I wish first of all to join all the speakers who have preceded me in sincerely congratulating Mr. Paul Lusaka on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. My delegation is convinced that his eminent qualities and long diplomatic experience at both the national and the international level guarantee the success of our work. My delegation rejoices at the choice of a worthy representative of our African continent and of a brother country, Zambia—with which my country, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, maintains close and friendly ties of cooperation—as President of the present session. We wish him every success in carrying out his heavy but inspiring task and assure him of our full co-operation.
157.	We also thank his distinguished predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of the Republic of Panama, for the skill and wisdom with which he carried out the functions of President of the Assembly at its thirty-eighth session.
158.	I wish to pay a special tribute to the Secretary- General, for his tireless, unceasing efforts to defend the sacred principles of the Organization and to preserve peace in the world.
159.	My delegation welcomes to our midst the State of Brunei Darussalam, whose admission to membership strengthens the universal character of the Organization. We assure its people of our friendship, wish them every success as an independent nation and are ready to establish with them frank and mutually beneficial co-operation in all areas.
160.	We meet here again in this forum to reassess, as we do each year, the work done by the Organization since the thirty-eighth session and also to sketch out a picture of the world political and economic situation.
161.	To our great regret, we are forced to acknowledge that not only have our efforts been slow in yielding results but that, far from having improved, the international situation, both political and economic, has considerably worsened. Indeed, all over our planet, hotbeds of tension persist and in some instances show a tendency to spread. The increasing super-Power rivalry as well as the unbridled arms race do not contribute—quite the contrary—to relaxing the climate of tension that prevails in international relations. Any hope we might have had of the abatement of the economic crisis was quickly dashed. And, as always, it is the weakest countries, in particular the countries of the third world, that are bearing the heavy cost of this tragic situation. In one place and another, might prevails over right, and fait accompli replaces dialogue and joint effort. In other words, in a world in such turmoil, the role the Organization must play is even more important. It must play a primordial and capital role if we want to avoid our planet being subjected to a new war—with consequences that everyone agrees would be disastrous for the very survival of the human race.
162.	In Africa, certain hotbeds of tension remain explosive and are of the greatest concern to the OAU, as well as to the international community as a whole. In southern Africa, although certain recent events— such as the Nkomati Agreement,8 the motivations for which we can understand—have contributed to lessening the tension to a degree, the overall situation in that region none the less remains very precarious. Indeed, Namibia has still not attained its independence, despite the relevant resolutions of the Organization, and that country is still being illegally occupied. My country, which categorically condemns the inhuman system of apartheid, reaffirms its total support for the struggle being waged by the Namibian people for their independence under the leadership of their sole, legitimate representative, SWAPO. We remain convinced that only a prompt implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) will make it possible to achieve the peaceful decolonization of Namibia.
163.	For the time being, it is up to the international community to take the measures necessary to guarantee the existence and independence of the front-line countries that are experiencing a constant threat of destabilization.
164.	The situation in Chad calls for very special vigilance. Indeed, that country, a founding member of the OAU, has for 17 years been living through the tragedy of a civil war that is leaving it torn apart and in ruins. That is why my country welcomed with great satisfaction the agreement on complete and simultaneous disengagement that was signed by France and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. We dare to hope that, once foreign forces have left Chad, the leaders of N'djamena and the opponents of the regime of President Hissein Habre will manage to evidence reason and wisdom in sparing the people of Chad further futile suffering in order to begin rebuilding their country.
165.	With regard to Western Sahara, my country fully subscribes to the decisions taken at the eighteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Nairobi in June 1981, and that it remains convinced that a satisfactory solution to this serious problem involves the implementation of the resolution calling for the organization of a referendum on self-determination by the people of that country. In that connection, my country welcomes the commitment made here at this very rostrum on 27 September 1983, at the 8th meeting of the thirty- eighth session, by King Hassan II of Morocco to abide by the results of such a referendum.
166.	My country remains concerned, as do other countries in the region, over the continued strengthening and increase of the military presence in the Indian Ocean. Such a situation, further exacerbated by the continuing rivalry between the great Powers, is creating a climate of explosive tension that is of concern to the littoral countries. Desirous of preserving peace and security in that region, my country unreservedly supports the idea of establishing a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean, in keeping with the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, and we reiterate our hope that the international conference scheduled for that purpose will be convened at Colombo.
167.	For more than 30 years, the Middle East has frequently been shaken by murderous wars and no end is yet in sight. As we have already stated many times in the Assembly, there can be no doubt that it is Israel's intransigence, dictated by its annexationist and expansionist plans, that stands in the way of a lasting solution to this problem.
168.	The Israeli Government's policy in the occupied Arab territories and the mistreatment daily meted out to the indigenous population of those territories clearly demonstrate that the Zionist entity has no intention of implementing the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations. So long as Israel persists in its attempts to destroy by any means available to it the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, there can be no lasting peace in that region. I should like to reaffirm here once again my country's unswerving support for the just struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the PLO.
169.	Despite the many problems that still persist in Lebanon, problems that are the consequences of a lengthy civil war, the situation in that country has improved greatly, and once again there is every reason for hope. We feel that the plan adopted by the new Israeli coalition Government for the withdrawal of its troops from southern Lebanon, if it is translated into deeds, would greatly contribute to the establishment of peace in that country. My country hopes, therefore, that that plan will be rapidly implemented so that there may be a return to normal life in the tortured land of Lebanon.
170.	My country watches with great sadness the continuing fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq, two neighbouring Muslim and non-aligned States. Tens of thousands of men, women and children have already fallen on the field of battle in that bloody war. We appeal once again, solemnly and urgently, to both belligerents to cease hostilities forthwith and to replace hatred and intransigence with wisdom and reason. In this connection, we hail the offers for a cease-fire that have been made many times by the Iraqi Government, and we urge the Iranian Government to accept them, convinced as we are that in that war, which is as futile as it is absurd, there can be neither victor nor vanquished.
171.	The question of Cyprus continues to be included in the agenda of the General Assembly. My country, for its part, has always been m favour of a just and lasting solution that can preserve the peace, unity and sovereignty of Cyprus. We believe, nevertheless, that such a solution, in order to be acceptable to all, must of necessity take into account the legitimate aspirations of both the Greek and the Turkish communities. We encourage the two Governments, Greek and Turkish, to persevere with their negotiations in order to reach a satisfactory solution that will preserve the interests of both communities affected by this problem.
172.	In Asia, foreign interference is continuing and hinders solutions to the problems presented by the hotbeds of conflict that have for many years shaken that region. In spite of the numerous resolutions adopted by the United Nations, foreign armed forces continue to occupy Afghanistan illegally, thereby forcing more than 3 million people to flee into exile. If this situation were to continue, it could seriously threaten world peace and security. We appeal urgently for the withdrawal of foreign troops from' Afghanistan and reaffirm once again our support for the brotherly Afghan people.
173.	With regard to Kampuchea, we note with deep disappointment that the States involved in the occupation of that country continue to ignore the appeals made by the international community and the decisions of the General Assembly calling for the immediate, unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops from that country. The people of Kampuchea must be able to choose in complete freedom the system of government they desire and finally to achieve peace and freedom.
174.	The situation in the Korean peninsula has not yet been resolved. My country notes the commitment of the States of the North and of the South to reach an agreement on the independence and peaceful reunification of the country. In this regard, we support the idea of direct negotiations between the two Governments as essential for the attainment of a happy and successful solution of this serious problem. We also feel that the admission to the United Nations of the Republic of Korea, and even of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, would greatly contribute to the search for the desired solution, namely, the reunification of the country.
175.	The world economic situation is not much more promising than the international political situation, which I have briefly outlined. Indeed, beset on all sides by many problems which are both cyclical and structural, the developing countries, in particular the non-oil-producing developing countries and, among them, the weakest in the world, the least developed countries, face a situation which is often desperate.
176.	Indeed, the developing countries face a continued fall in the prices of their raw materials, thus reducing their export income and thereby the resources available to the State at a time when the burden of indebtedness, made heavier by the skyrocketing dollar, is becoming less and less bearable. This crisis does not spare the fragile economies of the least developed countries. It seriously accentuates their underdevelopment and makes more difficult their access to international financial markets, where there is an ever-greater tendency to lend only to the richest.
