Today, Sir, my country celebrates the fourteenth anniversary of its independence and it is a singular pleasure for me to extend to you my delegation's congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. It is also a great pleasure to welcome to the Organization, on behalf of my delegation, the 159th Member State, Brunei Darussalam.
94.	All Member States have solemnly undertaken to maintain international peace and security and to settle international disputes by peaceful means. Events around the world indicate a drifting away from that undertaking. The list of crises and conflicts is ever increasing. This trend must be checked, and it can be if there is an international resolve to act in the interest of peace. The United Nations resolutions on these crises and conflicts provide ample basis for that kind of resolve and action.
95.	A manifestation of the lack of resolve to undertake negotiations and dialogue as a means of settling disputes between States is seen in the upsurge of terrorism and terrorist activities throughout the world. Respect for the rule of law and the principles and rules of international law governing norms of behaviour is of such paramount importance that any deviation or persistent breach of those norms could easily lead to anarchy. The recent incidents of the bombing of the American Embassy in Beirut and the appalling bomb attack on the Republic of Korea's high-ranking officials in Rangoon last year should be condemned by all. For its part, my Government has unequivocally condemned those acts of terrorism and urges all States to contribute to the elimination of such acts.
96.	A number of items on our agenda refer to crises. I would like to refer to a few of them. My delegation will no doubt be referring to others in due course.
97.	With regard to the situations in Afghanistan, Cyprus and Kampuchea, the international community has repeatedly called for comprehensive political solutions, and we fully subscribe to this. The relevant resolutions of this Assembly call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of those countries. In this connection, we continue to support the determined efforts of the Secretary-General and urge all parties directly concerned to co-operate with him in order to settle those crises.
98.	The Korean peninsula remains an area of persistent tension. We continue to support the aspirations of the Korean people to a speedy resumption of the dialogue between North and South in order to settle the Korean question by peaceful means and without any external interference.
99.	The question of the Middle East is becoming even more complex. Ever since its inception, the United Nations has sought a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East, but a solution has eluded the Organization to this day.
100.	The question of the Palestinian people remains at the core of the Middle East crisis. There will be no durable peace in the Middle East until the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to a homeland, and the rights of all States in the region, including Israel, are assured. To move in that direction, dialogue and negotiations between all the parties directly concerned are essential. But, for them to succeed, conditions conducive to peace have to be created. To this end, the most immediate need is the withdrawal of all unauthorized forces from occupied Arab and Lebanese territories.
101.	As a Member of the United Nations, Fiji remains fully committed to doing all it can to contribute within its modest means to the attainment of peace and stability in the Middle East. Our participation in the United Nations peace-keeping operations in Lebanon is a tangible manifestation of this. It would, however, be remiss of me if I did not mention the drain on our limited financial resources as a result of our participation. Other troop contributors also feel the financial strain. Yet this situation would not have arisen if all Member States had met their financial obligations.
102.	It is, regrettably, all too clear that serious violations of human rights are taking place in many parts of the world. We, the Members of the Organization, have a special responsibility to take action on violations of human rights wherever they occur and to endeavour to find solutions which can contribute to putting an end to such violations.
103.	Nowhere is such violation more flagrant and agonizing than in southern Africa, where the evil policy of apartheid is systematically perpetuated and consolidated. The international community must redouble its efforts to work towards the dismantling of that policy and it must reject categorically the recent so-called constitutional reforms, which, instead of eliminating the policy of apartheid, serve only to consolidate it further.
104.	The United Nations has a proud record in the area of decolonization, yet we cannot become too complacent. We must continue to work towards the elimination of the remaining vestiges of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations in various areas of the world. Undoubtedly, our biggest challenge in this area is in southern Africa In defiance of the United Nations and of the global consensus on the urgent need for independence for Namibia, South Africa continues its illegal occupation and exploitation of that country. Fiji is of the firm view that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) must be implemented fully and urgently and that attempts to link the independence of Namibia to what is happening in another country must be rejected.
105.	In my own region, my Government has followed with close interest and attention the developments in the neighbouring Territory of New Caledonia. At its recent meeting in Tuvalu, the South Pacific Forum leaders took the opportunity to examine closely the situation evolving in that Territory. They welcomed the administrative and land reforms which have been instituted as part of the movement towards the granting of self-determination to the people of New Caledonia and called for further administrative and political reforms in the Territory as a preparatory measure for independence. In calling for those additional measures, the Forum leaders recognized the critical importance of ensuring the active participation of the indigenous Melanesian community in the Territory's educational, vocational and administrative institutions, to facilitate the Territory's early and peaceful achievement of independence.
106.	In this regard, Fiji and other members of the South Pacific Forum would welcome an unequivocal affirmation by France of its commitment to the independence of New Caledonia and to bringing this about speedily, in accordance with the wishes of the Territory's entire multiracial population, including especially its Kanak community.
107.	If there is a single issue which alarms the world today it is the nuclear-arms race and the threat of a nuclear holocaust. The lack of any real progress in the arms negotiations leading to disarmament and the strained relations between the super-Powers have heightened that alarm.
108.	It is true that nuclear disarmament will depend primarily on the nuclear-weapon States, and especially the super-Powers. This forum, however, provides an opportunity for all States to voice their concern. The nuclear-weapon States cannot and should not ignore that concern; the survival of everyone is at stake.
109.	It is my delegation's hope that the concern and deliberations in this forum will provide an important and necessary impetus to meaningful negotiations leading to the halting of the arms race and eventually to arms reduction and disarmament by the nuclear- weapon States. It is with that hope that my delegation welcomes the continuing inclusion of items that are pertinent to this issue on our agenda. It is also with that hope that we once again urge the reconvening of the stalled Geneva and Vienna negotiations between the two super-Powers. Without any meaningful agreement, the arms race will continue. Ultimately, the failure to check this unremitting arms build-up and thereby avert a nuclear holocaust will render irrelevant all other issues on our agenda.
110.	The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is an important security measure and we hope that the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to be held in 1985, will promote positive co-operation to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We look to the nuclear-weapon States to demonstrate their good faith in our disarmament efforts.
111.	A moratorium on the testing, production and deployment of nuclear weapons constitutes, in my Government's view, the most basic and the most essential element of our disarmament efforts.
112.	The conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty should continue to have high priority on our agenda. While we are concerned at the lack of progress towards such a treaty, we nevertheless urge the Conference on Disarmament to pursue in all earnestness the early conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty.
113.	Apart from the considerations that I have referred to, my Government's concern lies closer to home. One of the major nuclear-weapon States continues to conduct its nuclear testing programme in the South Pacific. This it has done persistently for the last decade now, disregarding the overwhelming opposition and condemnation of my Government and the Governments of our South Pacific neighbours. Needless to say, the nuclear tests carried out in the region pose real threats to our marine environment and our peoples. At their meeting in Tuvalu recently, the South Pacific Forum leaders reiterated their strong opposition to the continuation of nuclear testing by France in our region. We are heartened in this regard by the support of the shared concern expressed in a declaration conveyed to the Secretary- General by the Permanent Commission for the South Pacific, our Latin American South Pacific neighbours.
114.	With the combined calls of the Pacific and Latin American countries for the cessation of all nuclear testing in the South Pacific, my Government had hoped that France would abandon its nuclear testing in the South Pacific. Instead, in complete disregard of the feelings of the peoples of the region, France has announced its intention to continue its nuclear testing programme in our region for the next 15 years. In response to this announcement, our Minister for Foreign Affairs, only two days ago, reiterated the strong opposition of my Government. The Minister also made it clear that if the testing is safe, as it is claimed to be, it would be logical—as it is advisable and expedient for all concerned—to conduct it on European soil.
