My delegation takes pleasure in extending to Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar its sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. In the name of the delegation of Thailand, which is honoured to serve as one of the Vice-Presidents of this Assembly, I should like to express our gratification at having a worthy representative of a great country, the Federal Republic of Germany, with which Thailand entertains close and cordial relations, in the Chair to guide our deliberations. At this juncture in the life of our Organization, when we are confronted by many intractable issues with grave implications for world peace, it is reassuring indeed to have such an experienced person conduct our proceedings. The unprecedented number of items on our agenda this year is a clear manifestation of the confidence that this Assembly has in his fine qualities, diplomatic skill and proven stamina. My delegation has no doubt at all that this confidence is well placed.
312.	The delegation of Thailand has the honour also to convey its deep and sincere appreciation to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, President of the thirty-fourth session, for his invaluable contribution to the work of our Organization during his tenure of office. Not only did he distinguish himself at Headquarters in an especially busy year for the General Assembly, but he also took the trouble to visit many countries, including Thailand, in order to acquaint himself with some of the difficult issues facing the United Nations. His service to the international community has earned for himself, his country and Africa the admiration and gratitude of Governments and peoples around the world.
313.	On behalf of the Government and people of Thailand, my delegation wishes to offer its warm felicitations to the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on being admitted to membership in the United Nations. The world Organization has thus gained its one hundred and fifty- fourth Member, through the process of decolonization which recently brought about also the admission of Zimbabwe. My delegation reiterates its cordial welcome to that African State, which is participating for the first time in a regular session of the General Assembly. The United Nations has every reason to be proud of its successes in the field of decolonization, especially on the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. With the admission of each newly independent State to the United Nations family, the world Organization reaps the fruits of its long and arduous labour, and humanity is the true beneficiary.
314.	Thailand looks forward to another milestone when Namibia gains its sovereignty and full independence, with territorial integrity as well as the integrity of its natural resources, and takes its rightful place in the family of nations.
315.	It is therefore regrettable that the situation in Namibia continues to be a source of great concern to the world and a threat to international peace and security. Namibia remains occupied by South Africa, which is systematically plundering its natural resources, in defiance of United Nations resolutions. The process of negotiated settlement, in accordance with the proposal approved by the Security Council, has reached an impasse because of the intransigence and duplicity of the Pretoria regime.
316.	Thailand, which has for many years imposed a trade embargo on goods from South Africa, strongly deplores the efforts of that regime to consolidate its illegal occupation of Namibia and to exploit Namibia's riches with the help of foreign multinationals. The world must continue to condemn such actions, and to bring every kind of pressure to bear on the Pretoria regime in order to ensure the exercise by the Namibian people without further delay of its right to self-determination. South Africa must end its prolonged obstruction of the settlement process, as endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978), and cease its aggressive activities against the neighbouring African States. South Africa must adopt the measures necessary to reduce tension in the area, including the abolition of its abhorrent system of racial discrimination and apartheid and recognition of the legitimate rights of the majority of its population.
317.	Unless and until the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant United Nations resolutions are scrupulously observed by Pretoria, increasing violence and conflict will be the order of the day. Unless and until the shackles of colonialism in Namibia are broken and the Namibian people is enabled to determine its own destiny free from external interference, subversion and coercion, the prospects for peace and stability in the region of southern Africa will not be bright. The time is now approaching when the world Organization must be prepared to tell Pretoria to comply with the Charter obligations, or else. The alternative would be continued defiance of the world Organization and prolonged obstruction of a peaceful settlement by South Africa, leading inexorably to a general conflagration in that part of the world.
318.	Coming from a region of the world which is also beset by a serious threat to world peace arising from illegal foreign occupation and denial of a people's rights to self- determination and to return to its homeland, my delegation fully appreciates the plight of the Palestinian people. Not only must they be given urgent humanitarian assistance, but their inalienable rights must be assured, including their right to self-determination, national independence and to return to their homes and property. At the same time as the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people are recognized, including the right to statehood, the legitimate rights of the State of Israel to exist within secure and recognized boundaries must also be safeguarded. For its part, Israel must withdraw its presence from all Arab territories occupied since the 1967 war, rescind all unilateral acts pertaining to the occupied territories and in violation of the relevant United Nations resolutions and international law, and refrain from such acts in the future. Only with recognition of each other's legitimate rights can the Israeli and Palestinian peoples peacefully coexist and a just and lasting settlement become a reality in the Middle East. It is also essential to the free exercise by the Palestinians of their right to self- determination that all Israeli forces be withdrawn from the occupied territories and that the PLO, which is recognized by the General Assembly as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, be given the appropriate role to which it is entitled in all Middle East peace negotiations.
319.	My delegation regrets the unilateral action of Israel in annexing the eastern part of Jerusalem and proclaiming the city its capital. Israel's illegal action was taken almost immediately after the conclusion of the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly on the question of Palestine, despite the unanimous pronounced opposition of the world body to the pending move. If there were any need for further evidence of world opinion, the subsequent meeting of the Security Council and its outcome should provide adequate proof on that score.
320.	As the 15 November deadline for compliance by Israel with the emergency special session's resolution ES- 7/2 draws nearer with each passing day, my delegation hopes and prays that reason will light the way around many dark and perilous corners and that a turning point will emerge so that we may be led out of the present impasse.
321.	The protracted crisis in Lebanon constitutes another tragedy that has struck the Middle East. All parties should henceforth refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of that violence-torn country and cease their warlike actions which have left the once prosperous land in utter ruin. My delegation hopes that a peaceful solution can be found to extricate it from the vicious circle of bloodshed and destruction.
322.	Now a new crisis has appeared with the eruption of the fighting between Iran and Iraq. My delegation shares the hope that resolution 479 (1980), unanimously adopted by the Security Council and calling for an immediate cease-fire, will be implemented, and together with the efforts of the Islamic Conference and with the co-operation and support of other countries, especially the major Powers, we shall succeed in ending the armed conflict between the two neighbouring and fellow Islamic States.
323.	I now turn to South-East Asia. The situation in Kampuchea, which is not just a regional but a world problem, rightly remains one of the General Assembly's major preoccupations. This Assembly last year by an overwhelming majority adopted resolution 34/22, calling, inter alia, for a cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of foreign forces and the free exercise of the right to self-determination by the Kampuchean people. That resolution has, regrettably, been rejected by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and thus Kampuchea continues to be occupied by foreign forces.
Moreover, in its campaign to legitimize its invasion and occupation of Kampuchea, Viet Nam has sought to draw attention away from the situation in Kampuchea, and to focus it on the situation on the Thai-Kampuchean border. At the same time, to lend credibility to this manoeuvre, Vietnamese forces in Kampuchea have stepped up their activities along the border and are also committing more frequent violations of Thailand's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The most blatant example occurred from 23 to 24 June 1980, when large units of Vietnamese forces staged well-co-ordinated attacks on two villages inside Thailand, as well as on refugee encampments along the border, causing many casualties among Thai defence forces, innocent villagers and Kampuchean refugees. The armed incursions also caused a total disruption of the international relief and cross-border feeding operations, which have helped to keep alive hundreds of thousands of Kampuchean civilians. The attackers were finally repulsed, leaving behind them over 70 bodies as well as seven of their comrades who were captured by Thai defence forces. Scores of weapons left by the invaders also offer irrefutable evidence of their hasty retreat. In the perpetration of such violations of Thailand's sovereignty, despite repeated promises to the contrary by Vietnamese leaders, their aims appear to be clear: they are to intimidate Thailand and its partners in ASEAN, force them to accept the situation in Kampuchea and compel the international agencies to recognize the Phnom Penh regime as the only channel for relief aid.
