31.	 Mr. President, may I congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly of the United Nations for this session and express my Government's pleasure in the confidence entrusted to you. I wish also to refer with pleasure to the historical and friendly relations that bind the peoples of Indonesia and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. We are quite confident in your ability to guide and conduct the work of the General Assembly because of the experience and wisdom which you are known to possess.
32.	We should like also to thank your predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambro, who skilfully directed the affairs of the General Assembly during its twenty-fifth session.
33.	The heavy burdens assumed by Secretary-General U Thant and his efforts to preserve world peace and to strengthen the principles of co-operation among the peoples of the world deserve the gratitude of all of us. Today, after his service of 10 years in that position, we present him with our thanks, in the hope that he will continue to pursue this task which enjoys the support of our country and that of all peace-loving nations.
34.	The needs which made essential the creation of this Organization 26 years ago have increased, the more so since the United Nations must justify the need for its existence through the role which it must play in order to preserve world peace, to assist all nations in their struggle for freedom and their right to live in peace and security, and to eliminate the dangers of war caused by imperialist policies aiming at the domination of other nations and the control of their destinies.
35.	The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen won its independence by making sacrifices over many decades. This resulted in victory for the armed revolution against British imperialism under the leadership of the National Liberation Front with the participation of all our people. The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen could never have become independent and free from any imperialist interest had the people not resorted to arms, had they not made sacrifices, and had they not strengthened their will in spite of British plots and endless conspiracies to smother the revolution and to isolate it from the rest of the world.
36.	The sacrifices made by our people constitute a reaffirmation of the esteem and reverence which we hold for our freedom and independence. The people are prepared to sacrifice their lives and property, still more to defend their revolution and independence against every conspiracy of the imperialists and their reactionary agents in the area.
37.	When the cause of our freedom was being discussed in the United Nations, the United Kingdom resorted to a deliberate distortion of our people's will by bringing forth its puppet sultans to speak in this Organization about the fake freedom which they claimed our people enjoyed. We recall these incidents in order to refresh everyone's memory of the way in which the United Kingdom lied to the United Nations and to the world. Its lies and plans, however, were exposed and our revolution triumphed, overthrowing its agents, who withered away with the end of colonial occupation.
38.	These various imperialist schemes, with which our country is familiar and which were condemned by our people to failure, are now being reintroduced by Great Britain in the Arabian Gulf area with false announcements of independence which are no more than identical copies of what Britain failed to impose on the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen.
39.	During the era of colonization Great Britain divided our country into 23 sultanates and sheikhdoms and established tariff and customs barriers to secure the division and isolation of the people and to prevent us from keeping in contact with one another. But the people refused to accept the division and fought for political unity, for their freedom, their union and their independence. Division was accepted only by the puppet lackeys.
40.	Today, we witness colonialist Britain again playing the same game of "divide and rule" in the Arabian Gulf, which constitutes a single political unit. Britain is dividing it once more into a number of small States with shabby political structures and claims for these structures the status of independent nations. It is pushing these States now to gain membership in the United Nations.
41.	It is notable, however, that these entities which Britain is presenting to this Organization, bearing documents of their so-called independence, are none other than the same type of agents that have been used by Britain to rule the Arabian Gulf area for more than 150 years. Britain persisted in announcing its intention to withdraw formally from the Arabian Gulf area when it clearly felt that the revolution which had been triggered by the people of the southern part of Oman was fast spreading into that area. So Britain speed up the execution of its imperialist schemes in an attempt to pull the rug from.under the revolutionaries and to convince Arab and world opinion that there are no further incentives for the revolution around which the people have rallied.
42.	The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, in view of the ties of brotherhood, neighborly closeness and historical background which link it to the people of the Arabian Gulf, feels it to be its duty to help and support their struggle for liberation from colonialist domination. This is but a reaffirmation of our belief in the right of all people to decide their own destinies and to achieve their independence and the unity of their territory according to 1 the Charter of the United Nations and its resolutions.
43.	My Government believes that the continued presence of colonialism, whether apparent or disguised, in the Arabian Gulf is not only a disparagement of and disregard for the rights of this nation, but also a real threat to our Republic and its people, who have suffered from the repeated aggressions of the British on our eastern borders, next to the Dhofar area, which has been liberated by the revolutionaries of the Popular Front for the Liberation of
the Occupied Arabian Gulf. Moreover, Britain has resorted to the use of its air and naval forces to threaten our borders in an attempt to crush the revolution, ignoring the fact that the revolution originates essentially from within the Gulf, not from the outside.
44.	Our mention of the colonialist presence in the Arabian Gulf area is supported by the documents submitted to the United Nations by the revolutionaries themselves and confirmed by those observers who were able to visit the area. That presence is evident from the large military bases that are situated all over the Arabian Gulf, in particular in the vicinity of Oman and its surrounding sea area. That presence is also certified by the secret and public agreements that leave no doubt whatsoever that the whole area still remains under the control and the protection of the British Mandate.
45.	The peoples of the Arabian Gulf, like all other struggling peoples, are determined not to put down the arms they carried on the morning of 9 June 1965 under the leadership of the Popular Front for the Liberation of the Occupied Arabian Gulf, until they rid their country of the colonialist presence. They have proved during their seven-year revolution that they are capable of resisting the most savage, repressive measures of the British forces and their puppets. Neither their determination to carry on the struggle nor their belief in their final victory will be swayed by British tricks; indeed, they will be only strengthened. And if Britain has succeeded so far in fooling anyone, it has not fooled, and will not fool, the peoples of that area and their heroic fighters, who will decide the destiny of their own countries as they see fit. The revolution of Dhofar is only a beginning, and Dhofar is only a part of the Arabian Gulf ar ^a.
46.	In spite of the United Nations resolutions admitting both Bahrain and Qatar as States Members of the Organization, the peoples of the Arabian Gulf are still looking for the support of the United Nations and those of its Members that stand for peace and freedom.
47.	A delegation representing the revolution in the area was here to explain the crimes committed by British forces against thousands of civilians and to submit proof of the reality of the colonialist presence. That delegation called on the world's conscience not to allow Britain to carry on its imperialist schemes that contradict the aims of the Charter and the principles of the United Nations.
48.	The United Kingdom, the United States of America and their reactionary puppet regimes in the area have exploited the circumstances of the set-back that struck the Arab liberation movement following the Zionist aggression in June 1967, backed by imperialism, against the Arab people and their progressive regimes. Among the primary objectives and most urgent aims of that act of aggression was the freezing of the Arab revolutionary liberation movement as a prelude to isolating it from its world allies and eliminating it altogether. The Arab nation, however, has shown its greatness by overcoming the set-back as the armed revolution intensified in one area and resulted in the independence of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen only six months after the set-back.
49.	Other victories followed shortly, serving but to confirm the Arab nation's rejection of the consequences of the Zionist aggression backed by the United States. The Palestinian resistance came into being to give the Palestinian people a new confidence in themselves and in their ability to rid their nation of Zionist colonialism, in spite of the recent and past imperialist conspiracies to which it had been subjected.
50.	My Government opposes and condemns any attempt to strike at the Palestinian resistance movement as a conspiracy against the Palestinian people and their legitimate rights.
51.	More victories followed in succession in other parts of the Arab world, leading to the removal of British and American bases supporting Israel and its aggressive plans and representing a threat to peace in the area. Libya, for example, moved into a prominent position in the Arab struggle following the revolution of September 1969. More than four years have elapsed since the Israeli aggression against the Arab peoples, an aggression backed by the imperialist Powers headed by the United States, and resulting in the occupation of substantial portions of the territories of three Arab nations, all of them Members of the United Nations. There is no doubt that the perpetuation of that aggression is a violation of the territorial integrity of those nations; as such, it cannot be tolerated by either those nations or by the international community at large. Force, aggression and war were the means used for the occupation of those territories, and such methods have been rejected in substance and in form.
52.	The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, which is a part of the Arab nation and a State Member of the United Nations, believes that the position of the United Nations and the world community as mere onlookers as that aggression continues in defiance of United Nations resolutions can only encourage the aggressor, and it considers this a disappointment to the hopes of peace-loving nations and their regard for the United Nations, its seriousness and its great principles as laid down in the Charter.
53.	It is no longer a secret to the whole world that it is the United States which encourages Israel to ridicule and ignore the United Nations and world opinion, by providing that State with financial and military support and protection. Were it not for the backing of the United States, it would not be possible for Israel, by itself alone, to defy the whole world. The question confronting this Assembly is whether the United Nations can agree to set its resolutions on one side of the scale and the United States on the other. Is there any justice in this situation? We also direct the question to the great people of the United States, who will, we believe, reject this equation in our present age.
