It gives me pleasure at the beginning of my address to the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly to extend sincere congratulations to you, Sir, upon your election to the presidency of this session, as a faithful son of the glorious continent of Africa and as a representative thereof to this forum. Your election reflects the high esteem in which the international community holds your sisterly country, Nigeria, and your creative qualities and acumen. We are confident that you will discharge the onerous responsibilities of your high office successfully and enrich the traditions established by this great Organization.
On this occasion, I wish to pay tribute to your predecessor, the former Foreign Minister of Argentina, for his great efforts during his term of office as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly.
Since the opening of the forty-third session last year, the world has witnessed important and cardinal developments, both at the international and regional levels. Such developments presage a new era of international relations and make it incumbent upon this gathering to prepare itself for it and follow it up through tine creation of an appropriate environment that would preserve the rights of States, great and small alike, and safeguard their security. Such an environment should ensure a role for everyone in this process, which does not concern the great Powers alone but is related to the future of mankind at large, particularly at a time when the problems facing the third world, especially in the economic domain, are still awaiting agreement on an acceptable framework to cope with them effectively.
Therefore we should seek together to broaden our vision of the world in this new era and to define the role each one of us should play in order to contribute to shaping this era and laying down its foundations. Without such collective participation by the family of nations, the era of detente will remain lacking in coherence and be susceptible to vacillation and retrogression, which would adversely affect our vision of the future.
My brothers, the African Heads of State or Government, have conferred on me the honour of electing me Chairman of the organization of African Unity at its present session. My country and I highly value this confidence. Egypt was in the vanguard of the liberation movement during an important phase of world history. As ever, Egypt is determined to pursue the struggle until the African continent is totally liberated from racism and oppression, until it rids itself of poverty and want, until it is able to tackle the serious challenges with which it is confronted, and to overcome the numerous problems impeding its drive along the path of development and progress. We firmly believe that, however acute those problems and challenges may be, the African community, with its rich reservoir of historic struggle and a capacity for collective action conducted on the basis of solidarity and team spirit, is amply capable of surmounting those obstacles with strong resolve.
If our first preoccupation is to tackle our domestic and regional problems and issues, we are also aware of the interrelatedness and interdependence of those problems and international conditions. Consequently, we are willing to play a primary role in laying down the framework of a new, transformed world in which dispute and controversy give way to common interests and in which natural and human resources are geared to serving the objectives of development and progress, instead of war and destruction.
A cursory glance at the challenges facing us at the African level reveals that foremost among them is the issue of confronting the policies and practices of the racist regime in southern Africa. The international community is unanimous in considering those policies as the main cause of the outbreak of acts of violence in that vital region of the continent and of the absence of political and social stability and security therein.
we must also constantly bear in mind that what the racist Government in South Africa describes as "reforms" are mere superficial measures of form, which do not touch the substance. Moreover, they emanate from a racist outlook that aims at perpetuating the domination of the white minority and misleading the world into believing that steps are being taken in the right direction. If that regime were serious in its move, it would realize that democratic dialogue with the black majority is the only course for reaching a just settlement that would restore the legitimate rights of the oppressed majority, that would safeguard the interests of all parties and put an end to the escalating violence in the South.
Since its establishment, the United Nations has assumed a primary role in working for the independence of Namibia. Several resolutions have been adopted regarding the termination of South Africa's mandate over Namibia and the assumption by the United Nations of direct responsibility for its administration. The efforts made by the international Organization were crowned by the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). This move was concomitant with the bitter struggle waged by the brotherly people of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), to liberate their soil and regain their freedom. Allow me from this rostrum to pay a tribute to that heroic people which have given the greatest examples of sacrifice, and have demonstrated to the whole world the true mettle of the African peoples.
Despite our certainty of the inevitability of victory for the Namibian people and of their success in achieving independence on schedule, the situation calls for much caution and vigilance vis-à-vis attempts by the racist minority regime to sabotage this independence and undermine it from the inside, to fake the will of voters and to intimidate them. The Committee of African Heads of State or Government entrusted with following up the situation in southern Africa therefore met in Harare on 21 August 1989 to draw up plans to confront and foil these attempts so that the sun of freedom can rise again on that good land and we can celebrate this great event together next April.
The Committee also issued a declaration containing its conception of the African strategy required to confront moves by the racist regime of Pretoria. The strategy affirms equality of rights and obligations among all peoples, irrespective of colour, race, sex or ideology. It issued an appeal inviting peace-loving forces to adopt the call for the release of political detainees and prisoners in South Africa. Such a call deserves the wholehearted attention and support of the Assembly. We cannot tolerate the continuation of this ignominious disgrace in the history of humanity, nor can we be lax in dealing with the destructive effects it engenders. Therefore, it is the duty of the United Nations, which was established to uphold the right of all peoples to freedom and self-determination, to resist the perpetuation of that regime, to work for its further isolation, and to intensify pressure against, it by all possible means so that it can bow to the will of the international community and renounce illusions of being able to continue crushing the vast majority through intimidation, imprisonment, or detainment of intellectuals and freedom fighters.
Besides these crushing problems, the African countries suffer especially from the debt problem which has assumed serious dimensions. It also threatens to abort development programmes and is preventing the African countries from modernizing their systems of production and acquiring advanced technology, thereby perpetuating the vicious circle that causes poverty and underdevelopment.
In view of the intensity of this problem and the growing awareness of its seriousness, some countries have made praiseworthy initiatives aimed at arresting its effects and containing its complications. However, the ideas put forward are, in our view, inadequate for coping with the problem, its ramifications and its repercussions on the economic and social conditions in various countries of the continent. Therefore, I participated with the leaders of three friendly developing countries - Senegal, Venezuela and India - in proposing an initiative last July designed to reactivate the North-South dialogue and to enrich it by discussing the debt problem in its context. My colleagues, the brotherly African Heads of State or Government, at the recent African summit conference, blessed this initiative. They have mandated me to make the necessary international contacts to push the dialogue forward in the hope that it will lead to the convening of the international conference on debt, in accordance with the resolution adopted at the first extraordinary African summit conference, held in December 1987.
There is no doubt that the problem of indebtedness is part of a larger and more comprehensive problem, namely, the existing imbalances in the international economic order. These imbalances have reached proportions that cannot be overlooked or condoned. Consequently, the Ninth Summit Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Belgrade earlier this month, paid particular attention to this problem and placed it at the forefront of the Movement's priorities. The participating Heads of State or Government, who represent more than two thirds of the world leaders, agreed on the need to deal with this problem in a pragmatic, effective manner, given its aggravation and deterioration in recent years. This came as a result of the deterioration of terms of trade, the decline in primary commodity earnings, tariff and non-tariff barriers imposed on developing countries' exports, stagnation of financial flows for investment and development, increase of debt burdens and the net reverse transfer of resources. The problem for many third world countries, especially the African countries, is no longer one of growth and development, but rather one of survival in the literal sense of the word.
In this context, we have to decide that world attention to the economic problems of third-world countries should not be limited to providing emergency relief in cases of natural disasters or famine, but should extend to genuine contribution to accelerating the development process.
As was the case at the African summit Conference last July, the Non-Aligned summit meeting underlined the importance of engaging in fruitful dialogue with the industrial developed countries about fundamental economic issues. The summit meeting welcomed the quadripartite initiative proposed in the French capital during the summit meeting of the seven industrialized countries.
The leaders of the non-aligned countries called for the need to translate the measures and initiatives aimed at debt relief into a comprehensive confrontation of the debt problem, through debt and debt-service reduction, provided such comprehensive tackling embraced all categories of indebted developing countries and all types of debt, both official and commercial.
