I should like first to express my sincere congratulations to Your Excellency on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. I am confident that, with the wealth of your experience in the conduct of United Nations affairs, your superior wisdom and able leadership, you will guide this session to a successful and fruitful conclusion.
At the same time I wish to express my sincere appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury for his excellent work as President of the Assembly at its forty-first session, and especially for the co-ordinating efforts he made in launching the administrative and financial reform of the United Nations.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express my profound respect to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the painstaking efforts he has been making to resolve difficult international problems, in particular the Iran-Iraq conflict.
At the outset I should like to welcome most heartily the agreement that was reached in principle last week between the United States and the Soviet Union on the total elimination of intermediate-range nuclear forces and on holding a third summit meeting between the two leaders this autumn. I wish to pay a high tribute to them for the political determination that has made this possible. Speaking from this same podium nearly two years ago, at the meeting for the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, I stressed that a new global ethic, together with the systems to support it, is necessary if we are to save the earth from the gravest perils of destruction it has ever faced and ensure mankind's very survival. To that end, I expressed the need for an attitude whereby we acknowledge the diversity and value of the world's cultures and civilizations, as well as mutually appreciate and respect them. I argued that the United Nations must become a vehicle for creating, on the basis of that attitude, a global civilization for all mankind.
Encouraged by the favourable response to my remarks, I should like today to share with you some of my thoughts about the practical means for pursuing my ideas, as well as Japan's position and the role it can play in this regard.
We are now little more than a decade away from the twenty-first century. And as we look back, the twentieth century has been a tumultuous age, full of dramatic events and upheavals, unprecedented in human history.
In the first half of the century, mankind endured two world wars and experienced the tragic explosion of nuclear weapons. Since then, we have suffered and agonized over the existence of growing stockpiles of nuclear weapons. The two nuclear super-Powers have each now deployed an enormous number of intercontinental ballistic missiles, to the extent of overkill, which could strike directly at the other's vital areas. While both sides recognize the paradox that, inherent in their guest for security through deterrence, is the danger of catastrophe, they have not yet been able to agree fully on arrangements for the reduction and elimination of nuclear arms.
On the economic front, less than three decades into the century the world gave way to a rampant protectionism, inviting the disastrous Great Depression that preceded the outbreak of the Second World War. The world economy recovered from the ravages and impoverishment caused by the war f and subsequently attained unparalleled growth and prosperity. However, it was again thrown into turmoil by two oil crises - turmoil from which it has yet to fully emerge. The global economic problems we continue to face, particularly the disparities between North and South, global trade imbalances and instability in international finance, are extremely serious.
On the other hand, the scientific and technological advances of this century truly dwarf those of the Industrial Revolution in the latter half of the eighteenth century, and have ushered in a new historical era. From the vast outer limits of the universe to the microscopic matter from which life itself originates, advances in human knowledge in many fields have contributed greatly to improving mankind's material well-being. Applied wisely, this knowledge can dramatically advance the information age and tremendously benefit human society. Applied unwisely, and not properly controlled, it could imperil the dignity of human life or irreversibly destroy the earth's environment, upon which all mankind depends.
This century has also witnessed the birth of many independent countries as peoples everywhere, and particularly in Asia and Africa, have sought to exercise their inherent rights and freedom. One after another, these new nations joined the United Nations. The number of independent countries world-wide doubled almost overnight, imbuing international politics with new vitality and marking in world history a new era in which the ideals of freedom, equality and universal brotherhood are pursued. Mankind has not, however, eliminated poverty and hunger in some of those new countries, nor has it done away with regional conflicts.
Meanwhile, as telecommunications and the means of transport continue to develop, the nations of the world are becoming ever more interdependent, and world unity is growing ever stronger. As this eventful century of tragedy and of hope draws to a close, and we look ahead to a new century, we must ask ourselves what we have learned from the traumas of the Great Depression and the two world wars, as well as subsequent experiences, and what are the lessons we should pass down to succeeding generations.
Has humanity no choice but to live constantly under the threat of nuclear weapons - a sword of Damocles suspended by a single, slender thread? Have we no choice but to bequeath to posterity a planet that, in an increasing number of regions, is being stripped of its precious air and its verdant foliage, which have evolved over the course of four billion years? Can we really do no better than to pass along to the next generation a world with a burgeoning population and with countries of extreme poverty, untouched by science, technology and modern Industry?
If we are to resolve these fateful issues confronting mankind, I believe it is necessary for all of us, all the countries and peoples represented here today, to reaffirm basic principles for joint action in three priority areas.
Our first priority must be to secure and strengthen world peace. The State must not only serve its own people but, more important, must strive to respect and protect universal human values which transcend national boundaries. This means respecting life and human rights, protecting the irreplaceable natural environment, and preserving those cultural traditions that are the product of human wisdom and labour over the course of many centuries. These values must be respected under any system of government or ideology. This does not of course imply that a State may unjustly expand its power beyond its own borders.
Our second priority must be to provide vastly expanded guarantees for the free flow of people, information and culture across national borders. I have speculated elsewhere that the Second World War would probably not have occurred had there been  satellite television broadcasts that were freely received, so that peoples everywhere could have identified with each other as members of the same human race, indeed, I believe that the guaranteed freer movement of people and information would provide an important safeguard against a third world war, for avoiding a repetition of atrocities, and for enabling peoples everywhere to share in the joy of living together, amid the rich cultural diversity the world offers.
Our third priority must be to rectify regional disparities and protect the global environment. For this purpose, each State must refrain from exercising its sovereignty merely for its own self-interests, and must strive to strengthen a framework of international co-operation centred on the United Nations. As we approach the twenty-first century, we must find new ways to enhance the capacity of a global authority.
Ή. G. Wells once said that "our true nationality is mankind". As members of the global village that transcends national boundaries, each of us should be challenged by our conscience to apply all the wisdom we have reaped during this century to find solutions to the problems facing us.
In my statement here two years ago, I called for a 'global ethic". And just now, I referred to the "global village". These are terms that will surely come into common world-wide use in the twenty-first century, for it is clear, on the one hand, that exchanges and interdependence among countries and peoples will increase dramatically, and, on the other, that all mankind will increasingly face the danger of total annihilation, should the fruits of modern civilization be misused. Men and women of the twenty-first century will simply have to think of themselves as citizens of the global village. A basic principle of life in the village is mutual help. In my home village, if someone did not have a bowl of rice, others would share their rice with him. The same philosophy holds true for the global village. John and Ivan belong to the same village, where there are no distinctions. It is precisely for this reason that the United Nations Charter admonishes us "to practise tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours" as a first step towards realizing its lofty purposes.
Thus far I have stressed the goals that we should pursue, as well as some rather idealistic principles to guide us as we cross the threshold of the 21st century. I should now like to discuss some issues posed by the harsh realities of today's world.
First of all, it is essential to strive to build the confidence needed for the eventual total elimination of nuclear weapons and realization of peaceful coexistence. The agreement reached in principle by the United States and the Soviet Union last week to conclude a treaty on the total elimination of intermediate nuclear forces constitutes the first accord In history for the reduction of nuclear weapons and is a major step forward in this field. As one who has been strongly advocating the complete global elimination of Intermediate nuclear forces, I sincerely welcome this good news. I hope that the United States and the Soviet Union will, as a next step, realize promptly and steadily the plan to reduce strategic nuclear weapons drastically, by 50 per cent, while maintaining a balance of deterrence.
The success of such efforts will engender feelings of affinity among the peoples of both nations and win universal support for those efforts. Further V progress can then be made on disarmament and nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as chemical and other weapons, and on strengthening the regime of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. This in turn will surely lead to progress in resolving regional problems and open up new avenues towards world peace. I believe that a world truly at peace is the greatest gift we can bequeath to posterity.
I have taken every opportunity to urge both the United States and the Soviet Union to make genuine progress towards nuclear disarmament as quickly as possible. For my part, I shall continue to co-operate towards the success of those efforts.
