At the outset, on behalf of the Government and the people of Kuwait, I extend our sincere congratulations to the President of the General Assembly and his country, the Kingdom of Denmark, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. We
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believe that his vast experience in political affairs will enable him to conduct the deliberations of this session wisely and ably. We wish him success in that endeavour.
We also note the successful manner with which his predecessor, Mr. Sam Kutesa, conducted the deliberations during the previous session. In that regard, I also would like to pay tribute to the tremendous efforts of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in leading the Organization in accordance with his vision and ideas based on the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security, while simultaneously striving to achieve the Charter’s goals in a sustainable manner by confronting the manifold risks and challenges that are engulfing the world.
Once again, we express our most sincere condolences and heartfelt sympathy to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in connection with the stampede that resulted in numerous deaths and injuries at Mina during the Haj. While we pray to Allah, the Almighty, to accept the victims in His Grace and grant them eternal peace, and solace and fortitude to their bereaved families, we also pray for the speedy recovery of the injured. We appreciate and are grateful for the enormous human and material assets that the King, his Government and people of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia make available every year to organize and facilitate the Haj and to provide every comfort to the pilgrims.
This year, the international community is celebrating 70 years of service by this great leading world Organization, during which it has worked to create a world in which humankind can enjoy peace and security during a period marked by exceptional circumstances — a period when the political, economic, social and humanitarian challenges in the world have increased. During that time, the United Nations has continued to provide its service in accordance with the aims and objectives of its Charter in order to surmount those growing challenges and confront them by creative means. Those undertakings have to a great extent become history to be taught to future generations in order to demonstrate the importance and inevitability of international cooperation and the capacity of the United Nations system to continue its boundless giving to the peoples and countries of the world.
Perhaps one of the most outstanding milestones on the path to the success of the United Nations is embodied in the adoption of the post-2015 development
goals in the form of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development with its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (resolution 70/1), which can be considered to be an extension of the international community’s efforts based on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs have, by and large, achieved their purposes, and the United Nations has surpassed its goals in facing up to the challenges that it is confronted with, and has proceeded to implement comprehensive, radical solutions in the areas of human development and individual rights. That includes the goal of totally eliminating poverty in its multiple forms, ensuring that all human beings enjoy equal rights in dignity and access to education and health care, as well as ensuring political participation, gender equality, youth empowerment and addressing the ongoing environmental degradation.
In that regard, the State of Kuwait affirm its effective participation in the international partnership to fully implement the Sustainable Development Goals over the next 15 years. That is based on Kuwait’s firm belief in the Charter of the United Nations and on Kuwait’s support for the Organization. Kuwait will continue its funding in appreciation of the certificate of appreciation presented by the Secretary-General to Sheikh Al Sabah, the Amir of the State of Kuwait, as a humanitarian leader. That award is tantamount to a medal of honour for the leadership displayed by the Government and the people of Kuwait in saving the lives of millions of people. Indeed, Kuwait occupies first place in the provision of humanitarian assistance globally as a proportion of its gross national income, the highest percentage provided by a donor State, according to the Global Humanitarian Assistance Report 2014.
Furthermore, the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development continues its leading role in providing development assistance to developing countries, without any regard for geographical location, religious belief or nationality. Since its establishment, in 1961, more than 100 countries in all parts of the globe have benefited from the Fund’s projects, which total $18 billion. Over the next 15 years, the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development will continue to provide loans and create development programmes within its operational programmes, which are based on its own resources, including $15 billion to meet the needs and requirements of sustainable development.
Undoubtedly, it is important for the international community to work to consolidate and promote the existence of peaceful societies that are based on
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justice and are free from all manifestations of violence and radicalism. That confirms the principle that no sustainable development can take place without security, and no security can exist without sustainable development.
There has been a proliferation of conflicts and civil wars in our world today, accompanied by the emergence of violence and the dangers of radicalism and terrorism, with their multiple causes and employing diverse means in a number of countries, particularly in the region of the Middle East. It is civilians who make up the majority of the victims. The international community must stand up to those challenges, which threaten international peace and security; it must address their causes and dry up the resources that fuel them.
The Republic of Yemen and its brotherly people face serious challenges owing to the intransigence of the Houthi militias and their insistence on breaching their commitments and on threatening the security and stability of our region and our countries. That situation requires strong action to support the legitimate Government of Yemen and to achieve peace and stability in our region. We would like to emphasize the need to commit to the Gulf Cooperation Council initiative, comply with the outcome of the National Reconciliation Conference and respond to the efforts of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen in that regard. The State of Kuwait has not ignored the humanitarian needs of the Yemeni people. Kuwait announced, upon instructions from His Highness Sheikh Al-Sabah, the donation of $100 million to meet the needs of Yemen.
In Syria, as that disaster enters its fifth year, the scope of humanitarian suffering is exacerbating the multiple other parameters of the crisis. The number of dead and injured are rising, and the number of refugees and internally displaced persons continues to increase. The flow of Syrian migrants and refugees to Europe attests to the magnitude of the crisis. We have warned against the dire consequences of the situation on Syria, the Syrian people, their neighbours and the entire world. In view of the aforementioned, the State of Kuwait reiterates its firm and principled position, namely, that the solution to that disaster can be achieved only through peaceful, political means, as opposed to other means, whose price would be paid by our brothers in Syria. In that regard, we welcome the endeavours of the United Nations and those of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura,
which seek to mobilize efforts to implement the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex), issued in 2012, aimed at establishing a transitional Government that is fully functional, and at maintaining the territorial integrity of Syria, preserving the coherence of Syrian society and meeting the needs for dignity of the Syrian people.
Within the framework of supporting international efforts to alleviate the humanitarian suffering in Syria, since 2013 the State of Kuwait has hosted three successive international donor conferences to lend support to efforts to improve the situation in that country. The pledges made at those three conferences amounted to approximately $7.15 billion, of which the State of Kuwait contributed $1.3 billion. The bulk of the money pledged has been delivered to the United Nations specialized agencies and other international, governmental and non-governmental organizations in the humanitarian affairs field. The remainder of those contributions has been distributed through local charitable institutions working in the humanitarian and development fields.
With regard to the situation in Libya, we are closely following the agreement announced in the Moroccan city of Skhirat by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya, aimed at forming a national consensus Government that would put an end to the fighting. We look forward to a positive response to that initiative from our brothers in Libya, so that they can stop the bloodshed, preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of their homeland and restore security and stability throughout Libya.
Our region faces exceptionally delicate dangers that threaten its security and stability. They stem from terrorist and violent groups that commit, supposedly in the name of Islam, criminal acts rejected by all religions. The brutal crimes committed by the so-called Daesh/Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant have spread death and destruction, particularly in Iraq and Syria, and are a threat to international peace and security. A much-needed international coalition has been formed to tackle those terrorists. The State of Kuwait took part in the establishment of the coalition by providing logistical support. The practices of that terrorist organization have extended to the State of Kuwait. Daesh committed a cowardly terrorist act, targeting a mosque during the holy month of Ramadan, which killed and injured a number of our citizens. The national unity and cohesion between the people and the leadership of Kuwait made those who wished Kuwait ill miss their mark, thereby
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reaffirming a long, honourable national history that has witnessed floods of sacrifices for the sake of the unity and stability of the State of Kuwait.
