Allow me at the outset to
extend to Mr. Kerim my delegation’s warmest
congratulations on his election to preside over the
sixty-second session of the General Assembly. His
election to that high office is a tribute to his wisdom
and skill, as well as a true reflection of the important
role played by his country in the international arena. I
assure him of my delegation’s full cooperation in his
work.
 At the same time, allow me to place on record my
delegation’s profound gratitude and appreciation to his
predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, for the
commendable manner in which she guided the work of
the sixty-first session.
 Let me also take this opportunity to express my
delegation’s deep appreciation to the Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his dedication and
leadership. The Maldives pledges its full support for
the Secretary-General’s untiring work in promoting the
noble principles of this Organization.
 It is indeed a privilege for me to address the
General Assembly on this historic day, when the
United Nations is observing the International Day of
Non-Violence. On this day, we pay special tribute to
Mahatma Gandhi, one of the greatest men of all times.
 The Maldives has always been a country which
has promoted peace, non-violence, tolerance and
human rights. However, the spectre of terrorism visited
the Maldives this past weekend. On Saturday
afternoon, an improvised explosive device was
detonated in the commercial area of our capital, Malé,
injuring 12 innocent bystanders. That unprovoked
attack was the first of its kind in our history. I would
like to extend our sincere sympathies to those who
were injured and to their families.
 The Maldives is a country renowned for its
tranquillity and warm welcomes. Our people are united
in shock and outrage that this happened on our soil.
That shock is matched by a determination that such
cowardly acts of aggression will not be allowed to
undermine or jeopardize the maintenance of our
peaceful and harmonious society. On behalf of the
people of the Maldives, I would like to take this
opportunity to thank our many friends in the
international community for their expressions of
support and solidarity. I would particularly like to
thank those countries that have provided us with their
expertise, technical advice and assistance in the
ongoing investigations. Finally, I would like to
commend the work of our domestic law enforcement
and other agencies that have reacted to the incident
with such speed and professionalism. The incident
serves as a reminder that no State is immune from the
scourge of terrorism. The Maldives utterly condemns
all acts of terrorism, wherever they are perpetrated.
 The Maldives, as a low-lying small island State,
is particularly vulnerable to the perils of global climate
change, a point brought sharply into focus by the
recent sea swells that submerged a large part of the
country. For the past 20 years, the Maldives, along
with its partners in the Alliance of Small Island States,
has thus been at the forefront of efforts to bring the
issue of climate change and its devastating impact on
small island developing States to the world’s attention.
 Addressing this Assembly in 1987 at the high-
level debate on environment and development, the
President of the Republic of Maldives, Mr. Maumoon
Abdul Gayoom, said:
 “The profound dilemma of environmental
transition is a global one, and its implications are
worldwide and long-term. Though the Maldives
and other low-lying archipelagic nations may
have to suffer the most immediate and the most
extreme effects of a global sea-level rise, there is
a potential danger to a significant portion of the
world’s population in the near future … No one
nation, or even a group of nations, can alone
combat the onset of a global change in
environment.”
 Since that ground-breaking debate, the
international community has convened numerous
conferences and summits at which it has agreed on a
wide range of plans and programmes of action aimed at
addressing global climate change. However, as a
community of nations we must regretfully concede
that, all too often, the reality of implementation has
failed to match the ambitions of rhetoric.
 Twenty years on, greenhouse gas emission levels
are continuing to increase unabated and the
consequences of global warming are becoming ever
more  apparent. One can only therefore conclude that
the past 20 years have been an era of missed
opportunities.
 Despite those stark facts, last week’s high-level
debate on climate change has once again given us some
hope and encouragement. As a result of a palpable
change in world opinion, there is now a real sense of
international momentum leading towards December’s
crucial Conference in Bali. We believe that the
Conference offers us a chance to overcome the failed
promises and missed opportunities of the past, and to
build a new global consensus on climate change.
 We must take collective responsibility and agree
to an integrated and comprehensive approach to
climate change that recognizes and covers all four
pillars of climate change policy   mitigation,
adaptation, technology transfer and funding. While the
necessary steps are clear, the crucial question, as
always, is whether the international community has the
political will to undertake those steps; to build on the
commitments entered into in Rio, Kyoto,
Johannesburg, New York and elsewhere; and to secure
a successful outcome from the Bali process.
 I can assure the Assembly that the Maldives will
play its part in this process. I am happy to announce
here today my Government’s intention to host a
preparatory meeting for the Alliance of Small Island
States in the Maldives in November. The purpose of
this meeting is to draft a collective stand on the
individual human dimension of climate change for
submission to the Bali Conference.
 The Asian tsunami of 2004 represented the worst
natural disaster in the history of the Maldives. The
economic damage and losses alone were equivalent to
almost two thirds of the country’s gross domestic
product. Although much remains to be done to
complete the process of recovery, a considerable
amount has already been achieved. We need the
continued support of our development partners and the
international community to overcome the challenge of
tsunami recovery.
 The devastating tsunami threatened to derail the
Maldives in its attempts to attain the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) and our planned
graduation from the list of least developed countries
(LDCs).
 Despite the tsunami, the Maldives continues to
make strong progress towards the attainment of the
MDGs. The Maldives has already achieved Goal 1, the
eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, and Goal 2,
the achievement of universal primary education. We
are also on course to meet Goals 4, 5 and 6 on reducing
child mortality, improving maternal health, and
combating communicable diseases, respectively.
Consolidating and strengthening progress towards all
the MDGs is a key focus of the recently launched
seventh national development plan.
 Buoyed by these successes, the Maldives will
next year begin its transition period for graduation
from LDC status. For the Maldives, graduation
represents a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it is
recognition of the startling economic and social
development that the country has enjoyed over the past
30 years. On the other hand, graduation will bring with
it a range of new challenges. For example, we will
enjoy less favourable trading conditions and reduced
levels of development assistance. Adapting to this new
reality will not be easy. In that regard, I would like to
use my speech today to once again urge our
international partners to assist us in making the
transition as smooth as possible.
 Next year marks the sixtieth anniversary of the
adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. The Maldives Government is determined to
mark the occasion by completing the country’s current
reform agenda, an ambitious programme of reforms
designed to strengthen individual rights and freedoms,
ahead of multiparty elections under a new Constitution.
 Since the start of the reform agenda in 2004, the
Maldives has made remarkable strides in the field of
human rights. An independent Paris Principles-
compliant Human Rights Commission has been
established. The Maldives has acceded to the two
major human rights covenants   on civil and political
rights, and on economic, social and cultural rights.
Later today I will sign, on behalf of the Government,
the International Convention on the Rights of Persons
with Disabilities, meaning that the Maldives will have
signed or ratified eight of the nine core human rights
treaties. Last year, the Maldives also became the first
country in Asia to ratify the Optional Protocol to the
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman
or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
 However, the Government readily concedes that
much more needs to be done. Therefore, the
Government is proceeding in its work in close
cooperation with international human rights bodies.
For example, last year, the Maldives became one of the
few countries to extend a standing invitation to visit
the country to all United Nations human rights special
rapporteurs. In addition, earlier this year, the
Government invited the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights to appoint a national
human rights adviser to the Maldives.
 The Maldives reiterates its support for the right of
the Palestinian people to an independent homeland. We
therefore call on the international community, led by
the Quartet, to revive the peace process as a matter of
urgency.
 The Maldives also calls on the international
community to continue and intensify its efforts to bring
peace and stability to Iraq and Afghanistan.
 The Maldives also reiterates its steadfast
opposition to the development, proliferation or use of
nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass
destruction.
 Strengthening and revitalizing the United Nations
to take on the new and emerging challenges of the
twenty-first century remains an important task. We are
encouraged by the progress that has been made in
implementing the wide-ranging United Nations reform
programme over the past two years. We sincerely
believe, however, that these reforms cannot fully
succeed without the much-needed and concurrent
reform of the Security Council. Maldives firmly
believes that an effective multilateral framework is
fundamental for the security of small States and that
such a framework should take into consideration
modern geopolitical realities.
 In this regard, the Maldives reiterates its support
for the Group of Four (G-4) draft resolution on
Security Council reform. We hope, therefore, that we
will be able to make progress on Security Council
reform during this session.