177.	My country, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, which is one of the least developed countries, suffers particularly from the harmful effects of this crisis. Indeed, an island country with very limited resources, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, in spite of the efforts at rehabilitation which have been undertaken since 1978, has suffered a continued fail in its export income, which has clearly involved a very substantial drop in its purchasing power. In order to overcome those difficulties, to get back to the path of growth and to improve the living standards of the population, the Comorian Government, under the enlightened leadership of President Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane, has drawn up a development plan based on the recommendations of the new programme of action, the Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos. The fundamental purpose of that plan is both to improve as quickly as possible the living conditions of the population and to reduce the dependence of the country as regards food, technology and finance. Therefore, the plan envisages accelerated, balanced growth of national production through the rational and intensive use of the resources of the country. Within the framework of the liberal option chosen by the Government, that task will be entrusted mainly to private enterprise and the State will be responsible for providing the infrastructures and the basic studies and establishing appropriate structures and institutions.
178.	The major priorities are still those defined in the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s, which the Government presented to the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris from 1 to 14 September 1981, namely: food self-sufficiency, ending economic isolation, reducing energy dependence, satisfying water needs and developing human resources. Those same goals are contained in the national document which the Comorian Government prepared and submitted to the countries and international organizations which participated in the first international solidarity conference for the development of the Comoros, which was held at Moroni, our capital, from 2 to 4 July 1984.
179.	By the overwhelming response to our appeal, the many countries and bodies which were kind enough to participate actively in that conference not only showed their solidarity with and confidence in the Comorian Government and people, but also acted in line with the resolutions of the Organization regarding assistance to the Comoros. This is thus a happy opportunity for me today to offer them once again, on behalf of the Government and people of the Comoros, our sincere thanks and our deep gratitude for their contribution to our development effort.
180.	The first international solidarity conference for the development of the Comoros was a great success in terms of the quality of the documents presented. The credit for this must clearly go to the international bodies, especially UNDP, and to the many friendly countries for their unstinted efforts. The very positive results of that conference encourage us to redouble our own development efforts. A great step has just been taken, but an enormous amount remains to be done.
181.	The Comoros, which are peaceful and stable islands, will not be able to go forward without increased and sustained assistance from the international community. The Comorian Government, firmly committed to the spirit of enterprise, appeals to all those who can make a contribution to our work of reconstruction.
182.	I cannot conclude my statement without referring before the Assembly to a question which is of the greatest concern not only to the Comorian people and Government but also to the entire African continent, and even to the entire international community. I am of course referring to the problem of the Comorian island of Mayotte. As members know, this question is still on the agenda of the General Assembly and will so remain until it is satisfactorily settled. This year again it will be the subject of a specific debate. We shall return to that subject in detail when the time comes.
183.	Today, without going into too much detail on this subject, I should like to inform members that the relevant resolutions adopted by the Organization and by regional organizations involved in this question have not been implemented. That explains the deep concern of the Comorian people, because this problem has lasted too long and while it persists the Comorian people will be in the tragic situation of a divided nation, a nation that cannot develop and flourish in perfect harmony.
184.	We believe that, because of the age-old links of friendship between France and the Comoros and the goodwill which the Comorian side has constantly shown, this problem should already have been solved. The situation in Mayotte today benefits only those sad, nostalgic individuals for whom the return of Mayotte to the midst of the entire Comorian nation would signify a loss of their grip on and their political and economic domination of the island. There is no doubt that the interests of those people are diametrically opposed to those of the local population of Mayotte. Those people, in our view, must be denounced, just as their ambitions and their domination must be ended.
185.	In this connection, we welcome the statement made recently by a senior official of the French Government in which he publicly and explicitly recognized the soundness and legitimacy of our claims. That statement, like other statements made by French officials at the highest level, confirms, if confirmation is needed, the justice of our cause. That is why we feel that it is time to go beyond short-term measures and take the decisive step that will lead to the settlement of this problem.
186.	The Comorian people, for its part, remains determined to press its claim, strengthened by the unanimous support of the international community. No argument, legal or strategic, can shake its determination, because for it this is a question not only of right but also of justice.
187.	At a time when we are preparing to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the Organization, my country, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros, solemnly reaffirms its faith and confidence in it. Naturally, there are conflicts with regard to which the Organization can only admit its impotence when faced with national selfishness and ideological intransigence. Nevertheless, we have every right to say that for us it constitutes the last bulwark against a widespread war the incalculable consequences of which would be fatal for the future of the whole of mankind.
188.	My country, for its part, always remains faithful to the great principles of peace, freedom and justice that characterize the charter of the United Nations. It is in this spirit .he Comoros will continue to make its modest contribution to the Organization, so that it can effectively fulfil the noble mission we expect of it, namely, the safeguarding and preservation of world peace and security.


It is my pleasure to extend to you, Sir, in the name of the people and the Government of Venezuela, my sincere congratulations upon your election as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-ninth session. Your personal qualifications and your broad experience in the United Nations serve as a firm guarantee that important and fruitful results will be achieved during the deliberations of this Assembly.
3.	We have intimate knowledge of your vigorous efforts as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia and of your tireless labours on behalf of the freedom and independence of peoples. Zambia and Venezuela have worked together in the struggle against colonialism and racial discrimination, and this has certainly helped strengthen relations between our two countries.
4.	I should also like to pay a tribute to that distinguished Latin American who preceded you, Sir, in this important office and who represented his country in the United Nations for many years. I refer, of course, to the President of the sister Republic of Panama, Mr. Jorge Illueca.
5.	It is also a special pleasure for me to greet most respectfully the Secretary-General, my old friend and the former Ambassador of Peru to Venezuela, and to congratulate him for the efficient and outstanding way in which he has shouldered his responsibilities in the promotion of peace and understanding among all peoples.
6.	I come from a Latin American country whose people enjoy fully the inalienable rights of an open, pluralistic and democratic society which, in the daily exercise of freedom, seeks unceasingly to perfect its institutions. We have chosen such a system because of its great potential and because we are convinced that no other system can guarantee with so much integrity the aspirations and development of the human person.
7.	I have come here today to voice the views and feelings of Venezuela before this great world forum that is the United Nations and to set forth and share with the General Assembly some thoughts that we deem essential on the international situation. I shall also outline broadly the fundamental elements of my Government's foreign policy, which is that of the Venezuelan people.
8.	My presence here in the General Assembly is unequivocal testimony to Venezuela's firm commitment to the United Nations and of our appreciation of its vital achievements in international affairs. Moreover, I have come here with the conviction that dialogue and an exchange of ideas are truly indispensable elements when we have our common interests at heart. I have made it a point to follow this approach in my own country, as it is without doubt the most useful means of nurturing understanding and promoting a convergence of views.
9.	We Venezuelans are a people with democracy in our blood, possessed of broad vision and a deep- rooted vocation for peace, who believe that under-standing among States and international co-operation are possible. We are, in sum, a small nation convinced that only in this manner will form and content be given to human solidarity and encouragement and meaning to the concerted efforts of all peoples.
10.	Thus, I echo the unanimous opinion of Venezuelans when I state squarely that Venezuela has faith in the United Nations, in the reasons for its establishment and in the relevance of its principles, which are more valid and necessary today than ever before. That is why we stand firmly with those who support its strengthening, to prevent it from becoming a purely symbolic institution of frustrated hopes and dreams crushed by selfishness, in many ways an impotent institution, incapable of properly facing up to the challenges and demands of today's reality.
11.	We cannot conceive of a world without the United Nations. However, serious obstacles weaken its effectiveness and credibility. If we interpret current events correctly, those obstacles serve to highlight the risks facing the international community when an organization such as this is under-mined, neutralized and, as a result, immobilized. This situation tests the will of the States Members and their capacity for the settlement of conflicts in a civilized manner. A change in course is therefore necessary because it is easy to see that while the problems are getting worse, the mechanisms for resolving them are weakening. States should not relinquish their prerogatives nor should countries give up their vital interests, but in the final analysis the overriding goals of the international community as a whole should prevail.
12.	The objectives enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, adopted at San Francisco, have tended to fade away as the military Powers have increased their antagonistic policies, with the result that we now live in a system of political supremacy and nuclear intimidation, and of economic privileges in the hands of a limited number of States.
13.	Smaller countries like mine, Venezuela, have legitimate reasons to express our disappointment, to call for proper compliance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations, and to demand the correction of a process which, in our view, has been the object of a historic distortion by those Powers which played a major role in the creation of the Organization, steering it away from its original course and promoting, paradoxically, an international pattern of unilateral advantages and faits accomplis
14.	Since 1945, history has been warning us persistently of the risks confronting the world community. The nuclear arms race, which makes us all increasingly vulnerable, seems uncontrollable, while consuming huge resources and absorbing a great deal of sophisticated scientific research. The world is evolving towards a modus Vivendi which curtails the possibilities for international peace, security and confidence, condemning the relations between States to a simplification of the East-West dialectic, in the search for mutual expediency between the interested parties which, naturally, resist change.
