This year, once again, the United Nations calls upon all the countries on planet Earth to participate in the General Assembly, which is — one could say — a kind of global Parliament. Once again this year, we have the chance to take stock of the advances and setbacks that we have experienced in this large joint enterprise aimed at promoting peace, security and the respect of human rights. Once again this year, we are here to be critical, demanding and
self-demanding, and to reflect on the need to renew and improve the system of the United Nations.
However, the fact that I can say “once again this year” represents, in itself, a success. Beyond the good decisions and the not-so-good ones made over the years, the mere fact that almost 200 sovereign States symbolically renew their commitment to the United Nations each year is a reason for hope for those of us who, like the people of Andorra, firmly believe in multilateralism and the need to promote peace, security and justice.
Throughout its more than seven decades of existence, the United Nations has not been a passive stakeholder or a static feature. Quite the contrary, it has managed to extend its mission, make its objectives more ambitious and give them content with tangible results. The United Nations was created to promote peace, security and human rights. However, year after year, it has spread its area of action to become what we see today, that is, a large Assembly of all the countries on planet Earth, which seek to resolve what affects all of us domestically and among all of us.
The past 12 months have been highly constructive with regard to advances in the multilateral area. Just one year ago, in September 2015, we unanimously adopted the Sustainable Development Goals listed in what is known as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. A few months later, the international community — thanks to the driving force and leadership of the French Republic and our colleague François Hollande — demonstrated its ability to give shape and content to the Goals with the drafting and signing of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change.
Following in the wake of the United Nations, Andorra dedicated this year’s programme at its Summer University to the Sustainable Development Goals as specified in the 2030 Agenda. For one week, Andorra la Vella, our capital, was home to the reflections and debates of experts, as well as institutional representatives, such as the Secretary-General of the Council of Europe and two Under-Secretaries-General of the United Nations.
The Andorra Summer University marks the beginning of the academic year in our country, following the summer break. This year, the people of Andorra started the academic year by confirming and demonstrating our commitment to the values of multilateralism and international cooperation. We have done so by adding our own particular accent, placing emphasis on education. We therefore chose the Summer University as the setting for Andorra to show its commitment to the 2030 Agenda.
All the Sustainable Development Goals share the same priority. However, Goal 4, on quality education is doubly important. On the one hand, it is an objective in and of itself that has a direct link to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. But it is also a means to achieve the rest of the Goals. At the time of the adoption of the 2030 Agenda, the General Assembly warned about the need to detail the Goals in their specific implementation and seek the involvement of all stakeholders — not just public institutions — in that ambitious enterprise. Therefore, global involvement, including on the part of individuals, local institutions and large supranational organizations, requires a key tool, namely, education.
The great edifice of the United Nations principles and values is built upon the idea that what affects all of us needs to be solved by all of us and that global matters require coordinated global actions. It is true that a global world needs global institutions, as well as global regulations and global solutions. But the entire architecture will be as fragile as a house of cards if we do not educate new generations to be global citizens. A global world needs global citizens.
In striving to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, Andorra is placing its emphasis on education and extending quality education to everyone, not only as a goal in and of itself but also to promote education towards global citizenship. Such citizenship is aware of the challenges and the opportunities in our world, sensitive to the protection of human rights, and open and prepared for the dynamics of our times.
During the past several years, the Government that I head has made education the centre of Andorra’s foreign policy in the multilateral arena. We did so during the Andorran presidency of the Council of Europe for 2012-2013. We did so by joining the Global Education First Initiative, promoted by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. We have done so in the contexts of the Ibero-American Community and the International Organization of la Francophonie. We will also do so by making education one of our priorities as members of the Economic and Social Council. We will continue to do so in all multilateral forums dealing with education. However, in keeping with Goal 17 of the 2030 Agenda, we are aware that we need to seek alliances with other countries, joint actions and partnerships between the public and the private sectors.
Allow me to offer a recent example of Andorran action in the multilateral arena. Two weeks ago, the twenty-fifth Conference of Ministers of Education of Ibero-American countries was held in Andorra. The meeting gave rise to a commitment by the Ibero- American Governments to promote the mobility of all our students. An agreement among the Governments, the Ibero-American Secretary-General, the Organization of Ibero-American States for Education, Science and Culture and the Ibero-American University Board will promote the mobility of university students within the Ibero-American area, which currently has 22 full member States. The aim of the signatories is to offer mobility to 200,000 university students between now and 2020.
As always when talking about education, the goal is twofold. On the one hand, the goal is to promote an exchange of experiences, which contributes to improving the quality of our education systems. On the other hand — and this is probably the most important part — the goal is to make our young people aware of the fact that their reality and their future do not end at the borders of the country in which they were born, but rather that they are citizens of a global society. To some degree, we are following in the wake of the Erasmus programme for the mobility of university students in Europe. What has done more to promote European construction — all the regulations and directives that make up the European Union acquis, or all the young people who, for decades, have been completing part of their university courses in other European countries and who feel European?
It is not the young people who wish to isolate themselves. And those of us who are here today — most of whom are from a generation that has left its youth behind — must be increasingly more generous and more open-minded, because the future of our young people, the future of our countries and the future of our world depends on it. If we educate our young people as citizens of a global world, we will be laying the foundation for a much more open, cooperative and fair world.
In line with the theme of this session, “The Sustainable Development Goals: a universal push to transform our world”, Andorra’s commitment to quality education is not limited to diverse actions in multilateral forums, but also has a local dimension. The local dimension begins as a result of the good fortune — and it is necessary to say that because it is good fortune — that we enjoy in having three public systems that are free and available: the Spanish, the French and the Andorran systems. That in itself makes up a pluralist educational community with a marked international component.
In that sense, the people of Andorra have been pioneers in our education system in introducing “education by skills”, which is a model that seeks to overcome the old concept of education as a simple accumulation of knowledge to focus on education understood as a set of abilities and skills to apply that knowledge. The reason for that model is that what is important is not so much knowing, but thinking; we do not wish to create encyclopaedias, but rather citizens. Citizens who can develop themselves and grow in a world that is changing at great speed and who, when faced with the expected and the unexpected, are able to react appropriately and who are not afraid of changes, dynamism and opening up.
We in Andorra have been working on education centred on transversal skills for some years now. And now — precisely because of the need to educate global citizens — we wish to go one step further. Andorra, in coordination with the Council of Europe, will introduce training programmes on democratic values and systems, so as to measure the abilities and skills of our young people with regard to such democratic values. Why not think about a global commitment to educating our young children on the principles and values of the United Nations, and more specifically, on the Sustainable Development Goals embodied in the 2030 Agenda? Because in 2030, it will be them, and not us, who will be sitting here in the General Assembly.
The great dialectic of our times is not — as it used to be in the past — between the right and the left, or the policy of blocs, typical of the Cold War, which we have thankfully left behind. The great dialectic of our time is between being open and being closed, between those who wish for an open, transparent, cooperative and dynamic world with strong multilateral institutions and those who wish for a closed, opaque and static world in which each country looks, only and exclusively, after its own interests.
The road to opening up to commitment, negotiation and multilateralism is the path that we have been tracing for decades under the auspices of the United Nations. The path to closing down is a reflection of fear and a recipe for populists and opportunists, who, when faced with an economic crisis of global scope, withdraw into protectionism; when faced with a threat to security of global scope, close their borders; when faced with a challenge such as climate change, adopt the selfish attitude of free riding, or expecting others to make the efforts. The answers of populism are that it is other people’s fault and that we should isolate ourselves from the others. However, in a global society, we are the others.
I believe that we are all here at the Assembly to renew our confidence in a multilateral way and to continue practicing the maxim that says that global matters require global answers. The Principality of Andorra today reiterates its belief in the multilateral path. Because it is in forums such as the General Assembly that a country like ours, with a surface area of 468 square kilometres and just over 70,000 inhabitants, can be on an equal footing with the rest of the nations on the planet. And I do not mean just rhetorical equality — we have been participating and getting involved in coordinated, balanced actions that involve the entire international community, and we have been doing so for years.
We have demonstrated that, quite adequately in my opinion, by participating with all our efforts to build a more cooperative, transparent and fair global economy. Over the past five years, Andorra has opened its economy to foreign investment, given economic rights to all international residents, set up a comparable tax system following international standards, made progressive advances in matters of exchanging fiscal information, which will culminate next year with the automatic exchange of information within the area of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the European Union, and we have also set up a network of double taxation treaties to internationalize the economic model.
In parallel, along with Monaco and San Marino, we are negotiating an association agreement with the European Union that will enable the full participation of Andorra in the European internal market. We have done so not only because we need to modernize and diversify our economy, but also because we are of the firm conviction that a world with more intense economic and commercial relations is by nature a world that cooperates more and is less selfish. It is also a world that is more inclined towards peace, harmony, negotiated solutions to conflicts and respect for human rights and liberties.
