42.	 Mr. President, your presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly is a matter of the greatest satisfaction to the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania. You are an enlightened statesman and an experienced diplomat, but it is also the unswerving stand taken by your country, Panama, which constitutes for Mauritania and its delegation a source of encouragement and gives it the assurance that you will conduct the proceedings of this session in an exemplary way.
43.	I should like to take this same opportunity to address to your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, our gratitude for the excellent manner in which he conducted the proceedings of our preceding session.
44.	I should also like to repeat to the Secretary-General the great esteem in which the delegation of Mauritania holds him and our confidence in him. We were particularly struck by the bold comments he included in his report on the work of the Organization.
45.	Finally, I should like to bid welcome to the 158th and latest Member of the United Nations family, Saint Christopher and Nevis.
46.	At this thirty-eighth session, the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania hardly feels able to display any optimism in the face of the increasingly aggressive attitudes of the various hegemonisms, the increasing decline of economies, the profound crisis which appears to affect, and will do so for a long time, international economic relations, further aggravating the present plight of the indigent masses of three quarters of mankind.
47.	In the economic field, any constructive dialogue between the North and the South seems to be blocked for the foreseeable future. The particularly marked decline of the economies of the developing countries is becoming more acute as a result of a sudden and simultaneous combination of negative factors: the burden of debt is becoming heavier, loans are becoming harder to obtain, commodity prices are declining and protectionism is spreading.
48.	Since 1980 our countries have suffered a net loss of earnings amounting to about $200 billion. Even worse, their indebtedness for 1982 has risen to about $630 billion. Commodity prices, that is to say the prices of the bulk of the exports of the developing countries, have today fallen to the lowest level in real terms, that of 1945.
49.	In addition to these phenomena, engendered by the structural fragility within our countries and the extreme
vulnerability of practically all developing economies, dependent as they are on the outside world, there are all kinds of natural disasters, as well as the increasing inflation imported from the developed economies. This is all happening at the precise time when we are witnessing a very appreciable decline in the global volume of public and private development assistance.
50.	These various factors only serve to make even heavier the already intolerable burdens of the developing countries. Thus, the countries of the third world, which are severely handicapped for all kinds of reasons— historical, social, cultural, political and economic—have found themselves in the last three years in a new situation from which there is no escape.
51.	This bad or even disastrous financial situation is clearly reflected in the difficulties encountered in the replenishment of the development funds maintained by IMF and the World Bank; and also by the large decline in voluntary contributions for UNDP. The impact of this decline is very damaging because the participation of UNDP has always played and continues to play an important, if not an indispensable, complementary role in national efforts by beneficiary countries.
52.	More generally, and in terms of the difficulties encountered in the various forums of dialogue between developing and industrialized countries, while the persistent obstacles to getting global negotiations under way have proved frustrating, the relative failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development this summer at Belgrade was a great disappointment. Thus, in spite of the appeal for dialogue and consensus made by the Ministers of the member countries of the Group of 77 in the Buenos Aires Platform in April 1983,2 and in spite of the flexibility shown by the same countries at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi, the response of the other side failed to match the hopes legitimately raised by the theoretical declarations of good intentions. The frail consensus achieved should not allow us to forget the magnitude of the disappointment concerning the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the one forum from which we were entitled to expect something and which was the repository of the hopes of the developing world for an improvement in a generally unfavourable world situation. The Secretary-General came out boldly as the interpreter of this attitude in his report on the work, of the Organization	in which he emphasized:  It is regrettable that efforts at flexibility, as evinced, for example, at the Buenos Aires and New Delhi meetings, did not evoke a comparable response.
53.	The Islamic Republic of Mauritania is of the view that for this indispensable global and fundamental reform of the international economic system—the need for which has been stressed by everyone—to take place, the new actions of developing countries would have to be met with a more favourable attitude and a more clear-cut political will on the part of the rich countries. That is why we are hoping for a distinct change of attitude with regard to the new proposals of the third world for the launching of global negotiations in two stages: first, the adoption of immediate measures and structural reforms over the short and medium term; and, secondly, over the long term, the launching of global negotiations.
54.	This praiseworthy and realistic initiative has the merit of concerning itself with immediate, pressing needs while proposing a reasonable time-frame for the preparation, through painstaking negotiations, of the radical reform, so much desired and so desirable, of an overall situation which has reached the danger point and which will seriously affect the world for years to come and the prospects of peace and war in the future.
55.	Africa, a continent which suffers so sorely from all the symptoms characterizing underdevelopment, is particularly anxious that there should be a redefinition of world economic relations which would bring about a greater degree of equity, genuine solidarity and security for all.
56.	The document recently distributed under the symbol A/38/307, which deals with co-operation between the United Nations and the OAU, is eloquent in this regard.
57.	However, the same questions which were raised at the 1982 meeting between the two organizations are now an even more urgent item on the agenda. These are: the heightening of the awareness of the world public of the urgent problems of the growing desertification of the north and south of the Sahara; the dissemination of information on what is known as the Lagos Plan of Action; and the appropriate treatment of the food situation in Africa.
58.	With regard to the Lagos Plan of Action s and the Final Act of Lagos   of 1980, its declared objective is to put an end to the economic over-dependence of Africa and bring about self-sufficient economic growth and self- sustained development throughout the continent. The Lagos Plan to put into effect the strategy laid down in Monrovia responds perfectly to the overall concerns of the developing countries in the face of the crises which threaten them in the fields of energy, the balance of payments, external indebtedness, food, drought, and so forth. These last two problems, those of food and drought, are thrown into stark relief in our continent, which, barely 20 years ago was self-sufficient in terms of food. It is precisely the ecological changes, caused particularly by the spectacular advance of the desert towards the fertile North Africa and the steppes and forests of black Africa, but also the demographic explosion and other factors which have done so much to disrupt the balance of self-sufficiency. In the 1970s our continent increased tenfold the volume of its cereal imports.
59.	We welcome the praiseworthy action by FAO and WFP to limit the damage caused by the climatic disasters, and we support the decision taken by the Committee on World Food Security to adopt a new integrated concept in three areas: ensuring food production and sufficient supplies; stabilizing supplies and markets; and ensuring access to supplies.
60.	The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, a Sahelian country, welcomes the remarkable action undertaken in our region by the United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office and hopes that we shall see a strengthening of co-operation between this Office and the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel. When the Chairman of this Committee, the head of State of Cape Verde, Mr. Pereira, addressed this Assembly on 27 September on behalf of all the member countries of that Committee, he forcefully, clearly and objectively expressed the essential concerns which we all share.
61.	The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, which shares the general climatic conditions of our brothers in the Sahel, is, however, unique in terms of the amount of its national territory which is desert. It is in our country, that the desert is advancing most rapidly, reaching and sometimes passing the river valley, which is the granary of the country, and also reaching the pastures of the south, the east and the centre, which are the principal grazing grounds of our sheep, cattle and goats. According
to estimates drawn up by specialists, if the present climatic conditions persist, at the present rate of exploitation, the forests of Mauritania are liable to disappear in a few years. Our sizable cattle holdings, which meet the needs of so many markets both in black Africa and in North Africa, have suffered serious losses and are today threatened with irreparable damage.
62.	The already acute food shortage of the past few years has grown dangerously worse this year. Our grain production meets barely a tenth of our national needs. This situation threatens thousands of nomads and the rural and semi-rural population and has already led to an uncontrolled exodus towards our urban centres and particularly to our young capital.
63.	At the national level, by taking urgent steps and through a popular mobilization, the Military Committee for National Salvation and the Government have been actively engaged in alleviating the serious consequences of the drought and the resultant acute food shortage. However, in spite of the sacrifices we have made, the scope of the phenomenon far exceeds our means, which are in any case limited.
64.	I should like to take this opportunity to thank all friendly countries that have given us aid and assistance. We would also like to express once more our appreciation for the increased efforts being made with regard to our country by the organizations of the United Nations system, FAO, UNICEF, WHO, UNDP and others, as well as by the International Red Cross.