It is very likely that in the final stages of the negotiations on these difficult issues a range of obstacles will arise as details are scrutinized and the formal texts of agreements drafted. It is precisely at this point that the solution to problems should not be left to bureaucrats or military personnel, but must be entrusted to the political wisdom of statesmen who have a far-sighted sense of responsibility to mankind. I sincerely hope that the leaders of both countries, as true statesmen, will make wise political decisions that will long be remembered.
I should like on this occasion to express the strong hope that the Soviet leadership will take a constructive stance in its policy towards Asia and, with regard to Japan in particular, will work with determination to settle the territorial problem and other pending issues, acting in such a way as to build a genuine relationship of trust.
The problems that have been created in the 20th century are our responsibility) we must not pass them on unresolved to the 21st century.
The second urgent issue is the need to mount concerted efforts to resolve the grave problems confronting the world economy. In order to promote world economic growth and prosperity, it is essential that the policies of all countries be harmonized and, in particular, that protectionism be resisted. The Uruguay round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) has been  launched as a means of combating protectionism, and we must work diligently to ensure that its goals are achieved.
We must not regard the many difficulties confronting the countries of the South simply as the fate of mankind and become resigned to them. While self-help efforts by their leaders and their peoples are obviously essential for the solution of their problems, certain problems, such as recent debt accumulation and export difficulties, are due in part to changes in the world economic and industrial structure for which the countries of the South cannot be held solely responsible.
Whenever economic failure occurs in any part of the world it is incumbent upon all of us, for the sake of the people in the region as well as of world economic stability, to address the problem and promptly devise all possible means of co-operation in order to avert a crisis. Such co-operation is already evident in the activities of international financial organizations and in various joint efforts among many countries. We should reaffirm our determination to promote these effective efforts even more clearly. Only in this way will all the peoples of the world be able truly to consider themselves members of one human race joined together in a solidarity that transcends national boundaries. At the same time, the nations of the South will be greatly encouraged in their self-help efforts.
Recognizing that there can be no prosperity for Japan without world prosperity, my country is making every effort to revitalize the world economy and provide assistance to developing countries, while at the same time promoting the internationalisation of its own economy. Deeply aware of its tremendous responsibilities, Japan is determined to make even greater contributions to the international community.
Since last year Japan has been pursuing a programme to recycle up to $30 billion and has been implementing a plan to provide $500 million in grant assistance to sub-Saharan and other African countries over three years. I look forward to discussing the further implementation of these projects with the countries concerned. On the question of economic co-operation, I believe that it is especially important to promote exchanges among young people and among young business managers, together with the concomitant transfer of technology. At the same time, looking ahead to the 2l8t century, we believe that human resources development and human interaction are all-important in order to achieve progress in public administration and education, and Japan is fully co-operating towards this end ·
A third issue concerns the settlement of regional problems
The roost urgent of the tasks facing us today is to end the conflict between Iran and Iraq which is entering its eighth year, and to re-establish peace in the land that is the cradle of world civilization and return calm to the waters of the Gulf.
Recently, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 598 (1987) .
This resolution was drafted paying the greatest possible attention in the circumstances to the positions of the parties concerned· The Council expects the Secretary-General, who enjoys the trust of both parties, to play a key role in its implementation in the belief that there is no other way to resolve this Issue, I strongly urge both parties to put an end to the conflict as soon as possible and establish lasting peace, as called for by the resolution. For its part, Japan has been working to the best of its ability for the restoration of peace, and now in the context of its membership of the Security Council as well# is making every effort in good faith towards that end. At the same time, my country intends to continue to support the vigorous efforts of the Secretary-General. The people of the world earnestly desire to see the Iran-Iraq conflict ended, and I am steadfast in my hope that both countries will respond to that desire and act with sound judgement.
Moreover, I must emphasize that as a general principle it is of utmost importance for the termination of any conflict and the establishment of peace that all countries strictly refrain from providing weapons to either party.
Elsewhere, it is most regrettable that no concrete progress has been made towards a satisfactory solution to the problems in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. All foreign military forces should be withdrawn completely and without delay from both regions. Japan strongly supports the establishment there of sovereign States that are truly democratic, independent, non-aligned and neutral.
The apartheid policy of the Government of South Africa flagrantly violates the principle of racial equality and respect for human rights and roust be abolished promptly and completely. On the Korean Peninsula  parties from the south and the north should, through direct negotiations, seek to ease tensions and achieve peaceful reunification. I support, as one step towards reunification, the admission of both the south and the north to the United Nations. I fervently hope that at next year's Seoul Olympics all the nations of the world will join together in full participation to make the Games once more a truly global festival and that through sports East-West friendship will be promoted and, in particular, tensions on the Korean Peninsula eased.
Further, mankind has not been able to escape from the feat of conflicts and wars resulting from human rivalry   nor has it been able to avoid the devastation of major natural disasters. On this occasion, I should like to stress the need for the United Nations to improve and strengthen its capacity to help expeditiously and effectively to prevent natural disasters and render rescue services.
Next, I should like to say a few words about how we can brighten the prospects for the world as it approaches the 21st century and how Japan can co-operate in realizing these aspirations.
Very briefly, I feel that we will see emerging a world-wide trend in which people free themselves from the fetters of the dogmatic ideologies of the 19th century, in part this will happen because the earnest desire of people everywhere to escape swiftly from the persistent threat of nuclear weapons transcends all ideologies. Also, people everywhere, regardless of the political and social systems under which they live, are increasingly aware that fundamental economic logic, which is based on freedom and creativity, is stronger than ideology.
This trend is manifested in the strong global support for the prompt holding of a United states-soviet summit meeting and the fight against excessive central control and protectionism in the economic policies of East and West. As this emerging trend comes to fruition in both democratic and socialist countries and becomes universal, the influence of rigid ideologies will Inevitably decline and the world will move from confrontation to reconciliation, from conflict to co-operation. Then the potential will become apparent for nurturing the creation of a harmonious world order of a new dimension in which a realistic and practical approach is valued.
Now I should like to say a little more about my views on overcoming the East-West impasse. The present East-West confrontation is, unfortunately, largely rooted in the structural constraints of the International community, which consists of sovereign States. When we talk to one another face to face we find that, people of every country belong to the same human race and are basically of good will. Yet, once within the framework of a State, it seems that people often change as they are manipulated by State institutions and stand in the front lines of confrontation and rivalry between States. In this sense, one cannot but conclude that in today's international community confrontation and discord between the State and the Individual will never be completely overcome.
It is by no means easy for those entrusted with the actual responsibilities of national government to escape this reality. Inherent in nuclear weapons is the dilemma that, although they have the potential for catastrophic destruction, one side feels it must possess them as long as the other side does in order to maintain mutual deterrence. We must find a way out of this impasse so that we can free ourselves from suspicion and fear and return to a world of security and trust. Indeed, would this not once again make our conscience our central guide?
The convening of the United States-Soviet summit in Reykjavik in 1986 and the progress achieved there towards an agreement were, so to speak, bright rays of hope for escape from the karma that has prevailed ever since the end of the Second World War. This historic collaboration on disarmament has stirred a fresh breeze of harmony and co-operation world wide, and I am hopeful that it will help generate energy that can be directed in particular to assisting the poorest countries, the developing countries and those with accumulated debts, as well as to preserving the global environment. As the history of Indo-China and the present situation of Afghanistan both so graphically testify, war does not solve problems  on the contrary, it destabilizes the societies of the countries concerned. But have we not reached a crossroads in international politics where through the wisdom of statesmen from every country the course of history can be redirected?
It has been about half a century since the systems of the East and West blocs emerged. People in both camps have had pride and confidence in their own systems, but there must also have been times when they experienced doubt. It is high time that we made a greater effort to get to know the realities of the different societies that our fellow men have created. Given the fact that it is now possible to use satellite telecommunications for real-time exchanges of information, should not both sides frankly and honestly open their hearts and show each other the realities of their own countries?
