As a member of the Commonwealth, New Zealand is pleased to welcome Saint Lucia to the United Nations and to offer its warmest congratulations to the representatives of Saint Lucia at this session of the General Assembly. We look forward to working with the delegation of Saint Lucia in furthering the purposes of this Organization.
248.	It is a pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, and other officers of the Assembly on your election. I should be grateful if you would convey my special greetings to Ambassador Salim, the President of this session. New Zealand values its special link with the United Republic of Tanzania. We work together in partnership, within the Commonwealth. We admire Tanzania's example of self-reliance in the struggle for social and economic progress. We admire the leadership Tanzania has given to the movement for self-determination not only in Africa but for all people. We New Zealanders value, in particular, the help Ambassador Salim, as Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, has given us as we have worked, loyally and consistently, to promote the principle of self-determination in the small island Territories of the South Pacific which have been associated with us.
249.	Ambassador Salim has had the opportunity of seeing how remote and isolated are the islands of the Pacific. New Zealand, too, is remote from the trouble- centres of the world. This geographical isolation, how-ever, has never cut us off from the impact of world events. This year we have followed with attention, and with concern, events in three areas of instability: the Middle East, southern Africa and South-East Asia. We have welcomed the political progress made in the Middle East, limited though that may have been. On the other hand, we have deplored the continued escalation of oil prices, for this has jeopardized efforts to establish a stable world economic order and damaged the economies of many countries. We have taken part, through the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka, in the efforts of the Commonwealth to break the impasse on Rhodesia. But our most direct concern, naturally enough, has been with the conflict that has taken place nearest to us. The calamitous events in Indo-China have caused us the gravest concern. There we have seen continued armed conflict. Vast numbers of people have been forced to move. Starvation and suffering are daily facts of life. Fighting goes on and may well spread. The already desperate food shortage threatens to get worse. The situation is little short of disastrous.
250.	My Government is deeply concerned by these developments. The conflict in Indo-China has polarized South-East Asia: a gulf of mistrust now divides the States of Indo-China and the members of ASEAN.
251.	New Zealand has close and friendly ties with the five countries that belong to ASEAN. We have welcomed the rapid progress they have made in developing their economies and improving the living standards of their peoples. It has been a remarkable achievement. ASEAN has emerged as a significant force in international affairs. It has been able to make a major contribution towards the stability of the But the longer the conflict continues, the greater the danger that the great Powers will once more involved and establish themselves in the area, the longer the fighting goes on in Kampuchea the more risk there is that it will spill over into Thailand. The conflict in Indo-China threatens to jeopardize not only the prosperity of the ASEAN countries but also their effectiveness as an influence for peace and stability in Southeast Asia.
252.	Two attempts have been made this year to resolve the conflict by force. Neither has succeeded, the conflict arises from deep-seated issues—ancient animosities, revived and stimulated by recent actions that have been aided and inflamed from outside IndoChina. Nationalism runs too high for any one party to impose its will on another by force. Peace will be restored only when the countries of the area—those in Indo-China and their neighbours, too—learn to respect one another's independence and territorial integrity, as they pledged to do when they joined the United Nations.
253.	There can be no justification for any government to send armed forces into another country against the will of its people. There is no justification for a government to drive out vast numbers of its own people to hazard their lives on the high seas. It has been abundantly demonstrated that government policies can stimulate, and can retard, the flow of refugees. If that desperate flow of people begins again, the world will know where the responsibility lies. If, however, it ends once and for all, the process of political negotiation can begin. If the withdrawal of forces can be brought about, the normalization of relations can be contemplated. The massive task of relief and rehabilitation for the suffering people of Indo-China can proceed without hindrance.
254.	New Zealand has always said that the most pressing need was to begin working towards a political settlement. That need is even more urgent today. Any settlement must be based on the fact that there are three separate countries in Indo-China, each with its own national tradition. These three countries must live closely together. In practice this means that there can be no peace until the independence of Kampuchea is assured and Kampuchea is prepared to co-operate with its neighbours.
255.	My Government accepts as logical the decision taken by the General Assembly on the question of Kampuchean credentials. That does not mean that we condone in any way the policies of the Pol Pot Government. That regime was tyrannical in the extreme. It was notorious for its cruelty and its utter disregard for the most basic human rights of its people. Nevertheless, it was the established Government of Kampuchea, and it was recognized by the international community. The same cannot be said of the regime headed by Heng Samrin. That regime was installed by foreign forces. It has failed to demonstrate its independence. The main aim of any political settlement must be to let the people of Kampuchea express themselves freely without the dominating presence of foreign troops. They must be able to decide their own future until those conditions exist my Government sees no justification for expelling the present representatives of Kampuchea or for accepting another delegation.
256.	Meanwhile, we face the practical problem of dealing with the human consequences of the continuing conflict. On one aspect of it the United Nations has already taken some effective action. The Meeting convened by the Secretary-General in Geneva in July succeeded in mobilizing greatly increased resources for the relief of refugees from Indo-China. My Government welcomed the Secretary-General's initiative. We are playing our part in the programme he has launched. We have also noted with satisfaction the decline in the flow of refugees since the Meeting. That showed that the Government of Viet Nam was accepting its responsibilities. We can hope, therefore, that there will be no resurgence of the tragedies we saw earlier this year.
257.	The most desperate human problem at this moment is in Kampuchea. Continual fighting, following the internal troubles of recent years, has uprooted a large part of the population. Food supplies have been severely disrupted. Before long, 10 per cent of the country's population may be starving. Famine would bring a new wave of desperate refugees who would flee to Thailand. The world must stop this disaster happening. Another great effort by the international community is essential. Food and medical supplies must be provided—and right away. New Zealand is ready to join in this new effort.
258.	We do not forget that in other regions there are also massive displacements of people. Some of these situations are of tragically long standing. Here, too, the search for negotiated solutions to the conflicts that have caused this human suffering must be a prime concern of this Assembly.
259.	In southern Africa there have been some promising developments. The most significant was the agreement reached by the Commonwealth Heads of Government at Lusaka last month. From this came the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference on Zimbabwe Rhodesia. My Prime Minister, to underline his support for the agreement reached at Lusaka, sent a message to all 24 delegates assembled in London for the conference. He said:
"The road to a peaceful settlement is now open to you. It is for you—each and all—to make your contribution to the final stage and to lead your country into independence, peace and stability. I do not minimise the difficulties that lie ahead of you. But I hope that you will keep in mind at all times that the fate of millions of your men, women and children, now and in the future, lies in your hands—and in your hands alone."