 Before I conclude, please allow me to reaffirm
our commitment to the principles enshrined in the
Charter of the United Nations and to offer our full
support to its continuing work for the betterment of
humanity and for the maintenance of international
peace and security.


It is my very great pleasure to
address the General Assembly. I join other speakers in
congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly. My delegation
has every confidence in your ability to discharge this
challenge. I assure you of our support.
 I commend your predecessor, Sheikha Haya
Rashed Al-Khalifa, for ably steering the sixty-first
session of the General Assembly. I would also like to
take this opportunity to once again congratulate the
Secretary-General on his appointment. My delegation
welcomes his commitment to strengthen the pillars of
the United Nations: security, development and human
rights.
 Last year, when I had the privilege of addressing
the Assembly, I dwelt on the issue of Somalia and how
the dynamic in that country had an impact in our
capitals and cities around the world, such as Toronto,
Stockholm, Rome, Nairobi and Mogadishu. Even
countries that are thousands of miles away and whose
interaction with Somalia has been minimal have been
forced to awaken to the reality that we have become a
global village when their citizens plying international
waters have been hijacked or robbed by pirates in the
Indian Ocean along the coast of Somalia.
 Let me thank the General Assembly and the
Security Council for listening to our pleas from the
region. I appeal for closer collaboration by the
international community in addressing the complex and
difficult problems of Somalia. Yet, within all these
challenges, there are several windows of opportunity
that we must take advantage of to prevent extreme
human suffering, especially of women and children, in
that sister country.
 My delegation commends the African Union for
its support for the African Union Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM). We pay special tribute to the Ugandan
troops for the important role they are playing in
Somalia under very trying circumstances. We appeal
for the deployment of the remaining peacekeeping
troops to strengthen AMISOM. Kenya also urges the
United Nations to assume greater responsibility in
Somalia in line with Security Council resolution 1772
(2007). A United Nations presence on the ground in
Somalia would complement regional and international
efforts to promote peace, stability and reconciliation in
that country.
 Kenya unequivocally supports national
reconciliation in Somalia. We see it as a process, not a
single event. We urge all the political actors that
hitherto boycotted the talks to embrace the process,
because, no matter how long it takes, the final
resolution of the Somalia crisis will only come about
when all Somalis agree to sit down and talk. The
region and the international community can only
provide support. Ultimately, it is the people of Somalia
who can resolve their difference through a spirit of
give and take. For our part, as the international
community, we must honour our pledges to provide the
necessary resources to Somalia. The problem with
Somalia may be less visible today, probably because it
has been overshadowed by the conflict in Darfur, but
the Somalia crisis is far from over.
 According to the Human Security Report 2005,
the number of armed conflicts in the world has fallen
by over 40 per cent during the past 13 years. The
report’s overall conclusion that conflict is becoming
less common in the world in general as well as in
Africa is very encouraging. Conflict is a major
disincentive to investment and poses an intolerable
burden in terms of human suffering. The end of wars in
Sierra Leone, Liberia, Côte d’Ivoire, Burundi, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and Southern Sudan
is a welcome development in Africa.
 While we may celebrate the end of those wars, it
is imperative that the international community make
the urgent and essential investments that will
contribute to the prevention of recurrence of such
conflicts. The local populations should experience
peace dividends so as to sustain peace.
 Kenya urges a strengthening of partnerships
between the African Union and the United Nations
Department of Peacekeeping Operations in the area of
political and technical cooperation, as well as
partnerships with the continent’s subregional
organizations. The African Union’s peacekeeping
capabilities and capacity must be strengthened through
provision of financial, technical and logistical support.
The recent deaths of many African Union soldiers in
Darfur underline the urgency of the need for logistical
support by the United Nations to African Union
missions within the agreed-upon frameworks. In this
regard, my delegation welcomes the Secretary-
General’s initiative to provide assistance to the African
Union to enhance its military capabilities and
mediation role in conflict resolution.
 The United Nations has deployed a lot of time
and resources in the area of disarmament and
development. The proliferation of illicit small arms and
light weapons in the Horn of Africa continues to
undermine our security and development. It has
contributed to making our neighbourhood a very tough
one.
 In order to address this challenge, the States of
the region rallied together in 2000 to sign the Nairobi
Declaration on the Problem of the Proliferation of
Illicit Small Arms and Light Weapons in the Great
Lakes Region and the Horn of Africa. The Declaration
was upgraded in 2004 to a legally binding Protocol, the
first intergovernmental instrument of its kind to
address the proliferation of small arms. In 2005, the
Protocol established the Regional Centre on Small
Arms and Light Weapons (RECSA), with the main
objective of providing a comprehensive framework to
combat the availability of illicit small arms and light
weapons in the region. In view of the importance of the
Centre, Kenya has requested the inclusion of an item in
the agenda of this session of the General Assembly to
invite RECSA to participate in the work of the
Assembly as an observer. Addressing the problem of
the proliferation of small arms is important; we are up
against the very powerful international vested interests
of small arms manufacturers and traders.
 Kenya was among the six sponsors of the draft
resolution on the arms trade treaty that was
overwhelmingly adopted during the last session of the
General Assembly as resolution 61/89. In that
resolution, the General Assembly requested that the
Secretary-General, among other things, seek the views
of Member States on the feasibility, scope and draft
parameters for a legally binding arms trade treaty. We
commend the Secretary-General for the progress made
so far in the implementation of that resolution. We look
forward to the establishment of a group of
Governmental experts to begin work next year and to
the group’s report to the General Assembly at its next
session.
 I recently had occasion to address a group of my
fellow Foreign Ministers from our close neighbour,
Europe, on a couple of subjects that increasingly define
our relationship with the rest of the world, among them
illegal immigration. It is one of the ironies of history
that there was a time when my brothers and sisters who
were unlucky and could not run fast enough were
caught as slaves and shipped across the oceans in very
inhuman conditions. A large number died during the
journey as they were sent to different parts of the world
to provide slave labour.
 Today, many of my brothers and sisters are often
voluntarily offering themselves and handing over their
life savings to be shipped across oceans in almost
similar inhuman conditions. Many of them have lost
their lives during the journey. They play cat and
mouse, attempting to avoid border patrols equipped
with tracer dogs and electronic monitoring, so as to get
a chance to slave most of their lives in the minimum-
wage bracket.
 The clock has ticked full circle. But a lot has
changed as well. And I come back to my assertion that
distances between us have shrunk and we must now
recognize that, in this global village, a phenomenon
such as economic refugees is going to be a cause of
trauma in our communities. You can build great walls,
introduce and increase more menacing border patrols
and make your immigration meaner, but the respite can
only be temporary. You can whip up xenophobic
sentiment, especially around national election times.
But that amounts to an ineffectual Band-Aid and does
not address the fundamentals of the crisis we are facing
today.
 Even in the most developed countries, unless a
society addresses the problems and stress in the poor
neighbourhoods and inner cities, any solution like
migration into the suburbs and the construction of
gated communities will only provide some temporary
relief. Crime will continue unabated. Muggings,
carjackings, kidnappings and other violent crime will
continue to prevail. We have to address the
fundamental problems in our poor neighbourhoods not
just for the sake of those living in those
neighbourhoods but also for the sake of those who live
in relatively affluent areas.
 What I am talking about is not really rocket
science or some very complex social engineering
concept. It should be clear to all of us that, in the
global village that we have come to be, it is in the
interest of all of us to work together to address the
conspiracy of factors that create so much stress and
tension within and among our countries. We must be
level-headed enough to recognize that angry
unemployed young men in one country will spill over
sooner or later into other countries’ capitals and create
problems.
 If nothing else, the phenomenon of global climate
change should teach us the lesson that our destinies as
human beings are inextricably intertwined. Vehicular
emissions in New York do the same thing to our village
Earth as our cutting of equatorial forests in Africa to
make charcoal. Both actions may introduce incidents of
floods due climate change all the way over in distant
China.
 As neighbours in the global village, it is certainly
a good thing if we both come to recognize that if
wealthy countries’ policies and actions confine us to
abject poverty, then it is only a matter of time before
the stress in my country will spill over into their
neighbourhood   maybe in the form of illegal
immigration, terrorism or whatever. However, sooner
or later we all have to pay for the consequences of
selfish and short-sighted policies of the World Trade
Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) and the World Bank.
