30. Mr. President, on behalf of the Government and people of Japan I should like to extend our congratulations to you on your being elected President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I earnestly hope that under your able leadership this session of the General Assembly will prove to be a most fruitful one.
31.	I should like also to express my deepest respect to the former President, Mr. Salim, for his leadership of the thirty fourth session of the General Assembly, the sixth and the seventh emergency special sessions, devoted respectively to Afghanistan and Palestine, and the eleventh special session on economic matters that was recently concluded. The success of all those sessions was greatly enhanced by Mr. Salim's guidance, which was truly admirable in its strict impartiality and efficiency.
32.	At the same time, I should like to pay a sincere tribute to the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has been undertaking extremely difficult tasks at a time of great international turmoil. I earnestly hope that he will continue with renewed vigour to fulfil the profoundly important duties that the Charter of the United Nations has entrusted to him.
33.	Now I should like to take this opportunity to extend a most hearty welcome to Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as it becomes the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member of the United Nations. My country looks forward to promoting relations of friendship and cooperation with that new Member State, both within the framework of the United Nations and outside it.
34.	Exactly 35 years have passed since the establishment of the United Nations. It is no exaggeration to say that the international community, having taken a first dynamic step into the new decade, is approaching a crucial juncture. Just as the decade of the 1980s was dawning, the Soviet Union launched a military intervention in Afghanistan. Furthermore, the conflict in IndoChina is far from a political solution. Those regional confrontations and hostilities continue and in some areas are being intensified. Indeed, this situation contains grave elements that could reverse the entire trend of history towards the relaxation of tensions and closer relations among nations.
35.	Moreover, since last year the second oil crisis has spurred an incipient inflation and has resulted in a worsening of the problems of recession and unemployment, which today pose a serious threat to the economy of every nation. Thus, in spite of the self-help efforts of developing countries and the increased assistance efforts of developed countries, the economic development to which all developing countries aspire is being subjected to numerous ordeals.
36.	Although prospects for the international community in the 1980s do not warrant optimism, there is no need for us to react with undue pessimism, because by no means does the international environment harbour only such discouraging elements. Having recovered from the devastation of the Second World War, mankind has over the past 35 years been painstakingly building foundations of world peace and prosperity which, in my view, are not so fragile.
37.	In the contemporary world, the trend towards multi polarization continues to grow, and interdependence and complementary relations among nations are deepening. In such a community of nations, the basis for the solution of all kinds of problems lies in international cooperation. Indeed, no nation can expect to enjoy peace and prosperity within its own borders unless there is world peace and prosperity.
38.	Japan's fundamental diplomatic posture remains unchanged. It consists of the pursuit of peace, refusal to become a military power, and positive efforts to contribute to world peace and prosperity. Today, 35 years after the end of the Second World War, Japan's national determination not to become a military Power is deeply rooted among the Japanese people.
39.	I hereby declare that in the 1980s Japan is determined to assume international responsibilities commensurate with its capabilities and its status in the international community by contributing more actively to the maintenance of international peace and to the development of the international economy.
40.	On the basis of these fundamental perceptions of diplomacy, Japan will continue to make every effort to strengthen its relations with countries throughout the world and thus to work for the advancement of understanding and trust among nations.
41.	For example, it is one of the fundamental tasks of Japan's diplomacy to establish a stable relationship, based on true mutual understanding, with the Soviet Union, one of its important neighbours with a different social system. Unfortunately, however, because the question regarding the Northern Territories still remains unresolved, we have not yet concluded a peace treaty with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, we have been confronted with an extremely regrettable situation in which the Soviet Union has recently deployed and strengthened its military forces in our Northern Territories. The Government of Japan does not believe that those actions are conducive to building confidence among nations. From that point of view, the Government of Japan continues to demand of the Soviet Union that this situation be promptly rectified and to endeavour to conclude a peace treaty so that genuinely friendly relations with the Soviet Union can be maintained and promoted. At the same time, Japan strongly hopes that the Soviet Union itself will demonstrate, with concrete deeds as well as with words, good neighbourliness and friendship.
42.	Next, among the problems confronting the international community, I should like to bring up those which I feel are particularly important with regard to world peace and stability, as well as international justice, and briefly to present the Government of Japan's views on them.
43.	The problem which demands our most immediate attention is the situation in Kampuchea. There are two aspects to the problem. The first has to do with restoring peace in Kampuchea and helping to build a country according to the true self-determination of the people. The second has to do with providing relief to the refugees and the people of Thailand who have been afflicted by the flow of those refugees into their country. Itself an Asian nation, Japan is deeply concerned at the fact that the fighting in Kampuchea still continues, that hundreds of thousands of its people are still struggling for their survival and, above all, that the fighting has recently spilled over into Thailand.
44.	One year has already passed since the General Assembly, in an effort to restore peace and fundamentally to resolve the problem, adopted by an overwhelming majority a resolution calling for, inter alia, the withdrawal from Kampuchea of all foreign forces and the exercise of the right of self-determination by the Kampuchean people
45.	Although the Secretary General, Mr. Waldheim, visited Viet Nam and Thailand last August in the hope of finding a solution to the Kampuchean problem, it is highly regrettable that not even a hint of a peaceful solution has yet been found. Japan takes this opportunity to make a strong appeal once again to the international community and particularly to all the parties to the conflict for the complete implementation of the resolution. Only in this way can peace be restored to the Kampuchean people who, trapped in devastating conditions, are suffering in the midst of the fighting or are being forced to flee to neighbouring countries.
46.	I believe that the United Nations should take a new initiative to create an atmosphere in which a settlement as called for in the resolution can be realized. In order not to aggravate the instability of the region, our most urgent task is to prevent by all means the conflict in Kampuchea from spreading once again into neighbouring Thailand. Moreover, I earnestly hope that in the course of this session of the General Assembly there will be further concrete and useful discussions about such matters as the time, venue and agenda of an international conference on Kampuchea, as contained in General Assembly resolution 34/22 and which Japan has been advocating since last year. I also hope that guidelines regarding these issues will be set forth in any new resolution to be adopted during the current session. In this connexion, my country fully supports and, in fact, has become a cosponsor of, the new draft resolution regarding the situation in Kampuchea which was submitted by ASEAN and other countries and which incorporates, inter alia, these fundamental views of my Government. We are confident that all countries which strictly abide by international justice will support it as well.
47.	Last month, I myself visited the area along the Thai Kampuchean border and witnessed with my own eyes the miserable conditions of the refugees and Thai people affected in the nearby areas. Thus, in addition to resolving the political problem, another urgent task of the international community is to bring humanitarian relief to the masses of people who have been victimized by the Kampuchean conflict. Particular mention should be made of the fact that life for the Thai people along the Kampuchean border is being threatened by the tremendous influx of Kampuchean refugees. The Government of Japan pays a high tribute to the considerable success of the cooperative efforts of the international organizations and Governments concerned in providing humanitarian relief to the refugees and people affected, and is determined to cooperate further in such relief activities.
