20.	 Sir, on behalf of the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, it is my great pleasure to express to you our warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the. thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Beyond a shadow.of a doubt, your election proves that you are a diplomat of great moral and intellectual qualities, one who has dedicated himself as the representative of his country and as an international civil servant to the ideals of the United Nations. It is also a tribute to our Arab nation for its irreplaceable contribution to the elaboration of the fundamental principles of justice and equality which govern mankind and for the role it played in the forefront of the struggle of peoples for their political independence and the.role it will play in the struggle for their future economic independence.
21.	I should also like to express to your predecessor, Mr Rodiger von Wechmar, our appreciation for the way in which he conducted the proceedings of the thirty-fifth session. We were very much impressed with the vision and moral integrity of this great diplomat who became a president representing all the currents that disturb the world.
22.	Finally, I should like to thank the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts in difficult circumstances in the service of the Organization. We should like to express our great appreciation to him.
23.	Our delegation would like to join with all others in welcoming the new States of Vanuatu and Belize to the United Nations, Our country hopes that other countries which have been deprived of their sacred right to national sovereignty will soon be liberated, thereby bringing the Organization closer to its goal of universality and ensuring the full implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV).
24.	We should have liked today to display optimism. We should In particular have liked to speak of spectacular progress or even of a few timid, tentative steps by the international community towards the strengthening <of international security, the liberation of peoples and the start of a new, more just international economic order. Unfortunately, the net results since the thirty-fifth session have been disappointing. Indeed, we must note with some bitterness that there has definitely been retrogression in those areas, which are so vital for the future of mankind.
25.	Today the general picture of international relations is very gloomy: there is violence and aggression In Africa, in the Middle East and in South-East Asia; negotiations on the law of the sea have been blocked in their final stage; and there are indications of failure in the global negotiations. The most typical example of this general deterioration in the international situation is to be found in economic relations. There the difficulties which the economies of the developed countries have had to grapple with for a number of years now have considerably increased the growth problems cf the developing countries, thereby accentuating the world economic crisis, which was already very serious. ' ■ ■ •>
26.	An even more disturbing phenomenon is that for the first year of the Third United Nations Development Decade, it is estimated that the growth in per capita income will be less than one third of the international community's goal.
27.	If that situation weighs particularly heavily on the economies of the developing countries, it is simply disastrous for the poorest of those countries. Inflation, which strikes at the world economy as a whole, has made a negative contribution to this phenomenon and the consequences for the poorest countries have therefore been more severe. The decline in trade among the developed, market-economy countries has had harmful and immediate repercussions on the developing countries. Official United Nations statistics leave no room for doubt on that score.
28. One can easily imagine the consequences.of this situation for the balance of payments of a large number of developing countries and for their ability to service their accumulated debts. Furthermore, the protectionist mends wont have emerged over the past few years have accelerated to a degree without precedent in the history of North-South relations. If these trends are not reversed, it is to be feared that most of the developing countries no> only will not achieve the objectives of the International Development Strategy but will be confronted by even more serious economic and social problems.
29. As a country that is both Sahelian and Saharan, essentially involved in agricultural and pastoral activities, from which 80 per cent of its population derive their living, my country pays special attention to developments in
agriculture, an essential part of the world economy. We therefore follow the work of various United Notions bodies dealing with matters in that field and take put in it the occasion arises.
30.	In an increasingly unfavorable international environment, we shall, no matter what, continue our efforts to establish a policy of self-sufficiency in agriculture by encouraging our people to produce more and by introducing procedures that can limit agricultural losses and modernize our means of production. Thus, over the past few months, missions made up of officials at the highest level have undertaken a campaign to increase the awareness of the need to increase agricultural production, in particular that of foodstuffs. The favorable reaction of the people augurs well for the results of that campaign, but the needs are still great, and the financial and technical means to satisfy them are practically non-existent.
31.	We do not underestimate the importance or volume of the international assistance that has been given to us so fat and I wish to thank all those who at one time or another have helped us. But as FA0 has stated and I wish to thank its officials for their invaluable assistance the food situation in the 26 African countries covered by the Global Information and Early Warning System for Food and Agriculture remains disturbing. The situation is particularly difficult in the Sahelian countries, where the after-effects of drought continue to mortgage heavily the economic and social future of the area.
32.	The question of assistance to meet particular circumstances Is still relegated to the background in favor of aid in the area of structural changes that must be made in the economies of those countries. The building of roads, ports and warehouses, the training, of technicians and so forth are needs which the particularly acute.
33.	The current Chairman of the Permanent Interstate Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel ICILSS], General Moussa Tvaorf, President of the sister Republic of Mali, eloquently analyzed before the Assembly on 2 October [23rd meeting] the development problems of the countries of CILSS. We completely subscribe to that analysis. As an example of regional co-operation and a sincere expression of the will for the economic integration of the countries concerned, CILSS must continue to enjoy the intemnHiymi community's financial and technical support. 	In this connection, a special debt of gratitude is owed to the Secretary-General and to the administration of UNDP, which is in charge of the United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office. We welcome the relations we have had with that body, which we hope will be further strengthened as the years go by.
35.	FUrthermore, my country, whose delegation had the honor of introducing the draft resolution concerning the observance of World Food Day at the Assembly's thirty-fifth session, welcomes the fact that the General Assembly will be devoting a special meeting to that subject this year. We mist that this event will lead to a greater awareness of the threats of hunger, undernourishment and malnutrition throughout the world.
36: In the area of industrialization, another driving force for economic growth, the performances of the developing countries do not encourage optimism.'The Lima Plan of Action on Industrial Development and ; Cooperation, modest as it Is, seems unlikely to be attained. However, we hope that UNIDO, once it has become a specialized agency, , will be able to make a greater contribution to the efforts of the developing countries in this-area.
37.-The energy problem has become even more acute since the crisis of 1973-1974. The threat of a general conflict looming over the international community has finally convinced it that any just and lasting solution must be accepted by all States, weather they are producers or consumers of energy.
38.	The United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi, has crystallized this approach by adopting the Nairobi program of Action.4 Despite the momentum given to the action of the international community in its effort to work out a global solution to the energy problem, we regret that that meeting did not reach agreement on such fundamental points as the institutional machinery and the appropriate measures to ensure the additional transfer of the financial resources needed, for full implementation of the program of Action.
39.	Another conference, the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, was just held in Paris. Mauritania, with a full understanding of the difficulties being encountered by those countries although not officially grouped with them played an active part in the work of that Conference. In this connection, we welcome in particular the fact that the level of representation was high enough to make it possible for specific commitments to be entered into and action-oriented decisions to be adopted. We are confident that the representatives that attended the conference will, individually, see to it that the measures decided on are implemented, both those having to do with international support and those related, to implementation, Mow-up actton and supervision.' ; ^ ■'
40.	As I have already stated, according to the criteria applied by the United Nations which should,' incidentally, be reviewed in the light of the increasingly difficult economic situation of many countries, my own included—Mauritania Is not among the 31 least developed countries. Nevertheless, we-continue to be faced with the. same problems as those countries.
41.	In spite of General Assembly resolution 3054 (XXVIII) associating the countries of the Sahellan region with the least developed countries because of the drought with which they were stricken, we believe that nothing contained in the Substantial New program of Action-for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries adopted by the Paris Conference' should be interpreted as signifying that the assistance to be given to the 31 countries identified by the United Nations should be at the expense of other recipient countries.