It is in this sense I am convinced that, if President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev as responsible individuals belonging to the same human race, can through their third meeting establish a genuine relationship of trust, it will pave the way for all mankind to enter a new era of peaceful dialogue and competitive coexistence throughout the four corners of the globe. Moreover, a phenomenon that transcends the East-West confrontation is now emerging in the economic management of many countries throughout the world. I am referring to the fact that the trend, for example, towards liberalization and the strengthening of market economy principles is spreading. The fact that these terms are gaining common currency everywhere demonstrates that economic logic is being applied increasingly all over the globe. Recently, in developing regions throughout the world and particularly in the Asia-Pacific area near Japan, newly industrialized countries with spectacular growth rates have been emerging. I believe that this has been possible because the countries there have taken advantage of these economic principles and are pursuing policies that tap the energies of their peoples. I am thus most interested in seeing what will be the actual changes in the foreign and domestic policies of the Soviet Union as a result of the perestroika and glasnost is undertaking, and of China as a result of its policy of opening up to the outside world.
It is our mission to make this planet Earth, the only home mankind has, a verdant place of peace and freedom. While it is incumbent upon all international organizations to serve this goal, the United Nations is the only global forum that is active in maintaining peace, protecting human tights and enhancing the well-being of all peoples. The responsibilities of the United Nations are tremendous and its continued existence is crucial.
It is unfortunately true that the United Nations has not fully lived up to the expectations of it at its founding. It is thus easy to criticize the Organization. Yet, were there no United Nations, how could we possibly maintain order and enhance our common well-being in today's complex international arena? Where else could we find a forum for reflecting the opinions of States all over the world, for bridging the gaps between East and West, North and South? It is precisely at these times of difficulty for the United Nations that we should consider what would happen if it did not exist, and devote ourselves to defending, strengthening and improving the Organization. The United Nations roust become a true United nations. Above all is the need to strengthen its peace-keeping functions. For its part, my country has been malting active efforts to support United Nations peace-keeping operations, mainly through financial assistance. Japan intends to study further how it can contribute even more to strengthening them in the future.
Ever since its admission, Japan has made the United Nations a central pillar foreign policy, and has been making earnest efforts to strengthen and improve the Organization. However, enormous changes have taken place in the international situation and in the United Nations in the years since it was founded. The number of Member States is now far greater than was envisaged at the time of the Organization's founding, and this has not only resulted in making it a colourful mosaic of distinctive characteristics, but is also presenting new and unforeseen issues for its agenda as we enter a new era of civilization. If the United Nations is to be able to respond expeditiously to these changes, it must constantly be reformed. I also believe that in specialized fields, such as economics, the tendency unduly to politicise issues should be corrected.
I hope all Member States will join together to consider these problems with a view to determining the kind of organization the United Nations should become in the future.
If the twentieth century has been an age of destruction, with two world wars and the tragedy of the first nuclear explosions, the next century must be one bathed in the radiant sunshine of peace. Until now peace has prevailed only intermittently, between successive wars. Maintaining and managing peace, and ensuring that it is lasting, will of course be an extremely complex and difficult task. But is it not the obligation of today's statesmen to confront squarely such epochal challenges? The United Nations is, after all, a hall of peace, where statesmen gather and, with the establishment of lasting peace as their common goal, work together with determination and tolerance to nurture and preserve diverse values and cultures, and to enhance the dignity of mankind. On this occasion I pledge that, together with representatives here, I shall shoulder the grave responsibilities placed upon me as one of the statesmen gathered here at the United Nations·
The current session of the General Assembly, in anticipation of the United States-Soviet summit for the reduction and elimination of nuclear weapons, is filled with hope for the future of mankind. Indeed, this is the most significant session in the history of the Organization for ensuring peace and coexistence. Let us work together in the earnest hope that rich blessings will be bestowed upon our children and upon the Earth in the twenty-first century. )
The American poet, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, taught us in his poem, "A Psalm of Life", to act so that each tomorrow finds us farther along the road than today. I should like to conclude my remarks with the closing stanza of that poem:
"Let us, then, be up and doing,
With a heart for any fate;
Still achieving, still pursuing.
Learn to labour and to wait·"


States Members of the United Nations have faithfully adhered to a well-established tradition and come to their annual meeting arranged so that they can together consider in a constructive dialogue the problems facing the international community. Every session of the General Assembly constitutes an ideal opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to the fundamental purposes and principles of our Organization as set forth in the Charter. The Charter charges Member States with the mission of working for peace and contributing to the development of international relations for the purpose of promoting the prosperity and economic and social progress which all peoples desire. This Assembly provides the framework within which efforts to improve the lot of mankind on the basis of the ethical standards shared by all countries that cherish peace, freedom, equality, justice and progress are harmonized.   On joining the United Nations as its 97th Member, on 18 September 1962, the Republic of Rwanda solemnly expressed its determination to abide by those ethical standards, which are based on equal rights for all peoples and the ideal of peace and co-operation expressed in San Francisco in 1945. The Republic of Rwanda hopes that this ideal will take ever more concrete form and that the efforts of all Member States will ensure that our Organization can carry out the mission assigned to it, Rwanda will always be among the countries eager to work in this sense. At this session the commitment we entered into in this respect, in 1962 takes on a particular significance, for this is the twenty-fifth anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Rwanda and its admission to the United Nations family.
In recalling this dual anniversary I wish to reaffirm on behalf of the Government of Rwanda the Republic of Rwanda's support for the objectives laid down in the Charter. This support is accompanied by the hope that the negative factors that imperil the attainment of these objectives will gradually disappear. One of those negative factors is the policy of certain countries which are reluctant to accept the principles based on universal legality} other such factors are the oppression of peoples who legitimately desire respect for their inalienable rights and the persistence of sources of tension and conflicts in the world. These factors cause acute concern at the present time when the world community should be devoting its main efforts to meeting the challenges brought about by the economic imbalances that afflict the developing countries.
Far from decreasing, the economic difficulties, on which the General Assembly puts growing emphasis, are increasing and taking on new dimensions that bode ill for the progress that all peoples desire. The world economy is still experiencing a crisis which threatens the very survival of the countries of the third world and could thwart their arduous development efforts. The crisis is essentially structural in nature for it affects the mechanisms which govern international economic relations at the present time and has an increasingly negative effect owing mainly to the instability of financial markets, the continuing deterioration of terms of trade, the stagnation in the raw materials markets and the debt problem.
The persistence of these forces is a serious obstacle to the development efforts of the countries of the third world, which are thus caught up in a complex and dangerous spiral of the constant deterioration of the world economic situation and the inexorable reduction of their resources, their purchasing power. They are therefore in danger of falling into a state of chronic underdevelopment.
At every suitable opportunity the international community emphasizes its concern over this situation, stating that lasting growth for the countries of the third world depends upon increased financial flows to them, more balanced trade and a realistic, concerted approach to solving the problem of indebtedness.
Consideration of development and economic growth viewed in these terms was a feature of the Seventh United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which took place in Geneva last July. The pragmatism and realism that characterized that Conference should give a new Impetus to the resumption of the North-South dialogue.
Among the results that give cause for optimism regarding the likelihood of finding satisfactory solutions to the most urgent economic problems facing the international community are the provisions made to Implement the Common Fund for Commodities.
The developing countries whose economies depend largely on the export of their raw materials ate Indeed pleased that UNCTAD has attributed so much Importance to this question and is considering it from the angle of reducing the negative Impact of successive fluctuations in commodity prices. The international community refuses to accept the inevitability of the decline in and instability of prices confronting third-world producers which must deal with the combined effects of the acts and the fall In their revenue in international markets, where raw material prices have collapsed and ate now lower than they have been for 50 years.
UNCTAD VII showed that the time has come not for resignation but for realism, the kind of realism that should lead to new efforts to ensure development, taking into account the changes caused by an increasingly obvious interdependence which demands that there be solidarity and complementarity in the promotion of universally shared prosperity.
The challenges the third world must face require such an approach, which should be geared towards solutions expressing the collective will to bring about growth and development for the benefit of all parties. In this content the commitments endorsed in UNCTAD should now lead rapidly to concrete actions with a view to overcoming, in solidarity and complementarity, the ongoing crucial problems in the area of international economic relations.