The Non-Aligned Conference paid special attention to the critical economic situation in Africa. It called on the international community to speed up the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development by adopting policies conducive to accelerating growth and development in African countries. The Conference also urged the developed industrialized countries and the financial and development institutions to seek to increase financial flows to Africa and to improve the conditions of transfer and disbursement of these flows. It proposed that Africa's Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes constitute a basis for constructive dialogue between African countries and their development partners in the implementation and financing of country programmes.
Related to the international economic problem is the issue of the environment, whether at the word level or on that of Africa. In this regard we have to state two basic facts: first, that African countries are the least responsible for the disruption and deterioration of the environment in comparison with the responsibility of developed countries; secondly, that the deterioration of the environment in Africa is due mainly to poverty, and that an effective resolution of environmental problems resides in environmentally sound development, detrainment by developed countries from dumping nuclear and chemical debris in the territories and on the shores of African countries, and in helping those countries to use clean technology.
We have found in some of the developments on the international scene in recent years a glimmer of hope, whether those related to detente in East-West relations or the achievement of tangible progress in the field of disarmament. We are also witnessing the onset of a settlement to a number of regional problems within a limited span of time after long years of escalation and political and military confrontation. The progress made in this context cannot be accidental. Rather, it is a direct reflection of this improvement in the international climate because international political, economic and strategic conditions have become so intertwined and interrelated that each affects, is affected by, and interacts with the others, whatever the distance that separates the sites of events.
A scrupulous observer can reach the conclusion that, after our having been faced by challenges, hardships and common dangers that jeopardize our future, these positive developments usher in a new renaissance for all peoples of the world, characterized by dialogue between various communities towards coexistence and fruitful co-operation between East and West, North and South, rich and poor.
While the peoples of the third world welcome this positive development which heralds a new era in the history of international relations, they still have many fears and suspicions. This is due mainly to the fact that the detente we witness at present is still largely focused on super-Power relations. Its positive impact has not yet affected the international situation in general. It has not extended in a tangible manner to conditions in the third world, especially economic conditions and related serious social, environmental and political problems.
It is true that the super-Powers have concluded significant agreements in the field of disarmament. However, we deem it important for the world to make substantial progress in the field of comprehensive disarmament everywhere. Failing that, no actual development or genuine peace can be achieved. Nor can the results of disarmament be reflected in the enhanced security of third world countries or the prosperity of their peoples.
Third world countries also complain that the limited progress made in settling some regional problems has not embraced other, no less important and serious issues, and possibly even more crucial to the security, peace and stability of the whole world.
All this leads to the necessity of involving the developing countries in the ongoing dialogue because they are main parties to international problems.
Furthermore, they possess many human capabilities and natural resources. They also have social and cultural conditions that should be taken into account when examining major international issues.
For example, no one can question the call for respect of human rights. We all share the belief in the right of the individual to a free dignified life and his right to contribute to the formulation of the political and economic options of his country. However, we in the third world see another premise for this issue, namely that human rights are adversely affected by hunger, poverty and fear, by the unjust conditions of international trade, let alone foreign occupation of some of the territories of developing countries and the practice of a racist and exploitive policy against their citizens and their interests. Consequently, we insist on linking human rights as generally defined with the rights of peoples to freedom, progress and self-determination.
These notions were behind the objective discussion that took place at the recent summit of the non-aligned countries about those issues which preoccupy peoples everywhere and affect their security and safety. There was consensus within the Movement to seek to reach a common concept to face these urgent issues on the basis of comprehensive dialogue with developed countries. We hope this consensus will meet with the approbation of those countries and that they will look upon third world countries as an equal partner in the management of tomorrow's world, not a third party merely receiving what was decided in absentia, benefiting from the positive aspects, which it had not shared in forging, and suffering from the negative aspects, which it had not caused or helped aggravate.
The United Nations has always assumed an important role in laying down the bases of a settlement to the Middle East problem, particularly as regards the Palestinian problem, which enjoys special attention by all African and third
world countries. A milestone on the path of a just and peaceful settlement was Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, which incorporated a perception of the balance that should be struck between the rights and obligations of both parties. This was complemented by the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly at its consecutive sessions dealing with the rights of the Palestinian people.
The Middle East problem has undergone several developments that have brought the Palestinian question to the fore and demonstrated the importance of dealing with it in all its aspects if the objective is to reach a historic comprehensive reconciliation between the Arabs and the Israelis. Such a reconciliation would put an end to war, conflict and devastation. It would also pave the way for a creative coexistence between two parties which are not alienated by historical enmity or by theories based on racist or ethnic considerations. The two parties are bound by the same interest in consolidating peace, stability and development in favour of all the peoples of the region.
Therefore, we have insisted that the Palestinian people participate directly in the settlement efforts through the initiation of a Palestinian-Israeli dialogue supported by all peace-loving forces. Such dialogue is aimed at bridging the existing gap in positions, exploring the way to eliminate the conflict once and for all on the basis of applying the principle of land for peace and attaining coexistence and co-operation among all the peoples of the region. The Palestine Liberation organization, as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, has taken positive positions that will help to achieve those goals. This deserves the full support of the international community.
I am pleased to state that the efforts we have been making in this respect in the past years have begun to bear fruit. Conditions are now favourable for launching such a dialogue without pre-conditions. It is hoped that the proposed dialogue would lead to a converging perception of steps that would pave the way for peace and for an overall agreement on the conditions and terms for a comprehensive settlement. Therefore, we believe that if this opportunity should be lost it would be a grave mistake certainly surpassing all errors made in the past which led to the loss of historic opportunities to contain the conflict and to end its aggravation.
Needless to say, this dialogue will not start from a vacuum. Rather, it will be based on the resolutions and positions which give it international legitimacy, in particular Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and on the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. The dialogue should be followed by steps that require wider international participation within the framework of an international peace conference so that a final comprehensive settlement to that dispute, which has persisted for more than 40 years now, can be reached,
As far as the Iran-Iraq war is concerned, we express our satisfaction that the cease-fire has become an established fact. However, we cannot conceal our concern with the existing state of no peace, no war, and the probabilities of a new flare-up as a result of the non-completion of arrangements that would lead to the end of belligerence and all its related claims as well as the removal of all its complications. We truly consider that Iraq has declared its willingness to honour its obligations in the context of the sincere implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) and in conformity with the August 1988 agreement. It has demonstrated its good faith to participate in the achievement of a just and lasting peace in that region.
We hope that Iran - which is bound to the Arabs by deep-rooted historical and spiritual ties - will adopt a decisive position in favour of peace and will seek to establish normal good-neighbourly relations with its Arab neighbours, especially with Iraq, so that Arab-Iranian relations can return to the situation maintained throughout history - a situation that is necessitated by geographical neighbourliness and a similarity of perils and interests.
We have also followed the bloody tragedy in sisterly Lebanon for years now with great regret and sorrow. We believe that the suffering of the Lebanese people must be ended. The threats to which they are subjected, which endanger their national and territorial unity, should be halted. This will be achieved only through the cessation of all forms of occupation and foreign intervention in its affairs, the removal of all restraints imposed on its independent national decisions, respect for its sovereignty and right to free choice and the elimination of aspects of partition which have intruded on Lebanon in these years of agony. We therefore support the sincere efforts made by the Arab tripartite committee towards achieving those objectives. We hope that those efforts will succeed, thus leading to the adoption of the decisive steps we anticipate within the few coming weeks.
Any setback in these efforts would have the most serious consequences to all parties, even if they are unable to grasp this indisputable fact.
