First, I should like to extend to you. Sir, my delegation's most sincere and heartfelt congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. You represent a country which is linked to Italy by traditional and ancient ties and by a common Latin and Christian background. You are also the representative of a country which, next January, is to join the European Community.
We wish also to convey our thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, for the intelligent work he has accomplished and for the efficiency and loyalty with which he has upheld the principles and values of the United Nations during the many crises that have troubled! the community of States.
In these days our thoughts turn to the great friendly country of Mexico, so terribly stricken by natural disaster. The news and pictures we receive daily from that country fill our hearts with sadness. We respectfully bow our heads in remembrance for the dead and we share the sorrow of the many bereaved families so harshly affected by the calamity. From this rostrum I should like to express our feelings of friendship and sympathy to the Mexican people and let them know that we are ready to contribute to the relief work undertaken by its Government.
At the moment we are all witnessing an intense and eventful period of great significance and also of radical change. Our societies are changing internally, and the international situation is also changing as a result of the creation and consolidation of new States. These changes have become even greater as we confront new and complex needs that cannot be fulfilled at either the national or the regional level.
It is precisely because we are passing through such a turbulent period and because we are bound together by increasingly close ties of interdependence that we feel we must stress how closely the theme of international solidarity and co-operation is linked with the strengthening of multilateral machinery. Only in that way can we ensure the participation of all States in the decisions that will determine the maintenance of peace, the protection of human rights and the economic and political growth of peoples.
There is, no doubt, a risk that our system may become cumbersome if we maintain the pluralistic approach that is not only desirable but that represents the practical outcome of our observance of the principle of universality proclaimed in the Charter of the united Nations. Pluralism thus involves a risk that we must face, but one that we roust not allow to dictate our conduct. Indeed, it seems important to me that the major multilateral forums must adopt a long-term strategy in this regard: they must learn to look to the future, to overcome immediate difficulties and to uphold, beyond ideological confrontations and tensions, all those factors that can serve to unite rather than divide the members of the community of nations.
That is why our appeal for solidarity and co-operation is more than a need; it has become an essential and basic strategy against which all countries must measure their actions.
In light of the great challenges of our era, we must come up with co-ordinated responses in which the contribution of the United Nations is decisive. I shall cite a few examples. Italy was particularly appreciative of the action taken by the United Nations to alleviate the consequences of the famine that recently faced so many countries in Africa. The work done by the Office for Emergency Operations, to which the Secretary-General assigned one of his most qualified colleagues, is and continues to be particularly effective in such important sectors as transport, food aid distribution, rural development and water supply. Many Governments, including the Italian Government, have also taken part in this work, and their efforts in this area have been extraordinary.
The problem of drug control, in my opinion, constitutes a proving ground in which the United Nations must show that it can deal effectively with one of the greatest evils of contemporary society. The work being done in Vienna by the competent organization:* has yielded very positive results. The spread of drugs is a global assault on the basic interests of humanity and, above all, on the integrity and stability of society. Our defenses against this scourge must therefore be global in nature. In this connection we welcome with satisfaction the Secretary-General's proposal to convene a world conference on the drug problem. The Italian Government warmly supports that proposal.
Our appeal for solidarity and international co-operation must be linked with a reaffirmation of the need for all States Members of the Organization to share in economic and social well-being. With that goal in mind, we will continue to work towards a concept of international commerce based on free trade, a concept that, in the past 40 years, has been an essential factor for growth in the world economy.
If we are to achieve a more equitable distribution of world resources to increase general well-being and reduce the existing imbalances in standards of living, we must also ensure a more careful utilization of those resources. They must not be wasted, especially by the poorer countries.
In this connection as well, Italy would like to repeat an idea that it put forward some years ago in this same forum. It seems to us important that agreement be reached on the establishment of a control mechanism that can ensure that trade in conventional weapons be completely open and visible.
Throughout its history the Republic of Italy has demonstrated its belief in the principles and values of the United Nations. That faith in those principles and values reflects, above all, a conviction that is deeply rooted in the minds of our people. Our commitment to the Organization reflects our response to the objective requirements inherent in Italy's geographical position and history at the crossroads of three continents. That crossroads is situated in a geopolitically sensitive region where the fruitful coexistence of different civilizations and cultures is often accompanied by acute tensions.
In the light of such complex realities, in which balances seem precarious and fragile, Italy has made certain fundamental choices in the post-war period. Those choices are reflected, on the one hand, in the Atlantic Alliance and in Italy's friendship with the United States and, on the other hand, in its participation in the process of European integration, both political and economic.
These choices, besides being still valid today, are in line with the ideals and the objectives of the United Nations. They allow Italy to make a contribution to peace, fulfilling the security conditions necessary for carrying forward successfully the process of dStente, in which we firmly believe.
We have always understood our participation in the European Community not only as a means of consolidating our internal well-being but also and above all as a means of overcoming, through regional solidarity, the dangerous destabilizing factors which are to be found on the European continent and, more generally, on the international scene. We consider that the close ties of association linking the Community with many countries on all continents are an important contribution to stability.
The Charter of the United Nations mentions and indeed proclaims the role of the regional organizations in helping to create an atmosphere of stability and in ensuring a more ordered development of relations among States. The European Community is pursuing these objectives, whose validity is confirmed by the force of attraction exercised by the Community itself on other European countries. We have recently seen a good example of this force of attraction in the decisions by Spain and Portugal to join the Community. The Italian Government has not spared its efforts, particularly during the first half of this year, to achieve that welcome result.
Social and human concerns form an integral and essential part of the international actions undertaken by Italy and indeed by the other members of the European Community. This approach is derived from our conviction that any equilibrium not based on respect for the dignity and fundamental freedoms of men and women carries within itself the germs of destruction and therefore is destined to last for only a brief period of time.
For these reasons Italy participated in the recent mission to South Africa carried out by three Foreign Ministers of countries belonging to the European Community. The dual aim of the mission was to bring home to the Pretoria Government the Ten's agreed position and its strong condemnation of apartheid and also to make contact with eminent individuals not belonging to the Government of South Africa.
The elimination of the intolerable system of apartheid and the full enjoyment of legitimate political and civil rights by all members of the South African population are becoming more and more urgent. The action taken by the European Community has not ended with the completion of that mission. The Community follows the events in South Africa with constant concern. This concern is an aspect of the signals that we have so far sent to promote a change of the situation in South Africa.
