It gives me great pleasure that Mr. Dante Caputo has been elected President of the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are all the more pleased to see
as President a person who comes from a friendly country, Argentina, and from a
sisterly continent, Latin America. His renowned wisdom and vast experience will
certainly enrich the performance of the General Assembly. We are confident that
the current session will constitute an important landmark on the path of
international progress. By the same token, I wish to pay a tribute to his
predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, Deputy Foreign Minister of the friendly German
Democratic Republic, for his wise guidance of the proceedings of the forty-second
session and the third Special session devoted to disarmament.

A few weeks ago, the Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries met in
Cyprus to review and assess developments in the international situation,
particularly the recent indications of the advent of a new era of detente between
the two super-Powers, a new era different from that which had prevailed in the
1970s. This new era represents a more advanced phase towards positive peaceful
co-existence. If allowed to maintain its momentum and to expand its scope, it
would create a favorable political climate conducive to general and complete
disarmament, both of nuclear weapons and of other weapons of mass destruction.

Such a new era could also be conducive to strengthening co-operation between
the approach towards the peaceful settlement of several international problems.
countries with different social and political regimes and to enhancing the

There are a number of indications which testify to the importance of this
opportunities for their contribution to the world economy. It would further assist
the approach towards positive development, as is evident from the encouraging signs that several international and regional problems may be resolved. However, other problems are
still in abeyance. In the Middle East, the resolution of the Palestinian problem still faces
persistent obstacles as a result of the intransigence of some parties and the
rigidity of their positions. This state of affairs has led the Middle East region
to lag behind other regions which have begun to proceed steadily towards just and
lasting solutions.

In recent years the Palestine question has witnessed attempts to impose a
fait accompli and to entrench the Israeli occupation. Nevertheless, the
Palestinian uprising - the intifadah - has defied all forms of suppression and
coercion. The heroic Palestinian people, in their firm belief in their just cause,
have succeeded in imposing recognition of "their existence and in gaining world-wide
support for their legitimate national rights.

The Palestinian people have thus made it impossible to return to the
pre-uprising conditions. So the escalating acts of repression perpetrated by the
Israeli occupation forces are futile. These acts include expatriation,
administrative detention without trial, imprisonment, confiscation of property, the
blowing up of houses, torture, the closing down of schools and universities and the
freezing of labour unions' activities. They further contravene the rules of
I
international law and the Geneva conventions and human rights. Such acts are
strongly condemned by Egypt, as they have been by the entire international community.

The decision of King Hussein of Jordan last July to sever legal and
administrative links with the West Bank was aimed at fostering the representative
status of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in implementation of the
prime responsibility for the occupied Palestinian territories.

Both the Jordanian and the Palestinian parties have reiterated their
determination and commitment to pursue their co-operation and intensify their
consultations. Such a decision is triggered by the exigencies of the situation and
by the unity of their objective, namely, the ending of the Israeli occupation
within the framework of a comprehensive, lasting and just settlement based on the
norms and principles of international legitimacy.
Guided by this noble goal, Egypt has called for the convening of an
international conference on peace in the Middle East under the auspices of the
United Nations. All parties concerned, includin9 the PLO, the sole, legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people, as well as the permanent members of the
Security Council, are to participate at that conference, thus allowing direct
negotiations between the parties, with the aim of reaching a lasting settlement of
the Palestinian problem and putting an end to the regional tension in the Middle
East, which threatens international peace and security.
International support for the convening of the international conference has
undoubtedly become one of the basic tenets on which Arab and international
political and diplomatic action to resolve the Palestinian problem is based. There
is also a general international consensus on holding such a conference at the
earliest possible time.

In this context, we welcome the United States approach based on the political
rights of the Palestinian people and on the principle of "land for peace", both of
which were reaffirmed in the initiative of the united States Secretary of state,
Mr. Shultz, in April 1988 and again at the tripartite meeting attended by
President Reagan of the United States on the 26th of the current month. These
principles conform to the provisions of the United Nations Charter and to the
security Council resolutions, foremost among which is resolution 242 (1967), which
confirms the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory
through war. We believe that this principle is a sine qua non for the whole
resolution and is central to ensuring its implementation and to the establishment
of a comprehensive and lasting peace which would not entail a recurrence of the
dispute in future.
Refusal to face the facts, failure to admit the inherent nature of the
conflict, persistent disregard of the Palestinian people and their legitimate
representatives and disregard of the national rights of those people, foremost
among which is their right to self-determination - all these will keep this
conflict unresolved and will lead to far-reaching consequences in the region. It
is high time the various parties took historic and courageous decisions in order to
overcome the obstacles to peace. In this respect, I wish to welcome the statements
of Palestinian officials at the highest level which emphasize the willingness of
the PLO to negotiate a peaceful and lasting solution of the Palestinian problem, as
well as the willingness for a mutual and simultaneous recognition of Israel. This
development, which reflects a sound understanding of the situation and its
exigencies, deserves every encouragement. I also wish to take this opportunity to
commend the peace-loving forces in Israel on their efforts for the achievement of a
lasting and just settlement.

If our strategic goal, as I have mentioned, is to reach a lasting and just
settlement of the Palestinian problem, which would ensure security and stability in
the Middle East, we are equally aware that the introduction of nuclear weapons or
the threat of their introduction into the Middle East would create serious
imbalances with grave consequences to security and stability in the region.
Therefore we call on Israel once again from this rostrum to renounce the
nuclear-weapon option, to accede to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons and to subject all its nuclear facilities to the safeguard system of the
International Atomic Energy Agency. Such a decision would certainly boost
confidence and advance the drive towards peace.
In this regard, Egypt has been working persistently for the establishment of a
nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. We hope that this objective will be
achieved at the earliest possible date.
Turning to the situation in the Gulf, we observe that the Iraq-Iran conflict,
after eight years of war, has entered a new phase in which all parties recognize
that political settlement and serious negotiations are the only means of achieving
security and justice in that region.

The mere acceptance of security Council resolution 598 (1987) by the parties and the halt to military operations do not in themselves mean the end of conflict and the advent of peace. Rather, good faith and serious efforts are necessary requirements.

While appreciating the efforts of the United Nations to bring about a peaceful settlement of this dispute, we express the hope that Iran will substantiate its good faith. It's appreciation of the exigencies of the present situation, as has already been demonstrated by Iraq, would accelerate efforts towards a just and honourable settlement of the dispute and an early establishment of peace and stability, thus allowing the States and peoples of the region to 1ive in peace and to harness their human and economic resources for reconstruction and development in
the interest of all peoples of the region.

As for the plight of the brotherly Lebanese people, the regional parties interfering in their affairs still refuse to admit that regional ambitions, the narrow political outlook and attempts by alien parties to impose control over
Lebanon will not achieve genuine peace for any party. Eventually it will be the
Lebanese people themselves who will pay the price and sustain the loss.

we appeal to all our brothers in Lebanon, irrespective of their creeds,
confessions or positions, to place the interest of the people and the unity,
integrity and security of their country above any other consideration.
The Situation in Afghanistan has passed through positive developments during
the present year. The United Nations and its secretary-General have played an
effective role in bridging the gap between the viewpoints of the different parties,
thus facilitating the signing of the Geneva Accords relating to the situation in
Afghanistan. These Accords have moved the problem into a new and brighter
perspective after all the untold suffering sustained by the valiant Afghan people
who had engaged in an historic struggle.

In this context we wish to welcome the Soviet decision to withdraw from
Afghanistan and its declared intention of complying fully with this decision.

However, these positive developments should not distract us from the fact that a
genuine and definitive solution to the problem of Afghanistan will not be forthcoming unless its people are enabled to choose their government freely and independently and unless its refugees are repatriated and a halt to foreign
intervention is achieved.

The African continent has recently observed the silver jubilee of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), which has been rich in accomplishments despite
all the difficulties: Positive developments have recently taken place, giving a
glimmer of hope that the heroic people of Namibia would soon be able to gain their
independence under the leadership of the South west Africa People's Organization
(SWAPO), their sole, legitimate representative and that the territorial integrity
of Angola would be preserved and respected.

We wish to reiterate our support for the heroic people of South Africa under
the leadership of their national liberation movements and their leader,
Nelson Mandela. We also call on the international community to continue shouldering its responsibilities for eliminating the abominable policy of apartheid.
As regards north-west Africa, we welcome the developments towards peace on the
question of western Sahara in the past few weeks. We believe that the proposals of
the Secretary-General and his constructive efforts towards a settlement - so long
as they are accepted by the parties - represent a great advance. We look forward
to the implementation of those proposals and to the achievement of further progress
towards the resolution of this question, which has long been causing concern for
the international community, the Arab world and the African countries.

