Let me begin by congratulating Ms. María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés on her election to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy-third session, and in particular for being the fourth woman in the 73-year history of the United Nations to receive the high honour of being elevated to the position of President of the General Assembly.
However, I would like to pause at this stage, because I came here with a speech that is impossible for me to deliver given the events that have happened in the past 24 hours in the world in which we live and that cannot be ignored. Those events include the transit of a tropical storm across my own country that we thought would have passed us by, only to have floods hit many of our communities overnight, the onslaught of that same storm on our sister country, Saint Lucia, an earthquake off the shores of Martinique, Guadeloupe and Dominica this morning, which did not affect land

but destabilized those islands, an earthquake and tsunami off Indonesia earlier today, and a typhoon that is about to deal a blow to the people of Japan. Those events are of great concern because the world in which we live is a very different world from the one we have known.
I ask myself, what does all that matter? Last year the Prime Minister of Dominica stood at this rostrum within days of the passage of a hurricane so violent that to describe it as a category 5 hurricane would be to do injustice to what the people of Dominica were exposed to (see A/72/PV.19). The Assembly heard my colleague the Prime Minister of Antigua speak earlier of the fact that over $140 billion in damage has come to the Caribbean region as a result of those weather systems. I therefore ask the interpreters today to bear with me, because it is impossible to deliver a speech that is focused on anything else other than our reality in the Caribbean, our reality in the Pacific islands, our reality in the world in which we live.
As Heads of Government, we have asked the international community to address those issues, both in the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and as we come to twenty-fourth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, against the background of climate change consisting of a warming of as much as 2°C. But two days ago, at the One Planet Summit, a graph was shown that has haunted me for the past 48 hours. That graph spoke to the fate of the world with respect to the tipping points for a warming of 3° Celsius and under, for 3° to 5°, and for over 5°. For a change of 3° Celsius and under, for which we are now on  course because  of our inability to take decisive action, the Arctic, the Antarctic and Greenland, as well as the coral islands and their people — the people of the region from which I come — are at terrible risk.
For us it is about saving lives; for others it is about saving profits. We have reached the stage where we ask the global community to recognize that what is at stake is simply not an academic debate. It is simply not a question of the profits of multinational corporations. But the evidence is clear and decisive that it is the lives and the livelihoods of our people that are at stake.
I ask the Assembly, how can we just listen to speech after speech after speech about the problem? How many more speeches must we listen to before we realize that agreements are necessary to fund the effort
to address climate change, as well as agreements to cap our emissions. We cannot accept a change of 2°C, because a change of 2° means a rising sea level of 1.5 to 2 metres for our islands. For islands like ours much of our economy is based on our coasts. The international community must begin to understand what it will be like for us by the end of the century. Matters pertaining to migration and security will become ever more pressing in this world if we do not put a stop our growing emissions.
I have therefore come here today not to talk about a wide range of issues. There are those who would wish that I would speak on denuclearization, and our voice will be heard on that issue, as the statement that I originally planned to deliver will be distributed. There are those who would  wish  that  we  should  also speak on a matter that is gravely affecting our community — chronic non-communicable diseases (NCDs) — and we shall speak on that continuously in other forums, because it is affecting one in every four of our citizens. There are those who  would want me  to speak also about the graduation of middle-income countries to a status where we have lost access to finance, which, ironically, affects our ability to adapt our environments, economies and societies to confront climate change and its vagaries.
But when we make those arguments in forum after forum after forum, we are met with stern faces and a determination that our per capita income — as if that were the real factor in how people eat and how people move and how people sleep — should now  preclude  us from being able to have access to the very funding needed to protect our people from the worst ravages of the storms, earthquakes and fires that beset us. I ask this global community to pause and reflect. As we learned when we went to San Francisco two weeks ago for the Global Climate Action Summit, time is truly running out on us.
We will make the decisions that we have to make on a national level. We have committed to banning single-use plastics and styrofoam starting in April 2019. We will try to become a fossil-fuel-free country by 2030. But what does that mean against the backdrop of a world that is not prepared to put the funding in place to be able to stop the worst aspects of climate change? What does that mean to people who have to rely on a Green Climate Fund because their per capita income or their capacity to provide for their people is simply not there? Is this a sterile environment, or is this

an environment that recognizes that, mighty or small, we in this world must protect each other?
As a small State we are accustomed to being treated sometimes as if we did not exist. That is what happened when de-risking from correspondent banking became the order of the day in the past few years, as   if it were possible to cut a region off from access to trade and expect it to be able to pay for goods and services, despite the fact that its banks can no longer have relationships with banks outside its borders. The only time people were treated like that before was in the previous century when we separated persons out of the general population as lepers. But the countries that come here to the United Nations as sovereign countries begin to ask themselves, do we now live in a world where the mighty manoeuvre to make the majority into minions? Or is this still a world that was promised to us in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, upholding respect for the dignity of all?
We as small States need a corridor of stability. We simply do not have the buffer to be able to withstand the shocks of international economic and financial crises. We do not have the ability to withstand climate shock, or the capacity to come to grips with the pervasive nature of chronic NCDs. Those are the things that destabilize us. But to that is added the removal of the insurance policy of the United Nations — an Organization that may not be well known or popular by  name among  our citizens, but an organization nevertheless without which we could not have made the  gains  that  we  have made with respect to the reduction in childhood mortality, with respect to the billions of people being lifted out of abject poverty, or with respect to us being able as a world to create zones of peace, as we hope our Caribbean region will always be, not like in previous centuries, when it became a theatre of battle.
The United Nations matters to us. It protects the small, it constrains the large and it gives us the ability to be able to plan for the future in that corridor of stability. When multilateralism is taken away from us, what are we left with and who is left to protect us? Who will hear us, and on whose platform will we be able to call not just upon the Governments of the world but also on the people of the world? For what is clearly required now is a behavioural change so that we can constrain the madness that is taking place and restore global governance so as to  counter  the  unilateral  actions  of many.
We ask ourselves, how do our citizens feel  that  we must come here year after year and make the call year after year as we do? From Barbados we come here and we speak about the embargo against the people of Cuba — year after year — almost as if it were pro forma. But it is not pro forma for the people in La Habana or Santiago. We speak about territorial disputes but we see no major gains with respect to them. That may be tolerable for certain things, but it cannot be acceptable for the issue of climate change. That is a matter of life and death for us.
We stand here conscious that, in many respects, today’s  world  looks  like  the  world  of  100  years ago — the world that my grandparents inhabited, with its concentration of wealth, inequity and disposition  to nationalism and xenophobia. And what did  that lead to 100 years ago? It led to two world wars and an atomic bomb. I repeat, it led to two world wars and an atomic bomb. There are some who might say that it was the occurrence of those wars that gave rise to the United Nations, because the circumstances at that time forced nations to agree when they might otherwise not have agreed.
I truly pray that this world does not need to see greater calamity or greater loss of life to understand what is required of each and every one of us, as we stand in trust on behalf of the people whom we represent and who demand decisive action. We are not expected to achieve it all. The Talmud says that we are not even expected to complete the task, but we are not at liberty to resile from it. We in the Caribbean and in the Pacific need the world to look again at a commitment to a change of no more than 1.5° C, because 2° would be calamitous. We need dedicated financing for development in accordance with the Addis Ababa Action Plan, which speaks about small island developing States. We need the world to recognize that the graph that showed the tipping points must not serve to reinforce our greatest fear, namely, that the world believes that we are dispensable. For that was how we felt a century and more ago.
I raise the question in the same way that I understand that our principles must remain constant. Fifty-two years ago, the first Prime Minister of Barbados stood at this rostrum and articulated a principle that binds  us still today, namely, that we in Barbados shall, in  the conduct of our international relations, forever be friends of all and satellites of none (see A/PV.1487). That is absolutely still our principle, but the world in which we live is no longer the world that existed when

he delivered those comments. The baton has been passed from leader to leader, but it is time now for us in this Hall and in my country to recognize that that baton must be held firmly, because the storms, tsunamis, hurricanes, earthquakes and fires threaten to take the baton from us. I pray that the United Nations recognizes that the year 2020 is but 15 months away and that there will be a point of no return.
This is not a science-fiction movie. This is not a cartoon. And if I ever thought that it was a fantasy, what transpired in the last 24 hours across the different poles of the world has reminded me that it is not. I leave here to cut short my trip so that I can go home to my country. Some may say that, in spite of the flooding, we were lucky that tropical storm Kirk did not do greater damage. Two weeks ago in San Francisco, it was Isaac. I say simply that we cannot plan our affairs, or those of our people, on the basis of luck. It must be on the basis of policy and decisive action, but above all else on the basis of caring and empathy. I ask the world to pause — pause — and let us get this one right, because it is not about Governments anymore. It is about people.


