Allow me, Mr. President, to congratulate you on your election to our highest office, presiding over this forum of the world's nations. I wish you every success and pledge you the sincere support of my delegation.
I am delighted also to be able to use this opportunity to welcome Liechtenstein, our partner in the European Free Trade Association, as a new Member of the United Nations.
Our session is taking place this year against the background of earth-shaking events. Rarely has the United Nations been faced with challenges in world affairs as diverse or demanding as those it is currently being called upon to deal with. At the same time, we have a rare opportunity to make our world Organization fulfill the dreams of its founders.
In the last twelve months, a whirlwind of change has swept across the world. An air of co-operation and mutual trust has replaced the atmosphere of confrontation and distrust which marred East-West relations for over forty years. In Central and Eastern Europe dictatorships have tumbled and the ideology of communism is totally discredited. In a matter of days, Germany will be united and the last remaining symbol of a Europe divided thereby abolished. Conditions have thus been created for engineering of a new order of peace and stability in Europe - in short, for rebuilding a Europe whole and free.
The benign effects of this profound transformation have been felt world-wide. For the first time we can now expect that energies, previously drained by military competition and the selfish pursuit of national ends, will be channelled into co-operative efforts in the service of humanity as a whole. The new, unprecedented commitment to collective action has brought in its wake certain undisputed advantages for the United Nations also.
It has removed obstacles and given the Organization increased scope to exercise its powers in the interest of world security under the United Nations Charter. Recent successes, mainly in the area of regional disputes, have bolstered public confidence in the world Organization.
What a peculiar quirk of circumstances it is, therefore, that at precisely such a triumphant moment in its history the United Nations should be faced with the greatest test of its character in recent years. The invasion and annexation of Kuwait by Iraq are not only a flagrant violation of international law but a frontal attack on the very ideals of the United Nations. Surely it must be our foremost task to see to it that this first major crisis of the post-cold-war period does not make us turn back the clock in international affairs.
The world community has condemned the brutal aggression and unjustifiable acts perpetrated against thousands of foreign nationals held by Iraq against their will. The United Nations Security Council has reacted swiftly and with unanimity. But more will be required. To restore calm to the Persian Gulf the world community must demonstrate its undivided support for the resolutions of the Security Council and the actions of those who, in conformity with those resolutions, have assumed the burden of establishing a multinational force in the Gulf area. Given the heavy cost involved for a number of States, this will require an unusual degree of resolve and co-operation. Failure to display the necessary solidarity incurs the risk not only of undercutting the authority of the United Nations but also of undoing the progress achieved so far in our long and hard struggle for peace in the world at large.
The show of military aggression we have recently witnessed in the Persian Gulf reveals the volatile nature of peace in the world, even at a time when the super-Powers have forged a new partnership to contain such crises. We are reminded that peace in the world is not simply the absence of war but presupposes the acceptance of fundamental precepts of international conduct, including respect for national sovereignty, the right to self-determination, and the inviolability of international borders.
In a European context these principles have been enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. Not least for that reason, we welcome the unification of Germany which, in accordance with the wishes of the German nation, will take place a few days from now. The establishment of new legal relationships between the parties concerned now offers a realistic prospect of long-term stability on the continent of Europe.
But while a new order of Europe is taking shape let us not turn a blind eye to those remaining features of the post-war era which have stubbornly resisted the forces of change. The situation of the Baltic republics is a case in point. The Baltic nations were independent States, recognized as such by the international community, a fact which military occupation and annexation cannot be allowed to change.
In the long run there can be no solution to this problem short of the full recognition of the Baltic republics’ right to independence. It is to be welcomed that a political dialogue has now been established between the Baltic republics and the leadership of the Soviet Union and its constituent republics that will, it is hoped, pave the way for an orderly return to the status quo ante.
In the meantime Iceland, like other Nordic countries, wishes to see co-operation extended to the Baltic republics at various levels. Iceland would, furthermore, welcome the full participation of the Baltic republics in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.
Although elements of our post-war legacy may thus remain, there can be no denying that the armed peace among the major Powers is gradually being replaced by a more trusting set of relationships, where negotiated arms control and confidence building play an important role.
The East-West rapprochement has greatly enhanced the prospects for meaningful arms control. Significant progress has already been made in three major categories of modern weaponry: conventional, nuclear and chemical.
In the conventional area, it is of the utmost importance that a treaty between the member countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and those of the Warsaw Pact to cut conventional forces in Europe be concluded as soon as possible. A conventional-force agreement, which should result in a defensive posture of military forces on the continent, constitutes a basic requisite for a new structure of security in Europe. It is to be hoped that negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union to reduce and limit their strategic nuclear forces will also lead to the substantial diminishing of the nuclear threat in the near future.
The current renaissance of the United Nations should serve to highlight the useful work of the Organization in the area of arms control, both in the General aSSembly and at the Conference on Disarmament. At the Conference on Disarmament a global convention on a comprehensive ban on chemical weapons remains a priority. In the light of the bitter experience of the past, it is deplorable that these the most abhorrent of modern should still be used against innocent civilians.
It is to be welcomed that the Ad Hoc Committee on a Nuclear Test Ban has been re-established within the Conference on Disarmament. Ultimately all nuclear-weapon testing must be brought to a halt. In the meantime the nuclear Powers must take effective measures to prevent the spread of radioactivity from their nuclear-testing sites. The Nordic countries, concerned about the serious danger that radioactive emissions and leaks might pose to the natural environment of the northern region, have urged the Soviet Union to abandon plans to transfer all its nuclear testing to the island of Novaya Zemlya.
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the single most important multilateral agreement on disarmament and arms limitations. Since its entry into force no non-nuclear-weapon State party to the Treaty has acquired nuclear weapons. The recent Fourth Review Conference of Parties to the Treaty has strengthened this regime still further. Nevertheless, it is still a matter of concern that a number of States remain outside the Treaty. The crisis in the Gulf has underlined the urgent need to deal more effectively with the problem of proliferation in the nuclear, chemical and biological fields.
On the whole the direction of current arms-control negotiations is to develop regimes for the most major areas of armament: the full spectrum of nuclear forces, conventional land and air forces in Europe, and chemical weapons. The only major area of armament not yet included in the arms-control agenda is the naval one. Sooner rather than later arms control will also have to extend to naval forces. In a European context, failure to include naval forces in arms-control negotiations could result in a differentiation of areas of security.
No one can deny that progress in arms control has taken place mostly outside the confines of the United Nations. This is not the case in the area of the protection of human rights, where the United Nations has played a central role.
The United Nations has been a pioneer in the definition of human rights through the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other instruments. Having set the standards, the Organization has also acted decisively to implement them. The community of nations now recognizes that the pronouncements of international bodies on human rights should not be regarded as unacceptable interference in the internal affairs of individual States. However, this is not without exceptions, the obvious example still being South Africa.
The realization by the people of Central and Eastern Europe of the indispensable role of human rights in the pursuit of prosperity and happiness has certainly been among the principal factors motivating the positive developments in their part of the world. Unfortunately, this lesson of the recent past seems to have been lost on the leaders of South Africa, who still maintain a notorious system of oppression.
