It is a great honour for me to
be here today. I would like to talk to the General
Assembly about a subject that is at the heart of the
United Nations — the pursuit of peace in an imperfect
world.
 War and conflict have been with us since the
beginning of civilization. But in the first part of the
twentieth century, the advance of modern weaponry led
to death on a staggering scale. It was that killing that

11-50692 10

compelled the founders of this body to build an
institution that was focused not just on ending one war,
but on averting others; a union of sovereign States that
would seek to prevent conflict while also addressing its
causes.
 No American did more to pursue that objective
than President Franklin Roosevelt. He knew that a
victory in war was not enough. As he said at one of the
very first meetings on the founding of the United
Nations, “We have got to make not merely peace, but a
peace that will last”.
 The men and women who built this institution
understood that peace is more than the absence of war.
A lasting peace — for nations and individuals —
depends upon a sense of justice and opportunity; of
dignity and freedom. It depends upon struggle and
sacrifice; on compromise and on a sense of common
humanity.
 One delegate to the San Francisco Conference,
which led to the creation of the United Nations, put it
well:
 “Many people have talked as if all we had to do
to get peace was to say loudly and frequently that
we loved peace and hated war. Now we have
learned that no matter how much we love peace
and hate war, we cannot avoid having war
brought upon us if there are convulsions in other
parts of the world”.
 The fact is, peace is hard, but our people demand
it. Over nearly seven decades, even as the United
Nations helped avert a third world war, we still live in
a world scarred by conflict and plagued by poverty.
Even as we proclaim our love for peace and hatred of
war, there are still convulsions in our world that
endanger us all.
 I took office at a time of two wars for the United
States. Moreover, the violent extremists who drew us
into war in the first place — Osama bin Laden and his
Al-Qaida organization — remained at large. Today, we
have set a new direction.
 At the end of this year, America’s military
operation in Iraq will be over. We will have a normal
relationship with a sovereign nation that is a member
of the community of nations. That equal partnership
will be strengthened by our support for Iraq — for its
Government and its security forces, for its people and
their aspirations.
 As we end the war in Iraq, the United States and
our coalition partners have begun a transition in
Afghanistan. Between now and 2014, an increasingly
capable Afghan Government and security forces will
step forward to take responsibility for the future of
their country. As they do, we are drawing down our
own forces, while building an enduring partnership
with the Afghan people.
 So let there be no doubt: the tide of war is
receding. When I took office, roughly 180,000 Americans
were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. By the end of
this year, that number will be cut in half, and it will
continue to decline. This is critical for the sovereignty
of Iraq and Afghanistan, and to the strength of the
United States as we build our nation at home.
 Moreover, we are poised to end these wars from a
position of strength. Ten years ago, there was an open
wound and twisted steel; a broken heart in the centre of
this city. Today, as a new tower is rising at Ground
Zero, it symbolizes New York’s renewal, even as
Al-Qaida is under more pressure than ever before. Its
leadership has been degraded. Osama bin Laden, a man
who murdered thousands of people from dozens of
countries, will never endanger the peace of the world
again.
 Yes, this has been a difficult decade. But today
we stand at a crossroads of history, with the chance to
move decisively in the direction of peace. To do so we
must return to the wisdom of those who created this
institution.
 The founding Charter of United Nations calls
upon us, to unite our strength to maintain international
peace and security. Article 1 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights reminds us that, “All
human beings are born free and equal in dignity and in
rights”. Those bedrock beliefs — in the responsibility
of States and the rights of men and women — must be
our guide.
 In that effort, we have reason to hope. This year
has been a time of extraordinary transformation. More
nations have stepped forward to maintain international
peace and security. More individuals are claiming their
universal right to live in freedom and dignity.
 Think about it. One year ago, when we met here
in New York, the prospect of a successful referendum
in South Sudan was in doubt. But the international
community overcame old divisions to support the

11 11-50692

agreement that had been negotiated to give South
Sudan self-determination. Last summer, as a new flag
went up in Juba, former soldiers laid down their arms,
men and women wept with joy and children finally
knew the promise of looking to a future that they will
shape.
 One year ago, the people of Côte d’Ivoire
approached a landmark election. When the incumbent
lost and refused to respect the results, the world
refused to look the other way. United Nations
peacekeepers were harassed, but they did not leave
their posts. The Security Council, led by the United
States, Nigeria and France, came together to support
the will of the people. Côte d’Ivoire is now governed
by the man who was elected to lead.
 One year ago, the hopes of the people of Tunisia
were suppressed. But they chose the dignity of
peaceful protest over the rule of an iron fist. A vendor
lit a spark that took his own life, but ignited a
movement. In the face of a crackdown, students spelled
out the word freedom. The balance of fear shifted from
the ruler to those whom he ruled. Now the people of
Tunisia are preparing for elections that will move them
one step closer to the democracy that they deserve.
 One year ago, Egypt had known one President for
nearly 30 years. But for 18 days, the eyes of the world
were glued to Tahrir Square, where Egyptians from all
walks of life — men and women, young and old,
Muslim and Christian — demanded their universal
rights. We saw in those protesters the moral force of
non-violence that has lit the world from Delhi to
Warsaw, from Selma to South Africa — and we knew
that change had come to Egypt and to the Arab world.
 One year ago, the people of Libya were ruled by
the world’s longest-serving dictator. But faced with
bullets and bombs and a dictator who threatened to
hunt them down like rats, they showed relentless
bravery. We will never forget the words of the Libyan
who stood up in those early days of the revolution and
said, “Our words are free now”. It is a feeling one
cannot explain. Day after day, in the face of bullets and
bombs, the Libyan people refused to give back that
freedom. And when they were threatened by the kind
of mass atrocity that often went unchallenged in the
past century, the United Nations lived up to its Charter.
The Security Council authorized all necessary
measures to prevent a massacre. The Arab League
called for that effort. Arab nations joined a NATO-led
coalition that halted Al-Qadhafi’s forces in their tracks.
 In the months that followed, the will of the
coalition proved unbreakable, and the will of the
Libyan people could not be denied. Forty-two years of
tyranny were ended in six months. From Tripoli to
Misurata to Benghazi — today, Libya is free.
Yesterday, the leaders of a new Libya took their
rightful place beside us, and this week the United
States is reopening our embassy in Tripoli.
 This is how the international community is
supposed to work — nations standing together for the
sake of peace and security, and individuals claiming
their rights. Now, all of us have a responsibility to
support the new Libya and the new Libyan
Government as they confront the challenge of turning
this moment of promise into a just and lasting peace
for all Libyans.
 So this has been a remarkable year. The
Al-Qadhafi regime is over. Gbagbo, Ben Ali and
Mubarak are no longer in power. Osama bin Laden is
gone, and the idea that change could come only
through violence has been buried with him. Something
is happening in our world. The way things have been is
not the way that they will be. The humiliating grip of
corruption and tyranny is being pried open. Dictators
are on notice. Technology is putting power into the
hands of the people. Youth are delivering a powerful
rebuke to dictatorship and rejecting the lie that some
races, some peoples, some religions and some
ethnicities do not desire democracy. The promise
written down on paper — “all human beings are born
free and equal in dignity and rights” — is closer at
hand.
 But let us remember: Peace is hard. Peace is hard.
Progress can be reversed. Prosperity comes slowly.
Societies can split apart. The measure of our success
must be whether people can live in sustained freedom,
dignity and security. And the United Nations and its
Member States must do their part to support those
basic aspirations. And we have more work to do.
 In Iran, we have seen a Government that refuses
to recognize the rights of its own people. As we meet
here today, men, women and children are being
tortured, detained and murdered by the Syrian regime.
Thousands have been killed, many during the holy time
of Ramadan. Thousands more have poured across
Syria’s borders. The Syrian people have shown dignity

