284.	 I should like to associate myself and my Government with all those who at this rostrum have congratulated Mr. Mojsov on his election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. That Unanimous election constitutes not only a fitting tribute to his great qualities as statesman, jurist and diplomat but also a well-deserved recognition of his country, Yugoslavia, which has succeeded in preserving its independence with dignity in a world in which it is so difficult to escape the influence and domination of extremely powerful and frequently insuperable political and economic forces.
285.	It is a pleasure for me to welcome the delegations of Djibouti and Viet Nam, new Members of the United Nations, and to wish them success in their mission and growing prosperity in their countries, which have been welcomed to this great family of nations.
286.	The regular session of the General Assembly is particularly overburdened with work," having an agenda which includes more than 125 items. It is true that among these there are, naturally, some which are more or less routine and many others which are not new but have, rather, come to us from previous sessions. These circumstances, however, in no way detract from the significance of the large number of items to be considered.
287.	Every year the General Assembly studies numerous reports and various suggestions and proposals on subjects that have repeatedly been considered in previous years. This proves not only the complexity and importance of the subjects but also the great diversity in trends, aspirations, interests and opinions which divide men and peoples and characterize their complexity. Therefore we can in no way attribute to a deficiency in the Organization or to inefficacy on its part the fact that certain items remain for ever on the agenda of the Assembly.
288.	Since this is the first time the new Government of El Salvador, which came into office just three months ago, has come before the General Assembly through my representation, I should like to refer, though not at great length, to some of the items we are most interested in or which affect us most closely among the many included on the agenda.
289.	To the efforts to attain disarmament, denuclearization, the strengthening of international security, decolonization and so other noble objectives pursued in this Organization to benefit mankind, we should always add a constant persevering and indefatigable struggle to further the over-all development of peoples, to improve the lot of the neediest and to eradicate or reduce hunger, ignorance, crime, disease, unhappiness, pain and grief in all their manifestations. All nations-large and small, rich and poor, weak and powerful, developed and developing—must participate in that over-all struggle because it is of benefit to all to ensure the well-being of future generations everywhere in the world, and that can be attained only through general and balanced development which would eliminate the deep differences existing at present and make possible a truly human life for all and not just for a few. His Holiness Pope John XXIII rightly said that the development of peoples was the new name of peace.
290.	My delegation regrets that, for reasons which we all know, when we resumed the work of the thirty-first regular session of the General Assembly in mid-September to consider the items left pending last year, namely, development and international economic co-operation, and the implementation of the decisions adopted by the Assembly at its seventh special session-at which time the results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation recently concluded in Paris should have been analysed-it was not possible to achieve the desired consensus. Since new efforts in that regard will be undertaken at this session, we hope that this time the necessary consensus will be achieved.
291.	It would be extremely discouraging if developing countries were ultimately to fail in their efforts to establish and consolidate a new international economic order. That would be tantamount to taking a step backwards from the position of the seventh special session, at which, fortunately, there was a frank spirit of conciliation between the industrialized nations and the developing world which opened up broad prospects for co-operation and understanding, thus keeping alive the hopes of more than two thirds of the population of the world. It is generally recognized that a new international economic order more equitable and just than the one that has prevailed heretofore will favour all those sectors equally.
292.	In this connexion I wish to emphasize the importance of the Declaration adopted by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 at their meeting on 29 September last here at United Nations Headquarters and to highlight, in particular, the concepts expressed by my colleague the Foreign Minister of Uruguay in his brilliant presentation at that time, when he spoke for the Latin American group of States.
293.	El Salvador participated and will continue to participate very actively in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The work of the Conference on such important matters as the evolution and codification of this new field of law is of capital importance for the economic development of all the peoples of the world. The body to be established to exploit the sea-bed for the benefit of all must have the necessary powers duly to safeguard the interests of the international community. These and other aspects of the subject must be considered at the forthcoming meetings of the Conference in Geneva on the basis of the composite informal negotiating text, and it is to be expected that at that time we shall overcome the obstacles which have heretofore impeded conclusion of such an important instrument as that on the law of the sea. That instrument appears even more necessary when we consider that delay in signing and implementing it could give rise to unilateral action by maritime Powers which could be detrimental to the interests of other nations.
294.	Scattered throughout the agenda of the present session there are items on two problems that are different but are nevertheless interrelated in certain respects. I refer to human rights and international terrorism.
295.	My Government is a firm supporter of the exercise and protection of human rights, which are broadly guaranteed in our political Constitution.
296.	In addition to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other United Nations documents on specific matters, two new instruments have come into force—the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
297.	Thus, notwithstanding the provisions of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter, which enshrines in the United Nations the principle of non-interference, the subject of human rights, while continuing to fall within the purview of the internal law of States, has been included in the field of international law. This is shown by the existence of declarations of rights, of the covenants I have just mentioned, and of the American Convention on Human Rights, signed in San Jose on 22 November 1969, which we hope will enter into force soon. States have freely committed themselves to promote, guarantee and respect human rights, and under international public law that commitment is not only of a moral nature; it is unquestionably legally binding.
298.	Under the present United Nations system, as well as at the inter-American level, it is incumbent upon the various commissions on human rights to act in cases of violation of human rights. No State may or should bypass those commissions and itself investigate the situation with regard to human rights in another State. There is no doubt that that would be tantamount to intervention, and, although it might be done for humanitarian reasons, it would none the less be intolerable. Furthermore, that attitude .nay, obviously, be construed as unfriendly and therefore prejudicial to good relations between friendly countries.
299.	El Salvador agrees with the idea that the United Nations should have a High Commissioner for Human Rights. That idea that has been under consideration since the French professor Rene Cassin, whose memory we praise, and several years ago suggested the creation of the post of Solicitor-General of the United Nations for Human Rights. No doubt the establishment of the post of High Commissioner would be a positive step in this regard.
300.	My country has always been against all forms of discrimination and will continue to support the efforts of the United Nations to eliminate the abnormal practices which still persist in some parts of the world and which are prejudicial to man's dignity and therefore a flagrant violation of human rights.
301.	International terrorism, that terrible scourge which affects many peoples in the world, including peoples of Latin America, and which is spurred on by foreign governments, should be rejected and condemned by all; and it is of concern in the United Nations, since in 1972 the Secretary-General proposed the item for the consideration of this Assembly.
302.	In recent years terrorist crimes have occurred frequently in El Salvador, especially kidnappings, extortion and the murder of important and progressive persons useful to the country.
303.	My Government, aware of the difficulties encountered in the struggle against this type of common crime, terrorism, will be pleased to co-operate with any efforts which this General Assembly or other United Nations bodies may undertake in order, if not to eliminate, which seems impossible, at least to reduce acts of terrorism and their abhorrent consequences.
304.	In the internal struggle against this evil of our times, Governments usually find themselves having to suspend constitutional guarantees in order to maintain public order and to safeguard the institutions of the State. The exercise of this power within reasonable limits cannot, and should not, be interpreted in the international field as being a violation of human rights, since the aim is rather to defend society and individual persons from the danger of terrorist criminals, whether active or potential.
305.	The work of decolonization, which has been launched and developed successfully by this Organization for several years, remains among the main items in the agenda of the General Assembly. My delegation will support every initiative to favour the aspirations of peoples wishing to attain their independence, as also the aspirations of those who defend their territorial integrity, such as the cases of Guatemala and Argentina with regard to Belize and the Islas Malvinas, respectively.
306.	With regard to Belize, El Salvador, which observed with extreme concern the tension which arose a few months ago in the Central American region, now views with satisfaction the talks between the Guatemalan and British Governments, which offer favourable prospects for a negotiated, settlement that will harmonize the aspirations of Guatemala with the interests of the people of Belize.
