137.	 May I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. It is a just recognition of your great merits as a diplomat and a political leader of your country. It is also a well-deserved tribute to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, whose enlightened foreign policy has contributed to world peace and better understanding among nations.
138.	The Osimo agreements, which have just been ratified by the Parliaments of Yugoslavia and Italy, constitute genuine proof of that enlightened foreign policy of your country, Mr. President. A satisfactory solution has thus been found for the Trieste question which for so many years was a vexed question on the agenda of our sessions.
139.	I also wish to congratulate Mr. Amerasinghe, in addition to the many other congratulations he has received, for the brilliant manner in which he guided the debates of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
140.	As in past years, the report submitted by the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, is an invaluable document. The observations contained in it will enlighten us as to the proper course to take in guiding the work of this Assembly.
141.	My delegation wishes most cordially to welcome the two new Members of our Organization: the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. The entry of the former is yet another step in the advance of the policy of decolonization, to which the United Nations has contributed so much. The reunification of Viet Nam and its admission as a new State Member of the United Nations leaves behind painful, but superseded, memories of a cruel war which, for more than two decades, afflicted that heroic nation.
142.	My country has followed with interest and concern the development of events in southern Africa, where the gravest situations of colonialism and racial discrimination prevail.
143.	The consultations held on Rhodesia by Mr. Owen, the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom, and Mr. Young of the United States are a positive quest for a peaceful transition in that nation so as to arrive at the desired goal of a majority Government in an independent Zimbabwe. My delegation expresses its appreciation for those endeavours and supports the proposals for an agreement on Rhodesia. It is our hope that a negotiated solution cm by peaceful means break the stubborn obstinacy of the minority and in the nearest possible future establish a democratic regime based on the principle of majority rule,
144.	As regards the situation in Namibia, I must state once again that my delegation considers that South Africa's permanent and flagrant mockery of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council constitutes the most striking defiance of United Nations decisions ever witnessed. Costa Rica renews its support for every effort leading to the independence of Namibia and expresses its solidarity with the long-suffering people of that nation.
145.	I also wish to reiterate most energetically the permanent condemnation by my country of the policy of apartheid practised by the Government of South Africa and all other forms of racial discrimination. This irrevocable position of Costa Rica against apartheid is one of longstanding and is fully in force because the ignominy of discrimination is totally alien to Costa Rican sense of freedom, democratic practices, equality and respect for human rights.
146.	From the beginning of the United Nations the Middle East conflict has held a prominent place on the agenda of every session of the General Assembly, thus confirming the importance which the international community attaches to that matter, as well as its inability so far to find a lasting solution.
147.	My delegation has invariably maintained that Security Council resolution 242 (1967), supplemented by resolution 338 (1973) of the same Council, contains all the principles necessary for a peaceful solution of the problem. Indeed, implicit in those resolutions we find three basic elements for peace in the Middle East: first, the existence of the State of Israel within secure and recognized boundaries; secondly, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the territories occupied during the 1967 war; and thirdly, recognition and practical application of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including the right to live in peace within a State of their own, independent or federated.
148.	Regrettably, it has not been possible to implement those resolutions, because attempts have been made to destroy their harmonious balance by priority application of paragraphs which favour one or more of the parties and the indefinite postponement of paragraphs which favour the opposite party or parties. A formula must therefore be sought to ensure the simultaneous application of the resolutions in their entirety so as to do justice and instil confidence in all the parties involved in the conflict.
149.	That is the task which, as provided for in resolution 338(1973), the Geneva Peace Conference which, unfortunately, has only held preliminary meetings in December 1973, must accomplish. The atmosphere of moderation that prevailed at the beginning of this year, together with the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Waldheim, and the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Vance, encouraged the hope that the Geneva Conference would meet again in the next few months, with a good opportunity to do positive work. Nevertheless, disagreement regarding Palestinian representation at the Conference and the manner of the Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied during she six-day war has weakened the hopes for an early and fruitful Conference.
150.	It is to be hoped that these obstacles will be overcome in a search for formulas which can bring agreement on and ensure Palestinian representation at the Geneva Conference, with recognition of the irreversible legal existence of Israel, and that in turn those formulas will, on the other hand, provide for the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the occupied areas in such a way as to leave Israel with only the territory that is indispensable if its boundaries are to be defensible.
151.	With the same frankness with which we have defended the legitimate rights of Israel to an independent and peaceful existence and condemned aberrations such as those equating Zionism with racism, today we state that my delegation does not support the annexation of territory for reasons of religious dogmatism or historical romanticism. My delegation also affirms that the recognition and legalization of Israeli settlements in the occupied areas, whatever their legal status, leads to the interpretation of such actions as an attempt by Israel to consolidate the occupation of those territories for annexation purposes. That would imply open contradiction of paragraph 1 of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which, I repeat, we consider to be the best instrument for arriving at a just peace in the Middle East.
152.	In each of the seven statements which I have made since 1970 in the general debate which takes place annually in this Assembly I have spoken in favour of the legitimate claims of Panama to the Canal. In each of those statements I maintained the need to abrogate the obsolete and unjust Panama Canal Treaty of 1903. In every statement I expressed the support of Costa Rica for the Panamanian position on the need to replace the 1903 Treaty by other treaties which, while guaranteeing the neutrality of the Canal and its continued operation for the benefit of all nations, would grant Panama growing participation in the administration of the operating enterprise and in its benefits. Above all, I advocated that as soon as possible the last vestige of a colonialist enclave, which has kept the territory of the Republic of Panama divided, should disappear.
153.	The treaties signed by the United States and Panama on 7 September 1977 fulfilled those major objectives. They are the result of 13 years of laborious negotiations which seemed as though they would never end. They mark the beginning of the end of an era, offering tangible proof of a new political style in the United States. They are a gesture which proves the joint goodwill of two peoples prepared harmoniously to end a serious conflict.
154.	What is still lacking is ratification by the Senate of the United States of America and approval by the citizens of Panama by means of a plebiscite. There cannot be much doubt about the favourable result of the Panamanian referendum but, on the other hand, some apprehension exists regarding the affirmative vote which has to be cast by at least 67 of the 100 United States Senators.
155.	To redress this historical political abuse represented by the imposition of the 1903 Treaty is an indispensable act of international justice which only a bold and brave Government, as that of President Carter, could dare to undertake in defiance of North American public opinion, which is indifferent or adverse because it is erroneously or maliciously informed. A calm and objective assessment by the international community would assist in illustrating for the North Americans how just is the Panamanian cause in comparison with what they thought was a legitimate enterprise and what, from the point of view of technical ingenuity, was in fact a magnificent piece of work.
156.	The peoples of the American hemisphere demonstrated their solidarity with Panama when their highest dignitaries went to Washington on 7 September this year as very special witnesses to the historic act of the signing of the new treaties.