48.	However, in order to make the humanitarian assistance to the Kampuchean people more effective, it is urgently necessary to improve the distribution of relief supplies. Thus, I should like to renew our appeal to the international community regarding the need to establish demilitarized peace zones as proposed by the ASEAN countries and Japan. According to this proposal, in order to ensure the safe and effective distribution of relief goods, certain areas within Kampuchea should be designated demilitarized zones of peace, with consultations between international relief organizations and the parties concerned. I should like to urge that the relevant United Nations agencies promptly begin consultations with the parties concerned on the establishment of such zones, and that all countries concerned transcend political differences, and, from a purely humanitarian viewpoint, support the establishment of the demilitarized peace zones. It is essential that they cooperate to the fullest extent with the relief activities of international organizations for the Kampuchean people. I also hope that, in order to implement this plan effectively, the relevant organizations of the United Nations will play an active role in monitoring the demilitarized peace zones. The establishment of such zones, as well as the dispatch to Thailand of United Nations observer teams, which has been urged by the ASEAN countries and supported by Japan, are temporary emergency arrangements, but I hardly need stress once again that, in order for lasting stability to be achieved in Southeast Asia, it is necessary to find a solution that goes to the very root of the Kampuchean question.
49.	The military intervention in Afghanistan by the Soviet Union at the end of last year not only violates the main principles of non-intervention and non-use of force as contained in the United Nations Charter, it also seriously jeopardizes international peace and security. The international community absolutely cannot tolerate such a flagrant challenge to international law and justice. This was clearly demonstrated by the fact that at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly held last 10 to 14 January, a resolution calling for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of the foreign troops was adopted by an overwhelming majority. It was also clearly shown by the fact that two similar resolutions were subsequently adopted at the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Islamabad from 27 to 29 January 1980 and from 17 to 22 May 1980 respectively.
50.	The Government of Japan cannot but express its profound concern over the fact that, despite repeated appeals by the international community, the Soviet Union continues to station its troops in Afghanistan and to prevent the establishment of a Government according to the free will of the Afghan people, thereby posing a threat not only to neighbouring countries, but to the entire world. We therefore strongly urge the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops immediately and to respect the Afghan people's right to self-determination. Moreover, I sincerely hope that, based on General Assembly resolution ES-6/2, the United Nations will adopt a new resolution containing concrete measures for a solution to this problem.
51.	The problem of the Afghan refugees, which has been exacerbated by the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan, is no less painful to me than the IndoChinese refugee problem. I visited the refugee camps in Pakistan last month after my visit to the camps in Thailand in order to acquire a better understanding of the problems and to discover what measures Japan, as well as the international community, should take. The human conscience cannot ignore the plight of people, whatever their nationality, who, in order to avoid the disasters of war, are forced to flee from their homelands with only the clothes on their backs and to wander in desperation, suffering from starvation and disease. I firmly believe that the international community, while hastening to find a political solution to the underlying cause of the problem, should also for purely humanitarian reasons extend a helping hand to these unfortunate people.
52.	For its part, Japan has of its own volition provided relief for refugees around the world through major contributions to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and to UNRWA, and is resolved to continue this assistance in the future. As an Asian nation, Japan is particularly concerned about the refugees in IndoChina and Afghanistan. We feel great sympathy as well for the difficulties which the Governments of Thailand and Pakistan are experiencing as a result of receiving the refugees. Japan sincerely hopes that, with the support of the international community, the Governments of both countries will be able to overcome these difficulties.
53.	I am profoundly disturbed about the fact that, even after such a long period of time, no solution has been found to the problem of the occupation of the American Embassy in Iran and the taking hostage of its diplomatic personnel. Not only is this incident a violation of established international law, but its illegality has been pointed out by resolutions of the Security Council and the judgement of the International Court of Justice.  Thus, it is a matter of concern which the international community can by no means ignore. It is my sincere hope that the hostages will be released as soon as possible and that the question may be resolved peacefully. I have been following with intense interest the developments in Iran that have been reported over the past few days.
54.	In addition, present indications that the conflict between Iran and Iraq is intensifying are a source of grave concern to me. I strongly hope that the fighting will cease immediately and that both countries will seek a solution of any conflict in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
55.	The situation on the Korean peninsula, which lies in close proximity to Japan, is also a matter of great concern to us.
56.	New developments have been witnessed in the Republic of Korea since last autumn. We sincerely hope that the stability of that country will be maintained and that its steady development will be achieved. It is our earnest wish that the parties concerned will continue to make strenuous efforts towards peace and the relaxation of tensions in the region. There still exist marked differences between South and North, but we strongly hope that, in order to achieve genuine peace and stability in the Korean peninsula, both sides will promote a dialogue and will gradually undertake exchanges in various fields with the aim of deepening mutual understanding.
57.	I now wish to turn to the question of the Middle East. The solution of the question of the Middle East is essential not only to regional stability and development but to international peace and ability as well.
58.	Japan's basic position on the Middle East question was clearly stated by its representative at the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly on the question of Palestine  held last July.
59.	In order to achieve a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, we believe that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) must be completely implemented, that Israel must withdraw from all the territories occupied since the war in 1967 and that the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of self-determination, must be recognized and respected in accordance with the United Nations Charter.
60.	Accordingly, Japan supports the principles contained in, and the spirit of, General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974 and resolution ES7/2 of 29 July 1980, which recognized the right of self-determination of the Palestinian people.
61.	In order to ensure that these resolutions will constitute a firm basis for achieving a just peace in the Middle East,
Japan believes that it is necessary to incorporate into them one of the essential elements of a just solution, that is, respect for and acknowledgement of the right of every State in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.
62.	We recognize the significance of the Palestine question, which is the core of the Middle East problem, and are convinced that in order to bring about a just solution of the question it is essential that Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], which represents the Palestinian people, recognize each other's positions and that the PLO participate in the peace process. We should also like to stress the necessity for the parties concerned to make concerted and sincere efforts to create an atmosphere conducive to a just solution of the question. In this regard, Japan is profoundly concerned about an impasse in the Palestinian autonomy talks and the deterioration of the situation in the West Bank and finds it most regrettable that the primary cause stems from Israel's occupation policies, such as the establishment of settlements in the occupied territories and its steps to annex East Jerusalem. We sincerely hope that Israel will, with good grace, pay heed to the voice of the international community and demonstrate a courageous and flexible attitude towards the peace talks.
63.	Japan supports all international endeavours for a just solution of the question and will vigorously cooperate so that the results obtained so far will not be jeopardized but will continue to be supplemented and promoted. In accordance with its independent viewpoint, it is Japan's policy to explore actively possible solutions of the problem.
64.	In southern Africa, the fact that the question of Southern Rhodesia, which had been a major concern of the international community, was peacefully resolved through negotiations deserves our heartfelt congratulations.
65.	The continued practice of racial discrimination in South Africa, however, goes against the trend of history towards establishing majority rule and must be strongly condemned. Japan, a country that has resolutely opposed racial discrimination in any form since the time of the League of Nations, strongly urges the Government of South Africa to make efforts to eradicate racial discrimination.
66.	Furthermore, it is utterly deplorable that the Republic of South Africa maintains an intransigent attitude which has prevented the establishment of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group for Namibian independence. Japan has declared its readiness to participate actively in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and earnestly hopes that it will be established in the very near future.
67.	Disarmament is indispensable to the achievement of international peace. In this, the first year of the Second Disarmament Decade, we should renew our firm commitment to the promotion of disarmament. As a first step towards making the Second Disarmament Decade a "fruitful decade", I should like to make a strong appeal for the early conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty and a treaty prohibiting chemical weapons, for which the international community has long been waiting.
68.	The second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament is scheduled for 1982. My country intends to play an active role from the early stages of the preparatory work.
69.	World peace is essential for the prosperity of the people of any nation; conversely, the prosperity of the people, which depends upon the stability and development of the world economy, is essential as a foundation for the true and firm establishment of world peace. In this connexion, as, on the threshold of the 1980s, we observe the world economy, we find that the economies of countries throughout the world are beset with numerous difficulties such as inflation, recession, unemployment an J balance of payments imbalances.
