Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation, I wish to begin by congratulating you most sincerely upon your election to the high office of President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly. My delegation is particularly gratified by your election not only because you represent that dynamic country, Algeria, but also because of your own personal talents and skill which are attested to by your distinguished record both as a revolutionary and as one of Africa's longest serving Foreign Ministers.

161.	My delegation has every confidence that under your guidance, the noble goals of freedom and justice, peace and progress, will be further advanced, for after all, these are the lofty objectives of Algeria's foreign policy, which, as in the case of my own country Zambia finds expression in the policy of non alignment. In this connexion, I hardly need to refer to your country's role as current coordinator of the activities of the nonaligned countries. My delegation is confident that the group of nonaligned countries will, as in the past, make a positive contribution to the success of the work of this session of the General Assembly .
162.	It is also my pleasant duty to pay a tribute to. your predecessor, Mr. Leopoldo Benites of Ecuador, for the efficient and judicious manner in which he guided the work of the twenty-eighth session and the historic sixth special session of the General Assembly.
163.	On behalf of the party, Government and people of Zambia, I should like to reiterate the expression of our deep sense of sorrow at the tragic death of President Juan Peron of Argentina, whose contribution to the wellbeing of his people and to international peace and security will be long remembered by all, and in particular by the nonaligned countries.
164.	May I also reiterate the profound shock and grief felt by the party, Government* and people of Zambia at the tragic death of Prime Minister Norman Kirk of New Zealand. The new policy of the Labor Government of New Zealand in relation to the situation in southern Africa which was initiated under' his leadership will continue to be regarded as a positive contribution to international peace and security.
165.	I wish, on behalf of my delegation, to congratulate and extend a warm welcome to the delegations of Bangladesh, Grenada and GuineaBissau on the admission of these States to membership in the United Nations. Their admission is a further step towards the realization of the principle of universality of membership of the United Nations. My delegation is confident that these new Members will play their full part in the achievement of the objectives of the United Nations in accordance with its Charter.
166.	During the past year there have been a number of significant developments in various spheres of international relations. It is my delegation's wish to address itself to some of these developments.
167.	In keeping with our well-known policy, Zambia continues to attach great importance to developments in the field of decolonization. In this connexion, my delegation welcomes developments in the Portuguese, colonies. We should like to commend the liberation movements in Angola, GuineaBissau, Mozambique and the Cape Verde Islands, for the recent victories which have crowned their heroic liberation struggle for self-determination and independence. The overthrow of the Caetano regime on 25 April 1974, was a direct consequence of the dynamic struggle waged by the African nationalists. It heralded new and welcome prospects for peace and democracy in Portugal and self-determination and independence for the colonies.
168.	We welcome the recognition by the new Portuguese Government of the Republic of Guinea Bissau as an independent State. We equally welcome the agreement for the granting of independence to Mozambique recently signed by the Portuguese Government and the Frente de Libertaçao de Mozambique [FRELIMO]. In the light of the good faith which has so far been demonstrated by the Portuguese Government, we look forward to an early commencement of negotiations for the independence of Angola between that Government and the African nationalists. In this connexion, we are gratified to learn that the nationalist movements of Angola, namely the Movimento Popular de Libertaçao [MPLA] and the Frente Nacional para la Libertaçao de Angola [FNLA] have realized the need to unite in order not only to facilitate their negotiations with Portugal, but also to guarantee thereafter a peaceful, stable and prosperous Angola; As is well known, the Organization of African Unity [OAU], acting through a committee comprising my own country Zambia  together with the Congo, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zaire, has spared no effort to assist the Angolan people in this respect.
169.	We are aware of the maneuvers made by certain reactionary forces whatever their motives  calculated to undermine recent progressive changes tending towards the attainment of independence in Angola and Mozambique. We view with dismay, for example, the ill-fated attempts by a band of white reactionary settlers in Mozambique who resorted to disorder and violence in order to frustrate the popular course of events towards independence. However, we are at the same time confident that these shameful maneuvers by a band Of settler desperadoes will be completely quashed.
170.	In this regard, we condemn the massing of troops by the racist and minority regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia along the border with Mozambique. This is a flagrant act of provocation and aggression against the territorial integrity of Mozambique. We equally condemn the malicious intention Of mercenaries to perpetrate criminal acts against the people of the emerging State of Mozambique. We urge all countries, in particular South Africa and the Western countries, to prevent the mobilization of their nationals for such deplorable acts.
171.	As the people of Mozambique attain a new status of nationhood, they face real and acute problems in the economic and social fields, the effective solution of which necessitates urgent and generous assistance from the rest of the international community. To this end, Zambia, for its part, pledges the fullest assistance.
172.	Zambia has had a long and beneficial association with the nationalist movements in southern Africa. We have profound admiration and respect for the leadership of these movements. Like us in Zambia, these movements are committed to the establishment of a nonracial society in their respective countries. They desire development, peace and security for all their people, regardless of race, color, religion or ethnic grouping.
173.	Notwithstanding the positive developments in African territories occupied by Portugal, the situation in the remaining territories under white racist regimes, in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, continues to deteriorate.
174.	We are aware that the illegal regime in Salisbury has intensified its oppression of the majority African population in the face of even more numerous victories by nationalist movements and the growing political consciousness among the oppressed masses. In utter desperation, the rebel regime in Zimbabwe has intensified its oppression. There has been an intensification of such absurdities as collective fines, the closure of African schools and businesses, the creation of prohibited areas along the border with Mozambique, the forced removal of thousands of Africans into concentration camps, the introduction of passes for Africans in the northeastern region and forced labor for Africans between the ages of 12 and 60 years. The panic stricken regime has even resorted to widespread detention and torture of the Africans including the destruction of their food crops.
175.	The people of Zimbabwe will settle for nothing less than majority rule. That is the minimum guarantee for peace, security and stability in Zimbabwe. Continued intransigence by the illegal rebel regime would only cause untold loss of life and human sufferings and would only lead to a more resolute armed struggle by the liberation movements. That would be the inevitable consequence of the continued denial of a negotiated peace settlement. The liberation movements and other peace-loving forces have always preferred settlement by peaceful change, but that should not be mistaken for weakness. The liberation movements are not tired of war, and we are not tired of supporting the armed struggle, either.
176.	We would therefore urge Ian Smith and his racist rebel clique to have the courage to talk to the authentic leaders of the indigenous people of Zimbabwe. In that connexion, it is the inescapable duty of the United Kingdom Government to live up to its responsibilities in respect of its rebel colony of Souths era Rhodesia, The United Kingdom should therefore create conditions propitious for the peaceful resolution of the Southern Rhodesian crisis on the basis of majority rule. My Government deplores the continued detention of Messrs. Joshua Nkomo and Ndabaningi Si thole, leaders of the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union [ZAPU] and the Zimbabwe African National Union [ZANU], respectively, who are the authentic representatives of the people of Zimbabwe. In that regard, we deeply regret the professed inability of the United Kingdom Government to secure their release. It is essential that the leaders of the authentic liberation movements be released from detention in order that they may participate in any negotiations, including the constitutional conference we have repeatedly urged the Government of the United Kingdom to convene.
177.	Numerous decisions and resolutions have been adopted by the various bodies of the United Nations on the. important question of Southern Rhodesia. One of the significant actions taken by the United Nations was the imposition of economic sanctions against the Smith regime by the Security Council [resolution 253 (1968)]. It is, however, disheartening to note that there are still many Members of the United Nations which do not carry out their obligations in that respect. It is even more disappointing to note that States violating those economic sanctions are the ones best able to implement them. In that connexion, as the Assembly is aware, Zambia continues to make tremendous economic and other sacrifices in. the implementation of relevant resolutions in order to uphold the principles of justice, self-determination and independence.