157.	It is to be hoped that this Assembly, in the name of all the peoples represented here, will also make manifest its support for the agreements which the Administration of the United States reached with the Government of Panama. This would convince the Congress of the United States that these treaties were negotiated not with only a small and weak nation but with a people which, because of the justice of its cause, has the full support of the international community.
158.	In his report this year the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, puts these crucial questions:
 What... is the real position of the United Nations in the affairs of the world? Is it really a central element in the foreign policies of most Governments?
159.	My delegation endorses the important considerations advanced by our Secretary-General in regard to those questions and, in a desire to assist his deliberation, I would venture to add the following comments.
160.	The United Nations is in itself three different institutions which nevertheless form one whole, and each is of immense value to Member States.
161.	First of all, the United Nations is a world forum for debate, a centre for publicity, education and persuasion, a place where weak nations can advocate their causes as freely as the- strong nations. This aspect of the United Nations has been used by its enemies to denigrate our Organization, when in a derogatory manner they call it a  debating society  or a  cave of the winds . But those who make these criticisms only prove their lack of knowledge of the value of debate in an open society. My delegation maintains that, in the long run, free debate works against error and for truth and justice. Those who deplore broad debate in the forums of the United Nations seem to have little confidence in the capacity of their respective countries successfully to present their good causes.
162.	Secondly, the United Nations is a place for negotiation, a kind of permanent diplomatic gathering where the peaceful solution of disputes can be sought behind the scenes. The United Nations provides a permanent place where the representatives of 149 sovereign States can meet informally, whether in the corridors and conference rooms, at banquets and receptions, or in friendly talks in the Delegates' Lounge. Furthermore, the United Nations provides a framework in which this quiet diplomacy among nations in conflict can be initiated and moderated by the presence of a third person, the Secretary-General of the United Nations or any one of his representatives.
163.	Thirdly, but not finally, the United Nations is a centre for international action, an Instrument for making things happen instead of merely talking about them. One part of this action is connected with promoting the well-being of nations through the implementation of economic and social plans. This function is, by far, the largest in terms of money and staff, and it is far less controversial than the United Nations action in the political and military fields, although of course this action is not free from vehement controversy either. The other aspect of the United Nations as an instrument of action is the wide; range of activities undertaken to maintain peace throughout the world. Here we emphasize the diplomatic efforts of the Secretary-General's office in mediation, conciliation, observation and investigation before and during conflicts. Beyond the activities of the Secretariat there are the peace-keeping operations, which include the use of numerous troops, such as those which participated and sacrificed their lives in Korea, the Middle East, the Congo and Cyprus.
164.	The growing effectiveness of all these three institutions which constitute the Organization depends or. international co-operation. This co-operation does not come about spontaneously. It is not merely an ideal, a principle, a desire ; r a policy. It is represented by institutions, by treaties, by laws, by negotiations, by agreements and by actions. Finally, it is made up of concrete elements which are frequently difficult to bring into being.
165.	Peace is not an abstraction. It requires an organized system for the peaceful settlement of disputes among nations and peaceful change in internal structures. The alternative to nuclear weapons is not their mere suppression. The alternative resides in the existence of efficient and trustworthy institutions that will guarantee the security of all nations.
166.	During the first 30 years of the United Nations there was a tendency to define the struggle for freedom as being similar to a struggle for national independence. But we well know that history is full of sad examples of tyrannies that have tried to justify themselves by their nationalism. Now that so many new nations have at last attained their national liberation, we must face the prior question of what happens to the individual freedom of men, women and children, the freedom of every human being whose value and dignity is affirmed on the first page of the United Nations Charter? Today, obviously, the world gives a very unsatisfactory reply to this question.
167.	Experience has demonstrated the close interdependence existing between human rights, on the one hand, and international peace and security, on the other. The recent history of nazism in power should have taught us all that the suppression of internal freedoms is the instrument of external aggression, that a domestic lack of respect for human dignity can rapidly lead to the crushing of human dignity abroad. Dictators have always used international adventures as pretexts for consolidating the subjugation of their own peoples. And the danger of their external policies is made all the greater by the systematic suppression of domestic dissidence.
168.	The other side of the coin is also less deplorable. The more a country is threatened by external aggression, the less opportunity exists for the observance of human rights within that country.
169.	Those who are concerned with preserving and developing human rights in free societies must, then, also be concerned with promoting human rights in the rest of the world, and those who are concerned with promoting international peace and security cannot be satisfied with the attainment of those objectives in their own countries alone. As was eloquently asked by President Kennedy in 1963,  is not peace ultimately and basically a question of human rights?
170.	Just as the promotion of human rights has a universal character, as is recognized and emphasized by the United Nations Charter, it must also be approached universally and simultaneously and be applied to every sphere of human activity. If it is recognized that a man cannot be truly free under .mi arbitrary Government, it must also be recognized that neither can ho he free -even if freedom is proclaimed by the constitution and laws of his country he is subject to the oppression of poverty or the tyranny of ignorance.
171.	For a human being to have dignity,  e mast have at least a minimum number of rights, which must be simultaneously applicable: the right to life, to freedom of thought and opinion, to equality, to economic well-being, to education, to equitable remuneration when working and to fraternal treatment from the other members of society.
172.	In reaction to the Jack of social solidarity which characterized he capitalist in the first half of our century, today there is greater insistence upon economic and social human rights than upon purely civil and political rights.
173.	This emphasis can be explained and accepted as long as it is not used as an excuse to suppress civil and political rights for the sake of economic and social development, which in fact does not require the suppression of other rights.
174.	Obviously, economic and social rights require that they be enjoyed by all, that the nation should have the financial and technical resources which only development can provide. That in why the under-developed countries have great difficulty in making human rights effective in the economic and social fields. It is a grave fact that in many cases, in order to overcome the obstacles presented by under-development, it is considered necessary to do without civil and political rights as well. Thus the peoples of many developing countries are not only cast into the abyss of economic wretchedness, ill health, servile labour, ignorance and under nourishment but must also bear arbitrariness and oppression from those who rule them.
175.	The solution, therefore, is not to suppress some rights for the sake of others. The solution is progressively and simultaneously to move forward towards full effectiveness for all rights. That is why international co-operation for development, like respect for human rights, has ceased to be an internal obligation and has become a great international duty.
176.	Only when the rich States really comply with their obligation to co-operate with the poor in their efforts to overcome under-development can they rightfully call for full observance of human rights.
177.	On the other hand, my delegation is convinced that repression set up as a rule of government is not only a violation of the United Nations Charter, which requires respect for human rights, but also creates major obstacles to the attainment of socio-economic progress by the subjugated peoples. Such repression prevents the full participation of the people without which no process of socio-economic development can be successful, whatever may be the prevailing system. That is why under-development and political repression are but aspects of one and the same problem.