11-50692 12

and courage in their pursuit of justice, protesting
peacefully, standing silently in the streets and dying for
the same values that this institution is supposed to
stand for. And the question for us is clear: Will we
stand with the Syrian people or with their oppressors?
 Already, the United States has imposed strong
sanctions on Syria’s leaders. We supported a transfer of
power that would be responsive to the Syrian people.
And many of our allies have joined in this effort. But
for the sake of Syria — and the peace and security of
the world — we must speak with one voice. There is
no excuse for inaction. Now is the time for the Security
Council to sanction the Syrian regime and to stand with
the Syrian people.
 Throughout the region, we will have to respond
to the calls for change. In Yemen, men, women and
children gather by the thousands in towns and city
squares every day with the hope that their
determination and spilled blood will prevail over a
corrupt system. America supports those aspirations. We
must work with Yemen’s neighbours and our partners
around the world to seek a path that allows for a
peaceful transition of power from President Saleh, and
a movement to free and fair elections as soon as
possible.
 In Bahrain, steps have been taken towards reform
and accountability. We are pleased with that, but more
is required. America is a close friend of Bahrain, and
we will continue to call on the Government and the
main opposition bloc — al-Wifaq — to pursue a
meaningful dialogue that brings peaceful change that is
responsive to the people. We believe the patriotism that
binds Bahrainis together must be more powerful than
the sectarian forces that would tear them apart. It will
be hard, but it is possible.
 We believe that each nation must chart its own
course to fulfil the aspirations of its people. America
does not expect to agree with every party or person
who expresses themselves politically, but we will
always stand up for the universal rights that were
embraced by this Assembly. Those rights depend on
elections that are free and fair, governance that is
transparent and accountable, respect for the rights of
women and minorities, and justice that is equal and
fair. That is what our people deserve. Those are the
elements of peace that can last.
 Moreover, the United States will continue to
support, with greater trade and investment, those
nations that transition to democracy, so that freedom is
followed by opportunity. We will pursue deeper
engagement with Governments, but also with civil
society — students and entrepreneurs, political parties
and the press. We have banned those who abuse human
rights from travelling to our country and we have
sanctioned those who trample on human rights abroad.
And we will always serve as a voice for those who
have been silenced.
 Now, I know, particularly this week, that for
many in this Hall, there is one issue that stands as a test
of these principles and a test of American foreign
policy, and that is the conflict between the Israelis and
the Palestinians.
 One year ago, I stood at this podium and I called
for an independent Palestine. I believed then, and I
believe now, that the Palestinian people deserve a State
of their own, but what I also said is that a genuine
peace can be realized only between the Israelis and the
Palestinians themselves. One year later, despite
extensive efforts by America and others, the parties
have not bridged their differences. Faced with this
stalemate, I put forward a new basis for negotiations in
May of this year. That basis is clear. It is well known to
all of us here. Israelis must know that any agreement
provides assurances for their security. Palestinians
deserve to know the territorial basis of their State.
 I know that many are frustrated by the lack of
progress; I assure them that I am too. But the question
is not the goal that we seek. The question is: How do
we reach that goal? And I am convinced that there is no
shortcut to the end of a conflict that has endured for
decades. Peace is hard work. Peace will not come
through statements and resolutions at the United
Nations. If it were that easy, it would have been
accomplished by now. Ultimately, it is the Israelis and
the Palestinians who must live side by side. Ultimately,
it is the Israelis and the Palestinians — not us — who
must reach agreement on the issues that divide them:
on borders and on security, on refugees and on
Jerusalem.
 Ultimately, peace depends upon compromise
among people who must live together long after our
speeches are over, long after our votes have been
tallied. That is the lesson of Northern Ireland, where
ancient antagonists bridged their differences. That is
the lesson of the Sudan, where a negotiated settlement
led to an independent State. And that is and will be the

13 11-50692

path to a Palestinian State — negotiations between the
parties.
 We seek a future where Palestinians live in a
sovereign State of their own, with no limit to what they
can achieve. There is no question that the Palestinians
have seen that vision delayed for too long. It is
precisely because we believe so strongly in the
aspirations of the Palestinian people that America has
invested so much time and so much effort in the
building of a Palestinian State and in the negotiations
that can deliver a Palestinian State.
 But understand this as well: America’s
commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable. Our
friendship with Israel is deep and enduring. And so we
believe that any lasting peace must acknowledge the
very real security concerns that Israel faces every
single day.
 Let us be honest with ourselves: Israel is
surrounded by neighbours that have waged repeated
wars against it. Israel’s citizens have been killed by
rockets fired at their houses and suicide bombs on their
buses. Israel’s children come of age knowing that
throughout the region other children are taught to hate
them. Israel, a small country of less than 8 million
people, looks out at a world where leaders of much
larger nations threaten to wipe it off of the map. The
Jewish people carry the burden of centuries of exile
and persecution and fresh memories of knowing that
6 million people were killed simply because of who
they are. Those are facts. They cannot be denied.
 The Jewish people have forged a successful State
in their historic homeland. Israel deserves recognition.
It deserves normal relations with its neighbours. And
friends of the Palestinians do them no favours by
ignoring that truth, just as friends of Israel must
recognize the need to pursue a two-State solution with
a secure Israel next to an independent Palestine.
 That is the truth. Each side has legitimate
aspirations, and that is part of what makes peace so
hard. And the deadlock will be broken only when each
side learns to stand in the other’s shoes and each side
can see the world through the other’s eyes. That is
what we should be encouraging. That is what we
should be promoting.
 This body — founded as it was out of the ashes
of war and genocide, and dedicated as it is to the
dignity of every single person — must recognize the
reality that is lived by the Palestinians and the Israelis
alike. The measure of our actions must always be
whether they advance the right of Israeli and
Palestinian children to live lives of peace and security
and dignity and opportunity. And we will succeed in
that effort only if we can encourage the parties to sit
down, to listen to each other and to understand each
other’s hopes and each other’s fears. That is the project
to which America is committed. There are no shortcuts.
And that is what the United Nations should be focused
on in the weeks and months to come.
 Even as we confront these challenges of conflict
and revolution, we must also recognize — and we must
also remind ourselves — that peace is not just the
absence of war. True peace depends on creating the
opportunity that makes life worth living. And to do
that, we must confront the common enemies of
humanity: nuclear weapons and poverty, ignorance and
disease. Those forces corrode the possibility of lasting
peace and together we are called upon to confront
them.
 To lift the spectre of mass destruction, we must
come together to pursue the peace and security of a
world without nuclear weapons. Over the past two
years, we have begun to walk down that path. Since
our Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, D.C.,
nearly 50 nations have taken steps to secure nuclear
materials from terrorists and smugglers. Next March, a
summit in Seoul will advance our efforts to lock down
all of them. The New START Treaty between the
United States and Russia will cut our deployed arsenals
to the lowest level in half a century, and our nations are
pursuing talks on how to achieve even deeper
reductions. America will continue to work for a ban on
the testing of nuclear weapons and the production of
fissile material needed to make them.
 And so we have begun to move in the right
direction. And the United States is committed to
meeting our obligations. But even as we meet our
obligations, we have strengthened the treaties and
institutions that help stop the spread of those weapons.
And to do so, we must continue to hold accountable
those nations that flout them.
 The Iranian Government cannot demonstrate that
its programme is peaceful. It has not met its obligations
and it rejects offers that would provide it with peaceful
nuclear power. North Korea has yet to take concrete
steps towards abandoning its weapons and continues