115.	In recognition of the overwhelming desire of our peoples to remain free from the risk of nuclear fallout, the South Pacific Forum leaders have taken a collective decision to work towards the establishment of a nuclear-free zone for the region. Their concern for the safety of their peoples and their environment is also manifested in the position that member countries of the Forum have taken in the ongoing negotiations on a treaty on the development and protection of the natural environment of the South Pacific region.
116.	Our commitment and resolve in the South Pacific to protect our environment from nuclear contamination stem from our anxieties and concerns as island peoples. With the limited land area of most island States in the region, our seas and their resources are of overwhelming importance to our survival. We therefore reiterate our request to the United Nations and its agencies for assistance to the small island countries in the South Pacific to enable them to elaborate and implement ocean development policies that will ensure the optimum and rational utilization of their living and non-living resources, for the benefit of their peoples and their region.
117.	As a small island developing country, Fiji attaches great importance to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. All-encompassing in its nature and scope, it is in our view one of the very few legal instruments that attempt to redress the inequity of the past, in favour not of one but of all and devoid of partisan doctrine. It was for this reason that we were the first to ratify the Convention, and it is for this reason that we now urge Member States to ratify it so as to bring its provisions into force. When that happens it will represent an important instrument for international co-operation for the economic and social development of all peoples.
118.	I conclude by reaffirming my country's support for the Organization. The United Nations remains the only organ through which the international community can address our common enemies of war, colonialism, human rights violations and poverty. Undoubtedly some of its deliberative organs need to be strengthened. Its principles, however, are as valid as ever. Fiji will continue to support those principles.


72.	It gives me great pleasure, Sir, to see you, an illustrious son of Africa, occupying the post of President of the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session. I congratulate you most sincerely. Your election is well deserved recognition of the vast diplomatic experience and stature which you have acquired in the course of many years of association with the United Nations. Your election is, at the same time, deserving recognition of your country, Zambia. Our two countries are linked, not only by territory, people and history, but also by a common resolve to struggle against oppression, colonialism and racism and to promote justice and the economic wellbeing of the deprived part of humanity, which is the greater part. This oneness of purpose and complementarity of efforts has joined us in the group of frontline States, the Southern African Development Coordination Conference, the OAU and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. In welcoming your leadership of this session, my delegation pledges its fullest cooperation.
73.	I wish also to record the deep appreciation of my Government to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, of Panama, who with dedication and competence so effectively conducted the proceedings of the thirty-eighth session of the Assembly.
74.	Allow me also to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary General. It takes hard work, dedication and perseverance to ensure the smooth operation of the United Nations, especially at a time when the Organization is undergoing financial problems and facing crises of political confidence even vis-à-vis some of its own Members. We are pleased to note that he has shouldered his responsibility with commitment and resourcefulness.
75.	My delegation is happy to join other delegations in extending a warm welcome to the new nation of Brunei Darussalam. Its admission brings us a step closer to the total eradication of the scourge of colonialism and towards the ultimate goal of universality of membership of the United Nations. We look forward to friendly relations with the Government of
76.	Since the last session, the political and economic problems facing the international community have increased in complexity, critical initiatives have stagnated, and our capacity to provide hope to a weary world has diminished. Indeed, the enemies and critics of the United Nations have been reinforced by its apparent helplessness in the face of continuing conflict, insecurity and poverty in the world.
77.	Perhaps our resolve is needed nowhere more than in southern Africa. Since the last session, there have been significant developments in the region— significant not because we have as a result of them come any closer to the elimination of apartheid or colonialism but because those developments have, in fact, been seized upon by the detractors of African freedom to retard the liberation struggle. The countries directly involved have put the present situation in its proper context and their statements before this Assembly stand for the record.
78.	The history of South African oppression and aggression against the black people inside and outside South Africa is well known. In fighting the war in Mozambique and Angola, South Africa has wanted to create a buffer zone for apartheid. The triumph of the MPLA and FRELIMO in Angola and Mozambique, respectively, has obviously been a great blow to the sinister desire of the apartheid regime to surround itself either with economically dependent and totally submissive African States or with puppet governments.
79.	Today, South Africa has not ceased to react to internal and external opposition to apartheid by seeking to control its neighbours through a variety of methods, including a combination of false promises, destabilization and outright military attacks and occupation.
80.	The choice facing the countries of southern Africa is clear. Either they bow to the evil of apartheid or they must be prepared to become its victims. They have paid dearly for their commitment to the struggle against apartheid.
81.	In this regard, Tanzania is deeply distressed that, out of the so-called concern for strategic, economic and security requirements, which in fact is a front for long held political misconceptions, a policy of acceptance of or accommodation with apartheid is now being assiduously fostered. The invitation to Prime Minister Botha to visit some Western European countries, as well as some of the statements we have already heard from this rostrum, is but another aspect of that policy.
82.	The situation in southern Africa admits of no neutrality. In essence, apartheid represents a negation of our common humanity, which we seek to safeguard and foster by our commitment to the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations. The struggle against apartheid is, therefore, the responsibility of the international community as a whole and. not the burden of the countries of southern Africa alone.
83.	That the apartheid regime is supposedly now ready to talk to the Governments of the countries of southern Africa which it thought it could obliterate at the time of independence is in itself a measure of the failure of the regime to subdue them. Yet, we reject the premise that these overtures by apartheid South Africa mean that it is now freedom loving or peace loving, for apartheid cm offer no peace to its victims, and neither can they. The victims of apartheid are primarily the black people of South Africa. If the racist regime is willing to talk peace, it is addressing the request for dialogue to the wrong people. Angola, Botswana, Swaziland, Lesotho, Mozambique or Zimbabwe do not threaten the South African regime. It is the black people inside South Africa that the regime has to settle with. South Africa has to talk with the people of South Africa through their national liberation movement. For its part, Tanzania reaffirms its total support for the South African liberation movement.
84.	The events in southern Africa must continue to be seen in their true context of South African aggression and not with an assumed image of South Africa as a peacemaker. There can be no peace or accommodation with apartheid, and those who now echo the empty propagandistic pronouncements of the racist regime should know that they are in fact contributing to the undoing of all that has been achieved in the global campaign to isolate apartheid. To preach accommodation or neutrality with regard to racism is immoral and politically unacceptable. My President, Julius K. Nyerere, said in an address to the Fifth Summit of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference, held at Gaborone on 6 July 1984:
"It is irrelevant that apartheid South Africa has strong allies and that the economic and military muscle of apartheid is sustained to a very great extent by Western States through trade and other forms of cooperation; apartheid remains immoral and any support given to South Africa is immoral. It is rejected by public opinion even in the very States which give support to South Africa, as well as the vast majority of the South Africans. Immorality is immorality—even when it has powerful supporters—and apartheid is immoral."
85.	For Namibia, we have a plan which has been accepted by the parties concerned and upon which there exists an international consensus. SWAPO, the frontline States, Africa and, indeed, the international community as a whole have invested a great deal of work, patience, hope and time in the evolution of the plan for the independence of Namibia. That plan would have been implemented several years ago but for the extraneous linkages and conditionalities mooted to thwart the letter and spirit of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Let me reiterate my country's stand. We reject the use of the withdrawal of Cuban troops from the sovereign State of Angola as a bargaining chip in the implementation of the United Nations independence plan for Namibia. We also reject as illegal and unacceptable the continued occupation of southern Angola by South African troops, and we consider entirely reprehensible the attempt to tie the withdrawal of these aggressor troops to a ceasefire between the patriotic troops of SWAPO and the South African occupation forces in Namibia. We vigorously denounce the support given to the counterrevolutionary movement of UNlTA. We reaffirm our unremitting support for SWAPO, the sole and authentic representative of the struggling people of Namibia. If the patience of the colonized and oppressed people of Namibia is not to run out, if their faith, trust and confidence in the United Nations and in the solidarity of the international community are to be sustained, the United Nations plan should be implemented without further delay. In it is, the responsibility of the Western Five., and particularly the United States, to see to it that the plan for the independence of Namibia is not further obstructed cannot be overemphasized.