At the same time, a number of other regional problems have been benefiting from this positive climate. The problem of Kampuchea is witnessing genuine endeavours to achieve its independence and territorial integrity and sovereignty as well as a just solution that would ensure self-determination for its people, free from foreign intervention.

There is also a forward movement on the issue of Cyprus under the aegis of the united Nations. This positive development leads us to look forward to a future in which agreement is reached on preserving the unity and territorial integrity of
Cyprus within a federal non-aligned state, where all people and all communities
enjoy equal rights. We hope that the emerging dialogue between the President of
Cyprus and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community will constitute a positive
step in that direction.

We also hope that the prevailing spirit of settlement will include the Korean
problem in accordance with the des ire of the Korean people for the unification of
the Korean peninsula.
The recent positive developments in respect of a number of regional problems
have demonstrated that the United Nations can play an important and efficient role
in the settlement of regional disputes if enabled to do so. We therefore appeal to
Member States to help extricate this Organization from its financial crisis so that
it may be able to continue assuming its role as an effective tool for the
realization of justice, solidarity and peace in accordance with the provisions of
its Charter. I am pleased to avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate the
united Nations on the occasion of the conferring of the Nobel Peace Prize on the
United Nations peace-keeping operations in recognition of the growing and effective
role of those operations in various parts of the world.

Since the international community has expressed satisfaction at the increasing
role of the United Nations in the settlement of regional problems, it is necessary to emphasize once again that that role emanates from one of the fundamental principles of its Charter, namely, the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes. This principle is one of the most firmly established methods for the establishment of peace. The extent of commitment to this principle reflects the level of international maturity in the practice and organization of relations between States through breaking stalemates and seeking solutions to such disputes.

In this regard I wish to refer particularly to the agreement between Egypt and
Israel on 11 September 1986 to resort to international obligatory arbitration in
order to resolve the dispute that came up regarding some international boundary
posts between Egypt and Palestine - under the Mandate - in what came to be known as
the Taba problem.. The two par ties had agreed on the terms of arbitration in
accordance with the provisions of the Charter, in particular Article 33, which
urges the par ties to a dispute to seek its resolution through one of the methods
mentioned therein.

Thus, the ruling by the international arbitration panel in Geneva on the Taba problem on 29 September 1988 - that is, yesterday - encourages resort to the principles of international law and commitment to the noble principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. We are gratified that the ruling of the arbitration panel has confirmed that Taba is an Egyptian territory that falls under Egyptian sovereignty and that the legal and historical documents and evidence provided by Egypt have been proved authentic. I am confident that speedy implementation, in good faith, of that ruling would lead to results that would transcend the disputed
issue and improve the political climate in the region, thereby facilitating more
positive developments.
As we approach the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights it behooves us to recall that Egypt has been at the forefront in signing or
acceding to most international conventions and instruments relating to human rights
and in honouring the obligations arising there from. This attitude echoes our conviction that the human being is the target of peace, stability and development,
which cannot be attained without his efforts and which enhance his feeling of
dignity and his sense of freedom.
Egypt also attaches great importance to the issues of childhood and maternity
and has therefore set up the National Council for Childhood and Maternity, which
will hold a national congress at Alexandria in November 1988 in collaboration with
the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and a number of its regional offices.
A number of Egyptians and others involved in the various aspects of child medical
care and legal protection will participate in that congress, so that the widest
support of public opinion may be mustered for the draft United Nations convention
on the rights of the child.

I should like to refer here to the establishment of the Arab Council for Childhood and Development, which makes every effort to create better conditions for the bringing up of Arab children and to develop methods of control over the implementation of laws relating to children in the Arab world. Egypt has been elected vice-president of that Council. Egypt calls for the early preparation of the international convention on the rights of the child so that it may be adopted next year on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration of the Rights of the Child.

Referring to social development, I must express our appreciation of the
constructive contribution of the united Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and
the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in
the field of cultural development and the preservation of the ancient historical
heritage of Egypt, in particular the revival of the library of Alexandria as an
Egyptian and international cultural edifice.

The current world economic situation remains a source of deep concern, in view
of the difficult conditions through which most countries are passing. However,
because of their special conditions, the effects of that situation have been more
adverse to and painful for the developing countries. The increasing debt and
debt-service burdens and the unfavourable external and internal conditions
resulting from the decline in commodity prices, together with the burdens of
tackling problems of underdevelopment, have led many developing countries to cut
their imports and suspend some development programmes. Consequently, living
standards have deteriorated and austerity measures have had to be adopted, with
increasing social and economic risks and consequences that threaten social and
political stability in most of those countries.

I wish to refer in particular to the critical economic situation in Africa.
The impact of the adverse international economic environment on the efforts of African countries to achieve economic recovery and development has been
shattering. African countries have made tremendous efforts to implement the United
Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development
1986-1990. Despite those efforts the economic situation has not appreciably
improved, for reasons beyond Africa's control.

In view of the internationalization of economic life, the interrelation of
interests and the increasing interdependence of the countries of the world, both
rich and poor, economic issues and the problems of the developing countries make it
necessary for the industrialized countries to view the problems of developing
countries from a different perspective. Such perspective should be based on the
concept of mutual interests, equity and collective responsibility, thus allowing
for a healthy development of economic relations in the interest of all parties.
The destiny of the future world will be a common one: progress for all
retrogression for all. There is a dire need for all countries to engage in serious
and comprehensive negotiations aimed at improving world economic conditions.
Serious dialogue through multilateral co-operation has proved its usefulness, and
the results of the seventh session of the united Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD) testify to that.

In this connection, the Egyptian delegation to the second regular session of
the Economic and Social Council last July took the initiative of calling for the
convening of a special session of the General Assembly to be devoted to discussion
of the world economic and social situation and the means of promoting development
and international economic co-operation. The formulation of a coordinated plan of
action for the international community in the 1990s aimed at resolving the
economic and social problems facing the peoples of the world is needed.

Power is not the best means of establishing peace and security. The best
means is, rather, removal of the motives that lead to war, the supremacy of
political rationality; making peace a life-style for our peoples.

For this reason we should step up our support for the United Nations to enable
it to increase its positive contributions. We should act together in solidarity
and shared responsibility - Politically, economically and socially - so that we can
come closer to a more humanitarian world that would instill in mankind faith in
itself and its creative power to forge a better future and a brighter tomorrow.