We are also concerned about the delays in the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We feel that it should be fully implemented so that Namibia may achieve rapid and unconditional independence.
This year we are beginning our discussions in an atmosphere of fervent hope. The renewal of dialog at the highest level between the United States and the Soviet union opens up the prospect of an essential movement towards the general lowering of tension and therefore towards the resumption of detente.
The Italian Government has welcomed with satisfaction the decision by the United States and Soviet Governments to begin global negotiations on nuclear and space weapons. We have seen in that decision the glimmer of a hope that there will be a reduction of armaments to the lowest possible level.
The world community must be freed from the threat of a never-ending accumulation of military arsenals. The problem of disarmament is certainly a general problem, and both global and regional.understandings must contribute to its solution. However, it is clear in this context that the major Powers should play their role in the definition of a new offense-defense relationship.
Therefore we hope that the forthcoming summit meeting between the President of the United States of America and the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union will result in an understanding which will allow the disarmament negotiations to move forward constructively, although it must not be forgotten that detente is fostered also by attitudes which are not exclusively connected with the military sphere.
The Disarmament Conference in Geneva constitutes another important stage in the strategy to achieve a general reduction in tension. As we all know, that Conference is seeking to eliminate another category of weapons of mass destruction, namely, chemical weapons.
The Italian Government is striving and will continue to strive to achieve equitable solutions to the problems that are still pending in this forum. A complete and verifiable ban on chemical weapons should constitute for all countries, including those in possession of such weapons, a priority objective. It is for this reason that we express our disappointment at the slow progress at the Conference.
It is our view that the existing channels of communication, whether formal or informal, are not enough in themselves to ensure a process which will lead to a more stable international equilibrium. These channels in any case do not allow the overcoming of distrust. In other words, we must spare no effort in the search for more suitable instruments for the achievement of positive results in international negotiations, particularly those relating to disarmament. For this reason we have long considered that we must multiply the opportunities of obtaining a better understanding of legitimate security needs.
One channel of communication which, in our view, has so far not been sufficiently appreciated is that of the international scientific community. We should not forget that this community has an ancient tradition of universality and a natural vocation for co-operation, with these advantages, it constitutes a reference point and a means of support for political action designed to favor the bringing together of positions. There are, in this connection, encouraging examples, such as the Scientific Forum held in Hamburg in 1980. We should endorse the recommendation that another such meeting be held. Such a course of action is suggested by the important scientific developments which have taken place and by the fact that the simple exchange of information among scientists may help to overcome prejudices and to correct errors.
in our view, the holding of a new conference may provide us with a starting point for considering machinery whereby we could associate the scientific world more closely with the search for peace and an effective understanding on the control and limitation of weapons. A message to that effect has reached us in recent years from scientists all over the world who, in their thousands, signed the Erice Appeal for "Science Without Frontiers".
We feel that it will be difficult to achieve real progress in disarmament if States do not show a greater readiness than in the past to ensure the visibility of military activities. In this respect, the problem is certainly not to renounce the safeguarding of legitimate security interests. On the contrary, we must take note of the fact that technological progress and the increasing sophistication of weapons have created a need for visibility which did not exist in the past, precisely in order to safeguard vital security interests. In other words, I believe that we must now abandon the mental attitude of regarding measures of visibility and verification as secondary elements in disarmament agreements. Instead we must recognize, with a strong sense of realism, that, in view of technological developments, these measures must become, together with the balance of forces, the central and vital components of any understanding on the control and limitation of weapons.
Aware of the need for increased international co-operation at all levels, Italy has made a significant contribution to the progress of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. There is no contradiction between the objectives set forth in the Final Act of Helsinki and those set forth in the Charter of the united Nations: they are complementary. I would like here to emphasize, in the light of the results obtained at that Conference, that recourse to these multilateral instruments of dialog does not exclude, but indeed promotes, a balanced and fruitful development of bilateral relations.
The commitments we have assumed and those that we intend to assume at the Conference provide a basis for giving specific shape to the ideals of security, of respect for human rights, and of economic, scientific and cultural co-operation among States.
In this context, may I point out that the cultural forum to be held at Budapest next month will provide us with a meeting place at which we can hold a positive exchange of views on particular subjects. We shall ensure that the basic feature of this forum - that of unfettered discussion, is constantly maintained. We shall do so in the conviction that the three fold terms of reference -creation, dissemination and co-operation in the field of culture - are parts of a process which is not meant to be a propaganda exercise but aims at mutual understanding. By its nature, culture is not a destabilizing factor and consequently knows no frontiers.
We are also still concerned about the theme of economic and social development.
We are on the eve of a great technological revolution destined to improve living standards and hence the well-being of the peoples of the world. I have said that the problem facing us is to enable all countries which are members of the international community to benefit from the results of this far-reaching peaceful revolution. Today we are engaged in the struggle to overcome hunger and to free as many peoples as possible from disease, epidemics and drought. However, we must ensure that the battle we are fighting today - and which we are determined to win - is not shifted tomorrow to other fields of combat, namely those in which the aim is to gain access to the results of technological progress. In other words, we must now ask ourselves how to prevent the emergence of other tensions once the tensions resulting from under-development have been overcome. This is an additional reason not to continue today to waste on the nuclear and conventional arms race an ever-increasing portion of those resources to which future generations will rightly demand access.
Italy is aware of the consequences, including the long-term consequences, inherent in the relationship between disarmament and development, and we await with keen interest the conference to be held in Paris in July 1986 to consider ways and means of helping to reduce the need for weapons in different areas of the globe and thus to improve prospects for development.
Before concluding, I would like to express our satisfaction at the successful conclusion of the work of the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear weapons. The non-proliferation regime represents one of the pillars of international stability and security. Italy is convinced that this regime should be strengthened and made universal. The fact that the Conference was able to reach agreement cm a final document attests to the determination of the international community to unite to halt and reverse both horizontal and vertical proliferation of nuclear weapons.
In the context of the world economy the problem of external indebtedness has now rightly been given priority in international discussions. My Government believes that this question should be approached realistically, bearing in mind the desire to achieve specific solutions. In that conviction, Italy gives strong support to the international organizations concerned. We also hope that a greater
spirit of solidarity can be given to the interventions of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.
