Mr, President, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you, on behalf of the Ethiopian delegation and on my own behalf, congratulations on your well-deserved election to preside over the forty-second session of the General Assembly. While expressing our confidence that your diplomatic skill and leadership qualities will enable this session to come to a successful conclusion, I should like to assure you of the full co-operation of the Ethiopian delegation as you discharge your heavy responsibilities,
I take this opportunity also to convey our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Choudhury, for his skilful leadership of the last session of the General Assembly,
May I also convey heartfelt gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his indefatigable efforts in managing the affairs of the United Nations during one of the most difficult periods of its history.
In the context of today's tense world situation, an immediate halt to the arms race is imperative if humanity is to be assured of peace and progress in the coming century. Though the call for disarmament antedated the creation of the United Nations and reverberated throughout the earlier decades of this century, it was the onset of the nuclear era that made that call a most pressing and urgent issue on the international agenda.
The belief that nuclear weapons provide security, though still embraced by a few, is rapidly becoming out of harmony with the thinking of the international community and is becoming egregiously anachronistic. Indeed, there is now a consensus that the arms race is not only threatening international security, but undermining global development. My delegation therefore believes that measures must be taken to respond quickly to the deeply felt quest of humanity for peace and disarmament. It is heartening to note in this connection that the Soviet Union and the United States recently agreed in principle to effect real disarmament by eliminating intermediate and short-range nuclear weapons.
Further measures, such as the renunciation of the first use of nuclear weapons and the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty, could surely go a long way in creating mutual confidence among the nuclear Powers and facilitating progress in nuclear disarmament.
At this point I must reiterate Ethiopia's conviction that the Soviet Union deserves the tribute of all peace-loving peoples for the numerous courageous initiatives it has taken to rid the world of nuclear arms. The present opportunity for progress towards genuine disarmament should be taken by all concerned, particularly by those attempting to extend the arms race into outer space.
The risks involved in the militarization of outer space are so grave that the call for the abandonment of such a policy should be given the highest priority. The militarization of outer space should be viewed not only in terms of the security danger that the resulting acceleration of the arms race represents, but also in terms of the further diversion of resources that could otherwise be employed to improve the desperate social and economic conditions of the dispossessed in both the developed and the developing worlds.
In this connection, I welcome the results of the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, which highlighted the direct link between disarmament and development and which, we should like to hope, has set in motion the process of development through disarmament. We have no doubt that the $1 trillion estimated to be the current global military expenditure per year could be better utilized in realizing one of the major purposes of the United Nations - economic and social development.
The deplorable economic and social condition in which much of humanity finds itself should long ago have elicited the genuine concern of those with the means to make a difference. Instead, the grim economic situation characteristic of the developing world as a whole is left to deteriorate even further, to the point that today, in most of those countries, it has reached alarming dimensions.
Although in the final analysis each country has the ultimate responsibility for seeking remedies for its own economic troubles, solutions to externally induced problems require international co-operation and multilateral efforts. This is particularly pertinent to the economic difficulties now confronting developing countries.
The most striking feature of the developing world today is the lack of resources for development, which is the result of the persistent problems of the decline in commodity prices, protectionism and the extremely heavy debt burden shouldered by most. Stagnation in official development assistance has also compounded the problem. In fact, as is widely recognized, several developing countries have become net exporters of financial resources to the developed world.
In the circumstances, the developed world, I submit, has a political and moral responsibility to help developing countries overcome economic predicaments the major causes of which lie beyond their control. The demand that the developing countries need first to put their house in order is obviously not the correct prescription for a malady whose primary source is the external economic environment. Protectionist measures that deny access to markets for products of the developing countries, the sharply falling prices of commodities and the debt problem require multilateral solutions.
Regrettably, however, the North-South dialogue within the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and elsewhere that has been going on for many years has proved to be far from satisfactory and, indeed, the dialogue at the recently concluded seventh conference of UNCTAD has once again demonstrated that many countries of the North have yet to show the political will to accept multilateral solutions to the multifaceted problems hindering economic recovery and growth in the South.
In this respect, developing countries, while on the one hand making every effort to remind the developed world of its responsibility and self-interest in global development and in the establishment of the new international economic order, need on the other hand to establish and strengthen South-South co-operation on the basis of collective self-reliance· We believe this fact was underlined and the process of co-operation was further advanced by the Ministerial Conference of Non-Aligned Countries on South-South Co-operation, held in Pyongyang last June-
The adverse effects of the global economic environment have been especially severe on the economies of the least developed countries. For Africa, where 27 of the 37 least developed countries are found, the international trading and financial environment has become a major impediment to recovery and to the rehabilitation of the agricultural and other economic sectors, hard hit by the recent catastrophic drought. It is to be recalled that at the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the critical economic crisis in Africa, the international community expressed sympathy for Africa's economic plight and pledged assistance to complement the continent's developmental efforts by adopting the
United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 (resolution S-13/2). Although African countries have since done their level best to implement economic policies falling broadly within the framework of the priority programme adopted by their leaders in July 1985 and the United Nations Programme of Action, the response of the international community towards helping these efforts has proved disappointing.
The sharp decline in export earnings suffered by African countries in 1986, which is continuing in 1987, is hardly conducive to recovery. Far from enjoying effective support for their efforts to revive their economies, African countries have in fact been drained of resources. The external indebtedness of Africa is now estimated to be $200 billion and, when compared with the continent's total gross domestic product and its total export earnings, represents an unbearable burden. Indeed, the debt-servicing commitments of Africa have eaten up resources that could otherwise have been used for agricultural rehabilitation and for effective implementation of the Priority Programme. Furthermore, the situation has been aggravated by the fall in real terms in official development assistance. It is no wonder the present predicament of African countries has been aptly described as one characterized by financial drought and famine.
African countries are under no illusion that the search for remedies for their economic woes should be left to others. They are indeed determined to bear the burden required to pull themselves out of the excruciating economic crisis that has stifled recovery for so long. However, since some of the major obstacles to recovery are the results of external factors, international co-operation and assistance are indispensable. The international community is therefore called upon to respond favourably to Africa's need for increased financial assistance and to its desire to convene an international conference on Africa's external indebtedness.
In any discussion of African problems, one cannot fail to refer to the explosive situation in southern Africa, for the diffusion of which the international community in general and the United Nations in particular bear a special responsibility. Today there are few more serious threats to international peace and security, and few greater challenges to the principles upon which this Organization is based and, indeed, no more blatant violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms than that represented by the racist Pretoria regime and the apartheid system it so single-mindedly promotes.
The unlawful occupation and continued suppression of the aspirations of the Namibian people by Pretoria in total defiance of the international community continues with impunity. The United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), has been rendered a dead letter, not because it is an unrealistic plan, but because of the intransigence of Pretoria, which is reinforced by support from a few Governments in the West. Any and all attempts to link the independence of Namibia to other unrelated issues is only a subterfuge for postponing the liberation of the Namibian people, and my delegation feels that the United Nations should not allow itself to be defined by Pretoria indefinitely. Resort should therefore be had without delay to enforcement measures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, in order to bring the racist regime onto the path of international legality and morality. The imposition of comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions is the only peaceful course of action that could expedite the independence of Namibia. Failing this, the suffering people of Namibia would have no alternative but to intensify the legitimate armed struggle under their sole and authentic representative, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO).
