Sir, allow me to begin by offering you the warmest felicitations of the delegation of the Union of Myanmar on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at the forty-fifth session. Your unanimous election to this high office is an expression of the confidence of the entire membership in the outstanding qualities of leadership you have amply demonstrated during your long and distinguished career. It is also a tribute to the active and constructive role played by Malta in international relations.
I wish also to express the deep appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Garba of Nigeria for his invaluable contribution to the success of the forty-fourth session and of the three special sessions of the Assembly held during his tenure.
May I also take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Peres de Cuellar, for his total commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter and for his tireless efforts to promote international peace and justice as well as understanding and co-operation among nations. The world is indeed fortunate to have him at the helm of the Organization at this crucial juncture in the history of mankind.
My delegation takes great pleasure in warmly welcoming to our midst the Principality of Liechtenstein. We have already had occasion to extend a similar welcome to Namibia earlier in the year. As the delegations of Namibia and Liechtenstein take their rightful places in this Assembly, the United Nations has come a step nearer to its ultimate goal of universality of membership.
Myanmar has consistently held the view that no State that in able and willing to fulfil the obligations of membership of the United Nations should be denied admission to our Organization, Therefore we support the expressed desire of the Republic of Korea to join our ranks - this without prejudice to the goal of eventual Korean reunification. In this regard, we welcome the initiation of high-level intra-Korean dialogue and earnestly hope that it will lead to an early agreement on the reunification of the long-divided Korean nation.
On 3 October last the German nation became one again. As an ardent supporter of the cause of peaceful reunification of divided nations, Myanmar warmly welcomes that momentous event. We are confident that the united Germany, with its renewed spirit and vast resources, will increasingly become a major force for peace, stability and prosperity not only in Europe but in the world at large.
In the same spirit we are pleased to welcome the peaceful merger of the two Yemeni States.
The forty-fifth session of the General Assembly is meeting at a time of historic and profound changes worldwide. The past 12 months have witnessed an acceleration of the qualitative change in the relationship between the two super-Powers and between the two major military alliances. Ideological barriers which had once generated a deep-seated adversary psychosis and which had long bedevilled relations among States have virtually disappeared. These have given way to new attitudes and perceptions, resulting in a new pattern of relationship that has moved beyond the stage of a mere relaxation of tension to a stage of active co-operation and partnership.
All these transformations have brought the world to the threshold of a new era. However since the end of the Second World War has there been a more favourable political climate or a better opportunity for the nations of the world to fashion a new international order based on the timeless principles enshrined in the Charter.
The immediate impact of this changing situation is the emergence of a collegial spirit among the permanent members of the Security Council, which has greatly enhanced its effective functioning. We welcome this development, which we believe could act as a deterrent to individual States or group of States from resorting to actions inconsistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter. It could also inhibit hegemonic ambitions, at either the global or the regional level. However, the world must pay heed to the caution sounded by our Secretary-General in his latest report on the work of the Organization: "agreement among the major Powers must carry with it the support of a majority of Member States if it is to make the desired impact on the world situation. It is the willing endorsement of the decisions of the Security Council by the international community that can best counter any impression, likely to create anxiety, of world affairs being run by a directorate." ΓΑ,45,1. p. 13V
The steadily increasing trust and confidence in inter-State relations generated by the dramatic improvement of relations between the two militarily most significant Powers have opened a window of opportunity for the international community to come to grips with the various outstanding questions in the field of arms control and disarmament.. Military doctrines born of the cold war and based on adversarial strategies, which had fuelled the spiralling arms race of the past decades, have become largely irrelevant. While notable achievements, such as the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, have been made, the pace of negotiations on reduction of strategic arsenals, banning of chemical weapons and cessation of all nuclear-weapon tests, to mention only a few, has been agonisingly slow. We earnestly hope that endeavours will be made to speed up the pace of disarmament negotiations and to set higher, more ambitious targets within shorter time frames, for the reduction and ultimate elimination of nuclear and other mass-destruction weapons. Moreover, massive conventional forces should be pared down to the levels needed for purposes of legitimate national self-defence.
As we stand at the threshold of a new era we see looming ahead both exceptional promises and daunting challenges.
In April of this year, the entire world rejoiced at the peaceful transition of Namibia to independence The Namibian experience has renewed hopes for a peaceful change in South Africa leading to a total dismantling of the universally condemned system of apartheid. These hopes have been reinforced by positive factors conducive to such a change that have emerged in the country during the past months.
Foremost among them is the exemplary far-sightedness, wisdom and statesmanship that has marked Mr. Nelson Mandela's every action and pronouncements ever since his release from prison. Due credit must also be given to the political courage displayed by President De Klerk in pledging to abandon apartheid and to seek a peaceful transition to a new South Africa, non-racial and democratic. Thanks to the pragmatism and realism displayed by them, the African National Congress of South Africa (AMC) and the South Africa, Government have been able to adopt a joint declaration aimed at accelerating the political process towards a negotiated settlement. Promising though the situation is, it is yet too early to assume with complete assurance that the process for positive change in that country has become irreversible and that an end to the apartheid system is within reach, Apartheid laws and apartheid structures are still in place, the urge the South African Government to do away with these pillars of the outdated system as soon as possible in response to the will of the international community expressed in the Declaration adopted at the sixteenth special session o£ the General Assembly. In the meantime, the international community must not relax its existing pressure in order to convince the yet unrepentant sections of the white minority that apartheid has no future in their country.
The resolution of the conflict in Nicaragua, in which the United Nations played a major role, encourages us to hope that the search for peaceful settlement of the conflicts in soma other Central American States, under the auspices of the Secretary-General, will soon bear fruit.
Myanmar is a South-East Asian country having close historical ties and cultural affinities with other countries in our sub-region. We are therefore most happy to see significant progress made in the past few weeks towards ending strife in neighbouring Cambodia. We welcome Security Council resolution 668 (1990) of 20 September 1990, endorsing the framework for the comprehensive political settlement of the conflict in that country, formulated by its permanent members. We welcome in particular the acceptance by all the Cambodian parties of this framework in its entirety as the basis for settling the conflict, and the agreement reached by them at the recant Jakarta meeting to form a Supreme National Council. Having regard to the complexities of the conflict, particularly in its international aspects, we agree that the United Nations must play a significant role in the Cambodian peace process. In this connection, we feel that it is only fair that the States members of the United Nations which are not directly involved in this process should be fully apprised in advance of the resource implications of the contemplated United Nations operations in Cambodia, in particular those of a financial nature.
With the depth and clarity of perception that has become the hallmark of his assessments of the state of the world the Secretary-General in his latest annual report, has alluded tot "the dawn of a new era in Europe, streaks of light in some regions and the darkness of old animosities and new hatreds enveloping others. (A,4S,1. p. 3Ì The region where "old animosities and new hatred·" are casting their long shadows of darkness and are threatening to undermine the promise of a more peaceful, just and secure international order is the Middle last.
Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent purported annexation of Kuwait are acts of aggression by any definition. The prohibition enunciated in the Charter principle that all States "shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or us· of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State" is absolute. Whenever and wherever this fundamental principle is violated, it is incumbent upon all peace-loving and law-abiding States to stand resolutely and collectively in defence of this vital fundamental principle in conformity with the provisions of the· Charter. The decisions on the situation taken by the Security Council to date, whose objective is to restore the status quo ante in Kuwait, constitute decisive action to uphold the sanctity of this principle. That is why the Union of Myanmar unreservedly supports the decisions and took immediate action to ensure that all Myanmar Government agencies, private entities and individuals strictly comply with the terms of Security Council resolution 661 (1990). The essential purpose of these decisions is, in our view, to terminate the act of aggression and its consequences through political and diplomatic means. Given the fact that the Gulf region has now been transformed into the scene of the world's heaviest concentration of Multinational adversarial military forces deployed in battle-ready formations, and given the latent volatility of the Middle East as a whole, any other course of action to bring about the objectives set forth in the Security Council resolutions would be fraught with incalculable and far-reaching dangers.