307.	Latin American countries joyously welcome the results of the negotiations carried out for over 13 years between the Governments of Panama and the United States of America on the question of the Panama Canal. President Carter and his immediate predecessors have undoubtedly made laudable efforts to try to give reasonable and just satisfaction to the aspirations of the Panamanian people, which were advocated nobly by its Government. It only remains for the two treaties signed in Washington on 7 September last, which were to replace the original instrument signed in 1903, to enter into force, after the Panamanian people adopts them in a plebiscite and the United States Senate has consented to them as provided for in its Constitution.
308.	The Government of El Salvador trusts that the conciliatory efforts made by the United Nations may in the near future, if not bring about a total elimination of the tensions due to the situations in the Middle East and in Cyprus, at least reduce them considerably and, in any case, prevent a worsening of the situation that might lead to new armed conflicts which could obviously endanger the peace and security of all nations.
309.	The prospects for the convening of a conference on the question of the Middle East soon, and, above all, the attitude adopted by the Government of Israel in recent weeks, indicate that negotiations may lead to a positive result. A recognition of the existence of Israel by the Arab States, and the just fulfilment of the aspirations of the latter, and in particular of the "Palestinian people, would certainly be the pillars of a lasting peace in that area.
310.	With regard to Cyprus we also hope that conflicting interests may be reconciled, thus ensuring a peaceful life for all of the population of Cyprus.
311.	It is frequently said that today's world is undergoing a period of transition; that the problems it faces are so serious and complex that it remains at the cross-roads; that this is the most critical, the crucial moment in its existence, and so on and so forth. This is repeated year after year from this rostrum and, therefore, we are used to hearing these words, and we almost do not realize that in fact something serious and irreparable could befall mankind. What is true is that events may occur which could lead to a better life for human beings inhabiting this planet, or which, on the contrary, could result in a world disaster or a series of cataclysms which would engulf us in desperation and suffering.
312.	This Organization, the United Nations, has the virtue for the world of generating and strengthening the necessary hope and faith in God which is the only thing which can give us peace of mind.


1.	 Mr. President, it is a great pleasure for me, on behalf of my country and on my own behalf, to congratulate you most sincerely on the excellent decision made in electing you to preside over the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. Your merits and experience ensure for our debates an expert guidance which will contribute to their success.
2.	I should like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, the head of the delegation of Sri Lanka, for his excellent work as President of the thirty-first session. I also wish to salute Mr. Kurt Waldheim and to congratulate him on behalf of my country on being re-elected Secretary-General of our Organization. During the first year of his new term of office he has discharged effectively the duties imposed on him by his august office in a manner which has reflected his ability, his dignity and his work for world peace. This, together with his long experience in the international sphere, will enable us to carry out more easily the difficult tasks which no doubt will face us in the future.
3.	This year we welcome the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti, Their presence among us brings us closer to the fall application of the cardinal principle of universality for our Organization.
4.	In my statement to this Assembly last year I expressed cautious optimism on the question of international peace and security, and some of the events that have occurred since then have confirmed that attitude.
5.	The progress achieved in regularizing the situation in Lebanon deserves particular mention. The factors involved led us to fear an extension of the conflict, and its confinement has clearly revealed the existence of a spirit of international responsibility, which all the nations here must welcome.
6.	The general situation in the Middle East shows signs of improvement. We hope that in due course the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East will be reconvened and that it will lead to agreements satisfactory to all the parties and will establish a permanent peace that, will enable the peoples concerned to resume ;he course of their development.
7.	While paying a well-deserved tribute to the late President of the Republic of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios, my Government notes the stagnation in the situation in that country. The resolutions of the General Assembly do not appear to have given effective guidelines for the solution of that dangerous situation. A new effort should be made in the light of the additional factors that might be brought out in a more open and direct discussion of the problem among the parties directly concerned.
8.	We cannot fail to be concerned at the rising tensions among the great Powers. The risks of a direct confrontation between then are less than in the .past; nevertheless, a rise in those tensions has an adverse effect in the countries that are politically at the periphery, and our peripheral societies are inevitably victims of the tension.
9.	Nor can we fail to mention the warlike actions and the profound political disturbances on the African continent. Once more we have seen the direct effects of foreign intervention, which render the solution of conflicts more difficult because it introduces elements which do take account not of the interests of the countries primarily involved but rather of the neo-colonialist strategies and long-term interests of the countries that carry out the intervention.
10.	It is our hope that the African continent will develop politically and economically. That will, however, be difficult if foreign intervention persists. We would wish the path to that progress to be freely chosen by the will of the Africans and not imposed on them from outside. We once again energetically condemn intervention as contrary to the principles that should govern relations among peoples.
11.	My country was very pleased to note the signing of the treaties on the Panama Canal. We consider that to be an event of far-reaching historical implications that will favourably affect future relations between the United States and Latin America, which has always been in solidarity with Panama concerning its claim to complete sovereignty over its entire territory.

12.	Closely linked to the tensions and interests of the great Powers, the arms race has received a new impetus which is turning disarmament into a meaningless concept. We deem it immoral for the great Powers to spend vast sums on arms to deal with situations they have themselves created. The policy of dangerous consumption that the constant preparation and replacement of arms by the great Powers represents transfers a substantial part of their costs to our economies and uses up resources that could better be used in raising the standard of living of mankind.
13.	Traditionally the promotion of international peace, the prohibition of war as a political instrument, the creation of zones set aside by law for peaceful uses and the gradual building of legal barriers to curb the arms race and the destruction caused by war have been an integral part of Latin American policy. In this connexion the legal history of Latin America has been markedly linked with the establishment of a more harmonious international order; to the devotion .to peaceful purposes of outer space, the Antarctic, the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction; and to the establishment of a larger number of denuclearized zones, the first of which was located in our own central and South American continent.
14.	The Government of my country finds no justification for separating the foreign policy of the nation of Nicaragua from thos.3 principles and aims of the Latin American region. On the contrary, we consider that if any deviation is observed, every effort should be exerted to keep our continent on a course ever further from the use of force and more within the framework of law. In this respect we welcomed the recent signing by the United States of America of Additional Protocol I of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Hatelolco). We are also pleased to observe the growing number of States which condemn the proliferation of nuclear weapons and other means of mass destruction.
15.	Accordingly, at the present session we shall support efforts intended to promote an international policy based
increasingly on peaceful relations among States and including the establishment of more zones of peace and the prohibition of nuclear weapons, treaties designed to achieve the complete prohibition of nuclear and thermonuclear tests, to prohibit the development of new weapons of mass destruction or to impose growing restrictions on the development of the capacity.
16.	For five years now the General Assembly has had before it an item on international terrorism. Certainly, the results achieved so far have been minimal. Meanwhile, terrorist crimes are on the increase. The number of innocent victims rises while our Organization cannot reach an agreement on the adoption of concrete and specific measures for the prevention and suppression of such acts. We believe in the value of human life, and we consider there can be no political or ideological justification for the destruction of human life.
17.	Last year the Federal Republic of Germany presented to the General Assembly for its consideration a proposed item concerning the drafting of an international convention against the taking of hostages, one of the acts of terrorism
most repugnant to world conscience. My country supported that proposal and was one of the members of the Ad Hoc Committee responsible for drafting the convention, which met during the month of August of this year. No substantive result was achieved at those meetings, and we therefore request that the mandate of the Ad Hoc Committee be renewed and that it be invited to continue its work in the years to come.
18.	Two months ago, the sixth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea came to a close. In our statement of last year we expressed our trust that the sixth session would achieve the reconciliation of opposing positions and would formulate the rules for a new law of the sea that would be more just and equitable than that which has governed us traditionally. That trust was disappointed, and all we have from the sixth session is an integrated text drafted by the President which is far from having obtained the necessary consensus. Some Powers have come to consider that the sixth session was not only not an advance towards a solution but, rather, a step back.