If we approach this problem in a detached and rational frame of mind can we find appropriate solutions to free us from two difficult problems: on the one hand, an intolerable burden which can seriously affect chances for future development, and, on the other hand, the risks of bankruptcy which would disrupt the world economic system and dry up the sources of financing and credit, to the detriment of the weakest countries themselves.
However great the progress made we are unfortunately still far from having worked out effective remedies in this field.
Italy believes in multilateralism. In a world where the interests of individual countries or groups of countries finally prevail over the collective interests of peaceful coexistence and respect for international law - we maintain that we should heed the recommendations which emerge from the community of States within the United Nations.
In this connection, our thoughts turn above all to the Middle East. The proposals that appear in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) continue to constitute the main basic reference point in the search for a lasting and hence valid solution.
Our position on the Middle East remains based on the fundamental principles proclaimed on several occasions by the countries of the European Community: the right of all States in the region to exist in security and peace and the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, with all that the exercise of that right implies.
We welcome the recent Jordanian-Palestinian agreement designed to establish the basis for a joint negotiating approach, even though it has not yet produced the hoped-for results. It brings closer together the positions of two of the main protagonists in the peace process and introduces an element of dynamism in that troubled region.
Equally relevant, in our opinion, are the proposals put forward by Egypt which have led to a new phase of negotiation with Israel. In the context of the Middle East, the Italian Government believes that it is essential to associate Syria with the process of stabilization and peace in the region.
In this same constructive spirit, we shall spare no effort to promote a return to normality in Lebanon with respect for its independence and territorial integrity.
I would also like to point out that during this year Italy has increased its contribution in finance and men to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), which we consider a key element in the United Nations contribution to a peaceful settlement of one of the most serious disputes of modern times.
In dealing with the problem of the Middle East I would like to say how distressed we are at the consequences for the civilian populations of the Iraq-Iran conflict. The reasons for this conflict seem to defy any logic but that of endless destruction. We must ask ourselves seriously whether the community of States should resign itself to being unable in any way to intervene to persuade the interested parties to adopt a cease-fire.
In the Mediterranean region the Cyprus crisis unfortunately remains unresolved. We unreservedly support the activities of the Secretary-General and we address an urgent appeal to the parties concerned to give sincere and specific evidence of their will to negotiate.
As part of our direct interest in the Mediterranean region, we are devoting close attention to our relations with Malta. We intend to develop these relations with full respect for the Maltese Government's position of neutrality and non-alignment, which Italy considers as a very positive element.
Latin America, a region to which Italy looks with attention and interest, is playing an increasingly important role on the world stage. The processes whereby the bases of democracy are being restored on that continent are a clear indication of an advanced maturity which we can but welcome with strong approval.
Unfortunately, shadowy areas still remain in Latin America. We therefore appreciate all the more certain signs of change, such as, for example, the understanding reached in Chile among the democratic forces, as a result of the initiative taken by Cardinal Primate Fresno, an initiative designed to pave the way for the transition to the full democracy we hope for. The Government and the armed forces of Chile must therefore respond constructively to that important development.
Another source of concern is the political and socio-economic crisis that persists in Central America; even though in some countries of the region progress has been made in the process of restoring democracy.
We fully understand the importance of stability in the Central American and Caribbean region for the maintenance of world peace. That is why we shall continue to support any initiative such as that taken by the Contadora Group designed to relieve tension and promote peace.
Accordingly, at the meeting to be held next November in Luxembourg, we shall support the continuation of the dialog initiated last year in San Jose, Costa Rica, between the Ten countries of the European Community, Spain, Portugal, the countries of the Contadora Group and the five countries of Central America.
In the Horn of Africa, a region with which Italy is especially linked by historical ties and by increasing co-operation, we shall continue to work for the settlement of outstanding disputes through negotiating processes based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Thanks to dialog and co-operation on subjects of common concern, it should be possible to achieve solutions based on respect for the territorial integrity of States within existing frontiers and on non-interference in internal affairs, with due regard for the historical and cultural identities of the peoples of the area. We hope that the same method of dialog and patient, courageous and constructive negotiations, designed to achieve solutions based on the principles of the United Nations, will be applied to the serious problems of the Asian continent.
In this connection, we shall continue to follow closely the two serious crises which continue to plague the regions the Afghan and Cambodian crises.
In Afghanistan the clearly formulated suggestions of the General Assembly have not yet been acted upon and the country is still suffering from the ravages of war.
Another question which concerns us is the tension on the Pakistan frontiers, in particular as a result of bombardments which have caused many civilian victims among Pakistani peoples of that region. Italy deems it essential that a determined effort should be made to resolve that question and renews its appeal to the parties concerned to adopt a constructive approach at the Geneva negotiations.
As regards Cambodia, Italy once again wishes to renew its strong appeal for the restitution of international law that has been violated. We urge the parties concerned seriously and specifically to start negotiations that can lead to solutions which bring freedom, justice and peace to all the Cambodian people.
Concerning Korea, Italy takes a positive view of the resumption of direct talks between Seoul and Pyongyang on economic and humanitarian subjects. We hope that these talks will be gradually extended to other sectors, such as the question of sport, in view of the coming Olympic games at Seoul, which must be free from all political constraints. This will undoubtedly help to create a lasting atmosphere of detente in that peninsula, thus increasing the prospects for its reunification. With this aim in mind, we favor the admission of the two Koreas to this Organization - thus filling an unreasonable gap.
The Charter of the United Nations, whose fortieth anniversary we are celebrating this year, provides means, if we want to use them, which could respond adequately to the needs of peoples exposed to sudden change.
Aware that the destinies of nations, both large and small, are closely linked, the United Nations has become a unique forum for meetings, discussions and co-operation. Within the context of this evolution towards pluralism, which we see to be highly positive, disputes and conflicts still exist, of course. Such conflicts, even though they may be of a circumscribed and sectoral nature, could end up becoming - as a result of this phenomenon of general interdependence - universal events which bear the seeds of danger for mankind as a whole.
This is why, on the eve of a new year, which we intend to dedicate to peace, it seems to me extremely appropriate to reflect on the manner in which this Organization could play an even greater role as a forum which can foreshadow and anticipate events so as to direct them towards an ordered and harmonious coexistence between people and nations.
