102.	 It is my foremost duty to extend to you on behalf of my Government and people, and on my personal behalf, warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Panama and Suriname entertain excellent relations and we gratefully remember that in the beginning of this year—a period which was crucial for my country—you personally received a delegation from Suriname and counselled us as a statesman and a friend. We shall never forget this. Your recognized statesmanship assures us of positive results at this session in the interest of peace and harmony.
103.	May I at the same time pay tribute to Mr. Imre Hollai, who provided the thirty-seventh session with effective leadership.
104.	We also wish to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General. His efficient stewardship of the United Nations and his skilful analysis and handling of several crisis situations deserve unqualified admiration.
105.	As a member of the Latin American region, we take particular pleasure in welcoming Saint Christopher and Nevis to the family of nations. It is our hope that this new Member of the Organization will be successful in achieving its goals as an independent State.
106.	Speaking on behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Suriname at the general debate, I do so with feelings of both satisfaction and dismay. It is a source of satisfaction for the Government of my country to have the opportunity to address this august gathering of nations, to expound our view on the present state of affairs in relations among States, and to enlighten the members of the family of nations on developments in my country.
107.	The mere convening of the General Assembly and the maximum attendance and participation of its Members, in spite of the strained relationship between individual States, create a renewed sense of hope for the effectiveness of the Organization as the main instrument for the maintenance of international peace.
108.	By the same token, we are dismayed by the fact that, in spite of the presence of the Organization on the international scene for almost four decades, its lofty goal of creating an international order based on respect for international law and the peaceful settlement of disputes seems today to be as elusive as ever.
109.	It is common knowledge, however, that this failure is not to be attributed primarily to institutional shortcomings of the Organization, but rather to the lack of the political will of its Members to use the Organization in the way envisaged by its founders and in the spirit in which it was conceived in the aftermath of a disastrous global conflict.
110.	As the years have elapsed, there has been a growing tendency to lose sight of the goals and purposes of the Organization and the important role it was meant to play in the shaping of a world community based on human dignity, respect for the sovereignty of States, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. As a result, the world has not been spared conflicts during these decades, and al! of them have borne the potential of erupting into a global disaster.
111.	Favouring all efforts to strengthen the authority of the United Nations through institutional changes, my Government holds the view that such changes will be successful only if paralleled by a change of attitude on- the part of its Members. In this respect, we cannot cease emphasizing that the role of the Security Council is to give effect to the system of collective security which the Charter provides for and for which there is no substitute if a peaceful and just world community is to be achieved. More specifically, we once again call upon the permanent members of the Security Council, which have been entrusted with special responsibilities, to live up to their duty.
112.	The peril under which the world has lived for many years is as manifest today as it was one year ago when we met in this Hall. The use of force in international relations is threatening to become the instrument for the settlement of disputes among States and for the consolidation of the practice of powerful States of imposing their will on weaker nations.
113.	In addition to the use of naked force against other States, we have come to witness a disquieting increase in the use of economic force against vulnerable nations, for the sole purpose of subjugating them to the economic and political interests of other States. Third world countries, like my own, with their fragile economies, which are the result of centuries of colonial exploitation, are becoming increasingly victimized by this practice, which moreover confronts them with almost insurmountable problems in fostering an economic development that takes account first and foremost of the interests of their peoples.
114.	Undertaking this momentous task of generating economic development for the benefit of our peoples in a world order that is still characterized by an undemocratic distribution of political and economic power, therefore, requires courage and determination. It is almost four years since the people of my country undertook this task. During the past year we have continued to make steady progress in creating the conditions that are to secure the genuine and balanced development of
our people—and this in spite of malicious opposition originating primarily from, and fed by, forces outside the country and fostered by a persistent denial of the legitimate aspirations of our people. These malicious activities manifest themselves in various forms of political, economic and military interference in the internal affairs of the country. It is these activities that pulled our country into an abyss of darkness at the end of last year.
115.	From our traditional peacefulness as a people it can be understood how deeply afflicted we have been. It is this tradition of peacefulness and the national urge for reconciliation, as well as the awareness that our revolution is a just struggle, which at this stage have brought us together in greater unity than ever before and with a stronger determination than ever before to continue to realize the goals of liberation and progress which we set ourselves at the start of our revolution on 25 February 1980.
116.	The objectives of our internal development process merely reflect the goals and aspirations of the underprivileged nations of the world, and the process in our country aims at achieving at the national level what the nations of the world are striving for at the global level— namely, a just society.
117.	Our experience has been that there is a growing general appreciation that in our efforts to reach these goals we have been led by the spirit of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Therefore any attempt to attach controversial labels to the authentic process for the genuine economic liberation of our country from foreign interests will always remain fruitless.
118.	The solid support and understanding that we have experienced on the continent, and the growing support and understanding that we are experiencing in the hemisphere and in the rest of the world, are important to overcoming the economic obstacles that are entailed in a process of liberation, in relation with which the accelerated realization of a new, functional democracy will be secured.
119.	On the other hand, the continued denial of the legitimacy of the political and economic development process which our people has opted for unnecessarily stands in the way of the establishment of meaningful relations between nations in the interest of peace and development.
120.	In that light, I cannot fail to make some observations with regard to our relations with the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The relationship between the two countries has been damaged by arbitrary and unilateral actions of the Dutch Government, actions that touch the very foundation of the structure of the international system and indeed, I venture to say, the very structure on which the United Nations is based. For the Organization is based on the honouring of agreements reached voluntarily between sovereign States. Not honoring treaties— action which the Kingdom of the Netherlands has taken towards the Republic of Suriname—might therefore eventually affect the very essence of the Organization. To be sure, our people has resolutely and irreversibly terminated the colonial relationship of domination and exploitation with the Netherlands, but our people has also reached out unmistakably towards that country to establish modem and lasting relations based on mutual respect and benefit. It would be deplorable if a lack of a sense of reality were to impede the establishment of that relationship.
121.	As I stated before, the present world order is characterized by inequality between States and it cannot be denied that this unjust system lies at the root of the many tensions between nations, with all their adverse influence on the international climate. Respect for sovereignty, the right of all peoples to self-determination in all its aspects and the principles of non-interference and non-intervention, which are so strongly advocated by the Non-Aligned Movement, to which my country belongs, should be the paramount and guiding principles governing relations among States. However, the powerful nations continue to display a disturbing inclination towards violation of those principles.
122.	Our geographic situation makes us an integral part of both the Latin American and the Caribbean regions. We, therefore, fully share the anxieties of the peoples of those regions over the course of developments in Central America, where the turn of events deserves the close attention of the international community. The increase of tension in that region, which is due to the direct and indirect interference of outside Powers, has created a highly explosive situation with the potential for a serious and adverse impact on regional stability and international peace.