I need not emphasize our full support for the United Nations and our adherence to its purposes, principles and Charter. They are entrenched in the hearts of our peoples and have been a source of inspiration for our peoples in formulating the framework that governs their domestic and international actions, particularly with respect to the Organization of African Unity, which was established to liberate Africa from domination and exploitation, and to apply the principle of equality among individuals and States, irrespective of their share of power or might, to achieve co-operation among the African States, which face the same dangers and challenges, to spread a human and noble message based on adherence to morality and sublime ideals in transactions, respect for the. rights of others, rejection of the theories of supremacy or discrimination between human beings and on building bridges between all nations and peoples.
The third world countries stand firm with all other countries in the world in expressing their confidence in the United Nations and their appreciation of its role, looking to the future of collective life on our planet with great hopes and aspirations. They have resolved to assert their will for the option of peace, to mobilize their resources to serve the objectives of development and progress, to orient their potential towards safeguarding security and stability and to open up vistas of hope for generations to come.
Through objective and constructive action, armed with clear vision that does not miss the target, with faith in the unity of human destiny and through adherence to legitimacy and the rule of law, we shall forge ahead towards a better tomorrow, nurturing the growth of freedom and hoisting the banners of peace, building glory and spreading civilization. With enlightened thinking and determined action, we
shall overcome hardships, surmount obstacles and barriers, place right before might and civilized discourse above the harsh growl of cannon.


1.	  When I had the honor of coming to this rostrum of the first meeting of this session [1934th meeting] to address this Assembly for the first time, my first words naturally were words of congratulation to you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election to this high post, and to express also to this eminent Assembly our deepest gratitude at the very generous welcome which was extended to us unanimously on the occasion of our admission to this great United Nations family. Now that I am privileged to return to this rostrum and to participate in the general debate, I would like again to tell you, as the representative of an Asian State which has the closest ties of friendship and co-operation with your great country just how happy we are at your brilliant election to the presidency of the Assembly. We feel that your high qualities of wisdom, devotion and competence will be the surest warranty of the success of your task and of our work.
2.	It is also a very agreeable opportunity for me to repeat our warmest words of thanks for the kind and courteous thoughts and words expressed to us by many distinguished delegations during the first meetings of this session, and for the outstanding statements which were made subsequently during the participation in the general debate.
3.	It is with immense joy that I would like to greet the admission to the United Nations of the Arab State of Oman, to which we are attached through national identity based on the most fraternal bonds. We are happier to see it admitted to this international Organization because we feel convinced that the very close co-operation, which already exists between our two nations in order to contribute to their progress and prosperity and to that of other countries in the region to which we belong, will no longer be limited merely to this regional framework, but in the future will have as its aim the uniting of our devoted efforts with those of the United Nations in order to attain the highest objectives of the United Nations namely, the preservation and furtherance of the progress and prosperity of the entire international community-on the basis of the noble principles of our Charter, principles for which our Arab world has the deepest respect and the greatest attachment. On this glorious and historic occasion for the sister-State of Oman I should like to address our warmest congratulations to His Highness the Sultan of Oman, his Government and his people.
4.	May I also take this opportunity to express our sincerest appreciation to our eminent Secretary-General for the altruism which he has demonstrated for the past 10 years in the service of mankind? The most objective and tireless efforts which he has unceasingly made during this long period a period which has been fraught with enormous difficulties for the realization of the ideals of our Organization-are deserving of our highest esteem. We deeply regret his decision not to prolong his term of office beyond this year, and we hope that this decision is not his final word in the matter.
5.	For a new Member of the Organization, a study of the evolution of the United Nations over the 26 years of its existence is essential. Such colossal study, however, is greatly facilitated by the successive annual reports of the Secretaries-General, whose services the Organization has been so fortunate to have for all these years. The last report [A/8401/Add.lJ, which was submitted to this session by our present Secretary-General, UThant, has particularly attracted our attention. That survey of the main facts which characterize the life of our Organization inspires mixed feelings in us, however.
6.	In the economic and social fields, our Organization can be proud of the work it has accomplished, which is studded with so many basic documents, from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, of 10 December 1948 [resolution 217 (III)], to the International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and on Civil and Political Rights of 16 December 1966 [resolution 2200 (XXI)].
7.	Moreover, the countries of the third world have reason to be satisfied. We can note in particular that the interests of those countries are being taken into consideration by the various United Nations bodies and are fin ling a useful forum within the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization.
8.	United Nations activities in the technical assistance field, in all its forms, are constantly expanding and are producing many practical results.
9.	General recognition of the principle of the right of States to their natural resources has made progress. At the same time the practical utilization of these resources has profited from the advice and assistance lavished on us by United Nations Committees and experts.
10.	In this context, special mention must be made of the activities of the Committee on Natural Resources, the Special Fund of the United Nations Development Pro gramme, and the Resources and Transport Division of the Secretariat. We may expect an equally favorable development in the field of the peaceful uses of the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. During this session we shall be examining the report of the Committee set up by the General Assembly to study that problem,   the report on its summer session, held last July in Geneva [A/8421], Because of its geographic location and its special interests in the field of natural resources, Qatar will be most happy to contribute to the various United Nations agencies dealing with this problem the fruits of its modest experience and will be pleased to make use of the studies, recommendations and advice made available by the United Nations.
11.	Qatar will adopt the same positive attitude towards the other United Nations activities devoted to economic and social development. We are duly appreciative of the efforts undertaken by the Economic and Social Council, its subsidiary bodies and specialized agencies, in the field of the mobilization of financial resources, foreign investment, economic and social planning, housing, transport and health.
12.	We realize, of course, that in many of those fields we are still only half way along the road towards achieving the goals which seem to be indispensable if we are to create a world fit for all people to live in. We know, in particular, that relations between countries which have been industrialized for some time and those which are now developing are not yet free from the evil of colonialism and the desire for economic domination on the part of some. But we also know that we are working in the right direction, and we can hope that with each passing session of the General Assembly we shall be recording substantial progress.
13.	However, this method of gradual reforms can be allowed only in the economic and social fields. When it comes to the main lines of international politics, the United Nations does not have the right to adopt the same wait-and-see attitude. Thus we find that the reports of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples show that developments here are still far from being in keeping with the tasks which have been given to this Organization. Many peoples who are deserving of independence are still being kept in a state of subjection to foreign domination.
14.	The perpetuation of a system of apartheid in some countries in Africa, in spite of the numerous decisions and recommendations of United Nations bodies, constitutes a real crime against mankind.
15.	And what must we say then about the shocking and unprecedented drama of the Palestinian people who have been fraudulently dispossessed of their homeland, who have been forcibly expelled from their homes, upon whom the aggressor has inflicted the most unspeakable miseries and most inhuman suffering, and whose right to self-determination has been recognized in all forums of the United Nations? What can we say to those people who continue to be deprived of the practical application of this right. This unspeakable drama whose perpetuation constitutes the most serious anomaly of our present international life-we might even say the most serious violation of moral and legal standards which govern this international life-is one which continues vainly to provoke the indignation of the international community which is quite aware that the idea of establishing a long-lasting peace in the Middle East cannot be considered without previously restoring to the people of Palestine their legitimate and inalienable rights.
16.	There is no need whatsoever to say that as long as the movement towards independence of all peoples that are still under a foreign yoke is not completed, the United Nations will be unable to claim that it has concluded its development towards universalization. To be sure we are on the eve of decisive progress in this area. Indeed, the settlement of the Chinese question and the problem of the admission to the Organization of the so-called "divided nations" will bring the United Nations closer to the concept of universality. However, this universality cannot be fully achieved until all people that have a well-determined individuality are admitted, as independent members, to the family of the United Nations, a family which as the vocation of being an organization grouping together all peace-loving and justice- loving peoples of the world. If this ideal is not achieved there will continue to exist tensions and threats in the world which will endanger peace. But peace and security cannot be achieved without raising the question of the very existence of the world community and the United Nations which is the incarnation of that community.