260.	New Zealand hopes that, through this Lusaka initiative, which underlines once more the value of the Commonwealth association, one area of southern Africa will at last reach peaceful and legal independence.
261.	My Government is also encouraged that the consultations which five Western Powers initiated, over two years ago, on Namibia have been resumed. A possibility now exists for the final, legal independence of the Namibian people.
262.	But if there are prospects for a peaceful solution to two of the problems of southern Africa, the third the intolerable system of apartheid, still exists unchecked in the Republic of South Africa. New Zealand joins with the rest of mankind in urging the Government of that unhappy country to move now to break down the barriers of apartheid— those barricades that deny the very essence of human rights and human dignity to the vast majority of its people. Apartheid nurtures the seeds of bitter and vicious conflict. If only for that reason— though it is only one of many—the Members of the United Nations cannot rest until the risk of this conflict has been eliminated.
263.	In his inaugural remarks the President called on this Assembly to pursue practical means, rather than to promote ever-increasing resolutions, in the search for solutions to the many problems which afflict the world today. Nowhere could his advice be better heeded than with respect to the situation in the Middle East. My Government sees as a significant advance the dramatic events of the past two years, which culminated in the Camp David agreements and the subsequent negotiations between Egypt and Israel. The current efforts of the leaders of these States must be given a chance to succeed. A critical dialogue has begun. The objective of the world community now should be to broaden that dialogue.
264.	My Government continues to believe that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) contains the essential element for a negotiated settlement. That resolution remains a central foundation, and it can be built on. It is now widely recognized that the search for a political solution in the Middle East must involve the participation of the Palestinian people. The rights of the Palestinians, including their right to self-determination and to establish an independent Palestinian State if they so desire, can no longer be ignored.
265.	The road to a negotiated, just and lasting solution in the Middle East will not be easy. It is critical therefore, that everyone concerned should eschew insensitive or provocative acts. We believe that the continued establishment of Israeli settlements in land occupied during the 1967 war is one such act. The recent outbreak of hostilities in southern Lebanon is another. My Government rejects the policy of pre-emptive strikes by Israel as strongly as it rejects any act which violates the territorial integrity of Israel. The road to peace is fragile. It should not be put at risk.
266.	The year 1979 could have been a watershed year for the international community in its continuing debate on global economic reform. The fifth session of UNC- TAD and the Tokyo round of the multilateral trade negotiations were major events which held great promise for a new break-through in North-South relations, but then ended inconclusively. The urgent task of this session of the Assembly will be to find a way of restoring momentum to the debate on the establishment of a New International Economic Order, for the international community faces pressing and dangerous economic problems. The economic "ripple-effects" of this year's sharp price rises in oil have become painfully obvious—to developed and developing countries alike. The outlook is for severe disruption to the process of global economic growth. Sluggish rates of economic growth will inhibit the continued development of enlarged "northern" markets for "southern" goods—and vice versa. Heavier foreign debt burdens for many countries seem inevitable. Inflation, unemployment, balance of payments disequilibrium and protectionism will feed upon global economic uncertainty. The pressing need to develop new energy sources will be set back financially—and therefore technically.
267.	No Government need imagine that it will be able to insulate its economy entirely from the effects of a spreading economic malaise. Developing countries— and all small economies, that rely on trade, including my own—will be especially vulnerable.
268.	In the face of these probabilities we can no longer afford the luxury of debating the possibility of new forms of global economic co-operation, structural adjustment and institutional reform. The time has come to put an end to the polemics and arid definitional disputes which have so far characterized the dialogue between North and South. Let us do so in the sure knowledge that if we do not master the forces of economic and social change, they will surely master us.
269.	New Zealand looks to this session of the General Assembly, and to the special session to be held in 1980, to bring a new sense of purpose to the unfinished task of formulating strategies for global economic management. We believe that the effectiveness of these strategies and the future well-being of the interdependent global economy will rest, to a very considerable degree, on the success of renewed efforts to find constructive solutions in two critical sectors—trade and energy.
270.	The explosion in world trade in the last quarter of a century has brought greater prosperity to many countries. We must ensure that this growth is maintained, based upon acknowledgement of the doctrine of comparative efficiency and a positive assault on the forces of protectionism. New Zealand cannot accept that there should be two sets of rules, one for the old industrial producers and another for the rest, that is, for the new industrial producers and for the agricultural producers. Agricultural protectionism is practised by almost all industrialized countries—to the disadvantage of their consumers and to the frustration of internationally efficient producers, such as New Zealand. That, we believe, is a denial of the responsibility of this generation to establish an efficient production base for feeding the next. This responsibility demands new approaches and positive adjustment policies based on the principles of free multilateral trade.
271.	We also have to learn to see energy issues in a new perspective. Experts predict that within the next 10 years the production capacity for our present oil- based energy system will have reached a ceiling. There will be further rises in the real price of oil and an absolute and increasing shortage in relation to total global import requirements. Therefore, there can be no argument: we must move to new energy systems. The challenge lies in how we manage the transitional period. The General Assembly has already risen to this challenge by deciding to convene in 1981 a United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy. New Zealand attaches the highest importance to this Conference. It intends to play its full part to ensure its success. While many important energy questions lie outside its purview, the Conference has the potential to make a significant contribution to identifying new energy systems that will benefit us all.
272.	In its short history this Organization has often taken the lead in promoting new goals for social justice, international peace and racial equality. Now it must define new standards for global economic co-operation. New Zealand sees this as an evolutionary process. Not all countries share this view. Yet, regardless of our individual prescriptions for the world's economic ills, I am sure we can all agree that this is the place, and now is the time, to give force to the concept of global economic interdependence which we have talked about for so long. What is needed now in the North-South dialogue is not resolutions, but resolution.
273.	We in New Zealand are conscious of the sense of disenchantment in the United Nations and in other international economic bodies with the use to which these existing mechanisms are put. We are ready to look with an open mind at proposals that may come forward for new mechanisms, or new methods of working, to help us find a way around the obstacles which at present inhibit our efforts to achieve a new order in international co-operation. The recent meeting of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 took an important initiative to this end. Such a proposal is an expression of faith in our collective capacity to control our economic destiny. We may from time to time lose faith in the machinery. We cannot afford to lose faith in the goals.