Within South Africa itself, the racist regime has continued to deny the black majority of its fundamental human rights and to practice its abhorrent system of apartheid. The world-wide call for comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions against Pretoria is awaiting the response of some Western Governments which still embrace racist Pretoria as an ally and even consider it the last bastion on the African continent of the so-called Western civilization. We should be honest enough to say before this august Assembly, and without fear of contradiction, that the litmus test for one's commitment to human rights is one's attitude towards apartheid. Verbal condemnation of apartheid, which in practice impedes the application of measures to combat this crime against humanity, cannot hoodwink world public opinion and must be abandoned.
Ethiopia, true to its commitment to the total liberation of Africa, joins the call for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against Pretoria and expresses its solidarity with the African National Congress and with all patriotic forces engaged in a heroic struggle against the racist regime to regain their freedom and human dignity.
It is a widely acknowledged fact that the regime in South Africa has also continued with impunity its destabilization of, and aggression against, the front-line States. The wanton destruction of property and other economic and social infrastructure, as well as the indiscriminate massacre of civilians, including the young and the aged, are daily occurrences throughout southern Africa. Through direct military incursions into neighbouring countries and through the arming and financing of bandits, Pretoria is still attempting to stifle the struggle for liberation and to suppress even political and moral support for those who are fighting for their fundamental freedoms and national independence.
In the circumstances, the international community is duty-bound to assist the front-line States to resist Pretoria's aggression and to enable them to overcome their vulnerability to South Africa's economic pressure. In this respect, the establishment by the Movement of the Non-Aligned Countries of the Africa Fund is an example that needs to be emulated. Even with its limited capacity, Ethiopia will not fail to extend support to and stand in solidarity with the front-line States.
In addition to the situation in southern Africa, there are numerous other hotbeds of tension that threaten international peace and security. The war between Iran and Iraq, for instance, and the accompanying foreign Intervention in the region could easily escalate into a situation with unforeseen consequences to world peace. As has often been stated, this is a war that should never have been started and should never be allowed to continue. The search to find a just and durable solution must, therefore, continue and must be based on the well-known principles and norms of inter-State relations, taking into account the legitimate interests of both parties to the conflict.
As a country not far away from the region, Ethiopia is seriously concerned at the increased presence of foreign forces in the Persian Gulf, The Gulf is, in our opinion, a natural extension of the Indian Ocean, which the international community has declared a zone of peace. The early convening of the repeatedly postponed international conference on the Indian Ocean could, therefore, go a long way in contributing to the climate of peace and security, not only In the region of the Indian Ocean, but more particularly around the Persian Gulf. As a hinterland state of the Indian Ocean, Ethiopia attaches great importance to the speedy realization of the objectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace and will continue to strive for the early convening of the conference at Colombo. In the mean time, we call on all those concerned not to aggravate the situation in the region through military and naval build-up and so-called military exercises.
As regards the situation in the Middle East, Ethiopia once again insists that the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination is an issue that should be addressed in any peace formula designed to bring about genuine peace to the region, A lasting peace can only be established when the national tights to the Palestinian people are restored and when the rights of all States of the region to live in peace within recognized boundaries are respected. My delegation also believes that progress towards peace in the region requires the holding of an international peace conference with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization.
The United Nations has been seized of the questions of Cyprus, Korea, Lebanon, Western Sahara and the situations in south-west and South-East Asia for quite some time. While my Government's views on all these issues are well known, I wish to state that recent developments for peace and national reconciliation in Afghanistan and Kampuchea must be supported and encouraged by the international community. Efforts to restore the unity and territorial integrity of both Cyprus and Lebanon and to advance the process of the peaceful reunification of the Korean people must be intensified. The Ethiopian delegation believes that the recent proposals presented by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea could serve as a constructive basis for accelerating the process of peaceful reunification of the Korean people. As regards the question of Western Sahara, we maintain that implementation of the latest decisions of the Organization of African Unity (OAÜ) and of the General Assembly of the United Nations is more urgent now than ever.
When we turn our attention to the situation in Central America, we note with indignation that, in clear contravention of the fundamental principles of respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States, the United States has, during the last nine years, subjected Nicaragua to all sorts of pressure, intimidation and even overt acts of aggression. The intervention in the internal affairs of Nicaragua directly and through the use of counter-revolutionary bandits masquerading as "freedom fighters", is of course a folly beyond our comprehension. If big States, relying on their military might, are allowed to arrogate to themselves the right to decide on the future of other nations, the world would surely be plunged into anarchy. In this day and age we cannot and must not allow the resurgence of imperialism as the dominant factor in world politics. On the contrary, we must uphold international legality and, in this case, we must all echo the call for full and immediate compliance with the Judgment of the International Court of Justice of 27 June 1986.
While expressing solidarity with the Nicaraguan people and Government, Ethiopia wishes to commend the efforts of the Contadora and Support Groups, as well as the recent efforts of the countries of Central America collectively to shoulder the responsibility for bringing about peace in their region.
It will be recalled that at its forty-first session the General Assembly, responding to a widely felt need for introducing reforms to improve the administrative and financial functioning of the United Nations, adopted resolution 41/213. Although no one with genuine concern for the health of the Organization could belittle the importance of the reforms adopted, we cannot hide our disappointment at the fact that some were tempted to use the reform exercise to attack multilateralism in general and to undermine the authority of the General Assembly in particular.
Furthermore, we should like to state quite openly and with candour that the avowal by the United States of its commitment to reform of the administrative and financial functioning of the Organization while it refuses to pay its assessed contributions to the regular budget of the United Nations cannot but sound hollow. We are, at any rate, gratified to note that, despite the immense political pressure and financial difficulties it has faced in the past few years, the world body is still striving to overcome its difficulties and fulfil the purposes entrusted to it.
Before I conclude my statement, I beg the indulgence of the Assembly to say a few words about the proclamation of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia in September this year - a historic development which we believe will further enhance Ethiopia's international standing and promote regional peace.
The Provisional Military Administrative Council, despite all the efforts to besmirch its image, belittle its achievements and even question its revolutionary and patriotic essence, has today vindicated itself by fulfilling its original promise to hand over power to a genuinely representative Government that responds to the aspirations of the Ethiopian people to equality, social justice and progress.
The past 13 years in Ethiopia's history have been years of fundamental changes which not only freed the Ethiopian people from centuries of bondage and servitude but also registered encouraging achievements in the various fields of national endeavour, thus setting the stage for the establishment of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.
The Constitution of the new Republic, which is the supreme law of the land, has been drafted by experts from all relevant disciplines and is firmly based on the historical, cultural, political and economic conditions of the country. The draft of the Constitution was discussed, enriched and amended by the people nation-wide and came into force only after it was endorsed by the overwhelming majority of the Ethiopian people in a national referendum. The National Assembly - or National Shengo - composed of well over 800 deputies, was also formed through a process of democratic elections and in today's Ethiopia constitutes the highest organ of State power.
The first session of the National Shengo, concluded only recently, has issued important proclamations among which figure the historic changes made in the regional administrative structure of the country and in the devolution of power to the regions so as to guarantee the equality of nationalities and facilitate their speedy development. The country is now reorganized into five autonomous and 24 administrative regions. This structure, we believe, will ensure the free exercise by our people of their political, economic and cultural rights, while at the same time safeguarding and consolidating the historical unity of the motherland.