123.	Increasingly, basic principles for the conduct of nations that are universally accepted and are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations are violated by Members of the Organization. Our Government is of the opinion that the unnecessary display of naval force in that region by outside Powers cannot contribute in any way whatsoever to the solution of the problems in the region.
124.	This unconcealed support by foreign Governments of subversive elements in order to destabilize legitimate and popularly supported Governments of other countries
.mother example of disregard of the duty of all States j refrain from interfering in the international affairs of other States.
125.	It is to be expected that States under the threat of being the victims of these hostile activities will find it necessary to maintain expensive defence capabilities against the threat to their national sovereignty and independence, which will result in increasing instability. My Government deplores the fact that an incorrect judgement of the causes that lie at the root of the instability in the region has created tension, as a result of which the region is on the verge of becoming the scene of prolonged conflict between opposing Power blocs.
126.	The state of chronic social injustice which characterizes some societies in Central America is clearly the main source of internal instability in different countries of this region. Clearly, therefore, the solution of the problems of the region calls for a thorough restructuring of the social and economic relations within the countries affected by this crisis. Moreover, the pouring of vast amounts of arms into the region seriously impairs the ardent efforts of the Contadora Group to promote regional stability through dialogue, in the Latin American tradition of the peaceful settlement of differences between States. My Government remains supportive of these valuable initiatives of the Group and calls upon all States to assist in its efforts.
127.	The Caribbean area has not escaped the consequences of the increased tension in our region. The prolonged activities of large-scale naval squadrons in the Caribbean, extending to the southernmost flank of the area bordering on my country, is a source of deep concern to our Government. The desire of the peoples of the Caribbean to live in peace and tranquillity, as is essential for their economic and social development, has been expressed on various occasions. Turning the Caribbean region into another scene of super-Power rivalry would
only compound the problems of the States in the region, to the detriment of their peoples.
128.	Among the many issues that figure on the agenda of this session there are some that offer disturbing illustrations of the failure of the international community, and the inability of the United Nations to deal effectively with situations even when these persist against all rules of international law and against humanity and the human conscience. A clear illustration is the situation in southern Africa. This area of the world is held captive in a reign of terror pursued by the racist regime of Pretoria, which remains unchecked by actions of the international community, causing deep suffering to the indigenous population in that country and in neighbouring States. Our Government expresses solidarity with the heroic freedom fighters in their struggle against the inhuman system of apartheid, and for their brethren in the neighbouring States who support them.
129.	More than five years after the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), Namibia's independence is still withheld by Pretoria. We appreciate the renewed efforts by the Secretary-General to achieve the implementation of this resolution. In spite of the positive signs resulting from this initiative, we have to remain cautious regarding the intentions of Pretoria in the light of the experience with this Government in past years. Our Government remains committed to its support for the struggle of the Namibian people for freedom, independence and sovereignty.
130.	The Middle East is embroiled in another cycle of violence unfolding on the territory of Lebanon. The current crisis in Lebanon is a direct result of the war waged in that country against the Palestinian people in another attempt to suppress its call for justice. It is clear, however, that violence cannot eradicate the legitimate aspiration of a people and its determination to live as a nation.
131.	It is a fact that the Middle East will remain an area of turmoil and human suffering in the absence of a just settlement of the Palestinian question.
132.	I have more than once stressed in my statement the significance that our Government attributes to the principle of non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of States. Therefore violation of this principle, wherever it occurs, remains a matter of concern for our Government. Consequently, we continue to support the efforts of the United Nations to end the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, and call on all nations to respect the independence and right to self-determination of these two non-aligned States.
133.	The solution of the problems of the few hotbeds of tension to which I have confined myself and of the numerous other conflicts that threaten the future of our planet seems to remain out of our reach. The United Nations is expected to play an instrumental role in the search for their solution. The extent to which it will be successful largely depends on the international atmosphere. However, the international atmosphere, poisoned as it is at present by distrust among nations and growing hegemonistic tendencies, offers little hope for appreciable success.
134.	In this respect we can refer to the fate of one of the major preoccupations of the Organization: the promotion of disarmament. The arms build-up is continuing at its usual pace. Far from disregarding the danger inherent in this activity for our physical survival, we are most disturbed by its heavy toll on the resources of our planet, particularly when the world economy is experiencing its worst crisis of recent decades.
135.	Naturally, the injustice and inequality prevailing in international political relations are even more profoundly reflected in present international economic relations. The global recession, affecting the developing world so much more severely, validates this conclusion. Therefore, there will be no positive change in the economic situation as long as we are working with an economic order based on the historic domination of the South by the North, despite signs of revival in some industrialized countries.
136.	Contrary to what would seem to be logical, given the growing interdependence of States, the majority of industrialized countries appear to prefer limited short- term benefits to the greater benefits to be gained from a restructured international economic system. In this respect, I would mention the fumbling of the continuing global negotiations and the results of the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Belgrade.
137.	The chaotic situation prevailing in international financial relations poses a serious threat to world recovery. Although the financial crisis has so far been managed in such a way that debt problems have been dealt with flexibly on a case-by-case basis, there is still no lasting solution to the worsening debt problem.
138.	It can safely be said that in general the Bretton Woods institutions cannot adequately meet contemporary needs, since they are based on the realities of a past era. The Government of the Republic of Suriname therefore supports the proposal of the Committee for Development Planning to establish an group under the auspices of the United Nations to examine the full range of issues in the fields of development, money and financed
139.	One of the victims of the present gloomy world economic situation is the funding mechanism of operational activities for development through the multilateral agencies. It is a fact of life for multilateral agencies today that they not only encounter difficulties in acquiring new allocations, but find it increasingly difficult to convert pledged amounts and contributions into actual funds. We call upon the major donors to accept the reality of an interdependent world, and to help find ways and means to resolve the development aid crisis.
140.	It is in the interest of both groups, developed and developing countries, that every effort be made to strengthen genuine co-operation among all countries. In this respect we fully support the activities which have been undertaken by the developing countries within the context of the Caracas Programme of Action* to promote South-South co-operation. Trade possibilities on the subregional and regional levels, as in the context of economic co-operation among developing countries, can contribute to lessening dependence on the industrialized countries.
141.	Having said this, we would emphasize that South- South co-operation is by no means intended to replace co-operation between the South and the North, nor does it relieve the latter from its responsibility towards the developing countries. Hence, we expect that during this session, despite the set-backs at Belgrade, a number of short-term programmes of measures for immediate action can be successfully negotiated. We cherish the hope that the necessary political climate will be created, so that all the important interrelated issues can be discussed in their proper context.