It was in that same spirit of firm confidence in global action that we participated last year in the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which led to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. In the coming weeks, our Parliament will be asked to ratify the Paris Agreement. It is with that same mindset, in our view, that we need to deal with the matter of the huge displacements of refugees and migrants, which have become one of the great challenges of our times. It is a challenge that needs to be dealt with through the regulation, both internationally as well as locally, of migratory flows and the right to asylum, through the fair distribution of the impact that taking in a huge contingent of displaced people may represent, and through care and vigilance to ensure the respect of rights and the dignity of displaced people.
In that connection, I am delighted, taking up what I said before regarding the fundamental role of education, that the high-level meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants, which took place here on 19 September, also emphasized the need to construct a positive narrative on immigration. Andorra, which has for decades been a land that has welcomed many families from all over, is a good example of that positive narrative, as is the case, I am sure, for many of the countries represented here. However, in order for that narrative to continue to be valid, we also need to teach the value of respect for diversity. We must raise world citizens who do not fear difference or change.
While populism would prefer protectionism and economic isolation, we opt for liberalization and greater integration of our national economies. While populism would prefer to deny the scientific evidence of climate change and turn its back on the problem, we opt instead for commitments and specific measurable actions. While populism would prefer to close borders, build walls and stoke the fear of difference, we opt instead for the dignity of persons, for regulation and for education about diversity.
This is the last session of the General Assembly with Mr. Ban Ki-moon as Secretary-General. Many speakers have highlighted his career and his wise decisions over the last decade. Mr. Ban Ki-moon is the Secretary-General who brought about the effective implementation of the Millennium Development Goals and was the driving force behind the post-2015 development agenda. He has been a key player in the relaunching of the multilateral strategy in the fight against climate change, which culminated in the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. As a legacy of his 10- year mandate, he leaves us with a clearly marked path in the form of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) contained in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Mr. Ban Ki-moon is therefore a fundamental player in any understanding or explanation of the United Nations, and by extension, of the entire international community during the first third of the twenty-first century.
For the people of Andorra, Mr. Ban Ki-moon is also the first Secretary-General to make an official visit to our country, as he did in April 2013. The Andorran people have heeded his teachings well. If education is the guiding thread to a good part of Andorra’s multilateral action, that is also thanks to the insistence of the Secretary-General on making quality universal education one of the main pillars of his action during his 10 years at the helm of the United Nations. As Mr. Ban Ki-moon said during his visit to Andorra three and a half years ago, the United Nations will always be able to count on our country in the collective endeavour to build a more peaceful, secure and, above all, more equitable world.


As we have been hearing since the beginning of the week, we are here as representatives of a world in crisis, a war-torn world, divided by inequality, shocked by ever- increasing massive population displacements, afflicted by hunger and disease, and torn apart and grief-stricken by violence. We are also the representatives of a world threatened by global warming, made vulnerable by attacks on biodiversity, and concerned at new dangers such as ocean acidification and the melting of the permafrost.
We are doubly responsible for the situation of the world. We are responsible as human beings, because the tragedy has but one perpetrator — humans and their insatiable hunger for power. From the depletion of farmland to the flooding of land swallowed up by rising water levels and cities flattened by bombs, it is always the same quest for power that is the cause of global violence, which is why we are all responsible.
But we are also here as leaders of nations who are responsible for the world’s future. It is up to us and the General Assembly to find responses to the suffering, injustice and other concerns. For 71 years, the United Nations has shown that it is capable of taking up those problems and offering the world sustainable solutions based on peace and cooperation. Over the past 10 years, under the stewardship of the Secretary-General, to whom I pay tribute, the United Nations has been at the forefront of all of the fights. Thanks to the Secretary- General, significant progress has been made on sustainable development with the adoption one year ago of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the adoption in December last year of a major agreement on climate change, the Paris Agreement.
Those accomplishments should inspire us today and strengthen our determination. In the face of the contradictions that we face in the world, the United Nations, I would note, is the only forum where coherent global action is possible. It is the only place where conflicting interests can have a peaceful encounter in a spirit of progress. It is the only place where responsibility for humankind can be upheld over the ambition of individuals. Here, and nowhere else, humankind has a meeting with history, with destiny and with the judgment that our children will pronounce on its actions.
The Principality of Monaco, under the impetus of its sovereign Prince, Prince Albert II, is fully committed to multilateralism as the only way of tackling the topics on our agenda. I would like to mention three such issues that encompass most of the world’s challenges.
The first is of course the issue of refugees and migrants, a topic that took up a large part of the beginning of the work of the current session of the General Assembly. All of us here are familiar with the tragedy that has afflicted so many civilian populations, primarily in Africa and the Middle East, and we know all too well the situation of the Syrian population, the 300,000 victims of the conflict and the tragedy of the survivors, caught in the middle of the violence committed by the State and the atrocities of the terrorists. Every month, every week, every day, the Mediterranean becomes the funeral shroud of dozens of women, children and men ready to risk everything to escape their fate, but for whom we can barely provide the little that they ask for — safety, subsistence and the hope of a better future.
That Mediterranean Sea, to which Monaco attaches great importance, the Sea that is both a link and a border to so many worlds, is once again at the heart of one of the main challenges of this new century. The Mediterranean today should help us understand that the tragedies on its shores are not those of different clashing worlds but rather the shores of the same world, ours. Regardless of our material situation or where we live, we cannot escape Earth’s and humankind’s woes. Whether we are dealing with wars or rising water levels, famines, storms or fanaticism, our interdependence is, from here on out, total. To quote John Donne, “Send not to know for whom the bell tolls, it tolls for thee.”
That is the purpose of the United Nations and its Charter — to proclaim our common humanity, whatever difficulties may arise. In that regard, the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (resolution 71/1), which has just been adopted, fortunately recalls the principles according to which we must act, as well as the moral and legal obligations that we must all comply with. In that connection, we must give special consideration to unaccompanied minors and children separated from their families. Furthermore, many people live in damaged ecosystems that threaten their very existence. According to the most recent projections of the United Nations, there may be as many as 250 million climate refugees by 2050. Therefore, environmental degradation could tomorrow become the primary cause of migration. Hence, the importance of protecting our environment and implementing sustainable development for all. That represents a major commitment for Monaco and our Sovereign Prince Albert II, who for more than 20 years has been personally committed to that issue, both in all international forums where those subjects were addressed and in the field, working closely with affected populations.
Reconciling the imperatives of human development and those of the conservation of the Earth so as to make it possible for a population of 8 or 9 billion people in a few years to live together will be the major challenge of our century. In order to achieve that, we must first protect the climate.
The Paris Agreement, for which the Principality campaigned, represents a milestone. Monaco will become party to that Agreement by the end of 2016, once its National Council has adopted the law for its ratification. I also recall that Monaco is committed to reducing its greenhouse-gas emissions by 50 per cent by 2030 as compared with emission levels in 1990.
Despite its small responsibility for global emissions, our country has the ambition to be a leader in using innovative means of transport and energy consumption.
In addition to preserving our common heritage and to limiting pollution, the use of inexhaustible renewable energy will also allow us to break with certain monopolies that generate inequalities today and destabilize our world. Such a programme of energy transfer has a cost, but we are convinced that that cost is small compared to the consequences of inaction. That is why Monaco is committed to maintaining its support for the Green Climate Fund.
Global warming has several tragic consequences. One of them is related to the situation of the oceans. As we know, the sea surfaces have been severely neglected, even though they are critical for our common future. Monaco has a long-standing commitment to that issue, dating back to Prince Albert I, who was one of the founders of modern oceanography over 100 years ago. Since then, the Principality has taken action whenever the future of our seas was at stake. It did so in 2009, when it hosted 150 international scientists, who signed the Monaco Declaration, the first global warning about the acidification of the oceans. It also acted by taking on various targeted initiatives within the competent bodies, such as the one that made it possible for us to save bluefin tuna in the Mediterranean. It also acted through the appeal, launched by Prince Albert II at the General Assembly in 2013, aimed at including what became Sustainable Development Goal 14 on the oceans in the 2030 Agenda. It continues to take action, month after month, by contributing to the development of protected coastal marine areas and to the future establishment of a network of protected areas on the high seas.
We are convinced that such conservation solutions will bring about extremely positive effects for the ecosystems and the populations that are directly or potentially affected. Similarly, the Principality of Monaco has taken action in the very important negotiations that are taking place today at the United Nations on issues of biodiversity and national jurisdiction.
All of those issues are essential for the Principality of Monaco. All of those issues take into account a primordial concern, which is the creation of our common future. It was through their ability to dominate and transform nature that our ancestors were able to develop and secure the future of their children. However, we must now also admit that it is through our capacity to protect nature and accept its rules that we can realize our potential and build a future for humankind. That change in the model disrupts our ways of thinking. It will take time for it to take hold and to replace the traditional ways of thinking that have shaped our world and its inhabitants for millenniums.
What we need to do today is to bring about a change of civilization. However, we can make progress in that direction only if all of humankind comes along with us with its dreams and desires. The 2016 UNESCO Global Education Monitoring Report also highlights a priority — that of education. Forty per cent of 15-year- old children have basic knowledge of environmental issues. That brings me to the third issue for our Organization that I would like to underscore today before the Assembly.
