First of all, I should like to express, on behalf of the FRELIMO  Party, the Government and the people of the People's Republic of Mozambique, our profound condolences to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to the Government and people of the Soviet Union, and in particular to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Byelorussia, on the untimely death of Comrade Pyotr Masherov.
63.	Comrade Pyotr Masherov, who at the time of his death was an outstanding and experienced leader of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic and of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, was a true representative of the working class of his country, but most of all he was an internationalist and a good friend of peoples fighting against oppression and for national liberation. As he had fought heroically for the defeat of fascism during his participation in the great patriotic war, so too he contributed throughout the ensuing years to the safeguarding of peace in the world.
64.	His demise is a great loss to his country and people, as well as to the international community.
65.	On behalf of my delegation, I salute you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. You have assumed the heavy responsibility of presiding over the deliberations of the most universal organ of the international community at a time characterized by ever-growing tensions. However, we are convinced that, guided by the principles and the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations and by your experience in diploma, you will be able to maintain the equity and meet the responsibility required of the presidency of the General Assembly. The delegation of Mozambique assures you at the outset of its full co-operation in ensuring that your endeavours are crowned with success.
66.	Allow me also to salute your predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim, who is not only a friend but also a faithful interpreter of the peoples' determination in their struggles for national liberation. The brilliant way in which he conducted the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly, the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions and the eleventh special session, honours all of Africa, and in particular the United Republic of Tanzania, a front-line country, which has once again demonstrated the greatness of its political stature and sense of responsibility through Ambassador Salim, who presided over the General Assembly until the opening of the present session with great knowledge, perceptiveness, nicety and fairness.
67.	The growth of the United Nations family is for us a reason for great joy. It is the materialization of the principle that the determination of peoples in their struggle for national liberation is invincible. In liberating themselves from colonialism, the peoples also liberate the colonizer, making possible the establishment of new international relations.
68.	The political, economic and social liberation of peoples brings us closer to the objectives of our Organization— justice, peace and social progress.
69.	It is with deep feeling that we salute the people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on their attainment of independence and upon their admission as the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member of the United Nations.
70.	During the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, we had an opportunity to salute the independence of Zimbabwe, which gave a new impetus to the liberation struggle of the people of Namibia and South Africa.
71.	The people of Namibia, under the rightful leadership of SWAPO, their sole and legitimate representative, have for long years been waging an heroic struggle for national liberation and independence. This struggle, which has inflicted heavy defeats on the army of the racist minority regime of South Africa, is a direct consequence of the blind obstinacy of Pretoria, which insists in perpetuating its policies of colonial domination, racism and apartheid. For the people of Namibia and for the international community, armed struggle became the only alternative remaining by which to force South Africa to comply with the decisions of the United Nations and the legitimate aspirations of the Namibian people.
72.	However, SWAPO has always been ready to collaborate in any initiative leading to a peaceful solution of this problem. On many occasions, SWAPO has displayed a spirit of understanding and good sense by making substantial concessions in order to arrive at an acceptable negotiated formula. The whole process of negotiations by the Security Council which culminated in the adoption of resolution 435 (1978) is living proof of this spirit of understanding, good sense and political maturity on the part of SWAPO.
73.	With the adoption of that resolution, which approves the United Nations plan for the decolonization of Namibia, we were convinced that we had found the ways and means that would lead us to the independence of the Territory and to the restoration of peace in the area. It is now over two years since that plan was unanimously accepted by the international community. However, South Africa has not yet taken a single positive step since then. To each gesture of goodwill made by the United Nations, to each letter of the Secretary-General, the Pretoria regime has always given evasive answers, accompanied by senseless demands and an unprecedented arrogant attitude which makes even more remote the possibility of achieving a negotiated peace in the Territory.
74.	To the positive contributions of the People's Republic of Angola, the Republic of Zambia and the front-line States in general, Pretoria replies with armed aggressions or military threats, and by promoting, encouraging and supporting puppet groups, all aimed at destabilizing those States.
75.	It surprises us that certain Western countries can still say that South Africa's replies contain some positive elements. As a matter of fact, what we do find in them is only the irresponsible and aggressive character of the Pretoria regime.
76.	Due to the tolerance shown to South Africa, it feels encouraged to leave the dock and to play the judge who demands that the United Nations and the entire international community withdraw their recognition and any other type of support from SWAPO. And it does this in the name of so-called impartiality.
77.	What kind of impartiality? Is it an impartiality which allows South Africa to perpetuate its colonial domination over the Namibian Territory? Is it an impartiality which facilitates the unrestrained exploitation of the natural resources and bloody repression and continued aggression against its people and which allows constant aggression against the People's Republic of Angola and the Republic of Zambia?
78.	South Africa wants us to embrace a kind of impartiality which can lead us to take the criminal for the victim of a crime. We have just talked about the crimes practised by the South African regime against the Namibian people. But the thorniest problem is the apartheid practices which still prevail in South Africa itself. The Western Powers' failure to face this problem with due seriousness is to be regretted and even condemned. They tell us that apartheid will die a natural death, that the South African people should be patient and that it is not necessary to react violently against apartheid.
79.	For how long will they continue to give the South African people that kind of consolation? As a matter of fact, it is not consolation that the people need in South Africa. What they want is to liberate themselves from apartheid, — that kind of Nazism which is applied in South Africa, a Nazism that should revolt the whole world as Hitler's Nazism revolted us in the past. Apartheid and Nazism are based on the same political and ideological principle—the superiority of one race over the other races. They use the same instruments to suppress and massacre the peoples.
80.	How, then, do people in the West differentiate apartheid from Nazism? We, in the People's Republic of Mozambique, have no racial resentments but we believe that the difference, then, lies in the nature of the victims. The direct victims of Nazism in Europe were whites while those of apartheid are blacks. It is forgotten that African people fought against Nazism and fascism. Africans in the north and south died for the liberation of Europe, which was threatened by the fury of the dictatorships. And now, the same Africans are told that South Africa Nazism should not be fought; that time will solve the problem.
81.	And as if that were not enough, they even create conditions for the economic and military consolidation of apartheid.
82.	South Africa's power and its military self-sufficiency are so great that today the Western countries cannot be proud of their performance with respect to the application of the arms embargo against that racist Republic. The Western Powers, while verbally condemning the Pretoria regime, at the same time prepare conditions for the regime to be immunized against the application of economic mandatory sanctions whenever these are imposed in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter of our Organization.
83.	In the country of apartheid, students are massacred daily in the towns and suburbs of South Africa. Women, men and children are starving in one of the wealthiest countries of the world and one of the major exporters of food. That is the nature of apartheid. That is what the Western press is trying to hide.
84.	In the so-called free world, few know about the nature of apartheid and of those who practice it. However, the mass media intoxicate public opinion with the so-called Kampuchea and Afghanistan issues. For them, the aggressions in Lebanon have no more than a statistical significance—they are considered normal acts. They make references to those aggressions when they pretend to show their military superiority. In any case, they avoid condemning Israel, which commits the aggressions.
85.	The Western Powers do not dare to condemn apartheid and zionism, since imperialism, apartheid and zionism are fundamental chessmen on the chessboard of their strategy of domination and exploitation of the peoples, in which some of their followers and defenders are no more than mere pawns.
86.	Despite brutal repression, the South African people, guided by the African National Congress of South Africa, heroically continues to oppose apartheid. Hence, the strikes of the working classes, the growing demonstrations of students—often violent—which mobilize an ever-increasing number of the South African people to fight against racial discrimination and apartheid.
87.	The African National Congress, when hitting important and strategic economic targets, proves that there are no obstacles which can impede a people's determination to liberate itself and to exercise its rights.