17.	These are not purely philosophical considerations. In the Middle East we are in fact witnessing a continuing conflict which is pitting the principles of peace and the prohibition of territorial acquisition through violence, the inviolability of borders and the rights of peoples to determine their own destiny, against a spirit of aggression, expansion and domination on the part of a certain State Member of this Organization. The illegal, aggressive and destructive action of Israel which has extended to Jerusalem, Gaza, Sinai, Golan and the West Bank of Jordan has been condemned unanimously by the other Members of the United Nations as a flagrant violation of international conventions and United Nations resolutions, resolutions which were dictated by the principles of our Charter. However, this condemnation has remained a platonic one because the United Nations, while firm in its attitude of principle, has adopted a passive attitude on the question of carrying out these unanimous decisions.
18.	This session gives newly admitted States an opportunity to make known their views on current events and problems. Among these problems there is none more serious and urgent than the problem-which sums up all other problems-of the maintenance of peace and security.
19.	This is a problem which has been especially highlighted by the adoption at our last session, on 16 December 1970, of resolution 2734 (XXV), the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security. In the preamble of the Declaration, the Assembly solemnly reaffirmed the universal and unconditional validity of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations as the basis of relations among States. In the same resolution, which has 27 paragraphs, the Assembly basically calls on all States to observe the purposes and principles of the Charter in their respective relations and reaffirms that each State has a duty to refrain from resorting to threat or the use oF force against the territorial integrity or the political independence of any other State. It also recommends that the Security Council intensify its efforts in order to maintain international peace and security. This was not an academic intention but a resolution which is supposed to be a guideline for the Organization in its subsequent actions, with particular reference to those conflicts which continue to cause bloodshed in various parts of the world and which are a threat to the maintenance of international peace and . security.
20.	In this connexion it is impossible to ignore the cruel inconsistency which exists in the Middle East between words and deeds. In spite of the repeated positions taken by various United Nations bodies and, in particular, by the General Assembly and the Security Council, the occupation of Arab territories by the aggressor State continues.
21.	This is an extremely serious state of affairs to which, it is true, our Organization has not been insensitive. Just a few days ago on 25 September the Security Council adopted, by 14 votes to none, with 1 abstention, resolution 298 (1971) in which it urgently called upon the aggressor State to rescind all measures which it had taken during the last four years to change the status of Jerusalem. After it had reaffirmed its previous positions-resolutions 252 (1968) and 267 (i969)-and recalled once again "the principle that acquisition of territory by military conquest is inadmissible", the Council deplored the violation by the aggressor State of the resolutions adopted by the United Nations and requested the Secretary-General to report to it on the implementation of this new resolution.
22.	But do we really have to point out that the time for these reports has now passed and that because of this persistent violation of law we must now expect something else from the United Nations? Hardly had this resolution of 25 September been adopted by the Security Council than it was rejected by the aggressor State, as if it was up to a State which is breaking the law to apply a resolution or not to apply it as it liked, and in this way to defy the conscience of the world.
23.	The examples of Israel's scorn for the resolutions of the United Nations, which are governed by the principles of the Charter, as well as for the most elementary rules of international law and international morality, are unfortunately only too numerous. This attitude of a lack of respect has been adopted by Israel, stubbornly and unvaryingly, for 25 years. The facts and the evidence showing this to be true are incontestable. I shall not go into the background of this sombre affair before this Assembly, which is fully aware of it. However, it is important for us to note that the situation in the Middle East has become so serious that we might even legitimately consider that Israel's attitude, which brought it about, is one of the basic causes for the crisis which our Organization is presently going through.
24.	How can we fail to see clearly the gravity of such a situation? It brings to mind the bitterest of memories, memories of the war in Ethiopia, which in its time sounded the death-knell of the League of Nations. If the United Nations were to accommodate itself to this Israeli challenge, it would be unable to prevent Members from experiencing feelings of insecurity, the final outcome of which would be the disintegration of the Organization as such. Each one of us, then, should repeat to himself in a paraphrase those prophetic words uttered many years ago by the Emperor of Ethiopia before the League of Nations, and say that each one of us should fear one day becoming someone else's Palestine.
25.	How then could the scales be tipped by the achievements of the United Nations in the economic and social fields? We have seen and we all know that if w& are to continue to move towards progress in these areas the United Nations needs time. But at the same time we should make it clear that the time which the United Nations needs to develop its activities for the progress of mankind should be a time of peace. If the Organization shows itself to be incapable of ensuring this time of peace, then all of its past activities and its chances for the future will be reduced to nil. However, we all have the greatest need and the greatest desire that this activity should go on and that those chances should be preserved. But if this is to happen, then the United Nations must do everything in its power to restore peace, a true peace, and States and in this case the State which is opposed to this-must be required to heed the decisions which are regularly being taken by this Organization. The Charter gives us the means of attaining this end. It is only necessary for the Organization to have the will to use those means.
26.	Is there any need to point out that the piling up of resolutions which condemn the illegal activities and the attitude of Israel can be of no further use? It is quite clear and obvious that this type of resolution, unless bolstered up by effective measures, is, on the contrary, a type which may further weaken the authority of this international Organization, since Israel regularly opposes them with its traditional arrogant rejection and is systematically frustrating them.
27.	The Foreign Minister of Israel, before this Assembly on Thursday, 30 September last, declared: "This Organization, for all its imperfections, is still the only organized expression of the planetary spirit" [1946th meeting, para. Ill). Well, if this is the case, how can he expect us to accept his proposal which discredits the various resolutions of this Organization which were intended to show the road towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle East? How can we follow the road which he is suggesting? Those resolutions, which reflect the planetary spirit and which are inspiring the international life of our age, an age which is governed by the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, condemn the policy of aggression of Israel and enjoin Israel urgently to respect the legitimate rights of the Arab States which have been the victims of aggression, and to restore to them their territories which have been invaded through armed force.
28.	Hence the only solution which is indicated here would be for Israel to heed the resolutions of this Organization and for the competent organs of this Organization to ensure respect for its resolutions by all means at their disposal. Any other proposal of the type suggested by the Foreign Minister of Israel is only intended to maintain the illegality of a fait accompli which has been brought about through military force and which has been condemned by the United Nations. It is true that all those interpretations of the resolutions of the Organization in this matter, which do not contain a categorical affirmation of the urgent need for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all Arab territories which they occupied after 5 June 1967, would be purely and simply the equivalent of deliberate support for the sinister desire to perpetuate the fait accompli to which I have just referred.
29.	Israel's refusal to heed the decisions of the Organization in an area which affects the maintenance of world peace has lasted for a long time now without the Organization having taken any effective measures intended to cause this State to mend its ways. Nevertheless-and we cannot repeat this too often-it has a whole arsenal of measures of this type: we have economic sanctions, the other measures in Chapter VII of the Charter and the procedure for expelling a State. It is urgent that the United Nations should frankly take a decision to use every avenue open to it under the Charter and to compel Israel to submit to international order. If the United Nations vacillates any longer in taking this road, then it will be in danger of admitting its inability to carry out its essential mission cf maintaining peace or, if necessary, of restoring peace, which is the supreme asset and the permanent justification of the Organization.
30.	However, in spite of everything, the world continues to hope that our Organization will not tolerate this anarchy created by the acts of a Member State and that it will, at however late a stage, eventually hasten to discharge its main responsibility which is the source of a J its other responsibilities that of ensuring respect for the rule of law and for the purposes and principles of our Charter. That is the frank and direct path towards international peace and security. The others, which are uncertain and tortuous, can lead only to the wrecking of that international order which cannot exist outside the rule of law.