86.	The Saharan people continue to be denied their independence. We regret that, despite the existence of United Nations and OAU formulas for the self-determination and independence of the Saharan people, one party to the conflict—Morocco—continues its obstructionist policies. We renew our appeal to the parties concerned, and in particular Morocco, to facilitate the work of the OAU Implementation Committee.
87.	We are equally concerned about the future of the Comoros island of Mayotte. While we welcome the ongoing bilateral negotiations between the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros and France, we urge the parties in question to expedite the negotiations for the eventual restoration of the national unity and territorial integrity of the Comoros.
88.	In Chad, the fratricidal conflict persists with the regrettable de facto partitioning of that country. My Government has followed with keen interest the efforts of the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity to bring the warring parties to the conference table. We commend him for his tireless efforts. We appeal to the leaders of the contending Chadian groups to put patriotism first, to come together and to agree on a future for their country which preserves unity and territorial integrity and militarily excludes foreign interference and involvement.
89.	In the Middle East, we believe that a comprehensive and lasting peace can be achieved only if Israel unconditionally withdraws from all the Arab territories occupied since 1967 and recognizes the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to establish an independent State of their own. Israel must end its illegal settlement policy in the occupied territories. The need for all States in the region, including Israel, to live within secure and internationally recognized borders should be acknowledged. Meanwhile, we reiterate our support for the PLO as the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people.
90.	The war between Iran and Iraq, two nonaligned and developing States, has already caused tremendous devastation of human life and property. My Government has all along encouraged the mediation efforts of the United Nations, the Movement of Nonaligned Countries, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the individual countries which have offered their services in the search for an amicable resolution of the conflict. While we continue to encourage these efforts, we renew our earnest appeal to both Iran and Iraq to agree to a peaceful settlement. At the same time, we hope that all countries, particularly the major Powers, will desist from actions which might exacerbate the tensions in the region and widen the conflict.
91.	Although the situation in the Middle East remains unsettled, my delegation is encouraged by the new spirit of reconciliation and national unity among the Lebanese people. This new spirit offers new hope for the future stability, national unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their country. Therefore, we call upon the international community as a whole to give wholehearted encouragement and support to the Lebanese people as they embark on the arduous road of national reconstruction. That process should be facilitated by the immediate cessation of the Israeli military occupation of southern Lebanon.
92.	In Cyprus, intercommunal differences, exacerbated by foreign involvement, have led to the current unfortunate state of division. In a statement issued at the time of the unilateral action on the part of the Turkish Cypriots, my Government regretted their unilateral declaration of independence. We hope that the Cypriot communities will continue negotiations within the framework of the good offices of the Secretary General with a view to finding a viable and lasting solution which will preserve the ethnic diversity, territorial integrity and independence of the Republic of Cyprus. In this endeavour, however, those foreign countries most directly concerned, namely, Turkey and Greece, and the international community as a whole, should give the Cypriot people a genuine chance for dialogue and compromise. We hope the Secretary General will continue to offer his good offices for that objective.
93.	Tanzania supports the efforts of the Korean people towards peaceful reunification of their homeland. We are encouraged by the steadily growing willingness of the two parts of Korea to initiate constructive dialogue.
94.	Central America remains engulfed in war or the threat of war. The civil war in El Salvador continues, and the threats of foreign intervention in Nicaragua and the unprecedented arms build-up around its borders and along its shores continue to be a source of serious concern. Over the years, the Movement of Nonaligned Countries and the United Nations have reaffirmed the right of Nicaragua and all other countries of the region to live in peace, free from outside interference. We continue to see the persistent threat to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of a Nicaragua as ensuing from the deliberate refusal of some countries outside the region to accept the existence of ideological pluralism in the region. It is in this context that Tanzania will continue to reject any attempts to infringe on the sovereignty of Nicaragua or to undermine the independence of that country. The right of each State to choose its social, economic and political system without outside interference must be respected.
95.	The Government of Tanzania has supported the initiatives of the Contadora Group and, in particular, the Contadora Act on Peace and Cooperation in Central America, which the group has issued. The countries of the Contadora Group recognize that ideological pluralism is a reality in the region which must be accepted. These countries realize that respect for the right of peoples of the region to self-determination and political as well as economic independence are the firm basis for any successful negotiations among the countries involved for genuine and permanent arrangements for peace.
96.	In Africa, as in many parts of the developing world, the refugee problem continues to preoccupy the Governments affected by the forced human migrations. More could have been achieved in terms of offering hope to the long-term needs of the refugees. We appreciate, none the less, the spirit of cooperation and generosity demonstrated at the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held at Geneva from 9 to 11 July 1984, by the Governments which responded readily and generously to the appeal of the Conference.
97.	At the same time, we regard the Mexico City Declaration on Population and Development, adopted by the International Conference on Population, held from 6 to 14 August 1984 as providing a workable guideline for the future elaboration by countries of appropriate population policies, taking into account the particular circumstances of each country.
98.	This session marks the tenth anniversary of the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. This is also the tenth anniversary of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. The first review and appraisal of the implementation of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade will be carried out at this session. These are all important policy instruments aimed primarily at the acceleration of the development of the developing countries and the promotion of cooperation among all members of the international community on the basis of sovereign equality, justice and interdependence.
99.	Unfortunately, the international community has failed to turn these policy instruments into effective action. What we have witnessed over the last 10 years is a disappointing record of inconclusive negotiations and persistent inaction. This failure to take appropriate and timely action has plunged the world economy into a deeper crisis and severely strained North South relations. The deterioration in the economies of most developing countries has reached grave proportions. Severe balance of payments difficulties and unbearable debt burdens have become some of the most common features in most developing countries. And, while many developing countries, particularly in Africa, are suffering from an acute shortage of food, the preoccupation in Europe and North America is with reduction of supplies of foodstuffs in order to maintain farmers' incomes.
100.	These are some of the realities of the present international order. But there are those who would wish to dismiss these lightly as third world problems. Their relationship to, and impact on, the economies of the developed countries are often ignored as if the North and the South lived in two isolated planets. Thus, for example, although developing countries take over one third of the exports from the European Economic Community, the relationship between high levels of unemployment in these industrialized countries and the diminishing import capacity of third world countries, caused by the collapse of the prices of the commodities they export, is hardly talked about! In his address to the Assembly last year, at the thirty-eighth session, my President stated: "Economically, an impoverished customer is no good to a shopkeeper, a destitute man is no use to a farmer and a bankrupt creditor is a disaster for a bank." These, too, are the realities of economic interdependence.
101.	In order to achieve true interdependence, however, structural changes in the existing international economic system are imperative. This system has proved to be inappropriate not only for the development needs of the developing countries of the postcolonial era, but also to its own architects. A frank exchange on how to restructure relations between developed and developing countries is therefore needed as a key element in the revival of the world economy.
102.	But, at a time when such a dialogue is urgently needed, we witness deliberate manoeuvres by a few developed countries to disrupt the very process of negotiation. Surprisingly, these are the same countries which 10 years ago made strong pleas for accommodation and cooperation and the need to avoid confrontation. Some of them even talked about "global consensus for economic development". Their actions today reveal the hollowness of such pleas. We know now that consensus and accommodation to them means acceptance of the policies of domination and exploitation of the majority by a few developed countries. When such policies have been overwhelmingly rejected by the international community, then the whole process of dialogue is regarded as ideological politicization of technical discussions. Their immediate reaction to the aspirations of the rest of the international community is to try to put an end to any kind of dialogue unless such dialogue is conducted in accordance with the wishes and the rules of the few wealthy nations. The wave of notices of withdrawal from this or that organization and the threats to withdraw financial support for certain organizations do not help to improve the climate of international cooperation either.