On my own behalf and on behalf of my country, India, I should like to begin by congratulating you, Madam President, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy- third session. As a woman, I feel doubly proud that this honour has been bestowed on you. I also recall, with equal pride, that the first woman to occupy this eminent position was an Indian — Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit — in 1953, at the General Assembly at its eight session. I also thank former President Miroslav Lajčák for successfully presiding over the seventy-second session of the General Assembly.

We  received the   tragic   news   this   morning  of a tsunami and an earthquake, which occurred simultaneously. From this rostrum, on behalf of India, I wish to convey our deep condolences to the Government and the people of Indonesia. I would also like to assure them that India will cooperate in helping them during this trying time.
The United Nations is the world’s principal multilateral organization, where nations  seek  balm for the wounds of history and a platform for solutions and where less developed nations sit with their more fortunate brethren to formulate plans that can correct skewed economic imbalances. In 2015, we established 2030 as a critically important horizon for 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). A common refrain since 2015 has been that we will reach that horizon only if India finds its way to that destination; otherwise, we will fail.
I assure the General Assembly through you, Madam President, that India will not let us fail. We are totally committed to achieving those objectives for our own people. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has initiated an unprecedented economic and social transformation that will help our country achieve its SDG benchmarks well before the deadline. I will provide an overview to illustrate the world’s largest-scale exercise in poverty elimination and social transformation.
Through the Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojana, the world’s largest financial inclusion scheme, more than 320 million Indians who had previously never seen the inside of a bank now have bank accounts.  The programme has enabled the poor to receive direct benefit transfers from the Government’s welfare programmes into their personal accounts, thereby stopping waste and corruption within the system. Similarly, Ayushman Bharat Yojana, the world’s largest health insurance programme, was launched by Prime Minister Modi a few days ago, on 23 September. That revolutionary scheme will benefit 500 million Indians, who will receive insurance coverage of 500,000 rupees per family annually. We have a prayer in India — Sarve Santu Niramaya — which means “May all be free from illness”. The Ayushman Bharat Yojana, or National Health Protection Scheme, is the answer to that prayer.
Similarly, we have launched the largest-scale housing programme in the world aimed at ensuring that everyone  has a  roof  over  their head.  Under  the
programme, we have set for ourselves a target of  nearly 21  million homes by  2022. So  far, more than  5 million homes for the poor have already been built. Two extremely effective programmes have also been initiated to increase the skill levels of those waiting to be employed through the National Skill Development Corporation and the Micro Units Development and Refinance Agency (MUDRA) programme, which seeks to turn the poor into entrepreneurs. I stress that more than 140 million Indians have taken out MUDRA loans. The most significant aspect of the MUDRA scheme is the fact that 76 per cent of its beneficiaries are women. At the heart of Prime Minister Modi’s transformative vision is a radical idea, which is that uplifting any nation is best achieved through the comprehensive empowerment of women. All the programmes that I have just mentioned have the welfare of women at their core. Last year, I spoke about the Ujjwala programme (see A/72/PV.19), through which, I am happy to report,
50 million free liquid-gas connections have been provided so far.
Another such initiative is the maternity benefit programme, in which women in India are provided with 26 weeks of paid leave to care for their newborns. As a woman, Madam President, you will understand better than most how vitally important that programme is for every mother. Some developed nations with huge economies do not provide more than six weeks’ paid leave, thereby leading to a continuing struggle for more time off. In India, we have implemented what women across the world need, namely, 26 weeks of paid maternity leave.
In 2022, free India will be 75 years old. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has pledged to build a New India by then. What kind of India will that be? That India will be a clean, healthy, prosperous, secure, educated, developed, energized and strong India. That is our horizon for India in 2022, and we will reach it, as we are sparing no effort to meet that goal.
The greatest challenges of our era are the existential threats of climate change and terrorism. Underdeveloped and developing nations are the most affected victims of climate change. They have neither the capacity nor the resources to meet that crisis. The countries that have exploited nature for their short-term needs cannot abdicate their responsibilities in that matter. If we wish to save the world from the adverse effects of climate change, the developed nations must lift up the deprived with financial and technical resources. The principle

of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities was reiterated in the 2015 Paris Agreement. Prime Minister Modi, together with the Prime Minister of France, launched the International Solar Alliance. Sixty-eight nations have become members of the Alliance so far. In March, India and France chaired the founding conference of the Alliance, in which 120 countries participated. I am pleased to inform the Assembly that Prime Minister Modi has been acknowledged as a champion in that area. He is also working towards realizing the principle of one sun, one grid, since he believes that, as there is only one sun, there should also be a single universal grid.  If that goal is achieved, we will be witness to a major revolution in the energy sector, which will represent a major milestone in combating all phenomena related to climate change.
I mentioned terrorism as the second existential threat to humankind. We imagined that the advent of the twenty-first century would see an age of common good characterized by cooperation but, here in New York, the horrific tragedy of 11 September and, in Mumbai, the catastrophe of 26 November became nightmares that shattered our dreams. The demon of terrorism now stalks the world at a faster pace in some places, and at a slower one in others, but it is life-threatening everywhere. In our case, terrorism is bred not in some faraway land but across our border to the west. Our neighbour’s expertise is not restricted to serving as a spawning ground for terrorism; our neighbour is also an expert in trying to mask malevolence with verbal duplicity. The most startling evidence of that duplicity was the fact that Osama Bin Laden, the architect and ideologue  of  11  September,  was  given  safe  haven in Pakistan.
America  had  declared  Osama  Bin   Laden   to be its most dangerous enemy and had launched an exhaustive, worldwide search to bring him to justice. What America could perhaps not comprehend was that Osama would find sanctuary in a country that claimed to be America’s friend and ally, namely, Pakistan. Eventually, America’s intelligence services discovered the truth of that hypocrisy, and its special forces delivered justice. But Pakistan continued to behave as if nothing had happened. Pakistan’s commitment to terrorism as an instrument of official policy has not abated one bit, nor has its practice of hypocrisy. The killers of 11 September met their fate but the mastermind of 26 November, Hafiz Saeed, continues to roam the
streets of Pakistan with impunity. What is heartening is that the world is no longer ready to believe Islamabad. The Financial Action Task Force, for instance, has put Pakistan on notice with regard to the funding of terror.
We have been accused of sabotaging the process for talks with Pakistan. That is a complete lie. We believe that talks are the only rational means by which to settle even the most complex disputes. Accordingly, talks with Pakistan have been initiated many times. When they failed, it was only because of Pakistan’s behaviour. There have been many Governments of numerous parties in India. Every Government has tried the peace option. By inviting the Heads of State of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation to his swearing-in ceremony, Prime Minister Modi began his attempt for dialogue on his very first day in office. On 9 December 2016, I personally went to Islamabad and proposed a comprehensive bilateral dialogue. But soon afterwards, on 2 January, Pakistan-sponsored terrorists attacked our air force base in Pathankot. It is clear that we could not pursue talks in the middle of terrorist bloodshed. Even now, after the new Government in Pakistan came to power, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan, wrote to Prime Minister Modi suggesting a meeting between our Foreign Ministers in New York. We even accepted the proposal but, within hours of our acceptance, news came that terrorists had killed three of our security personnel. Does that indicate a desire for dialogue? Could such a dialogue ever take place?
Time and again, Pakistan has accused India of human rights violations. Who is a greater transgressor of human rights than a terrorist? Those who take innocent lives in pursuit of war by other means are defenders of inhuman behaviour, not of human rights. Pakistan glorifies killers. It refuses to see the blood of innocent victims. It has become something of a habit for Pakistan to throw the dust of deceit and deception up against India in order to provide some thin cover for its own guilt.
The United Nations has seen that before. Last year, using her right of reply, the representative of Pakistan displayed some photographs as proof of alleged human rights violations by India (see A/72/PV.22). The photographs turned out to be from another country. Similar false accusations have become part of its standard rhetoric.
Each year, for the past five years, India has been arguing from this rostrum that lists are not enough if we

