73.	Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, to extend to you my heartfelt congratulations on your election to the lofty post of President of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am convinced that you will successfully perform the arduous task entrusted to you.
74.	My heartfelt congratulations and my sincere thanks go likewise to Mr, Lazar Mojsov for the excellent way in which he guided the work of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly.
75.	I take this opportunity to tell the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, how much we appreciate his persevering efforts to strengthen peace and international co-operation, and his appeals for international aid for my country following the serious drought that beset us last year and the unprecedented floods we have suffered this year.
76.	Finally, I should like to congratulate most sincerely the people of Solomon Islands on the admission of their country this year to membership of the United Nations after a long struggle for independence. I am convinced that the accession of that country to full national sovereignty will speed up the decolonization process.
77.	Generally speaking, throughout this year the international situation has continued to develop in favour of the forces of national independence, peace, democracy and social progress. Nevertheless, the world is confronted by fresh problems which seriously threaten international peace and co-operation. Recently, in view of the intensified revolutionary struggle of peoples, imperialism and international reactionary forces, notwithstanding the failure of their manoeuvres to perpetuate international tension- an J their attempts at sabotage, division, intimidation, interference and aggression against the peoples, have closed their ranks in order to maintain their position and to extend their sphere of influence at the expense of peoples struggling for their national independence, peace, democracy and social progress.
78.	In order to achieve their evil designs, imperialism and reactionary forces have, in certain parts of the world, had recourse to pressure and subversion, to try to topple or destabilize progressive' regimes. They have also practised, in certain parts of the world, the policy "of decrying interference in order to justify "their own treacherous interference and aggression.
79.	But, thanks to vigilance and the resolute struggle of peoples and international solidarity, imperialism and the forces of international reaction have not succeeded in their criminal designs and it is obvious that they will not succeed just as they will never manage to stop the march of history. The world has noted that since the overwhelming victory won by the peoples of Laos, Viet-Nam and Kampuchea over aggressive imperialism, the balance of power in the world has always tipped in favour of the forces of peace, national independence, democracy and social progress. In that respect the brilliant victories won by the stalwart peoples of Angola and Mozambique against Portuguese colonialism, the victory of the revolution in Ethiopia, as well as that of the people of Afghanistan, are eloquent examples.

80.	We hail those great successes, so many positive contributions to the strengthening of peace and so many defeats for imperialism, colonialism and reaction.
81.	I should like to take stock of the present situation in the Lao People's Democratic Republic. While relying basically on our own capacity, with the benefit of the assistance and support of various United Nations bodies, the socialist countries, the non-aligned countries and our friends, as well as various international organizations, the Lao people has exerted great efforts to defend its independence and to rebuild its homeland.
82.	While overcoming countless difficulties and obstacles our people has achieved major successes in the creation of the material bases for a socialist economy, in maintaining security and order in the country, in eliminating the aftermath of war and the defects that were the legacy of the former regime, in improving the material and cultural conditions of life of our people, and in making an active contribution to the strengthening of peace and stability in South-East Asia and throughout the world.
83.	I should like to take this opportunity to express on behalf of my Government my deep thanks to the specialized agencies and the United Nations, the socialist countries, the non-aligned countries and other friendly countries, as well as to' the lion-governmental organizations, for the assistance and valuable support they have given to us in our immense task of national rebuilding.
84.	I express the hope that the movement of assistance and international support for my country will be expanded even further in the future to allow us to resolve the urgent problems posed by the serious floods which have just severely affected the centre and south of my country, causing considerable damage to our economy, which is essentially based upon agriculture. According to the preliminary estimate more than 110,000 hectares of paddy fields have been flooded. That represents a loss of about 120.500 tons of rice; 500,000 people are threatened with famine; 22,381 families have been left without shelter; and hundreds of head of cattle have been lost. Those losses must be added to those caused by the great drought of last year and they have compounded our difficulties. I wish to appeal to the international community for sizeable temporary assistance.
85.	Since its creation on 2 December 1975, the Lao People's Democratic Republic has always pursued a foreign policy of peace, independence, friendship and non- alignment. In pursuit of that policy, we are in favour of relations of friendship and co-operation with all countries, irrespective of their social and political regimes, on the basis of a strict respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well a & non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, equality and mutual advantage.
86.	We are an integral part of the vast region of South-East Asia and my country cannot remain indifferent to the events which are taking place in that part of the world and which might disrupt, in one way or another, peace and stability in the region. The countries of South-East Asia which have been through a long and painful period of hostility and conflict created by external Powers which aimed to divide and dominate the peoples of the region, now need peace and stability, the necessary prerequisites for their independence and development, and that is why we advocate co-operation between the countries and South-East Asia and condemn any policy of the big Powers which would intervene in the internal affairs of those countries, foment confrontation between them and make South-East Asia an instrument of their expansionist and hegemonistic policy. Therefore, we profoundly regret the conflicts which now pit our close neighbours against each other and which destroy the solidarity and the friendship which have long existed between those countries.
87.	Faithful to its policy of peace and friendship, the Lao People's Democratic Republic has always maintained the principle according to which any dispute between countries of the region should be resolved by peaceful negotiations without any foreign interference. We deem the proposals put forward by the Socialist Republic of Viet-Nam in a search for a negotiated settlement to the conflict, on the basis of good will and sincerity on both sides, to be just and reasonable. Such a settlement would meet not only the interests of the peoples of the countries concerned but also those of all peoples throughout the region.
88.	Furthermore, we staunchly support the efforts of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at replacing the Armistice Agreement by a peace agreement, and calling for the speedy, total and unconditional withdrawal of American troops from South Korea for a peaceful and independent reunification of Korea.
89.	With regard to the Indian Ocean, we are against the presence of imperialist military bases in Diego Garcia and we support efforts to have the Indian Ocean made a zone of peace.
90.	When we look at other parts of the world we note with concern that the Zionist and expansionist State of Israel, benefiting from the massive assistance and unconditional support of imperialism, continues unabashedly to occupy Arab territories and Palestine in utter contempt for international law and United Nations resolutions.
91.	It is quite obvious that the settlement of the Middle East problem will be achieved only by the resolute struggle and solidarity of all the Arab parties concerned. Manoeuvres designed to divide the Arab countries and, possibly, to obtain a separate settlement of the Middle East problem run counter to the legitimate interests of the Arab and Palestinian peoples and do not serve the cause of peace in the Middle East or in the world. Similarly, any attempt to minimize or destroy the PLO, the sole authentic representative of the Palestinian people, will certainly be doomed to failure.
92.	With regard to Cyprus, we continue to call for the urgent, total and effective implementation of United Nations General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and we support the just struggle of the Cypriot people for the preservation of the unity, territorial integrity and non- aligned policy of Cyprus, and for the speedy, total and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops from the island.
93.	In the African continent, and especially in southern Africa, we vigorously denounce the acts of barbaric repression of the racist regimes of Rhodesia and South Africa and of imperialism against the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe and their obstinate refusal to allow those valiant African peoples to exercise their right to self-determination and independence and we firmly support the South African, Namibian and Zimbabwean peoples in their struggle against racism and apartheid,, colonial oppression and exploitation and interference and acts of aggression by imperialism, neo-colonialism and forces of international reaction, and for the recovery of their fundamental national rights.
94.	We support the peoples of Angola and Mozambique, as well as the other peoples of the front-line countries, their struggle to defend their sovereignty, territorial integrity and national independence against the aggressive machinations of imperialism and its reactionary flunkeys.
95.	We support the struggle, of the Saharan people,, under the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO, for its self- determination, in accordance with United Nations General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV).
96.	We firmly support the peoples of Africa in their., struggle to eliminate all vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid and to foil all manoeuvres of interference and aggression of imperialism.
97.	We vigorously condemn the economic blockade imposed by the United States of America on the Republic of Cuba and we firmly support the just struggle of the Cuban people in its tasks of national defence, building socialism and the realization of its noble internationalist duty.
