Allow me at the outset. Sic, to convey to you, on behalf of my Head of State His Majesty King Mswati III, the Government and the people of the Kingdom of Swaziland, our warmest congratulations on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. Your unanimous election to guide the deliberations of this session is indeed a clear indication of the confidence the Assembly has in you as a diplomat of outstanding ability and profound experience in world issues. I have no doubt that under your eminent guidance and with your skilful advice the Assembly will be able to tackle effectively at this session the many pressing and difficult global problems facing mankind today.
I should like also to express my delegation's sincere gratitude to your predecessor, Ambassador Rasheed Choudhury of the Republic of Bangladesh, fox having steered most capably our discussions in this Hall during the last session. We were deeply impressed by his inspiring leadership and discerning insight into the various matters of growing concern to humanity. His ingenuity in fostering the difficult but essential spirit of compromise and accommodation in the quest for solutions to international problems made an enormous contribution to the success of the last session.
The delegation of the Kingdom of Swaziland would also like to convey its hearty appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and his entice staff for the invaluable service they have continued to render loyally to the international community by ensuring that this world body effectively fulfils its mandate to preserve international peace and security.
Forty-two long and eventful years have now come and gone since the United Nations was founded in 1945. Since that date the Organization has played a role of paramount importance as an Instrument for fostering international peace and security and as an indispensable forum for International co-operation in an increasingly complex and interdependent world. A great deal has been accomplished in the past 42 years. We have witnessed great changes in the world's political map. We have seen the dismantling of colonial empires and the emergence of many young nations from a position of total obscurity and foreign domination to their present status of full national sovereignty, in which today they play an increasing role in shaping the destiny of this planet.
Although we rejoice at the achievements of the past 42 years, we are nevertheless painfully aware of the persistent presence on our planet of several obstinate pockets of resistance to the process of decolonization.
There are also still areas where the noble principles of human equality and dignity are being consistently flouted and where a considerable amount of time and energy are still being devoted to devising an array of flimsily disguised political schemes to give a cloak of respectability to the inhuman practice of political domination and the exploitation of man by man.
We are, however, convinced that no amount of glossy political schemes intent on side-stepping the central issues can replace the basic need for addressing the people's genuine aspirations for economic, social and political justice. We are equally convinced that no amount of internal repression or military forays into neighbouring countries can succeed in bringing lasting peace to a country that denies the majority of its population their basic right to freedom, economic justice and equal political participation in the country of their birth.
As a peace-loving nation that strongly believes in resolving political differences by peaceful negotiations, Swaziland is deeply concerned about the growing crescendo of violence and political assassinations now spilling over into our own territory with increasing frequency. We are deeply concerned about this flagrant violation of our territorial integrity and we are convinced that the myopic policy of trying to silence one's political opponents by murdering them will not stem the tide of the people's demand for freedom and justice, but will only increase the amount of bloodshed and bitterness and thereby make it even more difficult for any subsequent reconciliation and peaceful co-existence to succeed.
My delegation regards it as both unfair and unjust that the people of Namibia continue to be denied their birthright to self-determination and full national sovereignty by linking their independence to extraneous and totally unrelated considerations of mere ideological expediency. We, therefore, wish to appeal most earnestly, in the name of fairness and natural justice, for the people of Namibia no longer to be denied their right to freedom because of reasons of political ideology and international rivalry over which they have no control. We feel that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) should be implemented without any further delay.
The prevailing political situation in southern Africa is not only breeding violence and considerable human suffering but also causes large numbers of refugees to flee into Swaziland from the neighbouring countries. In fulfilment of its obligations under the relevant International conventions, Swaziland makes every possible effort to give shelter and other humanitarian assistance to all such refugees. However, the refugee population in ray country has become so large that the Swaziland authorities are finding it increasingly difficult to cope with this task. Consequently, we are appealing to the international community for Increased assistance to enable us to meet the ever-increasing demand for basic facilities for these unfortunate human beings.
There are a number of other conflict areas in the world today that continue to need the close attention of the United Nations. These include the seven-year old war between Iran and Iraq, the Palestinian question, Lebanon, Afghanistan, the Korean question, Kampuchea, Chad, Western Sahara and Central America, just to mention a few. Although some critics would point to those areas as evidence of the failure of the United Nations to solve international disputes, my delegation still believes that, given the necessary political will on the part of the international community, all these difficult problems can be resolved and peace restored to those trouble-torn areas.
The war between Iran and Iraq is developing daily into a world conflict. The Security Council's unanimous resolution of July 1987 demanding a cease-fire between Iran and Iraq, with the threat of sanctions to enforce this demand, needs the whole-hearted support of all Member States. This unfortunate war is costing both countries enormously in both human and material resources. Hence, the Gulf war cease-fire resolution, considered one of the few mandatory directives the Security Council has unanimously approved in its 42-year history, is a timely and welcome step by the world Organization. We hope the Security Council will continue to demonstrate unanimity concerning other conflict areas in the world so as to bring peace and justice to all.
In keeping with its strong belief in the principle of self-determination, Swaziland supports the inalienable right of the people of Afghanistan to determine the form and ideological complexion of their own government and the socio-economic structure of their own country without outside interference. It is in this context that my delegation commends the untiring efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General to find a negotiated formula for achieving an early withdrawal of all foreign troops from that country. We therefore hope that an agreement on the question of a mutually acceptable time-frame for the withdrawal of foreign troops will soon be reached by the parties closely involved in this conflict, so that the Afghan people may be allowed once again to share their own destiny in peace.
Equally, my delegation supports the United Nations resolution calling for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea and for the restoration of Kampuchea's independence and territorial integrity. We believe that an early end to outside intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea will make a positive contribution to the noble efforts of the countries of South-East Asia to establish a zone of peace in that part of the world.
The tense political situation that continues to divide North and South Korea should not be allowed to escape the attention of this world Organization. We therefore wish to urge the international community to continue to encourage the process of achieving the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula through dialogue and negotiation.
Most developing countries, like mine, are heavily dependent upon a very limited range of primary commodities for their export earnings, with the result that wide price fluctuations in world commodity prices of our young, fledgling economies. The unemployment problem in the developing countries is fast approaching crisis proportions and is threatening serious consequences for the socio-political stability of those young countries. Unemployment is rising not only as a result of stunted economic growth in most developing countries, but also because the numbers for whom jobs must be found are multiplying at rates that far outstrip the sluggish pace of economic growth in those countries.
The economic problems of the developing countries are further compounded by generally low commodity prices and unfavourable exchange rates which cause severe balance-of-payments difficulties and the chronic shortage in those countries of foreign exchange to pay for essential imports and spare parts needed for production activities.
The low prices of major export commodities and the unfavourable exchange rates give rise to another complicating dimension, namely, the increasing inability of many developing nations to cope with the mounting burden of foreign debts.
My delegation is therefore convinced of the need for urgent and appropriate measures to be taken, on a global scale, to stabilize international exchange rates if the economies of the developing countries, which are heavily dependent upon foreign exchange earnings from primary commodity exports, are to be protected from the debilitating effects of wild exchange-rate fluctuations.
My delegation believes that it is essential for the economic survival of developing nations that they be given all possible assistance to help them acquire the necessary capacity to process more and more of their own raw materials so as to generate much needed employment opportunities in those countries and to enhance the value of their exports and thus help to broaden the base of their economies and thereby reduce their presently high vulnerability to the vagaries of the international commodity markets.
We are convinced that a strategy of locating the relevant processing industries nearer to the source of raw materials in the developing countries would be of immense economic advantage to both the exporting and the importing countries, in that it would bring about a substantial reduction in the high freight costs currently incurred in exporting bulky raw materials with a relatively low unit value.
