It is with particular pleasure that I extend to you, Mr.
President, my sincerest congratulations, and those of my
Government, on your election as President of the General
Assembly. Your election will ensure that the business of
the General Assembly will be conducted skilfully,
impartially and very efficiently at this important moment
for the General Assembly, when it will have to make
decisions that may be vital to the future of our
Organization.
The General Assembly session that we are now
beginning is a particularly important one in that its
purpose is to ensure that in the future multilateral activity
will be assured of validity, effectiveness and credibility.
With the United Nations having completed more than 50
years of existence, we need new ways to view the world,
without forgetting the many achievements made and the
valuable experience gained both from successes and from
failures.
This is an appropriate time for us to renew our
commitment to multilateralism as the guiding principle of
international relations and the essential tool to resolve
crises and problems that are beyond the ability of any
State, however important or powerful it may be, to
resolve on its own.
This is particularly important in the face of a
growing unilateralism that has recently emerged as a
feature of the international scene. The new international
reality makes it essential for States to act together so as
to confront energetically and resolutely the problems of
the environment, organized crime, arms control, human
rights, democratization, poverty, unemployment, social
fragmentation and many other issues.
Chile has consistently contributed to the
Organization and, to the limits of its ability to do so, will
continue to lend its strong support to the great work of
the United Nations in all its forums.
I wish to speak first of the issue of the Security
Council and its reform process. I stressed before the
General Assembly last year the importance of greater
involvement by Member States in the decisions of the
Security Council in order to strengthen its legitimacy and
25

give it the necessary political backing for the actions it
undertakes.
We reiterate once again the desirability of revising the
composition of the Security Council and its working
methods. In this connection, we appreciate the arduous
work conducted by the Working Group on this issue, which
has served to clarify the various positions and to allow a
proper appraisal of this enormously complex subject.
I wish especially to pay tribute to the outgoing
President of the General Assembly, Mr. Razali Ismail of
Malaysia, for his keen sense of responsibility and his
courage in taking the initiative to make specific proposals
on these matters in order to ease the difficulties
encountered within the Working Group and make it
possible to analyse and discuss them in specific terms.
My Government considers that any future composition
of the Council must combine the requirements of its
effectiveness with the need for an equitable representation
of the developing countries that properly reflects the
increase in the number of Members in the past 50 years.
Where these fundamental issues are concerned, Chile
supports and endorses the content of the Declaration on the
strengthening of the United Nations and the reform of the
Security Council issued by the Heads of State or
Government at the eleventh summit of the Rio Group in
Asunción, Paraguay, on 24 August of this year.
In that Declaration we expressed the great importance
we attach to the process of expanding and reforming the
Security Council, which must result in a broad general
agreement that will make it possible to correct the
imbalances in its current composition, improve the decision-
making mechanisms, make the conduct of its work more
transparent and represent with greater legitimacy all States
Members of the Organization.
With regard to the total number of members of the
Security Council, we believe that a membership of up to 25
would not impair its effectiveness, provided that the
expansion met the requirements of responding properly to
the increase in United Nations Member States since the last
reform of the Charter and the undeniably growing
importance of developing countries.
Chile shares in the broad base of agreement on
allowing the entry of Germany and Japan as permanent
members of the Security Council. Nevertheless, there is
also a conviction that this can take place only in the context
of suitable regional representation, including other
permanent members from Asia, Africa and Latin
America.
We support a process of regional consultation and
consensus to fill these seats. This, however, does not
exclude a possible role for the General Assembly in case
there is an absence of regional agreement. In this
connection, the Assembly will have to analyse carefully
the proposals that have been put forward regarding
rotation. These are undoubtedly attractive since they
include a larger number of countries, but they could
impair the effectiveness of the Council and increase
tensions between permanent and non-permanent members.
As far as the Latin American and Caribbean region
is concerned, its fundamental responsibility is to fill its
seats through a process that gives its members legal
validity and political legitimacy. In this process,
consideration must be given to all the possibilities that
will allow for appropriate regional representation. Chile
is prepared to accept any formula that reflects this.
Serious consideration must be given to the possibility that
only one of its members will occupy the permanent seat
allocated to the region.
The question of the veto will also have to be
discussed in greater depth, taking into account many
factors, such as legal ones relating to Charter obligations
and the evolution of modern international law, and
political ones, such as the evolution of the international
situation, which are today very different from those
prevailing at the time the United Nations came into being.
The outgoing President of the General Assembly has
made some very interesting proposals in this regard,
which need to be carefully considered by Member States.
Chile is concluding this year, with a sense of
satisfaction, its participation in the Security Council after
an absence of more than 30 years. Our decision to
participate was motivated by the need to assume our
international responsibilities, and we did so in the
conviction that we could make a contribution.
As a preliminary conclusion, I would like to
emphasize that the rich contribution of the non-permanent
members of the Council provides genuine balance and
enables the Council to renew itself over time. Our
experience has been a rewarding one, and we have sought
to focus our contribution, beyond our natural interest in
issues relating to the Latin American region, on a number
26

of areas in which welcome progress has been made, to
which Chile has made an effective contribution.
We welcome the important progress the Council has
made regarding its responsibility in the humanitarian
sphere, which has necessarily become a major aspect of the
maintenance of international peace and security. This is the
foundation of the presidential statement issued by the
Council on the protection of humanitarian workers. The
strengthening of this aspect of the Council's work was one
of the main issues in which Chile participated. Motivated
by our concern about this matter, we proposed a mechanism
that establishes the modalities by which the Council
communicates with the humanitarian agencies working in
the field.
Similarly, Chile has been particularly concerned that
countries that have experienced severe conflicts should not
be abandoned by the system once conflict ends. We have
therefore insisted on the need for a United Nations presence
in the field when peace-building gives way to overall
reconstruction and development activities.
With respect to sanctions, it has been demonstrated
that, where authoritarian Governments are concerned, broad
sanction regimes merely penalize the population without
bringing about political change. We have noted the progress
made by the Council in devising sanctions, as in the case
of resolution 1072 (1996) on the situation in Burundi and
the one recently adopted on UNITA in Angola, which are
indeed capable of yielding the desired results without
harming innocent populations.
Lastly, Chile has attached special importance to
African affairs while a member of the Security Council. We
believed it important to assist the Council in taking
decisions on the problems that region is facing at this
historic moment when African countries are assuming their
own responsibilities for regional problems, as has been
apparent in the Organization of African Unity initiative in
the Arusha process and the activities of the Economic
Community of West African States, among others.
We are aware that the reform process is not confined
to the Security Council. The Secretary-General has told us
clearly and lucidly that we are facing the most extensive
and farthest-reaching reforms in the 52 years of this
Organization's history. Accordingly, we welcome his
comprehensive report of last July, entitled, "Renewing the
United Nations: A programme for reform". We agree with
his proposals aimed at transforming the leadership and
management structure of the United Nations so as to enable
it to act with greater unity of purpose, coherence and
agility in tackling the problems.
We wish to convey to the Secretary-General and his
colleagues our gratitude for the report, which the General
Assembly will have to analyse in depth, and Chile will
contribute to the debate with interest and dedication and
in an open spirit of consensus.
In this connection, we agree with the Secretary-
General's statement that the major source of institutional
weakness in the United Nations is the fact that over the
course of the past half century certain of its organizational
features have tended to become fragmented, duplicated
and rigid, resulting in their ineffectiveness in some areas
and superfluity in others. As Chile sees it, the main
obstacle to the reform process has been the fear of change
that exists in the Organization, which has paralysed the
process since it began here in the General Assembly four
years ago. The time has come for all of us, the Secretariat
and Member States alike, to show proudly our collective
creativity, courage and realistic inventiveness. The period
of bureaucratization in the United Nations must give way
to the era of creation.
Only through flexible and efficient management will
we be able to give new impetus to the Organization and
provide it with the proper tools for the true modernization
the international community demands. Reform is not
intrinsically an exercise in cutting costs or reducing staff.
Its aim is to ensure a real and growing increase in the
political effectiveness of the United Nations, from the
Security Council and the way it deals with and resolves
present-day conflicts in today's world to the Economic
and Social Council and the development agencies.
Many of the problems facing the Organization result
from the fact that Member States have been remiss in
responding to the need to adapt intergovernmental
machinery to the new requirements of the international
situation. This is perhaps one of the main aspects of the
reform process we have embarked upon.
Accordingly, it is essential to proceed further with
the reorientation and restructuring of the Economic and
Social Council in order to coordinate both the agencies
and its subsidiary bodies so that it may engage in
executive interaction with the functions of the General
Assembly. In that way, it can regain its leadership
position as a flexible and efficient organ and contribute
effectively to answering the challenges on the economic
and social agenda of the Organization.
27