31.	May the sense of responsibility towards the present and the future of the world on the one hand and the great hopes which mankind has in the Organization on the other hand inspire all of us, in particular those among us who shoulder the greatest responsibilities and the most direct powers, with a determination to act in concert in order to avoid the road of disaster, a road which leads to destruction of the international order; and may they take the right road, the road which leads to the building of a just peace and lasting security, to which the international community aspires.


1.	 Mr. President, I am glad to have the opportunity today of congratulating you on your election to the office of President of the General Assembly, one which my delegation is sure you will fill with great distinction.
2.	I should like at the same time to pay a tribute to your predecessor, who guided our deliberations so successfully during the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly and the special commemorative session,
3.	When I addressed the General Assembly last year [1857th meeting], I referred in some detail to the progress made by the South African Government in implementing and promoting the ideal of self-determination for all the different nations which comprise the population of South Africa. Since then I have been encouraged by the display of interest in these developments in many quarters, including countries in Africa. I have, therefore, decided to expand on my remarks of a year ago.
4.	Last year I outlined to this Assembly our program in the political field. I stressed that for a number of years my Government had been develop*- j, the political institutions of the various nations in South Africa. As early as in 1951 and again in 1959, legislation was passed to provide for various types of Bantu authorities on the regional and territorial level. A number of such authorities was established, and provided valuable experience in the art of government. In the Transkei, self-government was conferred as far back as 1963. Since then the Transkei has held two general elections. During 1969 and 1970 eight additional territorial governments were established. I said, therefore, that each of the nations living in South Africa had acquired some form of self-government.
5.	During the past year we continued on this road, seeking to accelerate the progress towards self-determination, moving forward step by step in consultation with the nations concerned. Ministers and officials were constantly engaged in discussion with the Bantu, the Colored and the Indian peoples.
6.	Arising from these consultations, legislation was passed enabling the Government to proceed with the constitutional development of the various homelands in the light of prevailing circumstances.
7.	Legislative assembly status was granted to the Tswana, Lebowa, Ciskei, Venda, Machangana and Basotho homelands. Some of these territories will shortly advance to the stage of full self-government. They will attain the same political status as the Transkei and will be that much closer to the eventual goal of full and sovereign independence.
8.	The South African Prime Minister himself very recently held discussions with the members of the Colored People's Representative Council, representing the Colored population group, and the governing bodies of the Ciskei, the Tswanas, the Basothos, the Zulus and the Tsongas. In company, inter alia, with the Minister of Finance, he also recently visited the Venda, Lebowa, Tswana and Machangana homelands, with a population of some 4.5 million, in order to confer with their representatives and to gauge at fust-hand the extent of their progress towards self- determination.
9.	These visits are an integral part of our policy of consultation with the different population groups and have been warmly welcomed as such by all concerned. Indeed, as the Sunday Times, a South African newspaper, which opposes my Government's policies, wrote on 1 August of this year;
"From all accounts* Mr. Vorster's tour has been a great success in the sense of fostering dialog with homeland leaders and making personal contact with the various populations which turned out in their thousands at each function...".
10.	The Rand Daily Mail, another South African paper, which is also opposed to our policies, commented in similar vein. It reported that the Prime Minister's visits had improved the relationship between black and white in. South Africa.
A/PV.1946
11.	The road to self-determination is not always an easy one. However, the South African Government is doing all it can to assist the peoples on this road. It is still too early to say exactly when the Bantu peoples will attain their full independence, when they will become sovereign and be able to play their part in the world at large and also in this Organization. It depends in large measure upon themselves
and the progress that they make. But they have the right to negotiate at any time with us for the attainment of independence. We do not impose conditions on their right to approach us. We shall listen to them at any time that they feel the moment has arrived to ask for independence.
12.	In this way we shall achieve our ultimate aim of making it possible for the various nations to be associated with one another in mutual harmony and acceptance of each other in a South African constellation of independent nations where no nation would be governed by another.
13.	Consultation fosters co-operation, and without co-operation there can be no real progress on either the internal or the international level. Internally it is necessary for the smooth realization of self-determination and for the material as well as the moral well-being of the various nations. Internationally it is necessary for the greater prosperity and peace of nations, especially for those of us on the African continent.
14.	I have have already outlined how this co-operation is being achieved through consultations within South Africa itself. The political development of the various homelands to which I have referred is not something imposed arbitrarily upon those nations. Each one plays an active part in this development.
15- I have emphasized the importance of consultation in our efforts to co-operate smoothly within the borders of South Africa because there are those who condemn our policy of dialog and contact with other African States on the alleged ground that my Government should rather first conduct a dialog with its own peoples. As I have indicated, that is precisely what we are doing.
16.	It is our firm policy to co-operate to the fullest extent possible also with all other countries, including those of Africa. For South Africa is as much a part of Africa as any other African State and we have a vital interest in our continent's peace and prosperity.
17.	During recent years the emphasis in Africa has been placed more and more on the need for development. The developing States have had to contend with various problems in the economic, health, educational, technical and agricultural fields. And where South Africa has in some instances been able to co-operate in the solution of those problems, it has been happy to do so.
18.	We have, for example, assisted various other African States by way of famine relief, we co-operate with them in respect of the supply of electricity, health and welfare services, the marketing of agricultural produce, the provision of low-interest loans and the planning and construction of various long-term development projects.- The private sector in South Africa has also played its part by assisting African countries in the field of tourism, for instance, with the opening of hotels and, in the field of industrial development and transport, with the establishment of factories, plants and works and the construction of railways.
19.	There are no strings attached to our co-operation; we have tried to help others to help themselves. We believe that progress and economic, growth lead to greater stability at home and hence throughout the continent.
20.	We welcome discussions with any State in Africa which desires to talk to us. We have much to discuss and discussion could well be the first step towards co-operation in many fields of mutual interest. My Prime Minister has' said that he is prepared even to discuss our internal policies with those genuinely interested in conducting a dialog with us.
21.	Throughout our history we have firmly believed in living in friendship and harmony with our neighbors and with those further afield. We do not interfere in their internal affairs. We pose no threat to anyone. We are willing at any time to conclude solemn treaties for the preservation of peace with any African country. We believe in communication with our own peoples and with the peoples of Africa. Without communication we cannot hope to solve our problems. Proof of our sincerity in this respect is to be found in our action in the past year. Thus we have continued to make contact with other African States. My Prime Minister, for instance, last year visited Malawi at the invitation of its President, Dr. Banda.
22.	In November last I led a delegation to another neighboring State to discuss with the Government concerned matters of mutual economic and technical interest and to conclude agreements in connexion with development projects. During this year an official delegation from the same country in turn visited South Africa. In addition, discussions were held .with heads of government and ministers of other neighboring States.
23.	Less than two months ago we were proud to welcome to South Africa the Life President of the Republic of Malawi, H.E. H. Kamuzu Banda. The occasion was a historic and significant one, for it marked the first official visit of an African Head of State to my country.
24.	President Banda has made it clear that there are aspects of our domestic policies which he cannot support. Nevertheless, he came to talk to us. As he said:
"I came here because I sincerely believe in co-operation not only in material things but also in spiritual things ... co-operation of the spirit, co-operation of ideas.... The main reason why we should meet is because if we do not agree and we do not meet, how are we going to resolve our problems? "
25.	The visit of President Banda was an unqualified success. He received a most enthusiastic-indeed, tumultuous-reception from all the South African peoples. President Banda himself remarked on the warmth of the welcome accorded him by the entire population. That, he saiJ, contrasted sharply with what he had been told in certain circles, namely that the black peoples of southern Africa disliked the idea of an African statesman cooperating with the South African Government. In other words the policy of contact and communication between the South African Government and other African Governments is welcome also to the black peoples of South Africa, contrary to what has been alleged.
