First of all, on behalf of the Chad delegation, which I have the honour of heading, I should like to convey to Mr. Joseph Garba our most earnest congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. As Chad has a common border and so many historical bonds with Nigeria - his great country – it can only express satisfaction that he is directing our work. His election  which does honour to all of Africa, is a tribute to his talents as a diplomat and an experienced statesman. He may be assured of the full co-operation of ray delegation in carrying out his difficult responsibilities.
I should like also to express to Mr, Dante Caputo, the former Foreign Minister of Argentina, the gratitude of ray delegation for his excellent work as President of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. The Chad delegation would like, once again, to pay a well-deserved tribute to the dynamic Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whose dedication to the cause of peace and development deserves the admiration of all. In his report on the activities of the Organization, the Secretary-General notes that there is increased co-operation between the permanent members of the Security Council in the quest for solutions to international conflicts and, above all, that the two major blocs have undertaken a quest for lasting peace. This trend in international relations, which are now based more on trust, should be encouraged.
Indeed, the Second World War, the fiftieth anniversary of whose beginning we are marking this year, is an appropriate reminder of the painful circumstances that led to the founding of the United Nations. This reminder of history should, above all, compel us to work in solidarity to strengthen the San Francisco Charter. The solemn commitment to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, is still coming up against difficulties, even though the atmosphere today would seem to be mote than ever propitious for universal peace. The Government of the Republic of Chad, for its part, has always worked for peace in international relations and in its own relations with neighbouring countries.
In this connection, the process begun last year in the context of the Chad-Libya conflict, with the assistance of friendly countries, continued. That process represented a step forward in the improvement of relations between the two States. Thanks to the persevering activities of the President of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), Mr. Moussa Traore, President of the Republic of Mali, of the President of the Republic of Gabon and Mr. Al-Hadj Omar Bongo, and of the President of the Ad Hос Committee of the OAU on the Chad-Libya dispute, Mt. Chedli Bendjedid, President of the Democratic People's Republic of Algeria, Chad and Libya signed, in Algiers on 31 August 1989, a framework agreement on the settlement of their dispute. Years of deadly confrontation between two countries fated by history and geography to live together in peace have given rise to substantial human and material loss. That situation, which forced Chad to devote its meagre resources to purposes of defence, considerably delayed our country's reconstruction and development.
Having always held that Chad and Libya have better things to do than make war, the Chadian Government promptly demonstrated its approval of the Algiers Agreement by proceeding, as early as 1 September 1989, to release a group of Libyan prisoners of war. We hope that this significant gesture, which reflects Chad's goodwill towards the brotherly Libyan people and its respect for the pledge it made, will open the way to the final settlement of a conflict pitting two brotherly States against each other in the Chadian region of Aozou.
By envisaging conciliation as an initial stage, the Agreement appeals to the two parties to show the political determination to establish lasting peace between them. Only if this machinery does not yield the desired result within a year will the International Court of Justice be seized of the territorial dispute.
Additional measures are provided for as part of the implementation of the Agreement, including the withdrawal of the forces of the two countries from positions they occupied as of 25 August 1989 in the disputed region  this withdrawal is to take place under the supervision of an African observer commission, and there is to be a ban on any new settlements, in whatever form, in the region.
Reiterating their decision concerning the cease-fire that took effect on 11 September 1987, Chad and Libya also undertook to end any hostility, especially all hostile media campaigns to refrain from direct or Indirect Interference, In any form, under any pretext and in any circumstances, in the internal and external affairs of their respective countries’ to ban any political, material, financial or military support to any forces hostile to either of the two countries; and to proceed to the signing of a treaty of friendship, good-neighbourliness and economic and financial co-operation between the two countries,
A joint committee will be established to lay down the provisions for the implementation of the Agreement and to ensure that all necessary steps are taken to that effect. The Ad Hoc Committee of the Organization of African Unity on the Chad-Libyan dispute is to follow up the implementation of the provisions of the Agreement.
Those are the salient points of the Agreement, which ushers in a new era in relations between Chad and Libya. But need I point out that the strength of any agreement lies in the political will of those who implement it? Thus, the full, practical implementation of the Algiers Agreement will be the measure of the scope and value of the commitments entered into. For its part, Chad has already communicated this important Agreement to the Secretariat of the United Nations, in accordance with article 7 of the Agreement.
From this rostrum, my delegation expresses the sincere gratitude of the Government and people of Chad to all the illustrious Heads of State who have made such a positive contribution to the ushering in of this new era - which we hope will be a felicitous One - in the relations between Chad and Libya. As we have always maintained, this Agreement bears witness to Chad's constant desire to live in peace with the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, strictly respecting its sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and basic rights. That is our creed, and our commitment to peace is unequivocal.
As they resolutely face the future the Chadian people, at peace with themselves and united in their great movement - the National Onion for Independence and Revolution - aspire to a better standard of living. In this regard, the second Congress of the Union, held in N'Djamena in November 1988, adopted major decisions, which the Government is now implementing.
In political terms, the draft of a new Constitution, submitted by the Constitutional Committee several months ago, will be put to the Chadian people in 1990 for adoption. The aim of that referendum to be held in 1990 is thus approval of the new constitutional law, and thereby the consolidation of the process of normalization of national life and the establishment of political stability by providing the country with adequate and viable institutions taking into account the far-reaching aspirations of our people and the political, social and economic realities of our country.
In economic terms, although - as in fact the Secretary-General points out in his report on the programme of special economic assistance to Chad -
,A favourable pattern of rainfall in Chad in 1987/88 resulted in a striking recovery in agricultural output in 1988/89 from the depressed 1987 levels (A/44/418, para, β), the country remains subject to the vagaries of nature. In that connection, the floods in August last year once again defeated Chad's efforts to achieve food self-sufficiency. Efforts are still under way to that end. Henceforth the emphasis will be placed on the development of off-season irrigated crops in order to cope with the country's erratic rainfall patterns. The fact that 700,000 tons of grain were produced last year gives us reason to hope that the better use of new crop technologies will indeed help Chad to achieve food self-sufficiency.
Nevertheless, the country remains dominated by one crop t cotton. The price for this commodity is set by stock-market speculators and is completely beyond the control of the State. In spite of the efforts made sacrifices made, and a slight improvement in cotton prices, this sector still shows a deficit. In those circumstances, while it continues to put into effect measures to improve the whole process in this respect, the Chadian Government is forced to seek condensation elsewhere foe losses in revenue resulting from the elimination of export taxes on cotton fibre. Aware of the disastrous effects the instability in the prices of agricultural commodities could have, the Chadian Government is determined to make cattle-raising the true second staple of the country. In this regard, a large national livestock programme is now being implemented. Its objective is to maximize the capacity of the livestock sector in order to counterbalance the disadvantages of the cultivation of cotton as our sole crop. Development of cattle-raising not only will bring more income to the people of Chad but also will lead to an increase in trade between Chad and its neighbours and other countries of Central Africa.
As can be seen, the economic and financial situation of Chad remains a difficult one, and is quite precarious despite the radical measures taken by the Government and the sacrifices made by the people of Chad. In its efforts to improve the living conditions of its people the Government is giving priority to self-sufficiency in food as well as to education and health, by closely involving the population in implementation programmes.
In these circumstances external financial assistance will for many years to come continue to play an essential role in the implementation of economic and social programmes in Chad. With that in mind, the Government of Chad intends to organize, in 1990, with the assistance of the United Nations Development Programme, two round-table conferences: one on education and the development of human resources, and the other on public health and the family - population questions. During those two meetings the Government of the Republic of Chad will submit to friendly countries and international bodies programmes to finance sectors vital to the development of our country.
Furthermore, pursuant to resolution 43/205, my Government intends in 1990 to submit to donors and creditors a four-year plan now being developed in co-operation with the United Nations Development Programme and the World Bank. We sincerely hope that, like the Geneva conferences of 1982 and 1985 on international assistance to Chad, and the meetings and round-table conferences on the recovery of the Borkou-Ehnedi-Tibesti region held in previous years, the international community will give massive assistance in response to our appeal, which proposes financing for each sector as well as the priority development projects of the four-year plan. While relying on its own efforts for reconstruction and the beginning of true agricultural development, Chad is grateful to the friendly countries and international organizations which, since the restoration of State authority, have constantly supported us through diverse and appropriate forms of assistance.