More than ever, UNICEF, which is celebrating its seventieth anniversary this year, should play a central role in solving the world’s problems, many of which relate to women and children. At a time when women are still subjected to so much violence and discrimination and when sexual violence is increasing in such an unacceptable way, we should also support the crucial work of UNICEF. In that respect, I would also like to reiterate the full support of the Principality of Monaco for the Security Council resolutions on women and peace and security, on the protection of women in times of conflict and the strengthening of their role in peacekeeping, restoring peace and building of peace. In our unstable and unjust world, we know that education, especially that of girls, is the solution to many of the problems we face. It is through women that the values of tolerance and respect can be upheld. That is why the education of girls and, more broadly, the equal education of all children should be a priority for all.
The power of the United Nations lies in bringing States together to work in the service of the common good. That common good is today still high on the agenda of the Assembly. We must better manage refugees and migrants by protecting the planet and through education for children and the establishment of a genuine equality between men and women. That is the path that Monaco will follow. Loyal to its values, its history and its commitments, the Principality of Monaco will continue, with determination, to move forward along that path, together with the entire international community, for a better future.


I would like to begin by conveying my warm congratulations to the President on his brilliant election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-first session. He can be assured of the Gabonese delegation’s full support and cooperation throughout his tenure. Allow me to also commend the remarkable work of his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Mogens Lykketoft, whose efforts enabled us to bring new momentum to the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, adopted a year ago.
Since then, major events have taken place throughout the world in the areas of politics, the environment, economics and security. As regards politics, this meeting comes in the wake of a disputed presidential election in my country. The final results, which were announced last night, confirmed the re-election of His Excellency Mr. Ali Bongo Ondimba as President of the Republic and Head of State. I would like to take the opportunity to express the gratitude of the Government and people of Gabon to the friendly countries who stood with us. I thank the entire international community for its support during this very sensitive time in the history of Gabon. In order to ensure credible elections that could deliver results acceptable to all political actors, the Government sought to implement specific confidence-building and transparency measures. On its initiative, the Parliament passed the law establishing the use of biometrics in the procedures used in preparing the electoral roll.
The President of the Republic wanted the election to be free, transparent and open. To that end, the Government invited over 1,200 observers and accredited over 200 foreign journalists. Thus, many electoral observer missions, both international and subregional, were deployed throughout the country.
Notwithstanding all these guarantees, the provisional results of the vote made public by the Ministry of the Interior were challenged, sometimes with unprecedented violence, which unfortunately resulted in serious incidents, including the deplorable loss of human lives. The turmoil that this caused at the national and international levels reflected the gravity of the situation. In accordance with legal procedures, appeals were submitted to the competent judicial body, the Constitutional Court. It was the job of the Court, whose decisions cannot be appealed, to confirm or overturn the provisional results. The Court issued its verdict last night, in which it confirmed the re-election of President Ali Bongo Ondimba.
Taking stock of the situation, President Ali Bongo Ondimba has called for an inclusive dialogue, reconciliation and unity. Restoring social cohesion and national unity is the current priority. Maintaining the country’s peace and stability is the other challenge we face. My delegation therefore calls on the international community to support it in this effort, with the ultimate goal of strengthening the rule of law, democracy and good governance. In this respect, we will strengthen political and economic governance. The bodies responsible for preventing and settling conflicts nationally — the National Council for Democracy and the Mediator of the Republic — will be provided with substantial resources that will enable them to fulfil their mandates.
I would like to pay a strong and well-deserved tribute to those partners of Gabon, both bilateral and multilateral, who stood beside us before, during and after the election. I am thinking of France, the United States, Morocco and many other friendly countries in Africa and throughout world that spared no efforts in that regard. I am thinking, of course, of the United Nations, the African Union, the International Organization of la Francophonie, the European Union and many other partners, to which I would like to convey our unending gratitude.
Other major events deserve our attention. They include the widely praised diplomatic rapprochement between the United States and Cuba. It is my hope that the thawing of relations between these two countries will lead to the lifting of the economic embargo. I would also mention the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties (COP 21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, in Paris. The entire world was pleased to see the signing of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change on 12 December 2015. Thanks to the clear determination of all the countries that took part in this important meeting, the success was commensurate with our expectations. Gabon, strongly committed to countering global warming, made its contribution. The Paris Agreement is a historic turning point in our quest for a more sustainable and caring world. It is not an overstatement to say that it is a great step forward for humankind. We must now show the same determination in implementing it as we did in reaching it.
I note with great satisfaction that the number of countries that have ratified the Agreement is growing. I welcome the remarkable momentum building in the international community, and I would like to believe that the Agreement will enter into force between now and the twenty-second session of the Conference of the Parties (COP 22) to the Framework Convention on Climate Change. As far as Gabon is concerned, we have already begun the process of ratification. We will do our utmost to deposit our instrument of ratification as soon as possible.
It is difficult today to speak of the results of COP 21 without mentioning the challenges facing the twenty-second session. COP 22 is seen as an extension of COP 21. It will be held in Morocco, with a central focus on the issue of energy development in Africa. Two thirds of Africans are without electricity — an injustice that we must mobilize to remedy. It is time to apply ourselves jointly to the realization of all of our intitiatives and all our announced agendas. Gabon welcomes the mobilization of Morocco and its commitment to the success of COP 22, especially in view of the parties’ envisaged adoption of urgent measures within the framework of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. That goes to show the value that Gabon attaches to environmental issues, which are at the heart of the Agenda and which we adopted at the seventieth session of the General Assembly in this very Hall.
At a time when we are rocked by economic, social and political crises, the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) represents today a new push to transform our world. It is therefore important that the enthusiasm surrounding the adoption of the 2030 Agenda be reflected in action in order to accelerate its implementation. That is the major challenge the international community will face over the coming years.
The poverty eradication, conservation of the environment and sharing of prosperity to which we all aspire are requirements that call for a greater mobilization of human and financial resources, together with increased involvement on the part of the private sector. I mention the mobilization of human resources because people must remain at the centre of our policies and actions. For that reason, the involvement of all actors is more than critical. By “actors”, I mean young people, women, persons with disabilities, refugees, migrants, civil society and the private sector.
The mobilization of financial resources is needed because the implementation of the SDGs requires that we meet a whole set of needs. We must therefore redouble our creativity and find new sources of financing, so as not to repeat the errors associated with the implementation of Millennium Development Goals. The private sector needs to be mobilized and involved because it plays a key role with regard to productivity, economic growth, job creation and wealth creation. It is therefore time for the private sector to play a larger role in tackling the challenges linked to sustainable development.
I wish to reassure everybody that Gabon will continue its unflagging efforts when it comes to tackling the problems posed by sustainable development and finding new ways of managing our economies. In that regard, our Government created the Investment and Export Promotion Agency, which is required to come up with harmonious strategies to improve our business climate and to implement strict and appropriate management methods with regard to our natural resources. The Agency is also responsible for designing and implementing a sectoral approach that focuses on initial processing at the local level and rational management of our environment. We felt it was necessary to modify our traditional economic approach by integrating into it a new, sustainable balance between our people and our environment and also a space-time dimension with respect to development. That approach is designed to address the growing gap between poor and rich and to anticipate and avert the consequences, for the environment and for future generations, of poorly controlled or uncontrolled growth.
As, I think, everyone will agree, if we are to fulfil our commitments in respect of sustainable development and tackling climate change, we need a peaceful society. For that reason my country approves any initiative that will ensure peace and security within our borders, in the subregion of Central Africa, and throughout the entire world. The concept of peace is a constant that has always characterized the experience of the people of Gabon. Hence, Gabon actively participates in the fight against terrorism, which operates in various parts of the world indiscriminately. The presence of Gabon at the Second Regional Security Summit for Africa, held in Abuja in May, is proof of our commitment to a world without terrorism. The decline in the activities of Boko Haram in the Chad Basin prove that the synergy of our efforts is paying off.
The fight against an enemy that is asymmetrical is far from having been won. Despite increased cooperation and significant resources deployed on the ground, and although we have raised our levels of alertness and added to the capabilities of our special forces, small terrorist groups are proving to be resilient and are displaying an unprecedented capacity for doing harm.
In both Syria and Iraq, the so-called Islamic State — in spite of being weakened — still has sufficient financial and technical means to challenge the international coalition. We must, therefore, do all we can to deplete its sources of supply.
If we are to overcome the terrorist threat, we must first resolve the conflicts in Libya and Syria. I need hardly remind those present that the current chaos has become fertile ground for the nebulous terrorists to operate and to expand their destabilizing activities. The migratory crisis, which is unprecedented, is also being stoked by the conflicts in Libya and Syria. As we have repeatedly said, the only alternative to these crises is a political solution arrived at through negotiation. Any military solution should be in keeping with that approach.
Poaching and trafficking of all types also constitute threats to our collective peace and security. My country welcomes the second General Assembly resolution to tackle poaching (resolution 70/301), adopted on 9 September 2016. My country is particularly concerned about the lack of progress in the general and complete disarmament process, as it is about the paralysis of the multilateral disarmament mechanisms. The resumption of work requires that all Member States recommit their efforts. Maintaining the status quo is not a viable solution.