324.	The ASEAN Foreign Ministers, at their meeting at Kuala Lumpur on 25 and 26 June 1980 rejected the various arguments which had been advanced to justify the continued occupation of Kampuchea and to accord recognition to the regime established in Phnom Penh by Vietnamese forces. The Foreign Ministers reiterated their stand that no regime set up by occupying foreign forces, howsoever it may be given the appearance of legitimacy, can satisfy the principles enunciated in the Charter of the United Nations. It is for this reason that my delegation and the other ASEAN delegations, together with the great majority of Member States of the United Nations, continue to support the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea at the United Nations. We strongly urge this Assembly to support the continued seating of Democratic Kampuchea at the Organization.
325.	It is and will always be in Thailand's interest to work and continue to search for peace. Successive Thai Governments during the past decade have devoted the nation's resources and energy to economic and social development. Gains have been impressive by most standards and Thailand actively seeks regional stability to promote further progress. To attain that goal, peace is a prerequisite.
326.	In this connection, Thailand welcomed the personal efforts of the Secretary-General and his visit to the region, undertaken in circumstances of considerable difficulty last July. The Secretary-General's initiative demonstrates his dedicated effort and his readiness to work on behalf of the world Organization for peace. His visit brought about a welcome reduction of tension in the area and enabled cross- border feeding operations to resume, thus ensuring the increased supply of food and rice seed for over 1 million Kampucheans in western Kampuchea. Thailand itself received the Foreign Minister of Viet Nam in May 1980 and remains prepared to continue a constructive dialogue here in New York or elsewhere.
327.	On the humanitarian side, in response to the plight of the Khmer people, ravaged by hunger and disease, Thailand over the past year has co-operated closely with the Secretary-General, United Nations agencies, the International Committee of the Red Cross and non-governmental organizations. It has, without discrimination, facilitated the provision and transport of assistance through the border, as well as via Kompong  Som and Phnom Penh. Thailand led the call for a major humanitarian conference, held at Geneva in May this year, to seek additional support for the international relief programmes. The Government and people of Thailand are proud to play a role in providing needed facilities for both components of the international assistance programme, namely, cross-border and direct distribution, by virtue of Thailand's geographical location and humane policy. These two factors have, in turn, created for Thailand the enormous burden of caring for over 300,000 Indo-Chinese refugees and displaced persons, as well as coping with the problem of over 200,000 Thai villagers who have been displaced by the massive influx from the neighbouring countries.
328.	Thanks to the contributions of donor countries as well as to the efforts by the United Nations and its Secretary- General, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other organizations concerned, this burden has to some significant extent been alleviated. Nevertheless, the situation involves both short-term and long- term risks for the security and well-being of Thailand. Therefore, it has been and continues to be my Government's intention to lighten the burden by all available means, in keeping with the generally recognized humanitarian principles and the inalienable right of people to return safely to their homeland. Consequently, when the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees sought the co-operation of the Royal Thai Government in a voluntary repatriation programme for Kampuchean refugees in Thailand, such co-operation was readily extended. Viet Nam seized upon that as a pretext for launching armed attacks on Thailand on 23 and 24 June 1980, claiming that the resistance forces in Kampuchea were being supplied again under the cover of this international programme. However, with regard to over 100,000 people of Kampuchean origin who were repatriated from Viet Nam in the early part of last year, such a right was recognized and exercised. It has been subsequently alleged that the majority of them were not Kampucheans at all but of Vietnamese origin and were resettled in Kampuchea for the purpose of effecting a demographic change favourable to the occupying forces. Moreover, in the press release issued on 26 June 1980 by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees simultaneously here and at Geneva, it was clearly stated that:
"In order to ensure that the voluntary character of their return was respected, and in conformity with the humanitarian mandate of the High Commissioner, the Royal Thai Government agreed that UNHCR would monitor the voluntary character of the repatriation.
"The agreement... includes that movements would be observed at every stage by all those interested, including voluntary agencies and media representatives."
329.	As a result of that agreement, the repatriation movement commenced on 17 June 1980 and was disrupted by Vietnamese military actions on 23 and 24 June 1980. Altogether, fewer than 10,000 Kampucheans, the majority women and children, were repatriated under the programme.
330.	In its quest for peace, Thailand looks to this session of the General Assembly for further constructive action. The invasion and occupation of one country by the military forces of another is a problem for the world community. The sovereignty and independence of Kampuchea and the people's right to self-determination are principles that must be upheld by the world community. It is essential for small nations like Thailand to adhere to these principles for their own survival and for world peace.
331.	Thailand does not insist that the problems of Kampuchea, Indo-Chinese refugees or humanitarian relief be settled on the basis of the view of any one nation. It can accommodate the legitimate interests of others. It believes that true and lasting solutions to problems of such import can be achieved only when supported by the world community acting in keeping with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. A solution based on the dictated terms of one country by virtue of its illegal occupation of another is no solution, because it would carry forward the seeds of tension and future conflict.
332.	Mindful of the mandate of the thirty-fourth session, Thailand has consulted with a wide range of Member States to develop further proposals on Kampuchea for the Assembly's consideration. We have sought to broaden the avenues that could lead to peace in South-East Asia. A comprehensive, constructive and flexible draft resolution has been submitted to the General Assembly.
333.	Recognizing the urgent need to defuse tensions in the region of South-East Asia, Thailand and its partners of ASEAN, taking into account General Assembly resolution 34/22, have proposed the convening of an international conference on Kampuchea in early 1981 with the participation of all parties concerned to negotiate a peaceful settlement of the present conflict in Kampuchea, with a view to reaching an agreement on, inter alia: first, total withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea within a specific time frame to be verified by the United Nations; secondly, measures by the United Nations to ensure law and order and the observance of the fundamental principles of human rights in Kampuchea; thirdly, measures by the United Nations to ensure non-interference by outside Powers in the internal affairs of Kampuchea; fourthly, United Nations-supervised free elections in Kampuchea; fifthly, guarantees against the introduction of any foreign forces in Kampuchea; sixthly, guarantees of respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Kampuchea; and, seventhly, guarantees that an independent and sovereign Kampuchea will not be a threat to its neighbours.
334.	Pending a settlement, humanitarian relief to the civilian population of Kampuchea, including those who have sought refuge in Thailand, should be continued and every effort made to ensure that such assistance will reach those for whom it is intended on a non-discriminatory basis. To facilitate this humanitarian endeavour, a United Nations observer team should be stationed on the Thai side of the border in order to monitor the situation along the border and verify that only civilian Kampucheans obtain international relief aid. In this respect also, safe areas should be established under United Nations supervision in western Kampuchea for the uprooted civilian Kampucheans encamped near the border and those in Thailand who wish to return to their homeland.
