Once again, I have the pleasure of addressing this distinguished Assembly to transmit to it the heartfelt and warm greetings of the people and the Government of the Republic of Guinea, as well as those of its President, General Lansana Conté.
I should like, first of all, to congratulate you. Sir, on your brilliant election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session and, at the same time, to express my conviction that your human qualities, competence and outstanding diplomatic experience, will surely make our work completely successful. For that reason, I can assure you of my delegation's complot· co-operation in the accomplishment of the delicate and very important task unanimously entrusted to him.
I also pay tribute to his predecessor, the distinguished representative of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Mr. Joseph Garba, for the effectiveness and perseverance with which he conducted the work of the forty-fourth session and of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth special sessions of the General Assembly.
Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, Secretary-General of our Organization, has, during the past few years, exerted tireless efforts which have given our Organisation greater credibility and prestige. Such devotion to the service of peace and progress, inspired by eminent human qualities, deserves our heartfelt and warm congratulations.
I take this opportunity to welcome the admission of Liechtenstein as a new Member of the United Nations.
Since our last session, the world has changed radically. This momentous process, which has taken place in the space of one year, will undoubtedly continue.
A few years ago, the bipolarity in East-West relations had already begun to wane because, thanks to our efforts at reflection and concerted action. Intransigent ideological positions had gradually yielded to co-operation.
Today the major upheavals occurring throughout the world are revealing a new trend, the pressure for democracy, which brings a new reality to the struggle for the creation of a new and fair international order based on the interdependence of nations.
In this new International context, the search for solutions to the major challenges before us will be Inspired by the need to continue the dialogue which was begun three years ago in order to enhance international relations, to control events that are taking place at too feet a pace and to look to the future with assurance and a spirit of solidarity.
In the course of the past year, three main facts have characterised the international situation. First, the unswerving will of States to resolve conflicts has been In evidence and is growing stronger. Secondly, constructive dialogue between North and South, made possible by the adoption of the Declaration on International Economic Co-operation opens new prospects for more effective structures of international economic co-operation. Thirdly', the crisis created in the Persian Gulf, following the annexation of Kuwait by Iraq, constitutes the discordant note in the maintenance of peace and respect for international law.
While most of the events that have been upsetting our world are fortunately, on their way to resolution, it none the less regains true that the complete elimination of all the existing hotbeds of crisis requires more comprehension and sacrifice.
On the African continent, the successful implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) led to the independence of Namibia, which we joyfully admitted to our Organisation last April as a new Member. That historic event shows how well-founded multilateral action is, and attests to a people's determination to break the yoke of foreign domination. If that young State is to be rebuilt, it will need sizeable resources, which the international community must provide.
In South Africa, recent positive developments enable us to look to the future with optimism. In fact, the release on 11 February 1990 of Nelson Mandela, the symbol of the anti-apartheid struggle; the beginning of a dialogue between the leaders of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the Pretoria Government; and the recent opening up of Mr. De Klerk's Party to people of colour are all encouraging signs in the anti-apartheid struggle.
None the less, these qualitative changes that have taken place in South Africa should make us even more vigilant, because if we are not careful the peace initiative designed to create a democratic, multi-racial South Africa could be jeopardised by violent delaying tactics on the part of forces opposed to the eradication of apartheid. While we await the completion of the negotiation process now under way, my delegation is convinced of the effectiveness of comprehensive and mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa in overcoming the intransigence of the advocates of the anachronistic system of apartheid.
On the question of Western Sahara, the Republic of Guinea appreciates the mediation of the Secretary-General, whose activities in connection with this case have led to significant and hopeful developments. The implementation of Security Council resolution 621 (1988), authorising the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative for the Western Sahara, justifies our conviction in this respect.
It is comforting to note, furthermore, that the winds of peace are now blowing over other areas of conflict in Africa, where reconciliation seems to be the leitmotiv of all actions under way, be they in Angola, Mozambique or the Horn of Africa.
The same peace process is awaited in the conflict between Chad and Libya, which have decided to bring their dispute before the International Court of Justice.
In connection with the Comorian Island of Mayotte, we have every reason to hope that the initiatives undertaken by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations will rapidly lead to a negotiated solution acceptable to the two parties.
The situation in the Middle East and the Palestinian problem have already been the subject of many resolutions in which we have repeatedly condemned the usurpation of occupied Arab lands, as well as the suffering caused by the tragedy of a Lebanon in flames. We have recognized that an international conference remains the framework and the option most certain to extinguish those flames.
We express our firm support for the legitimacy of the Palestinian cause. None the less, while the proclamation of the independent State of Palestine and the peace initiatives by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had seemed to be a glimmer of hope on the horizon, the sky of negotiation now seems to be darkened by clouds.
Indeed, the systematic settlement of Soviet Jews in the occupied Arab territories, the obstinacy of the extremist wing of the Israeli Government, and the present break in the dialogue between the PLO and the United States are matters of concern to my Government. My delegation, while agreeing that Israel matt exist as a sovereign State, also recognises the new independent State of Palestine, whose right to territory and to sovereignty Must be preserved.
While the international community welcomes the fortunate outcome of the Iran-Iraq conflict, illustrated very recently by the spectacular withdrawal of Iraqi troops and the exchange of prisoners, it is none the less highly concerned over the explosive situation created in the Gulf region by the invasion and annexation of Kuwait by Iraq. That annexation violates the provisions of the Charter. My country supports all the resolutions adopted by the Security Council on this question and demands the unconditional withdrawal of the Iraqi armed forces from Kuwait to the internationally recognized borders, and the return to power of the legitimate Government of the Emirate.
The situation in Asia, in general terms, is also highly disquieting ail entails further threats to international peace and security.
The cessation of hostilities end the initiation of a dialogue between Afghans, in accordance with the Geneva Agreements, will facilitate the repatriation of all Afghans and their social reintegration into a united and prosperous nation.
In respect of Cambodia, any approach to the question should entail an overall political settlement that can bring that country a just and lasting peace. To that end, my Government supports the measures for stability taken by the five permanent members of the Security Council in the framework of the guest for a solution involving the various parties, without foreign interference. My delegation supports the Plan of the Five dated 31 August 1990, and especially the establishment of a Supreme National Council presided over by Prince Norodom Sihanouk.
In the courageous legitimate struggle being waged by the Korean people, North and South should continue the dialogue that has now begun, in order to achieve the peaceful reunification of their homeland through the creation of a single, confederal State which will be a Member of the United Nations.
Cyprus is also trying to bring its two communities together. The United Nations, through its Secretary-General, is making efforts in that direction. But the situation remains unchanged.
My delegation has been following closely the democratic developments that have taken place in most of the countries of Central America - a region which has been the victim of such tragic upheavals, bringing peace to Nicaragua has certainly given an impetus to efforts to relieve tension and achieve national reconciliation and development without foreign interference.
The future of the Malvinas Islands must be forged by peaceful means, on the basis of negotiations between the parties with strict respect for the Charter.
With the disquieting persistence of certain hotbeds of tension, general and complete disarmament under effective international control remains a categorical imperative. The feeling that peace has finally been achieved is sometimes dispelled by an atmosphere of distrust or overt hostility here and there.
It is true that significant progress has been achieved in negotiations between the two super-Powers. Despite advances towards the conclusion of a convention on chemical and biological weapons, we find the multilateral talks proceeding rather slowly. The well-established triangular relationship between disarmament, development and security remains very timely in a period of acute crisis and deprivation when material and financial resources must be mobilised and directed towards development.
As I have often stressed from this rostrum, development must be the collective endeavour of mankind - in other words, the shared responsibility of States. Faced with the frightful throat of a nuclear holocaust, political leaders, scientists, religious authorities and non-governmental organisations should all share in the building of peace and international security.
My country abhors war, regardless of its cause. In this respect I should like to share with those present here the wisdom of a famous French cabaret singer who believes that "nothing is more beautiful than a rusty rifle".
In the real contemporary world - above all during the last decade - economics have an impact on politics. The enormous changes that have taken place in East-West relations and the democratic awakening of peoples have created conditions conducive to the establishment of more harmonious international economic and social relations. The developing countries, which must draw the appropriate lessons from the impact of these changes and benefit from their consequences, are somewhat optimistic because of the adoption at the eighteenth special session, last April, of the Declaration on the economic growth and development of the third-world countries.