178.	We are gratified that there are, however, a number of States which uphold those principles in accordance with their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations. We should like to reiterate our firm conviction that an isolated Southern Rhodesia without external assistance would not have survived an effective and sustained implementation of the sanctions policy . We call upon those States which have continued to violate the United Nations sanctions against Southern Rhodesia faithfully to live up to their obligations under the Charter.
179.	As in Zimbabwe, the situation in Namibia continues to deteriorate. The racist and minority regime in South Africa persists in its illegal and repressive occupation of the international Territory of Namibia and thus remains a challenge to the will and authority of the United Nations. Over the past year the people of Namibia have seen an intensification of the reign of terror.
180.	In pursuit of its policy of the Balkanization of Namibia, South Africa has resorted to the public flogging of men, women and children alike, arbitrary detention without charge or trial, and banishment. Clergymen and pressmen have been refused entry into the Bantustans in a desperate bid to conceal the extent of the bestiality of the South African regime. As an outward manifestation of the unbridled reign of terror, there has been a mass exodus of thousands of people who have had to flee as a consequence.
181.	At this juncture, I should like to pay a tribute to the people of Namibia, who, under the gallant leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], continue to wage a determined armed struggle against the occupation of their country by the racist, Fascist and minority regime in Pretoria. My delegation wishes to reaffirm its conviction that their unrelenting struggle, coupled with the United Nations efforts to enforce its resolutions, will in no time culminate in South Africa's total withdrawal from that United Nations Territory. We hope that South Africa will take advantage of the present circumstances in southern Africa to announce a definite short term timetable to terminate the illegal occupation of Namibia and allow the United Nations to hand over the administration of that international Territory to the people of Namibia.
182.	My statement to this Assembly in regard to the situation in southern Africa would be incomplete if I did not refer to the repugnant policy of apartheid pursued by the Fascist, racist and minority regime in South Africa. It is a matter of indomitable disgust to us that, despite numerous condemnations by the United Nations and the international community as a whole, South Africa, apart from intensifying this policy internally, has even dared to export it to such countries as Namibia, Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese colonies in southern Africa.
183.	South Africa has long been aware that its policy of apartheid is doomed to failure. Conscious of that fact, it has resorted to militarism, the creation of buffer States and acts of downright blackmail. The South African regime is collaborating with the illegal rebel regime in Southern Rhodesia and pouring troops into Namibia, and has conspired with subversive elements to reverse positive developments in the Portuguese colonies.
184.	My delegation has noted that for the first time individuals other than whites have been included in the South African delegation to the General Assembly. Needless to say, those persons are victims of circumstance. They are puppets of the regime and their presence here is intended to hoodwink the United Nations and the international community into believing that South Africa is changing its policy of apartheid. My delegation condemns that bluff, for it indicates only that South Africa does not take seriously the demands of the international community to bring about genuine change in its policy.
185.	My Government urges the South African regime to abandon forthwith its evil policy of apartheid in the interests of peace and security in southern Africa. South Africa should emulate the example set by Portugal and accept the inevitability of majority rule. That is the only way it can end its international isolation. That is the only way it can cease being treated as a truly international outcast.
186.	The situation in Cyprus is a matter of grave concern to us in Zambia. It was with shock and indignation that we received the news of the overthrow of President Makarios by a group of Greek officers. We immediately condemned the coup, for not knowing was it carried out against the legitimate Government of Cyprus, it was also outrageously dangerous in every respect. Our fears that such a disruption of the hitherto delicate status quo would open a new chapter of misery for the people of Cyprus have indeed been vindicated by subsequent events in that country. Today, what is also at stake is the very sovereignty and territorial integrity and, indeed, the independence of Cyprus.
187.	The crisis in Cyprus has therefore reached dangerous proportions. It glaringly calls for urgent international action to reverse the trend. The sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Cyprus must be preserved at all costs. In that connexion, it is imperative that both Greece and Turkey immediately withdraw their military forces from the island. The presence of the forces of both those countries, in our view, only further complicates the search for a just and lasting peace in Cyprus. Moreover, those forces constitute a danger to the lives of the people of Cyprus. Genuine constitutional order must be restored, and that should, naturally, include the return to Cyprus of the elected President of that country, Archbishop Makarios.
188.	We followed with interest the ill-fated Geneva negotiations among Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom, the three guarantors of the independence of Cyprus. Quite frankly, we were uncomfortable with the thought of that forum deciding on the destiny of the people of Cyprus without the full, direct and equal participation of the Government of that country. It is inadmissible, in our view, that even an attempt should be made to settle the problem of Cyprus behind the backs of its people.
189.	We therefore wish to urge that the legitimate Government of Cyprus be invited as a full and active participant in any future negotiations concerning that country. In this connexion, we take note of the proposal of the Soviet Union for an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations in which Cyprus, Greece, Turkey, all the members of the Security Council and other countries, particularly the nonaligned countries, would participate. In the light of the failure of the Geneva negotiations, we feel that this proposal deserves serious consideration. We therefore support it in principle. We are nevertheless open-minded with regard.to other initiatives or indeed improvements on the Soviet proposal.
190.	There can be no doubt that the nonaligned countries have an important role to play in the search for a just solution to the crisis in Cyprus. The situation must not be allowed to degenerate into a hotbed of bigPower rivalries. In this regard, we are painfully aware of the sensitivity of the Eastern Mediterranean region.
191.	In the Middle East, genuine peace and security are still but a dream. The last war served to change certain attitudes which had hitherto impeded the search for a just and lasting solution of the problem of the Middle East. A more serious and realistic approach on the part of the big Powers has now led to some progress in this direction. Much, however, remains to be done. We look forward to the forthcoming Middle East peace talks at Geneva with great interest. We remain convinced that only, complete Israeli withdrawal from occupied Arab territory and the full restoration of the lawful rights of the Palestinian people can guarantee permanent peace in the Middle East. In this connexion, it is our view that the Palestinian people have a right, indeed a duty, to be represented at the Geneva talks.
192.	Recent reports from SouthEast Asia are far from encouraging. Many innocent lives continue to be lost in Viet Nam in spite of the Paris peace Agreement, which is constantly being violated. The situation therefore remains dangerous. The international community can ill afford to divert its attention from Viet Nam. A genuine political settlement must be found.
193.	With regard to Cambodia, we note that the puppet regime of Lon Nol is still desperately struggling to cling to power. Foreign interference in Cambodia is still rampant. The continuing war in that country has caused tremendous loss of life and destruction of property. We shall continue to support the Royal Government of the National Union of Cambodia, headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. We shall also continue to support the efforts aimed at the restoration of the lawful rights of that Government in the United Nations.
194.	We note with concern that no progress has been made in the dialog between North and South Korea sanctioned by this Assembly at the 2181st meeting of its twenty eighth session. The foreign forces stationed in South Korea have continued to interfere in the internal affairs of the Korean people. Sadly, these foreign forces are in South Korea under the United Nations flag. Their presence in South Korea is inimical to the interests and aspirations of the Korean people and to international peace and security. It is an impediment to all efforts aimed at the peaceful reunification of Korea. Those forces cannot but be an embarrassment to the United Nations, under whose flag they operate, as they act contrary to the wishes of the Korean people and seek to promote the interests of a foreign Power. The General Assembly therefore has a duty to decide that they should be immediately withdrawn from South Korea so that the dialog we encouraged last year can go forward unimpeded. The United Nations must protect the interests of the Korean people and help to create an atmosphere conducive to the realization of their cherished goal of reunification.
195.	My delegation also wishes to make it clear that we are strongly opposed to the preposterous suggestion, made in these halls last year, that North and South Korea be admitted into the United Nations as separate entities. We view this as a maneuver calculated to perpetuate the division of Korea. We therefore reject in advance any similar suggestions this year.
196.	We in Zambia, along with other nonaligned countries, have always maintained that detente can become a permanent feature of international relations only if it does not remain limited in scope and if it does not ignore the legitimate interests of other countries. We have stressed the imperative and urgent need for solutions to all problems confronting mankind as a whole and for the establishment of an international order truly based on justice, security and progress for all.