An industrial development strategy of this nature can be successful only if it is accompanied by willingness on the part of the developed nations to dismantle the existing plethora of tariffs and other protectionist measures that currently restrict access to the markets of the industrialized countries by processed or semi-processed goods from the developing nations.
It goes without saying that any meaningful development programme in the developing countries can be successfully undertaken only if these countries have access to international loan capital with soft interest rates and reasonably long repayment periods. This would largely obviate the current problem of the heavy debt burden, which is proving too onerous for many developing nations.
I conclude by expressing the hope that the General Assembly will find it possible at this session to address itself positively and constructively to the many pressing problems facing mankind in this decade. My delegation wishes to urge the Assembly to build bridges of peace to span the many yawning gulfs created by diverse and largely conflicting interests, so that freedom/ human equality and justice may one day truly prevail throughout the world.


Allow me, Sir, on behalf of the Albanian delegation, to extend to you my warm congratulations on your election to the high post of President of the General Assembly of the United Nations at its forty-second session and to wish you success in the performance of your task.
Although more than four decades have elapsed since the founding of the United Nations, the international community is still very far from achieving those objectives and goals pertaining to peace that are clearly stipulated in the Charter and constitute the fundamental purpose for which this Organization was founded. The political situation in the world today presents a grave picture. Various peoples and countries continue to be threatened with aggression by imperialist forces or have been the victims of declared and undeclared imperialist wars - wars in which a number of States and millions of troops are involved, with resultant huge human losses and colossal material damage, and with serious consequences for international peace and security.
In fact, the stationing of military troops by the United States of America and the Soviet Union indefinitely in the territory of many States has been legitimised under various pretexts, such as the threat from the East, or the West, and so on. Indeed, repeated meetings have been held, where there is talk about the maintenance of the balance of forces and military manoeuvres conducted alternately by one bloc or the other, but the most that is ever heard is satisfaction at the participation in them of observers from the two blocs, and there is never any talk of the complete withdrawal of American and Soviet troops from foreign territories where they are stationed. For the sake of co-ordinating policies in the context of blocs, even the taking of independent decisions has been restricted, and made virtually impossible. All the political activity of the two super-Powers, whether in the bilateral talks between blocs or in a broader framework, has concentrated on maintaining, and indeed extending, their respective spheres of Influence. This impermissible situation of undeclared occupation in modern times cannot but remind us of the long-drawn-out invasions of past centuries and the lessons of history.
We hear a lot of talk at present about the United States and the Soviet Union reaching an agreement on the removal of medium-range missiles from Europe. From the very outset the Albanian Government has expressed its opposition to the deployment of these missiles in Europe, just as it has always been and still is in favour of the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons, and against the miniaturization of space and the arms race in general. It is a well-known fact that when the two super-Powers installed those missiles, they paid no attention to the strong opposition of the peoples of Europe. Now they are talking about dismantling and removing them from Europe, and are trying to present this as an important step in the field of disarmament. It is abundantly clear that in this whole business the super-Powers have made their calculations. When they speak about international security, they are in fact talking only about their own security, which means insecurity for the others. Even after such an agreement, thousands of nuclear weapons, regardless of type, will still remain in and around Europe and hundreds of military bases established in a number of European States will still be there.
Hence, the factors that threaten peace on the continent and in the world remain. Thus an agreement, on the removal of short- and medium-range missiles must absolutely be accompanied by other steps in the field of disarmament, and that would constitute a victory for the peoples and democratic States that are continuing to fight against the arms race as they have been fighting for years. For some time, especially in recent years, much has been said about summit meetings between the United States and the Soviet Union in the hope that they would solve the problems of safeguarding peace and assuring the future of mankind. For the super-Powers to meet and hold talks is their right and business, but what is unacceptable is that they should discuss and take decisions for others. It would be dangerous if peoples were to accept the institutionalisation of summit meetings between the super-Powers as a forum empowered to take decisions for third parties. The super-Powers would like to be given a free hand and have other States welcome and accept as fait accompli everything they decide.
The Albanian delegation believes that on issues connected with the destinies of peoples, with world peace and security, every sovereign State must have its say.
The problems of Europe and European security are of direct concern to socialist Albania. Peace on the continent, friendly relations among European peoples and countries signify peace and normal development also for the People's Socialist Republic of Albania. Our people, which throughout the centuries have suffered from wars and foreign invasions, have been and continue to be in the vanguard of those fighting for peace and friendship among peoples.
But who and what threatens European security? Who and what jeopardizes peace on this continent? Europe has been shackled hand and foot with heavy fetters. It is the military pacts of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and of the Warsaw Treaty, the military bases and arsenals of nuclear and conventional weapons deployed in so many countries, the armies of the United States and of the Soviet Union which, for more than the 40 years that have elapsed since the Second World War, continue to make themselves at home in Europe; it is the warships, cruisers and aircraft carriers of the super-Powers which criss-cross the Mediterranean and European waters like sea serpents; it is imperialist economic and political pressure and cultural aggression which is stifling the continent. It is precisely this that is undermining the sovereignty of various countries, affecting their personalities and independence and endangering peace and security in Europe.
Albania does not participate in the meetings of the Conference on European Security and Co-operation, for we are convinced that these meetings, which are manipulated by the two super-Powers, cannot lead to any fruitful results unless one believes that the United States and the Soviet Union are going to frustrate their own ends. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania, which under its Constitution prohibits foreign military bases and troops on its territory and which has solemnly declared that no harm will ever come to any of its neighbours from Albanian territory, appreciates the genuine aspirations of peoples, honest men and progressive personalities in Europe to peace and security in our continent, and we welcome their efforts in that direction.
However, the Albanian Government has always been firmly convinced that European security cannot be achieved through such meetings and conferences where the super-Powers impose their will. European security can be achieved only by getting rid of the chains with which the two super-Powers have shackled it and by opposing their presence and interference in the internal, affairs of European States. Only thus can their freedom, independence and sovereignty be guaranteed.
Also, the Balkan region does not enjoy tranquillity, neither is it without problems. In addition to interference by the super-Powers, there are a number of negative regional elements that have increased tension. It is common knowledge that history has intermingled the peoples of the Balkans and that there are many ethnic minorities. Regrettably, in recent years chauvinistic feuds and passions have been incited in one way or another. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania is opposed to these dangerous trends. It cannot reconcile itself to acts and deeds that restrict the national rights of the peoples of the Balkans, or that divide them and sow hostility among them, it advocates respect for the rights of every people and each ethnic minority.
The Albanian Government believes that minorities should be viewed as a bridge to unity and friendship among the peoples of the peninsula and not as a source of discord. Acceptance and recognition of their identities, cultures and national traditions and respect for their own languages and their spiritual bonds with their own nation would greatly contribute to strengthening an atmosphere of understanding and sincere co-operation.
From time to time initiatives are taken regarding various political activities and meetings at the Balkan level. The Albanian Government appreciates every sincere and constructive step aimed at serving peace and stability in the region. Hence we support in principle the holding of bilateral and multilateral meetings and talks. At the same time we believe that it is necessary first to create the kind of atmosphere that will ensure their making a contribution towards genuine solutions of the problems of our region and not their becoming a source of further exacerbation of the situation.
For its part Albania has acted with a high sense of its responsibility and has never been the cause for any exacerbation of the situation. It favours the removal of nuclear and chemical weapons and so on, not only from the Balkans but also from other regions and countries. That is in keeping with its political line. Also, Albania has realized in practice what the Balkans need to ensure peace and understanding.
Friendly Balkan co-operation is the hope and aspiration of the peoples of the region, but to achieve this it is necessary to face up realistically to the problems of the peninsula. We believe that at present it would be advantageous to each country and to the region as a whole to settle existing differences by means of bilateral negotiations, just as it would be equally necessary to develop bilateral relations. We believe also that inter-Balkan activities in the fields o trade, transport, culture, science and technology, ecology and so on help to develop co-operation and strengthen trust and understanding, which are so indispensable for the concerted consideration of the major political problems of the Balkans.