Given this mandate of the Economic and Social
Council, its future relationship with the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund will be extremely important.
In this connection, the establishment of a substantive
secretariat of the Economic and Social Council seems to us
an interesting proposal.
Furthermore, the reform process should leave room for
the progressive regionalization that is taking place within
the United Nations system. In the review of the regional
commissions to be carried out by the Economic and Social
Council, there is a need to find mechanisms which, without
affecting the regional mandates of each commission, can
contribute to the definition and regional implementation of
the major agreements and consensuses reached by the major
conferences sponsored by the United Nations system over
the past decade.
We are following with interest the proposal to give to
the Resident Coordinator of the Secretary-General authority
over all United Nations bodies in the field. This new
integrated approach, in which the funds and programmes
will retain their autonomy, will contribute to the necessary
cohesion and reduce the natural tendency towards
divergence between the multidisciplinary agencies
represented, thereby strengthening their activities.
It also seems to us essential to evaluate the subsidiary
bodies in greater depth, using as the main criteria their
relevance and effectiveness, and to take the appropriate
decisions. Accordingly, we are concerned by the
recommendation to merge the Commissions on Narcotic
Drugs and on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, since
that would run the risk of limiting treatment of the problem
of narcotic drugs merely to its criminal dimension, losing
sight, in the process, of elements that are an inherent part
of the drug issue, such as education and prevention. At the
same time, the reform process must assign special
importance to measures and mechanisms designed to
accelerate economic and social development, especially in
Africa, by supporting domestic efforts at economic
restructuring, diversification of raw materials and increased
food security being carried out by the countries of the
region.
We welcome the proposals designed to strengthen the
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, both
institutionally and substantively, since they seem to us to be
of great importance for the future development of the
Organization. The protection and promotion of human
rights and fundamental freedoms, together with democracy
and equitable growth, are the three pillars of present-day
international society. As the Secretary-General himself
has stated, they constitute an essential component of
international peace and security. Any measure that
contributes to strengthening the ability of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights to take action will
receive the firm support of the Chilean delegation.
Similarly, we strongly support the initiatives by the
Secretary-General with regard to the proposals for
interaction between civil society and private enterprise,
which have become major actors at both the national and
international levels. The time has come for civil society,
including the business community, to participate in the
United Nations at a level that reflects the contribution that
it has been making for some time.
A series of measures have been recommended to us
that are designed to make more flexible the procedures
for deliberations in the General Assembly, to reduce the
length of meetings, apply a thematic approach to topical
issues, overcome delays and enable us to concentrate on
the most essential matters. While technically these
proposals appear to relate more to formal than to
substantive aspects, we know that in fact they will not be
simple or merely procedural decisions. In reality, their
aim is to promote the capacity of this Organization to
build consensus, so as to arrive at concise decisions in the
shortest possible time.
On financial matters, we endorse the proposal for
results-based budgeting, with few institutional
mechanisms having a major strategic impact. This seems
to us an innovation will have far-reaching consequences
for the Organization. We also support the idea of
reallocating savings to economic and social activities
through the establishment of a development account.
28

We have focused our statement on the great task of
reform, which is difficult, complex and full of potential as
well as of problems. We are determined to find the
solutions that the United Nations requires if it is to
discharge all its mandates and satisfy the demands and
aspirations of an international community that is anxious to
place in the Organization great hopes for the future. We are
determined not to let this opportunity to restructure and
renew the United Nations pass us by. The full cooperation
of the Chilean delegation can be counted on in this effort.


I congratulate
you, Mr. President, on assuming your responsible office.
Major decisions are to be taken at this session and I wish
you good fortune in your conduct of the proceedings.
I wish to thank Ambassador Razali for his
exceptional commitment. He has made us all aware of the
great responsibility we carry during this phase of reform.
The Secretary-General, through the impressive manner in
which he presented his reform proposals, has
re-emphasized that responsibility.
Nowhere else are we so acutely aware as at the
United Nations General Assembly that, regardless of our
origins or the colour of our skin, we have a common
destiny and that we all, North and South, the small
countries and the big countries, need one another.
Millions of people all over the world, especially our
youth, ask themselves whether we politicians and
delegates from 185 nations have drawn the right
conclusions from this; whether we can summon the
political will for joint action to improve their security, to
give them better opportunities in life, and to safeguard
their rights, or whether we will go on wasting and
destroying the natural sources of human life at their
10

expense. Those of us with adult children know how
sceptical their generation have become about the
capabilities of the governing class. That is good reason for
all of us to stop, think and take action, and to do so here
and now.
The world about which we are talking here today and
the world which we participate in shaping is not ours alone.
We have to preserve it for future generations as well. And
this we can achieve only through a united effort. For we are
only one world community that has to survive together.
There is only one boat for all, our vulnerable blue planet,
and there is only one common future, good or bad. That is
the reality we face as we cross over into the third
millennium and it is the reason why policies deriving from
a sense of responsibility are not utopian. Indeed, in our age
they are the only realistic approach.
The world organization’s programmes and funds, that
is to say, those of the United Nation’s Children’s Fund
(UNICEF), the United Nations Development Programme,
the United Nations Population Fund and the World Food
Programme, together dispense more than $4.6 billion a year
in the form of economic and social aid. That comes to
about 80 cents for every person on earth. By contrast, in
1994 the world’s Governments spent about $767 billion on
arms, which was roughly $134 per person. This gross
disproportion is intolerable.
I believe that we must all look beyond the rim of our
own national interests. There is no more time to lose. We
cannot simply come here, make and listen to speeches and
then return to business as usual for another 12 months. We
have a duty and responsibility to leave our children and
grandchildren a world which is worthy of humankind. And
that means doing something about it now, today. We must
protect the earth’s atmosphere by reducing greenhouse-gas
emissions. We must ban lethal anti-personnel landmines by
joining in the Ottawa process. We cannot accept that we
have hundreds of millions of anti-personnel landmines still
in place in the ground of many, many countries in this
world of ours.
We must halt the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, and we must streamline the United Nations
Organization. But above all, we must pay our contributions
on time and in full. These are the criteria which show
whether we are living up to our responsibility.
The opportunity for effective action is there. Despite
carping criticism, international cooperation within the
United Nations framework is working. Malnutrition and
undernourishment have been reduced by a third since
1960 and illiteracy by 50 per cent. Most of the credit for
this, no doubt, goes to the United Nations. Infant
mortality has been halved in the same period — a great
achievement by UNICEF.
Between 1990 and 1995 the world population
increased by 1.48 per cent, considerably less than the 1.72
per cent growth between 1985 and 1990. This nourishes
the hope that we have got over the hump of the
population explosion. Again, this is a big achievement
largely attributable to the work of the United Nations
Population Fund.
Much, I am pleased to note, has also been done to
improve the situation of women. This is important
because with all the tremendous social challenges we
face, the success of our efforts depends heavily on them.
They are the natural advocates of future generations. That
is why one of our main objectives still is to ensure they
have equal rights, not only on paper but also in practice.
The World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna,
the Earth Summit in Rio, the International Conference on
Population and Development in Cairo, the Summit for
Social Development in Copenhagen and the World
Conference on Women in Beijing have demonstrated that
the strategies for creating a better and more equitable
world are in place. What is missing is the political will to
put them into effect. We must learn to give common
interests priority over national interests.
We must start to think not only of the present but of
the future as well. The first step — and I think it cannot
be underlined enough — is to reform and strengthen the
Organization which embodies all these objectives: the
United Nations, our United Nations.
There has been enough talk. Time is running out. At
this fifty-second session, the General Assembly must
make decisions. The backlog of reforms must be dealt
with during this session.
True, Governments and politicians don’t possess a
magic wand with which to put the world in order. And I
readily admit, as a politician, that it is disappointing to
discover how relatively little we ourselves can change,
even in high positions, and I take it that it is the same
with the others present here. But that does not absolve us
from the responsibility to do everything in our power to
bring about necessary change and progress.
11