That proved again that with a Measure of real political will the nations of the world can engage in sincere and constructive dialogue. Such dialogue is all the more necessary since various development decades have failed, since the North-South dialogue needs to be given new vigour, since a new international development strategy for the period 1991 to 2000 needs to be formulated, and since the third world in general and Africa in particular are suffering greatly from the world economic crisis, whose consequences are compounded by natural disasters and underdevelopment.
On the subject of those countries, the poor countries should, without disregarding co-operation with the industrialised countries, promote South-South co-operation as an adjunct to North-South co-operation and as a special tool for ensuring collective self-reliance and self-sufficiency in food. In that context, the Cyprus initiative and the Cairo political declaration on eliminating hunger throughout the world can be useful in guiding our various development activities.
The development crisis, which has been particularly harsh on the least developed countries, is the result of well-known internal and external causes. The recent Paris Conference highlighted these. The attainment of a new international economic order remains vital.
Debt continues to weigh heavily on the development activities of the poorest countries. In that connection, while we appreciate certain instances of debt rescheduling agreed to by friendly countries, we consider that assistance to poor countries must be based on the following principles! reduction and even elimination of interest; extension of the repayment period, taking into account such country's capacity to pay; refinancing loans made under market conditions by multilateral organisations; and increased official development assistance to the least developed countries. The magnitude of the crisis is such that creditors should be more sensitive to the disturbing situation debtor countries.
I wish now to address problems of the environment. There is no doubt that there is a symbiotic relationship between those problems and development. For the Republic of Guinea, the question of the environment should not be viewed solely from the standpoint of efforts to remedy the harmful consequences of human activity for the ecosystem. It has another dimensions implementation of a policy for organising production without causing irreparable damage to nature and for foreseeing natural disasters that can disturb the ecological balance and jeopardise development. For example, ongoing collective measures should be devised with respect to drought, desertification, acid rain, deforestation, earthquakes and flooding.
The trans-boundary movement and dumping of wastes are a dangerous scourge that calls for a vigorous reaction from the international community. I cannot stress enough the need for further negotiations on a convention on this subject that can be ratified unanimously by all States. In that connection, my delegation welcomes the organisation of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held in 1992.
We also appreciate the decision taken at the last session, which mandated the Director-General of the United Nations Environment Programme. in co-operation with the Secretary-General of the World Meteorological Organisation, to make preparations for the speedy negotiation of a convention on climate.
An examination of the world social situation underscores the real development problems of the poor countries. Must we not find ways to reconcile the needs of structural adjustment with those of social stability? At this session the Assembly will place special emphasis on ways and means to overcome the dangerous social effects of structural adjustment programmes. Furthermore, in official development assistance, key sectors such as education and health suffer because of the priority given to profit-generating activities. We therefore need a strategy adapted to national realities, to give a human face to structural adjustment.
It is also absolutely necessary to integrate women and young people into the development process in the third world. The rural exodus can be prevented only through a policy of supporting community projects.
The abuse of drugs and narcotic substances requires intensified international co-operation on concerted world action in the war against the production, sale and use of drugs. The effectiveness of our struggle against this scourge depends also on the eradication of the laundering of drug money.
My delegation welcomed the conclusions reached at the Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, held at Havana.
On the subject of human rights I wish to refer to the process of democratisation now under way in my country. But first, I want to reaffirm the international community's obligation to promote a now humanitarian order, for our era displays an unprecedented interest in universal human values. That is why since 2 October 1989 the national authorities of the Republic of Guinea, in accordance with commitments made six years ago, have been developing a new basic law that will enshrine the state of law so much desired by the people of Guinea. That basic law, which is now on the drawing-board, demonstrates the commitment of the National Military Correcting Committee to democracy and to the values it espouses. The basic law includes a true charter of human rights, by which Guinea reaffirms its international conception of rights through adherence to the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Charter of Human and Peoples. Rights. By virtue of its provisions, any Guinean will be able to count on the application of those tests, which will become an integral part of our Constitution.
The lofty task of democratization has suddenly had to confront the tragic events in Liberia. Since December, that fraternal country has been plagued by bloody fratricidal confrontations that have done immeasurable harm to the social and economic life of countries bordering Liberia. The crisis in Liberia has caused total political destabilisation exacerbated by serious differences among groups and movements, which has plunged the country into genocide and material destruction.
To restore national peace and harmony, the Economic Community of west African States (ECOWAS) has, as members know, developed a peace plan involving the sending of a subregional buffer force charged with ensuring the unconditional observance of the cease-fire.
My delegation believes that a just and equitable solution of the conflict must involve the co-ordination of a national agreement including all players in the political game. My delegation invites the international community to support the efforts of ECOWAS permanent mediation committee to restore peace, democracy and national reconciliation in that fraternal country.
Guinea has on many occasions stated its position and its concerns on the conflict in Liberia. It has indicated, inter alia, that it is not a question of supporting one faction or one man against the others, but of creating the conditions for dialogue leading to reconciliation among all Liberians.
The conflict has had consequences for Guinea, including demographic disturbances resulting from the massive influx of more than 380,000 refugees. Such a sudden and great concentration of people results in considerable sacrifices for the local population and for the Government.
Despite substantial assistance from the international community through the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the problems posed by the refugees are far from being solved, for the following reasons.
First, thus far there has been only short-torn assistance to refugees, and we see no happy outcome to that situation. To reach such an outcome, we must draw on the basic principle of the right of voluntary individual return for refugees. Secondly, the local people who have generously opened their doors and their food stocks are today even poorer than the refugees, as they have been hit with sudden rises in food prises. And thirdly, many disturbances have resulted from this huge immigration both in economic and social structures and in the areas of health share and ecological balance, against the backdrop of disruption of the normal networks for production and trade in south-eastern Guinea.
My government appeals urgently to the international community as a whole to consider not only emergency aid but also medium-term and long-term assistance to the refugees and to the populations that have welcomed them.
The qualitative improvement in the international climate following the important changes that have taken place in many countries enhances the constructive role of our Organisation in the relaxation of regional conflicts and in the struggle for the building of a more prosperous world. In this complex network of change, the human being, his aspirations and his future must occupy pride of place.
Growing awareness of our interdependence confers on multilateralism new responsibilities and new prospects. It is within that interdependence that we may find the hidden key to our success and the very foundations of our future.
As we approach the end of the century, when peoples are breaking down ideological barriers and demolishing the bastions of arbitrariness, under the thrust of democracy a new civilisation based on co-operation and realism will emerge from the ruins of the old. The people of Guinea would give anything to see the birth of that new civilisation which will bring new hope and certainty to our hearts mid minds.


I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Given your experience and political skills, we are confident that the affairs of this Assembly will come to a successful conclusion under your wise leadership. May I take this opportunity to express my appreciation and congratulations to your predecessor, Ambassador Joseph Garba of Nigeria, who was exemplary in his conduct of the affairs of the General Assembly.
I also wish on behalf of the Government and people of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas warmly to welcome Namibia and the Principality of Liechtenstein to membership in the United Nations. I also extend our heartfelt congratulations to Germany on its reunification.
Our hope for a more enduring world peace has been challenged by Iraq's invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The Bahamas urges all nations involved to exhaust every effort to resolve this situation without further violence. Central to international relations are the prohibition of the threat or use of force, the peaceful settlement of disputes and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. These are principles which small States, such as the Bahamas, hold dear. Hence, the Bahamas joined the world community in denouncing the invasion and occupation of Kuwait, and in calling for the immediate withdrawal of all Iraqi troops and the restoration of the legitimate Government of Kuwait. The Bahamas has endorsed all action taken by the Security Council in this regard and, in particular, it has undertaken to uphold the sanctions imposed under Security Council resolutions until they achieve their desired results.
A comprehensive peace in the Middle East is urgently needed. Therefore, we support the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations and involving all parties to the conflict. We urge those directly concerned to create conditions that would ensure the success of such s conference. He again reiterate our full support for Israel's right to exist within secure and recognised borders, and reaffirm our commitment to the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.