335.	In the effort to bring the Kampuchean conflict in all its aspects to the conference table, the Thai delegation joins with the other delegations of ASEAN in reaffirming its commitment to the Charter of the United Nations, the relevant United Nations resolutions, including General Assembly resolution 34/22, the joint statement of ASEAN and the European Economic Community on political issues, as well as in endorsing the final communique, issued on 8 September, of the New Delhi meeting of the heads of Government of the Asian and Pacific States members of the Commonwealth. At the latter meeting, the heads of Government expressed their conviction that to bring about durable peace and stability in South-East Asia there was an urgent need for a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean problem which would ensure the sovereignty, independence and neutrality of Kampuchea, as well as for the withdrawal of foreign forces from that country.
336.	My Government also shares the conviction of the heads of Government of the Asian Commonwealth members that a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean question would contribute to the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in Southeast Asia, which would, in turn, contribute to the development of peaceful, friendly and harmonious relations in the region. By the same token, my delegation wishes to voice its support for the aim of small countries to promote a zone of peace which would ensure non-interference by external Powers in their internal affairs and the preservation from foreign encroachment of their sovereign independence and territorial integrity. Such a concept is indeed similar to the ASEAN proposal on the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia, consisting of sovereign and independent States willing to co-operate with each other on the basis of equality and mutual interest.
337.	In this connection, the "Question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia" appears on the agenda of this Assembly session. My delegation was able to join in the consensus for its inscription at the request of its sponsors, including the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, because we believe that peace, stability and co-operation remain our firm goals for the welfare of our region. Indeed, to bring about durable peace and stability, and to enhance constructive co-operation in South-East Asia, the conflict in Kampuchea must be settled by peaceful means. That is why my delegation joins with others in proposing an international conference to negotiate such a settlement. So long as the Kampuchean problem remains unsolved, it will continue to disturb the tranquillity which is necessary for regional peace, to destabilize the region and to impede the growth of mutual trust and confidence which is indispensable for regional co-operation. Nevertheless, my delegation is prepared to participate in the forthcoming debate on this new item in a constructive and realistic manner.
338.	Thailand does not seek hostility with Viet Nam. Unfortunately, Viet Nam has not shown the slightest interest in Khmer self-determination or in reconciling the views of all parties on the Kampuchean question. It has repeatedly disregarded the will of the international community. I call once again upon Viet Nam to begin to pay heed to the desires of the international community and engage in a constructive search for a solution to the Kampuchean problem.
339.	The Kampuchean issue directly involves fundamental principles of the United Nations. I urge all Member States to assist in promoting a political solution based on United Nations principles and not on the rule of force.
340.	Aggression against- and the occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet troops have clearly shocked the world. The international community was subsequently disappointed by the deplorable intransigence and continued refusal of the USSR to remove its troops back to its own territory. Continued foreign occupation of Afghanistan and ruthless suppression of Afghan patriots have created similar political and humanitarian problems for neighbouring countries and have caused the people of Afghanistan untold suffering and hardship. General Assembly resolution ES-6/2, which calls for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan and for the Afghan people to decide their own political future without outside interference, coercion or intimidation, remains, by and large, unimplemented. The efforts of the Islamic Conference to seek t comprehensive solution to the crisis have proved to be of no avail. The situation is fraught with the gravest dangers to international peace and stability, and the plight of the Afghan refugees will be aggravated by the approaching cold weather. My delegation has therefore joined with other delegations in the request for the inscription of this item on the agenda of this session. In so doing, my delegation reaffirms its unstinting support for resolution ES-6/2 and for the efforts of the Islamic Conference to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict in keeping with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
341.	It is noteworthy that the common denominator in the two situations—in Afghanistan and Kampuchea—is the imposition of their will on small, independent and non- aligned States by foreign Powers through the use of force in contravention of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Both situations have also threatened to escalate and have destabilized areas far beyond their local confines. The preservation of Afghanistan and of the right of the Afghans to self-determination, just as in the case of Kampuchea, are international problems which rightly belong to the world community.
342.	While the rule of law has suffered setbacks during the past year with the situations in Kampuchea and Afghanistan, the successful conclusion of the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea appears as a bright spot in man's quest for peaceful and orderly change. Although the Conference has not reached the goal of a convention by the end of this year, my delegation sincerely hopes that its objective will be attained at the session to be convened in New York in March 1981. We are convinced that the new law of the sea has to provide the best possible assurance, in the light of the divergent interests of so many States, that stability and order will prevail in the use and management of ocean and sea-bed resources, which will bring enormous benefit for all mankind and promote, in particular, the economic development and growth of the poorer countries. It is significant and encouraging to note that, despite the divergences, a consensus on the myriad complex issues will soon emerge.
343.	The developing countries of the world pinned similar hopes on the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. Consequently they were deeply disappointed at the lack of consensus, due to the intransigent few, on the procedures to be followed in the global round of negotiations on international economic co-operation for development, due to begin in January 1981.
344.	The eleventh special session, convened after long preparations dating back to the thirty-second session, afforded Governments an opportunity jointly to assess if any progress had been made towards the establishment of a new international economic order. While all delegations came to the same conclusion—that the progress, if any, had been either inadequate or largely negligible—prescriptions as to how to proceed further still varied.
345.	The delegation of Thailand, which took an active part in that session, truly regrets the failure of the Assembly to accomplish the objectives of the tasks entrusted to it. Nearly three full weeks were virtually wasted in efforts to work out an agreed procedure for the global negotiations which, needless to say, is not as important as what will go into the agenda itself. This, the agenda, was not touched on. And when, finally, a fairly reasonable and balanced procedural framework was put forward and accepted by the overwhelming majority of the Assembly, a mere handful of the developed countries refused to join the consensus, thus making failure of the entire session inevitable.
346.	It is much against the wish of my delegation to clutter up the economic agenda of this session with matters which ought to have been resolved before it began, but I reaffirm the readiness of my country to contribute constructively to the resolution of all outstanding issues so that the global negotiations can be commenced in January 1981 as originally intended by all participants. Failure to do that would have far-reaching consequences. One of these would be the loss of the already diminishing opportunities for a sustained and constructive dialogue on the global level between developed and developing countries. I need not elaborate further on what this loss will mean in the present international setting, so fraught with tensions and insecurity all over the world.
347.	The stark realities of the present-day world, with an ever-increasing number of countries joining the international community, more and more people to care for and the gap between the rich and the poor ever widening, are the causes of changes which are inevitable in themselves. Such changes carry a momentum of their own. Left to their devices, they can produce effects which are unpredictable. The Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order perceived as a means to give orderly and meaningful effect to such changes through a comprehensive and integrated approach, thereby attempting to ward off the adverse consequences which disorderly changes would bring. In this connection, my delegation is gratified to note that a consensus was reached on the text of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade and hopes that the Strategy will be adopted at this session and implemented as of 1 January 1981.
