It gives me great pleasure to join in the heartfelt congratulations extended to Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. I would also like to express my appreciation to Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces for her excellent work as President of the Assembly at its seventy-third session.
For nearly 75 years the United Nations has been a universal platform for discussing and resolving urgent issues of the day. However, the world we live in is changing rapidly. The current unstable situation, in a context of growing geopolitical and economic competition as well as increasing numbers of global threats and challenges, demands that we act effectively and consistently. We believe it is essential to marshal all the tools at the Organization’s disposal and to improve our joint efforts. We must also strengthen our commitment to maintaining the rules-based order, with an effectively functioning United Nations at its centre. In that regard, Tajikistan supports the Secretary-General’s efforts to promote comprehensive reform of the Organization, aimed at strengthening and enhancing its capacity to counter today’s challenges and threats in a timely and effective manner.
Terrorism and extremism, together with transnational organized crime and illicit drug trafficking, undermine international peace and security, aggravate conflicts and destabilize entire regions. They hinder our efforts to advance and protect human rights and promote sustainable development. Today Tajikistan is doing its utmost to help to combat terrorism and extremism, transnational organized crime and illicit drug trafficking. Given our years of experience in peacebuilding and in preventing and countering terrorism, as well as combating illicit drug trafficking, in May in Dushanbe we held a high-level conference on international and regional cooperation on countering terrorism and its financing through illicit drug trafficking and organized crime. The Dushanbe conference was the first in a series of regional initiatives within the framework of the follow-up process to the High-level Conference of Heads of Counter-Terrorism Agencies of Member States convened by the Secretary-General on 28 and 29 June 2018 in New York. We are confident that the Dushanbe conference will serve as an important platform for comprehensive dialogue and the exchange of best practices and experiences among all interested parties.
Issues related to combating terrorism and extremism were also discussed at the fifth Summit of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia, held in Dushanbe on 15 June. As the current Chair of the Conference, we believe it important to advance our countries’ efforts to promote peace, stability and security in Asia, which should focus on dismantling the military infrastructure of international terrorism, denying it political, military and financial support and preventing the misuse of the Internet for radicalization, recruitment and propagandizing for extremism and violence.
Illicit drug trafficking is one of the primary sources of terrorism financing. As my country is on the front lines of the battle against that evil, we have done a great deal to address it since becoming independent. At the direction of President Emomali Rahmon of Tajikistan, our national drug enforcement agency was established in 1999 with the support of the United Nations. In 2013 we adopted a national counter-narcotics strategy for the period from 2013 to 2020. In what we see as an important and timely initiative, President Rahmon has proposed establishing, with the support of the United Nations, a special group that would include representatives of law-enforcement agencies from the countries of the so-called Northern Route, with the participation of experts researching issues related to illicit drug trafficking. We hope that Member States will support that initiative.
Security and stability in Central Asia are closely linked to developments in Afghanistan. Tajikistan’s border with Afghanistan is the longest of any country, and since the first days of our independence we have therefore worked consistently to promote lasting peace and stability in our neighbour. We are also making a practical contribution to Afghanistan’s social and economic development by connecting our two countries’ transport corridors through an energy bridge, the Central Asia-South Asia Electricity Transmission and Trade Project, which provides the Afghan people with electricity and essential commodities, as well as by training specialists. One of the important areas in that regard is involving Afghanistan in the process of multilateral regional cooperation and the creation of conditions that will help to fulfil the transit potential of the country and the region. Tajikistan fully supports the efforts of the Afghanistan authorities to establish a peaceful negotiation process.
This is a very important year for taking stock of the results of the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The four-year cycle of the High-level Political forum on Sustainable Development has been successfully completed. We have plenty of room for enhancing our efforts to implement the 2030 Agenda over the next 11 years, since the current pace of progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is insufficient, despite significant efforts. In that regard, we support the call of the Secretary-General to act urgently and with purpose in order to successfully implement the 2030 Agenda in a timely manner. We have adopted a national development strategy for the period up to 2030 and a medium-term development plan from 2016 to 2020, both of which fully align with the 2030 Agenda and are key tools for ensuring national ownership of the SDGs in Tajikistan. However, we are also dealing with an array of new issues and problems, first and foremost of which, in our view, is climate change, which seriously affects the process of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and their targets.
Over the past 60 years, the average annual air temperature in Tajikistan has increased by 1°C. The number of days with heavy precipitation has increased, as have the frequency and intensity of natural hydro-meteorological events. Water-related natural disasters alone cost our economy hundreds of millions of dollars in damage every year. Natural disasters often claim human lives. The negative impact of climate change on the quantity and quality of the world’s freshwater resources is also becoming increasingly evident. In the past few decades Tajikistan has seen the surface area of its glaciers, which are vitally important to the whole of Central Asia, shrink significantly. In that regard, we believe it is essential to strengthen cooperation among countries in order to address the consequences of natural disasters by developing preventive measures and establishing funds to assist countries in need. It is also essential to enhance the monitoring of glaciers, snow and other water sources and take effective steps to protect them for future generations.
We consider it vital to promote development of a green economy in every way, and particularly green energy, which is a crucial component of sustainable development. Expanding the use of renewable energy, principally hydroelectricity, contributes to Tajikistan’s economic and social development while keeping harmful emissions into the atmosphere as low as possible. Hydropower plants, which generate about 98 per cent of our electricity, form the basis of the country’s energy sector. The Government has been taking comprehensive measures to balance energy production and consumption by modernizing and upgrading our existing hydropower stations, building new ones and introducing modern energy-conservation methods.
Tajikistan is a leader in promoting water issues at the global level. It is well known that in the past few decades, at the initiative of President Rahmon four important global initiatives were endorsed by the General Assembly. In the course of their promotion and implementation, the initiatives received broad support from Member States, international and regional organizations, financial institutions, prominent members of the science and business communities and representatives of civil society. In 2018, we began implementing our fourth global initiative, the International Decade for Action “Water for Sustainable Development” 2018-2028. Resolution 71/222, on this issue, outlines the modalities of the midterm comprehensive review of the Decade’s implementation and envisages two important global events. For the first time since the first United Nations Water Conference was held in Mar del Plata, Argentina, more than 40 years ago, a United Nations conference on the midterm comprehensive review of the implementation of the objectives of the International Decade for Action “Water for Sustainable Development” will be held in New York in March 2023. In 2021, there will be a one-day high-level meeting of the General Assembly to promote the implementation of the water-related goals and targets of the 2030 Agenda.
In that connection, the Republic of Tajikistan, as part of the Dushanbe process, will hold the second conference on the implementation of the International Decade of Action, entitled “Galvanizing water-related actions and partnerships at the local, national, regional and global levels”, in Dushanbe in June 2020. We sincerely hope that Member States will once again support us and take an active part in our upcoming conference in Dushanbe. We believe firmly that developing water cooperation and partnerships will help to ensure the timely adoption of measures needed to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals.
In conclusion, I would like to note that today, against a background of emerging problems on a global scale, we must make tremendous efforts to achieve the goals we have set in a timely way. Of those, the most urgent are the threats of global terrorism, climate change, environmental degradation, acute shortages of resources and the growing gap between poor and rich countries and population groups. The United Nations remains the only universal organization capable of coordinating and uniting the efforts of the entire international community to resolve these problems currently facing humankind.


The Government and the people of Solomon Islands join me in congratulating Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. His wealth of experience will serve the United Nations well as he leads us through the Assembly’s agenda, and I want to assure him of the support and cooperation of Solomon Islands during his time in office. I also wish to express my gratitude to his predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces, for her sterling leadership and stewardship over the past year, and to wish her every success in her future endeavours.
If there was ever a time where the work of the United Nations needed to be enhanced, it is now. The many challenges we face require collective efforts and solidarity for progressive action moving forward. Our aspirations for achieving peace and well- being and living in dignity depend on the strength of multilateralism. The theme of this session of the General Assembly, “Galvanizing multilateral efforts for poverty eradication, quality education, climate action and inclusion”, is therefore both fitting and timely.
As we prepare to commemorate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the creation of our Organization, let us use a reinvigorated United Nations to provide the platform on which we, the leaders, can confront the many challenges and issues that we face today and will face long into future. That requires collective action. We must not allow the United Nations to be undermined by the unilateral actions of a few. The United Nations was set up for all. It provides a platform for global discussions. It unites and promotes our common strengths in addressing the complex challenges facing our countries.