Over the last year there has been a relaxation, but no major change, in the system of apartheid. The evils of the system remain and continued pressure must therefore be brought to bear on the South African leadership to respect the inalienable human rights of all citizens.
The Middle East is another area which gives cause for ever-growing concern. Lately, the problem of Israel and the Palestinians has been dangerously linked with the Iraq-Kuwait affair.
Iraq, having grossly misjudged the temperament of the times, now finds itself encircled by a huge majority of States supporting the resolutions of the Security Council. Having few options left, Iraq has tried to stir up Arab opposition to Israel in order to line up Arab States on its side. That is demagoguery of the most dangerous kind.
Even if Iraq does not succeed in spreading the fires from the Gulf area, the intractable problems of Israel and the Palestinians remain. Clearly, a peaceful settlement of the dispute will have to be a part of a comprehensive new order for the whole Middle East. To bring this about, Arabs and Israelis must take upon themselves the leading role.
More encouraging news has recently come out of South East Asia. For some time it hash sen clear that the vexatious problem of Cambodia can only be solved through the good offices of the United Nations. The agreement of the warring factions in Cambodia to commit themselves to a United Nations framework for a comprehensive peace settlement in Cambodia is a major breakthrough. To gov peace a chance, any possibility that the Khmer Rouge might again seize power must be eliminated. Hopefully, the comprehensive peace settlement marks the beginning of a new and stable security arrangement for the South East Asia region as a whole.
I referred earlier to the salutary world-wide effects of the transformation we have recently witnessed in Europe. But we cannot ignore concerns that financial assistance in support of the current drive towards market economies in Central and Eastern Europe might absorb assistance otherwise earmarked for the developing countries. While difficult choices must be made, it is imperative that the industrialized countries find the appropriate balance in this regard.
Expanded and balanced world trade depends on economic improvement both in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and in the developing world. The enormous foreign debt burden of those countries must be relieved and the means found to create a more equitable sharing of financial resources between the developing countries on the one hand and the industrialized world on the other.
Financial assistance and debt relief must be combined with comprehensive plans for structural change. Bridging the gap between North and South will also require more attention being given to social factors, to health care, nutrition and education.
The principal task of development must be to secure for children health, nourishment and education. In the midst of peacekeeping activities, the United Nations has decided to put the children in world focus through the high-level meeting next weekend. We must all of us, developing an developed States, give a high priority to the children - to our future.
let us also bear in mind that a direct link exists between environment and development.
The protection of the environment is one of the vital issues confronting the United Nations. Important groundwork has already been laid in the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development in ordering priorities and recommending future options.
For a country like Iceland, overwhelmingly dependent on the resources of the sea, safeguarding the environment is a question of survival. From our point of view, it is of the utmost importance to take effective measures against pollution of the maritime environment, not least from land-based sources and radioactive waste.
The protection of the marine environment from nuclear contamination has not been dealt with adequately. Following Chernobyl, considerable attention has been given to nuclear reactors on land. But we cannot forget that sea-borne nuclear reactors are in reality mobile power plants. As such, they should be given no less serious consideration than nuclear reactors on land. During this session of the General Assembly, Iceland will propose a United Nations expert study on the potential risks to the marine environment posed by accidents involving sea-borne nuclear reactors.
In Iceland’s view, existing legal instruments in the field of environmental protection are not sufficient to achieve the results we desire and should therefore be strengthened. International treaties in specific fields of the environment need to be negotiated. Hopefully, agreements on climate change and biological diversification will be adopted at the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. But a more comprehensive approach is called for. What is needed is an agreement on the basic principles which must guide the community of States to ensure future sustainability of life on Earth. These principles should be embodied in a new, concise legal instrument which would be accepted by Governments as a constitution or charter.
The Conference on Environment and Development may be our best chance to take realistic steps to reverse the environmental degradation of our planet. Care must be taken that that this does not become a meeting of empty generalities, mere declarations or timid action plans. Specific environmental problems must be dealt with concretely within the overall context of sound and sustainable development.
Time is not on our side in this great venture. It is estimated that during the next two years nearly 100 million acres of tropical forests will be extinguished: 12 billion tons of carbon dioxide and other toxic pollutants will foul the air. In two years 50 billion tons of productive topsoil will be lost.
To turn the tide in matters like these, matters of survival, will indeed be a major undertaking for our regenerated Organization in the years decades ahead.


It gives me distinct pleasure to see a representative of Malta presiding over this year's session of the United Nations General Assembly. I should also like to express our sincere appreciation to Mr. Joseph Garba of Nigeria for his successful presidency during the forty-fourth session.
I should like to welcome the new Member of the United Nations, the Principality of Liechtenstein.
We all owe special appreciation and gratitude to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, who continues to make an all-round contribution to the efforts being made by the United Nations to solve the most topical world problems.
The decades at the end of the twentieth century will be recorded in history as years of historic transformation in the relations between States and peoples as well as of social, political and economic changes in many countries.
Relations in today's world are characterised by substantially intensified co-operation and dialogue between the two super-Powers, by a new structure in Europe and the continent's growth into a single political and economic space and by processes of regional integration in other parts of the world as wall. Economic, financial and technological potential and interests are becoming the new foundations for co-operation. However such positive developments do not preclude uncertainties and the possibility of retrogressive trends. The dangers of local and regional conflicts, as attested to by the recent Iraqi aggression against Kuwait, have not yet been averted.
We are convinced that prospects for building a new, more balanced and democratic system of international relations have been opened up and that this will be a long-term tread in the world's development.
As a member of the international community Yugoslavia is vitally interested in seeing these positive processes gain momentum, encompass all fields of international relations and all parts of the world and bring equal prosperity and well-being to all nations of the world. However, the attainment of that objective is still far away, for we live in a world encumbered by the legacy of an epoch we hope we have definitely left behind.
Inspired by that goal and desirous of contributing to its realisation, Yugoslavia opted for the policy of non-alignment and has for three decades been working actively in the international field with a large group of States, the members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Since the ninth Summit Conference of countries members of the Non-Aligned Movement, held at Belgrade in 1989, Yugoslavia, as its Chairman, has been seeking to make the Movement's activities responsive to the profound and rapid changes taking place in the world.
Through contacts with the most important factors in the world advocating international dialogue and co-operation Yugoslavia has been urging all elements of the international community to take up the key challenge confronting mankind - namely, the solution of problems of development, from which flow all the other challenges before us, from the ecological to the health and social problems of the developing countries, which still constitute two thirds of the world.
The spectacular improvement in international relations and the overall international climate, as well as the elimination of global confrontations between the super-Powers and blocs, cannot conceal the difficult economic position of and grave conflict situations in many developing countries. The prerequisite for a tranquil and stable world is to complement the East-West political detente with an economic and social one between North and South.
We believe that owing to its nature and history, as well as to its ability to bring together and co-ordinate global and regional interests, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries is in a position to play a significant role in creating a new balance in the world which would have a decisive effect on international developments in the coming years and over a longer period, and in which all influential and concerned elements would find their own interest.