88.	Shaken by the struggle being waged against it by the African National Congress, the minority regime tries to introduce cosmetic reforms which in fact will not touch the essence of the system of racial discrimination. It is within that context that, for instance, they conceived the Bantustans, the attempts to create a representative chamber for Coloureds and Indians in the Pretoria Parliament, and so on. That is why certain Western circles, together with the Pretoria regime, try to make us believe that apartheid is reforming itself. Apartheid, like Nazism, can never be reformed; it must be destroyed. It is the duty of the international community to participate by all means in this combat so that Sharpeville, Soweto, Guguletu and Langa shall not be repeated.
89.	In the Maghreb area, the Sahraoui people, who are engaged in the struggle for their total liberation, guided by the POLISARIO  Front, are undertaking very important military operations. Theirs is a war imposed on them by the colonial regime of Rabat. It is a struggle in defence of the sacred principles of the OAU and the United Nations. It is a struggle for affirmation of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic's sovereignty and of the dignity of its people.
90.	From Port Louis to Freetown the POLISARIO Front has been achieving successive victories on the military, political and diplomatic fronts. The signing of a peace treaty with Mauritania is the corollary of the justness of the struggle of the people of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic. That Treaty, far from putting Mauritania in a defeated situation, returned to it the dignity and prestige it enjoyed in the international community before its involvement in the Moroccan adventure.
91.	At the summit at Freetown, the majority of the States members of the OAU pronounced themselves favourably on the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic as a member of the organization. However, another opportunity was given to Morocco to reconsider its position so that bloodshed might be stopped by a peaceful solution and so that Morocco could recover its honour and dignity. But unfortunately the Kingdom of Morocco, imbued with arrogance and with its expansionist mind, once more did not respond to the good gesture of the OAU.
92.	The United Nations must condemn the Government of Rabat and demand the withdrawal of its forces of occupation to enable the people of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic to rebuild its country in peace.
93.	On our side, we are honoured by the recent establishment of diplomatic relations between the People's Republic of Mozambique and the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic. Once more we reiterate our solidarity with the people and Government of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic and the POLISARIO Front.
94.	Previous speakers have referred to the critical international situation characterized by the return to the cold war following the emergence of new focal points of conflict and the revival of the aggressive language which characterized the post-war period.
95.	It is not by mere chance that this situation came into being. It has been created by imperialism and by military dictatorships. The transnationals, threatened by bankruptcy after the military defeat of American imperialism in Indo-China, are the beneficiaries of this situation. The armaments factories are maintained by war. That is why imperialism creates war where it does not exist. Whenever it is not viable or possible to create a war, they work out propitious conditions for one. Their pretexts are always the same: the need to defend the vital interests of the so-called free world; the need for power equilibrium; the need to guarantee the oil routes; the need to halt the "communist threat", which "violates human rights", and so forth.
96.	But the truth is that imperialism is frightened by the conquests of the peoples in Africa, Latin America and Asia. That is why it tries to impede their advancement. Once again imperialism uses the scarecrow of "communism" because it knows that socialism is a system that liberates man and brings immediate progress and happiness to the people. That is why those who now speak so heatedly about the so-called situations in Kampuchea and Afghanistan are the same people who unconditionally supported American imperialism in the criminal war in Indo-China. They are the same people who kept quiet when the dreadful B-52s were emptying tons of bombs over Viet Nam and Laos, and then Cambodia, spreading pain, hunger and death.
97.	For them, at that time there were no refugees. The Vietnamese, the Laotians and the Cambodians were not human beings then. According to their logic, peace and international security were not in danger. Today, as they intensify the installation of bases and naval forces in the Caribbean and in the Indian Ocean, which threatens the security of our countries, they want to make us believe that in so doing they are protecting us. From whom are they protecting us—from ourselves?
98.	The only protection we need is protection from imperialism. It is imperialism that impedes us from controlling our natural resources. It is imperialism that impedes us from developing our countries and prevents us from being happy. The increase in and enlargement of the imperialist nuclear presence in the Indian Ocean is a flagrant violation of General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI), which declares the Indian Ocean a denuclearized zone and a zone of peace, and it is the true threat to international security and peace. All of us must condemn it.
99.	In the last two sessions of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, the collusion of imperialism with certain littoral countries was evident in the attempt to postpone the world Conference on the Indian Ocean, scheduled for 1981, in Sri Lanka. They allege that it is not opportune to hold it because there is a state of tension in the zone.
100.	It is precisely because there is tension and war that we are convening that Conference. We want to achieve at that Conference a multilateral treaty that will be able to secure the demilitarization and denuclearization of the entire zone and, at the same time, guarantee the internationally recognized right to freedom of navigation.
101.	It is within that framework that the People's Republic of Mozambique supports the convening of a conference at the level of heads of State and Government of the zone of the Indian Ocean and of the big Powers and others, in conformity with the proposal put forward by His Excellency the President of Madagascar, Mr. Didier Ratsiraka.
102.	The denuclearization of the Indian Ocean, Africa and the Middle East constitutes a very important step towards the achievement of complete general disarmament.
103.	The People's Republic of Mozambique condemns the policies of imperialism, which exploits the difficulties of some littoral States of the Indian Ocean with a view to obtaining concessions enabling it to increase its military presence in the zone and to establish military bases, thus threatening the peace and sovereignty of those same States as well as of their neighbours.
104.	The withdrawal of American forces from Guantanamo, which is Cuban territory, is essential in order to safeguard the inalienable rights of peoples and the dignity of our Organization.
105.	In El Salvador the people are waging an heroic struggle against a military dictatorship. On behalf of the people and the Government of the People's Republic of Mozambique, I affirm our militant solidarity with the Revolutionary Democratic Front of El Salvador which, despite the threat of direct American intervention, is triumphantly guiding the people of El Salvador to victory.
106.	The people of Chile are maintaining resistance against the Fascist regime of Pinochet and improving their organization and strategy in order to tight and overthrow that evil regime.
107.	In Nicaragua, the Sandinist Front—the revolutionary vanguard of the Nicaraguan people—is consolidating the revolutionary process in the country. It is the duty of the international community to guarantee respect for the sovereignty of the Nicaraguan people and to show solidarity with the peoples of El Salvador and Chile in their struggle against the dictatorial regimes.
108.	In Asia the people of East Timor are still prevented from exercising freely their right to self-determination and independence because of the annexation and military occupation of their territory by Indonesia, which continues to refuse to conform with the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Indonesia's military intervention in East Timor is a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of the most elementary standards of international relations. The Indonesian military occupation of East Timor cannot be taken as a fait accompli; as a matter of fact, the Maubere people, although surrounded by very difficult conditions, continue to demand respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity through an heroic armed struggle for national liberation. For us, the importance of a people does not depend on the size of its territory, the number of its inhabitants or the amount of its natural resources. People are people, regardless of any statistical data. We admire the determination of a people to be free.
109.	The Portuguese Government has just taken a very important decision in stating that it does not recognize the annexation by Indonesia. We hope that Portugal will fulfil its historical responsibility by strongly condemning Indonesia and actively demanding its unconditional withdrawal from the territory, so that the Maubere people may develop their country free from any external pressure or threats. My country reaffirms its unconditional support for and solidarity with the people of East Timor and its vanguard, FRETILIN.
110.	The reunification of Korea, which is demanded by the people of Korea and by the international community, is a pre-condition of the maintenance of peace in that region of Asia. The People's Republic of Mozambique demands the withdrawal of foreign troops from Korea in order to facilitate peaceful reunification.