15.	At the same time, the lack of understanding and the resistance of the industrialized countries conspire against any effective progress towards global economic relations grounded in equity and mutual benefit. More serious yet, attempts are often made to accentuate the already existing disparities between the North and the South through renewed pressure mechanisms, all in a climate of intransigence and unilateralism.
16.	We are, thus, in the midst of a rarefied international environment, of constraints and established positions resistant to change because they are kept in place by strong interests and by dogmas of one stripe or another.
17.	In times of crisis and tension one must speak unambiguously, in a dispassionate and objective manner. An inescapable conclusion then stands out: things cannot continue the way they are. Bold and constructive attitudes are required of the community of nations to chart a new course for international affairs, giving rise to political evolution, social and economic development, and equality of opportunity. We demand such a change of course in international life and in relations between States, which would resolve the great paradox of the world in which we live—an era of contradictions and ambivalence, of amazing scientific and technological advances, and yet a time of lack of imagination and of declining resolve to use those resources for the good of mankind in a way consistent with the most elementary aspirations for peace and justice and worthy of the essential yearnings of the human condition.
18.	We are aware of our possibilities and our limitations, of what we can and cannot do. We know what our aspirations are, and in order to attain our goals countries like Venezuela are accepting challenges unprecedented in history. We are also aware of our faults and of our mistakes.
19.	We have the moral strength to recognize our weaknesses as well as the honesty to assign clear and b-sic responsibilities to those whose duty it is to assume them. The General Assembly reflects in its resolutions and decisions a ground swell of opinion that cannot be ignored, for that would be to ignore the real concerns of our peoples.
20.	In the general context of international relations, Venezuela has spared no effort to contribute to a rapprochement and reconciliation of positions and to the search for solutions to various regional problems in the geographic area of our direct interest. This we shall continue to do, conscious that indifference is incompatible with our ideas and convictions.
21.	We shall increase our participation in international affairs because we are convinced that interdependence is an irreversible phenomenon and that decisions are made on a global scale which affect the internal affairs of our countries, particularly the smaller ones, which are more vulnerable to external factors. In this context, we believe that a multilateral approach which takes into account the interests of all is the right course to follow.
22.	We can only hope that the economic co-operation taking place between developing countries will be complemented by increasing co-operation between them and the developed countries with a view to promoting the new international economic order. The collective self-confidence of developing countries, while promoting a more efficient use of our own resources, may also help to counteract our vulnerability and ensure a more harmonious development process.
23.	After 25 years of vigorous democracy, we Venezuelans know what our priorities are in the international sphere. Our foreign policy is therefore a reflection and an expression of the values and aspirations which drive us to uphold and defend our democratic way of life as set forth in our Constitution—namely, respect for human rights and repudiation of colonialism and racial discrimination, both of which run counter to Venezuelan convictions and our historical legacy. The aim of my Government is to intensify our involvement in all these matters. To this end we shall sponsor at Caracas in 1985 an international forum on human rights in recognition of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. This will serve as an opportunity to take stock of all that has been achieved to date and to shed light wherever darkness still persists as an impediment to human progress and the rights of mankind every-where.
24.	Everything related to the fundamental rights of the individual takes on greater importance day by day and arouses the strongest interest. In the broadest sense we are referring not only to the rights of the individual as such but also to the rights of the individual in society, to the rights of peoples to a more just and equitable distribution of wealth. In our opinion, it is not possible to lose sight of these implications when discussing such issues.
25.	We attach special importance to democratic processes throughout the world and in particular to those in our own region. I wish to emphasize the special gratification of Venezuelans as they observe the strengthening of democratic processes in Latin America. Let there be no doubt about it: the process of democratization enables nations to reach firm understandings, to agree upon common struggles and to achieve consensus in the search for a common voice.
26.	Venezuela is above all a country whose vocation is essentially Latin American. Sim6n Bolivar's writings are very revealing of this attitude. We feel that we are linked fraternally with the peoples and countries of the region, a region whose boundaries bind rather than divide. Unquestionably, we have sometimes stumbled on the road to integration; some of the obstacles were of our own making, others were foreign. It would seem that the time has now come for us to conduct a self-examination, to explore with greater determination our own possibilities for mutual exchange and balanced well-being. The great challenge of Latin America continues to be that of shaping a community of nations capable of resolving our ancient and complex problems without intervention by outside elements that seek to involve us in strategic confrontations.
27.	In fact, however, our part of the world—Latin America and the Caribbean, the Utopian Arcadia of modern times—has not been able to avoid confrontation, and we look with dismay at what is happening in Central America. It is no longer a matter of minor differences between our countries but rather an obvious attempt by one Power or another to use those differences to further its own position in the world.
28.	Latin Americans cannot accept the fact that their misfortunes should be multiplied to benefit schemes for foreign domination. We must ensure that this danger is averted, but in so doing we must not allow Latin America to become an area of confrontation in this difficult period of history.
29.	We have shown what we can and must do in our region. The experience of the Contadora Group has been useful, and it has been accepted generally both within and outside the region as a suitable mechanism for assisting in the settlement of these complex Central American conflicts on the basis of the consolidation of peace, freedom, democratic plural-ism and economic and social development of a region which has suffered unceasingly from within and without throughout history. Four Latin American countries have worked together with the countries involved in an unprecedented effort to help solve a potentially dangerous situation. Those efforts came to fruition with the formulation of the revised Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America	and the outcome is now in the hands of the Governments of the countries of the region.
30.	To be frank, I believe that there are those who are interested in peace and those who are interested in war. Time will tell soon enough who these are. In any event, the Venezuelan Government is convinced that only through a process of political development based on democracy can lasting peace and just economic and social development for Central America be assured.
31.	I am concerned lest we may be on the verge of exceeding the limits of political and social tolerance among the developing countries, which are suffering from the high unemployment rates and foreign imbalances that affect all of us to one degree or another. At the same time, there is a deterioration of international economic relations. We, the Members of the United Nations, have been unable to meet on common ground and, incredible as it may seem, we have forgotten the lessons of a not-too-distant past. I refer, of course, to the great depression of the 1930s.
32.	The seriousness of the crisis we are experiencing makes it necessary for us to rethink the role the
United Nations system plays in the area of international economic co-operation and, more specifically, the negotiation strategies which have been followed to resolve world economic problems. In addition to the economic crisis, we are witnessing a breakdown in communications, intransigence and an uncompromising defence of anachronistic attitudes.
33.	We are witnessing a process wherein certain powerful countries are continually postponing dialogue, which is tantamount to refusing to negotiate. This situation, in the global dimension as well as in a problem-by-problem approach, can result in some-thing we all wish to avoid: confrontation. It is clear that at this critical time the responsibility falls upon all of us, and we wish to share it in order to lay the foundations for a better future for all. We have no choice but to live up to the challenges of the hour.
34.	The peoples of the third world demand just changes, without delay. They demand efforts and results, of benefit to all.
35.	As an additional factor in the historical problems of injustice in international economic relations, we are faced today with an extremely serious situation, perhaps the most serious in recent history. The amount of foreign debt of the developing nations is so overwhelming that its consequences affect their very political and social stability; the dimensions of the debt problems alone require the most far-reaching understanding. We are dealing here with issues which, because of their intimate links to the price collapses in the export market for raw materials, the increasing protectionism of the industrialized countries, the irrational rise in interest rates—whose slight variations, a result of manipulations by the world financial market, undermine our social programmes—all contribute to the weakening of recovery efforts, denying work to millions of Latin Americans and condemning them to a marginal existence. And that is only one example.
36.	It is inexcusable that the economies of Latin America, which, to a greater or lesser degree, have been under tremendous pressure, in the lean year of
1983	alone transferred $30 billion to the industrialized countries. Plainly and simply, this is a disaster for our economies. We therefore must consider new and unprecedented approaches. The responsibility for this situation is not that of the debtor countries alone, but also of the international banking system, the lender countries and the international financial organizations. No one should nor can escape this responsibility. No one can feign indifference and stand aside when it comes to seeking solutions to a problem of such magnitude.
37.	These concepts and opinions form the basis for the action agreed to recently by Latin American countries in the Cartagena Consensus of 22 June 1984 which refers to the problem of the foreign debt.