65.	If the international economic situation gives no cause for optimism, the world political scene, for its part, is marked by dangerous threats to international peace and security because of the emergence of new hotbeds of tension, in addition to the aggravation of long-standing situations. Indeed, since our last session the international political situation has been marked by a growing deterioration that has spared no continent.
66.	Thus in the Middle East Israel, abetted by protectors determined to ensure for it the benefit of its military conquests and more intransigent than ever, is pursuing with impunity its policy of faits accomplis and defiance of international opinion and legality. Israel's unswerving policy remains unchanged. It consists of the intransigent refusal to recognize in any way the national rights of the Arab Palestinian people and the equally categorical rejection of any eventual return of occupied Arab territories. The Zionist occupation authorities are carrying out all kinds of actions aimed at making irreversible the illegal annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights and the Judaization of the Arab city of Al-Quds, which is both Moslem and Christian.
67.	On another level the Israeli authorities are giving free rein to religious fanaticism and racism with the unconcealed aim of speeding up the blatant annexation of the West Bank, which is the true objective of a deliberate and provocative policy aimed at setting up an ever-growing number of settlements there.
68.	Lastly, the Zionist entity is increasing its manoeuvres to delay the evacuation of its aggressive forces from Lebanese national territory. In this connection the Islamic Republic of Mauritania remains convinced that true and lasting peace in the Middle East must include, first, the total and unconditional withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Al-Quds, and, secondly, the restoration to the Palestinian Arab people, under the leadership of their sole, authentic and legitimate representative, the PLO, of their inalienable and imprescriptible rights, and in particular their sacred right to establish a sovereign State on the land of their ancestors.
69.	In this regard we are gratified at the conclusions of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine held at Geneva last month. Our delegation believes that the Final Declaration of the Conference' represents the minimum basis upon which a true and lasting peace in occupied Palestine can be built. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania calls for the sincere and complete implementation of the programme of action adopted at that conference.'
70.	Our country, which continues to rely upon the United Nations for the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, appeals to the Security Council to face up to its responsibilities with regard to that important question. The Council must more effectively impose sanctions upon Israel for its intolerable defiance of the Organization. We particularly regret the constant use of the veto, which has prevented the Council from condemning the adventurist policy of an entity that is so little devoted to peace and so little attached to the Charter of the United Nations, to international law and to justice. My country shares the view expressed by the Secretary-General in Ms report on the work of the Organization	where he states:
 The Council must be primarily used for the prevention of armed conflict and the search for solutions. Otherwise it will become peripheral to major issues, and in the end the world could pay, as it has before, a heavy price for not learning the lessons of history.
It goes without saying that such an abdication by the Council would have unforeseeable consequences.
71.	Nowhere do such lessons of history better deserve to be borne in mind than in the Middle East. The confiscation of Palestine, the forced exile of its people, the acts of aggression against the Arab populations of the region, the insult to their past, the lack of progress that marks their present and the uncertainty weighing over their future provide the usurper with no real security, whatever his temporary military superiority. No foreign force can indefinitely impose its will upon our peoples or survive within our midst if the only language it can utter is that of force and hegemonism.
72.	The latest victim of such brutal hegemonism is the fraternal country of Lebanon, to which we express our total solidarity in the realization, within the framework of the overall strategy of the Arab nation as a whole, of its national goals for the liberation of all its homeland and the preservation of its territorial unity and the unity of its people. We call upon all brothers and friends, and upon the whole of the international community as well, to increase their aid to and support for Lebanon in order to enable it to ensure national reconciliation through the consolidation of the latest cease-fire agreement, which was so difficult to obtain begin its economic reconstruction and achieve the total, immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli forces of aggression from its soil.
73.	In the Gulf, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania once again deplores the senseless continuation of a conflict that is so cruel, so painful and so terribly costly in human tosses and material damage, namely, the conflict between Iran and Iraq, which share a rich and age-old cultural and spiritual heritage and a long common history of coexistence and fruitful and fraternal co-operation.
74.	Our country associates itself with the Ummah of Islam, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations in calling for the immediate cessation of hostilities between these two fraternal countries and for
the opening of negotiations between them in order to reach a definitive solution to their differences.
75.	Africa, of which my country is an integral part, is also the victim of conflicts and interference that drain the energies of our continent and swallow up its resources.
76.	In southern Africa, putting into practice the lessons that its emulator and ally, Israel, has imparts so lavishly to it, South Africa is increasing its delaying tactics to put off the independence of Namibia and to extend its aggression to the fraternal countries of that vital region of our continent, particularly Angola, Mozambique, Lesotho, Botswana, Zambia.
77.	For the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the only realistic basis that should and must serve for the return of international legality to Namibia by restoring the authority and exclusive responsibility of the United Nations there in order to bring an end to the usurpation of the territory and permit the sovereign expression of the will of its people. We regret that there has been no progress since the last session of the Assembly, despite the reaffirmation last year by the Western countries making up what is known as the contact group of their commitment to the rapid implementation of resolution 435 (1978) in order to enable the Namibian people to exercise their right to self-determination.
78.	For its part, our country expresses again here its complete solidarity with the fraternal Namibian people and its legitimate representative, SWAPO, which in our view remains the sole negotiating partner for a settlement of this question.
79.	Mauritania reaffirms also its solidarity with Angola and the other fraternal front-line countries and its total commitment to the cause of their peoples. Our country took an active part in the Second World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, held last August at Geneva, and is gratified at the conclusions reached at that historic meeting. We repeat our total condemnation of that most hideous manifestation of racism, apartheid.
80.	Mauritania notes with satisfaction the intensification of the political action and armed resistance by the majority being oppressed by the racist South African regime; we encourage the African National Congress to continue its leadership of the liberation struggle of the broad masses of that people to set up in South Africa a multiracial, democratic and egalitarian society.
81.	Still on the subject of Africa, but in regard to our immediate frontiers, the problem of Western Sahara remains one of the major concerns of my country. Mauritania will never tire of drawing attention to the many serious implications of this conflict; we shall continue, until a satisfactory solution is found, to draw attention to the particularly fratricidal, ruinous character of the conflict.
82.	We shall continue also to express our belief—now shared by the whole of Africa—that there cannot be any hope of a just and lasting solution without the guaranteed willingness of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic and the Kingdom of Morocco to embark on a direct, frank and constructive dialogue. This negotiation should lead to the conclusion of a cease-fire—and we should like to see this happen as soon as possible—and to the redefinition of practical arrangements for the holding of a regular general referendum on self-determination, without any military or administrative constraints.
83.	The nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held last June at Addis Ababa, unanimously committed the two parties to the conflict, by its relevant resolution, to undertake action on those lines . Along with Senegal and Ethiopia, and with the help of other fraternal countries that held intense and assiduous consultations and negotiations, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania is proud and honoured to have taken an active part in producing the compromise resolution that made it possible to name Morocco and POLISARIC explicitly as the two parties to the dispute, thus helping to create a general climate propitious to overcoming the psychological barriers that have hitherto prevented a proper appreciation of the Saharan question.
84.	That is why we wish to put on record our distress of the fact that, during the meeting of the Implementation Committee on Western Sahara set by the OAU, held last September at Addis Ababa, one of the parties thought it necessary to reject the procedure advocated by that Committee in its efforts to put the Assembly's resolution into effect. We very much regret that, because it entails the risk of making a mockery of the tremendous hopes aroused by the consummation, in the Ethiopian capital, of so many years of effort and imagination. We therefore appeal to the fraternal country of Morocco to shoulder its responsibilities and agree, in its turn, to co-operate fully with the Implementation Committee by sitting down at the same negotiating table with its Saharan brothers.
85.	What is at issue here is undoubtedly the building of our Arab Maghreb on a solid basis through the restoration of a just peace and fraternal co-operation between its peoples. Also at stake is the credibility of the OAU, and perhaps its very survival.