The crisis in the Gulf has underscored the urgency to redouble efforts to find a just and durable solution to the Middle East problem as a whole. At the core of this problem is the question of Palestine. We firmly believe that а comprehensive, just and hone· lasting solution to this problem must b· based on the principle of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area, including Israel, coupled with the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to national independence and sovereignty. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) continue to remain the only workable basis for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East in consonance with the above-mentioned principles. To that end, my delegation wholeheartedly supports the proposal to hold an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations with the participation of all parties concerned on an equal footing.
The year 1990 is a remarkable year for international efforts to combat the scourge of illicit drugs. The seventeenth special session of the General Assembly, on narcotic drugs, held in Raw York in February this year, and the World Ministerial Summit to Seduce Demand for Drugs and to Combat the Cocaine Threat, held in London last April, marked two important milestone in the history of mankind's war on illicit drugs. The Global Plan of Action adopted by the seventeenth special session and the Declaration issued at the London Ministerial Summit have given added impetus and sense of purpose to the international campaign against narcotic drugs.
We in Myanmar continue to intensify our relentless war on illicit drugs, carrying forward the momentum generated by our nation-wide anti-drug campaigns and programmes which have been in full swing since independence. The multi-faceted and multi-sectoral anti-drug measures being undertaken by the Myanmar authorities nation-wide are making steady headway on all fronts. In February this year and again in April, heroin and other narcotic drugs worth $921 million at prevailing street prices in the United States were destroyed in Yangon in full view of members of the diplomatic corps, representatives of United Rations agencies and foreign journalists.
Our multi-faceted and multi-sectoral anti-illicit-drug strategy includes a programme for the development of frontier areas and national races. This programme, which places particular emphasis on infrastructure-building, crop substitution, livestock breeding and the overall alleviation of socio-economic conditions in border areas, is making a perceptible impact on the all-round development of rural areas in 44 townships in the border region.
In parallel with these national efforts, Myanmar has already established close co-operative agreements with two of our neighbouring countries, China and Thailand. These arrangements include exchanges of information on drug trafficking and related activities along our common borders, training of law-enforcement personnel and transfer of technology. They complement and reinforce each country’s national drug-control programmes and activities. Plans are well in hand to establish similar co-operative arrangements with another neighbouring country, the Lao People's Democratic Republic. These endeavours are currently being undertaken on a bilateral basis but are expected to develop into a broader co-operative arrangement at the subregional level.
In view of the progress achieved thus far and of the definite plans and programmes which we will be energetically carrying out in the future, we have ample reason to visualise the total eradication of poppy cultivation and of the menace of illicit drugs in Myanmar  in the shortest possible time,
On 27 Nay 1990, the first multi-party general elections in nearly three decades were successfully held in my country in response to the ardent wishes and aspirations of the people Myanmar. This historic event constitutes the fulfilment of the solemn promise made by the State Law and Order Restoration Council on the very first day of its assumption of national responsibility, and reaffirmed on numerous subsequent occasions. The elections were held in strict observance of the election Law and Rules, under the supervision of an independent five-member Election Commission. The fact that the elections were genuinely free and fair, beyond any doubt, was universally recognised by all the political parties which contested the elections and by a large group of journalists, representing 32 news agencies, who observed the elations at first hand.
In a remarkably high turn-out, 72.59 per cent of eligible voters went to the polls on election day and exercised one of the most fundamental human rights, that is, their right to elect National Assembly representatives of their choice, without lat or hindrance.
Having fulfilled its promise to hold free and fair multi-party elections, the State Law and Order Restoration Council is now taking firm steps systematically and step by step - towards the establishment of a stable and enduring democratic State.
Questions have been raised in some quarters regarding transfer of power to a democratically elected Government in my country. In this connection, I should like to stress that our leaders have given assurances on several occasions that the State Law and Order Restoration Council will hand over power in due course to a strong and stable Government that is to be formed in accordance with a new constitution to be drafted.
Those who have raised such questions do not seem to be aware of the due process of law that is now taking place in Myanmar in accordance with the Election Law. Under the relevant provisions of the Law, a number of candidates have filed objections with the Election Commission against their opponents. Both the petitioners and the respondents represent a broad cross-section of political parties, including the National League for Democracy, the National Unity Party and some independents. The Government has thus far set up five tribunals, with widely respected retired law officers and civil service personnel, to investigate these objections. The tribunals are presently conducting their court proceedings and hearings. This dies process must be allowed to complete its course; those petitioners exercising their rights cannot be denied their rights.
A strong and stable government presupposes a strong and enduring constitution. The next indispensable step, therefore, is the drafting of such a constitution in order to lay a solid foundation for a democratic State, to which the people of Myanmar aspire.
The new constitution needs to be drafted with great care in order to ensure that the shortcomings and loopholes of the old constitution of 1947, which was drawn up before Myanmar became independent, do not find their way into the new instrument.
Needless to say, it must be elaborated meticulously, comprehensively, systematically. It must be based on national consensus and must be acceptable to the majority of the people of Myanmar as well as to the majority of the national races living in the Union. To that end, the authorities are taking all necessary measures, step by step, and plan to meet with the elected representatives of the National Assembly. A broadly based national convention will be convened to discuss all factors that should be taken into account in drafting the new Constitution. Its drafting will be the responsibility of the elected representatives. The State Law and Order Restoration Council and the Defence Services will do their outmost to assist them in this task.
Until such time as a firm, constitutionally established government comes into existence, the State Law and Order Restoration Council will continue to fulfil its national responsibilities, the most important of which is to safeguard the three cardinal national causes, namely, to prevent the disintegration of the Union, to ensure the non-disintegration of national solidarity and to ensure the perpetuity of our country's sovereignty.
Myanmar is known for its unique culture, whose hallmarks are tolerance and compassion. This cultural environment underpins respect for human rights, which not only are protected by law but are also observed in practice as a matter of tradition. Discrimination, be it on grounds of race, religion or sex, is a non-existent in my country.
We have been co-operating closely with the Commission on Human Sights, its subsidiary bodies and the Centre for Human Sights in Geneva, and have been providing information to them on the situation of human rights in our country. We shall continue to do so in the future. Let me take this opportunity to inform the Assembly that the Government of Myanmar has agreed to, and indeed welcomes, the visit to our country of Professor Sadako Ogata, an independent expert appointed by the Commission on Human Sights. She will shortly be arriving in Myanmar to carry out her mandate.
Questions have been raised in certain quarters concerning the restraint placed on certain individuals in my country. As we have clarified on numerous occasions, legal action has been taken against those persons not for their political activities but for their infringement of the existing laws of the land. I should like to emphasise that a line must be drawn between respect for human rights, on the one hand, and maintenance of law and public order in accordance with existing laws, on the other. Every Government has the primary responsibility to maintain law and order in its country and to prevent anarchy and disorder. I might add that the actions taken against the persons in question are the most lenient prescribed by our laws, even though the acts perpetrated by them, which include instigating the general public to defy the legal authority and forming a parallel government, make them liable to much sterner penalties under our criminal laws.
I hardly need to stress here that our national undertaking to establish a peaceful and prosperous multi-party democratic State must be accomplished by the people of Myanmar themselves in accordance with Myanmar's outlook and in the Myanmar way, so as to suit our nation's own specific conditions and circumstances. The international community can best help that process by refraining from interfering or bringing pressure to bear in any shape or form and by letting the people of Myanmar proceed along their own path until they reach their chosen destiny of a free and democratic State.