The prevailing and persistent impasse in the Israeli- Palestinian peace process is also not viable. The lack of constructive dialogue serves neither the cause of Israel’s security nor that of bringing about a stable and prosperous Palestinian State. On the contrary, it serves only to heighten tensions, distrust and insecurity. We believe that any lasting solution that is acceptable to all has to emerge from direct negotiations between the concerned parties, not from unilateral approaches. We reaffirm Gabon’s support for France’s proposal regarding the convening of a conference, before the year’s end, at which the Israelis and the Palestinians would be able to resume negotiations.
As for Moroccan Sahara, there is still the option of a negotiated political solution. In my view, it is the best way forward if we are to break the deadlock that has been in place for several years. My country reiterates its support for the Moroccan initiative, which we believe is realistic and capable of leading, under the aegis of the United Nations, to a lasting settlement of that issue.
In closing, allow me to pay a heartfelt tribute to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, whose mandate is coming to an end. I thank him for his tireless and constant efforts to uphold the noble aims of the Organization and for the many initiatives he has led with a view to realizing the projects and ambitions of the United Nations for the world. I thank him for everything he has done during the ten years he has spent at the helm of our Secretariat. On behalf of Gabon, my delegation welcomes the reforms he has brought about in our Organization, which will undoubtedly have a lasting impact on the world. It thanks him for his leadership on issues as important as climate change, migration flows, humanitarian assistance, questions of peace and security, and the reform of the Security Council.


Let me begin by
extending, on behalf of the people and Government of the
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, our most heartfelt
condolences to the peoples and Governments of both
Venezuela and India, which have recently been hit severely
by the tragedy of disaster. It is our hope that both countries,
through the will and spirit of their peoples, will recover
quickly.
May we also extend our sympathies to those countries
and families that have lost loved ones under the United
Nations flag in Bosnia and Herzegovina in attempting to
carry out their mission of peace and humanity. Indeed, our
sympathies go out to all families of United Nations
personnel in all peace-keeping missions throughout the globe
who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the name of the
United Nations Charter.
We should also like to congratulate the Palestinian and
Israeli people on their recent efforts towards peace. We are
likewise happy to see the great strides towards democracy
being made in South Africa.
Mr. President, it is my pleasure and privilege to extend
to you our sincerest congratulations on your election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-eighth
session. Your election to this high office reaffirms the
importance of the role that small States play in the family of
nations.
We should also like to extend our appreciation to your
distinguished predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Stojan Ganev,
our Balkan colleague, for conducting the deliberations of this
body with great expertise and commitment.
The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is pleased to
welcome the Organization’s newest Members: Andorra, the
Czech Republic, Eritrea, Monaco, the Republic of
Macedonia and the Slovak Republic. We are confident that
these Members will uphold the principles of the United
Nations Charter.
The international community has neither a definite
policy nor a clear plan of political action that would
facilitate a transition from the Communist structures that
have been in power for 50 years to concepts based on
freedom and democracy. We believe that it is impossible to
find solutions for either global or local conflicts unless a
clear stand is taken on the overall question of what the
post-Communist heritage is to be.
The negative aspects of this problem have been fully
illustrated in the case of my country. It is obvious that the
remaining forces of the Communist potential for aggression
have been exercised against us and that an extirpation of
chances for democratic development has been perpetrated
before the eyes of Europe, America and the whole world.
This act is being carried out entirely by force, in forms
ranging from aggression and mass murder of civilians to
destruction of all traces of civilization and culture and the
extermination of whole nations by the barbaric tactics of
burned and destroyed land.
Simultaneously with this unprecedented violence, an
experiment in political vivisection is being carried out
against our country. It is being carried out by an
international community that, in the case of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, has obviously been testing various models for
the post-Communist State. The experiment, unfortunately,
is being performed in vivo by testing various hypotheses on
our living national and governmental organism. In this
experiment, our people are dying, and so is our country and
our State.
The first experiment was performed by the London
Conference. This concept, which sought to stop the
aggression, was abandoned without a single attempt to
implement it; and this only intensified the war on our soil.
This was followed by an attempt to find a solution by means
of constitutional, legal and political reform to a crisis that
was becoming ever deeper. This project, known as the
Vance-Owen plan, no one even attempted to implement. It
was abandoned only to be replaced by a new one, which is
based on the false thesis that what we have in Bosnia and
Herzegovina is a civil war between the three peoples and
that territorial partition is therefore the only solution.
But this plan is being fulfilled neither with respect to
the idea that the partition of the land should be carried out
in accordance with the criterion of ethnic majority, nor with
respect to the basic intention of bringing about peace. As a
result, the uncontrollable unfolding of events will continue,
and will cause nothing but new suffering for our people.
Now the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina are being
asked to choose between a just, defensive war and an unjust
peace. The war, if continued, is likely to cause further
suffering for our people and the further destruction of our
nation. It could mean the death of thousands more.
The unjust peace plan is flawed because it is based
upon the repugnant and historically failed concept of ethnic
partition and apartheid. The flaw is compounded by the fact
that even the partition is unfair, since it seeks to satisfy the
aggressor’s appetite for an inequitably large share at the
expense of the victim.
However, the flaws in the so-called peace plan being
forced upon us are not merely philosophical. First, any plan
that legitimizes genocide and promotes ethnic partition will
most likely sow the seeds for new aggression and fuel the
fires of retribution. Secondly, any peace that does not
address the true causes of war will, at best, offer only
temporary, remedial relief rather than promoting the healing
that is essential. Finally, any peace plan that makes no
provision for a viable Bosnian State, that does not address
even the most basic needs of the victim and that does not
provide the necessary measures for real implementation and
durability is, in the end, not a plan for real peace.
Last week’s provisional acceptance by the Bosnian
Parliament of the peace proposals is dependent on the same
minimal adjustments that we have consistently held to be
necessary for a durable peace. These adjustments are the
following:
First, the Bosnian Republic within the proposed Union
of the Republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina must be viable
geographically, economically, politically and defensively.
Secondly, the aggressor forces must surrender control
of the territories where they have slaughtered and expelled
civilian populations so that the Bosnians can return to their
homes. Well over half a million refugees would find it
impossible to return to villages, towns and cities from which
they were expelled if Serbian forces that committed murder,
rape and torture were to continue to control those territories.
There is the option that some of those territories could be
temporarily administered by international peace-keeping
forces.
Thirdly, the final agreement must contain
comprehensive and specific guarantees concerning its
implementation from those nations and regional
organizations that will actually be enforcing the peace. Such
guarantees must be an integral part of the peace accords and
cannot be delayed until a later date. Otherwise, we risk
adopting another agreement or commitment that will, like so
many others previously, become worthless for peace and of
value only to further legitimize the aggressor.
Forty-eighth session - 7 October l993 3
Fourthly, in the event that the international community
is not successful in implementing the peace plan, then we
must be allowed to arm and defend ourselves.
Consistent with its authority and unavoidable
responsibility, the Security Council should evaluate the plan
prepared by Lord Owen and Mr. Stoltenberg to determine its
consistency or inconsistency with the United Nations Charter
and numerous resolutions previously adopted by the Council.
The Council cannot escape its responsibilities and the
inherent inconsistencies by hiding behind the frequently
repeated excuse that it will accept whatever all the parties
agree to, when one party, the victim, is under the pressure
of the very real threat of genocide.
As further negotiations on these matters continue, the
mediation team should be enlarged to include a
representative of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO), which will most likely be the agent of
enforcement. This would add a degree of clarity, direction
and credibility to the talks that has been lacking so far.
Now, let me bring to the Assembly’s attention the
impending humanitarian tragedy unfolding in my country.
On behalf of all Bosnians, I must first thank the United
Nations and all the friendly Governments, private institutions
and heroic individuals that have helped provide humanitarian
assistance in Bosnia. We profoundly appreciate the efforts
that have so far saved many lives. But with the coming of
winter, more help will be needed if our wounded and
malnourished population is to avoid finally succumbing to
starvation, disease and exposure. In this effort it is essential
that the international community and its most capable
members and relevant regional organizations do the
following: first, take steps to encourage and enforce the
maintenance of the cease-fires recently agreed to by all the
relevant forces; secondly, take steps, as envisioned in several
Security Council resolutions, to stop the blockage of
humanitarian relief and other essential supplies such as
water, electricity and gas; thirdly, reopen Tuzla Airport,
making possible the delivery of humanitarian relief to over
a million people; and, fourthly, establish clear demands for
the lifting of the siege of Sarajevo as a first step towards the
lifting of all sieges of Bosnian towns, including the safe
areas designated by Security Council resolutions 824 (1993)
and 836 (1993).
Our Bosnian minority in Serbia, the Muslims of
Sandzak, have been deprived of their rights. Many people
who have defended the rights of their countrymen have been
imprisoned or expelled. While the Serbian regime has
ostensibly been protecting the rights of ethnic Serbs in
Croatia, it has not been willing to recognize those same
rights for minorities in Serbia. We demand the same rights
for the Muslims of Sandzak as those that Serbs are
demanding for themselves in Croatia. Future negotiations
cannot neglect this very important political and human-rights
issue.
