Mr. President, I take special pleasure in
congratulating you, the representative of
fraternal Hungary, on your election to the
presidency at this thirty seventh session of the
General Assembly. Your unanimous election to this
high post is an expression of the general
recognition of the international authority and
prestige of socialist Hungary and its peace
loving foreign policy. At the same time it is a
tribute to your outstanding personal qualities.
On behalf of the Mongolian delegation, I wish you
every success in the discharge of your
responsible mission. Your great experience in
international affairs, and especially in United
Nations circles, will no doubt serve as a
valuable factor in the successful completion of
this session. At this thirty seventh session the
Assembly faces the urgent tasks of lessening
international tension and reducing the threat of
nuclear war. The world situation has acutely
deteriorated as a result of adventurist actions
of the most aggressive circles of imperialism,
which have set their narrow selfish aims against
the onward march of history. In particular, the
military industrial complex of the United States
of America is seeking to impose the domination of
American imperialism over the whole world and to
establish everywhere an order solely to its
liking. The arms race is being intensified on an
unprecedented scale with a view to upsetting the
existing military and strategic balance to the
detriment of the interests of universal peace and
security. Designs are being nurtured for waging
limited or protracted nuclear wars. Detente and
the principles of peaceful coexistence are being
renounced outright. Force and sanctions have
become the principal instruments of foreign
policy. Attempts are being made to undermine the
very fabric of international relations. Resort to
blackmail, deceit and hypocrisy have become all
too common. Rhetorical statements about peace and
stability camouflage the actions taken to
destabilize the situation in various regions, to
sow distrust and enmity among peoples and States.
Under the pretext of safeguarding vital interests
and national security, blatant interference in
the internal affairs of States, as well as acts
of aggression and even genocide by proxies, are
being perpetrated. I should like to note here
that such tricks are also practised by certain
circles on our Asian continent. In order to
conceal their expansionist ambitions, some offer
assurances that their country would never become
a super Power. In order to divert the attention
of the public from their own country’s increasing
military potential and from its reviving
militarism, others assert that their country
would never become a military Power. The
rewriting of textbooks and historical documents
in order to whitewash the past criminal acts of
the militarists is another case in point. But the
main thing is that the militaristic circles of
imperialism are covering up their attempts to
strike at the socialist community by coarse
slander directed against the peaceful nature of
the socialist system. The clamour about the
nonexistent Soviet military threat is designed to
justify the organization of a crusade against the
real socialism. History knows such tactics.
Immediately after the victory of the October
Revolution, an armed intervention of 14
capitalist States under the slogan of fight
against the communist threat was launched against
the young Soviet Republic. And nowadays attempts
to undermine the very foundations of the
socialist system in the countries of socialism
are not abandoned, which is evidenced by the
aggressive intrigues against the Polish People’s
Republic and the Republic of Cuba. But socialism
has withstood imperialist assaults and invasions
and has now become so strong as to exert a
decisive influence on world events and to serve
as a stronghold of peace, national independence
and the social progress of nations. This is an
historic gain of lasting importance for the
future of mankind. The Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, which celebrates its sixtieth
anniversary this year, is thebulwark of all the
peace loving, democratic and revolutionary
forces. The peace loving policy and constructive
initiative of the socialist community have a
favourable and stabilizing impact on the world
situation and actively promote United Nations
activities for the maintenance of peace and
international cooperation. Here I should like to
note also the influential role played by the
nonaligned movement in consolidating peace and
security and in restructuring international
relations on an anti imperialist and anti
colonialist basis. We give due credit also to the
realistic approach of sober minded statesmen in
Western countries who stand for the maintenance
and development of mutually beneficial relations
between East and West and for the preservation
and strengthening of detente. The intensified
mass antiwar movement in the world is an
important factor that promotes the objectives of
the United Nations in maintaining international
peace and security. Meanwhile the following
striking example reveals the attitude of major
imperialist Powers these objectives of the United
Nations. At the very moment that the first
special session of the General Assembly on
disarmament was under way in 1978 here in New
York, a long term programme of an arms buildup by
NATO was adopted nearby in Washington. And this
year that programme was again reaffirmed in Bonn,
at the highest level of the NATO alliance, during
the second special session devoted to
disarmament. The peace programme for the 1980s
put forward by the Soviet Union and the
constructive initiatives of socialist countries
envisage practical measures to curb the arms race
and to remove the threat of a nuclear holocaust.
Under the present circumstances, the extremely
far reaching and bold step of the Soviet Union is
the obligation, unilaterally assumed by the
Soviet Union at the second special session of the
General Assembly on disarmament, not to be the
first to use nuclear weapons. We believe that at
the present session the Assembly should call upon
other nuclear Powers to do likewise. We consider
that the new proposal submitted by the Soviet
delegation at this session rightly supplements
the aforementioned initiative of historic
significance. The proposal and the relevant
document on the immediate cessation and
prohibition of nuclear weapon tests seeks to
speed up the stagnant negotiations in this field.
The new draft of basic provisions of a treaty on
the complete and general prohibition of nuclear
weapon tests constructively reflects the views
and observations of other States on this matter,
in the verification issues, and thus undoubtedly
improves the chances for a positive outcome of
negotiations. The proposal to set a moratorium on
any nuclear explosions, starting from an agreed
date until the treaty is concluded, can create
favourable conditions for achieving this vital
goal. The same goal is then pursued by the Soviet
Union, which clearly expressed its readiness to
ratify at any time, on a reciprocal basis, the
Soviet United States treaties on the limitation
of underground nuclear weapon tests and on
nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes, as well
as to resume tripartite negotiations. This
position of the Soviet Union is in glaring
contrast to the recent decision of the United
States Administration not to resume tripartite
negotiations, which has given rise to concern in
the world community. The carrying out of a
comprehensive ban on nuclear weapon tests is of
special significance in putting an end to the
technological arms race, preventing the
production of new types of nuclear weapons,
including neutron weapons. The Government of the
Mongolian People’s Republic regards as timely and
important the new initiative of the Soviet Union
on intensification of efforts to remove the
threat of nuclear war and ensure the safe
development of nuclear energy. It is essential to
block firmly a new channel which could result in
incidents of nuclear catastrophe. The General
Assembly, in the spirit of its Declaration on the
Prevention of Nuclear Catastrophe, should, as
proposed by theSoviet Union, declare the
destruction of peaceful nuclear facilities, even
by means of conventional weapons, to be
equivalent to an attack carried out with the use
of nuclear weapons. Such an action, as we know,
would be termed a crime against humanity. The
talks between the Soviet Union and the United
States on the limitation and reduction of
strategic arms, as well as medium range nuclear
missiles in Europe, are of decisive significance
as regards a wide range of disarmament problems.
Those talks, which concern the very core of the
global strategic situation, will be successful
provided that the two parties strictly observe
the principle of equality and equal security.
Attempts to evade that principle in particular,
manoeuvres such as the zero option are the main
obstacle to reaching mutually acceptable
agreements. The problem of the elimination of
chemical weapons has of late become especially
acute. It stems from the decision adopted by
Washington to accelerate the development and
manufacture of new types of this barbaric weapon
including binary weapons. The Mongolian People’s
Republic is in favour of intensifying the efforts
of the Committee on Disarmament so as to complete
the elaboration of an international convention on
the prohibition of chemical weapons and on their
destruction. Actions aimed at spreading the arms
race to outer space are becoming more and more
ominous. The Mongolian People’s Republic is
endeavouring in every way possible to bring about
an early start of the work of the Committee on
Disarmament on the elaboration of the text of an
international treaty on the prohibition of the
deployment of weapons of any kind in outer space.
Among the measures for strengthening universal
peace and security, the Government of the
Mongolian People’s Republic attaches great
significance to the Vienna Talks on Mutual
Reduction of Forces; Armaments and Associated
Measures in Central Europe. The achievement of
positive results in those talks would have a
favourable effect on the improvement of relations
between East and West and on the international
situation as a whole. A realistic approach is
required of the Western partners to the
constructive proposals of the socialist countries
so as to pave the way for achieving progress in
this field. The same stand is taken by the
Mongolian People’s Republic in its approach to
the Madrid meeting of the participants in the
Conference on Security and Co operation in Europe
which was held at Helsinki in 1975. My Government
commends the efforts by the neutral and
nonaligned States taking part in the meeting that
are aimed at working out a generally acceptable
final document. It hopes that the meeting will
succeed in adopting a decision to convene a
conference on confidence building measures and
disarmament in Europe and taking other towards
consolidating the spirit of the Helsinki Final
Act. My delegation believes that a settlement of
the Cyprus problem on the basis of the relevant
United Nations decisions and the principles of
respect for the national independence and
territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus
is of great importance for the cause of peace and
stability in Europe. In Asia the largest number
of hotbeds of tension and armed conflicts
continue to exist. Developments: the Middle East
during the past several months prove that a delay
in the settlement of so called local conflicts is
fraught with dangerous consequences for the cause