 It is therefore important that as we talk about
reform and paradigm shifts in any of these
international institutions we should adopt the right
attitude: that nobody is doing the other a favour. We
are in this small boat called Earth together. When the
powerful think that they are playing their advantage in
the global scene and winning the battles, such victory
can only be temporary. The only real victory is when it
is a win-win outcome. The other outcome, when a large
part of the world emerges as losers, is unsustainable. It
breeds anger and vengeance.
 Most of the resources and capacity to change our
world for the better are domiciled in the developed
world. The resources needed are more than enough in
the more endowed countries. The knowledge of what
we must do to make a positive difference is simple and
evident. Yet as world leaders we must bear the
collective guilt of failing to focus on providing the
solutions.
 I come from a country in a region, for example,
where factors such as poverty and lack of education
conspire to stress and destabilize our communities and
countries. There is an autocatalytic relationship
between poverty and low education. Those who have
low education tend to become poorer. And those who
are poorer tend to have low education. There is also a
correlation between poverty and low formal education,
on one side, and inter-ethnic, clan, religious and even
racial tension, on the other side. This invariably leads
to unstable societies.
 When people are poor and less educated, their
reference point tends to become only their ethnic, clan,
religious or racial identity. With a few exceptions, the
educated and affluent are at least able to operate at a
higher level. A doctor, a lawyer, a teacher or an
engineer is usually less xenophobic.
 In Kenya, we understand this, and therefore we
understand the importance of education. We have
invested up to 30 per cent of our annual budget to
provide free primary education. Next year, we will
have free secondary education. That is the type of
social and economic investment we all must make now
if we expect to have a better, more prosperous and
more stable world 10 years from now. We may make
fine speeches and express a commitment to creating a
safer, friendlier and more prosperous world. But as
long as we fail to make the right investment in
education and poverty alleviation, we are only engaged
in empty talk.
 The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are
important medium- and long-term goals   10 years in
scope, usually. However, our democracies operate on a
shorter calendar of four or five years. In both the
developed and the less developed countries, many of
the leaders tend to do what they must to survive and
succeed in the next elections. Even with best of
intentions, the nature and scope of the challenges of
development that we must address cannot be
adequately solved with official development assistance
(ODA) programmes that are implemented and
completed within the political calendar of changing
regimes. We need more paradigm shifts and a longer-
term vision in that regard.
 In conclusion, many of our countries are now
crashing under the weight of international debt. Those
who have actually crashed are the ones that have been
extended a parachute after they have crashed. I am
amazed by this undertaker mentality.
 I do not wish to blame the current generation of
leaders in the developed countries for the status quo. I
know that there is some financial and economic
principle here. Most of the current leaders in these
countries are innocent. The deals that were cut in the
past, which put us in the kind of debt we are in today,
are no longer in place. But I feel I must say that the
load and the burden of our international debt is heavy
and debilitating. A lot of it should not have been
undertaken on in the first place; there is some
complicity in the dishonesty on both sides that
prevailed before we, today’s leaders, came onto the
scene.
 It is important that today we secure the future of
all our children, who must share this increasingly
intertwined world. We must put behind us those
negative things, such as the unjustified debts of the
past, that can only breed anger and bitterness and affect
future generations. We must make the sacrifices and
the investment today for the future of humanity. That
would be a favour to all of us, and not just to one
group.


I am proud to address
this body as the representative of the Government of
the Bahamas. We are committed to achieving a sense of
security, well-being, pride and prosperity for the
people of the Bahamas. We look forward to working
with fellow Member States towards securing the same
opportunities and freedoms for all people.
 On behalf of the Government and the people of
the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, I congratulate
you, Sir, on your election as President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-second session. I also want to
take this opportunity to pay tribute to your predecessor
for her leadership and dedication and for so aptly
guiding the work of the sixty-first session.
 I would like to take this opportunity to extend
congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon on
his appointment as the eighth Secretary-General of the
Organization. My Government is confident that, given
Secretary-General Ban’s experience and diplomatic
skills, he will aptly guide the Organization in facing its
challenges.
 Let me take this opportunity to commend the
General Assembly’s adoption of the historic resolution
61/19, on the two-hundredth anniversary of the
abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade and on the
commemoration of the International Day held on
25 March of this year. The Bahamas, where the
majority of our people are proud descendents of freed
slaves, is participating at both the national and the
regional levels in a number of commemorative
activities. We fully support the project aimed at
erecting a permanent memorial at the United Nations in
commemoration of that shameful period in the history
of our world.
 At a time when the international community is
engaged in serious reflections regarding the history and
consequences of slavery and the slave trade, the
Bahamas wishes to recognize Haiti as the only country
to liberate itself from slavery and for the inspiration
this provided to the international campaign against
slavery.
 Since modern forms of slavery still exist and
since many people continue to be held in servitude, we
must not relent in our resolve until everyone is able to
enjoy and exercise the freedoms which this
Organization has worked so diligently to recognize,
uphold and defend.
 Despite Haiti’s proud history, challenges have
beset our neighbour for generations. Haiti’s return to
democratic order last year was especially welcomed,
and we celebrate the strides Haiti is making along the
difficult and arduous road to peace, security and
development. We heartily commend President Préval
and his Administration for their stewardship of this
demanding process. At the same time, we also
commend the Organization of American States for its
unstinting support for the people of Haiti.
 The United Nations Mission in Haiti continues to
play a vital role in this process, and the Bahamas
supports the call for that mission to be maintained so as
to consolidate the gains made to date and thus place
our Caribbean Community (CARICOM) sister country
on a firm and lasting path to sustainable development,
peace, security and democracy. We urge the
international community to support the people of Haiti
in that quest.
 As Haiti lies merely 90 miles from the southern
shores of the Bahamas, its economic and political
situation can and does have very tangible repercussions
for us all. Each year, the Bahamas is challenged by the
arrival of thousands of illegal migrants from Haiti who,
by perilous means, journey to our shores in search of a
better way of life. Ensuring that justice and democracy
prevail in Haiti, therefore, has a positive impact not
only on the people of Haiti, but also on the Bahamas
and indeed the entire region.
 The role of the United Nations in matters of
sustainable development is crucial, particularly with
regard to challenges demanding a truly global
response — challenges such as climate change. We
commend the Secretary-General for bringing greater
focus to the issue, with the convening of the high-level
event on climate change last week, and are hopeful that
the event will provide the necessary impetus for action
when Member States meet in Bali later this year. The
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change is indeed
the appropriate forum for negotiations on a post-Kyoto
agreement, and the political will demonstrated during
the Secretary-General’s recent high-level event should
only bring closer focus to an agreed agenda in that
regard.
 For small island developing States and
archipelagos like the Bahamas, climate change is a
matter of critical importance. For many of us it is not
just a matter of economics, but a matter of survival, as
80 per cent of our landmass is within five feet of mean
sea level; even a one-degree rise in atmospheric
temperature can have devastating ecological effects.
Climate change is particularly challenging with respect
to the potential effects on our tourism industry, which
is our main industry and which generates some 60 per
cent of the Bahamas’s gross domestic product. We
therefore cannot overemphasize the need for an
ambitious mitigation agenda for the post-Kyoto
regime. Recent studies have shown that there are many
mitigation options available, and many of them are
win-win. We must therefore, with unwavering
commitment, explore these options in an open and
inclusive environment.
 For countries like the Bahamas, resources for
adaptation are also essential. However, even access to
existing funds can prove difficult given the country’s
gross national income. It is therefore vital that the
relevant financial instruments and mechanisms be fully
operationalized and/or improved so that they become
more accessible and better address the peculiar
circumstances and special needs of different countries.
Further, there is a need for greater international
cooperation with respect to the development of new
technologies, as well as the transfer of such
technologies in support of the sustainable development
of small island developing States.
 We in the Caribbean region must prepare for the
possibility of continued increases in the incidence of
natural hazards such as hurricanes, floods and
earthquakes. Whether it is through assistance with
hazard mapping and vulnerability assessment
standardization or through the implementation of early
warning systems, international cooperation has an
important role to play in complementing national
efforts to reduce vulnerability to natural disasters.
