1.	 Both for my delegation as a whole and for me personally, Sir, it is a great honour to congratulate you most warmly and cordially on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, for you have a great knowledge of world affairs, and from my friendship with you, I know that you are also a sincere and mighty fighter in the cause of peace.
2.	The Secretary-General also deserves the appreciation of the people and the Government of El Salvador and of all the peoples and Governments of the world for the work he has done to promote international peace and harmony, which are seriously threatened at the present time.
3.	It is a pleasure for me cordially to welcome Saint Christopher and Nevis as a new Member of the United Nations. We wish it every success in its efforts to achieve prosperity and development.
4.	The present tragic situation in El Salvador and in Central America in general is complicated by various external factors which, in involved situations, have a decisive influence that damages the national dignity of our countries, widens the conflict and adds new protagonists and that, within an international ideological struggle foreign to the interests of our sovereign will, limits our ability to make our own decisions.
5.	No objective critical observer can be unaware that the crisis of El Salvador and Central America has been exacerbated by violence, destruction, terror, the threat of war in the region and an attempt from outside to apply political and ideological concepts which are diametrically opposed to the form of social organization adopted by our peoples.
6.	The presence of this ideological bipolarity can be seen in the deterioration and breaking down of the normal harmonious relations among the countries of the area, violating in practice and repeatedly the sacred principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of the various brother countries.
7.	Totalitarian ideological aggressiveness is accompanied in the region by logistic and propaganda support for those armed groups which share that same philosophy. They are being strengthened by external allies, all dependent on a central headquarters which fosters and promotes a strategy of world-wide expansion.
8.	There is an attempt to implement this strategy of political and ideological expansion in Central America, thus dramatically hampering the achievement of our own national aspirations to build a truly humane, just, pluralist and participatory society, which is what my country is trying to do in working towards democratization.
9.	The values of Western democracy are deeply rooted in the Salvadorian people, and it is on this basis that we hope to build a new homeland, free of the oppression and social stigmas of the past, based on the quest for human development and freedom and on social consensus through participative machinery and institutions. It is to this that the Salvadorian people aspires. This is what was expressed—at some risk, but freely—on that historic 28 March 1982 when, in national elections to choose a Constituent Assembly, the people voted for peace, justice and ideological pluralism; in a word, it voted for democracy and a better and honorable destiny for our coming generations.
10.	El Salvador demands that the Governments outside the area respect the sovereignty and right to self-determination of the Central American peoples, since if they persist in the opposite course all attempts to find a just, lasting and peaceful solution to the problems in the region will be fruitless.
11.	We consider that our peoples will achieve true peace and freedom, not through the imposition of arms and ideology, but through greater cultural awareness, better standards of living and freedom of thought, so that on the basis of a diversity of opinions and trends we can achieve the social consensus and political stability needed for sustained development, thus making possible the
Progressive realization of our national aspirations and the unrestricted exercise of all individual and social human rights.
12.	El Salvador recognizes that, on the basis of the free exercise of democracy which must be adopted internally by every one of the Central American countries, it will be possible to achieve and strengthen peace and democracy in the region. Once we have passed this difficult stage in our shared history it will be possible to reactivate mechanisms for integration and co-operation and together build a better and more united destiny.
13.	On behalf of my people and my Government, I wish to reiterate on this occasion the fervent hope and firm conviction that peace will be achieved as soon as possible in order effectively to realize the aspirations of all the Central American peoples for the establishment of democracy, social justice, the full respect for human rights and international brotherhood. In this connection, I wish to make a sincere appeal for good will, comprehension and reasonable understanding, so that we may overcome our differences in an acceptable way and arrive at the much desired peace to which our peoples aspire and which is so necessary in these troubled days when the clouds of military confrontation darken our horizons.
14.	In the specific case of my country and Central America, the arduous and difficult task of achieving peace is a historic responsibility before God, before our peoples and before the international community.
15.	I am completely convinced that only through democratic machinery will it be possible to achieve harmonious coexistence in keeping with the ideals of our peoples.
16.	That is why in spite of the obstacles and dangers that await us, our efforts cannot falter; on the contrary, we are prepared to redouble our endeavors and to maintain all our good will until our mandate from the Salvadorian people to achieve peace has been fulfilled.
17.	In the context of the Salvadorian crisis a series of international and internal factors have worked together, compounded by the consequences of natural phenomena.
18.	The world economic crisis has had an impact on the Salvadorian economy, as reflected in a deterioration of our purchasing power, balance-of-payments problems, an increase in external indebtedness and other factors. When this is viewed in conjunction with the domestic economic crisis aggravated by recent natural phenomena, and the systematic destructive and irrational acts of senseless individuals who consider the destruction of national infrastructure and sources of employment to be a tactical matter, it becomes possible to appreciate the sacrifices being made by the Salvadorian people and its desire to struggle for peace and democratic formulas. But it will never yield before the specter of blackmail and destruction.
19.	Clearly, efforts to strengthen economic relations must go hand in hand with a reduction in international conflicts, to make possible a more just development and a more harmonious coexistence in international society, especially in those countries which are subject to the manipulation of foreign interests.
20.	We have been very pleased to see the increased presence of Latin American countries within the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which is a further reaffirmation of respect for the sovereignty and independence of each State,
21.	I said as much in the letter of 1 July to Mrs. Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India, in her capacity as Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. I am confident that during the period that Movement is under her leadership there will be a return to the initial path that characterized the founding principles of equidistance and authentic non-alignment, making it possible for third world countries once again to have an appropriate forum to present their shared views and face the international crisis. We hope that this attitude will contribute constructively in channelling the initiatives of the Movement within the ideological framework that constituted the original reason for its establishment.
22.	El Salvador wishes to reaffirm its strong commitment to the sister Argentine Republic in its aspirations to achieve the exercise of its sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands, and we fervently appeal to the parties to the conflict to resolve their difficulties through negotiations within the framework of this universal Organization.
23.	In connection with the conflict in the Middle East, my country wishes to say that its duration and unforeseeable consequences are extremely disquieting aspects of the problem of maintaining international peace and security. Only a just and lasting solution will make it possible to overcome the crisis in that region, and to that end all members of the international community must recognize the formal existence of the State of Israel and its right to exist within its internationally recognized borders, free from all external threat or pressure, and, similarly, to accept and recognize the right of the Palestinian people to the establishment of its own national State. We consider both aspirations as legitimate and as urgently needed for reaching a satisfactory solution.
24.	With respect to the situation in Lebanon, my country reiterates its profound conviction that in order to achieve a peaceful solution it is essential, first of all, that the present truce be respected by all the parties concerned so that it may eventually lead to the withdrawal of all foreign forces and thus make it possible for Lebanon to exercise full sovereignty and its right to self-determination. The dismemberment of the national State can never be accepted.
25.	The search for peaceful and democratic solutions to conflicts is the correct way to achieve national and international reconciliation.
26.	Hence my country is upset at the development of events which, far from contributing to the settlement of differences among States, deepens them. The war between Iran and Iraq is a clear reflection of this. None the less, that war should not lead the international community to frustration and impotence.
27.	The Government of El Salvador is deeply concerned at the nature of the conflict in Afghanistan. Everyone is aware that the expansionist policy of the Soviet Union, in addition to being an aberration, is a latent threat to security and peaceful coexistence among States.
28.	This is why the people and Government of El Salvador hope that the Afghan people will be able to determine their own destiny, without any kind of interference, as soon as possible.
29.	In connection with the military intervention by Viet Nam in Kampuchea, my Government considers that the withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops is an urgent prerequisite for the achievement of peace in South-East Asia.
30.	It is regrettable that, in spite of the resolutions and appeals by the United Nations and other international bodies, the Government of South Africa shows no real sign of abandoning the policy of racial segregation. The practice and the spread of	is a constant element in the system of domination imposed by the South African Government and is a violation of social justice, fundamental human rights and international peace and security. Therefore, El Salvador reiterates anew its condemnation of apartheid and urges the United Nations and
other international bodies to redouble their efforts to bring about the elimination of that practice. My country also condemns the illegal occupation of the territory of Namibia by the South African Government.
31.	The new conflicts in the international society reflect, regrettably, an increase in hostility and tension in international relations. This should prompt reflection on the state of general crisis that threatens the entire international community.