42.	This is an appropriate opportunity to congratulate the French Government for the praiseworthy intentions it voiced at that Conference. Such intentions reflect France's new and welcome general arrangements in approaching
the complex political and economic problems facing the Third World.
43.	On .the other hand, we, wonder, whether the Lagos Plan of Action,' which is a veritable manual for development for the African continent in , the coming decade, can be implemented according to the proposed timetable, or whether it will remain merely an expression of pious hopes.
44.	We must also wonder whether the Caracas program of Action [see A/36/339], the first specific attempt to institutionalize a true South-South co-operation, will be provided with the means necessary for its implementation. '..'.'''.
45.	Here again, everything will depend upon the political will of States. The launching of global negotiations and the conclusion of an agreement on the law of the sea have clearly shown that that cannot always be counted on. After a year of continuous efforts under the excellent guidance of the previous President, it has not-been possible to reach a consensus on ways of launching such global negotiations.
46.	A year ago, from this rostrum, we made an urgent appeal to certain countries who have since then, admittedly, adopted a much more flexible position to join in the international consensus in a spirit of solidarity, though with due regard to foreign interests.. ...
47.	Now we are looking to Cancun, where in a few days a number of leaders from both developed and developing countries will meet. This is the last chance for the developed countries to regain the trust of the third world, and that meeting should open the way for solid and detailed negotiations within the framework of the United Nations.
48.. With regard to negotiations on the law of the sea, we hope that , the result of the great efforts made in that area over the past ten years will make it possible to demonstrate the good will of the technologically advanced countries. It is above all to be hoped that the fundamental elements of the draft convention will not be brought into question and that can be signed next year as planned.
49.	' The frustrations of most of the nations of the third world over the outcome of various negotiations and the implementation of programs designed to lead to more equitable world economic relations are clearly reflected in the political area. Here again, our community of nations is far from having fulfilled the promise contained in the Charter to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war".
50.	In the Middle East, the Camp David accords have been seen in their true light. More than ever, they appear to be a way of strengthening the Zionist entity in its refusal to recognize the national rights of the Arab people of Palestine or to liberate the other occupied Arab territories.
51.	There have been no positive developments with regard to the question of Palestine. What is worse, certain
negative development have occurred because of Israel's Increasingly warlike attitude, one that has dangerously and superfluously complicated an. already highly explosive situation.
52.	The Israeli acts of aggression the Assembly is aware of them have indeed Increased against fraternal Lebanon and have extended to populated areas through reckless campaigns of collective reprisals that remind us unmistakably of the Nazi atrocities against the Warsaw ghetto and in other European cities during the Second World Wat
53.	In this connection, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania reaffirms its solidarity and sympathy with the fraternal people of Lebanon. We also reaffirm our Country's attachment to the unity of the Lebanese people, the Integrity of their national territory and their aspirations within the framework of the national objectives shared by the entire Arab nation.
54.	In the same theater of operations and with unparalleled arrogance, the Zionist entity, assuming its self-appointed role of policeman of the area, has begun a campaign of intimidation and preparations for aggression against Syria, threatening the world with.a new and serious Israeli-Arab aimed conflict.
55.	However beyond Palestine and its immediate neighbors, Israel has arrogantly and cynically bombed the atomic reactors at Tamuz, near Baghdad, which were for scientific purposes. We take this opportunity to express our indignant condemnation of that Infamous act, the purpose of. which has not escaped the attention of our community of nations. It was Israel's intention to hold back all scientific progress among the Arab peoples in a vain attempt to perpetuate its supremacy. We must emphasize that this action was taken in defiance of the rules laid down by IAEA for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under tntftmHtinpal control.
56. Obviously, neither muscle-flexing nor racist aggression against the Arab history of Palestine and the aspirations of its people, much less furious attacks on the technological future of the Arab people, will move us forward towards peace. On the contrary, we believe, along with the majority of Member States, that Israel must respect the universal consensus recognizing the inalienable and imprescriptible rights of the Palestinian people and calling for the return of the other occupied Arab territories and art end to State terrorism if it really wants to create a climate conducive to cKtente, then to a genuine, just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. We reiterate opposition on this subject.
57.	First, we call for Israel's total and unconditional withdrawal from all territories occupied as a result of the June 1967 aggression, particularly the Holy City of Al Quds.
58.	Secondly, the international community must compel the usurper fully to restore to the Palestinian Arab people its inalienable rights, including its imprescriptible right to create its own independent State in the land of its ancestors.
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59.	Thirdly, there is an overriding, obligation fully and completely to bring the P1A sole,, representative of the Palestinian Arab people, into any genuine settlement. Here we reaffirm our opposition to all partial settlements, especially the Camp David agreements.	-
60.	Fourthly, my country considers null and void all attempts by the occupying Power to modify the demographic composition, the environment and the Arab, Moslem and Christian nature of Palestinian lands and other occupied territories by the creation of. settlements, the digging of a canal from the Dead Sea, or by other means.	-
61.	Fifthly, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania vigorously condemns the excavations undertaken by the Zionist authorities in Al Quds. To our mind, this act of sacrilege is a provocation of the Islamic community in a place which is holy and dear to all revealed religions.
62.	Having reaffirmed our position, we take this opportunity to salute the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and its chairman, our brother, Mr. Sarrd, for their tireless efforts to bring about the triumph of the just cause of the Palestinians and of genuine peace in the Middle East.
63.	Still on the subject of the Middle East, my delegation cannot but express its concern over, the strategic alliance signed between the United States of America and Israel during Begin's last visit to Washington. The Islamic .Republic of Mauritania sincerely hopes that the United States, which in spite of everything must remain a friend of the Arab world, will not take this stance, which has unpredictable consequences and which is in any event not In keeping with the many Interests of a great nation which takes on world-wide responsibilities.
64.	In another brother country, Namibia, a process similar to that which the peoples of the Arab East feel in body and soul is going on with the same arrogance and the same scorn for repeated United Nations resolutions.
65.	The minority racist Government of South Africa, arrogating to Itself a mandate that was revoked 15 years ago by the Organization, is perpetuating its political domination of Namibia, a country whose natural resources it abusively exploits, and is preparing to dismember it by inciting antagonism among its inhabitants.
66.	We remind the Assembly of Africa's patience and the sense of responsibility and wisdom of the South West Africa People's Organization (SHAPO), to. which South Africa replies with diversionary and other delaying tactics. My delegation will limit itself today to recalling Its position on this subject, a position which is that of the whole of Africa, an Africa determined to ensure the final and unconditional liberation of Namibia.
67.	First, we reaffirm the attachment of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania to Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We consider that it is the sole minimum basis for the success of a peaceful settlement process for the crisis. Along with united Africa, we accept no attempt to modify that resolution and no maneuver aimed at delaying its implementation. We reject in particular the specious argument, for prolonging the Calvary of the majority of the 'Namibian people on the pretext of preserving the interests ,of the European minority.
68. < While we have respect and consideration for all the - inhabitants of Namibia, we believe that the best guarantee is the rapid Implementation of the plan which has been i proposed. We appeal again to the five Western countries of the contact group to join with us in bringing about the 'triumph of a just solution which would preserve calm relations between the communities and the ties of friendship that exist between the West and the whole of. our continent.