 One step taken by the Caribbean region was the
establishment of the Caribbean Catastrophic Risk
Insurance Facility under the aegis of the World Bank.
We would like to thank those countries who have
contributed to the fund. The Bahamas continues to
press for the execution of the Mauritius Strategy for the
Further Implementation of the Programme of Action
for the Sustainable Development of Small Island
Developing States, as well as of complementary
frameworks such as the Johannesburg Plan of
Implementation and the Hyogo Framework for Action.
The time has come to reassess our collective response
to these issues and to renew our efforts in support of
sustainable development.
 Adequate financial resources are essential in the
implementation of the wider internationally agreed
development goals. Consideration of issues
surrounding the follow-up to the International
Conference on Financing for Development is
particularly significant this year, as we prepare for the
Follow-up International Conference on Financing for
Development to Review the Implementation of the
Monterrey Consensus, to be held in Doha next year.
The Bahamas would wish for the deliberations of the
upcoming High-level Dialogue, as well as the 2008
meeting of the Economic and Social Council with the
Bretton Woods institutions, the World Trade
Organization (WTO) and the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), to
provide practical input into, and contribute to the
success of that most important review conference.
 The issue of strengthening the voice and
participation of developing nations in international
economic decision- making and norm-setting is
especially important to the Bahamas. There is a
definite need for concrete, realistic proposals to ensure
the effective, permanent representation of developing
countries, particularly small developing countries, not
only in the Bretton Woods institutions and the WTO
but also in the other international economic and
financial institutions, such as the Financial Stability
Forum, the Financial Action Task Force and the Basel
Committee.
 The Bahamas welcomes the positive development
in the area of international cooperation in tax matters,
namely, the establishment of the Committee of Experts
on International Cooperation in Tax Matters within the
Economic and Social Council. The establishment of
that Committee ensures that the interests of small
developing States Members of the United Nations with
different tax regimes will be factored into discussions
and recommendations aimed at adopting mutually
agreed standards that do not unduly favour the wealthy
nations at the expense of meaningful development in
States and jurisdictions not members of the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development.
 We have reached the halfway mark in the time
frame we set ourselves in the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) to undertake concrete steps by the year
2015 to address not only the economic and
environmental challenges plaguing the international
community and the Organization, but various social ills
as well. In so doing, we gave those who are less
fortunate hope for a better and more equitable world.
 The MDG Report 2007 demonstrates that
progress has been achieved in the reduction of the
proportion of people living in poverty, the reduction of
child and maternal mortality rates and the increase of
primary school enrolment levels. However, nearly 20
million children worldwide continue to be severely
malnourished and suffer from various preventable
diseases that will undoubtedly affect their survival and
rob them of their full potential. Overall progress in
achieving equal rights and the empowerment of women
is also too slow. My Government regards effective and
practical measures to address poverty and the
enhancement of educational partnerships to facilitate
the development of our human resources to impact
accelerated change as critical issues.
 HIV/AIDS remains a global threat to the
development, progress and stability of our societies. If
the goal of universal access to comprehensive
prevention, treatment, care and support by 2010 is to
be achieved, commitments entered into in the 2001
Declaration of Commitment on HIV/AIDS and the
2006 Political Declaration on HIV/AIDS must be
implemented. The necessary financial and technical
support to developing countries must be provided to
help bridge the gap and foster a more comprehensive
and sustainable global response to this pandemic.
 Equally important is the fact that 63 per cent of
deaths worldwide are attributable to non-
communicable diseases resulting from factors such as
obesity, high cholesterol, high blood sugar, high blood
pressure, tobacco use, physical inactivity, unhealthy
diet and alcohol abuse. At a recent summit of
CARICOM heads of Government, a number of action
steps were identified. The Governments have agreed to
establish, by mid-2008, comprehensive plans for the
screening and management of chronic diseases and risk
factors, so that, by 2012, 80 per cent of people in the
Caribbean region with non-communicable diseases
would receive quality care and have access to
preventive education based on regional guidelines.
 In spite of the efforts of various entities and the
existence of United Nations conventions to protect the
rights of women and children, discrimination and
violence against women and children persist
throughout the world. In an effort to better address this
problem, the Bahamas has drafted a new Child
Protective Act and a Domestic Violence Protection
Order to enhance and provide greater protection to
these vulnerable groups.
 Last year the United Nations Global Counter-
Terrorism Strategy (resolution 60/288) was adopted,
marking an important step towards the elaboration of a
counter-terrorism convention. The Bahamas continues
to condemn terrorism and recognizes that while there
may be instances when terrorism and criminal
activities converge, the methodologies used to combat
each of them are very different. Based on its own risk
assessment, therefore, each Government must
determine the level of resources that can be adopted
and applied to counter-terrorism measures, particularly
given the emphasis that the Strategy also places on
addressing and preventing the conditions conducive to
the spread of terrorism.
 In prescribing counter-terrorism measures, care
must be taken by the international community to
preserve the tenet of due process. Care must also be
taken to guard against the creation of disincentives that
negatively impact countries with service-based
economies. With respect to counter-terrorism measures,
the Bahamas has adopted new legislation, ratified
additional anti-terrorism conventions, increased
security of large facilities, airports, docks and harbours
developed a counter-terrorism intelligence network and
provided anti-terrorism training for the police.
Needless to say, such initiatives present a challenge
and divert resources from our economic development.
 The Bahamas reaffirms its commitment to fulfil
its obligations to major international drug and counter-
terrorism conventions and continues to support the
concept of the expansion of the membership of the
Security Council. The Bahamas maintains, however,
that such expansion of the Security Council will not
greatly increase the chances for our particular
countries, such as the Bahamas.
 While it is incumbent on Member States to fulfil
their obligations that come with membership, the
Organization must put in place effective management
tools and create a system that would eliminate
overspending and waste and create more fiscal
accountability and proper oversight.
 The Bahamas values the role of the United
Nations as the custodian of the interests of the world’s
people, in particular the poor and the vulnerable. The
Bahamas continues to believe that the United Nations
Charter constitutes a viable and firm foundation on
which the Organization can balance and achieve its
objectives: to maintain international peace and security
and, equally important, to promote development and
economic and social progress.


At the Millennium Summit
in 2000, an unprecedented number of world leaders
came together and committed themselves to an
ambitious global agenda for the years ahead. This
agenda was further reinforced at the 2005 World
Summit, where we also adopted the far-reaching
principle of responsibility to protect.
 By the very nature of the commitments from the
Millennium Declaration and the World Summit, it was
globally recognized that there can be no development
without security and human rights   and vice versa.
We owe it to ourselves and to the world community to
take stock of our progress. How well, then, have we
met this challenge so far?
 At the institutional level, there can be no question
that important progress has been achieved, as
witnessed by the establishment of the Central
Emergency Response Fund, the Peacebuilding
Commission and the Human Rights Council. But
institution-building alone will not do. We need to show
the necessary resolve to make these new institutions
effective instruments in the service of the global
community. We have achieved little if we do not
endeavour to ensure that they fulfil their stated
purposes and that they realize their true potential. Our
challenge now is to address the substantive issues and
to do so in earnest.
As we cross the halfway mark towards 2015,
substantial progress has been made at the global level
towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). The results achieved through market-oriented
economic reform in Asia and Latin America over the
past decade prove that eradication of poverty is not an
elusive, unattainable goal.
 But, again, there is no room for complacency. A
substantial increase in efforts is still needed, especially
if sub-Saharan Africa is to meet the Millennium
Development Goals by 2015. The facts are quite
simple. If progress in Africa is not accelerated, we will
not live up to our responsibility. Denmark believes that
the time has come to arrange a United Nations summit
focusing on the progress towards the Millennium
Development Goals and on financing for development.
 Africa remains at the heart of Danish
development assistance. The Danish Government
firmly believes that development assistance to Africa
should increase. We need to live up to the promise to
double aid for Africa by 2010. Denmark is keeping its
part of the bargain. We are committed to providing 0.8
per cent of our national income in development
assistance. Two thirds of our bilateral assistance will
go to the African continent.