111.	An old and thorny problem continues to afflict the Middle East. Israel, supported by the Western Powers, continues to occupy Palestine and the Arab territories, categorically refusing to recognize the inalienable right of the Arab people of Palestine to self-determination and to form its own sovereign State. That is the core of the entire Middle East problem, the global and ultimate solution of which must be in accordance with the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
112.	The Camp David agreements were not in accordance with such United Nations instruments. That is why we condemned those agreements and will condemn any future efforts to revitalize them. We condemned the agreements because, as practice proved, they did not consider the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independence and to the creation of a sovereign State of Palestine. We condemned the Camp David agreements because the PLO was not considered in the process, as it should have been, as the only authentic representative of that people, on the same footing as all other parties at any international conference where the Palestinian problem is being discussed. We condemned the Camp David agreements because their promoters did not contemplate the total withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab territories.
113.	Israel's intensification of the repression of the Palestinian people, the imprisonment of the most dedicated Palestinian leaders, the establishment of new settlements in the occupied Arab territories, the constant attacks against the southern part of Lebanon and Syria and the recent declaration of Jerusalem as Israel's eternal capital, all show clearly how vicious the Camp David agreements were and explain Israel's obstinate refusal to seek a global solution to the problem of the Middle East. The People's Republic of Mozambique reaffirms its support for the struggle of the Palestinian people and of the Arab nation for their legitimate rights.
114.	The people of East Timor, like the people of Palestine, are waging an heroic struggle against foreign occupation and colonial domination. Indonesia and Israel find themselves on the same side of the barricade. Foreign domination, colonialism and annexation are the essence of the situations prevailing in the Middle East and in East Timor. In the Middle East, as well as in East Timor, people are being oppressed and massacred, but they are people who resist.
115.	When we addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations at the eleventh special session, devoted to the new international strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, we said that the struggle for economic liberation was an integral part of the entire process of the liberation of peoples started by the struggle for political independence.
116.	Our opponents continue to be those same ones who tried to convince us that we were not yet ready to run our own countries. They are the same people who point out to us the energy crisis as being the reason for the ever growing gap between the rich and the poor.
117.	While daily wasting astronomical sums of money in the armaments race, the imperialists see illiteracy, disease, malnutrition, hunger and misery as the natural fate of the people of the developing countries.
118.	That is why, during the eleventh special session, the imperialist countries kept on rejecting all the measures proposed for the radical transformation of existing international economic structures. This proves that those countries are against justice, equity and people's progress.
119.	The new development strategy for the next decade which by itself does not correspond to the totality of the demands of the developing countries will be void of content if the developed countries do not have the necessary political will and realism that the present situation requires of us. The situation requires the convening of global negotiations in conformity with the proposals presented by the Group of 77.
120.	It was with deep disappointment and preoccupation that we noted the adverse attitude taken recently by the United States of America, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United Kingdom. We appeal to the developed countries and in particular to the aforementioned countries to take a more positive attitude which will permit the adoption of the necessary procedures which will guarantee the convening of global negotiations.
121.	The People's Republic of Mozambique supports the declaration of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 adopted on 30 September of this year.
122.	As regards the co-operation between the developing countries which this declaration refers to, I had an opportunity during the recent special session of the General Assembly to mention the role which my country is playing, particularly in regard to regional co-operation. It is not my intention to repeat what I said. On that occasion I informed the international community of the difficulties with which we are faced as a consequence of our support for and solidarity with the struggle of the people of Zimbabwe. As we also indicated during that session, the report of the Secretary-General on assistance to Mozambique will be discussed in the course of the present session. My duty now is to repeat the appeal which my country made recently in connection with the critical situation resulting from drought which has aggravated the already-mentioned economic hardships.
123.	Drought is a misfortune for countries like ours which do not have food security because they do not yet produce enough food for their own domestic consumption. At the present moment two thirds of our country, namely six out of the ten provinces, is heavily affected by the prolonged drought which is affecting one and a half million inhabitants. Besides the lack of rain, there are some additional factors which make the situation even more drastic, namely: lack of hydraulic pumps and their respective spare parts, scarcity of wells, lack of water tanker trucks to provide water to the population and the irregular distribution of the population as a result of the colonial policy of occupying the best lands, while pushing the people into the poorest areas.
124.	I will not go into detail since a detailed document of the situation will soon be circulated by the United Nations. However, on behalf of my Government and people, I would like to express our profound gratitude to those countries and organizations which have generously responded to our appeal.
125.	The second Conference on the women's decade was held this year at Copenhagen.  Generally speaking, we consider that the results were positive. Representatives from the four corners of the world got together to discuss and define concrete programmes designed to achieve greater integration of women into the global process of development. However, we notice that in certain countries women are still held as appendices of men and their faculties are still being questioned. In our country, since the period of the armed struggle for national liberation, women have been taking an active part in the reconstruction of Mozambique which means that they have the right and the duty to participate in every domain of national activity. This is not merely expressed in the Constitution; today, the Mozambican women participate on an equal footing with men in political, economic and social life.
126.	We hope that the programme adopted by the Copenhagen Conference" will not be just another document with no meaning or one that produces no reaction in our respective countries. We bear in mind that all our political and economic goals necessarily include a true integration of women into the general process of the liberation of mankind.
127.	During the decade which will soon begin, the international community will have an opportunity to celebrate, in 1985, the International Year of Youth. This event is of great importance because youth is the guarantee of a nation's future. Youth is a fundamental force in the history of a country through its capacity to assume responsibility for new political, economic, cultural and social values, which respond to a people's aspirations for peace, liberty and development. In the People's Republic of Mozambique youth plays an avant-garde role in national development and in the construction of a socialist society.
128.	The People's Republic of Mozambique is prepared to celebrate 1985 in a suitable manner. We hope that the international community will not spare any effort to make the 1985 celebrations successful in bringing about a progressive transformation in young people, as in the case of International Women's Year and the International Year of the Child.
129.	At the beginning of this address, we said that Ambassador von Wechmar had assumed the heavy responsibility of presiding over this body at a peculiarly difficult moment characterized by increasing tensions around the world. It is with apprehension that we are following the escalation of war in the Middle East, a region which has been in a state of war for many decades. The present armed conflict between Iran and Iraq could become generalized and increase the threat to international security and peace, as the region is highly sensitive and vulnerable. So we would like to make an appeal to both sides scrupulously to respect the principles guiding the non-aligned movement of which both countries are members. We hope that both Iran and Iraq will observe the principles of the peaceful settlement of disputes, non- resort to violence, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. These are the political, moral and diplomatic standards in accordance with which we think it will be possible to achieve the correct solution of this problem.
130.	We want to express our great esteem to Cuba, chairman of the non-aligned movement, and to the Secretary- General of the United Nations for their promptness and for the total readiness they have shown in taking the initiative to bring to an end this armed conflict between two sister States, which, we believe, when united can play a very important role in finding solutions to the problems affecting their region and other developing countries.
131. It is, nevertheless, the duty of the international community to be vigilant so that imperialism may not take advantage of the war situation existing between the two countries to interfere in their internal affairs or to reinforce its zones of influence. A luta continua.


175.	I have the pleasure, on behalf of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan, of extending to Mr. von Wechmar our sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. The Sudan, which enjoys cordial and developing relations with his country, is confident that his varied experience in the political and diplomatic fields, especially in the work of the United Nations, qualify him to occupy the Chair and to contribute to the success of the deliberations at this session.
176.	My delegation wishes to express its appreciation to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the outgoing President of the General Assembly, which during his term held four important sessions to consider international political and economic issues of great concern to the international community. The achievements under Mr. Salim's presidency are a source of pride for the peoples of the third world in general and to the peoples of Africa in particular.