The current session of the General Assembly provides an excellent opportunity to bolster the optimism aroused in this respect by the consensus that emerged from the debates at UNCTAD VII and to spell out the priorities that were adopted with regard to improving the lot of the poorest countries.
In this spirit, with regards to the clearly expressed desire to channel a larger share of development aid to the least developed countries, the Assembly is called upon to carry out a more thorough debate with a view to having the international community clearly define the ways and means to be mobilized to overcome the obstacles standing in the way of the development of third-world countries. In particular, production capacity must be increased, as must financial resources devoted to development aid; and the constraints inherent in the external debt burden must be alleviated.
The debt problem has caused the most acute concern for the third-world countries, in particular African countries. For Africa, the external debt is a heavy burden, a bottle-neck in the development process, for it is one of the many negative factors that are undermining its ability to pay, while the imbalances m international economic trade from which it suffers are being exacerbated.
Africa hopes that its partners will take measures to alleviate its external debt burden, which is primarily linked to the economic and financial constraints flowing from deterioration in the terms of trade, together with a deteriorating raw materials prices that create chronic deficits and heighten the crisis in the entire continent, where growth has collapsed.
The international community is now well aware of the need to create a more stable economic environment in order to promote development in Africa. More than a year and a half ago the General Assembly adopted the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery 1986-1990. The adoption of that programme was not an end in itself, but an important step in efforts to strengthen active solidarity with a view to restoring African economies.
Since that time African countries have, and at great sacrifice, made certain structural changes. Africa has thus demonstrated its willingness to deal, in a responsible manner, with the serious problems jeopardizing its development. It is comforting to note that our partners, for their part, have decided to support the efforts of African countries. This commitment must now take the form of concrete action with measures making it possible to improve the international economic climate and establish development programmes enjoying a significant increase in financial resources originating from both bilateral co-operation and institutions specializing in multilateral co-operation.
That is how the constructive dialogue that marked the special session devoted to the economic problems of Africa will - above and beyond enhancing the awareness of priority aspects of the development problems facing an entire continent striving for survival - help to generate efforts aimed at promoting a more active form of solidarity.
The Government of Rwanda attaches great importance to the efforts the international community is called upon to make in this connection,	in particular to foster co-operation based on consultations with mutual respect for	each partner and taking into account the needs, realities and interests of everyone in order to reach a genuine contract of solidarity that leads to meeting the challenges of the times and those flowing from the expectations and aspirations that regulate the progress of Individual countries and peoples on the path to development! and provides a constantly renewed dynamism adapted to the needs of the future.
Against the background of the concerns arising from the persistent economic crisis, the international community must also deal with political problems that engender Insecurity, tension and even open conflict.
This Is true of the explosive situation in southern Africa, which is the result of the practices of the racist minority regime in Pretoria - a regime continually at odds with the international community because of its policy of apartheid, its illegal occupation of Namibia and its acts of destabilization and intimidation against the front-line States.
The Pretoria regime stubbornly clings to its outmoded anachronistic policies. It has shown an unwillingness to change that is unacceptable and stubbornly refuses to take into account the legitimate aspirations of the South African majority. It has engaged In stalling manoeuvres to delay the Independence of Namibia and made of Its neighbours targets of its State terrorism.	.
The intransigence and arrogance of the champions of the policy of apartheid is an outrage to all countries that cherish peace, justice and freedom and are convinced that the Namibian people must exercise its right to self-determination, that the South African people must be allowed to realize its aspirations to democracy and that the countries of southern African must be allowed to enjoy a climate of security conducive to stability and development.
With regard to the problem of Namibia, in particular the Rwanda's Government believes that the settlement plan contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the only appropriate framework for a solution in keeping with the need to realize the right of the Namibian people to live In freedom and dignity. In the firm belief that the ethical standards based on the principles of international law will overcome the unacceptable claims of the Pretoria regime, I cannot fail to reaffirm the unswerving support of the Rwanda's Republic for the freedom fighters who are battling this retrograde regime. Similarly, we continue to support the front-line States, which the South African leaders are trying to subdue by making them the victims of blackmail, destabilization and economic sabotage.
Apart from the situation in southern Africa, where the odious system of apartheid gives rise to oppression and violence, there are sources of tension elsewhere on the African continent and elsewhere in the world. Notwithstanding the constant appeals made from this rostrum for respect for the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, which all States Members of our Organization are committed to respect and promote, international peace and security are endangered by the tendency to support the principle that might is right.
For certain peoples - in particular the Sahraoui people and the Palestinian people - the implementation of the principle of self-determination is still but a pious wish, while non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity and the peaceful settlement of disputes are principles that continue to be violated.
The situations Lebanon, Afghanistan and Cambodia, as well as the war between Iran and Iraq, thus continue to be of grave concern to the Organization. Regarding especially the fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq, the international community must persist in its solemn, repeated appeal to the belligerents to seek an appropriate solution, in keeping with the provisions of the United Nations Charter, to their conflict.
The Republic of Rwanda believes that, faced with situations such as these, the establishment of a genuine climate of peace in the world depends on efforts by individual States scrupulously to respect the provisions of the United Nations Charter, while encouraging mutual trust and collective security and rejecting confrontation and violence.
At each session the debates in the General Assembly reflect the anxiety of the international community caused by the uncertainties that loom over the future of mankind because of the dangers inherent in the arms race. At the recent International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development stress was rightly laid on the need to promote peace, security and disarmament in the interest of increasing the resources available for the struggle for social and economic progress.
The Rwanda delegation hopes that, in keeping with the conclusions reached at the end of that Conference, specific provisions will be adopted to remove the threat to mankind posed by the arms race and to carry out the transfers that would make possible spectacular scientific conquests and impose awareness of the correlation established between disarmament and development, between the needs of security and the expectations of peoples in search of progress and prosperity.
In this context, the Government of Rwanda attaches great importance to efforts to intensify the constructive dialogue that will give effect to the conviction that security needs demand ever closer co-ordination with the stakes of development considered in the light of the solidarity and complementarity that are a necessary part of international relations.
Whenever appropriate the Government of Rwanda recalls the fact that the Organization recognizes that divided nations are entitled to seek ways and means to regain their unity, without outside interference or pressure. In this spirit, I should like to emphasize once again the Republic of Rwanda's interest in and the importance that it attaches to efforts to further the normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. We hope that those efforts, supported by the collective conscience of the German people and responding to their ardent desire to keep that conscience steadfast, will enable them to recover the unity to which they aspire as an integral part of their heritage.
Moreover, and still with reference to the United Nations Charter, the Republic of Rwanda supports initiatives aimed at bringing about the independent, peaceful reunification of the Korean nation.
The United Nations embodies the sublime ideal of promoting within the international community the values and virtues inherent in aspirations to peace, freedom, justice and social and economic progress. As an institution, it is at the service of peoples which share those aspirations and of Member States, so that they may maintain and develop relations based, above all, on equality and mutual respect, as well as on the awareness that they must act together, co-ordinating their efforts to bring under control the factors and events that influence the future of humanity.
I-t is in this spirit that the Republic of Rwanda solemnly reaffirms its unswerving devotion to the principles of the United Nations Charter, in the hope that the dialogue and the concerted effort of Member States will give concrete expression to those principles and reinforce the role of the Organization.
In this context, we assure the Assembly that the delegation of Rwanda will play its full part in ensuring that the forty-second session of the General Assembly will contribute to the attainment of the objectives of the Organization.
In addressing to you, Mr. President, as other speakers before me have done, heartiest and warmest congratulations, I stress our conviction that your prestige, your long experience and your eminent qualities will help guarantee the success of the work that will be conducted by the Assembly under your leadership.
The delegation of Rwanda wishes also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, who directed the work of the forty-first session of the General Assembly competently and tactfully. I pay a tribute also to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the steadfast commitment he has shown in carrying out his functions in such a way that our Organization can continue to serve the interests of peace, solidarity and co-operation between nations. His commitment has earned him the great appreciation of the Government of Rwanda.