86.	The United Nations should throw in the immense weight of its moral authority and give the various forms of assistance which may be requested of it in order to bring about a just settlement in Western Sahara. The Organization, which has been fully associated with the whole process, because Africa so willed it and also because of the Organization's global responsibilities, should in particular endorse the decision of the OAU Assembly, thus demonstrating the importance that the world community attaches to some of the fundamental principles of our time: the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination and independence, and the negotiated settlement of disputes.
87.	Throughout the five continents we are increasingly witnessing a resurgence of serious violations of the principles of the sovereignty and independence of many countries.
88.	In Afghanistan, the people have for several years now been undergoing a painful ordeal The Islamic Republic of Mauritania once again calls for the indispensable withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghan national territory, for respect for Afghanistan's sovereignty and its people's right to preserve the integrity of its national territory, thereby ensuring its progress in accordance with its historical heritage and its own specific social and cultural values.
89.	As for South-East Asia, our country, which this year received the visit of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, repeats its previous appeals for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the national territory of Democratic Kampuchea. We also reaffirm Mauritania's attachment to the Declaration on Kampuchea adopted by the International Conference on Kampuchea, held in New York in July 198 and to all the relevant resolutions of the Organization demanding respect for the sovereignty of Kampuchea, the ending of external interference in its internal affairs, and respect .for the Khmer people's sovereign right to organize their national life freely and democratically.

90.	Generally speaking, we firmly condemn, as contrary to the traditions of the peaceful coexistence of States, the claim of large, medium-sized and small Powers that they have the unilateral, and immoral right to change by force a neighbouring country's regime if they subjectively deem it to be hostile to them.
91.	Reasonable estimates are that by the year 2000 the population of our world will number about 6 billion. Faced with such a prospect, the Organization, and indeed all the States that make up the international community, have the responsibility of ensuring for these additional 2.5 billion men and women more acceptable conditions of life in a more peaceful, more equitable and more habitable world.
92.	Such an objective presupposes, first of all, that the obsessive spectre of a nuclear holocaust, which without any doubt would be utterly devastating y d perhaps even fatal to any form of life on our beautiful planet, will be removed for ever from the human race.
93.	This presupposes, too, that our community of nations will succeed in tempering the selfishness of the richest by, among other things, translating into concrete reality the interdependence of nations and the natural inclination of so many human beings to generosity and solidarity.
94.	The restructuring and increase of development aid, the more general availability of the advances of science and technology, the easing of protectionist systems are all factors that could bring this world closer to equity through prosperity for all.
95.	To be effective, economic justice must be accompanied by an improvement in international political relations.
96.	Too many peoples are the victims of the usurpation of their countries; too many others—in theory sovereign —have been stripped of their sacred rights to self-fulfilment in accordance with their own choices, philosophical, political, economic and social.
97.	Who can doubt that the stripping of entire peoples of their right to sovereignty, of which this Organization has been a passive witness, and the stifling of the fundamental liberties and social rights of hundreds of millions of human beings, pose an ethical problem which goes to the very heart of the Organization and the spirit and letter of the Charter?
98.	This is also the true challenge of the end of the twentieth century, a century which will have brought men, both in terms of their social and political rights and in terms of their scientific and technological advances and the tolerant and mutual acceptance of their respective moral legacy, the most radical and decisive changes.
99.	With faith in humanity, the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania ventures to hope that our human race will reverse its course towards self-destruction of our species and succeed in harnessing its ingenuity and its sometimes magnificent results achieved through the sacrifices and the laborious efforts of so many generations of people, to bring about a world where prosperity is equitably shared, a world of peace.


27.	 I would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. I assure you of the full co-operation of the Canadian delegation in the discharge of your duties. You can count on our support in your efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the Assembly, a concern which you emphasized last week in your opening address.
28.	I would also like to welcome Saint Christopher and Nevis as the 158th Member of the United Nations. St. Kitts is a hemisphere neighbour, a Commonwealth partner and a close friend to many Canadian visitors.
29.	We meet at a time of heightened tension. The urgency of many world problems has intensified since last year. The need for a dynamic United Nations has never been greater.
30.	One year ago the Secretary-General inspired us to take a hard look at the Organization. We measured expectations against realities and, to no one's surprise, found ourselves wanting. We recognized that we were in the midst of what the Secretary-General called, in his reports a "crisis in the multilateral approach in international affairs". We unanimously agreed on the imperative need to strengthen the role and effectiveness of the United Nations. We have not yet succeeded. It is now time to move from high-sounding generalities on which we can all agree to specific measures for strengthening the multilateral system.
31.	The reputation of the United Nations is widely measured by its contribution to peace and security. We must turn around the current perception that the United Nations cannot respond forcefully to crisis and conflict. We must make more creative use of the existing provisions and mechanisms of the Charter.
32.	The key is the Security Council and the way in which the Secretary-General works with the Council and the members work with each other. Council members have been seeking ways to make the work of the Council more effective. It will be unfortunate if political realities prevent any significant improvements. We count upon the members of the Council, particularly its permanent members, to exercise their responsibilities on behalf of all Member States.
33.	Is it naive to demand an enhanced spirit of cooperation and acceptance of responsibilities in the Council? One wonders, in the light of recent events. The world will not soon forget that the Council was prevented from taking action on the destruction of a civil aircraft by the Soviet Union. We cannot write off this particular Soviet veto as a harsh fact of life. This exercise of the veto was callously irresponsible. It prevented the Council from taking action to preserve the safety of international civil aviation.
34.	Canadians continue to be outraged by the tragedy of 1 September. On 12 September the Canadian House of Commons unanimously condemned "the unwarranted attack on and destruction of the Korean airliner on the orders of Soviet authorities". The House of Commons demanded "a full and truthful explanation of this brutal act from the Soviet Government". It demanded that "the Soviet Government co-operate fully in any impartial investigation under the auspices of the United Nations and of the International Civil Aviation Organization to prevent any repetition of such a tragedy". And the Canadian Parliament also demanded that "the Soviet authorities immediately offer full and generous compensation to the families of all victims, including Canadians". The text of this resolution was distributed on 13 September as a document of the Security Council and is available to all United Nations Members.
35.	Canadians are dismayed by the continuing failure of the Soviet Government to respond to official Canadian communications on this matter. A TASS report is an insulting response to a reasonable request for information.
36.	One United Nations agency, ICAO, is undertaking an urgent and impartial investigation to determine the facts of the tragedy. It is also reviewing ways of preventing a recurrence of this tragedy. Canadians expect the Soviet authorities to co-operate fully with ICAO.
37.	The ineffectiveness of the Council in dealing with the Korean Air Lines incident demonstrates once again the need to find more flexible and creative ways for Council members to address disputes. I would hope that agreement could be reached among Council members on the following specific measures: First, the Secretary- General should be encouraged to make greater use of Ms authority under Article 99 to bring current or potential crisis situations to the attention of the Council. To do this, he requires a greater fact-finding capacity. Secondly, the Council should meet informally to avert potential crises by examining incipient disputes during /n camera sessions with the Secretary-General. Thirdly, the Secretary- General requires additional personnel and resources for more effective use of his good offices in the resolution of disputes.
38.	These are not revolutionary steps. They can be taken on the basis of existing authority and by reallocating resources. But they would be useful and concrete and would facilitate the tangible progress on specific problems that is so urgently required. The Secretary-General has shouldered his responsibilities in an exemplary fashion. He does not, however, possess supernatural or, alas, supra-national powers. We, as Member Governments, must also shoulder our responsibilities.
39.	The Secretary-General has just reported on one problem crying out for a solution—that of Namibia. It is almost five years to the day since the Security Council adopted resolution 435 (1978). The outstanding issues regarding its implementation have, in substance, been resolved. All the parties have made concessions to achieve this result.
40.	There is no excuse now for further delay. South Africa's pre-condition for implementation, the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola, cannot legitimize its illegal occupation of Namibia. The question of principle is clear. Namibia should have its independence regardless of what happens or does not happen in Angola.