11-50692 14

belligerent action against the South. There is a future
of greater opportunity for the people of those nations if
their Governments meet their international obligations.
But if they continue down a path that is outside
international law, they must be met with greater
pressure and isolation. That is what our commitment to
peace and security demands.
 To bring prosperity to our people, we must
promote the growth that creates opportunity. In this
effort, let us not forget that we have made enormous
progress over the past several decades. Closed societies
gave way to open markets. Innovation and
entrepreneurship have transformed the way we live and
the things that we do. Emerging economies from Asia
to the Americas have lifted hundreds of millions of
people from poverty. It is an extraordinary
achievement.
 And yet, three years ago, we were confronted
with the worst financial crisis in eight decades. And
that crisis proved a fact that has become clearer with
each passing year. Our fates are interconnected. In a
global economy, nations will rise or fall together.
 Today, we confront the challenges that have
followed on the heels of that crisis. Around the world
recovery is still fragile. Markets remain volatile. Too
many people are out of work. Too many others are
struggling just to get by. We acted together to avert a
depression in 2009. We must take urgent and
coordinated action once more.
 Here in the United States, I have announced a
plan to put Americans back to work and jump-start our
economy, at the same time as I am committed to
substantially reducing our deficits over time.
 We stand with our European allies as they
reshape their institutions and address their own fiscal
challenges. For other countries, leaders face a different
challenge as they shift their economy towards more
self-reliance, boosting domestic demand while slowing
inflation. So we will work with emerging economies
that have rebounded strongly so that rising standards of
living create new markets that promote global growth.
That is what our commitment to prosperity demands.
 To combat the poverty that punishes our children,
we must act on the belief that freedom from want is a
basic human right. The United States has made it a
focus of our engagement abroad to help people to feed
themselves. And today, as drought and conflict have
brought famine to the Horn of Africa, our conscience
calls on us to act. Together, we must continue to
provide assistance and support organizations that can
reach those in need. And together, we must insist on
unrestricted humanitarian access so that we can save
the lives of thousands of men and women and children.
Our common humanity is at stake. Let us show that the
life of a child in Somalia is as precious as any other.
That is what our commitment to our fellow human
beings demands.
 To stop disease that spreads across borders, we
must strengthen our system of public health. We will
continue the fight against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and
malaria. We will focus on the health of mothers and of
children. And we must come together to prevent and
detect and fight every kind of biological danger —
whether it is a pandemic like H1N1 or a terrorist threat
or a treatable disease.
 This week, America signed an agreement with the
World Health Organization (WHO) to affirm our
commitment to meeting that challenge. And today, I
urge all nations to join us in meeting the WHO goal of
making sure all nations have core capacities to address
public health emergencies in place by 2012. That is
what our commitment to the health of our people
demands.
 To preserve our planet, we must not put off action
that climate change demands. We have to tap the power
of science to save those resources that are scarce. And
together, we must continue our work to build on the
progress made in Copenhagen and Cancún, so that all
the major economies represented here today follow
through on the commitments that were made. Together,
we must work to transform the energy that powers our
economies and support others as they move down that
path. That is what our commitment to the next
generation demands.
 To make sure our societies reach their potential,
we must allow our citizens to reach theirs. No country
can afford the corruption that plagues the world like a
cancer. Together, we must harness the power of open
societies and open economies. That is why we have
partnered with countries across the globe to launch a
new partnership on open Government that helps ensure
accountability and helps to empower citizens. No
country should deny people their rights to freedom of
speech and freedom of religion, but also no country
should deny people their rights because of whom they

15 11-50692

love, which is why we must stand up for the rights of
gays and lesbians everywhere.
 No country can realize its potential if half its
population cannot reach theirs. This week, the United
States signed a new declaration on women’s
participation. Next year, we should each announce the
steps we are taking to break down the economic and
political barriers that stand in the way of women and
girls. That is what our commitment to human progress
demands.
 I know there is no straight line to that progress,
no single path to success. We come from different
cultures, and carry with us different histories. But let
us never forget that even as we gather here as Heads of
different Governments, we represent citizens who share
the same basic aspirations to live with dignity and
freedom, to get an education and pursue opportunity, to
love our families and love and worship our God, to live
in the kind of peace that makes life worth living.
 It is the nature of our imperfect world that we are
forced to learn these lessons over and over again.
Conflict and repression will endure so long as some
people refuse to do unto others as we would have them
do unto us. Yet that is precisely why we have built
institutions like this — to bind our fates together, to
help us recognize ourselves in each other — because
those who came before us believed that peace is
preferable to war, and freedom is preferable to
suppression, and prosperity is preferable to poverty.
That is the message that comes not from capitals, but
from citizens, from our people.
 When the cornerstone of this very building was
put in place, President Truman came here to New York
and said, “The United Nations is essentially an
expression of the moral nature of man’s aspirations” —
the moral nature of man’s aspirations. As we live in a
world that is changing at a breathtaking pace, that is a
lesson that we must never forget.
 Peace is hard, but we know that it is possible. So,
together, let us be resolved to see that it is defined by
our hopes and not by our fears. Together, let us make
peace — but a peace, most importantly, that will last.


On behalf of the Government
and the people of South Africa, I wish to extend our
sincere congratulations to Ambassador Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his election as President of the
General Assembly. We wish him a successful tenure in
the stewardship of this body and assure him of our
delegation’s full support. We also congratulate his
predecessor, Mr. Joseph Deiss, for the diligent manner
in which he guided the work of the Assembly at its
sixty-fifth session.
 I would further like to take this opportunity to
congratulate Mr. Ban Ki-moon on his re-appointment as
Secretary-General.
 It is also an honour for South Africa to welcome
the Republic of South Sudan to the community of
nations as the 193rd State Member of the United
Nations.
 This month, the United States and the world
marked the tenth anniversary of the horrendous
terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, which affected
the United States and 89 other countries. That horrific
incident united the international community and
strengthened its resolve to cooperate in the fight
against terrorism. We pay our respects to the victims of
the tragedy and their families. We reaffirm our
commitment to working with other Member States to
eradicate terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.
 The theme of this session — “The role of
mediation in the settlement of disputes by peaceful
means” — is timely and well chosen. The Charter of
the United Nations mandates the Organization to
utilize mediation as one of the tools to prevent and
resolve conflicts across the globe. The role of
mediation as a tool for the settlement of disputes has
renewed relevance today, given the number of conflicts
in the world. We should defend the independence and
impartiality of the United Nations and promote the
principles of its Charter during conflicts and crises.
The United Nations should never take sides in any
conflict but should always maintain its impartiality.
The United Nations must not allow itself to be used by
any country, regardless of its history or size. All
citizens of the world should feel confident and secure
in the knowledge that the United Nations is above all
partisan interests and serves only those of the citizens
of the globe.
 We are of the view that regional organizations
play a crucial role in the resolution of conflicts and in
regional mediation processes. The Charter of the
United Nations itself provides for the role of regional
organizations in cooperation with the United Nations.
This role of the regions must always be enforced and
enhanced, and not undermined. In our continent, the
African Union (AU) continues to play a significant role
in mediation and the resolution of conflicts, trying at

23 11-50702

all times to produce African solutions to African
problems, of course with the support of the world.
 This year, the world witnessed the so-called Arab
Spring in North Africa and the Middle East. With
regard to the situation in Libya, the AU played a
crucial role in seeking a peaceful solution to the crisis,
in line with its mandate of working for peace and
stability in the continent. However, it is a matter of
record now that the AU efforts were never given a
chance. Military actions were preferred over peaceful
means.
 Nonetheless, the AU continues to be seized with
the Libyan conflict, as it should be. South Africa,
through the AU and the United Nations, will work with
the National Transitional Council, the representative of
the Libyan people, as it proceeds to form an inclusive
transitional Government that will take the Libyan seat
in the African Union. During this period of working
towards normalcy in Libya, we call for a cessation of
hostilities and an end to the NATO aerial
bombardment. We also call for the lifting of the no-fly
zone, whose imposition was necessary for the
protection of civilians.
 The proliferation of arms in Libya is a major
concern. The transitional Government will need to be
supported in addressing this security issue. It may pose
a serious challenge affecting the entire subregion if it is
not adequately attended to. We also urge the new
Libyan authorities to ensure the protection of migrant
workers, especially those from sub-Saharan African
countries, who number approximately 2.5 million.
Immediate measures should be taken to put an end to
the killing, arbitrary arrest and detention of migrant
workers and black Libyans.
 We will fully support the people of Libya as they
go through the transition towards a new, united and
democratic Libya that protects human rights, human
dignity and freedom.
 South Africa continues to support international
efforts to assist the people of Palestine and Israel to
find lasting peace. The decades-old struggle of the
Palestinian people for a sovereign State of their own
has now reached a turning point. The Palestinian
Authority, backed by the League of Arab States, has
stated its intention to seek United Nations membership
for the State of Palestine. South Africa fully supports
this position. It is a decisive step towards achieving
lasting peace, economic cooperation and prosperity for
the millions of people in the Middle East, and we urge
that it be viewed favourably.
 We also support the ongoing struggle for self-
determination of the people of Western Sahara. We
urge the international community to support their quest
for freedom, human rights and dignity.
 We reiterate our call for the lifting of the
economic and financial embargo against the people of
Cuba in order to help them gain their economic
freedom.
 All Member States have a duty to safeguard the
future and relevance of the United Nations. Recent
international developments have made more urgent our
efforts to intensify the reform agenda of the United
Nations, particularly the Security Council, as well as
the Bretton Woods institutions. No reform can be
complete without the substantive reform of the
Security Council, whose membership must be
consistent with the principle of equitable geographical
representation. In this regard, we reiterate our call for
Africa to be represented in the category of permanent
membership of the Security Council.
 South Africa is preparing to welcome the
international community and all stakeholders to the
seventeenth session of the Conference of the Parties to
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change and to the seventh Meeting of the Parties to the
Kyoto Protocol, in November and December this year.
The success of the Conference is highly dependent on
the willingness of all parties to reach an agreement. It
does not depend on South Africa alone. As leaders, we
are accountable to the global citizenry, the ordinary
people that suffer daily from the impacts of climate
change. They hold high expectations of their leaders to
be responsible and to find effective solutions to the
threat that climate change poses to their livelihood,
quality of life, dignity and, in many cases, their very
survival. We dare not fail them.
 We are witnessing the catastrophic effects of
famine in Somalia and neighbouring countries. Our
response should not be left to the United Nations alone;
it requires united action from all of us. South Africa
has been humbled to contribute in a small way to the
alleviation of human suffering. The people of Somalia
still need more support, and we urge the world to focus
its attention more sharply on Somalia and its
neighbours in the Horn of Africa.