Over and above the success of the work of a session of the General Assembly, the success that the United Nations has in carrying out its mission is and will remain dependent upon the determination of all Member States and of each Member State. There must be a determination to work for a new international order, which can come about only through a policy of entente and co-operation among States, nations and people. There must be a determination to participate in the building of a community based on world-wide solidarity and on co-operation that promotes mutual enrichment and development thanks to the sharing of knowledge and skill, thanks to fruitful exchanges in the spheres of the economy, education, culture, information, science and technology, and thanks to the will continually to broaden the dimensions of international relations, giving priority to those factors that foster balance and harmony.
That determination must find concrete expression on every level of the relationships each State hopes to maintain and develop on the international scene, and in signing the United Nations Charter the Republic of Rwanda evidenced it. Guided by the Charter's inherent spirit, Rwanda will always play its part in efforts to bring about the triumph of the ideal to which we subscribed 25 years ago, an ideal that put the world on the path of dialogue, solidarity and complementarity with a view to fulfilling the aspirations of all peoples for peace and prosperity.


I should like to congratulate you most sincerely. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. We are confident that you will guide our deliberations with care and competence.
1 should also like to congratulate Ambassador Joseph Reed on his assumption of the post of Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs and to welcome him warmly.
Our grateful thanks go to Mr. Humayun Choudhury of Bangladesh for the wisdom and skill with which he conducted our proceedings at the last session of the General Assembly.
We are delighted that the Secretary-General remains in good health, and we express our gratitude and respect to him for his tireless and patient efforts to resolve difficult international problems.
This past year has been a year of rejoicing and celebration for our nation, which commemorated the twenty-fifth anniversary of its independence. It was a year of pride and an occasion for reflection and reaffirmation; an opportunity for re-examination of our national values and ideals and reassessment of our aims and aspirations, it was, in fact, a chance to look forward to our future in the light of lessons learned over the past 25 years.
We see great merit in this process of slowing down and taking stock of our successes and failures at appropriate times, and that is, of course, what the United Nations did when it celebrated its fortieth anniversary two years ago, which provided an occasion for us all to reflect on its history and Its future. Ringing reaffirmations of faith in its ideals were given that year, and a searching re-examination of how best to achieve those ideals was begun. It has resulted in a realistic assessment that has set in train a process of reform that we are certain will have far-teaching beneficial effects not only on the actual performance of the United Nations and its Members but also on how the United Nations is perceived by the world community.
The Secretary-General has noted in his annual report that the adoption last year of resolution 41/213 on the review of the efficiency of the administration and financial functioning of the United Nations was a step that could signify a major turning-point for the United Nations. We agree and, while acknowledging the problems and dangers that remain, we are much encouraged. This then we feel is a year for optimism not only as far as practical matters and reforms are concerned but as far as political will and co-operation within the United Nations process are concerned as well. It seems to us that a generally more co-operative and conciliatory mood is permeating the United Nations, and we hope that this is not only an acknowledgement of renewed faith in the United Nations and its goals but also a revival of the spirit of multilateralism and a recognition of our global mutual interdependence.
We see in various situations, which at times may have seemed hopeless, evidence that solutions are possible and in some cases may not be far off.
The Iran-Iraq war - that disastrous conflict between brothers - rages on, but we have seen determination and unanimity in the Security Council in its pursuit of a cease-fire and brave persistence on the part of the Secretary-General in trying to bring an end to this tragedy. These efforts must continue, and whatever measures are deemed necessary must be taken to achieve a cease-fire and to stop the fuelling of the fires of this war by the sale of arms to both sides.
In Afghanistan, while foreign troops still occupy the land, the negotiations to bring about their withdrawal are at an advanced stage, and we are encouraged to hope that a solution will soon emerge ensuring early withdrawal and enabling the refugees to return home and all Afghans to choose freely their government and to participate in the rehabilitation of their war-torn land.
In Kampuchea, while foreign forces also remain and the conflict persists, the Secretary-General states in his report that he has recently detected some signs of movement that he hopes will develop in the right direction, and we are encouraged by this. We note that the Foreign Ministers of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in their meeting in Bangkok on 16 August 1987 have called for a cocktail party" in which the Cambodian factions and Viet Nam can start a dialogue. We applaud ASEAN’s efforts to find a solution to the Kampuchean problem and to promote peace in South-East Asia. We encourage acceptance of the eight-point proposal of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, which calls for national reconciliation leading to a quadripartite government in which all parties would participate and which would be headed by His Royal Highness Prince Sihanouk, who is widely respected.
In Central America, until recently a solution seemed far off; but we see now, with President Arias' ten-point peace plan, the prospect of peace and settlement of problems becoming a more possible reality and we are heartened by the conclusion of the Guatemala accord among the Central American States, an agreement to establish peace in accordance with the principles of sovereignty, common security, non-interference, democracy and development. We must now hope that all parties involved maintain the momentum of the peace process.
On the Korean peninsula, the reduction of tension between the two parts of Korea is the most essential step towards resolving the Korean question and ultimate peaceful unification through dialogue and negotiation. We hope that dialogue will soon be resumed in the interest of peace and security in the region. As a step towards reconciliation and reunification, we support the admission of both the North and South to the United Nations. The principle of universality leads us to support accession for all those countries that wish it and are prepared to abide by the principles of the United Nations Charter. We consider that the Republic of Korea is already an active member of the international community and that it fulfils those requirements. The Republic of Korea's capital city, Seoul, is to host the 1988 Olympic Games. We hope that the spirit of sportsmanship engendered by participation in next year's Olympics in Seoul will help not only to bring all countries of the world together in harmony but, in particular, to create an atmosphere which will be conducive to the improvement of relations between North and South Korea. We extend good wishes for the success of the Olympics.
Though the problems in Lebanon and the Arab-Israeli conflict may seem Intractable, there are glimmers of hope. Faint hopes for a peaceful settlement in Lebanon flicker from time to time but, unfortunately, fade before they come to fruition. Outside Interference in Lebanon must cease, foreign forces must withdraw and Lebanon's sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence must be respected. The United Nations Interim Force must also be respected to enable it to fulfil its mandate and carry out its important peace-keeping mission without harassment. We must give it our full support.
In the Middle East there has been some progress with regard to the idea of convening an international conference under United Nations auspices, and we feel that with the participation and approval of all parties this would be a most positive development. Any solution to the problem must guarantee both the right of Israel to a secure existence within internationally recognized boundaries and the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, indeed, to live in their own territory with the authorities and form of government they choose.
There is one area of the world where there seems little hope at the moment - South Africa. The South African Government's continuance of the abhorrent system apartheid is completely unconscionable, as is the unjustified delay in the transition to independence of Namibia, which South Africa still illegally occupies and exploits. South Africa's extension of the state of emergency and continuous cruel repression and violations of human rights involving even very young children have made it a pariah among nations, as have its attacks on the front-line States. These States need and should be given international assistance and support. The pressure on South Africa must be sustained, and we support the efforts of the United Nations and the Commonwealth in this regard.
One of the most promising rays of hope on the international scene is the proposed summit meeting between the leaders of the United States of America and the Soviet Union, and the agreement between them to work towards the dismantling of intermediate- and short-range missiles. This is the first time in history that there has been a proposal for an agreement that will actually eliminate nuclear weapons, and we see it as a most positive and significant initial step towards the preservation of our planet. We applaud it.
Another important step in this direction has been the report of the Brundtland Commission, entitled "Our Common Future", which in its strong and very forthright exposition stresses the urgency of protecting our resources and our environment. Our survival, and that of the Earth's environment, depend on our paying heed to the urgent ecological concerns that scientists throughout the world are bringing to our attention. The Governing Council of the United Nations Environment Programme has acted most appropriately in submitting to the General Assembly this report and another major report of great significance, "The environmental perspective to the year 2000 and beyond". Countries of the world can no longer ignore the proliferating and worsening threats to our environment, such as the thinning of the ozone layer and the greenhouse effect, desertification, deforestation and the ever increasing pollution and poisoning of the earth, sea and sky by waste and chemicals. Acting under the provisions of the Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer of 1985, Member States have taken a small step by agreeing gradually to phase out chlorofluorocarbons but there is much more to do and it must be done urgently. Our very real concern about the environment is reflected in the recently concluded Convention for the Protection of the Natural Resources and Environment of the South Pacific Region.