197.	Who can deny that the process of detente has in recent months been put to a severe test? Contrary to the expectations and hopes of the international community, hardly any progress has been made in strengthening detente and making it irreversible. Because of its limited character, it Remains as precarious today as it was yesterday. It is no exaggeration to say that this whole process has in fact suffered stagnation.
198.	The last war in the Middle East brought the world close to the brink of a direct superPower military confrontation. The crisis in Cyprus has more than demonstrated the vulnerability of small countries when the interests of more powerful countries and military blocs are involved.
199.	For detente to be viable it must mean a new commitment to the principles of the United Nations. It should be recognized ^that genuine international peace and security cannot coexist with the concepts of spheres of influence and hegemony. It is such tendencies which provoke aggression, interference in internal affairs and acts of subversion against other countries. Consequently they are responsible for world crises. They therefore constitute the most serious threat to international peace and security.
200.	The year 1974 has been a particularly bad one since the inception of detente. No progress has been made in limiting bigPower rivalries, whether in the arms race or in the pursuit of so called strategic interests. The arms race continues with even greater ferocity. Nuclear weapon tests have continued to be conducted both in the atmosphere and underground. The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament and the Strategic Arms Lintion Talks have not yet yielded any positive results in the field of disarmament. Yet the proposal for a world disarmament conference remains but a dream.
201.	It is the opinion of my Government that the recent nuclear weapon tests, both in the atmosphere and underground, have once again highlighted the urgent need for a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty. They are also a grim reminder that halfhearted and even discriminatory measures on disarmament, such as the partial test ban and nonproliferation Treaties, cannot work. What the international community needs is not making nuclear weapons the preserve of a few countries but rather the total elimination of such weapons.
202.	That a world disarmament conference should be convened as soon as possible is, in our opinion, all the more imperative in the light of the lack of progress in the existing disarmament forums. Our position in this regard remains that the conference should allow for the participation of all States on an equal basis. We deem the participation of all nuclear States in the conference to be particularly essential. In this connexion, nuclear disarmament cannot but be our number one priority. In our opinion, the Ad Hoc Committee on the World Disarmament Conference has served a useful purpose. Guided by its report [A19628], we hope that the General Assembly will make another positive move aimed at reconciling the differences among. Member States concerning this proposal.
203.	It has been three years since the General Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. Yet hardly any progress has been made in the implementation of the provisions of that Declaration. There have been a number of disturbing reports about the intensification of big Power rivalries in the Indian Ocean. We are particularly concerned at the agreement between the United States and the United Kingdom to expand the United States military base at Diego Garcia. We condemn this project and urge its immediate abandonment, for not only does it flagrantly disregard the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, but also it is likely to encourage eves greater bigPower rivalries in the Indian Ocean.
204.	In our view, there is absolutely no justification for the intensification of the bigPower rivalries in the Indian Ocean in this so-called era of detente. We believe that, instead of promoting such rivalries under the label of so-called containment of one another, the big Powers should exercise mutual restraint at a conference table. We would hope that the big Powers would respect the wishes of the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean and cooperate fully with the efforts of the international community to preserve the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.
205.	The current session of the General Assembly is meeting in the aftermath of the historic sixth special session of the General Assembly, which was convened to consider exclusively and for the first time the vital subject relating to the problems of raw materials and development. The special session, as we are all aware, was a most significant event which culminated in the consensus adoption of two important documents, namely, the Declaration and Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order.
206.	The special session served to highlight the fact that, since the sordid and sad chapter of slavery came to a close and foundations were laid for a community of free nations, economic relations among nations have undergone only a cosmetic change. Instead, there has been a remarkable change in the sharpening and sophistication of instruments of exploitation of the weak and poor nations by their more powerful and privileged counterparts. This has contributed in no small measure and, not unexpectedly, to the widening and deepening of the present gulf between the poor and the rich. This sad state of affairs has been aggravated by the recent deterioration of the world economic situation, and constitutes a threat to the security and survival of many economies.
207.	Profound economic events over the past year have dramatically demonstrated the interdependence of the international community. One of the important results of the special session is the universal recognition of interdependence among nations and the interdependence of problems of trade, development, finance and the international monetary system.
208.	Global inflation has continued unabated, particularly in the industrialized world, resulting in increased costs of essential capital goods, fertilizers, food and other manufactured products imported by developing countries. We are equally familiar with the emergence of scarcities, particularly the acute problems of food, which is the most basic commodity. In addition, although the recent increase in petroleum prices has served to emphasize the need for equitable and fair returns for the export products of the developing countries, it is also a fact that serious adverse consequences continue to be experienced by the developing countries. A combination of these factors now poses the danger of imminent collapse and even disaster for a number of economies.
209.	The current turbulent economic situation facing the international community presents unprecedented challenges and opportunities. All of us represented at this session know the exact limits of our capability to contribute to the necessary immediate and longterm measures to alleviate and forestall those problems which have befallen or might affect various countries, particularly those developing countries most adversely affected by the current world economic situation.
210.	It is now, more than ever before, readily recognized that coordinated action, on the national and international level, is essential in order to resolve the closely interrelated problems confronting the international community. The series of important world conferences on such issues as population, food and industrial development, culminating in the special session on world development and international economic cooperation to be convened next year, clearly demonstrates the essential need for concrete action.
211.	In this connexion, my delegation welcomed the timely adoption by the special session of the Special Program to provide emergency relief and development assistance to those developing countries most seriously affected by the recent economic events [see resolution 3202 (SVl), sect. A)]. We are confident that all countries in a position to contribute will respond favorably in order to meet the target set for the United Nations emergency operation as a matter of urgency. Urgent and positive action is essential, on both a bilateral and a multilateral basis. It is encouraging that a number of countries have indicated their willingness to contribute to the Special Program.
212.	Although we recognize and appreciate the significance of emergency relief and assistance, it is the view of my delegation that our preoccupation with emergency relief should not detract from the urgent solution of basic longterm commodity and payments problems as called for in the Program of Action adopted by the special session. Indeed, we hope that the solemn concern in the emergency field will create conditions conducive to the solution of basic problems, which would in the long run serve to lessen the need for emergency debt and similar relief.
213.	There is already evidence of a downward trend in prices of those products that have gained in recent commodity increases. Urgent international action is therefore necessary to arrest any further decline in the price levels of those products, and to institute, as well as to encourage, appropriate programs, where necessary, designed to achieve and maintain just, stable and remunerative prices for the exports of developing countries. To this end my delegation looks forward to the possible uses of indexation, currently under study, as a means of dealing with the terms of trade situation of developing primary exporting countries.
214.	My delegation believes that from the recent economic events there should have resulted a greater understanding of the mutual needs and interests of producers and consumers, both countries and companies. The time is now ripe for a dispassionate appreciation of the legitimate needs of consumers for assured supplies at reasonable prices, and of producers for greater real earnings, increased exports, stable markets and favorable terms of trade, particularly for the developing countries. It is also in the interests of both consumers and producers to ensure the rational exploitation and utilization of resources. We consider these to be the most important motives behind the formation of such producer associations as the Intergovernmental Council of Copper Exporting Countries, of which Zambia is a member together with Zaire, Peru and Chile.
215.	In the vital area of commodities, every possible encouragement should be given to the promotion and strengthening of economic cooperation among developing countries. The need for such closer cooperation, especially among developing producers, acquires an important dimension in the light of the recent invaluable work by the Group of Eminent Persons appointed by the SecretaryGeneral in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1721 (LIII) to study the impact of transnational corporations on the development process and on international relations.
216.	It is Zambia's earnest hope that the successful implementation of the acceptable recommendations of the Group of Eminent Persons will result in the maintenance and strengthening of cooperation between the host countries and their respective transnationals, with due regard for the exercise by the host countries of effective control in the management and operation of the various branches of their economies. In this connexion, we look forward to the work of the Special Inter-sessional Committee on transnational corporations.to be convened shortly.