of universal peace. The armed aggression against
Lebanon and the massacre in west Beirut are the
direct aftermath of the Camp David deal and of
the so called United States Israeli strategic
cooperation. The Government of the Mongolian
People’s Republic in its statement of 22
September this year resolutely condemned Israel’s
acts of aggression and genocide in Lebanon and
stated anew that the responsibility for the
atrocities must be borne by Tel Aviv and its
United States patrons. The Mongolian People’s
Republic demands the withdrawal of Israeli forces
from Lebanon and from all occupied Arab
territories. The Mongolian Copies Republic, like
the overwhelming majority of States, advocates a
comprehensive settlement of the Middle East
problem with the participation of all the parties
concerned, including the PLO the legitimate
representative of the Arab people of Palestine on
the basis of ensuring its right to create a
national State of its own. Therefore my
Government supports the proposal made by the
Soviet Union on 15 September this year, which
takes into account the latest developments in the
Middle East. The Government of the Mongolian
People’s Republic regards as positive the
declaration of the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference, held at Fez, and regards it as a
basis which would contribute to uniting the Arab
world in the interest of settling the Middle East
problem. For many years the situation in South
East Asia has remained highly tense. The reason
for that, we strongly believe, lies in the policy
and practices of the imperialisms and their
accomplices, who, in pursuance of their so called
parallel strategic interests, seek to alter which
emerged in Indo China as a result of the
triumphant struggle of the peoples of Viet Nam,
Laos and Kampuchea against imperialist
aggression. At the same time attempts are being
made to incite the countries of the Association
of South East Asian Nations to engage in
confrontation against the three countries of Indo
China and to have ASEAN transformed into a
military political bloc. Quite recently a new
manoeuvre concerning Kampuchea was undertaken. A
so calted coalition Government of nonexistent
Democratic Kampuchea was knocked together and
serves as a camouflage for attempts to revive the
Pol Pot regime, on whose conscience lies bloody
genocide against its own people. This is a new
machination not only against the peoples of Indo
China but also against peace and security in
South East Asia as a whole. The Mongolian
People’s Republic firmly believes that all the
problems of South East Asia should be resolved by
the States of that region themselves, through
constructive dialogue and without any outside
interference. The initiatives taken by Viet Nam,
the Lao People’s Democratic Republic and the
People’s Republic of Kampuchea in July of this
year at the conference held in Ho Chi Minh City
are constructive and directed to that end. Those
proposals and steps demonstrating good will are
conducive to the creation of a spirit of mutual
trust and of favourable conditions for
strengthening peace and security in the region
and for developing good neighborly relations and
peaceful cooperation between the countries of
Indo China and those of ASEAN. The Mongolian
People’s Republic has consistently supported the
just struggle of the Korean people for the
peaceful and democratic reunification of its
country, and for the withdrawal of United States
troops and nuclear facilities from South Korea.
At present the situation in Asia is being
aggravated still further by the fact that the
expansionist and militarist circles of certain
major Powers of that continent are being drawn
more and more into the orbit of United States
military and political strategy. That calls for
the active involvement of Asian States in the
struggle for strengthening peace and security on
that continent. My delegation notes with
satisfaction that a number of Asian countries are
advancing constructive ideas and proposals. The
proposal made on 24 August 1981 by the Government
of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan points
the way to the solution of the situation which
has arisen around Afghanistan on the basis of
respect for the sovereignty, independence and
democratic achievements of the Afghan people. In
that context the Mongolian People’s Republic
welcomed the meetings between the representatives
of Afghanistan and Pakistan, held through the
good offices of the Secretary General. Against
the background of the present situation in the
Far East, the proposal made by the Soviet Union
concerning the drafting and implementation of
confidence building measures in that region is of
great importance. The proposal made by the Govern
ment of the Mongolian People’s Republic on the
conclusion of a convention on mutual
nonaggression and nonuse of force in relations
between the States of Asia and the Pacific is in
keeping with this and other initiatives. The very
purpose of our initiative is to proscribe the use
of force in interState relations, which would
strengthen mutual understanding and trust in
order that all disputes can be settled by
peaceful means alone. We consider that dialogue
and negotiations constitute the only reasonable
way to solve problems of peace and the security
of States. I should like to stress here that the
Mongolian proposal is not a mere repetition of
the obligation not to use force undertaken by
States in accordance with the Charter. It has as
its aim the realistic implementation of that
principle, with due regard for the multifaceted
practices and the specific features of interState
relations in Asia. In spite of some assertions,
the existence of many unresolved problems in Asia
proves that our proposal is timely. It is clear
that efforts for the peaceful resolution of
conflict situations between individual States or
in different regions specifically require the
adoption of measures to exclude the use of force.
We in the Mongolian; People’s Republic hope that
the efforts of the representatives of nonaligned
States, which deserve encouragement and support
will bring about a peaceful securement of the
conflict between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of
Iran and create conditions for the establishment
of peaceful relations in that important part of
western Asia. Naturally, we realize that the
implementation of cur initiative will require
time and painstaking efforts. My delegation, on
behalf of the Mongolian Government, wishes to
express its gratitude to all Governments which
support our initiative. The Mongolian People’s
Republic has consistently supported the efforts
of nonaligned countries to turn the Indian Ocean
into a zone of peace, and we favour the convening
of an international conference on this issue in
1983. We consider as timely the appeal to refrain
from any steps likely to complicate the situation
in that region. A danger to international peace
is posed by remnants of colonialism and by the
neocolonialist intrigues of imperialist forces.
The racist Pretoria regime, relying on the
support of imperialist circles, is seeking to
perpetuate in one way or another its domination
in Namibia, and it systematically commits acts of
aggression against neighboring countries. In our
view, the Assembly at this session should once
again speak out in favour of the imposition of
comprehensive sanctions against South Africa.
Like other countries, the Mongolian People’s
Republic is in favour of the immediate granting
of independence to the people of Namibia through
its legitimate representative, SWAPO, on the
basis of United Nations resolutions. There should
be no artificial conditions or linkages. In that
connection, the Government of the Mongolian
People’s Republic most emphatically condemns
Pretoria’s aggressive intrigues against the
People’s Republic of Angola, Mozambique and other
frontline States. The events in the South
Atlantic have vividly demonstrated the danger
posed to peace by the continued existence of any
colonial possessions, even the smallest and
remotest. At the same time, those events
emphasized the urgent need to complete the
process of decolonization. My delegation
considers that the problem of the Malvinas
Islands should be solved only through
negotiations and on the basis of the relevant
United Nations resolutions on the decolonization
of that Territory. The Mongolian People’s
Republic supports the granting of independence to
Puerto Rico. Moreover, it is opposed to making
Micronesia a colonial possession. The Mongolian
people condemns the growing intrigues against
revolutionary Nicaragua and the patriotic forces
of El Salvador. Imperialism’s neocolonialist
strategy assigns an important place to attempts
at splitting the OAU, which plays an important
role in the struggle for peace, freedom and
independence on the African continent. The
Mongolian delegation expresses the hope that the
Tripoli declaration of 8 August 1982 will promote
the cause of consolidating the ranks of the OAU.
The pernicious effects of neo colonialism are
clearly shown in the economic policies of
imperialist Powers towards developing countries.
Economic relations between imperialist Powers on
the one hand and developing countries on the
other are characterized by exploitation and
plundering of the latter. That is the main reason
for the constant deterioration of the social and
economic situation in newly liberated States. The
leading Western Powers disregard the just demands
of developing countries for a restructuring of
international economic relations, and they are
preventing the implementation of progressive
provisions of such important United Nations
documents as the Charter of Economic Rights and
Duties of States and the Declaration and
Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New
International Economic Order	The Mongolian
People’s Republic is in favour of the democratic
reshaping of international economic relations and
of economic decolonization. The Government of the
Mongolian People’s Republic condemns the attempts
of imperialist Powers to use trade and other
forms of economic ties as instruments of their
aggressive policy. Such a course undermines the
very foundation of international economic
cooperation and results in increasing tension in
the world. My delegation believes that the
comprehensive United Nations Convention on the
Law of the Sea meets the interests of all
countries and can contribute significantly to the
cause of strengthening peaceful cooperation among
States in the vast space of the world’s oceans.
The Mongolian People’s Republic advocates the
signing of the Convention by all States and its
speedy entry into force. We resolutely reject any
actions and deals directed towards arbitrary
utilization of the world’s oceans and their
resources in evasion or in violation of the
provisions of that Convention. In conclusion, the
Mongolian delegation wishes to emphasize once
again the urgent need to adopt measures on the
implementation of the Declaration on the
Strengthening of International Security enhancing
the effectiveness of the principle of
renunciation of the use of force or the threat of
its use in international relations. In the same
spirit the Government of the Mongolian People’s
Republic reiterates its stand in favour of
stimulating the activities of the United Nations
and its principal organ the Security Council,
which bears the main responsibility for the
maintenance of collective security on the basis
of strict observance of the provisions of the
Charter. My delegation will be guided by this
policy in its participation in the work of the
present session.