26.	President Banda saw his visit as a mission to build a bridge between the peoples of our respective countries. His mission captured the imagination of black, Indian, Colored and white alike. In welcoming him we were honored to receive a great and far-sighted son of Africa.
27.	Our domestic and foreign policies are founded on the principles of mutual respect and tolerance for the other man's point of view. We believe that South Africa has a considerable contribution to make to Africa's development and prosperity. By the same token, we realize that we have much to learn from other States of Africa. Although our social, political and economic systems may differ, experience has proved that there need be no barriers to co-operation between parties with a common interest in Africa's welfare. Lack of knowledge and policies of isolation inevitably magnify difference. And we are glad to hear more and more of the voices of Africa calling for a departure from the sterile pattern of the past and for a new approach to the issues which seemingly divide us.
28.	In the words of the South African Prime Minister:
"I know of nothing ... that stands in the way of better understanding between South Africa and other nations who seek peace and prosperity for the peoples of the world and especially for Africa."
29.	Surely, policies of communication, co-operation and accommodation such as I have outlined are appropriate to the spirit of detente and reconciliation which is meeting with increasing acceptance by the international community. Surely, those policies are essential for Africa, if Africa as a whole is to prosper and inherit the greatness which should be its destiny. Surely, those policies are the policies of peace which inspired the Charter, which are the essence of the Charter and which should continue to inspire us all.


 Mr. President, I should like first of all to associate myself with the previous speakers who have congratulated you on your election to the high office of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The United States is confident that you will pursue the ideals of the Charter with the same dedication as your distinguished predecessors.

2.	The United Nations is an important instrument of peace. It is also the repository of many of the world's hopes. We must ensure that it is true to those hopes; that we here assembled-the representatives of 130 nations- meet our high responsibilities not only to our own world but to the world of the future.
3.	Building a structure of peace-a structure that will stand-requires patience, dedication and realism. Working at peace working at it seriously means more than long hours of careful deliberation. It means putting aside preconceptions; it means weighing carefully what our real interests are, not only as citizens of our own countries, but also as citizens of the world. It means proceeding with urgency, but without impatience; steadfastly, but not stubbornly. And it means recognizing that differences exist, and will continue to exist-differences of view, differences of interests, different systems and different values-and that one of the functions of a structure of peace is to protect and accommodate those differences, not to destroy them.
4.	It is appropriate, I think, to take note of the fact that, by any objective standard, the world is a more peaceful place than it was just a few years ago.
5.	In Africa;, the conflict in Nigeria is now long over. Because of recent developments, prospects in the Far East seem more hopeful. Fighting in Indo-China, though it continues, has been substantially reduced. The cease-fire still holds in the Middle East. The division of Europe is less

threatening because the first stage of agreement has been reached on Berlin. Concrete agreements have been achieved on the periphery of the arms race, and encouraging progress is being made at its center.
6.	Yet there are areas-above all, in South Asia where political instability has tipped the balance toward greater tension. There, man's ancient, enemies-poverty, hunger and disease-gain headway, nurturing within themselves seeds of further unrest. And even in areas where recent progress has been made, tensions remain, and the threat of renewed or increased hostilities continues.
7.	That is why we must accelerate our efforts for peace. The achievement of a peaceful world will depend, not just, on the efforts of a handful of powers, but on the efforts of all Governments.
8.	In recent years we have seen a new diversification of power and influence among the nations of the world. Most colonial States have won their independence and now exert a marked impact on world affairs. Japan has found remarkable new strength. The movement towards cohesion in Western Europe has quickened. This diversified and interdependent world is clearly preferable to the bipolar world which emerged from the Second World War. Nevertheless, relations between the Soviet Union and the United States-both large, continental States, both nuclear States and both dynamic States-are of fundamental importance.
9.	Nothing could better serve the cause of peace than a further relaxation of tension between our two countries and the elimination of its by-product-the arms race.
10.	The foreseeable future cannot, of course, be expected to bring an end to the differences between the Soviet and United States political systems or to the competition between us. But it can bring important and beneficial changes in our relations. Many agreements have been achieved in recent years between us. The success of those agreements has stimulated the effort to negotiate still others. Collectively they could promote not just "coexistence" but-if we proceed to build on durable foundations "co-operation" as well.
11.	Our desire to lay the foundations for such cooperation is in no way lessened by our policy of seeking to improve relations with the People's Republic of China. And we have taken due note of the Soviet Foreign Minister's statement that the Soviet Union regards the normalization or our relations with the People's Republic of China as a "natural development".
12.	Though efforts at improvement in Soviet-United States and in Soviet-European relations have assumed many
forms, the two most important have been the negotiations on strategic arms and on Berlin.
13.	A Berlin agreement will be a milestone along the road to a more peaceful and co-operative Europe. Pivotal in the portion already agreed to is the firm commitment to unrestricted transit traffic of civilian persons and goods between the Federal Republic of Germany and West Berlin. Particularly significant is the obligation the Soviet Union has undertaken to ensure that this traffic will be unimpeded, that it will be facilitated and that it will receive preferential treatment.
14.	The value of this agreement will depend, not on how the obligations have been formulated on paper, but on how they will be carried out on the ground. Truly unhindered movement to and from Berlin would greatly reduce tensions and remove one of Europe's most dangerous flash-points. Half-hearted or grudging implementation of the agreement would only perpetuate fears and suspicions, The willingness of the German Democratic Republic, in its discussions with the Federal Republic of Germany, to translate general obligations into specific commitments and subsequently to put those commitments into actual practice will be the crucial test.
15.	The achievement of a final Berlin agreement and its effective implementation could lead to broader progress. It would, for example, make more realistic the prospects of a European conference with United States and Canadian participation. It would accelerate the movement desired by the people of Eastern as well as of Western Europe-- towards the reduction of tensions on the continent.
16.	It is to this end that the United States is pursuing the possibilities of negotiation on a mutual and balanced reduction of military forces in Europe.
17.	Two years ago President Nixon pledged to the General Assembly that the United States was determined to limit, and then reverse, the build-up of strategic arms. He said we intended to conduct our negotiations with the Soviet Union "soberly and seriously... seeking to reach agreements rather than to make propaganda" [1755th meeting, para. 69J.
18.	In May of this year the United States and the Soviet Union announced their intention to achieve agreement on both defensive and offensive strategic arms, initiating a new stage of intensive work. As a result, although no agreement has yet been reached, we have come closer together on the concepts and details of an agreement to limit anti-ballistic missile systems. On 20 May we made an announcement that contemplates that agreements to limit defensive and offensive weapons will be reached "together". When talks resume in Vienna next month it is therefore agreed that discussions in greater detail will be undertaken on the limitation of offensive weapons.
19.	Meanwhile, these negotiations have already produced two valuable agreements, one on preventing nuclear accidents from leading to war and the other on improving "hot line" communications between Washington and Moscow by use of satellites,
20.	There has also been encouraging movement in multi-lateral negotiations. Here, too, the United States intends to work constructively for further concrete results. In particular, we urge this session of the General Assembly to seek broad ratification of the draft convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons and their destruction [A/8457-DC/234, annex A],
21.	The Soviet Union has suggested the creation of a periodic world disarmament conference to be established outside the United Nations [1942nd meeting, paras. 158' 159J. Frankly, we are skeptical that such a generalized approach would produce specific accomplishments. All post-war experience indicates that a concrete, step-by-step approach offers better prospects for success than more grandiose schemes, which tend to generate many words but few results.