54.	The problem that we refer to as the Middle East crisis is in essence the problem of the Palestinian people. The aggression of June 1967, in the view of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen and the Arab people, is a continuation of the crime that was committed in 1948, a year to which the Arabs refer as truly "the year of tragedy". In that year world history witnessed the most cruel crime it has ever known; for never before in the world's history could we read of a whole people forced out

of their land, to be replaced by others who came from different nations, united by hatred and racism, forcibly removing the people of Palestine from their country and seizing their houses, their lands and their properties by force. Had this happened to another people in Africa or Asia, would it have been accepted? Yet, it has happened, and it happened after the establishment of the United Nations, with the assistance of the imperialist Powers, headed by the United States and the United Kingdom Governments, the latter having a Mandate over Palestine.
55.	So here we are today, with the Arab nations paying the price of that first crime, which has also had new consequences as evidenced by the forcible occupation of Arab territories by Israel. The occupied Arab nations have made every peaceful effort and obtained from the United Nations several resolutions, among them Security Council resolution 242 (1967); and although four years have passed, Israel continues to defy the United Nations and its resolutions.
56.	What is left for the United Nations and the Security Council to do regarding a party that rejects their resolutions and refuses to carry them out?
57.	This resolution, which we have not accepted, was, however, accepted by some of the Arab nations, whose territories have been occupied, to show their goodwill. Nevertheless, that resolution could not be enforced by the United Nations because the United States refuses to impose its implementation and to request Israel to carry it out. In fact, the United States is encouraging Israel's intransigence by supplying it with financial and military support.
58.	The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen sees no possibility of a solution unless such a solution is based on the right of the Palestinian people to recover their lands and their right to self-determination. It is in this belief that the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen supports the rightful struggle of the Palestinian people to liberate its homeland and the proclaimed aims of the Palestinian revolution in creating a democratic system in Palestine, by which all citizens, be they Moslem, Christian or Jewish, can coexist.
59.	I wanted to see the only legitimate and real representative of the great people of China to welcome him in my address and I hope that this wish will come true in the near future.
60.	That the People's Republic of China should obtain its seat in the United Nations as the sole representative of the great Chinese people is only natural. To have kept a large nation such as China and a great people like the Chinese, who number more than 700 million, outside the United Nations was a strange phenomenon.
61.	My Government is confident that the United Nations will make a rapid decision to seat China during this session, that it will welcome the representative of the People's Republic of China to his natural role among us and that it will at the same time expel the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek of Taiwan.
62.	Such a historic decision will be a landmark in the history of this international Organization and will create
new and better circumstances in international relations, thus increasing the effectiveness of the Organization in maintaining world peace and supporting the struggle of nations to secure their rights in freedom, progress and welfare. Such a resolution implies great purposes, the most important of which will be the defeat of the imperialist and colonialist policies of the United States. The insistence of the United States in continuing policies, which are in contradiction of the interests of humanity in progress and co-operation, will lead that country once again into isolation and eclipse, against its own will.
63.	The imperialist policies of the United States are responsible for the creation and the explosion of world crises and threats to international peace and security. And there that country is now, waging an aggressive criminal war against the heroic Viet-Namese people to prevent them from attaining self-determination and unifying their territory. Not only has the United States armed and strengthened its dummy Government in Saigon, but it has also sent land, naval and air forces to wage a genocidal war against the Viet-Namese, dragging its allies into an unjust war.
64.	The resistance of the heroic Viet-Namese people and their valiant struggle is winning the support of all the peoples of the world, among them the people of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. The victories of the Viet-Namese are also victories for the aims and principles in which our people believe.
65.	The victory of the Viet-Namese people is now certain. Equally clear is the defeat that awaits world imperialism headed by the United States, in spite of all the American tools of destruction, the calculations of electronic data- processing machines, the technological progress of America, and the millions of tons of bombs that have been dropped by United States bombers on the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam in that dirty war waged by the United States against the heroic people of Viet-Nam.
66.	The United States, instead of stopping its dirty war against the Viet-Namese people and withdrawing its forces, has resorted to expanding its range to include other nations in Indo-China, believing that such an action will suppress the fighting spirit of the peoples of Viet-Nam, Laos and Cambodia. But it was mistaken, as it has always been, and it has found itself facing the united strength of the resistance of all Indo-Chinese people and thus it has been dealt one defeat after another.
67.	This succession of events, the publication of the Pentagon papers and the atrocities that were revealed in military trials, which described the mass murders of innocent Viet-Namese women and children by the United States army, turned American public opinion against its own Government.
68.	The Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam has submitted a seven-point program to solve the Viet-Namese question and to restore peace to that part of the world, which has been deprived of it for so long because of the aggressive policy of the United States and its interference in the affairs of other nations.
69.	My Government supports these realistic proposals of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-
Nam and demands the total and rapid withdrawal of all United States forces and their allies and a halt to air raids over the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam.
70.	The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen notes with pleasure the peaceful and firm policies of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries with a view to bringing about a detente in Europe and eliminating the spectre of war which has always haunted Europe.
71.	The solution of the Berlin question constitutes a beginning of the solution to the whole German question. It is essential to recognize the existence of two German States; the Federal Republic of Germany must retract its shameful claim to being the sole representative of all Germany, a claim that is supported by all the imperialist nations, headed by the United States.
72.	It is also imperative that the world community accept the membership of the German Democratic Republic in all the specialized agencies of the United Nations, in the same manner that it has accepted the membership of the Federal Republic? of Germany in these agencies.
73.	European security, and consequently international security, can never be achieved as long as military alliances last. It is therefore necessary to dissolve military pacts and to reduce the military forces and strategic armaments of both the countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the countries signatories of the Warsaw Treaty.
74.	Korea remains divided by imperialist forces headed by the United States, and its occupation continues under the United Nations flag. The United States continues to violate the will of the Korean people and its desire for independence and sovereignty. This odd situation must be brought to an end. It is necessary to evacuate all foreign military forces from South Korea and to liquidate foreign military bases there. The Korean people must have the freedom to decide, in a free plebiscite without outside interference, the question of uniting the two parts of their country.
75.	The passion of our people for the cause of freedom, a passion for which many of our sons have paid with their lives, has no limits. It is because our people believe in every nation's right to freedom that we condemn the abrogation of the freedoms of the Arab people of Palestine, and the African peoples of Namibia, Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, who are the owners of their lands. We demand that the United Nations take immediate action to end all acts of racial discrimination in these countries and to force the racist regimes, to acknowledge the equal rights of the majority, who are the original inhabitants of these lands.
76.	The inability of the United Nations to take a firmer stand towards Israel's crimes in the occupied territories of Palestine and the crimes of the racist regimes in Africa constitutes an encouragement to these regimes to continue their criminal policies, defying all principles of human co-operation and world opinion.
77.	We are sorry to see the United Nations, after 26 years of existence, still unable to take any firm and decisive action to bring a halt to the practices of racist regimes which have defied it and rejected its resolutions.
78.	The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen lends all its support to the struggle of the people of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) against Portuguese colonialism. We are confident that Portuguese imperialism will be defeated despite all the support it is receiving from its imperialist allies, and victory will come to the peoples of these countries in the not-too-distant future.
79.	The people of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, who maintain good relations with both the Indian and Pakistani peoples, hopes that these two great countries of Asia will be able to solve the problem of the Pakistani refugees who are now the guests of India, a country which is carrying this burden. We hope these refugees will return to their homes, and we are confident that such a solution will be in the best interests of both peoples.
80.	Our Government supported the inclusion of an item entitled "The colonial case of Puerto Rico" in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly and urged a debate on this question, the vital importance of which, in our opinion, makes it a primary responsibility of the United Nations. We will request the inclusion of this issue in the agenda of the next session.
81.	In conclusion, we wish all success to the United Nations and its agencies in their work to implement fully the objectives and ideals for which they were created.


1.	 I am indeed pleased, Sir, to extend to you, on behalf of the Liberian delegation and myself, sincere congratulations on your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The Assembly, in our opinion, is indeed fortunate to have someone with your wide experience to guide its deliberations at this important session.
2.	May I also take this opportunity to pay a deserved tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, who presided over the commemorative proceedings with aplomb and who directed the work of the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly so ably as to merit the respect and admiration of all of us.
3.	The Liberian delegation welcomes the recent entry into the United Nations of Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar and extends to these delegations its sincere felicitations.