There is no doubt that Europe, the continent of which Yugoslavia is a part, is currently undergoing profound changes. In the past year substantive democratic changes have taken place there. Their protagonists are the people - man as a free and creative agent, a new and different Europe is being shaped before our very eyes, but its future is not without uncertainties. As one example, there is the disturbing growth of extreme forms of nationalism and intolerance, from which hardly a single area of Europe is immune. Or let us take the disproportionate level of development of certain areas of the continent, which threatens to replace the outmoded system of blocs with a new system that is longer-lasting and more difficult to surmount. The solution of such problems is imperative if we are to create a truly united and stable Europe in which no one feels himself the citizen of a second-rate nation.
Stability in Europe can be attained only if the principle of the integrity and sovereignty of States is consistently observed. Today, regrettably, the General Assembly of the United Nations witnessed a flagrant attack by the Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of my country. Openly - before this Assembly and before the entire world public - he called for the establishment of yet another Albanian State, this time on the territory of Yugoslavia. It is very important for the international public that he openly and publicly presented that which had long been concealed in Albania's policy towards Yugoslavia. The General Assembly is fully aware of the fact that nowhere in the world - in not a single State - do national minorities have the right to establish a State of their own and to secede. Such an unrealisable intention of Albanian separatists is the reason for all their conflicts with the authorities in Kosovo and in Yugoslavia, which are unjustifiably referred to as threats to human rights.
Yugoslavia would be satisfied if Albania were to ensure that the Yugoslav national minorities living in Albania were given those rights that the Albanians in Yugoslavia enjoy.
The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) has become an even more comprehensive process and an essential factor in the development of a new European architecture. With the creation of a new system of relations in Europe, it is only natural that the CSCE, as the sole all-European democratic forum, should be the framework for the development of all forms of co-operation and new ties in Europe. There is no doubt that the neutral and non-aligned countries will, as always, make a constructive contribution to this process.
As an open country and an active member of the international community, Yugoslavia is also going through a period of deepest change in its own internal socio-political development. The introduction of political pluralism, a multi-party system and free elections on that basis has been accompanied by instability which, to a significant extent, is a consequence of democratisation and the country's multinational nature.
Also, before many others did so, we had opted to seek solutions to our own development problems through a market-economy mechanism. We are aware of the fact that the movement towards a free market is bound to give rise to acute social and other problems. That, in a way, characterizes present-day developments in Yugoslavia. However, we are convinced that we are on the right track and that the reforms that are under way in Yugoslavia will continue to meet with the support and understanding of the broadest spectrum of countries.
I avail myself of this opportunity to express my country's deepest concern over the further dangerous aggravation of the crisis in the Gulf, which was caused by Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. In its own right, and as Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, Yugoslavia once again most resolutely condemns the act of aggression against, and the annexation of, Kuwait, which it considers to be null and void; reaffirms its full support for the legitimate Government of Kuwait; and most resolutely calls for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraq from the territory of Kuwait, for respect for that country's sovereignty, and for the re-establishment of its territorial integrity, which remains the only way of resolving the crisis.
The latest events in the Gulf region have once again confirmed that the United Nations is the proper forum for finding ways out of critical situations in international relations. We advocate the consistent implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions, as well as further consultations, within the United Nations, on all measures aimed at the prevention of an escalation. Therefore we believe that action on the part of the international community, including the placing of military forces in the Gulf, should be taken with the utmost discipline and responsibility. I am certain that it is in the interests of the entire international community that war be prevented - the consequences of war are unforeseeable - and that the state of affairs that existed prior to the invasion of Kuwait be restored. We welcome all processes aimed at the initiation of a political solution to the crisis, and we are ready to participate in them.
The events in the Gulf region attest once again to the closest interrelationship between political and economic factors. This crisis and the uncertainties that it has created pose a serious threat to the economies of many countries, Yugoslavia included, as well as to the world economy as a whole. Such an unexpected upheaval in the world economy has increased the existing, already-chronic, difficulties resulting from excessive external debt, falls in raw-material prices, hampered exports, protectionism, lack of capital, and so on.
Regrettably, this has happened at precisely the time when developing countries, particularly the highly indebted and least developed ones, have been making enormous efforts, through reforms, coupled with great sacrifices, as well as social and political tensions, to steer their economies towards growth and development.
Therefore it is up to all countries - both the developed and the underdeveloped ones - as well as competent international institutions, primarily the United Nations, to take appropriate measures to ward off the extremely adverse consequences that there could be for international economic co-operation and development.
This situation is further aggravated by persistent trouble spots in other parts of the world ~ the Middle East crisis being one of the most serious. We must not lose sight of the fact that this is one of the most protracted world crises. It continues to be a source of tension and is permanently the focus of attention. The stalemate in the Middle East stands in contrast to the positive trends in international relations generally.
Any solution to this crisis must include the full realization of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including their right to a State of their own and the withdrawal of Israel from all territories occupied since 1967, as well as guarantees of peace and security for all countries of the region within internationally recognized boundaries. Obviously the best way to attain this goal would be to convene an international conference on the Middle East, under the auspices of the United Nations, on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1969) and 338 (1973) - a proposal that was unanimously approved by the Heads of State or Government of non-aligned countries at their Ninth Conference.
I believe that it is with a feeling of shared success that we welcome to the General Assembly a new full-fledged member - the sovereign and independent Republic of Namibia. Major changes are under way in southern Africa. We hope that we have reached a stage when the elimination of apartheid - a shameful system of discrimination - is just a matter of time. The immediate and lasting abolition of apartheid should be our common priority.
We particularly support the current processes aimed at settling the Kampuchean problem. We also believe that acceptable solutions should be found, as soon as possible, to the issues of Cyprus, Western Sahara and Afghanistan, as well as that of the peaceful unification of Korea.
I feel that I express the views of the majority when I say that action to deal with new global problems, such as those related to drugs, the environment and childcare should be the focus of attention of the international community.
Representatives are aware of the fact that child care will be on the agenda of the summit that begins tomorrow. Yugoslavia unreservedly supports the noble and humane objectives of this top-level gathering.
IN today's world of growing interdependence between States and peoples, the universal value of human rights and their all-around importance for assessing the acceptability of a country's policies have been reaffirmed in very strong terms.
Yugoslavia believes that the degree to which an individual enjoys these rights and fundamental freedoms is a yardstick for measuring the extent of democratisation in a society and its capacities to take part in wider democratic processes taking place in the world.
We share the growing conviction that it is necessary fully to observe human rights and freedoms, both collective and individual, mindful of the fact that civil and political rights cannot be separated from economic and social ones.
The positive changes in East-West relations have contributed to the weakening or elimination of the last strongholds of resistance to accepting international standards in the field of human rights, including the rights of minorities. The rule is being affirmed that human rights and civil liberties are not only general values, but also an obligation and a criterion for evaluating the nature and achievements of any social system.
Gone are the times when the big Powers and blocs shunned the United Nations or treated the General Assembly as a propaganda platform rather than as a forum for resolving the principal international problems. Given some of the reforms carried in the United Nations itself, especially in addressing the financial crisis, and even more so the possibilities of revitalisation as a consequence of the negotiations and agreements reached between the super-Powers and the more favourable climate in international relations in general, new prospects are being opened up concerning the effectiveness of this world Organisation.