Continuing violence and dissension lead us to conclude that the pillars of apartheid remain intact. The opportunity presented by the conclusion of the Pretoria Minute between the Government of South Africa and the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and all efforts to remove obstacles to negotiations for a democratic, non-racial South Africa must be energetically pursued.
It is in this context that the Bahamas welcomed the consensus adoption by the General Assembly at its sixteenth special session of the Declaration on South Africa, which is drafted in full compliance with international principles. It ought not be that we adhere to these principles sometimes, disregard them at other times and shun them in favour of yet other principles at other times. Sanctions should not be lifted until there is real and irreversible movement towards the abolition of apartheid in South Africa. These conditions have not been met. The Bahamas, therefore, continues to support sanctions, and urges the international community also to maintain and renew its resolve.
The experience in Namibia clearly indicated that change is possible, even in seemingly intractable situations. We have witnessed what could be accomplished by a people's drive for self-determination, when supported by the commitment of the international community, The Bahamas would now wish to see a commitment to the process of peace and democracy demonstrated to the fullest extent in Haiti.
The Government and the people of Haiti have made clear their desire to move their country forward on the road to democracy and development. The Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), meeting recently in Jamaica, once again took note of this encouraging position, and reiterated their unequivocal commitment to the goals and objectives which Haiti had set for itself.
We believe that the United Nations must also be actively involved in Haiti's quest for democracy, and we are confident that the Organisation will overcome attendant difficulties and respond favourably to Haiti's request for security and other assistance in the holding of elections.
We must envision more for Haiti. In keeping with the decision of the Heads of CARICOM, the Bahamas would urge the convening of an international conference on the reconstruction of Haiti, following successful democratic elections in that country. We believe that an effective solution to this situation will greatly facilitate the maintenance of peace and stability in the entire Caribbean region.
We are pleased that the 1988 Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances will come into force in November of this year. The Bahamas stands ready to join other States parties to the Convention in the strict implementation of its provisions. We consider that action taken by the Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders, specifically in the area of organised crime, and the adoption of model legislation in areas including extradition, will greatly facilitate the process of implementing of many of the provisions of the Convention.
Startling and dramatic events in Latin America last year considerably elevated the search for solutions to the illicit drug problem. This year has been one of urgent and intense international activity, aimed at devising new strategies to counteract the drug problem. At the seventeenth special session of the General Assembly, convened in February of this year, the commitment to fight the scourge of drug abuse was affirmed at the highest political level, as demonstrated by the adoption by consensus of a political Declaration and a global programme of action. To our satisfaction, it has been widely recognised that measures to reduce demand must not be neglected and must be given equal emphasis with production and trafficking.
The international community took the opportunity to review, at the level of experts, the capacity of the United Nations to lead the fight against drug abuse and illicit trafficking and to arrive at a better understanding of the complex illicit drug trade. Indeed, the Bahamas already has in place strong regulations and laws aimed at counteracting money laundering and at forfeiture of the proceeds of drug crimes. We are convinced that, with adequate safeguards to protect legitimate international banking, we can deprive international drug cartels of the proceeds of their evil trade, and destroy their sole purpose for existing.
Does the political will exist to halt and reverse the deadly affects of drug abuse on our societies and to stem the violence it engenders? The answer must be "Yes”.
At the national level, the Bahamas follows a comprehensive strategy encompassing interdiction efforts, prevention, public information, severe sanctions for drug offenders and compulsory testing for security forces. Our co-operation with other States at the bilateral and multilateral levels, particularly in operational activities, has been widely recognised as being exemplary.
Consequently, the traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances into and through the Bahamas has been drastically decreased, and there has been a slowing, though not a halt, of drug abuse by Bahamians. We will continue to take vigorous national action, and will join in international initiatives to make drug control more effective.
The first year of the final decade of the twentieth century is ending with signs of both hope end disillusionment. The rise in the price of energy, the massive increase in external-debt servicing and the loss of or reduction in foreign-exchange earnings have all combined to sake the 1980s a lost decade for development. The United Nations and individual Member countries should pay increasing attention to reversing that trend.
Indeed, in the Bahamas we work even harder in traditional economic sectors such as tourism and banking. He follow the axiom that we must do better what we know how to do well. He must make our good better and our better best. That has certainly been our experience in tourism and financial services.
At the same time, we continue to exploit every window of opportunity for diversification, restructuring and investment. Ws seek investment not only in agriculture, fisheries and tourism, but also in the sophisticated service and light industrial sectors with high employment and export and import-substitution potential.
Political, social and economic stability is a critical element in maintaining confidence and hence in stimulating investment and output. But stability alone is not sufficient. The challenge is to shift our emphasis to the economic and social well-being of moat of the planet and to keep it on a path of sustainable growth. I have therefore instructed my delegation to focus store on economic development and investment promotion and on reorienting the Organisation to deal afresh and more effectively with the economic issues I have mentioned.
Because of important linkages with the economies of the United States of America, Canada, Japan and an integrated Europe, the Bahamas especially applauds the determined efforts of those countries to bring their economies into balance and encourages them to pursue a fresh and vigorous programme dramatically to increase and redirect real transfers of public and private finance, aid, technology and trade to enhance world economic development.
We invite the United Nations itself to adopt a fresh approach and to take another look at areas which have held out promise in the past but have yielded little success in the development of many developing countries. The Bahamas is of the view that every effort must now be made to ensure that the 1990s is a decade of opportunity. Greater effort must be exerted to reorient the global economy to make it more responsive to the needs of the developing world and to sustain growth and development.
The Bahamas is therefore encouraged by the international consensus on the Declaration adopted by the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly. We consider particularly relevant its call for specialised agencies with specific developmental mandates to play a vital role in international co-operation for the revitalisation of development in the 1990c.
The importance of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations to alleviating the plight of developing countries cannot be exaggerated. Hence comprehensive reform in areas of trade of particular interest to developing countries will become a realistic prospect. The Bahamas advocates work for the successful conclusion of the Uruguay Sound. In this view the Bahamas hopes also that the conclusions reached by meetings of the least developed countries in Paris this year will help reverse their marginalisation in the world economy.
Strategies for development must also be environmentally sound. The Bahamas firmly supports the Conference on Environment and Development, scheduled to be held in 1992. We are confident that the opportunity will be grasped not only to consolidate current efforts to save the world's environment from degradation, but to establish a new and affective regime for Managing and safeguarding our environment, particularly the marine environment.
Member States are increasingly requesting the United Nations to assume a leadership role in a myriad of social, economic and humanitarian questions. We have collectively taken decisive strides to address crucial international issues, including drug abuse, illicit trafficking, debt, poverty, development, crime and apartheid. Commitment to the well-being of the children of the world was reaffirmed by Heads of State and government in the recent historic Summit for Children.
High hopes and expectations are being placed in the United Nations; yet its weak financial situation continues to jeopardise its ability to perform Expectations must be matched with requisite financial commitments. We hope that arrears will be addressed as a matter of priority so that the Organisation may cease having to juggle resources to survive. It is our joint responsibility to ensure the Organisation's operational efficiency so that its prospects for positive accomplishment can be enhanced.
You see, the United Nations remains our best alternative to international chaos and our best approach to international order. Important new dynamics have been introduced by the rapprochement of the super-Powers, and by dramatic events in various parts of the world such as Eastern Europe and Namibia. Collective security has been allowed to work for the first time. As a result, the Organisation has been greatly strengthened. As always, the Bahamas pledges to continue to be a committed and active participant in all efforts to improve our Organisation and our world.


I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of this General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. I am confident that you, like your predecessor, will give us wise guidance in our efforts to achieve tangible results at this session.
When the founders of this Organization net in San Francisco in 1945 they had a common vision: a vision of a peaceful world where peoples lived in tolerance as good neighbours, a world of equal rights of men and women, of nations large and small, a world of social progress and better standards of life in greater freedom - all based on a firm belief in the dignity and worth of the human person.
This vision has only partly materialised. We have not yet been able to save our planet from the scourge of war. Fundamental human rights are still being violated in many countries, causing human suffering and heavy flows of refugees. Freedom and democracy remain elusive in too many nations. Hunger and poverty afflict millions of people.