19.	We deem the situation very grave, and we believe that before the next session, scheduled for next year, every effort must be made to arrive at a unified approach. In negotiations, no one can try to impose all his points of view. Conciliation must be sought so as to bring positions closer. In particular, we should like to point out that those countries must not yield to the temptation of losing patience and taking unilateral measures on matters which are still the subject of the debate. Such a course of action would make it far more difficult to arrive at a consensus and would greatly jeopardize good relations among States.
20.	Out of profound conviction Nicaragua advocates strict respect for human rights and international action to promote them. We believe that this respect for and promotion of human rights, as enshrined in the constitutional Charter of our Organization, is one of its basic purposes and is an unavoidable responsibility of Member States.
21.	We believe that the promotion of human rights must be undertaken at the universal level, without any attempt thereby to gain any political advantage. Otherwise, a noble cause would lose its meaning and be robbed of its ethical and moral basis. In particular, we attach great importance to the effective elimination of racial discrimination and of the exaggerated economic imbalances which create what is really de facto segregation. Such discrimination and segregation must be totally eliminated.
22.	However, the fact that some States claim that they strictly and fully observe human rights does not entitle them to set themselves up as judges of other countries, arrogating to themselves a function which nobody has conferred on them and which is contrary to the principles of non-intervention and of the legal equality of States.
23.	Last week the Government of Nicaragua declared that the exercise of all constitutional guarantees was fully restored. They had been suspended when a plot was discovered against the internal security of the country, a plot reflected in terrorist acts which were repudiated by the Nicaraguan people. The authorities, with the effective co-operation of our citizens, defended the peace in order to safeguard the political, social and economic stability of the democratic system of my Government.
24.	One of the. spheres of action in which the United Nations system has proved most valuable and effective has been in economic matters. The fundamental reason for its success is probably that in matters of this kind the institutional method of co-operation and negotiation has been adopted. Situations of international crisis have arisen largely when States have departed from that institutional method and instead adopted methods involving confrontation and undue interference in the affairs of others.
25.	It should be noted, purely by way of contrast, that in the political and social fields encompassed within the United Nations system, on the other hand, the method followed has not always been that of co-operation and negotiation; instead there has been a tendency to resort more to procedures of confrontation and undue interference in the internal affairs of other countries. As a consequence, there have been clear cases of friction and tension between the system and some Member States, cases which could have been avoided if a different institutional method had been used. It is to be hoped that in the future prudence will lead us to avoid establishing organs or departments on setting up agencies except under express terms of reference with strict rules of co-operation and collaboration with Member States.
26.	The Government of my country has carefully followed the North-South dialogue. We are convinced that those negotiations should continue on the basis of joint consideration of the problems which are of vital importance for the development of our countries and for the development of a more equitable and efficient world economy.
27.	It is natural for every country to follow the development of events in the economic field in the light of what concerns its own situation and for each country to try to obtain in the end the best possible position within an order in which there is keen competition. We must point out, however, that the limit of competition is the common interest, and once that limit is exceeded there can be no impunity for anyone. Accordingly, the developing countries should continue to intensify their co-operation and should not seek solutions which, while appearing to be general solutions, in fact have the effect of benefiting some developing countries at the expense of others.
28.	That is a situation that might easily arise in the negotiations on the problems of external indebtedness. We believe there is a broad scope for exploring an increase in official development assistance, improving the terms of trade, and transferring real resources from the developed to the developing sector, before taking measures that might lead to a higher cost of capital servicing in the future, a measure which, while giving merely a short breathing-space to countries affected by the high costs of debt servicing, would only help to increase the advantages already enjoyed by countries with a high level of capital accumulation, without providing a viable and final solution for the problem of capital formation in the developing countries.
29.	The year 1977 has demonstrated the continued process of the recovery of the world economy, and particularly the recovery of the most significant of the developed economies. The importance of that recovery is clear for my Government, since we need the highest possible level of international consumption for our goods. However, the most fortunate of the developed countries should not forget that that recovery was possible only at high cost to the developing countries, reflected in higher unemployment and underemployment, and in the greater prevalence of outside factors in the inflationary process.
30.	We believe that a reasonable price stability must be the target for the immediate effort of the international economic system. That stability, nevertheless, must not be interpreted as an obligation for the developing countries to maintain the situation of economic injustice to which they have been subjected. On the contrary, our greater importance in international trade should be sufficient reason to encourage all sectors to seek more equity in the benefits of the international economic activities.
31.	One of the reasons for the frustration, agitation and anxiety in our developing societies is precisely the fact that the injustice of the international economic order does not allow our Governments to set up a more equitable and just internal distribution system. When references are made to respect for human rights, this external factor, which carries so much weight in internal social and political questions, must not be overlooked. Here it is important to emphasize that to deny to countries that which is due them in justice and equity for the goods they export and to charge excessively high prices for the goods they import is a factor which has a powerful impact on the right to life, to development, to health and to education of the poorer peoples, and is therefore in itself a causal factor of the violation of the fundamental rights of the human being.
32.	My Government considers the food problem one of the most urgent for the international community because in itself it is one of the determining factors in the development of the human potential which has the most intimate and immediate impact on the possibilities of achieving that development. Among the national programmes for agricultural and food development, the Government of my country has taken the measures necessary for the discharge of its most immediate responsibilities in this respect by increasing production possibilities, through, among other means, the prevention of climatic disasters such as drought, as well as by maintaining broad access to and participation in the benefits of a greater production and better quality for the largest number of people. Furthermore, to the purely economic structure of the food market, we have added an institutional framework which has enabled us, gradually and continuously, to increase social security and assistance services so as to make available to the economically weaker sectors those services that will provide them with the basic physical conditions indispensable for dignified survival.
33.	I am pleased to affirm here that the development of our agriculture and of the food industry in our country has enabled us to continue to use our physical resources rationally to meet national needs; and that this sector of our economy has in percentage terms become the most important sector in context of our regional market.
34.	As regards our international policy, we shall continue to lend our support to the International Fund for Agricultural Development. We hope it will- start functioning soon so as to exercise a beneficial influence in those countries where the food shortage of the population is most acute.
35.	May I avail myself of this opportunity to express the gratitude of the Government of Nicaragua to UNDP for its continued valuable assistance in national plans. It is imperative that it have sufficient financial resources so as not to damage programmes drawn up earlier in reliance on UNDP assistance. We also wish to express our gratitude to UNICEF and to. the World Food Programme for the assistance given us in the past.
36.	As a developing country, we are convinced that one of the means of development is economic integration. Hence, we have lent cur full support to the restructuring of the Central American Common Market, and we are ready to study and analyse all the proposals which will lead to this end. Likewise, we have strengthened our links with other developing countries. We know well that co-operation among our countries is necessary and desirable. Since our problems are almost the same, we can better help and understand each other. My country will participate in the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries for the reasons I have mentioned above, and in the hope of strengthening technical assistance, because the orderly transfer of technology in accordance with the needs of our countries is one of the means of accelerating our socio-economic development.
37.	Seven years ago this Assembly proclaimed the Second United Nations Development Decade. Half-way through the Decade a review took place. Now we are almost at the end of the period and the goals we set ourselves seven years ago have not yet been met. Many countries, instead of improving their situation, have lagged behind in their development either because of the high price of energy or because of the decline in the prices of their main exploit products which are nearly always primary products. Accordingly, we reiterate the need to establish the new international economic order as proclaimed by this Assembly, and for compliance by all countries with the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States  which filled a gap existing at the United Nations with regard to the international economic situation. Nicaragua is prepared to lend its full support to all efforts made toward a new economic order which will be just and equitable for all countries.


 Two years ago, on the occasion of Papua New Guinea's admission to membership in the United Nations, I had the honour to address the thirtieth session of the United Nations General Assembly.1 Since then Papua New Guinea has held national elections, and I now avail myself of this opportunity to reaffirm Papua New Guinea's support of and continuing commitment to the principles of the United Nations.