want to check terrorists and their protectors. We need to bring them to accountability through international law. In 1996, India submitted a document with a draft comprehensive convention on international terrorism at the United Nations. That draft remains a draft today only because we cannot agree on a common language. On the one hand, we want to fight terrorism; on the other, we cannot define it.
That has allowed terrorists with a price on their head to be celebrated in Pakistan as “freedom fighters”. Their cruelty and barbarism are being advertised as heroism. The country of Pakistan prints postage stamps glorifying such terrorists. How long can we sit quietly and listen to such claims? If we do not act now, we will have to deal with that demon later on, when it sets fire to the entire world. Once again, I appeal to this body to come to an agreement on the draft comprehensive convention on international terrorism and to adopt it as one of the necessary measures in a long-running war.
I would now like to make some remarks regarding the United Nations. I began by highlighting its unique and positive role, but I must add that, step by slow  step, the importance, influence, respect for and value of this institution are beginning to ebb. It is time to wonder whether we are wandering towards the fate of the League of Nations, which came to an end because it did not adopt the changes that were needed. It was unwilling to accept the need for reforms; we must not make that mistake. The United Nations must accept that it needs fundamental reform. Those reforms cannot be simply cosmetic; we need to change the institution’s head and heart in order to make both compatible with the contemporary reality.
Reform must begin today; tomorrow could be too late. Are all of the challenges that confronted the United Nations at its founding still relevant today? I feel that, in the Security Council, now is the time to start making much-needed changes.
A subject that is often debated is multilateralism. The challenges we face are causing tensions in many countries. I should like to state that India believes that the world is one global family. The United Nations should therefore work as a family. How does a family work? It is shaped by love, not trade; it is nurtured by compassion, not jealousy; it functions by compromising, not by fighting. That is why the United Nations must be based on the principles of the family. It cannot be
run using “I”, “me” and “mine”; this forum needs “we”, “us” and “ours”. Only then will it be sustainable.
India does not believe that only certain countries should be allowed to fulfil their goal or that we should take decisions on behalf of other countries that are not beneficial to them. We should take every country’s goals into account.
This year, India will celebrate the 150th anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi’s birth. Mahatma’s favourite devotional hymn was “Vaishnav Jan To Tene Kahiye” or “Call those people Vaishnavas who feel the pain of others”. Its essence is that he who understands the pain of another and absorbs it as his own is a good human being. He who sees that pain and helps without becoming arrogant is a good human being.
We have to make the Assembly a platform for understanding, assistance and true justice.  We  have to understand the pain of other nations and work with developed nations to ease and eliminate their pain. Arrogance has no place in our scheme of things; arrogance is counter-productive and self-defeating.  Let us work for the benefit of the less fortunate and towards a world that is free from terrorism, tension and violence. That is the universe we envisage.
It is with that wish in mind that I end with a Sanskrit shloka or song: May all experience well-being; may all experience peace; may all move towards perfection; may all enjoy prosperity; may all achieve serenity.


I would like to congratulate the President on her election to lead this session of the General Assembly. I am sure that her work will attest to the pertinence of women’s leadership.
It is an honour to return to the General Assembly to share our vision for the stage we are currently going through in Argentina and to ratify our commitment to making our country a protagonist that is fully integrated into the world. Our country is undergoing a period of profound change. We are determined to experience it with humility, while accepting the difficulties we face, and in our belief that we are making the right efforts. I know that the efforts required are great, and I want to thank every Argentine for that. We knew it would not be easy, because we are making changes without taking shortcuts or compromising our future. We are building a consensus for equitable and sustainable development. Two years ago, I shared here for the first time my view of Argentina as a reliable partner of the international community and a good-faith mediator of regional and
international politics (see A/71/PV.8). Today I would like to renew that vision.
Since I took office as President, we have been committed to an intelligent integration into the world, based on the value of our region, Latin America and the Caribbean. We are a zone of peace, with young populations full of talent and vitality and with abundant resources and natural reserves. We are working for greater integration among ourselves and with the rest of the world. That is evidenced by the willingness for dialogue and cooperation between the  countries  of the South American Common Market and the Pacific Alliance. We seek to have a positive impact on the world order of the twenty-first century. From the South, we take an optimistic view that ponders the opportunities and challenges of globalization. Intelligent integration is also part of our contribution to building a region and a world order that are stable and inclusive and that respect our values of peace, democracy and human rights.
I would therefore like to take a moment once  again to express our concern regarding the human rights situation in Venezuela. Given its seriousness, Argentina wants to refer the situation of the Venezuelan dictatorship’s crimes against humanity to the International Criminal Court. I call on Venezuela to acknowledge the humanitarian crisis so that we can use international cooperation to address the health and food deprivation of displaced persons. We are part of a broad regional response that seeks to mitigate the difficulties of millions of Venezuelans in the wake of their exodus from their country by taking them in and integrating them into society. Argentina has already received 130,000 Venezuelans.
For decades we have convened here to safeguard international peace and security. However, we live  in a world that is not immune to serious threats such as organized crime, cybercrime and terrorism, which require cooperative responses if they are to be dealt with. In recent years, with political will and greater cooperation with our partners in the region and the world, we have managed to increase the quantity of drugs seized, dismantle criminal drug-trafficking  networks, catch more national and international fugitives and reduce homicides related to drug trafficking throughout our country. At the same time, we continue to seek the necessary consensus to design a complementary judicial authority at the regional level and thereby combat organized crime collectively.

Argentina condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We suffered directly from two very serious terrorist attacks, in 1992 and 1994, which claimed the lives of 107 people and left hundreds wounded. Our country will not cease its efforts to bring all those involved in the attacks before Argentine courts so that they can be tried and ultimately sentenced. In that regard, considering that next year will mark 25 years since the attack on the Argentina Israeli Mutual Association, I should like once again to ask the Islamic Republic of Iran to cooperate with the Argentine judicial authorities to advance investigations into the most brutal terrorist attack we have ever experienced on our territory. We call on countries that are friendly to Argentina to assist us by not harbouring under diplomatic immunity any of the accused for whom international arrest warrants and INTERPOL red notices have been issued. Here I would also like to remember the five Argentines who were killed on 31 October 2017 in this city. My heart is with the families of the victims, as well as all victims of barbaric acts of terrorism around the world.
Argentina maintains a strategic vision for the South Atlantic, where we seek to peacefully develop an active policy on resources, the environment and science, which includes the question of the Malvinas. I should like to reaffirm once again before the Assembly the legitimate and imprescriptible sovereign rights of Argentina over the Malvinas, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas. I should also like to reaffirm my Government’s commitment to this new phase in relations with the United Kingdom, based on building mutual trust and a broad and positive dialogue.
Argentina is a country with a democratic and multilateral identity. Multilateralism is  fundamental to highlighting our national interests and seeking consensus. We maintain our firm commitment to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which we established as pillars of our Government’s policy on the eradication of poverty, combating climate change and achieving gender equality.
Argentina has been demonstrating its willingness to contribute to strengthening  global  governance.  We hosted the World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference last year, where it was made clear that there is a future after the meeting in Buenos Aires. In 2019, we will host the second High-level United Nations Conference on South-South Cooperation. We will also
be preparing to chair the 2020 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, reaffirming our historic commitment to non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament. We are presiding over the Group of Twenty (G-20) this year in a spirit of unity and a constant quest for consensus.
The results being achieved give us reason for enthusiasm. In every working group and ministerial meeting a sense of collective commitment is prevailing, as was true of the Trade and Investment Ministerial Meeting, where a willingness to revitalize the multilateral trading system was expressed. The first G-20 leaders summit to take place in South America will be held on 30 November in Buenos Aires. With the support of our partners, the G-20 will once again demonstrate its validity and relevance.
The international community is facing challenges that require effective and efficient  compromises. They demand solutions reached through  dialogue  and consensus-building. The theme  for  this  session of the Assembly emphasizes leadership and shared responsibilities for achieving equitable, sustainable and peaceful societies. Argentines are committed to doing their part to make them a reality.