Though the establishment of the Republic represents a milestone in our history and has laid a solid foundation for overall development, we are well aware of the fact that long years of hard work and sacrifice are yet required for accelerated social and economic progress. Like other developing countries, Ethiopia suffers from the prevailing unjust international economic system and is still a victim of natural calamities. More particularly, it is now once again exposed to the challenges of the drought which has resulted from the small amount and uneven distribution of precipitation during the main rainy season this year.
As a result we are expecting next year a drastic shortfall in food production in the affected regions. Regrettably, some Governments are already attempting to use our predicaments to promote their own ideology and policy prescriptions by attributing this shortfall to the agricultural policies we have chosen for ourselves. The zealous effort of some, particularly officials of the United States Administration, to promote this point of view is such that this appears to be tantamount, to linking natural calamities, from which they themselves are not immune, to the policies we have chosen to pursue. Undeterred by the self-serving pronouncements and actions of others, we will, however, continue to give special emphasis and priority attention to agricultural development and food production.
While the current drought will undoubtedly impede our determined efforts to rehabilitate and develop the agricultural sector of our economy, we have no doubt that with the effective mobilization of our own limited resources and the assistance of the international community we shall be able to overcome this temporary setback so that the aspirations of our people to a better and brighter tomorrow may be realized.
As regards the foreign policy of the People's Democratic Republic, chapter 5 of the new Constitution sets out the basic guidelines. According to article 29: "The People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia shall strive for co-operation among peoples, mutual development and the strengthening of good-neighbourly relations with adjoining States on the basis of respect for the inviolability of the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, non-interference in their internal affairs, the peaceful resolution of conflicts and, in general, the principles of non-alignment."
On the basis of mutual acceptance of these principles, we are ready to forge and strengthen relations with all countries, particularly those which are in our region and with which we have had difficult relations.
We do not interfere in the internal affairs of others and we expect others to act similarly. We respect the national unity and territorial integrity of other States, and we expect others to respect ours. The establishment of the Republic, with its new regional structures, and the peace process that we have initiated have created, we believe, the necessary favourable atmosphere and conditions for the countries of the region to address the substantive issues that divide them and to establish a long-lasting peace on the basis of mutual respect for the principles and norms of international law and good-neighbourly relations.
Finally, I should like to reiterate our conviction that in the present interdependent world there is no substitute for multilateralism as the best mechanism for solving the various complex international problems confronting humanity. Indeed, we should all be seriously concerned at the various manifestations of hostility to these principles evident in recent years, and as a result must exert every effort to combat such manifestations. We must above all support and strengthen the United Nations as the universal embodiment of multilateralism.
The People's Democratic Republic, whose Constitution explicitly prescribes for Ethiopia active participation in international and regional organizations, affirms its full support for the United Nations and a strong commitment to its Charter principles.


Year after year we come to the Assembly concerned about the direction of international events, which, with disheartening persistence, weaken our hopes of laying the foundations of lasting peace in this century.
It is not only a matter of our going through a period of crisis. In fact, the world, particularly in modern times, has been in permanent crisis. What makes today special in historical terms is the speed with which changes occur, their scope and mankind's manifest inability to manage them. It would seem that during these last few years, more than at any other time in history, ideas have been lagging behind events. That should not surprise us. The world has evolved so rapidly that we have had to give up our notion of life as order to think of it in terms of movement. May it not be that during recent years man's creative energy has developed mainly in the scientific and technological fields, leaving behind roan as a forger of ideas and institutions needed to bring order and leadership to the technological world that he has created? Today, more than ever, ideas are needed; ideas for regaining our mastery over a dynamic world that is going out of control and threatening to make us its prisoners.
Faced with the gulf between facts and ideas, with the persistence of factors that work against peace and security, and with the international community's inability to put an end to them, or at least to mitigate their effects, we believe the time has come to pause, so that we may all proceed on the one hand to examine the extent to which the international system set up after the Second World War adequately responds to the problems of the world of today, and, on the other, seriously to analyse our own individual attitudes, which, based solely on the satisfaction of special interests, threaten the most elementary forms of the international co-operation which we have so laboriously and hopefully built up over four post-war decades.
Uruguay has already stated in other forums that the poor performance of the international system, both in political and economic terms, is due largely to a turning away from the fundamental principles on which the post-war international order was built - international solidarity and multilateralism. By pointing here to the crisis involving these principles, we are not simply referring nostalgically to ethical and political values of the past. We are pointing out the validity of two pillars of international relations, which we cannot put aside in the interest of pragmatism or so-called realism. If we wish to build a more equitable world, we must keep in step with the realities, but not at the price of undermining the climate of understanding and dialogue which we have created during these last 40 years.
That is why it is necessary to view international problems in a global context- A world of peace and justice can be based only on the conviction that there are no national interests that are not of concern to the international community that what a country does or fails to do will have, in varying degree, repercussions on the international environment; that, if I may paraphrase, nothing that involves any State can be unimportant to the international community.
Precisely because interdependence is today a fact which no country can avoid, we ask of the multilateral system an open and co-operative attitude so that the approach to and discussion of problems shall not be limited to partial, short-sighted views.
Last year, on an occasion similar to this, when Uruguay reiterated its support for the United Nations, we stated our belief in the need for an in-depth, unprejudiced and comprehensive analysis of the instruments available to the international community to achieve its common objectives in order to determine their adequacy in present circumstances and the measures needed to correct their failings and limitations. We still believe that such an analysis is necessary and that we must not delay it, going beyond the recent studies and proposals on restructuring.
This exercise must be carried out within the ethical and legal framework of the principles of the San Francisco Charter, and the United Nations must continue to be the main channel for international co-operation and solving political disputes. Our confidence in the Organization as an instrument of peace was recently strengthened when it was resorted to in an attempt to put an end to the tragic conflict between Iran and Iraq, which has gone on for years.
Uruguay is grateful for the spirit of compromise and the will to co-operate shown by the permanent members of the Security Council on this occasion, as well as for the Secretary-General's bold efforts. We trust that the Organization's intervention and the aggressive diplomatic action by the Secretary-General will be instrumental in restoring peace to that troubled region.
Despite what I have said so far, there are encouraging signs that we must not ignore, signs that make us think that the world is today better prepared than ever to adopt this comprehensive and long-term view, which the solution of our common problems demands. That is what happens when we observe the democratisation process of the last 15 years, which, despite accidental set-backs and collapses, has continued to move forward and has become consolidated in all the regions of the world.
Moves towards democratisation, begun in the 1970s when there were important political changes in countries of southern Europe, later spread to all regions of the world and were substantially furthered by the recent democratic recovery of almost all the countries of Latin America. This process is, in the judgement of the Government of Uruguay, a decisive factor in the pursuit of peace and security. Democracy, understood as the political system which is based on free and periodic election of its authorities, is the system which by its very essence ensures respect for human rights, the political independence of States and the ethical and legal principles which must govern international relations. There is a close undeniable relationship between peace and the effective exercise of democracy. History teaches us that the most serious disputes and wars of the past were almost always caused by authoritarian, expansionist and colonialist regimes. This is illustrated at the present time by the persistence of the Government of South Africa in continuing its intolerable policy of apartheid and the illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia, which is a clear threat to peace and an infringement of human rights, against which the formal repudiation of the international community seems not to be a sufficient reply.
