  Before beginning my statement, I should like to
express on behalf of my delegation our most
sincere congratulations to Mr. Hollai on the
occasion of his well-deserved election to the
presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly. His qualities as a skilled
diplomat, together with his long experience in
the Organization, as well as the high posts that
he has held in his country, all constitute a
guarantee that our work will progress well and
our debates serenely, at a time when the
Organization is called upon to deal with an
endlessly growing number of complex problems of
international scope. We there¬fore wish him every
success in the exercise of his difficult
responsibilities.
176.	Please allow me also to pay a heartfelt
tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for the
competence and dedication with which he exercised
the presidency of the last session. We also
express our appreciation to the Secretary-General
for his tireless efforts in the service of world
peace since he was elected almost a year ago.
177.	As we meet once again in the Assembly to
assess, as is traditional, the work done by the
United Nations since our last regular session and
to review the international situation, we must
observe that, in spite of our legitimate
aspirations for a better world, the balance sheet
is once again negative. How else could we
describe it when a large number of coun¬tries,
especially the weakest among them, live in the
daily anguish of inexorably mounting dangers?
178.	In fact, the noble and sacred principles
inscribed in the Charter of the United Nations
are trampled underfoot and sometimes willfully
violated. Inter¬national relations, both
political and economic, are deteriorating at a
rapid pace and are taking an increasingly
disquieting turn. Here and there, might prevails
over right and the fait accompli replaces
dialogue and agreement.
179.	That being the situation, we believe that
efforts must be made more than ever before in
order to seek ways and means of overcoming the
problems and in order to safeguard the future of
mankind. Hence the primary and decisive role that
the Organization must play in this troubled
world. It is therefore time that the purpose for
which it was created, that is, the safeguarding
and maintenance of peace be at last respected.
The time has come to restore its credibility, as
millions of people place their hopes in it. For
many of them it is sometimes their only resort.
180.	The many dangers that I have just
mentioned find tragic illustration in the grave
events that occurred in Lebanon a few days ago.
An appalled and angry world learned through the
television screen of the abominable crime, the
gratuitous massacre of hundreds of children,
women and elderly persons in the Palesti¬nian
refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila in Beirut.
That odious crime is horrible beyond all
imagination and recalls a bloody page in the
recent history of the world which we believed to
be a thing of the past. It is all the more
unpardonable and unjustifiable as it was
committed against innocent, defenseless victims.
181.	In my country, the Islamic Federal
Republic of the Comoros, the massacres of Sabra
and Shatila were felt with great sorrow by the
entire population. A day of national mourning and
of prayer in memory of the martyrs unjustly
assassinated was decreed by the President of the
Republic, Mr. Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane who, at
the same time, forcefully con¬demned those who
perpetrated and facilitated that dastardly deed.
182.	On many occasions in the Assembly my
country has expressed its views on the problem of
the Middle East. There can be no doubt, as we see
it, that it is Israel's intransigence, together
with its annexationist and expansionist designs,
which make it impossible to find a lasting
solution to this problem, nor can there be any
doubt that it is the vast financial and military
means made available to Israel that make it
possible for the Zionist entity to continue
arrogantly to defy the many decisions and
resolutions adopted by the Organization.
183.	Mankind cannot remain indifferent to the
genocide in west Beirut; otherwise it will lose
its very dignity. The guilty and their
accomplices must be found and punished. In our
view one thing is clear, and that is the direct
responsibility of Israel in this mass
assassination. It is time for the international
community at last to react firmly in the face of
the policy of extermination of the Israeli
Government. That Government must withdraw its
troops, not only from Beirut, but from all of
Lebanon and comply with the relevant resolutions
of the Organization, especially those of the
Security Council.
184.	We welcome the results of the Twelfth
Arab Summit Conference at Fez, devoted to the
problems of the Middle East. We feel that the
decisions that were adopted during that
Conference constitute clear progress in the
search for a just and lasting solution to the
problem that is tearing that region apart. We
strongly condemn Israel's attitude, aimed at
systematically rejecting the peace plan.
185.	It was more than a generation ago now
that the Palestinian people was driven out of its
country, forced into exile, robbed of its lands
and compelled to wander from one refugee camp to
another. Israel can no longer continue to ignore
the Palestinian fact, the right of that people to
self-determination, and to establish a free and
independent State on its own land.
186.	I should like here to express our
admiration and respect for the head of the PLO,
Mr. Yasser Arafat, for his exemplary courage and,
indeed, the heroism that he demonstrated during
the siege of west Beirut by Israeli forces. I
also take this oppor¬tunity to reaffirm once
again the unassailable and constant support of
the Comorian people and its Government for the
just struggle of the Palestinian people and its
sole legitimate representative, the PLO.
187.	It is on the basis of that same sacred
principle of the right of peoples to
self-determination and free¬dom that my country
once again issues a pressing appeal for the
foreign troops to withdraw from Afgha¬nistan,
making it possible for the people of that country
freely to choose the political system it
considers best for its future. It has been three
years now since a foreign army occupied that
country, which was formerly non-aligned,
compelling a large part of the population to
choose the course of exile.
188.	My country has witnessed with profound
sad¬ness the continuation of the war between Iraq
and -the Islamic Republic of Iran, two
non-aligned Moslem States. In spite of the
mediation efforts undertaken by the Organization
of the Islamic Conference and the non aligned
movement, that absurd and fratricidal war
continues to exact thousands of victims on both
sides, not to mention the sizeable material
damage it causes. We therefore once again
solemnly appeal to the two belligerents to cease
their hostilities imme¬diately so that hatred and
intransigence can yield to wisdom and
conciliation. In fact, that conflict not only
constitutes a threat to peace in that region, but
bears the insidious seed of overall
conflagration, given the highly strategic nature
of the region.
189.	The problem of Cyprus is still on the
agenda of the Assembly. We are pleased, however,
at the progress, limited but real, that has been
achieved this year in the framework of the
intercommunal talks in the quest for a just and
lasting solution that would preserve the peace,
unity and sovereignty of Cyprus. We encourage the
two Governments, Greek and Turkish, to continue
their negotiations so that a prompt and
satisfactory solution can be found, one likely to
safeguard the interests of all those affected by
the problem. In this respect, we wish to pay a
tribute to the Secretary-General for the efforts
that he has constantly made to find a solution to
that problem.
190.	In respect of Kampuchea, we cannot fail
to express our deep disappointment at the fact
that the decisions of the General Assembly
demanding the immediate unconditional withdrawal
of foreign troops from that country have been
ignored. The people of Kampuchea, just like all
other peoples in the world, have aright to peace
and freedom and it is time for their martyrdom to
end. The direct action of a neighbouring Power
which keeps many divisions of its army in
Kampuchea endangers not only the peace of the
region by creating an atmosphere of constant
destabilization but also constitutes a grave
threat to international peace and security.
191.	The situation in the Korean peninsula
remains deadlocked. Nevertheless, we do take note
of the statement by the leaders of the two States
indicating that they wish to arrive at a peaceful
solution making it possible for their divided
homeland to be reunified. We must encourage and
support those good intentions, because a united
Korea is a guarantee of peace and stability in
that part of the world.
192.	The question of Namibia continues to be
of the greatest concern to my Government. A11
Africa places its hopes in the Organization, but
the United Nations will lose credibility if it is
unable to guarantee to the peoples of Namibia and
South Africa the freedom and justice to which
they naturally aspire. There can be no doubt that
it is thanks to the assistance of certain
industrialized Powers that South Africa is able
constantly to defy United Nations decisions and
to continue to exploit through the odious system
of apartheid millions of Africans in their own
land and illegally to occupy Namibia.
193.	It is only through the prompt
implementation of Security Council resolution 433
(1978) that it will be possible to achieve the
peaceful decolonization of Namibia by prohibiting
any attempt to amend that resolution or blur its
details, because this would just be playing the
game of the South African racists.