178.	The delegation of Costa Rica attaches special importance to agenda item 76 of this session of the Assembly, entitle  alternative approaches and ways and means within the United Nations system for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
179.	Together with other delegations which share our interests, my delegation has participated in the drafting of an informal working paper which explains the approach given to the item and an initial draft which brings up to date and includes our old idea of establishing a post entitled United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
180.	The coming into being of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)], the two International Covenants on Human Rights and the Optional Protocol of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights have given legal content to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Those instruments have conferred new functions on the United Nations, functions which should, in the opinion of my delegation, be co-ordinated and promoted by an agency of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
181.	The need for such an agency, rejected by an impartial official having objective authority, has become more obvious because of the tendency to create ad hoc committees to investigate selectively certain cases of alleged violations of human rights with a predominantly political criterion, a criterion which casts doubt on the equity of the conclusions and recommendations that might be arrived at by such ad hoc committees. A High Commissioner would, on the contrary, have the prestige arising from his impartiality and broad knowledge of the subject and would be heeded because his good offices and recommendations would be objective and removed from the urge to provoke a political scandal in the country against which it is rightly or wrongly alleged that violations of human rights have occurred.
180. My Government hopes that at this thirty-second session there will finally be a full and dispassionate consideration of the sincere desire of my delegation and many others that there be established the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The support given to this idea by President Carter when he first appeared in this forum on 17 March 1977 and the voices of encouragement we have heard from other delegations have led us to request of the General Assembly that it at least earn out an exhaustive consideration of the matter.
181. The primary goal of the United Nations is to promote international peace and security. That goal logically becomes more distant in inverse ratio to the increase in the number and destructive capacity of nuclear and conventional weapons.
182.	The statistics on weapons are truly terrifying. The data of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute indicate that mankind has accumulated the equivalent of more than a million Hiroshima bombs. That represents a lethal potential capable of annihilating the total population of the world 12 times over. And yet the number of nuclear warheads for guided missiles continues to increase from year to year, and in the last eight years they have increased fivefold. At the same time, the lethal capacity of conventional weapons which, unlike clear weapons, are available even to the poorest countries of the world is being perfected.
183.	These facts demonstrate that the human race is lagging behind in its race against weapons. Increasingly vigorous efforts are required to achieve disarmament, or at least a reduction in armaments.
184.	We do not deny the right of every country to be vigilant with respect to its own security. The truth is that many countries have recourse to weapons because the international community regrettably has so far not been able to offer an international substitute for the duty of each State to see to its own security.
185.	It might be said that as an exception Costa Rica wishes to offer the testimony of its confidence in the present agreements on collective, regional and world security to which it is a party. Therefore, inspired by its age-old civilian tradition, we decided in 1948 to dissolve our armed forces and refrain from investing funds in acquiring the instruments of war. That act of faith has yielded optimum dividends. My country has been able to allocate for the health, education, housing and nutrition of its people the inevitably scarce resources which others allocate for instruments of war. That is perhaps why our democracy is today sounder than it has ever been and why our citizens live with decorum, in freedom and dignity.


45.	 Mr. President, since I am speaking for the first time here in this Assembly, by your leave I should like to associate myself fully with the warm congratulations which have already been addressed to you on the occasion of your election. The unanimous decision of this Assembly to entrust to you the task of guiding our work is a stirring tribute to the policies of your country and to your personal qualities as a seasoned diplomat. The considerable experience you have had in the United Nations and your undisputed authority make you particularly qualified to preside over the important debates of this thirty-second session. Mr. President, I can assure you of the complete co-operation of the delegation of Upper Volta in the discharge of your duties.
46.	It is also a pleasure to pay a well-deserved tribute to your eminent predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe who, with his wisdom and talents as an enlightened diplomat, guided with exceptional success the work of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
47.	Finally, I "should like to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the devotion, perception and dedication with which he guides the destiny of the Organization. I should like to express to him our complete satisfaction and total support for his praiseworthy efforts in his lofty and exalted post.
48.	I could not go into the substantive problems in my statement without first expressing my personal happiness at seeing seated among us the representatives of the brother people of Djibouti and the Vietnamese people. Those two States will, I am certain, make a dynamic contribution to the work of our Organization and to the attainment of the noble objectives of the Charter. Their admission represents also a further step towards the universality at which the United Nations aims.
49.	I wish now to touch on some of the complex and disturbing questions that deserve the full attention of our Assembly. Despite exceptional efforts made by our Organization and the international community, the world is beset with grave problems that require urgent solutions first and foremost the problem of southern Africa.
50.	Southern Africa remains a dangerous tinderbox which threatens peace in that region and in the world because apartheid is violence, both moral and physical, and because apartheid represents a total contempt for our Organization and its Charter. Upper Volta, whose philosophy is based on respect for man, whatever his civilization or culture, denounces and condemns once again the anachronistic and ignoble scourge of apartheid which stops at nothing to repress and massacre innumerable Africans, whose only crime is that they have a black skin. From this rostrum I wish to pay a tribute to the memory of Steven Biko and to all the martyrs of southern Africa who courageously fell before bullets or were crushed by torture, and to all those who, while we are meeting here, are paying dearly in the horrors of the gaols of Vorster and Ian Smith for their rejection of apartheid and for their ardent quest for dignity, justice and independence.
51.	The situation in southern Africa is all the more disturbing since the racist regimes strive ferociously to increase and improve their means of repression and destruction, including nuclear weapons. From this rostrum we solemnly appeal to all the great Powers and their allies and to the entire international community to take appropriate measures so as to make Vorster incapable of threatening African States and world peace. The black community will no longer be content with beautiful words while Vorster, with the benefit of the lucrative economic relations which South Africa maintains with a good number of States, openly arms in defiance of innumerable resolutions of this Assembly.
52.	The illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia by the racist regime of Pretoria and the introduction into that country of the policy of apartheid and bantustanization constitute a defiance of the United Nations and of the international community. It is necessary decisively to counter that action by South Africa so as to hasten Namibia's accession to independence by democratic means and under United Nations supervision. In this respect we reaffirm the need to give SWAPO all the political and material support it needs in the just struggle it wages for freedom.
53.	The obduracy of the rebel racist minority in desperately holding on to its power and the resulting situation of conflict jeopardize the very existence of the white community of that country. We believe that it is more urgent than ever to find a final solution for the Rhodesian problem on the basis of majority rule.
54.	The Anglo-American plan is the last chance for a peaceful settlement. If it fails Africa would have no choice other than to resort to the only solution capable of making Ian Smith give way—armed struggle to the end.
