cypriot side submitted comprehensive proposals on all aspects of the problem. In search of a just and lasting settlement, these include proposals on the future constitutional structure as well as on territory. It is particularly significant that the Ibrkish Cypriot proposals on territory are embodied in a map. Thus the longstanding Greek Cypriot demand that the Ibrkish Cypriots should submit a map has been met.
189.	The Turkish Government appreciates the sacrifice made by the Turkish community and the considerable risk it has assumed in undertaking this initiative by presenting such comprehensive proposals without insisting on reciprocal conditions. The Turkish community did so out of its commitment to a negotiated settlement and in the belief that progress is possible only if the two sides engage in earnest give and take.
190.	Notwithstanding the fearful memories of the brutal past and of the days of oppression and discrimination they have experienced, the Turkish Cypriots in a bold move have offered to the Greek Cypriots reconciliation and partnership. This is indeed a historic moment. It should not be allowed to slip away by those who succumb to policies of procrastination because of their lack of vision or their vested interest in the maintenance of the status quo.
191.	The time is most propitious for the Greek Cypriot side to reciprocate with meaningful counter-proposals to enable the negotiating process to gain momentum towards a settlement. Such a solution, ac cording to the well known position of my Government, must ensure the fundamental rights of the Turkish Cypriot community, which aspires to live side by side as an equal partner with the Greek Cypriot community in a bi-communal and bi-zonal State, which could wisely adopt a policy of nonalignment if it so wished.
*
192.	In Cyprus there has been another encouraging development in the past year, namely, the agreement reached between the two communities to establish a committee for the investigation of the fate of missing persons. This shows that when the two sides act with patience and perseverance and refrain from polemics, progress is possible even in highly sensitive areas. That committee is expected to achieve real progress, provided that all parties act in conformity with the terms of reference agreed upon.
193.	A settlement of the Cyprus problem would no doubt greatly improve the atmosphere in the relations between Turkey and Greece, which have special links with the two communities on the island and great stakes in a Cypriot settlement. They are not, however, directly involved in the inter-communal negotiating process. Theirs is a moral obligation to facilitate and encourage the inter-communal dialog in any way they can.
194.	On the other hand, Turkey and Greece continue to be beset by serious problems in their bilateral relations. Since 1976 they have been engaged in a process of negotiation to resolve them. Turkey, for its part, has done all it can to inject a conciliatory spirit into these negotiations. Despite the frustrating lack of progress in this dialog so far, Turkey will persevere in negotiations, hoping that eventually avenues will be opened for constructive results. But it is imperative that while the negotiating process is under way both parties exercise the utmost restraint.
195.	The temptations to try for faits accomplis or unilateral advantages should be strongly resisted if grave consequences are to be avoided. The rational path for both countries is to continue their dialog with balanced perceptions, taking each other's interests into account.
196.	There is a truly universal problem which has in recent years reached alarming and unprecedented levels. I am referring to international terrorism. Throughout the world, in many societies of otherwise vast differences, terrorism is taking a high toll of innocent human lives, challenging stability, disrupting daily life and endangering the territorial integrity of nations.
197.	A clarification is in order before I proceed, since the word "terrorism" can have different meanings for different people. We certainly do not consider as terrorist activities the national liberation struggles recognized by the United Nations and international regional organizations. We support the legitimate struggle of national liberation movements against all forms of colonialism, foreign occupation and oppression. Terrorism, as we understand it, involves those illegal acts directed against the social stability and territorial integrity of existing States. This type of terrorism aims at the disintegration of societies through chaos and anarchy.
198.	It is this scourge that has afflicted my country the past few years, shaking the very fabric of Turkish society and infiltrating all of its sectors and institutions. Thousands of innocent persons have fallen as its victims. Prior to September last year an average of 20 people had been losing their lives every day as a result of terrorist acts. Our social structure faced disintegration, while political life was totally paralyzed. It was this anarchy and violence which prompted the military intervention of 12 September 1980. Since then, the overriding task of my Government has been the fight against terrorism.
199.	This fight is being carried on with perseverance. So far the achievement is as impressive as the disclosures are shocking. The illegal arms and ammunition captured have reached astonishing levels. By 15 August 1981 the number of small arms confiscated totaled 730,574, and over 5 million rounds of ammunition had been seized. Confiscated illegal weapons even include rocket launchers and howitzers. Such a stock of arms and ammunition could easily equip an entire army.
200.	We in Turkey are about to win this struggle against terrorism on such an incredible scale. Turkish society is once again free from fear and enjoying its basic right  the right to life. But our findings clearly indicate that terrorism of this magnitude could not have been organized with only domestic means and resources. In fact, terrorism in Turkey was financed and supported clandestinely from abroad. As long as violence is backed by one or more foreign States, there will be other societies in the future which will also be victimized.
201.	International terrorism is a threat not only to individual countries but also to the orderly conduct of international relations. Assaults against diplomats and diplomatic missions around the world have become frequent occurrences. Turkish diplomats have been the foremost targets of brutal acts of terrorism. Only last week the Turkish Consulate in Paris became the most recent target of a violent attack by terrorists. This senseless act resulted in a tragedy involving the murder of an official and the wounding of a diplomat.
202.	General Assembly resolution 35/168, on the protection of diplomatic and consular agents and premises, is an important step. We hope that this resolution will provide for the beginning of comprehensive international cooperation. Turkey reaffirms its readiness to provide full cooperation for the adoption of effective measures for the prevention and suppression of all acts of terrorism. We urge the United Nations to take specific steps to combat this kind of violence, We call upon all countries to take a categorical stand against terrorist acts whenever and wherever they occur under whatever pretext. All countries should also individually strengthen their measures against terrorism at the national level. They should further promote bilateral and regional cooperation. Among concrete measures, appropriate arrangements could be considered for the control of small arms sales between private companies.
203.	In this context I should like to touch upon the question of drug abuse, to which Turkey has always attached primary importance. The problem directly concerns the social stability and national security of nations. It has reached alarming levels and should no longer be tolerated. We have repeatedly drawn the attention of the international community to the threat posed by drug abuse and called for concerted action against this evil. As we have said on many occasions, there are strong links between arms smuggling and drug trafficking. There are strong indications that the same underground organizations are engaged in both activities.
204.	It is with these considerations in mind that we welcome the inclusion in the agenda of an item proposed by Bolivia, entitled "International campaign against traffic in drugs" [item 129}. We believe that the United Nations should look into this problem in all its aspects, with particular reference to the links between arms smuggling and illicit traffic in drugs.
205.	Relations between East and West have suffered setbacks in recent years. At a time when the overall East West relationship is very strained, it is of particular importance to revive the process of negotiations on arms control and disarmament. For these negotiations, if successful, can enhance security at lower levels of armaments and, at the same time, help sustain the process of detente by providing tangible benefits through dialog.
206.	We therefore welcome the joint decision of the United States and the USSR, reached during last week's meeting between Secretary of State Haig and Foreign Minister Gromyko, to begin negotiations on nuclear arms later in the year. We hope that these talks will pave the way for the limitation and substantial reduction in tactical nuclear forces as well as in strategic nuclear arms.
207.	Another component of the dialog between the East and the West is the follow-up to the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Turkey earnestly hopes that it will prove feasible to achieve an agreement in Madrid on a balanced and substantial concluding document, including a mandate for a European disarmament conference. This proposed conference in Europe could be a major qualitative step in the process of confidence-building, which is indispensable for successful disarmament efforts.