The times have changed indeed. So has the Movement of non-aligned countries, and so have its possibilities. Over a long period of time, in parallel with the struggle for the emancipation of countries and peoples, with efforts aimed at restructuring world relations and imbuing them with a spirit of partnership, solidarity and co-operation, the Movement also constantly opposed bloc polarisation. The non-aligned consider the favourable developments taking place in the present-day world to be the fulfilment of their own objectives as well, to a large extent. The preconditions have been met for further, positive evolution.
May I, as Chairman of the Movement, briefly point out the areas in which fulfilment of these preconditions should and must be encouraged?
First of all, in the general international climate: the events taking place in Europe and also global developments indicate that a new world order is being ushered in, in a major way, one in which there are no enemies or rivals, but only competitors and partners.
Secondly, in the economic and social sphere, in which the existing discrepancies cannot remain unaddressed it is not only that these discrepancies generate new tensions which could pull us all backwards, but also that they prevent a new quality of life - ranging from human rights to environmental protection - iron prevailing at a global level.
Thirdly, in dealing with world crises along the lines we mentioned, we should encourage the parallel strengthening of confidence-building measures, negotiating and control mechanisms within the United Nations, as well as all other forms of multilateral organisation inspired by the Charter of this world Organisation.
Lastly, but perhaps most important: fulfilment of these preconditions must be encouraged within the United Nations itself. This finest hour that it is experiencing, for the first time since the days of the cold war and for the first time in post-war history, means that the United Nations is becoming a place in which issues are being resolved and in which they can indeed be resolved: this is not only the vision of the founders come true, but also a great obligation on all of us. If the United Nations has finally assumed its proper role, then it is capable of being both a peacemaker and· a strong instrument of collective security, which implies that, is each and every member country, the game should have new, democratic rules and that all should have economic prosperity and political stability.
In the process of pursuing all these objectives, the Movement of non-aligned countries is prepared to work even harder as a factor in world reintegration and in the further emancipation of individuals and nations.


Allow me, first of all, Sir, to congratulate you on your unanimous election to the high post of the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. I wish you every success in the fulfilment of the great tasks before you. Your experience, wisdom and skills make us confident of the fruitful outcome of the work of the current international gathering.
I wish also to express my gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Joseph Garba of Nigeria, for his outstanding contribution to the work of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
May I also take this opportunity to extend to the delegation of Liechtenstein my warm congratulations on its joining the United Nations as the newest Member of the Organisation. Liechtenstein’s application and admission are yet another testimony to the universality of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
Under the qualitatively new international conditions, the United Nations has taken great steps towards achieving a wide range of international goals. The personal efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, in furthering those goals deserve our praise and gratitude. He want the role of the United Nations and its Secretary-General to be further enhanced in the maintenance and consolidation of international peace and security, understanding among nations and the political solution of regional conflicts.
In recent years, we have been witness to tremendous changes in the world. This change is characterised by the emergence of an atmosphere of understanding and co-operation in East-West relations as a whole and in relations between the United States of America and the Soviet Union in particular. The democratic changes in Eastern Europe, the reunification of Germany, the democratic gains in Nicaragua and the impetus in efforts to resolve regional conflicts by peaceful means are indicators of the scope of these transformations. The continuation of this process in the light of the restructuring of international relations gives reason to hope for the establishment of a world community living together in peace, harmony and co-operation.
The Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the continuing summit meetings between Soviet and United States leaders and the understandings that have been reached in those meetings, and it calls on other countries to join in the process.
The Republic of Afghanistan believes that it is necessary to strengthen the regime for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. We believe that the cessation of nuclear tests in the sea, underground and in the atmosphere is an important step towards general disarmament and that the United Nations is capable of promoting the process widely.
We call for the elimination of stockpiles of chemical and bacteriological weapons and for the creation of nuclear-free zones in different regions of the world. The work of the Ad hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean and the conversion of that ocean into a zone of peace and co-operation must be expedited. We applaud any reduction in military budgets and the consequent transfer of huge funds to socio-economic development.
While the international political atmosphere has improved, the present international economic order does not meet the needs of the developing and the least-developed countries.
The increasing deterioration of the terms of trade, to the detriment o£ the developing countries; high interest rates and the unfavourable terms of foreign loans; the fall in the income from raw materials; and the high price of imported goods, particularly of advanced technology - these factors have further widened the gap between the developed and the developing countries. This calls for the introduction of reasonable changes in international economic relations.
For more than a decade Afghanistan - a war-stricken, least-developed and land-locked country - has received no assistance or credits from a number of countries and international financial organisations. That is why we welcome the results achieved at the eighteenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, devoted to International Economic Co-operation, in particular the Revitalisation of Economic Growth and Development of the Developing Countries, and at the second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which was held in Paris in September 1990. We call for the solution of the existing problems in international economic relations and for specific action by the United Nations.
The Republic of Afghanistan has followed with great concern the recent grave developments in the Gulf region. As a Muslim country, we are concerned at the negative effect that these developments have had on the unity of the Arab world. They have also provided grounds for military confrontation in this sensitive region. As a country that, unfortunately, has gone through a decade of war, we are aware of the human suffering and material destruction that war can bring about. Therefore, we earnestly hope that the explosive situation in the region will be resolved by peaceful, political means. We urge the Arab and international communities to exert every effort to find a peaceful solution. Such a solution would be in the interests of all sides. War should be avoided by all possible means.
In the Middle East, the occupation of Arab and Palestinian lands, including Jerusalem and the Syrian Golan Heights, continues. We support the Palestinian intifadah and condemn the illegal settlement of Jewish refugees in the occupied lands. He call for the convening of an international conference in which all the sides concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, would participate on an equal footing. We welcome recent improvements in the relations between the two Islamic countries of Iran and Iraq.
The Republic of Afghanistan supports the unity, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon and wants to see the Lebanese people given the chance to put an end to the civil war without foreign intervention. The Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the good offices of the United Nations for the settlement of the Cyprus problem in conformity with Security Council resolution S49 (1990).
The Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the latest accords resulting from the Jakarta talks on the political settlement of the Kampuchean problem and supports the participation of the United Nations in the process. In this regard, we should like to see a resolution adopted unanimously at the current session of the General Assembly.
We welcome the unification of Yemen, and we support the reunification of the Korean peninsula, in accordance with the desire and will of its people, without interference from the outside.
In Latin America, we support the continuation of the talks aimed at the political settlement of the situation in El Salvador.
While welcoming the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela and the beginning of talks between the African National Congress of South Africa and the South African Government, we note that the abhorrent apartheid regime has not yet been dismantled. We believe that further dialogue can lead to a political and peaceful solution of the situation in South Africa.
We stress the need for continued talks between the POLISARIO Front and the Government of Morocco and for their joint co-operation with the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity.
Despite our earnest wishes and specific, practical efforts, and despite the very welcome improvement in the world atmosphere, the situation in our region is far from desirable. In fact, it has deteriorated further. The intensification of interference and aggression and the rude sabotaging of the Geneva Agreements not only has turned Afghanistan into a bleeding wound for the Afghans but also poses a serious menace to peace and stability in our region. In blatant violation of the agreements and with disregard for the good will of the Republic of Afghanistan, which wants to achieve peace and good-neighbourly relations based on non-interference by countries in each other's internal affairs, Pakistan retains on its territory all the ways and means of interference and aggression against the Republic of Afghanistan. In fact, by spreading new types of weapons of mass annihilation, such as cluster rockets, it has given the war a new dimension and a new quality.