It is an honour to take part in the general debate of the wonderful General Assembly once again.
The United Nations was born from the ashes  of the Second World War, out of a deep desire to protect new generations from suffering, destruction and want. Today, those hopes still face challenges. Peace and stability have met threats in every region, too many people remain excluded from the promise of prosperity, and global terror continues to target all nations. Here in this Hall, I have called our current situation a third world war.
Those challenges do not make collective action and mutual respect less important; if anything, they make our partnership even more important, because what is the alternative? A world without the peace and
accord we need to work together, trade together and expand opportunity together? A world where crises are not resolved, but magnified? A world where violence spreads and more refugees flee, because we cannot work together to help people stay safe and thrive?
We have a long way to go to deliver global opportunity and hope, but we cannot simply give up because the task is hard. All our countries benefit when we unite in common cause. I am compelled to talk about this today, because of the critical role of collective action in ending the serious crises in my region, and especially the key crisis — the long denial of a Palestinian State.
Every United Nations resolution — whether from the General Assembly or the Security Council — since the beginning of the crisis recognizes the equal rights of the Palestinian people to a future of peace, dignity and hope. That is the heart of the two-State settlement and the only path to a comprehensive, lasting peace. Only a two-State solution based on international law and the relevant United Nations resolutions can meet the needs of both sides: an end to the conflict; a viable, independent, sovereign Palestinian State on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital; and a secure Israel, fully part of its own region, recognized by Arab and Muslim States around the world.
Arab and Muslim countries are committed to a comprehensive peace. The Arab Peace Initiative has been on offer for more than 16 years. Indeed, every major country in the world, the United Nations and the European Union all have worked to help the parties reach a durable peace that can last. The United States Administration has long been committed to peace and has a leading role in our progress going forward.
Yes, we have a long way to go. But  we  cannot give up because the task is hard, because what is the alternative? Can we afford to let one of the world’s most strategic regions be tied to an endless cycle of violence in its midst? How long must Jerusalem, a city holy to more than half the world’s people, face dangers to its multi-faith heritage and identity? How can we accept a status quo of continuing crises and bigotry? Palestinian families have been displaced for generations, their children’s very identity denied, and Israeli families are living in continuing national self-isolation, without the security of peaceful relationships worldwide.
What could possibly be the future of the single, binational State that some propose, whose very

foundation is a rejection of the equality of its own people? That is the ugly and undemocratic reality of the one-State idea. It is by no means an alternative to a two-State peace settlement. It  is  an abandonment  of peace, a new way to go AWOL from the work of reconciliation and the opposite of what both sides need and have sought for so long.
There is no such thing as a unilateral agreement;  it takes at least two parties to make an agreement. Helping the parties to achieve that agreement and work together to build a new future deserves the strong and steady support of all our world. Our countries need to pull together to get the peace process back on track. That means utterly rejecting actions that jeopardize negotiations, whether by illegal encroachments, land confiscations or threats to the welfare of innocents, especially children.
We need to support full funding of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and other vital efforts to protect families, keep communities stable and prepare young people for productive lives. It would be a terrible mistake to abandon youth to the forces of radicalization and despair. Such support is urgently needed to ensure that UNRWA fulfils its role, in accordance with its United Nations mandate.
Above all, we need to safeguard the heritage and peace of Jerusalem, a city holy to billions of people around the world. The Hashemite custodianship of Islamic and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem is a duty that Jordan is proud to carry, and  we  will  counter any attempts to change the Holy City’s historic Arab, Christian and Muslim identity. But Jerusalem’s future is not Jordan’s concern alone; it is the concern of all Member States. There are global implications when religious worship is threatened and international law is undermined.
Collective action is also vital when it comes to resolving other conflicts and  crises  that  threaten our world. Jordan will continue to support all multilateral efforts to help Syria achieve a  political solution that  is based on the Geneva process and Security Council resolution 2254 (2015), in order to safeguard the country’s unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity and to create the conditions for stability and rebuilding.
An effective global response to terror also requires continued collective action. Let us be clear about it: for all our victories, the fight against those outlaws, the
khawarij of Islam, is not over. Winning the war demands a long-term, holistic approach — one that pairs security measures with strong initiatives that support inclusion and hope. Offline and online, we must counter all — I say all — ideologies of hatred, including Islamophobia. Jordanians have led efforts to unite the world in mutual respect and understanding.
Finally, we must also strengthen our collective response to the global refugee crisis. As many here know, Jordan has carried a massive and disproportionate burden as a refugee host. Our people have opened their homes, schools, public services and hospitals. We have shared our country’s scarce resources: our food, energy and precious water. The crisis has held back economic growth and job creation; jobs are urgently needed by our young people, who constitute more than 60 per cent of our population.
Jordanians have borne the refugee burden in full accordance with our country’s long humanitarian  traditions, but we know, and the world knows, that the crisis is a global responsibility. The sacrifices we and other host countries make every day can continue only if donor nations hold up their side of the partnership. That means making continued, multi-track efforts in development support and humanitarian assistance. Such efforts not only prepare refugees to return home and rebuild their countries, but also give hope to the people of host countries, who have sacrificed so much.
The world cannot address the refugee crisis  or any global crisis unless we work together to support those who are doing the right thing for the future we all share. Peace and prosperity demand constant, collective action. The alternative is to fail our history and fail our future. Let us choose, instead, to succeed and give the world’s people, especially young people, confidence in global justice, hope for new opportunity, and international laws, agreements and institutions that everyone can rely on.


Just a bit more than a week ago, we honoured the late former Secretary-General Kofi Annan in this Hall. It was a sad but dignified occasion. It was an inspiration as we began our journey at the current session of the General Assembly. We were reminded of the unique value of the United Nations and the responsibility that we, its Members, have towards the people of the world, namely, to promote peace, development and equal rights. And, as Kofi Annan once said, “We don’t need any more promises. We need to start keeping the promises we have already made”.

And, the time to act upon our joint commitments is indeed here. Sweden strives to act in accordance with its promises. We believe in international cooperation, in shared responsibility and participation, and in a rules-based order where international treaties and agreements are respected. When Sweden sought the Assembly’s support to serve on the Security Council, we promised to act on several urgent priorities on behalf of all Members. We continue to do our utmost to keep those promises.
Let me give only a few examples. We  have  worked consistently to reverse the trend of disrespect for international humanitarian law and to ensure humanitarian access for all those in need,  and  we have insisted on diplomacy and political solutions to entrenched conflicts. We have urged members of the Security Council to shoulder their responsibilities under the Charter of the United Nations, including resisting the use of the veto; we have always sought meaningful decisions and outcomes that make a difference for people on the ground.
We have tried to translate the Secretary-General’s vision for improved prevention into practice. We have aimed at introducing an all-inclusive approach to peace, including by analysing new risks such as climate change and the risk of famine. We have focused on ensuring the care, safety and protection of children today, as that helps to prevent conflicts tomorrow. Platforms for the stronger influence of youth have been introduced. And not least, we have worked tirelessly and systematically to strengthen the role of women in order for us to better sustain and build peace.
We will continue to demand women’s participation in peace processes, that women’s voices be heard in negotiations and in the Security Council, that United Nations mission mandates include a women  and peace and security perspective, that gender posts in missions continue to be funded and that gender aspects besystematically included in mission reporting and monitoring. We have also worked to ensure that the voices of civil society are heard at the Council table and have worked to deepen the partnership with regional organizations. However, in too many instances, the Security Council, as a collective, has failed to deliver on promises to the people whom we are meant to serve.
In Syria and Yemen, where two of the worst humanitarian disasters of our time are unfolding, humanitarian access is being continuously denied and
international humanitarian law blatantly disregarded. In Syria, a political solution to the conflict is long overdue. Horrendous crimes are being committed against the civilian population. We must work tirelessly to bring those responsible to justice, however long it may take. In Yemen, we have yet to see a full commitment by all parties to what the Security Council has clearly stated, namely, that there can be no military solution. Instead of committing to a political process, we see an escalation of the conflict and a deterioration in an already horrific humanitarian situation.
The suffering of the stateless Rohingya population of Myanmar continues. The Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar recently presented solid evidence of the gravity of the atrocities committed by the Myanmar military, amounting to the worst crimes under international law. Since Myanmar has systematically failed to investigate, prosecute and condemn perpetrators, the international community must shoulder its responsibility and act to end impunity. The Rohingyas should be able to return voluntarily and in safety; the Kofi Annan plan must be implemented and a credible peace processes for the outstanding conflicts must be pursued.
A Middle East peace process remains elusive, and instead, a rapid negative development is  unfolding that includes continued disregard for international humanitarian law. Seventy years after the 1947 resolution on the United Nations partition plan for Palestine (resolution 181 (II)), and in spite of calls for United Nations resolutions to be respected, the fulfilment of the promise of a two-State solution — with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security, and with Jerusalem as the capital of both States — seems very far away.
Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and the aggression in eastern Ukraine constitute violations of international law. To date, that aggression has caused more than 10,000 deaths and unacceptable human suffering. The commitments made in the Helsinki Final Act and the Budapest Memorandum must be honoured and the full implementation of the Minsk Agreements assured. In the absence of political solutions and in the face of ongoing conflicts, humanitarian efforts must be strengthened and protected.
We pay tribute to the courageous and selfless efforts of all humanitarian workers worldwide. Sweden has continued to deliver on our commitment to support