41.	The Secretary-General has spelt out the political realities very clearly in his report to the Security Council further disastrous consequences will result if we do not quickly reach the stage of implementation, and reaching this stage will require a determined effort by all concerned and particularly by those directly concerned.
42.	The first step is clear. South Africa must end its incursions into Angola and its interventions there. It cannot seek unilaterally to reshape the region; boundaries and sovereignties must remain inviolate.
43.	Secondly, the President of Angola has reaffirmed that his country has no desire to rely on foreign troops or keep them on its soil once Angola is no longer threatened. Measures to strengthen confidence and lessen tensions between those directly concerned are urgently needed.
44.	Thirdly, the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) during 1984 is the essential step. Without this, there cannot be peace in the region. Those who seek peace will meet this challenge.
45.	A fourth step should follow. UNCTAD is at present studying Namibia's economic and social needs. The international community will need to provide assistance to an independent Namibia, and Canada stands ready to play its part.
46.	The occupation of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, and of Kampuchea by Viet Nam, persist in defiance of the Assembly's resolutions. The countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, as recently as last week have made constructive proposals aimed at a solution to the Kampuchean situation
On Afghanistan, the Secretary-General and his personal representative have made an effort to get a real dialogue going. The achievement of an equitable solution, however, will require the demonstration of a greater sense of responsibility on the part of the Soviet Union.
47.	Canadians have participated in 15 United Nations peace-keeping forces and observation teams. Peacekeeping can be an important part of promoting the peaceful settlement of disputes. The presence of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus, for example, has prevented a recurrence of intercommunal fighting and has helped to maintain law and order. However, there is still no solution to the fundamental problems of the island. The Secretary-General and his representative have recently provided useful ideas on how a settlement can be reached. But until the parties themselves are prepared to make a serious commitment to negotiations, no just and lasting settlement can be found. Peace-making must be seen to go hand-in-hand with peace-keeping.
48.	Of course, the alarming course of events in Central America continues to preoccupy us. Political solutions to the region's problems are slow to emerge. For this reason we have welcomed the initiatives of the Contadora Group, working with the five countries of Central America to find a path toward reconciliation. We are convinced that lasting solutions to the region's problems can be arranged only by the countries of the region—that approach is fully consistent with the Charter of the United Nations. The Contadora initiative provides a basic framework for stability and co-operation within which the root causes of the region's problems can be attacked more constructively than by military meanings.
49.	One factor critical to the success of the Contadora initiative will be a positive response from all parties to
President Reagan's welcome offer of verifiable demilitarization. There has been some response both from Nicaragua and Cuba but, as yet, no dialogue nor any decrease in military activity. This is essential if an effective settlement in Central America is to be achieved. Canada would support concrete proposals by the Contadora Group to stop the process of militarization and to verify and monitor the progressive withdrawal of all foreign military personnel from the region.
50.	Canada is committed to supporting these regional mechanisms. If renewed efforts by the five countries of Central America could lead to agreement among them on a common approach to economic and social planning, Canada would increase its contribution to the necessary regional infrastructure projects. We are more than willing to continue to help all countries there to solve their problems by themselves. But assistance to these countries will be effective only once they have jointly decided to reject outside military involvement. A common effort of this sort could help to restore the political stability and confidence without which programmes for development cannot succeed.
51.	Perhaps no issues have more frustrated this Organization than the successive crises in the Middle East. The situation in Lebanon has been particularly tragic. We hope that the cease-fire just arranged will hold. The internal problems of this country have been complicated by others in the region who have chosen, at Lebanon's expense, ruthlessly to pursue their own interests on Lebanese soil. Canada strongly supports Lebanon's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Foreign troops must withdraw unless they are present at the specific request of the legitimate Government of that country. We must all actively support, through the United Nations and by any other means open to us, the search for a just solution based on national reconciliation.
52.	Nor can we allow events elsewhere to deflect our attention from the Arab-Israeli conflict. Nothing has occurred in the 12 months since we last gathered to lessen the burning need for a lasting solution which assures the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to a homeland in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. I encourage all parties to exercise restraint. I call on Israel to rethink its policy on settlements. I urge all parties to enter into genuine negotiations. I call on them to make clear, in unambiguous terms, their readiness to accept the right of all States in the area, including Israel, to exist in security and peace.
53.	Questions of disarmament and arms limitation have become the central preoccupation of our time. Negotiations between the major Powers have yet to show significant progress. President Reagan's announcement yesterday provides some encouragement that movement may be possible on the question of intermediate-range nuclear weapons. The proposals he advanced are an important step forward and demonstrate a constructive flexibility on the United States side which, we hope, will be matched on the Soviet side,
54.	The major Powers have the paramount contribution to make in disarmament and arms limitation. At the same time, we must ensure that multilateral negotiations, under United Nations auspices, serve to reinforce the arms control and disarmament process. Machinery already exists for this purpose, but it has to work more effectively. The Committee on Disarmament, for example, has shown mixed results over the past year.
55.	I regret that a working group on arms control and outer space was not established this year by the Committee on Disarmament. Prime Minister Trudeau warned us at the twelfth special session, devoted to disarmament, that "we cannot wait much longer if we are to be successful in foreclosing the prospect of space wars". This issue is urgent if we are to succeed in keeping outer space off limits to weapons of war. I commend the Committee's Group of 21 for their recognition of this urgency.
56.	Having submitted a substantive working paper on this subject in 1982 Canada has continued its research programme on both the legal and technical aspects. We urge the establishment of a working group early in the 1984 session and are prepared to co-operate fully in the detailed examination of the issues.
57.	The Committee on Disarmament did make significant progress in the area of chemical weapons. Thanks to the co-operation extended to the Canadian chairman of the Committee's Working Group on Chemical Weapons, we now have for the first time a complete document which outlines the elements of a convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons and on their destruction. The Working Group has been given the task of undertaking, immediately at the outset of 1984, intensive negotiations on the text of a convention.
58.	Canada's concern with the need to eliminate chemical warfare is of longstanding. It goes back to the First World War, when Canadian forces were subjected to the first massive gas attack. Since then, technological developments have made chemical weapons even more pernicious, as events in South-East Asia in recent years have unfortunately demonstrated. It would be a real achievement if a draft convention on chemical weapons could be agreed upon by the end of 1984. We recognize also the absolute necessity of verification if we are going to make real progress in international disarmament and arms control negotiations. Since the Second World War, Canada has attached special importance to the development of international verification mechanisms and has assigned a high priority to research in this area. We have been making available increased funding for research which will help in the technical and practical aspects of verification. We hope that by sharing the results of our work through the Committee on Disarmament we shall make a real contribution to the Committee's effectiveness.
59.	Multilateral institutions face the same challenges in the economic as in the political sphere. We have started to meet the challenge. International co-operation has been strengthened through the most intensive round of high- level economic consultations in several years. The series of meetings beginning with the joint IMF/IBRD meeting at Toronto in September last year and moving on to the first ministerial meeting in 10 years of the parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and then to the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries at New Delhi and the Summit of Industrialized Countries at Williamsburg and to the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development has been an exhausting but worthwhile experience.
6? These consultations have encouraged mutually rein forming national action in a number of sectors. There has been a welcome drop in inflation and nominal interest rates. In the debt area, we have seen an outstanding co-operative effort in handling major simultaneous rescheduling. IMF has performed with vigour and resilience. Developing countries have adopted courageous adjustment programmes to restore their payments equilibrium. International financial institutions and bilateral donors have kept open the flow of resources for development. The GATT ministerial meeting compelled Governments to take a hard look at their own behaviour and elicited renewed commitments to the open multilateral trading system. At the Williamsburg summit the major Western nations agreed on the vital interdependence of the world economy. The developing countries, seriously affected by the world recession, must be full partners in global recovery.