The forty-fifth session of the General Assembly is taking place at a very special time in the history of the United Nations and of mankind. For the first time in more than two generations, the arms race between the major Powers seems, at last, to have ended, thus paving the way, as we all hope, to the understanding and co-operation, that all nations desire.
Thus, Mr. Guido de Marco has succeeded General Joseph N. Garba of Nigeria as President of the General Assembly in circumstances that are very special and filled with great promise. The delegation of Chad offers him its warmest congratulations and wishes him and the other officers of the Assembly every success.
I wish also to extend the Chadian Government's friendly greetings and warmest congratulations to the Secretary-General of our Organisation. We commend him for his dedication to the cause of peace and his tireless efforts to assist the peoples of the third world in combating destitution and poverty. Impelled by his energy and leadership, the United Nations successfully brought independence to Namibia, and, thanks to the concerted effort of the Members of the Organization.
Nelson Mandela, a hero of the struggle for dignity and equality in South Africa, is again free. As we welcome the presence of the sister nation of Namibia in the General Assembly, we venture to hope that we will soon see a multiracial delegation of South Africa occupying that country's seat in this Hall.
My delegation also congratulates the Principality of Liechtenstein on its admission to the Organisation as its 160th Member.
At the forty-fourth session, we saw the first signs of the end of the cold war. Throughout Central and Eastern Europe political liberalisation has in a few months transformed relationships which had been frozen and seemed immutable for the past 40 years. The signals we got from the Malta Summit on 3 and 4 December 1989 were forerunners of the end of one period - the cold war - and the beginning of another, a period of dialogue and concerted action. Since then the words "peace", "freedom" and "democracy" have become our leitmotiv, the concepts driving the actions of the world.
Chad, for its part, did not wait for the East wind to blow over the rest of the world before embarking upon political changes. In fact, as early as 7 June 1982 the Government of the Third Republic began to lay the bases for genuine democracy in the country. It did so first by calling on the Chadian people for national reconciliation after the tragedies that had beset the country. Then, in 1987, it expelled the foreign occupation forces from the northern half of the country. And, finally, it set up in July 1088 the Constitutional Committee that produced the Constitution adopted by referendum on 10 December 1989. That referendum was also the process used to elect the President of the Republic, His Excellency Mr. Al-Hadj Hussein Habre, for a term of seven years.
The new Constitution, which was a genuine product of the Chadian people and was adopted by a large majority vote of our people, today governs the public life of the country. Its provisions embody the universal principles of democracy and freedom, and thus the rights and duties of citizens - in other words, human rights. The institutions provided for under the new Constitution are beginning to come into being. Thus, on 8 July 1990 the Chadian electorate went to the polls to fill the 123 seats in the National Assembly. For the first time in the history of independent Chad, the voters were free to choose their representatives from among 436 candidates who were standing for election on an individual basis. The elections took place in a calm atmosphere, attesting to the political maturity which was acquired by the Chadian people during the long years of a war of aggression and was bolstered by national feeling forged by its suffering.
If political freedom is to bear fruit, it must go hand in hand with harmonious economic development. For that reason, as it seeks to bring about democratization in ways that take into account Chadian cultural values, the Government of the Republic of Chad has committed itself to a programme for the reconstruction and development of the country. Unfortunately, however, apart from the problems of war, the other scourges which Chad had to endure for years have once against raised their heads. I am referring specifically to drought and the pests that destroy crops and vegetation.
Chad, together with the rest of the Sahelian region, has suffered from a shortage of rainfall in 1990, reminiscent of the worst years of drought, famine and desertification. The current year will be one of the most disastrous for farming and the Chadian people already can hear famine knocking at their door. Therefore, once again, the Government of the Third Republic has the regrettable duty to make a pressing appeal to the international community, to all donor countries and agencies, to provide food assistance as promptly as possible to the neediest sectors of the Chadian population. As in the past, the Government of Chad will undertake to distribute that assistance to the beneficiaries in the most open fashion.
Dependent as it is on one crop - cotton - Chad continues to suffer from the crisis that affected that sector in 1986. The very slight hardening of cotton prices in recent years has made the gradual reorganisation of that sector possible, but at the same time Chad is trying to find other means of offsetting the budgetary losses occasioned by the restructuring.
With the primary objective of eradicating hunger and poverty in Chad, the Government of the Third Republic has made rural development the country's priority. This will involve improved health, a higher level of literacy and, above all, the mastering of agricultural research techniques in order to adapt the various crops to the country's climatic conditions and thus maximize the productivity. But, regrettably, the uncertainty of the climate has frustrated our efforts.
As the same time, the choice of this priority in no way represents neglect of the other sectors of the economy, which are equally important and to which we are paying great attention. But for a Sahilian country such as ours, assailed by drought and desertification, the assuring of our food supply becomes a daily concern that haunts us. In this respect, the substantial underground water reserves in Chad could be drawn upon through an irrigation programme in the arid and semi-arid areas of the country.
Contributions from friendly countries and international development agencies and organisations to the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Chad, together with the massive participation of the major donors at the round-table on Chadian development, from 18 to 20 June 1990, lead us to hope that our struggle for food security will receive increasing support from our partners.
Similarly, the conference on education and employment to be held at the end of the year as part of our sectoral approach to development in Chad would be especially successful if our major partners were to take an active part.
As we once again earnestly appeal to our donors to continue to lend us their invaluable support, we also wish to express to them the gratitude and appreciation of the Government and people of Chad. Our thanks go in particular to the Governments of France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, the United States, the Netherlands, Switzerland, China, Saudi Arabia and many others that it would not be possible to name here, and also to development agencies such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the World Bank and the European Economic Community (EEC) through the European Development Fund.
We would also like to pay a special tribute to those officials of UNDP who assisted us in preparing for the Geneva round-table as well as to France and the World Bank for their assistance in the preparations for the conference on education and employment.
Reconstruction and development in a country such as Chad represent a long-term undertaking. Mindful as we are of this fact, we are striving to rely, first and foremost, on ourselves, but, given our limited resources, we are also obliged to rely on the assistance of the international community as a whole if we are to achieve our objectives. In this regard, we are again this year submitting to the General Assembly a draft resolution on special assistance to Chad. We are confident that delegations will once again support this text as they have done in the last few years.
As we have always stressed, peace is a prerequisite of any economic and social progress. Chad has legitimate aspirations to peace while in no way neglecting the need to defend its territorial integrity and the dignity of its people.
Open as we are to dialogue and co-operation, Chad is firmly resolved to live in peace with all its neighbours, without distinction. In that spirit, the Government of the Third Republic has professed its faith in the sound nature of the Chadian spirit, which is once of tolerance and hospitality. Unfortunately, this openness of spirit seems to have been regarded by certain neighbouring countries as weakness, to such a point that, at a certain moment in its history, Chad found itself almost entirely occupied and laid waste with its very existence as a State flouted.
The national uprising which ended that situation has also restored dignity to the Chadian people. Today, the people of Chad are united in locking towards the future, resolved to make their country a great nation.
It is in this perspective that we see the bilateral dialogue and the dialogue taking place in the ad hoc committee of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) concerning the Chad-Libya dispute which led to the cease-fire in September 1987 and to the signing of the Framework Agreement o¿ Algiers on 31 August 1989 concerning the peaceful settlement of the territorial dispute between the two countries.
In this respect, even though conciliation has not led to the desired results, the Algiers Agreement has been respected by the two parties to the conflict as far as the ruling of the International Court of Justice is concerned.