As United States President Clinton recently stated
before this body, the United Nations cannot become involved
in every world conflict. United Nations involvement should
only be undertaken with a clear political and military
strategy in place. Tragically, United Nations involvement in
Bosnia and Herzegovina has so far shown the very antithesis
of any clarity of objective and firmness of resolve. The
moral void created by this confusion has naturally been
filled with a determination to defer to the aggressor’s wishes
at the expense of the victim. The United Nations
intervention, in its half-heartedness and equivocation,
combined with its proud insistence that it is getting the job
done and that therefore we cannot be allowed to arm
ourselves, may well go down in history as the principal
instrument of my country’s destruction.
In this regard, a few unavoidable questions arise. Why
has there been no implementation of Security Council
resolutions 824 (1993) and 836 (1993) calling for the lifting
of the siege of our cities? What has happened to the
Security Council’s demands in resolution 752 (1992) for the
withdrawal of all Serbian military and paramilitary units
from our country along with their heavy weapons? Why has
there been no implementation of Security Council resolutions
787 (1992) and 838 (1993), which were to monitor the
border between Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and
prevent the continuing massive flow of arms and material
going to the aggressors in Bosnia?
It is no longer possible to speak of non-intervention.
The international community’s involvement in Bosnia began
with the imposition of the arms embargo and has continued
through this whole series of unfulfilled commitments. The
United Nations must either follow
4 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
through with its intervention or decide to rescind that
intervention. One way or another, it cannot continue with
the present policy, which makes it an accomplice in the
destruction of the Bosnian people.
My Government remains committed to peace and to the
ideals of a pluralistic, democratic and multi-religious society.
Unfortunately, some of the very nations that espouse these
ideals world wide have betrayed them by inaction, and in
their own backyards. We cannot indefinitely continue a
struggle on principle without adequate help from outside or
without at least being afforded the full opportunity to defend
ourselves.
The action of our Parliament is clear in its commitment
to peace, its demands for a viable State and a durable peace.
Principles have been shamelessly abandoned by those who
had the greatest duty and reason to uphold them in our
country. We cannot and will not accommodate the anxieties
of those same Governments and allow them to pressure us
to abandon our last hope for self-preservation and a real and
durable peace.
Although there has been a process through which many
witnesses to this crime have become anaesthetized to its
horror, the horror itself will never go away, and future
generations of the righteous and the just in every nation will
neither forgive nor trust the countries which allowed it to
happen. At least a billion people are waiting for this body
to act. Are Members really ready to surrender Bosnia and
its people to annihilation? Those billion people I have
mentioned, and not only they, will never forgive you.


On behalf of Kuwait, it gives me pleasure to
convey to Ambassador Insanally our sincere congratulations
on his unanimous election as President of the General
Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I take this opportunity
to assure him of the support and cooperation of the
delegation of Kuwait in recognition of the close ties that
exist between our two countries. His ability and skill give
us confidence that our deliberation under his leadership will
be fruitful.
I am pleased also to pay a tribute to his predecessor,
His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev, Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Bulgaria, for his able and effective stewardship of
the General Assembly at its previous session.
Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 21
On behalf of the Government and the people of Kuwait,
I wish to extend deepest sympathy and condolences to the
Government and the people of India with respect to the
tragedy resulting from the earthquake in that country, which
claimed thousands of innocent victims.
Kuwait has been following the impressive role of the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros-Ghali, in developing new
modalities of work for the United Nations that are more in
line with the sweeping developments, events and changes
that are taking place in the world. We cannot but put on
record our appreciation of the Secretary-General’s tireless
efforts and creativity in restructuring and streamlining the
world Organization to reflect in a more meaningful manner
the realities of the new world situation. He deserves special
credit for his promotion of the concept of preventive
diplomacy.
Kuwait takes pride in its backing of the United Nations
and we do support the new approach it pursues despite the
various difficulties it faces and the accusations levelled at it.
The United Nations, at the threshold of its fiftieth
anniversary, needs from us every material and moral support
each and every Member can extend to it. On the other hand,
the Organization itself should enhance its effectiveness,
streamline its structure and revitalize its organs, especially
the Security Council. The Council should reflect more
closely the new realities of today’s world. It should be more
capable of making and preserving peace and more forcefully
firm in implementing its resolutions in consonance with the
provisions of the Charter.
The United Nations today reflects new world realities,
as shown by the recent increase in its membership. Kuwait
welcomes the accession to United Nations membership by
Eritrea, the Czech Republic, the Slovak Republic, Monaco,
Andorra and The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
and trusts that their accession to the Organization’s
membership will consolidate further the efficacy and
universality of multilateralism.
With the end of the cold war and the effectual
participation by the United Nations in resolving many
international problems, the world today is moving steadily
towards the realization of the principle of interdependence
and mutual cooperation between members of the
international community. The demise of bipolarity and the
disappearance of the barriers that used to separate peoples,
together with closer contacts through mass communication
made available by the technological revolution, have made
it possible for every individual to watch world events as they
unfold. Thus peoples are now able to react to and interact
with global issues in an unprecedented manner. A direct
outcome of all that is the constant expansion of the web of
interrelated interests, so that regional security has become an
inseparable part of global security. Economic and social
development issues have now acquired a high priority among
the concerns of the international community.
While we in Kuwait support this new tendency, we
must stress that movement in the new direction should be
humane in concept, civilized in ways and means, pragmatic
in modalities and realistic in aims. We also stress that the
right of both the individual and the community to
development should be accorded top priority among
international concerns. In this context, we consider that the
first and foremost human right is the right to secure essential
necessities of living. Social and economic development at
various levels is a close second. Kuwait believes that
development should be addressed collectively and that is the
most effective way of ensuring the availability of its
essential ingredients, so that no region or group of nations
should monopolize world resources at the expense of whole
continents which remain hostage to the cycle of want and
poverty.
We view with satisfaction the new approach of dealing
collectively with hotbeds of tension, as envisioned by the
Charter. Here we have in mind the practical and effective
application of the concept of collective security in the
context of which regional conflicts are viewed as direct
threats to world peace and stability and not as mere threats
to regional security. Therefore we demand that any conflict
should be dealt with firmly and expeditiously in order to
avoid its worsening, opening the door and allowing terrorism
to fly in the face of international legality and flout the new
approach.
It is in keeping with this conviction that Kuwait, despite
its difficult circumstances, participates in the United Nations
humanitarian operations in Somalia, our sister country. Such
participation bespeaks our commitment to the new United
Nations approach and our support for putting it into practice.
Kuwait considers that the international presence in Somalia
is indispensable if the Somali people are to be saved from
destruction and chaos and if Somalia itself is to survive as
an independent country. Indeed, the United Nations
peace-keeping operations, which now total 17, as stated by
the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the
Organization (A/48/1), require from us all full material
support, practical participation and political backing.
Accordingly, the Government of Kuwait announces from this
podium that it will voluntarily bear two thirds of the costs of
the United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observation Mission
22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
(UNIKOM). This is to demonstrate our firm belief in the
true role of UNIKOM in safeguarding the security and peace
in our region. It represents also a consolidation of the
concept of collective security and the United Nations role
therein.
Kuwait believes that the most important underpinnings
of the new world approach are: compliance with established
norms of conduct in international relations; respect for the
principles of international law; rejection of interference in
the internal affairs of other States; rejection of seeking gains
and concessions at the expense of neighbouring countries;
the resolution of problems by dialogue rather than by force;
and the renunciation of terrorism as a means of revenge.
The Iraqi regime invaded and occupied the State of
Kuwait. However, the adamant international will embodied
by the United Nations helped liberate Kuwait in a historic
act that led to a clean and tidy elimination of that horrendous
crime. Subsequently, Iraq accepted the consequences of its
crime as set out in Security Council resolution 687 (1991)
which contains the provisions of fair and binding solutions
for the false Iraqi claims regarding Kuwait. It also outlines
the conditions for dealing with the consequences and
underlying reasons of the Iraqi invasion. The quintessence
of resolution 687, which was accepted unconditionally by
Iraq, is the reaffirmation of the sovereignty and
independence of Kuwait. It also called for the utilization of
United Nations technical assistance in the demarcation of
boundaries between Kuwait and Iraq on the basis of the
documents exchanged between the two countries in
October 1963. In implementation of the provisions of the
said resolution, the United Nations set up a Boundary
Demarcation Commission which successfully completed its
work last May and has issued its final report which contains
the definitive map of land and maritime boundaries between
Kuwait and Iraq (document S/25811).
Kuwait commends the technical Boundary Demarcation
Commission and pays tribute to its members for their
impartiality, dedication and patience, especially in the face
of Iraqi accusations and provocations. Kuwait also pays
tribute to the Security Council for adopting two historic
resolutions this year. The first, resolution 806 (1993),
extended the terms of reference of UNIKOM into a
peace-keeping operation with full powers to prevent Iraqi
raids into Kuwait and to put an end to riots instigated by the
Iraqi regime. Resolution 833 (1993), unanimously adopted
under Chapter VII of the Charter, reaffirms the commitment
of the Security Council to guarantee the inviolability of the
international boundary as demarcated by the United Nations
technical commission and to consider that boundary as final
and inviolable. By so doing, the Security Council has put an
end to an amorphous situation which had lasted for far too
long and which Iraq exploited in a bid to secure territorial
expansion, to exercise regional hegemony, and to gain
political, strategic and material concessions at the expense of
Kuwait and the other Gulf States. The demarcation of the
boundary between Kuwait and Iraq is a major contribution
by the international community to the elimination of a
volatile hotbed of regional tension which the Iraqi regime
used to exploit in creating an atmosphere of uncertainty and
mistrust and which culminated in its vicious invasion of the
State of Kuwait.