With the continued return of refugees, assistance from the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees remains necessary to and their resettlement. Similarly many parts of the border region are still inaccessible because of the mines land during the occupation, which prevents the return of displaced persons to their area of origin. Here again we count on the international community to help us - on the one hand, to make the area habitable and, on the other, to provide the necessary minimum assistance to displaced persons.
Taking into account the overall economic and social situation of Chad, whose special characteristics should be borne in mind, my delegation will once again this year submit two draft resolutions: one to the Second Committee, for special economic assistance, and the other to the Third Committee, for emergency humanitarian assistance. We hope that those draft resolutions will be supported by all delegations at the current session.
The encouraging results seen in Chad through its efforts at reconstruction and economic recovery would not have been possible without the constant and substantial support of friendly countries. Chad extends its gratitude to them. It also thanks governmental and non-governmental organizations for the substantial support they have given in this immense effort at Rational reconstruction. The activities of the united Nations Development Programme (UNDP), as the co-ordinating agency for the operational activities of the United Nations, must be emphasized and welcomed.
While the major objective of the United Nations Is to ensure peace and security, we should recall that economic and social development Is essential to achievement of that objective, unfortunately we are obliged to observe that the current International economic system Is characterized by increased imbalances and inequalities, with grave consequences for the stability of the developing countries. As the Secretary-General emphasized at the 1989 second regular session of the Economic and Social Council when he said ,We ate deeply concerned to see the large number of countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia that are prisoners of poverty and to report that their efforts are failing because of an unfavourable international climate and a deterioration in their internal problems,.
That clear-sighted analysis should compel the international community to make efforts to find bolder solutions. In this regard the delegation of Chad commends the proposals of the French and American Presidents, Francois Mitterand and George Bush, to cancel pact of the loans their countries have given to Africa in the form of public assistance for development. Those welcome decisions, which recognize that to be viable any solution to the problem of the indebtedness of the African countries must involve a reduction in debt, deserve our support and should be followed by all the industrialized countries.
Furthermore, the growing marginalization of the African economies, which continues to be caused by a deterioration in the terms of trade, requires immediate international attention. In this connection the international community should play an active role in seeking the reform of raw materials markets. In particular steps should be taken to enhance the effectiveness of the common fund for commodities so that speculators might be forced to charge fairer prices more in keeping with the efforts made by producer countries. Indeed, structural reforms in the economies of third world countries cannot allow real development unless they are supported by appropriate export earnings.
For now the situation in the third world countries is tragic and characterized by zero growth, a reduced standard of living and a high rate of inflation. Ironically, in current economic relations, the net transfer of capital from the South to the North from 1982 to 1988 was approximately S300 billion, whereas the capital flow to the developing countries declined considerably. This negative trend should be corrected. The convening in 1990 of a special session of the General Assembly ш international economic co-operation, in particular on renewed growth in the economies and the development of developing countries, will provide an opportunity for the taking of appropriate measures. Chad fully supports the fourth international development strategy, which should be broadly based on past experience to foster sustained economic growth for the developing countries.
,today the environment is gaining increased attention from the international community because of a better understanding of its broad implications. The convening of an international conference on the environment and development in 1992 will be a major step forward in the process under way to ensure better protection.
Certain kinds of environmental problems are being experienced daily by the peoples of the Sahel. Indeed, drought and desertification continue to be of major concern to the Governments members of the Permanent Inter-State Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel (CIIiSS). Indeed, the shrinkage of ground cover, the decrease in surface water, the reduction in fishing resources, the drop in water tables and the drying up of wells have sorely tried the economies of those countries. The situation has been aggravated by the debt burden and the fall in prices of agricultural raw materials, making the result of these efforts uncertain. On the occasion of CILSS Day, 12 September 1989, His Excellency Al-Hadj Hissein Habre, current Chairman of the Committee, stated. The challenge of the Sahel continues to confront us, but our first victory is the one we must win over ourselves.,
The joint strategies adopted by the States members of CILSS will no doubt enable us batter to meet that challenge, but the results obtained thus far remain meagre when compared to the scope of the problem. Thus the States members of CILSS ate once again appealing to the international community to lend its support within the framework of a plan of action to contain desertification.
Experience in recent years has shown that, when united. States can cope effectively with major challenges, whether they be natural disasters or such evils as drugs, ANDS and terrorism. W.'-h regard to terrorism, one of the most recent incidents has been the airline disaster of 19 September 1989, which cost the lives of 171 innocent persons, including 40 Chadians, among them the Minister of Planning and Co-operation His Excellency Mahamat Soumaila. My delegation vigorously condemns the wantonness, cruelty and inhumanity of terrorism. Chad not only condemns the abhorrent act but will combat terrorism from whatever quarter it comes and whatever form it may take. All States must therefore actively participate in wiping out these plagues threatening all of the international community by making full use of the irreplaceable instrumentation of the United Nations.
Today we note with satisfaction the praiseworthy efforts being made to initiate a dynamic of peace and put an end to the hotbeds of tension and war by which many areas of the globe are sorely tried.
In that connection the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of Namibia is clearly a decisive step towards the realisation of the goal the Organization has set itself. However, acts of intimidation and South Africa's deliberate attempts to sabotage that territory's peaceful accession to international sovereignty are direct threats to peace and stability in that long-troubled region. Chad therefore calls upon the Security Council to exert all its influence to ensure respect for resolutions 435 (1978), 632 (1989) and 640 (1989).
Subtle oppression and violence continue to prevail in South Africa, where apartheid still reigns as the supreme form of colonialism. In that connection His Excellency Al-Hadj Hissein Habre, President of the Republic of Chad, recently stated 	.
The entire world condemns that system, which is the total negation of the rights of peoples and of human rights, but it continues to exist and to hold sway. Indeed, everyone condemns apartheid, but not everyone fights for its disappearance, especially those with the withdraw to succeed.,
In order to improve the current international political climate, the Government of South Africa should not just make timid advances to the majority, but instead, finally put an end to its outmoded practice and inaugurate a true democracy based on the principle of one man, one votes in an equal and multiracial society.
In Angola, where a positive process has begun, Chad encourages dialogue leading to a final reconciliation among Angolans.
With regard to Western Sahara, Chad welcomes the initiatives under way and firmly supports the efforts of the Secretary-General and the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).
The hope created by the signature of the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan has not yet been realized. Chad appeals to the political will of the Afghan leaders to spate their people further suffering. Similarly, the world's attention has been focused on the Paris Conference, which offered a historic opportunity to put an end to the long conflict and the sufferings of the Kampuchean people. In spite of the meagre results obtained, owing to the complexity of the situation, there are grounds for hope that the sense of responsibility and interest of the Kampuchean people will prevail during future meetings and that the withdrawal of foreign troops will be accomplished.
The situation in the Middle East, at the core of which is , the tragic Palestinian problem, demands our attention. Twenty-two months after the beginning of the intifadah the Palestinian people have shown their goodwill by agreeing to the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. Chad, which has always supported the struggle of the Palestinian people for the exercise of their inalienable rights and which recognized the Palestinian State upon its proclamation at Algiers, supports the idea of the convening of an international conference bringing together all the parties concerned, together with the permanent members of the Security Council, as the best means of achieving a comprehensive solution to the problem.
With regard to Lebanon Chad deplores the violence in that part of the world. We appeal urgently to all parties to exercise restraint and we call upon foreign forces to cease their interference. The independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon should be respected, in keeping with Security Council resolution 639 (1989).
By its tireless efforts the international community has contributed to putting an end to the bloody, murderous conflict between Iran and Iraq. Not all the pending issues have yet been settled and there is still cause for concern. For this reason, Chad urges both countries to engage resolutely in the search for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace through compliance with and full implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), and supports the role of the Secretary-General to that end.
Similarly, Chad encourages any initiative that would obviate any further delay in the processes under way on the Korean peninsula, in Cyprus and in Central America.