274.	Another major topic on the agenda of this Assembly is the problem of disarmament. There are some areas in the vast network of negotiations currently in progress where there is a clear and urgent need to bring the negotiations to a head and to reach new agreement.
275.	Foremost among these is the need to conclude a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. The Pacific was for many years an arena for the atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons. Underground tests are still being conducted in the South Pacific, and elsewhere, despite repeated calls for a halt by the overwhelming majority or the United Nations membership. Last year the General Assembly set a time-table for the conclusion of a treaty. To the regret of us all, that time-table has not been met. It was a reasonable time-table, given the very substantial agreement already apparent on the main provisions of such a treaty. The problems that still stand in the way of a treaty are described as technical. But as a contributor to the work of the ad hoc seismic group, formed to study some of the requirements of a system to monitor compliance with the treaty, we must frankly say that the problems in this area do not seem to us to justify further delay. The conclusion of a treaty is widely recognized as a key to preventing horizontal as well as vertical proliferation.
276.	We shall also support endeavours to strengthen the non-proliferation regime. We continue to attach primacy to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to universal adherence to it. Some States continue to stand aside. The balance of advantage under the Treaty appears to them to favour the nuclear-weapons States. They believe also that the nuclear-weapons States have not honoured the obligation they incurred under the Treaty to advance the control and limitation of their nuclear arsenals, and to facilitate the transfer of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. Be that as it may, the pursuit of a nuclear option by any State not currently possessed of nuclear weapons must inevitably have the gravest implications for regional stability and global security. No nation will enhance its security by these means.
277.	How can the international community allay the fears that may lead a country to keep this nuclear option open? It can encourage and support efforts to accommodate differences within regions. At the global level more can be done. The nuclear-weapons States have been prepared to make unilateral declarations undertaking not to use or to threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapons States. Each has, however, qualified the statement in a different way. Without minimizing the difficulties in the way of reconciling these statements, New Zealand would support further exploration of the ground for bringing these assurances together so as to give them a collective and ultimately binding force.
278.	New Zealand has welcomed, as a major step in the limitation of nuclear arsenals, the signature of the second SALT Treaty by the United States and the USSR. Like others, we hope it will soon be ratified. We look forward, also, to further rounds of negotiations that will lead not only to reductions in nuclear armament but to corresponding limitations in the conventional field. It is on the success of these efforts, and on the growing confidence that should come from such successes, that progress in other areas will rest. It would be a tragic irony if the acceptance of restrictions in one area led to pressures for enhanced capacity in others. Peoples everywhere legitimately expect that the process of reducing armaments will be made irreversible and that resources currently spent on defence will be redirected to reduce suffering and to advance human welfare.
279.	Finally, my Government wishes to pay a tribute to this Organization for its leadership in the field of human rights. In the International Covenants we have a mechanism for the genuine advancement of human rights. Last year in the general debate the Prime Minister of New Zealand expressed our intention to ratify both Covenants. We have done this, and the New Zealand Human Rights Commission has among its tasks that of overseeing their implementation. As a consequence, there have been distinct advances in positive action programmes to enhance the position of minorities, where this is necessary and to introduce new procedures and practices that will help women take their place in the full range of national life. The International Year of the Child has been the occasion of spontaneous action throughout the community to take heed of the needs of children.
280.	We have taken pride in our domestic record in the field of human rights, but we are not complacent. As our multiracial society develops, new perceptions gleaned in part from the international oversight which we have accepted as a party to the Covenants, impel us to further efforts to improve our performance.
281.	New Zealand wishes this Assembly well in its indispensable endeavours.


Mr. President, allow me1 most sincerely to thank you for the words of sympathy expressed to my country in connexion with the passing away of the outstanding Czechoslovak statesman, our former President, hero of Czechoslovakia and of the Soviet Union, Army General Ludvik Svoboda. The peoples of my country have lost in his person a great, courageous man whose name is linked with my country's national liberation struggle against fascism and for socialism and world peace. His memory shall for ever remain inscribed in the hearts of our people.
194.	We should like to take this opportunity to express our sympathy and to share the sorrow of the Angolan people over the loss of its faithful son and passionate fighter for the freedom of the African peoples, President Agostinho Neto.
195.	Mr. President, I congratulate you, an outstanding political figure and eminent diplomat of the United Republic of Tanzania, on your election to the lofty and responsible post of President of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are convinced that you will successfully fulfil your mission and, together with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Mr. Kurt Waldheim, contribute to the positive results of our joint work.
196. We welcome the admission of Saint Lucia to membership in the United Nations, an event that surely is not only an expression of the advancing elimination of the vestiges of colonialism, but also strengthens the universality of our Organization.
197.	If we attempt to describe the international situation in an informed and diligent manner—as, in fact, we do every year from this rostrum—we cannot this time lose sight of the fact that we are approaching the end of a decade which, unlike previous ones, has assumed an almost crucial significance for us, the present generation. After all, the annals of the seventh decade of this century and, in a concentrated form, the events of the last year, reflect virtually everything that could be described by the all-embracing term of "concretization of detente".
198.	What, then, has the past year brought? What has it shown us?
199.	In the first place, it has produced proof that the spirit of new faith has been awakened in the ability of mankind to have sufficient perseverance in the struggle for the cause of peace; that the paralysed political dialogue has once more been reanimated; that we have been able to witness a number of ambitious projects representing a significant political contribution to a peaceful future for the world; that, after a certain lapse of time, an encouraging level of global stability has been re-established; that in the space of a single year further anti-popular regimes have collapsed in Asia and in Latin America and that important changes that advance the preservation of peace have been added to the political map of the world. That, then, is first and foremost.
200.	At the same time, and this is no less gratifying, we have to a significant degree managed to unblock certain mechanisms impeding international development, to halt the development of certain negative trends and to repel concentrated attacks by the most reactionary forces against progress, socialism, democracy and the national liberation movement.
201.	Moreover, although violators of the peace of all types continued their efforts to preserve the vestiges of the cold-war era, they failed to capitalize further on this burdensome mortgage of the past. Although they tried to retain the vestiges of fossilized thinking, they did not succeed in infecting international life with them. Al-though they tried to steer a policy running counter to the general course of events, they did not manage to reduce detente to a servile role. Although, as in the early states of detente, they once again manoeuvred in distrust, suspicion, and lack of understanding, employing intrigues and provocations, they did not reverse the trend. Indeed, despite all the pitfalls, obstacles and discouraging difficulties placed in the way of detente by its opponents, that policy has been developing generally in the correct direction, and they have not managed to limit the scope of that policy, to discard it or to plunge the world into helpless confusion.