348.	With so many weighty political and economic issues facing the world, the only sensible choice before us is to strive towards the achievement of a restructured international society in which rationality, equity, equal partnership and commonality of interests constitute the guiding principles, and in which the world must be looked at as one. The United Nations, with the support of its membership, can assist us by providing the framework and the forum for the attainment of these objectives. However, the Member States themselves must first make the choice and transform it into a commitment. Can they look beyond narrow national interests to the challenging years ahead with a devoted sense of community, while upholding individual freedoms and the dignity of man?
349.	This is the question before us as we enter the new decade of the 1980s, and it is similar to the question that faced the founding fathers of our Organization 35 years ago. We must therefore renew our determination to pursue more vigorously our noble aims and objectives, in the interest of peace and progress for all mankind.


On behalf of the delegation of Paraguay, I am pleased to welcome the new Member States of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Zimbabwe to our community of nations.
205.	The long list of items on the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly contains a few of undoubted interest to my country, such as the United Nations Special Fund for Land-locked Developing Countries; the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea; the draft international convention against the recruitment, use, financing and training of mercenaries; the banning of nuclear weapons in Latin America and other continents, as well as related questions; development and international economic co-operation with all their implications; the draft articles on most-favoured-nation clauses and so on. The delegation of Paraguay will be setting forth its views on those and other questions. This should, of course, not be taken to imply a lack of interest—for of course we are interested to some degree—in all the other agenda items.
206.	Having offered this brief clarification, in the interest of the brevity that should mark what is termed the general debate, I am pleased to make mention of the positive contribution of my country throughout the long period that has passed since Paraguay, with 49 other countries, signed the Charter in San Francisco. Since then, we have watched this Organization grow and our words have never strayed from the ideals which attended its birth.
207.	We are a peace-loving people. In two world wars, we have defended our honour, our land and our rights with bravery.
208.	Our country is no improvisation. Our international identity has deep roots in the history of America, and the name of my country is synonymous with firmness, decisiveness and crystal clarity in its dealings with other nations. We have a keen sense of friendship and co-operation, as well as an inflexible and inveterate instinct for independence and uprightness.
209.	Thanks to those qualities of the Paraguayan people, the Government of President Stroessner has been able to give our country an unprecedented and unparalleled rate of growth in progress and prosperity, in a climate of peace, with guarantees for the essential rights of the human person. Paraguay, which is governed by a modern Constitution democratically adopted in 1967, enjoys the free interplay of political parties and, at the present time, boasts an annual growth rate of 10.5 per cent, the highest on the continent, and perhaps in the entire world; our foreign public debt situation is sound, our rate of exchange with the dollar having remained unchanged since 1960; we keep within our public budget in a satisfactory manner, and our unemployment rate is practically nil. Eighty percent of the population can read and write, and education and public health receive priority attention from the Government; indeed, sizeable portions of our budgets are allocated to those areas. The large projects in Itaipu and Yacyreta, the expenses for which we share with Brazil and Argentina respectively, will make Paraguay a leading producer of electric energy.
210.	I take the liberty of providing the Assembly with this brief outline of the general situation in Paraguay today because it is essential that we all get to know one another at first hand and in a straightforward manner, especially those of us who do not utilize the secrets of mercenary propaganda and who do not have the economic or political power to stop that kind of propaganda. This is a universal forum where there must be not only a legitimate desire for peace but also an honest desire to speak the truth. We are a responsible, respectable country which has rightly earned its place in the civilized world.
211.	Barely two weeks ago, the city of Asuncion, the capital of my country, was the scene of a barbarous act of terrorism in which General Anastasio Somoza Debayle, ex-President of the Republic of Nicaragua, was brutally assassinated.
212.	That heinous murder, so alien to the peaceful life that the institutions of Paraguay have enjoyed for more than a quarter of a century, elicited vigorous repudiation, quite apart from the question of who were morally or materially responsible, and quite apart from their motives.
213.	That infamous act of aggression had one novel feature typical of terrorism: the civilian population was placed on the brink of disaster of incalculable dimensions, for the savage and dastardly act was perpetrated in the full light of day, right in the middle of the city.
214.	In 1947, international communism, in league with opponents of our regime who had become docile instruments, attempted to set up a Marxist regime in my country. This resulted in an armed clash that lasted nearly half a year, but was put down thanks to the indomitable will of the Republican National Association and the Colorado Party, which closed ranks with the loyal and uncontaminated army. In 1959 and 1960 armed gunmen, who had been clandestinely infiltrated from abroad, once again tried by force of arms to impose Marxist dogma on Paraguay. No holds were barred in the bloody fighting which ensued, which was marked by the ferocity of the attackers. But it was all to no avail, because not only was there no response from the rural population of my country, but, more importantly, the perpetrators were identified and severely punished by the very peasants whose lives and property had been so heedlessly assaulted. Thus this is not the first time that my country has been the victim of aggression.
215.	On this last occasion the entire citizenry in a variety of ways condemned the crime perpetrated in Asuncion, and both Houses of the National Congress, in a genuine expression of the popular will, unanimously adopted pertinent legislative resolutions. The Chamber of Deputies expressed its "firmest determination not to compromise or falter in the struggle to preserve the immutable principles of Western Christian civilization". The Senate, for its part, after referring to the refugee status of the principal victim, declared that:
"... from the material evidence and the data thus far collected, there is ample reason to conclude that the assassination was conceived and decided upon abroad; that it was executed by foreigners, with weapons brought in clandestinely for this purpose, and that their motives, which are foreign to our country, were at variance with its customs, its respect for human rights, and the democratic nature of its political struggles. Therefore, irrespective of the cause motivating the crime, this criminal act constitutes a barbaric act of aggression by international terrorism against Paraguay. It disrupted the public tranquillity in our country with unprecedented bloodshed and has sullied our image, although it is obvious that it was nothing other than an act of political spite and vengeance on the part of other countries".
216.	By way of additional information, I should like to bring to the attention of this Assembly the fact that the Government of Paraguay has decided to suspend diplomatic relations with the Nicaraguan Government of National Reconstruction.
217.	This decision was based on a number of clues pointing to the participation of the Sandinista Movement of Nicaragua in the crime perpetrated on Paraguayan territory against the ex-President of Nicaragua.
218.	There was also presumption and obvious bad faith in the remarks made by a member of that governing Junta, Rafael C6rdova Rivas, who, in a statement on 17 September 1980, made grave threats against the chief magistrate of the Republic of Paraguay, which was a provocation of the Paraguayan people that had elected him, in free elections and by an overwhelming majority, as their chief of State.
219.	Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says that "Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person", and article 14 says that "Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution", while, under articles 10 and 11, only judicial action can impede that right; and article 30 says that no State, group or person has the right "to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein".
220.	Consequently, with justified indignation, I wish, on behalf of my country and in the name of human rights, to express in this Assembly our most vigorous protest and repudiation of that terrorist act.