Over the past 41 years, our relationship with the United Nations has been managed externally from the United Nations Development Programme’s Pacific Office in Fiji. We reiterate our call for the United Nations to end its business-as-usual approach and build a stronger country presence in Solomon Islands. We do not accept the outcome of the assessment of the Multi-country Office, which recommended retaining the current arrangement. Solomon Islands is a post-conflict country. Its population is estimated to surpass that of Fiji by the early 2030s. It deserves to have its own country office.
Climate change and natural disasters are affecting all our countries. Our oceans are warming. Sea levels are rising. Extreme weather events, such as tropical cyclones, hurricanes, flooding, drought and king tides, are becoming more intense, inflicting more damage and destruction on communities and ecosystems. They put people’s lives at risk. In this regard, my Government expresses its sincere condolences to the Government and the people of the Bahamas for the recent destruction caused by and the lives lost in Hurricane Dorian. We are steadfast in our support for and solidarity with the Government and the people of the Bahamas as they embark on the long recovery process ahead.
The Pacific island countries and the Caribbean island countries are and always will be at the forefront of the climatic events generated through the changing global climate systems. The Secretary-General’s visit to the Pacific earlier this year highlighted the gravity of climate change for small island States. In the 75 years of the history of the United Nations, His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres is only the second Secretary-General to visit the Pacific islands. His visit demonstrates his personal commitment to better understanding the plight of the peoples of the Pacific in their struggle against climate change. It helped him see and understand that climate change is a matter of life and death for the peoples of the Pacific.
The impact of climate change is well documented. However, it is important to remind the General Assembly of a few key points. By 2030, it is estimated that 90 per cent of our coral reefs will be bleached, threatening the food security, fisheries and livelihoods of our people. There will be more frequent severe weather events leading to the destruction of property and the loss of life. The economic costs resulting from severe weather events in smaller island States are beyond the capacity of each individual country to address or respond.
It is also important to reflect on the impact of climate change to date. Solomon Islands is experiencing an impact of climate change that is three times the global average. The pace of sea-level rise means that we are continuing to lose islands. The ongoing resettlement of internally displaced populations is now a new normal. We remain in an endless state of recovery from slow-onset events; this is particularly the case with populations living on low-lying islands.
Considering those events, my Government wants to once again convey its sincere appreciation to the Secretary-General for gracing our region with his visit, which showed us that he cares. There is no room for cynicism or complacency. We need urgent and collective climate action. The Kainaki II Declaration for Urgent Climate Change Action Now, issued by leaders at the Pacific Islands Forum held in Tuvalu last month, reaffirmed climate change as the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and well-being of our peoples.
We commend the Secretary-General’s Climate Action Summit, convened this week. However, we are disappointed by the lack of political will on the part of those with the means of implementation to present more ambitious commitments that would put us on a pathway below 1.5°C. In the current circumstances, we are heading towards a 3°C world. The science is clear and non-negotiable, and we must ensure that our policies and actions are guided by it.
Solomon Islands has embarked on an exciting journey to further reduce its carbon footprint. In 2024, we will commission our first 15-megawatt hydropower project, which will reduce fossil-fuel consumption by 70 per cent, the equivalent of 50,600 tons of carbon-dioxide greenhouse-gas emissions. This is more than twice our commitment under the nationally determined contributions we have submitted. We continue to call for international partnership to help us meet our conditional emission-reduction targets of 45 per cent by 2030 and 50 per cent by 2050.
We rely on our oceans for our livelihoods. Much of our economy is linked to our oceans, including tourism, fisheries and transportation. Our oceans are an essential part of our culture, gastronomy and leisure. Our identity as islanders is inextricably linked to the ocean. It defines who we are. As an ocean State, we are committed to strengthening the management, use and conservation of our oceans, including the high seas.
It is no secret that our ocean is the last remaining rich fishing ground in the world. Our region supplies more than 60 per cent of the world’s tuna. It is our shared responsibility and in our collective interest to have a healthy ocean with a healthy tuna stock to ensure that we have sustained supplies of tuna for current and future generations.
Our regional institutions, the Pacific Islands Forum Fisheries Agency, which is located in our capital city, and the secretariat of the Pacific Community, continue to assist our island countries in managing the tuna resources of our member States, worth over $3 billion annually. This annual catch generates $535 million for the region and contributes more than $400 million to the region’s gross domestic product. Despite these facts, it is the distant-water fishing nations that still obtain the largest benefits from the tuna industry. Solomon Islands’ tuna catch in our waters last year amounted to 124,724 tons. Some 24,000 tons are processed for consumption by our local company, SolTuna Limited. The export of processed tuna generated an average annual export value of $59 million and provides 2,000 jobs.
Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing is undermining our tuna-management system. We have put in place mechanisms, including the Niue Treaty on Cooperation in Fisheries Surveillance and Law Enforcement in the South Pacific Region and the Vessel Day Scheme, as a deterrence-management system. IUU fishing in the Western and Central Pacific region has an estimated value of $600 million, with an estimated direct economic loss of around $150 million for island countries. We call on distant-water fishing nations to eliminate IUU fishing and to ensure that ocean States receive the full benefits from the resources within their jurisdiction.
The Pacific small island developing States are in one of the largest oceans in the world, with an estimated total area of more than 36 million square kilometres. The Solomon Islands exclusive economic zone amounts to 1.4 million square kilometres of sea, compared to a land area of 28,466 square kilometres.
Solomon Islands has developed a national ocean policy to manage all issues relating to the oceans. I am pleased to note that our tripartite joint submission for an extended continental shelf, the Ontong Java Plateau, prepared by Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea and the Federated States of Micronesia, was successful, and we thank the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf for its consideration of our joint submission.
A future instrument on biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction is currently being negotiated. We anticipate a fair, equitable and inclusive outcome that addresses our specific needs to support us in the implementation of our obligations and rights under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We hope to incorporate traditional-knowledge systems that complement science in the new instrument. My Government is committed to working with others towards concluding the negotiations on biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction by 2020.
The United Nations was born out of the ashes of the Second World War. The Charter of the United Nations compels us to uphold peaceful coexistence among, within and between nations through the use of intensive, sustained and inclusive dialogue to resolve our differences and conflicts. Peace is not just the absence of war. It means the absence of hunger, too, and access to the basic necessities of life, so that we can all live our lives to the full. Access to finance, particularly for the most marginalized and vulnerable, is one of the basic necessities of modern-day life. These basic rights remain a challenge in my country, with a narrow economic base and an increasingly large youth bulge that creates 18,000 new job seekers every year, competing for employment in a market that can provide only 3,000 new jobs each year. Job security is key to long-term peace and security in a post-conflict country such as Solomon Islands
While facing its own challenges, Solomon Islands is proud to have contributed 12 police officers to the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur, in the Sudan, and we stand ready to deploy more officers for peacekeeping duties in other United Nations missions. As a beneficiary of the Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands over the past 14 years, we know what it means to reciprocate the type of assistance from which our people have benefited. I must also note my country’s deep gratitude to the Peacebuilding Commission and the Peacebuilding Fund for their continued support to our people. Three of our provincial Governments have received programme, policy and budget support from the Commission.
With regard to Security Council reform, we would like to see the Council become more representative, relevant and effective, in keeping with today’s realities. In this regard, we call for a non-permanent seat on the Council expressly for small island developing States.
Solomon Islands reaffirms its ongoing commitment to maintaining a nuclear-free Pacific through the Treaty of Rarotonga. We reiterate our call for the total elimination of nuclear weapons by all nuclear-weapon States, including those continuing to possess all forms of weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, we would also like to see a world free of weapons of mass destruction. Solomon Islands will spare no effort in seeking the full implementation of all the relevant Security Council resolutions.
The World Summit for Social Development identified poverty eradication as amoral, ethical, social, political and economic imperative for humankind. We support the call for Governments to address the root causes of poverty, provide for the basic needs of all and ensure that the poor have access to productive resources, including credit, education and training.
Responding to the need for support for financing for rural development, in 2018 my Government passed an act re-establishing the Development Bank of Solomon Islands, which will facilitate the economic and social development of Solomon Islands within our national development strategy. The emphasis will be on Solomon Islanders’ participation in economic development, as well as the stimulation of industrial activities.