194.	The efforts made thus far by the contact
group to induce Pretoria to comply with
resolution 435 (1978) have met with the delaying
tactics of the Pretoria regime, which ceaselessly
resorts to subterfuge, going so far as to
interfere in the internal affairs of
neigh¬bouring countries in order to impose its
illegal policy in Namibia. Today, the South
African army is in constant violation of the
southern territory of Angola, killing hundreds of
innocent men, women and children by
indiscriminate bombings.
195.	Regarding its evacuation of Namibia,
Pretoria seeks to impose unacceptable conditions
on a sover¬eign country, Angola. All these
measures and these delays are aimed at gaining
time to make it possible for Pretoria to train
and place its puppets at the head of the
forthcoming independent Namibian Govern¬ment. It
is now up to the international community, to the
Organization, to take enforcement measures to
compel the Pretoria leaders to respect United
Nations decisions.
196.	I take this opportunity to reaffirm the
total solidarity and unfailing support, both
moral and material, of my Government for SWAPO,
the genuine representative of the Namibian people
in its just strug¬gle for the liberation of its
country. I should also like to express here the
unshakeable determination of my country to lend
support to the national liberation movements of
southern Africa.
197.	As regards Western Sahara, my country
endorses the resolution adopted at the eighteenth
session of the Assembly of Heads of State and
Govern¬ment of the Organization of African Unity,
held at Nairobi, in June 1981 and remains
convinced that a satisfactory solution to this
serious problem, which could threaten our
pan-African organization with collapse, is to be
found through the full application of the
resolution relating to the organization of a
referendum on self-determination for the people
of that country. We hope once again that African
wisdom will manage to avoid a prolongation of a
dispute, which has incalculable consequences. As
far as we are con¬cerned, we are ready to support
any initiative aimed at safeguarding our
organization, a symbol of the strength and unity
of our African continent.
198.	Another no less pressing problem
threatening us directly is of concern not just to
my country but also to many others in the same
region, since it relates to the further
strengthening of the foreign military presence in
the Indian Ocean. The root of this
mili¬tarization of an erstwhile peaceful zone is
the rivalry between the major Powers, who are
involved in an arms race as frantic as it is
absurd. This state of affairs is giving rise to
an explosive situation of con¬cern to all the
coastal countries. It has also led to a sharp
deterioration in the climate of security which
used to reign throughout this vast region. Thus
it is with great disappointment that my country
has wit¬nessed the many obstacles which have
arisen to prevent the convening of the conference
which the Organization was to have held at
Colombo in order to study the methods of
implementation of the Declara¬tion of the Indian
Ocean as a Zone of Peace, contained in General
Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI).
199.	My country, like others wishing to
preserve peace and security in that region,
unreservedly sup¬ports the idea of creating a
zone of peace in the Indian Ocean and sincerely
hopes that the conference which is to discuss
this matter will finally be able to meet. We
support the position of the non-aligned countries
in favor of holding it in Sri Lanka.
200.	The gloomy picture of the international
political situation which I have just sketched is
unfortunately reflected in the serious economic
imbalances to be found in the world today. We all
more or less agree on one point, namely, that
this crisis does exist. It has struck hard at all
countries with few exceptions, but it has
affected the developing countries most,
particularly the weakest among them, those which
are called the least developed.
201.	The Islamic Federal Republic of the
Comoros, which is among the latter, is feeling
even more pain¬fully the harmful effects of this
crisis, because of the problems arising from its
special geographic characteristics. Because of
its island character, the Comoros Islands must
cope with structural problems: isolation due to
distance from major international communications
routes and lack of adequate infra¬structures,
although considerable efforts have been made in
this area by the Government and many projects are
now in progress. But we continue to come up
against financial problems; in fact, the Comoros
like most of the non-oil-producing devel¬oping
countries, has suffered for several years from a
growing deficit in its balance of trade caused by
worsening exchange rates.
202.	Although our country has a virtual
monopoly of the production of certain cash crops,
such as ylang- ylang and vanilla, nevertheless it
is subject to the risks of a market controlled by
people who, com¬fortably installed in their
offices somewhere in Europe, decide on the prices
according to criteria which they alone are privy
to. Because of this we frequently have to sell
our export products at a loss.
203.	An obvious result of this is a
considerable drop in our export revenues,
resulting in a lack of resources which leads to
budgetary deadlocks and their corollary,
inflation. In order to cope with this we
unfortunately have to resort to loans, which add
to the burden of our indebtedness.
204.	Faced with this problem, my Government
makes an urgent appeal, based on General Assembly
resolu¬tion 36/212, to the international
community, inter¬national financial institutions
and developed countries which are able to do so
to give us assistance in 3he development process
of our country.
205.	In this context, it is a pleasure for me
to announce from this rostrum that, pursuant to
the recommendations of the United Nations
Conference on the Least Developed Countries for
a round table of the major lenders will be held
in our capital, Moroni, in March 1983 and will
bring together all those who are willing to
respond to this appeal and to participate in
financing our development projects. I fervently
hope that this appeal will be heeded.
206.	If, each time we are given the
opportunity, we demand new measures and
constantly call for global negotiations, a new
international economic and monetary order and
increased assistance to the most disadvantaged
countries, that is not mere rhetoric but a call
for justice. The major rich industrialized
coun¬tries frequently take pleasure in
proclaiming with a certain pride the major
principles and values of de¬mocracy, freedom and
justice, which in their view are the unique
characteristics of their civilization, but
national pride and the facts contradict them.
207.	However, a great hope was born last year
during the International Meeting Co-operation and
Development at Cancun in October 1981. The
peoples and countries of the third world saw in
that meeting the beginning of an awareness among
the rich coun¬tries of the problems and
difficulties facing the devel¬oping nations.
Unfortunately, today our great disap¬pointment is
equaled only by the hope which that meeting
engendered. We are witnessing the progressive and
accelerated erosion of the instruments and
institutions which were justly established; infer
o/w, to find solutions to the problems of the
poor coun¬tries. The present economic situation
can be improved only if concerted action is taken
at the international level to correct the harmful
and perverse effects of the present economic and
monetary situation. Of course, that requires the
good will and loyalty of all countries.
208.	It is in that context that the Government
of my country supports the efforts undertaken to
launch global negotiations, considering that both
North and South must make some sacrifices. Only
at that price will the world find a way out of
the existing morass of economic and financial
crises.
209.	I should like before concluding this
rapid review of the political and economic
situation prevailing in the world to mention once
again a question of which the Assembly is well
aware and which for us Comorians is of prime
importance; it is a subject of constant concern
since it is the question of the Comorian Island
of Mayotte. I do not think it would be useful to
repeat the background of this question here,
since several debates have been devoted to it at
earlier sessions and since it remains on the
agenda and thus will be the subject of a specific
debate, when we shall have the opportunity to
speak on it. Today I shall limit myself to
recalling the resolutions adopted by the United
Nations, OAU, the Islamic Conference and the
non-aligned movement, all of which affirm
unequivo¬cally the territorial integrity of the
Comoros as a country made up of four islands,
including Mayotte, over which the sovereignty of
the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros
should clearly extend.
210.	It was on the basis of those resolutions
and under the aegis of the OAU that anv4d
Committee of Seven of the OAU, specially
entrusted with follow¬ing the developments of
this problem, met in Moroni, from 9 to 11
November 1981. During that meeting the Committee
took note of the question and adopted certain
recommendations advocating, inter alia, direct
contact between the French and Comorian
Governments in order to find a just solution to
this problem through negotiations.
211.	Since then, several meetings at the
highest level have taken place between the two
countries, par¬ticularly between the President of
the French Repub¬lic, Francois Mitterrand, and
the President of the Islamic Federal Republic of
the Comoros, Mr. Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane.
During those meetings, which were frank and
friendly, as relations are between France and the
Comoros, the French President expressed his
Government's desire to reach a satis¬factory
solution to this problem.
212.	Taking note of that commitment, the
Comorian Government reaffirms its will to
continue through negotiation and in accordance
with the relevant decisions and resolutions of
international organiza¬tions, to take all the
necessary steps to regain its territorial
integrity, that is, the return of the island of
Mayotte to the Comorian group of islands.