69.	This is the time for our delegation to congratulate the front-line States of Africa for their sense of. solidarity among the peoples of our continent. We also salute the United Nations Council for Namibia and its president for helping to make clear the anachronistic situation in that country, Finally, we salute SWAPO and the Namibian people. SWAPO has unceasingly stood in the vanguard of . that people's struggle and has been identified closely both will).its suffering and with its great victories.
70.	Just as in Palestine, where the occupation of the whole territory of the Mandate no longer satisfied Zionism in its warlike adventures, apartheid is expanding the field of its activities which jeopardize the peace and security of the world. In the past Mozambique has been the favorite target of its criminal invasions, and it no doubt will continue to be so in the future. Today Angola is subjected to a series of violations of its sovereignty, with expeditions whose true elm is the destabilization of the country and the isolation of the Namibian people; these will no doubt continue in the future. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania reiterates its full and unswerving support for Angola.
71.	But the minority racist regime of South Africa does not stop there in its general work of hatred and discrimination. Israel may have imposed a foreign exile, on the Palestinians, but Pretoria is skilfully ensuring the internal exile of the Indigenous peoples of South Africa. The iniquitous laws against blacks and other minorities are endless; racist violence and terrorism by the authorities has become part of the everyday lives of the peoples of South Africa, but racist violence and harassment are ever more frequently encountering, this year in particular; the organized opposition of South African patriots under the leadership of the African National Congress. We renew our expressions of fraternal solidarity with the peoples of South Africa and their vanguard.
72.	Palestine and southern Africa have the, unfortunate privilege of having been the battlefields of long and bard struggles by peoples against racist colonial settlers, but in many other regions of the world other men are suffering and dying.
73.	The war between two brother countries, Iraq and Iran, has been going on for mote than a year and continues, unfortunately, with its attendant woes. This cruel conflict goes on in spite of the long fraternal coexistence of two peoples which are united by so many bonds of history and religion. We once again urge our Iraqi and Iranian brethren to end their ruinous, deadly confrontation and to reach a just, peaceful and final solution to their territorial dispute. We call on them in particular to respond more responsibly and with greater good will to tho untiring efforts and good offices of both the 'Organization ' 'of the Islamic Conference and the non-aligned countries, : In this connection we note Iraq estated willingness, to cooperate with these good offices.
74.'	The unjustified bombing of Kuwaiti economic installations  a consequence of the deplorable conflict in the Gulf region, is, to our mind, inadmissible. That extension of the hostilities to a third country, if it were to be repeated, could cause a serious deterioration, in the relations among the countries of the region.
75.	The fraternal people of Afghanistan are subjected tn pointless trials which have gone on far too long. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania,, without interfering in the internal affairs of the sister Afghan nation, which Is bound to us by civilization and faith, believes that it is for that people alone to settle its notional disputes, showing respect for its historic traditions, and without outside interference.
76.	With respect to Kampuchea, our country has always adopted an unequivocal attitude on the situation that was created in that country in 1979. In particular, at the International Conference on Kampuchea last July we appealed to socialist Viet Nam, which so admirably symbolizes so many of our ideals and whose contribution to the liberation of peoples has been invaluable. We requested It to respond to the profound wishes of the peoples of Indochina and of the world and to co-operate in the search for - a negotiated political settlement of the crisis. We welcome the increased harmonization- of the patriotic forces of Kampuchea and reaffirm our support for General Assembly resolutions 34/22 and 35/6.
77.	As in the case of Afghanistan, our delegation firmly believes that the essential condition for the restoration of national sovereignty and the maintenance of the integrity and freedom of expression of the Khmer people, is that . there be no foreign Intervention.
78.	Generally speaking, and as we stated in the general debate at the thirty-fifth session.of the Assembly [33rd meeting], vie strongly condemn the right assumed by some States, large and small, to change by force the political system of any country they may unilaterally consider to be hostile. -
79.	In Western Sahara, the fratricidal war between the POLI3ARIO Front' and Morocco has now entered, at the diplomatic level, a settlement process led by the Organization of African Unity ,[OW]. The settlement plan which the Implementation Committee outlined in broad terms at Its recent meeting at Nairobi has the advantage of ,setting out the practical modalities for a referendum through which the Sahraoui people would determine its future, in accordance with .the repeated resolutions of the United Nations and the OAU.
80.	We hope that that referendum will take place smoothly, under international control and as soon as possible, so as to put an end to the many sacrifices of our Sahraoui and Moroccan brothers. We especially hope that both parties to the conflict, Morocco and the POL1SARIO Front, can maintain contact so as to bring about a speedy cease-fire which is necessary for the restoration of mutual confidence.
81.	We call on the United Nations to encourage the initiative ' by Africa and its implementation Committee which, in our opinion, will speedily accomplish its difficult task and show firmness in ensuring that the consultation takes place in the best conditions of equity that will ensure the free expression of the will of the Saliraoui people without military or administrative pressure from any quarter.
82.	In particular, we appeal to the United Nations to put its experience and its human and material means at the disposal of the QAU in the preparation, organization and supervision of the referendum.
83.	Our country is now definitely out of the conflict and is willing to cooperate fully with the Implementation Committee to bring about a just solution of the problem of Western Sahara and a return of the Arab Maghreb to fruitful co-operation and peaceful and brotherly coexistence among its peoples.
84.	Alongside those conflicts which are certainly devastating but localized, we see at the international level an arms race which threatens all continents and all peoples. The conventional and nuclear arms race consumes incalculable sums which, could be used to bring relief to millions of human beings whose means of existence are below, the minimum acceptable level.
85.	' At the special session next spring our delegation will deal in detail with that important and delicate problem. Today I should merely like to make special mention of the build-up of nuclear arsenals and the steadily increasing sophistication in that area.
86.	The. Islamic Republic of Mauritania would like in particular to reaffirm its interest in the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in the whole of the African continent and in the Middle East. But in Africa and the Arab world wc see that South Africa and Israel, which ignore international norms and principles, are building nuclear arsenals in order to intimidate their Arab and African neighbors.
87.	With the entry of Vanuatu and Belize, whose admission to the United Nations I have just welcomed, the United Nations is approaching its goal of universality. The world is no longer that of 1945.
88.	With the new political order, in which large and small nations now have the same rights of theoretical sovereignty, the realities of our contemporary world make necessary a new information order and, even mote. Important, a new economic order.	'
89.	That new information order will not put an end to some of the greatest achievements of mankind, that is, freedom of thought and the sacred right to express it. In our opinion, there cannot be happy societies when creativity, ingenuity and men's philosophical and political beliefs arc subjected to constraints and taboos. But the conquests that permit man the full enjoyment of his wholeness as a person must extend to aU his needs.
90.	Acquired rights must not be sacrificed. We must not forget the concerns of man in advanced technological societies. But and this is just as important in our eyes some place must be given to the simple, absorbing, noble and beautiful preoccupations of that other man of the second large and needy part of the great human family, That is the beginning of the reordering of the, relations which govern mankind.	' '
91.	The aim of the United Nations in the minds cf its eminent founders, would always be to establish the equality of nations, great and small. The information order will be the first step towards establishing a true new world order for civilization in which mankind will be inspired by all (lie moral values of all men. In that way we shall reject any exclusive monopoly of orientation or polarization concerning the problems and needs of one human family, and ethics alone will prevail.