There is more than enough to be done. The world is
still profoundly unjust. From the moment of their birth,
millions of people have hardly any chance of leading a life
in conditions worthy of the human race. According to
UNICEF, more than 20 million children all over the world
are on the move. About 300,000 children were killed in the
Rwanda massacres. As a result of the 17-year-old war in
Afghanistan, another 280,000 or so have died from
undernourishment and disease. The civil war in Cambodia
has made some 350,000 children orphans. Every 90 minutes
a child is maimed by a landmine.
Yet it is on our children, the weakest members of any
society, be it in the North or the South of our planet, that
the world’s future and hopes depend. They are the weakest
members of any society. They are little people who need
big rights. How much worse off would they be if there
were no United Nations? What would become of the
world’s conscience? Who would demand consideration for
and solidarity with such children if we allowed this
Organization to decline?
At this moment about 25,000 soldiers, civilians and
members of non-governmental organizations are serving the
cause of peace around the globe. All of them deserve our
thanks and appreciation.
A week ago today five Germans, including the Deputy
of the High Representative, Ambassador Gerd Wagner, five
Americans, a Briton and a Pole lost their lives in a tragic
accident. We mourn their loss and share the grief of their
families. Their deaths are an admonition to redouble our
efforts for peace. They wanted to help people in need and
in doing so brought a ray of hope to Bosnia and to the
people working on the ground. That hope must not be
extinguished.
Last Saturday I attended the memorial service in
Sarajevo. I have visited the region more than once, and the
inner conflict among the people was again obvious. As
before, the main obstacles to lasting peace in the region are
hatred and fear among the various ethnic groups. On the
other hand, most Bosnians, in spite of the terrible events of
recent years, realize there is no future for them and their
children if the hatred and fear are not overcome, despite all
the terrible things that have been done, despite the rapes
and the “ethnic cleansing”.
That is why I am speaking out here today — to appeal
to all political leaders in Bosnia to change their attitude and
to mount a reconciliation campaign. The international
community has provided assistance, making millions of
dollars available. We have done a lot. We are very
committed on the ground, and we want to see the results
of what we have done. We believe that those who live in
security and peace have an obligation to help others.
So far more than 300 troops have sacrificed their
lives for the cause of peace in Bosnia. My country
alone — Germany — has spent more than 17 billion
marks on the peace process and on the more than 350,000
asylum-seekers in Germany coming from Kosovo. That is
a lot of money, and those on whom we spend it will have
to react in some way and have to give us a clear sign of
their willingness to implement the agreements.
But outside help, including military support, cannot
be provided indefinitely. And on no account — I want to
be unequivocal about this — will it be given to those who
thwart peace and reconciliation. Attempts to undermine
peace, to incite the people and to torpedo the
implementation of the Dayton Agreement, especially in
Republika Srpska — must stop.
I appeal to all political factions in the region to use
what time remains to launch a new and serious attempt to
settle their differences and to see to it that Karadzic and
other alleged war criminals and enemies of peace are
brought before the Hague Tribunal. These people must
not be allowed to sleep peacefully. But this demand must
be made by the international community, not just
Germany: these people must not be allowed to sleep
peacefully.
We Europeans have done quite a lot this year to
improve the situation on our continent in order to secure
a peaceful future for coming generations. Nations that
belong together are now growing together, and that in a
region that for centuries was divided and at war with
itself. The European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization are gradually opening up to Europe’s new
democracies, while Russia and Ukraine are forming a
new, close partnership with both organizations.
And let the world be prepared. In 1999 we
Europeans, right on schedule and in conformity with
binding stability criteria, will introduce the Euro, the
common European currency. The enlargement of the
European Union and the introduction of the Euro are
historic steps to safeguard the future for coming
generations, steps that hardly anyone would have thought
possible only 10 years ago. And mark my words: there
will be no going back in Europe.
12

At the same time, we are aware that Europe
constitutes only a small section of the much larger global
construction site. Everywhere the harbingers of the new era
are knocking on the door. Nothing is like it used to be, yet
the hopes and wishes of citizens everywhere have remained
the same. They want peace and work. They want a roof
over their heads, protection from crime, and schools for
their children.
Thus the aims and ideals enshrined in the Charter are
just as valid as they were in 1945: peace, sustainable
economic and social development, protection of human
rights and democracy. These aims form a whole, and there
is no order of preference.
Eighty per cent of United Nations activities focus on
world poverty, and rightly so, because this is the big
problem that has remained unsolved since the ending of the
East-West confrontation. Nearly a quarter of the world’s
population — 1.3 billion people — live in poverty, while
840 million suffer from chronic undernourishment. In the
Agenda for Development we have adopted the right course
for the fight against poverty: good governance, market
economy, the rule of law, security for the citizen, regional
cooperation and international integration.
Following the lead of the Association of South-East
Asian Nations countries (ASEAN), the Southern Cone
Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the now-expanding
Southern African Development Community (SADC), the
nations of Central America too are forming closer ties. It is
becoming more and more apparent that this is the path of
progress. The worldwide trend towards closer multilateral
cooperation is increasing, and will lead to progress, security
and prosperity; it is the path of the future. One the one
hand, the Information Age with undreamed-of possibilities,
and, on the other, exclusive communities and citizens
without rights — this does not add up.
Yes, globalization is a great leveller. Basically, it
confronts industrial and developing countries alike with the
same question: are we going to accept the challenge of
being part of a “single world market”, or are we going to
mark time? A good number of newly industrialized and
developing countries have chosen the way forward, and it
has proved to be the right one. They have received the bulk
of global direct investment, which in 1996 increased by 8
per cent to almost $350 billion. Nor have the others been
forgotten. Within the framework of the G-8 process, the
new global partnership for development was established on
their behalf. A beginning was made at the Denver summit
in June, focusing particularly on the sub-Saharan nations
of Africa.
Since 1978 Germany has cancelled debts incurred by
the least developed countries and other land-locked
developing countries in Africa amounting to more than 9
billion marks. These countries will continue to be the
focal point of our development cooperation. Between
1991 and 1995 Germany made available 16.3 billion
marks for Africa’s sub-Saharan nations, and we are proud
of that.
I am glad that the Security Council is holding a
special meeting tomorrow on the situation in Africa.
Many positive developments have taken place there in
recent years, a fact that is often overlooked.
But light and shadow are still very close together. I
need only mention Congo Brazzaville, Sierra Leone,
Somalia and especially the Great Lakes region. My
country, the Federal Republic of Germany, has played a
humanitarian and political role in all these conflicts, and
we recognize that the African States themselves — in the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) and in the
subregional organizations — are making significant
efforts to settle these conflicts. We must keep on
supporting them.
But Africa’s real problems lie deeper, in the social
and economic sphere, and in the lack of cohesion among
the different population groups. In my view, Europe’s
vast and important neighbouring continent, which has a
population of about 800 million covers about 23 per cent
of the world’s land surface, has little chance of achieving
stability and economic progress unless it follows the path
of regional cooperation. Such cooperation brings stability
where nations are too weak to achieve it individually.
Southern Africa is a good example. At the 1994
Berlin conference, cooperation between the SADC and the
European Union was raised to a new level. At our
meeting in June we and our African colleagues redefined
the framework for the dialogue between the European
Union and the OAU. Europe will stay on Africa’s side.
Part of this support is that we are helping countries
like Angola and Mozambique to rid themselves of the
scourge of mines. So far mine clearance by hand has
been, at least to me, like trying to remove a sand-dune
with a thimble. We cannot accept that. What we need for
this task is safe, large-capacity machinery.
13