213.	This peaceful struggle which we are
carrying on is not ours alone: it is that of all
peoples and all countries which respect the
Charter of the United Nations and international
law. For its part, the Comorian people remains
determined to pursue its legitimate claims, sure
of its right, which is recognized and supported
by the entire international community through its
varies organizations. Thus we expect France and
those who lead it today to respect their past and
present commitments and the law so that we may
find a just solution to this problem.
214.	The United Nations was created to carry
out a noble mission, that of safeguarding and
maintaining peace and security in the world. The
many hotbeds of tension which have flared up
throughout the world are likely at any time to
plunge it into a new war, with unimaginable
consequences. In a world that has lost its way,
it is time that the Organization regained its
main vocation. Of course that will be possible
only if each of its Members, whatever its power,
scrupulously respects the principles of the
Charter. For its part, the Islamic Federal
Republic of the Comoros, faithful to the great
principles of peace, liberty and justice, will
continue to make its contribution, however
modest, to strengthening the effectiveness of the
Organization and helping it to regain its noble
reputation. This is very survival of mankind
depends upon this.


It gives me great pleasure to add the voice of the delegation of
Suriname to the voices of many others that have congratulated Mr.
Hollai on his unanimous election to preside over our deliberations at
the thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. His knowledge and
experience will surely prove to be important assets for the success
of this session, especially at a time when international institutions
like the United Nations face a serious crisis. May I also take this
opportunity to express the gratitude of my delegation to his
predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for the skilled leadership with which he
guided the proceedings of the Assembly at the sessions held during
his tenure of office. I should also like to pay a tribute to the
Secretary General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, a great son of the
courageous Peruvian people, on his election to that high post. My
country sees in him a true representative and protagonist of Latin
American and Caribbean unity. In view of the fact that Latin America
and the Caribbean region have developed a tradition of peace for more
than a hundred years, we trust that his election at this difficult
juncture in history will contribute towards international peace and
progress. We agree that, as has been eloquently stated by a great
number of speakers who have preceded me in the general debate, the
Organization is going through a serious credibility crisis. At the
same time, we note with satisfaction that this session is enjoying
the maximum attendance of the family of States Members of the
Organization. We have to face facts. The Secretary General has been
very frank in describing the present international crisis,
politically, economically and institutionally. We join the Secretary
General in calling upon all Member States to use all possible
inventiveness and creativity to equip the United Nations
institutionally in order to enhance its capacity to cope with the
present international crisis. That appeal applies in particular to
the members of the Security Council which bear a special
responsibility to ensure the urgent restoration of peace in various
regions of the world. The cause of predictability of conduct of
nations, as well as adherence to principles and rules of
international law, must guide us in our effort to prevent the
international community from slipping into a state characterized by
the primitive use of force and coercive influence. My Government
holds the view that the existing inequalities in the distribution of
economic and political advantages are at the core of the problems we
are faced with on a national and international scale. More
specifically, the present international division of labour and the
adoption of political systems conceived and propagated by States that
continue to hold power over ether States have created a situation
where the basic needs and justified interests and aspirations of the
masses are subordinated to the interests of traditionalist and
elitist Powers. Suriname has committed itself to contribute within
the limits of its capacity towards ending flagrant inequalities
existing on the national and the international levels. On the
national level, Suriname has made substantial progress in conceiving
and implementing an economic and political system based on the
interests and participation of the majority of its people. In doing
so Suriname adheres to the genuine principles of democracy. We
believe that consultation, participation and control by broad
sections of our people offer the best guarantees to achieve the goal
of nation building in a country where at least six ethnic groups from
all parts of the world were brought together during the colonial era.
Moreover, we are exerting serious efforts to make this unity an
effective instrument for the proper and effective implementation of
developmental programmes. In our international policy we have
developed a strategy geared towards maximum diversification of
development cooperation and solidarity in the struggle for the just
causes of developing countries. In doing so we adhere to the
principles of non alignment. In this respect, we reiterate our full
commitment to the basic principles of this movement, such as national
sovereignty, self determination, non interference, non intervention,
the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and the acceptance of
ideological pluralism in international affairs. Moreover, my
Government holds the view that we should continue to intensify
financial, technological and marketing relations with other
developing countries and join in the efforts of the developing world
in restructuring the North South relationship in order to create the
kind of international balance that can advance the cause of peace and
development. Taking into consideration the fact that the ongoing
decolonization of Suriname is closely linked to a clear understanding
that it must share the fate of the Latin American and Caribbean
States, Suriname will continue to participate in all endeavours to
strengthen political and economic ties with the countries of its
region. In regard to the implications of Argentina's actions to
recover its sovereignty over the Malvinas, we understand the position
of some sister Caribbean States, but those actions constitute only a
part of the Malvinas experience. The Malvinas issue made it very
clear to us that the Western States, in spite of existing treaties,
took a collective stand against 3 sister State in Latin America. That
collective action was not limited to economic measures of a coercive
nature, but extended to military, political and diplomatic support.
My Government feels that an important lesson must be drawn from this
experience. The facts have proved that it is of vital importance for
Latin America and the Caribbean States to bury their differences and
to join hands in defining and implementing clear cut programmes
geared towards economic and political cooperation. My Government
welcomes the inclusion of this question in the agenda of this session
of the General Assembly. It is our hope that a more constructive and
compromise oriented attitude will be displayed in the deliberations
to end the colonial occupation of the Malvinas, thus correcting the
injustice done to the Argentine people over many years. The Caribbean
Basin is an area of special concern; indeed, it has become explosive
in nature. We cannot but return to the historical causes of this
situation, to identify a general state of utter poverty amongst the
majority of the people, in flagrant contradistinction to the wealth
of a minority. We find in that a situation which is in itself
conducive to violence and civil war. In that regard, the introduction
of East West rivalry in the region, falsely identified as the main
source of conflict, has eclipsed the real causes of the problem. The
present situation in El Salvador, placed in the context of the
Caribbean Basin, is illustrative of this growing tension and
constitutes a danger leading to the loss of human lives and a
stagnation in development. My Government therefore favors all peace
proposals derived from a fundamental analysis of this problem. That
implies that Suriname condemns all outside interference of whatever
nature into the internal affairs of El Salvador. We call upon the
rival parties in this domestic struggle to take the road of effective
dialogue to stop the ongoing violence. The people of El Salvador are
those most capable of forging a fundamental solution to their
economic and political problems. A11 outside interference, whether
bona fide or mala fide, can lead only to further complications in the
present situation and will ultimately serve the interests of foreign
Powers, to the detriment of the interests of the majority of the
Salvadorian people. My Government pledges support to all regional
efforts to bring about an atmosphere in which such a dialogue can
take place. The principle of peaceful dialogue does not apply only to
the domestic situation of the individual States, but should be
applied also to solve the problems that have arisen between sister
States in Latin America. My Government calls upon all members of the
Latin American and Caribbean community to refrain from the use or
threat of use of force or economic measures of a coercive nature in
the pursuit of solutions to problems that are not inherent in the
actual relationship between our respective peoples but find their
cause in the colonialist and imperialist history of our continent.
The Latin American and Caribbean States should, in our opinion,
follow the wise course of seeking a peaceful settlement of disputes
so as to protect and preserve our excellent record as a region of
peace. We must face the fact that global developments present a
gloomy picture. The ongoing economic crises, combined with the arms
race, resulted in grave and explosive situations in various regions.
The tragedy that we have witnessed over a quarter of a century in the
Middle East has recently evolved into a sequence of events which have
horrified the human conscience. Even when guided by the utmost
prudence in approaching this complex problem one cannot but lay the
blame for this disturbing state of affairs on the State of Israel.