4.	We in Liberia bemoan the recent passing of our late President, William V. S. Tubman. His tenure as leader of his country exceeded in time the life of this Organization. In his more than 27 years as Head of State, the late President Tubman spared no efforts in his endeavors to promote the interests of his people both at home and abroad. His untiring devotion to the cause of peace extended beyond the boundaries of Liberia and beyond the continent of Africa. His support of the United Nations and of the purposes for which it stands is well known.
5.	He has been succeeded by President William R. Tolbert, Jr. whose faith in the United Nations and its purposes and whose dedication to international co-operation and to international brotherhood are equally and as firmly fixed.
6.	President Tolbert, who served ably and faithfully as Vice-President for over 19 years, has always supported the

United Nations and other international organizations. He has directed me to assure the United Nations of his continued support and co-operation in its quest for international peace and security.
7.	After almost three quarters of a century, in which the world has not been fr >.) of violence and war, with all the loss of human life and all the devastation that this has entailed, the world's peoples are yearning for peace and progress and for a better life. There are problems about Which we in Africa are gravely concerned.
8.	The situation in southern Africa presents perennial problems to which this Organization has been unable to provide solutions. I need not detail here the frustrations and anger and the disappointment this has caused to the peoples of Africa. The conditions necessary to find just solutions are clearly outlined in the Charter to which the Members of this Organization have subscribed. Nevertheless, this perilous situation has been allowed to linger because of selfish interests.
9.	The South African Government has demonstrated extreme contempt for the ideals, principles and obligations of the Charter of the United Nations, among which are "respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples" and "respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion".
10.	Those principles inserted in the United Nations Charter seem, in our opinion, to place certain interests, as they relate to basic human rights, beyond the reach of arbitrary State action. Yet the South African Government has continued to ignore those principles and has challenged and defied the will and decisions of the Organization on them with a certain degree of impunity.
11.	The failure of the United Nations to fulfill its mandate, at least in respect of southern Africa, clearly undermines the authority of the United Nations as a world Organization designed to ensure international peace and security. Many of the proposed remedies break down under critical analysis due to the attitudes of some powerful States. They declare lip-service condemnation of the atrocities of the Government of South Africa while lending extraordinary economic and other direct and indirect support to it. Thus, it is not very difficult to understand the apparent intransigence of South Africa.
12.	There is no need for confusion about, or misunderstanding of, the avowed policy of apartheid. Any State that declares its policy to be based on racial distinctions over which the individual has no control and in fact imposes repressive measures to foster that policy, whatever the form of those measures, should be condemned.

13. One of the consequences of ineffective action by the international community is that the Pretoria Government has extended its heinous policy of apartheid to Namibia. In addition to the size of the world which frowns upon, condemns and opposes that policy, the International Court of Justice has, in its recent advisory opinion, declared unequivocally that the continued South African presence in Namibia is illegal. My delegation feels that that significant opinion provides a basis for positive action by those big Powers that have, by their indirect action, conveniently encouraged South Africa to ignore the decisions of the United Nations on this burning issue.
14.	The illegal minority regime in Zimbabwe-otherwise called Southern Rhodesia provides another example of the grave situation in southern Africa which poses a threat to international peace and stability in the area. What is even more disturbing is the apparent ease with which a powerful sector of the international community seems to be adapting itself to the situation.
15.	At the time of the unilateral declaration of Independence by the Ian Smith regime, the United Kingdom expressly limited the measures it was prepared to take against ..its colony. That resulted in partial and weak measures being applied, an 1 they have not been effective.
16. In 1968 the Security Council again voted unanimously to adopt resolution 253 (1968), imposing, under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions against Southern Rhodesia. In spite of that expression of condemnation of the Smith regime by the international community through the highest world forum and the apparent manifestation of a concerted will to put an end to that illegal administration, the Smith regime has continued its intransigence. Last year's proclamation of a Republic of Rhodesia by the Smith regime is also illegal. Yet no successful attempt has been initiated to reverse the situation in Rhodesia and its tragic consequences for the African majority. The excuse for such failure is unconvincing, and the failure is due, not to inability, but to unwillingness to take the truly effective measures that would bring about success.
17.	One of the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the measures taken in regard to the illegal regime in Zimbabwe is the collusion between Portugal, South Africa and the illegal regime.

18.	Once again, I consider it necessary to call on the General Assembly to strengthen its support for resolutions reaffirming the inalienable right of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau), at present under Portuguese domination, to self-determination and independence. The present situation in those Territories is clearly a threat to international peace and security. This has been further evidenced by the dastardly attack made last year by that retrograde regime on the independent African Republic of Guinea, as well as the offensive incursions which Portugal has made on the territory of the independent African Republic of Senegal. That threat to those independent countries is continuing today, and the Security Council Council is at present seized of those matters.
19. It is high time that the last vestiges of colonialism should be removed in conformity with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted as resolution 1514 (XV), and one of the documents adopted by the General Assembly at its commemorative session last year which called for the full implementation of that Declaration [resolution 2708 (XXV)].
20.	It seems to me that the chief obstacle to our success in southern Africa lies not in our powers, were we to use them, but in those selfish aims which remain so little changed despite new situations. Unfortunately, it seems that it is the will of the international community that is at fault.
21.	On the whole problem of southern Africa, I should like to re-emphasize what I said during the twenty-first session of the General Assembly on 10 October 1966: that the African Territories under Portuguese domination, Rhodesia, South West Africa and South Africa are elements of a single problem, the solution of which requires joint action [1435th meeting, para. 25J. That is essentially true as a result of the apparent unholy alliance among South Africa, Portugal and Southern Rhodesia, especially when South Africa daily increases its military potential and was reported recently to have developed missiles which might be exported or supplied to its allies.
22.	The United Nations will most likely succeed in fulfilling its obligations when its Members learn to avoid narrow national interests, to eschew economic greed and to respect fully the principles of the Charter, so that they may find themselves in a position objectively to support the efforts of the Organization.
23.	Unfortunately the tragedy in Viet-Nam continues and there is still much uncertainty about a settlement. The talks in Paris have failed to yield satisfactory results. It is our hope that other events which have occurred recently may help to accelerate a solution in the interest of the Viet-Namese people and in the cause of world peace.
24.	Although there has been an effective cease-fire for over one year, the danger of an explosion in the Middle East which may have serious repercussions on world peace cannot be dismissed lightly. One of the causes for serious concern in that situation is the big-Power involvement. The missing element in that situation seems to be the will to make peace. The situation is further complicated by the unhappy ideological division in the world.
25.	We believe it is time for the parties, Members of this Organization, which have obligated themselves to settle their differences by peaceful means in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, not only to use the existing means available to them but also to undertake fresh initiatives to reduce tension in the area. In this connexion we are anxiously awaiting the result of the initiative being undertaken by the Organization of African Unity and we can only wish success for the efforts of the 10 members of
the Committee of African Heads of State established by the Organization.
26.	At this stage I should like to mention the serious financial situation of the United Nations, which was highlighted by our Secretary-General in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A/ 8401/Add.l]. This situation calls for serious decisions on the part of the Members of this Organization. We can no longer postpone or shirk the important responsibilities which the situation entails.
27.	All of us need the United Nations. It is an important Organization for the maintenance of international peace and security and we cannot afford to let it drift into bankruptcy.
28.	The problem of the refugees is one of great concern in many parts of the world. Because of the humanitarian nature of the problem we cannot brush it under the rug. Where there are internal conflicts and colonial wars the problem has been exacerbated.
29.	The refugee situation in the Indian subcontinent places an onerous burden on India. This Organization has to assume the moral responsibility the situation imposes. Although something has been done to alleviate it, much more is required.
30.	Africa is also afflicted with this problem. We hope that this Organization will make some progress in removing the conditions which have brought about such a serious human problem.
31.	Although the problems I have mentioned appear intractable and cause serious concern, there have been some events in the past year which have given cause for some optimism on the international scene.
32.	Perhaps I should mention first the reaffirmation of the dedication of Member States of the United Nations to the objectives and purposes of the Charter [resolution 2627(XXV)], one of the four documents adopted by the General Assembly at its commemorative session almost a year ago.
33.	Man's survival seems to depend greatly on the need to redirect our efforts to international co-operation and away from the forces which breed unrest and disorder. We also need to direct more attention to the human environment. Towards this .end we should make a reappraisal of the means necessary to enable us to attain these objectives and purposes.
34.	Another important factor has been the recent Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin  and the successful treaties negotiated by the Federal Republic of Germany with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics  and with Poland. These agreements point to a normalization of relations between West Germany and other Eastern European countries and provide a welcome opportunity for the reduction of tension in this area. No one can doubt that this may have a salutary effect on an East-West detente.
