1.	It is our privilege to have as our President at this Assembly an eminent personality in the world of Latin American thought and politics, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia, Mr. Indalecio Lievano Aguirre. Ties of long-standing admiration and affection link me to him, as does the maternal surname we share—Aguirre—which evokes, in our common Basque stock, the virtues of steadfastness and industry of a people that has contributed so much to forging the destinies of Spain and the Latin American nations.
2.	While congratulating you most warmly on your election, Mr. President, I should also like to express our deep respect for your work as a historian, a thinker and a man in public life. As a genuinely liberal spirit you have succeeded in imbuing your entire life's work with that thoughtful depth which is so much a part of the tradition of our cultural and human heritage.
3.	Through you I greet a people that makes of the cult of language a rigorous and living expression of essential national qualities. Through you I pay homage to Colombia, a country that shares close and deep affinities with us, and which has successfully moulded its institutional and political life with respect for democratic principles.
4.	I should also like to take advantage of this opportunity to thank the, outgoing President, Mr. Mojsov, for the skilful and unswerving dedication with which he carried out his duties during a period which saw the greatest number of sessions in the history of the Assembly.
5.	I could not let this opportunity pass without paying a tribute once again to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the intensive work he is doing; a tireless traveller, a skilful diplomat and a persevering mediator, he is always ready to serve without flagging the cause of peace.
6.	We receive into this Assembly a new Member of the United Nations, Solomon Islands, which I wish to welcome most warmly. I also wish to express, on behalf of my Government, the desire to maintain cordial relations of friendship and collaboration between our two countries.
7.	Spain, which is a part of Europe and a neighbour of Africa and has a special bond with the peoples of Latin America through certain common forms of life and culture, is fully aware of the growing interdependence characteristic of the world today and of how its own peculiar identity takes shape within this universal framework; hence, our understanding of and solidarity with the aspirations and expectations of men and peoples of very diverse continents in their thirst for freedom, dignity and justice.
8.	We reaffirmed recently our will to join the European institutions, having become a member of the Council of Europe in November 1977 and having applied for membership in the European Communities with the full support of all the Spanish political forces. In so doing, my Government has made not an economic choice alone, but also, and above all, a political one, with a view to the attainment of a form of community life in freedom and justice. Spain is aware of what its presence can contribute to the Communities in the defence of the values of Christian humanism in the building up of a more complete and balanced Europe and in its dialogue and co-operation with the third world.
9.	Africa, by reason of its geographical proximity and as a result of a political decision, is one of the objectives of Spanish foreign policy to which we had not hitherto given the over-all attention it required. We Spaniards feel particular solidarity with the countries of that continent, which, having emerged from the decolonization process, is now undergoing development and modernization and is seeking to assimilate technology and knowledge, not as a passive import, but rather as the application of means that will permit the defence of their values and the strengthening of their identity. In a world at once manifold and one, like that of today, we consider that the enriching phenomenon of decolonization should be economic and cultural, and not merely political.
10.	Spain has clearly defined its Latin American policy as a priority issue in its foreign policy. Our efforts are directed towards the strengthening of a community spirit which will be wholly compatible with our integration into Europe and which we hope will crystallize into institutional schemes pragmatic enough to serve effectively the interests of our peoples and to facilitate the necessary dialogue, on a wider scale, between Europe and America.
11.	In short, we wish to project this historical legacy of the common experience of our past and the immense
possibilities inherent in the obvious fact of the linguistic and cultural unity of Spanish America into a real phenomenon that will be effective and active in the world today. For this purpose, this common culture and past must be taken as the starting-point for a whole line of action, guided by the goals of steady, undiscriminating solidarity between our peoples and aimed at securing specific kinds of co-operation, at both the bilateral and the multilateral level, that will not only attempt to solve our most pressing socio-economic problems but also safeguard in our area, as a contribution to the design of a new international order, the supreme values of justice, freedom and peace.
12.	Spain, which is living through a decisive period in. its history as it consolidates its democracy and awaits the imminent adoption of its Constitution, also desires to exert a firm and realistic influence abroad. Nowadays, no people can avoid the key question, What is, and what should be, its share in seeking to secure peace, in building a more peaceful and just world and in constructing an international order suited to the demands of our historical era?
13.	The starting-point for our action in the world is the reaffirmation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the determined undertaking to spare no effort to advance peace and international security through detente and disarmament, defend human rights, and close the gap between the developing and the industrialized countries.
14.	Our Organization has a grave responsibility in this matter. The United Nations cannot be reduced to being a mere forum for the discussion or assertion of principles, or a last resort in times of crisis or danger. Its universality and permanence require that it be a melting-pot in which a new international community can be moulded and in which solutions to present and future problems can be defined collectively and put into practice through co-operation. The United Nations is not just a useful institution for tackling present problems; it should also become a centre for long-term efforts designed to resolve the difficulties of a world that is facing challenges that make us ever more interdependent.
15.	The only ways to tackle this series of problems are those based on political and legal principles accepted by the international community as a whole. The Spanish Government believes that such principles are founded on dialogue and compromise; they exclude so-called solutions imposed by force; they confirm respect for human rights and call for the establishment of a new international economic order drawing its inspiration from equity, sovereign equality, interdependence and common interests, and co-operation. It was to put into practice these principles that our Organization was created. There is no valid alternative to this Organization, which, in a framework of suitable dynamic co-operation with the regional organizations, can and must become an instrument of peaceful change through negotiation, a source of security and an institution at the service of international co-operation.
16.	We are opposed to the use of violence from profound conviction, but we cannot simply indulge in rhetorical lamentations or mere exhortations to reach agreement. Tensions and conflicts have causes which must be identified and overcome by our acting upon them resolutely, and with the political will. We are convinced-and the recent historical experience of my country bears witness to this-that change is always possible by peaceful means, since all causes of tension and conflict can be settled politically.
17.	Thus, with regard to the Middle East, we are convinced that it is necessary to persevere with the efforts to overcome tension and to eliminate the threat of armed conflict once and for all. After the hopes raised by the visit to Jerusalem of the President of Egypt, Mr. Anwar El-Sadat, we followed with great interest the Camp David talks, which constitute an attempt to advance towards the solution of one of the most difficult issues in the present international situation.
18.	We believe that the only possible course is for the parties involved to try to reach a political agreement that will make possible the establishment of a just, lasting and general peace in the whole of the Middle East, within the framework of the resolutions of the United Nations and taking into account the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people.