11-50702 24

 It is commendable that the Millennium
Development Goals and their realization by 2015
continue to feature on the agenda of the General
Assembly. We now have four years to go before we
reach the target date. It is clear that many of the Goals
will not be attained on time, particularly in
sub-Saharan Africa. We call on the international
community and the United Nations to redouble efforts
to assist countries that are lagging.
 At this session, we will be commemorating the
tenth anniversary of the adoption of the Durban
Declaration and Programme of Action — the outcome
document of the World Conference against Racism,
Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related
Intolerance, which was held in Durban in 2001. Racism
and racial discrimination continue to pose a challenge
to humankind and to negate the principles of the
Charter of the United Nations. We should continue to
work together to eradicate the scourge of racism.
 On 8 January 2012, the African National
Congress (ANC), the oldest liberation movement in
Africa, will mark 100 years of existence since its
establishment in 1912. The ANC spearheaded the
struggle against racial oppression, colonialism and
apartheid in South Africa. It inspired many in the
African continent to fight for their freedom and
independence from colonialism.
 The United Nations declared apartheid a crime
against humanity and in that way endorsed the struggle
against racial oppression in our country. The centenary
of the ANC recognizes the immense contribution of the
United Nations and the international community in
working to eradicate racism and racial discrimination
in the world. We will, tomorrow, host a symposium on
South Africa’s contribution to the fight against racism
and racial discrimination.
 Working together, let us remain committed to
multilateralism and cooperation in this session of the
General Assembly and beyond, and promote the
realization of a more equitable and just world.


It gives me
great pleasure to address the General Assembly of the
United Nations this year, at a time when its President is
a son of the State of Qatar, His Excellency Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser. I take this opportunity to
congratulate him on his election and to wish him every
success in his mission. I would also like to express my
thanks to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Joseph
Deiss, for his hard work during his presidency of the
previous session. Let me also congratulate His
Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon for the trust that all
Member States expressed in him by reappointing him
as Secretary-General of the United Nations for a
second term.
 I come to the Assembly from a region brimming
with great expectations and hopes that is navigating
through strong currents, a region whose peoples are
calling for reform so that they can achieve their goals,
assume their responsibilities and take their place in the
partnership of the future of humankind, with all of its
challenges and prospects.
 We have been aware of our role from the very
beginning and we have acted within its parameters. We
are for the promotion of dialogue among cultures and
civilizations. We are for strengthening and consolidating
relations among peoples. We are for the consolidation
of rapprochement among Powers on the basis of the
principles of right and justice and within the
framework of rightful cooperation. That cooperation
must be governed by the principles, laws and

11-50692 16

international charters and covenants that have been
developed by humankind over the centuries to ensure a
better future for the world.
 All members of the Assembly are aware that the
blossoming of the Arab Spring — with all that it
represents in Arab and human history — has presented
everyone with heavy responsibilities that they have to
assume, as well as positions that they have to take. We
were among those who made a choice. On the one
hand, we have always had a clear policy with regard to
the rules that govern our Arab, regional and
international relations. Those rules are based on
understanding, reconciliation and harmony among
peoples and nations. On the other hand, like others, we
have been unable to turn a deaf ear or a blind eye to the
calls of the wounded seeking help from near and far
against an entrenched oppression and injustice.
 For our part, we exhausted each and every means,
until the only option left for us was to hear and
sympathize, and to watch and help. We knew that this
was not a solution, but rather an emergency situation in
the context of one of the most critical issues in the
Arab world today, by which I mean the issue of
change.
 We know that our principled choices are stable
and strong. We also know that our subsequent response
to the prevailing situation stems from urgency, and that
it is a situation that needs to be settled on the basis of
the rules and laws that govern international relations in
the contemporary world. It is a situation that should
shift responsibilities from States acting individually to
an international community acting in accordance with
its rules and laws.
 We have already expressed our views here,
during previous sessions of the Assembly, that the
United Nations system needs to evolve in a manner
consistent with the situations that reflect the realities of
a new world. That world is not one linked with
interests alone, but one where it is imperative to have
an agreement that confirms the principles that govern
civilized behaviour, while simultaneously preserving
the unity of those interests.
 The major problems in the Middle East region are
the question of Palestine and the continued Israeli
occupation of Arab territories in the West Bank, the
Golan Heights and the Shaba’a farmlands in southern
Lebanon, in addition to the threat of war and the
strangulating Israeli blockade of the Gaza Strip.
 For over four decades, all peace efforts that have
been deployed have resulted in failures to reach a just
settlement that would ensure a lasting and
comprehensive peace in the region. This is because of
Israel’s intransigent position, which seems to be that its
military might enable it to guarantee peace and
security, and its insistence to play for time and to use
the negotiations to preserve the status quo by
continuing Jewish settlement.
 Faced with this stalemate in the Palestinian cause,
the continued suffering of the Palestinian people under
occupation and persistent violations of their human and
national rights, we urge all Member States of the
United Nations to listen to the voice of right. We urge
them to respond to the Palestinians’ legitimate request
for a Palestinian State that will become a full-fledged
member of the United Nations, on an equal footing
with all other Member States. This will pave the way
for the realization of peace in our region.


Mr. President, I congratulate Mr. Al-Nasser on his
election to preside over the sixty-sixth session of the
General Assembly, and extend the best wishes of the
Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Mrs. Kamla
Persad-Bissessar, and of the Government and people of
my country, on whose behalf I address the Assembly.
 I also welcome South Sudan as the newest
Member of the United Nations.
 More than six decades ago, the United Nations
was established, among other things, to save
succeeding generations from the scourge of war,
promote social progress and better standards of life in
greater freedom, and employ international machinery
for the promotion of the economic and social
advancement of all peoples.
 Notwithstanding instances of conflicts that have
threatened to reverse the gains achieved since 1945, the
United Nations, with the support of Member States, has
achieved some success in maintaining international
peace and security. An important ingredient fuelling
this success has been the promotion by the United
Nations of the principle of the settlement of disputes
through pacific or peaceful means.
 The Government of Trinidad and Tobago is very
supportive of the President’s choice of the theme for
this debate, “The role of mediation in the settlement of
disputes by peaceful means”. It provides, in our view,
an opportunity for members of the international
community to reaffirm their commitment to this
important principle, which is not only enshrined in the
Charter of the United Nations but also widely accepted
as forming part of customary international law.
 The Charter is the primary legal instrument
governing the conduct of international relations among
States. Indeed, Article 33 imposes a binding legal
obligation on parties to disputes to settle them first of
all through peaceful means. Under Chapter VII, the
Security Council is also required, as a first resort, to
use peaceful means to resolve disputes that constitute
threats to peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of
aggression.
 We meet at a time when peoples everywhere are
seeking more direct roles in the governance of their
societies; when they are not prepared to be silent
spectators to their plight; when ordinary, law-abiding
citizens are prepared to die for the cause of freedom
from tyranny and for democracy; when leadership that
is anything less than democratic is unacceptable; when
social media have united the peoples of the world into
a global community with one aspiration — the dignity
of the human person; and when the hunger of the souls
of peoples of many nations for democracy cannot be
appeased by false promises of a distant utopia. Above
all, we are witnessing levels of youth alienation and
restlessness that challenge leaders to bridge the gap
between old cultures and traditions of governance with