103.	In short, we are faced with a conflict between a call by the majority of mankind for structural change towards justice and true interdependence and a desire by a few developed countries to protect the existing inequitable system of international division of labour. But change is inevitable. The question is whether it will be such as to advance the wellbeing of mankind in a shrinking world or to risk catastrophe, whether nations will share in and guide such change or have it forced upon them in a manner they may find much less manageable. There is la essential international character to the struggle for human equality and human dignity and to the search for lasting solutions to the world economic crisis and the war against poverty. Let us agree at this session to launch the global negotiations and pledge our resolve to work tirelessly for their successful conclusion.
104.	While the political and economic problems cast a gloomy shadow on the future of the world, nothing puts its survival in greater jeopardy than the spiralling arms race. Since the last session, the world has seen the further deterioration of relations between the superpowers and the attendant resurgence of the politics of the cold war. New and more sophisticated weapons are being manufactured at an unprecedented rate, and concepts of limited nuclear war find expression in equally unprecedented military expenditures as the international situation unfolds the possibility of nuclear confrontation.
105.	The politics of power are compounding the perceived sense of insecurity of countries and this, in turn, is fuelling the race for more weapons, including conventional weapons. The time has come to realize that the safety of the world depends on a courageous approach to the problems of arms control and disarmament, getting out of this vicious cycle of fear. In that approach, priority should be placed on nuclear disarmament, for it is nuclear weapons which pose the most immediate threat to the survival of mankind.
106.	Any stability, however, must necessarily include the nonnuclear weapon States, in particular third world countries. Their role in the scheme of global stability cannot be ignored because they also have an interest in self-preservation. Their participation in the decision-making is a prerequisite for the solution of the security and economic problems which beset the world today. It was in this context of both involvement and breaking the impasse in the nuclear arms negotiations brought about by the psychological barrier of mutual suspicion that my President, together with the leaders of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico and Sweden, issued a Joint Declaration on 22 May 1984, in which they called upon the five nuclear weapon States to halt all testing, production and development of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems and to agree to negotiate substantial reductions in their nuclear forces, with adequate verification measures. This measure towards general and complete disarmament should be complemented by measures to strengthen the United Nations system and to transfer the resources thus saved from the arms race to social and economic development. Today, I wish to repeat that call to the nuclear weapon States, and I hope that, in the interest of world peace, other countries will join us in petitioning those countries to negotiate.
107.	The Indian Ocean continues to hold potential for big Power conflict. We call on the big Powers to respond positively to the desire of the littoral and hinterland States for the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
108.	Present here at the United Nations are nations big and small, rich and poor, strong and weak. We are bound together by our common desire and resolve to nurture and preserve our collective freedom, independence and security. We all speak of peace, security and independence, and the Organization was established for the precise purpose of establishing these common ideals. We have heard a great deal about the diminishing moral authority of the United Nations. The influence of the United Nations has been questioned and its effectiveness is sometimes cynically dismissed. Admittedly, 39 years after the United Nations was founded, the greater part of the world has seen little peace and little relief from the oppression of poverty. Yet, the world would be poorer without the United Nations, for there is no denying that it provides an essential instrument for pursuing the objectives of world peace, security and development. Nothing can diminish the nobility of the goals of the United Nations. Separately and together, we must work to strengthen it as an organization for the regulation and promotion of beneficial international relations. The Tanzanian delegation pledges its full cooperation in this worthy endeavour.


I join previous speakers in extending to Mr. Lusaka my delegation's congratulations on his election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I should also like to express our appreciation of the exemplary manner in which his distinguished predecessor, Mr- Illueca, presided over the thirty-eighth session.
315.	On behalf of the Papua New Guinea Government, I extend a special welcome to Brunei Darussalam on its becoming a Member of the United Nations. As a neighbour in the region, Papua New Guinea has close ties with Brunei. Brunei and Papua New Guinea representatives sat together as special observers at the annual meetings of Foreign Ministers of the Association of South-East Asian Nations before we decided to become a full member this year, and at the regional meetings of the Commonwealth Heads of Government.
316.	Many of the items on the agenda for this session of the General Assembly have, in one form or another, been on its agenda since my country joined the United Nations nine years ago. Resolutions dealing with these items have been debated and adopted, but little progress has been made in giving effect to some of them. Circumstances which first led to the inclusion of these items on the agenda still prevail, or have even worsened.
317.	In the interim, issues which once seemed somewhat abstract, and problems which once seemed rather remote, have gained concreteness and immediacy for my country. Without wishing to detract in any way from the intrinsic importance of other items on the agenda, I propose to focus on those issues and problems.
318.	But let me begin by stating that, despite the slow and sometimes frustrating progress being made in dealing practically with certain items, the Government and people of Papua New Guinea remain as strongly committed to the United Nations, as the Prime Minister of my country, Mr. Michael T. Somare, reaffirmed when he addressed the thirty- eighth session of the General Assembly. In fact, recent developments have, if anything, increased the importance which we attach to the United Nations, and strengthened our commitment to it. As the White Paper which guides the Government's conduct of Papua New Guinea's foreign relations makes clear, diplomacy plays a "vital role ... in serving our national interests". We have a vital interest in participating as effectively and constructively as we can in the General Assembly's deliberations and "in supporting a strengthened United Nations system".
319.	We meet at a time of greatly increased—and increasing—rivalry between the super-Powers. Communication between their leaders has probably reached an all-time low. Even talks about arms control and disarmament have broken down. The resulting tensions can be felt in all parts of the world.
320.	Third-world countries have been affected by rivalry between the two super-Powers in various— but almost always destructive—ways. Some have fallen direct victims to the insecurity felt by the leaders of the super-Powers as a result of the rivalry between them. Afghanistan is an example. Others have become the location of contests between foreign and/or domestic forces, as in Central America and the Middle East. Yet others have suffered at the hands of forces allied with, or acting for, one of the super-Powers. Kampuchea is an instance.
321.	As the Government of a newly independent and developing country, we attach particular and great importance to the rights of such countries to be secure, free from attack or other forms of unwelcome interference by their neighbours. That is why we have been, and remain, so strongly opposed to the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Kampuchea. That is why we have condemned the Soviet presence in Afghanistan. That is why we have called for the withdrawal of foreign troops from other countries, including Lebanon, and welcome the recent agreement between the French and Libyan Governments to withdraw their forces from Chad.
322.	Every day more than $2 billion is spent on arms by the super-Powers. The figure is many times the total world expenditure on foreign aid.
323.	Regrettably, much of the money being spent on arms comes from the budgets of Governments in the third world. Meanwhile, the population of third- world countries is increasing and the prospects open to citizens of third-world countries for equitable participation in development processes and in their fruits recede. The gap between developed and developing countries widens. And international tensions continue, in consequence, to rise.
324.	The arms race between the super-Powers is not, however, the only arms race in the world. Nor is rivalry between the super-Powers the only source of armed conflict. The terrible and costly war between Iran and Iraq is only a particularly deplorable example of armed conflict between the forces of neighbouring third-world countries. It is, moreover, a conflict which carries with it the calamitous possibility of drawing in other, outside Powers, unless it can be promptly contained.
323. Regional bodies can make an effective contribution to limiting the effects of rivalry between the super-Powers, in restraining other international conflicts, and in arms control. The achievements of ASEAN, as well as proposals adopted by the South Pacific Forum, spring to mind.