Beginning in August, my Government doubled the basic minimum wage in the country in order to increase the ability of workers to cope with the high cost of food, electricity, rent, transport and school fees. We will also review our personal tax-exemption threshold for workers.
Attention is being paid to how the most vulnerable can benefit from rapid technological developments and interconnectivity. Our undersea cable, which will link Honiara to Sydney, is a critical transformative infrastructure that will bring the Government closer to its people. The submarine cable will be commissioned and go live in December, and I thank the Government of Australia, the main financing partner of this transformative project.
The Solomon Islands Government has embarked on an ambitious and transformative infrastructure development agenda for a national transport core, which aims to connect all 50 constituencies in our 10 provinces and the totality of our population within 15 years. The first phase of this transformative infrastructure programme, which involves building roads, bridges, ports and airports, as well as procuring well-designed ferries, aims to connect 37 constituencies and 75 per cent of our population in the first 10 years. The Government is also exploring other innovative modes of revenue and partnerships as we look to transform our country’s development.
Solomon Islands is scheduled to graduate from the least-developed-country category in December 2024, after meeting two of the three criteria for graduation. While accepting that we need to graduate, I must emphasize that we did not pass the vulnerability criterion, which should have been the most important of the three. As the several superstorms that have recently hit small islands States attest, the gains made by a State can be reversed in a matter of hours. We look forward to further discussing those matters during the visit of United Nations agencies in mid-October to assist us in developing a practical and smooth transition strategy.
Solomon Islands subscribes to the Istanbul Programme of Action, the Small Island Developing States Accelerated Modalities of Action and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). I am happy to state that the goals, targets and indicators in those three global mechanisms have been mainstreamed into our 2016-2035 national development strategy. Incorporating all three global frameworks into our development strategy will ensure that we will not only achieve the targets set forth in it, it will also fulfil the national vision underpinning the strategy, entitled “Improving the Social and Economic Livelihoods of all Solomon Islanders”. Solomon Islands will present its voluntary national review of the SDGs in July 2020.
Solomon Islands has the fastest population growth rate in the Pacific, with 50 children — two full classrooms — being born every day. By 2050, it is projected that almost 80 children will be born in our country every day, the equivalent of three new classrooms every day, or a new combined primary and high school every week. We are reforming our education system to accommodate this added pressure, with an increased focus on technical, vocational and life-skills education.
We are also creating an inventory of all youth in the country, with a view to having a pool of young people ready for employment opportunities inside and outside their country, as well as for further training opportunities. I acknowledge with appreciation the tremendous support provided by Australia and New Zealand for employment opportunities for young Solomon Islanders in their respective countries.
While accepting that climate change is the most important challenge facing all countries, and especially Pacific Island countries, I must also express my Government’s concern that the single largest killer of our people today in virtually all our countries is non-communicable diseases (NCDs). I am also concerned about the fact that not nearly as much attention is accorded to halting or reversing the NCD epidemic. In Solomon Islands, seven of every 10 deaths are due to NCDs. In some other Pacific countries, it is as high as eight of 10 deaths. Malaria adds to the challenge.
I am happy to inform the Assembly that my Government has developed and is implementing a road map to eliminate malaria by 2030. We are also developing a road map to halt and reverse the NCD epidemic in Solomon Islands. For some forms of NCDs we are also exploring alternative modalities of treatment, particularly plant-based pharmaceuticals that are affordable and can be produced domestically. Solomon Islands is working with Cuba to explore further opportunities in this area. However, my key message to the Assembly is that hundreds of thousands of people are dying every day due to NCDs and diseases such as malaria. We must therefore step up the fight with urgency and reverse the NCD epidemic.
With regard to human rights, Solomon Islands is preparing its third Universal Periodic Review and will ratify the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities during the current session.
With respect to the issue of West Papua, Solomon Islands aligns itself with the position of the Pacific Islands Forum. We reaffirm Indonesia’s sovereignty over Papua. However, we remain concerned about the escalation of violence and the continued allegations of human rights abuses reported in West Papua. We welcome Indonesia’s invitation to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit and conduct an independent assessment of human rights in West Papua. We encourage both parties to agree quickly on a date for such a visit to ensure that the outcome is reached as soon as possible.
Solomon Islands thanks Cuba for the training it has offered our medical students, with more than 80 medical doctors from Solomon Islands having graduated from Cuban medical schools. We note that the 59-year economic embargo imposed on Cuba remains in place. Solomon Islands calls for the lifting of this embargo. We encourage the restoration of good relations between Cuba and the United States in the name of peace and in line with the spirit, purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
My country has made a commitment to hosting the 2023 Pacific Games, which will bring together all 24 countries and territories of the Pacific. I am pleased to note the support we are receiving from traditional and non-traditional development partners in preparing our country for the Games, and I especially want to acknowledge our immediate neighbours, Papua New Guinea and Indonesia. We are also reaching out to other partners who we hope will respond positively to our 2023 Games proposals.
I also want to announce to the Assembly that Solomon Islands has begun reviewing its foreign policy. In so doing, we have recognized the One China policy, in accordance with resolution 2758 (XXVI), and have formalized our relations with the People’s Republic of China. We are broadening our engagements with all countries in keeping with our policy of “friends to all, enemies to none”.
In conclusion, returning to the theme of the seventy-fourth session of the General Assembly, “Galvanizing multilateral efforts for poverty eradication, quality education, climate action and inclusion”, Solomon Islands sees value in it and believes that we can achieve many things through strategic partnerships and meaningful multilateral and bilateral engagements among and between countries. I commend the Secretary-General for this theme. It has provided a basis for self-reflection for many countries.
In the Pacific context, our ocean is our single largest shared resource and one where meaningful multilateral and bilateral efforts can unlock untold development opportunities. Protecting our oceans is protecting our future.
The United Nations negotiations on climate change must be concluded without delay. We must go from rhetoric to real progress to ensure that our children and future generations are able to live their lives to the full.
The NCD crisis must be halted and reversed. The NCD epidemic could undermine the future of some countries. In my view, this challenge is more urgent right now than climate change.
As the great French writer Victor Hugo said, “Nothing is as powerful as an idea whose time has come.” I submit that the twin fights against climate change and NCDs are ideas whose time has come. Let us do that now and be on the right side of history.


The seventy-fourth session of the General Assembly, as has been noted by most speakers from this rostrum, is being held amid an international context that is alarming in terms of peace, security and the protection of human rights. A number of developments are unfolding around the world before our very eyes: ill-founded ideologies that oppose humanism are emerging; intolerance is rising and people are increasingly espousing nationalist sentiments; sectarianism is intensifying and hate speech is becoming normalized; fanaticism and proselytism of all kinds are sweeping across the globe; national irredentism is resurging, and the arms race — a dismal part of our collective memory — is starting up again.
Those situations sometimes carry the real risk of armed confrontation between States. They give rise to legitimate fears and contribute to our naturally understandable uncertainties about the future of the world. We the peoples of the United Nations, represented here, can no longer continue to hide those fears and uncertainties. We the peoples of the United Nations, meeting here and deliberating honourably in this prestigious body, cannot countenance the seemingly methodical dismantling of the multilateralism upon which our fathers and grandfathers patiently built the post-war world — the same multilateralism upon which our hope now rests that one day humankind will become less selfish and more brotherly.
Moving with the tides of history enables us to see clearly. And, for us, moving with the tides of history means having a willingness to respect the diversity of our world, achieve mutual understanding among nations, build peace and friendship between peoples, achieve mutual tolerance with regard to cultures and practices, achieve brotherly solidarity and world peace, and, above all, steer clear of narrow interests and extremism as well as contempt for and hatred and rejection of others. What I said during the previous session (see A/73/PV.15) bears repeating: we all belong, without exception, to one unique human race. This divine human race, which was placed on Earth by Providence, is the only group to which we will ever belong, together in a community of destiny.
Four years ago in the General Assembly, the international community adopted an ambitious development agenda (resolution 70/1) to be implemented by 2030 — the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development — along with 17 Sustainable Development Goals. In my country, as part of our efforts to combat poverty, the Government implemented, following broad popular consultations, its national development plan 2018-2022. The plan places particular emphasis on universal access to health care, which is all the more important given the fact that two serious health dangers are now threatening to decimate entire populations on our continent and in our subregion.