35.	Another significant factor has been the favorable, although slow, progress made in the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks between the Soviet Union and the United States. To this must be added also the slow progress made in the Geneva disarmament talks by the draft convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons and on their destruction [Aj8457-DCj234t annex A], Liberia regrets that this agreement has not yet been extended to chemical weapons.
36.	The Liberian delegation certainly wishes that more rapid progress could be made on the issue of disarmament. The arms race produces only unrest and instability and could result in disaster for mankind, especially in view of the advances that have been made in science and technology.
37.	Apart from the fact that social conditions in many parts of the world can be substantially improved by funds diverted from armaments, we have a clear choice to make to prevent our self-destruction and ensure man's survival.
38.	My delegation feels that the question of the sea-bed, and the ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof, beyond the limits of national jurisdiction is one which requires the most delicate consideration and handling in our search for a solution within the meaning and context of General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV) and within the frame-work of resolution 2750 (XXV).
39.	The ability of the international community to promote order and to preserve harmony may be tested by the success of our efforts in devising means of regulating activities in the intricate and challenging age of scientific and technological advances. Only one path provides a solution in the interests of mankind as a whole, and that is by agreement based on the principles of universality and equality.
40.	To achieve this end, partisan and selfish considerations will have to give way to common interests based on the principle of equity. An international community in which each State is willing to surrender only that for which it can see an equivalent in terms of itself alone is not one that will provide an answer for the settlement of the question of the sea-bed.
41.	General Assembly resolution 2750 C (XXV) also provides for the convening of a conference on the law of the sea in 1973 and it assigns certain duties to the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction in preparation for the conference. While my delegation welcomes a conference on the law of the sea in 1973, we feel that views on questions relating to the law of the sea are in many respects so wide apart and diverse that a modification of extreme positions must be encouraged if the conference is to be successful. We must be prepared to submerge our separate and individual interests in a common cause for the common good and the benefit of mankind.
42.	I have spoken seriously about the political and social problems of our world. There is another problem which causes my Government serious concern. I have, in past statements before this body, applauded the United Nations for the role it is playing in the field of economic development and growth, in terms of technical advice, training, pre-investment studies and meaningful, if indirect, financial contributions.
43.	The work of the United Nations Development program has become an integral part of the efforts of most developing countries to plan and implement both short- and long-term policies. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development continues to explore possibilities to improve trade relations between the developing and the developed countries.
44.	Despite these efforts, there is today re-emerging a kind of rugged nationalistic conservatism in international trade and financial matters which, if not rectified, may ultimately dissipate those efforts at international monetary co-operation, which are already strained, and hamper our attempts to make significant gains in this field during this decade.
45.	Change is inevitable and is a constant of history. In 1946, it was honorable to see the international community get together and work out financial arrangements for the furtherance and facilitation of international trade. Since that time, the nature of trade has changed and this has "been the result of the imposition of protective measures which largely distort the real nature of trade in terms of both the actual exchange of goods and the international division of labor.
46.	We, the developing countries, find ourselves at the lower level of an economic model we did not create. In almost every area of trade, our commodities suffet an unfair advantage in terms of price whenever they are permitted to enter into these protected markets. These markets are overprotected because the developed countries find it difficult to see the importance of those of our efforts which are not strictly related to their own national self-interest.
47.	In the message delivered on behalf of the Secretary- General to the Economic and Social Council at its 1773rd meeting, in Geneva, it was stated that the task of translating the International Development Strategy into practice would require even more determination, understanding and goodwill than the original formulation which brought it into being. The concern expressed by the Secretary-General is one also shared by my Government.
48.	With deteriorating terms of trade and a slowdown in growth, what developing countries need is the implementation of the terms adopted in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. The developing countries are in a situation where they are affected not only by their own economic policies but also by the economic policies of the developed countries, although the latter are not affected by the policies of the developing countries.
49.	Recently we have heard talk about letting the world markets respond to the simple concepts of supply and demand. Is it not ironic that the applicability of this concept practically excludes most countries of the third world? The constant plea of developing countries is for our commodities to enter the markets of developed countries at fair prices. How can we be expected to meet the targets of the Development Strategy if we have constantly to beg to sell those commodities which we produce?
50.	I am unable to conclude these remarks without stating that Secretary-General UThant deserves our appreciation and special praise for his sincere devotion and services to the United Nations as well as for his dedication to the cause of international peace and security. His astute handling of some of the most delicate international issues, his determination to serve humanity, his objectivity, his strength of character and his resoluteness in the face of challenging odds have merited for him our highest respect and won for him our admiration and affection. The Government of Liberia wishes indeed that he can be induced to continue in his high and responsible office. Nevertheless, should he insist on retiring we can only hope that his talents and experience can be made available to the Organization at times when they may be needed and that he and his family will have happiness in the years ahead.
51.	Finally, Mr. President, you may be assured of the full co-operation of the Liberian delegation during this session. The times demand from us nothing less than this.


186.	 Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of Cameroon, I wish to join the representatives who have preceded me in addressing to you our warmest congratulations on your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your remarkable talent and long experience in international affairs certainly augur well for the outcome of our labors. Your unanimous election is at the same time a tribute by the United Nations to the exceptional role your great country plays on the international scene.
187.	May I also be permitted to extend once again my congratulations to Mr. Edvard Hambro, who, with real flair and competence, successfully guided the historic session marking the twenty-fifth anniversary of this Organization.
188.	It is only fair also to pay tribute to UThant, our SecretaryGeneral, whose devotion to the world Organization has stood up under every test. He has succeeded in bringing his dynamism to the United Nations and has given it the self-confidence that has made it possible for it to deal successfully in many critical moments with so many disturbances of such a stormy nature. It was under Ids guidance, both bold and wise, that our Organization came of age without losing anything of its youthful vigor.
189.	We are not going to go so far as to hold a naively high opinion of the accomplishments of the United Nations and to feel an unmixed satisfaction in their regard. At this very time, as a matter of fact, too many horrors and injustices darken the face of our world for us to be able to say that we can glimpse, even at a distance, any end to this tunnel of suffering and anguish through which mankind is passing. South Africa, VietNam, the Middle East, Northern Ireland and many other names evoke, for each of us, an appalling picture of man feverishly hunting his fellow man, driven on by the hateful demons whose names are colonialism, racial and religious discrimination, and the relentless pursuit of selfish interests.
190.	If to all this we add the natural disasters and epidemics which during this year have afflicted a large number of countries in the third world, with the United Nations powerlessly standing by, it is very difficult to claim. any unqualified success for international solidarity.
191.	However, we cannot fail to welcome and to be thankful for both the bright spots that have marked the history of the last few months and certain things that have encouraged the inventive spirit of mankind and rekindled our hopes.
192.	It is with those thoughts in mind that we point to the ever more numerous scientific achievements that have been scored by teams of researchers in all countries. We might in particular mention the lunar explorations which we all recently witnessed, thanks to radio and television, and which have now become almost familiar realities even though not long ago they seemed only adventures out of science-fiction.
193.	Together with these hopeful signs there are a few major problems which, for many years, have been a source of concern to this Organization, anxious to preserve peace. First of all, the fact that there has been no new armed clash in the Middle East is in itself an encouraging result of the numerous efforts on the part of the United Nations.
194.	Cameroon continues to offer its active support to the indefatigable action of the SecretaryGeneral and his representatives in the search for a just peace, negotiated on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
195.	The Head of State of Cameroon is participating with high hopes in the Special Committee Created at the eighth session of the summit meetings of the Organization of African Unity,  with a view to finding a solution to this conflict involving an African country, a founding member of the PanAfrican organization.
196.	It seems that the war in Indo-China will evolve favorably towards pace in the coming months. As we have always said, we hope that in that part of the world the major Powers will act with reason and a sense of morality and will set aside their ideological egotism which has resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of brothers. It should be possible to settle the VietNam conflict peaceably, especially since there is more and more international cooperation in Asia. That is why we warmly welcome any policy to restore the legitimate rights of the ancient Power that is China in the United Nations.
197.	For its part, Cameroon decided on 3 April 1971 to open diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China on the basis of the sacred principles of nonalignment. We are pleased that since that date many countries and, not the smallest one shave boldly embarked on this wise course. Iv. is indeed time to put an end to an absurd situation which seemed closer to fiction than reality.
198.	Furthermore, our love of peace prompts us to rejoice at the progressive disappearance of tension in Europe. Last year Cameroon joined with those who welcomed the GermanSoviet Treaty as a prelude to a salutary relaxation of tension. This year we welcomed the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. In addition, we hope that in signing the Agreement on Berlin, the allies of the last world war have finally decided to bring an end to the cold war.