208.	I should like to state once again our objectives in the field of arms control. We strongly  favor the continuation of the talks on strategic nuclear arms. We support the efforts for the achievement of a multilateral comprehensive test-ban treaty. We attach importance to the conclusion of a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons. We endorse the evolution of an effective non proliferation regime based on the Treaty on the NonProliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We share the objective of limiting and reducing conventional forces, and in particular a mutual and balanced reduction of forces in Europe.
209. Turkey remains committed to those objectives. Turkey is also eager to bring its contribution to the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We expect that session to produce tangible progress by facilitating worldwide disarmament negotiations, defining the conceptual framework for those negotiations and setting the criteria and principles for carrying out the important preparatory work.
21Q. The complex situation in the Middle East continues to be of central concern to the entire international community. It contains an explosive potential for a conflict threatening world peace. By virtue of its geographical location as well as its historical close ties with the countries of the region, TUrkey has been following with particular concern the increasing tensions in the area. From this rostrum, Turkey has on several occasions made clear its firm stand on the question of Palestine, which constitutes the core of the Middle East conflict. I want to reaffirm that we consider the following elements to be indispensable for a comprehensive, lasting and just settlement: withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Al Quds Al Sharif; recognition and realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish an independent State in their own territory; the right of every State in the region to live within secure and recognized boundaries; the participation of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, in all peace efforts on an equal footing with the other interested parties to the conflict; and the maintenance of the Arab and Islamic character of the Holy City of Al Quds Al Sharif, and the rejection of the arbitrary unilateral change in its status, which is a flagrant violation of international law.
211.	It is encouraging that the countries of the region are displaying fresh interest in and eagerness for a comprehensive settlement, which is long overdue. The plan recently put forward by the Government of Saudi Arabia is a case in point. The overall positive reaction it has received in the region reaffirms that the Arab countries are prepared to seek a just peace.
212.	In addition, the efforts of the European Community for a comprehensive settlement are commendable. If pursued, they promise to make valuable contributions to the quest for peace. We were gratified to hear last week [8th meeting] from Lord Carrington, the current President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, that the members of the Community will pursue their efforts energetically to promote a peaceful settlement.
213.	Yet if all those efforts are to be given a chance, there must be a fundamental change in the present policies of the Government of Israel. In the course of the past year it has become all the more evident that Israeli policies based on aggression, intransigence and arrogance constitute the principal source of tension and instability in the Middle East. In a demonstration of incredible shortsightedness, Israel recklessly imperils its avowed objective of living peacefully with its neighbors. No nation has ever been able to attain security for itself through the annexation of territory, the denial of the rights of others and a self-righteous rejection of the legitimate interests of its neighbors.
214.	During conflicts, acts of violence serve only to complicate the search for a settlement. In utter disregard of this basic fact, Israel has escalated and widened its attacks in recent months. The premeditated aggression against the nuclear reactor in Iraq and the indiscriminate bombing of Lebanon demonstrate that Israel recognizes no limits to its policy bent on domination.
215.	Indeed, the Israeli intervention in Lebanon tremendously complicates the fragile and tenuous situation in that country. Turkey believes that an end to the human suffering in Lebanon can only be secured within a framework that would ensure the unity, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country. We welcome and support the valuable work of the quadripartite committee of the League of Arab States towards that objective. The ceasefire in southern Lebanon has been a positive achievement. We hope that all parties will cooperate with UNIFIL to enable it to carry out its mandate in southern Lebanon.
216.	The ongoing war between Iraq and Iran constitutes another threat to peace and security in the region. Those countries are our neighbors, with whom we have historical ties of friendship, and we feel distressed to see them remain engaged in armed hostility. The war offers nothing other than more suffering, damage and destabilization. It must, therefore, be brought to a speedy end. Turkey has maintained strict neutrality with regard to the conflict. We have shown the utmost care to observe that neutrality and will continue to do so. We have also taken an active part in the multilateral efforts to bring about a reconciliation between our two neighbors within the Peace Committee of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. We shall pursue those efforts. We appreciate the parallel initiatives of the SecretaryGeneral as well as those of nonaligned countries in search of peace between Iran and Iraq.
217.	In the face of turmoil and disunity in the area, the formation of the Gulf Cooperation Council has been a most timely initiative. Turkey fully supports the objectives of its founding members in this undertaking.
218.	The tragic situation in Afghanistan is a source of particular concern and distress for Turkey. Turks have enjoyed a common history, traditional friendship and fraternal bonds with the Afghan people. We strongly wish that their tragedy would soon come to an end. However, the situation created by outside intervention in Afghanistan in breach of the Charter of the United Nations remains unchanged. It poses a serious threat to regional and global peace and stability. Turkey believes that only a political solution can be found to this crisis. Such a settlement should restore to the Afghan people their righi to self government and ensure the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the country, as well as the cessation of all foreign interference. There have been several recent efforts to achieve a solution. We support the initiatives of the Islamic Conference, the European Community and the SecretaryGeneral in this field.
219.	The pressing problems in southern Africa still await solution. As a founding member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Hirkey follows the prevailing situation in southern Africa with anxiety and apprehension.
220.	The illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa is an impermissible act which cannot be condoned under any pretext or justification. We extend unreserved support to the people of Namibia in their arduous struggle to achieve self-determination, freedom and national independence under their legitimate representative, SWAPO. A peaceful solution in Namibia can come about only through the implementation of the United Nations plan in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The breakdown of the pre-implementation meeting at Geneva last January, because of South African intransigence, has delayed the implementation of that resolution. We are satisfied that the five nations that make up the contact group on Namibia have now achieved progress towards the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) after consultations with the parties. The statement issued last week by the contact group promises the long-awaited breakthrough, and we sincerely hope the group will be able to lead the way to the independence of Namibia in 1982.
221.	In South Africa itself, the Pretoria regime persists in its policy of apartheid in total disregard of the insistent demands of the international community. It has in fact stepped up its policy of bantustanization. It is dismaying that the trends in South Africa promise only accelerating violence and further conflict. That situation poses a danger to peace and stability in the region. In line with our traditional stand against all forms of oppression and discrimination, we shall continue to advocate the adoption of further effective sanctions against the racist minority regime in South Africa.
222.	Turkey has also condemned the South African aggression against Angola. It is a violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country, involving loss of life, human suffering and material damage.
223.	Kampuchea is another international issue which continues to elude a settlement. The Kampuchean question requires a comprehensive political solution that would enable its people to choose their Government without coercion or intervention from outside.
224.	The International Conference on Kampuchea held last July has provided a new impetus. Turkey regards the Declaration of that Conference  as a practical and sound basis for a settlement.
225.	I should like to express our appreciation for the efforts of the humanitarian agencies which are doing their utmost to help the Kampuchean people and the refugees. Their admirable work has helped to alleviate much of the suffering. Improvement in the humanitarian conditions can help in tackling the political problems.
226.	We are all aware of the immense challenge the world is facing in the economic field. Its dimensions are not only economic but human, .social and political as well. When we speak of a more just world economic order we do so in the firm knowledge that if we fail to achieve it in a reasonable span of time, the ensuing tension and confrontations will fatally undermine the prospects of international peace? and cooperation.