217.	In the field of commercial policy, justice could only be achieved by the implementation of the cardinal principles of non-reciprocity and preferential treatment in favor of developing countries.
218.	The operation of the generalized system of preferences for approximately three years now has been of some benefit to developing countries. However, we are familiar with the limited character of the benefits that have so far accrued from the system and its need of improvements. Zambia also welcomed the Tokyo Declaration adopted last September, and it is my delegation's cherished hope that the multilateral trade negotiations within the framework of GATT will soon get under way.
219.	Concerning the international monetary system it is disheartening to observe the limited progress, if any, towards its reform. The hopes that were generated at fast year's Ministerial Meeting of the Committee on Reform of the International Monetary System and Related Issues, of IMF, held in Nairobi, Kenya, have not yet been fulfilled.
220.	Other issues facing the international community relate to the recycling of surplus funds of the oil exporting countries accruing from their recent increases in petroleum prices. These are, undoubtedly, issues with important ramifications in the trade, financial, investment and other fields. My delegation would like to express the hope and there are already grounds for expressing confidence  that oil exporting Member States will genuinely play their part in the measures necessary for both the current and longterm situation.
221.	The international community is now familiar with and agreed on the key problems confronting man and his environment. We have before us, for example, such important initiatives as the International Development Strategy for the United Nations Second Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], the draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, still under discussion, the concept of collective economic security also under consideration and, most recently, the Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. In all these complementary initiatives the vital elements of equality and equity in international relations are at the center.
222.	We therefore have before us instruments designed to achieve an equal and equitable partnership among all nations, rich and poor, big and small. For us to achieve a lasting and honorable partnership, we must fully recognize the pivotal role of justice and fair play in our relations. And, in the final analysis, the attainment of equality and equity in international relations is contingent upon the deliberate exercise of political will in degrees commensurate with the present requirements and future priorities.
223.	The fact that the United Nations has convened three conferences on the law of the sea within a relatively short space of time demonstrates without question the importance that humanity attaches to an equitable solution to the problems that States experience in relation to the sea, the seabed and the subsoil thereof, and the resources of the area. The task before the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is a momentous one. There are many issues before it. Most of those issues reflect possible conflicts between the national interests of different States. Yet in all these, the Conference must surely strive to arrive at just solutions and to do so speedily.
224.	The position of my delegation has clearly been stated on various occasions before, that is, at sessions of the now dissolved Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Seabed and the Ocean Floor Beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, at the first substantive session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and at previous sessions of this General Assembly. Apart from the subject of the right of access to and from the sea of landlocked States and that of adverse effects of seabed mining on the economies of developing States producers of similar minerals, my delegation attaches great importance to the need for a satisfactory solution to the problems of limits of national jurisdiction.
225.	That being the central issue for the Conference, it does not only merit very careful consideration, but also needs to be examined with particular attention to the principle of the common heritage of mankind. Lack of suitable solutions to the foreseeable problems may lead, in the future, to boundary disputes such as the international community has through the years experienced with respect to landlocked countries. By convening the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the United Nations has provided an opportunity for exercising foresight and for finding lasting solutions.
226.	My delegation is of the view that the recognition of the common heritage of mankind as defined in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV) goes a long way towards reducing the likelihood of such disputes. Consequently, it is regretted that the Conference is still being asked by some States to recognize national claims of extraterritorial coastal jurisdiction which, if adopted, would significantly undermine the common heritage of mankind. Besides, the common heritage exists for the benefit of all States, whether they be landlocked or coastal.
227.	It is the opinion of my delegation that it is necessary for the Conference to take fully into account the study of the SecretaryGeneral on the economic significance, in terms of seabed mineral resources, of the various limits proposed for national jurisdiction and contained in the records of the now dissolved Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Seabed and the Ocean Floor Beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction.
228.	In order ,to arrive at a just and equitable solution to the problems raised by the question of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the adjacent seabed, ocean floor and subsoil thereof, the Conference might very well consider the possibility of establishing rights to resources of the area for all States belonging to a region or a subregion jointly. In our view, this would be one of the best ways of ensuring that all States, whether landlocked or coastal, derive benefits from ocean space resources which are rightly the common heritage of mankind.
229.	It is generally gratifying to note that the Third Conference on the Law of the Sea has proceeded with dispatch to respond to its global responsibilities. It is noted, for instance, that it has invited representatives of liberation movements to participate as observers and has agreed to reach its decisions on matters of substance by way of consensus.
230.	Finally, and not least, my delegation would like to express our profound gratitude to the Government and people of Venezuela for their overwhelming hospitality and satisfactory facilities offered to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea during its second session held in their beautiful capital, Caracas, for 10 weeks during the months of June, July and August this year.
231.	In this address my delegation has referred to a few of the many and complex issues facing the international community and of which the current session is seized, and to which it will no doubt pay the fullest attention. We are mindful of the fact that, under the auspices of the United Nations, Member States have individually and collectively achieved some, albeit limited, progress in finding solutions to a number of contemporary problems. This limited progress must be maintained and consolidated. The momentum generated by the process of negotiation, as, for example, in various world conferences intended to promote a peaceful, just and equitable settlement of international issues, should be maintained.
232.	A great deal, however, remains to be done. In view of the universal recognition of the interdependence of States, we should utilize the numerous opportunities available to face outstanding global challenges to international peace and security, and to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. In this and other areas, it has become obvious that the responsibilities devolving on the United Nations and its membership have acquired unprecedented dimensions.
233.	It goes without saying that the quest for peace in international relations has acquired a broad appeal for a world whose history has been replete with violence, poverty and insecurity of increasing scope and magnitude. We have consistently advocated the restructuring of the United Nations system to allow it to cope better with the rapidly changing circumstances. In this regard, we have repeatedly pointed to the imperative need for, inter alia, the revision of the Charter of the United Nations, with particular regard to the democratization of the Security Council.
234.	Despite its shortcomings, we would like to reaffirm our confidence in the United Nations and to express our earnest hope that the Organization will soon undertake appropriate changes in both its structure and orientation in order to enhance its ability to carry out its responsibilities with unprecedented vigor and determination. Zambia, for its part, will continue to render its modest but positive contribution to the Organization, in the fulfillment of the purposes and the principles enshrined in the Charter.
235.	I believe that all of us assembled here have the opportunity of a lifetime to change the face of the world for the better, given the political will to do so. Let us, therefore, recognize the imperative need to abandon old myths in the face of new realities. Let us not seek to adapt the solutions of yesterday to the problems of today. Let us not live in the past. Let us live in the present and look forward to a bright future for all with confidence and determination.


1.	Mr. President, first, it is my pleasure to welcome and to express my congratulations to Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Algeria, whose unanimous election enables us to count upon his abilities and long experience, which, though certainly not consonant with his youth, have been demonstrated in the exercise of high office since his noble country began its independent life.
2.	I should also like to welcome Mr. Leopoldo Benites, whose presidency has elicited widespread approval. During an especially difficult period he once again demonstrated his even-handedness and diplomacy in the effective guidance of our deliberations.
3.	Departing from my text, I should like to express, on behalf of the Government and people of Uruguay, our profound condolences concerning the tragedy which has afflicted our sister republic of Honduras, a tragedy and a distress which we feel as our own. The support and solidarity of the whole international community, not only of the States of Latin America but of the whole of the membership of this Organization and of all its organs, are necessary in order to alleviate the damage and the distress from which the people of that country are suffering and will continue to suffer in the future.
4.	Again departing from my text, I should also like to express the pleasure of my country at the admission to membership in this Organization of three new Member States: Guinea-Bissau, to which this membership represents the culmination of a long struggle for independence; Bangladesh, which
has also been the scene of so much suffering; and Grenada, which is also joining this Assembly and, in this way, the family of Latin American countries.
