On behalf of His Excellency the President of the Republic of Botswana, Lieutenant General Seretse Khama Ian Khama, allow me at the very outset to join other delegations in extending our heartiest congratulations to Mr. Mogens Lykketoft on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. His election bears witness to the excellent credentials he brings to the office, which should greatly support the execution
of his mandate during this historic year on the United Nations calendar. We wish to assure him of Botswana’s unequivocal support throughout his term of office.
My delegation and I also wish to take this opportunity to recognize, with appreciation, his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Sam Kahamba Kutesa, whose leadership and purposeful endeavours as President of the Assembly at its sixty-ninth session were significantly evident in international efforts to address the global challenges confronting the world today. The high-level events he convened in that regard demonstrated his genuine commitment to sustainable development, to peace and security and to human rights and human dignity.
We are confident that the President’s efforts will further and firmly guide the general membership of the Organization onto a path that ensures the full and effective implementation of the historic post-2015 development agenda that world leaders adopted only a few short days ago.
I would be remiss not to seize this opportunity also to commend the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, whose passion and dedication have been, and continue to be, instrumental to the work of the Organization.
The year 2015 marks an extraordinarily momentous year in the history of humankind. It is not only the seventieth anniversary of the birth of the United Nations but also the seventieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War, the twentieth anniversary of the World Summit on Social Development, the
twentieth anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, and the fifteenth anniversary of the Millennium Summit, to mention but a few. That list of the global milestones is by no means exhaustive, but it demonstrates the resolute and enduring commitment of the United Nations to championing the cause of humankind.
The significance of this year impels us to pause and recall the purpose, ideals and founding principles upon which the United Nations was established. It is imperative that we reflect on the history of this eminent Organization and that we take account of what we, the international community, have achieved and can still achieve to safeguard the aspirations and integrity of the founders of the United Nations and to uphold the absolute primacy and veracity of the Charter. Furthermore, this year offers an opportunity for us to admit our failures and to draw attention to the areas where we have fallen short of fulfilling our individual and collective responsibility to deliver on all three anchors of human development: peace and security, development, and human rights.
The President’s choice of a theme for this year’s general debate, “The United Nations at 70 — a new commitment to action”, is therefore fitting, because it provides a pertinent context for our deliberation and reflection at this critical juncture in our lifetimes. Fifteen years ago, at the Millennium Summit of 2000, the largest gathering of world leaders in history adopted the Millennium Declaration (resolution 55/2), which, inter alia, espoused the need for a people-centred framework for global development. That framework gave birth to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs were a landmark set of eight time-bound Goals aimed at addressing extreme poverty and social inequalities. For the first time, there was a clearly codified global agenda focusing nations around the world on priority areas for meeting the needs of the world’s poorest people and liberating them from the dehumanizing conditions of abject poverty. The Secretary-General’s final report on the MDGs, The Millennium Development Goals Report 2015, shows that significant progress has been made in realizing those Goals.
Those notable achievements notwithstanding, the sombre truth is that progress has largely been uneven across and within countries and regions. We continue to see multitudes — especially the poorest, vulnerable and marginalized in our societies — subjected to
unacceptable living conditions. Social exclusions and inequalities still present a significant challenge in most countries, with women and girls and the youth bearing the heaviest weight of those circumstances. The situation varies from one nation to another owing to their different national realities and capacities, requiring more focused and targeted interventions to effectively address the issues and ensure the sustainability of the developments achieved.
In Botswana, we are proud of the tremendous strides we have made in the implementation of the MDGs, particularly given the enormous resource and capacity constraints we faced, and continue to face, as we implement our development programmes and prepare to domesticate the new agenda. Poverty eradication, gender equality, the empowerment of women, girls and youth, job creation and equal access to health and other social services remain high on our national agenda. However, we march on with steadfast determination to ensure that every opportunity is seized, every effort is galvanized and every resource is employed to ensure the inherent dignity and fundamental freedoms of all the citizens of Botswana. That includes paying due attention to the needs of the aged and to people with disabilities. In that regard, the Botswana Government is currently in the final stages of developing the country’s National Vision 2030 and National Development Plan 11 in order to ensure firm alignment and complementarity between national aspirations and the building blocks to deliver them.
As dusk descends on the MDGs, the Government of Botswana has enthusiastically begun to prepare for the dawn of the new global development framework. Botswana therefore welcomes the highly anticipated adoption of the profoundly ambitious and transformative Sustainable Development Goals set out in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1). which represent the culmination of more than two years of exceptionally intensive, broad and exhaustive negotiations. The Agenda represents a global vision for the sustained prosperity of humankind and the living planet, in which universal peace and security form the foundation for sustainable development across all nations.
We look forward to the effective implementation of the integrated and indivisible 17 Goals and 169 targets arrived at through an all-inclusive intergovernmental process, as mandated by the outcome document of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development
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in 2012. The Botswana Government embarks on this new course with increased optimism that we shall indeed realize the future that we all want.
In December, the parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change will convene in Paris to adopt a universal, legally binding agreement on climate change. The importance and urgency of this cannot be overemphasized. Climate change, if left unchecked, is arguably the greatest environmental challenge the world is facing, with potentially catastrophic consequences for our planet and future generations. We continue to witness a dangerous rise in sea levels, melting glaciers, a severe decline in agricultural output, changing weather patterns and health challenges caused by the changing climate conditions.
Climate change also presents a serious security threat, for it displaces millions of people and condemns an even greater number to sub-par living conditions. We extend our condolences to all those who have lost loved ones or who have experienced the destruction of property caused by natural disasters. Developing countries are the hardest hit, because they have limited capacities to respond to such effects and therefore require substantial assistance in developing climate-smart technology in order to reduce their vulnerability and to transition to low-carbon growth paths.
In the pursuit of global development that leaves no one behind, the Botswana delegation believes that particular focus should be given to countries in special situations and to the specific support they require to build their economies. In November 2014, the landlocked developing countries (LLDCs) met in Vienna to adopt the Vienna Programme of Action on Landlocked Developing Countries, which identifies six priority areas, including infrastructure development and maintenance, international trade and trade facilitation, regional integration and cooperation, and structural economic transformation. Botswana, like other LLDCs, will require a substantial augmentation of its capacity to implement any of those areas. That also holds true for middle-income countries, a category to which Botswana belongs. Figures show that 75 per cent of the world’s poorest populations live in middle-income countries.
The clarion call is therefore to explore the mechanisms by which such countries can be assisted in order to address entrenched and widespread poverty. The scale of the required assistance goes well beyond
the obvious need for infrastructure development, strengthening of institutions, access to technology, skills development and the development of social protection floors, inter alia. It is critically important to extend financing for development in order to address the specific needs and challenges of individual middle-income countries instead of employing a one-size-fits-all policy framework. Failure in that regard would be detrimental to the development trajectory of middle-income countries, with a real possibility that they could relapse to least developed country status.
Discussions have commenced in various United Nations platforms on how the Organization should transform itself to be better structured and better equipped to effectively and efficiently carry out its mandate and better serve the best interests of its Member States. Botswana believes that chief among the scores of considerations should be the coordination between and among the different United Nations agencies for stronger system-wide coherence that extends to improved cooperation with regional and subregional organizations. That, we believe, would go a long way towards enhancing international efforts to address the myriad challenges to development and to durable peace and security.
We cannot speak about development or about peace and security without considering the increasingly disturbing phenomenon of migration. The flow of international migrants has continued to grow exponentially since the High-level Dialogue on International Migration and Development, which was held in New York in October 2013. Conflict, political instability and poverty are the main push factors for migration from developing to developed countries, as evidenced by the thousands who continue to cross the Mediterranean to Europe in search of economic opportunities. The grave conditions to which migrants are exposed, along with the unprecedented levels of humanitarian crises to which their movements contribute, are cause for great concern.
It is wrong to blame any single European country for its immigration policy, since each country has to assess its own ability to accommodate such influxes. Nor should Europe be blamed for the tragic drownings at sea, which are the fault of migrants’ countries of origin.
Botswana believes that the issue of migration warrants the urgent attention of the international community, with a view to developing a comprehensive
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and lasting solution. The imposition of quotas to make it mandatory for countries to accept migrants or refugees is not the best solution. Instead, consideration should be given to rewarding and supporting the countries that accept migrants or refugees by setting up a special fund under the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Europe, or preferably the entire international community, should contribute annually to such a fund, based on an assessment of each country’s economic status and whether it is hosting refugees. If anything should be mandatory, it should be that approach. In summary, the more refugees a country takes, the bigger its reward or support and the lower its contribution to the fund.
