I would like to extend my
warmest congratulations to you, Sir, on your election as
President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth
session. I have no doubt that your long experience and
proven diplomatic skills will guide the work of this session
to a successful conclusion. Moreover, we interpret your
election as a well-deserved recognition of your country,
Namibia, for which the Cypriot people entertain feelings of
admiration and friendship.
I would also like to take the opportunity to express my
appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Opertti of Uruguay,
for the determined leadership with which he steered the
work of the fifty-third session.
Cyprus joins other States in extending a warm
welcome to the new Members of the United Nations: the
Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the
Kingdom of Tonga.
As we are rapidly approaching the dawn of the new
millennium, we have an obligation to reaffirm our
commitment to this truly global Organization and to the
ideas that have made the United Nations the hope of
mankind for a world governed by peace, justice and the
rule of law.
And yet, the challenges that we face seem at times
insurmountable. Our world is characterized by a large array
of old and constantly emerging new problems, such as
violent international conflicts and internal strife. Moreover,
the United Nations has to respond to many challenges, such
as the eradication of poverty, sustainable development, the
fight against terrorism and drug trafficking, the control of
epidemics and natural disasters, and the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction.
The Organization's efforts in these areas have been
considerable and must not be underestimated. I take this
opportunity to reaffirm my Government's strong
commitment to the United Nations and our support for the
ongoing efforts to reform it, so that it will be able to
successfully meet the considerable challenges that lie
ahead.
Cyprus will work towards the successful conclusion
of the Millennium Assembly. We look forward to an
interactive Summit. We anticipate an in-depth and result-
oriented discussion, with the participation of civil society,
during the work of the many special sessions on various
facets of the Organization's work.
One of the major issues of concern to all humanity
is disarmament. I would like to reaffirm our support for
these efforts including, inter alia, a strengthened review
process of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) and the effective implementation of the
Chemical Weapons Convention.
In the field of human rights, the United Nations
plays a very special role not only in developing and
enhancing the regime of human rights instruments, but
also in the prevention of possible violations and the
constantly expanding humanitarian relief efforts.
On the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the
Geneva Conventions, we reaffirm our commitment to the
cause of human rights and the promotion of humanitarian
law. Cyprus fully supported the adoption of the Statute of
a permanent International Criminal Court.
Cyprus follows the situation in the Middle East with
intense interest. We rejoice at the winds of hope that have
recently appeared in the efforts to finally achieve peace in
that long-tormented area and welcome the recent Israeli-
Palestinian agreement. Cyprus, as a neighbouring State
with close relations to the parties involved in the Middle
East, reiterates its support for a just, lasting and
comprehensive settlement based on the relevant United
Nations resolutions and the implementation of the peace
accords.
The recent tragedy that has unfolded in Kosovo has
demonstrated the fragility of peace in the heart of Europe
and the imperative need to address a new array of
problems that have the potential to destabilize an entire
region. The international community, as well as the
parties involved, have an obligation to create the
conditions for reconciliation, so that what has transpired
5

in Kosovo and Yugoslavia in general will never be allowed
to take place again.
Cyprus fully supports Security Council resolution 1244
(1999) and calls for full respect for the human rights of all
Kosovars, irrespective of their origin, as well as for the
sovereignty of all States in the region. My Government also
welcomes the initiative of the European Union that led to
the adoption of the Stability Pact last June as an important
initiative that will contribute considerably to the economic
and political stabilization of south-eastern Europe and help
its peoples construct a new future.
Cyprus welcomes the several United Nations initiatives
and recommendations stemming from the follow-up to the
report of the Secretary-General concerning Africa. The
international community should redouble its efforts to assist
the countries of Africa to overcome the ethnic strife and
wars; to eradicate poverty; successfully to combat disease;
to win the fight against drug trafficking; to obtain
sustainable development; and to face the challenges of the
future.
The recent devastating earthquake that struck Turkey
has once more demonstrated the frailty of human beings
before nature's incredible power of destruction. I take this
opportunity to reiterate to the Turkish people our sympathy
for the enormous losses suffered and to urge the
international community to lend a helping hand for the
reconstruction of the devastated areas. Despite the political
problems that exist between our respective States, the
magnitude of the suffering of the Turkish people has deeply
moved the people of Cyprus.
I wish to congratulate all those countries which rushed
to save Turkish lives, and in particular Greece, which,
despite its many differences and problems with Turkey, was
one of the first countries to send its teams to work side by
side with Turkish teams to rescue the Turkish people who
were buried alive under the ruins of the earthquake. I want
also to congratulate Turkey for reciprocating in the same
manner after the subsequent earthquake in Greece and I
wish to salute the new spirit of friendship which has started
to emerge between the two countries.
This year marks a quarter of a century since the
Turkish invasion and unlawful occupation of 37 per cent of
the territory of the Republic of Cyprus. I could today, from
this podium, point an accusing finger at Turkey and talk at
length about the ethnic cleansing it practised against the
Greek Cypriots, which resulted in 180,000 Greek Cypriots
becoming refugees in their own country. I could bring up
the drama of the relatives of the 1,600 Greek Cypriots
missing since the invasion of Cyprus by Turkish forces in
1974. I could point out the many violations of human
rights of the Greek Cypriots by citing decisions of the
European Court and reports of the European Commission
of Human Rights, holding Turkey responsible for such
violations. Today I will abstain from doing so, because I
prefer to look to the future, and not to deal with the past.
We are currently waiting for the United Nations
Secretary-General to issue invitations to both sides to take
part in negotiations, under the auspices of the United
Nations, in the most ambitious initiative ever undertaken
to find a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem.
This initiative enjoys the active support of the
international community, and particularly the Group of the
eight most industrialized countries, the Security Council,
the European Union and the Non-Aligned Movement.
We are well aware that currently the international
community, and especially those States which are in a
position to influence the foreign policy of Turkey, are
working methodically to persuade Turkey and the Turkish
Cypriot leader, Mr. Denktash, to participate in talks
without any preconditions; that is, not to insist on the
recognition of the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern
Cyprus, and not to demand that negotiations be conducted
between the two States, instead of communities, as
envisaged in the Security Council resolutions.
Regrettably, on 16 September the Prime Minister of
Turkey, Mr. Ecevit, in a public statement, not only
insisted on the two preconditions I have just mentioned,
but added that the economic embargo against the Turkish
Cypriots must be lifted. The Prime Minister of Turkey
knows that the so-called embargo is a result of a decision
of the European Court, to the effect that certificates of
origin and/or quality issued by the so-called Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus cannot be accepted by the
European Union, because the State referred to is not
recognized. The Prime Minister of Turkey should also be
aware that there is a category of reciprocal measures that
need to be discussed and resolved, and that the question
of the embargo falls in that category.
I have already stated publicly, but also to the
Secretary-General and to the heads of State or
Government of the five permanent members of the
Security Council, that we are ready to respond positively
to the Secretary-General's invitation to attend the talks
and to negotiate a solution to the problem within the
6

parameters established by the international community
through Security Council resolutions. The parameters so
established provide that Cyprus must be a bicommunal,
bizonal federal republic, with a single sovereignty, an
international personality and a single citizenship, and that
the settlement must exclude union, in whole or in part, with
any other country or any form of partition or secession.
My vision for the solution of the Cyprus problem
within those parameters requires a partnership of the two
communities that would constitutionally provide for the
maximum degree of internal self-administration for the two
constituent cantons, provinces or states. Adhering to the
principle of the equal political status of the constituent
parts, it must provide them with the same rights, powers
and functions regarding their respective separate internal
self-administration. The constitution must also provide for
the effective participation of both communities in the
federal Government.
Such a federation, becoming a member of the
European Union, will thrive at home and abroad, enjoying
genuine peace, stability and security, based on international
law and legality. It will be supervised by an international
force authorized by the Security Council, under terms and
conditions so defined as to give the force the right to
intervene if it finds that one community, by unlawful acts,
puts in danger the safety of the other community or
attempts to destroy the independence, territorial integrity
and sovereignty of the federal State or destroy the
agreements reached.
I have stated that both communities must learn from
the mistakes of the past and must work hard for the
creation of a common and bright future for all, instead of
clinging to attitudes which brought about the tragedy in the
island. It is, therefore, imperative that we find a just,
workable and viable solution which will safeguard the
human rights of every citizen and heal the wounds of the
past, bringing at the same time a sense of security to both
communities by providing full disarmament under
international supervision.
Our side will approach negotiations on the Cyprus
problem with courage and flexibility, partly because we
recognize that solving it is in the interest of all Cypriots,
but also because that will contribute to the overall stability
of the region, which is so much demanded by the
international community.
I regret that Mr. Denktash is reported to have refused
to respond positively to any initiative to negotiate with me
as representative of the Greek Cypriot community, on the
pretext that I am also the President of the internationally
recognized Republic of Cyprus.
Time and time again I have explained to him that I
sit in the talks not as the President of the Republic of
Cyprus, but as the representative of the Greek Cypriot
community, because the Security Council resolutions call
upon the two communities to negotiate, not upon the State
of the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot
community.
It also saddens me when he attempts to set aside the
parameters for the solution of the Cyprus problem, set by
the international community and the high-level
agreements he made before the Secretary-General of the
United Nations twice, for a bicommunal, bizonal
federation. He attempts now to set new parameters for the
solution, based on two separate sovereign States, and to
impose their acceptance by refusing to come to the
negotiating table unless his conditions are met.
In support of his precondition, he advances the
argument that the term ”equal political status”, referred to
in United Nations resolutions, must be interpreted to mean
that his break-away Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
must be recognized, since the Republic of Cyprus is
internationally recognized, in order that the two
negotiators may have equal status. He forgets that the
Security Council, by its resolution, deplored the action of
the Turkish side of declaring a separate State, and asked
all its members not to recognize it, a request with which
all complied, with the exception of Turkey, the occupying
Power.
The parameters for the solution of the Cyprus
problem are already in place. They are included in the
relevant United Nations resolutions. What is required is
the political will of the two sides. I can assure the
Assembly that the Greek Cypriot side stands ready to
negotiate in good faith so that a bicommunal, bizonal
Federal Republic of Cyprus will finally become a reality.
I join my voice with those of the G-8, the Security
Council and the European Union in asking Mr. Denktash
to come to the negotiating table without preconditions. I
honestly believe that within the parameters of the Security
Council resolutions we can find a solution which will
safeguard the legitimate interests of both communities and
bring peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.
7