I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your election
to the presidency of the thirty-seventh session
of the General Assembly. I am convinced that with
your vast knowledge and experience in
international relations you will ably steer the
Assembly towards a successful conclusion. I
assure you of my delegation's full co-operation.
I wish on this occasion to commend your
predecessor, Mr. Kittani of Iraq, for having ably
presided over the General Assembly at its
thirty-sixth session. I wish also to commend the
Secretary-General for the impressive manner in
which he has discharged the responsibilities of
his office. We wish him every success.

2.	We are meeting once again to continue our
collective efforts to find solutions to world
problems. Since the last regular session, there
is very little that we can point to in the
direction of progress that we have achieved.
Indeed, the year has been one of the most
turbulent in recent times.

3.	The international community has witnessed
not only the perpetuation of tensions and
rivalries, which have now become the order of the
day, but has also watched with horror and
apprehension as some of these tensions and
rivalries have flared into open warfare,
resulting in loss of human life and occasioning
untold misery for surviving victims. The
continuing armed conflict between the Islamic
Republic of Iran and Iraq, the conflict in the
South Atlantic, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon
and subsequent massacre of Palestinian civilians
in the Shatila and Sabra refugee camps in Beirut,
the grave situation in southern Africa and the
deterioration in the relations between the
super-Powers, among others, have been of great
concern to the international community.

4. Of equal concern to us in Zambia is the fact
that so many international and regional bodies
whose essential purpose is to find peaceful
solutions to world problems have been deadlocked.
For example, the Organization of African Unity
[OAU] and the countries of the non-aligned
movement have not been able to meet at summit
level this year as scheduled. Furthermore, the
Security Council, an institution which the
Organization established for the purpose of
maintaining international peace and security, has
been reduced to a mere debating forum and its
resolutions are now honoured more in the breach
than in the observance. We are thus drifting into
a situation where the United Nations will no
longer be in a position to protect the weak or
the humble from wanton aggression by the strong
and the bully in our midst.

5. We live under the shadow of a nuclear
holocaust and in an era where conventional
weapons have proliferated 'and have been
perfected. Efforts by the Organization to bring
about general and complete disarmament under
effective international control have so far not
yielded any meaningful results. It is
regret-table that at the second special session
devoted to disarmament the Assembly could not
even adopt a document on a comprehensive
programme• of disarmament. The current
disquieting international situation demands that
we rededicate ourselves to the cause 'of general
and complete disarmament under effective
international control. As recent public
demonstrations supportive of disarmament have
shown, the peoples of the world are growing
restive and impatient at the lack of progress in
the field of disarmament.

6. Allow me now to turn to the problems relating
to the state of affairs in the international
economy. When the developing nations called for
the establishment of a new international economic
order way back in the mid-1970s, their aim was
not to redistribute the existing wealth
throughout the world, thereby scaling down the
level of affluence in the developed communities.
On the contrary, their primary concern was to
create conditions that would allow them to
develop their material and human potential to the
full and consequently eradicate poverty, hunger9
disease and ignorance which are rampant in their
own countries. Accelerated development of the
developing countries poses no threat to the
economies of the developed countries. It can only
lead to the attainment of better conditions of
Jiving for an mankind and an equitable sharing
and utilization of the resources of our one
world. However, our concerted attempts to bring
about a fair and just economic system have
foundered at every turn. Past negotiating
conferences such as the Paris talks, the fourth
and fifth sessions of UNCTAD, the third
conference of UNIDO, the Committee Established
under Resolution 32/l7( on the preparations for
the launching of the global negotiations, and
many others have not yielded tangible results.
Today the international community is in a much
worse condition. than it was a few years ago.

7. The developed countries are experiencing least
growth rates, persistent and rising unemployment
and instability in their currencies. For them the
problem of how to rescue their economies from
further recession and possible collapse. They
have accordingly resorted to protectionism and
restrictions in trade, investments and transfer
of resources, measures which themselves are
exacerbating, the already fragile and declining
economies.

8. The developing countries, on the other hand,
are experiencing decreased export earnings
coupled with increased costs of essential imports
such as food and energy, an escalating external
debt burden and a tight reserve situation. Under
these circumstances they have no aliern2tive but
to reduce their overall economic activities and
as a result per capita gross national product
declines from year to year. The consequence of
that situation in most developing countries,
especially in Africa, has been an increase in the
incidence of absolute poverty.

9. These trends do not augur well for the
economies of either the developed or the
developing countries, especially when they
manifest themselves at such an early stage of the
Third United Nations Development Decade. Here too
we need to review the collective decisions we
took two years ago when we set out the policy
guidelines of International development Strategy
for the Third United Nations Development Decade.
Concerted efforts have to be undertaken to
reverse the present trends. The international
community has already diagnosed the world economy
and ascertained that the remedy lies in
structural adjustments.

10. My delegation is of the view that the
responsibility for promoting development and
meeting the needs of our peoples naturally rests
with national Governments. None the less. the
international community, including the United
Nations system itself, should assist in
mobilizing the resources and expertise necessary
to help those countries in need to resolve their
numerous developmental problems.

11. The current situation is more alarming, not
only because of the magnitude and dimensions of
the economic recession but also because of the
erosion of international co-operation and the
limitations in certain policies which are
instituted to deal with recession. In a world of
rising expectations and increasing communications
between nations and social groups, a lack of
response to the pressing demand for improving the
quality of human life can be a real source of
conflict not only at the national but also at the
international level. In this respect, the level
of voluntary contributions to UNDP, to mention
but one, has experienced a decline. There is real
danger that, if the present trend in voluntary
contributions to the various .United Nations
development-oriented agencies continues, the much
cherished and noble aims and ideals of the United
Nations body in this regard are likely to be
compromised.

12. My delegation firmly believes that
institutional changes and structural reforms in
the world economy which could contribute to
lasting solutions to our current problems can
only result from a global and integrated approach
to these problems. The global negotiations, which
were decided upon by the General Assembly in its
resolution 34/138, offer the best chance to the
international community to achieve the desired
objectives. It is through meaningful
inter-dependence and collective action that
economicprogress will be achieved. We hope that
the global negotiations will be launched in the
not too distant future and that they will result
in concrete measures which all countries will
find It easy to adopt, and thereby bring about
the necessary structural changes leading to the
establishment of a new international economic
order.

13. The international political agenda is made up
of many and complex problems which equally
provoke grave concern and require urgent
solutions. Let me now briefly reiterate Zambia's
position in respect of some of them.

14. We are concerned about the increase in the
great Power rivalries in and around the Indian
Ocean. We want to see the long-delayed Conference
on the Indian Ocean, to be held at Colombo,
convened urgently with a view to adopting
effective measures to fulfil the aims and
objectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean
as a Zone of IS.	We support the efforts
by  the  Organization. including the good offices
of the Secretary-General. to find political
solutions and to obtain the withdrawal of foreign
forces from Afghanistan and Kampuchea.

16. We support the efforts of the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea to bring about the
reunification of Korea and once again call for
the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of
foreign troops from South Korea.

17. We remain steadfast in support of the
independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity
and non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus.
We call for meaningful progress in the
intercommunal talks and for an early agreement on
the withdrawal of foreign forces from Cyprus.

18.	I wish now to focus particularly on the
questions of southern Africa and the Middle East~
as well as to outline briefly Zambia's perception
of the institution of the United Nations.
19. The situation in southern Africa still looms
over us as one of the major factors contributing
to the deterioration in international relations.
The issues in that perturbed region are well
known. I wish none the less to recount them. They
are, first, the continued illegal occupation of
Namibia by South Africa; secondly, the policies
and practices of apartheid of the South African
regime; and, thirdly, South Africa's military
aggression against and its destabilization of
neighbouring Independent African States.

20. Four years have passed since the Security
Council adopted resolution 435 (1978) on Namibia.
That resolution was welcomed by the international
com-munity as a practical and realistic basis for
the termination by South Africa of its illegal
occupation of Namibians for the Territory's
process to its long-delayed independence. To
date, Namibia remains under illegal South African
occupation as the numerous efforts undertaken to
put resolution 435 (1978) into effect have ~en of
no avail.

21. This session of the General Assembly takes
place against the background of renewed efforts
to break out of the impasse over the
implementation of resolution 435 (1978).
Consultations involving the South West Africa
People's Organization [SWAPO], the front-line
States and Nigeria on the one hand and the
contact group of five Western States and South
Africa on the other have been held in the last
three months here in New York with a view to
resolving outstanding issues pertaining to the
implementation of the United Nations plan for the
independence of Namibia. These consultations
resulted in agreement on virtua1ly all relevant
issues. The one important out-standing issue
concerns the electoral system to be used to elect
a constituent assembly in Namibia. South Africa
has not made its position known on this issue.