227.	The longterm problems with which we have to deal are at present clouded by changes which affect expectations in growth patterns and energy. The economic fabric of the world is undermined by continued high inflation, high interest rates, restrictive financial policies, recession, unemployment^ currency fluctuations and increased protectionism.
228.	The negative effects of these unfavorable trends in the world economy are no doubt felt acutely in the developing countries. Trade between developing and developed countries this most dynamic and positive feature of the world economy during the last decade has been severely limited. In this context we note with growing concern that import restrictions, as well as such policies as subsidies, export credits and other protectionist mechanisms, have become increasingly widespread. In our view the developed countries should try to resolve their sectoral problems through restructuring rather than protectionist measures. It is in this way that all countries could be fully integrated into a multilateral trade system.
229.	Another weakness in the economies of the developing countries is the increase in their foreign debt burden caused by their growing balance of payments deficits, high interest rates and interest rate fluctuations. The problem could be alleviated by recycling the surplus of oil exporting countries and by strengthening the compensatory mechanism of the existing financial institutions. We commend the step already taken in this direction by some members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC], in particular Saudi Arabia.
230.	The world economy is moving inevitably towards interdependence. This constitutes an opportunity for common progress towards more fairly shared prosperity. In order to ensure worldwide economic security, international cooperation should be strengthened in a global context in which the mutual interests and responsibilities of the developed and developing countries could better "be defined, harmonized and promoted. We believe, therefore, that we should provide a new momentum to the NorthSouth dialog, which is now stalled. We hope that the NorthSouth meeting in Cancun will pave the way for a new determination to tackle all of the vital problems of the world economy, reaffirm the need for cooperation on a global scale, and lead to the beginning of global negotiations.
231.	In this context, we should like to commend the invaluable efforts of the President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, Mr. von Wechmar.
232.	We are pleased to see that progress has been made, particularly in two major areas relating to development issues.
233.	The conclusion of the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi last month, should have a significant bearing on the search for global solutions to energy problems that affect the developed and developing countries alike. We welcome the program of Action adopted at the Conference, However, it is not enough that a Program of Action has been successfully produced at that Conference. A reasonable way of financing it should ensue if we want the program to get off the ground.
234.	We also welcome the successful conclusion of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held in Paris, and we earnestly hope that it will be followed by positive and concrete results which will help the least-developed countries to overcome their fundamental problems. We welcome the program of Action adopted at that Conference within the framework of which a target of 0.15 per cent of gross national product has been envisaged as aid for the least developed countries. Although we do not think that this figure is a satisfactory one, we strongly hope that this is a minimum target, that it will receive universal acceptance and that the commitments made at the Conference by the donor countries will soon be transformed into reality.
235.	The increasing vulnerability of the world economy calls for substantial and structural solutions. To restrict the issues to food, energy and macroeconomic balances will not be sufficient. The world economy requires wide ranging global structural measures rather than remedies of a partial and sectoral nature.
236.	On the other hand, several developing countries are suffering economic bottlenecks while seeking urgent solutions to their problems. The agenda of the global negotiations should, therefore, encompass all the aspects of the process of a new world economic order. The breakthrough can come only when the economic growth of the developing countries is considered as an essential element in the sustained development of the rich nations and their interests are regarded as complementary and compatible, not conflicting and irreconcilable.
237.	As a developing country Turkey has dealt with development issues ever since its foundation in 1923 and has accumulated valuable experience in this area. It is for this very reason that Turkey feels great sympathy for the developing countries and supports them fully in their fight to eradicate poverty.
238.	In the same spirit, over the years TUrkey has wholeheartedly given its support to many of the initiatives taken within UNCTAD and has contributed to the realization of many of them, such as the Generalized System of Preferences, the Integrated program for Commodities, and the Common Fund.
239.	Another field to which Turkey attaches great importance is economic cooperation among developing countries. Against the background of bleak world economic conditions, there is no doubt that progress reached in this area would contribute immensely to the solution of many of the problems confronting these countries.
240.	Turkey has been quite active in this field, both within the framework of UNCTAD, in particular within the framework of the Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries, and of GATT, and believes that the Organization of the Islamic Conference is one of the appropriate forums where such cooperation can be meaningfully pursued.
241.	We are resolved to participate in and contribute to the greatest extent possible to such endeavors among the developing countries.
242.	As the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly gets under way, we in Turkey are celebrating the centennial of the founder of our Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk. We would like to recall one of his principal dictums in the field of international relations: "Peace at home, peace abroad". History has time and again shown how perceptive Ataturk's observation was, pointing as it does to the interaction of domestic and foreign affairs. Turkey, in observance of this principle and ideal, will continue to promote peace whether at home or abroad.


144.	Mr. President, first of all, allow me to extend to you our warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It is indeed a matter of deep gratification for my delegation that this honor has been accorded to an Asian country, a founding member of the nonaligned movement with whom my country entertains cordial friendship and fruitful cooperation. We are convinced that with your rich experience at the United Nations and with your personal qualities of a seasoned diplomat you will guide the work of the Assembly to successful results.
145.	It is also a great pleasure for me to welcome the delegations of the Republic of Vanuatu and of Belize, whose countries have just been admitted to the United Nations. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam would like to express its desire to have relations of friendship and cooperation with these two new Members of the Organization.
146.	This session of the General Assembly is being held at a particularly critical moment, when the gains achieved in international peace and detente and the independence and security of nations are being seriously challenged.
147.	Since the end of the 1970s, warmongering circles in the United States have escalated the arms race, revived the cold war and sabotaged the process of international detente. At present, this adventurous policy is being stepped up to an alarming extent, causing legitimate concern throughout the world: seeking military superiority, refusing to ratify SALT II, delaying negotiations on disarmament, increasing the military budgets to a record level, deploying medium-range nuclear missiles in Western Europe, greatly increasing the so-called rapid deployment forces, increasing military aid to Israel, the South African racists and other dictatorial regimes, escalating acts of interference and subversion against national liberation movements and independent countries and, most recently, the decision to manufacture the neutron bomb, notwithstanding the opposition of public opinion, including public opinion in the United States itself.
148.	In order to deceive public opinion, the Reagan Administration uses the pretext of "the struggle against international terrorism" to unleash a noisy campaign of slander against the socialist countries, the nonaligned countries and the national liberation movements. This is the well-known trick of the arsonist calling "Fire", aimed at discrediting the just struggles of peoples for their independence and the support of the socialist countries for national liberation movements. It is an attempt to exonerate the United States from blame for its acts of terrorism, such as wars of aggression, armed interventions, indiscriminate massacres of civilian populations, acts of subversion and coups d'etat, the assassination of leaders of sovereign countries and deliberate acts of military provocation, etc. terrorism the more criminal because it is perpetrated against peoples, against their right to self determination, independence and international security.
149.	The slanderous allegation of the use of chemical weapons in Kampuchea, Laos and Afghanistan is a pure propaganda maneuver by the United States to camouflage its frenetic arms race, especially nuclear arms, its decision to manufacture the neutron bomb, its criminal use of bacteriological weapons against the population, crops and livestock of Cuba, and finally the chemical warfare formerly waged by the United States in South Viet Nam, the serious consequences of which still affect several generations of the civilian population of Viet Nam, as well as hundreds of thousands of American veterans and veterans of its allies in the war in Indo-China.