64.	There is, of course, no room for complacency. As I stated at the session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at Belgrade, there are no quick fixes to problems which are deep and ingrained in the world economy. To turn this partial and uneven recovery into one that is durable and widespread, we shall need action on many fronts. Continuing efforts are essential to reduce interest rates. In responding to the debt problem, we must ensure an adequate flow of funds to the debtor countries to support their adjustment efforts. Adequate official funds must be made available through IMF and the development institutions, especially to the low-income countries, while commercial banks must continue to play an important role in international financing. The needs of the International Development Association are particularly acute. For its part, Canada has recommitted itself to increasing Canada's official development assistance to 0.5 per cent of the gross national product by 1985 and to make best efforts to achieve 0.7 per cent by 1990. We have today deposited our instrument of ratification of the Agreement Establishing the Common Fund for Commodities.
65.	In trade, the task ahead for our Governments and international institutions is to work together to carry out and monitor the commitments we have already made. It is positive action, not just pledges, that will build confidence in the trading system and contribute to economic recovery. Canada is actively supporting efforts in GATT and elsewhere to monitor commitments to resist protectionism. If individual Governments are to resist protectionist pressures, they need to know that they are engaged in a genuine collective effort and are not simply standing alone. We are mindful of the vital role of trade in the process of global economic development and of the contribution which export earnings can make to relieving severe strains on the payments balance of many countries. These efforts require our attention and resolve.
66.	There is another area where co-operation must be nurtured. This is producer-consumer co-operation on petroleum. Repeated energy price shocks have been an important cause of accelerating inflation, lower real growth, the debt crisis and the muting of the North-South dialogue. We are now facing an opportunity for producers and consumers to work together, as a reflection of overwhelming common interests, in conservation and assurance of supply and a fair, stable long-term price. There is now a greater spirit of realism in consumer- producer relations that offers some hope for pragmatic discussion of oil and related concerns in the coming years.
67.	The international community has spent far too much time trying to devise new machinery and not enough in making what we have work better. I am encouraged by the pragmatic direction that the debate on reform of the international financial system has taken. The Commonwealth Study Group's report on challenges for the world's financial and trading system represents a most useful recent contribution to this debate. Many of its recommendations are aimed, in the first instance, at bringing about greater multilateral co-operation within the parameters of the present institutional system.
68.	The same concern—to make existing institutions work better—has prompted the efforts by my country within the Governing Council of UNDP to achieve a more assured system of funding for that institution and to reinforce its role as a central fund for all United Nations technical assistance activities for development. We likewise attach importance to the current triennial review of the operational development activities to the United Nations system. This review provides an opportunity to reassert a coherent sense of purpose and direction to practical co-operation between North and South.
69.	I have emphasized the most difficult issues of peace and security and economic co-operation. We should, however, balance our natural concern with these problem areas by recognizing and giving wider publicity to the ongoing achievements of the United Nations system. Too often what has been accomplished has been taken for granted. I should like to cite a few examples.
70.	First, the United Nations specialized agencies continue to spearhead international co-operation in many vital technical areas. ICAO is the more recent case in point. It is important for us to ensure that the specialized agencies succeed in preventing extraneous political issues from diverting them from their principal tasks.
71.	Secondly, slow but steady progress has been made, since the approval of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, towards the creation of a body of international treaties, mechanisms and procedures which should eventually cover all flagrant violations of human rights. No Government can claim any longer that human rights abuses are solely within their domestic jurisdiction. The work of the United Nations in human rights goes hand in hand with its efforts in the co-ordination of humanitarian assistance to refugees and in cases of natural or man-made disasters.
72.	Thirdly, the United Nations system remains in the vanguard of the progressive development of international law. Pioneering legal regimes have been established in crucial fields such as the law of the sea, outer space, civil aviation, telecommunications and trade. However, if the system is going to keep pace with new developments and technologies, legal considerations will have to take precedence over political objectives.
73.	Fourthly, the United Nations system is also actively facilitating international co-operation in coming to grips with the most persistent problems facing society. One innovative proposal, which will be considered by the General Assembly at this session, is for the establishment of an international commission on the environment. The commission would address one of the major challenges facing the international community by studying the impact of economic and social development on the world's environment up to and beyond the year 2000.
74.	If the United Nations system is to deal effectively with the panoply of current issues, we the Member States must not stray from the basic ground of the system. Universality of membership remains fundamental to the viability of the system. As stated in Article 4 of the Charter, membership in the United Nations should be open to all peace-loving States which accept the obligations contained in the Charter, and this description certainly applies to the Republic of Korea, which, in its reaction to the calamity of 1 September and in its other actions, has demonstrated clearly its sense of responsibility and its desire for peace.
75.	Another basic obligation of membership is that Member States must pay their assessed shares of United
Nations budgets and resist the temptation to refuse selectively to pay their shares of certain parts of those budgets. Otherwise, the system will be undermined.
76.	This week, many heads of State and Government, including my own Prime Minister, are conferring here in New York. They have not lost faith in the multilateral institutions we have so painstakingly constructed. The United Nations system may be far from becoming, as some would hope, a world government which can enforce its decisions. But it is also far from being dominated, as others would have us believe, by a "tyranny of the majority". We must dig beneath these slogans. We must reinvigorate our multilateral institutions in practical ways, and, certainly, Canada is prepared to join in activities aimed at reaching that goal.


1.	 It is a great honour for me to address the Assembly in the name of Morocco, making the statement that is traditional at the opening of every session.
2.	Numerous and varied subjects will be discussed during the current session, and we cannot say that one is more important or has higher priority than the others. I do not want to speak at length by enumerating the items on the agenda, and I do not want to mention all the documents available here. I shall confine myself to two issues—one to do with the Middle East and the other to do with Africa.
3.	As all representatives know, there was held last year in the city of Fez a conference which we called the Fez Summit Conference. After much lengthy, serious and purposeful work, the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference formulated a plan' which was well balanced and much discussed. Of the many descriptions given to it, the most important was that it made clear, practical and feasible recommendations unblemished by rhetoric or demagoguery.
4.	We, the Arab kings, presidents and other heads of State, were able to reach the result that we did at the Fez Conference because at that time—I repeat "at that time" —we put aside everything that would have caused a split in our ranks. Each of us rose above the conflicts and disputes of the past, and with God's help we reached the conclusions of the Fez Conference.
5.	As if by a happy coincidence, two days before the Conference the President of the United States announced his peace plan, known as the Reagan plan. We saw in that coincidence and the meeting of minds at Fez something that augured well for the future. I do not say that it promised success, but it gave grounds for optimism.
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6.	The Fez Conference decided to form a member committee, headed by the Chairman of the Conference, the one now humbly addressing you. The other members are from Algeria, Tunisia, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Syrian Arab Republic and the Palestine Liberation Organization. The Conference instructed this Committee of Seven to travel to the capitals of the States permanent members of the Security Council and also entrusted it with a mission to Washington to ascertain the details of the Reagan peace plan and to explain the Fez plan. We carried out our duty in Washington, Paris, London, Moscow and Peking.
7.	Moreover, because of the importance of this Assembly and its impact on the course of events, the Committee of Seven decided that I should make a statement here in which I would try to explain the details of the Fez plan and say what bridges might be built, after dialogue, between the Reagan plan and the Fez plan.
8.	We must be realistic and frank about historical facts. At first events went just as they should, and we made rapid progress, thank God. But unfortunately our horse began to feel weary, so to speak, and our enthusiasm waned. Since then the Committee of Seven has not met to assess objectively and clearly the results of its travels to the United States, the United Kingdom, France, the Soviet Union and China. If we had met to analyze and assess our work and its results, we could have kept the political and diplomatic dynamism without which no plan can be successful and yield results.