199.	Unfortunately, we are aware of the fragile nature of these few positive results, which appear more like indications of better and more substantial achievements to come. Everyone realizes that there must be a greater balance in the world, a balance no longer based on terror and the power of armed blocs, but a new order based on justice, on respect for mankind, on the right of every people to self-determination, on noninterference in the internal affairs of States.
200.	People may say that we are mere dreamers. That may well be, but we can hold our heads high with all of you; for these principles that we have just enunciated are those of our policy of nonalignment and they coincide fully with the principles of the Charter of our Organization.
201.	However, our world continues to drift and these noble ideals are flouted daily, and international cooperation has become seriously bogged down. Of course, since the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly we have had an instrument which, in the opinion of our delegation, represents at the present time the most complete statement of the problems of cooperation and of the possible solutions. We are referring to the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. This document, when it was adopted, was, of course, accompanied by the serious reservations by certain Powers whose unconditional support would have ensured its effectiveness. These reservations have undoubtedly produced in the poorer countries a feeling of disappointment and frustration. But we should welcome the fact that in spite of this bitterness perhaps because of it the dynamic nature of our Strategy was safeguarded. That is why we would appeal to one and all to remove their reservations, and we trust that all the partners will demonstrate their political determination and collective will, without which the goals and objectives of our Strategy will remain mere pious hopes.
202.	It is especially urgent that the thinking of people should be., changed since the inequalities between the developed and developing countries have become more accentuated, thus giving rise to a duality harmful to peace.
203.	How can we fail to express once again our gratitude to the SecretaryGeneral, who has always endeavored to sound the alarm about this dangerous division between the "haves" and the "have-nots"?
204.	Thus far, alas, his seems to have been a voice in the wilderness. Concern for the wellbeing of all men seems to have receded into the background in the conscience of the Governments of most countries, and especially the well to do countries, while the virus of the arms race has extended its destruction even to areas where hunger and ignorance continue to exist.
205.	It is indeed high time that the recommendations which we adopted in this Organization became programs of action. These recommendations primarily concern international trade, basic commodities, the transfer of resources, the relation between official and private aid and the transfer of science and technology.
206.	Cameroon, for its part, is prepared to participate in any negotiations towards this end in a realistic spirit. We shall do so with great conviction; for, in our opinion, the deterioration in the terms of trade as has been so correctly stated is unquestionably but a new form of colonialism. You are already aware that my country has always fought and will continue to fight against all forms of colonialism and racial discrimination. It was in accordance with the fundamental tenet of our policy and in close cooperation with the United Nations that the city of Yaounde, in June of this year, provided accommodation for the symposium on the evils of racial discrimination,  of which you are aware. We are pleased to say that although little was made of the results of this meeting, which brought together distinguished personalities from many countries, they were nonetheless outstanding, and the report which the competent services of our Organization will give you on this subject will surely convince you of that more than I could.
207.	We believe that more initiatives of this kind should be taken in order to promote continually the thinking of all those who, throughout the world, are fighting against the unholy alliance of the forces of racial or colonialist oppression.
208.	I should like to take this opportunity to state once more our concern about the situation which prevails in Africa. Even in areas of extreme tension rays of hope seem to be appearing which point to favorable developments in the future; only our continent seems to see its horizon darkening every day.
209.	Certainly, during the first decade of their political independence, which is just now coming to an end, many African countries have wrought actual miracles in the field of economic and cultural development. This has been a surprise to many, to those who, at the dawn of our emancipation, held a rather dim view of the future of our continent, but now they are obliged to acknowledge that the economy of many countries is beginning to get off the ground.
210.	We owe this extraordinary result partly to foreign assistance but mostly to the lucidity and courage of our leaders and people. It has been said that faith can move mountains. In Africa we have the unshakable faith of the builders of society, and that is why we are embarking on the next development decade with confidence.
211.	Yet we would say that the situation in our continent continues to be a source of concern. Considering matters closely, we see that Africa is, to a very great extent, suffering from the typical evils and shortcomings of developing countries.
212.	But, above all, this continent seems to have been chosen as the place for the lowest forms of dehumanizing systems. I refer to a primitive state of colonialism and avowed policies of racial discrimination.
213.	We will not dwell on the methods and pseudo Christian doctrines of the Governments in Pretoria, Lisbon and Salisbury. Others on other occasions have done so with an eloquence which we could certainly not match. Furthermore, we should have very little pleasure in repeating the long list of misfortunes being experienced by our brothers in southern Africa. However, we cannot fail to cry out in indignation against the insolent attitude of those who trample underfoot the recommendations of this Organization and the fundamental principles of the Charter. There is indeed a long list of resolutions and solemn declarations adopted by the General Assembly, the Security Council and the International Court of Justice .
214.	However, not only do South Africa and Portugal care little for these, but in their countries they have casually developed these odious policies and the result is that for tens of millions of Africans a kind of concentration camp has been produced, and a more aggressive attitude towards free and independent countries has been brought about.
215.	Following their example, the illegal regime in Salisbury has for a number of years been consolidating its usurped power, with the complicity of those who have proclaimed that they have long been the champions of freedom and equality among men.
216.	The treacherous voices of racists have arisen, offering economic and military cooperation, but the sole purpose is to destroy our brothers who are fighting for the dignity of men, all men, and for the honor of Africa. If we were to go along with them; we should be abandoning the just struggle that our people have undertaken throughout the entire continent, only because we are poor and because capital is being offered to us.
217.	As far as Cameroon is concerned, its President, its Government and its people have already given a categorical refusal to these offers. We are convinced that Africa, which has already suffered so much but which for the past ten years has been determined to do away with colonialism once and for all, will not capitulate. We will not go to Canossa.
218.	That is why we would once again appeal to all peace-loving and justice-loving men to give unreserved support to our action within the Organization of African Unity. We remembered it is a source of great solace to us that this Assembly almost unanimously adopted and endorsed the principles behind this action. My delegation is proud to say that it was on a proposal of its Chief of State, H.E. El Hadj Ahmadou Ahijo, speaking here [1780th meetingJ, on behalf of all his peers in the panAfrican organization, that the General Assembly at its twenty- fourth session adopted the Manifesto on Southern Africa.
219.	We do not believe that that document has become irrelevant for any of the States that gave us their support. We have great difficulty in understanding the military and legal quibbling of certain Powers which know that without their moral and material support South Africa and Portugal could not wage the genocidal war which they have been pursuing in Africa.
220.	Of course, the maintenance of peace should continue to be the permanent concern of all States; but it cannot be said often enough that the structure and functioning of this Organization are such as to give certain Powers a special responsibility, towards history.
221.	It was in full awareness of this that two years ago the Organization of African Unity tried to inform world public opinion about the real nature of the sacrifices of the freedom fighters and endeavored to awaken the conscience of the world.
222.	From this rostrum we would point to the tremendous quantities of capital invested by colonialist and segregationist enterprises in southern Africa and the great instruments of death that are furnished in growing quantities to the Governments in Lisbon and Pretoria, which are both aiming to strengthen colonialism and racial oppression.
223.	The subtle distinction between defensive and offensive weapons means at the very most that some weapons are to be used against the African liberation movements and others against independent States. The Republic of Guinea and the Republic of Senegal have already had some sorry experiences in this connexion, and other States are now being threatened.
224.	Can we really hope that soon all countries will agree that this crucial problem is related to those of world balance and to the problem of development in short, to the problem of universal peace? The peoples of most of the countries which are now considered the wealthiest have
long fought against oppression, social injustice and racial discrimination and have endured the worst kind of suffering in order to bring about a really humanitarian society.
225.	These countries can no longer be complacent about the tragedy of underdevelopment and colonialism which is taking place before our eyes, for man's struggle must be a total struggle. No one man can be truly free as long as any man is denied his right to achieve happiness.
226.	This is the conviction of the people and Government of Cameroon and was also the conviction of those who created the United Nations. The fact that we are all gathered together here certainly proves that they were not merely Utopians and that man may yet bring about his own salvation.


68.	  Mr. President, it is my honor and privilege, at the outset, to convey to you and to the distinguished representatives the greetings of my Sovereign, His Majesty King Mahendra, as well as his best wishes for the success of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
69.	I should like to extend, on behalf of my delegation, our most sincere congratulations to you upon your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. I cannot adequately express in words the pleasure of my delegation in having a well-reputed personality like yourself as our President during this session. The delegation of Nepal has no doubt that you will bring to bear upon the work of the General Assembly the vast wisdom and wealth of experience you have gained in the course of a long and distinguished public career as an indomitable freedom fighter, an able diplomat, and an eminent statesman of a great country. We have regarded your election not only as a great hofiour to the country and the continent you represent, but also as a fitting recognition of your own contribution to the peace and understanding of the world. My delegation finds particular reason to be gratified at your election, because our two countries, Indonesia and Nepal, share many similar cultural traits and maintain the happiest and most cordial relations of friendship. May I offer you
the full co-operation and support of my delegation in the discharge of your heavy responsibility.