22. It is the firm view of my Government that the
momentum which has been generated in regard to
the independence of Namibia should not be lost.
We wish to see the implementation process begin
without further delay. South Africa should not be
given any pretext to frustrate further the
implementation of resolution 435 (1978). We
would, therefore, utter a caution against the
introduction of extraneous issues which would
have the effect of delaying the independence of
Namibia. In this regard, we reject the linkage
that is being insisted upon between Namibia's
independence and the presence of Cuban forces in
Angola. There would be absolutely no
justification for Namibia's independence to be
delayed on account of issues which are clearly
outside the, -letter and spirit of resolution 435
(1978).

23.	On the question of apartheid and minority
rule in South Africa, my country has been
unequivocal in condemning that obnoxious system.
We have repeatedly warned South Africa that a
people cannot be suppressed forever. Already, the
struggle by the non-white people of South Africa
has become formidable. The march is on, and no
amount of arms, mass arrests, police brutality or
torture will stop it until the apartheid system
is destroyed and majority rule is established in
that country.

24.	It is true that the racist regime has
become more ruthless in suppressing the uprising
by the oppressed majority, but so too has the
people's determination to fight that regime
intensified. The policy of bantustanization and
the concept of divide and rule, whereby the
regime is trying to play the Coloured and Indian
communities against the black people by allowing
the former a few more privileges than their black
colleagues, will deceive no one. They have been
exposed for what they are: desperate manoeuvres
aimed at perpetuating apartheid.

25.	The oppressed people of South Africa wish
to see the establishment of a democratic system
of government in their country. That is a quest
for Justice that requires support from the rest
of civilized mankind, including in particular
those countries of the Western world which invest
heavily in South Africa, and which, through those
strong economic links with Pretoria, could bring
maximum pressure to bear on the South African
regime to abolish apartheid and bring about
majority rule.

26.	Let those who have interests of any sort
in South Africa not be blinded by the massive
short-term profits that they are reaping under
apartheid. It will be in their long-term interest
to exert effective pressure on South Africa lo
abandon the apartheid system.

27.	My Government is also seriously concerned
about South Africa's continued acts of aggression
against front-line and other States in southern
Africa. As the international community is well
aware, South African military forces continue to
this day to occupy part of Angolan territory in
flagrant violation of the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of Angola. In addition,
South Africa persists in carrying out military
incursions and cross-border raids into Angola
under the pretext of hot pursuit against SWAPO
freedom fighters. South Africa is also
persistently engaged in clandestine and open
operations which embrace military aggression and
economic subversion as well as harassment of the
neighbouring independent African States with a
view to destabilizing them.

28.	It is in the light of that situation that
I urge those who are allies of the Pretoria
regime not only to point out the folly of its
adventurism, but also to cease giving support to
it. I also urge the Assembly to demand urgently
the complete and unconditional withdrawal of
South Africa's military forces from Angola, and
the cessation of all its acts of aggression
against and destabilization of the front-line
States and other neighbouring States.

29.	With regard to the Middle East problem, I
wish to express my Governments indignation at and
condemnation of the unprovoked and premeditated
invasion of Lebanon by Israeli forces and the
cold-blooded massacre of innocent Palestinian
civilians in refugee camps. The loss of civilian
live~ and massive destruction of property caused
by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon are
reminiscent of the holocaust of the Jewish people
themselves in Nazi Germany, and should be
unreservedly condemned by all peace-loving
peoples the world over. It is ironic that a
people which suffered so much under Nazi Germany
tyranny should now have become the
standard-bearer and apparent admirer of Nazi-type
atrocities.

30.	I wish to state that the solution of the
problem does not lie in the liquidation of the
Palestinian people or in their expulsion from
Lebanon. It is foolhardy for Israel to believe
that it can put an end to the legitimate and
cherished aspirations of the Palestinian people
through massive use of force of arms.

31.	The invasion of Lebanon and the massive
loss of innocent lives in that country have
highlighted the urgent need to find a lasting
solution to the Middle East problem, at the core
of which• lies the question of the inalienable
right of the Palestinian people to
self-determination and to the establishment of an
independent state in Palestine.

32.	We call upon those who have the leverage
to exert pressure on Israel to abandon its acts
of aggression against its neighbours and to
recognize the rights of the Palestinian people.
We remain convinced that a just and comprehensive
solution to the problem of the Middle East should
be found within the frame-work of the United
Nations.

33.	The report' of the Secretary-General on
the work of the Organization, which is before the
Assembly, is incisive, frank and objective. He
has eloquently expressed the concerns of many
people all over the world who believe in the
United Nations and want the Organization to be
strengthened so that it can meet the cha1lenges
of the present-day world and fulfil its historic
role in the maintenance of international peace
and security.

34. My delegation welcomes the report of the
Secretary-General. The events of this year above
all require that .we take a critical look at the
peace-making and peace-keeping role of the United
Nations, particularly that of the Security
Council, which regrettably seems to have been
reduced to the role of a mere spectator while
some of its permanent members have actively
pursued initiatives of their own outside the
framework of the United Nations.

35. If we truly believe in the institution-the
United Nations-we cannot and should not, as its
Member States, merely give lip service to the
Organization. nor should we seek to find
solutions based on narrow national interests to
important problems of universal interest and
concern outside the United Nations framework.

36.	Political will on the part of all Member
States is of the essence if we are to strengthen
the United Nations and revitalize its role in the
maintenance of international peace and security.
We need political will to implement and strictly
adhere to the resolutions and decisions of the
United Nations. We need political will to engage
earnestly in a constructive dialogue to examine
and perfect the mechanisms for promoting the aims
and objectives of the United Nations.

37.	Let me say specifically that it remains
the considered view of the Zambian Government
that all Member States should do everything
possible to support the work of. the Special
Committee on the Charter of the United Nations
and on the Strengthening of the Role of the
Organization. No single issue should be
considered sacrosanct. The Special Commit-tee
should have the latitude to consider all issues
relevant to the strengthening of the United
Nations and enhancing its effectiveness in
resolving the problems which trouble
international relations.

38. The United Nations remains the only hope for
mankind in the long search for lasting solutions
to the multifaceted problems confronting our one
world. Let us therefore rededicate ourselves to
the purposes and principles of the United Nations
and do all we can to ensure that the Organization
lives up to the expectations envisaged by the
founding fathers.