177.	My delegation welcomes the accession of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership of the United Nations. We are confident that this new Member will enrich the work of the Organization. The admission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations proves that the Organization is about to achieve its universality.
178.	We meet at this session at a time when the world is passing through a critical period characterized by complexity and escalating tension that further diminishes the chances for peace and detente. With the exception of the achievement of independence by Zimbabwe, the gloomy predictions and apprehensions regarding the state of international relations voiced by many delegations during the thirty-fourth session have been confirmed by the events of the past year. It was a turbulent year, in which the world was buffeted by serious political and economic crises which presented a tough challenge to the United Nations and which necessitated holding two emergency special sessions in January and July and a special session in August and September. The situation, however, remained unchanged: deterioration in international relations, continuous flaring up in regional conflicts and an increase in the use of force, persistence of the economic crisis and deadlock in negotiations on international economic issues. The United Nations is thus faced with insurmountable difficulties which render incapable of carrying out its responsibility and playing its role in the political and economic arenas and in realizing its noble objectives in promoting international co-operation and preserving world peace and security.
179.	It is regrettable that even today the policy of dividing the world into spheres of influence is still actively pursued. As a result some of the countries of the third world are denied the exercise of their legitimate right to independence and to sovereignty over their natural resources. The Sudan, in reiterating its commitment to and respect for the Charter and international law and conventions, has rejected and will continue to reject an international system that is based on power politics and the division of the world into spheres of influence. We reject such a system because it contradicts and suppresses our aspirations to true independence, sovereignty and true democratic international relations. Therefore we condemn and denounce any foreign intervention or interference, from whatever source, in the domestic affairs of any country. Foreign intervention, in whatever form, is irreconcilable with the duties and obligations of the States Members of the United Nations. It threatens not only the independence and sovereignty of countries but also international peace and security.
180.	The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, to take a recent example, is still a source of concern to the international community because of its serious repercussions and implications in the region and the world at large. The General Assembly has, of course, met in emergency special session and has clearly pronounced itself on the issue in its resolution ES-6/2. However, today, that resolution notwithstanding, the situation in Afghanistan remains unchanged. Therefore we call on the Assembly to consider the situation in Afghanistan, in order to take the appropriate measures that will ensure the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan and guarantee its independence, sovereignty and non-aligned status.
181.	The ongoing war between Iraq and Iran, two neighbouring Moslem countries that have strong historical ties, is deeply deplored by the Government and people of the Sudan. It is also deplored by all Moslem peoples, who are saddened and pained at this bloodshed between Moslems. We appeal to those two brotherly countries to put an end to this bloodshed and wasting of potential, to renounce the use of force and to resort to the procedure of dialogue and negotiations. We hope that the initiative of the Islamic Conference and other initiatives will succeed in containing the conflict and in bringing about an immediate end to the war, so that Islamic capabilities and potentialities may be spared and properly oriented towards social and economic reconstruction and the confrontation of the common enemy.
182.	The situation in the Indian Ocean is deteriorating at an alarming rate. The conflict is widening to engulf new areas. The fleets of the big Powers are rushing to the scene.
We in the Sudan, alarmed and concerned, are closely following these serious developments. We believe it is imperative that urgent and serious action be undertaken now to defuse this explosive situation which threatens the security and the very survival of us all. The Sudan emphasizes once again the importance of adopting practical measures to implement General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI), which contains the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. This cannot be achieved unless we opt for a genuine international collective security system and refrain from joining military alliances. Therefore the Sudan calls upon all the States of the region to refrain from joining in military pacts and alliances of any kind. We declare our support, once more, for the right of all States to free navigation of the Indian Ocean for peaceful purposes, in accordance with international law and conventions. This is an international objective and responsibility that calls for a collective commitment and solidarity. The concerted efforts of the littoral and hinterland States of the region, though indispensable, will not be enough to achieve that objective unless reinforced and supplemented by the co-operation of the big Powers and the major maritime users. Now that the Sudan is a member of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, we take this opportunity to reaffirm our commitment and readiness to work seriously within that Committee towards the crystallization of the objectives and principles we have already mentioned and for the preparation of the Conference on the Indian Ocean to be held at Colombo in 1981.
183.	Another important factor is that peace and security in the Indian Ocean will not be realized unless the littoral and hinterland States of the region cultivate and pursue friendly and good-neighbourly relations among themselves. We, for our part, have always believed in that principle and have always been guided by it in our relations with our neighbours.
184.	The situation in the Middle East is increasingly and menacingly deteriorating every day. The mass media keep assiduously informing us of the dangerous and catastrophic incidents occurring there which threaten world peace and security. The numerous urgent meetings held by the Security Council on the situation in the Middle East during this year bear testimony to that fact. In his report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General has pointed out that the Middle East question is unique in its complexity and widespread repercussions. Eventually the Assembly should devote most of its time and efforts at this session to taking positive measures to ensure the implementation of the resolutions already adopted instead of adopting more resolutions. The origins and dimensions of this question are no longer subject to any manoeuvres, tricks or pretence at justification. The international community has become fully aware of it and has clearly pronounced itself on it on many occasions, most recently at the seventh emergency special session, last July.
185.	The Sudan has repeatedly expressed its belief in the possibility of a just and peaceful solution to the Middle East problem, provided that the genuine will exists and that expansionist and hegemonistic ambitions are disavowed. Peace cannot be established permanently in that area except on a just and comprehensive basis.
186.	The inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, particularly their right to self-determination and the establishment of an independent State on their territory need no reiteration since they are completely recognized by the international community represented in this Assembly as well as other forums. The cause of the rights of the Arab Palestinian people is the core of the Middle East conflict, therefore no permanent, peaceful and just solution can be achieved if that question is neglected or bypassed. The barbaric Israeli acts against the Palestinians in the occupied territories and refugee camps aimed at exterminating them and defeating their cause are criminal acts. In spite of various policies of torture, expulsion and intimidation, Israel will never be able to defeat and suppress the will of the valiant Palestinian people in their struggle for liberation, which is supported by the Arab nation and all friendly and peace-loving nations. Israel, after 30 years of illegal existence, should learn the lessons of history. The recent example of Zimbabwe proves that the will of the people can never be defeated and that their aspirations to freedom and dignity will sooner or later be realized.
187.	The recent Israeli legislation declaring Al Qods— Jerusalem—the eternal capital of Israel confirms the arrogance and intransigence of the isolated Zionist entity. While the Security Council and the General Assembly frequently meet and adopt resolutions condemning and denouncing Israeli brutalities against and torture of Arab citizens and their leaders in the occupied Arab territories, the establishment of new settlements and the violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, Israel continues to defy the resolutions of the highest international organs responsible for the maintenance of peace and security. Such defiance and disregard of United Nations resolutions, the Charter and the will of the international community are the direct causes of the deteriorating situation in the Middle East. Unless the international community adopts concrete measures to put an end to the Israeli arrogance and intransigence and its continuing defiance of resolutions of the highest international organs responsible for the maintenance of peace and security, it will have to face the serious repercussions of the conflict in the area.
188.	The Arab nation has confirmed its belief in a peaceful, just and permanent solution of the Middle East question. In declaring its commitment to a peaceful settlement, the Arab nation has also reaffirmed its position, namely, that the Middle East conflict is not amenable to compartmentalization or partial solutions. However, it is a source of hope that the international will represented in the General Assembly, at its seventh emergency special session, confirmed that Arab conception and demonstrated that partial and unilateral solutions would not affect the roots of the conflict. At that same session it emphasized the need to give effect to the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people under the leadership of their sole and authentic representative, PLO.