And new scourges have emerged: the ugly face of terrorism, the degradation caused by drugs, the environmental problems, the dreaded and deadly virus causing acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) ~ to mention but a few.
However, there is no reason to despair. On the contrary, important parts of the vision are being realised, and increasingly so. An invigorated world Organisation is assuming its responsibility in an atmosphere of growing co-operation and realism, determined to settle disputes by peaceful means based on the rule of law. The tide is changing. Peace, freedom and democracy are gaining ground. We must counter any attempt to stem that tide.
Our first priority should be to prevent the use of aggression and military power for political ends. We must make it abundantly clear that military aggression will never be tolerated, will never succeed, will never pay.
Iraq's naked aggression against a peaceful neighbour, Kuwait, represents the most blatant violation of all fundamental principles of international law. Its demand that foreign embassies in Kuwait be closed is totally unacceptable. Its use of foreign citizens as bombing shields is an abhorrent breach of basic human principles. Those committing these heinous acts will be held personally responsible and must be brought to justice in accordance with international law. The increasing violence and pillage by the occupying forces in Kuwait represent barbaric sets that must be condemned by the world community.
The world community faced Iraqi's aggression with determination and unanimity. For the first time the Security Council - acting under Chapter VII of the Charter - decided on far-reaching mandatory sanctions against an aggressor. Security Council resolution 661 (1990) and, not least, resolution 665 (1990) on the enforcement of the mandatory sanctions represent hallmarks in the history of the United Nations, and just half an hour ago, as we sat in this Hall, the Security Council again lived up to its responsibilities.
Denmark firmly believes in the need for a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Gulf, This requires the full use of all the instruments of the United Nations, embodied in the Charter, and contributions from all members of the world community.
The mandatory sanctions must be made as effective as at all possible and must be enforced rigorously. To ensure a broadly based international effort, Denmark, for its part, has decided to send a naval vessel to the Gulf to participate in the enforcement of the mandatory sanctions in accordance with resolution 665 (1990). We feel that the United Nations must play as central a role as possible in the co-ordination of the multinational efforts to ensure strict implementation of the sanctions. This would strengthen the Organisation's position in respect of future conflicts and would bring us closer to the establishment of the collective security system envisaged by its founding fathers.
At the same time, we must not forget the grave humanitarian problems caused by Iraq's aggression. Denmark, like many other nations, has already contributed to alleviation of the plight of the countless refugees. But more must be done. And we must strengthen the abilities of the United Nations system in this respect as well.
Nothing short of the complete and unconditional withdrawal of the Iraqi forces from Kuwait and the re-establishment of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait will be acceptable. We must demonstrate clearly, once and for all, that aggression will never pay· Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait represent a blemish on an otherwise positive political situation in the world at large.
When historians look back on this century they will no doubt regard the year 1990 as the most important in the post-war period. And they will probably focus on the tremendous changes in Europe, on the closing chapters of what used to be called the cold war.
Developments in Europe have given new hope to millions of people around the globe. Past confrontations have been replaced by co-operation. The divisive wall through Europe has literally crumbled. In Eastern and Central Europe freedom and democracy are rapidly emerging. Pluralistic political systems and free market economies are being developed with vigour and enthusiasm.
The most prominent expression of the new era is the unification of Germany, A unified Germany will, in a few days, take its proper place in our world Organisation. And in Europe, Germany will play its role in the context of the European Community, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (HATO) and other multilateral organizations. We congratulate the German people on their achievement.
New structures are emerging in Europe. A dynamic European Community continues on its path towards closer political and economic co-operation. It does so with unreserved openness towards other countries, with a firm determination to live up to its responsibility and make its contribution to a stronger and more democratic Europe, and with a wish to give practical expression to its political and economic support for the budding democracies in East and Central Europe.
The dramatic events in Europe expressed the will of the ordinary citizens. It was the people who made the revolution. But all this had not been possible without the courage and foresight demonstrated by President Mikhail Gorbachev, or without the new partnership between the United States and the Soviet Union.
One of the very positive results of President Gorbachev's reforms has been the free elections this spring in the three Baltic republics - Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Only a tragic history has prevented the Baltic peoples from taking their place among the free nations of Europe. They should be here today, and one they will be. The three Baltic republics were members of the League of Nations as independent States for some 20 years. Denmark recognised the Baltic republics in 1921 and never accepted their forced incorporation into the Soviet Union in 1940. We support their efforts to give real substance to their formal independence. We hope that before long they will be allowed to shoulder their responsibility as full-fledged participants in international co-operation. We realize that difficult problems will have to be solved in negotiations with the Soviet Union. We appeal to the parties concerned to show flexibility and goodwill in this endeavour.
A firm foundation has already been laid for a future Europe living in peace, freedom and democracy. Major contributions have been made within the context of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE). At the second meeting, in Copenhagen in June, of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the CSCE Process the CSCE States adopted a historic document - a freedom charter, containing basic principles for the development of pluralistic democracies based on respect for human rights, including free elections, freedom of expression and the free political choice of the individual.
The CSCE process has other important dimensions, however. It has the potential to be a key element in a new European structure, bridging the old divide in Europe and enhancing security and co-operation on our continent. We are confident that the summit meeting of the CSCE States in Paris this autumn will advance that goal significantly.
We are convinced that the coming transformation of the CSCE will also enable the participating States to make a better contribution to world peace and security. And we trust that the meeting between the Foreign Ministers of the CSCE countries here in New York early next week will contribute to the further development of the CSCE process.
There will be no peaceful world without disarmament on a world-wide scale - disarmament covering all categories of weapons: nuclear, conventional and chemical. We are encouraged by the progress made in the negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on strategic nuclear forces. The possibility of signing a Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) by the end of the year seems within reach.
Optimism seems justified in the field of conventional disarmament also. We hope that a conventional forces in Europe treaty will be ready for signature at a CSCE summit in November. We attach great importance to the world-wide handling of conventional disarmament that takes place in the United Nations.
Events in the Gulf have once more emphasized the urgent need for a global convention on a comprehensive ban on chemical weapons, and the necessity to avoid a further spread of nuclear weapons. It is our hope that the complete test of a convention on chemical weapons can be submitted in the near future. Even if the recent Review Conference in Geneva on the Non-Proliferation Treaty failed to produce a final document, we feel that the conference was useful and, on the whole, strengthened the Treaty.
Now let me turn briefly to some of the regional conflicts.
It is a further injustice to the Arab peoples that Iraq's aggression against Kuwait has delayed the search for progress towards solutions to other problems in the Middle East - the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Palestinian problem, and the situation in Lebanon. These problems must not be forgotten. We must continue the search for just, comprehensive and lasting solutions. In view of the alarming situation in the occupied territories, it is essential to bring about a genuine Israeli-Palestinian dialogue as soon as possible. The agreement between Iran and Iraq on the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1989) is to be applauded.
Developments in South Africa have been very positive. The meetings between the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and President De Klerk's Government, which resulted in the Groote Schur Minutes and the Pretoria Agreement, represent major achievements. Real negotiations about a future non-racial and democratic South Africa are within reach.
We urge all South Africans to work together to end the violence that could threaten the road to the complete abolition of apartheid. Lasting changes in South Africa can be achieved only by negotiations and by peaceful means. The United Nations should continue to send a clear and unanimous signal to this end. The consensus resolution adopted at the resumed special session on apartheid last week was encouraging. We hope that this session of the General Assembly will support that achievement with a balanced voice in favour of an urgent, peaceful solution to the complex problems of South Africa.
In Cambodia, a solution appears to be imminent. We commend the five permanent members of the Security Council for the results achieved in establishing a framework for a comprehensive political solution. We note with satisfaction that the Cambodian parties have agreed to this framework, and we are very encouraged by the formation of the Supreme National Council. All parties involved should now concentrate their efforts on the implementation of the agreements. We strongly support the role of the United Nations in this process.