I wish also to repeat my invitation to the Turkish
Cypriot community to join forces with us in our European
Union accession course. That course, which is the greatest
achievement since the establishment of the Cyprus
Republic, is continuing with success. Accession to the
European Union will benefit both communities equally.
The Cyprus problem has often been described as
complicated and intractable. I do not share this view. The
Cyprus problem can and will be solved if the international
community demands its solution with the necessary
determination, within the parameters it has set.
In the effort for the solution of the Cyprus problem, as
a small State, Member of the United Nations, we rely on
the support of the international community and the United
Nations. We look upon its Charter as a beacon of justice,
and on the United Nations as the hope for a better future.


I wish to join
the many previous speakers who have congratulated the
President. I congratulate him most warmly on behalf of the
Congolese delegation on his election to preside over the
fifty-fourth session, which is a tribute to him personally and
to his country, a symbol of the struggle for decolonization
in Africa. The Congo, an old friend of Namibia, welcomes
his election. I am convinced that thanks to his human
qualities and his wealth of experience forged in the
liberation struggle and at the head of his country's
diplomacy, the work of this session will be carried out
harmoniously and successfully. I assure him of the support
of my delegation in the discharge of his heavy
responsibilities.
To his predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, we express our
profound gratitude for the ability and skill with which he
conducted the work of the last session.
To the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr.
Kofi Annan, we pay a well-deserved tribute for his
profound commitment to the service of peace and
development.
Lastly, I would like to welcome warmly the new
Member States of Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga, whose
admission can only strengthen the universal nature of the
United Nations.
Has not the time come to take stock of our common
labour? Will the great family of the United Nations enter
the third millennium convinced that it has contributed to
promoting the noble ideals contained in the Charter of our
universal Organization? Have international peace and
security, the development of nations and the rights of
citizens been treated in a way that allows us to enter the
next century calmly and with hope?
In Africa there are still far too many causes for
concern. Far too many challenges leave us doubtful, despite
some positive events in the continent, in particular the
political changes in South Africa and Nigeria.
In Angola, the many statements and decisions of the
international community remain unimplemented because of
Jonas Savimbi's stubborn adherence to the logic of war. The
war in Angola, which has rendered fruitless the efforts of
an entire generation of diplomats, has revealed the limits of
our Organization in the restoration of peace. This is the
occasion to reaffirm that the solid base for a definitive
resolution of the conflict remains the effective
implementation of comprehensive mandatory sanctions.
They alone will lead to the complete isolation of Mr.
Jonas Savimbi and UNITA, so long as the international
community truly complies.
With regard to the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, we welcome the conclusion of the Lusaka
Agreement, which opens the way to resolving the political
and military crisis in that fraternal country. My country is
counting on the commitment of the various protagonists
for the Agreement's implementation. We strongly hope
that the observer mission planned by the United Nations
will be effective and that it will create favourable
conditions for the holding of a Great Lakes regional
conference, which the international community is calling
for wholeheartedly.
The conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea is another
major concern in Africa. We invite those two fraternal
peoples to rise above the situation by fully supporting the
peace plan of the Organization of African Unity to put an
end to that war.
Lastly, we cannot fail to pay tribute to the courage
displayed by the authorities of Sierra Leone, who have
agreed to pay a very high price for the restoration of
peace in that country.
In this world, in which the universality of principles
is often limited by force, great men can be guided only
by the interests of their peoples. A year ago, from this
very rostrum, I proclaimed our faith in the future of our
country following the civil war that started on 5 June
1997. I said then that for the Congolese Government the
future was national reconciliation, the restoration of
peace, the reconstruction of the country and the
resumption of the democratic process. We have explained
this great project wherever and whenever we could — at
the United Nations, at the Organization of African
Unity and in all our contacts with all of our partners —
and we have found understanding and attention
everywhere.
In the context of the resumption of the democratic
process, we have carried out an administrative census of
the population in order to identify the electorate; we have
elaborated a draft Constitution; and we have established
our higher courts — the Supreme Court and the High
Court of Justice.
13

Regrettably, this impetus has been hampered by a
resumption of violence, orchestrated once again by those
who on several occasions plunged our people into
mourning — first in 1993-1994 and then in 1997 — and
whose only aim is the partition of Congo into ethnic
ghettos.
The consequences have been catastrophic for the entire
country. These have included heinous crimes such as the
assassination of officials and leaders of local communities,
the kidnapping of tens of thousands of people to serve as
human shields for the armed groups, and the systematic
destruction of infrastructures vital to the economy of the
country.
But those plans to overthrow institutions have failed.
Today the pacification efforts made by the Government
have borne fruit. The fighting has ended. Several former
militia members of the failed regime have laid down their
weapons and have given themselves up to the authorities.
We are also seeing a mass influx of civilians back into
Brazzaville and to the main towns in the interior.
The guests who did us the honour of participating in
the Pan-African Music Festival that the city of Brazzaville
hosted from 1 to 8 August 1999 witnessed the
determination of the Government and the entire people to
rebuild this country as a haven of peace. That event — a
time of great joy and reunion for the Congolese people —
strengthened our conviction that the worst was behind us
and that henceforth we could look to the future with
calmness and optimism.
All of these steps forward on the path of peace are to
the credit of one man, President Denis Sassou Nguesso. His
faith in reconciliation and national unity was again made
clear on 14 August 1999 on the occasion of the national
holiday, when, on behalf of the fraternal republic, he
solemnly reaffirmed his desire for dialogue and decided to
grant amnesty to all combatants guilty of war crimes who
agreed to renounce violence and definitively to lay down
their weapons.
In this same context of a return to a stable situation
under full control throughout the national territory, the
Government reiterates its firm and unswerving will to
resume the inter-Congolese political dialogue with a view
to pacification and reunion in order to consolidate the
newfound peace and security, strengthen national unity and
the reconciliation of all the sons and daughters of the
Congo, rebuild the country on a lasting basis, and resume
the democratic process, which had been interrupted by
violence.
The offer made was favourably received, leading in
particular to the return to Brazzaville of many political
leaders who had gone into exile following the war of 5
June 1997. We are confident in the positive outcome of
this process.
In the wake of such a tragic period, naturally we are
striving to cope with emergency situations. These include
the shelter, management and social reintegration of tens
of thousands of displaced persons, a humanitarian tragedy
whose scale has not always been clearly perceived by the
international community; the protection of people and
property; the respect of human rights; and the restoration
of normal living conditions in many war-torn
communities — an overwhelming task that anyone would
agree requires means exceeding by far the capacities of a
State bled dry such as Congo is today.
We are assuming all of our responsibilities, and here
we call on the international community, which should
accompany our efforts with greater commitment and
contribute, as it wishes to do, to the restoration on a
lasting basis of peace, security and democracy and to the
reconstruction of Congo.
At a time when our people are suffering from
poverty and destitution and from the economic crisis,
there is no place for conflicts that are both fratricidal and
suicidal.
In the context of the quest for sustainable and lasting
peace and development in Africa, specific and practical
measures must be resolutely taken along the lines of the
conclusions contained in the report of the Secretary-
General of our Organization. Among those conclusions,
which we unanimously supported, I would like to mention
those relating to the proliferation of, and illicit traffic in,
small arms, which is an important factor in the increase
in terrorism and crime in our States.
That is why, at the thirty-fifth Summit of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), held last July in
Algiers, the African Heads of State and Government
devoted most of their consideration to ways and means of
consolidating peace in order to create modern States
based on the primacy of law, respect of the fundamental
rights and freedoms of citizens, and the democratic
governance of public affairs.
14