While Israel occasionally professes the wish to live in peace with
its neighbours, it has over the months systematically applied an
aggressive policy and has acted against vested principles and rules
of international law and, more specifically, against the territorial
integrity of its neighbours. In this connection I wish to recall the
annexation of the Syrian territory of the Golan Heights, the
provocative and oppressive acts of the Israeli army against
Palestinian civilians living in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip
and, lately, the transgression of Lebanese borders, leading to the
massacre of thousands of defenceless Palestinian men, women and
children. That crime against humanity has deservedly received
universal condemnation, not only of those who committed that savage
act but equally of those who facilitated that repulsive crime.
Reaching the goal of durable peace in the Middle East will obviously
require more than the adoption of resolutions by the Assembly and
other international forums. The fate of the numerous resolutions
adopted by the United Nations pertinent to this question is proof
that this approach is insufficient. It will require maximum efforts
by the world community in general to bring an end to the continuing
tragic events. Those members of the international community that are
in a position to bring pressure to bear on the parties to the
conflict have a special responsibility in this respect. My Government
notes with satisfaction that there is an emerging consensus. Any
solution of the Middle East conflict proposed will be futile if it
ignores the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to self
determination and to the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian
State. It is with pleasure that I note the growing numbers of
countries adhering to this basic principle for solving the Middle
East problem. Furthermore, my delegation expresses its satisfaction
with the consensus reached during the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference
on the proposed peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. Most
of the preceding speakers have forthrightly rejected and condemned
South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and its aggression
towards neighbouring States. We cannot but agree with that position.
In our view, the application of racist policies by South Africa is
not just a case of violence by a minority against the majority, but
amounts to a qualitative contempt for and lack of respect for the
people living under that system, and a clear expression of the
economic exploitation of the racial majority in that country. My
delegation therefore holds the position that South Africa's domestic
policies and its stand towards neighbouring States can be dealt with
effectively by the world community, in general, and by the developed
countries, in particular, only by applying international measures
designed to bring about a fundamental restructuring within the South
African social and economic system. With regard to the presence of
foreign troops in Afghanistan, my delegation reiterates its support
for the resolutions of the Assembly calling for their withdrawal. Our
support for a political settlement of this issue on the basis of
General Assembly resolution 36/34 remains unchanged. Concerning the
situation in the Korean peninsula, my delegation again calls upon
both parties to make all possible efforts to promote reconciliation
between the North and the South through dialogue in order to achieve
the peaceful unification of their divided homeland. it is a matter of
serious concern to our Government that very little progress has been
made in solving the problem of Kampuchea. It is our hope that the
opposing parties will approach this problem along the lines of the
basic principles laid down in the Charter of the United Nations.
Moreover, we express the sincere wish that the countries members of
the Association of South East Asian Nations together with the Indo
Chinese countries involved, can cooperate to find an acceptable
solution to the problem in order to make South East Asia a region of
peace, stability and cooperation. Within the chain of events that
have cast a shadow on the life and standing of the United Nations
during the past year, the failure of the second special session of
the General Assembly on disarmament stands out, and has given rise to
serious concern for the Attire of world peace and stability. The arms
race continues at an unprecedented pace. It is the opinion of my
delegation that the lack of tangible progress in our attempts to halt
this costly and dangerous activity will have increasingly adverse
effects on the inclination of States to settle their disputes through
peaceful means, thus making peacekeeping ever more difficult for the
United Nations. It is our belief that the availability of vast
quantities of arms is responsible for the frequent use or threat of
use of force in international relations. It is unfortunate that many
States are still inclined to believe that they can better secure what
they perceive to be their interests through military strength rather
than by relying on peaceful means. Notwithstanding the right of
individual States to take the necessary measures to defend their
territorial integrity, we cannot but condemn the acceleration of the
arms race which represents a vicious circle. Under the pretext of
protecting alleged domestic interests, States devote to it the very
resources that are needed to create the conditions for domestic and
international peace and progress, drawing upon financial, natural and
human resources that are so direly needed for development. Recent
history has proved that the use of violence between developing
countries has been detrimental to the countries involved and has
seriously weakened their capacity for independent development. We
therefore hold the view that developing countries should refrain from
any participation in the arms race, and should collectively exert
pressure on the super Powers and other powerful nations to
discontinue the absurdity of creating tension in order falsely to
justify their continuation of the arms race. We reiterate Suriname's
commitment to all regional and global disarmament endeavours. Not
since the great economic depression has the world economy experienced
such great instability and such severe disruption of sustained
growth. Independent of the levels of development or the economic
structures of various States, economic expansion has decelerated
markedly on a global scale. The situation confronting the developing
countries is manifested in increased unemployment, high rates of
inflation, serious deterioration in terms of trade and increasing
current account deficits and debt service payments. The declining
prices of primary commodities compared to the rising costs of
manufactured imports have not only seriously affected the
developmental process in many developing countries but, also as a
result, substantially affected the basic needs of their peoples.
Within the context of the present international economic situation we
believe that it is of urgent and crucial importance to launch the
round of global negotiations in the field of raw materials, energy,
trade and finance. Suriname maintains the view that resolution
34/138, by which the General Assembly decided to launch global
negotiations, incorporates the appropriate set of elements needed to
tackle the present international economic structure and achieve a
steady, equal and just economic order. It is clear that science and
technology are major instruments in the developmental process. It is
therefore regrettable that in the world of today the developing
countries are still confronted with the monopolization of scientific
and technological achievements. A few States and transnational
corporations still control the available scientific and technological
know how. In this respect my delegation considers it imperative that
any bilateral or multilateral arrangement in the field of finance and
investment, whether private or public, include clauses dealing with
the transfer of science and technology suitable to the level of
development of developing countries. On the other hand, third world
countries must continue to devise and implement programmes which may
facilitate the transfer of technology among themselves. The
international problems related to the financial crisis of the world
require close evaluation and concerted effort in order to create the
effects that are so urgently needed. We note that there are two
important tendencies in the field of investment for development. In
the first place we had a tendency to move away from multilateral aid
to bilateral aid. Secondly, we had that within bilateral treaties the
Government to Government approach is being gradually replaced by
investments through private financing institutions. Suriname is of
the opinion that these trends are detrimental to the development of
the recipient States, for the following reasons. First, they weaken
the regional integration that is vital to their international
bargaining power vis a vis the industrialized States. Secondly, they
create an atmosphere favouring measures of a coercive nature, which
seriously affects a country's capacity for its own development either
politically or economically. Thirdly, with respect to the emphasis on
private investments, in the experience of the developing countries it
is becoming virtually impossible to attract foreign investors in the
field of infrastructural and social programmes essential for
sustained and steady economic growth. As a result, investments for
industrial or commercial development are not in accord with
comprehensive planning for development. We are in favour of a blend
of bilateral and multilateral aid, within which emphasis must be
placed on multilateral aid. However, we cannot but insist that for
multilateral aid to be effective substantial changes in the rules and
procedures guiding these multilateral institutions are necessary. A
major step forward in this regard would be a fundamental change in
the existing voting structure in order to allow developing countries
greater participation in the decision making process of these
international institutions. A majority of developing countries are
faced with the problem of immense foreign debts. In this respect we
underline the need to implement part B of resolution 165 adopted by
the Trade and Development Board on 11 March 1978, at its ninth
special session, and which deals with the renegotiation of the debts
of developing countries. As a small developing and trading nation,
Suriname is sensitive to fluctuations in trade with our major trading
partners. Our prosperity, like that of many other developing
countries, depends greatly on the export of relatively few primary
products. The quantitative and qualitative improvement of our exports
is the target of ambitious industrialization programmes, which absorb
large amounts of capital. Whether we consider our present trade
position or the intended improvement, the developing countries are
faced with a growing crisis in the world market. This crisis is
mainly characterized by increasing protectionist measures by the
industrialized States. To eliminate these tradebarriers the role of
GATT must be directed towards new normative tasks, such as the
establishment of rules which do not hamper access by the developing
countries to international markets and which do not hinder their
capacity to regulate their own internal markets. Hence, my delegation
strongly appeals for a review of the international economic
institutions. Without relaxing our efforts to work for more just and
equitable terms of trade in the North South relationship, it is
important to consider the intensification of trade among developing
countries as an integral part of collective action for the
establishment of a new international economic order. My Government
holds the view that in regional, sub regional and bilateral relations
efforts should be made to concentrate on exploring and exploiting
trade possibilities between developing countries. In this respect it
is of vital importance that we take a pragmatic approach and try to
end specific areas of trade. My Government is of the opinion that the
private sector in developing countries may provide an excellent start
for broadening and deepening trade relations. The negotiations with
regard to the law of the sea, which lasted almost 10 years, ended on
30 April of this year with the adoption of the most ambitious
Convention in history, the United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea. This Convention, which seeks to regulate almost every aspect
of human activity in the oceans and tries to uphold the United
Nations resolution calling for the deep sea bed to be regarded as the
common heritage of mankind, is now ready to be signed officially.