The Oslo Conference gave rise to a sign of hope.
Eighty countries have put their names to a comprehensive
and verifiable ban on anti-personnel mines. I wish to thank
the Secretary-General for his personal efforts on this issue.
Anyone who, like me, has seen the poor, crippled victims
in Cambodia, Mozambique or Bosnia knows that these
treacherous killing devices are wholly — I repeat,
wholly — immoral. I therefore appeal to all countries still
on the outside to join the Ottawa process and help us ban
these infernal devices from the face of the Earth.
The world, galvanized by the spirit of freedom, has
been totally transformed. But this new freedom and its by-
products constitute a major test for us all, not only as
regards competitiveness but also as regards our solidarity,
our ability to show tolerance and to work together, and the
opening of markets.
The East-West conflict has been consigned to the past.
Here too, the question now is: are we going to try and
safeguard the future for posterity, or are we going to allow
new enemy stereotypes to divide us once again? There must
be no clash of civilizations. Hence, the dialogue of
civilizations and world religions must be raised to a new
level. To me this is the spiritual challenge as we approach
the twenty-first century, for only thus can we bring
different standpoints closer together and mobilize the
energies needed for the joint resolution of humanity’s
colossal problems.
I suggest that we hold a forum here at the United
Nations to consider how we can generate new momentum
for this dialogue worldwide. The matter is important
enough. Considerable cultural energy and potential for
innovation lie unused, and the United Nations is the proper
catalyst for their development.
But we must be very clear that there cannot and
should not be dialogue with terrorists. Terrorism has again
raised its ugly head in Mostar, Jerusalem and Cairo. The
vileness of the latest carnage in Algeria would be difficult
to exceed: it really does take your breath away. How long
can the international community look away? I know how
difficult it is to help from the outside, but the world
community cannot accept the cruel killing of utterly
innocent people in the dark of night without standing up
and reacting. We are not powerless in the face of such evil
slaughter of mostly uninvolved persons. In Denver, the
Group of Eight called upon all nations to sign the
international conventions on terrorism. We must resolutely
combat terrorism all over the world, using all democratic
means at our disposal. I call upon the General Assembly to
complete by the end of this session the negotiations on a
convention against terrorist bomb attacks, as proposed by
the Group of Eight.
Extradition or suitable punishment remains the
principle underlying our efforts to combat terrorism. No
one should give refuge to terrorists. We need a united
global front against terrorism. To combat fanatical killers
we can only consistently apply the law as well as police
and judicial measures. The source of sympathy for
terrorist objectives must be withered by political means.
In other words, we must get to the roots, which in most
cases are social problems.
On my last visit to the Middle East I spoke with
many citizens in Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Hebron, and
in the refugee camps in Gaza. I sensed their fears and
concerns. Those who have seen the wretched conditions
in the camps know that these people must be given a
chance to improve their lives. They need to be able to
hope again that the peace process is something from
which they will benefit, that the violence will stop, that
they can find work and have enough to eat, and that their
children can go to school.
For these hopes to materialize, both sides must show
a large measure of good will. President Arafat must do
everything in his power to stop the terrorism. And the
Israeli Government must desist from any measures which
cause the Palestinians to doubt Israel’s commitment to
peace. The settlements issue remains the crucial test here;
at least, that is what I believe. Continuing to build in Har
Homa only makes matters worse, so a moratorium is
essential. To my mind, this is the only way to reopen the
door to peace talks.
As for Iran, the new Government has changed its
tone. It remains to be seen whether this will lead to a
new, constructive policy, especially with regard to the
Middle East peace process, human rights and international
law. Germany has always maintained close and friendly
relations with the Iranian people, and in spite of all that
has happened, in spite of the Mykonos affair, we are
ready for talks. It is up to the Iranian Government to
provide the basis on which these can take place.
We are pleased that Mrs. Robinson has taken up her
post as the new High Commissioner for Human Rights.
Nowhere is the need for a new culture of dialogue so
great, we believe, as in the process of protecting such
rights. This is crucial to world peace and global
development. Any society that fails to respect human
14

rights, which include the right of development, is blocking
its own progress. Our policy on this matter is based on
dialogue and respect for different cultures. But we also
agree with Pope John Paul II, who has said that if we want
peace we must respect the conscience of the people. No
civilization or religion denies people their rights or
approves of murder and torture. Nor can any such action be
justified on political grounds.
We need an international criminal court of justice. The
statute of such a court is to be drawn up in Rome next
summer. The court must be empowered to act of its own
accord where genocide, crimes against humanity, war
crimes and wars of aggression are concerned, and to do so
wherever national courts either do not exist or cannot or are
unwilling to prosecute such crimes. The terrible genocides
in Rwanda and Srbrenica are warning signs. Such cardinal
crimes should not go unpunished.
Our responsibility towards future generations is
particularly acute where protection of the natural sources of
life is concerned. That is why it is crucial to maintain the
spirit engendered by the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development, the Rio Summit. That is the
purpose of the environment initiative put forward by
Chancellor Kohl together with Brazil, South Africa and
Singapore.
The climate conference to be held in Kyoto in
December will be a major test of the industrial world’s
commitment to the environment. Germany intends to reduce
its greenhouse-gas emissions by 25 per cent by the year
2010, based on 1990 levels. We and our partners in the
European Union are asking the other industrial countries to
cut theirs by at least 15 per cent. That would go part of the
way towards meeting our responsibility towards posterity.
When we look at the air pollution in southern Asia,
we cannot fail to admit that we urgently need to agree on
a forest convention. We must put an end to the ruthless
burning of forests to clear vast areas of land. Those who
deplete and destroy their own natural resources will make
us all lose out in the end. The eleventh hour is approaching.
Two weeks from now the decision on where to locate
the secretariat of the Convention to Combat Desertification
will be taken in Rome. We ask members to vote for Bonn.
Since the secretariat of the Framework Convention on
Climate Change already has its headquarters there, it makes
sense to combine the two.
The General Assembly is at a crossroads. Either we
solve our reform problems now and come out of our
introspective shell, or the United Nations will lose
political standing — that is what would happen. All
regional organizations, industrial, developing and
non-aligned countries have a joint responsibility for
implementing the reforms we have been talking about for
so long. This applies to all areas of United Nations
activity: economic and social, Security Council and
finance.
The Secretary-General has submitted a bold package
of reforms. Even though we do not agree with every
detail, we support the package as a whole. I appeal to all
Member States: let us not talk it to shreds, but make
quick decisions so that the necessary measures can be put
into effect. The United Nations has to be streamlined in
order to increase its efficiency. Whatever savings are
made through reform should be used for developments-
assistance purposes.
The Security Council must reflect today’s political
realities, one of which is the greater status of Africa,
Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. The debate on
this matter should not be artificially prolonged. This the
most important body of the United Nations, and it cannot
credibly and effectively perform its role as the guardian
of peace in the twenty-first century if its composition
remains basically as it was in 1945.
It is gratifying to note that a large number of States
regard the reunited Germany as a suitable candidate for a
permanent seat on the Security Council. If elected, we
will be able to make a good contribution, one that is in
keeping with the spirit of the Charter.
Two years ago, on the Organization’s fiftieth
birthday, we solemnly pledged to hand on to the next
millennium a United Nations equipped and funded for its
task. That promise has to be kept, and it has to be kept by
all. This means, first and foremost, paying our
contributions in full and on time, because without
finances this Organization is a powerless one. The
European Union has submitted its proposal for changing
the scale of assessments, the purpose of which is to
ensure a fair distribution of burdens.
Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights reads,
“All human beings are born free and
equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed
15

with reason and conscience and should act
towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.”
This vision must be sustained: the vision of a world in
which it is not the law of the strongest, but the strength of
the law which prevails; a world in which both the strong
and the weak feel at home; a world fit to live in which we
can safely leave to our children and to our grandchildren.


Allow me first of all to extend
my delegation’s whole-hearted congratulations on the
unanimous election of Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko to the
high office of President of this session. His skills as a
statesman are excellent qualifications for the presidency,
and I wish to assure him of my delegation’s support and
cooperation at all times during the proceedings of this
session.
My delegation’s appreciation also goes to the
President of the fifty-first session, His Excellency
Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the impressive work he
accomplished during his presidency. His efforts to
improve the work of the General Assembly and
strengthen the role of the United Nations in international
affairs have increased the momentum of the United
Nations reform process. My delegation congratulates him
on a job well done.
On behalf of my delegation, I also wish to extend
our congratulations to the Secretary-General, His
Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan. Since he assumed office in
January this year, he has been engaged in commendable
efforts to reform the United Nations Organization. The
presentation of his two-tracked proposals and measures
21