Sir, I congratulate you on your election to the presidency of this forty-third session of the General Assembly. I say, with the benefit of my personal acquaintance with you, that it is an honour that you truly deserve. This Assembly is in good hands as it begins to tackle the work on its agenda.
This forty-third session of the General Assembly carries more than the usual sense of occasion. I am not alone in detecting here a feeling of purpose and o  achievement that has not always been evident in recent years. I take great satisfaction in being able to address the Assembly at a time when the standing of the United Nations is higher than it has been for some time. Even the fountain works. The mood has changed distinctly since the fortieth commemorative session, because, despite the difficulties and uncertainties it has faced, the Organization has pursued its diverse agenda while tackling a major programme of administrative reform. The record in recent times has been one of solid achievement.
The changing international climate has helped this process. In this Hall on Monday, President Reagan in his valedictory address spoke to us of his satisfaction at the movement towards a more constructive relationship between his country and the Soviet Union. Foreign Minister Shevardnadze pursued the same theme. In certain regions of the world there has been welcome progress in resolving conflicts that had been festering for some time„ Many of the signs are favourable.
That will be a matter of particular satisfaction to the smaller members of the international community, including my own country. We have always attached importance to the principle that the collective effort of that community should above all be applied to the task of keeping the peace. That was the central purpose of those who founded the Organization. Today it remains a goal of no less importance. Thus far 1988 has been a year of significant peacemaking, from which the world can take heart and upon which it can build. As one who stood here to address the fortieth anniversary session, I am pleased that we are now seeing renewed recognition of the value of the role and achievements of the United Nations.
Recent developments have highlighted the continuing value of this Organization's efforts in the settlement of international conflict. The accords reached on Afghanistan and the cease-fire in the devastating Gulf War required the co-operation of those directly involved. But a particular tribute must go to the dedication of the Secretary-General. The people who ate saved from further threat or have the hope of peace are indebted to his patience, skill, perseverance and unquenchable optimism. We welcome the role he has played.
There are other situations that still need the resources the United Nations can offer by way of mediation or assistance with peacemaking. Western Sahara, Namibia, Cyprus and Cambodia are all affected by unresolved conflicts. But even here the auguries are promising.
In this age regional tensions cannot be isolated from the mainstream of international life. There are dangers for all of us in conflict wherever it occurs. It follows that we share a responsibility to do all that we can to eliminate the conditions in which conflict breeds and to restore the peace if it is broken. At times the principle of collective security has commanded more support than the practice. I hope the success of current peace-keeping efforts under United Nations auspices will reinvigorate the principle of collective security and lead to its wider application.
My Government pledged last year to expand our practical contribution to the United Nations peace-keeping efforts. I am pleased that we have been able to give effect to that undertaking. Our existing commitment to the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization has been maintained. In the past month we were pleased to be able to respond to the Secretary-General's request for a contribution to the United Nations Iran-Iraq Military Observer Group (UNIIMOG). A contingent of New Zealand army officers was deployed to UNIIMOG following the cease-fire. Earlier this week a Royal New Zealand Air Force Andover transport aircraft with flight crews and maintenance personnel left New Zealand to become an important national contribution to UNIIMOG's air capacity. We stand ready to assist in a practical way if, as we hope, solutions are found to other long-standing conflicts.
I have already welcomed the signing of the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan. Noteworthy as they were, the Accords did not put a final end to the conflict in Afghanistan nor did they bring into being a fully representative government enjoying the confidence of the people of Afghanistan. New Zealand hopes that the withdrawal of the remaining Soviet forces will be accompanied by real progress in addressing those unresolved problems. As Mr. Shevardnadze said:
"The Geneva Accords" [should be] "the first step in a chain reaction leading to a healthier world." (A/43/PV.6, p. 66)
The values of tolerance and respect for the dignity and worth of human beings can be seen by us all in the current Olympic Games. They are a sign of that healthier world and we congratulate the Republic of Korea on its role as host. But it is a matter for regret that divisiveness has persisted on the Korean peninsula for so long. We look for an easing of tensions and an improvement in relations between the Koreas.
Cambodia, too, has been a tragic source of international tension for many years. That impasse has come to seem rather less intractable during 1988. In each of the past nine years, this Assembly has rightly emphasized Vietnam's violation of the Charter of the United Nations by its invasion and occupation of Cambodia. That remains a fundamental issue.
But we must insist also on a settlement there which will prevent a return to power by the Khmer Rouge. The international community was slow to accept the evidence of genocide committed by the Pol Pot Government and we have had to deal with the consequences ever since. We have a responsibility to ensure that such atrocities are never again committed against the peoples of Cambodia.
Harrowing images of mass persecution, unfortunately not confined to a single country or continent, remain fresh in our memories as we commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Much has nevertheless been achieved in the intervening years. But it cannot be denied that gross and massive abuses of human rights continue.
The problem of human rights is more and more the focus of the attention of the Members of the United Nations. All of us are bound to speak up and, if we do not, we bear a responsibility for continuing and future evils. The authority of this Organization as it deals with human rights must rest on a commitment by all to objectivity. South Africa's system of apartheid is an abuse in a category of its own. Events of the last year have shown the South African Government clinging tenaciously to its course, in spite of the international community's abhorrence of its apartheid policies.
It has so far spurned all the voices of reason and moderation. Nelson Mandela, the most respected leader in South Africa, remains incarcerated. The Sharpeville Six are still under sentence of death. The intercessions of the Security Council have been ignored. The country lives in a continuing state of emergency; it experiences increasing repression. The South African response to protests from neighbouring States is to make repeated terrorist attacks on them and to undermine their economic stability - all totally unacceptable.
New Zealand has implemented wide-ranging sanctions against South Africa. We believe that such sanctions are an effective means of changing the attitude of the white minority. New Zealand is ready to implement further measures. Our goal is non-violent progress to a non-racial, democratic and just society in South Africa.
There has been an encouraging movement recently towards peace in Angola. In Namibia, the United Nations has faced an enormous task. At last α settlement there appears tantalizingly close. We trust that Namibia's independence can be secured peacefully and soon in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). That would present a further major achievement in the work of the United Nations on decolonization.
On the initiative of the seven South Pacific member countries of the United Nations, New Caledonia was re-inscribed in 1986 on the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories, thus invoking a United Nations responsibility for the future of the progress of the Territory to self-determination. The tragic events at Ouvea in New Caledonia earlier this year demonstrated the consequences of ignoring United Nations principles and also the aspirations of a major communal group. New Zealand therefore welcomed the decision in June by the new Prime Minister of France and the leaders of the loyalist and independence movements in New Caledonia to move together on a plan for political development. That plan rightly takes account of the interests of all genuine New Caledonians.
That development was recognized last month by the Special Committee on Decolonization in a resolution which was adopted by consensus and has since been endorsed by the South Pacific Forum at its annual meeting last week. No one should underestimate the difficulties that may lie ahead, but everything is looking better. We look forward to a free and genuine act of self-determination in New Caledonia which is consistent with United Nations principles and leads to a settlement safeguarding the rights of all New Caledonians, including the indigenous Kanak people.