1.	Papua New Guinea wishes to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to your high office. The task that you have been given is not an easy one, as the outcome of this session of the General Assembly will depend largely on your guidance. I wish you well in this task.
2.	I wish also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, who performed his duties as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly with distinction.
3.	I should also like to place on record Papua New Guinea's appreciation for the work done by the Secretary- General and his staff.
4.	It gives me great pleasure, on behalf of the people of Papua New Guinea, to extend a warm welcome to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti as new Members of the United Nations.
5.	Papua New Guinea is still a very young Member of the United Nations family and is only now becoming aware of the full scope of the Organization. Our experience with the United Nations has, so far, been .limited to a number of the special bodies of the Organization and its related agencies. These are already making a valuable contribution to Papua New Guinea's development.
6.	There are numerous United Nations conferences and meetings held every year on many and varied technical matters. In view of our limited resources, we have carefully selected the conferences to which we could send representatives, but now we must ask whether the diversity and complexity of the matters considered by the United Nations family have not grown so great that this Organization is losing its effectiveness. Papua New Guinea hopes that a cautious review of this problem could be made.
7.	Papua New Guinea attended the recent Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in London in June and came away from it with a sense of achievement. The Commonwealth has proved that it can play an effective role in the field of international affairs, and we therefore applaud the decision taken at the last General Assembly session to grant the Commonwealth Secretariat observer status within the United Nations
8.	Papua New Guinea has been involved, through direct participation, in programmes of action and development undertaken by the world community to create a peaceful and balanced world order, especially in the field of international trade. We have also followed with much interest the current North-South dialogue at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation. We deeply regret that the results of that Conference fell short of expectations. Papua New Guinea will continue its active participation in the meetings under the auspices of UNCTAD, particularly in relation to the Integrated Programme for Commodities with the common fund. We should like to see a much firmer commitment by the parties involved on these two particular issues. This commitment should be one based on an honest and realistic exploration of all avenues, because failing to do so may well lead to inappropriate and inadequate solutions, and certainly not to the new international economic order we all wish to see.
9.	My Government has noted with concern the failure so far of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea to reach a successful conclusion. Papua New Guinea is among those countries which have felt obliged to take action to extend fishing limits to protect their resources. We acknowledge, however, that this kind of individual self-help is a poor substitute for a generally-accepted treaty. The Conference also failed to meet the just demands of the third world for a fair and equitable regime to govern the exploitation of the deep-sea-bed.
10.	In the absence of a new treaty, the general extension of fishing limits has created a special challenge for the countries of the South Pacific. Most of Us in the South Pacific are developing countries; some lack any resources of economic value except fish. Fisheries management has presented these countries with a new opportunity for regional co-operation. However, we know that this is a field in which rich and powerful countries can gain benefits at the expense of the smaller, less-developed nations. Papua New Guinea is a small country, but we are determined to resist exploitation by foreign fishing interests. We are also determined to see that the policy of regional co-operation takes account of the interests of our developing neighbours, including those not yet fully independent and those smaller than ourselves.
11.	Papua New Guinea was honoured to welcome Samoa, another member of the Pacific group, into the United Nations at the last session. We hope that with the admission of more Pacific countries into the United Nations and other agencies the voice of the South Pacific can now be clearly heard.
12.	The South Pacific region is often thought to consist of many small island-nations without regional identity. That is no longer true: the region now has an identity in the South Pacific Forum, and we hope that decisions made by that body will be given due consideration by the United Nations, its related agencies and all Member nations. .
13.	Papua New Guinea is an ardent supporter of the decolonization process, and we note with considerable gratification that our near neighbour, the Solomon Islands, will become independent next year. It is the hope of Papua New Guinea that all of the few remaining colonies, not only within the South Pacific area but world-wide, will achieve self-determination within the immediate future.
14.	I should now like to speak about some of the major international issues before the General Assembly. Of particular concern to Papua New Guinea are developments in southern Africa.
15.	First, as regards Rhodesia, Papua New Guinea strongly supports a negotiated settlement between the parties involved. We welcome efforts by the Governments of the United Kingdom and the United States of America to seek a constitutional settlement there. We would not support the use of force in any settlement of this question. We have already made it clear at the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting that we should like to see majority rule in Rhodesia. Any settlement there must fully ensure the rights of the black African majority.
16.	Papua New Guinea condemns the situation in southern Africa, where the rights of the people are totally suppressed by small white minorities. Full pressure should be brought to bear on these minority regimes to ensure an equitable settlement in southern Africa. Papua New Guinea fully supports the present sanctions imposed upon South Africa and Rhodesia. However, we have serious reservations about their effectiveness, particularly when influential Members of this Organization do not play their part by enforcing them.
17.	My country recently banned trade with South Africa. Although trade between Papua New Guinea and South Africa was very small, we wish to play our part in enforcing the sanctions. We call upon other, more influential Members of the United Nations to be totally honest in enforcing the agreed sanctions. We feel that the racist regime will continue to oppress the majority of the people of South Africa as long as Members of this Organization continue illegally to trade or associate with this racist regime.
18.	While we are concerned at illegal white minority regimes that cause suffering to black people in southern Africa, Papua New Guinea is also gravely concerned that in Uganda there is a black regime which resorts to oppression of its own people. This must be condemned in the strongest possible terms by this Assembly, and we urge that consideration should be given to ways in which this Assembly can help to alleviate suffering in that country.
19.	In addition to the appalling denial of human rights already mentioned, there are instances of many other countries denying their citizens basic human rights. Such violations must be strongly condemned. It is the view of my Government that this Organization must take appropriate action to ensure that all people of all races are accorded the fundamental rights and freedoms enshrined in the Charter and other instruments of the United Nations.
20.	Another area of grave concern to us is the continuing development and testing of new types of nuclear weapons. In the past we have strongly opposed the testing of such weapons, particularly in the Pacific region, and we will continue to do so. That the testing of nuclear weapons has not been totally banned is a matter to be regretted, and 1 urge all nations to co-operate in the search for an effective means of controlling those weapons of mass destruction.
21.	There is one further issue that I must mention. That is the question of resolving the conflict situation in the Middle East. We commend the diplomatic initiatives taken by the United States of America on this problem and have sincere hopes of their success. It is essential that there be an early resumption of the Geneva negotiations. We hold the view that a Palestinian State must be given recognition but, on the other hand, we firmly believe that Israel must not be denied the right to exist as a sovereign State.
22.	I have touched on a number of issues of real concern to the world community and hope that this session will find lasting solutions to those and many other issues to be debated in this forum. Finally, I wish to reiterate the view of my Government that our involvement and participation in international affairs reflects the genuine values that our people have and their aspirations to live in a peaceful world. We shall continue to be mindful of developments on the international scene and the likely implications for Papua
New Guinea and the region of which we are part. Papua New Guinea will continue to contribute, within its limited resources, to the objectives of this Organization and to accept our share of the responsibilities of membership in the United Nations and the international community.


148.	Mr. President, though the general debate is drawing to a close, it is still appropriate for me to associate myself with previous speakers who have congratulated you most warmly on your election to preside over this session.
149.	In congratulating you, Sir, I am most mindful of the outstanding manner in which your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, presided over the deliberations of last year's session. It is appropriate, too, to pay a tribute to his contributions to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, where his expertise and diplomatic skill have been invaluable.
150.	It is always a pleasure and a source of great satisfaction to welcome new Members. On this occasion I welcome to our membership the Republic of Djibouti. We also welcome the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to our midst, and we are hopeful that their membership will enrich the United Nations.
151.	On a sadder note, we should like to be associated with the expressions of condolence to the people and Government of Yemen on the untimely death of President Ibrahim Al-Hamdi.