70.	At the same time, I wish to put on record the deep appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Edvard Hambro for his memorable services during the last session of the General Assembly. Mr. Hambro guided the work of the twenty-fifth anniversary session with remarkable wisdom, assurance and good humor. Under his presidency, the Genera' Assembly took several decisions of a historic character, which, I am sure, have laid the groundwork for future tasks of the United Nations in such areas of common concern as international peace and security, and international development and co-operation.
71.	We are opening the second quarter century in the life of the United Nations against the background of far-reaching developments in the world. Events have moved rapidly during the past year, events with exceptionally profound repercussions in world relationships. The dominant feature of the new era promises to be change, faster and more radical than that witnessed during the **rst quarter century. All discernible trends point towards a new order of, things and a new order of priority. The problem of coping with the new situation and harmonizing the diverging, and often conflicting, national aspirations and interests will indeed be a challenge to world statesmanship.
72.	Two recent developments in international affairs show that world statesmanship is equal to this task. I refer to the developments relating to the progress achieve on the Berlin question and the steps taken towards the normalization of relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China.
73.	My Government applauds both these developments. In terms of their contribution to the relaxation of world tensions, these two developments tower far above others which have taken place in recent years.
74.	The improvement in the situation of Europe, which really began last year with the conclusion of the Moscow and Warsaw treaties, has continued. The basic agreement signed by the four Powers on the question of Berlin is additional proof that the trend in Europe is unmistakably towards a lasting detente. Considering that Europe was twice the scene of devastating wars on a global scale during our lifetime and that, even after the end of the Second World War, the German problem continued to be the biggest source of friction between the major Powers for two and a half decades, we cannot help admiring the bold, constructive and far-sighted statesmanship that is responsible for the removal of that source of friction once and for all. A new era of peace has dawned in Europe. That gives us reason to believe that the detente will be increasingly reflected in closer co-operation between the major Powers in particular and in East-West relations in general.
75.	Let us hope that this will ultimately lead to the divided countries being admitted to the United Nations on equal terms, so that the world Organization may be better equipped to deal with world problems on a practical and realistic basis.
1 Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed at Berlin on 3 September 1971.
76.	My Government has heartily welcomed the joint China-United States communique of last July announcing the visit of the President of the United States to Peking in the near future. It would be premature to make guesses about the outcome of a summit meeting between President Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai, but it goes without saying that the announcement of the meeting itself has brought about a sense of relief and generated tremendous hope for peace. The absence of relations -or, if I may say so, the existence of a de facto state of belligerency between these two great Powers, which were war-time allies a traditional good friends, had not only hampered the development of international co-operation in several areas, but also severely weakened the capacity of the world Organization, as well as that of individual Powers, to tackle most world problems realistically and with any chance of success. It is the fervent hope of my Government that the incipient thaw in Washington-Peking relations will be a prelude to the establishment of a genuine peace through the settlement, in the first instance, of all outstanding problems in the Pacific region. Good normal rations between all major Powers are of fundamental importance to world peace.
77.	My delegation has repeatedly expressed our strong feelings about the need for China's full and rightful participation in international affairs. The first step in this direction is, of course, the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. We are happy that more and more countries are coming to accept the basic fact that, without China's presence and participation in the United Nations, the world Organization cannot be as strong and purposeful as the Charter intended it to be. We recognize that many of the disappointments, frustrations and failures of the United Nations during the past two decades are directly attributable to the exclusion of the People's Republic of China from the Organization. As the United Nations enters into a new era, we cannot let this state of affairs continue.
78.	In our view, the first priority in the new order of tilings should be the unconditional restoration of China's rights in the United Nations. In this way, not only will we be making a significant stride towards the universality of the Organization, but we will also be putting the United Nations in a better position to play the role which the Charter has set for it, namely, the pursuit of world peace.
79.	With this end in view, my delegation has joined with several other delegations in submitting to the General Assembly a draft proposal [A/L.630J designed to restore to the People's Republic of China all its rights which are inherent in the Charter. The proposal is based on the fact of only one China and on the simple proposition that the Government which effectively governs the people of a State should be allowed to represent that State in the United Nations and all related agencies. We are confident that the General Assembly will approve our proposal. My delegation is determined to oppose any move or proposal which would have the effect of either delaying or obstructing the seating of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. We believe that the Assembly will reject all distracting tactics and that good counsel will prevail this year.
80.	The development which has taken place in Korea in recent days also gives us some hope. As is evident from the
bilateral Red Cross talks, authorities in both Koreas seem to be shifting away from a rigid position of intolerance and confrontation to one of accommodation and coexistence, It is the earnest hope of my delegation that these talks will eventually evolve into an open and effective machinery for dialog between South and North Korea at the governmental level,
81.	When we turn away from these welcome developments towards other problem areas of the world, the emerging hopes for a better and more peaceful life on earth are almost dashed,
82.	The war in Viet-Nam is continuing. It is one of the most glaring examples of the consequence of failure on the part of States to observe the principles of non-interference and self-determination. The prolonged war and its extension to the whole region of Indo-China has brought home the truth that no military solution to a basically political problem can be possible. What we regret more than anything in this tragic situation is that the lesson of the past few years has not been bitter enough for some who should know enough to shun the impossible goal of a total military victory.
83.	The solution of this problem should be sought and found at the peace table. The peace talks, however, have reached a deadlock despite a wealth of concrete proposals, the most comprehensive of them being the recent seven point proposal. What is lacking is a definite commitment to an early withdrawal of foreign troops. Outside interference should cease in that region and the Viet-Namese and other Indo-Chinese people should be left free to chart their ways of life by themselves in peace and independence.
84.	The Middle East situation carries the risk of a war involving major Powers directly. We have the regime of a fragile cease-fire there, thanks mainly to the efforts of the United States over a year ago. But developments, including the growing arms build-up on both sides5 threaten the outbreak of fresh conflicts. The efforts of the Security Council have been virtually stalemated, and the situation is fast worsening.
85.	It is almost four years since the adoption of resolution 242 (1967) by the Security Council. Despite the fact that the resolution commands almost universal support and contains the most practical framework for a peaceful settlement, the prospects for peace remain as bleak as ever. In our view, resolution 242 (1967) presupposes a willingness on the part of both sides to abide by the principles and the conditions laid down in it, including those concerning withdrawal and security guanntees, as well as a willingness to work out a solution by themselves on the basis of that resolution, with the help and assistance of the Secretary-General's Special Representative, Ambassador Jarring. It has established a mechanism for negotiations.
86.	The tool of the United Nations in the person of Ambassador Jarring was, and still is, at the disposal of the parties. His services have not so far been fruitfully utilized. It is in this context that my delegation welcomes the recent initiative of the Organization of African Unity which is designed to supplement the efforts of the Security Council. The four African Heads of State carry with them the best
wishes of my mission.
87.	A critical situation arising out of the recent domestic events in East Pakistan has developed in another part of Asia. The people and the Government of Nepal have been deeply moved by the great human tragedy taking place in our neighborhood. The tragedy is of an unprecedented magnitude, and it has reopened old problems and generated new ones. We share the view expressed by the Secretary-General that those problems, in their totality, are of common concern to the international community [Af 8401/Add.l, para. 177]. The containment and amelioration of the situation require understanding and compassion and, above all, statesmanship of the highest order.
88.	My Government is aware of the social and economic implications to India of having to confront the problems of the millions of refugees who have crossed the border. In meeting the burdens imposed by these problems, India, true to its humanitarian tradition, has been valiant and generous. The economic and other strains on India are indeed very heavy.
89.	The Secretary-General has initiated and mounted relief measures to bring humanitarian assistance to the refugees in India and the affected people in East Pakistan. We welcome and support these measures, which deserve wider support by the membership of the United Nations. At the same time, my Government recognizes the need to create conditions for the return of the refugees to their homes.
90.	The situation in southern Africa continues to be a source of potential world conflict. In recent years, the pace of decolonization has not only slowed down, it has come to a halt. The worst forms of colonialism and racial discrimination prevail in southern Africa. The situation in Namibia, in the Territories under Portuguese administration, in Southern Rhodesia and in South Africa make a mockery of the principles of self-determination and human rights and fundamental freedoms. They generate intolerable racial tension.