Before discussing the international situation,
which this year again can only be described as
critical dangerous and explosive, I must
associate myself with my colleagues in expressing
our sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your
election to the presidency of this session. Your
reputation as a seasoned diplomat, your long
experience acquired in the course of a brilliant
career and your deep knowledge of the workings of
the Organization will enable you, I am certain,
to conduct the proceedings of the General
Assembly with all the skill required in these
difficult times.
2.	I should like to take this opportunity
also to express very sincere thanks to some other
outstanding persons, and first to Mr. Kittani,
President of the thirty-sixth session, for the
masterful and tenacious manner in which he
assumed his heavy responsibilities.
3.	Our thanks go also to Mr. Waldheim, who
for 10 years as Secretary-General saw to the
proper functioning of the Organization. His
tireless dedication and the matchless skill with
which he carried out his duties deserve our
appreciation.
4.	Finally, let me turn to the new
Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who
since he assumed his functions has brilliantly
succeeded in convincing us all of his exceptional
qualities and his tireless dedication to the
service of the Organization. I wish to reiterate
to him our assurance of full and constructive
cooperation on the part of the Government and
people of Luxembourg.
5.	The sessions of the General Assembly
offer us an opportunity each year to take stock
of the world situation. The Danish
representative, speaking yesterday at the 8th
meeting on behalf of the 10 member States of the
European Community, presented the views of the
Community on the world situation. It goes without
saying that we fully subscribe to his statements,
so that I may confine myself to emphasizing
certain problems which are of particular concern
to us.
6.	In our view, the world situation has
steadily worsened since last year. The
fundamental equilibriums which have dominated our
globe since the Second World War are breaking
down; the worst economic crisis since the war
continues to beset us without respite; there are
more and more centres of conflict. Thus East-West
relations, which are essential in determining the
political situation of the moment, continue to
deteriorate. Events in Poland, especially since
last December, have added dangerously to this
tension, so that the process of detente between
East and West, which was so promising, not so
long ago, has suffered serious setbacks.
7. In our view, detente can only be one and
indivisible. Our position in this regard is clear
and in conformity with the principles of the
Charter of the United Nations and the Final Act
of Helsinki. These two documents guarantee inter
alia the right of each people to choose and
freely develop its own political, social,
economic and cultural system, as well as to
determine its own laws and regulations. Logically
the Helsinki document refers to the necessity for
each State to abstain from any intervention,
direct or indirect, in the internal or external
affairs falling within the national competence of
another State, whatever their mutual relations
may be.
I need not stress here that all the countries of
Eastern Europe have solemnly subscribed to the 10
principles of the Final Act. The events in Poland
are in flagrant contradiction of those
principles. The same is true of the Soviet
Union's invasion of Afghanistan. Such flagrant
violations have in no way served the process of
strengthening mutual confidence. Thus it is not
surprising that East-West relations have been
seriously affected.
9.	A return to dialogue among all the
component parts of Polish society and respect for
the rights of self- determination of the peoples
concerned are essential for the restoration of a
climate of true and lasting detente.
10.	For our part, we remain firmly attached
to the concept of such a true detente and an
improving climate of confidence between East and
West. We hope that, in the framework of the
Conference on Security and Co operation in
Europe, it will prove possible to achieve an
agreement on a balanced text guaranteeing real
progress in all spheres, when the Madrid review
session resumes its work in November.
11.	In view of the slowness of the process of
disarmament, the convening of a conference on
disarmament in Europe, in conditions enabling
tangible results to be achieved, seems to us to
be more indispensable than ever. The
concentration of weapon systems on the old
continent, which is by far the highest in the
world, has reached unacceptable proportions.
12 In view of the disappointing results of the
second special session devoted to disarmament, we
think that a regional approach, with a smaller
number of participants, to the problems of the
reduction of armaments might be more realistic,
and offer better chances of achieving tangible
results. This does not mean that we oppose the
carrying out of the world-wide efforts. On the
contrary, the United Nations ought indeed to be
able to play a more important role in this
process than it has been able to do so far.
Unfortunately, the second special session devoted
to disarmament, in which so much hope had been
placed by millions of citizens of good faith
throughout the world, did not give any grounds
for justified optimism in this regard.
12.	That special session of the Assembly,
however, did have the merit of producing a
considerable impact on public opinion and
beginning a process of creating awareness, the
effects of which may be felt only in the medium
or long term. We hope that the new phenomenon of
the pacifist movement—which should be allowed to
express itself freely, even though efforts are
made to prevent it—will succeed in bringing moral
pressure to bear throughout the world to advance
the cause of disarmament, so vital for the future
of humanity.
13.	The nuclear nations have a special role
in the disarmament process. I take this
opportunity to say how much importance we attach
to ensuring that negotiations between the United
States and the Soviet Union on nuclear weapons of
medium range lead rapidly to tangible results. We
Europeans are indeed the first to be concerned
about this type of weaponry and for us the
success of those negotiations is of primordial
importance.
14.	We hope also that the negotiations begun
this year between the United States and the
Soviet Union on strategic arms reduction lead to
results within a reasonable length of time and we
are confident that the proposals of the West
submitted within the framework of the Vienna
Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments
and Associated Measures in Central Europe will
make it possible to bring about a progressive
reduction of military forces.
15.	If disarmament is a key problem in
East-West relations, it is equally true of
North-South relations. In this context the
problem is mainly one of conventional armaments
and the disproportionate financial burden of
armaments on the heavily burdened budgets of most
developing countries.
16.	However, the predominant issue in
North-South relations is clearly the economic
problem. The longest and most severe economic
crisis since the last war has had a particularly
damaging effect on the developing countries,
primarily the least advanced. That crisis, in my
view, is the main reason why it has not been
possible so far, despite long and laborious
negotiations, to start global negotiations aimed
at establishing a new international economic
order.
17.	Luxembourg has always been, and remains,
favourable to the launching of global
negotiations. Considering the time spent on
negotiating merely the procedure and the agenda,
without its leading to an acceptable result for
all, this session may well be our last chance. If
we do not succeed in getting the process under
way now, this ambitious and grand undertaking may
remain a dead letter. Have we been too ambitious
in our objectives in wishing to attack all the
problems at a stroke? Is an undertaking of such
dimensions viable in these times of crisis? Are
there other alternatives which are less ambitious
but morerealistic and have better chances of
success? These are questions that must be
answered at this session.
18.	In this regard I should like to observe
that if our hopes should be dashed and if global
negotiations do not get under way—which we hope
will not be the case—we ought not be too rigidly
wedded to primarily theoretical concept but try
to attack the problems from a less ambitious but
more concrete point of view.
19.	What is important is that we should
succeed in continuing the dialogue and that we
persist in seeking a solution, whether it be
global or consists of several partial phases. We
should not lose sight of the fact that it is the
principle of interdependence that is the
governing factor, interdependence in an
increasingly complex world.
20.	Unfortunately, the economic difficulties
of today lead to nationalistic reactions and
self-protection. The spectre of protectionism is
once again looming on the horizon. Have we so
soon forgotten that the principal cause of the
unparalleled economic boom following the Second
World War was the determined support of the
principles of free trade of goods and services?
21.	Experience has taught us that
protectionism inevitably leads to a limitation of
growth, indeed a reduction in the volume of world
trade, and to particularly damaging repercussions
on the small and weak. That does not exclude the
fact that countries whose economies are close to
autarchy, which of course are less seriously
affected, do not escape the consequences of a
world economy in recession.
22.	My country, which in view of its size is
particularly aware of its dependence and of
interdependence in general, has always been
especially attached to the concept of free trade