We welcome the Secretary-General’s initiative to convene the first-ever World Humanitarian Summit next year. It should not only enhance existing and new efforts to address the issue of migration, but should also ensure comprehensive, coherent and cohesive approaches for responding to the critically urgent issue of the global humanitarian architecture.
Botswana remains gravely concerned about the serious threats to international peace and security in many parts of the world, which arguably present the greatest challenge to human development. We are witnessing an alarming rise in instability, insecurity and violent conflicts which are causing untold devastation and human suffering. The unremitting loss of innocent lives and the escalation in humanitarian crises have reached tragic levels, making it imperative for the international community to take urgent and decisive action. We take this opportunity to commend all humanitarian and human rights organizations for the good work they do on behalf of humankind.
The growing involvement of non-State actors and radical extremists in most conflict situations is deeply troubling. The activities of such entities introduce additional layers of difficulty to the processes for the management and resolution of conflicts. Terrorism, including the emergence of abductions as one of its many forms, further increases the complexity of the response to conflict in areas of unrest.
In a world in which borders are porous and nations are increasingly interdependent, threats to security in any region have consequences for all. The only difference is in the degree of impact. In Africa, the situations in Somalia, Libya and South Sudan, to mention but a few, are a current preoccupation and a cause of deep concern for the continent. However, the
African Union, through its regional mechanisms and international support, is actively engaged in efforts to resolve the conflicts. Botswana remains fully supportive of those ongoing efforts. We hope that lasting solutions can be found before there is any further loss of innocent lives and before instability becomes entrenched in those societies.
In other parts of the world, we remain deeply concerned about the situation in the Middle East. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has remained unresolved for several decades, without any real promise of an end in sight. Botswana continues to lend its unequivocal support to the two-State solution, and we join the call for constructive dialogue by the parties involved.
Of particular concern in the Middle East are the political crisis in Yemen and the protracted war in Syria. The latter especially has wreaked unprecedented havoc on a people, to an extent not seen since the Second World War. Botswana is profoundly troubled that the Security Council nonetheless seems paralysed by the hard divisions among its members that prevent it from upholding its responsibilities under Chapter V of the Charter of the United Nations and from taking decisive action against the Syrian Government. Despite the carnage and property destruction of unspeakable proportions that have raged in that country since 2011, some Council members still obstruct initiatives intended to end the war and alleviate the desperate plight of the poor Syrian people.
Horrified by the torment visited with appalling impunity upon the Syrian people by their own Government, Botswana joined 58 concerned members of the international community in 2013 to petition the Security Council to refer Syria to the International Criminal Court. We deeply regret that action on that matter continues to be frustrated by divisions within the Council.
In the light of such challenges, Botswana continues to firmly support the initiative of France calling for the permanent members of the Council to refrain from using their veto power in situations involving mass atrocities. The United Nations, which promotes democracy around the globe, should lead by example. The Security Council is not an example of democracy when permanent membership is limited to five countries, which have a veto. There should be no permanent members and no veto at all. The practice of might making right is actually wrong.
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Generally speaking, States have the primary responsibility to ensure the protection of their people. In reality, however, some States, such as Syria, are manifestly failing to exercise that responsibility. Instead, they violate international humanitarian law with shameful impunity. Clearly, that should trigger the application of measures under pillars two and three of the responsibility to protect — yet nothing is happening. Might it be time to make the responsibility to protect a formal agenda item for debate by the General Assembly? Perhaps such a debate could provide sufficient impetus for the Security Council to carry the full mantle of its mandate, including by improving its relationship with the International Criminal Court in order to facilitate the investigation and prosecution of the perpetrators of crimes against humanity.
Botswana’s commitment to a strong and effective international justice system remains resolute. Our belief in the International Criminal Court as the only standing international criminal tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity is unwavering. The Botswana Government regrets that non-cooperation by some States parties to the Rome Statute still plagues the Court, creating leeway for continued impunity and escape from accountability for crimes against humanity. We therefore urge all parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to stand fully behind the Court. Cooperation is vital to for the assurance of the Court’s integrity and effective functioning.
My delegation and I are hopeful that, as we commemorate the 70 years of the United Nations, we can have unanimous agreement that judicial accountability, inclusive governance and the protection and promotion of human rights are essential elements for peaceful societies. That should not be seen as the preserve of the International Criminal Court or of the Security Council alone, but rather as a shared responsibility and norm of the global community.
Finally, the sooner the world is rid of the feeble leadership of Sepp Blatter at the Fédération Internationale de Football Association, the better. Corruption, poor governance and a leader who has gone well beyond his sell-by date make that organization almost a mirror image of a failed State. Good governance should not apply to politics alone, but to all institutions, especially international organizations.
Let me conclude by reaffirming Botswana’s commitment to and abiding faith in the purposes and founding principles of the United Nations. We
are strongly committed to a world that nurtures and sustains all life within the natural limits of the living planet, leaving absolutely no one behind. Botswana is truly optimistic in its belief that, with genuine political will and concerted collective effort, such a world can be achieved.


It is with great honour that, once again, on behalf of the people of Mozambique and, indeed, on my own behalf, I address the General Assembly at its seventieth session. As we celebrate 70 years of our Organization, we are cognizant
of the fact that we are not here just to commemorate a mere event. We are also celebrating the realization of the desire to build a universal Organization that carries out activities with a global perspective and with a structured and institutionalized scope and a capacity to evolve and adapt.
We are celebrating one of the wisest decisions that humankind has ever made, namely, to establish an international body responsible for peace, security and the development of member countries. It is an Organization created to prevent humankind from experiencing a world war or violent conflicts whose effects are felt at the global level. We are celebrating a mutual commitment to strengthen international law as an instrument for regulating and standardizing relations between and among States. Those relations are based on the principle of sovereign equality among States, the peaceful settlement of disputes and non-interference in domestic affairs. Those positive and inspiring ideals contrast, however, with the prevailing conflict situations, which still affect humankind. We would not be fair to ourselves, to our peoples or to future generations, if we ignored the challenges and failures that are to be overcome.
The United Nations has failed to guarantee international peace and security in its full sense. Old and new challenges have emerged, and inter- and intra-State conflicts have proliferated, particularly in Africa and the Middle East. The phenomenon of terrorism is growing and becoming the most serious threat of our time. Decolonization is yet to be completed. Underdevelopment, exacerbated by the problem of refugees and illegal migration, is far from becoming a thing of the past. However, those failures should not be regarded fatalistically. They should be taken up as challenges, which require more than mere words as a response. Most importantly, they require concerted action by the international community. Without the United Nations, the political, economic and social context in which we find ourselves would surely be worse.
In celebration of the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations, the theme for this session, “A new commitment to action”, represents a reaffirmation of our commitment to keep alive our objective of protecting future generations from the violence of war and to ensure inclusive social and economic development in full freedom. There is, therefore, one response to those phenomena and trends, and that is
to translate the theme, “A new commitment to action”, into concrete, structured and tangible actions. For Mozambique, the commitment to action in the area of international peace and security includes, inter alia, the adoption and implementation of effective structures for the prevention and management of conflicts, as well as the need to conclude a convention against terrorism. The emphasis should be on preventive diplomacy. The commitment to action that we are celebrating here should establish platforms for dialogue among cultures and civilizations as an essential tool for promoting tolerance, the culture of peace and a dignified and peaceful world.
With respect to development, we are delighted at the adoption of the post-2015 development agenda in the form of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1), which is our new global development framework for the next 15 years. It is an agenda that follows and builds on the Millennium Development Goals, which have guided us over the past 15 years. Therefore, any action we take in future should not ignore the successes achieved and lessons learned. Like other countries, Mozambique has achieved remarkable progress in the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals. We have expanded access to education, improved gender balance in access to primary education and met the target set for infant- mortality reduction.
The new post-2015 development agenda embodies our collective ambition to transform the world by 2030. The new Agenda brings back human dignity by fighting poverty and protecting people and the planet. At the core of the new Agenda is the culmination of a series of negotiation processes, at the global level, on climate change. The new post-2015 development agenda is perfectly in line with our Government’s five-year programme. It is not an end in itself, but it has the added value of focusing on people. It is founded on the so-called sustainable development pillars, namely, the economic, social and environmental dimensions.