98.	We support the efforts of the people of Panama fully to recover its sovereignty over the Canal Zone.
99.	Last June the General Assembly held a special session devoted to disarmament, a problem of particular importance. The Lao People's Democratic Republic welcomes the results of the work of the tenth special session, which constitutes an important stage towards the World Disarmament Conference. That is to say that we favour a halt to the arms race and the banning of weapons of mass destruction, including the neutron bomb.
100.	As a developing country the Lao People's Democratic Republic is in complete solidarity with the struggle being waged by the countries of the Group of 77 to establish the new international economic order. However, we are of the opinion that the developing countries owe it to themselves to forge the new international economic order themselves. To this effect, they must at all costs succeed in building up an independent and autonomous economy, which can be achieved only by increasing relations of co-operation between all developing countries, on the basis of equality and mutual advantage, and between the developing countries and the socialist countries, and the developed countries which are sincerely working to bring about the new international economic order.
101.	The Lao People's Democratic Republic is a small country whose centuries-old backwardness has been made much worse by decades of a colonialist and imperialist war of aggression. At the present time, notwithstanding the numerous difficulties caused by acts of sabotage, intimidation, pressure, interference and the aggression of imperialism and reactionary forces, the Lao people is determined to go forward and to build up its country and make it rich and prosperous, thus contributing to the development of the forces of peace and socialism.
102.	On behalf of the Lao people, which is concerned about peace and friendship among peoples, our delegation pledges its active contribution to the work of our Assembly, which has been allotted the tasks of strengthening peace and international security and of promoting friendship, co-operation and progress for all peoples.
103.	In conclusion, I hope for the brilliant success of the work of the thirty-third regular session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.


103.	On behalf of our delegation I should like to congratulate you, Sir, upon your election to the high post of President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly and to wish you success in that responsible task.
104.	The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR wishes to welcome the delegation of the State of Solomon Islands on the occasion of its admission to membership in the United Nations. We sincerely wish the people of that State prosperity and good fortune.
105.	The actual situation in the world and the evaluation of it made by many delegations during this session give occasion to conclude that, despite the intrigues of the opponents of peace and co-operation among nations, the struggle for stable detente, peace and disarmament has demonstrated that it has enormous vitality and enjoys the wide support of peoples. The example of Europe, where the situation is developing under the favourable impact of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference, shows how detente is becoming something quite specific and tangible, that becomes particularly apparent in the relations of the Soviet Union with France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Sweden, Austria, Finland and other countries, in an over-all development of the links of socialist countries with countries of Western Europe.
106.	Being closely united by mutual objectives and unbreakable friendship, and acting as one, the States of the socialist community are doing everything possible further to widen and deepen detente, to curb the arms race and to strengthen peace and international security. Peoples are becoming ever more convinced that peace and socialism are inseparable.
107.	However, at this time we should like to draw attention to what is complicating the international situation. Facts reveal that at the present time we are witnessing an activation of the imperialist and other reactionary forces which are trying to block the dynamic development of detente and its extension to the entire world. Recent developments show that the world is undergoing dangerous changes which are impeding the future development of positive trends. What is really the matter?
108.	In our opinion, the activation of the opponents of detente and of imperialists and reactionaries can be explained, first and foremost by the fact that positive processes in international relations have threatened the interests of those who capitalize on the arms race, on the preservation of colonial bonds, on inequality and exploitation, and also on the needs arising from the waging of the "cold war".
109.	To block the further development of detente, to prevent the merging of political and military detente and to halt social progress—that is the goal set for themselves by the enemies of -the peoples, from the imperialists and extreme reactionaries to the Chinese leaders who work hand in hand with them. -
110.	A real affront was dealt to the peoples by the militarist decisions of the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which approved a long-term programme for stepping up the arms race of the North Atlantic bloc at the time when the tenth special session of the General Assembly was being held. In the United States, a huge military budget has been approved for the fiscal year
. 1979, with tremendous appropriations earmarked for the development and production of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction, such as the neutron bomb and the cruise missile. One hears again bellicose speeches which are reminiscent of the days of the "cold war" and which are designed, according to the United States press, to demonstrate "military muscle". In order to camouflage their militarist course, they present the Soviet Union as a "danger to peace" and slander its policy of solidarity with peoples fighting against colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. That absurdity reaches its peak with allegations that new types of weapons and bellicose speeches are, as it were, necessary only as a "trump card in the game" with the Soviet side or as a "confirmation of the strength and courage" of various leaders in the administration. There is too much at stake; the world is oversaturated with armaments; one should not play with fire and risk peace for the sake of one or another temporary consideration.
111.	The aggressive forces of the West are joined by the Peking leaders in openly boasting of their course towards the militarization of their country and in predicting the inevitability of new war and a thermonuclear clash. By provoking conflicts and zealously opposing detente, the statesmen in Peking are, however, increasingly unmasking themselves. Their attempts to fall into step with the non-aligned countries will hardly mislead anyone. It was quite recently in this very hall, at the tenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, that Peking's representatives spoke against the aspirations of the non-aligned countries towards the consolidation of detente and the halting of the arms race, only to find themselves covered with shame. Now they are, in fact, opposed to the non-nuclear States being given special guarantees by the nuclear Powers. We are confident that that position will not find support either at this session or at any subsequent one.
112.	Rejecting the dangerous course of rivalry in the field of armaments, the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, have put forward a realistic and wide-ranging programme of measures to curb the arms race. This programme covers both nuclear and conventional weapons.
113.	The halting of the arms race and disarmament are the cardinal problems of contemporary international relations. They are the cardinal problems because, to borrow Leonid Brezhnev's graphic phrase, "the soil for peaceful cooperation between States has obviously been seriously disturbed by the continuing arms race".
114.	In recent years some important steps towards curbing the arms race have been taken. Certain progress has already been achieved in the negotiations between the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom on the general and complete prohibition of all nuclear test explosions in all spheres. The Soviet-American negotiations on the prohibition of chemical weapons have continued to harmonize positions. However, no agreement on these issues has been reached as yet and we urge the speeding-up of the work on them.
115.	There is a reasonably clear understanding in the world that to stop the nuclear-arms race and in particular to prevent the increase in the number of its participants means coming to grips with nuclear disarmament. A substantial contribution to the solution of this problem could be made by the conclusion of an agreement which would enable non-nuclear-weapon States to strengthen their security.
116.	The Soviet Union has submitted for the consideration of the current session of the United Nations General Assembly, as an important and urgent matter,, a proposal for the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States [A/33f241]. This proposal was convincingly explained here a few days ago [8th meeting] by Mr. A. A. Gromyko, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR fully supports this proposal and the draft convention submitted by the Soviet Union.
117.	This proposal takes into account the wishes of non-nuclear States concerning their security guarantees, a subject they have spoken of repeatedly in the United Nations. At the same time the proposal takes into account the relevant appeal by the special session of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament.
118.	The Soviet Union has recently stated that it will never use nuclear weapons again v. States which renounce the production and acquisition of nuclear weapons and do not have them in their territories. At the same time the Soviet Union has called upon other nuclear Powers to follow its example and assume similar obligations. The United States and the United Kingdom are known also to have made statements in this respect, but their reservations lessened the importance of those statements. It is obvious that the most effective solution of this problem would be a universal commitment on the subject embodied in the form of a multilateral agreement. Such is the purpose of the draft international convention submitted by the Soviet Union.
119.	This convention would undoubtedly strengthen the rules governing the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. It is no secret that many feel anxiety over the possibility of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of such States as South Africa and Israel. Their policies of nuclear armament would be extremely dangerous for peace, particularly in Africa and in the Middle East.