92.	For its part, the new economic order should, mainly through the global negotiations and those relating to the law of the sea, ensure the necessary rectification of the economic relations between the North and the South. Thus, the abnormalities of the colonial order and the structural imbalances which ensued as a result of the technological domination of a single continent will be corrected.
93.	Peace and security in the world can only be achieved by a serious study and reform leading to more equity and realism in relations which should truly mirror the present-day world. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania will participate to the best of its ability in that reorganization within the framework of its devotion to its moral values and to its age-old civilization, of which it is deeply and legitimately proud. Our country will do this in keeping with its Arab and African national identity and with its objective solidarity with the peoples of the third world. But, at the same time, our country will fight that battle in full awareness of the fact that it is part of the human family, which, in spite of race, religion and continent, is one and must remain one.


The time honored practice of congratulating the President of the General Assembly and expressing great satisfaction at his election is in this instance easy to do, for the Assembly is presided over by a most distinguished person, the representative of Iraq, a country with which Spain has enjoyed and continues to enjoy close relations.
200.	I must also thank Mr. von Wechmar for the skill and effectiveness with which he conducted the business of the last session of the General Assembly, thanks to his personal attributes and those of his country.
201.	My gratitude goes also to the Secretary-General, who directs the work of the Secretariat so skilfully, so appropriately and with such tenacity, giving it the necessary stimulus.
202.	I wish too to welcome Vanuatu, a new Member whose admission will strengthen the universality of the Organization.
203.	It is with satisfaction that we see that the State of Belize will soon join us. We share the most ancient historical roots with Belize, and we wish it in its independence a prosperous peace in union with its neighbors.
204.	In order to establish the Spanish position before the Assembly I must base myself on two tenets of analysis and action. One is the unequivocal option of Spain in favor of a EuroWestern political concept, certain that the pluralistic democratic system, which is its ethical reference, has greater social flexibility and a greater capacity for adaptation to the needs and requirements of peoples. This is an indivisible process, both in the Field of convictions and in the practical field of their internal and international institutionalization. The Spanish State is ready to accept the consequences thereof.
205.	As I said last year, the form our democracy has chosen to take to exercise the right to defend the maintenance of international peace and security as an inherently Spanish decision does not allow of any interference without serious infringement of the fundamental rules of international law and the very principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
206.	We are sure that the Members of the United Nations, with all of which we wish to have peaceful and cordial relations, will not attempt any interference which would be intolerable or any confused and baseless conjectures. Spain is not, nor does it wish to be, a threat to anyone. On the contrary, in any forum in which it participates it will maintain a constant position of striving for real peace.
207.	The second tenet concerns credibility. In this regard Spain has in the United Nations shown undeniable consistency, as is easily verifiable. On the questions of the Middle Bast, Lebanon and Palestine, the Sahara, apartheid, Namibia, human rights, terrorism, the battle against racial discrimination and intolerance, peacekeeping operations, the crises of Afghanistan and Kampuchea and the Cypriot conflict, and on matters of disarmament and development, the attitude of the Spanish democracy has remained constant.
208.	In these difficult times, in which peace is precarious, Spain has responded from positions of principle, has entirely resisted the pressures coming from interested parties and has clung to an independent foreign policy conditional only upon the interests of the Spanish people and the desire for cooperation in establishing a mote just and harmonious international order.
209.	Special and immediate reference must be made to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, which after 10 months has postponed its Madrid meeting until next October. Spain has a dual role as host and participant. As host, we are ready to receive the Conference in Madrid with the same satisfaction as before. As one of the 35 participating States, we shall redouble our efforts in favor of security and peace.
210.	We must revive the political decision to negotiate and recommence meetings with a new impetus and a willingness to resolve the major problems of human rights, information and the military aspects of security.
211.	The Madrid declaration must develop the principles of the Final Act of Helsinki and fulfill its ambitious objectives to improve the international climate, without illusions or complacency, which would be extremely dangerous. Thus shall we contribute to the revitalization in Europe of peace and security, which are constantly in question.
212.	I already had occasion at the last session [4th meeting, para. 138] to say that through the Lisbon Declaration, adopted in April 1980,9 the Spanish and British Governments have taken an important step forward, however preliminary, towards resolving the conflict between Spain and the United Kingdom concerning the colonial situation of Gibraltar I said then that we were dealing with a task that was not easy and events have borne that out, although it is important to maintain the convergence of political wills and to be ready to embark upon a path which may finally lead "to settlement of the dispute, so that there will never again be any obstacle between Spain and the United Kingdom.
213.	The United Nations has shown the path to follow, as is recognized in the joint Lisbon Declaration, which states that both parties have committed themselves to resolving the problem of Gibraltar in a spirit of friendship in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
214.	Spain's relations with the peoples of Latin America are at a propitious stage. In the foreign policy of democratic Spain the close links of history, background and language are an element that strengthens our decision to find new means of drawing closer to the American continent and cooperating with its peoples. That relationship is an essential feature of our foreign policy. It is not a policy that was adopted simply because there was no alternative, but a policy that was selected and given preference over all others.
215.	We are at a stage when everybody has become aware of the duty to increase specific projects, establish machinery to make them effective and, to the common benefit, give new life to our ancient ties. We have to give new energy to this relationship, which has gone through periods of rhetorical inaction imposed by certain historical circumstances.
216.	We can only regret that some Central American countries have suffered cruel afflictions in the social sphere. Those peoples have the solution in their own hands, and any interference can only complicate the internal situation, which is caused by necessary changes. Spain feels the tragedy of those brother peoples deeply, and it is as if it were ourselves who were undergoing it.
217.	Spain reaffirms as one of the objectives of its present foreign policy its intention to multiply and diversify its relationship with African countries. Our attitude will be based, bilaterally and in the sphere of parliamentary diplomacy, on decisive support for efforts to put an end to colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination, and to cooperate, as far as we are able, in the socioeconomic development of that neighbor continent.
218.	Our geographical position places us in contact with the Arab coast of the Mediterranean and in a very close relationship with western Africa. We can see the reality of those two worlds without interference and we have justifiable hope that the EuroArab and EuroAfrican dialog, in which we shall participate increasingly as time goes by, will bring about new forms of effective cooperation.
219.	Because of our closeness to and our particular interest in anything that affects the Arab nation, we continue to attach special importance to the situation in the Maghreb. We hope that as soon as possible tension between brother countries will disappear and that there will be an understanding that will allow for the development of interMaghreb relations, which would benefit greatly the peace and prosperity of all.
220.	We have never failed to avail ourselves of this opportunity in the United Nations to stress the concern and attention demanded by the question of Western Sahara. Our position has been characterized by unswerving firmness of principle and support for a solution based on an agreement accepted by all the parties, which should take into account the principles and recommendations put forward by international bodies, and in particular the expression of the will of the people.