19.	As regards this geographical area, my Government looks, with the special interest and affection with which it views everything pertaining to the Arab nation, upon the dramatic situation in Lebanon, whose sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence must be respected within the framework of national conciliation.
20.	Spain is pleased by the dynamic role played by the Organization in another grave conflict of the present time, that of Namibia. An international administration and the active presence of the United Nations should make possible the self-determination of the people of Namibia and the maintenance of the integrity of the Territory. We regret the intransigent attitude of the South African Government, which could lead to a deterioration of the situation, with unforeseeable consequences.
21.	This is an ideal opportunity of ensuring, in accordance with the letter and the spirit of the resolutions of the Security Council-the latest one, resolution 435(1978), adopted on 29 September—a swift and peaceful transition towards the independence of a people whose swift liberation we fervently desire.
22.	The same means of peaceful transition should prevail in Rhodesia, where we consider it essential to put an end to a conflict that is endangering the peace and stability of the African continent. It is urgently necessary to ensure the independence of Zimbabwe on the basis of a majority Government, with the agreement of all the parties involved and in accordance with the indisputable democratic principle of "one man, one vote".
23.	The Spanish Government is firmly opposed to any kind of racial discrimination wherever it may be found. Therefore we condemn and reject apartheid and the policy of territorial segregation, which, far from being a way of solving problems, is merely a stratagem for maintaining the unjust discrimination which apartheid involves, and which implies complete contempt for the indisputable postulate of absolute equality among men.
24.	There will be no end to this "crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind", as the General Assembly and the Security Council have described it, so long as South Africa imposes measures which exclude the majority of the population from the political life of the country. Such discriminatory policies progressively reduce the chances of achieving reconciliation and peaceful change, and justify the indignation and condemnation of the international community as a whole.
25.	While speaking of Africa, I should like to make a few comments on the question of Western Sahara, where a peaceful negotiated solution is also urgently needed.
26.	Spain, which is alien to any kind of axis, genuine or fictitious, real or imaginary, and wishes only to maintain close and cordial relations with all the peoples of the region, to which it is linked by so many cultural, historical and human ties, is watching the course of events with keen anxiety. That is why it has been advocating the establishment of a climate of conciliation and concord which will make it possible to deal with objectivity and realism and in a constructive spirit, with all the problems of the Maghreb, particularly the one which has arisen over the process of the decolonization of the Territory of the Sahara, respecting the right of the Saharan people to self-determination.
27.	Our hopes have been stirred as-we have seen the recent events in the area, and specifically the movement that began in Mauritania on 10 July, which seems to point the way to dialogue and negotiation. We are glad that the Organization of African Unity [OAU] has decided to set up an ad hoc committee entrusted with the consideration of all the data of the question [see A/331235, annex II, AHG/Res.92 (XV)]. We will support any initiative our Secretary-General may take within the framework of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. We are willing to collaborate actively in every effort to work out formulas which will make possible the relaxation of tension and the achievement and consolidation of peace.
28.	All the peoples of the area must be allowed to make their human and cultural similarities and the. complementary nature of their geography and economies factors for economic and social development for their common and reciprocal benefit. In this way the entire region would become a centre of stability and peace. Obviously, such a peace will not be a lasting one if it is not satisfactory to all the parties concerned.
29.	The question of Cyprus is another source of instability which affects the equilibrium and security in an important strategic area of the eastern Mediterranean. We believe that our Organization should continue to support the efforts of the Secretary-General, encouraging inter-communal talks and, at the same time, ensuring that an atmosphere of relaxation of tension is maintained and that the principles of the Charter are respected. In this way, in the near future the Cypriot people may find a legal and political formula that will enable them to live together peacefully, ensure their independent unity and further their economic and cultural development.
30.	The demand for security is an especially acute and sensitive issue in the entire Mediterranean. That is why my Government presses the need for such security by means of an understanding among the coastal States and the creation of a system of regional co-operation. It fills us with concern that the patterns of global strategy are applied automatically to such a delicate and complex area. The international community must realize that it is necessary and in everyone's interest to contain and gradually reduce the military forces present in that sea, and to set up a complementary system among the coastal States that will make the presence of such forces unnecessary and enable them to be progressively reduced.
31.	We believe that the various sources of tension in the Mediterranean can and must be overcome by negotiation. We also believe that it is both necessary and urgent to increase co-operation among the coastal States so that their greater solidarity might become a factor of peace and stability in the region.
32.	This concern for security, together with the conviction that change is always possible through negotiation and peaceful means, is fully applicable to a historical and political anachronism, namely Gibraltar. As an imposed military base, Gibraltar is a danger to the security of Spain and its 36 million inhabitants, whom it exposes to risks they have never accepted; its status as a colony is a violation of our territorial integrity; as an anachronism, Gibraltar is also an obstacle to co-operation among peoples which, in the natural course of events, are called upon to attain mutual understanding.
33.	The United Nations has already established with clarity and precision a doctrine for the decolonization of the Rock, and has repeatedly emphasized the need for Spain and the United Kingdom to achieve a negotiated settlement which, in accordance with that doctrine, would put an end to this colonial situation. The United Kingdom Government must realize that it can no longer go on ignoring this duty to begin negotiations with Spain. For our part, we are convinced that there are formulas which, while restoring the territorial integrity of Spain, will at the same time give satisfaction to the United Kingdom and provide a due safeguard for the legitimate interests of the people of Gibraltar, by means of a comprehensive approach to the problem.
34.	We have seen recent evidence of how long-standing problems have been successfully channelled or resolved through imagination and political will, and we trust that the United Kingdom will become clearly aware that the present situation cannot continue.

35.	Security and co-operation are indeed the objectives of the next session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, scheduled for 1980 in Madrid. Although the results obtained at the second session of that Conference, held in Belgrade in 1977, were by no means spectacular, my Government is of the opinion that they had one fundamental effect: they showed that compromise is possible and that the basic principles adopted in Helsinki are still fully valid.
36.	Now the important thing is to look to the future. The next session of the Conference must contribute to giving real shape to the hopes and expectations which undoubtedly exist concerning security and co-operation within Europe. Spain is determined to discharge its responsibilities as the host country, and will give the greatest attention to proper preparation for the Madrid session.