The problems of security in the Balkans and in Europe are closely connected with those of security in the Mediterranean. For years this basin has been transformed into an arena of rivalry between the super-Powers, which have deployed their fleets there thousands of kilometres from their own borders and are threatening the peoples and the peace of the region. Their growing presence and activities keep the Mediterranean peoples and countries in a state of continuous tension. The anchoring of American and Soviet cruisers and other warships, which in the guise of "friendly" or "tourist" visits have secured permanent access to port services and facilities in various countries, also constitutes a real danger to neighbouring countries.
The worsening of the situation and the continuation of the crisis in the Middle East and the repeated American military operations in the western Mediterranean and so forth is eloquent evidence of the urgent need to oppose the military presence of the super-Powers in the Mediterranean with their bases and fleets. Albania continues to maintain the view that, their removal constitutes the primary and decisive pre-condition for turning the Mediterranean into a sea of peace. For years now the tense situation in the Middle East, with its almost regular flare-ups, has been a constant threat to international relations.
To the terrible tragedy of the Palestinian people, who have long been the victims of genocide like that carried out by the Nazis against the Jews during the Second World War, has now been added the drama and the tragic events in Lebanon, which has been turned into an arena of fratricidal strife whipped up by the imperialist Powers and Israel, and all those that are playing their game. Irrespective of the political groupings or religious sects of those engaged in the present fighting, it is Arab blood that continues to be shed in Lebanon and it is the Arab cause in general and the Palestinian cause in particular that are constantly under attack.
The People's Socialist Republic of Albania and the Albanian people, sincere friends of the Arab peoples, with whom they are linked by traditional bonds, are saddened by the events in Lebanon, which we follow with concern, just as we follow the overall developments and crisis in the Middle East. We rejoice at every step towards Arab unity, just as we welcome whole-heartedly any positive development towards the strengthening of the unity in the ranks of the Palestinian movement, of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).
Recently there has been talk, which continues, of convening an international conference on the Middle East. We believe that no conference on this question can yield results if it ignores or seeks a substitute for the PLO. Still less can be expected from such a conference if it fails to deal with the very heart of the Middle East problem, the Palestinian problem.
The Middle East and Gulf areas have been transformed into permanent hotbeds of war, and the imperialist Powers bear a grave responsibility for this. The continuance of the Iran-Iraq war has caused incalculable human losses and material damage to the peoples of the two countries. The war benefits only the enemies of those countries and of peace, who one day may use it as a pretext to in the flames of war not just throughout the Gulf but beyond. The United States and other Powers have now sent their battle fleets to the Gulf on the pretext of guaranteeing freedom of navigation and clearing the waters of mines. This sets n extremely dangerous precedent. The guns in the Straits of Hormuz have made the situation even more explosive. Battle fleets were sent there before the ink was even dry on resolution 598 (19B7) which the Security Council adopted unanimously calling on all other States to refrain from any act which might lead to further escalation and widening of the Iran-Iraq conflict.
It is now more essential than ever for the sincere appeals of democratic and peace-loving States, which represent the voice of reason and sound international opinion, for an immediate end to the war to be heeded. This would be in the interest of both Iraq and Iran and of the peace and stability of the region and the world.
A number of hotbeds of tension are being kept alight and fanned by imperialism and reaction in other areas of the world, such as Africa, Central America and South-East Asia.
Contrary to the will of the Korean people, Korea continues to be divided. The Albanian Government supports the right of the Korean people to the independent reunification of its country without any outside interference.
The People's Republic of Kampuchea is not being left in peace to build a new and independent life, and is still denied its lawful place in the United Nations. Peoples everywhere - whether in the occupied Arab territories, Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Namibia or South Africa - are stepping up their patriotic resistance to foreign aggression and interference. They are intensifying the anti-imperialist struggle, along with the struggle against racial discrimination and apartheid, for their democratic and national rights.
Current political developments cannot be viewed in isolation from the effects of the prolonged economic and financial crisis and the intensification of neo-colonial exploitation. An indication of the degree of exploitation and injustice in existing international economic relations is the fact that 50 per cent of our planet's raw material resources are utilized by the industrialized countries, although, of course, they make up only 15 per cent of the population of the world. The developing countries are up to their necks in debt and the repayment conditions imposed have become impossible to meet; in fact, the economies of many States are being stifled. International trade is encountering difficulties of many kinds, as was clearly confirmed at the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Similarly, the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development brought to light new facts about the paradoxical and tragic situation of the world today. The colossal sum expended on arms is equal to the total debt. Yet the production of all types of weapons continues unabated, as does the arms trade.
The peoples and the developing countries are exerting every effort to fight the system of neo-colonial relations imposed by the imperialist Powers. We associate ourselves with the efforts to change the inequality of international economic relations. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has always been and remains in favour of the development of international relations on a basis of justice and mutual advantage. In the future, too, we shall continue to participate actively in these relations. This we consider to be both a right deriving from our status as an independent and sovereign State and a duty deriving from the policy of a truly socialist country. The Albanian Government believes that development and international co-operation in various fields must contribute to the strengthening of friendship among peoples and strengthening of peace and security.
The Albanian people and Government, as in the past, will continue in the future to give its unreserved support to the struggle of peoples for freedom and national independence, which is one of the fundamental trends of world development at the present time and a contribution to the cause of peace, freedom and democracy.


Allow me first, on behalf of the Indonesian delegation, to extend our sincere congratulations to Mr. Peter Florin on his election as President at the forty-second session of the General Assembly. His elevation to that high office is a tribute to his personal qualities and record of great distinction in the service of his Government and of the international community. I am fully confident that under his stewardship we shall achieve substantive progress in our work.
To his distinguished predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, I wish to convey our deep gratitude for, and appreciation of, the exemplary manner in which he presided over our deliberations during the last session.
The past year has been marked by several significant developments affecting the course of international relations. During the forty-first session the Assembly took a momentous decision to strengthen and revitalize the functioning of the United Nations. Its implications went beyond the confines of Improving the Organization's administrative efficiency and financial viability and provided a critical boost to its capacity to face the multiple challenges confronting the international community. It has resulted in renewed confidence and recognition of the irreplaceable role and value of the United Nations as the unique multilateral framework for dealing with the global problems of our time. The ability of the United Nations to rally the community of nations in common purpose to seek solutions to a diversity of critical issues has been manifest at various forums during the past year.
Last June some 140 nations gathered in Vienna for the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking. The Declaration and Comprehensive Multidisciplinary Outline adopted at that Conference were clear manifestations of the ability of nations to forgo rhetoric and polemics in favour of jointly facing a common threat - not only a threat to the moral and social foundations of all societies, but indeed a potent threat to the youth who represent the future of all countries.
Meeting against the sombre background of a global economy in the throes of persistent crisis, the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), convened in Geneva this summer, was able to overcome the paralysing differences and scepticism that had plagued previous sessions and achieved by consensus the Final Act of the Conference. In addressing squarely the key issues in the fields of trade, money, finance and development, the agreements reached may well presage a resurgence of momentum in the North-South dialogue and signal a reversal of the current malaise in international co-operation for development·
The recently concluded Conference on Disarmament and Development was yet another landmark in the process of jointly addressing two of the most urgent challenges facing the world today. For the first time at the intergovernmental level the close and multidimensional link between disarmament and development was explicitly acknowledged and the Final Document of the Conference committed participating Governments to making this relationship an effective and productive one.
We believe that, above all, the results of these conferences have contributed to arresting the erosion of multilateralism and to strengthening the commitment of Governments to the larger common interests and priority concerns of the international community.