It is our desire that we should meet in 2030, at another historic event just like this one, to celebrate the implementation of the goals and common vision, as reflected in the new Agenda, whose full title is “Transforming our world: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”. If that is to be possible, Mozambique maintains that, among other things, it is of paramount importance that the commitment to action include the need to mobilize the requisite resources in
a timely manner. Significant resources will be required for the implementation of the new Agenda if it is to maintain continuous relevance. In that regard, we must follow the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and keep in mind how important it is that all partners respect the commitments made and the agreed international development goals. It is also important that the appropriate technology transfers to developing countries take place and that aid be granted without political conditionalities. We must also strengthen North-South, South-South, and bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms in accordance with internationally agreed principles and respect for national realities and local content.
As all may be aware, Mozambique was one of the 50 countries selected by the United Nations to host national consultations. That sample contributed to the development of the new guiding instrument that is the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1). The process included the broadest spectrum of social and professional elements, and, to our satisfaction, its results were taken into consideration in the report of the Secretary-General (A/70/1).
If the post-2015 development Agenda is to be truly transformative and successful, it must be integrated into and owned by policymaking instruments at the national level. Indicators and targets should be defined clearly to facilitate the monitoring and evaluation of progress. Mozambique has already taken an important step by incorporating the three-dimensional approach of the post-2015 development Agenda into the Government’s five-year programme 2015-2019, which defines five priorities, namely: consolidating national unity, peace and sovereignty; developing human and social capital; promoting employment, productivity and competitiveness; developing economic and social infrastructures; and ensuring the sustainable and transparent management of natural resources and the environment. We reiterate here our commitment to continued capacity-building in the area of domestic resources mobilization, which increased from 13 per cent of our gross domestic product in 2006 to 25 per cent in 2014.
The inability of the United Nations to fully achieve the purpose for which it was established is one of the issues that concern us. It is hard to understand why the United Nations is hampering the implementation of its own mandate. We should be here today to celebrate the completion of the reform of the Security Council and
the opening up of new opportunities to create a world in which people enjoy the most basic rights, including peace and development. The role of that reform in providing underlying support for the successful implementation of the post-2015 development Agenda should not be underestimated. We should therefore translate our renewed mutual will to reform the Security Council into practical results, and we should take advantage of the environment created for this session to provide greater dynamism to the reform process.
The celebration of the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations and the adoption of the post-2015 development Agenda are being overshadowed by an unprecedented crisis at the international level. I am referring to the humanitarian crisis caused by a flow of refugees and migrants that is unparalleled in recent history. That shocking situation is due to a succession of unresolved crises and to poorly handled situations with outcomes that are far from meeting the expectations of the international community.
Today we are committed to adopting measures to minimize the plight of those people. However, little will be achieved if we continue to focus on short-term cosmetic measures, rather than respond to the need to curtail the flow of refugees and migrants at the source. We need to address the underlying problems of this phenomenon, which explain the tragic human proportions of the crisis. We will be in no position to identify effective actions unless we, the international community, recognize our own failure. We are talking about the proliferation of conflicts and political, social and economic exclusion. We are talking about poverty, injustice and hunger.
We have noted how dialogue has been replaced by threats and aggression. We have noted how fear has replaced a willingness to achieve mutual agreement. Some of the ways to address the situation have been known for a long time. In that regard, we call upon all leaders to redouble their efforts to find lasting solutions to the humanitarian crisis. We have followed with keen interest and much satisfaction the latest positive developments aimed at normalizing bilateral relations between the United States of America and Cuba. We continue to encourage actions aimed at ending the economic, trade and financial embargo against Cuba, without prejudice to the legitimate interests of any of those concerned. Although we may meet all of the targets of the post-2015 development Agenda, our mission as
an international community will not be complete until we use wisdom and implement the political processes.
As is well known, Mozambique was one of the countries most affected by the presence of landmines. In acknowledgement of the importance of mine clearance for promoting an atmosphere of peace, security and development, Mozambique became a party to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction, also known as the Ottawa Convention. From the outset, we have made every effort to comply with the obligations arising from the Ottawa Convention. In that regard, I am pleased to announce that Mozambique has successfully completed its demining programme. We have cleared all known risk areas, which totalled 500 million square metres of land.
It would not have been worthwhile for us to liberate our country if then we had been forbidden to travel across our country, or if we had been forbidden to farm the land or develop tourism or mine our coal or graphite. We celebrate that victory with intense emotion. We would like to express our profound gratitude to our international partners, humanitarian demining organizations, United Nations agencies and civil society for their cooperation and invaluable support.
The year 2015 is of special importance to Mozambique. On 25 June, we celebrated 40 years of independence. We are no longer an adolescent State. On 16 September we celebrated 40 years of cooperation with the United Nations. I am jubilant because I am speaking here today, at the United Nations, and I believe that the United Nations should feel proud on account of my country’s stability and growth — growth that needs to be supported.
I would like to conclude my remarks by reiterating that the search for sustainable solutions to global problems, alongside the Organization and its Member States, will continue to be the focus of my Government’s unconditional commitment. Long live humankind and sustainable development!


At the outset, I would like to congratulate the President on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. We trust that his expertise and efficiency will guide our deliberations in achieving the goals to which we all aspire. I express my thanks and appreciation to his predecessor for his patient and clear- sighted manner in steering our deliberations. I also thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and his team for their commendable efforts at the previous session to establish peace and advance the development goals so that all peoples can enjoy security and stability.
I take this opportunity to congratulate the President, Government and people of the State of Palestine on the raising of the Palestinian flag at United Nations Headquarters, and we call on the international community to enable the Palestinian people to establish their free and independent State, with East Jerusalem as its capital.
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On behalf of the Government and people of the Sudan, I convey to the Assembly the greetings of the President of the Republic, Field Marshall Omar Hassan A. Al-Bashir, and reiterate our intention to contribute positively to the success of this important session of the General Assembly, which coincides with the celebration of the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations under the slogan “The United Nations at 70: the road ahead for peace, security and human rights”.
Clearly, the agenda for our debate this year reflects the concerns and aspirations of millions of people around the world for a better tomorrow and a brighter future, from surmounting crises caused by conflicts and hostilities in many hotspots around the world to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) . For all those reasons, humankind has great hopes for our upcoming discussion based on the solid foundation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1), which we adopted last week.
The Government of the Sudan paid close attention to the intergovernmental negotiations on the post- 2015 development agenda, which culminated in the document adopted after lengthy negotiations. We therefore welcome the adoption of the document, in whose negotiations we participated. The Sudan has begun to implement measures with a view to attaining those Goals. The Agenda has been mainstreamed into our national and regional programmes. We want to bolster the complementary role of the United Nations, its country teams, relevant funds and agencies, whose role in implementing those plans we commend.
However, we reaffirm our resolve to ensure that those Goals complement the process of peace, stability and growth in our country, despite the fact that we remain subject to unilateral coercive economic sanctions that hinder our ambitions to achieve those noble Goals. From this rostrum, we strongly reject the coercive and unilateral sanctions imposed on certain countries, as clearly and explicitly stated in the Agenda.
In the wake of signing and implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 and the signing of the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur in 2011, the Sudan had great expectations that the international community would give special consideration to its overarching concerns and economic problems, especially regarding the alleviation of the debt burden that is a serious economic impediment. With regard to resuming development aid, the Sudan
also anticipates treatment equal to that enjoyed by other countries emerging from conflicts.
However, to its utmost dismay, my country’s reward for achieving peace and stability and for all its sacrifices has been endless, politically motivated pressure, sanctions, boycotts and unilateral and coercive measures that lack any legal justification whatsoever. To make matters even worse, obstacles have been set up to bar the Sudan from benefiting from certain constructive initiatives, such as the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative, also for purely political reasons unrelated to reality.
Despite the unfavourable conditions created by the embargo and boycott that unfairly target our people, we have made strenuous efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals and have given high priority to the elimination of poverty in its various manifestations and the mitigation of its effects. However, our gains in increasing per capita income have been offset by the fallout from the independence of South Sudan, after which the optimal share of our oil revenues went to the fledgling State, in addition to the negative effects of the global economic crisis and the economic embargo.
Despite those difficulties, we have achieved reasonable success in educational services. Enrolment rates in basic and secondary education have greatly increased, as has the proportion of female students, reflecting our growing interest in female education following the implementation of national incentive policies and awareness programmes. The growth in the proportion of female students coupled with a State gender policy have led to a marked increase in the female employment rates, which significantly exceed those of men in some sectors, such as health care.
With regard to the maintenance of peace and security, my Government is on track to consolidate democracy and good governance. As Member States might have seen, the presidential and parliamentary elections conducted in the Sudan last April were peaceful, fair and transparent and were monitored by a number of regional and international centres. The people elected a President and members of Parliament and other legislative bodies throughout the country for the first time in the history of modern Sudan since its independence in 1956.