Kuwait responded positively to the Secretary- General’s
acceptance of the outcome of the border demarcation
process. In our response, we also reaffirmed our sincere
cooperation with the United Nations despite the fact that
Kuwait had voted against some Commission decisions which
denied Kuwait its rights in Khowr Zhobeir. Iraq, for its part,
responded with two letters to the Secretary-General. The
first in May 1992, following the demarcation of the land
boundary, and the second in June 1993 following the
demarcation of the maritime boundary. Both letters
reiterated previous Iraqi claims to what it calls its historical
rights. Iraq also rejected the demarcation results and
challenged the integrity of the United Nations technical
Commission and the validity of its procedures and work.
This prompted the Security Council to reprimand Iraq
strongly in a presidential statement which it issued on
28 June 1993 and in which it rejected the contents of the
aforesaid Iraqi letters and reminded Iraq of its obligations
under resolution 687 (1991).
Iraq has unconditionally accepted resolution 687 (1991)
in all its provisions and in so doing has undertaken legal,
political and moral obligations on which it cannot renege,
nor can it fail to abide by the consequences of such
obligations because the functions of the technical
Commission were not to the liking of its representative on
the Commission, who had participated fully, for a whole
year, in its work and deliberations and then chose to
withdraw from the Commission when he found himself
unable to produce substantive documents corroborating
Iraq’s claims, despite the fact that the Commission pressed
him to do so. The stance of the Iraqi regime constitutes a
rebellion against Security Council resolutions in defiance of
the will of the Council and the international community.
This represents an egregious departure from the current
global mainstream and warrants firm international resolve to
reject the Iraqi regime’s practices in both form and
substance.
Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 23
I find it necessary now to emphasize in no uncertain
terms that the Iraqi regime remains in its philosophy,
behaviour, thinking and nature a threat to regional and global
peace and security. It persists in its aggressiveness while it
thumbs its nose at the world community, which continues to
reject and isolate it with sanctions. Kuwait has confidence
in the wisdom of the Security Council and the ability of its
members to fulfil their mandate. We trust that they are keen
to ensure their collective commitment to the Security
Council resolutions and thus compel the Iraqi regime to
recognize that it has no option but to begin the complete and
documented implementation of all those resolutions to the
letter. The Iraqi regime should be made to understand that
its desperate endeavours to have the sanctions lifted will be
totally futile unless and until it clearly and legally complies
with the boundary demarcation decisions as set forth in the
relevant Council resolutions, especially resolutions 773
(1992) and 833 (1993). The Iraqi regime must also meet
other basic requirements, such as desisting from the false
claims made by its official information apparatus which
continues to describe Kuwait as part of Iraq and to make
other false claims to so-called historical rights. The
persistence of and increase in such falsehoods, which
emanate from ranking officials of that regime, is a reversal
of and retreat from acceptance of the essence of resolution
687 (1991), which represents Iraq’s commitment to respect
Kuwait’s sovereignty, independence and international
borders. We have submitted regular reports to the Security
Council containing complete verbatim excerpts of the claims
made by senior Iraqi officials and the official Iraqi media.
We call upon all Member States of the United Nations
to welcome the relevant Security Council resolutions on the
border demarcation and the inviolability of boundaries as
essential components of the regional security structure. We
also expect Member States to demand that the Iraqi regime
respect all relevant resolutions and link the lifting of
sanctions with its implementation of all Security Council
resolutions, particularly those regarding the boundary
demarcation and the release of prisoners.
In this context, I should like to recall that the
Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC)
issued at its last March session a statement welcoming the
demarcation of the boundary between Kuwait and Iraq. The
GCC also underscored the demarcation as an underpinning
of regional security. Furthermore, the Damascus Declaration
States, which include the six GCC countries together with
Egypt and Syria, issued a statement last June supporting the
demarcation and welcoming the measures taken by the
Security Council as positive contributions to stability and
security at both the regional and international levels.
Iraq’s procrastination in implementing the Security
Council resolutions is not limited to the boundary
demarcation but extends to a purely humanitarian issue: the
release of all prisoners, hostages and detainees of Kuwaiti
and third country nationals. Those hostages and prisoners
have been languishing in Iraqi prisons and detention camps
for some three years now. We trust and hope that the
international community will bring pressure to bear on the
Iraqi regime to release every one of those innocent men,
women and children. Their plight is a stark violation of all
the values and concepts associated with the issue of human
rights. It is also a case that represents a rejection of the new
global approach, which we believe all here are keen to
promote with a view to safeguarding human rights in the
world.
Kuwait has explored all possible avenues, using all
available Arab, Islamic and international channels to
persuade the Iraqi regime to comply with the norms of
international law, especially its commitments under the
Geneva Conventions. To date, the Iraqi regime has made no
positive response to the efforts made by the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on behalf of those
persons. Most recently, it boycotted a meeting organized by
the ICRC in Geneva last month to discuss the latest
developments of this important and urgent humanitarian
matter. The people of Kuwait will feel no relief and enjoy
no peace of mind until the very last prisoner is returned to
his or her family and homeland.
Iraq has also failed to fulfil its obligation to return the
remainder of Kuwaiti property belonging to the private and
public sectors in our country. Furthermore, it has neither
implemented Security Council resolutions 707 (1991) and
715 (1991), nor has it desisted from oppressing and
suppressing its own population in the northern and the
southern regions of the country. It continues to resort to acts
of terrorism. We in Kuwait share the Iraqi people’s pain
and suffering by virtue of the brotherhood between our two
peoples and our everlasting neighbourhood. It is with
particular concern that we see the humiliation of the Iraqi
people as the Iraqi regime pursues its atrocities with total
disregard for the plight of the Iraqi people and its future.
The Iraqi regime has stubbornly rejected the mechanism
provided to alleviate the suffering and hardships of the Iraqi
people by failing to implement Security Council resolutions
706 (1991) and 712 (1991). Indeed, responsibility for the
plight of the Iraqi people lies squarely on the regime itself,
which must be held accountable for all the dire
consequences of its atrocities.
24 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
Kuwait firmly believes that security in the Gulf region
is part and parcel of world security. Hence, the international
community is responsible for ensuring respect for the
sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States
that fall prey to aggression. Support for States that fall
victim to aggression should also be provided by the world
community when a conflict breaks out. The consolidation of
regional security requires confidence-building among all
countries in the region as a basic premise for attaining that
common goal. Here, I should like to underline the close ties
and complete trust that exist among GCC States. Their
cooperation is a substantial contribution to the stability and
security of the region. Facts on the ground attest to our
common endeavours.
Kuwait is keen to improve its relations with the Islamic
Republic of Iran on the basis of the principles of
good-neighbourliness, non-interference in the internal affairs
of each other and respect for sovereignty as specified by the
Gulf Cooperation Council Supreme Council. Having said
that, Kuwait would like to emphasize the sovereignty of the
United Arab Emirates over its three islands - Abu Mousa,
Lesser Tonb and Greater Tonb. Furthermore, Kuwait wishes
to put on record its absolute support for all the peaceful
measures and means to which the United Arab Emirates
resorts in order to regain sovereignty over its islands.
Kuwait remains hopeful that dialogue will eventually clear
away all the outstanding matters between the two countries.
With that aim in view, Kuwait calls upon the Islamic
Republic of Iran to commit itself to resolving this dispute on
the basis of international law and treaties and to ending it by
peaceful means.
In the context of the developments that are taking place
with regard to the Middle East peace process, Kuwait
welcomes the signing of the accord between the people of
Palestine and Israel to exercise their right to self-
determination, to free their territory from occupation and to
build their own national institutions. In keeping with
Kuwait’s support for every effort made and every avenue
chosen by the Palestinian people to further their cause, the
Kuwaiti Council of Ministers has issued a statement in
which it welcomed this first step towards the full
implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions.
Kuwait views this accord as a first step towards the
creation of a framework to deal with many details - a
process that will require enormous effort and patience on the
part of the parties directly involved if a successful
conclusion is to be ensured. The accord has indeed ushered
in a totally new chapter in the history of the Middle East
and the question of Palestine. We hope that, in the new era,
negotiation will replace conflict; dialogue will supersede
confrontation; and that disputes will be resolved under the
rule of international law instead of by force of arms, in
consonance with the developing new approach. However,
the litmus test will be in the steps that will follow and in the
achievements that will be made on the other Arab fronts. In
the final analysis, partial or incomplete peace will not last,
and a unilateral accord will not lead to a fair and
comprehensive peace. From now on we should not look to
the past with pain and sorrow; rather, we should look to the
future with hope and confidence.