120.	The problem of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is closely related to the problem of the non-deployment of nuclear weapons in the territories of States where there are no such weapons at the present time. What is meant here is that those States should pledge themselves to prevent nuclear devices from being introduced into their territories, and nuclear States, in turn, should pledge themselves not to deploy nuclear weapons in countries where there are no such weapons at present. A pledge given-to this effect by nuclear and non-nuclear Powers would help prevent a possible destabilization of the present strategic situation and would constitute a step towards the complete withdrawal of these weapons from the territories of other countries. We support the idea of such obligations being undertaken by the States concerned.
121.	The Soviet Union proposed at the special session of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament the discontinuance of the production of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of their stockpiles with a view to their subsequent total elimination. The Final Document of the session pointed out that negotiations on this subject should be started as a matter of the highest priority.
122.	Our delegation, too, supports the idea of starting such negotiations as soon as possible.
123.	We understand that many important problems will have to be negotiated in the course of those talks, such as how to stop the manufacture of nuclear arms, how to begin gradually reducing accumulated stockpiles; what should be the stages and phases of this process; to what extent some nuclear Powers would participate in each stage of this process, bearing in mind the differences in their nuclear war potential; how to preserve intact the present balance of nuclear power while continually reducing its levels. The very fact that these problems were raised in the document submitted by the Soviet Union  for consideration at the special session of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to disarmament testifies to a profoundly businesslike approach on the part of the USSR to the forthcoming talks and indicates that various opinions on this question, particularly those voiced at the United Nations General Assembly sessions, have been taken into account. Thus the purpose is clear and the ways to achieve it are well denned. We call upon delegations to the current session to do all they can to ensure that the talks start immediately.
124.	Our delegation is in favour of commencing concrete preparatory work for the World Disarmament Conference. Such an authoritative international forum as the World Disarmament Conference could take practical decisions which would be binding on all States.
125.	We will continue to state that the development and implementation of measures of nuclear disarmament should naturally be inseparably connected with the consolidation of international legal guarantees for the security of States, such as a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations. In this connexion we note with satisfaction that the United Nations Special Committee on Enhancing the Effectiveness of the Principle of Non-Use of Force in International Relations, which is considering this draft treaty, has started its work. In our opinion this draft deserves universal support.
126.	Our delegation regards as very important the proposal of the Polish People's Republic that the General Assembly adopt a declaration on preparation of societies for life in peace [A[C.l/33/2]. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR favours its adoption.
127.	The agenda of the session, as usual, includes many items related to the complete elimination of the colonial system and the establishment of such relations in the world as would make it impossible for imperialist Powers to exploit newly independent States. Of late, Africa has become the focus of world politics. The end of colonial and racist domination in the south of that continent is near. The United Nations, and in particular its Special Committee against Apartheid of which the Ukrainian SSR is a member, plays its proper role in this matter.
128.	It is more than two years now since imperialism began the offensive against the forces of national and social liberation in Africa. That offensive is conducted under the false slogan of "restoring stability", which the peoples of that continent allegedly need. From the imperialists' point of view "stability" means, first of all, the possibility of exploiting Africa unhindered and confidence as to the security and safety of the economic positions of imperialist Powers and monopolies in African countries for centuries to come. Similarly, everything that poses a threat to the preservation and consolidation of the neo-colonialist positions of the West is called "destabilization" of Africa or a violation of the "code of detente" interpreted in a very peculiar way. Meanwhile, the West is busy making up so-called plans for a settlement in Zimbabwe that would keep, in a slightly renovated form, the same old racist regime. Moreover, imperialists are frustrating the implementation of the decisions taken at the special session of the United Nations General Assembly on Namibia. We are confident that the peoples of Africa will not allow their destiny to be decided by those who some 15 to 20 years ago exercised complete colonial domination on their continent.
129.	The policy pursued by the socialist countries with respect to Africa is clear and consistent. As usual, they are on the side of the forces which defend the cause of national independence, social progress and democracy. At the same time, they seek no advantages for themselves, nor hunt for concessions, nor strive for political domination, nor seek any military bases. The Ukrainian SSR, in particular, takes an active part in the development of relations between the USSR and young, independent States that are designed to strengthen their political and economic independence, to help combat the vestiges of colonial oppression, apartheid and racism. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR will also be guided by this position of principle in the discussion of appropriate items on the session's agenda.
130.	The settlement of the Middle East crisis takes a place of prominence in United Nations activities. The Middle East crisis continues unabated, and the coals of the hotbed of war smoulder, threatening to burst into flame. Behind-the- scenes manoeuvres and separate deals, which are now under way, cannot untie the knot of differences in the Middle East. In fact, these behind-the-scenes separate deals are really aimed at splitting the Arabs and pitting them one against the other, imposing upon the Arab countries conditions profitable to Israel and consolidating the existing situation, under which Israel is reaping the fruits of its aggression without let or hindrance. These deals push aside the Palestine Liberation Organization from any part in solving the crisis, although it is the legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine and is at the head of their just struggle for freedom and national independence.
131.	The conflict can be eliminated only on the basis of complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967; the implementation of the inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including the creation of their own independent State; and international guarantees for the security of all States of this region.
132.	Not far from the Middle East lies Cyprus. The situation on the island remains tense. The Ukrainian SSR advocates, as before, the solution of the Cyprus problem on the basis of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus, as well as the convening of a representative international conference on Cyprus under the auspices of the United Nations.
133.	Of late, greater understanding has been developing in Asia to the effect that peace and security on that continent also should be strengthened by joint action by all Asian States. To achieve this, it is necessary, above all, to put an end to the attempts at hegemonic pressure on socialist Viet Nam and at violations of its sovereignty. We declare from this rostrum the complete solidarity of the Ukrainian people, together with the entire Soviet people, with heroic Viet Nam.
134.	It is nigh time to fulfil the resolution adopted at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly on the Korean question [resolution 3390 A (XXX)] that is aimed ct a peaceful reunification of Korea without foreign interference and at the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea.
135.	Among the distracting manoeuvres of imperialism designed to prevent the adoption of concrete decisions on acute contemporary issues there is also the prominent hypocritical campaign waged by it in defence of human rights. Attempts are made to interfere in the internal affairs of other peoples, including the Ukrainian people, and to distort the real nature of socialist democracy. The echoes of that campaign are also heard in the United Nations, where the Western Powers engineered the notorious proposal to establish a post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. In the recent past, that campaign developed the very peculiar and frequent practice of defending persons who, being recruited by foreign intelligence agencies, are engaged in subversive activities against the socialist system. But there is no State in the world that would not punish crimes and would not protect its security from the plotting of agents of foreign intelligence services. The socialist countries are no exception to this general rule.
136.	We stand for the co-operation of States in promoting and encouraging human rights. The capitalist countries— where unemployment is on the rise and where the right to work, to housing, to rest and to health services is not ensured—violate blatantly and on a large scale the rights of many millions of working peoples. Despite the fact that these countries practise discrimination against national minorities, that immigrants from developing countries are subjected there to ruthless exploitation and that thousands of political prisoners languish in gaols, responsible representatives of these countries set records of hypocrisy in speaking out in defence of human rights.
137.	There is no moral right to speak of human rights for those who maintain close ties with South African racists oppressing 20 million Africans, those who supply modern weapons to the Israeli aggressors, who have deprived, the Arab people of Palestine of their ancestral lands, or those who have brought to power the Pinochet Fascist clique in Chile, The Ukrainian SSR, a member of the Special Committee against Apartheid and of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, will, as before, make its contribution to the struggle for ensuring human rights, which are trampled underfoot in the countries where capitalism rules supreme. To those who are eager to interfere in our domestic affairs, to "critics" of social democracy, we should like to reply with the following words of V. V. Shcherbitsky, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Communist Party, delivered from the rostrum of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR on the occasion of the adoption of the Republic's new Constitution. Our democracy, he said,
"... reflects and defends the interests of the working class, of all working people of socialist society. The people of the Ukraine has always stood and stands in support of such a democracy."