We recall the comprehensive national dialogue initiative launched by the President of the Republic on 27 January 2014, to which a total of 87 political parties
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responded positively. All agreed to meet and discuss issues pertaining to peace, the economy, the alleviation of poverty, unity, identity, foreign policy, civic rights and duties, human rights, freedoms and political practices.
Member States might also have taken note of the adequate and effective safeguards guaranteed by the Government to the remnants of the armed rebel groups in a bid to secure their safe participation in the dialogue, without restriction or precondition. In that context, on 21 September 2014 the President of the Republic issued two presidential decrees on the renewal of amnesty for all armed individuals and the extension of a unilateral moratorium for an additional two months as an incentive to the armed groups and individuals to participate in the comprehensive national dialogue process, which is open to all.
With regard to safeguarding human rights, the Government of the Sudan has made commendable achievements in the past and has taken many steps to safeguard and protect those rights, including the adoption, more than one year ago, of a comprehensive 10-year human rights development plan, which now represents a comprehensive strategy and course of action for all relevant ministries and State institutions.
With regard to the protection of women’s rights, especially their right to participate in political life, the aforementioned presidential and parliamentary elections bear witness to the inclusion of women, which proved to be critical at all stages to ensuring the success of the elections. Women hold 30 per cent of all parliamentary seats.
In respect of cooperation with United Nations mechanisms and relevant envoys, the Government of the Sudan maintains constant cooperation and coordination with the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Sudan and participates actively in the universal periodic review of the Human Rights Council in Geneva.
In the field of combating cross-border crime, the Government of the Sudan has signed several bilateral agreements with neighbouring countries, including Libya, Chad, the Central African Republic, South Sudan and Ethiopia, with a view to tightening border controls, preventing trafficking in arms and stopping the infiltration of organized crime, including trafficking in persons. In October 2014 my Government hosted and co-organized the Regional Conference on Human
Trafficking and Smuggling in the Horn of Africa, and has enacted a national law to combat trafficking in human beings, which entered into force last year.
Our discussion on human rights brings us back to the issue of unilateral sanctions, in the context of which we would like to mention the study conducted by the Human Rights Council two years ago on the human rights implications of such sanctions. The study concluded that innocent people, not Governments, are the primary victims of sanctions regimes.
The Sudan has always been an active partner in international efforts to combat terrorism. At the national level, we have made considerable progress in ensuring that our laws and legislation fully comply with international law and the international instruments on terrorism to which the Sudan became a party more than a decade ago. The Sudan adheres strictly to their norms and provisions.
In that connection, we categorically reject all attempts to politicize and circumvent the provisions of international law. I cite the relationship between the Security Council and the International Criminal Court, in respect of which experience has shown again and again that the scourge of politicization has turned the Court into a tool for targeting African leaders in particular. In that regard, members may have noted the decisions adopted by the African Union, notably those adopted at its Summits in Sirte, Libya, and in Addis Ababa, which were subsequently endorsed at the most recent Summit, in Johannesburg.
Our world will not be healed in the absence of a fair, equitable and universally acceptable international order. However, it has been clear for decades that the current international system can no longer cope with the developments and major transformations occurring worldwide. It is therefore imperative that we embark on an in-depth reform and reconsider agreements in accordance with the circumstances surrounding us today. Therefore, my country strongly calls for the expeditious implementation of structural reform of the United Nations and the Security Council, in conformity with the principle of fair and equitable representation of all countries.
The daunting challenges facing our world today require an overriding international will and demonstrate the urgent need to do more to meet them. That fact needs to be reiterated on the anniversary of the adoption of the Charter of the United Nations. The
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United Nations system, and the Security Council in particular, need reform that will ensure the African continent’s representation in the permanent and non-permanent seats of the Council in a process free of politicization, selectivity and double standards.
In that context, we note that the fight against impunity is a noble goal, around which the international community should converge in good faith. However, as a rule, mixing justice and politicization is inconsistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. It makes
the delivery of international justice a platform for achieving narrow political goals that have no relation whatsoever to those noble objectives. In that context, my delegation calls for strengthening and supporting regional mechanisms and enhancing preventive diplomacy to address all conflicts and their root causes within the framework of fighting poverty and achieving a fair balance in the field of international politics and economics.


I come before this highest forum of the United Nations as the representative of the Government of Guatemala and of the President of the Republic, Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre. I greet Mr. Mogens Lykketoft, President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. With his vast experience and well- known skill he can lead ably.
I want to begin my statement by expressing the grief and sorrow of the people and the Government of Guatemala after the tragedy that occurred last Thursday night, 1 October, when a landslide buried at least 125 homes, and in two hours killed 33 people and caused the disappearance of approximately 600 other citizens, as well as a considerable number of injured, in a town near Guatemala City. The landslide occurred as the result of the heavy rains that have plagued Guatemala after nearly 12 weeks of extreme drought, which caused serious damage to the country’s agricultural sector. Our rescue teams are now searching for survivors. More than 616 rescuers are participating, and the citizenry
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is providing invaluable and exemplary support. We are grateful for the international solidarity that the world has shown following that tragedy.
During the United Nations Sustainable Development Summit, the Vice-President of Guatemala described the momentous events that have taken place in our country over the past several months, which represent a watershed in our political history (see A/70/ PV.6). He described how, beginning in April, the people of Guatemala took to the streets in huge numbers to demonstrate their complete rejection of corruption and their indignation at the collapse of an economic, social and political system that was incapable of overcoming poverty and segregation of all kinds that revealed grave flaws in our system of governance.
It is important to stress the pluralistic, mass nature of the civic movement and especially its peaceful character. There was not a single incident of violence during four months of protest. In fact, the protests lasted 22 weeks, during which the collective civic behaviour was exemplary, without incidents of any sort, without vandalism and without a single act of aggression of any kind.
That great popular movement led to the resignation and trial of the Vice-President and, subsequently, the President of the Republic, along with other Government officials and individuals. In that regard, it is important to stress the role that the United Nations played through the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala — known as CICIG —in support of the Public Prosecutor’s Office. As a result of the foregoing, and with our Political Constitution as its framework, a process was developed that culminated in the appointment of President Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre on 3 September and the election of Vice-President Juan Alfonso Fuentes Soria on 16 September. They now have the responsibility of leading the country towards the transfer of presidential power on 14 January 2016.
I would like to underscore that despite the serious challenges that arose, our laws and legally constituted institutions responded. The constitutional order remained intact and no laws were violated. The constitutional mechanisms, the system of justice, the electoral system and the social media all functioned, and in general terms, our participatory democracy proved its strength.
All of these factors affected the results of the general elections held on 6 September and had an
impact on voter turnout, which was the highest it has been since the return to democracy 30 years ago. Those important gains belong to all Guatemalans, who are demanding deep and immediate changes. Their expectations are high, and they hope to see concrete results benefiting citizens in a short time, both from the current transitional Government and from the one that will be elected in the second round of voting, which we will hold on 25 October.
The various sectors of Guatemalan society are demanding the urgent reform of certain laws, including those governing the civil service, the electoral process and political parties, legal education and State contracts. But perhaps the most important aspect is the social impact of the collective realization that Guatemala needs to aim for a future built on a genuine, solid rule of law. As we stated when we took the floor during the Summit to adopt the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1):
“The invisible Guatemala, made up of indigenous peoples and peasants who have been marginalized by the system, has not been satisfied with the resigned approach taken by their leaders; it has flooded the streets to warn that the amendment of a few laws is not enough. They demand reforms of the State for a profound transformation of the economic, social and political system that would allow them to overcome poverty, exclusion and racism, thereby developing a true concept of national and international solidarity, an essential element of peace and security.” (A/70/PV.6, p. 4)
It is therefore important for the Guatemalan State to respond appropriately to the population’s demands to be able to consolidate our democracy on the foundation created by that extraordinary movement and to achieve a more peaceful, less exclusionary and more equitable society.
Another of the main challenges facing the State of Guatemala is to create better living conditions for its citizens in order to avoid the exodus of so many who must seek better horizons abroad. Migration should be an option, not an obligation. Approximately 2 million Guatemalans currently live outside the country, most of them in the United States of America. That is a long-standing phenomenon, but now one of the biggest concerns is the growing migration of boys and girls who travel by themselves, primarily with the goal of family reunification. Our countries should do their
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best to see that such children remain at home instead of risking their lives.
Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador make up Central America’s Northern Triangle. With the support of the Inter-American Development Bank and the Government of the United States of America, we have been developing the Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity, whose goal is to deal with the deepest roots of migration and to serve as a framework that offers new and better economic prospects; build the conditions for better civil security; create a social safety network for the most vulnerable groups of our societies; and strengthen our democratic institutions. In our draft budgets for 2016, the three countries have planned for approximately $2.8 million to implement the Plan.
There is shared responsibility among the countries of origin, transit and destination. Comprehensive immigration reform in the United States of America is inevitable. It is a matter of principles and respect for human rights. We appreciate the efforts of President Barack Obama, and I take this opportunity to reiterate my Government’s call for the approval of Temporary Protected Status, known as TPS, for Guatemalan immigrants. The State of Guatemala, for its part, needs to broaden its consular network as soon as possible, especially in the countries of North America, in order to offer protection and consular services to its citizens.
One of the main causes of migration is natural disasters. This year again, the long drought and the delay in rains in the first harvest have impacted food security in the most vulnerable homes. More than 120,000 families are currently affected, representing more than 600,000 people who lack food for subsistence. We are grateful for the cooperation that we have received and call for more, basically because on top of chronic poverty come natural disasters, and now the effects of the man-made crisis, which the citizens have rejected. Nevertheless, our great strength is without a doubt the desire for civic participation, which the transitional Government must support and respond to effectively with an extreme shortage of resources.
At the same time, I would like to reiterate the State’s commitment to the communities affected by the development of the Chixoy Hydroelectric Dam. We are committed to making reparations to the affected groups and expect to begin making the first payments in the coming weeks as part of a process that we hope to bring to a successful conclusion.
I would like now to mention a few subjects relating to our foreign policy. First, I am pleased to report that we have continued to make progress in our bilateral relations with our neighbouring countries.
With respect to Belize, we have committed to appearing before the International Court of Justice to seek definitive resolution of our territorial, island and marine dispute, as both countries have agreed. We look forward to the entry into force of the 13 bilateral agreements signed in December 2014 and the protocol to the special agreement of 2008, signed in May.
With Mexico we maintain a robust, significant agenda and an unprecedented dynamic of cooperation. Recently 12 agreements were signed on economic issues, trade, border modernization and energy, in addition to addressing jointly challenges such as migration and organized crime.
With Honduras, we have made progress on a customs union, a commitment that has been pending for many years in the Central American integration process. It will be the first customs union of the American hemisphere.
Moreover, Guatemala welcomes the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba as an important step towards the strengthening of hemispheric cooperation. In that connection, we trust that the embargo imposed on Cuba for over 50 years will end.
We also applaud the reconciliation and the growing climate of cooperation generated among the parties separated by the Taiwan Strait. We hope that that atmosphere of cooperation can be extended to the global effort to fight climate change.
Turning now to our position on some of the challenges facing the United Nations as this session begins, I want to reiterate our deep concern over the instability in the Middle East, above all the protracted conflict in Syria. It has had a huge cost in human life and suffering, as demonstrated by the terrible images of the current migration exodus.
At the same time I would like to highlight the central role played by peacekeeping operations and to reiterate our full support for their basic principles, which remain relevant and should be preserved. Guatemala’s contribution to such missions is a testament to our strong commitment to international peace and security.
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We believe that an important step has been taken in the review and assessment of those operations through the work of the High-level Independent Panel on all aspects of United Nations peace operations, as well as the Secretary-General’s report on the implementation of the Panel’s recommendations (A/70/357), and we stand ready to start a serious discussion of all measures that could improve our contribution to peacekeeping and the success of such operations.
We agree with other delegations that the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) was an important step to carry into the future the unfinished tasks of the Millennium Development Goals. We join in the clamour for a response in the Paris Climate Summit to the enormous challenges posed by climate change and hope that it will produce a legally binding instrument. I wish to share with the Assembly the fact that Guatemala has already played its part. It has already approved some important laws and national documents to present at the Summit.
We have followed the debate on reforming the principal organs and reviewing their working methods. We recognize that the international community is faced with limited resources and a plethora of needs and vulnerable populations to deal with. While recognizing the invaluable role played by the United Nations for humankind, we warn that the Organization has been lagging in adapting to the conditions of the twenty-first century. Let us unite efforts to advance this ambitious agenda for future generations.
Faced with the loss of so many lives in conflicts around the world, as well as new threats, it is timely for Member States to ask ourselves whether we are fulfilling the promise on which the Organization was founded — “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”. But we reiterate our faith in the United Nations as we commemorate its 70 years, and we trust that it is in the hands of all the Member States to secure its growing relevance for the future so as to focus on peace, security and human rights.


I should like to congratulate the President and his country, Denmark, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. He has South Africa’s full support for his presidency. The theme that he has chosen, “The United Nations at 70: the road ahead for peace, security and human rights”, is timely and relevant to the current global challenges facing the world today.
Furthermore, allow me to convey our gratitude to the President of the Assembly at its sixty-ninth session, Mr. Sam Kutesa of the Republic of Uganda, for the outstanding manner in which he represented Africa at the helm of the General Assembly during that session.
The seventieth anniversary of the United Nations marks a significant moment in the history of global governance. The Charter embodies, through its principles and objectives, the aspirations of oppressed people worldwide. We would also like to acknowledge the role of the United Nations General Assembly over the past 70 years. Rooted in the principle of sovereign equality, the Assembly is the most representative international institution and organ of the United Nations.
The General Assembly has over the years remained central to the provision of support to the disadvantaged, marginalized, occupied, colonized and oppressed peoples of the world. This body elevated the South African struggle for liberation internationally when it declared apartheid a crime against humanity.
Mr. Oliver Tambo, the former President of our liberation movement, the African National Congress, addressed the General Assembly from this very podium on 26 October 1976 (see A/31/PV.41) and spoke from other United Nations platforms as well on other occasions. Many other eminent South Africans were provided an opportunity in various United Nations forums to state our case for freedom, the United Nations providing a voice to the voiceless. A free South Africa has also been honoured by the declaration of 18 July as International Mandela Day, honouring our founding President and world icon, President Nelson Mandela. At this celebration of the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations I wish to extend, on behalf of the people
of South Africa, our sincere gratitude to the world for its contribution to our freedom from the shackles of apartheid and institutionalized racism.
The General Assembly continues to provide a voice for the voiceless and the oppressed. In an historic and landmark development the General Assembly approved a resolution to allow the Palestinian flag to fly in front of United Nations Headquarters (resolution 69/320). The resolution was passed by an overwhelming margin, supported by many nations from both the developed North and the developing South. There can be no peace, security and development in the Middle East without a resolution of the Palestinian question. A solution is urgent. Otherwise, if we delay, in the next decade we may no longer have a piece of land to justify the two- State solution.
The historic seventieth anniversary of the United Nations presents an opportunity to reflect on the structure and workings of the Organization. Significantly, this year marks the tenth anniversary of the adoption of the World Summit Outcome (resolution 60/1) in 2005, which discussed reform of the United Nations.
A number of significant decisions on reform have been successfully implemented since that Summit. They include the following: the replacement of the Human Rights Commission with a more effective Human Rights Council, the establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission as a subsidiary body of both the General Assembly and the Security Council, the reform and streamlining of the United Nations management system, the mainstreaming of gender equality through the establishment of the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women),and the membership-driven responsibility to protect and to assist populations facing genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing. We welcome that notable progress.
However, almost no progress has been made on the commitment also made by Heads of State and Government in 2005 to the early reform of the Security Council. It is unacceptable and unjustifiable that more than 1 billion people in the African continent are still excluded from permanent membership in the key decision-making structure of the United Nations, the Security Council.
A continent with a smaller population than Africa is represented by three countries on the Security
Council as permanent members. That is unfair. The United Nations cannot pretend that the world has not changed since 1945. We are no longer colonies. We are free, independent sovereign States. We welcome the fact that the push for the reform of the Security Council coming from Africa has had an impact and has given some impetus to the intergovernmental negotiations process that has been looking at the reforms. We will continue working with progressive States towards the expansion of representation.
Another critical matter that needs attention is the selection of the Secretary-General, who is appointed by the General Assembly on the recommendation of the Security Council. A review of that process is necessary so as to enable more meaningful participation on the part of the General Assembly in the process.
The President has identified human rights, governance, the rule of law, and the gender aspects of the work of the United Nations as important areas of focus for the seventieth session of the General Assembly. We have to build upon the initial work undertaken in the development of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 to enhance protection in areas such as racism, discrimination against women and the promotion of the rights of the child and the rights of people with disabilities.