70.	One thing that is certain in the present world economy, however, is the fact that at this time of deepening interdependent relations, the economic prosperity of any country will not be attainable without the harmonious development and expansion of the world economy. Accordingly, it is essential that each country in the world assume its proper role and carry out its responsibilities in a spirit of international cooperation.
71.	During the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which has just concluded, Japan stressed the notion of the shared responsibility of the North and the South in tackling various problems and in seeking and exploring mutually beneficial solutions, because it is our fundamental belief that such a responsible attitude on the part of the North and the South will be to the advantage of both sides.
72.	Thus, I should like to welcome the fact that the special session was able in effect to conclude discussions on a new International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. It is vitally important that the North South dialogue be patiently continued, and that truly harmonious relations between the North and the South be generated within a long-term perspective. Accordingly, I sincerely hope that, based on the results of the special session just concluded, preparations for launching the global negotiations will be finalized during this session.
73.	In this connexion, and in light of the fact that, more than anything else, the rapid increase in the price of oil is seriously affecting the entire world economy, including the economies of non-oil producing developing countries, I should like to point out that the energy problem, including oil, is an area which deserves our urgent and priority attention and with which both producers and consumers must deal seriously in a spirit of cooperation.
74.	The cooperation extended by developed countries for nation building, as well as for human resources development, in developing countries is essential for strengthening the foundation of world peace and stability.
75.	In the firm belief that it is the responsibility of developed countries to respond to the legitimate expectations of developing countries, Japan has been cooperating to the best of its ability with the self-reliant efforts of developing countries in promoting their economic and social development.
76.	First of all, I should like to outline Japan's policy with respect to development assistance. I am pleased to confirm that the medium-term target set by Japan to double its official development assistance within three years from 1978 will be achieved this year as scheduled. Furthermore, Japan intends to maintain this positive attitude hereafter by making further efforts to increase the amount of its official development assistance, as well as to improve the ratio of official development assistance to its gross national product. As for areas to be covered by its official development assistance, Japan's policy is to stress the importance of humanitarian assistance and cooperation for the development of human resources as well as assistance in such fields as agriculture and energy.
77.	Secondly, with regard to the expansion of trade in developing countries, I should like to call attention to the noteworthy progress that has recently been achieved in the field of primary commodity exports for the benefit of many developing countries. I am referring specifically to the Agreement establishing the Common Fund for Commodities which, after many years of effort, was finally adopted at Geneva on 27 June 1980, at the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities." Recognizing the Common Fund's importance to the economic stability of many developing countries, Japan has worked unceasingly for its early establishment and intends to contribute a total of more than $60 million to the Fund, which includes the largest contribution to be provided to the Fund's second window.
78.	I should now like to turn to the question of the maintenance of peace, and to present a few concrete ideas concerning measures which would enable the United Nations better to fulfil its fundamental purposes as contained in the Charter of the United Nations.
79.	First of all, it is essential that Member States demonstrate maximal respect for political resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council in the field of the maintenance of peace. It is extremely regrettable, in this connexion, to note the tendency in recent years for parties directly involved in a conflict to disregard, and in certain cases openly to challenge, important political resolutions which are supported by the overwhelming majority of Member States of the United Nations and, which, as such, reflect the collective will of the international community. I should like to appeal to those parties to show utmost respect for the resolutions of the United Nations.
80.	Secondly, I should like to refer to some concrete measures for enhancing the fact-finding functions of the United Nations which my Government proposed during the general debate of this Assembly last year, namely that, whenever a serious dispute arises, a representative of the Secretary General would be stationed at the scene for a certain period of time in order to investigate the facts of the situation and to report to the Secretary General from time to time. We are convinced that recent incidents, such as that which occurred along the border between Thailand and Kampuchea, have underscored even further the real relevance of our proposal. We hope that the Secretary General would make even greater use of the powers conferred upon him by the Charter of the United Nations and would take active steps in this regard. Furthermore, we should like to appeal to all Member States to render their maximal support to the Secretary General as he carries out his responsibilities.
81. Thirdly, I should like to take up the question of limiting the veto power in the Security Council. Although we recognize the necessity of maintaining the veto system itself, it would certainly enhance the peacekeeping functions of the Security Council if abuse of that power could be restricted as much as possible. Thus we shall follow with interest future deliberations on that question at such forums as the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization.
82 I should like to confine myself to making, just as an example, a specific suggestion concerning the function of the Security Council in connexion with the fact-finding functions of the United Nations as a whole, which I have just mentioned. Since Article 34 of the Charter, which attributes to the Security Council its important fact finding function, has been interpreted as being subject to the veto of the permanent members, the Council has been unable to perform that function in major international conflicts where a permanent member may in some way be involved. We therefore believe that the United Nations should, as soon as possible, take measures which would result in preventing the permanent members from exercising their veto power, at least in decisions relating to the Council's fact finding function under Article 34. We are convinced that the smooth functioning of the Security Council in the fact finding field would enable it to cope more effectively with situations as they develop, and thus help to strengthen dramatically the peacekeeping functions of the United Nations.
83.	The international community can never maintain peace by remaining idle in today's world, where there is a tendency openly to challenge the law and order of the international community and where such challenges can result in a fait accompli which eventually simply pushes aside international justice. It is essential that each member of the community of nations share the common responsibility for pursuing world peace, in the conviction that its own peace cannot be maintained unless peace prevails in the rest of the world. It is precisely such efforts actively to fulfil our responsibilities towards peace that will determine whether we shall be successful in handing down to future generations an international environment that is a little more peaceful and a little more congenial than that which we experience today.
84.	In concluding my statement, I should like to confirm once again that, for its part, my Government is ready and eager to carry out even more positively Japan's proper responsibilities towards the construction of a peaceful international community.


Mr. President, I wish to congratulate you on your election to the important post of President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and offer our wishes for the fruitful and constructive accomplishment of the important tasks entrusted to you.
38.	This session of the General Assembly, which marks the thirty-fifth anniversary of the work of the United Nations, is being held during a period when, because of the actions of the imperialist and hegemonist forces, the world situation has perceptibly deteriorated and the process of detente is being severely tested. The struggle for improvement of the international situation is a very difficult process which is marked by confrontation between two diametrically opposed trends in world politics: the course adopted by the socialist countries and other peace-loving forces that are in favour of peace, respect for the rights of peoples and detente and, on the other hand, the course adopted by the most militaristic and aggressive circles of the imperialist Powers and the Beijing hegemonists who are trying to bury detente, to eliminate the positive achievements of recent years and to pursue a policy of oppression, militarism and aggression.
39.	In disregard of the realities of the contemporary world, in fear of the successes of socialism and the national liberation movements, and in face of the growth of freedom- loving democratic and peace-loving forces as a whole, the imperialists—first and foremost the reactionary circles of the United States of America—have adopted a course of violating the military balance which has been brought about in the world in its favour and to damage detente, security and co-operation among peoples. This is where the root causes of the present exacerbation of the international situation lie.
40.	It would appear that the victory in the Second World War over Fascist Germany and militaristic Japan and the development of events in the world during the post-war period have made it clear once and for all to everyone that it is incontrovertibly true that the path of militarism and aggression can lead nowhere but to total defeat, and that the policy of a position of strength is something which cannot be used to solve a single problem, and in particular to halt social revolutions.