Given the nature of the jurisprudence and the norms of international law in this area, together with the fact that the OAU has made uti possedetis the linchpin of the principle of the sacredness of the ^orders inherited from colonisation, Chad continues to have confidence in the future rulings of the Court. Chad has confidence in the United Nations bodies and agencies in their role as organs responsible for safeguarding peace and security and preserving the sovereignty of small vulnerable nations.
Respect for the norms and principles of international law should henceforth govern relations among States at a time when the major actors in international life are demonstrating their faith in the United Nations system in а very concrete manner.
Hope is being reborn in the hearts of billions of men and women who have always desired - seemingly in vain - an end to the cold war and to regional conflicts and longed for the dawning of greater justice in international relations. How, only a few years away from the next millennium, the community of nations must welcome the changes in Eastern Europe which have suddenly relaxed the atmosphere to such an extent that it is now possible to hope that a nuclear war may be averted and that there are greater chances of ending regional conflicts.
The positive developments in South Africa, the independence of Namibia, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan are all, in this respect, palpable proof, and indeed logical consequences, of East-West detente. At the same time, the democratisation of Central and Eastern Europe lead the people of that continent to hope for the realisation in the near future of the Common European Home.
But the fires of tension are by no means completely extinguished. In Asia, in Latin America, in Africa and in the Middle East, especially in the Gulf region, tensions persist and new ones arise. Bloody confrontations pose a dangerous threat to peace and security in those regions and throughout the world.
Everyone knows that the present Gulf crisis greatly transcends the boundaries of the States directly involved, going beyond the Middle East itself. It is a real time-bomb threatening the whole of mankind. It is clear that a military conflagration would destroy the entire region. While no one knows when or how it might be ended, it is certain that it would take an unacceptable number of innocent lives and would cause lasting disruption to economic and political life world-wide. Therefore, Chad joins the rest of the international Community in calling for a rapid peaceful settlement to this dangerous conflict. It goes without saying that, to be viable, such a settlement must take account of the interests and concerns of all parties; it is also clear that no peaceful solution will be possible unless it is rooted in the legal and political norms and principles that are the foundation of international political life. In other words, it must have its basis in respect for international law, respect for the United Nations Charter and respect for the various resolutions adopted by the United Nations on this subject.
Aware of our own country's recent past, my delegation joins previous speakers in urgently appealing to the international community to do everything in its power to find peaceful solutions to all these conflicts. The present climate in international relations more than ever before favours positive co-operation to that end. We encourage the Secretary-General in his peace initiatives designed to ensure that understanding and concord prevail throughout the world. The universal peace to which we have aspired since the creation of the United Nations is within our grasp, and can be achieved if we bring the necessary means to bear. Future generations will judge us very harshly if we fail to grasp this unique opportunity to restore peace throughout the world. That peace must be just, lasting and comprehensive. It must take into account the dignity of all peoples and bring greater justice to relations among States.
While we cannot but welcome the independence of Namibia, apartheid continues to rear its ugly head in neighbouring South Africa, despite the talks under way between Pretoria and the African National Congress of South Africa. The evil minds that created that political system have even generated inter-tribal differences in order to delay further the elimination of racial discrimination.
Above all, justice must be manifested in international economic relations, where the inequality is most striking. The international economic situation seems to be far from benefiting from the improvements of recent years. Although growth ha, continued in developed market-economy countries, the countries of Latin America and Africa suffer from stagnation or even regression.
The causes of this deterioration were identified long ago and are well known. In particular, we note the content major fall in commodity prices, the net transfer of resources to developed countries, the enormous debt burden and skyrocketing interest rates.
Over the past 30 years there has been no lack of United Nations initiatives designed to find overall solutions to the great challenges of the day: poverty, famine, ignorance and disease. The magnitude of these scourges cries out to the conscience of all, and the developing countries feel increasingly that everything is being done to delay the inevitable day o£ reckoning.
Africa, a continent on the way to being marginalised, is facing a real disaster, and nothing in the short term gives us hope that the trend will be reversed. Moreover, the blame for the crisis in the continent is being placed on the Africans themselves. As President Al-Haj Hissein Habre has said,
"A ferocious media campaign is now trying to show that problems of underdevelopment are due to come congenital lack of ability on the part of the Africans".
Poverty, exacerbated by policies of structural adjustment with a high social cost, is spreading, and threatens peace in many countries.
As I say, there has been no lack of initiatives, and the United Nations has a fundamental role to play in the maintenance of international peace and security as well as in the promotion of development. That is why the Declaration on economic co-operation adopted at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly and the Paris Declaration on the Least Developed Countries, despite their scope, should be seen as important challenges for this final decade of the century.
The crucial problems confronting the developing countries and the least developed among them in particular can be solved only if accepted principles and objectives are applied in a comprehensive and integrated manner. In the final analysis, genuine international co-operation for development requires the political will of States, buttressed by a spirit of equity and, above all, a sense of justice. Without justice, North-South antagonisms could grow worse. The end of the cold war and of the arms race should provide an opportunity for all mankind to turn in the same direction and to direct its creative forces towards the development of the third world, the eradication of poverty, and scientific progress for the common good.
While democracy and human rights are central questions in development, what do human rights and individual freedoms mean to starving people huddled together in destitution and ignorance?
Lags in various areas of development resulting from an unjust economic order are the basic causes of underdevelopment. Countries will not emerge from their situation by creating anarchy in over-indebted countries whose people live below the poverty line. To have some chance of success political liberalisation must be sustained and promoted by integrated economic development.
Similarly, the protection of the environment must not be achieved at the expense of the countries of the third world in general and Africa in particular. Nor must it be a pretext for unreasonable delay in carrying out development projects initiated by underdeveloped countries.
It goes without saying that for a Sahelian country like Chad, with so fragile an environment, protecting the ecosystem is of special importance to us as we formulate our development policies. If we are to push back the desert and conquer it, we need everyone's assistance.
This session of the Assembly has seen the convening of the first florid Summit for Children. That unique event was an extraordinary hymn to hope and to mankind's future. The world awareness evidenced at that meeting with regard to the nature of the tragic sufferings of the planet's children and to the remedies needed is proof in itself of the resolve of nations and their leaders to meet all the challenges that endanger the cowing generations. Chad takes this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to asking its modest contribution to the building of a world finally free from poverty, exploitation, racism, oppression and war, a world in which peace, freedom, justice, mutual understanding and material and spiritual well-being will prevail.


Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of the United Arab Emirates, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you our sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We are fully confident that you will conduct the affairs of this session with the statesmanship and competence that are required for the realisation of the desired results. The wise policies of your country and the constructive role that it plays, reinforce our confidence in your abilities. It also gives me great pleasure to express our deepest thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Joseph Garba for his very able stewardship of the previous session.
On this occasion, I should also like to express my Government's appreciation for the leadership and constructive efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, in order to enhance the role of the Organization. Thanks to his tireless efforts, the United Nations has become an effective centre for agreement and decisions and a barrier against chaos in international relations.
Since last year's session, two new States - Namibia and Liechtenstein - have become Members of the United Nations. We welcome these two new Member States and assure them of our co-operation in order to promote the noble purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. We are also happy to welcome the unification of the two Germanys, as we believe this to be a new stabilizing factor in world politics.