On the other hand, the democracies are experiencing a natural rapprochement leading to solidarity and co-operation. What is happening at present in the Latin American regional environment is an example of how democratic Governments can coexist in peace and work for peace. For some time now, these Governments have decided to co-ordinate their efforts to find a solution to the great problems that afflict the hemisphere, initiating a process of active, direct and responsible diplomacy hitherto unprecedented in Latin America. In this search they have established informal procedures for consultation, co-ordination and negotiation in diverse areas including, inter alia, the peaceful settlement of regional conflicts, economic integration and policy co-ordination in areas such as external debt and financial and trade questions.
The forthcoming meeting of eight presidents of the region will be a significant step towards Latin American solidarity and towards the political presence of the region in the world. The Contadora Group and the Support Group, of which Uruguay is a member, continue to be, despite the enormous difficulties they have had to face, a vigorous expression of solidarity in the hemisphere. The Contadora Group has had a decisive Influence on the search for a formula for a satisfactory political solution to the already long and painful drama of Central America. The end of this drama is up to the protagonists themselves, but it is undeniable that Contadora and Its Support Group have played an essential role in bringing the parties together and in dissuading them from finding any but a political or diplomatic solution to the problem.
We hope that we are witnessing the last act of this drama and that its outcome will be a solution based on the principles of non-intervention, the free choice of peoples and genuine democratisation and pluralism. On this occasion I wish to pay a tribute to President Arias of Costa Rica, whose efforts towards the restoration of peace in Central America deserve the gratitude of all of Latin America. The recent Esquipulas II agreements, which have been mentioned today, are a bold, responsible and dispassionate step taken by the Central American countries themselves. They deserve our full support and call for solidarity and non-Interference on the part of all countries, especially those which have direct or indirect interests in the region. Let us, then, with our political solidarity and our co-operation, help the Central American peoples themselves to achieve a just and lasting peace in the region.
The Latin American democracies are thus United in their search for peace in the region and the welfare of their peoples, but enormous efforts are necessary if democracy is to be maintained in the developing countries. By its very nature it is a vulnerable system and its vulnerability increases in an economic and political environment which is not propitious for it, especially the international environment which conditions and influences our destinies to such a degree. On the one hand, the democracies are threatened by a set of economic factors which seriously endanger their survival. This fact was stated by the President of our country. President Sanguinetti, in this Assembly in 1985 in these words:
"A genuine democracy ... can be preserved only within an economic context that allows its citizens to provide for their basic material and spiritual needs. ... when this condition is not fulfilled and poverty and unemployment prevail, violence emerges and is unleashed, the powers of disorder take advantage of the fertile soil, the fabric of society disintegrates and, in the international sphere, political loyalties become erratic." (A/40/PV.6, p. 12) Just as development without democracy inevitably leads to authoritarianism and totalitarianism, sacrificing freedom and human rights, democracy without economic development ends up being an empty form, which inexorably leads to political and social instability.
Much time has passed since the idea that political and social peace were not possible in an economically divided world became part of the basic tenets of international reality; none the less economic contrasts and contradictions have only increased and deepened. It is not germane at present to attribute responsibilities or identify those at fault; fortunately, awareness of our interdependence has developed sufficiently to make us understand that, just as we have all been Involved in the genesis of the present situation, we must all suffer  its consequences if no satisfactory solution is found. It is paradoxical that despite the fact that we are fully aware of our responsibilities we have not taken the necessary action to reverse the trends that are leading us to a dead end. Current economic indicators regarding trade, production, consumption, investment and financing do not allow for optimistic forecasts) the pace of world economic activity has lessened and in most of the developing countries the recessive trends that have characterized the development of their economies in the last few years still prevail.
When trying to face these problems the developing countries are at a great disadvantage and we stressed this in the recent meeting of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Several factors have contributed to the worsening of their situation: in the first place, the renewal of protectionist pressures by industrialized countries. Those countries have kept up costly programmes of domestic support to certain productive sectors, thus limiting international competition. Perhaps more serious yet has been the use of export incentives and subsidies, which are incompatible with the standards governing international trade and which affect how world markets work by artificially distorting supply, which, in turn, has served to depress even more the price levels of products of special concern to the developing countries.
On the other hand, prices of the main export commodities of developing countries have steadily declined, with some recent exceptions, but these exceptions seem to be linked rather to crises in exchange parities than to a true recovery in price levels.
To this we must add the external debt problem. Although there has been progress in acknowledging joint responsibility in the origins and solution of the debt problem, as well as in acknowledging that the subject must be faced within a positive context of growth and adjustment policies, the international economic situation has made the tremendous adjustments carried out by the debtor countries insufficient. For the vast majority of our countries it is impossible simultaneously to grow, Invest and service their external debt. The massive transfer of financial resources abroad has continued, reaching unbearable dimensions for our economies.
As was stated by our Presidents in the letter addressed recently by the Cartagena Consensus to the Venice Summit, "We consider it essential to insist that the external debt problem binds us all  due not only to its causes but also to its consequences." In the face of this dramatic situation, all that has been said and done so far is obviously not enough. It is not enough to acknowledge responsibilities and show understanding; nor are the partial measures which the most developed countries have adopted either individually or collectively enough. Efforts to understand the economic problems which afflict the developing countries today and the search for solutions must be but the starting-point from which the members of the international community should initiate effective co-operative action and support the transformation of developing countries.
It is from this starting-point that, within the framework of serious and responsible international co-operation, we must undertake the necessary structural adjustments in both the developed and the developing countries, whatever may be their political and economic organization and whatever the relationships that link the members of each group together and to other groups.
Indeed, the world cannot be based on principles of justice and equal opportunities in the economic field without adjustments in all economies, not just those of the developing countries.
What is particularly needed is a decisive change of attitude on the part of the most developed countries, especially regarding trade. They must allow the developing countries to cease to be the depositories where the developed countries dump their subsidized excess production and the suppliers of raw materials paid for at unfairly low prices to finance the welfare of other peoples. The developing countries wish to have access to the markets of the developed countries and to obtain fair prices for their products so that they may be able to repay their debts and devote new credits to investment rather than to financing high interest rates.
In making these statements our attitude is responsible and constructive: first, because the great adjustment required during the past few years, the worst since the great depression, was at the expense of the standards of living of the developing countries alone; and, secondly, because we have long abandoned the simplistic attitudes that cast the blame for all that happened in the developing countries on external forces or relationships.
We, too, the third-world countries, must make a great adjustment effort which will allow us to play the role we should play in the world economy. In this context, we continue to believe that, in addition to the adoption of serious and responsible policies outside our own economies, all possibilities of South-South co-operation should be explored and used. We are convinced that there is still much to be done along these lines and that we, the developing countries, must establish the direction of this co-operation and the ways in which it must take place. In this context, we welcome and have great hopes of the recently established South-South Commission under the chairmanship of the illustrious African Statesman, President Nyerere.
Not everything is dark in this field either. It would be unfair not to mention some of the facts which allow us to nurture modest hopes regarding future developments in economic matters.
First, I must mention the new round of negotiations started in Uruguay last year within the framework of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Fulfilling the resolutions of the Punta del Este meeting, several working groups have been established and plans for negotiations have been approved. The parties are acting with a fitting sense of urgency and responsibility, and this justifies out optimism regarding the results to be obtained. The Uruguay round continues to deserve the full support of all its participants. Furthermore, it was comforting to note that at the recent Venice summit conference the Heads of State of the seven Western industrialized countries supported the objectives of trade liberalization and the strengthening of the multilateral trade system through the Uruguay round, and undertook to submit concrete negotiation proposals in the near future.