The Italian Government will make its contribution to this end because we are convinced that peace is indivisible and is won day by day through sacrifices and concessions, without ever slackening our attention or yielding to the temptation of adopting easy solutions.


A few days ago a Member state was plunged in sorrow by a major natural disaster. As the citizens of Mexico are mourning their dead our thoughts are with the bereaved families. Allow me to extend on behalf of the people of the Netherlands to the people of Mexico ray deep sympathy at this tragic event.
The fortieth anniversary of this Organization, which we are to celebrate in a month's time, promises to be very busy and difficult for those responsible for the proper and orderly conduct of business. We are therefore particularly happy that a distinguished diplomat and an old hand at United Nations affairs will preside over our meetings* And he has represented in New York until recently a country which will shortly join us in our endeavors to build a new Europe.
At an anniversary session like this, one is tempted to draw up a balance-sheet of past successes and failures of.our Organization. In this connection I was reminded of a conversation not too long ago between a French intellectual and a Chinese philosopher. The Frenchman asked what he thought of the French revolution. The philosopher replied that he was not certain whether sufficient time had passed since then and that he therefore preferred not to jump to conclusions. To meat of us this may seem excessively cautious. We can, however, draw some hope from this observation, when we look back on 40 years of the United Nations, we see a picture of both successes and failures, of progress and lost opportunities.
When we embarked upon this enterprise 40 years ago the immediate past was almost too horrible to contemplate. Consequently there seemed much to lode forward to. With the chaos and destruction of the Second World War behind us progress seemed somehow inevitable. The Charter of the united Nations bears witness to that mood. From now on nations would walk hand in hand. It was not to be.
Soon it became apparent that the Charter's system of collective security had become frequently paralyzed, and it is sad to note that 40 years later this Organization has still to live up to its promise "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". The situation in Afghanistan is a case in point.
Moreover, we sees to get confused by the growing number of world-wide problems that stubbornly resist solution. As a result, international institutions are quietly but irresistibly eroded by a process of slow-motion disintegration. Our Secretary-General did not relent from expressing in his annual reports his anxiety at the present trends, at the erosion of the authority and status of world and regional institutions and at the crisis in the multilateral approach to International affairs.
As for this Organization, I continue to believe that it has the capacity and the resilience to do better than its predecessor, the League of Nations, which gradually receded to the background while history van its disastrous course. This Organization is better equipped to solve many of the major problems besetting the world than the League of Nations ever was. Surely, the crisis in the multilateral approach to international relations is not so much one of method as of will, the will to resort to the methods at our disposal and to use them properly. I submit that I am nob the only one who would wish the number of General Assembly resolutions to be radically reduced, if oily because their currency is heavily devaluated by inflation. Secondly, there is a clear need for restoring the process of real negotiations before draft resolutions are put to a vote. What ' matters is obviously not to win a majority somehow, in many cases all too easily, but to gather the support of those Member States that in practice bear the responsibility in a certain situation or have the means to carry out General Assembly recommendations. Thirdly, and in the same vein, we should not seek short-term advantages for political expediency but, on the contrary, we should aim at long-term progress in creating a more humane and peaceful world. Finally, once a truly negotiated decision has been taken, we should not step aside as if the subject matter were settled by the adoption of a resolution; instead we should realize that words hold true only if translated into action.
A disturbing gap between oratory and practical results is to be found in the field of arms control and disarmament; for, whatever successes the United Nations may claim to have achieved in its 40 years of existence, it is a saddening truth that we, its Members, have failed so far to build a collective framework for the maintenance of international peace and security. If the present state of the world shows signs of incoherence and disintegration, this is certainly one of its root causes. The dream of peace is as vivid as when the United Nations was founded, but our peoples are at the same time anxiously aware that the level of armaments has reached a point higher than ever before.
Easy solutions are not at hand, but at least we should avoid developments running out of control and try to abide by the agreements reached so far. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear weapons is certainly not the end of the
debate on nuclear d is armament but it is an essential instrument in the security interest of all of us. The objective of nuclear disarmament, already most
difficult to achieve, would be rather beyond reach if the number of nuclear Powers were to increase. It was, therefore, encouraging that the parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons demonstrated, at their recently concluded Review Conference in Geneva, their continuing support for the Treaty. By adopting a final declaration by consensus, despite a wide range of differing views on disarmament, they have strengthened that Treaty's credibility and vitality.
It goes without saying that the Soviet Union and the United States carry primary responsibility for curtailing the nuclear arms race* Equally it goes without saying that the peoples of the world look forward with expectation to the forthcoming meeting between the leaders of those two Powers. Our hope is that it may produce a new stimulus to the arras control negotiations at present under way in Geneva and that it will lead to an intensified dialog on effective agreements aimed at preventing an arms race in space and terminating it on earth, at limiting and reducing nuclear arms and at strengthening strategic stability.
Substantial reductions and preferably complete elimination of land-based intermediate-range missiles are of specific relevance to the Netherlands. On this matter my Government has taken a position of utmost restraint. In June 1984 we made a strong appeal to the Soviet union to reverse the trend of the ever-increasing build-up of 3S-20 missiles, in which case we would be prepared to forgo deployment of intermediate-range nuclear missiles on our territory. Unfortunately, our participation in deployment of intermediate-range nuclear missiles now seems to have become inevitable, since that appeal to the Soviet Union has remained unheeded. Nevertheless, for our part, together with our allies, we shall not cease to contribute to constructive and imaginative thinking on how an equitable, balanced and verifiable agreement can be attained in Geneva on this category of weapons.
For years now the prohibition of chemical weapons has headed the agenda of the Geneva Conference on Disarmament. In an unprecedented gesture the Conference has decided to extend its informal consultations on the subject while this Assembly is in session. The urgency of a comprehensive agreement is all the more apparent in view of recent violations of the Geneva Protocol banning the use of such weapons and the prospect that a growing number of countries might consider acquisition of chemical means of warfare.
One of the most successful endeavors of the United Nations in the field of international peace and security are its peace-keeping operations and observer missions in a number of conflict areas. On the whole these operations have proved to be a useful instrument of deescalation and conflict control. We have learned from experience that these peace-keeping forces can hope to play a useful role only if they can count on the co-operation of the parties to a particular conflict. That is both their strength and their weakness, it is not the objective of a peacekeeping force to solve the problems that lead to a conflict. What they can do, however, is create a favorable climate, without which diplomatic efforts to solve the underlying dispute cannot hope to achieve much. Without a framework of peace-making by political means a peace-keeping force can by itself do little or nothing to rectify the situation.