55.	The situation in the Middle Hast continues to threaten the peace and development of the region. Upper Volta attentively follows the evolution of that disturbing question and hopes that in the Middle Hast a just and lasting peace will soon be established on the basis of the following elements: withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied by force since 1967; the right of every State in the region to live within secure and recognized borders: and the recognition and implementation of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
56.	All that leads us to deplore the recent measures taken by Israel to establish new settlements on the West Bank. It is, nevertheless, our hope that the negotiations under way for a resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East will be positive. However, it would be an illusion to imagine that that Conference will arrive at lasting results without the effective, full and complete participation of the Palestinian people represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization.
57.	The separation of the island of Mayotte from the rest of the Comoros is still a situation that worries all African States. We trust that the lofty mission entrusted to the current President of the OAU with respect to the President of France will rapidly produce a satisfactory solution to this question.
58.	We welcome the efforts made by the Secretary- General to find a lasting solution to the painful problem of Cyprus. Upper Volta deplores the interference of other
States in the internal affairs of Cyprus and sincerely hopes that the two communities, Greek and Turkish alike, will arrive at an understanding and agreement with independence and in non-alignment.
59.	In 1976 military expenditure reached the fabulous sum of S350 billion; that is the equivalent of the combined gross national product of all the nations of Latin America, Africa and the Middle East; it is the equivalent of national expenditure for education throughout the world, double the expenditure for health, and 15 times higher than foreign aid to developing countries.
60.	Given such waste and the destructive potential it entails, the disarmament problem becomes acute. We are pleased, therefore, with the many attempts at, and laborious discussions on, disarmament. The initiative of the non-aligned countries to convene in 1978 a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament will perhaps allow us to Jay the groundwork for effective disarmament.
61.	These developments warrant the hope that mode rating influences will carry more weight on behalf of the cause in which man, by his inalienable right to existence, happiness and to a future, must always have the final word.
62.	Among the matters involving our Organization, I wish to highlight the consensus agreements reached here and State sovereignty, a sacrosanct principle of international law, which, in current circumstances, no one could think of renouncing.
63.	Yet, here perhaps more than in ideological confrontations and conflicts of interest lies the bone of contention, since it is obviously inconceivable that United Nations resolutions should be perceived or received with indifference by the countries concerned without serious damage to international order itself. The pressure tactics or retaliatory' measures which have sometimes been resorted to, and their generally unfruitful results, are certainly among the most basic causes of the feeling of dissatisfaction with the international political order in our times.
64.	The bitter fruits of this state of affairs are: violence in all its forms, the crystallization of selfish interests, intolerance, the balancing act between the great Powers now elevated to a new diplomatic art, and the feeling of helplessness experienced by the weakest.
65.	Now, let us not be misled: never has our world been in greater need of an. international morality endowed with the essential legitimacy which would derive from its unreserved acceptance, without ulterior motives, by the whole international community.
66.	Indeed, what led to the creation of the United Nations on the morrow of an atrocious war was mankind's need for new foundations for his future and for his survival, for a new approach to the world's problems, for a new philosophy of international relations-in short, for a new international morality.
67.	But, as you will agree, that new ethic has not, unfortunately, gained ground as it should have because of the narrow interests of States.
68.	Yet, the situation we find ourselves in, overshadowed by economic crisis and monetary disarray, coupled with a fresh outburst of foreign competition on the African continent, may aggravate the all-too-well-known symptoms.
69.	Hence it is with particular seriousness that I appeal for an attempt to define this new international morality so urgently needed by our world. Otherwise there may be a dangerous escalation of unbridled competition, violence, and perhaps, alas, the ultimate apocalypse. What our world needs, individually as well as collectively, is a reason to believe-a reason that is sufficiently imperative to justify forgetting circumstantial interests, so as to rise above selfish interests. In a word, what our world needs is a new brotherhood of man, a new practice in international relations based on the innate feeling of justice common to every man. Only such a practice will be able to create a feeling of real and binding obligation before which even the principle of State sovereignty itself will be bound to yield.
70.	True, centuries of traditions, ways of life and thinking will not easily be altered. Nobody wants to give away his trump cards, his ability to respond to events, that enable him to perpetuate his dominant position or his material interests. Yet, some doctrines would lose much of their attractiveness and would more clearly reveal the price to be paid it this new international morality, the requirements and implications of which are certainly not difficult to define, could find its proper course in the light of the profound crisis which our world is undergoing, and could in the immediate future be established boldly where confrontations are becoming manifest, namely in Africa
71.	I have deliberately dwelt on the political factors and prospects which form the background of international relations, but I would be remiss were I to overlook economic problems, because the survival of our civilization is threatened not only by conflicts and the arms race, but also, if not more so, by disparities in economic development. In this field, the countries concerned must, of course, make the major effort; but, regrettably, such efforts have often failed because of external forces entirely beyond their control. That is what is happening, for example, in the Sahelian countries, where droughts and floods alternate, leaving in their wake death, devastation and poverty. Who can affirm in all conscience that this seasonal disruption is in no way related to all the atmospheric and stratospheric experiments that have been carried out? Meanwhile, the submission to States, for their consideration, of an international Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques proves, if that were necessary, that man can now deliberately manipulate the natural elements.
72.	Upper Volta, despite these difficulties, is tirelessly pursuing a policy which combines a desire for rapid economic growth and a concern for integrated development. After the five-year plan which has just been completed with specific achievements, a new plan is under way which will place greater emphasis on agricultural production, the essential basis and principal vehicle of our economic development.
73.	If, in spite of everything, our situation still encounters obstacles to be overcome, it is not so much because of our unfavourable geographical position as because of the erratic climate which makes Upper Volta a Sahelian country. The tragedies suffered by the Sahelian countries from 1968 to 1973 endangered the already difficult lives of 20 million human beings. But again this year, drought has clearly reminded us that, in order to deal with the over-all damage to our lands and environment, the solution must not be found in any effort to change the climate because this is a recurrent and inevitable climatic condition of arid, semi- arid and subhumid regions.
74.	We must perforce learn to control water by a sound and rational policy with regard to water resources. In this respect, two world conferences have indicated their vital importance this year. One was the United Nations Water Conference, held in Mar del Plata some months ago, which reached positive conclusions on the most rational method of managing water resources throughout the world in order to meet the growing requirements, particularly in the arid-zone countries. The other was the United Nations Conference on Desertification, held in September last in Nairobi This important Conference, at which more than 100 States of our Organization met, including the Scandinavian countries, bears witness to the interest that mankind attaches to this problem.