 But clearly, development assistance alone is not
enough. Trade and good governance is key to
development. There is no substitute for national
ownership and for national commitment to good
governance or for transparent and liberal trade and
investment regimes that allow developing countries to
benefit from globalization.
 It is a key goal for the Danish Government to
promote good governance, democracy and human
rights with no impunity for crimes against humanity
and we will do this through an active foreign policy.
Denmark will seriously do its best to contribute to a
more effective United Nations and to assist countries
that have a strong commitment to development but lack
the necessary resources.
 Climate change has undoubtedly become one of
the most urgent global challenges of our times, one
that, by its very definition, must be dealt with on a
truly global level. Climate change will affect the
poorest and the weakest the most. And countries will
have a very different capacity to act. Therefore, we
have to base our joint efforts on the notion of common
but differentiated responsibilities.
 Denmark is pleased to host the fifteenth
Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Climate
Change, to be held in December 2009. We have already
commenced the preparations for the conference. Our
ambitions are high. We must reach consensus on an
effective and multilateral post-Kyoto agreement. The
Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen is the last
call if the agreement is to enter into force by 2012.
 We commend the Secretary-General for his
leadership on this issue. In our view, an inclusive
United Nations-based multilateral approach is crucial if
we are to bring all parties together in responding to the
global climate challenge.
 The High-level Event on Climate Change held
here in New York last week was an illustration of this
commitment. I want to echo two essential points made
at the High-level Event that were also taken up by the
Secretary-General in his conclusions. First, I would
note that the Conference of the Parties to take place in
Bali next December represents a crucial cut-off date. If
we are serious about fighting climate change, the
thirteenth Conference of the Parties to the Convention
on Climate Change in Bali must define a clear
timetable for negotiations towards a comprehensive
post-2012 framework. Secondly, I would note that the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change (UNFCCC) remains the only legitimate
framework for truly global negotiations on climate
change. It is within the UNFCCC that an ambitious
agreement must be reached to reduce global emissions
and to counter climate change.
 Another major global challenge to which
Denmark attaches great importance is to obtain equal
opportunities for women. Here, we also see a crucial
role for an effective United Nations where gender
equality is dealt with in a strengthened and systematic
way, especially at the country level. In our view, no
one should be excluded from contributing to peace,
freedom and development. It is, therefore, of
paramount importance   as a judicial, moral and
ethical responsibility   that women everywhere have
the same opportunities as men. In the fight against
poverty, it is an absolute necessity. Women must have
equal rights as well as full access to employment, land
and financial resources. Only then can development
assistance realize its true potential and poverty be
alleviated.
 Donors must actively support partner countries in
achieving gender equality. In the coming years,
Denmark will have a strong focus on women and their
role in development and conflict resolution   setting
goals, earmarking funds and monitoring progress to
ensure that policies create results.
 Making a difference in that respect will require
leadership from all parties. Without addressing the role
of women, we will never manage to halve extreme
poverty by 2015. And our efforts to support the rights
and empowerment of women must be complemented
by a targeted effort to promote sexual and reproductive
health and rights.
 As we stand here today, we face more global
challenges than ever before. The world faces many
unresolved conflicts, not least in Africa. We need to
stay focused and to enhance the Organization’s
capacity in conflict prevention, conflict management
and peacebuilding.
 A strong United Nations is required to cope with
the global challenges of today and tomorrow. Only a
strong and effective United Nations can show the
necessary political leadership with regard to
development, humanitarian crisis and conflicts.
 In the Sudan, we have an obligation to help the
people of Darfur achieve peace through the restoration
of stability. The killings, violence and atrocities must
end. This has taken far too long. There is now finally
some progress in the attempts to find a solution to the
conflict in Darfur, and we have a responsibility to
ensure that it is implemented. Denmark actively
supports the African Union-United Nations Hybrid
Operation in Darfur as well as the resumed political
process. It raises real hope for improvement in the
deplorable situation on the ground and in the prospects
for a long-term political solution. As part of this
process, we must implement the arrest warrants of the
International Criminal Court and bring perpetrators of
crime to justice.
 Afghanistan must be one of the top priorities of
the international community and of the United Nations.
It is important to maintain broad consensus among all
international partners regarding the need to carry
through what we have started. To that end, we need the
United Nations to play a stronger role in Afghanistan.
A coordinated engagement   civilian as well as
military   is a precondition for success. The United
Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA)
must use its full potential to coordinate the
international efforts and as a counterpart to the
Afghans. And UNAMA should be present in each and
every province, including in the south.
 In Kosovo, only a solution to the final-status
issue will ensure stability and prosperity in the region.
We share the opinion of the Secretary-General that the
status quo is not sustainable. We hope for results in the
new negotiations. As stated by the presidency of the
European Union (EU), the EU will live up to its
particular responsibility and participate actively in the
collective effort to bring the parties closer together.
The goal is to obtain a comprehensive political solution
that will lead to a democratic and multi-ethnic Kosovo.
 We also believe that the United Nations continues
to be an international focal point for our common
efforts in the fight against terrorism. Last year’s
adoption by the General Assembly of the United
Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy was of
crucial importance. It underlined the firm commitment
of the international community to stand united against
those who wish to threaten international peace and
security. The next step should be to finalize the
negotiations on a draft comprehensive convention on
international terrorism. That would send another strong
political signal of our unity. Adoption of the
convention would be a worthy achievement of the
sixty-second session of the General Assembly.
 Finally, let me say a few words on United Nations
reform and the institutional challenge for the
Organization. The starting point is clear: to ensure the
necessary reforms of the United Nations, there is no
substitute for strong political will on the part of
individual Member States.
 Reforms of United Nations operational activities
are taking shape. However, much work remains to be
done if the recommendations of the High-level Panel
are to be followed and if the United Nations is truly to
deliver as one. It is of paramount importance to make
the United Nations more focused and effective at the
country level. Experiences from the pilot countries are
encouraging and should inspire further action.
 The Organization’s governance structures also
require further reform. The General Assembly should
keep its focus on decision-making regarding important
matters and leave detailed management to managers.
The Security Council would benefit from reform that
makes it more representative. Denmark is therefore
encouraged by the new momentum in discussions on
Security Council reform.
 But, first and foremost, strengthening the United
Nations requires an understanding that the United
Nations cannot do everything for everyone at the same
time. We need to agree on a common vision and on
priorities for the Organization. We need to take a step
back from the day-to-day agenda and focus on the role
that a strong United Nations could play in the future
which points towards strengthening the United Nations
in relation to three of its unique features.
 The first feature is conflict resolution and
prevention as undertaken by the Security Council, the
General Assembly and the good offices of the
Secretary-General, as well as through United Nations
peacekeeping efforts.
 The second feature is strengthening of the
capacity of the United Nations system to assist
countries in the early phases of recovery following
conflicts, or countries with very weak institutions.
Here, the United Nations has a key role to play. We
should help to build stronger bridges from
peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance to
peacebuilding, reconstruction and development. We
should help to build up States and to ensure that weak
States do not fall back into conflict or chaos. The
Peacebuilding Commission will be essential in this
regard.
 Thirdly and finally, in the area of international
norm-setting, where the United Nations has already
shaped the international agenda for action, one of the
goals should be to enhance the role played by the
Organization in ensuring respect for human rights. As
Members of the United Nations, we have taken on the
shared responsibility of protecting those in the most
vulnerable situations, not least children.
 What is needed now is to follow through and to
catalyse action. That is no small task, even for a strong
United Nations.


I would like to congratulate Mr. Srgjan
Kerim on his election to the presidency of the General
Assembly at its sixty-second session and to wish him
every success in his important task. Allow me also to
salute his predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed
Al-Khalifa of sisterly Bahrain and to express our
appreciation of the efforts she deployed to bring the
work of that session to a successful conclusion.
 I also wish to express to the new Secretary-
General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, our best wishes for success
in his noble mission, namely, that of guiding our
international Organization towards the realization of
the purposes and principles of its Charter.
 The Middle East region has been an arena of
daunting challenges and heightened tensions owing to
the Israeli occupation, since 1967, of Arab territories
and to the denial of the legitimate national rights of the
Palestinian people. Although this is not a new
development, recent challenges and tensions have been
escalating and, as such, they not only threaten security
and stability throughout the region, but also
international peace and security. The hopes of the
peoples of the region of achieving a just and
comprehensive peace and living in a secure and stable
environment have faded, if they have not totally died.