This brief overview of the international political situation, which has been marked by conflicts and tensions, should encourage us to make better use of the existing machinery in order to establish peace the world over. The fundamental given fact of our time is peaceful coexistence, which, if violated, inevitably jeopardizes international peace and security. These are still, unfortunately, based on doubtful realities such as the balance of terror and the principle of might makes right. Nevertheless, it is comforting to note the increasing awareness, on the part of nations the world over, of the imperative need to change this state of affairs.
In this regard, Chad commends the progress achieved by the super-Powers towards disarmament, which reflects a determination and a sense of responsibility that take into account the concerns of mankind. These basic concerns are, first and foremost, international peace and security, which depend on general and complete disarmament, respect for the principles of international law governing relations among States, and equitable international economic relations whereby all countries, producers and consumers of commodities, will act in such a way that they feel that they are complementary because ,one of the most precious human rights is that of receiving just remuneration for one's work.
The best possible living conditions for all peoples the world over - that is in fact the goal which all of mankind should pursue in good faith and in all honesty. I would conclude here with a quotation from the President and Head of State of the Government of Chad, His Excellency Al-Hadj Hissein Habre:
Peace and security, we cannot repeat it enough, have a direct effect on the lives of peoples
My delegation believes that the States Members of the United Nations should act with this in view in order to achieve the basic objectives of a more just world, one in which nations would live on good terms with each other and where peoples, freed from the shackles of squalor and poverty, would exist together in perfect harmony, with understanding, with love for each other, in a word, in universal peace.


On behalf of the delegation of the Union of Myanmar and on my own behalf, I take pleasure in extending warmest congratulations to the President on his unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. His election to this high office reflects the confidence of all the States Members of the United Nations in his demonstrated diplomatic skills and leadership qualities, as well as in his commitment to the ideals of the Organization. It is also a fitting tribute to the great country he represents, the Federal al Republic of Nigeria, which has always been in the forefront in the quest for peace and security in the fight against colonialism and racial discrimination and in the promotion of economic and social justice in the world. Let me assure him that in discharging his heavy responsibilities he can count on the full support and co-operation of my delegation.
I wish also to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Dente Caputo of Argentina, for his valuable contribution to the success of the Assembly at its forty-third session. The current session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time of great expectations. In the past year we have witnessed a continuation and farther consolidation of the positive and encouraging trends in international relations that have rekindled hopes for a better world.
As a result of these new trends the United Nations has regained much of its relevance, and the role of the Security Council as an instrument of International peace and security has been revitalized. Nat only Governments, but millions of common people around the globe are beginning to feel that the trust they had continued to place in the Organization during its time of trials and tribulations has been vindicated. Nations large and small are demonstrating more willingness to co-operate and to work within the framework of the Organization. As a result, we are witnessing a far greater inclination on the part of nations to rely on the United Nations peace-keeping operations than to resort to unilateral action. Here, I wish to pay a special tribute to the men and women from different lands who, often at great personal peril, are keeping the peace in many troubled parts of the world under the United Nations banner. Many of those emissaries of peace have been the victims of terrorism.
At this juncture, the effectiveness of the united Nations would surely be enhanced further if all States that qualify for membership in conformity with the provisions of the Charter were admitted to the Organization. We therefore welcome the desire expressed by the Republic of Korea to become a Member of the United Nations, while not losing sight of the need for the ultimate reunification of Korea.
The enhanced prestige and renewed credibility of the United Nations are attributable not only to the marked improvement in international relations but also in large measure to the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to enhance the effectiveness of the Organization.
Even during its darkest days he never despaired or wavered. Instead, with a single-minded dedication and an unflinching faith in the essential soundness of the idea of the united Nations, and ably assisted by his senior advisers and a corps of dedicated international civil servants, he ably defended everything the United Nations stood for ē On behalf of the Government of the Union of Myanmar, I should like to place on record out sincere gratitude to His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar for a very difficult job very well done.
The perceptible improvement in the international climate, particularly in the pattern of the relationship between the two super-Powers, is having a favourable impact on the solution of a variety of long-standing problems bearing on the maintenance of international peace and security. Nowhere is that impact felt more profoundly than in the field of arms control and disarmament.
The conclusion of the Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - and its effective implementation in good faith by both parties, which has resulted in the destruction of over half their stockpiles, have generated greater mutual confidence between them. That is bound to provide a stranger impetus to bilateral and multilateral negotiations on disarmament, issue of vital importance for the survival of mankind. That impetus has already led to the resumption in June 1969 of the strategic arms reduction talks - START - with the stated goal of a 50 per cent reduction. A successful conclusion of these negotiations would bring about a qualitative change in the power relationship between the two major military alliances and set the disarmament process well on course. It would also usher in a new era of enhanced international peace and security and thus be a historic achievement of Immense significance for the future of mankind.
While the conclusion of the IMF Treaty and the prospective reductions in offensive strategic weapons are indeed laudable  it bears repeating that the elimination of all nuclear weapons must remain the ultimate goal of mankind. In this connection we welcome the convergent view of both super-Powers that nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. We welcome this as an expression of their political will to halt and reverse the nuclear-arms race. The first necessary step to that end Is the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty.
In the field of chemical weapons, the Paris Conference held in January 1989 expressed with one voice the collective will of the international community to see a world totally free from these inhuman weapons. Following years of seemingly irreconcilable differences on the principal issues involved, particularly the question of verification, significant forward movement was made this year when the Soviet Ш1оп and the United States reached agreement on key elements of a treaty banning those weapons.
The memorandum of understanding between them on chemical weapons, signed on 23 September and providing for verification and data exchange, represents further progress towards that goal. We have been further heartened by the important concrete proposals announced by the President of the united States in the Assembly on 25 September and by the positive response given to the proposals by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union on the following day. Timely action to eliminate the world's two largest chemical-weapon arsenals could serve as an effective bar to the spread of chemical weapons. It is therefore imperative that these bilateral efforts be redoubled in order that multilateral negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament can move forward expeditiously and a universal convention on the total prohibition of these weapons be concluded at an early date.
The past year has been particularly remarkable for the United Nations as the focus of action in the search for the peaceful settlement of regional disputes and conflicts. However, the degree of success attending these efforts has varied. We ate happy to note that, thanks to the decisive action of the Security Council  id the unremitting efforts of the Secretary-General and his Special Representative, the settlement plan for Namibia embodied in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) has progressed to a stage where we can look forward to the emergence of that Territory as an independent sovereign State, to ensure Namibia's transition to independence, we urge all countries concerned, particularly South Africa, to fulfil in good faith the obligations they have assumed under the relevant agreements and understandings. The attainment of statehood by Namibia will bring to an end the last vestiges of colonialism in Africa.
Nevertheless, the rebirth of that great continent cannot be considered complete so long as millions of black South Africans remain virtually enslaved in the land of their ancestors under the oppressive and evil regime of apartheid. Recent developments in South Africa seem to have opened a window of opportunity for the minority regime in that country to institute fundamental and meaningful reforms aimed at terminating that obnoxious system at an early date. We earnestly hope the regime will seize this opportunity to introduce such reforms urgently. At this critical juncture, the international community should exert greater pressure, including the enforcement of economic sanctions, on the South African authorities with a view to attaining the objective of racial equality and majority rule in that country on the basis of universal suffrage. At the same time, encouragement should be given to the rising tide of liberal white opinion in South Africa in favour of fundamental change, which was clearly evident in the recent elections.
One region where peace initiatives from within the region itself are bearing fruit is Central America. The continuing efforts of the Presidents of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua to achieve the goals of peace and democratization they had earlier set for themselves in the Esquipulas II agreements and mote recently in the Tela agreement have brought the termination of a decade of turmoil in the region within sight. We believe these regional initiatives deserve the positive support of extra-regional Powers.
In the Middle East, despite some positive developments, represented by the Palestine National Council's acceptance of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli dispute continues to elude us. The question of Palestine, which is at the core of the Middle East conflict, remains unresolved. No tangible progress has been achieved, end the formidable obstacles to the peace process persist. We believe the time has arrived for the parties involved to make their utmost efforts to bring about an enduring peace in the region in conformity with the terms set forth in the sand Security Council resolutions. Those resolutions provide the only workable basis for a lasting peace in the region, and any attempt to call their validity into question is fraught with incalculable dangers. My delegation supports the proposal that an international peace conference on the Middle East be held under United Nations auspices, with the participation of all parties concerned on an equal footing.