We also believe that the United Nations human rights system, especially its Human Rights Council, should ensure a balance between civil and political rights, on the one hand, and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development, on the other. The Human Rights Council must also be seen as an independent and impartial mechanism for the entrenchment of a human rights culture throughout the world. It should avoid the pitfalls of its predecessor, the Commission on Human Rights, which was beset by politicization and was caught up in the divide between developed and developing countries.
This year also marks 50 years since the adoption of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The year 2015 also marks 60 years since the adoption of the Freedom Charter in South Africa, which embodies the fundamental principles and values that are now enshrined in our Constitution. South Africa will continue to champion efforts in the United Nations human rights system to combat the scourges of racism, xenophobia, racial discrimination and related intolerances and to support
work aimed at the promotion of substantive global equality.
The seventieth general debate takes place in the context of growing international concern about the rise of violent extremism, terrorism and untold brutality, which we strongly condemn. We welcome the meetings that will take place on the margins of the General Assembly to review the progress made in countering terrorism in the Middle East and North Africa.
We wish to emphasize that the Security Council must take into account the views of the African continent and its subregional organizations when dealing with conflicts in Africa in future. The current situation in Libya and the Sahel region is a direct consequence of the failure of some members of the Council to heed informed counsel from the African Union. The norm of responsibility to protect was abused for narrow political interests that had nothing to do with the fundamental aspects of the prevention of mass atrocities.
The current refugee crisis in Europe is, sadly, the direct result of the militarization of civilian unrest, which included the massive arming of civilians and opposition groups in Libya, Syria and other affected countries. That kind of problem is a deliberately man- made problem, and it is critical that, in discussing violent extremism and terrorism in parts of Africa and the Middle East, we look into the root causes of the problem and not just the symptoms. Also requiring our serious reflection is the regime change doctrine and its role in perpetuating conflicts and instability in various parts of our continent and the world.
We welcome the recently signed peace agreement between the parties in South Sudan and urge the United Nations and all stakeholders to support the Sudanese people as they work to resolve their challenges. We reaffirm our support for the people of Western Sahara and urge the international community to encourage their struggle for self-determination, freedom, human rights and dignity.
We also welcome the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States and the release of the Cuban Five. We reiterate our call for the lifting of the economic and financial embargo to help the Cuban people to gain their economic freedom. We acknowledge the contribution of His Holiness Pope Francis to the Cuban-United States normalization process. We also warmly welcome the contribution of the Holy Father generally to the global pursuit of
peace, justice and the end of poverty and suffering, as eloquently expressed in the General Assembly and globally.
We commend the United Nations for the key role that it has played in peacekeeping and urge that resources be prioritized for this core role of the United Nations, especially in Africa.
The failure of the parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to reach an agreement at the 2015 Review Conference — in the year that marks 70 years since the first atomic bombs were detonated in Japan — is a major setback to our commitment to rid the world of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear weapons. There can be no safe hands where nuclear weapons are concerned. The humanitarian consequences of a possible detonation of a nuclear weapon, whether intentional or accidental, will be catastrophic for humankind.
We welcome the recent agreement reached on the Iranian nuclear programme and the recognition of the right of Iran to the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
The seventieth session of the General Assembly has seen the adoption of the post-2015 development agenda. The outcome document represents a victory for the developing world, as it affirms that the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) should build on the unfinished business of the Millennium Development Goals. Additionally, while the 2030 Agenda is universal in its scope in that the Sustainable Development Goals adopted apply to both developed and developing countries, there is also a clear recognition of the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and capabilities. The Agenda also contains a specific Goal on achieving gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls. That is all the more appropriate given that this year is the twentieth anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action and the fifteenth anniversary of Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), on women, peace and security.
As the initiator of the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action — thanks to which the current round of negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is taking place — South Africa has a special interest in and commitment to the success of the Paris session of the Conference of the Parties later this year. We require the fulfilment of all three parts of the Durban mandate,
namely, the closing of the current ambition gap in the pre-2020 period through the honouring of existing legal obligations by developed countries and enhanced action; the entry into force of the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol; and the adoption in Paris of a new agreement for the post-2020 period that contains all the essential elements, including the means of implementation and the measures relating to loss, damage and response. We seek a fair, ambitious and legally binding agreement in Paris that is applicable to all parties.
In addition, South Africa, as Chair of the G-77 plus China, would not be able to accept a Paris package that is hollow or weak on finance. South Africa has submitted its intended nationally determined contribution to the UNFCCC secretariat ahead of the 1 October deadline, signalling our readiness for Paris.
We join the world in celebrating the 70 years of existence of the United Nations. As we mark this historic anniversary, the reform of the Security Council and the strengthening of the General Assembly and other organs remain a paramount concern. By the end of this session, we should be in a position to adopt a road map, with clear and implementable time frames, on the priorities of this Organization as well as on its reform. We need to do this in order for the United Nations to remain a relevant force and a force for change in the world.
In conclusion, let me express our deep appreciation of the offer made by China when it was addressing the Assembly, an offer that must go through the United Nations. China spelled out the support it intended to give to Africa: a total of $100 million of free military assistance to the African Union over the next five years to support the establishment of the African Standby Force and the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises. We would like to underline our gratitude to China.


Seventy years after the founding of the United Nations it is worth reflecting on what the members of this body, working together, have helped to achieve. Out of the ashes of the Second World War, having witnessed the unthinkable power of the atomic age, the United States has worked with many nations in the Assembly to prevent a third world war — by forging alliances with old adversaries; by supporting the steady emergence of strong democracies accountable to their people and not to any foreign Power; and by building an international system that imposes a cost on those who choose conflict over cooperation, an order that recognizes the dignity and equal worth of all people.
That has been the work of seven decades. That is the ideal that this body has, at its best, pursued. Of course, there have been too many times when, collectively, we have fallen short of those ideals. Over the seven decades, terrible conflicts have claimed untold victims. But we have pressed forward, slowly, steadily, to make a system of international rules and norms that are better and stronger and more consistent.
It is that international order that has underwritten unparalleled advances in human liberty and prosperity. It is that collective endeavour that has brought about diplomatic cooperation among the world’s major Powers and buttressed a global economy that has lifted more than a billion people from poverty. It is those international principles that have helped constrain bigger countries from imposing their will on smaller ones and have advanced the emergence of democracy and development and individual liberty on every continent.
That progress is real. It can be documented in lives saved, agreements forged, diseases conquered and mouths fed. And yet we come together today knowing that the march of human progress never travels in a straight line, that our work is far from complete and that dangerous currents risk pulling us back into a darker, more disordered world.
Today we are seeing the collapse of strongmen and fragile States breeding conflict and driving innocent men, women and children across borders on an epic scale. Brutal networks of terror have stepped into the vacuum. Technologies that empower individuals are now also exploited by those who spread disinformation, suppress dissent or radicalize our youth. Global capital flows have powered growth and investment, but they have also increased the risk of contagion, weakened the bargaining power of workers and accelerated inequality.
How should we respond to those trends? There are those who argue that the ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations are unachievable or out of date, a legacy of a postwar era not suited to our own. In effect, they are arguing for a return to the rules that applied for most of human history and that predate this institution — the belief that power is a zero-sum game, that might makes right, that strong States must impose their will on weaker ones, that the rights of individuals do not matter and that in a time of rapid change, order must be imposed by force.
On that basis, we see some major Powers assert themselves in ways that contravene international law. We see an erosion of the democratic principles and human rights that are fundamental to this institution’s mission. Information is strictly controlled and the space for civil society restricted. We are told that such retrenchment is required to beat back disorder; that it is the only way to stamp out terrorism and prevent foreign meddling. In accordance with that logic, we should support tyrants like Bashar Al-Assad, who drops barrel bombs to massacre innocent children, because the alternative is surely worse.
This increasing scepticism of our international order can also be found in the most advanced democracies. We see greater polarization and more frequent gridlock, with movements on the far right, and sometimes the left, that insist on stopping the trade that binds our fates to other nations or calling for the building of walls to keep out immigrants. Most ominously, we see the fears of ordinary people being exploited through appeals to sectarianism, tribalism, racism or anti-Semitism; appeals to a glorious past before the body politic was infected by those who look different or worship God differently — a politics of us versus them.
The United States is not immune to this. Even as our economy is growing and our troops have largely returned from Iraq and Afghanistan, we see in our debates about America’s role in the world a notion of strength that is defined by opposition to old enemies, perceived adversaries — a rising China or resurgent Russia, a revolutionary Iran or an Islam that is incompatible with peace. We see arguments that the only strength that matters for the United States is bellicose words and shows of military force, and that cooperation and diplomacy will not work.