Along the same lines, on 20 September last, at the
opening of the general debate, the current Chairman of the
OAU, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, President of the People's
Democratic Republic of Algeria, clearly set out in this very
Hall Africa's views on the key questions of peace, security,
economic development and international cooperation. The
Congo associates itself fully with that important declaration.
I cannot conclude this political analysis without
mentioning other areas of tension that are a source of
concern for us at this session. Thus we express the hope
that the impetus provided by the Wye River accords and the
Sharm el-Sheik Memorandum on the Middle East will be
consolidated. The Government of the Congo is also closely
following the evolution of the situation in East Timor and
welcomes the efforts of the international community, which
led to the dispatch of an international force to restore peace
in that territory and to ensure the respect of the political
will clearly expressed by that people during the referendum
organized by the United Nations.
On the threshold of the twenty-first century, building
peace and security in the world requires real commitment
on our part to work for economic and social development.
In this context, our planet can never be certain of lasting
peace so long as there is destitution and poverty, which not
only affect the quality of human life but are also a cause of
political instability.
But how can we achieve lasting sustainable
development when the world economy is opening up no
encouraging prospects for developing countries, when debt
receives discriminatory treatment in initiatives whose
conditions for implementation show how illusory they are,
when resources allocated to official development assistance
are constantly declining, and lastly, when there is a clear
refusal to grant developing countries opportunities to
integrate their economies into the new trade system.
In any case, because of what is at stake, globalization
will be the main challenge of the next century. Today it is
giving rise to fears because of the threat it implies to the
sovereignty of our States and to our cultural and historical
characteristics, and because it raises grave questions about
our countries' prospects for development. Its implementation
calls more than ever for the creation of appropriate, agreed-
upon mechanisms so as to translate into reality hopes for
humankind's unified development and for prosperity shared
among peoples.
It was in this context that recently, at Algiers and at
Sirte, that the Heads of State and Government of the
member countries of the Organization of African Unity
resolutely committed themselves to working for the
strengthening of subregional economic groups, in
accordance with the spirit of the Abuja Treaty.
The coming century will bring with it challenges for
our Organization. Overcoming them will require
harmonized approaches taken in a representative context.
Thus my country attaches particular importance to the
strengthening of the role of the United Nations and to the
restructuring of its main bodies, so as to combat the
uncertainties born of an unequal world and to take firm
steps to make multilateralism truly democratic. The
United Nations remains an irreplaceable tool. However, it
deserves to be rethought and revitalized so that it will be
equal to the challenges confronting us.
To succeed, we will need to join together the will,
the efforts and the means of the whole of the international
community. Congo reaffirms its commitment to make its
full contribution to the achievement of that goal.


Mr. President, it gives me
great pleasure to convey to you and your country, Namibia,
my heartfelt congratulations on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly for this session. We
are fully confident that your ability, well-known experience
and personal talent will crown our work with success, to
which the delegation of Cape Verde will contribute its
greatest efforts.
We would like to express our appreciation and
gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti of
Uruguay, for the professionalism and devotion with which
he conducted the work of the Assembly at its fifty-third
session. We would also like to say that, at a time when the
international community must confront complex challenges,
it is a great privilege for the United Nations to be able to
rely on the creativity, dynamism and determination that the
Secretary-General brings to his lofty office.
We are pleased to welcome the Republics of Kiribati
and Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga as new members in
our Organization.
The annual session of the General Assembly which
opened a few days ago will lead us into the next
millennium; during the session, preparations will be made
for various important events planned for the year 2000,
including the special sessions of the General Assembly on
the implementation of the outcome of the World Summit
for Social Development and Further Initiatives and the
Fourth World Conference on Women.
The fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly will
also prepare for a major event, the millennium summit.
Therefore, this will be a time when we will need to
demonstrate not only our most lucid thinking, but also and
perhaps primarily a firm will to act. The core of our
discussions will be the great challenges that humanity faces
today and will face in the foreseeable future, and we will
need to identify what must be done to meet them
successfully. In that regard, clarification of the role which
the United Nations must play and specific ways for it to
attain this goal must be a priority of the summit agenda.
We are at the end of a decade marked by a new phase
in international affairs, a decade, however, that was one of
unmet expectations when we think back to how high they
were at its beginning. The experience of the past few years
has been one of continuous increase in the complexity and
frequency of emerging situations leading to a veritable
overhaul of concepts and perceptions. But we are not sure
that we are any closer to the major solutions we lack. It
might even be said that we have embarked on a process
that has its own logic and momentum and in which the
attainment of common aspirations does not always seem
to be the driving force. Yet today, and not only today, we
have at our disposal sufficient intellectual and material
resources to build a successful future. It is therefore
disquieting to have to acknowledge that, despite all this
potential, humankind is still incapable of controlling its
own destiny. Acquiring this ability is an imperative,
therefore, and must be the fundamental goal of our
debates at the dawn of the new millennium.
Given that the destiny of humankind is a collective
challenge, control over it must be sought collectively for
it to be meaningful. The effective implementation of the
concept of “international community”, which has been the
basis of our political philosophy for a long time now, can
no longer be avoided or postponed as it has been so far.
When the millennium summit meets a year from
now, the leaders of the world must be prepared to start
rebuilding an international community and usher in a new
era in which sustainable human development will become
a real right for all peoples; in which international justice
will be more effective; and in which the United Nations
Charter will no longer be applied in a manner that bends
with the wind.
Democracy as a means of ordering and managing
societies has seen important progress during this decade.
In its most visible aspects, such as the selection of leaders
through pluralistic, more transparent processes, it is
based on an understanding that governance by elected
officials can and should bring peace, prosperity and
justice to a society and that elected leaders are politically
accountable for the results obtained.
As we all know, these assumptions are not absolute
and are becoming even less so. When looking at
governments individually, it is apparent that command
and control of important factors which determine the
well-being of citizens are sorely lacking. Meeting the
necessary conditions for each State to succeed depends to
a large extent on multilateral concertation and
cooperation. This dialogue between States, however, will
not be enough to resolve all the points at issue, which are
increasingly in the hands of third parties.
Today, therefore, there is a growing gap between
social responsibility — which remains limited to the
public and the political domains — and the availability
10

of the wherewithal and will to act on which this
responsibility is based. However the situation evolves,
adjustment must be ensured through revitalization of this
same concept of “international community” to which I
referred. Once again, this concept proves to be the
cornerstone of the quest for a harmonious and prosperous
destiny for humankind.
The progress to which we aspire will always coexist
with differences and even inequality. Of that we are well
aware. But the shocking magnitude of poverty today must
provoke a gut feeling of rejection that makes it imperative
for this situation to be remedied at any cost. The palliative
measures that we seek to introduce and maintain should not
lull us and cannot take the place of definitive solutions. It
is imperative that poverty should no longer be seen as an
acceptable or inevitable by-product of the economic and
social process: rather, we should come to see it as a serious
breakdown in it that must be attacked and corrected. Even
in societies considered to be well off, poverty victimizes
certain segments of the population that lack even the
minimum material conditions to live in dignity. The least-
developed countries are even less able to roll back poverty
in any meaningful way.
Speaking of poverty necessarily prompts a discussion
of the situation in Africa, where the greatest number of
least-developed countries are found. We have said
before — and this does not detract from Africa's own,
inherent responsibility — that the way Africa has been left
out of development is also a failure of the international
system. Africa's development difficulties have often been
aggravated by conflicts, but we cannot just wait for peace
to happen there or be discouraged by the current situation.
Finally, while conflicts in Africa have many causes,
economic underdevelopment has been recognized as an
important factor. It is therefore regrettable to witness the
reduction in development assistance in Africa; this has a
direct negative impact on the living conditions of its
peoples, including a decline in health standards, the
dooming to failure of adequate education prospects and a
slowdown in provision of the necessary African
infrastructure. The impact has been worsened by the
decrease in official development assistance to small island
developing States, some of which — in apparent
contradiction to their particular structural constraints — are
showing relatively acceptable human development
indicators and higher gross national product per head
indicators than those found at the bottom of the world
scale. That, together with the good performance of these
countries, has often been used to justify a precipitous and
disastrous reduction in official development assistance.
We would not claim that our countries should be
spared from changing and improving in order to mobilize
and rechannel resources towards these areas and many
others that I have mentioned. I would, however, stress
that this reduction in assistance, due to a certain “fatigue”
that sometimes takes on the appearance of a form of
punishment, cannot solve anything. Rather, development
assistance policy should continue to seek means of
combating and eliminating wasteful activities and
guarantee an effective channelling of resources towards
activities that are necessary to development.
Of course, we agree that official development
assistance is not the key to prosperity. But, added to
vigorous strides with regard to debt to ease the current
financial stranglehold, it facilitates the creation of
favourable human and material conditions for direct
investment, competitiveness, fruitful trade and Africa’s
lasting integration into the world economy.
This reference to Africa’s external debt is not mere
rhetoric. While welcoming recent steps taken and
announced by countries and groups of creditors that have
a particular solidarity with Africa, I must say that this
question has for too long been dealt with too
ungenerously, too late and too slowly. Today’s steps,
limited in content and in the range of countries concerned,
and with overly restrictive eligibility conditions, would
have had much more impact if they had been taken when
they were so urgently demanded a long time ago.
Moreover, they would have facilitated the continuation
and necessary deepening of the economic and political
reforms under way on the African continent, and would
have stimulated increased African regional cooperation.
After 24 years of illegal occupation and extreme
suffering inflicted on the people of East Timor, the
process of self-determination appeared to be leading to an
honourable conclusion for all interested parties. But with
great dismay and indignation we witnessed violent events
in the Territory in recent weeks. These vile acts,
perpetrated by people determined to reverse the choice of
independence that the Timorese clearly expressed at the
ballot box, could and should have been prevented, and
they should receive the total rejection and most vigorous,
effective condemnation of the international community.
Since the illegal occupation and annexation of East
Timor by Indonesia, Cape Verde always strongly