The first is humanitarian assistance emorrhagic fever caused by the Ebola virus, which has struck the Democratic Republic of the Congo and has been declared a public-health emergency of international concern by the World Health Organization. Given the severity of the daily devastation that this outbreak is causing, the international community should mobilize its efforts like never before. It should proactively mobilize to provide significant support to the authorities of the Democratic Republic of Congo in their courageous combat against this merciless outbreak. It should mobilize to provide the real financial and human resources that are critical to a robust and effective response.
The second threat to health to which our populations are exposed today concerns the unrestrained — amid widespread indifference — spread of counterfeit medicines. Mafia- and criminal-run dispensaries are responsible for orchestrating this phenomenon and selling counterfeit medicines to the poorest of the poor. Greedy, lawless networks are dumping their product onto the wretched of the Earth. These counterfeit medicines and the dispensaries that produce them must be clearly declared public enemies by all without exception here at the United Nations, as this phenomenon is tantamount to a vile mass-poisoning agenda. For its part, my Government fully supports the African-led initiative, spearheaded by the Brazzaville Foundation, to convene in Lome, in partnership with the Government of the Togolese Republic, a summit of Heads of State devoted to that problem, which is affecting the foundations of life itself throughout the continent.
The Paris Agreement on Climate Change, which most of the speakers have mentioned, is in reality a lifeline for all of humankind. Notwithstanding the scepticism of some among us, we can never overstate the importance of all the vital forces of our era and all actors of goodwill in the world standing shoulder to shoulder in the combat that is under way against the threat of climate change. The truth is that we have little choice but to unite our efforts to try to stem the degradation of our natural environment and ward off the negative effects that it could have on the future of life on Earth and the survival of our own species. It is regrettable that this issue, of which every aspect is vital and which is affecting the future of humankind itself, is still the subject of perplexing differences of opinion, while the specific commitments made by Governments to the peoples of the world are not being met and continue to be plagued by a lack of funding.
I take this opportunity to recall the need, for the benefit of us all, to operationalize the Congo Basin Blue Fund, an initiative of President Denis Sassou Nguesso and his peers in Central Africa that aims to protect the world’s second-largest “green lung”, and which today constitutes a major complement to global policies on ecosystem conservation. Without an environment of peace, security and stability, it is futile to hope that we will achieve the Sustainable Development Goals that we have set here and which I just mentioned. Without those conditions and without peace, it is futile to hope to achieve the development of States, the prosperity of nations and the happiness of peoples.
That is why my country, which chairs the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and which has always shouldered its share of responsibility for peacebuilding in this geographical area, welcomes the positive developments in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with the successful holding of elections, the establishment of a new Parliament and the formation of a new Government. All of that is unfolding in a context of peace, reinforced by a strong will for national reconciliation. In the Central African Republic, where peace is also on the agenda, we welcome the tireless efforts of President Faustin Archange Touadera to restore security in all the provinces of that country. The difficult negotiations held in Khartoum between the Government and 14 armed groups, under the auspices of the African Union and the United Nations, as well as the signing in Bangui of the Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in the Central African Republic, clearly reflect the determination of political actors to build peace and move towards genuine reconciliation.
The international community must without hesitation assist the Central African Republic in completing the difficult process of disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and repatriation currently under way. The international community must support that country in rebuilding its army, which is not just the backbone of the State, but also a factor of national unity and social cohesion.
Concerning Libya, my country chairs the corresponding African Union High-level Committee, on the quest for peace in that country. We cannot but deplore the fact that fighting has resumed in Tripoli and that the situation is at an impasse, which shows that the efforts undertaken to date have not sufficed to bring about a lasting settlement of the crisis. We must therefore continue to take action without ever becoming discouraged. We must act in a collective, cohesive and coordinated way, with perseverance and our sole aim being to put an end to the fighting, to resume dialogue and initiate national reconciliation. Clearly, only a comprehensive ceasefire and a definitive cessation of hostilities can set the stage for inclusive dialogue ahead of general elections, with a view to the restoration of constitutional order.
That has been the sole agenda of the African Union High-Level Committee from the very outset. We consider it to be an agenda of common sense and reason. It is specifically this type of agenda, this frank and sincere approach, that made it possible to end the crisis in neighbouring Sudan. That was a positive outcome, which we welcome here, and one that in a way was the result of the ancient African tradition of palaver — a process that, as everyone knows, is based on reflection and wisdom. Thirty years ago, with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of communism, many of us dreamt of a world that would finally see an end to injustice related to the antagonisms and complex history of the post-war period. Just like Francis Fukuyama, an eminent thinker, we, too, had hoped that the end of the Cold War would equally mean an end to the absurd hatred among nations, especially those bold nations that together made the sacrifice of countless lives to defeat the Nazi scourge.
Thirty years after the end of Cold War, it is evident that the yoke of the embargo continues to weigh heavily on Cuba and its people, that generous people who are often considered to be a positive model for cultural mixing between the peoples of Africa, Europe and America. Just like the country currently hosting us, Cuba also is a harbinger of the sociological makeup and image of the world to come. On behalf of the Republic of the Congo, I urge those responsible to do away with this anachronism, demonstrate political courage and simply and definitively lift the embargo, in a spirit of reconciliation. This should be done in the name of peace and friendship among peoples and of the Charter of the United Nations.
It cannot be overstated that today more than ever the United Nations needs to be rejuvenated. Indeed, the structural changes and sociological transformations that have arisen in the world since the advent of the third millennium, the emergence of new forces on the international stage, the emancipation of mindsets and the shift in mentalities today require an intelligent, deft restructuring of our Organization so as to make of the United Nations a truly meaningful mechanism for the benefit of humankind in all of its diversity, a mechanism that is better tailored to reflect the requirements of our time. For that reason, the thorny question of reforming the United Nations and its Security Council remains vital to our future. We cannot indefinitely continue to ignore or sidestep this issue without ultimately betraying the magnanimous spirit of our Organization’s founding fathers. It is a question of justice and equity, and it is our responsibility to history.


At the outset, I would like to extend my sincere congratulations to the President and assure him of my Government’s unwavering support during his tenure.
I consider the chosen theme for this year’s General Assembly to be particularly pertinent, given that the combination of poverty, lack of adequate educational opportunities, social and economic exclusion and climate change constitute the most serious problems facing billions of human beings around the world — human beings who are placing their hopes in the international community to undertake efficient and effective measures, human beings who do not wish to be recipients of mere verbal support or wishful thinking that will expire at the end of the session. We should not only address the root causes of these challenges, but also reflect on why we have yet to tackle them.
Indeed, one cannot deny that failing to effectively tackle these challenges has, in turn, further aggravated such growing phenomena as religious fundamentalism, violent extremism, sectarianism, destruction of cultural heritage, civil war and ethnic conflict. What is most alarming, however, is that the combination of those factors has led to the forcible displacement of millions of people and unprecedented waves of refugee and migratory flows.
Leaving aside the strengths and weaknesses, successes and failures of the United Nations, we should not overlook that it is the only international forum where nations can collectively interact, deliberate and pursue common goals, work together to resolve not only their differences but also pressing regional and international challenges that are not country-specific, and call the international order into question. That is why it is our strong conviction that, in order to finally eliminate the threats we are facing in an increasingly interdependent world, there is only one answer: multilateralism, decisive collective action, international cooperation, greater solidarity and stronger partnerships.
For some, alternatives to multilateralism may seem attractive. Certain States might want to serve their short-sighted interests at the expense of universal principles. However, history has repeatedly taught us the catastrophic consequences of not adhering to the principles, rules and synergies we have commonly developed within the framework of the United Nations. It is for this very reason that we lend our unwavering support to the reform priorities of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres, which aim to reinforce the effectiveness of the Organization and further advance multilateralism, peacekeeping and peacebuilding, humanitarian assistance and long-term development and growth. Setting aside diverging aspirations and conflicting interests, we should rise to meet our shared responsibility and collectively strengthen our support and commitment to the United Nations.