Some argue that while the United Nations has a vital role in dealing with regional issues of the kind I have mentioned, the scope for its involvement in the balance between the super-Powers is a limited one. I do not accept that. We have seen how the super-Powers inevitably become involved in the troubles of the world's regions. Equally, issues of disarmament - including those which vitally involve the super-Powers cannot be considered as anything but questions involving all members of the international community for we are all affected, by choice or otherwise.
The issue of nuclear disarmament has taken on new urgency. Nuclear weapons technology no longer remains the exclusive preserve of the five permanent Members of the Security Council. The capacity to build a nuclear weapon is now possessed by a larger number of countries, and soon even more will have it. There are indications that some of those countries have nuclear ambitions. Whatever their motivation, such ambitions have to be curtailed.
There is a real risk here. Regional conflicts, and their tendency to attract external intervention, are dangerous enough as it is. But the prospect of nuclear weapons being deployed in such situations must now be taken into account. In that event, the dangers we would all face would be appalling.
This is an added reason why the efforts of the United States and the Soviet Union to agree on further reductions in their nuclear arsenals are so important. What prospect is there of blocking the spread of nuclear weapons if these two nations cannot stop their relentless drive to develop and deploy new nuclear weaponry? In the course of last year's general debate, New Zealand applauded the United States and the Soviet Union for their decision to eliminate their land-based intermediate-range nuclear missiles. The resulting treaty is now for the first time leading to a real reduction in the world's stock of nuclear weapons. With an agreement in the strategic arms reduction talks, the super-Powers would truly have shown the way to the other nuclear weapons States and those which have nuclear ambitions. It is not too much to hope that a corner would be turned and the threat of vertical and horizontal proliferation would no longer hang over us all.
New Zealand believes that achieving reductions and balances in conventional forces will be central, in the search for nuclear disarmament, to the nuclear-free world seen by President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev at Reykjavik. In Europe and many other parts of the globe the accumulation of conventional forces, often without regard to actual defensive requirements, has heightened tensions and led some to look for other mote dangerous means of deterring aggression; so the processes of nuclear and conventional disarmament must take place in step, and must involve all States.
Yet, at the third United Nations special session devoted to disarmament, when we had an opportunity to set up a multilateral disarmament agenda to take us up to the beginning of the next century, we could not take advantage of it. But our failure then does not mean it cannot be done. Instead we have the task now, beginning at this session of the Assembly, to pick up where the special session left off.
Rather than confess disappointment at the special session's results, or conclude that the job is too difficult, we must try all the harder to broaden the areas of international agreement. The search for consensus on the prevention of an arms race in outer space must go on. The campaign must continue unabated to convince those few remaining States which yet doubt it that a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty is an essential measure to end the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
The world community must at last bring to conclusion the negotiations on a comprehensive chemical-weapons convention. The Secretary-General has been called on time and time again to investigate allegations of chemical weapons use. He should never again have to issue a finding confirming such a charge. These hideous weapons must be outlawed once and for all, so that the world will never again be a horrified witness to chemical warfare. The main elements of a multilateral agreement have now been elaborated by the Conference on Disarmament. It is time to finish the job.
New Zealand has taken substantial disarmament initiatives. We are proud to have been part of the regional drive to create the South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone, a significant multilateral arms-control measure.
The Treaty of Rarotonga makes a decisive contribution to the stability of the region. The majority of South Pacific Forum members have become parties to the agreement. Two of the nuclear Powers, the Soviet Union and China, have ratified the protocols to the Treaty. We look to the other nuclear Powers to do the same. The Treaty covers a wide area of the region, bordering the Latin American nuclear-weapon-free zone to the east, and the demilitarised Antarctica to the south. We support ongoing co-operation with the Latin American patties to the Treaty of Tlatelolco so that we can each benefit from our mutual experience.
For nearly 30 years the Antarctic Treaty and its associated instruments have provided the framework for effective and peaceful co-operation in Antarctica, keeping that vast area free of all military activities. The Treaty, which is open to all States, has been the basis for a unique programme of scientific research and for the adoption of measures to protect the fragile environment.
A further element was added to the treaty system with the adoption in June this year of the Convention on the regulation of Antarctic mineral resource activities. New Zealand was pleased to host the final session of the negotiation. The Convention provides a strong mechanism for protecting the Antarctic environment if mineral resource activities ever take place. It is a significant strengthening of international co-operation under the Antarctic Treaty. A peaceful Antarctica is of the highest importance for New Zealand. We look for a consensus at this session of the Assembly to preserve the Antarctic Treaty. New Zealand is strongly opposed to any efforts to undermine it.
The world economy offers us little cause for satisfaction or confidence. Trade growth is uncertain. The economic difficulties facing many developing countries seem almost intractable. Indebtedness and underdevelopment are threats to global economic stability. Much is at stake for developed and developing countries alike in the present round of multilateral trade negotiations. New Zealand calls on all member countries of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to go to the forthcoming mid-term review in Montreal in a positive mood, determined to achieve real progress.
New Zealand places special important on achieving from the Uruguay Round a liberalization of world agricultural trade and the elimination of domestic and international policies which distort such trade. There would be no better single way of solving the menacing problems of indebtedness and underdevelopment of which I have spoken.
There have been significant moves recently towards regional free-trade areas, including an agreement between New Zealand and Australia to establish a single trans-Tasman market by 1990. It is vital, however, that the international community should continue at the same time to move along the road to an open, market-oriented, multilateral trading system. We must look for strong leadership here from the major economies, which have a special responsibility to apply, fairly and across the board, the principles of comparative advantage and fair competition. Smaller countries like my own, dependent on primary production, require the reassurance that we will not continue to be subjected unreasonably to artificial restraints on trade.
It is a paradox that the United Nations is demonstrating renewed vitality and relevance at a time when it faces major financial uncertainties. It is unacceptable that Member States should fail to carry out their legal obligations to contribute their assessed financial dues in good time.
We must recognize, nevertheless, that constraints on available resources are likely to remain while at the same time the demands upon the Organization continue to grow. Accordingly, there is no choice but to maintain the worthwhile progress already achieved towards administrative reform; otherwise, the Organization will be incapable of meeting the critical challenges as they arise.
I speak here as the representative of the Fourth New Zealand Labour Government. The First New Zealand Labour Government, and its Prime Minister Mr. Peter Fraser, played a deeply committed role in the discussions leading to the adoption of the Charter in 1945. New Zealand's hopes of those early days have been exceeded by some of the Organization's achievements - in its economic and social work, for example, and in its human rights and decolonization activities. By contrast, our high hopes for the United Nations peace-making and disarmament roles have yet to be fully realized, but we are optimistic that the log-jam has started to move in those areas.
New Zealand continues to set high store on the work of the United Nations - particularly in its tasks of promoting world peace, preserving the global environment, combating world hunger, removing racial discrimination everywhere and creating equal opportunities for men and women throughout the world. We are determined to maintain New Zealand's strong support in the years ahead.