326.	Direct dealings between the Governments of neighbouring countries can make a similar contribution. So can direct dealings of a non-official kind. And here the recent rapprochement between the Japanese and South Korean Governments, as well as the offer of emergency relief for South Korea by the North Korean Red Cross, come to mind, perhaps as models for further developments directed towards reducing divisions and tensions in the North Pacific region.
327.	My Government is concerned about the long-standing animosity between the two nations in the Korean peninsula. They were one people; they can once again be one people. No one from outside can find a solution to their problems. Reunification as their goal is for them, and them alone.
328.	If the United Nations, a body founded in the aftermath of war and dedicated to preventing further war, fails to play its appointed part, where can the peoples of the world turn? Members of the United Nations have the required machinery at their disposal to work for the reduction of international tensions, control over the manufacture and distribution of arms and, ultimately, complete disarmament. The responsibility to act is squarely ours. Dare we, especially the representatives of newly independent and developing countries, where other needs are so urgently pressing, fail our children and other members of our families, our fellow citizens and other human beings by not using that machinery with sufficient will and might?
329.	Certain of the issues and problems raised by the situation which has been developing on my country's border with Indonesia since February of this year once seemed abstract and remote from Papua New Guinea. But some at least are, without doubt, generally familiar to people from other countries. They are among the issues and problems which I have suggested have gained concreteness and immediacy for my country.
330.	As with many other newly independent countries in Africa, Asia and the Pacific, the national boundaries of Papua New Guinea were drawn up, without regard for local geography or custom, by our former colonial rulers. But, as with most other newly independent countries, we have accepted them. Apart from some minor—and welcome—adjustments on the border with Australia, so have our neighbours.
331.	The Governments of Papua New Guinea and Indonesia recognize one another's sovereignty, integrity and independence. Under a Treaty concluded in 1979, we agreed not to allow our respective border areas to be used "as sanctuary, staging areas, bases or for illegal activities against each other". Despite the difficult terrain and strong ties between traditional border-dwellers on both sides, the Government of Papua New Guinea has honestly tried to abide by that Treaty.
332.	We have always respected the sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia. Regrettably, however, it has appeared clearly that the reverse has not always been the case. On several occasions in recent years, we have protested to the Indonesian Government at what we believed to be violations of our territorial sovereignty. Those violations have included the intrusion into our territory of military aircraft, the destruction of a village near the border and the construction at four points of a major highway into Papua New Guinea.
333.	In each case, the Papua New Guinea Government has sought an explanation of the violation before protesting. In line with our policy of independent and constructive neighbourly co-operation with the Governments of nearby countries, we have then sought to look beyond our protest for ways of avoiding a repetition and of maintaining and strengthening good relations with the Government and people of Indonesia.
334.	Let me emphasize that there is no disagreement between the Governments of Papua New Guinea and Indonesia as to where the international boundary is or should be. We have a joint border agreement which governs the administration of our common border. It is reviewed every five years; it is being reviewed now. We co-operate in many other ways.
335.	None the less, my Government has not been satisfied with official responses to most of our protests. In only one case, and only after joint verification by the surveyors from both countries of the road intrusions into Papua New Guinea territory, did they admit that the mistake was unintentional and apologized publicly for it. Our two Governments agreed to close off the sections of the road permanently and did so last August. Four permanent concrete markers were installed at the points of closure and, because of the difficult terrain, we have both agreed to put in additional monuments to identify the border more clearly.
336.	The situation on the border between Papua New Guinea and Indonesia has been disturbed for reasons other than the border violations I have mentioned. I refer in particular to the unprecedented influx of more than 10,000 Indonesian citizens who have crossed into Papua New Guinea since February and remain in my country contrary to law or established procedures.
337.	Living conditions in the border area do not provide for much more than basic subsistence at the best of times. Despite a special border development programme, Government resources in the area are not great. The strain caused by the presence of some 10,000 people in camps on the Papua New Guinea side of the border has, therefore, been considerable. Suffering, including a number of tragic deaths, has resulted.
338.	The Government of Papua New Guinea is doing what it can to cope with the unprecedented situation. We deeply appreciate the assistance which the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the Indonesian Government and voluntary agencies have given in caring for the people in these camps. But we would urge them not to lose sight either of conditions in the area around the camps or of the circumstances which have caused the people in the camps to leave their homes. Those circumstances are not of the Papua New Guinea Government's making.
339.	Although we are under no legal obligation to do so, my Government will treat people who meet the normal international requirements as refugees. We hope that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, as well as members of the General Assembly, will be able to help us find them permanent homes. But let me make it clear that the responsibility for deciding who can remain in Papua New Guinea belongs to the appropriate authorities in my country. Border-crossers who do not qualify for refugee status in the normal way will be expected to return to their homes in Indonesia. The people and Government of my country cannot afford to keep them. They have no real right to stay. But let me add that we are sensitive to the need for them to be given certain assurances about their safety, well-being and reintegration before they go back.
340.	The Governments of Papua New Guinea and Indonesia agreed to use diplomatic means to negotiate effective bilateral arrangements for the return and reintegration of the border-crossers into Indonesia. Those negotiations, though difficult, have been useful and productive. Both Governments appreciate the need for the safety of the returning border- crossers to be publicly assured.
341.	The Papua New Guinea Government has been unable to persuade its Indonesian counterpart to allow the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to monitor the re-entry and subsequent situation of the border-crossers, but we appreciate the Indonesian Government's agreement to allow Papua New Guinea officials to be present at the points of entry and to visit them in their local environment. I hope that arrangements for the return, including the assurances that we have sought on behalf of the border-crossers, can be finalized soon.
342.	Nuclear issues are neither abstract for nor remote from Papua New Guinea and other South Pacific countries. They have concreteness and an immediacy which both Governments and people hi the region regard as being generally most unfortunate. As with other issues I have discussed, regional organizations have been active on nuclear issues.
343.	Successive Papua New Guinea Governments have been persistent, vocal and consistent opponents of the testing, proliferation and use of nuclear weapons. We are, therefore, party to the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water. We have acceded to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and are following preparations for the Third Review Conference of the Parties to that Treaty with close interest. We not only subscribe to the London Convention on the dumping of wastes at sea's but support its extension to prohibit the dumping of all nuclear wastes.
344.	In line with the policy and treaty commitments I have outlined, successive Papua New Guinea Governments have regularly strongly protested against Japanese proposals that nuclear wastes might be dumped in Pacific Ocean. We have done the same in respect of the flagrant disregard for local opinion and welfare displayed by the French Government in continuing its nuclear-weapons-testing programme in French Polynesia.
345.	We cannot help noting the close and deplorable connection that seems to exist between the colonial and nuclear policies of certain narrowly self- interested Powers in the region. We feel deeply about the threat those policies pose not only to the health and environment of the region but also to the political rights of Pacific islanders.
346.	The Governments of many countries which we regard of primary concern to Papua New Guinea share our views on nuclear issues. Thus, the 18 representatives of Asian and Pacific countries who attended the Commonwealth Heads of Government regional meeting in my country's capital, Port Moresby, in August this year condemned the French Government's nuclear-weapons-testing programme as well as proposals to dump nuclear wastes in the Pacific.
347.	The 13-member South Pacific Forum has agreed on the "desirability of establishing a nuclear- free zone in the region at the earliest possible opportunity". Similarly, the Foreign Ministers of six member Governments of ASEAN recently agreed to undertake a study towards the realization of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in their region.
348.	The proposals which are before the South Pacific Forum extend to the prospective banning of the testing, acquisition or reception, stationing, development, manufacture or use of nuclear weapons in the region. A working group, in which the Papua New Guinea Government hopes to play an active part, has been set up to consider relevant legal and other issues. A draft treaty should be prepared for consideration by the Forum in 1985.