I have talked about the challenges we are facing and the humanitarian crises of refugees and migration flows. At the same time, we must also realize that we are at a defining moment with regard to climate change. I was particularly touched by the massive presence of young people at the Climate Action Summit and by their sincere calls of worry and concern about the effects of climate change. I was deeply affected in particular by the words of 16-year-old Greta Thunberg, who stated that the eyes of all future generations are upon us. Indeed, we collectively carry the obligation to provide to the generations to come a better future, a greener planet.
Imagine how climate change will affect our world if we do not decisively act today. Record-high temperatures and protracted heat waves, devastating fires and deforestation, melting ice and sea-level rise, droughts, floods and extreme weather phenomena attest to the dire situation we are facing. Taking into account the particularly alarming projections concerning the impact of climate change on our immediate region, namely, the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, Cyprus has recently undertaken an initiative to coordinate regional climate-change actions. More specifically, this initiative intends to bring together our regions’ leading scientists and policymakers, with a view to developing practical and achievable solutions that will have durable benefits for our citizens.
Cyprus is also at the forefront of other initiatives aimed at establishing conditions of peace and stability in our region, through, inter alia, establishing synergies and enhancing our relations with neighbouring countries. Such advanced cooperation is based on the doctrine of multilateralism and positive agendas without any exclusions. It constitutes a promising step towards institutionalizing partnerships in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Over the past 45 years, we have undertaken the same positive initiatives in order to end the unacceptable status quo in my homeland and achieve lasting peace and stability there. The status quo is the result of the illegal Turkish invasion in 1974, the violation of the sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, the consequent military occupation of more than a third of the country and the forcible displacement of 40 per cent of its population. Since 1974, despite the sincere efforts and the constructive engagement of both my predecessors and me in seeking a just and fair settlement, Cyprus has unfortunately remained the last divided country in Europe.
We are currently in the midst of a new effort that is providing a glimmer of hope. I wish to stress in the strongest manner my full dedication and support to the new effort by the Secretary-General to resume the process from the point where it stopped at Crans-Montana. In that context, and following a call from the Secretary-General for an agreed basis for the resumption of negotiations, there is an understanding by the leaders of the two communities that the relevant terms of reference should be comprised of the following elements: first, the Joint Declaration on Cyprus of 11 February 2014, which sets out the basic guidelines and principles for the framework of the sought-after solution, as well as the methodology of the negotiating process; secondly, the convergences achieved that had led to the holding of the Conference on Cyprus at Crans-Montana; and, thirdly, the six-point framework of the Secretary-General on security and guarantees, troops, effective participation, territorial adjustments, property and equitable treatment, as presented on 30 June 2017 at Crans-Montana.
Such an understanding could pave the way for the resumption of talks with the sole aim of reaching a comprehensive settlement on the basis of what has been agreed as a historic compromise by our side, namely, the evolution of the Republic of Cyprus into a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality, as set out in the relevant Security Council resolutions and high-level agreements, with a single sovereignty, a single international legal personality and a single citizenship. It would be a settlement that will establish a viable, functional and lasting State, free from foreign dependencies, foreign troops and the rights of intervention by third countries. The settlement should not deviate from the relevant Security Council resolutions and European Union values and principles.
I want to send a clear message: the United Nations and the Secretary-General’s good-offices mission is the only way forward for us.
Regrettably, while the efforts at resuming the negotiating process are under way, recent actions by Turkey not only violate international law but severely undermine the aim of having an environment conducive to meaningful negotiations. While I do not intend to embark on a blame game, I cannot — nor will the dignity of my people allow me to — accept gun-boat diplomacy, blackmail tactics and attempts to force our side to negotiate under duress. Is it possible for the efforts of the Secretary-General to succeed while Turkey continues to violate the sovereign rights of the Republic of Cyprus in its internationally recognized exclusive economic zone and continental shelf? Is it possible when Turkey threatens Cyprus with severe consequences if we move forward again with our energy programme? Is it possible when Turkey threatens neighbouring States and energy companies with which we cooperate and have established conventional obligations? Is it possible for the efforts of the Secretary-General to succeed when recent public statements and acts by Turkish officials signal plans to build settlements in the fenced area of Varosha, the uninhabited part of Famagusta that is under illegal Turkish military occupation?
With regard to Varosha, I wish to stress that its distinct status has been recognized in all reports of the Secretary-General and by the United Nations operations in Cyprus. More specifically, the framework for the resettlement of Varosha by its lawful inhabitants, under the auspices of the United Nations, was set as a priority by both the 1979 high-level agreement between the leaders of the two communities and Security Council resolutions 550 (1984) and 789 (1992). In that regard, we deeply appreciate the recent reaffirmation by the Secretary-General that the position of the United Nations on the matter remains unchanged and is still guided by the Security Council resolutions.
As we speak, we are also confronted by an increasingly aggressive positioning of the Turkish military and an escalation of violations in the buffer zone. All those developments make the role of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus and the fulfilment of its mandate more necessary than ever. And as if it were not enough that we have been confronted by the challenges I mentioned, two days ago, in this Hall, the Turkish President, Mr. Erdogan, embarked on an address in which he made misleading allegations. He referred, inter alia, to an uncompromising position of the Greek Cypriot side, saying that “those who claim to be working towards solving the Cyprus problem with zero security and zero guarantee have had ill-intentions from the outset” (A/74/PV3, p. 21).
I wonder, and would ask, if it is uncompromising and ill-intentioned to aspire to establishing an independent and sovereign State, free from the presence of occupying troops. Is it uncompromising and ill-intentioned to envision terminating the anachronistic Treaty of Guarantee and establish a robust system of security, fully based on the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant European Union treaties? Which of the other 193 States Members of the United Nations is subject to a system of guarantees with a third country? Is it uncompromising and ill-intentioned to aspire to establish a normal State in which all decisions will be made only by Cypriots, free from foreign dependency?
President Erdogan further alleged that the Greek Cypriot side “refuses to share political power and prosperity with the Turkish Cypriots.” (ibid) Are we refusing to share political power and prosperity with the Turkish Cypriots when we have accepted political equality as defined by the Secretary-General and as upheld by the relevant Security Council resolutions, and when the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities, within the context of the negotiating process, have reached an agreement on the issue of natural resources, in line with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea? We have also conveyed our readiness, still within the framework of meaningful negotiations, to deposit revenues accrued from the exploitation of hydrocarbons to an escrow account for the Turkish Cypriot community, through which we are protecting the Turkish Cypriot community’s rightful share, in accordance with the population ratio of the future constituent States.
President Erdogan also claimed that Turkey has a reasonable approach to the issue of energy resources and that he and his country will ultimately protect the legitimate rights of the Turkish Cypriots until the very end. Is it a reasonable approach to unilaterally and unlawfully conduct hydrocarbon-exploration drilling in another country’s exclusive economic zone through the threat of use of force? And I wonder whose interests Turkey is protecting when its claims to limit the exclusive economic zone of Cyprus by 44 per cent for its own benefit and at the expense of the rights and interests of both Greek and Turkish Cypriots.
As I stated earlier, it was not, and is not, my intention to embark on a confrontation. To the contrary, I fully ascribe to Mr. Erdogan’s emotional concluding remarks, as they encapsulate the essence of what we are trying to achieve in Cyprus — “freedom for all, peace for all, prosperity for all, justice for all and a peaceful and safe future for all.” (ibid. p. 26) This is my further vision — and it is also the vision of the people of Cyprus: to end the unacceptable status quo with the establishment of a State that will ensure a shared prosperous future for coming generations of Greek and Turkish Cypriots, enabling them to live freely together and collaborate in conditions of stability, safety and peaceful coexistence. Only then will we be able to utilize the unfulfilled potential and capacities of our country. I will not deviate from pursuing this vision, and I call for Members’ solidarity in supporting efforts to reach a solution to the Cyprus problem. It is not only in the interests of the people of Cyprus, but also for the benefit and in the interests of Turkey, the region and the international community.
I may have devoted a large part of my address to the Cyprus problem. I did not, however, neglect or overlook the vast importance of global challenges, particularly poverty, climate change and sustainable development. The solution to tackling those challenges rests entirely on the decisiveness of the States Members of the United Nations in finally putting aside short-term interests and expediencies and reaching a joint understanding of the need to fully adhere to the Charter, resolutions and decisions of our common family. Only then will we fulfil our collective aims and targets and bestow a better future upon our children, grandchildren and the generations to come.