150.	The militarist policies of the United States Government are becoming ever more dangerous with the closer collusion between imperialism and hegemonism, the most recent manifestation of which was the decision to sell sophisticated weapons to China, a decision which has given rise to legitimate concern in the countries of Asia, in particular those of SouthEast Asia. It is obvious that military cooperation and the strategic coordination of these two biggest forces of aggression create a direct threat to the peace and security of the peoples, first and foremost those in Asia. The war of attrition on all fronts against the three countries of Indo-China, the undeclared war against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, the increased arms deliveries to Pakistan and Thailand, the military provocations and the acts of subversion and destabilization against the legal Governments of the countries of SouthEast Asia are living proof of that SinoAmerican strategy.
151.	Contrary to the fine sounding rhetoric of the American Secretary of State at the rostrum of the Assembly about the supposed American development strategy, the United States has practiced a policy of obstruction in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, blocked the global economic negotiations and rejected the legitimate demands of the developing countries for a just and equitable new international economic order, thus exacerbating the already very serious economic difficulties of those countries. The international community must firmly condemn the attempt by the United States to use the aid of international organizations within and outside the United Nations system as a political weapon to exert pressure on the developing countries, which is contrary to the purposes and principles of those organizations.
152.	Following a policy that is diametrically opposed, the socialist countries persevere in the pursuit of peace, detente and international security, the settling of international differences by negotiation, and of peaceful coexistence.
153.	The Vietnamese people highly values the peace program for this decade put forward by President Leonid Brezhnev at the twenty-sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.2 They support the important peace initiatives put forward by the Soviet Union just before and during this session of the General Assembly, including the draft declaration on the prevention of a nuclear catastrophe.6 These initiatives are imbued with a spirit of responsibility with regard to the destiny of all peoples and are eloquent manifestations of the policy of peace which is a matter of principle for the Soviet Union. They will contribute to improving; the international climate and consolidating world peace and security.
154.	Likewise, we welcome the tireless efforts made by the socialist countries, the nonaligned movement and peace-loving forces to reduce tension, achieve disarmament and promote peaceful coexistence. In particular, we support the initiative of the Mongolian People's Republic on the signing of a convention on nonaggression and non-recourse to the use of force in relations among countries in Asia and the Pacific [A!36!388],
155.	While persevering in their policies of peace and peaceful coexistence, the socialist countries are just as determined to defend their revolutionary gains and strongly support the struggle of peoples to win and defend their independence and freedom and to build a new life in the way that each has freely chosen.
156.	The people of Viet Nam reaffirms its staunch solidarity with and fraternal support for the Polish people in their struggle against internal reactionary forces and imperialist interference and for the defense of socialism in Poland. We are convinced that the Polish people, with the support of the Soviet Union and the socialist community, will emerge victorious from this difficult and complex struggle.
157.	Defying all the hostile maneuvers of the Washington Government, the Republic of Cuba continues to gain strength in every way and to go forward with dignity and confidence. Its achievements, at the cost of heroic efforts, are an example to all peoples struggling for the ideals of peace, independence, freedom and socialism. Firmly siding with the brother Cuban people, the Vietnamese people demands that the United States keep its hands off Cuba, put an end to the economic blockade, sabotage, blackmail and threats against that brother country and restore to Cuba the Guantanamo base, which has been illegally occupied.
158.	In Asia the Vietnamese people fully supports the just struggle of the Afghan people to safeguard its independence and sovereignty and the gains of the April revolution. We strongly condemn the undeclared war of the imperialists, the hegemonists and other reactionaries, whose aim is to interfere in the internal affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The recent proposals of the Government of Afghanistan, contained in the declaration of 24 August 1981 [A/36/457], are realistic and constructive and could provide a basis for a political solution leading to the normalization of the situation in that region.
159.	With its foreign policy of peace, independence and nonalignment, the Republic of India is making a great contribution to resolving international problems and has become an important factor for peace, development and security in Asia and throughout the world. The decision of the Indian Government to recognize the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the assistance it is giving in the reconstruction of that martyred country are striking illustrations of that wise policy.
160.	We support the endeavors of India, Madagascar and other countries to make the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. We are in favor of convening as soon as possible the International Conference on the Indian Ocean, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and of the nonaligned movement. The imperialists must put an end to their military presence and dismantle their existing bases, including that on Diego Garcia.
161.	Together with progressive forces of mankind, the Vietnamese people vehemently condemns the bloody escalation of the Israeli Zionists since the Camp David deals against the people of Palestine and the peoples of other Arab countries, in particular the indiscriminate shelling of the civilian population in Lebanon and the bombing of the peaceful nuclear research center in Iraq. A just and equitable solution to the situation in that region cannot be found without the participation of the PLO, the sole authentic representative of the Palestinian people, and must be based on the total elimination of the consequences of Israel's aggression and the full exercise of the fundamental national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to establish its own independent, sovereign State.
162.	Cherishing the cause of peace and the solidarity peoples confronting imperialism, Viet Nam expresses the wish that the armed conflict between Iraq and Iran can be resolved speedily through negotiation.
163.	We express our solidarity with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its just struggle for the peaceful reunification of Korea without foreign interference.
164.	In Africa, the world is now witnessing the seething and victorious struggle of the peoples of that continent to eliminate the last bastions of colonialism, racism and apartheid supported by imperialism. The Vietnamese people staunchly supports the struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO and that of the South African people under the leadership of the African National Congress, using all means at their disposal to exercise their right to self-determination and true independence. Accordingly, we fully support the recent resolutions of the OAU and the one adopted at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, on the question of Namibia.
165.	The Vietnamese people gives it fraternal support to the struggle of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and other front-line countries in defense of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of their respective countries and vehemently condemns the South African racists and the UNITA7 traitors, maintained by the imperialists and international reaction, which are opposing the People's Republic of Angola.
166.	The Vietnamese people values highly the firm positions expressed in the tripartite treaty between the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen and Ethiopia to safeguard the sovereignty of each country and the security of the region. It reaffirms its total support for the just struggle of the people of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, under the leadership of the POLISARIO Front, for its right to self-determination and independence. Likewise, it supports the struggle of the people of Cyprus to safeguard the unity and territorial integrity of their country.
167.	The Latin American continent is now the theater of a vast movement of opposition to the policy of intervention and destabilization by the United States. We resolutely support the people and Government of National Reconstruction of Nicaragua and the people and Government of Grenada in their work of building and national defense. Our support is likewise accorded to the struggle of the people and Government of Panama to ensure the full sovereignty of Panama over the Canal Zone. Likewise, the valiant struggle of the peoples of Puerto Rico and Chile, and the heroic struggle of the people of El Salvador, led by the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front of El Salvador, enjoy the sympathy and active support of our people.
168.	The General Assembly is preparing to celebrate solemnly the twentieth anniversary of the first Conference of Heads of State or Government of NonAligned Countries. During these two decades the nonaligned movement, firmly devoted to its goals of anti-imperialist struggle and strengthening solidarity within the movement and with other forces for peace and progress, has overcome all trials, has continued to develop and has become an important political force in the world, making a worthy contribution to the straggle of peoples for their political independence and economic sovereignty and to international peace and security.