constitutes a bold and far-reaching reform programme,
which is expected not only to revitalize the United Nations
system but also to make it better suited to execute its
mandates in the years ahead in a more efficient and cost-
effective manner.
The fifty-second session of the General Assembly is
taking place at an important period during the international
community’s effort to evolve an atmosphere of viable and
equitable international cooperation in the areas of economic
development, social advancement and the recognition of the
important need for the maintenance of a balanced global
ecosystem.
The recent holding of the nineteenth special session of
the General Assembly, on the overall review and appraisal
of the implementation of Agenda 21, is one of the many
factors and activities that symbolize the importance of this
period and that mark our collective effort to shape a more
meaningful atmosphere of international cooperation. The
special session reaffirmed the international community’s
effort to ensure that the blueprint for international
development and the preservation of the environment, as
enunciated in Agenda 21 and the Rio Declaration five years
ago, are translated into concrete realities.
The successes and constraints so far recorded in our
effort to achieve sustainable development clearly point to
the difficulty of creating a framework for international
cooperation characterized by the full and continued
commitment of both developed and developing countries.
As stated by Her Excellency the Vice-President of the
Gambia during the special session,
“The difficult and protracted negotiations and the
intellectual, expert and statesmanlike efforts that made
these agreements possible reflected the goodwill and
good faith of all Governments ...
“... the constraints cited as obstacles to implementation
during this review session tend to indicate the
persistence of the contentious and also cross-cutting
issues of additional financial resources, technology
transfer, information sharing, training and institutional
capacity-building and the unfulfillment of our
differentiated responsibilities under these provisions”.
[See Official Records of the General Assembly,
Nineteenth Special Session, Plenary Meetings, 9th
meeting]
I wish to inform the General Assembly of the political
evolution taking shape in my country, the Gambia. Since
the Gambian delegation addressed the Assembly last year,
we have successfully completed a two-year transition
programme to democratic civilian rule with the entry into
force of a new Constitution for the Second Republic in
January this year. Successful free and fair presidential and
National Assembly elections were held earlier, in
September 1996 and early January 1997. Most of the
institutions provided for under the new Constitution are
already in place and have started to play their legitimate
role in the promotion and entrenchment of a genuine
democratic culture that is commensurate with the hopes
and aspirations of all Gambians. Throughout the transition
process, the people of the Gambia have been regularly
consulted; their views and aspirations have guided the
process. In this exercise we have been faithful to our
wishes. The Gambian National Assembly, which is
playing its important role in our nation-building, has been
readmitted to the Commonwealth Parliamentary
Association, where we will continue to participate
actively.
Alive to the fact that genuine democracy can neither
thrive nor be nurtured and sustained in the midst of
poverty, deprivation, hunger, ignorance and ill-health, the
Gambia Government embarked on an ambitious socio-
economic development programme during the two-year
transition period, which focused basically on building
schools, health facilities, roads and other infrastructure as
well as on boosting agricultural development in order to
ensure food self-sufficiency by the year 1999. The main
objective of this programme was to lay the basis for a
genuine and sustainable democracy that is in consonance
with our own social and other specificities as a nation.
The successful completion of the transition period
intensified our Government’s determination to continue
the effective implementation of measures and programmes
designed to promote and achieve the sustained socio-
economic development of the Gambia. In order to
accomplish this task, the Government of the Gambia, in
collaboration with the private sector, has embarked on the
implementation of a national development programme to
transform the country economically and socially over a
25-year period into a developed, economically viable
State. The blueprint for this socio-economic development
is called Vision 2020. The overall orientation of this
development blueprint, as enunciated in its mission
statement, is:
“To transform the Gambia into a financial
centre, a tourist paradise, a trading export-oriented
agricultural and manufacturing nation, thriving on
22

free market policies and a vibrant private sector,
sustained by a well-educated, trained, skilled, healthy,
self-reliant and enterprising population, and
guaranteeing a well-balanced ecosystem and a decent
standard of living for one and all, under a system of
government based on the consent of the citizenry”.
It is obvious from that mission statement that we in
the Gambia have opted for a holistic development strategy
that is human-centred and export-oriented, and founded on
free market principles. As rightly pointed out by His
Excellency President Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh in his
foreword to Vision 2020,
“This means that the production base of the
economy will be strengthened and diversified to cater
for the needs of an export-oriented industry. In pursuit
of pragmatism, Vision 2020 will build on the sound
macroeconomic policies of our recent past while
launching a new partnership contract between the
public and private sectors to spin faster growth with
equity.”
In this connection, the Gambia has embarked on a
sustained effort to enhance bilateral and multilateral
cooperation with all friendly countries and institutions in
order to ensure the realization of our development goals as
enshrined in Vision 2020. In pursuit of these goals, we will
not relent in our efforts to develop and enhance intra-
African cooperation and solidarity in all vital sectors for the
attainment of sustained economic growth. It is in fact the
Gambia’s firm belief and conviction that it is only through
such cooperation, founded on self-reliance and hard work,
that African countries can adequately rise to the daunting
development challenges facing them.
To complement our own efforts at the national,
subregional and regional levels, no effort will be spared to
develop and enhance cooperation with all traditional
development partners as well as new friends in conformity
with the underlying principles of the Gambia’s foreign
policy objectives, which are predicated on openness,
peaceful coexistence, genuine respect for each other’s point
of view and full equality in international intercourse with
all countries. We strongly believe that it is only through
dialogue and the constant quest to understand the points of
view of others that we can aspire to attain world peace,
mutual trust and understanding.
Here, I would like to underline again that the
centrepiece of the Gambia’s foreign policy is the promotion
of African solidarity and self-reliance and the enhancement
of world peace. That is why we are friends of all
countries of the world irrespective of ideological or
political differences. This policy is predicated on our
strong belief that the world is one family, and that it pays
no dividends to isolate any member of that great family,
because any member of the family which feels isolated
quickly becomes intransigent and hostile in its dealings
with the rest of us. It is therefore paramount for us to
maintain lines of dialogue between ourselves, which can
only promote understanding.
On global economic issues, we note that the world
economic outlook continues to be influenced strongly by
the forces of economic globalization and trade
liberalization, which in themselves are not negative
trends, provided they are underpinned by a genuine desire
on the part of all concerned to promote partnership, in an
environment where equality reigns supreme.
The persistent slow rate of development in Africa
can be traced to certain factors and impediments. Africa’s
foreign debt crisis remains a major impediment to growth.
The international community’s effort to resolve Africa’s
external debt problem continues to fall short of the
desired result. The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries
Initiative, recently adopted by the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, while complementing
the global effort, also fell short of the expected target of
complete cancellation of the debt stock of developing
countries. Unless this is done, the debt burden will
naturally continue to have a negative impact on the
availability of existing resources to finance Africa’s
economic recovery and social development.
Also, the growth and expansion of the incidence of
poverty in Africa has contributed to the failure to achieve
sustainable development on the continent. The sombre
conclusions on the increase of poverty reflect, in a wider
sense, the seeming lack of the required commitment by
the international community to promote social progress
and the qualitative improvement of the human condition,
as recommended by the World Summit for Social
Development.
Here I want to state that my country, the Gambia,
has embarked on a bold national plan of action for the
eradication of poverty, and I want to commend the United
Nations system, the World Bank and other bilateral
partners that are actively assisting us to achieve our goals
in this domain. We thank them for their continued
support. Poverty, we all agree, is a global problem that
needs to be addressed by all of us.
23

The pursuit of global peace and security remains a
fundamental responsibility of our Organization. It is,
however, regrettable that the international community’s
effort to achieve international peace and security has been
constrained by continued conflicts and other forms of
tension between States and communities.
In our own subregion of West Africa, the situation
evolving in Sierra Leone remains of grave concern, not
only to us but also to the international community. Failure
to resolve the problem and restore stability, security and
constitutionality in Sierra Leone can only prolong the ordeal
of the innocent and peace-loving people of that country.
Therefore, we all hope that the initiatives embarked upon
by the Economic Community of West African State
(ECOWAS) within the framework of the Committee of
Five will yield the anticipated results. I am pleased to note
that the approach adopted by the Committee of Five to find
a solution to the Sierra Leone crisis has the support of the
United Nations Security Council and the Organization of
African Unity (OAU).
It is hoped that the restoration of constitutional
democracy in Liberia following the national elections held
on 19 July 1997 will lead to a permanent peaceful solution
to the country’s crisis, paving the way for sustained
national reconstruction. All of us in the subregion are
giving our material and moral support to the sister Republic
of Liberia to help it stay on the path of national
reconciliation in order to recover fully from its tragedies of
the recent past.
With regard to the Middle East, despite the significant
progress of the past few years in the Middle East peace
process, especially since the signing of the Oslo accords,
we note with concern the erosion of the peace dividend
accumulated in the international community’s effort to
achieve durable peace there. The recent escalation of
tension between Israel and Palestine over the extension of
Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem constitutes a serious
threat to peace and security in the region.
The adoption by the General Assembly of resolution
ES-10/3 of 15 July 1997, as well as other peace initiatives
by the international community should, however, provide
the basis for a peaceful and permanent solution to the
conflict.
On a more general note, we in the Gambia strongly
believe that the containment of tension and conflict globally
can be enhanced by transparency, the restoration of mutual
trust and confidence and respect for the rights of peoples,
communities and nations in the execution of the role and
mandates of the United Nations. As I indicated earlier, it
is only through genuine dialogue and the desire and will
to understand each other that we can achieve global
peace.
In this regard, my delegation strongly supports the
aspiration of the 21.3 million people of the Republic of
China on Taiwan to exercise their right to share and
participate in the activities of intergovernmental
organizations on international cooperation by joining this
comity of nations. The legitimacy of their aspirations,
both legal and national, has been reinforced by similar
actions and measures taken by the United Nations on the
issue of parallel representation, which now serve as useful
reminders and examples. The Taiwan question is also a
test of the international community’s interpretation of
democracy. As we are all aware, the Republic of China
on Taiwan has existed, physically, legally and politically,
since the foundation of the United Nations. My
Government therefore believes that our Organization will
do itself a great service by admitting Taiwan into our
midst, in the true spirit of the application of democratic
principles. The presence of the Republic of China on
Taiwan among us can only enrich our Organization. In
this regard, we therefore believe that resolution 2758
(XXVI) adopted at the twenty-sixth session of the General
Assembly, needs to be reviewed.
Concerning the legal dispute surrounding the
bombing of Pan Am flight 103, the Gambia supports the
resolution on the matter adopted by the OAU Heads of
State or Government in Harare last May as providing a
viable framework for resolving the present impasse.
With regard to Cuba, it is incomprehensible to us
Gambians why a whole people, a whole nation, should be
made to suffer the denial of the basic necessities of life
simply because it chooses to live under a different
political ideology. Therefore, in the present climate of
greater international cooperation and reconciliation, the
people of Cuba and their Government deserve the support
and assistance of the international community in their
continued efforts to engage in more meaningful national
development in order to achieve greater socio-economic
progress. We fully support the measures being taken by
this body to provide this support. In doing so, our
Organization will only be upholding the principle of
respecting the basic human rights of the Cuban people.
It is in this same spirit that we call on the
international community to continue to preserve the
24