While these are all encouraging developments, they cannot and should not divert our collective view from the dismal realities and dangerous anomalies that still condition the present international situation. Today more than ever before  we have become aware of the dangers posed by an unrestrained arms race in the nuclear era, which, apart from its potent threat of mutual destruction, is now also acknowledged to be a serious impediment to the pursuit of optimal development· The world economy remains mired in prolonged crisis, international economic relations are in acute imbalance, and economic development is bogged down in sharply reduced growth or stagnation. At the same time, the persistence of tensions and conflicts in many regions continue to take a heavy toll in both human and material resources of nations. The struggle for self-determination and true independence, justice and racial equality, economic progress and social emancipation must still contend with outmoded structures and new forms of neo-colonialist domination, pressures, interference and intervention.
If we are to move progressively towards a more viable world order of common security and common prosperity, there can be no alternative to fostering the renewed recognition of the value and indispensability of multilateral co-operation.
This is particularly relevant in the fields of disarmament and international security. I have earlier referred to the recently concluded Conference on Disarmament and Development. Indonesia welcomes the results that were achieved through the consensus of all participating States. Although it obviously fell short of our expectations, the Final Document of the Conference in our view provides us with a sufficiently broad framework for our future action and continuing efforts in these two interrelated fields upon which the building of a more peaceful, secure and prosperous world is so vitally dependent. In focusing global attention on the negative and far-reaching implications of current military expenditures, especially by the major Power blocs, for the world economy and the present international system and by highlighting the pervasive non-military threats to security, the Conference succeeded in establishing a compelling economic case against the arms race. It also underlined the imperative need to redirect resources released through disarmament to the improvement of the socio-economic conditions of the developing countries, especially. It is to be regretted that the Conference could not yet agree to provide for an international financial mechanism to facilitate such a reallocation of resources· None the less, Indonesia expects that on the basis of the Action Programme that was adopted, this and other follow-up actions will be pursued in the context of an enhanced, interrelated perspective within the United Nations and its appropriate organs and agencies.
We are also greatly encouraged by the progress that is being made in the disarmament negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union. We welcome their agreement in principle to conclude a treaty eliminating all intermediate- and shorter-range nuclear missiles - a treaty which, however limited in scope, would for the first time involve the actual dismantling of specific categories of nuclear weapons. Such an accord may, it is to be hoped, lead to further agreements on the larger issues of strategic and space armaments.
More importantly, it is to be hoped that this initial but significant achievement may bring about a new atmosphere and give a fresh impetus to the multilateral disarmament negotiations now in progress in Geneva. Bilateral agreements between the super-Powers only, while providing the  necessary catalyst towards general disarmament, do not meet the goal of eliminating all nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction under effective international control. Although primary responsibility indeed rests with those who possess a monopoly of destructive power, all States have a vital stake in disarmament and therefore have the right and the duty to contribute to this process. If concrete progress is to be made in genuine arms limitation and disarmament, then multilateral negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations should be the rule rather than the exception. Accordingly, the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva should be allowed to perform its rightful function as the single multilateral negotiating forum in the field of disarmament. In this context, we should like in particular to see the Conference on Disarmament complete as soon as possible the negotiations on a chemical-weapons convention and continue to deal with such questions as a comprehensive test ban and the prevention of an arms race in outer space on a high-priority basis.
Our collective efforts to strengthen international co-operation and to meet the challenges of the future can hardly succeed while unresolved conflicts continue to rage in many regions of the world. It is of the utmost importance to bring to an early end the strife and turmoil which have their source in the continued violation of the fundamental rights of nations and peoples as envisaged in the Charter. This is painfully self-evident in the region of southern Africa, where institutionalised racism and the remaining vestiges of colonialism continue to affront our shared sense of justice and morality.
Despite world-wide censure and condemnation, the racist Pretoria regime has intensified its campaign of brute terror against the oppressed majority and persists in its illegal occupation of Namibia. Its lawless and predatory nature is further reflected in its incessant acts of aggression, political destabilization and economic strangulation against its neighbours, particularly the front-line States, thus posing a constant threat to regional and international peace and security.
Apartheid is at the root of the deepening crisis in southern Africa and must be eradicated in its totality. It is high time for those who pay lip service to the dismantling of that inhuman system but who continue to lend credence and support to Pretoria to cease such duplicitous behaviour and join the international community in working towards the objective of a free, non-racial and democratic society in South Africa. Likewise, the liberation of Namibia is a sine qua non for the re-establishment of peace and stability region-wide. It is utterly unacceptable that after almost 10 years since the adoption of the United Nations plan for Namibia's independence South Africa continues to cling to irrelevant pretexts such as the presence of Cuban troops in Angola to block its implementation. Indonesia has long been convinced that Pretoria will not voluntarily co-operate in the realization of the genuine independence of Namibia and that the only alternative is to compel it to comply with United Nations decisions.
The Security Council can no longer justify any further procrastination in imposing comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa· For if there is one Government against which Articles 39 and 40 of the United Nations Charter should appropriately be applied it is surely the renegade regime in Pretoria.
Time and again the search for a just and durable peace in the Middle East has been thwarted by Israel's brazen acts of expansionist aggression against its neighbours, its reign of terror and repression in the occupied Arab territories and its illegal policies and practices directed towards the goal of ultimate annexation of Arab lands and the permanent denial of the Palestinian people's right to self-determination and independent statehood. Let there be no illusions among us that it is precisely in pursuance of those sinister designs that Israel is bent upon sabotaging any prospect of the convening of the international conference on peace in the Middle East, There is also no doubt that Israel's intransigence could hardly be sustained without the virtual carte blanche extended to it by its powerful friends and supporters.	.
My Government remains convinced that it is only through the proposed international peace conference that a viable negotiating framework can be established within which all the dimensions of the Arab-Israeli conflict and its core aspect of Palestinian self-determination can be comprehensively addressed. It would also provide an acceptable forum where all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, could participate on an equal footing.
Given the ever present danger of escalating violence and widening conflict, there should be no further delay in preparing for the conference. We fully concur with the Secretary-General that questions of procedure should not present insurmountable obstacles and that our priority concern should continue to be directed towards what the conference would achieve in terms of the objective of just and lasting peace in accordance with the aspirations of the peoples of the region.
Recent initiatives undertaken by the Security Council offer renewed hope of a mutually acceptable negotiated settlement of the agonizing conflict between Iran and Iraq, which has lasted far too long and has inflicted such grievous loss of human life and material destruction on both sides. The protracted hostilities now threaten to expand into wider conflagration, including the deepening involvement of extra-regional Powers, which we cannot but view with serious concern. It is Indonesia's fervent hope that the Secretary-General's current efforts, mandated by Security Council resolution 598 (1987), will succeed in bringing an end to war and paving the way towards a comprehensive, just and honourable peace.
In the sub region of South-East Asia the unresolved conflict situation in Kampuchea still constitutes the one major obstacle blocking the path towards stable peace, regional harmony and common prosperity. Despite continuing hopes for some movement in the direction of a just and comprehensive settlement through dialogue and negotiation, the profound and legitimate aspirations of the Kampuchean people to an end to foreign intervention and the presence of foreign forces on its soil  and to self-determination and national reconciliation still remain unfulfilled. My Government is acutely aware of the complications and dangers of the prolonged impasse in resolving this tragic conflict, which cannot but be contrary to the interests of all the parties concerned. Thus, in July of this year Indonesia, as interlocutor for the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), arrived at an understanding with Viet Nam on the holding of an informal meeting, without pre-conditions and with no political labels, of all political factions of the Kampuchean people, on an equal footing, in which at a later stage Viet Nam and other countries concerned would be invited to participate.
We sincerely believe that this two-stage informal get-together would be a useful device in breaking the deadlock and preparing for actual negotiations towards a settlement of the Kampuchean problem in all its complex ramifications. We regret to note that this understanding has subsequently evoked differing interpretations among some of the parties directly concerned. Nevertheless, Indonesia, together with the other states members of ASEAN, stands ready to engage Viet Nam in the continued search for a political solution that would lead to the restoration of a genuinely independent, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea, while at the same time assuring the legitimate interest of all countries in the region in living in peace with one another free from extra-regional pressures and interference.