169.	The present situation in SouthEast Asia remains a cause for concern among the international community. Some have tried to create confusion about what has been happening in recent years in that region, but the facts suffice to show up any distortion. Facts are more convincing than any rhetoric; they help us distinguish truth from falsehood, good from bad.
170.	Public opinion is enlightened daily regarding the primary danger that is threatening the independence and security of the SouthEast Asian countries as well as peace and stability in the region. A number of experienced observers agree that, after the fiasco of their actions against Kampuchea, Viet Nam and Laos during 1979 and 1980, the Peking authorities, in collusion with the United States, are now striving to wage a real war of attrition on all fronts against the three countries of Indo-China. There is a concentration of 400,000 troops near the SinoVietnamese border; there is a permanent threat of Viet Nam being invaded a second time; there is a proliferation of provocative activities and armed conflicts along the SinoVietnamese border and the LaosChina border; traitors are being mustered and mercenaries are being recruited to foment disturbances and to undertake subversive activities in their countries of origin; the psychological war is being intensified and there is a press campaign on a world scale against Viet Nam, as well as an economic blockade, etc. Everything is being done to exert pressure on Viet Nam and the other countries of Indo-China, to weaken and subjugate them. In particular, the Peking authorities have increased their food and arms supplies to the Pol Pot remnants and other reactionary Khmers. They are doing all they can to establish the so called united front of various groups of Khmer reactionaries, in order to camouflage the maintenance of the genocidal clique of Pol Pot.
171.	What should be underscored here is that this policy of Peking, which is hostile to the three countries of Indo-China, is sanctioned and encouraged by Washington. Continuing to play the Chinese card, the warmongers of the United States openly call for maximum pressure on all fronts political, diplomatic, economic and even military -to bleed Viet Nam. Those who want to use force to try to subjugate Viet Nam and other countries in Indo-China should remember the lessons of the very recent past.
172.	The Peking authorities have not yet abandoned their traditional policy of interference in and sowing discord among the countries of SouthEast Asia. On the one hand, Peking is bending over backwards to be nice to the countries of the region; on the other hand, it refuses to halt its support for armed groups of pseudo-revolutionaries in their subversive activities and is causing civil war and internal conflicts in a number of countries. It is not abandoning any of its baseless claims on onshore or offshore territories of most of its neighbors and is continuing its illegal occupation of parts of the territory of those countries, including the Vietnamese archipelago of Hoang Sa (the Paracels). For decades China has been arbitrarily including the greater part of the South China Sea within its territorial waters, thus denying the sovereign rights of the other coastal countries of SouthEast Asia over their
exclusive economic zones and the continental shelf.
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173.	Wide sectors of public opinion and even the leaders of the countries of the Association of SouthEast Asian Nations [ASEAN] are realizing more clearly each day that it is the hegemonist and expansionist policy of China which constitutes the greatest danger to peace and stability in the region.
174.	The events of these last three years have clearly shown that, contrary to the expectations of its enemies, Viet Nam has not collapsed. On the contrary, thanks to its just policy, its own efforts and the fraternal assistance of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, as well as the support given by numerous friends throughout the world, Viet Nam is busy gradually overcoming the enormous difficulties bequeathed to it by more than 30 years of wars of foreign aggression and successive natural calamities, and we are concentrating all our efforts to rebuild and defend our homeland.
175.	The Lao people, hardworking and creative, united and vigilant, has for its part recorded great achievements in its national reconstruction. It has also caused the failure of various attempts at interference and subversive activities on the part of the Peking expansionists, while staunchly defending its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. In foreign policy, while fostering solidarity with Viet Nam, Kampuchea and the socialist community, the Lao People's Democratic Republic is playing a growing role in the cause of peace, stability and cooperation in Indo-China and in SouthEast Asia. Furthermore, it is sparing no effort to transform the border between Laos and Thailand into a border of peace, friendship and cooperation.
176.	What arouses worldwide admiration is the rapid renaissance of the Kampuchean people. In less than three years this valiant people, which survived the terrible genocide carried out by the Pol Pot clique, has driven back famine and is now reorganizing its social and family life. The economic, cultural and religious activities of the country are being gradually normalized. The Kampuchean people, master of its destiny, has held truly free and democratic general elections throughout the whole country to elect at all levels its organs of State power sand to adopt its constitution. These great achievements have unequivocally demonstrated that the People's Republic of
Kampuchea is an independent and sovereign State and that the Kampuchean people, having fully exercised its right to self-determination, is now resolutely marching along its freely chosen path.
177.	The Pol Pot clique, which felled millions of Kampucheans with hoes and axes, which some, at this rostrum, still cynically call "patriots", has no place in any part of the territory of Kampuchea. To continue to recognize those butchers as representatives of the Kampuchean people in the United Nations is an insult to the memory of the 3 million victims of Pol Pot's genocide and to the martyr people that is busy reconstructing its country. It is gross interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and a flagrant violation of the right to self-determination of the Kampuchean people, completely contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Such an attitude only encourages Chinese expansionism, worsens tension in SouthEast Asia and prevents the United Nations from playing its rightful role in trying to resolve the problems of peace and security in the region. Justice and law demand that an end be put to this absurd situation. The Pol Pot clique must be expelled from the Organization and Kampuchea's seat at the United Nations restored to the State Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the sole legal authentic representative of the Kampuchean people.
178.	The facts of the last three years prove that if there is a threat to the security of the ASEAN countries and to the peace and stability of the region, it does not come from the countries of Indo-China but from the hegemonis tic and expansionist policies of the Peking authorities. Throughout history, Viet Nam has never invaded the ASEAN countries; on the contrary, Thailand has three times invaded Viet Nam and several times committed acts of aggression against Laos and Kampuchea. A number of member countries of ASEAN, in varying degrees, assisted the United States in its war of aggression against the three countries of Indo-China.
179.	The peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, through their selfless struggle against external aggression, have contributed to the establishment of a new period favorable to independence, peace and stability in SouthEast Asia. At the present time, the fact that the Kampuchean people toppled the Pol Pot regime, the Lao people is struggling successfully against interference and subversive activities on the part of Peking and the Vietnamese people is advancing with sure steps in the reconstruction and defense of its homeland after having repelled Chinese aggression means they have made an effective contribution in stemming the danger of hegemony and expansion by Peking in this region. Through its foreign policy of peace, independence, friendship and international cooperation, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, together with the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, constitutes an important positive factor in preserving peace and stability in this strategic region of the world.
180.	Some people attempt to ascribe the lack of peace and stability in SouthEast Asia to the so-called expansionism of the Soviet Union or to VietnameseSoviet relations. The facts have proved that over the last four decades, among the five permanent members of the Security Council, the Soviet Union is the only country
which has never waged wars of aggression against any of the countries of SouthHast Asia. On the contrary, it has resolutely sided with the peoples of Indo-China in their patriotic struggle against foreign aggression thus contributing to the consolidation of the independence and security of the three countries of Indo-China and to safeguarding peace and stability in SouthEast Asia. It is also quite clear that VietnameseSoviet relations do not threaten any third country.
181.	At present, in order to restore peace and stability in SouthEast Asia it is necessary to put an end to the policy of intervention, aggression, and threats of war pursued by the Chinese hegemonists in collusion with imperialists and other reactionaries in opposition to the independence, sovereignty and security of the countries of the region. The key to the so-called problem of Kampuchea, if there is one, lies in resolving the contradictions that really exist between China and the three countries of Indo-China, and not the fictitious contradiction between these latter countries and those of ASEAN.