189.	The creation of obstacles in order to delay the peaceful, comprehensive and just solution desired by the Arab nation and the international community as a whole, could cause tension to escalate and lead the region to a devastating war. To avoid that explosive situation, which endangers all nations and indeed all human heritage, the United Nations should shoulder its responsibility for the achievement of a peaceful, comprehensive, just and permanent solution to the Middle East conflict. The United Nations, in our view, is the appropriate body for the attainment of a peaceful settlement of the Middle East conflict, in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Charter. At this session the General Assembly is called upon to put all issues pertaining to the Middle East question in their proper perspective and to adopt appropriate measures to enable the United Nations to carry out its responsibility for the achievement of the peaceful, comprehensive and just settlement that will resolve the conflict in an area which is of vital strategic, political and economic importance to the whole world.
190.	In southern Africa the situation is deteriorating steadily and is a serious threat, to the peace and security not only of Africa but of the entire world. On the question of Namibia, we, together with the rest of Africa, have repeatedly expressed a genuine desire to resolve the problems of southern Africa peacefully and have welcomed and supported the initiative of the five Western Powers regarding Namibia. Within the group of African States, we have also affirmed our commitment to exert every effort to ensure implementation of the plan for a peaceful settlement. However, the machinations and delaying tactics employed by the racist regime of Pretoria to abort that plan have greatly diminished the chances of a peaceful settlement in Namibia.
191.	We therefore condemn the perpetuation of the occupation of Namibia and the looting of its natural resources by the racist regime of Pretoria. We condemn and reject all the measures and steps implemented by racist Pretoria to deny the Namibian people the exercise of their right to self- determination and national independence and to install a puppet regime in Windhoek that represents and defends the interests of the racists in Pretoria, not the interests of the Namibian people. My country reiterates here its declared firm stand on the illegality of the unilateral elections conducted by the racist regime of South Africa in Namibia and of the institutions that resulted therefrom. Any government that emerges in Windhoek must be the result of free elections conducted under United Nations supervision according to the agreed plan.
192.	The serious and deteriorating situation in Namibia makes it imperative for the Security Council to carry out its responsibilities as specified in the Charter by urgently imposing on the racist regime in Pretoria the necessary effective sanctions for the maintenance of international peace and security. If the Security Council fails to carry out its responsibilities, there will be no alternative to armed struggle by the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole legitimate representative, with assistance and support from the African people and friendly nations which cherish peace and freedom. I should like to reiterate here the commitment of my Government to continue to extend all possible support to SWAPO until the Namibian people have regained their independence and sovereignty.
193.	We also hail the heroic role played by the African front-line States in the battle to liberate Namibia and reaffirm our commitment to support them in their struggle. In this connection, we call upon all sister and friendly nations and all nations which love peace and freedom to give SWAPO and the front-line African States the support that will ensure victory in the struggle for the liberation and independence of Namibia.
194.	Many years have elapsed since the international com-munity condemned the inhuman policy of apartheid viciously pursued by the white racist minority in South Africa. Numerous resolutions have been adopted by the United Nations and other regional and international organizations denouncing that policy, but the racist regime in Pretoria, persisting in its intransigence and its defiance of international will, made it impossible to implement those resolutions, and as a result the majority of the people of South Africa are still denied the exercise of their fundamental human rights.
195.	The recent minor reforms and legislative measures introduced by the racist regime of Pretoria, which were applauded by some circles as positive developments, are nothing more than superficial cosmetic changes in the ugly face of apartheid to stem the rising tide of resentment and resistance internally and to buy acceptance and approval abroad.
196.	The atrocious policies and practices of that racist regime, which include discrimination, repression, torture, daily organized violation of human rights and the establishment of new bantustans, are glaring evidence that no real change or reform is taking place and that the regime is still defying and disregarding the will of the international community as embodied in resolutions adopted against apartheid. The international will and determination that defeated and eliminated Nazism and fascism is called upon today to stand firmly in the face of apartheid and to help the majority in South Africa to regain its freedom, dignity and basic- rights. We call upon all Member States to uphold the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to desist from engaging in any kind of co-operation with the racist minority regime in South Africa.
197.	As well as being concerned over the international situation as a whole as it pertains to the Middle East and Africa, we are concerned also with areas of conflict and tension all over the world. With regard to Cyprus, we note and appreciate the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General, which came to fruition in the high level 10-point agreement of May 1979. We are pleased that intercommunal talks are now underway and that agreement has been reached to proceed to the substantive stage of the talks. We sincerely hope that this positive step will result in peace and national unity for Cyprus.
198.	As regards Korea, we are concerned that the country is still divided, in spite of the aspirations of its people to achieve reunification by peaceful means. The continuation of the present situation poses a serious threat to peace and stability in that area. It is gratifying, however, to note that the Korean people in the North and the South are exerting serious efforts to reunify the peninsula peacefully and without foreign intervention.
199.	The serious economic crisis facing the world today necessitates that the international community confront it with wisdom, objectivity, universality and far-sightedness, shunning confrontation and the pursuit of narrow national interests. The destiny of the world today is more interlinked and interdependent than at any time before. It is therefore evident that only through collective and positive action can we achieve development and prosperity for all peoples of the world. International action through international economic co-operation to establish the new international economic order will undoubtedly be in the common interest of all countries of the world, rich and poor. Neglecting serious and fruitful co-operation will surely lead to certain international disaster. It is fitting here to refer to the recently published 1980 annual report of the World Bank, in which it is stated, as a conclusion to the analysis of the world economy during the past decade, that all countries, rich and poor, will face a bleak future in which their stability and survival will be threatened unless they engage in serious co-operation in all economic fields. It is only natural that such an effort should entail greater concessions and sacrifices by the richer developed countries, since the end result will be in the common interest and to the mutual benefit of both developed and developing countries.
200.	By proposing the launching of a new round of global economic negotiations, the developing countries have tried to give new impetus to the stumbling North-South dialogue and to accelerate progress towards establishing the new international economic order. The results of the eleventh special session were, however, frustrating and disappointing. The Assembly could not reach an agreement on the procedures of the proposed global negotiations and has failed to launch the negotiations. The developing countries have exhibited great flexibility and a genuine willingness to co-operate, in recognition of the importance of the global negotiations and in the conviction that the failure of the special session will have serious repercussions on the future of international economic co-operation and even on world peace and security. The failure of the special session is the inevitable result of the lack of political will on the part of a few developed countries and the fact that some major Powers are still prisoners of the traditional attitude towards the international economy, as pointed out by the Foreign Minister of Sweden before the Assembly on 23 September.
201.	The setback to the North-South dialogue should not discourage developing countries from the pursuit of economic and technical co-operation among themselves. In this context, we laud the results of the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Lagos in April this year, the first such session devoted to economic matters. The Sudan has declared its full commitment to the African development strategy and to the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa. We are convinced that solving the economic problems of Africa, the poorest and most underdeveloped continent, must start first in Africa, and that collective self-reliance is the only approach to the realization of economic and social development in Africa and the third world. It is also the principal means of achieving economic independence and actively participating in the economic activities directed towards the establishment of the new international economic order. We are confident that the international community will support Africa's efforts by supporting the Lagos Plan of Action to implement the African development strategy.
202.	In unanimously adopting General Assembly resolution S-11/4 regarding the critical economic situation of the least developed countries, the international community reiterated its concern over the problems of those countries. We hope that this attention and concern will result in concrete measures to assist those countries to overcome their basic structural problems and to proceed towards the realization of economic development. We also hope that the international community will, during the current session, continue its efforts to ensure adequate preparation for the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, to be held in 1981. We attach great importance to that Conference, as it symbolizes the climax of international action in favour of the least developed countries. We expect that Conference to adopt urgent and concrete measures to ensure massive transfer of financial and technical resources to those countries in the context of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s to be elaborated and adopted by the Conference. We also expect the Conference to consider seriously the recommendations of the UNCTAD Intergovernmental Group on the Least Developed Countries, with a view to implementing them.