38.	To sum up, the foreign debt of the developing countries is a reflection of specific shortcomings in the area of global financial and monetary relations, and generally in the economic system prevailing since the Second World War.
39.	That is how we Venezuelans see the foreign debt problem. It is part of a gradual breakdown in the world economic system over more than a decade, a process of decay whose most vivid expression is the debt situation in Latin America today. The problem has ramifications which extend beyond the countries
of Latin America and other developing regions. If, therefore, we do not address ourselves to this issue in a timely manner, with political sensitivity to the problems of the affected countries, the whole world economy could founder in a crisis of incalculable proportions. Let us not forget the dangers which could be triggered by these phenomena, among which interdependence is also an undeniable fact.
40.	I have stated that the problem of our inappropriately incurred debt cannot be divorced from the process of our development, because our development must continue. Otherwise, it will run down and stagnate, creating conditions that are in contradiction with our vision of society and the role of democratic government. Development is a vital necessity for our peoples. Without it there is no justice, no security, no peace, no prospects for a well-integrated nation.
41.	In order to attain these goals, Venezuela has embarked upon a process of readjustment, and this has meant enacting stem measures. Nevertheless, we have taken special pains to ensure that the burden of this readjustment is carried equally by all, so that the poor do not shoulder the greatest portion of that burden for the nation's economic recovery programme. These decisions have been made within the context of national dialogue and consultation, a process which has ensured that all Venezuelans understand the nature of the problems at hand and work to overcome them. This we shall all pursue with conviction and determination.
42.	I find it appropriate to state here in this international forum that the sacrifices required to overcome this pervasive crisis must be assumed both by the developing countries, as we have seen, and by the industrialized countries. In one way or another, the developing countries are financing the deficits of the industrialized countries, or a good part of them, while, as a consequence, our peoples continue to go through crisis after crisis. It is obvious that there is a paradox here, which is irrational and without explanation or justification
43.	The reordering of the world economy must be governed by the principle of fairness. The industrialized countries cannot escape the need to correct their own external imbalances and budgetary deficits. It is obvious that the industrialized countries, in a crisis that they themselves have created, are in a better position than the developing countries to carry out a process of readjustment. The capacities of the developing nations are so limited that whatever measures they take in this respect could unleash political and social traumas that could seriously undermine their stability.
44.	That is why there is an urgent need to ensure understanding and to substantially alleviate the situation of the third world's foreign debt. Otherwise, the economic recovery of the economically most powerful countries, which to a large extent takes place at the expense of the economically weaker countries, would be seriously compromised and might have a much higher future cost for those countries, because, inevitably, even more serious measures would be required, with world-wide implications that could affect collective security and stability.
43. Venezuela has been renegotiating its external debt within the framework of its intention to fulfil its national contractual obligations. We intend to develop an economic programme that is truly Venezuelan, a programme that will permit us to fulfil our commitments abroad without impairing our capacity )for economic and social development and our sovereign decision-making ability. I have made clear on various occasions that in no circumstances, nor as a result of any sort of pressure, will we accept conditions that could jeopardize the potential for development and well-being to which my countrymen are entitled. That is my commitment to the Venezuelan people, and especially to the poor and least fortunate among them.
46.	Having established the bases for refinancing our external debt, we deem it appropriate to make the following comments.
47.	The instability of interest rates creates an extremely risky situation for the developing countries. Whenever the rates are high, it is virtually impossible for a country to make payments servicing its external public debt without imposing on the general population unacceptable sacrifices with regard to their standard of living.
48.	Today the principal creditors of the developing countries are large, private, multinational banks. This has had enormous implications for their respective domestic financial markets. Therefore, today, more than ever before, it is necessary for the monetary authorities of the industrialized countries to involve themselves actively in the problem.
49.	It is important to avoid the long-term incapacitation of debtor countries that are trying to live up to their commitments. Such incapacitation would en-danger the continuity of financial loans, which are fundamental to world banking.
50.	For a solution to be viable and successful, the individual viewpoints and needs of everyone involved must be taken into consideration. For that reason, the solution should be the result of a concert-ed effort.
51.	The various mechanisms proposed have a common denominator: they all require the indispensable participation of Governments and international monetary organizations. It is impossible to imagine the achievement of a solution with only the debtor countries and creditor banks negotiating.
52.	Along with many Latin Americans, we Venezuelans are deeply concerned about the problems of drug trafficking and the illegal use of drugs, which have reached alarming proportions in many countries during recent years. The increasing scope of this problem has turned drug trafficking into a social calamity which must be fought with determination and courage at all levels and with every tool available to us—public and private, national and international.
53.	Drug trafficking goes so far as to attempt to destabilize Governments through corruption, making use of all kinds of criminal elements, tying them into an intricate network of operations, conspiracies and complicities which involve all levels of society, from subversives of the left and right to the most affluent and most impoverished of our citizenry, striking at the very heart of public life. Its penetration is limitless and has reached such a magnitude that, as we stated recently at Quito, drug trafficking not only represents a threat to the national security and sovereignty of several countries but is also turning into a dangerous agent of international conflicts.
54.	It is our firm belief that in order effectively to combat the scourge of drug trafficking and the illegal use of drugs, it is necessary to go directly to the
source, to the places where the raw materials are cultivated and where they are transformed into narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, and thus to strengthen even more decisive action at the main consumer centres.
55.	Governments can no longer consider this as simply a political issue or a public-health problem limited to each State. It is time that we recognize it for what it is—an international problem, with wide- ranging social, economic and political implications.
56.	Since becoming President of Venezuela, I have devoted particular attention to this issue, because in my capacities as a physician and a political leader I understand its devastating implications, its social consequences and its effects on youth, our most valuable resource. I recently promulgated in my country the Organic Law of Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, which fully reflects the firm intentions of my Government and all sectors of the country to combat this dangerous phenomenon.
57.	The domestic measures that we are adopting will, of course, be insufficient if we cannot count on suitable international mechanisms to facilitate the co-operation necessary to combat efficiently and globally this tremendous problem which repudiates the most fundamental rights of man. That is why Venezuela, at both national and international levels, is committing its resources so forcefully in this direction. In this respect, we have proposed for consideration by the United Nations and other appropriate international organizations the creation of a special fund to provide assistance in an efficient and flexible way to developing countries affected by drug trafficking. This proposal is embodied in the Quito Declaration against Traffic in Narcotic Drugs, of 11 August 1984. That Declaration reflects the decision of the international community to classify as an international crime against humanity all activities related to the illegal trafficking in drugs.
58.	I cherish the hope that this session of the General Assembly will provide the appropriate opportunity to look deeply into this serious problem. It is a problem that requires a decisive response, and it is one that can be eradicated only through an unequivocal commitment to multilateral action. Venezuela is prepared to make its contribution in all fields of necessary action. Day after day, drug traffickers cross borders. There is no nation in this world that working alone can eliminate the serious political and social problem that drug trafficking constitutes.
59.	We Venezuelans are not immune to the effects of the crisis currently afflicting our world—and I am not referring solely to the economic upheavals and political conflicts; they are only some of the consequences of the breakdown of moral values in the world today.
60.	There is no doubt in my mind—and others have said this before me—that during these last few decades when man has triumphed technologically and scientifically he has experienced a concomitant weakening of the metaphysical roots which anchor him and give meaning to both his joy and sorrow, his life and death.
61.	While this feeling of helplessness has engendered among those in the developed world a sense of bewilderment and alienation from life's most basic pleasures, it has brought about even more dramatic results in our countries. Material remuneration, with which others compensate for the relative emptiness of their lives, serves but to highlight the glaring social differences which persist in our societies and the lack of understanding that already exists between the emerging nations, which are persistently trying to be understood, and those countries which still have a preponderant influence in world affairs. How do we integrate, without causing suffering, the countries of the third world into the mainstream of contemporary life or at least minimize the spiritual anguish that accompanies such change? That is the great problem which faces the leaders of the nations that form the majority in today's world. We can and must contribute to the building of a civilization that is more human and more positive.
62.	Progress in all fields of human endeavour has always fallen short of the great Utopias which, from time immemorial, have fed humanity's hopes and dreams. If it were possible to probe the opinions of men and women all over the world, we would undoubtedly find that the great majority would condemn the confrontation dividing the world com-munity today. The two poles of power which are attempting to divide up the world for themselves are but a manifestation of the moral bankruptcy of our times. Once again, the lust for power—the oldest and strongest passion of mankind—clothed as always in doctrine, returns with its eternal message of misery and uncertainty.