In the end, the success of the peace process hinges on
genuine and serious commitment on the part of Israel to
implement United Nations resolutions, particularly those that
call for complete and unconditional withdrawal from the
Syrian Arab Golan. In the same vein, Israel must withdraw
its forces from Southern Lebanon, without any further delay,
in compliance with Security Council resolution 425 (1978).
I take this opportunity to commend the Lebanese
Government for its remarkable effort to build national
reconciliation in Lebanon. For its part, Kuwait will continue
to back the Lebanese people in their efforts to reconstruct
and rehabilitate their homeland.
The tragedy of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina
continues unabated. That people is the target of brutal
aggression by the Serbs and the Croats, who want to impose
a fait accompli and to make territorial gains by imposing a
grossly unjust settlement on the Muslims of Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
We call upon the Security Council and the European
Community to take all urgent and effective measures to
prevent the aggressor from gaining any reward and to refuse
to legitimize the outcome of outright aggression. We appeal
to the international community to lift the embargo on arms
supplies to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to
enable its people to exercise their right to self-defence, as set
forth in the Charter of the United Nations.
A few days ago, Kuwait was pleased to receive the
President of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The
visit was the culmination of Kuwait’s constant support for
the struggle of that Muslim nation, and it demonstrated our
deep, comprehensive and unwavering commitment to Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
Kuwait firmly welcomes the agreement that has been
reached between the Government of President de Klerk and
the other parties involved in the negotiations on the future
political and social structure in South Africa. The thrust of
Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 25
this accord is to end the system of apartheid, which divides
society into segments whose rights and prerogatives are
based on the colour of their skin. We applaud this historic
agreement, which will put all the people of South Africa,
irrespective of class, on a totally new humanitarian cause,
enabling all South Africans to unleash their energies in the
building of a new society.
For its part, Kuwait has complied fully with all the
boycott regulations. Together with other members of the
international community, it contributed to the creation of the
effective mechanism that eventually led to the agreement in
question. Now we intend to take the necessary measures on
the national level to lift sanctions in response to
Mr. Nelson Mandela’s recent appeal from this rostrum. Our
action will be in line with the global trend towards the
creation of conditions conducive to the
fulfilment of the targets set out in the agreement. My
Government will review Kuwaiti national legislation that
prohibits dealings with the Government of South Africa, in
the light of the national agreement in South Africa,
international consensus and the important statement in which
Mr. Nelson Mandela called for an end to the economic
sanctions while continuing to maintain the ban on
conventional and nuclear weapons.
We welcome also the proposal by the Multilateral
Negotiating Council and the agreement that has been reached
to enable the young Republic of Namibia to have its
territorial rights in respect of Walvis Bay and the off-shore
islands restored.
Parallel to the heart-warming transformations on the
world political arena, there are some significant economic
indicators. The issues relating to the world economic
situation are of great concern to my Government. In our
view, top priority must be given, on the international
economic agenda, to the economic plight of the developing
countries, especially the most impoverished among them, so
that they may be helped to alleviate the severe suffering of
their populations.
Convinced that the future of the world and the well-
being of its inhabitants require wholesome approaches that
balance the use of resources with conservation of the
environment, Kuwait has played an active role in the
international forums dealing with the questions of the
environment and energy. We are extremely keen on the
promotion of international cooperation with a view to
achieving wider development and removing obstacles that
impede it. We believe, however, that priority should be
accorded to national and international efforts that aim at
achieving overall social and economic development and
increasing political stability.
The individual must always be the focus of every
development effort. All development policies should be
flexible enough to accommodate the ingenuity and creative
power of all individuals. This is indeed our guarantee of
progress and excellence in human endeavour. International
institutions should provide the platform and the framework
to harness our national efforts towards that end.
The new international orientation, in its political and
economic aspects, presents us with yet another window of
opportunity. As interdependent partners, we should forge
ahead together so that, together, we may reap the common
benefits of the new order.


On behalf of the
Government and people of Namibia, I wish to extend our
deepest sympathy and heartfelt condolences to the
Government and friendly people of India on the heavy loss
of life and destruction of property that resulted from the
devastating earthquake. I trust that the international
community will give them a full helping hand.
Namibia welcomes all the newest Members of the
Organization and assures them of its readiness to interact
with them in the spirit of friendship and solidarity.
The President of the Assembly hails from a friendly
country, Guyana, which did so much to spearhead the
struggle of the Namibian people for self-determination,
liberation and democracy. The Government and people of
Guyana spared no effort in manifesting, in word and deed,
their unswerving support for and solidarity with the
Namibian cause in different world forums. I know all this
because I have spent many years at the United Nations and
during this time I visited Georgetown, his nation’s capital,
and other parts of Guyana on more than one occasion. The
hospitality and camaraderie of his brotherly people always
touched me very deeply. In his past and present incarnations
in the service of his great country, he and I have
collaborated on various issues of common interest. It is
against this background of mutual friendship and solidarity,
therefore, that I congratulate him most warmly on his
brilliant election as President of this challenging session of
the Assembly. His sterling stewardship is already so
effectively manifest that the successful conclusion of our
deliberations is assured.
I also wish to place on record our sincere appreciation
to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev of
Bulgaria, for the effective leadership he provided last
session.
Our illustrious Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, has since his appointment been spearheading
an effective and innovative global campaign aimed at
streamlining and strengthening the role of the United Nations
in peace-keeping operations and in economic and
humanitarian issues. His "Agenda for Peace" has provided
a useful framework for discussing these and other pressing
issues relating to the maintenance of world peace and
security. Namibia commends the Secretary-General for his
tireless efforts.
On the threshold of a new millennium, and as we are
about to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the United
Nations, it is an appropriate time to reflect and take stock.
This is a period of great hope and confidence in the efficacy
of the United Nations. New vision and foresight are thus
called for; bold and imaginative decisions are required.
At its forty-seventh session the General Assembly, in
resolution 47/62, on the "Question of equitable representation
on and increase in the membership of the Security Council",
recognized that in the changing global situation there was a
need to reorganize, revitalize and democratize the Security
Council. The end of the cold war has created new
expectations that the Security Council will take on larger
responsibilities and a greater role in the maintenance of
international peace and security. But if the Security Council
is to be a credible organ of the United Nations, it must fulfil
these expectations of a changing and demanding world. It
is with this in mind that the "Question of equitable
representation on and increase in the membership of the
Security Council" should be addressed. Changes towards a
more representative Council would, no doubt, enhance its
credibility, legitimacy and authority.
Namibia supports the view that the membership of the
Security Council should be increased and more permanent
and non-permanent members added, taking into consideration
equitable geographical representation. Africa itself needs an
effective presence on the Council, as do Asia and Latin
America. The outmoded and undemocratic veto power
should be abolished altogether.
Likewise, there is a compelling need for the
restructuring of other organs, such as the General Assembly
itself and the Economic and Social Council. The member
States of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, working
in close partnership with the Group of 77, should involve
themselves fully in the ongoing discussions on the
restructuring of these vital organs of the United Nations.
Today we are witnessing a new phenomenon in
international relations, characterized by a sense of consensus
deriving from shared interests, in which the credibility and
centrality of the United Nations in dealing with global
conflicts has been greatly enhanced. Indeed, we have
witnessed the Organization fulfilling its mandate in the area
of the maintenance of international peace and security.
We in Namibia believe that now is the opportune
moment to establish a new role and purpose for a conflict-
resolution mechanism which is appropriate to the post-cold-
war era and to the needs and aspirations of succeeding
generations. The renewed commitment towards conflict
resolution must be transformed into a realistic programme of
action, relating to preventive diplomacy, peacemaking,
20 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
peace-keeping and peace-building. Humanity is yearning for
a peaceful, just and prosperous world. On this score,
Namibia envisages a meaningful partnership and enhanced
cooperation between the Secretary-General of the United
Nations and the Secretary-General of the Organization of
African Unity in the field of conflict resolution and
humanitarian relief operations in Africa.
Now more than ever, much is expected of the United
Nations in the area of conflict resolution. The Organization
has a golden opportunity to ensure that those expectations
which "We the peoples" set forth in the Charter, are met by
further enhancing its effectiveness.
It is an accepted fact that peace and stability are
necessary, albeit not sufficient, conditions for economic
development. Therefore, peace-keeping, peacemaking and
peace-building should go hand in hand with economic
development.
For peace-keeping operations to be effective, Member
States should pay promptly their assessed contributions to
the regular budget and to peace-keeping operations. In this
context, we support the establishment of the reserve fund
aimed at improving the start-up financing of peace-keeping
operations.
In Cambodia, the United Nations Transitional Authority
in Cambodia (UNTAC) accomplished its task satisfactorily.
Namibia was happy to have contributed polling officers and
a staffed contingent of reinforced vehicles, called wolves, to
UNTAC. We did this because it was, after all, in Namibia
that a United Nations peace-keeping operation scored its first
large-scale victory. Namibia will favourably consider
participation in future United Nations peace-keeping
operations.
Unfortunately, other peace-keeping operations have not
as yet achieved the same positive results. It is our hope that
the United Nations will continue to help resolve the conflicts
in Somalia, Angola, Rwanda, Liberia, Mozambique, Haiti
and Bosnia and Herzegovina, among others.