41.	However, the United States, which throughout the existence of the United Nations and in defiance of the Charter has more than 200 times used its armed forces against other States, has once again embarked upon a course inimical to the cause of peace, apparently forgetting about the failures of such a policy in the past.
42.	Under the cover of trumped-up pretexts, the United States has arbitrarily awarded itself the right to dictate to its allies a high and continually growing level of military expenditures; it has been imposing upon them the decision to deploy on their territories American missiles with nuclear warheads and is attempting to decide with whom they should not maintain economic, trade, scientific, technological and cultural co-operation; they are even trying to tell athletes whether or not they should take part in international sports competitions. They demand unquestioning obedience from others, but at the same time the United States refuses to honour commitments that it had earlier assumed—even to its own allies. The United States is toying with plans for building up the manufacture of fissile material for military purposes, for improving even further its nuclear weapons, creating nuclear and chemical binary weapons, announcing deliberate and false military alerts, and carrying out subversive actions and acts of provocation against sovereign States.
43.	Recently in the United States, one after another like mushrooms after rain, there have been springing up new and ever-more militaristic doctrines and strategies; but these are poisonous "mushrooms". Among them are the unjustified declaration by the United States of various parts of the world, very far distant from its shores, as its own spheres of vital interests, and a strategy, although limited, of definitely nuclear warfare. In this regard I should like to point out that to plan nuclear war in any form is irresponsibly and cynically to plan world catastrophe.
44.	To justify such a dangerous policy, recourse is being had once again to a whole anthology of fallacious myths about an alleged Soviet military threat. In this regard, as long ago as 60 years the founder of the Soviet State, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, warned:
"There are foolish people around who cry out about 'red militarism'; these are political crooks who pretend to believe this stupidity and scatter charges of this kind all around, using for this purpose their lawyer's skills to invent false arguments and to throw dust in the eyes of the masses."
45.	Anti-Sovietism and anti-communism have become a weapon of combat, not only against the USSR and other socialist States, but also against all freedom-loving and peace-loving forces, and a means of undermining detente and, in these circumstances, the exploiting essence of capitalism and the aggressive nature of its foreign policy are becoming ever more apparent.
46.	We are witnessing a rapprochement between aggressive circles of imperialism, particularly the United States and the Chinese leadership, built on an anti-Soviet foundation hostile and inimical to the cause of peace. The partnership of imperialism and Beijing hegemonism in, among others, the military field, represents a new dangerous phenomenon in world politics, dangerous for the whole of mankind, including the people of the United States and China.
47.	The attempts of the aggressive circles of imperialism to win military supremacy over the socialist community and threats to "punish" such a powerful State as the Soviet Union simply demonstrate the total loss of any sense of reality among the ruling circles of certain Powers. Surely everyone must understand that the Soviet Union can stand up for itself, for its own interests, and for the interests of its allies and friends. It is also obvious that the peoples of the world understand perfectly well the true price of peace, the strength of mutual support, and they will never give this up, because they see in it a guarantee of success in the struggle for a better future, peace and social progress. And that is something that should also be understood by those who are still trying to view the world of today from a standpoint of imperialism, hegemonism and selfish and even ambitious personal interests.
48.	Faithful to its international duty, the Soviet Union responded to the appeal for assistance to the Afghan revolution, acting on the basis of the Treaty of Friendship, Good- neighbourliness and Co-operation between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and in full compliance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. The USSR took into account the repeated appeals by Afghanistan for assistance in defending the country against penetration from outside by counter-revolutionary forces instigated by Washington, Beijing and their accomplices in order to strangle the Afghan revolution and to create a pro-imperialist springboard for military aggression on the southern frontiers of the USSR and against independent countries of the East.
49.	It should be pointed out that those who are shouting the loudest at this session of the General Assembly about the presence of a limited contingent of Soviet troops in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan are themselves doing everything to make sure that the possibility of the withdrawal of that contingent is made as remote as possible, that is to say, they are doing nothing to eliminate the causes of the need for this assistance.
50.	A political settlement of the situation that has arisen in Afghanistan is entirely possible. The path to it has been outlined in the proposals made by the Government of Afghanistan on 14 May of this year. Obstacles to such a settlement are being created by the United States and China which, to this end, are using Pakistan in particular and artificially fanning the flames of tension.
51.	I should like in particular to stress that no attempts— whether at this session of the General Assembly or elsewhere—to resolve the problems of the Afghan people in defiance of its will, no plans affecting the sovereignty of the Afghan State or disregarding its lawful Government and which fail to guarantee the security of Afghanistan against the intervention of bandits from outside in its internal affairs can possibly be successful. Such attempts and plans are totally hopeless and doomed to failure.
52.	Mankind needs lasting peace. Peace engenders co-operation among peoples; co-operation strengthens peace. But lasting peace will not descend of its own accord on our planet; peace and disarmament, detente and the just settlement of conflicts must be fought for. In the present complicated international situation, all States—large and small, developed and developing—are in duty bound not to relax but to intensify common efforts to improve the international climate, to curb the arms race and to organize a decisive rebuff to all imperialistic and hegemonistic forces which are dragging the peoples of the world into the abyss of tension, "cold" war, and even "hot" war. There is no room for a wait-and-see attitude in the circumstances.
53.	The Byelorussian SSR is firmly convinced that there are in the world social and political forces capable of ensuring the normal, peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, and capable of averting the threat of a world thermonuclear conflict. The path to attainment of this objective is that of talks based upon strict observance of the principles of equality and equal security.
54.	We note with satisfaction that, along with the States of the socialist community, an overwhelming majority of countries hold a similar view—primarily, members of the non-aligned movement—as demonstrated, among other things, by the statements that have been made in this debate. Responsible representatives of a number of Western countries have also stated their intention to maintain normal relations with the Soviet Union and other socialist States. Thus we can see that there is a possibility of continuing our joint work for the sake of maintaining detente as the dominant trend in world politics.
55.	The Soviet Union and other countries of the socialist community strongly oppose the imperialist doctrine of the arms race and war hysteria in favour of their own doctrine of unrelenting struggle for peace and security on earth.
56.	As the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Comrade Leonid Brezhnev, in his message to the participants in the World Parliament of the Peoples for Peace, recently held at Sofia, reconfirmed:
"The Soviet Union has repeatedly stated, and substantiated by its practical steps, that we are prepared to take all necessary measures aimed at reducing the threat of a destructive military conflict. We do not want to compete in the production of lethal weapons and we are genuinely in favour of limiting and reducing military arsenals, in favour of disarmament. We are prepared for a political solution to all international problems."
57.	A further convincing manifestation of this clear-cut and lucid policy of the unremitting concern of the Soviet State for peace is the proposal submitted by the Soviet Union at this session of the General Assembly to include in the agenda the important and pressing item entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war".
58.	In the present circumstances of a worsening international climate and the slowing down of talks on disarmament matters, the appeal contained in the draft resolution submitted by the USSR in the First Committee under that agenda item  is particularly timely and relevant: it is an appeal to all States to refrain from expanding the membership of existing political and military groupings or from creating new ones, inter alia by endowing with military functions those regional organizations which do not at present have such functions. That measure, together with the proposed renunciation by all States, with effect from 1 January 1981, of a build-up of their armed forces or of conventional armaments, would be a first step towards the subsequent reduction of armed forces and conventional weapons.