22.	At a time when the prospects are promising for participation in the United Nations by the People's Republic of China, and perhaps others as well, there would seem to be no reason for establishing still more world disarmament machinery outside the United Nations framework.
23.	Accommodations among the stronger nations of the World are vital elements of a lasting peace. But the road to enduring peace is no short cut, passing only through the capitals of the strong. The road to peace must traverse every region where there are human beings who aspire to a better condition of life.
24.	In Africa, where the right to a freer existence is still denied to many, we are constant in our support of practical and peaceful means to achieve self-determination and end racial discrimination. That is the policy which President Nixon and I were pleased to confirm to the President of Mauritania and the distinguished delegation from the Organization of African Unity in Washington last week. Consistent with that objective ve have decided to accept the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences for States of South Africa's continuing occupation of Namibia. .
25.	In South-East Asia, as we proceed with an orderly military withdrawal from Viet-Nam, we will continue to make substantial efforts to aid the region's economic progress.
26.	In this hemisphere, we are moving towards a relation-ship of equal partnership in which rights and responsibilities are shared. We are conscious that such a relationship requires economic growth, greater opportunities for trade, and closer economic co-operation among us.
27.	I especially wish to emphasize our undiminished concern for the economic health of the nations of Latin America and other nations of the developing world at a time when the new economic policy of the United States may have raised certain questions,
28.	Our objectives have not changed. We are not adopting a policy of economic nationalism. We have not abandoned our efforts to assist developing countries-through trade, through aid and through investment. Our faith in a free and open system of economic relations among States has not diminished.
29.	We seek a stronger economy at home. We seek also a more equitable international economic system which meets present-day conditions and thus gives even greater encouragement to the flow of goods and capital across borders. Such a system would contribute to the prosperity of all the world's people, in developing and developed countries alike.
30.	This Organization, during this session, faces a decision on the China question-a decision with major consequences for the United Nations.
31.	In our interdependent world, no significant segment of the world's population and of the world's power should be isolated. It was this consideration which led President Nixon to alter the China policy of the United States. To pursue a policy which did not respond to present realities would risk the future for the sake of the past . On the other hand, to seek to improve relations with the People's Republic of China, and to contribute to its greater contact with the international community, could foster prospects for a stable peace in years to come.
32.	Thus, President Nixon began over two years ago, unilaterally and at first without response, to improve bilateral relations. Recently, he resolved to move decisively into a new era of relations by accepting an invitation to visit Peking before 1 May 1972. And he decided to support the seating of the People's Republic of China in the General Assembly and as a permanent member of the Security Council.
33.	The United States wants to see the People's Republic of China come to the Assembly, take its seat, and participate. We want to see it assume, as a permanent member of the Security Council, the rights and responsibilities which go with that status. On the seating of the People's Republic of China there is widespread agreement in this body.
34.	This Assembly does, however, face a related and momentous issue. It could become the first Assembly in United Nations history to take action to expel a Member -an action which would have the effect of expelling 14 million people from its councils. The path of expulsion is perilous. To open it for one would be to open it for many.
35.	So the United States and 16 other countries have introduced a draft resolution [A/L.633] which would seat the People's Republic of China as a permanent member of the Security Council, while providing representation both for it and for the Republic of China in the General Assembly. That resolution is based on political reality and on basic equity.
36.	It is only realistic to recognize a factual situation which has persisted for more than 20 years: that two Governments now exercise authority over territory and over people who were given representation in the United Nations when China ratified the Charter in 1945 as an original Member.
37.	It is only realistic that all the Chinese people who were once represented there should again be represented and represented by those who actually govern them.
38.	It is only realistic that the Security Council seat should be filled by the People's Republic of China, which exercises control over the largest number of people of all the world's Governments.
39.	It would be unrealistic to expel from this body the Republic of China, which governs a population of Taiwan larger than the populations of two 'thirds of the 130 United Nations Members.
40.	Further, it would be unjust to expel a Member which has participated for over 25 years in the world of this Organization with unfailing devotion to the principles set forth in the Charter.
41.	The proposal that both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China should be represented in the United Nations should commend itself to Member States of varying national policies.
42.	It would assure that the long-prevailing de facto situation in China is reflected in United Nations representation; but it does not ask Member States to alter their recognition policies or their bilateral relations.
43.	It would provide representation for the people concerned by those who actually govern them; but it does not divide China into two separate States; after all, we all know that Byelorussia and the Ukraine are not separate States.
44.	The dual representation draft resolution is founded on the reality of the current situation; but it does not seek to freeze that situation for the future, as it expressly provides that the present decision is without prejudice to a future settlement.
45.	In short, the dual representation draft resolution asks simply, and only, that the United Nations take account of the situation as it exists today, and give all the people of China representation in this Organization. As the Charter has accommodated practical solutions of other unusual situations in the past,, so it is flexible enough to accommodate the realities of this one.
46.	The other proposal before this Assembly the draft resolution advanced by A'bania and others [AjL.630 and Add. 1 ] -is punitive in substance and in intent. It does not seek to deal with facts, but to excoriate and condemn. Its essence is not to admit the People's Republic of China, but to expel the Republic of China and to expel it "forthwith". That draft resolution would exacerbate, not harmonize, relations in Asia. And it would weaken, not strengthen, the moral and political fiber of this Organization.
47.	The issue, then, before this body is the issue of expulsion. That is why we have proposed a draft resolution, which we refer to as the "important question draft resolution" but which more properly should be referred to as the "non-expulsion draft resolution" [AjL.632]. This draft resolution requires a two-thirds vote to expel a present Member of the United Nations. It is consistent with the letter and the spirit of the Charter,
48.	Some Members have argued that, whatever the equities and realism of our proposal to maintain the representation of the Republic of China, it should not be supported because they feel that the People's Republic of China would refuse to take its seat. Such predictions are hazardous. Certainly the People's Republic of China may be expected to oppose the proposal so long as there is any possibility for a draft resolution that meets its maximum demands. But just as certainly, after a General Assembly decision providing the People's Republic of China with the status of a permanent member of, and with a seat on, the Security Council but not expelling the Republic of China, a new situation would exist. In any event, I submit, in deciding how to vote we should look more to what the United Nations should do.
49.	It is ironic that, just as the sentiment for universality in the Assembly is growing, many of those who have long extolled it now seek to violate it. If the United Nations is to. embrace universality-as some have suggested then surely the admission of one Member should not be accompanied by the expulsion of another.
50.	Our task here, it seems to me, must be to make a decision that is reasonable, that accepts the realities of the existing situation, that does not prejudice the ultimate outcome and that provides for representation of all the people concerned. Thereafter, our efforts should be to convince those directly involved to take advantage of the decision we have made. The cause of peace has been greatly benefited in recent years by greater pragmatism in many capitals. It would be served by the same pragmatism on this issue.
51.	As the United Nations becomes a more universal body it will be better able to deal with the lengthening list of global issues confronting it: in conciliating political differences, in reducing the world's armaments, in curbing the epidemic spread of narcotics addiction, in protecting the environment, in assuring the exploitation of the oceans for the benefit of mankind.
52.	In meeting those responsibilities the United Nations must during this session deal with two important matters.
53.	It must choose an outstanding successor to our most able and distinguished Secretary-General, UThant, to whose dedication and idealism we all pay a tribute. And, as I pay respects to the Secretary-General, I am sure my colleagues will understand if I also single out for special attention two United States citizens who are now retiring -Paul Hoffman, the Administrator of the United Nations Development Program, who has devoted himself so effectively to the economic welfare of the developing countries, and Ralph Bunche, Under-Secretary-General for Special Political Affairs, and a Nobel Prize winner, who has contributed so markedly to the cause of peace.