It is precisely with that in mind that I should like to draw this Assembly's attention to the situation of the united Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). it operates in a political vacuum created by the inability of the parties involved to reach agreement on security arrangements in the area and to cone to an understanding of the role of the Force in southern Lebanon. Regrettably, the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from Lebanon has so far not led to a situation in which UNIFIL can fulfill a role more in keeping with its mandate. As a consequence both of the precarious situation prevailing in Lebanon and of Israel's insistence on the preservation of a security zone beyond its own border, UNIFIL's main concern now seems to be to protect its own personnel. However unsatisfactory as the present state of affairs may be, my Government continues to be grateful to the Secretary-General and his staff for their unrelenting efforts to redress the situation. Should success continue to elude then, however, it is to be feared that UNIFIL's position will become rapidly untenable.
The Secretary-General in his recent report has made the wise observation that the United Nations cannot - and was not intended to - solve all the problems of the international community but that it is the best place to avoid the worst and to strive for improvement. For this reason, I would like to add, this Organization deserves all the political support its Members can give. I have already mentioned its peace-keeping efforts.
Another field in which we should muster our forces relates to the plague of terrorism and hijacking. This form of anarchy can be collaborated only in conditions of international solidarity and mutual co-operation.
Whatever motives might lead to terrorist behavior, it remains an offense against every norm of civilization to take hostage innocent persons, let alone to kill them almost wantonly. I. would join the appeal to those countries not yet parties to the Conventions adopted under the auspices of the International Civil Aviation organization (ICAO) on aviation security and to the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages, adopted by the General Assembly, to do so speedily. Likewise, I urge all parties to these Conventions to implement them scrupulously under all circumstances.
International co-operation in the economic and social fields has been an essential task of the united Nations in pursuit of the purposes and principles of the Charter for a better world. Over the last four decades the United Nations, with its system of specialized agencies, has made an important contribution. For millions of people, particularly in developing countries, the United Nations has been synonymous with change and with hope for the future. In the areas of international co-operation for development, environment;, population and, most recently, the status of women, this Organization, through a variety of activities, has earned its place in history. The Netherlands is proud to have been closely associated with these activities and will continue to be associated with them in the years ahead.
The world economy today is characterized by complex interrelationships of financial, monetary and trade issues which - as the Secretary-General has pointed out in his annual report - "are of such profound political and social importance that they can only be dealt with effectively as part of a wider political process" (A/40/1, p. 9). In this respect the United Nations offers a universal and unique forum for discussion and study that cuts across traditional sectoral boundaries. Co-ordinating efforts, such as the recent examples of addressing the emergencies on the African continent, have shown that, given the will of all concerned, the United Nations can make an important contribution.
The United Nations has been instrumental in formulating objectives and targets for development co-operation. These continue to play a vital role in our determination of priorities. Only last week the Netherlands Government reaffirmed its own effort, amounting to 1.5 per cent of our net national income for development co-operation purposes. I would like to join those who appeal to other industrialized countries to bring their development effort in line with the internationally agreed target of 1 per cent.
International solidarity is also the sole answer to the world-wide problem of refugees. We note with considerable concern the unprecedented increase in the number of refugees and other displaced persons over the past several years. In many regions the vicious circle of armed conflict, violations of human rights and social disintegration leads to a disruption of the fabric of society. As a consequence, people are uprooted and this in turn leads to more flows of refugees. At present the High Commissioner faces the challenge of finding durable solutions to an ever-growing refugee problem, a problem compounded by the emergency situation in Africa. Now, as at the time when this high office was created, my Government will continue to lend its active support to the promotion of international co-operation with a view to providing material assistance wherr such assistance is required. We will also continue to support the High Commissioner in his efforts to integrate assistance projects for refugees in United Nations development projects.
According to his mandate it is the High Commissioner's first duty to give international protection to refugees. Over the years it has become increasingly difficult to carry out this delicate task. The continued occurrence of threats and violations of the safety of those who seek asylum and refugees, including armed attack against refugee camps and settlements, is particularly disquieting.
The disorder and confusion we often see in relations between States we can find many times repeated on the level of relations between Governments and subjects and between individual people. As the Charter of the United Nations should provide the framework for orderly international relations, so the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Covenants and Conventions that grew out of it provide an international code for how the State must treat individuals.
We are all aware of the widely differing views on human rights which find expression in these halls. It is therefore all the more encouraging that at times we cure able to add meaningful agreements to the already existing ones governing relations between Governments and individuals, we, for our part, shall continue to exploit whatever opportunity may present itself to further the cause of human rights.
This jubilee session of the General Assembly is a fitting occasion to add to the body of international human rights law. It is hoped that the Sixth Committee will draw inspiration from the speedy work of last year's session concerning the Convention on torture and finish its work on the draft body of principles for the protection of all persons under any form of detention or imprisonment, one of the functions of this instrument will be to provide further protection against the evil of torture.
In recent years we have seen once again how closely intertwined are the concept and practice of pluralistic democracy and respect for human rights. Freedom of thought, conscience and religion, freedom of opinion and expression and other fundamental human rights are prerequisites for meaningful popular participation in all aspects of social life. A recent example is the return of several Latin American countries to pluralistic democracy, a development which vent hand in hand with the restoration of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
However, the struggle for democracy remains a difficult one. In too many States totalitarian or authoritarian government continues to be the rule. To' many leaders, the test of free and meaningful elections seems a thing too dangerous to contemplate. For how else could one explain the open and veiled threats, coercion, harassment, imprisonment and worse which befall those who have the courage to stand up for their rights? Yet these practices occur in many States which have solemnly committed themselves to respect those rights. Sad as this may be, we should insist on the full implementation of these commitments, as the signatories of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe did only two months ago in Helsinki at the commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the signature of that document.
The denial of basic human rights to the majority of the population of South Africa, aggravated by a constitutional system of racial discrimination, has brought that country to the brink of disintegration and chaos. Its Government had to resort to the proclamation of a state of emergency in large parts of the country. Despite legitimate demands for change in the past both from within South Africa itself and from the international community, the South African Government has so far remained unwilling to initiate a national dialog and to implement basic reforms aimed at the abolition of apartheid. In our view, the only hope for peaceful change in South Africa is such a broadly based national dialog. In our view a set of confidence-building measures by the South African Government is essential to promote the possibilities for that national dialog. We note that certain steps have been taken to dissolve some components of the apartheid system, but there can be no such thing as a good and a bad apartheid. The system should be abolished in its totality.