5.	At the beginning of this new session of the General Assembly as is usual we are offered a new opportunity for reflection. However, this time the required reflection is more urgent, more stern and at the same time more profound.
6.	To the matters normally occupying our attention are added others which were not previously unknown to us, to be sure, but which emerge today with particular force, revealing deep maladjustments in the very essence of coexistence. So above and beyond the peculiar features of each specific problem we discover a close and increasingly acute inter-connexion with other problems, a kind of common substance in the economic and political life of the world today. Hence, our efforts to solve specific problems frequently seem to be overwhelmed by the paucity of global solutions. There are no isolated questions, all questions are varying manifestations of the same problem, and we are compelled to seek the core of the problem underlying the different manifestations.
7.	Thus, while immediate and evident conflicts occur and more tangible needs and problems arise, the disruption of the international economic system is already making itself felt. Simultaneously, the contours of the great questions of the future emerge intertwined with day-to-day business.
8.	Uruguay therefore wishes to focus attention in this supreme world forum on this new perspective, so that the consideration of each specific item on our agenda will still be consistent with matters which are neither merely a backdrop nor an anticipation of the remote future, but are germane to the present problems of the international community.
9.	My country advocates, therefore, that integrated perspective in which States Members of the United Nations can jointly formulate rules and co-ordinate courses of action for a new system of coexistence among nations to meet the current needs of most of our peoples. Otherwise solutions will deviate from their essential human objectives and may become mere dialectic exercises veering farther and farther away and never penetrating the core of the truly crucial questions.
10.	It is with this idea of renewal that I mention the structure of the international economy. There is no doubt that the grave deficiencies and tensions of recent years, disguised at first, are now becoming manifest and turning into a vast crisis affecting currencies, trade, and production, and thereby the whole economy. The shock of the petroleum crisis now is spreading like an expanding shock wave within the general disruption of the established economic order.
11.	At the sixth special session of the General Assembly [2211th meeting] I had occasion to indicate, on behalf of my country, the need for far-reaching reform to get to the true root of the matter, taking it not simply as a technical problem to be solved by merely rearranging economic factors, but more importantly, as a political and social problem involving everyone. Hence, if this reform is not founded upon justice, only limited and unstable results will ensue and peace will be constantly endangered.
12.	This leads me to refer to what my Government considers to be the crux of the matter. Indisputably, the recognition of the political equality of nations is a fundamental achievement of international law. It is equally undeniable that the same concept of equality cannot be projected into the economic sphere, where the degree of potential or development differs, without any doubt, with regard to each nation.
13.	This reality must be contemplated in the building of new international economic structures and also in the simple readjustment of those that already exist. Any system that applies identical patterns to societies with differently developed economies will not be just, nor should the resources of the international community be channeled in disregard of existing differences.
14.	Even when to a certain extent some of these concepts underlie rules now governing international co-operation for development, they are only marginal within the total context. The substance of economic relations remains intact, not corresponding to these realities. They must be acknowledged as guiding principles of the international economy as a whole, of its monetary, trade, finance and investment systems and in the conduct of large multinational corporations. The IMF, for example, must achieve the effective transfer of real resources to the developing countries. Until the rules treat societies which have already reached the post-industrial area and those which are struggling timidly to venture into the world of modern technology as equals, the international economy will be a source neither of development, nor of justice, nor of peace.
15.	So true is this that today, although all countries are shaken by the same crisis, the strongest and most developed economies have within themselves the necessary reserves and resilience to respond to the threat, while the weaker nations suffer from the unabated onslaught of new events.
16.	Energetic protest is called for when within the dramatic context of small and medium-sized countries such as Uruguay, the situation worsens because the more developed countries, in an attempt to safeguard their own prosperity, are imposing protectionist measures which drastically cut the exports of raw materials from the developing world, or use "dumping" to depress prices of these exports to intolerable levels.
17.	It should be pointed out that such policies and practices, unjust and counter to recognized principles of international co-operation as they are, also run the risk of causing a dangerous trade confrontation which could bring the entire world economy to a state of collapse.
18.	Unfortunately, the solutions urgently demanded of the international community at the sixth special session last April have not been applied, as immediate, practical and workable machinery has not yet been put into operation. The entire effort of the General Assembly at that time and the acknowledged consensus that effective action should be taken have apparently become merely pious utterances on the part of our Organization and its agencies, without that obvious political decision having been translated into reality. I do understand the difficulties inherent in such broad action, but the magnitude and urgency of the task require an unprecedented effort. Similarly, my Government today reiterates its statement that the surplus resources generated by new prices must be channeled to the developing countries most deeply affected by the petroleum crisis, thus avoiding the paradoxical situation where these resources would primarily strengthen the more developed economies. I think that in keeping with the spirit demonstrated at that meeting, it will be possible to agree upon multilateral channels to guide this process without prejudice to direct support through trade and investment.
19.	But it is not only purely material factors that motivate Uruguay to postulate the reform of the international economy as a central topic. Recently, in Bucharest, the World Population Conference dealt with an essentially human question touching upon rights intrinsic to our nature and our life. My country cannot accept the restriction, not to say the mutilation, of these rights and the moral and spiritual values they enshrine through the application of economic rules ensuring the prosperity only of some. As the delegation of Uruguay stated in Bucharest: "It is inadmissible that the possibility of population growth should be the exclusive right of those nations possessing a high degree of development". Instead, we have held that the physical basis for cultural and spiritual development must be established so that the sacred mission of transmitting life may be responsively exercised everywhere.
20.	Without any doubt, this objective cannot be achieved as long as considerations such as those which doom large segments of mankind to hunger and a marginal existence persist, and while existing conditions denote the simultaneous presence of a crisis of excess and one of scarcity.
21.	There is one fact more than any other that constitutes a serious indictment of the existing international order and our lack of the will to reform it: in order to safeguard the well-being of the few, the prices of staples as well as of luxury items must be so high that they elude the grasp of the many, and, inversely, an over-supply of these goods can ruin those that produce them.
22.	All of that conspires to impede a rational and human organization of trade and production. Some years ago my country proposed in FAO the creation of a system with a real "food bank" in which the need for stable and remunerative prices as a fair return for productive effort would be reconciled with the needs of those who cannot buy such goods because they are so expensive but desperately require them in order to survive. I consider that it is an inescapable responsibility of the world economy to work in that direction, and my country now pledges its best efforts to that end.
23.	Since the historic United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held at Stockholm in 1972, another topic has been attracting increasing attention: the environment and the fate of the biosphere, mankind's present and future home.
24.	Apart from the undoubted need to safeguard and restore our environment and to use it in a rational and far-sighted way, surely the economic and financial burden that this entails cannot be shared equally among all nations. Rather, it should weigh more heavily on the most developed nations, which unwittingly have done the most to cause the environment to deteriorate.
25.	Just as access to life cannot be limited in order to protect the status of some, so the use and enjoyment of nature cannot be regulated to the almost exclusive benefit of an already developed segment of mankind.
26.	In the same spirit, my country would like to refer to the new riches that are becoming increasingly available to the peoples.
27.	We are pleased to note that an initial success was achieved in the long struggle of the Latin American countries to assert their rights over the seas adjacent to their coasts when the universal recognition of the maximum limitation of 200 miles emerged from the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, recently held at Caracas.
28.	We also cherish the hope that soon the necessary agreements will be achieved in order to adapt the law of the sea to the realities of the contemporary world and to satisfy the requirements of the peoples, particularly in the developing countries.
29.	We also wish to express our firm conviction that effective formulas can be agreed upon to implement the historic resolution in which it was solemnly declared that the sea-bed and ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof, beyond the limits of national jurisdiction are the common heritage of mankind [resolution 2749 (XXV)].