The armed extremists - people trained and armed in Pakistan - continue to massacre inhabitants of cities, with total disregard for human and moral norms. From 19 January to 22 September 1990 alone, 1,662 rockets were fired on different parts of Kabul city. As a result, 74 women, 115 children, 225 elderly people, 36 teachers and students, 76 public-service personnel, 1 physician, 112 peddlers, 39 Government employees, and others - totalling 728 persons - were killed. The persons injured in these incidents include 21 women, 112 children, 90 elderly people, 11 students, 36 public-service personnel, 5 physicians, 640 peddlers, and others - totalling 954.
As a result of rocket fire during this period, 155 residential houses, 8 mosques, 1 hospital, 2 colleges, 1 girls' school, the steam house of the third micro-rayon and 1 high school were destroyed. The private enterprises that have been damaged by rockets include a confectionary factory situated in the industrial park, where 3 workers were killed and 20 others were severely injured.
City bus stops are not safe from opposition fire either.  On 10 October 1988 when a rocket landed on the Timor Shahi bus stop in Kabul City, 25 women, children and young persons were killed and another 78 injured. Another shocking incident was the shooting of rockets by the opposition on the Khair Khana bus stop which caused the death of 30 persons and injuries to 81 others.
Among the numerous shocking, sorrowful and sad incidents of opposition rocketry are the destruction of residential houses which have caused either the total or the partial elimination of the families living in them. In a rocket incident on 21 May 1990 in Deh Bori area, the third district of Kabul City, the house of Maliha, daughter of Mohammad Zaman, was destroyed. Shah Hali, her husband, and Hadia and Khatera, her daughters, were killed. Khaled, her son, and Hasira, her daughter, were severely injured and disabled. In another rocket incident, in the Etefag mosque of Shall Shaheed, Kabul City, three daughters and a son of Mohammad Naser, named Pari, Nooria, Fahima and Kawoon were killed.
Such is the everyday, painful destiny of our children, women and youth who are swallowed by death. In the name of human rights, freedom, democracy and justice, we should devote all our efforts to putting an end to the horrible tragedy of Afghans killing Afghans in a war, the futility of which is evident to all. The cessation of the tragedy of Afghanistan and help for rebuilding the country should not be made conditional on developments in Eastern Europe, on the Gulf crisis and on ending other regional conflicts, because for over a decade our country has been a scene of confrontation.
In the past 10 years war has inflicted huge material and human losses on our country. The total losses amount to billions of dollars. The war has left behind 1 million killed and over a million wounded. A considerable number of our compatriots have taken refuge owing to the pain and misery of war. For this very reason the people of Afghanistan have become fed up with the war and it was to answer this substantial need of the Afghan people that we declared the policy of national reconciliation.
We know from whence come the lethal weapons which are stockpiled on the territory of Pakistan and are then dispatched to the Republic of Afghanistan to bring death and destruction. However, the Geneva Agreements in particular and international law in general forbid Pakistan to give refuge to the opponents of its neighbouring country, and to equip and send then for the brutal killing of the inhabitants of its neighbour. He signed the Geneva Agreements for the termination of such interference, not for its intensification. The Republic of Afghanistan notified the Office of the Secretary-General in Afghanistan and Pakistan (OSGAP) about these aggressive acts by 1,545 notes, reporting 11,657 cases of violations. We do not know how many more notes are required to complete the list of violations and how many more Afghans will fall victim to this imposed war in order to quench the thirst of the designers of the policy of force and military pressure. In our opinion, the mandate of OSGAP should be organised in such a way as to handle the task required by the Geneva agreements.
The military circles of Pakistan, who have time and time again sabotaged the democratic will of the people of Pakistan, have also arrogated unto themselves the right to talk on behalf of the Afghan opposition controlled by them. However, the assertion that the people of Afghanistan are not ready for peace and national reconciliation is a manifestation of the designs of those circles and is not a reflection of the will of the Afghan people, who, after a decade of suffering from war and destruction, desire nothing more than peace. In fact, in the years 1989 and 1990 as a result of contacts between the Government and various commanders of the armed  opposition groups inside the country, over 922 armed and unarmed groups comprising 88,269 armed men have given up war. Protocols have been signed with 604 armed and unarmed groups of 114,332 men on ceasing combat activities. Talks are being carried on with 109 groups of 17,411 armed men and 35,381 warmed men. Indeed, talks on national accord between the State and the leadership of almost all the opposition groups have been continuing discreetly for quite some time. We hope that sooner rather than later these talks will come into the open, culminating in full inter-Afghan understanding. It is also our hope that our neighbours will assist in facilitating these talks rather than stand in their way. Unfortunately, however, the attitude of those in the Pakistani military circles as a factor of instability in our region remains unchanged. Hot only in Afghanistan but also in India's Kashmir and Punjab they continue to interfere in the internal affairs of their neighbours.
While international efforts are directed towards solving regional conflicts, including the situation in Afghanistan, we regret the fact that Saudi Arabia's attitude of complicating the situation in our country remains unchanged. Even with the crisis in the Gulf region, in which the country is also involved, we have recently witnessed fresh steps on its part towards encouraging tension in our country. He believe Saudi Arabia could and should concentrate its efforts on resolving differences which, unfortunately, exist among Islamic and Arab countries and on putting an end to the fratricidal war in Afghanistan.
The Republic of Afghanistan has lately proposed a new mechanism for peace, the main points of which are the followings in the first stage, a period for cooling down the situation is envisaged in order to provide the prerequisites for talks on topics that include a referendum, a general or partial cease-fire and the return of refugees. With the beginning of negotiations between the conciliating sides a transitional period would start and would last until the formation of a new, elected government. During this period, a national peace conference could be called and the co-ordinating commission for elections and the commission for drafting the constitution and the law on elections would be set up in order to draft the said laws. The Loya Jirgah, as Grand Assembly, would approve the new constitution and elect the President of the Republic. Parliamentary elections would be held on the basis of general, free, equal, secret and direct ballot and an elected government would be formed. The Republic of Afghanistan stands ready to accept United Nations-supervised elections.
In order to solve the external aspect of the situation related to Afghanistan, United Nations-sponsored international conference could be held to reach an agreement on stopping the supply of arms to the warring sides, to determine the permanent neutral and demilitarised status of Afghanistan and to provide for international assistance for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Afghanistan. The Republic of Afghanistan is of the opinion that proposals for a political and peaceful solution of the Afghanistan issue could be different, but its most important elements should be a cease-fire, intra-Afghan dialogue and free and democratic elections. The political settlement should have a constant, comprehensive and just characteristic and should be organised on the basis of the existing realities of Afghan society.
It is unrealistic to give the same, parallel status to the position of the Republic of Afghanistan and to that of the opposition.' In stark contrast to the position of the opposition, the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan has ruled out a military solution, having proclaimed the policy of national reconciliation which it puts into effect persistently. The Government of the Republic of Afghanistan on several occasions has put forward specific constructive proposals in this regard.
It has declared unilateral cease-fires, calling on the other side to adopt a similar approach. The opposition, however, has rejected those proposals, issuing ultimatums and demanding the transfer of political power to them with the total negation of the Homeland Party. The irrational stand of the opposition has left the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan with no choice but to defend itself. Thus the responsibility for the continuation of fratricidal war rests with the leaders of the opposition and their supporters and sponsors.