152.	When we met last year there was an atmosphere of optimism and expectation. The Middle East situation, Cyprus, southern Africa and the North-South dialogue were but four of the major issues on which there were hopes that solutions would be found Yet in retrospect it was perhaps too early and premature to be so optimistic. For, after all, those problems have exercised the minds and the attention of the international community for a number of years, and it is apparent, on reflection, that to expect settlement overnight would have been unrealistic. Yet the world, and especially the developing world, is not to be blamed for its optimism, for in our view a settlement of these outstanding world problems would, we hope, release energies and resources for the solution of important and pressing problems, problems which beset every developing country, namely, how to improve the living conditions of our people, who for years have been condemned to an existence characterized by hunger, malnutrition, diseases, poor water supply, poor housing and illiteracy.
153.	Despite continuing efforts to achieve a just and durable peace in the Middle East, the situation had remained stalled and uncertain until very recently. Much has been done since the Assembly met last, and the prospect of an early reconvening of the Geneva Conference augurs well for the settlement of this explosive situation. Yet these efforts have been marred by what appears to be inflexibility of attitudes. Moreover, the legalization of settlements in-lands occupied since 1967 has merely added more fuel to the fire.
154.	We, for our part, maintain our position that Security Council resolutions 242 and 338 provide the over-all framework for further negotiations. In this regard, the right of all the States of the region, including Israel, to exist in peace within secure and recognized boundaries must be emphasized along with the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to a homeland. In our view, these constitute important elements the recognition of which should, we hope, greatly enhance the prospects for lasting peace and security in that region.
155.	In the case of Cyprus, we also find that the continuing efforts being made towards resolving the communal difficulties, regrettably, have not as yet yielded any positive results. We are very conscious of the important role undertaken by the United Nations in an effort to encourage an early resolution of this problem. We should like to express the hope that continuing consultations and negotiations will lead to a solution that will be in harmony and will be consistent with the wishes of the people of Cyprus.
156.	The United Nations since its inception has played a vital and active role in the field of decolonization. The near universality of membership of this Organization is testimony enough of this Organization's efforts and contributions in this field. However, despite this unprecedented effort some 12 million people remain in bondage, including those of southern Africa. Zimbabwe and Namibia remain under colonial domination, and despite the best efforts of the international community progress towards a just and equitable solution remains slow and painful. We hope though that the recent Anglo-American initiative will bear fruit by enabling the people of Zimbabwe to achieve majority rule as soon as possible.
157.	As if those two territories are not enough to tax the efforts of this Organization, the scourge of apartheid continues to dominate and permeate the entire life of South Africa. It is difficult to comprehend the mentality of those who espouse this particular philosophy. Men who otherwise are rational seem completely immune and insensitive to any feeling of realism and balance in their espousal of the cause of apartheid. We continue to hope that the South African regime will mend its ways before the world witnesses another holocaust of frightening proportions.
158.	But, while the international community has devoted time and efforts to southern Africa, we believe the Assembly needs to be reminded that there continue to be remnants of colonialism in other parts of the world, notably in the South Pacific. While some of the colonial Territories are moving towards full internal self-government and independence, others remain tightly in the grip of their metropolitan masters. There is very little indication as yet of willingness, let alone readiness, on the part of the metropolitan Powers concerned to prepare these Territories for independence should they so wish it. There appears to be a conscious and deliberate effort to wean these Territories away from ever thinking about independence, and any movement towards self-determination is discouraged if not suppressed. On the other hand, some dependent Territories have been so inundated with help from their colonial Powers that the people of those Territories have not been encouraged to be self-reliant and thereby realize their full potential. A dependency syndrome has become so deeply embedded that these people know of no other choice but perpetual dependency. Moreover, the presence of military troops ostensibly for internal security purposes appears to be out of proportion to real needs.
159.	If this is not enough, some of those Territories have been and are continuing to be used for the testing of nuclear devices, despite repeated protests by the countries of the south Pacific for the cessation of those tests. It is a matter of regret and a great disappointment to us that to date there does not appear to be any significant change in- the attitude of those conducting such tests. At the same time, we hope that our differences on this issue, which to us is a matter of principle, will not be a constraint on the development of mutual co-operation on matters of common interest.
160.	Colonialism does not express itself merely in the acquisition of overseas territories. That type of colonialism is fast dying out. It would be naive though to think that colonialism is completely dead. It has merely taken on new forms, new manifestations, which in some instances are more pernicious and more pervasive in their effects than territorial acquisition. A new form of colonialism has of late reared its head and we in the south Pacific, and more particularly my own country, have experienced with some concern this new phenomenon. I refer to the deliberate and calculated interference by foreign trade unions in the internal affairs of my own country. Speaking about this phenomenon, my Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara said:
"No nation can long preserve its democratic ideals, or pursue economic progress, where the law of the land is flouted and the law of the jungle takes its place. No sovereign independent country, however small, can retain its national pride if it does not resist to the uttermost all attempts to encroach on its own internal affairs by foreign interests. It will be a sad day if we have achieved independence From political colonialism, if we are beginning to free ourselves from commercial colonialism, only to suffer from the colonialism of foreign trade unions: a colonialism of trade unions, moreover, which expected the Government to interfere with the process of law against those who had unlawfully obstructed our officials and police".
161.	But let me add that the Governments from which these trade unions operate dissociate themselves from these acts of interference. What is frightening, though, is the arrogance which they allow these trade unions to act with impunity. We fear that if this type of behaviour is not curbed, small countries, especially those of us who are dependent on trade by sea, can be subjected to victimization of the most deplorable type The question we should like to pose is, Is there no limit to the freedom in which individuals or groups of individuals can or are allowed to take action which is or may be detrimental to the welfare of others? We reiterate our concern in this matter, having particular regard to the importance of observing the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of a country and to the respect due to the sovereign independence of a State.
162.	Fiji looks forward to next year’s special session on disarmament. We are hopeful that the special session will eventually 16ad to curbs in the development, manufacture and sale of arms. We share the view and expectation that this will lead to the release of resources which will be made available to improve the lives of the world's poor and the deprived. Small countries have little influence on this matter. All we can do is to add our voice to the collective voice of mankind in expressing our concern that resources which could and should be put to better uses continue to be used for the production of instruments of war and mass destruction. We believe that whatever resources are released from the development and production of arms should be added to what is already being made available for development purposes. Our concern for disarmament is made the more urgent because of the continued use of the south Pacific for the testing of nuclear devices. In this regard, we welcome the current initiative by the United Kingdom, the United States and the Soviet Union to reach agreement to ban underground testing. We also express the hope that other nuclear Powers will join this initiative. We hope too that agreement will be reached on a comprehensive test-ban treaty in the near future.
163.	We are of the view that a just and beneficial regime for the oceans is essential to world peace. Failure would seriously impair confidence in global treaty-making and in the very process of multilateral accommodation. However, a comprehensive treaty on the law of the sea would mark a major step forward in the equitable exploitation of the resources of the sea. A co-operative and equitable solution can lead to new patterns of accommodation between the developing and the industrialized countries. It could give added momentum to the dialogue between the industrial and developing countries. We appreciate, of course, that each nation has its own vital interests to protect in the negotiations on the law of the sea.
164.	For us in Fiji, and indeed in the south Pacific, the successful conclusion of the current Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is urgent and vital. We are not blessed by nature with any great land mass, nor with very many natural resources. We are a sea-going people. Our lives, our livelihood and our culture are intimately woven and mingled with the sea. We live by and with the sea. Most of our proteins are derived from the sea. In terms of economic development we see our future in the continued exploitation of our marine resources. No country, however, can hope to develop its sea resources in isolation. Indeed, for many countries represented here it is the sea which provides the direct links between us. As a member of the international community, we are committed to work towards a total package for the law of the sea and the conclusion of a comprehensive treaty. Consequently, we have followed and will continue to follow the proceedings of the Conference on the Law of the Sea with great care and attention. Within the south Pacific, the countries in the area have, through the South Pacific Forum, decided to establish a regional fisheries agency to help us in the management of our sea resources. In this regard, Fiji expresses the hope that the countries which now exploit the marine resources of the south Pacific will recognize this agency and support it, thereby ensuring that the people of the south Pacific will derive the maximum benefit from the exploitation of the marine resources around them. The returns of such exploitation to the people of the south Pacific have to date been minimal.