dignity and security of the people and the Government of
Kuwait and to support the full implementation of the
relevant Security Council resolutions on payment of
reparations and compensation, release of prisoners of war
and other conditions imposed on Iraq for its internationally
condemned act of aggression against Kuwait. Therefore,
while we encourage greater United Nations intervention in
bringing solace to the suffering, innocent Iraqi civilian
population, we strongly urge the Government of Iraq to
comply with the provisions of these Security Council
resolutions, in order to alleviate the suffering, especially
that of the children.
That catalogue of conflicts and misunderstandings has
prompted my Government and people to formulate the
following wish, which we want to express to the
international community: we want the United Nations and
the international community to make a solemn pledge to
ensure that all conflicts are peacefully resolved by the year
2000. In order to achieve this noble aim, we propose, first,
that 1998 be declared a year for the resolution of all
conflicts between Member States; and, secondly, that 1999,
as it is on the eve of the twenty-first century, be a year
devoid of conflicts and misunderstanding, to become the
year of reconciliation.
This, we believe, will enable humankind to enter the
twenty-first century as a united, peaceful family that can
proudly bequeath to ensuing generations a developed,
peaceful world, where democracy, justice, freedom and
equality are guaranteed to everyone, irrespective of origin,
race, religion or political ideology. That is what the Gambia
wants to bequeath to coming generations, and we strongly
believe that all it takes is tolerance, mutual respect, love,
patience and understanding.
With regard to global trade relations, we followed with
high expectation the conclusion of the Uruguay Round of
multilateral trade negotiations and its implementation.
While encouraging globalization and liberalization, it
deprived developing countries, particularly those in Africa,
of the opportunities and benefits predicted during its
implementation.
We note, however, that the liberalization of trade and
investment policies has yet to foster international
cooperation for the achievement of economic development
and genuine partnership among all nations. Developing
countries in general, and African and the least developed
countries in particular, are yet to be effectively integrated
into the world economy. The commitments agreed in the
Final Act of the Uruguay Round have not been fully
implemented.
International cooperation has, however, continued to
flourish in other equally important areas. The promotion
and expansion of South-South cooperation continues to
receive greater support among developing countries.
These cooperation initiatives have resulted in the
Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of
Small Island Developing States, among many other
initiatives. Within the context of promoting South-South
cooperation, Japan has successfully held the Tokyo
International Conference on African Development
(TICAD I) and it is now planning to host a follow-up
conference, TICAD II, next year, in an effort to develop
a practical, achievable and sustainable development
programme for Africa.
It is indeed commendable that this Japanese initiative
is not restricted to Africa, but also includes the evolution
of a new development strategy responsive to the present
international development climate, and is providing the
motivating force for a concerted global effort. We
commend Japan for these initiatives, including financial
contributions which serve as a practical demonstration of
South-South cooperative interaction and application.
It should, however, be pointed out that the
promotion and application of South-South cooperation
within the context of technical and economic cooperation
among developing countries can only succeed as an
important aspect of international development cooperation
if both the South and North remain committed to its full
realization.
Intra-African economic cooperation and integration
have also been growing. Regional activities are now
directed to the socio-economic transformation and
integration of the economies of African States. The
adoption and implementation of the Abuja Treaty, putting
in place economic integration arrangements, is a positive
effort in building an African Economic Community. The
inaugural session of the African Economic Community
was held during the thirty-third summit of Heads of State
and Government of the Organization of African Unity
(OAU) in June this year. We in Africa are becoming
more and more aware of the paramount importance of
self-reliance. Any assistance from development partners
must be seen as a complement to what we can or should
do by ourselves.
25

Within the context of subregional cooperation, the
Gambia hosted the twelfth summit of Heads of State and
Government of the Permanent Inter-State Committee for
Drought Control in the Sahel (CILSS), held in Banjul from
11 to 12 September 1997. The summit unanimously elected
His Excellency Colonel Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh, President
of the Republic of the Gambia, as chairman of the
organization for the next three years. These meetings and
activities testify to the importance attached to the issues of
drought and desertification, not only in Africa, but also in
other parts of the world, and to the urgent need for a
sustained collaborative effort to combat the twin menace. In
this regard, the Gambia is fully and actively participating in
the ongoing Rome Conference of the Parties to the United
Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in Those
Countries Experiencing Serious Drought and/or
Desertification, Particularly in Africa. In fact, we should
redouble the resources provided and the measures so far
adopted to combat drought and desertification and improve
our environment in accordance with the provisions of the
Convention, and also of chapter 12 of Agenda 21, adopted
at the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development. In furtherance of these targets we intend to
achieve, as President Yahya Jammeh stated, sustainable
development and food security through research into the
underlying phenomena of drought, desertification and
ecological instability and by designing and implementing
programmes for natural resource management and the
improvement of agro-food sectors in the Sahel, as well as
the sustainability of farming systems.
I will conclude with the subject of reform of the
United Nations system, a subject very dear to the hearts of
Gambians. The reform of the United Nations system
continues to engage our collective attention. Reform
activities — including the restructuring and revitalization of
the United Nations in the economic, social and related
fields, especially the work of the Economic and Social
Council; and the efforts of the High-level Open-ended
Working Group on the Strengthening of the United Nations
System in formulating innovative mechanisms to enhance
the role and functions of the General Assembly and its
main Committees, as well as of the Open-ended Working
Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and
Increase in the Membership of the Security Council —
continue to attract wide debate, both at the United Nations
and in other forums. These include OAU, which at the
summit of Heads of State and Government held in Harare
in June adopted a Declaration on the reform of the Security
Council to which the Gambia remains firmly committed.
It is my Government’s firm belief and conviction
that there is an urgent need to democratize the United
Nations, and especially the Security Council, to make it
more responsive to the hopes and aspirations of all its
Members for a world devoid of intolerance, injustice and
inequality. There is therefore a need to curb the use of the
veto, which is exercised by some Powers in the Security
Council against the wishes of the vast majority of the
Members of our Organization. The geopolitical and
historical considerations that were at the heart of the
present composition and mandate of the Security Council
no longer prevail. The composition of the Security
Council should therefore be reflective of the realities of
our times, and the powers of the individual Member
States therein seen in the same light.
We also firmly believe that it is necessary to ensure
that United Nations resolutions and, indeed, decisions by
the International Court of Justice are respected, obeyed
and implemented by all countries. It is not fair that while
some countries are chastised for violating United Nations
resolutions, others seem to violate them with impunity.
With regard to the Secretary-General’s Track 2
reform proposals, the report (A/51/950) entitled
“Renewing the United Nations: A Programme for
Reform” includes bold and far-reaching measures and
proposals. The Gambia generally supports the Secretary-
General’s reform proposals, in particular the following.
First, we have that of creating a dividend for
development. The effectiveness of this initiative would
depend on Member States meeting their financial
contributions to the Organization on time. Moreover, the
initiative should serve as a catalyst for donors to provide
greater support for development by meeting the agreed
target contribution of 0.7 per cent of their gross national
product.
Secondly, the creation of the post of Deputy
Secretary-General is timely, given the increasing
mandates of the Organization. However, it is expected
that the role of the Deputy Secretary-General would go
beyond mobilization of funds for the Organization to
incorporate administrative coordination. The length of stay
in office of the incumbent should be determined.
Thirdly, restructuring and regrouping of organs and
agencies to facilitate their effectiveness and productivity
should be guided by agreed principles, procedures and
operational objectives to prevent a reduction of their
26