142.	I opened with an observation on my feelings of satisfaction and dismay. Having dealt with current relevant global problems, I am pleased that I can now, in concluding my address, call attention to the fact that one of the areas in which we have been successful is in the creation of conditions for the proper management of the sea resources for the common good of mankind. As one of the 125 members of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, we are committed to the completion of this matter, regardless of the problems entailed. Therefore, we look forward to the Secretary-General's progress report.
143.	In the course of my statement I have touched upon many problems which are causing us concern, problems which not only threaten individual nations but also undermine the very essence of the world Organization. We can assure the Assembly that the Government of Suriname remains deeply committed to the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and to those on which the civilized conduct of nations is based.
144.	In the past three years our Government has frequently been falsely accused of acts that would be incompatible with those basic rules. I hope, however, that I have made it clear that our Government, in striving to define and achieve our national goals, will continue to act as a faithful Member of our world Organization and will, therefore, fully respect its sacred principles. We sincerely hope that the growing understanding on the part of other nations of the crisis and problems we have had to weather will expand into lasting friendly relations between our country and all the other Members of the United Nations.


100.	My first and most pleasant duty is to congratulate you, Mr. President, your Government and the people of Panama on the honour which this session of the General Assembly has bestowed upon you by electing you as its President. The General Assembly is also to be commended for its very good choice of a steward. Your now very well-known qualities of leadership and statesmanship, so amply tested and demonstrated during the period you served your Government and country in various capacities, including that of Vice-President, and your wide knowledge of international affairs qualify you most eminently for the elevated position which you now hold.
101.	May I also add my own voice and that of my delegation to the many which have already paid tribute to Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, the President of the thirty-seventh session, for the exemplary manner in which he fulfilled the duties and responsibilities of his office.
102.	I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate and welcome to the Assembly the new Member, the sovereign State of Saint Christopher and Nevis, and to express our best wishes for its prosperity at home and for a most satisfying participation in the deliberations of the Assembly.
103.	The thirty-eighth session is taking place against the background of a very dark and threatening international scene. Many speakers who have addressed the Assembly before me have made this point. Indeed, the annual report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, submitted for our consideration, conveys the same warning:  1983 has, so far, been a frustrating year for the search for peace, stability and justice and for those who believe that the United Nations is the best available international instrumentality to achieve these ends .
104.	I wish by way of prefacing my brief review of the international scene to recommit my own Government and country to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, as outlined in the Charter, and especially to the maintenance of international peace and security.
105.	It was because of this commitment to the principle of collective international security that Zimbabwe rendered its modest contribution to the Security Council's consideration of the report on the work of the Organization submitted at the thirty-seventh session by the Secretary-General,   searching for ways and means of enhancing the effectiveness of the Council as the body charged with the primary responsibility for ensuring international peace and security.
106.	With the indulgence of the Assembly, I should like now to begin my brief observations on the international scene from the standpoint of my own region, southern Africa, one of the regions in which international peace, stability and security are very gravely threatened.
107.	Today, the closely related and complementary systems of apartheid and Zionism are, understandably, the most spoken about and the most roundly condemned in all international forums. Indeed, in this very Assembly, speaker after speaker has drawn urgent attention to racist Pretoria's dangerous domestic and k /ional policies. Domestically, the racist regime continues its policy of politically discriminating against and relentlessly exploiting the masses of the black majority, economically and culturally.
108.	Having been denied all possibilities of attaining political and social change by peaceful means, the oppressed South African masses are now, as would any people in similar circumstances, waging a war of liberation against the racist white minority regime. As we believe in the justice and legitimacy of their cause, we support their demand for international support, diplomatic, moral and material, and we call upon the international community, especially the United Nations, to intervene effectively in South Africa. The racist regime's archaic apartheid philosophy and policies are not only decidedly against the entire march of human history but are increasingly threatening stability, peace and security in our region. We must warn that such a threat to the stability of this vital region will produce vibrations and
tremors, with dire consequences for international peace and security.
109.	Feeling itself very much cornered by the escalating domestic liberation struggle, as well as by the Namibian struggle, and by the consolidation of true and genuine freedom and social justice in the neighbouring independent States, the apartheid Pretoria regime is espousing and practising a policy of confrontation and open conflict against the free nations in the region. Thus, no country, from the People's Republic of Angola in the West, to the Republic of Seychelles on the Indian Ocean, and from the Kingdom of Lesotho, in the regime's own hot belly, to Zambia in the North, is being spared from Pretoria's destabilizing campaigns. These campaigns assume all sorts of forms and shapes, including blatantly naked and unprovoked military aggression, as has been unleashed against Angola during the past two years, against Seychelles and Lesotho in 1982, and against Mozambique and Zimbabwe occasionally.
110.	It is common knowledge that Pretoria also recruits, trains, equips and infiltrates into our countries unpatriotic and dissident elements, who harass, kill and maim innocent civilians engaged in productive development. Also taking effective advantage of geographical and historical economic links with its economically weak neighbours, the regime openly and brazenly sabotages their respective economies.
111.	The catalogue of examples of Pretoria's acts of aggression, brutality, and political and economic destabilization, would be too long to read within the scope of an address of this nature. Suffice it to say, therefore, that military aggression and economic brute bullying and blackmail are causing great difficulty and suffering to the peoples of the region, including the slaughtering and massacring of many innocent souls.
112.	As we have pointed out elsewhere, Pretoria's policy of regional destabilization has as some of its main objectives the following: first, the negation of the liberation struggle at home and in Namibia which, in arrogant defiance of the Namibian people and the entire international community, South Africa continues to occupy; secondly, the racist regime wants to intimidate and deter front-line and other States in the region from supporting the struggling masses in South Africa and Namibia; thirdly, the regime is also desperately battling to foil and frustrate our regional economic co-operation and endeavour within the context of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference.
113.	While making it absolutely clear to South Africa that it will not succeed in any of its insidious and diabolic aims, we must also warn the Assembly that the lack of any appreciable progress on the question of Namibia's decolonization is now an international scandal and a great shame to the Organization. Equally disturbing and disconcerting is the apparent indifference of certain Members of the Organization, which are also permanent members of the Security Council, to the gravity of the threat which Pretoria's defiance of international demands for Namibian independence poses to the reputation and effective role of the United Nations. It is now four years since Security Council resolution 435 (1978), embodying a realistic and internationally acceptable formula for the achievement of Namibian independence, was adopted. Yet not only do the resolution and the United Nations plan remain unimplemented, gathering thick layers of dust, but there is also real concern that some of their authors are, wittingly or otherwise, casting dark shadows of doubt upon the entire plan by encouraging South African intransigence.