221.	The Spanish Government favored the initiative taken by His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity in Nairobi, when he supported the idea of the referendum referred to in resolution AHG/Res. 103 (XVIII) [see A/361534, annex II] and the implementation of recommendations made by the African Heads of State who are members of the Ad Hoc Committee. That is a matter of capital importance which gives grounds for fresh hope with respect to finding a just solution by peaceful means, within the terms of recent commitments entered into ,at the meetings of the Organization
of African Unity [OAU].
222.	Our policy of cooperation acquires special importance with reference to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. Our action will always be guided by the principle of noninterference and by the desire to see Equatorial Guinea regain its rightful place in the regional context of the African community. We are prepared to strengthen our cooperation with the people of Equatorial Guinea and its Government to the extent that that Government freely desires. We feel that during this past year a broad network of cooperation has been put into effect and consolidated, which will give impetus, within the general framework of economic regeneration, to the national reconstruction of Equatorial Guinea.
223.		The independence of Namibia is almost within reach. The Namibian people has a right to self-determination and immediate sovereignty over all its territory. The Spanish Government feels that only through the implementation without let or hindrance of the plan set forth in Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) can any progress by made on this matter. We must trust that the efforts being made at this very moment will lead to the resumption of the negotiating process and to Namibian independence.
224.	Perseverance is necessary in these endeavors, and the South African Government must be required to desist from any further counterproductive delaying tactics and from its indescribable acts of intimidation. Incursions into bordering countries are acts of force, in violation of the basic rules of international law, and simply increase the danger of global confrontations.
225.	In this regard, the work carried out by the United Nations Council for Namibia should be commended. During the visit of that council to Spain a few months ago, we were able to appreciate the similarity of our positions with respect to the past and the future of Namibia, in particular with regard to recognition of the legitimacy of the representation conferred by the United Nations on SWAPO in its struggle, for freedom and independence.
226.	With respect to apartheid, we must repeat our total rejection of the policy as a violation of human rights and, indeed, as an affront to man's reason. The existence of apartheid is a tragedy which is felt anew every day .and it is a blight on all mankind.
227.	Concerning this question and the tragic situation of refugees, Spain has taken part in two conferences organized jointly by the United Nations and the OAU; one, the International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, held at Geneva, and the other, the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris. We believe that cooperation among international organizations is a productive means of international action. Such cooperation has proved effective in both cases, apartheid and assistance to African refugees.
228.	With respect to the Middle East, almost everything possible has been said in the past 33 years. Today more than ever we are aware that this is not a knot that can be cut with a . sword. Unfortunately, in the course of the past 12 months force has again been used, in disregard of reason.
229.	In Lebanon the tension curve is reaching new heights. There are various factors in that country which set the zone alight and threaten the integrity and very existence of the country. In the Security Council, Spain exerted every effort in support of the establishment of a ceasefire, after which the position could be stabilized and an impetus given to national reconciliation, preserving the independence, national integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon under the authority of its legitimately established Government. The work of UNIFIL, to which I wish to pay a well-deserved tribute, must be extended and strengthened as much as necessary to make it more effective. It should be fully supported so that it may be respected by all the parties to the conflict.
230.	It is necessary to put an end to armed actions which continually endanger an unstable truce. The Spanish Government, on learning of the attack carried out by the Israeli air force against the nuclear research facility in Iraq, issued a communique strongly condemning that inadmissible act of force, which was a serious violation of the basic rules of international law. The Security Council condemned that action in resolution 487 (1981), considering that Iraq has a right to proper compensation for damage which Israel has admitted causing. Spain hopes that Israel will carry out the obligations which it bears as a Member of the Organization under Article 25 of the Charter and will respect that resolution. Spain, as it said again in the Security Council, also recognizes the sovereign and inalienable right of all States including Iraq to establish technological and nuclear programs for peaceful purposes.
231.	The Spanish Government is still firmly convinced and this conviction seems to have been shared by the States who attended the meeting in Venice in 1980 of the European Council of the European Communities that the Middle East conflict cannot be understood or solved without the participation of the Palestinian people.
232.	This year the situation has simply worsened, for peace cannot be envisaged as long as the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people are not recognized. The illegal settlements in the occupied territories continue, making any prospect of a solution difficult. A political negotiating machinery must be set up whereby Israel and the Palestinian people can both be represented and where they can mutually accept each other as valid negotiators. The legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, as many General Assembly resolutions show, is the PLO.
233.	An overall agreement must be reached by which, based on the premise of the withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, the enforcement of Palestinian national rights would be obtained through self determination. That would allow all present and future States in the region to achieve peace within safe and recognized frontiers. Only within such a framework will it be possible to achieve the coexistence and cooperation we would all like to see as a tangible reality.
234.	In this respect, as I have had occasion to point out, it is our view that the plan for a just and global peace, recently put forward by His Highness Crown Prince Fhad of Saudi Arabia, 10 is a very positive contribution which must be given the consideration it deserves. These proposals are based on principles and criteria put forward in the Organization on many occasions, and Spain has repeatedly supported them. As long as the political road is barred for the Palestinian people, we can never have peace.
235.	As for Afghanistan, more than a year and a half ago Soviet aggression was perpetrated against the Afghan people, an act of aggression which has resulted in the loss of many lives, the destruction of the country and the inability of the inhabitants freely to choose their political structures. Almost two years after the invasion there is no glimmer of a solution to that foreign armed intervention, which we have repeatedly condemned. We therefore feel that international pressure in favor of Afghan liberation should be kept up.
236.	We fully support the resolutions of the General Assembly concerning the need for the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the reestablishment of Afghanistan as a country free from foreign domination, as the basis for a just solution that would make it possible for the Afghan people to recover their independence and freely decide their own future. In this respect, we support the resolutions of the Islamic Conference [AI36/421 and Corr.l, annex II], the proposals of the European Community" and the joint communique issued by the participants at the Ottawa Summit. 12 We also deplore the attitude of the Soviet Union towards those efforts by the international community, as well as the threat to peace and security in the region and indeed throughout the world represented by that attitude.
237.	Kampuchea is another problem for which a solution seems no closer than it was last year. It is quite true that the International Conference on Kampuchea was held recently as requested by the General Assembly last year in resolution 35/6, and Spain took part in it. But it may also be noted that not every party to the dispute attended the Conference, nor was a joint plan to settle the problem agreed to. The Cambodian people are still victims of military occupation and violence. We will spare no effort to contribute to any valid solution, any approach allowing Kampuchea to be free and to live in peace and recognizing the sovereignty of its people, its independence and its territorial integrity.

238.	One of the basic factors on which peace throughout the world depends is respect for human rights. Since 1948, when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted, we have had a legal model which makes it possible to compare international conduct, and enough time has passed since then to set up additional machinery to safeguard such rights and to control any violations. Democratic Spain has signed and ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI), annex]. A few months ago, within a regional framework, we took yet another step and in the Council of Europe, made a statement of acceptance of the individual recourse provided for in article 25 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, signed in Rome on 4 November 1950.
239.	We base ourselves on the principle that any violation of human rights by a State is a violation of the rules of international conduct, that such violation is a cause of instability and international insecurity and that all such acts are to be condemned. AH those premises are supplemented by the unavoidable demand for an objective appraisal and determination of violations of human rights. This is a viewpoint which does not allow of any blind spots. This is not an asymmetrical concept which can be applied in one continent and not another at will, or in order to take advantage of the distress of people whenever it can be used for some monstrous reason of State, Human rights are the basis and cement of the social harmony and peace of States, and global defense of those rights is the irrevocable gain of contemporary human culture, the importance of which is such that it makes it possible to define limits in respect of the internal sphere of the State.
