At the outset, I would like to extend my congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Mogens Lykketoft on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session and to wish him every success. I also wish to express our appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Sam Kutesa, President of the General Assembly at its sixty-ninth session, for his efforts in conducting the Assembly’s business at that session. I wish also to avail myself of this occasion to commend the efforts made by His Excellency the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, to achieve the goals of the United Nations.
It is gratifying that the United Nations has adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1), which we have supported, based on our belief that the good distribution of the fruits of development is a prerequisite for realizing social justice, preserving human dignity and enhancing the cohesion of communities, thereby enhancing security and stability in the world. Since there is no lasting stability without development and social justice, development is also clearly impossible where there is war and unrest. It was our hope that this session would be convened after some progress had been made with regard to the various bloody conflicts in our world, yet we find ourselves encountering increasing numbers of challenges and crises that threaten international peace and security.
The absence of international consensus has proved once again to be an obstacle to efforts to resolve important issues. Selectivity in choosing what efforts to make in enforcing justice and international law remains prevalent in dealing with regional issues. That compromises the concept of international legitimacy and the values, norms and principles that are rooted in the human conscience and have been adopted by the international community after millions of people paid an exorbitant price throughout history as a result of major humanitarian challenges that have taken an unforgettable toll on people, such as enslavement, genocide, colonialism, racism and world war. It is impermissible to tamper with the values that have grown out of the suffering of people. In a way, that is the raison d’être of the Organization, without which our annual meetings would be meaningless.
The conflict in the Middle East will continue to pose a permanent threat to international peace and security, given its direct impact on the numerous crises facing the region and the world. A just and lasting solution to the question of Palestine, which remains an issue involving a people perennially displaced from their land and still under the yoke of occupation, cannot be postponed to another generation. The achievement of a just and lasting settlement that brings an end to the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories and which establishes a Palestinian State requires an Israeli partner for peace. For the time being, there is no Israeli partner for a just peace or even for a settlement. In such circumstances, the international obligation to address the last de facto colonial issue in modern history cannot be shirked.
Until an end is put to occupation and procrastination and other delaying tactics, futile contacts and statements will continue. The feverish pace of settlement activity, despite its having been condemned, will continue, in addition to persistent violations of the sanctity of the Al-Aqsa Mosque. This is a clear indication not only of the absence of Israel’s will to achieve peace, but also of the domination of ultra-Orthodox fundamentalist nationalist elements over Israeli policy. Look at what is happening in Jerusalem. Extremist religious political forces rely on literal interpretations of texts dating back thousands of years in order to desecrate other people’s holy sites and occupy and settle their land. Is this not tantamount to religious fundamentalism? Is this violence not an act of terrorism carried out by radical religious forces?
Permit me to address a message to all major actors of the international community: the continued failure to find a just and lasting solution to the Palestinian question is a blot on the conscience of humankind. The international community is failing to find even a less than fair settlement; it has not even succeeded in achieving the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip in the aftermath of the aggression, even though an international conference based on a Norwegian initiative was convened specifically for this purpose. Qatar has pledged to pay $1 billion for the reconstruction process, and we are continuing to provide aid to the Gaza Strip in implementation of our commitment. But we wonder what happened to the conference and the decisions it took.
The international community, represented in the Security Council, is duty-bound to assume its responsibilities by taking a firm stance that would force Israel to comply with the deliverables of peace, namely, to halt all forms of settlement activity in the occupied Palestinian territories; to lift the unjust siege of the Gaza Strip; and to implement the resolutions of international legitimacy that recognize the Palestinian people’s right to regain their legitimate national rights and establish an independent Palestinian State on the basis of the 1967 borders, in conformity with the principle of the two-State solution.
We caution against missed opportunities, because if people were to reach the conclusion that there is no peaceful solution to this issue, this would lead to unpredictable and dire consequences for the region and for the whole world.
The Syrian crisis, with all of its dimensions and repercussions, is having catastrophic consequences for the Middle East region and the world as a whole. The continued atrocities and horrendous crimes perpetrated by the regime against the Syrian people threaten the status of the State and its people and create a breeding ground for extremism and terrorism, under false religious, sectarian and ethnic pretexts, endangering humankind and the cultural heritage in Syria and the region.
In that context, the Syrian regime has manipulated the concept of terrorism by depicting peaceful demonstrations as terrorism, even as it has been committing actual acts of terrorism. When the shelling and killing of civilians drove people to take armed action, and when certain entities that are not committed to the demands and principles of the Syrian revolution entered into the sphere of political action without permission, Syria became a war zone. At that point, the regime attempted to instil fear into the international community as to the alternative.
It was incumbent on the international community to put an end to the massacres in a timely manner and create the conditions necessary for the Syrian people to devise a rational, civil and fair alternative to despotic rule. But is there a tyranny in the world that could acknowledge an alternative? Is it possible that a tyranny could allow an alternative to grow and develop under its shadow?
When a people suffer from war, genocide and displacement, the worst decision is not to take a decision at all, and the worst danger lies in ignoring danger. The failure of the international community to take the decisions and measures necessary to end this disaster is a major crime. It reveals the failure and the incapacity of the international system and has led to a loss of confidence in legality and the international community.
In this context, the role of the General Assembly must be promoted and strengthened as a broader framework for dealing with the issues facing peoples, given the inability or failure of the Security Council to find fair solutions thereto.
From this rostrum, I call for cooperation aimed at imposing a political solution in Syria that would end the reign of tyranny and replace it with a pluralistic regime based on equal citizenship for all Syrians; defeat radicalism and terrorism and insulate Syria therefrom;
repatriate the displaced to their homes; and allow for the reconstruction of Syria. The question is not whether this is possible; it will be possible if certain States have the necessary will.
The question is: is the continuation of the current situation in Syria possible? The conflict has morphed into genocide and caused the mass displacement of the population. This is having grave consequences for the region and the entire world, even for countries that are not working to expedite a solution because they are neither directly affected by the conflict nor reached by the influx of displaced people.
The handling at the international level of nuclear-disarmament issues, which is characterized by shortcomings and double standards, alarms us. Clear evidence of this is the recent failure of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to render the Middle East a nuclear-free zone; this was disappointing and has undermined the credibility of the Treaty.
The agreement between Iran and the P5+1 is a positive and important step. We hope that this nuclear agreement will contribute to the maintenance of security and stability in our region. We further wish to see the entire region rendered free of nuclear arms and weapons of mass destruction.
In this context, given the strategic importance of the Gulf region, the achievement of stability in the Gulf is essential to the countries of the region and the international community as a whole. In this regard, we emphasize our firm position that the Gulf region must be spared any dangers or threats related to nuclear weapons, and that there must be a recognition of the right of the countries of the region to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, in accordance with the relevant international norms.
On this occasion, I wish to reiterate that Iran is an important neighbouring country and that cooperation between it and other countries is in the interest of the region.
Bilateral relations between Qatar and Iran are developing and evolving steadily on the basis of common interests and good-neighbourliness. There is no dispute concerning bilateral relations between our two countries. There are various creeds and religions in our region, but, in my opinion, there is no Shiite-Sunni conflict, only differences that are triggered by the political interests of countries or the interests of
political and social forces that foment internal sectarian prejudices.
I believe that existing disputes are political, regional Arab-Iranian differences rather than Sunni-Shiite disputes. These could be resolved through dialogue and by initially agreeing on the rules governing the relationship between Iran and the Gulf States on the basis of the principle of non-interference in internal affairs. It is high time that a meaningful dialogue of this kind be conducted between countries that will always remain neighbours and are not in need of mediation from anyone. We are ready to host such a dialogue in Qatar.
We affirm our commitment to Yemen’s unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty, and we support the legitimacy of the political process and urge its completion in accordance with the Gulf initiative and its executive mechanism, the outcome of the Yemen National Dialogue Conference in January 2014, the Riyadh Declaration of May 2015 and the relevant Security Council resolutions, particularly resolution 2216 (2015). It is unreasonable to set the precedent whereby a major political party accepts the outcome of a national dialogue yet ignores it, seeking instead to impose its own vision and to dominate the entire country by force.
With respect to Iraqi, the stability of Iraq requires a general national consensus free from outside interferences and from sectarian and ethnic discrimination. We hope that the Iraqi Government will be able to fulfil the need for concord and reconciliation among the various Iraqi people’s factions. Experience in Iraq and Yemen has proved that the existence of militias operating outside the framework of legitimacy is not only a threat to the State by virtue of its inherent nature and its exclusive right to establish armed forces, but is also tantamount to a dormant civil war that could turn into full-blown domestic strife sooner or later. Any political solution in Iraq, Yemen, Syria or Libya must preclude the existence of militias outside the framework of legitimate State institutions. That is a key component of any genuine settlement, without which there can be neither a permanent settlement nor real solutions.