63.	A nineteenth-century philosopher once postulated that the happiest periods for mankind have been blank pages in the book of life—in other words, periods in which neither creative activity nor intense searching occurred. But we are not living in such a happy period today and, consequently, our passage on earth cannot be another blank page. The great questions of the future are beckoning us with their immense risks, their possibilities and their promises. We have but to choose those paths that open up the imagination and lead us to bold decision-making and the search for the right answers for this time, a time which is in no way one of mankind's happier periods of history.


I take pleasure, Sir, in joining previous speakers who have warmly congratulated you on your election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that your wisdom and experience will be of great value.
182.	Allow me also to take this opportunity to welcome Brunei Darussalam as the 159th Member of the United Nations and to extend to this newly independent State my country's sincere wishes for a peaceful future.
183.	The General Assembly, at its sessions each year, could be the most important forum in the world. It is a unique gathering where representatives of a great variety of States express and exchange views on a great variety of issues.
184.	But how successful are we in making use of this unique forum to advance our basic ideals of peace, prosperity and human rights enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations? How successful have we been in creating the kind of world our peoples have so long wished for but been denied in this twentieth century of two world wars and almost innumerable armed conflicts? Are we making progress towards our goals or are we drifting away from them?
185.	At the end of last year, when the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly had pondered the world situation for three months, your predecessor, Sir, Mr. Illueca, of Panama, summed it up by saying that that session had been: "the mirror in which mankind has seen reflected the multifaceted aspects of the profound crisis of the modem world". Nothing very positive seems to have occurred since then. Some might even be tempted to say that we have rather been moving still further in the wrong direction. On this first day of the Assembly's general debate, it seems appropriate to ask the following questions. Where are we heading? What is this session likely to accomplish? Is it going to accomplish anything truly important?
186.	In a very noteworthy interview not long ago one of the veterans of this Organization, the former representative of Singapore, Mr. Koh, said: "Nothing is moving at the United Nations at the moment." Is this to be the case also in the months—or even years—to come? Are we going to deal with the great number of important issues on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly by wrapping them into fine words or drowning them in inconsistent or unrealistic resolutions, and then forget all about them until the opening of another equally unsatisfactory session?
187.	Are we now, as in last year's session—and similarly before that—going to adopt 63 resolutions on disarmament without any real effort to reconcile our differences or to point a way out of the present impasse? Should that be the case, the prospects would really be bleak.
188.	In his very interesting appraisal of the current world situation, the Secretary-General mentions the "tendency to side-step major problems in a way which is likely in the long run to increase frustration and bitterness" and also "an apparent reluctance to make the effort required to use international organizations effectively".

189.	At the outset of the thirty-ninth session the situation in many parts of the world calls for new methods and fresh efforts in an attempt to attain genuine improvement. Action will have to replace words and active negotiations the passing of hollow resolutions. All States, without regard to their size but based on their ability to contribute honestly, should participate in this process. This session of the General Assembly—which will be attended by so many influential political leaders and officials—will offer us an opportunity to start moving again. Let us all try to the best of our abilities to contribute to such a serious new effort to eliminate some of the great problems besetting our nations and the world community as a whole.
190.	The five Nordic countries—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden—which were not always friendly in past centuries have now over a long period derived the benefits of close and effective co-operation in a great number of fields. Living conditions and daily life in this area of the world reflect an evolution which would be beneficial to all who adopt a similar course.
191.	The gavel you use, Sir, in presiding over this world Assembly, which was created by an Icelandic sculptor, Asmundur Sveinsson, also reflects the changes that have occurred among the Nordic peoples through the centuries. The gavel's head shows a Viking praying for peace, a theme chosen by the artist.
192.	The Nordic peoples, who in olden times raided and fought against other peoples, now wish to live in peace and to share with others a life-style which has its origins in the noble ideals that all of us, the signatories of the Charter of the United Nations, have declared as our goals.
193.	The current situation in world affairs and some of the major issues on the agenda of this session were the subject of a traditional meeting of the five Nordic Ministers for Foreign Affairs in Reykjavik earlier this month. A communique giving the Ministers' views on these matters has been distributed to all delegations at the United Nations and to the Secretary-General. The Ministers reaffirmed the strong support of the Nordic countries for the United Nations. They underlined the essential role of the United Nations in the maintenance of peace and the need to strengthen the Organization's effectiveness in conflicts and crisis situations. They reiterated that respect for the fundamental principles of international law as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations must be the guideline for the conduct of all States. They also stressed the importance of preserving the universal character of the United Nations.
194.	It is self-evident that all nations desire peace. In so far as peoples themselves are free to decide, it should thus be possible to preserve the peace. However, not all peoples are masters of their own fate. Under such circumstances our gravest concern is the relentless arms race and the paradox that military spending this year will reach a trillion dollars while a large part of mankind is starving. It is therefore a matter of the greatest urgency that the leading military Powers multiply their efforts to limit and reduce conventional and nuclear weapons.
195.	It is to be hoped that the Soviet Union, having for almost a year been unwilling to continue negotiations on some of the most threatening types of weapons now in existence, will reconsider its attitude. It would indeed be fortunate if contacts during this session of the General Assembly could bring about such a basic change of atmosphere, mitigating the agony that the current state of affairs is causing mankind.
196.	Our aim must be a comprehensive solution of the disarmament question, the attainment of which must be dealt with effectively as a matter of the greatest urgency and priority. Partial or regional arms limitation agreements which only lead to the transfer of arsenals to new locations are bound to have limited value and can even create new dangers.
197.	As a spokesman for a country like Iceland, which derives its livelihood from the precarious living resources of the sea, I must voice our grave concern at the acceleration of the naval arms race. This aspect of the current military build-up world-wide may become the subject of further debate during next year's session of the General Assembly, when it is hoped that the study on the naval arms race, which was decided upon at the thirty-eighth session will be completed.
198.	Any arms control agreement reached must contain adequate provisions for effective verification. Any State which accepts mutual treaty obligations in disarmament or other fields with the intention of fulfilling them does not have to hesitate about committing itself to reciprocal verification procedures.
199.	I totally share the view of the Secretary-General that the main obstacle to disarmament and arms limitation is the insecurity of nations. Its origins may be found in the distrust between leading nations that took its current shape soon after the Second World War. Ail attempts to ameliorate this most unfortunate situation have until now been in vain. No durable confidence has been built between the leading Powers of the world. The building of confidence is therefore the single most important task now before the international community. Our attempts to move forward on this narrow and difficult road to a new and more peaceful world situation must be intensified. For that purpose, full use must be made of this unique forum where we are gathered now and its various organs and of the on-going Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, meeting at Stockholm. However, the possibility of success depends above all on the behaviour of States—not just on words spoken from this rostrum or elsewhere.
200.	The building of genuine democracy among the world's nations—that is, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for the sovereignty of States and the right of peoples to self-determination, the rule of law prevailing over the rule of force, and a more just distribution of economic resources— is the overriding pre-condition from which increased confidence will flow. All this and much more is pledged by all States when signing the Charter of the United Nations joining the Organization, but a different degree of implementation causes imbalance and insecurity.
201.	First and foremost, each and all of us must put our own house in order. Since, through bilateral or multilateral treaties freely entered into, we have undertaken mutual obligations, we have no right to expect immunity from criticism if we fail to live up to our commitments. In this context, I must say that it has been most deplorable to see the peoples of many countries suffer from flagrant breaches of human rights obligations. For instance,	and the treatment in a number of countries of individuals who have been claiming basic human rights for themselves and their fellow citizens cause us the gravest concern. A case in point is the sad affair of Andrei Sakharov and his wife, Yelena Bonner.
202.	The need to improve the lot of the least developed countries of the world and to strengthen the basis for their economic survival cannot be overemphasised. The developed countries must open up their markets for products from the third world. Development assistance from the industrialized countries will not alone solve the serious difficulties of the developing countries; they must also be granted, infer the benefits of free trade. Similarly, the industrialized countries should, in their overall trade relations, eliminate barriers and other protectionist measures, such as government subsidies, which hamper the normal, efficient division of labour between countries.
203.	On this first day of the Assembly's general debate there are on the list of speakers representatives of some of the biggest and some of the smallest States Members of the Organization. This truly reflects the variety of the membership, as well as the fact that all nations, large and small, have a stake in United Nations efforts to build a better world.
204.	Through experience mankind has acquired knowledge of forms of democratic government which, however imperfect, guarantee as far as is humanly possible the well-being of the peoples. Nevertheless, totalitarian, undemocratic methods deny such well-being to large populations on many continents.