37.	Together with specific current problems, to some of which I have just referred, the world of today is also faced with more general issues which affect the international community as a whole and cast doubt upon the ability of our Organization to create the conditions for peace. 1 refer to problems such as the safeguarding and protection of human rights; the inequality between developed and developing countries; co-operation; and, finally, security and disarmament.
38.	I shall begin by speaking of human rights because this year we commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of one of the most important texts of all those which, on the domestic and international planes, are landmarks in man's struggle for liberty and justice: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
39.	In spite of the goals that the United Nations has already achieved in defining the obligations of States on human rights questions, we are still very far from meeting the expectations of 1948. This is undoubtedly serious, because in the last analysis the effectiveness of United Nations activities in this field can be measured only on the basis of the effectiveness of the safeguarding and exercise of human rights on a world-wide scale.
40.	We believe that disregard of and contempt for human rights leads to acts that outrage the conscience of mankind, and we condemn such practices wherever they occur, because we are against tyranny and oppression. Within the regional ambit of the Council of Europe and the world-wide framework of our Organization, Spain has undertaken—and will continue to do so in future—legal obligations that bear witness to our attitude on this issue, which is at once the baas and the ultimate aim of real peace.
41.	My Government is convinced that it is essential to endeavour, now and during the coming years, to improve and perfect the institutional machinery that will guarantee and supervise the exercise of human rights along the lines of the proposals before this Assembly. That is why we advocate a policy based on the following guidelines. First, the persistent violation of basic human rights, wherever it may occur, must be condemned and cannot be dismissed as a matter exclusively within the domestic jurisdiction of States. Secondly, the flagrant suppression of human rights, wherever it may arise, constitutes a threat to peace. Thirdly, existing inspection machinery must be improved in order to make it not only more effective, but also more objective and impartial, because this extremely grave question of human rights cannot be left to the mercy of selective criteria of a subjective nature.
42.	These three fundamental guidelines are the basis of our conviction that the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States cannot be considered as a legal obstacle preventing serious breaches of basic human lights from being examined by the international community; the safeguarding of human rights is a matter which goes beyond the national, domestic sphere and takes its place in the setting of international affairs. At the same time, these guidelines are the reason for our decision to help secure the establishment of a more effective procedure for the protection of human rights; hence our support for the creation of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and for the appointment and dispatch, when circumstances so require, of United Nations fact-finding missions.
43.	in this connexion, and continuing the trend already initiated with the ratification of the International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and on Civil and Political Rights, I wish to announce that my Government intends to recognize the jurisdiction of the Human Rights Committee in accordance with article 41 of the latter Covenant and to accept its Optional Protocol [see resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex]. That will be Spain's contribution to ensuring that the United Nations machinery for the safeguarding and supervision of human rights can effectively accomplish the aims for which it was established.
44.	While speaking on this essential issue I can hardly omit a reference to one of the most odious and brutal breaches of human rights: terrorism. This is the latest and most repugnant form of violence, which constitutes an assault on the right to security and life. Terrorism is a threat to all, because its action is characterized by the refusal to recognize the existence of innocent people. For this reason the terrorist must find neither justification nor sanctuary.
45.	Our Organization must face this challenge by establishing the bases for an international agreement enabling this scourge of our time to be legally classified and effectively combated.
46.	We consider that poverty, hunger and squalor are equally grievous assaults on human rights, and we firmly believe that this concept cannot continue to be limited to its traditional proportions, but that it must rather take within its compass the new horizons of human rights. Human rights, which include economic, social and cultural rights as well as civil and political rights, are interdependent and inseparable. It is not possible to conceive of peace, justice and equity without the guarantee that respect for such rights offers against arbitrariness and all kinds of oppression.
47.	The inequality between developed countries and developing countries is one of the most serious problems facing the international community. Here, too, the time has come to move from words to action, with a view to creating an order which will be the expression of greater international justice and solidarity and in which the right to growth and change, -to development, will be understood as a fundamental human right.
48.	We are in urgent need of practices of international solidarity, for it is not enough to bring about apparent solutions which, based as they are more on self-interest than on any sense of solidarity, may perhaps benefit some countries, but do not eliminate the deepest causes of poverty and squalor. No kind of international action can replace, by itself, national policies aimed at combating under-development. But the full and harmonious development of all peoples is a responsibility incumbent upon the international community. That is why we think that to get rid of the basic causes of poverty and inequality, to endow economic growth with a new direction and a new significance, in short, to lay the foundations for greater international justice, are practical goals within the reach of our Organization.
49.	Any assessment of the factors which today bear upon the world economy is to be approached from the viewpoint of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], since the economic progress and the political stability of both industrialized and developing countries depend on its success or failure. We have been seeking solutions for too long; we have come a long way and we have gradually, become aware of the pressing need for interdependence, and of the importance of the idea of a common interest between developed and developing countries.
50.	It is true that there is encouraging evidence of the ability of our Organization to restructure the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system. But there are also reasons for anxiety, and in this connexion we are concerned at the lack of progress at the recent meeting of the so-called Committee of the Whole, or the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, because the North-South dialogue does not affect one country or group of countries, it affects us all.
51.	The seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, whose debates have just concluded, should make us think about how to bring about a global agreement on not only a desirable but a necessary universal maritime code, which is the ambitious goal of the Conference. The legitimate interests of all countries must be reflected there in balanced solutions which contribute to the new international economic order which we want to create. The necessary consensus can be achieved only if there are formulas which are sufficiently harmonious to make them generally acceptable.
52.	Among the matters to which we ascribe most importance is access to the living resources of the exclusive economic zones of other States by customary fishermen. It is necessary to recognize and protect interests worthy of respect in human communities which have made of fishing their traditional livelihood, and the legal and moral justification for that cannot be ignored.
53.	In connexion with living resources and so many other matters, we need an order based on co-operation. That is the only valid way to express the reality of our interdependence. In this connexion, Spain is carrying out a reappraisal of its policy of co-operation, in order to channel it in a more co-ordinated and effective way towards those countries and regions to which we are bound by special geographical or cultural ties.
54.	Aware of our limitations and possibilities, but aware also of our responsibilities, we are prepared to carry out an active policy of co-operation with those countries as an expression of our desire to establish and consolidate networks of solidarity, interdependence and mutual benefit.
55.	The quest for a peace linked to human rights, development and co-operation also depends on the organization of international security and disarmament,
56.	We live in an insecure world, which has hardly become aware, or has not wished to become aware, of the requirements for security, and thus it is a world of conflict. The quantitative and qualitative arms race has disastrous economic and social effects in such diverse areas as education, public health, nutrition, the environment and human resources.