75.	However, my country, Upper Volta, did not wait for the Conference on Desertification to attack the evil at its roots. In fact since 1963 our public authorities have undertaken a vast anti-erosion campaign in the north of our country. Thus we reclaimed more than 300,000 hectares. Since then, action by the Government has also been carried out on a certain number of strategic projects intended in particular to remedy ecological imbalances. Among these measures, Upper Volta gives a high priority to reforestation, and that is why, within the framework of the regional development organizations, we are experimenting with reforestation in villages. !t is true that in our Sudan-Sahelian zone deforestation is at present the most serious form of ecological deterioration. Therefore a bold policy must be undertaken by an extensive and intensive programme of reforestation. For such a programme to be effective it must be included in a subregional or regional context and have the support of the popular masses through their being made aware of the problems and being mobilized to deal with them, because it is the attitude of men and their ability to assimilate new factors which will largely determine productivity.
76.	The United Nations has an eminent role to play in the success of this vast and sound undertaking. It is from this standpoint that the Government of Upper Volta would like to propose to this Assembly that the tree should constitute the theme for our thinking when it comes to fighting desertification. We are prepared to seek with all States concerned the appropriate context for action along these lines.
77.	The hopes of half a billion human beings are at present based on the plan of action which marked the end of the work of the Conference. Even though we did not attain unanimity, because of differences among industrialized and developing countries regarding the establishment of a special fund for desertification, and even though the effective implementation of the plan of action would require the solution of a certain number of prior questions, it remains no less true that the Nairobi Conference has paved the way to genuine international solidarity in regard to that new international economic order to which we all aspire.
78.	This new economic order, as we have all recognized, assumes a redefinition, or rather a readjustment, of North- South relations, with a systematic search for justice and equity. We are bound to recognize that in this matter the rich and the poor do not speak the same language. The fourth session of UNCTAD, the results of which did not fulfil our hopes, and the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, or North-South dialogue, which did not succeed in making positions more flexible, both bear eloquent testimony to the differences in assessment and equally in the approach to relationships based on interests. The situation we are witnessing at the end of this century is not only a worsening of the terms of trade but also a deterioration in the terms of negotiation.
79.	Yet a little attention to the actual facts is all that is needed to be convinced of the need for international action for the benefit of the poor countries, in which the tragedy of man daily becomes more distressing.
80.	In most of these countries the per capita annual growth does not exceed 0.3 per cent, whereas the rate scheduled for the Second United Nations Development Decade is 3.5 per cent. This rate appears to be even lower in the Sahelian countries, where most of the least advanced poor countries are located. When one notes that in the region nature is inclement and that the shortage of rainfall so far this year threatens to aggravate the grain crisis at a time when it is at a critical threshold, one immediately realizes how necessary and urgent a solution is.
81.	As far as trade is concerned, the balance of world trade has deteriorated at the expense of the developing countries, whose exports have risen by a little less than 4 per cent since 1975, that is, far below the 7 per cent target set for the Second Development Decade. Conversely, their imports have risen in the proportions imposed by the persistent inflation, the rising prices and the economic recession in the developed countries. Hence they have experienced a trade deficit of approximately S35 billion.
82.	The same tendency is apparent in their external indebtedness, which remains disturbing, particularly because of the high rate and unequal distribution of the indebtedness of the developing countries to their creditors. This indebtedness has doubled in three years and it has now risen to SI30 billion. For this year alone statistics foresee an increase of the order of S30 billion.
83.	In these circumstances aid for development becomes marginal, particularly if one takes into account the financing needs of the poor countries, which will rise to approximately S60 billion at the end of the present decade.
84.	It is evident that one can no longer expect these countries to finance, by borrowing, a deficit imposed on them by the international crisis and by the selfishness of the market-economy countries.
85.	This rather sombre picture reveals the alarming situation of the developing countries, which urgently need measures of assistance if chaos is to be avoided In this respect we must warmly thank the friendly countries which, through bilateral and multilateral assistance, have given valuable aid to our development effort.
86.	Those among them which have not hesitated to devote 1 per cent of their gross national product to development aid above all deserve our profound gratitude. We appeal to them to intensify this effort and to make it more dynamic by increasing assistance for our development. In particular we appreciate the decision taken by States which, like Canada, have decided to convert debts into selfless aid. Upper Volta firmly believes that the future of the world depends on co-operation among men if we wish to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, as was proclaimed as long ago as 1945 by the nations among us which had the historic mission of laying the foundations of our Organization. An international conference, the Afro- Arab summit, paved the way for this form of multilateral co-operation. May it lead to other similar initiatives so that our world may advance in peace and prosperity.
87.	For our part we wish to reiterate our commitment to discharge our common responsibilities unflaggingly alongside the other nations represented here, not only to liberate mankind from the spectre of war but also to ensure for coming generations a universe of justice, progress and prosperity.


179.	 It is with great pleasure that I extend to Mr. Lazar Mojsov, the representative of Yugoslavia, my heartfelt congratulations and best wishes on his election as President of this session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I do this with all the more pleasure since he represents a friendly nation with which Portugal in recent years has established relations of mutual respect and benefit, quickly reaching a level of close friendship and co-operation, to which the official visit to Portugal next month of Marshal Tito, at the invitation of the President of the Portuguese Republic, Ramalho Eanes, will bear witness.
180.	I should like to direct a few words of sincere appreciation and thanks to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, the representative of Sri Lanka, another friendly nation, to which Portugal has for several centuries been linked historically and culturally, for the manner in which he presided over the thirty-first session of the General Assembly and guided its work with such efficiency and distinction.
181.	I am especially pleased to greet the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to whose enlightened vision of international life, sense of history and justice, and high human and diplomatic qualities the United Nations and the very community of nations owe so much.
182.	I am also pleased at this time to salute the admission to the United Nations of the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, expressing the hope that a close co-operation will soon be established within the United Nations between the delegations of Portugal and of these new Member States, whose admission represents yet another step not only towards the conclusion of the decolonization process undertaken by the United Nations but also towards the universality of the Organization, which is so much to be desired.
183.	Last year, my country voted in favour of General Assembly resolution 31/21, which then recommended the admission of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations. This year we had the honour of sponsoring the draft resolution that approved the admission of Viet Nam to the United Nations.
184.	With the admission to the United Nations, still during the last session of the General Assembly, of the People's Republic of Angola-which we had strongly supported and greeted with deep joy—all the nations emerging from the policy of decolonization initiated by Portugal on 25 April 1974 are now fully represented in the United Nations. These nations bear witness to the determination with which Portugal has sought to be in step with history and to meet, not only the thinking of the United Nations, but, above all, the legitimate and natural aspirations of the peoples whom we had colonized for centuries.
185.	I greet all the representatives of the community of nations here present, but I direct a very special salute to the representatives of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe-countries with which Portugal and Brazil today form a vast human community linked by blood, history, tradition, culture and, finally, a common language in which I am addressing the Assembly today, a language that, as I stated here last year, we believe is bound to play an increasingly important role in the task of bringing men together and helping them to free themselves from alienation.