349.	The proposal of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers is but a recent example of the practical ways in which ASEAN serves wider interests. Like other proposals for concrete and immediate action on an urgent issue, it is most welcome.
350.	Colonialism has a concrete and immediate meaning for most Papua New Guineans—indeed, for most Pacific islanders. It is a meaning born of direct, recent and personal experience. While we were, mercifully, spared the worst excesses of colonialism experienced in Africa and Asia, we still attach great value to the right of self-determination and to its customary outcome, independence. We pay close attention to the conditions and rights of peoples in the remaining dependent territories.
351.	Successive Papua New Guinea Governments have taken a particular interest in developments in the French territories—New Caledonia, French Polynesia and Wallis and Futuna—and in the last of the United Nations trust territories—the United States Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. So have the Governments of other independent South Pacific countries. New Caledonia has been of special concern to us and to the Governments of the South Pacific Forum.
352.	My Government has noted the constitutional and electoral reforms approved by the French Parliament in May, especially those which hold out the possibility of eventual independence, but, like other members of the South Pacific Forum, we cannot see why a referendum on the issues should not be held before 1989. Therefore, we urge that the date should be brought forward. Additional poetical and administrative powers should be transferred from Paris to Noumea as a preparatory step. The rights of the indigenous inhabitants, the Kanaks, and the other ethnic groups which make up the genuine local population of New Caledonia should be safeguarded by the exclusion of transitory or short-term residents from participation in the vote.
353.	As recommended by the South Pacific Forum last August at Tuvalu, the French Government should make a public statement that describes independence as "the desirable, logical and acknowledged outcome" of the scheduled referendum. It should act to ensure that the Kanak people can play a full and active part in educational, vocational and administrative institutions in New Caledonia. The Forum also agreed that a delegation of ministers from Forum countries should hold discussions with the French Government as well as leaders of the independence movement.
354.	All significant political actors in New Caledonia, outside the Government, have expressed strong reservations about the reforms approved in May, but their reasons, motives and constitutional objectives have varied widely. We note especially that the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front has announced that it proposes to hold its own elections before proclaiming a "provisional independent" Government.
355.	The Papua New Guinea Government, therefore, repeats its call to the French Government to bring forward the date for self-determination, to make more urgent preparations for it and to safeguard the interests of the Kanaks as well as those ethnic groups that have a legitimate stake in the future of New Caledonia We do so not only because of our cultural bonds and political sympathies with the Kanaks but because of the threat to stability in the South Pacific posed by continuing delay.
356.	The Papua New Guinea Government has been pleased to participate in visiting missions sent by the Trusteeship Council to observe the plebiscites on termination of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. We are pleased to note that the Constitution of Palau and the rights of the Papuans are fully respected by the Administering Authority.
357.	As I have already indicated, we are conscious of the connections which sometimes pertain between the colonial and nuclear policies of certain Powers. Papua New Guinea, however, will not condone attempts to override or bypass the provision in the Palauan Constitution that outlaws the entry of nuclear weapons into Palau.
358.	We will also not condone attempts to deny, delay or qualify the abstract right to self-determination by the people of dependent territories, however remote they might be from areas which we normally describe as being of primary concern to Papua New Guinea.
359.	My Government urges Palau and the United States Government to take the necessary and appropriate measures to enable both the Trusteeship Council and the Security Council to consider and finally determine the status of free association which the Micronesian people wish to have as the basis for their self-determination and independence.
360.	Apartheid practised by the racist Republic of South Africa, is the most systematic form of institutionalized racial discrimination and segregation. The international community has repeatedly condemned as a "crime against humanity" and called on the South African Government to revise its racist policies in conformity with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Assembly has expressed deep concern over the grave situation in South Africa as constituting a threat to international peace and security. In resolution 36/172B, the Assembly endorsed, as a "framework for effective international action for the elimination of apartheid, the Paris Declaration on Sanctions against South Africa, adopted by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris in May 1981.
361.	Papua New Guinea finds it difficult to understand why some Members of this body continue to condone the actions of a regime which has persistently spurned United Nations resolutions by supporting South Africa indirectly through various actions. Their action in this respect is indicative of the indifference of those Members of this world body which at the same time profess to be the guardians of human rights and the dignity of mankind.
362.	Time and time again, the General Assembly has adopted resolutions seeking to redress the abhorrent situation that exists in Namibia, but to no avail. Despite the intensive efforts of the Secretary-General and the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the Pretoria regime continues to flout the relevant United Nations resolutions with cynical impunity. Papua New Guinea will continue to support United Nations efforts in pressing for an early and peaceful settlement of this long-standing question. The framework espoused in resolution 435 (1978) remains the only acceptable solution to the Namibian question. We strongly urge all concerned to facilitate speedily the implementation of United Nations initiatives and plans so that Namibia's independence will not be further delayed. In this respect, we deplore the injection of extraneous elements into the question of Namibia's independence. Therefore, Papua New Guinea rejects the so- called "linkage" rationale.
363.	On the question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), we urge all parties to the dispute over the future of the islands to accord the same right of self- determination to the people who call those islands "home" and to work together for a peaceful solution.
364.	Interdependence seems increasingly to be a feature of international economic relations as perceived by leaders and observers from developed countries, but the perception from developing countries is often rather different.
365.	Like the Governments of the developed countries represented at the London Economic Summit held from 7 to 9 June 1984, the Papua New Guinea Government welcomes signs of recovery from the recession which has burdened all economies during the early 1980s; but we cannot help noting that the benefits of recovery are becoming immediate and concrete in developed countries while remaining rather more remote and abstract in developing countries.
366.	Fundamental adjustments must be made to the structure of international economic relations if the commitment to international equity and order, of which my Prime Minister spoke in this Assembly in 1983, is to be put into practice. We must not allow our current relief at the effects of recovery to divert attention from our previous concern with the causes of recession. We must also not forget why proposals for a new international economic order, North-South dialogue and South-South co-operation were first included in the Assembly's agenda and why they still appear there, even if they seem to generate less excitement—and perhaps less hope—than they once did.
367.	As with other developing countries, the economy of Papua New Guinea relies on unprocessed agricultural and mineral products for most of its export income. Manufactured goods are imported. Foreign aid from the Governments of developed countries, especially Australia, assists in our development.
368.	The Papua New Guinea Government welcomes the statement made by the representatives of developed countries who attended the ministerial council meeting of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD] in Paris in May that their Governments intend to "strengthen and improve trade, financial and investment relations with developing countries". We appreciate their recognition that doing so is "a matter of mutual interest". However, more than words prompt and practical actions are needed. Deeds speak louder than words.
369.	The Papua New Guinea Government is a party to trade agreements with Australia, New Zealand and, through the Lome Convention, the European Economic Community. They provide non- reciprocal, preferential and mainly duty-free access to their respective markets for unprocessed exports from my country. However, much as we appreciate the benefits we receive under these agreements, we need to increase in-country processing in order to find employment for our youth. And we need markets for those products—markets which in developed countries are often heavily protected by tariffs and other means.
370.	The Papua New Guinea Government welcomes the commitment made by participants in the London Economic Summit to urge resistance to and reduction of protectionism. But, as I have already suggested, what we seek is prompt and practical action. Participants in the London Economic Summit also agreed "to maintain and wherever possible increase flows of resources" to developing countries. But progress being made towards attaining the current, modest target for aid of 0.7 per cent of the gross national products of donor countries set by the Development Assistance Committee of the OECD has been slow. We trust that the emphasis being placed by OECD members on "increasing aid effectiveness through strengthened aid co-ordination" will not be to the disadvantage of the people and Governments of developing countries.