114.	Since the abortive pre-implementation Geneva meeting of 1981, the failure of which is entirely attributable to South African intransigence, which in turn was encouraged by mixed signals from certain capitals, we have been presented with a series of pretexts to delay the implementation of the United Nations plan on the independence of Namibia. South Africa was said to be harbouring reservations about the United Nations impartiality in supervising elections in Namibia, as provided for under the plan. Although we knew that such reservations were utterly unfounded, we took them into consideration, to the satisfaction of the Pretoria regime itself and to those among the Western contact group who seemed to be sympathetic to the regime's view.
115.	In retrospect, however, the folly of making any concessions to that nonsense about United Nations impartiality is painfully obvious. For, when in August last year we were all agreed that every issue relevant to the plan was in place, and we were preparing to approach the Security Council to adopt an enabling resolution, setting in motion the process of implementing the United Nations plan, further issues were raised, at first by a Security Council member which also belongs to the Western contact group. The Pretoria regime, then desperately looking for excuses to delay further the independence of Namibia, was only too grateful when one was thrown into its lap by that country.
116.	As the Assembly knows, since August of last year, South Africa and that member of the Western contact group have maintained that the Namibians should remain under Pretoria's illegal occupation until the Cuban forces that have been in Angola since 1975, when Angola invited them in to help defend that country against South African aggression, have been withdrawn. Members will recall that, in an effort to obtain South African co-operation in the immediate implementation of the United Nations plan, the Security Council adopted resolution 532 (1983) in May of this year, empowering the Secretary-General to hold consultations with the parties to the cease-fire agreement proposed under the plan. The Secretary- General has since published a report on his visit to South Africa, Namibia and Angola, in fulfilment of his mandate. The Secretary-General says that, although every outstanding issue relevant to resolution 435 (1978) has been resolved and we are tantalizingly close to finality on the modalities of implementing the plan,  the position of South Africa regarding the issue of the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola as a precondition for the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) still makes it impossible to launch the United Nations plan. ?
117.	I must reiterate here my Government's total condemnation and rejection of any attempt, from whatever quarter, to bring any new factors into the Namibian decolonization equation. This linkage, besides being obviously unfair, illogical, irrelevant, illegal and grossly immoral, is also a very serious breach of resolution 435 (1978). It must be borne in mind that this resolution, which was the result of painstaking consultations and negotiations, was and is still strictly meant to be the basis of a solution to the Namibian question only. It was never meant to be a prescription for a comprehensive solution of the problems of the southern African region as a whole, least of all to provide for the geopolitical concerns and preoccupations of any Power or group of Powers.
118.	It is also becoming increasingly clear that linkage is nothing but a smoke-screen designed to conceal the fact that it is South Africa that must unconditionally withdraw its own troops which have been occupying parts of the Angolan territory for over two years now. When are those racist forces which have brought so much misery and
death to Angola going to leave that country? Why should the international community be required to interfere in a matter that rightly concerns Angola and Cuba? Besides, have any of the Cuban soldiers been found on South African territory? Why should the Cuban forces in Angola be regarded as a stumbling-block to the independence of Namibia?
119.	We also reject linkage because it is calculated to give the wrong impression that it is Angola which is responsible for the current deadlock on the Namibian question. We cannot accept this wicked view, which seeks to shift the blame and responsibility from the perpetrator to the victim of the injurious act. It is South African intransigence that has brought about the deadlock, and pressure must be brought to bear upon South Africa until that regime leaves Namibia and Angola. In this the role of the contact group members is critical. They must now stop pampering the regime and tell it that enough is enough. We call upon each of them, as a first step, to condemn and reject linkage categorically, and demand Pretoria's compliance with United Nations demands to make possible the immediate implementation of resolution 435 (1978). We must warn the members of the Western contact group that they cannot afford to equivocate regarding the need totally to reject linkage and to reaffirm their total commitment to the immediate and unconditional implementation of resolution 435 (1978). This immediate removal of ambiguities will help to arrest the rapid erosion of the little confidence in them that may still exist among front-line States and, indeed, in the entire African continent. They have an opportunity to do this now and at the forthcoming Security Council meeting, which will also consider the report of the Secretary- General.
120.	If, however, South Africa refuses to co-operate, the Council should be asked to take appropriate action, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
121.	Let me now explain our position on other troubled areas of Africa. Zimbabwe has always viewed the question of Western Sahara as that of a people yearning and fighting for self-determination. Consequently we support the demand of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic for self-determination and sovereignty, and sincerely hope that Morocco, a key member of the OAU, will soon reconcile itself to this reality. Such a step by Morocco would bring peace to the area, to the benefit of the peoples of Morocco and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic.
122.	For about two decades Chad has known no peace. The people of Chad, like any people, have a right to peace and undisturbed economic and social development. It is our view that the fratricidal wars and strife which continue to bring death and misery to the people of Chad are to a very large extent the result of external interference in the affairs of that State. We therefore call upon the Assembly to demand the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Chad to enable the people of Chad to discuss their problems among themselves, under the auspices of the OAU.
123.	The question of security in and around the Indian Ocean has been an item on the international agenda ever since the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Lusaka in 1970, which called upon all States to respect the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Zimbabwe fully endorses this demand. We call upon those that bring weapons of mass destruction to the region and those super-Powers involved in competition and rivalry for spheres of influence to end those activities, .which continue to threaten peace and security in the region. We equally condemn the maintenance of foreign military bases and call upon all concerned to respect fully General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI) of 1971.
124.	The situation in the Middle East continues to cause great concern to the international community. Zionist Israel's invasion of Lebanon last year and the subsequent slaughtering of hundreds of Palestinian refugees at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps are but two of the numerous ugly manifestations of the Zionist killer instinct and are reminiscent of Nazi barbarity. Surely the international community does not need other Sabras and Shatilas to jolt it into realizing that Zionism is one of the most deadly threats to international peace and security. The international community should demand of Israel unconditional withdrawal from all the Palestinian and Arab lands which it has been occupying since 1967. We believe that this would contribute greatly to the finding of a peaceful and lasting settlement in that region. We are convinced that no solution to the Middle East question can be just and lasting unless it recognizes and guarantees the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and an independent Palestinian State.
125.	It is also a matter of deep regret that for over two years two very dear Members of the Organization have been involved in an internecine war. I am referring here to the very unfortunate war between Iran and Iraq, both of which are friends of Zimbabwe. We reiterate here our appeal to them to do their utmost to settle this conflict without delay by negotiation. The continuation of this war, which has already caused a great deal of suffering and misery, apart from costing each country very dear in material terms, is in no one's interest.