221.	We must ask ourselves whether mankind, represented in this Assembly, has suicidal tendencies. A well- known military leader of the United States, Douglas MacArthur, once said that, in the final analysis, the reason for all failures is that one "arrived too late".
222.	May time not work in favour of barbaric acts and may God kindle a ray of common sense and hope in our consciences. That is Paraguay's hope, so that the current session of the General Assembly, guided by the well-known diplomatic experience and personal qualities of its President, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, will become a landmark in the difficult task of maintaining international peace and security.


The Ukrainian delegation would like to join in addressing congratulations to Mr. von Wechmar on his election to the position of President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that under his presidency the Assembly will deal successfully with the burning issues before it.
111.	We note with satisfaction that the family of the United Nations has now become still bigger. After their successful struggle against racism, the people of Zimbabwe have won their independence. We also welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations.
112.	In a few weeks’ time, on 24 October, it will be 35 years since the Charter entered into force. During that period mankind has lived through many trials and tribulations. In the course of the complex and at times controversial development of the historical process there have been, along with indisputable successes achieved by the forces of peace and progress in strengthening international security, repeated manifestations of the imperialist policy of diktat, the whip-ping up of tension, interference in the internal affairs of States and the unleashing of military conflicts. Yet, whatever the course developments followed, the most outstanding achievement of this period has been the demonstration of the fact that it is possible to break the tragic cycle in which peace is only a short breathing-space between world wars.
113.	The 1970s have left their mark in world history. Without exaggeration it can be said that this past decade has been most productive in terms of the transition from confrontation to co-operation on terms of equality among States with different social and economic systems. During this period, as a result of efforts by countries in the socialist community and other peoples and States genuinely seeking to preserve peace, the policy of peaceful coexistence has been strengthened and has begun to take on real meaning. Moreover, the process of detente has gained momentum, and favourable conditions have been created for the solution of pressing problems.
114.	Recently, however, the international situation has worsened. Leaders of the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], and of the United States in particular, have directed their foreign policy towards under-mining detente and ensuring military superiority over the socialist community.
115.	The well-known NATO decision on a large-scale and long-term increase in military budgets and the plans to deploy in Western Europe new American nuclear missiles testify specifically to that. The United States has frozen the ratification of the SALT II Treaty and at the same time adopted a "new nuclear strategy" which makes the real danger of the unleashing of a thermonuclear war immeasurably greater, for it is based on the concept that a "limited nuclear war" is possible.
116.	The partnership between those in militaristic and reactionary quarters in the West and Beijing, hegemonists who are seeking a further build-up of tension to achieve their chauvinistic great-Power designs has a negative impact on international relations.
117.	Consequently we are compelled to state that the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly is taking place in a very complicated international situation.
118.	The Government of the Ukrainian SSR feels that today, more than ever, the United Nations must concentrate its efforts on preventing and eliminating threats to peace, strengthening detente in the political, military and other fields and adopting concrete measures to limit the arms race and achieve disarmament.
119.	As was emphasized in a statement on 30 August at Alma-Ata by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR: "For States and peoples today, no task is more pressing than to prevent the imperialist policy of positions of strength displacing detente, and the spiral of the arms race gaining greater and more highly dangerous speed".
120.	The Soviet Union and the socialist community have advanced a broad programme of measures to strengthen peace, end the arms race and achieve disarmament. Guided by the programme for the further struggle for peace and international co-operation and for the freedom and independence of peoples, which was adopted by the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the USSR has put forward in the United Nations far- reaching proposals offering realistic approaches to a solution of the crucial problems of today. These initiatives have been supported and approved by the General Assembly.
121.	The documents adopted at the meeting on 14 and 15 May of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty, imbued with an awareness of the historic responsibility for the destinies of peace, contain, inter alia, a proposal for an early convening of a meeting at the highest level of leaders of States from all continents , The socialist countries are convinced that, despite the aggravation of the situation brought about by the actions of imperialist circles, there nevertheless do exist socio-political forces capable of preventing any slippage towards a new cold war, of ensuring normal peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems, and of averting the threat of a world thermonuclear conflict, and objective possibilities of doing all this. This conviction is shared by all the Soviet people and by the working people of the Ukrainian SSR who fully support the Leninist foreign policy line of the Soviet State.
122.	In their desire to strengthen international security the socialist countries are stepping up their struggle for detente, for ending the arms race and for disarmament and we call upon other States to do likewise.
123.	The proposal entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war", submitted by Andrei Gromyko, member of the Politburo of the Central Commit-tee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, serves to confirm the constructive approach to the main problems of the world today.
124.	The Ukrainian delegation fully supports that proposal.
125.	Urgent measures to be implemented include the prevention of the expansion of existing military alliances or the creation of new ones; the cessation, as of 1 January 1981, of the build-up of armed forces and conventional armaments by all States and primarily by the permanent members of the Security Council and the countries which have military agreements with them; the strengthening of security guarantees for non-nuclear States; and the renunciation by all nuclear Powers of all nuclear explosions for one year. All of this would certainly have a restraining effect on the growing danger of war, would contribute to reducing tension in inter-State relations and would serve as a good basis for reaching agreement on the most pressing problem of strengthening peace and international security.
126.	The Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist community have submitted for negotiation, in particular in the General Assembly, several specific proposals covering a broad spectrum of measures for disarmament, some partial and some very radical. They are dealt with in detail in the USSR memorandum entitled "Peace, disarmament and international security guarantees" . The Ukrainian SSR believes that the speedy implementation of those proposals is a major task facing the Assembly at this session.
127.	We attach primary importance to ending the nuclear arms race, which creates the greatest threat to universal peace and the very survival of civilization. Despite the tremendous complexity of the problem, we believe mankind can halt the unbridled build-up of nuclear potential. The Ukrainian SSR favours the immediate initiation of effective talks to end the production of all types of nuclear weapons, gradually to reduce their stockpiles and then to eliminate them completely.
128.	Another pressing matter is completing the tripartite talks on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear- weapon tests. In the interests of reaching a mutually acceptable agreement on this issue, the Soviet Union has taken important steps to meet its partners in the talks halfway. Yet I must note with concern that the United States and the United Kingdom are clearly protracting the negotiations, often reneging on the proposals they themselves put forward.
129.	The Ukrainian SSR believes that nuclear disarmament should be accompanied by the strengthening of political and international legal guarantees for the security of States, and this includes the drafting and conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations.
130.	Alongside the most destructive type of arms- nuclear weapons—chemical weapons, an extremely dangerous means of mass annihilation, have been in existence for many decades. Moreover, the United States has expanded production of chemical war agents while actively developing and testing new varieties of these lethal weapons. We strongly advocate an immediate ban on the development, production and stockpiling of such chemical weapons and the destruction of their stockpiles. The socialist countries, including the Ukrainian SSR, have made their contribution to drafting a relevant international convention. We appeal to all States to make an energetic effort to complete the drafting of this international legal instrument as soon as possible.
131.	The Ukrainian SSR has consistently advocated banning the production of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction. Of particular relevance today is the prevention of the development and deployment of the neutron weapon. The drafting of a convention banning radiological weapons must also be completed.