It is a great honour and privilege to be here today to convey the warm greetings of His Majesty the Sultan and Yang Di Pertuan of Negara Brunei Darussalam to the General Assembly.
I wish to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. My appreciation also goes to Her Excellency Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces for her valuable contribution and dedication to the Assembly over the past year. I am also deeply grateful to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his leadership and laudable initiatives that have given renewed impetus to our Organization, particularly in hosting the Climate Action Summit and the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) summit.
In 2015, our leaders gathered in this Hall to adopt the landmark 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This remarkable feat is testament to the success of multilateralism. Today, we continue to honour this agenda through this session’s theme, which is focused on galvanizing multilateral efforts for poverty eradication, quality education, climate action and inclusion. The global consensus on this agenda is clear — our ability to fulfil the promise of the SDGs begins and ends with a commitment of the States Members of the United Nations to working together.
Our search for a better future is often mired in increasingly complex and interconnected challenges. More and more countries are struggling to address such overlapping concerns as deforestation and access to clean air. This struggle reflects the indivisibility and multidimensional nature of the SDGs, which must be addressed collectively and to the fullest extent possible. The path that each country takes in achieving its goals will be unique, but we recognize that all paths mutually reinforce one another. For its part, Brunei Darussalam will present its voluntary national review for the first time at next year’s High-level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, where we will be happy to share our best practices, lessons learned and challenges encountered.
Globally, even though overall progress has been made, trends indicate that the pace of improvement is too slow to ensure complete success by 2030. While we believe in the common pledge for no one to be left behind, we also recognize that no country can do it alone. We therefore welcome the call to accelerate collective actions, as contained in the political declaration adopted recently at the SDG summit (resolution 74/4). Success in achieving the SDGs will be a test of global cooperation, partnership and collaboration that requires action at the local, national and regional levels. To this end, we are working closely to advance a people-centred Association of Southeast Asian Nations community that complements the ambitions of the 2030 Agenda.
To localize the impact of the SDGs, Brunei Darussalam continues to undertake measures aimed at realizing the well-being, peace and harmony of its people. Our Government has ensured access to affordable housing and health care for all, as well as clean water and a clean environment. As a country with a young demographic, we also prioritize the education of our youth and recognize the importance of lifelong learning. Education will empower and better prepare our people, acting as a catalyst for achieving the SDGs and our own continued development. People need the tools to build a better life. In this regard, His Majesty’s Government remains committed to providing free, high-quality education all the way to the tertiary level so that no Bruneian is left behind.
In our quest for progress, we have learned that there are costs associated with economic development. Perhaps the most common is damage to the environment. As citizens of the world, we are all stakeholders in ensuring a healthy planet. There is a shared global responsibility incumbent upon all of us to be principled in our undertakings, be it Governments, the private sector, individuals, corporate players or investors. We must ensure a universal commitment in order to overcome this existential threat and effectively work towards building a sustainable future.
The effects of climate change are being felt now and they will only get worse. We are at a critical juncture and stand at the precipice of making significant changes so as to reverse the climate crisis and secure the right of future generations to live in a sustainable world. There is a vested interest in ensuring our legacy as problem solvers and not problem makers. Technological advancements and innovations have made it possible for us to engineer modern solutions to modern challenges. We therefore believe that more needs to be done in sharing and transferring technology, so that we can all move from reactive responses to proactive solutions on climate change.
The digital revolution has redefined social interaction, intensified e-commerce and expanded information-sharing. However, we need to prevent the malicious use of these technologies. Although technology like the Internet can be positive, it has also given rise to an age of unprecedented misinformation and manipulation. The rampant misuse of the Internet and social media spreads hatred, incites violence and even glorifies acts of crime and terrorism. While we must adapt to technological advances, it is also urgent that we collectively address the emerging threats they can pose.
Despite our best efforts, an increase in conflicts around the world has left many displaced, destitute and vulnerable. We see the perpetual struggle of the Palestinian people for Statehood and their inalienable right to self-determination being continually neglected. Prolonged occupation, forced displacement and illegal settlements have deprived them of every human right. This seventy-fourth session of the General Assembly has heard repeated calls for no one to be left behind. However, the Palestinian people have been left behind for as long as they have been fighting for their existence. As the premier multilateral forum, the United Nations has an unequalled role in ensuring the achievement of a just solution that establishes a sovereign State of Palestine based on pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital.
As we move towards the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations next year, this milestone presents a good opportunity for us to reflect on all the work we have done and where we are going. The reality of our world today demands concerted and collective action. I believe the UnitedNations is now more relevant than ever. We must reconnect with the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, which enshrines the equality of nations and the multilateralism that respects the individuality and independence of all States. Collectively, we depend on the United Nations to uphold the sovereign right of all nations to choose a path and policies that resonate with their own customs and traditions. It is not a time to retreat, but rather to push forward and strengthen multilateralism, so we can fulfil the varied needs of the global community and permit everyone to enjoy peace, prosperity and development.


I would like to join the others in congratulating Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. I would also like to thank Her Excellency Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces for her dedication and stewardship in successfully completing the work of the General Assembly at its seventy-third session.
Malaysia welcomes the theme of this year’s General Assembly, which is “Galvanizing multilateral efforts for poverty eradication, quality education, climate action and inclusion”. The key message of that theme is “galvanizing multilateral efforts”, which is what the United Nations stands for. I will propose a few.
Almost three-quarters of a century ago, five countries claimed victory in the Second World War. On the basis of that victory, they insisted on the right to practically rule the world, and so they gave themselves veto power over the rest of the world in the Organization they built — an Organization they claimed would end wars and solve conflicts. The veto power, as they must know, was against all the principles of human rights of which they themselves claim to be the champions. It killed the very purpose of the great Organization that they had created. It ensured that all solutions to all conflicts could be negated by any one of them. Broken up into ideological factions, they frustrated all attempts to solve problems.
Each one of them can negate the wishes of the nearly 200 other members. It is totally and absolutely undemocratic. Yet, there are among them those that berate other countries of the world for not being democratic or democratic enough. How much longer should that group be allowed to exercise that power? How long? Forever? The unspoken time frame seems to be eternal. That very power has resulted in an arms race. Each one of the five rely on its military might in order to challenge any attempt to take its power away. They feel that they must be well armed to retain their right to be the privileged five.
It is that structure of the United Nations that renders it incapable of achieving its principle objectives of preventing wars between nations. Indeed, the structure has enabled the promotion of war within countries and between countries. True, the warlike European countries have not gone to war with each other over the past two-thirds of a century, but elsewhere there is evidence that European countries have caused wars to break out and arms and funds to be supplied, and have actively participated in prolonging those wars. It is apparently good for business and for weapons sales.
The first act engineered by the Western countries was the creation of the State of Israel by the seizure of Palestinian land and the expulsion of its 90 per cent Arab population. Since then wars have been fought in many countries, and many have been related to the creation of the State of Israel. And now we have terrorism where there was none before, or at least none at the present scale. Military actions against acts of terrorism will not succeed. We need to identify the cause and remove it, but the great Powers refuse to deal with the root cause. They prefer military action and sanctions, and they will continue to fail to stop terrorism.
Malaysia accepts the State of Israel as a fait accompli, but it cannot the blatant seizure of Palestinian land by Israel for its settlements or its occupation of Jerusalem. The Palestinians cannot even enter the settlements that are built on their land. Because of the creation of Israel, there is now enmity towards Muslims and Islam. Muslims are accused of terrorism even if they do nothing.
Muslim countries have been destabilized by the campaign for democracy and regime change. Muslims everywhere have been oppressed, expelled from their countries and refused asylum. Thousands have died at sea and in the severe winters of Europe. It is undeniable that in the past there was no such massive migration. Now the wars and instability caused by regime changes have forced people to run away from their countries.
I will admit that democracy is a better form of Government than dictatorship, but democracy is not the easiest form of Government to operate. That is especially true when it is adopted overnight. Time should be allowed for a gradual transition to democracy. Indeed, the very countries that promote democracy became democratic over a period of decades, if not centuries. The result of an overnight switch to democracy is destabilization and civil war, reducing some countries to governmentless wilderness. Some have even reverted to authoritarian regimes that are worse than those that were displaced. Unable to withstand the suffering of war and violence, their people are forced to migrate.