11-51398 18

new aspirations. There will be no future that is
peaceful unless the cynicism of the young is addressed.
 Developments in the Middle East and in North
Africa reveal a global growing dissonance among the
masses with regimes that trample on the freedoms
fundamental to democracy and do not allow for
participation in governance. In a world linked by social
media, the risk of a people’s uprising that transcends
continents and borders is real. It is a kind of social
chaos that as leaders we must all prevent. If we do not,
the gains we have made will be lost and a kind of
anarchy could be set in motion.
 What are the reasons for all of this? They have to
do with the perception of a denial that people feel
exists today. That denial is political in nature in terms
of shared governance; it is also material in nature, as it
relates to the way people feel about how resources are
allocated in their countries; it is also spiritual in nature,
because of the general emptiness that people feel when
it comes to realizing their human potential.
 Politically, the age of totalitarianism and
anti-democratic leadership styles is over. When it
comes to the use of their countries’ material resources,
people wish to see more equitable distribution and
application in ways that improve basic standards of
living. The ability to eat even a single meal or to
receive basic health care, education, affordable public
transport and housing is today at the top of the list of
people’s priorities. As leaders of the world, we must
stop and we must answer. Now more than ever, the
world must allocate its resources equitably, ethically,
sustainably and transparently.
 While we at the United Nations generally talk
about mediation as settling differences among nations,
perhaps the real mediation has to be between
generations. Leaders must now adopt styles of
leadership that embrace active listening to the views of
those governed. Leaders must develop approaches that
build consensus and promote participation, since
people now demand a greater say in how their futures
are shaped. They want to author that future, not be
dictated to. They want to arrive at a destiny that they
have shaped, not one that is shaped for them.
 The defeat of economic and social demons will
come about only when there is unity of purpose,
nationally and globally — a reality that is possible only
when the energies of all stakeholders are harnessed
around a common vision. A common vision cannot be
fostered when conflicts, internal or external, are
allowed to fester. This results in the further alienation
of people who often resort to violence and socially
disruptive behaviour to solve disputes.
 Trinidad and Tobago has always advocated the
settlement of disputes by peaceful means. This is based
on our support for an international order founded on
respect for the rule of law. In this regard, we hold
sacred the territorial sovereignty of States and the
inalienable human rights and fundamental freedoms of
individuals. We also view the promotion of justice as
indispensable to the maintenance of peace and security
at the national, regional and global levels.
Nevertheless, none of these objectives would be
attainable if there were no systems encouraging
Member States to settle disputes peacefully. That is
why we have always been vociferous in our support of
the work of the International Criminal Court and other
tribunals established to promote peace by dispensing
justice.
 Trinidad and Tobago relies heavily for its
economic development on the exploration and
exploitation of the living and mineral resources of the
maritime zones within our national jurisdiction. In
doing this, we have had to delimit our maritime
boundaries with neighbouring coastal States in
accordance with the relevant provisions of the 1982
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and
other applicable rules of international law. I can assure
the Assembly that this has been done by peaceful
means, either through diplomatic negotiations or by
arbitration pursuant to the provisions of annex VII of
the Convention.
 Trinidad and Tobago recognizes the importance
of the need to settle disputes by peaceful means.
Consequently, we have become parties to several
conventions for settling commercial and investment
disputes. These have been given the force of law in our
jurisdiction. For example, our 1996 Foreign Arbitral
Awards Act gives effect to Trinidad and Tobago’s
obligations under the 1958 Convention on the
Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral
Awards. Additionally, as a State party to the
Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes
between States and Nationals of Other States, we also
recognize that, like States, foreign nationals who invest
in Trinidad and Tobago must be in a position to avail
themselves of the conciliation and arbitration services
provided by the International Centre for Settlement of

19 11-51398

Investment Disputes, which is an impartial
international forum for resolving potential investment
disputes. Such treaties not only provide the requisite
reassurance for investors, who know that any dispute
that may arise will be settled through an objective
process; they also serve as incentives for would-be
investors to do business in Trinidad and Tobago.
 We in Trinidad and Tobago support the position
taken by the International Court of Justice and the
International Law Commission that all Member States
are bound to refrain in their international relations
from the threat or use of force against the territorial
integrity or political independence of any State, or in
any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the
United Nations. It is for these reasons that we have
always upheld the position that border disputes in our
region or any part of the globe should he settled
peacefully. It will be recalled that as far back as 1970,
Trinidad and Tobago, through the good offices of our
former Prime Minister, the late Mr. Eric Williams,
facilitated the conclusion of the Protocol of Port-of-
Spain, whereby Guyana and Venezuela agreed to a
12-year moratorium on their border dispute.
 Since then, Trinidad and Tobago has supported
other initiatives mounted by the Caribbean Community
(CARICOM), the Organization of American States and
the United Nations aimed at resolving this dispute by
peaceful means. Elsewhere in our region, we have
encouraged the use of good offices and mediation to
resolve the border dispute between Belize and Guyana,
as well as internal disputes in Haiti. Our support for
these regional initiatives is in keeping with the
provisions of Article 52 of the Charter, which envisions
a role for regional organizations in the pacific
settlement of disputes.
 Further afield, we have always advocated that the
Middle East conflict should be settled peacefully.
Trinidad and Tobago supports the quest of Palestinians
for a State of their own with secure borders, alongside
the State of Israel, whose borders must also be secure
and free from terrorist attacks. The United Nations
must continue to show leadership and work with the
Arab League and other entities to resolve the decades-
old conflict between Israel and Palestine so that there
can be lasting peace in the region. For far too long, we,
like the rest of the world, have witnessed the
horrendous loss of life and destruction of infrastructure
which have erased the hopes and prospects of many
young people for a bright future in the place of their
birth.
 The efforts of States at the national or regional
levels for the settlement of disputes emphasize their
primary responsibility under the Charter to settle
disputes peacefully. These are supplementary to and
reinforce the role of the United Nations as mandated
under the Charter. Trinidad and Tobago therefore
welcomes the renewed emphasis placed by the United
Nations on mediation and other means for the peaceful
settlement of disputes, as demonstrated in the report of
the Secretary-General dated 8 April 2009 (S/2009/189),
as well as the adoption on 22 June 2011 by the General
Assembly of its resolution 65/283, entitled
“Strengthening the role of mediation in the peaceful
settlement of disputes, conflict prevention and
resolution”.
 During her contribution to the general debate last
year (see A/65/PV.20), The Honourable Prime Minister
of Trinidad and Tobago, Mrs. Kamla Persad-Bissessar,
took the political initiative to call on the General
Assembly to adopt a resolution on women,
disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control. That
resolution, which was eventually adopted by the
Assembly as resolution 65/69, calls on States to
promote the equitable representation of women in all
decision-making processes with regard to matters
related to disarmament, non-proliferation and arms
control.
 One year later, the United Nations continues to
make strides in placing women at the centre of all of its
activities. This has been reflected, for example, in the
establishment of the United Nations Entity for Gender
Equality and the Empowerment of Women
(UN-Women). Consistent with this action, Trinidad and
Tobago applauds the decision taken by Member States
in resolution 65/283, which recognizes the importance
of the full and effective participation of women at all
levels, at all stages and in all aspects of the peaceful
settlement of disputes, conflict prevention and
resolution, as well as the need to address the lack of
women as chief or lead peace mediators.
 Women are among the most vulnerable during
conflicts, internal or otherwise, and hence must be
involved in all vehicles relating to the settlement of
disputes and conflict prevention. The absence of
women in the process could result in the development
of peace agreements which are not comprehensive in