9.	But, as I said, dark clouds loomed over the Arab ranks, and certain kings and heads of State procrastinated in meeting to assess and plan the next step. A few months later we were shocked by the Lebanese bomb, which became an obstacle impeding our advance towards further results. The Lebanese bomb exploded as if the enemy chose to have that explosion at that time because he knew the Arabs well. We have to say frankly that the enemy thus put a small tree in front of us, the Arab leaders. We are behind that tree and have lost our view of the forest. We had thought that by solving the problem of one country, an extremely complex problem in view of the multiplicity of ethnic communities, religions and factions, we would solve the general problem. We walked blindly into the trap set by the common enemy. We naively believed that we could solve the general Arab problem by solving that of Lebanon. Thus, as I have mentioned, we sat blocked behind that small tree instead of reaching the goal. That is why, as I said before, we lost perspective.
10.	Here I wish to appeal that we correct our mistakes, mobilize our forces and spirits, you and we the Arab States, to get a second wind, in order to find a way out of this trap, which is inaction. The worst enemy of any constructive policy is inertia.
11.	Here, through my own personal efforts, I am able to propose the following action with regard to the Lebanese issue, which has dominated all aspects of the Arab problem. In all frankness we have to request either the United States—because the United States was the party that was watching over the Israeli-Lebanese agreement— or the General Assembly to reconsider the Lebanese- Israeli agreement. In other words, it is an agreement between the lion and the Iamb, but this is inconceivable, because no person of conscience can feel gratified, nor any politically intelligent person be convinced by it.
12.	It may well be remembered that in 1975 an agreement was signed in Algeria between Iran and Iraq. That agreement was a one-sided agreement because Iran at that time had technological and military superiority over the Republic of Iraq. After a few years the Iraqis discarded the agreement of 1975 because it was unbalanced and one-sided. Thus we are witnessing the tragedy of the Iraqi- Iranian conflict, a war between two fraternal Islamic countries that have common bonds of history, civilization and religion, which provide eternal common links between them.
13.	This is why, as far as the Arab issue in particular is concerned, I appeal to all those of good will and even to our adversary, saying, "If you are the adversary we know, wise and with a history, religion and genius, you ought yourself to request reconsideration of this agreement you have concluded with Lebanon, because otherwise you are building on sand, and it is not possible for two peoples or two neighbouring countries to build their future on sand or on unequal agreements that would require lions to live with lambs in peace and safety."
14.	My task, as Chairman of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference and as Chairman of the Committee of Seven, will end with this session of the Conference. I wish on this occasion to inform all my Arab brethren that during the short time that stands between now and the Riyadh conference, they will find, as always, in Hassan II, King of Morocco, the faithful servant of the Arab cause and an honest and steadfast supporter of the rights of the Palestinians and the people of Palestine.
15.	I shall now turn to the second problem, that of Africa.
16.	I could continue in Arabic, but I think our African brothers who speak English or French will understand me more directly in French.
17.	Immediately after its independence, Morocco, which had had the great misfortune of being colonized simultaneously by two countries, France and Spain, and having been divided up into four zones—the international zone of Tangier, the Spanish protectorate zone, the French protectorate zone, the Sidi Ifni and Sahara zone- came before this very Assembly and called immediately for the recovery of its territorial unity. It did so in official documents which we submitted to the Secretary-General.
18.	As time went by and the years passed, we able to recover the international zone of Tangier; we were able to recover the Sidi Ifni enclave and, finally, we were able to recover the province of Tarfaya.
19.	There remained the Sahara, which was known as Western Sahara and still is so known. For the Spanish, there was no doubt that Western Sahara had to be returned to its legitimate inhabitants, namely, the Saharans, who at the time were represented in the Jemala, which was an elected assembly. The following was Morocco's attitude. When Spain took possession of that territory, the Sahara was by no means Terra Nullins. That means that before occupying it, Spain had first expelled the legitimate inhabitants and owners of the land. Seeing that the dialogue was becoming a dialogue of the deaf, we immediately asked the Assembly to be good enough to take this question to the International Court of Justice at The Hague, which is one of its consultative bodies in matters of international law, so as clearly to ask the following question: When Spain colonized the territory of Spanish Sahara, did it find there a terra nullis—a land without owner or citizens—or did it by force and occupation take over the sovereignty and administration exercised by Morocco over that part of its territory?
20.	On 16 October 1975, the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice left no room for ambiguity and recognized that there were links of allegiance between the Kingdom of Morocco and the tribes of Western Sahara. Strengthened by that confirmation, Morocco immediately entered into negotiations with Madrid which led to the tripartite treaty, ratified by the United Nations itself.
21.	We thought that we would thenceforth be able to live at ease in our recovered territories in complete peace, prosperity and co-operation, both with our neighbours on the east and those on the south. But, as the Arab poet says, the winds do not always blow to the ship's liking. The winds were not favourable for tripartite co-operation among Morocco, Algeria and Mauritania—hence began that false war, that war which has no name but is known as the war of the Sahara.
22.	We thought a great deal about the tragedy that was facing us, pitting us against each other and preventing us from realizing our economic and social ideals in the region. Many African countries—rightly or wrongly— said that it was absolutely necessary to hold a referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara. Morocco, relying on its rights, its history and the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, refused—as long as it could—to agree to that referendum.
23.	But since the dialogue seemed to be interminable, prejudicial not only to the present but also to the future and to the very unity of the Organization of African Unity, we decided to give the appropriate response to the three interlocutors we had. There were those who disregarded the whole matter, those who wanted to disregard it and those who still do not want to understand anything about it. Taking our courage in both hands, the Moroccan people and its King took the most distressing and painful decision of agreeing to prove what had been already proven by history, facts and law. In 1981, we went to Nairobi and officially proposed, on two occasions, that a referendum be held in the Sahara, for the reconciliation of Africa and to teach those who were unaware of things, to demystify the facts for those who were trying to disregard them all and to instil some wisdom into those who still did not want to understand anything.
24.	At the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, a unanimous decision was taken, by consensus, to agree that there should be a referendum on self- determination in the Sahara, in accordance with the wishes and commitment expressed by Morocco, and it entrusted to a committee of heads of State the task of determining the procedures for the holding of that referendum. Meeting at Nairobi in the same year, the heads of State who had been designated as the Implementation Committee, and in whose work we personally took part frankly, sincerely and loyally, decided on the measures concerning the referendum/ The territorial area to be covered by the referendum was indicated on a map, as decided on by the OAU, from the east to the west, from the north to the south. The Implementation Committee decided how the Saharans were to vote and where the polling stations would be located. It decided that the Saharans would have to vote at their birthplace. Finally, respect for legality, the validity and honesty of the referendum would be entrusted to observers from the OAU, assisted by observers from the United Nations.
25.	Today, for the first time in the United Nations but for the umpteenth time before public opinion, Morocco says and solemnly declares, through the voice of him whom God has designated to preside over the destiny Of my country, that it wants that referendum. Morocco tells you that it is ready for the referendum to take place— tomorrow, if you wish it. Morocco is ready to grant all facilities to any observers from wherever they may come so that there may be a cease-fire and a just, equitable and true consultation. And, finally, Morocco solemnly undertakes to consider itself bound by the results of that referendum.
26.	I believe that I have said all that can be said on these two important issues without delving into other matters. I hope the Assembly has found in my statement and from my tone of voice that I have tried to speak on both issues with conviction, conscience and the utmost sincerity and faith in our Arab cause and the future of the African continent. These are both important and vital elements for the august community which God wanted to be one of love and peace, not war and discord, the community which members of the Assembly represent here. I wish all representatives, from the bottom of my heart, success and progress towards happiness for all mankind.


243.	 It is both an honour and a privilege for me, on behalf of the people and the Government of the People's Republic of Mozambique, to address the Assembly under the presidency of Mr. Illueca. Under his leadership, I am sure the thirty- eighth session will be crowned with success. To his predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai, I wish to express my appreciation for the efforts he exerted during his term of office in a period characterized by cold-war hysteria and tension.
244.	I take this opportunity to hail the Secretary- General for his indefatigable efforts in the search for a climate of mutual understanding between peoples and countries. His attachment to the lofty ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations reassures us of a better future for the Organization, which has just welcomed a new Member. May I add my voice to those of previous speakers in welcoming Saint Christopher and Nevis. I sincerely hope that in the near future other territories, such as Namibia and New Caledonia, will attain their independence and take their rightful place in the council of nations.