205. We still have a long way to go. Let us not, however, underestimate the progress we have made during the almost four decades since the United Nations came into being. Our inability in past years to reverse the arms race throws a shadow over our hopes for immediate improvements. Nevertheless, let us not lose faith in a still brighter and better future. Let that faith give us strength to renew our pledges and to seek the fullest possible implementation of the noble ideals which are the comer-stone of the United Nations.


I congratulate you cordially, Sir, on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I also take great pleasure in pointing out that the relations between Zambia and Yugoslavia, two nonaligned countries, are characterized by sincere friendship and long-lasting fruitful cooperation. I am confident that your vast experience in the United Nations will greatly contribute to the successful conclusion of the work of this session of the General Assembly.
143.	I should like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to Mr. Jorge Illueca, of nonaligned and friendly Panama, who guided the deliberations of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly with such authority and wisdom.
144.	We highly appreciate the persistent endeavours of the Secretary General aimed at strengthening the role of the United Nations in international relations, as well as his personal involvement in the solution of many important issues.
145.	I am also pleased to congratulate Brunei Darussalam on its admission to membership in the United Nations.
146.	I regret to say that at this year's session of the General Assembly we cannot but reiterate once again the assessments we have been repeating for a number of years now regarding the grave situation in the world, one which has dangerous implications for the future of mankind. The positive values and achievements built patiently and painstakingly over the years by our joint efforts and endeavours in the struggle for peace, security and equitable international political and economic relations are perhaps more than ever before in jeopardy.
147.	No pressing international problem has been solved, or even alleviated, in the period that has elapsed since the thirty-eighth session of the Assembly. One could say that many of these problems have been exacerbated even further. Yet another year has been lost for detente. We are faced with the same phenomena that threaten peace, security, cooperation and development. A new cycle of the arms race is under way, and no one is any longer certain whether this race and the means of destruction it generates can be kept under control. General insecurity and a feeling of growing threat make us increasingly hostage to the fear of self-annihilation.
148.	Negotiations and dialogue between the superpowers and blocs have given way to rivalry and to accusations and counteraccusations. The need to negotiate is far too often approached from the position of gaining advantage and supremacy. The expansion of spheres of interest or influence and growing divisions seem to have become the main preoccupation, instead of efforts to overcome these divisions in the world. Therein lie the root causes that are blocking forums and channels of negotiation and agreement.
149.	There are frequent cases of threats to sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity, of interference in the internal affairs and undermining of the internal stability of countries, and of failure to respect the most elementary human right—the right to self-determination and to a free choice of one's own development. Violence and terrorism are continually used as a means of state policy.
150.	The crisis in international economic relations is getting worse. The world is facing new forms of economic, financial and technological dependence and neo-colonial exploitation. The position of the developing countries has worsened dramatically, as reflected particularly in the problem of debts. The gap between the developed and the developing, between the rich and the poor, appears to be widening while the readiness of developed countries to engage in global negotiations and in a joint search for solutions is diminishing.
151.	Are we not faced with attempts to block the process of emancipation and democratization of international relations and to contest and repress the principles and practices which have contributed to their positive development? Are we not faced with increased pressures to preserve and expand domination by the rich and the powerful? After a period of relaxation of tensions, greater understanding and upsurge in cooperation, we have found ourselves in a situation reminiscent of the times which, we thought, had been relegated to the past.
152.	Is such an international situation actually beneficial to anyone? Do not even the most powerful countries feel more threatened today than at the time when they were negotiating and showing more tolerance for the interests of others? Has the interruption of substantive talks not undermined the positive achievements on which the great Powers themselves have built their mutual relations and respect for a long time? Does the poverty of the majority not threaten the affluence of the minority?
153.	If mankind wishes to survive, it can have only one future—a future of peace, cooperation and equality, with the right of all peoples and countries to decide upon their own internal development and foreign policy. Mankind is already well advanced along the road to such a future. However, at present it is faced with efforts to halt such a development. On certain points and on certain issues, this can and does bring about temporary stoppages. If such attempts continue, grave disturbances and disruptions will become inevitable. Is it not obvious from what they have already brought about that these attempts at halting progress in international relations lead to a deterioration of international relations that brings us nearer to serious political, economic and social upheavals with unforeseeable consequences? Is it not obvious that this road could lead to new wars? How many times has it been proved over the past decades since the establishment of the United Nations that peace is indivisible from progress in world relations and that the policy of domination, exploitation and hegemony in international relations constitutes a threat to peace?
154.	There is a vast discrepancy between the present unfavourable state of affairs and conditions in the world and the need for and possibility of halting that dangerous and retrogressive trend and turning it towards peace, equitable cooperation and general progress. Peoples throughout the world are opposed to historically outdated concepts aimed at preserving any position of privilege and domination in the world. The policy of alignment and the Movement of Nonaligned Countries have offered a vision of and a platform for the transformation of the international order in the interest of all the peoples of the world.
155.	The Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of non-aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983, offered the world a comprehensive and concrete programme for overcoming the crisis in international political and economic relations and resolving the problems which create focal points of crisis, a programme leading to a future in which peace, cooperation and prosperity would prevail. A growing number of proposals aiming at the same objective are being advanced from various quarters. The world is not short of initiatives designed to correct the present state of affairs. It suffers, however, from a lack of the will to act, especially on the part of those who bear the greatest responsibility for the present situation.
156.	The development of international relations and the future of mankind cannot be left to chance, subjected to anyone's selfish interests or, for that matter, entrusted to the wealthiest and most powerful, influential and developed group of countries. The fate of all of us depends on the way in which international relations develop. It is therefore natural that we should all make our contribution to shaping that development.
157.	However, the greatest responsibility for overcoming the present extremely dangerous international situation is born by the great Powers. We are all aware of the impact of their mutual relations on overall international development. Thus the entire international community has the natural right and obligation to assist in and contribute to an improvement in their relations. We therefore request the great Powers to sit down at the negotiating table in order to make the contribution expected of them by means of negotiation and accommodation.
158.	We cannot accept the imposition of a cold war ideology on problems and issues of international and bilateral relations. History abounds in lessons learned at great cost which teach us that it is necessary to live together and cooperate regardless of our differing systems and ideologies. We are aware of the implications of attempts to export and impose systems and ideologies, attempts to interfere with a view to influencing internal social and economic development. We are also aware that in this increasingly interdependent world we exert an influence upon each other through our own values and common achievements, that we enrich each other with progress and achievements that have a genuine value. True values, regardless of who contributes them to the treasury of world progress, know no frontiers and do not need to be exported.
159.	I would recall that we have asserted in the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States, adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty-sixth session by a large majority, that:
"No State or group of States has the right to intervene or interfere m any form or for any reason whatsoever in the internal and external affairs of other States." The Declaration also states that it is the duty of a State to ensure that its territory is not used m any manner which would violate the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and national unity or disrupt the political, economic or social stability of another State.
160.	To what extent are these principles actually observed and applied? Unfortunately, we must say that we still witness frequent and flagrant infringements of them rather than their observance. Observance of these principles is precisely the way to a future of international cooperation, understanding, equality and confidence.
161.	With each new weapon we fall behind in the race for peace. Is this not endangering the security and disturbing the tranquillity even of those who see their own security in military superiority? Can the security of some be strengthened by constantly increasing the insecurity of others? Can we reconcile ourselves to the fact that almost $ 1 trillion a year is being spent for armaments while hundreds of millions of people live in poverty and want and thousands of children die of hunger every day?
162.	We have not lost hope that we can arrest the march towards the Slough of Despond, from which there is no return.
163.	We recall that, together with nonaligned and other countries, we have constantly advocated from this rostrum the adoption of measures conducive to the start of a process of genuine disarmament. We are in favour of the adoption of all proposals aimed at the prevention of nuclear war; a freeze of the development, production, stockpiling and deployment of nuclear weapons; the early conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty; and the conclusion of an internationally acceptable agreement giving guarantees to nonnuclear States that nuclear weapons will not be used against them and that they will not be threatened with their use. We also support all actions aimed at halting the arms race in outer space and banning the use of chemical and other weapons of mass destruction. We particularly support the elaboration and adoption as a matter of urgency of a comprehensive programme of general and complete disarmament. We consider the establishment of nuclear weapon free zones to be a way of creating a world free of the heavy burden of nuclear armament.