In the humanitarian field, the State of Kuwait has also responded to the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people. Kuwait announced the donation of $200 million to assist our Iraqi brothers in alleviating the suffering caused by the brutal practices of the Daesh terrorist group. Work is ongoing to disburse that donation, in cooperation with the competent parties in Iraq and international organizations. We reaffirm our support for all the measures taken by the Iraqi Government to preserve the security, stability and territorial integrity of Iraq. In that regard, the State of Kuwait reiterates its firm and principled position rejecting all forms of terrorism, extremism and intolerance, irrespective of their causes or motives and whatever their sources or the identity of their perpetrators. Kuwait stresses that promoting a culture of tolerance and coexistence among peoples and nations is among the top priorities in the approach that it follows in its internal and external policies. Such policies are anchored in the tolerant Islamic sharia law and in the importance Kuwait attaches to maintaining the links between development, security and human rights, as it works to develop a global strategy to combat terrorism and achieve international peace and security.
The international and regional efforts that seek to lay the foundation for peace in the Middle East face many impediments as a result of Israel’s intransigence. Israel continues its illicit expansionist policies by building illegal settlements on occupied Palestinian territory and by detaining thousands of Palestinians in its prisons and detention centres. Its repeated acts of aggression, including the attack on Gaza during the past year, has left in its wake unprecedented destruction and loss of life and property. That is in addition to its continued imposition of an illegal and inhumane siege on Gaza, and the escalation of its attacks on the holy Al-Aqsa Mosque and Muslims there. Those attacks are in violation of all humanitarian standards, international laws and the relevant Security Council resolutions. That makes it incumbent upon the United Nations, and the Security Council in particular, to carry out their responsibilities and continue to put pressure on and compel Israel, at all levels, to accept the resolutions of international legitimacy, grant the Palestinian people their legitimate political rights, and recognize their independent status and sovereignty over their territory,
with East Jerusalem as their capital, in accordance with the borders of 4 June 1967 and in line with the principle of land for peace, the Quartet’s road map and the Arab Peace Initiative.
In the same regional framework, the State of Kuwait welcomes Security Council resolution 2231 (2015), which endorsed the comprehensive agreement on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action concluded between the five permanent members of the Security Council, plus Germany, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The agreement was the result of diplomatic efforts over a number of years aimed at addressing the Iranian nuclear situation. The State of Kuwait hopes that the Islamic Republic of Iran will continue to cooperate and fully implement the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and adhere to its responsibilities under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In addition, Kuwait hopes that Iran will respond to the efforts of the countries of the region to lay the foundations of good neighbourly relations based on cooperation, mutual respect and non-interference in internal affairs, and that it will end its occupation of the three Emirati islands, all of which will contribute to reducing tensions and to security and stability in the region.
In that context, we call upon Israel to accede to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and to subject all of its nuclear facilities to the inspection and supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency, in compliance with the resolution adopted at the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference, which called for the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and all weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East.
In conclusion, I would like to emphasize the adherence of the State of Kuwait to the multilateral international system, as well as to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. I would like to underscore our belief in the importance and necessity of exerting all efforts to ensure the continuity and generosity of our great Organization through the fulfilment of all States’ obligations and responsibilities, as pledged in international conventions and conferences. That will, in turn, contribute to finding just and fair solutions to global threats and challenges, while according due attention to the higher goal of maintaining international peace and security.


This year we proudly mark a noteworthy anniversary — 70 years since the founding of the United Nations, and seven decades dedicated to freedom and peace, fundamental human rights, equality between great and small nations and social progress. That dedication has unquestionably demonstrated the value of the United Nations, and future generations must share in that same mission, aimed at achieving a better humankind.
At the outset, I would like to stress that Montenegro is strongly committed to preserving all the values the United Nations was founded on. Freedom and peace, fundamental human rights and social progress are values that all States Members of the United Nations should be committed to for the sake of their societies and the Organization. We therefore believe firmly in working to ensure the successful implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1).
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As a member of the Human Rights Council, and through its cooperation both within the Council’s mechanisms and special procedures and with States and other stakeholders, Montenegro has made a strong contribution to enhancing the efficiency and effectiveness of the Human Rights Council and its mechanism, the Universal Periodic Review, while respecting the principles of universality, impartiality, non-selectivity and constructive international dialogue and cooperation. In our actions at both the national and international levels we have paid particular attention to, among other things, the issues of preventing discrimination and violence, protecting the rights of children, persons with disabilities and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons, empowering women and girls and protecting freedom of opinion and expression. The fact that this year is the twentieth since the adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action should push us to intensify our efforts to implement those important documents in the area of enabling and empowering women and girls to exercise all their human rights.
Montenegro strongly supported the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and is committed to its comprehensive implementation in order to eradicate poverty and achieve sustainable development in all its dimensions. Financing is crucial to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals that the Agenda sets out. For that, our main guidelines are outlined in the final document (resolution 69/313, annex) of the Addis Ababa Third International Conference on Financing for Development. Mobilizing all the available resources and including the Agenda in national development plans are prerequisites for its successful implementation at the global level.
We believe firmly that national sustainable development strategies, backed by integrated national financial frameworks, must be supported by an enabling international economic environment. It is crucial to ensure that all national stakeholders, including civil society and the private sector, participate in their adoption and in monitoring their implementation. Bearing in mind that implementing the development Agenda is an obligation we have to future generations, I am pleased to be able to point out that in addition to institutional capacity-building, Montenegro has begun the process of drafting a new national post-2015 strategy for sustainable development, whereby the Sustainable Development Goals established at the global level
will be adapted to our national context with a view to achieving sustainable development within Montenegro.
Action designed to deal with climate change should be an integral part of all development policies and programmes. We believe the recent successful high- level meetings in Addis Ababa and New York will encourage countries to intensify their efforts to achieve a universal and legally binding agreement on climate change in Paris at the end of the year.
We must work together to end conflicts and rebuild peace. To that end, it is vital that the international community, acting in accordance with the norms of international law, work to put an end to the violence in Ukraine, Syria, Iraq, Libya and other areas in crisis. The serious human rights violations and intensifying violence and crimes committed by terrorist and extremist groups, such as the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant and Boko Haram, are clear evidence of the seriousness of the threat that terrorism poses to international peace and security. Global engagement is therefore the only way to guarantee protection against it.
We support global efforts to achieve disarmament and non-proliferation. We are pleased about the entry into force of the Arms Trade Treaty and we urge that its provisions be effectively implemented. We welcome the positive outcome of the negotiations on the Iranian nuclear programme and the ongoing dialogue between members of the Security Council and Iran with a view to ensuring that it meets its international obligations and that a comprehensive and durable solution to the issue is achieved.
The current challenges and threats to global peace and security require a preventive approach to violations of international law. We support the report of the High- level Independent Panel on Peace Operations on the future activities of peacekeeping missions (A/70/95), as well as the report of the Advisory Group of Experts on the review of the peacebuilding architecture of the United Nations (A/69/968). We believe that their recommendations will help to improve the existing architecture and its effectiveness. The inclusion of a gender perspective in all areas of the peace and security agenda, pursuant to Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), is of special importance, in particular in the context of the upcoming review of the resolution’s implementation 15 years after its adoption.
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Montenegro is firmly committed to actively contributing to and supporting collective efforts to maintain international peace and security. The deployment of Montenegrin soldiers and police officers in international missions testifies to our readiness to fulfil our international obligations and to develop relations based on partnership.
Montenegro remains strongly committed to the concept of the responsibility to protect, with particular emphasis on the importance of preventing mass atrocities at the national and regional levels, including through the early-warning mechanism and an early and balanced response in cases where the risk of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide exists. We will continue to demand accountability and punishment for all perpetrators.