30.	My Government is well aware of the myriad difficulties to be overcome if far-reaching changes within such diverse fields are to be achieved, but we are also convinced that trying to effect these changes is the only way to deal with the very root of these problems. Only by such means can true solutions be found. Otherwise, we will be attacking only the superficial manifestations of the underlying problems. Therefore, although it seems mere speculation that, given the magnitude of the problem, it can be solved, this is the crucial task that faces us. If the challenge is to be met, imagination and daring must be mustered in this forum, whence political inspiration flows to others, and in all the other bodies of this great United Nations system.
31.	One may well wonder if we will be able to devise -and even more important to implement- within a reasonably short period of time a new international economic order which will be both just and creative and which will have the basic features so well known to our peoples, and especially our youth: freedom from any attempt to destroy the basic tenets of the economy but, rather, a human and equitable use of those tenets; a pattern implying no holding back of the more advanced or regression to lower levels but, rather, promoting those who have been left behind by giving them a fair share of the benefits of the highest civilization; extension beyond material goods to reach horizons of culture and spirit; integration of problems of population, food, environment and culture within a comprehensive framework in which countries are treated in accordance with their particular degree of development so that the economy will render truly equivalent results for its participants.
32.	In the world political arena, there is an atmosphere of detente and a universal desire for peace is spreading. My country, in accordance with a tradition it has unswervingly maintained since its very inception, adheres to that spirit, not only in the external conduct of international affairs but also as a reflection of the very deepest convictions of the nation.
33.	Nevertheless, detente does not seem to be sufficient to clear the air entirely.
34.	The IndoChina peninsula is still bitterly racked by varying degrees of open warfare. It is unfortunate that the Viet Nam peace agreement has not yet been fully complied with and that aggression in that Republic and in the Khmer Republic still persists. It is to be hoped that these circumstances will not be overlooked and that appropriate measures will be adopted to strengthen peace and bring an immediate end to the war which torments that region.
35.	Cyprus has been shattered by a violent crisis, with painful consequences that my Government deplores. I believe that we the nations represented here without exception must unite solidly behind the people of the island and help to alleviate their suffering. We must also unite in support of the decisions of the Security Council and encourage international action to protect a Member State. The observance of United Nations agreements is essential for peace there and elsewhere, and Uruguay will always act in accordance with that principle.
36.	Once again we have to refer to the tragic sufferings of the people of the Middle East. I should like to note with appreciation the bilateral action taken, the conversations initiated and the results achieved regarding extremely sensitive military and political aspects. None the less, I cannot pass over in silence the concern of my Government about the future of that long-suffering region. I think that the international community represented here could play a most important part if it were to create a world climate on the basis of principles widely acknowledged as workable. That is a way in which this complex question could be approached in all of its aspects.
37.	It is clear that legally speaking military victory confers no rights, especially with regard to territory. Similarly, the community of nations recognizes the right of each nation in that region, and in all others, to live in peace within secure and recognized borders, enjoying sovereignty, integrity and independence.
38.	All those directly concerned should, therefore, seek a way to ensure through negotiations and other peaceful means, the full observance and implementation of those fundamental concepts of international law, which my Government unreservedly supports. A comprehensive study of this topic in all of its dimensions must include an essential chapter, in view of both its political and its human significance. 1 am referring here to the fate of the Palestinian people. My Government has no doubt that until a just solution is found for what the Security Council in paragraph 2 of resolution 242 (1967) calls "the refugee problem", any settlements designed to ensure peace will be merely temporary. With due regard, of course, for the steps taken elsewhere towards peace and while supporting the immediate measures the United Nations is taking to alleviate this distressing situation, my Government advocates more deep-rooted solutions which should encompass the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people and squarely confront the problem in its real political, social and, finally, human significance all, of course, within the framework of comprehensive peace negotiations.
39.	As an expression of our sincere concern for peace in the Middle East, 1 should like to renew the commitment announced by my delegation at the twenty-third session [1686th meeting] to support, within the framework of the Charter, a negotiated solution to ensure lasting peace in this region in full accordance with international law and all the imperatives of the question,
40.	Under the general topic of international peace, I should like to express Uruguay's appreciation of the success achieved by the Special Committee on the Question of Defining Aggression. This represents a positive step towards the clarifying of an important concept and also demonstrates a promising of understanding which suggests that more progress may be made in this connexion.
41.	1 am pleased to announce that my country supports with satisfaction the efforts made to establish a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean. This attitude is consonant with our position in Latin America, where we are a party to the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco).
42.	For the same reason we deplore atomic weapon tests and explosions performed since last year by the various Powers in different parts of the world. The signature and ratification of Additional Protocol I to the Treaty of Tlatelolco will signify a positive step towards rectifying the situation. These explosions, which cause ecological damage and which continue, moreover, to cause tension, are contrary to detente and entail the continued spending of huge sums in an endeavor of no importance to mankind.
43.	At the same time my country favors renewed efforts to achieve general disarmament. The negotiations to reduce the possibility of conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union fall within this context. My country will also resolutely support the careful preparation of the World Disarmament Conference and any reaffirmation of already enunciated recommendations on nuclear testing and, most importantly, their speedy implementation, which is so long overdue.
44.	As is Uruguay's custom, 1 should like to refer exclusively to the topics of decolonization and racial discrimination. Recent events have sparked the hope that more African people will soon gain independence. The outlook now looks bright and we hope that the optimism will be consolidated into fact in the full exercise of self-determination and freedom from foreign influence, as in Latin America. With regard to racial discrimination I renew today the support of Uruguay for measures adopted within the framework of the Charter so that mankind may become truly united.
45.	This brief examination of some of the items of the agenda clearly shows that the policy of detente must be expanded and deepened so that its positive influence may extend to matters which today remain outside its scope. Uruguay will do anything within its power to work resolutely in this direction.
46.	However, together with geographically localized political problems, the significance of other less well-defined problems of international peace and security must be recognized. I refer to terrorist acts and subversive movements, which are frequently interconnected. The entire world has been the witness of this phenomenon, which now respects no borders. The moment has perhaps come for the international community to realize what risks such activities entail. This motive does not derive from the diverse ideas frequently posited in an attempt to justify these acts, as ideological differences are quite normal in a world as diverse as ours. The fact is that civilization itself is threatened when a constant undercover war being waged by interrelated movements operating outside international law is provoked and tolerated. Paradoxically, as the risk of nuclear catastrophe, or even large-scale conventional war, diminishes, unease, tension and casualties of this new kind of warfare are on the increase. Thus, an unexpected situation may arise in which peace, so fervently sought in more conspicuous areas, may yet disappear.
47.	My Government also considers that other steps should be taken to consolidate and strengthen peace. The atmosphere of detente, so fortunately apparent among the great Powers, must also create an atmosphere of security for other nations. Improved relations among these Powers is indeed not enough. It is imperative finally to eliminate distortions of international coexistence caused by power politics and ideological penetration. Only when non-intervention and self-determination become rules of conduct observed by all nations can peace be said to be truly at hand.
48.	Uruguay once again pledges its commitment to this conduct as an indissoluble part of its national identity and reaffirms its will to co-operate with all international courses of action to ensure full respect for such conduct within the community of nations. Only in this way can peace and co-operation exist in our interdependent and pluralistic world.
49.	Throughout our work we review and discuss many topics which demonstrate the complex and multifaceted world of today. As each topic is examined separately because of its specific features we must all regard them as independent entities. Nevertheless, all pose essentially the same question. What will be the nature of international relations? Will law or force prevail? Will the world's economy serve justice or convenience? Will each nation freely develop its own identity or will this identity be imposed from without? Will the diversity of national solutions enhance international co-operation or hamper it? Will detente create a true respect for all? Once defenses have been reduced, will undercover warfare and penetration become the agent of power to penetrate the small nations? Will terrorism and subversive warfare be given free reign in the world or will the community of nations thwart violence?
50.	Uruguay has chosen a clear-cut path in keeping with the character of its people and the nature of its history. We are resolutely in support of the principles of justice, law, liberty and independence, and the right of each country to choose and follow its own model. We are working for international coexistence, with peace and co-operation as its hallmark. We reject terrorism and subversive violence; we remain open to the other nations of the world.