11-51398 20

scope and which may not address those issues that
affect women during periods of conflict and which
continue thereafter.
 The inclusion of women in the peaceful
settlement of disputes and conflict prevention is related
to their involvement in the political process. Women, in
whatever part of the world, must not be left out of the
political decision-making process. The Honourable
Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago continues to
demonstrate her commitment to the participation of
women in Government in meaningful ways, both
nationally and internationally. Her advocacy with
respect to this issue resulted in the hosting in Trinidad
and Tobago in 2011 of regional seminars to promote
this democratic and just cause.
 Bearing in mind the significance of this subject,
Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, together with
other States, the United Nations Development
Programme and UN-Women, successfully co-hosted a
high-level colloquium on women’s political
participation last Monday in the margins of the General
Assembly. It was gratifying and fulfilling to see a room
overflowing with women from all over the world
championing the common cause of gender equality.
The event clearly demonstrated that the small size of a
country is not a deterrent to the realization of big
dreams and the fulfilment of wholesome ideals in the
pursuit of human development.
 As part of the colloquium, the Prime Minister of
Trinidad and Tobago was among those leaders who
signed a declaration on advancing women’s political
participation. It is the hope of Trinidad and Tobago that
the outcome of this event will promote greater global
consciousness and discussions on the participation of
women in Government and the advancement of
democracy globally. In keeping with the objective of
this meeting, Trinidad and Tobago calls on Member
States to implement the provisions of resolution 65/283
on the inclusion of women as mediators in the peaceful
settlement of disputes and conflict prevention. At the
same time, we would also welcome greater efforts to
recruit lead mediators from developing countries and
from small countries, particularly small island
developing States, including in the Caribbean,
consistent with the principle of equitable geographic
distribution in the recruitment of United Nations
personnel.
 Like women, our young people are also very
susceptible to the negative effects of strife and
therefore they, too, must be protected. A number of
cases before the International Criminal Court (ICC)
show that the perpetrators are on trial or under
investigation for committing war crimes because they
conscripted or enlisted children under the age of 15
into their national armed forces or used them to
participate actively in hostilities. In addition to
mechanisms aimed at bringing the accused to justice,
we support all those aimed at rehabilitating young
people who have survived conflict so that they can
advance, reach their fullest potential and contribute to
the development of their societies. This can be
achieved if they are able to enjoy their basic human
rights. Thus we call on States that are in a position to
do so to contribute to UNICEF, the International
Committee of the Red Cross and the ICC Trust Fund
for Victims, which assist in the rehabilitation of
children and other victims of armed conflict.
 Trinidad and Tobago endorses a number of other
elements contained in resolution 65/283 relating to the
strengthening of the position of the United Nations in
assisting States to develop their capacity to employ
mediation and other peaceful means to resolve
disputes. While the adoption of the resolution is
laudable, it is only a means to an end. Member States
must ensure that all aspects of the resolution are
implemented fully. In this regard, Trinidad and Tobago
wishes to underscore the importance of the provision
of adequate resources to the Department of Political
Affairs and its Mediation Support Unit. Without the
required resources, the Secretary-General will not be
able to effectively use his good offices and other
mediation capacities to help resolve existing and future
disputes.
 The escalation of armed conflict and armed
violence is fuelled by several factors. One component
is the illegal proliferation of conventional arms,
including small arms and light weapons which have
been diverted from the legal market to the illicit trade.
The United Nations, in keeping with its obligations
under the Charter to promote and maintain
international peace and security, has recognized the
impact of the illegal trade in conventional arms on the
peace and security of countries and regions and has
adopted several resolutions and implemented different
programmes to address this matter.

21 11-51398

 But for us in Trinidad and Tobago and the
CARICOM region, the most ambitious measure
undertaken so far is the decision to convene a
conference in July 2012 to negotiate the text of an arms
trade treaty. Trinidad and Tobago and its CARICOM
partners have been very active in the deliberations of
meetings of the Preparatory Committee examining
possible elements for inclusion in the treaty. As we
approach the 2012 conference and begin to reflect on
items to be included in the agreement, considerable
care must also be taken to ensure that there are
adequate provisions for the settlement of disputes
which may arise among future States parties on the
interpretation and application of the provisions of the
arms trade treaty.
 The absence of peaceful means to resolve
conflicts has led to genocide, war crimes and other
pernicious misdeeds of concern to the international
community. In many cases, they have stymied
economic growth and social progress and have
destroyed human lives. They have limited the capacity
of many States in conflict, especially those in the
developing world, to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals. We must save current and future
generations from the plague of war brought about by
intolerance, xenophobia, border disputes and
disagreements over the allocation of resources. We in
Trinidad and Tobago feel that a concrete way of doing
this — an intervention strategy — is to focus, as my
country is focusing, on universal preschool education,
because we believe that the human values that are
inculcated in children from birth until ages 5 or 6 help
them to appreciate the value of peace and the value of
interpersonal peace.
 Additionally, the United Nations and other
intergovernmental organizations must address the
impatience and restlessness of today’s young people,
who are fed up with the misallocation of resources and
the lack of both transparency and peoples’ involvement
in the processes of governance. Their desires to
reshape the world to reflect greater participation,
empathy and democratic principles ought not be
ignored by leaders. We are convinced that those
aspirations will be achieved if mediation and other
peaceful means of solving disputes, among other
strategies, are adopted — and not just among nations,
but among individuals and internally within countries.
 Trinidad and Tobago remains committed to
working with regional partners, the United Nations and
other actors to promote global peace. We must
strengthen our capacity to use mediation,
complemented by the introduction of new approaches
to Government and governance, such as the greater
participation of women and a desire to build consensus.
 We believe that unless leaders listen more, unless
we employ mediation to resolve disputes, unless we
incorporate our disenfranchised women in governance,
unless we listen to the real message of today about
greater participation in governance, and unless we
realize that humankind has common challenges as it
addresses issues like climate change, then the world
will have missed a golden opportunity to advance the
cause of humankind and promote global peace.
 Let us therefore endeavour to resolve our
common global challenges, for to do otherwise would
be to fail succeeding generations of humankind, for
which we who meet here today will never be forgiven
nor forgotten.


It is with infinite
pleasure, Mr. President, that I join other speakers who
preceded me in expressing our felicitations to you on
your election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-sixth session. We owe an
immense debt of gratitude to your great country, the
State of Qatar, for making you available to the service
of the international community. We are confident that
under your guidance and leadership the sixty-sixth
session will achieve a successful outcome, one which
will make a difference to the lives of multitudes of
disadvantaged people around the world. May I also pay
tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Joseph
Deiss, whose effective and exemplary stewardship of
the sixty-fifth session earned our deep respect and
admiration.
 As the world’s problems have in recent decades
increased in numbers and complexity, so have the
challenges and responsibilities of the United Nations
Secretary-General, the head of our grand institution. I
am pleased to note that the Secretary-General, His
Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, has acquitted himself
extremely well, at times under very difficult
circumstances. We specifically wish to commend him
for his concerted efforts in raising the alarm on conflict
situations and emerging threats to international peace
and security. Allow me therefore to seize this
opportunity to sincerely congratulate Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon on his well-deserved reappointment for a
second term.
 My delegation is of the conviction that all
problems and challenges confronting humanity can be
resolved within the letter and spirit of the United
Nations Charter and international law. In that
connection, we must each do our part and work
together to improve the lives of our people by
conquering hunger, disease and illiteracy, to encourage
respect for human rights and freedoms and to respond
to natural disasters and different humanitarian
situations.
 Once again this year, the world has experienced a
number of natural and man-made disasters, including
violent, senseless attacks that have claimed numerous
lives, left many homeless, caused massive destruction
of property and caused intolerable pain and suffering.