138.	The agenda of this session also contains another group of major problems of world significance whose solutions are being impatiently awaited by a large part of humanity. These are the problems of overcoming the backwardness of developing countries and of restructuring international economic relations on a just and democratic basis.
139.	The matter is that the present character of international economic relations, which has developed under a completely different correlation of world forces and which satisfies only the selfish interests of imperialist monopolies, has run counter to the vital interests of the overwhelming majority of countries and to the development of the international situation in general. This discrepancy became especially evident as the process of detente produced the prerequisites needed for solving pressing economic problems in the interests of all the nations of the world.
140.	As for the substantive contribution to the solution of the problems of development, the direct way to increase it is indicated in the Soviet proposal on the reduction of military budgets.  We hope that proposal will win universal support and will be implemented.
141.	We emphatically stress that the main factor for the achievement of real progress by developing countries lies in their uncompromising struggle against the policy of diktat and neo-colonialism in international economic relations and the implementation of sweeping social and economic reforms in those countries. In this struggle, the developing countries can fully count on the solidarity of the peoples of the socialist countries, their allies in the struggle against the common enemy—imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism.
142.	At present the world situation has become more complex. The burning problems of today are awaiting resolution. The course towards detente pursued by the Soviet Union, other socialist countries and peace-loving forces in the world has created possibilities for stopping the arms race, eliminating hotbeds of conflict and developing co-operation between States., The duty of the United Nations is to use these opportunities and to remove the road-blocks put up by those who are afraid of the prospects of peace and international security. What is necessary today is to turn from words to deeds. This concerns above all the problem of stopping the arms race and of disarmament. We are quite sure that, if we do not take resolute steps against the arms race in the very near future, we shall have to pay dearly. The thirty-third session of the United Nations
General Assembly should make its contribution to ensuring the change to concrete activities and actions, practical solutions and understandings.
143.	Along with other delegations, the delegation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic is ready for such a change and is ready to support it. Let deeds speak louder than words; let the cause of peace all over the world really grow in strength.


138.	Dominated as it is by hegemonistic rivalries, the international situation during the past year has been characterized by mounting tensions, the rousing and exacerbation of feelings and the proliferation of political and military conflicts, particularly in the countries of the third world, resulting in greater instability and poverty; This situation might, because of its serious and persistent vicissitudes, cloud our vision of the future, were it not for the fortunate appearance of a few rays of light in the diplomatic sky that give us reason for hope and strengthen our belief in the progress of mankind.
139.	Concern and hope, then, make up my mixed and seemingly contradictory feelings as I take part in these reflections on the state of the world that is this general debate, and as I set out the position of Cameroon on the problems of concern to the international community.
140.	But I first join previous speakers in extending to you, Mr. President, most sincere and warm congratulations on your election, which pleases us immensely because, through your country, Colombia, it is a tribute to all of Latin America, a continent so close to Africa because of certain similarities in its human, material and cultural diversity but especially because of its commitment to the struggle against hunger, sickness and poverty and for the promotion of human dignity. There can be no doubt, Mr. President, that our work will benefit from your wise statesmanship, prudence, forbearance and awareness of the need for diplomatic compromise and from your sensitivity and creative imagination as a writer. I wish to assure you of the support and full co-operation of my delegation as you carry out your important tasks.
141.	I am also pleased, Mr. President, to express once again to Mr, Lazar Mojsov, your distinguished predecessor, my particular admiration of the competence and devotion that he showed as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. He will surely go down in the history of our Organization as an accomplished diplomat who presided over four sessions of the General Assembly in one year and, above all, helped our universal Organization to adopt its first global plan of action for disarmament.
142.	This year we have devoted a special session to one of the most distressing problems of our time, one that is of concern to all mankind because it relates directly to man's survival. My delegation took part in the tenth special session devoted to disarmament, convinced that all States, great and small, must at long last face up to their responsibilities and agree on new measures to remove the danger of another world-wide confrontation, which could occur if an end is not put to the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
143.	We must deplore the fact that the great surge of hope created by the tenth special session did not lead States, especially those States that possess such weapons, to change their attitude with a view to making a concrete and affirmative start on the process of general disarmament, beginning with nuclear disarmament.
144.	We do not wish to underestimate the importance of the Final Document adopted by consensus at the end of the tenth special session, which, in laying down the principles of the Programme of Action and of disarmament machinery, outlined a new approach to this extremely complex problem. We even believe that certain decisions, such as the decision to reform the negotiating structures of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, will considerably strengthen the bases of an international disarmament strategy. What causes us constant concern is the lack of a spirit of co-operation shown by States whose determination to dominate others seems to be at the root of the continuing excessive arms build-up, consuming untold resources and making world peace more and more precarious.	...
145.	How is it possible to explain the attitude of the nuclear States which, while affirming the principle of the non-use of nuclear weapons or . the threat of their use against non-nuclear States, refuse to adopt a binding international system that provides adequate guarantees of security?
146.	As a non-aligned country, Cameroon, which has made peace a corner-stone of its development, remains convinced that world peace must be based not on a dangerous balance between over-armed military blocs, but rather on active co-operation among all States, all nations, and all peoples.
147.	We can never denounce enough the shocking and growing disproportion between the enormous resources devoted to the build-up and perfecting of weapons and the modest sums, which incidentally are decreasing, allocated to assistance to the developing countries, whose debts have been soaring.
148.	It is perhaps fitting to recall here what was said on this very subject nine years ago by the President of the United Republic of Cameroon, His Excellency Ahmadou Ahidjo. He said:
"It is, indeed, absurd that huge sums should continue to be swallowed up by the arms race while the bulk of mankind lives in tragic and unjust penury ... Unjust because, in the world today, one of the common tasks of mankind is to achieve progress the benefits of which must be shared fairly among all."
149.	Your brilliant introductory statement, Mr. President [1st meeting], which shared that conviction, particularly caught the attention of my delegation in a year when the development of the world economy is far from encouraging optimism—a year when, disheartened by persistent turmoil, we are tempted to resort to ridiculous palliatives that push us farther and farther away from the accomplishments of the sixth and seventh special sessions, whose undeniable merit was to have been to make all the countries of the world aware of their interdependence and common destiny.
150.	In the face of all these uncertainties and of the difficulties of all kinds, only the new international economic order is capable of re-establishing confidence in the future and the economic development of the world.
151.	States must go beyond the mere management of the existing system, which has caused the disruptions to which our countries find themselves exposed, and embark resolutely on a far-reaching reform of conditions for a joint, just and equitable functioning of the international economy.
152.	How can we fail to regret that international negotiations that are supposed to lead to that new order seem still to be getting nowhere because of the lack of political will and spirit of solidarity of the affluent countries, which, clinging to their privileges and the exorbitant advantages that they have bestowed upon themselves, reject any fundamental change or seek refuge behind flimsy ideological allegations?
153.	Hence, the negotiations on debt relief and on the setting up of a common fund have met with no appreciable result. Yet these questions, about which I spoke here three years ago,  are of vital importance to the developing countries. We hope that the reassuring statements made at die beginning of this debate by certain industrialized countries about the common fund will make it possible for the negotiating conference  to produce fruitful results when it resumes work in November.
154.	Because of the lack of solidarity, because of the lack of political Will, multilateral trade negotiations have not yet led to a liberalization of trade and the adoption of a generalized system of preferences, without reciprocity, in favour of the 'developing countries. Because of the reappearance in the developed countries of protectionist and restrictive measures, and because of the virtually ubiquitous usi1 of safeguard clauses, we cannot fail to be concerned about the future of these negotiations. In addition, we wonder whether in using as an excuse 9 new form of competition from the Southern Hemisphere there is not a risk that the international market will become fragmented and indeed may eventually disappear. Presumably there is no need to remind the Assembly that, had it not been for the liberalization of trade, the growth the world has experienced over the past quarter of a century would never have been possible.