165.	Our concern for the successful conclusion of the Conference on the Law of the Sea is also a reflection of our concern for a genuine restructuring of the international economic order to ensure that developing countries are not perpetually condemned to a hand-to-mouth existence. We continue to be amazed at the reluctance of the industrialized countries to accommodate the wishes of the developing countries. While we recognize that there are difficulties, what is painfully obvious at the same time is the frightening wastage of resources by the industrialized countries. Demands are induced, and only too often most of what is produced is allowed to go to waste. Yet if agreement is to be reached, we believe that dialogue must continue. Although the North-South dialogue came to an inconclusive end, it is our feeling that only by continued dialogue will we ever hope to reach agreement. We know that this demands patience. We know that this requires skill and dedication on the part of those involved.
166.	While there have been difficulties in the North-South dialogue, there has, however, been some movement in the relations between some industrialized and some developing countries, notably the European Economic Community and the African-Caribbean-Pacific countries. We believe, with all its limitations, the Lome Convention is indicative of what can be done.
167.	The mounting cost of imports of both manufactured goods and petroleum products -has stretched the meagre resources of most developing countries to the breaking- point. In this regard, the small island countries of the Pacific have been among those worst hit by this problem. We are bereft of natural resources. We have small land areas. We are far from our markets. Our agricultural commodities are subject to wild fluctuations in price. We are vulnerable to natural disasters such as hurricanes and floods, which appear to occur with monotonous regularity. We have received considerable help from both multilateral and bilateral sources. We are particularly grateful to the various organs of the United Nations system and to our near neighbours, New Zealand and Australia. However, we have the feeling that our part of the world is the forgotten part, and that whatever help we receive tends to be given with reluctance.
168.	It is our view that the needs of island communities deserve greater attention than that given to date. We do not believe that these islands want help in the form of charity. We are not beggars or parasites. What we would like is help to assist us in developing whatever resources we have so that we could live with dignity.
169.	We feel, too, that the criteria designating countries to be classified as least developed need to be re-examined and that island territories should be or ought to be automatically classified as such unless they have extraordinary resources. Again there is a lack of balance in this regard and the classification of least developed countries has been heavily weighted in favour of certain countries. At the same time, developing island countries which have been able to improve their standard of living through careful management have been unduly penalized because their per capita income is high. It is our view that assessing a country's need for help purely on the basis of per capita income can be grossly misleading. Only too often a very distorted picture emerges which does not in any way conform to reality. Nowhere else has such a distorted picture been so damaging as in the case of island communities. We would hope that specialized agencies and others would take another look at this issue. We can only invite the attention of other island communities, particularly those of the Caribbean, to work with us on this matter.
170.	In concluding this -statement, I am conscious of the heavy burden which this Organization carries. My delegation expresses the hope that this session, under your distinguished leadership, will mark a turning-point in the work of the United Nations for world peace, security and justice. The late President John F. Kennedy, in addressing the United Nations on 25 September 1961, summed up the hope of this Organization with optimism when he said: however close we sometimes seem to that dark and final abyss, let no man of peace and freedom despair. For he does not stand alone. If we all can persevere, if we can in every land and office look beyond our own shores and ambitions, then surely the age will dawn in which the strong are just and the weak secure, and the peace preserved."


23.	 Mr. President, the Tanzanian delegation is very happy to see you preside over the deliberations of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. We consider your elevation to the high post of President to be a mark of recognition of your personal qualities and your notable role in the efforts of the United Nations to attain its goals, as well as a recognition of the outstanding role played by your country, Yugoslavia, in mankind's quest for a better, just and more secure world order. We are confident that you will discharge your heavy responsibilities with skill and distinction.
24.	Allow me also to pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe for his remarkable leadership of the thirty-first session.
25.	It is a matter of particular satisfaction to us that two eminent representatives of the non-aligned movement have, in succession, occupied the highest office of our Assembly.
26.	The admission to the United Nations of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti are great landmarks in the history of the United Nations. Their admission comes as the culmination of long struggles against colonial and imperialist domination in their respective territories, struggles with which the United Nations was closely identified.
27.	The independence of Djibouti and its subsequent membership in both the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations constitute yet another victory in the rapid process of the liquidation of colonialism in Africa.
28.	The presence in our midst of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is in many ways a source of special satisfaction. Viet Nam's legendary struggle against foreign domination and imperialist aggression and its triumph against incredible odds will always be considered one of the most brilliant and inspiring chapters of man's resistance to domination and injustice. There is no doubt that Viet Nam's rich experience in the struggle for national liberation and the defence of freedom will be an invaluable asset to our Organization. The Tanzanian delegation is privileged to have sponsored the membership of both Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam in the United Nations and we look forward to an era of close co-operation with their respective delegations.
29.	In his report on the work of the United Nations over the past year the Secretary-General has been as frank as his sense of realism has permitted. Hopes that 1977 might see a more earnest search for international peace were short-lived. The list of global problems this year is intimidating for, while old problems continue to elude solutions and threaten to worsen, new ones, no less grave and equally pressing, have cropped up.
30.	The problems of the Middle East, southern Africa, Cyprus and Korea, some of which are as old as the United Nations itself, have almost become part of our normal life. The prospects for disarmament are rendered ludicrous by the inconsistency between sanctimonious rhetoric and the feverish pursuit of nuclear-weapons superiority. Large populations suffer mass starvation while a few wallow in crass, conspicuous consumption. We witness a deteriorating human environment and the threat of conflicts spilling on to the oceans. All these problems are still on the waiting list for solution, while others join and lengthen the queue.
31.	Whether we admit it or not, the world is today engulfed in forebodings of a great upheaval. No amount of dramatization is enough to describe the perilous nature of the circumstances in which we exist today. The behaviour man displays in this situation through action and inaction simply defies comprehension.
32.	Yet in reality it is not so much the absence of solutions to these problems as the lack of will to apply the solutions to the problems that is responsible for their continued existence. This situation is both a cause of frustration and a basis for hope. It is a cause of frustration because the human mind is and has proved itself ingenious enough to be able to solve the most complex problems if man decides so to do. It is a basis for hope because we continue to believe that man's instinct for survival, if not his desire for life, has not disappeared and that one day he will act to prevent his extinction.
33.	It is, for example, this lack of will that constitutes a stumbling-block to the creation of a new international economic order. The way in which the Conference on International Economic Co-operation ended in Paris this year and the subsequent assessment exercise at the resumed thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly demonstrated that.
34.	No one who is honest with himself can today deny the fact that the current international economic situation is in a state of crisis. Nobody, therefore, can pretend that far- reaching changes are not called for if that trend is to be reversed.
35.	The Declaration and Programme of Action adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly in 1974  and 3202  were the first collective attempt by the international community towards the establishment of a new international economic order. The seventh special session of the General Assembly on development and international economic co-operation, which followed in September 1975, adopted concrete guidelines for further negotiations intended to lead to the establishment of a new partnership between the developed and the developing countries. So the framework for the solution of the problems of which we are at present seized has already been laid down. The Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States and the resolutions of the seventh special session on development and international economic co-operation together constitute the foundation for a new type of relationship among nations based on sovereign equality, justice and interdependence.
36.	To suggest, therefore, at this stage that the solution to world economic problems should be more charity— euphemistically called "aid"— for the developing countries, in whatever form the suggestion is presented, is simply to side-track the central issue.