32.	The invasion of Chad, supported by the Government of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, is a clear reflection of the totalitarian desire for world domination. Central America, which is experiencing such destabilizing and anti-democratic foreign interference, understands the difficulties and contradictions which arise. Therefore El Salvador cannot fail to express its support for respect for the right of self-determination for the people of Chad and the principle of non-intervention in their internal affairs.
33.	I wish to refer, with great concern, to the bringing down of the South Korean civilian airliner by the Soviet Union, in which 269 persons lost their lives. In addition to violating the norms of international civil aviation, this was a completely unjustifiable violation of fundamental human rights and an act of unprecedented barbarity. The people and Government of El Salvador express their most forceful condemnation of this irrational act and join in mourning the innocent victims, with special sympathy for the people of South Korea. Furthermore, we find it most strange that many international organizations entrusted with the safeguarding and protection of human rights has not taken a stand in connection with this shocking matter. We therefore urge them to abandon the discriminatory practice of judging Governments on the basis of ideological considerations.
34.	Antagonisms in Central America are increasing as a result of the clear practice by some regimes of intervention in the external and internal affairs of other countries, as well as the stepping up of an irrational arms race and the promotion and toleration of the illegal arms traffic.
35.	My Government is aware of the danger and that is why, in keeping with its democratic domestic objectives, its foreign policy is based on doctrinal principles of a universal character and on support for the struggles of the countries of the third world to reclaim what is theirs, countries with which we share the common denominator of underdevelopment and the quest for a better future, through equitable development and just and active cooperation among all the nations of the Earth.
36.	In my country, the difficult path towards peace and democracy is based on the consensus of my fellow citizens and on their strong resolve to achieve those objectives and leave behind forever the long night of terror through which we have lived.
37.	We are aware that such aspirations must be based on the political will to live in a democracy, for which the unanimous decision and determination of a people and its leaders is necessary. This is precisely what inspires the people and Government of El Salvador in their endeavour to bequeath to future generations a homeland free of ignominy, vengeance and fear.
38.	If we wish to achieve peace in Central America and spare our compatriots suffering and bloodshed, we cannot continue to endure the scourge of intervention- ism nor should we tolerate the intermediaries or their destabilizing acts. We demand respect for the democratic processes of each of our countries, so that we may direct our efforts towards peace and social and economic development.
39.	The Central American problem can be seen as a regional problem, since it affects the region as a whole. It also has a multilateral dimension since it affects each one of the countries of the region. Therefore the crises must be tackled simultaneously and comprehensively because of the interrelation of the factors involved.
40.	Peace is the solution to the Central American crisis, and in order to achieve it we must work on four basic points: first, the promotion of integral and balanced development in the region directed towards restructuring and social change; secondly, the establishment, promotion and development of democratic, pluralist and participatory institutions; thirdly, the safeguarding of respect for human rights in their various manifestations; and fourthly, the re-establishment of security in Central America, rejecting aggression and foreign intervention.
41.	In this context my Government is clearly aware of the need for regional dialogue to promote agreement leading to peace, without foreign intervention or pressure. Dialogue presupposes the rejection of violence, good faith among the parties and understanding of differing views and positions. In other words, with dialogue there are neither victors nor vanquished; it can end only in understanding that makes possible peace for all. We have proposed in the General Assembly dialogue within a regional framework; we have also done so in the Organization of American States; and in March of this year we reiterated this proposal in the Security Council—always in the hope that the international community would understand our aspirations.
42.	We desire a peaceful and democratic solution in Central America, because that is in conformity with the principle of harmonious coexistence in international law.
43.	We want regional dialogue; because we have no wish to be either an active or a passive part of the East-West conflict, or the victims of a tragedy in which foreign actors, gratuitous critics and spectators show us the path we should follow. The problems of the region should be solved by Central Americans themselves. Only in this way can the solution have a firm basis, guaranteeing for the future a harmonious balance, political stability and social calm.
44.	We consider it necessary that a peaceful solution to the Central American crisis should include the following elements.
45.	The first is related to the implementation of the traditional principles of international law, such as respect for the self-determination of peoples, legal equality of States, non-intervention in internal affairs, peaceful settlement of disputes and co-operation for development.
46.	For peace to be brought to Central America, it is of particular importance that democracy be established in each country of the region through the implementation of a truly democratic process in the political, economic and social spheres.
47.	Furthermore, there is a need to promote the establishment of machinery for internal reconciliation, especially in those countries which are divided, in order to make it possible for all sectors to participate in the politico-democratic process of their respective countries.
48.	Democracy in the region is a sine qua now for peace. Failure by a single country to promote the democratic process and its values upsets the state of harmony and stability. Unless democracy is institutionalized, there will be no balance. Undemocratic processes inspired by Marxism are by their very nature and their concept of history inevitably expansionist.

49.	In order to guarantee the security of Central American States, there is a need to curb the arms race and make an inventory of weaponry in order to seek a reduction.
50.	There should be a limitation of regular forces and the prohibition of irregular forces, as well as a limitation and reduction of military advisers and other foreigners participating in similar activities. Effective control of weapons traffic within and outside the region should be imposed on persons, organizations or groups that attempt through armed action to destabilize Governments.
51.	it is also important to promote machinery for economic co-operation and regional interchange in order to restructure the process of economic integration, making social change and development possible.
52.	All this require acceptance, proper development and control mechanisms, supervision and guarantees for strict and real compliance with the agreements that may be reached. Coercive measures must be provided to deal with those who violate those agreements or who fail to comply with them.
53.	The Contadora Group, as a regional and Latin American action, also enjoys international support. It is progressing in its efforts to ease tension and is contributing to the building of peace.
54.	We must bear in mind that in processes towards peace, confidence is gained through deeds and actions; it is thus increased and strengthened. Unfortunately it can also deteriorate and even be lost. It is not the opinion of third parties that matters, but rather the perception, the experience and orientation of the discussions of Governments of the countries directly concerned. Towards this end, we formally reiterate from this forum, and shall do so in others, our trust in multilateral dialogue in the region and in a comprehensive and simultaneous solution as the best way of obtaining peace and agreement, to which our peoples so dearly aspire.
55.	It is regrettable that in the context of the General Assembly a factor has been introduced by Nicaragua, that is, the request for the inclusion of an item on the situation in Central America, which will no doubt have harmful effects on the efforts of the Contadora Group, because it will weaken that forum by internationalizing the conflict and involving other protagonists who are unaware of the regional situation or who are motivated by alien considerations. The Nicaraguan request runs counter to the Contadora Group's objectives of peace and to peace in Central America.
56.	It has been clearly stated and recognized that the crisis in my country was caused by internal socio-economic and political conditions which encouraged injustice and social deprivation. In order to correct that situation, basic initial measures have been adopted that will strengthen the machinery for the new process of social, economic and political change so that it can become a reality, a change in which Salvadorians can find true political pluralism and which will raise our society to a democratic level with full social participation, contributing to the betterment of the individual and of society as  a whole.
57.	In order to achieve these objectives, structural reforms have been instituted and broadened. Their achievements are already widely known, at home and abroad. The major goals pursued through agrarian reform and nationalization of banking and foreign trade are the apex of our national determination to root out once and for all the internal factors that caused the social crisis.
58.	In order to achieve internal harmony and democracy, the Government of El Salvador, together with the commissions on peace and human rights, drafted the law of amnesty and civic rehabilitation, approved by unanimous decision of the members of the Constituent Assembly.
59.	We are convinced that the problem of El Salvador is complex, with both internal and external causes, but interventionism, based on a misunderstood political and ideological internationalism, in reality prevents us from advancing more speedily in our process of democratization.
60.	Domestically we are making efforts to achieve peace, and we consider that along these lines the elections to be held in the near future in our country, with the participation of <dl Salvadorians who cherish democracy, are a means and a beginning of a process to achieve definitive, lasting peace in order to establish a democratic system.
61.	In order to strengthen these endeavours, my Government has shown its readiness to promote the participation of all political forces without exception in the programme of peace that has been designed. Along these lines, the peace commission clearly appealed for dialogue to the political sector of the armed opposition, in order to determine the conditions and guarantees of its participation in future elections. Contacts have been made and initial meetings have been held between that peace commission and the armed opposition, so that the process of dialogue has already begun. Likewise, many appeals have been issued to those who have taken up arms, asking them to lay down their weapons and to participate with all goodwill in the building of our country and the strengthening of our democratic institutions, thus making it possible to establish a strong social, pluralist, participative system, promoting the full development of our society.