Moreover, the current situation in Iraq and the
attendant anger and apprehensions it has generated
have turned the region into an explosive hotbed of
tensions and a theatre of confrontations, instead of
allowing it to prosper, pursue its development goals
and achieve progress.
 May I, therefore, ask what have we accomplished
over the past year or during the previous session of the
General Assembly in terms of addressing the root
causes of tensions plaguing the Middle East region?
That situation does not serve the interests of any of the
parties, inside or outside the region. The prevailing
trends have not changed: Israeli occupation of Arab
lands continues, so does the denial of the legitimate
rights of Palestinians. One can even say that the
support, financing and arming of those policies have
continued unabated and have even surpassed previous
records. The recently reported figures on the increased
United States arming of Israel speak for themselves.
 The latest act of aggression against Syria on
6 September 2007 is proof of Israel’s desire to escalate
tensions. We reiterate that the failure of the
international community, including the Security
Council, to condemn that act of aggression will
encourage Israel to persist in that hostile pursuit, and
will lead to the exacerbation of tensions in the region.
Some sources in the United States have spread rumours
and fabricated news in order to justify that act of
aggression. By distorting the facts they have become
Israel’s accomplices in that act.
 Addressing and pursuing peace in the Middle
East require first and foremost evincing the will to
make peace on the basis of law and justice.
Regrettably, that will does not factor into the priorities
of some of the policies pursued nowadays. The
contemplated substance, approach and objectives of an
international gathering that seeks to find a
comprehensive solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict
remain vague. Furthermore, the proposed gathering
fails to identify the purpose, basis, terms of reference
and time frame of the process.
 Syria has repeatedly stressed and stresses again
today that peace is its strategic choice. President
Bashar Al-Assad highlighted that fact in the statement
he made before the People’s Assembly on 17 July
2007. He stated that Syria is ready for a just and
comprehensive peace built on resolutions of
international legitimacy, which he deemed to be the
prelude to the realization of peace and security in the
region. The statement confirms that Syria has the will
to make a genuine peace that would recover the rights
and return the land to its rightful owners and that
would guarantee peace for all. We have repeatedly
called for a resumption of the peace process on the
basis of the Madrid terms of reference and the principle
of land for peace. Let me ask here: does the Israeli
Government or the current American administration
still have that will, the will to make genuine peace?
Regrettably, actions and realities on the ground suggest
otherwise.
 The current situation in Iraq presages great
dangers for Iraq and the region. Addressing that
situation requires effective cooperation among all
parties inside Iraq, in the region and the world at large.
The absence of a genuine political vision for a solution
and the exclusive reliance on a military solution further
aggravate the situation. We have always stressed the
need to preserve the unity of the Iraqi people and the
Iraqi land, the non-interference in its internal affairs,
the preservation of its sovereignty and independence,
its Arab and Islamic identity and the rejection of any
claims to divide it. We believe that the solution in Iraq
must begin with national reconciliation based on the
principle of respect for the will of all segments of the
Iraqi people to determine their political future or to lay
the foundation for a new Iraq that is built on equal
citizenship. We therefore stress the need for the
withdrawal of all foreign forces from Iraq, in
agreement with the Iraqi Government, because that
measure will contribute to curbing the violence. We
have repeatedly stressed our condemnation of all
terrorist acts committed in Iraq that claim the lives of
innocent civilians. Occasional allegations that
combatants are infiltrating into Iraq through the
Syrian-Iraqi border cannot be farther from the truth.
They fail to acknowledge the strict measures that Syria
has put in place to control those borders. We believe
that the purpose of those unfounded accusations is to
assign to others the responsibility for the failure of the
occupying Power to achieve security and stability in
Iraq.
 The deteriorating security situation in Iraq has
prompted many Iraqis to flee their country. There are
over 1.6 million Iraqi refugees in Syria today. In
addition to the security and social repercussions
associated with their presence, Syria is bearing an
enormous financial burden to satisfy their economic
needs and to provide them with services. It is
regrettable that the international community has failed
to discharge its responsibility to assist Iraqi refugees
until it becomes safe for them to return to their homes
and country. The occupying Power spends hundreds of
billions of dollars on military operations inside Iraq,
but fails to allocate any resources to assist Iraqis who
have been forced out of Iraq as a result of the
occupation and its repercussions.
 Official visits exchanged between fraternal Iraq
and Syria have opened broad horizons for mutual
cooperation and have identified the main areas of
cooperation at all levels. Syria, for its part, plans to
implement all the measures agreed to during those
visits.
 The critical and sensitive situation in brotherly
Lebanon requires that the Lebanese act together in
order to emerge from the current state of affairs and
arrive at solutions that will serve the interest of
Lebanon and its future. Syria has consistently
supported all initiatives aimed at activating Lebanese
dialogue within the country with a view to arriving at a
consensus. We believe that the run-up to the coming
presidential elections constitutes a good basis for
consensus-building among the Lebanese to elect a
president in accordance with constitutional rules, free
from foreign intervention and in a manner that would
safeguard Lebanon’s interests and its relations with
Arab countries.
 Syria reaffirms its position calling for the
elimination of all weapons of mass destruction from
the Middle East region. Allow me to recall that in 2003
Syria tabled a draft resolution before the Security
Council on behalf of the Arab Group, and we are still
looking forward to its adoption.
 I would like to affirm that Syria associates itself
with the declared positions of other developing
countries, which stress the freedom and the right of all
countries to acquire nuclear technologies to use them
for peaceful purposes. We believe that it is necessary to
compel Israel, the sole party in the region that
possesses nuclear weapons, to submit its facilities to
the safeguards regime of the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) and to adhere to the Non-
Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the Comprehensive
Safeguards Agreement.
 Like many others, I wonder whether the world
has become safer many years after the beginning of the
war on terrorism. The answer is common knowledge.
Terrorism has spread to areas that have never known
that phenomenon before. Syria believes that fighting
terrorism by force alone is useless. We must address
the root causes of terrorism and firmly distinguish
between combating terrorism and the legitimate right
of people to resist foreign occupation. We call on all
States to cooperate in the fight against terrorism. At the
same time, we warn against using terrorism as a pretext
to compromise peoples’ rights and to instil hatred
among religions and civilizations instead of promoting
intercultural and interreligious dialogues in the interest
of humanity at large.
 Earlier on in the debate we listened to calls
advocating interference in the internal affairs of States
under the pretext of defending human rights and
promoting democracy. Syria questions the discrepancy
between words and actions in Palestine, Iraq, Lebanon
and other parts of the world. The inhumane practices
we learned of in Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib and the
condoning of Israeli aggression against Lebanon last
year and other Israeli practices in Palestine and the
Golan constitute grave violations of human rights. That
prompts us to question in turn, and rightly so: which
human rights are they advocating?
 More than ever before our world needs a
reaffirmation of our commitment to the principles and
purposes of the United Nations, in order to avoid
applying double standards and to free the Organization
from those few who try to control its decisions and
dictate their policies to its organs. The conflicts and
crises with which our world is plagued today must
prompt us to seek solutions based on enhanced
intercultural and interreligious dialogues, and to
persevere in our pursuit of the political solutions to
current international problems in a manner that would
preserve international peace and security.


 On behalf of the Republic of Equatorial
Guinea, I should like to join previous speakers in
expressing our support and congratulations to His
Excellency Mr. Srgjan Kerim of the Republic of
Macedonia on his election to preside over the debates
of the sixty-second session of the General Assembly.
We congratulate him because his country is an example
of freedom and democracy and because, for the United
Nations, the sovereign equality of States   whether
large or small   is a principle of respect for dignity,
justice, equality and peace throughout the world. We
are convinced that under his far-sighted leadership the
Assembly will ensure that those principles are
observed and respected by all.
 We also congratulate his predecessor, Her
Excellency Ms. Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa of Bahrain,
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-first
session, on her great political skill in serving the
interests of the international community at a time
dominated by wars, conflicts of interest and natural
disasters.