59.	A pressing and urgent measure in the field of the limitation of nuclear weapons would be, as is proposed in the aforementioned draft resolution, the earliest possible elaboration and conclusion of an international convention on the granting to non-nuclear States of guarantees against the use or threat of nuclear weapons against them, and of an international treaty on the full and total prohibition of nuclear weapon testing. Success in this area would be promoted by a positive response from all nuclear Powers to the appeal of the USSR to make similar solemn declarations, approved by the Security Council, on the non-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States which do not have them on their territory, as well as by an understanding among nuclear States not to conduct any nuclear explosions for a year, starting from an agreed date.
60.	We are confident that a careful, thorough consideration of the Soviet proposals, widespread support for them, and their immediate implementation can thwart the apologists of nuclear folly and adventurism and create, at the present stage, conditions that would give new impetus to the struggle for international peace and security, for the preservation and development of detente and for disarmament.
61.	In this tenth anniversary year of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security, the United Nations should take further decisions in the interests of international peace and security and the preservation and development of detente, as well as strict and universal observance of the Charter.
62.	A central problem of ensuring just and lasting peace has been, and remains, achievement of progress in the field of military detente, limitation of the arms race and genuine disarmament. The Soviet Union and other countries of the socialist community have, in recent years, submitted quite a few specific proposals on this range of issues. I would recall just a few: cessation of the nuclear arms race and the elimination of nuclear weapons; conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations; non-emplacement of nuclear weapons on the territories of States where no such weapons exist at present; prohibition of radiological and chemical weapons, as well as of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction; strengthening of the non- proliferation regime; creation of nuclear-free zones and zones of peace; reduction of military budgets; and the convening of a world disarmament conference.
63.	It is imperialism and its accomplices that are to blame for the fact that these and other proposals have not yet been implemented. The arms race is the very foundation of their aggressive policies. The inability to ensure social progress for the broad masses of the people is driving the monopolies and the ruling circles of imperialist Powers to violence in domestic and foreign affairs.
64.	We proceed from the belief that it is possible to put an end to the arms race. The States of the socialist community have repeatedly expressed their readiness to limit and ban all forms of weapons on terms of complete reciprocity and without prejudice to anyone's security. This is attested to by the memorandum submitted by the delegation of the USSR at this session, "Peace, disarmament and international security guarantees".
65.	Of primary importance before the quantitative and qualitative limitation and reduction of strategic arms would be the entry into force of the SALT II Treaty, ratification of which has been unjustifiably delayed for more than a year now by the American side, although—and this is worth recalling—President Carter said on 13 May 1979, that if it failed to ratify the Treaty, the United States would find itself in the role of a warmonger refusing to participate in a joint attempt to limit the proliferation of the most destructive weapon mankind has ever known.
66.	A broad programme of strengthening detente and of confidence-building measures and also the halting of the whirling fly-wheel of the arms race have been put forward at the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty held at Warsaw on 14 and 15 May.
67.	The Soviet Union also proposed that a start be made on a discussion of the question of medium-range nuclear missiles in Europe at the same time as, and in organic connection with, the question of American forward-based nuclear systems. The conclusion by 1 August this year of the withdrawal from the territory of the German Democratic Republic of 20,000 Soviet military personnel and 1,000 tanks and other military equipment and the proposal of the socialist States at the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe to reduce in a first stage a further 20,000 Soviet and 13,000 American military personnel would create genuine possibilities for the conclusion of an agreement on a first stage and the production of other mutually acceptable decisions. All that is necessary is for the Western States to evince a sense of responsibility and in a spirit of good will respond to the new Soviet initiatives, which are in keeping with the genuine vital interests of the peoples of Europe and the whole world.
68.	Underlying the Soviet peace initiatives are the profound analysis of the demands of the international situation, and a sober assessment of the real possibilities; due account has also been taken of the unquenchable thirst of the peoples of the world for peace and social and economic progress.
69.	A little over two months ago we marked the fifth anniversary of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, which adopted a Final Act at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, constituting a major event in the history of post-war Europe and opening up broad prospects for the peaceful development of the continent.
70.	Our task now is to see to it that every State party to the Conference observes the Final Act in all its parts and is ready to participate constructively in the second review session of the Conference, at Madrid, and conclude it with important results, as well as to ensure the convening of a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe, which was proposed by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty as early as last year.
71.	The duty of the United Nations is to promote a just settlement of existing conflicts by political means and to eliminate hotbeds of international tension.
72.	That applies primarily to the Middle East, where the designs of imperialism are for ever complicating the situation.
73.	The United States has embarked upon an open assertion of its military presence in that region and the Asian and African areas surrounding it. On trumped-up pretexts, it has thrown in powerful naval and air forces and is feverishly building a network of American military bases and showing its first ever more often through the so-called rapid deployment force. And all this is aimed at one thing: while keeping the Arab and other Islamic countries in the sights of their lethal weapons and to remain in control of their natural resources.
74.	At the same time, with the sponsorship of Washington, Israel, which is spending for military purposes per capita four times as much as the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], is becoming more arrogant than ever in its actions to suppress the rights of the Palestinian people, its acts of aggression in Lebanon and its continued occupation of Syrian territory. It has even gone so far as cynically to declare the annexation of the eastern part of Jerusalem. The Israeli Government is flagrantly flouting all the decisions of the United Nations on the Middle East problem, including resolution ES-7/2 adopted on 29 July 1980, at the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, on the question of Palestine, which is the key to the whole Middle East problem.
75.	It is time now to call a halt to the protracted hullabaloo about the anti-Arab policy of separate deals. The only path to a just and lasting settlement in the Middle East is that of collective efforts by all parties concerned, including, of course, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], on the basis of the full withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, the implementation of the inalienable national rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including its right to self- determination and the creation of its own State, and the ensuring of an independent existence and development for all States of the area.
76.	The situation in South-East Asia remains tense. This tension is being created above all by the expansionist policy of China, which is carried out in complicity with the United States. At the same time, naked pressure is being exerted on States members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN], in particular Thailand, in order to subordinate them to their diktat.
77.	The establishment of an atmosphere of peace and stability in this area would be in keeping with the vital interests of the countries of South-East Asia. Constructive ideas on this subject have been put forward at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of three Indo-Chinese States, which was held last July in Vientiane, as well as in the proposal of the People's Republic of Kampuchea on talks and the conclusion on a bilateral basis with Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines and Singapore of treaties on mutual non- aggression with a view to converting that part of the world into a zone of peace, independence, freedom, neutrality, stability and prosperity. We welcome the inclusion in the agenda of this session of the item entitled "Question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia"
78.	The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR favours an immediate and full restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the United Nations and the expulsion of the bloody criminals of the Pol Pot clique, thrown out by the Kampuchean people on to the scrap-heap of history.
79.	The Byelorussian SSR believes that we must resolve the problem of Cyprus on the basis of the decisions of the United Nations providing for unconditional and total respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus, its status as a non- aligned State, the withdrawal from the territory of Cyprus of all foreign troops and the elimination of all foreign military bases.
80.	The Byelorussian SSR supports the just position of the Korean People's Democratic Republic and the struggle of the Korean people for the reunification of their country by peaceful democratic means without any outside interference and favours the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea.
81.	In the year of the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples we welcome a new victory of the national liberation movement—the defeat of one more bastion of colonialism and racism in southern Africa and the constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe. We congratulate Zimbabwe on its admission to membership of the United Nations and we welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member of the Organization.
82.	The Byelorussian SSR has consistently supported the national liberation, anti-colonial and anti-racist struggle of the peoples of Africa and other continents. We are in favour of the independence of Namibia and we oppose the annexationist policy of the United States with regard to Micronesia. The historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which was adopted on the initiative of the Soviet Union, must be fully implemented.