202.	Thus we can conclude that the past year has been a demanding endurance test from which detente has emerged as mature. Detente gradually has become the fundamental trend during this last decade and it has repeatedly proved itself to be a productive, well- defined choice for mankind's future. It is therefore in mankind's vital interest to show sufficient determination, vision and perseverance to make detente the decisive trend in strengthening the structure of world peace and mutually beneficial co-operation among States with different social systems.
203.	If, in saying this today, in 1979, we look back and compare the present time with the cold-war years and the formative years of detente, we see that our statement is justified.
204.	We are all the more gratified since in the course of last year as in the past we have had no aspiration other than to continue consistently along the road of peaceful, dynamic policies on which we have started, to open up new horizons of broad international cooperation, to direct people towards what brings them close together, and away from what divides them, and to overcome patiently the conflicts among peoples. Thus, we took the correct course, and historical developments proved us right.
205.	We should like it to be possible to say one day that the entire past period was decisive for the fate of detente in what we may call its developing stage and that detente was not exposed to destructive hegemonism, that obvious negation of the peaceful, constructive relations among States which are reaffirmed by the United Nations Charter. To ensure that this weed in international relations was deprived everywhere and once and for all of the soil which nourishes it, the greatest contribution would be made by an effective international agreement, as was proposed yesterday by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, Mr. Andrei Andreevich Gromyko.
206.	We therefore fully support the inclusion on the agenda of this Assembly session of an item entitled "Inadmissibility of hegemonism in international relations". As a non-permanent member of the Security Council, we support the proposal that this question should also be considered by that highest body of the United Nations.
207.	We hope that it may be possible to say one day that the first stages of international detente were followed immediately by a significant deepening of that process characterized by a shift from words to deeds, from tactical temporizing to constructive negotiations and, above all, by a move to military detente. The arms race, after all, has not yet been halted.
208.	In that respect, we regard as very promising the conclusion of the second SALT Treaty which is an example of perseverance, determination, mature political will and forward-looking responsibility for mankind as a whole. This most important world event reaffirmed most amply the effectiveness of the untiring and determinedly peace-loving Leninist policy of the Soviet Union, which strives to promote the process of detente, disarmament and peace throughout the world. That is why we also want to stress from this rostrum how deeply we appreciate the contribution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, of the Soviet State, and of Mr. Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev personally to the preparation and successful conclusion of that Treaty. We also appreciate the realism of the American side. We hope that the same sound judgement will prevail also among those who will vote on the ratification of the Treaty.
209.	That would again significantly strengthen the great hope of all mankind that the threat of a world nuclear conflict may be averted forever. More favourable conditions would be created for concrete negotiations on the entire range of disarmament proposals relating both to nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as on confidence-building measures among States, including a world-wide treaty on the non-use of force in international relations.
210.	We are well aware of the beneficial influence of everything that has been achieved along this road up to now. But so far, it represents but a small fraction of the possibilities offered by the development of detente.
211.	To achieve those possibilities, however, we must discard once and for all the illusion that lasting peace and security can coexist with huge stockpiles of the means of mass destruction; that it is possible without disarmament to solve successfully the vitally important problems of concern to the whole of humanity, such as the establishment of a new economic order, the provision of the food so needed by mankind, the development of new sources of energy, the eradication of dangerous diseases, the protection of the environment, the satisfaction of the spiritual and cultural needs of humanity, and the achievement of advances in the exploration of outer space.
212.	As a country that knows the price of peace, we are aware that it is not war alone, but the very fear that there might be a war, which diverts mankind from its endeavours to tackle the most pressing tasks of our time.
213.	The treaty on the prohibition of radiological weapons, which has been proposed jointly by the Soviet Union and the United States and which we warmly support, provides fresh proof that the problem of disarmament can indeed be tackled and resolved.
214.	That is why Czechoslovakia will continue to de-vote priority attention to halting the arms race and to disarmament. We are prepared to conduct negotiations on the broad spectrum of concrete proposals. In the Declaration of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty adopted at the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee, held at Moscow on 23 November 1978, we submitted, jointly with our allies, well-known initiatives, the implementation of which would mark a decisive turning-point in the negotiations on halting the arms race and on disarmament.
215.	We shall spare no effort to bring about the gradual achievement of that goal. We intend to negotiate patiently and with perseverance with all partners on our proposals as well as on theirs, at any place and at any level, including the highest. We are ready to make a creative contribution to the honest efforts of States finally to achieve tangible progress in this key area of international life.
216.	This determination of ours was expressed by the President of Czechoslovakia, Gustav Husak, when he stated in Prague on 1 May of this year;
"States should assume the obligation, preferably in the United Nations, to approach disarmament negotiations constructively and to contribute to the creation of an international climate conducive to the speediest possible achievement of the needed progress."
217.	That is why my country is now submitting a draft declaration on international co-operation for disarmament. We have based the document on a deep and objective study of many years of experience in holding disarmament negotiations and on the need for an all-round intensification of the comprehensive implementation of the objectives, decisions and recommendations that we all adopted unanimously at the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament,
218.	In the more than a year that has elapsed since then, a great deal has been done. This year we shall consider the first report of the Committee on Disarmament working with its new expanded membership, However, the time has come for us to embark on concrete measures and agreements, overcoming all the difficulties that may still arise along this road.
219.	That is why we strive to give a new impulse to the creation of a yet more favourable climate for an early implementation of the results of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, and that is also why we stress in the draft declaration the very clear and compelling fact that today the Governments of all States of the world have a truly historic responsibility for eradicating war from the life of man, a responsibility that must be met by agreeing on effective and decisive measures for the achievement of general and complete disarmament—that ancient ideal of mankind which was also in the mind of the great Czech thinker of the seventeenth century, John Amos Comenius, when he wrote in his world-famous monumental work On the Reform of the Human Condition:
"Weapons must therefore be removed so that there may be no occasion to revert to hostilities and wars, for there is no salvation in war and nothing results from it but the menace of fire, steel and the uprooting of States."