The political forces in our region must pay heed to the thousands of young people who recently took to the streets in more than one Arab country demanding that citizenship be the basis for partnership, and refusing to be represented on a sectarian basis and to accept that sectarian representation may be used to cover up
corruption. Nations and peoples face grave political, security and economic challenges from terrorism and its dire consequences. Tensions and conflicts have undoubtedly contributed to the emergence of terrorist organizations. The international community’s failure to address hotbeds of tension and conflict has also contributed to creating an environment that is friendly to terrorist operations.
Terrorism is rooted in radical ideas that brook no compromise with the actuality of people and their potential; it thrives in an atmosphere of despair and blocked prospects. Terrorism does not emerge in a society where policies guarantee its citizens a life of dignity and freedom. It arises in the shadow of tyranny and feeds on oppression and humiliation, feeds on grudges and hatred born of torture in prison, and exploits the loss of hope of peaceful political action.
Moreover, the behaviour of influential Powers in the international community distorts people’s perceptions rather than helping to provide clarifications. Some armed militias that commit crimes against civilians and public institutions are branded as terrorist, while others perpetrating violence and intimidation against civilians are not deemed terrorists due to considerations related not to the local communities themselves, but to international and regional Powers or to transitional alliances.
The rising toll of victims of terrorist operations has necessitated the use of military force to counter this phenomenon. We affirm our commitment to fighting terrorism, but even if the harshest conditions we should not ignore its underlying causes; if we do, the phenomenon will be exacerbated and spread even further. We highlight the fact that there is no faith that preaches terrorism. All religious texts contain ample teachings calling for peace, tolerance and coexistence, but the promoters and hucksters of literal readings of scripture ignore the fundamental religious teachings of noble values, tolerance, cooperation and constructive dialogue for the benefit of humankind. Simple people with their quintessential religiosity deem religion first and foremost to be a set of values and morals. That is what we must build on.
The State of Qatar has sought to pursue a progressive policy in the protection and promotion of human rights and pursues cooperation with international organizations through our membership in the Human Rights Council in order to consolidate the concepts and culture of human rights through an approach based on
the rule of law, transparency, justice and human dignity. We must work together to strengthen the collective security system in order to effectively deal with international and regional problems and to preserve the rights of peoples. We must resolutely counter any attempt to impose temporary solutions to address the side-effects of problems rather than targeting their roots.
Finally, the State of Qatar will spare no effort to support the international community’s efforts to achieve the goals that we all aspire to, commensurate with the interest of our peoples and the good of humanity.


It gives me great pleasure to congratulate Mr. Mogens Lukketoft on his election to preside over the General Assembly at its seventieth session. His credentials are impeccable, and I am confident that he will steer the Assembly’s affairs to a successful conclusion, with all his objectives and aspirations fulfilled. I would like to assure him of my delegation’s support. I would also like to thank His Excellency Mr. Sam Kutesa of our sister country Uganda, the outgoing President of the General Assembly, for his untiring efforts during his presidency. His dedication to the work of the United Nations is commendable. And I reiterate Malawi’s support for the Secretary-General as he strives to realize the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.
The theme of this year’s general debate, “The United Nations at 70 — a new commitment to action”, comes at a very opportune time, for it fittingly summarizes the core business of the United Nations at its inception, today and in the future — that is, the maintenance of international peace and security. The United Nations was created on the understanding that peace is not just the absence of war; it comes with the struggles, compromises, sacrifices and choices we make as nations and as individuals for the benefit of humanity. We cannot realize a complete sense of peace without justice, dignity and freedom. We can rejoice that in the 70 years of the work of the United Nations, we have collectively averted another world war. However, during
the same period, we have lived in fear and uncertainty, in a world tainted by the conflicts, poverty and violence that have endangered our very existence.
As we live in this imperfect world, the pursuit of peace should be our main goal if we are to shape a promising life for our future generations. I would therefore like to commend the Secretary-General for convening the High-level Independent Panel on Peace Operations, aimed at reviewing current United Nations operations and considering emerging future needs in the prevention and resolution of conflicts. The Panel’s report (A/70/95), submitted in June, has highlighted some important issues that I feel that we, as part of the global family, should consider and take seriously. I would like to mention just a few of those issues demanding our attention as members of the United Nations.
First, peace operations should be guided by a focus on political solutions, in which the emphasis should be on conflict prevention through political means, with a bias towards people-centred solutions as well as the protection of civilians. Secondly, there is a need for comprehensive peace and security partnerships that involve the Security Council, regional actors and national mechanisms. Thirdly, the world, through the United Nations, should find a way to compensate people who have suffered abuse. Fourthly, there is a need for greater political will on the part of all actors in peace missions.
Let me now touch on another important issue that has been on the agenda of the United Nations for quite some time, that is, reform of the Security Council. I have followed with keen interest the intergovernmental negotiations on how the Security Council can be reformed to make it more representative, democratic, effective, transparent and accountable to all. The Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration are our guiding principles in that endeavour. Our quest for peace and security should be hinged on sustainable socioeconomic development for our people that has true meaning and reflects the lives of our people.
Despite varied progress among Member States, and developing countries in particular, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) have proved that unity of purpose is critical to transforming the world into a better place for our children and future generations. My Government is grateful to development partners that have worked to help Malawi achieve four of the
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eight MDGs: reducing child mortality, combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, ensuring environmental sustainability and developing a global partnership for development. It is evident that as a country we are embarking on the implementation of the post-2015 development agenda with unfinished business. It is therefore imperative, as we move to implement the new global development agenda, to be mindful of the important role that global partnerships can play in effective development cooperation, thereby ensuring the successful implementation of development programmes in the developing countries.
We in Malawi are also glad to reiterate the fact that, as we look to the Sustainable Development Goals, we can draw international pride and inspiration from our collective achievements on MDG 6, which involves halting and reversing the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Under that goal, we aimed to put 15 million people on treatment globally, and today we can stand here and boldly declare that we have met that target. As we look to the sustainable development agenda, we must commit, as the international community, to putting an end to AIDS as a public health threat and finishing the business of HIV/AIDS by 2030.
My Government has already committed to doing so, and current evidence shows that Malawi is well on the way to achieving that goal. Together, we can end AIDS by 2030, but it will require conducting business “as unusual” and fast-tracking HIV responses, in line with the evidence of what works. But more importantly, it will require continued shared responsibility and global solidarity in financing HIV programmes and enhancing the capacity of developing countries such as Malawi to manufacture the drugs and make them more accessible to our people.
Having said that, let me also reiterate what I have always maintained — that all of the aforementioned wonderful programmes will be realized when we, as a global family, do not leave our youth and women behind. In Malawi and, I believe, in almost all developing countries, young people and women constitute the majority of the population. It is therefore only natural that they be adequately represented at all decision-making levels of society. The late President Mandela of South Africa once said, “As long as a nation refuses to acknowledge the equal role of more than half of itself, it is doomed to failure”. That is a fact and I could not agree with it more.
Let me commend President Xi Jinping of China, and the Secretary-General, through the Office of UN-Women, for organizing on the margins of this session the Global Leaders’ Meeting on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment: A Commitment to Action, under the theme “Planet 50-50 by 2030: step it up for gender equality”, to which a number of leaders, including Malawi’s, made national commitments.
My Government is committed to the “He For She” campaign to address gender inequality, end gender- based violence, promote women’s political participation and facilitate women’s economic empowerment. It has therefore been singled out as one of the core priority areas of our revised Malawi Growth and Development Strategy — the blueprint of Malawi’s development. Malawi also took advantage of the forum to host a side high-level event to share perspectives on demographic dividends and investing in youth, which we hope will successfully lead to improved coordination, commitment and support for youth empowerment and development for Africa.
We have expressed the desire for shared prosperity and well-being and unity and integration, for a continent where the full potential of women and youth are realized with freedom from fear, disease and want. As others taking the floor earlier have noted, two days ago we adopted the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). That was brilliant. However, allow me to highlight SDG 4, which speaks of education. As a champion of higher education in Africa, I wish to reiterate in no uncertain terms that all of the brilliant resolutions and decisions coming out of this great forum, and many similar ones across the world, will fall flat if countries ignore the task of educating the people, especially young people and, even more so, girl children.
In that vein, I am pleased to note that Sustainable Development Goal 4 is about “ensuring inclusive and equitable quality education and promoting lifelong learning”. However, it does not fully capture the centrality of higher education in achieving the wider Sustainable Development Goals and targets. Allow me to express gratitude to those partners that continue to stand with us to promote higher education in Africa. With improved and increased access to higher education, the world will strike a massive blow at poverty.