strong, effective and principled humanitarian action worldwide. We have increased our financial contributions to the United Nations-led global humanitarian response system and improved the effectiveness of our common efforts through our engagement in the Grand Bargain process. We have also enhanced the way in which we link our humanitarian assistance with longer-term development assistance.
Let us not forget that there are also positive dynamics, reminding us to keep up  hope  and  never to give up the quest for peace, including in the most difficult circumstances and entrenched conflicts. In the Horn of Africa there is positive change — a testament to what a difference courageous leaders and people can make. Let us encourage and recognize that historic development, support its fulfilment and allow it to serve as an inspiration to us all. On the Korean peninsula, there is also hope that a political solution will emerge from years of escalation, high tension and  mistrust. There is unity in the Security Council as we move towards our common goal of complete denuclearization, peace and reconciliation on the Korean peninsula through diplomatic means.
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development also brings hope. The commitments that we have collectively made have put an enormous responsibility upon us all. We need the United Nations to assist us. The reforms initiated by the Secretary-General to make the United Nations more fit for purpose are creating better conditions for us to move from promises to action. Sweden lives up to our promise to annually provide
1 per cent of our gross domestic income to official development assistance. More than 50 per cent of that is channelled to or through the multilateral system. That reflects our belief in multilateralism and the 2030 Agenda as part of our central plan for our common future. It will require a multilateral system that is cost- effective, coherent, accountable, agile and that delivers results for people.
The funding compact between the United Nations and its Member States provides a unique opportunity. We, the Member States, need to improve the quality of our funding to the United Nations. This year, Sweden has already taken steps to that end by signing multi-year agreements of core support for UN-Women, the United Nations Development Programme, UNICEF, the United Nations Population Fund, the Central Emergency Response Fund, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the United Nations Relief
and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and the World Food Programme. Core funding is crucial for the independent delivery and efficiency of the development system.
Another global promise was made in Paris, when we all agreed to seriously and urgently address climate change. The gap between current commitments and the required emissions reductions under the Paris Agreement on Climate Change is alarmingly large. The European Union has made important progress towards reaching the targets, but we must all do more. Sweden has adopted a climate-policy framework that establishes that Sweden will have net zero emissions in 2045. We have also taken a leading role in climate finance, and we remain firmly committed to mobilizing our share of the $100 billion annually by 2020.
This year marks the  twentieth  anniversary  of the adoption of the Rome Statute, which established the International Criminal Court — a milestone for accountability. Political will and cooperation remain crucial for the Court in its efforts to carry out its mandate. We will continue to honour our promise to support the Court and its independence and impartiality. Sweden will also continue to stand up for the protection and promotion of human rights. There can be no development without security, and no security without development, and we will not enjoy either of them without universal respect for human rights. Global forced migration remains a challenge to many countries, and more cooperation is needed to share the responsibility for the world’s refugees. At the United Nations Summit for Refugees and Migrants on 19 September 2016, it was decided to work out two global frameworks — one on refugees and one on migration. They will increase the cooperation, accountability and structure needed to better manage the increasing refugee and migratory flows that we see today.
In his comprehensive and timely agenda for disarmament, the Secretary-General clearly articulated the fact that measures for arms control and disarmament play a critical role in the prevention of armed conflict. Ground-breaking international commitments have been reached. At the same time, the field of disarmament remains filled with broken and unfulfilled promises. We are witnessing a deeply worrisome nuclear renaissance, with vast modernizations of nuclear arsenals underway. Nuclear- and non-nuclear-weapon States should heed the call of the Secretary-General to engage in a dialogue and in confidence-building aimed

at reducing risks and at breaking the stalemate plaguing disarmament diplomacy. The framework of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is ideally suited for such efforts.
How can we work towards fulfilling our promises to the 50 per cent of the world’s population who are women and girls? Sweden has focused on promoting equal access to rights, representation and resources. Women’s voices cannot be ignored anymore; women must be included everywhere, all the time and at all levels. Global normative frameworks and international commitments on gender equality and human  rights are increasingly under attack, especially sexual and reproductive health and rights. More needs to be done to combat sexual harassment and sexual violence everywhere, in workplaces and in society at large. That pertains also to the United Nations system. The United Nations zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse, as well as on sexual harassment and assault, must urgently be turned into practice. We welcome the Secretary-General’s Strategy on Gender Parity, which has made gender balance the new standard.
We are about to close the high-level segment of the General Assembly. In the very first intervention last week, the Secretary-General outlined the challenges to our world: a deficit of trust and the need to show the added value of international cooperation by delivering on the promise of peace, defending human rights and driving economic and social progress for women and men everywhere. International cooperation with a well- functioning multilateralism at its core are the best tools we have. So let us be the generation that acted on our promises — not just as independent States, but as the United Nations.


In 1945, we established the United Nations. We pledged to save future generations from the scourge of war, to work together to promote economic and social advancement, and to uphold and respect human rights and fundamental freedoms for all. Our job is not done. Challenges remain, but progress can and must be made.
Our common global interests are also national interests. We can achieve more when we act together. Both our prosperity and many of our challenges are the result of global trends. Trade conflicts, violent extremism, climate change and instability at the global level directly affect us at home, but so do also the benefits of world trade, the global fight against infectious diseases and the rule of law.
The 17 Sustainable Development Goals recognize that global challenges are national challenges and that they are closely interlinked. The Goals require us to take both national and international action. We must deal with the challenges of globalization, while at the same time maximizing the benefits to our citizens. Our job as leaders is to deliver security, jobs, education and
health care. Working together has enabled us all to do far more than we could have done alone.
Norway has taken national and international action through our national policy to promote sustainable livelihoods, through our Nordic and European partnerships on economic and civic integration, and through global action to promote peace and security, the sound management of the oceans, fair and regulated trade, education for all and global health measures. Together, we have achieved impressive results, because international cooperation works. Extreme poverty has been halved, people live longer, child mortality rates are falling and more girls attend school than ever before. Global political cooperation, global trade and international law have been crucial to that progress.
We have to recognize that globalization has not been equally beneficial to all. That is a very real challenge. Exclusion can spur radicalization. It can undermine confidence in international institutions and cooperation. Eventually, it could weaken respect for international law, human rights and even our security architecture. To counter that, we must secure the future welfare of a rapidly growing population. That requires both the protection and reform of fundamental trade norms. We cannot afford to let protectionism, discrimination and economic rivalry define our future. The World Trade Organization is essential for Norway and our interaction with the world. I believe that rules- based trade is just as important for our partners. Free trade creates winners. Protectionism does not.
In order to benefit all, rights, rules and responsibilities must be modernized to fit our current global economy. That is vital if we are to build a world where people’s potential, creativity and hopes for the future can be realized through cooperation, the exchange of knowledge and trade. Increased protectionism forces us to reflect on what less international cooperation would entail.
As we agreed in 1945, all nations must unite in a commitment to maintaining international peace and security. The consequences of instability  affect  us all. Global security threats require global responses. The Security Council must be able to act, and so must we, as nations and as regional organizations. Areas of conflict and instability are breeding grounds for violent extremism and international terrorism.
The conflict in Syria is but one example. Many different actors, State and non-State alike, are involved.