182.	In the past the peoples of the three countries of Indo-China always acted in solidarity and coordinated their struggle for the independence and the freedom of each. History has shown that this solidarity is vital for each of our three peoples, since we have always had to struggle against aggressors which were much stronger than we and which ceaselessly divided us and pitted us against each other in order to weaken us and to annex all three countries.
183.	In the present circumstances, confronted with the serious threat to their national independence and security, the three IndoChinese countries have no alternative but to unite once more and to help one another in the struggle against the aggressor. The right of legitimate individual and collective self-defense of the peoples of the IndoChinese peninsula is one that is expressly recognized for all peoples in the Charter of the United Nations. Regrettably, certain speakers at this rostrum have deliberately sown confusion between the aggressor and the victim of aggression and denied the victim's sacred right to self-defense. Likewise, they have ignored the facts of the recent Chinese war of aggression against Viet Nam and passed in silence over the presence of dozens of divisions of Chinese troops along the SinoVietnamese border, which have daily committed countless crimes against the Vietnamese inhabitants in the border areas, while the Chinese threaten aggression against Viet Nam for a second time.
184.	With regard to the-presence of Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea, the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and that of the People's Republic of Kampuchea have repeatedly stated that that presence is only temporary and that it is intended only to counter the threat by China acting in collusion with the imperialists and is not directed against any third country. Once that threat has ceased and on the basis of a common agreement between the two countries, those troops will be withdrawn from Kampuchea. At the present time, if peace and stability are secured along the Thai Kamuchean border, Viet Nam and Kampuchea will agree on a partial withdrawal of those troops. The three IndoChinese countries have, furthermore, proposed the establishment of a demilitarized zone on both sides of the Thai Kampuchean border, with some form of international monitoring to be agreed upon by both sides.
185.	The position of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea on this subject is explicit: any United Nations resolution with regard to Kampuchea will be null and void if the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has not participated in its elaboration and given its agreement and if the United Nations continues to permit the genocidal Pol Pot clique and its fellow plotters to usurp Kampuchea's seat in the Organization. The so-called International Conference on Kampuchea, convened on the basis of a fictitious situation, is merely a political intrigue on the part of its authors in an attempt to intervene in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, an independent and sovereign State. The Ad Hoc Committee produced by that Conference, the legalization of which is now being attempted by means of a General Assembly resolution, is nothing but a subterfuge for the purpose of misusing United Nations machinery to impose upon this sovereign State a so-called comprehensive political solution, one that the people and Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea have firmly rejected.
186.	The behavior of the Chinese delegation at that Conference left no room for doubt in that regard: China is determined at all costs to resolve the matter by military means so as to impose the genocidal Pol Pot clique on the Kampuchean people once again.
187.	For their part, the ASEAN countries, while stating that they are in favor of dialog, in fact show themselves to be accomplices or at least acquiescent in Peking's intrigues. It is clear that this is not the path that will lead to peace and stability in the region but, on the contrary, will lead to tension and crisis and be contrary to the interests of those very countries.
188.	The Vietnamese people is determined to fight, shoulder to shoulder with the peoples of Laos and Kampuchea, to defeat the Peking leaders' policy of intervention and aggression against the three countries of Indo-China. However, we cherish the traditional friendship with the Chinese people and will spare no effort to normalize relations between the two countries on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence, respect for each other's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and the settlement of disputes through negotiations. It is in this spirit that the Government of Viet Nam has on repeated occasions proposed negotiations with the Chinese Government.
189.	Recently on 31 August last showing proof of our perseverance, we made another proposal calling for the resumption in September or October this year of the third round of negotiations between Viet Nam and China, which have been interrupted for more than a year by China, in order to discuss matters of mutual interest and to normalize relations between the two countries. For the time being, our proposals concern urgent measures to restore peace and stability along the border between the two countries, including the cessation of hostilities, the separation of the armed forces of the two countries and the creation of a demilitarized zone. Viet Nam likewise reaffirms its readiness to sign with China a treaty of non aggression and peaceful coexistence. It is regrettable that these proposals were rejected by the People's Republic of China.
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190.	With regard to relations between the countries of Indo-China and those of ASEAN, differences exist be
tween the two groups of countries concerning the assessment of the causes of the state of tension and instability in SouthEast Asia and consequently concerning the ways and means to restore peace and stability in the region. Although at present those differences cannot yet be surmounted, the two groups of countries nevertheless have a good basis for making progress towards a settlement of the problems confronting the region, because both have a fundamental interest in common, that is, peace and stability in SouthEast Asia. In the statements made at the conferences of Foreign Ministers of the three countries, held in Vientiane, Ho Chi Minh City and Phnom Penh, the three countries of Indo-China have repeatedly put forward realistic proposals in that regard. Since the beginning of this year the Foreign Ministers of Laos and Viet Nam have met several times with their counterparts from almost all the ASEAN countries. These meetings have helped to promote the process of regional dialog and consultations and have improved mutual understanding among the countries of SouthEast Asia.
191.	The countries of Indo-China have never intended to impose their views on the countries of ASEAN. Likewise, the ASEAN countries should not harbor the illusion that they can impose their views on the countries of Indo-China. To be realistic we should set aside our differences and embark on a dialog on a basis of equality, on the principle that the affairs of SouthEast Asia 'must be resolved by the SouthEast Asian countries themselves, without the imposition of one side's views on the other and without any external interference. That is the correct road leading to peace and stability in the region and to the achievement of peaceful coexistence between the two groups of countries, in the interest of the peoples of SouthEast Asia and world peace and in full conformity with the United Nations Charter and the principles of the nonaligned movement. The Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of NonAligned Countries [see A/36/J16 and Corn 1, annex], held at New Delhi in February 1981 did not endorse the idea of convening an international conference on Kampuchea but called on all the States of the region to engage in a dialog that might lead to a settlement of their differences and to the establishment of lasting peace and stability in the region and to the elimination of interference and the threat of intervention by outside Powers. < •
192.	Application of the principle that the affairs of a region must be settled by the States of that region through negotiations on the basis of respect for the independence and sovereignty of each country without foreign interference has become common practice in many regions of the world, in Europe, Africa and Latin America.
193.	My delegation wishes to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the principles governing relations of peaceful coexistence between the two groups of countries of Indo-China and ASEAN for the purpose of building a SouthEast Asia of peace, stability, friendship and cooperation, principles enunciated at this session of the General Assembly by Mr. Sipraseut, VicePrime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic [see 16th meeting], with the consent of the Governments of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. These principles are in accordance with the present reality of SouthEast Asia and fully meet the interests and profound aspirations of all the peoples of the region and the wishes of all those who cherish peace and stability in SouthEast Asia wishes that have been expressed by many representatives in this very Assembly.
194.	My delegation would like to believe that these principles will also constitute a useful contribution to the debate of the Assembly when it takes up agenda item 34, entitled "Question of peace, stability and cooperation in SouthEast Asia".