240.	Based on these convictions, Spanish democratic pluralism will require of itself and others the same scrupulous respect for human rights, convinced that the civilized survival of the human race demands it. Spain will support the establishment of machinery that will make it possible to control and, in the final analysis, prevent violations of human rights, without territorial or ideological selection or discrimination.
241.	Terrorism, which is a violation of the right to life, is the most brutal violation of human rights. The terrorist act which shamefully deprives innocent people of their life or threatens the vital security of a community by bloodshed cannot be justified. The consequences for international order are clear: we cannot compromise with terrorists without endangering peace. No one can claim to be persecuted for political reasons an allegation all too often made by the terrorist if that person is free in a free political society. Wherever political change can be sought without risk through regular elections allowing free expression of every option, none can claim to be persecuted for political reasons. There are no political offenders in a real democracy: if it is a democracy they do not exist; if they exist it is not a democracy.
242.	It is abnormal to impose by force a nonexistent and brutal 'right' to kill and to seek protection outside one's borders, claiming that political freedom is needed when it already exists.
243.	Spain, like so many other European countries, is suffering from terrorism and has a legitimate interest in fighting for its eradication. But it is not only a desire for selfish security that makes us consider that international action against terrorism is called for. Peace and international security are directly affected. We do not live alone and the instability of any one member can result in instability for others. We must consider, as we have proposed in the European region both in the Council of Europe and in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe concrete measures that will effectively express the solidarity of the democratic States against terrorism, racism and totalitarian ideologies.
244.	In the spring of 1982 there will be a second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. The decade of the 1980s has been declared, most appropriately at this time, the 'Second Disarmament Decade'. However, there is undoubtedly some feeling that too many words have been wasted on this subject. It is plain that the world is rearming and that the arms escalation is continuing. Fresh conflicts break out, fresh invasions and acts of aggression, which do not augur well for any reduction in the stockpiling and production of war material far from it. Promises of disarmament are belied by statistics, and even public proposals for disarmament are merely a smokescreen for very different measures.
245.	The Spanish Government is ready to help ensure that the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament will have real meaning and achieve results, opening the way to general and complete disarmament under effective international control, covering both nuclear and conventional weapons. It accordingly welcomes the AmericanSoviet talks announced today.
246.	The definition of a new international economic order is based on an ethical requirement and a practical premise. A large scale crisis cannot be avoided unless we help the disinherited of the earth and contribute to their full development. In this connection, the recently held United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy and the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries are joint endeavors designed to give new impetus to international solidarity.
247.	I should like to mention the appeal made to the world and to the United Nations by 54 Nobel. Prize winners, including a Spanish poet. That group of exceptional people called not only for compassion on the part of the rich world, but also for common sense in helping those on whom hunger and underdevelopment inflict real suffering, and who are the victims of international political and economic disorder. The United Nations cannot disregard this problem or postpone its solution to a future that many will not live to see unless proper measures are taken now. The Spanish Government undertakes to maintain a sustained effort to see to it that global negotiations, efforts to restructure the international economic order, and the NorthSouth dialog should go beyond both diatribe and rhetoric and overcome the dual obstacle of the desire for a miraculous Utopia and the exaggerated realism of misconceived selfish interests.
248.	We must say that a type of modernization consistent with the foreign policy of every industrial society organized as a pluralistic democracy requires the undertaking of international cooperation and the informing of national public opinion about the inevitability and collective benefit of international aid. The Spanish Government has given clear testimony of its position by radically increasing in 1981, within the limit of its resources, its cooperation with the least developed countries.
249.	The Spanish Government is closely following, with some concern, the. work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea: closely, because the importance of that effort to codify and develop international law fully deserves such attention; with concern, because events that have occurred at the Conference this year may threaten its final success.
250.	The Spanish Government has made great efforts at accommodation in the interests of a final consensus. I would not deny here that there are still a ,few articles of the draft convention as it stands now which we could not fully support, but we hope that a final negotiating effort will make it possible to achieve a text that Will respect
State sovereignty and jurisdiction and that will realistically and effectively develop the universally accepted principle of the common heritage of mankind for the exploitation of the resources of the seabed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction.
251.	The Organization, which by reason of its universality of membership and functions accepts and deals with every conflict, has as do its Members a double duty: to fight for human freedom and to seek peace among peoples, It also has the obligation to propose solutions that are feasible today and to take action now.
252.	We cannot afford to indulge in wishful thinking. I do believe, however, that a firm stand on questions of human rights, a reopening of the NorthSouth dialog and of disarmament negotiations, the success of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and a cleaning up of the many peripheral crises can all be achieved through political decisions that are within the realm of the possible.
253.	We are at a dangerous stage. The United Nations, as the witness of our times, must bring all of us together so that it shall not be said of the coming year, in the words of that sombre verse of a contemporary Spanish poet, that "Wounded peace with its dead wings was again covering the world".


It is with deeply felt emotion that we heard the tragic news of the death of Anwar El Sadat, a great statesman who was assassinated yesterday morning in Cairo. His death is a great loss for the international community. This peace-loving man sought ardently for an equitable solution to the bloody conflict which has beset the Middle East. We would request the Egyptian delegation, therefore, to accept the sincere condolences of the Haitian delegation and to be kind enough to transmit these to the family of the deceased and to the Government and people of Egypt. We hope that Egypt, a friendly country, will emerge enlarged from this test, and we ardently hope that it will continue to progress along the paths of peace.
61.	I wish to address the warm congratulations of the Haitian delegation to Mr. Kittani on his election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. His election has a symbolic value for us, because it is not only seen as a tribute to his own personal merits and to his qualities as a statesman and seasoned diplomat, but also as a tribute which, through his country, will reflect on to the entire third world. His outstanding intellectual and human qualities will undoubtedly make for the success of the work of this session, during which the international community will once again have to work together to meet the challenges of our era.
62.	I should also like to express our profound gratitude to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar for the competence and remarkable talent with which he discharged the delicate duties of the President at the thirty-fifth session.
63.	I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate to the SecretaryGeneral the considerable appreciation of the Government of the Republic of Haiti for the openness of mind, the loftiness of view and the competence with which he has devoted himself during the last 10 years to seeking a solution to the numerous problems of our time.
64.	I feel great pleasure in addressing the good wishes of my Government to the States of Vanuatu and Belize, which have just acceded to independence and have now become Members of the great family of the United Nations. We are convinced that they will unite with other Member States in the struggle for a world of peace, justice and fraternity.
65.	Since the last session, the international community has had to tackle complex problems, and in various parts of the world new hotbeds of tension have been ignited. The situations in Afghanistan, the Middle East, Indochina, Latin America and southern Africa are all subjects of profound concern for the international community. Everywhere we can descry grave threats to international peace and security. It is our duty to dispel these threats so that fear, anguish, mistrust and hate do not further poison international relations.
66.	Peace is indivisible, and the purposes of the Charter cannot be pursued as long as its noble ideals are being attacked and understanding and cooperation have not yet woven relationships of trust and mutual respect between the States Members of the Organization. Unfortunately, the arms race is continuing and intensifying, despite the enormous waste of resources which it involves and the chasm tragically deepening between the rich and poor countries.