defended the cause of the Timorese people and always
fought for the retention of the problem of East Timor on
the Assembly's agenda. We reaffirm our tireless support for
East Timor’s independence and for the territorial integrity
of this fraternal country, and we call upon the United
Nations to act with all necessary firmness to promote and
guarantee the full implementation of the New York
agreements, in particular the provisions of Security Council
resolution 1264 (1999).
We therefore welcome the arrival of the International
Force in East Timor (INTERFET) and strongly support any
necessary measures it might take to carry out its mission of
restoring order and security; protecting the Timorese people
from coercion, intimidation, violence and terrorism; and
guaranteeing a peaceful transition towards independence.
However, our pleasure at the effective quick reaction
by the international community as a result of the pressure
of worldwide public opinion should not allow us to forget
the thousands of Timorese suffering great shortages and
brutal violations of their most elementary human rights, or
the men, women and children persecuted and forcibly
deported to West Timor and elsewhere in Indonesia simply
because they freely exercised the right of a people to self-
determination under the aegis of the United Nations. It
follows that the international community has a moral and
legal duty to give them immediate, sufficient humanitarian
assistance; to promote and guarantee the return of all
Timorese refugees and deported persons, with dignity and
security; to bring to international justice all those morally
and physically responsible for crimes against humanity and
gross violations of the most fundamental human rights,
committed in East Timor in a planned, systematic way; and
to provide substantial, effective support for the
reconstruction of a country which has suffered from
criminal, premeditated destruction.
In Angola, unfortunately, hostilities have resumed and
the prospects for the implementation of the Lusaka Protocol
have vanished, despite United Nations intervention, which,
it must be acknowledged, has not been successful. The
clear inability of the international community to secure
strict compliance by all the parties and States concerned
with the commitments that they undertook under
agreements negotiated under the aegis of the United
Nations, including resolutions of its own bodies, has led to
the re-emergence of this conflict. That is because it has not
prevented UNITA from seriously rearming and impeding
the extension of State administration to the whole of
Angola's territory.
The magnitude of the long and bloody conflict in
Angola should be a source of great concern to the
international community, which should continue and
intensify its efforts to identify possible ways of restoring
peace to Angola, efforts that should be deployed by all
the entities that can contribute. Cape Verde will not fail
to participate to the extent that its resources allow.
One priority must be to bring together everything
needed to deal with the unprecedented humanitarian
catastrophe hitting Angola. The need is great and urgent.
Everything possible should be done to provide immediate
and adequate humanitarian assistance to the people
suffering from the scourge of war.
Cape Verde follows with the same fraternal
solidarity developments in neighbouring Guinea-Bissau,
where the Government is making preparations, with the
assistance of the United Nations and the international
community, to hold free democratic elections.
We look forward to the success of the people of
Guinea-Bissau as it enters a new stage in its life, when
the whole of society is preparing to rebuild its country
and to use all of its resources to improve its living
conditions. We call upon the international community to
provide ongoing generous support to rebuild the country
within this long-term process.
We welcome recent events reflecting the decision of
the United Nations to intervene more concretely to
maintain peace in Africa, particularly in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Sierra Leone — and we hope
soon in Eritrea and in Ethiopia.
Today it is clear that our continent is more than ever
determined to harmonize its efforts to control and resolve
conflicts in the region while hoping for the necessary
outside support to strengthen its capacity in this regard.
Regional responsibilities cannot, however, take the place
of the responsibilities of the United Nations, which must
fully play the role given it by the Charter.
As well as efforts to contain and resolve conflicts,
there must be — as has often been stated, but all too
often not put into practice — efforts to prevent them.
They are often rooted in long-standing situations of
injustice, exclusion, inequality and the denial of rights.
The latter is something that individuals, groups and even
whole nations continue to suffer from.
12

Wherever flouted dignity cannot properly voice its
legitimate demands, wherever those demands do not receive
a reasonable response, conflict is brewing. It is true that
some established situations do not lend themselves to rapid
or dramatic change. In those cases sincere dialogue and
healthy compromise may open the way to a progress that
intolerance and lack of willingness can never bring about.
While the conflicts prevailing today are basically
internal, it would be irresponsible for us to ignore the
external factors that feed them. From classic territorial
disputes to more diffuse questions with an impact on the
acquisition of advantages in economic competition, we see
on the international scene various factors that thwart the
desired security and balance. We must replace the narrow
criterion of national self-interest, or its equivalents, as the
paradigm of international affairs with multilateral
participative arrangements based on equity.
Among the items on the agenda that this session
inherited from the previous one, reform of the Security
Council is a key element for rebuilding and revitalizing the
United Nations. For some years it has been the subject of
ongoing negotiations. This entire time, we feel, was needed
for the various bases and arguments underpinning existing
positions and proposals to be properly understood.
The questions posed are complex, and we cannot deny
the relevance of any position. The basic divergence, we
think, lies in the priority given by some to the preservation
of the Council’s effectiveness and by others to the
representation of the current body of Member States. We
believe that the impasse we are facing is clear and that the
consideration we have already given to the matter should
enable us to take decisions in the not-too-distant future.
We believe that increasing the Council’s effectiveness,
while increasing the number of its members, is a challenge
within our grasp. In our view, we should not give more
weight to the size of the gap, which is quite small, between
the various proposals made in this area than to the special
nature of the fundamental principles of representative
participation.
For example, how can one, by attaching more
importance to the question of effectiveness, refuse to give
the African countries, which represent almost 30 per cent
of the United Nations membership, at least two permanent
seats enjoying full powers?
We hope, Mr. President, that under your enlightened
guidance we can make a big leap forward in the
consideration of this important agenda item during the
current session.
Before I conclude, I wish to reiterate what a constant
source of inspiration the Charter is to us. I refer in
particular to the noble and always relevant words of the
preamble, whose implementation will be a constant
challenge to us in the course of the century to come.


On behalf of the delegation
of Uganda, I should like to congratulate His Excellency Mr.
Theo-Ben Gurirab and all the Vice-Presidents on their
election to guide the deliberations of the General Assembly
at its last session of this century. I also thank the President
of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session for the
effective manner in which he discharged his responsibilities.
Allow me also to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his tireless efforts on behalf
of the United Nations, especially in the area of the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Uganda is pleased to welcome to membership of the
United Nation the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of
Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga.
At the end of this turbulent century and on the eve of
what my delegation hopes will be a more peaceful and
prosperous new century, the United Nations stands out as
the best hope for the future of humankind, international
cooperation and solidarity. Uganda believes that a strong
and effective United Nations is the best guarantor of
world peace and the most effective instrument to prevent
another world war. My Government is therefore
determined to play a constructive role in ensuring that the
United Nations of the twenty-first century will be
increasingly dedicated to the noble principles and
purposes enshrined in the Charter. Those principles and
purposes, which have stood the test of time, must
continue to serve the peoples of the world and guide this
world Organization.
At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the
economic situation in Africa and the living conditions of
the vast majority of Africans are a cause of concern for
my delegation. By virtually any standard, the African
continent remains marginalized. The statistics for the
continent are dismal. With slightly over 10 per cent of the
world's population, sub-Saharan Africa accounts for a
meagre 1.5 per cent of world trade. The region receives
less than 0.6 per cent of total foreign direct investment.
Coupled with this is the fact that Africa's export earnings
have been on the decline due to a significant decrease in
the demand for primary commodities; Africa's terms of
trade have not improved; a crushing debt burden and a
serious lack of capacity to generate domestic savings have
worsened the economic situation. These negative trends
have increased the dependence of most sub-Saharan
African countries on official development assistance, but
official development assistance itself has also been on the
decline, falling from 0.33 per cent of the combined gross
national product of donors members of the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development in 1992 to
0.22 per cent in 1998. This is a far cry from the 0.7 per
cent target agreed upon by the international community in
the early 1970s.
The current state of economic globalization indicates
that Africa remains the least integrated continent and the
most marginalized economically. Africa has effectively
been locked out of the benefits accruing from
globalization. The challenge before the international
community is to adopt and implement, as a matter of
urgency, concrete measures to mitigate the negative
consequences of globalization on African economies. The
United Nations must take the lead in efforts to restructure
the international monetary system to make it more
responsive to the plight of African and other developing
countries. Uganda believes that fundamental restructuring
of the present international economic system is essential
to transform the world from a mere constellation of
wealthy cities surrounded by a galaxy of abject poverty
into a truly global village.
33