62.	On behalf of the Salvadorian people, my Government has proposed a true democratic alternative to our situation so that peace can be the natural outcome of a political process, based on social consensus which should be established in the coming elections and in the growing flexibility of our democratic system.
63.	In this context, peace should also be the product of the strengthening of social reforms, economic recovery and the enjoyment of human rights.
64.	That is why I wish to finish by making an appeal that together we all reflect, in this hour of blood and fire, on the urgent need for dialogue for peace. Too many have died already in my country and in other countries. They died because, as in a famous poem, they were asked to give their lives to obtain peace. They gave their lives without a protest, but peace was not achieved.


1.	 I am indeed gratified to have the opportunity to offer my very cordial greetings to the President of this thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly, the Vice President of Panama, Mr. Jorge Illueca, long identified with this Organization, and through him to the people of his country, linked to mine by a warm and enduring friendship.
2.	At this session of the Assembly we are witnessing two developments which are of special satisfaction to my delegation: first, the fact that the presidency is held by the worthy representative of a Latin American nation, and secondly, the admission of Saint Christopher and Nevis as a new Member of the Organization, after having solemnly declared its independence on 18 September, the date on which my country also commemorates its birth as a sovereign nation. With the addition of Saint Christopher and Nevis, to whose delegation we offer our best wishes, the number of countries of our region that are determined to contribute to strengthening the principles and purposes of the Charter of San Francisco is thus increased.
3.	As a Latin American and as a Chilean, I am particularly happy to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for the brilliant and efficient manner in which he has been carrying out his functions, including the negotiating efforts to promote peace and the achievement of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
4.	In my capacity as Minister for External Relations of Chile, the most constructive contribution I can make to this world forum, at a time when difficult circumstances confront the international community, is a brief review of the objectives we pursue, the paths we should take and the resources we have for attaining our goals.
5.	Almost 40 years have passed since the solemn signing of the Charter at San Francisco, where the decision to preserve future generations from the scourge of war was sealed. Bodies have been created to achieve that aim and efforts have been made to secure true international co-operation to solve the major political, economic, social and cultural problems affecting mankind.
6.	At the same time, scientific and technological development has reached such a point that, together with producing hitherto unknown possibilities, it has placed in the hands of man weapons capable of destroying the species. It is paradoxical that the very human being who has succeeded in reaching the stars has forged the means which could lead to his annihilation.
7.	I believe I am not exaggerating if I point out that the risk to our peoples lies in the inability to live in keeping with the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter. While such great advances have been made in the field of science, we have fallen terribly far behind in the unavoidable task of preserving harmony and avoiding aggression.
8.	The existing and potential conflicts number in the dozens, and in many cases the smallest countries are mere actors in the disagreements behind which obscure interests of ideological and economic influence are hidden. The threat of major conflagrations hangs over us as the consequence of decisions in which, in many cases, we were not involved. Power protects the powerful, but the blood that stains the earth with its iniquity is not always that of those who created the disputes.
9.	For that reason it is necessary to reiterate that the peaceful settlement of disputes, pledged a thousand and one times in texts, speeches and international agreements, must become the rule. This aim has been thwarted because a real will to accept solutions dictated by law or advocated by fairness does not exist.
10.	If the use or threat of the use of force is banished from international practice and a decision to respect the law is taken, we shall have gained a world of peace and harmony which will enable man to fulfil the aspirations of progress enshrined in the Charter.
11.	We are duty-bound to note with sorrow that, unfortunately, the Security Council has been used many times just for effect, which has led to the distancing of its deliberations from the spirit that led to its creation and to making its resolutions simply repetitive, diverting it from its fundamental responsibility of maintaining international peace and security in the name of the United Nations, that is to say, the international community.
12.	For that reason, it is urgent to examine the question of what formula would allow the Organization to follow closely the evolution of certain problems in order to guide them towards peaceful means of preventing and settling disputes in accordance with international law and human rights. Perhaps some form of joint action could be worked out for those unresolved differences which carry the risk of potential confrontation. In this manner there could be timely co-operation in the initial stages with the parties directly concerned, thereby possibly averting confrontation. I cannot help recalling what the representative of Chile said last year in this regard: "Experience should have taught us only too well that there is a limit, at the transgression of which a thousand diabolical elements will band together to blur understanding and lead to the precipice.'"
13.	It is true that in some cases such preventive action could lead to frustration, but then experience, lessons and sometimes great endeavours flow from failures. On the other hand, inaction and inactivity have always proved sterile.
14.	We state with conviction that we must not remain unmoved in the face of the clear proliferation of potential or real conflicts. We must never permit a situation such as that in 1945, in which the initiative for and the achievement of international agreement has to emerge from rubble and death. We must prevent a situation in which peace must be created by war; peace must be the child of peace.
15.	Because we hold this conviction, my Government today reaffirms, as it has in the past, its unqualified support for the fundamental principles of the Charter, the peaceful settlement of disputes and respect for treaties. The best guarantee of peace must be effective juridical instruments which will obviate the temptation to succumb to the misleading attraction and dangerous expedient of force.
16.	Coming generations could look towards the future with tranquillity if the United Nations had an efficient mechanism for preventing sterile confrontations.
17.	My country has the moral authority to deal with these subjects because of its consistent devotion to peace and its identification with the ideals which led to the creation of the United Nations. In a world which has not been-able to silence the guns of war, we, together with our neighbours, have enjoyed a century-long peace, moving forward successfully along the common paths of understanding and co-operation. For that reason we feel qualified to express our concern about situations which might disturb the peace. If the international community does not face with imagination, creativity and resolution circumstances which constitute risks to peace—such as the events in Central America, the Middle East, Afghanistan and Kampuchea—the Organization will see the frustration of the dreams and hopes which the nations of the world have held for it since the very moment of its creation.
18.	The Chilean Government has pursued tirelessly and patiently, in the peaceful spirit I have recalled, its efforts to ensure harmony in the southern region of the continent.
19.	We have always complied with the decisions of international justice, and we welcomed the paternal appeals of His Holiness Pope John Paul II. After accepting the 1977 arbitration finding, compliance with which was obligatory in accordance with a commitment previously agreed to by the parties, we promptly accepted the settlement proposal later worked out by the Holy Father. We have also been prepared to sign a peace treaty, as recommended by the same mediator, to guarantee juridically the harmony fortunately existing between my country and the Argentine Republic.
20.	We have not succeeded in securing the culmination of the Holy Father's mediating efforts. In view of the passage of time, we reiterate today our faith in the result of his patient action and express our hope that, thanks to it, our objectives of peace, unity and integration will be achieved.
21.	Similarly, we count on the success of the negotiating action entrusted to the Secretary-General in the South Atlantic conflict between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom.
22.	The direct threats to peace to which I referred earlier are associated with another danger: the world economic depression. The nations with the most fragile structures are today suffering the consequences of a crisis which is perhaps the worst since the end of the Second World War. We do not wish to shirk our share of responsibility, but we must emphasize that any solution requires the resolute collaboration of the economically strongest countries.
23.	What is lacking today is a major consensus for development. From the ministerial meeting of the Contracting Parties of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to the sixth session of the, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, through the failure of the attempt to renew global negotiations and the difficulties in establishing a viable financing system for science and technology for development, as well as the reduction of all flows of official development assistance, we have gone from disappointment to disappointment, and a crisis of international economic co-operation has been precipitated.
24.	We should not turn a deaf ear to these warnings, because history teaches that economic crises constitute the atmosphere in which political tensions and international conflicts thrive.
25.	The present situation forces us to recognize the magnitude of the new dimension of interdependence which today defines relations between North and South.
26.	But beyond the inevitable tensions and antagonisms a true mutuality of interests exists between the industrialized and developing States. The less developed countries know well that the cause of peace and progress cannot be served by slowing or destroying the growth of the more advanced ones. And the latter cannot but fully recognize their responsibility as partners in the process of world recovery. Both must join forces to make the most of the exploitation of resources in a more equitable and more rational international division of labour, based on the comparative advantages of the various regions. It is appropriate, therefore, to formulate a juridical and political plan for our world, with the participation of all in the determination of new areas of freedom and innovation, based on the cardinal principles of sovereignty, development and peace.