In fulfilling its national and international responsibility, my Government recognizes the cross- cutting role of respecting and protecting people’s
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human rights and the rule of law. My Government will continue to promote human rights, inter alia, by enhancing awareness of human rights, promoting equitable access to opportunity and strengthening legal protections.
The full enjoyment of people’s human rights cannot be achieved in a society full of fraud, corruption and theft of public resources. Those vices must be dealt with in order to protect people’s human rights and ensure the delivery of expected services from their Government. Our Government has therefore always been committed to fighting corruption, fraud and theft. It is against that background that we are pursuing and prosecuting suspects for the theft of public funds. May god bless the United Nations family.


The Organization turns 70 this year, and on this birthday we welcome its call for a “Strong United Nations, Better World”. This celebration is an opportunity to welcome and take stock of all the progress made in promoting the fundamental principles of the Charter. The goals and ideals of the Organization today face a globalized and often dangerous world that is experiencing a turbulent time in its history. We are in a multipolar world. Climate change has become tangible in terms of its harmful effects, especially on the least developed countries. Fortunately, there is public opinion and there are peoples with aspirations for a prosperous, long-term future who know how to achieve it.
I commend the President of the General Assembly on his personal qualities. His country, Denmark, where he is a senior leader, continues to be very close to countries such as our own. He is an excellent Ambassador to the United Nations and of the international community’s resolve to stand in solidarity.
I also wish to pay tribute to the outgoing President of the General Assembly, His Excellency Mr. Sam Kutesa from the brother country of Uganda. His personal qualities allowed undeniable progress to be made and strong consensus to be reached on important issues. I pay tribute to him together with the current President.
When it comes to peace, security and human rights — the themes of this seventieth general debate — we are certain that considerable progress has
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been made but it is still possible to go further. That is what we want to discuss. Yes, our world has made considerable progress, but the threat of terrorism has been mentioned many times from this rostrum. Just a few minutes ago, we heard about its prevalence in Iraq, but we also know it from our own experience in Africa. There is strong financial instability and crises in Africa — food crises, energy crises, mass youth unemployment — that are affecting the youngest and the oldest in all countries. There are pandemics, that other globalization of the day. There are the rising sea levels and coastal erosion that we feel as a coastal country.
Clearly everyone has their own challenges, but the United Nations system is at the front line and we are proud and confident in the United Nations action. We also have problems that run deep in all our countries concerning good governance, which sometimes poses major obstacles to development policies and good responses to the challenges of the day. They need to be addressed.
The Addis Ababa Action Agenda opens new possibilities of cooperation for Africa in combating the vast international corruption that is hitting us hard with mass tax evasion and illicit financial flows. The struggle against such corruption requires a coordinated judicial effort. We need to counter its harmful, far- reaching effects. It is an obstacle to growth and to investment. We must deny the perpetrators of economic and financial crimes the possibility of taking refuge in the sanctuaries of tax havens. We are pleased that the United Nations system, working with the Group of 20, is coordinating with the full commitment of the African Union to combat this corruption.
But in each of our countries, we know that corruption at the domestic level is also a very important hindrance. Benin has decided to address it and attack it using institutional means by establishing, through a law enacted in 2011, an effective national authority for combating corruption, and in 2015 a general audit office designed to improve administrative practices. With the help of its technical and financial partners and the United Nations system, which has been very vigilant and very effective, Benin seeks justice to find better means to prosecute and eradicate the impunity that often goes with corruption at the domestic level, even in the institutions of the Republic itself.
If we look at things more broadly, we hope that the United Nations, which has helped us in all these subjects, will be ever more effective in conflict resolution. No State, powerful though it may be, can prevent or resolve conflict alone. On our continent, the security issue is ever present. It is a serious obstacle to the development of the countries in the grip of these conflicts. Often it is a reflection on our borders and our territory of conflicts that in reality are cross-border in nature. They are often linked to religious fundamentalism, all kinds of terrorism, human trafficking, drug smuggling, and maritime piracy.
Africa knows these problems. Africa is getting organized but needs the help of the rest of the world. We still need security assistance, which is a primary and critical priority component of development assistance. Our country advocates a comprehensive approach to cooperation among States that is political, economic, legal and diplomatic. We find that such assistance is making solid progress, especially among African countries or between Africa and other continents, with the United Nations system as guarantor and stakeholder.
Similarly, we wish to stand in solidarity and also be an actor. It will be noted that in recent years Africa has increasingly been a key actor in the prevention and resolution of conflicts. I must apologize today for the absence at this General Assembly of the President of the Republic of Benin, Mr. Thomas Boni Yayi, who left a few hours ago. In his capacity as a mediator for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), he was summoned to finish mediating the internal conflict in Burkina Faso and to help the people of that country in their quest to resolve their internal problems. The President is on his way, ever the optimistic.
That is one example of what we can do, but we also contribute to the task force constituted by the brother countries of Nigeria, the Niger, Cameroon and Chad to fight Boko Haram together in a resolute manner. Eight hundred Beninese soldiers, many of them trained for action and intervention as part of United Nations peacekeeping operations, shall take their place beside to their sisters and brothers in arms.
Conflict prevention is very important. Let me highlight an initiative that the United Nations has strongly supported. We met in Cotonou from 26 to 28 May at a symposium on education for peace and interreligious dialogue. We have the opportunity as
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a people to be a nation of peaceful and constructive coexistence for development among our traditional religions and the religions of the Book. That symposium led to the adoption of a manifesto that proposes ways forward to create this harmony and determination to live together that are key elements in preventing future conflicts and threats. I should like to thank the United Nations for its support and call on the international community to draw inspiration from and substantively assist us in following up on this reflection on interreligious dialogue with its roots in African soil.
The President of the Republic of Benin was the driving force behind the coordination of the offer to provide the least developed countries with the services of the Secretary-General. in that regard, I thank the Organization and especially the Secretary-General for their assistance. We have thus been able to improve the plight of the least developed countries. Here, too, it is vital that, in the historic adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals, our least developed countries received a certain number of very strong commitments in economic development, earmarked to their specific cases.
In terms of the way the United Nations is evolving, let me just say that Benin is very attached to seeing ever-stronger cooperation with the African institutions. When the President of the Republic of Benin assumed the presidency of the African Union in 2012, we saw in the situation in Mali how perfect coordination between the United Nations and the African Union, with the assistance of ECOWAS, yielded favourable results in terms of stabilization and appeasing an eminently dangerous situation.
Institutionalizing relations between the African Union Peace and Security Council and the United Nations Security Council is obviously a goal that we want to see pursued effectively. In speaking of the Security Council, we clearly share the African position which seeks to remedy the historic injustice of Africa’s lack of representation among the permanent members of the Security Council, and sometimes on the Security Council in any guise.
If the Security Council wants to be effective, it is hard to leave more than 1 billion people, who will become 2 billion people in the space of a generation, outside the Council. It is hard to remain committed to privileges dating back to 1945. Those opposed to equitable representation of Member States within the
Security Council need to use the fact that we have entered our seventy-first year to truly modernize the Council. It will make it more effective given the major contemporary political problems before us.
In that respect I should like to say that we believe that major progress has been made on a number of subjects on which we need to move forward on further. We welcome the call for the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, a fully-fledged State Member, living in good relations with its neighbours, Israel. We are convinced that this would create an impetus to ease tensions in that part of the world so that we could then declare the Middle East a nuclear- weapon-free zone the next day.
But we were also very encouraged by the negotiations that ended on 14 July 2015 in Vienna with the resolution of what could have been a very grave conflict, which saw the Islamic Republic of Iran and the five permanent members of the Security Council plus one reaching an agreement on the nuclear issue that maintains the possibility of the peaceful use of nuclear energy for the welfare and well-being of the people while at the same time avoiding the considerable risks that were crystallizing.
We also noted with emotion during this session of the General Assembly to see we are moving towards a complete lifting of the United States embargo on Cuba and the progress made. We want to commend both President Raul Castro Ruz and President Barack Obama for their spectacular courage in being able to wipe the slate clean and being able to build a future of hope for the two peoples. It is vital, and the whole world should benefit from it.
I should like to conclude by returning to the question of good governance and combating corruption. The post-2015 agenda is very demanding, and that is as it should be. With a country like Benin, a least developed country, what we have to do in 15 years is something that humankind has never done. There will be more than 150 million new inhabitants in a few years in Africa, with all that means in terms of the balance of our ecosystems, social equilibrium, needs for education, and for infrastructure in terms of urbanization. What lies ahead, no one has ever done. The goals that we are proposing no one has ever proposed. That is a considerable step forward, and the success of the Millennium Development Goals in many countries and in our own from — all the people — ensured
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that significant progress was made on all of them. In Bangladesh they achieved all the goals. That is an extraordinary feat and is rather dizzying because it now faces something even more demanding. We will need all the aid from the international community, but we ourselves will need to draw on our own strengths and the best possible governance.