 From the Convention we may expect legal security, confidence and
reliability, which preclude anarchy in the area of the international
sea bed. It is regrettable that the Third United Nations Conference
on the Law of the Sea failed to meet its goal of unanimous adoption
of the Convention. In this situation, with a good many of the
industrialized States failing to support the Convention, its
viability and consequently its standing in international law are
being undermined. We reject any separate arrangement in which the
major industrialized States would simply proceed to share the sea bed
amongst themselves. We therefore fully support the statement made by
the President of the Conference on the Law of the Sea to the press on
3 May of this year, indicating that the General Assembly should be
requested to seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of
Justice on the legality of mining outside the Convention if the
mining companies proceeded to mine under unilateral legislation or a
limited multilateral agreement. We welcome the recent statement made
by the Soviet Union that it will sign the Convention, and we urgently
appeal to the States that have rejected or failed to commit
themselves to the Convention on account of rigid ideological
considerations based on a free market philosophy, or for other
reasons, to be more pragmatic and become signatories when the
Convention is presented to government representatives in Jamaica in
early December of this year. Despite all the problems involved, the
Convention can be considered as the greatest step in international
relations since the founding of the United Nations. We,
representatives of the developing countries, had hoped that the
Convention would be a major step forward towards the new
international economic order which we have so long been demanding. We
therefore call for the good will and cooperation of the
industrialized States, without which the effort to establish a regime
for, among other things, the common heritage of mankind will have
been largely wasted. Failure of the major industrialized countries to
cooperate will only justify the conclusion that the political will to
shape economic developments along equitable lines in the context of
the North South dialogue is still a long way off. I shall now turn to
a number of humanitarian and social issues. In our view, at this
session the General Assembly will need to pay more attention to the
plight of people who are forced to flee their homelands. The effects
of the 1982 war in Lebanon on the civil population will undoubtedly
add to the major concentrations of refugees and displaced persons
caused by regional conflicts during the last few years. Major refugee
concentrations in Somalia, the Sudan, Pakistan and South East Asia
continue to cause concern, because in most cases little progress has
been made in arranging for the refugees to return to their homelands.
It is our expectation that discussions at this thirty seventh session
on the status of women will focus on the World Conference to Review
and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women,
to be held in 1985. We cannot but praise the good work done among the
rural and the poor women by the Voluntary Fund for the United Nations
Decade for Women. It is a well known fact that an overwhelming
majority of the disabled population of the world live in developing
countries, where the problems of resources and the lack of adequate,
trained personnel are considered to be the great obstacles to
progress. The delegation of Suriname hopes, therefore, that
international programmes established to assist the disabled will
result in an adequate transfer of technology and resources to
developing countries.
My delegation is anxiously looking forward to a progress report on
the implementation of the Specific Programme of Measures and
Activities'" prepared by the Secretary General in consultation with
Member States, specialized agencies and international youth
organizations, especially in view of International Youth Year, which
is scheduled for 1985. The increasing unemployment among the young
members of our society is causing us great concern. My Government is
trying to give high priority to resolving the problems of the young.
While we speak of the young, we should not neglect the elderly.
Although Suriname has not escaped the adverse effects of a worldwide
economic recession, the Suriname Government is taking progressive
measures to improve the situation of the aging in the fields of
health, housing and social welfare. Much has been done to provide
geriatric and other training, with the assistance of international
organizations.
We are pleased at the adoption of the International Plan of Action on
Aging at the World Assembly on Aging held in Vienna and express the
hope that this Plan will be guide for Member States in dealing with
problems brought about by the rapidly increasing numbers of elderly
persons all over the world. May I affirm ay Government's commitment
to the cause of the aged and state that a society cannot call itself
advanced or progressive if it does not respect, protect, help and
honour the elderly and the aged.
The international system has entered a new phase. The intensification
of international relations is unparalleled in history. At the same
time we find that the political, economic and institutional crisis
which we are faced with tends to discourage us in our quest for the
creation of a world in which interdependence and a more collective
approach to matters of common interest are globally accepted. My
Government is of the opinion that defeatism could be replaced by
optimism if we return to the basic principles and motives that led to
the establishment of the United Nations in 1945.
The goals of peace and development are still high on the banner of
the Organization. We call upon all Member States to support the
Secretary General in his efforts to adapt and equip the United
Nations in order to enable the Organization to cope with the present
crises. As we did in 1975, my Government renews its pledge to uphold
the principles and objectives of the United Nations.


Speaking for all members of the delegation of
Uruguay, I wish to address to the President our
warmest congratulations on his election to the
presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly. Similarly, I wish to convey to
his predecessor, Mr. Kittani, our special
appreciation for the efficiency with which he
directed deliberations at the last session.
257.	Uruguay is taking part in this session of
the Assembly with the express desire of
reaffirming once again as an absolute priority
its historical commitment to peace. This
commitment has been made manifest ever since our
independence, in our support for dialogue as an
instrument for settling disputes, and in our
unremitting defense of international law.
258.	In a world troubled by the most serious
threats, where there is constant tension and
confrontations are rife, even where peace and
security have been firmly established, the
international community must, without delay,
demonstrate in a specific, practical and
effective manner, that its attachment to the
principles and purposes of the Charter of the
United Nations is not merely a formal promise or
a passive expression of hope.
259.	It is deplorable to note that in the
interval since the last session of the Assembly
new clashes, with their tragic toll of death and
desolation, have taken place in many parts of the
world. The sad reality of ongoing wars lends
added urgency to the current negotiations and
strongly underlines the unavoidable
responsibility incumbent on each and every one of
us, setting aside any dialectics.
260.	Given the vicious circle of mistrust,
tension and the arms race, civilized and fruitful
coexistence can be obtained only to the extent
that the various States exert their influence in
their respective spheres in conformity with the
international legal order and in strict
observance of the obligations set down in the
Charter.
261.	It was this line of thinking that led
Uruguay in a constructive spirit actively to
participate in the work of the second special
session of the General Assembly devoted to
disarmament. When we take stock of the results
achieved, it is frustrating to acknowledge the
lack of substantial progress on a topic in which
a great many hopes had been placed, namely the
comprehensive program for disarmament. It is,
however, important to mention that reaffirmation
of the validity of the 1978 Final Document in
resolution S-10/2, the commitment to abide by the
priorities established in the disarmament
negotiations, and the adoption of two resolutions
on a World Disarmament Campaign and disarmament
fellowships are concrete measures in the long and
laborious process of building up universal
understanding. My country welcomes them with
satisfaction.
262.	With regard to disarmament, Uruguay
enthusiastically agrees that resources not spent
on armament should be reallocated to developing
countries. It also warmly supports as a form of
progress the idea of using these resources for
the development of nuclear-free zones which,
although geographically limited, contribute to
the cause and objectives of disarmament. It is to
be hoped that this example, to which Latin
America made an outstanding contribution with the
Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in
Latin America (Treat of Tlatelolco), will be
followed by other geographical areas, thus
multiplying the number of zones to be gradually
freed from the nuclear threat. However, the
inalienable right of the developing countries to
access to nuclear technology for peaceful
purposes should be strongly reaffirmed.
263.	We should now like to offer some comments
concerning the many conflicts now under way.