It is with great satisfaction that we welcomed the election of Mr, Caputo to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. We are convinced that his professional experience and sound political and diplomatic sense will bring success to our work. Through his august person, it is to today's Argentina that we now convey the sentiments of brotherhood and friendship of our people which, from the other side of the Atlantic, has followed with renewed sympathy and confidence the democratic progress of the peoples of Latin America.
To Mr. Caputo's predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, we wish to offer our gratitude and appreciation for the excellent work he did as President during his term of office at the forty-second session.
I also wish to congratulate Secretary-General Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar for his praiseworthy efforts to find peaceful solutions to the many problems which affect the functioning of this Organization, and in particular his fruitful diplomacy in the quest for peaceful solutions to regional conflicts.
Year after year the Republic of Cape Verde has intervened in the general debate of this Assembly to state its position on the major problems of concern to mankind.
Prom disarmament to decolonization, from international peace and security to the fight against desertification, my country has always joined its voice to those of the majority of the members of this Assembly, sharing their concerns and their ideas, and making suggestions and proposals to solve these problems.
Today, we should like to concentrate on some questions which in our opinion merit special attention from the United Nations at this historic phase in international affairs, a time when profound changes are occurring in the world, in the life of the Organization, in the international economic situation and the peace process in southern Africa.
The world is witnessing changes of fundamental importance in various fields of international affairs. At the threshold of the year 2000, the major challenge facing mankind is its ability to steer these changes in such a way as to ensure the perpetuation of life, peace, development, justice and progress for all.
In the economic sphere, the changes in recent decades which are characterized by the emergence of new poles of development have taken the form of a dynamics capable of leading to a recasting of the economic international system and the withdrawal of the most pronounced aspects of the bipolarization of the world that has characterized post-war international relations.
Such a change in international economic affairs causes profound alterations in the orientation of political regimes in many parts of the world, both domestically and internationally.
The mounting interdependence of international economic relations is another important aspect of current changes that derive basically from economic needs which, in combination with the development of new technology, also make it essential for there to be mutual understanding of the interests of all countries and systems at the economic as well as political and social levels.
Current developments requite that the results of negotiations in the various international multilateral forums take account of the new realities, for these cannot be steered towards a positive evolution except through the real democratization of those relations and the advent of a new international economic order. The tendencies which can now be observed towards a multipolarization of the world in the economic field and the parallel aggravation of the crisis in the international economic system have had a direct impact on the conduct of the various economic partners. If, on the one hand, such a situation leads to protectionism and other similar phenomena, on the other it stimulates new experiments in North-South and South-South co-operation.  In the political sphere, we are also witnessing important changes. The resumption of dialogue and the intensification of co-operation between the two greatest Powers constitute an important axis for those changes.
The summit meetings between the leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States of America, and the conclusion of the Treaty on the Elimination of their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles (the INF Treaty), are decisive contributions to the establishment of an atmosphere of detente in international relations, introducing as they do an element of rationalization, which is contrary to interventionism and could lead to the strengthening of the principle of the non-use of force in the settlement of disputes. The INF Treaty is a major step in disarmament and we believe that other important steps in the nuclear field should also be taken in order to eliminate from the face of the Earth the danger of a holocaust. We are convinced that both the United States of America and the Soviet Union are determined to bring about the full realization of this grand ideal and that they will be able to refrain from placing in space what they have decided to eliminate on Earth.
Aware that this Agreement concerns only a tiny part of existing nuclear arsenals, but with confidence in the dynamic that has been set in motion and the political will underlying it, we believe that the international community should not be excluded from this dynamic. On the contrary, it should encourage the two great Powers to redouble their efforts towards the complete elimination of nuclear weapons.
On the regional level, we have been following with much interest the changes which have occurred in regard to the peaceful settlement of disputes. From Afghanistan to Kampuchea, from southern Africa to the Gulf, the message of peace and of negotiated solutions has been predominant in the last few months. The international community cannot but welcome this atmosphere which opens up new prospects for progress.
Cape Verde wishes to express its great satisfaction with these developments, remembering that as a member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, Gape Verde has ? .ways ř located the course of dialogue, of relations based on mutual respect and sovereign equality of States, and of co-operation based on solidarity. In today's world everyone stands to lose when negotiated solutions are discarded and force is relied on instead. We firmly hope that this trend will spread to all the conflicts which for so many years have taken so many lives and spread desolation, stifling the hopes of man. We encourage the parties to the peace negotiations to press on with their efforts to achieve peaceful and lasting solutions.
The encouraging developments to which I have referred notwithstanding, the international political situation is still precarious. The changes which are now taking shape in the quest for solutions to regional conflicts need to be consolidated. We hope that today's political detente will help consolidate peace and that peace will not be jeopardized by tactical and short-term concerns which might compromise the gains made in international security.
At the same time, it is with satisfaction and renewed hope that we see, particularly in Central America and southern Africa, the carrying out of a process, which is increasingly well organized and institutionalized, whereby neighbouring countries and others have helped eliminate the hot beds of tension that still exist·
The participation of countries of the same region or on the same continent in this venture reflects the existence of new forms of solidarity with the peoples of countries threatened with destabilisation or countries which have been victims of prolonged conflicts. It also indicates a new global awareness of regional security and a renewed collective political will, which are most conducive to peace and give evidence of the renewed determination of the international community to resolve conflicts.
Members of the international community, particularly those with major responsibilities in the maintenance of peace, must continue to press ahead towards the negotiated solution of conflicts and do their utmost to refrain from any interference which might be damaging to the ongoing peace process or which might jeopardize the initiatives taken by the Secretary-General to bring about negotiated solutions to conflicts.
In today's international scene, we believe that all countries, all Governments and all leaders must do their part in consolidating peace and promoting development, thus opening up new prospects for progress and the emancipation of peoples with justice and social well-being.
Multilateralism is thus of great importance in the quest for solutions to global problems. It is a crucial instrument within the framework of the changes taking place today, leading to a better appreciation and definition of the contours of the world over the next few decades.
In recent years Cape Verde has been one of the countries which have sought to emphasize the importance of the United Nations as an institution that is indispensable in a world such as the one in which we now live, a world in which global problems affecting the whole can be discussed and resolved by the collective effort and action of all Member States.
We remain firmly convinced that the United Nations provides a reliable and suitable framework for debate on the major problems facing mankind. We are also convinced that if we want to live in peace and resolve our common problems by peaceful means, there is practically no alternative to the United Nations.
As we see it, the work done by the United Nations has been meritorious, ranging from decolonization to the protection of human rights, from peace-keeping forces to economic development assistance. The major contribution made by the United Nations, or through it, to the building of a more peaceful and more humane world, is beyond the shadow of a doubt.
The tasks which still face the United Nations in the future are colossal. Its success in the completion of those tasks requires, at each phase, a re-thinking of its methods and the adapting of its methods to the evolution of the prevailing trends in international relations, of which it is and must be a reflection, and at the same time a privileged instrument.
We believe that the success of the United Nations in the statement of the ideals and noble objectives in its Charter will depend on its ability to mobilize mankind for peace and to make the peoples of the world aware of the need to arrive, by overcoming the obstacles, at solutions to the problems of hunger, development, illiteracy, the emancipation of peoples, and also the defence of human rights in its many dimensions.
The prospects of peace now taking shape in southern Africa are expressed mainly in the solid will for peace which inspires the peoples and countries that have been victims of the destabilizing strategy of the South African regime, which is yet another result of a mature, determined diplomatic effort put forth over many years and which is distinguished particularly by the Lusaka Compromise and the Nkomati Agreement.
The desire for peace manifested at all times by Angola and Mozambique, to which my country can rightly bear witness, has been an important and decisive factor in making it possible - despite the logic of the confrontation imposed from outside - to persist in the negotiated search for a solution to this conflict, in accordance with the resolutions of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the United Nations and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. We thus welcome today the withdrawal of South African military personnel from Angolan territory, the solemn reaffirmation by the South African President of the validity and current significance of the Nkomati agreement, and Pretoria's commitment to initiate on 1 November this year the implementation of United Nations resolution 435 (1978) with a view to bringing about Namibia's independence.
The caution which the negotiating process in southern Africa has always aroused in us, the fact that the relevant United Nations resolutions have repeatedly proved to be dead letters and the lack of respect for the rule of law and international public opinion should not lead us to minimize the importance and the dimensions of the current diplomatic success in the region.
These are important victories of international law, of which the United Nations is the global guarantor. These diplomatic successes are the outcome of the combined efforts of the members of the international community, which have repeatedly brought pressure to bear on the South African regime in order to lead it to heed the voice of reason and realize that international coexistence in today's world is subject to certain rules which cannot be breached. Also, we cannot disregard the beneficial influence of the general climate of detente in international relations, which has been made possible by the closer understanding between the great Powers and the mounting awareness of interdependence as a predominant factor in today's world.