The President of the Republic of Benin is coming to the end of his two constitutional mandates, in compliance with the Constitution. He is ensuring that the elections to take place six months’ time in Benin will follow the example for all previous elections, just like the last two at municipal legislative levels that have just taken place. The democratic changeovers that the country has seen over the past five years should once again be marked with success and dignity.
We are but a small example, but an example of democracy and of governance that knows its limits and shortcomings but is getting better. We are an example of democracy for Africa, and we think that today that is the primary ingredient of any successful development policy given the challenges that lies ahead. We seek to be there in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.


It is my distinct honour and privilege to participate in the proceedings of the General Assembly on behalf of and representing the Democratic Republic of Sao Tomé and Principe.
At the outset, I would like to respectfully congratulate Mr. Mogens Lykketoft on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventieth session and to express our full support for him throughout his term. May it be highly successful. His election is a result of the recognition by the States Members of the United Nations of his noble humanity, vast political experience and unblemished professional history.
Before we begin to address the various topics that are of crucial importance as contributions to a better world, we must remember that this year marks
the seventieth anniversary of this Organization. That should provide Member States with the opportunity to deeply reflect on the road that has brought us this far and on the different reforms that must be introduced to make it more representative, legitimate, dynamic, efficient and inclusive and ever more responsive to the reality and challenges imposed by armed conflicts, climate changes, migrant and refugee crises, economic deregulation, endemic diseases, poverty and hunger.
Against that backdrop, we welcome the relevance of the themes of this session, which reflect the reality of our times. The post-2015 development agenda and the proper framing and resolution of climate change issues will surely create a path towards sustainable development for developing countries, particularly on the African continent.
We further wish to express our appreciation to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for the competent, selfless and zealous manner in which he has led our Organization. We also pay tribute to outgoing President Sam Kutesa, who led our General Assembly with dedication and strength during the past 12 months.
Gathered at Headquarters from 25 to 27 September, world leaders adopted the Sustainable Development Goals (see resolution 70/1). The Millennium Development Goals proved to be a good catalyst to mobilize synergies and achieve progress in social development — the reduction of poverty, hunger and disease; advances in maternal health; and access to drinking water. During that period there were major geopolitical and economic shifts. We believe that the multidimensional nature of poverty and fragility has changed. We hope that the development process in this new phase may be more inclusive, qualitative and, as the name suggests, sustainable for all, with all regions of our planet taking ownership and making commitments.
For this purpose, Africa chose, as its path towards economic and sustainable development, six pillars that are important to mention here and with which Sao Tomé and Principe identifies: structural economic transformation and inclusive growth; science, technology and innovation; people-centred development; sustainable environment, natural resources and natural disaster management; peace and security; and finances and partnerships.
We believe that in erecting those pillars Africa will take significant and necessary steps to guide the continent towards fulfilling the legitimate aspirations
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of its peoples, thereby ensuring ever greater integration, prosperity and peace, under African leadership, with top priority given to the dignity and identity of our sons and daughters. That will enhance the capacity for creativity, innovation and production and will have an immediate and direct impact on the economy and sustainable human development because it will be properly sustained.
Our country, Sao Tomé and Principe, believes in the above and urges the United Nations to adapt its programmes to the specific realities of Africa, without losing sight of the continent’s accomplishments in achieving some of the eight Millennium Development Goals by some countries.
Unfortunately, we continue to see persistent hotbeds of tension and the emergence of new ones with humanitarian repercussions of alarming proportions throughout the world. In Mali and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the efforts undertaken by regional organizations, the African Union and the United Nations have introduced some stability to the conflict zones. These efforts must continue to be coordinated and channelled in order to consolidate and reinforce the achievements.
The perennial issue of Western Sahara remains on the international stage and therefore requires greater engagement from all of us in the search for a permanent solution for that negotiation process, which has dragged on and stagnated for some time. However, to the credit of the parties, armed conflict has not resumed. We appeal to them to return to the negotiations and find a mutually acceptable political solution.
We are heartened by the recent resolution of the political situation in the Republic of Guinea- Bissau, where a serious political crisis has been overcome without recourse to violence and in strict accordance with the rule of law. That bears clear testimony to the democratic maturity that our brothers and sisters have achieved.
As terrorism continues to be a central issue in international politics, and in light of renewed acts of terrorism throughout the world, we believe the international community must act in a coordinated manner. Only then will we be able to fight this global scourge. We clearly and strongly condemn the repeated and hideous crimes that the Boko Haram group has been perpetrating in our neighbour, the sisterly nation of Nigeria.
In our opinion, nothing can justify the atrocities that Boko Haram terrorists have committed, and we take the opportunity in this privileged forum to reiterate our unequivocal condemnation of such practices, which are unacceptable in every way. We wish to express the unwavering support for and heartfelt solidarity of all Santomeans with our Nigerian brothers and sisters, and we congratulate the people and Government of Nigeria on their successes in the fight against terrorism perpetrated by Boko Haram.
Unfortunately, in the Middle East we continue to see bloody conflicts and loss of lives with the ongoing hostilities between Israel and Palestine. Therefore we appeal again for a peaceful and negotiated solution that upholds both the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination and the State of Israel’s right to exist, in accordance with the pertinent United Nations resolutions, with two free and sovereign States living by side in peace and cooperating fully for development.
Similarly, we cannot fail to comment on the persistence of the domestic conflict in Syria and its disastrous consequences. We again appeal to the international community to make all efforts to achieve a cessation of hostilities, thus opening the way for a frank dialogue toward a political solution to re-establish a lasting peace.
However, the prevailing situation is an opportunity for deeper reflection, in light of the migration crisis that is centred on the Mediterranean as the main access point to Europe. Indeed, the waves of people of all ages who are reaching Europe from war zones are not migrants. They are refugees. They are not evading poverty or hunger; they are literally running away from death. When a mother places a young child in a precarious boat for a difficult journey across a rough sea, with criminals at the helm, she does so because she considers that to be safer than the terra firma that she left behind. Therefore, we must seriously reflect on such episodes and the lessons they teach us regarding the signs of the new times, and draw our conclusions. We must refrain from promoting or exporting democracy in an outsider’s meddling manner or, worse still, through aggression and/or violence.
We believe that everybody will agree with us when we affirm that global security is vital to ensure sustainable development for our countries, and that it should begin at the regional and local levels. Located on the Gulf of Guinea, where we have seen a fresh outbreak of acts of maritime piracy, terrorism, drug trafficking, oil heists
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and other transnational organized crimes, São Tomé and Príncipe understands that the international community must combine its efforts to stop such acts. Therefore, allow me to mention the various existing partnerships, both bilateral and multilateral, and cooperation, among the Economic Community of Central African States, the Economic Community of West African States and the Gulf of Guinea Commission in implementing the recommendations of the Yaoundé Summit, which have made significant progress possible in the relentless fight against this type of criminal organization in our region.
With respect to the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change that will take place this year in Paris, São Tomé and Príncipe believes that it is imperative that we reach a global agreement on climate change, as our country is already being affected by its nefarious effects, even though we are not an active polluter. Our vulnerabilities include, for example, a reduction in rainfall and, as a consequence, diminished flows in our rivers, as well as floods and the gradual erosion of our coasts. Those warning signs are already causing concern with respect to our country’s climate problems, and we have been combating them by stopping deforestation and protecting our coastal areas.
Therefore, we welcome the determination of Germany and France to reach a climate agreement that is ambitious, broad and binding on all parties and is in accordance with the general rules of international law, with the ultimate objective of limiting the increase in the global temperature to 2°C at most, as compared to pre-industrial levels. In our opinion, that constitutes a responsibility shared among developing and developed countries. We hope that the agreement, once reached, will enhance the international obligation of all signatory parties to make funds available for ongoing scientific monitoring of climate issues and the transfer of technology to developing countries as a way of improving actions to achieve the Framework Convention’s goals.
In December 2014, São Tomé and Príncipe effusively welcomed the announcement on the re-establishment of relations between the United States of America and Cuba, and we joined the world in jubilation over the recent opening of diplomatic missions in both capitals, which thus resumed full diplomatic relations. As we did then, we express the wish that both countries continue to strengthen their relationship on the path
of economic, social and cultural progress for the benefit of their peoples and humanity in general. To that end, one issue remains pending — the trade embargo imposed against Cuba. It made no sense in the past, and it makes no sense now. For that reason, São Tomé and Príncipe appeals again for the lifting of the embargo, which would be a sign of a relationship without handicaps and would allow both countries to take fair and equitable advantage of bilateral trade relations, on an equal footing with other countries around the world.