The pivotal role played by transnational corporations
in this inequitable economic system demands that the
United Nations play a more active role in our collective
efforts to regulate the activities of these powerful non-state
actors. My delegation would like to propose the revival of
the United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations
and the United Nations Commission on Transnational
Corporations for that purpose. The increasing control and
dominance exercised by global corporations over the world
economy has serious consequences for many of us. It is
time Governments, and not multinational corporations, set
the international agenda for economic cooperation and
development.
I would like to underscore Uganda's commitment to
uphold the tenets of human rights and fundamental
freedoms. We believe in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights and all other international human rights
instruments. At the national level, Uganda has incorporated
the universal principles of human rights into the basic law
of the country, and we are committed to the principles of
good governance, transparency and accountability.
The world is aware of the great debate taking place in
Uganda about the process of our democratization. In
accordance with our Constitution, the people of Uganda
will exercise a free choice to determine their system of
governance in a referendum next year. I take this
opportunity to invite observers and others who may wish to
witness the referendum to do so when the time comes.
With regard to internal conflicts, Uganda has granted
a blanket amnesty to all who lay down their arms and
become part of civil society. An amnesty Bill is before our
Parliament, and in a very short time will be passed into
law.
I would be remiss if I did not emphasize Uganda's
commitment to the observance, in the region, of human
rights and fundamental freedoms. In 1994 the world was
witness to genocide in Rwanda in which an estimated 1
million people were massacred. A similar act was about to
be perpetrated in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in
the course of 1997 and 1998. Apart from our legitimate
concerns about our national security and territorial integrity,
Uganda finds it unacceptable that gross violations of the
right to life should again be carried out in its
neighbourhood or anywhere else in the world.
It is vital for all of us to recognize the sanctity of the
right to life. We are glad to note that the evolution of
international law on human rights no longer condones
genocide under the guise of non-interference in a
country's internal affairs. The principle of non-interference
in the internal affairs of States has been so fundamentally
eroded that the international community should now
openly adopt a definitive convention which will permit
instant intervention in cases of massive threats to the right
to life.
In July 1998 the United Nations Conference of
Plenipotentiaries overwhelmingly adopted the Statute for
the establishment of an International Criminal Court.
Uganda has consistently identified itself with the entire
process which culminated in the adoption of the Court's
Statute. It was to many a triumphant moment for those
hitherto yearning for a world in which individual persons,
regardless of their socio-economic or political attributes,
would be held personally accountable for acts or
omissions resulting in genocide, war crimes and crimes
against humanity. At present work is under way in the
Preparatory Commission for the Court to define
aggression as a core crime. Once the Statute comes into
force, it holds humanity's best hope for a new world legal
order under which nobody, however high or low, can
engage in horrendous crimes with impunity.
We urge the international community to support our
efforts in the Great Lakes region focused on stopping,
averting and reversing progression towards further chaos
and restoring peace. Such support must include real
improvement of the socioeconomic wellbeing of our
peoples through debt cancellations, promotion of
democratic governance, adherence to sustainable human
rights standards and, above all, strengthening our regional
conflict- resolution mechanisms, peacemaking and peace-
building initiatives.
Throughout this year world attention has been
repeatedly drawn to the fact that citizens of the world are
about to enter a new millennium. I would like to share
with the Assembly Uganda's expectations for the new
century and millennium with regard to the role of the
United Nations.
We in Uganda recognize that the United Nations
played a pivotal role in the decolonization of Africa and
other parts of the world. The United Nations played an
equally vital role in the eradication of institutionalized
racial discrimination in southern Africa. For all these
efforts we are grateful.
The question arises as to what should be the vision
and goals of the United Nations through the next century.
34

It is the view and expectation of the people of Uganda that
the focus of the United Nations should be the elimination
of poverty in Africa and the rest of the underdeveloped
world. The factors underlying underdevelopment have been
mentioned several times. However, implementation of
solutions has fallen short of expectations.
We urge the United Nations to adopt concrete
measures to deal with problems of the external debt burden,
illiteracy, disease and famine. We expect the United
Nations, through the World Trade Organization, to create a
more favourable international trading regime which can
promote fair competition and permit the ascendancy of
primary commodity producers from abject poverty to
reasonable wealth.
Uganda supports the heroic struggle of the Sahraoui
people for self-determination, and we look forward to the
holding of a referendum by the United Nations to enable
the people of that territory to freely determine their destiny.
My delegation would like to express deep appreciation to
the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and former United
States Secretary of State, Mr. James Baker, for their tireless
efforts in this regard. We appeal to the Government of the
Kingdom of Morocco to respect the verdict of the Sahraoui
people and to facilitate the implementation of whatever
decision they make.
The situation in the Great Lakes region, and
particularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has
been cause for serious concern, not only to the countries in
the region, but also to the international community. On its
part, Uganda continues to view issues of peace and stability
in the region with the utmost seriousness, which they
deserve.
Uganda's desire for peace and stability is born out of
its conviction that without regional peace and security there
can be no meaningful economic development and social
well-being of its people. Uganda is hopeful that the
conflicts that today beset many countries in the region will
give way to peace and eventual socio-economic
transformation. We are also hopeful that, with the region's
resolve, we shall be able to surmount the challenges and
exploit the opportunities of the new millennium. Indeed,
sustained efforts are being made to put an end to the crisis
and contribute to the search for peaceful solutions to the
problems facing the region. And whereas efforts and
contributions towards peace in the region have traversed a
long and difficult road, there is optimism for the future.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the
countries in the region, with the support of the
international community, have been working tirelessly
towards promoting a peaceful solution to the crisis. We
acknowledge the regional efforts, under the leadership of
President Frederick Chiluba of Zambia, which culminated
in the signing of the ceasefire Agreement. I pay tribute to
all the parties concerned for this achievement and to all
well-wishers for their continued support for the peace
process. The Agreement was thoroughly negotiated to the
satisfaction of all the parties.
Uganda appeals to the international community to
assist in efforts to operationalize the Joint Military
Commission and the Political Committee, which are
organs of the Lusaka Agreement and the key to the
success of this Agreement and, therefore, to peace in the
subregion.
Uganda is committed to the implementation of the
Lusaka Agreement and believes that all the signatories to
the Agreement are committed to its success. Against this
background, it was unnecessary for this matter to be
included on the agenda of the current session of the
General Assembly. The Ceasefire Agreement essentially
covers the two primary causes of the conflict in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, namely, the external
and internal dimensions. Regarding the external
dimension, a mechanism was established to handle the
security concerns of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and its neighbouring countries, including Uganda.
In particular, the Security Council was requested, in
collaboration with the Organization of African Unity, to
constitute, facilitate and deploy an appropriate
peacekeeping force in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo to ensure implementation of the Agreement,
including the tracking down, disarming and documenting
of all renegade forces in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo.
Regarding the internal dimension, the Congolese
parties agreed to undertake political negotiations as a
result of which the parties are expected to conclude an
agreement leading to a new political dispensation in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, to the restructuring
and rebuilding of a new national army in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and to the establishment and
strengthening of State administration over the entire
territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is
Uganda's hope that the inter-Congolese negotiations will
provide an opportunity for the Congolese parties to
address issues of good governance. Our desire for the
35