203.	The Sudan, one of the least developed countries, is deeply concerned at the fact that vast resources are being squandered annually on the arms race. The sum of $450 billion is spent on military installations and hardware, while millions of people around the world are starving to death and others are victims of poverty and disease. The international community is called upon to put an end to this irrational state of affairs and this irrational rule. Serious and urgent action must be undertaken towards complete disarmament and the utilization of the financial and human resources thus freed in developing the developing countries, particularly the least developed among them, and for the prosperity of all mankind.
204.	In concluding my statement before the Assembly, I find it fitting to address myself to the refugee problem. The Secretary-General has pointed out in his report that natural disasters and military and political conflicts have created millions of refugees around the world. That the majority of these refugees are in Africa is a fact which is often neglected, together with the fact that African countries hosting these refugees are facing serious difficulties. The situation of African refugees in the Sudan deserves special attention and consideration. The Sudan, because of its particular geographical location, is adjacent to many African countries which suffered or are still suffering natural disasters, political crises or civil wars resulting in the exodus of about half a million refugees into the Sudan looking for refuge and sustenance. Because of the heavy burden of taking care of half a million refugees, the Government of the Sudan declared 1980 a Year of Refugees in the Sudan. The objective is to highlight the plight of these refugees and solicit international assistance. The focal point of the programme for the Year was the International Conference on Refugees in the Sudan, held at Khartoum in June 1980. We take this opportunity to express from this important rostrum our appreciation and gratitude to the States and regional and international voluntary and intergovernmental organizations, particularly the United Nations and its agencies, whose effective participation and contribution made that Conference a success. We are particularly grateful to the Secretary-General and his senior assistants for the personal interest they have shown in the Year and the Conference and to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and his aides for the positive role they played in preparing for and participating in the Conference. We are also grateful to the States members of the Economic and Social Council, which unanimously adopted its resolution 1980/10 calling upon Governments, the United Nations and other organizations to render all possible assistance to the refugees in the Sudan. We are particularly grateful to the head of the United Nations interagency mission and its other members who prepared a report on the situation of refugees in the Sudan and on programmes of assistance to them.
205.	The Khartoum Conference has studied all aspects of the problems of refugees in the Sudan and indicated the size and the quality of the assistance required to provide them with basic necessities. We are confident that the international community, represented in this forum, will respond generously to the appeal of the Conference for the financial and material assistance necessary for the implementation of the measures and recommendations adopted by the Conference, which are reflected in the report of the interagency mission.
206.	This is the international situation on the threshold of the 1980s—one characterized by tension, instability, lack of peace and security and gloomy economic and social prospects. If this precarious situation is allowed to deteriorate further, the outcome will inevitably be disastrous. As the world today is inextricably interdependent, international co-operation stands as the only option for satisfying the common interest and maintaining peace and security. But this will not be achieved in the absence of the necessary political will to act collectively. We harbour great hopes that this Organization will, if we adhere to its noble principles and objectives, succeed in maintaining world peace and security and achieving prosperity for all mankind. My delegation will therefore spare no effort to work together with other delegations towards the achievement of these goals, and we shall sincerely cooperate with all delegations believing in the objectives of the United Nations and committed to their attainment.


On behalf of the delegation of Guatemala, I extend to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar my warm congratulations on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. The unanimous confidence which the Assembly has shown in him by electing him to such a high office is fully justified by his participation in the activities of the United Nations and his qualities as a diplomat and international negotiator.
263.	I also wish to congratulate his predecessor, Mr. Salim A. Salim, of the United Republic of Tanzania, for having successfully presided over the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly.
264.	My delegation joins in the tributes paid in this forum to the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has done his utmost to tackle the many serious problems confronting the world community.
265.	We have read with great interest the Secretary- General's annual report on the work of the Organization and we express our appreciation of that important document, which reflects judgements based on his years of experience in his post during which he has always worked with patience, diplomacy and discretion, thus fully deserving our admiration.
266.	I also wish to take this opportunity to convey a cordial welcome to the countries which have just joined the Organization. We support their admission in conformity with the principle of universality, an aspiration which, strengthened by the observance of the provisions of the Charter, is aimed at .the maintenance of world peace.
267.	My delegation would like to convey its condolences to the Byelorussian SSR on the tragic death of Pyotr Masherov, alternate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of that country, which occurred on 4 October.
268.	The Government of the Republic of Guatemala, •under General Fernando Romeo Lucas Garcia, considers that it is important to describe to this world Assembly what the people of Guatemala are doing at all levels to accelerate
269.	Large-scale projects of direct benefit to the people are being carried out in Guatemala. For example, a comprehensive road-building plan has been launched to ensure that Guatemala is endowed with a perfect road network. Work is proceeding to equip the country with hydroelectric plants. Building operations have started to provide Guatemala with a modern and functional port on the Pacific Ocean. The construction of hospitals, health centres, schools and recreational establishments is being accelerated, and we have continued to build housing projects mainly for the low-income sectors.
270.	We are also carrying out a land reform policy with the aim of providing farmers not only with land they can own but also with farm credit, training and technical assistance to ensure the best use of the land, effective support for agricultural activities, assistance with the industrialization of agricultural products and construction of the infrastructural works necessary to ensure that farmers have all types of facilities for the marketing of their products.
271.	We must note the progress of work in the northern fringe of the country, which comprises an area of 9,140 square kilometres. This area is being incorporated into the activity of the country and is designated for social transformation, since the land is being handed over to be worked mainly on a communal basis. This will allow the settlement of numerous families in that large area assigned for agricultural development.
272.	Moreover, the work of reforestation has been intensified through a series of programmes to protect the ecology of the nation.
273.	We are continuing to give strong support to the national co-operative movement, mainly with the aim of improving the living conditions of the small producers, most of whom are in the rural areas. We have promulgated the appropriate legislation necessary to strengthen the cooperative movement and have set up the bodies required for the implementation of a comprehensive policy of aid to the workers.
274.	Recently, a substantial increase was decreed in the minimum wage of agricultural workers to allow them to cope with the increase in the cost of living, a phenomenon which affects all nations.
275.	For the first time in the history of our nation, sports, which are carried on in a fully autonomous manner, enjoy the financial resources required if sports are to be engaged in for the benefit of the country. The State has promulgated legislation granting all kinds of support and encouragement to sports at all levels. The sporting spirit is being fostered among children and young people as a means of creating unity and strengthening feelings of friendship, achievement and solidarity, in accordance with the principle that sports are a patriotic activity.
276.	We have begun to harvest the fruits of this policy: young people have discovered that the practice of sports is not only a recreation but a stimulus to their participation in the enhancement of Guatemala's greatness.
277.	With reference to hydrocarbons, we are strongly encouraging oil exploration and development. We have already exported modest amounts—a total of 520,000 barrels—of Guatemalan crude oil.
278.	The execution of our educational plan is given high priority, since it is aimed at equating education with the needs and aspiration* of Guatemalan society, with the improvement of the quality of education and of the system, so as to serve the whole population.
279.	Every encouragement to cultural development is given and the participation of all social sectors in cultural activities is promoted. Guatemalan folklore, one of our people's sources of pride, is thus protected.