11-51384 2

My delegation wishes to express our heartfelt
condolences to all those countries that have been
victims of those tragedies.
 Our profound sympathies and heartfelt
condolences go to the Government and people of Japan
for the unfortunate Fukushima incident, triggered by a
massive earthquake and subsequent tsunami that struck
that country early this year. We also wish to convey our
condolences and sympathies to the Government and
people of Norway on the recent senseless and
horrifying attack that left many people dead.
 The humanitarian situation in the Horn of Africa
equally deserves our attention. We commend the
United Nations for calling the attention of the
international community to the plight of the victims of
that disaster. We in Botswana have made our modest
contribution to that relief effort. We express our sincere
appreciation to the United Nations system and the
international community as a whole for their generous
and timely response to those tragedies.
 At the inception of the United Nations, the
international community pledged a solemn
determination to safeguard succeeding generations
from the scourge of war. In the intervening period, the
world has seen monumental changes with profound
effects on humanity. The end of colonialism and the
cold war, the defeat of the inhuman system of
apartheid, the institutionalization of conflict prevention
and resolution mechanisms around the world, as well
as the strengthening of collaboration between the
United Nations and regional organizations in dealing
with conflict situations, come to mind in this regard.
 For decades the people of South Sudan have been
engulfed in a seemingly endless bloody conflagration,
accompanied by heavy loss of human life, destruction
of property and condemnation to untold misery and
suffering. However, we are delighted that the people of
South Sudan, with the assistance and support of the
international community, have realized their long-
cherished dream. They now face a new dawn of
freedom and nationhood. Allow me, therefore, to pay a
fitting tribute to South Sudan on the assumption of her
rightful place in the comity of nations as a sovereign
and independent State and the 193rd Member of the
United Nations.
 South Sudan will obviously need the full support
of the international community in addressing the
plethora of challenges of nationhood, including
outstanding issues from the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement such as the future of the Abyei region, and
other separation issues that could easily undermine this
fragile transition. Botswana will endeavour, within the
limit of her resources, to assist our brothers and sisters
in South Sudan translate their political freedom into
tangible social and economic benefits.
 The evolving situation in Côte d’Ivoire is also a
cause for optimism. While many security concerns
remain, we believe President Ouattara and his
Government have put in place the necessary measures
to consolidate peace, build confidence, promote
national reconciliation and set the country on the path
to normalcy, reconstruction and sustainable
development. We urge the international community to
remain actively engaged in supporting this process.
 While notable strides have been made towards
resolving some conflicts, regrettably the same cannot
be said of many other conflict situations, such as those
in the Middle East, Somalia and Syria, where peace
remains elusive, with attendant hardship and misery.
 On Somalia, my delegation takes note of the
conclusion of the recent Kampala Accord between the
President of the Federal Transitional Government and
the Speaker of Parliament, which is a welcome move
towards improving the political situation in that
country. However, we remain concerned about the
deteriorating security situation and the growing
humanitarian crisis in that country, and we call on all
parties to remain engaged and to fully honour their
obligations under that Accord.
 Regarding the Middle East, Botswana shares the
general frustration at the prolonged impasse in the
situation in that region. We call on both the
Palestinians and Israelis to remain engaged in the
negotiations on the basis of a two-State solution, in
which the two peoples will live side by side in peace
and harmony.
 There are other emerging threats to international
peace and security. My delegation is deeply concerned
about States that continue to violate with impunity
their obligations under their constitutions and
international law to protect their citizens from any
armed conflict.
 This very Organization is founded on the premise
that Governments have the primary duty and
responsibility to do all in their power to safeguard the

3 11-51384

legitimate aspirations of their people for a better life,
including ensuring their safety and security. It is
therefore imperative that Governments provide an
environment conducive to addressing the legitimate
concerns and grievances of their people through
inclusive dialogue and mutual understanding.
 Consequently, it is not acceptable under any
circumstances for any State to use military force
against the civilian population — the very citizens it
has sworn to protect. I believe we all agree that this is a
clear violation of human rights and international law
and an infringement of our common value system
enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
 Our view is that any leader who sanctions such
use of force on his people forfeits the legitimate right
to be recognized as representing the interests of his
people. The international community should therefore
spare no effort in applying all the necessary measures
at its disposal to protect civilians from such repressive
Governments and to hold them accountable for their
atrocities. In this regard, support for the International
Criminal Court (ICC) is crucial for realizing the full
implementation of the Rome Statute.
 We commend the Security Council for its swift
and resolute action on Libya under its resolution 1973
(2011), which authorized NATO to protect civilians in
that country.
 However, we remain concerned about the delay
and procrastination on a number of situations in Syria.
The Council’s condemnation of human rights
violations and the military assault on civilians by Syria
came rather too late. It failed to convey a clear and
unequivocal message of revulsion to the Syrian
authorities and to urge them to respect international
humanitarian law and human rights. Crimes against
humanity have been committed in Syria, and the
leadership in that country should answer for such
crimes through the ICC.
 It is important that the international community
remain vigilant against any breach of international
peace and security and also respond in a decisive,
consistent and timely manner to any such instances. We
find it unacceptable that such countries as mentioned
can continue to belong to a community of peace-loving
nations.
 Botswana recognizes the National Transitional
Council (NTC) in Libya as the interim Administration
until there is an elected Government. We therefore
welcome the NTC into the United Nations family to
represent the Libyan people during this session.
 The chosen theme for this session — the role of
mediation in the peaceful settlement of disputes — is
both timely and pertinent. It is timely, given the
multiplicity of mediation efforts in which the
international community is currently engaged as part of
an effort to find a peaceful solution to the conflicts
raging in various parts of the world. It is pertinent in
that forging international peace and understanding is
the raison d’être of this very body.
 In order to maintain momentum in governance,
my delegation believes that countries emerging from
conflict should also commit themselves to the strict
observance of human rights and national and
international humanitarian law, as well as of the values
of accountability and transparency, guided by effective
application of the rule of law. In this respect, I wish to
reiterate my country’s support for all efforts geared
towards assisting countries emerging from conflict to
make successful transitions to post-conflict
rehabilitation, reconstruction and economic recovery.
 Allow me now to turn to another critical pillar of
the United Nations mandate, namely, sustainable
development and the eradication of poverty. Now more
than ever, our global citizenry is demanding practical
actions to address the global challenges we face. They
believe — and rightly so — that collectively we are
equipped with enough resources, institutions, policies
and lessons learned to respond effectively to existing
and emerging global challenges. They therefore expect
us to muster the requisite political will to find durable
solutions to those challenges.
 For them, it is no longer acceptable for children
to die from HIV and AIDS or any other preventable
disease just because the Agreement on Trade-Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights hinders access
to affordable treatment. They do not accept that over
113 million children have no access to primary
education. It is certainly no longer acceptable for
people to die from cholera and other waterborne
diseases when affordable technology for clean water
and sanitation exists. Nor is it acceptable for our
people to continue to be exposed to the dire
consequences of climate change, while we debate
endlessly instead of concluding a comprehensive,

11-51384 4

legally binding climate change regime to curb global
warming and its effects.
 In other words, our people want us to do more
with the collective resources that we have at our
disposal.
 The residual effects of the financial and economic
crisis, coupled with ongoing uncertainties in the global
economy and the prevailing high cost of energy and
food, have compounded the setbacks experienced in
the implementation of internationally agreed goals and
commitments, including the Millennium Development
Goals. We must ensure that sustainable development in
all its three pillars — social, economic and
environmental — remains the key framework for
attaining a balanced approach towards development in
our countries. In that context, poverty eradication
should remain the centrepiece of all our policies and
programmes.
 As we prepare for a common global policy on
sustainable development in Brazil in June of next year,
we are increasingly concerned about the negative trend
the negotiations are taking. The ongoing climate
change negotiations, the failed nineteenth session of
the Commission on Sustainable Development and the
ongoing discussions on the 2012 United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development continue to
expose deep divisions among our countries.
Unfortunately, those divisions undermine the
implementation of existing commitments and threaten
prospects for an effective global sustainable
development regime. We believe that the Rio+20
processes present an excellent platform for all Member
States, individually and collectively, to muster their
resolve towards the attainment of sustainable
development.
 Similarly, the seventeenth Conference of the
Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change, to be held in South Africa later this
year, offers the international community yet another
valuable opportunity to reverse the harmful effects of
climate change on our planet. We must forge a spirit of
cooperation and partnership, including through South-
South cooperation, public-private partnerships,
resource mobilization and technology transfer, as well
as capacity-building, to assist countries such as my
own to exploit the abundant coal reserves for
sustainable energy production in a manner less harmful
to the environment.
 Significant progress was made in that respect last
September, when we resolved to take effective
measures to further strengthen support for and meet the
special needs of regions and countries struggling to
achieve economic and social development, including
middle-income countries. Recent experience has shown
that even that category of countries, which have made
small gains in poverty reduction, are still vulnerable in
the event of further global economic and financial
upheaval.
 The limitations imposed by our fragile economy
and the landlocked position of my country, Botswana,
also call for the speedy implementation of the Almaty
Programme of Action, accompanied by renewed efforts
to level the playing field in international trade. We
must muster the political will to conclude the Doha
Round of the World Trade Organization trade
negotiations as soon as possible.
 We as nations, individually and collectively, face
the greatest challenge of our time — the uplifting of
humankind. In fulfilling that mammoth task, our
greatest hope lies in our ability as leaders to summon
our courage and political will to do what is right.
 Let me conclude by reaffirming Botswana’s
commitment to working with other Members in our
common endeavour to put our Organization at the
service of humanity.