57.	Millions of human beings are unable to understand the reason for this absurd situation, and for the scandalous extravagance that the arms race involves.
58.	At a historical time when the State is too small to face the great challenges of our era—which are problems with world-wide causes and dimensions—our Organization still does not satisfactorily meet the needs of security. We tend to react rather than to foresee, to concern ourselves with the effects of a crisis rather than to ward it off, and this is the reason why our conflicts often seem insoluble. We have not adapted our Organization to a world different from that of 1945, and also different from that of the cold war, and we have not explored all the possibilities that the Charter of the United Nations has to offer with regard to machinery for the peaceful settlement of situations likely to degenerate into conflict, or the peaceful settlement of disputes or questions of collective security.
59.	The organization of international security is closely connected with the control of arms and disarmament. Last June, during the general debate at the tenth special session of the Assembly,  I recalled that the Spanish Government included the question of disarmament among the fundamental objectives of its foreign policy.
60.	In the recently adopted Final Document of the Tenth Special Session [resolution S-10/2J, there is to be found the source of a closer collaboration among all the members of the international community. It is a positive fact that the results obtained by the General Assembly should have been achieved through a consensus, and that means that on an issue of the greatest significance for the cause of peace we have entered a new stage in which all of us will be able to obtain a hearing.
61.	Finally, after this rapid analysis of some of the general and specific problems of our world of today, I wish to express our whole-hearted agreement with the observations of the Secretary-General in his annual report on the work (if the Organization, where he points out:
"The work of the United Nations runs on two main and parallel lines. One is an attempt to deal, through international co-operation, with the immense actual problems of a world in a state of fundamental change and development. [The other is] that of gradually replacing... tensions and conflict with [political solutions reached through negotiation and agreement] and the spirit of solidarity of a world order based on a sense of community." [See A/33/1/, sect. XII.]
62.	Co-operation and negotiation for peaceful change are two of the most important functions of our Organization. For these functions to be performed, the United Nations does not need words, but the firm political support of Member States and practical means. In an imperfect world, the United Nations offers the best approach and the best channel for the solution of the vital problems upon which the well-being of the international community and peace depend.
63.	Today more than ever, on account of the gravity and complexity of the problems that beset the world, the United Nations is a necessity. It represents the hope of millions of human beings for a more just world, one freer and less imperfect, and thus it is the United Nations that must guide our steps in dealing with situations which must find the way to a solution through a peaceful process of change, by means of negotiation and co-operation between equals.
64.	Such a process of peaceful change is the means that has made it possible-and may I recall this here with an emotion not untouched by pride—that we in the Kingdom of Spain, through the free and responsible decision of Spaniards, should be living together under a system of political pluralism and freedom; for we are convinced that it is in freedom, justice and respect for human rights that the basis of concord and peace lie.


142.  It is with great pleasure that I extend to Mr. Lievano, on behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago and on my own behalf, sincere congratulations and best wishes on his election as President of this thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. My delegation feels sure that under his wise and efficient guidance the arduous tasks facing this Assembly will be tackled with confidence and positive assurance of success.
143.	I should like at this time through you, Sir, to extend to Mr. Mojsov our gratitude for his expert and competent handling of the proceedings at the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly and at the special sessions of the General Assembly over the past year.
144.	My delegation wishes to put on record once more its deep appreciation for the work done by our Secretary-General in directing the efforts of the United Nations, particularly in his recent quests for peace in the world, frustrated and thwarted though they have been in some areas by the rabid racism that is synonymous with apartheid.
145.	In closing these words of greeting, it is with a feeling of immense satisfaction that I join with others who have warmly welcomed Solomon Islands to this family of nations. It remains the confirmed view of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago that, notwithstanding the sometimes seemingly insuperable barriers that stand in the way of co-operation between sovereign States, the United Nations continues to provide a stable and acceptable medium for conducting the relations of Member States.
146.	As members of this community of nations, we have both a duty and an obligation to co-operate with one another. This co-operation, in our view, must be founded on four basic and fundamental imperatives. These are: the political will to co-operate; the genuine acceptance of the need to eradicate poverty and enhance the quality of life of the peoples of all countries; the conviction that world peace and the security of all States are necessary prerequisites for optimizing the value of the limited resources of our planet; and the non-exclusion of any State from this international forum and the many benefits which derive from participation therein.
147.	In full recognition and awareness of that fourth imperative—the need to universalize the United Nations -
my delegation hopes that the day will soon be here when together we can rejoice as we welcome those peoples still struggling in southern Africa and elsewhere for their dignity and independence. We had dared to hope that we could have already welcomed to our Assembly Namibia and Zimbabwe; but good faith is not the hallmark of the racists in southern Africa.
148.	Into what sort of international community are we welcoming new Member States? What hopes for the future can we share with them? How well have our opportunities been used through the auspices of this Organization to create a better human environment for all our peoples?
149.	The record for 1977-1978 is bleak and cheerless; the augury for the coming year most unpropitious. The matters which will be reviewed in this short statement were with us during the thirty-second session; from statements made to this Assembly, it would appear that this thirty-third session is not likely to be the occasion for-universal understanding or for a greater sense of political commitment to meaningful co-operation between developed and developing countries. Rather, there seems to be an explicit desire on the part of some to perpetuate systems of injustice that have enabled the economically strong to develop and maintain an inequitable position of privilege over the economically weak.
150.	It is to the field of economic co-operation that I should like first of all to turn my attention, since it is here that relations between the developed and the developing countries have become decidedly polarized. In fact, it is mainly in economic terms that the divisions between the North and the South have any tangible quality and it is precisely in these matters that resistance to meaningful co-operation has been most pronounced.
151.	Much hope has been pinned on the successful outcome of the discussions in UNCTAD on the Integrated Programme for Commodities. My delegation notes with regret that the deadline which was established under UNCTAD resolution 93 (IV) has not been met and it appears that the negotiations on the common fund will suffer interminable delays. The direction which consideration of this fund seems to be taking, moreover, suggests that developing countries will not succeed in establishing a new regime for commodities which goes beyond the mere setting up of market regulatory mechanisms that now typify international commodity agreements. This would indeed be a retrograde step.