In conclusion, we must acknowledge and welcome the political progress achieved by both sides of the Taiwan Strait, with a clear reduction of tensions, ever greater openness and broad trade exchanges. In addition, given Taiwan’s manifold potential, we recommend that Taiwan participate in the United Nations specialized agencies, as it already does in the World Health Organization.
Finally, we reiterate our country’s readiness to continue participating in efforts to mobilize wills and synergies to realize the fundamental principles and noble objectives that guided the establishment of the United Nations.


At the outset, I would like to extend my sincere congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Mogens Lykketoft on his election as President of the seventieth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that, with his extensive diplomatic experience, he will guide this session with great success. I would like to assure him of our full support and cooperation in the discharge of his noble duties. I would also like to sincerely commend His Excellency Mr. Sam Kahamba Kutesa for his successful completion of his tenure as the President of the General Assembly at its sixty-ninth session.
This year marks the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations since its establishment following the Second World War. Its main objectives are to promote international peace and security and development cooperation, aimed at ensuring that all humankind lives in peace and in an environment conducive to
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development. Despite the conflicts and challenges that have occurred in different parts of the world, in general peace, security and development cooperation among all nations remain the prevailing trends of this era. That has been an important achievement of the United Nations in fulfilling its mandate enshrined in its Charter.
Nevertheless, the international environment continues to face numerous challenges, such as armed conflicts, terrorism, poverty and hunger, infectious diseases, climate change and natural disasters, which have in turn posed major threats to peace and development. I am therefore of the view that we must enhance our political will, mutual assistance and cooperation under the banner of the United Nations in order to collectively address the challenges facing us. To that end, the United Nations must improve its working methods. The Lao People’s Democratic Republic hopes that, on the occasion of the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations this year, the international community will collectively make serious efforts to conduct a comprehensive reform of the Organization so that it can respond to emerging challenges in a more effective manner.
I take this opportunity to welcome the successful conclusion a few days ago of the United Nations Summit on Sustainable Development, at which the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) was adopted with a view to further addressing the major challenges the world faces today, including any Millennium Development Goals that have yet to be met. Indeed, the new development Agenda is the outcome of open and inclusive intergovernmental negotiations. If we are to achieve the set Goals and targets within the next 15 years, we need to honour our political commitment to strengthening global partnership and cooperation at all possible levels.
Conflicts are being waged today in many regions of the world, which have caused major concern for the international community. It is therefore important to find solutions and to restore peace and development to those regions. In that context, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic has consistently supported the peaceful settlement of conflicts. I therefore praise all parties concerned for reaching an agreement on Iran’s nuclear programme, which is of historic significance. It is testimony to the value of dialogue as the best way to address a conflict, which should be taken as a model for resolving hot issues globally.
In addition, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic has always hoped that the issue of Palestine, which has been stalled for many decades, will be resolved through peaceful means by the parties concerned with a view to creating two independent States, Palestine and Israel, living side by side in peace, based on the Arab Peace Initiative, and within recognized borders, as stipulated in the relevant Security Council resolutions. The Lao People’s Democratic Republic therefore urges the international community to redouble its efforts to help restore Palestine to normalcy as soon as possible.
In the era of interdependence, cooperation and engagement are key factors for peaceful coexistence and mutual benefit. The Lao People’s Democratic Republic welcomes the recent re-establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba, which has opened a new chapter in the history of relations between the two countries, which had been at a standstill for many years. The Lao People’s Democratic Republic hopes that the re-established relations will be further enhanced, leading to an end of the embargo and thereby bringing genuine benefits to the people of the two nations, the region and the world as a whole.
Climate change and severe natural disasters, which are occurring more frequently, have had a huge impact on the development of countries, especially the developing and least developed countries, which are most vulnerable due to their limited infrastructure and insufficient technological, financial and human resources to respond to and address those phenomena. It is therefore incumbent upon the international community to help such vulnerable countries through, among other things, long-term capacity-building to tackle such challenges. We hope that the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Paris later this year, will be able to adopt various measures to address climate change in the coming years.
The South-East Asian region, which is now in the process of economic integration through the various cooperation frameworks of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with a view to building an ASEAN community by the end of this year, has continued to enjoy peace, stability and constant economic growth. ASEAN has broadened its external relations with different countries and regional groups at various levels, as well as with the United Nations.
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In 2016, the first year of the ASEAN community, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic will have the honour to chair ASEAN for the second time. I hope that the international community, especially the ASEAN dialogue partners, will continue to support ASEAN- led mechanisms, in which ASEAN plays a central role, so that it can become a community based on the ASEAN way and continue to be a regional grouping that contributes to the maintenance of peace and enhancement of cooperation with other regions and the world at large.
This year marks the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. Over the past four decades, we have gone through a period of healing the wounds of war and advancing our national development through the implementation of five-year national socioeconomic development plans, especially the seventh five-year plan for 2011-2015, which will be completed by the end of this year. The achievements of the past 40 years can be attributed to many factors, but the most crucial have been political stability and social order, which have provided a conducive environment for economic growth and steadily improved the livelihood of the people.
The Lao Government has maintained its tireless political will to fight poverty, create benchmarks for raising the country’s status from that of least developed country, and pursue the path of sustainable development through a three-level development programme known as sam sang, which identifies provinces as strategic entities, districts as comprehensively strengthened entities and villages as development entities. The programme will strengthen my country’s cooperation with development partners and pave the way for the industrialization and modernization of the country. Indeed, we are moving in the right direction in our national development.
In addition, in the coming months, coinciding with the eighth five-year national socioeconomic development plan for 2016-2020, the Lao Government will adopt a 10-year socioeconomic development strategy for 2016-2025 and the Vision 2030 programme. Nevertheless, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic will undoubtedly continue to face numerous challenges in undergoing socioeconomic development. Those include, among others, the impact of the regional and global economic and financial crises and natural disasters. I therefore call on our development partners and the international community to maintain their
support for the Lao People’s Democratic Republic so that we can achieve our sustainable development foals in the coming years.
Although the Indochina War ended four decades ago, the legacy of that war continues to pose serious obstacles to our national development, especially to agriculture, employment, infrastructure development and investment programmes in areas that remain contaminated by unexploded ordinance. Removing those remnants of war will take a long time and require considerable resources. Aware of that serious impact, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic has actively promoted the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM), which can prevent the further victimization of humankind.
Earlier this month, the First Review Conference to the Convention on Cluster Munitions was held in Croatia to take stock of the progress and shortcomings in the implementation of that important Convention. The Lao People’s Democratic Republic takes this opportunity to call upon those countries that are not yet party to the CCM to accede to that universal Convention. At the same time, we encourage friendly countries and international organizations to continue to provide funding and technical support in that endeavour.
This year marks the sixtieth anniversary of Laos as a State Member of the United Nations. Throughout the years, we have actively participated in the work of the United Nations in various areas. Moreover, cooperation between the Lao People’s Democratic Republic and the United Nations has steadily grown. The financial and technical support that have been provided by United Nations agencies, funds and programmes have all contributed significantly to the socioeconomic development of our country. We hope that such valuable support and cooperation will continue in the coming years.
The Lao People’s Democratic Republic attaches great importance to promoting and protecting human rights and has become State party to seven of the main international human rights instruments. In its desire to contribute to the work of the Human Rights Council, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic has presented its candidature for membership to the Human Rights Council for the period 2016-2018. We look forward to receiving the support of Members States and the opportunity to contribute to the work of the Human Rights Council.
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This year is of great historical significance to the international community, especially because of the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1). I believe that it will mark an important milestone in realizing the aspiration of humankind to live in peace, security, prosperity and social justice, while protecting the environment and promoting the sustainable development towards a brighter future for current and future generations. To that end, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic will contribute actively to the realization of the Sustainable Development Goals and targets that world leaders adopted a few days ago.


On behalf of Ukraine, I sincerely congratulate Mr. Mogens Lykketoft on his
election as President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session, and wish him every success in his activities at this crucial historic moment. Our future will largely depend on the outcomes of this session and our collective decisions — whether we choose to follow the path of peace, security and human rights, or to plunge into the turmoil of new hybrid wars, chaos and suffering.
On the occasion of this seventieth anniversary, I am proud to speak on behalf of one of the founding members of the United Nations, a State that, back in 1945, took an active part in the San Francisco Conference, helped to establish the Organization and lay down the foundation for its activities, a State whose contribution back then was of importance in shaping the core of the United Nations: the Purposes and Principles of its Charter.
Regrettably, I am also speaking on behalf of a State Member of the United Nations that is now the victim of a brutal violation of the fundamental norms and principles of that Charter. The statement by Ukraine upon its joining the United Nations as one of its founding Members, which was delivered at the San Francisco Conference, emphasized that Ukraine had repeatedly been the subject of bloody invasions by aggressors that for centuries had sought to capture its territory.