With regard to Angola, Mr. Savimbi’s rejection of last
year’s election results was a major set-back. It has plunged
that sister country further into a most horrible human
tragedy. The horrendous carnage there continues to claim
about 1,000 innocent lives a day. It is further reported that
from 2 million to 3 million innocent Angolans are at risk of
dying of either direct or indirect effects of this senseless
war.
The international community must exert concerted
pressure on Mr. Savimbi to accept the will of the Angolan
people without any further delay. What is now expected of
Mr. Savimbi is the speedy implementation of the Bicesse
Accords, the relevant Security Council resolutions, the
Abidjan Protocol and last year’s election results, which,
taken together, provide the framework for resuming
negotiations with the Angolan Government.
It is the view of the Namibian Government that the
resumption of negotiations should lead to an early cease-fire,
which will allow the delivery of humanitarian assistance to
the suffering Angolan people, reconciliation and
consolidation of the Government of National Unity.
To this end, and in the face of Mr. Savimbi’s persistent
intransigence, the Security Council had no other alternative
but to impose sanctions against UNITA. Namibia, therefore,
supports Security Council resolution 864 (1993) which, inter
alia, calls for the prohibition of all sale or supply to UNITA
of arms and related materiél and military assistance, as well
as petroleum and petroleum products, and urges all Member
States to implement these measures. We believe also that if
UNITA continues to flout Security Council resolutions,
additional forms of punitive sanctions should be imposed.
Concerning the situation in Somalia, Namibia supports
the United Nations peace-keeping operation there. My
delegation holds the view that disarming the various factions
would allow the people of Somalia to build genuine bridges
of reconciliation and bring about the restoration of a civil
society.
Under the present circumstances, and in spite of
provocations by General Aidid’s faction, the United Nations
Operation in Somalia should continue to carry out its
mandate. Our hearts go out in sympathy to all those
countries whose nationals, including innocent Somalis, have
made the supreme sacrifice in the service of the United
Nations and human brotherhood. Any precipitous
withdrawal, however, would be to the detriment of innocent
Somali people and is likely to reverse the whole process.
This should not be allowed to happen.
In Mozambique, we are encouraged to note that the
cease-fire continues to hold and that the process appears to
be moving forward. I can hardly overemphasize that it is
absolutely imperative for elections to be conducted in an
atmosphere of peace, trust and cooperation - and this means
that the armed forces must first be confined to base and
demobilized, in accordance with the General Peace
Agreement agreed to last year by the two parties.
Forty-eighth session - 6 October l993 21
Namibia welcomes with satisfaction the recent
encouraging developments that have taken place in South
Africa. For the first time in the history of that neighbouring
country, all the people of South Africa will finally
participate in a free and democratic election on 27 April next
year. We would like, nevertheless, to urge all the people of
South Africa to ensure that this process remains on course,
and we call upon all the parties to participate in the work of
the Transitional Executive Council. In the same vein, we
call upon them, with the assistance of the international
community, to put an immediate end to the ever-escalating
violence. Violence and the ballot box do not go together.
Namibia, along with the other members of the Ad Hoc
Committee on Southern Africa of the Organization of
African Unity, supports the call made by the President of the
African National Congress, Mr. Nelson Mandela, to lift all
remaining economic sanctions against South Africa.
Namibia further supports the lifting of the oil embargo after
the establishment and commencement of the work of the
Transitional Executive Council, as well as the establishment
or restoration of full diplomatic relations with South Africa,
following the installation of an elected Interim Government
of National Unity, pursuant to democratic elections next
year.
The Middle East, the cradle of some of the world’s
major religions, has witnessed bloody conflicts for the
greater part of this century and has been on the agenda of
the United Nations since its inception. Namibia welcomes
the historic breakthrough represented by mutual recognition
and the declaration of principles signed between Israel and
the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) on Palestinian
self-rule in Gaza and the city of Jericho. Despite their long
enmity, the leaders of the State of Israel and the PLO
summoned the political courage to embrace peace. We can
only hope that the historic handshake between Mr. Rabin,
Prime Minister of Israel, and Mr. Arafat, Chairman of the
PLO, will usher in a new era in that region.
Granted, this is only a first step, but it constitutes a
firm basis for building a comprehensive, just and lasting
peace in the Middle East. However, for this undertaking to
succeed, the infusion of large-scale and sustained
international financial and humanitarian assistance is
required.
Encouraged by the historic and momentous
breakthrough in the Middle East and the positive
developments in South Africa, and also taking into
consideration the emerging climate in favour of
rapprochement in inter-State relations, we believe that the
time has now come for the leaders of the United States of
America and the Republic of Cuba to travel the short
distance of 90 miles to reconciliation and peaceful
coexistence. We are convinced that this can be done in the
interest of the children of the two countries, who, like those
of South Africa, Israel and Palestine, hope for a peaceful and
brighter future.
Peace and stability in the Middle East are critically
important not only to that region but also to the world as a
whole. In this context, Namibia associates itself with
Security Council resolution 833 (1993) of 27 May 1993,
dealing with the territorial integrity of Kuwait and
inviolability of its borders. We reiterate our full support for
the right of the people of Kuwait and its Government to
defend their sovereignty and independence. Namibia is a
small State, and we understand the predicament of small
States.
During the last session, I updated this august Assembly
on the progress made in our bilateral negotiations with the
Government of South Africa on the issue of the transfer and
reintegration of Walvis Bay and the Offshore Islands into
Namibia. Today, I am happy to report that the matter has
finally been resolved. On 28 February 1994, the transfer
and reintegration of Walvis Bay and the Offshore Islands
into Namibia will take place. This will, at last, mark the
completion of the decolonization of Namibia and the
unification of our nation. I take this opportunity to express
our deep appreciation to the Member States for their
consistent support, over the years, of Security Council
resolution 432 (1978) on Walvis Bay. I would also like to
thank, in particular, the South African Multi-Party
Negotiating Forum for adopting an important resolution
which speeded up this process.
The Rio Earth Summit marked an historic turning-point
in the long struggle to increase international awareness about
the true nature of the global environmental crisis. The
Summit effectively moved a long way towards a better
understanding of how future economic development is
inextricably linked to sound policies aimed at promoting and
protecting the environment.
22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session
To this end, and in line with the provisions of our
Constitution, Namibia has launched a countrywide
programme of tree planting to prevent further deforestation
and degradation of the environment. Naturally, Namibia,
like the other developing countries, is anxious to see
generous financing and implementing of Agenda 21.
Let me now turn to the socio-economic problems we
are facing today. Despite the promise world leaders made
to children at the World Summit for Children here in New
York in 1990, education, health, water, shelter and food
security remain inaccessible to millions of children in the
developing world - and Namibia is no exception.
In Africa, problems of hunger, malnutrition, disease,
and so on, continue to thwart the commitment we made last
year at Dakar during the International Conference on
Assistance for the African Child, to place children first. In
furtherance of this commitment, and convinced that the
problems of the Namibian children can be addressed only in
a comprehensive manner, we have already integrated the
National Programme of Action on children into the overall
National Development Plan. This National Development
Plan constitutes the basis for social and economic
development in Namibia. In this context, primary health
care, education, provision of water and rural development
are among the priorities of our National Development Plan.
The 20/20 Vision programme we adopted at Dakar
must be implemented if we are to achieve tangible results by
the year 1995, when we shall review progress made since
the 1990 World Summit, including in particular the fate and
welfare of those children engulfed in war situations.
The recent World Conference on Human Rights in
Vienna has further exposed the unmitigated violence and
other forms of injustice being perpetrated against women
throughout the world. The Namibian Constitution contains
specific provisions on protection of the rights of women and
promotion of their welfare. Furthermore, Namibia is a party
to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women.
It is against this background that we in Namibia have
taken measures to raise women’s awareness of their rights
by translating this Convention into indigenous languages. In
the same vein, we applaud the appointment of the Special
Rapporteur to study the issue of violence against women. It
is with this in mind that Namibia looks forward to the
Fourth World Conference on Women, in anticipation that its
decisions will further advance the cause of women in the
world, especially in Africa.
These are some of the many concerns on the social
agenda of all nations. Thus to us, the appointment of a
United Nations commissioner for human rights makes much
sense, and we support the idea. At the same time, we would
like to urge everyone to ensure that the mandate and status
of such a high-level international civil servant should be
considered carefully and realistically.
In order to meet the acute shortages of housing, the
Government has embarked upon a programme to provide
adequate housing to the Namibian people by the year 2000.
In recognition of this national effort, Namibia was awarded
the Habitat Scroll of Honour for 1993 for our National
Housing Programme, called "Build Together". This award
was received by my distinguished colleague, the Honourable
Mrs. Libertine Amathila, Minister of Local and Regional
Government and Housing, two days ago. I would like to
echo the words of my colleague by thanking Habitat for this
outstanding honour.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate my Government’s
belief that the United Nations, as a unique international
body, can live up to its lofty ideals of creating a peaceful,
secure and just world for us and for generations to come.
To this end, Namibia pledges its total commitment.