It is peaceful change in south Africa that we are striving for. We do not want to promote civil strife nor do we condone violence, from whatever quarter. A total isolation of South Africa, as often advocated, will in my view only strengthen the hand of the champions of apartheid and thus tend to be counterproductive. What we do need is a gradual build-up of pressure by selective measures, supported by as many countries as possible. For that reason my Government remains in favor of action by the Security Council. For their part the Ten members of the European Community, together with Spain and Portugal, have made significant progress in harmonizing their attitudes on a number of restrictive measures. While exerting pressure on the South African Government we need also to give all support to the forces in South Africa working for a non-racial and peaceful society. Even at this late hour we must not lose hope that at the end reason and humanity will prevail.
While this session is a kind of milestone on a road that started in 1945 it is fitting to remind ourselves of one of the concepts fundamental to this Organization, to wit its universality. We have a duty to admit into our ranks those countries that are willing to accept the Charter's obligations, like the Republic of Korea. We also have to respect the rules of the Charter if voices are raised to expel one of the present Members or to curtail its rights of membership. The very future of our Organization would be put in jeopardy if we, the Members of the united Nations, were to undermine the Charter, we all, nations large and small, need the United Nations in our fight against the centrifugal forces that tend to disrupt world society. What we need is genuine international co-operation so as to make true this anniversary's motto, "united Nations for a better world".


Allow me, first of all, Sir, to express to the delegation of Mexico the deepest sympathy of my delegation for the tragic disaster which has just befallen their country. We share the international community's deep concern over and response to this catastrophe, which has found expression in the unanimous adoption by this Assembly of a resolution calling for solidarity and support for the Government and people of Mexico, who are facing this crisis with determination and courage.
This year's session of the General Assembly marks the observance of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations and, accordingly, bestows a glow of distinctive honor to the high office which Ambassador de Pinies, of Spain, holds. Permit me, on behalf of myself and the delegation of Burma, to tender him our warm and sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the Assembly. We are confident that the wealth of experience and diplomatic skill which he brings with him will, indeed, be of great value to this Assembly, which is meeting at a tine that calls for highest statesmanship to effect a constructive turning point in the history of the United Nations.
I should also like to take this opportunity to pay my delegation's tribute to our outgoing President, Mr. Paul Lusaka, for his distinguished services to the Assembly during its last session, and for providing much of the inspiration for this commemorative year of our world Organization.
Anniversaries are traditionally a time for reflection and resolution. The occasion which we commemorate this year symbolizes the common interest shared by all Member States of the United Nations in upholding the aspirations of mankind, as reflected in the purposes and principles of the Charter. We meet at a critical juncture in the fortieth year of the existence of our world Organization. It is common nowadays for some to belittle the performance of the United Nations and to question its relevance and credibility, and their number even includes some of its founders. And so, today what is called for is a sober, even if agonizing, reappraisal, rather than merely an occasion of imposing ceremonial activities. The United Nations surely needs strong and enlightened support if it is to weather the political and economic winds that batter and erode its structure and functions, and if it is to meet the challenges that lie ahead. In his reports of the past four years the Secretary-General has been trying to drive home to the international community a message concerning his serious anxiety about the international situation and the challenges facing the world Organization. Hence, in the words of the Secretary-General,
"the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations provides a further occasion not only to review the performance of the Organization over the past four decades but, above all, to encourage a re-dedication by Member States to the principles and purposes of the Charter, to promote interest in the work of the Organization and support for its efforts, and to reinvigorate international co-operation in all fields of endeavor. There can be little doubt that, if it is governed by such an approach, the observance can help further the cause of international understanding."
Burma became a Member of the United Nations a few months after its re-emergence as an independent sovereign States to apply for membership in the world Organization was the newly independent Burma's first act in the international field. Attracted by its lofty idealists, we subscribed whole-heartedly to the purposes and principles of the Charter. We looked forward to an era of peace and security, achievement and welfare, freedom and dignity, which are the goals of the United Nations for all peoples. However, the record of the past 40 years, with its conflicts, frustrations and mounting crises, has reminded the world that the United Nations is still far from achieving the ideals so nobly enshrined in the Charter.
Let us look more closely at what gives the United Nations its current importance and at what constitutes its limitations. Notwithstanding its imperfections, there is nothing more illustrative of the relevance and appeal of the United Nations than the record of its expanding membership and the increasing scope of its activities. The fact that the Organization, which started with 51 Member States, has now increased its membership to 159 is indeed a measure of the acknowledgment of its prestige and its role in world affairs. The United Nations has survived and lived and thrown to prove indispensable to the contemporary world.
At the same time, the numerical growth of membership in the world Organization has correspondingly increased the diversity of positions and interests and unavoidably brought with it new internal problems and sometimes even critical situations. While increasing membership imparts greater strength and advantages to the Organization, it also imposes heavier responsibilities in the sense that a greater degree of restraint and moderation and respect for and tolerance of the positions of others have become absolutely imperative. Without this, we can anticipate no breakthrough in the accumulating problems facing the Organization. There is a need, then, for an intensification of efforts, so that all nations, whatever the diversity of their vie^-s and interests, may find in the United Nations a ready forum for the solution of their mutual problems, and in the Charter a common reference on all matters which touch the welfare of mankind as a whole.
The Charter, in all solemnity, assigned to the United Nations as its foremost mission "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". The task of carrying out that injunction continues to be 'he Organization's main challenge. Its effectiveness in fulfilling this role is, however, largely determined by the political and power realities of the world environment in which it operates. Unhappily, factors in the international climate have not proved conducive to helping the Organization measure up to the magnitude and nobility of its tasks. What is not readily understood is that the United Nations is not a self-operating agency and that it simply cannot take significant action without the consent and support of its Members, which provide it with financial and material resources and empower and mandate it to act. That if the overall environment in which the United Nations must operate and it means little to evaluate its performance against abstract standards and without reference to these realities. It follows therefrom that the effectiveness of the United Nations flows from the respect which its Members have for its constitutional authority. In the final analysis, the United Nations will never be more than what its Members allow it to be.