155.	Developments at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea have also been a source of concern because of the lack of human solidarity on the part of the industrialized countries, which once again want the Bon's share of fee common heritage of man represented by the sea-bed and the ocean floor.
156.	The Conference has been going on for five years, and significant progress seems to have been made regarding the definition of the new concept of an exclusive economic acme; many countries have derived considerable benefit from that by proclaiming their sovereignty over large fishing zones. In contrast, no consensus seems to be near regarding the system for exploiting the resources of the ocean floor. And, as the Assembly is aware, that situation can certainly not be blamed on the Group of 77, which has come forward with every form of compromise imaginable. In addition, -we must deplore that certain developed countries, using as an excuse the fact that negotiations have been proceeding slowly, are now considering unilateral legislation. Cameroon believes that the Conference has gone on long enough and that the sessions set for next year should be the last ones before the adoption of a convention. We simply fail to comprehend why the Conference has remained deadlocked simply because there must be unanimity before a decision is reached. That seems to be nothing more than a subtle form of veto.
157.	After the failure of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, last year we invited the States Members of our Organization to direct their efforts consistently towards the future and in three directions: fulfilment by the developed countries of freely accepted commitments; resumption of negotiations within the framework of the United Notions in areas in which agreement is possible; and continuance of negotiations on questions that have hitherto been stumbling-blocks. Obviously, we welcomed the creation of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, called the Committee of the Whole, whose mission it was to deal with these three problems.
158.	After a year of debate, however, we must recognize that the differences of opinion that paralysed negotiations within the framework of GATT and within UNCTAD have cropped up once again in the Committee, thereby making it impossible for that Committee to do anything productive owing to lack of agreement on the content of its mandate.
159.	We should like to remind the Assembly that under the terms of resolution 32/174, which set up the Committee of the Whole, the Committee should assist the General Assembly in overseeing and monitoring the implementation of decisions and agreements reached in the negotiations on the establishment of the new international economic order in the United Nations; in providing impetus for resolving difficulties in negotiations; in serving, where appropriate, as a forum for facilitating and expediting agreement on the resolution of outstanding issues; and in exploring and exchanging views on global economic problems and priorities.
160.	While the complexity of the issues that are pending might make it necessary to give priority to one of these functions over another from time to time, the fact remains that the constant goal should be to achieve tangible results. Providing, as it does, machinery for supervision and the putting into effect of commitments entered into, the Committee cannot be considered a mere forum. It must instead mobilize the political will of all States and provide direct or indirect momentum for the development of international co-operation and the establishment of a new international economic order.
161.	It is our hope that the present session will lead to wide consultations, so that the so-often expressed will to prevent the failure of the North-South dialogue will truly be felt at the forthcoming sessions of the Committee. We are sure that would lead to a more relaxed atmosphere and to the co-operation and mutual confidence that are necessary if an international development strategy is to be formulated in 1980.
162.	Changes in international economic relations and the strengthening of co-operation for development require concrete, bold and imaginative decisions. It is high time, then, for us to give concrete expression to our common political will and to bring about, in a new climate of peace and solidarity, substantial progress in the major negotiations at present under way, in particular those on North- South issues.
163.	Only by paying this price can the world economy emerge from its state of uncertainty and sluggishness. The stakes are high. We must succeed, for failure would bring increased hardship to untold millions of human beings. If we fail to meet this challenge, all future generations will, as the Secretary-General of our Organization has warned, inherit from us our shortages and confrontations. In giving this warning we cannot fail to express once again our gratitude and our great admiration for Mr. Kurt Waldheim and his untiring efforts to make it possible for our Organization, which he guides with such competence, devotion and courage, to play a leading role in bringing about the new international economic order. Our congratulations and the congratulations of all of Africa go to him in particular for his prompt response to the wishes of the General Assembly in reorganizing the structure of the Secretariat in such a way as to streamline its activities for the benefit of development and increase its impact on economic co-operation.
164.	There must be reforms in other United Nations bodies too, as we have been advocating for many years, so that our Organization may more faithfully reflect the new global configuration.
165.	We have in mind first of all the General Assembly, which must reconsider its working methods, as the Secretary-General has suggested, and in accordance with the recommendations of the Committee that was especially created for that purpose.
166.	Next - and perhaps more important—comes to mind the Security Council, which because of its present procedures is simply incapable of adequately performing its functions under the Charter.
167.	It is in dispensable that the countries of the third world, which represent three quarters of mankind, be represented more adequately in decision-making bodies which are responsible for world peace and collective security.
168.	Next, all States, including the most powerful, must agree without any mental reservations to yield part of the attributes to their sovereignty to our Organization, so that it may be able to cope with the various problems, which no State or group of States, no matter how powerful, can resolve. After all, our Organization has only the power conferred upon it by Governments.
169.	In the implementation of its decisions it is indispensable that our Organization should be able to count on the good faith of Governments. Regrettably, there are many reasons to question the degree of loyalty of all States. Perhaps the most regrettable case is that of southern Africa, where for decades a minority regime of white racists, whose arrogance exceeds all tolerable limits, has spurned the ideals, objectives and decisions of our Organization. Is it not also a matter for regret that, even though they We unanimously been held up to public obloquy by a'/l States represented here, the outlawed regimes & Pretoria and Salisbury still seem to find defenders whenever it comes to applying sanctions under the Charter of our Organization against them? Is it not a matter for regret that there have been reports of violations of sanctions with the knowledge of certain States which have called for and supported the adoption of those sanctions in the Security Council?
170.	Our position on that subject and on many other subjects relating to the present international situation is well known. Our position with regard to Cyprus is certainly well known: the sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of that country must be safeguarded and respected, without any foreign interference, in conformity with the relevant resolutions of our Organization. Members are also familiar with our position on Lebanon, a country that is our friend and whose unity has been seriously threatened by a crisis that seems to go on endlessly. They are also familiar with our position in regard to detente, which, if it is to become a reality, must spread to all countries, including the countries of the third world that are seeking peace in order to be able to tackle the work of national construction and the promotion of the well-being of their peoples in independence and freedom. They are also familiar with our position in regard to the kinds of international relations which should exist, based on equality, mutual respect and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States.
171.	Cameroon took part in the Committee of African Heads of State, the so-called mission of "wise men" of the Organization of African Unity on the Middle East and it supports and indeed always will support any efforts to bring about a just, global and lasting settlement of the situation existing in that part of the world, which is a threat to world peace.
172.	The Palestinian problem is the very core of the Israeli-Arab conflict, and in addition to the complete implementation of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), the solution of that problem implies the participation in all negotiations on the subject of the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the PLO, their genuine representative, and the exercise of all their rights, including their right to a homeland. We believe that the Camp David agreements, although they have given rise to certain hopes, reveal certain ambiguities, short-comings and uncertainties.
173.	The presence among us of a delegation from Solomon Islands, in addition to confirming the aspiration to universality of our Organization, has aroused great hopes for the peoples of Africa that are still being oppressed by colonialist and imperialist domination and racial discrimination.
174.	Thus it is a real pleasure to welcome the delegation of that new, free country upon the occasion of its entry into our Organization as the one hundred and fiftieth Member State, and we wish to convey to it the sincerest congratulations of the Cameroonian Government and people.
175.	We wish to congratulate the former administering Power on the manner in which it discharged its responsibilities towards that former Non-Self-Governing Territory in guiding it to independence, just as it did in the case of the many Territories formerly under its dominion.
176.	We regret that it has not so far met the insulting challenge both to itself and to the international community posed for 13 years by the minority of racist white settlers who seized power in Southern Rhodesia in disregard of the deeper aspirations of the majority of the population, who since then have been subjected to a regime of terror and the violation of their most fundamental rights.