186.	We trust that in the future that role will be acknowledged by the United Nations itself through the recognition of Portuguese as one of the official languages of the Organization.
187.	It may be pointed out in this connexion that the Portuguese language has, in fact, already been used as a working language in international meetings that have taken place under the aegis of the United Nations, as in the recent International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia held at Maputo.
188.	We believe, therefore, that the Portuguese language can be instrumental in helping men overcome their difficulties in every field-ideological, technological, political and social.
189.	Last year, I had an opportunity in this Assembly to outline the major principles which guide democratic Portugal in international relations and which are enshrined in our Constitution.
190.	Since then, during the first year of the Constitutional Government, the Republic of Portugal has acted in accordance with those principles.
191.	One of the efforts of our diplomacy that 1 should like to point out in particular is Portugal's pending request for admission into the European Economic Community made in March of this year, and we are expecting a reply.
192.	The spirit that prevailed in the talks which Prime Minister Mario Soares had in the capitals of the nine countries members of the Community, and which I was privileged to follow enables us to envisage this accession with confidence.
193.	Our commitment towards a democratic, strong and united Europe is now total. This democratic Europe should not, however, be conceived as an end in itself, but rather as a factor of stability and world peace as well as a natural ally of the developing countries. A democratic Europe is, for Portugal, a basis for a world-wide policy of understanding and co-operation.
194.	To achieve this all European nations, even those with different political regimes, must maintain the continent in a climate of detente. We thus attach great value to the work of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe now proceeding in Belgrade. The mere fact that the Conference is taking place is, for us, a most encouraging sign.
195.	We shall go to Belgrade in a constructive spirit, ready to recognize the positive results achieved following the Final Act of Helsinki, but also seeking to strengthen its implementation.
196.	It is our belief that detente in Europe will encourage the possibility of achieving an international order that will be more stable and less affected by the spectre of violent conflict. If such an understanding is possible in Europe, then certainly it can be in other regions.
197.	In this light, Portugal considers the presence in Belgrade of the countries of the Mediterranean area to be a means of associating the greatest possible number of nations with it and with the effort towards such an understanding.
198.	The world continues to be clouded by very serious problems calling for the increased attention of the community of nations. The General Assembly will examine them all, and we hope, for our part, to make a positive contribution, if not towards their respective solutions, at least towards their clarification and better assessment.
199.	I shall refer to two of them in particular, because of their seriousness and because they are certainly those which the Portuguese Government regards with the greatest attention in view of their specific nature, the interests and values at stake, and the multiple affinities that link us to the peoples concerned.
200.	As a nation both European and Atlantic, we are bound to Africa, and not only to Portuguese-speaking Africa, by multiple ties that are centuries old. We cannot be indifferent to anything that occurs in Africa not only because of its effects on international order, but also because of the real esteem in which we hold the peoples of Africa and the respect we have for their struggle to put an immediate end to all those situations that bear the intolerable stamp of colonialism or represent an unacceptable denial of the most basic human rights.
201.	Portugal cannot fail to add its efforts to those of all nations and all political forces in the world which condemn the stubborn persistence in southern Africa of political concepts, institutions or forms of government that, whatever may be the arguments invoked in their defence, seem designed merely to ensure the survival of an unjust political and social order and to postpone satisfaction of the legitimate desire of the peoples of southern Africa to be masters of their own destiny.
202.	For these reasons, the Portuguese Government hopes that the independence of Namibia, with full respect for its unity and territorial integrity, will not be delayed. We trust that the diplomatic efforts being made to bring together the different parties involved in this matter will meet with success so as to end, through negotiation, the illegal occupation of Namibia.
203.	In this respect, I should like to recall Security Council resolution 385(1976), which constitutes a framework for an acceptable solution of this problem. If this is not achieved, it will not be possible to avoid an escalation of the armed conflict that has been taking place for years to achieve the liberation of that Territory, a conflict caused by the intransigence and stubbornness of the occupying Power.
204.	By the same token, the Government of Portugal expresses its hope that the rebel regime of Rhodesia will shortly come to an end. The aggravation of the situation in that Territory has serious implications for the peace and security of all the countries in the area, and causes justifiable apprehension within the international community. Evidence of this can be seen in the attacks against Mozambique and incursions into its territory which have been condemned by the Security Council.
205.	We hope that a solution can soon be found to put an end to the tragedy now taking place there, thus enabling the establishment in Zimbabwe of a true majority Government. There is no other way to avoid further sacrifices in human lives and the further heightening of racial tensions and hatred. Besides, the continued deterioration of the conflict may render the intervention of outside forces unavoidable.
206.	In this respect I feel that the United Nations should lend its utmost attention to the recent proposals made by the United Kingdom aimed at restoring legality in Rhodesia and at solving the Rhodesian question, proposals which were fully supported by the Government of the United States.
207.	At the same time we expressly condemn the doctrine as well as the practice of apartheid. We take this position all the more firmly since, whatever the errors Portugal was accused of during its colonial period—errors which the Portuguese democrats never failed to condemn-all forms of racial discrimination have always been abhorrent to us. The end of racism should in no way signify the separation of races by continents, but should instead mean their coexistence and interpenetration in the areas where history has brought them together. In this spirit, Portugal recently attended in Lagos the World Conference for Action against Apartheid.
208.	Another area of the world-the Middle East-has become in the past 30 years the scene of a tragedy that, despite all efforts to end it and notwithstanding the repeated affirmations of the countries involved that they wish to arrive at a peaceful solution, has already resulted in many thousands of victims, has been and probably will continue to be a grave threat to the peace of the world, and constitutes a flagrant example of how fear, false notions of security, and a sectarian spirit can mislead those who govern.
209.	Portugal does not have direct interests in that region. However, the vicissitudes of history have bound us by culture and blood to the peoples who have taken part and have been victims in this drama.
210.	It seems intolerable to the people and Government of Portugal that millions of human beings continue to live in the Middle East under the threat and sometimes under the harsh laws of war in spite of all the efforts made to find a peace formula that should ensure the right to exist to every State in the region, without exception, and the right of the Palestinian people to create its own homeland.
211.	A formula will have to be found which, while guaranteeing to Israel the respect of its borders and of its very right to exist, will definitely prevent it from continuing, under whatever pretext, to occupy territories which it does not own and which were conquered by force 10 years ago, and from trying to extend its influence on them through the illegal establishment of settlements, the purpose of which is merely to consolidate, if not to perpetuate, a status quo clearly and justly condemned by the international conscience. Portugal associates itself with this condemnation, and has not done so earlier for the sole reason that it considers this rostrum of the United Nations to be the most adequate place to do it.