usefulness while enhancing the achievements of their
specific goals.
Fourthly, the fiscal measures, including zero growth
and personnel cuts, are necessary. It is expected that this
will not impair the Organization’s capability to fully
discharge all its responsibilities.
Fifthly, the putting into effect of “UN House” — the
common premises system for all United Nations agencies
serving in one country — is necessary and timely, given the
substantial savings to be derived from the sharing of
common services. Additionally, maintaining a common
identity and location in a country would enhance the United
Nations presence as a world Organization, as well as its
accessibility in terms of speed and effective
communication. It will also minimize confusion, waste
and duplication of efforts.
Suffice it to say that the Gambia will continue to
study the Secretary-General’s reform proposals and their
broad implications for the Organization and Member
States in the years ahead.
Lastly, as we continue with the reform of the United
Nations system after over 50 years of operations, so must
we also continue to address the weaknesses, inequalities
and inadequacies inherent in the international economic
and social system, global trade, finance and investment,
international development and so on in order to achieve
more meaningful international cooperation and global
partnership, the promotion and preservation of human
rights and fundamental freedoms, the right to
development, good governance and economic growth —
all cherished hallmarks of sustainable development and
human achievements.


On behalf of the people and Government of
El Salvador, I should like to convey to you, Mr. President,
our congratulations on your election to preside over this
session. To your predecessor, Mr. Razali Ismail of
Malaysia, we extend our gratitude for his efforts and
initiatives aimed at making progress in the modernization
of the United Nations.
We commend the Secretary-General for his
remarkable work during the first year of his term and, in
particular, for the progress made in reforming the Organization.
More than five years after the signing of the peace
accords in El Salvador, we can state with satisfaction that
we have fulfilled and achieved the objectives that we
agreed to. The far-reaching changes that have taken place
in Salvadoran society have received universal recognition,
as they represent one of the most successful
undertakings of greatest scope carried out with the
support of the Organization.
Our Government’s responsibilities and obligations do
not end with compliance with the peace agreements, but
continue throughout time and space with a view to
safeguarding the achievements that we have registered in
the areas of democratization and respect for human rights,
and also to meet the priority needs of Salvadoran society.
We Salvadorans are dedicated to building a new
El Salvador, attacking at their root causes of poverty and
social marginalization and promoting a fairer and more
equitable society.
The successful conclusion of the peace processes in
Nicaragua, El Salvador and, recently, Guatemala and the
establishment of democratic Governments have created a
situation conducive to regional stability, transforming
Central America into a region of peace, freedom,
democracy and development. Central America has made
great progress in demilitarization and in the strengthening
of civil society, holding free, transparent and pluralist
elections; integrating former combatants into national
political processes; strengthening democratic institutions
and the rule of law; and implementing a development
programme whose central focus is the human being.
In the face of globalization and the processes of
economic openness and regionalization, we need to be
even more creative in tackling present and future
challenges. For this reason we are reviewing the Central
American institutional system so as to make it possible
for us better and more effectively to take our place in the
new world order.
The aspiration of the peoples of Central America to
pursue a common destiny through the reunification of our
greater nation has always been latent among our peoples.
It is becoming increasingly clear that unity is the best
road for Central America to take so that it can
successfully tackle the challenges of the coming
millennium. It was in this spirit that on 2 September we
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signed the Nicaragua Declaration with a view to speeding
up the process of unification. Today we come to share our
resolve to pursue political union in Central America. We
want the international community and the United Nations
to be witnesses to our efforts, and before them we commit
ourselves to do all that is within our power to achieve this
objective. In order to achieve this goal, we ask that friendly
countries and multilateral institutions continue to support us
and to provide timely assistance, so that our national and
regional efforts can complement one another, and to enable
us to have at our disposal an effective mechanism for
realizing our aspirations.
I should like to comment on issues of far-reaching
importance on the agenda of the General Assembly that are
vital for the Organization itself. We stand convinced that
the principles of the Organization remain valid and that it
is a unique, sui generis institution, essential and
irreplaceable in the international system, and that its reform
is necessary in order to adapt it to the demands of the new
international order. With respect to the proposed reforms
put forward by the Secretary-General, my Government
supports the institutional changes that will be necessary for
the Organization efficiently to respond to the common
problems faced by our nations.
For the United Nations to function better, it must be
able to rely on adequate and predictable financial resources.
It is the responsibility of Member States to fulfil our
financial obligations, which cannot be subject to any kind
of conditionality, so as to safeguard the independence,
impartiality and credibility of the Organization’s activities.
Reform of the Security Council is necessary in order
to overcome the imbalances that exist in its current
composition. We support an appropriate increase in the
number of permanent and non-permanent members, so that
the Council will be representative of the number of
Members that the Organization now has. These new
members should have the same rights and obligations and
be designated in conformity with the principle of
geographical distribution, so as to include developing
countries in both categories. We believe it particularly
important to devote attention to the Council’s working
methods and procedure so as to ensure that the decision-
making process is participatory, democratic and transparent
and involves effective coordination among all the organs of
the system.
The United Nations was created to be universal in
nature. Therefore all peace-loving States that accept the
obligations enshrined in the Charter should be Members of
it. For this reason, we reaffirm our support for the just
aspiration of the Republic of China on Taiwan to rejoin
the Organization on the basis of the principle of
universality, which is the distinguishing mark of the
United Nations.
In conclusion, I wish to state that the people of
Central America are grateful for the work of the United
Nations in the process of peacemaking, democratization
and development in Central America. We recognize the
efforts that the Organization is continuing to make to
promote international peace and security by seeking to
settle conflicts by peaceful means and in accordance with
the principles of international law.
On the threshold of a new century, nations are facing
tremendous challenges. We invoke the aid of God so that
peace, freedom and human values may prevail among the
peoples of the earth.