177.	It is undeniable that the so-called internal agreement of 3 March 1978 is a farce and a sinister plot against the people of Zimbabwe. With regard to the Anglo-American plan  advocating the peaceful transfer of power to the majority by means of negotiations, we have already said that we are, interested in such a solution, which of necessity implies that we are interested in such a solution, which of necessity implies that the parties show a determination to negotiate in good faith.
178.	But we have always been sceptical of the possibility of an honest and constructive dialogue with those who are ruling in Salisbury and Pretoria, for their ulterior motives as supporters of slavery are certainly clear to everyone.
179.	The sudden about-face of South Africa regarding the plan of the five Western Powers  and the settlement fn Namibia is particularly significant. In rejecting the report of the Secretary-General,  South Africa has once again committed an affront against the five Powers, the Security Council and the international community as a whole.
180.	That is why we reaffirm our complete support for the liberation struggle being conducted by the people of Zimbabwe under the leadership of the Patriotic Front. Their heroic action has been a source of constant trouble to the Ian Smith regime, which has its back against the wall. This desperate situation of Ian Smith explains the growing aggressiveness of the Fascists in Salisbury, who are allied with those in Pretoria, and the killing of civilian populations in neighbouring African communities.
181.	There can be no doubt in our minds that the peoples of southern Africa will soon recover their dignity and sovereignty and will soon set up democratic regimes under which freedom, concord and racial equality will prevail.
182.	If our continent gave favourable consideration to the five-Power plan put forward by the members of the Security Council regarding the peaceful settlement of the problem of Namibia, it was-need we mention this—due to the prestige of the sponsors.
183.	We are convinced that those who assumed the major responsibility of encouraging the Security Council to adopt that plan will not jeopardize their credibility in the eyes of world's public. The Government of South Africa has resorted to a good deal of quibbling and various stratagems, but we are sure that no one will be deceived. The goal of the Pretoria regime has been to oppose majority government in Namibia and to keep control over the international Territory, and its plan is to establish there a pseudo- independent regime controlled by representatives of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance.
184.	Cameroon welcomes resolution 435 (1978), by which the Security Council approved the report of the Secretary-General and created the United Nations Transition Assistance Group to ensure, in the near future, the independence of Namibia by means of free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations.
185.	We have noted with satisfaction the declared intention of the five Powers to see to the implementation of that resolution.
186.	Clearly, if Pretoria continues to oppose the Western plan and stubbornly rejects the report of the Secretary- General, the Council should then draw the logical consequences from the situation and invoke the relevant provisions of the Charter. Our Organization has already acknowledged that the policy of apartheid is a crime against mankind and that it is a serious threat to international peace and security.
187.	What situation would be more suitable for the application of the provisions of Chapter VII?
188.	Cameroon believes that it is a matter of great urgency that severe sanctions, and first and foremost a strict oil embargo, be adopted and implemented against South Africa, so as to induce some repentance on the part of that country.
189.	Cameroon reaffirms its complete support for the noble struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of its genuine representative, SWAPO, as it struggles to win real independence and respect for the unity and integrity of its territory, including Walvis Bay.
190.	We are at the eve of the solemn celebration of the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and yet, despite the considerable accomplishments of our Organization in safeguarding international peace and security, it is a fact that decolonization and economic co-operation among States, the persistence of colonialism and racial discrimination, the systematic and institutionalized violation of human rights in southern Africa, the economic inequalities which have caused tensions and still keep the great majority of mankind in a state of chronic poverty, and the stubborn egotism of affluent States prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that our Organization has much unfinished business before it.
191. Needless to point out that the major changes in international life since the Second World War brought about by the newly independent States of Africa, Asia and Latin America, by the development of technology in all areas, by the world-wide spread of military alliances and conflicts, by the yearning of all peoples for the ideals of peace and justice, and the growing awareness of our common destiny all require the liberalization and democratization of international relations. When that is achieved, and only then, will all States, great and small, powerful and weak, rich and poor, be able to work together to safeguard and strengthen that supra-national common asset of which peace, collective security and the well-being of all peoples are the essential elements.
192. But changes of that order would require that the United Nations provide leadership and that its responsibility for taking action be increased so that it may, in a permanent and dynamic manner, regulate the furtherance of our common interests in conformity with the principles and purposes of the Charter.


291.

292.	At the outset, and on behalf of the delegation of Nepal, I express my heartfelt condolence on the passing of His Holiness Pope John Paul I.
293.	It is my privilege to convey to the President of the General Assembly, and through him to the representatives assembled here, the cordial and best wishes of my Sovereign His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev for the success of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.
294.	I should like to associate myself with all the preceding speakers in congratulating the President on his election to the high office of the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. We are confident that, with his experience, understanding and diplomatic skill, he will be able to guide the deliberations of the present session to a fruitful conclusion. I wish to assure him of my delegation's fullest co-operation.
295.	I should also like to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to Lazar Mojsov, President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, for the very able and effective manner in which he conducted the proceedings not only of the annual session, but also of the three special sessions that took place during his presidency.
296.	We welcome Solomon Islands as a new Member of this Organization and extend to it our warm congratulations. With the admission of Solomon Islands, the United Nations has moved one more step forward towards the goal of universal membership.
297.	Since the last regular session of the General Assembly, important international meetings and conferences, including the three special sessions of the General Assembly, have been held. We find ourselves asking how far these meetings and conferences on wide-ranging issues which affect the well-being of mankind have improved international relations so essential to the harmonious development of a new world order. Despite numerous resolutions, declarations and agreements, the international situation continues to be uncertain, plagued by unrest, new rivalries and age-old tensions.
298.	The explosive nature of the Middle East situation has been underlined in various statements made in this Assembly. The clearly established stand of my country on the Middle East problem remains unchanged. We reiterate our faithful and strict commitment to the three essentials for lasting peace in the Middle East, namely, Israel's withdrawal within its 1967 boundaries, the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to live within secure and recognized boundaries, and the creation of a Palestinian homeland. Any solution that fails to recognize these rights and realities will pose a constant threat to peace and stability in the region.
299.	The peace initiative of President El-Sadat of Egypt, hailed by many as bold and encouraging less than a year ago, aroused hopes for a dramatic breakthrough in the long-standing Middle East crisis. However, Israel's continued occupation of Arab lands has frustrated efforts at a negotiated settlement. Moreover, the violation by Israel last March of the territorial integrity of Lebanon gave a setback to the already foundering peace process. Given goodwill, mutual trust and the willingness to compromise, the Middle East problem could be amicably solved.
300.	We appreciate the efforts made recently by President Carter of the United States towards a settlement of the Middle East conflict by bringing together the leaders of Egypt and Israel. It is our hope that the Camp David agreements will prove a positive step towards creating a congenial atmosphere for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
301.	It is, however, essential that all parties to the conflict, including the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, should be actively involved in all efforts towards a peaceful, enduring and comprehensive solution. We consider that the forcible establishment in the occupied territories of Israeli settlements designed to alter the legal status, geographical character and demographic composition of those territories is unlawful and contrary to the principles of the United Nations.
302.	It is regrettable that the situation in Cyprus continues to be grave and tense. The lack of progress in the solution of the Cyprus problem on the basis of the principles laid down in General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), further endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 365 (1974), is indeed a matter of deep concern. We have consistently held the view that the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus should be preserved and respected. We reiterate our conviction that meaningful and constructive negotiations between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, without outside interference, could lead to a mutually acceptable agreement. We have noted with appreciation the continuing efforts of the Secretary- General to resume the intercommunal talks.
303.	In southern Africa the racist and minority regimes are attempting to perpetuate the system of colonialism, domination, oppression and exploitation. We have always sympathized with the vast majority of the people of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe in their agonies and we have supported their aspirations to majority rule and basic human rights.
304.	In South Africa there is no sight that the criminal apartheid regime is turning away front its odious policies of institutionalized racial discrimination. We have condemned South African policy of so-called bantustanization as a pernicious attempt to perpetuate racist domination. We have viewed with alarm South Africa's massive military build-up, including plans to develop nuclear weapons.