Banned weapons of mass destruction have reappeared. Humanitarian access is obstructed. Respect for human rights and international law is  undermined. On my own continent, Europe, fundamental rules and principles of international law are now in jeopardy. Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within internationally recognized borders must be restored. Violent extremism, conflict and instability lead to humanitarian crises and violations of human rights. Those in turn are some of the main drivers of both regular and irregular migration. Terrorism and violent extremism affect us all and are not limited to any single ideology, religion or belief.
Norway is standing up against violent extremism and terrorism, not in response to individual incidents but as a long-term foreign policy  commitment.  We are one of 79 members of the Global Coalition against the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant. By working together, we have achieved significant results on the ground. Still, in the continued fight against violent extremism, we must apply a whole-of-society approach. We must address the root causes, in the Middle East and elsewhere, including in our own countries and on our own continents. We must bring individual perpetrators to justice and prevent impunity.
Norway believes that those responsible for grave violations of international humanitarian law must be held accountable. We remain a staunch supporter of the International Criminal Court as an independent institution. At the same time, security is closely linked to sustainable development. We must boost trade and job creation, build capacity for generating domestic revenue, strengthen public service delivery and combat corruption. Corruption fuels inequality, crime, instability and violence.
Conflict can reverse years of social and economic progress. Conflict  prevention, peacekeeping and disarmament are all vital if we are to achieve the Sustainable  Development  Goals.  We  should heed the Secretary-General’s call for a surge in peace diplomacy. Norway is doing its part. Since the end of the Cold War, conflict mediation and resolution have been a cornerstone of our foreign policy. For more than 25 years, we have been engaged in efforts to resolve conflicts around the world — from the first Oslo Accord in 1993, to the ongoing work in Colombia and the Philippines, and back to the Middle East.
We have learned an important lesson from our efforts. Negotiating a peace agreement is always difficult, but implementing the agreement is even harder. In fact, conflict recurrence is more common than the onset of new conflicts. That means that the best way to prevent conflict is to ensure that peace is sustainable. Norway remains committed in Colombia, the Philippines and elsewhere, just as we remain committed to helping to achieve a negotiated two-State solution between the Israelis and the Palestinians.
The adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, with the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), demonstrated  the unique  value  of  the United Nations. We have agreed on a universal development agenda — a road map to the world we want. The SDGs are closely interlinked. Achieving Goal 16 on peace, the rule of law and strong institutions is crucial to ensuring that funds are not lost to corruption, and achieving the SDGs related to economic conditions will make funding available that can be used to make progress on other Goals. But we have no time to lose. Sustainable change cannot be brought about overnight. National ownership  is  critical,  but  civil   society, the private sector, trade unions and the scientific community all have a catalytic role to play.
Health is an area where it is easy to see that the SDGs apply to us all. Health is both a human right in itself and a prerequisite  for  development.  Investing in national health systems is expensive, but failing to do so can prove even more costly. The World Health Organization is working to create a global action plan for a simpler health architecture. That is a response to an initiative launched by Ghana, Germany and Norway. The action plan will be presented in Berlin in October.
Prevention saves lives, reduces human suffering and enhances economic and social development. Norway is proud to be hosting the first replenishment conference of the Global Financing Facility in Oslo on 6 November, and will contribute substantially. Progress on one SDG will stimulate progress on others. For example, child mortality rates fall when mothers have an education.
However, there are still more boys than girls who get an education. We have  to put  girls at  the centre  of our  education  efforts.  But  just  going  to  school is not enough. That is why Norway has focused on teaching quality and learning outcomes. Ensuring quality education requires continued international

financing, and the financing gap is considerable. It is therefore important to mobilize domestic resources and private funding, alongside official development assistance. Norway is doing its part. So far this year, we have allocated approximately $440 million to global education, and we will now increase our support to education efforts targeting girls, to nearly $40 million for the period 2018-2019.
Clean and healthy oceans that are sustainably harvested are a prerequisite for reaching the SDGs. Fifty per cent of the world’s oxygen comes from the oceans. Thirty per cent of the world’s carbon dioxide emissions are absorbed by the oceans. Our oceans offer us enormous renewable resources and represent a source of great promise and economic potential. Almost half of the world’s population already depends on the oceans for nutrition and employment, but in order to ensure a sustainable ocean economy, we must produce more from the oceans.
However, the sustainability of our oceans is threatened. By 2050, they could contain more plastic than fish. Marine litter is one of the fastest growing environmental concerns. Since I started speaking, a further 200 tons of plastic have ended up in the sea. The United Nations Environment Assembly has taken a bold step and adopted a vision of zero discharge of plastic litter into the ocean. Now we must translate that into action. Managing our oceans sustainably is crucial. Increased global funding is imperative and Norway will dig deep to contribute. We have no time to lose.
That is why, earlier this week, I established the High-level Panel for a Sustainable Ocean Economy, made up of Heads of  State  and  Government  from  all continents. We aim to promote science-based decision-making in the fields of ocean economy and ocean management. We will cooperate closely with the United Nations Special Envoy for the Ocean and other ocean initiatives. We aim to present our report in 2020.
For seven decades, Norway has been a consistent supporter of the United Nations and the rules-based multilateral order. We are one of the largest financial contributors to the United Nations. We consistently allocate 1  per  cent  of  our  gross  national  income  to development aid. There is broad support for the United Nations and for our engagement in sustainable development and peace across the political spectrum.
In 2021 it will have been 20 years since Norway previously held a seat on the Security Council. We
are ready to serve again. If we are elected, we will work to make the Security Council more transparent, efficient and representative. We will work with other Member States, regardless of their size, wealth or geographical location, to find common solutions. We will draw on our experience in peace and reconciliation processes. As women’s rights and participation are crucial to lasting peace and stability, we will  keep that issue high on our agenda. Together with partners from many regions, Norway will support initiatives for sustainable oceans and forests. We will highlight the consequences of climate change and the links between security and sustainable development. We will promote reform of the Council to make it more transparent, representative and better equipped to deal with current global realities. Norway will continue to be a consistent partner of the United Nations. We will continue to seek common solutions to the challenges that we face in our shared future.


At the outset, it gives me pleasure to congratulate Ms. María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés and her friendly country, Ecuador, on her election as President of the General Assembly at the current session. I wish her success in that noble task. I also want to express my appreciation to Mr. Miroslav Lajčák and his friendly country, Slovakia, for his successful leadership of the previous session.
I would be remiss not to express my appreciation for the efforts of Secretary-General António Guterres to promote the role of the Organization in achieving security, peace and development throughout the world, and our appreciation and support for the reforms and initiatives that he has undertaken since assuming office.
I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate our sincere condolences to the family of the late Kofi Annan, former Secretary-General of the United Nations, and to the African continent, recalling his invaluable work in the service of international peace and security while supporting human rights and contributing effectively to the Organization’s development and reform.
The theme of this session — “Making the United Nations relevant to all people: global leadership and shared responsibilities for peaceful, equitable and

sustainable societies” — reflects our shared aspirations for a global organization capable of effectively addressing current challenges. It also underscores our joint desire to enhance the Organization’s role in the service of peace and security, while building more equitable and effective international relations and strengthening sustainable development efforts.
We believe that tackling those challenges is a matter of joint responsibility, calling for intense and concerted efforts to eradicate hotbeds of tension, armed conflicts and disputes, as well as the unprecedented human suffering they inflict. Those hotbeds also exacerbate the phenomenon of terrorism and violent extremism, as well as all forms of organized crime, in addition to a decline in growth rates and increases in poverty and marginalization, together with economic recession in many parts of the world.
In that regard, Tunisia reaffirms the responsibility of the international community, as  represented  in  our Organization, to pursue the  political  settlement of ongoing disputes, resolve conflicts by peaceful means, achieve security and stability and promote human rights for the sake of safe and sustainable societies. While we are pleased  with the  results of  the negotiations on the  major  reforms  initiated  by the Secretary-General, particularly in reviewing the international system pertaining to security and peace and promoting development on a regular basis, we hope that those reforms will be supported by effective contributions from all States Members of the United Nations in accordance with a comprehensive vision that entrenches the principles of partnership and equality in international relations, as well as equitable representation on the Security Council, while enabling the General Assembly to take on its full responsibilities in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. True to the firm principles of our foreign policy, Tunisia will spare no effort in working to effectively contribute to the efforts to realize those noble objectives.
Tunisia continues to steadfastly enhance democratic governance and a State based on law and institutions through a consensual and participatory approach across the political spectrum and every sector of Tunisian society. Over the past year,  we  have taken further steps to strengthen constitutional institutions and fight corruption while enhancing good governance. We held democratic municipal elections in May to operationalize the very important constitutional principle of participatory democracy and decentralized
local governance. Through that principle, we hope to promote local development programmes and reduce disparities between entities.
Like the presidential and legislative elections held in 2014, those municipal elections resulted in a high level of representation of young people and women, reflecting an awareness in Tunisian society of the importance of including women and young people in decision-making at the local and national levels.
Based on our belief in human rights and fundamental freedoms as two of the pillars of democracy, and in accordance with our international commitments and the provisions of the 2014  Constitution,  President  Béji Caïd Essebsi of Tunisia has launched a reform initiative to enhance equality and the status of women, with a dedicated committee established to that end. That initiative is currently subject to a comprehensive dialogue engaging participants from across Tunisian society. As such, it is a natural extension of Tunisia’s pioneering experiment in reforms aimed at establishing a progressive society that respects individual rights and collective freedoms, empowers women and achieves full equality between men and women.
We are aware that enhancing and sustaining the emerging sustainable democratic experience in Tunisia are contingent on achieving economic recovery, addressing our current difficulties and strengthening social harmony. Those are priority objectives for our Government, in line with our 2016-2020 national development plan and in the context of implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.
Tunisia remains committed to pursuing major reform to improve growth rates and other human development indicators, in particular by creating work opportunities for young people and promoting internal and external investment. Despite major security and development challenges, including the destabilization of the regional and international situations and its direct effect on Tunisia’s security, growth and economic interests, we recently recorded positive and encouraging results — rising growth, falling unemployment and trade deficits, and recovery in the tourism sector, with an increase in investment indicators. We believe that those positive indicators enhance Tunisia’s status as an attractive environment for regional and international investment.
Tunisia depends not only on its own national capabilities but also on strong relations of cooperation