152.	It has been clearly demonstrated during the course of the discussions on both the Integrated Programme for Commodities and the common fund that excellent opportunities exist through the commodity trade for co-operation to the benefit of both the developed and the developing countries. It was hoped that self-interest, at least, could motivate the developed countries to see their way clear to co-operating more fully in this sphere of economic endeavour.
153.	The multilateral trade negotiations, too, have given cause for serious concern to those developing countries that have been following the deliberations. It is with regret that my delegation records its dissatisfaction at the failure of the
developed countries to accept the principle of non-reciprocity for the granting of trade concessions between the developed and all developing countries. Developed countries appear reluctant to accept the fact +hat the current imbalance in the share of world trade between North and South militates against economic growth in developing regions and consequently acts as a serious impediment to the expansion of world trade. Here again is another area in which the self-interest of developed countries over the long-term should make them more responsive to the requests for short-term concessions to-all developing countries.
1S4 Shipping is also a matter for concern. Discussions in this field have given little reason to my Government and to others in the developing world to hope for an accommodation which would enable a more meaningful share of world shipping tonnages to be allocated to developing countries.
155.	It is the view of my Government that the circumstances where developing countries own 61 per cent of the bulk cargo but a mere 5 per cent of the shipping tonnage cannot be allowed to persist. Equity demands that there be a more reasonable share in the market in bulk cargo, both liquid and dry; that international lending institutions adopt more flexible attitudes to financing the purchase of ships by developing countries; and that developed countries lend their support to the pooling of resources to enable developing countries to purchase or construct ships and thereby facilitate the transfer to developing countries of a greater share of world shipping.
156.	Co-operation on matters relating" to the marine environment presents as many difficulties as those already outlined-if not more.
157.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago must record its considered objection to tendencies developing within the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea which, if allowed to continue to their logical conclusion, would result in a modern-day manifestation of the attitudes and assumptions that ushered in the colonial era, with the attendant conquest, appropriation and exploitation of regions considered distant, undiscovered territories.
158.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago recognizes as law that the sea-bed and its resources beyond national jurisdiction constitute mankind's common patrimony. The exploitation of these resources today must not be guided by unbridled opportunism and unprincipled greed. In this regard, unilateral legislative measures must be abhorred. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago holds that unilateral legislation relating to sea-bed resources beyond national jurisdiction can have no validity whatsoever in international law; that activities conducted under such legislation have no legal status; and that States, persons or entities indulging in such illegal practices cannot acquire any rights to the area exploited or its resources.
159.	Unilateral legislation would be contrary to' the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction [resolution 2749 (XXV)], which was adopted without dissent and which established the
sea-bed and its resources as the common heritage of mankind. Consequently, such unilateral exploitation and appropriation of the resources would constitute illegal acts. These acts would violate the moratorium on sea-bed exploration and exploitation established by General Assembly resolution 2574 D (XXIV).
160.	Some industrialized countries have argued against this concept of the sea-bed as the common heritage of mankind and are seeking to frustrate the goals of cooperation by proposing unilateral legislation which they claim would give certain rights to their agents. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago must insist that the Declaration of Principles contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV) was declaratory of existing law. Neither analogy nor inference can be regarded as a source of law. Hence the freedom of the high seas cannot be extended to give nor interpreted as giving licence to a few to exploit minerals beyond national jurisdiction. Moreover, it appears that the reluctance on the part of some industrialized countries to undertake the meaningful transfer of technology is, regrettably, linked to their desire to press on with unilateral sea-bed mining operations, without reference to the international authority.
161.	The many areas of non-co-operation I have alluded to notwithstanding, my delegation continues to look forward with optimism to the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, which is scheduled to take place in August 1979. Members will recall that it was recommended at the twenty-ninth regular session of the General Assembly that science and technology should be used as an instrument to stimulate development, thereby reducing international inequalities and providing the basis for self-reliance [see resolution 3281 (XXIX), art. 13]. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago continues to view this Conference as the vehicle to provide, by way of action-oriented programmes, concrete solutions to the problems of the transfer and application of science and technology within the framework of the New International Economic Order. It must be reiterated here that developing countries should he given access to already existing knowledge in the field of science and technology and that access to science and technology on fair and reasonable terms should be a vital component of the New International Economic Order.
162 We have for the past two years been engaged in the process of analysis and review.. The time is now ripe for the translation of our research findings into specific objectives. For this, the political will of countries - large and small — is needed.
163. The 1977 Arusha symposium on science and technology for development emphasized that the application of science and technology to development should have as its main purpose the attainment of the goals and aspirations of a society and the satisfaction of its basic needs. The symposium pronounced upon the need for indigenous development of science and technology as an integral part of national culture. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago, in its programme for national development, has
stressed the role of science and technology in the social and economic development of the country.
164.	The imbalance between the countries that have advanced technology and those that have not has contributed to the dominance of the former and the dependency of the latter. We contend that the gap must be bridged and that self-reliance rather than continued dependency must be the essential feature in our socio-economic development. Regional and international co-operation would be meaningless if this were not achieved.
165.	The United Nations through its agencies has a vital part to play in promoting the necessary co-operation among developing countries in this area, so that traditional and new technologies can be shared. Soon the Conference on Science and Technology for Development will have taken place, and the international community ought therefore to focus attention now on modalities for bringing about the technological transformation of the third world. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago, while recognizing the contribution which UNCTAD is making in the comprehensive programme of action for the strengthening of the technological capability of developing countries, is of the view that this process should be strengthened and receive the necessary assistance and co-operation from other agencies within the United Nations family.
166.	This leads me to a consideration of the entire concept of the New International Economic Order. Much has been said, by way of criticism, of the aspirations of developing countries for a new order. Any overview of the history of international economic relations forces us to conclude that the old order has indeed not changed. That old order, where built-in imbalances inevitably led to chaos, confusion and strife, must now give way to the New International Economic Order.
167.	The New International Economic Order must be regarded as a system in which there exists a more equitable sharing of the material, technological, social and other benefits of the human environment. To achieve this, it is absolutely essential that all countries share equitably in decision-making processes; for, in the final analysis, it is the right to share in the decisions that affect us that marks the difference between free men and those not yet free, between the third world and other worlds.
168.	The various measures identified by the international community as being necessary to bring the New International Economic Order into being have all suffered set-backs, owing to lack of co-operation or reluctance on the part of the few to make concessions for the benefit of all. It is clear that greater attention must be devoted to the sensitive areas of the relationships between all countries with a view to redressing the imbalance which now prevails. While comparative advantage was enjoyed in most areas of production by the developed countries, developing countries were lectured on the virtues of free trade. When requests were made for reservation of what developing countries considered to be an equitable share of world industrial production—that is, 25 per cent, a mere quarter, by the end of the century—the response was that interference with the free-market system was not only political anathema but also represented gross economic inefficiency.