37.	The events which followed the seventh special session revealed a persistent lack of political will, particularly on the part of some Western developed countries, to translate the decisions taken at that session into practical action. It was that lack of political will for change which prevented the fourth session of UNCTAD, held in Nairobi, from taking definitive decisions on the crucial issues related to the debt problems of the developing countries, the Integrated Programme for Commodities and the common fund. The UNCTAD Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities, held in Geneva in March of this year, broke down without agreement-again because of the negative attitude displayed by some Western developed countries.
38.	For example, the Integrated Programme for Commodities, one of the major reforms being proposed for international trade on commodities, seeks to ensure stable prices for the primary commodities and raw materials exported by the developing countries. Stable prices would also ensure reasonable security of supplies, which is obviously of benefit to the consumers, mainly the developed countries. The Programme is being criticized by certain developed countries for interfering with so-called market forces. Yet those very countries which talk about free trade and market forces are the same countries which, first, determine the terms of trade and, secondly, continuously interfere with the so-called market forces by imposing a multiplicity of barriers, tariff and non-tariff, to the importation of both primary commodities and processed goods from the developing countries.
39.	This same resistance to structural changes in the world economy also dominated the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, which went on for more than 18 months. The developed countries were interested mainly in discussing how aid could be given to the underprivileged, while the developing countries were interested in fundamental structural changes that would in concrete terms eliminate the very root-causes which led to the condition of being underprivileged.
40.	One of the timely opportunities for rectifying economic inequality in the world is presented by the on-going negotiations on the future international legal regime of the oceans. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is taking place to enable the world community to make a critical choice between, on the one hand, perpetuating a legal regime of privilege for a few, with all the social and political consequences we know will surely follow, and, on the other, establishing a just and more progressive legal order.
41.	It is a matter for profound regret that those who already have on land more than they deserve are waging the most desperate fight to get everything possible out of the oceans in complete disregard of the rights and interests of the "have-nots". If the developed countries were sincere in their sympathy and their desire to improve the lot of the masses in the developing countries, they would seize this opportunity, for example, to place the international resources of the sea-bed at the disposal of a world authority that would manage and distribute the benefits, primarily to assist the developing countries. That act would not really involve any sacrifice. Unfortunately, the developed countries are prepared neither to do without that wealth nor even to share it equitably. So eager, in fact, are they to add it to their possessions that they are even threatening to seize it and frustrate all the efforts of the Conference in general, In the negotiations Tanzania will continue to stand for justice and equality, for the success of that Conference will be measured not merely by the conclusion of a convention, but by what that convention stands for.
42.	It is the desire of the developing countries that changes in the economic relationships between the rich and poor be brought about smoothly and through dialogue. This desire has been amply demonstrated in recent negotiations. But it can be fulfilled only if it is met with similar political will on the part of the developed countries. Unfortunately, most developed countries have not demonstrated such will in concrete terms. The developing countries have displayed a great deal of patience in their negotiations with the developed countries, but that patience is not limitless. The time may come when the very concept of seeking international collaboration on world economic reforms will be questioned. The consequences of such a situation may be too great, but unless positive action is taken now the world may have to face such consequences.
43.	As my President stated in an address during his recent state visit to the United States:
"Confrontation is not a desired strategy of the weak; but if reason, justice and dialogue all fail to bring the international changes needed to win the war against world poverty, then economic conflict is bound to follow....
"The roots of OPEC", he pointed out, "were nourished by decades of gross price-fixing by major oil companies."
44.	The choice between dialogue and confrontation lies with those developed countries which continue to disregard the demands of the majority of the members of the international community for structural changes in economic relations between the developed and the developing countries. As my President stated on another occasion:
"Dialogue or confrontation will depend upon whether the rich will recognize that the poor have a right to economic independence and will then seriously embark on the process of establishing a new relationship between the rich and the poor."
45.	On the question of disarmament we concur completely with the Secretary-General when he states that what we claim to have managed to realize as steps towards disarmament so far are, in truth, not disarmament steps at all. If we are serious about disarming, we must stop vacillating and instead proceed straight to the destruction and prohibition or further production of the most destructive weapons-the nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. Any excuse today only breeds in a vicious circle another excuse tomorrow.
46.	Efforts designed to move the Middle East conflict from the present stage of a precarious "no war, no peace" situation to a just and lasting peace in the area continue to be frustrated by Israel's continued intransigence. This is clearly manifested in Israel's consolidation of illegal settlements in occupied Arab territories, its addition of new settlements in flagrant violation of international law and in defiance of world opinion, and its persistent refusal to recognize the national rights of the Palestinian people.
47.	My Government's position on this question is unequivocal. Israel must withdraw from all the territories occupied as a result of the 1967 war. The national rights of the Palestinian people must be respected. These are basic prerequisites to a just and lasting peace which will guarantee the independence and security of all the States in the area. And may I add that there can be no meaningful solution if the authentic representative of the Palestinian people—the Palestine Liberation Organization-is not allowed to take part in the negotiating process aimed at resolving the conflict.
48.	The unity and territorial integrity of the Republic of the Comoros continue to be violated through French occupation of Mayotte. It is a matter of profound concern to my Government that this situation continues despite United Nations resolutions and the efforts of the Organization of African Unity. We reiterate our call on the Government of France to respect the Comoros' unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty.
49.	The non-aligned island of Cyprus continues to struggle for its territorial integrity and sovereignty against both internal and external odds. We continue to hope that the implications of the threats to that island will soon be realized and the necessary solution found. The United Nations resolutions on the question cry out for immediate implementation.
50.	The legitimate goal of the Korean people for national reunification continues to be frustrated by foreign interference as evidenced by the continued presence of foreign troops in South Korea. Such interference, besides serving as a stumbling block to the reunification of the Korean nation, exacerbates tension in the area. An immediate end must be put to such interference.
51.	Allow me, before turning to the issue of southern Africa, to allude briefly to a recent event of important significance. I am referring to the signing of the United States-Panama treaties on the Panama Canal. My country, which, in concert with other non-aligned countries, has consistently supported the legitimate struggle of the Panamanian people for the recovery of sovereignty over the Canal, could not but welcome this development. It is a victory for the Panamanian people. But above all it is a victory for reason and justice.
52.	The question of peace, freedom and independence for Zimbabwe and Namibia, and the enjoyment of equal human and political rights in the Republic of South Africa is not, for Tanzania and for Africa as a whole, a subject detached for academic debate. It is a subject which affects us directly as free and independent States. It affects our very existence as it does affect our developmental efforts.
53.	Since this Assembly met last year, there have been significant developments in the area. The armed struggle has been intensified both in Zimbabwe and in Namibia, while the resistance of the African people in South Africa has been more sharply pronounced. There has also been an intensification of the international support for and solidarity with the struggling people of southern Africa as evidenced by the Maputo International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, and the Lagos World Conference for Action against Apartheid.
54.	But parallel to these developments, there have been some initiatives taken by some Western Powers aimed at finding a negotiated solution to the burning issues of both Zimbabwe and Namibia. We assume that these initiatives have been taken in the knowledge that the present situation constitutes a threat to international peace and security, and that the authors of the initiative are now willing and prepared to contribute effectively to the resolution of the conflict by bringing to an end the tyranny and injustice that prevails in southern Africa.
55.	If our premise is correct, then we in Tanzania cannot but welcome such moves. For we have always contended and stated quite categorically that the situation prevailing in southern Africa is the direct result of the actions, and is the creation, of the Western Powers. We have used every forum to state this fact. For is it any longer arguable that both the rebel regime of Ian Smith in Rhodesia and the apartheid and racist regime of John Vorster in South Africa have maintained their intransigence and defied international public opinion and pressures because of the direct and indirect support which they have been receiving from some of the Western Powers? Is it any longer debatable that denied this Western support both regimes would long since have collapsed? The white minority regimes in southern Africa have survived pressures, not because of some internal magic, but because some Western Powers have been giving them direct or indirect political, economic and military support all these years.