Congolese people to reach mutual understanding derives
from the fact that political instability in any neighbouring
country directly impinges on our own security and
economic development. We will look forward, therefore, to
the early beginning and success of the inter-Congolese
negotiations.
Regarding the conflict in the Sudan, Uganda supports
the ongoing peace initiative launched under the auspices of
the Inter-governmental Authority on Development (IGAD)
and with the facilitation of President Daniel arap Moi of
Kenya. As a neighbour and a member of IGAD, Uganda
has been working closely with the other countries in the
region in efforts aimed at a peaceful resolution of the
conflict. However, peace in that country remains elusive.
Uganda is convinced that the fundamental issue in the
Sudanese crisis is the link between state and religion. In a
multireligious and multicultural society such as the Sudan,
the only way to achieve good governance is to guarantee
freedom of worship, equality and respect for all.
At the bilateral level, we are concerned at the
increasing hostility towards Uganda from the Sudan, as
manifested in the consistent violation of Uganda's territorial
integrity and in active support for rebel groups that are
destabilizing us. Uganda has embraced and will continue to
embrace all initiatives aimed at reconciliation with the
Sudan, despite the fact that all previous initiatives have
failed. I would like to single out initiatives by former
President Rafsanjani of Iran, President Bakili Muluzi of
Malawi, President Qadhafi of Libya, former President
Mandela of South Africa and others — all these efforts
have come to naught.
The three East African countries of Kenya, Tanzania
and Uganda are very conscious of the fact that political
stability is a prerequisite for economic development and
have taken the necessary measures to achieve this objective.
The three countries, together with their partners in the
region, are engaged in regional peace efforts for Burundi,
the Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
through organizations such as IGAD and the Southern
African Development Community. The three countries have
invested in peace in order to ensure regional stability
because of the recognition that peace and political stability
are vital if the region is to attract investments.
Today, our region has created a favourable
environment for foreign investment. There exists a very
strong political will to move the region towards closer
cooperation. We have harmonized many of our economic
policies, and a number of joint activities in support of
regional economic integration are being undertaken. The
three countries are now in an advanced stage of
cementing the relationship by signing a treaty that would
establish the East African Community before the end of
the year. We thank our development partners who have
been supporting our efforts towards regional economic
integration and look forward to continued cooperation,
especially in the area of infrastructure development and in
the field of capacity-building for the private sector, which
have been identified as the key areas.
In conclusion, I would like to state that Uganda
shares the vision of an African renaissance in which
African peoples participate fully in their systems of
governance and in the process of determining their
destiny. We believe that this is a recipe for rapid
economic development and therefore for the eradication
of poverty in Africa.


First let me
congratulate you, Sir, the Foreign Minister of Namibia, on
your election as President of the General Assembly this
session. I certainly recall my meetings with you and your
President in your country last year.
I also wish to welcome three new Members to the
United Nations — Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga — all very
close friends and neighbours of New Zealand. I trust that
the faith they have shown in the United Nations will be
fulfilled in the years ahead, and we certainly look forward
to working closely with them.
When addressing this Assembly, especially as a
representative of a smaller Member State, one is reminded
10

that the United Nations must remain the fundamental point
of reference in international relations. Indeed, that is a truth
that all Member States have an obligation to acknowledge.
Furthermore, it is of course sound policy for all who need
and rely on the rule of international law in place of
lawlessness. And it is particularly important to restate it at
this time. The United Nations collective security
framework, which is one of the fundamental elements of
the Charter together with cooperation on economic and
social problems and promoting respect for human rights,
has perhaps never been more severely tested than in this
last year of the twentieth century.
Armed conflicts, many of them internal and ethnically
based, have continued to present a serious moral challenge
to the international community, and they are likely to do so
for the foreseeable future. The Security Council's response
to these problems does not always increase our confidence
in the Organization.
The Secretary-General's remarks in his statement at the
beginning of this debate about the need to reconcile
universal legitimacy with effectiveness in defence of human
rights were most timely. New Zealanders place a very good
deal of faith in the United Nations: when we see on our
television screens evidence of violence and inhumanity
against the vulnerable, and we are told that the Security
Council cannot reach an agreement on collective action, we
are left worried, and wondering whether our trust in the
Security Council is well placed. A Council which loses the
trust of the people is a Council which will become
irrelevant.
I want to talk to the Assembly about two extremely
serious challenges the Council faced this year: Kosovo and
East Timor. Both highlight the importance of the actions of
the Security Council.
In East Timor, following President Habibie's
courageous offer to the East Timorese people, prompt and
effective action was taken by the Security Council to set in
train the popular consultation process. The ballot —
undertaken in extremely difficult circumstances by highly
committed United Nations workers, international and local,
all of whom deserve acclaim — produced a resounding and
incontrovertible expression of the will of the East Timorese
people. This was the essential basis for the international
community's response since the ballot.
Post-ballot events were appallingly tragic and have
rightly provoked a strong reaction around the world. The
dispatch to Jakarta and Dili of the Security Council mission
led by Ambassador Andjaba of Namibia was a key step
in addressing this grievous situation. The efforts made by
representatives of all countries present at the time of the
meeting of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Council
leaders in Auckland, joined by the British Foreign
Secretary representing the European Union, reinforced the
Secretary-General's urging that Indonesia accept the offer
of international help. The assistance could not have come
too early.
New Zealand is proud to be a contributor, alongside
the forces of other nations from the region and from
further afield, and under the leadership of Australia, to the
United-Nations-authorized multinational force that is now
operating in East Timor. Our soldiers from New Zealand
are on the ground in East Timor right now. We are
prepared also to take part in the United Nations
peacekeeping operation foreshadowed in Security Council
resolution 1264 (1999), and we urge the Council to take
prompt action — next week would not be too soon — to
establish this operation, which would be part of the
United Nations transitional administration in East Timor.
We are contributing to the efforts of humanitarian
agencies to provide support to the hundreds of thousands
of ordinary people who have been displaced in East
Timor; those currently in West Timor should be speedily
repatriated. New Zealand has added its voice to those who
believe that the people responsible for crimes against
humanity in East Timor should be brought to account.
The overriding objective must now be to ensure the
realization of the 30 August ballot outcome and East
Timor's transition to independence. It is clear that in
laying the basis for East Timor's future, the United
Nations will be the indispensable organization.
It is inevitable that comparison will be made
between East Timor and Kosovo. In Kosovo the world
saw a grave humanitarian crisis with the Security Council
unable to act. In New Zealand's view, collective action to
try to put a stop to a humanitarian disaster involving
genocide and the most serious crimes against humanity
should never be held hostage to the veto. When it is, the
Security Council loses its credibility and its relevance. I
need hardly reiterate New Zealand's continuing opposition
to the veto, voiced since San Francisco in 1945. While it
is understandable that national interests will influence
how members vote in the Security Council, we have
never accepted that some narrow interests of any one of
five countries should be able to override the will of a
clear majority of members.

The adoption by the Security Council of its resolution
1244 (1999) of 10 June, which provided the international
community's endorsement of a political solution to the
Kosovo conflict, was certainly greeted with much relief in
most quarters, including in New Zealand. The resolution
was proof, if any were needed, that the United Nations
remains, as in East Timor, the indispensable organization.
And as the Secretary-General observed at the time, it also
gave strong legal underpinning to the task ahead, a task
which, he noted, is daunting. The contribution of the
dedicated United Nations and specialized agency staff who
are now working with little fanfare in Kosovo certainly
deserves our recognition.
Both Kosovo and East Timor have put the Security
Council to the test. In their own ways they have challenged
this Organization's capacity to take effective action in the
face of severe difficulties. The world must never again
witness horrors such as those in Kosovo whilst the Security
Council remains impotent. The case of East Timor shows
that the Security Council can react swiftly and effectively
when the will exists. For this to be possible, the fullest
commitment to support those humanitarian ideals that are
the basis of the United Nations Charter remains essential.
The adoption of the Rome Statute of the International
Criminal Court shows such a commitment. The
international community must now deliver on its promise,
with signature and early ratification of that Statute.
As we know, the United Nations also has before it the
pressing demands of the various and sometimes interrelated
conflicts throughout Africa with, of course, their appalling
humanitarian consequences. Who can put out of their minds
the images of atrocities we have seen from Sierra Leone,
for instance? Yet the Council's response has until very
recently been low-level. Once again, the credibility of the
Security Council depends in large part on its being seen as
even-handed in its attention to crises, wherever they may
occur, and whether the Cable News Network (CNN) is
there or not.
For much of the past year we have seen the Council
virtually paralysed on the important question of
disarmaming Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction. In the
meantime, this potentially very serious threat to the security
of the region remains unresolved. The reason again has
been the very sharp divisions among the permanent
members, which by virtue of the veto power can block any
action. This situation remains unacceptable.
New Zealand's awareness of the importance of the
role of collective action has also been heightened by
recent events in our own immediate region. Here, the
United Nations demonstrated its ability to respond to the
different demands of supporting the regionally inspired
peace process on the island of Bougainville, part of Papua
New Guinea, and of assessing the needs created by
disruptions to the population on Guadalcanal in the
Solomon Islands.
The United Nations must be capable of responding
effectively. Small and vulnerable nations in particular
need confidence in the United Nations, as it may be their
only hope in times of trouble. I am very concerned
therefore by the apparent trend away from financing new
peacekeeping operations by means of assessed
contributions and an increasing reliance instead on
voluntary funding. This, of course, poses a threat to the
collective responsibility that is at the heart of this
Organization. In practical terms it is likely to mean that
those regions which fail to attract donor support will not
receive the response they are entitled to as Members of
the United Nations. This trend must be urgently reversed;
all operations must be put on an equal financial footing
by means of assessed contributions.
In addition, as I noted here last year, the largest
contributor's arrears to the peacekeeping and regular
budgets continue to cast a long shadow over the
Organization. Outstanding dues and very slow payments
to troop contributors affect us all, and can severely
constrain the ability of countries to contribute to pressing
peacekeeping needs. We call again on those Member
States who are in dereliction of their obligations to make
payment on time, in full and, of course, without
conditions.
Reform of the Security Council remains one of the
most important items on our agenda. Further useful
progress has been made this year. While the issue of
enlargement continues to be complex, we believe there
has existed for some time wide agreement on the equally
important areas of reforming the Council's working
methods and the curtailing of the veto. The linkage
between the veto and enlargement was also explicitly
recognized in this year's report to the General Assembly
of the Open-ended Working Group on the Question of
Equitable Representation on and Increase in the
Membership of the Security Council and Other Matters
Related to the Security Council.
12