First of
all, I would like to congratulate Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz
Al-Nasser on his election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-sixth session. I also want to use
this occasion to commend the leadership of Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon and to laud the dynamism and
wisdom he brings to the management of world affairs.
 From this rostrum, I extend a brotherly welcome
to our sister nation, South Sudan, which just
proclaimed its independence on 9 July. We share in
their pride, and we welcome them with great respect as
the 193rd Member State of the great family of the
United Nations. On behalf of the Republic of Haiti, I
send warm congratulations and our hope that the
country may enjoy peace, happiness and prosperity. I
honour the memory of those who died in the struggle
before seeing the dawn of a new day shining in that
part of the African continent.
 Speaking here today on behalf of Haiti, I join my
voice with those of all the Member States that, like us,
have known the heavy burden of post-disaster and
post-conflict circumstances, in saying that even among
the weakest and most vulnerable hope lives on. They
carry the hope of rebirth, because they know that the
pre-crisis reality is no longer a possibility. They know
that change — change in their mentality and change in
their political, economic and social affairs — must be
their creed. They cannot afford not to change. In the
case of Haiti, it is precisely because an entire people
were firmly convinced of the need for change that I
was elected with a very clear mandate, namely, that of
bringing about that change.
 I am convinced that that leap in awareness that
resulted from suffering is what will lead to a new
global order. That was the case at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, when Saint-Domingue broke its
chains and brought about the birth of Haiti. It was the
case in 1945, when countries of good will, including
Haiti, came together to bring about this body which
brings us together this week around noble ideals. It
also seems to be the case in the light of the political
changes affecting North Africa.
 In a country of the South where the human
development index is still of concern, a major disaster
unfortunately arises, the great question of
responsibility comes brutally to the fore again, whether
the responsibility be local in terms of governance, or
whether the responsibility lies with the global order.
Today’s world and the United Nations in particular will
be more and more called upon, because those post-
disaster situations include both situations resulting
from natural disasters and those of a passing nature or
those that are simply caused by human folly.
 When on top of that, in some of those cases, all
of these factors come together, the response must be

21 11-51191

more carefully designed, more responsible, more
coordinated, bolder and more determined.
 I strongly believe that, first of all, it is for the
affected countries to seek and find solutions, because
any solution that is imposed from the outside, however
generous it might be, will, in the medium term, only
produce adverse effects. It is up to the people of the
South to determine how they use their wealth, their raw
materials and their future. In the case of Haiti, I have to
say that the international community, through the
United Nations, showed by supporting, six months
after the earthquake, presidential elections in a difficult
context, that it understood the urgency. I would like to
thank it for that.
 But I also strongly believe that it would be
irresponsible for a country that has been hit by disaster
to deny itself the assistance, expertise and cooperation
of sisterly nations, whether they be from the emerging
South or from the North, which is supposedly well-off.
 It is that balance, as I was saying, between
mature governance and well-conceived international
assistance that should be sought after and codified,
genuinely and without any embellishment. I would cite
as an example the various peacekeeping and
stabilization missions of the United Nations in
numerous places around the globe, including Haiti.
 The same situation arises everywhere: a country
initially welcomes the missions, but in the medium
term, they lose steam. Why? Problems arise because
the expectations of the host country are excessive.
Furthermore, missions cannot operate when they work
under inflexible terms of reference. That is to be
regretted, because nothing would more irresponsible
and dangerous than to let missions leave before an
effective national alternative is in place.
 In the case of Haiti, what would the United
Nations Mission have accomplished if today, suddenly
and without any warning, it were to be withdrawn? Of
course, I am aware of the fact that unacceptable errors
have been committed and have affected the prestige of
the Mission, but the trees must not be allowed to hide
the forest. I believe that political stabilization goes
through a number of stages. It cannot be based simply
on an intervention force or a more or less neutral
observer presence. That would reflect a very simplified
view of the primary role of the United Nations.
Stabilization is more than that. Thus, the Government
policy that I stand for consists of four main pillars:
education, employment, environment and the rule of
law.
 How can we build peace unless there is universal
and free basic education in a country where there is
massive illiteracy? How can we promote sustainable
development without high quality education that
promotes citizen values, ensures gender equality,
values cultural identity and openness to the world, and
leads to tolerance?
 With respect to jobs, allow me to say that we can
talk as much as we like about human dignity and
human rights, and about stabilization and peace, but an
empty stomach is deaf to words. It is by creating
decent jobs that are properly paid and that respect the
rights of vulnerable categories of people that justice
begins. It is by a fair distribution of the income from
raw materials that we will stop smothering the
countries of the South and put an end to the speculation
that undermines democracy.
 On these major themes, nations must come
together and come still closer together. They must be
committed to combating deforestation and climate
change. We must also seriously take into account the
problem of water. There will be no peace in the world
as long as the living conditions of countries such as
mine are so poor that they lead to natural disasters
becoming even more tragic, floods even worse, drought
even more deadly and the rural exodus even more
widespread.
 Stabilization today also means, above all,
establishing the rule of law, but the rule of law
requires, inter alia, an independent, responsible and
strong justice system. It also means the ongoing and
difficult but necessary establishment of strong
institutions that are stronger than privilege and group
interest.
 The world will become more beautiful when we
stop talking about condemning or accusing people.
Haiti has been witness to that fact. But Haiti can also
say that in post-disaster assistance, the disbursement of
funds that are not subject to inflexible, complex and
clumsy red tape are those that are best adapted to
needs. Therefore, those procedures, even if they are
supported, allow the affected countries to take
ownership of the strategic initiatives concerning their
future. Specifically, in terms of the resources made
available to the affected populations, it is also desirable

11-51191 22

that pledges be followed up with action and that
reconstruction projects be actually implemented.
 In a word, I would say that it would be very sad
to see the left hand taking back what the right hand had
given. The temptation exists; it is the result of a
difficult global economic context. But, once again,
truth alone must prevail, because when reconstruction
is left to wait, the long wait can lead to impatience and
bring harm. In the case of Haiti, as in other post-
conflict situations, the United Nations and friendly
nations should come to our aid to help us to reconstruct
more than just a physical space, but reconstruct men
and women, to whom we must give hope. Beyond
concepts and abstractions, this is above all a human
story. This is the new order we are here to speak of
today: putting human beings back into the heart of the
central debates of our time. This is the momentum in
which we are caught up and which is shared by billions
of people in the grip of disasters, forced exoduses,
conflicts and epidemics.
 In solidarity with those other victims, the Haitian
people wish to send a very clear message from the
platform of the United Nations. As long as there are
men and women of good will, there will be hope. As
long as there are nations united in solidarity, there will
be hope. We in Haiti have experienced every
conceivable kind of catastrophe: every form of man-
made disaster and all the natural ones, aggravated by
the systematic, irresponsible destruction committed by
human beings. We have known epidemics and hunger,
even marginalization, but Haiti is now back on its feet,
ready to rebuild and ready for a new start. Nothing is
predetermined. It is this new Haiti that is open to the
world, this new Haiti that is open to new investments
and collaborations, to reconstruction, dialogue and
peace. And it is this new Haiti that says thank you to
all those assembled here.