305.	While the unanimous imposition by the Security Council, in its resolution 418 (1977), under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, of a mandatory embargo on military and nuclear collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa was, a positive move, we are convinced that the strongest measures, such as the imposition of economic sanctions and the withdrawal of foreign investments, would contribute decisively to the total eradication of the system of apartheid.
322: We express out total solidarity with the national liberation movements, as. well as with the oppressed people of South Africa.
323. In Namibia, we have all along upheld the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to freedom, national independence and territorial: integrity, and have staunchly supported the legitimate struggle waged under the leadership- of SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, for the liquidation of the illegal occupation- of Namibia by South Africa, We welcome the historic decision-of the Security Council on 27 July 1978, as expressed  in resolution 431 (1978), concerning the question of Namibia and commend the contributions made by all concerned to effect a peaceful settlement of the long-standing question of Namibia.
324-. The Security Council, in a separate resolution, resolution 432 (1978) emphatically declared that Namibia's territorial integrity and unity must be assured through the reintegration of Walvis Bay within its territory. We have emphasized in the past, and emphasize again, the primary responsibility of the United Nations for ensuring early independence for Namibia through free elections under its own supervision and control. South Africa's threat to proceed with elections in total disregard of the United Nations is most regrettable.
325.	In Southern Rhodesia, the mounting unrest and violence demonstrate that there can be no lasting and viable solution until majority rule is established on the principle of "one man, one vote". The so-called internal settlement, which was another manoeuvre of the illegal racist minority regime to maintain its domination and oppression of the African people of Zimbabwe, has been categorically rejected by the Security Council. The Rhodesian settlement calls for a round table conference of all the parties concerned. In this respect we welcome the Anglo-American initiative to try to arrange for all-party talks, including all Rhodesian leaders.
326.	The increasingly frequent violation of the sanctions imposed against the racist regime by the Security Council is utterly deplorable. We stress the importance of maintaining the sanctions until such, time as all parties directly concerned negotiate an agreement which would bring about a constitutional conference on the  basis of majority rule for Zimbabwe. My delegation reaffirms its unequivocal commitment to support the struggle of the people of Zimbabwe until complete and genuine freedom and independence of the territory is achieved.
327.	A crucial issue of paramount concern to mankind is disarmament. It is now widely recognized that the ever- escalating arms race poses a serious threat to the survival of mankind. It is disheartening to note that, despite the unremitting efforts of the United Nations, progress in disarmament negotiations has been woefully slow. While existing arms-control measures have created an atmosphere more conducive to fruitful negotiations on wide-ranging issues of disarmament, it has not been possible to make any significant breakthrough on the attainment of the goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control, which is the fundamental objective of the United Nations.
328.	The present session has before it the results of the tenth special session on disarmament which was convened at the initiative of the non-aligned countries. We agree with the view that, disarmament being a complex issue, it would be unrealistic to- expect dramatic results with a single special session of the General Assembly. In spite of the fact that the Final Document of the session [resolution S-10/2J was adopted by consensus, which is a remarkable achievement,: fundamental differences on approach, emphasis and priority concerning the whole gamut of disarmament issues remain unresolved. We share the view expressed by the
President of the tenth special session that the Final Document "represents the broadest possible platform for further work and for additional efforts by the United Nations in the field of disarmament". It is our hope that the provisions contained in this Final Document will be translated into practical terms.
329.	It is a pity that many constructive proposals and suggestions could not be incorporated in the Final Document. However, the strengthening of the machinery, and especially of a negotiating body which will facilitate further deliberation, harmonization and the conclusion of a number of measures aimed at disarmament, was no doubt a significant achievement of the tenth special session. We attach great importance to the participation of all nuclear- weapon States in the revamped negotiating body.
330.	The establishment of a Disarmament Commission composed of all Members of the United Nations as a deliberative body is another welcome step. That these bodies will be closely linked to the United Nations is an explicit recognition of the role of this world body in dealing with all disarmament issues. In fact, my delegation has made it clear repeatedly that the United Nations is the only forum in which it is possible for all, be they nuclear Powers, medium-sized Powers or the powerless ones, to deliberate and take decisions on issues affecting the future of mankind on a footing of equality.
331.	We have consistently held the view that the responsibility for ending the nuclear-arms race rests primarily with the nuclear Powers. We reiterate our conviction that nuclear Powers possessing the largest stockpiles of deadly and sophisticated weapons must prove by action their commitment to disarmament. We urge the super-Powers to agree immediately on significant reductions and qualitative limitations in strategic weapons as a prelude to the total and speedy dismantling of stockpiles of nuclear weapons. We hope that the inconclusive negotiations at the second series of the Strategic Arms limitation Talks will be successfully concluded soon and that agreement on a comprehensive test ban will also be reached.
332.	As a signatory to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Nepal is deeply concerned over the proliferation of nuclear weapons, both vertical Aid horizontal. While stressing the urgency of universal adherence to and strict observance of the Treaty and the necessity of strengthening safeguard measures in order to fortify the non-proliferation regime, my delegation shares the view that the transfer of nuclear technology and non- proliferation objectives are not contradictory, but complementary. It is equally essential that adequate steps should be taken for the limitation and reduction of conventional weapons. We have strongly supported the proposal for the reduction of military budgets of the major militarily significant States, in particular, of the States members of the Security Council. We insist on our proposal that the gradual reduction of military budgets must be preceded by a freeze on the level of military spending.
333.	Nepal has been an ardent champion of peace in the world and has supported establishment of "zones of peace". We lent our support to the 1971 Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. We call upon the great Powers to speed up their negotiations for the purpose of implementing the provisions of that General Assembly resolution. We have supported the proposal of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality of the Association of South East Asian Nations. Nepal's own proposal for a zone of peace, as put forward by His Majesty King Birendra three years ago, is motivated by our deep-seated desire to institutionalize peace for accelerated national development through the maximum mobilization of our limited resources.
334.	We appreciate the growing support extended to this proposal by friendly countries. It is our firm conviction that national initiative for peace contributes significantly to the maintenance of world peace and security. We further believe that Nepal as a zone of peace could be a significant contribution to the establishment of a zone of peace in the region as a whole. Nepal's participation in UNIFIL is further evidence of our sincere desire to see peace established in all parts of the world. Nepal is keen on maintaining and strengthening friendly relations with all countries of the world, and in particular with neighbouring States. In our own region of South Asia, there has been significant improvement in relations among countries based on goodwill, mutually beneficial co-operation, respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and strict adherence to the principle of non-interference in each other's internal affairs. We hope and trust that such goodwill, co-operation and mutual understanding will continue to underline the relationship between and among the countries of the region.
335.	The international economic situation is by no means sound, stable and promising. While the struggle to establish the New International Economic Order is assuming greater significance, developing countries have expressed concern at the slow pace of progress towards the establishment of the New International Economic Order. The position of developing countries is deteriorating constantly. Contradictions stemming from the concentration of tremendous economic resources in a small number of developed countries have further widened the gap in the level of economic development and the standard of living in developed and developing countries. Developing countries are convinced that the structural transformation of the existing international economic system is the only way out of the present crisis.
336.	In the fields of trade and financial transfers, the response of developed countries has not been a positive one for She sapid development .of developing countries. Exports of manufactures and semi-manufactures from developing countries are denied access to the markets of developed countries under hard-hitting tariff and non-tariff barriers. Besides, increasing recourse in developed countries to protectionist measures has further resulted an unfavourable terms of trade for the developing countries. The outcome is the steadily growing trade and balance-of-payments deficit of developing countries and the inevitable growth of their indebtedness. Despite a raise in the flow of official development assistance in real terms from the developed to the developing countries, the target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product of developed countries has not yet been reached, with a few exceptions.