371.	The Government of Papua New Guinea has acceded to the Agreement Establishing the Common Fund for Commodities, set up under the auspices of UNCTAD. Let me; therefore, restate our regret at the continuing delay in bringing the Fund into operation. Let me say, too, that we find little solace in the rather lukewarm reference to the Fund made in the Declaration issued at the London Economic Summit.
372.	My Government repeats its previous calls to the Government of the United States to accede to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, especially in view of difficulties that have arisen over the activities of United States tuna boats in the South Pacific. Let me add that we look forward to a successful outcome to negotiations between members of the South Pacific Forum Fisheries Agency and the United States Government, and we hope for finalization of a mutually acceptable fisheries agreement.
373.	The Papua New Guinea Government is, of course, a member of the South Pacific Bureau for Economic Co-operation. We are also a close and interested observer of another successful example of South-South co-operation, ASEAN.
374.	We benefit from the technical co-operation agreements we have with two ASEAN members, Indonesia and Malaysia, and two other countries— China and South Korea. Although we do not, as yet, have technical co-operation agreements with the four other ASEAN members—-the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Brunei Darussalam—we do, however, appreciate their assistance provided in various forms on a bilateral basis and through another regional body, the Colombo Plan.
375.	In fulfilment of our commitment to collective self-help and self-reliance through South-South co-operation, we hope to be able to give practical assistance to our partners in return.
376.	At the beginning of this address, I said that I would focus on issues and problems which had once seemed abstract and remote from Papua New Guinea but which have become immediate and concrete. My decision to do so was not meant to imply that other items on the agenda for this session of the General Assembly are necessarily less important. There will, in fact, be further opportunities for the Papua New Guinea delegation to make our positions known on other issues.
377.	The approach I have adopted here was intended to give expression to the Papua New Guinea Government's basic approach towards the conduct of its country's foreign relations of active and selective engagement with issues and factors relevant to our national interests. My Government's foreign policy is geared to preserving and increasing international co-operation and maintaining and extending the rule of law. We have a particular interest in supporting a strengthened United Nations system. Towards that end, my statement has been intended to show the sense of purpose and direction with which my delegation intends to deal with issues before the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly.


On behalf of the Nicaraguan delegation, Sir, I should like to express our satisfaction at your election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We also extend a brotherly welcome to the people and Government of Brunei Darussalam on the occasion of its entry into the community of independent nations.
3.	The United Nations came into being as a result of the cry of the peoples of the world, who, tired of wars, exploitation and extermination, sought an organization that would help them to combat and fend off the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse.
4.	No one can fail to recognize United Nations efforts in defence of peace, justice, freedom and the independence of peoples. But, most unfortunately for mankind, there are policies, backed up by nuclear weapons, which blackmail, threaten, and attack the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. There are those that are characterized by their defiance, mockery and undermining of resolutions of the Organization. There are those that have defended actions that are shocking in their irrationality and threaten the future of mankind.
5.	In Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and Central America, such policies are characterized by the use of force and disregard the nature of the historical problems affecting the peoples of those regions. They are aimed at solving social and economic problems by killing the hungry and ensuring the maintenance of the status of the privileged minorities. These policies ignore the economic crisis affecting the peoples and are based on a theory of natural selection which clearly favours the most powerful and accelerates the arms race.
6.	This explains why they continue to oppose those who demand immediate collective action in search of solutions to economic problems, that is, those who are really fighting for peace and development.
7.	Nicaragua has been a victim of such a policy since the last century and throughout this century, with its legacy of backwardness, brutal exploitation and absence of justice and freedom—in short, the absence of democracy. Such was the Scmoza dictatorship, the last monstrous offspring of this policy. Today Nicaragua is free and for the first time in its history is building an authentic democracy, becoming an example of patriotism, nationalism, independence and non-alignment. This is not to the liking of the United States authorities.
8.	When Nicaragua condemns the South African regime for its racist policies and for subjugating those who should be the rightful rulers of that land, it is not to the liking of the United States.
9.	When Nicaragua voices its solidarity with Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Seychelles, Swaziland and Zambia, as well as with the African National Congress of South Africa and with the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, this, too, is not to the liking of the United States.
10.	When Nicaragua demands Israel's unconditional withdrawal from the occupied territories and the right of the Palestinians to exist as a people and nation, recognizing the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as their only representative, this, too, is not to the liking of the United States Government.
11.	When Nicaragua reaffirms its solidarity with the people and the Government of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, when we condemn the policy of provocation against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and when we express our support for the just cause of the people of East Timor, this, too, is not to the liking of the United States Government.
12.	When Nicaragua condemns the policy of aggression against Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, when we support the reunification of Korea and the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea, and when we support an end to military manoeuvres and shows of force, this, too, is not to the liking of the United States Government.
13.	Nor is it to the liking of the United States Government that Nicaragua defends Puerto Rico's right to self-determination and independence, the return of Guantanamo to its legitimate owners, an end to threats to Cuba's integrity, the sovereignty of the Argentine people and nation over the Malvinas, and the complete implementation of the Panama treaties and an end to attacks launched from United States bases there against the peoples of Central America and the Caribbean.
14.	When Nicaragua condemns the brutal coup against democracy in Chile and at the same time supports the right of the Chilean people to re-establish their basic freedoms, it is not to the liking of the United States Government.
15.	When Nicaragua condemns the heinous crime committed in the name of freedom against the people of Grenada and demands the withdrawal of foreign occupation troops so that the Grenadian people can exercise their right to self-determination, this, too, is not to the liking of the United States Government.
16.	When Nicaragua supports a negotiated, peaceful settlement to the conflict in El Salvador, which the Salvadorian people themselves must settle, this, too, is not to the liking of the United States Government.
17.	When Nicaragua supports democratic change in Latin America as a first step in solving the problems faced by our peoples, this, too, is not to the liking of the United States Government.
18.	Nicaragua rejects the dismemberment of the State of Cyprus and the proclamation of the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, and defends the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of this fellow non-aligned nation.
19.	Nicaragua reaffirms its support for Bolivia's efforts to regain direct access to the Pacific Ocean.
20.	Nicaragua is also saddened by the confrontation between two non-aligned nations—Iran and Iraq— and demands an end to the use of chemical weapons; we support attempts to reach a just and honourable solution to this conflict.
21.	Because Nicaragua wants peace, justice, freedom and democracy for the world, we shall continue to be non-aligned, even though this is not to the liking of the United States authorities.
22.	Because Nicaragua wants peace, justice, freedom and democracy for the peoples of the world, we shall continue to condemn colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, apartheid and racism and we shall continue to support just causes around the world, even though this may not be to the liking of the United States authorities and even though it means more sacrifice, suffering, threats and extermination for the heroic people of Sandino.
23.	Forty years ago, all humanity celebrated the end of a nightmare. Five years were enough to witness all the horrors of fascism, which far surpassed Dante's inferno. But today, our country, Nicaragua, a small nation of only 3 million people, is the victim of a policy of extermination manifested over the past three years and eight months in the form of a war of overt aggression which the aggressor calls covert.
24.	That policy is manifested when the United States Administration provides millions of dollars to go on murdering the peoples of Nicaragua and El Salvador; when it debates the irresponsibility of the Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] in not having informed the Senate Intelligence Committee in advance about the mining of Nicaraguan ports rather than debate the terrorist act of laying the mines; when United States Army helicopters and United States citizens—also casualties of this interventionist policy—have fallen in our country; when children, women, teachers and doctors are murdered and the people's production, schools and food stocks are destroyed; when the decision of the International Court of Justice at The Hague and United Nations resolutions are rejected, with the United States deeming itself judge and executioner of the nations of the earth. This entails a violation of the United States' own internal legislation and of international law.