To the State of the Republic of Afghanistan, its leadership and the Homeland Party no interests or privileges have priority over the supreme national interests of the people of Afghanistan, the ensuring of peace and the reconstruction of the country. Vast national efforts and huge international assistance are necessary for the reconstruction of our devastated, war-stricken country. It is a deeply humanistic obligation to co-operate with a country that has suffered heavily from war.
In the difficult conditions of the continuation of the war and its intensification, the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan is carrying out great and constructive tasks. Decisively staying away from the unsound line of past leadership, it follows a policy that is in conformity with the realities of Afghan society. It is deeply faithful to the sacred religion of Islam. The free market economy is currently dominant in the country. Fundamental measures are being taken to democratize the country's political life and to observe the principles and norms of human rights. Our efforts and achievements in this regard have been reflected in the reports of the Special Reporter of the Commission on Human Rights, Professor Feliz Eraacora, to the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session and to the Commission at its forty-sixth session. Concerning the human rights question, the doors o£ our country are open, not only to the Special Reporter: non-governmental organizations such as Asia Watch and the International Committee of the Red Cross also enjoy our full co-operation. As a result of those measures the authority and influence of the State have been further enhanced and it has demonstrated its capability to survive.
While welcoming the efforts made by the international community and by the countries concerned and the talks between the Soviet Union and the United States of America as guarantors of the Geneva Agreements towards resolving this issue through political means, we reiterate that the key to the restoration of peace is in the hands of Afghans themselves, who can attain it through talks and dialogue.
If an improvement in the stand of the United States regarding the political solution of the Afghan issue is possible and probable, it is our hope that its practical manifestation would soon become evident and that the United States policy can play an effective contributing role in ensuring peace in our region. At the same time, Pakistan's position vis-à-vis the situation in Afghanistan must not stand in the way of United States policy, postponing the solution of the situation because of its political designs.
As an Islamic and non-aligned country and because of its sensitive strategic location in the heart of Asia, the Republic of Afghanistan calls for the further expansion of relations with all the countries of the world, particularly Islamic and neighbouring countries. These relations should be based on the principles of good-neighbourliness, non-interference in the internal affairs of each other, and mutually beneficial co-operation in different spheres for coexistence, peace, disarmament, development and the reduction of international tension.
We believe that the expansion of the consolidation of relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran - a brotherly neighbouring country with which we enjoy deep religious, historical and cultural relations - is in line with the interest of our peoples and the people of the region. While we are in favour of friendly relations with our great neighbour, China, we expect it to contribute further to ensuring peace in our country. The Republic of Afghanistan is for improving our relation with our neighbour, Pakistan, and we believe that such an improvement is in the interest of our peoples and of peace and security in our region.
Our traditionally friendly relations and economic co-operation with the Soviet Union and India are developing and expanding to our satisfaction. The Republic of Afghanistan receives sufficient economic assistance from the Soviet Union on the basis of bilateral agreements and international norms which plays a significant role in improving economic conditions of our country and the stability of the situation in our region.
I would like once again to draw the attention of the world public to the point that, as far as the Republic of Afghanistan is concerned, there is no obstacle to the voluntary return of the Afghan refugees to their ancestral country. Availing myself of this opportunity, I would like to express my thanks to Mr. Sadruddin Agha Khan, Co-ordinator of the United Nations Humanitarian and Economic Assistance to the People of Afghanistan and to Mr. Thorvald Stoltenberg, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), for their efforts to assist the Afghan returnees. I take this opportunity to express my thanks to the Heads of the World Health Organization, the World Food Programme and the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations for their assistance.
In the course of the implementation of the plan of the High Commissioner for Refugees and the Co-ordinator for the return of 40,000 families of Afghan refugees - 250,000 persons - in a period of three months, it has become evident that the irreconcilable armed extremist groups and the military intelligence circles of Pakistan, particularly after the dismissal of Benazir Bhutto's government, create serious obstacles to the implementation of the programme. The establishment of Jam post located on the Torkhan-Peshawar main road belonging to the Khales group Shah Gai post in Ali Masjid, Khaiber agency, belonging to Gulbuddin group and Meechi post in Lowar Gai, Khaiber agency, belonging to Wahabi Sayaf and the creation of a 30-member mobile post attached to Gulbuddin’s extremist group have not only hampered the return of refugees; they have also led to arresting and interrogating refugees and plundering the property of refugees who have registered for repatriation. Mining of the routes by the opposition is another serious hurdle in the way of repatriation. For instance, the return of refugees has been stopped owing to the mining of routes in Kandahar Province.
Our opponents do not even have mercy on the personnel of relief agencies and international organizations that have rushed to help the Afghan refugees in Pakistan and Afghanistan. They threaten, loot and even kill them. The international community should therefore exert pressure on Pakistan not to hamper the implementation of the UNHCR programme.
The Republic of Afghanistan is situated in a region that has been turned into one of the dangerous centres on the illicit cultivation, production, processing and trafficking of narcotic drugs. The fact is that the continuation of war against the Republic of Afghanistan and the wide participation of the leaders of the Afghan opposition groups based in Pakistan and some Pakistani circles have given an extensive dimension to this grave situation. The leaders of Afghan opposition groups not only do not deny their contribution to the smuggling of narcotic drugs; but they consider it the source of financing for the so-called Jihad - Holy War - against the Muslim people of Afghanistan.
The illicit cultivation, production, smuggling and trafficking of narcotic drugs, which are also tied in with the smuggling of weapons and terrorism, pose a serious threat not only to our country and our region but also to the present and future generations of Europe and the United States of America. To combat this threat requires the joint efforts of all countries, the United Nations Organization and its specialised agencies.
Although facing difficult economic conditions and a complicated military situation arising from intervention and aggression by Pakistan, the Republic of Afghanistan has taken specific steps to attack the problem. We have formed a high commission to combat the production, smuggling and use of narcotic drugs and we have approved a national programme to this effect.
In the course of the last four years, the organs for the struggle against narcotic drugs have seized and eliminated 9,432.1 kilograms of opium, 10,231.7 kilograms of hashish and 13,316 kilograms of heroin. Similarly, 134 arrests have been made in the course oil five months and narcotics crops cultivated in hundreds of hectares of land have been destroyed.
The Republic of Afghanistan has already presented proposals for joining the efforts of various countries and the United Nations in combating narcotic drugs. I would like to bring them to the attention of the international community.
We propose that a special commission should be set up to draw up a comprehensive plan of action to eliminate and prevent the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs in the border areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan known as the Golden Crescent, where 80 per cent of the world's opium is produced. A commission of that kind could be formed with the participation of the Republic of Afghanistan and the neighbouring countries, and also of representatives of the Western European countries and the United States.
I would like to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations and also the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control (UNFDAC) for drawing the attention of other countries to the matter of the establishment of this commission. We expect the United Nations to take practical steps in this direction.