27.	An honest and clear distinction must be made between what is desirable and what is possible within today's limited resources. In this context, the programme of action proposed by the Secretary-General during the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development could serve as a good guide for our debates.
28.	Now that I have referred to subjects of priority interest, I should like to mention briefly my Government's position on matters of special interest to the General Assembly.
29.	The community of nations must not remain indifferent to the occupation by foreign forces of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, where the rights of the peoples are being systematically violated and international juridical norms are being mocked.
30.	It is imperative for the Soviet as well as the Vietnamese aggressor, which infringe the most elementary standards of coexistence, to withdraw from those illegally occupied territories so that their peoples can exercise their inalienable right of self-determination.
31.	While we unreservedly support the humanitarian work being done on behalf of the refugees, we are concerned at the failure to comply with the resolutions adopted by the United Nations, which constitutes an open violation of the Charter and of international law.
32.	Furthermore, it is with serious concern that we witness the crisis affecting our sister nations in Central America. We share with them their desire to preserve their identity and freedom in the face of the disturbing ideologies which an extra-continental Power seeks to introduce into our hemisphere.
33.	We have given our firm support to the negotiations of the Contadora Group, and we hope that this initiative will result in a formula which will preserve the values of freedom and human dignity for that part of our continent, which is undergoing a difficult stage in its history.
34.	With regard to the situation in the Middle East, Chile has constantly insisted on the need to find a just and lasting solution in keeping with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). In our view this objective can be attained only through realistic approaches based on recognition of the right of all States of the region, including Israel, to live within secure and internationally recognized boundaries and on the full exercise by the Palestinian people of the right to self- determination and to establish its own sovereign State.
35.	We also feel that the international community would be failing in its duty were it not to succeed in establishing lasting peace in Lebanon. The withdrawal of all foreign forces from that country and respect for its territorial integrity and political independence are indispensable if that once prosperous nation is to recover its unity and the tranquillity necessary for it to begin its speedy and definitive political and material reconstruction. In this regard, the truce recently achieved in Lebanon has aroused our hopes.
36.	Inspired by its pacifist calling and its commitment to the idea of good-neighbourliness, Chile will always support initiatives which seek a fair and lasting solution of the complex and delicate situation in the Middle East.
37.	I cannot complete these brief references to international matters without placing special emphasis on a situation which Chile, as an active member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, views with great concern. I am referring to the persistence in Namibia of a situation which the entire international community has condemned. In this regard, we wish again to express our complete support for the negotiations which the Secretary- General is conducting in order to find a peaceful solution for this problem which will permit the speedy implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
38.	I also reiterate our repudiation of the practice of apartheid an historic anachronism which is an outrage to the conscience of mankind.
39.	Similarly, we continue to deplore the unstable situation in the Korean peninsula. The profound significance of the division of that nation, as far as Chile is concerned, persuades us to support the inter-Korean negotiations more than ever as the only peaceful formula, free of foreign interference, that can lead to a solution of the problem.
40.	Furthermore, we energetically denounce the criminal attack upon a Korean civilian plane by Soviet war- planes with the consequent unfortunate loss of life, which is mourned not only by the Korean people but also by Members of the Organization. The contempt for and indifference to the international community and international law shown by the Soviet Union cannot but be condemned.
41.	I must also reiterate the concern which my country has indicated on other occasions in this forum with regard to the continued nuclear testing which France is carrying out in the South Pacific. Our firm position is based on the inherent dangers to human life and the flora and fauna of the region. For that reason, we strongly support the signing of a general treaty prohibiting all nuclear tests.
42.	Turning to other matters, the issues of outer space, the law of the sea, the Pacific Basin and the Antarctic region are of priority concern to our country.
43.	Chile has actively participated in the work being done by the United Nations in the field of outer space, particularly in the search for means of co-operation and in the drafting of juridical instruments regulating the various activities now taking place in this Held.
44.	We wish to stress at this time the reception given to the Chilean initiative on the creation of a Latin American space agency. Such a body would permit joint exploitation of the benefits of space science by the member countries, thus making a decisive contribution to their economic, social and cultural development.
45.	The signing of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea represents the culmination of long years of effort and negotiation. It is the definitive sanctioning of the concept of an exclusive economic zone of 200 nautical miles, an idea which was originally introduced by my country in 1947.
46.	The Chilean Government welcomes the fact that more than 120 Member States have already signed this Convention, and it calls upon those which have not yet done so to give their support to this important instrument of modern international law, the result of the good will displayed by the international community in the process of negotiations.
47.	The Chilean Government takes note of the work done by the recent second session of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, and, as Vice-President of that body, we affirm that we will continue actively to co-operate in the implementation of the provisions of the Convention.
48.	Chile attaches special importance to the Pacific Ocean, its natural maritime field, which daily demands from the coastal States increasing attention to its inestimable potential, and to the lively dialogue of co-operation which has taken place among the countries of the Basin in recent years.
49.	Chile is a Consultative Party to the Antarctic Treaty and its research activity on that continent and the co-operation offered to other Members of the United Nations have been constant.
50.	Chile is an Antarctic country by virtue of legal title, history and geographic continuity. The fact that it is a developing country with limited resources has not prevented it from carrying out activities which for more than a century have contributed to linking that continent with the rest of the world, and to the preservation of its unique ecosystem.
51.	As a founder the Antarctic Treaty, a Consultative Party and a country that exercises sovereign rights in the Antarctic, Chile cannot be in favour of having this subject discussed in the United Nations.
52.	We view with concern the consequences that might occur if this Organization were to undertake the consideration of matters which are the subject of international treaties, open to participation by all States, as is the specific case of the Antarctic Treaty. The twelfth meeting of the Consultative Parties was recently held at Canberra with the active participation of all the adherents.
53.	That Treaty, which upholds the principles and purposes of the Charter, has proved to be a unique instrument and an example of international co-operation integrated into the United Nations system and open to all its Members. Those countries with Antarctic activities, including the super-Powers, have found themselves obliged to set aside those matters which separate them and to co-operate peacefully in all areas linked to the Antarctic.
54.	For countries such as Chile, which, in addition to century-old activity, exercises its sovereignty in that territory and has its rights protected under article IV of the Treaty, an inadequate consideration of this subject would constitute a violation of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter.
55.	Thanks to the existence of the Antarctic Treaty, that region has been preserved as a zone of peace, free from nuclear weapons, far from the traditional confrontations between the great Powers and open to the participation
of all States Members of this Organization. The system which has been structured around the Treaty guarantees faithful compliance in the Antarctic with all the aims and objectives of the Charter, in addition to duly safeguarding the interests of humanity.
56.	In this session we have heard certain foreign ministers, seeming to follow orders, refer to the internal situation in my country, thus demonstrating a selectivity which we denounce and certainly reject. In some cases their remarks reveal deliberate ignorance and in others a lack of information and even an unacceptable interference in our internal affairs. For this reason only I am compelled briefly to emphasize what is occurring in the process of institutional consolidation in Chile.
57.	Early in 1974, in the face of the institutional, material and moral collapse of the country, the Chilean Government solemnly proclaimed that its objective would be centred on full recovery of a lasting democracy. As early as 1277 the necessary stages for gaining normality were structured. At that time there was no lack of prophets arguing that those announcements were merely rhetorical and devoid of real content. The same thing happened at the announcement of the drafting of a political constitution, which, when presented to the nation, received the ratification of two thirds of the Chilean people.
58.	In accordance with that same political constitution, Chile today enjoys full freedom of the press, information, assembly and opinion, and the Government has proceeded to implement the political laws which will lead the country to the exercise of the rights of citizens in a full democracy. To bring that about, the Council of State is now working on those laws and its work will be completed in the near future.
59.	In order for those basic provisions to have the support of the democratic sectors, the Government has begun a dialogue which is being carried out within a framework of the broadest national representation.
60.	The decision to permit the return of Chileans living abroad who had been prevented from returning earlier had a similar integrating direction. During August and September alone, that measure benefited more than 3,000 persons, among them prominent leaders of the political opposition.