Apart from constituting a threat to the basis of
the harmonious coexistence of nations, these
conflicts ignore the essential fact that we are
all part and parcel of the same civilization,
which is based on shared ideals. This deeply
troubles the conscience of nations such as mine
which regard any of their expectations as
secondary to the cause of peace and place all
their endeavors at its service.
264.	During the conflict in the South Atlantic
Uruguay noted with concern and anguish how the
use of forceóa procedure irreversibly proscribed
by the Charter of the United Nationsóemerged in
the American community of nations. Those
responsible chose to disregard the inexorable
tide of history.
265.	On various occasions and in various
bodies my country has taken a position of
solidarity with Argentina. This position is based
on recognition of Argentina's right to claim
sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands. Today
Uruguay confirms that recognition in keeping
with the best diplomatic traditions of my
country, having been one of the first to put
forward in this very body the unquestionable
right of Argentina to the archipelago under
dispute.
266.	Uruguay also reaffirms its strong desire
to help in the search for a negotiated solution
to the conflict. We are ready to participate in
efforts to attain this purpose. To that end my
Government would like to restate its willingness
to offer the necessary facilities to the
interested and concerned parties as well as to
any possible mediators so that it may receive
them in the traditional Uruguayan environment of
peace and security.
267.	We have no doubt of the need for a
peaceful solution to the crisis obtaining in the
South Atlantic, but we should like to express our
firm desire that the solution not contravene the
course of history or breed future confrontations.
268.	Once again the situation in the Middle
East is causing particular concern to my
Government, which, faithful to the juridical and
political principles that underlie our
international conduct, is particularly alive to
the anguish caused by the grave events that have
come to pass in Lebanon
269 We appreciate the values that Lebanon
represents. It is a nation that loves peace and
culture. The close links of friendship and
respect between our countries prompt us to call
for the strictest respect for its sovereignty,
territorial integrity, unity and political
independence. In other words, we demand respect
for its right freely to choose its own future
without foreign intervention. This obviously
implies the withdrawal from Lebanese territory
of all occupying forces regardless of their
origin.
270.	In the judgment of my Government a strong
and independent Lebanon constitutes an essential
factor for peace throughout the region. The
international community must exert every effort
to co-operate with the people and Government of
Lebanon in the attainment of these goals. It is
likewise imperative that the parties to the
conflict adopt an unswerving policy to that end.
271.	Uruguay will firmly support any action
designed to bring about peace in the Middle East.
That is consistent with our position. It should
be brought about through agreements negotiated
among the parties involved without violence and
with justice so as to guarantee all parties the
possibility of living within safe and recognized
boundaries in accordance with international law
and the relevant resolutions of the Security
Council.
272.	In that spirit we are participating in
the Sinai multinational peace-keeping force, and
we are ready to co-operate in various actions to
be undertaken in order to consolidate and broaden
the process leading to a just and lasting peace
in the region, regardless of extraneous interests
and destabilizing factors.
273.	Equally it bears repeating here that the
objective of peace in the Middle East
presupposes the existence and recognition of the
State of Israel and its right and the right of
other nations not to be attacked. Of course it is
also necessary for the international community
to understand the legitimate aspirations of the
[people of Palestine to have a territory in
which to settle and establish a free and
sovereign State.
274.	My country's foreign policy has been
based on unswerving respect for fundamental
principles such as non-interference in the
domestic jurisdiction of States and the right of
all peoples to self-determination. The
application of these principlesówhich all have
the same source, the preservation of the right to
exercise sovereigntyóhas been constantly and
seriously hampered by the actions of countries
and pressure groups which, because of their
support for internal forces, internationalize
conflicts that clearly fall within the domestic
jurisdiction of States. This has led to a
situation in which the inalienable right of
States to decide their own future without foreign
pressure or undue influence is disregarded. This
is dramatically evident in regions such as
Central America, where, furthermore, violence and
terrorism daily infringe the political, economic
and social stability of countries, which is an
essential element of the full development of the
peoples of the region.
275.	With regard to Afghanistan, the majority
of the international community has expressed a
strong desire for detente, an end to military
clashes so as to avoid greater suffering and
misery among the people, the immediate withdrawal
of foreign troops, total respect for the rights
of the civilian population and restoration of
effective sovereign national authority. The
persistence of the conflict creates a dangerous
source of friction that must be resolved as soon
as possible.
276.	In the context of these particular
issues, I must state that my Government attaches
great importance to the achievement of a peaceful
independent solution to the question of the
unification of Korea through inter-Korean
dialogue. That would help create conditions
favorable for mutual understanding and for the
general stability of the region.
277.	It would be worth while to reactivate the
good offices of the Secretary-General in this
case for discus-sions between North and South
Korea.
278.	In all the international bodies in which
it participates, Uruguay has always defended the
principle of the self-determination of peoples.
Therefore, we reaffirm once again the Namibian
people's right to independence and its right to
choose, in a climate of peace and free from undue
pressures and external influences, its own
political constitution, within the framework
guaranteed by the United Nations provisional
administration. Uruguay's stand on this issue is
not anomalous; it is consistent with, and a part
ot', our unswerving commitment to peace and our
emphatic rejection of any use of violence or
terrorism.
279.	Uruguay is a party to the International
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of
Racial Discrimination We were the first State to
accept the machinery set forth in that Convention
for receiving individual complaints and
communications. That position is not one dictated
by circumstances; it has been energetically and
unswervingly held by my country's
representatives ever since the inception of the
United Nations, ever since the Organization first
gave impetus to the process of decolonization.
280.	Although the great majority of the
nations of the international community have
ratified or acceded to that Convention, thus
making it a universal instrument, discrimination
on the basis of color, race, national or ethnic
origin, or social class remains a tragic fact
which shocks our conscience and is an affront to
the spirit of progress of mankind.
281.	The forced displacement of indigenous
populations; the marginal existence of national
or ethnic minorities; the existence of
discriminatory laws; the persistence of practices
based on notions of superiority or on racial
hater: all these things convince us that the
Programme for the Decade for Action to Combat
Racism and Racial Discrimination, which expires
in December of next year, should be renewed and
broadened.
282.	Unfortunately the examples I have given
are not the only manifestations of
discrimination. It has also been manifested in
the most painful forms of religious intolerance,
which, in various parts of the world, continue to
provoke a great deal of violence, persecution,
and even genocide. In this connection, my country
reaffirms its full support for the Declaration on
the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and
of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief,
which the Assembly adopted fast year in
resolution 36/55. At the same time we urge the
prompt resumption of consideration of a draft
international convention on this matter. That
instrument would serve as the basis, together
with other necessary efforts, to combat theories,
systems and institutions based on discriminatory
principles which disregard the fundamental
equality of the family of man.
283.	Uruguay was also one of the first
countries to ratify the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women, which was adopted by the Assembly
three years ago in resolution 34/180, and we
welcome the fact that the Convention has come
into force. We express the hope that it will help
to ensure the participation of women, on an equal
footing and at every level of society.
284.	In that connection, we must mention a
system that shocks the conscience of mankind and
makes a doctrine of iniquity:	Uruguay is
pleased to affirm with its usual conviction its
radical opposition to that policy as well as to
any other form of racism that openly and
stubbornly contradicts the moral and
philosophical premises that form the basis of our
most deeply and dearly held cultural traditions.
285.	The world crisis facing mankind is
manifested not only in the destruction caused by
those who ignore the single origin and nature of
human-beings. It is also clear in the inability
of the international community to put a stop to
the ongoing violence which has become an integral
part of the political practice of nations,
nations with a long tradition of institutional
stability and those recently emancipated from
colonialism. That violence has resulted in
constant acts of terrorism, with their tragic
toll in murder, kidnapping and extortion; this
seems to flourish in societies where democratic
institutions prevail and where an attempt is made
to preserve fundamental freedoms and individual
rights. On the other hand, symptomatically, the
phenomenon of terrorism does not appear in any
country where totalitarianism exists with its
systematic violation of human rights.
286.	Acts of terrorism are grave offences
against common law; they violate the most
fundamental principles of persona! and
collective security, whatever the political
pretexts invoked for their commission.