164.	Use should be made of every opportunity for negotiations and to seek internationally acceptable solutions.
165.	I have already pointed out at the beginning of my statement the gravity and dramatic character of the crisis in international economic relations. This situation is fraught with the danger of great political disruptions and explosions. It seems that we have entered a period in which a new wave of neo-colonialism is affecting a large number of countries. The persistence of the developed countries in their domination is bring!" about an ever deeper economic crisis, as a result which these countries, too, will inevitably suffer great losses and face unforeseeable consequences.
166.	How is it possible to seek solutions acceptable for developing countries in conditions of growing protectionism, reduced commodity prices, huge interest rates, foreign exchange fluctuations and diminished inflow of official development assistance, which hardly exceeds half the agreed target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product?
167.	Is it possible that the alarming plight of the least developed countries cannot arouse solidarity in the international community? Instead of repeating continually that these are the most seriously affected countries, it is high time to take concrete measures aimed at surmounting this critical state of affairs. The exceptionally difficult economic situation in Africa makes this all the more necessary.
168.	The debts of the developing countries are the most alarming reflection of the crisis in economic relations. They threaten seriously the economic development of these countries as well as their political, social and economic stability.
169.	Debts exceeding $800 billion and the burden of debt servicing intensified by high interest rates for which the developing countries will have to pay over $75 billion this year alone are unfortunately also being used as a means of exploitation, pressure and interference in internal affairs and to exhaust the economies of the developing countries.
170.	The practice of shifting the entire debt burden on the shoulders of debtor countries alone is unacceptable. The creditors should also have their share in this burden. Urgent solutions for this world problem must be sought through the broadest possible engagement of the international community. It is indispensable to reach global agreements not only to facilitate the terms of repayment and to reduce interest rates, but first and foremost to ensure an accelerated economic development of debtor countries. We fully support the efforts of the 11 Latin American countries which are seeking and offering ways in which to surmount the debt crisis in their own interests as well as in the broadest interest of stability and development of the international community.
171.	We expect the international monetary and financial institutions, particularly the ones most directly involved in resolving debt problems, to show greater understanding and respect for the real possibilities of developing countries and to abandon the existing practice which is unacceptable and outdated.
172.	The international conference on money and finance for development, whose concept will be presented by the Chairman of the Movement of Non Aligned Countries, will be an avenue for seeking solutions to these problems.
173.	We still firmly believe that lasting and stable solutions to the development problems inevitably call for profound changes in world economic relations aimed at the establishment of the new international economic order through global negotiations.
174.	A way out of the crisis does not lie in confrontation between developed and developing countries. The developed countries are not in favour of this and will not accept it. A way out can be found through dialogue and cooperation which would ensure economic stability and diminish the differences in the levels of development. This is in the interest of the entire international community.
175.	Time has shown once again that there can be no just, lasting and comprehensive solution to any of the foci of crisis without observance of the Charter of the United Nations and of the principles of self-determination, sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, equality, non-interference, withdrawal of foreign troops from occupied territories and full respect for the right of peoples to choose their own social system as well as the path of their internal development and involvement in international relations.
176.	My country has always seen the possibility of achieving solutions based on these principles to such current crisis situations as: the Middle East crisis and the realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization [FLO], its sole and legitimate representative; the final accession to independence by the people of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], its sole and authentic representative; the termination of the war between Iran and lraq; support for the unity and nonaligned status of the Republic of Cyprus; the termination of foreign intervention and interference in Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Grenada, as well as the elimination of the crisis situation and tension in Central America and the Caribbean with the full support of the efforts of the Contadora Group.
177.	Yugoslavia has been actively participating in all the endeavours aimed at restoring the atmosphere of relaxation of tensions and greater understanding in the Mediterranean, a region fraught with many conflicts. With a view to implementing General Assembly resolution 38/189, adopted by consensus on 20 December 1983, the Mediterranean members of the Movement of non-aligned Countries, at their recent ministerial meeting, held at Valletta on 10 and 11 September, have identified their joint position and programme of action aimed at strengthening peace, security and cooperation in the Mediterranean.
178.	In its entire international activity, Yugoslavia has proceeded from the fact that the United Nations is an irreplaceable forum for safeguarding peace, strengthening security and resolving international problems. We oppose any attempt to undermine the positive results achieved by the United Nations in numerous fields and to exclude the world Organization from the solution of the major problems of the present day.
179.	This session of the General Assembly is faced with questions: what are we bringing with us into the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, what have we learned from the experiences gained over the past four decades and what are we expected to do as a result of the great transformations that have taken place in the world and have changed the Organization? Where and how to continue is the question to which an answer should be sought and found precisely on the occasion of this anniversary, and particularly an answer to the question of how to make the United Nations more effective and capable of ensuring respect for and implementation of the principles, norms and decisions that we have adopted and will adopt in the future. This anniversary provides an opportunity for the greatest possible number of heads of State or Government to gather at the United Nations and engage in a useful dialogue on the most important questions related to the functioning of the Organization and to the problems of the present-day world.
180.	In the present dangerous international situation, it is difficult to be an optimist, but nor are we pessimists. We do share a common destiny and a common future. We have to defend what we have in common since we made many sacrifices and have invested much effort and hope. Consequently, we should not forsake our common heritage. Furthermore, we must persevere in our effort to make the world of tomorrow better than today's world. Let us therefore respond in thought and action to the message of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of non-aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March 1983: "The earth belongs to us all—let us cherish it in peace and true brotherhood, based on the dignity and equality of man."


Let me congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Aware of your competence and rich experience in international life, I am convinced that you will guide our deliberations with efficiency. I should like to assure you of my delegation's co-operation as you carry out your responsible task.
66.	I also extend a welcome to Brunei Darussalam, the newest Member of the United Nations.
67.	During the nearly four decades of the existence of the Organization, the world has been faced on several occasions with rising international tensions and with developments contrary to the spirit and letter of the Charter of the United Nations. The sharpening of international tension, the acceleration of the arms race and the increasing attempts from outside to disrupt the internal social and political order of sovereign States have reached dangerous dimensions in our times, and this is a legitimate source of concern for people not only in a particular country or region but throughout the world.
68.	The strategic arms limitation agreements already signed are in jeopardy, and no new agreement has been reached. The start of the deployment in Western Europe of United States medium-range nuclear missiles is one of the gravest developments of the recent past. It increases the feeling of a nuclear threat in Europe and serves not only to stir up more tension in international life but also to augment distrust between countries of the European continent.
69.	In this situation, a positive reaction by the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] to the reasonable proposals of socialist countries, proposals that take into account the rightful security interests of all parties, would be of particular importance. The member States of the Warsaw Treaty Organization seek no military superiority, but cannot allow the historically established military balance to be upset. Therefore, my Government, while expressing concern at the situation created by the deployment of missiles, considers that the countermeasures taken by the Soviet Union were justified. On the other hand, we think that the goal to be sought should be to maintain military parity at the lowest possible level of armaments and armed forces. Progress towards this goal requires the creation of conditions that will make possible the resumption of arms control talks that were broken off as a result of the deployment of missiles in Western Europe.
70.	The Hungarian Government is of the view that the unfavourable processes in international life are not irreversible. In our nuclear age there is no reasonable alternative to the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems. We hold that in the prevailing situation, fraught as it is with danger, there are objective factors that make it indispensable for the dialogue between the countries of the world to be maintained and even widened. This, however, calls for a tangible manifestation of political will, a serious study of proposals seeking to reduce tension, and a substantive response to such proposals.
71.	The paramount significance attached to relations between the two great Powers, the Soviet Union and the United States, has been emphasized by many speakers here in the Assembly. The course of Soviet- American relations is seen by Hungary, too, as a determinant factor of the international situation. I believe that all members of the international community would welcome a genuine turn towards a more realistic and more responsible relationship between the two countries. We are convinced that relations between the Soviet Union and the United States can be normalized only on the basis of respect for the principles of equality and equal security.
72.	My Government believes that the international conditions of today make it even more imperative that everything possible be done to stop the deterioration of the situation. It is therefore regrettable that some quarters are questioning the realities that emerged since the Second World War, thus further straining the already tense political situation. The peoples do not want to give up the benefits of detente and the beneficial atmosphere generated by that period for all of us. Governments should rely on this enormous moral asset in order to reverse the unfavourable processes that promise nothing but danger for the whole world and could lead to a waste of material and intellectual resources, postpone solutions for pressing global problems, worsen the conditions of life for peoples and cause our entire civilization to sink into decay.
73.	In international forums, including the General Assembly, the socialist countries and other States have been exerting considerable efforts towards disarmament. Unfortunately, it has so far not been possible to achieve concrete results and, moreover, the results already achieved are in danger. It is a cause for worry that the international forums destined to elaborate disarmament and arms control accords are doomed to failure by the unwillingness of NATO to reach substantive agreements.