54.	The Assembly must also arrest the continuing deterioration of the United Nations financial position, which, as the Secretary-General has pointed out [A/8401/Add.lJ, has eroded its fiscal credit and undermined confidence in its potential. Responsibility for halting that decline rests primarily on those who fail to pay their share. Given assurances of adequate contributions by others, the United States will be prepared to assist towards an over-all solution. Meanwhile we find it hard to understand why the membership should continue to recommend and approve budget increases beyond those necessary to meet inescapable cost increases.
55.	In two parts of the world in which the United Nations has been particularly active-South Asia and the Middle East urgent progress is needed.
56.	In South Asia, renewed and more widespread violence is an ever-present possibility. The events in East Pakistan are internal events with which the Government and people of Pakistan must deal. But their consequences the flight of refugees into India, the danger of famine, the threat to peace in South Asia-are of grave concern to all nations.
57.	To restore peaceful conditions and to save human lives it is clear that restraint must be exercised in the subcontinent; that the international assistance Program must be expanded to avert famine and to create conditions to encourage the return of refugees; and that efforts towards an effective political settlement in East Pakistan must be actively pursued. We are working to those ends.
58.	The United States strongly supports the efforts of the United Nations to organize an effective international relief Program. We have made available over $200 million for relief in bast Pakistan and for emergency assistance for the refugees in India-well over 50 per cent of the total contributions from all foreign contributors, public and private. Last week, President Nixon asked Congress to appropriate an additional $250 million to sustain a high level of relief assistance. A much wider response from other countries is clearly required. We urge the major powers and others with substantial financial resources to contribute generously.
59.	The other place where progress is urgently required is the Middle East. Over several years the United Nations has made determined and persistent efforts to achieve a lasting peace in that critical area. None the less the opportunities for success and the risks of failure remain in precarious balance.
60.	Security Council resolution 242 (1967), establishing the principles for a durable peace, was the first major step towards reason after 18 years of belligerency and a fragile, often violated, armistice.
61.	The cease-fire along the Suez Canal, now nearing its fifteenth month, was the second major step away from war.
62.	It is time for a third major step towards peace.
63.	For four years Ambassador Jarring has worked diligently to secure the agreement called for in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). We support his efforts. We believe his mission remains the best path to an over-all settlement and to lasting peace. Our views on such a final peace settlement remain those expressed in President Nixon's foreign policy report earlier this year and in my statement of 9 December 1969,
64.	Both sides to the conflict are committed to the fundamental and reciprocal principles to which the Jarring mission is dedicated: living in peace with each other and withdrawal from territories occupied in the 1967 conflict as set forth in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). Despite those commitments a deep gulf ot suspicion and distrust remains.
65.	Each side is convinced of the justice of its cause. Each is concerned about its future security. A political settlement based on mutual accommodation could assure both. An attempt to achieve these ends by force will destroy all possibilities for either.
66.	That is why we believe a third major step towards peace is essential -a step that can be taken now; a step that is practical; a step that could help create the confidence and trust which are now lacking; a step towards full and complete implementation of resolution 242 (1967).
67.	That step is an interim Suez Canal agreement. That is why the United States has welcomed the interest of both Egypt and Israel in such an agreement. That is why, at the request of the parties, the United States has undertaken to play a constructive role in the process of arriving at an agreement.
68.	In order to explore the positions of each side, we have discussed concrete and specific ideas designed to meet the legitimate needs and concerns of both sides. Those ideas, given willingness and good intentions on both sides, could become the basis for a breakthrough. They require further quiet discussions with the parties, an undertaking we now hope can be expedited along the following lines.
69.	A first point is the relationship between an interim agreement and an over-all settlement. A fair approach should be founded on two basic principles:
-That a Suez Canal agreement is merely a step towards complete and full implementation of resolution 242 (1967) within a reasonable period of time, and not an end in itself-that has to be clearly established in any agreement; also
-That neither side can realistically expect \to achieve, as part of an interim agreement, complete agreement on the terms and conditions of an over-all settlement -if it could, there would be no necessity for an interim agreement.
Those final terms and conditions will have to be worked out through negotiations under Ambassador Jarring's auspices. And we would hope that if an interim agreement was reached, active negotiations under Ambassador Jarring's auspices could be renewed.
70.	A second point is the matter of the cease-fire. Its maintenance is in the interest of all of us, of everyone concerned, of everyone in this room, in fact in the interest of the whole world. The ultimate objective, of course, is a permanent end to belligerency, as part of a final, binding peace agreement. But such a commitment is not realizable in the context of an interim agreement. Neither would a cease-fire of short duration be realistic. With goodwill on both sides, it should be possible to find common under-standing between the parties on this issue.
71.	Third is the zone of withdrawal. There are, of course, very important strategic considerations involved in this key point. However, based on our discussions, we believe it should be possible to meet the principal concerns of both sides. Without going into the details, I would merely say that I believe that in the long run the most significant aspect of an interim agreement might prove to be that it established the principle of withdrawal looking to an over-all settlement as a fact rather than as a theory.
72.	Fourth is the nature of the supervisory arrangements. Both sides must have confidence that the agreement will not be violated and that adequate machinery will be provided for prompt detection of any infractions. We are confident that ways reassuring to both Israel and Egypt can be found for altering and strengthening the supervisory mechanisms that have existed in the area for the past two decades.
73.	Fifth is the question of an Egyptian presence east of the Suez Canal. The reopening and operation of the Suez Canal would require Egyptian personnel east of the Canal. It is understandable, too, that normal activities should be pursued in as much of the zone evacuated as possible. The question of an Egyptian military presence east of the Canal is one on which the parties hold opposite views. But here too, based on our discussion, we believe that there are possibilities for compromise on this issue.
74.	Sixth is the use of the Suez Canal. The United States has long held that the Canal should be open to passage for all nations, without discrimination. This principle is clear in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). What is at present at issue in considering an interim agreement is principally the timing at which this right could be exercised. We believe an accommodation on this point is quite possible.
75.	With those six points in mind, let me say this: because the parties have asked us, we intend to continue our determined effort to assist them in arriving at an interim agreement. This effort, we believe, is imperative because  and I think it is important to keep this in mind there is no more realistic and hopeful alternative to pursue.
76.	There are risks to peace: but the greater risk is inaction, unwillingness to face up to the hard decisions. A practical step now-an interim agreement-would make the next step toward peace less difficult for all the parties to take. It would restore the use of the Suez Canal as a waterway for international shipping. It would re-establish Egypt's authority over a major national asset. It would separate the combatants. It would produce the first Israeli withdrawal. It would extend the cease-fire. It would diminish the risk of major-power involvement. It would be an important step toward the complete implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967).
77.	I submit that the logic for such an agreement is overwhelming. If the leaders of the area would grasp this opportunity, they would give new hope to their peoples for tranquility, for progress and for peace.
78.	In all of our efforts, both in the United Nations and elsewhere, we should recall that nothing we do matters so much as the legacy we leave to those who follow, the bridge that we build between the past and the future. There is a tendency, especially when tensions are high and tempers short, to regard the present as the focal point of all of man's history. But ours is only the latest generation, not the last generation; and nothing we leave to future generations will matter so much as a structure of enduring peace.
79.	Peace must be achieved and maintained, not by the decree of a few, but by accommodation among many. Each Government, in upholding its people's particular interests, must also advance the world interest in a peace which will endure.
80.	To that interest the United Nations, from its creation, has been dedicated.
81.	To that interest the United States pledges anew its best efforts.