The conceptual basis of the United Nations at its birth was that the Allied Powers, which were the victors in the Second world War? would remain united to maintain the future peace of the world. That assumption failed to prove true with the onset of the cold war, which beset the post-War period and extended to dominate the world political scene as East-West rivalry.
Faced with this historical context, the United Nations, from its very inception, has proved unable to co-ordinate, but instead has had to deal with, different interpretations of the Charter. Legal principles have become politicized and double standards have been applied. What is seen as a breach of international norms by one side is often presented as an act of liberation and fraternal aid by the other. Seen through the prism of the different ideologies professed by the opposing blocs, every major issue has been amplified in the battle for hearts and minds. The leading role entrusted to the major Powers in 1945 has deteriorated into a system founded on the antagonistic relations of the two leading Powers and the division of the world on that basis, thereby negating both the substance and the purport of the United Nations.
Thus, the present crisis of confidence confronting the Organization is the result not of shortcomings in its mechanisms but of a policy out of control. The United Nations has been unable to put an end to the confrontation between the two blocs or to halt the arms race between their leading Powers. The rivalry remains and sources of tension still exist in the world. A multitude of problems before the United Nations remain unsolved. The security of the small and medium-sized countries is by no means assured, and the danger of local wars still persists.
The fundamental purpose of the United Nations is the maintenance of international peace and security, the promotion of which depends on the development of friendly relations and co-operation among States. The principles for this are embodied in the United Nations Charter and their faithful observance is of permanent importance for the improvement of international relations and for making the United Nations a more effective instrument of international conciliation.
However, in the present-day world situation it has not been easy to live up to that ideal. Thus, in the 40 years since the signature of the Charter a limited peace affording limited security has been precariously maintained through the operation of the traditional concept of the balance of power. While the post-War version of the balance of power - or the balance of terror, as it is sometimes called - may have succeeded so far in warding off a general war, it has grievously failed to prevent limited wars, localized conflicts and other instances of force being used in a manner incompatible with the purposes of the Charter. Again, while it may afford security, however illusory, to the major Powers and those who have sought their protection through military alliances, it has grievously failed to afford assured security to all, especially the weak and the small, the non-aligned and the non-armed, whose security continues to be exposed to all kinds of threats and pressures.
For such countries, the peace and security deriving from the post-War system of the balance of power lacks full meaning and full content. Of course, as members of the international community, all of us have a vital interest in preventing global armed conflict. But no less vital for us is the question of our individual security, and I submit that we should have a clear understanding in our minds as to the meaning of this.
To our mind, security in its immediate sense means assured freedom from the threat or use of force against our national sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity. But in its ultimate sense security cannot but mean assured freedom frost outside interference in our internal affairs in any manner whatsoever and from the application of external pressures in any shape or form. It means for each of us the right to choose freely our own political, economic and social system and to determine our own future in accordance with the ideals that we aspire to and the values that inspire us.
Relevant principles concerning the matters I have referred to are embodied in the Charter as well as in the Declaration of Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States and in the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security. In our view, only universal and scrupulous respect for and observance of these principles, both in word and in deed, could ensure full security for our countries. Any violation of these principles anywhere directly or indirectly, in whatever guise or under whatever pretext, deals a grievous blow to mankind's hopes for a peaceful and just order. By the same token, whenever and wherever any Power - big, small or medium - resorts to armed force in contravention of these vital principles, the inevitable result is their serious weakening and erosion, creating conditions of far-reaching implications which are of concern to all countries.
We are therefore alarmed and distressed that virtually all the focal points of crises that exist in the world today have been the outcome of the flagrant violation of these principles - be it in the Middle East, Central America, South Africa, Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Namibia or Cyprus. In each of these situations, there has been employment of armed intervention by an external Power in the internal affairs of another independent sovereign State to bring about a change of the government of that State. In almost every case the problem can be resolved only on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign troops, non-interference in the internal affairs of these countries and the exercise by the people affected of the right to choose their own government and to determine their own future and destiny. Whether it is in the Middle East, South Asia, South-East Asia or Africa, Burma cannot accept either interference or occupation as a fait accompli. The position of the delegation of Burma on these issues has often been stated at the United Nations, based as it is on our unswerving and consistent support for respect for the principles which are stipulated in the Charter as cardinal principles to be observed in inter-State relations.
May I now briefly touch upon the close relationship between disarmament and international peace and security. It is fair to say that the post-war armaments race is the product of the failure of the United Nations collective security system and the consequent reversion by nations to the old concept of the balance of power to maintain peace and to ensure security for themselves. But the armaments race itself creates greater insecurity for all, and by deepening mistrust and suspicion among the armed Powers generates its own momentum. To halt and reverse it would require, in the first place, the promotion of greater trust and confidence among nations, and the removal of their deep-seated sense of insecurity.
For far too long has the world been split into two major camps, with their leading Powers still encumbered by serious differences and locked in a serious contest for supremacy. But recent developments like the resumption of arms talks and the reactivation of summit diplomacy between the world's two leading Powers will, we hope, offer some prospect of reduced tension. We hope that the impulse generated by this first step will prove productive in the entire spectrum of international relations. Even if it does not yield immediate results, the summit will be a boost to the morale of a world that has been beclouded with the ominous threat of nuclear war. We can only hope that the leading Powers will be able to rise to the occasion to match the mood and expectations they have aroused and break the deadly cycle of the arms race. Fate demands that the two leading Powers must live together and make peace, particularly at this critical threshold, before man's last frontier - outer space - is defiled and becomes sullied by lethal weapons and conflict. Nothing is more urgent than to prevent the militarization of outer space.
The Assembly session this year also marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The most outstanding achievement of the United Nations is certainly in the process of decolonization. The emergence of independent States from colonial rule, under the aegis of the United Nations, has led substantially to the expansion of membership of the Organization and altered the ratio of forces within it. In spite of these tangible results, the last vestiges of the twin evils of colonialism and racialism have persistently defied solution in southern Africa. They are not problems peculiar to Africa, but Africa has witnessed them in their most acute form.