in goods and services. I therefore take this
opportunity to emphasize that one must not give
in to protectionist temptations which may in the
short run be alluring but lead, through an
escalation of counter-productive results,
inescapably to a negative balance-sheet for all
trading partners.
23.	I wish also to say a word on hunger in
the world. This question, which is the most
urgent of all, should have absolute priority. It
is indeed absolutely unacceptable that in certain
parts of the world malnutrition should be the
rule when food surpluses are being improperly
used elsewhere and indeed destroyed in order to
maintain a level of prices acceptable to the
producers. The right to decent nutrition is one
of the most fundamental human rights, if not the
most fundamental, and should be guaranteed for
all.
24.	The United Nations and its specialized
services have rendered particularly precious
assistance in all areas where hunger threatens,
but we must observe that the problem is far from
being resolved. Perhaps we are over emphasizing
food aid per se , that is, the mere supply of
food products, whereas it would certainly be
better to enable the populations concerned
themselves to meet their own needs.
25.	After these considerations of East-West
and North-South problems, I should like to turn
to the principal areas of tension in the world
today. We must unfortunately observe that since
last year there has been a tendency for conflicts
to increase. The unfortunately "traditional"
areas of conflict have been compounded by a new
one, that of the South Atlantic.
On that occasion, one of the members of the
European Community was the victim of grave
violations of the principles of the Charter,
namely those of non-resort to the use of force
and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
26.	My country, itself a repeated victim of
annexation and occupation by foreign Powers, can
never condone resort to force or violation of the
right of peoples to self-determination.
27.	As for the Middle East, the situation has
deteriorated continually since the last session
of the General Assembly. The gravity and the
inherent dangers of that crisis, which has
continued to shake that part of the world since
the end of the Second World War, have been
emphasized at countless meetings of the Security
Council and at the seventh emergency special
session, when the Assembly met to consider the
problem on three separate occasions.
28.	The tragic events which have continued at
an infernal pace in Lebanon since the invasion in
June by Israel led about 10 days ago to the
horrible massacre of some 1,000 Palestinian
civilians in two refugee camps in Beirut. That
criminal and irresponsible act, just like the act
committed against President-elect Bashir Gemayel,
can only be condemned. Like its partners in the
European Community, Luxembourg is convinced that
the future of the Lebanese State can be assured
only if all troops at present occupying the
country—those of Israel or the Syrian Arab
Republic—withdraw as soon as possible.
29.	As for the negotiation of a comprehensive
peace for the region, events in Lebanon have
shown the need for all parties to be involved,
which means the Palestine Liberation Organization
as well. The principles that should guide those
negotiations are, more than ever, the security of
all States in the region, including the right of
Israel to exist; justice for all peoples,
including the right of Palestinians to self-
determination with everything that that implies;
and, finally, mutual recognition of all parties
concerned.
30.	I would not wish to fail to welcome the
new American proposals announced by President
Reagan on 1 September, as well as the resolution
which the heads of State and Government of Arab
countries adopted unanimously on 9 September at
Fez at the end of the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference [,4/37/696]. These different ideas,
American and Arab, could encourage concrete
progress in the quest for a just and lasting
peace, to which the people of the Middle East
have aspired for so long. A necessary
precondition, however, is the establishment of a
climate of confidence which is still lacking.
31.	Another dangerous and explosive conflict,
of which there is too little discussion in the
Assembly, is also present in the Middle East. I
am referring to the particularly bloody war
between Iran and Iraq which has led to a huge
number of victims and great material damage. This
is another dangerous destabilizing factor in the
region of the Middle East, which has been so
sorely tried. It is important that reason
overcome fanaticism and that a negotiated
solution put an end to that blood-bath.
32.	In Asia, two serious drawn out conflicts
continue to be of concern. The main
responsibility for these
two conflicts tails to a super-Power, whether it
is guilty of direct intervention, as in
Afghanistan, or indirect intervention, as in
Kampuchea.
33.	The occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet
troops in flagrant violation of the fundamental
principles of the Charter is now in its third
year, despite the vigorous objections of all
justice-loving peoples and the courageous
resistance of the Afghan people. We reiterate our
deep devotion to the right of the Afghan people
to self-determination and its right to return to
its previous status of neutrality and
non-alignment under international guarantees.
34.	In Kampuchea, on the pretext of
eliminating an inhuman genocide regime, Viet Nam
has imposed a puppet Government upon which it
seeks to confer legality. Without wishing in any
way to acquiesce in the barbarous policies of the
Pol Pot Government, we remain convinced that the
invasion by Viet Nam is contrary to the
principles of international law. We shall never
subscribe to the idea that it is incumbent upon a
more powerful neighbour to decide on the
well-being of another nation. We believe that it
is high time for the people of Kampuchea, after
such trials and suffering, at last to have the
opportunity itself to decide on its own future,
and we welcome the formation of a coalition
Government as an important step in that direction.
35.	In Central America, there is no end to
dangerous tension. Although there has been some
progress in certain countries, the situation
remains unstable and the peoples of the region
are far from having achieved the kind of
coexistence enabling them to live in peace and
security. Interesting proposals have been put
forward by certain countries, and we would hope
that they will contribute to diminishing tension
in the near future.
36.	In Africa, there are still numerous
conflicts—in Somalia, Chad or the southern part
of the continent. Let us say at the outset that
the painful problem of apartheid in South Africa
is not near to an acceptable solution. We condemn
this ignoble attack on the dignity of the human
person and we remain convinced of the imperative
need to abandon this policy of racial
discrimination if a dangerous escalation of
violence in southern Africa is to be avoided.
37.	Nevertheless, I should like to end on a
somewhat more optimistic note with regard to this
part of the world: indeed, the Namibian conflict
seems close to a solution. We hope that it will
soon be possible to eliminate the last remaining
obstacles in order to enable the Namibian people
to determine its own future.
38.	In this respect I wish to emphasize how
deserving are all those who played a constructive
role in the solution of this problem, whether
from the group of five Western States or the
front-line States, and I should like to see
others take inspiration from this model, which
proves once again that when people come to the
negotiating table with the firm intention of
succeeding, even the most thorny problems can be
resolved in a manner acceptable to all.
The picture of the international situation I have
just drawn is especially bleak. Rather than
allowing ourselves to be discouraged and falling
prey to pessimism, we should consider this bitter
reality as a new challenge and redouble our
efforts to reverse this trend.
39.	The Organization—at least if we persist
in upholding the Charter—is a precious instrument
in this regard. However, we must make use of this
instrument with deftness and dexterity if it is
to function according to the intentions of its
founders. Hence, we must guard against abusing it
or making inadequate use of it, be it for
propaganda purposes or for short-term political
gain. In particular, we must ensure that every
organ functions in keeping with its mandate and
the principles enshrined in the Charter.
40.	Let us guard against bringing before the
organs of the Organization problems they are not
competent to deal with. Otherwise, the only
result would be a profusion of texts whose impact
would be inversely proportional to their number.
That would only lead to false hopes followed by
political discontent from a public which is
already weary of the few successes of the United
Nations in certain specific tragic and easily
identifiable problems.
41.	Those few thoughts concur with the
substance of the Secretary-General's analysis of
the situation in his report on the work of the
Organization. That report, made without
complacency, speaks to certain weaknesses of the
Organization but, above all, addresses itself to
Governments—that is to say, to us—inviting us to
go beyond short-term political expediency and
rediscover the true objectives of the United
Nations.
42.	The fact remains that the Organization
offers a unique advantage, allowing constant
dialogue amongst all of us. It is up to us to
preserve this advantage and develop it to its
full potential, so that the Organization, in
accordance with paragraph 4 of Article 1 of the
Charter, can be "a centre for harmonizing the
actions of nations in the attainment of common
ends" and remain so for future generations.