67.	This illustrates in concrete terms the lack of attention paid to the suffering of mankind and the obstinate refusal of the major Powers to make the small sacrifices needed to improve the lot of the poorest peoples of the earth. The world economic crisis which has persisted for many years now has worsened, and its repercussions have been felt principally in the already weakened economies of the poorest countries of the world. This situation and its tragedies will not disappear until the richest nations show some generosity and commit themselves resolutely to an out-and-out campaign against the hunger, disease, poverty, underdevelopment and ignorance which darken the daily life of millions of human beings. An objective analysis of the world situation strengthens the conviction that everywhere there have been very serious inroads into the living standards in many third world countries; the collective sufferings of whole continents point the finger at the greed or indifference of the wealthy nations. Every day new blows are being struck against human dignity. Unless these cries of anguish are heeded, they may well lead to tragic situations with unforeseeable consequences.
68.	The continuing world economic crisis calls for new approaches. Actually, these approaches have been advocated for a long time now. Since the very first session of UNCTAD, in 1964, a new international division of labor has been demanded as an essential element in a new world economic order. The palliatives thus far applied to the system have been rather modest, whereas the new realities require a thoroughgoing revision of present thinking for the introduction of values which are more in accordance with a new view of the international economy. Indeed, that is the key to all the problems of our time, which it is our duty to resolve if we do not wish to reach a point of no return. Despite the failures for which we are collectively responsible, we cannot allow ourselves to be overcome by pessimism, which would discourage us from undertaking anything. The world should change the present situation the frightful situation of three quarters of the people of the world. It is to be hoped that intellectual speculations will be replaced by innovative action, which implies a great deal of courage and clear-sightedness. The solutions adopted to resolve the inflation crisis should be viewed in a global context, that is, that the major industrialized countries should be particularly careful not to harm the interests of the poorest countries and further aggravate the numerous difficulties already afflicting them.
69.	Undoubtedly, laudable efforts have already been made to seek solutions to the various imbalances to which humanity is exposed. Nevertheless, the gaps are widening. More people are dying of hunger every day. That requires a reassessment of the policy of aid and the strategy that have been adopted hitherto. From the conclusions deriving from our analysis, it is obviously necessary to bring about new international relations which are much more humanitarian and much more just. It is distressing to note that the developed countries are spending more than $1 million a minute on the arms race. If only one tenth of this sum could be diverted to meet the basic needs of a decent standard of living, the development thus generated would be so spectacular that it would far exceed the most optimistic hopes of mankind. Accordingly we wish to make an urgent and pressing appeal from this rostrum to States, particularly the great Powers, to devote a greater share of their resources to the service of life instead of to preparations for destruction and collective massacre.
70.	Therefore we hope for a resumption of the strategic arms limitation talks which, if successful, would help to remove the fearful specter of another war, which could only result in the multiplication of material devastation and moral suffering over entire continents of our planet. That is something which is indeed food for thought and which should make all of us work together. This is why my Government also attaches the greatest importance to the Tlatelolco Treaty prohibiting nuclear weapons in Latin America and hopes that General Assembly resolution 35/143 will be strictly implemented.
71.	It is in order to avoid events leading to confrontation that we request the richest countries to increase their economic and financial participation in the aid programs of the United Nations specialized agencies and of other multilateral economic institutions. Those bodies can achieve their ideal of progress, peace and justice only with the support of Member States. Some specialized agencies, such as the World Bank and the IMF, for example, are failing to meet the fully justified expectations of the countries of the third world because of lack of funds. And this will always be so as long as these countries are not given the proper assistance and as long as the form of assistance has not been determined in response to the real needs of these recipient countries and with full respect for their individuality and the political choices they have made.
72.	It is not a few token millions which will make it possible for the world to reduce the divide separating so many, peoples. What is needed is a new strategy with the aim of making it possible for more people to meet the basic costs of a decent standard of living and to be more confident in the future. This new strategy to which we refer and which must be the platform for development assistance implies not only the financing of certain projects but also an intelligent and appropriate transfer of certain types of technology which will in the long run help to guarantee a less insecure future for the most impoverished people of the earth. This new approach, together with a solution to the energy problem and a reform of the international monetary system, should in the long run enable the recipient countries, that is, the countries of the third world, to lose the feeling that they are on an eternal breadline and to achieve a certain autonomy in their development programs. That is precisely the underlying philosophy which should guide the action of the international community in establishing a new international economic order which is both just and equitable and which meets the aspirations of every human being to have more and to lead a better life.
73.	Indeed, we must deplore the numerous obstacles which up till now have stood in the way of achieving this. But we should also emphasize certain positive steps which should be multiplied and followed up. I should like to stress in particular the results obtained at the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which made possible the adoption of a Substantial New program of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries.4 The Haitian Government earnestly hopes that this program of Action will be scrupulously implemented and that it indicates a growing political willingness by the rich countries to face up to the immense tragedy of underdevelopment in the third world.
74.	Improving the standards of living in the least developed countries will undoubtedly hinge on the assistance of the wealthier countries but also on that of the most advanced developing countries, particularly those which are petroleum exporters. It is in the name of this solidarity which should prevail among peoples that the head of the Haitian nation stated the following in a recent address:
"Cooperation should be imbued with more Solidarity and justice and should provide us with the image of a family of nations united by a mutual desire to promote a new socio-political order in harmony with the fundamental aspirations of all peoples. ... We should not allow sterile egoism to tarnish the profound nature of man and the hope which heralds the dawn of an international cooperation based on reciprocal trust, mutual respect and the right of peoples to self-determination."
73. The United Nations is still the only international body in which all States, great and small, can unite their efforts to achieve peace and universal prosperity. The Organization has had to face many pitfalls since its creation. Although it has not been able to provide specific solutions for all the problems which affect mankind, its very existence is evidence of its vitality. Hie Organization has been able to adapt itself to new times, and it is essential for mankind's future that it survive.
76.	For some years now the General Assembly has been playing an increasingly important role in the Organization. A simple review of the numerous items which are included in the agenda of the present session provides an eloquent testimony of that. The unprecedented efforts that have been made for many years now to close the tremendous gap separating the rich and the poor countries have resulted in the creation of UNCTAD, which is playing an increasingly important role on the international scene.
77.	The Republic of Haiti is very gratified that that is so, but it remains true that not all United Nations organs have evolved in such a fortunate way. This at least partially explains the heavy work program which falls to the lot of the General Assembly; and the increasing number of agenda items in each session makes it impossible for each of them to be given proper attention.
78.	The question of increasing the number of non-permanent members of the Security Council is timely. Most of the States Members of the Organization did not participate in the Council's creation. It is therefore quite natural that they would like to be directly involved in the activities of an organ as important as the Security Council. My Government is very sympathetic to this point of view and is aware of the numerous advantages that would stem therefrom. Nevertheless, this matter deserves to be weighed very seriously and can be successfully solved only if there is a political willingness on the part of the permanent members of the Council. Painstaking and serious negotiations will therefore be necessary, because any undue haste in this matter would result in weakening an organ the usefulness of which is universally recognized.