People all over the world - east and west, north and south - warmly welcomed the emergence of a new world of co-operation, a world in which the fear of confrontation between the two super-Powers started to disappear with the ending of the cold war that characterized international order since the end of the Second World War. We, like all other States and peoples, welcomed with a great deal of optimism and hope the new spirit that pervaded international relations. The great relaxation in the relations between the two super-Powers, together with the momentous changes in Eastern Europe and the advances made in the settlement of regional conflicts, were all indications that we are on the threshold of a new world. It was the world originally conceived by the authors of the Charter - a world in which dialogue, peaceful settlement and respect for international law would reign supreme, and would become the principle that governs relations among nations and communities. That would be a world of mutual respect and co-operation in our striving for prosperity in which creativity, progress and stability would become the arenas of competition.
On the Arab level, these developments had a positive impact on inter-Arab relations. A new spirit began to pervade those relations. The new climate of hope and optimism went hand in hand with efforts to formulate a new strategy of joint Arab action based on understanding, solidarity and commitment to brotherly Arab ties and Arab covenants. In pursuit of this goal, several Arab meetings were held. Other steps were taken within the framework of the Arab League in order to make preparations for holding an Arab summit conference whose purpose was to outline, for the first time, the future to which the Arab people aspire, a future where peace and prosperity prevail. One of the first fruits of the new spirit in the Arab world was the unity of the two Yemens which we joyfully welcomed.
Unfortunately, our optimism was short-lived because, suddenly, the world found itself returning to the pre-United Nations era. There emerged someone who tried to obliterate 45 years of unstinting human effort to build stability and uphold the right of States and peoples to live in peace. There emerged someone who also tried to reverse all the endeavours that have been undertaken to build a brighter Arab future, and undermine the very foundations of Arab solidarity.
On 2 August 1990, Iraqi forces invaded the State of Kuwait. The small and peaceful member of the international community then became a victim of brutal usurpation and occupation whose identity Iraq has tried to obliterate through annexation and systematic destruction of its institutions and infrastructures.
No one expected 1990 to be the year of Arab crisis. However, it has brought with it a crisis of complex origins, far-reaching effects and devastating proportions. Above all, nobody expected one Arab State to inflict such atrocious injustice on a sister Arab State which in the past had fought side by side with it and defended its rights.
Iraq's aggression against Kuwait is, above all else, a violation of the Arab code of ethics and values. It is also a breach of Arab and international principles and treaties. Irrespective of the outcome of this aggression, the Arabs will be the ultimate losers.
As a responsible Arab State, the United Arab Emirates tried, with its sisterly Arab States and through the Arab League, to rectify this grave abnormality in an effort to prevent the exacerbation of the situation. However, Iraq's persistence in its aggression frustrated all collective and bilateral Arab efforts.
In this regard, our delegation would like to voice its conviction that the resolutions adopted by the emergency meeting of the Arab League, along with those endorsed by the emergency Arab Summit of 10 August, especially resolution 195, reflect our commitment to Arab treaties and principles, and to the letter and spirit of the Arab League Charter. All those resolutions call for the restoration of legitimate rights to their original owners, and reversing the injustice and aggression that were inflicted upon a sovereign member State.
A lot has been said in certain Arab and some international circles with regard to the presence of foreign troops in the region. It is important, therefore, that we clarify this matter.
Everybody knows that my country has amicable relations with all States of the world. As a small State, we always avoided military entanglements and alliances. We also refused to grant military facilities to foreign countries on our soil. We were relying, for our national security, on all the Arab and international treaties and on the protective shield of good neighbourliness. However, having been exposed to direct threats from Iraq, as was demonstrated in the memorandum of the Iraqi Foreign Minister to the Arab League on 15 July 1990, and the statements of the Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein and his senior officials, in which they considered the Emirates to be a second target after Kuwait, our country had no option, by virtue of its limited defence capabilities, but to seek the assistance of sisterly and friendly countries. In doing that, we acted in self-defence in exercise of the right to sovereignty and collective security enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. I should like, however, to emphasise here that the presence of these troops is temporary and is only linked to the present crisis, which we hope will be resolved as soon as possible.
Differences between States, regardless of their causes, do not justify aggression, and should be resolved by the peaceful means specified by the Charter of the United Nations. The aggression against Kuwait is a dangerous precedent in international relations and should be confronted decisively; otherwise, the security and existence of small States will become threatened. The arguments used by Iraq to justify its aggression against Kuwait are legally, historically and morally invalid. The firm stand taken by the world community, as embodied in the successive resolutions of the Security Council, reflects the anger of the world at Iraq's aggression.
Sight from the start, our country supported the resolutions of the Security Council. Once more, we demand that Iraq withdraw completely and unconditionally from the Kuwaiti territory, that the legitimate Government should be restored and that its sovereignty and territorial integrity should be respected. We also demand that Iraq release all civilian hostages. All other differences should be resolved afterwards through negotiations in a manner that safeguards the legitimate rights of the State of Kuwait.
From this rostrum, we appeal to all the States of the world to act resolutely and expeditiously to end the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, in order to save Iraq, and its people, as well the entire region, from a disaster of immeasurable magnitude and consequences. We should like to reaffirm once again our full solidarity with the Government and people of the sister State of Kuwait in their struggle to recover their full national sovereignty.
One of the fundamental facts that cannot be overlooked in all this is that Iraq would not have dared to commit such aggression had there not been an unfortunate history of conflict in the Middle East. A significant aspect of this background has been the failure of the international community to deter aggression and repel forces of occupation. This is especially true of the failure to implement Security Council and General Assembly resolutions with regard to the major conflict in the Middle East, the core of which is the Palestinian question. The acts of aggression, occupation, annexation and expulsion perpetrated by Israel against the Palestinian people and against the Arab front-line States have paved the way for the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait. The stalemated situation in the Middle East, together with the failure to reach a peaceful settlement to the Palestinian question and guarantee the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, gave Iraq the impression that aggression, occupation and annexation are commonplace in the region and that, consequently, the world would overlook and condone them. Iraq also believed that it could do what Israel has always done by force of arms and thus face the world with a fait accompli.
Iraq has tried to exploit the prevalent Arab sentiments towards the just Palestinian question to establish a link between that just cause and its unjust occupation of Kuwait. While my country condemns all acts of aggression and occupation, it sees no link between these two different cases. Regardless of the harm that the Iraqi aggression has caused to the Palestinian question and to other pan-Arab causes, our delegation firmly believes that the international community, which has exhibited unity and exercised authority in a decisive manner against the Iraqi aggression, is duty-bound to exercise the sane authority against all acts of aggression, especially Israel's aggression against and occupation of Palestine and other Arab lands. The objective is to achieve a just and durable peace and settle the Palestine question in such a way as to realise the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, foremost among which is their right to establish an independent State on their national soil in Palestine.
Lebanon is another outstanding Middle East problem. Such problems partly stem from the Israeli policies of expansion and occupation. Through the Tripartite Committee, Arab efforts have almost succeeded in bringing about a final settlement to Lebanon's problems and conflicts. To bring those efforts to fruition, a united stand on the part of the international community is required to assist Lebanon and end its ordeal. Our delegation commends the progress achieved by the Tripartite Committee in its endeavours to bring about national reconciliation. We appeal to all the Lebanese parties to work diligently towards the settlement of their differences and the resolution of their problems by peaceful and democratic means, in keeping with Lebanese tradition. We also appeal to the international community to work towards ending Israel's occupation of southern Lebanon so that Lebanon may recover and exercise its authority over its national soil.
Despite the agonies of our region, we must put on record here the positive developments which have taken place in many other regional problems. We are happy to see the Namibian question resolved, with Namibia regaining its sovereignty and independence after many years of struggle. We would like to express here our appreciation for the leading role of the United Nations and its agencies and mechanisms in the issue to this positive and democratic conclusion.