212.	I repeat, a formula will have to be found depriving Israel of the authority it claims to have to deny the Palestinian people the right-which, after all, it claims for itself—to be the master of its national destiny, a formula that would enable the Palestinian people to see its right to create its own homeland unanimously recognized by the international community.
213.	Portugal supports the rapid convening of the Geneva Conference with the participation of the representatives of the Palestinian people in such a way as to recognize its aspirations and to give Israel security assurances.
214.	In the Far East my country still maintains formal responsibilities with respect to the Territory of East Timor. As we have repeatedly stated, Portugal has no claims or interests there other than wishing to conclude, in the best possible manner, the process of decolonization of all the Non-Self-Governing Territories under its administration. We believe that this can be achieved only by respect for the right of the Timorese people to self-determination and independence, as stated in resolution 1514 (XV), applicable to all peoples under colonial domination. In the circumstances that are known to all, this can only take place through compliance with the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council on this matter.
215.	Within its limitations, my Government is ready, as it has always been, to give the United Nations all possible co-operation in this field.
216.	I should like at this stage to lay before this Assembly some of the thoughts which come to our mind when we consider the history of the United Nations and the demands with which we are confronted in present-day international relations.
217.	If we analyse the activities carried out by the United Nations to this day, if we try to ascertain in what fields its action is now more necessary, more urgent, we may safely conclude that the United Nations is entering a new phase of its existence.
218.	This Organization was conceived and its structures drawn up during the Second World War; it started to function when memories of past tragedies and sufferings were still fresh and when consciousness of the threat of an even greater catastrophe in the event of another war was vivid. Understandably, under such circumstances the maintenance of peace and international security were the main concerns. Thus we can note that the various United Nations bodies during the first years of their existence, therefore, devoted a major part of their work to the task of trying to avoid the eruption of international conflicts or of trying to solve, through peaceful means if possible, those conflicts which could unfortunately not be avoided.
219.	It is obviously not easy to evaluate the significance of the actions-or even of the mere existence-of the United Nations in the course of these events. It is difficult therefore to assess the specific contribution of the United Nations towards the prevention of a given conflict or the solution of a given crisis. It is particularly difficult to say to what extent the fact that a third world war did not break out was due to the United Nations. But we may safely conclude that the fact that we have lived in a situation of relative peace is linked to the existence, and to the actions, of the United Nations, as was the solution of many conflicts.
220.	But peace and security do not constitute the sole aim of the United Nations. And if it is obvious that war has caused tragedies which human sensitivity would consider it intolerable to see repeated, it is equally obvious that situations of suffering and sacrifice persist, affecting a great part of mankind—situations which in some cases are no lighter than those brought about by war.
221.	On the other hand, the attention of an international organization would naturally be focused more intensely on situations extending beyond the borders of States. The most flagrant example of this was unquestionably the case of people. not enjoying their own independence, of peoples dominated by other peoples—in short, the case of colonial situations.
222.	It is therefore not surprising that, once certain structures aimed at reducing the risk of another world war had been set up, the United Nations should have launched a large-scale campaign against colonialism. It should not be forgotten that this action was prompted by solidarity, and sometimes by political interests which were not always directly related to the degree of justice or injustice prevailing in each colonial situation; but unquestionably, in my mind, these situations constituted a field in which the intervention of the United Nations was morally just, legally in accordance with the aims of the Charter, and politically viable.
223.	The action of the United Nations in the field of decolonization is unfortunately not complete. There still exist situations which, owing to their dimensions and seriousness, require that the efforts undertaken in this sector be in no way weakened. But it seems that the end of the road is in sight, and it is no longer hazardous to say that the days of colonialism are numbered.
224.	We have every reason to welcome the changes that have occurred in the fight against colonialism, but we must remember that victory in this field will allow the United Nations to concentrate its efforts in other fields where situations exist which the international community cannot ignore and which call for urgent and effective action.
225.	The first problem to be faced, concerning which we must urgently overcome the current deadlock and achieve visible progress, is the question of disarmament.
226.	We are perfectly aware of the complexity of the negotiations on disarmament. We recognize the legitimate concern of States regarding their security and defence. But the present situation is clearly unacceptable, and no one can have the slightest doubt as to the urgency of finding a solution.
227.	It is therefore with renewed hope that we await the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament to be held in 1978-not because we expect it to approve sensational armament reductions, but because we feel that that session will represent an important step towards the establishment of a new mentality, of a new spirit in which these questions must be considered. For only with a new spirit can the present situation be overcome. Without it, no machinery, no negotiation, can dispel the constant threat of apocalyptic destruction under which we live.
228.	While pledging the total co-operation of the Portuguese Government I appeal to all States represented here boldly and resolutely to make every effort and to use all the resources of their imaginations to find solutions to this problem, which has a decision bearing on other problems facing mankind today. We must, however, bear in mind that the factors of security essential to small nations are not always those brought forward by the great Powers.
229.	I believe it can be said that the situations causing the greatest amount of suffering to mankind are mainly due to one of two reasons: to the fact that human beings arc denied the effective exercise of their legitimate rights, or to the fact that they find themselves in a position in which, even though no repressive action is exercised against them, they are unable to fulfil their most basic needs.
230.	Regarding the first type of situation, the answer must be found in the defence and protection of human rights. The existence of the second type of situation underscores the need to establish a new international economic order. The two main tasks of the United Nations in the phase following decolonization must therefore be the protection of human rights and the establishment of a new economic order in the world.
231.	It must of course be noted that these objectives are enshrined in the Charter and have, in one way or another, been pursued by the United Nations during all the years of its existence. The fundamental change that we believe has taken place lies in the fact that more favourable conditions now exist and that a greater sense of urgency is now being felt concerning the attainment of these objectives.
232.	As regards human rights, the efficiency of the actions of the United Nations has been limited by the existence of suspicions hindering international co-operation in this field. However, we consider that unavoidable difficulties can in no way constitute an excuse for complacency or passivity.
233.	To ensure the full protection of human rights and to build a new and more just economic order-those are the challenges facing mankind today. The two aspects are in our view inseparable.
234.	Portugal has a very particular interest in the protection of human rights and is engaged in the process of becoming a party to a series of international instruments aimed at the effective defence of those rights. Of these I should like to recall the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and the International Covenants on Human Rights.
235.	As I already had the opportunity of stressing a year ago, it is not surprising that Portugal attaches particular significance to the protection of human rights. The experience of a dictatorial regime which ignored the most elementary individual rights and guarantees has clearly shown us the importance of respecting them, and in this matter our Constitution contains clear and mandatory provisions.
236.	In speaking of human rights, I cannot fail to emphasize the necessity of giving very particular attention to the protection of the human rights of migrant workers. We believe this to be a question concerning which international organizations bear special responsibilities. The Portuguese Government and its diplomacy are firmly resolved to explore all existing possibilities in this field and to seek with other countries better solutions to this problem.