On the situation in Afghanistan, we have taken note with keen interest of the progress made and the obstacles that remain in the efforts aimed at finding a viable settlement. A negotiated solution based on the withdrawal of foreign forces and the restoration of the independence, sovereignty and non-aligned status of Afghanistan would not only bring peace and national reconciliation to the valiant Afghan people but also contribute to greater harmony and stability in the relationships among the States in the region and beyond.
Recent events in New Caledonia have shown that a process of decolonisation which ignores or suppresses the innate rights of the indigenous people cannot yield a just or durable outcome. The holding of a referendum under such conditions serves only to exacerbate the divisions and strife in the Territory. Self-determination and the peaceful transition to an independent New Caledonia can come about only if it is fully in accordance with the fundamental rights and interests of the indigenous Kanak people, while at the same time guaranteeing the rights and interests of all inhabitants of the Territory's multi-ethnic and multiracial society.
With so many persistent conflicts defying peaceful resolution, it is with particular satisfaction that Indonesia welcomes the conclusion of the agreement between the Central American States to establish a stable and lasting peace in accordance with the principles of sovereignty, common security, non-interference, self-determination, democracy and development. The accord represents a clear reaffirmation that dialogue and negotiations among the regional States themselves institute the most effective means of resolving regional problems. It is now more essential than ever for all the parties involved, including countries external to the sub region, to sustain the momentum of the peace process and make possible the emergence of a regional order truly responsive to the basic Interests and aspirations of the peoples of Central America.
In the economic sphere, the international agenda this year has been dominated by the convening of the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). That Conference assumed crucial importance because it was expected not only to address the key issues central to the health of the world economy but also to revive the stalemated dialogue between the developed North and the developing South and reactivate multilateral co-operation for development. The Conference was held against the dismal backdrop of a world economy caught in serious imbalances and dislocations. As summarized in UNCTAD, We agreed assessment of global economic trends, compared with the preceding two decades the' world economy in the 1980s has been characterized by a slowdown in growth of demand and output despite generally lower rates of inflation. Many developing countries are experiencing serious difficulties in adapting to structural changes under the impact of such acute reversals as mounting external debt burdens, high real interest rates, increased protectionism and commodity prices depressed to their lowest levels in 50 years. In short, the present decade is witnessing a generally insecure economic environment in which millions of people still lack the basic conditions for a decent life.
It is a matter of considerable satisfaction to Indonesia that after long and often strenuous debate UNCTAD VII could in the end unanimously agree on a set of policy measures covering the four key interrelated areas of resources for development, commodities, international trade and the problems of the least developed countries. Obviously, these policy measures still fall far short of the expectations of the Group of 77 as expressed in the Havana Declaration. Indeed, some of these prescribed policies amount to a simple reiteration of earlier unimplemented policy measures and are thus wholly inadequate to meet the aggravated situation of today. Nevertheless, judged against the background of the persistent crisis enveloping much of the developing world and the stalemate in the North-South dialogue, the consensus achieved represents a step in the right direction.
One development which was the highlight of the Conference, and which is of particular interest to my delegation, was the decision by the USSR to sign the Common Fund Agreement, thus opening up the very real likelihood of an early entry into force of the agreement· We trust that the follow-up action for the speedy operation of the Fund will also be promptly undertaken. But the major overall conclusion that can be drawn is that UNCTAD has emerged stronger from the process, thereby rebuffing the efforts by some to marginalize its role.
While quite understandably preoccupied with the more immediate threats to our development efforts, we should not lose sight of the longer-term challenges confronting us. The multiple crises which are currently besetting the world can no longer be viewed or addressed in their sectoral compartmentalization. As the Secretary-General aptly points out in his report on the work of the Organization, the symbiosis of development, environment and population is beginning to be better appreciated. In facing this challenge we welcome the timely decision of the Governing Council of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) to submit to this session of the General Assembly two major reports of great relevance, namely the Environmental Perspective to the Year 2000 and Beyond, and the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, entitled "Our Common Future·. It is indeed crucial for us to ensure accelerated growth and development in order to meet our present needs without compromising the well-being of our future generations. This is essentially what we understand to be the meaning of sustainable development. We agree with the World Commission that poverty is a major cause and effect of global environmental problems; and that it would be futile to attempt to deal with environmental problems without a broader perspective covering the underlying world poverty and international inequality. It is also undeniable that sustainable development would be further enhanced by an international atmosphere of peace, security and co-operation free from the presence and the threat of war, especially nuclear war, and the waste of intellectual and natural resources on armaments.
Turning to the world social situation, we must remain vigilant so as to ensure that the substantial progress already achieved in various fields will not fall victim to the adverse trends in the global economy.
In Indonesia and the other countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) , the implementation of programmes such as that of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) on the strategy of child survival and development, which is supported at the highest levels of Government, has led to Immeasurable improvements in the quality of life of our peoples. Central to this success Is the importance of widespread popular participation and guidance, as recently manifested by the adoption of an agenda for action by parliamentarians from the ASEAN region in support of this strategy. If such direction can be sustained our goal of health for all by the year 2000 can Indeed become a reality. In Indonesia, social development programmes continue to enjoy the strong personal support of President Suharto and have resulted in dramatic advances, particularly in such areas as the immunization of children. Despite the severe constraints of economic adjustment, social development has also been greatly accelerated both by the institution of integrated health and social services and by the increased attention being focused on Improving the status of women.
I have already alluded to the results of the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking. The progress achieved in that forum should now be sustained with decisive action at the national, regional and International level. Of critical importance In this regard Is the speedy finalization of the new draft convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, as a necessary complement to existing International instruments.
Indonesia is also encouraged by the progress that has been achieved in the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. The registration of India as the first pioneer Investor is a significant augury for the implementation of the provisions of the Convention as regards the sea-bed regime and resolution II of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Indonesia urges all States which have not done so to ratify the Convention to ensure its early entry into force.
It is quite apparent that the economic and social issues of our time have become increasingly multidimensional in character and closely Interrelated. We therefore concur with the Secretary-General's observation in his annual report that "in dealing with this web of global problems, the United Nations system will need to be more fully integrated, and better able to follow priorities established for the system as a whole". (A/42/1, p. 14). In this connection, my delegation has noted with interest his proposal to strengthen the role of the Economic and Social Council in order to make it more consonant with the original intent of the Charter. We are confident that in conducting the in-depth study of the United Nations intergovernmental structure in the economic and social fields the Council's Special Commission will give this proposal the serious consideration that it deserves.
At the same time it should always be borne in mind that all efforts to strengthen the role, improve the functioning and Increase the efficiency and effectiveness of the United Nations and its organs will remain marginal unless they are matched by the consistent support, including financial support, of all Member States. Therefore, in order to reach an effective solution to the current crisis confronting the Organization it is necessary to re-emphasize at this time the imperative need for all Member States to fulfil their financial obligations under the Charter.
In a world of increasing interdependence of nations and interrelationship of issues, international co-operation is no longer an option, it is a necessity. Equally, recognition of the fundamental rights and interests of all nations and peoples, apart from being a moral imperative, is an essential prerequisite for lasting peace. The eradication of the poverty and deprivation which afflict vast areas of the world can no longer be regarded as a long-term goal; it is of urgent relevance to national and international security. If the pursuit of these objectives is to achieve tangible results it is to the revitalization of the multilateral institutions that we must turn. While our Organization is obviously not without deficiencies, our hopes for a new world order must lie not in the rejection but in the rejuvenation of the United Nations. Utilizing the system effectively is as important as changing it. Together we should exert continuous efforts to strengthen the United Nations as the principal collective Instrument through which Members can resolve the fundamental global issues confronting humanity.