To this we must add the results of the last United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which the Government of Uruguay considers to be very satisfactory. It is fitting to stress the fact that for the first time a text incorporating within a multilateral framework a series of important conceptual advances regarding external debt, basic commodities and international trade was accepted by consensus. UNCTAD was undoubtedly strengthened by this session, in which its role as a significant forum for the international debate on the development question was reaffirmed.
The need to adopt more imaginative viewpoints and concepts of renewal is urgent and essential when dealing seriously with the economic problems which afflict us, and the same need exists in the political sphere.
Here, too, the scene is one of light and shade. This year we began our tasks in this area encouraged by several events which we interpret as clear signs that we are on the path towards the solution of some serious problems. We have already mentioned the efforts made by our Central American brothers to put an end to the tragedy that afflicts them, as well as the Organization's efforts in the Iran-Iraq dispute.
The recent constructive dialogue between the leaders of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic was a contribution to peace and the relaxation of tension in the world. Some disputes continue against all logic, however. One such is that which has afflicted the Middle East for years and already taken an enormous toll in lives and resources, without changing the obstinate stance of the Governments involved, which are determined not to acknowledge the rights of other States and peoples. We restate our conviction that a lasting peace in the region must be based on acknowledgement of the right of Israel to continue to exist as a State, with stable and secure borders, and the right of the Palestinian people freely to decide their destiny according to the resolutions of the world Organization.
Many situations which affect peace and security have been created through the influence of external factors which distort the will of peoples. Anything that tends to twist, misrepresent or suppress that will is a violation of the political independence of States, the free choice of peoples and democracy, and should therefore be condemned. That is why our country reiterates its deep concern at the continuance of situations such as those in Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Cyprus and of the intolerable forms of oppression practised in South Africa and Namibia. Similarly, the continuance of artificial political divisions, as in the case of the Korean people, does not contribute to peace.
These and other international situations feed the feeling of insecurity and serve as an excuse for large and small countries alike to persist in the absurd arms race, weakening the economies of many of them, to the benefit of the producer and middleman elite.
In no other sector is the chasm between technological creativity and political and institutional creativity so deep as in that of war industries. The degree of diversity, sophistication and power achieved by the weapons defies the imagination, while the production of and trade in these weapons continues to increase. Meanwhile, during the past few years disarmament and arms-control initiatives have made no significant progress. Having saturated the planet with enough arms to devastate it several times over, the aim is now to place those weapons in outer space, adding terror to terror and making more acute the collective feeling of impotence.
Recently, the great Powers have multiplied their efforts to achieve at least partial results in the negotiations on disarmament and arms control. Last weekend we read with relief and joy that the Governments of the United States and the Soviet Union were on the verge of reaching an agreement on the control of shorthand medium-range missiles. What was said this morning by the President of the United States is certainly encouraging and casts a ray of light in this long tunnel of frustration and failure. The super-Powers, on whose will the continuance of the world as a habitable place depends, must know that the attention and hopes of the entire international community are set on these initiatives and negotiations, and that they are morally and legally bound to intensify the efforts already begun before it is too late. They bear the major responsibility for rescuing the world from the obsession with arms, which has, unfortunately, contaminated the developing countries as well. It is especially in this area that the creativity and good faith of States can play their part.
We are not completely satisfied with the results of the Conference on disarmament and development. None the less, it cannot be denied that recognition by almost all the international community of the link between the two is, with the other conclusions, a promising starting-point for future action.
A third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament could be an opportunity to revitalize old ideas, propose new ones and adopt procedures to implement them. But such a special session must be called only when we are sure that positive and substantial results will be achieved. We must not let such an opportunity become a mere rhetorical exercise.
So long as initiatives regarding general and complete disarmament are not crystallizing, proposals to relieve specific geographic areas from the dangers arising from the use of force have a fundamental role to play in the maintenance of peace and security. Last year, Uruguay supported Brazil's initiative, which resulted in a General Assembly resolution declaring the South Atlantic a zone of peace and co-operation. There is no need to stress how important the South Atlantic region is to Uruguay, not only from a political and strategic point of view but also from an economic and environmental point of view. In Uruguay's judgement, that resolution is only a first step on the basis of which we must draw up a legal statute for the South Atlantic which, taking account in particular of the concerns of the coastal countries, would not only ensure the avoidance of non-peaceful activities in the region or of having it used as a pretext for confrontation and rivalry, but also become an encouraging basis for the development of new manifestations of solidarity and co-operation.
But the effective establishment of a zone of peace in the South Atlantic will not be possible while the problem of the Malvinas Islands remains unresolved. Once more, as on previous occasions, Uruguay urges the parties to this dispute to intensify their efforts to resume negotiations to put an end to a situation whose persistence affects the whole of Latin America, and whose final solution must restore the islands to Argentina, which holds legitimate sovereignty over them.
Last year, in the same Latin American spirit, we received in our country the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Chile and Bolivia, determined to seek a fair and final solution to the question of Bolivia's outlet to the sea. We sincerely deplore the suspension of those discussions and, in a fraternal spirit, we urge our Chilean and Bolivian brothers to persist in their dialogue, for which purpose we shall always welcome them in our country. We are convinced that dialogue is the only way to put an end to a dispute which, in the interest of all, ought to be resolved.
It is our lot to live in a complex and challenging, but none the less fascinating, world.  While dangers and threats thus far unknown to mankind appear ahead of us as a result of intolerance of all kinds and the arms race, the future also offers mankind the hitherto unimagined benefits of modern technological civilization.
The task with which this Organization was charged by its Charter, 42 years ago, was to manage this world according to principles of equity and justice. To realize that lofty purpose we must all decide with sincere political will to face up to the great points of ambivalence of our world, which are the most disappointing features of our time: At a time when our civilization makes it possible for a minority to attain an unprecedented standard of living, hunger and poverty persist and are increasing for the vast majority.
At a time when we are approaching a half century of efforts to achieve international dialogue, we are incapable of overcoming in a spirit of mutual tolerance the violence of fundamentalism in all its forms - racial, religious and national - and of insane and bloody terrorism. At a time when we are adopting charters, treaties and declarations on respect for human rights, flagrant violations of those very rights persist in every corner of the planet, reflecting shamefully on the most precious ethical and political principles of our civilization.
At a time when we recognize economic interdependence to be as inescapable as
It is mutually beneficial, we are Incapable of facing together the great imbalance and injustices of international economic relations, and undertaking the adjustment which have so far been focused mainly on the developing countries.
At a time when we are advancing along the path of technological progress as brilliant as it is unbridled, we are attacking the environment, thus compromising future life on the planet, as reported so accurately by the World Commission on Environment and Development in its study entitled "Our Common Future", which is to be considered at this very Assembly session.
At a time when enormous resources are required for the great structural transformation of the developing countries, we continue to spend on weapons in a single year the total value of all third-world external debt.
Those are only some of the great points of ambivalence which trouble and challenge mankind. To face them, a commitment to the values of a democratic, pluralist, tolerant society is necessary on the domestic scene, and a commitment to a society based on the principles of dialogue, fairness and co-operation is required on the international scene.