In conflict resolution, the use of preventive diplomacy, in particular mediation, is necessary. In this regard, strengthening the capacity of the United Nations so that it will be able to respond to the growing needs in this field is imperative. Given that our region is one of fragile stability, we have learnt from experience that dialogue and cooperation are the best ways of defusing tensions, overcoming differences and achieving durable solutions. Therefore, Montenegro will, in 2016, organize a meeting under the Mediation in the Mediterranean initiative, as a sign of our commitment to the further promotion of mediation as an effective means for the prevention and management of conflicts and peacebuilding.
Ensuring the protection of civilians in conflict areas and meeting their basic humanitarian needs are essential. We are committed to supporting the strengthening of the United Nations humanitarian assistance architecture, which plays a decisive role in coordinating international humanitarian assistance. To that end, the organization of the upcoming World Humanitarian Summit, to be held in May 2016, is important, as it will be an opportunity to consider the challenges that the humanitarian sector is facing today.
In addressing the current migrant crisis, we must be guided by the shared United Nations values of humanity and solidarity, and we must take into account migrants’ need for assistance. This implies eliminating the causes of migration and considering the real abilities of each State to receive migrants and offer related assistance. As a country where refugees recently accounted for one fifth of the population, Montenegro understands the
need for solidarity with people in great trouble and the heaviness of the burden of a receiving country.
The interrelated challenges the world faces illustrate the need to reform the Organization in order to properly position it in the system of global governance. Guided by this, Montenegro will continue to support efforts to strengthen the United Nations and improve the efficiency, transparency, accountability and representativeness of the Organization and its agencies. We also confirm our commitment to build an effective multilateral system in which the United Nations plays a central role. We support the agenda of a coordinated approach — delivering as one — and are undertaking activities aimed at adopting the second integrated programme of cooperation between the United Nations system in Montenegro and the Government of Montenegro for the period 2017-2021.
Finally, I would like to reiterate that Montenegro has been fully committed to the implementation of United Nations values and programmes. As a country in the last stage of the NATO integration process and in the successful negotiation process for European Union membership, Montenegro has been a good neighbour and reliable partner in the West Balkan region, where the values of cooperation and stability have been increasingly affirmed. We are confident that in these ways, inter alia, we are also contributing to the achievement of United Nations goals.


I am speaking on behalf of a great nation, which is mourning the loss of thousands of Muslim pilgrims and hundreds of its own citizens. Old, young, men and women, who had come together in the grand and global spiritual gathering of the hajj, unfortunately fell victim to the incompetence and mismanagement of those in charge. Owing to that incompetence on the part of the latter, even the missing cannot be identified, and the expeditious return of the bodies of the deceased to their mourning families has been prevented.
The magnitude of a calamity in which thousands of innocent people from the four corners of the world were killed or injured is such that it cannot be dealt with as though it were a natural disaster or a local issue. The pain and emotional distress inflicted on millions of Muslims is too great to be repaired by material means alone. Public opinion demands that Saudi Arabian officials promptly fulfil their international obligations and grant immediate consular access, with a view to the expeditious identification and return of the cherished bodies and remains. Moreover, arrangements must be made for there to be an independent and exhaustive inquiry into the causes of that disaster, which should include proposals for ways of preventing future recurrences.
I am speaking on behalf of a nation that, two years ago, voted for constructive engagement with the world, and I can now proudly announce that a new chapter has started in Iran’s relations with the world today. Two years ago, the people of Iran, voting in a competitive election, gave me a mandate to consolidate peace and constructive engagement with the world, while pursuing national rights, interests and security. That national will manifested itself through a careful and clear diplomatic effort, which resulted in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, concluded between the Islamic Republic of Iran and six world Powers and the European Union. That Plan of Action became an international instrument when the Security Council adopted resolution 2231 (2015). From the standpoint of international law, the instrument sets a valuable precedent, as the two sides, rather than warring and then negotiating peace, engaged in a process of dialogue and mutual understanding before a conflict could break out.
I would like to take the opportunity to recognize the role of all the negotiators in achieving that agreement. We had opted for creating a new environment, while maintaining our principles, and we succeeded in that undertaking. Where necessary, we moved forward, and, where necessary, we showed the courage for flexibility. For each point, we relied extensively on international law and showcased the potential of an approach based on constructive dialogue.
The key to a successful dialogue is remembering that any actor in the international system who pursues maximum demands and fails to allow space for the other side cannot hope to speak of peace, stability and development. As in commerce and economic activity, so also in politics and international relations: the interests of both parties have to be taken into account, and multilateralism and win-win solutions should provide the basis of engagement.
The United Nations was established to sustain global peace and security after two World Wars. Unfortunately, it has to be acknowledged that, in most cases, this important international institution has not been successful or effective. This time, however, the United Nations made the right decision, notwithstanding the fact that it earlier had adopted unfair resolutions against the Islamic Republic of Iran and imposed sanctions against the Iranian nation and Government, as a result of misunderstandings and, sometimes, the overt hostility of some countries. But we believe that, as an old Iranian saying goes, the sooner the harm
stops, the more benefit you will reap. Today is when that harm stopped.
Resolution 2231 (2015), despite several significant shortcomings, is an important development. It is the basis for terminating sanctions and no longer adopting resolutions hostile to Iran. We consider the past conduct of the Security Council to be unfair and stress that Iran, owing to the important fatwa of its leader and its defence doctrine, has never harboured the intention of producing a nuclear weapon. Therefore, resolutions imposing sanctions against Iran were unjust and illegal. The sanctions imposed by the Security Council and the unilateral sanctions imposed by some countries were based on deluded and baseless allegations and created difficult conditions for our people. But those sanctions never in any way affected the policy that we adopted and the approach that we took towards negotiations.
We proved in those negotiations that there is nothing on Iran’s agenda other than logic, reason, ethics, and — where necessary — legitimate and resolute self- defence against any kind of aggression. Consequently, the United States of America ultimately had no option but to choose negotiations and discussion over pressure and sanctions. Our seven countries and the European Union expended considerable time and diplomatic capital in those negotiations and should therefore exert their utmost efforts to protect and implement the agreement. We deem the compliance of all parties with their commitments to be the fundamental factor in the success of the implementation process of the negotiated agreement.
Parallel to the implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, we also expect the nuclear-weapon States to take the necessary steps to fulfil their commitment to full nuclear disarmament, based on article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Furthermore, we expect them to play a positive role in the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free Middle East and not to allow the Zionist regime to remain an impediment to achieving that important objective.
The recently concluded nuclear deal, which is a brilliant example of “victory over war”, has managed to disperse the clouds of hostility and far-reaching tensions in the Middle East — and even perhaps the spectre of another war. The deal can and should herald a new era and lead to positive outcomes with regard to the establishment of sustainable peace and stability in the region. From our point of view, the agreed deal
is not the final objective but a development that can and should be the basis for further arrangements to come. Considering the fact that the deal has created an objective basis for implementation and has set an appropriate model, it can serve as the grounds for foundational change in the region.
Our policy is to continue to make peace-seeking efforts in the region, based on the same win-win principle, and to act in ways that would enable the region — and the world — to benefit from the new conditions. We will take this opportunity to look to the future and stop focusing on the past and rebuild our relationships with the countries in the region, particularly our neighbours, on the basis of mutual respect and our common and collective interests.
Unfortunately, the Middle East and North Africa have turned into one of the world’s most turbulent regions. With the continuation and intensification of current conditions, the turmoil could spread to other parts of the world. In today’s interconnected and borderless world, countries and regions are encountering great difficulty in protecting their borders and preventing the spread of insecurity and instability.