Here, we would like to reiterate our unwavering support for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people in Palestine, including their right to national independence and sovereignty. We would also like to take this opportunity to express the hops that the continuing constructive efforts of President Mubarak of Egypt would facilitate our search for peace in that region. In the mean time urgent steps should be taken to ensure that General Assembly resolution 43/233 of 26 April 1939 be strictly observed and that, in conformity with its terms, necessary measures be taken to provide protection to the Palestinian civilians in the occupied Arab territories.
In Lebanon 14 years of hostilities have brought untold suffering to its people destroyed its economy, rent its communities and State institutions in shambles. Given the nature of the conflict, a solution of the crisis will require concerned international efforts. My delegation therefore welcomes the laudable efforts of the Heads of State of Algeria, Morocco and Saudi Arabia to end the bloodshed, to re-establish peace in the country and to safeguard its unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence.
Coming nearer home, we believe that every avenue must continue to be explored in order to put an end to the protracted strife and misery in neighbouring Kampuchea. We are greatly distressed that the quest for a peaceful solution, which began in earnest with the Jakarta Informal Meetings in July 1988 and February 1989, and which was intensified at the International Conference held in Paris in the summer of this year, has not achieved the desire result. The continuing aim of the international community must remain the working out, on the basis of the gains already made, of a compressive political solution that would ensure respect for Kampuchean sovereignty, Independence and territorial integrity and for the neutral end non-aligned status of Kampuchea, as well as for the right of the Kampuchean people to self-determination free from outside interference.
In the quest for such a solution the interests of the Kampuchean people must be held paramount. No one should aim for anything less, and no one should seek anything more. The total withdrawal of all Vietnamese forces last month is an important and necessary first step towards achieving a settlement of the Kampuchean problem in all its interlocking internal and external aspects. Given the deep mistrust and bitterness generated by 11 years of foreign military intervention, it is imperative that all stages and aspects of the implementation of any settlement plan for Kampuchea be carried out under the supervision and control of an appropriate international median ism.
We find it distressing the emergent spirit of co-operation in the political field has not yet spread to the sphere of international economic relations. As the secretary-general pointed out in his annual report on the work of the Organization for the current year,
,the progress we have achieved in the global political climate can prove precarious if the economic climate remains adverse for the majority of the world's population,, (A/44/1, p, 19)
The efforts of the developing countries to bring about a new International economic order that would be more equitable and more supportive of their development processes has to date been largely unsuccessful. The present international economic environment remains non-conducive to the aspirations of the developing countries. Instead, those countries, Including my own, are faced with problems of mounting debt, inadequate flow of external assistance and falling commodity prices that have resulted in a sharp decline in their terms of trade.
For many developing countries the overriding concern continues to be the impediment to development posed by external indebtedness. Although important guidelines for dealing with the debt problem have been land down by the international community, a solution remains elusive. The gravity of the situation is Illustrated by the net outward transfer of resources from debtor developing countries to their creditors, which, according to the United Nations World Economic Survey, 1989, grew to a staggering $32,5 billion in 1988. The solution of the external debt problem of the developing countries must remain a major concern on the international agenda. A formula for dealing effectively with that problem needs to be worked out through continuous multilateral dialogue and the shared responsibility of all. Past experience has amply demonstrated that the ,market menu approach, and its variants ace incapable of addressing the core of the problem. The search for an innovative international debt strategy should therefore be intensified. In this connection we consider that ideas that have been advanced for the creation of an international debt facility management one such approach and that the mechanics of such a facility should be given serious thought.
The least developed countries have been and are being hardest hit by those unfavourable developments. The over-all socio-economic conditions of those countries have deteriorated in spite of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries adopted in 1981 with a view to improving their condition. That Programme remains the main framework for concerted international action for the economic and social uplift the least developed countries, and its successful implementation is of vital importance for those countries. Here, the delegation of Myanmar would like to reiterate the importance of the Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries to be held at Paris in 1990 and of the preparatory meetings leading to that Conference.
My delegation considers that the special session of the General Assembly to be held in the spring of 1990 would provide a significant opportunity to conduct purposeful multilateral dialogue on the issues besetting the global economy and on the means of redressing them on a long-term basis. We hope that it would revitalize the North-South dialogue and that it would take into account the special needs and circumstances of the developing countries, particularly of the least developed among them. Moreover, the elaboration of an international development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade that is now in hand will give a far greater sense of purpose and direction to International co-operation for development than hitherto.
The developing countries are fully aware that the responsibility for the development of their national economies rests primarily with themselves. Many of them are undertaking the daunting task of extremely difficult but necessary adjustment programmes. They also recognize that effective national policies are important in attracting financial flows and new equity investments and in creating a climate for sustained development.	'
While en this subject, I wish to touch on my country's endeavour in this regard, in my country we are undertaking economic reform measures and have carried out restructuring in selected areas of the economy. Accordingly, we have adopted an open-door economic policy and have under taken internal and external trade-liberalization measures in line with the country's socio-political conditions. In order to inject new dynamism into the performance of the export trade, there is now an increased reliance and special importance placed on the market mechanism. One of the most significant forces of the general liberalization measures is the increasingly important role expected to be played by the private sector in such fields as production, services and trade. Moreover, a foreign investment law  as promulgated in 1988 with a view to attracting greater flow of foreign capital investment. The aim of that law is to alleviate the capital constraint faced by Myanmar.
important as national policies are, the development of the developing countries would be difficult to bring about without a supportive international economic environment. A more open and improved international trading system would be of great benefit to the developing countries.
A great number of developing countries, including the least developed among them, are falling behind because of their inability to move out of traditional economic pursuits, namely, the production and export of primary products, the market for which has in the main been either depressed or unpredictable.
It is of vital importance to these countries that they diversify their exports. However, their attempts at diversification have to be made in the face of a growing tendency towards protectionism.
Foremost among the social concerns of the international community is the increasing threat posed to mankind by narcotic drugs. In recent years it has become particularly clear that drug abuse rends the fabric of societies and ruins the lives of individuals, not the least among them being the youth of our nations. What is urgently required, therefore, is to attack the problem in its totality, f t am cultivation and transportation across international frontiers to consumption and drug money laundering. In this connection, we in the Union of are fully doing our share by all means open to us. We have long been relentlessly waging a determined war against the menace of narcotic drugs as a matter of national responsibility.
We have land down comprehensive schemes to combat the drug menace and are energetically implementing them. The comprehensive programme which we have land dawn covers the whole gamut of drug-control activities, such as law enforcement, crop substitution, livestock breeding, medical treatment, rehabilitation, education and mass-media information. We have recently launched an integrated rural development programme with particular emphasis on infrastructural building, crop substitution and overall alleviation of socio-economic conditions. We believe that the successful implementation of the programme will accelerate the eradication of opium cultivation. In close co-operation with the United Nations, resolute action is being taken in all these fields. In recognition of the efforts of the Myanmar authorities, the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control has authorized an additional sum of $O.5 million in assistance.
In the Union of Myanmar an elaborate legal basis is already in place to fight illicit drugs. In 1974 and 1983 the Government strengthened its drug-control laws banning the cultivation of narcotic plants and increasing penalties for illicit drug trafficking. The law prohibits cultivation of any and all crops from which narcotic drugs can be processed. It also provides for the destruction of narcotic crops and confiscation of equipment used in the production of these drugs.
In parallel with the foregoing measures, large-scale military operations are being carried out against drug traffickers and their production camps. The Myanmar security forces to date have not only destroyed 200,000 acres of cultivated opium, but have on innumerable occasions interdicted heavily armed opium caravans transporting the produce to transit points in the border regions. The amount of heroin seized as a result of the Government's campaign totals 100,000 kilogrammes. The magnitude of the task accomplished can be judged from the fact that the opium poppy is cultivated in remote regions of the country which are accessible only on foot or by helicopter, and the opium trails pass through· densely wooded and tugged terrain.