126.	The question of Cyprus has been before the Assembly for a long time now, and we are deeply concerned that no solution to it seems to be in sight. Foreign intervention and occupation continue there, seriously threatening that country's sovereign independence, territorial integrity and the unity of its people. The President of Cyprus has proposed the total demilitarization of that country and Zimbabwe fully supports this proposal.
127.	As a small country, holding very dear the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the affairs of sovereign States, Zimbabwe is greatly disturbed whenever and wherever there is evidence of their violation, even if the violators are our friends. Accordingly, we must record our deep concern about foreign intervention and interference in Afghanistan, Kampuchea, on the Korean peninsula and in East Timor. We must observe, with deep regret, that in most instances, though not necessarily in all, the perpetrators of intervention and interference in the affairs of other States are permanent members of the Security Council who, by their position, should be most aware of the heavy and special responsibility for international peace and security which the Charter has placed on them.
128.	We call upon those concerned to leave the peoples of Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Korea and East Timor freely to exercise their right to determine their own social and political systems, and to choose their leaders without any intervention and interference. With particular reference to the Korean situation, we must warn that die perpetuation of the idea of  two Koreas  by foreign Powers not only destroys any prospects for a peaceful solution of this problem, but it also aggravates the tension which has existed on the peninsula for a long time now. It has been and continues to be our view that the continuing military build-up in the south of the peninsula militates against any possibility of meaningful dialogue
between the South and the North. Accordingly the Assembly should, in our view, call for the immediate withdrawal of those foreign troops, so as to set a stage for the peaceful reunification of Korea.
129.	In concluding my comments on the violations of the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the affairs of States, I now want to turn to the situation in Central America. There, tension, and sometimes even open conflict, continue gravely to threaten regional peace and stability, with very serious consequences for international peace and security. This tension is very largely attributable to foreign intervention and interference, aimed at destabilizing and undermining progressive Governments in the region and in the Caribbean area. Nicaragua is a typical example of one of the countries target ed for campaigns of destabilization and aggression from the outside. Cuba and Grenada have also been, and continue to be, targets and are subjected to all sorts of blackmail and intimidation by an external Power.
130.	We have emphasized elsewhere that having waged a heroic and truly revolutionary struggle against the externally propped-up and supported Fascist dictatorship of Somoza, the hard-working Nicaraguans need to be left alone in peace and quiet to forge ahead with the challenging task of economic and social reconstruction and rehabilitation. For this formidable task, Nicaragua needy the maximum mobilization of its financial, material and manpower resources. Unfortunately, however, Nicaragua has been, and continues to be, compelled to divert most of these scarce resources towards the defence of its territorial integrity and sovereign independence from external aggression. Zimbabwe strongly condemns the activities of the criminal and counter-revolutionary elements that are being recruited, equipped and directed by foreign powers to destabilize Nicaragua. We shall continue to support fully the heroic people of Nicaragua in their struggle to defend their hard-won revolution
131.	Similarly, we note with deep concern that a dispute exists between the two neighbouring countries of Guyana and Venezuela. We wish to call upon the two parties to strive for a peaceful and just settlement to this very unfortunate dispute. In our view, such a settlement can only be attained through the strict observance of United Nations and Non-Aligned Movement principles relating to the inadmissibility of the use or threat of force in the settlement of disputes. We further wish to point out that no settlement can be regarded as fair and just unless it respects and guarantees Guyana's independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty. Finally, Zimbabwe wishes to affirm the position taken at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, held at Melbourne in 1981.
132.	Members will recall that international peace and security were gravely threatened last year when tension between the United Kingdom and Argentina erupted into open military conflict. Our position is that the two parties should initiate earnest negotiations for a peaceful and just solution to the Falkland or Malvinas Islands question without delay, in order to avoid the recurrence of last year's dangerous events.
133.	Our efforts to ensure respect for the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the affairs of States, as well as whatever endeavours we may undertake to improve social and economic conditions in our respective societies and world-wide, cannot by themselves inspire confidence in the future, as long as humanity continues to live under the spectre of a nuclear holocaust. We are most concerned that the more the nuclear Powers, especially the two super-Powers, talk about arms reduction and disarmament, the more they increase and perfect their respective military capabilities, including military nuclear power. For instance, the same countries have been carrying out many tests since 1963, when the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United States and the United Kingdom signed the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water. Also, during the same period, the acquisition of military nuclear technology has spread to other countries.
134.	Consequently, today, in spite of arms reduction and disarmament talks, the world has seen an unprecedented piling up of military weaponry, including nuclear arsenals of such deadly perfection that should their use ever be resorted to in any conflict the outcome will be total destruction of this planet. With one clear and loud voice, therefore, we must demand an immediate end to the arms race, for there can be no real peace and security as long as we live in constant fear that one day some mad person may pull the nuclear trigger and reduce us and the planet to ashes. True peace and security can be ensured only by general and complete disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, under international control.
135.	I wish now to comment on the current world economic situation, which is characterized by inequitable relations and a crisis unprecedented in modern times. There is a very serious decline in economic activity, which has had a particularly debilitating effect upon developing countries. The world economy's rate of growth has also seen and continues to experience a marked contraction, although we hear that there are signs of recovery. For instance, whereas the 1980-1981 output increased by 1 per cent, in 1981-1982 it tumbled even below that level. Similarly, for the first time in almost half a century, world trade declined by 6 per cent in 1982.
136.	This unprecedented malaise in the world economy has also been accompanied by very disturbing stagnation. In response to this, some industrialized countries made the combating of inflation a primary objective of macro- economic policy. In most cases, however, this produced no satisfactory results or, where relative success was achieved, it was at the risk of a downward movement of aggregate economic activity and unemployment. This, therefore, largely contributed to the staggering number of 30 million unemployed people in the countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. The upward movement of commodity prices, symptomatic of this accelerated inflation, has also had a devastatingly adverse effect on developing countries. In particular it has limited imports of food and capital goods which are vital to programmes of economic development.
137.	Also, for the first time in 35 years, prices of commodity exports from developing countries have plummeted, and have now reached their lowest levels. Added to that, developing countries find it increasingly difficult to gain access to markets in the developed countries, largely on account of protectionism. There is, therefore, a serious decline in the foreign exchange earnings of developing countries, causing a corresponding contraction in their import capacity, amounting to $85 billion during the past two years. This has also led to a decline in their exports to industrialized countries, which in turn threatens the world with the disruption and cumulative decline of global economic activity. The liquidity problems of the developed countries have been further aggravated by the unprecedented increase in interest rates, which makes external borrowing very difficult. Added to that are difficulties in gaining access to international capital markets.