195.	In conclusion, we are now facing great historic responsibilities with respect to the peace and security of peoples. We are living at a time when peoples are fully aware of their own abilities and are taking the making of history into their own hands. With the continued development of the forces of socialism, national independence, democracy and peace, our peoples are capable of preserving detente, maintaining peace, consolidating national independence, achieving peaceful coexistence and building a better life according to their own nature and characteristics. The people and Government of Viet Nam are ready to bend every effort to make their modest contribution to this noble common cause.


Faith in the United Nations and in the principles and ideals it personifies, the search for dialog and cooperation, and constant concern for peaceful settlement of disputes among nations rather than confrontation. These are the reasons why we are gathered here to consider ways of promoting a more just, more equitable and more humane world.
2.	From the very inception cf the Organization, various problems have revealed to us the difficult path that lies ahead and the efforts needed to arrive at a world viable for all. The solutions proposed since then for strengthening the activities of our Organization and adapting them to those objectives have only partially fulfilled our hopes.
3.	The fact that a number of organs of the United Nations system have taken economic imperatives into account provides useful support for the political function of the Organization in view of the complicated way in which political organs seek to achieve international harmony. The continuing task of adapting our institution to its objectives is performed under the impulse of devoted and competent individuals such as you, Mr. President.
4.	The fact that our deliberations are taking place under the presidency of a man whose probity and vast political experience we have had the privilege of appreciating for a number of years reassures us and gives us confidence in the success of our endeavors.. We are particularly confident that your mastery of the questions before us and your deep commitment to find solutions will imbue these deliberations with the dynamism and forcefulness that their seriousness requires.
5.	Allow me also to pay a heartfelt tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, for the remarkable work he accomplished during his term of office. During that time he showed himself to be fully deserving of the confidence placed in him by the international community.
6.	Finally, we wish to thank the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts throughout the past year in helping the international community to attain its objectives. The dedication and willingness to act that he has demonstrated should be particularly emphasized.
7.	The international community has just admitted two new Members, Belize' and Vanuatu, two peoples rich in history and remarkable for their tenacity and their culture. We congratulate them on their accession to independence and their admission to the United Nations. We are convinced that they will bring a breath of fresh air which will be beneficial to the Organization.
8.	The building of a viable world for mankind is the task of the international community and the responsibility of each of its members. Our philosophy in Burundi is that by strengthening peace and justice within our borders we shall be contributing effectively to the harmonious development of mankind.
9.	The present international situation presents a very grim picture. Basically it is characterized by a worsening of the international political climate, a deterioration in most of our economies which are suffering from the burden of colossal indebtedness, a revival of the arms race, a hardening of the bloc policy and therefore a progressive breakdown of detente. The maintenance of dependence, exploitation, the denial of rights and of justice still characterizing colonial domination and apartheid in South Africa, plundering by the powerful of the resources of the poor, the easy temptation for some to impose their political models on others by force all these factors together lead my delegation to wonder about the future of our community.
10.	Therefore it is essential that the General Assembly, at its thirty-sixth session, carefully examine the ills our community is suffering and administer the necessary remedies.
11.	The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization during the past year {AI36/1] describes the problems confronting the world, places them in their proper context and outlines possible solutions. While no continent seems to have been spared the effects of the present economic crisis or political upheavals of various lands, Africa still remains the most afflicted continent and will be so until it has rid itself of the infectious germs of apartheid in its southern region and put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa.
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12.	The General Assembly, at its thirty-sixth session, will hear once again, through the debates on apartheid and on the question of Namibia, about the ignominious Pretoria regime. In spite of the numerous appeals by the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the nonaligned movement calling on Pretoria to put an end to apartheid, South Africa, in defiance of the universal consensus, is refining still further its
system of racial oppression, maintaining the region in a constant state of tension and conducting acts of armed aggression against neighboring countries, in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the basic tenets of international law governing the behavior of States.
13.	South Africa's continued refusal to comply with the decisions of our Assembly becomes understandable only if analyzed from the standpoint of the multifaceted support it receives from its allies. These latter, speculating on their strategic interests and the benefits that they derive from maintaining the reign of apartheid, not only endeavor to break the political isolation in which the rejection of apartheid by the international community has confined Pretoria, but also contrive, to the detriment of all the rest of humanity, to strengthen their close collaboration in the military and financial fields.
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14.	Instead of beginning constructive dialog with the black population, which it oppresses today, and recognizing its universally acknowledged rights, Pretoria believes it can prolong its reign by oppression, Bantustanization, the exile of leaders and the assassination of the freedom fighters in southern Africa.
15.	The thirst of a people for freedom is irrepressible, irreversible and unassailable. Pretoria and its allies would be showing a fatal lack of perception if they believed for a single moment that the policy of apartheid could be viable in the long term. The temporary military superiority of South Africa, the formidable oppression of which the black population is the victim, the punitive raids constantly launched against Angola, do not in any way change the above-mentioned principle. Rather, they increase the fighting spirit of the liberation movements concerned, strengthen their tenacity and reaffirm their faith in victory.
16.	Through their obstinacy, their blind refusal to enter into dialog and their inability to draw from the lessons of history, even recent ones" such as that of the decolonization of Zimbabwe, the Pretoria authorities are forging the weapons of their own destruction . We reiterate today our firm and constant support 'or the liberation movements in southern Africa.
17.	The end of the present year should have been crowned by the entry of Namibia into the United Nations family as a free and independent nation. South Africa, however, has ruined by its inconstancy and arrogance the hopes that had been aroused by the efforts of the international community to see Namibia accede peacefully to independence.
18.	The time has now come, following the failure of the pre-implementation meeting held at Geneva in January 1981 on Namibia and the paralysis and inability of the Security Council to impose mandatory sanctions against South Africa in keeping with Chapter VII of the Charter, to ask ourselves what strategy must be followed to put an end to the impasse in the process of decolonizing Namibia.
19.	The eighth emergency special session, on Namibia, which closed on the eve of the thirty-sixth session, depicted clearly enough the dramas which afflict the Namibian people and stressed the explosive nature of the situation in which South Africa, by its illegal occupation of Namibia, maintains the southern part of our continent. We participated actively in that debate. Therefore, we shall today confine ourselves to stating the position of our delegation concerning the Namibian question.
20.	First of all, we reiterate our support for the South West Africa People's Organization [5VWO], the sole representative of the Namibian people. The Namibian question is, in the last analysis, a question of decolonization under the full and sole responsibility of the United Nations. We therefore reject any attempt to distort its nature or deflect its course.
21.	We believe that no country or group of countries has any right to link the independence of Namibia to events or situations that take place or might take place outside its borders.
22.	The decolonization plan for Namibia, as approved by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978), must be fully implemented. We see.no reason to dilute its substance or delay its implementation.
23.	Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, enacted by the United Nations Council for Namibia on 27 September 1974,' must be strictly respected. Those who indulge directly or indirectly in the exploitation of Namibian resources, regardless of their origin, must immediately put an end to that outrageous pillage.
24.	We ask the five Western countries, members of the contact group, no longer to tolerate Pretoria's sabotaging the decolonization plan for Namibia, which is provided for in resolution 435 (1978) and of which they claim to be the authors.
25.	The right to self-determination has become the cardinal principle of contemporary international law. Without it, the Organization would once again be reduced to a closed club of nations. Without it, the United Nations would never have acquired the dimensions conferred upon it by its present universality. This is why the United Nations has never ceased to defend staunchly and consistently the right to self-determination and independence.