It is with a deep sense of pleasure that I
venture to associate myself with the many
well-merited complimentary statements, as my
sources have indicated, made to Mr. Hollai on his
election to this most important office of
President of the General Assembly. I am sure
that, as his predecessor and others before did,
he will conduct the affairs of that office so as
to enhance its authority and add greater lustre,
meaning and dimension to the office itself and
the Organization which its serves. I should like
also to extend to the Secretary-General my
warmest congratulations on his appointment as
administrative head of this world body. He has
assumed the reins of office during a year of
varied far-reaching problems in different parts
of the world. I wish to assure him that Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines will give full support
to his endeavours to bring this troubled world by
patient diplomacy to confront, face and resolve
its problems, and so wish him a pleasant and
rewarding term in office during which he will
draw increasingly the respect of all inside and
outside the Organization.
The election of Mr. Hollai at this thirty-seventh
session comes at a time of unprecedented
conflicts and tension in the world. It was the
ambitious hope of the founders of this United
Nations that such problems as obtain today should
not be the lot of the world. That these conflicts
and tension exist and have persisted over the
years is a serious continuing reflection on
national attitudes: ambition, aggressiveness,
duplicity, pride and honour.
Thirty-seven years after the founding of the
Organization, the only real change has come from
expanded membership. Many former subject peoples
are now free and independent, though not all are
equal. National attitudes are following, in most
cases, the same consistent pattern. We refuse to
learn from the experiences of the past.
Consequently, people are dying, combatants as
well as non-combatants in Lebanon, Afghanistan,
Kampuchea, Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran,
Namibia and elsewhere, all in the name of
furthering national ambition and objectives.
For yet another year I urge again that the time
has come for all Member States to condemn, and to
continue to do so in the strongest possible
terms, acts which clearly violate the Charter,
resolutions and principles of this important
world body. It must be realized that the Charter
is not an instrument to be accepted when it is a
convenient adjunct to national policy and
abrogated when it is not. The Charter must be
accepted as establishing an international code of
conduct between nations. A code it is. By
membership of the Organization we have all agreed
to conform to its spirit and intent. It
recognizes that disputes are often unavoidable
given the present emotional level of the
development of man. He may perhaps evolve into a
different creature in another half million years,
but for now he is Homo Homini Lupus. It was
recognized that for our generation a mechanism
was necessary, hence a machinery for the
resolution of disputes was established. If the
Charter is to be respected and if the authority
of this body is not to be eroded, it must be
respected, the machinery for resolving disputes
must be rigidly adhered to, however painfully
slow and frustrating may be the negotiations.
Parties once at a negotiating table must show a
willingness and desire to reach a consensus. This
is the sane way, the humane way, the wisest and
most resource-conserving way. Is it so difficult
for leaders to accept this?
I know there are those who would frown and say
that this is Utopian and an unrealistic diatribe,
for to accept this is to contemplate the
remodelling of the innate conflicting attitudes
of man. Yet, whatever may be said, it is always
better for both sides to avoid confrontation and
to settle a dispute at the conference table than
on the battlefield. Even for the apparent victor,
there are often more hydra heads springing from
unexpected quarters than the one which the
attempt was made to cut off by force of arms, by
military surgery.
Since 1947 there have been continuous problems
between Israel, the Palestinian people and the
Arab nations. For 35 years this problem has
preoccupied the attention of the Assembly and of
the Security Council and has not been resolved
because of the two genuine but conflicting claims
by the protagonists of both camps. Israel demands
the right to exist within secure borders. The
authentic voice of the Palestinian people, the
Palestine Liberation Organization, demands a free
and autonomous State in an area that is not
exclusive of Israel.
Recent events in Lebanon have compelled my
country to look at this issue in greater depth
and to speak out about the wanton destruction and
carnage that have taken place, particularly in
west Beirut. The death and destruction wrought
before the massacre were inexcusable and
indefensible by any norm of international law;
but that a massacre that should have been
foreseen or guarded against should have been
committed while aid and assistance were given by
Israel to the Christian militia deserves strong
censure from the Assembly. A dark deed has drawn
sharp and bitter protest and is viewed,
justifiably so, with horror by civilized and
rational people everywhere. That that act should
have been committed on the soil of one Member
State by another and that the army of the country
ravaged is not at war or even in a state of
preparedness for war makes it all the more
reprehensible.
Whatever allegations Israel may make to justify
its conduct and action, the scale of the Israeli
response was totally unwarranted and
unjustifiable and cannot with good conscience be
supported even by their most ardent admirers. The
Old Testament advocated an eye for an eye; but
Israel has taken 100 eyes for one eye. It is a
most callous, inhuman display of brute military
might which, while it may have achieved its
political and military objectives, has released
other possible adverse international forces which
may be contained only if Israel withdraws its
troops immediately and without pre-conditions
from Lebanon and thereafter shows a willingness
to accept that if it is to live within secure
boundaries, as Security Council resolution 242
(1967) of 22 November 1967 stipulates, there must
be an accepted corollary that it is the
inalienable right of the Palestinian people to
have a homeland. The recent massacre now brings
this need into sharper focus.
Countries have to be careful that they do not,
even by winning a war, lose the respect and
goodwill of the international community as Israel
has now done so successfully. No country, however
large can allow itself to become an international
outcast; still less one that is small, even
though it is in possession of a powerful military
machine. We all need the goodwill, friendship and
support of each other. Total isolation must be
the worst tragedy with which any country can be
beset. Israel must in its own interest cease
actions which suggest that it has a total
disregard for international opinion.
If we, inside and outside the Assembly, accept
facts, however unpalatable they may be, apparent
problems may become soluble and inexcusable and
unpardonable Christian barbarities such as
occurred in west Beirut may not recur. The fact
is that Israel exists in the hearts of all
Israelis and as a State. The fact is that the PLO
exists in the hearts of all Palestinian people,
wherever they reside. It is therefore ridiculous
for either side to refuse to accept the existence
of the other.
For either side to continue to take firm and
unyielding positions on this issue could lead to
other even more tragic events which, while they
must redound to the shame of the perpetrators and
be to the utter disgust and anger of civilized
people must not occasion guilt among us for any
failure on our part to put an end to this impasse.
There are now three options to be examined in the
search for a peaceful solution to this Middle
East crisis: first, the much-criticized and by
some rejected Camp David accords; secondly,
President Reagan's initiative; and, thirdly, the
plan adopted at the Twelfth Arab Summit
Conference, at Fez.The opposing leaders should
now come together and, with assistance, so
orchestrate their actions that an effective and
lasting peace can come to the area. Those who can
encourage this process must do so, so that peace
can come to a troubled and tortured land,
Lebanon; so that peace can come to a strife-prone
and strife- torn region, the Middle East; so that
peace can exist between the Israelis and the
Arabs, based on a just settlement of the
Palestinian problem: a homeland.
Lebanon should now be given the opportunity to
become a unified country and to live and trade in
peace. Its new President and Government must be
given the support of the international community
to make this possible. It is for the President
and his Government to decide when all
non-Lebanese troops should leave their country.
When it is clear that the Lebanese army, with
international financial support, is firmly in
control, they should, on request, all immediately
depart.
The international community must not appear to be
indifferent to the fate of Afghanistan, a
relatively small country of 15.5 million people.
Foreign troops are in that country. The presence
of those troops is being contested by the
inhabitants of that country—the Afghans. Whatever
may be the stated reason for the presence of
those foreign troops—whether in support and at
the request of the present Government or
otherwise—it is evident that a significant
segment of the population, indeed a majority, is
opposed to the Government and to the presence of
those foreign troops. The fact is not
contestable, since poorly equipped Afghans at
great expense, in terms of loss of life and
property, and at great suffering—both to
combatants and to non-combatants—continue to wage
resistance to an occupation of their country
which they consider to be undesirable.
Neighbouring States have over 3 million—or about
one fifth—of the Afghans as refugees, placing
great strain on the resources of those countries.
Pakistan alone has over 2.7 million. Providing
for these refugees is utilizing a substantial
portion of the resources of international relief
organizations. AH this must make one wonder what
purpose is served by a continuing stalemate with
blood, death and suffering as the end-product.
The image of the occupying Power internationally
is being affected, and the validity and wisdom of
its political and military objectives must be
questioned. Without asking for a response, I am
sure that Afghanistan is an embarrassment to that
occupying Power. It has touched a lever which it
now wishes, quite likely, it had never touched,
yet still somehow refuses to release.
I appeal to the occupying Power to show that
great courage which I know it possesses, and of
which it is capable, and set a small country free
to determine its own future as it wishes. Let it
hold discussions with the Afghan nationalist
fighters with a view to ending the conflict; let
it agree to the holding of elections under United
Nations supervision and secure observer status
for such a team; let it negotiate, if possible, a
neutral Afghanistan, but this should not be a
pre-condition for the holding of free and fair
elections. I appeal further to the occupying
Power to start the process now and show the
greatness and compassion of which it is capable.
We of the Assembly must all work unceasingly to
bring to an end the cycle of suffering, death and
destruction occurring in that once quiet and
peaceful country, now turned into a divided,
suffering and unhappy land.
The Kampuchean question is another very sad
continuing episode. It is wrong for any outside
Power to impose itself by force of arms on
another country or by direct intervention decide
who should administer a country. It is all the
more heinous when to achieve that result it
occasions untold human suffering. Those foreign
troops now in occupation of Kampuchea should be
removed. Our national concern is that we cannot
be indifferent to human suffering, regardless of
when or where it may occur but especially when it
occurs under the domination of a foreign Power
determined to demonstratethat might is right. Let
the people decide whether they wish the new
Coalition or the present Phnom Penh Government.
The foreign troops occupying Kampuchea have
caused, in addition to the loss of lives and
property, severe refugee problems in neighbouring
countries. Will this unremitting foreign
intervention never cease? It should and must. The
Kampucheans should be left in peace to determine
their future by dialogue and through a freely
supervised electoral process.
The Iraqi-Iran war, although not one in which
foreign troops are the interventionists or the
protectors of their perceived but often misjudged
interests, is nevertheless a terrible war, being
fought with the most sophisticated types of
conventional weapons in an important and
sensitive part of the world. It is not for Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines, at this stage, to
attempt to apportion blame before being fully
apprised of all the facts; it is enough to
recognize that this senseless slaughter of the
flower and youth of both countries is a reckless
squandering of an important national resource.
The armies of the contending forces should agree
to withdraw, at all points, within their
respective borders and begin negotiations with a
view to concluding a peace treaty. If there are
any Member States which can in some measure
exercise influence on one side or the other, or
both, they should do so before this dread
malignancy takes on incurable proportions—before
it spreads even further, with dire consequences
for peace in that region and for world peace. One
cannot permit reason to be blind or deaf in a
dispute. It is like searching for a tiger while
blind and deaf, only to be destroyed by it.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines urges the
representatives of Iraq and the Islamic Republic
of Iran to give support to the resolution of the
Security Council and the sentiments of the
General Assembly and, within the limits
permitted, persuade their Governments to take
such differences as exist to the conference table
and endeavour to resolve them within the terms of
the Charter of the United Nations and resolutions
of the Security Council and the Assembly.
Yet another year approaches without the
inhabitants of Namibia having the right to
determine their future as a free and independent
people. For yet another year a regime in South
Africa which refuses to recognize racial equality
and which has institutionalized the dehumanizing
system of apartheid against the black majority
within its borders persists by every ruse and
various stratagems to frustrate the aspirations
of a people that wishes to be no longer a ward
but a proud people in a free and equal country.
The question of independence for Namibia should
not be linked to any pre-condition, particularly
when it is an issue not related to Namibia
itself, but of a third State. Understandable,
from a South African point of view, as that
concern may be, no one should allow a direct and
separate issue to be beclouded by what is, in our
view, an extraneous consideration. The question
for the General Assembly is no longer
independence itself but where do we go from here
to bring about independence for Namibia. The
question of what progress is being made by the
contact group on the implementation of the United