220.	At that time, however, they could only dream of disarmament. Today we are already negotiating, and tomorrow we must act. That was why, in submitting the draft declaration—which one could call a code of political principles to govern States in the interests of purposeful, effective, constructive and continuous co-operation in the field of disarmament, we are trying to help to draw up one of the possible operative instruments to facilitate the uninterrupted course as well as the results of both the current and future disarmament negotiations.
221.	The purpose of this is by no means a verbal proclamation of good intentions or a mere mechanical introduction of new principles. The purpose that we seek is to harmonize and unify all existing rules in one systematic and well-organized document that would be universally applicable in every disarmament body, at every political level. This would also strengthen the methodological aspect of the analysis and synthesis of what promotes the success of disarmament negotiations and, on the other hand, what hampers or even damages them.
222.	We want such key premises of the entire dis-armament process as the consolidation, development, expansion and intensification of international cooperation for disarmament to become basic political and moral law for the behaviour of States, regardless of their geographical position or their affiliation with this or that socio-political system.
223.	We are deeply convinced that our proposal is fully compatible with efforts by nations for the establishment of lasting peace and the safeguarding of strong international security, and that it reflects the unanimous will of the world community to find reliable solutions to the pressing problems of disarmament. We trust that at this session the proposal will meet with the constructive support of the States Members of the United Nations.
224.	Peace and security throughout the world have always been inseparably linked with the fate of Europe. That is where political detente was initiated and where it made the greatest advance. That is why military detente also should make the greatest possible advance there, so that the dark dens of the alchemists of war may be transformed into useful laboratories of peace and co-operation, where the dials will display but one constant—mutual advantage and an unshakable system of equal security for all.
225.	Keeping in mind this very goal, we propose, together with the other States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, the immediate conclusion of an agreement among the participants in the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe a treaty to the effect that they will not be the first to use either nuclear or conventional weapons against each other. We believe that even today it is possible to start preparing a conference on military detente to be held on a political level and with the participation of all European States, the United States and Canada. This important initiative proposed by the Committee of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty in Budapest last May opens up broad possibilities for a matter-of-fact consideration of all proposals designed to reduce the danger of military confrontation.
226.	As a direct participant in the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe, we are understandably deeply interested about a tangible progress in these talks. That, however, can be achieved only if our partners re-examine their concept of "first arming themselves adequately and then proceeding with disarmament". As it is, for instance, the latest plans for a speedy introduction of the so- called Euro-strategic weapons in Western Europe cannot be seen but as a further tightening of the Gordian knot.
227.	Despite these "atmospheric disturbances" the European political climate has already become healthier. We are endeavouring to ensure that the second review session of the Conference, to be held in Madrid next year, brings new positive developments particularly in military detente so that we may actively promote the implementation of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference. We hope that the gates of mutually advantageous and equal co-operation among all European countries might open even wider in a manner that was documented by the positive results of the ECE session this year and by the convening of the European congress on the environment under the auspices of the ECE in Geneva in November.
228.	Czechoslovakia is trying to make an all-round contribution to this process by developing its bilateral relations. In our view more frequent meetings among representatives of the countries which signed the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference will promote its creative regeneration and a fresh momentum aimed at supporting peace.
229.	This awareness, enhanced by our specific geographical position as well as the objective possibilities which have emerged, provided an opportunity for us to normalize the micro-climate of relations in Central Europe, specifically the relations with our Western partners.
230.	Our relations with the Federal Republic of Germany are based on the political will of both sides embodied in a joint declaration signed by President Gustav Husak and Chancellor Helmut Schmidt during last year's official visit of our Head of State to Bonn, and are in the process of practical and concrete development. We have deep interest in their future positive and smooth continuation.
231.	With neighbouring Austria we have constructively tackled everything that has burdened our relations, being aware of a prospect of many years of stability. The process of restoration of relations on the basis of good neighbourliness culminated successfully in the visit by President Rudolf Kirchschlager to our country last March. We are now translating creatively the results of that visit into mutually advantageous cooperation.
232.	Thus for the first time since the establishment of our independent State, we have, after more than six decades, fully normalized relations with all our neighbours including those with a different social system from ours, a development which did not come about even when these differences did not exist, This is our active contribution to the peaceful reconstruction of the situation in Central Europe.
233.	In this connexion we are ever more actively enriching the process of detente by expanding mutually advantageous co-operation with many other European countries. As a State member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, which this year commemorates 30 peaceful, fruitful and creative years since its establishment, we actively promote our all-round cooperation with Asian, African and Latin American countries. Our warm sympathies and constructive support go to their endeavours to strengthen their political independence and to achieve their economic independence and for the establishment of just international economic relations that would safeguard their economic and social development. In other words, we are establishing relations that would be a model of equal, democratic and mutually advantageous cooperation among all States with different socioeconomic systems.
234.	We welcomed the results of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held recently in Havana. They reflect new evidence that the source of strength and effectiveness of that movement resides in its unity in the defence of the just cause of the peoples struggling for their liberation from political, economic and social oppression, in their struggle for the strengthening of peace and international security, for disarmament and detente and against imperialism, racism and neo-colonialism.
235.	World peace and security are not undermined by the arms race alone. An acute inflammation of detente is caused also by the hotbeds of tension, by painful old and new conflicts in various parts of the world. Czechoslovak public opinion and our Government, along with the entire peace-loving humanity, have condemned resolutely the aggression against socialist Viet Nam, the instigators of which, in complete contravention of the United Nations Charter and international law, tried and are still trying to raise "military lessons" to a norm of conduct in inter-State relations.
236.	From this high rostrum we once again express our firm support for the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, who, after so many years of destructive, aggressive wars, are passionately longing for peace and are striving to build a just and peace-loving society in a calm atmosphere.
237.	We regard as most deplorable the recognition of the so-called "credentials" of the representatives of the barbaric Pol Pot regime, overthrown by the Kampuchean people, a regime unique in history for its policy of massacring its own people. This goes against the spirit and purposes of the United Nations, undermines its authority and prestige and is fundamentally at variance with political reality, Our position of principle is unequivocal. The seat of Kampuchea in this Organization must be taken by the representatives appointed by the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which is the legitimate government of that country and which alone is able to discharge the obligations of a State Member of the United Nations,
238.	Nor are the interests of the Kampuchean people, of the peace and security of the peoples of South-East Asia and of the mission of the United Nations served by the attempts to internationalize the non-existent so- called Kampuchean question and to interfere thus, in contravention of the United Nations Charter, in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
239 We also strongly object to efforts to misuse the artificially produced problem, fanned by propaganda, of the so-called Vietnamese refugees for political aims directed against Viet Nam.