In addition to the work on the environmental front, essential work is going on under United Nations auspices in several other fields that urgently affect our chances of survival, and bring us some hope that we might eventually overcome the crisis the world now faces.
The International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, which was held in Vienna in June, under the most able presidency of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mr. Mahathir Mohamed, was an important step forward in attempts to curb this scourge and also a significant example of successful international co-operation. The 35-point programme drawn up by the Conference is a comprehensive battle plan in the war against drugs.
The World Health Organization (WHO) is continuing its efforts to combat disease and poor health conditions throughout the world. The global tragedy of AIDS (acquired immune-deficiency syndrome) and the commendable response to it made by WHO through its special programme on AIDS has highlighted the importance of international health co-operation under United Nations auspices. WHO will take an essential leadership and co-ordinating role in AIDS prevention, control, research, education and public awareness, and in an information campaign.
Although predictions had been gloomy, the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) proved to be a most significant and important meeting. There was a revival of international economic dialogue and a realistic reappraisal of world economic problems. The Final Act, adopted by consensus, demonstrated that the developed and developing countries can listen to one another and work towards constructive multilateral interaction. We are encouraged by the resolve of the stronger economies to take concrete steps to revitalize development, growth and international trade. In this connection, Japan's decision to channel some of its external surplus to developing countries is most welcome. The serious plight of the least developed countries and the breakdown of the development process in them was acknowledged. The Final Act stated :
"There was a consensus on the need for full and expeditious implementation of the SNPA and of the recommendations of the Mid-Term Review as adopted." (Final Act of UNCTAD VII  para; 110)
Samoa gives its full support to this thrust and trusts that the positive mood engendered by the Conference will continue.
The important work being carried out by the United Nations Development Programme in promoting development deserves increasing support. The Programme's input into the development activities of underdeveloped countries is a valuable component of the overall assistance they are given. The United Nations Development Programme must be encouraged to play to the fullest extent the role that it is uniquely placed to play most effectively and efficiently in the delivery of overall development assistance.
Also of importance during the UNCTAD VII Conference was the signature or ratification of the common fund for commodities Agreement by many more countries. These were significant steps towards bringing the fund into operation, and the decision by the Soviet Union to sign it was of particular significance.
South-South co-operation is also most important to the world's future, and the convening of the South Commission, which has begun its work, is a promising sign in this area. It is encouraging that many developing countries support the establishment of this Independent Commission of the South on Development Issues, as it is officially titled, and we feel it could not be under more able chairmanship than that of Mr. Julius Nyerere. We hope all countries of the South will support its work.
The International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, held recently at United Nations Headquarters, focused attention on the priorities of today that have allowed expenditures on armaments to get completely out of proportion to expenditures on development. Given economic and social underdevelopment, and the misery and poverty afflicting more than two thirds of mankind - to say nothing of the homeless, who are the focus of special United Nations attention this year - the extent of spending on military budgets throughout the world is almost beyond belief. However, some promising developments, such as China's programme to reduce its army by a million soldiers, give us reason to hope that change may come and that it may eventually be possible for the world to focus its attention where it should: on the health and welfare of the peoples o£ the world.
Several other areas of disarmament show promise. The success of the Conference on Confidence Building Measures in Stockholm in 1986 was gratifying, as is the progress towards a chemical weapons convention. While we are encouraged by these developments we are alarmed by the continuation of nuclear testing and the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We view the completion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty as of the utmost urgency, and we place great importance on universal acceptance of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
I shall conclude by turning to our own region of the world, and speak in my capacity as current Chairman of the South Pacific Forum.
I wish to raise a matter which the United Nations members of the Forum have brought before this Assembly and which is of deep concern to us all in the region. It is the situation in New Caledonia.
The South Pacific Forum is, as the General Assembly may know, the regional organization of the independent and self-governing peoples of the South Pacific. The Heads of Government of the South Pacific Forum countries meet annually to deal with matters of concern to the region. It was at those meetings that careful consideration of the increasing severity of the problems in New Caledonia led the Heads of Government to their conclusion that United Nations involvement was essential. We therefore sought the re-inscription of New Caledonia on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories. It was also the wish of the Forum to pursue dialogue with France in an attempt to have it resume dialogue with all parties in New Caledonia.
Thus the Forum countries requested the re-inscription of New Caledonia in the firm belief that it would assist the progress of New Caledonia towards the exercise of a legitimate act of self-determination in co-operation with the United Nations. We recognized that the principles of decolonization/ including the inalienable right to self-determination established in the Charter and the Declaration on decolonization  applied to New Caledonia. We recognized also that New Caledonia is a Non-Self-Governing Territory in the terms of the Charter and the Declaration on decolonization. Gratefully aware of the constructive role the United Nations had played in the decolonization of the Pacific/ the members of the Forum felt that the United Nations should be involved in the continuation of that process/ as was right and proper.
Those were our reasons for seeking re-inscription/ and we were gratified to know that the world community/ with valuable support from the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, had taken the same view when resolution 41/41 A received such strong support at the last session of the General Assembly. We are most grateful for that support, which paved the way for the United Nations to play a constructive and proper role in bringing New Caledonia to a genuine act of self-determination in accordance with United Nations practices and principles. We are also pleased at the heightened international interest that this has brought about, which focuses special attention on the plight of New Caledonia's indigenous people.
Since re-inscription, the Special Committee on Decolonization has twice considered New Caledonia. In March, the Committee adopted a decision calling on France to co-operate with the Committee and to transmit information under Article 73 (e) of the Charter. It urged France to prepare the Territory for a free and genuine act of self-determination. Regrettably, French co-operation has not been forthcoming. In August, the Committee adopted a resolution on New Caledonia after a substantive debate. The resolution, inter alia, regretted that Prance had not responded to the call to submit information.

It declares that progress towards a long-term political solution in New Caledonia requires a free and genuine act of self-determination consistent with United Nations principles and practices. The resolution emphasizes that such an act of self-determination, in which all options should be made available, should be preceded by a comprehensive programme of prior political education in which all options are impartially presented and the consequences fully explained. Thus the Committee made clear to France what was required of it by the international community.
The Committee also provided a valuable forum for petitioners to be heard on the subject, especially the representatives of the indigenous people of New Caledonia. Their representatives will be here again when the question is further considered by the General Assembly.
It is clear from what I have said that the French attitude to the United Nations on New Caledonia has been one of consistent non-co-operation. There has been no response to communications from the United Nations on New Caledonia and no information has been transmitted as required under Article 13 e of the Charter.
France has, in fact, not deviated from its unilateral path. It went ahead with its planned exercise - a so-called referendum on the future of New Caledonia - on 13 September. The General Assembly heard the French interpretation of the referendum as provided by the Foreign Minister of France in his statement on 23 September. We in the Forum cannot accept that interpretation. As I have indicated elsewhere, to pretend that the so-called referendum has legitimately determined the political future of New Caledonia is untenable. Given the circumstances, what other result could there have been? Indeed, it was the culmination of sustained efforts by the Government of France over the last several months to produce an outcome favouring continued French rule. In conducting the poll, France paid little or no regard to the established practices and principles of decolonization enshrined in the Charter. The referendum was a unilateral act devoid of any significance in this body.
Why do we consider it unacceptable? The basic fact is that it did not conform to the principles of decolonization. It was not conducted in co-operation with the United Nations; the options offered to the electorate were restricted; there was no political education regarding the options; punitive consequences were implicitly and, on occasion, explicitly, attached to the independence option; the administering Power campaigned hard for its preferred option; the opponents of the referendum were severely restricted in presenting their case; the presence of 8,000 French forces, together with police violence against peaceful demonstrations, were inhibiting factors. It was a hollow and sterile exercise.