I should like to begin by congratulating the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, Mr. Hennadiy
Udovenko, on his election as President of General
Assembly at its fifty-second session. This is a compelling
acknowledgment of the high international esteem in which
Ukraine is held and of Mr. Udovenko’s personal qualities
and extensive experience. At the same time, I should like
to express gratitude to the President of the General
Assembly at its fifty-first session, Ambassador Razali
Ismail, who made a significant contribution to the
successful guidance of that session.
It is particularly important for us to be making this
statement today from this lofty rostrum. Five years have
passed since Georgia became a full-fledged Member of
the United Nations. I believe that the time has come to
assess the development of Georgian statehood, as well as
the results of our full-fledged participation in and active
cooperation with the United Nations.
In this five-year period our country has travelled
from civil war, chaos, economic collapse and rampant
crimes to ever increasing stability, the establishment of
democratic institutions and tangible economic progress.
The fact that we have been able to emerge with dignity
from the most critical phase in our independent
development is, to a large extent, to the credit of the
United Nations and its specialized agencies, which
provided Georgia not only with moral support but with
specific and timely financial and technical assistance. We
shall always remember that with particular gratitude.
We understand what a responsible task the United
Nations has as it
“strives to articulate an inclusive vision: community
among nations, common humanity among peoples,
the singularity of our only one Earth.” (A/51/950,
para. 1)
The criterion for the formation of such a vision is the
destiny of each people and every State, including Georgia,
whose recent history fully and clearly reflects all the
virtues and flaws of the present world order. Georgia can
thus serve as a model with regard to the need to
implement long-awaited changes and radical reforms
within the United Nations system. It is precisely on this
subject that I wish to share my views.
The global post-confrontational development
following the end of cold war has not, unfortunately, been
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as simple as had been expected. We have stressed on
numerous occasions, including from this rostrum, that the
global confrontation between two systems has given way to
equally dangerous local and intra-State conflicts that carry
within them the potential for enormous destruction, thereby
posing the same global challenge to international security.
One of the manifestations of this dangerous trend is the
aggressive separatism that has plagued my country and
several other newly independent States. We have also
pointed out that the United Nations and other international
organizations should act in a manner that takes account of
these changes. Unfortunately, our recent experience shows
that, as a result of somewhat entrenched attitudes, these
realities are frequently misunderstood.
The main obstacle to the strengthening and
development of our statehood and to the full
implementation of economic reforms continues to be the
lack of a settlement of the conflicts in Abkhazia and the
Tskhinvali region. The situation in Abkhazia is particularly
worrying. About 300,000 refugees and displaced persons
from Abkhazia are still unable to return to their homes.
These people, whom fate has not treated kindly, are already
beginning to lose hope for a peaceful settlement of the
conflict. We are obliged to note that, regrettably, the
conflict in Abkhazia has become a kind of touchstone
exposing the inadequacy of United Nations efforts. We
therefore continue to insist on the need to find a new
approach that can give a new impetus to the dialogue. We
welcome the vigorous steps being taken to strengthen the
role of the United Nations in settling the conflict in
Abkhazia, Georgia.
We have embraced with hope and optimism the new
initiatives put forward by the Secretary-General of the
United Nations. We would like to stress in particular that
we attach importance to the resumption of the Geneva
negotiations between the parties to the conflict, under the
auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of
the Russian Federation as facilitator, the group of Friends
of the Secretary-General on Georgia and the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). We are
confident that the Geneva process will not only promote a
settlement of the conflict, but will also reveal the
transformational role that the United Nations can play under
the new conditions. Here I must express deep gratitude to
the President of Ukraine, His Excellency Mr. Leonid
Kuchma, who, from this lofty rostrum expressed support for
the efforts of the United Nations in Abkhazia and
reaffirmed Ukraine’s readiness to participate directly.
The establishment of a United Nations standby force
would be very useful in developing the potential for
United Nations peacekeeping operations to prevent the
escalation of conflicts in a timely manner. Such forces
would be on constant standby. We believe that such a
system must include a technically well-equipped and
appropriately staffed headquarters. It would be responsible
for the evaluation and assessment of emerging conflict
situations. On the basis of such assessments United
Nations rapid-reaction forces, which have yet to be
established, could be quickly sent to zones of conflict. We
are confident that, had such forces existed five years ago,
the tragic development of the conflict in Abkhazia could
have been prevented. As the vicissitudes of the conflict in
Abkhazia, Georgia, have shown, there is still a need for
clearly coordinated joint actions between the United
Nations and regional and international organizations for
the settlement of conflicts. The absence of such a practice
considerably reduces the effectiveness of the
peacekeeping efforts of our community.
Georgia’s experience provides a positive example of
cooperation between the United Nations and the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
This cooperation includes the joint United Nations-OSCE
office for monitoring human rights in Abkhazia and the
programme for the economic rehabilitation of the
Tskhinvali region, proposed and implemented by the
United Nations Development Program. I also believe that
we should seriously consider the proposal of the acting
Chairman of the OSCE, by which the State chairing that
Organization would automatically join the group of
Friends of the Secretary-General on Georgia, thereby
promoting and increasing cooperation between the United
Nations and the OSCE. We believe that there is a need to
welcome the process of cooperation between the United
Nations and regional international organizations, which
has already begun.
We should also reconsider the important concept of
post-conflict peace-building. We are sometimes prisoners
of stereotyped notions of a phased approach to settling
conflicts, and as a result we sometimes fail to notice how
thin the line is between establishing peace and
peacekeeping itself. In the process of conflict settlement
it is more effective to use elements of post-conflict peace-
building, including them in the strategy of peacekeeping
operations. Elements of post-conflict peace-building such
as social and economic rehabilitation of conflict zones
and the establishment of a basis for their further
development would facilitate confidence-building between
the parties involved and create a favourable social and
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economic environment for the achievement of a final
political settlement. We believe that the United Nations
should remain actively seized of this matter.
The creation of a special fund would allow the United
Nations potential for post-conflict peace-building to be
strengthened. “Development dividends” could provide one
source of revenue for this. On the other hand, the fund
could also consider the economic interests of the parties to
the conflict, and on that basis develop relevant projects,
thereby assisting in conflict prevention.
The uniqueness and indispensability of the United
Nations as a central and multilateral mechanism of
cooperation in the post-confrontational world must first and
foremost be manifested in its leading role in the creation of
a qualitatively new comprehensive system of security,
stability and development. The most important role here
must be played by a global system of economic security,
the formation of which should run parallel with the
development of the process of world integration.
A characteristic feature of today’s world is that
formerly isolated historico-geographic regions are gradually
overcoming their isolation and are cooperating to create a
shared global infrastructure of human activities. Therefore,
regional economic unions should be viewed as a driving
force of the mechanisms for building such an infrastructure.
For example, the Caucasus region clearly demonstrates
the potential of the so-called graded model of global
integration. I refer, in the first place, to subregional
cooperation within the framework of a given region and,
further, in the light of the geo-strategic situation of the
Caucasus, to its role as a link for interregional cooperation,
namely between Europe and Asia.
Such a structure for integration, such a global model
is in keeping with the realities of our day. We believe that
the coordinating role of the United Nations in this process
can be very effective.
Such a vision of the role of the Caucasus region has
already been embodied in the concept of the Euro-Asian
corridor, a kind of Silk Road for the twenty-first century.
This historic conduit for trade, the importance of which is
continuing to grow and gain in recognition, is already
working and proving its effectiveness.
Similar corridors present a unique opportunity for the
establishment of new material and cultural values and for
bringing economies and cultures together. On this basis,
they must — and, unquestionably, will — also play an
important role in the establishment and strengthening of
stability in the region.
Georgia has been called upon to actively promote
the implementation of this concept. Even a superficial
glance at a map shows the strategic importance of
geopolitical and geo-economic dimensions of this central
conduit for world trade. Therefore, we express our
readiness to cooperate with all those who are interested in
making it a reality.
The broad functions of the United Nations as a
universal organization are the basis for the initiatives
spelled out by Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his report
“Renewing the United Nations: A Programme for
Reform”. First and foremost, we believe there is a need
to focus on the treaty defining the international legal
profile of today’s world order: the Charter of the United
Nations. Conceived under specific circumstances, it
provided a mechanism that was aimed, for the most part,
at prevention and settlement of conflicts between States.
As a result, the United Nations has often reacted
inadequately to such challenges as the numerous conflicts
occurring within States. The principles that constituted the
basis for traditional peacekeeping operations, in particular
the concept of consent of the parties, are often untenable
in cases of so-called ethnic conflict. This leads us to the
idea that the Charter to a great extent needs to be
rethought and made to conform to current realities.
In this regard, Georgia supports the creation of a
ministerial commission to study the necessity of
fundamental reforms in the Charter and in those legal
documents that define the mandates of the United Nations
specialized agencies. Georgia also supports the proposal
for the appointment of a First Under-Secretary-General
who would be called upon to play a special role in
ensuring the success of programmes and plans of the
various functional sectors of the Secretariat.
Undoubtedly, the crux of the United Nations reforms
is the enlargement of the Security Council and the
improvement of the activities of the General Assembly
and of the other main bodies. Also important is the
question of the optimal reallocation of authority between
the General Assembly and the Security Council. In this
respect, we reaffirm our unwavering position concerning
the inclusion of Germany and Japan among the permanent
members of the Security Council and also concerning the
enlargement of the Council, including adding one seat for
the Eastern European countries.
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We favour growing transparency in the work of the
Security Council. From our point of view, it is important
that concerned States be able to participate in informal
consultations of the Council, at which substantive
discussions take place and decisions are taken.
The international community should also be equipped
with reliable tools of justice to enable it to react not only to
unlawful actions of States but also to those of individuals
who have perpetrated crimes against humanity. In this
connection, we call upon all the Member States to do all
they can to conclude successfully the diplomatic conference
and to adopt a treaty on the establishment of an
international criminal court by 1998.
In closing I would like to recall the initiative of the
Secretary-General to hold a special session of the General
Assembly in the year 2000, as a “millennium Assembly”.
Very little time remains before mankind enters the new
millennium, and we must do everything we can to see to
that the reformed United Nations becomes a genuinely new
United Nations for the world order of the coming century.
I am confident that Georgia, together with other States, will
occupy a worthy place in it, as a democratic and prosperous
country.