240. We welcome the opening of negotiations between the USSR and China on the normalization of their relations. That can be to the benefit not only of those two countries, but also peace in South-East Asia and throughout the world.
241. We continue to be concerned about the state of affairs in the Middle East. Every day it becomes clearer that the separate agreement between Egypt and Israel and the attempts to circumvent a settlement in keeping with the legitimate interests of all nations in that crisis area are fraught with most serious consequences.
242.	Therefore, we emphasize once again that in the vortex of contradicting events in the Middle East, only one comprehensive settlement has hope of success— that is the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all territories occupied in 1%7 and the safeguarding of the rights of the Palestinians, including their right to the establishment of their own State, as well as the right of all countries in that region, not excluding Israel, to an independent and secure existence.
243.	We are convinced also that the burning problem of Cyprus cannot be resolved in any other way than on the basis of respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus.
244.	Likewise, we support the efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to bring about the peaceful, democratic reunification of Korea, and we call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the southern part of the country.
245.	We emphatically reject the fresh attempts by the colonial and racist regimes in southern Africa to perpetuate themselves and to postpone their historically inevitable elimination. We actively, effectively and consistently support the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa for freedom and independence. We express our solidarity with SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people. We reaffirm our full and all-round support for the sole genuine representative of the people of Zimbabwe — the Patriotic Front. We advocate a comprehensive intensification of the struggle against apartheid, including uncompromising economic sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, which finally should compel the regime of the Republic of South Africa to respect the United Nations. We shall continue to make efforts to bring our Organization to use its entire authority to prevent the barbaric attacks by the racists against neighbouring States which are still continuing with impunity.
246.	I believe there is no need to repeat from this rostrum the well-known truth that if we wish something to be destroyed it is sufficient to fold one's arms and wait, and the rest comes by itself. That is why it is our intention to do our utmost to contribute to an effective joint search for new ways in the struggle against the erosion and devaluation of the values of peace and international security which have already been achieved—especially so because the time is ripe for finding new initiatives to exclude the possibility of a new apocalypse, to make progress along the path of new, great ideals of peace, detente and co-operation, despite all obstacles, and to shape current history for a peaceful future, so that the United Nations also, this irreplaceable universal forum, might fulfil the hopes placed in it by the whole of peace-loving humanity and thus strengthen the foundations on which the structure of international peace and security grows.


Mr. President, as Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, it is for me a particular honour to congratulate you upon your election to the Presidency of this Assembly. Close and warm indeed, Sir, are the bonds of friendship and co-operation between our two countries. I personally recall in particular the visit of Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands to the United Republic of Tanzania. I salute through you, Mr. President, one of the great leading countries of Africa.
66.	Forty years after the beginning of the Second World War, it is fitting to reflect on the past and to draw lessons for the future. When last week I visited Poland, the first victim of that war, I was deeply struck by the memories of the past but also by the opportunities for the future. It is fitting to remember war and aggression, the massive violation of fundamental human rights, the destruction of democratic institutions, the immense human suffering and the economic and social disruption. Let us not forget the collapse of the League of Nations, which failed because of its lack of universality and because its Members lacked the courage and political will to use it as a tool for peace.
67.	In 1945, nations united "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" and reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights. Do the nations of today remember the lessons of the past? Much has been achieved. A new world conflagration has, so far, been avoided. Colonialism is virtually abolished. The world possesses the universal system of the United Nations with its invaluable network of organizations for economic and technical co-operation. Universal standards and obligations have made the protection and promotion of human rights, anywhere in the world, a matter of public debate and of direct national and international concern. Technological revolution and worldwide communication have made the world physically one.
68.	These are indeed no mean achievements; and yet, that same technological revolution has failed to break the vicious circle of economic backwardness and mass poverty. Bitter regional conflicts persist and threaten world peace. Universally accepted codes of human rights are apparently unable to prevent massive and widespread violations of those rights. Although in some areas progress has been made, the Secretary-General is right in presenting, in his report on the work of the Organization, a picture of "uncertainty, tension and conflict".
69.	My friend and colleague, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ireland, yesterday expounded the views of the nine members of the European Communities on the main problems and issues with which the General Assembly will be confronted, The tone and the contents of his statement have shown that political co-operation among the nine continues to gain in scope and in depth. This is a matter of satisfaction for the Netherlands Government. I am convinced that the Europe of the nine members—and soon, it is to be hoped, of twelve—inspired by its democratic principles and institutions, can and must play an increasingly active and constructive role in the United Nations, in political and economic, as well as humanitarian matters.
70.	Now, as Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, I wish to address myself, in a realistic approach, to some key issues, keeping in mind the following premises: first, the ideals of democracy based on the political, economic and social rights of the individual human being; and secondly, the relationship between political, economic and humanitarian issues. And from these two premises I wish to speak about human rights, about refugees and the situation in Southeast Asia, about southern Africa, about the Middle East, and about development and disarmament. And in each of these issues the human, political and economic factors are intimately linked; each will require new, realistic approaches.
71.	I shall speak first about human rights. The spiritual and material well-being and happiness of man must be the first and principal objective of our individual and collective efforts. Every violation of human rights affects, and sometimes destroys, the happiness and well-being of individual human beings. Massive and persistent violations of human rights can seriously affect peace and security and, conversely, conflict and war lead to the suppression of basic rights. There is a relationship between the denial of human rights and economic and social backwardness. Development cooperation can be a tool to promote human rights. The realization of this relationship has led to a process of rethinking and self-examination in our Organization with regard to its work for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the over-all analysis undertaken by the Commission on Human Rights has resulted in a number of significant recommendations being adopted by the Economic and Social Council. These recommendations will strengthen the capacity of the Commission on Human Rights and of its Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities more effectively to perform their functions, with the continued and active support of the nongovernmental organizations.
72.	I feel grateful for the confidence the Council has shown towards my country in electing it a member of the Commission on Human Rights. We shall measure up to that confidence.
73.	My Government regards the promotion of human rights as an essential part of its foreign policy, Four months ago, I submitted to the Netherlands Parliament a memorandum entitled "Foreign Policy and Human Rights". I did so, together with my colleague the Minister for Development Co-operation, because we recognize the link between human rights policy and development policy. Parliament will shortly hold public hearings on the memorandum, thereby demonstrating the concern in the Netherlands with human rights.