Those are the principles by which my Government stands, along with all of Uruguayan society. In 1985 Uruguay recovered its traditional democratic life and made fully effective the operation of its republican institutions, along with all human, civil and political rights, thus achieving national reconciliation and initiating the dynamic activity necessary to bring about the economic and social progress of our .people. As a part of Latin America, Uruguay feels deep solidarity with all countries of the region. We reiterate our integrationist vocation, particularly via-a-vis our neighbours, with which we shall continue to build bridges of political and economic co-operation which, along with strengthening our national identity  further the purposes of democratic consolidation and progress in the entire sub-region.
On the international scene, Uruguay, which has always been true to its traditions of respect for and commitment to international law, will continue to do everything in its power to strengthen international dialogue and foster the fulfilment of the principles of the Charter of which it is a signatory. That is the message of my Government and of all of Uruguayan society.
That is our position as we come to this Assembly session. We are certain, Mr. President, that as they were under your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, the results of this session, under your wise and inspired guidance, will make a significant contribution to international harmony.


I come before this General Assembly for the third time to complete a story which I began to tell just one year ago.
I come before you today because in my country, as in many countries around the world, the promise of freedom is held sacred.
I come before you today because just two days ago the people of Suriname made their voices heard/ they express а desire for а new life and a new beginning. I come before you today to tell you that the people of Suriname have just written their own Constitution, I come before you today because the seeds of revolutionary change planted in 1980 are bearing fruit and nourishing the lives of the people of Suriname· The people of Suriname are on the eve of choosing their representatives through free and fair elections, on the basis of their Constitution.
Our history since 1980 has been one of turbulence  of endeavouring to chart a course consistent with the wants and needs of our people· We are a country with a past similar to that of many of you. Suriname was a colony/ ruled by a distant Government which viewed our people and our natural wealth as their rightful property. The very diverse cultures which comprise our society were exploited, and the tensions between them deliberately and maliciously cultivated to prevent the development of a unified nation. This delayed our independence and, when self-determination was realized, remnants of our past continued to hinder our growth.
In 1980 steps were taken finally to erase the stains of our colonial subservience. We could no longer sit idle while the fabric of Surinamese society was disintegrating and decaying. So some of us acted, not without provocation, and certainly not for purposes of personal grandeur. Our cause was the sanctity of Suriname, our goal was the betterment and prosperity of its people. At that time, in 1980, the military pledged to return control to a civilian government. We stated then that such a transition would take place when the social, economic, political and educational sectors of society had been reformed to accommodate a new Suriname, one which was capable of addressing the needs of all its citizens, rich and poor, Creole, Amerindian, European, Asian and African.
As I have stated before in this Assembly, the process of nation-building in a country with a colonial past and a multi-ethnic population is a sensitive and difficult task. However, today I will offer no excuses, nor will I speak of obstacles still impeding our progress. For today it is my honour to reaffirm our pledge of seven years ago and introduce to the world a free and democratic Republic of Suriname.
Two days ago, in the presence of international observers, our Constitution was approved. It is a document which was carved from the accumulated history, experiences and knowledge of our people. Several years ago a civil dialogue was begun which tapped the enormous resources of our community. It called upon representatives from a wide variety of political, social and economic interests. The energy we tapped from that body, and our thirst for a true democratic society, were transformed into a National Assembly, adding to the discussion formality and legitimacy. This was not merely a gesture of goodwill on the part of the Government; the creation of that body was an act necessitated by the maturation of Suriname’s body-politic; it was an act of love for the land which is Suriname and an act of faith in the hopes and abilities of its people.
The National Assembly set out to draft a document which would form the foundation for a free and open Suriname. The document, which has been ratified by the people, finds its strength and validity in the widest range of political participation in the country's history. It is a law from the people, for the people. And on 25 November, just weeks from today, general elections will be held and an era of civilian control will commence.
The army is ready and willing to accept the results of this process and is committed to defending and securing the national integrity and sovereignty of Suriname against intervention and interference.
These are historic times for the people of Suriname. But they have not been attained without sweat, sacrifice and, unfortunately, the loss of lives. The path to democracy has been laden with numerous and unforeseen obstacles. Through the course of our journey, we have encountered the vagaries of the international economy} we have dealt with the uncertainty of chatting a course which diverts from our colonial past; and most regrettably, we have faced the bullets of those who sought to undermine our efforts. It is this last hurdle which proves most distressing for the Surinamese people. For in combating these parasites, innocent men, women, and children have been struck down, caught in the crossfire of a conflict they detested but found themselves powerless to escape.
This fighting has exacerbated the economic woes which were unforeseen and unjustly imposed upon our country. When the last vestiges of colonialism saw fit to hold economic stability hostage to the direction of internal policy, they condemned the people of Suriname to a future of uncertainty and hardship. In the wake of this callous action, violence erupted. The perpetrators did not act out of some lofty quest for prosperity, but out of an obsession for personal vengeance and as stooges of colonialism. The people of East Suriname saw no alternative but to flee the country for neighbouring French Guiana, seeking refuge from a war which was fracturing their existence. We should like these people to return to their homes. They are citizens of Suriname and should feel secure in their own country. We have called upon the International Committee of the Red Cross, in consultation with the Government of France, to assist in this process on a permanent basis. But, most importantly, we must demand that those Governments and parties supporting or encouraging the violence in our country immediately stop their actions. The lives being lost are not being lost for any cause at all - our people are dying in vain.
In the name of democracy, external Powers supported and encouraged a continuation of this senseless violence. Behind the barrel of a gun they pretended to bring democracy to Suriname. They have committed themselves to the disruption of the process which is currently under way, a process that is proving so successful and is cherished so much by the people of Suriname. How, then, can democracy be a goal of those who support terrorism in the Republic of Suriname? How, for that matter, can terrorism serve the people anywhere in the world?
At this point I take the opportunity of expressing the gratitude of the Surinamese people to those countries that have variously supported us in our plight; at the same time, we look forward to increasing understanding and support from other nations. I wish to pause here to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to preside over the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am sure that under your guidance and leadership many of the crises facing the world will be dealt with in a rational prudent and effective manner.
I take this opportunity also to congratulate Mr. Choudhury of Bangladesh on the outstanding way in which he presided over the last session of the General Assembly. To our congratulations we want to add our best wishes for his future endeavours.
My friends, there is trouble all around us. Brother is fighting brother in the Middle East, Asia and Central America. Repression continues in its most barbaric forms in southern Africa. And it was inevitable that so far most representatives in the General Assembly should have dealt with these major international crises. And while the scope and nature of these crises would justify lengthy discussion, on this occasion it will suffice for us to refer to our contributions at previous sessions of the Assembly.
The Government of Suriname commends the efforts of the Central American Presidents to bring about a regional peace treaty. We whole-heartedly endorse the efforts of the Security Council and of Secretary-General Perez de Cuellar to find a peaceful solution to the conflict in the Gulf·
Like the people of the rest of the world, the Surinamese people have welcomed the concrete steps taken by the super-Power s towards the lessening of the nuclear threat. But any form of international peace that is achieved can be sustained only if the resources thus released ate used to recreate the international economic order. The suffering part of mankind cannot find relief in the absence of a nuclear threat alone. Now, however, I must return to the question I posed just moments ago; what is democracy, and how can such a noble objective lead to the violence and death which pervade too many of our lands? Democracy can mean many different things to many different people. By strict definition, democracy represents the principles of social equality and respect for the individual. Those are simple-enough concepts. Yet they are so difficult to realize. Democracy is an abstract idea which is not easily grasped. It is a fragile state of being which must be nurtured, cultivated, taught. If stretched to its limits unnaturally, it deteriorates into chaos and lawlessness. But if it is not permitted to blossom and take on characteristics unique to its adherents, it lacks the strength and vitality to be fruitful. There is no monopoly of wisdom in this world; nor is there a monopoly of virtue- Each one of our nations strives to realize a degree of national freedom and dignity consistent with its concept of democracy. It is a system whereby opposing and divergent views may flourish or perish on the merit of their wisdom. To the great Powers of the world I repeat that. There is no monopoly on wisdom; nor is there a monopoly on virtue.