A long time has passed since that landmark event. But, today, I have to recall that my country has become the object of external aggression. This time, the aggressor is the Russian Federation, a neighbouring country and a former strategic partner, which legally pledged to respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence and inviolability of the borders of Ukraine. That country used to be a guarantor of Ukraine’s security under the Budapest Memorandum, whereby security guarantees were provided to my country in exchange for the voluntary renunciation of the world’s third nuclear arsenal. Moreover, it is a permanent member of the Security Council, which is entrusted by the Charter of the United Nations with the maintenance of international peace and security.
In February 2014, Russia conducted an open and unprovoked aggression against my country, occupying and annexing the Crimea, wantonly and brutally violating international law and shocking the whole world community. I am deeply grateful to the delegations of the majority of the States Members of our Organization for supporting resolution 68/262, entitled “Territorial integrity of Ukraine”, which condemned the illegal
Russian annexation of the Crimea. It is regrettable that this clear verdict of the international community failed to persuade Russia to return to the civilized sphere of international law. Moreover, Moscow started a new reckless military game — this time, in Ukraine’s Donbas region.
Despite the fact that Russia is still refusing to officially acknowledge its direct military invasion, there can be no doubt that an aggressive war is being waged against my country. To mislead the world community, the Russian leadership orders its military servicemen to remove their insignias and the identification marks on military equipment. It orders the abandonment of its soldiers captured on the battlefield and the cynical use of mobile crematoriums to eliminate traces of its crimes on Ukrainian soil.
I would like to stress that neither a civil war nor an internal conflict is taking place. Russia’s occupation of Ukrainian territory in the Crimea and the Donbas region covers approximately 44,000 square kilometres, and millions of Ukrainians are under that occupation. The goal of the current war is to force the Ukrainian people to give up their sovereign choice to build a free, democratic, prosperous and European State. All that is taking place against a backdrop of traitorous rhetoric about brotherly peoples, sharing a common history, related languages and a predestined common future. In actual fact, we are dealing here with a desire to return to imperial times, with spheres of influence, and a desperate attempt to obtain self-affirmation at another’s expense.
For over 20 months, the aggression against my country has been fuelled by Russia’s financing of terrorists and mercenaries and its supplying of arms and military equipment to illegal armed groups in Donbas. Over the past few days, we have heard a conciliatory statement from the Russian side, including a call for the establishment of an anti-terrorist coalition and a warning that fraternizing with terrorists would pour oil on the flames. That was an impressive but hard-to- believe story.
How can a country call for an anti-terrorist coalition when it is inspiring terrorism so close to home? How can it talk about peace and legitimacy, if its policy is to wage war through puppet governments? How can it speak of national autonomy, if it punishes a neighbour for making a choice? How can it demand respect for all, if it respects no one? The Gospel of St. John teaches
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us that in the beginning there was the word; but what kind of Gospel is one following if all one’s words are so duplicitous?
Let us return to the situation in Donbas, where, I have to say, we are being forced to fight fully armed troops belonging to regular units of the Russian armed forces. Heavy weaponry and military equipment are concentrated in the occupied territories in quantities such as the armies of the majority of Member States can only dream about. In particular, various pieces of state-of-the-art military equipment that were manufactured in Russia are to be found among that same weaponry and, contrary to the public assertion of the Russian President, are unlikely to be available for sale in a regular wholesale army store, unless, of course, it was located in the Russian Federation and provided free shipping.
During the period in question, over 8,000 Ukrainians, of whom 6,000 were civilians, died at the hands of the Russian-backed terrorists and occupiers in Ukraine and Donbas. More than 1.5 million residents of Donbas were forced to flee their homes and, moving to safer regions within Ukraine, became internally displaced persons. I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to the international community for making such a considerable effort to provide assistance to those in need.
At the same time, I call on the United Nations and other international actors to continue to pay special attention to that very important issue. I would like to draw everyone’s attention to the fact that this is not the first time that the same permanent member of the Security Council is undermining peace and security at both the regional and the international level.
Over the past 24 years, ever since the questionable transfer of permanent membership on the Security Council from the former Soviet Union to the Russian Federation, the conflict in Ukraine is but one of several hybrid wars that Russia has unleashed. In fact, in order to preserve its influence in neighbouring countries, Russia, for decades, has deliberately created, and surrounded itself with, a belt of instability, made up of Nagorno Karabakh, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Crimea and Donbas — all regions involving protracted conflicts and supported by or directly related to Russia. But the Kremlin has gone even further. Today, the Russian men in green are treading on Syrian land. What and who are next?
In every democratic country, if one party steals another party’s property, an independent court restores justice by enforcing the rights of the aggrieved party and punishing the offender. Yet, here we are in the twenty- first century and our Organization is still without an effective instrument to bring an aggressor country to justice, a country which has stolen the territory of another sovereign State. Seventy years ago, the authors of the Charter of the United Nations envisaged that sanctions imposed by the Security Council would be one of the punishments applied in response to breaches of peace and acts of aggression.
However, they would have been hard put to imagine a situation in which that punishment needs to be applied against an aggressor State that is a permanent member of the Security Council. Since the beginning of the aggression, Russia has used its right of veto twice during the Council’s consideration of questions related to Ukraine. At the outset, Russia blocked a draft resolution (S/2014/189) that condemned the fake referendum on Crimea’s annexation in March 2014. At that very moment, in my capacity as a Ukrainian member of Parliament, I was there when the Russians said that there was a vote on this same fake referendum. No member of Parliament was present. On the contrary, there were only Russian soldiers surrounding the Parliament of Crimea.
The second time that Russia used its right of veto was to block a draft resolution (S/2015/562) that would have established an international tribunal to investigate and bring to justice all those responsible for the crash of Malaysia Airlines Flight MH-17. By its disgraceful use of the veto on that draft resolution, Russia clearly demonstrated to the whole world its defiance and its unwillingness to establish the truth — not just the truth about the perpetrators of that terrorist attack and the arms that were used to shot down that plane, but, more important, the truth concerning those who organized that crime and the country from which those arms had been transported. I think that everyone in this Hall clearly understands the real motives of Russia’s use of the veto on a draft resolution concerning a tribunal to investigate Flight MH-17. Moreover, a draft resolution on the establishment of an international peacekeeping operation, whose purpose would have been to stabilize the situation in Ukraine and stop the bloodshed, was also blocked because of the potential threat of Russia’s use of the veto.
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Abuse of the right of veto — its use as a licence to kill — is absolutely unacceptable (see S/PV.7384). The Organization should make its collective voice heard clearly on this subject. For its part, Ukraine stands for the gradual limitation of the right of veto, with its eventual abolition. The right of veto should not exercised randomly or to grant a pardon or clemency in cases where crimes have been committed and merit appropriate punishment.
In that context, I welcome the proposal of my French colleague and friend, President Hollande, supported by President Peña Nieto of Mexico, aimed at regulating the use of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. Primary attention should be given to the modernization of the Security Council, including the enlargement of its membership and the improvement of its working methods. The membership of the Security Council should reflect the realities of the twenty-first century and include a higher number of African, Asian and Latin American States. An additional non-permanent seat on the Council should be given to the Eastern European Group, as its membership has doubled over the past two decades.
Ukraine also considers improvement of the peacekeeping and peacebuilding architecture of the Organization an important element of United Nations reform. I am proud of Ukraine’s international reputation as an active and devoted contributor to United Nations peacekeeping operations. Despite external challenges, we remain a reliable partner of the Organization in that noble matter. Ukraine’s contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security provides us with the moral ground to count on the same assistance from the Organization in times of the vital importance of that issue on the part of my country.
The special peacekeeping mission in Donbas, under United Nations auspices, could become a very useful instrument contributing to the implementation of the Minsk agreements. Ukraine is committed to following the letter and spirit of the Minsk package. We demand the same approach from other signatories that have lately resorted to the language of blackmail. Otherwise, there is no alternative to sanctions, including their strengthening; and there is no alternative to a peaceful resolution of the crisis.
Full access to all occupied territories by the monitors of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), withdrawal of Russian
military forces, military equipment and mercenaries from Ukrainian territory and restoration of full control by Ukraine over its border with Russia— these must all be ensured. Freedom, peace and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity — Ukraine does not demand more; however, it will not settle for less.
Unfortunately, today Ukraine is, though not by its own free will, one of the areas involved in the fight against the terrorist threat. We strongly condemn terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. The activities of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, Al-Qaida, Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab and others comprise a global challenge. The only possible way to address that evil is to unite in a common, uncompromising fight against it.
International terrorism has proved to be more flexible than the political will of nations and today has taken on new hybrid forms. State and non-State actors have become interlinked. The struggle for one’s rights has been replaced by ruthless terror. We are convinced that the need for a universal international instrument able to counteract that crime is not only urgent but long overdue. For that reason, the conclusion of the preparatory work on the draft United Nations convention on the prevention and combating of terrorism should become a top priority of the General Assembly at this session.