The great democracies talk incessantly about the rule of law, but they are selective. Their friends may break any law and get away scot-free. Israel can break all international laws and norms of the world and will continue to be supported and defended. Unfriendly countries can do nothing right. There is no justice in this world.
I must again refer to the fate of the Rohingya in Myanmar. Many colonies of the West expelled non-natives from their countries upon independence, but no country has ever been as brutal as Myanmar. Even the natives of the land were massacred, brutally killed and raped in full view of the world, against the backdrop of burning houses and villages of the victims. They were forced to migrate and now dare not return to Myanmar even when offered the chance. They cannot trust the Myanmar military unless some form of non-Myanmar protection is offered.
The helplessness of the world in stopping the atrocities inflicted on the Rohingya in Myanmar Regard has reduced regard for the resolutions of the United Nations. Now, despite United Nations resolutions on Jammu and Kashmir, the country has been invaded and occupied. There may be reasons for this action, but it is still wrong. The problem must be solved by peaceful means. India should work with Pakistan to that end. Ignoring the United Nations would lead to other forms of disregard for the Organization and the rule of law.
All countries of the world wish to prosper and grow their economies. In colonial days, the wealth of colonized lands was exploited to enrich their colonial masters. We cannot expect much from their former colonial masters, but they do expect to be allowed to develop their own country for themselves. However, they are hampered from doing so. There is much talk about free trade, but new regulations are constantly being introduced that are detrimental to the development of poor countries. This is because proposals, rules and regulations are made by the rich, often secretly, and the poor are practically forced to accept them.
One example is the Trans-Pacific Partnership. It was cooked up in Washington, D.C., with input from big business. In the agreement, the Governments of small countries could have been forced to greatly compensate big foreign companies with huge sums of money should their decisions affect the profitability of those companies, including future profits. Fortunately, now the powerful country that prepared the agreement has rejected it. With the exclusion of that country, the agreement has become more palatable, but it still lays down trade conditions that negate free trade. We are told that we must remove duties on imports or reduce them so that foreign products can knock out our infant industries. We are reduced to exporting only raw materials. How do we industrialize and create jobs for our people?
A classic case of the denial of free trade is the ban on the import of palm oil, proposed by European countries. Unable to sustain the competitiveness of their own edible oils, they campaign to ban palm oil. It is said that palm oil is poisonous, destroys the habitats of long-nosed monkeys, reduces carbon dioxide absorption and so on. European products are labelled palm-oil free to show their dislike of and ban on palm oil. Malaysia produces palm oil; many poor countries produce palm oil. Malaysia will not clear more forests for palm oil plantation. We are just as concerned as the Europeans about our environment.
At the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, Malaysia pledged to maintain at least 50 per cent of its land mass under forest cover. We have made good on our pledge and even surpassed it. Our forest cover is currently at 55.3 per cent, exceeding our Rio pledge. Palm oil is still a big contributor to our economy. There is no evidence that it is poisonous. Millions have consumed palm oil and have not fallen ill. We appeal to the good sense of the rich not to impoverish us and prevent hundreds of thousands of our workers from earning a living. Consuming palm oil will constitute a good deed.
In keeping with the objectives of the United Nations, Malaysia has launched a campaign to criminalize war. It is ridiculous to hang a murderer for killing one person and yet glorify those who are responsible for the deaths of millions of people. Modern wars are total in every way. Not just combatants, but innocent people — children, the sick and the incapacitated — are killed and wounded. Whole countries are devastated and trillions of dollars are lost. In the end, both the victors and the losers suffer. We consider ourselves civilized, but we are still very primitive, given that we accept killing people as a way to settle disputes between or within nations. There are other ways of settling disputes. We can negotiate or submit to arbitration by third parties or we can resort to the courts of law, for example the International Court of Justice.
Malaysia does not just talk; we take action. We settle disputes with our neighbours through negotiation and through the International Court of Justice. We have won some and we have lost some, but no one has been killed. All this talk about not giving up one inch of territory is ridiculous. We know that, if we go to war, that inch is going to cost us far more than it is worth. When we go to court, we do not always get what we claim to be rightfully ours, but it is the same with war — we do not always win. In a contest between two parties, one must lose if the other is to win, but if we use peaceful means even if we lose it will cost us much less. No one dies, nor is any land devastated.
The world is experiencing climate change. Malaysia is hotter than ever before. We do not seem to be returning to previous temperatures; in fact, it seems to be getting hotter and hotter. Elsewhere, powerful typhoons and hurricanes are destroying whole towns, killing thousands and wreaking havoc of unprecedented proportions. Flood waters from storms inundate huge areas of land. Sometimes there is a dry spell and wildfires destroy forest and towns, creating haze and potentially causing hundreds of deaths. Earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are more frequent and destroying towns and cities. Melting snow in the Arctic and Antarctic is causing sea levels to rise and threatening to overrun islands. I have a feeling that these disasters are part of the cycles of change that our planet has been going through for millions of years.
Could it be that the stable, salubrious climate that we have been enjoying has come to the end of its cycle? Could it be that the cycle is changing, as it did in prehistoric times, millions of years ago? Is it possible for temperatures to rise to a level where living conditions become unbearable? I think that, instead of preparing for war, we should be paying attention to climate change and the natural disasters that accompany it. We should be preparing to combat climate change in order to bring back the normal environment we have been used to for thousands of years. We should be preparing ourselves for major earthquakes, typhoons and hurricanes, floods and landslides, inter alia. We should learn how to mitigate these natural disasters.
We should be constructing shelters, making rain and growing food without sunlight and evacuating coastal areas, among other things.
We should have teams of well-equipped and trained disaster experts ready to rush to disaster areas. Every disaster is a world disaster. All these natural disasters may not happen, of course, but we cannot rely on that. We are wasting our money preparing for wars and inventing more new destructive weapons when we could all be wiped out by natural disasters as the planet goes through its next cycle. We human creatures are clever. We can still survive the next cycle if we task our researchers with coming up with defences against catastrophes. If we reduce our budgets for killing people, we will have the funds for research and preparation.
Malaysia is a middle-income country that depends on trade to grow. Naturally, our markets are the rich countries. Now the rich want us to balance the trade and to buy more of their goods to correct the imbalance. To do this, we will have to spend the money we earn from trade to import the goods of the rich. Our growth will be stunted so that those who are already rich can become richer. Trade enriches everyone. That has been shown through the ages. Malaysia is a trading nation. Our population is too small to provide a good domestic market, so we need the world market. With new communication technologies, we can increase our trade with the world. Therefore, I ask our partners not to impoverish us by forcing us to buy what we do not need or to reduce our exports. Trade wars are wasteful. Now that the entire world has become a market for everyone, trade wars will stultify the potential of everyone to become rich.
We are also seeing sanctions being applied to countries. We do not know the laws under which such sanctions are applied; it appears to be a privilege of the rich and the powerful. If we want sanctions, let us have a law to govern them. The fact is that when a sanction is applied to a country, other countries get sanctioned as well. Malaysia and many others lost a big market when sanctions were applied to Iran. I believe in capitalism, but capitalism has gone mad. They are already talking of making trillions of dollars. It is dangerous for a person or a company to have so much money. It can influence things and it can buy power; hence the need for anti-trust laws. We saw what happened with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, whereby rich companies gave themselves the power to sue Governments. The terms of the agreement were drawn up by them, and they are not all like Bill Gates, who spends some money on charity. Most are bent on exploiting the power that money gives them.
The United Nations has failed to protect the poor from the scourge of war, but in other fields it has done much better. It has contributed to better health and to alleviating the suffering of some of the poor and the needy. It provides a degree of security and stability in places plagued by internal conflicts. It can do more, but it is short of funds. Certain countries, including those that are very rich, are not paying their dues. It is shameful. We need to support the United Nations, even though it has failed to banish wars. Its work on health, education and social security make the United Nations worth having.
I would like to thank the staff and officers of the United Nations for their work and dedication in all those fields. Malaysia has been able to contribute by carrying out peacekeeping activities in many countries. I look forward to the time when those services will no longer be needed and when countries will be able to ensure their own security.
The United Nations should play a major role in the restoration of failed Governments. Many countries have failed because their administrative machinery does not function well. Modern technology can help, but there is a need for good training. Countries and people should be allowed to retain their cultures and ways of life. The General Assembly should authorize international interference only if those ways of life involve taking away the rights of people.