As for the task of providing more equitable
representation, I am not convinced that we will be able to
achieve this while the regional groups in the United Nations
continue to reflect the political geography of the 1960s.
Quite different and far more sensible arrangements have
been adopted in other multilateral forums, as, for example,
in the context of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty (CTBT). The present system here in New York
locks in very great disparities in representation. Small
countries that can make an excellent contribution are often
severely disadvantaged, especially where a political bloc
inside a regional group may coordinate closely on electoral
matters.
I would, therefore, wish to add my voice to those of
the Prime Ministers of Fiji and Samoa and the Foreign
Ministers of Papua New Guinea and Australia, who spoke
earlier in this debate on the need for reconfiguration.
Reconfiguration of the regional groups may well hold one
of the keys to an overall package on Security Council
reform.
New Zealand still looks forward to the day when we
can join a regional group here in New York which includes
our Asia-Pacific neighbours. In the meantime, we will
continue to build linkages in our region and developing the
many areas of our common understanding.
One of the great strengths of the General Assembly is
the equal status ascribed to each Member. All Members,
large or small, rich or poor, have a right to be heard here.
Each has a single vote. While we must all from time to
time temper our own national ambitions in the interests of
reaching a common understanding, we respect the point of
view of each individual member. The special session on
small island developing States over the last few days was
a very good opportunity to do just that. New Zealand is
firmly committed to assisting the small island developing
States SIDS in the spirit of common purpose and
partnership envisaged at Barbados five years ago. We are
very pleased that all participants in the special session have
reaffirmed their commitment to implement fully the
Barbados Programme of Action.
In April New Zealand, represented by my colleague,
the Honourable Simon Upton, had the privilege of chairing
the seventh session of the Commission on Sustainable
Development. We were pleased to be able to help
reinvigorate debate and build consensus around the need for
a more coordinated approach to stewardship of the world's
oceans and the need to recognise, in an ongoing way, the
special characteristics and needs of small island
developing States.
The Commission faces the great challenge of
pursuing the implementation of Agenda 21. Two other
great challenges we as a world face on the environmental
front are the threat of global climate change, caused at
least in part by human-induced emissions of greenhouse
gases, and the need to maintain an approach to
international trade and environmental issues which is
based on sound scientific analysis and agreed rules and
procedures. It is vitally important that we should continue
to act in concert to face these international challenges.
International cooperation in addressing economic,
social and humanitarian problems is, and always will be,
one of the cornerstones of the United Nations Charter.
The substantial decline in official development assistance
flows over the last decade is of great concern to many
Member States. In this connection, I am concerned to
note that the core resources of the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) have been greatly
reduced over the past five years, to the point where its
universality is seriously threatened. I applaud the efforts
the new administrator is making to turn this situation
around and to put UNDP on a more secure footing, with
more clearly defined priorities.
Private capital flows to developing countries have
shown major increases. There is a tendency, however, for
such investment to be heavily concentrated on a few
countries where investment prospects seem brightest.
Many developing countries remain vulnerable and can be
all too easily marginalized. Official development
assistance continues to be an essential tool to help build
the capacity of countries in sectors such as education so
that they can benefit from the unstoppable phenomenon
of globalization. It is certainly a matter of particular pride
for me, as New Zealand's Foreign Minister, to have
overseen increases in New Zealand's official development
assistance funding effort — up by some 40 per cent since
the time of the Rio Summit in 1992.
I welcome, also, the positive steps that are being
taken on the financing for development and debt-relief
initiatives. It is vital that we continue the dialogue among
Member States and with the international financial
institutions to ensure a sounder basis for meeting the
challenges of international development.
Last year I referred to the important role the United
Nations has to play in shaping the moves towards
13

globalization and the opening up of opportunities for world
trade. Later this year, in Seattle, we expect to launch a new
round of multilateral trade negotiations. This will clearly
provide a forum in which to advance trade liberalization
and the rules-based trading system. The role of these
negotiations in promoting the development prospects of all
countries and in fostering the integration of least developed
countries into the global system will be a particular focus.
Deliberations in this Organization at many levels will help
to advance our people's understanding of the value and
purpose of the global trade agenda and their ability to
benefit from it. However, I would emphasise the
importance of major trading partners in continuing to play
a leadership role. The adoption of trade restrictions and
distortions by wealthy economies does much to erode their
moral authority in the broader debate.
New Zealand continues to attach the utmost
importance to seeing all countries work together to bring
about a world free of nuclear weapons. For this reason we
were a cosponsor last year of the so-called New Agenda
resolution, which called for faster progress towards the
elimination of nuclear weapons. The cosponsors will be
presenting this moderate resolution again this year, and we
urge all countries to look carefully at it.
The Conference on Facilitating the Entry into Force of
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty will meet in
Vienna in a week's time. I would urge all those countries
which have not ratified the Treaty to do so, so that it can
enter into force without further delay.
Strengthening the United Nations remains an important
goal for New Zealand. I take this opportunity to commend
the forward-looking management reforms introduced by the
Secretary-General. They have greatly improved policy
coordination among senior management and have produced
positive, tangible effects throughout the Secretariat.
Improving the way the Organization plans its programmes
and expenditures is a critical next step, where work is
already under way. There must be a greater focus on results
when budgets are prepared in order to promote the best use
of the resources of the Organization, and in turn the best
return for Member States.
This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of the Geneva
Conventions, and last year we commemorated the fiftieth
anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Events over the past 12 months have shown that challenges
to the values and principles embodied in the Universal
Declaration remain as daunting as ever. In this
interdependent world in which we live, New Zealand
continues to see the United Nations as central to
international efforts to work together to protect and
promote, for all our people, those fundamental human
rights and freedoms to which we are committed under the
Universal Declaration.
Next year the United Nations will host the
millennium summit. This symbolic event will provide an
excellent opportunity for Member States to reaffirm their
commitment to the ideals of this great Organization.
Recognizing the frailties of our collective performance to
date, and the critical importance of finding workable
solutions for the future, I call on all Member States to
take the opportunities offered by the millennium summit
to enter into open and constructive dialogue and step into
the next millennium with an unequivocal recommitment
to the visionary principles enshrined in the Charter.
It is nine years since I first addressed this body in
1991 as the Foreign Minister of New Zealand. For the
United Nations, and particularly the Security Council, it
has been a tumultuous period. After the cold war the
number of problems multiplied; the world's expectations
of what the United Nations could deliver were raised
above the possible; and the solutions demanded required
determination, resolve, tact, understanding and
imagination. The demands on the United Nations will not
lessen, but each year must see a better performance than
in the past. However, as this may well be the last
statement I make to this body, I want to thank all United
Nations officials and peacekeepers everywhere: those I
have met here in New York; in Cambodia and in
Somalia; in Mozambique; in Bosnia, Croatia and Albania;
in Papua New Guinea and, of course, now in East Timor.
I thank them for their continuing, often unsung and heroic
efforts. They are much appreciated.