These successful campaigns have been carried out with great sacrifice on the part of our security forces. In the course of these campaigns well over 100 members of the Myanmar security forces have lost their lives and close to 550 have been wounded.
The significant achievements of our drug-suppression campaigns have earned high praise in foreign Government quarters, including the United States Drug Enforcement Agency. Despite this, certain quarters have chosen to ignore the strenuous efforts made by Myanmar and seen fit to level unfounded allegations against us. Some have gone so far as to accuse the Myanmar security forces of collaborating with the drug traffickers. Such accusations have deeply pained us. I would remind those who level these malicious charges against us that the ill-gotten proceeds from drug trafficking constitute the very life blood of the various groups that are waging an armed insurgency against the Myanmar State.
Earlier in my statement I paid fitting tribute to the men and women from different lands who are serving as guardians of the peace under the United Nations banner. Members of the Myanmar security forces engaged in a relentless war against drug traffickers may not be wearing blue helmets, but the cause for which hundreds of them have sacrificed life and limb is no less internationalist and no less worthy.
In addressing the Assembly on 26 September in his capacity as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the European Economic Community (EEC), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic made an appeal that the Myanmar people be allowed freely to exercise their right of expression  d that democracy be restored in the country through the organization of free elections. Furthermore, speaking on the following day the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom stated that there was an urgent need for restoration of human rights and democracy in Myanmar through free elections. I should like to assure them - indeed, the entire world - that that is precisely the objective for the attainment of which the Myanmar Government is exerting sincere and unremitting efforts.
It is known to all that the people of Myanmar have manifested their genuine desire for and aspirations to a multiparty democracy and political reforms. The Myanmar Government has responded positively to those aspirations. It has instituted a number of far-reaching fundamental reforms and is actively carrying out a series of measures to fulfil the aspirations of the people. We have abolished the single-party political system and in its place have adopted a multiparty democratic sys ten. Purposeful measures have been put in train to bring about a smooth transition to the new system.
An independent multiparty democracy general elections commission composed of five retired, widely respected elder citizens was constituted in September 1988, The commission has been performing its assigned tasks since then. Two of the members ace Buddhists, two profess the Muslim faith, and one is a Christian belonging to the Kayin national race.
A political parties registration law was promulgated on 27 September of last year. Ito date more than 200 political parties have been registered with the elections commission.
On 16 February 1989 the commission announced a fixed timetable setting out in detail the various preparatory measures to be undertaken by it prior to the holding of multiparty democratic elections not later than May 1990. The respective time frames for the completion of these various measures were also specified in the timetable.
After soliciting and taking account of the views of political parties and the general public, an electoral law was promulgated on 31 May this year. Subsequently, on 30 June, election rules were promulgated. Nationwide electoral rolls are being prepared expeditiously, and other related measures necessary for holding free and fair elections are being carried out.
To put it in a nutshell, the implementation of the programme and timetable for holding elections is proceeding well and on schedule. The momentum will be carried forward and intensified in the remaining months before the elections.
Peaceful political activity within the law is being permitted, and political parties are vigorously carrying out their organizational work throughout the length and breadth of the country. In order to safeguard and consolidate the much-improved stability in the country, certain necessary restrictions have perforce to be imposed for the time being on public political campaigning. Those restrictions will be gradually relaxed as election day approaches. At the same time, the Government is laying a sound foundation for democracy. An independent judiciary, with the Supreme Court at its apex, has been re-established. The functions of the Attorney-General have been institutionalized. These institutions, indispensable to a democratic State, have been functioning normally since September last year.
Moreover, the civil service has been depoliticized and is being reformed into a body of men and women of high professional competence and integrity, dedicated solely to the service of the country. A mass-media campaign has been launched to instil in the general public the true values of democracy, such as respect for the law, respect for the rights of fellow citizens, and appreciation of the obligations that those rights entail.
I have highlighted some of the measures that are being conscientiously carried out by the Myanmar Government with a view to creating conditions conducive to the successful holding of free and fair elections. Assurances have been repeatedly given at the highest level that these elections will be held without fail, and as scheduled, not later than May 1990. I am authorized to reaffirm this commitment before the Assembly and, through it, to the world.
Here I need hardly mention that this national undertaking can be realized only in conditions where the rule of law and civil order prevail. It is a task to be pursued in a peaceful, systematic and orderly manner, in observance of the true values of democracy. This can be accomplished only by the people of Myanmar themselves. At this critical juncture no outside Power should attempt to prescribe for Myanmar what is best for it or what form its political future should assume. Attempts to channel future events in Myanmar in directions of one's own liking and according to one's own perceptions - instances of which we have, regrettably witnessed in Myanmar recently - not only violate the fundamental principles of the Charter but would prove ultimately self-defeating.
In this regard, I can do no better than quote the wise words of the Secretary-General, who in his latest report on the work of the Organisation says·.
,At this critical stage, the mandatory principle of non-intervention by States in one another's internal affairs acquires added importance. ... No State can, of course, insulate itself completely from the currents of information and opinion flowing in the world, but ultimately each national society must find its own equilibrium in accordance with its own values. Considering the web of memories, perceptions, aspirations and cultural values that constitute national life, any forceful pressures from outside to give it a particular form can hold little constructive promise in the long run. More often than not, they provoke a reaction different from the one desired., (A/44/1, pp. 18 and 19)


Mr. ADODO (Togo): Mr. President, the Togolese delegation is particularly gratified at your unanimous election to preside over the work of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Apart from your great qualities as a diplomat who is versed in the affairs of our Organization, the historical ties, marked by friendly cooperation and active solidarity, which link Nigeria with Togo are all reasons why the Togolese delegation will offer you its support and full and frank co-operation as you carry out your new duties.
Allow me to pay a tribute also to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, who directed the work of the forty-third session with remarkable skill and competence and to the entire satisfaction of the Togolese delegation. I once again warmly congratulate him. Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, faithful to himself as well as to the principles and purposes of the United Nations, during the forty-third session took a number of timely initiatives that strengthened the chances for peace and restored the credibility as well as the effectiveness of our universal Organization. It is therefore a very pleasant duty for me once again to offer the Secretary-General the warm congratulations of the Government of Togo on the dynamic, effective and devoted way in which he has been discharging his responsibilities.
In its activities designed to bring about general and complete disarmament with effective verification machinery, the international community has assigned the main responsibility to the two major Powers. The implementation of the Treaty on medium-range nuclear weapons, the ongoing negotiations to reduce strategic arsenals by one half, the phased ban on nuclear-weapons tests, the stepping up of negotiations to conclude an international convention totally banning chemical weapons all provide further opportunities for action and for peace.
In this connection, the regional centres of the United Nations for peace and disarmament should be confirmed as the privileged purveyors of information and training to all those who, because of the responsibilities entrusted to them, may have some influence on the maintenance of international peace and security. My country, Togo, which is honoured to be the host country for the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Africa, hopes that that Centre will be able very soon to contribute, through its activities, to increasing confidence among the States of the continent and concerting their efforts to promote peace.
Peace, which our Organization holds so dear, remains precarious in many regions of Asia, America and Africa, with regard to Asia, the agreement which is being sought within the context of the International Conference on Cambodia must necessarily take account of all those concerns in order to ensure the unity and national reconciliation which is the best possible way of safeguarding the independence and integrity of that long-ravaged country. In that connection, the recent informal ministerial meetings in Jakarta and the diplomatic meetings in Paris are positive contributions to the process of re-establishing peace in Cambodia. We also believe that the withdrawal of foreign troops and direct negotiation among the parties will be likely to pave the way to a peaceful solution.
A global and lasting settlement of the Afghan question requires that all Parties to the conflict make sincere efforts towards creating conditions favouring the return of the refugees and bringing about national reconciliation. It is therefore incumbent upon the four signatory countries to the Geneva Agreements to act together to prevent any further foreign interference imperilling the efforts that have been made up till now to put an end to hostilities in that country.