74.	The Hungarian Government holds that efforts should be redoubled despite the failures. The political significance of the disarmament forums is increasing rather than diminishing. The deliberations on disarmament and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, even if they do not produce immediate results, point emphatically to the desire for peace of the peoples and numerous countries of the globe and to their pursuit of a peaceful and secure world in which to live and work.
75.	The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic considers that removing the danger of war, particularly a nuclear war, and curbing the arms race are the most urgent tasks of international politics.
76.	As regards the efforts to avert the danger of a nuclear war, we attach particular importance to the proposal that every nuclear Power should renounce the first use of nuclear weapons. Such a commitment would make a significant contribution to the improvement of the international atmosphere and to the strengthening of trust among States. Inclusion by the nuclear Powers of their unilateral commitments in an instrument of international law would considerably enhance the political weight of that step.
77.	Strengthening the security guarantees for non- nuclear-weapon States is an extremely important task. My Government also believes that the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in Europe and other parts of the world is useful and timely.
78.	The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic continues to attach great importance to the efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We hope that the forthcoming Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons will contribute to the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime. General and complete prohibition of nuclear-weapons tests would equally help to curb the arms race.
79.	The extension of the arms race to outer space is a dangerous development that gravely threatens world peace. We support the efforts to have talks on its complete demilitarization started as early as possible, as well as the inclusion in the agenda of the current session of the question of the exclusively peaceful use of outer space.
80.	While laying special emphasis on nuclear dis-armament, we deem it necessary to speed up the talks on the prohibition of such instruments of mass destruction as chemical, radiological or other weapons and to complete them successfully as soon as possible. Ending the rivalry in conventional weaponry is a similarly important task.
81.	Concerned with the maintenance of peace and the promotion of constructive inter-State relations, the Hungarian Government devotes increased attention to strengthening security and co-operation in Europe and to fostering the spirit of Helsinki. With the approach of the tenth anniversary of the signing of the Helsinki Final Act, my Government remains convinced that the most effective way of defending detente and deepening co-operation in Europe is the full and balanced implementation of the provisions of that document by all the participating States.
82.	The vitality of the process initiated at Helsinki is evidenced by the fact that the Madrid meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe—even under conditions of tension—concluded its work with the adoption of a substantive and balanced document and thereby opened the way to the convening at Stockholm of the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. My Government deems it important that those talks produce results and contribute to the reduction of tension and military confrontation.
83.	A constructive response by the NATO countries to the proposal concerning the elaboration of a treaty on the renunciation of the use of armed force and on the maintenance of peaceful relations would have a positive influence on the development of the all- European process. In their appeal published in Budapest last April, the Warsaw Treaty member States proposed that multilateral consultations on this question be started as early as possible. The Hungarian Government has sent the text of the appeal to all parties concerned and is awaiting their substantive replies.
84.	The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic has been doing its utmost to help unfold the Helsinki process and to promote the full implementation of the principles and recommendations contained in the Final Act. The fact that, in conformity with the decision of the Madrid meeting, the European Cultural Forum will take place at Budapest in 1985 is seen by us as international recognition of our activity in this direction. We are preparing for that Forum in the hope that it will be a further contribution to the development of co-operation in Europe, to a better acquaintance with one another, and that thereby it may be an important step towards the strengthening of confidence.
85.	Hungary has sought to preserve and develop the results of detente through the channels of its bilateral relations as well. It has endeavoured to contribute to the improvement of the international atmosphere and to the practical implementation of the policy of peaceful coexistence by maintaining dialogue as well as by preserving and further developing its relations with States having a social system different from its own. We remain ready to continue a substantive dialogue.
86.	The situation in the Middle East and the Israeli aggression against Arab countries continue to pose a grave threat to the entire world. My Government considers that further international efforts are required for the solution of the problems in that region. It believes that the Middle East situation calls for a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement that would ensure for the Palestinian people the exercise of its legitimate rights, including the right to establish a State of its own, and would create all the conditions and guarantees that are necessary for all States of the region to live in peace and security within internationally recognized borders.
87.	Developments in the past year, particularly the aggression against Grenada and the actions threatening the sovereignty of Cuba and Nicaragua, have introduced more tension in the Caribbean region. My Government is increasingly concerned at such developments in that part of the world and lends its support to the efforts to find a peaceful, negotiated solution for the crisis in Central America.
88.	The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic continues to be in favour of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and of respect for its sovereignty and non-aligned status. It supports the endeavours of the Secretary-General on behalf of a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the question of Cyprus in the spirit of the relevant United Nations resolutions and on the basis of respect for the interests of both ethnic communities.
89.	Unfortunately, South-East Asia is still a source of tension in international politics. We are of the view that the controversial issues of the region should be resolved peacefully by the States directly involved, on the basis of respect for their mutual interests and of the existing realities. The constructive proposals of the Indo-Chinese countries provide an appropriate framework for such efforts. Progress would similarly be enhanced by a general international recognition of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and by a move to ensure its legitimate representation in international organizations, including the United Nations.
90.	The intervention of international reactionary forces in the internal affairs of Afghanistan—the undeclared war against that country—should be ended as soon as possible. The Hungarian Government follows with great attention the activity of the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General and it hopes that the interested States will find a way of reaching a negotiated settlement on the basis of respect for the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
91.	My Government supports the initiatives by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for a peaceful and democratic reunification of the country without external interference.
92.	The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic calls for the elimination of the vestiges of the colonial system wherever they still exist. We believe that concerted international efforts and more resolute action are needed to achieve that goal. The just struggle of the national liberation movements has our support.
93.	My Government attaches great importance to achieving a fuller measure of social justice and a more complete exercise of human rights in the world. Proceeding on the basis of its socialist system of society, Hungary is working to comply fully with the international obligations it has undertaken in this field. We regard the policy of the racist Republic of South Africa as the most striking example of gross and mass violations of human rights. We consider the adoption of the new South African constitution as a manoeuvre designed to perpetuate the system of apartheid. Responsibility for the delay in the settlement of the question of Namibia rests with the South African regime and its supporters.
94.	The Hungarian People's Republic supports the anti-imperialist endeavours of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and is ready to co-operate with it in the realization of its just demands for the establishment of a more peaceful and more democratic world order and for equitable solutions to the problems besetting the developing countries.
95.	The unfavourable trends in the international situation have had their impact on the world economy as well. International economic and technological relations are seriously damaged by the growing tendencies to embargo, increasing protectionism, the difficulties in the international currency and monetary systems and the artificially high interest rates, which affect almost all countries and groups of countries but hit the developing nations hardest.
96.	In the prevailing situation, further delay is being experienced in dealing with the numerous global problems of the world, the settlement of which is possible only if international co-operation improves. The accomplishment of pressing tasks such as food supply for the world's population, protection of mothers and children, reasonable use of raw materials and energy, exploration of new sources of energy, and environmental protection is put off even further. All this may have unpredictable consequences for the future of our globe. The specialized agencies and the other organizations within the United Nations system should have a major role to play in the alleviation of these problems.
97.	At their conference held at the highest level in Moscow last June, the member States of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance advocated more intense work for the restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. They proposed that global negotiations on the most important economic issues be started at an early date within the framework of the United Nations, with the participation of all States.
98.	Hungary, which earns nearly one half of its national income in foreign trade, is also severely tried by the unfavourable trends in international economic and trading conditions. We seek to develop and expand our external economic relations and we are against discrimination and protectionism. My Government maintains that world trade should be conducted on the basis of most-favoured-nation treatment, non-discrimination and fulfilment in good faith of contractual obligations. We are convinced that in the present tense international situation the establishment of such economic relations can have an important stabilizing role to play, thereby exerting a favourable political effect as well.
99.	Last spring we had the opportunity to welcome the Secretary-General in our country and to hold useful talks with him. My Government continues to attach paramount importance to the activities of the United Nations and remains ready to take an active part in the work of the world Organization for the solution of the ever more complex problems facing the globe. It is our conviction that the United Nations must play an effective role in the settlement of international disputes, in the solution of global problems and in the efforts to raise peaceful interstate relations and manifold international co-operation to a higher level. Compliance by all Member States with the obligations they have undertaken under the Charter of the United Nations and other international documents and joint efforts by them to tackle the existing problems would be of decisive importance. If such were to occur, the Secretary- General would be able a year from now—on the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations—to prepare a report on a world that is considerably more peaceful and more secure than it is now.