61.	This responsible pattern of institutional consolidation has not been changed, not even by cowardly assassinations, terrorist acts or acts of vandalism which have been shamelessly claimed by groups of anonymous persons and craven delinquents who, acting under assumed names, are nothing but the concealed armed tools of Soviet imperialism, which contributed to the breakdown of Chilean democratic institutions in the period between 1970 and 1973.
62.	In this brief statement I have attempted to bring to the international community represented here the message of friendship which Chile offers to those who respect its identity as a free and sovereign people.
63.	Returning always to the idea of peace, I believe that we can find the most precious aspiration of my country at this time in that sentence left us by Milton: "Peace hath her victories/No less renowned than war".


28.	 I wish first of all, Sir, to take this opportunity to convey to you the congratulations of the Federal Republic of Germany on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. You are a person with exceptional qualities and wide experience, among other things in the work of the United Nations, as well as the representative of a country and a continent with which friendly relations are for us traditional.
29.	I wish also to extend my country's thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Hollai, the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary, whose presidency of the thirty-seventh session bore the stamp of commitment and balance.
30.	I am grateful to the Secretary-General and his staff for their dedicated work in the past year in the service of the Organization and in the cause of world peace.
31.	On behalf of the Federal Republic of Germany, I extend a warm welcome to Saint Christopher and Nevis as the newest Member of the United Nations.
32.	Ten years ago the Federal Republic of Germany became a Member of the United Nations. On that occasion, speaking from this rostrum, our then Foreign Minister, Waiter Scheel, said:
"Peace takes first place. The times have gone when the family of nations allowed a single State or a political group to upset the coexistence of the whole family through the use of force.
"In our time there is no longer any room for the law of the jungle.'" Today those words ring more true than ever. All Members of the United Nations have solemnly undertaken not to use force of any kind. Yet what do we see around us? Afghanistan, Cambodia, South-West Asia, the Middle East, Chad, southern Africa, Central America and other regions of the world are scenes of ghastly wars and civil strife.
33.	This year the world will have spent the staggering sum of $800 billion on arms. How ruthlessly force is resorted to is shown by the shooting down of a South Korean passenger aircraft by a Soviet military aircraft. That must never happen again. I appeal to all nations to participate in the efforts of ICAO to work out rules that will make a repetition of such a tragedy impossible.
34.	The peoples of the earth long for peace and the absence of force, and they look to the United Nations in the hope that the Organization will accomplish its most noble task, which is to promote world peace. It was the desire to participate in this global task of fostering peace that motivated my country in joining the United Nations. We reaffirm our commitment to the United Nations and we shall do all we can to help it accomplish its task of safeguarding peace.
35.	We laid the foundations of our policy for peace in the 1950s when we joined the European Community and the Western alliance.
36.	The treaty policy with our neighbours in the East and with the German Democratic Republic followed. With our accession to the United Nations we assumed our full responsibility within the community of nations.
37.	In 1973, the year of our accession, the efforts to achieve the goals of detente and co-operation between East and West were in full swing. No doubt all Members of the United Nations then hoped that the international community would from then on be able to concentrate its political energies and economic resources more and more on the three great global tasks of mankind: disarmament, the elimination of hunger and want, and protection of the natural environment.
38.	This year 1972 was that of the first United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, and 1975 saw the commencement of the North-South dialogue. But hopes for the progressive, constructive development of East-West relations were dashed. Detente and co-operation have suffered severe setbacks since the end of the 1970s through the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the events in Poland and the destabilizing arms build-up by the Soviet Union.
39.	Today once more international discussion focuses on East-West tensions rather than on comprehensive North-South co-operation in pursuit of development in the third world. Once again the East-West confrontation is preventing the United Nations from doing its job of f serving world peace.
40.	Yet we must not give up. Proceeding on the basis of its membership in the European Community and in the Western alliance, the Federal Republic of Germany will continue to work for the maintenance of peace in Europe. The European Community, the core of which is Franco-German friendship, is an organization of
European democracies which have pooled their energies to shape their future together, as equals, in peace and freedom.
41.	Referring to the goals of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's defence alliance, the heads of State and Government declared at Bonn on 10 June 1982: "Our purpose is to prevent war and, while safeguarding democracy, to build the foundations of lasting peace. None of our weapons will ever be used in response to attack."
42.	Europe must be a continent of peace, must become a force for the peace of the whole world.
43.	We shall continue to pursue detente and co-operation with our neighbours in the East. We shall continue to do everything in our power to help build a world order of peace in which nations, conscious of their interdependence, will work together as partners and human rights, the civil and political just as much as the economic, social and cultural rights, will be enjoyed by all.
44.	At this moment the eyes of the whole world are on Geneva, the venue of the negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on strategic arms reduction and intermediate-range nuclear forces.
45.	My Government welcomes the new American proposals for the intermediate-range negotiations which President Reagan outlined in his address to the Assembly on 26 September. We hope they will make possible at least an interim result in those negotiations before the end of the year. The United States has proposed the total renunciation of all American and Soviet land-based intermediate-range missiles. That remains our goal. Only such a result could render superfluous the deployment of Western missiles scheduled for the end of 1983. The key to that lies in Moscow. The Government and citizens of the Federal Republic of Germany and all nations of Europe and Asia long for nothing more ardently than the attainment of that goal.
46.	We do not want to be constantly exposed to the threat of Soviet intermediate-range missiles. We shall not accept a Soviet monopoly of land-based missiles. As the Soviet Union does not at present seem willing to forgo that weapons system completely, we pin our hope on an interim agreement that would limit Soviet and United States missiles of this type to the lowest possible number.
47.	The new Western proposals have opened up that possibility. They take account of Soviet interests and considerations. I appeal to the Soviet Union not to let the opportunity to achieve a concrete result pass. I appeal to the Soviet Union not to block the intermediate-range nuclear forces negotiations any longer by insisting that the British and French systems be included.
48.	The Soviet Union should take careful note of what has been said by President Mitterrand and the British Foreign Secretary and also the Chinese Foreign Minister about taking into account and limiting strategic systems in terms of arms control policy.
49.	We must view these disarmament negotiations at Geneva in the overall context of East-West relations. The fact that today the West and East are engaged in such intensive and comprehensive negotiations on confidence- building, arms control and disarmament is encouraging. We have never doubted that the military aspects of security pose the most difficult problems in the detente process, but the settlement of these issues is indispensable for real detente and for the development of a durable peace order in Europe.
50.	Chancellor Kohl has reaffirmed that we recognize the Soviet Union's need for security in the light of history. We want for ourselves no more, but also no less, than equal recognition of our own security interests.
51.	The process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe offers one of the most promising opportunities for resolving or reducing East-West problems through mutual understanding and compromise and for carrying out common tasks through co-operation. That Conference has linked human rights and human contacts with the process of detente and economic cooperation. It has become a matter which concerns not only governments but peoples as well. We made every effort to ensure that the follow-up meeting at Madrid took place in spite of critical international developments and that it was assiduously continued and eventually concluded at the ministerial level.
52.	The result of that meeting shows our endeavours to have been worth while. The net woven by the Final Act of Helsinki2 has held up under many heavy strains. Now the Concluding Document of the Madrid meeting has brought important progress. It makes allowance for the interests of the people and for questions of co-operation, security and confidence-building. Now the aim must be to translate these results into practice and to let the positive impulses generated at Madrid give impetus to the disarmament negotiations also.
53.	The Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe due to begin at Stockholm on 17 January 1984 will for the first time open the whole of Europe, from the Atlantic to the Urals, to arms control. Military stability in the field of conventional forces in Europe can become a reality only if confidence-building measures and arms control encompass all European territory. Thus that Conference is a necessary complement to the Vienna negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions, which cover only central Europe.
54.	In the first phase of negotiations the Conference will seek agreement on verifiable confidence-building measures to reduce the danger of a conventional surprise attack in Europe. A further phase of the Conference could lead on to disarmament negotiations proper. The sooner stability in the conventional sphere is established at the lowest possible level of forces, the sooner it will become possible also to reduce nuclear capabilities in Europe step by step on the basis of agreements. We must remain constantly aware of this broad perspective. Disarmament directed towards the establishment of equilibrium is the aim of German peace policy. We want to achieve peace with ever fewer weapons.