280.	Guatemala, as a country in the process of development, is like all other developing countries, faced with a number of problems. Our situation has become worse as a result of the constant and unreasonable increase in the price of oil and its derivatives, and of world inflation whose effects are more strongly felt in the underdeveloped countries, which are more vulnerable to external phenomena.
281.	To this we must add the unfair conditions of international trade.
282.	In order to continue with development programmes in Guatemala, as in all developing countries, it is urgent to improve the conditions of trade and credit, to obtain easier access to markets and to secure a higher price for the raw materials and industrial goods of the underdeveloped nations, in order to achieve greater equity in the distribution of profits.
283.	The strength of the developing countries must be based on the justice of their cause and on their unity. This strength should reside not only in their number but also in the awareness that they constitute the majority of nations and the majority of the world's population. It should be emphasized that their aspirations therefore acquire special significance for the future of mankind.
284.	Guatemala considers that the implementation of the decisions agreed to for the establishment of a new international order is a collective responsibility which we are required to support with unshakable faith, co-operation and political will. Any delay or postponement will increase tensions, which will run counter to the interests of all peoples.
285.	We have the opportunity to establish a new international order in which all nations can maintain harmonious and just relations with one another.
286.	With renewed determination and genuine cooperation, all of us, both developed and developing countries, must respond with courage and determination to this difficult and important challenge.
287.	Guatemala is a country which respects and guarantees universally recognized human rights. Such rights, as far as Guatemala is concerned, have been elevated to the category of constitutional precepts since the promulgation of our Constitution on 11 December 1879.
288.	As regards fundamental human rights such as the right to life, to education, to free and fairly remunerated work, to decent housing, to health, to access to all levels of education and, in general, to a dignified existence, I have already described the progress which the Guatemalan people, by hard work and their own efforts, are making in pursuit of these noble and so human aspirations.
289.	As regards individual human rights, in Guatemala all human beings are free and equal in dignity and rights. There is no discrimination on grounds of race, sex, religion, birth, economic or social position or political opinions. Everyone has the right to do what the law does not prohibit. No one can be persecuted or harmed because of his opinion or acts that do not involve an infringement of the law. Any act preventing or impeding a Guatemalan from exercising his rights or fulfilling his duties as a citizen is punishable. No one may be detained or imprisoned except for an offence and by virtue of an order issued in accordance with the law by a competent judicial authority. In criminal proceedings no one may be obliged to give evidence against himself or his relatives. There is no imprisonment for debt. No one may be convicted without being summoned, tried and sentenced in legal proceedings held before competent and pre-established courts, where the essential legal formalities and guarantees are observed. The domicile and correspondence of all individuals are inviolable. There is complete freedom of movement, of individual or collective petition to the authorities, of peaceful meetings and of association for the different purposes of life. There is freedom of thought without censorship and it is not an offence of slander or insult to denounce, criticize or censure public officials for purely official acts performed during their public duties. There is complete freedom of religion. There is freedom of industry, trade and work. There is freedom of access to the courts to bring proceedings in accordance with the law. The documents of the Administration are public. Suffrage is universal, direct and secret. There are institutions for controlling the conduct of public officials such as parliamentary questioning, the use of amparo (right to legal counsel) and habeas corpus, the law of responsibilities and the law of probity. Congressmen enjoy parliamentary immunity. There is complete freedom of the press, which enjoys special protection.
290.	With regard to social human rights, there is freedom to form trade unions for purposes of economic protection and social betterment. There is a system of social security. The right to strike is recognized. Labour legislation is based on principles of social justice with safeguards for the workers. The enjoyment of all kinds of labour benefits is guaranteed, and there is a special labour jurisdiction.
291.	With regard to civil legislation, which in a number of aspects falls within the purview of human rights, Guatemala has very advanced provisions, such as those ensuring non-discrimination against children on grounds of birth, the investigation of paternity, the freedom to dispose of property, equal status, with certain requirements, of de facto and civil marriage, so as to guarantee the unity of the family and the rights of the children. There is divorce by mutual consent and divorce on specific grounds. The rights of minors are specially protected and there are special family courts.
292.	Penal legislation is designed basically to rehabilitate the delinquent. There are provisions for the remission of penalties through work and the training of prisoners is encouraged so that, on regaining their freedom, they can be useful to society. When penal law favours the accused, it may be applied retroactively. The penalties of life imprisonment, solitary confinement, exile or loss of nationality do not exist in Guatemala.
293.	With regard to public liberties, since Guatemala is a free, sovereign and independent nation, it has chosen a republican system of government and it is a parliamentary democracy. The exercise of sovereignty is delegated to the legislative, executive and judicial branches, which are all equal.
294.	In Guatemala the President may not be elected; nor may. congressmen, mayors and other numbers of municipal corporations be re-elected before a certain time has elapsed.
295.	In Guatemala there is complete political freedom. At the moment there are eight legally registered political parties with different ideologies and tendencies. A number of them are opposed to the present Government.
296.	We Guatemalans have experienced all kinds of political systems: a colonial regime, a federation, liberal, conservative, revolutionary, leftist, dictatorial and de facto governments, presidents for life Juntas and triumvirates; but we have found our right institutional path through suffrage. Thus, so far, we have elected four successive governments by popular vote, the first time we have achieved this in our history.
297.	Democracy is a living reality in Guatemala where the universities, the central bank, the social security system and the municipalities are autonomous. There are other bodies which enjoy decentralized or semi-autonomous status for the better fulfilment of their objectives.
298.	There are now four ex-Presidents living in Guatemala, together with all the persons who have held high office in former administrations.
299.	In Guatemala there is not a single political prisoner and no citizen has been exiled. The right of asylum is respected and the few persons who have sought asylum in the diplomatic missions accredited to Guatemala have been granted safe conduct out of the country, in accordance with our domestic legislation and the international conventions to which Guatemala is a party.
300.	We Guatemalans seek through our political system to be genuine and authentic persons, we try to find our own path and to live in peace, with dignity, in a free society, engaging in fruitful and productive work and enjoying to the full the aptitudes and qualities of citizenship and all the advantages of material, moral, civic, intellectual and spiritual development.
301.	In this way Guatemalans enjoy, exercise and observe all human rights in the broadest possible sense and the State guarantees the exercise of such rights.
302.	Our Government feels it is important to refer to the campaign which certain groups and individuals abroad have been waging against Guatemala in an attempt to undermine its international prestige. They have not succeeded in this aim because they have encountered the rock-like unity of the Guatemalan people, which rejects any kind of interference in its domestic affairs.
303.	Precisely for that reason, in the face of the campaign directed against the people of Guatemala by foreign sectarian organizations, we have extended an invitation—already accepted—to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States to visit Guatemala in order to observe our full enjoyment of human rights.
304.	In the same spirit, on behalf of the people and Government of Guatemala, I invite citizens of all countries of the world to visit Guatemala and see how things really are in our country.
305.	Despite the fact that Guatemala enjoys all possible freedoms, some groups, inspired by political and economic doctrines alien to the people of Guatemala, instead of channelling their aspirations through civic participation in the political parties, have chosen the path of violence as a means of usurping power and enslaving our people.
306.	This tortuous campaign, which is instigated, supported and financed from abroad, has given rise to the formation of clandestine groups which compete with each other in acts of terrorism and murder, spilling the blood of Guatemalans and bringing mourning and sorrow to Guatemalan homes.
307.	These subversive factions, by public statements and announcements sent to the news media, have arrogated to themselves the right to commit acts of violence.
308.	The Guatemalan people rejects the activities of these factions. There is a fervent desire for peace among the population who is profoundly concerned at the climate of violence now existing in Central America.