Further, I say the following to them. You possess tremendous attributes and have harnessed the most awesome and fearsome powers of earth. Yet too often you lack the simple capacity for understanding and empathy. You insist that your way is the right way and spurn those who seek to discover truth for themselves. I beseech you not to prejudge, but to permit the developing nations of the world the same opportunities as you had. So many of us in the Non-Aligned Movement want only to venture down a path of our own choosing. Yet too often first steps ate marred by the norms established by both sides of the rhetorical battle. If your concern for our future were based on a genuine concern for the welfare of our people, the intrusion might be more palatable.
There is so much we can teach you and, of course, we can learn from you. But for this transfer to take place, for this union to occur, there must be mutual trust and respect. This cannot be fostered in an atmosphere of fear and ideological self-righteousness.
You, the leading members of the international community, can guide the world to a more stable and lasting peace. Your wealth should not be used as a political tool to force compliance with your policies or adherence to your beliefs. If your positions are sound and well-founded, time will bear this out. Aid for development is the key with which to unlock the cultural/ historical and, of course, economic riches which so many of our countries possess, but which lie unexplored and unutilised. The misunderstanding which plagues so much of the international arena, the political aggression which manifests itself in violence, and the economic plight which threatens not only the smaller debtor nations but the entire world community are merely symptoms of unwillingness to compromise with peoples of different minds.
In this regard, I make the following appeal to representatives of the international media covering today's proceedings. Their words and perspectives reach millions and shape the opinions of the world's inhabitants. The burdens weighing upon a country and its people can be lessened if the lines of communication are kept open and are kept free of sensational journalism aimed at increasing circulation rather than airing both sides of a controversy. I urge them to realize and accept the awesome responsibility of their position and act in an honourable and just manner.
In Suriname we are embarking on a new phase of our life an important aspect of which is our endeavour really to become an organic part of the Latin American and Caribbean region, I extend my Government's heartfelt appreciation to those who have aided us throughout our struggle. Naturally, we will learn from our trials and tribulations, and in the phase that we have now entered we will, in dealing with both domestic and foreign issues, take chances which can lead to broader understanding and co-operation. Without respect, understanding and co-operation, the future of mankind is destined to be far more difficult than we imagine and we will achieve much less than each of our nations now envisages.
I came before the Assembly, Mr. President, mainly to set the record of my country straight - the record of our past, our present and cur future. We know that the expectations of happiness and prosperity of the people of Suriname are the same as those of all the peoples of our world, and that is no wonder, for they reflect the noble goals enshrined in the Charter of our Organization, the United Nations. We, like the rest of the world, are therefore justified in expecting all possible support from this Organization in achieving our goals.
While it will take some time to solve all our major problems, we hope that our noble Organization, the United Nations, will before long be in a position to present to the world encouraging beginnings of solutions that are long overdue.


On behalf of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, it is my pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the high post of the presidency of the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly, it is our conviction that, under your able guidance, our gathering will bear fruitful results in the preservation and consolidation of peace.
I should like to express my Government's full appreciation of the efforts of Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, the United Nations Secretary-General, and his wise conduct of the Organization's work.
The people and Government of Afghanistan attach enormous importance to the role played by the United Nations in regulating international relations and peacefully resolving conflicts through political means, based on acceptable and just solutions.
The international problems under discussion in the Assembly are serious and difficult. There is no doubt, however, that the threat of a nuclear conflagration and the use of force are the central concerns of all nations, all realistic and far-sighted statesmen and peace-loving circles of the globe. Solution of these problems requires а new way of political thinking.
My Government believes that no exceptional security can ever exist for any individual Power unless durable and genuine peace, founded on general and complete disarmament, is established for all. Not a single country can ever breathe freely under the shadows of nuclear missiles and the Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI) project of the United States of America. The possibilities existing in contemporary international relations and all the potentialities of the United Nations should be deployed for the solving of world problems and towards the establishment of a universally acceptable political and legal mechanism to regulate international relations.
We warmly welcome the possibility of the signing of an agreement on the elimination of medium- and short-range nuclear missiles in Europe created during recent talks in Washington between the Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union and the United States of America. It is our hope that the experience gained during those talks will be utilized towards banning nuclear tests and reducing and finally eliminating strategic nuclear weapons.
The Government of Afghanistan follows with increasing concern dangerous regional developments in various parts of the world. In the strategic Gulf region, expansionist and neo-globalistic imperialist policies have created an explosive situation. The concentration of huge naval forces of the United States of America and its allies has posed the serious threat of a new flare-up of uncontrollable dimensions. We favour implementation of the proposal for the withdrawal of foreign naval forces from that region.
The senseless war between Iran and Iraq has claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands and has inflicted heavy material losses on both sides. We support resolution 598 (1987) of the Security Council, which calls for an immediate cease-fire.
The powder-keg tension in the Middle East, which is on the verge of explosion, remains unchanged because of the continued Israeli occupation of Arab lands and denial of the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and statehood. The convening of an international conference with the participation of all parties concerned is the only reasonable way for the solution of this issue. It is imperative to search for a viable and comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem and thus to eliminate a dangerous centre of tension in the Eastern Mediterranean region through the convocation of an international conference within the framework of the United Nations. In this region, again, provocations from across the ocean has further escalated discord and conflict In Lebanon.
The Pretoria regime continues its policy of apartheid in South Africa through the violent oppression of the people, in spite of the unanimous demand for its termination by the entire world.
The noble efforts of the United Nations for securing the independence of the people of Namibia is being obstructed and aggression is still being carried by the apartheid regime against Angola and other front-line States, Here, too, the interventionist hand of the United States is clearly involved.
The United States armed threats against Latin America have clearly surfaced, with the scandalous military and financial aid to the Nicaraguan contras. The recent accord reached in Guatemala among the leaders of the five Central American nations once again revealed the practical nature of the Contadora peace process as well as the need for putting an end to foreign interventions in the affairs of the region.
We express our solidarity with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the unification of North and South Korea and for the denuclearisation of the Korea peninsula. The reconciliation process Initiated in the People's Republic of Kampuchea deserves appreciation and support. It is our hope that all sides concerned will welcome this meaningful and positive process.
I should like to express high appreciation and support for the role of the constructive peace proposals and initiatives offered by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and other socialist countries, peace efforts initiated by the United Nations, member countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, reflected in the Harare Declaration and the Delhi six proposals, as well as for endeavours of the national liberation and progressive movements.
The world economic situation la still appalling. No doubt this will have grave consequences. The increase in the number of the least developed countries from 31 in 1981 to 40 in 1986 indicates the sad reality of the prevailing international economic life. The present world economic situation Is not unrelated to the arms race. Only checking the arms race can release the necessary resources to improve the world economic situation.