The gravest and most important threat to the world today is the possibility of terrorist organizations becoming terrorist States. We would consider it unfortunate for national uprisings in our region to be hijacked by terrorists and for the destiny of nations to be determined by arms and terror rather than by the ballot box. We propose that the fight against terrorism be incorporated into a binding international instrument and that no country be allowed to use terrorism for the purposes of interfering in the affairs of other countries. We are prepared to assist in the eradication of terrorism, in paving the way for democracy and in ensuring that arms do not dictate the course of events in the region.
As we assisted in the establishment of democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan, we are prepared to help bring about democracy in Syria and Yemen. We support the consolidation of power through elections, rather than through arms. We defend the rule of the majority that respects the rights of minorities.
Today, while safeguarding its historic and cultural heritage, Iran is looking to the future — not only the distant future but also the near future, with a bright outlook for cooperation and coexistence. I say to all nations and Governments that we will not forget the past, but we do not wish to live in the past. We will
not forget war and sanctions but we look to peace and development. Through the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, we were not just seeking a nuclear deal. We wanted to suggest a new and constructive way of recreating the international order, an order based on mutual respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of others and sustained cooperation and coexistence among the States Members of the United Nations.
To build a peaceful future, we must learn our lessons from the bitter past. We know that the only way to bring about lasting peace is through development. Peace without development can only be a time out during which resentment and suspicion build. However, peace with development makes it possible for anger and resentment to dissipate and be replaced by hope and respect for others. We have repeatedly said that the only way to uproot terrorism in the Middle East is by targeting its underlying social, economic and cultural causes. Economic interactions can bring about lasting security and transform the region into a haven of peace and development.
After the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, Iran stands ready to show that the practical path to security and stability is through the development that comes with economic engagement. With all of its economic and cultural potential, Iran is well-positioned to become a hub for export-oriented investment. Iran is also eager to show that we can all choose a lasting peace based on development and shared interests, which will lead to sustainable security rather than a volatile peace based on threats.
We hope to engage with our neighbours in a wide range of social and economic initiatives aimed at cooperation, which will enable the achievement of political understanding and even foster structural cooperation on security. In the international system today, mutual economic ties are considered to be the foremost factors in facilitating political cooperation and reducing security-related challenges.
In 2013, from this very stage, I called for combating violence and extremism (A/68/PV.6, p. 13). Subsequently, the representatives of the international community unanimously gave my appeal their seal of endorsement and, as a
result, the General Assembly adopted resolution 68/127, on a world against violent extremism. The implementation of that resolution requires well-intentioned solutions and the application of experience gained in the realm of diplomacy. I am pleased that, by adding the support for the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action to the invaluable support for the world against violent extremism resolution, we may now devise a plan to resolve the problems of a shattered Middle East caught in the claws of brutality and savagery.
With a view to fighting ignorance, dictatorship, poverty, corruption, terrorism, violence and their social, political, cultural, economic and security impacts, I would like to invite the entire world, in particular the countries of my region, to form a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action campaign aimed at creating a united front against extremism and violence. Such a front must create a collective and global movement to tackle regional problems in a serious manner through dialogue, prevent the slaughter of innocent people and the bombardment of civilians, counter the promotion of violence and the killing of other human beings, provide for stability in cooperation with established central Governments to maintain stability, and once stability is established, build diplomacy and democratic governance in the Middle East region.
Iraq, Syria and Yemen are all examples of crises that are being stoked through terror, extremism, violence, bloodshed, invasion and the indifference of the international community. They are also examples of how the flight from the horrors of war and bombardment triggers displacement and homelessness. The problems of those countries have persisted because the international community has failed them and because of the wrong-minded actions of newcomers to the region and naive transregional actors. As a result, the wave of destruction has gone beyond the Arab world and reached the doorstep of Europe and the United States, resulting in the loss of priceless elements of the world heritage, including precious relics of ancient civilizations. It has also resulted, more broadly, in the death of humanity itself.
We must not forget that the roots of today’s wars, destruction and terror can be found in yesterday’s occupations, invasions and military interventions. If the United States military invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq had not taken place and if the United States had not provided unwarranted support for the inhumane actions of the Zionist regime against the oppressed nation of Palestine, the terrorists today would not have any justification for their crimes. It is high time that the Government of the United States stop claiming to know the truth about our region and cease throwing baseless accusations about against its adversaries while
pursuing dangerous policies on behalf of its regional allies. Its behaviour, which only cultivates the seeds of division and extremism, must be brought to an end, and its actions must be made compatible with the realities of the region.
Despite the many problems in our region today, we believe in a promising future. We do not doubt that the obstacles can be overcome by wisdom, prudence and the use of new and powerful capacities, as well as by relying on our civilizational roots and our serious resolve. Thanks to the light of divine revelation, we have faith in the bright future of humankind, in which people will live in peace, tranquillity and spirituality. We believe in the will of nations to choose the path of goodness and purity. We believe that ultimate victory will be won by those with good-natured piety.


Mr. President, I have great pleasure on behalf of the State of Bahrain in offering you my sincere congratulations on the occasion of your election as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-fourth session, and in wishing you success in the work of this session. I should also like to thank Mr. Indalecio Lie'vano, the President of the General Assembly during its previous session, for his valuable contribution to the conduct of the work of that session.
77.	It is my pleasure to join with other delegations in praising the role played by Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who deploys his utmost efforts to strengthen the role of the United Nations, with patience, ability and strict adherence to the spirit of the Charter.
78.	I also welcome the admission of the State of Saint Lucia, as the one hundred and fifty-second Member of the United Nations family.
79.	The United Nations has been able to survive for 34 years, to react to international events and to overcome tremendous obstacles that were about to cause its disintegration, including the cold war through which the world lived after the end of the Second World War. It has been able to play a fundamental and effective role in bringing to an end colonial empires in many parts of the world. This Organization and its related agencies have also been able to achieve victories, unprecedented in history, in the fields of technical, technological, economic, cultural, health, food and other types of aid among nations. During this period, the world has seemed to grow smaller by virtue of scientific and technological development, but this has not yet brought the States of the world closer to one another, as relations among States are still fraught with tension and conflict.
80.	We meet today in a new session, and on the 24th of this month the United Nations will celebrate its thirty- fourth anniversary. Every year, we meet within the premises of the United Nations to hold meetings, to make successive contacts with each other and to adopt a number of resolutions for the solution of issues and questions which are of importance to the world. To our great regret, the majority of such resolutions are ultimately neglected or forgotten. I should like to refer here to the report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, on the work of the Organization submitted to this session, in which he says:
"The past year has been full of uncertainty, tension and conflict. The international scene has never been more complex nor the old concepts of power so diffused. There have been sudden shifts in the political balance and unexpected developments rooted in a variety of forces—economic, political, social and even religious. There is an increasing uneasiness as to the manageability of the affairs, and especially the economic life and social organization, of the planet in circumstances now prevailing. These uncertainties and unforeseen developments affect in different ways the lives and the future of virtually all nations and peoples and give rise to deep-seated feelings of anxiety and frustration, which in turn create a climate favourable to new and unpredictable events."
81.	Therefore, the United Nations has to continue its ceaseless struggle to bridge the gap between its aspirations and its performance in the world of today. Such struggle is, in truth and in fact, tantamount to the fundamental difference between civilization and chaos. It is regrettable that such a gap between the aspirations and the performance of the United Nations still exists. We should therefore do our utmost to narrow such a gap, so as to eliminate the dangers that threaten mankind.