First of all, I would like on behalf of the
delegation of the Kyrgyz Republic to congratulate Mr.
Theo-Ben Gurirab on his election as President of the
General Assembly for the current session. We hope that,
as a result of his great experience, our work during this
session will be successful.
At the threshold of the third millennium a most
pressing issue is facing humanity: the establishment of the
new world order, which will affect the nature of the
world in the future. The issue concerns all members of
the international community, regardless of their place or
the role they play in international relations.
The continuing threat of the proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction; problems involving the protection of
the environment; technological and natural disasters;
unresolved conflicts, terrorism and all forms of
extremism, illegal trafficking in narcotics; the arms
trade — these are serious sources of tension throughout
the world. Recent events related to the settlement of the
problem of Kosovo are another reminder of the huge
price that continues to be paid in human suffering.
Kyrgyzstan is striving to make a positive
contribution to the achievement of the global goal of
establishing a new world order founded on security,
stability and prosperity. We wish to demonstrate to the
international community our commitment to such
universal principles as democracy, respect for human
rights, support for market economies, the pursuit of good-
neighbourly relations, stability and security — not only in
our region but throughout the world.
The years since our independence have convinced us
that for Kyrgyzstan there is no more rational foreign
policy than a balanced, multipolar approach focusing on
the development of friendly, consistent relations both with
States that play an important role in regional and world
affairs and with those in which our country shares
pragmatic interests.
29

Among the major international events for the Kyrgyz
Republic in recent years I wish to mention the admission of
our country into the World Trade Organization; the
adoption, at the fifty-third session of the General Assembly,
of a resolution — resolution 53/24 — proclaiming the year
2002 as the International Year of Mountains; and the
elaboration by Askar Akayev, President of the Kyrgyz
Republic, of the Silk Road diplomacy doctrine.
President Akayev's Silk Road foreign policy is based
on the ideas of global interdependence and of reviving the
Silk Road as a bridge joining countries and civilizations so
as to develop in the third millennium an intensive,
multilevel, multifaceted system of communication between
civilizations. It is no accident that the philosophy behind
the Silk Road diplomacy doctrine carries over to the
Republic's other foreign policy initiatives of recent years.
These include the holding in Kyrgyzstan, under the auspices
of the United Nations, of an international conference on
Afghanistan; the proclamation of the year 2002 as the
International Year of Mountains; and the active
participation of Kyrgyzstan in the establishment of a
Central Asian nuclear-weapon-free zone.
In particular, enshrined in the doctrine is the idea that,
given the current situation, reliable and dynamic political
and commercial relations cannot be established without the
strengthening of multilateral relations of mutual cooperation
and trust between all the States of the region. The Silk
Road policy requires Kyrgyzstan to establish and develop
as fully as possible such relations with the countries of
Central Asia in all sectors and cooperative areas, including
the maintenance of regional and global security.
The mutual cooperation of China, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan within the framework of
what is called the Shanghai Five is one of the most positive
factors for the maintenance of security in Central Asia, and
for Central Asia's development, and for its transformation
into a region of peace, good-neighbourly relations and
prosperity. Since the first meeting of the heads of State of
the Shanghai Five and the signing of the agreement on
confidence-building in connection with military activities in
the border areas, the countries involved have, through
friendly consultations, been able to generally settle border
issues and reduce the armed forces present in the border
areas. We have established and strengthened cooperation
and with it increased security, peace and calm along the
borders.
From 24 to 25 August 1999, in Bishkek, the fourth
summit of the heads of State of the Shanghai Five took
place. As participants pointed out, we are now seeing a
transformation among the Shanghai Five. Whereas in the
past the group focused on military and political
cooperation, now it is defining major directions for trade
and economic cooperation. The role of the Bishkek
summit in this context was to transform these
understandings into practical actions.
It is necessary specifically to point out the unique
format of the five in the context of which countries of
varying size, with different state systems, levels of
economic development and military strength are
cooperating. A concrete demonstration of this was the
signing in Bishkek of an additional border agreement
between China and Kyrgyzstan, which effectively
removed from the agenda the question of inter-State
demarcation and established a real basis for the
transformation of the Kyrgyzstan-China border into a
border of peace and mutual cooperation in the twenty-first
century.
Kyrgyzstan continues to participate actively in the
process of creating a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central
Asia. An important role in the successful implementation
of this initiative is being played by the consultative
meeting of experts of regional countries, held under
United Nations auspices. We feel that the rapid
conversion of Central Asia into a nuclear-weapon-free
zone is becoming a multidimensional issue, since the
achievement of this goal will favour profound positive
progress on the global, regional and subregional levels, as
well as in the area of bilateral relations between the
countries of our region. It will also be in harmony with
the world community's aspirations to establish a safe
nuclear-free future.
As is well known, dramatic events have recently
taken place in southern Kyrgyzstan in connection with the
incursion into Kyrgyz territory of well-armed bandit
groups of international terrorists with many years of
experience fighting in Afghanistan and Tajikistan. As a
result of the illegal actions of these terrorists, who are
members of the implacable radical wing of Islamic
extremism, a tense situation has emerged in the Batken
and Chon-Alai areas of Osh Province. International
terrorists have behaved barbarically, taking foreign
hostages and murdering peaceful citizens. The bandits and
the forces behind them have made brazen, arrogant and
far-reaching attempts to impose their extremist views on
the country and have decisively and irrevocably chosen
the path of attacking peaceful democratic States and
economic and social reforms. They have threatened the
30

security and destroyed the tranquility of each and every
State of Central Asia.
We are deeply concerned at having to confront such
phenomena as the internationalization of Islamic extremism.
Among the terrorists invading our country, we have
observed not only representatives of States of Central Asia,
but also foreign mercenaries. Events in southern Kyrgyzstan
and in Dagestan, Russia, are links in the same chain, forged
by international Islamic extremists seeking their own
criminal objectives. These international bandits seek refuge
behind the noble values of Islam, which they roughly flout,
sowing death and suffering among peaceful populations.
I wish to stress in particular the staunch and
committed support of our friendly neighbours — including
Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Russia — for
Kyrgyzstan's efforts to eradicate these bandit groups. The
States of the region have shown the international
community their firm desire to work together and to
coordinate their efforts in confronting international
terrorism.
In turn, Kyrgyzstan expresses its deep-seated hope for
reciprocal support from the world community in its struggle
against international terrorism, which is a worldwide threat.
In this context, Kyrgyzstan highly commends the support
and solidarity of the States members of the Conference on
Interaction and Confidence-building Measures in Asia,
meeting at the level of Foreign Ministers in Almaty on 14
September. The Conference adopted a joint declaration on
the situation in Kyrgyzstan in which it condemned the
criminal activities of terrorists and expressed solidarity and
support for my Government's fight against terrorism.
The criminal acts of international terrorists in southern
Kyrgyzstan have reinforced the need for a speedy
settlement of the armed conflict in Afghanistan. It is
becoming ever more apparent that the designs of the
Islamic extremists based in Afghanistan and of the forces
behind them are spreading their destabilizing influence
throughout Central Asia through terror, murder, hostage-
taking and drug and weapons trafficking. In this connection,
I wish particularly to point out that the ongoing illegal
transshipment of narcotics from Afghanistan across the
territories of the Central Asian countries is a primary source
of financing for the criminal activities of the Islamic
extremists. We feel that the world community must take the
most decisive measures to prevent these Islamic extremists
from sowing violence, chaos and triumphal obscurantism in
Central Asia.
Kyrgyzstan intends broadly to support the efforts of
the international community in the context of the “six
plus two” group. In turn, striving to make our own
contribution to the early settlement of the internal
Afghanistan conflict, which has become a breeding
ground for Islamic extremism in the region, our country
is ready to provide facilities for the convening, under
United Nations auspices, of a conference on peace in
Afghanistan.
Highly appreciating the importance to the
international community of the United Nations as a
universal Organization, Kyrgyzstan is profoundly
interested in the successful reform of its work. We
support comprehensive reform, which should encompass
all the organs of the United Nations, including the
Security Council, which must vigorously address all
aspects of human development. The Kyrgyz Republic
confirms its view of the need to expand Security Council
membership and is also in favour of equitable
geographical representation in both categories.
There is no doubt that the process of reforming the
United Nations should reflect upon the work of all its
agencies. In our country today, we are seeing the
successful work of such United Nations specialized
agencies as the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), the United Nations Children's Fund, the United
Nations Population Fund, the Office of the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees and others. We feel that
effectiveness and results are the main criteria in assessing
their work. It is necessary to give heightened attention to
the work of those agencies from which we can obtain
maximum output. In this connection, there needs to be
more active efforts to enhance the quality of work to
implement concrete measures designed to resolve socio-
economic, cultural, humanitarian and legal issues.
In this respect, I wish to highlight the important role
played by UNDP, as the Organization's basic financing
and coordination agency, to strengthen United Nations
development efforts in such countries as Kyrgyzstan. In
1998, Kyrgyzstan became a pilot country in UNDP's new
result-based approach. The results of the work of this
system, which have been mainstreamed in all UNDP
offices and headquarters, are being planned for use in a
multi-year funding framework. We hope that this system
will become an effective means of attracting additional
funding. In this connection, we cannot fail to be
concerned by the reduction in and unpredictability of
UNDP core resources. We wish to appeal from this
rostrum to the Governments of donor countries to
31

undertake to study closely the possibility of increasing,
through UNDP, their assistance to States with economies in
transition.
In this difficult period for countries such as my own,
assistance rendered through UNDP and other specialized
agencies is an important factor in the strengthening of our
independence, stability and progress.
In conclusion, I wish to stress Kyrgyzstan's readiness
to cooperate with all Members of the United Nations in
achieving progress on a broad number of issues on the
agenda of this final session of the millennium.