 In addition, we commend the laudable work of
the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-
moon, who deserves our full support so that United
Nations intervention can be effective in conflicts and
situations threatening peace, stability and the well-
being of nations.
 Equatorial Guinea is participating in the present
session of the General Assembly with uncertainty
regarding United Nations efforts, which are drowning
in a vicious circle of good declarations of principle and
technical and scientific definitions, which are ethically
motivated but which ultimately fail to attain the
objectives of the peace, security, development and
well-being of humanity, which inspired the
establishment of this world Organization.
 Indeed, the fact that, despite so many preventive
resolutions, we are focusing this year’s deliberations
on atmospheric degradation, which currently poses a
threat to humanity because of nuclear tests; the
proliferation of chemical industries with military
purposes, which are destroying vital elements of the
environment; the use of chemical weapons and other
weapons of mass destruction in armed conflicts; and
the irrational use of non-renewable natural resources,
which is destroying ecosystems   activities that do
not seek the common good of humanity, but that have
caused the destruction of the ozone layer and the
breakdown of the components of the planet’s
atmospheric equilibrium. This is an obvious sign that
our resolutions are being ignored. The tsunami, if it
was not the result of a nuclear test, must be the
consequence of this atmospheric deterioration, which
has now increased the number of floods, hurricanes,
fires, cyclones, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions
throughout the world.
 Nevertheless, for more than 20 years the United
Nations has undertaken praiseworthy initiatives to
reduce spending on these activities and to use the
surplus on development in the poorest countries.
Despite that, no favourable response has been made by
the countries owning these industries. Nor has the
Kyoto Protocol itself   which obliges States to reduce
their emissions of harmful gases   been ratified by all
the States Members of the Organization.
 Equatorial Guinea believes that the phenomenon
of climate change must be addressed by the United
Nations with the same intensity with which it is
currently addressing issues that include, among others,
democracy, human rights and the threat of terrorism.
 It is correct to say that climate change is a
challenge for all States, because its effects are truly
harmful to everyone. But we cannot ignore the fact that
the primary responsibility lies with those who
developed, for their own interests, the technologies that
are destroying the ozone layer. The countries of the
tropical forests of the Congo Basin in Africa and the
Amazon Basin in South Africa cannot make use of
their own forest resources, because they must
contribute to the maintenance of the ecosystems that
help to maintain the ozone layer. However, there are no
compensatory policies to avert the economic resource
crisis occurring among the affected peoples.
 My Government is now committed, in the spirit
of the Kyoto Protocol, to processing the gas produced
by the oilfields of my country and its neighbours into
liquefied gas for the benefit of humanity. Nevertheless,
Equatorial Guinea cannot manage to benefit from the
credits offered by the international financial
institutions and bodies, because we qualify as a
middle-income country, whereas it is known that we
have produced oil for only 10 years and have never had
any development infrastructure.
 Our uncertainty is even greater when we consider
the problem of development financing for the least
developed countries. In our view, no bilateral or
multilateral cooperation policy has shown itself to be
capable of meeting the basic development financing
needs of poor countries. Because of a lack of political
will, everything is reduced to political conditioning
factors and requirements that cannot be met by
countries seeking to develop. In that regard, Equatorial
Guinea has not been informed of the fate of the 0.7 per
cent   an insignificant amount   that developed
countries were to give from their gross domestic
product for the financing of the least developed
countries.
 Nor has the question of the cancellation of the
external debt of least developed countries and their
interest been welcomed by creditors, despite their
historic obligations. Our experience over many years
has shown us that Equatorial Guinea cannot develop if
it does not have its own means and if it does not take
principal responsibility for it.
 Thus, once oil resources were discovered, the
Government organized, in 1997, the first national
economic conference in order to plan better use of
these resources for the short, medium and long term.
The programme adopted has been implemented in a
manner satisfactory to the people and Government.
Now we can organize the second such national
economic conference, in order to plan the development
of the country for a sustainable economy. From this
rostrum, we would like to invite bodies of the United
Nations system and friendly Governments and
international economic institutions to participate in this
conference in Equatorial Guinea in the first two weeks
of November this year, in order to help us by sharing
their experiences.
 Humanity has never been threatened and
frightened as much by terrorism as over this last
decade. Terrorism used to be known as a process for
the settlement of accounts through violent means by
those who felt powerless to see their claims met
through legal and democratic processes. It has now
reached different dimensions, which do not uphold
legitimate claims, nor are their effects directed only
against persons or institutions from which rights are
being demanded. Any third-party country can be a
victim of terrorism today, as if it were a country
against which the demand may be lodged.
 The result is that today terrorism is a threat
against humanity. It violates individual and collective
freedoms, impedes the exercise of democracy, violates
the peace and security of nations and stands in the way
of the development of peoples. All countries of the
world that love peace, justice and freedom have the
duty and the obligation to combat this phenomenon,
which is a form of regression of the human species.
 However, there seems to be a tendency to ignore
another, similar phenomenon, namely, the use of
mercenaries, that practice of resorting to force to
destabilize legitimate political regimes for whatever
reason. In the case of Republic of Equatorial Guinea, it
has been clearly shown that the invasion operation
against our country by mercenary groups in 2004 was
organized to gain access to oil. The masterminds
behind that operation, clearly identified, were leaders
of Governments of States Members of the United
Nations. Since these facts came to light and were
denounced by my Government, we have not had any
condemning reaction from specific Member States or
friendly countries in criticism of the barriers to
bringing to justice the perpetrators of that operation,
which means that they would probably be happier had
the invasion of my country been successful, with the
inherent dramatic consequences.
 If we want to combat terrorism and the use of
mercenaries, we need to rely on well-developed
internal security systems and to exchange information
among States. We have to be faithful and show
solidarity with the principles of the equal sovereignty
of States, non-interference in internal politics of other
States and the resolution of controversies by peaceful
means, giving priority to dialogue, consultation and
tolerance. We should adamantly condemn any terrorist
act of intimidation and destabilization of States and
take actions of solidarity against such acts, because
they threaten State sovereignty and the free will of
people.
 Finally, if we are looking at reform of the United
Nations today, it is because the objectives that support
this world Organization, their very principles, have
been and are being systematically violated. The United
Nations has gone through many changes: from an
organization aspiring to a universal consensus to one
comprised of interest blocs; from an organization with
universal goals for the well-being of humanity to an
organization of the stronger against the weaker. Today,
the reason for a veto in the Security Council is not so
much the necessity of preventing abuses of power by
some against humanity as it is an eagerness to defend
the partisan interests of groups or individuals. Thus,
although a veto in the Security Council does not mean
anything today because resolutions are not much
observed, Africa also has its own interests to defend.
Thus we want the right of a veto to be conferred on the
continent and not a State, because that continent
represents a third of humanity.
 The future of humanity is in our hands. Each one
of us must feel committed to meeting the challenges of
our time so that new challenges can become new hopes
for people. May God guide us in our deliberations.


I welcome the opportunity
to address, on behalf of the Republic of Serbia, the
General Assembly of the United Nations, the highest
body of the world family of sovereign nations.
 I congratulate Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on
his election to his very responsible post. I also
congratulate the newly elected President of the General
Assembly, Mr. Srdjan Kerim, who hails from our
region of South-East Europe.
 Serbia attaches exceptional importance to the role
that the world Organization, and the Security Council
in particular, play in maintaining international peace
and security and in safeguarding the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the Member States. Proceeding
from the Charter of the United Nations as the
cornerstone of the current international legal order,
Serbia calls for its consistent implementation.
 The sixty-second session of the General
Assembly is taking place at a very important moment
for Serbia as the negotiation process on the future
status of its province of Kosovo and Metohija is under
way. Proceeding from the firm position that the
independence of Kosovo is unacceptable to Serbia, we
have offered special rights and competences to Kosovo
Albanians for the autonomous development of their
community within the Republic of Serbia.