The successful United Nations operation in Namibia has added new dimensions to the possibilities of the world Organisation. This augurs well for the potential new tasks in, inter alia Cambodia and Western Sahara. The Namibia operation has also reaffirmed the fundamental importance of the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations
Denmark remains a firm supporter of United Nations peace-keeping operations. They must be based on efficiency, cost-effectiveness and flexibility. This is the yardstick we shall continue to use when reviewing our contributions - present and future - to the peace-keeping efforts of the Organization. We should like to see the peace-keeping role of the United Nations strengthened even further, and the possibilities of expanding it in the area of peace-making should be looked into. All peace-keeping and peace-making operations should have a clear mandate, the full co-operation of the parties involved, and a sound financial basis. All member countries must recognize their responsibility for the financing of peace-keeping operations, and they must show willingness to live up to their responsibilities.
A solution to the general financial problems of the United Nations is equally important. All member countries should pay their assessed contributions promptly and in full. Only if this prerequisite is fulfilled can the United Nations meet the enormous challenges of the years to come. The founders did not limit their vision to the solution of political problems; they envisaged a world where all people had the right to a decent life.
We must not forget our common responsibility for improving living conditions in the developing world. The problems of the developing countries are still immense. More than one billion people are still living in poverty. The situation in many of the least developed countries has deteriorated over the past 20 years. We must all, rich and poor, realize that economic growth and development can he successfully achieved only if the development process is broad-based. That was the clear message from the second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris earlier this month.
Governments must be held accountable for their actions. People must be allowed to participate in the political process. Democracy, pluralism and respect for human rights are indispensable features of sustainable development. It is encouraging that political and legal reforms are on the agenda in an increasing number of countries. Denmark welcomes that development. It gives reason for optimism. Human rights, democratization and popular participation in the development process are both important tools and objectives in Danish development co-operation. The international development agencies, increasingly, are following the path. We, for our part, will support this trend. Human rights and democratization are not to be seen as temporary items on the development agenda. It is our common responsibility to make sure they have come to stay.
By doing so we might also contribute to solving the overwhelming problem of refugees. Unless tackled in a comprehensive context, that immense problem could endanger our security in the foreseeable future.
At the same time, we must not lose sight of other threats to developing and developed countries alike.
Climate changes, our exploitation of the Earth's resources and pollution of the seas represent fundamental threats to social and economic development. International co-operation and concrete action are needed. The United Nations should continue to give high priority to environmental issues. The first session of the Preparatory Committee for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development augured well for the future. The greatest challenge will be to find ways and means to enable the developing countries to participate in international environmental co-operation and to integrate an environmental dimension into their own development policies and programmes, h comprehensive approach is necessary. It must include the transfer of environmentally sound technology and additional financial resources.
The report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change calls for effective action to counteract climate change. Negotiations on a convention on climate change should be initiated as soon as possible, and the convention should be ready for signature at the 1992 Conference on Environment and Development.
Other challenges must be met with equal vigour. The fight against illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs must build on the momentum created by this year's special session of this General Assembly. The outcome of the special session on combating narcotic drugs last February laid a new foundation for the fight against this evil.
Drugs and terrorism are closely related. But international terrorism has other sources too. The crisis in the Gulf has added fuel to the use of terrorism for political ends. The world community must never accept the use of terrorism. All nations must work closely together to prevent the perpetrators of terrorism from committing their brutal and senseless acts.
Today we have unprecedented opportunities to fulfil the obligations set out in the Charter of the United Nations. We must seize these opportunities. We must utilise Charter provisions to establish a system of collective security. We must demonstrate in deeds that military aggression will never be tolerated and never rewarded. We must make full use of the peace-keeping and peace-making role of the Organisation. We must establish an international community based on the rule of law, where conflicting interests are settled by peaceful means and based on democratic processes, political pluralism and respect for human rights and freedom of expression.
We must assist the less-favoured nations in solving their enormous problems of development. We must combat the threats to the environment and the evils of narcotic drugs and international terrorism. We must practise tolerance and counter anti-Semitism, racism and practices based on hatred. And we must do so in a world Organization that is truly universal. Together we must help realize the vision of the founders, not for their sake, but for ourselves, for our children and for all future generations.


I have come to this Assembly to pay a warm tribute and to confirm a deep commitment. My tribute is directed to this world Organisation and to its dedicated and loyal servants. In the new international political climate, but also when faced by a sudden crisis, the United Nations has lived up to our high expectations.
The commitment I wish to confirm is of the people and Government of Sweden - to the United Nations system, to its Charter, and to its principles of collective security. Our nation, as always, stands ready to contribute to the implementation of the decisions of the Organization. And let me assure the Secretary-General that he has our full support for his leadership of the United Nations.
In the last few years we have seen a dramatically improved international situation. The two major Powers are shaping a fundamentally new relationship. Nuclear arsenals are being reduced. Conventional forces are withdrawn. Offensive military doctrines are becoming obsolete. The Cold War is over.
We have all benefited from these developments. The risk of a nuclear war that could destroy our entire civilisation has been greatly reduced. And opportunities for peaceful change and for peaceful settlement of conflicts have been created.
In southern Africa, Namibia is now as independent nation. In South Africa itself fundamental change has been initiated. Nelson Mandela is free, after 27 years in prison. As the ,oral leader of that nation he is negotiating with President De Klerk on the abolition of the apartheid system.

In Chile, a democratically elected President has replaced a Military dictator. In Central America, the peace process is continuing, with the active involvement of the United Nations. In Cambodia a solution that has the backing of all parties seems to be within reach. In Europe there is a new atmosphere of optimism and trust, of co-operation and integration. The Berlin Nail has finally been demolished. Only five days from now, the two German States - symbol of a divided Europe - will be united. In Central and Eastern Europe, democratic elections are being held in one country after another. The dictatorships have been overthrown by the peaceful force of the will of the people. And we look forward to the day when the three Baltic Republics will regain their independence in accordance with the letter and the spirit of the Helsinki Final Act.
All this is a breakthrough for the vision of a Europe without borders, for the ideas of visionary leaders like Jean Monnet, Willy Brandt and Olof Palme. After confrontation and rearmament, we have dialogue and co-operation. The final victor on the European continent is democracy itself. For all of us this in a source of great joy. And all around the world, that so many have worked for so long, is now finally turning into reality.
In spite of the joy and the optimism of the past year, new threats to our common security can still occur. And they did, as we all know, on the morning of 2 August. The invasion of Kuwait by I rag is an act of aggression and a fundamental breach of international law. It is justly and unequivocally condemned by the international community. The way that Iraq is treating hundreds of thousands of foreign nationals demonstrates a total lack of human decency. To force thousands to stay in the country against their will shows an arrogant disregard for international law. A catastrophe in the Gulf area must be avoided. Iraq must immediately end its occupation of Kuwait, withdraw all its troops, and give all foreigners the freedom to depart. The legitimate government of Kuwait must be restored.
The situation around the Gulf is extremely serious. But much has changed in the world in the last few years - and this also has clear implications for the current crisis. Today, the super-Powers consult each other, at the highest level. Today, the United States and the Soviet Union are co-operating here at the United Nations. And today the United Nations Security Council has been able to take swift decisions on effective mandatory sanctions against Iraq.
This firm action gives us hope that the current crisis can be solved. But it also marks a turning-point for the fundamental idea of collective security.
Sweden supports all the decisions taken by the Security Council in the present crisis. My Government also supports the declared readiness of the Council to take further action, if necessary, to force Iraq to end its aggression. If the Council were to call for a peace-keeping force in connection with an Iraqi withdrawal, our country would respond positively to such a request.
The current international efforts mist focus also on the need for humanitarian assistance. The hundreds of thousands of refugees in the area need our help - with food and shelter and with transportation to their bone countries.
The United Nations should be at the centre of these efforts - to help and to organise and co-ordinate the contributions of donor countries. Effective action the Organisation in the humanitarian field will help to strengthen its role in future crises end conflicts. Sweden will participate actively in this work.
The crisis in the Persian Gulf is part of the complex Middle East situation. Still, it cannot be directly linked to the solution of other conflicts in the region. An international conference on the Middle East is needed more than ever before.
A recent report from the United Nations estimates that the growth rate in the industrialised nations will exceed 3 per cent per year in the 1990s. But for developing countries growth will not match the increase in population. Mere people will have less to share. Heavy debt burdens will aggravate the problems. Unemployment will grow. Illiteracy will spread. The situation will go from bad to worse.