237.	By the same token, the establishment of a new economic order also raises some specific problems that imply the alteration of structures we have traditionally thought of as being matters within" the internal jurisdiction of each State. In order to undertake the modification of such structures it is necessary to bear in mind that the world has become more interdependent, that the destiny of one man is increasingly linked with that of others and that the areas of international co-operation must be progressively expanded.
238.	No doubt the North-South dialogue has intensified in recent years. Various institutional formulas have been attempted in the search for the necessary balance between rich and poor nations. One of the most striking examples was the Conference on International Economic Cooperation, which ended in Paris in June last. The conclusion reached—that dialogue must continue in the appropriate forums-remains important. No one can doubt that the United Nations and its specialized agencies are one of those forums, if not the principal one. The United Nations will therefore have to prepare adequate institutional arrangements to cope with such tasks. Spontaneity in the economic field is no longer acceptable.
239.	In this connexion, the work taking place within the United Nations with respect to the law of the sea and a new regime for the oceans deserves a special mention.
240.	Portugal continues to take an active part in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and to follow developments associated with the establishment of a new regime for the oceans of the world that will take into account both the necessities of the world community and the spirit of the new economic order.
241.	We note with satisfaction the progress achieved during the sixth session of the Conference. However, we remain apprehensive concerning the difficulties that still persist in some areas, difficulties that must be overcome in a spirit of compromise so that a text containing the general consensus and representing an acceptable balance between the various positions and interests at stake can be arrived at.
242.	We believe it to be of major importance that the convention codifying the new law of the sea be adopted in the near future, not only because it would represent a major contribution within the framework of the United Nations towards peace and mutual understanding but also because it would provide the small coastal States with guarantees for the respect for their rights, particularly those regarding the use of resources.
243.	On the other hand, the convention would provide guarantees to the technologically developed countries and safeguard their vital interests as maritime Powers, also assuring the security of the large investments necessary for the exploitation of the sea-bed and the ocean floor. However, it is not sufficient to establish a new legal regime for the oceans without ensuring at the same time the institutional conditions that will facilitate its application and without contributing to the necessary international co-operation.
244.	If it is true that organs that are part of the United Nations system and have competence in ocean affairs have played an important role in this area, it is also true that they have not always been able to keep up with new needs and with the changes and problems arising from new technologies. In our opinion, this gap between institutions and functions must command the attention of the higher bodies of the United Nations. Adjustments and improvements—some already under way in the specialized organs and others requiring the creation of new machinery for co-operation—should be integrated in a rational and efficient way to meet the new requirements of the international community. Priority should be given, inter alia, to increasing the aid given to Member States which need international assistance, in particular the developing nations, thereby facilitating the application of the new regime governing the oceans and ensuring that they can thus derive greater benefits for their economic and social development.
245.	We thus believe that, once the Conference enters its final stage, it would be advisable for the General Assembly to consider this important matter.
246.	My Government, wishing to contribute as far as it can to international co-operation, has taken the initiative of offering Lisbon as a possible site for one of the bodies that may be established as a result of the Conference on the Law of the Sea, namely, for the Law of the Sea Tribunal, and we hope that this offer will be favourably considered by the Member States.
247.	Another very important role of the United Nations to which I should like to devote a few words concerns co-operation in matters which are predominantly the internal affairs of a State but which by their nature, significance or dimension transcend the boundaries of that State. My country faces such a situation today, and I should like to refer to it.
248.	It is well known that decolonization of the Territories which in 1974 were under Portuguese administration led to the arrival in Portugal of hundreds of thousands of people, a number all the more impressive when we bear in mind the size and the normal population of my country. It is perhaps relevant to recall and analyse some aspects of that event.
249.	First, the influx of these people was a direct consequence of decolonization, a decolonization undertaken after the revolution of 25 April 1974 in strict accordance with the objectives of the United Nations and within the framework defined in the Charter and in General Assembly resolutions, and in close co-operation with the United Nations.
250.	Secondly, the people concerned come from different regions of the world and are of various nationalities.
251.	Thirdly, Portugal, although aware of the problems that could arise there from, decided that the most immediate and effective means of facing the situation would be to admit those peoples into the country without placing any obstacles or barriers to their entry.
252.	Fourthly, the international community, aware of the special nature of that phenomenon as well as interested in the fact that those peoples should be given the possibility of moving to a territory of their own choice, contributed financially to their transportation and even to some settlement costs.
253.	From what I have just said it must be concluded that, although we are dealing with a phenomenon taking place within the borders of a given State, it is in fact something of interest and concern to the entire international community. Portugal, being the most immediate and convenient destination, did not hesitate to admit all those who sought entry, neither setting up obstacles nor imposing conditions. With regard to the subsequent expenses, it does not seem fair that Portugal alone should have to shoulder the burden of financing a task that appears to be of interest to the international community—all the more so when, bearing in mind the amount of those costs and the limited resources we possess, such a solution would impose heavy sacrifices on the Portuguese people.
254.	The international community and particularly certain United Nations organs have already given us some assistance in this field. Unfortunately, the financial burden that we continue to carry appears to exceed our capabilities and it is therefore probable that, in the near future, we shall have to make, possibly in agreement and co-operation with other countries having ties with the populations concerned, an appeal for a wider participation of the international community in the solution of this problem.
255.	I cannot fail in this regard to mention the agreement reached between Portugal and the People's Republic of Angola concerning the return to Angola of nationals of that country, as well as the assistance—limited though it may be given by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in connexion with the admission on Portuguese soil of persons expelled from Mozambique.
256.	Last year I had the opportunity to refer to the role of the United Nations and its decision-making machinery and to point out some inherent weaknesses of that machinery. The wider sphere of action that I have just advocated for the United Nations seems to give greater urgency to this question, and it therefore also seems justified to reflect upon it once again.
257.	The various United Nations organs, when adopting resolutions on matters submitted to them, must as far as possible be true interpreters of the interests of the international community. But the adoption of a resolution expressing those interests does not automatically result from the use of a given formula or a given machinery. It is therefore necessary that the various States, at such time as they concur in the expression of the will of a United Nations body, be conscious of the fact that they are agents of the international community, and that for that very reason they must neither take wholly discretionary positions nor exclusively defend their own specific interests in the matter under discussion.
258.	The attainment of this objective clearly depends also on the improvement of the whole system and the acceptance of certain rules of conduct concerning the definition of positions in the United Nations. But the new element seems to lie in the political will of States to see to it that United Nations resolutions truly reflect the interests of the international community. To ensure that, the principle of equality among States must find its maximum expression within the United Nations. Only thus can aid other universal principles on which the Organization is founded enjoy full recognition and implementation.