74.	The United Nations plays a crucial role in the struggle for world-wide respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Its achievements in establishing objectives, guidelines and norms in this field have ushered in a new era of international relations. Situations and events in the sphere of human rights, wherever or in what country, have become matters of legitimate international concern and action. More work in standard-setting is to be done, and I refer, for example, to the need for further action in promoting the equality of men and women in society. The conference on this subject, to be held in Copenhagen next year, will be of great significance. This Assembly should finalize the draft Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and should encourage further work on the issues of religious intolerance and capital punishment,
75.	But while the United Nations has made progress in setting standards regarding human rights, we have been less successful in translating those standards into actual practice. The Secretary-General is right.
Member States must face up to their responsibilities. Reports about grave and massive violations of human rights continue to reach us from a number of countries—reports about large-scale detention, torture, and the disappearance and physical liquidation of political opponents, as well as reports about religious intolerance, forced expulsions and atrocities committed against entire sectors of the population. It is true that some repressive regimes have disappeared, but we are still witness to cruelty and intolerance in various parts of the world.
76.	We, the United Nations, cannot be indifferent to this. We must do our utmost to achieve and to maintain minimum standards of human decency.
77.	One of the consequences of the disregard for human rights is the continuing flow of refugees. This year we saw an explosive increase in the number of refugees in South-East Asia. I welcomed the initiative of the Secretary-General in inviting representatives of a great number of Member States to meet with him in Geneva in July at the Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, to discuss ways and means of alleviating that problem. I agree, by the way, with the Secretary-General and my colleague from Norway, Mr. Frydenlund, that that Meeting was a good example of how the United Nations system could effectively deal with limited international issues. On behalf of my Government, I reaffirm our resolve to co-operate in the efforts, under the guidance of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, to provide help to those who have fled their country.
78.	I wish to underline the principles that demand respect for the rights of individual human beings and provide a firm basis for the orderly conduct of relations between States.
79.	The recognition and observance of these principles constitute a prerequisite for any permanent solution. Any breach of the principles of asylum and non- refoulement would constitute a setback for internationally accepted humanitarian standards. However, the present difficult situation in the South-East Asian region cannot be solved by the countries of first asylum alone. The Geneva Meeting rightly stressed the common responsibility of the whole international community to seek durable solutions both to the immediate and to the underlying problems. The readiness to strive for adequate transitional resettlement facilities, for resettlement in third countries and for long-term development assistance in creating better living conditions for all the people in the area should help to overcome the present intolerable situation. I want to make a special appeal to the authorities of the countries of origin of refugees and, in particular, to Viet Nam and Kampuchea, to live up to their basic responsibilities. Nobody should be forced to leave his country because of fear or because conditions have been made so unbearable that he can no longer stay.
80.	The situation in South-East Asia is only part of the world-wide refugee problem. Other regions equally demand our attention. I have deep respect for the valuable efforts made by many countries to overcome the refugee problem in their regions, as demonstrated, in particular, at the Conference on the Situation of Refugees in Africa, held at Arusha, United Republic of Tanzania, from 7 to 17 May.
81.	I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Mr. Paul Hartling, and to the members of his staff. If the present situation would require strengthening the Office of the High Commissioner, I should invite the Secretary-General to present proposals to that effect for the present session of the Assembly to act upon.
82.	Of immediate concern is the appalling situation in Kampuchea. Hundreds of thousands of children, women and men are threatened with starvation and death. A whole people is on the verge of disintegration. I do not wish to make a judgement on the political situation. Regardless of who is in power or authority, aid must be given without delay. The Netherlands is ready to join in. This Assembly should forthwith and unanimously urge all concerned to adopt all measures to make immediate relief possible.
83.	While immediate relief of human suffering must have priority, the world should be aware of the underlying and interrelated economic and political problems in South-East Asia. In his report, the Secretary- General states that the situation could become a threat to world peace. The primary responsibility for averting such a threat and for the economic and social reconstruction of the area rests with the countries of IndoChina themselves. But the great Powers also carry a heavy responsibility for peace in the area. The surrounding countries belonging to the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] are rightly concerned with the situation. I wish to pay a tribute to their joint efforts for unity and regional stability in Southeast Asia.
84.	However, the international community should not stand aside. The countries of the region should be given a new perspective for peace and development through international co-operation. We have available the instruments for economic and social reconstruction and development. Let us use the possibilities of the Mekong Committee, of ESCAP, and of the Asian Development Bank. The Netherlands is prepared, with others, and provided that the political conditions are favourable, to assist in the long-term development of the region.
85.	Systematic negation of fundamental human rights is also the crucial issue in southern Africa.
86.	The position of principle of the Netherlands remains unchanged. We condemn and reject apartheid. If South Africa fails to change its fundamental policies, further pressure by the international community, including sanctions, will be inevitable. South African control over Namibia must come to an end. The democratic process towards independence under international control must forthwith be pursued and completed. Zimbabwe must achieve independence under democratic majority control. So long as majority rule does not exist, the sanctions against the illegal regime must be strictly applied.
87 The Netherlands welcomes the Lusaka agreement on the future of Zimbabwe and urges all the parties concerned to grasp what may be the last opportunity to avoid further bloodshed and chaos in Southern Rhodesia and, unavoidably, in the surrounding States. I therefore fervently hope that the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference convened by the United Kingdom Government in London will be successful.
88.	The abhorrent policy of apartheid remains the crucial problem in South Africa. I recognize that fundamental change is difficult and painful, but apartheid must be brought to an end. Of late, new voices of reason and change have been heard in South Africa. I want to make it very clear that the Netherlands remains convinced of the need for continued political, moral and, where effective, economic pressure. Yet I believe that those new voices ought to be listened to and encouraged. While there is still time and hope, we must not close the door, as long as by not doing so we can contribute to the radical changes which alone can save South Africa from chaos and ultimate disaster.
89.	My colleague from Ireland has stated the position of the nine States members of the European Community on the Middle East and has fully reflected the position of the Netherlands.
90.	In the political and military complexities of the situation in the Middle East, none of us should forget the fate, the anxieties and the suffering of the people. Thirty years of conflict and war have brought untold suffering to the peoples of the Middle East. None of us should forget the sufferings and anxieties of the men and women of Israel, or the sufferings and the yearnings of the Palestinian people and the bloodshed caused by all acts of violence.