A special role in the fight against international terrorism should be given to the most reputable legal institutions: the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Ensuring that those institutions have universal jurisdiction is a core element in overcoming the impunity of the terrorists themselves and their patrons — those regimes whose national policy has become the mass production of terror.
I strongly believe that one of the most important aspects of fighting terrorism lies in honouring and sharing the memories of the victims. In that context, I propose that, at the current session, the General Assembly consider designating an international day to commemorate the memory of the victims of terrorist acts. It is my feeling that humiliation, disregard of people’s will and violation of their fundamental rights prompted Ukrainians to leave their homes in order to protest in 2013, which led to the beginning of our revolution to uphold our dignity.
Ukraine has paid and continues to pay an extremely high price for its freedom and the right to live in a free country — the price of human lives. That is why the
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interests of every single individual and the protection of people’s rights are at the core of my large-scale reform programme, which was launched one year ago. For the first time in its 24 years of independence, Ukraine has adopted a national human rights strategy. It took into account the best international practices from the human rights perspective, including the European Union’s Strategic Framework on Human Rights and Democracy.
Russian aggression exposed the problem of ensuring human rights in the Crimea and parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Leading international human rights organizations warned about the radical deterioration of the human rights situation, which applies directly to Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars in the occupied Crimea. I am referring specifically to the practice of imposing Russian citizenship in occupied Crimea by the Crimean occupation authorities, as well as the systematic persecution, arrest, abduction and killing of pro-Ukraine residents of the peninsula and the complete elimination of the independent media. Ukraine reaffirms its commitment to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. By all legal means, we will continue to defend the rights of the Crimean Tatars — the indigenous people of Ukraine — and the Ukrainians, who are suffering from the repressive policies of the occupation authorities in the Crimea. I believe that the problem of blatant violation of human rights in Crimea deserves particular consideration in the General Assembly. And I hope that the decision to address this issue will be taken during the current session.
I also feel obliged to mention the names of Nadiya Savchenko, Oleg Sentsov, Alexandr Kolchenko, among many other Ukrainians, who are political prisoners of the Kremlin or have been illegally detained and sentenced. For example, Oleg Sentsov, a respected filmmaker, was sentenced to 23 years in prison solely for being a Ukrainian patriot. I call upon the United Nations and its Member States to launch a worldwide campaign to put pressure on the Russian authorities to immediately release all the Ukrainian citizens that they are holding hostage. We will be able to achieve our goal only if our action is global. Most of all, Ukraine needs solidarity and assistance, which are truly powerful instruments against aggression and injustice. Ukraine will win for sure because truth is on our side. But we will do so much faster if we have the support and solidarity of the whole international community.
The ongoing hybrid war of Russia against Ukraine has demonstrated that the international community is facing another challenge, which requires the consolidation of our efforts. The full- scale information war and propaganda campaign have become a particularly corrosive form of non-military aggression. Fake news, blatant lies spread to justify aggression, propaganda of intolerance and violence are phenomena of the same order, which undermine the principle of freedom of expression and poison human souls and minds. That is why the task of strengthening the role of information in the maintenance of peace and security is more important than ever. I call on the General Assembly to strongly condemn these shameful phenomena and to discuss the ways to confront them.
Despite the external challenges that I have referred to, Ukraine is fully committed to the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. We are ready to share joint responsibility for solving specific vital problems and priorities of the most vulnerable groups of countries, such as the small island developing States. As one of the Friends on Climate Change, Ukraine is looking forward to reaching consensus on a universal agreement in the area of climate change as soon as possible. We hope that this result will be achieved by Member States in December in Paris. We have to understand that the price of this issue is the safety of future generations and the sustainable development of humankind.
We shall not be able to achieve the sustainable Development Goals unless we are able to prevent environmental and technological disasters from happening. As a result of the Russian aggression, Ukraine faces another challenge — the protection of its environment in Donbas. The irresponsible and criminal flooding of mines by terrorists has led to the poisoning of drinking water, the soil, and the flora and fauna in the region. The atmosphere is polluted owing to explosions and the shelling of sensitive industrial infrastructure. In fact, we can even speak about the risk of environmental disaster. I am convinced that the issue of environmental protection during conflict needs the special attention of the relevant United Nations body.
With regard to technological disasters, it is my duty to recall one of the most horrific of them. Next year will mark the thirtieth anniversary of the tragedy of the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant. I would like to request that the President hold a special meeting of the General Assembly dedicated to that anniversary in April 2016.
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My country’s address on the occasion of joining the United Nations included the words,
“Ukraine, with its best human strength and material resources, will be able to make a significant contribution to maintaining peace and global security”.
Now, 70 years on, I reiterate Ukraine’s unwavering commitment to exerting a further maximum effort to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, a commitment enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Our focus will be on the achievement of that noble goal if we are elected to a non-permanent membership of the Security Council during 2016-2017. In the capacity of member of the Council, Ukraine intends to remain a reliable and consistent partner, guided not by its own, but by the global agenda, and will resolutely follow the spirit and letter of the Charter. And I am firmly convinced that the Organization will pass the extremely complex test with dignity and strengthen its role as a guarantor of order, peace and prosperity in the world. Let God be with us!


Echoing the sentiments of Pope Francis, who recently visited the United Nations, I wish to renew the congratulations of the Holy See to Mr. Lykketoft on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. I also wish to greet each of the participants in today’s meeting and to express my hope that its work will prove fruitful and give new impetus to the commitment for creating a world of peace and security, the respect for human rights and the promotion of the necessary conditions for integral human development. Significantly, on 24 October, we will celebrate the entry into force of the Charter of the United Nations.
The recently concluded summit of the Heads of State and of Government adopted a plan of action for the prosperity of peoples and the planet and for strengthening peace in greater freedom. In the General Assembly’s adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1), it has undertaken the task of proposing a stable and sustainable pace for the world economy. The Holy See can only express
its satisfaction, as must the Governments that took part in the process of drawing up the new Agenda for their citizens. In that regard, I wish to mention that, even before the completion of the negotiations, Pope Francis stated that the new 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is an important sign of hope for humankind.
In contrast to the promising hopes generated by the 2030 Agenda and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda (resolution 69/313, annex), adopted at the third International Conference on Financing for Development, there is the sad panorama of war. It is obvious that, unless conflicts are properly resolved, all efforts to overcome poverty will fail. The Holy See is therefore seriously concerned about the global consequences of conflicts; above all, it expresses deep regret for the countless victims of those wars and joins its voice to the plea of all those who suffer.
We must acknowledge that, over the past 70 years, the United Nations has succeeded in avoiding a great global conflict and the outbreak of many wars between Member States. At the same time, it has also halted or resolved many regional conflicts and complex instances of civil war. Nonetheless, there are at present at least 50 conflicts or situations of latent conflict, to say nothing of the actions of international terrorist and criminal organizations set up as quasi-States and as a sort of alternative international community. We have before us, unfortunately, the immense tragedy of the war in Syria with its thousands of dead, its millions of displaced persons and its tremendous consequences for the stability of the region.

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Similarly, the troubles in Libya, Central Africa, the Great Lakes region and South Sudan must remain at the centre of the international community’s attention. Nor can the tragic situation in Ukraine be overlooked or many other smaller or more contained conflicts, violations of humanitarian law or the atypical warfare waged by drug traffickers and other criminal groups. Then there is the grave conflict in the Middle East, which has been going on since the first years of the United Nations. That region, a cradle of civilizations, is immersed in a situation that combines every form of conflict and every possible subject — State and non-State combatants, ethnic and cultural groups, terrorism, criminality and so on.
The atrocities and unspeakable human rights violations that characterize today’s conflicts are transmitted live by the media, and with wide diffusion and repetition they risk generating a numbing familiarity and indifference. The international community, for its part, must feel a grave responsibility to act resolutely and renew its political and juridical structures, so as to limit and overcome, as quickly and effectively as possible, the consequences of the current war-related crises.
It is a bitter irony that the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations is accompanied by an exodus of peoples that is the greatest such migration seen since that caused by the Second World War. Entire populations are being displaced, as they flee from war, persecution, exploitation and poverty. Sadly, however, those waves of migrants are seen more in terms of the additional burden of unforeseen problems that they cause for the countries of passage or destination than in terms of the cost of human life paid by millions of innocent people. Furthermore, as a response to such mass migrations, the fear of terrorism and other local problems, there has been a return to the practice of building walls and barriers between peoples. That is a sad example of inhumanity, a hasty and ineffective solution to security and one that we thought the events of the late 1980s had definitively consigned to oblivion.