We are aware of the impact of the settlement of the Namibian question on the situation in South Africa, including the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela and the dawning of a new era in that country. However, we believe that we have a long way to go and that much more must be done to dismantle the system of apartheid. Despite some positive signs and the political efforts undertaken by all parties, we shall not relax until we see all repressive and racist letters completely eliminated and the majority given its full political and economic rights. We therefore hope that the international community will keep up its pressure until racism is uprooted and completely eradicated.
With regard to Central America, our Government welcomes the fruitful results produced by the efforts of the Governments of that region which led, in co-operation with the Secretary-General, to the settlement of the situation in Nicaragua. We hope to see a similar positive outcome in dealing with the other outstanding problems in the region.
My Government welcomes the agreement reached by the five permanent members of the Security Council at the end of last August to settle the problems of Cambodia on the basis of an active United Nations role. The fact that the parties to the conflict have accepted such a framework should encourage optimism and lead to success. We also hope that the ongoing dialogue between North Korea and South Korea will eliminate the causes underlying their differences and realize the desire of their people for unity.
It is most unfortunate that, so far, the efforts of the Secretary-General in addressing the issues of Cyprus and Afghanistan have not been crowned with success. We hope the Secretary-General will pursue his efforts in order to bring about a final solution to the two problems in a manner consistent with the desires of their peoples and the objectives and principles of the Charter.
The noblest objective of the founding fathers of the Charter was the avoidance and prevention of war and the establishment of an international order of peace and security. Events, including the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait, have demonstrated that the amassing of weapons by any State in excess of its defensive needs becomes a strong incentive to use its armaments for aggression. The lure of armed force tends to weaken adherence to international law and conventions. That was amply demonstrated by the crimes committed by Iraqi forces against Kuwait. Israel is another case in point. Here again, superior military power has continued to motivate aggression against neighbouring Arab countries.
This is the reason why my country has continuously and strongly supported arms control in the areas of conventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction. While progress has been made in that respect by the two super-Powers, no real attention has been paid to the amassing of weapons on the regional level. We believe there is a need to take necessary action to ensure arms control and prohibit the development of weapons of mass destruction, especially in the Middle East. The Kuwaiti crisis may trigger a renewed arms race in the region and increase the prospects of war and acts of aggression. We must also mention here the military arsenal of Israel, its weapons of mass destruction and, particularly, its nuclear weapons.
Our country wishes to reiterate its welcome to the proposal of creating nuclear-weapon-free zones, especially in the Middle East.
Since independence, my country has annually allocated a significant percentage of its gross national product for aid to the developing countries, through bilateral and multilateral assistance as well as through international financial institutions. In spite of all the pressures we have been facing as a developing country dependent on the single commodity of oil and notwithstanding that commodity's price fluctuations, we have never wavered in giving aid to the needy countries. The Abu Dhabi Fund for Economic Development continues to play a fundamental role in that respect through a number o£ financial development projects in the developing countries.
The crisis in Kuwait has dealt a severe blow to international development efforts. The impact of the crisis has been tragic in the case of a number of developing countries. One consequence has been a drastic increase in the price of oil, which has inflicted further severe losses on the developing countries and sent shock waves through the global financial markets, creating a crisis of confidence among investors.
The letters and memoranda received by the Security Council Committee set up in accordance with Security Council resolution 661 (1990) are sufficient proof of the damage caused by the crisis to the economies of many countries that were either directly or indirectly connected by international trade and finance to the countries of the region.
There is no doubt that the numbers and the plight of displaced Arab and Asian refugees attest to the human suffering brought about by the Iraqi aggression.
My country, which has given basic aid to the countries that have been affected directly, is fully prepared to take part in the international efforts to alleviate the effects of the crisis on the developing countries.
In this context, we support the setting up of an international agency to work in conjunction with the Security Council committee established under resolution 661 (1990) to assess the economic damage caused by the crisis, and assist in the creation of a donor fund to which all countries may contribute to help the countries affected. My country is fully prepared to assume its responsibilities and participate in this effort to save the world from an economic disaster, since it has not been possible to avoid political catastrophe.
It gives me great pleasure to announce that my country has earmarked 1 billion dollars as a contribution towards the efforts aimed at reducing the burden on third world countries caused by the Gulf crisis and the implementation of resolution 661.
The attention of the world has focused as never before on the United Nations which has demonstrated that it is the international instrument capable of dealing with new crises. The last few weeks have proved that co-operation and co-ordination among the great Powers can promote international peace and security in a constructive and indispensable manner in the world of today.
In spite of the grave threat the Gulf crisis has posed to international peace, the concern for international détente shown by the super-Powers through their use of the Security Council demonstrates the vital importance of this international Organization. This concern made many countries, especially the smaller ones and those which do not have all the necessary means to defend their independence, feel that the international system is able to protect them and preserve their independence. From this standpoint, our delegation commends tie United Nations on the crucial role it has played. We do consider this to be the rebirth of this international Organization, and call on all its Member States to reinforce its role, especially that of the Security Council, in the settlement of international and regional problems.


Sir, on taking the floor on behalf of the European community and its member States, I should like to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. I am very happy to do so also because you represent a country with which Italy and the European Community maintain traditional relations of friendship and co-operation. You take up the presidency at a very difficult time of challenge for the United Nations. I am sure that your experience and diplomatic skill will greatly help to ensure a fruitful and constructive forty-fifth session of the General Assembly, in the interest of the international community. Let me also express the fullest appreciation of the European Community and its member States to the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts in favour of international peace.
I should also like to welcome warmly the admission as a full Member of the United Nations of Liechtenstein, a member of the European family with which the European Community and its member States maintain close and friendly relations. I also warmly welcome the unification of Yemen.
She positions of the European Community and its member States on the problems affecting the international community are fully illustrated in a memorandum which has been circulated today and which forms an integral part of my statement. Let me therefore concentrate here on some crucial aspects of the present situation. Perhaps never in the post-war period has the international climate changed so radically from one General Assembly to the next. How different what I have to say on behalf of the European Community is from what I would have said not only one year ago but even just two months ago. This is the first General Assembly of the new world emerging from the lengthy post-war period. It is also the first that it has to deal with a crisis arising after the end of the cold war. We are thus subjected to conflicting feelings of satisfaction at the end of East-West opposition and of concern at a new crisis arising from Iraqi aggression against Kuwait, which gives us a glimpse of new risks and new confrontations.
For the first time a State has been wiped off the map. This has not happened in the Middle East since the end of the Ottoman Empire. The very justification for the aggression is a challenge to international legality and to the political structure in the Middle East. Saddam Hussein claims that all borders in the region were drawn up artificially to divide up the Arab nation and that the time has come for Baghdad to erase them and establish unity by force of arms.
In the developing world in particular, many countries have equally precarious borders, some even more recent than those erased, which are capable of whetting further appetites. Tariq Aziz, the Iraqi Foreign Minister, claims that other Gulf States, such as Qatar, have no historical legitimacy. If that challenge were to go unanswered, it would herald a period of troubling uncertainty for the international community, the need to have a clear perception of what is at stake in a region politically no less inflammable than the raw material which provides the world with most of the energy it needs.
The Iraqi aggression represents a clear violation of the basic principles of the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, if an irresponsible, aggressive Power succeeds not only by annexation but also by intimidation and threats in deciding the policy of a region which contains 40 per cent of the world's energy resources this could have repercussions throughout the world in terms, inter alia, of employment, inflation and recession - repercussions which would affect most severely the weakest economies and thus the poorest countries of the world.
Our response has been commensurate with our awareness of the gravity of the breach of international law.
The combined opposition of so many countries, beginning with the Arab States, demonstrates the full extent of international protest and reinforces the moral and political authority of the United Nations at a time when there is an ever-growing awareness of the need for an institution of universal scope capable not only of laying down rules but also of ensuring that they are applied and of preventing intimidation, extortion and subjugation.