138.	In sub-Saharan Africa the current economic crisis has been aggravated also by the deteriorating food security situation resulting from drought. Although many developing countries in other regions have recorded marginal increases in food production, food production has not matched population growth in most of those areas.
139.	The sooner we come to grips with the practical realities of the economic interdependence of the North and the South, the better for us all. This interdependence makes economic recovery in the North dependent upon the activation of development processes in the South. The view that economic prosperity in the North will have a trickle-down effect upon the South, thus generating growth, must, therefore, be rejected. We are faced here with a global crisis the solution of which demands a global approach. It is our strong opinion that the first step towards the discovery of the solution to this crisis lies in the realization that, whether we belong to the poor South or the richly endowed North, whether we are a superpower or a small Power, whether we espouse a capitalist or a socialist social and economic system, there are in fact many common international economic interests and goals whose attainment is possible only through a united approach and action by all of us. Perhaps this realization already exists and what is lacking is agreement on what steps we should take to attain the common goals. We of the South have invested our hopes in global negotiations as the most effective and most realistic instrumentality through which solutions to world poverty can be found. Unfortunately, however, the process of global negotiations has now stagnated for some time, partly because some leaders of the North have not yet come to perceive poverty in a global context and partly because some of those who see it as a world phenomenon still lack the necessary political will and courage to join hands with us.
140.	We had also hoped that the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development would provide a golden opportunity in the various areas of trade and development and in the monetary and financial dimensions of development and payment arrangements. Similarly, we had also viewed that session, and especially its decisions on the issues of trade, raw materials, commodities, money and finance, as providing new impetus and an important contribution to the global negotiations. Unfortunately, however, the sixth session, like the deadlocked global negotiations, also proved to be a huge disappointment to us of the South. Again, this is one of the several opportunities to solve the present global economic crisis which, sadly, have been allowed to slip through our fingers, to our common detriment, whether we are poor Southerners or rich Northerners.
141.	Let me end this statement with a question which is bothering me, as it must, I believe, be bothering all members. When are we going to grasp the magnitude or seriousness of the economic crisis facing the international community, which is now threatening the very fabric of our societies? Is time really on our side, as some seem to suggest?


69.	 Mr. President, I wish to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that with your vast knowledge and experience in international relations you will ably steer this session towards a successful conclusion. I assure you of my delegation's full co-operation.
70.	I wish also to commend your predecessor, Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary, for having ably presided over the thirty-seventh session.
71.	Let me also convey my delegation's appreciation to the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts in the search for world peace and security. We commend him for his report on the work of the Organization, in which he has defined with candour some of the major problems that confront the world today.
72.	My delegation is pleased to welcome into this great family of nations the newly independent State of Saint Christopher and Nevis, and we look forward to working and co-operating with this new State.
73.	We meet once again against the backdrop of a serious deterioration in the international situation. The tension born of mutual suspicion and mistrust between the super-Powers has of late led to particularly virulent, bellicose and confrontational posturing and has thus gravely polluted the international atmosphere, thereby increasing the danger to international peace and security. There is an element of super-Power rivalry in practically every serious trouble-spot in the third world. We see this in regional conflicts such as those in Central America, Chad, .southern Africa, the Gulf and the Middle East. Even Namibia, a question that is concerned only with decolonization, has not escaped the injection of East- West rivalries.
74.	The grave international situation is, moreover, reflected in the deadlock in the initiatives to find solutions in the areas of disarmament, international economic relations and general questions of peace and security in various parts of the world.
75.	This disturbing global atmosphere prompted the heads of State or Government of non-aligned countries to issue the New Delhi Message at their conference last March. That was an earnest appeal on the part of the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries for a genuine global dialogue to seek urgently practical, just and lasting solutions in the interest of our common humanity. It was an appeal for a spirit of give and take, indeed an appeal for political will on the part of world statesmen. The concern of the Non- Aligned Movement for world peace and security is indeed reflected in the presence of many heads of State or Government of non-aligned countries at this session of the General Assembly.
76.	More than ever before, the arms race has become the greatest peril facing mankind. It has manifested itself in the qualitative and quantitative development of nuclear and conventional weapons. To these have been added new generations of lethal chemical weapons. There is also the danger of extending the arms race into outer space. AH these developments have greatly increased the danger to the survival of the human race. There is an urgent need to halt the nuclear-arms race, to reverse it and to begin a process of genuine nuclear disarmament.
77.	No less urgent is the need to put a stop to the production and spread of conventional weapons. Conventional weapons are in everyday use in all the hotbeds of conflict which span the globe. Since the Second World War, conventional weapons have been used to cause millions of human deaths and incalculable destruction of property and infrastructures. They are, therefore, a more serious problem than we may be inclined to think.
78.	The squandering of a large proportion of the world's Unite resources on the arms race, thereby depriving the world of much-needed means for development and human progress, is scandalous. The developed world spends more on the means of destruction than the over two billion of the World's poorest people have to spend on the means of survival. Thus at present nearly $800 billion is being spent on armaments, while social and economic development is lagging far behind acceptable levels in many parts of the third world.
79.	The world is thus confronted with increasing turbulence, uncertainty and tension. The major Powers are unable to provide the one important thing that mankind badly needs, which is hope. We need some hope that the international environment can improve quickly so as to permit desirable co-operation and resolution of conflicts by peaceful means.
80.	Zambia regrets lack of progress in disarmament negotiations. We reaffirm our support for the view that world peace and security can be guaranteed only through general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
81.	In global affairs, politics and economics certainly do not divide easily into separate compartments; East- West discord is bound to affect North-South progress. It is therefore in the economic interest of the third world that there be a lessening of tension between the two power blocs of the world.
82.	Let me now turn to the economic problems which our world is facing today. The latest issue of the World
Economic Survey, compiled by the Secretariat's Department of International Economic and Social Affairs, is yet another sad commentary on our inability to control and develop our economic and social environment in an orderly and harmonious manner. It conveys further a message which is more serious: we are slowly drifting from a crisis into a calamity, simply because we have allowed the perpetuation of systems that can no longer bear the stresses and strains imposed on them by our modern economic and social demands.
83.	The structural imbalances and the inequalities of the present world economic system were recognized nearly two decades ago, not only by the developing countries but by the industrialized world as well. It is therefore distressing to note that at this time, despite the worsening international economic situation, the hoped-for North- South dialogue in all essential areas has now moved from stalemate to retrogression.
84.	In the meantime, the plight of the millions of people in many parts of the world, particularly in the developing countries, who are now enveloped in a miasma of poverty, disease, hunger and ultimately starvation, continues unabated. The question which the developing countries ask is what is their prospect for development and what is their chance of becoming less poor? There can be no doubt that poverty, in its acuteness and its inequity, is an affront to human dignity. Therefore, we must all be concerned about it.