287.	Uruguay is a party to all the conventions
adopted within the United Nations system and the
Organization of American States with the aim of
preventing and punishing acts of terrorism. It
has also participated very actively in the work
of the Ad Hoc Committee on International
Terrorism. Several of its proposals on the
subject have been approved by that Committee.
288.	Notwithstanding our recognition of the
efforts that have been made, we must firmly state
our dis-appointment at the fact that the
international community has not adopted
practical, specific and comprehensive measures
to deal effectively with the grave and complex
problem of terrorism. Although the maintenance of
internal security is the responsibility of each
individual State, co-operation among countries is
essential to prevent and punish, in a co-ordinate
way, crimes with international implications.
289.	Although consideration of the underlying
causes of acts of terrorism and violence deserve
attention, it must not lead us to delay
indefinitely the search for remedies to deal with
what is an undeniable fact: that acts of
terrorism are invariably repeated, deserving the
repudiation of all civilized nations.
290.	The efforts to prevent and punish crimes
committed against diplomatic agents and other
persons enjoying immunities established in
international law are based on the adoption in
New York, m 1973, of the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against
Internationally Protected Persons, including
Diplomatic Agents. But we believe that a
multilateral machinery must be established to
deal with acts of terrorism affecting ordinary
persons who do not enjoy the special protection
of those immunities, but who are, none the less,
entitled to international protection as human
beings.
291.	This year we have witnessed a historic event of great importance: the
approval by the great majority of the
international community of the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea,- which
establishes a new and comprehensive legal order
applicable to the seas and based on the
recognition of the sovereign rights and
jurisdiction of the littoral States in the waters
adjacent to their coasts, in an exclusive
economic zone, and on the continental shelf,
with due regard for the jus communication and the
rational exploitation of the resources of the sea.
292.	It is also based on co-operation for the
development of scientific research, the
protection and pres-ervation of the marine
environment, the administration by an
international authority of that zone, of the
sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond national
jurisdiction with the necessary powers for
organizing and controlling those activities
related to the exploration and exploitation of
resources and the establishment of a production
policy for that zone and a comprehensive system
for the settlement of disputes.
293.	However, we regret that some countries
were not able to overcome their difficulties with
respect to certain points and cast a favorable
vote. Nevertheless, we trust and hope that they
will be able to reconsider their position for the
benefit of the common good. This would allow us
to reach our objective, which would constitute an
achievement of prime importance for the stability
of international relations and the consolidation
of world peace.
294.	With regard to the environment, 1982 has
been a year rich in important events, to which
our country contributed decisively and with
conviction. The session of a special character
that was convened by the Governing Council of
UNEP last May in Nairobi commemorating the tenth
anniversary of the United Nations Conference on
the Human Environment, which was held in 1972 in
Sweden, was followed by the tenth session of the
Governing Council. A signal achievement of these
two meetings was the renewal of the "spirit of
Stockholm", the solemn ratification by more than
100 nations of their commitment to preserve the
environment, thus ensuring a vital framework for
humanity and the common heritage of future
generations. The Nairobi and the Action Plan for
the Human Environment? that were adopted
represent a new policy approach. It is a more
systematic and technical approach which includes
a considerable strengthening of international
action on the subject and the implementation of
the resolutions adopted at the /M Meeting of
Senior Government Officials Expert in
Environmental Law, which my country was pleased
to host in October and November 1981.
295.	The Second United Nations Conference on
the Exploration and Peaceful Uses of Outer Space
was held last August at Vienna. The objective of
the Conference was to analyze at the world level
those problems concerning the cosmos at a time
when we are approaching a quarter century of the
space age. Uruguay participated actively in the
work of that Conference, firmly convinced that it
was the appropriate time to take stock of the
past and the present in order to make a realistic
projection for the future with a view to genuine
international co-operation on this question.
296.	The enormous increase in the field of
communications and the interdependence of
peoples that provide our civilization with a real
sense of unity has made it imperative for the
field of communications to become an essential
element in the economic and social development of
all countries.
297.	Faithful to this idea, we have adhered to
the proclamation by the General Assembly of the
World Communications Year and we are ready within
our means to take part in the Plan of Action to
be undertaken next year. To this end, we have
already established a National Committee in our
country in which all the relevant ministries and
government services are represented.
298.	Uruguay is a party to the international
Covenants on Human rights, including the
Optional Protocol to the international Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights. It has always
fought in every forum against the death penalty.
Hence we were pleased to note the significant
progress made in the drafting of a second
optional protocol to abolish capital punishment,
a vestige of history that denies the first right
of manóthe right to life.
299.	In the same spirit, Uruguay has taken
part in the work of the Commission on Human
Rights is preparing a convention against torture
and other cruel, inhuman and degrading acts.
300.	We have also reaffirmed our interest in
any measure contributing to the strengthening and
expanding of the machinery of the Organization to
improve the effective enjoyment of individual
rights and fundamental freedoms.
301.	We also strongly support the planned
international campaign against drug trafficking,
within the context of the international Strategy
for Drug Abuse Control. This campaign is designed
to achieve the eradication of another human
scourge.
302.	There are other initiatives aimed at
consolidating the objectives adopted by the
Assembly when pro-claiming international years,
such as the Year of the Child in 1979 and the
Year of Disabled Persons in 1981. We support
these initiatives. Given my Government's prime
interest in these matters, we noted with
satisfaction the considerable progress made in
the drafting of a convention on the rights of the
child, as well as that concerning the
implementation of the World Programme of Action
concerning Disabled Persons, designed to prevent
incapacitating disabilities and to promote
rehabilitation and the full integration of the
handicapped into society.
303.	None the less, it is our earnest hope
that these aims will not become obscured by
rhetoric, as has unfortunately happened
frequently in the international community, which
shows the international community's incapacity
to go beyond the level of mere statements at a
time when crucial and ongoing challenges facing
mankind call for strong substantive action.
304.	We know that there are good intentions;
we know that there is no lack of theoretical
concepts; but the shaping of a more just and
equitable world economy, as well as the
establishment of a legal order in a world fraught
with individualism and violence, is still mere
aspirations and nothing more.
305.	A question affecting the whole of mankind
on which we cannot remain silent is that of
hunger and poverty which ruthlessly afflict more
than 900 million people in the world.
306.	Uruguay, a developing country, cannot
accept with criminal indifference the suffering
of others as well as the passivity of the
machinery of a system that in practice violates
the basic tenets of the Organization.
307.	These situations, which deny the very
minimum of human solidarity, demand the priority
attention of the Assembly in order to restructure
the links of interdependence and find solutions
capable of alleviating the scourge of hunger and
its cause, destitution. We must have the
necessary political will to adopt appropriate
measures allowing us to expect a certain measure
of success in the struggle for better health and
education in order to improve the lot of mankind
and enhance the sanctity of life.
308.	In the field of health, it is fitting to
mention specifically the fact that Uruguay has
begun a massive vigorous campaign to vaccinate
all our population. This is the culmination of
the constant work of prophylaxis that has been an
ongoing concern of the health services of my
country.
309.	It is also worth noting that, in the Held
of education, my Government is making every
effort to implement an ambitious literacy program
which will finally eliminate the already very low
rate of illiteracy of no more than 5 per cent.
The first stage of this campaign has successfully
been completed recently this year.
310.	It is paradoxical to note that at this
time when we have witnessed the greatest
achievements and progress and when science and
technology borders on science fiction there still
remain groups of people living in abject poverty.
This is a harsh reminder of our unavoidable
responsibility.
311.	This question cannot be considered in
isolation from the matter of trade, where we feel
the effects of tariff barriers in our efforts to
attain efficient food and agricultural
production. That is especially true in those
developing countries which have the good fortune
of possessing great resources to contribute to
the feeding of the world but which, because of
actions {taken by industrialized nations, must
face trade and marketing problems, to which I
shall refer later.