The world order resulting from the watershed of 1989 and the ensuing redefinition of international relations is not in crisis but is confronted by a very serious challenge. The resolutions of the Security Council are a sign that the international community not only wants to lay down certain rules but also has the means to enforce them. The cold war is really over and with it has vanished the fear that a regional conflict might escalate into an East-West world confrontation. Hone of our predecessors could have counted on such a certainty.
The decisions of the United Nations create the conditions for Iraq's withdrawal by dint of its strict embargo and the maintenance of a collective response. The sands of the desert and the constant passage of time must neither wear away the broad political and military coalition which has been built up nor undermine the unprecedented unity forged under the banner of the United Nations. Our solidarity is no less important than the validity of our motives we must not allow timidity, ambiguity or economic shortages to open a breach in our resolve.
She European Community is strengthening its own internal cohesion and extending co-operation eastwards. It warmly welcomes German unification, which, early in October, will fulfil the legitimate aspiration that the German people have cherished for over 40 years. We consider German unification as a positive factor in the development of Europe as a whole and of the Community in particular. It is making all of Europe stronger and more secure, and it will give even greater weight to Community action.
The Twelve are determined to achieve a first agreement in the negotiations on conventional armed forces in Europe and a substantial package of new confidence- and security-building measures in time for the summit of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) to be hold in Paris. The signing of a first treaty on conventional forces in Europe will be an essential element for a successful CSCE summit and will also permit negotiations on short-range nuclear forces. The Twelve will strive to ensure that the Paris summit will mark the end of the ideological and military confrontation in Europe and pave the way for building new conditions for peace and stability in Europe based on confidence and co-operation.
We have never been under the illusion that Europe could turn in on itself, that the CSCE could imply a release from needs, tensions and conflicts arising outside Europe, that in our smug satisfaction with our peaceful existence we could ignore the problems of others and the role of the United Nations.
This is demonstrated by the effective and timely response of the Community to the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait. It is understandable that the Community should immediately be aware of the gravity of what has happened since Europe's recent history is full of lessons. Europe has learned that aggression must be nipped in the bud and that the victims are most often small, defenceless States. It takes note of the fact that Saddam Hussein justifies the annexation of Kuwait by claiming that Middle East borders resulting from previous periods are worth nothing. We cites a principle which is in total contradiction not only with the United Nations Charter but also with that principle - so fundamental for us, contained in the Helsinki Final Act - of respect for borders and of their possible modification only by peaceful means.
The reaction of the Community was the most far-reaching and, perhaps, the swiftest in its history  The Twelve were the first to decide on sanctions. They put their political weight behind their own decisions and the decisions of others to deploy forces. They granted transit facilities and contributed to the adoption of decisions by the United Nations, which remains the fundamental reference point for our action. It is significant that the Community's action in respect of a crisis which has arisen outside the confines of our continent has been overwhelmingly approved by public opinion in Europe.
If the European Community could do nothing but look inwards on itself, it would not have much of a future. However, it intends increasingly to play its role as a new political force with a sense of a long history, political farsightedness and economic might.
This crisis has demonstrated the European Community’s ability to mobilize its structure to face an exceptional challenge, but at the same time it has provided an incentive to improve even further the capacity of the Twelve to act united on the world scene, a fact that constitutes a further guarantee of effectiveness for the United Nations. To that end, starting with the conferences to begin in Rome in mid-December on institutional reforms and economic and monetary union, the Twelve have decided to strengthen their common political dimension and to offer a still more effective partnership to others in a world ruled, until a short time ago, by a mutual balance of terror. To Maintain the general consensus on the sanctions, steadfast international solidarity will be necessary, the all appreciated the promptness with which certain countries increased their oil production to restore the energy balance and the way others, with equal swiftness, re-established the strategic balance in the region.
The west, and first and foremost the Community, is ready to shoulder its part of the burden, material and otherwise, so that the embargo does not fail. After all, how can we build Europe and convert it to interdependence and the market economy if uncertainty continues to paralyse an area of vital interest to the whole continent? One need only think of the energy problems of the newly democratic countries of Eastern Europe.
The implementation of the embargo entails great sacrifices for certain countries. In the framework of broader international action involving other industrialised countries and the main Arab oil producers, the European Community will offer those countries a contribution to cope with the most serious consequences of the crisis. At their meeting in Rome on 7 September the Foreign Ministers of the Community stated their willingness to support Jordan, Turkey and Egypt, the front-line States, and promised to consider the situation of other countries. We do not wish to abandon the poorest nations that are prepared to pay the heavy price of the sanctions.
Collective solidarity must be directed first and foremost to the Arab world. Only with the letter's full assistance will the political, diplomatic and economic isolation of Iraq be effective. No voice has been raised among the Arab States to justify the Iraqi moves. The attempts to call a new holy war have fallen on deaf ears.
Right from the outset of the crisis we have maintained the closest contacts with our main partners in the Arab countries and the Islamic world, and we shall continue to do so. The Community intends to speed up the implementation of the Co-operation Agreement and the negotiation on free trade with the Gulf States in the same spirit. We also intend to pursue the Euro-Arab dialogue with a meeting following up the one in Paris last December. The European Community considers it vital to continue to seek a political solution, thus avoiding imperilling by mistake · or lack of patience the new order emerging thanks to the newly acquired strength of the United Nations. With the contribution of various countries it has become possible to set up a strategic shield to prevent the conflict from spreading. We also appreciate the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to convince Iraq to put an end to a unanimously condemned violation. The waiting game will be won by the side with the staunchest determination to stand by the decisions taken, be they political, economic or military. By strictly complying with the resolutions of the Security Council, end by strengthening them appropriately, the international community will undoubtedly come out as the winning side.
In that respect, I should like to recall that the European Community and its member States have consistently advocated the adoption of measures aimed at extending control of the implementation of the embargo against Iraq to air traffic. They therefore welcome the resolution the Security Council may adopt today on this subject.
However, the price of this broad consensus must not be ineffectiveness and the price of compromise must not be injustice. The region we are talking about is on the borders of Europe and we are all endeavouring to see that the option of a settlement wins through. This must not entail compromises that violate the basic principles contained in the resolutions of the United Nations.
The search for a settlement can succeed only to the extent that we are steadfast in dissuading, and determined to isolate, Iraq. Only firmness can open the way to such a settlement and prevent the start of a devastating conflagration. Remarking on the Munich Conference, Winston Churchill observed bitterly that the democracies had chosen dishonour to avoid war and in the end they had both war and honour. The lesson is still true. Today too firmness and dissuasive action are necessary to force the aggressor to back down and to prevent an armed conflict. They are also necessary when a dictator tries to shield himself with innocent hostages to stay our hand.
The Foreign Ministers of the Twelve pointed out clearly that each member State would consider all Community nationals detained in Iraq and Kuwait as its own citizens, and stated that they held the Iraqis individually responsible for their safety. Our intention was thereby to introduce an innovation into international practice that would not be without consequences. With the precedent of Nuremberg particularly in mind, we thus reinforced the idea of individual responsibility in international affairs.
We must prepare ourselves for a siege, which could be lengthy, to achieve the objectives of forcing Iraq to withdraw to its own borders, obtaining the release of all the hostages and restoring Kuwait's independence.
The consensus that has arisen in respect of this serious and dramatic act of aggression must provide an impetus for resolving other crises and must confirm our commitment to eliminate other political injustices and promote the economic well-being of the region.