82.	We need to reflect, as representatives of States, on the position and real nature of our Organization. If we go through the agenda for this session, we find several questions and issues that are virtually mere repetitions of questions and issues that have now been included in the agenda for more than 10 years and some which have coexisted with this Organization since its inception.
83.	The United Nations has adopted resolutions on such matters, but most of those resolutions have not seen the light of day, because of the failure of a minority of Members to comply with the international will and abide by the United Nations Charter. The majority of those resolutions are closely linked to the goals and principles of the United Nations, and aim at serving the best interests of man, promoting equity and justice and establishing security and peace all over the world. This bitter fact leads us to pose the following questions. Are we acting to build a world in which security and peace prevail? Are we acting to establish equitable relations in the world, based on justice, dignity and freedom for all nations and to resist unhealthy relations among States, which tend towards domination, racial discrimination and the practice of persistent aggression against the welfare of other nations? These are merely questions submitted to this Assembly for serious consideration by us all, so that an end may be put to the risks that threaten peace and stability in the world.
84.	We should like in this respect to refer to some pressing questions and matters, such as the situation in the Middle East, the issues of racial discrimination and apartheid and the challenges that confront the States of the third world.
85.	During last year, events of international importance and significance have occurred one after the other—events which have been characterized by tension and recklessness in the relations of States, particularly in the developing world. The third world has been through a period of tension and conflict among its countries. It is regrettable indeed that the third world should have become a dangerous scene for disturbances and bloody clashes among its States. Although tension between the two super-Powers has disappeared or diminished in Europe, it has started to reappear in the third world, where focal-points of tension have been created by the super-Powers and where conflict and rivalry between them have been transferred. It appears that the super-Powers, which agreed to freeze the conflict between them on the European continent, have found fertile ground in the third world on which to increase the momentum of war and rivalry between them and are transforming it into blocs of conflict. The confrontations that are now taking place in Africa and Asia among developing countries are clear proof of the outbreak of a covert third world war between the superpowers.
86.	It is regrettable that some States of the third world, which struggled to liquidate colonialism, to resist racism and to defeat political and economic domination, are today waging regional wars to change the legitimate regimes in some other States. It is noted also that the super-Powers have turned to the kindling of conflicts and clashes among the States of the third world, as we can see today in Africa and Asia, instead of to direct intervention, as was their practice in the past. We therefore call upon all the States of the world, Members of this Organization, to abide by the principles of the Charter, particularly the principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other States.
87.	Peace in the Middle East is still a long way off. Israel persists in the policy of aggression and expansionism, which it has followed since the Zionist aggression against the land of Palestine, which was aimed at driving the people of Palestine from their land and depriving them of the right to exercise self- determination. The matter has not stopped at that but has been extended into continuous Israeli aggression against these people and the neighbouring Arab countries, the latest example of which is the aggression against the sister country of Lebanon. Lebanon is still from time to time subjected to brutal aggression by the Israeli forces against sites on which are housed civilian Lebanese and Palestinian refugees. Thus Israel has become the most dangerous racist and expansionist force of this age.
88.	The current developments in Lebanon and the increase in tension in that country clearly reveal the expansionist plans of Israel and its attempt to divert attention from its daily practices in the occupied Arab territories—practices such as annexation, occupation, the establishment of settlements and the violation of the human rights of the inhabitants of the occupied territories in breach of and contrary to the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, the rules of international law and international custom and covenants, which prohibit such practices.
89.	The United Nations cannot stand by with its hands folded in the face of such a situation, in which the sovereignty and security of the territory of a Member State is daily subjected to grave violation. The international community is requested to act swiftly to save Lebanon from repeated Israeli aggression, which threatens to destroy its sovereignty and its economy and to drive out its people.
90.	Israel could not have adopted such an arrogant stand and. challenged the will of the international community had it not been for the military, economic and political support it receives from some of its allies among Western States. Such support and material and military aid, received annually by Israel, has helped it to perpetuate its aggressive policy and to take measures to change the nature of life in and the geographical characteristics of, the territories it occupied and also to refuse to comply with the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations that call upon Israel to withdraw from the Arab territories it occupied and to recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
91.	The United Nations resolutions on the situation in the Middle East call for a just settlement of the problem and request Israel to put an end to its occupation and its disregard of the United Nations resolutions on Palestine and the situation in the Middle East. All the appeals and exhortations addressed to Israel by the international community calling upon it to withdraw from all territories occupied since 1967 and to recognize the national rights of the Palestinian people have been met only by disregard on the part of Israel. It continues to disregard them and to pursue its policies of annexation, occupation and establishment of Jewish settlements, and Israel has recently declared that its nationals are permitted to buy Arab land on the West Bank, in violation of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter and international law.
92.	We have on more than one occasion explained that the Palestine question is at the core of the Middle East dispute and that realization of a just and lasting settlement should conform to the principles of justice and equity and should include the following: first, Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since June 1967, including Jerusalem; secondly, recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland and properties and to exercise in peace and freedom their rights to self- determination, independence and national sovereignty, including their right to establish an independent State; thirdly, the participation of the PLO, as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, on an equal footing with all parties to the dispute in the Middle East. This is an indispensable condition in all efforts, deliberations and conferences on the Middle East.
93.	I must emphasize here that Arab Jerusalem is part of the occupied Palestine territories and that Israel must withdraw from it completely and unconditionally and restore it to Arab sovereignty and abide by the resolutions adopted in this regard by the General Assembly and the Security Council.
94.	In our opinion, such principles constitute the right framework within which a peaceful settlement may be reached, one based on the principles of justice and the rules of international law.
95.	Bearing in mind this basic stand, the delegation of the State of Bahrain considers that any agreements that do not include all parties to the dispute will not lead to a durable and just peace and to a peaceful settlement of the dispute in the Middle East. Nor will they be successful unless they take into account the core of the problem, which is the Palestine question, and involve the participation of all parties concerned, including the PLO. Such being our belief, we consider that the Camp David agreements of 1978  and the Washington Treaty of 1979 between the Egyptian Government and Israel do not meet the real requisites of peace in the area since they do not contain the minimum basic principles for the realization of a just settlement in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations, and they do not provide for the complete withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories and for their recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, particularly their right to establish an independent State of their own.
96.	The Palestinian people and the Arab States concerned seek peace based on justice, and they would do their utmost to create a climate favourable to its achievement. But it is certain that there will be no peace in the Middle East if the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people are excluded, including their right to establish a Palestinian State on Palestinian soil.
97.	Therefore we consider that the United Nations is now, more than at any other time, required to stand on the side of fairness and justice and to support the Palestinian people in their unanimous rejection of such agreements and to defeat all settlements or solutions that aim at the liquidation of their cause and infringe upon their inalienable rights. The Palestinian people alone have the right to determine their future, and no agreement concluded behind their backs can be legally valid or binding upon them.
98.	We therefore agree with what the Secretary- General of the United Nations has said on the question of the Middle East in his report on the work of the Organization—that he considers it "central to the political, economic and military stability of the world. We submit that the realization of peace in the Middle East is an international responsibility requiring international action to face up to this critical situation in the region so that the conflict may not explode again and lead to terrible results for whose grave consequences the world will be responsible. Among the encouraging signs that mark the awakening of the conscience of the world and which lead to optimism and relief is the increasing attention being paid by the States of the world to the Palestine question and the PLO as a major force in the Middle East conflict whose contribution is indispensable in any serious search for a peaceful settlement in the Middle East.