55.	Speaking on behalf of the new German Government formed after the March elections, Chancellor Kohl said that we would consistently pursue the policy of understanding, detente and co-operation with our Eastern neighbours on the basis of the treaties concluded in the seventies. That policy is designed for the long term. We shall continue our efforts to infuse those treaties with life.
56.	We are convinced that positive developments in the political and economic relations between West and East can facilitate the settlement of the difficult security issues. Economic co-operation brings stability to East-West relations. We want neither a trade war nor any misuse of economic relations as a disciplinary instrument. That applies in relation to all countries.
57.	We want to expand consistently our relations with the Soviet Union in the long term and improve their quality. We are conscious of the importance of German- Soviet relations for East-West relations. But this policy cannot be a one-way street. Chancellor Kohl said in his policy statement on 5 May 1983 that we judge the will for co-operation of the Soviet Union's leaders by the extent to which they actually help to reduce and eliminate all impediments.
58.	We wish to keep on developing our relations with our other Eastern neighbours also. Europe does not stop at the Elbe. Europe has a common history and a common future. All of us in Europe can gain from progress in detente and in co-operation, but we can all only lose through confrontation.
59.	Constructive development in East-West relations is greatly influenced by the relationship between the two German States. The Germans in West and East have a common responsibility towards peace in Europe, and the Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic must constantly be aware of that responsibility. We share the conviction that Germany must never again be a source of war but that it should rather generate impulses for peace.
60.	The treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic laid the foundation for the development of comprehensive cooperation. We Germans in West and East must have the ambition not to be outdone by anyone else when it comes to putting into practice the Final Act of Helsinki and the declaration of Madrid. A peaceful and stable situation in and around Berlin is crucial both for German-German relations and for East-West relations as a whole.
61.	Co-operation between the two German States strengthens the cohesion of the nation. Our aim is to work for a state of peace in Europe in which the German nation will regain its unity through free self-determination. Our aim is to work for a peace order in the whole of Europe that is characterized by trust and comprehensive cooperation.
62.	All countries concerned must make their contribution to detente and co-operation between West and East. This means the following. The political dialogue between West and East must not stop; indeed it must be intensified precisely when the going is rough, and this applies in particular to the dialogue between the two super-Powers. My Government regrets that Foreign Minister Gromyko is not attending this session of the General Assembly. We strongly advocate a summit meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Andropov and welcome the readiness of the United States to attend such a meeting.
63.	Co-operation in all spheres consolidates peace. Disarmament negotiations cannot bear fruit in a climate of confrontation, nor can they be conducted in a vacuum. They need to have a place in the framework of constructive East-West relations. This calls for a willingness to see and appreciate the other side's interests, needs, fears and problems. Presenting each other as demons poisons the international atmosphere. Reason, clear-headedness and cool calculation are indispensable.
64.	All nations, in the West and in the East, must adhere strictly to the principle of the renunciation of force, as they have promised in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, to the extent that they are signatories. This includes the exercise of moderation in the pursuit of one's own interests. Referring to the further development of the concept of the renunciation of force, Chancellor Kohl, during his visit to Moscow on 4 July 1983, said that a further binding renewal of the prohibition of the use of force "can help improve the international situation if it actually prevents the threat of force and stops it where it is still being used",
65.	We do not want war, either a nuclear or a conventional one. President Reagan is right; a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.
66.	All countries must contribute to arms control and disarmament directed towards the establishment of an equilibrium, and all countries must be willing to help establish tangible confidence-building measures. Transparency and verifiability must be translated into concrete measures.
67.	All nations, in the West and in the East, must discharge the obligation to keep the East-West confrontation out of the third world. There is no longer any future in hegemony or in spheres of influence, either in Europe or elsewhere in the world. We must all contribute to a peaceful settlement of the conflicts in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Economic development and the elimination of hunger and want in the third world brook no further delay. It is not the export of weapons but development co-operation that is urgently needed. Only if disarmament produces a stable equilibrium between East and West at the lowest possible level of armaments will East and West be able to make the necessary contribution to the global tasks of the future: the development of the third world and the preservation of the natural basis of life on our planet. My country is conscious of its responsibility concerning peace, development and environmental protection. We are playing our part in the efforts to accomplish these tasks.
68.	The principles guiding our co-operation with third world countries are clear: we respect the right of all nations to independence and self-determination; we support genuine non-alignment, which we see as a stabilizing element of international relations; we plead the cause of the renunciation of force world-wide and support the peaceful settlement of conflicts; we are helping to eliminate hunger and want everywhere in the world; and we are striving for progress in the global exercise of human rights, since without this nations will find no lasting peace, internally or in their external relations.
69.	At its thirty-eighth session the General Assembly will be debating a number of crises. The most urgent problem to be solved in safeguarding world peace is unchanged: that of a comprehensive and equitable peace settlement in the Middle East. In Lebanon the bloodshed and the suffering of the civilian population must be ended without delay and the way to national reconciliation reopened. Reconciliation is essential for the independence, sovereignty and unity of Lebanon. The peace process in the wider Israeli-Arab Middle East conflict must be resumed. The right of self-determination of the Palestinian people must be recognized, as must the right of all nations in the region, including Israel, to live within secure and recognized boundaries.
70.	We appeal to Iraq and Iran to stop the war in the Gulf that has claimed so many lives on both sides.
71.	The Cyprus question exemplifies attempts by the United Nations to help resolve conflicts by peaceful means. My Government supports the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. It supports all efforts by the Secretary-General to ensure the regular pursuit of intercommunal talks.
72.	The continuing Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the Vietnamese intervention in Cambodia place a particularly heavy strain on international relations. The Soviet Union and Viet Nam must cease their resistance to the demand of the entire world that they withdraw their forces. Concerning the Cambodian question, we support the recent appeal by the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations in all respects. Afghanistan is a touchstone of Soviet will do to recognize the independence of third world nations, to respect their desire for non-alignment and not to seek a position of dominance.
73.	The peaceful settlement of the conflicts in the Horn of Africa, Western Sahara and southern Africa is urgently needed. International efforts to secure Namibia's independence must at long last be brought to a successful conclusion on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). As a member of the Western contact group, the Federal Republic of Germany has been playing an active part in these efforts for a number of years and will not relax its efforts. We welcome the Secretary-General's initiative in this respect and promise him our full support. In the Republic of South Africa, the policy of apartheid, which is inimical to the very notion of human rights, must at long last be ended.
74.	It is only by peaceful means that the political, economic and social conflicts currently convulsing Central America can be resolved. Here too we are ready to help in so far as we can to bring stability to that region. We see a possibility for regional co-operation between the European Community and the nations of that region. We strongly support the peace initiative of the Contadora Group.
75.	The worsening conflicts in Asia, Africa and Latin America are accompanied by an increasing arms build-up in those parts of the world. Military spending in the third world has quadrupled over the past 20 years and today accounts for one quarter of the global military expenditure. Thus arms control and disarmament are becoming increasingly urgent tasks for many regions of the third world also. Confidence-building measures are indispensable for the third world too. An international symposium held in the Federal Republic of Germany in the spring called for such measures in order to defuse tensions in the third world. Within the Disarmament Commission our work on the list of guidelines for confidence-building measures continues.
76.	Regional co-operation is an effective and promising concept for the promotion of peace and stability in the world. My Government sees tit as the best way of safeguarding and strengthening the political and economic independence of the developing countries. The European Community is a model for a regional grouping in which all members have equal rights. It has long been a factor of stability in Europe and in the world. Through cooperation agreements with regional groupings in the third world it has created a model for future co-operation between industrial and developing countries. The Lom6 Convention which links the European Community with African, Caribbean and Pacific States, and the successful co-operation between the European Community and ASEAN testify to this.
77.	According to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, international co-operation should also serve to ensure the protection of human rights. Innocent people are still being held, tortured and murdered in prisons. Individuals are still the object of discrimination merely on account of their colour or their religion. Many millions of people, principally in the third world, are still having to live in conditions of poverty that are unworthy of the human race. These pictures of violence, injustice and misery illustrate the challenge. They show how much still has to be done to make human rights a reality.