South Africa is thus in a situation in which it can either live up to the commitments it has entered into, thereby restoring its credibility in negotiations, or decide to violate them yet again, thereby entrenching itself in an isolation that will be a grave burden on a society whose contradictions have already assumed serious proportions. The Pretoria regime must realize that by persisting in its racist practice of denying the elementary civil and political rights of the majority of the population and by drawing up and implementing a policy that is hostile to the neighbouring African countries, it has excluded South Africa from the community of African nations to which it belongs.
By rehabilitating itself as an African nation, through democratic racial coexistence, good-neighbourly relations and non-interference, diplomatically or militarily, in the domestic affairs of the neighbouring countries, South Africa would be able to participate fully and with the weight of its economic and technological potential in the exalting task of the development e f Africa.
Apartheid continues to be a challenge to mankind, and primarily to Africans. This system is an aberration and must be eliminated. The persistence of this regime, which denies to Africans their rights and their ability to govern themselves, makes any agreement with South Africa precarious and brings to bear on the neighbouring countries a constant threat of interference and aggression.
In the light of the recent results achieved in the process of negotiations in southern Africa, the international community must redouble its efforts to ensure ever-greater solidarity with the struggle of the South African people and the intensification of international pressure to compel Pretoria to free Nelson Mandela and other black leaders, to recognize the African National Congress and the other democratic forces and to start talks with credible representatives of the black majority. That peaceful path is the path of reason, for it is the only one capable of saving that country from the cycle of violence and self-destruction.
By agreeing to implement the plan contained in United Nations resolution 435 (1978), relating to the independence of Namibia, South Africa has a unique opportunity to make a start on its rehabilitation within the United Nations system. Co-operation with the Organization in the impartial supervision of this process, and abstention from any act that might impede the transfer of power to the legitimate representatives of the Namibian people - which the entire international community hopes will be peaceful and democratic - would constitute an earnest of the good faith of the Pretoria regime and could have a beneficial influence on the inevitable future internal talks with the representatives of the black South African majority. The process of Namibian independence thus can be seen as a decisive test which will influence the future attitude of the international community, and above all the African community, towards South Africa.
The Government of Cape Verde is convinced that we are approaching the end of a long and painful period for the South African people and the neighbouring countries. We hope that the international community will support the peoples of southern Africa in the difficult re-conversion of a regional system based on confrontation and discrimination to a system of co-operation and healthy racial integration.
Decolonization has gone down in the annals of contemporary history as a noble undertaking, successfully accomplished under the aegis of the United Nations. As a matter of fact, even if the United Nations had no other merits, its establishment would be fully justified by the tremendous legitimate contribution it has made to the liberation of peoples from the colonial yoke, to their emancipation and to the elevation of the universal idea of justice and freedom.
This historic phase of its international activity having now passed, the United Nations faces a major undertaking that is no less noble and worthy: the struggle for human rights. At a time when we are commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations must make the protection of human rights one of the fundamental and priority items on its standing agenda.
Over the past 40 years many legal instruments for the protection of human rights have been adopted. Among them, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is without any doubt an important landmark in the modern movement to protect, enhance the dignity of and ensure respect for human beings, for their fundamental rights and freedoms. Putting its stipulations into effect, articulating its principles with national policies and implementing its provisions are historical necessities which all countries must keep in mind.
Much has been done towards raising the universal consciousness, particularly with respect to the need to protect and respect fundamental rights and freedoms. The results achieved in the context of the struggle against racial discrimination and for equal rights for women are among the specific pieces of evidence of that progress. But much remains to be done in various fields of the protection of human rights. Indeed, the first fundamental right, the right to life, is still insufficiently protected in many parts of the world. Universal and unwavering respect for that right must be a constant concern of this Organization.
In this connection, the Republic of Cape Verde is proud of the position it has taken never to introduce the death penalty into its penal legislation. We have done that fully by choice, aware that it is society that produces the individual; we are placing our bets on human beings and their ability to overcome.
In my country we also assess the international situation in terms of its specific and tangible impact on domestic life, on the climate of peace and harmony and on the colossal tasks of development and the combating of the scourges that beset mankind. Last year we identified the problems affecting the developing countries adversely, and we put forward ideas and suggestions that could, we believed, help to find a collective solution. One year later we note that nothing, or very little, has been done in the direction of solving those problems. Indeed, since then the obstacles to development have only increased, and hunger continues to devastate the peoples of a number of countries.
The persistence of this situation in various corners of the world runs counter to the positive developments observed in the international political climate since the last session of the General Assembly and continues to be a challenge to this organization’s capacity and the determination of the international community to find real and lasting means of satisfying the aspirations of peoples. We take the view that the solution of the problem posed by questions of peace and international security necessarily involves the solution of problems posed by underdevelopment, hunger and poverty. The resolution of regional conflicts does not in itself necessarily imply the existence of a climate of international peace and security. The principal causes of instability and the threats to regional and universal peace lie in unjust international relations and poverty affecting the security and in the unequal distribution of the earth's resources. It is in the interests of the whole international community to work and co-operate with a view to assisting the countries of the third world to find solutions to their problems which we all share.
Developments in the world economic situation are of concern to us because, on the one hand, the industrialized countries are registering heartening rates of economic growth, we ate once again forced to acknowledge that in the developing countries,, and in Africa in particular, it has scarcely been possible to curb the negative tendencies which continue to keep millions of human beings in an intolerable state of poverty. Millions of men, women and children annually pay with their lives the price of the world imbalance, an imbalance for which they are not to blameЂ
The world's conscience is challenged by the contrast between the prosperity of some on the one hand and the abject poverty that we see in other areas. While the present situation is favourable to certain countries and to the detriment of the developing countries, it is certainly not to be encouraged in the near future, even in the case of those who are at present drawing some advantages from it. In order for the world economy to improve - and this is something we all wish to see - there is a vital need for evidence of a shared and powerful political will, a will based on the sacrificing of short-term gains, which stifle the healthy development of international economic relations. It is the African continent which continues to present the most desolate economic and social picture and which offers the most uncertain prospects. The special session of the General Assembly in 1986 devoted to consideration of the critical economic situation in Africa provided a framework and an opportunity for a contract of solidarity, which might have renewed the hopes for economic recovery in the African continent. However, two years later an assessment of the measures taken in that direction obliges us to acknowledge that, despite the efforts made by a great number of African countries and the important initiatives carried out at the international level, the results continue to be insufficient and far from encouraging.
The conclusions of the raid-term review of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 demonstrate that a great deal remains to be done. Many African countries have undertaken structural adjustment programmes in accordance with the requirements of the International Monetary Fund, thus exposing themselves to serious risks of social and political disruption. At the same time, the insufficiency of financial flows, the continued worsening in the terms of trade and '-.he unbearable burden of debt continue to act as powerful elements, the effects of which are cumulative and interrelated, neutralizing the tremendous sacrifices being made by the African peoples in the quest for valid and lasting solutions.
Cape Verde has not been spared the problems affecting the least developed countries of the African continent. Despite the difficulties it is facing, the Government has directed its activities towards a policy of austerity, seeking to limit the volume of external debt, which for a poor country constitutes a heavy burden. We regret that at the international level the volume of debt has not been considered sufficiently significant to be included in the framework of the special-treatment programmes. This means, paradoxically, that a country is penalized for having taken the course of a prudent and austere economic policy. We wish to remind this Assembly that in its second national development plan, covering the period 1986 to 1989 the development priorities of Cape Verde are set our and their implementation will be jeopardized without substantial support from the international community. It is essential and vital that the fresh winds which are bringing hopes of peace to the world should also bring changes in the world economic order, changes which would lead to the design of new machinery and the mobilization of fresh resources to reduce the gap between prosperity and poverty, establish international relations on a moral basis and help effectively to build universal peace. We cannot conceive of a world of peace and concord while imbalances persist which place a great part of mankind on the fringe of progress and outside the general well-being.
We sincerely hope that the detente in relations between the two great Powers and the positive climate currently prevailing, which favours the peaceful solution of conflicts, may herald a new era of co-operation and dialogue in international relations. The life of peoples on this planet is a tribute to their capacity for collective survival. Their history, marked by violence, destruction and war, has taught us from the very beginning that the course we are now following in the international community is the only possible course if we are to continue to carry out the marvellous work of creation. Conditions exist for us to make the twenty-first century the century of development for all. That is our obligation towards future generations, to begin now to take the concrete steps necessary to bring about this new era. Our collective survival requires it and our highest spiritual values justify it.