and partnership with regional and international partners. We would like to affirm our appreciation for the support that the Tunisian experiment has received from our long-standing friends and partners the world over and to stress our interest in further expanding such cooperative partnerships to serve our shared interests and strengthen security and stability nationally and internationally.
Terrorism represents one of the most prominent challenges to our countries, with no exceptions. It is also one of the gravest challenges to international peace and security. Terrorist organizations seek to destabilize countries, spread chaos and obstruct development. To confront that threat, we underscore the central role played by the United Nations in supporting Member States in eliminating terrorism and violent extremism. In that regard, we consider the establishment of the Office of Counter-Terrorism an important step for better coordinating and enhancing multilateral cooperation in that area.
While national, regional  and international  efforts to combat terrorist activities  are  important, we believe it is an equally important  priority  to tackle extremist ideologies and protect our societies, particularly young people, against secrecy and extreme violence. We also stress the importance of supporting international cooperation mechanisms for the exchange of information, expertise and judicial assistance and providing support to countries at the forefront of combating that scourge.
Tunisia has made significant progress in implementing its comprehensive  national  strategy  to combat terrorism and violent extremism,  which  has helped us to realize security gains in terms of tackling that dangerous scourge, thwarting terrorist plots, bringing terrorists to justice and safeguarding democracy while respecting the rule of law
In recent years, the world has witnessed an unprecedented upsurge in flows of refugees and migrants resulting from protracted crises, worsening armed conflicts  and related human suffering, disrupted security, hampered development and a lack of the conditions necessary for a decent life. Despite its  increase in recent years, migration remains one   of the principal manifestations of interaction and communication among human societies. Throughout history, it has contributed to rapprochement among cultures and civilizations. We believe that tackling
migration and refugee flows requires a comprehensive and integrated approach that takes into account the root causes of the two issues and prioritizes the importance of providing a dignified life for refugees and migrants, respecting their rights and human dignity and protecting them from criminal networks and all forms of exploitation.
We must mobilize international efforts to address the underlying causes of migration, including the inadequate sustainable development in many countries of origin. There is also a need to address exacerbated conflicts and wars, as well as the international community’s failure to bridge the gap between developing and developed countries.
Tunisia hopes that the two United Nations global compacts on migration and refugees will pave the way to the international consensus needed on this issue. We underscore the importance of promoting cooperation among all components of the international community in order to settle disputes and support the development efforts of Member States, as well as of promoting avenues for organized migration. While we understand the apprehension of some States, we emphasize the need to put a stop to hostile activities and practices against migrants and refugees and all forms of extremism, including in political discourse and media campaigns, when addressing the issue.
Continued conflicts and regional and international crises unquestionably result  in  increased  tension and a lack of stability and security. In that respect, achieving the desired just, comprehensive solution to the Palestinian question is an urgent priority. It would enable us to restore peace and stability to the Middle East region, thereby allowing our brother Palestinian people to recover their legitimate rights and establish an independent State of Palestine on their territory, with East Jerusalem as its capital, in accordance with resolutions of international legitimacy, the Arab Peace Initiative and a two-State solution.
Tunisia calls on the international community to shoulder its responsibility to provide the necessary protection for the Palestinian people  and  preserve  the legal and historical status of the city of Al-Quds Al-Sharif, as well as all other occupied Palestinian territories. Tunisia has spared no effort within its own abilities to provide support to the Palestinian people and implores the international community to redouble its efforts in order to put an end to Palestinians’

humanitarian suffering. That includes supporting the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East so that it can continue to provide assistance to Palestinian refugees.
Tunisia is deeply concerned about the developments in Libya and the serious deterioration of the security situation in its capital, Tripoli. Tunisia renews its commitment to undertaking efforts — at the initiative of President Essebsi, and in full cooperation with our brother countries of Egypt and Algeria — to assist  our Libyan brothers in overcoming their differences. Precedence should be given to Libya’s interests so that the desired political settlement can be achieved through dialogue and reconciliation on the basis of the Libyan Political Agreement, facilitated by the United Nations.
In that regard, Tunisia underscores its support for the United Nations Action Plan for Libya and calls for uniting all efforts to address the Libyan crisis, without interfering in Libyan internal affairs and avoiding military options, in order to achieve peace and security, lessen the suffering of the Libyan people and accelerate the implementation of the Action Plan.
We also call for regional and international efforts to be redoubled in order to arrive at a comprehensive political solution to the crisis in Syria as soon as possible, in a way that preserves the unity and territorial integrity of that brotherly country and puts an end to the suffering of the Syrian people while achieving their aspirations for security, stability and democracy.
We also hope that the international community will be able to help the parties in Yemen begin a dialogue in order to arrive at a political solution that supports legitimacy while preserving the unity of that brotherly country, as well as its territorial integrity. We hope that such a solution will end the suffering of the Yemeni people and guarantee the safety, security and stability of the Arab Gulf region.
Given our joint responsibility to ensure a universal system for the promotion of human rights for all, including the right to security and life, we call for accelerating the efforts to address the issue of Rohingya Muslims while ensuring the safe and voluntary return of refugees and working to tackle the underlying causes of the crisis.
Considering the importance with which we view being part of the African continent, which represents our strategic depth, Tunisia supports joint African efforts.
We are committed to the African Union’s Agenda 2063 development plan and are ready to actively engage in advancing the continent’s prospects. We would also like to appeal to the international community to assist in promoting peace and security on the continent so that the peoples of Africa can achieve their aspirations for sustainable development and economic integration.
In  that  context,   Tunisia   greatly   appreciates the agreement between the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea to end the long-standing dispute between the two countries. It has given new impetus to bilateral cooperation in the interests of the two neighbouring peoples on a path to achieving security, stability and development. Tunisia also hopes that that historic reconciliation between the two countries can be a first step towards ending all differences in the Horn of Africa region and setting an example to be followed in terms of eliminating tensions and settling disputes on the entire African continent.
With regard to the situation in the Korean peninsula, we are pleased with the results of the recent summits between the President of South Korea and the leader of North Korea, as well as the summit between the President of the United States and the leader of North Korea. We note the historic transformation of the Korean peninsula and the commitment of the two Koreas to cooperating in the future.  We  hope  that the international community will make  every effort  to assist both countries in ending tensions on the Korean peninsula and restoring trust between them by denuclearizing the peninsula and ridding it of weapons of mass destruction in order to achieve peace.
With Arab and African support, Tunisia is ready to join the Security Council once again as a non-permanent member for the period from 2020 to 2021. It is a goal that we hope to achieve with the support of all our friends and partners in the international community. If elected, Tunisia will work throughout its membership of the Council to ensure its commitment to the Charter of the United Nations, as well as its readiness to promote consultations. We would emphasize the importance of arriving at acceptable solutions to all the items on our agenda in the service of world peace and security.
In conclusion, I reiterate Tunisia’s commitment to continue to make every possible effort to cooperate with all sisterly and friendly countries in order to achieve the noble objectives of the United Nations in

the service of humankind in order to uphold those lofty universal values.