132.	It has frequently been stated from this very rostrum that the arms race represents a heavy burden for mankind. While creating a threat to universal peace, it also consumes enormous material and intellectual resources that could more properly be used to raise the standard of well-being of peoples and overcome the economic backwardness of developing countries.
133.	The problem of streamlining international co-operation to preserve the environment and nature on this planet has become particularly urgent today. The consideration at this session of the Soviet proposal [see A/35/194] for the inclusion of an item entitled "Historical responsibility of States for the preservation of nature for present and future generations" on the agenda of this session will certainly serve that objective. Our delegation believes that primary attention should be devoted to the nefarious consequences of the arms race for environmental protection.
134.	The struggle for a peaceful future for peoples, for strengthening international security should be conducted in all directions.
135.	The Ukrainian SSR attaches paramount importance to strengthening security in Europe. In recent years there have been extensive and strenuous efforts to implement agreements reached at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe which was held at Helsinki in 1975. The USSR and countries of the socialist community are playing an active role here. The basic approach they take in European affairs and world politics as a whole is to continue and deepen detente, to flesh it out with effective measures in the field of military detente and to develop equal co-operation and strengthen security.
136.	A specific example of that policy is the Soviet proposal to start talks on limiting medium-range nuclear missile arms in Europe simultaneously in organic relationship to the question of United States forward-based nuclear systems in the region.
137.	Much remains to be done to ensure stable peace and security in Europe. It is important, in particular, that the forthcoming second review session of the Conference at Madrid be held in a constructive spirit and be crowned with positive results and that a conference be convened on military detente and disarmament in Europe.
138.	Strengthening peace and security is in the interests of the peoples of all continents. As has frequently been noted at this session of the General Assembly, there are now several hotbeds of conflict that have emerged as a result of imperialist and militaristic actions. Their elimination would certainly be facilitated by the proposal submitted by the socialist countries on limiting and reducing the level of military presence and military activities in the relevant region, be it the Atlantic, Indian or Pacific Oceans, the Mediterranean Sea or the Persian Gulf.
139.	Attempts are being made to step up tension in the Caribbean. We declare from this rostrum our solidarity with socialist Cuba, which continues to be subjected to pressure by United States imperialist circles.
140.	Recently the situation in the Middle East has become still more explosive. The separate talks conducted on the basis of the Camp David accords cannot bring about a settlement of the conflict. Israel has been expanding the network of its settlements in occupied lands and in a recent brazen move it proclaimed Jerusalem to be its "eternal capital", a move quite properly condemned by the Security Council in its resolution 478 (1980).
141.	At the seventh emergency special session on the question of Palestine, the General Assembly stressed that the key to a comprehensive settlement in the region lies in granting the Arab people of Palestine the right to self-determination up to and including the creation of their own State. Such a settlement would require the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, and ensuring the sovereignty and security of all the States of the region. All parties concerned should participate in the settlement, including the Arab people of Palestine, with the PLO as its sole and legitimate representative. Other problems of the region also require political settlement by peaceful means.
142.	A tense situation has been created around Afghanistan, which pursues a policy of non-alignment. An undeclared war inspired and directed by the United States of America and China is being waged against that country. Attempts are being made to strangle the Afghan revolution and to turn Afghanistan into a staging area, threatening the Soviet Union and the peace-loving independent countries of the East. The Government of Afghanistan has put forward a proposal for a political settlement of the situation. Essentially it calls for a complete and guaranteed cessation of all forms of hostile activities against the Government and people of Afghanistan. It is now up to those who brought about the tense situation in that region to respond. As to the introduction of the so-called Afghan question in the agenda of this Assembly, we consider it to be gross interference in the internal affairs of the Afghan people.
143.	The United States and China have recently been seeking to aggravate further the situation in South-East Asia. We fully support the programme for the normalization of the situation in the region submitted by Viet Nam, Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
144.	The Ukrainian SSR advocates the peaceful reunification of Korea on a democratic basis without foreign interference and the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea. Recent events in South Korea confirm the urgency of that demand and make still more pressing implementation of General Assembly resolution 3390 A and B (XXX).
145.	Attempts to revive the cold war are inseparably linked to a new offensive against human rights and to massive violations of the rights of working people in capitalist countries. The United States has not ratified the International Covenants on Human Rights, and it is in fact in the United States that those rights are most blatantly flouted. This year alone massive reprisals have been taken against participants in actions to defend the rights of black people in Miami and other cities of the United States. American arms are used to suppress human rights in Chile, Bolivia and El Salvador, and some United States allies are not lagging far behind. The Government of Great Britain has been taking punitive measures in Northern Ireland, accompanied by the use of torture and other inhumane treatment. With the connivance of the authorities, pro-Nazi forces and organizations are rearing their ugly heads in a number of Western European countries. Does that not constitute the flouting of the well-known principles of the Helsinki agreements, which representatives of capitalist countries defend in their speeches?
146.	Human rights are grossly and extensively violated in the Arab territories occupied by Israel. South Africa persists in its infamous policy and practice of apartheid, while racist excesses continue in Namibia. All this is taking place with the obvious connivance of the leading imperialist Powers, whose co-operation with South Africa and Israel is in fact the main obstacle to ending those crimes against humanity.
147.	Socialism ensures human rights—not only in words but in deeds. In our Republic they are guaranteed by the provisions of the new Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR. My delegation can state with satisfaction that our Republic's reports regarding compliance with international conventions and the International Covenants on Human Rights have been recognized by the Committee on Human Rights and the Economic and Social Council as comprehensive and consistent with the requirements of international agreements.
148.	Twenty years ago the General Assembly, acting on the initiative of the Soviet Union, adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, an important instrument in the struggle against colonialism.
149.	However, in order to ensure the complete elimination of the vestiges of that shameful system, to grant independence to the peoples of Namibia, Micronesia and other colonial Territories, and finally to eradicate apartheid and racial discrimination, it will be necessary to overcome the resistance of neo-colonialists and imperialists and to strengthen the unity of action of peoples fighting against colonialism in all its manifestations.
150.	The working people of the Soviet Ukraine, a republic of 50 million inhabitants, along with all Soviet people, support .national liberation movements, contribute to the strengthening of the statehood of newly independent countries, and protect their sovereignty against the intrigues of imperialist mercenaries and the agents of monopolies.
151.	The final collapse of colonialism and the attainment of full independence by the developing countries are closely linked to the struggle for economic liberation from imperial-ism and the sway of foreign monopolistic capital, primarily transnational corporations.
152.	My delegation would emphasize that the current attempt of the United States to revive the cold war seriously undermines the prospects of economic co-operation among States. Today the United States and its allies are resorting to economic blockades, sanctions, trade embargoes and financial boycotts; they are freezing foreign assets and reneging on obligations entered into in respect of the development of relations in the economic, scientific and technological fields. Those actions are in violation of the Charter and international law, and they are in conflict with the progressive provisions of the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.