It was no wonder that the great majority of the indigenous people did not take part in such a flawed process. In fact, over 80 per cent of Kanaks stayed away from the polls.
The only lesson to be drawn from this poll - and it is one which we must ell deeply regret - is that the basic differences in New Caledonian society remain and have only widened. In our view the referendum resolved nothing, merely aggravating the situation. It is clear that the future of New Caledonia can be assured only by the involvement of those who have long-term residence in and commitment to the Territory. We look to the administering Power to bring about a process of dialogue leading to a free and genuine act of self-determination, consistent with the universally accepted principles and practices of the United Nations.
Member countries of this Organization, so many of whom have achieved their own independence with the support of this body, should not need to be reminded that all peoples have the right to expect the General Assembly to stand by them in their quest for self-determination. New Caledonia must be seen in this wide historical perspective. The principles that must guide the Assembly in this instance are the very ones it has followed in other colonial situations. They are contained in the draft resolution from the Special Committee of 24 the Assembly will consider later this session. The principles are clear and unambiguous. Attempts to side-step them do a disservice to us all. The Forum members will approach discussion of the New Caledonia item later in this session, guided by these principles.
May God guide you in your deliberations.


On behalf of the people and the Government of Ghana, I extend to you. Sir, our warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. Your election is testimony to your high personal qualities and an honour to your country. To your immediate predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, I extend sincere congratulations on the excellent work he did.
A year ago to this day, the United Nations opened on a gloomy note. There was an unjustifiable questioning of confidence by some Member States as the Organization faced a serious financial crisis. However, the Organization has survived the threat to its future as a force for peace and multilateral co-operation.	'
Perhaps nowhere is multilateral co-operation more urgently required than in the solution of the critical economic problems facing Africa, And this was recognized in the adoption last year of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery, and Development.
In spite of the bold and politically risky economic reform programmes adopted by African countries prior to and in response to the Programme, there is little evidence yet that our developed partners are responding with the necessary resource flows crucial to the success of the Programme. The Secretary-General of the United Nations himself had occasion during the recent Economic and Social Council session to express concern about the inadequate support the international community has given to Africa's efforts.
External factors that exacerbate the African economic situation remain unaddressed. The prices of primary commodities on which many African countries depend for their foreign exchange earnings have fallen to their lowest level. The anticipated growth in world trade has not occurred largely because appropriate policy measures to stimulate demand have not been pursued. Africa's efforts to expand the export sector through price incentives and the rehabilitation of infrastructure have been counter-productive because the increased volume of primary commodity exports has created an oversupply and exerted downward pressure on prices. Yet some powerful industrialized countries refuse to join multilateral schemes for stabilizing prices and earnings of developing countries from primary commodities.
In this context we welcome the decision of the Soviet Union to sign and ratify the Common Fund Agreement within the framework of the Integrated Programme for commodities. We urge all countries that have not yet signed the Agreement, particularly the leading industrial countries, to overcome their initial reticence and join the Fund.
If the current steady decline in primary commodity prices is halted, it will go a long way to redressing the deteriorating terms of trade between the developing countries and the developed countries. Losses suffered by the developing countries, including sub-Saharan African countries, from adverse terms of trade in 1986 alone amounted to $94 billion. This represents effective transfer of resources from poor countries to the rich industrialized countries} it is unconscionable and indefensible.
That there are severe constraints imposed on the development efforts of African countries by external indebtedness is recognized by all. The debt-service burden is severely hampering the ability of Africa to pursue growth-oriented adjustment policies. Figures supplied by the United nations system indicate that Africa's debt stood at $2U0 billion in 1986, while debt-service payments actually made by Africa between 1983 and 1985 averaged Í6.4 billion annually, representing about 44 per cent of gross domestic product and almost 200 per cent of their export earnings. There are some countries with critical debt-servicing ratios of about 100 per cent of export earnings and above. For the next three-year period, debt-service payment per annum is expected to increase to $11.5 billion.
This huge transfer of resources from the most impoverished continent has been at a great cost to socio-economic development. Investment and import programmes have had to be curtailed drastically. No statistics can aptly describe the misery and deprivation that have been caused. Relief must therefore be swift and adequate.
However, the strategy pursued by the donor community and the international financial institutions has primarily been geared towards averting any serious disruption in the financial system rather than alleviating the debt burden. In this connection we recall the consensus resolution adopted by the General Assembly last year on the sort of elements that must go into any strategy for a durable solution of the debt problem.
That resolution rightly recognized the vulnerable position of Africa. The international community, pursuant to the provisions of that resolution, pledged to take additional measures to alleviate the continent's onerous debt-service burden. We wish to express our gratitude to Canada, Sweden, the United Kingdom and other countries which have converted some African debts into grants. We also note with appreciation the initiatives of the Interim Committee of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Paris Club to get the creditor countries and institutions to grant significant debt relief. For a meaningful impact, we strongly urge greater debt-relief measures, including the spread of repayment over longer periods than the 20 years being suggested. We appreciate that national legislative and administrative procedures for granting debt relief have to be observed. But in view of the urgency of the need, we urge the international community to expedite action.
At the same time that this huge transfer of resources from developing to developed countries is taking place, the flow of resources and development finance to the developing countries has declined or stagnated. Private lending has dwindled to a trickle compared to the levels attained a few years ago. Only a few developed countries have attained the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product in development assistance to developing countries.
The theme for the recently ended seventh meeting of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VII), that is, revitalizing development, growth and international trade in a more predictable and supportive environment, through multilateral co-operation, could not have been more appropriate. It focuses on the main areas where new policy initiatives are required. In my delegation's view, UNCTAD provides a unique forum for building international consensus on the interrelated issues of money, finance, trade, resource flows and development.
Ghana wishes to emphasize today, as we did last year, that in an increasingly interdependent world, the rest of humanity will not remain for long insulated from Africa's misfortunes. We therefore renew, once again, our appeal to all to translate the international gestures of solidarity demonstrated at the special session of the General Assembly on Africa into practical support. I now turn to the political scene. Deserving of particular attention is South Africa's continued destabilization of the front-line States of Angola# Mozambique, Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe, in utter disregard of the principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. This is intended to terrorize those countries into denying support for the liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia and to increase the racist regime's dominance of the sub region.
No display of brutal force by the apartheid regime will solve South Africa's mounting domestic problems, the solution of which lies in the adoption of meaningful steps totally to eradicate the apartheid system. The necessary steps include the release of Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners and the initiation of meaningful talks with the legitimate black leadership, with a view to sharing power democratically. The recent encounter in Dakar between a number of anti-apartheid South Africans, mainly white Afrikaners, and the African National Congress and their subsequent visit to some West African capitals, including my own, shows the way to a better future for South Africa.
While the system of apartheid persists, the overwhelming majority of the international community supports the isolation of South Africa - economically, politically and socially - as a way of inducing change. We continue to believe that sanctions will hasten the demise of apartheid if the international community exerts co-ordinated and mandatory international pressure on the racist regime, as is possible under Chapter VII of the Charter. The choice has been made, because it is the only peaceful method left if that country is to avoid a major disaster. We appeal to those countries whose economic and other interests make them refuse to follow the rest of humanity to reappraise their positions.
The unsettled Question of Namibia's independence continues to pose a serious challenge to the international community, it is unacceptable that South Africa continues to occupy Namibia well over two decades after the United Nations declared its presence in that Territory illegal. This fact in itself seriously undermines the credibility of our Organization, a situation which we should all work to correct. For this reason, the failure of the Security Council to send a collective and unambiguous signal to the South African authorities after its debate of 6 to 9 April on the Namibian independence Question is a matter of deep regret. The negative votes cast by two permanent members of the Council and the several abstentions only served to strengthen South Africa in its continued stubbornness and refusal to co-operate in the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978 ).