312.	Concerning the world economic situation,
we must express our. deep concern at the gradual
and continuing deterioration within an acute
process that seems to accelerate day by day. The
persistence of recessionary and inflationary
processes, the increase in unemployment, the
instability of exchange rates, imbalances in the
balance of payments of the industrialized
countries, the consequent irritating
protectionist reactions and, finally, why not
say it?óthe indifference and the lack of the
political will on the part of the industrialized
countries to face the demands imposed by the
overwhelming world crisisóinexorably delay the
economic progress of the developing countries,
which are the majority of those gathered in the
Assembly.
313.	Within an economic framework such as that
which exists today, which is marked by an intense
and ever greater interdependence among the
peoples of the world, it is imperative to find
solutions based on a global economic approach,
which makes it necessary to adopt a long-term
global economic policy. This requires the optimum
allocation of resources, which in turn signifies
the redistribution and relocation of industries
according to the competitive capacity of each
country, the general  opening of economies in
order to ensure an effective interplay of the
laws of competition, and the adoption of a
strategy capable of covering ail the developing
areas without excluding key sectors.
314.	Within the same line of reasoning and
with reference to international trade, we must
note the grave damage done to economic
development in general and to food production and
agricultural and industrial development in
particular by the discriminatory practices and
tariff barriers applied in many parts of the
world, particularly by the developed countries.
315.	We believe that the creation of an
effective system of global security in the food
sector must be accompanied by the parallel
creation of an international financing system
which will not be prejudicial to the
food-producing developing countries. A new world
food order is a prerequisite for any
international economic order.
316.	Within the structural readjustment that
we are proposing, the problem of energy is also a
priority that must be dealt with as a whole. A
new world energy order must assure access by all
non-oil- producing countries with a limited
economic potential to sources of supply at
reasonable and predictable prices. We must also
consider the development and international
financing of new and alternative sources of
energy. This must be a pre-condition of the
establishment of any new international economic
order.
317.	The developing countries are not resigned
to this critical situation but insist upon a
clear-cut position regarding the adoption of
decisions by international bodies and greater
participation in the acceptance of such
instruments.
318.	Within this context, we fully support the
aims of and the steps taken to ensure the
relaunching of global negotiations, on the
understanding that what will be discussed
concerning this subject is of interest to
everyone in the international community. These
negotiations must be carried out in conditions of
absolute equality.
319. It is difficult to understand how in the
world of today we could reach agreements on
energy and financing, international trade,
protectionism and readjustment, raw materials and
food, and industrialization and technology
without the representation of all those
interested and concerned. There must be an end to
exclusion and selective participation and the
question of the formal initiation of global
negotiations must as soon as possible be brought
to the Assembly.
320.	It is worth noting that the developing
countries have initiated a very significant
attempt to establish a South-South dialogue
through the implementation of a wide range of
activities involving economic cooperation.
Uruguay has participated and is participating
with enthusiasm and good faith in this process,
which offers clear hope of widening the basis of
the economies of the developing countries and of
bettering the standard of living if their
peoples. That common effort is an appropriate and
suitable response to the needs and requirements
of our time, always bearing in mind the
solidarity that must prevail among countries that
are going through similar stages of development.
321.	We firmly believe that development and
security are intimately linked concepts and it
could be said that there can be no integral
development without the counterbalance of
collective economic security through a
multilateral juridical system that guarantees the
full implementation of the rules and principles
of co-operation for development. This is also
applicable to the area of defense, in the case
of economic measures or actions aimed at
thwarting the sovereign will of States, the
maintenance of the essential conditions of free
and normal economic development and, in the last
analysis, the effective practical application of
international economic justice.
322.	Uruguay has voted in favor of the program
budget for the biennium 1982-1983. This is a
budget in which the concept of zero growth is
used for the first time, after many years of
sustained increases. The comprehensive nature of
the budget appropriations does not entail an
increase in the financial burden.
323.	The support of my country for this policy
of austerity is based upon the unavoidable need
to rationalize the hyperactivity of the United
Nations and prevent the dispersal of effort. In
this context, we should like the process of
identifying and eliminating activities that are
outdated, inefficient or of marginal usefulness
to be intensified. This also applies to reduction
of the very high percentage of costs absorbed by
salaries and staff contributions. That percentage
bears no reasonable relationship to the funds
appropriated by the Organization for programmes
of work of a substantial nature in the economic,
social and humanitarian fields.
324.	Finally, we should like to make reference
to something of special importanceónamely, the
strengthening of the role of the Organization and
equitable representation of its members of the
Security Council.
325.	As I have already said, Uruguay fully
understands and supports the purposes and
principles of the Charter of the United Nations,
which are those that have always guided our
foreign policy. Support for the objectives of
international peace and security are, in the end,
identified with the aims of the civilization to
which we all belong. We reaffirm our faith in the
present and permanent relevance of this
civilization and we express our steadfast support
for all measures aimed at overcoming the
obstacles in the path of the development of
harmonious relations and mutual respect based on
justice among all the peoples of the world.
326.	We place our greatest hope in the common
effort of all those in the Organization and in
the firm and unswerving application of the means
and instruments available to the Organization.
In this way we shall be able to make gradual but
steady progress in maintaining and consolidating
international peace and security, developing
co-operation among nations, promoting the rules
of international law and improving relations
among States as well as on questions of the
procedure for the peaceful settlement of disputes
both regionally and internationally.
327.	Only two months ago, our President
Alvarez, analyzing the Latin American scene
during a recent meeting of the Latin American
Integration Association, said:
"A world of super-Powers and mini-States, of
groups of countries with enormous imbalances in
their relative development, is their share in the
fruits of progress and in their capacity to
negotiate, calls for concerted action by those
countries that are more excluded than weak, in
order that it may become more just.
"With its demographic influence, its common
cultural tradition, its enormous and unexploited
riches and its dedication to peace and law, Latin
America has a!! the conditions necessary to
constitute an influential area, not only in
economic alignment but in the political and
cultural spheres as well, within an international
order where im-balances of power give rise to
voluntary or involuntary situations of
domination.
"Setting aside questionable schemes used to group
countries according to their level of
development or relative power, I should like to
see a Latin America that would be a totally new
and independent force projected into the future
as the continent of hope, of freedom and of
justice, as the bridge and the link between the
more developed and the most backward areas of the
world."
328.	In this same line of thinking, I have no
doubt that Uruguay will honor its commitment to
America and to the world for the harmonious
convergence of both currents, so that we can
devote all our efforts to serving the aim of
closer and more reciprocal constructive
co-operation.
329.	With regard to matters relating to the
functions of the Security Council, the
distressing events that occurred during this year
make it more than ever necessary to amend the
rule of unanimity that was established for the
benefit of the permanent members of the Security
Council, a rule that tends to perpetuate an
obvious situation of privilege the exercise of
which paralyses the Council's mission for peace.
330. It is also necessary to say that with the
passing of time and in the light of many painful
and enlightening experiences it will become
necessary to consider the possibility of giving
thought to the most effective means of organizing
the system of voting in the Security Council,
above all in order to preserve intact its
constitutional power to act for the preservation
of peace, which is the very reason it was brought
into being.
33!. It is then fittingóand in this regard we
fully agree with the proposal made by the
Secretary- Generalóto hold a special meeting of
the Security Council. This would be a frank,
determined action that would enable us
realistically to face those problems in the
solution of which we are all ineluctably engaged.
332.	In conclusion, my Government is prepared
to support any effort designed to strengthen the
Organization and to enable it fully to assume
its responsibilities. Hence, we shall make a
firm contribution to creating a climate favorable
to dialogue and trust, to civilized and fruitful
coexistence, starting along the road towards a
community of nations without tutors or pupils, a
community in which the legal equality of States
will be expressed through a policy of full
respect for the right of everyone freely to
choose his own future without interference or
aggression. This is the task we all face. It is
an unavoidable and daily task that poses: a
crucial challenge, one we must face and one we
must overcome, guided by the same spirit of
solidarity and brotherhood, as we continue along
the path of peace and justice towards the new
conditions the future holds in store for mankind.