As for the Security Council, the time has come to modify the veto power if it cannot be done away with completely. The veto should be valid only if two permanent members and three non-permanent members of the Security Council agree to apply it. That way, abuses would be less frequent.
Three-quarters of a century is a long time. We cannot be held to ransom by events of the distant past. The members of the Security Council with the power of the veto should not think that they will always be above international laws and norms. New, cheap yet powerful weapons have been invented that even the poor can produce and use. If we do not make wars a crime, our security cannot be sustained. We must resuscitate the original purpose of this great Organization — the United Nations. We must punish warmongers. We must make the world peaceful for all. That was our mission, and that must remain our mission. Only if we succeed can we claim to be civilized.


As I join the great family of the international community for the 74th session of the General Assembly, I would like to begin by extending to you, Mr. President, Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande, my warm and sincere congratulations on your election to preside over our work. Your election is a well-deserved honour for and a tribute to the entire African continent, and in particular your country, the Federal Republic of Nigeria. I continue to believe that your perfect understanding of the international scene, as well as your great personal qualities, are an asset to and a guarantee of the success of our work.
I also take this opportunity to commend Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces for her excellent work and achievements at the seventy-third session. We offer her the full expression of our gratitude and satisfaction.
Allow me to reiterate my gratitude to and trust in Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his sustained commitment to peace and development in the world and, above all, for his tireless and multifaceted support for the Central African Republic.
The seventy-fourth session is being held at a time when the world is faced with threats to international peace and security — terrorism, poverty, climate change and migration. I have therefore come to share with the Assembly my country’s concerns and ideas about the theme “Galvanizing multilateral efforts for poverty eradication, quality education, climate action and inclusion”. The relevance of the theme is matched only by the challenges the world faces today. The globalization movement has nurtured among the peoples of the world the common dream of seeing the Earth become a true global village.
Regrettably, however, we have never seen so many walls and barriers being erected. In the era of globalization, we are subjected to the perils of nationalism and identity-based isolation. The intolerance of differences and growing extremism are expressed with increasing violence. Needless to say, times like these allow for a period of individual introspection and for exchange so that, together, we can meet the challenge of building bridges of brotherhood and peace that transcend borders.
As we all begin to unite our efforts, we will overcome the various sources of ongoing tension and crises in the world. No country, no nation is immune to the threats facing humankind today. The challenge for us as leaders is to have the courage to dare to take action. We must dare to question ourselves in order to develop innovative, effective and efficient solutions to build peace and stability and create a solid foundation for sustainable development.
Several of our countries, including my own, are faced with a security situation that remains a source of concern and deserves the full attention of the international community. We must therefore bear in mind the fact that so long as one of our Member States does not have peace, the entire community of nations that will be affected.
The situation in the Middle East is of the utmost concern in terms of international security. We maintain our call for a peaceful, just and equitable resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, based on the solution of two States living in perfect symbiosis and harmony within safe and recognized borders. At the same time, we urge the entire international community to invest in the quest for genuine peace in Syria, Iraq and Yemen, in accordance with international law.
In Africa, the current situation shows that the proliferation of small arms and light weapons is a real threat to peace and security. More than ever, our States are called upon to unite their efforts and pool their resources, primarily in the areas of intelligence, prevention and early warning. The joint summit of the Economic Community of West African States and the Economic Community of Central African States, held in Lome in July 2018, should inspire more concerted and coordinated action at a time when the circulation of small arms and light weapons defies national borders. That has led to unsafe situations that remind us that the effective implementation of the Arms Trade Treaty would significantly reduce that threat to our continent. In that regard, the Central African Republic strongly supports the actions taken by our Organization, under the leadership of the Security Council, in order to achieve general and complete disarmament with regard to weapons of mass destruction and conventional weapons alike.
While development requires a minimum of peace, it is equally true that peace cannot prosper in the enclaves of abject poverty and insecurity, which present a distressing picture to the world. Beyond words that confirm our good intentions, let us drive forward a virtuous momentum of poverty eradication through concrete and strong action. Such action should help us to devise appropriate forms of social protection for all. It must contribute to generating wealth, the equitable distribution of which, with the aim of a common minimum standard of living, is among the factors that prevent conflict.
In that regard, in line with the deep aspirations of my people, I have urged my Government to prepare the National Plan for Recovery and Peacebuilding in the Central African Republic, which considers the main thrusts of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Agenda 2063 of the African Union. The challenges of transforming the world and our countries require that our populations have the necessary tools to remain active players in an ever-changing world.
To that end, on the heels of national reconstruction, my country intends to invest in education that combines quality with the efficient use of resources. Investing in learners, as well as in teachers, is our wager. And in my country emerging from the crisis, all our efforts must be directed towards the opportunities offered by new technologies. In addition, we would like to engage in an international discussion on education with a view to avoiding several pitfalls, such as education-for-all programmes, which wind up simply being literacy classes, when the resources do not follow to support quality education. Quality education is the tool that must should be used as a basis for more lasting and harmonious development, while also constituting a solid bastion against extremism in all its forms.
While we applaud the progress that has been made in recent years with respect to the development of our countries, albeit unequal, we must also deeply reflect on humankind’s impact on the environment. The abusive exploitation of natural resources is one of the causes of climate change, which is seriously disrupting and jeopardizing the future of humankind. Although the Central African Republic is far from being a major polluter, we stand in solidarity with the international efforts undertaken to preserve our planet; it is our historic responsibility.
I firmly call for the effective implementation of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and its ratification by all States parties. We hope to see a significant reduction in the carbon emissions of developed countries and the fulfilment of financial commitments for carbon credits, in order to strengthen the resilience of developing countries against climate disasters.
Without contriving new lines of actions to take, our collective responsibility is to implement all our commitments, including the resolutions resulting from the twenty-fourth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, as well as the recommendations made at the Third International Conference on Financing for Development, held in Addis Ababa, which has afforded us the opportunity to reaffirm our support for the implementation of the sustainable development agenda.
From all the foregoing, it is clear that combining the efforts of the States members of our Organization, within the framework of multilateral action, is the cornerstone of success in our shared ideal of a more just and balanced and safer world for all, everywhere. That is evidenced by the mobilization of international solidarity that allowed my country to turn the page to a new chapter in its history, thanks to the signing, under the auspices of the African Union, of the Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in the Central African Republic between my Government and the 14 armed groups on 6 February. Today, we are mobilized for the implementation of this Agreement with the support of the guarantors, the African Union and the Economic Community of Central African States, and the facilitators, chief among which is the United Nations through the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic.
With the support of all our partners in the subregion and around the world, we are making progress, modest but steady, on the extending the State’s authority throughout the country and reforms in the security and defence sectors, which will facilitate the gradual redeployment of the defence and security forces and the continuation of the national disarmament, demobilization, repatriation and reintegration programme. We also welcome the recent launch of development programmes to demonstrate that the first peace dividends are a reality.
Without denying our satisfaction at the singular momentum given to the peace process by the signing of that Agreement, much remains to be done. The situation in my country remains fragile, despite some real progress being made. Armed groups continue to acquire their war supplies and ammunition through illegal channels, committing mass and repeated violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. But, as members of the Assembly know, the embargo was imposed only on the legal and legitimate forces of the Central African Republic, thereby depriving the State of the resources to fulfil its mission to protect its citizens and territory. In line with the Central African Government, the States members of the United Nations Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa supported the call for the lifting of that embargo at its forty-eighth ministerial meeting, in May, in Kinshasa.
Today, I welcome the unanimous vote of the Security Council on the adoption of resolution 2488 (2019), which contributed to the easing of the arms embargo on our defence and security forces. However, I solemnly repeat the Government’s request and the Central African people’s legitimate aspiration for the total lifting of that embargo to enable the State to extend its authority throughout the national territory, with a view to protecting the civilian population. Indeed, the midterm report of 15 June 2019 submitted by my Government shows that the conditions set by the Sanctions Committee have been met, in addition to important strides made in the process of reforming the defence and security sectors.
To overcome the crisis that has shaken my country, and in line with the theme of our session, I call for multilateral, dynamic, concerted, coherent and coordinated action. I hope that the international community will remain mobilized alongside the people and the Government of the Central African Republic and will continue to support them in my country’s recovery.