As President of the United States, I am mindful of the dangers that we face. They cross my desk every
morning. I lead the strongest military that the world has ever known, and I will never hesitate to protect my country or our allies, unilaterally and by force where necessary. But I stand before the Assembly today believing in my core that we, the nations of the world, cannot return to the old ways of conflict and coercion. We cannot look backwards. We live in an integrated world, one in which we all have a stake in one another’s success.
We cannot turn back those forces of integration. No nation here in the Assembly can insulate itself from the threat of terrorism, the risk of financial contagion, the flow of migrants or the danger of a warming planet. The disorder we see is not driven solely by competition between nations or by any single ideology. If we cannot work together more effectively, we will all suffer the consequences.
That is true for the United States as well. No matter how powerful our military, how strong our economy, we understand the United States cannot solve the world’s problems alone. In Iraq, the United States learned the hard lesson that even with hundreds of thousands of brave, effective troops and trillions of dollars from our Treasury, it cannot by itself impose stability on a foreign land. Unless we work with other nations under the mantle of international norms, principles and law that offers legitimacy to our efforts, we will not succeed. And unless we work together to defeat the ideas that drive the various communities in a country like Iraq into conflict, any order that our militaries can impose will be temporary.
Just as force alone cannot impose order internationally, I believe in my core that repression cannot forge the social cohesion that nations need to succeed. The history of the last two decades proves that in today’s world, dictatorships are unstable. The strongmen of today become the spark of revolution tomorrow. You can jail your opponents, but you cannot imprison ideas. You can try to control access to information, but you cannot turn a lie into truth. It is not a conspiracy of United States-backed non-governmental organizations that exposes corruption and raises the expectations of people around the globe — it is technology, social media and the irreducible desire of people everywhere to make their own choices about how they are governed.
Indeed, I believe that in today’s world, the measure of strength is no longer defined by the control of territory. Lasting prosperity does not come solely from
the ability to access and extract raw materials. The strength of nations depends on the success of their people — their knowledge, innovation, imagination, creativity, drive and opportunity — and that, in turn, depends on individual rights, good governance and personal security. Both internal repression and foreign aggression are symptoms of a failure to provide that foundation.
Politics and solidarity that depend on demonizing others, that draw on religious sectarianism, narrow tribalism or jingoism, may at times look like strength in the moment, but over time their weakness will be exposed. And history tells us that the dark forces unleashed by this type of politics surely make all of us less secure. Our world has been there before. We gain nothing from going back.
Instead, I believe that we must go forward in pursuit of our ideals, not abandon them at this critical time. We must give expression to our best hopes, not our deepest fears. This institution was founded because men and women who came before us had the foresight to know that our nations are more secure when we uphold basic laws and norms and pursue a path of cooperation rather than conflict. And strong nations, above all, have a responsibility to uphold that international order.
Let me give a concrete example. After I took office, I made it clear that one of the principal achievements of the United Nations — the nuclear non-proliferation regime — was endangered by Iran’s violation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. On that basis, the Security Council tightened sanctions on the Iranian Government, and many nations joined us to enforce them. Together, we showed that laws and agreements mean something. But we also understood that the goal of sanctions was not simply to punish Iran. Our objective was to test whether Iran could change course, accept constraints and allow the world to verify that its nuclear programme would be peaceful. For two years, the United States and our partners, including Russia and China, stuck together in complex negotiations. The result is a lasting, comprehensive deal that prevents Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon while allowing it to access peaceful energy. If the deal is fully implemented, the prohibition on nuclear weapons is strengthened, a potential war is averted and our world is safer. That is the strength of the international system when it works the way it should.
That same fidelity to international order guides our responses to other challenges around the world.
Consider Russia’s annexation of Crimea and further aggression in eastern Ukraine. America has few economic interests in Ukraine, and we recognize the deep and complex history between Russia and Ukraine. But we cannot stand by when the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a nation is flagrantly violated. If that happens without consequence in Ukraine, it could happen to any of the nations gathered here today. That is the basis of the sanctions that the United States and our partners impose on Russia. It is not a desire to return to a cold war.
Now, within Russia, State-controlled media may describe those events as an example of a resurgent Russia — a view shared, by the way, by a number of United States politicians and commentators who have always been deeply sceptical about Russia and seem to be convinced that a new cold war is in fact upon us. And yet look at the results. The Ukrainian people are more interested than ever in aligning with Europe instead of Russia. Sanctions have led to capital flight, a contracting economy, a fallen rouble and the emigration of more educated Russians.
Imagine if, instead, Russia had engaged in true diplomacy and worked with Ukraine and the international community to ensure that its interests were protected. That would be better for Ukraine, but also better for Russia and better for the world, which is why we continue to press for this crisis to be resolved in a way that allows a sovereign and democratic Ukraine to determine its future and control its territory. This is not because we want to isolate Russia — we do not — but because we want a strong Russia that is invested in working with us to strengthen the international system as a whole.
Similarly, in the South China Sea, the United States makes no claim on territory there. We do not adjudicate claims. But like every nation gathered here, we have an interest in upholding the basic principles of freedom of navigation and the free flow of commerce, and in resolving disputes through international law, not the law of force. So we will defend those principles, while encouraging China and other claimants to resolve their differences peacefully. I say this while recognizing that diplomacy is hard, the outcomes are sometimes unsatisfying and it is rarely politically popular. But I believe that leaders of large nations in particular have an obligation to take those risks, precisely because we are strong enough to protect our interests if and when diplomacy fails.
I also believe that to move forward in this new era, we have to be strong enough to acknowledge when what we are doing is not working. For 50 years, the United States pursued a Cuba policy that failed to improve the lives of the Cuban people. We changed that. We continue to have differences with the Cuban Government. We will continue to stand up for human rights. But we address those issues through diplomatic relations, increased commerce and people-to-people ties. As those contacts yield progress, I am confident that our Congress will inevitably lift an embargo that should not be in place any more. Change will not come overnight to Cuba, but I am confident that openness, not coercion, will support the reforms and the better life that the Cuban people deserve, just as I believe that Cuba will find its success if it pursues cooperation with other nations.
Now, if it is in the interest of major Powers to uphold international standards, that is even more true for the rest of the community of nations. Look around the world. From Singapore to Colombia to Senegal, the facts show that nations succeed when they pursue an inclusive peace and prosperity within their borders and work cooperatively with countries beyond those borders.
That path is now available to a nation such as Iran, which, as of this moment, continues to deploy violent proxies to advance its interests. Those efforts may appear to give it leverage in disputes with its neighbours, but they fuel sectarian conflict that endangers the entire region and isolates Iran from the promise of trade and commerce. The Iranian people have a proud history and are filled with extraordinary potential. But chanting “Death to America” does not create jobs or make Iran more secure. If Iran chooses a different path, that will be good for the security of the region, good for the Iranian people and good for the world.
Of course, around the globe, we will continue to be confronted with nations that reject these lessons of history — places where civil strife, border disputes and sectarian wars give rise to terrorist enclaves and humanitarian disasters. Where order has completely broken down, we must act, but we will be stronger when we act together.
In such efforts, the United States will always do its part. We will do so mindful of the lessons of the past — not just the lessons of Iraq, but also the example of Libya, where we joined an international coalition
under a United Nations mandate to prevent a slaughter. Even as we helped the Libyan people bring an end to the reign of a tyrant, our coalition could have and should have done more to fill a vacuum left behind. We are grateful to the United Nations for its efforts to forge a unity Government. We will help any legitimate Libyan Government as it works to bring the country together.
We also have to recognize that we must work more effectively in the future, as an international community, to build capacity for States that are in distress before they collapse. That is why we should celebrate the fact that, later today, the United States will join with more than 50 countries to enlist new capabilities — infantry, intelligence, helicopters, hospitals, and tens of thousands of troops — to strengthen United Nations peacekeeping. These new capabilities can prevent mass killing and ensure that peace agreements are more than words on paper. But we have to do it together. Together, we must strengthen our collective capacity to establish security where order has broken down and to support those who seek a just and lasting peace.
Nowhere is our commitment to international order more tested than in Syria. When a dictator slaughters tens of thousands of his own people, that is not just a matter of one nation’s internal affairs. It breeds human suffering on an order of magnitude that affects us all. Likewise, when a terrorist group beheads captives, slaughters the innocent and enslaves women, that is not a single nation’s national security problem. It is an assault on humankind as a whole.