This is another warning of possible future global confrontations between rich and poor. It could indicate that there may be grounds for a future bitter struggle between the industrialised developed countries, on the one hand, and the poor countries, on the other. This ¿s what could happen. But it does not have to happen. And it cannot be allowed to happen. It is possible to steer events in another direction. The richer countries must show that we take the problems of the poorer nations seriously, that we respect the rights, the culture and the individuality of other nations and regions Above all we must show that the basic values of justice and solidarity, freedom and self-determination do not apply to just our own country or our own continent: they apply to all nations all over the world.
If justice and solidarity do not have global relevance, then gaps will widen and confrontations will sharpen, economically and politically, culturally and socially. That is why we must take action. We must reverse the trend. We must increase the flow of resources from North to South. Otherwise we run the risk of seeing many more violent conflicts in the years to come. And, worst of all, this will endanger the future of the world's children.
The social and economic conditions in the world today can have awesome consequences for the younger generation. During this decade we shall witness the birth of the largest generation in the history of the planet, with some l.5 billion children being born. But millions of those children will be permitted to live only a short time on Earth. Bach day 40,000 children die, many of them from diseases that could easily be prevented. The world now has the means to protect the lives of all children, to ensure their survival, to promote their development. We know how to do it. What we now need is the commitment to take action. The World Summit for Children this week-end provides a unique opportunity to make such a commitment. Leaders of some 70 nations will then be able to state together that the rights of the child shall come first on their agendas. The Convention on the Bights of the Child is an excellent instrument for meeting that commitment.
At this very moment we have a special opportunity to fulfil that goal. At a tins of a now relationship between East and West, spending on military armaments can be cut back substantially. Military budgets are being reduced in both East and West. A high proportion of these savings can and should be used to promote the development of the poor countries. In fact, right now we have a unique chance to take a bold initiative for improving North-South relations. This is matter of basic solidarity with people in other countries in difficult circumstances. But it is also an issue that is decisive for our common security.
One other matter is linked with our common future in a very similar way the need to halt and reverse environmental degradation. This task has become a major challenge of the 1990s. In less than two gears' time the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development will be meeting in Brazil. That Conference will have to make a number of important decisions.
In 1972 the first United Nations Conference on the Human Environment was held in Stockholm under the motto "Only One Earth". It endorsed the principle of joint action in the field of global concern. But that was not enough. The scale of the problems has vastly outpaced the fragmented measures taken so far.
We know now with certainty that the climate of the Earth is changing. We are facing the tragedy of advancing deserts and retreating and dying forests. We are confronted with an ever-increasing loss of species, ever-scarcer fresh-water resources, destructive living conditions in urban areas and pressures of overpopulation. These problems jeopardize the livelihood, prosperity and security of present and future generations. They have come actually to threaten the entire global life-support system of our planet.
Effective strategies are now needed, at the national, regional and global levels. We who belong to the affluent minority which consumes the majority of the resources will have to take the lead. But nobody will escape the responsibility to act.
We shall all have to work together closely to avert economic and environmental disaster. We must now translate the concept of sustainable development into reality. To do this we need specific action on key issues. We need important structural changes within our countries. We must agree on modalities for the efficient transfer of environmentally sound technologies, and we must agree on how to provide additional financial resources to developing countries.
We live in an age when the only possible course is to seek security together, common security. The time is past when each State could independently realise its goals and dreams within its own national boundaries. We want to work together to prevent conflicts, under joint responsibility. We do not want them to be handled by the great Powers on their own, however well-armed they are and however well-intentioned they may be.
More clearly than ever before, we see the need for an effective system of collective security. Our goal is a system where we all help protect each other, where we feel secure in the knowledge that an attack on any one of us will not be tolerated by anyone else.
Our goal is a system which has effective institutions for solving conflicts and for handling new threats to our security before these threats develop into violent confrontations.
Our goal is a system which builds on a common interest. That interest is already clearly defined in the Charter: "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war".
Our goal is a system which can deal with underlying causes of conflict, with economic misery and social injustice, denial of human rights and environmental degradation.
Our goal, finally, is & system which is built on respect for international law and which gives freedom and justice to all.
That is what the United Nations should be; that is what it can be; and now the important goal is beginning to be realised, a dream has started to come true - the dream that, united together in this world Organisation, we can protect the security of each and every one of us. We have vested part of our sovereignty in the Security Council in order to allow the United Nations to act forcefully in a crisis.
Our Organisation has achieved impressive results in recent years. It has also expanded its scope. What we now see taking shape is an effective United Nations system for security and co-operation.
In peace-keeping the traditional tasks remain while new functions are being developed. Troops and military observers still form the backbone of peace-keeping operations. But the civilian component is growing, with an increasing role for the United Nations in election supervision and building of democratic structures. The monitoring of elections in Nicaragua and Namibia is one example.
In peace-making, the United Nations has proved its value in a number of regional conflicts. Other important and difficult tasks lie ahead such as Western Sahara and Cambodia. The United Nations will also have to face the problem of how to deal with internal conflicts often with an ethnic background.
In peace-building, the United Nations has to develop a co-ordinated strategy for dealing with the fundamental economic and social problems confronting the world of today. Poverty, environmental degradation and the awesome spread of drug abuse are global issues which must be dealt with through joint action.
The great hopes for this organization must not be frustrated by a lack of resources. Therefore, it is not acceptable that it still has to face serious financial problems.
My Government is especially concerned that peace-keeping activities run the serious risk of being hampered due to lack of funds. It has been said before, but it has to be repeated: every Member State must pay its contribution in full and on time. For too many years, the work of the United Nations was hampered by the cold war. The Security Council was crippled by the frequent use of the veto. And this Assembly was too often a platform for propaganda battles.
A much more constructive atmosphere now prevails in the Organisation. The era of confrontation has largely been replaced by consensus-seeking and pragmatic solutions.
My message from the people and the Government of Sweden is one of solid support for these changes. As a nation outside military alliances, we only have ourselves to rely on in time of conflict. We therefore have a strong interest in a forceful United Nations and in the rule of law in international relations.
That is why we in Sweden so energetically welcome and support the revitalized role of the United Nations as an organisation for collective security. It offers the machinery for co-operation between the large and the many smaller States in the world. It gives every nation a chance to participate in the work for peace and a better future. We can now develop the United Nations into an effective system for security, co-operation and development.
I am convinced that the nations of the world are ready to respond to that challenge. It will require inspired leadership and a concrete and firm commitment. The United Nations has a tremendous potential for keeping the peace, for making peace and for building peace. It symbolizes our dream of a world together. It is a world which is one and indivisible, with a common heritage and a common future.


It is with a deep sense of history that I address the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session, the first since the end of the cold war.
The confidence we repose in Mr. Guido de Marco provides us with the assurance that this session, under his stewardship, will reach decisions that will strengthen global peace and co-operation and enhance global well-being. At the very outset let me say how happy I am that the Foreign Minister of the friendly, non-aligned State of Malta is presiding over this session.
I must also record our appreciation for the leadership displayed by Major-General Joseph Garba in presiding over the forty-fourth session.
I also join other Members of the United Nations in welcoming in our midst the newest Member of the United Nations, Liechtenstein. It gives us special joy also to see a united Yemen in our midst.
Forty-five years ago India was one of the relatively small number of States that were present at the creation of the United Nations. The United Nations was born of a war-shattered world's hope that it would be the benign, sometimes stern guardian of a world at peace, committed to peace and co-operation between nations. Unfortunately, the end of the Second World War did not bring peace; it brought a long, often icy, cold war. Scores of new nations in Asia and Africa emerged as sovereign States from the crumbling empires of Europe. The cold war had a negative impact on the life of those new nations. We in the so-called third world remained firmly committed to the United Nations as the only organisation that could usher in a truly world-wide peace and promote global well-being. The vicissitudes through which the United Nations passed did not diminish our faith in the Organisation.