I should like most sincerely to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election as President, which is a well-deserved recognition of his personal qualities and record of great distinction in the service of his country and the international community as well as a fitting tribute to the role and stature of Argentina in world affairs. We bring to the presidency a wealth of wisdom and political and diplomatic experience. We are confident he will make a decisive contribution to the success of our deliberations.
I wish also to place on record our sincere appreciation of Mr. Peter Florin, who presided over the forty-second session with impartiality and great distinction.
I should also like to take this opportunity to express my delegation's gratitude and admiration to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar. In recent years this Organization has faced many challenges and daunting problems, including a clear retreat from multilateralism, which threatens its very viability. But the Secretary-General never wavered from his resolve to ensure that the Organization would play its rightful role. With patience and tenacity he provided the requisite leadership and successfully reversed this trend and restored the United Nations to the centre of the world stage. The Secretary-General took initiatives to involve the United Nations in the resolution of many conflicts ranging from the Iran-Iraq war, to Afghanistan, the Western Sahara and southern Africa, to mention just a few. The peace agreements mediated by the United Nations have given a critical boost to the Organization's capacity to face the multiple challenges facing the world. They have resulted in the renewal of confidence and indeed of a realization that the United Nations is an irreplaceable multilateral forum for harmonizing international actions to handle the global problems of our time. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces last month is testimony to this climate.
Today the international scene shows signs of improvement which offer us both challenges and opportunities. The relations between the super-Powers, which often have great impact on the international political environment, have relaxed. On the horizon we can see a faint outline of a peaceful world. The scientific and technological developments achieved, if well utilized, could help mankind to tame nature, conquer poverty and promote development. Yet amidst these encouraging developments, the world continues to be plagued by a number of political and multi faceted economic crises. These dismal realities that still plague us and the dangerous anomalies existing in the present international situation serve as a warning to us that all is not yet well in spite of our optimism.
In South Africa, we have an oppressive system and a Government whose callousness and viciousness is unparalleled in human history both in its intensity and the length of time it has endured. The regime poses three major challenges to the international community, namely, the independence and freedom of Namibia, apartheid in South Africa and the destabilization of the neighbouring African countries.
The right of a people to self-determination, sovereignty and independence is a fundamental non-negotiable human right and the universal quest of mankind. Regrettably, in Namibia this right continues to be trampled on by South Africa in arrogant defiance of the international community and the United Nations. It is now 22 years since South Africa's mandate over Namibia was terminated. The adoption by the Security Council of resolution 435 (1978), which contained the only universally agreed plan for the independence of Namibia and which was sponsored by the Contact Group of five, gave us hope at the time that the independence of Namibia was imminent. Resolution 435 (1973), however, remains unimplemented. Right from the onset, the implementation of the United Nations Plan was undermined, frustrated and scuttled by South Africa's intransigence and duplicity. The South African regime hatched on  pretext after another, as it carried out provocation after provocation against the neighbouring States to create ostensible excuses to remain in Namibia and ignore the obligations it had undertaken to abide by resolution 435 (1978).
Successive attempts to finalize arrangements for the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) in Namibia have since then been blocked by South Africa's continuing to hold Namibia's independence hostage to linkage with the extraneous issue of the presence of Cuban troops in Angola. The question of Namibia is essentially a decolonization problem, whereas the presence of Cuban troops in Angola is purely a bilateral arrangement, legitimately entered into between Angola and Cuba under Article 51 of the Charter. Angolan and Cuban troops have never crossed over to South Africa. On the contrary, it is South African forces which invaded the southern part of Angola and for a long time occupied that territory. It was in the first instance due to this invasion and occupation by the South African army that Angola had to seek the assistance of Cuba. It is, therefore, ridiculous to put the victim in the dock, or to equate him with the aggressor, or to demand that the victim must not be entitled to seek assistance in self-defence for its survival. The General Assembly, in its numerous decisions, and the Security Council in resolution 566 (1985), categorically rejected the linkage concept. Yet even at this time p linkage continues to be propagated both expressly and implicitly as a pretext to slow down the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and deny the Namibian people their independence.
In his report the Secretary-General struck a note of optimism in regard to the current talks on Angola and Namibia when he stated: "There has been an improvement in prospects for the independence of Namibia. Recent diplomatic activity has made a significant contribution to the peace process in southern Africa, which should facilitate a settlement in Namibia without further delay. The date of 1 November 1988, has been recommended for beginning the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). In the light of these developments, the Secretariat has undertaken a review of its contingency plans in order to hold itself in readiness for the timely emplacement of the United Nations Transition Group in Namibia. It is my hope that current efforts will finally succeed in bringing independence to the people of Namibia." (A/43/1, p. 3)
My delegation welcomes the report in the hope that this time the parties involved, in particular South Africa, are taking the Secretary-General seriously and are not giving him and, through him, the entire international community, false expectations.
Caution here is necessary, given the past conduct of the South African racist regime, which once raised the hopes of the international community only to have them suddenly dashed. This was the case at about this time of the year in 1980, when presidential elections in the host country, a member of the Contact Group of Five, were about to take place. As the pre-implementation talks of February 1981 demonstrated, South Africa's promise to begin the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) turned out to be a hoax. It is our sincere hope that we are not being made the victims of yet another hoax, but that we are about to witness the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) as the beginning of the complete and immediate decolonization of Namibia.
Much as we would like to be optimistic about Namibia's independence, we must realize that the whole South African problem derives from apartheid. We continue to witness the South African regime's hostility towards its neighbours, and to wonder whether the apartheid regime will allow Namibia to be truly independent.
It is our view that the international community, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) and its allies should guard against the challenge in the likely event that the apartheid regime again pulls the rug from under us. To this end my delegation fully endorses the efforts of the Secretary-General to set a well-manned UNTAG in place in Namibia, and urges the international community to support all necessary steps aimed at guaranteeing the sovereignty and viability of independent Namibia.
Namibia is a unique responsibility of the United Nations. It is therefore imperative that any negotiations regarding the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) should be within the framework of the United Nations. It is equally important that SWAPO, as the legitimate representative of the Namibian people, should be directly involved in such talks.
In South Africa itself the people continue to suffer under the inhuman practices of racism, repression, deprivation and State terrorism. For the last three years the South African regime has stepped up terror. South Africa is under a state of emergency which in effect amounts to martial law intended to muzzle the press, escalate arbitrary mass arrests, carry out detentions without trial, torture and the killing of many innocent South Africans, including women and children.
However the much-touted military superiority of the racist regime is clearly under serious challenge and stress. We have seen for the first time whites revolting against conscription into the South African Defence Force. Draft evasion among whites has reached a level that has begun to worry the Pretoria regime. Recently, the leaders of 143 draft evaders declared their determination to stand firm against compulsory military service and identified the South African Defence Force as the linchpin of the system of apartheid. They realize that serving in the South African Defence Force is not the way to contribute to peace in their country and the region as a whole. The Dutch Reformed Church which gave apartheid its philosophical underpinning has been forced to disavow the system as being incompatible with Christian beliefs and morality. The increased divisions within the Afrikaner establishment in South Africa are a manifestation of the continued success of the liberation struggle. The racist regime is at war with its own people.
We are often warned that if the South Africans continue to fight this war of resistance, the South African apartheid regime "will continue its descent into a siege mentality and become a garrison state in which all South Africans will be losers". Of course there is a price to pay for freedom. The Charter of the United Nations was bought for such a peace. People in the whole world, including those who didn't know exactly what was at stake, were mobilized to fight the Second World War. The loss and human suffering were great but the ultimate achievements were worth the resistance. In South Africa, however, we are told this is different even to mention sanctions is taboo.
The international community can no longer stand by and let the South African racist regime, directly or through its surrogates, continue to commit acts of aggression and economic sabotage against neighbouring States, with the clear intent of intimidating them into perpetual subordination. My delegation takes this opportunity to put on record Uganda's appreciation of the front-line States for the immense sacrifice they continue to make in the struggle against apartheid. We appeal to the international community to increase economic support for the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC).
The conflict occasioned by apartheid has given rise to a tragedy of enormous proportions resulting in a massive displacement and exodus of people as refugees. UNICEF in its report entitled, "Children on the Frontline - the impact of apartheid, destabilisation and warfare on the children in southern and South Africa" chronicled and portrayed this grim reality. This August in Oslo, Norway, an international conference was convened to address this very problem. We are very appreciative of those who have provided relief assistance to the refugees and displaced persons. However, this assistance can only be a palliative: as long as apartheid remains, the tragedy will continue to unfold. Our obligation is to put an end to this crime against humanity.
The fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a timely reminder that the apartheid system is the very essence of the practices against which the Declaration was directed. That such a system flourishes in our midst is a strong indictment of all those who, through their actions or omissions, have contributed to its survival.
It is 50 years since that infamous Munich conference where, in face of the danger posed by the Nazis to the rest of the world, a fragile peace agreement was signed in 1938 in order to appease Hitler. It turned out to be a costly mistake and the price paid was the Second World War. The lesson learned then was that it does not pay to appease a bully or, more so, a group which believes in the idea of a superior race. It is instructive to note that when the world realized the danger the Hitler regime posed, it took up arms against that sea of troubles and by opposing it, ended it. The apartheid regime in South Africa poses a precisely similar danger and calls for concerted action by the international community.
We submit that apartheid cannot be reformed·, it must be dismantled. The conduct of the Pretoria regime; within South Africa, as well as in Namibia, and its acts of aggression against the front-line States clearly fall within the purview of Article 39 of the Charter. The imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions is clearly an imperative and it may be the only peaceful way left to eradicate apartheid.
We welcome the positive developments in another crisis area in Africa, namely, Western Sahara. The peace Agreement which both Morocco and POLISARIO have accepted should pave the way to ending a situation which is fraught with conflict and thus complete the process of the decolonization of Western Sahara. We hail the efforts of the Secretary-General and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in this regard. We call on the international community to support the Secretary-General and the OAU in implementing the Agreement.
We also welcome the accord and normalization of relations between Ethiopia and Somalia, on the one hand, and between the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Chad, on the other. These are indeed positive developments in our region. We equally welcome the cease-fire and the silencing of the guns between Iran and Iraq. The war has exacted a heavy toll on the lives and resources of the two countries. The task of reconciliation is enormous. We urge the parties to ensure that the truce holds and that they move speedily to the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987).
Uganda remains concerned with regard to the situation in the Middle East. The people of Palestine continue to languish without a homeland of their own. In flagrant defiance of the international community, Israel continues to consolidate its hold on the occupied Arab territories. The people of Palestine, in the face of oppressive measures by Israel, refuse to be cowed. They have continued to fight against and challenge the occupation. The uprisings that have been going on since December 1987 are clear testimony to their resolve to defend their inalienable rights. Instead of heeding the call of the international community to vacate the occupied Arab territories, Israel has chosen to respond with brutal force. All this constitutes a sad chapter in the seemingly endless tragedy of the Palestinian people. Israel needs no reminder that General Assembly resolution 181 II, which set up the State of Israel, also set up a Palestinian Arab State. The United Nations has a duty to implement that resolution.