It is a great honour for me to address the General Assembly at its seventy-third session, where we have come to renew our commitment to creating an enabling environment for all humankind.
The theme of this session, “Making the United Nations relevant to  all  people:  global  leadership  and shared responsibilities for peaceful,  equitable and sustainable societies”, has great resonance with resolution 72/279, adopted on 31 May, which aims at the repositioning of the United Nations development system to better support countries in their achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) under strong national leadership and with international cooperation.
When the United Nations was established in 1945, its main purpose was to reduce tensions and avert another conflict following the Second World War. Since then, we have converged as a family at the General Assembly to renew this commitment and analyse how we address challenges affecting the world. It is a time to assess whether we are still living up to the ethos of the founders, who sought to ensure that the world would never again endure another world war, but rather find peaceful solutions to resolving possible conflicts.
We are all aware of the pockets of tension existing in different regions of the world, which require that States Members of the United Nations speak with one voice when offering possible peaceful solutions. Since a fragmented approach would render peaceful solutions elusive for affected countries, it  is  imperative  that we engage and resolve issues together as the United Nations family in order to ensure that we end up with lasting solutions.
We appeal to the countries experiencing conflict situations to come up with home-grown solutions to address their differences. We urge these nations to

avoid the use of force in an attempt to impose change. Where they do not see eye to eye, they need to adopt dialogue as the best way to find lasting solutions. Where there is no loss of blood, unity prevails, whereas violence begets instability.
Those who have lost lives and property in conflicts do not forget, and their bitterness makes nation-building efforts much harder to achieve. States Members of the United Nations are strongly urged to avoid fuelling tensions in troubled countries with a divided approach to intervention, as that defeats the purpose of the establishment of the United Nations. Our approach should always be, for the greater good of humankind, to search for and find an amicable way forward to address all the challenges we face.
Another great concern is the imbalance between rich and poor, which continues to deepen by the day despite our efforts to implement the Sustainable Development Goals, which were designed to bridge that divide. As the United Nations family, we  need    to pay serious attention to those imbalances, as they contribute to terrorism and social strife in the world.
The African Union has also set out to improve lives with the goal of realizing a well-developed Africa for all by 2063. It is important to support such programmes, which are similar to initiatives undertaken in other regions of the world, some of which have shown great progress in  that  regard.  We  urge successful  blocs to meaningfully support developing countries that have adopted good programmes to transform their economies but lack the means to do so. The slow process of development in such countries adds to the burden resulting from their failure to provide for  the needs   of our people and our society. We need to find ways and solutions to speed up the process of developing sustainable economies by removing the stumbling blocks to development, in line with the Sustainable Development Goals.
It is perhaps time that we engage researchers to find out what developing countries need in order to fast-track economic growth and identify high-turnover capital projects that would be best suited to catalyse such an endeavour. No country deserves to go for a whole year without any investment. There are numerous successful countries that can share their experiences of success. Their insights could assist developing countries in ensuring that no country is left behind as we strive to achieve our development objectives.
The African continent remains challenged by various diseases, including Ebola, HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and many others, each of which requires large amounts of funding if they are to be overcome. Africa has resolved to eliminate those diseases in a short amount of time. However, without funding, that will remain a challenge. Some of those health issues require further analysis given that, in some cases where we have had success, we subsequently had to deal with their re-emergence in a more virulent form.
It would be remiss of us not to thank and commend the support lent by members of the United Nations family to countries in need, especially for health issues in Africa. We need to ensure that every citizen has access to basic services, such as clean water, health care and free primary education. We commend those countries that have reached the level of being able to provide free education. It is only by investing in education that nations may produce the highly qualified citizenry that enables them to realize their full development potential.
Reducing unemployment is a global challenge, so too is caring for the elderly, a group that has contributed immensely to the development of each country. They deserve to be cared for once they have done their part. Addressing those issues is becoming increasingly challenging given the decline in donor funding, which means more hardship for our people. We should therefore seek alternative means of fundraising so as to avoid the undesirable situation in which people have to resort to self-help in order to cope with the global challenges. Such an approach threatens peace, as it could lead to the diversion of resources from efforts  in place to address already existing challenges, such as diseases.
It is unfortunate  that the African continent continues to attract more United Nations peacekeeping missions than any other region in the world, which qualifies Africa for proper representation in  the peace and security arena and makes it  a  key  player  in discussions on issues of peace and security in all structures of the United Nations. We therefore make the appeal for Africa not to be left behind. Its voice must be heard and featured prominently and permanently at the United Nations.
As negotiations of reform of the Security Council progress, the Kingdom of Eswatini calls for the favourable consideration of the African common position, as well as the support of those countries that

are not members of the Security Council. Africa calls for the allocation of no less than two permanent seats on the Security Council, with all of the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership — including the veto power — and five non-permanent seats.
We remain confident that the SDGs and Agenda 2063 of  the  African  Union  will  continue  to  give  us the proper guidance and impetus needed to eradicate poverty and create inclusive and sustainable development for all. The Kingdom of Eswatini has made significant strides in adapting  the  SDGs  at  the local level and integrating them into its national planning processes. We have finalized a  review  of our 1997-2022 national development strategy and will soon be launching a revised national strategy with the theme “Development strategy for Eswatini: promoting sustainable development and inclusive growth”. The strategy is expected to accelerate the implementation of the SDGs in the Kingdom.
In a bid to facilitate research and development, the Kingdom of Eswatini is fully committed to working towards a knowledge-based economy through the development of science, technology and innovation infrastructure. The Royal Science and Technology Park continues to be a key entity aimed at advancing research in the scientific and related fields. We would like to express our profound gratitude to the friends of the Kingdom who are supporting us in our endeavour to develop those fundamental initiatives. However, as innovation, research and development are constantly evolving, such efforts are a work in progress. The Kingdom therefore continues to seek additional support so as to further strengthen initiatives that contribute to attaining our national Vision 2022 and the Sustainable Development Goals.
Only a few days ago, the people of the Kingdom of Eswatini held a very peaceful national election that was free and fair. We are glad that international observers were in attendance to monitor the elections and that their conclusions were in line with our expectations. During the elections, the people nominated candidates in their chiefdoms to compete at the constituency level, using a system we call Tinkhundla. The system ensures direct participation and promotes participatory democracy among our people. It is home grown, part of our customs and traditions, and enshrined in our Constitution.
We fully support the participation of women in political decision-making positions and have recently
enacted the Election of Women Members to the House of Assembly Act in order to ensure their representation in Parliament. We have also successfully enacted the Sexual Offences and Domestic Violence Act, a legal framework to protect women from domestic violence and sexual assault. That legislation will give effect to the relevant international legal instruments, including, inter alia, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.
We are pleased to inform the General Assembly that, earlier this year, our Kingdom celebrated 50 years of independence. We are grateful that the country has been able to champion its development agenda as a free nation for 50 years. During the celebration, the nation decided to revert to its original name, Eswatini. Since time immemorial, the name of the Kingdom has always been Eswatini.
I would like to emphasize that the call of the United Nations to leave no one behind requires identifying them, knowing where they are and  understanding  how they live, as well as determining how they can be assisted and brought to par with the rest of the world. Answering those questions will go a long way towards making the United Nations more relevant to all peoples of the world.
We would like to draw the attention of the Assembly to the negative impact that being categorized as a middle-income country has had on our access to external resources. Our designation as a middle-income country has come at a time when we need even more resources to be able to inject innovation into the development programmes that we have undertaken pursuant to the SDGs. We sincerely hope that the commendable reform efforts of the Secretary-General will help to support and strengthen our efforts aimed at gaining access to external resources and securing sustainable funding mechanisms so as to enable us to move towards fully realizing the SDGs by 2030.
The Kingdom of Eswatini reiterates its unwavering stance as it calls  on  the  United  Nations  to  afford the people of the Republic of China, Taiwan, the opportunity to contribute to and partake in the United Nations development system. Taiwan’s experience in fields that are vital to various dimensions of sustainable development would go a long way towards contributing to the work and well-being of the membership of the

United Nations. We wish to make a strong appeal for the people of Taiwan not to be left behind, with a view to keeping the United Nations relevant to all people, in line with the spirit of universality.
In conclusion, I would like to extend my congratulations to the President of the General Assembly on her election to preside at the seventy-third session of the Assembly. We commend the General Assembly for having such confidence in her as to choose her to serve as only the fourth woman President of the General Assembly in its 73 years of existence. I would like to assure her of my Kingdom’s full support as she executes her duties and responsibilities during her term of office. We further appreciate the Secretary- General and all his staff for their continued support and hard work to improve the working mechanisms and relevance of the United Nations system for all Member States. We hope to come out of this session with meaningful goals that will chart a better future for our respective countries.