245.	The international situation is characterized by the increasing aggressiveness of imperialism, which is leading to a multitude of local conflicts in many places on our planet, to an arms race and to a widening of the gap between developed and developing countries.
246.	I am addressing the Assembly five months after the Fourth Congress of the FRELIMO Party,  which made a thorough review of the international situation and concluded with great concern that:
 Imperialist circles have reintroduced on the international scene the climate of the cold war, while at the same time they promote the arms race at an unprecedented scale, increase the areas and sectors of tension and conflict, resort to intervention and overt military aggression and make use of pressure and economic blackmail.
In its analysis, the highest organ of our Party observed that the situation obtaining in the world was the result of the actions of imperialist forces strenuously trying to
strengthen their military capabilities in the name of their security and the need to secure and preserve vital routes leading to strategic mineral resources. Consequently, we are today witnessing an increase of tension everywhere which seriously threatens peace, security and international stability.
247.	It was in the light of this situation, and in accordance with the cardinal principles that constitute the essence of the society we are building, that our Party, in dealing with foreign policy, reaffirmed our determination to continue the struggle for democracy, equality and peace—a struggle which began with the launching of our people's war for national liberation.
248.	Peace is a fundamental principle. By peace we mean the full enjoyment of freedom by all peoples, the exercise of the right to self-determination and independence, the right to development and progress, the firm refusal of humiliation, domination and exploitation and respect for the personality and dignity of man. Peace is an essential foundation for development and progress, the well-being and happiness of the people and the promotion of healthy co-operation on a basis of mutuality of interests.
249.	The establishment of a climate of peace requires disarmament, relaxation of tension in international relations and peaceful coexistence. Peace cannot go hand in hand with colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, apartheid and Zionism. In short, peace is incompatible with ad forms of oppression and exploitation. Wherever these e Is may be found, people will struggle for their freedom and independence, no matter what sacrifices they ma/ have to make. People will never accept exploitation, occupation and subjugation. Everywhere people crave for freedom and peace.
250.	In southern Africa peace and security are more than ever before seriously threatened by imperialism in pursuit of its narrow interests, using the Nazi-fascist regime of apartheid South Africa. The independence of Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe—countries formerly dominated, like South Africa, by white minorities —has led to a greater isolation of the South African regime because of its attempts to preserve the backward and inhuman system of
251.	It is worth remembering that the Security Council, in its resolution 134 (1960), considered that the racist regime of South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Three years later it adopted resolution 181 (1963), in paragraph 1 of which the Council:
 .strongly deprecates the policies of South Africa in its perpetuation of racial discrimination as being inconsistent with the principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations and contrary to its obligations as a Member of the United Nations.
252.	Those two resolutions were adopted without a single negative vote, and only two members abstained, namely, France and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. That was, I repeat, in 1960 and 1963, well before the independence of Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe. It is therefore gratifying to note that the international community, through the Security Council, had the foresight to take that position.
253.	Today, however, there are some of us who like to consider the Nazi-fascist regime of apartheid as an ally. An ally against whom? Against the peoples of Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe and Botswana who are struggling for their freedom and dignity and for their fundamental rights enshrined in the Charter? Is it against Lesotho and Seychelles, which are constantly attacked by
South African forces? Is it against the people of Namibia who have been struggling for more than three decades against the illegal occupation of their country by the Pretoria regime, in flagrant violation of numerous resolutions of the General Assembly, the Security Council, the OAU and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries calling for the independence of Namibia? Or is it against the group of independent and sovereign countries in southern Africa whose only crime is daring to show, at the doorstep of South Africa, the last bastion of racism in Africa, examples of societies without racial discrimination, where black and white are simply free men and women, citizens of free and sovereign countries?
254.	South African regular armed forces occupy the southern part of the territory of the People's Republic of Angola, South African bombers attack the capital of the People's Republic of Mozambique, South African aircraft and ships carry out military operations and supply armed bandits who maim and murder our defenceless civilians and destroy our economic and social infrastructures. Armed gangs in the service of Pretoria raid Botswana and the Kingdom of Lesotho. The apartheid regime undertakes acts of destabilization against Zambia, Zimbabwe and the Kingdom of Swaziland.
255.	Who threatens whom? Which of them should have its security guaranteed—the apartheid regime which is the aggressor, the warmonger and the expansionist, or the sovereign countries attacked by a powerful military machine encouraged and strengthened by ever larger financial, economic and military investments?
256.	According to some sources, foreign investments in South Africa at the end of 1982 totalled more than $32 billion—three times more than just a few years ago. Is that the way one intends to pressure South Africa into behaving in conformity with the principles and objectives of the United Nations? Recently, Africa and indeed the international community were profoundly shocked at the news that the apartheid regime had been awarded $50 million to promote its nuclear development.
257.	The more numerous the acts of aggression and destabilization and occupation that South Africa perpetrates against sovereign States Members of the United Nations, the more investments, technological support and markets are offered to it. The more one invests in the South African regime, the more weapons are needed for its survival and the more weapons and military assistance are granted it to continue acts of aggression and perpetrate genocide, not only against the black people of South Africa but also against other peoples of the region. Is that the purpose of the constructive engagement  that has been proposed to the States of southern Africa?
258.	The People's Republic of Mozambique and other front-line States, conscious of their international responsibility, have endeavoured to preserve peace in our region. We have spared no effort to avoid a conflict of uncontrollable proportions in southern Africa.
259.	During the war for independence in Zimbabwe the front-line States showed how anxious we were to avoid the escalation of tension in our region. In spite of the acts of military aggression and destruction perpetrated by the Smith regime, we offered our good offices to accelerate the process of independence for Zimbabwe. In the same spirit, the front-line States agreed to participate in the diplomatic exercise that led to the formulation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, approved by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978). In the course of this whole process, SWAPO and the front-line States made concessions in the name of peace and in order to accelerate the process of independence for Namibia. Trusting in the good faith
of the so-called contact group, we agreed to discuss ail questions concerning Namibia in spite of the machinations of some of its members.
260.	We accept a dialogue which will bring peace to our region, and peace can be brought only with genuine independence for Namibia in conformity with Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the eradication of apartheid and racial discrimination. At its thirty-eighth session the General Assembly must irrevocably condemn any linkage or parallelism whatsoever between the independence of Namibia and the withdrawal of the international Cuban forces from Angola.
261.	Who is it who must withdraw from the People's Republic of Angola? Is it those who in conformity with Article 51 of the Charter support a people, a legitimate Government recognized by the international community to be defending its sovereignty, or the aggressor which occupies a part of the Angolan territory and commits a typical act of aggression as defined in resolution 3314 (XXIX)?
262.	Peoples from all over the world applauded the action of the North American troops when they crossed the Atlantic to face the Nazi hordes that were spreading death and destruction in Europe. Why should we now be asked to leave the men, women and children of Angola to be massacred by the	regime, the nazism of our time?
263.	We denounce the destruction of Cangamba, an Angolan town situated 500 kilometers from the border with Namibia, and we demand that South Africa be made to pay for all the damage done to the People's Republic of Angola. We unreservedly and strongly condemn the South African occupation of part of Angolan territory, and we demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Pretoria's troops.
264.	It is with grave concern that we notice that peace and security are being threatened in other parts of Africa beyond our region. In our continent we witness the intervention of foreign forces in the internal affairs of countries even when Africa is in a condition to solve the problems that arise.
265.	In Western Sahara, we are concerned that hopes of peace are once again being shattered. The refusal of the Kingdom of Morocco to enter into negotiations with POLISARIO,2 in conformity with resolution AHG/ Res. 104 (XIX) recently adopted by the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [see
means that there will be no cease-fire and that therefore a referendum, as called for by the OAU and the United Nations, will not take place. We exhort the Kingdom of Morocco, in the name of peace in the Maghreb and to strengthen the unity of our continent, to comply with the spirit and letter of that resolution. It is true that the winds are not always favourable to vessels, but the winds of freedom are always favourable to the freedom of peoples.