169.	Today, however, third-world countries, by developing resource-based industries and utilizing their abundant supplies of labour, are beginning, through the acquisition of modern technology, to achieve a competitive edge in an increasing number of areas of economic activity. Unemployment, which is still a dominant feature of the economies of developing countries, is now also common in some developed countries, which have resorted to protectionism rather than to measures which would be less injurious to the interests of developing countries and, indeed, to world trade generally.
170.	Further, efforts on the part of developing countries to diversify into light manufacturing industries such as textile, foot-wear and electronics and into areas such as steel, aluminium and motor vehicles, have been frustrated through the institution of so-called orderly market arrangements and voluntary market restraints.
171.	So far I have sought to underline the degree of importance which my delegation attaches to the role which better access to markets for exports from developing countries must play in the context of the New International Economic Order.
172.	There are, to be sure, other serious problems relating to international economic co-operation. One of these problems is the vexed question of present-day indiscipline in international economic management in which floating exchange rates, and in particular the extent of the depreciation of the value of the major currencies in which most of world trade is financed, deprive developing countries and others of an ever-increasing proportion of their hard-earned export revenues. This is clearly unjust and my delegation takes heart from the recent assurances given with respect to the strengthening of the major trading currency and the creation of a more stable international monetary climate.
173.	In this context, is it too much to hope that the developed countries will see their way clear to allowing developing countries access to their financial markets for development financing on concessionary terms? I should like to lend my voice in support of those who argue that such a policy would act as a catalyst for economic growth and would at the same time help the developed countries emerge from their present sluggishness without the fear of inflation.
174 In this review of international economic relations, I have illustrated the type of world community that exists today. If the picture I have painted appears to be gloomy, then I hope that I may be excused for making a brief comment on the international political situation, which, though not without hope, is no less gloomy.
175. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago is seriously concerned over the pressures which have been brought to bear on the Government of Belize to cede its national territory as the price of securing its independence. The Government of Belize has quite properly rejected this attempt to destroy its territorial integrity. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago reaffirms its support for the just aspirations of the people of Belize for self-determination and independence in accordance with the Charter of the
United Nations and resolution 1514 (XV), and for the recognition of its territorial integrity. We would urge the parties, in keeping with General Assembly resolutions, to continue their negotiations so that a solution embodying the noble ideals of the United Nations Charter will be found.
176.	My delegation continues to affirm its support for the principles enshrined in Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338(1973) on the Middle East question and to hold the view that due recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination is crucial to a just settlement of the issue.
177.	The situation in southern Africa remains grave, and nations of the world continue to be alarmed by the resistance of those regimes to the cries of the conscience of mankind.
178.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago condemns the illegal minority regime in Southern Rhodesia for its unprovoked attacks on Mozambique and Zambia in a vain attempt to coerce the two Governments and their peoples into abandoning their support for the peoples of Zimbabwe in their valiant struggle for freedom and independence.
179.	The Government of Trinidad and Tobago welcomes the endorsement by the Security Council in its resolution 431 (1978) of the proposal by the five Western States for implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) in respect of the accession of Namibia to independence.
180 . The Government of Trinidad and Tobago continues in the international community to deplore the existence of the inhuman regime of apartheid in South Africa and endorses requests to the Security Council to impose economic sanctions on South Africa. It is only through decisive and direct action that the flow of investments, goods-including petroleum and petroleum products-and other essentials can be stemmed, and that this regime, which violates every basic human right, may be brought to heel. Since 11 October has been designated the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners, I have today despatched to the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid a message reaffirming the support of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago for all measures adopted by the United Nations for the total eradication of the crime of apartheid.
181.	In conclusion, may I express the hope that this thirty-third session of the General Assembly would end with all countries showing evidence of greater commitment to the principles on which this Organization was built. The international community, this family of nations, should not await the strife that leads to armed conflict and bloodshed to redress the injustices that plague our planet and divide the peoples of the world
182.	We cannot await the end of the decade to start applying remedies to situations which continue to deteriorate The New International Economic Order cannot be accomplished by decree or resolution. Every day that passes brings suffering to the majority of peoples of the earth, and the list of grievances is long. Every day people suffer because of ignorance; people die for want of food or proper
nutrition; people die for lack of health services; and all this takes place mainly in the region which is being euphemistically described as the third world.
183.	Our historic responsibility is to take positive measures to redress present social and economic injustices and to improve the quality of life of all peoples. The time to act is now and at this thirty-third session we must seize the time.


	1. Our congratulations also go to the Secretary-General. We congratulate him every year, not as a ritual or convention, but because of our appreciation of his faith in the role of the United Nations and his determination to translate that faith into the fulfilment of the purposes for which the Organization was created.
 	2. We welcome Solomon Islands to this family of nations. The membership of our Organization continues to grow as more and more countries regain their freedom and independence. New systems of relationships develop as erstwhile colonial peoples sit side by side with their former colonial masters, when kingdoms have given way to republics, democracies, dictatorships and other forms of government.
3. Developing countries continue to express grave impatience at the slowness, or seeming reluctance, of industrial countries to implement decisions aimed at the establishment of a new and just world economic order. Many conferences have been held, the need for change has been acknowledged, targets have been identified, but strategies have been confused in a welter of definitions and procedural arguments. Meanwhile the problem remains, and the terms of trade continue to deteriorate, to the detriment of the economies of developing countries.
4. Developing countries continue to express grave. impatience
at the slowness, or seeming reluctance, of industrial
countries to implement decisions aimed at the establishment
of a new and just world economic order. Many
conferences have been held, the need for change has been
acknowledged, targets have been identified, but strategies
have been confused in a welter of definitions and procedural arguments. Meanwhile the problem remains, and
the terms of trade continue to deteriorate, to the detriment
of the economies of developing countries.
5.	We in Botswana welcomed the creation of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, which is widely known as the Committee of the Whole and is charged with the responsibility of monitoring the implementation of decisions and agreements, as well as such other duties as are spelled out in paragraph 4 of General Assembly resolution 32/174, It is, for us, a matter of regret that the Committee's work has been hampered by differences in the understanding and interpretation of the manner in which it should execute its mandate. It is our hope that agreement will be reached soon on this issue.