The conflict between Iran and Iraq, because of its length, its breadth and the inherent risk of its spreading internationally, has created one of the deepest breaches in the activities of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security, it is therefore very gratifying that the joint initiatives of the Security Council and the Secretary-General led to the acceptance by the two States of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). The cessation of hostilities, beginning on 20 August 1988, should therefore he utilized to reach a negotiated settlement that is just and acceptable to all.
The same objective should be sought in the Korean peninsula. This is why we would encourage the leaders of the two States to pursue, without relenting, the dialogue they initiated to determine what measures should be taken to increase trust between them and to achieve the final objective of the peaceful reunification of their countries. This reunification, the modalities of which are to be determined by that negotiation, seems to us to be an essential component of political stability in that region.
In Central America the peace initiatives, in particular the Arias Plan, have confirmed the commitment of the States in that region to settle the crisis developing there themselves without any outside interference. The Esquipulas Agreements have laid the groundwork for such a situation. Those recently concluded at Costa del Sol and Tela by the five Central American Heads of State quite judiciously determined the context and conditions for peace in that region. All these initiatives deserve the active support of our Organization.
In Western Sahara, the Kingdom of Morocco and the Polisario Front, alter having on 30 August 1988 stated their agreement to the referendum on the self-determination of the Sahraoui people presented by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, have in this connection established a dialogue of which we expect a great deal, above all that it will speed up the peace process. All efforts should therefore be focused to that end so as to avoid the widespread resumption of hostilities which would once more involve considerable loss of human life.
The crisis that has beset the Middle East for some decades now has in recent weeks witnessed developments which have caused us all concern and demonstrated that no viable solution is possible without a settlement of the Palestinian problem, which is its real crux. The Togolese Government very early recognized the new Palestinian State. By so doing we wished to reaffirm our unflagging support for the right of peoples to self-determination, freedom and independence.
In this connection the establishment of a dialogue between the Palestine Liberation Organization (PIO) and the United States Government is a positive element in the process of a Middle East settlement. My country believes that everything should be done to convene an international peace conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations with the participation of all parties, including the PLO, so that a settlement could be reached as soon as possible that would guarantee the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people as well as the rights of all peoples in the region, including Israel, to live in peace within secure and internationally recognized boundaries.
Today, more than ever before, we must reach out to one another through open and constructive dialogue. We have to avoid the pointless and absurd suffering that is being inflicted on peoples who are living every day in an atmosphere of fear, anguish and death in the Middle East.
Lebanon has until recently been the living embodiment of this daily tragedy a to a certain extent has constituted a denial of the purposes and principles of our Organization. Today the weapons have fallen silent. Hope has been reborn, thanks to the timely mediation of the Arab League and the co-operation of the parties to the conflict. The Togolese Government welcomes the cease-fire agreement an would like to express the hope that this initial step will in a non-violent way led to peace and political stability, without which none of the problems facing this courageous people can be resolved in an appropriate way.
The recent development of the situation in southern Africa, particularly in connection with the coming independence of Namibia, warrants a certain degree of optimism. First, it is becoming more and more obvious that peace and reconciliation in Angola are essential to stability throughout the region. They are likewise essential to strengthening the forthcoming independence of Namibia. Therefore it is essential that the efforts made by the African Heads of State at Gbadolite, Hat ire and elsewhere to promote peace and reconciliation in Angola as well as for the independence of Namibia be fully crowned with success.  In southern Africa the black majority, determined to write the glorious pages of its own history, has demanded, through powerful and peaceful demonstrations, that apartheid be dismantled, that the Exception Laws be revoked, and Mandela be I reed. All peace- and justice-loving nations must step up their economic, financial and political pressure on a regime that, since Mr. de Klerk came to power, has changed its speeches but not its policies. The ambiguity of language from the new leaders of Pretoria reveals the impossibility of reforming in any way this absurd system based on contempt and injustice.
Turning now to Namibia, no one can underestimate the dangers besetting the new State which, throughout the long history of decolonization, is the only one to have had a common frontier with its erstwhile colonizer. This is why no support should be denied the Secretary-General in order that he might take all the measures necessary to ensure free, regular and democratic elections for the genuine independence of that country.
International economic relations today remain profoundly inequitable and place upon the weaker economies numerous and increasingly untenable constraints. The developing countries, in their desire to broaden the North-South dialogue, had our General Assembly adopt two basic documents: first, the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order; and secondly, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. These two texts were intended to serve as a framework and as guidance in international economic co-operation. Although these documents had been adopted by a double consensus in the General Assembly, that was not sufficient to impose the necessary reforms on the international economic system which they contained. Thus, in particular, the targets set for the Third United Nations Development Decade are today very far from having been reached.
During the 1980s the disruption of commodity prices, the steady deterioration in the terms of trade, the growth in protectionism, the inevitable rise of debt and the general shrinkage of financial flows to the developing countries have resulted in the latter's finding themselves in a vicious circle which they find it difficult to break out of.
 In the middle of the present decade, average real commodity prices had reached the lowest level ever recorded since the great depression of the 1930s. The African countries, which are heavily dependent on their primary exports, have been Particularly hard hit by the drop in world prices, in 1987-1988 the prices of cocoa, copper, wood, iron and so forth were more than 30 per cent lower than those in 1980. Earnings from these commodities correspondingly fell at a time when our countries, faced with ever increasing and more urgent social demands and economic constraints, continued to founder in a state of chronic and absurd indebtedness. Today this external debt has taken such a place in the concerns of states that it is concealing the real problems of development in the third world. Undoubtedly specific measures have recently been taken by States and institutions to alleviate the burden of debt of a number of countries in the third world, and here we should like to express our profound gratitude to those countries which, in an upsurge of solidarity, have waived either totally or partially the public credits they held in the case of Togo.
Nevertheless it must be emphasized that solution of the crisis of indebtedness necessarily involves raising the value of commodities. if the developing countries do not receive remunerative prices for their commodities they will very shortly reach a situation of profound disequilibrium that must lead to the crippling indebtedness which we deplore so much today. Indeed, as long as there is a reverse flow of resources and as long as external financial flows do not increase substantially towards the poor countries of the third world, those countries will be doomed to stagnation and to impoverishment.
The developed and the developing countries should mobilize their efforts both in thought and deed so that in a fresh spirit of solidarity new solutions can be found not only to the debt problem but, more generally, to ensure the specific implementation of the measures adopted, first by the General Assembly, such as the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, and, secondly, by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the other agencies of the United Nations system.
It is very important now to rethink international economic co-operation in terms of a judicious restructuring of the world economic order. That is why my country attaches major importance to two forthcoming events, namely, the special session of the General Assembly to further economic growth and development, and the drawing up of a new international development strategy for the fourth United Nations development decade. Both events should provide an opportunity to remedy the inequities of the international economic system end to promote a just and equitable division of the heritage of mankind. The detente that we are now experiencing will be fragile and precarious if it does not have a specific economic content for the developing countries, that is to say, new and real possibilities for development and progress.
Similarly, international co-operation must be strengthened in the matter of the protection of the environment. Overt or covert attempts to bury toxic wastes in Africa could ultimately result in sowing death, desolation and squalor among our peoples. That is why we must join our efforts and bear in mind that the struggle to prevent the deterioration of the environment is an integral part of what should be done by the international community to promote economic growth and development.
In order to thwart these nefarious manoeuvres, the Government of Togo in the matter of the protection of the environment has drawn up a code that is stringent both in the standards it defines and the sanctions it lays down.
The same stringency and intransigence should be observed with regard to the Production of, trafficking in, and consumption of drugs - a scourge whose effects will in the final analysis be lethal for all societies, whether rich or poor.
Likewise, the acts of terrorism perpetrated here and there, whether carried out by organized groups or isolated individuals, should be firmly condemned and fought against unflaggingly. Absolutely nothing can excuse the loss of innocent life for causes which would be better served by open and constructive dialogue, even if that dialogue is difficult to achieve.
The growing interdependence among the various participants on the international scene is today a reality none can evade.
In the same way that political tensions, poverty and squalor are becoming more generalized, economic and social difficulties and the unrelenting deterioration of the environment are threatening the capacity of States fully to enjoy their national and international sovereignty and thus to make an effective contribution to the advent of a world of peace. Like conflicts, natural catastrophes and the depletion of financial resources that is linked to massive external indebtedness may seriously undermine the independence and sovereignty of States and, hence, their security and international peace.