I should like to reiterate the proposal of the Republic of Afghanistan on holding a regional conference and on reaching regional agreements acceptable to all sides with a view to intensifying the campaign against narcotic drugs, with the participation of experts from the interested countries in the region, the Western European countries, the United States of America and the United Nations related specialised agencies, under the supervision of the United Nations and with its co-operation. In addition, I propose that an office of UNFDAC should be set up in Afghanistan in order to co-operate closely with the Government of Afghanistan and assist it in combating narcotic drugs.
In conclusion, allow me once again to express the loyalty and commitment of the Republic of Afghanistan to the principles and objectives of the Charter.
I am confident that under your leadership, Mr. President, the discussions of the current sessions, which have been free of ideological influences, and the decisions and resolutions of this session, while I hope will be adopted with full backing, will play a significant role in the emergence of greater understanding and co-operation between the nations, of the world, in the finding of solutions to the problems facing the world community, and in creating a safer world for us all to live in. The delegation of Afghanistan is prepared to render you all co-operation in achieving these goals.


Let me begin by saying we are very pleased at the election of Guido de Marco as President of the General Assembly. I must also recognise the efforts of the Secretary-General,
Javier Peres de Cuellar, on behalf of peace and of the renewal of this Organisation. Let me also express our satisfaction over the admission of Namibia and Liechtenstein to membership of this Organisation this year.
For the first time in 22 years the people of Panama is legitimately and authentically represented in this world Organisation.
From 1968 - when a leader newly elected by the people was the victim of a crude military coup d'etat - until the end of last year, force of arms and the constant threat of its use dominated the Panamanian people and stole the government of my country. The concepts of justice, ethics, the common good, development and democracy during those years had the meaning that those usurpers wanted to give them. They did not have the true meaning reflected in the conscience of the people and in the values of the nation.
On 7 May last year, the citizens of Panama went to the polls an masse and in an orderly way, displaying an exemplary public spirit. Those elections were called by a military dictatorship that was worn out and repudiated and which thought to cling to power through trickery and coercion before and during that public referendum. The people expressed its will overwhelmingly against the dictatorial regime and in favour of democracy, freedom and hope.
From this rostrum and in the name of all Panamanians, I would like to thank all friendly peoples, all Governments, all international institutions and all those people of good will which, with their presence in our country, testified to the result of those elections in May and with their moral authority strengthened our spirit of struggle.
But when fraud, coercion and downright cheating were not enough to deflect the desire for change clearly shown in the electoral process, the tyranny turned to farce. In a blatant and shameful act, the Government annulled the elections. It told the people that the elections which it had itself called, organised and administered were not valid. Then with a stroke of a pen, through a decree that lacked any legal or moral backing, they slapped down the highest moral and civic values of Panamanians.
The rest of the story is known: more persecutions and more exiles, murders,
harassment and violations of human rights. How sad it was for the Panamanian people to find itself alone. The international community did not realize the vital importance our fight had for us, nor did it see it in its full dimension as a lamentable example for other peoples.
International diplomacy gave us a choice between accepting the conditions which the illegitimate government imposed in order to stay in power and having recourse to the human slaughter that would result from a civil war between a defenceless people and an army equipped with weapons. Only a few friendly countries really understood the full extent of the suffering of our people and its legitimate aspirations and supported us.
When force and arrogance gave way to madness, the final outcome was irreversible. With all the constitutional, legal and moral rights given us months before by the overwhelming popular mandate, we took power under the most chaotic of circumstances. There were no basic institutions to support a democratic' government. There was no structure capable of assuring even the minimum' public order required. There was no legislative branch, inasmuch as its orderly reorganization had been prevented.
The Supreme Court of Justice was without a leader. The Government Treasury had been virtually looted, since public funds had been controlled and directly abused by military headquarters, Public employees were not paid in full or on time.
Payment of the public debt had been completely disregarded in the last three years, and consequently all sources of new credit had disappeared. Political instability in the last years, together with the economic sanctions imposed on the Panamanian Government by the United States Government in 1986, produced a sudden depression in the national economy, which suffered a fall of soma 16 per cent of gross domestic product in that year alone. Public revenues were reduced by half. The unemployment rate went up to 18 per cent, a figure never before seen in our history.
Unemployment became the most serious problem we faced. The decrease, or absence, of income caused the basic needs of the population to remain generally unmet. Forty-five per cent of our people are considered poor; the vast majority of children live in poor homes. Poverty and unemployment most harshly affect young women from 15 to 24 years of age.
There is a great scarcity of housing, reflected in a growing shortage of accommodations and in dehumanizing overcrowding. The difficulty of financing the construction of housing for the poor has led to the proliferation of shanty towns.
A lack of investment in health and education, especially in recent years, has caused a deterioration of services for the poor. Malnutrition, a lack of drinking water and poor education are problems we inherited from the dictatorship and from the difficulties of recent years.
I must note with regret that social problems affect primarily children, youth, women, the indigenous population and senior citizens.
Today I want to speak in the name of my people. I want to bring before the representatives of all the world's countries the voice of the Panamanian people, which suffers but which has hope; the voice of the peasant who works from morning to night under the hot sun or in the tropical rain to survive in his poverty; the voice of the worker, used to hard work, who searches for the decent job he has yet to find; the voice of the mother who puts her children to bed at night without any food in their stomachs; the voice of the child who sells newspapers, of the shoeshine boy, or of the child who stands on the street-corner selling anything to take a crust of bread back to his family, his childhood and his education cut off, forced to be an adult before his time; the voice of the ill without medicine and without the need to be ill; the voice of the poor man without a roof over his head, or a bed to sleep in, or shelter for the night.
Those are voices I want to make heard in this Hall, which houses the conscience of mankind. That is the flag I want to raise. That is the cry I wish to be heard in all corners of the world: There is suffering in the world, and we have to end it.
Fortunately, in Panama there is a fresh breeze filling us with hope and optimism. We are breathing the air of freedom in a climate of democracy. We Panamanians today control our future. Democratic institutions are working. Democracy must respond to the material and spiritual needs of the Panamanian people.
The three duly established branches of Government are working independent of one another, in an awareness that the concentration of power is a danger we must avoid by all means. We have abolished the army because the Panamanian people does not want any more armies - much less the cost of one. Only a few days ago, in an unprecedented act in our history, the civil authorities proclaimed the retirement of 142 officials who had been a part of the former army.
In that way we are demilitarizing the structures charged with the maintenance of public order. In Panama today there no generals or colonels. There are no lieutenant-colonels either.
There is full freedom of speech and total respect for human rights. The gaols house only common criminals. Only Panamanians who do so of their own free will live outside their homeland.
In the economic sphere, we are already feeling a resurgence of suppressed energies. Confidence on internal and external matters is growing. In the banking sector, restrictions that had existed for two years on certificates of deposit were lifted a few months ago with no adverse effect on the liquidity of the system. On the contrary, bank deposits grew in 1990.
The construction industry, which directly and indirectly generates many jobs, is being reactivated, as seen by the increase in the number of construction permits issued this yea?, Tourism in Panama and hotel occupancy are increasing daily. The volume of business of the Colon Free Zone has increased considerably. We shall soon have a new law permitting the establishment of industries in multi-sector zones for export. We have an aggressive policy to stimulate our exports.
We are arranging our public finances, putting things in order and facing - responsibly - the huge external debt we inherited. We are putting into effect a modest but efficient public investment programme that satisfies the most urgent needs of the community.