153.	The imperialist policy of the West is reflected in the deliberate procrastination in talks on restructuring international economic relations on a democratic and equitable basis and in the desire to side-track us from the truly urgent economic problems. That was once again demonstrated most vividly at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on economic problems.
154.	The Ukrainian SSR is taking an active part in the foreign economic relations of the Soviet State, and it makes a tangible contribution to the development of the economic, scientific and technical co-operation of the USSR with fraternal socialist countries and developing countries. We consistently advocate extensive business-like relations with all interested States on an equal, non-discriminatory and mutually beneficial basis.
155.	We are now completing our tenth five-year plan. The forthcoming Twenty-sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union will be marked by new achievements, and the Twenty-sixth Congress of the Ukrainian Communist Party will sum up the results achieved. During the current five-year period the economic potential of our society has grown immeasurably, and our social, political and ideological unity has become still stronger. A major stride forward has been taken in raising the living standards of our people and also in education and culture.
156.	As V. Shcherbitsky, member of the Politbureau of the Central Committee and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukraine, has emphasized, "our objectives are clear, and they are noble—namely, durable peace, security and mutually beneficial cooperation—and we shall persistently work for their realization".
157.	Our Government believes that the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly should become an important milestone in intensification of the struggle of peoples to reduce the danger of war, to eliminate tension, to preserve detente as the leading trend in international relations, and to strengthen peace and the security of peoples.


It is my privilege to convey to the President, Mr. von Wechmar, and through him to the representatives, the greetings of my august sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, and his best wishes for the success of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I should like to extend to him my warm felicitations and those of the delegation of Nepal on his election as President of the current session of the General Assembly. We are confident that with his skill, wisdom and experience, he will guide the work of this session to a fruitful and successful conclusion. I wish to assure him of the full cooperation of my delegation in his efforts to that end.
246.	I wish also to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania for the firmness and impartiality with which he conducted the business of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
247.	Our principal compliments are due to the Secretary General for his devotion to the ideals of the United Nations and the exemplary manner in which he has been discharging the heavy responsibilities pertaining to his high office.
248.	We welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as the newest Member of the United Nations. Its admission is a further step towards the universality of membership of this world Organization.
249.	The decade of the 1980s has opened on a note of uncertainty, tension and conflicts on all fronts in international affairs. The most important contributing factor to this sad state of affairs has been the recent armed interventions. The process of detente has been seriously jeopardized, and there are increased military build-ups and renewed escalation of an already vicious arms race. Sharp divisions among the big Powers, armed conflicts in several areas and frustrations in our common search for a new international economic order continue to characterize current international relations.
250.	Southern Africa continues to be one of the focal points of conflict in the relations between nations. In spite of the well-deserved achievement of independence by the people of Zimbabwe, the authorities of South Africa have refused to see the writing on the wall and to recognize the legitimate rights of the oppressed people, led by their national liberation movements, to human dignity, equality, self-determination and majority rule. My delegation remains steadfast in its support for the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. We deplore the refusal of the South African authorities to cooperate with the United Nations in implementing the plan for free and fair elections in Namibia. We fully support the struggle of the people of Namibia for national liberation, under the leadership of SWAPO.
251.	The situation in the Middle East not only continues to be tense but has, in fact, deteriorated in the past several months. In keeping with our well-known position on this question, we support the right of every State in the area, including Israel, to live in peace and security within well-defined boundaries. However, a just and lasting settlement cannot be achieved unless the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, their right to participate as equals in any peace negotiation and their right to a separate State of their own are recognized. The first prerequisite of a settlement is, of course, the unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from the territories occupied since 1967. Nepal regrets the continuing and escalating policy of Israel to change the political, legal and demographic character of the occupied territories. Such actions militate against the norms of international law and the repeated calls of the United Nations. They not only have complicated the already difficult situation but have also had a negative impact on prospects for a peaceful solution of the Middle East problem.
252.	The frequent armed attempts by Israel to undermine the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon continue to cause grave anxiety to all. As a contributor to UNIFIL, we once again urge Member States to cooperate with UNIFIL in restoring full Lebanese authority in the troubled areas. My delegation joins the Secretary General in his appeal to those Governments which have not paid their assessed contributions to the UNIFIL account to reconsider their position. There should be no question that the financing of a duly authorized United Nations peacekeeping operation is the collective responsibility of all States Members of the United Nations.
253.	We have noted with concern the sudden painful deterioration of the relations between two neighbouring countries, Iran and Iraq. We sincerely appeal to both of them to exercise maximum restraint and seek a peaceful solution of their problem. Escalation of violence between the two countries is bound to have a wider detrimental impact in the region.
254.	On the question of Cyprus, a country torn apart as a result of extraterritorial interests of outside Powers, my delegation continues to favour the resumption of intercommunal negotiation under the auspices of the Secretary General. We would support any political settlement based on strict respect for the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus.
255.	With regard to the Korean question, my delegation continues to hold the view that the aspirations of the people of Korea to national reunification should be fulfilled peacefully by their own efforts, without any outside interference.
256.	The arms race has escalated with renewed vigour, and this has been a matter of universal concern. The twentieth century has already witnessed two world wars and several other wars in between and after. The most intensive search for peace took place during this period, and the United Nations is the culmination of those efforts.
257.	The advances in science and technology have resulted in the unprecedented accumulation of most lethal and destructive arms in national arsenals. It is ironical that the period that gave birth to the notion of general and complete disarmament also has been a period of the most vicious armament race in history. We have forgotten the twin lessons of history: one, that no nation ever enjoyed security in armament and, two, that arms accumulated have always been used at one point in time or another. The big Powers must take a major share of the blame for the arms race in the world. They cannot escape responsibility for the lack of progress in the deliberating and negotiating forums of the United Nations. This stalemate has belied the hopes raised at the tenth special session of the Assembly, devoted to disarmament. The big Powers have also failed to honour the solemn commitments contained in the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water and the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons towards a comprehensive test ban and a meaningful reduction of armaments. The freezing of the ongoing negotiations on strategic arms limitation not only is a clear indication of the failure of these Powers to live up to their undertakings but also has cast a dark shadow on the prospects for international peace and security. The amount of resources spent on the development and production of arms staggers our imagination. A fraction of those resources if utilized for peaceful and developmental purposes would go a long way in improving the world economic situation.
258.	Nepal is a party to both the partial test ban Treaty and the Non-proliferation Treaty. It has always supported the establishment of nuclear weapon free zones and zones of peace in many parts of the world. We are of the view, however, that the non-proliferation regime cannot long be sustained if it attempts to impose a discriminatory condition between nations in regard to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and if, at the same time, the big Powers fail to fulfil their corresponding obligations under that Treaty. The relentless vertical proliferation of nuclear weapons is bound to have a disastrous effect on horizontal proliferation. It will be a sad development indeed if, as a result of default by the big Powers, more and more threshold countries are encouraged to opt for nuclear weaponry.