During the decade that is coming to and end, we have witnessed a number of grey areas in our joint efforts to promote the well-being of our peoples and to give concrete expression to the ideals of justice, freedom and solidarity. That is why it is important for us to work even harder to impart full vitality and urgency to the concept of solidarity, which is at the crossroads of the major moral and spiritual values that can give our world new reasons for living and making progress together. It is in this way that the forthcoming decade can be one of renewal, that is, a time when we shall come to realize fully that we share a common destiny so that the twenty-first century may usher in a more peaceful world, a world that is more secure and more favourable to the further blossoming of mankind in every aspect.


I am very pleased to greet you, Sir, and offer you my warm congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. Your election to this high post is recognition of your wide-ranging experience as a political figure and a diplomat. I am certain that in this very complex but fruitful period in international life you will be able to guide our work with the competence, intelligence and dynamism required to tackle the many issues on our agenda.
I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, for the admirable, wise way in which he guided the work of the forty-third session.
I wish also to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whose skill in carrying out his functions has time and again shown his unstinting devotion to the cause of peace and the purposes and principles of the United Nations. The progress made in the peaceful solution of regional conflicts is due, in no small measure, to his experience and his enlightened approach.
In the course of this century, never have prospects for understanding and co-operation among peoples been as promising as they are today. Detente in the relations between the great Powers and the significant reversal of the cold war and of ideological confrontation, as well as the progress made in the negotiations on disarmament and in the negotiated solution of regional conflicts, proclaim a new philosophy of coexistence between States leading to greater confidence and better understanding, thus signalling the advent of a more secure future for mankind.
Indeed, all signs indicate that we are heading towards a new order in international relations based, we hope, no longer on ideological confrontation between systems, nor on the strategic interests of domination or zones of interests, but rather on the plurality of interests of States and the safeguarding of the just aspirations of peoples to justice, liberty, well-being and development.
In this context we are pleased with the results of the recent summit of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which, after an exhaustive analysis of the international situation and the dangers occurring in the world, considered ways to solve the problems confronting the international community and determined a framework for future action to make it possible for mankind as a whole to meet the challenges of the next millennium.
Recent developments in the international situation give us cause for optimism. A new message of peace and a renewed quest for negotiated solutions are emerging. This new situation will favour the promotion and safeguarding of the national interests of States, in particular the small States. We now have a unique historical opportunity, and hence, all possible efforts must be made to consolidate the current positive trends and make them irreversible, thus ushering in a new dimension in relations among States. There is no doubt that important steps have already been taken in this direction; however, there remains a need for greater confidence and bolder actions.
All countries should be able to make their contribution to building peace. In this context, we would stress the importance of the United Nations as a vital institution in which global problems affecting all mankind can be discussed and resolved by the joint efforts and action of all Members.
All the fundamental questions have been considered in the Assembly, which is undoubtedly a truly democratic forum. Here all countries, large and small, can speak of their concerns, their aspirations and their fears.
That is why the Organization is useful, as a factor in the political and cultural liberation of peoples; in peace and disarmament; in defence of human dignity and human rights as well as international legality and security; and in the promotion of co-operation and assistance for economic and social development.
The United Nations certainly contributes to the formation and strengthening of a new universal conscience, which, being based on international law and legality, defends the solidarity of peoples; the equality of cultures; tolerance and pluralism; and the common destiny of mankind.
It is in this universal conscience that the small countries find their main support for the strengthening of their independence, security and development. This universal conscience is also the basis of the extraordinary achievements of the United Nations, and in particular of the General Assembly, where peoples of all cultures, races and religions come together and where the objective of universality becomes a practical reality.
This universal conscience is revolted by the violence and catastrophic wars of this century, whose horrors should always be present in our collective memory, to remind us that conflicts between States are not resolved by force of arras, particularly in a period of great technological progress such as that in which we are living now. That is why we must support the initiatives aimed at strengthening the Organization. Cape Verde has taken a keen interest in the expressions of concern in recent years about adapting the United Nations to today's needs in international politics. The 1986 reform created foundations which, if built upon with respect for the principles and basic purposes of the Charter, will be a positive factor in a process which could lead the Organization to a new stage in its history.
Administrative reform will not in itself guarantee that the United Nations will adapt to meet the needs of today's world. We believe that for such changes to be made there must be a re-examination of the Organization's tasks in order to identify questions which, because of their importance and timeliness, can serve as focal points and catalysts for action.
Until the beginning of this decade, among the Organization's many spheres of activity decolonisation was one of its main objectives. For some years decolonisation galvanized diplomatic activity at the United Nations and gave it a sense of purpose. We ourselves are the fruit of that very praiseworthy action by the United Nations in favour of peoples. When, in the midst of the national liberation struggle, our immortal leader, Amilcar Cabral, stated that we were the anonymous fighters of the United Nations, that showed the profound influence of the Organization's ideals on the growth of awareness of the basic rights of peoples to freedom and independence.

Today the Organization's actions should be re-oriented around another great objective capable of stimulating its diplomatic activity and elevating dialogue between nations to a new level. The present climate of political detente and the broadening of international co-operation require a multilateral approach to the great issues of our times. The United Nations provides a suitable framework for dealing with them and solving them. Our collective survival is more and more tied to the existence of the United Nations. Peace, disarmament and security are concepts so closely linked that each is a vital condition for the others. We need the participation and shared responsibility of all the countries of the international community if we are to have a world of peace and of peaceful coexistence between States. When we speak of peace, we are referring not only to peace between the big countries, or between them and the small countries, but also to peace between the small countries themselves. Without it, how could we call upon the great Powers to promote peace between themselves?
My country, which sees itself as a factor for peace and stability in its geographical region, pays a heartfelt tribute to the Governments of the United States and the Soviet Union for the renewed hope of peace that the detente in their relations has brought to mankind. We urge them to continue their efforts to consolidate the results they have achieved and to make them irreversible.
Peace, stability and the ability to see ahead in international relations are the prerequisites for progress and development and for the creation of a world of justice and freedom and the physical and spiritual flowering of the human being. Experience accumulated over the past 15 years of national independence has taught us the complexity of development, which requires domestic efforts, but also effective and significant international co-operation. If the underdeveloped countries should adopt realistic and pragmatic economic policies and promote the skilful promotion and exploitation of their natural resources, the international community must be able to guarantee programmed long-term assistance that is sustained and predictable.
The economic backwardness and the social and political instability of the third world, particularly of the African continent, demonstrate the relationship between development and peace. To be lasting and universal, peace must be based on a correct evaluation and solution of the problem of underdevelopment. As one of the most vulnerable African countries. Cape Verde continues to follow with great concern the situation in Africa. Despite the continent's enormous economic potential, its situation is critical, with grave social consequences that include the fact that hundreds of thousands are falling victim to hunger.
Experience shows that development is above all a national responsibility, that the peoples concerned should be closely involved in the process of development and that our countries will have to review their policies, improve their management methods and promote the necessary reforms in order to benefit as much as possible from their own resources. To achieve physical well-being and guarantee social justice for our peoples, victims over the centuries of economic and social domination and marginalization, many African countries have had to adopt development strategies of the past, or to perpetuate past economic policies which do not meet the conditions of countries emerging from decolonisation. On the other hand, perhaps we have not been able to find the median isms to stimulate and mobilize the creative energies of our populations for the process of development.
The results of the rupture in the traditional structures of our countries could be the underlying reason for the weakness of existing relationships between political power and society. At the present stage in the life of our peoples, any development process requires dialogue and permanent interaction between political power sources and society. Any development process requires technical capacity and professional competence. The lack of adequate human resources in independent African countries has been one of the major obstacles to the development of the continent. The reasons for this are very well known and the impact it has had on African economies is extremely clear today.
On the domestic scene, we think the conditions are now in place for economic development, so long as national efforts are accompanied by effective and substantial international support. For, with the growing interdependence of the world today, Africa's development will require the financial and technological co-operation of the industrialized countries.