We, the nations of the South, have special reason to rejoice at the end of the cold war. India is all the happier because from the very moment of its independence it sought to end the cold war. We joined other nations to enunciate the principles of non-alignment to protect the independence of new nations and their right to choose for themselves the kind of international relations they wished to have and the models of development they wished to adopt. We welcome the collapse of the cold-war divide. I trust that the cold-war mind frame which took deep root during the past 45 years will now yield to the new mind frame of global detente and co-operation.
An event of special importance in this context is the imminent unification of Germany. This will reflect the fulfilment of the deepest aspirations of the German people. In the new Europe which is emerging a united Germany in the model foreseen by a great son of Germany, Thomas Mann, will be a powerful factor in favour of stability and peaceful co-operation. India looks forward to working closely with a united Germany in the cause of peace and progress around the world.
India always rejected the logic of the cold war and the division of the international community into opposing blocs. In accordance with our policy of non-alignment we sought to build up relations of trust and friendship simultaneously with both the Soviet Union and the United States. The replacement of East-West confrontation by a new co-operative approach has greatly facilitated our task. The past year has seen a further strengthening of our ties with the great democracy of the United States. With our time-tested friend, the Soviet Union, we are adding new dimensions to our friendly co-operation. We hail the historic endeavours of the Soviet people to reshape their political and economic structures on the basis of democracy, unity and economic efficiency.
The United Nations was a participant in many of the momentous changes during the year. Its work in Namibia and Nicaragua provided splendid examples of its role, testifying to its renewed relevance and effectiveness in international affairs, λ great deal of the credit goes to the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, for his patient, prudent, painstaking and imaginative management of the world body. We wish him and his colleagues continued success in their undertakings.
The Secretary-General perceptively observes in his report on the work of the Organisation this year: "It has been a wholesome development of recent years that the international discourse has been disburdened of excessive ideological or rhetorical baggage. It is far easier to accommodate contentious interests or claims, honestly stated, than to reconcile opposing doctrines. If the new mood of pragmatism which has released us from the thraldom of the cold war is to spread all over the world, nations need to shed the vestigial prejudices of former times and couch their dialogue in terms of common sense and plain justice. These are truly wise words spoken at a critical turn of history.
India joins the many nations that now wish to see the United Nations emerge as the pivot and fulcrum of international peace and security. The new effectiveness of the United Rations owes a great deal to the fact that the earlier confrontational relationship between the great Powers gave way to detente, which in turn has led to a new collaborative relationship, λ co-operative relationship among the major Powers is α necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for true multilateralism. The latter requires the full and equal participation of all nations - big and small - in the multilateral decision-making process. The great issues of the day can no longer be decided in the capitals of a few major Powers. The voice of the majority must not only be heard but also be respected. The democratic principle is an essential requirement of a genuinely multilateral system. Nor can the concerns of the deprived majority of the world's population be denied priority on the international agenda. The new political prestige of the United Nations must be complemented by increased efficacy in other areas, particularly in the economic field. Peace and development are closely interrelated and deserve equal attention. In the final analysis, the success of the United Nations will be measured in terms of its ability to reflect and meet the concerns of the majority of mankind.
India is gravely concerned at the crisis in the Gulf region. India's position was, and remains, clear and consistent, we are against the use or threat of force in the settlement of differences in inter-State relations. We firmly oppose aggression. The crisis has arisen from the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. It follows that Iraq must withdraw its forces from Kuwait as demanded by the Security Council. India does not recognise Kuwait's annexation. Kuwait's independence and sovereignty must be restored. Any differences between the two neighbouring States must be resolved exclusively through peaceful means. India fully subscribes to and strictly abide by all the resolutions of the Security Council concerning this crisis. At the same time we maintain that all efforts must be made to achieve a peaceful political resolution of the crisis.
The current crisis has led to the induction of foreign forces into the Gulf region. In the changed world environment, a permanent foreign Military presence is not desires by any country, nor would it be in anyone's interest.
For a very long time India has Maintained the Most cordial and friendly relations with Kuwait and Iraq. Almost 200,000 of our nationals who were present in these countries when the crisis erupted found themselves caught up in its coils. Provision of essential food supplies for the aid other innocent victims fro, third countries is a Matter of the highest importance from the humanitarian point of view, to the entire world community.
In West Asia there can be no durable peace without a just and comprehensive settlement based on the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, as well as the right of all States in the region, including Palestine and Israel, to live in peace and security within internationally recognised borders, in accordance with United Nations Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 336 (1973). Israel's attempts to suppress the intifadah or block progress towards a dialogue cannot succeed. A United Nations-sponsored international conference on the Middle East should be convened at an early date.
India reaffirms its solidarity with the people of Cyprus, part of whose country remains under foreign occupation. We fully support the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of that country. Obstacles have recently been thrown up in the way of the Secretary-General's efforts on Cyprus. The Secretary-General deserves the continuing and full support of the international community in his endeavours.
Some of the most hopeful developments during the year relate to southern Africa. Earlier this year we warmly welcomed independent Namibia into this world body. Developments in South Africa hold out promise of real progress. Nelson Mandela, freed after a quarter of a century behind bars, galvanised the currents of peaceful change. We welcome the talks initiated between the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Government to clear the way for negotiations on a new non-racial constitution. We are concerned, however, at the continuing violence in the townships and the involvement of the South African security forces in the violence. The South African Government must urgently deal with the problem, in order to remove this threat to the process of peaceful change.
While racism is on the retreat in South Africa, in Fiji a constitution has been imposed which institutionalises racial discrimination. The Suva regime flouts internationally accepted principles of democracy and human rights. Its undemocratic and racially discriminatory policies are unacceptable.
In the Korean peninsula there have been some encouraging signs of reconciliation and dialogue. We regard the recent historic meetings between the Prime Ministers of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea as a major step forward. We hope that this process will be further strengthened in future months. We support all efforts aimed at the peaceful reunification of Korea. In conformity with the principle of universality, we further support the aspirations of the Korean people to be represented in the United Nations so that they may actively contribute towards the realisation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
There has been encouraging progress towards a resolution of the Cambodian problem. The recent Jakarta meeting and the decision on the Supreme National Council hold out the promise of an early return to normalcy. A settlement of the problem should fully reflect Cambodia's sovereignty and independence and ensure that its people can exercise their democratic right to determine their own destiny free from foreign interference and intervention. In this process the United Nations can and should play an important role.
Myanmar continues to hold in thrall by forces unwilling to accept the decision that its people took in the national elections held there in May of this year. We call upon Yangon to accept the people's verdict and work with the latter to establish peace and democracy in that country.
Relations with our northern neighbour, the People's Republic of China, have shown a steady and welcome improvement. Both countries have expressed their determination to settle the boundary question through peaceful and friendly consultations and also to develop relations actively in a variety of other fields. In the world where confrontation is giving way to co-operation, friendly co-operation between India and China is all the more important.
We have recently had the honour of receiving the President of Afghanistan in India. His presence in our midst reflected the common desire of both our countries to strengthen further the co-operative and friendly relations that have traditionally existed between them. We believe that full and faithful implementation of the Geneva Agreements so arduously constructed by the Secretary-General will restore normalcy, stabilize the life and security of the Afghan peoples and also help in furthering the cause of peace and good-neighbourliness in South Asia.

We warmly welcome the return of democracy in our neighbouring country, Nepal. Differences that had earlier crept into our relations were happily and speedily resolved after the transition in Nepal, thus reflecting the deep aspirations of the two neighbours.
With the background of the improved inter-State relationships in South Asia, which have been universally welcomed, I would not have taken the time of this body to talk about the aberration pertaining to the bilateral relations between India and Pakistan. In his address my worthy colleague the Foreign Minister of Pakistan has tried to provoke me into an exchange of polemics on issues that are patently internal to India. May I say I will not oblige him.
For more than 8 years now Pakistan has nursed and armed terroristic activities in the Indian State of Punjab. This has caused immense human suffering, Of late Pakistan has chosen to extend those practices to another State of India, Jammu and Kashmir, again resulting in extensive misery and loss of innocent lives. All efforts on our part to persuade the Government of Pakistan to desist from those activities were first ignored and then rejected. Characteristically, Pakistan denied responsibility and involvement in those acts. Now it is trying to justify them on the pretext of support to religious fundamentalism. This, representatives will agree, is against the established principles of international law and good-neighbourliness. The Indo-Pakistan Sheila Agreement signed in 1972 has fully spelled out those principles, and, despite Pakistan's blatant violation, India has continued its quest to build a wholesome relationship of cordiality and friendship that I know the people of our two countries need and desire.