266.	In East Timor, we had hoped that the cease-fire agreed upon between FRETILIN  and the Government of Indonesia meant that Indonesia, a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement, had finally heeded the cry for freedom of the Maubere people, who are struggling with determination against the Indonesian occupation. But it was a short-lived hope. According to the latest reports, the Jakarta Government has unleashed 20,000 more troops against the East Timorese people.
267.	To prevent the world from learning about the massacre perpetrated by the Indonesian forces, the Government of Indonesia prevented the International Committee of the Red Cross from continuing its activities. Indonesia wants to build a wall of silence in order to choke the will for freedom of the Maubere people. Nothing, absolutely nothing, can subjugate a people struggling for its freedom. Indonesia might succeed in massacring the people of East Timor, but it will never dominate them.
268.	I sincerely hope that the deferment of the question of East Timor to the thirty-ninth session will create the necessary climate for the re-establishment of the ceasefire and dialogue and that that will allow the Secretary- General successfully to carry out his mandate according to resolution 37/30.
269.	We are certain that the East Timorese people will regain its freedom and that under the leadership of FRETILIN, its sole legitimate representative; a free and sovereign nation will emerge in the land of the Maubere people.
270.	We should never accept the fragmentation of the Lebanese State. A year ago the international community was shocked by the massive aggression by Israel and the massacres in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila. The Lebanese people, who did not expect to hear the sounds of firearms once again and so soon, are confronted with the new warship and new aircraft that bombard Lebanese soil. Lebanon has thus become a training camp for the use of the most sophisticated weaponry.
271.	How many more wars will there be in the Middle East before nations finally recognize that the Palestinian people, led by the PLO, its sole legitimate representative, has a right to a free and sovereign State?
272.	Any attempt to preserve Zionism means going against the fundamental interest of the Jews and the Arabs. This will only perpetuate the state of war in the Middle East.
273.	The proposal made by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the peaceful reunification of the Korean nation constitutes a basis for the solution of the problem, and I call upon those concerned to refrain from any action that might hinder this process.
274.	Cyprus is another country that is yearning for peace and for its reunification. I call upon the Secretary- General to redouble his efforts and upon all those concerned to co-operate with him.
275.	The People's Republic of Mozambique greets with satisfaction the efforts of the Contadora Group to promote peace, security and stability in the Central American region. Mozambique forcefully condemns the acts of destabilization by imperialism in that region and appeals to all concerned to take practical and efficient measures with a view to ensuring that differences affecting the region are resolved by peaceful means.
276.	The proposals of the Contadora Group, the six- point plan presented by Nicaragua, and the positive response by the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front concerning the situation in El Salvador offer a serious opportunity for a negotiated, lasting solution to the grave problems confronting the people of Central America.
277.	Peace in Central America means the cessation of military manoeuvres, the end of acts of aggression against Nicaragua, the return of Guantanamo to the Cuban people and the withdrawal of support for dictatorial and unpopular regimes.
278.	In the course of the general debate it has been made clear that the struggle for peace and the prevention of the danger of a nuclear confrontation constitute a priority for all humanity, for what is at stake is the very survival of mankind. Economic and social development
depends on peace among nations. Hopes for a prosperous and bright future for all people also depend on peace. The struggle for peace means a serious and constructive commitment by all, in particular the nuclear Powers, to the efforts to achieve general and complete disarmament, the cessation of the arms race, the freezing of all nuclear weapons and the reduction and eventual destruction of those weapons.
279.	The transformation of the Indian Ocean into a nuclear-free zone of peace, the dismantling of all the imperialist military bases stationed in that area and the speedy implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace	are components of the struggle for disarmament. We note with deep concern that, to the detriment of the interests of the Indian Ocean States and of the international community as a whole, the  ad hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean has once again been unable to carry out its mandate because of the position of certain Western countries that persist in creating obstacles to the holding of the Conference on the Indian Ocean. We reaffirm our support for holding the Conference on the Indian Ocean and for the adoption of concrete measures leading to the implementation of the Declaration.
280.	The success of the Madrid follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe shows us that whenever there is good will it is possible to overcome differences for the benefit of peace and cooperation among nations. We hope that the same thing will happen concerning the Geneva negotiations and in ill other negotiations, be they political, economic or of a security nature.
281.	The struggle for disarmament is a struggle for peace and development. Without disarmament there will be no peace and without peace there will be no development. The failure of the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament worries us, inasmuch as it has intensified the arms race and consequently increased military budgets. On the other hand, economic aid to developing countries has decreased dramatically. There cannot be peace and lasting security on our planet as long as $800 billion are spent annually on armaments, to the detriment of development programmes.
282.	There have been several efforts by the international community to find the mechanism for solving the great problems that affect humanity at the present time. However, those efforts have been blocked by the attitude of certain developed market economy countries which have systematically refused serious negotiations and opted instead for restrictive and protectionist solutions. What happened at the Summit of Industrialized Nations at Williamsburg last May is an example of this.
283.	It is not by exporting inflation and exerting pressure on developing countries that the problems of the industrialized countries will be solved. In a world where life expectancy in Africa, Latin America and Asia is 30 years less than in the industrialized countries and the per capita income there is $240 compared with over $1,300 in the developed countries, it is urgent to introduce profound changes in the current international economic structures in the fields of trade, finance and energy and in other fields. The People's Republic of Mozambique reaffirms its support for the efforts to launch global negotiations as a matter of urgency.
284.	It is not possible to come out of the economic chaos as evidenced by the recent failure of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development when a group of countries persists in being the absolute master, the dictator, in a game that involves the lives of more than 2 billion human beings. Therefore, we the dominated countries, we the exploited, we the countries whose role is only that of suppliers of raw materials and producers of wealth for the developed countries, must formally and seriously engage in a selfless and co-ordinated effort to achieve collective self-reliance. We will never experience development if we submit ourselves to the development model pursued by the West. Theirs is the world of competition, protectionism and reckless exploitation of our wealth. Our world must be one of mutual assistance and co-operation that is healthy and advantageous to everyone.
285.	It is imperative that the current system of economic relations be dismantled and that new mechanisms be created to enable collective self-reliance to be an important element of international co-operation, a true cooperation among States based on the common will to eliminate hunger, disease, illiteracy and misery. The countries of southern Africa, conscious of the need selflessly to co-ordinate their efforts and resources, have been implementing the programmes defined by the Southern Development Co-ordination Conference.
286.	We salute the countries and the international institutions that have helped the development plans defined by our regional institutions at a time when our region, besides feeling the structural effects of current economic relations, is being affected by a long drought, the worst in the past 50 years. In Mozambique alone, this has affected about one third of our population and has brought havoc to agricultural production and death to tens of thousands of cattle because of the lack of green pasture and water. We appeal to the United Nations and to the international community in general for an increase in food aid to our people.
287.	For the sake of brevity I have dwelt only on a relatively few issues. Mozambique's position on many other issues, such as those of Afghanistan and Kampuchea, is well known and remains unchanged.
288.	Mozambique, because it believes in the United Nations system, has always resorted to the Organization, and will continue to do so, in the search for solutions to the political, economic, social and security problems that affect humanity. We always appear in this forum with the spirit of living up to, and demanding effective application of, the purposes and principles embodied in the San Francisco Charter.
289.	In the face of the problems that affect international peace, security and co-operation, we believe that the United Nations forum cannot be one in which the developed and powerful countries limit themselves to taking note of the critical world situation and the developing and weak countries simply present their rosary of pain, misery and suffering. We therefore share the concerns of the Secretary-General, and we consider that it is urgent for the United Nations to become an efficient instrument for guaranteeing peace and international security and for ensuring the harmonious development of all peoples of the world. Let us therefore transform these ideals enshrined in the Charter into a reality of our times.
290.	The struggle continues.