6.	At the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly, my delegation expressed its cautious appreciation of the agreement in principle to establish a common fund that would Lunch the Integrated Programme for Commodities. Further negotiations had to be undertaken in November last. We are concerned that these have not yet been satisfactorily concluded; for, even acknowledging the complexity of economic issues, the habitual tardiness with which economic matters of vital concern to developing countries are treated is, in effect, tantamount to callous indifference on the part of the developed world to the plight of the developing. We are, however, hopeful that the slowly emerging convergence of views on some issues will ultimately lead to the establishment of the fund.
7.	The second decade of the International Development Strategy [resolution 2626 (XXV)] is drawing to a close. With a few exceptions, developed countries have failed to honour their pledges within the period set; some have even declared the reduced target of 0.7 per cent of gross domestic product too steep, unattainable and therefore unrealistic. Since my country is a beneficiary, and since the contributions are voluntary and humanitarian rather than obligatory we can only implore, exhort and urge those countries, which have not already done so to respect themselves and protect their national honour and dignity by providing increased official development aid to the level of the target set for the Second United Nations Development Decade.

8.	We welcome the special session of the General Assembly set for 1980 and the possibility of even a third decade of the International Development Strategy. It is the hope of all of us that the special session will be, not another occasion for the identification of problems and the determination of targets, but a formal session for the implementation of strategies worked out in the intervening years.
9.	In the short term the hardships of developing countries—in particular, the least developed among them— deserve special mention and therefore recognition. Because of their underdevelopment, coupled with imported inflation, they rely on assistance from developed countries. Loans on hard terms can only kill their credit-worthiness and national pride because of their genuine inability to repay. Consideration should therefore be given to granting manageable amortization terms. In this connexion, my delegation pays a tribute to those countries, such as Canada, Sweden, the United Kingdom and Switzerland, which have converted their loans to the least developed of developing countries into grants, and welcomes the intention by some countries to dispense with the pernicious system of the tying of development assistance to purchases from the donor.
10.	The United Nations Conference on Technical Cooperation Among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires in August and September, has provided this Organization with a Plan of Action  Which my delegation hopes the Assembly will adopt; for, by adopting it, the international community will be enabling the developing countries to exploit the mutual advantages of co-operation and complementarity among themselves on the basis of equality and of respect for their national sovereignty.
11.	Looking at the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly, one still sees old and familiar topics which have been before us for the past many years. The international community has adopted many resolutions about them, but the problems remain. In the Middle East, Israel continues to occupy Arab lands and to defy Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which urged it to withdraw from occupied territories. My delegation welcomes all the efforts which are being made in the search for ways of resolving the problem We shall continue to be guided by the common desire and common resolve to secure for the region a comprehensive settlement that will include the restoration to the Arab and Palestinian people of their land and property.
12.	My delegation is not at this stage in a position to express public support for or condemnation of the Camp David peace agreements.  Success will depend on the renunciation by Israel of any claim to any part of Arab land and its full co-operation in its return-all this counterpoised by guarantees of secure and recognized boundaries for each State in the area, and respect for its independence and sovereignty. We urge our Arab friends to adopt a united and constructive approach to this complex situation. We urge the international community to make it clear to Israel that no durable peace is possible without the direct involvement of the Palestine Liberation Organization in the search for it.
13.	My delegation regrets that no progress has been made towards finding a lasting solution regarding the restoration
of the unity of Cyprus. We welcome the Secretary-General's continued interest in the subject. We reaffirm our solidarity with the people of Cyprus and support the call for the urgent implementation of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and Security Council resolution 365 (1974).
14.	Events in Africa in the past year aroused the chagrin of the world. Conflict situations developed between brothers in almost every region of the continent. Words assumed new meanings in support of ideologies and hegemonism, and we began too readily to refer to ourselves, or to others, as progressive or reactionary, radical or anti-revolutionary, or as stooges for one super-Power or another. To outstanding problems, such as the question of the Western Sahara and the tragedy in the Horn of Africa, have been added in the past few months the invasion of the Shaba province of Zaire, the invasion of Angola and Zambia by the security forces of racist South Africa, the violation of the territorial integrity of Mozambique, and acts of aggression against Botswana by the security forces of rebel Rhodesia. That, in the view of my delegation, raises the entire question of the security of African States and of intervention in African conflicts by extraterritorial forces.
15.	My country fully accepts the responsibility of every State for the security of its nationals. We concede that no State other than the State concerned can accurately assess - the danger to itself of external aggression and the capability of its defence system to repel it. For this reason my country has always refrained from precipitate adverse comment on extraterritorial military assistance required by African countries. It is our view that the first call for assistance should be made on African States themselves or on the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and that only when this fails because of tardiness or reluctance on the part of Africa should an African country seek assistance elsewhere.
16.	But we are fearful when local conflicts within and among African nations are fanned by external support. The fanning of local conflicts by extracontinental States is a new form of imperialism-not perhaps the classical type, which acquired territories and hoisted flags for the motherland, but that which seeks political control in the name of ideological loyalty. We in Botswana are proud to have won our independence from the territorial control of a colonial Power and we therefore view with suspicion and disfavour the use of military assistance given by any quarter as 'an instrument of ideological recolonization.
17.	A year ago at this very rostrum  my delegation expressed its appreciation of and support for the role played by the contact group of five Western members of the Security Council on the question of the decolonization of Namibia. We did so fully cognizant of the fact that theirs was a voluntary act, neither sponsored nor financed by any of the competent organs of the United Nations system; we did so sensitive to and aware of the existence of bodies such as the United Nations Council for Namibia, which had been officially created to deal specifically with the problem. The contact group discharged its undertaking so laudably that now the Security Council has adopted, by its resolution
435 (1978), the report of the Secretary-General based on the proposals of the contact group and submitted pursuant to paragraph 2 of Security Council resolution 431 (1978). Once again, therefore, my delegation wishes to express its appreciation to the contact group of the five Western members of the Security Council for having deployed efforts to reaffirm the dignity of negotiation, rather than confrontation, as an effective tool in international diplomacy.
18.	It should be a matter of grave concern to this Organization if, by its unilateral decision to proceed to elections, South Africa should create the impression that negotiations are a sign of weakness.