Nations plan is speculative but this is still
probably an area where results could be achieved.
Let us intensify our actions to ensure that this
issue is resolved before the Assembly meets for
its thirty-eighth session.
As a Member State, we shall continue to state
that the greatest challenge to the effectiveness
of the Assembly lies in the deliberate erosion of
its authority by its members. Perhaps Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines may have unwittingly
been an offender already. Nevertheless, we should
not ignore the Charter or resolutions of the
United Nations without at the same time
appreciating the adverse effect this must have on
its total responsiveness. For small States such
as Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, it should be
obvious that it is necessary to ensure at all
times that the United Nations is strong and responsive
to problems, with the ability, through the
collective will of the Assembly, to enforce its
authority with regard to regional and world peace
for the good of all mankind, since it is the best
guarantor of the protection and independence of
such States.
Too often nations avoid the peaceful path and
resort to arms, with unforeseen results. In a
world replete with border disputes, civil
terrorism and guerrilla unrest, and territorial
claims, especially in this hemisphere, prudence
and caution should make the negotiating table
attractive. The path to a negotiated settlement
or the resolution of disputes by discussion can
at times be slow; yet this in itself should in no
way frustrate the process. The results of quiet,
painstaking diplomacy, even if the disputes are
ultimately resolved through the process of
arbitration, have always so far been more
beneficial than the results of war.
I spoke at length at the 23rd meeting of the
twelfth special session on disarmament, and I do
not propose to add anything further to what I
said then except to welcome the start of
discussions between the super-Powers on nuclear
disarmament in the hope that it will be treated
in as serious and urgent a manner as the gravity
of the situation warrants. However, I would like
to read out one portion of that statement: "Given
the suspicion and distrust that exist between
countries, it can be appreciated that there are
tremendous obstacles to be overcome in bringing
about real and lasting disarmament. "Countries
that have been suspicious of each other for
years, and still are, will not suddenly believe
each other's words. Therefore, in order to
eliminate this element of fear and doubt, which
is the result of suspicion and mistrust,
inspection and verification must be accepted as
an inescapable provision of any such treaty. Any
genuine desire to achieve disarmament must
realistically accept that States have to move in
the direction of an open-door policy rather than
a closed-door policy. The prerequisite for
reaching agreement on disarmament seems to be the
ability of the parties to convince each other
that no advantage is sought over the other and
that there is nothing to hide by thereby
guaranteeing the right of access to each other's
territory for inspection. What should then be
decided will be who would do the inspection and
how such inspection should be carried out—whether
by a team selected and controlled by this world
body and answerable only to this world body or
otherwise. This would actually mean that there
would have to be a re-examination of the national
concept of sovereignty and territorial
jurisdiction. There can be no diminution or
compromise of authority in giving to another an
entitlement that would be reciprocal. This is the
whole concept of ambassadorial and consular
representation which specifically limits national
jurisdiction on national soil and which
encroaches upon national sovereignty in certain
cases. This is now an internationally accepted
principle set forth in a Convention. There are
very rare occasions when this Convention is
violated and, when it is, it is as a result of
traumatic shocks within a national society.
Similarly, what has been achieved in the area of
diplomatic reciprocity should prove to be no more
difficult in verifiable inspection to achieve
disarmament. Willingness to agree to inspection
is an indication of acceptance of how crucial
inspection must be in reaching agreement on
disarmament."
It must not be thought that it is only the United
States of America and the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics that are concerned, for all
mankind is concerned. We, the others, the silent
spectators, are all deeply concerned. There
should and must be an end to nuclear
proliferation, through a balanced reduction of
the existing terror. Ultimately there should be
an end to the international arms race in general,
for which a few countries are responsible. It is
they that possess the real capacity to fuel the
arms race; and once they show the will it can and
will cease.
One of the continuing, lingering problems with
which the Assembly is confronted is the creation
of conditions conducive to the reunification of
countries divided because of political and
ideological differences or differences of
language or religion. It must be a source of
great hardship when the fabric of life in the
parts of a divided country is torn. When there is
little or no contact and when it is difficult for
friends or families to be reunited, there is the
temptation to want to resolve the problem by
other than peaceful means. Consequently, in
divided countries, when restraint has been shown
it deserves praise, and the Governments must be
further encouraged to seek the negotiating table
as the best and most practical way to a solution.
They should renounce the resolution of any
dispute by means other than those the Charter
envisages, even though they may not be Members.
Not all these divided countries seek or can seek
admission to the United Nations, but those that
can and do seek admission should be admitted,
either together or individually, without the
possibility for any of the five permanent members
of the Security Council exercising a veto against
such admission. Such admission, in the view of my
country, would assist in the promotion of peace
and might well contribute to the realization of
the national aspiration for the reunification of
the divided countries. Although past experience
has in no way suggested that there is reason for
optimism, it has shown that admission has lowered
the threshold of tension between divided
countries, increased contacts in different areas
and permitted a greater degree of dialogue.
There is a place for both the Republic of Korea
and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in
the Assembly. It is time the wounds of division
were healed. The process of healing can begin
here. Friends of both the South and the North
should make this process possible.
We in the Assembly must address once again the
very grave danger to world security posed by
international terrorism, which now appears to
make a target of a diplomat for no reason other
than that in the discharge of the functions of
his office he speaks for his country and thereby
personifies his country. We must bring our minds
to bear on this problem so that those who perform
duties similar to our own work can do so in
greater safety. No self-respecting nation can
permit itself to be blackmailed by the dark deeds
of the terrorist. No self-respecting nation can
submit to the will of terror. In such a situation
selective terror could be applied against a
country extraterritorially to achieve the
objective, and unless and until all the countries
of the world community take firm and serious
collective responsibility for discouraging the
commission of such acts on their soil by
inflicting for such offences the severest
penalties permitted under their legislation, when
the perpetrators of the offences are apprehended,
the trend is not likely to be contained.
While man continues to demonstrate his inhumanity
on the field of conflict and by oppression in
other forms, there still remains a vast gap
between the rich and the poor countries of the
North and the South. Prodigious sums are budgeted
and spent on the production, stockpiling and
deployment of weapons of mass destruction, both
nuclear and conventional. While the budgeted cost
of defence increases, in most cases
substantially, only a few nations have yet been
able to achieve the United Nations target figure
of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product, in
aid to developing countries, to be attained by
1985.
The International Development Strategy for the
Third United Nations Development Decade,
certainly recognized the urgent need for aid
flows to the developing world. Such payments
include contributions made via multilateral
institutions. Countries of the Development
Assistance Committee are among those that have
made the highest contribution of resources on
liberal terms to developing countries as a whole
as a percentage of their gross national product.
In fact, four countries in the Committee exceeded
the targeted amountin 1979 and 1980. According to
1980 figures, and based on information from the
UNCTAD secretariat, the Kingdom of the
Netherlands contribute gross national product
with 0.99 per cent, and the lowest contribution
from the countries in the Committee was 0.17 per
cent. On average, the Development Assistance
Committee countries gave just 0.57 per cent of
gross national product in 1980—that is, just over
half of the targeted amount. Only members of the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries
exceeded 1 per cent, with an average of 1.51 per
cent in 1979 and 1.45 per cent in 1980.
While this terrible world recession has with
high, though now falling, interest rates caused
rising unemployment everywhere from the
industrialized North to the impoverished South,
with only a few exceptions, and has contributed
to budgetary strains, balance-of- payment
problems and liquidity squeezes within the
economies of the developed and the developing
countries, and may well tend to cause the
development of an inward-looking attitude,
nevertheless, even though it is natural for all
Governments to be preoccupied with national
concerns, introspection should not blind
Governments to the realities of the world around
them. Although the reality may be that some
countries are facing severe financial and other
problems, those small island States with highly
vulnerable economies often based solely on
primary products are in a still more perilous
state and in need of greater official development
assistance than ever before.
In his address to the Commonwealth Finance
Ministers at a meeting held at Marlborough House,
in London, on 30 August last, the Commonwealth
Secretary-General had this to say: "... the
tightening of lending because of the danger of
default can precipitate the very danger it seeks
to avert and quicken economic collapse. Joint
action by private banks alone cannot provide an
adequate, reliable basis for handling problems of
today's dimensions. The liquidity squeeze is
superimposed on a contraction of resource flows
to developing countries. Aid flows from the
Development Aid Committee and OPEC as a
proportion of gross national product are
declining, and the growth in World Bank lending,
including from the International Development
Association, is already projected at much lower
levels than in the past." This prognosis is
gloomy for the developing countries. However,
because the economies of the world are
interdependent, it is also gloomy for the rich
industrialized world. Of sheer necessity the weak
must and will, through trade, directly promote
the economic well-being of the rich. The rich
should therefore continue to be generous in their
aid to the poor, for a better world, such help is
a necessary priority. As we all now stand
watching a world writhing in financial and
economic agony, we should not allow our national
concerns to override all other interests and so
shelve the need to renew the North-South dialogue
in an effort to deepen our understanding of the
institutional mechanism required to promote the
introduction of a new economic order.
There can be no doubt that there is a need for
the restructuring of the world's economies.
Neither the old nor the new economic theories
seem capable of energizing the developed or
developing economies upon which the economies of
the poor and the underdeveloped countries are so
dependent, whether for the sale of their primary
products or in the area of tourism. There are too
many external factors that seem to interplay and
impinge upon national planning over which
national planners have no control. It is the
unpredictability of the multinational interplay
of forces and factors with which small
underdeveloped countries must contend and over
which they have far less control than the
developing or the developed countries.
When the higher-priced production of beet sugar
is subsidized within the European Economic
Community, causing large surpluses in production
and competition, the world demand for cane sugar
falls, creating huge surpluses in developing
countries, thereby sending prices down drastically,
with the result that economies dependent on that
crop are utterly destroyed, causing serious
balance-of-payments problems. These are some of
the difficulties which are beyond the control of
national planners. There is therefore a need for
the Economic and Social Council to look
critically at this problem to persuade States
which have been subsidizing the overproduction of
beet to recognize the harm they are doing and to
correct this injury.
There are some programmes which in my country's
view are having an impact. One such is UNDP.
Since just before our independence, it has been
having quite a significant impact on our
developmental efforts in the area of statistics
and economic advisory services. Since it appears
that programmes of the Organization are in all
probability going to be affected by the
inadequate contributions of Members, it is our
hope that this useful Programme will continue to
receive the support of the international
community. For our part, we are prepared to try
to make our own modest contribution to this
worthwhile Programme. As we demonstrate our faith
in it, my country expects donors to keep faith
with us and support it—not less generously, but
rather more generously, than previously.
In my country's policy statement on admission, at
the thirty-fifth session, I said that our
position on issues would be made quite clear. Our
intention would always be to assist this world
body in achieving and maintaining world peace as
well as economic and social justice. We meant it
then, and we still mean it. I wish to conclude as
I did then: "The Assembly can be a most effective
instrument; but it cannot be and will not be
greater than all of us collectively have the will
to make it. Each of us representatives possesses
the perception by conscience to know right from
wrong. Nevertheless, we are all subject to the
policies of our Governments and must represent
them or resign. But can we not in the light of
our thinking strive to influence those decisions,
if-by so doing we would enhance respect for the
integrity and credibility of this world
Organization? To fail in this endeavour is not
the problem; only to fail to try."
"General Assembly" is a mere name. We are all
gathered here in the General Assembly. "United
Nations" are only words. Our countries constitute
the United Nations. They can serve us as the
Charter intended, if only we let them.