56.	It is, therefore, logical to assume that those Western countries which are involved in taking initiatives, be it in
Zimbabwe or Namibia, are now prepared to follow their moves to their logical conclusion—namely, first and foremost, to deny the racist regimes the crucial support on which these regimes have relied in the past and continue to do so now.
57.	And above all, these countries must also be prepared to take, in concert with the rest of the international community, both within the United Nations and outside, such measures as would effectively bring further pressure to bear on the racist and colonialist regimes. These include effective measures in the Security Council to ensure compliance with United Nations decisions. If this willingness is still not forthcoming-that is to say, if the Western Powers concerned continue to shield these regimes from the effective measures demanded by the international community—then these Powers would certainly have seriously further eroded their own credibility. It is with this background that Tanzania views the recent Anglo-American proposals on Zimbabwe and the initiative of the five Western members of the Security Council in respect to Namibia.
58.	In Zimbabwe, the African people have been waging an armed struggle against the rebel regime of Ian Smith ever since 1965 when Smith illegally and unilaterally declared Rhodesia independent and instituted a reign of terror and repression with regard to the African people. The United Nations, for its part, has imposed and maintained sanctions against that regime ever since 1966. These sanctions have been openly violated by South Africa and indirectly violated by many Western Powers. Petrol and petroleum products, as well as other goods and commodities, have continued to reach Rhodesia.
59.	In spite of all these odds, the African freedom fighters have continued to intensify the armed struggle and to gain great victories on the battlefield. The stage has now been reached where the initiative is in the hands of the freedom fighters and total victory is certain.
60.	On our part, we have given, and we continue to give, whatever assistance we can to the nationalists and to the freedom fighters so that they can effectively wage that struggle.
61.	But we have always maintained, and we continue to maintain, that an armed struggle is necessary only if it is the last resort for achieving the objective of freedom and independence in any colonial territory. For we are only too painfully aware of the costs of an armed struggle. The nationalists who fight and die, and those countries which support them, would not opt for armed struggle if the objective could be realized by means other than war. Very regrettably, all other means to achieve that objective in Zimbabwe, as the whole international community is aware, have so far failed.
62.	Recently, the Governments of the United Kingdom and of the United States of America have put forward the Anglo-American proposals with the declared objective of attaining a negotiated settlement in Zimbabwe on the basis of majority rule. In the view of the Tanzania delegation, the Anglo-American proposals do not offer a solution to the Rhodesian problem. They do, however, form a sufficient basis for further negotiations, and it is with this understanding that we have welcomed Security Council resolution 415 (1977) concerning the appointment of the Secretary-General's representative.
63.	Clearly, however, until negotiations have been conducted and agreement on the genuine independence of Zimbabwe has been reached, the armed struggle in Zimbabwe and the pressures against Rhodesia by the international community must not only continue, but should be intensified and be more effectively executed and implemented. In this connexion, it is essential that the United Nations should now devise means of compelling the South African regime to implement fully the sanctions against Rhodesia. A heavy responsibility lies with those Western countries which maintain economic and other relations with the South African regime.
64.	There is one disturbing tendency in respect of the attitude of some Western countries, in particular those involved in the current initiatives. This element is especially manifested with regard to the question of Zimbabwe. This is their excessive- indeed almost obsessive—preoccupation with the rights of the white minority. Need we stress that what is really at issue is not the rights of minorities but the flagrant denial of the rights of the African majority.
65.	A genuine solution to the problem of Zimbabwe does not lie in attempts to safeguard the privileges of the white minority. It clearly rests on the achievement of a genuine freedom and independence where all citizens, irrespective of race, colour or creed, will be treated as equals and would equally contribute to the development of their country. To overemphasize the rights of the white minority is to ignore the reality in Zimbabwe. It is to evade the fundamental challenge. For the issue is not the rights of the white minority but the rights of all Zimbabweans. We must stop making a cause celebre of those who through all these years have arrogantly defied the United Nations and ruthlessly oppressed the African people.
66.	With regard to the situation in Namibia, Tanzania has noted with close interest the initiative of the five Western members of the Security Council to help bring about majority rule to Namibia. I believe, however, it is too early at this stage, to render- substantive judgement on this initiative.
67.	But there are certain basic and known facts which should not be overshadowed or ignored in whatever initiatives are undertaken by the five Western countries with regard to Namibia.
68.	Namibia is a United Nations Territory. In addition to its illegal occupation of the Territory, the South African regime has implanted in Namibia its abhorrent policy of apartheid.
69.	The General Assembly, the Security Council and the United Nations Council for Namibia have adopted various resolutions calling on the South African regime to terminate its illegal occupation of the Territory, but to no avail. On the contrary, the regime has brought in more troops to consolidate its occupation of the Territory. It has intensified its oppression and repression of the Namibian people, and the situation has gone from bad to worse.
70.	Several members of the South West Africa Peoples Organization have been arrested on framed-up charges. Others have been detained or imprisoned in South African jails. Many continue to flee from Namibia to safety in neighbouring countries.
71.	What we have said for Rhodesia is also true for Namibia. South Africa has been able to defy all United Nations actions and international pressures because of the support it receives from Western Powers, principally from the five Western Powers which are now engaged in the current initiatives. These five, together with several other countries in the Western camp, have been responsible through their support to South Africa, for South Africa's refusal to comply with the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations as regards Namibia. It is thus imperative to stress that these Powers have; a particular responsibility for ensuring that South Africa complies with the decisions of the United Nations, in particular, Security Council resolution 385(1976) on Namibia. It is equally relevant to 'emphasize that they should in the future refrain from shielding South Africa in the Security Council.
72.	As regards the Republic of South Africa itself, we see the situation changing for the worse rather than improving. Since June 1976, when the international community was once again brutally reminded of the meaning of apartheid by the wanton massacres of Soweto, the South African regime has intensified its reign of terror. Schoolchildren and innocent people are being arrested, detained and killed. Steve Biko is but the latest well-known victim of apartheid. Yet Biko's death does not tell the full story about apartheid and its victims. For hundreds have died and their names and their numbers will never be known by the international community.
73.	When apartheid has been condemned by the whole international community as a crime against humanity, why does it continue to exist? Once again the answer must be found in the actions of those nations whose attitude and, in particular, their economic relations with South Africa, have placed priority on profits from investments over the lives of the victims of apartheid
74.	Let me also stress that the perpetrators of apartheid will not be induced to change their attitudes or their system by the application of half measures. They will not change because of the verbal condemnations of their system by the Western countries. They will change only when the major Western countries cease completely all economic and military relations with the South African regime. Any collaboration with that regime means only one thing. It means the strengthening of the regime and the intensification of terror against the non-white populations. The most appropriate course of action that the Western countries can take, even at this late hour, is to impose a total arms embargo and an economic boycott of the South African regime. A mandatory arms embargo under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter is long overdue. The partners to
South African economic prosperity should not be enraged by accusations of hypocrisy if on the one hand they condemn apartheid and on the other they refuse to support the adoption and enforcement of political, economic and military pressures against apartheid by the international community.
75.	Each session of this Assembly marks lost time in arresting various dangerous trends in the world. But it also offers a new opportunity to strengthen our resolution. Our people want peace, prosperity and security. These aspirations are the linchpins of the Charter of our Organization, and our people look to the United Nations to promote them.
76.	We have both the means and the capacity to solve the problems of peace, prosperity and security. All that is asked of us is that we summon the will to address them, sustain the courage to persevere on the course, and stretch the flexibility to adjust to changing perspectives. Before us, as individual leaders and individual countries, lies the challenge of problems, the honour of participation in the solution of these problems, the excitement of struggle, the promise of co-operation and the safety of success.
77.	I pledge our delegation's firm commitment to the cases of forging a stronger United Nations family, on this, our one earth.