The arms race, support of terrorism and aggressive polemics only add to tensions and create a climate of instability so much out of place in the contemporary global environment.
We have recently proposed to Pakistan a set of measures that would induce confidence and co-operation. But, I say with sadness, Pakistan has chosen to ignore them and to persist in its unacceptable activities. Our two neighbouring countries can have a great future if we respect each other's integrity and unity, and once Pakistan desists from the temptation of interfering in our internal affairs. It is in this spirit that I will not refer to the gross flouting of human rights in Pakistan, particularly in Sind and Baluchistan. To cover up those inhuman acts a duly elected Government has recently been dismissed. But that is Pakistan's internal matter, even though democrats everywhere feel concerned.
We believe that regional organizations have acquired an added relevance and can play an important role in promoting international co-operation. In our region the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation is making a most valuable contribution by fostering a climate of constructive co-operation. We look forward to the steady expansion of its activities, and we do hope that in the coming days Afghanistan and a democratic Myanmar will join that organisation to build an era so much needed in our part of the world.
The reordering of Eastern Europe is epoch making. India welcomes that reaffirmation of the democratic spirit. The changes in that region have understandably prompted the generous instincts of the industrialized world. We hope that Eastern Europe's integration into the world economy will serve the interests of all nations. We look forward to strengthening our ties of co-operation with those countries. At the same time we also expect that the East-West thaw will not result in depriving the developing world of augmented economic assistance.
We have yet to harness effectively the extraordinary opportunities for the success of disarmament efforts created by the sweeping political changes in Europe and in East-West relations. We look forward to the conclusion of a START treaty and an agreement on conventional forces in Europe by the end of this year, as promised. However, those agreements would not justify complacency on the part of the United Nations or international public opinion, as huge arsenals still remain. There is no underlying commitment to give up the doctrine of nuclear deterrence, and avenues for qualitative upgrading of nuclear weapons remain open. Nothing less than a time-bound programme for the elimination of nuclear weapons would sustain a continuous process of deep and substantial reduction until we get rid of the nuclear menace. We also need clear guarantees that the nuclear weapons that are phased out will not be replaced by new, advanced weapons.
With the end of the cold war we feel that now is the time - and a most opportune one - for the international community to question the validity of theories that seek to justify continuation of nuclear weapons. Inter-State relations should be based on co-operation and dialogue instead of mutual fears and frozen hostility. A new international security order needs to be created to prepare us to move towards a nuclear-weapon-free and non-violent world order outlined within a systematic, rational and practicable time-frame for achieving those objectives.
The positive developments during the past three years since the United Nations Conference on Disarmament and Development have only further vindicated the essential premises of that Conference. Now is the time for seriously exploring the actual ways and means of channelling the peace dividend for the development of the countries of the South that have had to face the adverse economic consequences of the cost of the unprecedented arms build-up in the past decades. The linkage between disarmament and development should remain in the focus of deliberations during the current session.
The immediate priorities during the coming year pertain to negotiations on a comprehensive test-ban treaty, the speedy conclusion of a chemical-weapons convention and the launching of the second phase of reductions in strategic arms with the purpose of eliminating whole classes of those weapons. All nuclear-weapon States must be involved in the negotiations for nuclear disarmament and should be prepared to undertake obligations now. The international community should call upon the nuclear-weapon States to abjure the use of nuclear weapons through an international accord on the non-use of those weapons. Those measures, if they are set in motion, would reflect the far-reaching changes in international relations.
Economic growth during the last year has shown a nixed record, the expansion of world trade and output has begun to slow down. External and fiscal imbalances between the major economies have continued, aggravating the uncertainties that face the developing countries. Monetary instability and higher interest rates have added to the formidable economic problems of those countries. The international economic environment has remained inhospitable, as protectionism and discriminatory trade practices, inadequate financial flows, low commodity prices and exclusion from international economic decision-making have conspired to make developing countries insecure and vulnerable.
As I pointed out earlier, the Iraq-Kuwait crisis worsened this situation by raising oil prices, interrupting oil supplies and, in general, handicapping growth efforts.
While new problems have arisen, long-standing ones, like external debt, continue to constrain development prospects. Some welcome initiatives have been taken, but they do not appear to be commensurate with the magnitude of the problem. Difficulties of many other countries have been overlooked so far - pointing to the inescapable need for a comprehensive and durable solution to the debt problem. Such a solution must include anticipatory measures to prevent further proliferation of the problem to countries that, despite serious difficulties, are continuing to service their debts.
An international development strategy for the next decade is currently being formulated. This period will determine whether the world carries over into the twenty-first century the present legacy of poverty, underdevelopment and stagnation, or whether it embarks on a more productive era, aiming at qualitatively higher levels of human welfare, affording all countries and ell peoples an equitable opportunity to prosper in a stable and predictable external environment. This guiding principle of international co-operation should underlie our efforts in all the sectoral areas of strategy. I hope that we shall be able to conclude negotiations quickly, so that the international community may have before it a coherent and identifiable framework of goals and objectives and a consistent set of policy measures to which all countries stand committed.
The North-South dialogue, once nurtured by the international community, has fallen into a state of neglect. It deserves to be revived. When political co-operation is on the upswing, why should economic co-operation languish? The head and the limbs have to function together if the body is to be strong. India has traditionally had the privilege, in this contest, of working with other countries to make a North-South compact real and forceful.
South-South co-operation to build up collective self-reliance is an important aspect of international economic growth. The summit, in Kuala Lumpur in June this year, of 15 developing countries, including India, provided significant impetus to this process. Given the political will, much more is possible, and much more should be the aim.
We are now less than 60 days away from the conclusion of the Uruguay Round. A great deal of expectation has been aroused in these negotiations. We have been participating in good faith, in the hope that the conclusions will assist in the development of the developing countries. Despite very severe economic difficulties, many developing countries, including India, have made offers to the limit of their capability. These offers are not, however, being reciprocated - particularly the ones in respect of areas to which developing countries attach importance, such as textiles, agriculture, tropical products and safeguards. It is difficult to visualise a balanced outcome from the Uruguay Round without substantial progress in these and other areas that are of greatest concern to developing countries.
Environmental concerns have - rightly - moved to the top of the international agenda. The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, to be held in Rio de Janeiro in June 1992, will be an event of great importance, focusing on the inescapable fact that protection of the environment requires acceleration of development in the poorer countries.
At the heart of the environmental crisis lies the persistence of wide disparities, in levels of production and consumption, between the developed and the developing countries. The very high per capita consumption levels in the industrialized world impose a corresponding strain on global natural resources and thus on the environment. On the other hand, extreme poverty in the developing countries is itself a cause of environmental degradation. In order simply to survive, poverty-stricken people are forced, for example, to cut down forests for firewood or to overgraze pastures.
In the developing countries the environment cannot be protected unless the root cause of its degradation - namely, poverty - is eradicated. Thus sustainable development calls for curbs on extravagant life-styles in affluent countries and for the promotion of economic development in less fortunate areas. 1 should like to add, as parenthesis, that the call for a change in life-styles in affluent societies does not imply a reduction in living standards - indeed, it envisages an improvement in the overall quality of life.
It is now accepted that environmental protection requires the provision of new and additional funds for developing countries, as veil as the transfer of environmentally benign technology to these countries on a preferential basis. Any new environmental regulatory mechanisms should be accompanied, from the outset, by full and adequate provision for funding the technology transfer. This is an absolute requirement for effective action on the environment.
In conclusion, I wish to say that the issues of today are of the utmost importance. We have left behind a long history and have crossed the threshold to another epoch. We have to put our heads and hearts together to design a world of peace and development. We have to fashion the United Nations to reflect the end of the cold war, making it responsive to the diversity of the world community, and representative of world democracy and the equality of sovereign nations. Let the new era usher in world peace and a global fabric of co-operation. Let us all work together towards that noble objective.