19.	It must be stressed that, however commendable the efforts of the contact group, there would have been no progress had it not been for the constructive flexibility of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] during the long negotiations. My delegation therefore wishes to congratulate SWAPO on all this and also on its statesmanship in pledging to the world that, given guarantees of and optimum conditions for free and fair elections leading to genuine independence for Namibia, it would halt all hostilities. My country supports free and fair elections for Namibia, for it is not for us to choose a Government for the people of Namibia, but for the people of Namibia to choose their own Government for themselves. We dismiss the South African assertion that the purpose of the elections now is to establish who has the right to speak for the people of Namibia.
20.	We are opposed to allowing any contretemps or the use of any stratagems to lead to the holding of elections that would preclude the participation of other political parties in the country, the results of which would therefore be unacceptable to the international community. It would be not only self-defeating but also self-destructive for any party to come to power in such circumstances.
21„ The wrecking by South Africa of efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement poses great dangers for countries bordering on Namibia. This can only entail the escalation or' the fighting, with all its attendant suffering for the people of Namibia and the States in the region. Botswana therefore still urges the contact group of the five Western members of the Security Council to muster and mar shall all its negotiating ability in an endeavour to bring South Africa back to the path of peace and an internationally accented solution; for, while we concede that sanctions could lie made effective, given the collective will and concerted action, our sad experience in Zimbabwe has cast serious doubt on the efficacy of sanctions when these are weighed against mercantile and economic considerations. We condemn South Africa's unilateral decision to proceed with elections in the Territory, but we take note of its declaration that the door to further negotiations is not completely shut.
22. My delegation supports the Secretary-General's report and, for its part, Botswana, as a member of the QAU and the United Nations and as a neighbouring, front-line State, is willing not only to consider favourably the secondment of experienced personnel from its own public service to serve in the civilian component of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group but to pledge its co-operation in ensuring that no act or acts inimical to the effective implementation of the proposals for a settlement of the Namibian situation will be permitted from its territory. We look forward to the independence of Namibia and the emergence of a friendly neighbour.
23.	The question of Zimbabwe is no less with us than that of Namibia. The tragedy of it all is that we are ho closer to the solution than when we met for the thirty-second regular session. In some ways we have even lost ground. The Anglo-American proposals  which we brandished then, hoping that they would be acceptable to all parties to the dispute as a basis for negotiations leading to peaceful transition to majority rule and independence, have been trampled underfoot and described variously as unrealistic or dead and buried. In the view of my delegation those proposals have yet to be explored.
24.	In the period under review Ian Smith and some nationalist leaders, not for lack of advice, have hoodwinked themselves into believing that with the formation of the so-called transitional government the freedom fighters would desert the Patriotic Front, lay down their arms and stop the war of liberation. Having so convinced themselves, they spurned the agreement by the Patriotic Front to attend a round-table conference. They have now been disillusioned as the value of their presumptions has depreciated, but to date they have lacked the courage to concede their mistake and consider other alternatives. They hoped to win international recognition through what they described as "free and fair" elections: free and fair, in a country where the security situation is deteriorating every day; free and fair, where supporters of the Patriotic Front are harassed and imprisoned and many have fled the country; free and fair, when the question as seen by political observers is no longer how one will be voting but which one will be seen to vote. They hoped to win international recognition and secure the lifting of sanctions and the ultimate capitulation of the Patriotic Front, yet we must advise them that without the involvement of the Patriotic Front no settlement in Zimbabwe will endure.
25.	Botswana continues to seek a negotiated solution and to support the call for a round-table conference of all parties as soon as possible. We therefore appeal to the internal settlement group to show courage, to come forward and to meet with the Patriotic Front group in order together to seek a new modus operandi that may lead to peace and the participation of all parties in the building of the nation. We appeal to those in America and elsewhere who have given support to the internal settlement group to encourage them to meet the other parties. We appeal to the Patriotic Front group also to take a positive role in constructing the bases for national cohesion. Finally, we appeal to the international community to give unified support to such a meeting.
26.	The acceptance of majority rule in Zimbabwe would not have posed problems for the international community had the racist minority regime in that Territory not drawn its inspiration from South Africa itself and benefited from the material assistance, support and tacit encouragement of that country. It is South Africa also that has hindered the decolonization of Namibia. In South Africa, racism and apartheid established by history have been entrenched in legislation. Whether by-design, strategy or accident, the international community has shown gross reluctance and unpreparedness to address itself vigorously and meaningfully to the problems of apartheid, racism and oppression. Resolutions are passed every year, but they have been of nuisance value only. In that country, the African has no stake in the government of his country; in fact, there is no sharing of power. In that country, Africans are relegated to undeveloped, impoverished and fragmented ethnic homelands and have had the citizenship of the bantustans forced on them.
27.	Africa has always urged South Africa to engage in a dialogue with the leaders of the people of that country, but South Africa has consistently refused. Only last month, opening the National Party's Transvaal Congress, the Minister of Plural Relations and Development ruled out the possibility of any negotiations with the black leaders outside the framework of the Government policy of apartheid.
28.	Among, the questions the international community should ask itself regarding South Africa are the following. How long must Africa and the world wait to see South Africa's friends taking in that country the steps they have taken in Namibia and Zimbabwe? Why does South Africa accept majority rule for a unitary Zimbabwe and a unitary Namibia but not for South Africa itself? Why the double standards?
29.	On this day of observance of the International Anti-Apartheid Year I declare once again Botswana's solidarity with the martyrs of South Africa, those who died in the struggle for liberation from apartheid and those who are languishing in the prisons of South Africa. We derive encouragement and confidence from the knowledge that the international community, by its observance of this year as International Anti-Apartheid Year, is signifying in no uncertain manner its solidarity with the people of South Africa in their quest for freedom and human dignity. We pay a tribute to those who have been honoured today for their work in the cause of freedom in South Africa. We praise the Special Committee against 4partheid for its work in making the observance of this International Anti-Apartheid Year the censor of our consciences—lest we forget.
30.	The road ahead will be long, steep and arduous. That, however, will not discourage those who are destined to travel it in search of human dignity. With its limited resources, Botswana will continue to provide asylum to victims of racism and oppression. We are fully aware that in playing that role we expose ourselves to wanton attacks. That will not deter us.
31.	We express our gratitude to those States Members of this Organization which have in the past assisted us and strengthened our resolve to discharge this our international responsibility.
32.	My country wishes no more and no less for the oppressed people of southern Africa than what the people of Botswana take for granted; freedom and justice for all.