85.	We should all recognize the current shortcomings of our present economic management. We can go further by acknowledging that each and every country is intricately integrated into the world-wide economy and, therefore, that measures adopted at the national level cannot by themselves suffice to rectify or remedy the situation even within national borders. That being the case, we should like to take note of measures being pursued by some industrialized countries in their bid to curb inflation within their borders. The strategy of reducing inflation, while much appreciated by all, should be accompanied by reduced interest rates if benefits are to accrue from such an approach, lest the well-orchestrated signs of recovery turn out to be a mirage.
86.	The heads of State or Government of the non- aligned countries called for global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development, at their sixth conference, at Havana in 1979, and reiterated that call at the seventh conference at New Delhi this year. They expressed their firm conviction that global negotiations remained the most important and comprehensive endeavour of the international community for restructuring the international economic system, accelerating development of the economies of developing countries and strengthening multilateral economic co-operation on the basis of mutual benefit.
87.	The impasse in working out measures to enhance international co-operation cannot be attributed to any lack of effort on our part. During the first six months of this year various important meetings devoted to economic issues were held at the highest political level. The heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries, at their seventh conference, adopted the Declaration on Collective Action for Global Prosperity That conference was closely followed by the Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, held from 28 March to 9 April at Buenos Aires, at which a message for dialogue and consensus was adopted and later submitted to the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at Belgrade/ The proposals agreed on at those meetings have been conveyed to our partners in the North, and the industrialized countries had ample opportunity to discuss and agree on these proposals at the Ministerial Meeting of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Summit of Industrialized Nations, at Williamsburg.
88.	Despite those prior informal exchanges, no measure of consensus on essential areas was reached at that fateful session at Belgrade.
89.	In today's world, where the interdependence of nations and the interrelatedness of issues have become facts of life, we need more than ever to discover those points of convergence where the interests of a wider humanity become those of its separate parts. Regrettably, in the words of Mr. Shridath Ramphal, the Commonwealth Secretary-General:
"The expectation that North and South would jointly find a way to make the world economy both more fair and more secure has been belied. It has been easier to agree upon the growing interdependence of the world economy than to face up to its implications; easier to acknowledge that the recession is world-wide than to accept world-wide solutions; easier to recognize a global crisis than to accommodate the need for global approaches to its solution."
90.	It must be realized that economic recovery is not likely to be forthcoming if done piecemeal. However, international co-operation will be a reality only if we are able to formulate effective international policy measures which can be translated into concrete actions and coordinated national policies. Since the international policy measures have to be all-embracing, covering development, trade, industry, money and finance, transfer of technology and so on, it is fitting and proper that a consensus on all these issues be reached in a global forum; hence the urgent need to launch the global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development.
91.	Disparities in the conditions of human existence cannot be redressed without of international action. However, as President Nyerere of the United Republic of Tanzania has said:
"The problems of the third world will not wait until we have eventually managed to introduce big changes in the international economic institutions. In the meantime, we could help ourselves, and each other, if we worked more actively to promote South-South trade— that is trade among third world countries."
92.	The questions of peace and security, disarmament and international economic relations which I have addressed call urgently for solution.
93.	I now wish to reiterate Zambia's position on a number of specific political issues which continue to trouble international relations and threaten world peace and security.
94.	Zambia views with grave concern the prevailing tense situation in Central America, which is being aggravated by external interference in the internal affairs of the States in the region. This tension can be arrested only if all the States in the region can apply the maximum effort to resolve peacefully the issues involved. To this end, we applaud the initiative of the Contadora Group to bring about a negotiated settlement in the region.
95.	The situation in Chad has taken a turn for the worse. We in Zambia are concerned about the internationalization of the conflict in that country. We call for an immediate end to all foreign intervention and interference in the internal affairs of Chad and for all concerned to co-operate with the Organization of African Unity in its efforts to find a just and lasting solution.
96.	There is an urgent need to find a lasting solution to the problem of Western Sahara. The Saharan people should be enabled to determine their own destiny through a genuine referendum under the auspices of the OAU. Until such a referendum is held, Zambia will continue to support the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic under the leadership of the POLISARIO Front.
97.	The question of Cyprus continues to concern us in Zambia. For this reason we urge the continuation of intercommunal talks and the good offices of the Secretary-General aimed at resolving the problem. We reaffirm our support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus and demand the withdrawal of foreign occupation forces from the island.
98.	The conflict between Iran and Iraq continues on its ruthless and bloody path, with no end in sight. Its cost in terms of human and material resources is immense and its threat to international peace and security is a matter of great international concern. We urge the two parties to put an immediate end to this fratricidal conflict.
99.	The situations of conflict and tension in Afghanistan and Kampuchea continue to be of grave concern to my country. We believe that the problems of the two countries have arisen because of failure to respect the principles of non-interference and non-intervention in the affairs of States. We call for comprehensive political solutions to these problems which provide for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and ensure full respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two countries.
100.	With regard to Korea, I wish to reiterate Zambia's position of support for the Korean people's desire to reunify their country peacefully in conformity with the principles set forth in the joint South-North Communique of 4 July 1972.S We believe that the achievement of reunification would be greatly facilitated by the withdrawal of all foreign forces from South Korea.
101.	Zambia deplores the increase in great-Power presence and rivalry in and around the Indian Ocean, which is contrary to the aims and objectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. We firmly believe that meaningful progress should be made in giving effect to that Declaration. To this end we urge all States to co-operate fully to ensure the convening of the long-delayed Conference on the Indian Ocean, now scheduled to take place in June 1984 at Colombo.
102.	The Middle East remains one of the most volatile areas in the world. In spite of the efforts of the United Nations, no solution appears to be in sight. On the contrary, the situation in the area has worsened and assumed more and more alarming proportions, all because of the policies and practices of Israel. Last year, for instance, the international community witnessed the savage and revolting Israeli invasion of Lebanon, which wreaked havoc on innocent human life, as well as property. That invasion was aimed at the liquidation of the Palestinians.
103.	Peace and security in the Middle East will remain elusive as long as Israel persists in its denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. As the General Assembly has repeatedly stated, and as was reaffirmed at the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September, the question of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people is at the core of the Middle East conflict. The solution to this problem lies in Israel's recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and not in their liquidation. The international community should therefore guard against diversionary manoeuvres by Israel and its collaborators on this central issue.
104.	Zambia will continue to fully support the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the PLO, in their just struggle for the exercise of their inalienable rights and the establishment of a State of their own in Palestine. We shall also continue to demand immediate and unconditional Israeli withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since 1967.