99.	I should here refer to the important speech made by His Majesty King Hussein, King of the sister Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, before this Assembly on 25 September, as it contains a complete and useful analysis by an Arab leader who has lived the problem in all its dimensions. We share His Majesty's opinion that the United Nations is the natural framework for the achievement of the comprehensive settlement of this question that we all seek.
100.	The region of southern Africa is passing through a delicate and decisive stage. The developments in that region have been and remain a source of serious concern to the family of nations due to the policies of deceit and procrastination being pursued by the white minority regimes in southern Africa with regard to the transfer of authority to the black majority and the establishment of equality among all the inhabitants there. The efforts of the United Nations to find a peaceful settlement to the question of Namibia have not produced tangible results due to the arrogant attitude of the South African regime and its manoeuvres. Real independence for Namibia cannot be achieved except through free and democratic elections under the auspices of the United Nations in which all national parties concerned may take part, including the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], as the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, in accordance with United Nations resolutions, particularly Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978).
101.	The situation in Zimbabwe has not changed towards democratic rule, as required by United Nations resolutions. The sham elections held last April within
the context of the internal settlement have not led to the establishment of black majority rule in Zimbabwe in accordance with United Nations resolutions. In this respect, we hope for success for the discussions in which all the parties concerned are taking part, now taking place in London, to find a peaceful settlement of the question of Zimbabwe and to maintain peace and stability in that region.
102. Bahrain would like to reaffirm its support for the struggle of oppressed peoples that yearn for freedom and to condemn the policies of apartheid, which have been denounced by the international community as a crime against humanity as a whole. Bahrain supports the call for continuation of the complete blockade imposed on the racist regimes in southern Africa pursuant to the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter and the application of such sanctions against the racist regime in Israel. It also supports the measures for the isolation of such regimes internationally.
103.	As a State in the Gulf region, we attach special importance to the designation of the Indian Ocean and its natural extensions as a zone of peace and stability. Therefore, we supported on various occasions the General Assembly resolution on the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, called for the implementation of the principles contained in that Declaration and requested the Gulf region be kept aloof from the rivalry of the great Powers. We should like to emphasize in this regard that peace and stability in the region are the exclusive concern of the countries of the area, on whose shoulders alone lies the responsibility to protect it, and we declare our complete rejection of any attempt by any party to interfere in the domestic affairs of the region. Therefore, we have called for the establishment of mutual co-operation among the States of the Gulf in the political, economic, cultural and technical fields, on a basis of mutual respect, equality, integrity and non-intervention in domestic affairs, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter.
104.	The State of Bahrain has supported the efforts made in various international forums for the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equity. We have also explained the need to consider the means to ensure the establishment of such an order. It is regrettable that the various negotiations and the numerous dialogues between the developed and developing countries within the framework of the United Nations and other international forums have not led to tangible progress as a result of the failure of the developed countries to understand the demands made by the developing countries that structural changes be made in international economic relations, which are now based on exploitation. This is what happened at the fifth session of UNCTAD, held in Manila, which did not arrive at tangible results in this respect.
105.	Negotiations and dialogue between the North and South are still going on very slowly, although the doors have not been closed to the search for solutions to pending problems. We call in this regard on developed countries to reconsider their stand so that the negotiations may be completed. We hope that the special session of the General Assembly due to be held in 1980 will be able to review the implementation of the new international economic order in the light of the resolutions passed by the United Nations General Assembly at its sixth and seventh special sessions. We hope, too, that the mistakes made in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade will be avoided as the United Nations General Assembly comes to adopt in the forthcoming special session the new international development strategy.
106.	The United Nations has proved over more than three decades its ability to accommodate States from all parts of the world irrespective of their political, social or economic systems. This international Organization has been able to find suitable solutions to many crises, conflicts and challenges which confront humanity in a world whose conditions increase in complexity day by day. We hope that this Assembly will discharge its responsibilities and pass suitable resolutions to promote justice and equity and to eliminate the oppression and injustice suffered by oppressed peoples yearning for freedom and independence, and that it will act to establish a political and economic system in international relations based on equality, justice and equity. This has to be done if we wish indeed to meet the great expectations that peoples all over the world place in our Organization.


Mr. President, Gabon and its President, His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo, whom I have the signal honour to represent at this session, are moved by your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty- fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We are moved first of all because as Africans we are gratified that once again it is to our continent that the formidable but exalting honour has fallen of presiding over this international forum. We are moved also because Africa, which today more than in the past has become the scene of rivalries and great Powers hegemonisms, could not make a better contribution to the search for solutions that are liable to reduce the poverty and suffering in the world and to bring about a greater measure of security and happiness for its inhabitants. Finally, and above all, we are moved because of the close links of fruitful friendship, multifaceted co-operation and active solidarity which unite our two peoples and our two brother countries, both bilaterally and within the framework of international organizations. And that is why your election, Sir, constitutes for Gabon, my country, more than just a symbol. It is indeed testimony to the well-deserved tribute which, through you, Sir, the community of nations has paid to your great country, to its illustrious head of State, and also to the whole of Africa. My delegation is convinced that your distinguished qualities as a skilled and far-sighted diplomat and the long and rich experience which you have accumulated in the United Nations are a guarantee of the success of our work.
239.	I also wish to convey my congratulations to the other officers of the Assembly, who, I have no doubt, will actively assist you in the success of this session.
240.	I should like to take this opportunity to include in these congratulations Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the President of the thirty-third session, whose tact and perfect knowledge of the great problems of the day made it possible for the work of that session to succeed and make appreciable progress in the search for solutions to our constant concerns.
241.	To Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of our Organization, I should like to repeat the great appreciation of my delegation for the tireless efforts which he has constantly put forth towards the same end.
242.	My delegation believes that, in spite of differences and reluctance, our work will be carried out in an atmosphere where the keynote is hope, a hope which will do away with the partisan selfishness which has generated so much conflict and conflagration. The world we live in needs this hope because it has too often fallen victim to those constantly resurging scourges which afflict humanity and which it must rid itself of through the indispensable solidarity of the international community.
243.	These scourges include, in the first place, hunger, which affects three quarters of humanity and kills off millions of human beings. I should like to stress here the preponderant role of our Organization in the effort to do away with hunger throughout the world, and at the same time to congratulate the Secretary- General and the Director-General of FAO on their unremitting efforts to achieve this objective. Indeed, we can never repeat too often the fact that man does not live by ideology alone, still less by cannons which rob him of his life, but by bread and water above all.
244.	Let us hope that the powerful of the world will do even more to contribute to the elimination of this scourge. In fact, nothing more remains to be said on this subject. And the last time that it was debated was in the course of the World Food Conference,  which showed that all that was needed was good will on the part of everyone for those who primarily suffer from hunger— that is children, to whom this year has been dedicated— to find themselves not only recognized at last but also given the right to existence so that the world can live tomorrow because, as the head of State of Gabon loves to say, "the surest hope of the world is its children".
245.	So hunger is the first scourge, and after hunger comes poverty, which is the lot of three quarters of mankind, condemned to be ever poorer while the rest of the world awards itself the bulk of the wealth that exists to become ever more prosperous.
246.	When the group of developing countries clamours for the establishment of this new and more just international economic order that would nowadays embrace such diverse fields as information and culture—the purview of the World Administrative Radio Conference, which has just begun work in Geneva—this is a warning signal which the industrialized countries would do well to heed, instead of turning a deaf ear as they did in Manila at the time of the fifth session of UNCTAJD, which yielded the most disappointing results because of the reluctance of those countries to do more for the cause of the developing countries.