25.	Nicaragua wishes to reaffirm before the Assembly its belief in the validity of the Charter of the United Nations and its willingness to resolve peacefully international situations and conflicts through the means established in the Charter and under international law, prominent among which is the right to petition the International Court of Justice at The Hague.
26.	That is why we have been making countless efforts on behalf of peace for the people of Nicaragua and the peoples of Central America. That is why Nicaragua turned to the International Court of Justice, whose order of 10 May 1984 could not have been clearer in ordering the United States Government to halt immediately military and paramilitary actions against Nicaragua, because these constitute clear and serious violations of international law and of Nicaragua's right to determine freely its own future. Its disdain and contempt of the Court's ruling were condemned by the international community.
27.	In fact, everything indicates that these efforts and Nicaragua's unwavering willingness to achieve peace are not respected by the United States Government, which has been escalating its military and economic aggression against Nicaragua. To each peace initiative by Nicaragua and the Contadora Group, the United States Government has responded with terrorist attacks, the installation of military bases and a whole infrastructure for unleashing direct, massive military action against Nicaragua.
28.	For almost two years, the member countries of the Contadora Group have been making a noble and serious effort to promote peace in Central America. This effort has enjoyed broad support from the whole world, including the Security Council and the General Assembly. As a result of that work, on 7 September 1984, the Contadora Group presented to the Central American Governments the revised version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America.
29.	Now it is for the Central American Governments and the United States Government—whose involvement in the conflict cannot be denied by anyone—to state clearly and definitively their positions. Nicaragua has already done so. On 21 September, we officially communicated to the Governments of the Contadora countries our decision to sign the Contadora Act immediately without amendments or changes of any kind, exactly as it was drawn up by the Contadora Group.
30.	Today, before the Assembly, before the conscience of the world, we solemnly reaffirm Nicaragua's decision, and we call on the leaders of the countries of Central America to join us in supporting the Act, in the interest of the peace and tranquillity of our peoples. At the same time, we applaud the support given to the Act by the Governments of the member States of the European Community and by Spain and Portugal at the Conference of Foreign Ministers held at San Jose on 28 and 29 September.
31.	The United States authorities have said they support Contadora. Their diplomats have tirelessly travelled around our region and the world claiming they defend those negotiations and peace. The international community has the right to expect the United States Government to support the Contadora Act unconditionally by immediately voicing its willingness to sign the Additional Protocol to the Act.
32.	The winds now blowing over Central America presage a holocaust for our peoples. Today, as we appeal for peace in this body, which itself emerged from the ruins of war in order to fight for peace, Nicaragua continues to be subjected to the genocide of the terrorist policies of the United States authorities.
33.	Amidst all this horror, we are making truly exceptional efforts to institutionalize—by means of elections—our democratic, nationalist, non-aligned, pluralist revolution, which defends a mixed economic system.
34.	However, despite these efforts to reconstruct our country and to institutionalize democracy, the number of victims grows. To date, more than 7,000 Nicaraguans have been casualties—including children, mothers, youth and the elderly—which in relative terms is equivalent to more than three times the number of American casualties in the Viet Nam war.
35.	Moreover, there is the daily damage done to the economy by the direct impact of foreign aggression. Co-operatives, health centres, schools, machinery, construction equipment, day-care centres, food stocks and houses are being destroyed by this daily policy of terror. Our losses during the period 1981-1984 total $237 million. This would represent for the United States and the European Community, on a percentage basis, $102 billion and $284 billion, respectively, of their export earnings during the same period. To these figures should be added the credits, loans and grants that Nicaragua no longer receives as a result of United States pressure on Governments and multilateral agencies.
36.	Nicaragua is today a country besieged, attacked and subjected to an unjust and illegal war, which is in danger of spreading. The United States has installed an impressive military infrastructure in Honduran territory bordering on Nicaragua. Its military presence has also been imposed on Costa Rican territory bordering on Nicaragua. United States warships are deployed menacingly off our coasts, and United States spy planes and military aircraft violate our airspace.
37.	Dozens of mercenaries, among them United States citizens working for the CIA, pilot the planes and helicopters that launch attacks against economic, civilian and military targets and keep the aggressor forces supplied. Thousands of mercenaries function like a full-fledged army from their bases in Honduras and Costa Rica in operations co-ordinated and directed from military bases in Panama still occupied by the United States.
38.	New plans are being worked out in the Pentagon and the CIA, this time to prevent the elections of 4 November in Nicaragua. Among other actions, they are contemplating renewed mining of our ports, aerial and naval attacks and the seizing of various areas. The military offensive is ready to begin on 15 October. The mercenary forces of the CIA and the Pentagon are already concentrated in the areas bordering Nicaragua in Honduras and Costa Rica. Also ready are the United States forces that would be used for bombings, troop landings and direct incursions into Nicaragua.
39.	The Central American Governments are also prepared. They will go through the formality of requesting "aid" from the United States to eradicate the "Sandinist threat" from the area. And also ready is the "Paul Scoon", the puppet who would be intended to serve as the future President of the United States in Nicaragua. They have the actors in their assigned places with their roles memorized. Also prepared are the estimates of United States casualties during such an intervention. This amounts to an attempt to repeat the destructive and shameful actions against Grenada, but this time against Nicaragua.
40.	From 12 August 1981 until 26 September 1984, Nicaragua has been making countless efforts on behalf of peace in bilateral talks with the United States, meeting with representatives of the United States Government on 16 occasions. Despite the concrete proposals presented by Nicaragua, the United States has always responded evasively or with proposals which can only be described as lacking in seriousness. At Manzanillo, Nicaragua has been very clear, consistent and flexible in responding to the concerns of the United States, which claims to feel its security in the region threatened by the Nicaraguan revolution. We have been firm and reasonable in proposing specific measures which would create a framework for mutual security for the United States and Nicaragua.
41.	The Nicaraguan people, who yearn for peace, are willing to continue defending their independence, freedom, self-determination and democracy.
42.	We know that the United States leaders are victims of their own history of intervention and aggression. There is not a corner of the world that has not suffered in one way or another the effects of those policies. All mankind must call upon the United States leaders to be level-headed and prudent.
43.	At this thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, in this month of October 1984, the people of Nicaragua want to go on record as voicing their desire for peace, while defending freedom, justice and democracy. If peace does not come and the war continues, and with it the likelihood of United States military intervention, we want the world to know that the Nicaraguan people—barefoot, ragged, and with empty stomachs—are going to fight to the end, until we achieve peace, by either defeating the invaders or immolating ourselves if imperialist aggression leaves us no other choice.
44.	Such is our morale. It is the same morale that made it possible for the peoples of Europe to wage their struggle of resistance against the Fascist war machine 40 years ago. We are certain that our sacrifice would not be in vain and we know that all 3 million Nicaraguans could be annihilated, but our example would triumph and be multiplied among the peoples of the world—and among the people of the United States as well. This is our contribution to peace.
45.	We wish to appeal to the leaders of the United States, in the interests of the peace and happiness of our peoples, to reflect on the enormous responsibility weighing on them at the present moment, and thus to leave the road to war and join us in the search for peace. In this way, we could begin a new era in the relations between our countries, in the interest of our peoples, including the real interest of the people of the United States.
46.	The world has a right to know if the United States is willing to live in peace with the Central American peoples or if it insists on imposing war on us. The world has the right to demand of the current leaders of the United States a clear, definitive answer to a very concrete question. Are they for or against the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America presented by the Contadora Group on 7 September to all the Central American Governments? Are they for, or against, peace?
47.	Many philosophers and men of politics have been quoted from this important rostrum. I should like to quote Jesus Christ, the humble man of Nazareth, who said: "Blessed are the peacemakers".