309.	Thus, farmers, workers, organizations, associations, groups, political parties, universities, professional schools, trade unions, and in general all the sectors which make up our population have made public appeals to the warring factions and have called upon them to cease their activities and to understand that dialogue is the best way of settling differences—a view which the Government of the Republic fully supports.
310.	This year saw the beatification of that venerable servant of God, Pedro de San Jose de Betancur, the first Guatemalan saint. That apotheosis met with the spontaneous approval of the Guatemalan people and the date of the beatification, 22 June, was declared Peace Day in Guatemala.
311.	Also, upon popular request, it was decided to construct a peace plaza as a symbol of the overwhelming aspiration of the people for peace.
312.	In addition, we were visited this year by Mother Teresa, winner of the Nobel peace prize and a missionary who has dedicated her life to the cause of the poor.
313.	The people of Guatemala have made public their profound desire for peace in the country and there have been many spontaneous demonstrations in favour of peace throughout the country.
314.	On 7 September last, in the capital, there was a huge demonstration in favour of peace in Guatemala. More than 500,000 persons participated, prompted by their own convictions and desires. They came from all parts of the nation and belonged to ail social sectors: peasants, workers, students, professionals, private and State employees, businessmen, industrialists, farmers and so on. They condemned the extremist factions which spread subversion, terrorism and death. That massive demonstration showed the fervent desire for peace that lies in all Guatemalan hearts.
315.	We Guatemalans hope that peace will once again reign in our country and we are doing our utmost to secure that noble objective.
316.	We are convinced that, with God's help, we shall achieve in Guatemala the peace so fervently desired by the whole people.
317.	The groups abroad who are fostering a climate of violence in Guatemala are completely out of touch with our social situation, traditions, special qualities, the spirit of unity of our people, the political history of the country and the values inherent in our Guatemalan nationhood. It is precisely because of that ignorance that they are making false allegations against the Guatemalan people.
318.	In the international field Guatemala is following a policy which is fully in accord with its national policy. Thus we support the decisions adopted by the world community which are designed to uphold certain fundamental values: peace, freedom, justice and social progress, democracy, the promotion and observance of human rights and respect for the dignity of nations.
319.	The foreign policy of Guatemala is based on principles enshrined in international law, such as non-intervention in the internal or external affairs of other States, the territorial integrity of nations, ideological pluralism, the sovereignty of countries, the peaceful settlement of disputes between States, good faith in the fulfilment of international undertakings and the development of international cooperation and solidarity.
320.	With regard to the Central American countries, Guatemala is following a policy of fraternal association with their peoples and respect for their Governments. It is a sincere believer in Central American integration at all levels, aimed at the early reconstruction of the Central American fatherland.
321.	In pursuit of that noble aim of our peoples, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Central American nations met at San Jose, Costa Rica, in March this year to work out effective machinery to give it practical effect. At that meeting we adopted, on 15 March, a very important document entitled the Declaration of San Jose. It sets forth the basic points for implementing a series of measures designed to increase the fraternal links between the countries of the region on the basis of mutual respect, and to advance the process of integration of the Central American countries. Regular meetings of the Central American Ministers will continue in order to evaluate the progress made and to take the action necessary to secure the goal we have described.
322.	At the Latin American level, Guatemala maintains cordial relations of diplomacy, friendship and co-operation with all nations. We extend our support to all just causes and we are doing our utmost to strengthen our region to enable it to participate in decision-making on the grave problems confronting the world and so that the importance of the Latin American continent may be recognized within the international community.
323.	At the world level, our policy is to understand the problems besetting the human race and to search for solutions to them.
324.	As a founding Member of the United Nations, Guatemala has continued to make its political and juridical contribution to the United Nations, with the aim of promoting the achievement of the purposes and principles set forth in the Charter.
325.	We are convinced that the United Nations has been and still is the most important instrument yet devised by the family of nations for the maintenance of peace and security in the world and for the promotion of the principles of freedom, justice and human dignity.
326.	We support the appeal which has been made for strengthening the United Nations so that it can play a more effective role in tackling the serious political, economic and social problems we are facing.
327.	To sum up, the international policy of Guatemala is sovereign, democratic, realistic, responsible, honest and dignified. We seek friendship and co-operation with all nations, we have faith in international organizations and we respect all countries. Our foreign policy is carried out with the aim of helping to establish an international community in which the rights of peoples to determine freely their own destiny are recognized and international peace and security are not mere aspirations but effective realities.
328.	My delegation wishes now to refer to the longstanding dispute between Guatemala and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland over the territory of Belize.
329.	Guatemala reaffirms in this world forum that Belize is an integral part of our national territory.
330.	It also reiterates that the rights of Guatemala over the territory of Belize are unquestionable. They are founded on solid historical, geographical, legal, political and moral arguments, of which the international community is well aware.
331.	It solemnly declares, once again, that Guatemala cannot accept, recognize or permit the unilateral granting of independence to Belize by the colonial Power which usurped the territory. That would involve the dismemberment of our native land, a matter on which we cannot compromise because it affects the integrity of our territory, which we are pledged to defend at all costs.
332.	In that respect, it is pertinent to quote paragraph 6 of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), which states:
"Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations."
333.	The dispute over Belize is subject to a process of direct negotiation among the parties involved: Guatemala, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the representatives of Belize.
334.	In other words, the dispute is governed by one of the procedures set forth in the Charter of the United Nations for the peaceful settlement of such disputes. Hence, the United Nations must not intervene or take a stand on this question. If it does so, instead of helping to solve the problem, its intervention will constitute interference in bilateral negotiations. It would be seeking a political solution to what is a territorial dispute in which very special elements are involved.
335.	Guatemala rejects in this case the intervention of the United Nations and restates its position that it will not consider itself bound by the resolutions which have been adopted or which may be adopted on this question.
336.	Similarly, it repudiates the interference of Governments which have absolutely nothing to do with this dispute but which arrogate to themselves the right to dispose of the territory of another nation. This is contrary to the principles of non-interference in the internal or external affairs of other nations and to the respect which States must show to each other, as laid down in the Charter of our Organization.
337.	More than two years ago Guatemala and the United Kingdom began a new series of direct negotiations, in which they have made some progress. They are sure they can reach a solution that will be honourable and just to all the parties concerned.
338.	Guatemala has come to the negotiating table with the sincere desire to accept conciliatory formulas for the equitable settlement of the dispute, taking into account the legitimate rights of Guatemala over the territory of Belize and the vital interests of the inhabitants of that territory.
339.	Within this round of negotiations, there was a meeting on 19 and 20 May 1980 in Bermuda between the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Guatemala and the United Kingdom. Officials from Belize also attended.
340.	I visited London at the end of June and the United Kingdom Minister of State for Commonwealth Foreign Affairs was in Guatemala in the early part of August.
341.	Also, on 7 and 8 July 1980, a meeting of technical officials from Guatemala and the United Kingdom was held here in New York.
342.	At all these meetings we viewed the dispute from different angles, determined to find a solution to it. We shall continue our future discussions along these lines. The next meeting is to be held in New York.
343.	Obviously, the problem is complicated, but we feel that if the parties concerned show goodwill a just settlement to this territorial dispute will be found.
344.	I wish to extend my best wishes to the President for the success of this session of the Assembly under his experienced guidance, and I reaffirm the faith of my country in the United Nations.
345.	This world body has played an important role in the maintenance of international peace, security and understanding.
346.	The establishment of a new world order is the responsibility of all countries, great and small, developed and developing. This objective can be attained if all nations are ready to sacrifice a small part of their interests for the benefit of mankind.
347.	Guatemala will always associate itself with all efforts to achieve peace, social justice, freedom, democracy, support for and observance of human rights, friendship among peoples and the prosperity and development of nations.