337.	It is regrettable that no headway was made on the establishment of the common fund at the two negotiating conferences and that, despite their verbal support, certain developed countries continue to oppose the fundamentals underlying the common fund. We hope that negotiations to find common solutions will successfully be brought to a conclusion before the end of this year.
338.	Since the Manila session of the World Food Council in 1977, no improvement has taken place in food production, food security and food trade. In order to enable the developing countries to achieve the agreed rate of growth for their agricultural sectors of at least 4 per cent per annum, the targets for external assistance which were established by the World Food Council should be reached as soon as possible and not later than 1980.
339.	It is of vital importance that the multilateral trade negotiations within the framework of GATT should come to a successful conclusion in 1978, and that these negotiations should take fully into account the interests of developing countries and their requirements on issues related to trade in agricultural products. We hope that the inconclusive negotiations to transform UNIDO into a United Nations specialized agency will be brought to a successful conclusion without further delay.
340.	Despite increasing international awareness of the serious and pressing problems of the hard core least developed countries, as evidenced in various resolutions of the United Nations, the special measures so far adopted in their favour have produced negligible results. Their growth rate in terms of gross domestic product per capita was only 0.4 per cent per year in the period 1970 to 1976, in contrast to the growth rate of 2.7 per cent per capita for the same period in all developing countries. Thus the position of the least developed countries is now worse than at the beginning of the decade.
341.	Special measures in the fields of trade, finance, technical assistance and infrastructural development which were unanimously agreed upon, including the relevant provisions of the International Development Strategy, for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], have not been fully implemented. Against this background, we urge the international community, in particular the developed countries, to undertake urgent measures so as to bring about significant improvement in the position of the least developed countries. At least a doubling of the real flow of assistance to the least developed countries by 1980 in order to assist them to achieve the minimum growth target of 3.5 per cent per capita per year in real terms, as set forth in the Strategy, is essential. We sincerely appreciate the decisions of the Governments of Sweden, Canada, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the United Kingdom to alleviate the debt burden of the least developed among the developing countries and wish that others would follow their example.
342.	As a land-locked developing country, Nepal is acutely aware that the lack of access to the sea, together with remoteness and isolation from world markets, constitutes a major persistent hindrance to the social and economic development of the land-locked developing countries. The land-locked developing countries are doubly disadvantaged, since most of them are also among the least developed countries. Adequate solutions to the problems of the land-locked developing countries have not been found, and concrete and operational measures have not yet been taken in their favour by the international community. The result of the first pledging conference of the United Nations Special Fund for Land-Locked Developing Countries was disappointing. While appreciating those countries which made modest contributions to the Fund, we once again urge the developed countries and other potential donors to make substantial voluntary contributions so that the Fund can become operational as quickly as possible.
343.	The primary responsibility for the development of developing countries rests with the developing countries themselves. They cannot, however, carry out this responsibility unless their efforts are matched by gradual realization of the basic objectives of the New International Economic Order. Developing countries have clearly defined their firm commitment to the settlement of all issues in international economic co-operation and development through negotiations and talks. In this connexion, mention must be made of the Committee on economic matters known as the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, or the Committee of the Whole. In our opinion this Committee, set up to monitor and to give political impetus to the negotiations in various agencies and organizations of the United Nations system until the special session of the General Assembly to review the results achieved in settling economic problems is held in. 1980, should be action- oriented and avoid the duplication of being another debating forum.
344.	However, it is regrettable that the first session of that Committee, which resumed in the first week of this month, ended in an impasse over the precise interpretation of the Committee's mandate. We reaffirm our belief that the Committee should be competent enough to reach agreed conclusions through negotiations.
345.	We supported the resolution adopted by the General Assembly last year on the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system [resolution 32/197] which is an integral part of the larger effort at revamping the global economy to establish the New International Economic Order. We take this opportunity to congratulate the new Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation, and we wish him all success in the challenging tasks that lie ahead of him.
346.	The recently concluded United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires, Argentina, offered new opportunities for a more comprehensive assessment of the scope for co-operation among developing countries. We hope that the Plan of Action and recommendations of that Conference2 9 will be effectively implemented. Similarly, the forthcoming United Nations conferences-namely, the fifth session of UNCTAD to be held in Manila next May and the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development to be held in Vienna next year—are of immense importance for the resolution of the most pressing problems in the domains of trade and development and the building of scientific and technological capacities in developing countries. We look forward to the positive results of those conferences.
347.	My delegation also welcomes resolution 1978/61, adopted by the Economic and Social Council at its second regular session this year, on the convening of a United Nations conference on new and renewable sources of energy. It is hardly possible to over-emphasize the importance of such a conference, as all countries, particularly the least developed ones, are severely affected by the rising costs of energy.
348.	The adoption of a comprehensive and universally acceptable international convention on the law of the sea is not yet within reach. My delegation has repeatedly emphasized the fact that a new convention on the law of the sea, if it is to be just, fair and equitable, must reflect the concerns and aspirations of all countries which will later become parties to it. Progress so far achieved at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea suggests that the contrary is taking place. The persistent refusal of the group of coastal States to recognize the right of the group of land-locked and geographically disadvantaged States to participate on an equitable basis in the exploitation of the living resources of the economic zone of adjoining coastal States and States of the same region or subregion invalidates the concept of the common heritage of mankind.
349.	The informal composite negotiating text, the product of four years of intensive negotiation, makes it crystal-clear that the control by coastal States of ocean-based resources is being substantially advanced and the needs and rights of land-locked and geographically disadvantaged States are being unscrupulously ignored. The so-called sovereign rights of the coastal States in the exclusive economic zone will result in a further growth of the already widening gap between rich and poor nations and create a fourth world of least developed and most-disadvantaged States.
350.	With a view to reviving the eroding concept of the common heritage of mankind, my delegation took the opportunity to submit a draft proposal entitled "A common heritage fund" at the seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea at Geneva.3,0 It is our earnest hope that that proposal, which is in the interests of humanity and by no means designed merely to promote the interests of land-locked and geographically disadvantaged States, will enjoy the support of all countries.
351.	Furthermore, as a land-locked, developing country, Nepal has all along been drawing the attention of the international community to the fact that the disadvantage of being land-locked has had an adverse impact upon our

objectives and goals of accelerated development. The right of free access to and from the sea and the right of unrestricted transit in terms of the free flow of goods and people are of vital significance to land-locked countries. We hope that these legitimate concerns of the land-locked countries will be accommodated in the new international convention on the law of the sea.
352.	At the recently concluded resumed seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, we supported the statement declaring the position of the Group of 77 on unilateral legislation relating to the exploitation of the resources of the deep sea-bed being enacted or contemplated in several industrialized countries. We appeal once again to those countries to exercise restraint and to refrain from taking unilateral measures which could adversely affect current negotiations for the adoption of a comprehensive convention on the law of the sea.
353.	The unanimous decision of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly to observe the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights this year brings out the importance attached by the world community to the valued principles of fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person, as enshrined in the well-known Declaration and in the Charter of the United Nations. Nepal has profound respect for the principles of the Declaration and it is pertinent to point out that our Constitution guarantees the people of Nepal, irrespective of sex, caste, creed, colour or religion, their fundamental rights and liberties. My delegation is therefore happy to join the international community in observing the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration.
Finally, the increasingly important role that the United Nations is called upon to play in world affairs, particularly in the domains of the establishment of the New International Economic Order, disarmament and the resolution of potentially explosive situations is a vindication of the confidence and hope nations have reposed in this world Organization. While reiterating our commitment to the ideals and principles of the United Nations, we stress the importance of further strengthening this world body to make it an even more effective mechanism for safeguarding and consolidating peace and security and for promoting international co-operation to usher in a new order based on equity, justice, peace and harmony of common interests. It is our firm conviction that the effective guarantee of international peace and security lies in a much stronger United Nations embodying the collective will and strength of its Member States.