78.	The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights must not remain mere declarations. They must become a reality. We support the proposal for the appointment of a high commissioner for human rights. We call upon the family of nations, conscious of the good done by the European Court of Human Rights, to agree on the institution of a court of human rights of the United Nations. We hope that the next session of the General Assembly, acting on the basis of the report submitted by the Commission on Human Rights, will approve our proposed optional protocol for die abolition of capital punishment. A convention affording protection against torture is urgently needed.
79.	Among the important creative tasks of the United Nations in the Held of law is that of formulating the right to development. We support the current work of the Commission ca Human Rights in this field.
80.	The refugee situation is one of the most pressing problems of our time. It demonstrates how closely human rights are tied up with peace. Millions of refugees mean not only human misery a million times over. This trend endangers the political and economic stability of the overburdened receiving countries and is a threat to peace.
81.	As the Secretary-General explained in his report on the work of the Organization the refugee problem can only be resolved if the underlying political causes are removed. It was  mark of progress when, at the initiative of my country, the General Assembly included in the agenda of its thirty-fifth session an item concerning international preventive measures to avoid new flows of refugees. We must now develop a system of concrete measures so that the United Nations can take timely action to prevent new flows.
82.	The economic and social development of the third world is only possible if world peace is safeguarded. Development needs peace, but, conversely, peace needs development. For the sake of world peace all energy must be devoted to the task of economic development in the third world. That is also a vital self-interest of the industrialized countries. The world economy is gradually overcoming the worst recession since the thirties. Nowhere has that recession had such devastating consequences as in the third world. In the African countries with low incomes, the situation of many people has become desperate. And even in Latin America, per capita incomes have dropped sharply in the past two years.
83. The development process now needs to be started up again and accelerated everywhere in the third world. The international community as a whole must help. The industrialized countries of the East, too, must finally meet their responsibilities. Belief in the success of the development process needs to be revitalized. 86. How great the difficulties are is reflected in the discussions at the annual meeting of the World Bank and IMF in Washington. But neither can we afford to resign ourselves to the situation, nor would such resignation be justified. The incipient upswing in the industrialized countries must be harnessed to the needs of the third world. Energy prices have become more stable. Interest rates, though still high, are distinctly below the 1981/82 peak. Every per cent less in Eurodollar interest rates saves the developing countries over two billion dollars in interest payments a year. World trade is showing signs of picking up again. Rising commodity prices mean bigger export earnings for many developing countries. The industrial democracies must maintain their economic growth without rekindling inflation. This still cannot be done without reducing budget deficits. One per cent or less growth in the industrialized countries can be instrumental in determining the success or failure of the developing countries' own efforts.
87.	This places an additional responsibility on the industrialized countries to ensure lasting, non-inflationary growth. Widespread North-South co-operation must afford direct support to the development process. The international flow of capital to the developing countries must now scrupulously be maintained and extended. Development requires—and this applies at any time—an inflow of capital and foreign exchange. To the least developed countries, official development aid is crucial. In recent years this aid has accounted for 84 per cent of capital inflows.
88.	In the case of the advanced developing countries, on the other hand, the problem of easing the external debt is the prime concern. With a volume of some 700 billion dollars and an annual interest burden amounting to 50 billion dollars, the debt of the developing countries has assumed dramatic proportions. Co-operation between IMF and development and commercial banks, as well as between the governments of debtor and creditor countries, must be intensified. The commercial banks must be ready to provide even more loans. The World Bank, IMF and the regional development banks must make their contribution, and to do so they must receive the necessary funds from their member countries. The ability of these proven institutions to function must be preserved if the basic conditions for the economic recovery of the third world and of the world as a whole are not to be placed in jeopardy.
89.	Rescheduling must allow for special individual circumstances and take place within the scope of sensible stabilization programmes. More effective measures are needed to counter protectionism. Commodity markets and the earnings from commodity exports must be stabilized. By means of such measures, coupled with resolute adjustment policies on the part of the developing countries, the present crisis can be overcome and the development process consolidated and energetically continued.
90.	To ensure the success of development efforts, the industrial countries must not only keep their markets open to exports from developing countries, but widen them. Protectionist policies in relation to the developing countries are tantamount to refusing development. East-South trade must also be intensified. The industrialized state- trading nations of Eastern Europe account for only four per cent of exports from developing countries, whereas the market economy industrial countries absorb 67 per cent. Thus, the Western industrialized countries import more than sixteen times as much from the developing countries as the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance countries, although they have only about twice their population. CMEA's economic planning is therefore, obviously, of a protectionist character.
91.	It is time the East European industrial countries created wider possibilities for imports from developing countries. Only thus will they meet their responsibility towards the third world. Helping those countries in their development is a dictate of peace and, especially in relation to the poorest nations, an expression of global solidarity.
92.	Yet it can never be more than an aid towards self- help. The key to successful development lies ultimately in the economic and social policies of the third world nations themselves. Here it will be important to draw on the experience of three development decades.
93.	The economic co-operation of the Federal Republic of Germany is concentrated on four main areas: rural development; the development of conventional and renewable sources of energy; education, particularly vocational and primary education; and environmental protection.
94.	We attach special importance to support for UNFPA. It is now widely recognized that too rapid a population growth can be too great a burden on the development process; it can drag it down and stifle it. Official development aid must be complemented by private direct investment in the third world and by cooperation between companies in the developed and industrialized countries. In the third world, too, private in vestment must become one of the hubs of growth.
95.	The mutual desire of North and South to re-establish stable growth and development calls for a continuous dialogue between North and South at all levels. The sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, at Belgrade, proved disappointing in some ways, yet the many resolutions adopted indicate that North and South place their faith in co-operation. That consensus must be the basis for further co-operation. The launching of global negotiations must not be put off any longer. The participants in the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, at Cancun, came out in favour of them. Now words must be followed by deeds. Global negotiations must be complemented by smaller but, at the same time, representative bodies. The Cancun meeting clearly brought more objectivity into the North- South dialogue. It will continue to require impulsion at the highest political level.
96.	Preserving the natural basis of life on an Earth that has become smaller is a task that will be crucial for the future of mankind.
97.	In Europe the forests are dying. In other regions of the world the deserts and steppes are spreading; the land is becoming barren. The air is becoming more and more polluted; the ecological balance of lakes and rivers, even of the oceans, is in jeopardy. The ecosystems of tropical regions, too, are particularly sensitive, and many developing countries have suffered environmental damage, which at the same time does great harm to the economy. Therefore, environmental protection must already be an integral part of any development strategy.
98.	Long-term damage resulting from the indifferent- worse, irresponsible—use of natural resources spells danger for the existence of the whole of mankind.
99.	Global environmental problems can be solved only through close international co-operation. Protection of the environment is a major objective of the Federal Republic of Germany, both at home and in other parts of the world. We are co-operating for the protection of the environment with other industrial countries in the European Community, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Economic Commission for Europe. In 1984 a conference is to be held at Munich at which all nations of Western and Eastern Europe, as well as the United States and Canada—that is, all members of the Commission—will tackle the problems connected with dying forests and the ecosystems of national and international waters.
100.	Part of our bilateral development co-operation is to help the third world countries solve their environmental problems. Our aim is to bring all development projects into harmony with their respective environments.
101.	In regard to the environmental protection programme of the United Nations it is important to note the following.
102.	There must be no lasting North-South gap in terms of environmental protection.
103.	Environmental pollution must not be transferred to the third world.
104.	Environmental protection and economic co-operation must be linked in such a way that ecological aspects are always taken into account when implementing development projects.
105.	A pool of experts must be available to third world countries, which can request their assistance through UNEP in the planning, implementation and evaluation of environmental projects.
106.	The training and advisory services available to nations of the third world must be expanded to cover environmental aspects. This applies in particular to food and water supply problems.
107.	The community of nations must use the world's natural resources rationally and in a manner compatible with the environment.
108.	We want all men to be able to live in a world without fear, without force, without want. We realize that in order to build such a world we require a strong world organization. Hence we must all, together, give the United Nations that strength.
109.	We say to the Secretary-General: "We stand by your side. We support your efforts to make the United Nations the focal point of global co-operation through which conflicts can be resolved by peaceful means and the great common tasks accomplished."
110.	The world is at the crossroads. It must decide between international anarchy, confrontation and the use of force, and co-operation between equals for the sake of peace, freedom and progress.