259.	The world continues to be faced with an equally grim scenario on the front of economic growth and stability. The economic condition of more than half of mankind has remained static; in fact it has considerably worsened. At the eleventh special session, there was general agreement on the grim reality of the international economic situation. However, negotiations on the new global round as well as on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade once again brought home the fact that the long-term global outlook continues to be the victim of short-term domestic policies being pursued in developed countries. The nature and persistence of the present economic reality have reached a stage where the stagnation in the economic sector will entail wider and serious political repercussions. The Secretary General has rightly observed in his report on the work of the Organization: "Peace is as much at stake in the discussions on economic questions as prosperity and a decent standard of living for all humanity"
260.	We deeply regret the failure to reach a consensus on procedure and a timeframe for the global round of negotiations. We earnestly hope that the developed countries will have the required political will to face the reality boldly and squarely and that the impasse faced at the eleventh special session will be overcome during this session, so that the global round of negotiations can be launched at the beginning of next year. We are confident that such negotiations will be instrumental in restructuring international economic relations.
261.	The Second United Nations Development Decade failed to bridge the ever widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. Against this backdrop, the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade has been drawn up. The present text is considerably weaker than we had hoped for. Yet we welcome the consensus on goals and objectives and on policy measures contained in this text as a framework for future negotiations. We view the section on the least developed countries in the Strategy as one of the positive features. The new Strategy calls for concerted and concrete action at the domestic and at the international level. Unless the developed countries boldly live up to the commitment they have made, the objectives enshrined in the new Strategy will remain unfulfilled.
262.	The oil economy is now increasingly affecting the life of the peoples in developing and developed countries alike. We reaffirm the need for paying special attention to the growing requirements of the energy importing developing countries. In this context, we earnestly hope that the oil exporting countries will cooperate, substantially and in concrete terms, with the other developing countries, in particular the least developed among them. My delegation has always attached considerable significance to economic and technical cooperation among developing countries. In our considered view, the enormous potential latent in the developing world could be utilized for mutual benefit.
263.	High rates of inflation, the adverse effect of fluctuation in the prices of primary commodities on the export earning of developing countries and the instability of the international monetary system have badly shaken the already precarious economic situation of most developing countries. These have been reinforced by growing unemployment and a food deficit caused by, among other things, natural calamities. While there is no immediate hope of respite from these problems, which are themselves of colossal magnitude, the prices of vital imports like oil and construction and development materials continue to rise sharply. The net flow of resources to the developing countries has further declined as a consequence of the failure of the major developed countries to fulfil their commitments to official development assistance in terms of 0.7 percent of the gross national product.
264.	The difficult situation facing the developing countries in general has further aggravated the problem of the least developed and landlocked countries. Most of the developing landlocked countries are also among the least developed, and their problems are of a basic structural nature. Therefore they should be given special attention, as a matter of priority, in any international assistance programme. Urgent additional measures should be undertaken to overcome the structural constraints impeding their growth. We appeal for the urgent implementation of the Immediate Action Programme for the Least Developed Countries adopted at the fifth session of UNCTAD.  In resolution S11/4, adopted unanimously at the eleventh special session, the General Assembly has also called for that step. The resources of the United Nations Special Fund for Landlocked Developing Countries continue to be woefully meagre and utterly inadequate to meet the requirements of the developing landlocked countries. We appeal for more generous contributions to that Fund. We are hopeful that the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, to be convened next year, will agree on positive and substantial measures to help those countries.
265.	At its recently concluded ninth session the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has made some progress, although we feel that the negotiations have been painfully slow-moving. Agreement has been possible on several key elements of a new regime on the sea. Nepal continues to believe that the new regime will be meaningful only if it is universally recognized that the entire resources of the seas belong to humanity as a whole and constitute a common heritage of mankind. That is the principal idea behind our proposal for the establishment of a common heritage fund. Recognition of the right of free access to and from the sea for landlocked countries will have to form an essential part of the new regime.
266.	I should like to refer now to the events in the regions adjoining my own. I allude to the events of far-reaching consequence in Kampuchea and Afghanistan, events which I consider to be the most serious developments in the contemporary world. Those developments at present constitute a serious threat to the peace and security of the world, not to mention the peace and security of the neighbouring areas.
267.	As we all know, this grave situation has arisen as a result of armed intervention in those two nonaligned countries. Non-interference in the internal affairs of another country is the most fundamental principle in relations between States. Observance of this principle alone implies respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of another State and the right of its people to self-determination. Once that principle is violated, the basic norm of behaviour among States is broken, the sovereignty of another State and the inalienable right of its people are contemptuously disregarded; the trust which is reposed in a State as a responsible member of the international community is also lost. Therefore Nepal has always held that of all the principles which govern interstate relationships and which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the principle of non-interference in the domestic matters of another State is the one which must not be violated in any situation or under any pretext.
268.	The nature of a particular Government or its actions and policies, the conditions prevailing in another country, the suspected designs of foreign Powers in that country— none of those factors gives any State the right to interfere in the affairs of another. I must submit that even the plea of self-defence and security does not justify armed intervention, much less continued occupation by armed forces of other States. There are ways provided in the Charter and under international law for States to seek redress of grievances.
269.	The United Nations would be failing in its duty if it did not continue to press for political settlements in both Kampuchea and Afghanistan on the basis of resolutions adopted by the Organization. There should be no giving in to the concept of fait accompli. In such situations nothing will be accomplished if it is not acceptable to the people of the countries concerned. The first prerequisite in any political settlements in Kampuchea and Afghanistan is, I need not stress, the total, immediate and unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces. That should be the only basis for any solution.
270.	As a nonaligned country, Nepal has full faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter and the moral efficacy of the world Organization. For us, the principles and purposes of the Charter are represented in the principle of non-interference and the ideals of peaceful coexistence among countries with various political, economic and social systems, peaceful resolution of conflicts between nations and meaningful cooperation among States. These principles and ideals are, for us, both moral and practical.
271.	By the scrupulous application of those ideals we have endeavoured to establish friendly and cooperative relations with our neighbours and friends. This is our contribution to the climate of peace and good will in the region and the world at large. It is in this context that we have welcomed the idea of the President of Bangladesh for regional cooperation. The region is rich in vast manpower and inexhaustible natural resources. Nepal is prepared to join in any prudent and wise exploitation and development of these resources in the firm belief that it will serve the interests not only of Nepal but also of the whole region.
272.	Good neighbourliness in the region and good relations among the countries of the region should be reflected in concrete cooperation and full understanding of each other's views, problems and aspirations. That was the reason for the recent visit of His Majesty King Birendra to the neighbouring countries and other countries of the region. His Majesty's visit has been followed by other visits which we have undertaken at the official level.
273.	We have pursued a policy of always seeking and respecting the views of other countries so that a coordinated approach is developed in regard to bilateral, regional and global issues. This is our way of promoting better understanding, mutual cooperation and collective self-reliance, the traditional ideals motivating the policies of all our neighbours and friends.
274.	The ultimate expression of Nepal's domestic and foreign policy objective is reflected in our proposal that Nepal be declared a zone of peace. This proposal is consistent with Nepal's traditional quest for peace and development and consistent also with the principles of the United Nations and the ideals of nonalignment. This is our way of consolidating relations and promoting cooperation with all our neighbours and friends.