83.	Mankind is today faced with a range of vitally important problems which can be solved only by means of broad and constructive international co-operation. Guided by the desire to develop such co-operation in preserving the natural environment of our planet, defending it against the pernicious effects of the arms race and using natural resources in the interests of the economic and social progress of all peoples and in order that this may be done on a rational and scientific basis, the Soviet Union has taken an important initiative at this session of the General Assembly by proposing the discussion of the question of the "Historical responsibility of States for the preservation of nature for present and future generations". The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR expresses the hope that all States Members of the United Nations will manifest good will and adopt a constructive approach to the consideration of this important proposal of the Soviet Union and that the General Assembly will adopt an appropriate decision.
84.	Among the urgent problems now facing many States are those of the necessity of providing vast masses of people with food, raw materials and sources of energy and of overcoming the economic backwardness, engendered by colonialism and capitalism, of countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Imperialist monopolies continue to plunder developing countries, to disregard their legitimate interests and to impede the restructuring of international economic relations on a democratic and just basis. According to data provided by UNCTAD, foreign corporations are exporting many millions of dollars from developing countries in the form of profits alone, an outflow which is more than double the inflow of new investment.
85.	Because of the major Western countries, the eleventh special session of the General Assembly held recently could not fulfil the hopes of the peoples of the world for substantial progress towards organizing truly equitable international economic co-operation and supporting the efforts of developing countries in accelerating the rate of their economic growth.
86.	Guided by the principles of internationalism, the States of the socialist community have provided and are continuing to provide assistance to developing countries in the acceleration of their economic development and the strengthening of their political and economic independence. At the present time, the member countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance are giving economic, scientific and technological assistance to 90 developing countries in various parts of the world.
87.	For the developing countries co-operation with socialist countries is one of the most important prerequisites for reducing their dependence on imperialist States and transnational corporations. The socialist community has consistently favoured the .structuring of international economic relations on a basis of equality and respect for the sovereignty of all States, and it supports the progressive and just demands of developing countries for the elimination of all manifestations of discrimination, inequality, exploitation and diktat in those relations.
88.	With all the complexities of the current international situation and despite the designs of those in aggressive circles on peace and detente, the will of the peoples for peace, harmony and co-operation is prevailing and, we are convinced, will finally triumph.
89.	The Byelorussian people, which in the course of the Second World War lost one fourth of its sons and daughters and more than half its natural resources, knows as well as anyone the meaning of war. It is something we must not allow to happen again. Together with the peoples of all the countries of the socialist community, our people is fighting vigorously for lasting peace and international security.
"Socialism, in an historically brief space of time, has revealed its incontrovertible advantages over capitalism and is now emerging as a decisive factor for social development, the improvement of the international political climate and the creation of a solid system of international security and as a consistent advocate of the elimination of war from the life of mankind."
Those optimistic words were uttered with cogent force and insight in September of this year, shortly before his tragic death, by an outstanding leader of the Communist Party and the Soviet State, Alternate Member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Byelorussian SSR, Pyotr Mironovich Masherov. Having emerged from the flames of the great patriotic war, when he had more than once looked death in the face, he was an ardent champion of peace, a man of principle and a consistent fighter for the freedom of the peoples, economic and social progress and the shining ideals of communism.
90.	All the people of our planet need peace, for they want to live in tranquillity and to work creatively; they want to see the most important human right of all, the right to life, made secure.
91.	As one of the founder Members of the United Nations, the Byelorussian SSR believes that it is necessary to stress once again that the duty of the United Nations is to do everything in its power to achieve the major objective proclaimed in the Charter, that of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war.


Allow me, Sir, to congratulate you sincerely on your unanimous election to the lofty post of President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. I am sure that your many talents and rich experience will help you to make a valuable contribution to the work of this session.
99.	I would also join previous speakers in paying a tribute to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim for the work he did as President of the thirty-fourth session and of the special sessions of the General Assembly.
100.	Our delegation would like to take this opportunity heartily to congratulate Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission to membership of the United Nations.
101.	The present session of the General Assembly is being held at the juncture of two decades, in the year of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the victory of the forces of peace and socialism over fascism and militarism. In our view, that fact will help us properly to concentrate on the main issues of the present world political situation in terms of drawing the necessary lessons from the past and correctly defining the tasks of the international community in implementing the aims and purposes of the Charter and strengthening peace and international cooperation.
102.	During the last three and a half decades since the end of the Second World War, positive profound changes have taken place in world development. This is primarily related to the creation of the world socialist system and the steady growth of its might, and to the historic successes achieved by the forces of national and social liberation. In this connection our delegation wishes specifically to underline the historic importance c military and strategic parity that has been attained by the socialist world with the West with the purpose of ensuring a peaceful future for mankind.
103.	The 1970s are significant in that the "cold war" policy was overcome, relaxation of international tension ensued and the principle of peaceful coexistence of States having different social systems was further confirmed.
104.	On the other hand, recent events provide clear evidence that the forces of imperialism and reaction refuse to put up with the strengthening of the positions of socialism and the progressive changes occurring in the world. They are desperately trying by every means to hinder the objective course of history, and they have set for themselves the adventurist goal of obtaining military superiority over the socialist world, which is the main bulwark of the forces of peace, national independence, democracy and progress. They have embarked upon a course of unprecedented escalation of the arms race and of undermining the very foundations of international detente.
105.	Of particular danger to the cause of peace is the decision of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] to produce and deploy in Western Europe the new American medium range nuclear weapons, as well as the creation by the United States of the so-called rapid deployment forces designed to commit acts of aggression in various parts of the world. A long-term programme of increasing the military expenditure of the NATO countries has been adopted.
106.	Moreover, the United States recently adopted what is called Presidential Directive 59, which in essence advocates the concept of so-called limited nuclear warfare, and the possibility of using nuclear weapons and the permissibility of waging nuclear war have begun to be discussed with dangerous frivolity at high official levels in that country.
107.	The reactionary forces are carrying out their actions against peace, security, freedom and the independence of peoples under the false pretext of fighting against a bogus "Soviet military threat", and they are thus grossly distorting the peace-loving nature of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union and the socialist community, which fully conforms to the vital interests of all mankind.
108.	The particular danger of the present situation lies in the active collusion of the forces of imperialism and hegemonism based on anti-Sovietism—in other words, based on hostility to the cause of the national and social liberation of peoples. Beijing's antisocialist, anti-Soviet course encourages the most reactionary forces of imperialism and abets the new outburst of aggressiveness and adventuristic trends in their actions.
109.	Nevertheless, imperialism and reaction are today being countered by the forces of peace, democracy and socialism, which are able appropriately to rebuff their intrigues. There exist objective conditions which will not permit a return to the "cold war" and would forestall the danger of a nuclear conflict. The growing economic and defence potential of true socialism and its ever-increasing international influence serve as a reliable bulwark in the struggle of peoples to strengthen peace and international cooperation. The World Parliament of the Peoples for Peace now being held in Sofia, the capital of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, is a particular case demonstrating the immense scope of this struggle. Representatives of more than 130 States and 100 public organizations are discussing there such vital issues as strengthening peace, developing international cooperation and disarmament, and so on.