Saddam Hussein has brought his country to the brink of disaster after bleeding it white in eight years of war. He has ripped apart the fragile fraternity of the Arab world. He has made more difficult the search, which we must continue tenaciously, for a historic understanding between the Arabs and the West, between the Islamic and the Western worlds. However, the Middle East goes on in a desperately precarious state. One cannot put out one fire that has broken out, however threatening and serious it is, and let the other blaze away in the occupied territories and in Lebanon.
The military units deployed in the Saudi Arabian desert and the warships patrolling the Gulf are an effective response, but they cannot replace a policy of reducing more general tensions and instability, h solution of the current crisis that is not followed up by the drafting of guidelines for future political and economic action in the Middle East could be letters drawn in the sand, soon to be blown away and forgotten.
The European Community has been firm and consistent in its contribution to the search for a solution to the conflict in the Middle East on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). That is and continues to be our policy, unwavering in recognising that the solution lies in the right of the Palestinians to self-determination and in that of the State of Israel to exist within secure, guaranteed borders. Just as action was being stepped up to initiate dialogue between Israel and the Palestinians, and as the international community was becoming increasingly alarmed at the intolerable situation in the occupied territories, the Iraqi aggression took place and has delayed the search for a solution. The Community's policy nevertheless remains the same and it will not be diverted by the present crisis from the search for a just, lasting and comprehensive solution based on the aforementioned principles.
Lebanon, until recently one of the most successful models of religious tolerance in the Middle East, continues to tear itself apart. The European Community considers that only the implementation of the Taif agreements can help in the process of national reconciliation.
Over and above these present grave crises, the time has also come to begin reflecting on the introduction in the Middle East of a collective system capable of guaranteeing stability, security, economic and social development, and recognition of the rights of all peoples. In Helsinki Presidents Bush and Gorbachev raised the possibility of а new order of peace, a commitment to work together with the countries in the area end outside to develop regional-security structures and measures to encourage stability and peace.
In other words, without wishing to transfer the model of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCB) - which has shown itself to be so effective in our continent - in toto across the Mediterranean, we consider that it would be worth endeavouring to introduce in that area principles and measures capable of reducing military imbalances, which are in general the prelude to other military adventures, curbing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, encouraging economic and social progress, and fostering the peaceful coexistence of different cultures and civilisations.
The first test has shown that the new world order works positively, but the serious problem of a social and economic order that threaten international stability are far from being resolved, and in some cases are even more disturbing, they require the momentum that can gather only within the United Nations, since of all problems they are most universal in origin and most widespread.
We are witnessing the war that ell countries, but nest especially certain Latin American States, are waging against drugs. This problem threatens our societies and our younger generations, and creates spontaneous solidarity between Governments. The history of mankind knows no other scourge that has so permeated all regions of the world - affecting rich and poor countries alike, and overwhelming both the wealthy and the underprivileged. The Community intends to step up international co-operation on this problem. It will assist in the joint strategy, under the aegis of the United Nations, to control drugs production, manufacturing and trafficking, as well as the use to which the profits are put, by involving the banking system. Demand reduction is a main objective of the European Community and its member States.
In the same vein, the emergence of intolerant forms of religious fanaticism and the uncontrolled flows of migrants, which affect industrial societies, stem essentially from conditions that deprive a large proportion of mankind of tine cultural and material resources needed for a decent life. The problem off development will inevitably weigh increasingly on a world witnessing the disappearance of the most manifest and dangerous confrontation of the poet-war period.
The Community intends neither to withdraw into its own well-being, which is based on openness to other economies, nor to reduce its commitment towards the countries in the third world on account of its co-operation with Eastern Europe. The Community will encourage regional integration, in particular within the framework of its reviewed Mediterranean policy. We are also convinced that it is for us to create a macro-economic context favourable to growth and development through enhanced devolution of resources, which, however, must go hand in hand with domestic policies capable of promoting, alongside State initiatives, not only individual initiative but also respect for human rights. No external assistance may, in fact, compensate for ineffective national policies, as has been shown by the experience of the last decade.
Development and environmental protection appear increasingly to be a facet of the world's interdependence. We cannot expect four fifths of humanity to go on living in the present conditions and at the same time hope that this will not have intolerable repercussions on man's capacity to live in harmony with nature. We cannot worry about tropical forests and look on impassively as many countries come to grips with a debt that precludes any possibility of development. In this connection, the conclusions at which Mr. Bettino Craxi has arrived in the work with which he was entrusted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations provide many lessons. Many countries in the Community have already granted substantial reductions in debt, but this is not enough. The problem of the middle-income countries, particularly those facing severe economic-reconstruction programmes, must be tackled with special attention. Thought must be given to a now range of options in the framework of the Paris Club.
The Community considers that the strengthening of the multilateral trade system provides the best guarantee of international equilibrium and of sustainable development. The successful conclusion, before the end of the year, of the Uruguay Sound is all the more important against the background of the present crisis. It is a unique opportunity to achieve balanced and substantial progress in all fields of the ongoing negotiations. The United Nations has granted legitimacy to an unprecedented joint intervention. It is henceforward possible to perceive coexistence no longer hampered by the shackles of the cold war. A form of world management, at least of the crises most likely to have destabilising effects, is taking shape. The consensus reached to counter the Iraqi aggression must be preserved to take up other challenges. The spirit of this approach is already being put to use in the possible settlement of other conflicts, such as that in Cambodia. The agreement between the opposing parties on a transitional administrative arrangement, an end to hostilities, and free and fair elections within the framework agreed by the five permanent members of the Security Council will have the political and material support of the Community.
The opportunity must be seized to apply in full the principles of the Charter to the peaceful settlement of other unsolved problems, such as that of Cyprus. The principle of universality is of the utmost importance. For instance, the absence of the two Koreas is a vestige of the confrontation of yesteryear. We must prepare to welcome both, particularly as they wish to start off on a new footing in their mutual relations.
The United Nations is the first major attempt to democratise the international system - that is to say, to apply to relations between sovereign States the principles on which the rule of law is based. Those principles, whose solemn rebirth Europe has witnessed in the last year, are now gaining ground in all societies. Other barriers are falling, with peace-bringing, innovative effects - beginning with that most odious barrier that has so far denied the majority of the population in South Africa their rights and dignity. The Community offers its support to all those, regardless of their colour, who are joining forces to build a new South Africa free of apartheid and of all other forms of discrimination. We are following this process very attentively, with a view to adjusting the Community’s stand with regard to its developments, and we shall continue to spare no effort to contribute to its successful conclusion.
Nothing convinces us more than do the latest events of the role that the United Nation· is increasingly called upon to play in favour of justice and freedom. The European Community wishes to mobilise the growing cohesion between its members and the whole weight of its moral, political and economic force to support the United Nations with a view to achieving these objectives.
I have so far expressed the views of the Community and its member States. Let me now conclude my intervention by adding a few remarks on behalf of my own country.
One further lesson of this crisis and the conclusion that we draw from the end of the post-cold war period prompt us to reflect on the need to adjust the structure and the functioning of the United Nations to the new reality of the international scene.
Is the past, the abuse of the exercise of the right of veto has too often paralysed the capacity of the United Nations to put an end to the gravest crises. Today, the outlines of a possible new scenario are emerging, with the United Nations as the focal point in a world at last free of the nightmare of a nuclear holocaust. This compels us, as well, to review the way the United Nations operates at a time not just no longer that of the immediate post-war period - and I am thinking, inter alia, of the reference to the status of the former enemy Powers - but no longer- even that of the cold war.
Moreover, considering the progress so far achieved in European integration, thought should also be given, in my view, to institutional adjustments, within the United Nations, capable of granting a more visible role to an entity like the European Community, which Italy wants to see endowed with supranational structures for conducting foreign policy, in the interests of the United Nations and in the interests of peace in the world.