51.	This fundamental definition of principle in international order is consistent with the political process of my country, which, together with a strong sense of national pride, maintains its solidarity with other countries. It fully respects all nations and demands no less for itself, without foreign influence or interference, which it neither accepts nor tolerates nor practices. In this way its institutions have been substantially transformed in order to enshrine the values recognized by the Uruguayan community as its national and popular objectives: independence, development and peace for the benefit of the human being. It is a process aiming at peace, construction and justice, without hatred or violence. Imbued with the spirit of understanding and solidarity, Uruguay will work in world affairs to promote mutual understanding and conciliation and mutual respect.
52.	The international community must bring these already recognized principles to life. Equally urgent is the task of devising new principles for new situations: population, the biosphere, the riches of the sea and other unexploited regions; outer space, energy, spiritual and cultural matters; man's place in the technological universe and a new economic order.
53.	May our efforts now solve the problems of today. May they serve to build a better tomorrow. We bear this responsibility to youth throughout the world. By that shall we be assessed.


Mr. President, permit me to convey to you the sincere congratulations of the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan on your election to the presidency of this twenty- ninth session of the General Assembly. It is a fitting tribute to your qualities as a statesman who has rendered distinguished service not only to your own country but also to the international community. Your election is also a well-deserved honor for your country, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, with which our country enjoys the most cordial relations, and which has shown consistent support for the cause of the Movement of Non-aligned Countries and for the principles and aims of the Charter of the United Nations. We are confident that under your guidance this session of the General Assembly will be directed with distinction. We assure you of our full co-operation.
46.	I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to express my delegation's deep gratitude to Mr. Leo-poldo Benites for the skillful and objective manner in which he guided the proceedings of both the twenty-eighth and the sixth special sessions. We wish to pay a warm tribute to him for the statesmanship and wisdom which he demonstrated.
47.	I should like to extend to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, our deep appreciation of his untiring efforts to explore the possibilities for solutions to current crises.
48.	On behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan, I take this opportunity to welcome into our midst the new Members, namely, the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Guinea-Bissau and Grenada. The emergence of these independent countries and their entry into the United Nations, which we hail, is a direct outcome of the continued struggle waged by oppressed people, backed by the support of this world body . We wish these new Members a successful future and look forward to constructive collaboration with them in the Organization. We are confident that their contribution will enrich our efforts towards world peace and progress.
49.	It is a particular pleasure for my delegation to see our neighbor in the region, the People's Re-public of Bangladesh, take its rightful place in this international body. The people of Afghanistan have strong ties of cordial friendship and brotherhood with the heroic people of Bangladesh. The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation reflects the long-expected recognition of the inherent rights of its people and the realities prevailing in the region.
50.	My Government wishes to express its sympathy with the Government of Honduras, whose people have suffered so recently in the wake of the natural disaster which has struck that country. We laud efforts by the international community to aid the victims of the hurricane.
51.	The cardinal duty of this world Organization is the maintenance of international peace and security. Twenty-nine years have elapsed since the end of the Second World War. Thus far, another global war has been avoided, although on a number of occasions calamity has been checked only at the last hour. None the less, fear of the outbreak of violence and world conflagration should be shared by us all as long as the basic requirements for lasting peace and security throughout the world have not been achieved. Moreover, the inalienable rights of peoples to independence and self-determination, to freedom from alien domination, foreign occupation and exploitation have not been fully realized. Therefore, international peace and security remain only an ideal towards which this Organization shall continue to strive in vain.
52.	We had hoped that in the 1970s a new era of realization would dawn, but we have observed that, when the possibility of peace enters in one region, conflict erupts in another.
53.	In the Middle East, despite some success achieved in the disengagement of the Egyptian, Syrian and Israeli troops, lasting peace has yet to be attained. We believe that objective of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be reached only with the total withdrawal of Israel from Arab territories, the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, and the return of the Holy City of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty. The Arab cause has the support of all those who adhere to the principles of human rights and the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. The international community bears a grave responsibility to undo the wrongs done in the 1947 partition of Palestine. With regard to that unfortunate event, we all shoulder the same responsibility. We earnestly hope that diplomatic efforts, due to recommence in the near future, will produce solutions leading to a lasting peace in the Middle East. However, the restoration of the lawful rights of the Palestinian people, in any circumstances, is a prerequisite for the establishment of a just and durable peace in the Middle East.
54.	The lawful and legitimate struggle of the courageous Palestinian people to regain their usurped homeland constitutes an integral part of the world-wide effort, by all peoples, against alien domination. The Afghan delegation has fully endorsed the inclusion of a new item in our agenda, "The question of Palestine" [item 108], and we thus whole-heartedly support the view that the representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) should participate fully in the deliberations on this item in the plenary Assembly.
55.	As a consequence of the military intervention of the former military regime of Greece in the internal affairs of Cyprus, we have seen the eruption of a major crisis in the area. The independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus have been imperiled. The Government of the Republic of Afghanistan hopes that the problem of Cyprus will be resolved with due respect for the rights of the Turkish community and the preservation of the sovereignty of Cyprus. The Afghan delegation expresses the hope that, as a result of negotiations, a just and permanent solution, based on Security Council resolution 353 (1974), will be found.
56.	The gradual improvement that has been taking place in relations between some big Powers has maintained its momentum. We welcome the process of detente which we hope will lead to the reduction of tension. However, this spirit of understanding and co-operation should not be limited merely to relations between the major Powers. We believe that the success of detente requires the participation of all States, big or small, in order to ensure their equal interests.
57.	The foreign policy of Afghanistan is founded on our traditional policy of non-alignment, non-participation in military blocs, peaceful coexistence with mutual respect and, further, promotion of friendly relations with all countries regardless of different economic and social systems. Within our region, the good neighborly relations which we enjoy with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics are unshakable. The atmosphere of cordial and warm relations has led to fruitful economic ties for our mutual benefit. We share a fraternal relationship with the Government of Iran. The friendly relations between the two countries have recently been further strengthened as a result of bilateral contacts which we are confident will lead to benefits for both countries and will serve the cause of regional peace and security.
58.	Our relations with our other great neighbor, the People's Republic of China, are, as far as we are concerned, to continue in a normal and very friendly manner.
59.	Afghanistan's relations with India have always been very cordial and friendly and we will continue to maintain and expand the co-operation which has marked, our long-standing friendly relations.
60.	With reference to the statement delivered on 27 September 1974 [2247th meeting] by Mr. Aziz Ahmed, the Minister of State for Defense and Foreign Affairs of Pakistan, regarding the strained relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan, it should be said that although he referred to the unsatisfactory relations between our two countries, he refrained from stating the reason for this. I am sure that in the minds of all the representatives gathered here, the question arises as to what it the real cause for the tense and strained relations. I should like to take this opportunity merely to clarify for the members of the General Assembly the factual cause of the problem and also the search for a possible solution for this, the only political difference existing between the two countries.
61.	During the course of the past century, the colonial Power not only gradually occupied the subcontinent of India, but also, on various pretexts such as creating secure boundaries for its colonial territories, began to occupy our land. At various periods, the colonial Power separated portions of our land and people from the fatherland. It was this issue which, for almost a century, kept relations between Afghanistan and the British Indian Government strained. Today, it is the same issue -an unfortunate remnant of the colonial era -which has so regrettably strained relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan, both of which, I believe, are desirous of having friendly relations.
62.	After this brief explanation, the members of this Assembly will understand that, with the termination of the colonial rule on the Indian subcontinent, Afghanistan had the right to reclaim its usurped land. But Afghanistan refrained from doing so because, following the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations and the recognition of the principle that peoples under colonial rule have the right to exercise freely their lawful and legitimate rights, Afghanistan thought it better that the problem be solved by peaceful means and in accordance with the will of the Pakhtun and Baluchi people. Therefore, since the creation of Pakistan, Afghanistan has always endeavored, and will continue to endeavor, to resolve this single political difference in a just and honorable manner through negotiations, peaceful understanding, and mutual goodwill, according to the wishes of the national leaders of the Pakhtun and Baluchi peoples.