Unless international economic security becomes an Integral part of the overall global security and is strictly observed, a rapid and stable harmonious growth rate and the establishment of a new International economic order will not be achieved.
The debt crisis, debt servicing and high interest rates along with protectionist policies have led to the retardation or total suspension of development programmes in the developing and least developing countries. Concerning the objective realities in my country, I should like to state that with the victory of the April Revolution, our people rose only to fight against backwardness, illiteracy, ignorance, disease, poverty and unemployment in our society.
For nine years, however, an undeclared war has been continuing against our country by the enemies of Afghanistan. Prom its very inception this war, waged through some neighbouring countries, has been increasingly intensified and has assumed new dimensions every year. Billions of dollars have been poured in by the Washington Administration and other imperialist and reactionary circles for fuelling this war. As a result, thousands of Afghans have either been martyred or crippled, and hundreds of thousands of others have been displaced and now live pathetic lives in exile.
The war has also ruined our national economy. For instance, 2,000 schools, 350 bridges, 50 cultural centres, 131 hospitals, 224 mosques and holy places of worship, 258 production institutions, thousands of kilometres of highways and communication lines, and thousands of trucks have been destroyed or burned. Total damage to our national economy has reached billions of Afghanis, amounting to three fourths of all the total development investment in the past 50 years in Afghanistan. Huge defence expenditures, which otherwise could have brought about an improvement in the living conditions of the people, have burdened our fragile economy.
This situation has made it imperative for every Afghan to think about how to overcome this state of affairs. This necessary determination, new political thinking and the common endeavour of every patriot is directed towards putting an end to fratricide and establishing peace and tranquillity in the country. This determination and new political thinking found reflection in the policy of national reconciliation which came into effect on 25 January 1987. This policy is in total conformity with the principles of humanism, Islam, Afghan traditions, the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The proclamation of a unilateral cease-fire and its further extension; the proclamation of a general amnesty, including the release of prisoners; the endorsement of new legislation regarding better regulation of agrarian issues; the exemption of interest on debts and tariffs of the peasants; the returning of confiscated properties to the returnees; the encouragement and development of private investment; the adoption of new and suitable terms for conscription to the national service; and other such steps have recently been taken for the public welfare.
More than 3,200 commissions for national reconciliation have been established throughout the country. About 83,000 of our refugee compatriots have returned, despite obstacles created by neighbouring countries. More than 30,000 members of the armed opposition groups have laid down their weapons inside the country and are co-operating with the Government in preserving peace and security in their localities. Nearly 600 armed opposition groups encompassing 53,000 people are in contact and negotiating with the Government.
The new Law of Political Parties which guarantees the activity of various parties has been endorsed. This is the first of its kind in the entire history of the country. The draft of the new constitution has been prepared and published for public debate by the people of Afghanistan both in and outside the country. In line with its history and traditions, Afghanistan has been proclaimed, in the constitution, as an independent, sovereign and non-aligned country, which shall enter into no military pacts and shall allow no foreign military bases on its territory. It is enshrined in the new constitution that Islam is the religion of the people of Afghanistan. Comrade Najib, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, has rightly stated that "the new constitution is the constitution of conciliation.
The achievement of national reconciliation would have been much greater if some of the countries had not adopted a hostile stand towards it. Yes, it is not proceeding without difficulty. However, no alternative exists for putting an end to war and bloodshed. To realize the policy of national reconciliation, the practical participation of all the political parties and groups, together with the clergymen, patriotic personalities and social organizations is required· Consistent efforts have been made to establish a national unity coalition government with the participation < f the representatives of all sects and strata of society· These include the seven Islamic parties, supporters of the former King, and other groups and individual who are ready to join the process of national reconciliation. In this regard, various specific high posts of State in the legislative, judicial and executive organs have also been proposed to them.
The policy of national reconciliation has not only been welcomed in the country but also enjoys international support. The socialist countries, the majority of the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement and some of the countries members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (QIC), as well as international organizations, political parties and peace-loving and progressive forces, have welcomed this bold and courageous peace initiative of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and given it various kinds of support. The resolute support of the Soviet Union for national reconciliation, and its economic assistance, once again refute the charges from some quarters against Afghan-Soviet friendship.
Goodwill delegations from the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan recently paid visits to various countries of the world. The purpose behind these visits was to inform those countries about the realities of Afghan society and invite their delegations to visit Afghanistan to acquaint themselves with developments in our country. I should like to express my gratitude for the goodwill of those countries and their support for the noble and humane cause of my country.
I also express my appreciation to those international organizations - including the International Committee of the Red Cross, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees - which have begun visiting and communicating and co-operating with Afghanistan. It is precisely since the announcement of the programme for national reconciliation that the flow of modern weapons supplied to the opposition by their supporters abroad has sharply increased. The United States of America has increased its financial aid for the continuation of the undeclared war from $530 million last year to $630 million in the current year, and it will reach $1,000 million next year. The United States has also increased the dispatch of modern Stinger missiles to the extremists from 6o units last year to 600 units this year and has started to supply them with 12ϋ mm long-range mortars. The United Kingdom, too, has further increased the dispatch of Blowpipe missiles to the extremists. These weapons have been used to shell cities and villages, carry out terrorist acts and shoot down civilian aircraft, murdering innocent passengers, including children, women and old people. It is clear that our enemies have not abandoned the policy of "war to the last Afghan".
Our people firmly believe that with the full realization of the policy of national reconciliation, nationwide peace will inevitably be ensured in the country. Unfortunately, however, in the course of the general debate at this session of the General Assembly, there have been some speeches in which attempts have been made to distort the substance of the processes going on in and around Afghanistan and to cast doubts on the policy of national reconciliation.
I should like to emphasize another very significant development which is at variance with the allegations of those who want to transform the constructive discussion going on in the General Assembly into a battleground of confrontation. I have in mind the fact that it is precisely since the last session of the General Assembly that there has been radical progress at the Geneva talks between Afghanistan and Pakistan, with the participation of the representative of the Secretary-General.
The negotiating sides have been able to prepare the main documents comprising a political settlement, and these are virtually complete. The gap between the positions of the two sides on the time-frame for the return of troops has been narrowed down to only eight months. We appeal to the Pakistani side to adopt a constructive stand and demonstrate political realism. This will enable us to solve remaining differences, including those concerning the time-frame, and the next round of talks will prove conclusive.
The policy of national reconciliation and the Geneva talks are contributing as two separate processes to the achievement of a single objective. That objective is to ensure peace inside the country and achieve a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan.
In this connection, I wish to point to the ineffective nature of the resolutions on Afghanistan adopted by this Assembly over some years now. They have failed to bring about a guaranteed cessation of Interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan as the root cause of the tense situation there. The removal of that root cause could rapidly make possible a comprehensive settlement, I therefore appeal to all in this Assembly to embark upon a move which instead of Impeding will facilitate a settlement.
I assure representatives that the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is fully prepared to take a constructive position and participate actively in the preparation of a truly balanced draft resolution that would contribute to the speediest possible political solution of the situation around Afghanistan.
it is our conviction that the General Assembly can help bring about a favourable international atmosphere conducive to the political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan and to the process of national reconciliation in the country. Both processes have recently gained considerable momentum. Afghanistan is on the threshold of a crucial historical change. We believe that a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan is in full accord with the interests of both our people and all the nations of the region. It will ensure peace and security in the region and in the world and in no way prove contrary to the national interest of any other country.