91.	So far, most of the major Powers which are permanent members of the Security Council have either failed or refused to comprehend their special responsibility as regards this situation. But we deem it essential that the interests of the major Powers be fully engaged if the problem of southern Africa is to be peacefully resolved. Only at our own peril will we continue to overlook the grave threat to peace arising out of colonial and racial repression in the African continent.
92.	The existence of acute crises and critical situations in many areas of the world emphasizes the necessity of strengthening the role of the United Nations in the maintenance and preservation of world peace, and in ensuring the full operational capacity of the Organization. We in Nepal view the United Nations both as an ideal of peace and as an instrument for peace. My delegation has given constant support to all measures aimed at promoting the United Nations both as an ideal and as an instrument. We regard the adoption at the last session of the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXVj] to be one of those measures, and gave it our full support.
93.	However, it seems that we have not been as forth-	Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution coming in our financial support of the Organization. An insolvent organization cannot function on a day-to-day  basis, let alone perform its central task which is, in our case, the the maintenance of peace. The Secretary-General has sounded the waning that, unless some serious measures are	taken by Member States to solve the financial crisis, the viability of the Organization would come to an end in the not too distant future. My delegation is looking for a significant breakthrough in this regard. It is also equally	proclaimed that an agreement be reached soon on the	guidelines for future United Nations peace-keeping operations.
94.	In the great human endeavor to keep the peace,	disarmament is first and foremost. Indeed, disarmament is an inevitable condition for a lasting peace. The progress towards disarmament, however, has been slow and arduous.
95.-	Last February, my Government signed the Treaty on	the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and	the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof (resolution  2660 XXV annex). We have been encouraged by the progress achieved at Geneva concerning a draft convention banning biological and toxin weapons, but we consider that this this should be coupled with, or followed very soon by, an	agreement banning chemical weapons as well. We fully support the recent agreements signed by the Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union and the United States on the	modernization of the existing hot-line link between	Moscow and Washington and on a common procedure for	the prevention of an accidental outbreak of nuclear war	 between the two nuclear giants. The importance of these measures is that they create an atmosphere of confidence which, in turn, will lead to more substantive agreement or agreements on the limitation of strategic arms.
96.	To our great disappointment, no agreement on the	banning of underground nuclear tests has been possible,
despite the fact that there is no technical obstacle in the	way of such an agreement. Regardless of world public
opinion, major nuclear Powers persist in the qualitative
development of their nuclear weapons.
97.	The arms race continues. Not only does it consume	hundreds of billions of dollars each year, but it poses an inherent danger to all nations, nuclear and non-nuclear, rich and poor, large and small. It is a matter affecting one and all. We should all continue, without exception, in our	 efforts to remove this basic threat to the very survival of mankind. To that end, my delegation has always urged the convening of-a world disarmament conference, a conference in which all nations of the world, including the divided ones, should be invited to participate. It is with great
pleasure, therefore, that my Government supports the spirit of the Soviet proposal in this regard [A/L.631].
98.	At the last session of the General Assembly, we	 adopted the International Development Strategy for the Second UNited Nations Development Decade (resolution 2626 XXV). The strategy provides a broad indication of the scope of international cooperation during the Decade. It calls on the developing countries to approach the problems of development in a planned way, and at the same time it defines the obligations of the developed industrial countries in the matter of international development. In keeping with the spirit of the international strategy and as a matter of national economic policy, my GOvernent has proclaimed the 1970s to be a development decade of Nepal. Our current five-year plan envisages a high growth rate in terms of industrial and agricultural productivity and the expansion and diversification of our trade. We have also concentrated our efforts on the development of human resources in such a way as to secure a balance between the social and economic development of the country.

99 The international development strategy recognizes the vital link between international peace and international development and social justice. This strategy cannot be an unrelated endeavor of the United Nations. But despite the adoption of the Strategy last year, developing countries in general continue to face difficulties in the way on their  planned economic development, because of the prospects of an over-all decrease in external assistance and the growing tendency towards tougher trade barriers. In this situation, the problem of the developing landlocked countries, which are, by an large, the least developed among the developing ones, are compounded by their physical distance from the sea. These countries cannot meaningfully participate in international trade and development if they do not receive adequate guarantees for their right of three access to the sea and unrestricted overland transit in international practice and conventions. In their review and appraisal of the progress achieved in the attainment of the goals set out in the International Strategy, the General Assembly and any machinery to be created for that purpose should not overlook the problems of the least developed countries.

100 The interdependence of the world has been dramatically emphasized by the recent world monetary crisis. We do not wish to ascribe blame for this crisis to any country, but we feel that the recent events have not only had a damaging impact on world production and international trade, but also have created a crisis of confidence among nations by tearing down the long-established system.

101 The national measures which have led to the present crisis are, in addition severely hampering the growth process of several developing countries. Any prolongation of monetary instability will impose more serious hardship on the developing countries than on the developed ones, because the capacity of the latter to withstand and adjust to occasional constraints is greater than that of the former.  Only co-operative endeavors coupled with the lifting of restrictive national measures and the realignment of currencies will enable the world to overcome the crisis. Any new arrangement for a steadier world monetary system should be geared to a more dynamic concept of world trade and development.

102 In our cautious, often methodical, but always slow approach, to world problems- problems of peace and security, development and social justice, and the preservation and exploration of the physical and marine environment we run the risk of being outstripped by events, whether caused by unilateral national action or by scientific and technological breakthroughs. In this world of interdependence and instant communication, these problems cannot be confined either to national boundaries or to ideological barriers, nor can they be tackled successfully at the national level. The projected United Nations Conference on the Human Environment and the conference on the law of the sea are timely responses on the part of the United Nations to the problem of reconciling the development needs of mankind with the need for preserving our physical and marine environment. The outcome of the conferences will show how far we have learned to harness the forces of science and technology for our common good. These conferences might build up new forms of international co-operation. The United Nations should always remain capable of dealing with such problems swiftly and decisively, always taking into consideration the interests and views of all Member States. However important these questions are, we must never lose sight of the fact that the primary and central task of the United Nations is the maintenance of . peace. This Organization is the only political and diplomatic instrument available to the family of nations for that purpose. We in Nepal therefore feel that our overriding concern should be the preserving and strengthening of the United Nations as a viable instrument for peace.
103.	As I come to the close of my statement, I should like, on behalf of my Government, to pay a special tribute to U Thant for his service to the United Nations during the last particularly trying and difficult 10 years. He has served the United Nations with unmatched devotion and at great personal sacrifice. He has given the United Nations a leadership which has been the source of pride to my Government. As our Secretary-General he is involved in the cause of peace so deeply that in my country, as I am sure in other countries, he has come to be identified completely with the United Nations itself. By behavior and deed and by thought and action, he has symbolized in his person the lofty aims and objectives of the Charter. A devout Buddhist, he has lived up fully to the message of peace, compassion and tolerance, the message given to the world by the Prince of Peace, Gautama Siddhartha, over 2,500 years ago. Although he has denied the role himself, U Thant has nevertheless become the symbol of the moral conscience of mankind. We have all read his personal reflections on the 10 years of his service to the international community and have been greatly moved by the profound dedication which he has brought to his task. Indeed, no one can fail to be so moved by the deep personal commitment of U Thant to the cause of peace and justice in the world. My Government respects his wish to retire at the end of his current term, but we in Nepal are all confident that, should his services be needed in the cause of peace, he will not hesitate to place the welfare and well-being of the international community above his own. My Government would very much like him to stay for the time being as Secretary-General, but in whatever capacity he remains he will always be a moral guide and a source of inspiration to us.


27.	  Mr. President, your unanimous election to the presidency of this annual session of the United Nations General Assembly is a just tribute to your ability and to your merits. It is a personal honor to you, Sir, as well as an honor to your great country, whose stability and wise policies elicit our sincere admiration. My delegation is all the more pleased at your election since we have been able on several occasions to appreciate your efforts on behalf of peace and the various initiatives you have promoted in order to achieve or restore peace. We therefore congratulate you most sincerely and wish you all success in your task.
28.	In congratulating you, Sir, my delegation also wishes to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambro, for the positive contribution which he made in the difficult task of presiding over the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly.
29.	There is another duty which my delegation performs enthusiastically each year: that of reiterating our great respect and admiration for our SecretaryGeneral, U Thant, whose tireless efforts for peace have been manifest throughout the ten years that he hap been guiding this great Organization.