I have said before and I will repeat: there is no room to accommodate an apocalyptic cult like the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), and the United States makes no apologies for using our military, as part of a broad coalition, to go after them. We do so with a determination to ensure that there will never be a safe haven for terrorists who carry out these crimes. We have demonstrated over more than a decade of relentless pursuit of Al-Qaida that we will not be outlasted by extremists.
While military power is necessary, it is not sufficient to resolve the situation in Syria. Lasting stability can take hold only when the people of Syria forge an agreement to live together peacefully. The United States is prepared to work with any nation, including Russia and Iran, to resolve the conflict. But we must recognize that after so much bloodshed, so much carnage, there cannot be a return to the pre-war status quo.
Let us remember how this started. Al-Assad reacted to peaceful protests by escalating repression and killing that, in turn, created the environment for the current strife. And so Al-Assad and his allies cannot simply pacify the broad majority of a population that has been brutalized by chemical weapons and indiscriminate bombing. Yes, realism dictates that compromise will be required to end the fighting and, ultimately, stamp out ISIL. But realism also requires a managed transition away from Al-Assad and to a new leader, and an inclusive Government that recognizes there must be an end to this chaos so that the Syrian people can begin to rebuild.
We know that ISIL — which emerged out of the chaos of Iraq and Syria — depends on perpetual war to survive, but we also know that they gain adherents because of a poisonous ideology. Part of our job, together, is to work to reject such extremism that infects too many of our young people. Part of that effort must be a continued rejection by Muslims of those who distort Islam to preach intolerance and promote violence. It must also involve a rejection by non-Muslims of the ignorance that equates Islam with terrorism.
This work will take time. There are no easy answers to Syria, and there are no simple answers to the changes that are taking place in much of the Middle East and North Africa. But so many families need help right now; they do not have time. That is why the United States is increasing the number of refugees whom we welcome within our borders. That is why we will continue to be the largest donor of assistance to support those refugees. Today we are launching new efforts to ensure that our people and our businesses, our universities and our non-governmental organizations can help as well, because in the faces of suffering families, our nation of immigrants sees itself.
Of course, in the old ways of thinking, the plight of the powerless, the plight of refugees, the plight of the marginalized did not matter. They were on the periphery of the world’s concerns. Today, our concern for them is driven not just by conscience, but should also be driven by self-interest. Helping people who have been pushed to the margins of our world is not mere charity; it is a matter of collective security. The purpose of this institution is not merely to avoid conflict; it is to galvanize the collective action that makes life better on this planet.
The commitments we have made to the Sustainable Development Goals speak to this truth. I believe that
capitalism has been the greatest creator of wealth and opportunity that the world has ever known. But from big cities to rural villages around the world, we also know that prosperity is still cruelly out of reach for too many. As His Holiness Pope Francis reminds us, we are stronger when we value the least among these and see them as equal in dignity to ourselves and our sons and our daughters.
We can roll back preventable disease and end the scourge of HIV/AIDS. We can stamp out pandemics that recognize no borders. That work may not be on television right now, but as we demonstrated in reversing the spread of Ebola, it can save more lives than anything else we can do. Together, we can eradicate extreme poverty and erase barriers to opportunity. But this requires a sustained commitment to our people so farmers can feed more people, so entrepreneurs can start a business without paying a bribe, so young people have the skills they need to succeed in this modern, knowledge-based economy.
We can promote growth through trade that meets a higher standard, and that is what we are doing through the Trans-Pacific Partnership — a trade agreement that encompasses nearly 40 per cent of the global economy, an agreement that will open markets while protecting the rights of workers and protecting the environment that enables development to be sustained.
We can roll back the pollution that we put in our skies and help economies lift people out of poverty without condemning our children to the ravages of an ever-warming climate. The same ingenuity that produced the Industrial Age and the Computer Age allows us to harness the potential of clean energy. No country can escape the ravages of climate change. And there is no stronger sign of leadership than putting future generations first. The United States will work with every nation that is willing to do its part so that we can come together in Paris to decisively confront this challenge.
Finally, regarding our vision for the future of the Assembly, my belief in moving forward rather than backwards requires us to defend the democratic principles that allow societies to succeed. Let me start from a simple premise. Catastrophes like what we are seeing in Syria do not take place in countries where there is genuine democracy and respect for the universal values this institution is supposed to defend.
I recognize that democracy is going to take different forms in different parts of the world. The very idea of a people governing themselves depends upon government giving expression to their unique culture, their unique history, their unique experiences. But some universal truths are self-evident. No person wants to be imprisoned for peaceful worship. No woman should ever be abused with impunity, no girl should be barred from attending school. There should be freedom to peacefully petition those in power without fear of arbitrary laws. These are not ideas of one country or one culture. They are fundamental to human progress. They are a cornerstone of this institution.
I realize that in many parts of the world there is a different view — a belief that strong leadership must tolerate no dissent. I hear it not only from America’s adversaries, but — privately, at least — I also hear it from some of our friends. I disagree. I believe a Government that suppresses peaceful dissent is not showing strength. It is showing weakness and it is showing fear.
History shows that regimes that fear their own people will eventually crumble, but strong institutions built on the consent of the governed endure long after any one individual is gone. That is why our strongest leaders, from George Washington to Nelson Mandela, have elevated the importance of building strong, democratic institutions over a thirst for perpetual power. Leaders who amend constitutions to stay in office only acknowledge that they failed to build a successful country for their people, because none of us lasts forever. It tells us that power is something they cling to for its own sake rather than for the betterment of those whom they purport to serve.
I understand that democracy is frustrating. Democracy in the United States is certainly imperfect. At times it can be dysfunctional. But democracy — the constant struggle to extend rights to more of our people, to give more people a voice — is what allowed us to become the most powerful nation in the world. It is not simply a matter of principle; it is not an abstraction. Democracy, inclusive democracy, makes countries stronger. When opposition parties can seek power peacefully through the ballot, a country draws upon new ideas. When a free media can inform the public, corruption and abuse are exposed and can be rooted out. When civil society thrives, communities can solve problems that Governments cannot necessarily solve alone. When immigrants are welcomed, countries are
more productive and more vibrant. When girls can go to school, get a job and pursue unlimited opportunities, that is when a country realizes its full potential.
That is what I believe is America’s greatest strength. Not everybody in America agrees with me. That is part of democracy. I believe that the fact that one can walk the streets of this city right now and pass churches and synagogues and temples and mosques where people worship freely; the fact that our nation of immigrants mirrors the diversity of the world — one can find people from everywhere here in New York City — the fact that in this country everybody can contribute, everybody can participate no matter who they are or what they look like or whom they love — that is what makes us strong.
I believe that what is true for America is true for virtually all mature democracies. That is no accident. We can be proud of our nations without defining ourselves in opposition to some other group. We can be patriotic without demonizing someone else. We can cherish our own identities — our religion, our ethnicity, our traditions — without putting others down. Our systems are premised on the notion that absolute power will corrupt, but that people, ordinary people, are fundamentally good and value family and friendship, faith and the dignity of hard work. And with appropriate checks and balances, Governments can reflect that goodness. I believe that is the future we must seek together — to believe in the dignity of every individual, to believe we can bridge our differences and choose cooperation over conflict. That is not weakness; that is strength. It is a practical necessity in our interconnected world.
Our people understand this. Think of the Liberian doctor who went door to door to search for Ebola cases and to tell families what to do if they show symptoms. Think of the Iranian shopkeeper who said after the nuclear deal, “God willing, now we will be able to offer many more goods at better prices”. Think of the Americans who lowered the flag over our embassy in Havana in 1961, the year I was born, and who returned this summer to raise that flag back up. One of those men said of the Cuban people, “We could do things for them, and they could do things for us. We loved them”. For 50 years we ignored that fact. Think of the families leaving everything they have known behind, risking barren deserts and stormy waters just to find shelter, just to save their children. One Syrian refugee who was met in Hamburg with warm greetings and shelter said,
“We feel there are still some people who love other people”.
The people of our United Nations are not as different as they have been told. They can be made to fear; they can be taught to hate, but they can also respond to hope. History is littered with the failure of false prophets and fallen empires who believed that might always makes right. That will continue to be the case. We can count on it. But we are called upon to offer a different type of leadership, a leadership strong enough to recognize that nations share common interests and people share a common humanity. And, yes, there are certain ideas and principles that are universal. That is what those who shaped the United Nations 70 years ago understood. Let us carry that faith forward into the future, for it is the only way we can ensure that the future will be brighter, for my children and for everyone’s children.