110.	Detente has become more deeply rooted in international relations and real conditions exist for it to remain as the prevailing tendency. This is demonstrated, in particular, by the results of the meetings and talks held by Leonid I. Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Praesidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, with President Giscard d'Estaing, of France, last May and subsequently by the leaders of the Soviet Union with those of the Federal Republic of Germany. The Mongolian delegation is of the view that, in the light of the adventuristic actions of the ultra-reactionary forces of imperialism and hegemonism, the outcome of these meetings acquires particular importance.
111.	The Mongolian People's Republic, like other socialist States, believes that the strengthening of detente will not come about by itself. Detente will be preserved and strengthened only in a resolute and persistent struggle by the forces defending the cause of peace, national independence and social progress.
112.	The first material condition for strengthening detente and peace is to halt the arms race and move towards genuine disarmament. These objectives should be achieved by preserving the existing military and strategic parity on the basis of steadily declining arsenals of weapons and on that basis of strict observance of the principles of equal security for all sides.
113.	The numerous constructive initiatives of the socialist countries are aimed at the achievement of these goals. These initiatives as a whole have been reaffirmed and further developed in the declaration and the statement of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty of 15 May 1980.
114.	The States parties to the Warsaw Treaty have proposed to begin practical negotiations immediately and, where negotiations have commenced, to complete them effectively in order to reach agreements on concrete measures on a wide range of problems, starting with the reduction of the military budgets of the big Powers and coming to such important measures as full and comprehensive prohibition of nuclear weapons testing, halting the production of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of nuclear stockpiles until their complete elimination, prohibition of the creation of new types and systems of mass destruction, banning of chemical weapons and eliminating existing stockpiles and prohibition of radiological weapons and others.
115.	In the field of political measures, the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty have proposed the convening of a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe and the holding in the near future of a summit meeting of the leaders of States of all the regions of the world for the purpose of considering the problems of eliminating the hotbeds of international tension and preventing war. They have also put forward concrete proposals aimed at making the forthcoming meeting at Madrid a success, so that its outcome will confirm and articulate in practice the provisions of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference.
116.	In its statement of 20 May this year the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic fully supported these initiatives as a new constructive contribution by the Warsaw Treaty Organization to the cause of strengthening peace and security and developing international cooperation in Europe and throughout the world.
117.	These constructive steps of the socialist countries have recently been effectively supplemented by a new exceptionally important initiative of the Soviet Union that talks be started forthwith on the question of medium range nuclear weapons, organically connecting it with that of American forward based nuclear weapons. The Mongolian delegation is of the view that the other side should display a constructive approach to this vitally important issue.
118.	The proposal for the item entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war", submitted by the Soviet delegation on 23 September this year for consideration at the current session of the General Assembly, contains the most concrete and practical proposals relating to renunciation of the expansion of military and political groupings, the increase of armed forces and conventional weapons and relating also to the strengthening of security guarantees of nonnuclear States and reaching an agreement on a general and comprehensive ban on nuclear weapon tests. The proposed measures are of an urgent and pressing character. The Mongolian delegation believes that the General Assembly is duty bound to undertake concrete measures based on the provisions of the draft resolution proposed by the Soviet delegation.
119.	The good will and determination of the socialist States effectively to promote military detente are being supported by practical measures. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic, like other peace-loving forces, considers that the unilateral withdrawal by the Soviet Union from the territory of the German Democratic Republic of 20,000 troops, 1,000 tanks and other military equipment is of paramount importance for the creation of an atmosphere of mutual trust, which is so vital to the realization of measures to reduce military confrontation in Europe. Similarly, the Mongolian People's Republic commends the new proposals of the socialist countries parties to the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe. As the main measure in the first stage, it is being proposed that the armed forces of the United States and the USSR stationed in Central Europe be reduced by 13,000 and 20,000 troops respectively.
120.	The conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations is of great importance for strengthening detente, the security of States and the creation of favourable conditions for halting the arms race and for disarmament.
121.	It is in the same spirit that the Mongolian People's Republic supports the proposal of the nonaligned countries to draft a declaration on non-interference in the internal affairs of States." The activation of expansionist and hegemonistic forces is making this issue particularly pressing.
122.	Turning to regional measures for strengthening the security of States, my delegation would like to emphasize that the struggle for turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace—where the United States of America continues to step up its military presence—is acquiring particular urgency. The Conference on the Indian Ocean to be held in 1981 should pronounce itself with utmost clarity on the key issue, namely the the elimination of military bases in that region.
123.	On the specific problems of halting the arms race and disarmament, the Mongolian delegation would like to emphasize the enormous military and political significance of the speedy ratification of the Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, SALT II. The United States should heed the will of the international community, which demands the earliest ratification of that treaty. Our delegation further emphasizes the urgency of the problem of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The actions of those circles which not only failed to accede to this important instrument but also did everything to provoke and encourage others to acquire nuclear weapons arouse serious concern throughout the world community. The situation is aggravated by the fact that the aggressive regimes of Tel Aviv and Pretoria as well as some other circles do not conceal their intention to acquire that weapon of mass destruction. We deem it necessary that additional effective measures be taken to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. A positive assessment can be made of the Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which, having reaffirmed the importance and viability of the Treaty and the need to ensure its universality, has favoured a further strengthening of the non-proliferation regime.
124.	We support the prohibition of radiological weapons and express the hope that the Committee on Disarmament will be able at its next session to complete the elaboration of an appropriate draft convention.
125.	The problem of banning chemical weapons is becoming more urgent in view of the continuing reports of the intentions of certain Western countries, under various false pretexts, to improve this weapon of mass destruction and increase its production. We hope that the firm intention expressed by the Soviet Union and the United States in the Committee on Disarmament to continue their persistent efforts in the search for mutually acceptable solutions to the problem of prohibiting chemical weapons will help to clear the way towards attaining this vital goal.
126.	The arms race not only has enormous negative socioeconomic consequences, it also results in devastating effects on the environment as well. Today, when the testing of different types of weapons, including nuclear weapons, is still being carried out in the world, when the means of annihilation of every living being on earth are being accumulated in ever greater quantities, the question of protecting nature from the dangerous consequences brought about by the unchecked arms race becomes an urgent issue of the day.
127.	It is precisely in this light that the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic sees the primary importance of the new agenda item entitled "Historical responsibility of States for the preservation of nature for present and future generations", proposed by the Soviet Union, and fully supports this initiative. The adoption by the General Assembly of a resolution, the draft of which was proposed by the Soviet delegation, would be an important step in the development of international cooperation, in protecting nature on our planet, and in limiting and eliminating the pernicious consequences of the arms race on nature.
128.	The Mongolian People's Republic, as before, supports the early convening of the World Disarmament Conference and favours the extension of the mandate and the enhancing of the work of the Ad Hoc Committee on the World Disarmament Conference.
129.	The international situation in Asia is being influenced by various forces. The prevailing feature of the political life on that vast continent is the further strengthening of the positions of the forces of peace, international cooperation, national independence and social progress.
130.	Socialist and revolutionary democratic gains are being further consolidated in the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Fraternal cooperation and interaction by the Soviet Union and other socialist States of Asia have a most favourable effect on the political situation on the continent. A positive role is played by the peace-loving policy and realistic positions of many other countries of Asia, above all the Republic of India.
131.	On the other hand, the forces of imperialism, hegemonism and militarism are intensifying their dangerous activities on that continent. The ruling circles of the United States are working towards formalizing a kind of triple alliance directed against the socialist countries, the forces of national and social liberation, against all that is progressive, just and reasonable.