I should like to begin my statement at this world meeting by extending my congratulations to you. Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. The delegation of Bolivia respects your great personal qualities and experience and your worthy representation of a friendly country. I wish also to commend your predecessor Ambassador Choudhury of Bangladesh, for the distinction with which he presided over the last session.
On behalf of the Government of Bolivia, I express gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his selfless and tireless efforts. His skill and perseverance in the search for solutions to the various problems facing the world are recognized by all. He is the champion of peace, understanding and brotherhood among peoples. For all these reasons, his re-election to his important post is a clear acknowledgement of the personal qualities of an illustrious Latin American.
In this Assembly the people and the democratic Government of Bolivia reaffirm their faith in and unqualified commitment to the principles of the Charter and their conviction that it is only through dialogue and decisive political will and understanding among all the peoples of the world that we shall succeed in solving the problems that beset mankind, that our generation will be able to build peace and brotherhood and that the interdependence of all nations will be placed above hegemonism and sterile ideological disputes.
We have noted with concern since the last session of the General Assembly that in many areas democratic dialogue among States has been replaced by violence/ and that force and the abuse of power have prevailed over reason, tolerance and the rule of law, with attempts to substitute themselves for negotiations in the solution of international conflicts. However, as we are all aware, force and aggression, apart from their illegality, have clearly demonstrated their inability to bring about or preserve peace.
The United Nations has promoted the self-determination of peoples and the peaceful settlement of disputes, which are the very pillars of peaceful coexistence and principles that Bolivia has always respected and furthered.
Peace is the very essence of the code of civilized norms of coexistence that must guide mankind on its historic journey within the framework of the profound sense of ethics that permeates the spirit of all human beings. One enormous obstacle to peace and the attainment of international security is the arms race, which is growing apace and has reached unimaginable levels. The arms race not only jeopardizes the precarious peace that we enjoy at present but is a key factor in the stagnation of the social and economic development of both the nations involved in that mindless race and the countries of the third world, since their efforts and resources would be better spent on raising the living standards of their peoples.
Bolivia, as always, resolutely supports all disarmament initiatives designed to bring about peace and strengthen international security. I hereby declare Bolivia's readiness to seek the establishment of a zone of peace and security in the South Pacific. In keeping with those principles, my Government welcomed the announcement by the Governments of the Soviet Union and the United States of their agreement in principle to dismantle the weapons covered by the zero and double-zero options. This marks the beginning of a gradual process of nuclear disarmament, which must be maintained.
In spite of the selfless peace efforts made by the United Nations, we continue to be alarmed by the conflicts in various parts of the world, which thwart the commendable humanitarian work of the Organization.
In the context of eliminating one source of social conflict that is a blight on and a disgrace to mankind, Bolivia reiterates its utter repudiation of apartheid and all forms of discrimination, whether racial, religious, cultural, political, social or economic. Bolivia calls insistently for the self-determination of Namibia and the cessation of military aggression by South Africa against neighbouring sovereign States. Ideological pluralism, along with the self-determination of peoples, is the foundation of the coexistence of States. In this spirit, just as Bolivia recognizes the juridical and political existence of Israel/ so does it recognize the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to form a sovereign State in a free and clearly defined territory. We are certain that a solution to this problem will benefit the peace and security of the countries of the Middle East, and we therefore enthusiastically support the idea of an immediate multilateral conference, with the participation of the permanent members of the Security Council and the States involved, to reach a consensus on peaceful coexistence in a region so sorely tried by all the horrors of violence and blind hatred.
Similarly, the search for an appropriate solution to the problem of the two Koreas can only benefit that part of the world. We appeal most fervently to the parties concerned to engage in negotiations inspired by a spirit of reconciliation and brotherhood. Tragic and fierce conflicts in Asia and Africa, particularly the Iran-Iraq war, the constant deterioration of the situation in Lebanon, the military occupation of Cyprus - all persist in spite of the pleas of the international community. Bolivia, in its traditional spirit of peace, appeals earnestly to the Governments and the leaders of the parties concerned to take constructive decisions and make meaningful efforts to reach solutions to these conflicts. We emphatically urge implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), which was adopted unanimously.
The persistence of those inhuman situations distresses the Bolivian people, because we see with heavy hearts that similar tensions are now arising in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Happily, the prolonged Central American crisis is entering upon a process of change, thanks to the commendable initiative of the Heads of State of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua, who, with the firm support of their peoples, held a meeting of Heads of State of Central America last August under the auspices of the Government of Guatemala. This meeting contributed in raising our hopes for the achievement of diplomatic solutions, hopes which we had voiced even before the efforts of the Contadora and Support Groups began.
Accordingly, we are exceedingly gratified to learn that the five Heads of State decided to unite their efforts and strive as one to bring about an early understanding in favour of peace in Central America. This endeavour must be complemented by the international community, which should make an exceptionally generous contribution to the economic reconstruction of these sister countries.
In spite of this commendable progress, there is a conflict which endures and is a source of concern to Latin America: the vestige of an outdated colonialism that affects the legitimate sovereignty of a sister nation, the Argentine Republic, in respect of its territorial rights over the Malvinas Islands. It is imperative, that the parties concerned re-open negotiations with a view to bringing about a just and peaceful solution to the problem; thus Bolivia supports General Assembly resolution 41/11, which declares the South Atlantic to be a zone of peace and co-operation.
Bolivia's support for the rights of the sister Republic of Panama over the Canal is unwavering, and proceeds from our spirit of pan-American ism. The Torrijos-Carter Treaty is an example of this spirit, and its unqualified implementation is an imperative for the Latin American and Caribbean community.
The world economic situation is of grave concern to my country. There is the threat of a major recession whose repercussions would be felt mainly in the developing countries. It would have disastrous consequences for primary-commodity producers and exporters like Bolivia. We view with amazement the unfair granting of subsidies, intolerable trade discrimination and reactionary protectionism. Those regressive factors impede economic exchanges between nations and cause irreparable harm, in particular to the developing countries which have imposed on them economic restrictions that strangle free international trade. Such a chain of reactionary nationalism leads to the existence of an unjust international economic order.
We now have a global economic system which, even in times of apparent peace, bears the signs of controversy. In this sense, there is a radical lack of symmetry, owing to the fact that some alliances within the system do not answer to any control or regulation machinery and because of their scope, strength and power exert a de facto influence over the entire system. Nevertheless my Government hopes that the decisions adopted by the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) will be carried out. We should like to take this opportunity to extend sincere congratulations to the Secretary-General of UNCTAD, Mr. Kenneth Dadzie, who has worked so hard and effectively to promote international trade.
Bolivia wholeheartedly supports the Caracas and Buenos Aires Programmes of Action, which establish economic and technical co-operation among developing countries, in this context I should like to mention the recent agreements of fraternal co-operation between Paraguay and Bolivia, and between Peru and Bolivia, respectively, which we trust will in the very near future greatly benefit our nations.
The Uruguayan Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) has given new hope to the developing countries. We believe that the item on natural resources deserves special consideration within that framework.
My country, in keeping with its new economic policy and its plan for reinvigorating domestic production, and having followed with interest the latest actions of GATT, has applied for membership in that body.
External debt, to which we have referred so frequently both here and elsewhere, because of its ill-effects on the economies and the growth of debtor countries, is fraught with political and social dangers from which there is no escape. We view with profound concern that the so-called periodic adjustments do not contribute to finding a solution to this structural problem. They lead to a drain of financial resources from the debtor countries to those States having predominant financial centres that has reached the astronomical figure of some $200 billion annually. This amounts to a plundering of the poor peoples of the world.