26.	For more than a decade, the United Nations has supported with rare firmness the right of the Sahraoui people to independence. No fait accompli has been able to alter that truth, or erode the convictions of the international community on this point.
27.	For our part, we remain convinced that the question of Western Sahara is simply a question of decolonization, although some, for reasons of their own which are hardly convincing, attempt to distort the situation through a series of arguments to which they alone lend an ear.
28.	The United Nations and the OAU have, over the years, determined in a clear and consistent manner the framework and procedures for the decolonization of Western Sahara. It is now a matter of leaving it to the inhabitants of that Territory to decide for themselves what their future is to be, freely and directly, without threats or intimidation.
29.	To refuse, by means of subterfuge and delaying tactics, which are all equally suspect, to establish the necessary conditions for a free and genuine consultation of the inhabitants of Western Sahara indicates in the last analysis fear of the verdict of that people.
30.	It is possible to close the dossier on Western Sahara only by leaving it to the Sahraoui people to decide its own future. We invite the parties directly concerned, that is the POLISARIO Front and Morocco, to engage in sincere, direct negotiations in order to arrive at a final settlement of the question of Western Sahara. Any other effort aimed at regionalizing the conflict that exists between the parties could only lead to useless bloodshed of innocent people and the wasting of resources which could have been used for other purposes.
31.	The escalation of the violence ravaging the Middle East stems from Israel's denial of the universally recognized right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. Only the full exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self determination, including its right to establish its own State, can today put an end to the tragedy affecting the peoples of the region. Any attempt which does not take into account these premises and which would deny to the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] exclusive representation of the Palestinian people can in Our view only prolong the bloody status quo in the region.
32.	Israel cannot guarantee its own security by violence or by the aggression that it commits against neighboring countries.
33.	We have in the past condemned the establishment of settlements by the Israeli Government in occupied Palestinian territories. The persistence of that Israeli policy forces us today to reiterate our disapproval. We cannot agree to the Palestinian people being reduced to the state of refugees. We therefore refuse to endorse the annexation by Israel of the eastern part of the city of Jerusalem.
34.	Weak States owe their survival to strict respect by the most powerful States of the norms governing international relations. The founding fathers of this Organization were so aware of this that they made respect for the principle of non use of force, in international relations an essential rule governing the behavior of all States.
35.	It is, then, out of faithfulness to that principle that we reject any excuse that might be devised for invading the territories of others. It is up to each country, regardless of size and economic potential, to choose, in the exercise of full sovereignty, free of all foreign interference, the lines of its policy based on the priorities it has chosen. This principle, in our view, is of universal application.
36.	The conflicts that we have witnessed in certain parts of the world derive from failure to respect the aforementioned principle. We cannot put an end to such conflicts except through political solutions, leaving it to the countries concerned to determine the type of government that responds to the aspirations of their peoples.
37.	Therefore, we cannot in any circumstances support the invasion of any country by foreign troops. Whether it be in Afghanistan or Kampuchea, the peoples must be allowed freely to choose their own leaders.
38.	With respect to Korea, Burundi deplores the fact that a people sharing one culture is artificially divided and that its efforts to achieve reunification are.hampered by all types of interference. The Republic of Burundi has always supported and will continue to support without reservation, any proposal leading to the peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean homeland. To that end, we call For the withdrawal of foreign troops stationed in South Korea.
39.	The international political situation is in a state of crisis and the economic horizon has darkened. Deficits in balance of payments, the food crisis in the developing countries, the energy crisis, incoherence in the conduct of economic policies, the revival of protectionism, the fall in commodity prices, the reduction in official development assistance, delays in negotiations on the transfer of technology, an impasse in the global negotiations on international economic cooperation for development, plans to assist the most seriously affected countries still at the stage of pious wishes that is the present picture of the overall economic situation of the developing countries.
40.	That grim picture is compounded by the specific difficulties of the least advanced countries, the most seriously affected, among which, unfortunately, is my country. For a long time now, in order to stimulate our economy, we have made a wise choice of development priorities by joining regional economic associations and by relying on international assistance, both bilateral and multilateral.
41.	At the national level, we are naturally aware that the responsibility to finance our development is first and foremost our own. We also know that we are duty bound fully to mobilize all the human and financial resources that we possess. Foreign resources, especially official development aid, are only a supplement to that. Our development priorities have been clearly set. Agricultural and rural development is among the primary objectives of our Government. Most of our population is concentrated in the rural areas and that is where we focus most of our efforts.
42.	None the less, our economy remains dependent on fluctuations in the prices of agricultural products. The galloping cost of energy, the lack of territorial access to the sea, the high cost of transit and transportation, all impose limitations on us which seriously handicap our economic and social development projects. We therefore regret that the Transport and Communications Decade in Africa proclaimed by the General Assembly {resolution 32/160] has not been given the attention it deserves.
43.	At the regional level, our membership in regional associations is due to our desire to utilize to the maximum cooperation agreements among developing countries and the need to establish institutions that can help Member States collectively to develop the means and the infrastructures necessary to guarantee economic and social development, institutions which could not be established individually. The establishment of projects by the countries of our subregion will certainly make it possible for us to strengthen our economic potential and speed up our economic growth. In this connection, we request thee support and aid of the international community so that we can properly carry out our development programFs.
44.	The present economic situation of the least developed countries is worsening because of a series of factors totally beyond their control. These have recently attracted the attention of the United Nations. That is why the fifth session of UNCTAD adopted the Comprehensive New program of Action for the Least Developed Countries.3
45.	The International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [General Assembly resolution 35/56, annex), in turn, gave priority to the establishment of a substantial program of sufficient magnitude to make it possible for those countries to put an end to their present stagnation. It was intended that all those action programs would be established by the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held in Paris in September 1981.
46.	*We are particularly grateful to certain countries, including those of the European Community, for their efforts to lessen the difficulties faced by that category of countries. None the less, we hoped that the spirit of generosity that inspired the action programs would be translated into concrete form. The assistance that we have received in this connection remains far below the level of our needs. Therefore, we appeal once again to the developed donor countries and those developing countries able to do so to honor the commitments that they have made with respect to the least developed countries.
47.	The ever-increasing economic interdependence makes it necessary to adopt positive and constructive policies if we are to guarantee economic stability and establish sound international relations.
48.	It is from that standpoint that we envisage the beginning of global negotiations. The profound changes in the world economy in recent years mean that the status quo in present international economic relations must be changed. In our view, it is in the interest of the entire international community to revive the global negotiations. Their continued obstruction would cause frustrations the consequences of which are at present unforeseeable. As Luis Echeverria said, "There can be no community of free individuals based indefinitely on exploitation, poverty and the ignorance of the masses. History, both teacher and mother, has revealed this in blood, pain and tears". It is still within our power to prevent the fulfillment of this prophecy.
49.	The fact that so many high-level officials have gathered here has made it possible for us to take the pulse of the international political and economic situation. We have seen our weaknesses and our potential. We believe that solutions to the different problems revealed in the course of this debate can be found if there is a minimum of political will.
50.	One of the merits of the United Nations is precisely the fact that the diversity of its Members constitutes its wealth. Like any other human endeavor, the United Nations has its weaknesses and its limitations. None the less, we remain convinced that it is still the best instrument to guarantee international peace and security.