105.	I now wish to deal with the situation in southern Africa, where we continue to confront three major problems whose impact on the region is of gigantic proportions and which pose a threat to international peace and security: namely, the liberation and genuine independence of Namibia; apartheid and minority rule in South Africa; and the destabilization of independent neighbouring States by South Africa. All these problems have been brought about and are kept alive by the apartheid regime of South Africa. Thus, the apartheid regime of South Africa is the rogue in southern Africa.
106.	The question of Namibia's independence continues to arouse grave anxiety and frustration. As we meet today, the independence of Namibia is as remote as ever. There does not seem to be any end to the blocks that are constantly being set up on the road to Namibia's independence.
107.	We are meeting in the aftermath of the Secretary- General's recent visit to southern Africa and the submission of his report on the visit, dated 29 August 1983. It is clear from his report that South Africa continues to predicate Namibia's independence on the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola. This position of South Africa, engineered by the United States of America, is responsible for the failure to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978), despite the fact that virtually all relevant issues have been resolved.
108.	I should like to reiterate Zambia's position that the claimed linkage being insisted upon is unquestionably illegal, irrational, irrelevant, diversionary and, therefore, totally unacceptable. The question of the presence of Cuban forces in Angola is a bilateral matter between the Governments of the two sovereign States, that is, Angola and Cuba. It has nothing to do with South Africa's withdrawal from Namibia. Zambia rejects any attempt to shift responsibility for the delay in resolving the Namibian issue on to Angola. The introduction of the extraneous issue of linkage is also designed to turn the independence of Namibia into an East-West problem. Zambia insists that the question of Namibia should be seen in its proper perspective and must remain a purely decolonization matter.
109.	It is the hope of my delegation that the Security Council will soon meet to take appropriate measures for the implementation of its resolution 435 (1978). The Council has a responsibility, indeed a duty, to take practical measures to ensure implementation of its own resolution without further delay.
110.	It is evident that unless the implementation process begins immediately, the conflict in Namibia will escalate. The Namibian people will justifiably intensify their struggle for freedom and independence. Human life will continue to be lost, property to be destroyed. In these circumstances, it is incumbent upon all freedom-loving and justice-upholding countries and peoples to increase their material and other forms of support to SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people, so that & quick end to the conflict can be secured through all means.
111.	With regard to South Africa, let me state what we all know: there is in that country an open and continued gross violation of the basic human and democratic principles of justice, freedom, equality, respect for the human person, and majority rule. This is not a matter of failure in the implementation of accepted human and democratic principles. Those in power in South Africa are not struggling to attain these principles; they are deliberately and actively organizing South African society so as to destroy the hold of these principles on the minds of men. The abhorrent policy and practice of the dismemberment and bantustanization of South Africa, the current so-called constitutional reforms, South Africa's continued stranglehold on Namibia and the destabilization of neighbouring independent States are all geared towards this goal.
112.	Justice, freedom, equality, human dignity, majority rule and national independence are values of life to be cherished; they are not mere political or philosophical concepts. When oppressed or colonized people struggle for justice, for their dignity, for their liberty and for their independence, they do so to uphold these values and to preserve them for mankind as a whole. This is precisely what the oppressed and colonized peoples of South Africa and Namibia are struggling for. It is against this background that we in Africa and in our region support the liberation struggles in South Africa and Namibia.
113.	Under the prevailing circumstances, the oppressed people of South Africa have been left with no other alternative but to fight for their birthright, to regain their freedom, justice and human dignity. The recent spate of bombings in the land of apartheid is a living testimony to the determination of the oppressed people there to carry out the struggle to its logical conclusion.
114.	In response to that challenge, the racist regime has intensified its suppression in the vain hope that it will subdue the oppressed masses. However, there can be no turning the clock back in South Africa. Apartheid will certainly be dismantled; freedom and majority rule will certainly be secured in South Africa, however long it may take to achieve that. The question is thus really one of the method of achieving these goals, through violence and armed struggle, or through peaceful change.
115.	In recent times there have been a number of contacts and meetings between representatives of some frontline States and those of the South African regime. At the same time we have witnessed continuing and increasing aggressive activities being perpetrated by the South African regime and by bandits and dissident groups recruited, trained, financed and armed by it against other States in southern Africa, resulting in the destruction of human life and transport and economic infrastructures in these States. To this day, South African troops are illegally occupying part of Angola, while Mozambique and Lesotho, in particular, continue to be subjected to severe economic and military pressures by the South African regime. These are not the actions of a regime that wants to see peace and stability brought about quickly in our region or to see peaceful resolution of the problems we confront in it. Maybe the South African regime regards such contacts and meetings as nothing more than tactical opportunities to hoodwink the world into believing that it is prepared to participate in the quest for peaceful and constructive change in southern Africa in general and in South Africa in particular, whereas what it seeks is to consolidate the present unacceptable situation.
116.	South Africa's acts of aggression and destabilization of neighbouring States	will not cow those States into submission. For its part, Zambia remains committed to the total eradication of apartheid and minority rule and to this end will continue to render support to the oppressed people of South Africa and the national liberation movement, the African National Congress of South Africa.
117.	We in Zambia are distressed by the somewhat ambivalent posture of some Members of this Organization who are friends and allies of South Africa. On the one hand they profess abhorrence of	while on the other they pursue policies that are supportive of a regime whose policies are deeply rooted in that same diabolical system. Furthermore, when called upon to apply comprehensive sanctions against South Africa or to use other forms of the enormous leverage they undoubtedly have with that country to bring about desirable change by peaceful means, these countries continue to plead their preference for persuasion, but at the same time they disclaim effective power to persuade. The regime has in fact interpreted such a posture of its allies and friends as an endorsement and approval of its internal as well as its external policies and practices.
118.	It is against this background that we call upon all those countries that have leverage with South Africa, whether through economic, military or other ties, to come out boldly and unambiguously and use their influence to persuade South Africa to cease all acts of aggression and destabilization against its neighbours and, above all, to abandon the system of
119.	We appeal to the international community to give all possible material and humanitarian assistance to the oppressed peoples of Africa who are victims of the regime. In addition, we call upon the international community to come to the aid of such countries as Lesotho, Mozambique and Angola, which are constantly subjected to economic and political blackmail and sabotage as well as military incursions by the regime of South Africa.
120.	Finally, I wish to reaffirm Zambia's faith in the United Nations. Although its conception was rooted in the past and its edifice erected subsequent to times of war, it remains the only appropriate international forum for finding solutions to major world problems today. It is, therefore, incumbent upon all of us as States Members of the Organization to reaffirm our continued commitment to the purposes and principles of the United Nations and to summon the necessary political will to make this institution work.