The United Nations could become the appropriate forum for dealing with this complex problem, given the co-operation of all the countries concerned, both debtors and creditors, in a multilateral effort with positive effects for all States and public and private financial systems that have already tried various alternatives without achieving an adequate definitive solution. This is a concrete issue that requires the immediate consideration of the Organization.
Permit me now briefly to speak on some particularly important aspects of the situation in my country. About two years ago Bolivia embarked on a new economic policy and a new style of development. At the same time, we began to put into practice the principles of authority, responsibility and morality within the democratic framework of the life of my country, so as to make of economic democracy a factor for social justice. In August 1985 the Government of President Victor Paz Estenssoro took over a country in the grip of runaway inflation at an estimated cumulative rate, for December of that year, of 40,000 per cent, accompanied by a 20 per cent drop in its gross national product - all that against the backdrop of a grave political and social disarray. It needed great political courage by the President and his Government to apply the necessary "shock" treatment in order to halt the runaway inflation by establishing control over finances, instituting tax reform and introducing a single, flexible and realistic exchange rate, as well as uniform tariffs.
These efforts were positive but short-lived. The attempt was frustrated in October 1985 by a blow to our foreign trade caused by a fall in the prices of primary commodities, minerals, particularly tin, and fuels.
Bolivia is facing a historic challenge. In order to preserve its democratic system we are pursuing a drastic anti-inflationary policy and there have been positive results. With financial stability, both internal and external, the annual rate of inflation has been kept below 10 per cent and the exchange rate reflects supply and demand. The amount of tax collected has risen from 1 per cent to 9 per cent of the gross national product and the budgetary deficit has been eliminated. Reserves have risen by over 100 per cent and we have established social discipline and full legal and constitutional order.
It should be recognized that an adverse effect of the success of our policy of stabilization has been a drop in real incomes and employment, problems which we are trying to remedy by re-stimulating production in the short term and by economic and social development over the medium and long terms.
Moreover, our Government, in spite of serious economic and financial restraints, has not neglected the social area. In the belief that democracy can flourish only in conditions of social well-being, it has established an emergency social fund designed to provide temporary work projects for the unemployed. Similarly, we have established an emergency economic recovery fund and a national social policy council, as well as a national council for co-operatives and a public housing institute. We fully support the consolidation of social property and integral and participative co-operativism.
Pursuant to its effective stabilization programme, Bolivia has signed with the International Monetary Fund a stand-by agreement and a structural adjustment agreement, with expanded facilities over three years, thus becoming the second country to secure such an agreement, which enables it to obtain compensatory financing.
With regard to its external debt Bolivia has arranged with the "Paris Club" to reschedule its bilateral public debt and is now enjoying the co-operation of the members. Preparations are now under way for a new round of negotiations.
In brief, Bolivia is now economically and financially ripe for investment and international co-operation and that, together with its natural resources, justifies expectations of healthy political and social development. We would like to pay a tribute to the work of the United Nations Development Programme as a source of multilateral technical co-operation and pre-investment. Its activities help to expand economic co-operation among developing countries.
On this occasion I should like to say on behalf of our Government that we are emerging from the most serious hyperinflation in Latin American history and the seventh most acute hyperinflation to have struck any country anywhere. The people of Bolivia wish to resolve these problems within the framework of democracy and freedom and that calls for a great spirit of sacrifice and solidarity in order to avoid falling into the trap of totalitarianism which, unfortunately, in similar situations has been the corollary of transition in such fragile circumstances.
My Government, conscious of the magnitude of the problem of drug trafficking, has recently, in this very forum, condemned that criminal activity and taken the initiative, along with other Governments of the region, of calling on the United Nations to proclaim drug trafficking a crime against humanity and to convene a world conference to examine the problem, a conference which would recommend concerted action to combat it at the international level. In pursuit of the same policy, Bolivia took an active part in the preparations for and work of the Conference held last June in Vienna on drug abuse and illicit trafficking. That Conference was a landmark and a testimony to the unanimity of purpose of our peoples and Governments. Its results will benefit future generations. The documents unanimously adopted there constitute a valuable basis for harmonizing the legislation of the different countries, and that will make more effective humanity's fight against this criminal and perverse activity.
Bolivia has also concluded an agreement with the United States of America for the eradication and replacement of the coca plant, with a precise timetable for both the voluntary and the forcible elimination of the crop as well as punitive action against the crime and rehabilitation of the offenders. This step taken by the Government of Bolivia is a clear expression of its determination to fight this scourge of universal dimensions, in spite of the political, social and economic problems involved in carrying out these plans for countries which bear the misnomer of producers.
However, it is an inconceivable paradox that action such as that just mentioned, which has been launched from the highest political level in Bolivia, should not be fully understood by certain agencies of the United States Government, which still show biased and short-sighted understanding of so vast a problem. Bolivian democracy, which is slowly emerging, has just had imposed on it, by the unilateral action of the Government of the United States of America, a "sanction", which only encourages drug trafficking, since the budget cuts recently decided upon seriously weaken the national will to banish from out territory this terrible transnational of organized crime. Whether with or without the economic co-operation of the United States of America, Bolivia will not cease its efforts to eradicate the trafficking in drugs.
Once again we must emphasize the solid emergence of multilateralism in the fight against drugs. The spirit of the Conference in Vienna and the dynamic action of courage and efficiency of the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control are the only firm hope that States have of restoring the honour of their peoples, the health of their youth and the efficient co-operation to build a common united front to put an end to this nefarious crime without political manoeuvring.
These steps have been accompanied by the implementation of domestic policies designed to combat drug trafficking. On 25 July last we created the National Council against the Abuse of and Illicit Traffic in Drugs, charged with the task of formulating and establishing the policies of development/ crime prevention and rehabilitation within our overall plan for crop substitution and for development. My Government wishes to reiterate before this Assembly its determination to continue its unrelenting fight against drug trafficking, in compliance with the Declaration and the Comprehensive Multidisciplinary Plan of Future Activities adopted in Vienna.
On numerous occasions the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and worship of Bolivia have made reference to the maritime problem facing my country, a problem which for over a century has seriously affected its economic and social growth. I feel I should now briefly refer to that matter, which is one of the issues of conflict which afflict Latin America. Since the Ninth General Assembly of the Organization of American States (OAS), in 1979, the hemisphere's regional organ has insistently recommended and exhorted Bolivia and Chile to find a peaceful, just solution to Bolivia's landlocked situation. This has been embodied in a variety of resolutions adopted by the organization's General Assembly in Washington in 1980, Saint Lucia in 1981, Washington in 1982 and 1983, Brasilia in 1984, Cartagena de Indias in 1985 and Guatemala in 1986.
The substantive part of that OAS resolution states·.
"The General Assembly,
"In a spirit of fraternity and with a view to the integration of the Americas,
"Declares that it is of continuing hemispheric interest that an equitable solution be found whereby Bolivia will obtain appropriate sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean, and "Considering that it is necessary to achieve the foregoing objective and to consolidate a stable peace that will promote the economic and social progress of the area of the Americas directly affected by the consequences of the landlocked status of Bolivia, and Resolvesi
"1. To recommend to the States most directly concerned with this problem that they open negotiations for the purpose of providing Bolivia with a free and sovereign territorial connection with the Pacific Ocean. These negotiations shall take into account the rights and interests of the parties involved, and might consider, among other things, the inclusion of a port area for integrated multinational development, as well as the Bolivian proposal that no territorial compensation be included."
As a consequence of this continental concern and Bolivia's unbending determination to recover its access to the Pacific Ocean, in 1986 Bolivia took the initiative of arranging a new process of negotiations with the Government of Chile with the sole objective of achieving its access to the Pacific and proposing adequate compensation, to our mutual benefit. After a series of informal consultations between the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia and Chile, there was an official meeting between the Ministers representing their respective states on 21-23 April 1987 in Montevideo, thanks to the generous hospitality of the Government of Uruguay. There and then the Bolivian Minister gave his Chilean counterpart a proposal, on the basis of which the negotiations began. At that meeting the Bolivian delegation replied to various questions posed by the Chilean delegation, confident that a formal round of diplomatic negotiations had been initiated and that it was obviously being carried out seriously and in good faith by the two countries.