132.	The Mongolian People's Republic, which 35 years ago made its contribution to the restoration of peace in Asia and the Far East, calls upon the peoples of Asia to draw a lesson from the past, to be vigilant and wary of the various designs of the reactionary forces. It is a fact that while preparing for the Second World War, Fascist and militarist circles concealed their criminal actions under the false pretext of fighting against the "communist threat". It is clear to everyone that the same trick is being used today when the enemies of peace and international cooperation trumpet the non-existent "Soviet military threat" or the "threat from the North".
133.	These very forces cause the further deterioration of the longstanding Middle Eastern crisis, organize the undeclared war against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, exert open armed and other pressures on the nations of IndoChina and flagrantly interfere in the internal affairs of the States members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Regrettably, there are certain circles in Asia which, to say the least, connive at such aggressive attempts to the detriment of the vital interests of peace and security of the peoples of the continent, including their own peoples.
134.	The Mongolian People's Republic, as before, consistently strives for the safeguarding and consolidating of peace and security in Asia through the collective efforts of all States of the continent. The Bandung Conference convened a quarter of a century ago on the initiative of a number of Asian countries, demonstrated the objective necessity and the possibility of uniting all the interested forces on the basis of a common struggle for peace and international cooperation, for national independence and social progress. The spirit of Bandung is gaining particular relevance today.
135.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic is of the view that the speediest elimination of the hotbeds of tension and conflict is of paramount importance. The annexation of Jerusalem by Israel, its new adventures of aggression and expansion, particularly in regard to the sovereign State of Lebanon, have demonstrated anew the essence of the Camp David deal which is hostile to the cause of the Arab peoples. At the seventh emergency special session, on the Palestinian question, the Mongolian delegation once again reaffirmed the principled position of its Government on the comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem in the interest of ensuring a durable and just peace in that region.
136.	The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic favours an immediate political settlement of the situation concerning Afghanistan which emerged as a result of intervention against that sovereign State organized by Washington and Beijing through their accomplices. The basis for such a settlement is contained in the proposals put forward by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on 14 May of this year, Cessation of the counterrevolutionary intervention is the basic prerequisite for achieving that goal. The question of the withdrawal from the territory of Afghanistan of the limited contingent of Soviet troops could be solved in the course of a political settlement if the aggression against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is discontinued and such discontinuance is properly guaranteed. In the General Committee, our delegation categorically opposed the discussion in the General Assembly of the so-called question regarding the situation in Afghanistan. Such a discussion would be a gross violation of the spirit and letter of the Charter of the United Nations and constitute flagrant interference in the internal affairs of the Afghan people. No one can change the revolutionary reality irreversibly established in Afghanistan. The United Nations should not allow itself to be embroiled in such an illegal and hopeless affair.
137.	As a result of the so-called parallel action of Beijing and Washington, a serious hotbed of tension has been created in Southeast Asia. The frontier between Thailand and Kampuchea has been turned in reality into the borderline of yet another "undeclared war". In the light of the prevailing situation, my Government readily subscribed to the proposal of the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to include in the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly a vital item entitled "Question of peace, stability and cooperation in Southeast Asia". It is exactly in this spirit that we fully endorse the constructive programme for the improvement of the political climate in Southeast Asia put forward by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Laos, Viet Nam and Kampuchea held in July this year in Vientiane.
138.	We consider that only the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, which enjoys the support of the entire Kampuchean people, should occupy its rightful seat in the United Nations and in other international organizations. The very fact that Kampuchea's seat in the United Nations is occupied by people who do not represent anyone at all cannot but undermine the prestige of this Organization.
139.	The inclusion in the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly of the concocted question of "The situation in Kampuchea" against the will of the legitimate Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is an intolerable interference in the internal affairs of that sovereign State. It is the duty of the Organization to strive for the reduction of tension in Southeast Asia and therefore resolutely to counter any manoeuvres interfering in the internal affairs of the States in the region and to promote among them a normalization of the situation and the establishment of good neighbourly relations.
140.	Our people resolutely condemn the persecution and repression being committed by the military regime of Seoul against the democratic forces in South Korea. The situation prevailing in that part of the country demands the speediest implementation of the provisions of General Assembly resolution 3390 B (XXX) which envisages dissolution of the "United Nations Command" and withdrawal from South Korea of foreign troops. The Mongolian People's Republic, as before, endorses the constructive proposals by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea directed at the reunification of Korea by peaceful means without any outside interference.
141.	I cannot but express the deep concern of my delegation at the worsening armed conflict between Iran and Iraq. The interests of peace and tranquillity in that sensitive region and the wellbeing of the two peoples demand restraint and statesmanship on the part of the leaders of these countries to prevent a further deterioration of the situation.
142.	The date of 14 December this year will mark the twentieth anniversary of the adoption by the General Assembly of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples . Today we welcome the emergence of the sovereign State of Zimbabwe as the most significant event of this jubilee year in the realization of the ideals of the Declaration. The initiative of the Soviet Government, which proposed to the General Assembly the adoption of that Declaration, involved the United Nations in one of the revolutionary events of the post-war period, namely, the elimination of the colonial system of imperialism.
143.	The disintegration of the colonial system gave a fresh impetus to the broadening of the movement of nonaligned countries, which today plays an important role in the struggle against imperialism and colonialism, and for peace and international security.
144.	We consider that the question of full implementation of the provisions of the Declaration on decolonization has not lost any of its urgency. This is particularly true in relation to the elimination of the colonial heritage in the political, economic, social and other spheres.
145.	The vestiges of colonialism and the neo-colonialist manoeuvres of the imperialist Powers continue to poison the international atmosphere. The recent turn of events in southern Africa demonstrates that the imperialist forces time and again engage in attempts to preserve the colonialist and racist regimes as a stronghold for the suppression of the struggle of peoples in that region for national and social liberation.
146.	The Mongolian People's Republic resolutely supports the national liberation struggle of the people of Namibia, carried on under the leadership of its legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]. Likewise we stand for the strengthening of the economic embargo against the racist regime in South Africa and we support the struggle of the people of the Republic of South Africa for their political and social rights and freedoms.
147.	At present the national liberation movement of the peoples is extending to new spheres of social development. It is in this light that my delegation sees the struggle of the developing countries for the establishment of a new international economic order. We share the disappointment of the developing countries that the recently held eleventh special session of the General Assembly was unable to carry out the tasks entrusted to it. The main reason for the fruitless outcome of the session was, in our view, the lack of political will on the part of certain Western countries to participate in the cause of restructuring international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. The leading Western Powers not only are unwilling to give up their privileged position in the economic relations of the capitalist system but are also trying to use it as a means of blackmail and pressure and of destabilizing the established international relations in their own selfish political interests.
148.	My delegation would like to emphasize that the adoption by developing countries of progressive socioeconomic reforms and the mobilization of their internal resources and potential constitute the most important prerequisite to the creation and development of independent national economies. In this we see also an important means of strengthening the position of every individual country in the struggle for the establishment of just and democratic world economic ties.
149.	The Mongolian People's Republic has always attached and continues to attach great importance to the activities of the United Nations as an instrument for strengthening peace and international security and developing peaceful cooperation among nations. In the present situation of growing tension in the world that role of the Organization is still further growing. This makes it indispensable to enhance the effectiveness of its activities on the basis of strict observance of the provisions of the Charter. Conscious of this, my delegation will do its utmost to facilitate the successful completion of the work of the current session in order that it may make an important contribution to the cause of strengthening international detente and fostering an atmosphere of trust, mutual understanding and cooperation.