At the same time, the Holy See urgently appeals to States to overcome every form of nationalistic self- interest and, above all, to recognize the unity of our human family and to have faith in the human person. Distant and more recent history teaches us that migrants, even in the most dramatic situations of displacement, have always made a positive contribution to their host countries. More importantly, however, the migrants are
women and men who, by virtue of their humanity, are entitled to the universal rights to life and dignity.
In addition to offering hospitality, the present dramatic situation urgently demands a commitment to address the causes that force peoples to flee and thereby to take real, effective and generous decisions in favour of peace and integral human development. The solemn commitment to implement the 2030 Agenda is more timely than ever and must be advanced with courage. At the same time, we must recognize that, without peace between peoples and nations, it will be impossible to implement that Agenda.
To that end, the Holy See wishes to suggest four areas of reflection that should be borne in mind when considering the best possible course. They are the responsibility to protect, the respect for international law, disarmament and the protection of the environment. The first two, the responsibilities to protect and to observe existing international law are to be considered necessary instruments for discharging the immediate obligation to welcome exiles without putting up unjust barriers for the universal enactment of the 2030 Agenda, and likewise for the protection of the environment.
Today, the principle of the responsibility to protect all peoples from massive atrocities, instances of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity is recognized and accepted by all. That responsibility, as has been noted, first obliges national Governments, and then the international community and regional groups of States, to act in accordance with international law. Yet it is not always easy to carry out that duty in practice, not the least because its observance often conflicts with a strict literal interpretation of the principle of non-intervention, as sanctioned by paragraph 7 of Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations. There is also the suspicion, historically founded, that under the guise of humanitarian intervention, the principle of the sovereign equality of the Members of the United Nations, established in paragraph 2 of Article 2 of the Charter, could end up being overridden.
Nonetheless, owing to the unacceptable human costs of inaction, the search for effective juridical means for the practical application of the principle of the responsibility to protect must be one of the most urgent central priorities of the United Nations. To that end, it would be most useful if the Member States could determine clear and effective criteria for applying
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the principle and for the corresponding integration of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Furthermore, drawing on the significant experience of the United Nations and various dependent agencies in peacekeeping, peacebuilding and other humanitarian interventions, rapid and effective means should be found for implementing eventual decisions relative to the responsibility to protect.
The great purposes and principles expressed in the Preamble and in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations serve as a sure guide to the interpretation and application of all successive provisions of the Charter. Therefore, the solemn duties spelled out in the Preamble “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war” and “to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person” and in paragraph 3 of Article 1, to promote and encourage “respect for human rights and for fundamental freedom for all” not only justify the implementation of the responsibility to protect, but also bind the international community in the duty to find the appropriate means to do so. Otherwise, the great edifice of the Charter of the United Nations would be reduced to a mere tool for maintaining global equilibrium and for resolving controversies. That would betray not only those who drafted the Charter, but also the millions of victims whose blood was shed in the great wars of the last century.
The second element that today’s conflicts, and the humanitarian crises they cause, force us to consider is what we might call the responsibility to observe the existing law in responding to global and regional crises. That requires, first of all, a genuine and transparent application of Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations. The principle of non-intervention, sanctioned in paragraph 7 of that Article, together with paragraphs 3 and 4, excludes all unilateral use of force against another Member of the United Nations and demands full respect for Governments that are lawfully constituted and recognized.
Article 2 cannot, however, become an alibi for excusing gross violations of human rights. The 70- year experience of the United Nations has amply demonstrated that grave violations of human dignity on the part of Governments can be redressed and resolved peacefully through denunciation and persuasion by civil society and Governments themselves. Where gross violations of human rights persist and further intervention is considered necessary, the only other
recourse is to apply the measures set forth in Chapters VI and VII of the Charter. In addition, adherence to the Charter, as well as to the cardinal principle of international law, namely, pacta sunt servanda, which is no tautology but rather the affirmation of the rule of law itself, has definitively banned concepts such as that of preventive war and, even more so, attempts to redesign entire geographic areas and redistribute populations under the pretext of a principle of security. At the same time, the most evident and reasonable understanding of paragraph 4 of Article 2 of the Charter excludes any intervention by third-party States in favour of one side or another in a situation of civil conflict.
A serious examination of conscience is needed, so that we can accept responsibility for the role that certain unilateral interventions have played in the humanitarian crisis that is causing so much hurt in our world today. As Pope Francis recently said,
“[W]e do not lack for hard evidence of the negative consequences of military and political interventions undertaken without coordination among the members of the international community.” (A/70/PV.3, p. 5)
The current crisis calls us, therefore, to renew efforts to apply the law that is in force and to develop new norms that are also aimed at combating the phenomenon of international terrorism, in full respect for the law.
Multilateral action for peace and collective security can be effectively advanced with the help of another instrument recognized by the Charter and often considered in the Assembly, namely, disarmament. Here, too, we find ourselves in an area of light and shadows, with the latter, unfortunately, prevailing. There is the telling example of the failure in May of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In view of that impasse, it is all the more important that the international community and the individual States most involved clearly signal a real desire to pursue the shared objective of a world free of nuclear arms, in full application of the Treaty, in letter and spirit, with the goal of a complete prohibition of such weapons.
As Pope Francis has noted in various forums, nuclear deterrence and the threat of mutually assured destruction are irreconcilable with and contrary to an ethic of fraternity and peaceful coexistence between peoples and between States. In the final analysis, the nuclear arms race, and indeed the arms race in
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general, with its expenditure of human and economic resources, is based on a denial of the human dignity of one’s potential enemies and even the denial of one’s own dignity and survival. A process aimed at a deeper understanding of the grave humanitarian effects of the use of weapons of mass destruction, and nuclear arms in particular, should therefore not only be encouraged but should be considered necessary.
With regard to the humanitarian dimension, I should also mention the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention and the Convention on Cluster Munitions, two instruments for disarmament and for adapting humanitarian law to the complexities of today’s world. They are aimed at stigmatizing and banning those dreadful ordnances, which have such a devastating and indiscriminate impact on civilian populations. The Holy See joins all those who are working for their effective implementation in expressing the hope that they will soon be signed by those States that have not yet done so.
Effective and full enactment of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations calls for replacing a mindset of thr rejection of others, of distrust and fear, with an ethic of responsibility. That, too, demands that we reflect on the meaning of the concept of collective security, which has to do not only with war and military actions but also with broader economic, financial, ethical, social and humanitarian dimensions.
Looking ahead, we see another grave responsibility, both for the effective implementation of the 2030 Agenda and for peace itself. That is the hoped-for agreement on climate change, which is to be adopted at the Paris Conference in December. The climate is a global common good, a responsibility that we all bear, particularly towards the most vulnerable groups of present and future generations. It is a responsibility that is necessarily transversal, requiring effective multilateral and interdisciplinary cooperation on the part of individuals, based on their own abilities and characteristics, but united in the face of the challenging question as to the kind of world we want to leave to those who come after us, to children who are now growing up.
The Paris Conference represents an important phase in the process of re-establishing a balance between global greenhouse-gas emissions and the Earth’s capacity to absorb them. To that end, we urgently need to adopt a fair, transformational and legally binding global agreement. That would send a meaningful
signal to the entire international community, by promoting a rapid transition to development marked by a low carbon footprint and by providing a powerful impetus to reinforcing the intrinsic link between two objectives — eradicating poverty and easing the effects of climate change. That link shows that the threat of climate change and our responses to it can be a promising opportunity for improving health, transportation, energy security and new opportunities for employment. An effective accord on those issues, in addition to the important value they possess in and of themselves, can only contribute to general agreements between States regarding integral human development, the responsibility to protect, peace, disarmament and respect for international law.
To acknowledge the limitations of the Charter of the United Nations with regard to new crisis situations or, sadly, in the face of evidence of a failure to observe its prescriptions, is not the same thing as stating or lamenting the failure of the Organization itself. Such limitations are rather the inevitable shadows of the great framework of the first global project for peace and international cooperation, which has, happily, endured for 70 years and is an incentive to achieving full respect for the law in force and to promoting greater trust and cooperation. The Holy See thus expresses the hope that this seventieth anniversary, marked by the solemn adoption of the 2030 Agenda, may be the beginning of a harmonious and ever fuller cooperation for the benefit of all humankind.
Pope Benedict XVI, in 2008, and Pope Paul VI, during his visit 50 years ago for the Organization’s twentieth anniversary, both pointed out that the United Nations is called increasingly to serve as a sign of unity among States and an instrument of service to the entire human family, and that, consequently, the Organization represents the obligatory path of modern civilization and world peace. The United Nations must, therefore, become a place where a true family of nations and peoples can meet and prosper, a place where all forms of war and unilateral intervention will be forever prohibited, not only in words, but above all in the spirit and intentions of every governmental authority.