A few days later the atmosphere of favourable expectancy created by a policy of mutual friendliness and accommodation was disrupted by an abrupt and rude declaration by a member of the Chilean naval forces, whose statements certainly did no credit to his uniform. Those comments were both incoherent and aggressive, thus bringing to a halt the course of negotiations aimed at finding a solution to the strained relations between the two brother countries.
On 9 June 1987 the Bolivian representative in Santiago was abruptly summoned to the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where he was handed an official communiqué containing a rude rejection of the Bolivian proposal, thus unilaterally breaking off the negotiating process.
At the same time the Government of Chile launched a well-planned publicity campaign aimed at convincing the Chilean people and the international public that
Bolivia had never had access to the Pacific Ocean. A flood of fallacious and erroneous historical "facts" were thus used in an attempt to distort and invalidate Bolivia's historical, moral and political right to its own coast and a port area on the Pacific.
Bolivia has repeatedly submitted the irrefutable documented proof on which it bases its historical right to its own outlet to the Pacific Ocean, which was impetuously seized by Chile in a war of aggression in 1879 - an attack brutally and unexpectedly unleashed not only against my country but also against Peru. I do not wish to burden representatives with the details of that documentation. I shall refer only to the most categorical admission by Chile to the effect that the Bolivian littoral was taken by force during the 1879 war. That admission is contained in an official dispatch sent by the Chilean representative Mr. Abraham König to the Bolivian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 13 August 1900. The relevant parts read;
"... Chile has occupied the littoral and has taken possession of it in the same way as Germany annexed Alsace and Lorraine to its empire ... Our title is born of victory, the supreme law of nations ... that the littoral is rich and worth millions, we knew. We keep it because we value it if we did not value it, we would not be interested in keeping it."
That official declaration has never been disavowed by Chile, nor has it been argued that Mr. König, the author, was not authorized to make it. The terms of Konig's note were the basis of the Treaty imposed by Chile in 1904.
From the memorandum presented by Bolivia during the Ninth General Assembly of the Organization of American States I shall extract only a few brief points pertaining to the economic impediments from which Bolivia has been suffering as a consequence of the Chilean occupation so brilliantly described by the Chilean diplomat König. The territory in question has an area of 158,000 square kilometres, an area larger than the state of Pennsylvania, with a coastline of more than 400 kilometres·, it includes four ports and seven coves. The copper exported by Chile since 1979, amounting to more than 20 million tons, came from this region. That is the equivalent of the reserves of the entire Asian continent plus the reserves of the Soviet Union. Chile has thus become the world's primary exporter and the second-ranking producer of copper, after the United States- In addition, other natural resources, such as guano, saltpetre, sulphur and so on, are still being extracted from that area.
The basic acknowledgement of the serious juridical, moral and material damage inflicted on Bolivia and the concept that this problem is both detrimental and dangerous to the harmony and social development of the region have prompted the repeated appeals of the OAS for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of this situation. That is why Chile's infamous, inexplicable refusal is so offensive not only to Bolivia but also to the Organization of American States, which seeks to foster Bolivian-Chilean understanding.
We are only too familiar with Chile's arguments: "Chile owes nothing to Bolivia", "There is a Treaty in force between the two States", and so on. These are all feeble arguments designed to paper over a reality which is charged with conflict. We do not seek to denounce or ignore existing treaties, even if they did arise out of military defeat. We are asking the international community to help us to find, through negotiations in good faith, an agreement that will be a contribution to the peace, integration and development of the area, which requires realistic, imaginative and long-lasting solutions that will promote the common well-being of both our nations.
To conclude what I have to say on this matter, I reaffirm the determination of the Government and people of Bolivia to press their claim in the Organization of American States, to which we owe our gratitude for the sense of justice and equity it has shown in supporting Bolivia's search, through serious bilateral diplomatic negotiations conducted in good faith, for a peaceful solution to its maritime Problem. At the same time the Government and people of Bolivia wish here in the General Assembly, the supreme forum of world opinion, to voice their protest over an unjust situation.
The international community has reiterated here its support for efforts made in the context of multilateralism, an instrument of modern international law and practice, which seeks to build and guarantee a civilized way of life of benefit to all the peoples on earth.
However, some Member States appear to be vacillating over honouring their commitments. Delay in the payment of contributions, as a means of exerting pressure and not because of economic difficulties, represents a serious threat to the United Nations. I therefore reiterate the Bolivian Government's full support for the United Nations system, including all its agencies and bodies. On this basis, Bolivia will continue to co-operate in the further democratisation of the United Nations bodies and will insist on just and equitable geographic representation, free from any vestiges of feudalism.
Another threat to the normal functioning of the United Nations system is the disregard for commitments made with regard to it.
The public conduct of Governments comes under the spotlight when it harms or violates positive multilateral laws of which States are the substantive beneficiaries, as in the recent case of an unspeakable incident provoked by the Government of Chile, when it gave offence to a high official of the Bolivian State. In a politically and ideologically motivated repressive action, the Government of Chile in whose territory the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) has its seat, denied the Bolivian Vice-Minister of Social Defence and head of the Bolivian delegation an entry visa he required to participate in the first Latin American meeting of heads of national drug law enforcement agencies, which is being held this week at the ECLAC headquarters,
That reactionary police action, which fully reveals the morality of that Government, characterized by ostentatious display of power, was an attempt to prevent the participation of a Bolivian representative in a multilateral meeting - a representative who has always been involved in the struggle for democracy and social justice. I thank the office of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the Executive Secretary of ECLAC for successfully demanding that the Government of Chile meet its international obligations by granting the visa.
Because of that incident, together with many other acts that, have interfered with ECLAC's work since September 1973, Bolivia will take steps within the competent United Nations bodies to have the Commission's headquarters moved. The issues on the agenda of this memorable session deal with problems of concern to all mankind. We should try not to discuss modalities, points of view or interpretations of crises and their diverse forms but to concentrate on real substance; the question of freedom or irrational force. We must be prepared to identify the opponents of freedom, with the aim of uniting the majority of nations to preserve and strengthen it- For that, it is essential to give priority to spiritual values, which in some tragic circumstances ate ignored or treated as being of secondary importance.
Perfecting the social order consists in combining force and the law. However,
it is essential that force be directed by the law otherwise, at dramatic moments in the life of States unilateral arguments are advanced, authoritarian power is exercised and fratricidal violence occurs, reducing to mere chimeras the universal laws and morals of peace and interdependence.
This year's session of the General Assembly coincides with the anniversaries of two events which, both instructively and controversially, have contributed to the development of human society. I refer to the 200th anniversary of the legal adoption of the Constitution of the United States, a document whose ideas have borne much fruit elsewhere in the political development of the world, particularly among those of us whose public institutions are rooted in democracy/ freedom of the individual and the independence of States. This year also marks the 70th anniversary of the Russian revolution, a historic milestone indispensable to an understanding of the social changes of the 20th century which have led to the overcoming of those excessive individualistic injustices that obstructed the integral development of the economic expectations of our societies.
The lessons of both those events/ and both approaches to supporting the development of the human being, together with other products of the human spirit aimed at reconciliation, must converge towards a synthesis of peace, freedom and economic justice and love and understanding between individuals and nations. In that way the 21st century will combine the light of individual freedom with social security and international justice, to turn the planet into one world/ where the State and the free marketplace of ideas, services and goods will once and for all put an end to violence, tyranny and the dogmatism of the ideologies of hatred/ and where love and peace will prevail among all God's creatures, including all humanity.