63.	Afghanistan strongly believes that the use of force, the oppression and imprisonment of those who demand their human rights will , produce only pessimism and disaffection and will lead to further resistance. Furthermore, this course of action will adversely affect the maintenance of peace and stability in our region, which we so earnestly desire.
64.	While I confirm the reference made by Mr. Aziz Ahmed in which he stated that his Government wished "the best possible relationship with Afghanistan", as we have already expressed our readiness for negotiations on numerous occasions, I would like once again to state now that we are sincerely desirous, without any condition, anywhere and at any time, to negotiate in order to find a peaceful solution to the only political dispute which exists between Afghanistan and Pakistan and to enhance the atmosphere of mutual trust and confidence.
65.	I am certain that the representatives assembled here will share our view and agree with this proposal by Afghanistan, which reflects our real desire for peace and for a solution of this issue according to the principles established by the Charter of the United Nations.
66.	If we really desire peace, co-operation, understanding and living together, let us leave aside resentment and pride. As responsible human beings, we should have the courage to acknowledge and assess issues and events with foresight, and bear in mind that our actions will be judged by history and by future generations. In facing and solving problems, we need foresight and courage. In our present world, where we live in a close, interrelated community, we must face the grave issues before us responsibly and realistically. Realism is essential to success in the search for the necessary solutions.
67.	In the field of disarmament, the policy of the Republic of Afghanistan is well known. We have supported and will continue to support any measure aimed at the achievement of general and complete disarmament. We have supported the ban on nuclear tests in all environments. According to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex 1, all nuclear-power States are obliged to carry out the necessary consultations in order to reach agreement on the halting of all tests in all environments.
68.	Though this item, as a matter of priority, has been under consideration by the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, no final agreement, unfortunately, has been reached to date. We believe that as a collateral measure of disarmament, an agreement should be reached extending the present nuclear test ban to all environments.
69.	Disarmament has been the subject of much debate within and without the United Nations. How-ever, the race for nuclear and conventional arms has not abated but has expanded to the point where it is a clear danger to world peace and security. Progress in the field of disarmament has been modest, while expenditures for arms are ever rising.
70.	Success in the field of disarmament depends on the political will of the members of the international community and in particular on the big Powers. Therefore, it is necessary that the United Nations be involved in all endeavors aiming at the achievement of general and complete disarmament. For these reasons, the Government of Afghanistan, as that of a non- aligned country, has, both at the non-aligned conferences which initiated this idea and in the United Nations, always supported the convening of a world disarmament conference. We are confident that with adequate preparation such a conference would serve the very useful purposes of reviewing the growth of the arms race and the moves towards disarmament.
In a conference of this nature, the participation of all nuclear Powers is an inevitable prerequisite.
71.	This year, the Government of Iran has proposed [A19693 and Add.I and 2] a new item entitled "Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East". We welcome this timely initiative of the Government of Iran and believe that the proposal will further strengthen peace and security in the area, and that its acceptance and implementation will be a positive step towards nuclear disarmament. We earnestly hope that the General Assembly's debate on various aspects of this item will lead to the adoption of adequate measures for its speedy implementation.
72.	Regarding the elimination of colonialism and alien domination in all their forms and manifestations, the policy of the Government of Afghanistan remains as before. Although the United Nations has achieved significant success in this field over the past 29 years, vestiges of colonialism and alien domination nevertheless persist in certain parts of the world, where they present an immense barrier to the right of self-determination and impede development and progress.
73.	As may be observed, in Southern Rhodesia the situation has deteriorated over the past year, mainly because of the intensely repressive measures taken by the illegal racist minority regime of Ian Smith against the indigenous people of Zimbabwe. The situation has been aggravated by the violation by some States, particularly South Africa, of the mandatory sanctions imposed by the Security Council. In view of the prevailing situation in Southern Rhodesia, my delegation fully supports the idea of widening the scope of the sanctions.
74.	In the case of Namibia, South Africa has continued its flagrant defiance of the United Nations decisions and has violated its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations with respect to the Territory. South Africa has increasingly resorted to violence, torture and intimidation of the people of Namibia in order to advance its inhuman policies of "bantustanization" and apartheid.
75.	My delegation appreciates the measures adopted by the United Nations Council for Namibia in the discharge of its mandate from the General Assembly. We hope that all Members of the United Nations will find it possible to co-operate fully with the Council as the de jure authority for Namibia and to comply with its decisions.
76.	The Afghan delegation welcomes the statement by the distinguished Foreign Minister of Portugal in the general debate, in which he reaffirmed the policy of his Government in favor of decolonization. It is indeed a source of satisfaction to us that the new leadership in Portugal has acknowledged the inalienable rights of the people of the Portuguese colonies to self-determination and independence. We are encouraged by the agreement reached between FRELIMO and Portugal providing for the granting of independence to Mozambique in 1975. We earnestly hope that similar agreement is reached in the near future with regard to Angola, so that the people of that country, too, can attain their long-cherished and legitimate aspirations.
77.	As a land-locked country, Afghanistan attaches great importance to the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The conclusion of a just and comprehensive legal order of the sea which can ensure the rights and interests of all States, whether coastal or land-locked, developed or developing, large or small, is an urgent international necessity.
78.	A future convention on the law of the sea must ensure the right of free access to and from the sea for the land-locked countries and be based on the firmly established and legally binding principles of international law. The right of free transit for land-locked countries and their participation in the exploration and exploitation of both the living and non-living resources of the sea beyond the internationally agreed limits of the territorial seas of States must be reaffirmed and ensured.
79.	The inadequacies of the world economic order and the existing economic machinery to deal with the problems of development in the developing countries and the need for the achievement of an even and balanced development for the members of the inter-national community were amply revealed and dis-cussed for the first time at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, convened for the study of the problems of raw materials and development. The value of the special session lies in the dialog it initiated based on understanding and consideration for the priorities of all countries at various levels of development. The session underscored the fact that the interests and the welfare of the developed and the developing countries can no longer be isolated from each other. Its decisions constituted a turning-point in the international economic relations of countries with differing levels of economic progress. We trust that they will lead to an era of interdependence, justice, progress and peace.
80.	As all the members of this Assembly realize, Afghanistan is a land-locked developing country as well as one of the least developed among the developing countries. The problems and the urgent needs of such countries were comprehensively covered in the course of the special session. As a result, those countries were included among the countries most seriously affected by the international economic crisis. The implementation of urgent measures to mitigate their needs and problems were envisaged in the resolution adopted by the Assembly at the sixth special session [resolution 3202 (S-Vl)].
81.	To our regret, the measures contained in the decisions of the Assembly at that session have not been implemented by the members of the international community thus far. The Special Program established by resolution 3202 (S-VI), envisaging emergency measures to ameliorate the urgent problems of landlocked, least developed and other countries most seriously affected by the recent economic crisis, has not been effectively carried out. This failure is largely due to the lack of interest and understanding on the part of the developed countries, despite the decisions taken at the special session. My delegation does, however, wish to express its appreciation to the developed countries as well as to the potential contributors among the developing countries which have offered to extend assistance for the implementation of the resolution.
82.	Since the implementation of the decisions taken at the special session and other economic items of special interest to us will be discussed thoroughly in the Second Committee of the General Assembly, my delegation feels it sufficient to express its views in broad terms at this stage.
83.	In conclusion, the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan pledges its full co-operation with you, Mr. President, and with our fellow Members of the United Nations to exert every effort to bring about a new era of common action aimed at investigating all channels in order to improve the political, economic and social situation and conditions of people every-where. We are confident that, with the display and exercise of the necessary goodwill, this session will be marked by success.