It is generally recognized today that foreign debt is one of the main obstacles to the economic growth of the third world countries. Indeed, the foreign-debt burden, which has become intolerable, is the reason for the deterioration of the living conditions of most of our countries and the difficulties we witness in the adoption of appropriate economic policies. Programmes of structural adjustment and other efforts agreed to for the purpose of mobilizing internal resources, including more effective utilization of investments, have not brought about the expected results because of debt-servicing payments.
The solution to the debt crisis will have to be fair, flexible and oriented towards development, while being based on shared responsibility and broader political dialogue. The situation, far from being straightforward, is complex and closely linked with the deterioration in the terms of trade, the fall in raw-material prices, the reduction of public aid to development, high interest rates, exchange-rate fluctuations and the net transfer of developing countries' resources to the developed countries, particularly through debt-servicing payments. We appreciate the measures already taken by some creditor countries to alleviate the burden of the indebted countries in serious difficulty.
In the context of the solution which must be found, we should take proper account of the needs of the small and vulnerable countries. Nevertheless, we note with gratitude the international community's praiseworthy contribution to Cape Verde's development process.
The progress we have seen in the area of the protection of human rights shows us that freedom is the best possible context within which to release man's creative energy. For us, human rights are intimately tied to development. They will not be protected by the mere abolition of arbitrary imprisonment or the simple recognition of the right to free expression. Nor will human rights be protected when thousands of persons are still dying of hunger every year, and thousands more in many countries - even developed countries - continue to live without decent housing and assistance when they are sick and old. Only the creation of the material bases for life and the raising of the professional and cultural standards and the level of awareness of the people can stabilize conditions ensuring respect for basic human rights as well as a more human and just society.
Among the most important problems on the present international scene which we are considering during this session is the question of the environment and the need to protect and preserve it and the question of the link between economic growth and development and the defence of the environment. The interdependence of countries aid the need to strengthen multilateralism in this area are clear.
Indeed, the signs of deterioration in the environment resulting in climatic changes, the warming of the atmosphere and the reduction of the ozone layer seem finally to have convinced us of the extreme need for the adoption of collective measures to put an end to this deterioration and improve the ecological conditions of life on Earth.
The deterioration of our environment is of particular concern to us in Cape Verde. Located as we are in a region subject to the harsh climate of the Sahara desert, we have had to wage a tremendous struggle against the onslaughts of nature by fighting the effects of drought and desertification, while at the same time developing an ambitious programme of reforestation. That is our contribution to improving the global environment, and it will prove all the more significant if greater international support is given to us.
We hope that the International community, and particularly the United Nations conference on the environment to be held in 1992, will help us to find appropriate solutions to these problems, because the changes observed in the climate, desertification, the reduction of the ozone layer and the pollution of the atmosphere seriously threaten the lives of all of us and require adequate and effective measures, as well as effective international co-operation, under the auspices of the United Nations.
Because of the human suffering, poverty and the uprooting of populations and the resulting despair, we cannot remain indifferent to the difficult, vulnerable situation of millions of refugees and displaced parsons in various parts of the world. In Africa, and particularly in the southern part of the continent, the situation is very serious indeed: Continued efforts are required to alleviate the suffering of thousands of human beings who are victims of the instability in the region.
We are gratified at the praiseworthy work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the contributions made by the host countries and the international community towards alleviating the suffering of these many victims. However, we feel that this problem can be solved in a lasting way only when its underlying causes - which result from the combined effects of ethnic, cultural, religious, racial, political and other types of discrimination - are eliminated.
Another question with which we are concerned is the urgent need to put an end to the traffic in and illegal use of drugs, which have reached alarming proportions and are extremely difficult to control. In view of the harmful effects of the use of drugs, with the resulting increase in the crime rate, the international community must exert co-ordinated efforts to fight this scourge, which is a true crime against mankind. We therefore support all the efforts to eliminate this evil from the face of the Earth.
With respect to southern Africa it seems to us that, after the long and arduous struggle of the Namibian people for the independence of their country, illegally occupied by South Africa, we have finally arrived at a decisive moment with the progress made in the process of implementing Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Once the initial problems are overcome, we hope that the process will lead to truly normal and free elections this November that will culminate in the independence of Namibia. We are convinced that South Africa, whose credibility is at stake in Namibia, will be able strictly to comply with the timetable and other conditions laid down in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the implementation of which will be a victory for all: for the people of Namibia, for the African continent, for the international community in general, and for the United Nations in particular. Another fundamental question that must be dealt with by the international community is the need to persevere in the search for ways and means to create conditions that will facilitate and accelerate the elimination of apartheid and bring about a just, democratic and well-balanced multiracial society in South Africa. In this connection we encourage all anti-apartheid forces aid all those, both within and outside South Africa, who favour change to continue increasing pressure on the Pretoria regime to bring it to enter into negotiations with the legitimate representatives of the South African people in order to dismantle apartheid and achieve agreement on the measures necessary to change the country into a non-racial democracy. In the new society, where all will benefit from the sane political rights regardless of race, culture, colour or creed, all people must enjoy universally recognized human rights, fundamental freedoms and civil freedoms.
Therefore, within the framework of a strategy to eliminate apartheid, which is of concern and interest to the international community and the African countries in particular, there is a message of hope and confidence that should give everyone a reason to struggle for change. That message should be directed towards the forces that advocate change as well as those that oppose it - to the African countries and the anti-apartheid forces in the rest of the world. This is the great challenge new facing Africa and the international community. By taking up that challenge we shall take a considerable step towards the avoidance of future violence and the strengthening of peace and international security.
In this context the People's Republic of Angola and the People's Republic of Mozambique have adopted courageous measures to allow peace end stability to return to our two sister countries. We are certain that the international community as a whole, out of respect for the sovereign rights of those countries, will support those efforts, whose sole objective is the achievement of dialogue, understanding and peace.
One feature of contemporary international relations is the emergence of small States on the world scene. Most of them have come into existence over the last 20 years as a result of the decolonisation process successfully carried out under the auspices of the United Nations. Most of them have small territories, small populations and limited resources, well as little political influence, small military forces and modest economic capacities. Many small States are island States, and vulnerable. They have specific needs that must be appropriately assessed and addressed in order to find the necessary solutions to their problems.
Politically and strategically, those States tend to favour neutrality. The structural problems resulting from their physical dimensions and the instability caused by dependency require a stable environment in which the international community has an important role to play to safeguard their security and assist in their development, thus creating conditions in which they can face and master their destinies with greater confidence, effectiveness and predictability.
The small States can play a useful role in international relations precisely because they have neither the multiple interests nor the strategic ambitions of more powerful States and can thus make a positive contribution to international peace and security.
We should not like to conclude without referring to another phenomenon that affects the small States: the question of ethnic and cultural minorities, which has become more acute in recent times. As a small country in a growing community of some 150 States having different sizes, degrees of power, economic capacities and objectives, we are very sensitive to the question of the ethnic and cultural minorities, whose rights and guarantees of rights are often denied. That is why we reject any form of racial and social discrimination and defend the international legal order in a multiracial and multicultural world that should give broad safeguards and guarantee those rights for all.
Despite the tremendous progress made in the area of human rights, effective protection of and respect for the fundamental rights of minorities is an area in which our voices and our actions, tragically, have been violated and have failed. That is why we in Cape Verde are deeply concerned by events in various regions of the world in which the rights of ethnic minorities are violated flagrantly and systematically. The spiritual wealth of mankind lies in its ethnic and cultural diversity. When the culture of a minority is repressed or its existence threatened we all lose, because that constitutes an attack on the fundamental rights of man and when a culture is suppressed or disappears, that is an irreparable loss. The ethnic and cultural minorities deserve the full protection of the United Nations and the international community in general.
 As a peace-loving country whose people are striving for development, and as a nation which is an integral part of the United Nations family, Cape Verde will continue to make its contribution on the national, regional and international levels to the promotion and realization of the ideals of social justice, to the strengthening of the brotherhood among peoples, and the creation of conditions for prosperity and well-being for all, in a joint universal effort to ensure respect for human rights and the rights of peoples.