79.	It has become the rule in the United Nations to proclaim the need for all peoples to respect the principles and ideals which derive from the Charter. The Haitian Government's position in the light of the potential or actual conflicts which disturb and alarm our world is dictated by our unshakeable faith in the competent organs of the United Nations and the legal rules which have been unanimously accepted by the Member States.
80.	Latin America and the Caribbean have not escaped the profound changes which are a feature of current international relations and which occasionally take the form of violent upheavals that endanger the stability and security of the continent.
81.	The present situation in the sister Republic of El Salvador involves a very serious threat to the peace of the hemisphere; that is why the Government of Haiti would associate itself with any initiative designed to find an equitable internal solution to the tragedy of the people of El Salvador
82.	The Republic of Haiti is very pleased at the brotherly and cordial nature of the relations that prevail between it and the Dominican Republic. That country's Secretary of State for External Relations, who preceded me at this rostrum, particularly stressed the significance of this.
83.	As regards the conflict of the Middle East, we deplore the deaths, the' material devastation and all the misfortunes that are the daily lot of millions of human beings. The Republic of Haiti considers that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) provides an adequate basis for a just, lasting and satisfactory peace among the parties concerned. Recognition of Israel's need for secure and recognized frontiers and recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination are the fundamental prerequisites for any negotiated solution to that conflict. It is essential that the peoples directly concerned give up their intransigent positions and seize any opportunity for dialog that would help to reinforce the efforts already being undertaken in order to bring about a comprehensive solution of that conflict. If that peace is not achieved, there is a grave danger that all the nations of that region will be plunged into a catastrophic situation. That state of permanent tension endangers world peace.
84.	Since 1946 the question of South Africa's racist policy has been on the agenda of all the regular sessions of the General Assembly. That inhuman and abhorrent policy still troubles the conscience of the world. The Republic.of Haiti, the foreign policy of which is based on historic traditions of freedom and fraternity, cannot remain indifferent to the indescribable sufferings being endured by the people of South Africa.
85.	Apartheid is not only a flagrant violation of human rights; it is above all a system of oppression and exploitation of the indigenous population of South Africa by a racist minority which monopolizes economic and political power. It is therefore distressing to see that that regime continues to enjoy considerable support. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid makes specific reference to this. It lists by country the economic, military and even nuclear assistance which certain countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] continue to provide to that racist regime. And yet all those countries are Members of our Organization and, on numerous occasions, have reaffirmed their devotion to the Charter of the United Nations. Can it be that they think differently in the case of South Africa? It is only the ill considered assistance given to that regime that has made it possible for it to develop into a system a policy based on racism and slavery more than a century after the abolition of slavery.
86.	The Republic of Haiti, because of its racial affiliation and historic traditions, must be in the van of all the movements attempting to combat racism and colonialism. That is why it has always been active in attempts to adopt sanctions against the infamous regime of South Africa.
87.	At the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa held at Paris, the universal condemnation and growing isolation of the South African Government were clearly demonstrated. Nevertheless, certain major Powers did not see fit to take part. I should like to take this opportunity to ask them once again to adopt a firmer attitude against South Africa, because we are convinced that only effective sanctions can induce that regime to comply with the relevant resolutions of the Organization.
88.	Despite the many resolutions of the Security Council and the almost unanimous disapproval of the international community, South Africa still maintains its illegal domination over the Namibian people. This shocking state of affairs unfortunately continues because certain States which are more concerned with their economic advantages tolerate, in defiance of morality and civilized values, the unspeakable attitude of South Africa, which runs counter to resolutions in the adoption of which those States were involved. My Government reaffirms its commitment to the cause of the liberation of the Namibian people and their independence. We remain convinced that the United Nations is equal to the task of leading the people of Namibia to self-determination. That has always been our view since the General Assembly ended South Africa's Mandate over Namibia and placed that Territory under the authority of the United Nations Council for Namibia until it reaches independence.
89.	The eighth emergency special session, on Namibia, convened in September was a further milestone in mobilizing the international community in order to lead the Namibian people to self-determination by peaceful means. Effective sanctions are essential if we are to break the stubborn resistance of the South African regime. Those States which have hitherto balked at the inevitability of sanctions against South Africa are falling into a grave error if they think that their attitude will lead that country to give up its policy of aggression. On the contrary, the Pretoria regime feels encouraged and does not hesitate to commit flagrant acts of aggression against the front-line States, particularly Angola and Zambia. It is therefore imperative for the international community to do everything necessary to bring that racist Government to reason, since it represents a serious threat to international peace and security. The dangers that I have just described appear even more imminent in the light of South Africa's nuclear activities. There is therefore an urgent need for all such aid to that country to be suspended.
90.	A negotiated solution to the question of Afghanistan has so far been impossible, despite all the efforts of the international community. Once again the Haitian people express their solidarity with the Afghan people. This armed intervention of a major Power adds to the unfortunately already long list of occupations of small countries by stronger ones under false pretexts, occupations which always meet with the stubborn resistance of the victims.
91.	Such acts of aggression, constituting as they do a challenge to the international rule of law, cause pointless suffering to innocent people. Thus hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees who have been expelled from their homes are leading a precarious existence in temporary camps. However, we are convinced that, with the underlying rationality of history the Afghan people will recover their territorial integrity and their full dignity. The Republic of Haiti condemns outright this serious threat to the political independence of Afghanistan and considers that a solution to the conflict cannot be achieved without the immediate, unconditional and complete withdrawal of foreign troops.
92.	In Kampuchea the situation is equally deplorable and is an affront to the rule of law. The Haitian people, a peace-loving and freedom-loving people, will never compromise on those essential principles. The harmonious relations that my country enjoys with most of the other members of the international community are dictated by a desire for understanding and cooperation. It is in this context that my delegation declares itself ready to support any peace initiatives. We particularly deplore the fact that one of the parties to the conflict boycotted the International Conference on Kampuchea. However, we are convinced that the resolutions adopted at that Conference are likely to promote a just and final settlement of the conflict. Furthermore, we support the idea that an immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea is a necessary prerequisite to all serious negotiations.
93.	Similarly, the Government of the Republic of Haiti cannot but encourage any initiatives which will help promote a negotiated solution to the war which pits Iran against Iraq and to the conflict which for three decades has artificially divided the Korean nation.
94.	In reflecting on the many addresses that we have already heard from this rostrum, we cannot help concluding that they all meet at one precise point the profound desire of nations to live and develop in peace and harmony, according to the spirit which imbued those who signed the Charter at San Francisco. This feeling is shared by all of us, with no differences of ideology or faith or any other differences. This demonstrates unity in the diversity of philosophy and political beliefs and expresses eloquently how much man is essentially a being of peace, the peace which engenders progress and will ensure for future generations the comfort of a happy life.
95.	Nevertheless, harmony in this vocation of peace unfortunately meets other obstacles, which cannot be eliminated unless peoples are willing to give up their intransigence and their desire to dominate. The coming of that world which we all want undoubtedly requires work which will last a long time, but it is not a mirage. We can achieve it through understanding and sincere dialog.
96.	In the name of that ideal we invite the nations to unite. In the name of that ideal we urge upon States more understanding, more generosity and more humanity. Such is the ardent wish of the people and Government of the Republic of Haiti at the beginning of this session.