It is even more regrettable for a permanent member of the Security Council to continue to link Namibian independence to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. The Namibian independence Question is a decolonisation issue and therefore cannot be linked with a domestic affair of an independent country. Ghana maintains that the people and Government of Angola have the legitimate right to make whatever practical arrangements they think fit for the defence of their country, particularly arrangements necessitated by South Africa's repeated acts of aggression and interference in Angola's domestic affairs. We therefore totally reject the linkage theory and reiterate Ghana's support for the conclusions of the 1986 special session of the General Assembly on Namibia, particularly the call for the isolation of South Africa economically and politically and the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
There are other areas of tension in Africa which deserve close attention, but let me single out Western Sahara and Chad. It is regrettable that, in spite of the decisions taken by the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity (OAO) and the Non-Aligned Movement and the 1975 World Court opinion upholding the primacy of the right to self-determination of the people of Western Sahara, Morocco continues to hold on to the Territory. Ghana reiterates its support for the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic and for the right of the Republic to sovereign existence. We again call upon Morocco to enter into negotiations with the POLISARIO Front, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations, to resolve this matter.
On the conflict between Chad and Libya, Ghana wonders whether Chad's interest is best served by raising the matter here in provocative terminology that sets the tone for acrimony. It is as though Chad is repudiating the strategy of the OAU Heads of State or Government, which is aimed at avoiding escalation of the conflict through acrimonious debates, in favour of recourse to quiet diplomacy and mediation for the settlement of the dispute. We do not believe that the interests of Africa and the dignity and integrity of the OAU will be advanced by creating the opportunity for mischief by those whose interest lies in fanning conflict for their own national interests, unrelated to the Chadian or Libyan interest in preserving their sovereignty and territorial integrity-
Ghana emphasizes the need for the application of peaceful methods in the resolution of the question of sovereignty over the Aozou strip. This is a question that lends itself to adjudication by the World Court, and Ghana would urge Chad a 3 Libya to follow that course if the mediation efforts of the OAU prove ineffective There is a need for the conflict between Chad and Libya to be brought to an end. We must recognize that a situation of this nature gives Imperialist forces the opportunity to divide and weaken Africa and to subvert the course of the African revolution, of which Libya is a strong pillar of support.
In the Middle East the cycle of violence has continued unabated, particularly in Lebanon. Ghana has over the years been involved in United Nations efforts to help the Government of Lebanon to restore normality to the area. It is our hope that the Government of Lebanon will be successful in this uphill task. Meanwhile, we appeal to all the factions and countries involved to assist in bringing peace to Lebanon.
The situation in Lebanon is basically a reflection of the continuing problem of a homeland for the Palestinians. Peace in the Middle East will continue to elude us for as long as justice is denied the Palestinian people. Their aspirations can never be suppressed by force of arms. It is our view that all parties, including the Palestinians, under Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) leadership, should participate in an international conference called for the purpose of settling the Middle East problem. We call once again upon Israel and its supporters to listen to reason.
Ghana is concerned about the continued stalemate in the Cyprus situation and pledges its support for the Secretary-General's efforts to resolve the conflict. We believe in a unified and independent Cyprus, free from external interference, and the resolution of inter-communal conflict through peaceful dialogue.
I now turn to the regrettable war between Iran and Iraq. This war, which was occasioned by serious political and strategic miscalculations, is causing enormous human and material losses and has involved the use of chemical weapons and attacks on merchant shipping, in flagrant violation of international law.
Security Council resolution 598 (1987), unanimously adopted last July, may not have met all the concerns of the parties, but it provides a basis for continuing the search for peace. We appeal to both sides to give the provisions of the resolution a trial. We also urge all Member States, particularly the major Powers, to refrain from provocation and the threat of aggression, which would aggravate tension in the area.
The situation in Central America, particularly the attempt to subvert the Nicaraguan revolution, continues to cause concern to the Government of Ghana. One would have thought that a region afflicted with serious economic problems would be left free to pursue development and the welfare of its people. Regrettably, the region has had to ward off constant interference in its affairs in a manner that leads one to ask whether the principles enunciated in the Charter, particularly those relating to non-interference in the internal affairs of States, have lost their meaning.
Again, in a constructive spirit, we say to our American friends that financial logistical support for the rebels, popularly referred to as contras, is ill-advised. That action, taken together with the covert assistance being channelled to the Savimbi bandits, poses a serious threat to the independence and territorial integrity of the countries of the third world. It is a new dimension in the attempt to undermine the right of the peoples of the third world to self-determination. Happily, there is hope that the countries of Central America are waking up to the need to take their destiny into their own hands and to avoid manipulation by external forces.
Ghana endorses the Guatemala agreement as the most enlightened development of late, we appeal to all parties to enter into serious dialogue within the framework of that agreement to establish peace.
Ghana's attachment to the principle of self-determination compels us to maintain an objective stance on the conflicts in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. We note with satisfaction that the ongoing mediation efforts by the Secretary-General's representative have resulted in a considerable narrowing of positions on the timing of the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. It is our hope that the current momentum will not be lost and that intensive efforts will continue to arrive at an acceptable timetable. We also hope that the call for reconciliation announced by the Afghan authorities to encourage the return of refugees, to participate in the reconstruction of their country will be taken up by the opposition and that the supplying of weapons to the rebels will accordingly cease. Similar developments in Kampuchea would augur well for peace in that country, we appeal again to the parties involved in these conflicts to resort to the peaceful settlement of disputes.
The same attachment to the principle of self-determination compels Ghana to denounce the recent plebiscite held by the Government of France in New Caledonia. The result cannot be regarded as truly representative of the wishes of the people· The regrettable events that preceded the plebiscite, the refusal by France to involve the United Nations in the event, the outright condemnation of the process by neighbouring countries, the alleged participation of residents whose commitment to permanent domicile in the Territory is questionable and, above all, the non-participation of the indigenous Melanesian population raise serious questions about the legitimacy of the outcome. We urge the Government of Prance to appreciate the fact that a peaceful solution, perceived by the international community as reflecting the wishes of the people of the Territory, is possible only within the framework of the United Nations and in accordance with the established guidelines and practices of the Organization·
We also believe that the problem of Korea should no longer be considered a peripheral issue· It is a problem that should be resolved through peaceful dialogue by the Koreans themselves, without outside interference· We are happy to note that some encouraging steps have been taken in this direction and we hope the two Koreas will adopt a flexible attitude to ensure the reunification of their motherland.
I turn to arms control and disarmament, which are more topical than ever as a result of the conclusions just reached by the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development. Expenditures on the acquisition of arms have reached staggering levels. The spectre of nuclear annihilation hangs over our heads. The enormous resources now devoted to arms production could be used to narrow the gap between the affluent and the poor. The Final Document adopted a fortnight ago, shows us the way and therefore deserves the support of all nations.
In this regard, it is gratifying to note that an agreement between the United States and the USSR on the elimination of shorter- and medium-range nuclear missiles is within reach and that progress on other fronts seems likely. This is a great leap forward on the road to the achievement of one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations - that is, a world without war.
The fiscal problems of the United Nations remain unresolved. This is surprising in view of the assurances given by several delegations following the unanimous adoption of a series of recommendations for administrative and financial reform of the Organization on the basis of the report of the Group of 18. That unanimous resolution was the result of intensive negotiations. It is even more regrettable since even before the adoption of the resolution the Secretary-General put into effect a package of measures to confirm his commitment to reform.
As we stated last year, the financial problems of the United Nations are politically motivated and directed at the weakening of multilateral co-operation, merely because some Member States are unable to manipulate the Organization in their own ideological interests. We appeal to those who for one reason or another are still withholding funds from the Organization to reappraise their positions. The United Nations - and, indeed, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and all the other affiliates of the Organization for that matter - does not claim perfection. But the answer, in our view, is to seek reform of these agencies, not to undermine their existence. We once again call upon all Member States, especially the founding and influential Members of the United Nations, to respect their pledges to uphold the principles of the Charter.
In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm my Government's commitment to the United Nations system and its ideals. We in Ghana continue to view the United Nations a unique experiment in human co-operation. We must secure its future.