 In defence of the State sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Serbia, our negotiating team has offered a
decentralization model based on European solutions
that would protect the interests of Kosovo Albanians,
as well as the threatened interests of the Serbian and
other non-Albanian ethnic communities in the
province, in an effective way. Serbia offers solutions
that would definitively solve, through mutual
agreement and with the implementation of European
values and rules, an old inter-ethnic conflict and open
the prospects of reconciliation and coexistence within a
modern, democratic and European Serbia. My country
is ready to compromise, yet we wish to point out that
the legitimate interests of democratic Serbia and the
specific needs of the threatened Serbian community in
the province, as well as of other communities that have
fallen victim to expulsion, such as the Roma and
Gorani communities, must be respected. Let me recall
that more than 200,000 Serbs have left Kosovo since
1999; to date, according to the official data of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, only
7,100 have returned.
 Today, negotiations are under way under the
auspices of the Contact Group, but a legitimate
decision on the future status of Kosovo can be taken
only by the Security Council. Only a decision taken by
that institution can be based on international law.
 Persistent in our request that the territorial
integrity of the Republic of Serbia be respected, we
call for the attainment of a compromise solution
through diplomatic, legal and peaceful means, and not
through war and violence. It is precisely for those
reasons that democratic Serbia does not accept that the
threat of violence made by the party we are negotiating
with is an argument for redrawing the borders of
legitimate democracies and for violating the norms of
international law. My country is therefore steadfast in
warning of the unforeseeable consequences of that
unprincipled and dangerous policy, and remains
committed to the search for a peaceful and compromise
solution through dialogue and in full respect for the
Charter of the United Nations.
 Serbia would also like to recall that threats have
been bandied about of late that the Kosovo Provisional
Institutions will unilaterally declare independence on
11 December. We point that out because of the fact that
the international legal order would never be the same
following a one-sided recognition of Kosovo’s
independence, while many separatist movements the
world over would exploit the newly established
precedent. Many regions in the world would thereby be
destabilized. We therefore call on the legitimate
representatives of the Kosovo Albanians to proceed to
the resumed negotiations without prejudging the
outcome, so that a compromise solution acceptable to
both parties can be achieved, leading to long-term
Serbian/Albanian reconciliation.
 This year, Serbia is presiding over the Committee
of Ministers of the Council of Europe. In that capacity,
we have made every effort to make a maximum
contribution to the strengthening of democracy, the
protection of human rights and the rule of law   the
basic values of the oldest pan-European organization.
We have also sought to strengthen synergy between the
Council of Europe and the United Nations, especially
in the field of human rights.
 It is in the strategic interest of Serbia to become a
member of the European Union. We are working hard
to become a candidate member by the end of 2008. We
are engaged in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration
through the Partnership for Peace programme. We have
thereby clearly evinced our acceptance of European
values and our readiness to develop our country in
accordance with the highest European standards.
 We are convinced that the European perspective
on the entire Western Balkans is the most effective way
to stabilize the situation and accelerate the
development of all countries in the region. Only thus
shall we overcome the problems inherited from the past
and encourage a spirit of tolerance and commitment to
the same goals and values, which will provide a basis
for building stable and lasting peace in our region.
 Unfortunately, the question of war crimes
continues to burden relations among Balkan countries.
For its part, Serbia has done everything within its
power to track down, arrest and transfer to The Hague
those accused of war crimes, thereby demonstrating its
commitment to cooperating with the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to a
successful end. That is not only Serbia’s international
obligation; above all, it is our debt to ourselves and to
our neighbours. By punishing criminals and building a
stable and prosperous region, a common space
integrated into the European Union, we can ensure a
better future for all citizens.
 It is with pleasure and optimism that we note that,
step by step, South-East Europe is becoming a region
of good-neighbourliness and cooperation. There are
numerous examples of very successful initiatives and
concrete forms of cooperation, the contribution of
which to the promotion of peace and mutual trust is
exceptionally important. There is hardly any field in
which we have not yet established a mechanism of
mutual cooperation. That proves unequivocally that
this is a lasting, strategic orientation of all countries in
the Balkans and a reflection of their common
aspiration to the full inclusion of our region into
European integration.
(spoke in English)
 Global problems call for global answers, and all
Member States are therefore required to participate
actively in their solution. Today, as we face completely
new and specific challenges that threaten international
peace and security and pose a threat to overall
development and prosperity, we are becoming
increasingly aware of the great need   perhaps greater
than ever before   for the United Nations.
 Terrorism is one of the greatest scourges of the
present-day world. In order to fight and eradicate it
effectively, we must take a global, coordinated
approach, as well as vigorous action at the regional and
country levels. Last year, Serbia hosted the regional
summit meeting on terrorism, organized crime and
corruption.
 As can be seen, we cooperate very closely with
our neighbours in order to forestall threats. An
excellent example of that cooperation was the recent
joint exercise of the armies of Serbia, Romania and
Bulgaria, which provided abundant evidence of our
three countries’ collective readiness to combat
terrorism and any other threat to the security of our
citizens. Serbia also initiated the signing of an
agreement with neighbouring countries on cooperation
in the protection against natural disasters. The recent
catastrophic fires that engulfed Greece and the manner
in which we reacted provided eloquent proof of the
vital importance of mutual dependence and solidarity
in the Balkan region.
 Numerous crises continue to plague the world.
Some are dormant, some are escalating, while others
threaten to provoke conflicts that could engender
dangerous consequences, destruction and humanitarian
catastrophes. Our experience to date makes us believe
even more firmly that lasting, just and stable peace and
security can be achieved only peacefully, through
dialogue, mutual respect and cooperation.
 Serbia believes that the United Nations continues
to be an irreplaceable international authority and
mechanism for the prevention of crises and the
resolution of conflicts. Successful and timely
deployment of United Nations peacekeeping forces is
an important aspect of the maintenance of international
peace and security. We support the efforts of the
Organization to further strengthen the efficiency of its
peacekeeping capacities. Serbia therefore considers
that only gathered together around common goals and
objectives and united in action can we make a vigorous
stand against such global threats to international peace
and security as terrorism, bellicose extremism, mass
poverty, organized crime, pandemic diseases and the
harmful consequences of climate change.
 Global warming is surely a major problem of our
age and rightly figures as one of the central topics on
the agenda of the sixty-second session of the General
Assembly. That phenomenon   which, arguably, may
affect all humankind   knows no national borders and
circumvents no part of the world. To solve it, therefore,
we must address it very seriously, as it brooks no delay
and all Member States must get on board. Within the
Belgrade Initiative, Serbia has proposed that activities
to stop global warming be carried out also at the
regional level and that a regional centre for South-East
Europe be set up in Belgrade to that end. We also
emphasize that plans to reduce harmful emissions must
take into consideration the level of the economic
development of various countries as well.
 The complex of relations among different
cultures, civilizations and religions is also a question
that deserves to be at the focus of the attention of the
United Nations. A truly multi-ethnic, multi-
confessional and multi-cultural country, Serbia fully
understands all the sensitivity of those questions and
treats them with due attention. We are well aware that
the world of the twenty-first century must not be based
on intolerance on any ground. We, the leaders of the
United Nations Member States, are entrusted with a
great responsibility to make every effort to ensure that
all the diversity of this world be comprehended and
accepted as the wealth of all, rather than as the cause
of new divisions. Indeed, dialogue and mutual
tolerance must prevail as the basic principles of our
mutual relations, both within States and internationally.
As a responsible member of the world community
and international organizations, Serbia fully respects
the Charter of the United Nations and the international
legal order established by the Charter. Building a truly
democratic society in our own country, we call for the
democratization of international relations on the basis
of the strict implementation of the Charter and other
generally accepted norms and standards.
 We firmly believe that only equitable cooperation
among countries and peoples, respect for basic human
rights and fundamental freedoms, and mutual trust can
guarantee stable international peace and security. At
the same time, short of the political stability and
economic prosperity of States, there is no successful
cooperation at the bilateral, regional and global levels.
The precondition for stability and dynamic economic
development is equal access to new technologies and
modern scientific achievements.
(spoke in French)
 The Republic Serbia is willing and ready,
alongside other countries, to be actively involved in the
process of United Nations reform and revitalization in
order to make the world Organization capable of
effectively facing the challenges of our times. Our
historic responsibility is to ensure future generations a
much better environment than that in which we live
today. The Republic of Serbia remains devoted to
achieving the goals of the United Nations and, along
with other countries, is ready to work on further
strengthening the integrity of the world Organization
under its Charter.