30.	My delegation comes to this twenty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly with somewhat more hope than in past years. It is true that the great problems of the world are still far from settled. Universal peace has not yet been restored, and the clash of arms has not yet been stilled in certain parts of the world. The progress achieved during the past year, while somewhat slight, has nevertheless been encouraging and leads us to feel that new and positive developments may be achieved and that a better international climate of discussion and negotiation may come about.
31.	Amongst the encouraging signs which gratify all those who aspire to peace and security and who quite often are innocent victims of the hostility of others is the prospect of a normalization of the relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China.
32.	The Kingdom of Laos, an immediate neighbor of China, welcomes the visit that the President of the United States plans to make to Peking. Regardless of the subjects that may be discussed and the results that may be attained, we wish to add our humble voice in expressing the hope that those conversations will promote an international relaxation and will help to restore peace in that area.
33.	Another encouraging event which in the opinion of my delegation might well promote more positive developments is the long awaited atmosphere of tranquility and realism that prevails during discussion of the admission of a great country to this Organization namely, the People's Republic of China. We believe that there is a general feeling that this debate will produce a positive result rather than an atmosphere of ostracism and confusion. Regardless of the positions that have been taken in the past, it is better not to recall points of past divergence, but rather to lay emphasis on the present relaxation of tensions and to build for the future for, indeed, this event can no longer be postponed. The main characteristic of our Organization is its universality and, as everyone is aware, that objective can never be attained so long as the 700 million people of China do not participate in its work. This gap is all the more significant, since that country and people not only have the inherent right to have a voice in international affairs, but our Organization can make great progress only if that country and people acting in respect for the Charter and Member States agree to cooperate sincerely and loyally with the United Nations. This people has a rich cultural heritage and a vast country of great possibilities. Their achievements deserve our respect and admiration. Of this my Government and delegation are firmly convinced.
34.	At the appropriate time, therefore, we will state our support for the admission of the People's Republic of China to our Organization. In accordance with the considerations I have just mentioned, and in harmony with the spirit which prompts us, we would hope that that country would occupy a permanent seat in the Security Council.
35.	In speaking of the universality of the United Nations, my delegation is gratified at the admission this year to the United Nations, by unanimous votes, of Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar. On this memorable occasion I should like to extend to those three new Member States the warm and sincere congratulations of the Royal Government of Laos, and assure their delegations that my delegation will always be ready to cooperate with them in our common task and in harmony with the spirit of our Charter.
36.	It is true that violence is very often contagious, and that peace is indivisible. The sparks of one conflict may well cause conflagrations elsewhere. The settlement of one conflict always has a favorable effect on general relaxation. Bearing that in mind, the world has taken note of the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin of 3 September 1971, which makes it possible for a settlement to be reached on the status of the city of Berlin, whose citizens have seen their rights and hopes jeopardized for so long by the "cold war" theory. We trust that this agreement will lead to the neutralization of that sensitive point of confrontation of different blocs and different ideologies.
37.	Against that positive background we might also mention the signing of the Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Means of Mass Destruction on the Seabed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil Thereof (resolution 2660 (XXV)]. The sea is an element of particular importance for life on our planet, It is for that reason that the constitutional organs of Lac* have immediately proceeded to ratify that Treaty so as to expedite its entry into force and its implementation.
38.	All those positive events which I have mentioned, despite their great number and importance, should not divert our attention from the vast task which remains to be accomplished. There are still armed conflicts both open and latent which continue to afflict the world or to threaten a delicate balance. There are the universally recognized principles whose application has been rejected or ignored by certain States for their own selfish interests. And there are also resolutions which have been adopted after ripe reflection which have not been implemented. There are still millions >of people who have been denied self-determination and the fulfillment of their longing for freedom. Colonialism and apartheid have not disappeared, although at each session of the General Assembly these items are included in the agenda.
39.	In the Middle East, despite collective persevering efforts, unfortunately it is not yet possible to see a sure way to peace and mutual tolerance. Without wishing to offend any of the parties, we would hope that this question could be settled having regard for the existence of both the old as well as the new communities of that region. So much remains to be done in that area to promote progress for the peoples who live there, that their friendly collaboration becomes a necessity. Over and above the vituperation, the pooling of technology and the harnessing of goodwill would make the region once again a land of milk and honey and cause roses to bloom again in a vale once blessed by God.
40.	Our views are the same with respect to the problems that affect another area of Asia. In Laos we have followed with anxiety and compassion the massive exodus of people. We understand their misfortune, since one fifth of our own population has the status of refugees. The crisis now seems to be subsiding and it is fortunate that this is so.
41.	In IndoChina the war afflicting that area for several decades is not yet near an end. It will not end as long as the Democratic Republic of VietNam, supported materially and morally by powerful States, does not abandon its desire for expansion and hegemony. A ray of hope has just appeared; we hope that it will be followed by results and that the forthcoming SinoAmerican negotiations will bear fruit and prevent a return to the unfortunate historical past.
42.	Regardless of the new order that may be agreed upon by the negotiators, it is important that the countries of that region be heard on any policy which involves their sovereignty, individuality, development, traditions and legitimate aspirations.
43.	The Kingdom of Laos, whose neutrality has been solemnly declared and guaranteed, convinced as it is of the tightness of its choice of nonalignment and peaceful coexistence, bears no part of the responsibility for the IndoChinese conflict. To be more precise, it has no part in the VietNamese conflict, because it was in VietNam that the conflagration began. But my country has undergone, and continues to suffer from, the repercussions of that conflict, not to mention the insults that have been directed at us in the slanderous propaganda which in certain countries has been raised to the status of a national institution.
44.	The party responsible for the paradoxical situation in Laos is the Democratic Republic of VietNam and that country alone. By indoctrinating the Pathet Lao dissidents and b y committing the crime of arming them, that country has turned the Pathet Lao into a group of rebels against the Royal Government and has prevented them from negotiating a settlement with our Government so long as their nefarious objectives are not achieved. When hopes for a reconciliation with the Pathet Lao appear, such hopes are immediately dashed by the dictatorial attitude of their North VietNamese protectors.
45.	It is North VietNam which has demanded that the Pathet Lao ministers should leave their seats in our Government for fear that their integration into a national community might deprive North VietNam of accomplices and means of coercion.
46.	The Royal Government over which I have presided for more than 10 years sincerely wishes a reconciliation with the Pathet Lao. The seats in our Government which their ministers have abandoned are still vacant. They can reoccupy them at any time. Personally;, I have never ceased to make the Pathet Lao offers of negotiation, provided such negotiations are not accompanied by prearranged conditions, exceptions, or declarations which border on ultimate,
47.	At this very moment I can assure the Assembly that the representatives of my Government are ready to meet representatives of the Pathet Lao anywhere in order to begin concrete negotiations.
48.	To demonstrate the full extent of our sincerity I have even offered and I reiterate this offer to neutralize the Plaine des Jarres as soon as those negotiat'ons begin and thus to assure the Democratic Republic of VistNam, which attaches so much importance to that are?, that the Plaine des Jarres will not be used to harbor bases which may threaten its security.
49.	Laos has never departed from its positive policy of strict neutrality and good neighborliness. At the time of the onset of the Lanson 719 operation, the Royal Government, in a solemn declaration, condemned without exception all those who, exploiting its military weakness, had deliberately chosen to use its territory as a battle field. However, it must also be observed that the primary responsibility for this lies with the Democratic Republic of VietNam, for indeed, were it not for the illegal presence of its troops in Lacs, the United States and South VietNamese forces would, in all likelihood, never have entered the area.
50.	For more than two decades the Democratic Republic of VietNam has waged war in Laos and has fomented disturbances there. Recent events show that it has even begun an escalation of these activities.
51.	In that context, the attack against LouangPrabang last March shows the true intentions of the Democratic Republic of VietNam with respect to Laos. It was the political regime, the constitutional foundation of Laos itself, which was the objective of the attack on the Royal City. And by threatening the life of His Majesty the King who resides there, the Democratic Republic of VietNam is trying to destroy the permanence of our kingdom and the very substance of our national existence.
52.	This challenge by the Democratic Republic of VietNam has reached its highest point at the present time. In February 1971 it publicly congratulated its soldiers who were fighting in Laos, which shows that it is deliberately flouting international law and international agreements.
53.	It is high time to end these iniquitous acts, which undermine the very basis of international life, to end the . aggression and wrongs of all kinds committed by the Democratic Republic of VietNam against Laos.
54.	It is imperative for all international bodies which are mindful of the need for peaceful coexistence and for the signatories to the Geneva agreements who are responsible for their application, to decide at last to assume their fundamental responsibility.
55.	This is the wish, this is the appeal that the Royal Government and people of Laos make to the world. May these exhortations be headed!