As always, Uganda calls for Israel's unconditional withdrawal from the Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem. The people of Palestine, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization their sole and authentic representative, have an inalienable right to self-determination and to an independent State of Palestine.
I wish to stress our continued support for General Assembly resolution 38/58 C which calls for the early convening of the International Conference on the Middle East. We are convinced that such a conference would provide a unique opportunity and platform for the achievement of a just and lasting solution of the crisis.
With regard to Afghanistan, Uganda welcomes the Geneva Agreements, which offer the Afghan people an opportunity to resolve their problems. All the parties concerned ought scrupulously to abide by the provisions of the Agreements.
We are likewise encouraged by developments in Kampuchea, where one can discern a movement towards resolving the conflict by peaceful means.
Our position with regard to the division of Korea has never changed. We fully support the aspirations of the people of that divided country for peaceful reunification without outside interference.
We have also been encouraged by the Secretary-General's report on the question of Cyprus, in which he indicates that there are good prospects for success in the inter-communal talks. I wish to reiterate Uganda's continued support for the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus.
With regard to Central America, we believe that the Arias plan contained in the Guatemala agreement of last year, provides a basis for the resolution of the conflict in that region. The people of the region should be left to negotiate the solution of their problems without outside interference or intimidation. The sovereignty and independence of each country in the region must be respected.
One of the most pressing issues of our time is the prevention of war, particularly a war involving the use of nuclear weapons. Nuclear weapons pose a danger to all countries since there can be no sanctuary for any State in the case of nuclear fall-out. Therefore the calls for general disarmament and for the elimination of nuclear weapons remain issues of great importance to all countries. There have been promising developments over the past year. Perhaps the roost significant development in this area is the Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty. The agreement was readied after over a decade of dangerous tension in super-Power relations, which had rendered our planet a more dangerous place. We therefore welcome and applaud this agreement.
However, we must caution that the INF Treaty, has only a small quantitative effect on the nuclear threat. The number of weapons to be eliminated by both sides is less than 5 per cent of the total number of nuclear weapons deployed. The main significance of the Treaty is not military rather it represents a substantial concession on the political and strategic postures of the two super-Powers. If the Treaty is to fulfil its significant historic meaning, it should provide a springboard for more bilateral and multilateral negotiations and for the improvement of world security. It is Imperative to pursue negotiations for the gradual reduction of strategic weapons and ensure the prevention of an arms race in space.
Nuclear disarmament and conventional weapons disarmament are complementary aspects of the objective of general and complete disarmament. The global prevalence of conventional weapons, the high incidence of their use since the Second World War, coupled with the demands they make on the resources of developing countries, require urgent action to curb them. At the regional level, we can create the necessary climate for the reduction of conventional weapons by adopting appropriate confidence-building measures.
We had hoped that the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament would agree on a programs  that would accelerate the momentum of the disarmament process. Regrettably, at that session the Assembly was not able to agree on a final document. That should not, however, deter us from making further efforts Inasmuch as there was agreement on many issues.
We, in Africa, have opted for a nuclear-free zone and most of our countries are States parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. But our efforts to that end have been frustrated by the continued nuclear collaboration between the racist regime of South Africa, Israel and certain nuclear countries. South Africa has admitted publicly that it is now capable of producing nuclear weapons. As I have had the occasion to state before, collaborating with South Africa in this regard is indefensible. We believe that nuclear energy should be used for peaceful purposes only. We therefore continue to hope that the International Atomic Energy Agency and the Economic Commission for Africa will join with the Organisation of African Unity in facilitating the holding of the seminar on this subject planned to take place in Uganda next year.
The manufacture, supply and use of chemical weapons is, in our view, a criminal offence and a violation of fundamental human rights, particularly the right to life. Those weapons kill indiscriminately. We urge all the Members of this Organization, individually and collectively, to adopt concrete measures to ban the production, supply and use of those deadly weapons.
For a considerable period of time, toxic waste, including nuclear waste, produced in the industrialized countries, has been dumped in developing countries. We, in Africa, refuse to accept that our continent be used as a cesspool for this dangerous Industrial garbage. We support the enactment of a convention to make such dumping an international crime. Those who engage, collaborate or conspire in this practice should be condemned and punished.
It should by now be self-evident that disarmament is inextricably linked with development. It is a sad commentary on our times that we live in a world that spends over 31 trillion a year on armaments. That amount is equivalent to the total indebtedness of the developing countries with its attendant deprivation and misery. That the resources of the world are being used to destroy rather than to improve the welfare of mankind is an eloquent summary of human folly. It is our hope that the recent relaxation of tension will usher in a period in which those resources will be diverted to development.
The contours of the world political landscape seem to have changed for the better over the past year in total contrast to the picture with regard to the economic situation. The international economic system remains inherently iniquitous. The grim reality is that the present world structure preserves and perpetuates the oasis of privilege and affluence in the desert of dearth and deprivation. It is a situation that causes concern and has grave implications for the future. The developing countries continue to be confronted with harsh circumstances. They are faced with an astronomical debt burden, the contraction of world trade and deteriorating terms of trade.
Most developing countries have hitherto relied on the export of primary commodities for their income. But over the last 10 years prices of these products have continued to decline and have now almost collapsed. Yet the prices of imports of manufactured goods from industrialized countries, required as production inputs, continue to escalate. The net effect is a scandalous net outflow of resources from the impoverished South to the affluent North resulting in further balance-of-payments difficulties, unfavourable terms of trade and the inescapable resort to borrowing from the North. Those of us from the South should also take „ serious note of the fact that as long as the North continues to fix the prices of our products as well as the prices of their products the sea of poverty, hunger, disease and malnutrition is likely to continue to enlarge. It is therefore incumbent upon us to unite for existence. We can no longer tolerate a situation where the reward for the hard work of our people is hunger.
To address the problem, developing countries have been asked by the North and its financial institutions to undertake structural adjustment measures. The measures they have been forced to take are severe. They adversely affect their development prospects in the face of the harsh economic environment. Governments have to face the social and political tension arising therefrom. These measures have not yielded the desired results. They are, moreover, frustrated by increased protectionism in the developed countries, sharply reduced returns from our export commodity earnings and the ever-mounting debt trap. This is a critical economic situation in Africa.
When the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly adopted the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990, there were great expectations as to the impact of the programme. But to date the economic situation in Africa continues to deteriorate despite the economic reform efforts that have been undertaken at heavy social and political cost. Available financial resources continue to be insufficient to ensure sustained economic recovery and growth in our continent.
The inappropriately designed and externally driven short-term stabilization/structural adjustment programmes have become the hallmark of internationally supported reforms in Africa. Meanwhile, net resource outflows from Africa have increased due to the interrelated problems of dealing with export earnings, diminishing real resource inflows, and the crippling debt-servicing burden.	.
We are now witnessing the ugly indicators of the scourge of reduced investment in the social sectors: a substantial fall in school enrolment, especially at the primary level, combined with a sharp increase in the brain drain, the highest incidence of infant mortality in the world and countless millions of lives at risk due to the re-emergence of diseases long thought to be extinct. Indeed, in the absence of positive economic growth, adjustment programmes in Africa have become politically inexplicable, socially unacceptable and economically unattainable.
For Africa or any other developing region, it is inverted logic and inadmissible practice to sacrifice real long-term development and prosperity to theoretically perceived short-term and short-lived macro-balances. While the role of market forces in the efficient allocation of resources is critical,
ideologically based policy generalizations distort reality and should never be allowed to influence the direction of economic reforms.
We believe that for the long-terra structural transformation of Africa the need for viable alternatives to the traditional adjustment must be addressed. lb build viable economies in our continent it is imperative to base such growth on the transfer of science and technology, reliance on favourable trading arrangements, the effective deepening of subregional and regional economic integration, and establishing the supremacy of the human being in economic development.
At $200 billion, Africa's outstanding debt looks relatively small compared to the estimated 01.2 trillion total debt stock of developing countries. Africa's average debt-service ratio, however, estimated at 60 per cent average, exceeds 100 per cent for a number of countries. In December 1987, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) extraordinary summit meeting set out a common position on specific measures and modalities for tackling the African debt problem, within the framework of an integrated and co-operative development-oriented strategy, based on a dialogue of co-operation and shared responsibilities. We hope that the creditors and the international community as a whole will give the necessary support to the African initiative for a North-South dialogue on all pressing issues.
We should carefully restructure our trade and financial linkages so that our own markets can act as a motor for our own development. We are therefore encouraged by the global system of trade preferences scheme which has been adopted by the non-aligned countries and the initiatives being undertaken by the South Commission. In our own subregion of eastern and southern Africa the preferential trade area has deliberately embarked on the path of regional economic co-operation to this end.
The United Nations has a vital role to play in the world of tomorrow. It should therefore be strengthened for this purpose. We accept reforms where these are intended to achieve the rationalization and better use of resources. Member States of the Organization should, however, be on guard to see that reform is not used to weaken the Organization, or to challenge and compromise the multilateral role assigned to it by the Charter, In his report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General has eloquently cautioned: "For a country, large or small, to turn its back, to whatever extent, on the United Nations would be to surrender a good part of its actual or potential influence. To follow a two-track policy - at one level, to owe allegiance to the Charter and, at the other, to seek to marginalize the United Nations - would be to act contrary to the goal of harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of their common ends," (A/43/1, p, 8)
As we mark the fortieth anniversary of that immutable Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we commend the Secretary-General for his efforts in promoting human rights through the creation of advisory services which Governments, including that of Uganda, have taken advantage of. It is important to remind ourselves that a cardinal objective of the United Nations spelt out in the Charter is to ensure the full enjoyment of fundamental human rights, the respect, dignity and worth of the human person and the promotion of social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. The Declaration proclaims in Article 25(1): "Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control,"
Article 28 further states:
"Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized."
As we prepare to enter the next millennium, the fulfilment of these objectives remains the challenge facing us in the next decade. It is imperative for us to ponder whether we shall bequeath to coming generations an international order that guarantees the total fulfilment of the rights proclaimed, in their entirety. The perpetuation of underdevelopment leads to lack of job opportunities, to poverty, disease and social deprivation. That situation becomes a breeding ground for dicta tots, for conflicts and wars and for violations of human rights. It is at this stage that the international community starts to deal with the symptoms - refugees, famine relief, and so on. The whole scene becomes a tragicomedy in which the poor keep chasing the mirage called development.
The United Nations is currently formulating a development strategy for the 1990s. It is imperative that that strategy be people-oriented. It should aim at bringing about development with a human face and the international order envisaged by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We maintain that the right to development is a fundamental human right. We should not construct the edifice of the world of tomorrow in such a way that we end up with a few people moving towards a post-industrial revolution while the overwhelming majority remain trapped in a state of underdevelopment and poverty. Such a configuration would be a recipe for perpetual insecurity, for a world without peace. That is the challenge to the Unite d Nations.