91.	Developments during the past year have led us to believe that there is new hope of finding a solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict that is so tragically dividing the peoples, the men and women of the Middle East, and which continues to constitute a threat to world peace. In this International Year of the Child what deeper yearning can there be than for new hope and a new future for the children of the Middle East?
92.	As one of the countries participating in UNIFIL, the Netherlands finds itself directly involved in the peace-keeping efforts in the Middle East. I strongly endorse what the Secretary-General states in his report on the work of the Organization on the essential task of conflict control which UNIFIL has performed and is performing in one of the most sensitive and explosive parts of the world. Indeed, to withdraw the Force would be an almost certainly disastrous experiment which nobody would seriously advocate. I emphatically repeat the appeal made by the representative of the Netherlands in the Security Council and made through bilateral and other channels to all parties concerned fully to respect the vital peacekeeping tasks of UNIFIL and to avoid any joint action which might prevent the Force from carrying out its mandate. I join in the urgent appeals to maintain the present truce in southern Lebanon.
93.	I have always been deeply convinced of the need for effective peace-keeping machinery. Some of the problems encountered by UNIFIL and other peace-keeping forces of the United Nations are due to the persisting lack of agreement on rules and effective machinery for peace-keeping operations. The United Nations is in serious difficulty on account of the financing of current operations. Last year, the nine members of the Community submitted constructive proposals on peace-keeping operations.  .which unfortunately did not meet with unanimous support. The UNIFIL experience confirms the necessity of pursuing our efforts to agree on practical ground rules, procedures and machinery for United Nations peace-keeping operations.
94.	Development co-operation is an essential element of a foreign policy directed towards peace, security and an equitable distribution of wealth and prosperity in the world. This requires special attention and persistent policies for the strengthening of the structural position of developing countries in the world economy as well as continued efforts to fight mass poverty. Peace and security can eventually not be maintained in a world in which the majority of countries and people are politically independent but continue to remain in a position of economic dependence and poverty. Sustained prosperity in the North will, in the long run, not be possible without promoting the prosperity and the demand in the South through large-scale transfers of resources, open world trade and equitable distribution of raw materials, sources of energy and wealth. That is the purpose of development co-operation. But there is more involved than economics; and that is the relevance of human rights and development. There is growing recognition, and I quote from the Secretary- General's report
".. .that there is a human right to development, that respect for human rights can create a climate in which people are inspired to greater efforts for development, and that human rights considerations must feature as essential components in the integrated approach to development...".
It was in that spirit that the Netherlands granted aid to Nicaragua and Uganda immediately after the disappearance of their oppressive regimes.
95.	The Netherlands will continue its active development co-operation policy, both through the promotion of structural change in world economic relations and through specific national and international policies directed to combat mass poverty. Notwithstanding serious budgetary difficulties we shall maintain for next year a level of official development expenditure of more than 0.8 per cent of our gross national product.
96.	My Government has received with great interest the proposal of the Group of 77 to launch a new round of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development as a new and important initiative designed to give further impetus to the North-South dialogue. It is significant that the developing countries have proposed to include energy as one of the major issues to be dealt with in this new round of negotiations because it is obvious that questions of supply and demand of energy, including its price, of energy conservation and of new and renewable sources of energy are issues of vital importance for the future of world economy. The proposals of the Group of 77 raise difficult and important questions of substance, institutions and procedure. It is particularly important that such a new round of negotiations should not hamper or interrupt ongoing negotiations in various forums. The Netherlands stands ready to discuss and negotiate these questions and all the implications of the proposal in the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. Simultaneously, work on the strategy must be pursued.
97.	Disarmament is perhaps the most vital question of human rights because in this nuclear age the survival of mankind itself is at stake.
98.	The possible proliferation of nuclear explosive capability should for all of us be a matter of utmost concern. Proliferation will destabilize regional and international security and will make nuclear disarmament between existing nuclear-weapon States even more difficult to achieve. The most important barrier against the spread of nuclear weapons is the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. More than 100 States have become parties to this international instrument, some of them recently. Other countries and in particular those most advanced in developing a nuclear capability must overcome their reluctance to join the non-proliferation Treaty.
99.	The non-proliferation regime must be strengthened. Our goal must be to achieve consensus on a new set of rules in the field of international co-operation for the peaceful use of nuclear energy, including assured supply, while avoiding the risks of proliferation. Both the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation and the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons are vital in achieving such a new consensus.
100.	Cessation of the nuclear arms race between existing nuclear-weapon Powers is a prerequisite for effective non-proliferation. The second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] is a vital stepping-stone towards that goal. The early ratification of the agreement reached is of great importance. Negotiations for the third SALT agreement should then start as soon as possible. The conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty has become a matter of the greatest urgency in view of the first Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. A renewed failure of the Powers concerned at long last to conclude that treaty would badly affect the outcome of that Conference. Negative nuclear security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon States which have forsworn the nuclear option as well as the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in appropriate regions are other matters of vital importance for securing a new consensus on non- proliferation and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, I must express particular and serious concern with the situation and recent developments in this respect in south Asia. We have received repeated assurances from both India and Pakistan on the peaceful nature of their nuclear programmes. While understanding their economic need for energy, I would urge and invite the two countries to confirm these assurances by becoming parties to the non-proliferation Treaty or by agreeing on all the necessary safeguard and guarantee measures which would eventually turn south Asia into a zone free of nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.
101.	Next to non-proliferation, the issue of the conventional arms race requires high priority in the United Nations. The process of disarmament would be jeopardized, peace could be endangered, if we fail to agree on international measures to control the increasing export of conventional arms to many countries and regions in the world. Here, third-world countries bear the same responsibilities as the industrialized world.
102.	All the issues I have dealt with have in common the interrelationship of political, economic and humanitarian factors. They also have in common the need for effective, world-wide institutions. I was impressed by what I may call the passionate plea of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, in his report, for strengthening the United Nations and for safeguarding the integrity of the international civil service. He raises the question whether the United Nations, in its present stage of development, would be able to deal with a dramatic threat to international peace and security. I come back to my starting point— 40 years after the Second World War. The year 1979 is not 1939 but let us never forget the fatal consequences for the world of the collapse of the League of Nations when it failed precisely to meet that threat to peace and security. The only answer to Mr. Waldheim speaks the resolve of this Assembly never to forget the horrors and the lessons of the past and to use and strengthen the United Nations, the only worldwide organization we have, to save our children and succeeding generations from the scourge of war.