The people of Namibia are still deprived of their inalienable right to freedom, independence and self-determination. South Africa defies the will of the international community by refusing to comply with Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on independence to Namibia. The delegation of Burma considers resolution 435 (1978) as the only acceptable and agreed basis for an internationally recognized settlement in Namibia. For that reason we reject the preemptive move by South Africa to establish an interim government in Namibia, a decision that runs counter to resolution 435 (1978).
The history of the Republic of South Africa in racial discrimination, as expressed through its policy of apartheid, is to be deplored. The prolongation of this policy has led to the exposure of all communities - black and white - to mounting acts of violence and suppression and to needless loss of life. The mounting tide of world criticism against the policy of apartheid is already taking the direction of economic pressures, which can only be detrimental to the viability of South Africa's economy. He can only hope that the leaders of South Africa will, in counsel of wisdom, reverse the present trend and remove the ominous threat of extended conflict in the region.
Tremendous economic forces are shaking the world today. He are at em acute phase of a process where the whole of human society is passing through an enormously important transformation, so rapid that nations are carried along, without even understanding the underlying factors. This is reflected in the frequency of crisis situations that we encounter in the world economy. The danger inherent in the present situation is that attempts might be made to ameliorate the world's economy ills in a limited way, to serve special ends of exclusive minority interests. Solutions resorted to in this way can only result in increasing misery and the difficulties through which the developing countries, the weakest link in the world economy, are now passing.
When the United Nations was conceived in 1945, few then gave so much as a thought to the fact that the conscious aim set forth in the Preamble to the Charter "to promote social progress and better standards of living" would have special relevance to the developing countries, which constitute three fourths of the world's population, whose physical needs have to be met and whose hunger for human dignity has to be satisfied. The task of bridging the gap between the developed and developing countries assumed primacy in the economic and social work of the Organization in the ensuing years. While the United Nations has been able to launch a series of development decades and strategies and has adopted important documents for a more equitable system in the world economic order, the paradox of the present situation is that the plight of the developing countries has not fared better. Despite all efforts at national and international levels, disparity continues unabated.
In the last 10 years or so, the international system of economic operations has not been favorable to the developing countries. International trade for the developing countries has been marked by a decline in the export of commodities and a decline in raw material prices, while their role as markets for finished products and capital is on the increase. This widening trade gap is one of the most agonizing phenomena of the world today, because it not only will impoverish the developing countries through an ever-increasing indebtedness for their imports, but will gradually have an adverse effect or their economy. Trade is indeed of prise importance for development.
The problem of the over-indebtedness of developing countries has now become a principal preoccupation of the international community* High interest rates, unfavorable repayment terms and adverse trade conditions make it impossible for developing countries to earn what is needed for debt repayment. This external debt crisis is a serious element of the on-going crisis in the monetary and financial system. All this illustrates the gravity of the situation and calls for the long-overdue reform of the international monetary and financial system. As monetary affairs affect the whole atmosphere of trade and aid, it appears to us that these matters are the concern of the entire international community The establishment of a new and equitable international monetary order is also contingent upon the full participation of all those who will be affected by it. Accordingly, the delegation of Burma supports the call for the convening of a conference on international monetary and financial reform.
International economic relations continue to be characterized by the lack of momentum of the so-called North-South dialog between the developed and developing countries. Developing countries are steadfast in their position of global approaches to solving economic issues. Developed countries tend to seek solutions on conservative concepts aimed at retaining the status quo. In these circumstances there has been no breakthrough and preparations for the launching of global negotiations on international economic co-operation and development have made no headway thus far. As a result, not one of the problems facing the world economy for the last 10 years has been ameliorated or solved. Instead, developing countries continue to be in a position of dependence on the monetary, fiscal and trade policies of developed countries. The prospect of serious resumption of dialog between the developed and developing countries remains poor without some additional political effort to generate an international climate restoring the necessary trust and understanding of the respective positions of the two groups.
The fact is that the world community is still far from an ordered economic system, planned for the general good, and it seems that a long struggle lies ahead for its achievement.
Developing countries are at present engaged in a determined attempt to achieve a breakthrough in self-sustaining growth. While the result will depend largely on their own efforts, it is recognized generally that the acceleration of their economic growth could be hampered or even impaired if their efforts are not supplemented or strengthened by constructive international action. Economic development also brings in its train equally complex needs for social advancement. The achievements of the United Nations are perhaps more manifest in its responsiveness to these pressing economic and social issues. Less fully appreciated are the effective services of the United Nations family of related agency, institutions and programs dealing with the economic and human problems of developing countries.
In a world steeped in poverty, hunger, ignorance, disease and injustice, these specialized agencies are all engaged in vital tasks relating to human welfare, national growth, international co-operation and peace. In the forefront of these activities is the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). As a major channel for multilateral technical assistance provided through the United Nations system, UNDP has assisted developing countries in their economic and social development in conformity with the spirit of the United Nations Charter. As an agency for international action aimed at combating poverty, malnutrition and hunger, the assistance provided by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), in the area of food and agricultural research and production, is proving valuable to developing countries. The World Health Organization (WHO) is helping to protect and promote the health of all the people of the world by participating in national health programs.
Adopting an integrated approach to the problems of children all over the world, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) works in partnership with developing country governments to meet the basic needs of children and mothers in a variety of sectors. A noteworthy effort is the present aim of WHO and UNICEF to achieve by the year 1990 the goal of universal immunization of young children against six main diseases that kill children. This is a highly commendable vision and effort which inspires the delegation of Burma to give its keen support and commitment.
It is through its family of related agencies institutions and programs that the United Nations has proved, in ample measure, that it can serves as the coordinator of man's efforts for the common wealth.
It is important for all of us to realize that in the years before us the shape and substance of the international order, the question of peace and war, will be determined not only by political issues, but more and more by problems of the economy and by rapid technological development that will eventually lead to a shift of the balance of forces in the world. Economic development is regarded by all countries as the only yardstick of economic progress. But the creation of conditions of peace, at both the international and national level, is the prerequisite for economic development and progress. Peace in our time is, therefore, an urgent and immediate need. Unfortunately, the United Nations has not yet found the final answer by which man's achievements in the field of science and technology should be utilized for his betterment and not be permitted to pose a threat of his complete annihilation.
As the United Nations begins the fifth decade of its life, it seems clear that the direction of its persuasion will be determined by a twofold challenge - how can it be a force for greater economic and social equality in the world as well as a force for peace?
This is the task to which we must address ourselves with renewed faith and confidence.