111.	Only if we all act in accordance with the principles of the Charter, only if the right to the self-determination of nations and human rights are realized everywhere, only if the renunciation of force, disarmament, development and protection of the natural environment are seen as our common task, will mankind survive.

 Mr. President, thank you very much for your kind words of welcome. For the first time since the Federal Republic of Germany became a Member of the United Nations its President has the great privilege of addressing this world forum.
3.	Ten years ago the Federal Republic of Germany became a Member of the United Nations. My visit today is a mark of the high esteem which the United Nations enjoys in the Federal Republic of Germany. At the same time it underscores a great importance which my country attaches to close co-operation with the United Nations in the pursuit of peace and justice.
4.	From the very outset the goal of the Federal Republic of Germany has been peace. This policy is an expression of our political conviction, which stems from the bitter experience of two world wars in one century.
5.	This policy also has its roots in the tradition of German philosophers and thinkers who saw peace as the basis for the well-being of every nation. Two hundred years ago one of the great German philosophers, Immanuel Kant of Koenigsberg, described the preconditions for a world order in a treatise which reflects his deep insight into man's nature. The citizen of the world, as Kant called him, is the starting point and the goal, as it were, the subject and the object of politics and law. Kant saw a close link between a State's internal constitution and its foreign policy. A State's internal constitution, its legal system, is also bound to affect its conduct in relation to others. By the same token, injustice in matters of foreign policy poses a serious threat to the State's internal structure.
6.	Throughout history mankind has longed for and dreamed of peace and justice, but to this day the reality is, unfortunately, different. Throughout the centuries, right down to the present day, the world has been torn by war and conflict. Today, the United Nations is the great hope of mankind. Imperfect though it may be, there is no alternative to the United Nations. My country has learnt from the terrible experience of two world wars. We have chosen the path of reconciliation and mutual understanding.
7.	Today, the Federal Republic of Germany is a member of the European Community. The enemies of yesterday have become the friends and partners of today. The European Community is a unique example of what common ideals and common aims can achieve for the benefit of more than 300 million Europeans and all the 62 third world countries that are linked with us within the framework of the Lome Convention.
8.	The Federal Republic of Germany is also a member of the Atlantic alliance which links Western Europe with the United States and Canada. This community safeguards peace in our part of the world, which so often in the past has been the battlefield of conflicting power interests. The Atlantic alliance differs from the military pacts of former times by virtue of its defensive character and the identity of shared values, such as peace, equality, democracy and respect for the rights of the individual.
9.	For over 30 years we have owed peace and security in Europe to this alliance. Peace in Europe, may I add, is not an exclusively European affair. The state of peace we Europeans have been able to enjoy for more than three decades has also placed us in a position to develop and extend our economic relations with the nations of the third world, with the objective of promoting the economic and social development of those countries for the sake of their citizens.
10.	The treaties which the Federal Republic of Germany has concluded with its Eastern neighbours have helped to reduce tensions in Europe and opened the way for new forms of co-operation on our continent. The Federal Republic of Germany attaches great importance to continuing dialogue and peaceful co-operation with the countries of Eastern Europe. The 1975 Final Act of Helsinki' and the process it initiated have revitalized the concept and the ideal of human rights, the desire for closer human contacts and the intent to reduce tensions between East and West.
11.	The agreements between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic have paved the way for closer co-operation between the two States on German soil. We see that co-operation as an element of and a means of strengthening the bonds between the people in divided Germany. It remains our political aim to work for a state of peace in Europe in which the German nation will regain its unity through free self-determination. The boundary which cuts Germany in two, the wall that runs right through our old capital of Berlin, cannot be the final word of history.
12.	Disarmament and arms control leading to balance at the lowest possible level are one of the foremost objectives of the German peace policy. At many conference tables our Governments are striving for a reduction of armaments. To achieve this what we need above all is mutual confidence. That is why the Federal Republic of Germany sets so much store by confidence-building measures that lead to greater transparency and control. The first significant results to this end were achieved in the Final Act of Helsinki. The Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, as envisaged in the Concluding Document of the Madrid follow-up meeting to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and scheduled for Stockholm early in 1984, will be another important step in this direction. My country hopes and works for real, substantial results in this Held which is so important to us all. Positive results will make peace safer throughout the world. The Federal Republic of Germany, for its part, renounced many years ago the production and possession of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. I wish others would follow this example.
13.	Since the 1950s, close co-operation with the nations of the third world has been one of the pillars of our foreign policy. We believe in solidarity and partnership. We respect the right of every nation to choose its own path into the future and to safeguard its independence. It was from a sense of responsibility that the Federal Republic of Germany took part in the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development at Cancun in October 1981. We had hoped it would produce more than it has so far. One of the reasons for the unsatisfactory progress in this sphere is no doubt the critical world economic situation. However, we shall not relax our efforts in pursuit of a constructive North-South dialogue.
14.	My country's accession to the United Nations ten years ago was a question of political logic and a result of our conviction that we would thus be serving the cause of peace. It was also an expression of our willingness to participate in global co-operation and to assume worldwide responsibilities. This is exemplified by our membership in the Security Council in 1977 and 1978.
15.	From the very beginning the Federal Republic of Germany conceived its membership of this world Organization as service for human rights. We strongly support efforts to reinforce the protection of human rights and to ensure that they can be exercised. This was the purpose of our proposals for the universal abolition of the death penalty, the adoption of preventive measures against the emergence of new flows of refugees and for a convention against the taking of hostages. The reality which we experience every day is depressing and is a long way from the goals to which we all feel committed. Yet we must not relax our efforts to secure respect for the inalienable rights of every individual, irrespective of his religious or political convictions, his origin or race. Here is an important task for the world Organization. The respect which a State enjoys must depend on the freedom of its citizens and not on the strength of its weapons.
16.	There is also a deep gulf between the idea of global peace and the reality of a world full of conflict and violence. In his last annual report as Secretary-General, in 1961, Dag Hammarskjold said:
"A failure to gain respect for decisions or actions of the Organization within the terms of the Charter is often called a failure for the Organization. It would seem more correct to regard it as a failure of the world community, through its Member nations and in particular those most directly concerned, to co-operate in order, step by step, to make the Charter a living reality in practical political action as it is already in law."
17.	It is not sufficient for us simply to regret that not much has changed since those words were spoken. You, Mr. Secretary-General, indicated in your report on the work of the Organization to the thirty-seventh session how the instrument of the United Nations can be used more effectively to achieve the goal of collective security. The Federal Republic of Germany supports your proposals.
18.	We continue to have an obligation to mankind not to spare any effort to achieve the goals of the Charter of the United Nations, no matter how difficult and toilsome the path may be. The moral leadership of the United Nations and the universal acceptance of its decisions and resolutions will be decisively enhanced the more they are seen as an expression of justice and political wisdom.
19.	The United Nations plays a major role in the elaboration of new rules of international conduct and in the further development of international law. International law binds everyone, weak and strong alike. There is a natural tension between sovereignty of the individual States and the concept of universality. Here lies one of the major tasks of the world Organization, namely to seek a balance between the interests of the individual Member State and the well-founded rights of the whole international community.
20.	I firmly believe that the course of history will lead away from short-sighted, egocentric power politics. Hegemonic aspirations, the desire to dominate others, have no future in this world. Ever more countries regard themselves as members of a world community with equal rights and equal opportunities. It is politically wise to promote this development with energy and patience.
21.	We Germans endeavour to understand other nations, their culture and their history and to establish links with them. This applies not only to North and South America, to which millions of Germans emigrated and with whose new home countries we today have many economic and cultural ties. It also holds true for the Far East, whose languages and cultures have fascinated our writers and philosophers no less than the languages and cultures of the Near and 'Middle East, where the origins of European civilization are to be found. Equally, it holds true for Africa with whom we have close bonds of friendship. Tolerance is the key word for international co-operation and for understanding among nations.
22.	Many years of experience in public life and inter-national affairs have convinced me that, as in private life, tolerance is also indispensable in relations between States. Tolerance in the international sphere implies respect for the historical and cultural identity of every nation and its political, economic and social needs. The Federal Republic of Germany, in whose name I have the honour to speak today, is willing, as the Charter says, "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours".
23.	I wish the United Nations endurance and success in its pursuit of peace. The aim of preserving peace and the hopes which mankind places in the world Organization deserve our every effort.