247.	It is true that at the end of two years of hard bargaining there is good hope that agreement can be reached on the broad lines of the statutes of the Common Fund for the stabilization of primary commodities.
248.	It is true that an agreement was also arrived at in Vienna at the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, on the adoption of an over-all Programme of Action  aimed at strengthening the scientific and technical capabilities of the developing countries, the creation of a high-level horizontal structure—that is, the Intergovernmental Committee on Science and Technology for Development—and the establishment of machinery for financing which could increase and guarantee the volume of funds necessary for the attainment of defined objectives.
249.	It is true that it may be somewhat comforting and encouraging to note that at the second half of the eighth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which was concluded here a month ago, quite appreciable progress was made on certain points which were purported to be delicate, such as scientific research, pollution of the seas and the delimitation of the continental shelf.
250.	Naturally, within the same context, I cannot re-main silent about the results of the renegotiation of the Convention of Lome—where my country had the privilege of being Co-Chairman at a crucial moment of its history—a convention which clearly should be taken as a model in the field of co-operation, which we hope will be ever more fruitful, more diversified and more dynamic, between the industrialized and the developing countries. My country is gratified by the fact that the signing of this convention will take place once again in Lome'.
251.	These are so many grounds for satisfaction, and we are entitled to take pride in them in spite of serious short-comings.
252.	My delegation feels that the political will to pursue dialogue exists in all quarters. We can therefore only support Mr. Waldheim's appeal—issued at the 28th meeting of the work of the ad hoc committee on the North-South dialogue —for the resumption of this dialogue because "present stagnation is unacceptable at a time when dangers of all kinds threaten the world economy".
253.	Indeed, the constant imbalances which perturb the world economy—inflation and monetary disorders, just to mention two—underlie the particularly difficult and alarming situation affecting the economies of the third world in general and of the African continent in particular, aggravated by the problems of indebtedness and insufficient price supports for primary commodities and the deterioration of the terms of trade, a situation for which appropriate solutions should be found.
254.	Among those solutions must be an increase by the rich countries in their official assistance to the developing countries, particularly since the figure of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product recommended in 1970 by the United Nations has been attained so far only by Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands.
255.	Among those solutions also is the alleviation, management and total or partial remission of the debts contracted by the developing countries in accordance with an agreement of March 1968 by UNCTAD but subscribed to by only about 10 industrialized countries. My delegation wishes to pay warm tribute here to all of these countries in the hope that their example will be followed.
256.	With regard to Africa, ever since the seminar in Monrovia which met at the felicitous initiative of the Administrative Secretary-General of the OAU, Mr. Edem Kodjo, after having realized that, at the international level, trade and other exchanges were much more current among the industrialized countries than between them and the developing countries—in other words, there is a greater current of North-North trade than North-South—Africa decided, by the solemn Declaration of its Heads of State and Government meeting in July last again in Monrovia, to promote in Africa a new course to be based on self-sufficiency.
257.	I take pleasure in stressing that my country did not wait until the alarm bell had sounded in Monrovia before awakening to that fact; because, after what became an historic statement on 11 March 1976, the Head of State of Gabon, after having said No to unbridled capitalism and No to bureaucratic socialism, advocated "the new Gabonese policy of development, that of democratic and concerted progressivism", which consists of the awareness and the will of the Gabonese people to achieve better control of the economic machinery and better control and direction of their expansion, in the higher interest of the nation and for the benefit of all its citizens.
258.	So we have poverty and hunger, but we also have that greatest of all scourges, war, not forgetting conflict situations in a world which is in full transformation. War still remains one of the constant concerns of man, because his very survival depends on peace and security.
259.	On the basis of this analysis, it occurs to us to ask a fundamental question, When will all those who call for human rights and have arrogated to themselves the right to proclaim peace or war take the decision to devote even a tiny part of the billions they spend each year on the manufacture of ever-more sophisticated and deadly weapons to elimination of the scourges of hunger and poverty that afflict the world? It is deplorable indeed to note that the genius of man has never been better developed or more highly sophisticated than in that field of the invention, perfection and refinement of lethal devices.
260.	This is a cry of alarm, but also a cry of hope; the hope which we place in the future of mankind, a hope for which we take pleasure in noting that an echo, however feeble, has been found among the two superpowers, which are primarily responsible for the grave concerns which afflict the world and which lead small and medium-sized countries like ours to believe that power is found in the muzzle of a gun and thus to seek it as an end in itself even more important than the well- being of starving peoples. But with this gun, as the Head of the Gabonese State likes to put it, "we can do everything except lie on it with peace of mind". And, within this context, we can only greet with optimism the creation of the International Fund for Agricultural Development—for which my country proposes to provide a site for its headquarters—the Fund has as one of its objectives "to improve the nutritional level of the poorest populations"-  of all the developing countries.
261.	There is hardly any need to remind representatives that the essence of a man's life depends, above all, on satisfying his vital needs rather than an unbridled race for a balance of terror in which the two superpowers have not ceased to recognize their responsibilities. An illustration has just been given to us by the conclusion of the agreements reached as a result of the second round of SALT, after six years of intensive bilateral negotiations. We must encourage them in that course of direct negotiation, as they were in a letter addressed to their then leaders by the Heads of State and Government of the non-aligned countries who met in Belgrade in 1961 for the First Conference of the Movement, with as their final objective the destruction of all nuclear arsenals.
262.	Those are, in the view of my delegation, the major guidelines which should underlie our debate, because they flow from this profound conviction of the political philosophy of the Republic of Gabon, whose official seal shows a mother nursing her child.
263.	The Gabonese State has enhanced the role of women by creating a department concerned with every-thing that affects their advancement, promoting action for mass education in the rural areas and preserving our traditional values. Action is jointly undertaken by the departments of women's advancement, social affairs and popular education, as well as the Women's Union of the Gabonese Democratic Party, under the leadership of Mrs. Josephine Bongo, the wife of the Head of State.
264.	We have many mothers and sisters, all of whom are pleased to recognize the importance of their role in the development of our young nation, because in Gabon there is no discrimination between men and women in appointments to posts of responsibility. The only criterion is competence.
265.	With reference to the child, the child is the most precious possession, the builder of tomorrow's world, the artisan of the future, the link between yesterday and tomorrow, the soul ready to blossom—but which is stifled by man's selfishness, asphyxiated by the gunpowder of cannons. In so far as concerns the Gabonese Republic, for a long time now the importance of this "promise of man", as Gusdorf puts it, has been perceived and apprehended. Indeed, the Head of State of Gabon likes to repeat, as he did at the opening of the International Year of the Child:
"For me, youth is sacred. And this youth is, above all, young children. And those children must be born into a society of peace and progress. Their balanced development depends on it."
266.	In this field, the Government of Renovation, for which public health and social security constitute priority sectors, is devoting the larger part of its efforts to maternal and children's health, to social security with its birth bonuses and family allowances. These measures and provisions are in Africa in the vanguard of the steps advocated by the WHO relating to primary health care with a view to preserving the health of all by the year 2000.
267.	The efforts made on behalf of the child are also marked by a school attendance rate of 100 per cent at the primary level and somewhere near 70 to 80 per cent at the secondary and higher levels, as well as free education for all without any discrimination.
268.	If I have mentioned the place occupied by the child in Gabonese society, it is not only because our session is taking place in the International Year of the Child; it is, above all, because one of the evils that afflicts mankind that we have just denounced, namely war, affects the child most since it spoils and destroys his innocence and for ever dulls his sensibilities.