We want political democracy to be accompanied by economic democracy. All opportunities should be open to all citizens. We believe in economic growth, but also in human development. Our main concern is unemployment and the poor. We have a very large unemployed labour force - men and women - many of them heads of household, with a high level of education hoping to find decent jobs.
We have to meet enormous housing, health, nutrition and education needs, above all for the children, who are the future. We fully aware that investment in our human capital is a priority if we are to achieve sustained economic development, to benefit all sectors of the population.
We must bring about a successful democracy that really meets the needs of the population. I know that is this task we can count on the help of the Governments of the developed countries of our continent, Europe and Asia and the goodwill of international associations in terms of financing and technical co-operation. This help and co-operation acquire a new meaning in the post-cold-war world, which we celebrate in 1990. I shall return to this subject later. So far I have spoken of Panama’s recent history and its present experiences, because they explain our firm positions on many items on the international agenda and because we consider that the United Nations should be the sounding-board for the ideals and aspirations of the men and women of the world. I believe that our experience is enriched to a greater or lesser degree, by all the countries represented here.
First, because we have suffered at first hand, we have established by law the principle that we shall never recognise any Government originating from a military coup against a legitimate regime elected in popular elections or a Government holding power as, result of electoral fraud or its prevention of elections provided for by the domestic 1m of the State in question. We shall make no exception; we shall be inflexible. We who deceives and rejects the will of his people will find no encouragement or support from either my people or my Government.
Secondly, we are concerned about the present situation of democracy throughout the world and especially in the countries of the American continent. We unreservedly support all measures conducive to a rapid solution of any electoral problem. We are pleased by the readiness of the Security Council and the Secretariat to find a viable solution to the case of Haiti, especially because Panama did not have the benefit of the same treatment when it needed it recently.
Thirdly, we support all actions that will contribute to ensuring political, civil and human rights, guaranteed by international conventions. We are committed under the San Jose Convention to respect the competence and decisions of the Central American Court of Justice, which we are sure will become the highest guarantor of the human rights of all the people of our continent. We also believe in the work of the bodies dealing with civil and political rights within the United Nations, which will receive the full and constant support of the Panamanian Government.
Fourthly, we shall use all the means available to us to fight the drug traffic and its financial instruments, because our country was one of the direct victims of the drug economy, as a result of the actions of the military Government. We have taken measures in our domestic legislation to combat the laundering of drug money, by requiring that all bank transactions exceeding a certain amount be registered. We are willing to co-operate in international efforts in this regard. We are signatories of the United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, which should soon be submitted to our legislative branch for study and ratification.
Fifthly, we agree on the need to supervise the production of arms worldwide and the trade in arms for terrorist and anti-democratic purposes. We, who played a part in the arms trade under the military government, are drawing up measures to prevent the illegal movement of arms and military material. We must stop this deadly trade, as the Federal Republic of Germany recently suggested here.
Sixthly, we believe that this Organisation and all the bodies linked to it should continue their work on priority matters of universal concern, such as the freedom of the individual, the eradication of poverty and human development with participation, to give a human perspective to economic growth. Action taken by the United Nations, together with parallel action at the national level by leaders truly committed to the achievement of their peoples' well-being, will lead us, in what remains of this century, to make up for lost time.
We should welcome the twenty-first century in a more constructive environment, in which people are less anguished and less anxious and are more satisfied with what they can achieve by their own efforts and with God's help. I should like the General Assembly soon to declare a Decade on Poverty, dedicated to concentrating our efforts to stop the increase in poverty, illness and illiteracy in our world and to reduce them to a minimum.
We are taking part in this forty-fifth session of the General Assembly in a year of extraordinary transformations, which have brought about a rebirth of the United Nations as an organisation with renewed functions and tasks. At the end of the cold war this Organisation in emerging into a world in which peace and international co-operation are truly feasible. Free of the tensions between the super-Powers, the United Nations can now devote itself fully to promoting social peace, human development and respect for human rights. The road is open for enhanced action leading to positive results.
In this post-cold-war environment the time is right for ending one of the last legacies of that past era: the exclusion of the Republic of Korea from this Organisation. The Republic of Korea is willing to contribute, as an active member, to promoting world peace and international co-operation, and it should not be excluded for a moment longer.
Its full participation will represent an important commitment to facilitating the process of reconciliation in the Koreas Peninsula in accordance with the principles and objectives of the Charter. Panama confidently supports the incorporation of the Republic of Korea into the Organisation as soon as possible.
We also support implementation of Security Council resolutions aimed at solving the question of Cyprus in order to eliminate the last vestiges of the cold war.
In the post-cold-war environment there is a sombre black cloud. We arc meeting at a time of grave crisis in the Middle East. The future of a nation and the lives of thousands of innocent people hang by a thread.
I wish to take this opportunity to express the unconditional support of my Government for the commendable actions taken by the Security Council in defence of Kuwait's sovereignty and independence. The level of co-operation it has achieved, its serious deliberations and the worth of its decisions have raised the authority of the United Nations to unprecedented levels. It has won universal respect. The cruel invasion of its neighbour by Iraq has reminded us how fragile peace is in our world. This crude aggression has not only provoked our condemnation, but has shown, as never before, the interdependence of the nations of the world. We have recognised that the loss of freedom, no matter how small the country where it occurs, can jeopardise social peace and prosperity even in larger countries. The Government of Panama has faithfully complied with measures adopted by the Security Council to put an end to the Gulf crisis. It also firmly supports the actions taken thus far under United Nations authority and is willing to support any additional measures it may authorise.
I wish to note that Panama has made much progress in the last few months end will continue to do so. Panamanians want to see Panama sovereign over all its territory - in undisputed possession of all its resources, developing the, all for its own benefit primarily, but also for the benefit of the world. I reaffirm my Government’s complete respect for the 1977 Canal Treaties and my country's international obligations.
I wish to see Panama respected by all nations, and we will achieve this because Panama respects itself, and the Government respects its people. We participate, without fear or complexes, in all our international relations because we are confident and aware of our own worth.
I am especially pleased to announce a historic fact: at the head of the administration of the inter-oceanic waterway there is, for the first time in history, a Panamanian citizen designated by my Government. Observance of the corresponding provisions of the Canal Treaty shows the intention of the Government of the United States of America to fulfil all its obligations and commitments under the 1977 Treaties. We view this willingness on the part of the United States with optimism, even though the problems which we must still discuss with the United States are many.
The reference to our inter-oceanic waterway leads me to define our concept of the Panama Canal in the twenty-first century. It is a Panamanian canal, and it will be managed by Panamanians, but based on the multilateral interests of all its users. We will take into account the needs of the world and, most especially, the needs of the friendly countries of the hemisphere. For this reason, the Government of Panama will periodically consult with the Governments of Latin America and the Caribbean so that Canal policies will take into account the interests of all.
I wish to have good relations with all countries. I wish to have even better relations with those countries which share similar interests. Panama will prosper and will enjoy peace because its people is hardworking and because Panamanians share in the ideals of democracy, justice and freedom, and always seek the truth.
May God always enlighten all Panamanians so that we do not deviate from this path. May God enlighten the Governments of the world so that they share the aspirations, ideals and hopes of the Panamanian people and its Government.