269.	Indeed, as President Bongo said quite recently:
"In this turbulent world rent by troubles, too many children are born and grow up in fear and anguish of unbridled warfare between nations and fratricidal revolutions, without any protection other than the wretched shelter of refugee camps and orphanages."
270.	And the Head of the State of Gabon declared himself ready to welcome children, primarily from distant regions where we hope and trust that peace will finally triumph, so that those lands will finally be able to experience the harmonious development to which they are entitled after so many years of sacrifices that would be in vain if they were not to lead to the social peace which we whole-heartedly aspire to, above and beyond grudges and rancours.
271.	If we consider the international political situation sector by sector, I am sure that members will agree with our appreciation of the present state of the world.
272.	In Africa we thought that a peaceful and internationally acceptable solution to the problems of Zimbabwe and Namibia was imminent.
273.	We cannot deny that the African countries and the liberation movements primarily concerned have demonstrated a great deal of moderation in their just claims of full and entire sovereignty over the land of their ancestors.
274.	We accepted the mediation of those very people who are the allies of the minority and racist regimes in Rhodesia and in South Africa, allies who are all the more clearly identifiable because they maintain relations of many kinds with the country that is primarily responsible for the terrible evil which is rampant in the region—that is, South Africa. But what have we obtained in exchange?
275.	In Zimbabwe, since the rebellion by Mr. Ian Smith, the African countries in particular, and the countries of the third world in general, have constantly called on the United Kingdom, the administering Power for the Territory, to live up fully to its responsibilities as such and to lead the country to independence.
276.	The idea that the reality of power should be concentrated in the hands of 3 per cent of the population of the Territory cannot be entertained. The members of this minority who for different reasons have found refuge in that country, and who have freely chosen to make a home there, should constantly bear in mind this truth, if they themselves after independence wish to be granted the right to make a positive contribution to the building of a new Zimbabwe, which will need their wisdom and experience.
277.	That is why the Government of Gabon welcomed the position taken by the United Kingdom on the future of Zimbabwe in the course of the recent Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held in Lusaka, Zambia, because it was in keeping with its position of prevailing upon all the sons of Zimbabwe to sit down at the same table to find a peaceful solution to their problem that would be internationally acceptable.
278.	This is why the Government of Gabon wishes to express the hope that the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference now being held at Lancaster House will see a resolution of this problem.
279.	The Namibian problem resembles the Rhodesian problem inasmuch as its origin lies in the system of apartheid, because of which the word "equality" has become meaningless. It also resembles the Rhodesian problem inasmuch as progress is being made towards an internal solution which takes no account of SWAPO, which nevertheless is recognized by the OAU and the United Nations as the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people. Neither does the solution take any account of international opinion, or of the plan of the Secretary-General of the United Nations,- while the South Africans have led the world to believe that it has accepted that plan based on the proposals of the five Western Powers. In acting in this way, South Africa thinks that it can benefit from the tacit agreement of the Western Powers because of their considerable investments in that region.
280.	Consequently, it is up to these Powers to remove any possible misunderstanding about their true desire to bring about a solution in keeping with the inalienable right of the Namibian people to freedom, independence, the territorial integrity of their country, including the port of Walvis Bay, and also national sovereignty, by prevailing upon their ally to reverse its decision before it is too late.
281.	From this very rostrum on 14 October 1977, at the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo, President of the Republic of Gabon, said:
" . . .the masses deprived of the fundamental rights of man are living like pariahs in the land of their ancestors....
"On our fellow human beings, treated as sub-humans, an iniquitous power is imposed by the so- called separate development of the famous 'national homelands' or bantustans, which are a parody of a homeland and government."
That remains a tragic reality, especially since a new Bantustan, the Venda, has just been created. Just as it condemned the Transkei in 1976 and Bophuthatswana in 1977, the Government of Gabon energetically condemns this most recent parody, which is designed to perpetuate the outrageous policy of white supremacy in this part of the continent.
282.	We should also recall this other saying of President Bongo:
"Sooner or later excess destroys itself.
"The excessive humiliation to which so-called separate development exposes our brothers is driving them to revolt, just as it is making it our duty to help them. There should be no doubt on this score, particularly among the Western Powers."
283.	We were particularly anxious to cite these quotations because we find that the countries most frequently accused of violating human rights are the countries of the third world, particularly African countries. We are waiting impatiently for the champions of human rights also to apply the necessary sanctions against the racist power of South Africa, and for colossal sums of money to be devoted to catching and punishing those who exercise this iniquitous power. So far, as far as I know, it has not been possible to get the Security Council to adopt any kind of resolution calling for binding economic sanctions against this other scourge of humanity which has been elevated to a veritable system, namely apartheid.
284.	I also wish to point out that certain major countries have not hesitated to suspend economic assistance to third-world countries accused of violating human rights. Justice, as we can see, is often selective, even in the West.
285.	On the subject of the Middle East, one cannot refrain from drawing a parallel between southern Africa and that part of the world because of the persistent refusal of Israel to grant the Palestinian people their fundamental rights: the right to liberty and to sovereignty over internationally recognized territory, under the leadership of its vanguard organization. I refer to the PLO, whose existence cannot be ignored by Israel, all the less since the PLO leader, Yasser Arafat, has spoken from this very rostrum.
286.	We reaffirm the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland just like all the other peoples of the region.
287.	We also reaffirm that, while there exists a momentum towards peace in the region, Israel must return the occupied Arab territories and refrain from creating settlements there.
288.	In this context, Jerusalem, the Holy Place of three revealed religions, must become an international city.
289.	This is why Gabon, which looks to dialogue as the pre-eminent instrument for the peaceful settlement of conflicts, has always supported the tireless efforts of President El-Sadat, in this framework, as well as the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty, because it is liable to bring about a certain momentum for a global settlement of the problem of the Middle East, a settlement which would take account of the recognition of legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, in keeping with the relevant United Nations resolutions.
290.	Our agenda, the consideration of which is to take some three months, accordingly embraces other items which are just as important and which it would have been worth while to deal with here.
291.	But for lack of time, I shall confine myself, before concluding my statement, to mentioning the tragedy of a nation rent in two—Cyprus—not without, however, reaffirming the profound conviction of the Gabonese Government that we shall see the thorny problem of the Korean peninsula resolved by means of a peaceful and independent reunification.
292.	With regard to Cyprus, then, here is a country which for six years now has suffered from division because of the presence on its territory of foreign troops. We reaffirm that the solution to this tragedy must inevitably, here as elsewhere, be brought about by means of dialogue, of direct intercommunal talks which must safeguard independence of the territory, its integrity and its non-aligned character.
293.	I have deliberately made hope the keynote of my statement—hope for a better future for mankind, in spite of the vicissitudes to which it is subject, such as the discord we have just mentioned—in the light of the efforts of our Organization to bring about concord, a symbol which my country has chosen for its national anthem. We place this hope in the United Nations, for it remains the appropriate framework for the solution of the numerous problems confronting the world today which will certainly determine the kind of world we shall have tomorrow.
294.	Because this hope alone is capable of permitting us to transcend our ideological differences, it spurs us on to reflexion, to the wisdom which mankind so sorely needs and which should accordingly preside throughout our debates, so that when they come to an end our delegations will leave New York with the legitimate satisfaction of having taken a step forward in the search for progress and peace in the world.
295.	In conclusion, I should like to welcome Saint Lucia to the United Nations. The admission of Saint Lucia is for my delegation a matter of satisfaction because it enables our Organization to take one more step on its long march towards universality.